AN
ANTIQVODLIBET
,
OR
AN
ADVERTISEMENT
TO
BEWARE
OF
SEcular
Priests
.
Rom.
16.
vers.
17.
18.
17
I
beseech
you
brethren
,
marke
then
diligently
which
cause
diuision
and
offences
,
contrary
to
the
doctrine
which
ye
haue
learned
,
and
auoyde
them
.
18
For
they
that
are
such
,
serue
not
the
Lord
Iesus
Christ
,
but
their
owne
bellies
,
and
with
fayre
speech
and
flattering
deceiue
the
hearts
of
the
simple
.
MIDDELBVRGH
,
By
Richard
Schilders
,
Printer
to
the
States
of
Zealand
.
1602.
THE
GENERALL
HEADS
and
contents
of
the
Antiquodlibet
are
as
followeth
.
-
1
That
there
is
an
insufficiency
in
the
Quilibet
to
debate
matters
of
Learning
.
-
2
That
the
principall
drift
of
the
Quodlibets
,
in
the
purpose
and
practise
of
the
Priests
,
is
the
reestablishing
of
the
Popes
authoritie
amongst
vs
,
with
the
fall
of
her
Maiestie
and
the
Gospell
,
so
farre
forth
as
in
them
lieth
.
-
3
That
the
contention
betwixt
the
Iesuit
and
Secular
Priest
,
being
of
such
nature
,
and
in
such
degree
as
is
pretended
,
is
a
colour
and
pretext
onely
:
or
in
case
it
be
vnfeyned
on
theyr
part
,
yet
on
the
part
of
the
Superiors
and
heads
of
theyr
faction
,
it
is
interteyned
out
of
a
pollicy
dangerous
to
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
.
-
4
That
toleration
of
Popish
Religion
is
perswaded
by
the
Quilibet
,
vpon
idle
and
false
grounds
.
AN
ANTIQVODLIBET
OR
ADVERTISEMENT
TO
BEWARE
OF
Secular
Priests
.
CAP.
1.
Wherein
is
layd
open
the
insufficiencie
of
the
Quilibet
for
matters
of
Learning
.
THis
question
should
passe
vntouched
,
were
it
not
that
I
hold
it
meete
,
to
encounter
the
opinion
conceyued
of
the
Quilibet
,
as
well
for
the
rarenes
of
his
wit
,
as
for
his
dexterity
to
discourse
of
any
questionable
subiect
,
specially
such
as
is
of
State
or
Religion
.
With
which
conceite
it
may
probably
be
presumed
that
himselfe
concurreth
,
considering
how
gloriously
he
rufleth
in
words
and
sentences
:
and
with
what
contempt
he
censureth
,
not
the
Iesuits
alone
,
agaynst
whome
chiefly
in
his
Quodlibets
hee
pretendeth
hostility
,
but
the
Professors
of
the
Gospell
also
:
who
in
the
account
of
this
Secular
Priest
,
are
peremptorily
held
for
Grossum
caputs
,
and
to
haue
not
one
learned
man
amongst
them
.
It
shall
not
be
amisse
therefore
to
take
a
view
of
his
sufficiency
,
and
to
examine
how
well
he
is
qualified
for
the
office
of
a
Censor
,
and
this
seruice
of
Booke-making
,
wherein
he
is
imployed
.
I
hold
it
for
cleere
and
confessed
,
that
such
as
are
fit
for
imployments
of
this
nature
,
are
of
a
discerning
and
iudicious
spirit
,
able
to
deliuer
theyr
apprehensions
by
weight
&
measure
,
without
being
subiect
to
palpable
and
ridiculous
ouersights
,
specially
in
a
short
discourse
.
Where
the
worke
groweth
large
,
the
Artificer
findeth
pardon
,
though
somtime
he
slumber
or
sleepe
,
while
he
fashioneth
the
same
,
hauing
had
care
to
pollish
and
grace
the
first
members
thereof
.
But
this
Priesting
Quilibet
,
howsoeuer
he
rest
admired
by
some
of
his
faction
,
or
others
who
haue
hitherto
beheld
him
with
a
careles
and
partial
eye
,
yet
being
seriously
examined
,
will
be
found
liable
in
al
reasonable
construction
,
to
the
imputation
of
extraordinary
defects
in
iudgement
:
his
proceeding
being
such
in
the
very
front
of
his
booke
,
and
in
an
argument
easie
and
of
few
pages
,
as
is
without
salt
,
and
vnworthy
the
least
regard
.
To
iustifie
my
charging
of
him
in
this
behalfe
,
I
will
be
bold
to
sift
and
lay
open
the
workmanship
of
his
preface
:
which
being
weighed
in
the
true
and
indifferent
balance
of
reason
,
will
appeare
to
be
such
as
I
haue
sayd
.
His
preface
is
of
two
parts
:
the
one
,
a
comprehension
of
certayne
principles
:
the
other
,
an
aduertisement
of
the
motiues
,
inducing
the
Quilibet
to
deliuer
his
Decacordon
by
way
of
a
quodlibeticall
method
,
and
to
publish
the
same
.
The
principles
are
in
number
fiue
,
collected
and
reserued
by
him
(
as
it
seemeth
)
for
some
fit
oportunity
,
whereby
to
giue
taste
,
vnto
the
world
of
the
excellency
of
his
knowledge
,
without
purpose
to
performe
any
seruice
by
them
,
as
shall
appeare
.
I
will
in
this
place
repeate
them
:
though
in
fewer
tearmes
then
some
of
them
are
deliuered
,
yet
such
as
expresse
the
full
and
entire
sense
they
carry
in
the
Preface
.
They
are
as
followeth
.
1
That
a
foole
or
dulhead
may
by
shew
of
argument
be
forced
to
acknowledge
the
cleerest
ax●om
in
Diuinitie
or
other
profession
to
be
false
.
2
That
there
are
as
many
examples
for
vice
,
as
for
vertue
:
for
heresie
,
as
for
Religion
.
3
That
there
is
no
inuention
,
but
anothers
wit
can
equall
it
by
inuenting
the
same
:
which
hee
prooues
out
of
Eccles.
chap.
1.
vers.
9.
4
That
all
things
on
earth
are
subiect
to
mutation
and
downefall
.
5
That
the
generation
of
one
is
the
corruption
of
another
.
Now
before
they
be
brought
into
muster
by
the
Priest
,
hee
doth
honour
them
with
a
remarkeable
and
very
worthy
preamble
.
Hauing
sayde
that
experience
maketh
the
case
cleere
,
touching
the
inexpugnable
condition
and
nature
of
them
,
hee
addeth
that
it
doth
so
in
all
artes
and
professions
,
Wherein
humane
capacitie
(
that
is
the
wit
of
man
)
doth
shew
the
soules
excellencie
in
apprehension
,
discourse
,
and
iudgement
of
things
,
by
inuention
,
moral
coniecture
,
and
the
wit
of
man
▪
Let
vs
examine
how
learnedly
he
doth
here
acquit
himselfe
.
He
sayth
,
that
the
wit
of
man
sheweth
the
soules
excellency
by
inuention
,
morall
coniecture
,
and
the
wit
of
man
:
and
so
maketh
the
wit
of
man
in
this
worke
,
both
a
principall
efficient
,
and
yet
a
secondary
and
different
meane
from
it
selfe
.
If
it
were
sayd
by
any
,
that
Secular
Priesthood
conuerteth
soules
by
auricular
confession
,
by
a
deuout
Masse
,
and
by
Secular
Priesthood
:
I
thinke
you
would
hold
such
a
speech
,
to
proceed
from
some
craze
in
the
brayne
.
He
affirmeth
also
that
the
wit
of
man
sheweth
the
soules
excellency
,
by
inuention
in
the
apprehension
,
discourse
and
iudgement
of
things
:
as
if
there
were
a
possibility
in
inuention
,
to
be
a
meane
in
this
behalfe
.
When
the
thing
is
once
inuented
and
disclosed
,
the
faculty
and
act
of
inuention
doth
forthwith
determine
,
without
yeelding
any
addresse
for
directing
the
wit
in
iudging
:
God
hauing
so
bounded
and
distinguished
the
faculties
of
naturall
reason
,
that
they
cannot
in
theyr
seuerall
and
proper
works
conferre
the
one
to
the
other
,
any
reciprocall
furtherance
.
When
the
builder
hath
singled
out
and
made
choyse
of
his
stone
and
timber
:
the
practise
of
this
particular
skill
,
doth
together
with
the
choyse
immediatly
cease
and
expire
:
it
being
not
able
to
assist
and
guide
him
in
the
artificial
structure
of
the
house
.
Further
,
he
addeth
that
the
wit
of
man
sheweth
the
soules
excellency
by
morall
coniecture
.
Why
not
also
by
Mathematicall
or
Physicall
demonstration
?
As
hee
doth
ouermuch
abridge
the
subiect
,
wherin
humane
capacity
doth
make
knowne
the
dignity
of
the
soule
,
it
being
not
shut
vp
within
the
compasse
of
things
iudiciable
,
but
extended
to
inuenting
likewise
,
and
therefore
of
an
equall
reach
with
the
faculty
of
naturall
reason
:
so
falleth
hee
short
in
the
account
of
the
meanes
,
whereby
the
surpassing
worth
of
the
soule
is
deciphered
.
For
besides
inuention
and
morall
coniecture
(
of
which
the
one
is
generall
,
the
other
a
particular
iudging
restrayned
to
some
speciall
kinde
of
obiect
)
there
are
to
doe
this
seruice
vnto
the
soule
,
as
well
other
transcendent
meanes
,
whereby
the
trueth
,
consequence
,
and
order
of
things
with
theyr
contraries
is
discerned
,
as
in
each
speciall
Art
and
profession
other
particular
actions
in
great
varietie
.
You
see
now
the
preamble
to
the
principles
and
the
credit
of
wit
he
hath
gained
by
it
.
It
remayneth
to
examine
the
principles
themselues
.
Hee
that
should
reade
them
in
the
Quilibet
,
and
consider
both
the
multiplicitie
of
words
wherein
they
are
comprised
,
and
the
honorable
recommendation
yeelded
vnto
them
:
would
take
them
for
such
as
are
vnmatchable
,
and
rather
inspired
into
this
Priest
,
then
obserued
by
him
.
But
if
againe
hee
shall
consider
,
that
the
two
first
are
childish
,
and
vnworthie
so
great
a
title
:
that
the
third
is
expugnable
,
or
at
least
doubtfull
,
and
so
no
principle
:
that
foure
of
them
,
if
not
all
fiue
,
are
produced
and
mustered
without
sense
and
scope
,
other
then
to
serue
as
mock-chimnies
doe
in
a
large
house
:
that
the
demonstration
of
them
is
defectiue
and
friuolous
:
hee
cannot
but
wonder
out
of
what
idle
conceit
it
proceeded
,
that
they
should
in
the
front
and
eminentest
part
of
his
Decacordon
be
exhibited
and
represented
to
the
world
.
That
the
third
principle
may
iustly
be
excepted
against
,
may
appeare
by
the
testimonie
yeelded
from
holy
and
prophane
histories
to
some
persons
for
singularitie
of
wit
and
knowledge
.
Here
of
the
Quilibet
doth
minister
vnto
me
an
instance
pag.
216
:
where
hee
reporteth
that
Salomon
had
the
rarest
and
chiefest
gift
that
euer
was
giuen
to
man
His
meaning
herein
I
take
to
be
agreeable
with
that
which
in
the
third
and
fourth
chapter
of
the
first
of
the
Kings
▪
is
by
the
holy
Ghost
recorded
of
the
said
King
,
touching
his
excelling
in
wisedome
aboue
all
other
of
precedent
,
present
and
future
ages
.
Wherupon
I
deduce
this
conclusion
:
that
if
no
man
euer
did
or
shall
equall
Salomon
in
wisedome
,
then
might
hee
inuent
something
which
cannot
possibly
fall
within
the
reach
of
any
other
mans
inuention
.
But
how
then
shall
we
answere
that
diuine
sentence
of
the
same
King
?
who
saith
that
there
is
nothing
new
vnder
the
Sun
.
Salomon
giueth
vs
hereby
to
vnderstand
,
that
for
as
much
as
al
things
which
haue
come
to
their
period
,
doe
by
generation
or
other
meanes
returne
,
though
not
in
particular
,
yet
vnder
the
title
and
subsistence
of
their
common
nature
,
wee
must
in
that
regard
account
nothing
for
new
or
different
from
that
which
hath
bin
.
Whereupon
I
inferre
that
the
Priest
cannot
without
wrong
alleage
the
said
sentence
for
cleering
his
third
principle
,
which
speakes
of
inuenting
the
selfesame
thing
in
particularitie
and
not
in
the
generall
.
That
these
principles
are
idly
and
without
drift
alleadged
,
I
make
it
euident
hereby
.
Whatsoeuer
is
comprised
in
this
preface
besides
the
said
principles
&
their
illustration
,
concerneth
the
motiues
inducing
the
Priest
to
deliuer
his
Decacordon
by
a
quodlibeticall
method
and
to
publish
the
same
:
so
as
these
worthie
principles
must
either
be
imploved
to
this
seruice
of
perswading
the
choise
of
the
said
method
,
and
of
notifying
the
end
for
which
the
Decacordon
is
published
,
or
els
be
inferred
to
no
purpose
.
If
the
citing
of
them
be
to
imploy
them
in
those
two
seruices
:
then
haue
they
some
logicall
coherence
with
them
:
and
so
shall
it
be
no
absurditie
or
inconsequence
to
say
:
A
Dulhead
may
by
shew
of
argument
be
forced
to
acknowledge
the
clearest
axiome
whatsoeuer
,
to
be
false
.
Therefore
I
a
poore
Secular
Priest
,
haue
thought
it
sit
both
to
write
my
Decacordon
in
a
quodlibeticall
method
,
and
to
publish
the
same
.
Or
thus
.
There
are
as
many
examples
of
vice
as
of
vertue
:
and
the
generation
of
one
thing
is
the
corruption
of
another
.
Therefore
I
the
Priestly
Quilibet
,
haue
thought
it
meete
to
write
my
Decacordon
in
a
quodlibeticall
method
,
and
to
publish
the
same
.
If
these
deductions
be
warrantable
in
common
sense
:
them
the
consequence
from
Hannibal
ad
portas
vnto
Mille
meaesiculis
errant
in
montibus
agnae
shall
goe
for
logicall
and
currant
.
But
if
they
shall
passe
vnder
censure
for
such
as
grow
from
a
debilitie
in
the
braine
:
I
hope
the
Quilibet
will
disclaime
the
allegation
of
them
for
the
imployment
aboue
mentioned
:
and
rather
confesse
the
presenting
of
them
in
publike
to
be
without
all
intent
of
vsing
them
,
then
expose
his
wit
and
priesthood
to
an
imputation
of
that
nature
.
But
he
may
happily
pleade
for
his
defence
in
this
behalfe
the
marginall
note
,
whereby
we
are
certified
that
the
author
in
all
these
fiue
principles
doth
cleerely
conuince
the
Iesuits
faction
of
many
grosse
errors
.
Is
it
fitting
with
the
reputation
of
a
quodlibetical
Doctor
to
range
and
muster
principles
in
a
text
which
haue
no
correspondence
with
any
member
thereof
,
and
afterward
to
adresse
the
reader
to
the
margent
,
there
to
be
informed
of
the
imployment
whereto
they
are
destined
?
And
yet
the
margent
doth
not
here
satisfie
.
It
tels
vs
that
the
author
conuinceth
the
Iesuits
by
them
:
which
being
supposed
,
yet
can
it
not
be
inferred
,
that
therefore
they
were
transported
into
the
text
to
that
end
.
But
how
doth
he
skirmish
with
them
against
a
Iesuit
?
The
Iesuit
holdeth
rules
opposite
to
these
,
viz.
That
their
generall
with
his
prouincials
cannot
erre
:
and
that
their
order
is
a
state
of
most
perfection
.
Whereupon
it
followeth
that
either
the
Priest
in
his
principles
,
or
the
Iesuite
in
his
opposite
rules
,
aberreth
from
truth
.
Howsoeuer
the
Iesuit
dote
in
his
maxims
:
yet
if
the
Priest
discharge
against
them
no
other
shot
but
his
principles
,
he
will
not
be
able
to
giue
them
the
defeate
and
route
:
the
opposition
being
not
such
,
as
that
in
the
encounter
the
one
must
of
necessitie
supplant
the
other
.
Besides
,
if
the
later
maxime
of
the
Iesuite
be
repugnant
to
the
said
principles
:
how
commeth
it
that
the
Quilibet
holdeth
the
like
?
pag.
6.
of
his
pref.
ver.
4.
and
5.
Now
concerning
the
Demonstration
of
them
:
It
hath
pleased
the
Quilibet
to
single
out
the
fift
principle
onely
,
and
to
grace
it
with
his
painfull
endeuours
:
the
rather
(
I
thinke
)
for
that
he
borrowed
it
from
Aristotle
against
the
Philosophers
will
:
and
would
hereby
giue
satisfaction
for
the
indignitie
offered
by
him
to
the
said
principle
.
The
Demonstration
is
drawne
from
an
induction
,
and
stands
chargeable
with
an
vnsutable
applying
of
particulars
:
with
vntruth
in
some
part
:
and
beside
with
intermixed
absurdities
.
That
the
application
in
some
members
of
the
induction
is
impertinent
:
the
first
period
of
the
second
page
of
the
preface
will
testifie
with
me
.
For
there
propounding
vnto
himselfe
a
proofe
of
the
fift
principle
,
hee
falleth
through
a
defect
in
iudgement
to
such
a
course
of
exemplifying
,
as
naturally
serueth
to
cleere
and
conclude
the
fourth
.
Excellencies
(
saith
hee
)
complexions
,
Maiesties
,
powers
,
foundations
,
Commonwealths
,
Societies
,
Corporations
and
states
are
subiect
to
decay
and
fall
.
Hereupon
it
followeth
,
that
each
thing
and
person
(
taking
the
induction
in
the
sense
of
a
part
for
the
whole
)
is
subiect
to
a
decay
&
fall
:
which
is
absolutely
the
fourth
principle
:
and
thus
by
accident
besides
the
Quilibets
purpose
concluded
.
If
vpon
the
Antecedent
you
would
inferre
that
principle
of
Aristotle
:
there
wil
appeare
a
disproportion
betwixt
the
argument
and
the
conclusion
.
For
the
argument
mentioneth
not
a
generation
of
the
particulars
with
a
precedent
or
concurrent
corruption
of
some
other
thing
,
(
which
it
should
haue
performed
in
case
the
proceeding
had
been
sutable
to
the
Question
)
but
onely
a
●all
and
dissolution
of
them
.
As
through
this
and
some
other
impertinencies
,
which
I
doe
with
regard
t●
breuitie
forbeare
to
debate
,
the
induction
halteth
:
so
doth
it
offer
vnto
vs
an
vntruth
in
that
particular
of
Moses
law
:
the
generation
whereof
is
by
the
Quilibet
made
to
be
the
plaine
corruption
of
the
law
naturall
,
pag.
4.
As
if
when
men
beheld
that
knowledge
diuulged
and
set
foorth
to
the
eye
as
it
were
in
characters
of
gold
,
which
before
rested
secret
and
confined
within
the
vnsearchable
cabinet
of
their
hearts
,
they
were
then
occasioned
the
rather
to
stumble
,
hauing
a
double
direction
and
light
to
guide
them
in
the
traine
of
their
life
.
Wee
may
with
greater
probabilitie
thinke
that
the
Lord
of
heauen
discerning
the
law
,
which
hee
had
imprinted
in
the
heart
of
man
,
to
bee
defaced
first
through
the
defection
of
Adam
,
and
after
by
an
irrespectiue
and
dislimited
cariage
of
life
in
his
descendants
,
did
out
of
wisedome
to
preuent
the
totall
abolition
thereof
,
and
out
of
mercie
to
reclaime
his
people
to
a
course
of
dutie
,
resolue
vpon
a
new
and
second
impression
of
the
said
law
:
which
vpon
the
mount
Sinai
hee
accordingly
performed
.
But
let
vs
see
how
he
handleth
this
question
.
I
will
doe
him
the
credit
to
spend
a
little
time
in
vnfolding
the
frame
of
his
dispute
herein
.
He
reasoneth
thus
:
If
presently
vpon
the
publication
of
Moses
law
men
fell
to
infidelitie
and
idolatrie
,
and
not
before
:
then
vpon
the
generation
of
Moses
law
ensued
the
corruption
of
the
law
naturall
.
But
presently
vpon
the
publication
of
Moses
law
,
men
fell
to
infidelitie
and
idolatrie
,
and
not
before
.
Therfore
vpon
the
generation
of
Moses
law
ensued
the
corruption
of
the
law
naturall
.
If
by
infidelitie
he
note
the
state
of
deprauation
or
the
originall
and
roote
of
all
inconformitie
to
the
law
:
the
proposition
may
passe
as
blamelesse
:
whereas
if
vnder
that
terme
he
conceiue
a
distinct
and
particular
sinne
,
and
such
as
is
a
branch
it self
:
then
may
we
charge
the
proposition
with
inconsequence
.
For
mans
freedome
for
a
time
from
some
two
or
moe
speciall
corruptions
,
doth
not
proue
his
freedome
from
al
other
during
the
same
time
.
Dauid
could
not
be
taxed
with
the
crime
of
blood
and
adultery
till
the
time
of
his
defiling
the
bed
of
Vria
:
if
hereupon
it
should
be
concluded
that
Dauid
till
the
said
time
had
obserued
the
Morall
lawe
:
I
thinke
the
Quilibet
would
not
endure
so
loose
a
sequell
.
Touching
the
assumption
:
howsoeuer
hee
interpret
the
word
of
Infidelity
,
hee
cannot
iustifie
the
sense
thereof
:
it
being
contradictory
to
the
Author
of
all
truth
,
who
in
the
sixt
of
Genesis
mentioneth
a
visible
malignant
Synagogue
,
distinguishing
it
from
the
trew
Church
.
Now
where
there
is
a
Synagogue
of
that
quality
,
their
infidelity
,
which
is
as
it
were
the
very
life
and
forme
thereof
,
must
necessarily
rest
and
beare
sway
.
The
same
Spirit
also
in
the
said
chapter
setting
downe
the
corruption
of
the
heart
of
man
before
the
flood
,
and
thereby
discouering
with
what
disobedience
and
rebellion
to
the
law
of
nature
he
had
demeaned
himselfe
till
that
vniuersall
deluge
,
auoucheth
that
the
heart
is
depra●ed
and
wicked
,
not
in
some
thoughts
,
but
in
euery
thought
whatsoeuer
:
not
in
some
particle
of
it selfe
,
and
of
his
thoughts
,
but
in
euery
part
&
particle
.
not
at
some
time
,
but
without
intermission
continually
.
If
then
the
hearts
of
the
people
that
liued
before
the
flood
,
were
such
as
they
are
described
in
the
said
chapter
:
it
followeth
of
necessity
that
they
were
fallen
to
infidelity
.
For
if
they
beleeued
the
promises
and
comminations
of
their
Creator
:
then
were
their
hearts
at
some
time
in
some
apprehensions
and
parts
of
duty
free
from
that
touch
of
corruption
afore
mentioned
.
Besides
in
the
24.
of
Matthew
,
Christ
himselfe
chargeth
them
with
an
exceeding
carnall
security
,
&
particularly
with
ignorance
of
the
inundation
to
come
,
till
they
beheld
it
with
their
eyes
Whereupon
I
infer
,
that
if
No●
fayled
not
in
the
denunciation
therof
,
and
his
ministery
of
calling
them
to
repentance
,
they
grew
thus
carnally
secure
and
ignorant
vpon
a
resolued
disbeliefe
and
contempt
of
the
worde
of
the
Lorde
▪
This
infidelity
of
that
people
,
is
noted
also
in
the
11.
to
the
Hebr.
and
by
the
Apostle
Peter
in
the
third
of
his
first
epistle
.
Further
,
that
infidelity
and
idolatry
raigned
in
the
world
many
yeeres
before
the
promulgation
of
the
law
of
Moses
,
appeareth
by
the
24.
chapter
of
Iosuah
,
where
it
is
recorded
that
the
ancestors
and
predecessors
of
Abraham
worshipped
strange
Gods
.
And
in
the
one
and
thirtith
of
Gene●●s
,
Labaa
is
reported
to
haue
had
his
Idols
and
marmon●ets
.
Now
if
in
those
families
,
where
God
intertained
his
church
,
idolatry
and
vnbeliefe
found
approbation
and
place
:
what
shall
wee
iudge
of
the
nations
and
people
extract
from
the
line
of
Ch●n
?
or
of
those
which
issued
and
branched
out
of
the
stocke
of
Iapheth
?
The
wickednes
of
Sodome
and
G●●●●r
:
the
Gods
of
the
Egyptians
and
their
Sorcerers
in
the
time
of
the
Israelites
pilgrimage
there
:
the
full
measure
of
Atheisme
and
other
strange
iniquities
in
the
land
of
Canaan
,
before
the
Lorde
would
proceede
to
displant
and
extirpate
the
inhabitants
thereof
,
will
testifie
against
the
assumption
of
this
syllogisme
,
and
eu●●t
that
infidelity
and
idolatry
did
not
then
begin
to
aduance
themselues
in
publique
,
when
Moses
vpon
the
mount
Sinai
,
receiued
from
the
hand
of
the
Lord
the
Morall
law
.
But
the
Quilibet
finding
his
assumption
subiect
to
question
,
hath
thought
meete
to
yeelde
it
this
proofe
:
When
the
distinction
of
Iew
and
Gentill
first
began
,
then
also
began
that
fall
to
infidelitie
and
idolatrie
,
and
not
before
.
But
presently
vpon
the
publication
of
the
laws
of
Moses
,
the
distinction
of
Iewe
and
Gentill
first
began
.
Therefore
vpon
the
publication
of
Moses
laws
,
began
also
that
fall
to
infidelitie
and
idolatrie
,
and
not
before
.
For
answere
to
the
proposition
,
it
must
bee
rememb●ed
that
the
effect
and
the
cause
or
occasion
therof
do
not
alwaies
concur
in
time
▪
it
being
cleere
both
in
reason
and
experience
,
that
where
the
occasion
and
the
euent
haue
a
coherence
not
of
nature
and
necessity
,
but
dependant
on
accident
and
the
will
of
man
,
the
one
may
a
long
time
precede
the
other
.
And
so
in
this
case
of
the
aboue
named
distinction
,
though
it
be
supposed
to
haue
taken
beginning
not
before
the
inacting
and
deliuery
of
the
lawe
Mosaicall
▪
yet
might
the
occasion
thereof
,
namely
the
fall
to
infidelity
and
idolatry
,
be
of
some
growth
many
yeeres
before
.
The
assumption
is
of
a
more
apparant
vntruth
.
For
howsoeuer
the
name
of
Iew
and
Gentill
was
not
of
so
great
antiquity
and
note
:
yet
the
thing
it selfe
was
in
●ss●
and
nature
long
before
the
flood
:
and
so
,
many
hundreds
of
yeeres
before
the
publishing
of
the
Decalogue
.
There
is
in
the
sixt
chapter
of
Genesis
a
record
deliuered
in
expresse
tearmes
of
two
visible
and
distinct
Churches
:
the
one
of
the
Sonnes
of
God
:
the
other
of
the
Sonnes
of
men
.
Further
,
in
the
17.
chap.
of
Genesis
,
the
said
distinction
betwixt
the
trew
and
the
false
Church
,
is
by
a
publique
act
and
ordinance
of
the
Lord
diuulged
and
famed
to
all
the
world
.
For
to
the
couenant
made
with
his
people
,
which
could
not
bee
vnknowne
euen
to
the
inconfederate
,
he
added
Circumcision
as
it
were
the
broade
seale
of
his
fauour
,
and
to
bee
likewise
a
notorious
and
distinguent
marke
of
his
Church
:
So
as
now
the
world
rested
diuided
into
the
Circumcised
and
vncircumcised
:
both
aspectable
and
conspicuous
to
the
eye
.
Besides
,
as
if
Circumcision
were
not
on
the
behalfe
of
his
people
a
sufficient
badge
of
distinction
:
the
same
Lord
in
the
third
of
Exodus
doth
renounce
and
disclayme
all
other
nations
,
with
this
publike
profession
that
he
is
not
the
God
of
them
,
but
the
God
of
the
Hebrewes
:
the
God
of
Abraham
,
Isaac
and
Iacob
:
and
that
this
shall
be
his
name
.
