FOR
THE
PROOFE
OF
THE
IMPERfection
and
insufficiencie
of
humaine
policy
;
the
natural
infirmitie
of
man
,
and
the
imbecillitie
of
his
wit
,
with
the
causes
ther●f
are
declared
.
And
by
the
way
it
is
signified
,
what
danger
and
detriment
groweth
to
man
by
selfe
loue
and
presumption
of
his
owne
wit
,
with
an
exhortation
to
humilitie
.
CHAP.
I.
WEE
read
in
Plutarke
that
there
were
certaine
sentences
grauen
vpon
the
gate
of
Apolloes
temple
at
Delphos
,
whereof
one
,
was
,
Plutarke
:
vpon
this
word
.
E●grauen
vpon
the
gate
of
Apolloes
Temple
.
as
it
were
,
a
salutation
of
the
people
to
Apollo
,
containing
a
certaine
profession
of
their
faith
,
and
beleefe
of
his
Deitie
;
which
the
diuel
who
de●uded
them
in
that
Oracle
,
ascribed
to
him selfe
.
An
other
was
〈◇〉
good
lesson
or
aduise
of
Apollo
to
the
people
,
in
recompence
●herof
;
The
first
was
,
this
word
Ei
in
greeke
,
which
signifieth
●hou
art
,
whereby
the
diuel
who
alwayes
seeketh
to
be
honored
●s
God
,
tooke
vnto
him selfe
the
proper
and
true
title
,
The
diuel
affecteth
the
title
proper
to
Diuinitie
and
attri●ute
of
diuinitie
,
alluding
to
the
name
which
God
geueth
to
●im
selfe
in
the
Scripture
,
to
wit
,
Ego
sum
qui
sum
,
I
am
he
which
●●m
.
The
other
(
to
wit
Apolloes
lesson
,
Exod
.
6.3
.
or
aduise
to
man
)
was
〈◇〉
h●se-auton
,
know
thy selfe
:
that
is
to
say
,
know
thy
owne
imbecillitie
or
weaknes
.
2.
Therfore
to
transferre
this
from
the
Gentils
to
vs
Christi●ns
,
and
to
apply
it
to
my
present
purpose
;
The
knowledge
of
God
,
induceth
man
to
the
knowledge
of
him selfe
Arnob
.
lib
7.
contra
Gentes
.
I
say
that
these
two
●ent●nces
haue
such
rel●tion
,
and
correspondence
,
the
one
to
the
other
,
that
by
vnderstanding
the
first
,
we
may
come
to
the
consideration
of
the
latter
,
and
by
the
knowledge
of
the
latter
,
we
shal
the
better
conceaue
the
first
For
as
Arnobius
noteth
very
wel
if
we
know
and
consider
that
God
only
is
,
that
is
to
●ay
,
that
he
only
hath
essence
,
and
being
,
of
him selfe
,
as
being
the
first
and
principal
cause
of
al
natural
causes
and
effectes
,
t●●
Author
,
Creator
,
Moouer
,
and
Conseruator
of
al
thinges
,
〈◇〉
cannot
,
but
consequently
acknowledge
that
we
haue
no
tr●●
essence
,
nor
being
of
our selues
,
and
therby
we
come
also
to
t●●
knowledge
of
our
owne
fraylty
,
and
infirmitie
;
which
is
the
fo●
said
lesson
that
Apollo
gaue
vnto
man
,
in
saying
gnoth●se-au●
Know
thy selfe
.
The
knowledge
of
our selues
,
induceth
vs
to
the
knowledge
of
God
.
Againe
this
knowledge
of
our selues
,
inducet●
and
leadeth
vs
in
some
sort
to
the
knowledge
of
God
;
for
whe●
we
wel
consider
our
owne
imbecility
,
frailty
,
and
mortality
with
the
mutabilitie
,
and
inconstancy
of
humaine
thinge●
we
easily
perceaue
that
we
are
not
absolute
or
yet
haue
any
tr●●
being
of
our selues
,
but
that
we
depend
as
al
other
thinges
do●
vpon
some
supernatur●l
power
,
that
is
to
say
,
vpon
the
common
Father
,
Author
,
and
Creator
of
nature
and
of
al
natur●●
thinges
:
and
so
we
come
to
vnderstand
,
not
only
that
there
is
〈◇〉
God
,
Plato
in
.
Alcib
.
but
also
what
is
our
duty
,
and
obligation
to
him
,
in
respe●●
of
our
dependance
vpon
him
.
Therfore
Plato
teacheth
tha●
to
the
attaining
of
vertue
and
wisdome
,
two
thinges
are
most
r●quisite
in
man
,
the
first
,
to
know
God
,
and
the
second
to
kno●
him selfe
.
3.
Now
then
;
one
of
the
greatest
impediments
that
hinde●
man
from
knowing
either
God
or
him selfe
,
Presumption
a
great
impediment
to
man
for
the
knowledge
of
God
,
and
of
him selfe
.
is
a
vaine
conceit●
and
presumption
,
that
many
men
haue
of
their
owne
witt●
and
sufficiency
,
which
draweth
them
into
infinite
errors
,
absu●dities
,
and
dangers
,
both
of
bodie
and
soule
:
for
it
ingendret●
in
them
obstinacie
,
arrogancy
,
a
spirit
of
contention
,
contradiction
,
and
singularity
,
indignation
and
disdaine
of
other
me●
contempt
of
counsel
,
and
of
al
help
,
humaine
and
diuine
;
an●
not
only
error
,
but
also
heresie
,
infidelity
,
and
atheisme
.
F●●
those
that
presume
ouermuch
of
their
owne
wittes
,
and
me●sure
al
thinges
therby
,
doe
commonly
beleeue
no
more
the●
they
know
,
and
vnderstande
:
and
therefore
seeing
them
selu●●
vnable
to
sound
the
depth
of
Gods
iudgementes
or
to
compr●hend
many
misteries
of
our
Christian
&
Catholique
faith
,
with
in
the
compasse
of
their
capacitie
,
they
fal
many
times
into
fla●
heresie
,
or
atheisme
.
4.
This
disease
of
presumption
(
for
so
I
may
tearme
it
bein●
a
mortal
sicknes
of
the
soule
)
is
much
the
more
dangerous
f●●
that
it
so
affecteth
,
The
presumption
of
a
mans
owne
wit
most
dangerous
,
and
why
.
or
rather
infecteth
&
blindeth
the
vnder●tanding
of
man
,
that
euerie
one
seeth
it
sooner
then
he
that
is
●●cke
therof
,
who
commonly
thinketh
him selfe
to
be
very
sound
●nd
wel
.
For
reason
,
which
in
the
diseases
of
the
bodie
is
able
●o
iudge
thereof
aright
,
being
it selfe
wel
at
ease
,
is
in
this
case
●●e
parte
it selfe
that
is
diseased
,
being
possessed
with
such
a
●hrensie
that
it
perceaueth
no
more
the
lamentable
case
it
is
in
,
●●en
doth
a
madde
or
frantike
man
see
his
owne
madnes
:
in
●hich
respect
it
is
in
very
manie
incurable
;
for
that
they
take
●uch
pleasure
in
their
owne
sickenes
,
that
they
wil
admit
no
●ure
,
nor
so
much
as
anie
counsel
for
their
remedie
.
5.
And
truely
if
we
consider
how
general
the
infection
ther●f
is
amongst
men
,
though
not
in
al
a
like
,
and
how
few
there
●re
that
perceaue
it
in
them selues
;
we
shal
see
what
cause
we
al
●aue
,
(
for
I
admonish
my selfe
herein
as
wel
as
others
)
to
feare
●east
we
haue
some
touch
thereof
,
more
or
lesse
.
And
to
this
●urpose
,
let
euery
man
examine
him selfe
,
how
often
in
his
life
,
●e
hath
held
&
stifly
defended
some
false
conceite
and
opinion
●f
his
owne
,
how
apt
he
is
stil
to
doe
the
like
;
How
generally
the
infection
of
presumption
raigneth
.
how
wel
he
li●eth
his
owne
doinges
;
how
loath
he
is
to
confesse
an
error
,
or
●o
seeme
to
be
ignorant
,
or
yeld
to
an
other
man
:
let
euery
one
(
I
say
)
consider
this
wel
,
and
he
shal
see
what
cause
he
hath
to
●uspect
some
spice
of
this
phrensie
in
him selfe
,
which
wise
men
ought
the
rather
to
eschew
,
and
abhorre
,
for
that
it
is
the
pro●er
disease
of
fooles
;
for
as
our
English
prouerbe
saith
,
None
so
●old
as
blind
Bayard
,
nor
any
man
more
confident
of
his
owne
witt
,
and
knowledge
,
then
he
that
hath
least
,
or
none
at
al.
6.
Wheras
on
the
other
side
,
the
wiser
a
man
is
,
the
better
●e
seeth
and
considereth
,
as
wel
the
general
imbecillitie
,
and
weaknes
of
man
,
as
his
owne
particuler
defectes
,
from
the
which
no
man
in
this
life
can
be
free
;
No
man
without
some
defect
.
and
weighing
wel
how
●itle
al
that
he
knoweth
is
in
respect
of
that
which
he
knoweth
not
,
and
how
vncertaine
al
humaine
knowledge
is
,
&
how
subiect
to
error
,
he
acknowledgeth
his
owne
frailtie
,
&
ignorance
,
Non
alta
sapiens
(
as
the
Apostle
saith
)
sed
humilibus
consentiens
,
Rom.
12.
not
conceauing
highly
of
him selfe
(
nor
medling
with
matters
aboue
his
reach
)
but
limiting
his
conceites
in
al
humilitie
within
the
compasse
of
his
capacitie
,
which
is
a
necessarie
&
essential
point
of
true
wisdome
,
The
cause
of
mans
natural
infirmitie
,
and
the
weaknes
of
his
wit
.
as
I
wil
declare
more
at
large
hereafte●
But
to
th'
end
that
the
natural
infirmitie
of
man
,
and
his
ignorance
may
the
better
appeare
,
the
cause
therof
is
first
to
be
co●sidered
,
for
so
we
shal
the
better
vnderstand
the
effect
.
7.
Therfore
although
man
at
his
first
creation
,
had
al
th●
powers
of
his
soule
vigorous
,
&
perfect
in
their
nature
,
promp●
and
readie
to
the
execution
of
their
functions
,
Original
Iustice
lost
by
the
fal
of
Adam
.
as
his
reaso●
and
vnderstanding
cleare
,
his
wil
and
affection
ordinate
,
an●
inclyned
to
good
,
and
his
sensual
powers
so
bridled
by
origina●
iustice
,
that
they
yealded
due
obedience
to
reason
:
Yet
whe●
original
iustice
was
lost
by
the
fal
of
our
first
father
Adam
,
an●
the
light
of
Gods
grace
extinguished
,
not
only
reason
was
muc●
weakned
,
and
the
wil
disordered
,
but
also
the
sensual
powe●
so
corrupted
,
S.
Tho
.
1.
2.
q
.
85.
art
.
3.
or
rather
infected
,
that
they
haue
euer
since
runn●
head-long
to
their
obiects
with
such
violence
,
that
they
commonly
draw
the
wil
after
them
:
whereof
diuers
reasons
may
b●
giuen
,
but
one
or
two
shal
suffice
,
to
wit
,
that
althou●h
the
wi●●
be
so
placed
betwixt
reason
and
sense
,
that
it
may
inclyne
it selfe
to
either
,
yet
it
contracteth
a
kind
of
frendshippe
,
and
amiti●
with
sensuality
,
a
long
time
before
it
be
acquainted
with
reaso●
(
as
we
see
by
experience
in
children
,
who
are
some
yeares
ledd●
by
sense
,
before
they
come
to
the
vse
of
reason
)
wherupon
i●
followeth
,
The
wil
often
ouercome
by
sensuality
.
that
the
wil
hauing
alreadie
found
the
passion
of
sensualitie
,
stronge
,
familiar
,
and
pleasant
,
and
after
feeling
the
fir●●
motions
of
reason
,
weake
,
vnwonted
,
and
disgustful
,
doth
presently
giue
it selfe
so
fully
ouer
to
the
pleasures
of
the
sense●
that
it
hardly
recouereth
it selfe
euer
after
;
especially
seeing
w●
can
neuer
come
to
the
future
good
that
reason
promiseth
vs
,
b●●
by
the
conquest
of
concupiscence
,
and
sensualitie
,
the
whic●
geuing
vs
present
paiment
of
an
apparant
good
(
to
wit
pleasur●
and
delectation
)
entangleth
&
bewitcheth
vs
in
such
sort
tha●
we
are
content
to
rest
,
&
repose
therin
;
yea
&
to
yeald
our
selu●●
prisoners
to
pleasure
,
and
to
desist
from
the
pursuite
of
the
future
good
,
and
true
felicitie
that
reason
promiseth
vs.
Homer
.
Hes●od
.
Ouid
.
8.
This
the
Poets
represented
in
the
companions
of
Vlisse●
who
returning
with
him
towardes
Ithaca
,
where
they
were
t●
receaue
the
reward
of
their
labours
,
were
so
bewitched
by
th●
way
with
the
pleasant
,
and
delectable
cuppes
of
Cyrces
,
that
the●
would
passe
no
further
,
but
remained
with
her
,
Vlisses
companions
transformed
into
beasts
by
Cyrces
.
and
were
trans●●rmed
into
beastes
:
as
in
truth
al
those
may
be
said
to
be
,
that
●●nding
to
the
true
felicitie
which
nature
hath
proposed
to
man
●e
so
drunken
by
the
way
with
the
delight
,
and
pleasures
of
●●e
world
and
the
flesh
,
that
they
giue
them selues
ouer
therto
,
●●d
bec●mme
,
Sicut
equus
&
mulus
quibus
non
est
intellectus
.
Psal
.
31.
Like
a
●se
,
or
a
mule
that
hath
no
vnderstandinge
.
9.
Wel
then
,
the
wil
of
man
being
thus
peruerted
,
what
mar●●ile
is
it
,
When
mans
wil
is
peruerted
by
sensuality
his
vnderstanding
is
easily
ledde
in
to
error
.
if
reason
and
vnderstandinge
be
so
corrupted
therby
●●at
it
be
drawne
to
error
;
for
we
see
,
that
as
men
are
affected
,
〈◇〉
commonly
they
vnderstand
and
iudge
:
in
which
respect
loue
called
blind
,
for
that
it
obscureth
and
blindeth
the
vnderstan●●ng
of
man
in
such
sorte
,
that
it
can
not
descerne
the
truth
.
●fficile
est
(
saith
the
latin
prouerbe
)
amare
&
sapere
It
is
hard
to
●●ue
,
and
to
be
wise
.
For
where
affection
beareth
swaie
,
reason
is
●●rced
to
obey
,
and
therfore
no
man
is
thought
to
be
a
compe●●nt
and
fit
iudge
in
his
owne
cause
,
Arist
lib
.
6.
Et●
cap
.
4.
nor
yet
in
the
cause
of
those
●home
he
dearely
loueth
.
And
for
the
same
reason
Aristotle
af●●rmeth
:
that
intemperance
corrupteth
the
iudgment
of
man
,
●ecause
the
wil
being
seduced
and
the
affection
drawne
therby
,
Intemperance
,
corrupteth
mans
iudgement
.
●●e
light
of
reason
and
vnderstanding
is
so
obscured
&
darkned
●y
passion
,
that
it
can
not
discerne
good
from
euil
.
And
the
same
〈◇〉
also
signified
in
the
booke
of
wisdome
,
where
the
Holy
Ghost
●eclaring
the
cause
why
a
good
man
is
some
tymes
taken
sud●ainly
out
of
this
life
,
saith
,
Raptus
est
,
ne
malitia
mutares
intellectis
.
Sap
.
4.
●e
was
taken
suddainly
away
,
least
malice
or
inordinate
affection
,
should
●ange
,
or
corrupt
his
vnderstanding
.
Therfore
although
reason
since
●e
fal
of
our
first
father
,
What
dominion
reason
hath
ouer
the
sensual
powers
.
doth
stil
retaine
so
much
dominion
●uer
the
sensual
powers
,
that
it
may
subdue
them
with
the
assi●●ance
of
the
wil
,
rectified
and
guided
by
grace
;
yet
when
the
wil
〈◇〉
peruerted
,
reason
either
is
wholy
seduced
and
deceaued
ther●y
,
or
at
least
remaineth
so
weake
,
and
powerles
,
that
it
looseth
●he
commaund
and
dominion
which
it
ought
to
haue
,
and
ther●ore
the
Poët
saith
;
Video
meliora
probóque
,
deteriora
sequor
.
Ouid
.
Metam
.
lib
.
7.
in
prine
.
I
see
and
●pproue
that
which
is
best
,
but
I
followe
the
worst
.
10.
Hereto
I
may
adde
also
an
other
reason
of
the
error
in
mans
vnderstanding
,
to
wit
,
the
difficultie
of
the
obiect
therof
,
for
that
truth
,
(
which
is
the
obiect
of
the
vnderstanding
)
is
not
only
inuolued
,
The
difficulty
of
the
obiect
of
mans
vnderstanding
.
and
wrapped
like
the
kernel
of
the
nutte
,
in
〈◇〉
many
shells
&
rindes
of
abstruse
doubtes
,
and
difficulties
,
th●
many
times
it
is
hardly
found
,
but
also
it
is
so
incountred
wi●●
falshood
and
error
,
disguised
with
the
shew
&
apparance
〈◇〉
veritie
,
that
the
best
wittes
are
often
deceaued
there
with
;
a●●
therefore
no
maruaile
if
the
wisest
men
of
the
world
doe
ma●●
times
goe
astray
,
stumble
,
&
fal
into
the
obscuritie
of
the
manifold
,
and
intricate
doubtes
,
questions
,
controuersies
,
perplexities
,
&
vncertaine
euentes
that
daily
occurre
in
humaine
affaires
.
The
opinion
of
man●
principal
philosophe
s
concerning
the
imbecility
of
mans
wit
.
Cicero
.
A
cad
:
quest
:
li.
●
.
&
2.
11.
This
the
wisest
Philosophers
did
so
wel
consider
,
that
man●
of
them
affirmed
;
that
nothing
in
this
world
can
certainly
b●
knowne
and
vnderstood
,
by
reason
of
the
error
in
mans
sense●
imbecil●tie
of
their
wites
,
breuitie
of
their
liues
,
and
the
obsc●ritie
of
truth
;
of
which
opinion
were
,
Socrates
,
Plato
,
Democrit●●
Anaxagoras
,
Empedocle
,
and
al
the
new
Academicks
;
in
so
muc●
that
Socrates
was
iudged
by
the
Oracle
,
to
be
the
wisest
man
the●
liuing
,
because
he
was
wont
to
say
,
Hoc
solum
scio
,
quod
nihil
s●●
I
know
only
this
,
that
I
know
nothing
;
whereto
Archesilaus
adde●
that
not
so
much
as
that
could
be
knowne
,
which
Socrates
sai●
he
knewe
,
to
wit
;
that
he
knewe
nothing
.
And
although
the●●
Philosophers
,
may
seeme
to
haue
exceeded
in
exaggerating
the
ignorance
of
man
(
therby
to
represse
,
&
correct
,
as
it
may
b●
thought
,
the
presumption
that
many
men
had
of
their
ow●
knowledge
,
and
wisdome
)
yet
they
sufficiently
signified
therb●
their
conceit
of
the
weakenes
of
mans
iudgement
,
and
imbecilitie
of
his
wit
.
12.
Therefore
to
reduce
the
extremities
of
opinions
in
thi●
matter
to
a
meane
,
The
wisest
man
doth
often
erre
without
the
help
of
Gods
grace
.
I
neither
wholy
euacuate
and
annihilate
ma●
knowledge
and
prouidence
,
as
they
seemed
to
doe
,
neither
ye●
with
others
extend
,
and
enable
it
further
then
may
be
iustl●
granted
to
mans
imbecilitie
.
For
as
I
confesse
that
man
(
thoug●
corrupt
of
nature
,
and
weake
in
wit
and
iudgment
)
may
neuertheles
,
with
the
ordinarie
concurrance
,
and
assistance
,
that
Go●
geueth
to
his
creatures
,
know
,
foresee
,
&
determine
man●
thinges
notably
,
both
for
his
priuate
,
and
publike
good
;
so
I
also
affirme
,
that
except
he
haue
some
supernatural
light
of
God●
grace
to
illuminate
his
vnderstanding
,
and
to
rectifie
,
and
guid●
his
wil
,
the
wisest
man
shal
many
times
absurdly
erre
:
and
that
●●erfore
it
is
conuenient
,
for
euery
man
,
how
wise
soeuer
he
●old
him selfe
to
be
,
to
acknowledge
the
same
in
al
humilitie
to
●●mighty
God
,
and
to
craue
true
wisdome
of
him
,
An
exhortation
to
humility
as
his
special
●●ft
,
following
the
example
of
the
wise
man
,
in
the
booke
of
●isdome
which
treating
of
the
excellency
of
true
wisdome
,
and
●cknowledging
it
to
be
the
special
gift
of
almighty
God
,
craued
〈◇〉
at
his
handes
,
and
withal
signified
notably
,
the
weaknes
of
●ans
wit
and
iudgment
,
with
the
reason
thereof
,
in
these
wor●es
;
Da
mihi
domine
&c
:
Sap
.
9.
Giue
me
o
Lord
(
saith
he
)
that
wisdome
which
as●●steth
thy
seate
and
cast
me
not
of
from
the
number
of
thy
seruantes
,
for
that
〈◇〉
am
thy
bondslaue
,
and
the
sonne
of
thy
bondwoman
,
a
weake
man
and
of
●orte
l
fe
,
vnable
to
vnderstand
aright
what
is
iustice
and
lawe
,
The
imbecillity
of
wit
ac●nowledged
by
Salomon
.
and
who●●euer
is
the
most
perfect
and
excellent
amongst
the
sonnes
of
men
,
he
is
to
be
●●counted
as
no
bodie
,
if
thy
wisdome
doe
not
assist
him
;
for
the
cogitations
●f
mortal
men
are
doubtful
and
feareful
,
and
al
our
prouidence
is
vncertaine
,
〈◇〉
reason
that
the
corruptible
bodie
doth
aggrauate
the
soule
,
and
this
earthly
●abitation
doth
depresse
the
vnderstanding
.
13.
This
,
and
much
more
to
this
purpose
saith
the
wise
man
●r
rather
the
Holy
Ghost
by
him
,
True
wisdom
the
particular
gift
of
almighty
God
.
teaching
that
true
wisdome
is
●he
particular
gift
of
almighty
God
,
and
that
without
the
light
●f
his
grace
,
mans
iudgment
,
and
vnderstanding
is
obscure
,
his
●onceits
,
and
designements
ful
of
doubt
and
feare
,
his
proui●ence
,
and
foresight
vncertaine
,
and
therefore
Salomon
wisely
●duiseth
.
Ne
innitaris
prudentiae
tuae
&c.
Rely
not
vpon
thy
owne
wis●ome
,
but
in
al
the
course
of
thy
life
thinke
vpon
God
,
Prouerb
.
3.
and
he
shal
direct
thy
●●epps
.
And
to
the
same
purpose
Ecclesiasticus
saith
,
Ne
te
extollas
&c
:
●oe
not
extolle
thy selfe
in
thy
owne
conceite
like
a
bul
,
Ecclesi
.
6.
lest
perhaps
thy
force
●nd
pride
be
beaten
downe
by
folly
,
that
is
to
say
,
lest
for
punishment
of
thy
pride
,
God
giue
thee
ouer
to
thy selfe
,
that
thou
maist
fal
by
●hy
owne
folly
.
S
Paul
also
exhorteth
the
Romaines
,
and
in
them
●l
other
Christians
,
Non
plus
sapere
quam
opertet
sapere
,
Rom.
12.
sed
sapere
ad
●●brietatem
.
Not
to
be
wiser
then
a
man
ought
to
be
,
but
to
be
soberly
or
modestly
wise
that
is
to
say
;
that
a
man
goe
not
aboue
his
reach
,
not
(
as
I
may
tearm
it
)
out
of
the
sphere
of
mans
infirmitie
,
Arist
.
lib
.
1.
&
3.
de
anima
.
nor
attribute
to
him selfe
greater
perfection
of
nature
then
he
hath
,
considering
that
though
almighty
God
hath
placed
him
in
the
highest
degree
of
al
those
creatures
that
haue
sense
;
yet
he
hath
giuen
him
the
lowest
ranke
of
those
that
haue
vnderstand●●●
hauing
subordinated
him
to
Angels
,
Angels
may
●●re
in
the
iudgement
of
future
things
depending
on
the
wil
of
God
or
of
man
.
of
whome
those
of
〈◇〉
most
inferior
and
lowest
order
,
haue
an
vnderstanding
far
m●
cleare
,
and
excellent
then
he
;
and
yet
so
neuerthelesse
th●●
their
knowledge
is
also
limited
.
For
if
we
consider
them
in
th●●●
owne
nature
,
without
the
supernatural
helpe
of
God
,
they
〈◇〉
erre
,
and
be
deceaued
;
as
in
the
iudgement
of
things
to
co●
that
depend
not
vpon
natural
causes
,
but
only
vpon
the
wil
〈◇〉
God
,
or
yet
vpon
the
free
wil
of
men
.
14.
Hereof
the
Phil●sophers
were
not
ignorant
,
&
th●●fore
Porphyrius
the
Platonick
,
seeking
to
giue
some
probable
re●son
,
Porphyr
apud
Io
Picum
Mirandul
.
cont
.
Astrologos
.
why
the
sp●rits
that
gouerned
the
Oracles
,
lyed
many
time
saith
;
that
●hen
they
iudged
of
thinges
to
come
by
the
starres
,
they
mig●●
be
deceaued
.
And
yet
in
the
opinion
as
wel
of
Philosophers
,
as
D●uines
,
Angels
haue
a
most
exact
,
and
certaine
knowledge
of
natural
causes
,
Angels
haue
a
perfect
and
exact
●nowledge
of
al
natural
causes
.
&
of
the
effects
therof
,
hauing
naturally
in
the●
selues
the
formes
,
or
representations
of
al
natural
things
,
whi●●
therfore
they
behold
and
see
with
al
euidency
,
and
perspicuit●●
whereas
man
doth
vnderstand
nothing
but
by
discourse
,
or
b●
meanes
of
phantasie
,
&
sense
,
both
which
are
greatly
subiect
〈◇〉
error
,
in
respect
that
they
depend
vpon
an
organ
so
corruptib●●
as
mans
body
is
,
which
many
tymes
being
il
disposed
,
wholy
oppresseth
the
vnderstanding
,
Plutar
:
in
vita
Catonis
.
(
as
we
see
in
fooles
and
mad
me●
and
doth
obscure
it
more
or
lesse
in
al
men
.
In
which
respec●
Nearchus
the
Pithagorian
(
as
Plutark
affirmed
)
was
wont
to
cal
th●
body
of
man
,
Plato
in
Phaedon
.
pestem
animae
,
the
plague
of
the
soule
.
And
Socrates
,
Pla●●
and
al
their
followers
held
most
constantly
,
that
the
more
th●
soule
is
abstract
from
the
senses
,
the
more
clearly
it
vnderstandeth
;
and
that
because
in
th●s
life
it
can
neuer
be
wholy
separat●
from
the
same
,
therfore
it
can
neuer
in
this
life
attaine
to
perfec●
knowledge
&
true
felicitie
.
Man
ordayned
to
●upply
the
roome
of
Angells
.
Mat
.
12.
15.
This
was
their
opinion
,
and
being
wel
vnderstood
,
it
i●
not
dissonant
from
our
Christian
doctrin
,
which
is
,
that
althoug●
man
is
ordayned
to
supply
●he
roome
,
and
place
of
the
Angell
that
fel
,
and
therfore
is
made
capable
of
their
perfection
,
〈◇〉
meane
as
wel
of
their
knowledge
as
beatitude
(
in
which
respec●
our
Sauiour
saith
of
soules
glorified
,
sunt
sicut
Angeli
,
they
are
〈◇〉
vnto
Angells
)
yet
he
can
not
attaine
vnto
it
in
this
life
,
which
〈◇〉
but
as
the
way
wherein
he
is
disposed
,
led
,
and
guided
thereto
●y
the
light
of
Gods
grace
;
which
disposition
is
to
be
perfected
,
●nd
consummated
by
the
light
of
glorie
in
the
next
life
.
Wher●ore
the
Apostle
saith
,
Ex
parte
cognoscimus
,
&c
:
Mans
knowledge
most
vnperfect
in
this
life
.
we
knowe
in
this
●●fe
,
but
only
in
parte
,
or
vnperfectly
,
but
when
that
which
is
perfect
shal
●●me
,
(
that
is
to
say
when
we
shal
attaine
to
the
vision
of
God
,
●nd
perfect
beatitude
)
then
that
which
is
vnperfect
shal
be
euacuated
;
1.
Cor
:
13.
When
I
was
a
child
,
I
spoke
like
a
childe
,
I
thought
like
a
childe
,
I
vnder●●oode
like
a
childe
,
But
when
I
became
a
man
I
layed
away
al
childishnes
.
●hus
saith
the
Apostle
,
signifying
that
as
the
vnderstanding
and
●nowledge
of
an
infant
,
is
most
vnperfect
,
in
respect
of
the
●nowledge
and
iudgement
of
a
man
;
Mans
knowledge
to
be
perfited
in
the
ne●●
lyfe
by
the
vision
of
God
Ibid
.
Psal
.
35.
Aug
:
lib
:
de
ciuitat
:
dei
ca.
29.
so
is
al
the
knowledge
we
●aue
in
this
life
most
weake
and
vnperfect
,
in
respect
of
that
●hich
we
shal
haue
in
the
next
,
quando
videbimus
facie
ad
faciem
,
●hen
we
shal
see
God
face
,
to
face
,
&
in
lumine
eius
videbimus
lumen
,
&
〈◇〉
his
light
shal
see
light
.
For
as
S.
Augustin
saieth
of
Angells
,
we
●●al
see
al
creatures
more
truly
,
and
clearly
in
the
wisdome
of
●od
,
then
in
them selues
,
by
reason
that
we
shal
see
them
in
●●eir
cause
,
and
in
the
very
arte
whereby
they
were
made
.
16.
This
I
haue
said
to
shew
that
he
which
attributeth
to
●im
selfe
,
any
perfection
of
knowledge
or
vnderstanding
in
●is
life
,
exceedeth
the
limittes
of
mans
nature
,
and
taketh
vpon
him
the
knowledge
of
Angells
,
or
of
a
soule
gloryfied
,
whereto
it
is
no
more
possible
for
any
man
in
this
life
to
arriue
by
any
natural
meanes
,
then
for
a
beast
or
an
vnreasonable
creature
,
to
attaine
to
the
knowledge
&
vnderstanding
of
a
man
:
which
I
wil
yet
make
more
euident
in
the
next
chapter
.
A
FVRTHER
DECLARATION
OF
THE
INfirmity
of
man
,
and
his
imbecillity
of
wit
,
with
a
considerati●●
of
his
natural
bondage
to
Almighty
God
,
and
of
his
blindn●●
and
ignorance
in
his
owne
affaires
;
And
consequently
of
t●●
necessity
of
Gods
prouidence
,
for
his
gouernment
and
directio●
as
wel
in
publike
,
as
priuatte
matters
.
CHAP.
2.
AS
selfe
loue
and
presumption
of
a
mans
ow●
witte
are
very
discomendable
in
al
such
as
a●
infected
therwith
;
so
are
they
most
hateful
a●●
hurtful
in
those
,
The
dammage
that
ensueth
of
self-loue
and
presumption
.
that
hauing
good
natural
●●lentes
,
and
giftes
of
body
and
minde
,
doe
with
flowe
in
wealth
,
dignity
,
and
authoritie
,
who
vaine
conceit
of
their
owne
sufficiency
being
seconded
wi●●
the
pride
of
their
prosperity
,
and
confidence
of
their
powe●
makes
them
many
tymes
so
insolent
,
that
the
wise
man
sait●
of
such
kind
of
men
:
It
is
better
to
meete
a
raging
Beare
,
that
hath
〈◇〉
her
whelpes
,
Prouerb
.
17.
then
a
foole
that
is
confident
in
his
folly
.
For
such
co●monly
contemne
both
God
and
man
,
and
runne
such
an
vnbridled
and
exorbitant
course
,
that
they
ouerthrowe
,
not
only
the●
selues
,
but
also
al
such
as
depend
vpon
them
.
2.
Therfore
for
as
much
as
the
sayinge
of
the
royal
prophet
Dauid
is
truely
verified
in
such
men
,
to
wit
,
homo
cum
in
h●nore
esset
,
Psal
:
48.
&c
:
man
when
he
was
in
honor
did
not
vnderstand
,
and
th●●fore
was
compared
to
brute
beastes
,
and
made
like
vnto
them
;
I
wish
〈◇〉
might
happe
vnto
such
men
as
we
reade
in
the
fable
,
A
fable
of
a
mule
moralized
in
mans
presumption
.
Plutarke
in
Conui●io
Sapient
.
it
chance
once
to
a
Mule
in
Lidia
,
which
beholding
in
the
water
his
ow●
shape
,
&
seeing
his
longe
legges
,
his
tall
stature
,
his
feiture
(
〈◇〉
it
seemed
to
him
)
very
faire
and
comely
,
his
braue
pack-saddl●
adorned
with
plumes
of
feathers
,
bells
,
and
other
furniture
,
w●
so
transported
with
suddaine
delight
and
ioy
,
that
first
he
bega●
to
braye
then
to
leape
and
kick
,
and
after
to
runne
:
but
as
〈◇〉
was
in
the
midst
of
his
carriere
,
he
chanced
to
remember
th●●
his
father
was
an
Asse
,
that
his
longe
legges
and
tall
stature
,
w●●
giuen
him
to
make
him
the
more
able
to
labour
and
toyle
,
and
●●at
his
braue
furniture
,
was
but
a
saddle
to
carry
a
packe
,
and
●●nally
that
he
was
borne
,
and
ordeined
to
serue
,
and
to
beare
●ot
only
burdens
,
but
also
stripes
,
if
he
did
not
his
duty
:
which
●hen
he
remembred
,
he
was
so
confounded
,
that
he
suddainlie
●aid
his
course
,
and
retourned
quietly
to
his
accustomed
labour
●nd
occupation
.
The
like
I
say
,
I
wish
might
happe
to
such
as
●dmiringe
ouermuch
their
owne
good
partes
,
and
the
giftes
●herewih
God
hath
blessed
them
,
are
puft
vp
with
such
pride
,
●●at
forgettting
wholy
both
God
&
them selues
,
they
run
head●●ng
to
their
owne
ruine
and
perdition
.
And
therfore
to
re●oke
such
men
from
their
dangerous
course
,
to
walke
the
se●ure
way
and
trodden
path
,
which
nature
hath
laid
open
to
●ad
them
to
true
honor
and
felicity
,
I
wish
that
they
would
re●ember
,
and
consider
certaine
things
figured
,
and
represented
,
〈◇〉
the
fable
of
the
Mule
.
3.
The
first
is
,
the
state
and
condition
of
Man
,
Iob
.
17.
as
that
rottenes
●nd
filth
(
as
Iob
saith
)
was
his
father
,
that
wormes
are
his
brethren
,
●●d
sisters
;
that
he
is
dust
;
and
shal
retourne
to
dust
;
being
replenished
●vith
miseries
,
he
florisheth
and
fadeth
againe
within
a
while
like
a
●ower
,
and
vanisheth
away
like
a
shaddowe
,
and
neuer
remaineth
in
●●e
state
;
such
being
the
instabillitie
of
mans
nature
,
The
instability
of
mans
nature
.
that
the
●ore
we
fix
our
cogitation
theron
,
to
find
out
some
stay
,
and
●●ue
being
therin
;
the
lesse
we
find
it
,
euen
as
,
the
more
a
man
●●●resseth
or
wringeth
water
in
his
hand
,
the
lesse
he
holdeth
.
Plutark
vpon
the
word
Ei
.
〈◇〉
which
respect
Heraclitus
was
wont
to
say
,
that
as
a
man
can
●ot
enter
twise
into
one
and
the
selfe
same
running
water
or
●●uer
,
by
reason
that
it
fleeteth
,
and
passeth
away
continually
;
〈◇〉
we
cannot
possibly
find
the
substance
and
nature
of
man
,
wise
in
one
state
.
For
as
time
which
measureth
it
,
so
changeth
●●il
,
that
one
instant
succeedeth
and
destroyeth
an
other
,
one
●inute
an
other
,
one
hower
an
other
,
one
day
an
other
,
and
●he
like
in
weekes
,
monthes
,
and
yeares
:
so
also
mans
substance
●nd
life
,
which
is
measured
,
&
wasted
by
time
,
Mans
nature
changeth
euery
minute
of
an
hower
.
Senec
.
ep
.
24.
suffereth
change
●nd
mutation
euery
yeare
,
euery
month
,
euery
weeke
,
euery
●ay
,
euery
hower
,
euery
minute
,
euery
instant
,
vntil
it
be
cleane
●onsumed
,
in
so
much
that
our
life
(
as
Seneca
saith
)
is
but
a
conti●ual
death
:
for
we
are
dailie
and
howerly
dyinge
,
seing
some
parte
of
our
life
is
cut
of
euery
day
,
and
euery
hower
;
not
onl●
in
our
old
age
,
and
decaying
yeares
,
but
also
in
the
very
flow●
of
our
youth
.
For
though
then
we
growe
and
increase
in
●●ture
and
strength
,
yet
our
life
stil
decayeth
and
decreaseth
,
sei●●
we
haue
euery
day
so
much
lesse
to
liue
.
And
as
the
voiding
〈◇〉
emptying
of
an
hower
glasse
that
is
continually
runinge
,
do●●
not
consist
only
in
the
falling
of
the
last
graine
of
sand
,
Seneca
Ibid
.
but
〈◇〉
the
whole
defluction
thereof
from
the
very
beginninge
:
so
o●
death
,
saith
Seneca
,
doth
not
consist
only
in
the
last
hower
〈◇〉
our
life
,
Man
alwayes
dying
.
when
we
cease
to
be
,
but
in
the
wasting
and
consumi●●
course
thereof
from
our
first
natiuity
:
so
that
our
last
gaspe
〈◇〉
not
so
properly
our
death
,
as
the
end
and
comsummation
thereo●
For
although
thereby
we
arriue
to
the
periode
of
death
,
yet
w●
were
goinge
towardes
it
longe
before
.
Aug
:
de
verb
:
Dom
.
Ser
.
1.
4.
In
this
respect
.
S.
Augustin
saith
very
wel
,
that
we
shou●●
haue
lesse
cause
to
feare
,
if
we
were
made
of
glasse
.
For
w●●
(
saith
he
)
is
more
fraile
and
brickle
then
glasse
;
and
yet
we
see
it
is
ke●●
and
may
continue
whole
ages
.
And
although
it
be
subiect
to
breaking
〈◇〉
accidents
,
yet
there
is
no
feare
that
it
may
perish
,
neither
by
old
age
or
sic●nes
:
S.
Augustines
discourse
of
the
frailty
and
misery
of
Man
.
wheras
we
feare
not
only
innumerable
chaunces
,
which
bringe
〈◇〉
to
his
end
,
and
neuer
ceasse
to
threaten
his
ruyn
,
but
also
the
iniury
of
ty●
which
wasteth
vs
continually
,
so
that
we
may
auoid
perhaps
a
blowe
or
fal
,
or
such
other
mishaps
,
but
we
can
neuer
auoid
our
end
;
we
may
s●●●
and
eschewe
,
those
perills
which
are
external
,
but
internal
which
da●●
growe
within
vs
,
we
cannot
eschewe
.
Thus
saith
this
graue
,
an●
learned
Father
;
which
how
true
it
is
,
daily
experience
doth
d●monstrate
vnto
vs
,
so
that
we
may
truely
say
with
the
Psalmi●●
Homo
vanitatis
similis
factus
est
,
Psal
.
143.
dies
eius
sicut
vmbra
praetereunt
.
Ma●
was
made
like
to
a
very
vanitie
,
his
dayes
passe
away
like
a
sha●dowe
.
5.
The
second
point
which
I
would
wish
those
men
to
co●sider
,
is
,
that
al
those
external
giftes
,
either
of
body
or
of
fo●tune
(
as
they
are
tearmed
)
which
so
dazel
their
eyes
,
Worldly
pōpe
and
honors
compared
to
the
packsadle
of
the
mule
.
that
the●
cannot
see
their
owne
weaknes
,
may
wel
be
compared
to
t●●
braue
packsaddle
of
the
Mule
;
which
though
it
be
neuer
〈◇〉
gaye
and
gorgeous
,
is
but
a
base
thinge
,
and
hath
nothing
in
〈◇〉
selfe
to
be
esteemed
,
seruing
only
for
the
more
commodio●●
and
easy
bearing
of
the
burthen
that
is
laid
theron
,
yea
,
a●●
is
not
only
burthensome
in
it selfe
,
but
also
if
it
be
not
wel
and
●ariely
vsed
,
gauleth
the
back
of
the
poore
beast
that
beareth
it
,
〈◇〉
much
as
would
the
packe
it selfe
,
that
is
laid
vpon
it
.
Euen
〈◇〉
honors
,
dignities
,
wealth
,
pleasure
,
and
al
worldly
pompes
〈◇〉
commodities
,
that
seeme
so
glorious
in
the
eyes
of
most
men
,
●aue
no
true
goodnes
in
them selues
(
for
as
Seneca
saith
wel
If
●●ey
were
truly
good
,
Seneca
ep
.
87.
they
would
make
them
good
which
possesse
them
)
●ut
are
ordained
to
make
men
beare
more
contentedly
the
●eauie
burthen
of
miseries
,
and
afflictions
incident
to
this
life
,
●●d
yet
neuerthelesse
are
not
only
burthensome
them selues
●hat
is
to
say
accompanied
with
corrosiues
,
crosses
,
Worldly
welth
and
pleasures
accompanye●
d
with
dangers
and
discommodities
.
anxietie
of
●ind
,
and
dangers
)
but
also
if
they
be
not
wel
and
warilie
vsed
,
●●e
more
pernitious
to
their
owners
and
possessors
,
then
the
●erie
miseries
of
the
world
,
for
the
comfort
and
remedy
whereof
●●ey
are
ordained
.
For
the
greatest
afflictions
of
this
life
can
but
●●ly
ouerthrow
the
bodie
,
&
no
way
hurt
the
soule
,
but
greatly
●●ofit
it
,
(
if
a
man
beare
them
patiently
)
but
worldly
wealth
,
●easures
,
and
commodities
,
doe
ouerthrow
eternally
both
●●die
and
soule
,
if
they
be
abused
;
that
is
to
say
,
if
they
be
not
●●garded
only
as
thinges
transitory
,
and
referred
principally
to
●●taining
of
eternal
felicity
.
Therfore
S.
Paul
giueth
this
pre●●pt
to
Timothy
for
rich
men
;
Diuitibus
huius
saeculi
praecipe
,
&c
:
1.
Timoth
.
6.
●●ue
(
saith
he
)
this
precept
or
instruction
to
the
rich
men
of
●is
world
,
to
wit
,
that
they
looke
not
too
high
,
nor
fixe
their
●ope
in
vncertaine
riches
,
but
in
the
liuing
God
,
who
doth
fur●●sh
vs
aboundantly
with
al
thinges
necessarie
for
our
vse
,
and
●●at
they
labour
to
be
rich
in
good
workes
,
giuing
and
com●unicating
their
goods
freelie
,
to
the
end
they
may
make
a
good
●●undation
of
treasure
for
the
time
to
come
to
obtaine
true
●●fe
.
Thus
saith
the
Apostle
.
6.
Thirdlie
to
proceede
with
the
application
of
the
fable
;
would
haue
these
men
to
remember
,
For
what
end
the
good
giftes
of
body
and
mind
are
bestowed
on
man
.
Cicero
offic
.
lib
.
1.
that
their
good
gifts
of
●odie
and
mind
,
are
not
(
as
I
may
tearme
it
)
of
their
owne
pur●●ase
,
but
bestowed
vpon
them
by
their
Creator
,
not
only
for
●●em
selues
,
but
also
for
others
;
no
man
being
borne
(
as
Cicero
●●ith
)
for
him selfe
,
but
for
the
maintenance
of
humaine
so●●etie
,
wherof
euerie
one
is
a
member
,
and
therfore
not
to
liue
〈◇〉
sport
,
pleasure
,
&
idlenes
;
but
to
labour
each
one
in
his
quality
and
degree
,
for
the
common
and
publike
good
.
In
whic●
respect
,
Iob
.
5.
Iob
admonisheth
vs
,
that
,
Homo
nascitur
ad
laborem
,
〈◇〉
auis
ad
volatum
;
Man
is
borne
to
labour
,
as
the
bird
is
ordained
to
fly●
Finally
,
I
would
wish
them
alwaies
to
haue
in
mind
,
that
wha●soeuer
dignitie
,
excellency
,
and
priuiledge
of
nature
they
clai●
to
them selues
;
yet
they
nether
are
,
nor
can
be
free
and
at
the●●
owne
libertie
,
but
are
by
an
irreuocable
law
,
and
decree
of
nature
,
perpetually
subiect
and
bound
to
the
seruice
of
God
the●●
Creator
,
and
the
author
of
nature
,
as
his
slaues
and
bondmen
yea
,
with
such
condition
,
that
if
they
doe
not
sattisfie
their
dut●
in
that
behalfe
,
they
shal
be
chastised
,
and
punished
,
not
wi●●
stripes
,
as
was
the
Lydian
mule
,
or
only
with
temporal
pain●●
but
with
eternal
;
and
so
much
the
more
greuouslie
,
by
ho●
much
they
are
more
potent
and
powerful
then
others
.
For
〈◇〉
the
booke
of
wisdome
saith
,
Sap
.
6.
Mighty
men
shal
suffer
torm●●●
mightely
.
The
natural
bondage
of
man
to
God
.
7.
And
for
as
much
as
the
explication
of
this
point
of
ma●
natural
bondage
,
and
seruitude
to
God
,
may
helpe
greatly
to
t●●
decyphring
of
the
weaknes
of
mans
wit
,
and
his
other
infirm●ties
,
I
thinke
good
to
speake
somewhat
more
particular●●
thereof
.
Aug
de
gen
.
ad
lit
lib
.
8.
ca.
11.
Isidor
Petrus
.
Comestor
.
S.
A●gustin
and
other
learned
Fathers
haue
wel
obseru●
in
the
holy
Scriptures
,
that
almighty
God
is
not
called
ther●●
Dominus
that
is
to
say
Lord
,
in
the
creation
of
any
other
creatu●●
but
of
man
,
and
that
then
the
Scripture
saith
,
Formauit
D●minus
Deus
,
Genes
.
2.
&c
:
Our
Lord
God
framed
,
or
made
man
of
the
slyme
of
〈◇〉
earth
.
And
againe
afterwards
,
when
it
is
declared
that
God
〈◇〉
put
man
in
Paradise
,
Ibid
.
it
is
said
;
Tulit
ergo
Dominus
Deus
hominem
,
&
●
Our
Lord
God
tooke
man
and
put
him
into
Paradise
.
Whereup●●
S.
Augustin
saith
thus
;
S.
Augustines
obseruation
why
God
is
called
Dominus
in
the
Scripture
.
Aug.
de
gen
.
ad
lit
.
lib
.
8.
ca.
11.
Nunc
vbi
ad
id
ventum
est
,
&c.
Now
w●
it
came
to
passe
that
God
placed
man
in
Paradise
to
labour
there
and
to
k●●●
it
,
the
Scripture
saith
:
Sumpsit
Dominus
Deus
hominem
,
&c.
Our
L●●●
God
did
take
man
and
put
him
into
Paradise
,
not
because
God
is
not
〈◇〉
the
Lord
of
al
other
creatures
as
wel
as
of
man
,
but
because
this
was
writ●●●
only
for
man
to
admonish
him
how
much
it
behooueth
him
,
not
only
〈◇〉
haue
such
a
Lord
and
maister
,
but
also
to
liue
in
al
obedience
vnder
his
co●mandement
,
and
not
licentiously
to
abuse
the
power
that
God
hath
g●●●
him
;
Thus
far
S.
Augustin
.
8.
To
this
purpose
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
God
is
called
Domi●●●
only
in
respect
of
the
seruitude
and
bondage
,
that
man
,
and
al
●is
other
creatures
owe
vnto
him
.
For
as
father
and
sonne
,
mai●●er
and
seruant
,
husband
and
wife
,
are
correlatiues
,
and
can
●ot
be
the
one
,
but
in
respect
of
the
other
;
Lord
and
Slaue
Correlatiues
proper
to
God
and
man
.
Psal
:
115.
so
also
is
Dominus
and
seruus
,
Lord
&
slaue
.
Wherto
the
Psalmist
seemeth
to
allude
,
●ying
to
almightty
God
;
ô
Domine
o
Lord
.
And
yeelding
present●●
the
reason
why
he
calleth
him
so
,
he
addeth
.
Quia
ego
seruus
●us
&
f●ll●us
ancillae
tuae
:
because
I
am
thy
bondman
,
and
the
●●nne
of
thy
bondwoman
.
And
for
this
cause
nothing
is
more
●●equent
in
holy
Scripture
then
the
names
of
Dominus
and
seruus
●plyed
to
God
,
and
man
.
Where
also
to
shew
the
nature
and
●●ndition
of
this
bondage
,
the
same
is
compared
to
the
bon●●ge
,
that
by
the
law
of
nations
the
slaue
oweth
to
his
Lord
and
●aister
.
Where
vpon
the
royal
Prophet
saith
:
Psal
:
122.
As
the
eyes
of
bond●en
are
vpon
the
handes
of
their
Lords
,
and
the
eyes
of
bondwomen
vpon
〈◇〉
eyes
of
their
mistresses
:
so
are
our
eyes
vpon
our
Lord
God
vntil
he
haue
●●rcy
vpon
vs.
And
S.
Paul
teaching
Lordes
and
maisters
how
they
●ould
consort
them selues
towards
their
slaues
:
Colloss
.
4.
You
Lordes
(
saith
〈◇〉
)
doe
nothing
to
your
slaue
,
but
that
which
is
iust
&
rightful
,
knowing
●●at
you
haue
also
a
Lord
and
maister
in
heauen
.
Signifying
therby
,
as
Thomas
noteth
,
that
as
they
were
Lordes
and
maisters
to
their
●●ues
;
so
is
God
Lord
and
maister
to
them
,
and
to
al
other
men
.
Lect
.
4.
in
cap
.
5.
ep
.
ad
Colloss
.
●herein
neuertheles
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
the
seruitude
●●d
subiection
which
man
oweth
to
God
,
is
without
al
compa●●son
,
infinitly
greater
,
and
more
obligatory
,
The
difference
betwixt
the
seruitude
of
one
man
to
another
,
and
the
bondage
that
al
men
owe
to
God
.
Ambros
.
in
ep
.
ad
Coloss
.
ca.
4
then
is
that
which
●y
bondman
by
the
law
of
nature
or
nations
,
can
owe
to
his
●ord
.
And
therfore
S.
Ambrose
vpon
the
same
wordes
of
S
Paul
,
●●th
that
he
signified
to
Lordes
and
maisters
,
that
they
were
not
●nly
Lordes
,
but
as
it
were
in
a
shaddowe
;
(
hauing
only
com●andement
of
the
body
)
and
that
the
inuisible
God
,
author
of
〈◇〉
thinges
,
is
the
only
and
true
Lord
of
body
and
soule
.
9.
This
bondage
of
man
to
God
was
acknowledged
by
the
●ost
ancient
,
and
learned
Philosophers
.
For
Pithagoras
teaching
,
The
ancient
philosophers
acknowledged
the
bondage
of
man
to
God
.
Cicero
de
senectute
.
Plato
de
leg
.
●●at
it
is
not
lawful
for
any
man
to
kil
him selfe
,
vseth
the
same
〈◇〉
an
euident
and
knowne
principle
,
to
proue
his
doctrine
,
say●●g
That
no
man
ought
to
depart
out
of
the
station
of
this
life
without
the
●●●mandement
of
God
.
To
which
purpose
also
Plato
saith
:
That
God
●o
lesse
offended
if
a
man
kill
him selfe
,
then
any
Lord
or
maister
would
be
,
if
his
slaue
should
doe
the
like
.
The
reason
is
,
for
that
man
be
〈◇〉
the
bondslaue
of
God
by
nature
,
is
wholy
his
,
and
not
his
ow●●
For
as
Aristotle
saith
:
Aristot
.
li
.
1.
polit
.
The
definition
of
a
slaue
.
A
slaue
is
a
man
,
that
is
an
instrument
of
〈◇〉
maister
,
and
wholy
at
his
disposition
.
In
which
respect
also
humai●●
lawes
ordaine
,
that
a
slaue
be
held
as
part
of
the
goodes
a●●
possesions
of
his
Lord
,
as
being
wholy
his
,
no
lesse
then
his
o●
or
his
asse
;
the
which
must
needes
be
vnderstood
much
more
〈◇〉
haue
place
in
man
towardes
God
,
in
respect
of
his
obligatio●
and
subiection
to
him
,
The
bondage
that
man
oweth
to
God
for
his
redemption
.
infinitly
greater
then
can
be
the
obl●gation
or
subiection
of
one
man
to
an
other
;
especially
if
〈◇〉
doe
adde
to
the
former
considerations
,
an
other
reason
of
o●●
seruitude
and
bondage
to
almighty
God
:
to
wit
,
the
inesteem●ble
price
payed
for
vs
by
our
Sauiour
IESVS
CHRIST
,
God
〈◇〉
man
,
who
of
his
infinite
bounty
shed
his
most
pretious
blo●●
to
redeeme
vs
from
the
thraldome
of
the
diuel
and
sinne
,
to
t●●
end
we
might
serue
him
in
the
freedome
of
righteousnes
〈◇〉
iustice
.
Whereto
S.
Paul
aludeth
,
sayinge
.
Let
euery
man
rem●●●
in
his
vocation
wherein
he
is
called
to
the
Christian
faith
;
wert
thou
ca●●
beinge
a
bondslaue
?
let
not
that
trouble
thee
,
for
the
bondslaue
that
is
ca●●
to
the
faith
of
Christ
,
1.
Cor
:
7.
is
made
a
freeman
of
our
Lord
,
and
the
freem●●
becoming
a
christian
is
a
bondslaue
of
Christ
;
you
are
bought
for
a
g●●●●
price
.
&c
:
Thus
saith
the
Apostle
,
signifying
that
the
slaue
,
a●●
the
freeman
,
are
equally
slaues
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
in
respe●●
of
the
price
that
he
paied
for
them
both
,
The
slaue
and
the
freeman
are
both
slaues
alyke
to
God
.
Ibid
.
and
that
〈◇〉
slaue
no
lesse
made
free
from
sinne
by
his
vocation
to
the
〈…〉
the
freeman
.
In
which
respect
the
Apostle
calleth
the
〈…〉
slaue
,
Libertum
Domini
,
A
free-made
man
of
our
Lord
10.
Hereupon
I
inferr
two
thinges
,
the
one
,
that
seeing
m●
is
the
bondslaue
of
God
,
Al
mans
actions
depend
wholy
on
the
wil
of
God
no
man
of
what
degree
,
quality
,
or
c●●dition
soeuer
he
be
,
can
be
free
or
at
his
owne
liberty
,
to
dispo●●
of
him selfe
or
his
owne
actions
,
but
dependeth
wholy
vpon
t●●
wil
of
almighty
God
,
his
Lord
.
Therefore
S.
Paul
saith
.
Non
〈◇〉
vestri
,
1.
Cor
.
6.
empti
enim
estis
pretio
magno
.
You
are
not
your
owne
,
〈◇〉
you
are
dearly
bought
.
And
againe
in
an
other
place
.
Siuè
v●●mu
siuè
morimur
Domini
sumus
,
2.
Cor
.
5.
whether
we
liue
or
dye
,
we
〈◇〉
our
Lordes
.
11.
The
other
conclusion
,
which
I
inferr
vpon
our
bond
〈◇〉
to
God
,
is
,
that
no
man
,
be
he
neuer
so
wise
,
rich
,
and
pote●●
hath
sufficient
meanes
in
him selfe
for
his
owne
conseruation
,
The
necessity
of
Gods
Gouerment
&
direction
for
the
conseruation
of
man
.
●hich
I
say
,
not
so
much
in
respect
of
the
need
that
euery
man
●ath
one
of
an
other
(
yea
and
many
times
,
of
the
vilest
,
&
basest
●reatures
that
are
)
as
for
the
necessity
that
al
men
haue
of
the
●ouernment
and
direction
of
almighty
God
their
Lord
,
as
wel
●o
illuminate
their
witt
and
vnderstanding
,
as
also
to
prouide
●hem
of
al
thinges
necessarie
for
their
liues
,
and
for
their
priuate
,
●t
publike
good
.
Eccle
.
ca.
11.
Whereof
the
Holy
Ghost
aduiseth
vs
in
Eccle●●asticus
saying
:
Ne
dicus
sufficiens
mihi
sum
?
Say
not
I
am
sufficient
●●t
my selfe
.
For
(
as
he
also
saith
in
the
same
chapter
)
bóna
&
●ala
,
vita
&
mors
,
paupertas
,
&
honestas
à
Deo
sunt
.
Ibid
.
Al
thinges
good
●●d
bad
,
life
and
death
,
pouerty
and
wealth
are
of
God
.
And
although
〈◇〉
may
seeme
to
some
,
perhapps
needles
,
and
superfluous
for
me
●o
offer
any
further
proffe
of
a
matter
so
euident
as
this
,
yet
for
●smuch
as
there
are
ouer
many
,
which
(
as
I
haue
said
before
)
●artly
for
lack
of
faith
and
beleefe
of
Gods
prouidence
,
and
par●ely
vpon
a
vaine
presumption
of
their
owne
abilities
,
doe
as●ribe
al
the
remedies
of
their
necessities
either
to
their
owne
●isdome
and
industrie
,
or
to
secondary
or
inferiour
causes
,
and
●ot
to
the
first
cause
which
is
the
prouidence
of
God
.
Psal
.
15.
I
wil
ther●ore
breifly
say
somewhat
of
this
point
.
12.
The
royal
Prophet
saith
.
A
further
Consideration
of
mans
bondage
to
almighty
God
.
Dixi
domino
Deus
meus
es
tu
quo●iam
bonorum
meorum
non
eges
.
I
said
to
my
Lord
,
thou
art
my
●od
,
because
thou
hast
no
need
of
my
goods
.
Where
he
sheweth
●he
reason
why
he
calleth
him
his
Lord
,
and
his
God
,
to
wit
,
●or
that
almighty
God
being
the
first
cause
,
the
very
fountaine
●f
goodnes
the
begininge
and
end
of
al
thinges
whatsoeuer
,
is
〈◇〉
absolute
of
him selfe
,
that
he
hath
no
need
of
man
or
any
●hinge
else
.
Wheras
man
hauing
no
substance
,
being
,
or
good●es
,
but
that
which
he
hath
of
God
,
dependeth
wholy
vpon
●im
,
as
al
other
creatures
doe
.
And
therefore
doth
worthily
ac●nowledge
him
for
his
God
(
that
is
to
say
)
for
his
Creator
,
●uthor
,
and
Conseruator
;
and
oweth
him
al
subiection
,
serui●ude
,
and
bondage
,
as
to
his
natural
Lord
and
maister
.
wher●pon
it
followeth
necessarylie
,
that
he
nedeth
his
assistance
,
●elpe
,
and
direction
,
not
only
as
his
creature
,
but
also
as
his
ser●ant
,
and
bondslaue
.
Where
vpon
also
S.
Augustin
saith
,
Aug.
de
.
Gen.
act
.
lit
.
lib
.
8.
cap
.
11.
Deus
●ostra
seruitute
non
indiget
,
&c.
God
doth
not
need
our
seruitude
or
bondage
,
but
we
neede
his
gouernment
and
commandeme●●
that
he
may
both
imploy
vs
,
and
also
keepe
and
conserue
vs
:
〈◇〉
therfore
he
is
our
true
and
only
Lord
,
because
we
serue
hi●
not
for
his
good
and
comodity
,
but
for
our
owne
good
〈◇〉
conseruation
.
Thus
far
S.
Augustine
.
Aristot
.
polit
li.
1.
A
Lord
or
a
slaue
by
nature
according
to
Aristotle
.
13.
This
also
apeareth
by
the
reason
of
the
natural
bonda●●
of
one
man
to
an
other
,
according
to
the
doctrine
of
Aristo●●●
who
saith
:
That
a
seruant
or
slaue
by
nature
,
is
he
,
that
is
n●●
of
him selfe
sufficient
and
able
to
gouerne
him selfe
,
but
ha●●
neede
of
the
direction
and
gouernment
of
an
other
;
And
t●●
a
Lord
,
and
maister
by
nature
,
is
he
,
that
doth
so
excel
in
w●●dome
,
that
he
is
able
to
guide
and
direct
both
him selfe
〈◇〉
others
,
and
that
it
is
profitable
and
necessarie
for
a
bondsla●●
to
be
gouerned
by
a
Lord
and
maister
,
in
respect
that
he
c●●not
sufficiently
gouerne
him selfe
.
14.
This
being
true
in
a
kind
of
natural
bondage
of
one
m●●
to
an
other
(
whereof
Aristotle
treateth
)
much
more
forcibl●
and
euident
is
the
reason
in
the
natural
bondage
of
al
manki●●
to
God
;
The
absolute
necessity
of
Gods
help
and
direction
for
man
,
and
why
.
for
that
no
man
needeth
so
much
the
helpe
and
dir●ction
of
an
other
man
,
as
al
men
need
the
assistance
and
help
〈◇〉
God
.
Neither
is
any
mans
wit
so
farre
inferiour
to
the
wi●●
of
an
other
man
,
as
al
mens
wittes
and
vnderstandinges
are
i●feriour
to
the
infinite
wisdome
of
God
,
whose
healp
and
di●●ction
is
absolutly
necessary
for
euery
man
,
for
two
reasons
●●pecially
.
15.
The
one
,
for
that
the
thinges
that
are
necessary
for
m●●
life
and
conseruation
,
The
first
Reason
.
are
nether
in
man
him selfe
,
nor
in
〈◇〉
power
,
but
depend
wholy
vpon
the
wil
and
pleasure
of
Go●
which
no
man
can
doubt
of
,
that
considereth
the
doctrine
eith●●
of
Christians
or
of
Paynim
Philosophers
,
or
the
consent
and
c●stome
of
al
nations
,
Al
things
necessary
for
mans
life
depend
on
the
wil
of
God
.
or
yet
manifest
experience
.
For
who
see●
not
how
little
it
auayleth
any
man
to
toyle
,
and
labour
,
in
tilli●●
the
ground
,
in
sowing
,
planting
,
or
in
traffique
by
sea
,
or
lan●
if
God
do
not
giue
heate
,
cold
,
raine
,
windes
,
and
faire
weath●●
in
their
seasons
,
wholesomnes
of
ayre
,
encrease
of
the
fruits
〈◇〉
the
earth
,
yea
and
the
fruits
them selues
?
Psame
.
103.
16.
Therefore
the
kingly
Prophet
saith
of
almighty
Go●
That
he
watereth
the
mountaines
from
aboue
,
to
the
end
the
earth
〈◇〉
bring
hay
for
cattle
,
and
herbes
for
the
vse
and
seruice
of
man
:
bread
to
●●●engthen
his
hart
,
and
wine
to
make
him
merry
,
and
oyle
to
exhilarate
〈◇〉
face
,
and
that
when
he
openeth
his
hand
,
al
things
are
filled
with
his
●●unty
,
and
when
he
turneth
awaye
his
face
,
they
perish
and
turne
to
their
●●st
.
Thus
saith
the
royal
Prophet
.
And
this
dependance
of
●an
on
Gods
prouidence
for
al
things
belonging
to
his
conser●●tion
,
was
signified
amplie
by
almightie
God
him selfe
to
the
●●ople
of
Israel
,
when
he
gaue
them
the
law
vpon
mount
Sinai
,
Leuit.
26.
●●omising
them
,
that
if
they
kept
his
commandements
,
he
would
●●ue
them
raine
in
due
season
,
and
that
the
earth
should
bring
●orth
al
kind
of
herbs
and
plants
,
that
their
trees
should
be
●aden
with
fruite
,
that
their
vintages
,
&
haruests
should
ouer●●ke
one
an
other
,
with
such
aboundance
,
that
they
should
not
●e
able
to
consume
the
old
store
,
before
they
should
haue
new
:
●●ey
should
liue
in
peace
,
and
securitie
,
&
that
neither
noysome
●easts
,
nor
the
sword
of
the
enemie
should
molest
them
:
of
al
●hich
he
also
threatned
them
the
contrarie
,
in
case
they
would
●ot
obey
him
,
and
afterwards
he
fully
performed
the
one
,
and
●e
other
,
blessing
them
with
peace
and
plenty
when
they
ser●ed
him
,
and
punishing
them
with
famine
,
pestilence
and
warre
●hen
they
offended
him
.
17.
Luc
.
11.
For
this
cause
we
Christians
by
our
Sauiours
instruction
●●d
commandement
,
doe
daily
pray
vnto
God
,
to
giue
vs
,
The
miraculous
effects
of
publike
prayer
and
processions
in
cases
of
necessitie
amon●st
Christians
.
The
experience
of
Gods
prouidence
in
the
relife
of
mens
necessities
,
shewed
by
examples
.
A
great
plague
in
Rome
remedied
by
publike
prayer
an
.
590.
Baron
.
an
.
590.
Gregor
.
Turonens
.
li
.
10.
c
.
1.
hist
Franc
.
Panem
●●strum
quotidianum
,
Our
daily
bread
and
sustenance
:
And
doe
vse
not
●nly
priuate
but
also
publike
praiers
,
processions
,
fastinges
,
and
●ortifications
in
al
cases
of
necessitie
,
aswel
to
auert
Gods
●rath
,
as
to
obtaine
his
grace
and
benefits
for
the
common
●ealth
,
whereof
admirable
,
and
miraculous
effects
haue
bene
●nd
are
many
times
seene
amongst
Christians
,
for
the
vndoub●ed
proofe
of
Gods
prouidence
in
al
thinges
belonging
to
our
●onseruation
,
which
I
could
confirme
by
manie
most
manifest
●xamples
in
al
ages
,
but
three
or
foure
shal
suffice
for
this
time
,
●ecause
I
am
also
to
touch
this
point
hereafter
.
18.
In
the
yeare
of
our
Lord
590.
there
was
such
a
cruel
plague
●nd
pestilence
in
Rome
,
that
al
the
inhabitants
of
the
citie
were
●●most
destroied
therewith
;
for
remedie
whereof
S.
Gregorie
the
●reat
(
then
newly
chosen
Pope
)
commanded
that
publike
●rayers
,
&
processions
should
be
made
for
some
daies
;
whereby
the
wrath
of
God
was
appeased
,
in
such
euident
manner
th●●
S.
Gregorie
did
also
ordeyne
other
solemne
processions
to
gi●●
God
thankes
for
the
benefit
receaued
;
as
appeareth
in
his
ow●
workes
,
Gregor
.
in
Registro
in
princ
.
Indict
10.
&
Greg
.
Turon
.
li
.
10.
Baron
.
an
.
590.
besides
the
testimonie
of
other
approued
authors
.
An●
at
the
same
time
(
as
constant
fame
hath
euer
since
reported
there
publikly
appeared
an
Angel
putting
vp
his
sword
vpo●
the
topp
of
Moles
Adriani
,
now
called
by
the
same
occasion
th●
Castle
of
S.
Angelo
.
19.
Also
in
the
yeare
of
our
Lorde
717.
the
Saracens
an●
Arabians
beseiged
Constantinople
three
yeares
together
with
●wor●
huge
armie
and
nauie
,
The
seige
of
constantinople
miraculously
raysed
an
.
717.
but
at
length
through
the
prayers
of
〈◇〉
German
,
(
who
then
was
liuing
and
Patriarke
therof
)
and
the
frequent
processions
of
the
people
,
made
in
the
honor
of
the
ble●sed
virgin
Mary
patronesse
of
that
cittie
;
the
armie
of
the
In●●deles
,
was
for
the
most
part
consumed
with
famine
,
cold
,
&
pestilence
,
Beda
.
de
.
6.
aetat
:
in
fine
:
an
718.
Paul
.
Diac
.
li
.
6.
〈◇〉
.
47.
and
the
nauie
wherein
those
which
remained
,
meant
〈◇〉
haue
retired
them selues
,
was
with
a
fierie
haile
that
fel
vpon
〈◇〉
from
heauen
,
sunk
and
vtterly
destroyed
,
excepting
ten
ship●●●
wherof
fiue
came
vnto
the
handes
of
the
Christians
;
God
so
di●posing
for
his
owne
greater
glorie
,
that
the
particulers
there●●
might
be
knowne
.
In
memory
of
which
notable
miracle
the●●
was
a
feast
instituted
,
&
yearlie
celebrated
,
to
giue
God
thanke●
for
the
same
,
S.
Theophanes
Cedrenus
,
Menologium
Basilij
15.
Augusti
.
as
appeareth
not
only
in
S.
Theophanes
,
Cedrenus
a●●
others
,
but
also
in
the
Martirologe
,
and
Calender
of
the
Greeks
.
20.
But
to
ommit
many
other
examples
of
ancient
time
,
an●
to
come
to
our
dayes
,
within
the
memory
of
man
.
It
chanced
〈◇〉
late
in
the
yere
of
our
●ord
1594.
litterae
annuae
.
an
1594.
that
there
was
so
greate
〈◇〉
drought
,
and
danger
of
a
general
famine
in
the
Iland
of
Ch●●
which
is
now
vnder
the
Turke
,
that
the
people
thereof
despairing
of
humaine
help
,
determined
to
haue
recourse
to
the
d●uine
.
The
grat
drought
in
the
Iland
of
Chio
,
and
the
miraculous
remedie
therof
by
processions
of
Christians
.
And
therefore
,
for
as
much
as
the
inhabitants
there●●
were
of
foure
seueral
professions
of
religion
,
one
of
Turks
,
〈◇〉
other
of
Iewes
,
the
third
of
schismatical
Greekes
,
&
the
fo●●●
of
Romaine
Catholiks
,
they
al
agreed
to
implore
the
mercie
and
fauor
of
almighty
God
,
by
publike
processions
,
euery
one
according
to
the
custome
of
their
religion
,
which
the
Turkes
perfo●med
first
,
the
Iewes
next
,
and
the
Greekes
next
after
,
witho●●
any
comfort
or
releife
;
but
the
fourth
day
that
the
Romane
Cath●likes
made
their
procession
,
it
pleased
God
to
giue
them
such
●re
of
raine
,
that
their
necessitie
was
remedied
,
and
the
Chri●●●an
Catholique
religion
greatly
confirmed
,
to
the
confusion
●●th
of
the
Turkes
,
and
Greekes
and
the
conuersion
of
many
〈◇〉
them
.
And
now
againe
of
late
in
the
yeare
1603.
litterae
annuae
an
1603.
not
yet
ful
●o
yeares
agoe
,
the
people
of
certaine
townes
in
the
Ilandes
of
●●ilippinas
lately
conuerted
to
the
Christian
faith
by
the
Fathers
〈◇〉
the
Socictie
of
IESVS
,
were
in
like
manner
in
great
feare
of
●in
through
an
excessiue
drought
in
al
those
partes
,
An
excessiue
drought
in
the
Ilands
of
Philippinae
releeued
an
.
1603.
and
relei●●d
by
the
like
meanes
with
aboundance
of
raine
which
fel
the
●ne
day
that
the
procession
was
made
,
whereas
other
people
of
●●e
townes
and
countries
adioining
(
who
vsed
not
such
meanes
〈◇〉
obtaine
Gods
fauor
)
receaued
not
the
like
benefit
,
as
it
is
●●●tified
by
late
letters
from
those
partes
,
newly
printed
by
pu●●ke
authoritie
.
●1
.
Hereto
I
also
adde
an
other
moderne
example
whereof
I
〈◇〉
selfe
was
an
eye
witnes
in
Paris
about
the
yeare
of
our
Lord
●7
.
at
what
time
there
was
such
a
continual
drought
,
A
great
drought
in
France
,
remedied
by
prayer
an
.
1587.
for
many
●nethes
togeather
,
that
a
general
famine
was
greatly
feared
,
●ereby
the
Magistrates
spiritual
,
and
temporal
were
moued
〈◇〉
ordaine
that
the
reliques
of
S
Genouefa
Patronesse
of
Paris
●●uld
be
caried
in
solemne
procession
,
as
at
diuers
other
times
●●ey
had
bin
in
other
publike
necessities
,
with
manifest
benefit
the
cittie
of
Paris
,
whereto
the
successe
was
answerable
also
this
time
.
For
whereas
there
had
not
bene
one
dropp
of
raine
many
monethes
before
,
it
began
the
same
day
of
the
processi●●
in
the
afternoone
to
raine
aboundantly
,
and
so
continued
●ny
dayes
after
,
where
with
the
people
were
wonderfully
●●mforted
.
And
I
remembre
wel
that
some
of
our
country
,
who
●●ing
the
preparation
for
the
procession
iested
greatly
at
it
●●ying
it
would
now
be
seene
what
wonders
S.
Genouefa
could
●orke
)
were
much
confounded
,
as
some
of
them
vnto
whose
●●des
this
treatise
may
come
,
if
they
be
yet
liuing
,
cannot
but
●●member
.
22.
This
I
haue
said
(
as
I
also
shal
haue
occasion
to
say
more
●her
where
)
to
shewe
the
manifest
experience
of
Gods
proui●●nce
in
our
affaires
,
and
our
dependance
thereon
for
our
con●●●uation
,
which
may
also
be
confirmed
not
only
with
the
doctrine
of
the
most
learned
Philosophers
,
The
consent
of
al
nations
is
the
voice
of
nature
.
Cicero
,
tuscul
.
quaest:
lib
.
1.
but
also
with
the
vn●uersal
consent
and
opinion
of
al
nations
(
which
Cicero
calleth
the
voice
of
nature
)
seeing
the
general
custome
of
al
people
in
〈◇〉
ages
,
hath
bene
to
craue
al
kind
of
temporal
benefites
of
Go●
by
publike
prayer
and
sacrifice
,
as
al
histories
doe
testifie
.
T●
which
purpose
Aristotle
signifieth
that
the
vse
was
in
his
tym●
and
had
bene
from
al
antiquitie
,
Oblation
of
the
first
frutes
after
haruest
generally
vsed
in
Aristotles
time
.
Arist
:
eth
.
lib
.
8.
ca.
9.
Ibid
.
ca.
12.
to
sacrifice
to
God
present●
after
haruest
,
to
offer
vp
vnto
him
the
first
fruites
of
his
ow●
giftes
,
in
thankes
giuing
for
the
same
.
And
he
also
teachet●
that
man
oweth
to
God
a
filial
loue
as
to
his
father
,
because
〈◇〉
receaueth
of
him
his
essence
,
being
,
&
nourishment
.
In
whi●●
respect
also
Plato
calleth
the
prouidence
of
God
:
Matricem
gene●
humani
;
The
prouidence
of
God
the
nurse
of
mankind
.
Plato
lib
.
2.
de
l●g
.
&
lib
.
10.
de
●ep
.
Plutar
.
in
his
Tratise
why
Oracles
ceased
.
The
testimonie
of
Seneca
concerning
mans
dependance
on
the
prouidence
of
God
.
Seneca
.
lib
.
4.
de
benef
.
c
.
6.
The
nourse
of
mankind
.
And
Plutarke
in
like
manne●
saith
:
It
is
that
louing
and
charitable
mother
,
which
bringeth
forth
,
a●
conserueth
al
thinges
for
the
vse
of
man
.
23.
Therfore
to
omit
infinite
other
testimonies
of
Philosophers
which
might
be
alleaged
,
I
conclude
this
point
with
t●●
famous
Seneca
,
who
to
confute
the
Athiestes
of
his
time
,
and
〈◇〉
shewe
withal
their
ingratitude
towardes
almighty
God
the●●
Creator
and
Conseruator
,
rehearseth
many
benefites
that
ma●
hath
receaued
of
God
,
aswel
generally
in
the
heauens
,
as
als●
particulerly
euery
one
in
his
owne
person
,
and
then
addeth
the●●
wordes
.
Seing
thou
doest
greatly
esteeme
(
saith
he
)
the●●
gifts
,
why
art
thou
so
vngrateful
,
not
to
acknowledge
th●●
selfe
a
debtor
to
him
that
bestowed
them
vpon
thee
?
When
〈◇〉
hast
thou
the
very
breath
that
thou
drawest
?
Whence
th●
light
,
wherby
thou
disposest
of
thy
actions
?
whence
the●●
blood
wherin
thy
vital
heat
,
and
spirits
are
conserued
?
When●●
those
exquisite
sauors
,
meats
,
and
sauses
,
so
aboundant
th●●
they
euen
tyre
,
and
cloy
thy
appetite
?
Whence
these
prou●cations
of
languishing
pleasures
?
Finally
,
whence
hast
tho●
this
very
ease
,
rest
,
and
repose
wherein
thou
wallowest
an●
wasts
thy selfe
?
If
thou
be
grateful
,
wilt
thou
not
say
,
with
th●
poët
:
Verg
.
●●log
1.
Deus
nobis
haec
otia
fecit
,
namque
erit
ille
mihi
semper
Deus
;
th●●
is
to
say
,
God
gaue
me
the
same
,
and
he
shal
be
my
God
for
eue●
And
a
little
after
he
addeth
.
But
if
thou
say
,
that
not
God
,
b●
nature
hath
giuen
thee
al
this
,
dost
thou
not
vnderstand
,
th●●
thou
dost
but
change
the
name
of
God
,
and
cal
him
nature
,
〈◇〉
whom
thou
mayst
apply
what
name
soeuer
expresseth
any
hea●enly
force
,
or
effect
,
for
so
many
may
his
names
be
,
as
he
gi●eth
gifts
.
Ergo
nihil
agis
,
ingratissime
mortalium
.
Therfore
,
Ibid
.
c
.
7.
&
8.
The
ingratitude
of
Atheists
taxed
by
Seneca
.
o
thou
●ost
vngrateful
of
al
mortal
creatures
,
thou
dost
but
tryfle
●hen
thou
sayest
that
thou
art
a
debtor
to
nature
,
and
not
to
●od
:
for
God
is
neither
without
nature
,
nor
nature
without
●od
,
but
both
is
one
,
as
if
thou
shouldst
haue
receaued
a
benefit
●f
Lucius
Annaeus
Seneca
,
and
wouldst
say
,
that
thou
art
not
a
●etter
to
Seneca
:
but
to
Anneus
,
or
to
Lucius
.
Dost
thou
not
see
●●at
thou
changest
not
thy
creditor
,
but
his
name
?
Euen
so
;
what●●euer
thou
callest
God
,
be
it
nature
,
fate
,
or
fortune
,
al
are
but
●●uers
names
of
one
God
,
according
to
the
diuers
vse
and
exer●●se
of
his
power
.
Thus
far
Seneca
;
reprouing
notably
the
ingra●●tude
of
Atheists
,
as
Cicero
also
doth
,
saying
.
Cicero
.
de
legib
li
.
2.
He
that
is
vngratful
to
God
deserueth
not
the
name
of
a
man
.
Horat
.
li
.
2.
ode
13.
The
second
reason
of
mans
insufficiency
to
prouide
for
him selfe
,
to
wit
,
because
he
knoweth
not
what
is
conuenient
for
him selfe
.
Eccles
.
7.
Hierom
in
.
li
.
Habac
.
ca.
1.
A
sound
aduise
of
plato
concerning
what
man
should
craue
of
God
.
Ibid
.
Plato
in
Alcibiade
2.
Hier
.
in
ep
.
ad
.
Ephes
.
li
.
2.
ca.
4.
That
he
deserueth
not
the
●●me
of
a
man
who
inioying
those
things
which
the
earth
produceth
for
his
●e
,
is
not
thankful
to
God
for
the
same
.
Thus
much
for
the
dependan●e
of
man
vpon
the
wil
and
prouidence
of
God
for
his
conserua●●on
,
which
is
one
of
the
two
reasons
that
I
intended
to
yeeld
,
●hy
Gods
help
and
direction
is
absolutly
necessary
for
man
.
24.
The
other
reason
is
,
because
mans
wit
is
so
weake
and
●ind
,
that
he
knoweth
not
what
is
good
and
couenient
for
●●m
selfe
,
and
much
lesse
for
others
,
where
vpon
the
Poet
saith
?
●uod
quisque
vitet
,
nusquam
homini
satis
cautum
est
in
horas
;
that
is
to
●y
:
No
man
is
so
wyse
,
and
wary
that
he
knoweth
at
al
tymes
what
to
●●oyde
.
And
the
booke
of
Ecclesiastes
saith
to
the
same
purpose
.
●uid
necesse
est
?
&c.
What
needeth
a
man
desire
or
seeke
thinges
aboue
him
●●●fe
,
seing
he
knoweth
not
so
much
,
as
what
is
necessary
and
conuenient
●●r
him selfe
and
in
the
dayes
of
his
peregrination
?
25.
Therfore
S.
Hierom
compareth
almighty
God
,
to
a
wise
●hisition
,
who
giueth
not
to
his
patient
hurtful
thinges
,
though
●●e
desire
them
neuer
so
instantly
.
And
likneth
man
to
a
sick
man
,
●ho
many
tymes
desireth
that
which
would
be
his
death
if
it
●ere
granted
him
.
In
which
case
,
Mercy
(
saith
he
)
were
cruelty
:
●uia
voluntas
tua
contra
te
petit
.
Because
thy
owne
wil
desiers
against
●ee
.
Wherefore
Plato
giueth
sound
aduise
neuer
to
craue
of
al●ighty
God
absolutly
any
thing
that
partaineth
to
our
temporal
●ate
,
but
with
condition
,
to
wit
,
if
it
be
conuenient
for
vs
:
●r
that
as
S.
Hierome
also
saith
in
an
other
place
;
Id
quod
,
oportes
orare
nescimus
,
&
saepè
contra
nos
petimus
,
estimantes
esse
pro
nobis
!
〈◇〉
know
not
what
it
is
conuenient
to
pray
for
,
and
many
tymes
we
〈◇〉
those
thinges
that
are
against
vs
,
thinking
that
they
be
good
for
vs.
A●
the
Apostle
him self
saith
also
to
the
same
purpose
.
Roman
.
8.
Spirit●●●uat
.
&c.
The
spirit
of
God
doth
help
our
infirmity
,
for
wee
know
not
〈◇〉
nor
what
wee
should
pray
.
26.
This
is
manifest
by
the
vaine
and
foolish
desiers
of
〈◇〉
yea
of
the
wisest
,
that
wish
and
earnestly
desier
some
tymes
〈◇〉
thinges
as
are
most
pernitious
for
them
;
In
so
much
,
that
it
〈◇〉
wel
be
said
vnto
them
,
as
our
Sauiour
said
to
his
two
Apos●●●
who
desired
to
sit
the
one
on
his
right
hand
,
and
the
other
〈◇〉
his
left
:
Matt
.
20.
Nescitis
quid
petatis
:
You
know
not
what
you
may
〈◇〉
wherefore
Plato
comendeth
a
certaine
poet
called
Ion
,
〈◇〉
when
he
heard
his
freends
other
whiles
craue
of
God
〈◇〉
thinges
as
were
not
conuenient
,
A
wise
prayer
of
a
Pagan
Poet
.
was
wont
to
pray
thus
.
O
Iup●
giue
vs
good
thinges
,
wherther
we
aske
them
or
no
,
but
those
thinges
〈◇〉
are
euil
giue
vs
not
,
Plat
.
in
Alcib
.
2.
though
we
craue
them
neuer
so
much
?
And
th●
foolish
desiers
of
men
the
Poetes
signified
by
the
fable
of
Pha●●●
who
hauing
by
his
importunity
,
Ouid
.
metam
:
li.
1.
&
2.
obtained
of
his
father
Pha●●●
the
guiding
of
his
chariot
,
burnt
both
the
world
and
him
sel●●
And
Cicero
also
signifieth
the
same
by
an
other
fable
of
Thaes●●
who
craued
of
Neptune
three
wishes
whereof
one
was
the
●●struction
of
his
owne
sonne
Hippolitus
,
Cicero
.
offic
.
lib
.
3
which
being
obtain●●
he
remained
al
his
life
after
most
sorrowful
and
inconsolable
.
The
conclusion
of
this
chapter
inferring
the
necessity
of
Gods
prouidence
for
mans
conseruat●on
.
27.
Seing
then
man
is
so
weake
of
power
and
wit
,
that
〈◇〉
him selfe
,
he
neither
can
sufficiently
prouide
for
him selfe
,
〈◇〉
ther
yet
knoweth
what
is
conuenient
for
his
owne
estate
,
it
f●●loweth
necessarily
,
that
the
prouidence
of
God
his
Lord
〈◇〉
Creator
is
most
needful
for
his
conseruation
and
directio●
throughout
the
whole
course
of
his
life
;
nor
only
in
his
priua●●
and
particuler
affayres
,
but
much
more
in
publike
matters
,
p●●taining
to
the
gouernment
of
the
commonwelth
:
for
the
be●●
prooffe
whereof
,
and
of
the
insufficiency
of
al
humaine
wit
〈◇〉
policie
,
I
wil
laye
downe
some
examples
of
the
errors
of
so●●
famous
Politickes
,
who
by
their
owne
imprudence
haue
eith●●
ouerthrowne
,
or
else
greatly
indangered
,
them selues
and
the●●
estates
.
●OR
THE
MORE
AMPLE
PROOFE
OF
THE
insufficiency
of
humane
wit
and
policy
,
diuers
examples
are
alleaged
of
the
errors
of
Politikes
,
and
worldly
wise
men
.
By
occasion
whereof
it
is
also
debated
,
how
farre
a
man
may
trust
a
reconciled
enemy
,
and
how
true
prudence
&
Christian
charity
,
may
concure
with
distrust
and
suspition
.
CHAP.
3.
LEWIS
the
eleuenth
King
of
France
,
one
of
the
most
politicke
Princes
that
France
euer
had
,
Philip
de
Comines
de
reb
.
gest
.
Lodouici
.
11.
in
.
cap
.
33.
●eing
at
warrs
with
his
owne
brother
Char●es
duke
of
Normandy
:
Francis
duke
of
Britany
:
and
Charles
duke
of
Burgundy
,
and
desiring
greatly
to
seperate
the
last
from
the
other
two
,
to
the
end
●e
might
the
better
be
reuenged
on
them
,
solicited
him
by
his
●mbassadors
to
come
to
conference
with
him
,
which
the
Duke
●●alded
vnto
,
so
that
the
meeting
might
be
in
a
towne
of
his
●wne
in
the
frontiers
of
Flanders
and
France
,
Lewis
the
11.
of
France
ouertaken
in
his
owne
policy
.
for
his
better
secu●●ty
:
where
with
the
King
was
wel
contented
.
The
meeting
●●erfore
being
appo●nted
at
Peronne
(
whither
the
Duke
was
come
●ith
his
army
)
and
safe
conduit
sent
to
the
king
by
a
letter
of
●●e
dukes
owne
hand
,
the
king
went
thet●er
without
any
for●es
or
guard
,
to
shew
the
confidence
he
had
in
the
Duke
,
to
the
●nd
to
oblige
him
the
more
,
and
to
gayne
his
good
wil
.
But
the
●uke
seing
now
his
enemy
in
his
power
,
and
vnderstanding
at
●he
same
time
,
that
Liege
was
reuolted
from
him
by
the
solicita●●on
of
certaine
Embassadors
of
the
king
,
tooke
him
prisoner
,
●nd
would
not
release
him
vntil
he
had
recouered
the
towne
of
●●ege
,
whither
he
forced
him
to
accompany
him
with
no
smal
●anger
of
his
person
And
in
the
end
hauing
made
him
graunt
to
●ome
hard
conditions
in
fauor
of
his
confederates
(
against
●home
the
king
had
especially
plotted
that
conference
and
●reaty
)
he
released
him
.
2.
Now
then
who
seeth
not
in
this
example
,
The
manifest
error
of
King
Lewis
.
how
grosly
●his
great
Politike
erred
in
two
things
,
wherein
it
might
be
presumed
that
a
man
of
any
experience
could
not
haue
bene
〈◇〉
ceaued
.
The
one
,
that
hauing
employed
certaine
agents
or
●●bassadors
,
to
stirre
vp
the
towne
of
Liege
against
the
Duke
,
〈◇〉
did
not
countermaund
it
,
when
he
resolued
to
put
him selfe
in
〈◇〉
his
handes
;
for
who
could
be
so
simple
,
as
not
to
consider
t●●●
if
the
practise
should
take
effect
(
as
it
did
)
whiles
he
should
〈◇〉
in
his
power
,
not
only
the
peace
and
amity
which
he
desired
〈◇〉
make
,
would
be
hindered
therby
,
but
also
his
person
enda●gered
?
For
that
the
Duke
should
haue
iust
cause
to
detaine
hi●
at
least
vntil
he
had
done
him
reparation
of
the
wrong
.
3.
The
other
error
was
,
that
he
would
vpon
any
security
〈◇〉
safe
conduit
,
put
him selfe
to
the
curtesy
&
mercie
of
his
enem●
without
an
vrgent
,
and
ineuitable
necessity
;
knowing
how
lit●●●
assurance
is
many
times
in
wordes
or
oathes
,
when
present
co●modity
either
priuate
or
publike
,
is
offered
by
the
breach
ther●
Besides
that
,
his
owne
rule
(
which
he
was
wont
to
say
,
〈◇〉
al
the
latin
he
would
haue
his
sonne
to
learne
,
What
learning
Lewes
the
11.
required
in
his
sonne
.
to
wit
,
Qui
nes●
dissimulare
,
nescit
regnare
He
which
knoweth
not
how
to
disse●ble
,
knoweth
not
how
to
raygne
)
might
haue
moued
him
〈◇〉
haue
doubted
in
his
enemy
,
that
which
he
practysed
him selfe himself●
and
was
apt
enough
to
suspect
in
his
best
frinds
.
And
this
he
ha●
iust
cause
to
feare
in
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
whome
he
had
dece●ued
before
by
a
false
composition
,
which
he
made
with
him
〈◇〉
Constans
,
&
brake
presently
after
,
wherby
he
had
both
incited
&
also
taught
him
,
to
paye
him
with
money
of
the
same
stam●
Wherein
may
be
noted
as
wel
his
notable
error
,
as
also
Go●
prouidence
and
iustice
in
punishing
his
double
dealing
with
t●●
like
,
according
to
the
saying
of
our
Sauiour
;
Qua
mensura
,
&
●
What
measure
you
shal
make
or
giue
to
others
,
Matt
.
7.
the
same
shal
be
measure●
or
made
to
you
againe
.
4.
No
lesse
notable
an
example
both
of
the
one
and
of
th●
other
,
may
be
obserued
in
Caesar
Borgia
duke
of
Valence
,
who●●
great
wisdome
Machiauel
so
much
admireth
,
Machia
.
princ
.
Caesar
Borgia
Du
●
of
Valence
the
paterne
of
machiauels
prince
:
ouerthrowne
by
his
owne
policy
.
that
he
maketh
hi●
a
mirrour
and
paterne
for
a
prince
;
whome
he
might
mo●●
iustly
haue
made
a
mirrour
of
mischeife
,
and
paterne
of
al
perfidiousnes
,
cruelty
and
impiety
.
This
Caesar
being
after
the
deat●
of
his
father
spoyled
of
al
the
estates
that
he
had
by
force
an●
fraud
layed
to
geather
in
Italy
,
and
in
danger
as
he
thought
o●
his
life
,
or
libertie
at
least
,
Guicciat
.
hist
.
lib
.
6.
by
the
displeasure
of
Pope
Iulius
the
se●ond
that
then
raigned
,
resolued
to
flie
for
his
securitie
to
Har●ando
Goncales
,
general
in
the
kingdome
of
Naples
,
for
Ferdinando
●ing
of
Aragon
and
Castile
;
forgetting
,
or
not
considering
,
the
●anifold
causes
of
offence
that
he
had
giuen
to
him
,
and
to
the
●ing
his
maister
in
sundry
occasions
,
and
so
trusting
to
his
safe
●onduict
,
he
put
him selfe
into
his
handes
,
and
was
shor●ly
after
●ent
by
him
prisoner
into
Spayne
,
by
order
from
the
King
;
●hereof
Goncales
excused
him selfe
,
pretending
that
his
faith
and
●●fe
conduit
,
ought
not
to
hinder
his
execution
of
the
King
●as
maisters
commandement
,
against
whome
he
said
he
could
●iue
no
securitie
:
and
so
the
Arch-politike
of
his
time
,
who
had
●y
subti●it●
&
treachery
,
ouerthrowne
very
many
,
was
him selfe
●y
God
iust
iu●gment
ouer-reached
,
and
(
as
I
may
tearme
it
)
●●●ipt
in
his
owne
play
,
to
his
vtter
ruine
and
ouerthrow
,
as
vpon
●n
other
occasion
shal
be
declared
more
amply
hereafter
.
5.
Therfore
what
was
become
of
al
his
accustomed
craft
?
●here
were
al
those
profound
policies
,
that
excellent
iudg●ent
,
that
sharpnes
of
wit
,
How
farre
a
man
may
trust
a
reconciled
enemie
.
those
rare
inuentions
that
made
him
●uch
a
worthy
patern
of
Machiauels
prince
?
for
whether
we
res●ect
true
wisdome
,
or
the
common
craft
and
subtilitie
of
world●●e
men
(
which
is
now
commonly
called
machiauillian
policie
)
●e
erred
in
the
principles
of
both
;
for
subtilitie
and
craft
,
which
●xcludeth
al
charitie
,
teacheth
so
to
distrust
,
as
neuer
to
trust
,
●or
to
pardon
an
enemie
,
nor
to
leaue
to
hate
,
hurt
,
&
reuenge
,
●hen
oportunity
is
offered
,
notwithstanding
any
reconciliation
.
Besides
that
,
the
mallice
of
men
so
farre
extendeth
it selfe
in
●uch
cases
,
that
politikes
hold
it
not
secure
for
him
that
doth
offend
any
man
,
to
trust
him
euer
after
.
To
which
purpose
the
●talian
prouerbe
saith
.
Chi
offende
non
perdona
mai
,
whereby
it
is
signified
,
that
he
which
doth
any
notable
iniurie
to
an
other
man
,
can
neuer
after
with
his
owne
saftie
trust
him
,
or
yet
spare
●im
if
he
may
ouerthrow
him
,
for
feare
that
at
some
time
or
other
he
may
seke
to
be
reuenged
;
so
that
this
Arch-politike
according
to
the
rules
of
his
owne
art
and
profession
,
should
haue
neuer
put
his
life
into
the
hands
of
one
whome
he
had
once
offended
,
and
much
lesse
of
an
open
enemie
reconciled
.
6.
And
as
for
true
wisdome
though
it
euer
keepe
it selfe
within
the
boundes
of
charitie
,
and
teacheth
vs
not
only
〈◇〉
p●●don
,
but
also
to
loue
our
enemies
,
yea
and
to
doe
them
〈◇〉
pleasure
we
conueniently
may
;
yet
it
so
ioineth
the
pruden●
〈◇〉
the
serpent
,
with
the
simplicity
of
the
doue
,
that
it
warneth
vs
to
b●ware
of
them
,
Seneca
.
A
reconciled
enemie
not
to
be
trusted
.
Ecclesiast
.
12.
and
not
to
trust
our
liues
or
states
in
their
hand●
when
we
may
auoid
it
,
remembring
euer
the
councel
of
Se●●●●
who
saith
.
Neuer
beleeue
that
he
wil
be
faithful
vnto
thee
,
who
of
〈◇〉
enemie
is
become
thy
friend
.
Which
also
the
Holy
Ghost
teacheth
i●
the
booke
of
Ecclesiasticus
;
where
it
is
said
.
Neuer
beleeue
or
tr●●●
thy
enemy
,
for
as
old
Iron
groweth
euery
day
more
rusty
then
other
;
so
i●creaseth
his
rancor
;
and
if
he
humble
him selfe
,
and
crouch
vnto
thee
,
y●●
haue
an
eye
vnto
him
,
and
keepe
thy selfe
from
him
;
place
him
not
〈◇〉
vnto
thee
,
least
he
put
thee
out
of
thy
place
,
and
make
thee
know
to
thy
c●●●
how
true
are
my
wordes
.
And
againe
to
the
same
purpose
,
Salom●●
saith
in
his
parables
.
Prouerb
.
26.
When
thy
enemy
shal
speake
softly
vnto
thee
(
th●●
is
to
say
)
shal
flatter
thee
or
speak
thee
faire
,
then
trust
him
not
,
〈◇〉
then
his
hart
is
ful
of
mischief
.
In
al
which
the
Holy
Ghost
instr●cteth
,
and
aduiseth
vs
to
be
warie
,
but
not
malicious
;
to
be
ci●cumspect
,
but
not
suspitious
;
to
haue
an
eye
to
a
reconcile●
enemie
,
but
not
to
hate
or
hurt
him
,
or
to
reuenge
old
wronge●
Therefore
Salomon
counterpe
vseth
the
foresaid
doctrin
with
pr●ceptes
of
compassion
,
&
charity
towardes
our
enemies
,
sayin●
When
they
enemy
falleth
,
Prouerb
:
24.
be
not
glad
therof
,
and
let
not
thy
hart
reioyce
〈◇〉
his
ruyn
,
least
our
Lord
seinge
it
,
be
displeased
with
thee
,
and
turne
〈◇〉
wrath
from
him
.