And
this
much
Moses
must
proclayme
and
no●●●ie
before
Pharao
.
Here
then
the
Lorde
by
this
his
profession
and
proclamation
,
as
well
before
Pharao
and
the
Aegyptians
,
as
in
the
eare
of
his
select
Israell
,
doth
set
out
and
publish
a
very
speciall
and
eminent
difference
betwixt
his
Church
&
all
other
Synagogues
whatsoeuer
.
Hereby
therefore
it
appeareth
,
that
before
the
publication
of
the
Decalogue
,
the
distinction
of
Gods
Church
from
the
prophane
and
reiected
assemblies
of
the
world
,
did
exist
both
in
nature
and
in
common
acknowledgement
.
As
this
is
incontroulable
,
so
can
it
not
be
denyed
that
there
passed
at
least
400.
yeeres
after
the
said
publication
vpon
the
Mount
Sinai
,
before
the
distinction
of
the
trew
Church
from
the
rest
of
the
nations
was
made
publique
and
acknowledged
vnder
this
tearme
and
title
of
the
Iew
.
For
if
the
whole
Church
was
so
intitled
and
styled
,
then
all
the
tribes
receiued
denomination
from
the
Tribe
of
Iuda
,
within
the
compasse
of
the
yeeres
aboue
mentioned
.
But
this
is
conuinced
by
the
holy
history
:
wherein
wee
finde
that
each
Tribe
did
first
for
a
long
time
communicate
in
the
appel●ation
of
Israel
:
and
then
after
the
defection
in
the
time
of
Rehoboam
,
that
as
they
were
ranged
vnder
the
obedience
of
seuerall
Princes
,
so
they
were
seuered
and
distinguished
in
title
:
the
ten
Tribes
reteyning
the
common
name
of
Israel
:
the
other
the
title
of
Iuda
,
which
was
proper
to
the
Tribe
.
Had
there
been
within
the
said
time
a
reall
&
known
communication
of
this
title
in
generall
with
all
the
Tribes
,
then
the
occasion
of
calling
them
answerably
thereto
being
so
frequent
,
it
is
more
then
probable
that
the
holy
Ghost
the
inditer
of
the
history
,
would
not
in
euer●
passage
haue
omitted
it
:
And
then
likewise
in
the
case
of
this
communication
▪
Ieroboam
and
his
successors
should
haue
been
intitled
Kings
of
the
Iewes
:
and
so
that
memorable
difference
of
name
betwixt
the
Kings
of
Iuda
and
Israel
,
obserued
in
the
history
with
speciall
regard
,
by
this
confusion
of
titles
vtterly
abolished
.
The
Priest
not
contented
to
haue
proposed
a
bare
affirmation
of
this
assumption
nitherto
refelled
,
hath
out
of
the
grauity
of
his
iudgement
supplied
it
with
the
strength
of
this
argument
:
All
men
liued
vnder
the
lawe
of
nature
without
distinction
,
till
the
publication
of
the
law
Mosaicall
,
and
no
longer
.
Therefore
presently
vpon
the
publication
of
the
said
lawe
,
the
distinction
betweene
Iew
and
Gentill
began
,
and
not
before
.
That
there
was
before
the
said
publication
vpon
the
Mount
Sinai
,
a
currant
and
knowne
distinction
of
the
trew
Church
from
the
false
,
hath
been
already
cleered
:
so
as
one
clause
of
the
Antecedent
prohibited
vnto
vs
,
needs
no
further
discussing
.
That
all
men
liued
vnder
the
lawe
of
nature
till
the
time
of
Moses
,
is
refelled
by
that
,
whereby
the
existence
of
Gods
Church
,
and
the
distinction
thereof
from
the
contrary
long
before
the
reprinting
of
the
Morall
law
,
hath
been
proued
and
iustified
For
if
there
were
an
holy
Church
,
then
was
their
faith
in
the
Messias
:
and
so
consequently
the
Gospell
:
vnder
which
as
a
supernaturall
grace
,
and
not
only
vnder
the
guidance
of
the
lawe
naturall
,
the
faithfull
since
the
fall
of
Adam
in
all
times
liued
.
The
promise
made
to
our
first
Parents
:
the
Sacrifice
of
Abel
:
the
walking
of
Enoch
with
God
:
the
preaching
of
repentance
by
Noe
:
his
offering
of
burnt
offerings
after
the
flood
:
the
couenant
made
with
Abraham
and
the
promise
of
the
blessed
seede
:
the
repetition
and
ratifying
thereof
with
Isaac
and
Iacob
:
their
carefull
endeuours
for
the
instruction
of
their
children
:
all
these
particularities
doe
testifie
that
they
had
for
direction
of
their
life
not
onely
an
addresse
from
nature
,
but
some
diuine
and
extraordinarie
informations
from
the
Lord
.
Thus
much
concerning
that
member
of
the
Induction
,
drawne
from
the
generation
of
the
law
Mosaicall
,
and
the
corruption
of
the
law
naturall
supposed
to
ensue
thereupon
.
The
like
vntruth
is
presented
vnto
vs
pag.
7.
in
the
exception
there
made
of
the
Popish
priesthood
,
against
that
principle
of
the
certaine
decay
of
all
things
.
For
the
said
priesthood
being
a
meere
forgerie
and
of
direct
contradiction
to
the
doctrine
of
the
Gospel
,
as
it
hath
alreadie
receiued
an
irrecouerable
wound
by
the
sword
of
the
Spirit
,
so
must
it
to
the
incredible
comfort
of
the
true
Church
,
deliuer
in
the
Lords
good
time
the
last
gaspe
.
But
the
Quilibet●reameth
●reameth
vpon
an
eternitie
of
this
priest●ood
:
and
concludeth
it
out
of
110.
Psal.
thus
:
Dauid
saith
:
Thou
art
a
Priest
for
euer
after
the
order
of
Melchisedech
.
Therefore
Popish
priesthood
is
eternall
.
Here
the
Quodlibeticall
Doctor
discouereth
both
his
ignorance
and
an
act
of
blasphemie
.
For
what
the
spirit
of
God
by
th●
mouth
of
Dauid
deliuereth
of
that
omni
potent
King
Christ
Iesus
as
his
prerogatiue
proper
and
incommunicable
,
the
sam●
this
inconsiderate
Priest
doth
interp●●
and
apply
as
meant
not
only
of
that
gra●
Dagon
the
Pope
of
Rome
,
but
of
euer
base
and
mercenary
sacrificule
.
That
Dauid
,
or
rather
God
the
Father
by
Dauid
speaketh
it
of
Christ
:
Christ
himselfe
●●
the
22
chapter
of
Matth.
doth
expresse●
testifie
:
That
the
said
prerogatiue
is
pec●liar
to
Christ
,
and
without
possibilitie
deriuation
to
any
other
,
may
appear
by
that
excellent
discourse
thereof
in
〈◊〉
Epistle
to
the
Hebr.
chap.
7.
out
of
whi●●
chapter
wee
may
thus
conclude
for
〈◊〉
most
holy
priesthood
of
Christ
,
agai●
that
Antichristian
rasure
of
all
iug●●
Masse-babiers
:
A
Priest
after
the
order
of
Melchisede●●
is
without
carnall
rites
in
consecr●●
ordayned
immediatly
by
God
with
othe
,
is
eternall
in
person
,
and
thereupon
eternall
in
Priesthood
,
and
so
a
perfect
Sauiour
.
Hebr.
chap.
7.
vers.
16.
21.
24.
25.
But
no
Pope
or
Shaueling
is
ordained
by
God
himselfe
with
an
othe
,
and
without
carnall
rites
in
consecration
:
none
of
them
eternall
in
person
,
and
for
that
cause
none
of
them
eternall
in
Priesthood
and
able
to
Saue
:
whereas
euery
one
of
these
prerogatiues
doe
agree
to
Christ
and
to
him
only
.
Therefore
no
Pope
or
Shaueling
is
a
Priest
after
the
order
of
Melchisedech
,
but
Christ
only
.
This
may
suffice
to
diseternize
and
shor●●n
the
Popish
Priesthood
:
to
the
establi●●ing
whereof
to
drawe
a
logicall
conse●●ence
from
the
Priesthood
of
Christ
,
is
〈◊〉
lesse
impossible
then
for
some
lame
●ephibosheth
,
to
aduance
himselfe
by
one
〈◊〉
leape
from
Dan
to
Beershebab
.
There
remaine
associated
with
the
in●●tion
certaine
absurdities
,
of
lesse
mo●ent
I
confesse
then
the
vntruths
before
●uted
,
yet
such
as
serue
to
deto●t
the
in●fficiency
of
the
Quilibet
.
To
omit
the
●●ference
he
maketh
betwixt
a
ground
in
diuinity
and
an
article
of
our
fayth
:
his
ascribing
of
paradoxes
vnto
Orators
:
his
senseles
comparison
of
Societies
,
that
they
haue
their
fates
with
a
no
lesse
fearefull
eclipse
of
their
former
same
,
then
a
notable
diminution
of
their
wo●ted
glorie
:
Can
it
proceede
from
iudgement
,
to
affirme
that
the
whole
body
mystical
of
Christ
consisteth
of
three
estates
.
Ecclesiasticall
,
Temporall
and
Monasticall
?
pag.
4.
It
shoulde
seeme
that
the
party
from
whom
the
Quilibet
borrowed
this
distribution
of
Christs
mysticall
body
,
lent
it
the
poore
Priest
by
way
of
disport
,
and
to
expose
him
to
the
derision
&
taunt
of
others
.
For
what
stayne
or
ridiculous
imperfection
may
befall
vnto
a
partition
,
with
the
same
this
distribution
is
deformed
.
First
,
the
partes
of
it
are
vnsortable
with
the
whole
.
For
the
body
of
Christ
▪
which
is
the
entire
company
of
the
Sainte●
in
heauen
and
earth
that
are
chosen
in
him
to
eternall
life
,
being
spirituall
,
and
far
remo●ed
from
the
eye
,
in
case
it
bee
distinguished
into
parts
,
must
haue
such
as
an
of
the
same
quality
and
nature
with
th●
whole
not
such
as
are
corporall
&
visible
there
being
no
affinity
betwixt
things
mysticall
and
sensible
,
spirituall
,
and
carnall
Now
the
parts
of
the
distribution
in
hand
,
are
materiall
and
subiect
to
sense
:
and
consequently
of
an
vnsutable
and
opposite
quality
to
the
totall
diuided
.
And
therefore
an
impossibility
in
the
totall
to
be
distributed
vnto
them
.
Secondly
,
whereas
it
may
be
pleaded
that
howsoeuer
the
body
of
Christ
,
so
farre
forth
as
it
is
mysticall
and
spirituall
,
bee
incapable
of
the
sayd
parts
,
yet
so
farre
as
it
is
visible
on
earth
,
it
may
be
diuided
into
them
:
I
must
except
against
this
plea
as
incompetent
:
it
being
an
extrauagancy
from
the
matter
in
question
,
which
is
of
the
whole
body
of
Christ
,
and
not
of
one
member
thereof
:
of
a
thing
mysticall
,
not
of
any
visible
subiect
.
Besides
,
it
being
supposed
and
set
down
for
a
distribution
of
the
trew
Church
on
earth
:
yet
shall
it
not
be
warrantable
,
but
offend
through
a
grosse
impropriety
.
For
whereas
by
the
lawe
of
distribution
,
the
partes
ought
to
carry
a
proper
and
reciprocall
affection
to
the
whole
:
here
in
the
case
propounded
,
the
parts
are
of
too
large
a
compasse
and
reach
,
they
being
not
peculiar
to
the
Church
of
God
,
but
common
to
heathenish
and
prophane
Synagogues
,
Pharao
in
Aegypt
,
the
Philistins
in
Palestina
,
the
old
Romanes
and
Grecians
in
their
seuerall
countries
,
had
in
former
times
,
as
likewise
the
Turkes
and
other
infidels
at
this
day
,
not
only
estates
temporal
,
but
degrees
also
and
orders
Ecclesiasticall
.
Thirdly
,
though
againe
supposed
that
these
partes
doe
agree
onely
with
the
●rew
Church
:
yet
because
they
are
not
of
a
reall
coherence
with
each
church
at
the
same
time
,
or
with
the
same
church
at
all
times
:
the
distribution
into
them
is
friuolous
.
Fourthly
,
we
may
with
no
lesse
iustice
charge
the
sayde
distribution
with
redundancy
of
parts
.
For
the
estate
Monasticall
,
is
either
of
no
vse
to
Gods
Church
;
or
of
some
vse
and
seruice
thereto
.
If
of
no
vse
,
yea
,
rather
an
impediment
and
bar
to
the
performance
of
dueties
to
God
and
man
in
publique
societies
:
then
being
repugnant
to
the
law
naturall
&
moral
,
it
cannot
hold
the
place
and
office
of
a
part
in
the
body
or
church
of
Christ
.
If
it
bee
of
some
vse
and
seruice
:
the
same
is
Ecclesiasticall
or
ciuill
▪
so
as
this
Monasticall
condition
shall
not
bee
a
different
member
from
the
former
estates
,
but
comprised
vnder
the
one
or
the
other
.
Fiftly
,
as
if
he
had
not
already
in
the
said
distribution
folded
vp
a
sufficient
number
of
absurdities
,
it
pleaseth
him
to
make
it
not
only
redundant
,
but
halting
also
and
defectiue
.
For
the
estate
of
Popes
and
Cardinals
,
being
not
purely
Ecclesiasticall
or
temporall
,
but
raysed
out
of
the
mixture
&
vnion
of
both
swordes
,
cannot
be
raunged
distinctly
and
seuerally
vnder
any
one
of
the
estates
specified
,
but
must
of
necessity
make
a
fourth
order
or
degree
in
the
church
,
or
rest
sequestred
from
the
same
.
With
these
his
Priestly
disputes
,
I
will
couple
the
disgraciue
and
vnworthy
conceit
hee
hath
of
our
most
worthy
Countrey
.
For
deliuering
his
opinion
by
whom
the
honors
poynt
for
martiall
exploytes
these
later
yeeres
hath
been
kept
,
hee
bestoweth
the
garland
vpon
the
Spanyards
,
partly
out
of
partiality
and
affection
to
them
,
whome
in
his
Quodlibets
he
pretendeth
to
hate
,
and
partly
out
of
malice
to
the
Religion
of
such
,
who
to
the
incredible
honor
o●
her
Maiesty
and
this
State
,
haue
managed
the
principall
charges
of
Military
employments
amongst
vs
.
I
will
not
derogate
from
the
Spanyard
:
but
I
cannot
yeelde
him
the
precedence
herein
.
For
whether
we
call
into
comparison
the
sufficiency
of
the
Commaunders
,
the
quality
of
the
seruice
vndertaken
by
them
,
the
politique
cariage
and
resolute
execution
therof
,
or
lastly
the
successe
that
hath
ensued
:
we
shall
find
that
the
Spanyard
is
equalled
in
all
these
particulars
,
and
in
some
of
them
exceeded
as
well
by
our
Generals
of
most
honourable
ranke
and
State
,
as
by
our
Commaunders
of
inferiour
place
and
dignity
.
But
I
will
not
further
insist
vpon
this
comparison
:
it
hauing
beene
of
late
very
accurately
handled
.
Hitherto
haue
wee
examined
the
principles
,
and
such
their
incidents
as
are
se●
downe
by
the
Quilibet
.
Wee
are
now
to
consider
the
moriues
,
which
haue
induce●
him
to
deliuer
his
Decacordon
by
a
quodlibeticall
method
,
and
to
publish
the
same
Hee
doth
impart
with
vs
the
speciall
inducements
to
the
choyce
of
this
method
in
a
period
that
offends
not
in
shortnes
〈◊〉
being
a
comprehension
but
of
fifty
larg●
lines
,
parenthesed
not
oftner
then
in
seu●●●
places
.
To
facilitate
the
vnderstandin●
whereof
,
I
hold
it
not
amisse
to
couch
it
this
compendious
forme
:
Because
al
things
and
persons
here
on
e●●●
are
subiect
to
a
change
and
downf●●●
hereupon
there
arising
so
many
thousand
absurdities
,
which
cannot
be
set
downe
in
a
positiue
discourse
without
losse
of
labour
:
I
haue
therefore
thought
vpon
this
easiest
method
of
Quodlibets
,
whereby
to
deliuer
my
Decacordon
:
not
doubting
but
it
will
satisfie
all
well
affected
parties
,
and
preuent
as
well
iust
occasion
of
complaint
,
as
any
euasion
or
meanes
to
escape
from
disclosing
our
knowledge
.
pag.
7.
8.
of
his
pref.
My
purpose
is
not
to
spend
time
in
weighing
each
particular
motiue
.
I
will
onely
dispute
the
chiefest
:
it
being
one
of
●is
fiue
principles
:
which
why
he
hath
culed
out
and
imployed
rather
then
the
rest
●o
this
seruice
,
they
being
in
this
behalfe
●ll
alike
seruiceable
,
cannot
well
be
discer●ed
.
But
let
vs
enquire
into
the
seruice
●erformed
by
it
:
whereof
wee
may
take
●nowledge
by
this
his
course
of
reasoning
:
All
things
and
persons
on
earth
,
be
subiect
to
a
change
and
downefall
.
Therefore
haue
I
made
choyse
of
this
quodlibeticall
method
for
deliuering
my
Decacordon
.
He
might
well
haue
spared
his
principle
,
●nd
reserued
it
for
some
other
imployment
,
sith
the
seruice
of
consequences
which
it
yeeldeth
in
this
syllogisticall
action
,
though
it
be
drawne
euen
from
the
vtmost
limits
of
the
earth
,
is
yet
so
strange
and
exorbitant
.
For
if
the
alterable
condition
of
all
things
and
persons
on
earth
doth
iustly
occasion
the
choyse
of
this
method
:
then
the
consideration
hereof
(
the
said
method
being
supposed
to
be
the
best
of
all
other
)
should
haue
forced
all
writers
both
auncient
and
moderne
,
Ecclesiastic
and
prophane
,
howsoeuer
the
matters
deduced
by
them
were
qualified
,
to
a
continuall
vse
of
it
:
all
things
and
persons
on
earth
in
the
time
of
each
seuerall
writer
being
of
the
like
mutable
constitution
and
nature
they
are
now
of
:
so
as
either
this
respect
of
mutability
and
decay
in
all
things
is
insufficient
to
perswade
the
practise
of
this
waye
in
the
frame
of
discourses
,
or
the
authors
who
haue
omitted
it
,
stand
chargeable
with
a
speciall
ouersight
.
But
to
fortifie
the
consequence
,
the
Quilibet
pretendeth
that
the
brittle
stat●
of
things
doth
,
in
the
case
he
hath
in
hand
breede
so
many
thousand
absurdities
no●
disposeable
in
a
positiue
discourse
withou●
losse
of
labour
,
as
that
he
is
for
such
regar●
moued
to
thinke
vpon
this
method
by
way
of
Quodlibets
.
For
answere
whereto
:
first
,
it
is
not
vnknowne
that
absurdity
doth
originally
grow
out
of
the
disposing
of
such
notions
or
tearmes
in
a
sentence
as
yeeld
a
falshood
:
(
truth
and
absurdity
being
incompatible
)
which
being
subscribed
vnto
,
there
issueth
from
thence
an
infinity
of
absurdities
and
disagreements
to
common
sense
and
reason
.
If
then
the
roote
,
●rom
whence
they
spring
,
bee
other
then
●he
decayable
constitution
of
thinges
on
●arth
:
the
sayd
consequence
receiueth
no
●trength
from
this
plea.
Secondly
,
it
is
●ot
the
multiplicity
of
different
cases
that
●isableth
a
positiue
discourse
to
compre●end
them
,
but
an
insufficiency
in
vs
to
●ispute
and
order
them
.
For
if
wee
shall
●ote
out
and
distinguish
each
particular
●ubiect
offered
to
bee
treated
on
,
then
〈◊〉
it
by
the
light
of
pregnant
&
sound
●uidence
,
and
lastly
,
marshall
in
their
pro●er
rankes
and
places
,
all
and
singular
the
●uestions
&
seuerall
illustrations
of
them
:
●e
shall
not
neede
to
fetch
from
the
consi●eration
of
the
nature
and
state
of
things
●n
heauen
and
earth
,
any
inducement
to
●he
intertayning
of
this
or
that
method
:
it
being
not
materiall
,
so
as
our
preceding
in
discourse
bee
such
as
I
haue
spoken
of
,
whether
the
case
presented
to
demur
on
be
propounded
by
way
of
interrogation
,
with
freedome
left
for
pro
&
contra
,
or
set
downe
without
the
circumstance
of
interrogatorie
termes
,
with
libertie
notwithstanding
to
debate
and
resolue
al
difficulties
and
scruples
that
shall
occurre
.
There
belongeth
to
this
generall
question
of
the
method
chosen
by
the
Quilibt
,
a
iustification
in
particular
of
his
quodlibetical
distemper
and
brabble
against
the
Iesuits
.
Which
because
it
discouers
not
only
the
weaknes
of
his
iudgement
in
an
ordinary
and
cleere
position
of
theology
,
but
his
colourable
pretext
also
of
drawing
into
dispute
her
Maiesties
proceedings
and
and
other
matters
of
like
nature
and
moment
,
I
iudge
it
meete
to
bring
it
vnder
triall
and
examination
.
The
argument
●●
sed
by
him
to
iustifie
this
his
reuerend
and
priestly
brablation
against
the
Iesuites
,
is
drawne
from
the
greater
to
the
lesse
,
and
is
thus
concluded
:
If
we
may
without
all
sinne
and
scandal
dispute
pro
&
contra
of
God
,
wheth●●
he
or
the
Diuell
be
to
be
honoured
:
the●
may
we
dispute
pro
&
contra
of
the
Iesuits
.
But
we
may
without
all
sinne
and
scandal
dispute
pro
&
contra
of
God
,
whether
he
or
the
Diuell
be
to
be
honoured
.
Therefore
may
we
dispute
pro
&
contra
of
the
Iesuits
.
How
this
syllogisme
will
relish
with
a
Iesuite
,
I
know
not
.
It
may
be
vpon
taste
thereof
,
he
will
approue
it
,
as
being
guiltie
of
the
Quilibets
drift
herein
,
or
at
least
readie
to
hallow
in
&
concur
with
him
in
the
same
vpon
notice
giuen
:
as
the
manifold
pamphlets
diuulged
by
that
viperous
progenie
,
which
can
breathe
nought
els
but
calumniations
&
proiects
of
treason
against
Princes
,
doe
sufficiently
testifie
.
But
leauing
the
Iesuite
in
this
behalfe
to
his
liking
,
I
will
deliuer
my
conceit
of
the
argument
proposed
.
I
doe
therefore
except
against
the
Assumption
,
as
containing
not
onely
matter
of
vntruth
,
but
of
impietie
also
:
and
doe
hold
the
inference
depending
thereon
very
preiudiciall
to
the
State
of
Princes
.
That
it
is
of
a
manifest
falsehood
and
repugnancie
to
the
law
of
God
,
may
appeare
by
calling
into
consideration
the
maine
scope
of
the
third
Commandement
,
which
is
,
that
all
mention
of
God
should
bee
honourable
and
worthie
his
Maiestie
.
Now
to
dispute
pro
&
contra
of
God
,
whether
hee
or
the
Diuell
be
to
be
honoured
,
cannot
stand
with
that
honour
and
reuerence
which
is
due
to
so
glorious
and
fearfull
a
Maiestie
.
For
by
this
course
of
dispute
wee
are
drawne
to
auouch
and
prooue
that
mightie
Lord
,
at
whose
name
euery
knee
should
bow
,
and
at
whose
words
euery
heart
should
tremble
,
to
bee
destitute
of
those
diuine
attributes
of
holines
,
eternitie
,
omnipotencie
,
wisedome
,
iustice
,
mercy
,
&
to
ascribe
them
vnto
the
Diuell
.
How
the
Priest
will
free
this
proceeding
from
scandal
and
blasphemy
,
I
can
not
discerne
.
He
will
happily
alleage
that
as
it
doth
lay
reproch
and
dishonor
vpon
God
,
to
depriue
him
(
out
of
opinion
or
affection
)
in
our
disputes
of
his
diuine
and
essentiall
attributes
,
and
to
appropriat●
them
vnto
Satan
,
so
if
it
be
done
vpon
a
good
and
warrantable
intent
,
it
cannot
then
fall
vnder
the
title
of
blasphemie
.
For
answere
whereto
,
let
it
be
remembred
that
no
action
,
which
in
it selfe
and
in
the
nature
thereof
is
a
meere
sinne
,
can
by
any
good
intent
of
the
Actor
be
made
a
conformitie
to
the
law
of
God
.
For
were
a
good
intent
thus
qualified
,
as
that
it
could
alter
and
rectifie
in
the
sight
of
God
the
meanes
subordinate
thereto
:
then
should
humane
deuice
take
place
in
the
true
worship
of
the
Lord
,
and
in
the
case
of
so
readie
an
apology
and
pretence
,
as
this
of
good
intention
,
few
would
be
found
who
would
not
stand
vpon
peremptory
termes
of
iustifying
their
courses
before
the
tribunall
of
Christ
.
Now
if
any
man
shall
thinke
it
questionable
whether
the
vndeifying
of
that
eternal
and
omnipotent
Spirit
,
and
the
crowning
of
Satan
with
the
glorie
and
maiestie
of
the
Godhead
,
be
an
action
in
it selfe
,
and
in
the
nature
thereof
contradictorie
to
the
will
and
statutes
of
the
immortall
King
and
lawgiuer
:
he
may
with
like
reason
doubt
whether
an
acknowledgement
of
the
true
Iehoua
for
our
God
only
,
and
a
cariage
with
all
reuerence
and
honour
towards
him
on
our
part
,
be
conmaunded
in
the
Decalogue
.
If
then
the
said
action
be
originally
an
aberration
from
the
law
,
how
can
it
receiue
from
any
intent
of
man
,
though
neuer
so
good
,
this
pr●rogatiue
of
being
made
correspondent
to
the
same
?
whereas
it
is
a
principle
knowne
and
vndeniable
,
that
ill
is
not
to
be
done
,
that
good
may
grow
thereof
in
case
the
intention
of
the
Agent
could
priuiledge
and
dispense
with
the
pollution
of
our
actions
,
the
said
principle
should
containe
an
idle
direction
or
restraint
of
our
proceedings
.
Further
,
if
the
act
in
question
be
not
in
it selfe
a
disobedience
to
the
law
,
but
of
a
nature
indifferent
and
newterall
:
then
some
transferring
of
the
Deity
from
the
true
God
vnto
the
Diuell
,
and
some
premeditate
mention
of
his
most
blessed
name
accompanied
with
termes
of
the
highest
blasphemie
,
shall
finde
in
the
Decalogue
no
prohibition
.
Then
likewise
are
we
not
commaunded
,
without
calling
into
question
and
doubt
,
to
beleeue
and
rest
perswaded
by
testimonie
of
the
word
and
Spirit
that
Iehoua
only
is
our
God
,
and
he
onely
to
bee
worshipped
.
But
if
both
the
one
and
the
other
be
in
theologie
a
great
incongruitie
:
then
the
said
act
can
in
no
sort
partake
of
newtralitie
.
But
let
vs
●ebate
a
little
what
should
bee
the
int●nt
and
end
of
disputing
against
God
.
There
is
in
all
probable
discourse
but
this
●ne
ground
and
cause
thereof
that
beare
a
shew
of
lawfulnes
:
namely
,
an
inten
to
confirme
our
iudgement
in
the
truth
vpon
sight
and
conference
of
the
weake
arguments
concluded
against
God
,
with
such
as
are
alleaged
for
him
.
But
this
purpose
of
reenforcing
our
iudgement
in
the
truth
,
cannot
warrant
any
dispute
in
this
behalfe
.