Prouerb
:
25.
And
in
an
other
place
;
if
thy
enemie
(
saith
he
)
〈◇〉
hungry
,
g●ue
him
meat
,
if
he
be
thirsty
giue
him
drinke
,
and
thou
sh●●
cast
coales
vpon
his
head
,
and
our
Lord
shal
reward
thee
,
Thus
far
th●
kinge
and
prophet
,
Rom.
12.
whose
wordes
S.
Paul
also
reciteth
,
and
o●
Sauiour
confirmeth
by
his
commandement
;
saying
;
Loue
yo●●
enemies
,
and
doe
good
to
them
which
hate
you
.
&c.
7.
Thus
then
we
see
how
true
wisdome
,
and
Christian
ch●rity
concurre
,
and
how
the
prudence
of
the
serpent
,
is
to
be
ioyned
with
the
simplicity
of
the
doue
,
In
what
manner
we
may
distrust
our
enemies
.
in
so
distrusting
our
enemies
that
we
leaue
not
to
loue
them
,
and
yet
louing
them
s●
that
we
trust
them
no
further
then
may
stand
with
our
ow●
safeti●
,
euer
fearing
the
malice
of
mans
nature
,
which
is
so
abstruse
a●d
hidden
,
that
no
man
can
be
assured
of
his
best
fren●
and
much
lesse
of
a
reconciled
enemie
.
In
which
respect
,
it
i●
wisdome
so
to
loue
and
trust
our
friendes
that
we
remember
●●thal
,
that
they
may
become
our
enemies
;
Seneca
.
ep
.
3.
And
therefore
Seneca
●●uiseth
vs
so
to
liue
,
that
our
actions
may
be
as
iustifiable
●fore
our
frends
as
before
our
enemies
.
To
which
purpose
●o
the
Holy
Ghost
in
the
booke
of
Ecclesiastes
saith
:
Ab
ini●cis
tuis
seperare
,
&
ab
amicis
tuis
attende
.
Eccles
.
6.
Seperate
thy selfe
from
●y
enemies
,
and
beware
euen
of
thy
frends
.
And
in
an
other
●●ce
;
A
filijs
tuis
&
domesticis
attende
.
Eccles
.
32.
Take
heede
of
thy
owne
●●ildren
,
and
of
thy
how
should
seruants
;
which
neuerthelesse
not
to
be
vnderstood
,
as
though
a
man
should
trust
no
bodie
,
●hich
were
not
only
a
miserable
case
,
but
also
extreme
folly
.
●●r
as
Seneca
saith
.
It
is
as
foule
a
fault
,
and
as
great
a
folly
in
a
man
,
to
●eue
and
trust
no
body
,
as
to
beleeue
and
trust
euery
man
:
and
many
,
Seneca
.
ep
.
5.
No
lesse
folly
to
distrust
al
men
then
to
trust
euery
man
.
Plut:
in
Dion
.
●●th
he
,
whiles
they
feare
to
be
deceaued
,
do
teach
men
to
deceaue
them
,
●●ging
them
iustly
there
vnto
,
by
suspecting
them
wrongfully
.
The
which
●●●tark
also
confirmeth
saying
;
That
fooles
for
lack
of
wit
to
prouide
●erwayes
for
their
owne
securitie
,
doe
thinke
it
the
safest
and
wisest
●●y
to
distrust
al
men
,
and
so
in
the
end
they
procure
their
owne
ruine
.
8.
Therefore
in
this
point
of
confidence
,
and
diffidence
●●e
wisdome
consisteth
(
as
al
vertue
doth
)
in
the
meane
,
to
wit
,
●●at
we
nether
trust
,
nor
distrust
al
men
,
How
distrust
may
be
called
the
mother
of
security
.
nether
commit
our
●●●es
and
whole
estate
to
any
mans
wil
and
pleasure
,
but
only
in
●e
of
necessitie
,
and
then
also
to
make
discreete
choyce
of
ap●●oued
,
wise
,
and
vertuous
friends
,
but
neuer
of
a
reconciled
●●emie
.
And
in
this
sence
it
is
wel
and
wisely
said
;
that
Diffiden●
est
mater
secu●itatis
;
Distrust
is
the
mother
of
security
.
9.
How
distrust
and
suspicion
may
stand
with
true
prudence
and
charitie
.
Cor
.
13.
Chrisost
:
hom
.
33.
in
.
1.
Cor
.
13.
But
now
perhaps
you
wil
aske
me
how
the
rule
of
perfect
●aritie
,
and
of
true
prudence
can
agree
herein
,
seeing
charity
as
Paul
saith
:
non
cogitat
malum
;
doth
not
thinke
any
euil
,
that
is
〈◇〉
say
(
as
S.
Chrisostome
expoundeth
it
)
suspecteth
no
euil
;
how
●●en
can
I
distrust
my
reconciled
enemie
,
but
I
must
suspect
●●at
he
wil
betray
me
?
Whereto
I
answere
,
that
two
thinges
are
〈◇〉
be
considered
in
charitie
,
the
one
that
it
beginneth
at
a
mans
●●fe
,
for
no
man
is
bound
so
to
loue
an
other
,
that
he
hurt
him
●●fe
:
the
other
is
,
that
as
S.
Paul
testifieth
also
of
charitie
,
1.
Cor
.
13.
non
●it
perperam
:
it
doth
nothing
foolishly
or
vnaduisedlie
.
For
〈◇〉
S.
Chrisostome
saith
,
expounding
the
same
place
,
Charitas
non
●t
temeraria
,
&c
:
Charitie
is
not
rash
and
headie
,
for
it
maketh
a
man
wise
,
graue
,
and
constant
.
10.
Now
then
to
shew
how
suspition
is
excluded
from
t●●
prudent
circumspection
,
which
charitie
admitteth
,
it
is
to
〈◇〉
vnderstood
,
How
suspition
is
excluded
from
prudent
circumspection
.
that
I
may
be
warie
and
circumspect
,
though
I
〈◇〉
not
suspect
,
but
only
vpon
a
general
supposition
of
mans
or●●narie
frailty
and
malice
,
and
the
inscrutabillity
of
his
hart
,
I
〈◇〉
in
a
doubtful
case
take
the
surest
way
,
to
wit
,
that
although
,
verely
hope
that
my
reconciled
enemie
be
so
good
,
and
ho●
a
man
,
that
there
resteth
no
malice
in
his
hart
towardes
me●
neuerthelesse
I
wil
be
so
considerat
and
prouident
,
that
put
t●●
case
he
should
haue
the
wil
to
hurt
me
,
yet
he
shal
not
haue
t●●
opportunitie
or
occasion
to
doe
it
by
any
act
of
mine
:
in
whi●●
sence
our
english
prouerbe
may
be
wel
vnderstood
,
which
sai●●
If
my
freend
betray
me
,
I
beshrew
him
;
but
if
my
enemie
betray
me
,
I
besh●●●
my selfe
.
And
this
aduised
and
warie
proceeding
is
so
far
fro●
breach
of
charitie
,
that
it
standeth
wel
with
al
kind
of
loue
〈◇〉
frendshippe
,
betwixt
frind
and
frind
,
father
,
and
child
,
brot●●●
and
brother
,
man
and
wife
,
prince
and
subiect
.
And
therfore
respect
that
it
seemeth
to
include
some
kind
of
suspition
,
〈◇〉
withal
admitteth
al
charitable
affection
it
is
called
by
some
,
Be●●uola
suspitio
,
a
frendly
or
louing
suspition
:
in
which
sense
S.
C●●●sostome
saith
.
Chrisost
.
hom
.
de
S.
Susanna
.
Maleuola
suspitiones
sunt
calumniantium
;
beneuola
s●●pitiones
sunt
gubernantium
;
Malitious
suspitions
are
proper
to
C●lumniatours
;
beneuolous
,
and
frendly
suspitions
belong
to
G●uernours
.
11.
Therefore
to
returne
to
duke
Valentin
,
hereby
we
may
〈◇〉
that
he
was
destitute
,
not
only
of
true
wisdome
,
but
also
of
wit
,
and
reasonable
discourse
,
when
he
,
in
whose
handes
,
〈◇〉
brother
or
frend
could
euer
be
secure
,
expected
securitie
in
〈◇〉
hands
of
his
enemie
,
and
perswaded
him selfe
,
that
faith
sho●●●
be
kept
with
him
,
who
had
neuer
kept
it
with
any
man
.
But
●●cause
I
shal
haue
more
occasion
to
●peake
of
him
hereafter
,
I
〈◇〉
passe
to
a
moderne
example
of
mans
ignorance
and
weaknes
,
〈◇〉
the
miserable
end
of
Monsieur
Chastillon
,
Monsieur
Chastillion
.
Admiral
〈◇〉
France
fought
his
owne
destruction
.
Admiral
of
France
〈◇〉
sacred
at
Paris
,
who
for
the
great
opinion
of
his
wisdome
〈◇〉
prudence
,
had
the
conduct
of
al
the
affaires
of
the
Protesta●●
in
France
,
some
yeeres
in
the
first
troubles
in
the
time
of
Ki●●
Charles
the
9.
12.
when
after
some
yeares
of
cruel
warre
in
France
betwixt
●●e
Catholikes
,
and
the
Protestants
,
peace
was
concluded
in
the
●●are
1570.
&
for
the
better
assurance
thereof
,
a
mariage
agreed
●●on
betwixt
the
most
Christian
King
that
now
raygneth
,
●●en
called
King
of
Nauare
,
and
the
sister
of
Charles
the
9.
●●en
King
of
France
,
al
the
cheife
heads
,
and
leaders
of
the
Pro●●stants
,
were
inuited
by
the
King
to
the
court
,
aswel
for
the
●●●emnization
of
the
mariage
,
The
massaker
of
Protestants
at
Paris
an
.
1570.
as
for
the
confirmation
of
the
●ace
,
whereupon
there
was
held
an
assembly
of
the
Protestants
Rochel
,
to
determine
whether
it
were
conuenient
that
they
●ould
al
goe
to
the
court
or
no
,
and
it
seeming
good
vnto
them
●●at
some
of
the
principal
,
especially
the
Admiral
should
stay
at
●●me
to
preuent
the
worst
,
in
case
there
should
be
any
double
●●aling
on
the
Kinges
part
,
the
Admiral
only
was
of
opinion
that
was
conuenient
they
al
,
&
especially
he
him selfe
should
goe
,
&
●eaged
many
reasons
to
that
purpose
;
and
finding
them
neuer●●elesse
vnwilling
therto
the
put
them
in
mind
how
oft
he
had
●●alded
to
them
,
contrary
to
his
owne
opinion
in
diuers
con●●●tations
,
and
therfore
requested
them
,
that
in
this
they
would
●●ndescend
vnto
him
,
not
doubting
but
it
would
turne
to
the
●●blike
benifit
of
their
cause
.
Wel
,
to
be
breife
,
they
yealded
●●to
him
,
rather
to
satisfie
his
importunity
,
then
for
any
liking
●●ey
had
therto
,
and
so
he
went
with
the
rest
,
and
within
a
few
●●yes
after
their
arriual
at
Paris
,
both
he
and
they
al
(
excepting
●●me
two
or
three
that
escaped
by
chance
)
were
slayne
,
by
order
〈◇〉
the
King
13.
Who
seeth
not
here
an
euident
example
of
mans
igno●●nce
&
weaknes
,
in
the
Admiral
,
who
hauing
in
so
many
occasi●●s
before
this
tyme
of
his
ouerthrowe
,
shewed
him selfe
so
●●udent
and
prouident
,
that
he
could
nether
be
ouercome
by
●●rce
,
nor
circumuented
by
fraud
had
not
now
so
much
wit
,
The
errour
of
the
Admiral
of
France
.
〈◇〉
to
follow
the
wise
aduise
of
o●hers
,
but
thought
it
safe
and
●●●cure
for
him
and
them
,
to
aduenture
(
as
a
man
may
say
)
al
their
●●ods
in
one
bottome
,
yea
and
without
any
necessity
to
put
●●em
selues
to
the
mercy
of
a
Soueraine
King
whome
they
had
〈◇〉
highly
and
so
many
wayes
offended
.
And
this
may
be
the
more
●ondered
at
in
the
Admiral
,
Estien
,
Pasqui●●
lib
.
5.
epist.
for
that
in
the
beginning
of
the
●●cond
troubles
,
he
wisely
foresawe
the
like
danger
,
and
inconuenience
to
him selfe
,
and
warely
auoided
it
.
For
,
the
〈◇〉
hauing
got
some
inkling
of
the
Protestants
intention
to
〈◇〉
new
broiles
,
and
fearinge
most
the
Admiral
in
respect
of
〈◇〉
great
iudgement
and
experience
,
both
in
matter
of
warre
〈◇〉
peace
,
sent
vnto
him
Monsieur
du
Tore
his
cosen
to
adur●
him
that
he
had
great
and
important
affaires
to
communi●●●
with
him
,
wherein
he
would
gladly
haue
his
aduise
,
and
the●●fore
desired
him
to
repaire
to
the
court
with
speede
;
The
A●miral
hearing
the
message
and
suspecting
(
as
it
should
seeme
that
the
King
ment
no
good
towardes
him
,
said
to
Monsieur
〈◇〉
Tore
,
The
answere
of
the
admirable
of
France
to
the
King
.
that
he
should
tel
the
King
from
him
,
that
there
were
〈◇〉
Count
Egmonds
in
France
;
meaning
that
he
wold
not
suffer
his
he●
to
be
out
of
so
easely
as
Count
Egmond
had
done
latelie
before
Flanders
.
And
this
was
al
the
answere
he
would
giue
him
;
w●●●●by
it
appeareth
how
circumspect
he
was
and
suspicious
of
〈◇〉
King
,
when
as
yet
he
had
giuen
him
fatre
lesse
cause
of
offe●
then
afterwardes
when
he
had
the
second
time
rebelled
ag●●●●
him
yea
and
forced
him
to
make
a
dishonorable
peace
,
and
〈◇〉
notwithstanding
he
could
not
be
disswaded
from
putting
h●●
selfe
and
al
the
rest
of
his
frends
into
his
hands
;
The
first
blow
that
God
giueth
a
wicked
man
,
when
he
wil
destroy
him
,
is
in
the
brayn
.
so
blind
is
〈◇〉
wit
and
iudgement
of
man
,
when
God
determineth
to
punish
him
,
for
then
the
first
blowe
that
God
commonlie
giueth
him
,
is
in
the
braine
,
wherby
he
taketh
from
him
his
iudgement
,
that
he
may
runne
headlong
vpon
his
owne
ruine
,
Psal
.
9.
and
as
the
Psalmist
saith
of
the
sinner
,
be
ouer
reached
in
his
owne
plots
and
inuentions
.
●Y
OCCASION
OF
THE
FORMER
EXAMples
,
it
is
debated
in
the
next
chapter
,
whether
the
Emperour
Charles
the
5.
did
prudently
in
passing
through
France
,
vpon
a
safe
conduict
;
and
of
the
danger
he
was
in
,
and
how
he
escaped
.
Also
the
error
of
Henry
the
3.
King
of
France
,
in
the
slaughter
of
the
Duke
of
Guise
and
the
Cardinal
.
CHAP.
4.
IT
shal
not
be
amisse
to
consider
here
,
The
passage
of
Charles
the
fifth
through
France
into
Flanders
.
Surius
in
commentario
rerum
in
orbe
gestarum
anno
.
1539.
by
the
occasion
of
these
examples
,
whether
the
most
valiant
,
prudent
,
and
pious
Emperour
Charles
the
5.
commited
an
error
or
no
,
when
after
many
yeares
warre
,
betwixt
him
,
and
Francis
the
first
of
that
name
King
of
France
,
and
the
sayd
●●ings
disgrace
at
Pauia
,
and
his
imprisonment
in
Spaine
,
he
passed
●otwithstandinge
through
France
vpon
a
safe
conduict
giuen
him
〈◇〉
the
King
,
to
giue
remedy
to
the
tumultes
lately
before
raysed
〈◇〉
Gant
:
wherein
the
good
successe
,
aswel
of
his
safe
passage
as
of
●e
speedie
pacification
of
those
troubles
,
may
seeme
to
be
no
●ale
argument
of
his
prudent
designment
;
neuerthelesse
waigh●●g
the
matter
according
to
reason
of
state
,
&
not
according
to
●●e
successe
(
which
depending
wholie
on
the
hand
of
God
is
●any
tymes
good
&
fortunate
,
though
the
councel
and
design●ent
be
imprudent
)
I
can
not
approue
his
resolution
therin
,
for
●●e
reasons
aboue
declared
,
and
the
extreme
danger
that
he
ex●osed
him selfe
vnto
,
and
the
smale
profit
he
could
expect
to
●eape
therby
,
incomparison
of
the
dammage
that
might
haue
●ucceded
to
him
and
his
estate
,
if
he
had
bene
made
away
,
or
●etained
.
For
although
it
imported
him
very
much
,
presently
to
●uench
that
fire
kindled
in
Flanders
,
before
it
should
growe
to
〈◇〉
greater
combustion
;
yet
the
danger
therof
was
not
so
great
,
as
●ould
haue
bene
in
the
inconuenience
of
his
death
or
imprison●ent
,
if
it
should
haue
chanced
.
2.
For
;
the
reuolte
of
the
country
might
haue
bene
remedied
ether
by
force
,
or
perhaps
by
faire
meanes
,
as
longe
as
he
〈◇〉
life
and
liberty
:
but
the
other
had
bene
remediles
;
and
the
gr●●test
detriment
that
could
befalle
him
;
&
therfore
not
to
be
●●uentured
vpon
,
but
only
when
it
could
not
be
auoyded
〈◇〉
this
no
doubt
,
was
his
owne
opinion
when
he
came
into
〈◇〉
being
admonished
of
his
great
danger
,
not
only
by
his
sister
th●
Queene
of
France
,
but
also
(
as
some
men
thinke
)
by
the
Kin●
owne
sonne
the
Dolphin
,
The
dangers
that
Charles
the
5.
escaped
in
pasing
through
France
.
Surius
ibidem
.
who
in
respect
of
the
good
affection
〈◇〉
did
beare
him
,
from
the
time
that
he
had
bene
hostage
for
〈◇〉
father
in
Spaine
,
cast
him selfe
vp
behind
the
Emperour
vpon
〈◇〉
horse
,
at
his
first
arriualle
before
he
alight
(
vnder
couler
to
gi●●
him
a
familiar
welcome
)
&
clapt
him
vpon
the
shoulder
,
sayi●●
vnto
him
openly
and
merily
,
Yealde
thy selfe
Emperour
;
but
af●●●
tould
him
secretly
in
his
eare
of
the
councells
resolution
to
〈◇〉
him
,
whereupon
the
Emperour
thinking
it
necessary
to
ga●●
Madame
d'Estampes
(
who
was
greatly
fauored
by
the
King
,
〈◇〉
thought
to
be
his
enemy
)
tooke
occasion
as
he
was
talki●●
with
her
,
to
let
falle
before
her
a
rich
diamond
as
it
were
〈◇〉
chance
,
and
when
she
of
curtesy
tooke
it
vp
to
restore
it
vn●●
him
,
he
would
not
receaue
it
againe
at
her
handes
,
but
intre●ted
her
to
accept
it
as
his
gift
,
whereby
(
as
also
by
his
go●
perswasions
)
it
is
thought
he
procured
her
frendshippe
,
whi●●
concurring
with
the
indeauours
of
his
sister
the
Queene
of
Fran●●
and
his
owne
good
diligences
done
with
diuers
of
the
Counc●●
was
thought
to
facilitate
his
escape
.
3.
But
who
,
or
whatsoeuer
was
the
meanes
therof
,
it
is
〈◇〉
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
it
proceeded
principally
from
the
pro●●dence
and
mercy
of
almighty
God
towardes
him
.
To
whi●●
purpose
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
it
was
reported
not
only
〈◇〉
his
owne
seruantes
,
but
also
by
the
Embasadours
of
Flanders
th●
attended
vpon
him
in
al
that
iourney
,
that
he
spent
2.
or
3.
how●
euery
night
in
praier
vpon
his
knees
,
Surius
ibid
.
The
great
deuotion
of
Charles
the
fifth
.
&
asmuch
euery
morni●●
secretely
in
his
chamber
:
in
regard
whereof
,
and
of
the
gre●●
seruice
he
had
done
,
and
was
to
doe
to
Gods
Church
,
it
may
〈◇〉
presumed
that
God
did
specially
fauour
&
protect
him
,
wher●of
it
pleased
his
Diuine
majesty
also
to
giue
publicke
testimon●
by
deliuering
him
twise
whiles
he
was
in
France
from
euide●●
danger
of
death
;
the
one
time
from
stifeling
in
a
smoake
,
th●●
vpon
a
suddaine
was
raised
in
great
aboundance
by
an
arteficial
●●●e
,
vpon
a
steare
,
as
he
was
going
from
his
chamber
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
and
an
●ther
time
from
the
fal
of
a
great
borde
that
light
some
part
of
it
●pon
his
head
and
brake
it
.
And
although
it
might
haue
bene
●●●●eaued
that
these
thinges
proceeded
of
some
practice
(
in
●hich
respect
the
King
would
haue
punished
the
authors
therof
〈◇〉
death
,
for
the
better
satisfaction
of
the
Emperour
)
yet
he
●ould
not
suffer
it
,
but
obteined
their
pardons
.
4.
By
these
dangers
,
&
the
happie
escape
of
the
Emperour
(
in●●riour
in
wisdome
to
no
prince
in
his
time
)
three
things
may
e●●dently
be
gathered
.
The
first
,
his
error
:
the
second
,
th'in
firmity
●nd
weaknes
of
mans
wit
:
the
third
,
Gods
most
merciful
and
●rouident
care
in
the
preseruation
of
his
seruantes
,
Why
God
suffereth
his
seruants
to
fal
into
dangers
.
whome
he
●●ffereth
some
time
to
erre
and
to
fal
into
great
dangers
and
dif●●culties
;
partely
for
their
humiliation
,
and
to
exercise
their
●ith
,
patience
,
and
confidence
in
him
,
for
their
greater
merit
;
●●d
partly
to
make
manifest
aswel
to
them selues
as
to
al
others
,
●●e
louing
care
he
hath
of
them
,
and
that
as
the
Psalmist
saith
;
●lus
iustorum
à
Domino
,
&
protector
eorum
in
tempore
tribulationis
.
Psal
:
36.
●he
health
and
saluation
of
iust
men
,
is
from
our
Lord
,
and
he
is
●heir
protector
in
the
time
of
trouble
.
Here
then
may
al
Princes
●earne
of
this
prudent
and
pious
Emperour
,
what
is
their
best
●emedie
in
like
cases
of
danger
,
to
wit
,
to
haue
recourse
,
as
he
●ad
,
to
almighty
God
,
and
to
craue
his
assistance
,
reposing
them
●elues
alwaies
vpon
his
merciful
prouidence
,
and
saying
with
●he
worthy
King
and
Prophet
.
Oculi
mei
semper
ad
Dominum
,
Psal
;
24.
quo●iam
ipse
euellet
de
laqueo
pedes
meos
,
that
is
to
say
;
My
eies
are
alwayes
●pon
our
Lord
,
for
he
wil
deliuer
my
feete
from
the
snare
.
5.
I
might
adde
to
the
errors
in
this
kinde
,
The
errour
of
Henry
the
third
of
France
,
in
the
slaugther
of
the
Duke
&
Cardinal
of
Guise
anno
.
1588.
diuers
other
ex●mples
,
notorious
in
this
age
,
but
I
omit
them
for
breuityes
●ake
,
to
speake
a
word
or
two
of
Henrie
the
3.
King
of
France
,
and
●f
his
error
and
want
of
iudgment
in
the
slaughter
of
the
Duke
,
●nd
the
Cardinal
of
Guise
,
whereof
I
am
able
to
say
much
of
my
●wne
knowledge
,
for
that
I
was
at
the
same
time
in
his
courte
●nd
pallace
at
Blays
in
the
seruice
of
his
mother
;
and
wondered
●ot
a
litle
to
see
&
heare
,
many
that
were
acompted
very
wisemen
,
applaud
to
the
Kinges
act
,
as
most
prudent
and
necessarie
,
●n
so
much
that
when
any
man
vrged
that
it
was
against
conscience
to
kil
them
in
that
manner
especially
the
Cardinal
,
〈…〉
commonly
answered
,
That
reason
of
state
required
it
.
Which
〈◇〉
moued
me
to
thinke
euen
then
vpon
writing
some
disco●●●
concerning
the
necessarie
concurrance
of
the
reason
of
〈◇〉
with
conscience
and
religion
,
though
I
haue
not
had
oppo●●●nitie
to
performe
it
vntil
now
.
6.
Neuertheles
leauinge
apart
the
consideration
whe●●
the
act
was
in
it selfe
lawful
or
no
,
and
weighing
the
circ●●stances
therof
,
The
great
affection
of
the
people
of
France
to
the
duke
of
Guise
and
the
Cardinal
.
only
according
reason
of
state
;
I
thinke
no
〈◇〉
wil
denie
,
that
the
King
knowing
the
auersion
,
and
aliena●●●●
of
his
people
from
him selfe
,
their
exceedinge
great
affection
〈◇〉
the
Duke
of
Guise
&
to
al
the
princes
of
his
family
,
and
the
c●●federacie
of
al
the
principal
townes
of
France
with
them
;
y●●
and
with
the
Pope
and
the
Catholike
King
(
for
the
defence
of
C●tholike
Religion
,
in
respect
of
the
fauor
that
the
King
of
Fra●●●
had
shewed
to
the
Protestants
both
at
home
and
abroad
)
〈◇〉
man
(
I
say
)
wil
denie
,
but
that
he
should
in
al
reason
haue
s●ficiently
prouided
him selfe
of
money
and
forces
,
before
he
●●solued
to
kil
the
Duke
,
&
especially
the
Cardinal
,
in
such
an
odio●●
manner
as
he
did
,
whereby
he
was
sure
to
incurre
the
censu●●
of
the
Church
,
and
thereby
to
giue
a
sufficient
pretext
to
〈◇〉
owne
subiects
to
take
armes
against
him
,
and
to
forreine
Princ●●
to
assist
them
.
7.
But
he
was
at
that
time
so
vnprouided
of
al
meanes
,
to
r●presse
the
fury
of
his
enemies
,
&
to
defend
him selfe
,
that
a
pr●●cipal
man
about
him
,
who
at
the
first
did
greatly
approue
his
〈◇〉
tould
me
within
a
few
daies
after
,
that
he
had
greatly
ouers●●●
him selfe
,
in
doing
it
at
such
a
time
,
when
he
had
nether
〈◇〉
principal
towne
at
his
commandment
,
nor
forces
in
the
feil●●
nor
money
in
his
purse
:
which
was
indeed
most
true
,
as
I
〈◇〉
testifie
vpon
my
owne
knowledge
.
For
as
for
the
townes
,
〈◇〉
of
the
cheife
and
next
vnto
him
,
The
reuolt
of
the
principal
townes
of
France
against
Henrie
the
third
.
to
wit
,
Orleance
whereof
he
〈◇〉
counted
him selfe
most
sure
(
by
reason
that
the
gouerno●
therof
was
wholy
at
his
deuotion
&
the
Citadel
in
his
hand
)
〈◇〉
the
very
first
that
declared
it selfe
against
him
,
within
lesse
th●
2.
daies
after
the
act
;
the
example
wherof
,
Paris
,
Roane
,
and
al
t●●
Parlamental
,
and
other
principal
townes
presently
followed
,
in
〈◇〉
much
that
there
neuer
passed
3.
or
4.
daies
but
there
was
new●
of
the
reuolt
of
some
one
great
towne
or
other
;
whereupon
en●●ed
so
great
necessitie
and
pouerty
,
not
only
to
the
King
,
but
●o
to
al
the
nobility
in
his
court
,
that
I
thinke
the
like
hath
sel●●me
bin
seene
in
the
court
of
any
prince
.
For
the
townes
sea●●g
presently
,
&
intercepting
in
their
iurisdiction
al
the
kinges
●ts
,
and
receits
,
and
the
goods
and
reuenewes
of
al
such
as
●ere
with
him
,
reduced
them
to
such
necessitie
,
that
they
were
●●●ced
to
coyne
their
plate
into
money
,
and
yet
neuerthelesse
●thin
a
while
they
had
not
wherewith
to
buy
them selues
●ate
;
In
so
much
that
the
greatest
and
richest
prince
of
France
,
●s
forced
to
borrow
of
one
of
his
owne
Chaplins
al
the
money
〈◇〉
had
,
which
was
but
30.
The
great
misery
and
necessitie
of
the
King
of
France
,
and
al
his
court
.
crownes
as
the
preist
him selfe
tould
〈◇〉
)
and
the
Queene
was
constrained
to
send
away
almost
al
her
●●dies
,
and
maides
:
(
who
in
respect
they
were
women
were
●●fered
by
the
townes
to
passe
)
and
the
King
for
his
parte
was
●bate
of
money
,
as
I
vnderstood
by
one
of
his
treasures
who
●s
my
great
freend
,
that
for
the
remedie
of
his
necessitie
,
and
furnish
the
expence
of
his
remoue
to
Tours
(
whither
he
was
●●●ced
to
flie
)
he
had
no
other
meanes
but
to
make
three
new
●●●icers
,
vpon
condition
to
prouide
him
amongst
them
30.
thou●●●d
crownes
,
which
was
al
the
stock
and
store
he
had
for
that
●●●sent
,
to
susteine
the
waight
of
so
great
a
warre
,
as
he
had
by
〈◇〉
owne
ouersight
drawne
vpon
him selfe
.
●
.
And
for
his
forces
,
it
appeared
presently
how
weake
they
●re
,
for
al
his
guardes
and
such
other
souldiers
as
he
then
had
●●die
,
or
could
leauie
in
2.
or
3.
monethes
space
,
being
sent
to
●●●eance
to
assist
the
Cittadel
(
which
held
for
him
against
the
●wne
)
were
so
few
in
number
,
that
vpon
the
first
newes
of
Mon●●r
du
M●yenes
march
thitherward
with
no
more
then
3.
or
4.
●●ousand
men
,
they
abandoned
the
Cittadel
;
yea
and
the
King
●●m
selfe
was
faine
to
flye
downe
the
riuer
in
al
hast
to
Tours
,
Henry
the
3.
of
France
his
confederacy
with
the
Protestants
and
the
successe
therof
.
●ere
after
some
time
he
was
forced
(
for
want
of
other
remedy
)
〈◇〉
take
the
resolution
to
ioine
with
the
Protestants
,
which
●●ough
it
increased
his
forces
,
for
the
present
,
yet
it
so
redou●●ed
the
hatred
and
fury
of
his
enemies
,
that
it
did
accelerate
〈◇〉
distruction
,
which
shortly
followed
,
as
I
shal
haue
occasion
〈◇〉
declare
more
particulerly
other
where
.
9.
Herein
thou
maiest
obserue
(
good
Reader
)
how
this
great
King
(
who
in
cunning
subtility
and
al
Machiauillian
policy
〈◇〉
inferior
to
none
in
this
age
)
erred
neuertheles
most
absurd●●
that
which
a
man
would
now
thinke
a
child
would
hardly
〈◇〉
bene
deceaued
in
;
so
easelie
is
an
error
seene
when
it
is
past
,
〈◇〉
so
hard
to
be
foreseene
,
and
preuented
,
especially
where
p●●●
reigneth
,
from
the
which
very
few
men
,
or
none
are
free
in
●●ters
that
touch
them selues
.
But
because
I
shal
haue
occas●●●
to
speake
also
hereafter
of
other
errors
of
particuler
men
,
I
〈◇〉
ad
to
the
former
some
examples
of
the
errors
of
whole
Coun●●●
and
Senates
.
OF
ERRORS
COMMITTED
BY
WHO●●
Senats
,
namely
of
Rome
,
and
Venice
,
with
the
conclus●●●
of
the
premisses
;
and
an
admonition
to
the
Politikes
,
concern●●●
their
folly
and
ingratitude
towards
almighty
God
.
CHAP.
5.
WHAT
marueile
is
it
that
particuler
men
,
〈◇〉
they
neuer
so
wise
,
be
ouerseene
in
matters
state
,
seeing
that
the
most
wise
and
gra●●
Senats
haue
also
erred
therein
many
time●
whereof
I
wil
for
breuities
sake
,
allea●●●
only
3.
or
4.
examples
.
Cicero
reporteth
that
Senat
of
Rome
hauing
taken
great
sommes
of
money
of
certa●●
tributarie
citties
to
make
them
free
,
An
errour
of
the
Senate
of
Rome
.
forced
them
after
to
〈◇〉
their
old
tribute
without
restoring
to
them
the
money
that
t●●
had
paied
for
their
freedome
,
Cicero
li.
3
de
officijs
.
which
he
saith
was
;
Turpe
impe●
A
shame
to
their
empire
;
Piratarum
enim
(
saith
he
)
melior
f●●●
des
,
quam
senatus
;
For
the
faith
of
pirats
,
was
better
then
the
Fa●●●
of
the
Senat
.
2.
This
then
being
so
great
a
fraude
that
in
any
wel
gou●●ned
commonwelth
it
could
not
passe
vnpunished
in
priu●●●
men
,
must
needes
be
a
foule
and
shameful
fault
in
a
whole
S●nate
,
not
only
for
the
iniustice
of
the
fact
,
but
also
for
the
en●
they
committed
in
gouernment
,
to
wit
,
in
giuing
to
their
s●●iects
an
example
of
fraudulent
,
and
deceitful
dealinge
,
which
●●ing
,
as
it
were
,
authorised
by
their
publike
act
,
would
the
●●re
easely
insinuate
it selfe
into
the
commonwelth
,
to
the
great
●●●riment
therof
.
To
which
purpose
Cicero
saith
;
Cicero
.
lib
.
3.
de
legibus
.
Princes
and
go●●●●ors
,
when
they
offend
,
doe
not
only
endammage
the
commonwelth
,
in
●●●t
they
are
corrupted
them selues
,
but
also
in
that
they
corrupt
others
,
and
〈◇〉
more
by
their
euil
example
,
then
by
the
offence
it selfe
.
3.
Seeing
then
nothinge
can
be
more
pernicious
to
any
state
●●en
that
fraud
and
iniustice
should
haue
course
therin
)
for
,
as
●●●ero
saith
Faith
is
the
foundation
of
iustice
,
Cicero
:
office
.
lib
.
1.
&
2.
and
iustice
the
stay
of
●●●te
)
the
Romane
Senate
did
erre
most
absurdly
in
opening
the
●●●e
to
al
kind
of
cosenage
in
the
commonwelth
by
their
owne
●●●mple
,
besides
the
losse
of
reputation
which
must
needes
fol●●w
therof
to
their
empyre
,
as
wel
with
their
owne
subiects
,
also
with
their
friendes
and
confederates
;
a
thinge
so
dange●●us
to
state
,
that
the
same
Senat
informer
tymes
,
being
better
●●uised
,
Restitution
made
by
the
Senate
of
Rome
,
to
the
Ardeatines
.
T.
Liuius
.
Dec.
1.
li.
4.
Idem
.
Dec.
1.
li.
3.
did
make
restitution
and
reparation
of
like
wronges
to
●●couer
their
credit
with
their
confederates
and
freends
,
and
●●erfore
they
restored
to
the
Ardeatins
,
a
peece
of
land
which
the
●●ople
of
Rome
had
against
al
reason
and
equity
adiudged
and
●●ken
to
them selues
some
yeares
before
,
when
the
said
Ar●●●tins
,
and
the
Aricinians
being
in
controuersie
for
that
land
,
●●d
remitted
them selues
and
their
cause
to
their
iudgment
.
4.
Likewise
at
other
tymes
the
Senate
resolued
to
deliuer
●ost
notable
men
,
to
their
enemyes
,
The
great
care
the
Romans
had
of
their
credit
and
reputation
.
rather
then
to
infringe
iu●●●ce
,
and
incurre
the
infamy
of
fraude
,
and
deceite
;
In
which
●●spect
,
T.
Verturius
,
and
Spurius
Posthumus
both
of
them
Consulls
●●d
T.
Mutius
,
and
Quintus
Aemilius
tribunes
of
the
people
,
were
●●liuered
prisoners
to
the
Samnites
,
Cicero
.
li
.
3.
de
officijs
.
rather
then
the
Senat
would
●●●tify
the
peace
they
had
made
with
them
;
Besides
that
the
fa●ous
Consul
,
M.
Attilius
Regulus
being
taken
prisoner
in
Africke
dismissed
vpon
condition
that
the
prisoners
of
the
Carthagi●ns
should
be
also
deliuered
,
was
by
his
owne
motion
sent
●●ck
by
the
Senat
,
because
they
nether
thought
good
,
to
de●●●er
the
prisoners
,
nor
yet
to
lose
their
credit
,
and
reputation
〈◇〉
iustice
,
by
recouery
of
their
Consul
,
contrary
to
the
con●●tion
.
5.
But
perhaps
you
wil
say
that
the
error
which
I
here
reproue
,
was
committed
when
the
commonwelth
was
g●●●●●●●
corruption
,
and
declyned
from
the
integrytie
of
vert●●
〈◇〉
iustice
wherein
it
flourished
in
former
tymes
;
therfore
〈◇〉
consider
the
same
commonwelth
in
her
purity
,
I
meane
in
〈◇〉
beginning
aboute
120.
yeares
after
the
expulsion
of
the
Ki●●
For
although
the
Senat
did
at
that
tyme
giue
many
notable
●●amples
of
singuler
prudence
and
exact
iustice
;
yet
it
failed
s●●
times
in
both
,
to
the
great
dammage
of
the
state
.
An
other
errour
of
the
Roman
Senate
.
6.
When
Brennus
the
Brittaine
(
as
some
say
)
being
Capta●●
of
the
Gaules
that
pasted
into
Italie
,
beseiged
a
towne
ca●●
Clusium
,
beyond
the
Alpes
,
and
demanded
of
the
inhabita●●
some
parte
of
their
territorie
;
the
Clusians
finding
them
sel●●
to
weake
to
resist
them
,
The
seige
of
Clusium
by
the
Gaules
.
craued
succour
of
the
Romans
,
who
〈◇〉
Embassadors
to
treat
peaceably
with
the
Gaules
in
their
beha●●
during
which
treatie
and
seige
,
there
chanced
to
passe
some
〈◇〉
of
hostilitie
betwixt
the
Gaules
&
the
Clusians
,
wherein
the
G●●●●●
perceiued
that
the
Roman
Embassadours
contrarie
to
the
law
〈◇〉
armes
,
had
borne
armes
against
them
,
and
killed
a
princi●●●
personage
of
theirs
;
whereupon
they
presently
sent
to
R●●●●
to
require
the
Romanes
to
punish
their
Embassadours
for
re●●ration
of
the
wronge
which
they
had
done
them
;
But
the
Se●tours
although
(
as
Liuy
confesseth
)
they
knew
wel
enough
t●●
the
Gaules
demanded
no
more
then
was
reasonable
,
T.
Liuius
Dec.
1.
li.
5.
y●
they
were
partly
so
partial
in
the
behalfe
of
their
Embassado●●
and
partly
so
confident
of
their
owne
forces
,
that
they
not
o●
refused
to
doe
them
iustice
,
but
also
made
the
same
Embassad●●
Generals
of
an
armie
to
be
sent
to
succour
the
Clusians
.
Vpon
〈◇〉
knowledge
whereof
the
Gaules
were
incensed
with
such
fu●●
that
calling
God
and
man
to
witnes
of
the
wrong
,
they
prese●●ly
raised
their
seige
from
Clusium
,
and
went
directly
in
al
ha●●
Rome
,
Rome
sacked
and
spoyled
by
the
Gaules
.
and
by
the
way
ouerthrew
the
armie
of
the
Romanes
,
en●●●
the
cittie
,
sacked
,
spoiled
,
and
burnt
it
,
with
the
greatest
da●mage
&
disgrace
to
their
state
,
that
euer
the
Romans
receiued
〈◇〉
the
space
of
aboue
1100.
yeares
after
that
Rome
was
built
,
I
me●●
vntil
the
first
sack
thereof
by
the
Goths
.
7.
The
which
may
be
ascribed
partely
to
Gods
iust
iudgme●●
in
punishing
their
iniustice
,
&
partely
to
their
error
,
in
that
〈◇〉
to
much
contemned
so
huge
an
armie
of
so
valiant
people
,
a●
〈◇〉
exasperate
them
by
open
iniuries
,
&
to
drawe
them
vpon
them
●●lues
with
redoubled
fury
,
whereas
they
should
in
al
reason
of
●●te
,
haue
sought
to
pacifye
and
diuert
them
by
al
conuenient
●eanes
,
considering
that
he
is
not
wise
that
feareth
not
the
●●ubtful
euents
of
warre
,
especially
at
home
,
where
the
victory
〈◇〉
an
enemy
is
most
dangerours
,
and
in
this
case
most
of
al
,
where
●●e
whole
state
was
to
be
aduentured
against
an
outragious
mul●●tude
of
desperat
vagabonds
that
had
nothing
to
loose
;
so
that
●●is
error
was
no
lesse
costly
to
the
commonwelth
,
then
inexcu●●ble
in
the
Senate
.
8.
Hereto
I
might
ad
diuers
examples
,
of
the
Senat
of
Venice
to
●●e
which
Guicciaidin
saith
,
Guicciard
:
hist
li
.
4.
It
is
fatal
some
yeeres
to
be
deceaued
diuers
●●nes
.
But
two
examples
shal
suffice
,
the
first
may
be
their
reso●●tion
to
make
league
with
Lewis
the
12.
King
of
France
,
to
assist
●●m
in
the
conquest
of
Milane
against
Lodouicus
Sforza
Duke
●●ereof
,
following
the
opinion
of
Antonius
Grimanni
,
Ibid
.
li
.
4.
hist
.
which
Guic●●●rdin
saith
proceeded
partly
of
passion
,
and
partly
of
a
desire
to
〈◇〉
large
their
dominions
,
by
ioyning
Cremona
to
the
rest
of
their
●●●tes
in
Italy
,
The
errour
of
the
Venetians
in
making
league
with
Lewis
the
12.
of
France
.
notwithstanding
that
Marchio
Treuisano
had
dis●aded
the
same
with
most
strong
and
pregnant
reasons
,
repre●●nting
vnto
them
by
examples
then
fresh
in
memory
,
how
dan●●rous
it
would
be
for
them
,
to
bring
the
French
into
Italy
,
and
〈◇〉
haue
so
potent
a
neighbour
in
the
state
of
Miliane
as
a
King
of
●●ance
,
whereof
they
saw
the
effect
shortly
after
,
when
King
●●wis
had
it
in
his
possession
;
For
then
were
they
in
such
feare
〈◇〉
his
forces
,
that
they
durst
deny
him
nothing
that
he
deman●ed
of
them
,
as
Guicciardin
noteth
,
Guicciard
.
li
.
4.
in
fine
.
in
their
deliuering
of
Cardinal
●scanius
brother
to
duke
Lodouicus
,
and
of
Baptista
viscount
and
●●uers
other
noble
men
of
Milane
who
had
put
them selues
into
●●eir
protection
,
vpon
their
publike
safe
conduict
,
with
expresse
●ention
of
safeguard
against
the
French
.
9.
An
other
error
of
theirs
more
dangerous
,
and
damma●ble
vnto
them
then
the
former
;
was
,
their
great
ouersight
,
as●el
in
their
vnaduised
proceedinges
towardes
their
confederate
●●d
freend
Francis
the
first
of
that
name
King
of
France
,
Guicciard
.
li
.
8.
initio
.
The
erour
of
the
Venetian
in
ioyning
with
K.
Francis
of
France
.
as
also
in
●●e
iniuries
which
they
did
to
the
Pope
,
&
the
Emperour
Maximi●●an
,
wherby
they
draue
them
al
,
that
before
were
diuided
,
to
●●ite
them selues
with
the
King
of
Castile
and
diuers
other
princes
against
them
in
the
league
of
Cambray
.
●n
.
1●0●
.
And
neuertheles
〈◇〉
the
Pope
demanded
of
them
the
restitution
of
a
towne
or
two
his
,
vpon
condition
not
to
enter
into
that
league
,
nor
to
ra●●
the
same
,
but
rather
to
procure
the
dissolution
therof
,
they
●●fused
it
,
by
the
perswasion
of
Dominicus
Treuisano
Procurator
〈◇〉
S.
Marks
,
though
other
of
the
grauest
and
wisest
Senatours
〈◇〉
of
contrary
opinion
:
Therfore
the
issue
of
the
matter
w●●
that
al
these
princes
ioyning
their
forces
togeather
accordi●●
to
their
agrement
,
spoyled
them
of
al
their
possessions
in
Ital●
and
deuided
the
same
amongst
them selues
,
and
had
prosecut●●
their
victory
further
,
if
the
Pope
had
not
bene
a
mediator
〈◇〉
them
,
and
procured
their
peace
vpon
their
humble
submission
〈◇〉
the
Emperour
,
whome
they
most
wronged
.
10.
Seing
then
these
famous
and
renowned
Senates
consisti●●
of
so
many
wise
and
graue
men
,
A
consideration
of
mans
imbecillity
,
and
weaknes
of
wit
,
and
of
the
need
he
hath
of
Gods
direction
.
haue
committed
so
grosse
err●●●
to
their
owne
great
preiudice
,
and
danger
of
their
state
;
w●●●
assurance
can
any
man
haue
of
mans
wit
,
plots
,
&
defygnme●●
if
he
confide
either
in
him selfe
alone
,
or
in
the
only
coun●●
and
iudgment
of
man
.
And
therfore
considering
what
I
ha●●
here
before
discoursed
concerning
the
condition
and
state
〈◇〉
man
,
his
natural
subiection
,
seruitude
,
and
bondage
,
to
his
L●●
God
and
Creator
,
his
dependance
vpon
his
holy
wil
and
pr●uidence
,
his
frailty
and
imbecillity
,
his
blindnes
of
wit
,
〈◇〉
weaknes
of
iudgement
,
his
frequent
errors
,
be
he
neuer
so
wis●
and
lastly
his
necessity
in
respect
of
al
this
,
to
craue
,
and
ha●●
his
Lord
and
Creators
assistance
,
direction
,
and
protection
;
h●●●
vngratful
and
simple
are
those
men
that
presume
so
far
of
the●●
owne
wits
and
sufficiency
,
that
nether
for
their
priuate
,
nor
〈◇〉
publike
affayres
,
they
make
any
account
of
Gods
healp
or
●●sistance
?
The
ingratitude
of
such
as
do
not
acknowledge
the
bounty
of
God
towards
them
.
vngratful
(
I
say
)
for
that
hauing
good
partes
and
●●lents
,
and
many
temporal
blessinges
,
which
nature
and
rea●●●
teacheth
them
not
to
be
(
as
I
haue
said
before
)
of
their
o●●
purchase
and
prouision
,
but
of
the
liberality
and
bounty
〈◇〉
●●mighty
God
,
they
doe
neuertheles
so
admire
the
gift
,
that
th●●
forget
the
giuer
,
and
so
enioy
the
benefit
,
that
they
doe
not
〈◇〉
much
as
thanke
him
that
bestowed
it
vpon
them
;
yea
and
〈◇〉
steede
of
thankes
,
prayse
,
honor
and
seruice
which
they
o●●
him
,
doe
render
him
contempt
,
dishonor
,
and
disseruice
.
A●●
therfore
no
meruaile
if
almighty
God
,
in
punishment
of
so
great
●●gratitude
,
doe
giue
them
ouer
many
times
,
to
a
reprobate
●●se
,
to
the
end
,
that
as
they
offend
him
by
an
ouerweening
of
●●eir
owne
wisdome
,
so
they
may
be
punished
,
yea
and
perrish
〈◇〉
their
owne
folly
;
This
ingratitude
of
man
,
Aug.
lib
.
Soliloq
.
S.
Augustine
wor●●●ly
calleth
;
The
roote
of
al
spiritual
euil
,
the
drie
and
burninge
wind
●●●t
blasteth
al
our
corne
,
and
stoppeth
vp
the
fountaine
of
Gods
mercie
●●●ards
vs.
11.
But
herein
appeareth
not
only
the
ingratitude
,
but
also
●●e
extreame
folly
of
such
men
(
be
they
accompted
neuer
so
●se
)
seeing
that
their
weaknes
and
imbecillitie
is
so
manifest
●uen
to
them selues
if
they
list
to
consider
it
)
that
they
may
ea●●●y
perceaue
that
they
are
not
absolute
of
them selues
,
The
extreame
folly
of
such
as
trust
wholy
in
them selues
.
but
that
●●ey
depend
vpon
a
higher
power
,
and
yet
neuertheles
they
are
vnaduised
,
as
to
cast
them selues
into
the
innumerable
dangers
,
●●d
difficulties
of
this
world
without
regard
,
yea
with
contempt
●●d
offence
of
him
,
on
whome
they
depend
,
and
who
only
can
●●●●ect
,
and
guide
them
aright
;
wherein
they
may
be
compared
to
me
simple
&
self-willed
fellow
,
that
wil
needes
put
him selfe
〈◇〉
sea
in
a
terrible
tempest
without
a
pilot
,
or
vndertake
a
iorney
●●rough
a
dangerous
desert
in
a
darke
night
,
either
without
a
●ide
,
or
else
hauing
a
deare
and
louing
freend
to
guide
him
,
●eth
him
so
vnkindly
,
and
contemptuously
by
the
waie
,
that
〈◇〉
forceth
him
to
forsake
him
in
the
midst
of
the
wildernes
,
●●d
so
perisheth
worthily
through
his
owne
follie
,
and
in●●atitude
.
●2
.
Therefore
I
conclude
with
this
notable
sentence
of
S.
Au●●●tin
,
speaking
to
man
.
Thou
receauest
(
saith
he
)
the
benefit
,
Aug.
li
.
4.
meditat
.
doest
not
acknowledg
th'author
thereof
;
the
gift
is
manifest
&
●●ough
the
giuer
be
hiden
,
yet
thy
owne
reason
may
teach
●●ee
,
that
it
is
not
thy
due
,
but
the
gift
of
an
other
:
And
ther●●re
whosoeuer
the
geuer
be
,
thou
maist
thinke
,
that
as
he
hath
●●stowed
exceding
much
vpon
thee
;
so
he
hath
loued
thee
much
,
●●ing
he
would
giue
thee
so
much
;
And
this
being
so
,
A
notable
discourse
of
S.
Austen
concerning
the
ingratitude
of
man
towards
God
.
what
ex●●eame
folly
is
it
,
not
to
seeke
and
desier
the
loue
of
such
a
po●●t
and
kind
louer
,
and
what
peruerse
ingratitude
,
and
impiety
●it
,
not
to
loue
one
that
loues
thee
so
exceedingly
?
If
then
thou
●●e
and
esteeme
his
gifts
,
loue
him
that
bestowed
them
vpon
thee
,
and
loue
them
as
thinges
that
are
subiect
to
thee
;
an●
thinges
that
should
serue
thee
,
as
pledges
of
thy
spowse
,
as
g●●●
of
thy
freend
,
as
benefits
of
thy
Lord
;
and
so
as
thou
maist
〈◇〉
be
mindful
how
much
thou
art
his
debter
,
yea
and
loue
his
g●●●
not
for
them selues
,
but
for
his
sake
,
not
togeather
with
〈◇〉
but
for
him
;
&
lastly
loue
them
so
,
that
thou
maist
loue
him
,
〈◇〉
them
,
and
aboue
them
.
Thus
saith
this
famous
and
learned
●ther
,
which
I
wish
al
men
would
print
in
their
hartes
,
and
p●●ctise
in
their
workes
,
for
so
should
their
,
councells
and
delibe●●tions
be
more
free
from
error
,
and
their
actions
from
il
succe●●
the
which
many
times
is
not
so
properly
the
fruit
of
mans
in●●●mitie
,
as
a
punishment
of
God
for
sinne
,
as
it
may
appeare
by
〈◇〉
examples
alreadie
alleaged
,
and
shal
more
plainely
hereafte●
when
I
shal
purposelie
treate
of
Gods
iustice
.
Chap.
16.17.18.19.20.21.22
.
THE
INSVFFICIENCY
OF
MANS
WIT●
and
policy
,
for
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
,
is
proued
〈◇〉
the
nature
of
commonwelth
,
to
wit
,
by
the
natural
mutabilli●●
&
instabillity
therof
,
exemplified
breifly
in
Empires
,
Kingdom●
and
other
Estats
.
CHAP.
6.
HItherto
I
haue
laboured
to
shewe
the
insu●●ciency
of
mans
wit
for
the
gouerment
of
co●monwelth
by
the
natural
infirmitie
of
man
now
I
wil
proue
the
same
by
the
nature
commonwelth
it selfe
,
which
is
a
thinge
mutable
,
so
intricate
,
so
ful
of
difficulties
,
subiect
to
accidents
,
vnpossible
to
be
forseene
and
preuent●
and
hanging
,
as
a
man
may
say
,
vpon
so
many
gymmols
,
that
〈◇〉
humane
wit
or
power
,
is
of
it selfe
able
to
assure
&
establish
〈◇〉
The
natural
mutabilitie
and
instabilitie
of
commonwealth
.
2.
For
the
proofe
hereof
,
we
are
first
to
consider
the
natu●●
mutabillity
and
instabillity
of
commonwelth
,
which
consisti●●
of
men
,
must
needes
be
subiect
to
the
same
mutation
and
co●ruption
,
whereto
al
men
and
humane
thinges
are
subiect
,
by
〈◇〉
inuiolable
decree
and
law
of
God
,
the
author
of
nature
,
w●●
hath
irreuocably
ordained
,
that
whatsoeuer
is
compounded
ei●●er
naturally
of
elements
,
or
artificially
by
the
industrie
of
men
●●al
be
dissolued
;
and
that
whatsoeuer
groweth
and
increaseth
●●al
decrease
&
perish
.
And
therfore
we
see
that
al
earthlie
●●inges
haue
their
beginning
,
their
growth
and
increase
,
their
●te
and
consistance
,
their
declination
and
decay
,
&
finally
their
●●ssolution
.
For
besides
infinite
external
causes
by
the
which
●●ey
are
sooner
or
later
corrupted
,
and
consumed
,
euery
thinge
●eedeth
in
it selfe
an
internal
sicknesse
,
which
in
the
end
doth
●euitably
bring
it
to
corruption
.
The
Iron
and
other
metalls
,
●eed
a
rust
;
the
corne
&
other
fruit
,
a
worme
;
the
cloath
,
a
moth
,
●ens
bodies
and
other
liuing
creatures
,
disseases
which
destroy
●●em
in
the
end
,
and
so
in
like
sort
,
commonwelth
ingendreth
it selfe
,
disorders
,
discord
,
and
dissention
,
which
sooner
or
la●●r
bring
it
to
ruyne
.
3.
For
the
better
explication
hereof
,
The
nature
of
commonwelth
.
and
of
the
nature
of
●●mmonwelth
,
it
is
further
to
be
noted
,
that
as
the
health
and
●●tegritie
of
euery
thing
that
is
compounded
of
different
and
●●●trary
qualities
,
consisteth
in
the
equal
temperature
of
the
said
●●alities
;
so
of
the
distemperature
and
inequality
thereof
,
grow●●h
the
corruption
and
dissolution
of
the
said
compound
.
For
●here
there
is
a
continual
conflict
of
contrarieties
(
euery
one
●orking
according
to
his
owne
nature
and
propertie
)
it
can
not
〈◇〉
,
but
that
in
time
one
wil
abound
,
and
an
other
decay
,
one
●eare
and
wast
an
other
,
and
so
in
the
end
one
ouercome
,
and
●●tinguish
th'other
,
whereby
the
composition
must
needes
soo●er
or
later
be
dissolued
.
4.
And
this
we
see
verified
,
not
only
in
al
natural
bodies
,
●ompounded
of
contrarie
humors
,
or
elements
(
as
in
men
,
●easts
,
hearbes
,
trees
,
plants
,
and
such
like
)
but
also
in
the
poli●●ke
bodie
,
that
is
to
say
in
commonwelth
it selfe
,
Wherein
and
of
whome
a
commonwelth
consisteth
.
consisting
in
●he
combination
of
persons
of
different
sexes
,
orders
,
degrees
,
●nd
qualities
;
as
of
men
,
and
women
,
prince
and
subiect
,
rich
●nd
poore
,
noble
and
base
,
bound
and
free
,
good
and
bad
,
and
of
●nnumerable
particuler
men
,
differing
amongst
them selues
in
●rofession
of
life
,
faculties
,
trades
,
and
occupations
,
in
manners
●nd
affections
,
and
yet
al
vnited
,
and
combined
togeather
in
the
●ommunion
of
one
law
,
and
gouernment
.
Wherefore
euen
as
mens
bodies
,
being
compact
of
contrary
elements
,
and
〈◇〉
with
different
,
and
contrarie
humors
,
are
so
much
the
〈◇〉
healthful
,
sound
,
and
durable
,
by
how
much
the
said
hu●●●●
are
better
and
more
equallie
tempered
amongst
them
sel●●
(
which
neuerthelesse
can
neuer
haue
such
an
exact
and
per●
temperature
,
but
that
in
time
they
wil
consume
one
an
oth●●
and
consequently
destroie
the
bodie
with
the
affect
)
euen
so
〈◇〉
politike
bodie
,
that
is
to
say
the
commonwelth
,
is
so
much
〈◇〉
sounder
,
and
florisheth
the
longer
,
by
how
much
the
tempe●●ture
of
the
different
orders
and
degrees
therein
,
is
better
,
〈◇〉
more
equally
composed
.
Plat
.
8.
de
repub
.
Which
temperature
Plato
calleth
:
〈◇〉
harmonie
consisting
in
an
equal
and
concordant
disparity
,
or
inequali●●
wherwith
the
commonwealth
is
(
as
it
were
with
a
certai●
bond
)
knit
and
vnited
in
it selfe
.
5.
But
for
asmuch
as
it
is
not
possible
,
that
the
said
polit●●●
harmonie
and
consonance
,
can
be
for
euer
preserued
in
the
co●tinual
discord
and
conflict
of
contrarie
degrees
,
humors
,
incli●●tions
,
affections
and
passions
;
it
must
needes
follow
that
〈◇〉
bond
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
harmony
being
interrupted
and
broke
the
commonwelth
shal
fal
to
disorder
,
and
consequently
deca●●
As
both
Aristotle
and
Plato
do
teach
,
Arist
:
li.
5.
Poli
.
ca.
12.
Plato
.
de
Rep.
li
.
80.
and
is
also
most
manifest
the
experience
of
al
ages
and
times
,
and
of
al
kingdomes
〈◇〉
commonwelthes
,
either
past
,
or
present
,
as
(
to
say
somewh●●
breefly
of
both
)
we
see
euidently
in
the
ancient
kingdomes
〈◇〉
Iuda
,
The
desolation
and
ruine
of
many
auncient
kingdomes
.
and
Israel
,
of
Egipt
,
Macedony
,
Persia
,
Parthia
,
Lacedemony
,
〈◇〉
in
the
commonwelth
of
the
Carthaginians
,
Athenians
,
Corinthi●●●
Thebans
,
and
such
others
,
al
of
them
famous
in
times
past
,
〈◇〉
some
of
them
florishing
no
lesse
in
al
kind
of
learning
and
●●mane
wisdome
,
then
in
armes
and
militarie
discipline
,
and
n●
vtterly
perished
;
The
often
change
of
gouernment
in
the
Roman
Empire
.
Tit
.
liuius
.
in
so
much
,
that
there
is
scant
any
monum●●●
or
memory
of
them
.
And
hath
not
also
the
like
chanced
to
〈◇〉
mighty
and
potent
empires
of
the
Assirians
,
the
Medes
,
the
Gree●
and
the
Romans
,
whereof
the
last
,
which
was
also
the
mighty
of
the
rest
,
had
so
many
changes
in
a
few
ages
,
to
wit
in
6●
yeares
space
,
that
it
receiued
al
formes
and
kindes
of
gouerme●●
passing
first
from
Kinges
to
Decemuiri
,
that
it
to
say
,
ten
goue●nours
:
from
the
Decemuiri
,
to
Kinges
againe
;
from
them
to
C●●suls
,
from
Consuls
againe
to
Decemuiri
,
from
them
to
the
Tri●●●●●
of
soldiars
,
from
Tribunes
to
Consuls
,
from
them
to
Perpetual
Dicta●●●s
,
from
Dictators
to
Triumuiri
,
and
from
them
to
Emperours
,
●●der
whome
the
Empyre
being
miserably
rent
,
and
torne
with
●●il
warrs
,
became
in
the
end
to
be
a
pray
and
spoyle
to
al
●●rbarous
nations
.
6.
And
if
we
looke
to
the
kingdomes
and
commonwelthes
●●ich
stand
on
foote
at
this
day
,
as
namely
our
owne
country
,
The
diuers
mutations
in
Britany
since
the
Romans
conquered
it
.
Polidorus
virgilius
in
hist
.
Angl.
●●d
what
changes
and
mutations
there
haue
bene
therin
,
since
was
first
conquered
by
the
Romans
,
how
many
kinges
it
hath
●●d
at
once
,
to
wit
7.
how
oft
it
hath
bene
conquered
by
stran●●rs
,
as
by
Saxons
,
Danes
and
Normans
;
what
ciuil
warrs
,
and
●ody
battailes
there
haue
bene
since
the
last
conquest
,
first
in
●●●g
Stephens
tyme
,
after
in
the
Barrons
warrs
,
and
after
againe
●●twixt
the
howse
of
Lancaster
and
Yorke
,
for
the
space
of
aboue
〈◇〉
yeares
,
wherein
we
read
that
one
only
kinge
,
to
wit
,
Edward
〈◇〉
4.
was
present
and
fought
him selfe
in
8.
or
9.
Philippus
Commineus
in
hist
.
de
reb
.
gest
.
Lodouici
.
c
.
50.
seueral
bat●●es
,
and
that
during
the
same
tyme
there
were
slayne
&
bani●●ed
80.
Princes
of
the
blood
royal
.
And
againe
if
we
add
therto
●●e
depositions
,
expulsions
,
imprisonments
,
&
murders
of
Kinges
diuers
ages
,
and
tymes
,
and
the
frequent
rebellions
of
the
●●iects
against
their
princes
,
for
exactions
,
extortions
,
and
in●●uation
of
Religion
.
And
if
we
also
consider
in
Scotland
,
The
reuolutions
and
diuisions
in
the
Realmes
of
Scotland
France
Flanders
,
and
other
kingdomes
adioyning
.
Ioan
.
Laesleus
de
Orig
.
Scot
.
Froysart
.
Poplinier
.
Froysart
.
Mercurius
Belgicus
.
our
●●xt
neighbour
,
the
like
or
rather
greater
reuolutions
,
which
●e
caused
the
violent
or
vntymely
death
and
distruction
of
●r
.
9.
Kinges
and
regents
,
in
these
2.
last
ages
.
And
great
mu●ions
and
domestical
diuisions
which
haue
miserably
distra●●●d
,
&
almost
ruined
France
,
no
lesse
heretofore
at
diuers
times
,
●●en
now
of
late
;
As
also
the
most
frequent
or
rather
conti●●al
commotions
in
Flanders
,
seldome
or
neuer
quiet
in
times
●●st
,
and
in
great
garboile
at
this
present
.
And
againe
if
we
cast
●●r
eyes
somewhat
further
to
the
countries
next
adioininge
,
to
the
Empire
in
Germanie
very
potent
in
former
times
,
&
●●w
much
decayed
;
or
to
Spayne
,
first
subiect
to
the
Romans
,
Roderic
.
Toletan
.
Ioan
.
vassaeus
.
●●er
to
the
Goths
,
and
then
conquered
by
the
Mores
(
solicited
●●d
brought
in
by
the
Spaniards
them selues
)
then
diuided
into
〈◇〉
or
.
7.
seueral
kingdomes
and
states
,
and
now
at
length
after
●●ntinual
ciuil
warre
for
6.
or
7.
hundreth
yeares
togeather
,
re●●ced
againe
not
many
yeares
agoe
to
one
monarchy
.
Finally
for
breuities
sake
(
to
range
no
further
abroad
then
Italy
)
if
weigh
the
innouations
that
haue
succeeded
therein
,
as
wel
this
last
age
(
by
the
bloody
warrs
betwixt
the
French
and
〈◇〉
Spanish
for
the
states
of
Milan
and
Naples
,
The
often
changes
and
innouations
of
diuers
States
in
Italy
.
Blond
.
Sabel
:
lib
.
Singonius
Guicciard
.
subiect
sometim●●
Kinges
and
Princes
of
their
owne
,
and
now
made
prouince●
Spayne
)
as
also
the
mutation
in
former
times
not
only
in
the
states
,
but
also
in
Rome
it selfe
,
taken
,
and
sacked
,
or
at
least
be●●ged
13.
or
14.
seueral
times
,
and
in
al
other
partes
of
Italy
miser●bly
distressed
,
spoiled
,
and
ruined
partly
by
the
frequent
irr●●tions
,
and
inundations
of
barbarous
nations
,
(
as
Goths
,
Vand●●
Alans
,
Huns
,
and
Lumbards
)
and
partly
by
inuasions
of
Germa●●
Emperours
,
and
lastly
by
domestical
and
ciuil
wars
,
proceedi●●
otherwhiles
of
the
ambitions
of
tirants
in
many
particuler
c●ties
,
and
sometimes
of
the
furiours
faction
of
the
Guelfs
and
●●belins
(
which
for
some
yeares
filled
al
states
,
citties
,
townes
,
〈◇〉
and
priuate
howses
with
cruel
slaughters
and
murthers
of
p●rents
,
kinsfolkes
,
frinds
,
and
of
al
sortes
of
people
)
someti●●
againe
by
populer
tumults
and
seditions
,
whereby
there
h●●
bene
noted
in
Genua
ten
notable
changes
of
that
state
in
〈◇〉
space
of
30.
yeares
,
sometimes
the
common
people
preuailin●●●gainst
the
nobility
;
and
some
times
the
nobility
against
the
p●●ple
,
by
which
meane
they
are
now
brought
to
so
low
an
eb●●
that
wheras
they
were
able
in
times
past
to
hold
Compete●●
with
the
state
of
Venice
,
yea
and
tooke
the
Duke
of
Venice
pris●ner
in
a
battaile
at
sea
)
wherein
they
had
200.
gailles
of
th●●
owne
(
they
haue
not
now
past
25.
and
the
same
also
waged
〈◇〉
paied
by
the
Catholike
King
;
if
(
I
say
)
we
weigh
and
conside●
this
,
we
may
drawe
from
hence
two
notable
documents
.
Two
Documents
concerning
the
mutability
and
change
of
States
.
7.
The
first
,
the
casualty
and
vanity
of
al
humane
pow●●
honor
,
dignity
,
dominion
,
and
glory
,
seeing
they
doe
not
o●
perish
sooner
or
later
,
but
also
are
subiect
,
whiles
they
〈◇〉
such
mutation
,
and
accompanied
with
infinit
corrosiues
and
●flictions
,
which
consideration
may
iustly
moue
vs
to
eleuate
〈◇〉
cogitations
from
al
earthly
delights
,
to
the
contemplation
〈◇〉
desire
of
the
heauenly
,
Seneca
praefat
.
in
li.
1.
natural
.
quaest.
that
are
ineffable
,
incompr●hensible
,
〈◇〉
eternal
.
For
as
Seneca
saith
;
nothing
is
more
contemptible
then
〈◇〉
he
doe
not
raise
and
eleuate
him selfe
aboue
himselfe
.
8.
The
other
document
is
,
that
considering
the
natural
〈◇〉
●obilitie
,
inconstancy
and
infirmity
as
wel
of
commonwelth
as
●f
man
him selfe
,
and
of
al
earthly
creatures
;
no
humane
wit
,
〈◇〉
power
,
is
more
able
to
defend
any
kingdome
,
or
common●elth
from
declination
,
and
decay
,
then
to
preserue
a
man
from
〈◇〉
sicknes
and
mortalitie
,
or
other
earthly
thinges
from
cor●●ption
.
●HE
WEAKNES
OF
MANS
WIT
AND
policy
,
is
further
proued
by
the
imperfection
of
al
political
science
,
with
a
consideration
of
the
imbecillity
of
law-makers
exemplified
in
Solons
lawes
.
By
occasion
whereof
,
a
political
question
is
debated
concerning
sedition
.
CHAP.
7.
IN
the
last
chapter
I
shewed
the
insufficiencie
,
of
mans
wit
for
the
gouernment
of
state
,
by
the
natural
mutabilitie
and
instability
of
commonwelth
:
now
I
wil
further
proue
the
same
by
the
defects
and
imperfection
of
humane
policy
.
Wherein
humane
pollicy
principally
consisteth
.
And
whereas
the
policy
of
man
(
for
as
much
concerneth
gouerment
of
commonwelth
)
consisteth
either
the
institution
,
and
the
execution
of
good
lawes
,
or
in
wise
●●uncells
,
deliberations
,
plots
,
&
designments
;
I
wil
first
speake
lawes
,
and
shew
their
insufficiencie
for
the
establishment
of
●●te
,
not
only
in
respect
of
the
infirmitie
of
the
law-maker
,
but
so
for
the
imperfection
incident
to
lawe
it selfe
;
I
wil
speake
〈◇〉
either
a
parte
,
and
first
of
Law-makers
.
2.
For
this
purpose
I
wish
thee
(
Good
reader
)
to
remember
that
I
haue
proued
before
in
the
beginning
of
this
Treatise
con●●rning
the
imbecilitie
of
mans
wit
,
which
I
haue
declared
to
●●e
such
,
that
no
man
can
without
the
light
of
Gods
grace
,
suf●●ciently
knowe
and
vnderstand
what
is
conuenient
and
necessa●●e
for
him selfe
:
which
I
made
manifest
,
not
only
by
reason
,
ca.
2.
nu
.
14.
and
●●e
authoritie
of
holy
Scriptures
and
graue
authors
,
but
also
by
●uident
examples
of
the
errors
of
great
politikes
and
wisemen
,
ca.
3.4
.
&
5.
●ho
haue
bene
either
ruined
,
or
at
least
greatly
endangered
by
the
meanes
whereby
they
thought
to
profit
,
and
aduance
the●
selues
.
Cicero
de
Diuinatione
.
Whereupon
I
may
wel
inferre
with
the
prouerbe
,
Qui
s●●
semitam
non
sapit
,
an
alijs
monstrabit
viam
?
he
which
knowes
〈◇〉
the
way
him selfe
,
can
he
teach
it
to
an
other
?
that
is
to
say
,
〈◇〉
that
knowes
not
what
is
good
and
fit
for
him selfe
,
can
he
〈◇〉
able
to
iudge
&
determine
what
is
conuenient
for
other
men
,
●●pecially
for
a
whole
commonweth
?
The
diuersity
of
wils
&
humors
in
euery
commonwelth
.
To
this
purpose
it
is
to
〈◇〉
considered
,
(
as
I
haue
signified
before
)
that
there
are
such
m●●titudes
of
people
,
such
difference
of
degrees
,
qualities
,
and
conditions
,
and
such
peruersity
of
wills
,
humors
,
and
affections
〈◇〉
euery
commonwelth
,
that
no
humane
wit
is
able
to
reduced
the●
to
that
perfect
temperature
,
and
harmony
,
which
is
requisite
〈◇〉
the
conseruation
of
ciuil
vnity
and
amity
,
to
the
end
that
al
m●●
continually
concurre
in
the
obedience
of
one
lawe
,
in
one
kin●
of
gouernment
,
and
liue
therin
contented
each
one
in
his
●●cation
,
in
security
,
peace
,
and
plenty
,
which
euery
law-maker●
gouernour
of
commonwelth
,
ought
to
procure
.
3.
This
may
partly
be
iudged
by
the
gouernment
of
a
fami●●
be
it
great
or
litle
,
which
is
many
times
turned
vpside
dow●●
and
disolued
by
the
peruerse
humor
of
some
one
,
or
two
,
n●●
corrigible
by
any
councel
or
chastisment
of
the
head
thero●
What
meruaile
is
it
then
,
if
in
whole
kingdomes
and
commo●
welthes
,
amongst
so
many
thousands
of
different
persons
,
and
〈◇〉
different
humors
,
there
are
many
so
exorbitant
and
turbule●●
that
no
wit
,
nor
power
of
man
,
can
be
able
to
tame
or
temp●●
them
?
One
man
oftentymes
the
cause
of
the
destruction
of
a
whole
Empire
.
Plutar
.
in
Paulo
Emilio
.
Roderic
.
Tole
tan
.
li.
5.
de
reb
.
Hispan
.
c
.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Liuius
Dec.
●3
.
lib
.
2.
Plutar
.
in
Iul
.
Caesare
.
And
doe
we
not
see
many
times
,
that
the
couetousnes
,
〈◇〉
the
lust
,
or
the
treason
,
temeritie
,
or
folly
,
or
the
ambition
〈◇〉
some
one
man
,
endangereth
or
ouerthroweth
a
whole
empyr●
The
kingdome
of
Macedony
was
lost
through
the
couetousnes
〈◇〉
Perseus
king
thereof
;
The
treason
of
one
count
Iulian
offended
〈◇〉
the
lust
of
Roderike
King
of
Spayne
(
who
deflowred
his
daughte●
was
the
cause
that
the
Mores
conquered
Spayne
,
and
posses●●
6.
or
7.
hundred
yeares
.
The
temerity
of
Terrentius
Varro
,
whe●●
he
was
Consul
of
Rome
and
gaue
battaille
to
Hannibal
,
caused
t●●
great
ouerthrowe
which
the
Romans
receaued
at
Cannae
,
to
th●
great
danger
of
their
commonwelth
,
which
in
the
end
was
v●terly
ouerthrowne
by
the
ambition
of
Iulius
Caesar
.
4.
But
what
should
I
speake
of
a
King
of
Macedony
,
or
a
Ki●●
of
Spayne
,
or
a
Consul
of
Rome
,
or
a
Iulius
Caesar
,
when
the
turbulent
●umor
of
a
base
fellow
,
or
pety
companion
,
such
a
one
I
meane
,
〈◇〉
a
Blacksmith
,
or
a
Iacke
Cade
,
or
a
Iacke
Straw
,
The
Garboyle
and
tumult
in
England
raised
by
Iacke
Cade
and
his
fellowes
.
Stow
.
Haul
.
Holinshed
.
hath
bene
able
to
●ut
al
England
in
a
garboyle
,
to
the
great
danger
of
the
state
;
●eing
then
one
fault
or
error
of
some
one
man
,
may
ruyne
,
or
●●danger
a
kingdome
,
how
shal
mans
wit
or
policy
be
able
,
sus●cienctly
to
preuent
the
inconuenience
that
must
needes
growe
●y
the
infinit
faultes
and
errors
,
which
in
tract
of
tyme
are
●ommitted
in
euery
commonwelth
,
by
so
many
thousands
as
are
●erein
,
through
the
folly
or
malice
of
men
.
5.
Furthermore
,
if
we
consider
what
the
politike
science
whereby
commonwelths
are
instituted
,
and
gouerned
)
is
able
〈◇〉
performe
,
and
how
far
it
may
extend
it selfe
,
we
shal
easely
●e
how
litle
perfection
and
establishment
any
state
can
receaue
●y
the
law-maker
,
or
gouernour
therof
,
be
he
neuer
so
politike
.
●or
whereas
other
sciences
and
artes
were
(
as
Aristotle
teacheth
)
●●uented
by
some
,
augmented
,
and
amplifyed
by
other
,
Arist
.
li
.
2.
Ele●ch
.
c
.
vltimo
.
and
●rought
in
time
to
perfection
,
it
falleth
out
otherwayse
in
the
●olitike
science
,
which
is
so
vncertaine
and
varyable
,
that
al●hough
the
rules
&
precepts
therof
,
The
Imperfection
af
al
political
science
.
were
many
hundreth
yeares
goe
deliuered
by
most
famous
Philosophers
,
and
explicated
,
and
●mplified
since
by
infinit
authors
ancient
and
moderne
;
yet
both
●●ason
and
experience
sheweth
,
that
it
neuer
arriueth
,
neither
●n
arriue
to
perfection
.
For
nether
one
and
the
selfe
same
po●●cy
,
is
fit
for
al
commonwelthes
(
as
one
art
or
science
is
fit
and
●onuenient
for
al
kind
of
men
)
nether
is
commonwelth
so
du●●ble
in
one
manner
and
forme
of
gouernment
,
that
the
selfe
●●me
policy
wil
euer
serue
for
the
same
;
seing
al
commonwelthes
●re
subiect
to
mutation
,
and
many
tymes
one
is
engendred
by
●he
corruption
of
an
other
,
euery
one
requiring
different
lawes
,
●nd
a
different
policy
.
6.
And
although
the
commonwelth
doe
remaine
in
one
●orme
of
gouernment
,
as
either
in
a
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
Foure
kind
of
Lawes
amongst
the
Romans
.
or
a
●opoular
State
;
yet
such
is
the
variety
of
times
and
instability
of
the
●umors
and
affections
of
men
,
that
new
lawes
and
different
po●cies
wil
be
necessarie
thereto
.
And
therfore
where
as
the
Ro●ans
had
4.
kind
of
lawes
,
as
Cicero
testifyeth
,
one
was
De
abro●andis
legibus
,
to
abrogate
and
repel
lawes
,
Cicero
de
le●
.
by
the
vertue
and
authority
wherof
,
many
lawes
made
by
very
wise
men
,
were
●●terwards
by
their
posterity
annulled
and
repealed
,
as
vnprofitab●●
and
vnconuenient
.
7.
The
same
may
be
obserued
in
the
very
lawes
of
Go●
which
haue
varied
according
to
the
different
state
of
man
a●●
times
,
as
it
is
euident
by
the
lawe
of
Nature
,
the
lawe
of
Moys●●
and
now
lastly
the
law
of
Grace
.
The
reason
whereof
S.
Augus●
giueth
saying
;
Aug.
li
.
3.
confess
.
c
.
7.
That
it
is
not
to
be
wondered
at
,
that
God
ma●●
different
lawes
,
in
different
times
;
seeing
that
in
one
day
,
and
〈◇〉
one
house
,
and
in
one
man
,
one
thinge
is
conuenient
to
o●●
member
,
and
another
to
another
,
and
one
thing
to
one
man●
and
another
,
to
another
:
and
that
the
thinge
which
is
exp●dient
now
,
wil
an
hower
hence
be
vnlawful
and
inconuenie●●
Whereby
it
appeareth
that
time
which
breedeth
certaintie
〈◇〉
iudgment
and
experience
in
men
,
for
the
perfection
of
oth●●
sciences
and
artes
,
doth
so
change
,
&
abolish
lawes
and
po●●cies
,
that
it
causeth
in
law-makers
and
gouernours
,
ignoran●
errour
,
and
confusion
.
8.
For
this
cause
Plato
affirmeth
expresly
,
that
no
man
be
〈◇〉
neuer
so
excellent
of
wit
,
or
neuer
so
prudent
and
practis●
in
affaires
,
Gods
inspiration
necessary
for
the
making
of
good
Lawes
.
can
be
able
without
the
inspiration
and
assistance
God
,
to
make
sufficient
lawes
for
the
perfect
establishment
of
commonwelth
.
And
therfore
in
the
institution
of
his
ov●●
written
commonwelth
,
and
of
the
lawes
therof
,
he
craueth
help
of
almighty
God
,
and
otherwhere
saith
.
That
as
brute
beasts
〈◇〉
not
be
happily
gouerned
by
beastes
,
without
the
help
of
man
:
so
man
can
〈◇〉
be
wel
&
happily
gouerned
by
man
,
without
the
help
of
God
.
And
aga●●
in
an
other
place
he
teacheth
;
Plato
.
4.
de
legibus
.
that
as
men
cannot
liue
witho●●
lawes
,
so
neither
could
men
haue
had
sufficient
lawes
,
from
P●●metheus
(
that
is
to
say
from
the
prouidence
of
man
)
if
Iupiter
h●●
selfe
the
creator
of
al
,
Idem
,
in
Minoe
.
Idem
in
Protagora
.
had
not
sent
Mercurie
to
men
with
lawe●
be
the
interpreter
of
his
diuine
wil
.
Whereby
he
signifieth
mi●●cally
after
his
manner
,
that
without
Gods
special
assistance
,
〈◇〉
wit
nor
prouidence
of
man
can
suffice
to
institute
,
and
co●serue
any
state
or
commonwelth
,
either
by
the
meanes
of
la●●
or
otherwise
.
3.
Reg
.
3.
2.
Paral
.
2.
9.
This
also
Salomon
knew
and
acknowledged
,
who
therfo●●
craued
wisdome
of
almighty
God
for
the
gouernment
of
〈◇〉
people
,
adding
;
Quis
enim
potest
iudicare
populum
istum
,
populum
●●m
hunc
multum
?
For
who
can
without
thy
helpe
,
Sap
.
9.
iudge
and
gouerne
is
thy
people
,
so
many
in
number
.
And
againe
;
Giue
me
o
Lord
that
wis●●me
which
assisteth
,
thy
seate
,
for
I
am
a
weake
man
;
Et
minor
ad
intel●●tum
indicij
et
legum
;
And
not
of
capacity
to
vndersstand
what
is
iudgment
●●d
lawe
;
Thus
said
this
prudent
King
,
considering
,
and
humbly
●●knowledging
his
owne
infirmity
,
in
respect
whereof
almighty
●●d
gaue
him
greater
wisdome
,
wealth
,
honor
,
and
glorie
,
then
●●er
had
any
earthly
Prince
.
10.
But
now
for
the
further
proofe
of
this
matter
,
let
vs
exa●●ne
some
of
the
lawes
of
3
or
4.
of
the
most
famous
law-makers
at
euer
were
;
that
by
the
discouery
of
their
errors
,
the
weak●●s
of
mans
wit
in
the
institution
and
administration
of
common●elth
,
may
the
better
appeare
.
And
whereas
some
haue
founded
instituted
commonwelthes
indeed
,
and
some
only
in
writing
,
The
lawes
of
foure
famous
Lawmakers
examined
and
reproued
.
serue
for
patternes
for
others
;
I
wil
speake
here
only
of
four
of
●eatest
fame
,
of
either
sort
two
,
as
of
Solon
the
Athenian
,
Licur●●
the
Lacedemonian
,
Plato
called
the
Deuine
,
and
Aristotle
maister
Alexander
the
great
.
11.
When
the
commonwelth
of
the
Athenians
,
hauing
bene
●uerned
for
many
yeares
togeather
by
the
lawes
of
Dracon
,
●s
fallen
to
decay
through
the
excessiue
couetousnes
&
rigour
●rich
men
,
whome
the
poorer
sort
(
being
loaden
with
debts
&
●t
able
to
pay
them
)
were
forced
to
serue
as
slaues
by
sentence
the
iudges
,
(
wherupon
there
arose
daily
infinite
tumults
and
●●ditions
)
it
seemed
good
to
them
al
,
to
recommend
the
reforma●●n
of
their
whole
state
to
Solon
,
a
man
so
highly
esteemed
for
〈◇〉
wisdome
,
that
he
was
accounted
one
of
the
7.
wisemen
of
●●eece
,
The
Reformation
of
the
commonwelth
of
the
Athenians
by
Solon
.
Plutar
.
in
Solone
.
who
perswading
him selfe
that
it
could
not
be
conueni●tly
reformed
,
except
the
poore
were
releeued
&
eased
of
their
●●bts
,
resolued
to
abolish
&
cancel
al
contracts
and
obligations
〈◇〉
debts
past
,
imparting
his
minde
therin
first
to
some
of
his
in●●e
freends
,
who
seing
his
resolution
,
borrowed
great
store
of
●oney
,
&
emploid
it
in
land
,
whereupon
it
followed
that
when
●●on
published
his
new
lawe
(
which
he
called
Seysacthia
that
is
〈◇〉
say
A
discharge
of
debts
)
they
remained
exceedingly
enriched
,
●●eir
creditors
defrauded
,
and
he
much
suspected
of
deceit
,
as
to
●●ue
had
secret
intelligence
with
his
frends
,
and
part
of
their
●●ine
.
Two
soule
errors
of
Solon
about
the
reformation
of
the
Athenian
commonwelth
.
12.
And
although
it
seemeth
that
therin
he
had
wronge
〈◇〉
he
lost
by
his
one
law
,
as
some
write
15.
talents
which
〈◇〉
owing
him
)
yet
he
can
not
be
excused
in
two
thinges
,
the
one
that
he
caused
not
his
frends
to
restore
the
money
which
th●
had
guilfully
borrowed
;
and
the
other
,
that
without
exami●●tion
of
the
particuler
causes
and
reasons
of
euery
mans
debt
,
〈◇〉
ordained
a
general
abolition
of
al
debts
good
and
bad
;
where
aswel
those
which
were
able
to
pay
,
as
the
vnable
were
disch●●ged
,
and
al
creditours
without
difference
defrauded
,
Cioe
.
offi●
:
li.
2.
contrarie
al
equitie
and
iustice
,
which
(
as
Cicero
saith
speaking
of
the
li●●
case
)
requireth
aboue
al
thinges
,
Great
iniustice
committed
by
Solon
.
Ibid
.
that
euerie
man
haue
his
ow●
and
that
equal
regard
be
had
to
the
right
,
aswel
of
the
rich
,
as
〈◇〉
the
poore
(
which
saith
he
)
is
no
way
obserued
;
Cum
locupl●●
suum
perdunt
,
&
debitores
lucrentur
alienum
;
When
riche
〈◇〉
loose
their
owne
,
and
debitors
gaine
that
which
belongeth
other
men
.
Besides
that
,
in
this
case
the
necessitie
was
not
s●●
to
breake
iustice
so
notoriously
;
for
that
the
inconuenien●●
might
haue
bene
remedied
otherwise
,
without
iniurie
to
a●●
as
partly
by
the
meanes
,
How
Solon
might
haue
reformed
the
commonwelth
without
the
breach
of
Iustice
.
which
he
him selfe
also
practised
,
〈◇〉
wit
,
by
raysing
the
money
,
and
partly
by
borrowing
some
gr●●
sommes
with
the
which
he
might
haue
made
at
least
some
co●●
position
with
the
creditours
,
in
behalfe
of
the
debitors
&
h●●
repaied
the
money
after
in
time
by
penalties
,
confiscations
,
〈◇〉
some
moderate
taxes
,
whereby
the
poore
might
haue
bene
〈◇〉
the
present
releeued
,
and
no
man
wronged
.
Cicero
Ibid
.
13.
Therfore
Cicero
greatly
commendeth
,
Aratus
,
who
w●●
the
cittie
called
Sicione
had
bene
50.
yeares
opprest
by
tyra●●
and
he
him selfe
banished
with
600.
others
of
the
richest
m●●
therin
,
first
found
meanes
to
kil
the
tyrant
,
and
after
hau●●
called
home
al
those
that
were
banished
,
and
finding
difficu●●
in
restoring
them
to
their
goods
and
liuings
(
which
were
the
possession
of
other
men
&
had
bene
in
50.
yeares
space
alie●●ted
by
many
contracts
,
and
bargaines
of
sales
,
dowries
,
leases
〈◇〉
such
like
)
thought
it
not
conuenient
,
either
to
take
the
said
●uings
from
those
that
possessed
them
,
or
yet
to
leaue
the
ot●●
vnsatisfied
.
The
wisdome
of
Aratus
in
●●forming
the
●●●y
of
Sc●one
.
And
therfore
he
borrowed
a
great
some
of
mon●
of
Ptolomeus
King
of
Alexandria
,
&
examining
euery
mans
cau●●
&
making
an
estimate
of
the
landes
,
so
delt
betwixt
the
par●●●
that
for
readie
money
,
some
of
them
were
content
to
leaue
their
●●ssession
,
&
others
to
sel
their
right
,
and
surcease
their
claime
,
●hereby
peace
and
concord
was
made
,
al
men
satisfied
;
Et
sic
par
(
saith
Cicero
)
cum
Ciuibus
agere
,
&
non
alijs
sua
eripere
,
Ibidem
.
alijs
dare
●●na
;
So
it
is
fit
to
deale
with
subiects
,
and
not
to
take
from
some
their
●●e
,
and
to
giue
it
to
others
to
whome
it
doth
not
belong
;
as
Solon
did
,
●●o
therfore
was
to
be
blamed
,
not
only
for
errour
,
but
also
●●r
iniustice
.
14.
I
omit
other
errours
of
Solon
,
which
might
be
obserued
the
forme
of
his
commonwelth
,
An
absurd
law
of
Solon
forbidding
neutrality
in
a
publike
sedition
.
Plutar
in
Solone
.
to
come
to
the
examina●●●n
of
one
of
his
lawes
,
by
the
which
he
ordained
,
That
who●●●uer
in
any
publike
sedition
,
should
be
neutral
and
take
neither
part
,
●uld
remayne
euer
after
infamous
;
his
reason
was
,
for
that
he
●●ought
it
not
conuenient
,
that
any
man
should
so
much
loue
〈◇〉
owne
ease
,
as
not
to
participate
of
the
trouble
of
the
com●onwelth
whereof
he
was
a
member
.
Which
reason
,
togeather
●●th
the
lawe
,
Plutark
worthelie
and
wiselie
reiecteth
,
Idem
,
in
his
booke
of
instructions
for
such
as
deale
in
matters
of
state
.
for
that
would
be
an
assured
meanes
to
put
(
as
it
were
)
fyer
to
gun●●wder
,
and
to
set
al
the
commonwelth
on
a
flame
,
without
●●pe
of
any
internal
remedie
;
For
(
saith
he
)
euen
as
in
sick
body
,
●he
hope
of
helpe
with
in
it selfe
,
is
to
be
expected
from
the
partes
that
sound
(
and
therfore
when
the
body
is
wholy
corrupted
,
there
is
no
helpe
●emedy
but
from
abroad
)
euen
so
in
politike
body
sicke
with
sedetion
,
Solons
law
reiected
by
Plutarke
.
●he
internal
remedie
is
to
come
from
the
whole
and
sound
partes
therof
;
●at
is
to
say
;
from
such
as
are
neutralls
,
who
may
labour
with
●●e
one
part
and
with
the
other
to
compound
the
quarrel
;
for
●therwise
where
al
is
in
tumult
no
remedie
can
be
expected
;
ex●●t
it
come
from
abroad
.
Ibidem
.
A
principal
point
of
political
science
either
to
preuent
seditions
,
or
quickly
to
appease
them
.
And
therfore
Plutarke
houldeth
it
for
●●e
highest
and
principal
point
of
politike
science
in
any
gouer●ur
,
know
how
either
to
preuent
seditions
,
that
they
neuer
●owe
,
or
else
quickly
to
appease
them
,
when
they
are
growne
,
〈◇〉
they
neuer
so
litle
.
For
euen
as
the
least
sparke
that
is
,
may
fal
to
such
matter
,
that
it
may
set
a
whole
house
on
fyer
;
so
the
●●st
ciuil
sedition
may
fal
amongst
such
persons
,
&
in
such
time
,
●●t
it
may
put
a
whole
commonwelth
in
combustion
,
and
vt●●lie
ruine
it
;
and
for
this
cause
,
wise
gouernours
haue
an
eye
●●t
only
to
dissentions
concerning
the
commonwelth
and
pu●●ke
matters
;
but
also
of
priuate
quarrels
,
though
it
be
amongst
meane
men
,
for
that
many
times
they
redound
to
the
publike
d●triment
:
wherof
of
Plutark
recounteth
a
notable
example
.
15.
Two
young
men
of
Siracusa
were
so
great
freends
,
th●●
the
one
of
them
being
to
goe
abroad
vpon
an
occasion
,
recome●ded
vnto
the
other
the
care
of
his
concubyn
;
the
other
in
hi●
absence
,
being
ouercome
with
loue
and
lust
,
abused
her
;
〈◇〉
reuenge
wherof
,
Plut.
Ibidem
.
A
Storie
of
the
dissention
of
two
yong
men
of
Sy●ac●sa
.
his
freend
at
his
retourne
corrupted
the
othe●
wife
,
by
which
meanes
there
grew
a
great
quarrel
betwixt
them
and
the
matter
comming
to
the
notice
of
the
Senat
,
wise
Sen●●●
gaue
councel
to
banish
them
both
,
least
their
priuate
quarr●●
might
breed
some
publike
sedition
;
But
his
aduise
was
negl●cted
,
wherupon
it
followed
that
the
freends
of
either
takin●
their
partes
,
made
within
a
while
such
a
tumult
and
ciuil
warr●
in
the
cittie
,
that
the
whole
state
was
ouerthrowne
therby
.
16.
But
as
al
priuate
quarrells
may
proue
dangerous
to
th●
commonwelth
,
so
most
of
al
when
they
growe
betwixt
gre●●
personages
.
Phil
.
de
Com
.
Cron
.
du
roy
Louis
ca.
138.
The
danger
that
groweth
to
a
prince
by
maintening
diuision
amongst
his
subiectes
.
In
which
respect
,
Philip
de
Comines
blameth
grea●●
such
princes
,
as
doe
not
seeke
to
compose
dissentions
and
qua●rells
amongst
some
of
their
greater
subiects
,
but
rather
nouri●●
them
by
fauoring
one
partie
more
then
the
other
,
wherein
th●●
doe
no
other
(
saith
he
)
but
helpe
to
set
their
owne
howse
●●fier
.
17.
Wherof
he
alleageth
2.
notable
examples
:
the
one
of
t●●
Queene
of
England
(
wife
to
Kinge
Henrie
the
6.
)
who
taki●●
part
with
the
Duke
of
Sommerset
against
the
Earle
of
Warwi●●
was
a
special
cause
of
that
warre
,
Warre
in
England
betwixt
the
K.
and
Earle
of
Warvvicke
.
Ibidem
.
which
the
Earle
made
ma●●
yeares
togeather
,
against
the
King
and
house
of
Lancaster
to
the●●
vtter
ouerthrowe
,
and
therfore
(
saith
he
)
the
Queene
shou●●
haue
done
much
mo●e
wisely
,
if
she
had
shewed
herselfe
〈◇〉
the
first
indifferent
betwixt
the
two
parties
,
and
helped
to
●gree
them
.
18.
The
other
example
which
he
alleadgeth
,
is
,
of
Charles
t●●
7.
King
of
France
:
who
when
he
was
Dolphin
tooke
parte
with
t●●
Duke
of
Orleance
,
Henry
the
fifth
of
England
crowned
in
France
.
against
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
in
a
priuat
quar●●
of
theirs
.
In
reueng
wherof
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
called
Hen●●●
the
5.
King
of
England
into
France
,
and
helped
to
crown
him
and
his
sonne
after
him
kings
in
Paris
.
19.
And
whereas
Philip
de
Comines
seemeth
to
take
it
for
〈◇〉
inconuenience
,
that
a
young
Prince
should
sometimes
for
his
●port
,
Philip
de
Comines
reproued
for
allowing
in
a
young
Prince
to
nourrish
quarrels
amongst
the
Ladies
in
his
court
.
Plin
.
de
viris
illuster
.
Liu
.
dec
.
1.
lib
.
6.
The
troubles
that
often
arise
by
the
dissension
of
women
.
and
pleasure
nourish
some
iarres
&
quarreles
amongst
the
●adies
and
Gentlewomen
of
his
court
,
I
can
not
but
dissent
from
●im
therin
:
for
that
womens
iarres
may
make
mens
warres
.
And
●xperience
hath
taught
,
that
mutations
haue
sometimes
hapned
●n
States
by
womens
quarrels
.
As
in
Rome
,
where
Fabius
Ambustus
●auing
maried
his
two
daughters
,
the
elder
to
a
noble
man
cal●●d
Sulpitius
(
who
was
after
made
Consul
)
and
the
younger
to
a
●●ebiean
called
Licinius
Stolo
(
who
by
the
lawes
was
not
capable
●f
that
dignitie
)
it
chansed
that
a
disgust
fel
betwixt
the
two
●●sters
,
for
that
the
younger
visiting
the
elder
(
who
was
then
●ife
to
the
Consul
)
and
houlding
her selfe
to
be
contemned
of
●er
,
in
respect
of
her
meaner
estate
,
lamented
so
pittifully
to
her
●●ther
,
that
to
appease
her
,
he
practised
with
the
people
to
●ake
his
sonne
in-law
Licinius
Stolo
Consul
,
in
derogation
of
the
●ncient
law
and
custome
,
which
excluded
the
plebeians
from
the
●onsulshippe
.
And
although
the
cheife
Senators
opposed
them
●●erto
,
with
might
and
maine
,
as
to
a
great
nouelty
,
and
a
matter
●ery
preiudicial
to
the
dignitie
of
the
Senate
,
yet
he
preuailed
,
&
●ot
only
procured
a
decree
,
that
from
thence
forward
the
ple●eians
might
be
Consuls
,
but
also
obtained
the
election
of
Licinius
●●olo
his
sonne
in-law
.
And
this
was
done
,
to
satisfy
the
disdaine
●f
a
woman
against
her
owne
sister
.
20.
But
more
dangerous
&
lamentable
was
the
quarrel
of
●wo
sisters
in-law
in
England
,
in
the
time
of
Edward
the
6.
The
dissension
betwene
the
Duches
of
Somerset
and
Q.
Kath
.
Parre
in
England
.
where●f
the
one
was
Queene
Catherine
Parre
,
lately
before
wife
to
King
●enry
the
8.
and
then
married
to
the
Lord
Thomas
Seymer
Admiral
●f
England
,
and
the
other
was
the
Duches
of
Somerset
,
wife
to
the
●ord
Protector
of
England
,
brother
to
the
Admiral
.