For
our
iudgement
touching
the
diuine
nature
and
actions
of
God
,
and
the
honour
due
vnto
him
,
hauing
already
receiued
the
greatest
confirmation
that
may
be
from
the
voyce
of
God
himselfe
in
the
Scriptures
,
from
the
publique
and
constant
testimony
of
the
Church
,
from
the
inward
perswasion
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
from
the
euidence
yeelded
and
proclaymed
by
the
creation
of
Heauen
and
earth
:
the
intendment
and
indeauour
of
this
crooked
and
left-handed
proofe
,
whereof
wee
speake
,
must
●●
the
presence
of
so
excellent
a
brightnes
,
as
the
demonstration
specified
doth
affoord
,
vtterly
quaile
and
rest
in
the
same
account
,
as
a
poore
silly
candle
doth
,
that
for
enlarging
and
better
cleering
the
surpassing
lustre
of
the
Sunne
,
is
lighted
at
noone
day
.
Besides
,
why
should
the
sight
of
a
leane
mishapen
argument
,
inuented
and
alleaged
against
God
,
rather
confirme
the
disputers
iudgement
in
the
truth
,
then
giue
him
cause
to
accuse
the
dulnes
of
his
wit
,
that
could
not
inuent
a
better
?
May
hee
not
apprehend
also
,
that
others
of
a
deeper
reach
and
knowledge
then
himselfe
,
are
able
to
disclose
some
proofes
of
strength
,
and
such
as
hee
cannot
answere
,
and
so
rest
doubtfull
and
no
whit
confirmed
?
Nay
,
may
not
the
disputer
himselfe
,
in
the
search
of
allegations
against
God
,
stumble
on
an
argument
of
such
constitution
and
temper
,
as
neither
himselfe
nor
some
others
can
resolue
?
In
which
case
this
course
wil
be
so
farre
from
confirming
the
iudgement
in
the
truth
,
that
on
the
contrary
it
will
rather
occasion
the
suspecting
of
it
,
and
serue
to
strengthen
erronious
conceites
of
God
.
Experience
hath
made
it
cleere
,
that
this
course
of
disputing
against
God
,
is
of
a
daungerous
consequence
,
and
as
it
were
a
bridge
for
Atheisme
and
other
impieties
to
passe
into
the
opinion
and
life
of
man
.
The
quodlibet
propounded
by
the
Serpent
,
to
our
grane
and
prime
mother
,
against
the
most
iust
and
holy
proceedings
of
our
Creator
with
her
and
Adam
,
thereby
to
rayse
in
her
apprehensions
of
Soueraynty
,
and
a
desire
of
equality
with
God
,
shee
being
ready
to
giue
eare
thereto
,
and
either
not
willing
or
vnprouided
how
to
resolue
and
answere
the
same
,
proued
in
the
issue
of
the
disputation
,
a
quodlibet
of
vnspeakeable
losse
and
infelicity
to
either
of
them
and
their
posterity
,
and
not
otherwise
satisfiable
,
then
by
the
most
precious
blood
of
the
eternall
Sonne
of
God
.
As
this
quodlibeticall
method
serued
amongst
other
furtherances
,
as
a
speciall
meane
to
draw
our
first
parents
to
a
defection
from
their
Creator
:
so
if
wee
should
inquire
into
the
occasions
of
Atheisme
,
of
heresie
,
of
disloyalty
and
treason
in
their
descendants
:
we
shall
finde
that
it
hath
in
sundry
ages
giuen
life
and
nourishment
to
the
same
.
But
I
will
not
insist
vpon
particularities
herein
:
what
hath
been
already
sayd
,
I
hope
will
suffice
for
conuincing
the
Assumption
in
question
of
im●●●y
.
The
inference
that
is
necessarily
deduced
thereupon
,
and
which
is
of
preiudyce
to
the
state
of
Princes
,
is
a
liberty
of
disputing
against
their
persons
,
their
title
and
interest
to
their
Crownes
,
their
resolutions
and
proceedings
.
For
if
wee
holde
it
for
lawfull
to
call
God
into
question
,
to
arraigne
him
as
it
were
at
the
barre
,
and
to
deuest
him
of
his
prerogatiues
royall
:
then
is
it
much
more
allowable
to
frame
in
our
disputes
,
a
bill
of
an
inditement
against
the
Monarches
of
this
worlde
,
to
heape
personall
imputations
and
scandals
vpon
them
,
to
proue
a
nullity
in
their
titles
,
to
iustifie
the
excommunications
thundred
out
against
them
and
the
absoluing
of
Subiects
from
their
alleageances
to
auouch
it
for
an
honourable
and
meritorious
act
,
to
remoue
them
from
their
thrones
by
publique
armes
,
or
indirect
practises
,
to
traduce
and
proclayme
to
the
world
their
proceedings
for
such
,
as
exceed
for
tyranny
and
cruelty
,
the
actions
of
the
most
barbarous
tyrant
that
euer
had
Scepter
in
his
hand
.
Now
howsoeuer
the
Quilibet
disguiseth
with
vs
,
as
if
he
had
for
no
other
intent
made
choyse
of
this
method
,
then
to
bandy
a
Iesuit
too
and
fro
:
a●●
redly
his
principall
scope
,
was
the
hauing
of
some
pretext
and
colour
to
deliuer
his
spleene
against
her
Maiesties
proceedings
:
which
hee
hath
in
his
Quodlibets
formally
done
:
and
yet
so
,
as
hee
would
haue
it
interpreted
,
that
they
are
thus
branded
and
depraued
not
by
himselfe
,
but
by
the
intemperate
tongue
and
pen
of
others
.
But
it
is
neither
his
good
intent
,
nor
the
prerogatiue
of
a
quodlibeticall
method
,
that
will
procure
him
a
discharge
in
a
court
of
iustice
and
impunity
in
this
behalfe
.
If
he
or
any
for
him
should
pleade
that
opposits
marshalled
directly
in
opposition
one
to
the
other
,
doe
so
much
the
more
cleere
and
notifie
themselues
:
it
will
be
remembred
vnto
him
,
that
this
maxim
holdeth
trew
,
not
when
the
one
is
proued
to
be
the
other
,
but
when
each
of
them
is
seuerally
in
his
proper
nature
and
colours
presented
vnto
vs
,
and
so
a
conference
made
of
the
one
with
the
other
:
as
her
Maiesties
most
honorable
,
iust
,
and
temperate
proceedings
with
those
tyrannous
and
barbarous
massacers
that
haue
beene
in
other
Countries
violently
and
often
performed
against
the
trew
Professors
of
the
Gospell
.
I
would
here
giue
end
to
this
quodlibet
of
the
Quilibets
insufficiency
,
were
there
not
offered
vnto
me
for
some
further
blasing
thereof
,
one
extraordinary
particular
and
fruite
of
his
wit
.
pag.
138.
of
his
Quodlibets
,
where
he
thus
speaketh
:
The
doctrine
of
the
Catholique
Church
consists
of
three
speciall
causes
:
the
one
is
Fayth
,
which
is
the
matter
thereof
:
the
other
,
Charity
,
which
is
the
forme
or
efficient
:
and
the
third
,
Hope
,
which
is
the
finall
end
thereof
,
&c.
Whether
this
peece
of
learning
had
his
originall
from
the
Priest
,
or
were
furnished
vnto
him
by
his
friends
,
I
know
not
.
Sure
I
am
it
will
not
make
for
the
credit
of
his
wit
,
as
shall
appeare
First
,
he
deliuers
for
essentiall
causes
of
the
whole
distributed
,
such
things
as
are
consequents
thereof
,
and
seuered
in
place
from
it
.
For
fayth
and
charity
,
which
he
sets
downe
for
particular
vertues
infused
and
resident
in
each
trew
Christian
,
receiue
their
conception
and
birth
from
the
doctrine
of
the
Gospell
,
accompanied
with
the
effectuall
operation
of
the
holy
Ghost
:
so
as
in
regard
of
priority
in
nature
and
time
,
which
the
sayd
doctrine
hath
of
the
existence
it
yeeldeth
vnto
them
,
by
the
ordinance●●
God
,
of
the
separation
in
place
it
holdeth
from
them
,
they
cannot
be
essentiall
causes
of
the
same
.
Secondly
,
whereas
fayth
is
the
roote
,
from
which
charity
and
hope
doe
spring
and
braunch
:
is
it
not
beside
all
sense
,
to
make
the
roote
the
matter
of
the
sayd
doctrine
,
and
of
the
two
braunches
,
the
one
the
forme
or
efficient
thereof
,
the
other
the
finall
end
of
the
same
?
If
he
had
conceiued
that
the
matter
of
this
holy
doctrine
did
in
part
consist
in
the
precepts
and
documents
of
these
infused
vertues
comprised
in
the
Scripture
,
his
speech
had
fauoured
of
learning
But
suppose
fayth
to
be
the
matter
of
it
.
That
it
should
runne
in
account
for
the
whole
matter
of
the
doctrine
professed
by
the
Church
,
is
impossible
:
there
being
so
many
other
different
particularities
recorded
therein
,
which
will
challenge
place
in
the
matter
thereof
.
To
make
it
a
part
onely
of
the
matter
,
is
contrarv
to
the
intention
of
the
Quilibet
:
who
speaking
of
the
whole
doctrine
,
and
withall
describing
the
generall
forme
and
end
of
it
,
will
out
of
common
wisedome
note
vnto
vs
a
matter
proportionable
thereto
.
Further
,
if
favth
as
it
is
a
vertue
residing
in
the
heart
of
man
,
be
the
matter
whereof
the
holy
Scriptures
consist
:
then
as
faith
doth
determine
with
the
person
of
the
beleeuer
,
so
doth
the
matter
also
of
the
sacred
Scripture
proportionably
.
And
consequently
,
if
that
which
supplies
the
place
of
this
matter
bee
the
fayth
of
all
Gods
children
:
then
for
as
much
as
the
greatest
part
of
them
is
already
retyred
into
paradise
,
and
their
fayth
vpon
the
instant
of
their
departure
abolished
,
it
must
of
necessitie
follow
that
the
matter
wherof
the
Scripture
is
consisting
,
is
for
the
greatest
part
thereof
already
wasted
and
extinct
.
Or
if
the
fayth
of
some
only
be
the
sayde
matter
:
let
him
note
out
the
persons
vnto
vs
,
and
render
a
reason
,
why
the
fayth
of
one
rather
then
of
another
,
should
haue
this
preheminence
:
or
why
the
other
vertues
mentioned
should
be
excluded
.
Touching
charity
,
hee
cannot
resolue
whether
it
be
the
efficient
or
forme
of
the
sayd
doctrine
.
Is
he
a
Priest
of
such
rare
parts
,
and
of
that
expedition
in
deciding
of
Quodlibets
,
and
yet
can
be
not
satisfie
vs
in
so
vulgar
a
Quodlibet
?
Beside
the
argument
already
in
generall
deliuered
,
whereby
these
Theologicals
are
conuinced
to
be
effects
and
no
essentiall
causes
in
the
case
propounded
:
let
him
call
to
mind
by
whom
the
doctrine
of
the
Scripture
was
inspired
and
indited
.
I
trust
he
will
not
ascribe
the
performance
of
this
most
holy
and
admirable
seruice
to
the
vertue
of
charity
,
that
harbours
in
the
breast
of
man
,
and
so
depriue
God
of
the
honour
due
vnto
him
in
this
behalf
.
As
God
himselfe
is
the
author
and
efficient
of
that
doctrine
,
and
not
charity
:
so
neither
can
charity
be
the
forme
thereof
,
vnlesse
we
make
imperfection
the
forme
of
perfection
,
and
that
which
is
apt
to
receiue
diminution
and
encrease
the
forme
of
that
which
is
immutable
and
free
from
such
alteration
.
If
in
the
latter
age
of
the
world
charity
shall
grow
cold
,
and
fayth
almost
to
an
vtter
decay
:
and
yet
the
one
rest
the
forme
of
the
written
word
,
the
other
the
matter
thereof
:
the
said
worde
must
necessarily
fall
into
very
hard
termes
,
vpon
the
enduring
of
so
great
an
eclipse
both
of
matter
and
forme
.
The
finall
end
of
the
doctrine
professed
by
the
Catholike
Church
he
affirmeth
to
be
hope
.
True
it
is
that
fayth
in
the
Messias
●●d
consequently
hope
of
eternal
happ●●●s
through
his
bloud
,
is
an
end
where●●
the
said
doctrine
doth
looke
and
ayme
:
and
yet
but
an
end
subordinate
to
that
mayne
and
soueraigne
end
of
the
maiesty
and
glory
of
God
shining
in
the
saluation
of
his
children
.
So
as
whether
he
take
hope
●o
be
the
onely
or
principall
end
,
he
fayles
●n
either
.
There
are
in
this
text
of
his
three
speciall
causes
,
whereof
the
doctrine
of
the
Church
consisteth
,
other
phantastick
incongruities
,
as
,
that
charity
should
therefore
giue
the
Crowne
to
King
and
Queene
,
because
she
is
the
forme
and
efficient
of
the
sayd
doctrine
:
and
that
faith
should
be
the
gate
of
entrance
into
the
Church
,
because
it
is
sayd
,
Hebr.
11.
Accedent●m
ad
D●um
oportet
credere
.
But
I
will
no
longer
stand
vpon
the
refelling
of
such
dreames
.
CAP.
2.
That
the
principall
drift
of
the
Quodlibets●
i●
the
reestablishing
of
the
Popes
authoritie
amongst
vs
,
with
the
fall
of
her
Maiestie
and
the
Gospell
.
HAuing
in
the
former
chapter
discouered
the
insufficiency
of
the
Quilibe●
which
by
sundrie
particularities
of
his
discourse
appeareth
to
be
such
,
as
where
out
of
conceit
and
partiality
he
infranchizeth
professors
of
the
Gospell
,
into
the
companie
of
grossum
caputs
and
men
vnlearned
himselfe
may
vpon
iust
desert
challenge
the
freedome
and
priuiledge
of
the
same
will
now
proceede
to
take
view
of
his
Quodlibets
:
which
being
many
in
number
and
contayning
variety
of
matter
,
I
will
draw
into
question
onely
such
points
of
them
,
of
which
it
doth
specially
import
vs
to
be
informed
:
least
in
this
seede
time
of
Romish
proiects
and
treacheries
for
supplanting
the
Gospell
,
our
ignorance
in
this
behalfe
be
abused
in
the
qualitie
of
an
instrument
and
meane
to
aduance
the
growth
thereof
.
And
because
in
all
proceedings
of
moment
,
the
end
wherto
they
are
directed
,
is
a
matter
considerable
and
worthy
of
note
:
I
will
in
the
first
place
examine
and
dispute
the
mayne
and
principall
scope
of
the
Decacordon
:
which
I
take
to
be
the
restoring
of
the
soueraigne
interest
and
authoritie
of
the
Pope
within
her
Maiest●●s
dominions
,
and
consequently
the
fall
of
her
royall
Scepter
and
the
Gospell
professed
amongst
vs
.
The
grounds
or
verifying
this
assertion
,
we
shall
finde
dispersed
and
deliuered
in
seuerall
passages
of
his
Quodlibets
.
In
his
preamble
thereto
,
imparting
with
vs
some
other
collaterall
ends
of
diuulging
the
same
,
hee
doth
with
solemnitie
protest
and
auerre
his
intent
herein
also
to
bee
the
giuing
vnto
the
Romish
Church
her
due
.
Now
that
which
he
supposeth
to
be
due
vnto
the
said
church
,
is
a
regall
and
vnlimited
power
in
the
Pope
the
head
thereof
,
to
guide
,
dispose
,
and
reforme
all
persons
and
causes
Ecclesiastick
,
hauing
withall
annexed
thereto
the
prerogatiue
of
superiority
aboue
the
Prince
,
as
he
doth
couertly
insinuate
pag.
221.
where
making
the
Ecclesiasticall
state
,
the
first
and
principall
of
the
two
members
in
a
body
politicall
:
and
holding
it
for
an
infallible
axiom
that
in
the
Pope
absolutely
resideth
the
supreme
headship
and
soueraignty
ouer
the
sayde
State
:
he
cannot
hereupon
deduce
other
conclusion
then
that
,
as
the
state
of
the
Church
hath
an
eminency
and
precedence
aboue
the
Ciuill
,
so
the
supreme
head
of
the
same
state
,
shall
hold
the
like
proportion
of
superiority
ouer
the
soueraigne
Commander
of
the
Ciuill
,
which
is
with
vs
,
her
acred
Maiesty
.
If
then
this
regality
ouer
both
States
,
be
the
due
he
would
by
publication
of
his
Quodlibets
,
restore
and
reinuest
in
the
head
of
the
Romish
Church
▪
I
wrong
him
not
in
charging
him
with
this
drift
and
intendment
of
exalting
in
this
land
,
that
purple
pontificall
Antichrist
of
Rome
,
with
the
fall
of
her
Maiesty
and
the
Gospell
.
If
he
shall
pleade
that
his
giuing
vnto
the
Sea
of
Rome
her
due
,
is
no
more
the
capitall
end
propounded
to
his
Decacordon
,
then
his
freeing
of
the
ignorant
from
error
,
and
his
endeauour
to
make
knowne
what
loyalty
ought
to
bee
in
euery
Subiect
towardes
his
Prince
and
Countrey
:
we
may
iustly
except
against
this
plea
,
as
being
of
no
validity
.
For
sith
the
pamphlets
which
passed
the
presse
,
before
this
Decacordon
was
tendered
vnto
vs
,
doe
labour
to
satisfie
the
Reader
,
partly
in
the
matter
of
difference
betwixt
the
Secular
and
the
Iesuit
,
partly
in
the
poyntes
of
duty
owing
from
the
Catholique
subiect
to
the
Prince
:
the
pretences
mentioned
here
by
the
Quilibet
cannot
be
allowed
for
sufficient
:
vnlesse
both
the
text
in
hand
for
informing
herein
the
Readers
●nowledge
and
conscience
be
so
obscure
,
and
the
Reader
likewise
so
dull
of
conceit
,
as
the
one
and
the
other
require
an
iteration
and
supplie
of
quodlibeticall
disputes
.
Besides
,
the
question
of
the
Subiects
loyaltie
to
his
Prince
is
so
coldly
and
vnskilfully
debated
,
as
in
regarde
of
the
insufficiency
thereof
to
perswade
,
it
cannot
be
in
common
sense
conceiued
that
the
instruction
of
the
Catholike
Subiect
in
his
cariage
and
affection
to
her
Maiestie
was
specially
intended
by
the
Decacordon
.
Wherein
if
hee
had
proceeded
with
purpose
to
informe
and
rectifie
the
iudgem̄et
of
misguided
Catholikes
:
hee
should
by
light
of
argument
out
of
the
holy
word
of
God
haue
cleered
it
vnto
them
,
that
the
alleageáce
due
from
a
subiect
to
his
prince
is
of
that
nature
and
temper
,
as
in
the
case
of
any
communication
thereof
with
a
forraine
potentate
,
whether
in
causes
Ecclesiastick
or
Ciuil
,
it
ceaseth
to
be
sincere
and
vnblemished
.
This
course
being
professedly
omitted
by
him
,
and
the
contrary
inforced
,
it
is
dotage
or
delusion
to
pretend
the
directing
of
Catholikes
in
the
way
of
true
and
vndiuided
obedience
to
her
Maiestie
.
But
howsoeuer
hee
shall
with
complement
and
formality
of
speech
,
colour
the
intent
of
his
Decacordon
:
yet
that
it
is
such
as
I
charge
him
with
,
may
further
appeare
by
calling
into
consideration
,
not
onely
his
patheticall
and
often
protestations
of
indisguised
obedience
to
the
Pope
,
euen
to
death
,
accompanied
with
an
humble
submittance
of
all
his
actions
and
discourses
to
the
censure
of
his
venerable
Holines
,
and
with
a
profession
of
vowed
and
most
carefull
endeauours
on
his
part
,
for
conuersion
of
this
Realme
to
the
Sea
Apostolique
:
but
especially
,
the
course
he
holdeth
of
winning
fauour
and
reputation
to
his
side
,
by
a
palpable
soothing
and
admiring
of
her
Maiestie
,
by
extolling
(
contrary
to
all
former
custome
and
humor
in
Romanists
)
her
Highnes
proceedings
,
by
offer
vnto
her
of
all
duty
and
seruice
on
the
part
of
the
Catholiques
,
and
likewise
,
as
well
by
infaming
the
Iesuits
,
and
discouery
of
their
plots
,
as
by
purging
his
fellow
Seculars
from
all
imputation
of
disloyalty
and
Treason
.
Can
hee
holde
this
course
,
and
yet
propound
vnto
himselfe
no
speciall
end
and
employment
of
the
grace
and
fauour
he
would
obtayne
?
Or
can
there
be
in
discourse
of
reason
,
other
end
and
vse
thereof
,
then
the
fortifying
and
aduauncement
of
the
faction
whereof
he
is
?
And
can
this
aduauncement
succeede
and
take
place
without
the
suppression
of
the
Gospell
?
The
opposition
of
it
,
and
Popery
being
such
,
that
the
one
laboreth
the
subuersion
of
the
other
.
I
do●
therefore
vpon
his
holding
of
the
sayde
course
,
inferre
that
he
intends
thereby
the
reuiuing
and
erection
of
that
forraine
and
Antichristian
soueraynty
ouer
vs
.
Moreouer
,
if
his
deseigne
and
intent
were
other
then
is
charged
,
he
would
not
so
affectionately
meditate
and
presse
the
procurement
and
graunt
of
such
meanes
,
whereby
the
estate
of
her
Maiesty
might
bee
perilled
,
and
the
proceedings
of
the
holy
Ministery
established
amongst
vs
,
impeached
.
That
hee
doth
insist
hereupon
,
and
veremently
affect
the
compassing
thereof
,
his
Decacordon
will
giue
testimony
with
me
.
For
in
it
he
pleadeth
for
a
repeale
or
mitigation
of
such
penall
Statutes
as
were
enacted
to
secure
her
Maiesties
royall
person
,
and
the
state
of
Religion
,
against
all
attempts
and
practises
,
as
well
of
the
Secular
Priest
as
the
Iesuit
.
In
it
he
vrgeth
a
toleration
of
the
publique
exercise
of
Popery
,
as
well
in
some
Colledges
of
the
Vniuersities
,
to
bee
allotted
to
this
seuerall
vse
and
profession
,
as
in
other
partes
and
diuisions
of
the
Realme
.
And
lastly
,
in
it
vnder
that
odious
name
of
Puritans
,
hee
doth
with
an
extraordinary
passion
and
rhetorique
,
solicit
an
vtter
extirpation
of
many
thousands
,
both
as
sound
professors
of
the
Gospell
,
and
as
loyall
subiects
to
her
Maiesty
,
as
euer
liued
vnder
the
Sunne
.
As
the
due
execution
of
the
sayde
Statutes
,
the
suppression
of
Romish
seducements
in
opinion
and
affection
,
the
multitude
and
loue
of
the
subiects
to
her
Maiesty
,
with
the
sole
intertainment
of
the
Religion
already
authorised
,
are
capitall
and
infallible
meanes
of
strength
and
surety
to
her
Highnesse
person
,
and
the
sacred
truth
professed
in
her
Kingdomes
:
so
vpon
the
withdrawing
and
fayling
of
them
,
both
the
one
and
the
other
must
quaile
and
determine
.
But
hee
will
deny
the
abolition
of
these
meanes
,
to
be
of
so
dangerous
a
sequell
,
especially
to
her
Maiesty
,
considering
that
vpon
the
graunt
of
the
repeale
and
toleration
desired
,
it
is
intended
she
should
be
against
all
tre●s●nable
attempts
secured
by
sufficient
caution
.
Were
not
Romish
Catholiques
in
a
dreame
,
or
had
they
any
politique
sense
,
or
in
case
they
did
honourably
apprehend
of
her
Maiesties
wisdome
,
they
would
neuer
propound
so
silly
an
ex●●dient
for
preuention
of
perill
in
this
behalfe
.
First
,
there
is
an
impossibility
of
such
caution
:
there
being
nothing
that
this
or
any
forraine
nation
can
yeelde
,
which
could
be
in
valew
satisfactory
and
answerable
to
her
Maiesties
life
.
Secondly
,
a
possibility
herein
supposed
:
yet
cautions
of
what
nature
soeuer
,
will
be
found
exposed
to
so
many
incertainties
,
as
that
they
cannot
serue
for
groundes
of
assurance
in
the
case
of
so
precious
and
inestimable
a
iewell
.
Obligation
of
othe
is
with
Romanists
dispensable
:
Ostages
subiect
to
mortality
and
other
accidents
:
pledges
in
the
nature
of
lands
or
chattels
,
decayable
:
caution
of
townes
from
forraine
Catholiques
,
full
of
difficulties
and
inconuenients
.
Thirdly
,
vpon
the
succeeding
of
an
attempt
against
her
Soueraigne
and
vnualuable
person
,
how
shall
we
in
so
great
a
confusion
and
astonishment
,
either
reteyne
in
our
hands
without
present
daunger
,
the
caution
giuen
,
or
pursue
the
recouery
of
satisfaction
if
we
be
not
seazed
thereof
▪
Speech
therefore
in
the
case
proposed
of
caution
is
senseles
.
But
he
hath
happely
some
better
ground
for
displanting
and
extermination
of
Puritans
.
Howsoeuer
it
pleaseth
him
in
shew
to
distinguish
betwixt
such
,
as
agreeing
in
the
opinion
of
doctrine
against
the
church
of
Rome
,
doe
notwithstanding
differ
in
some
honourable
additions
and
circumstances
of
discipline
:
yet
in
truth
,
and
in
the
secret
account
of
his
popish
heart
,
whosoeuer
acknowledgeth
not
the
soueraignety
of
Peters
chayre
,
or
standeth
in
opposition
of
iudgement
to
the
Counsell
of
Trent●
is
vnto
him
and
to
all
of
his
stampe
a
Puritan
:
and
shall
in
that
day
of
Iubiley
,
which
they
haue
so
long
attended
,
passe
as
conuict
of
heresie
to
the
faggot
or
sworde
.
In
those
times
of
Queene
Mary
,
when
the
Pope
swayed
the
Scepter
in
this
land
,
it
was
not
enough
to
pleade
a
concurrence
with
them
in
opinion
,
touching
the
gouernement
of
the
state
Ecclesiasticke
by
Bishops
and
other
subordinate
officers
of
the
Clergy
.
It
was
neither
the
Episcopall
Roc●et
,
nor
the
ornament
of
Typpet
,
nor
the
squarenes
of
a
Cap
,
nor
the
mustring
in
Cope
or
Surplice
,
that
could
then
priuiledge
a
Protestant
against
the
Clinke
,
or
the
Purgatory
of
Smithfield
.
And
doe
we
thinke
,
if
then
euery
Professor
of
the
Gospell
,
from
the
Archbishoppe
,
to
the
poore
Curate
,
and
from
the
person
of
Honour
to
the
Cobler
were
drawne
into
question
of
life
,
that
any
hereafter
shall
for
respect
of
his
Typpit
or
Rochet
,
finde
fauour
and
impunity
?
I
doubt
not
but
there
haue
beene
many
of
each
sorte
and
quality
in
France
,
Germany
,
the
lowe
Countries
,
and
else
where
,
who
shoulde
haue
beene
spared
from
the
hard
measure
and
extremity
offered
vnto
them
,
if
their
liking
of
the
auncient
dignities
,
and
outward
formalities
in
the
Churche
,
could
haue
procured
them
regarde
and
grace
.
It
were
against
common
sense
,
to
conceiue
that
they
will
persecute
the
refusing
of
the
Surplice
,
and
leaue
vncensured
the
contempt
of
the
Masse
:
punish
all
inconformity
to
externall
ceremonies
,
and
beare
with
contradiction
to
the
Popes
Supremacy
.
As
to
the
Duke
of
Medina
,
if
in
88.
hee
had
preuayled
in
his
attempt
against
vs
,
each
Catholique
would
haue
seem●d
:
Protestant
,
his
sworde
not
discerning
the
one
from
the
other
,
but
resolutely
proceeding
on
to
make
roome
for
the
King
his
Master
:
So
,
if
the
Lorde
in
his
iustice
should
abandon
this
sinfull
Land
to
the
mercy
of
the
Secular
Priest
and
Iesuit
then
to
smooth
the
way
and
passage
for
S.
Peters
Vicar
,
euery
Protestant
should
be
adiudged
a
Puritan
.
Whereas
therefore
hee
pretendeth
in
word
the
ruine
of
the
Puritans
,
I
hold
it
for
certaine
he
intendeth
in
deede
the
generall
dispatch
of
all
Protestants
.