These
two
La●ies
failling
at
variance
for
the
precedence
,
Sander
.
de
schismate
Anglic
.
lib
.
2.
which
either
of
them
●hallenged
,
the
one
as
Queene
Douager
,
and
the
other
as
wife
to
●he
Protector
(
who
then
gouerned
the
King
,
and
al
the
Realme
)
●●rewe
their
husbands
into
the
quarrel
,
and
so
incensed
the
one
●f
them
against
the
other
,
that
the
Protector
procured
the
death
●f
the
Admiral
his
brother
;
whereupon
also
followed
his
owne
●estruction
shortly
after
:
for
being
depriued
of
the
assistance
and
●upport
of
his
brother
,
he
was
easely
ouerthrowne
by
the
Duke
●f
Northumbarland
,
who
caused
him
to
be
conuicted
of
fellony
and
beheaded
.
Loe
then
what
inconuenience
followed
of
t●●
falling
out
of
two
women
:
therfore
Aristotle
wisely
aduise●●
Princes
to
haue
care
,
Aristot
.
Poli
.
li
5.
ca.
2.
that
their
wiues
doe
no
disgraces
,
nor
gi●●
iust
cause
of
disgust
to
the
wiues
of
their
subiects
,
for
that
(
sai●●
he
(
commonwelthes
haue
bene
ouerthrowne
by
such
meane●
21.
But
what
maruaile
is
it
if
the
quarrels
of
women
may
〈◇〉
dangerous
to
the
commonwelth
,
seeing
a
famous
and
pernitio●
faction
in
Italy
,
A
quarrel
begun
betwixt
two
boyes
in
Italy
,
caused
much
bloodshed
.
Tarcagnota
hist
.
mundi
par.
2.
l.
15.
began
by
the
occasion
of
a
quarrel
betwixt
t●●
boyes
,
whereof
the
one
gaue
the
other
a
box
on
the
eare
:
in
r●uenge
whereof
,
the
father
of
the
boy
that
was
stroken
,
cut
of
th●
hand
of
the
other
that
gaue
the
blowe
,
whose
father
making
th●
quarrel
his
owne
,
sought
the
reuenge
of
the
iniurie
done
to
〈◇〉
sonne
,
&
began
the
faction
of
the
Neri
,
and
the
Bianchi
,
that
is
〈◇〉
say
,
black
&
white
,
which
presently
spred
it selfe
throwout
Italy
&
was
the
occasion
of
spilling
much
Christian
blood
.
Whereb●
we
may
see
how
necessarie
it
is
for
gouernours
to
haue
an
eye
〈◇〉
quarrels
,
though
amongst
meane
persons
:
and
how
dangerous
is
for
a
Prince
to
make
diuision
in
his
state
betwixt
great
pers●nages
,
The
danger
of
Machiauels
doctrin
concerning
diuision
.
Arist
.
l.
5.
Pol
.
c
.
11.
to
ballance
&
counterpeise
one
of
them
with
an
oth●●
to
the
end
they
shal
not
conspire
against
him
,
as
Machiauel
cou●selleth
absurdly
,
following
the
old
tyrannical
precept
.
Si
vis
〈◇〉
nare
,
diuide
.
If
thou
wilt
raigne
,
make
diuision
.
As
though
it
should
〈◇〉
alwaies
in
the
Princes
power
,
to
moderate
the
same
at
his
pl●●sure
,
whereof
no
mortal
creature
can
assure
him selfe
,
(
be
he
n●uer
so
wise
or
potent
)
And
therfore
we
may
say
of
such
dāgero●●
courses
,
Ecclesiast
.
c
.
3.
as
saith
the
booke
of
Ecclesiasticus
.
Qui
amat
periculum
,
p●●●
bit
in
illo
.
He
which
loues
danger
,
shal
perish
in
it
.
22.
Neuerthelesse
to
retourne
now
to
Solons
law
(
which
co●demneth
neutrality
in
publike
seditions
or
factions
)
althoug●
in
some
cases
the
said
law
would
be
pernitious
to
commōwelt●
yet
in
some
other
I
hold
it
so
necessary
,
In
what
cases
Neutralitie
is
to
be
alowed
,
or
disalowed
.
as
that
no
man
cou●●
doe
his
duty
either
to
God
,
or
his
country
,
except
he
should
p●●
the
same
in
practise
.
As
for
example
,
if
the
quarrel
were
for
m●●ter
of
religion
,
or
touching
either
the
seruice
of
God
,
or
the
p●blike
good
of
the
commonwelth
,
or
for
the
iust
defence
of
th●
lawful
prince
,
and
gouernour
therof
;
in
which
cases
al
neutrality
were
vnlawful
.
For
when
there
is
question
of
Gods
seruice
,
to
be
neutral
,
Neutrality
vnlauful
in
diuisions
concerning
Gods
seruice
.
Luc
.
11.
were
nothing
else
but
to
betray
Gods
cause
,
and
〈◇〉
declare
a
mans
selfe
to
be
his
enemie
,
according
to
our
Sauiours
●ying
.
Qui
non
est
mecum
,
contra
me
est
,
&
qui
non
colligit
mecum
,
spergit
;
He
which
is
not
with
me
,
is
against
me
,
he
which
gathereth
●t
with
me
,
scattereth
.
And
therfore
the
neutrals
in
that
case
,
are
●ose
whome
the
Holy
Ghost
calleth
Tepidi
,
men
that
are
luke●●rme
,
of
whome
the
Scripture
saith
in
the
person
of
God
;
vti●m
esses
aut
calidus
,
aut
frigidus
,
sed
quia
tepidus
es
,
Apocalip
.
3.
euomam
te
ex
ore
●o
:
I
would
thou
wert
either
hot
,
or
cold
,
but
because
thou
art
but
luke●●rme
,
I
wil
therfore
spit
thee
out
of
my
mouth
.
23.
Againe
in
the
other
case
,
Neutralitie
condemned
in
matters
concerning
the
iust
defence
of
the
Prince
or
commonwelth
.
where
the
controuersie
concer●th
the
good
of
the
commonwelth
,
or
the
iust
defence
of
the
●ad
therof
,
neutralitie
were
in
effect
treason
,
and
should
merit
●t
only
the
note
of
infamie
(
as
Solons
law
ordained
)
but
also
●y
rigorous
punishment
whatsoeuer
.
And
therfore
in
al
such
●ses
,
al
men
are
bound
in
conscience
and
duty
without
delay
,
〈◇〉
declare
at
least
their
good
wil
&
affections
to
the
maintenance
〈◇〉
the
iust
cause
,
and
when
perswasions
wil
not
suffice
,
then
to
●●ploie
al
their
force
,
yea
&
their
liues
for
the
suppression
of
the
●ditions
,
rather
then
to
suffer
them
to
preuaile
.
24.
But
in
other
cases
(
as
when
some
particuler
mens
priuate
●ssention
doth
growe
to
a
publike
sedition
,
or
when
the
con●●tion
is
not
betwixt
the
head
and
some
of
the
members
,
but
●etwixt
the
members
them selues
)
to
adhere
to
either
partie
(
as
●●lons
law
commanded
)
were
no
other
then
in
steede
of
water
,
Neutrality
in
priuate
quarrels
condemned
.
●herewith
to
quench
fier
to
cast
in
oyle
to
nourish
&
augment
〈◇〉
to
the
great
danger
and
detriment
of
the
whole
state
.
There●re
in
such
a
case
,
the
neutral
&
indifferent
man
may
best
helpe
〈◇〉
remedie
the
disease
of
the
commonwelth
,
putting
on
(
as
Plu●●ke
saith
)
the
buskin
of
Theramenes
,
which
serued
for
both
feete
,
Plut.
in
his
instruct
.
for
such
as
deale
in
matters
of
state
.
●at
is
to
say
,
dealing
indifferently
with
both
parties
to
draw
●●em
to
composition
,
not
for
his
owne
ease
,
or
to
auoid
the
par●cipation
of
the
publike
or
common
calamitie
(
as
Solon
in
his
●●w
supposed
of
al
neutrals
)
but
to
extinguish
the
fier
kindled
〈◇〉
the
commonwelth
,
or
at
least
not
to
minister
further
matter
●●erto
by
any
act
of
his
.
This
then
we
see
how
Solon
erred
in
his
●●wes
,
&
ordinances
,
Arist
.
polit
.
li.
2.
ca.
10.
though
Aristotle
seemeth
to
preferre
him
●efore
al
other
law-makers
,
censuring
and
controwling
al
the
est
,
and
excusing
him
in
that
,
wherein
others
reprehended
him
,
and
concluding
him
to
be
an
excellent
law-maker
,
as
also
Pl●●●
doth
,
Plato
de
legib
.
who
for
patternes
and
examples
for
al
such
as
shal
instit●●●
commonwelths
and
lawes
,
proposeth
Minos
,
Solon
,
and
Licurgu●●
,
〈◇〉
which
last
,
I
wil
therfore
speak
next
.
THE
IMBECILLITY
OF
LAW-MAKERS
I●
also
exemplified
in
certaine
wicked
and
absurd
lawes
of
Licu●gus
,
Plato
,
and
Aristotle
,
with
certaine
obseruations
no
le●●pious
then
political
.
CHAP.
8.
Plat
.
in
Licurgo
.
LICVRGVS
was
no
lesse
famous
for
his
ro●●
birth
,
then
for
his
great
wisdome
,
and
me●●
vertue
,
who
being
brother
to
Polidectes
King
〈◇〉
Lacedemony
,
succeeded
him
in
the
kingdome
〈◇〉
the
earnest
request
of
the
people
(
in
respe●●
that
his
brother
left
no
issue
,
but
only
his
v●●●
great
with
child
)
and
being
earnestly
solicited
by
her
to
ma●●
with
her
,
with
promise
to
destroy
the
child
in
her
wombe
(
〈◇〉
the
end
that
his
kingdome
might
be
the
more
assured
)
he
〈◇〉
not
only
refuse
it
,
but
also
when
the
child
was
borne
,
&
prou●●
a
Sonne
,
he
proclaimed
him
King
,
taking
only
to
him selfe
t●●
tutele
of
him
,
and
the
gouernment
of
the
realme
during
his
m●noritie
,
with
intention
in
the
meane
time
to
reforme
it
,
b●●●
growne
to
great
corruption
,
Of
the
lawes
of
the
Lacedimonians
reformed
by
Licurgus
.
and
al
most
vtterly
decaied
;
&
the●●fore
he
abolished
most
of
the
old
lawes
,
and
ordained
new
,
the
vse
whereof
the
Lacedemonians
flowrished
many
yeares
abo●●
al
the
rest
of
the
Grecians
,
in
so
much
that
they
had
the
domi●●on
of
al
Greece
for
some
time
.
2.
Neuertheles
if
we
examine
his
commonwelth
,
and
〈◇〉
lawes
thereof
,
we
shal
find
,
that
he
failed
both
in
true
p●●dence
,
How
Licurgus
erred
in
framing
his
common
welth
rather
for
warres
then
for
peace
.
and
in
moral
vertue
.
For
whereas
a
good
law-mak●
ought
to
frame
his
commonwelth
no
lesse
to
Religion
,
Iustic●●
and
Temperance
,
then
to
fortitude
,
that
it
may
stand
&
flowris●
as
wel
in
time
of
peace
,
as
in
time
of
warre
,
his
lawes
tend●
principaly
to
make
the
people
valiant
,
and
warlike
,
whereup●●
it
followed
,
that
the
Lacedemonians
flowrished
so
long
as
they
●●d
warres
,
and
when
they
came
to
enioie
peace
,
they
felle
to
●●cay
with
in
a
while
(
as
Aristotle
noteth
)
wherby
the
error
of
●●urgus
euidently
appeareth
.
Arist
.
poli
.
li.
2.
ca.
7.
For
as
peace
is
not
ordained
for
●arre
,
but
warre
for
peace
,
as
motion
and
labour
is
ordained
●●r
rest
(
in
which
respect
Cicero
sayeth
:
Warre
is
so
to
be
vndertaken
,
Cicero
.
offic
.
lib
.
1.
that
peace
may
be
attained
therby
)
so
in
like
manner
,
a
common●elth
is
rather
to
be
framed
and
ordained
for
peace
,
then
for
●arre
;
And
yet
so
for
both
,
that
it
may
stand
by
both
.
In
which
●●spect
the
commonwelth
of
the
Athenians
as
Plutarke
noteth
,
Plutark
in
Phocione
&
pelopida
.
●●ose
Pallas
for
their
patronesse
,
who
was
called
both
Polemica
&
●●litica
,
that
is
to
say
,
Warlike
,
and
Ciuil
:
as
also
the
Thebans
had
for
●eirs
,
Harmony
,
which
was
held
to
be
the
daughter
of
Mars
and
●●us
,
wherby
they
signified
,
that
the
harmony
of
common-welth
●●nsisteth
in
the
consonance
,
and
coniunction
of
military
and
●●il
discipline
;
Iustinia
.
Institut
.
in
proemio
.
which
also
Iustinian
signified
in
the
institutes
of
●●e
ciuil
lawe
,
saying
:
Imperatoriam
maiestatem
,
&c.
It
is
conuenient
●t
the
Imperial
maiesty
,
be
not
only
decked
,
and
adorned
with
armes
,
but
〈◇〉
defended
with
lawes
.
●
.
But
in
the
commonwelth
of
the
Lacedemonians
this
was
no
●●y
performed
;
For
,
the
lawes
of
Licurgus
,
tending
only
to
make
●●em
stronge
,
laborious
,
and
valiant
,
could
not
make
them
reli●ous
,
iust
,
and
truly
temperate
,
which
for
ciuil
discipline
and
●aceable
gouerment
is
most
requisite
.
For
,
as
for
lawes
tending
〈◇〉
religion
,
we
find
none
made
by
Licurgus
,
A
ridiculous
law
of
Licurgus
Plutar
.
in
Licurgo
.
not
any
religious
act
●his
,
but
only
one
more
rediculous
,
then
religious
,
as
that
he
●dicated
an
Image
to
laughter
,
which
he
made
a
God
,
or
at
least
●ould
haue
to
be
worshiped
for
a
God
,
to
make
the
people
●erry
at
their
publike
feastes
,
and
meetinges
.
And
as
for
lawes
●rtaining
to
iustice
,
he
made
few
,
and
one
amongst
the
rest
;
●hich
opened
a
great
gap
to
iniustice
,
and
to
al
consonage
&
de●●it
;
for
he
ordained
,
that
it
should
be
lawful
for
any
man
,
to
●●ale
any
kind
of
meate
(
so
that
he
were
not
taken
or
disco●●red
in
the
doing
of
it
)
and
that
boies
and
children
should
●●ue
so
litle
allowed
them
to
eate
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
that
they
should
be
forced
to
●●ole
,
and
steale
for
their
better
prouision
,
to
make
them
ther●●
the
more
industrious
,
nimble
,
and
quick
of
spirit
,
and
others
●ore
wary
&
watchful
to
keepe
wel
that
which
they
had
,
in
so
much
that
he
which
could
steale
most
cunningly
was
most
co●mended
.
4.
But
who
seeth
not
that
this
was
the
next
way
to
fil
t●●
commonwelth
with
theeues
;
Cunning
theft
and
deceit
allowed
of
in
the
lawes
of
Licurgus
.
For
is
it
likely
that
those
who
fro●
their
infancy
are
brought
vp
in
stealing
,
&
pilfering
trifles
,
wil
●●terwardes
(
when
they
haue
got
the
habit
&
hability
therof
)
f●●
beare
to
steale
thinges
of
greater
importance
?
Or
can
thee
〈◇〉
practise
their
occupation
with
more
safety
any
way
to
beco●●
in
the
end
most
expert
,
and
thereby
pernitious
to
the
commo●welth
,
then
with
the
warrant
,
and
vnder
the
protection
of
th●
law
?
seeing
the
penaltie
which
was
ordained
for
them
that
we●●
taken
with
the
maner
,
was
not
inflicted
for
the
iniustice
of
th●
fact
,
but
for
their
lack
of
skil
and
dexterity
in
the
performanc●
which
must
needes
make
euery
one
labour
to
excelle
in
th●
act
of
the
euery
:
Finally
when
the
law
not
only
permitteth
,
〈◇〉
also
induceth
men
to
deceaue
,
some
times
,
and
in
some
thing●●
doth
it
not
also
dispose
,
and
as
it
were
,
direct
them
to
decea●●
as
ofte
,
and
howsoeuer
they
may
?
Therfore
good
and
wise
la●
makers
,
seeke
to
preuent
euils
,
and
to
cut
of
the
occasions
〈◇〉
vice
,
and
not
to
minister
matter
or
occasion
thereto
,
which
〈◇〉
our
corrupt
natures
,
needeth
a
bridle
to
restraine
it
,
and
nor
〈◇〉
spurre
ro
prick
it
forward
.
5.
And
this
may
also
be
said
in
respect
of
an
other
lawe
of
●●curgus
inducing
to
intemperancy
,
and
al
kind
of
incontinen●●
For
although
he
ordained
some
thinges
notably
for
the
educ●tion
of
youth
;
Idem
.
Ibid
.
tending
as
it
seemed
,
to
the
repression
of
con●●piscence
,
and
dissolute
life
,
(
as
a
very
spare
and
homelie
diet
hard
bedding
of
reedes
(
or
as
some
write
)
no
beds
at
al
,
Iustin
.
li
.
3.
con●●nual
labour
and
exercise
,
one
only
garment
,
for
the
whole
yea
and
such
like
)
yet
it
appeareth
that
his
meaning
was
no
ot●●
therin
,
but
only
to
make
them
able
to
endure
the
labour
,
a●●toile
of
warre
;
For
he
ordained
other
lawes
so
much
in
fauo●●
and
furtherance
of
lust
,
&
of
al
carnallity
,
yea
in
the
worst
kin●
that
it
may
iustly
be
said
,
Plut.
Ibid
.
he
made
his
whole
commonwe●●●
worse
then
a
burdel
;
For
he
instituted
certaine
wrestlinges
an●
dances
,
Absurd
laws
of
Licurgus
tending
to
Lasciuiousnes
.
and
other
exercises
of
boyes
and
wenches
naked
,
to
b●
done
in
publike
at
diuers
times
in
the
yeare
,
in
the
presen●
both
of
young
&
old
men
,
which
what
effect
it
might
worke
〈◇〉
the
mindes
and
manners
of
their
citizens
,
any
man
may
easely
●dge
;
especially
seeing
both
their
lawes
&
customes
,
permitted
●at
men
should
be
enamored
of
boyes
,
which
was
held
for
lau●ble
and
necessary
for
their
good
education
,
it
being
presumed
●●t
their
louers
would
carefully
instruct
them
in
vertue
.
6.
Furthermore
adultry
which
was
punished
with
death
,
Leuit
20.
l●●
Iulia
.
not
●●ly
by
the
law
of
Moyses
,
but
also
by
the
law
of
the
Romans
and
●her
nations
,
as
a
thinge
pernitious
to
commonwelth
,
was
not
●●ly
permited
,
but
also
approued
by
Licurgus
his
law
;
ordaining
,
Adulterie
permitted
by
Licurgus
amongst
the
Lacedimonians
.
●●t
if
an
old
man
married
a
young
wife
,
she
might
with
her
hu●●nds
licence
,
make
choice
of
any
young
man
that
she
liked
to
●●ue
a
child
by
him
,
which
her
hushand
brought
vp
as
his
owne
.
●●d
if
a
valiant
,
or
vertuous
man
(
as
good
soldiers
were
termed
●ere
)
liked
wel
of
an
other
mans
wife
,
he
might
demand
leaue
her
husband
to
haue
issue
by
her
,
which
was
not
denied
,
but
●ought
conuenient
for
their
commonwelth
to
maintaine
there
in
good
race
,
and
breed
of
valiant
men
,
Plut.
in
Licurg
.
as
Plutark
signifieth
in
●fence
of
this
law
of
Licurgus
.
7.
This
then
being
soe
;
Arist
.
li
.
2.
pol
.
ca.
7.
The
ouerthrow
of
the
Lacedimonyans
in
the
playne
of
Leuctra
,
by
Gods
iust
iudgement
for
their
sinnes
of
the
flesh
.
Plut.
narratione
amator
.
Diodorus
Siculus
.
li
.
15.
ca.
14.
ca.
20.
nu
.
3.
what
maruaile
it
is
that
al
sinne
of
●●e
flesh
and
beastlines
raigned
more
in
Lacedemony
,
then
any
●●ere
els
in
Greece
,
as
Aristotle
witnesseth
?
Nay
what
wonder
is
it
●●t
almighty
God
of
his
iust
iudgment
plagued
them
for
it
in
〈◇〉
end
?
with
a
memorable
ouerthrow
in
the
plaine
of
Leuctra
,
●ere
they
lost
the
dominion
of
Greece
,
by
the
occasion
,
and
for
●●nishment
of
a
horrible
rape
,
committed
by
two
of
their
citti●●s
,
as
I
wil
declare
more
at
large
when
I
come
to
treate
of
●●ds
iustice
.
8.
And
for
the
present
,
to
conclude
concerninge
Licurgus
and
●●n
,
I
wil
not
stand
vpon
other
thinges
reproued
by
Aristotle
●he
lawes
of
Licurgus
,
seeing
it
is
euident
ynough
by
that
which
●aue
touched
before
,
that
these
two
mirroures
of
law-makers
●●r
so
were
Solon
&
Licurgus
accounted
of
al
antiquity
)
may
serue
lesse
then
others
of
meaner
marke
,
Licurgus
and
Solon
accounted
by
antiquitie
the
mirrours
of
Lawmakers
.
for
examples
of
mans
infir●●ties
,
and
of
the
weaknes
of
his
wit
in
matters
of
common●●lth
;
to
whome
I
wil
now
adde
Plato
,
&
Aristotle
,
who
though
●●ey
founded
no
commonwelthes
as
the
other
two
did
;
yet
they
●●med
in
writing
ether
of
them
one
,
in
the
which
they
labou●●
to
shewe
,
both
the
excellency
of
their
owne
witts
,
and
the
perfection
of
humane
policy
,
wherin
neuertheles
they
euiden●ly
shewed
the
imbecility
and
imperfection
of
both
.
Plato
lib
.
de
repub
.
9.
For
what
can
be
more
absurd
,
or
more
impious
,
then
〈◇〉
community
which
Plato
ordained
in
his
commonwelth
,
〈◇〉
only
of
goods
and
possessions
,
but
also
of
women
,
to
the
e●●
that
no
man
should
haue
any
thinge
proper
,
or
peculier
to
h●●selfe
;
The
impious
Lawes
of
Plato
in
his
commonwelth
.
in
so
much
that
fathers
,
and
mothers
,
should
not
kno●●
their
owne
children
,
nether
yet
any
child
know
his
owne
p●rents
,
whereby
he
thought
to
establish
in
the
commonwe●●
such
a
perfect
vnity
,
that
no
man
should
be
able
to
say
,
this
〈◇〉
mine
,
or
this
is
thine
,
but
euery
one
haue
a
general
care
of
〈◇〉
where
as
if
that
law
were
put
in
practise
,
the
vtter
ouerthrowe●
commonwelth
,
and
of
al
humane
society
must
needes
follo●
thereon
.
10.
For
matrimony
being
taken
away
,
and
such
a
pro●●cuous
,
Promiscuous
&
beastly
procreation
in
the
lawes
of
Plato
.
and
beastly
procreation
introduced
,
the
natural
loue
b●twixt
parents
,
and
their
children
,
brethren
,
kinsfolkes
,
〈◇〉
alyes
,
and
al
consanguinity
,
kindred
,
&
affinity
would
be
qu●●●
abolished
;
horible
incest
betwene
kinsfolkes
,
brethren
and
●●sters
,
father
and
daughter
,
mother
and
sonne
;
(
which
al
nati●●
abhorre
)
would
ordinarily
be
commited
,
&
in
occasion
of
qu●rells
,
which
sometimes
could
not
be
auoided
,
one
brother
wo●●
kil
an
other
,
the
father
,
the
sonne
,
&
the
sonne
the
father
,
for
la●●
of
knowledge
one
of
another
;
besides
many
other
great
inco●ueniencies
,
Arist
.
polit
.
lib
.
2.
c
.
1.
2.
3.
4.
declared
very
particulerly
and
at
large
by
Arist●●●
in
his
politiks
,
who
also
proueth
very
euidently
,
that
the
v●●●
which
Plato
sought
to
establish
in
his
commonwelth
by
this
la●
would
not
follow
theron
,
whereby
appeareth
his
double
err●
Al
which
I
omit
for
breuities
sake
,
to
speake
a
word
or
two
of
other
law
of
his
;
Another
most
absurd
Platonical
law
.
who
hauing
ordained
that
young
men
sho●●
for
increase
of
their
strength
and
agility
of
body
,
exercise
th●●selues
naked
,
at
certaine
times
,
and
in
certaine
places
appoi●●
for
that
purpose
,
called
Gimnasia
,
commanded
also
(
not
as
Li●●●gus
did
,
in
Lacedemonia
that
young
girles
&
wenches
should
d●●
naked
amongst
boies
,
but
far
more
absurdely
,
that
women
〈◇〉
the
flower
of
their
youth
,
should
dance
,
runne
,
wrestle
,
ride
,
〈◇〉
doe
al
exercises
with
younge
men
naked
,
aswel
as
they
;
wh●
(
saith
he
)
whosoeuer
misliketh
,
vnderstandeth
not
how
profitable
it
is
〈◇〉
the
commonwelth
.
11.
But
who
could
imagine
that
the
prince
of
philosophers
●or
so
was
Plato
esteemed
)
could
so
farre
forget
him selfe
,
as
●●uing
instituted
and
framed
his
commonwelth
to
al
kinde
of
●●rtue
,
as
to
the
only
meanes
to
arriue
to
perfect
felicity
(
for
●hich
purpose
he
gaue
notable
documents
,
and
precepts
,
and
●●de
excellent
lawes
concerning
al
vertues
,
Plato
contrarie
to
him selfe
.
&
amongst
the
rest
●●uching
chastity
)
who
(
I
say
)
considering
this
,
could
imagine
●●t
this
professor
,
maister
,
and
teacher
of
vertue
,
this
commen●●r
,
and
commander
of
chastity
,
would
not
only
permitte
,
but
●o
ordaine
a
thing
so
contrary
to
his
owne
profession
,
to
the
●●d
of
his
commonwelth
,
and
to
his
owne
lawes
,
precepts
,
and
●●unsels
,
as
the
lasciuious
aspect
of
naked
women
?
wherby
the
●●r
of
concupiscence
being
kindled
in
men
,
and
the
bridle
of
na●●al
modesty
taken
from
women
,
what
else
could
follow
ther●
,
but
al
beastly
dissolution
,
and
carnallity
of
life
as
wel
in
the
●●e
as
in
the
other
.
12.
For
precepts
are
giuen
,
&
lawes
ordeined
in
vaine
against
●continency
,
when
the
occasions
,
prouocations
,
&
nourishments
ther●●
are
permitted
:
which
whosoeuer
vseth
to
admit
,
Lawes
ordained
in
vaine
against
vice
,
when
the
occasions
therof
are
permitted
.
plaieth
with
●e
flame
,
as
doth
the
flye
,
and
commonly
is
burned
therby
.
For
●●w
many
doe
we
see
daily
ouercome
with
vice
(
and
especi●●y
with
that
of
the
flesh
)
because
they
wil
not
forbeare
the
oc●●sions
?
we
may
put
fier
to
straw
when
we
wil
,
but
we
can
not
●●ench
it
when
we
wil
:
it
is
in
our
power
and
choice
to
combat
●●th
our
enemy
,
but
the
victory
is
not
in
our
handes
:
and
so
we
●●y
easely
enter
into
the
conflict
,
and
admit
the
allurements
of
●ne
when
we
list
,
but
can
not
so
easely
ouercome
it
,
nor
yet
●●tire
our selues
when
we
list
.
And
therfore
in
this
kind
of
com●●t
,
the
veriest
coward
getts
the
victory
,
that
is
to
say
,
he
which
●●eth
at
first
,
or
rather
dareth
not
abide
to
see
so
much
as
the
●●ce
of
his
enemy
:
in
which
respect
the
Holy
Ghost
aduiseth
vs
;
●●gite
a
fornicatione
;
Flee
from
fornication
.
And
Iuuenilia
desideria
fuge
;
1.
Cor
.
6.
〈◇〉
&
auoyd
youthly
desires
:
&
againe
,
Sicut
a
facie
colubri
,
fuge
peccata
:
●●s
from
the
face
of
a
serpent
,
so
flee
&
runne
away
from
sinne
.
2.
Tim
.
2.
Eccl.
21.
For
who●●euer
delighteth
to
admit
the
occasions
,
who
soeuer
(
I
say
)
●oth
not
shut
vp
the
dores
,
and
windowes
of
his
eyes
&
eares
,
to
●e
inticements
of
lust
,
but
is
content
to
entertaine
them
into
the
secret
cabinet
of
his
hart
,
though
he
were
stronger
then
Sa●●●●
holier
then
Dauid
,
wiser
then
Salomon
,
let
him
make
account
〈◇〉
be
vanquished
as
they
were
.
13.
Therefore
Aristotle
Platoes
scholler
,
knowing
how
●●sely
men
are
corrupted
,
by
the
hearing
and
sight
of
wanton
〈◇〉
lasciuious
obiects
,
and
especially
children
(
whose
first
impres●●
of
good
or
bad
are
hardly
remoued
euer
after
)
ordaineth
in
〈◇〉
written
commonwelth
,
that
they
shal
be
kept
from
the
hea●●●
of
wanton
talke
,
An
excellent
ordonnance
of
Aristotle
,
forbidding
wanton
talk
,
and
lasciuious
pictures
.
Aristot
.
lib
.
7.
po●ic
.
17.
and
from
the
sight
of
lasciuious
comedies
,
〈◇〉
such
other
representations
as
may
moue
them
to
carnal
cogi●●tions
,
which
inflame
concupiscence
to
al
disordinate
appeati●●
In
respect
wherof
he
commandeth
,
that
the
magistrats
shal
〈◇〉
suffer
in
the
commonwelth
,
any
dishonest
images
,
or
wan●●●
pictures
,
which
may
represent
any
vncleane
or
lasciuious
act
〈◇〉
the
beholders
;
which
when
I
consider
,
I
can
not
but
lamen●●●
litle
care
that
is
commonly
had
thereof
in
Christian
commonw●●thes
;
where
not
only
most
mens
mouthes
ouerflow
with
dis●●nest
and
beastly
talke
,
but
also
al
places
are
furnished
with
w●●ton
&
lasciuious
pictures
and
images
,
as
with
special
ornamen●
which
also
many
keepe
in
their
bed
chambers
,
and
most
sec●●
clossets
and
retraites
,
to
the
end
they
may
satiate
their
libidi●●
eyes
,
and
prouoke
their
spent
,
and
languishing
lust
,
with
the
f●●quent
and
greedy
aspect
thereof
.
I
am
shamed
to
say
the
r●●●
and
haue
saied
this
by
the
way
,
constrained
by
the
iust
grie●●
which
I
conceaue
of
so
great
an
abuse
,
which
hauing
bene
〈◇〉
allowed
,
and
forbidden
by
Paynims
,
is
neuerthelesse
permi●●●
amongst
Christians
.
14.
But
to
retourne
from
whence
I
digressed
,
I
concl●●●
that
these
Platonical
lawes
had
bene
more
fit
for
a
Sardanaphalu●●
a
Hel●ogabalus
,
if
they
had
written
of
commonwelth
,
then
〈◇〉
Plato
,
who
professed
him selfe
to
be
a
phisition
of
soules
,
a
ref●●mer
of
manners
,
a
teacher
of
temperance
,
and
the
schoolmais●●
of
al
vertue
;
so
blind
is
man
(
be
he
neuer
so
wise
)
with
out
t●●
light
of
Gods
grace
.
Arist
lib
.
2.
polit
.
c
.
1.
●
.
3.
4
5.
6
7.
8.
15.
But
perhapes
some
may
thinke
that
Aristotle
,
his
scho●ler
(
who
was
the
wonder
of
the
world
for
his
wit
,
and
vnd●●tooke
to
censure
and
syndicate
him
,
and
al
other
lawmakers
b●fore
him
)
saw
clearer
in
matter
of
lawes
,
and
commonwe●●●
then
they
;
let
vs
then
examine
him
a
litle
,
and
we
shal
find
that
〈◇〉
erred
more
absurdly
then
any
of
them
.
●6
.
This
may
appeare
by
two
of
his
lawes
:
Two
absurd
lawes
of
Aristotle
Arist
.
lib
.
7.
polit
.
cap
.
16.
whereof
the
one
●s
,
that
if
a
man
had
any
deformed
or
lame
childe
,
he
should
〈◇〉
it
out
like
a
whelpe
and
expose
it
to
perrish
.
And
the
other
●s
,
that
if
a
man
had
aboue
a
certaine
number
of
children
,
●hich
number
he
would
haue
to
be
determined
according
to
●●rie
mans
ability
)
his
wife
should
destroy
the
fruit
in
her
●●mbe
,
when
she
found
that
she
had
conceaued
.
Ibidem
.
Wherein
he
●●wed
him selfe
more
vnnatural
and
inhumane
then
the
very
●●it
beastes
;
For
as
Cicero
saith
very
wel
;
lib
.
3.
de
finib
.
These
two
thinges
can
not
●ee
together
,
to
wit
,
that
nature
would
haue
procreation
,
and
that
it
●●uld
not
haue
the
creature
when
it
is
borne
,
to
be
beloued
,
and
conserued
:
〈◇〉
which
appeareth
(
saith
he
)
euidently
in
bruit
beasts
,
whose
labour
〈◇〉
care
in
the
conseruation
of
that
which
is
borne
of
them
is
such
,
that
we
〈◇〉
acknowledge
the
force
and
voice
of
nature
therin
.
Wherefore
,
it
is
ma●●est
,
(
saith
he
)
that
as
we
naturally
shunne
and
abhorre
al
kind
of
●ife
;
so
also
we
are
naturally
moued
to
loue
the
issue
of
our
bodies
.
Thus
●●th
Cicero
,
who
also
other
where
saith
;
Cicero
offic
.
lib
.
1.
wher
as
it
is
common
to
al
●●ng
creatures
to
haue
a
care
of
those
thinges
,
which
they
haue
brought
●●h
,
nature
hath
giuen
specially
to
man
a
loue
to
his
children
,
Ibid
.
and
a
care
●rouide
them
al
thinges
necessary
:
Thus
saith
he
and
common
ex●●rience
teacheth
it
to
be
true
.
17.
What
then
can
be
more
dissonant
from
reason
and
na●●e
,
The
absurdity
and
inhumanity
of
Aristotles
law
ordeining
the
exposition
of
lame
and
deformed
children
.
then
that
a
man
who
is
borne
and
naturally
inclined
to
cle●ency
,
humanity
,
and
piety
,
should
shewe
him selfe
vnkind
,
&
humane
,
not
towards
beasts
,
but
towards
men
,
not
towards
●angers
,
frends
,
or
seruants
,
but
towards
his
owne
children
,
&
●●t
for
no
fault
of
theirs
,
but
for
some
defect
or
deformitie
of
●●dy
which
they
could
not
remedie
;
and
ought
rather
to
mooue
●●an
to
compassion
,
and
pitty
,
then
to
cruelty
?
Besides
that
●●ch
corporal
defects
do
not
for
the
most
part
hinder
the
opera●●●n
of
the
mind
,
and
vnderstandinge
;
and
therefore
it
may
very
●●el
happen
by
the
execution
of
this
inhumane
law
of
Aristotle
,
Seneca
ad
Lucillum
,
ep
.
Deformity
of
body
doth
not
preiudice
the
beautie
of
the
mind
.
●●t
only
that
a
father
shal
be
depriued
of
a
sonne
,
but
also
that
●e
commonwelth
shal
loose
a
necessary
and
notable
member
.
●r
(
as
Seneca
saith
)
Ex
casa
vir
magnus
exire
potest
,
&
ex
deformi
,
●●●ilique
corpusculo
formosus
animus
,
&
magnus
.
A
notable
man
,
may
come
out
of
a
poore
cottage
,
and
a
beautiful
and
high
mind
,
out
of
a
〈◇〉
and
deformed
body
.
18.
Could
corporal
imperfections
and
deformities
exch●●●
Aesope
from
the
number
of
philosophers
?
King
Craesus
very
deformed
of
body
,
yet
a
wise
and
excellent
Prince
.
Gueuerra
in
vita
Marci
Aurelij
.
or
take
from
Craesus
〈◇
reputation
of
a
most
excellent
and
wise
prince
?
who
inui●●●
Anacharsis
the
philosopher
to
come
to
his
court
,
wrote
of
hi●
selfe
,
that
although
nature
had
made
him
deformed
,
crook●●
backt
,
one
eyd
,
lame
of
a
leg
,
a
dwarfe
,
and
as
it
were
a
mon●●
amongst
men
;
yet
he
thought
him selfe
so
monstrous
in
〈◇〉
thing
,
as
in
that
he
had
no
philosopher
in
his
court
,
and
of
〈◇〉
councel
.
19.
The
like
may
be
said
of
a
notable
,
though
very
deform●●
Bishop
of
Cullen
,
Guliel
Malmsbury
li.
2.
ca.
10.
of
whose
great
wisdome
and
vertue
,
Willia●
〈◇〉
Malmsbury
giueth
testimony
,
declaring
the
occasion
of
his
ad●●●ment
to
that
greate
Archbishopricke
in
this
manner
.
An
E●●rour
of
Germany
(
saith
he
)
being
a
hunting
,
&
wandering
by
ch●●●
with
very
few
or
none
with
him
,
in
a
morning
(
vpon
the
su●●●
before
lent
,
called
Quinquagessima
,
)
came
to
a
poore
parish
ch●●●
dissembling
him selfe
to
be
a
soldier
and
desired
to
heare
ma●●●
the
parish
preist
being
a
man
so
deformed
of
body
that
he
〈◇〉
Penae
portentum
naturae
,
A
storie
of
a
deformed
priest
made
Archbishoppe
of
Cullen
.
almost
a
monster
of
nature
,
said
masse
●fore
him
,
and
as
the
Emperour
wondered
with
him selfe
,
t●●
almighty
God
,
who
is
of
infinit
beauty
&
maiesty
,
would
su●●
so
deformed
a
creature
to
serue
him
in
such
a
high
and
di●●●
mistery
,
it
chanced
that
the
priest
reading
the
verse
of
the
Tr●●●
which
was
that
day
;
Psal
.
99.
Scitote
,
quoniam
Dominus
&c.
know
you
th●●
Lord
is
God
,
and
that
he
made
vs
,
and
not
we
our selues
,
pronounc●
the
same
in
such
a
different
tune
and
voice
,
from
that
which
〈◇〉
had
read
before
,
that
the
Emperour
tooke
it
as
a
thing
ordai●●
by
almighty
God
,
to
answere
his
cogitation
,
and
began
to
h●●
such
a
reuerent
opinion
of
the
priest
,
that
hauing
enformed
h●●
selfe
after
masse
,
of
his
great
vertue
,
he
made
him
Archbishop●
〈◇〉
Cullen
,
much
against
his
wil
.
In
which
charge
he
behaued
hi●selfe
with
singuler
commendation
,
as
wel
for
the
temporal
,
as
sp●ritual
affaires
,
and
left
behind
him
a
notable
memory
,
both
〈◇〉
great
wisdome
,
&
also
of
singuler
sanctity
,
&
holines
of
life
,
&
Whereby
appeareth
the
absurdity
of
Aristotles
lawe
.
For
if
it
h●●
bene
in
force
where
this
deformed
Bishopp
was
borne
,
t●●
Church
had
wanted
a
notable
pastor
,
and
the
commonwelth
an
●●cellent
,
and
principal
member
.
20.
Furthermore
it
is
manifest
by
Aristotle
him selfe
,
li.
5.
Ethic
.
ca.
11.
Aristotle
against
him selfe
.
that
is
law
of
exposition
of
children
is
most
vniust
,
and
iniurious
to
●●e
commonwelth
:
For
whereas
he
proueth
in
his
Ethicks
,
that
man
may
not
kil
him selfe
,
he
affirmeth
amongst
other
thinges
,
●●t
he
which
besides
the
course
and
forme
of
law
doth
hurt
an
●●her
,
who
nether
defendeth
him selfe
nor
hurteth
him
,
doth
●urie
to
the
commonwelth
.
Therefore
how
much
more
iniu●ous
is
it
,
to
destroy
an
innocent
child
,
that
can
nether
defend
●●m
selfe
,
nor
hurt
any
other
,
and
might
in
time
doe
notable
●●●uice
to
the
commonwelth
.
21.
The
like
also
may
be
said
of
the
other
law
of
Aristotle
,
Arist
.
li
.
7.
Pol
.
c
.
6.
The
absurdity
of
Aristotles
laws
concerning
the
destruction
of
children
in
their
mothers
wombe
Cicero
orat
.
pro
Cluentio
.
●●ncerning
abortion
,
or
the
destruction
of
the
childe
in
the
mo●ers
wombe
,
being
a
thing
,
punished
seuerely
by
al
good
lawes
,
〈◇〉
iniurious
not
only
to
nature
,
but
also
to
commonwelth
,
which
〈◇〉
depriued
therby
of
a
designed
cittyzen
,
as
Cicero
tearmeth
it
,
●●eaking
of
a
Woman
of
Miletus
in
Asia
,
who
hauing
procured
●ortion
of
her
childe
a
litle
before
her
time
of
trauel
,
was
con●mned
to
death
.
Neque
iniuria
(
saith
he
)
quia
designatum
Reip
.
●●em
sustulisset
;
And
very
iustly
,
for
that
she
had
made
away
one
that
●s
designed
to
be
cittizen
of
the
commonwelth
.
In
which
respect
●e
ciuil
law
doth
greuiously
punish
al
wilful
abortion
after
con●●ption
,
whether
the
child
haue
life
or
no
,
ff
.
de
paenis
.
li
.
si
aliquid
.
parag
.
qui
abortionis
.
inflicting
death
if
the
●ilde
were
alreadie
quick
,
and
other
waies
banishment
with
●●nfiscation
of
the
goods
of
the
offendours
,
if
they
be
noble
or
〈◇〉
accounte
,
Siluester
verb
.
Aborsus
.
Armilla
ibid
.
and
condemnation
to
digge
in
the
mines
if
they
be
●●ore
.
Besides
that
our
Canonists
doe
teach
it
to
be
a
mortal
●●ne
,
either
to
procure
abortion
after
conception
(
though
the
●●ilde
be
not
quick
)
or
voluntarily
to
hinder
conception
,
or
to
●●use
sterility
,
because
it
is
(
say
they
)
Contra
bonum
prolis
generandae
;
●gainst
the
good
of
generation
,
which
nature
ordaineth
for
●●e
continuation
of
mankind
,
and
maintenance
of
humaine
so●itie
.
22.
Therfore
whereas
Aristotle
him selfe
aduiseth
that
the
ab●●tion
be
procured
after
conception
,
before
the
child
haue
life
,
●dding
this
reason
,
for
that
(
saith
he
)
to
doe
it
after
,
Arist
.
ibid
.
vt
sup
.
were
nefas
,
〈◇〉
wicked
act
)
his
reason
excuseth
not
his
absurditie
in
this
law
,
and
condemneth
him
of
wickednes
in
the
former
,
Aristotle
confuted
by
his
owne
assertion
.
concer●●●
the
exposition
of
children
.
For
if
it
be
a
wicked
act
to
kil
a
qui●●
child
before
it
be
borne
,
much
more
wicked
and
cruel
is
the
〈◇〉
to
expose
it
to
destruction
&
death
after
it
is
borne
,
when
it
h●●
more
sense
and
feeling
of
hurt
,
and
naturally
moueth
more
〈◇〉
compassion
.
23.
But
perhaps
some
may
say
,
that
he
which
exposeth
〈◇〉
layeth
forth
a
child
doth
not
kil
it
,
An
obiection
an●wered
.
Exod
2.
Plut.
in
Romulo
.
Iustin
.
li
.
1.
for
that
it
may
hap
(
as
ma●●
times
it
hath
)
that
the
child
may
be
taken
vp
by
some
other
a●●
nourished
,
as
it
chanced
,
to
Moyses
,
Romulus
,
&
Remus
,
Cyrus
,
Kin●
of
Persia
,
and
diuers
others
;
wherto
I
answere
,
that
although
th●
prouidence
of
God
,
ouercome
many
times
the
mailce
of
ma●●
yea
&
turne
it
to
good
:
yet
mans
offence
is
neuer
a
whit
the
le●●
nether
can
a
chance
that
hapneth
after
an
act
,
alter
the
nature
〈◇〉
the
act
;
I
meane
,
it
can
neither
rectify
it
,
if
it
be
il
done
,
〈◇〉
make
it
il
,
if
it
be
wel
done
.
And
therefore
I
say
,
that
seing
reas●●
and
the
law
of
nature
commandeth
,
(
as
I
haue
shewed
befor●
that
euery
one
haue
a
special
care
of
the
life
and
conseruation
〈◇〉
his
children
,
he
which
not
only
forsaketh
his
owne
child
,
t●●
hath
not
any
way
offended
him
,
but
also
exposeth
it
to
peril
〈◇〉
death
,
can
not
be
excused
of
vnnatural
dealing
,
inhumanity
,
〈◇〉
impiety
,
though
some
stranger
should
chance
afterwards
〈◇〉
proue
more
humane
and
pyous
towards
it
,
then
the
father
hi●
selfe
.
24.
Wel
then
to
conclude
this
point
,
I
say
of
Aristotle
〈◇〉
Augustus
Caesar
said
of
King
Herod
,
Macrobius
lib
.
2.
Saturnal
c
.
4.
(
when
he
vnderstood
that
●mongst
the
innocents
which
he
caused
to
be
killed
after
th●
birth
of
our
Sauiour
,
one
of
his
owne
sonns
was
slaine
)
It
is
be●●
(
saith
he
)
to
be
Herods
pig
,
then
his
sonne
.
Herods
owne
sonne
slayne
amongst
the
Innocents
,
And
this
he
said
,
for
th●
pigs
were
not
killed
in
Iudea
because
the
Iewes
did
not
eate
〈◇〉
swines
flesh
.
And
euen
so
I
say
,
it
were
better
to
be
a
beast
in
A●●stotles
commonwelth
then
a
man
,
for
beasts
should
be
assure●
cared
and
prouided
for
by
their
dammes
,
wheras
the
children
〈◇〉
men
should
be
in
danger
to
bee
forsaken
both
of
father
and
mother
,
and
so
to
perrish
.
An
other
absurd
errour
of
Aristotle
.
25.
And
here
I
can
not
forbeare
to
say
somewhat
of
an
othe●
constitution
of
his
,
which
I
know
not
whether
it
were
mo●●
absurd
or
ridiculous
.
Thou
maist
remember
(
good
reader
〈◇〉
that
I
made
mention
a
litle
before
of
a
notable
law
of
his
forbid●●ng
in
his
commonwelth
,
the
vse
of
lasciuious
pictures
,
&
ima●●s
,
lest
young
men
,
and
especially
children
,
might
be
corrupted
〈◇〉
maners
by
the
sight
therof
;
neuerthelesse
he
ex●●●teth
in
the
●●e
law
,
the
Images
and
pictures
of
certaine
Gods
;
In
whome
●aith
he
)
the
custome
alloweth
lasciuiousnes
;
Lasciuious
pictures
and
images
of
Gods
absurdly
allowed
by
Aristotle
.
meaning
no
doubt
the
●●inted
and
graued
stories
of
the
adulteries
of
Iupiter
,
Mars
,
and
●●●us
,
and
other
Gods
and
Godesses
,
set
forth
euery
where
a●ongst
the
Painims
,
as
wel
in
publike
places
,
as
in
their
priuate
●●wses
,
and
temples
.
Wherein
may
be
obserued
the
ridiculous
●●surdity
of
this
great
philosopher
,
not
only
in
matter
appertai●●ng
to
religion
,
(
which
I
remit
to
be
examined
other
where
)
●t
also
in
matter
of
commonwelth
,
yea
&
concerning
his
owne
〈◇〉
before
mencioned
;
for
what
would
it
auaile
to
take
away
〈◇〉
other
wanton
pictures
,
&
representations
that
might
corrupt
●●e
mindes
of
yought
,
when
he
expressly
alloweth
the
vse
of
the
●●●ciuious
pictures
of
the
Gods
,
which
must
needes
corrupt
them
●uch
more
,
and
as
it
were
instil
into
them
,
vicious
affections
&
●●sires
to
geather
with
their
religion
,
yea
by
the
example
of
their
●ods
,
by
the
imitation
of
whome
they
could
not
but
hope
to
●●aine
aswel
to
perfection
of
vertue
,
as
to
eternal
beatitude
&
●●licitie
,
beleeuing
as
they
did
,
that
they
were
true
Gods
?
26.
For
how
could
any
man
he
perswaded
that
adultery
de●●●ued
punishment
or
was
not
a
great
,
yea
a
diuine
vertue
,
seing
●●rs
taken
tardy
with
Venus
,
Mens
mynd
corrupted
amongst
the
gentils
by
the
sight
of
the
lasciuious
pictures
of
their
Gods
.
or
Iupiter
stealing
away
Europa
in
●●ape
of
a
bul
,
violating
Loeda
in
forme
of
a
swanne
,
&
entring
in
〈◇〉
the
howse
of
Danae
by
the
loouer
,
like
a
goulden
shewer
?
●ould
not
any
man
that
should
be
religiously
deuoted
to
these
●ods
,
be
animated
by
the
sight
therof
to
doe
the
like
?
yea
and
●●ildren
learning
their
religion
,
and
not
only
hearing
,
but
also
●●ing
euery
where
by
pictures
and
Images
,
that
such
acts
were
●●mmitted
by
their
Gods
,
could
they
imagine
that
the
same
●ere
euil
,
and
not
to
be
imitated
?
This
is
very
wel
declared
by
●●cian
of
his
owne
experience
,
who
in
his
dialogues
maketh
Me●●ppus
say
thus
,
Lucian
.
in
●●nippo
.
When
I
was
yet
but
a
boy
(
saith
hee
)
and
heard
out
〈◇〉
Homer
and
Hesiod
of
the
adulteries
,
fornications
,
rapes
and
seditions
of
〈◇〉
Gods
;
truly
I
thought
that
those
thinges
were
very
excellent
,
&
beganne
●●en
then
to
be
greatly
affected
towardes
them
;
for
I
could
not
imagine
that
the
Gods
them selues
would
euer
haue
comitted
adultery
if
they
〈◇〉
esteemed
the
same
lawful
and
good
.
Thus
saith
he
.
And
the
like
●●nifieth
also
Chaerea
in
Terence
,
who
beholding
a
table
wherin
it
〈◇〉
painted
how
Iupiter
deceaued
Danae
,
Tetent
.
in
Eunuc
.
when
he
came
in
,
at
〈◇〉
top
of
the
howse
,
saith
,
that
he
was
greatly
encouraged
to
〈◇〉
flower
a
young
maide
by
the
example
of
so
great
a
God
;
A●
〈◇〉
Deum
?
(
saith
he
)
Qui
templa
coeli
summa
sonitu
concutit
.
Ego
hom●●
hoc
non
facetem
?
Ego
vero
illud
ita
feci
&
lubens
?
But
what
God
was
〈◇〉
marry
he
which
shakes
the
highest
temples
of
the
heauenes
with
thunder
,
〈◇〉
therfore
might
not
I
that
am
but
a
poore
wretch
doe
the
like
?
yes
truly
I
〈◇〉
and
that
with
al
my
harte
.
27.
Loe
here
the
effect
,
that
the
sight
of
such
lasciuious
p●ctures
of
the
gods
,
Aristotles
absurditie
manifest
.
must
needes
worke
in
the
mindes
of
such
〈◇〉
should
behold
them
,
and
be
withal
religiously
affected
toward●
them
.
And
therfore
Aristotle
permitting
these
,
and
forbiding
〈◇〉
other
,
to
preuent
the
corruption
of
youth
,
might
be
compa●●●
to
one
that
should
make
a
law
to
forbid
the
burning
of
how●●
except
it
were
with
some
artifical
or
wild
fier
,
that
could
not
〈◇〉
extinguished
;
For
such
may
be
said
to
be
the
fier
,
of
concu●●scence
kindled
in
the
minds
of
men
or
of
children
,
by
religi●●
acts
,
or
representations
which
make
impressions
that
neuer
●●ter
can
be
rased
out
againe
,
so
longe
as
the
affection
to
the
sa●●
religion
remaineth
.
But
hereof
I
shal
haue
occasion
to
say
m●●
in
the
second
parte
of
this
Treatise
,
when
I
shal
treat
of
〈◇〉
dammage
which
false
religion
breedes
in
commonweth
;
〈◇〉
therfore
for
this
time
I
conclude
,
that
Aristotle
failed
,
and
e●●●
no
lesse
,
or
rather
much
more
absurdly
,
then
the
other
law
●●kers
,
whose
errors
he
censured
and
controuled
.
28.
Hereby
two
things
appeare
euidently
;
the
one
,
the
weak●●
of
mans
wit
when
it
is
not
supported
and
directed
by
the
gr●●●
of
God
;
The
weaknes
of
mans
wit
and
the
imperfection
of
lawes
inferred
vpon
the
premises
.
and
the
insufficiencie
,
and
imperfection
of
hum●●
lawes
,
through
the
weaknes
of
the
law-makes
,
who
intendi●●
many
times
to
make
good
and
wholesome
lawes
for
the
ben●●
of
the
commonwelth
,
doe
ordaine
thinges
very
inconuenie●●
and
preiudicial
therto
;
which
Cicero
obserued
in
some
of
t●●
wisest
men
of
his
time
;
I
can
tel
you
(
saith
he
)
of
Marcus
Cotta
wi●●
lawe
concerning
priuate
iudgments
,
Cicero
de
rep
.
in
fragmentis
was
abrogated
by
his
owne
brother
〈◇〉
same
yeare
that
it
was
made
,
and
the
lawes
of
Licinia
,
and
Mutiae
made
two
most
wise
Consuls
,
were
in
the
iudgements
of
al
men
not
only
vnprofitable
,
●●t
also
pernitious
to
the
commonwelth
,
as
also
the
lawes
called
Liuiae
were
●●rogated
by
the
Senats
in
an
instant
.
And
in
like
manner
,
I
hold
the
lawes
●●eiae
,
and
Apuliae
to
be
nothinge
worth
.
Thus
far
Cicero
.
The
like
●hereof
might
be
exemplified
in
euery
commonwelth
,
but
this
●●al
suffice
at
this
time
concerning
law-makers
.
And
now
let
vs
●onsider
law
in
it selfe
,
what
it
is
,
to
what
end
it
is
ordained
,
and
that
it
can
performe
in
commonwelth
,
for
the
perfection
and
●●tablishment
therof
.
●HE
IMPERFECTION
OF
HVMANE
LAwes
is
further
shewed
by
the
defects
incident
to
law
:
And
first
what
law
is
,
to
what
end
it
is
ordained
,
and
what
it
can
performe
in
commonwelth
.
Also
an
exact
comparison
of
the
law
of
the
flesh
)
which
is
contrary
to
commonwelth
)
with
political
law
,
wherby
it
appeareth
that
political
law
can
not
ouercome
the
carnal
law
.
CHAP.
9.
PLATO
speaking
generally
of
al
law
,
Plato
in
Mino
.
de
rep
.
&
de
leg
.
as
wel
written
as
vnwritten
,
defineth
it
to
be
;
A
reasonable
rule
leading
and
directing
men
to
their
due
end
,
for
a
publike
good
,
ordaining
penalties
for
them
that
transgressé
,
and
rewards
for
them
that
obay
.
And
Cicero
more
breefly
thus
;
Cicero
.
li
.
1.
de
.
legib
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
Law
is
(
saith
hee
)
the
highest
or
chiefe
●●son
grafted
in
nature
,
commanding
those
thinges
which
are
to
be
done
,
and
●●bidding
the
contrary
.
And
againe
.
Law
is
the
force
of
nature
,
the
vn●●rstanding
and
reason
of
a
wiseman
,
the
rule
of
right
and
wronge
.
The
definition
of
law
.
And
●●eaking
more
particulerly
of
written
law
,
he
saith
it
is
;
The
rea●●
and
vnderstanding
of
a
wise
man
,
who
ordaineth
in
writing
what
he
●●inketh
good
,
by
way
either
of
commandement
,
or
of
prohibition
.
Lastly
●●e
Ciuilians
most
breifly
,
&
properly
define
it
thus
.
Accurs
.
in
instit
.
ff
.
de
legibus
.
&
Senatus
constit
.
3.
Lex
est
sanctio
●●cta
,
iubens
honesta
,
prohibens
contraria
.
Law
is
a
holy
decree
,
(
that
to
say
,
a
decree
which
ought
not
to
be
broken
)
commanding
●ood
and
holy
thinges
,
and
forbidding
the
contrary
.
Plato
.
de
leg
.
2.
This
law
Plato
calleth
,
the
soule
that
giueth
forme
〈◇〉
life
to
the
commonwelth
,
&
the
ancor
that
staieth
&
assureth
it
〈◇〉
Cicero
saith
,
Cicero
l.
3.
de
leg
.
Law
is
the
soule
and
life
of
the
commonwelth
.
that
neither
any
house
,
nor
citty
,
nor
nation
,
nor
y●●
humane
kind
could
stand
with
out
it
.
3
Neuertheles
how
excellent
or
necessary
soeuer
it
is
fo●
commonwelth
,
yet
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
that
al
lawes
wha●
soeuer
(
that
are
meerly
humane
)
are
defectiue
and
insufficient
for
the
perfect
gouerment
of
a
state
.
Al
lawes
defectiue
.
Lawes
writen
or
vnwriten
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
The
magistrate
a
speaking
law
,
and
the
law
,
a
dumme
magistrate
For
whereas
humane
lawe●
consist
ether
in
written
statutes
&
decrees
,
or
in
the
commandement
and
ordinances
of
a
wise
magistrate
(
which
magistrate
Cicero
therfore
calleth
A
speaking
law
,
as
he
also
calleth
the
law
,
A
dumme
magistrate
)
it
is
euident
that
nether
of
both
a
part
,
no●
yet
both
concurring
,
can
suffice
.
4.
As
for
the
first
,
wheras
written
lawes
are
vniuersal
,
an●
concerne
the
actions
of
men
,
The
imperfection
if
written
lawes
.
which
are
infinit
and
particular
,
it
is
not
possible
that
any
law-maker
should
extend
his
lawes
so
far
,
that
they
may
sufficiently
prouide
for
al
cases
that
may
occurre
but
that
he
must
leaue
place
for
the
determination
and
iudgement
of
men
according
to
equity
,
as
not
only
Aristotle
,
but
al●●
the
Ciuilians
themselues
doe
teach
,
Arist
.
ethic
.
li
.
5.
c
.
10.
Iulian
.
li
.
19.
ad
edictum
.
ff
.
de
legib
.
&
senatus
constit
.
3.
&
Iulian
.
li
.
89.
dige●t
.
and
the
experience
is
dail●●
seene
therof
in
the
necessity
of
interpretation
and
mitigation
o●
lawes
,
in
dispensations
,
and
in
appellations
from
law
to
conscience
,
wherby
the
imperfection
of
al
written
lawes
sufficient●●
appeareth
.
And
as
for
the
ordinances
of
wise
magistrats
,
it
is
manifest
by
that
which
I
haue
said
before
concerning
the
errors
o●
wise
gouernours
&
law-makers
,
that
the
weaknes
and
blindne●●
of
mans
wit
,
The
imperfection
of
vnwritten
lawes
.
Better
to
be
gouerned
by
good
lawes
,
then
by
the
wil
of
the
best
man
,
and
why
.
Arist
.
polit
.
li.
3.
c
.
●2
.
Where
good
lawes
gouerne
God
doth
gouerns
.
and
the
corruption
of
his
nature
is
such
,
that
he
ca●
nether
see
so
cleerely
in
al
cases
,
nor
yet
be
so
voide
of
affectio●
and
passion
,
that
he
shal
be
able
alwaies
to
determine
,
decree●
and
iudge
according
to
equity
.
In
which
respect
Aristotle
disp●●ting
whether
it
were
better
that
a
commonwelth
should
be
gouerned
by
good
lawes
,
or
by
the
wil
of
the
best
man
,
preferret●
the
gouernment
of
lawes
before
the
other
,
saying
,
that
The
law
i●
as
it
were
a
pure
and
cleare
vnderstanding
:
whereas
the
vnderstanding
o●
the
best
man
is
ioyned
with
sensual
appetite
,
wherby
it
may
be
corrupted
And
that
therfore
where
the
law
gouerneth
,
there
God
gouerneth
with
the
law
,
but
where
man
gouerneth
,
be
he
neuer
s●
wise
and
vertuous
,
there
a
cruel
beast
(
to
wit
concupisence
an●
passion
)
entreth
in
to
the
gouerment
with
him
,
and
many
times
●bscureth
his
vnderstanding
,
and
peruerteth
his
wil
.
As
the
magistrates
should
gouerne
the
people
so
should
law
gouerne
the
magistrate
.
Iulian
li
15.
digest
.
ff
.
de
legib
&
Senatus
.
constit
.
3.
Cicero
de
leg
li
.
3.
For
which
●ause
the
magistrates
ought
in
al
cases
,
wherein
the
meaning
of
●he
law
is
cleare
,
to
iudge
and
determine
,
according
to
the
pre●cript
therof
(
as
the
Ciuil
law
it selfe
ordaineth
)
and
Cicero
saith
,
●●at
as
the
magistrate
gouerneth
the
people
,
so
should
the
law
gouerne
the
●agistrat
.
Wherupon
I
infer
,
that
seing
no
law-maker
can
so
su●●iciently
prouide
for
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
by
the
●●tter
of
the
law
,
but
that
he
must
leaue
infinit
cases
,
yea
and
the
●●terpretation
of
the
lawes
themselues
to
the
determination
&
●●dgment
of
men
(
who
are
also
on
their
parte
defectiue
,
No
sufficient
meanes
to
make
a
perfect
commonwelth
by
human
lawes
or
magistrates
.
to
wit
●●biect
to
passion
and
error
)
it
followeth
that
nether
the
law
●ithout
the
magistrate
,
not
the
magistrate
without
the
law
,
nor
●●t
both
concurring
,
can
suffice
for
the
perfect
gouernment
of
con●onwelth
,
but
should
be
for
to
supply
the
defects
of
the
other
.
●nd
therfore
I
conclude
,
that
there
is
no
sufficient
meanes
&
●ssured
,
to
establish
any
state
by
humane
lawes
.
5.
This
wil
be
more
euident
if
we
consider
what
are
the
special
●nds
wherto
lawes
are
ordained
,
&
what
they
can
performe
.
●wo
thinges
are
principally
intended
by
them
:
Two
princial
ends
whereunto
humayne
lawes
do
tend
.
the
one
the
ad●inistration
of
iustice
by
the
decision
of
causes
,
controuersies
,
●nd
sutes
,
betwixt
partie
,
and
party
;
The
other
is
,
the
reforma●●on
of
manners
,
and
repression
of
vice
,
for
that
it
is
pernicious
〈◇〉
commonwelth
.
Of
the
first
,
I
haue
already
spoken
sufficient●●
,
hauing
declared
as
wel
the
weaknes
of
the
law-maker
,
and
●agistrate
,
as
the
imperfection
of
the
law
in
the
determination
●f
causes
,
and
therfore
I
wil
enlarge
my selfe
here
a
litle
further
●oncerning
the
later
,
which
is
suppression
of
vice
and
reforma●●on
of
manners
,
and
wil
declare
that
humane
lawes
can
not
su●●ciently
performe
,
either
the
one
,
or
the
other
.
6.
For
if
lawes
were
able
to
reforme
mens
manners
,
ff
.
de
legib
.
&
Senatus
consult
.
Tit
.
3.
Isidor
.
li
.
5.
Etimolog
.
The
force
of
humane
lawes
consisteth
in
precepts
,
prohibition
,
permission
,
reward
and
punishment
.
or
to
●●presse
vice
,
they
must
doe
it
either
by
precept
,
or
by
prohibition
,
or
●●y
permission
,
or
by
rewardinge
,
or
by
punishinge
:
for
in
these
fiue
thin●es
consist
al
the
force
of
humane
lawes
,
as
the
Lawiers
them
●elues
do
testifie
.
As
for
the
two
first
,
to
wit
,
precept
&
prohibition
,
●●ey
are
altogeather
vnable
and
insufficient
to
bring
the
cor●●pt
nature
of
man
to
any
perfection
of
vertue
.
For
what
other
●elp
haue
we
therby
but
only
the
knowledge
of
our
duty
;
which
knowledge
alone
as
Aristotle
saith
,
Arist
.
lib
.
2.
Ethic
.
cap
4.
helpeth
little
or
nothing
to
vert●●
wherof
the
praise
and
commendation
consisteth
in
action
,
and
operation
.
F●●
it
nothing
auaileth
though
we
know
neuer
so
much
,
if
we
,
d●●
not
put
our
knowledg
in
practise
.
And
as
it
little
profiteth
a
si●●
man
to
knowe
what
meate
is
good
for
him
,
when
he
hath
suc●
a
loathing
to
it
that
he
can
not
eate
it
;
euen
so
the
corrupt
nature
of
man
hath
little
helpe
or
remedy
by
the
knowledge
of
hi●
duty
;
when
vertue
is
so
loathsome
vnto
him
,
that
he
can
not
brooke
it
.
Seneca
ep
.
95.
Preceptes
alone
litle
auail
to
the
obtaining
of
vertue
.
For
as
Seneca
saith
;
Nihil
proderit
dare
praecepta
,
nisi
pri●●
amoueris
obstantia
praeceptis
.
It
is
to
little
purpose
to
giue
precep●●
except
thou
first
remoue
the
obstacles
therof
.
Therfore
the
poe●
saith
truely
.
—
si
possem
,
sanior
essem
;
Sed
trahit
inuitum
,
noua
vis
,
aliudque
cupido
,
Mens
aliud
suadet
,
Video
meliora
proboque
,
Deteriora
seauor
.
That
is
to
say
,
I
would
be
better
if
I
could
,
but
a
new
and
strange
fo●●
draweth
me
against
my
wil
,
and
sensuality
perswades
me
one
thing●
and
reason
an
other
;
I
see
and
approue
the
better
,
but
I
follow
the
wos●●
Also
the
Apostle
speaking
in
the
person
of
our
corrupt
natu●●
testifieth
the
same
saying
.
Rom.
7.
Scio
quia
non
habitat
in
me
&c.
I
know
t●
there
dwels
no
goodnes
in
me
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
my
flesh
,
for
I
haue
a
g●●
wil
or
desire
,
but
I
can
not
performe
it
,
for
I
doe
not
the
good
which
I
des●●
to
doe
,
but
I
doe
the
euil
which
I
would
not
doe
.
Thus
far
the
Apostle
wherupon
it
followeth
that
the
precept
&
prohibition
of
the
la●
(
wherby
we
haue
only
the
knowledge
of
good
and
euil
)
littl●
auaileth
vs
for
the
attaining
of
vertue
,
except
the
infirmitie
&
corruption
of
nature
be
cured
by
some
other
meanes
.
For
A●●mus
(
saith
Seneca
)
vt
ad
praecepta
posit
ire
,
Sene
.
ep
.
95.
soluendus
est
:
that
is
to
s●●
The
soule
must
be
loosed
from
the
bonds
that
tie
&
entangle
it
,
or
other
v●●●
it
can
not
followe
the
good
precepts
that
are
giuen
.
But
what
if
the
pr●hibition
of
euil
doth
hurt
also
,
if
it
be
not
otherwaies
helped
?
Rom
7.
Prohibition
of
it selfe
rather
hurteth
then
other
wayes
.
7.
This
the
Apostle
proueth
clearly
,
to
shew
therby
the
inf●●mitie
of
the
Mosaycal
law
,
considered
in
it-selfe
without
Go●
grace
;
Peccatum
(
saith
he
)
non
cognoui
,
&c.
I
knew
not
sinne
but
〈◇〉
th●
law
,
for
I
knew
not
concupiscence
,
but
because
the
law
said
,
th●●
sh●lt
not
couet
.
And
sinne
by
the
occasion
of
the
commandment
hath
wroug●
al
concupiscence
in
me
:
thus
far
the
Apostle
.
And
how
true
this
〈◇〉
common
experience
may
teach
vs
;
seing
nothing
is
more
proper
●nd
peculier
to
the
malice
of
mans
nature
,
then
the
desire
to
doe
that
which
is
forbidden
,
and
commonly
for
no
other
reason
,
but
●ecause
it
is
forbidden
,
which
the
poët
signifieth
elegantly
,
●ying
.
Cui
peccare
licet
,
peccat
minus
;
Ouidius
.
3.
de
arte
amandi
.
ipsa
potestas
Semina
nequitiae
languidiora
facit
.
&c.
Nitimur
in
vetitum
semper
,
cupimusque
negata
:
Sic
interdictis
imminet
aeger
aquis
.
●e
which
hath
leaue
to
sinne
,
sins
lesse
,
for
the
liberty
to
sinne
weakeneth
●●e
very
roots
and
seedes
of
sinne
:
Mans
corrupt
nature
thirsteth
after
thinges
forbidden
.
Horatatius
.
1.
Carminum
.
od
3.
we
alwayes
striue
to
doe
that
which
is
●●rbidden
vs
,
like
to
the
sick
man
,
who
thirsts
most
after
forbidden
wa●●●
;
And
an
other
Poët
saith
to
the
same
purpose
.
Gens
humaruit
per
vetitum
nefas
.
Mankind
runneth
head
longe
to
sinne
when
it
is
●●●bidden
him
;
For
euen
as
a
torrent
or
land-floud
running
a
vio●●nt
and
precipitous
course
,
and
meeting
with
any
stop
by
the
●ay
becomes
the
more
furious
,
and
with
redoubled
force
makes
selfe
way
,
and
beareth
downe
al
before
it
:
Euen
so
mans
cor●●pt
nature
,
being
carried
headlong
with
vnbridled
desiers
,
&
●●●ding
it selfe
repressed
or
hindered
with
any
law
or
comand●ent
,
breaketh
downe
the
bankes
and
bounds
of
duty
with
〈◇〉
doubled
fury
,
in
such
sorte
,
that
it
committeth
double
offence
:
〈◇〉
wit
,
it
doth
not
only
do
the
euil
that
it
desireth
,
but
also
bre●●eth
the
law
,
as
the
Apostle
insinuateth
saying
;
Lex
iram
operatur
.
Rom.
4.
●c
.
The
law
worketh
or
causeth
wrath
,
for
where
there
is
no
law
,
there
is
〈◇〉
breach
of
law
.
Whereupon
Saint
Augustine
saith
,
In
decerptis
ex
August
.
The
letter
of
the
〈◇〉
killeth
,
for
it
makes
a
man
rather
know
euil
,
then
eschew
it
,
and
by
●●●t
meanes
rather
encreaseth
then
diminisheth
sinne
,
for
that
mans
concupi●●nce
,
or
vnlawful
desire
is
accompanied
also
with
the
breach
of
the
law
;
●herby
it
appeareth
that
law
in
commanding
or
forbidding
,
help●●h
not
sufficiently
to
the
reformation
of
mans
corrupt
nature
.
8.
And
can
Permission
or
conniuence
with
euil
(
which
is
an●●her
point
of
the
law
)
worke
any
greater
effect
?
who
seeth
not
●●at
the
same
doth
nothing
else
but
bewray
the
imbecillity
and
〈◇〉
●●perfection
of
law
,
Permission
sheweth
the
imbecillity
of
law
.
seing
it
is
forced
to
permit
that
which
it
●●adly
would
,
and
should
remedy
,
but
can
not
.
And
therfore
I
●il
proceede
to
treate
of
Reward
,
&
Punishment
,
wherein
as
Solon
was
wont
to
say
,
principally
consisteth
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
.
And
Isidorus
saith
;
Legis
proemio
aut
poena
vita
m●●ratur
humana
.
Isidor
.
li
.
50.
Etimolog
.
Mans
life
is
wholy
gouerned
,
by
the
reward
or
p●nishment
of
the
lawe
.
Of
reward
and
punishment
.
9.
Now
then
for
as
much
as
these
two
haue
al
their
oper●●tion
about
the
effectes
of
vertue
or
vice
,
that
is
to
say
about
goo●
or
bad
actions
(
which
are
only
rewarded
and
punished
by
law
)
and
not
about
the
causes
and
rootes
therof
,
to
wit
the
good
or
bad
habits
or
affections
of
the
minde
(
from
whence
spring
al
good
or
euil
actions
)
it
is
manifest
,
that
though
they
may
be
motiues
to
good
,
yet
they
can
not
be
effectual
and
sufficient
meanes
to
worke
it
.
For
so
longe
as
the
cause
remaineth
,
so
long
wil
the
effects
followe
therof
at
one
time
or
other
.
10.
For
as
trees
are
yeerely
cropped
,
and
vines
lopped
,
ye●
whiles
the
rootes
remaine
sound
,
they
bud
a
fresh
,
and
bring
forth
new
bowes
,
leaues
and
fruit
;
euen
so
,
although
euil
&
sinful
acts
be
punished
in
wicked
men
,
yet
if
the
causes
from
whence
they
proceede
(
to
wit
the
inordinate
affections
and
passions
)
be
not
taken
away
,
they
produce
the
same
effects
sooner
or
later
,
openly
or
secretly
.
For
what
commonly
followeth
of
the
punishment
of
a
vicious
act
,
when
the
habit
of
the
vi●●
remaineth
,
but
that
the
offendour
sinneth
more
warily
an
othe●
time
?
and
how
often
doe
men
offend
the
lawes
with
our
punishment
,
yea
with
out
any
feare
or
danger
therof
?
That
man
(
sait●
Cicero
)
who
feares
nothing
but
a
iudge
and
witnes
,
Cicero
de
leg
.
what
wil
be
〈◇〉
doe
in
the
dark
,
or
when
he
finds
a
weake
and
rich
man
alone
,
of
who●●
he
may
haue
the
spoyle
?
11.
Furthermore
how
many
waies
may
the
pennaltie
of
th●
law
be
auoided
?
Some
escape
it
by
their
power
(
in
which
respect
Anacharsis
compared
lawes
to
the
spiders
webbe
,
whic●
takes
only
the
litle
flees
,
Plut.
in
Solon
.
whiles
the
great-ones
breake
throug●
it
)
and
some
againe
auoid
it
by
corruption
either
of
the
Iudge
witnes
,
How
many
wayes
the
penaltyes
of
political
lawes
may
be
escaped
.
or
iurie
;
and
some
by
fauor
and
freendship
,
&
other
by
negligence
of
officers
,
which
doe
not
execute
the
lawes
,
an●
some
by
the
Princes
pardon
.
But
what
shal
we
say
of
such
as
offend
the
law
not
only
with
out
punishment
,
but
also
with
reward
?
And
to
the
end
that
this
may
the
better
appeare
,
and
tha●
with
al
we
may
see
what
force
law
may
haue
for
the
suppression
of
the
malice
of
mans
nature
,
let
vs
consider
the
force
of
a
contrary
law
,
which
euery
commonwelth
encountreth
and
im●ugneth
political
law
,
to
wit
,
the
law
of
the
flesh
,
whereof
the
●postle
saith
;
Video
aliam
legem
,
&c.
Rom.
c
.
7.
I
see
an
other
law
in
my
body
re●●gnant
to
the
law
of
my
mind
.
And
for
as
much
as
this
lawe
hath
al●o
her
precepts
,
prohibitions
,
rewardes
,
and
punishments
,
An
exact
comparison
of
political
law
,
with
the
law
of
the
flesh
to
shew
the
aduantage
of
the
later
.
let
vs
●ut
it
in
ballance
with
the
ciuil
and
political
lawe
,
weighing
the
●●ne
with
the
other
,
that
we
may
see
whether
wil
be
like
to
ouer●eygh
in
man
voyd
of
Gods
grace
;
and
consequently
in
com●onwelthes
that
relye
only
vpon
humane
policy
and
power
.
12.
It
is
therfore
to
be
considered
,
that
the
carnal
law
flo●inge
from
the
very
bottome
of
mans
corrupt
nature
,
is
so
●uch
stronger
,
and
more
forcible
then
the
other
,
to
moue
and
●aw
him
,
by
how
much
it
is
more
internal
and
familiar
with
●im
,
and
the
end
or
scope
therof
more
agreable
and
consonant
〈◇〉
his
corrupt
humour
,
wil
,
and
affection
.
Wherunto
the
political
and
carnal
lawes
do
tend
.
For
political
law
ten●eth
only
to
,
Bonum
verum
,
and
bonum
commune
.
A
true
good
,
and
the
●●mmon
good
,
consisting
in
solid
and
perfect
vertue
;
whereas
the
●●rnal
law
tendeth
to
,
bonum
apparens
,
and
bonum
priuatum
.
An
appa●at
and
priuat
good
,
connsisting
only
in
mans
owne
profit
,
pleasure
,
●●d
delectation
,
wherto
euery
one
is
of
his
owne
corrupt
nature
●●clined
.
13.
The
like
may
be
said
also
of
the
statutes
and
decrees
of
the
●e
and
the
other
,
that
is
to
say
,
their
precepts
,
The
statutes
of
the
political
and
carnal
law
.
and
prohibiti●ns
,
consisting
in
commandments
,
negatiue
,
and
affirmatiue
,
●herein
the
carnal
law
hath
also
the
like
aduantage
,
in
respect
〈◇〉
the
greater
facility
of
the
precepts
therof
,
and
the
difficulty
〈◇〉
the
thinges
it
forbiddeth
.
For
wheras
the
ciuil
and
politycal
●●w
commandeth
vs
to
loue
our
neighbours
as
our selues
,
and
〈◇〉
prefer
the
publike
good
before
our
priuate
,
to
be
temperate
,
●●d
continent
,
not
to
steale
,
not
to
deceaue
,
not
to
commit
for●●cation
,
or
adultery
:
the
law
of
the
flesh
being
opposite
in
al
,
●ommandeth
the
contrary
,
as
to
loue
our selues
better
then
our
●eighbour
,
to
prefer
our
priuate
good
before
the
publike
,
to
●eale
,
and
deceaue
for
our
commodity
,
to
commit
fornication
,
●●d
adultery
for
our
pleasure
,
and
to
conclude
al
in
one
pre●●pt
it
saith
,
Ede
,
bibe
,
lude
,
post
mortem
nulla
voluptas
.
Eate
,
drink
,
and
,
〈◇〉
merry
,
for
after
death
ther
is
no
pleasure
.
14.
These
statutes
of
the
carnal
lawe
the
Holy
Ghost
layeth
downe
notably
in
the
booke
of
wisdome
,
speaking
of
wicke●
men
in
these
wordes
:
Dixerunt
impij
.
&c.
The
wicked
sayd
,
let
〈◇〉
enioy
the
goods
that
we
haue
,
Sap
.
2.
and
vse
the
creature
in
this
time
of
our
yo●●
without
delay
:
let
vs
fil
our selfe
with
wine
and
oyntements
,
and
let
vs
〈◇〉
loose
the
flower
of
the
time
,
&c.
let
vs
leaue
euery
where
the
signes
of
〈◇〉
mirth
,
for
this
is
our
part
,
and
this
is
our
lot
;
let
vs
oppresse
the
poore
〈◇〉
man
,
and
let
vs
not
spare
widdow
,
nor
haue
respect
to
the
hoary
hea●●●
of
any
;
and
let
our
strength
be
the
law
of
iniustice
.
Loe
here
the
statut●●
of
the
flesh
,
which
how
much
more
consonant
and
agreable
the●
are
to
mans
corrupt
nature
,
and
how
much
more
easy
to
be
pe●formed
then
the
statutes
and
decrees
of
the
political
law
,
th●●
commaund
and
forbid
the
contrary
,
I
need
not
to
declare
.
15.
For
who
knoweth
not
that
to
learne
vice
a
man
hath
n●●
need
of
any
great
wit
,
Mans
promptnesse
to
learne
euil
.
or
of
a
Councellour
,
or
of
compulsion
;
wh●
is
so
simple
that
hath
not
wit
inough
to
be
wicked
?
whereas
t●
be
vertuous
we
need
not
only
wit
,
and
capacity
,
maisters
an●
teachers
,
but
also
lawes
,
stripes
,
prisons
,
gyues
,
and
gibbets
;
an●
yet
(
as
Seneca
saith
)
We
may
thinke
we
profit
wel
if
we
be
none
of
th●
worst
;
Seneca
ep
.
75.
so
that
he
which
is
either
left
to
his
owne
corrupt
natur●
or
hath
no
other
then
humane
helpe
,
is
drowned
in
vice
an●
sinne
,
Ibid
.
before
he
come
within
a
kenning
of
the
port
of
vertue
We
are
(
saith
Seneca
)
taken
vp
by
the
way
,
we
labour
to
come
to
vert●●
being
already
entangled
and
intercepted
by
vice
;
And
no
maruaile
,
seeing
men
voyd
of
grace
,
(
for
of
such
I
speake
)
haue
nether
sufficient
armes
to
defend
them selues
,
nor
refuge
where
to
sa●●
them selues
.
For
reason
which
is
their
only
weapon
,
not
bein●
strengthned
by
grace
,
is
so
weake
and
brickle
,
that
it
breaket●
at
the
first
blowe
,
and
morall
vertue
(
wherein
consisteth
〈◇〉
their
hope
&
refuge
)
is
so
hard
to
be
attained
,
that
a
man
rece●ueth
many
deadly
woundes
of
his
enemy
,
before
he
can
arri●●
where
it
is
.
Besides
that
,
his
danger
is
the
greater
,
for
that
th●●
war
is
so
domestical
,
and
intestine
,
that
he
is
not
secure
fro●
him selfe
;
for
that
he
is
to
fight
not
only
with
the
world
and
th●
diuel
,
but
also
with
his
owne
passions
and
affections
,
in
so
muc●
that
his
greatest
feare
may
be
,
lest
he
him selfe
betray
himself ●
and
render
him selfe
prisoner
to
his
enemyes
.
16.
Furthermore
we
see
that
our
procliuity
to
vice
,
and
o●●
auersion
from
vertue
is
such
,
that
as
it
sufficeth
to
flesh
a
do●●
only
once
vpon
sheepe
,
vyce
●●sely
learned
and
vertue
very
hardly
.
to
make
him
a
sheepe-werryer
as
long
●he
liueth
;
euen
so
one
only
taste
of
vice
is
enough
to
make
a
●an
vicious
euer
after
;
wheras
many
acts
are
required
to
the
●●rtayning
of
the
habit
of
any
one
vertue
,
and
so
timely
is
mans
●●eendship
with
sensuality
the
mother
of
vice
,
and
so
late
his
●nowledge
,
and
vse
of
reason
which
leadeth
to
vertue
,
that
he
●ath
gone
halfe
the
way
to
vice
,
before
he
knowe
where
vertue
welleth
:
by
meanes
wherof
he
commonly
groweth
to
be
vicious
●ery
early
,
to
wit
,
in
his
child-hood
,
and
vertuous
very
late
,
if
●●er
he
proue
vertuous
at
al
;
for
the
way
to
vertue
is
longe
and
●●d
of
difficulties
,
but
the
way
to
al
kind
of
vice
is
easy
,
Eccle
.
ca.
21.
&
as
Salo●on
saith
,
Complanata
lapidibus
;
euen
,
and
wel
paued
,
short
,
and
●one
in
a
trice
;
Haud
procul
illa
habitant
,
breuis
est
via
qua
sit
eundum
.
Hesiod
.
●ice
dwelleth
nor
far
from
vs
,
the
way
is
short
,
and
al
in
descent
.
●hereupon
the
Poët
saith
,
facilis
descensus
auerni
,
Vergi
.
li
6.
AEnead
.
the
descent
to
●●el
is
very
easy
.
Finally
of
these
two
wayes
our
Sauiour
saith
,
●●ta
porta
et
spatiosa
via
est
,
&c.
The
way
is
broade
&
Math
.
c
.
7.
spacious
that
leadeth
〈◇〉
perdition
and
many
enter
in
therat
;
but
the
gate
is
straite
,
and
the
way
is
●●row
which
leadeth
to
life
,
and
few
men
find
it
.
Thus
we
see
,
The
aduantage
that
the
carnal
law
hath
of
the
political
law
.
how
●reat
aduantage
the
law
of
the
flesh
hath
of
the
political
law
,
in
●●spect
of
the
facility
that
men
find
to
fulfil
the
precepts
therof
,
●hich
in
some
are
nothing
else
but
to
be
vicious
.
17.
The
carnal
law
hath
her
Aduocates
,
Orators
,
Philsophers
and
teachers
.
But
what
,
doth
it
want
any
thing
wher
with
political
law
furnished
,
which
it
hath
not
also
in
high
degree
,
to
be
able
to
●old
this
competence
?
hath
not
this
carnal
law
,
(
trow
you
,
)
●●er
Aduocates
,
Orators
,
Philosophers
,
and
teachers
,
to
publish
●●d
proclaime
it
,
to
plead
it
,
to
teach
it
?
how
say
yow
,
by
al
the
●ct
of
Epicurus
?
whose
doctrine
consisted
principally
in
the
pre●●pts
of
this
law
,
and
impugning
as
much
as
he
durst
the
ciuil
●●d
political
law
?
In
which
respect
al
Epicurians
were
bannished
●●t
of
many
good
commonwelthes
of
Greece
as
Plutark
testifieth
,
●●d
that
worthely
.
The
doctrin
of
Epicurus
and
his
followers
.
For
Epicurus
hauing
made
a
demand
in
cer●●ine
questions
which
he
wrote
,
whether
a
wise
man
would
not
●e
against
the
political
lawe
,
if
he
might
be
sure
to
escape
puni●ment
?
answered
freely
therto
;
yes
truly
.
And
writing
to
Idome●●us
(
one
of
his
schollers
)
he
admonished
him
seriously
not
to
●biect
him selfe
to
the
lawes
and
opinions
of
men
,
whensoeuer
●e
might
hope
to
auoid
the
penaltie
of
the
lawes
.
And
Metrodorus
a
disciple
&
familiar
frend
of
his
writing
to
his
brother
,
Metrodorus
a
disciple
of
Epicurus
.
forbad
him
to
goe
to
the
warrs
,
&
to
endanger
him selfe
for
the
publike
good
of
Greece
,
aduising
him
to
drinke
good
wine
at
home
,
and
to
treat
him selfe
wel
,
that
his
body
might
receaue
al
pleasure
,
and
contentment
:
Idem
in
his
treatise
that
a
man
can
not
liue
merily
in
the
sect
of
Epicurus
.
Philip
.
3.
concluding
that
the
cheife
and
soueraigne
good
,
consisteth
in
the
bellie
,
and
in
the
pleasures
therof
.
This
is
the
philosophy
that
belongeth
to
the
law
of
the
flesh
,
&
experience
sheweth
what
numbers
of
professors
there
are
therof
in
euery
commonwelth
.
Quorum
Deus
venter
est
(
as
the
Apostle
saith
)
whose
bellies
are
their
Gods
.
whose
indeauors
tend
to
nothing
,
but
to
their
priuate
pleasure
and
commodity
,
who
employ
their
witts
,
studies
and
penns
to
nothing
so
much
,
as
to
publish
and
promulgate
the
carnal
lawe
,
in
ambrous
and
lasciuious
bookes
,
wanton
poems
,
and
scurrilous
and
baudy
ballads
,
Youth
corrupted
by
lasciuious
bookes
and
ballads
.
which
abound
euery
where
to
the
corruption
of
youth
,
and
consequently
to
the
preiudice
of
the
commonweale
,
and
to
the
great
shame
,
in
my
fancy
,
of
the
magistrats
that
see
it
and
suffer
it
.
18.
Moreouer
to
the
end
we
may
see
that
this
carnal
law
wil
yeeld
in
nothing
to
the
political
,
hath
it
not
also
commonwelthes
wherin
it
gouerneth
,
and
a
prudence
&
pollicy
appropriate
vnto
it
?
The
common-wealths
where
in
the
carnal
law
gouerneth
.
politike
Princes
and
magistrats
that
practise
it
?
yea
and
politike
writters
that
teach
and
maintaine
it
?
How
say
you
by
al
Tyrannical
states
,
where
al
is
drawne
to
the
pleasure
or
particuler
benefit
of
the
Prince
?
Are
not
the
same
ruled
according
to
the
precepts
of
this
lawe
?
Doe
the
magistrats
and
gouernours
therof
practise
any
other
policy
but
prudentiam
carnis
,
Rom.
8.
as
the
Apostle
calleth
it
,
the
prudence
and
wisdome
of
the
flesh
?
And
Machiauel
whose
workes
are
so
highly
esteemed
of
many
states-men
at
this
day
;
doth
he
teach
any
other
gouerment
,
Machiauel
de
principe
.
then
that
which
proceedeth
from
the
principles
of
this
law
,
to
wit
from
selfe
loue
and
particuler
interest
?
19.
And
this
were
not
much
to
be
wondered
at
,
if
it
had
not
also
a
Religion
conforme
to
it selfe
;
The
carnal
law
hath
religion
,
doctors
and
preachers
.
with
doctors
and
preachers
to
defend
,
preach
,
and
teach
it
.
For
as
political
law
hauing
the
help
and
assistance
of
true
Religion
,
is
more
perfect
,
&
worketh
far
greater
effect
in
commonwelth
,
for
the
establishment
and
conseruation
therof
(
as
in
the
second
parte
of
this
Treatise
shal
be
made
manifest
)
so
also
the
carnal
lawe
beinge
masked
with
the
vizard
of
some
religion
either
true
or
false
,
is
of
farr
greater
force
to
ouerthrowe
and
destroy
Commonwelth
;
and
therfore
it
seeketh
alwaies
to
haue
either
the
apparance
&
shew
of
true
religion
(
in
which
respect
Machiauel
teacheth
his
tyrant
to
be
an
hipocrite
)
or
else
it
serueth
it selfe
of
some
new
fangled
and
false
religion
;
Machiauel
de
principe
.
which
the
Apostle
signifieth
when
amongst
opera
carnis
,
the
workes
of
the
flesh
,
Gal.
5.
he
numbreth
sects
of
heritikes
.
And
such
is
especially
the
religion
of
some
sectaries
at
this
day
,
whose
doctrine
tendeth
wholy
to
the
liberty
of
the
flesh
,
and
by
consequence
,
to
the
destruction
of
political
law
,
as
I
would
shew
here
,
but
that
I
haue
purposed
to
doe
it
hereafter
in
the
second
parte
of
this
treatise
,
more
amply
then
this
place
wil
permit
.
20.
But
perhapps
you
wil
say
that
the
other
law
in
rewarding
and
punishing
surmounteth
this
,
and
represseth
it
in
such
sorte
that
it
can
haue
no
force
in
any
wel
gouerned
commonwelth
?
Let
vs
then
examine
this
alitle
,
and
we
shal
find
that
the
political
lawe
hath
no
oddes
of
this
in
that
point
:
The
Rewardes
the
law
of
the
flesh
proposeth
.
for
this
hath
also
rewardes
and
punishmentes
as
wel
as
that
.
The
rewardes
which
this
proposeth
are
diuers
,
for
it
promiseth
for
some
thinges
,
the
pleasure
and
delectation
which
is
sought
in
the
action
,
with
the
which
,
the
partie
doth
thinke
him selfe
so
wel
satisfied
,
that
he
is
contented
many
times
to
bestowe
much
money
,
yea
to
venture
his
life
to
obteine
it
.
Some
times
againe
it
proposeth
some
gaine
or
commoditie
,
which
may
accompanie
or
follow
the
fact
.
And
lastly
it
findeth
meanes
other
whiles
to
rob
vertue
of
her
reward
,
and
to
applie
it
to
it selfe
,
in
so
much
that
there
is
no
remuneration
promised
by
the
political
law
,
wherof
the
carnal
law
may
not
some
times
giue
hope
to
such
as
follow
it
;
as
I
wil
make
euident
by
the
comparison
of
the
one
with
the
other
,
wherby
it
shal
appeare
that
the
carnal
law
hath
euery
where
the
aduantage
.
21.
Therfore
I
say
that
the
rewardes
propose
for
vertue
by
the
political
law
,
are
vncertaine
in
respect
of
the
other
,
for
nether
is
there
any
at
al
assigned
for
very
many
good
acts
,
nether
yet
al
those
rewards
that
are
promise
are
performed
;
The
Rewardes
of
vice
are
certaine
for
the
most
part
.
wheras
the
rewards
of
vice
are
commonly
more
certaine
.
For
either
they
goe
before
the
act
(
as
it
falleth
out
in
bribes
and
many
other
cases
of
vnlawful
gaine
,
where
the
reward
is
paied
(
before
hand
)
〈◇〉
they
accompaine
the
fact
(
as
in
al
cases
of
intemperance
and
incontinency
,
wherin
only
pleasure
is
sought
,
and
in
cosenages
&
deceites
which
bring
present
gaine
)
or
else
they
followe
vpon
the
fact
,
as
when
some
vnlawful
act
is
done
vpon
promise
of
future
pay
;
so
that
for
vice
the
reward
is
alwaies
either
assured
,
or
at
least
hoped
for
and
expected
,
which
is
no
smal
motiue
to
induce
men
therto
;
wheras
for
vertue
there
neither
is
any
reward
to
be
had
many
times
,
nor
yet
hope
of
any
by
political
law
,
as
we
see
by
experience
in
very
many
men
,
who
liue
laudably
in
the
commonwelth
al
their
liues
,
and
yet
are
so
far
from
hauing
any
remuneration
,
or
from
expecting
any
,
that
they
thinke
them selues
happy
in
that
they
can
escape
the
penalties
of
the
lawe
.
The
ministers
of
vice
soonest
exalted
to
honour
.
22.
But
let
vs
proceede
a
litle
further
.
Is
there
any
reward
for
vertue
so
assured
by
political
law
,
that
vice
can
not
,
yea
doth
nor
,
daily
obtaine
it
?
Hath
it
not
honor
many
times
for
reward
,
as
wel
as
vertue
?
who
sooner
riseth
to
the
highest
offices
,
and
credit
in
some
courts
,
then
the
minister
of
the
Princes
pleasures
,
or
instruments
of
his
wickednes
?
As
Seianus
vnder
the
Emperour
Tiberius
?
Sueton
.
in
Tiberio
Claudio
Nerone
.
Two
slaues
called
Narcissus
and
Pallas
vnder
Claudius
?
Tigelli●●
vnder
Nero
?
Pexennius
Cleander
,
Regilius
,
Iulianus
&
other
slaues
vnder
Commodus
?
Al
which
gouerned
both
the
Emperours
&
the
empire
:
Lamprid
.
Herodian
.
Pero
.
Maxia
.
de
vitis
Imperat
.
to
whom
I
might
adde
diuers
other
,
if
I
thought
it
conuenient
.
For
whether
we
looke
to
former
times
,
or
to
the
present
,
we
shal
find
euery
where
,
as
many
aduanced
by
euil
meanes
as
by
good
;
for
no
man
is
so
wicked
,
but
if
he
haue
money
,
he
may
hope
for
any
preferment
whatsoeuer
.
Curia
pauperibus
clausa
est
,
dat
census
honores
,
Census
amicitias
,
Ouid
.
eleg
.
7.
pauper
vbique
iacet
.
The
court
(
saith
the
poët
)
is
shut
vp
to
poore
men
,
and
welth
giueth
honors
,
welth
giueth
freendshippe
,
&
the
poore
ma●
lieth
euery
where
in
the
dust
.
Philip
.
de
Comines
Cron
.
du
Roy
Louys
c
.
7.
23.
And
if
we
also
consider
how
Princes
commonly
bestowe
their
rewardes
,
we
shal
see
that
merit
is
least
respected
,
which
Philip
.
de
Comines
sheweth
by
a
pleasant
example
of
Lewis
the
eleuenth
kinge
of
France
,
and
Charles
duke
of
Burgundy
,
who
after
the
battaile
(
which
was
fought
betwixt
them
at
Montlehery
in
Fra●●●
)
being
determined
to
reward
&
punish
such
as
had
deserued
wel
or
il
in
their
armies
,
&
finding
that
diuers
ran
a
way
on
both
sides
whiles
the
battaile
was
doubtful
(
some
one
on
the
one
side
a
hundred
miles
estward
,
and
others
on
the
other
side
as
much
westward
)
the
Kinge
of
France
tooke
from
one
of
his
subiects
al
his
offices
and
dignities
for
running
away
,
Rewards
without
desert
.
and
gaue
them
to
an
other
that
ran
ten
miles
further
then
he
;
and
the
duke
of
Burgundy
depriued
also
one
of
his
,
of
al
his
goods
&
authority
,
for
the
like
cause
,
&
with
in
a
while
after
gaue
him
more
then
euer
he
had
before
,
wherby
(
saith
Comines
)
it
appeareth
that
Princes
bestowe
their
rewards
&
fauors
,
not
like
angells
,
but
like
men
,
as
they
are
.
24.
Seeing
then
vice
hath
not
only
particuler
rewardes
either
of
gaine
or
commodity
,
or
of
pleasure
at
least
(
which
contenteth
some
more
then
gold
)
but
also
hope
of
the
rewardes
due
to
vertue
it selfe
,
either
by
the
Princes
error
and
infirmity
,
or
by
his
fauor
,
or
by
purchase
,
or
by
accident
&
chance
,
Kingdomes
and
Crownes
often
obtayned
by
wickednes
.