For
what
else
can
we
probably
conceiue
to
be
his
drift
herein
?
It
is
cleere
,
that
his
heaping
of
so
many
scandalous
indignities
vpon
them
,
and
his
charging
them
not
only
in
generall
,
with
endeauours
to
pull
downe
Kings
and
Princes
,
but
in
particular
,
with
practise
to
kill
her
Maiesty
,
and
to
subuert
all
other
Protestants
,
cannot
haue
other
scope
then
the
raysing
and
nourishing
of
perpetuall
ielousies
,
great
feares
,
and
bloody
hatreds
,
not
onely
betwixt
the
Protestant
and
the
supposed
Puritan
,
but
specially
betwixt
her
royall
selfe
,
and
many
thousands
her
faythfull
subiects
,
and
consequently
,
the
absolute
depriuing
her
of
their
ready
and
dutifull
seruices
.
If
then
he
labour
to
destitute
and
strip
his
Prince
of
the
loyall
affection
and
seruice
,
which
an
infinite
multitude
woulde
tender
and
performe
vnto
her
:
if
hee
would
likewise
stirre
the
flame
of
ciuill
contention
amongst
all
the
Protestant
subiects
of
this
State
:
doth
he
not
thereby
ayme
at
some
fearefull
eclipsing
of
her
Maiesties
power
and
strength
:
Doth
he
not
prepare
and
fashion
an
ouerture
to
a
desolation
and
change
of
State
?
Either
Religion
and
peace
with
the
loue
,
seruice
,
and
multitude
of
people
on
the
one
part
,
and
the
reciprocall
fauour
and
respect
from
the
Prince
on
the
other
part
,
are
not
the
true
foundations
and
pillars
of
the
stand
and
greatnes
of
Monarches
within
their
seuerall
dominions
:
or
if
they
be
,
then
he
that
shall
employ
the
whole
force
of
his
wit
and
affection
,
as
well
to
the
expugnation
of
Religion
,
and
the
mutuall
amity
amongst
compatriots
,
as
to
disarme
his
Soueraigne
of
the
loue
,
seruice
,
and
multitude
of
his
subiects
,
and
to
worke
in
him
a
reiection
likewise
on
his
part
,
of
all
Princely
and
respectiue
conceit
towardes
them
,
cannot
but
stand
in
the
iudgement
of
vnpartial
men
,
iustly
chargeable
with
the
imputation
of
a
trayterous
heart
to
his
Prince
and
Countrey
.
As
therefore
the
vrged
repeale
of
the
sayde
Statutes
,
and
the
toleration
of
Popery
is
of
a
pernicious
consequence
:
so
would
he
through
the
side
of
the
Puritan
,
wound
both
Prince
and
Subiect
,
both
Bishop
and
Curate
.
Besides
,
to
yeelde
vnto
the
mayne
question
in
hand
some
further
light
,
let
it
be
considered
what
doctrine
he
deliuereth
in
his
Quodlibets
,
of
State
and
Succession
,
for
resolution
and
direction
of
the
Subiect
,
in
case
of
the
Popes
excommunication
.
The
regarde
of
the
time
,
and
the
present
affliction
indured
by
Catholiques
,
makes
him
(
as
hee
sayth
)
vnwilling
to
maintaine
positions
odious
to
the
State
:
but
yet
hee
is
bolde
to
enforme
the
Subiects
of
their
duty
herein
.
First
,
therefore
hee
giues
them
to
vnderstand
,
that
it
is
lawfull
for
his
Popeship
to
excommunicate
Princes
,
and
lawfull
also
for
the
Subiects
to
put
in
execution
the
sentence
of
such
excommunication
.
Secondly
,
he
doth
aduertise
them
,
that
howsoeuer
both
the
one
and
the
other
be
lawfull
,
yet
in
regard
of
the
manifold
inconueniencies
insuing
thereof
,
it
is
not
expedient
so
to
proceede
.
Thirdly
,
because
the
question
of
expediency
should
not
vpon
occasion
offered
,
for
aduauncement
of
their
religion
,
either
intangle
scrupulous
and
nice
consciences
,
or
minister
discouragement
to
the
forward
and
hotspirited
Catholique
,
he
cleareth
it
,
and
directeth
them
when
they
are
to
refuse
their
allegeance
vnto
their
Soueraigne
,
and
take
armes
against
him
for
execution
of
the
sayd
sentence
.
Hee
doth
therefore
(
the
Bull
and
the
denounciation
thereof
being
supposed
to
bee
of
sufficient
validity
)
teach
and
instruct
io
poean
,
and
composed
Panegyricks
in
their
honour
:
then
should
you
neuer
haue
receiued
from
him
any
Satyres
against
the
Iesuit
.
But
sith
these
Papalb
censures
haue
in
issue
beene
preiudiciall
vnto
them
,
and
occasioned
question
of
their
liues
,
liberties
,
and
goods
:
now
out
of
pollicy
to
amusevs
,
and
to
masque
the
cariage
of
their
disseignes
,
vnder
the
credit
of
the
Seculars
loyalty
:
they
must
taxe
the
Pope
himselfe
with
credulity
and
indiscretion
,
his
Bulls
with
inualidity
,
the
denounciation
of
them
with
insufficiency
,
the
plotters
,
abetters
,
and
actors
,
with
treason
and
rebellion
:
the
lesuits
who
contriued
the
tragedy
,
must
be
capitall
enemyes
to
her
Maiesty
,
and
the
Secular
Priestes
who
acted
it
,
louing
and
faythfull
subiects
.
I
will
end
the
question
of
the
Quilibets
mayne
ende
,
with
an
argument
drawne
from
the
consideration
of
the
pretended
difference
betwixt
the
Iesuit
and
the
Secular
.
If
the
say'd
difference
which
is
●pilried
in
shew
on
the
part
of
this
Priest
,
as
well
with
all
violence
of
spleene
and
detestation
towards
the
Iesuit
,
and
with
●●
small
preiudice
and
dishonour
to
the
Pope
and
Spanyard
,
as
with
profession
of
extraordinary
duty
and
alleageance
to
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
,
bee
notwithstanding
a
matter
only
of
colour
and
disguisement
:
I
hope
the
Seculars
themselues
will
acknowledge
(
considering
the
correspondence
held
betwixt
them
and
the
heads
of
their
faction
in
all
proceedings
of
moment
and
consequence
such
as
this
is
)
theyr
intent
and
drift
in
this
Decacordon
too
bee
principally
,
an
endeauour
of
furthering
the
Pope
to
a
recouery
of
the
interest
and
tytle
hee
challengeth
in
the
Soueraignety
ouer
the
Churche
of
England
,
and
consequently
,
of
transferring
the
Crowne
Imperiall
,
from
that
sacred
and
most
Princely
head
,
whereon
it
now
resteth
.
For
what
else
can
they
intend
and
ayme
at
,
in
the
course
taken
by
them
for
gayning
of
fauour
and
reputation
to
theyr
side
,
in
theyr
intercession
for
a
repeale
of
the
sayde
penall
Statutes
,
in
theyr
mediation
for
the
free
exercise
of
labouring
the
conuersion
of
the
Realme
vnto
the
Popes
obedience
,
in
theyr
vrging
the
vtter
extirpation
of
all
Protestants
vnder
the
name
of
Puritans
,
in
theyr
publishing
of
doctrines
,
whereby
to
resolue
and
direct
all
Romish
subiects
in
the
question
of
executing
those
barbarous
and
Satanicall
Bulls
?
Howsoeuer
the
consecution
deduced
in
this
proposition
here
layd
down
,
may
happely
passe
without
controulement
:
I
doubt
not
,
but
my
assuming
,
that
the
sayd
difference
is
onely
a
counterfeyte
and
politique
scolding
,
will
receiue
speciall
opposition
.
This
assumption
therefore
I
am
to
cleere
:
which
because
it
is
a
question
of
importance
,
shall
bee
debated
seuerally
,
and
by
it selfe
,
in
the
next
chapter
,
and
so
serue
to
furnish
an
whole
Antiquodlibet
.
CAP.
3.
That
the
contention
betwixt
the
Iesuit
and
Secular
Priest
,
being
in
such
nature
,
and
in
such
degree
as
is
pretended
,
is
a
colour
and
pretext
only
:
or
in
case
it
be
vnfeyned
on
theyr
part
,
yet
on
the
part
of
the
Superiors
and
heads
of
theyr
faction
,
it
is
interteyned
out
of
a
pollicy
dangerous
to
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
.
IF
I
seeme
in
this
question
to
impugne
a
knowne
and
currant
trueth
:
it
may
please
the
Reader
to
spare
his
censure
till
hee
haue
perused
the
whole
discourse
thereof
:
and
then
also
,
to
make
iudgement
of
the
same
,
not
by
one
single
argument
,
but
out
of
the
ioynt
consideration
of
all
the
particular
presumptions
.
And
let
not
in
the
meane
tyme
eyther
any
detection
already
perfourmed
by
the
Seculars
,
of
practises
against
the
State
,
or
theyr
present
profession
of
future
discoueries
,
moue
him
to
apprehend
the
sayde
contention
to
bee
vnfeyned
.
For
there
haue
beene
euer
some
amongst
them
,
in
the
tyme
of
theyr
best
agreement
and
peace
,
who
haue
giuen
intelligence
of
the
treasonable
disseignes
and
attempts
against
her
Maiesty
:
and
therefore
this
disclosing
of
them
on
the
part
of
the
Priestes
,
no
argument
of
so
peremptory
and
violent
a
quarrell
betwixt
them
and
the
Iesuits
.
Besides
,
what
will
these
Seculars
reueale
other
then
such
proiects
and
deuises
,
as
are
of
purpose
contryued
to
delude
vs
?
Or
if
they
shall
at
any
tyme
detect
some
secret
practizes
interteyned
really
,
and
out
of
a
malicious
intent
agaynst
the
State
,
it
will
bee
with
purpose
onely
to
winne
credit
,
and
oportunity
to
deceiue
in
matters
of
like
or
greater
moment
.
And
for
detections
of
this
nature
and
seruice
,
they
haue
vndoubtedly
receyued
dispensation
,
according
to
the
course
held
with
theyr
predecessors
:
with
whom
it
was
ordinary
,
and
answerably
to
theyr
commission
,
to
pretend
and
performe
also
the
disclosing
of
Secrets
.
But
let
vs
proceede
to
cleere
the
position
in
hand
.
If
the
say
de
contention
being
such
as
is
pretended
,
would
frustrate
the
plots
and
courses
embraced
for
the
publique
interest
and
good
of
the
Romish
Churche
:
And
if
for
that
regard
there
haue
beene
alwayes
had
a
carefull
and
vigilant
eye
on
the
part
of
the
Pope
and
his
faction
,
to
preuent
and
moderate
all
accidents
that
might
trouble
the
common
peace
of
the
best
Catholiques
,
and
empeach
theyr
disseignements
for
aduauncing
the
authoryty
of
Saint
Peters
Chayre
:
then
eyther
the
Seculars
entertayne
not
the
sayde
contention
,
or
in
case
they
doe
they
renounce
all
respect
of
giuing
furtherance
and
support
to
theyr
common
cause
.
That
theyr
difference
being
of
the
nature
and
reach
as
is
supposed
,
will
disappoynt
the
proceedings
helde
for
the
publique
good
of
the
Romish
Church
,
may
appeare
first
by
this
,
in
that
it
is
accompanyed
with
a
profession
to
reueale
all
treasonable
courses
against
the
State
,
whether
open
hostilities
,
or
secret
conspyracies
.
Now
all
the
practises
for
re-establishing
the
Soueraygnty
of
the
Pope
ouer
the
Church
of
this
land
,
fall
within
the
compasse
of
treasons
:
so
as
if
the
Seculars
doe
effectually
answere
this
theyr
profession
,
the
State
may
vpon
notice
giuen
of
them
,
take
sufficient
order
for
theyr
preuention
.
Againe
,
as
they
professe
this
discouery
,
so
they
pretend
also
a
peremptory
resolution
to
oppose
personally
against
all
attempts
of
this
nature
,
and
further
to
draw
vnto
an
actuall
correspondence
with
them
herein
all
Catholiques
,
with
whome
they
shall
bee
able
to
preuayle
.
Moreouer
,
not
reason
onely
,
but
experience
of
all
tymes
hath
taught
,
that
the
disunion
of
confederates
▪
though
followed
on
the
one
part
onely
with
the
extremity
of
malice
,
neuer
fayleth
eyther
to
worke
and
rayse
impediments
to
the
common
cause
,
or
to
seeke
the
weakening
and
suppression
of
the
aduerse
party
.
Further
,
whereas
it
is
affirmed
,
that
there
hath
beene
a
carefull
course
held
to
preuent
the
disturbance
of
theyr
common
peace
,
and
of
their
disseignes
,
the
trueth
hereof
will
be
testified
,
by
the
directions
they
receyue
ordinarily
from
theyr
Superiors
,
how
to
carry
themselues
in
matters
of
weight
,
by
the
order
and
discipline
established
amongst
them
,
to
encounter
and
remedy
scandalous
accidents
,
by
the
entercourse
of
intelligence
that
is
betwixt
them
and
the
Commaunders
of
theyr
faction
,
by
theyr
watchfulnes
and
continuall
preparation
to
take
aduantage
of
all
occurrents
and
tymes
fitting
theyr
intents
.
Hereupon
it
is
,
that
they
want
not
theyr
Catalogues
of
the
number
in
each
Shire
and
City
,
deuoted
to
theyr
side
,
and
how
they
are
furnished
with
armes
,
munitions
,
and
other
abilityes
.
Wherefore
vppon
the
considerations
aboue
remembred
,
I
doe
inferre
,
that
eyther
theyr
quarrell
is
colourable
,
and
entertayned
of
pollicy
,
or
they
instrumentes
of
hinderance
to
the
aduauncement
intended
vnto
the
publique
cause
of
the
Sea
Apostolique
.
If
any
shall
in
this
place
out
of
the
obiection
aboue
mentioned
,
reply
that
theyr
profession
to
discouer
and
oppose
against
all
treacheries
,
whether
in
plot
or
action
,
doth
cleere
the
pretended
difference
from
the
imputation
of
disguising
and
fraude
:
Igraunt
it
doth
so
,
in
case
it
be
really
and
sincerely
vpon
all
occasions
performed
,
what
is
verbally
professed
But
in
doing
hereof
,
they
shall
bee
found
guilty
of
high
Treason
against
the
authority
of
the
Romane
Church
,
whose
cause
by
this
course
of
detection
and
opposition
,
they
doe
wilfully
betray
.
But
against
this
later
,
they
doe
contest
and
openly
professe
all
readinesse
to
shed
each
droppe
of
theyr
best
blood
,
for
the
publique
good
and
honour
of
Saint
Peters
Chayre
.
What
therefore
can
we
conceyue
and
conclude
other
then
this
,
that
both
the
pretended
contention
and
the
sayd
profession
,
accompaning
the
same
,
is
counterfeyte
?
Besides
,
for
a
further
proofe
hereof
,
let
vs
drawe
into
examination
the
vehement
protestation
tendered
by
the
Seculars
of
all
sincere
and
dutifull
alleageance
to
her
Maiesty
,
and
likewise
of
all
detestation
towards
the
Spanyard
and
his
title
.
If
the
protestation
both
of
the
one
and
the
other
proceede
not
from
any
found
affection
,
but
from
a
fraudulent
intention
of
the
heart
:
wee
may
then
with
good
reason
charge
them
with
want
of
loyal
and
faythfull
meaning
in
their
pretended
difference
.
For
of
these
three
,
namely
theyr
zeale
to
her
Maiesty
,
theyr
hatred
to
the
Spanyard
,
theyr
quarrell
with
the
Iesuites
,
there
is
originally
the
same
ground
and
ende
,
viz.
the
aduauncement
and
good
of
theyr
common
cause
:
and
the
two
first
are
made
the
motiues
of
the
latter
.
For
out
of
a
zeale
to
the
surety
of
her
Maiesties
state
,
and
vpon
hatred
of
the
Spanyard
and
his
tytle
,
they
pretend
a
capitall
abhorring
of
the
Iesuits
,
whose
complots
tend
to
the
destruction
of
the
one
,
and
to
the
aduantage
of
the
other
:
so
as
of
what
quality
and
tincture
the
two
former
are
,
of
the
same
wee
are
to
iudge
that
to
bee
which
groweth
from
them
.
But
the
question
is
of
this
protestation
whether
it
be
feyned
.
First
,
that
it
is
so
in
that
part
thereof
which
is
of
duty
and
alleageance
to
her
Maiesty
,
I
haue
these
presumptions
to
perswade
me
.
Where
the
same
opinion
in
Religion
,
the
same
obligation
of
dutifull
respect
and
obedience
to
the
Pope
,
the
same
endeauours
of
supplanting
the
Gospell
and
aduauncing
Popery
,
the
same
distrust
and
feare
of
her
Maiesty
infinitly
wronged
and
dishonoured
by
them
,
the
same
apprehension
of
supposed
vexations
and
tyrannies
executed
vpon
them
,
and
in
generall
,
where
the
same
cause
of
malice
and
hatred
to
her
royall
person
and
the
State
doth
remayne
,
there
in
all
likelyhood
can
be
no
change
of
affection
.
For
the
disposing
of
a
malicious
and
trayterous
heart
to
duty
and
fidelity
,
must
proceede
from
a
surcease
of
those
causes
which
gaue
life
and
breath
to
malice
and
treachery
.
As
they
nourish
in
heart
the
originall
and
spring
of
theyr
disloyalty
and
malice
:
so
is
there
no
probability
of
theyr
inclination
to
alter
and
remoue
it
,
theyr
meanes
being
as
great
as
heretofore
,
theyr
confederates
as
many
and
strong
,
theyr
aduauntages
agaynst
vs
encreased
:
as
may
appeare
by
theyr
glorious
vauntes
of
fauour
in
Court
and
Countrey
,
theyr
inlarged
hopes
and
insolency
,
theyr
conceyt
and
reporte
of
desperate
hostility
betwixt
Protestants
and
Puritans
.
Besides
,
were
they
out
of
a
grieued
heart
,
for
theyr
former
rebellious
cariage
sincerely
affected
to
the
safety
and
preseruation
of
her
Highnesse
,
would
they
perswade
the
graunt
of
such
meanes
,
as
threaten
a
present
and
an
ineuitable
daunger
to
her
person
and
the
state
?
They
prease
a
repeale
of
the
Statutes
which
secure
her
Crowne
and
dignity
:
they
solicit
a
tolleration
of
theyr
religion
,
that
they
might
without
perill
and
controulement
employ
theyr
seruice
in
effecting
reconcilements
to
the
Pope
:
they
direct
catholique
subiects
when
to
proceede
to
the
execution
of
most
Antichristian
censures
and
Bulls
,
for
deposition
of
our
Soueraigne
:
lastly
,
they
labour
a
finall
disunion
and
diuision
,
first
,
betwixt
her
Maiesty
and
her
Subiects
,
and
then
betwixt
Subiect
and
Subiect
:
and
so
consequently
,
the
subuersion
both
of
Prince
and
people
.
Can
they
solicit
and
labour
the
ruine
of
her
Maiesty
,
and
yet
be
reputed
sincere
and
vnfeyned
in
theyr
profession
of
allegeance
and
fidelity
vnto
her
?
Againe
,
were
they
resolutely
and
soundly
deuoted
to
performe
loyalty
and
duety
vnto
her
in
all
such
poyntes
of
seruice
as
concerne
her
honour
and
safety
,
and
particularly
in
detection
of
treacherous
disseignements
,
in
recouery
of
disaffected
subiects
from
the
Pope
to
her
obedience
,
in
aduenturing
theyr
persons
and
goods
agaynst
all
forraine
attempts
:
then
would
the
Pope
and
Spanyard
surcease
theyr
plots
and
practises
against
this
State
,
vpon
feare
of
theyr
discouery
,
defection
of
Catholiques
from
them
,
and
dispayre
of
preuayling
.
To
conceyue
,
that
the
inuadors
will
come
furnished
out
of
theyr
owne
sufficiency
,
and
so
stand
absolutely
vpon
theyr
domestical
and
proper
strength
,
not
looking
to
finde
the
helpe
and
succour
of
a
faction
amongst
vs
,
is
idle
:
or
to
thinke
they
shall
bee
able
to
preuayle
,
notwithstanding
the
discouery
made
of
theyr
proiects
and
attempts
,
were
to
hold
vs
for
accessary
to
our
own
ruine
,
in
leauing
to
the
inuadors
the
helpes
they
attend
and
hope
for
,
and
in
fayling
to
furnish
all
due
meanes
on
our
part
for
resistance
.
If
then
vpon
seasonable
aduertisement
giuen
of
theyr
intended
enterprises
,
we
shall
disappoynt
them
of
the
strength
and
supplies
they
expect
,
and
inable
our selues
in
euery
respect
,
with
preparations
of
all
natures
fitting
an
honourable
and
assured
defence
:
they
grounding
theyr
attempt
partly
vpon
our
weakenes
and
defect
of
preparing
,
partly
vpon
hope
of
a
faction
and
all
needfull
supplyes
amongst
vs
,
and
finding
a
frustration
of
their
hopes
in
this
behalfe
,
will
in
all
probable
discourse
lay
aside
theyr
thoughts
and
intents
of
proceeding
agaynst
vs
.
If
it
shall
bee
obiected
that
the
surcease
of
attempting
aboue
mentioned
,
is
already
performed
on
the
part
of
the
Pope
and
the
Spanyard
:
theyr
late
combination
and
practise
for
the
conquest
of
Ireland
and
Ostend
,
the
present
courses
held
for
reconciling
vnto
the
Pope
,
the
directions
giuen
and
secretly
executed
for
winning
a
party
vnto
the
infanta
,
or
to
the
King
regnant
,
wil
sufficiently
answere
and
conuince
this
doubt
.
But
for
a
further
inforcement
of
the
Seculars
protestation
in
this
particular
of
theyr
alleageance
,
and
to
win
credit
thereto
,
it
will
be
anouched
,
that
the
auncienter
sort
of
them
euer
misliked
this
course
,
of
restoring
religion
by
treason
and
inuasion
.
If
they
alwayes
disliked
it
,
why
did
they
not
detect
it
,
and
so
preuent
(
as
much
as
rested
in
them
)
the
perill
intended
to
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
?
They
answere
,
That
the
respect
of
theyr
common
cause
,
and
the
hope
they
had
,
the
politicall
Fathers
would
〈◊〉
growne
more
moderate
in
theyr
disseignements
against
our
Soueraigne
,
moued
them
to
bee
silent
in
this
behalfe
.
Which
is
in
effect
,
as
if
they
should
say
,
the
hope
conceyued
that
theyr
sayde
disseignements
would
in
the
meane
tyme
haue
preuayled
,
moued
them
to
this
silence
.
Were
they
touched
with
so
simple
and
light
a
regard
of
her
Maiesties
life
,
that
they
had
rather
she
should
in
her
person
receyue
a
mortall
wound
,
th●●
themselues
vtter
a
word
to
preuent
it
?
Is
it
in
the
imminent
daunger
of
the
Church
and
State
,
which
by
theyr
disclosing
might
bee
diuerted
,
a
sufficient
iustification
of
theyr
silence
herein
,
in
that
they
hoped
the
contriuers
of
the
perill
would
haue
reclaymed
themselues
?
If
the
issue
had
answered
your
desires
,
then
would
you
haue
honoured
the
Machiauillian
Fathers
with
a
crowne
of
glory
,
whome
now
in
shewe
you
pursue
with
the
greatest
infamies
and
indignities
.
If
then
in
the
tyme
of
so
present
an
hazard
,
you
refused
(
notwithstanding
your
pretended
fidelity
and
mislike
of
the
course
in
hand
)
to
affoord
so
much
as
one
syllable
from
your
Priestly
lips
,
for
preseruing
the
life
of
your
Soueraigne
:
there
is
no
probability
,
that
hereafter
in
the
like
case
of
attempt
and
hope
of
successe
on
your
side
,
you
reteyning
the
same
dutifull
respect
to
the
Pope
and
your
common
cause
,
rather
in
an
higher
degree
of
affection
then
heretofore
,
you
will
fall
to
a
ready
performance
of
the
loyall
seruice
,
whereof
you
make
so
often
profession
.
But
what
is
it
that
drew
you
to
a
mislike
of
the
practises
interteined
by
the
Iesuiticall
Fathers
,
for
executing
the
Popes
sentence
?
It
cannot
be
the
consideration
of
any
vnlawfulnes
in
them
.
For
howsoeuer
you
finde
it
against
the
reason
of
expediency
,
that
eyther
the
Pope
should
excommunicate
,
or
the
catholique
subiect
execute
the
sentence
denounced
,
till
the
proceeding
thereto
might
be
without
notable
hurt
and
preiudice
:
yet
you
hold
both
the
one
and
the
other
to
be
lawfull
.
Neyther
can
it
bee
the
inconuenience
and
trouble
which
befell
vnto
your
persons
,
vpon
the
issue
of
the
sayd
practises
,
that
moued
you
to
detest
them
.
For
in
the
question
of
aduauncing
the
honour
and
good
of
the
Romane
Church
,
you
hold
no
account
of
liberty
or
life
:
the
glory
of
your
supposed
martyrdome
,
doth
weigh
more
with
you
then
any
worldly
respect
:
you
are
not
eyther
so
vnwise
as
to
esteeme
of
the
resolutions
and
courses
by
the
euent
,
or
so
enamoured
with
your selues
,
as
to
prefer
your
particular
before
the
generall
.
Besides
the
sayd
course
being
not
onely
warrantable
de
iure
in
your
opinion
,
but
de
facto
,
plotted
with
all
politique
foresight
,
out
of
due
consideration
of
the
meanes
,
for
prosecution
and
compassing
thereof
,
out
of
the
best
intelligence
that
could
bee
procured
,
and
with
speciall
regard
to
the
good
of
the
Seculars
:
what
ground
of
iust
exception
can
they
haue
against
it
?
If
there
were
imperfection
in
the
cariage
of
it
:
the
blame
must
rest
vpon
the
Actors
,
and
not
vpon
the
plot
.
Agayne
,
whereas
the
successe
of
the
courses
held
,
became
also
preiudiciall
to
the
Iesuits
,
why
doe
not
those
Fathers
indite
Satyrs
agaynst
the
Seculars
?
Why
doe
not
they
who
had
theyr
part
in
contriuing
of
them
,
discharge
theyr
spleene
agaynst
the
Seculars
,
who
had
a
principall
hand
in
acting
them
?
Or
why
doe
not
both
Iesuit
and
Secular
,
publish
theyr
detestation
of
the
Pope
,
by
whose
warrant
and
authority
they
proceeded
,
both
to
the
plotting
of
theyr
courses
,
and
the
execution
of
them
?
If
then
the
Seculars
hatred
of
Iesuiticall
practises
,
cannot
probably
grow
from
the
ground
and
cause
pretended
by
them
:
it
cannot
runne
in
other
account
then
of
forgery
:
and
therefore
theyr
protesting
of
shewing
loyalty
to
her
Maiesty
,
in
opposing
agaynst
the
sayd
practises
,
must
needes
receyue
the
like
●●and
and
censure
.
But
let
vs
graunt
vnto
them
that
,
whereof
they
would
haue
vs
to
rest
perswaded
:
viz.
that
the
enacting
of
penall
lawes
,
the
restraynt
of
theyr
persons
,
and
in
some
the
losse
of
life
and
goods
occasioned
by
the
sayde
practises
,
did
draw
them
to
a
dislike
of
the
same
.
First
,
in
this
confession
they
contradict
themselues
:
this
theyr
pretended
dislike
being
a
censuring
of
the
sayde
courses
for
detestable
treasons
:
and
so
are
they
styled
by
them
in
sundry
passages
.
Now
if
they
partake
in
nature
with
treasons
:
how
can
they
be
reputed
lawfull
?
But
you
allowe
them
for
lawfull
:
and
giue
direction
when
they
may
bee
executed
.
Secondly
,
if
the
sayde
inconuenience
to
your
persons
and
goods
,
were
the
principall
motiue
of
your
hatred
to
the
sayde
courses
:
then
did
you
approue
them
considered
in
themselues
,
and
so
far
forth
as
they
intended
her
Maiesties
destruction
.