(
wherby
many
wicked
men
are
also
aduanced
,
)
what
aduantage
could
the
political
law
haue
of
the
other
by
proposing
reward
,
though
it
were
neuer
so
great
?
Do
we
not
see
Crownes
&
Soueraignties
,
wherin
most
men
place
the
greatest
felicity
of
this
life
)
doe
we
not
(
I
say
)
see
the
same
procured
by
murders
,
mischiefes
,
and
most
wicked
meanes
?
And
doth
Machiauel
propose
any
lesse
reward
to
his
Prince
for
extreame
wickednes
,
then
assurance
in
soueraignity
;
so
that
the
most
wicked
man
that
is
hauing
hope
to
get
or
conserue
a
Crowne
,
or
other
soueraigne
state
,
by
some
murder
or
mischiefe
,
what
greater
,
or
so
great
reward
could
he
expect
for
al
the
vertue
in
the
world
,
by
obaying
political
lawes
?
Wicked
men
honored
for
gods
.
Haue
not
very
many
in
ould
time
got
diuine
honors
,
though
they
were
most
wicked
men
,
as
Iupiter
,
Venus
,
Bacchus
,
Hercules
,
Tiberius
Caesar
,
and
diuers
Emperours
as
bad
as
hee
?
And
so
it
would
stil
fal
out
,
if
Christian
rel●gion
had
not
expelled
Idolatry
out
of
the
world
.
So
that
we
see
,
political
lawes
,
with
out
the
help
of
Gods
grace
and
religion
(
for
so
I
consider
them
here
)
can
not
assigne
so
great
a
reward
for
vertue
,
but
that
the
wickedst
man
in
the
world
may
hope
also
to
haue
it
,
though
he
followe
and
obay
the
law
of
the
●●esh
.
26.
But
a
man
may
say
,
that
many
wicked
men
which
promise
them selues
great
gai●●
or
aduancement
,
by
some
wicked
act
,
get
nothing
in
the
end
but
rackes
and
ropes
in
recompenc●
therof
;
Vertuous
men
disgraced
,
and
punished
.
which
I
graunt
,
but
then
let
vs
also
consider
on
the
other
side
,
how
many
notable
men
either
loose
their
liues
in
the
action
for
the
which
they
should
be
rewarded
;
or
insteed
of
the
reward
which
they
deserue
,
get
nothing
but
ignominy
,
banishment
,
hatred
of
their
Princes
or
people
,
Plutark
.
in
their
liues
.
death
,
and
vtter
ruine
;
as
Marc●●
Cariolanus
,
Furius
Camillus
,
Scipio
,
Cicero
,
Themistocles
.
Aristides
,
Phocion
,
Dion
the
Sicilian
;
and
infinit
others
,
of
whome
some
were
depriued
of
their
dignities
,
others
banished
their
cuntries
,
and
others
shamefully
put
to
death
by
publike
authoritie
,
after
they
had
done
great
seruices
to
the
Commonwelthes
,
&
states
wherin
they
liued
.
27.
And
did
not
Lewis
the
.11
.
King
of
France
discouer
a
greate
secret
,
Philip
Commi
●a
92.
concerning
the
humours
of
Princes
,
in
rewarding
seruices
past
;
when
he
said
,
Il
perd
souuent
d'auoir
trop
bien
serui
.
It
ouerthroweth
men
many
times
to
haue
done
too
good
seruice
;
signifying
that
princes
are
more
willing
to
haue
others
beholding
to
them
,
The
vncertainty
of
the
reward
of
vertue
,
by
political
lawes
.
then
to
be
them selues
beholding
to
any
.
And
that
some
as
wel
Princes
as
others
,
are
of
that
nature
,
that
when
they
see
their
obligation
so
great
to
any
man
,
that
they
thinke
they
cannot
commodiously
reward
him
to
his
satisfaction
and
merit
,
they
hold
him
but
for
an
eye-sore
,
and
seeke
to
be
rid
of
him
one
way
or
other
.
Therfore
how
vncertaine
and
casual
is
the
reward
of
vertue
by
political
lawes
,
seeing
the
distribution
therof
is
in
the
handes
of
such
,
as
for
some
particuler
respect
,
or
interest
of
their
owne
,
may
not
onlie
forbeare
to
reward
,
but
also
some
times
vndoe
and
destroie
,
those
that
haue
best
deserued
of
them
and
th●
commonwelth
?
Thus
much
for
Reward
.
28.
Now
to
speake
of
Punishment
,
wherin
consisteth
the
greatest
force
of
anie
political
law
for
the
repression
of
mans
malice
,
let
vs
see
what
are
the
penalties
or
punishments
where
with
the
law
of
the
flesh
terrifieth
men
,
The
punishments
which
the
carnal
law
threatneth
.
to
diuert
them
from
vertue
,
&
to
draw
them
to
vice
:
for
although
it
can
not
of
it selfe
inflict
any
punishment
vpon
the
true
louers
of
vertue
,
who
tread
downe
and
triumphe
ouer
al
the
power
of
the
flesh
,
and
of
the
lawes
therof
:
●et
it
setteth
vp
certaine
scar-crowes
to
fright
the
simple
soules
that
it
deceaueth
,
proposing
vnto
them
far
greater
difficulty
,
labour
,
&
paine
,
then
there
is
indeed
in
the
practise
&
exercise
of
vertue
;
which
difficulty
they
hold
for
no
other
then
a
continual
affliction
,
&
as
it
were
a
penalty
or
punishment
inflicted
vpon
such
as
labour
to
be
vertuous
,
by
meanes
whereof
they
contemne
the
penalties
of
political
lawes
,
esteeming
them
not
only
more
easy
to
be
auoided
,
but
also
more
tollerable
to
be
borne
then
the
other
;
I
say
more
easy
to
be
auoided
,
for
that
nether
is
there
a
penalty
imposed
for
euery
offence
,
nether
are
those
that
are
ordained
,
alwaies
exacted
of
offendours
,
(
for
as
I
haue
noted
before
they
are
many
times
escaped
,
either
by
power
,
or
by
fauor
,
or
by
corruption
of
officers
,
or
by
their
necligence
,
or
by
the
Princes
pardon
)
whereas
the
paines
that
worldly
men
conceaue
to
accompany
vertue
,
seeme
to
them
ineuitable
,
except
vertue
it selfe
be
auoided
;
wherto
no
man
can
arriue
,
but
by
the
straite
,
narrowe
,
and
paineful
way
,
which
I
haue
before
described
.
29.
And
againe
the
penalties
of
political
lawes
,
Penalties
of
the
political
law
,
seeme
more
tollerable
to
wicked
men
then
penalties
of
the
carnal
law
.
seeme
to
them
more
tollerable
then
the
other
,
for
that
al
penal
mulcts
,
consist
either
in
paiment
of
money
,
or
in
infamy
,
or
in
corporal
,
or
capital
punishment
.
If
in
money
they
feare
it
not
much
,
for
they
are
content
to
buy
their
contentment
there
with
,
&
many
we
see
doe
voluntarily
begger
them selues
to
obtaine
their
pleasures
.
If
the
penalty
consist
in
infamie
,
what
care
they
for
the
same
,
who
hold
●inne
for
no
shame
,
but
for
an
honour
,
Psal
.
51.
&
(
as
the
Psalmist
saith
)
Cloriantur
in
malitia
,
they
glory
in
malice
,
&
latantur
(
saith
Salomon
)
cum
male
fecerint
,
&
exultant
rebus
pessimis
,
Prou.
2.
quorum
viae
peruers●
,
quorum
gressus
infames
sunt
;
Who
reioyce
when
they
haue
done
amisse
and
exult
in
the
woorst
thinges
,
whose
wayes
are
peruerse
,
whose
stepps
are
infamous
:
If
the
punishment
be
corporal
,
or
capital
,
they
esteeme
the
practise
of
vertue
fare
more
painful
.
30.
For
what
afliction
,
prison
,
restraint
of
liberty
,
torment
or
death
can
seeme
so
greuous
to
a
man
giuen
ouer
to
lust
and
pleasure
,
as
to
afflict
him selfe
by
restraint
of
his
owne
wil
,
Nothing
more
yrksome
to
euil
man
thē
vertue
.
to
conquer
and
subdue
his
owne
vnbridled
affections
,
to
chastise
his
body
,
to
the
end
to
make
it
obedient
to
the
spirit
,
to
mortify
and
crucifie
him selfe
,
to
dye
to
his
lust
,
and
concupiscence
,
yea
,
and
to
be
as
it
were
his
owne
butcher
and
hangman
,
to
execute
al
this
vpon
him selfe
,
not
for
once
or
twice
,
or
for
a
day
or
two
,
or
for
now
&
then
,
but
daily
,
continually
,
and
with
out
initermission
(
for
otherwise
true
vertue
can
nether
be
attained
,
not
c●●●●ued
)
can
any
thinge
(
I
say
)
seeme
more
irksome
,
or
any
p●●●shment
more
corporal
,
or
capital
,
to
sensual
,
and
fleshly
m●●●
destitute
of
Gods
grace
:
1.
Cor
.
2.
Qui
non
percipiun●
ea
quae
sunt
spiritus
D●●
who
haue
no
feeling
nor
apprehension
of
matters
belonging
to
the
spirit
of
God
?
31.
Corporal
torments
they
thinke
with
Epicurus
,
the
greater
they
are
,
the
sooner
they
dispatch
a
man
out
of
paine
,
and
th●
lesse
they
are
,
more
tolerable
they
are
.
And
death
they
hold
for
an
end
of
misery
:
but
these
labours
and
paines
which
they
imagine
to
be
in
continual
exercise
of
vertue
,
they
take
for
a
continual
and
neuer-dying
torment
,
&
for
an
euerlasting
death
,
so
that
very
many
are
so
disgusted
with
the
only
conceite
,
and
apprehension
therof
,
The
great
auersion
of
wicked
men
from
vertu
.
that
they
wil
not
take
so
much
as
a
tast
of
vertu●
to
auoid
any
penalty
of
law
whatsoeuer
,
as
we
see
daily
in
many
malefactors
that
are
incorrigible
.
And
againe
diuers
that
haue
already
made
some
entrance
into
the
course
and
way
of
vertue
,
are
therby
so
tiered
,
&
wearied
with
in
a
while
,
that
they
vtterly
despaire
euer
to
arriue
to
any
perfection
therein
(
such
men
I
meane
as
haue
no
light
nor
help
of
Gods
grace
)
in
so
much
that
one
Sextius
a
gentleman
Roman
(
of
whome
Plutarcke
writeth
)
hauing
giuen
him selfe
to
the
study
of
philosophy
,
Plutarck
.
li.
de
tranquil
.
animi
.
and
the
practise
of
moral
vertue
,
was
with
in
a
while
so
discouraged
,
that
his
freends
had
much
a
doe
to
keepe
him
from
drowinge
him selfe
.
AEmilius
Prob
.
in
Dione
.
And
Aemilius
Probus
testifieth
that
the
sonne
of
the
famous
Dion
of
Sicily
being
restrainted
by
his
father
from
the
licencious
life
which
he
had
led
for
some
time
in
his
fathers
banishment
,
desperatly
cast
him selfe
from
the
top
of
the
howse
,
and
broke
his
owne
neck
.
No
meanes
in
Political
law
to
reforme
a
vicious
Prince
.
32.
But
put
the
case
that
the
subiects
might
be
made
vertuous
by
the
feare
of
punishment
,
what
remedy
is
there
for
the
Prince
,
when
he
is
of
a
bad
and
maligne
nature
?
Truly
none
:
for
he
feareth
no
penalty
of
the
law
,
being
him selfe
aboue
the
law
:
and
as
for
good
councel
,
if
any
man
dare
giue
him
any
,
he
contemneth
it
.
What
good
did
the
good
councel
,
and
precepts
of
the
diuine
Plato
&
the
famous
Dion
,
to
the
two
tirants
of
Sicily
the
father
&
the
sonne
called
Dionisius
,
who
to
requite
them
for
their
good
instructions
,
sould
Plato
for
a
slaue
,
&
banished
Dion
out
of
Sicily
?
what
benefit
reaped
the
wicked
and
cruel
Nero
,
by
al
the
good
discipline
he
receaued
of
the
wise
Seneca
,
vpon
whom
he
exercised
his
cruelty
no
lesse
then
vpon
al
others
?
And
what
effect
wrought
the
good
education
,
example
,
and
instructions
,
which
the
Emperour
Marcus
Aurelius
(
called
the
Philosopher
)
gaue
to
his
sonne
Commodus
,
who
succeeding
him
in
the
Empire
,
was
far
more
detestable
and
hateful
for
his
vice
,
then
his
father
was
renowned
,
and
beloued
for
his
vertue
?
33.
If
then
there
be
no
sufficyent
meanes
,
by
lawes
,
education
,
councel
,
or
exhortations
,
to
reforme
the
vicious
and
corrupt
nature
of
a
wicked
Prince
,
who
seeth
not
that
by
consequence
,
there
is
no
assured
meanes
,
to
make
the
commonwelth
vertuous
?
For
though
it
be
neuer
so
wel
ordered
,
and
disposed
in
the
body
,
yet
it
may
receaue
such
corruption
from
the
head
,
that
it
may
perish
therby
.
For
as
Pliny
saith
:
Euen
as
in
mens
bodyes
.
Plini
.
li
.
4.
e●
.
so
also
in
commonwelths
the
dissease
is
most
greeuious
and
dangerous
,
which
proceedeth
from
the
head
,
And
we
see
commonly
that
the
manners
of
the
people
,
are
conforme
to
the
manners
of
their
Princes
.
34.
Now
then
to
conclude
,
No
sufficient
meanes
in
political
law
,
to
make
the
common
welth
vertuous
.
what
sufficient
meanes
is
there
in
political
law
,
to
suppresse
the
law
of
the
flesh
,
and
to
make
the
Prince
and
people
truly
vertuous
?
Is
it
precepts
,
or
prohibitions
?
nothing
lesse
;
for
seeing
they
consist
but
in
wordes
,
they
are
easily
contemned
:
and
as
I
haue
shewed
before
,
prohibition
doth
encrease
the
disease
(
that
is
to
say
)
the
offence
and
sinne
,
rather
then
remedy
it
:
and
as
for
permission
of
euil
,
it
doth
but
bewray
the
weaknes
of
political
law
,
and
shew
the
force
of
carnal
law
,
which
the
other
is
fayne
to
permit
,
because
it
can
not
redresse
it
:
What
then
?
is
it
punishment
or
reward
?
neither
of
both
;
for
as
I
haue
signified
,
either
the
offences
are
so
secret
,
that
they
are
not
subiect
to
punishment
,
or
the
law
is
deluded
,
and
the
penalties
auoided
many
waies
;
or
if
not
,
yet
in
respect
of
the
paines
that
wicked
men
imagine
to
be
in
the
exercise
of
vertue
they
are
litle
feared
And
as
for
reward
;
what
reward
ordeined
by
law
can
so
satisfie
a
sensual
man
,
as
pleasure
,
which
he
holdeth
for
his
soueraigne
&
cheife
good
,
&
for
the
only
felicitie
of
his
life
;
in
so
much
that
I
haue
heard
some
men
,
most
wickedly
protest
and
sweare
that
if
it
were
not
for
the
pleasur
s
of
the
flesh
,
their
liues
would
be
loathsome
and
hateful
vnto
them
.
The
insufficency
of
political
law
for
the
reformation
of
vice
acknowledged
by
Licurgus
Arist
.
polit
.
li
2.
ca.
7.
35.
Therefore
Licurgus
dispaired
with
great
reason
to
make
either
the
King
or
the
subiects
in
his
commonwelth
vertuous
by
the
force
of
lawes
.
For
which
cause
he
ordained
(
as
Aristotle
saith
)
that
the
Kings
of
Lacedemony
should
not
be
perpetual
,
but
gouerne
for
a
time
,
least
some
euil
King
(
if
his
gouernment
were
for
tearme
of
life
)
might
destroy
the
commmohwelth
.
36.
Also
this
insufficiencie
of
political
lawes
,
and
of
al
other
humane
meanes
to
reforme
the
maners
of
wicked
men
,
was
,
as
it
seemeth
,
wisely
noted
and
considered
of
late
by
a
wise
and
learned
Painim
in
China
,
The
same
acknowledged
of
late
by
wise
Painim
in
China
.
who
being
of
him selfe
of
a
good
and
vertuous
disposition
,
and
hauing
proued
by
experience
that
nether
the
religion
which
he
professed
,
nor
the
lawes
of
his
country
,
nor
mans
owne
industrie
,
nor
yet
any
other
natural
or
human●
meanes
,
sufficed
to
conquer
and
subdue
the
lawes
of
the
flesh
,
dispaired
,
as
it
seemed
,
euer
to
attaine
to
any
perfection
of
vertue
,
vntil
he
met
with
the
fathers
of
the
Societie
,
who
at
th●●
present
preach
the
Christian
faith
in
China
,
Littera
annua
dela
Cina
del
.
an
.
1601.
of
whom
he
demande●
whether
the
law
,
which
they
taught
,
were
able
to
reforme
,
the
bad
and
maligne
nature
of
a
wicked
man
,
and
to
make
him
truly
vertuous
;
And
vnderstanding
by
them
the
supernatural
and
diuine
force
of
Gods
grace
communicated
to
man
by
the
meanes
of
Christian
religion
,
(
which
in
that
respect
is
called
the
law
of
grace
)
and
that
by
the
helpe
therof
,
any
wicked
man
may
vndoubtedly
ariue
to
al
perfection
of
vertue
,
he
inclined
presently
to
be
a
Christian
,
which
afterwards
vpon
further
,
and
more
perticuler
knowledge
of
our
Christian
Catholique
doctrine
,
he
most
gladly
and
religiously
performed
.
But
of
this
point
,
to
wit
of
the
necessity
of
true
Religion
,
and
the
force
therof
in
the
reformation
of
maners
,
I
am
to
speake
more
amply
in
the
second
parte
of
this
Treatise
,
and
in
the
meane
time
I
haue
here
sufficiently
shewed
,
that
political
lawes
are
altogether
insufficient
to
represse
vice
,
and
consequently
to
establish
a
perfect
policy
and
gouerment
of
commonwelth
.
AN
ANSWER
TO
AN
OBIECTION
MADE
in
fauor
of
political
law
,
supposed
to
be
sufficient
for
the
suppression
,
of
vice
,
if
it
take
sufficient
order
for
the
good
instruction
,
and
education
of
youth
.
But
the
impossibillity
therof
is
shewed
,
and
in
conclusion
the
necessity
of
the
law
of
grace
,
to
supply
the
defects
of
political
law
,
is
inferred
.
CHAP.
10.
BVt
some
perhaps
wil
obiect
that
lawes
doe
not
so
wholy
relie
vpon
punishment
and
rewarde
;
or
vpon
the
other
points
which
I
haue
handled
before
,
but
that
they
haue
also
other
helps
to
reforme
vice
,
and
plant
vertue
in
the
commonwelth
,
and
that
therfore
Zaleucus
,
Carondas
,
Cicero
de
ligib
.
li
.
2.
and
Plato
,
did
say
(
as
Cicero
testifieth
(
that
it
also
belongeth
to
lawe
,
to
vse
perswasions
and
instructions
,
and
not
to
terrifie
only
with
threates
;
For
as
S.
Augustine
saith
of
heretikes
;
Aug.
ep
.
48.
Si
ter●erentur
&c.
If
men
should
be
only
terrified
and
not
taught
,
the
gouernment
might
seeme
to
be
wicked
and
tirannical
.
Furthermore
lawes
may
ordaine
(
as
they
commonly
doe
)
that
children
be
brought
vp
from
their
very
infanc●
,
in
al
kind
of
vertue
,
and
furnished
with
precepts
of
philosophy
,
which
being
sowed
like
good
seed
in
the
mindes
of
youth
,
as
in
a
fertile
and
wel
manured
soile
,
ma●
in
time
wax
ripe
,
and
bring
forth
very
good
fruit
,
to
the
publike
benefit
of
the
commonwelth
.
2.
An
obiection
that
good
education
of
youth
is
sufficient
for
the
Institution
of
a
perfect
commonwelth
.
For
what
can
be
more
effectual
for
the
planting
of
vertue
in
the
minds
of
men
,
then
good
education
,
wherby
the
tender
age
of
children
ma●
be
framed
like
wax
to
receaue
the
impression
of
vertuous
habits
;
For
as
the
younge
and
tender
twig
is
easely
bowed
an●
way
,
and
being
once
set
streight
,
so
groweth
al
waies
after
,
and
at
length
when
it
is
become
a
tree
,
wil
rather
breake
them
bowe
;
euen
so
a
mans
nature
being
framed
to
vertue
in
his
infancie
and
strengthned
therin
by
good
custome
,
may
growe
in
time
to
such
perfection
,
that
nothing
shal
be
able
to
draw
or
diuert
it
from
a
vertuous
course
.
For
Adolesceus
(
saith
Salomon
)
iuxta
viam
suam
cum
senuerit
non
recedet
ab
ea
.
that
is
to
say
;
Pro●erb
.
●●
.
The
young
man
when
he
comes
to
be
olde
,
wil
not
leaue
the
course
which
he
held
when
he
was
younge
.
Hereupon
it
may
be
inferred
;
that
if
the
lawes
ordaine
publike
schooles
,
and
vniuersities
,
and
take
sufficient
order
for
the
education
&
instruction
of
youth
,
in
al
kind
of
learning
and
moral
vertue
,
they
may
with
the
helpes
of
punishment
and
rewarde
,
suffice
for
the
instruction
of
a
good
and
perfect
commonwelth
.
The
answere
to
the
former
obiection
,
shewing
diuers
impediments
that
hinder
the
good
education
of
youth
.
3.
To
this
I
answere
,
that
although
good
instruction
and
education
may
greatly
healp
to
make
the
comonwelth
vertuous
;
yet
in
such
commonwelths
as
are
gouerned
only
by
humane
meanes
,
and
pollicy
,
it
cannot
worke
the
desired
effect
,
by
reason
of
diuers
impediments
that
wil
vndoubtedly
occurre
.
First
we
see
in
al
commonwelths
,
that
many
very
vicious
parents
desire
to
haue
their
children
like
vnto
them selues
,
and
therfore
are
not
only
negligent
in
procuring
their
good
education
,
but
also
help
to
corrupre
them
by
their
euil
example
,
and
also
by
industry
and
bad
instructions
,
taking
no
lesse
delight
to
see
them
abound
in
vice
,
then
vertuous
men
doe
,
to
see
their
children
replenished
with
vertue
.
4.
The
couetous
,
and
auaritious
man
,
that
hath
enriched
him selfe
and
increased
his
liuing
by
fraude
,
vsury
,
extortion
,
&
other
vnlawful
meanes
,
encourageth
his
children
to
doe
the
like
,
not
only
by
his
owne
example
,
but
much
more
by
the
gaine
that
they
are
to
reape
therby
;
besides
that
such
couetous
parents
,
doe
not
stick
to
recommend
vnto
their
children
,
The
euil
example
and
bad
instruction
of
vicious
parents
.
auarice
for
a
vertue
,
and
al
maner
of
fraudulent
and
vnlawful
gaine
,
for
lawful
purchase
,
&
points
of
good
husbandry
.
In
like
sort
the
licentious
man
,
who
accounteth
his
owne
loose
life
for
no
sinne
but
sollace
,
cannot
dislike
,
or
reprehend
that
in
his
children
,
which
he
alloweth
in
himselfe
;
yea
and
I
haue
heard
of
a
great
Prince
,
who
being
much
giuen
to
the
sinnes
of
the
flesh
,
and
seeing
his
sonne
more
vertuously
inclined
,
so
much
disliked
it
in
him
,
that
he
seriously
exhorted
him
to
beget
bastards
,
to
the
end
to
fortifie
&
strengthen
his
howse
.
And
the
like
may
be
noted
for
the
most
parte
in
al
sortes
of
bad
and
vicious
men
,
whose
euil
example
&
pernitious
precepts
,
are
commonly
of
more
force
to
draw
their
children
to
vice
,
then
any
instruction
of
maister
,
or
teacher
,
can
be
to
moue
them
to
vertue
.
5.
Secondly
,
very
many
,
or
rather
the
far
greater
part
of
the
commonwelth
cannot
,
though
they
would
,
The
greater
part
of
the
common
welth
vncapable
of
such
education
,
as
〈◇〉
requisit
to
ma●●
them
truly
vertuous
.
giue
their
children
that
good
education
that
were
conuenient
to
make
them
truly
vertuous
,
partly
for
want
of
meanes
and
ability
to
beare
the
charges
therof
,
&
partly
because
they
are
forced
to
bring
them
vp
to
some
trade
or
occupation
,
wherby
they
may
be
afterwards
able
to
liue
:
who
therfore
cannot
be
tyed
to
such
rules
or
manner
of
life
,
as
were
necessary
for
the
vertuous
education
of
youth
which
with
our
continual
restraint
,
and
diligent
ouersight
of
maisters
and
correctors
,
easilie
falleth
to
vice
.
6.
Thirdly
,
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
of
such
as
shal
receaue
the
good
instructions
,
&
education
which
the
law
may
ordaine
,
a
great
number
wil
be
of
that
peruerse
and
maligne
nature
,
that
they
wil
reape
no
benefit
ther●y
.
For
as
Seneca
saith
;
Seneca
ep
.
95.
The
maligne
and
peruerse
nature
of
many
not
capable
of
good
instruction
Non
semper
●●d
actiones
rectas
praecepta
perducunt
,
sed
cum
obsequens
ingenium
est
;
Precepts
and
instructions
doe
not
induce
al
men
to
vertuous
actions
,
but
●●ly
such
as
are
of
apply
able
&
obedient
natures
:
wherof
we
dailie
see
the
experience
in
very
many
youthes
,
whome
neither
labour
,
nor
industry
,
nor
good
and
vertuous
example
,
nor
seuere
correction
,
nor
yet
any
other
humane
meanes
,
can
so
much
as
dispose
to
take
any
taste
of
vertue
.
7.
Fourthly
,
although
many
youthe
may
proffit
greatly
in
vertue
for
a
time
,
whiles
they
remaine
vnder
the
chardge
and
correction
of
maisters
,
and
are
seperated
from
the
occasions
&
examples
of
vice
,
yet
afterwardes
when
they
shal
be
deliuered
from
the
bridle
of
restraint
,
and
the
yoake
of
obedience
,
verie
many
of
them
wil
become
vicious
.
This
was
wisely
considered
by
Plato
in
his
schollers
;
For
beholding
one
day
a
great
company
of
towardly
,
and
notable
young
men
that
came
to
heare
his
lectures
,
he
sighed
deeply
,
and
said
to
him selfe
;
I
feare
me
that
many
of
these
being
the
seede
and
children
of
men
,
Plutarke
.
wil
hereafter
become
examples
of
humane
infirmity
.
8.
Thus
said
he
:
and
if
he
had
cause
to
feare
this
in
such
as
being
alreadie
mature
in
yeares
,
and
ripe
in
iudgment
,
gaue
th●m
selues
to
the
study
and
practise
of
vertue
of
their
owne
free
election
;
what
may
be
feared
of
children
,
who
for
the
most
part
are
held
in
a
vertuous
course
by
compulsion
,
or
because
they
haue
yet
had
no
tast
or
trial
of
worldly
delightes
rather
then
of
their
owne
choise
,
Very
many
after
vertuous
education
doe
fal
to
vice
.
or
for
the
loue
of
vertue
?
what
else
,
(
I
say
)
may
be
feared
,
but
that
when
they
shal
see
them selues
at
liberty
and
come
to
tast
the
pleasures
of
the
world
,
they
wil
fall
to
vicious
life
,
yea
and
that
many
of
them
wil
(
as
the
old
prouerb
saith
)
of
young
Saintes
,
become
olde
diuells
?
wherof
wee
haue
dailie
experience
in
great
numbers
of
young
men
,
who
hauing
had
notable
education
,
and
made
great
progresse
in
vertue
and
learninge
,
doe
neuertheles
become
afterwards
very
vicious
and
wicked
;
so
that
if
we
consider
how
manie
there
wil
be
in
anie
prophane
commonwelth
that
wil
receaue
no
benefit
of
good
instructions
,
either
by
the
negligence
,
euil
example
,
or
bad
perswasions
of
their
wicked
parents
,
or
by
reason
of
their
pouerty
,
or
because
their
estate
requireth
other
imployment
in
trades
or
occupations
,
or
by
their
owne
peruerse
and
incorrigible
natures
,
or
by
humane
frailtie
(
wherby
manie
fal
dailie
from
vertue
to
vice
)
we
shal
find
that
the
least
parte
of
the
common
welth
,
by
farr
,
wil
be
bettered
by
any
good
education
that
political
lawes
alone
may
ordaine
.
9.
This
wil
be
much
more
manifest
if
we
adde
hereto
some
other
considerations
concerning
the
maisters
,
Impossible
to
fynd
teachers
of
true
vertue
on
a
profane
commonwelth
.
and
teachers
of
vertue
,
by
whose
insufficiency
,
negligence
,
or
euel
example
the
youth
is
many
times
in
al
commonwelths
il
instructed
&
corrupted
,
besides
that
it
may
wel
be
said
,
that
in
a
prophane
commonwelth
their
cannot
be
found
any
such
sufficient
and
able
men
for
the
education
of
youth
,
as
were
conuenient
to
make
them
,
and
the
whole
commonwelth
truely
vertuous
;
wherein
I
wish
to
be
noted
,
that
I
make
no
smal
difference
betwene
a
vertuous
and
a
learned
man
,
for
if
the
question
were
onlie
to
find
learned
scholmaisters
and
readers
to
make
good
schollers
,
I
would
easelie
graunt
that
such
prouision
might
be
made
,
and
order
taken
that
there
would
be
no
want
of
good
Grammarians
eloquent
Rethoritians
,
subtile
Logicians
,
profound
Philosophers
and
men
excellent
in
al
humane
learning
,
yea
and
that
they
might
make
so
manie
notable
schollers
that
a
great
parte
of
the
commonwelth
might
become
learned
.
10.
But
the
question
being
here
,
not
of
expert
Pedagoges
and
scholemaisters
but
of
good
&
vertuous
men
that
may
teach
true
vertue
,
as
wel
by
their
owne
example
and
practise
,
Difference
betwixt
learned
and
vertuous
men
in
a
Commonwelth
.
as
by
their
precepts
;
I
may
boldly
say
of
such
,
that
none
at
al
can
be
found
in
commonwelths
,
void
of
Gods
grace
and
true
religion
,
from
the
which
al
true
vertue
floweth
,
as
from
the
fountayne
,
and
without
the
which
no
man
can
be
truly
vertuous
,
as
I
wil
make
most
manifest
in
the
2.
parte
of
this
Treatise
,
wherto
this
question
properly
belongeth
.
And
in
the
meane
tyme
for
some
satisfaction
of
the
Reader
,
I
wil
breefly
touch
here
in
this
place
,
one
consideration
belonging
to
this
matter
,
to
wit
,
the
experience
of
al
former
tymes
and
ages
,
concerning
such
as
haue
ben
the
principal
professors
of
vertue
in
prophane
commonwelths
;
as
what
their
habilities
,
and
sufficiencie
hath
bene
for
the
teaching
of
true
vertue
,
wherby
also
it
may
be
iudged
what
perfection
any
such
as
they
,
(
I
meane
men
void
of
Gods
grace
)
can
worke
in
any
commonwelth
.
11.
For
this
purpose
it
is
to
be
considered
,
The
had
lynes
of
the
wisest
and
best
Philosophers
amongst
the
Paynimes
.
what
manner
of
men
the
grauest
,
wisest
,
and
best
Philosophers
were
,
who
in
tymes
past
tooke
vpon
them
to
be
the
true
louers
of
wisdome
,
teachers
of
vertue
,
and
reformes
of
mens
manners
,
whose
wisdome
neuertheles
was
,
(
as
the
Apostle
tearmeth
it
)
Mere
folly
;
1.
Cor
.
3.
Aug.
ep
.
131.
what
was
the
learning
of
the
Philosophers
.
Their
controuersies
.
Their
exhortations
and
precepts
Themistius
in
Orat
.
ad
Valentem
.
Eccles
.
hist
.
li.
Aug.
de
ciuit
.
li
.
19.
c
.
1.
Hieron
.
li
.
2.
comment
.
in
ca.
13.
Mathei
.
For
al
their
learninge
and
knowledge
was
,
(
as
Augustine
saith
)
nothing
else
but
ianglinge
sophistry
,
towers
built
in
the
ayre
,
proude
error
,
vayne
&
●●rious
lyes
,
their
controuersies
were
infinite
,
their
dissentions
endles
,
and
irreconciliable
,
about
no
lesse
matters
then
the
soueraigne
and
cheefe
good
,
yea
and
about
God
him selfe
:
holding
,
concerning
the
first
,
288.
seueral
opinions
,
and
300.
aboute
the
latter
.
Their
eloquence
,
exhortations
,
and
precepts
,
were
not
as
S.
Hierome
saith
)
that
litle
seede
of
mustard
(
whereof
our
Sauiour
speaketh
in
the
gospel
)
which
being
sowed
in
the
feeld
of
mans
hart
,
groweth
to
be
a
greate
tree
;
But
it
was
a
kind
of
seed
that
had
no
viuacytie
,
quicknes
nor
life
in
it
,
as
tastles
wormeaten
seed
which
yeeldeth
either
no
fruit
at
al
,
or
nothinge
else
but
weedes
,
or
perhaps
some
pot
hearbs
that
faded
and
perished
straitght
.
12.
The
vertue
of
the
ancient
Philosophers
what
it
was
,
And
what
shal
we
say
of
their
vertue
which
was
so
much
admired
?
was
it
any
thinge
else
but
vanity
?
no
truely
.
For
although
some
of
them
seemed
to
excel
,
some
in
one
vertue
,
and
some
in
an
other
,
(
wherby
a
few
in
very
many
ages
were
counted
vertuous
)
yet
they
were
al
so
farr
from
true
vertue
and
goodnes
,
that
it
may
iustly
be
said
of
them
;
that
euen
as
a
purblind
man
,
or
one
that
hath
but
halfe
an
eye
,
may
be
held
(
as
the
prouerbe
saith
)
for
a
king
amongst
blind
men
:
so
in
that
infinit
number
of
wicked
men
,
who
pestred
and
poisned
the
world
with
their
wickednes
in
time
of
Paganisme
,
wicked
men
not
better
one
then
another
,
but
lesse
euil
.
those
few
which
were
not
so
wicked
&
vicious
as
the
rest
,
were
reputed
for
good
and
vertuous
;
not
because
they
might
truely
be
said
to
be
better
then
their
fellowes
,
but
because
they
were
lesse
euil
;
Fabritius
the
famous
Romane
(
saith
S.
Augustine
)
shal
be
lesse
punished
,
A●gustin
.
cont
.
Iulian
.
pelag
.
then
the
wicked
Catalin
,
not
because
he
was
better
then
Catalin
,
but
because
he
was
no●
so
bad
as
he
.
And
so
may
we
say
of
them
al
that
although
some
of
them
seemed
to
haue
some
vertues
that
others
had
not
,
or
were
not
in
some
thinges
so
vicious
as
the
rest
,
yet
they
were
al
of
them
loaden
with
vice
,
Rom.
1.
as
the
Apostle
testifieth
,
who
describeth
them
to
be
men
;
Giuen
ouer
by
almighty
God
to
a
reprobate
sence
,
and
to
the
desires
of
their
owne
hartes
,
The
testimony
of
the
Apost●e
concerning
the
abominable
lyues
of
the
philosophers
.
to
al
ignominious
passions
and
vncleanes
,
replenished
with
al
iniquity
,
malice
,
fornication
,
couetousnes
and
wickednes
;
ful
of
enuy
,
murders
,
contention
,
deceyte
,
malignitie
,
and
detraction
,
contumelious
,
proud
,
hauty
,
inuentors
of
mischiefe
;
&c.
13.
Thus
saith
the
Apostle
of
the
olde
philosophers
,
wherof
if
it
were
lawful
to
dout
(
considering
the
authoritie
of
the
witnes
)
sufficient
testimony
and
confirmation
might
be
had
out
of
prophane
authors
,
Plato
proued
to
be
very
vicious
,
by
his
owne
workes
.
yea
out
of
their
owne
woorkes
.
For
who
is
he
that
readeth
and
considereth
the
absurd
lawes
of
Platoes
community
of
women
,
and
the
promiscuous
generation
(
which
I
haue
mencioned
,
and
reproued
before
)
wil
not
discouer
in
him
,
a
verie
sinke
of
sinne
,
from
the
which
he
belched
out
such
beastly
doctrine
and
lasciuious
lawes
,
wherin
neuertheles
he
followed
the
opinion
and
doctrine
of
his
maisters
,
Socrates
,
and
Pithagoras
,
two
of
the
most
famous
Philosophers
that
euer
had
bene
before
his
tyme
.
Aristotle
accused
of
great
vices
by
di●ers
●n
his
owne
●●me
.
●u●●●
.
co●tra
Philo●o
.
●o●
.
c
.
1.
14.
And
what
shal
we
say
of
Aristotle
,
Platoes
scholler
whome
diuers
that
liued
in
the
same
age
,
did
testifie
to
be
a
most
wicked
man
;
Cephisodorus
the
disciple
of
Isocrates
,
charged
him
with
deli●acy
,
intemperance
,
&
gluttonie
.
●icon
the
pithagorian
,
said
h●●
was
so
couetous
that
he
vsed
to
sel
the
oyle
wherein
he
bathed
himselfe
.
Democh●r●s
objected
against
him
,
that
he
betrayed
his
owne
countrie
Stagira
,
to
the
Macedonians
.
And
finallie
,
Aristocles
the
Peripateticke
,
who
tooke
vpon
him
to
defend
him
against
others
,
confesseth
that
two
thinges
commonly
reported
of
him
were
probable
,
that
is
to
say
,
that
he
was
vngrateful
to
his
maister
Plato
,
&
that
he
secretly
intised
away
the
adoptiue
daughter
of
his
deare
frend
Hermias
the
Eunuch
,
and
maried
her
,
of
which
Eunuch
,
he
had
bene
also
before
so
feruently
enamored
,
that
●●bulides
saith
,
he
made
a
kind
of
mariage
with
him
;
&
Theocritus
of
Chio
wrote
an
epigrame
of
their
beastly
loue
and
conuersation
;
yet
this
is
he
who
hath
written
most
exactly
of
al
moral
vertue
in
his
booke
,
de
Ethicis
,
to
de
moribus
,
that
is
to
say
of
manners
,
and
was
the
Prince
or
head
of
the
Philosophers
called
the
Peripa●eticks
.
15.
And
is
it
not
likely
that
al
the
rest
of
them
were
as
vaine
●nd
vicious
as
hee
?
yes
truly
;
the
trueth
wherof
may
be
gathered
out
of
Plutark
,
Plutarke
.
li
.
de
.
industria
animalium
.
Plutarkes
opinion
of
the
liues
of
the
best
philosophers
.
who
being
him selfe
one
of
the
grauest
of
al
the
●atter
sort
,
in
sect
a
Platonick
,
and
maister
to
the
Emperour
Traian
,
in
his
dialogue
of
the
industry
of
beastes
,
giueth
to
vnderstand
●nder
the
name
of
Autobulus
,
that
not
only
Socrates
and
Plato
,
but
also
al
other
philosophers
not
withstanding
their
outward
shewe
and
ostentation
of
some
vertues
,
were
generally
as
intemperate
,
incontinent
,
&
wicked
as
any
common
or
ordinary
slaue
.
16.
But
of
al
other
prophane
authors
Lucian
painteth
them
,
Lucian
.
dial
.
in
Scripto
;
negromantia
vel
Menippo
.
●s
a
man
may
say
,
in
their
coulers
.
For
in
his
diologues
he
bringeth
in
Menippus
speaking
of
the
Philosophers
thus
;
Because
I
was
,
(
saith
he
)
vncertaine
what
course
of
life
to
hold
,
I
thought
good
to
goe
to
●he
Philosophers
,
&
to
take
their
aduise
,
that
they
might
direct
me
therein
,
Lucians
discourse
of
the
manners
of
the
old
philosophers
.
not
●●nsidering
,
that
as
the
prouerbe
saith
,
I
cast
my selfe
out
of
the
frying
pan
in
●o
the
fier
,
for
I
found
amongst
them
al
thinges
more
vncertaine
,
then
●mongst
any
sort
of
men
,
in
so
much
that
the
life
of
the
veriest
Idiot
,
seemed
●●to
me
more
happye
then
theirs
.
For
when
I
beheld
their
liues
,
I
perceaued
●hey
were
cleane
contrary
to
their
owne
precepts
and
doctrine
;
those
which
●aught
that
money
and
riches
were
to
be
contemned
,
did
gape
after
nothing
more
then
ganie
,
lending
to
vsury
teaching
for
hyre
,
and
doing
al
for
money
;
●hose
which
in
wordes
seemed
most
to
contemne
glory
,
referred
al
the
whole
●●●rse
of
their
liues
therto
.
And
finally
,
those
that
openly
spake
most
against
●●luptuousnes
and
pleasure
,
secretly
sought
&
imbraced
nothing
else
.
Thus
farre
Lucian
.
17.
Wherby
we
may
see
what
maisters
and
teachers
,
what
guides
,
and
physitions
the
ignorance
,
weaknes
,
and
blindnes
of
man
hath
had
,
or
may
hope
to
haue
,
in
commonwelths
that
rely
vpon
the
wit
and
pollicy
of
man
;
yea
and
what
vertue
men
that
are
void
of
Gods
grace
can
plant
in
other
men
to
make
them
truly
vertuous
,
seeing
that
with
a
litle
good
seede
of
moral
doctrine
they
sowe
so
much
cocle
and
darnel
of
il
example
,
that
the
vertue
which
they
teach
,
is
as
it
were
,
suffocated
and
choaked
euen
in
the
very
blade
,
in
such
forte
,
that
it
can
yeeld
no
good
fruit
;
The
dissention
amongst
the
old
philosophers
concerning
most
important
matters
.
2.
Tym
.
3.
18.
For
who
is
he
that
should
heare
the
professours
and
maisters
of
vertue
disagreeing
amongst
them selues
,
and
scolding
euery
day
in
their
schooles
one
against
an
other
,
ayming
continually
at
a
marke
which
they
neuer
hit
,
professing
to
teach
that
which
they
neuer
knewe
,
and
to
giue
that
which
they
neuer
had
them selues
,
Euer
learning
(
as
the
Apostle
saith
of
heretickes
)
and
neuer
comming
to
the
knowledge
of
truth
,
reprehending
vice
in
a●
men
,
and
neuer
reforminge
it
in
them selues
,
who
(
I
say
)
should
see
this
,
and
would
not
rather
dispaire
,
euer
to
be
able
to
attaine
to
vertue
,
then
be
encouraged
by
their
perswasions
to
the
studdy
and
practise
thereof
.
No
political
law
can
ma●e
a
commonwealth
vertuous
.
19.
Therefore
I
conclude
,
that
considering
the
impediments
that
occurre
in
prophane
commonwelths
,
on
the
behalfe
as
wel
of
the
instructors
and
teachers
of
vertue
,
as
of
those
which
are
to
be
instructed
,
that
is
to
say
,
seeing
that
not
only
the
maisters
are
on
their
parte
insufficient
for
the
vertuous
education
of
youth
,
but
also
the
farre
greater
parte
of
the
youth
them selues
,
either
incapable
of
good
instructions
,
or
not
much
the
better
for
it
,
for
the
reasons
before
declared
;
It
followeth
that
no
law
meerly
political
can
by
any
good
education
of
youth
make
a
prophane
commonwelth
vertuous
;
wherto
if
we
adde
that
,
which
before
I
haue
also
proued
concerning
the
insufficiency
of
al
political
lawes
,
for
the
suppression
of
the
carnal
law
,
and
the
reformation
of
maners
;
it
followeth
necessarilie
that
some
supernatural
help
is
requisite
for
the
perfect
institution
,
and
gouerment
of
a
commonwelth
,
which
helpe
I
wil
other
where
proue
to
consist
in
the
law
of
grace
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
true
Religion
,
wherby
the
defects
of
political
law
may
be
supplied
,
and
the
law
of
the
flesh
suppressed
.
20.
For
the
law
of
grace
doth
illuminate
the
vnderstanding
,
fortifie
and
strenghten
reason
,
represse
sensuallity
,
facilitate
the
way
to
vertue
,
(
which
it
maketh
sweete
,
dilectable
,
&
pleasant
)
representeth
to
the
vnderstanding
,
the
turpitude
,
lothesomnes
,
The
force
of
the
Law
of
grace
for
the
reformation
of
vice
.
horror
,
and
danger
,
of
vice
,
and
finally
it
addeth
to
the
temporal
rewardes
and
penalties
of
political
law
,
the
euerlasting
and
eternal
;
so
that
political
law
being
seconded
,
and
supplied
by
the
law
of
grace
,
that
is
to
say
true
religion
,
may
reforme
the
corrupt
manners
and
nature
of
wicked
men
,
and
worke
that
effect
in
commonwelth
for
the
which
it
is
ordained
,
as
I
wil
euidently
proue
hereafter
in
the
second
part
of
this
Treatise
,
where
I
shal
treat
of
the
necessitie
and
dignitie
of
religion
in
the
commonwelth
.
In
the
meane
time
this
shal
suffice
in
this
place
to
shewe
the
imperfection
of
that
parte
of
policy
which
consisteth
in
humane
lawes
.
THE
INSVFFICIENCIE
OF
HVMANE
POlicy
is
further
proued
by
the
vncertainty
of
the
successe
of
mens
wisest
designments
:
&
for
the
better
explication
thereof
,
it
is
declared
,
what
are
Fate
,
Fortune
,
&
Chance
,
&
that
according
to
the
opinion
of
the
best
philosophers
,
Fate
doth
not
derogate
from
the
freedome
of
mans
wil
,
and
much
lesse
from
the
prouidence
,
of
God
:
and
by
the
way
some
what
is
said
of
Astrology
,
and
of
the
force
of
starres
.
CHAP.
11.
HAVINGE
shewed
the
imperfection
of
humane
lawes
,
(
wherin
consisteth
one
parte
of
mans
policy
)
it
resteth
now
that
I
treate
of
the
other
parte
,
consisting
in
councels
,
plots
&
desigments
,
either
for
war
,
or
for
peace
,
and
that
I
shew
also
therin
the
weaknes
of
mans
wit
and
power
,
and
his
insufficiency
for
gouernment
of
commonwelth
,
without
the
supernatural
help
of
Gods
grace
and
assistance
.
2.
That
this
may
appeare
,
three
thinges
are
principally
to
be
considered
in
plots
and
designments
;
the
first
,
the
inuention
;
the
second
the
execution
;
Three
thinges
to
be
considered
in
plottes
and
designments
,
the
Inuention
,
the
Execution
,
and
the
Successe
.
the
third
the
successe
.
To
the
first
is
required
wisdome
in
the
contriuer
;
to
the
second
not
only
wisdome
but
also
dexterity
,
yea
and
power
in
the
executour
;
and
to
the
third
good
happ
,
commonlie
called
good
fortune
.
Of
the
first
,
to
wit
the
inuention
of
plots
,
and
wisdome
in
the
contriuers
,
I
haue
spoken
sufficientlie
heretofore
,
hauing
shewed
the
weaknes
of
mans
wit
by
euident
examples
of
the
manifest
and
absurd
errors
,
Ca
.
7.
&
8.
Ca
.
3.4.5
.
as
wel
of
the
wisest
Philosophers
in
the
ordinance
of
lawes
,
and
the
institution
of
commonwelths
,
as
also
of
most
politike
Princes
,
yea
and
of
the
grauest
and
wisest
Senats
in
their
deliberations
;
and
therfore
I
wil
now
treate
here
especiallie
of
the
execution
,
not
only
of
politicke
plots
,
but
also
of
powerful
and
potent
attempts
,
Of
the
execution
and
successe
of
designments
.
al
which
depend
principally
of
the
successe
,
and
of
the
good
or
il
hap
of
the
executours
.
For
be
the
councel
,
plot
,
&
enterprise
neuer
so
prudently
contriued
,
or
neuer
so
wisely
,
dexterously
,
and
powerfullie
executed
,
yet
if
good
hap
answer
not
the
expectation
in
the
successe
,
al
is
in
vaine
;
and
which
is
more
,
we
see
often
times
that
many
vnaduised
and
foolish
designments
succeed
very
wel
,
Foolish
designments
succeed
wel
many
times
by
chance
.
Arist
.
li
.
de
bona
fortuna
.