And
this
latter
would
you
haue
well
disgested
,
in
that
her
proceeding
agaynst
you
,
was
adiudged
by
you
to
bee
a
tyrannous
persecution
and
oppression
.
You
neuer
notified
your
mislike
of
those
courses
,
till
experience
acquainted
you
with
the
danger
of
them
to
your
persons
▪
you
betooke
your
sel●es
to
your
beades
,
solicited
al
your
Saints
,
plyed
the
mumbling
of
Masses
,
perswaded
others
to
theyr
particular
deuotions
for
the
happy
successe
of
the
same
:
and
were
ready
also
to
bee
imployed
personally
in
some
part
of
the
appoynted
seruice
.
If
then
the
disseignes
in
question
(
they
being
considered
in
themselues
,
and
for
such
,
as
by
warrant
from
the
Pope
,
did
intend
the
aduauncement
of
the
Sea
Apostolique
,
with
the
suppression
of
her
Maiesty
)
were
allowed
by
you
:
and
if
the
supposed
persecution
onely
,
occasioned
by
the
issue
of
them
,
moued
you
to
mislike
thereof
,
and
to
an
hatred
of
her
Maiesty
,
as
may
appeare
by
your
infamous
discourses
and
libels
:
what
are
we
to
apprehend
of
your
professed
allegeance
?
which
growes
not
from
conscience
of
duty
,
nor
from
perswasion
of
vnlawfulnes
in
the
sayd
disseignes
,
nor
yet
from
consideration
of
the
pretended
hurts
you
haue
receiued
by
them
.
Hitherto
touching
that
part
of
the
Seculars
protestation
,
which
is
of
allegeance
to
her
Maiesty
.
Let
vs
consider
the
other
,
which
is
of
detestation
to
the
Spanyard
and
his
tytle
.
And
this
also
I
holde
for
a
me●●e
disguisement
.
For
neyther
hath
the
Spanyard
done
any
acte
,
that
can
iustly
incense
them
agaynst
him
,
neyther
is
there
in
the
opinion
of
Catholiques
,
any
so
choyse
and
meete
a
person
besides
,
on
whom
in
reason
they
may
rely
and
builde
theyr
future
hopes
.
If
they
obiect
his
plots
and
seuerall
inuasions
,
they
were
solicited
by
some
of
theyr
owne
coate
and
profession
:
and
furthered
by
theyr
aduertisements
:
they
were
in
part
for
theyr
aduauncement
and
good
:
they
were
warranted
by
the
authority
and
commission
from
the
Sea
Apostolique
:
they
were
assisted
not
onely
with
contributions
from
the
Pope
,
but
with
supplies
of
other
quality
.
And
therefore
no
ground
out
of
this
obiection
for
theyr
hatred
to
the
Spanyard
:
vnlesse
they
will
both
hate
him
,
who
was
at
an
extraordinary
cost
to
relieue
and
aduaunce
them
,
and
likewise
detest
the
Pope
who
was
in
this
action
a
principall
concurrent
with
him
,
yea
themselues
also
who
were
deepely
ingaged
in
it
.
If
the
feare
of
his
future
cruelties
doth
stirre
this
passion
against
him
:
they
grounde
theyr
hatred
vpon
an
incertainty
and
accident
which
the
Seculars
should
not
doe
,
considering
the
experience
they
haue
had
of
his
fauourable
inclination
towards
them
in
his
publike
attempts
and
priuate
courses
:
out
of
which
he
hath
affoorded
them
succours
and
reliefe
in
theyr
distresse
and
peregrinations
:
erected
Colleges
for
their
maintenance
:
allotted
vnto
sundry
of
them
annuall
pensions
.
Neither
can
their
hatred
vpon
this
originall
be
in
that
degree
as
is
pretended
.
For
hauing
receiued
at
his
hands
sundry
demonstrations
of
his
princely
fauours
,
and
neuer
any
disgrace
or
wrong
of
note
:
there
cannot
be
any
foundation
for
so
great
a
feare
and
hatred
of
him
,
as
they
publish
.
And
shall
we
thinke
that
they
will
without
speciall
ground
and
cause
shew
themselues
so
ingratefull
as
to
hate
him
,
who
hath
so
often
reached
his
hande
of
strength
and
bounty
to
theyr
helpe
?
and
who
concurreth
with
them
in
religion
and
in
purpose
to
aduance
the
same
?
whereas
also
in
the
conceit
of
most
Catholikes
,
he
the
said
Spaniard
,
as
well
in
regard
of
his
power
and
oportunitie
of
meanes
,
as
of
his
resolution
and
readines
to
restore
the
Popedome
amongst
vs
,
is
the
fittest
&
sufficientest
Prince
,
on
whom
to
repose
for
theyr
future
hopes
and
aduancements
:
in
case
they
abandon
him
to
whom
will
they
haue
recourse
?
if
to
any
besides
him
:
they
incounter
the
Popes
designe
and
resolued
furtherance
of
the
Spanish
title
:
they
incurre
the
daunger
of
his
heauy
censure
:
they
runne
a
course
repugnant
to
theyr
profession
and
othe
of
being
ordered
by
him
in
all
cases
and
actions
of
this
nature
.
To
relie
vpon
some
domesticall
competitor
,
Dolmans
censure
will
not
permit
them
,
they
being
not
assured
either
of
his
abilities
or
deuotion
to
the
Pope
.
And
as
for
the
Scot
:
how
can
they
hope
for
toleration
vnder
a
Prince
of
his
profession
,
and
who
hath
seene
experience
in
her
Maiesty
,
in
himselfe
,
in
other
States
,
of
the
aduantage
and
benefit
growing
from
the
suppression
of
Popery
and
sufferance
of
the
Gospell
onely
?
The
law
of
God
therefore
,
the
president
of
other
Princes
,
the
consideration
of
the
perilous
inconueniences
accompanying
the
said
toleration
,
will
make
him
a
professed
aduersary
thereto
.
Seeing
then
there
is
rather
cause
of
their
loue
vnto
the
Spaniard
and
dependance
on
him
,
then
any
iust
pretext
of
hatred
towards
him
and
his
title
:
I
doe
conclude
that
this
part
also
of
the
protestation
in
question
is
to
pa●se
in
account
for
a
fiction
.
If
therefore
this
their
whole
protestation
be
in
the
seueral
parts
thereof
vnsound
and
fraudulent
:
what
can
wee
iudge
their
pretended
quarrel
with
the
lesuits
to
be
,
other
then
a
plotted
and
deuised
brabble
?
Which
may
further
be
cleered
by
consideration
of
the
gaine
and
aduantage
that
will
accrew
vnto
the
state
of
her
Maiesty
and
the
Gospell
,
in
case
the
opposition
betwixt
them
the
said
Seculars
and
Iesuits
be
serious
and
with
a
resolute
intent
to
discouer
and
withstand
all
practises
and
attempts
intertained
against
her
Highnes
Throne
and
the
Religion
established
by
her
.
For
this
course
of
opposition
will
serue
to
secure
and
aduance
her
imperiall
Crowne
and
the
sacred
trueth
professed
within
her
dominions
.
But
such
meanes
as
are
directly
and
effectually
seruiceable
to
this
vse
and
purpose
,
will
not
be
imbraced
and
followed
by
them
,
who
protest
and
offer
euen
vnto
death
the
performance
of
al
dutie
and
ready
seruice
for
recouery
of
the
Popes
interest
and
soueraigne
power
ouer
this
Church
of
England
:
it
being
a
principle
in
reason
and
policy
,
that
no
faction
or
multitude
will
betray
and
●rustrate
the
aduancement
of
that
cause
,
which
out
of
conscience
and
hope
of
future
benefit
it
doth
affect
:
so
as
I
may
probably
conclude
,
that
one
thing
is
pretended
,
and
another
intended
by
them
.
Moreouer
,
whereas
they
concurre
,
according
to
theyr
solemne
protestation
on
this
behalfe
,
in
the
same
generall
end
for
the
good
of
the
Romish
Church
:
as
difference
in
ends
and
intentions
doth
ordinarily
diuide
confederates
:
so
this
concurrence
will
hold
them
so
farre
vnited
,
as
that
they
will
not
for
particular
respects
expose
to
perill
and
ruine
the
generall
cause
.
For
in
doing
hereof
they
could
not
be
said
to
concurre
in
the
same
end
:
so
as
either
the
Seculars
fayle
in
this
concurrence
and
ayme
,
or
if
they
rest
constant
therein
,
they
wil
not
prosecute
the
meanes
whereby
to
ouerthrow
the
said
common
end
:
and
therefore
not
be
caried
in
so
violent
a
course
of
opposition
to
the
Iesuit
,
as
is
pretended
.
Besides
,
it
is
acknowledged
by
them
that
they
are
resolued
to
continue
in
all
faythfull
obedience
to
the
Pope
euen
to
death
,
and
witha●
in
word
and
fact
to
maintaine
the
honour
and
authoritie
of
his
sword
.
If
they
stand
thus
affected
:
it
is
altogether
improbable
they
will
proclaime
against
the
Iesuit
a
warre
of
that
heate
and
fury
,
as
shall
draw
them
either
to
taxe
and
challenge
publikely
the
Popes
indiscretion
,
his
credulitie
in
matters
of
information
,
his
rashnes
in
excommunicating
,
the
inualidity
of
his
censures
the
insufficiencie
of
Commissions
giuen
to
his
Legats
and
ministers
:
or
to
contest
openly
and
oppose
against
him
in
case
of
his
personall
comming
into
England
.
For
hereby
they
should
wilfully
bring
S.
Peters
chayre
,
vnto
which
they
professe
all
reuerence
and
duty
,
and
to
whose
censure
they
submit
all
theyr
actions
,
into
publike
contempt
and
obloquy
:
and
themselues
into
an
estate
of
present
and
exceeding
danger
,
vnlesse
his
Hollownes
should
out
of
his
fatherly
compassion
be
pleased
to
seale
them
an
Indulgence
.
Whereas
therefore
out
of
the
sharpnes
of
theyr
humour
and
spleene
to
the
Iesuit
they
haue
entred
into
this
course
of
disgrace
and
reproch
to
his
Popeship
:
either
they
are
serious
therein
:
or
they
do
it
vpon
a
presumed
dispensation
to
make
it
so
much
the
more
probable
that
they
〈…〉
contention
with
the
Iesuit
.
But
their
often
and
vnfayned
protestations
to
the
contrary
,
doe
apparantly
conuince
them
of
not
being
serious
therein
.
Whereupon
I
doe
inferre
it
to
be
done
to
winne
at
our
hands
a
beleefe
that
theyr
quarrell
is
such
as
is
reported
.
But
it
will
be
sayd
,
that
the
Popes
haue
been
abused
with
misinformations
,
and
so
drawne
to
excommunicate
her
Maiestie
and
to
proceede
accordingly
.
Whereto
I
answere
,
that
it
standeth
with
no
likelihood
that
so
many
holy
Fathers
and
Potentates
ioyning
with
them
,
should
not
discerne
the
insufficiency
of
the
suggestions
presented
.
Pius
5.
Gregory
13.
Xistus
5.
and
the
King
of
Spayne
,
with
some
other
Princes
of
the
same
confederacy
,
receiued
from
England
the
best
intelligence
and
direction
for
the
cariage
of
theyr
designes
agaynst
her
Maiestie
,
that
the
Catholike
Laity
or
Clergy
,
Nobles
or
Gentry
,
Souldiers
or
Mariners
of
the
Realme
could
affoord
:
so
as
the
obiected
misleading
through
informations
is
not
likely
.
And
if
error
herein
had
beene
committed
by
one
of
them
,
the
matter
being
of
that
consequence
it
would
haue
●●n
reformed
by
another
.
But
let
vs
examine
the
originall
of
this
their
contention
,
and
see
whether
it
will
not
yeeld
some
argument
whereby
to
charge
them
with
collusion
.
In
the
first
Quodlibet
the
Iesuits
affecting
of
soueraignty
ouer
the
Seculars
,
is
set
downe
for
the
true
originall
and
cause
of
this
strife
.
In
other
places
he
imputeth
it
to
the
inconueniences
and
h●●●s
which
ensued
vpon
the
practises
held
by
the
Iesuites
against
the
State
.
Touching
the
superiority
affected
by
the
Iesuits
:
it
is
straunge
it
should
be
the
roote
of
so
daungerous
a
warre
,
as
wherein
the
Pope
himselfe
is
like
in
the
poynt
of
his
supremacy
and
in
the
graund
cause
of
the
Catholike
Church
to
receyue
a
deadly
and
incurable
wounde
,
It
was
granted
and
ordayned
by
his
Holines
,
aduisedly
no
doubt
and
vpon
due
consideration
of
the
necessity
thereof
.
Could
not
this
respect
of
the
Popes
authentical
grant
and
ordination
,
be
of
force
to
temper
and
satisfie
the
Seculars
,
who
professe
all
dutifull
obedience
and
ready
submittance
of
their
actions
vnto
him
?
If
it
could
not
stay
their
priestly
wisedomes
from
quarrelling
and
from
notifying
theyr
ambition
and
pride
vnto
the
world
▪
might
it
not
yet
haue
restrayned
them
from
proceeding
to
a
contention
in
so
high
a
degree
and
of
such
sequell
,
as
will
by
discoueries
secure
the
estate
of
her
Maiestie
and
the
Gospell
,
defeate
the
hope
and
cause
of
the
Romane
Church
,
cast
reproch
vpon
the
Pope
and
his
authoritie
?
will
they
for
a
matter
of
priuate
spleene
run
this
desperate
course
?
Themselues
disclaime
it
:
theyr
profession
of
hatred
to
the
Gospell
,
of
theyr
vowed
indeuours
for
aduancing
the
good
of
their
Church
,
of
all
reuerence
and
deuotion
to
the
Pope
will
testifie
the
contrarie
.
If
then
they
runne
not
this
course
of
ruining
their
common
cause
:
the
sayd
contention
,
touching
this
degree
and
the
effects
thereof
,
is
fayned
:
and
so
the
sayd
affected
Soueraigntie
no
cause
of
the
same
.
Doth
it
then
take
budding
and
growth
from
the
supposed
persecution
and
oppression
inflicted
on
them
,
by
occasion
of
the
practises
and
conspiracies
which
the
Iesuits
wrought
agaynst
the
State
?
The
persecution
they
speake
of
,
which
was
in
truth
no
other
the
a
iustifiable
,
moderate
,
and
necessary
seueritie
in
the
punishment
of
detestable
treasons
,
was
for
prioritie
of
time
before
the
question
of
supe
〈…〉
betwixt
them
:
so
as
either
the
affecting
of
Soueraigntie
gaue
not
beginning
to
theyr
pretended
contention
,
or
in
case
it
did
,
then
cannot
the
original
thereof
be
ascribed
to
the
supposed
persecution
:
of
which
because
there
hath
beene
alreadie
sufficient
speech
and
proofe
made
,
that
the
Seculars
hatred
to
the
Iesuit
and
his
courses
can
haue
no
iust
or
probable
foundation
thereon
,
I
will
insist
no
further
in
this
argument
.
To
these
presumptions
of
dissimulation
in
the
sayd
contention
,
may
be
added
the
repugnancy
shewed
in
the
Quilibets
affection
and
speech
.
For
were
the
quarrell
of
that
nature
and
in
that
condition
of
heate
and
reach
,
as
hee
would
make
it
,
and
the
heart
of
the
Quilibet
of
such
sinceritie
and
singlenes
,
as
becommeth
the
profession
of
priesthood
:
he
would
not
breathe
out
and
publish
repugnancies
in
the
discouerie
of
his
intentions
.
He
admires
her
Maiesties
proceedings
for
gracious
and
moderate
,
yet
calleth
them
an
vniust
vexation
and
heauy
persecution
:
he
professeth
a
perpetuall
hatred
to
the
Iesuit
,
and
an
infallible
alleageance
to
her
Maiesty
,
yet
he
submitteth
himselfe
in
this
behalfe
to
be
ordered
by
the
Pope
.
He
〈◊〉
all
vnfayned
loyaltie
and
duty
to
her
Maiestie
,
yet
instructeth
and
directeth
her
subiects
when
they
may
take
armes
against
her
:
He
professeth
the
perfourming
of
all
faithfull
seruice
to
her
Maiesty
,
and
yet
would
for
her
ouerthrow
rayse
a
mortall
diuision
and
warre
betwixt
her
and
her
louing
subiects
,
as
also
betwixt
subiect
and
subiect
:
Hee
professeth
all
carefull
indeuours
for
securing
her
person
and
State
,
yet
would
●ee
strip
and
depriue
her
of
the
best
meanes
for
her
preseruation
and
safetie
;
He
commendeth
the
ancient
Seculars
for
theyr
mislike
of
treasons
agaynst
her
Maiestie
,
and
yet
approoueth
theyr
concealing
of
them
in
the
case
of
imminent
daunger
to
her
royall
person
and
Crowne
:
Hee
pretends
detecting
all
Iesuiticall
practises
agaynst
her
Highnes
and
the
State
,
yet
laboureth
vnder
hande
a
reconcilement
of
her
subiects
vnto
the
Pope
:
He
pretends
a
kinde
conceit
and
affection
towards
the
Protestants
,
yet
would
worke
a
subuersion
of
them
and
their
religion
:
He
censureth
for
rebels
all
such
as
attempted
to
execute
the
Popes
excommunication
,
yet
alloweth
the
execution
thereof
when
it
may
be
perfourmed
without
〈◊〉
and
losse
to
the
a●tors
:
He
protesteth
his
deuotion
and
imployment
of
his
person
with
the
losse
o●
his
life
for
the
aduancement
of
theyr
common
cause
:
and
yet
offereth
her
Maiesti●
his
seruice
for
discouery
of
the
designes
and
meanes
that
tend
to
the
said
aduancement
:
He
challengeth
the
Pope
for
●●dulous
,
indiscreete
,
rash
,
partiall
,
and
exposeth
his
authority
to
contempt
and
obloquie
,
yet
professeth
all
readines
euen
to
death
,
to
maintaine
the
honour
and
reputation
of
his
holy
Fatherhood
:
He
purgeth
the
Seculars
from
the
crime
of
disloyalty
to
her
Maiestie
,
yet
acknowledgeth
theyr
priuity
and
allowance
of
treasons
:
Hee
protesteth
a
perpetuall
detestation
of
the
Spanyard
and
his
title
,
yet
offereth
herein
to
be
ordered
by
the
Pope
:
He
condemneth
Iesuites
for
contriuing
the
treason
,
and
commendeth
the
Seculars
who
acted
it
.
Whether
these
and
such
other
repug●ancies
doe
not
discouer
in
the
Quilibet
a
double
and
disguising
cariage
of
himselfe
in
his
Quodlibets
,
I
referre
to
the
iudgement
of
the
wise
and
vnpartiall
reader
.
Hitherto
hath
beene
shewed
that
the
contention
betwixt
the
Iesuit
and
the
Se●ular
priest
being
of
such
nature
and
in
●uch
degree
as
is
pretended
,
is
counterfeit
:
●t
remaines
to
prooue
that
in
case
it
be
vn●ayned
on
their
part
,
yet
on
the
part
of
the
●uperiours
and
heads
of
their
faction
,
it
is
●tertayned
out
of
policie
.
The
reason
in●ucing
me
to
this
apprehension
is
this
:
The
sayd
Superiours
and
heads
being
●ade
acquainted
with
this
contention
,
and
particularly
with
the
whole
nature
and
cariage
thereof
,
doe
either
politically
intertayne
the
same
,
or
labour
the
suppression
thereof
:
it
being
cleere
,
considering
the
termes
wherein
now
it
is
,
that
it
will
be
of
aduantage
or
preiudice
vnto
such
theyr
designes
as
concerne
our
State
:
and
it
being
likewise
not
vnknowne
,
that
all
occurrents
and
matters
of
moment
are
caried
and
ordered
by
direction
of
the
sayd
Superiours
:
who
are
so
carefull
for
aduancing
the
common
interest
and
good
of
the
Romish
Church
,
as
they
wil
not
suffer
any
course
to
proceede
that
may
be
an
impediment
or
harre
to
theyr
proiects
&
practises
in
this
behalfe
.
Such
is
partly
their
inconsiderate
zeale
to
the
Sea
Apostolike
,
or
rather
Antichristian
Synagogue
of
Rome
,
and
partly
theyr
hatred
to
our
profession
,
and
desire
of
reuenge
vpon
many
&
great
supposed
wrongs
and
〈◊〉
offered
by
this
State
vnto
them
:
so
as
what
opportunity
and
aduantage
the
time
or
i●
expected
accidents
shal
present
for
furtherance
of
theyr
proceedings
,
they
are
real
to
imbrace
it
.
Vpon
consideration
where
of
I
take
it
for
euident
and
confessed
,
that
they
will
not
in
an
accident
of
this
importance
demeane
themselues
in
the
qualitie
of
neutrals
or
idle
spectacles
,
but
according
to
the
vse
they
may
make
thereof
to
theyr
common
cause
,
they
will
intertayne
it
in
policy
,
or
suppresse
it
.
But
the
suppression
of
the
same
is
not
laboured
by
them
.
For
in
case
it
were
:
then
would
the
sayd
difference
betwixt
them
expire
and
determine
.
If
,
notwithstanding
the
endeauour
and
course
taken
to
suppresse
it
,
the
prosecution
of
the
same
be
continued
on
the
part
of
the
Seculars
:
then
the
insuppression
groweth
eyther
from
want
of
power
in
the
Superiours
to
effect
what
is
meete
in
this
case
,
or
from
the
desperate
contumacy
of
the
parties
who
will
not
be
ordred
.
But
it
is
apparant
that
there
is
no
defect
of
sufficient
authority
and
power
whereby
to
●ompell
the
sayd
parties
vnto
order
and
agreement
.
And
as
for
the
poynt
of
con●umacy
.
they
doe
renounce
it
,
and
pub●●kely
professe
an
absolute
submittance
of
●ll
theyr
actions
to
the
censure
and
ordering
of
the
holy
Father
.
I
conclude
therefore
that
in
truth
they
labour
not
to
supresse
it
.
Besides
,
there
is
no
cause
that
●ay
iustly
induce
them
to
stay
and
end
●e
same
,
as
may
appeare
by
this
,
in
that
the
cariage
of
the
said
quarrell
,
howsoeuer
preiudiciall
in
shew
to
the
Catholike
cause
in
regard
of
the
profession
made
for
discoueries
,
is
indeede
of
speciall
aduantage
and
consequence
for
aduauncing
the
publike
good
of
the
sayd
cause
.
For
it
holdeth
a
course
of
winning
fauour
and
credit
to
the
Seculars
,
in
respect
of
theyr
ancient
dislike
of
treasons
,
theyr
pretended
detections
,
theyr
profession
of
all
alleageance
to
her
Maiestie
,
and
of
opposing
to
the
Pope
himselfe
:
it
soweth
discord
,
and
indeuoureth
a
disunion
betwixt
her
Highnes
and
her
subiects
,
and
betwixt
subiect
and
subiect
:
it
soliciteth
a
repeale
of
penall
statutes
,
and
a
toleration
of
the
publike
exercise
of
Popery
.
If
then
the
sayd
contention
bee
not
suppressed
,
as
appeareth
by
prosecuting
the
same
in
printed
pamphlets
:
and
if
there
be
neyther
labouring
for
suppression
thereof
,
nor
any
〈◊〉
prete●
why
it
should
bee
suppressed
,
but
speci●●
cause
why
it
should
be
intertayned
:
I
do
hereupon
inferre
,
that
it
is
intertayned
by
the
heads
and
Commanders
of
theyr
fa●tion
,
out
of
a
policy
dangerous
to
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
.
CAP.
4.
That
toleration
of
Popish
religion
is
perswaded
by
the
Quilibet
,
vpon
idle
and
false
grounds
.
AMongst
the
meanes
which
are
seruiceable
to
the
mayne
end
aymed
at
in
the
Quodlibets
,
Toleration
of
Popish
religion
is
one
which
yeeldeth
very
speciall
and
assured
furtherance
thereto
:
and
therefore
in
foure
seuerall
passages
cunningly
perswaded
by
the
Quilibet
.
Now
because
the
fog
and
mist
of
this
perswasion
standeth
betwixt
our
eye
and
the
light
of
truth
:
it
shall
not
be
inconuenient
,
to
disperse
and
remoue
the
same
.
Hee
doth
insinuate
,
pag.
151.
that
the
Iesuits
for
sundry
particular
re
〈…〉
vued
and
absolute
dislike
of
toleration
,
will
imploy
their
best
endeuours
with
a
brace
of
thousand
pounds
to
vndermine
and
crosse
all
motions
in
that
behalfe
.
Wherein
as
they
should
,
in
case
of
theyr
serious
disaffection
thereto
,
doe
a
seruice
more
aduantageable
to
the
state
of
religion
,
then
agreeable
with
theyr
humours
and
designements
:
so
there
being
no
likelihood
of
the
least
opposition
in
them
to
the
same
,
we
are
vpon
obseruation
made
of
the
disguising
vsed
by
the
Seculars
herein
,
iustly
occasioned
to
rayse
and
improoue
our
suspition
of
extraordinary
fraud
on
theyr
part
.
The
Quilibet
forsooth
wil
not
directly
and
as
from
himselfe
present
any
motiues
in
this
causes
least
hee
might
seeme
to
be
caried
rather
with
respect
to
the
particular
good
of
the
Seculars
and
theyr
faction
,
then
with
any
due
regard
to
the
publike
interest
of
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
.
And
therefore
to
deceiue
our
eye
,
and
so
to
winne
fauour
and
approbation
with
vs
,
whom
hee
knoweth
to
be
already
incensed
agaynst
the
Iesuits
,
he
pretends
that
toleration
is
infinitly
odious
vnto
them
,
and
that
in
hearkening
thereto
we
shal
not
so
much
satisfie
the
Secular
,
as
distast
the
Iesuites
and
impeach
theyr
courses
,
to
the
inestimable
benefit
and
security
of
her
Highnes
royall
Scepter
an
present
gouernment
.
But
let
vs
weigh
the
reasons
,
which
hauing
drawne
the
Ignati●n
Fathers
to
so
extreame
an
hatred
of
toleration
,
as
that
they
preferre
in
their
choise
death
before
the
same
,
may
on
the
contrary
induce
her
Maiesty
to
approoue
and
embrace
it
.
The
first
is
an
effect
proceeding
from
toleration
,
concluded
thus
:
What
course
will
dull
the
spirits
of
English
Catholikes
,
and
disable
them
for
practises
and
attempts
against
the
State
,
the
same
her
Maiestie
may
with
good
reason
approue
and
embrace
.
But
toleration
is
a
course
that
will
dull
the
spirits
of
English
Catholikes
,
&
disable
them
for
practises
against
the
State
.
Therefore
toleration
may
with
good
reason
be
embraced
by
her
Maiestie
.
The
proposition
is
a
〈◊〉
and
may
not
passe
without
checke
.
For
howsoeuer
her
Maiesty
may
in
politike
reason
wish
all
popefied
persons
blunted
and
dispirited
in
matters
of
deuice
and
conspiracy
against
her
:
yet
can
she
not
allow
and
accept
of
the
course
leading
thereto
.
vnlesse
she
finde
it
warranted
by
the
law
of
God
,
and
standing
with
the
publike
good
and
honour
of
the
State
.
Wherein
the
course
of
toleration
fayleth
,
hauing
no
such
ground
.
For
as
the
doctrine
of
Rome
is
in
the
worship
it
tendereth
vnto
the
Lord
,
and
in
sundrie
other
particulars
of
greatest
moment
opposit
to
the
law
of
God
:
so
must
it
needes
be
euen
for
that
respect
of
speciall
preiudice
and
dishonour
to
the
State
:
considering
that
the
prosperitie
and
glorie
of
a
kingdome
proceedeth
from
intertayning
such
constitutions
and
decrees
in
religion
,
as
God
himselfe
hath
enacted
and
deliuered
.
And
whereas
the
sayd
doctrine
and
practise
thereof
doth
priuiledge
the
whole
state
Ecclesiasticke
,
agaynst
the
iudiciall
Court
of
the
Magistrate
and
in
the
case
of
ordinary
contributions
,
and
doth
likewise
deny
vnto
the
Prince
himselfe
an
absolute
soueraignety
within
his
dominions
,
rendring
him
subiect
to
a
forraine
power
,
and
reputing
him
,
whensoeuer
hee
shall
passe
vnder
the
censure
of
excommunication
,
a
Prince
de
facto
only
,
and
not
de
iure
:
how
can
her
Maiestie
without
apparant
hurt
to
her
honour
and
state
,
intertaine
the
toleration
of
such
a
docttine
?
Besides
,
the
practises
of
the
Ro●●●●●ts
being
uncertayne
and
defeaseable
,
whereof
her
Maiestie
(
to
the
praise
of
Gods
power
and
mercie
towards
her selfe
and
her
subiects
)
hath
had
often
experience
:
it
were
not
sitting
with
the
quality
of
ordinary
wisedome
,
much
lesse
with
the
deepe
reach
of
a
Prince
to
remedy
vncertaine
and
the
lesser
accidents
,
by
opening
free
passage
to
more
assured
and
greater
perils
.
The
Assumption
likewise
must
runne
in
the
same
account
.
For
how
doth
it
appeare
that
publike
liberty
of
conscience
will
make
the
Romanists
vnfit
for
practises
agaynst
the
State
?
It
cannot
bee
sayd
that
they
haue
in
this
case
attayned
vnto
theyr
end
,
and
will
for
that
regard
retire
theyr
thoughts
from
all
further
complots
:
the
sayd
libertie
being
only
a
step
and
subordinate
meane
to
the
end
propounded
vnto
theyr
designes
:
so
as
the
sayd
end
remayning
vncompassed
,
theyr
desire
and
inducements
to
recouer
it
continuing
the
same
,
theyr
possibilities
greater
,
theyr
distance
from
it
lesse
then
heretofore
,
what
hope
is
there
they
will
abandon
all
care
and
study
of
the
meanes
whereby
to
come
vnto
it
?
The
neerer
we
draw
to
our
long
attended
good
,
the
more
eager
and
sensible
we
are
in
our
appe●●●es
t●er●to
:
and
the
more
wee
doe
sharpen
and
bestirre
our
conceits
for
the
remoue
of
all
impediments
,
which
may
disappoynt
our
approch
and
ful
enioyance
of
the
same
.
Neyther
can
it
in
fauour
of
the
Assumption
be
alleaged
that
grief
and
trouble
is
inuentiue
and
stirring
:
&
therfore
such
as
liue
vnder
it
more
apt
for
practise
and
attempt
.
For
first
it
is
by
accident
that
it
hath
this
effect
,
it
being
of
a
farre
different
operation
in
many
natures
,
which
are
so
altred
and
deiected
by
it
,
as
they
lay
aside
all
apprehensions
of
practising
theyr
deliuerance
,
specially
by
meanes
indirect
and
perilous
.
Secondly
,
when
trouble
is
accompanied
with
passions
of
feare
,
extreame
malice
and
reuenge
,
as
we
finde
it
in
the
case
of
priesthed
and
Iesuited
Romanists
,
then
the
eye
of
the
minde
and
wit
beholding
as
it
were
through
the
dimme
glasse
of
the
sayd
passions
such
obiects
as
present
themselues
,
must
likewise
be
dimmed
and
hindred
in
the
sight
of
them
,
and
consequently
fayle
in
discerning
and
iudging
,
if
not
of
the
thing
it selfe
to
bee
done
or
omitted
,
yet
of
the
needfull
circumstances
of
time
,
place
and
persons
belonging
thereto
:
whereas
when
the
minde
is
in
some
〈…〉
me
from
these
passions
,
it
is
cleere
and
not
dim
of
sight
,
mature
in
deliberation
and
aduised
in
execution
.
Thirdly
,
these
Romanists
retavning
in
theyr
hearts
,
notwithstanding
this
release
from
trouble
,
the
true
and
ancient
causes
of
aptnes
and
readines
to
practise
agaynst
the
State
,
namely
an
inflamed
desire
of
reestablishing
the
authority
of
S.
Peters
chayre
,
together
with
the
humours
of
malice
and
reuenge
,
which
the
said
toleration
agreeably
to
the
nature
of
the
Romish
reconcilement
&
doctrine
,
will
from
time
to
time
feede
and
nourish
:
how
can
it
be
true
either
that
their
resting
in
the
condition
wherein
they
are
,
is
the
principall
cause
of
theyr
practising
,
or
that
theyr
inlargement
from
the
same
will
be
a
meane
to
disable
them
in
this
behalfe
?
The
second
argument
to
perswade
tolerat
on
is
this
:
If
vpon
grant
of
toleration
there
will
be
no
pretext
left
to
traduce
in
forraine
nations
her
Maisties
proceedings
against
Catholikes
for
cruell
and
tyrann●call
persecutions
:
then
may
it
with
good
reason
be
allowed
and
intertayned
.
But
vpon
grant
of
toleration
there
will
be
●●
pretext
l●●t
to
such
purpose
.
Therefore
toleration
may
with
good
reason
be
allowed
and
int●rtayned
.
The
proposition
is
a
ridi●ulous
fanc●
of
an
idle
brayne
.
For
to
intertayne
and
establish
toleration
of
Poperie
,
that
there
might
bee
no
pretext
left
to
slaunder
her
Maiesties
proceedings
,
were
to
cure
an
vlcer
by
admitting
a
gangrene
,
and
to
remedie
a
scratch
of
a
pin
by
a
potion
of
poyson
.
If
we
compare
the
slanderous
reports
vented
out
agaynst
the
State
with
the
toleration
solicited
,
and
diligently
consider
as
on
the
one
part
the
authors
of
the
sayd
reports
,
the
insufficient
ground
of
them
,
and
the
little
measure
o●
preiudice
growne
thereby
to
the
honour
of
her
Maiestie
,
so
on
the
other
side
the
ineuitable
dishonor
,
daunger
and
mischiefe
of
the
sayd
toleration
:
we
shall
easily
discerne
that
the
former
is
not
worthy
of
the
least
regard
with
vs
,
when
there
is
question
of
the
latter
.
It
is
an
admonition
no
lesse
wise
then
ancient
,
that
in
matters
of
meane
importance
,
Non
sunt
ponendi
rumores
ante
salutem
:
much
lesse
therefore
in
the
case
of
a
kingdome
,
and
such
as
concernes
not
only
the
scepter
of
a
Prince
on
earth
,
but
the
glory
of
the
immorta●
God
:
from
the
aduancement
whereof
no
respect
of
perill
o●
obloquy
ought
to
withdraw
a
Christian
Magistrate
.
If
it
be
replied
that
the
said
reports
,
how
lightly
soeuer
we
value
them
,
haue
wounded
the
honour
and
reputation
of
the
State
:
to
omit
the
disbeleefe
and
contradiction
they
haue
encountred
amongst
all
forrayne
States
and
persons
,
who
are
not
car●ed
with
partiality
or
passion
agaynst
vs
,
it
is
cleere
that
her
Maiesties
proceedings
agaynst
the
Romanists
,
cannot
in
equity
receiue
blemish
or
stayne
therby
,
vnlesse
it
appeare
by
sound
proofe
that
they
haue
been
vniust
oppressions
or
tyrannous
persecutions
,
and
not
moderate
and
iustifiable
punishments
vpon
offences
of
treason
.
They
exclayme
in
Courts
of
Princes
,
and
blaze
through
all
parts
of
Christendome
by
theyr
malicious
libels
,
that
they
indure
a
most
barbarous
and
extreame
persecution
for
religion
:
and
this
Iesuiticall
Quilibet
,
howsoeuer
he
seemeth
elswhere
to
admire
her
Maiesties
clemencie
and
equity
in
her
proceedings
,
being
rapt
into
a
wonder
that
(
the
occasions
and
circumstance
of
their
offences
considered
)
any
Romanist
should
bee
left
aliue
,
doth
notwi●●●●a●●ing
exceedingly
depraue
the
honourable
iustice
of
the
State
,
calling
it
an
iniust
vexation
,
&
vaunting
that
numbers
of
theyr
faction
haue
d●ed
of
late
yeeres
amongst
vs
in
the
glorious
condition
of
Martyrs
.
For
disproofe
whereof
,
and
in
iustification
of
the
proceeding
held
agaynst
them
,
I
will
by
way
of
a
pertinent
and
allowable
digression
,
present
to
the
graue
consideration
of
all
wise
and
vnpartiall
men
this
briefe
dispute
:
If
the
Romanists
suffer
for
the
true
and
Catholike
religion
,
the
religion
for
which
they
suffer
is
grounded
vpon
and
warranted
by
the
word
of
God
.
But
the
religion
for
which
they
suffer
is
not
grounded
vpon
and
warranted
by
the
law
of
God
.
Therefore
the
Romanists
suffer
not
for
the
true
and
Catholike
religion
:
and
consequently
are
no
Martyrs
.
The
proposition
is
free
from
all
iust
exception
:
the
whole
scruple
is
touching
the
Assumption
,
which
is
cleered
thus
:
No
religion
in
the
articles
thereof
grounded
vpon
and
warranted
by
the
word
of
God
,
is
treason
against
the
lawfull
authoritie
and
state
of
a
prince
.
For
in
case
such
religion
were
trea●on
▪
●●en
●●ou●d
God
be
repugnant
to
himselfe
,
and
maintaine
in
his
word
a
direct
opposition
betwixt
his
owne
ordinance
,
which
is
the
lawfull
authoritie
of
Princes
,
and
the
articles
of
doctrine
deliuered
in
his
sayd
word
.
But
the
popish
religion
is
in
the
articles
thereof
,
for
which
the
Romanists
suffer
,
treason
against
the
lawful
authoritie
and
state
of
a
prince
.
Therefore
the
p●pish
religion
in
the
articles
therof
for
which
they
suffer
,
is
not
grounded
vpon
and
warranted
by
the
word
of
God
.
For
proofe
of
the
Assumption
in
this
latter
syllogisme
,
it
must
bee
remembred
that
the
Popes
excommunication
or
bull
is
with
them
a
matter
of
religion
:
and
that
they
doe
in
generall
acknowledge
the
same
for
a
lawfull
and
iust
censure
,
and
likewise
themselues
bound
to
see
the
contents
thereof
executed
in
case
of
his
commaundement
And
whereas
in
particular
the
said
bull
doth
import
and
declare
his
Popeships
soueraignty
aboue
her
Maiestie
,
by
vertue
whereof
he
proceedes
agaynst
her
,
the
ground
of
his
proceeding
,
namely
her
defe●●●on
●●om
the
Romane
faith
,
his
depriuing
her
from
the
Crowne
imperiall
of
this
Realme
,
his
discharging
her
subiects
from
all
alleageance
vnto
her
,
his
charging
them
to
disobey
her
and
her
lawes
:
hereupon
our
English
Romanists
out
of
a
perswasion
of
an
erronious
and
misguided
conscience
,
carying
them
according
to
direction
giuen
in
that
behalfe
to
an
execution
of
the
sayd
censure
,
haue
taken
boldnes
to
auouch
their
immunity
and
exemption
from
her
Maiesties
power
ouer
persons
&
causes
ecclesiastick
,
to
repute
and
adiudge
her
for
an
heretike
,
to
deny
her
to
be
the
lawfull
Queene
of
England
,
being
in
theyr
iudgement
iustly
depriued
of
all
such
regal
title
and
dignity
,
to
hold
themselues
absolutely
discharged
from
al
duty
and
subiection
to
her
and
her
lawes
,
to
reconcile
and
withdraw
whom
they
could
from
alleageance
to
her
Maiestie
vnto
the
obedience
of
a
forraine
Potentate
,
thereby
to
fit
and
prepare
them
for
courses
of
alteration
,
to
plot
and
practise
the
destruction
of
her
royall
person
,
to
solicite
both
domesticks
and
strangers
to
take
armes
for
her
deposition
,
to
allow
and
iustifie
home
insurrections
,
and
the
Popes
hostile
proceedings
in
warre
against
her
,
to
giue
interta●●ment
,
comfort
and
aduice
to
such
whose
hand
is
in
conspiracies
and
attempts
for
subuersion
of
the
State
,
to
indite
and
disperse
sedicious
writings
,
whereby
to
rayse
all
contempt
to
her
Maiestie
,
and
all
reuerent
estimation
and
respect
to
the
Popes
bull
.
Now
out
of
this
,
which
is
here
set
downe
,
I
deduce
this
conclusion
,
which
is
a
confirmation
of
the
assumption
in
question
:
The
actions
aboue
mentioned
for
the
execution
of
the
sayd
bull
,
are
treasons
against
the
lawfull
authoritie
of
her
Maiestie
and
the
State
.
The
articles
of
popish
religion
,
for
which
the
Romanists
suffer
,
are
the
actions
aboue
mentioned
for
the
execution
of
the
sayd
bull
.
Therefore
the
articles
of
popish
religion
,
for
which
the
Romanists
suffer
,
are
treasons
against
the
lawfull
authoritie
of
her
Maiestie
and
the
State
.
The
proposition
being
the
expresse
letter
and
text
of
the
law
,
falles
not
within
the
compasse
of
controulement
:
vnlesse
●t
be
auerrred
that
the
royall
authoritie
of
her
Maiestie
is
vsurped
and
vnlawfull
,
as
some
of
the
Priestl●
and
●●uiticall
progenie
haue
not
blushed
to
publish
,
taking
for
warrant
of
this
theyr
treasonable
assertion
the
sayd
bull
of
Pius
5.
and
his
successors
.
In
refutation
wherof
,
though
vnworthy
of
answere
,
we
may
alleage
what
the
Quilibet
in
this
question
of
her
Maiesties
in
depriued
and
lawfull
authoritie
,
hath
from
such
his
authors
as
are
of
note
and
account
with
the
Church
of
Rome
,
receiued
and
set
downe
,
viz.
that
Princes
cannot
be
remoued
from
their
scepters
propter
defecti●nem
a
fide
:
pag.
250.
Item
293.
where
hee
hath
laboured
to
yeeld
an
ample
demonstration
hereof
,
agreeably
to
that
maxim
of
reason
and
law
:
Cuius
est
imperium
adimere
,
●iusdem
est
conferre
.
But
the
Pope
hath
no
warrant
either
from
the
law
of
God
,
or
the
particular
lawes
of
this
State
to
conferre
,
and
bestow
the
Crowne
of
England
.
Therefore
it
resteth
not
in
him
to
transferre
it
from
that
most
princelie
and
sacred
head
,
on
which
it
is
inuested
and
feared
by
God
himselfe
,
according
to
the
right
of
succession
by
bloud
and
inheritance
established
by
the
lawes
and
statutes
of
this
land
.
Were
it
not
a
labour
needles
in
so
cleere●
sunneshine
of
trueth
▪
I
would
further
insist
vpon
the
illustration
thereof
.
The
assumption
is
a
matter
of
authentical
record
in
such
Courts
of
iustice
where
the
Romanists
haue
iudicially
receyued
triall
and
sentence
:
and
sundry
of
them
haue
vnder
theyr
hands
,
as
may
yet
appeare
,
confessed
the
actions
and
disloy●lties
charged
vpon
them
.
Neither
is
it
now
a
competent
and
iustifiable
plea
in
behalfe
of
the
condemned
Seminaries
,
to
affirme
the
proceeding
agaynst
them
to
bee
for
matter
of
Religion
and
conscience
;
when
the
politique
lawes
of
the
State
,
agreeable
with
the
holy
ordinances
of
the
Lord
,
doe
finde
such
Religion
to
be
treason
,
and
censure
such
conscience
for
a
disloyalty
in
●udgement
and
affection
.
And
were
the
aboue
named
actions
,
which
are
warranted
by
the
sayd
bull
,
of
the
nature
and
quality
that
is
pretended
:
then
would
there
ensue
●
confusion
of
matter
ciuill
with
spirituall
:
whereas
both
diuine
and
humane
reason
hath
euer
distinguished
betwixt
them
:
●olding
that
for
matter
of
Religion
and
●avth
,
which
being
prescribed
in
the
first
able
is
a
part
of
Gods
worship
,
and
di●ectly
regardeth
a
future
life
:
and
that
for
●iuill
,
which
〈…〉
ded
in
the
●●cond
,
is
not
originally
,
and
in
it selfe
a
part
of
Gods
spirituall
worship
,
but
may
oncerne
the
fame
and
the
life
to
come
,
●v
consequent
and
interposition
of
some
●hird
thing
.
And
therefore
the
savd
bull
,
〈◊〉
farre
as
it
importeth
the
deposition
of
Princes
from
theyr
regalities
,
being
in
●uery
particular
article
and
action
leading
thereto
,
a
direction
for
matters
of
this
worlde
,
enioyned
or
prohibited
in
the
second
table
,
and
not
communicating
in
nature
with
the
spirituall
seruice
of
the
Lord
,
cannot
fall
vnder
the
account
of
a
matter
spirituall
and
of
fayth
.
And
so
the
poyn●
of
Supremacy
being
no
part
of
the
worship
required
in
the
first
table
,
but
a
soueraigue
power
deliuered
vnto
Princes
from
the
second
,
to
see
the
sayde
worship
accordingly
performed
,
must
not
bee
reputed
for
other
then
a
temporall
and
politiq●●
royalty
or
soueraignety
.
It
is
true
,
that
by
consequent
,
and
in
regard
of
the
thing
ordered
by
direction
from
the
same
,
it
d●●
concerne
fayth
and
Religion
:
but
it
is
n●
employment
in
any
function
or
office
Ecclesiasticke
.
For
had
it
been
of
other
the
of
a
ciuill
consideration
:
the
religion
Kings
of
Iuda
〈…〉
in●●
medling
in
the
same
,
as
a
matter
not
co●patible
with
theyr
callings
.
The
summe
therefore
of
this
latter
●●gument
is
this
:
Matters
of
Religion
and
fayth
,
are
parts
Gods
spirituall
worship
,
and
prescri●
in
the
first
table
.
But
the
articles
and
actions
for
which
Romanists
suffer
,
are
not
parts
of
Gods
spirituall
worship
,
and
prescribed
in
the
first
table
.
Therefore
the
articles
and
actions
for
which
the
Romanists
suffer
,
are
not
matters
of
Religion
and
fayth
.
The
Assumption
may
receyue
proofe
hereby
:
Matters
of
this
world
,
and
which
concerne
obedience
or
disobedience
to
princes
,
commaunded
or
forbidden
in
the
second
table
,
are
not
parts
of
Gods
worship
prescribed
in
the
first
.
But
the
articles
and
actions
for
which
the
Romanists
suffer
,
are
matters
,
of
this
world
,
and
which
concerne
obedience
or
disobedience
to
princes
,
commaunded
or
for
bidden
in
the
second
table
.
Therefore
the
articles
and
actions
for
which
the
Romanists
suffer
,
are
not
partes
of
Gods
worship
prescribed
in
the
first
:
and
consequently
no
matters
of
Religion
and
fayth
:
and
so
the
sayd
Romanists
no
Martyrs
,
but
Traytors
iustly
executed
.
Thus
much
of
the
second
argument
and
of
the
persecution
implied
therein
,
and
charged
vpon
the
State
by
the
Quilibet
,
though
indirectly
.
The
third
not
vnsutable
with
the
second
,
is
of
this
sort
:
Vpon
the
graunt
of
toleration
,
the
Iesuits
can
haue
no
cause
to
publish
and
tradu●e
England
for
the
nurcery
of
all
faction
and
warre
amongst
the
potentates
of
the
world
.
Therefore
her
Maiesty
may
with
good
reason
admit
and
intertaine
the
sayde
toleration
.
First
,
touching
the
antecedent
,
we
cannot
passe
our
allowance
thereof
.
For
if
the
reiection
of
Popery
from
amongst
vs
were
the
motiue
on
theyr
part
for
deliuering
a
slaunder
of
this
nature
agaynst
the
State
:
then
the
same
Popery
,
notwithstanding
the
admittance
of
toleration
,
standing
reiected
and
disclaymed
,
as
yet
some
remarkeable
degree
by
the
law●
of
the
land
,
and
the
publique
profession
of
hee
Maiesty
,
and
the
best
part
of
her
subiects
,
the
Iesuits
will
proportionably
,
and
with
respect
to
the
degree
of
disgrace
continued
vpon
theyr
religion
,
continew
likewise
theyr
course
of
slaundering
in
this
behalf●
For
they
being
resolued
,
as
the
Quilibet
reporteth
of
them
,
eyther
to
haue
a
perfit
and
entire
reformation
or
none
at
all
,
will
not
bee
induced
through
the
graunt
of
toleration
,
to
an
absolute
surcease
of
theyr
de●aming
and
malicious
tongue
.
Besides
,
this
surcease
being
altogether
vncertaine
and
accidentary
:
it
cannot
be
in
policy
a
sufficient
ground
for
the
embracing
of
so
important
a
matter
as
is
in
question
.
But
if
the
publishing
of
the
reproch
here
mentioned
,
and
the
occasion
of
offering
vnto
the
State
so
great
a
wrong
,
hath
originally
proceeded
eyther
from
the
humor
of
malice
and
hatred
conceyued
agaynst
the
truth
wee
professe
,
or
from
some
discontentment
,
in
that
others
haue
found
grace
and
preferment
before
them
:
then
what
likelihood
is
there
,
that
(
while
they
shall
in
theyr
hearts
entertayne
and
feede
the
very
spring
of
this
odious
proceeding
held
by
them
,
which
no
toleration
is
of
force
to
dam
and
stoppe
)
they
will
retyre
theyr
tongue
or
penne
to
a
course
of
silence
herein
?
But
let
vs
suppose
a
truth
in
the
antecedent
:
yet
the
consequence
deduced
thereon
,
is
fond
and
vnworthy
of
regard
.
For
were
it
an
acte
answerable
to
the
wisdome
of
so
renowmed
a
Prince
as
her
Maiesty
,
by
admitting
toleration
,
to
prefer
the
staye
or
preuention
of
a
slaunder
before
the
glory
of
Christ
,
the
safety
of
her
person
,
and
the
publique
good
of
her
most
affectionate
subiects
?
or
in
case
policy
could
allowe
the
redressing
of
a
light
and
vncertaine
distemper
in
the
body
politique
,
by
a
wound
in
the
heart
,
were
it
not
yet
exceedingly
offensiue
and
against
sense
,
to
commit
euill
in
an
high
degree
,
and
of
a
perillous
issue
,
that
some
meane
and
slender
good
may
grow
thereof
?
For
the
good
yeelded
to
the
State
from
the
silence
of
a
few
seditious
Fugitiues
,
what
is
it
in
respect
of
the
mischiefes
accompaning
toleration
?
The
fourth
argument
followeth
:
What
course
will
bee
a
meane
to
stay
all
Catholique
potentates
from
host●e
attempts
against
the
Realme
,
the
same
her
Maiestie
should
in
politique
reason
allow
and
imbrace
.
But
toleration
will
be
a
course
and
meane
to
staye
all
Catholique
potentates
from
hostile
attemptss
against
the
Realme
.
Therefore
her
Maiesty
should
in
politique
reason
allow
and
embrace
it
.
As
agaynst
some
part
of
his
sophistry
already
presented
vnto
vs
,
so
agaynst
the
proposition
of
this
syllogisme
,
I
must
alleage
these
two
maxims
:
the
one
,
Non
est
faciendum
malum
vt
inde
preueniat
bonum
:
the
other
,
ex
periculis
minus
eligendum
.
Now
in
the
case
proposed
,
toleration
for
the
free
exercise
of
idolatry
,
and
for
publication
of
doctrines
,
whereby
to
displant
and
remooue
Christ
Iesus
from
amongest
vs
,
being
a
capitall
sinne
,
and
in
an
high
degree
of
treason
agaynst
the
maiesty
of
God
,
and
being
likewise
a
course
of
more
certayne
perils
,
then
in
reason
the
hostile
attempts
of
Catholique
potentates
can
be
:
(
which
in
that
theyr
cariage
is
open
,
and
such
whereof
good
intelligence
may
bee
had
,
are
preuentable
,
whereas
toleration
proceeding
with
shew
of
holines
and
duty
to
God
and
her
Maiesty
,
may
by
secret
and
inexpected
practises
,
without
suspition
taken
of
them
surprise
the
State
)
the
sayd
toleration
ought
not
vppon
any
such
regard
of
preuenting
forraine
inuasion
,
to
receyue
place
and
entertaynement
with
vs
:
weighing
with
all
the
often
experience
her
Maiesty
hath
had
of
Gods
mighty
protection
,
and
manifold
blessings
vpon
her selfe
and
her
people
during
this
whole
tyme
of
her
resolute
and
most
Princely
opposition
thereto
,
which
consideration
may
be
a
worthy
inducement
to
so
worthy
and
vnmatchable
a
Princesse
of
remayning
Semper
eadem
.
Concerning
the
Assumption
,
that
also
is
not
to
find
credit
with
vs
.
For
it
is
not
religion
that
hath
●●barked
them
in
courses
of
hostility
agaynst
this
land
(
I
deny
not
but
it
hath
serued
in
part
for
a
pretext
)
but
they
haue
beene
drawne
thereto
,
by
the
violent
humors
,
partly
of
ambicious
aspyres
to
a
monarchy
,
partly
of
malice
and
reuenge
vppon
supposed
indignities
,
and
partly
of
securing
theyr
owne
greatnes
,
by
impeaching
theyr
neighbours
:
so
as
if
the
trew
groundes
of
theyr
enterprising
agaynst
vs
haue
beene
such
as
are
mentioned
,
and
not
the
cause
of
religion
:
why
should
we
thinke
that
the
graunt
of
popish
religion
,
which
concerneth
not
the
sayde
potentates
more
,
then
the
establishment
of
the
Gospell
within
theyr
dominions
concerneth
her
Maiesty
,
will
bee
of
such
regard
with
them
,
as
to
moue
them
to
a
surcease
of
hostility
?
They
are
not
eyther
so
vnwise
or
so
hoat
in
deuotion
,
as
for
the
pleasuring
of
English
Fugitiues
and
some
our
domesticall
malcontents
,
to
enter
a
course
of
infinit
charge
to
themselues
,
of
bloud
and
destruction
to
theyr
subiects
,
of
perpetuall
quarrell
with
theyr
neighbours
,
of
priuation
of
trafficke
,
of
ielousie
and
enuy
abroad
,
of
discontentments
and
mutinies
at
home
.
Howsoeuer
they
pretend
an
honourable
care
of
restoring
Religion
:
they
will
(
notwithstanding
a
toleration
admitted
therof
)
neuer
grow
to
peaceable
tearmes
and
capitulations
of
vnfe●ned
amity
with
this
State
,
vntill
they
eyther
receyue
satisfaction
in
the
respects
which
first
drew
them
to
armes
,
or
be
compelled
thereto
through
some
extraordinary
necessity
and
disability
.
But
let
vs
suppose
with
the
Quilibet
the
cause
of
Religion
to
bee
the
ground
of
theyr
hostile
proceedings
:
shall
we
conceyue
that
they
will
ingage
themselues
in
a
warre
for
toleration
,
and
will
attempt
nothing
for
an
absolute
and
perfit
reformation
?
It
is
this
latter
and
not
the
former
,
that
is
in
speciall
regarde
with
them
,
if
in
this
behalfe
they
haue
been
●ed
at
all
with
apprehensions
of
Religion
.
Hauing
therefore
in
the
case
of
toleration
,
not
attayned
to
theyr
disseignements
,
we
cannot
with
probality
thinke
of
any
readines
on
theyr
part
,
to
a
surcease
of
hostility
:
but
they
will
continew
the
same
,
eyther
publikely
as
before
,
or
secretly
by
way
of
indirect
practises
:
the
oportunity
and
meanes
for
interteyning
whereof
,
the
sayd
toleration
will
fitly
minister
and
supply
vnto
them
.
The
fift
reason
to
perswade
toleration
is
this
:
Vpon
graunt
of
toleration
,
the
platforme
for
establishing
the
Iesuits
monarchy
ouer
the
whole
world
would
bee
frustrated
.
Her
Maiestie
therefore
may
with
good
reason
embrace
it
.
Here
first
,
the
Antecedent
doth
suppose
the
Iesuits
in
so
deepe
a
melancholy
,
as
to
dreame
of
a
Monarchy
,
not
ouer
the
parts
of
Europe
only
,
but
ouer
the
whole
globe
of
the
ear●h
:
which
is
altogether
improbable
,
considering
the
reputation
they
cary
for
wisdome
and
discretion
.
Secondly
,
the
compassing
of
such
a
monarchy
,
is
a
meere
impossibily
,
and
therefore
the
reason
taken
from
thence
of
no
force
to
perswade
.
Thirdly
,
in
case
it
were
a
matter
possible
:
yet
would
there
fall
out
so
many
yeeres
betwixt
the
platforme
and
the
reall
existence
thereof
,
as
that
wee
should
not
need
for
feare
of
the
same
to
shew
the
Seculars
the
least
curtesie
,
much
lesse
runne
a
course
of
speciall
dishonour
and
preiudice
.
Fourthly
,
if
the
possibility
thereof
were
such
,
as
the
erection
of
it
amongst
vs
were
not
otherwise
impeachable
then
by
admittance
of
the
sayd
toleration
:
yet
for
as
much
as
the
mayne
end
of
toleration
aymed
at
within
her
Maiesties
dominions
,
is
one
and
the
same
with
the
scope
and
drift
of
the
Iesuits
,
viz.
the
reestablishment
of
Antichristianity
with
the
subuersion
of
the
Gospell
and
the
State
:
for
the
effecting
whereof
,
the
course
in
question
would
bee
a
fit
and
seruiceable
instrument
to
the
Iesuit
:
it
were
no
lesse
a
phrensie
to
intertaine
toleration
vpon
any
such
respect
and
ground
,
then
for
preuenting
the
miscariage
of
a
ship
to
sayle
from
Scilla
to
Charibdi●
.
But
what
confirmation
hath
the
Quilibet
yeelded
to
the
sayd
Antecedent
?
If
it
be
not
of
better
strength
then
the
in●erence
depending
thereon
,
it
is
not
answerable
to
the
credit
of
his
reuerend
priesthood
.
Such
as
I
finde
it
shall
be
presented
to
examination
.
In
this
manner
then
hee
disputeth
:
What
course
will
be
a
meane
for
establishing
Catholike
Bishops
in
England
,
the
same
will
frustrate
the
platforme
of
the
Iesuiticall
Monarchy
.
But
toleration
will
be
a
meane
for
establishing
Catholike
Bishops
in
England
.
Toleration
therefore
will
frustrate
the
sayd
platforme
.
Were
he
not
a
Secular
Priest
,
that
is
,
a
professed
enemie
to
the
Gospell
and
the
present
gouernment
:
I
should
thinke
hee
did
in
this
argument
collude
and
betray
the
cause
he
hath
in
hand
.
For
if
toleration
draw
with
it
into
allowance
within
the
Realme
the
office
and
iurisdiction
of
Popish
Bishops
:
then
as
the
authority
and
commission
of
the
most
reuerend
Fathers
and
worthy
Prelates
of
this
Church
will
grow
short
and
limited
,
they
being
not
to
deale
with
persons
and
causes
subiect
to
this
new
Romish
Court
and
Hyerarchy
:
so
likewise
will
there
ensue
an
vnsufferable
incrochment
vpon
her
Maiesties
scepter
and
soueraignety
:
these
new
Bishops
being
to
represent
and
supply
the
person
and
office
of
the
Pope
,
in
all
such
affayres
as
shall
concerne
his
supremacy
.
But
let
vs
examine
the
Quilibets
reason
.
The
proposition
we
may
iustly
deny
.
For
if
the
Bishops
established
,
be
Iesuited
in
affection
,
or
otherwise
commaunded
by
the
Pope
rather
to
giue
furtherance
then
any
impediment
to
the
sayd
platforme
:
then
can
it
not
be
true
that
such
course
will
furstrate
the
designes
of
Iesuits
in
this
behalfe
,
and
interrupt
all
dependency
vppon
them
,
as
will
serue
for
erection
of
a
Popish
prelacie
.
The
sixt
motiue
for
toleration
,
whereto
I
will
adde
that
which
hee
setteth
downe
for
the
eleuenth
,
hath
this
conclusion
:
What
course
will
be
a
meane
to
discouer
al
malicious
deuices
,
plots
and
conspiracies
agaynst
her
Maiestie
and
the
State
,
the
same
she
should
in
reason
admit
and
imbrace
.
But
toleration
will
be
a
meane
to
discouer
all
malicious
deuices
and
plots
agaynst
her
Maiestie
and
the
State
.
Toleration
therefore
should
her
Maiestie
in
reason
admit
and
imbrace
.
Hee
cannot
with
any
arte
so
colour
the
Proposition
,
but
that
the
fraude
thereof
will
forthwith
appeare
,
if
we
shall
examine
it
by
the
square
or
rule
of
the
maxims
aboue
remembred
.
For
if
wee
may
not
walke
in
the
trayne
of
sinne
and
disobedience
to
God
,
that
thereby
some
aduauntage
may
grow
vnto
vs
in
our
particular
:
and
further
,
if
it
be
a
grosse
error
in
policy
for
the
preuention
of
an
accidentary
perill
,
to
make
choyse
of
a
certaine
mischiefe
:
then
cannot
her
Maiesty
,
for
the
stay
of
proiects
and
confederacies
(
they
being
incertayne
for
theyr
birth
and
cariage
,
as
also
liable
to
disappoyntment
by
the
gracious
prouidence
of
the
Almighty
,
and
such
politique
meanes
,
as
haue
formerly
in
like
cases
been
vsed
)
allow
intertaynment
and
place
to
toleration
.
Neyther
is
there
lesse
deceit
offered
vs
in
the
Assumption
.
For
if
the
free
exercise
of
Popery
will
double
in
Romanists
,
theyr
alleageance
and
deuotion
to
the
Pope
,
trebble
theyr
detestation
to
our
Religion
,
nourish
and
rayse
theyr
desires
of
a
full
and
entire
reestablishment
,
that
they
may
be
in
theyr
professions
and
estates
secured
agaynst
all
daungers
of
future
alteration
:
how
can
it
be
probable
that
they
will
,
contrary
to
the
approbation
of
theyr
conscience
,
and
preiudicially
to
the
publique
good
of
theyr
Church
and
theyr
priuate
interests
,
tender
such
aduertisements
and
discoueries
as
is
pretended
?
Theyr
exercises
of
religion
being
of
the
quality
and
operation
as
is
remembred
:
will
they
,
the
more
they
malice
vs
and
our
profession
,
be
so
much
the
more
ready
to
doe
offices
of
extraordinary
benefit
and
aduauntage
to
vs
and
it
?
Will
they
,
the
more
they
loue
theyr
religion
and
honour
the
Pope
,
so
much
the
more
indeauour
to
frustrate
the
aduauncement
both
of
the
one
and
the
other
?
And
will
they
,
hauing
as
it
were
,
gayned
the
wall
and
places
of
speciall
strength
,
in
the
siege
of
our
Ierusalem
,
sound
the
retraite
and
proceede
no
further
?
If
the
Marchant
or
Marriner
should
tell
vs
,
that
after
a
long
and
tedious
Nauigation
,
being
within
ken
of
the
port
wished
for
,
hee
would
rest
satisfied
with
the
sight
of
the
same
a
farre
of
,
and
so
lay
aside
all
purpose
,
and
crosse
all
meanes
of
attayning
thereto
:
wee
could
not
beleeue
him
,
nor
conceyue
him
to
be
so
phranticke
and
senseles
in
his
apprehensions
.
The
like
opinion
wee
are
to
haue
of
the
Seculars
in
this
tale
they
propound
vnto
vs
,
of
discouering
practises
and
conspiracies
.
Besides
,
it
being
supposed
that
the
Seculars
and
others
so
affected
as
they
are
,
will
be
ready
to
doe
seruice
to
the
State
in
this
poynt
of
discouery
:
yet
can
they
performe
no
more
herein
,
then
is
answerable
to
theyr
intelligence
:
so
as
if
they
are
too
short
in
knowledge
of
disseignements
(
as
needes
they
must
,
it
being
certayne
,
that
vppon
notice
of
theyr
disposition
in
this
behalfe
,
they
shall
not
be
made
acquainted
with
any
plot
or
practise
of
moment
)
what
reason
hath
her
Maiesty
to
allowe
toleration
in
regard
of
an
aduauntage
,
which
she
shall
not
rece●ue
thereby
?
The
seuenth
inducement
is
of
this
kinde
:
What
course
will
be
a
meane
to
preuent
the
rebelling
of
English
Romanists
,
vpon
promise
and
hope
of
preferments
vnder
a
forraine
Prince
,
the
same
her
Maiesty
may
allow
and
imbrace
.
But
toleration
will
be
a
meane
to
preuent
the
rebelling
of
English
Romanists
,
vpon
promise
and
hope
of
preferments
vnder
a
forraine
Prince
.
Therefore
her
Maiesty
may
allow
and
imbrace
it
.
The
Proposition
hauing
the
same
defect
and
imperfection
that
hath
beene
obserued
in
others
aboue
set
downe
,
is
to
receyue
the
like
answere
.
For
wee
may
not
for
the
respect
of
any
good
,
publique
or
particular
,
attempt
ought
that
is
offensiue
to
the
highest
Maiesty
:
neyther
must
we
in
the
case
of
daungers
,
remedy
an
vncertayne
perill
,
by
another
that
is
assured
and
of
equall
hurt
and
mischiefe
.
The
Assumption
,
least
wee
should
censure
it
for
an
vntruth
,
is
thus
demonstrated
by
him
:
A
League
being
made
with
forraine
Princes
,
French
and
Spanish
,
English
Romanists
can
haue
no
hope
of
preferments
vnder
them
within
England
.
But
vpon
the
graunt
of
toleration
,
there
will
follow
a
League
with
the
sayd
forraine
Princes
.
Therefore
vpon
the
graunt
of
toleration
,
English
Romanists
can
haue
no
hope
of
preferments
vnder
them
within
England
.
I
may
iustly
dissent
from
the
Quilibet
,
touching
the
proposition
.
For
whereas
Popish
Princes
hold
all
confederations
no
further
obligatory
,
then
may
stand
with
the
aduauncement
of
theyr
particular
deseignes
:
and
doe
finde
also
the
violation
of
them
dispensable
by
the
Pope
,
in
cases
importing
the
interest
of
the
Romish
Church
:
why
may
not
the
English
Romanists
,
(
considering
withall
the
variety
of
occurrents
and
causes
drawing
Princes
to
faction
and
diuision
)
attend
a
disunion
of
the
sayde
confederats
,
and
so
bee
caried
into
hopes
of
preferments
vnder
them
,
in
case
they
preuayle
in
theyr
attempts
?
Now
concerning
the
Assumption
of
this
latter
conclusion
:
how
doth
it
appeare
,
that
vpon
graunt
of
toleration
,
there
will
ensue
a
League
with
forraine
Princes
?
If
hee
could
make
it
cleere
,
that
the
trew
ground
of
theyr
hostile
proceedings
agaynst
the
State
,
were
in
that
hitherto
toleration
hath
not
been
condescended
vnto
:
I
would
approue
his
Assumption
.
But
it
hath
beene
already
declared
,
that
other
respects
,
and
not
this
in
question
,
haue
drawne
forrayne
potentates
to
these
attempts
of
hostility
:
and
therefore
no
probability
,
the
sayd
respects
continuing
,
of
any
confederation
to
ensue
vpon
the
onely
regard
of
the
sayde
graunt
.
Further
,
why
should
wee
not
rather
apprehend
,
that
vpon
our
deniall
to
yeeld
vnto
a
perfit
and
entire
reformation
pretended
to
bee
sought
by
them
in
theyr
courses
of
inuasion
,
they
will
refuse
to
growe
to
any
capitulation
and
tearmes
of
alliance
and
peace
with
vs
?
The
eyght
argument
,
is
to
this
effect
:
If
toleration
will
cut
off
in
English
Romanists
two
bloudie
practises
,
the
one
for
her
Maiesties
death
,
the
other
for
the
aduauncement
of
some
Competetor
:
then
may
her
Maiesty
with
good
reason
allow
the
same
.
But
toleration
will
cut
off
the
sayd
two
bloudie
practises
.
Therefore
her
Maiestie
may
with
good
reason
allow
it
.
Toleration
concurring
with
all
other
Iesuiticall
practises
and
attempts
agaynst
her
Maiesty
,
in
the
mayne
drift
and
issue
,
which
these
Priesting
perswaders
thereof
,
propound
vnto
themselues
:
I
must
giue
such
answere
to
the
Proposition
of
this
syllogisme
,
as
is
formerly
made
to
others
of
the
same
moulde
:
out
of
which
hee
would
fashion
a
speciall
poynt
of
wisdome
for
preuention
of
perils
:
it
being
according
to
the
trayne
of
his
perswasion
in
this
behalfe
,
no
meane
policy
for
auoyding
our
perishing
in
some
other
part
of
the
Sea
,
to
runne
a
course
ouer
the
Goodwin
San●s
.
For
so
should
we
doe
in
the
admittance
of
toleration
,
thereby
to
preuent
other
practises
of
daunger
.
To
the
Assumption
hee
hath
yeelded
this
proofe
:
What
course
will
frustrate
and
waste
all
hopes
and
thoughts
of
alteration
,
the
same
will
cut
off
the
sayd
two
bloudie
practises
.
But
toleration
will
frustrate
and
waste
all
hopes
and
thoughts
of
alteration
.
For
the
Romanists
being
freed
from
trouble
,
all
disloyall
apprehensions
and
affections
will
cease
in
them
.
Therefore
toleration
will
cut
off
the
said
two
bloudy
practises
.
Hee
doth
so
reason
in
the
first
sentence
of
this
syllogisme
,
as
if
the
sayde
practises
had
originally
proceeded
from
the
desire
of
alteration
in
religion
,
and
had
reference
onely
thereto
,
as
to
theyr
mayne
ende
:
which
being
vntrue
in
sundry
of
them
,
which
had
for
theyr
principall
ground
,
in
the
chiefe
authors
and
contriuers
,
eyther
malice
and
reuenge
,
or
the
humour
of
ambition
for
growing
to
an
higher
pitch
of
greatnes
,
or
some
respect
for
securing
theyr
states
,
by
casting
this
flourishing
Realme
into
confusion
and
combustion
:
it
is
likewise
vntrew
,
that
the
sayd
practises
will
determine
vppon
the
expiring
and
vanishing
of
the
thoughts
and
hopes
that
tend
to
alteration
.
The
second
sentence
also
here
set
downe
doth
carry
with
it
an
euident
vntruth
.
For
hauing
not
attayned
vnto
theyr
end
by
the
grant
of
toleration
:
it
is
not
freedome
from
trouble
that
will
free
theyr
minds
from
thoughts
and
hopes
of
compassing
it
.
They
will
no
more
rest
satisfied
in
this
behalfe
,
then
a
traueller
,
who
hauing
passed
the
one
halfe
of
his
way
,
wil
not
lay
aside
his
hope
and
meanes
of
gayning
the
end
of
his
iourney
.
The
Quilibet
affirmeth
pag.
232.
that
euery
man
is
bound
to
propagate
and
establish
the
religion
he
is
of
to
the
vttermost
of
his
power
.
The
Romanists
therefore
imploying
themselues
with
all
care
and
diligence
for
the
aduancement
of
the
publike
cause
of
theyr
Church
,
some
in
one
course
of
seruice
,
some
in
another
,
cannot
but
hope
for
such
successe
of
theyr
indeuours
,
as
shal
both
ruine
the
State
of
the
Gospell
,
and
restore
vnto
the
Pope
his
vsurped
heretofore
and
now
challenged
soueraignety
amongst
vs
.
And
can
they
hope
for
this
issue
of
the
toleration
allowed
them
,
and
yet
not
hope
for
alteration
?
Further
he
saith
,
pag.
152.
that
many
good
Catholikes
are
loyall
subiects
,
who
yet
will
not
reueale
any
vnnaturall
and
monstrous
conspiracies
agaynst
her
Maiestie
.
To
omit
his
treasonable
description
of
a
loy
all
subiect
:
Can
the
Romanists
stand
thus
affected
in
the
case
of
a
most
barbarous
conspiracy
against
her
Highnes
royal
person
and
scepter
,
and
yet
not
conceiue
hopes
and
thoughts
touching
a
chaunge
?
If
they
find
fauour
,
they
will
in
the
opinion
of
the
Quilibet
renounce
all
wishes
and
cogitations
of
this
kind
.
Being
then
scanted
in
theyr
proportion
of
grace
from
her
Maiestie
,
they
will
returne
vnto
them
.
Further
,
if
wee
consider
the
quality
of
the
doctrines
and
multiplicy
of
Iesuiticall
instructions
,
they
are
in
this
seed
time
of
toleration
to
sow
and
disperse
in
each
Prouince
,
City
,
Village
,
and
corner
of
this
kingdom
:
and
shall
with
all
remember
that
they
are
to
proceede
in
this
husbandrie
according
to
direction
from
the
Pope
and
his
subordinate
officers
:
we
shall
then
easily
discerne
,
that
as
some
fundamentall
poynts
of
theyr
Romish
doctrine
or
capitall
treasons
agaynst
her
Maiesty
and
this
State
,
so
howsoeuer
they
pretend
a
disclayming
of
the
sayde
hopes
and
thoughts
,
they
labour
notwithstanding
and
attend
no
other
euent
then
an
absolute
alteration
of
the
present
religion
and
gouernment
.
The
ninth
argument
.
What
course
will
stay
the
combining
of
the
English
Romanists
with
the
Spanyard
,
in
case
of
his
attempts
against
England
,
the
same
her
Maiestie
may
with
good
reason
allow
and
intertaine
.
But
toleration
is
a
course
that
will
stay
the
combining
of
them
with
the
Spanyard
,
in
case
of
his
attempts
agaynst
England
.
Therefore
toleration
may
with
good
reason
be
intertayned
by
her
Maiestie
.
Touching
the
proposition
:
first
the
readines
he
supposeth
in
the
English
to
assist
the
Spanyard
in
his
sayd
attempts
,
is
a
matter
improbable
:
considering
that
restitution
of
Religion
,
which
must
be
the
ground
of
this
readines
,
is
not
the
scope
and
end
the
Spanyard
herein
propoundeth
vnto
himself
,
as
may
hereby
appeare
.
For
what
should
moue
him
to
vndertake
a
seruice
of
this
nature
,
whereto
he
stands
no
more
bound
,
then
her
Maiestie
to
the
planting
of
the
Gospel
in
Spayne
?
Is
it
any
spirit
of
zeale
to
the
glory
of
Christ
?
An
vnlikly
affection
in
a
Prince
trayned
vp
in
pleasures
,
so
little
regarding
the
extirpation
of
Atheisme
,
and
morall
enormities
within
his
owne
kingdomes
,
serued
also
by
such
who
measure
religion
by
the
line
of
policie
.
Is
it
any
direction
or
perswasion
from
the
Pope
?
He
is
not
so
base
as
to
be
imployed
as
a
vassall
and
instrument
at
the
appetite
of
a
Priest
.
Is
it
the
importunate
solicitation
of
our
English
and
a
compassionate
regarde
of
them
?
It
is
neither
zeale
in
himselfe
,
nor
instigation
of
the
Pope
,
nor
any
respect
to
fugitiues
,
or
to
the
supposed
distresse
of
others
of
theyr
faction
,
that
can
draw
a
Prince
of
his
wisedome
to
an
enterprise
of
such
difficultie
and
streames
of
bloud
,
of
so
vnmeasurable
expence
,
of
so
infinit
hatred
and
quarrel
,
of
so
little
aduantage
to
his
particular
.
For
hauing
performed
the
restitution
intended
,
what
hath
he
gayned
thereby
?
If
you
say
a
kingdom
,
or
the
spoyle
of
a
rich
and
furnished
Countrey
,
with
a
disabling
of
vs
to
impeach
him
in
his
estate
,
or
the
benefit
of
confederation
and
alliance
agaynst
his
enemies
,
or
a
reuenge
of
the
dishonors
and
iniuries
offered
him
:
the
answere
is
friuolous
and
importing
the
end
of
this
action
to
bee
other
then
the
restitution
of
Religion
:
whereto
only
if
he
directed
the
ayme
of
his
attempts
,
hauing
compassed
his
designe
,
hee
is
answerably
thereto
to
retyre
his
forces
from
hence
.
But
let
vs
graunt
that
he
intendeth
the
restoring
of
Popery
:
as
I
thinke
hee
doth
accidentally
and
by
a
collaterall
intent
:
it
being
credible
that
hauing
seazed
vpon
the
imperiall
Crowne
and
soueraignty
of
this
kingdome
,
he
will
erect
,
as
Ieroboam
did
,
certaine
golden
calues
,
whereby
to
draw
the
people
from
all
thoughts
of
the
Lords
house
in
Iuda
.
Yet
may
we
iustly
presume
,
that
(
his
principall
disseigne
,
being
to
satisfic
his
ambition
in
the
scepter
,
and
his
malice
in
reuenge
)
the
due
consideration
of
the
infinite
,
both
publique
and
priuat
indignities
and
calamities
that
will
accompany
the
Spanyards
attempt
in
this
behalfe
,
will
restraine
the
better
and
wiser
sort
from
com●ining
with
him
.
They
will
call
to
minde
●he
experience
and
records
of
his
proceedings
elsewhere
:
and
apprehend
they
cannot
receiue
better
measure
from
him
;
then
the
Portingals
in
theyr
cities
and
villages
,
the
Italians
in
Millan
and
Naples
,
the
Netherlanders
in
the
Low
Countries
.
They
will
remember
the
speech
of
the
Duke
of
Medina
:
and
thereupon
conceyue
that
he
will
not
bring
with
him
,
an
eye
to
discerne
betwixt
a
Papist
and
a
Protestant
.
They
cannot
but
reteyne
in
theyr
conscience
some
remorse
of
duety
to
theyr
Soueraigne
,
some
sparkes
of
piety
to
theyr
natiue
Countrey
,
some
feare
of
insolency
and
oppression
to
bee
offered
on
the
part
of
the
Spanyard
.
They
will
weigh
with
themselues
,
that
a
stranger
,
and
the
same
a
Spanyard
,
cannot
be
caried
with
that
tender
affection
towards
them
,
as
her
Maiesty
theyr
naturall
Prince
:
vnder
whose
gracious
and
sweete
gouernement
they
may
enioy
the
priuat
liberty
of
theyr
conscience
,
the
comfort
of
Wife
and
Children
,
the
solace
of
their
houses
,
lands
and
goods
,
the
entercourse
of
kindenesse
with
theyr
friendes
,
and
all
priuiledges
of
a
Subiect
,
vppon
theyr
outward
conformity
to
her
Highnesse
lawes
:
whereas
,
in
case
they
fall
vnder
the
authority
and
scepter
of
the
Spanyard
,
howsoeuer
they
may
happely
be
allowed
the
publique
and
free
exercise
of
that
idolatrous
Masse
,
yet
must
they
be
content
to
lye
exposed
in
themselues
,
in
the
persons
of
theyr
Wiues
and
Children
,
in
theyr
houses
,
lands
and
goods
,
to
the
vnbridled
appetite
and
villany
of
euery
Dom
Diego
.
They
will
then
finde
that
departing
from
her
Maiesty
to
the
Spanyard
,
they
haue
exchanged
a
Salomon
for
a
Rehoboam
:
whose
little
finger
will
exceede
in
weight
,
the
whole
strength
of
her
Maiesties
body
.
I
doubt
not
,
but
these
and
other
like
regards
will
bee
to
all
English
Romanists
,
no
meane
inducements
for
restrayning
them
from
all
correspondence
with
the
Spanyard
in
his
enterprise
agaynst
this
State
,
at
least
during
her
Maiesties
life
.
But
let
vs
with
the
Quilibet
suppose
in
the
English
Catholiques
,
a
readines
to
ioyne
with
the
Spanyard
in
his
sayde
attempt
.
Should
her
Maiesty
,
for
preuenting
thereof
,
intertayne
toleration
?
First
,
why
rather
at
this
present
then
heretofore
?
Are
not
her
meanes
for
an
honorable
resistance
in
a
most
worthy
cause
,
agaynst
an
vnprincely
and
irreligious
attempt
,
as
great
and
accomplished
as
formerly
they
haue
been
?
Are
not
her
people
as
many
,
faithfull
,
and
valiant
?
Is
not
the
prouidence
and
fauour
of
God
the
same
towards
her
?
Secondly
,
are
there
not
besides
toleration
,
other
as
effectuall
and
sufficient
meanes
to
disappoynt
theyr
concurrence
with
him
in
this
so
vniust
an
action
?
Thirdly
,
is
not
toleration
as
ready
an
addresse
and
instrument
for
the
reestablishing
of
Popery
as
the
Spanyards
attempt
?
in
admitting
whereof
,
thereby
to
preuent
all
confederation
with
him
,
what
should
her
Maiestie
else
doe
,
then
amongst
different
wayes
to
the
vtter
desolation
of
her
kingdome
,
make
choyse
of
that
which
will
soonest
direct
&
bring
her
vnto
the
same
?
wherein
she
should
also
proceede
disagreeably
to
the
law
of
God
by
committing
a
sinfull
act
,
that
some
good
may
grow
thereby
.
Hitherto
of
the
Quilibets
supposition
and
consequence
included
in
the
proposition
of
this
latter
syllogisme
.
In
the
Assumption
also
he
offereth
vnto
vs
an
abuse
.
For
toleration
is
no
more
fit
a
remedy
agaynst
the
combination
of
the
English
Romanists
with
the
Spanyard
in
the
case
of
his
sayd
attempt
,
then
is
a
large
proportion
of
the
noblest
wine
agaynst
a
burning
feauer
.
Such
is
the
nature
of
theyr
religion
:
such
the
drift
of
popish
reconcilement
:
such
are
the
courses
they
holde
to
intertayne
theyr
friends
in
the
hopes
of
perfit
reformation
:
and
so
to
fashion
and
prepare
them
for
all
oportunities
that
shal
bee
presented
to
that
purpose
.
I
cannot
compare
toleration
more
aptly
then
to
a
protection
granted
to
the
Irish
rebell
.
For
as
hee
doth
vnder
the
countenance
and
commodity
of
this
protection
repayre
vnto
the
principall
townes
and
places
of
his
acquaintance
,
where
hee
both
giueth
and
findeth
encouragements
to
obstinate
himselfe
and
others
in
a
rebellious
disposition
,
with
directions
for
performance
of
seruice
agaynst
the
State
:
and
where
likewise
hee
recey●eth
intelligence
as
well
of
all
resolutions
and
proceedings
on
our
part
,
as
of
the
meanes
and
abilities
thereto
,
together
with
a
supply
of
his
particular
defects
and
wants
of
victuall
,
money
,
munitions
:
and
being
thus
furnished
in
euery
respect
,
doth
immediatly
renounce
the
benefit
of
his
protection
,
and
imploy
himselfe
and
his
followers
in
courses
of
treason
and
rebellion
:
So
vpon
graunt
and
opportunity
of
the
sayde
toleration
,
the
Romanists
will
boldly
visit
each
Prouince
,
City
,
and
corner
of
the
Realme
,
where
ministring
to
others
,
and
mutually
receyuing
from
them
some
heate
of
encouragement
they
will
bestow
theyr
best
endeuours
in
the
seruice
of
reconcilement
vnto
the
Pope
,
in
raising
to
an
higher
degree
the
hatred
alreadie
conceyued
agaynst
our
profession
,
in
cleering
the
doctrine
and
obligatory
power
of
Popish
buls
and
censures
,
in
procuring
intelligence
in
Court
and
countrie
,
in
giuing
and
taking
directions
when
and
how
to
proceede
in
all
seruices
for
the
Romish
Church
,
in
supplying
themselues
with
abilities
and
furnitures
of
each
sort
and
nature
:
So
as
the
time
of
toleration
will
not
prooue
other
then
,
partly
a
seede
time
as
well
of
hopes
and
desires
to
haue
an
entire
reestablishment
of
the
Popes
soueraignty
amongst
vs
,
as
of
sundry
proiects
tending
thereto
,
and
partly
also
a
meane
of
speciall
aduantage
whereby
to
fortifie
theyr
side
,
and
to
inable
it
for
the
execution
of
the
sayd
proiects
.
But
for
that
the
Assumption
may
seeme
questionable
and
doubtfull
,
the
Quilibet
yeeldeth
it
this
light
:
If
there
be
no
excommunication
against
refusall
of
combining
with
the
Spanyard
,
the
English
Romanists
will
not
combine
with
him
.
But
vpon
graunt
of
toleration
there
will
not
be
any
new
or
old
excommunication
to
that
purpose
.
Therefore
vpon
grant
of
toleration
the
English
Romanists
will
not
combine
with
him
.
Albeit
the
proposition
be
subiect
to
question
:
yet
shall
it
at
this
time
passe
for
a
probability
.
But
the
Assumption
may
not
finde
the
like
fauour
.
For
who
should
hinder
the
procuring
of
a
new
and
formall
excommunication
to
that
effect
,
or
an
absolute
repeale
of
the
old
?
Are
the
Seculars
in
greater
credit
and
grace
with
the
Pope
then
eyther
the
Iesuite
or
the
King
of
Spayne
,
who
is
specially
interessed
in
the
cause
?
Will
the
Pope
in
so
great
a
likelihood
and
oportunity
of
preuailing
against
our
religion
,
and
aduancing
both
his
owne
and
the
Spanish
title
,
as
toleration
hath
offered
vnto
him
,
forbeare
to
vse
in
furtherance
thereof
so
powerfull
a
meane
as
excommunication
is
held
to
be
?
The
Quilibet
speakes
in
this
assumption
,
if
he
disguise
not
,
as
if
the
Pope
and
Spanyard
were
at
his
deuotion
,
and
would
in
regarde
of
a
curtesie
done
to
the
Catholikes
in
the
cause
of
toleration
,
disclayme
theyr
titles
of
soueraignty
to
England
:
and
the
neerer
they
approch
to
the
long
attended
and
wished
issue
of
theyr
deseignments
,
the
more
irresolute
and
backward
they
would
be
in
seconding
the
same
.
The
tenth
argument
.
Vpon
graunt
of
toleration
the
Iesuits
should
be
disabled
to
intertaine
brokers
of
their
treacheries
and
slaunders
,
and
to
winne
any
to
their
side
.
Therefore
her
Maiestie
may
with
good
reason
graunt
the
same
.
To
iustifie
the
Antecedent
,
hee
telleth
vs
that
the
collections
of
money
,
which
now
the
Iesuites
enioy
,
and
whereby
they
stand
inabled
for
the
seruices
here
specified
,
would
be
otherwise
disposed
of
vpon
the
admittance
of
toleration
.
For
answere
whereto
,
first
it
is
improbable
that
the
Iesuits
,
men
of
rare
giftes
,
of
speciall
fauour
with
the
Pope
and
Spanyard
,
of
extraordinary
care
and
dexterity
for
the
aduauncement
of
the
Catholique
cause
,
should
be
left
vnfurnished
of
such
contributions
and
meanes
as
may
serue
them
in
that
behalfe
.
Secondly
,
though
the
said
contributions
should
determine
or
be
otherwise
imployde
:
yet
should
they
not
rest
destitute
of
instruments
for
broking
theyr
treacheries
,
and
many
others
that
would
side
and
confederate
with
them
.
For
toleration
would
in
a
short
tyme
supply
vnto
them
gratis
,
a
generation
fitted
to
theyr
humors
.
Thirdly
,
notwithstanding
there
were
a
trueth
in
the
Antecedent
:
yet
the
consequence
implying
that
grosse
error
in
piety
and
policy
,
which
hath
been
in
this
dispute
so
often
obserued
,
deserueth
checke
and
reiection
.
The
eleuenth
motiue
is
of
no
more
validity
then
the
former
.
Vpon
graunt
of
toleration
,
euery
Catholique
would
be
ready
to
abandon
and
expell
the
Iesuits
,
as
the
authors
of
theyr
former
troubles
.
Therefore
it
may
please
her
Maiestie
to
admit
it
.
The
Quilibet
so
dealeth
with
vs
,
as
if
the
nature
of
toleration
,
and
the
effects
,
accompaning
the
same
,
were
vnknowne
to
the
State
.
When
hee
telleth
vs
therefore
,
that
toleration
will
be
a
meane
to
rayse
in
the
hearts
of
Catholiques
,
such
a
detestation
of
the
Iesuites
,
as
that
they
will
labour
the
extermination
of
them
and
theyr
confederates
:
wee
must
apprehend
and
interpret
it
as
a
meere
delusion
:
being
not
ignorant
that
the
doctrine
and
directions
,
which
will
(
during
the
tyme
of
toleration
)
bee
sowne
and
dispersed
,
doe
require
the
imployment
of
Iesuites
,
who
in
the
account
of
the
Commaunders
and
heads
of
these
factions
,
are
reputed
men
of
best
sufficiency
for
managing
the
aduauncement
of
the
Romish
Church
.
And
whereas
hee
alleageth
for
the
grounde
of
this
hatred
agaynst
the
Iesuites
,
that
they
haue
beene
the
authors
of
trouble
to
the
Catholiques
:
herein
the
Catholiques
,
(
who
knew
that
the
plots
and
practises
agaynst
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
,
haue
been
intertayned
,
not
only
by
the
Iesuits
,
but
by
the
Secular
Priests
likewise
,
yea
,
by
the
Pope
himselfe
and
the
Spanyard
)
may
iustly
censure
him
for
calumniation
and
forgery
.
But
it
being
graunted
that
the
Catholiques
would
hold
such
proceeding
agaynst
the
Iesuites
,
yet
the
regarde
thereof
cannot
bee
a
sufficient
warrant
to
her
Maiesty
,
to
commit
an
impiety
,
and
such
as
is
ioyned
with
dishonour
and
perill
.
Hitherto
of
the
motiues
delyuered
by
the
Quilibet
,
pag.
151.
Here
hee
ceaseth
not
:
but
soliciteth
elsewhere
the
same
cause
:
and
namely
pag.
229.
where
hee
pleadeth
thus
by
a
twelfth
argument
.
The
twelfth
argument
:
If
toleration
will
secure
the
present
interest
of
her
Maiestie
,
of
the
State
in
generalls
of
the
Nobility
,
of
the
Bishoppes
:
her
Maiestie
may
in
reason
admitte
it
.
But
toleration
will
secure
the
present
interest
of
her
Maiestie
,
the
State
,
the
Nobility
,
the
Bishops
.
Therefore
her
Maiestie
may
in
reason
admit
it
.
The
Proposition
presenteth
vnto
vs
an
inconsequence
.
For
vnlesse
the
vtility
and
aduauntage
of
toleration
recommended
therein
,
bee
euident
and
of
continuance
also
(
which
poyntes
are
not
cleered
by
the
Quilibet
)
it
cannot
in
the
case
of
so
notorious
a
chaunge
,
stand
with
the
policy
of
this
State
,
to
allow
and
imbrac●
it
.
Besides
,
if
it
were
apparant
,
that
the
say
de
toleration
would
bring
with
it
an
assured
and
perpetuall
security
to
her
Maiesty
and
her
Kingdomes
:
yet
till
it
appeare
to
be
iustifiable
by
the
lawe
of
God
,
it
ought
not
from
the
Scepter
of
a
Christian
Prince
to
receyue
allowance
.
Let
vs
examine
therefore
what
proofe
hee
hath
of
this
pretended
security
.
The
Assumption
is
to
acquaint
vs
herewith
.
First
,
hee
sheweth
the
security
her
Maiesty
reapeth
thereby
.
It
is
(
saith
he
)
a
preuention
of
all
daungers
to
her
Royall
Person
:
for
it
will
discouer
them
.
Therefore
it
will
secure
her
present
interest
.
For
answere
to
the
Antecedent
,
and
the
reason
thereof
,
it
may
please
the
Reader
to
allow
my
remittance
of
him
,
to
the
refutation
already
set
downe
of
the
same
,
in
the
sixt
and
eyght
argument
.
The
consequence
inferred
thereon
,
is
no
lesse
idle
and
vnworthy
then
the
Antecedent
.
For
hee
so
reasoneth
,
as
if
her
Maiesties
royall
interest
and
State
,
did
wholy
and
entirely
rest
in
the
safety
of
her
Person
:
whereas
in
trueth
it
is
in
generall
extendable
to
each
particular
of
her
Soueraignety
:
so
as
shee
may
bee
free
from
daunger
in
her
Royall
Person
,
and
yet
suffer
exceeding
preiudice
by
incrochment
vppon
her
Crowne
and
Supremacy
,
by
reconcilement
of
her
Subiects
to
the
obedience
of
a
forrayne
potentate
,
by
courses
held
for
the
ruine
of
the
Gospell
,
established
by
her
authority
,
by
practises
for
discouery
of
her
resolutions
,
and
for
betraying
some
parte
of
her
dominions
vnto
her
enemies
.
The
Quilibets
consequence
therefore
being
the
concluding
of
a
generall
vppon
a
particular
,
is
to
receyue
no
approbation
from
vs
.
Secondly
,
touching
the
security
that
is
to
growe
to
the
State
in
generall
:
the
grounde
of
his
dispute
is
the
same
which
is
set
downe
in
the
precedent
argument
of
safety
to
her
Highnesse
Person
:
and
therefore
to
receyue
the
same
aunswere
.
Thirdly
,
concerning
the
Nobility
and
Bishops
,
hee
yeeldeth
no
proofe
of
sesecurity
growing
by
toleration
vnto
them
:
as
in
deede
he
cannot
:
it
being
cleere
,
that
they
shall
receyue
thereby
speciall
preiudice
,
if
not
presently
,
yet
at
least
,
in
regard
of
the
proceedings
likely
to
bee
held
,
for
vndermining
the
Soueraignety
of
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
in
generall
,
both
Ecclasiasticke
and
Ciuill
:
vnlesse
it
bee
conceyued
,
that
they
are
not
to
communicate
in
the
publique
calamities
and
miseries
of
the
Common-wealth
.
The
Honourable
and
Reuerend
Fathers
of
our
Churche
are
not
(
I
graunt
)
immediatly
vpon
the
admittance
of
toleration
,
to
sustayne
any
hinderance
in
they
present
incumbency
,
and
the
authority
annexed
thereto
,
or
any
abatement
in
theyr
reuenewes
.
But
who
can
warrant
and
assure
theyr
continuance
in
these
termes
for
any
tyme
?
Considering
they
are
to
haue
on
the
part
of
the
Catholiques
sundry
concurrents
:
who
out
of
opinion
that
the
honour
and
present
interest
of
the
places
Episcopall
belongeth
vnto
them
,
will
accordingly
prepare
the
way
for
theyr
future
inuestiture
.
For
a
further
inducement
of
our
allowance
to
toleration
,
hee
perswadeth
it
pag.
271.
The
thirteenth
motiue
therefore
is
this
.
Her
Maiestie
permitteth
Puritans
,
Brownists
,
Barowists
,
Familians
.
Therefore
she
may
with
like
reason
,
tolerate
the
free
exercise
of
Popery
.
Concerning
the
Antecedent
:
such
of
them
as
doe
scandalously
and
with
schisme
withdrawe
themselues
from
our
publique
congregations
,
refusing
there
to
serue
the
Lorde
with
vs
in
Prayer
,
in
hearing
the
word
preached
,
and
receyuing
the
Sacraments
,
her
Maiesty
permitteth
not
,
but
punisheth
theyr
contempt
and
irreligious
cariage
,
according
to
the
lawe
prouided
in
that
behalfe
.
The
Antecedent
therefore
contaynes
an
vntruth
.
The
consequence
also
deduced
from
it
,
is
no
lesse
exorbitant
and
out
of
square
.
For
first
,
the
Sectaries
mentioned
in
the
Antecedent
holde
not
,
for
ought
I
knowe
,
any
opinions
directly
opposite
,
eyther
to
the
Maiesty
of
God
,
or
her
Highnesse
Soueraignety
,
as
the
Romanist
doth
:
and
they
were
neuer
found
as
I
thinke
,
conuict
of
treasonable
practises
agaynst
her
sacred
Person
and
the
State
,
as
numbers
haue
beene
of
the
Romish
faction
:
Secondly
,
if
they
did
disloyally
offend
,
both
in
opinion
and
practise
,
yet
could
it
stand
with
no
policy
,
by
admittance
of
Popery
,
to
adde
a
multitude
of
Romanists
to
the
sayd
Sectaries
,
and
so
to
suffer
a
multiplication
and
increase
of
disloyall
Subiects
.
Thirdly
,
the
perill
from
the
sayde
Sectaries
,
and
the
English
Romanists
,
is
not
to
her
Maiesty
and
the
State
alike
:
the
latter
being
more
daungerous
then
the
former
,
not
onely
in
opinion
of
doctrine
and
vndutifull
cariage
,
but
for
theyr
number
and
dependency
at
home
and
abroade
.
And
this
is
the
iudgement
of
the
State
,
as
may
appeare
by
the
sundry
penall
statutes
,
prouided
agaynst
the
one
,
and
not
agaynst
the
other
.
So
as
there
is
not
the
like
reason
for
toleration
of
the
Romanist
,
as
there
is
for
permission
of
the
Brownist
and
the
rest
.
But
the
Quilibet
fearing
the
weakenesse
of
the
sayd
consequence
,
doth
thus
strengthen
it
:
The
consequence
deduced
by
Athenagoras
in
his
Apologie
to
the
Emperor
Commodus
,
from
the
sayde
Emperors
allowance
of
other
sects
,
to
perswade
his
allowance
of
the
Christians
,
was
sounde
and
warrantable
.
Therefore
the
consequence
from
her
Maiesties
permission
of
the
aboue
named
sectaries
,
to
perswade
her
toleration
of
the
Romanists
and
theyr
religian
,
is
likewise
sound
.
If
the
Brownists
and
the
rest
aboue
mentioned
,
were
as
impious
in
opinion
as
the
Heretiques
and
Idolaters
permitted
by
the
Emperour
Commodus
:
and
if
the
English
Romanists
were
in
the
articles
of
religion
as
sound
,
and
in
the
practise
of
obedience
to
theyr
Soueraigne
as
loyall
,
as
the
Christians
were
,
in
whose
fauour
Athenagoras
tendred
his
apology
&
humble
sute
:
I
would
then
take
no
exception
to
the
sayd
consequence
,
but
allow
of
it
for
such
as
were
no
lesse
iustifiable
then
that
of
Athenagoras
.
But
sith
there
appeareth
a
mayne
difference
betwixt
our
Romanists
and
the
sayd
Christians
,
these
being
free
from
iust
charge
of
Idolatry
agaynst
God
,
and
of
disloyaltie
towards
the
Emperour
,
whereas
the
sayd
Romanists
stand
conuinced
of
both
:
and
sith
likewise
the
Barowists
and
Brownists
doe
offend
in
a
lesse
degree
of
error
and
impiety
,
then
the
Sectaries
and
Idolaters
to
whom
the
sayd
Emperor
allowed
place
for
the
exercise
of
their
superstition
:
we
must
censure
and
reiect
the
Quilibets
consequence
in
the
case
proposed
for
an
inconsiderate
poynt
of
sophistrie
.
The
fourteenth
argument
.
The
persecuting
Emperours
in
former
ages
allowed
vnto
the
Christians
some
places
for
exercise
of
their
religion
,
and
were
farre
from
inflicting
such
a
generall
and
heauy
affliction
vpon
them
,
as
the
English
Catholikes
doe
sustayne
.
Therefore
her
Maiestie
being
behinde
none
of
them
in
goodnes
of
nature
,
should
shew
the
like
fauour
to
the
English
Romanists
.
The
Quilibet
being
carefull
to
record
and
publish
to
the
worlde
her
Maiesties
proceedings
agaynst
some
Papists
,
for
such
as
exceed
in
barbarousnes
and
tyranny
the
acts
and
courses
of
the
greatest
persecuton
that
euer
breathed
vnder
the
Sunne
,
doth
,
not
out
of
his
owne
conceit
and
in
his
own
name
(
for
hee
would
traduce
and
defan●●
her
Highnes
and
the
State
,
and
yet
without
perill
to
himselfe
)
but
out
of
the
apprehension
of
others
and
in
theyr
name
,
deliuer
at
large
that
all
former
persecutors
come
short
of
her
Maiestie
in
cruelty
agaynst
Catholikes
.
But
in
the
end
,
least
he
might
(
notwithstanding
the
cariage
of
this
trayterous
imputation
vnder
the
shadow
of
others
)
be
challenged
for
the
same
:
he
smootheth
the
matter
on
his
owne
part
,
and
as
if
he
allowed
her
Maiesties
proceedings
,
which
elsewhere
hee
brandeth
with
the
title
of
an
vniust
vexation
he
tendreth
an
answere
and
defence
in
the
behalfe
of
them
.
He
sayth
therefore
that
considering
the
English
Romanists
sought
the
death
of
theyr
Soueraigne
,
the
conquest
of
theyr
natiue
countrey
,
the
subuersion
of
the
State
,
the
alteration
of
all
lawes
and
customes
,
the
destruction
of
all
the
ancient
inhabitants
of
the
land
:
it
is
rather
to
bee
wondred
that
one
Catholike
should
bee
left
aliue
in
England
,
then
that
theyr
persecution
hath
been
so
great
.
Which
answer
of
his
her
Maiesty
may
take
for
a
sufficient
warrant
for
her
forbearance
of
imitating
the
sayd
Emperours
in
this
particular
of
allowing
Chappels
and
Churches
for
the
exercise
of
Popery
.
The
Christians
,
to
whom
this
fauour
was
yeelded
,
were
not
in
opinion
,
affection
and
action
traytors
to
God
and
to
the
Emperours
,
as
some
pretended
Catholikes
haue
been
and
are
vnto
God
and
her
Maiestie
:
and
therefore
the
cause
of
the
sayd
Christians
and
the
English
Romanists
being
so
vnlike
and
different
,
her
Maiesty
is
not
to
hold
the
like
course
towards
the
one
,
as
the
Emperours
held
towards
the
other
.
The
fifteenth
argument
.
Vnder
the
Persian
and
the
Turke
there
is
liberty
of
conscience
granted
to
all
men
.
Her
Maiestie
therefore
may
with
good
reason
grant
the
like
libertie
vnto
English
Romanists
.
No
action
of
a
Pagan
and
atheall
Monarch
ought
in
a
question
of
the
worship
and
seruice
of
the
Lord
to
be
a
president
vnto
a
Christian
Prince
.
Besides
,
such
to
whom
the
Persian
and
Turke
allow
this
liberty
,
doe
neither
in
opinion
derogate
ought
from
theyr
soueraignty
,
nor
in
action
attempt
any
thing
agaynst
the
same
,
nor
for
number
or
other
respects
are
able
so
to
doe
:
whereas
in
the
case
of
the
Romanists
within
this
kingdome
it
is
farre
otherwise
:
they
being
for
opinion
aduersaries
to
her
Maiesties
supremacie
,
for
loyaltie
freed
by
popish
buls
from
acknowledgement
of
alleageance
vnto
her
,
for
affection
deuoted
to
a
forrayne
Potentate
,
for
theyr
carriage
in
plot
and
action
heretofore
conspirators
agaynst
God
&
theyr
Prince
,
for
intention
and
wish
aymers
at
alteration
,
for
number
dependency
,
confederacy
as
well
forraine
as
domesticke
and
other
correspondent
abilities
,
strong
and
to
be
suspected
.
Vpon
which
regards
I
do
inferre
that
the
proceeding
of
the
Persian
and
Turk
in
this
cause
of
toleration
,
ought
not
to
be
vnto
her
Maiesty
a
direction
for
doing
the
like
.
The
sixteenth
argument
.
All
Kings
and
princes
of
this
age
haue
thought
it
the
fittest
and
safest
course
to
grant
libertie
of
conscience
to
their
subiects
:
as
in
France
,
Flanders
,
Germany
,
and
other
countries
hath
bin
practised
.
Therefore
her
Maiestie
should
allow
vnto
Papists
the
same
fauour
for
exercise
of
their
religion
.
The
Quilibet
offereth
vnto
vs
an
〈◊〉
truth
in
the
Antecedent
.
For
the
Princes
and
Gouernours
of
the
Countries
here
mentioned
,
and
all
other
Potentates
holding
correspondence
in
religion
with
the
Pope
as
they
doe
,
haue
for
the
most
part
both
in
plot
and
action
imployed
theyr
vtmost
policy
and
meanes
to
the
supplanting
and
extirpation
of
the
Gospell
and
the
professors
thereof
within
theyr
kingdomes
and
territories
:
hauing
for
warrant
of
theyr
proceedings
in
this
behalfe
the
decree
and
resolution
of
the
Councell
of
Trent
,
particular
directions
from
the
Pope
,
and
the
iudgement
of
the
Prelates
and
Clergy
within
they
owne
dominions
.
It
is
not
vnknowne
how
passionate
and
violent
the
Spaniard
hath
been
now
a
long
time
for
an
vtter
suppression
of
the
holy
truth
,
professed
by
some
his
subiects
.
His
Inquisition
,
his
secret
combination
with
the
Guisian
,
his
armies
by
sea
and
land
do
testifie
agaynst
him
.
The
riuers
of
bloud
that
France
in
the
dayes
of
Henry
the
second
,
but
especially
of
his
three
sonnes
successiuely
hath
seene
in
attempts
and
massacres
agaynst
the
Hugonots
,
are
scarce
yet
dry
.
What
should
I
speake
of
the
courses
held
agaynst
the
Gospell
in
Flanders
?
and
heretofore
in
Germany
and
England
?
Is
there
at
this
day
any
popish
Prince
and
gouernour
,
who
is
of
sufficient
power
to
displant
and
subuert
the
profession
of
the
same
within
his
seuerall
iurisdictions
,
and
doth
it
not
?
If
any
shall
alleage
the
toleration
of
religion
at
this
present
in
France
:
he
must
consider
that
the
sayd
religion
is
allowed
vpon
the
same
ground
of
necessity
and
dishability
on
the
part
of
the
Catholikes
to
expugne
and
ruine
it
,
as
it
was
in
the
time
of
Charles
the
9.
and
Henry
the
third
.
●or
were
they
of
sufficient
strength
to
remoue
or
abolish
it
:
well
might
the
memorie
and
name
of
Hugonots
remayne
in
theyr
records
:
assuredly
theyr
persons
should
not
hold
other
place
and
interest
there
,
then
now
they
do
at
Seuil
in
Spaine
,
or
at
Millan
and
Rome
in
Italy
:
in
which
places
there
is
streight
order
taken
to
proceede
with
al
rigour
agaynst
them
whereas
if
the
Pope
,
Spanyard
and
other
Princes
of
like
iudgement
and
affection
in
religion
held
it
the
safest
course
to
graunt
liberty
of
conscience
,
as
the
Quilibet
vntruly
insinuateth
,
they
would
repeale
theyr
Edicts
and
decrees
agaynst
Protestants
,
cancell
and
frustrate
the
power
of
the
Inquisition
,
spare
all
search
after
theyr
persons
,
surcease
theyr
confiscations
and
all
criminall
processe
agaynst
them
.
As
the
Antecendent
deserueth
no
credit
with
vs
:
so
the
consequence
inferred
theron
may
iustly
be
censured
.
For
,
disproofe
whereof
,
we
must
remember
that
R●tion●
&
legibus
viuitur
non
exomplis
.
Experience
hath
euicted
it
to
bee
a
course
of
perill
for
princes
to
gouerne
themselues
by
examples
,
especially
where
there
is
not
a
concurrence
of
the
same
reasons
and
circumstances
inducing
thereto
.
Now
in
this
case
of
allowing
toleration
,
the
circumstances
and
reasons
are
not
like
:
first
,
in
the
Princes
themselues
,
of
which
the
Emperor
,
the
French
,
the
Spanyard
,
the
Polonian
,
●●e
for
outward
profession
and
practi●●
,
deuoted
Papists
:
whereas
her
Maiesty
professeth
the
Gospell
.
Secondly
,
in
the
particular
to
be
graunted
:
they
supposed
to
allowe
the
free
exercise
of
the
Gospell
,
a
doctrine
in
it selfe
most
lawfull
and
holy
,
and
which
yeeldeth
vnto
Princes
,
euery
parcell
of
theyr
honour
,
and
euery
poynt
of
Soueraignety
:
whereas
her
Maiesty
is
solicited
to
the
admittance
of
Popery
,
a
thing
in
it selfe
impious
,
and
which
denyeth
vnto
Princes
,
a
Soueraigne
interest
and
power
ouer
theyr
Subiects
,
and
transferreth
it
to
a
forraine
Potentate
.
Thirdly
,
in
the
ground
and
motiues
of
graunting
this
libertie
:
the
sayd
Princes
(
I
meane
such
of
them
as
haue
yeelded
herein
)
induced
thereto
not
out
of
humour
to
gratifie
theyr
subiects
,
nor
out
of
respects
of
security
to
theyr
persons
and
States
,
but
out
of
extreame
necessity
,
as
absolutely
disabled
to
preuaile
agaynst
them
:
whereas
no
such
violent
and
desperate
regard
doth
as
yet
inforce
her
Maiesty
vnto
it
.
Lastly
in
the
persons
,
to
whom
this
fauour
of
toleration
is
to
be
communicated
:
they
,
the
sayd
Princes
allowing
it
to
such
,
who
repute
and
acknowledge
them
for
their
lawfull
Soueraignes
,
and
who
neuer
plotted
or
attempted
ought
agaynst
their
Crowne
and
life
:
whereas
her
Maiesty
is
to
impart
and
yeeld
it
to
those
who
hold
her
for
dis-inuested
by
the
Popes
bull
of
her
imperiall
Crowne
and
regalities
,
who
haue
disposed
of
theyr
alleageance
to
a
forrayne
Prince
,
who
haue
been
interessed
in
proiects
and
practises
agaynst
her
royall
person
and
State
,
and
who
are
ready
vpon
opportunity
offered
,
and
vpon
direction
mandatory
receyued
from
the
Vicar
of
Rome
,
to
take
armes
for
the
subuersion
of
her
scepter
and
the
Gospell
.
So
as
the
examples
propounded
to
perswade
and
inforce
an
imitation
in
her
Maiesty
,
carying
with
them
so
many
differences
in
the
circumstance
of
the
persons
and
things
in
questions
are
not
meete
presidents
,
and
such
from
which
a
sound
consequence
may
be
deduced
to
draw
allowance
from
her
Maiestie
of
the
toleration
solicited
.
The
seauenteenth
Argument
is
in
pag.
280.
Vpon
grant
of
toleration
all
occasion
would
be
taken
away
of
sending
english
youths
to
the
Seminaries
beyond
the
Seas
,
there
to
be
trayned
and
fitted
for
practises
against
the
State
.
●●●refore
her
Maiestie
may
with
good
rea●●n
allow
the
same
.
●●●cerning
the
Antecedent
:
first
,
it
is
〈◊〉
and
vncertaine
,
whether
vpon
this
occasion
they
would
surcease
transmitting
theyr
youths
to
the
sayd
Seminaryes
.
Secondly
,
if
they
should
:
yet
theyr
institution
of
discipline
within
the
Realme
,
may
bee
the
same
for
substance
,
and
to
the
same
intent
and
purpose
,
it
hath
beene
formerly
in
the
sayde
Seminaryes
:
considering
that
toleration
is
able
to
furnish
vnto
them
instructors
,
and
doctrines
of
the
same
quality
and
vse
.
But
let
vs
suppose
the
contrary
:
should
her
Maiesty
,
to
preuent
theyr
trayning
in
a
schoole
of
treachery
,
giue
place
and
intertainement
to
toleration
?
Were
not
this
to
cure
the
indisposition
of
some
members
of
the
State
,
by
a
remedy
fitted
in
euery
respect
to
augment
the
malady
,
yea
,
to
infect
the
whole
body
?
Besides
,
to
consent
to
an
alteration
of
this
nature
and
consequence
,
as
toleration
is
of
,
were
not
onely
agaynst
the
rule
of
piety
and
duty
to
God
,
but
agaynst
the
law
also
of
ordinary
policie
and
wisedom
,
except
in
the
case
of
deliuerance
from
greater
and
imminenter
perill
,
and
in
counterchaunge
of
profits
more
importing
.
To
receiue
and
allow
the
free
exercise
of
Poperie
in
the
State
by
publike
authoritie
,
were
to
broch
a
vessell
of
poyson
and
to
haue
the
Antidote
vncertaine
:
or
to
rayse
a
flame
in
a
Citie
,
and
to
leaue
the
quenching
therof
to
doubtfull
possibilities
.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A00631-e2350