Some
borne
Fortunat
.
more
by
hap
(
as
men
commonlie
say
)
then
by
cunning
;
which
Aristotle
noteth
in
such
as
are
horne
fortunate
;
Who
(
saith
he
)
following
the
secret
impulse
&
motion
of
their
owne
natures
and
dispositions
,
haue
commonly
good
and
fortunate
successe
,
yea
some
times
contrarie
to
al
humane
reason
;
in
so
much
that
when
they
deliberate
much
,
and
rather
follow
discourse
of
reason
,
then
their
owne
inclination
,
they
loose
their
good
fortune
,
and
haue
il
successe
;
wherupon
groweth
the
prouerbe
,
An
old
prouerb
,
fortune
fauoreth
fooles
.
fortuna
fauet
fatuis
;
God
sends
fooles
fortune
,
which
,
common
experience
teacheth
to
be
true
in
verie
manie
simple
men
,
who
are
farre
more
fortunate
through
out
the
whole
course
of
their
liues
,
then
others
that
are
farre
wiser
then
they
.
The
which
Aristotle
ascribeth
to
the
gifte
of
God
,
the
author
and
mouer
of
nature
,
To
be
borne
fortunate
is
the
gifte
of
God
.
and
of
al
natural
inclinations
,
who
giueth
better
hap
to
some
men
then
to
others
,
as
he
also
distributeth
diuersly
his
other
gifts
,
not
to
al
men
alike
.
3.
Neuertheles
speakinge
generally
,
the
common
axiome
is
true
in
most
men
,
to
wit
,
vnusquisque
sibi
fingit
fortunam
suam
,
euery
man
frames
his
owne
fortune
,
that
is
to
say
,
euery
one
is
happy
,
or
vnhappie
,
according
to
the
course
he
taketh
,
or
the
diligence
he
vseth
.
For
as
the
Spanish
prouerbe
saith
,
Dilligence
the
mother
of
good
fortune
.
diligentia
es
la
madre
de
buena
ventura
,
diligence
is
the
mother
of
good
hap
;
which
yet
is
so
to
be
vndrestood
,
that
although
those
commonly
speed
the
best
,
which
vse
the
best
&
wisest
meanes
;
No
man
can
warrant
the
good
successe
of
his
designments
.
yet
no
man
can
either
by
any
industrie
,
or
humane
wisdome
,
warrant
the
good
successe
of
his
designments
,
for
that
so
variable
and
infinite
are
the
accidents
and
suddaine
chances
which
daily
occurre
in
mens
affaires
,
that
no
wit
of
man
can
fore-see
them
,
&
much
lesse
preuent
them
;
God
hauing
so
ordained
(
for
his
owne
greater
glorie
)
to
check
the
pride
and
presumption
of
man
,
lest
if
he
had
as
wel
the
euent
and
successe
of
his
plots
in
his
owne
power
,
as
the
contriuing
of
them
,
he
would
not
knowe
him selfe
,
nor
acknowledge
any
dependance
vpon
his
wil
;
therfore
some
times
it
seemeth
good
to
his
diuine
wisdome
,
to
ouerthrowe
and
delude
the
highest
policies
,
and
deepest
deuises
of
men
,
by
such
meanes
as
they
least
expected
,
and
could
neuer
imagine
,
which
I
wil
shewe
by
sundrie
examples
.
But
for
asmuch
as
men
commonly
attribute
al
suddaine
accidents
,
and
vnexpected
euents
,
either
to
fortune
and
chance
,
or
to
fate
,
to
the
derogation
aswel
of
Gods
prouidence
,
as
of
the
freedome
of
mans
wil
;
I
craue
thy
patience
(
good
reader
)
whilest
for
the
better
explication
of
this
matter
,
I
say
somwhat
here
by
the
way
of
Fortune
,
Chance
,
and
Fate
,
Of
Fortune
,
Chance
,
and
Fate
.
as
what
they
truely
are
,
and
how
they
haue
bene
,
or
are
il
vnderstood
of
manie
,
and
in
what
sense
we
may
ascribe
therto
the
effects
we
see
either
natural
or
moral
:
wherby
also
the
prouidence
of
God
,
and
the
freedome
of
mans
wil
shal
be
made
manifest
.
4.
Such
is
the
force
of
suddaine
chances
,
and
vnexpected
euentes
,
as
wel
for
the
bad
successe
of
mans
affaires
,
The
superstitious
worshipp
of
Fortune
amongst
the
Gentills
.
that
the
superstitious
Gentils
imagininge
the
same
to
proceed
from
Fortune
,
did
worshipp
it
for
a
goddesse
,
perswading
them selues
that
al
the
prosperitie
,
or
aduersity
of
man
in
this
life
,
depended
principally
of
it
:
and
therfore
the
Romanes
attributing
vnto
it
al
their
felicity
,
&
the
greatnes
of
their
Empire
,
called
it
the
Nurse
,
Piller
,
Plutark
.
de
fortuna
Romanorum
.
and
Head
of
the
citty
of
Rome
,
and
dedicated
to
it
diuers
images
,
and
most
gorgeous
and
sumptuous
temples
.
5.
But
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
that
amongst
the
Gentills
,
the
ignorant
and
common
people
did
vnderstand
by
Fortune
one
thinge
;
and
the
wise
&
learned
conceaued
another
.
For
although
the
vulger
sort
imagined
that
fortune
was
a
goddesse
,
as
the
poëts
faigned
,
gouerninge
al
the
actions
&
affaires
of
men
at
her
pleasure
,
giuing
good
,
or
bad
successe
not
according
to
their
merits
or
demerits
,
but
as
it
were
by
chance
(
in
which
respect
shee
was
alwaies
painted
blind
)
yet
the
learned
and
wise
,
A●●st
.
li
.
2.
Phisico
.
held
Fortune
to
be
nothing
else
,
but
as
Aristotle
termeth
it
.
Causam
per
accidens
;
Boeti
.
li
.
3.
de
conso
.
prosa
.
A
cause
by
accident
or
chance
;
or
as
Boetius
calleth
it
,
Effectum
per
accidens
,
an
effect
by
chance
,
which
hapneth
at
vnawares
;
wherfore
the
satirical
poët
deriding
the
common
peoples
superstitious
opinion
of
Fortune
,
saith
thus
.
Iu●en
Satyr
.
10.
Nullum
numen
habes
,
si
sit
prudentia
,
sed
te
Nos
facimus
fortuna
Deam
,
coeloque
locamus
.
That
is
to
say
,
thou
fortune
hast
no
power
where
wisdome
is
,
yet
we
make
thee
a
goddesse
and
place
thee
in
heauen
.
6.
And
whereas
three
thinges
were
commonly
conceaued
to
haue
grate
power
vpon
the
councells
,
What
thinges
were
ascribed
to
fortune
by
the
Gen●ills
.
actions
,
and
liues
of
men
,
to
wit
Fortune
,
Chance
,
and
Fate
,
the
best
learned
did
distinguish
them
,
and
determine
of
them
in
this
manner
:
To
Fortune
they
ascribed
only
those
things
,
which
happen
to
men
rarely
&
vnexpected
,
whiles
they
worke
or
doe
any
thinge
by
discourse
of
reason
,
and
for
a
certaine
end
or
purpose
.
As
for
example
,
when
a
man
diggeth
the
ground
only
of
purpose
to
laye
a
foundation
of
a
buildinge
,
and
findeth
by
chance
a
treasure
which
he
did
not
looke
for
,
they
called
it
fortune
.
7.
To
Chance
Chance
.
they
ascribed
such
thinges
,
as
happen
to
men
in
like
manner
,
seeldome
and
vnexpected
,
whiles
they
are
working
or
doing
any
thinge
without
discourse
of
reason
,
and
to
no
certaine
end
or
purpose
.
As
for
example
when
any
thinge
good
or
bad
chanceth
to
a
man
whilest
he
is
sleepinge
,
or
to
infants
,
or
brute
beasts
that
doe
not
worke
by
discourse
of
reason
.
8.
To
Fate
Fate
.
or
destiny
they
did
attribute
those
effects
only
which
proceed
necessarily
from
al
superior
,
and
inferior
causes
,
connected
togeather
,
and
subordinated
one
to
an
other
,
by
the
disposition
,
&
with
the
influence
of
the
first
cause
which
is
God
.
In
which
sense
those
effects
were
called
fatal
,
which
proceed
of
the
motion
,
influence
,
and
operation
of
the
heauens
,
starres
,
planets
,
elements
,
and
other
inferiour
bodyes
subordinate
to
them
;
as
the
counterchange
of
day
&
night
,
and
of
the
seasons
of
the
yeare
,
and
al
such
effects
in
the
bodyes
of
men
,
beastes
,
and
other
earthly
creatures
,
as
are
caused
by
the
ordinary
course
,
motion
,
influence
,
The
Ancient
Philosophers
did
subiect
Fortune
,
Chance
&
Fate
,
to
the
prouidence
of
God
.
and
operation
of
al
the
said
superiour
bodyes
.
Neuertheles
the
graue
and
learned
Philosophers
did
subiect
al
these
three
,
(
to
wit
Fortune
,
Chance
,
and
Fate
)
to
the
prouidence
of
God
,
disposing
of
al
his
creatures
according
to
his
wil
and
pleasure
,
which
Cicero
affirmeth
plainely
of
the
opinion
as
wel
of
Aristotle
,
and
the
Peripatetikes
,
as
of
Plato
,
and
the
Academicks
,
of
whome
he
saith
thus
;
Cicero
.
Acad
.
quaest.
li.
1.
They
taught
that
the
soule
of
the
world
is
that
perfect
wisdome
which
we
cal
God
gouerninge
al
thinges
as
wel
in
earth
pertaining
to
men
,
as
also
in
heauen
which
(
perfect
&
deuine
wisdome
)
they
called
sometimes
necessity
or
fate
,
because
nothing
can
be
otherwise
then
it
is
determined
or
ordained
by
it
,
and
somtimes
they
called
it
fortune
by
reason
that
it
doth
or
worketh
many
thinges
which
we
cannot
foresee
,
for
that
we
are
ignorant
of
the
causes
therof
;
thus
far
Cicero
;
This
was
also
the
opinion
of
the
Stoicks
as
appeareth
euydently
in
Seneca
,
who
hauing
taught
that
the
names
of
almighty
God
,
may
be
as
many
and
different
,
as
are
his
giftes
,
or
the
effects
of
his
workes
,
concludeth
thus
;
what
soeuer
thou
callest
God
be
it
nature
,
Seneca
li.
4.
de
benefi
.
c
.
7.
fate
,
or
fortune
,
al
are
but
diuers
names
of
one
God
;
accordinge
to
the
diuers
vse
and
exercise
of
his
power
.
9.
Thus
saith
Seneca
the
famous
Stoick
according
to
the
opinion
of
the
cheefe
of
his
sect
,
which
held
as
the
Peripatetikes
,
and
Platonickes
did
,
that
God
being
the
first
cause
,
doth
gouerne
the
world
by
the
meanes
of
al
inferiour
causes
,
mouing
and
disposing
the
same
,
to
produce
effects
,
accordinge
to
their
natures
and
properties
;
Mans
frewil
not
subiect
to
fate
according
to
the
opinion
of
the
philosophers
.
wherin
neuertheles
it
is
to
be
obserued
concerning
fate
,
that
these
Philosophers
did
not
imagine
any
such
fatal
necssity
to
redound
of
the
combination
,
concurence
,
and
cooperation
of
al
these
causes
,
that
could
force
the
wil
of
man
,
or
depriue
it
of
liberty
and
free
election
in
actions
,
either
good
or
bad
,
which
election
they
affirmed
to
be
in
the
power
of
man
,
as
apeareth
not
only
in
Aristotle
(
who
proueth
the
same
notably
in
his
Ethicks
)
but
also
in
Plato
and
al
Platonicks
,
Arist
.
ethi●
.
li
.
3.
c
.
4.
al
of
them
vrging
to
that
end
;
that
otherwise
al
punishment
of
offences
were
vniust
,
al
reward
of
vertue
vndeserued
,
al
exhortations
councel
and
lawes
,
altogeather
nedeles
and
superfluous
,
which
to
say
were
most
absurd
,
and
iniurious
to
al
commonwelthes
,
and
to
humane
societye
,
yea
and
to
nature
it selfe
,
from
the
which
the
vse
thereof
floweth
as
from
their
fountaine
,
in
which
respect
al
the
grauest
and
most
learned
Philosophers
did
vtterly
reiect
the
opinion
of
the
Chaldean
Astrologers
,
who
did
attribute
a
fatal
necessity
to
the
starres
,
wherby
they
taught
men
were
compelled
to
doe
wel
or
il
with
out
any
freedome
of
election
on
their
partes
,
the
absurditie
whereof
is
most
euident
.
No
influence
of
starres
can
force
the
wil
of
man
.
10.
For
natural
reason
teacheth
that
how
soeuer
the
influence
of
the
starres
and
superiour
bodies
may
moue
,
incline
,
&
dispose
the
wil
of
man
to
affections
or
passions
,
by
reason
of
the
coniunction
that
the
soule
hath
with
the
bodie
;
(
which
is
the
proper
organ
wherby
it
worketh
)
yet
those
superiour
bodies
cannot
any
way
force
the
wil
of
man
,
because
his
soule
farre
excelleth
al
bodilie
and
corporal
thinges
,
in
dignitie
&
perfection
of
nature
,
and
therfore
cannot
be
forced
by
them
,
nor
by
any
thinge
that
is
inferiour
to
it selfe
.
In
which
respect
the
best
Philosophers
affirme
,
that
the
soule
of
man
is
so
farre
from
being
subiect
to
any
fatal
necessitie
or
compulsion
,
proceeding
either
of
the
starres
,
Plato
in
Timoeo
&
li
10.
de
rep
.
plotinus
Ennead
2
li.
3
ca.
8
&
de
.
fato
c
.
8.
&
10.
Marsil
.
Ficin
.
Argumento
in
li
.
Plotoni
de
Fato
.
c
8.
or
of
the
order
and
connexion
of
bodilie
causes
,
that
when
it
doth
not
subiect
it selfe
to
the
bodie
,
but
worketh
accordinge
to
the
rule
of
reason
,
it
is
not
onlie
it selfe
free
from
al
violence
or
force
of
fate
,
but
also
manie
times
freeth
and
exempteth
the
bodie
from
the
same
,
as
Plotinus
and
other
Platonickes
affirme
.
11.
This
also
the
best
Astrologers
(
that
haue
bene
Philosophers
withal
)
haue
of
them selues
taught
;
The
most
learned
Astrologers
did
exempt
mans
wil
from
al
constraynt
of
starres
.
as
Ptolomeus
,
who
sheweth
how
many
waies
the
inclinations
of
the
starres
may
be
auoyded
,
and
giueth
for
a
general
rule
this
knowne
sentence
;
Sapiens
dominabitur
astris
&
adiuuabit
opus
stellarum
;
A
wise
man
may
ouer-rule
the
starre●
,
and
help
them
in
their
operation
;
As
we
see
for
example
in
bodies
of
weake
constitution
by
nature
,
which
by
care
and
industrie
(
as
by
phisick
,
Ptolom
.
in
Quad●●pat
&
in
li.
de
indicijs
.
dyet
,
good
aire
)
and
such
other
meanes
are
longer
preserued
then
bodies
of
better
complection
natural
,
which
vse
not
the
same
meanes
;
also
we
see
the
like
effects
in
the
natural
conditions
of
men
,
for
that
some
of
very
had
inclination
,
according
to
their
natiuities
,
are
by
education
and
doctrine
made
good
;
Cicero
T●scul
.
qual●
l.
4.
as
we
read
of
Socrates
,
who
by
the
iudgment
of
Zopirus
the
physiognomer
,
and
also
by
his
owne
confession
was
inclined
to
al
kind
of
vice
,
though
by
philosophy
he
became
a
mirrour
of
al
moral
vertue
;
And
some
of
the
other
fide
,
that
are
of
a
very
good
disposition
natural
,
are
by
bad
education
,
il
company
,
and
counsel
,
corrupted
and
peruerted
.
12.
Bardasenes
apud
marsil
.
Picin
.
in
Summa
li
.
plotini
de
Fato
.
c
.
1.
Furthermore
Bardasenes
the
Sirian
(
who
was
him selfe
a
famous
Astrologer
)
proueth
that
the
starres
are
neither
causes
of
al
the
actions
of
men
,
neither
yet
can
force
mans
wil
.
And
amongst
diuers
other
notable
arguments
he
alleadgeth
one
most
euident
;
to
wit
,
How
Bardasenes
proued
that
the
starres
do
not
force
the
wil
of
man
.
that
al
the
people
of
euery
commonwelth
doe
vse
at
some
one
time
,
to
doe
some
one
act
either
religious
or
ciuil
,
though
they
be
euery
one
of
them
borne
vnder
a
diuers
constellation
:
as
for
example
,
the
Iewe●
doe
infallibly
circumcise
their
sonns
the
8.
day
after
they
be
bo●●e
,
&
euery
satterday
keepe
their
Sabboth
,
resting
from
al
kind
of
worke
,
as
the
Christians
also
doe
celebrate
the
Sunday
.
And
in
like
manner
the
Gentiles
had
their
feastes
which
al
of
them
kept
vniformally
vpon
certaine
daies
,
and
their
assemblies
for
election
of
offices
,
and
for
other
affaires
of
the
commonwelth
,
which
vniforme
,
and
one
act
of
so
many
men
borne
vnder
different
constellations
,
can
not
be
caused
by
the
starres
,
the
operation
and
effect
wherof
cannot
be
one
and
the
selfe
same
,
when
their
aspects
are
so
different
as
they
must
needes
be
in
the
natiuities
of
many
particuler
men
:
And
therfore
(
saith
he
)
that
one
act
proceedeth
of
their
owne
wills
moued
therto
by
discourse
of
reason
,
or
by
force
of
religion
,
lawes
,
custome
,
and
suchlike
.
13.
Moreouer
al
the
Arabian
and
Hebrew
Astrologers
doe
agree
that
the
fatall
effects
of
the
starres
,
How
many
wayes
the
force
of
the
starres
may
be
frustrated
in
the
opinion
of
the
best
Astrologers
.
are
frustrated
sometymes
,
by
the
indisposition
and
contumacy
of
the
matter
,
or
by
the
mobility
therof
;
and
somtymes
by
the
oposition
of
a
gene●al
and
vniuersal
fate
to
a
particuler
mans
fate
;
as
when
the
fate
of
any
particuler
man
is
encountred
wi●h
the
fate
of
a
whole
country
or
kingdome
wherof
he
is
a
member
;
or
when
the
ser●ants
fate
is
crossed
with
the
fate
of
his
maister
,
or
the
fate
of
the
soldiar
by
the
fate
of
his
captaine
;
Ioan
.
picus
Mirand
contra
Astrol
.
and
againe
otherwhiles
fatal
effects
are
hindred
(
say
the
Arabian
Astrologers
)
aswel
by
the
liberty
of
mans
wil
,
as
by
the
prouidence
of
God
,
which
(
as
●abbyn
Auenzram
teacheth
in
his
booke
of
natiuityes
)
doth
ouerweygh
al
fate
whatsoeuer
.
Rabbi
Auenz
.
in
initio
.
li
.
de
gauit
Trismegistus
apud
lactantium
li
.
de
origine
.
erorris
.
To
which
purpose
also
the
ancient
Hermes
Trismegistus
saith
,
Vnica
custodia
pietas
;
pium
enim
hominem
,
nec
daemon
malus
nec
fatum
tenet
;
nam
Deus
liberat
pium
ab
omni
malo
;
The
only
sure
garde
of
man
is
piety
,
for
neither
any
wicked
spirit
nor
fate
can
hold
or
bind
the
godly
man
whome
God
deliuereth
from
al
euil
.
Thus
saith
hee
.
The
vncerteinty
of
the
iudgements
of
Astrologers
by
mens
natiuities
.
14.
And
here
I
wish
to
be
noted
by
the
way
what
certainty
may
be
had
of
the
iudgments
of
Astrologers
by
mens
natiuities
,
when
al
the
fatallity
which
any
of
them
can
imagine
to
proceed
of
the
starres
,
is
so
many
wayes
euacuated
;
besides
that
Ptolomaeus
the
prince
of
Astrologers
confesseth
himselfe
,
that
no
man
is
so
skilful
in
the
art
of
Astrology
,
Ptolom
.
li
.
Apotoles
traducto
.
●
Ioan
.
Pico
.
Miran
.
Idem
in
li
.
100.
verbor
.
but
that
he
is
deceaued
many
times
,
and
that
they
only
who
are
inspired
by
almighty
God
,
can
truly
foretel
perticuler
euents
.
And
Porphyrius
who
of
al
the
Platonicks
did
most
fauour
Astrologie
,
affirmeth
that
the
spirits
which
gaue
oracles
in
times
past
,
were
them selues
deceaued
,
and
lyed
otherwhiles
when
they
iudged
of
thinges
to
come
by
the
starres
,
Chap.
1.
as
I
haue
signified
before
vpon
an
other
occasion
.
The
platoniks
teach
that
religious
acts
are
effectuos
meanes
to
diuert
al
fatal
effects
.
15.
But
to
conclude
concerninge
al
fatallity
proceeding
either
of
the
starres
,
or
of
the
connexion
of
causes
;
the
Platonicks
referring
al
effects
what
soeuer
,
either
fatal
or
accidental
to
the
disposition
of
Gods
prouidence
,
(
as
I
haue
declared
before
)
doe
teach
that
the
most
effectual
meanes
to
diuert
or
frustrate
any
fatal
effect
,
is
adoration
consisting
in
the
true
worship
of
God
,
that
is
to
say
in
deuoute
prayer
,
and
other
acts
of
sincere
and
true
Religion
,
wherby
may
be
obtained
the
fauour
and
protection
of
him
,
vpon
whose
wil
depend
al
causes
and
effects
what
soeuer
.
As
Iamblicus
the
great
platonick
teacheth
expresly
,
concluding
that
by
the
help
&
fauour
of
almighty
God
,
Iamblicus
de
misterijs
AEgip●or
.
nos
ipso●
a
fato
eximire
possumus
,
we
may
exempt
and
free
our selues
from
fate
;
as
also
that
God
being
humbly
and
sincerly
adored
,
multa
mala
repellit
,
quae
alioqui
naturaliter
euenire
,
doth
repel
and
turne
from
vs
many
euils
,
which
otherways
wold
naturally
hap
vnto
vs.
Thus
much
concerning
the
opinion
of
Philosophers
touching
Fate
,
Fortune
,
and
Chance
.
A
FVRTHER
CONSIDERATION
OF
FATE
and
Fortune
,
according
to
the
Christian
Catholike
faith
,
and
the
doctrine
of
our
holy
Scriptures
,
&
how
almighty
God
worketh
his
wil
in
the
affaires
of
men
by
casual
and
accidental
meanes
.
CHAP.
12.
I
HAVE
in
the
last
chapter
declared
the
opinion
of
the
best
Philosophers
concerning
Fortune
,
Chance
,
and
Fate
,
and
proued
that
though
they
taught
some
thinges
casual
and
accidental
;
yet
they
acknowledged
with
al
,
both
the
libertie
of
mans
wil
,
and
also
the
supereminent
power
of
Gods
prouidence
,
And
now
in
this
chapter
I
wil
breefly
shew
howe
the
same
agreeth
with
our
Christian
Catholike
faith
,
and
debate
some
other
thinges
pertaining
to
this
matter
.
2.
S.
Augustine
,
though
he
reiect
the
name
both
of
Fortune
,
and
Fate
,
as
neither
wel
vnderstood
by
the
common
sorte
,
nor
wel
vsed
of
poëts
,
and
some
others
that
professed
learning
,
yet
in
substance
he
agreeth
with
the
opinion
of
the
best
and
most
learned
Philosophers
saying
of
Fortune
thus
.
Fortune
is
vnderstood
to
be
in
those
thinges
which
seeme
to
hap
by
chance
,
Aug.
quaest.
super
Genesin
.
li.
1.
not
because
Fortune
is
any
deuine
power
,
but
because
such
accidents
,
doe
by
the
ordinance
of
God
proceede
from
causes
that
are
secret
and
vnknowne
to
vs.
And
againe
in
an
other
place
;
Aug.
li
.
5.
de
ciuit
.
Dei
.
ca.
9.
we
Christians
(
saith
hee
)
doe
not
affirme
that
those
causes
which
are
said
to
proceede
of
fortune
,
are
no
causes
at
al
,
but
that
they
are
secret
and
●idden
from
vs
,
and
therfore
we
doe
attribute
them
to
the
wil
,
either
of
almighty
God
or
of
some
spirits
.
Thus
farre
S.
Augustine
,
giuing
to
vnderstand
that
the
suddaine
and
vnexpected
chances
which
are
called
effects
of
Fortune
,
doe
particulerly
proceed
from
the
prouidence
of
God
,
vsing
the
ministry
of
spirits
or
other
creatures
,
for
the
execution
of
his
wil
.
3.
And
as
concerning
Fate
;
wheras
some
vnderstand
the
same
to
consist
only
in
the
constellation
of
the
starres
,
(
as
I
haue
signified
before
)
and
some
thought
it
to
proceede
of
the
order
and
connexion
of
al
,
S.
Augustins
doctrin
concerning
fate
.
as
wel
inferiour
as
superiour
causes
;
the
first
he
vtterly
reiecteth
,
and
the
later
he
admitteth
in
some
sorte
,
to
wit
,
so
that
neither
the
freedome
of
mans
wil
,
nor
the
prouidence
of
God
be
denyed
thereby
,
wherein
neuertheles
he
alloweth
not
the
name
of
fate
,
as
a
word
not
to
be
vsed
amongst
Christians
;
Aug.
l●
.
de
ciuit
.
De●
li
.
9.
therfore
he
saith
.
Omnia
fato
fieri
;
&c.
we
Christians
doe
not
say
that
al
thinges
are
donne
by
fate
,
nay
we
rather
affirme
that
nothinge
is
done
by
fate
;
For
we
shew
that
the
very
name
of
fate
is
vaine
,
and
to
no
purpose
,
as
it
is
commonly
vsed
and
vnderstood
to
be
in
the
constellation
of
the
starres
,
wherin
euery
man
is
borne
or
conceiued
,
and
yet
neuertheles
we
doe
not
deny
the
order
and
connexion
of
causes
wherin
the
wil
of
God
is
most
potent
,
but
we
doe
not
cal
that
order
by
the
name
of
fate
.
Thus
far
S.
Augustine
,
who
also
a
litle
after
,
to
shew
that
no
order
or
connexion
of
causes
(
which
the
Philosophers
called
fate
)
can
necessitate
or
force
the
wil
of
man
,
Idem
.
saith
thus
.
It
doth
not
follow
that
because
God
hath
ordained
a
certaine
order
of
causes
,
therfore
there
is
nothing
in
the
arbitrement
or
power
of
our
wills
,
which
wills
beinge
the
causes
of
our
workes
and
actions
,
are
to
be
reckoned
amongst
the
causes
which
God
hath
ordained
.
Thus
saith
this
learned
Father
;
signifying
,
that
seing
God
hath
giuen
freedome
to
our
wills
,
and
ordained
that
they
shal
be
causes
of
our
actions
,
it
is
as
natural
to
them
to
worke
freely
and
with
out
compulsion
of
any
other
cause
,
as
to
fyer
to
heate
,
or
water
to
wet
,
or
to
other
causes
to
produce
their
natural
effects
.
How
Christians
ought
to
vnderstand
the
word
fate
.
4.
Lastly
to
shew
to
what
cause
al
these
thinges
,
that
are
called
fatal
are
to
be
referred
,
and
what
we
Christians
ought
to
vnderstand
by
this
word
fate
;
he
saith
thus
.
If
any
man
doe
attribute
this
effect
to
fate
,
calling
the
wil
and
power
of
God
by
the
name
of
fate
;
Sententiam
teneat
,
Aug.
li
.
3.
de
ciuit
Dei
cap
1.
linguam
corrigat
,
let
him
hold
his
opinion
,
and
correct
his
speach
.
Thus
farre
S.
Augustine
,
To
whom
I
wil
adde
one
other
witnes
of
our
christian
doctrine
concerning
fate
,
to
wit
the
famous
S.
Gregory
the
greate
(
from
whome
we
Englishmen
receaued
the
Christian
faith
)
who
hauinge
signified
that
certaine
hereticks
called
Priscillianistae
taught
that
euery
man
is
borne
vnder
a
certaine
constellation
of
the
starres
,
S.
Gregoryes
doctrin
concerning
fate
.
Grego
.
Hom.
10.
in
Euang
.
luc
.
which
they
held
to
be
his
fate
,
or
destiny
,
addeth
these
words
:
Sed
absit
a
cordibus
fidelium
&c.
But
let
it
be
farre
from
the
harts
of
Christianes
to
thinke
or
say
that
any
thinge
is
fate
or
destiny
;
for
he
only
who
created
man
gouerneth
his
life
;
and
man
was
not
made
for
the
starres
,
but
the
starres
for
man
;
And
therfore
if
the
starres
were
the
fate
or
destiny
of
man
,
it
should
follow
,
that
man
should
be
subiect
to
those
thinges
,
which
are
ordayned
for
his
seruice
;
Thus
saith
S.
Gregory
,
agreeinge
both
with
S.
Augustine
,
&
also
with
the
old
and
best
philosophers
in
substance
of
opinion
concerning
fate
,
and
reiecting
the
verie
name
thereof
with
S
Augustine
,
because
the
common
people
aswel
amongst
Christians
,
as
amongst
the
Painyms
vsed
the
same
too
prophanely
.
In
which
respect
also
S.
Augustine
reiecteth
the
name
of
Fortune
,
S.
Augustin
reiecteth
the
very
name
of
fortune
as
not
to
be
vsed
of
Christians
.
so
farre
disallowinge
the
vse
therof
,
that
in
his
later
daies
,
when
he
censured
al
his
workes
and
writings
,
he
retracted
the
same
in
a
booke
of
his
written
when
he
was
a
young
man
,
&
newly
become
a
Christian
,
wherof
he
saith
thus
.
5.
Non
placet
mihi
,
&c.
Aug.
li
.
Retract
.
ca.
4.
It
displeaseth
me
that
in
that
worke
I
named
Fortune
so
oft
,
though
I
meant
not
therby
any
goddesse
,
but
the
accidental
euent
of
thinges
,
wher
vpon
these
words
are
commonly
vsed
in
speach
,
perhaps
,
peraduenture
,
perchance
,
&c.
al
which
neuertheles
are
to
be
referred
to
the
deuine
prouidence
;
Thus
saith
he
to
teach
vs
that
it
is
the
duty
of
Christians
,
not
only
to
auoid
the
prophane
opinions
of
the
pagans
,
concerning
fate
and
fortune
,
but
also
their
prophane
manner
of
speach
,
or
writing
therof
.
The
profane
vse
of
the
words
Fate
and
Fortune
ouer
common
at
these
daies
.
What
then
would
he
say
if
he
were
now
liuing
,
and
saw
the
writinges
of
some
Christians
of
no
smal
estimation
,
aswel
historiographers
as
others
,
who
not
with
standing
the
aboundant
matter
,
and
occasion
that
the
subiects
which
they
handle
doe
offer
vnto
them
,
to
obserue
the
course
of
Gods
prouidence
;
doe
seldome
or
neuer
speake
therof
,
but
referre
al
kind
of
effects
and
accidents
to
fate
or
fortune
,
more
prophanely
then
many
of
the
Painyms
were
wont
to
doe
,
in
whom
a
man
shal
find
very
pious
and
religious
obseruations
of
Gods
infinit
wisdome
,
prouidence
,
and
iustice
;
Truly
if
S.
Augustine
(
I
say
)
were
liuing
and
should
see
such
workes
,
he
would
not
thinke
them
fit
to
be
read
of
Christians
.
6.
But
now
to
proceede
,
and
to
leaue
a
parte
the
consideration
of
fate
or
destiny
,
and
to
speake
a
litle
more
of
Fortune
,
or
Chance
,
The
effects
of
fortune
attributed
to
God
by
holy
scriptures
.
according
to
the
sense
and
doctrine
of
the
holy
Scriptures
the
wisest
and
most
learned
Philosophers
,
(
as
before
I
haue
declared
)
called
almighty
God
Fortune
,
acknowledging
therby
that
from
his
prouidence
proceedeth
al
the
variety
of
prosperitie
and
aduersitie
,
and
al
the
good
and
bad
successe
which
the
superstition
of
ignorant
men
did
commonly
ascribe
to
Fortune
.
And
although
our
holy
scriptures
doe
not
apply
the
prophane
name
of
Fortune
to
the
in
finite
maiesty
of
God
,
yet
they
attribute
vnto
him
al
the
effects
therof
,
1.
Reg
.
cap
.
2.
and
therfore
they
say
;
Dominus
mortificat
,
&c.
Our
Lord
doth
mortify
and
reuiue
,
empouerish
and
enritch
;
humilitate
and
exalt
,
raise
the
needy
from
the
dust
,
and
the
poore
from
the
durt
,
that
he
may
sit
with
princes
and
possesse
a
seat
of
glory
;
for
to
our
lord
belong
the
thrasholds
or
limits
of
the
earth
.
7.
Hereof
the
Scriptures
also
doe
aford
vs
infinite
examples
,
by
the
which
the
course
of
Gods
most
particuler
prouidence
(
in
matters
that
are
commonly
ascribed
to
Fortune
or
Chance
)
is
represented
as
it
were
in
a
glasse
,
Al
goods
imparted
to
man
by
Gods
prouidence
.
to
the
eyes
of
the
Christian
reader
,
who
may
learne
therby
how
almighty
God
the
author
and
fountaine
of
al
goodnes
,
doth
impart
to
men
not
only
the
goods
which
are
called
,
Bona
animi
&
corporis
,
The
Goods
of
the
body
and
of
the
mind
(
as
knowledge
,
learning
,
wisdome
,
strength
,
beauty
and
such
like
,
)
but
also
Bona
fortunae
,
the
goods
of
fortune
,
(
as
riches
dignitie
,
honour
.
&c.
God
gaue
to
Sampson
exceeding
strength
,
to
Iudith
extraordinarie
beauty
,
Iud.
ca.
14.15.16
.
Iudith
ca.
10.
3.
Reg
.
ca.
3.
and
to
Salomon
not
only
admirable
wisdome
and
knowledge
,
but
also
infinit
riches
.
And
as
for
the
varietie
of
prosperous
and
aduerse
Fortune
,
the
holy
scriptures
also
teach
vs
,
that
the
same
depend
wholy
vpon
the
hand
and
prouidence
of
almighty
God
.
This
we
see
in
Iob
,
most
fortunate
for
a
time
in
his
owne
person
,
Iob
.
1.2
.
&
24.
in
his
wife
,
children
,
freends
,
and
substance
,
and
againe
for
a
while
most
vnfortunate
and
miserable
in
al
,
and
yet
in
the
end
more
rich
and
prosperous
then
euer
,
who
in
the
midst
of
his
miserie
and
losses
,
did
comfort
himselfe
with
the
consideration
of
Dominus
dedit
Dominus
abstulit
;
Our
lord
gaue
it
and
our
lord
hath
taken
it
a
way
.
wherein
it
is
also
to
be
noted
,
that
the
diuel
desiring
to
afflict
him
,
could
not
touch
him
or
any
thing
of
his
,
without
the
particuler
lycence
of
almighty
God
.
8.
In
like
manner
the
wonderful
wisdome
and
particuler
prouidence
of
God
appeareth
no
lesse
in
the
strange
and
variable
accidents
that
hapned
to
Ioseph
,
Genes
.
ca.
37.39.41
.
&
42.
sold
for
a
slaue
by
his
owne
bretheren
,
transported
in
to
Egipt
to
a
kinges
pallace
,
and
from
thence
to
a
prison
,
there
fettered
and
manacled
for
a
time
,
and
yet
afterwards
exalted
to
the
principal
and
chiefe
charge
of
a
kingdome
,
wherupon
followed
the
conseruation
,
Exod
.
cap
.
2.3.4.5.6
.
not
only
of
his
father
,
but
also
of
his
brethren
that
solde
him
.
What
should
I
speake
of
Moyses
exposed
in
his
infancy
in
a
basket
to
the
mercy
of
a
riuer
,
found
and
taken
vp
by
a
kinges
daughter
,
nourished
as
her
sonne
,
then
forced
to
flee
,
for
the
slaughter
of
a
man
,
1.
Reg
.
cap
.
16.
2.
Reg
.
cap
.
2.16.17.22.23
.
and
yet
in
the
end
aduanced
to
be
captaine
general
and
gouernour
of
the
people
of
God
to
deliuer
them
from
captiuity
.
Or
what
neede
I
speake
of
Saul
who
as
he
was
seeking
his
fathers
asses
.
was
anoynted
king
by
the
prophet
,
obeyed
by
the
people
,
prosperous
for
a
while
,
and
yet
in
the
end
miserably
slaine
in
a
battaile
against
the
Philistines
.
Or
of
Dauid
transferred
from
a
sheephooke
to
a
scepter
,
victorious
against
al
forreyne
enemies
,
yet
persecuted
by
his
owne
sonne
,
driuen
out
of
his
pallace
,
dispised
,
and
reuiled
by
his
subiects
,
and
afterwards
restored
to
his
former
tranquillity
,
peace
,
and
dignity
.
Dan
.
cap
.
4.
Or
of
Nabuchodonosor
deiected
and
cast
downe
from
his
Imperial
throne
to
the
company
of
brute
beasts
for
a
time
,
and
yet
afterwards
raised
againe
to
his
ancient
state
,
dominion
,
and
glory
.
Esth.
cap
.
3.
&
7.
Or
of
Aman
most
potent
for
a
while
by
the
fauor
of
Assuerus
,
and
at
last
vpon
a
suddaine
hanged
vpon
the
gallous
that
hee
had
prepared
for
poore
Mardochaeus
.
In
al
which
the
holy
Scriptures
doe
manifestly
represent
vnto
vs
the
admirable
prouidence
of
God
,
though
such
like
effects
are
commonly
attributed
to
fortune
or
chance
.
9.
But
what
neede
I
(
I
say
)
alleadge
these
examples
out
of
our
holy
Scriptures
,
seing
that
from
the
begininge
to
the
end
,
they
are
nothing
else
but
as
it
were
a
perfect
and
liuely
portrait
of
the
diuine
prouidence
,
The
infinite
wisdome
of
God
in
disposing
of
al
thinges
.
expressing
the
abstruse
and
hidden
councels
of
almighty
God
,
and
the
inscrutable
course
which
he
holdeth
in
the
disposition
of
mens
affaires
,
thereby
to
teach
vs
where
vnto
al
the
mutations
and
changes
,
the
good
and
il
successe
,
and
the
suddaine
chances
and
euents
which
so
diuersly
distract
the
states
of
man
,
are
to
be
referred
;
Wherby
we
may
also
learne
how
sweetly
his
infynit
wisdome
disposeth
al
thinges
,
working
his
holy
wil
not
only
in
his
creatures
,
but
also
by
them
,
making
them
his
instruments
and
ministers
;
yet
in
such
sort
that
the
effects
which
are
seene
,
doe
not
seeme
to
proceed
from
him
,
but
are
commonly
attributed
to
the
next
and
imediate
causes
,
when
the
same
are
apparant
,
which
we
may
obserue
not
only
in
the
common
speach
of
men
,
but
also
in
the
holy
scriptures
themselues
.
10.
As
for
example
,
we
reade
that
almighty
God
signified
to
Salomon
,
1.
Reg
.
cap
.
11.
that
for
his
Idolatry
his
kingdome
should
be
deuided
,
in
his
sonnes
tyme
,
and
that
the
prophet
Ahias
Salonites
also
during
Salomons
raigne
,
tould
Hieroboam
(
who
was
after
king
of
Israel
)
that
God
would
giue
him
ten
of
the
twelue
trybes
,
which
Salomon
gouerned
,
and
that
only
two
tribes
should
remaine
to
Roboam
Salomons
sonne
:
3.
Reg
.
11.
yet
when
this
came
to
be
executed
the
scripture
declareth
that
Hieroboam
&
the
ten
tribes
deuided
themselues
from
Roboam
,
because
he
refused
the
councel
of
old
men
(
who
aduised
him
to
content
the
people
)
and
followed
the
aduise
of
young
men
who
had
bene
brought
vp
with
him
:
The
effects
of
Gods
prouidence
attributed
often
to
the
next
and
immediate
causes
.
and
councelled
him
to
giue
them
hard
answeres
;
which
indeed
was
the
next
and
imediate
cause
of
their
rebellion
,
though
the
first
and
principal
cause
was
the
ordinance
of
God
for
Salomons
synne
,
and
therfore
the
Scripture
saith
in
the
same
place
,
that
;
Non
acquieuit
rex
&c.
The
kinge
did
not
giue
contentment
to
the
people
,
Ibid
.
&
paralipcap
.
11.
because
God
had
cast
him
of
,
to
the
end
it
might
be
fulfilled
,
which
the
Prophet
had
foretould
to
Hieroboam
;
And
when
Roboam
had
assembled
a
mighty
army
of
a
hundreth
and
fourescore
thousand
to
fight
against
Hieroboam
and
the
10.
trybes
that
followed
him
,
God
commanded
the
prophet
Semeias
to
forbid
him
to
fyght
with
Hieroboam
,
Ibid
.
Quia
mea
hoc
gestum
est
voluntate
.
Because
(
saith
almighty
God
)
it
was
done
by
my
wil
.
Loe
here
how
the
reuolt
of
the
10.
trybes
from
Roboam
seemed
to
proceed
only
of
his
error
,
though
it
proceeded
principally
from
the
wil
of
God
,
who
serued
himselfe
of
Roboams
error
,
as
of
a
meanes
to
punish
in
him
,
as
wel
his
owne
sinnes
,
as
the
sinne
of
Salomon
his
father
.
11.
In
like
manner
when
some
second
and
imediate
cause
is
not
aparant
and
euident
,
How
the
effect
of
Gods
prouidence
is
attributed
to
Chanc●
.
the
effect
is
commonly
attributed
to
Chance
,
which
also
may
be
obserued
in
the
holy
scriptures
,
wherof
I
wil
alleadge
some
few
examples
,
to
shew
therby
how
almighty
God
vseth
casual
meanes
for
the
execution
of
his
wil
.
We
reade
that
two
phophets
at
seueral
tymes
tould
king
Achab
from
almighty
God
,
that
he
should
dye
a
violent
and
blouddy
death
,
for
spilling
the
inocent
blood
of
Nabath
and
sparing
Benadad
king
of
Siria
;
and
afterwards
when
he
went
to
fyght
against
the
Sirians
,
Michaeas
the
prophet
also
tould
him
that
he
should
be
killed
in
the
battaile
,
in
so
much
that
he
said
;
Si
reuersus
fueris
in
pace
non
est
locutus
in
me
Dominus
.
3.
Reg
.
ca.
22.
Paral
.
ca.
18.
If
thou
retourne
aliue
our
lord
hath
not
spoken
in
me
.
Neuertheles
afterwards
when
the
scripture
declareth
how
he
was
killed
,
it
saieth
thus
?
Vir
quidam
tetendit
arcum
in
incertum
saggittam
dirigens
,
&
casu
percussit
Regem
Israel
&c.
A
certaine
man
bent
his
bow
,
and
shooting
his
arrow
at
randome
strooke
the
king
of
Israel
by
chance
;
So
that
almighty
God
executed
his
holy
wil
vpon
Achab
by
Chance
;
yea
and
signifieth
the
same
in
his
scriptures
in
such
sorte
,
as
nothing
could
seeme
to
be
more
casual
,
or
accidental
,
though
it
was
his
special
ordynance
long
before
.
12.
The
like
also
may
be
noted
in
the
booke
of
Machabees
;
for
when
Iudas
Machabaeus
fought
against
Gorgias
,
it
is
signified
there
as
a
matter
of
Chance
,
that
some
of
the
Soldiars
of
Iudas
were
killed
.
Contigit
(
saith
the
text
)
paucos
ruere
Iudeorum
:
2.
Machab
.
12.
It
chanced
that
a
few
of
the
Iewes
were
slaine
;
Neuertheles
it
appeareth
afterwards
that
it
was
Gods
particuler
iustice
and
iudgement
vpon
them
,
for
there
were
found
vnder
their
cloakes
some
thinges
that
had
bene
offered
to
Idols
,
which
they
had
secretly
brought
before
from
lamnia
,
and
therfore
the
Scripture
saith
afterwards
;
Ibid
.
Omnibus
●●go
manifestum
est
ob
hanc
causam
eos
corruisse
;
It
was
therefore
manifest
to
al
men
,
that
they
were
slayne
for
this
cause
.
13.
Wherto
I
may
adde
for
more
euident
proofe
,
The
effects
of
gods
prouidence
wrought
often
by
most
casual
meanes
.
&
the
better
explication
of
this
matter
,
that
we
find
also
many
times
in
the
holy
scriptures
,
that
almighty
God
vsed
otherwhiles
to
execute
his
iustice
,
and
sometimes
to
worke
other
effects
of
his
●rouidence
,
by
the
most
casual
and
accidental
meanes
that
may
●e
,
to
wit
,
by
lotts
,
as
when
the
marriners
did
cast
lotts
in
a
great
tempest
to
find
out
the
cause
therof
,
Ionae
.
c
.
1.
and
the
lot
fel
vpon
Ionas
whom
God
ordained
to
punish
for
refusing
to
preach
to
the
Niniuits
.
Iosuae
.
7.
And
Acham
hauing
stolen
part
of
the
spoyle
of
Hierecho
was
by
the
special
commandement
of
God
discouered
by
a
lot
,
and
put
to
death
for
his
offence
.
14
,
Also
Saul
being
assigned
by
almighty
,
1
Reg
.
10.
God
to
be
King
and
annointed
by
Samuel
,
was
chosen
neuertheles
by
way
of
lots
.
And
finally
the
Apostles
them selues
did
cast
lottes
to
choose
Matthias
to
supply
the
place
of
Iudas
,
which
election
they
tooke
to
be
the
special
worke
of
God
,
&
therfore
they
said
.
Ostende
Domine
quem
elegeris
ex
his
duobus
.
Act.
1.
Shew
o
lord
which
of
these
two
thou
hast
chosen
.
Such
then
and
so
particuler
is
the
prouidence
of
God
,
that
euen
those
thinges
which
seeme
to
be
most
accidental
,
are
directed
,
and
guided
by
him
for
the
execution
of
his
wil
in
the
most
important
affayres
of
men
,
yea
and
of
his
owne
spouse
the
Church
.
15.
Therfore
we
may
not
so
referre
the
effects
which
we
see
,
&
the
successe
of
mens
actions
,
Nothing
casual
o●
accidental
to
the
will
of
God
.
to
inferiour
causes
,
or
to
chance
,
that
we
deny
therin
the
wil
&
prouidence
of
God
,
to
whome
nothing
is
casual
or
accidental
,
he
being
the
first
cause
from
the
which
proceede
al
other
causes
and
effects
,
and
who
serueth
himselfe
of
them
for
the
working
of
his
wil
,
giuing
such
successe
to
the
intentions
and
actions
of
men
,
God
disposeth
of
the
actions
as
wel
of
good
as
bad
men
,
acording
to
his
secret
and
iust
iudgements
,
&
not
according
to
their
intentions
.
be
they
good
or
badde
,
as
for
his
owne
glory
,
and
the
execution
of
his
secret
iudgments
is
most
conuenient
;
And
therfore
as
he
permitteth
the
sinns
and
errours
of
euil
men
,
to
vse
and
turne
them
to
his
seruice
;
so
doth
he
many
times
frustrate
the
good
designments
and
indeauors
of
holy
and
good
men
,
when
the
same
are
different
from
those
ends
,
which
he
in
his
deuine
prouidence
and
secret
iudgments
hath
proiected
.
16.
This
hath
bene
most
euident
in
diuers
vnfortunate
expeditions
of
Christian
Princes
against
the
Saracens
and
Turkes
,
namely
of
Lewis
,
the
9.
kinge
of
France
.
A
man
so
admirable
for
his
vertue
,
Paul
.
Emilius
in
Lodouic
.
9.
and
so
glorious
for
his
miracles
both
in
his
life
,
and
after
his
death
,
that
he
was
canonized
,
and
is
serued
in
the
Church
of
God
for
a
Sainte
;
who
neuertheles
making
two
voyages
against
the
Infidels
,
The
euil
successe
of
two
expeditions
of
S.
Lewes
of
France
against
the
infidels
.
the
one
into
Egipt
&
the
other
into
Barbarie
.
was
in
the
first
,
after
many
calamities
bothe
by
sea
and
lande
,
ouerthrowne
with
his
whole
army
,
and
forced
to
redeemne
his
life
and
liberty
,
with
such
conditions
as
it
pleased
Gods
enemies
to
impose
vpon
him
:
and
in
the
later
voyage
he
dyed
of
the
plague
,
which
so
afflicted
the
whole
campe
of
the
Christian
Princes
his
confederats
,
that
they
were
forced
to
raise
their
seige
from
Tunes
,
when
they
had
brought
it
to
extremity
.
And
in
both
the
voyages
such
was
the
misery
of
the
Christians
by
shipwrack
at
sea
,
and
by
famine
and
pestilence
on
land
,
that
it
seemed
God
fought
for
his
enemies
against
them
,
so
terrible
and
inscrutable
are
his
iudgments
.
17.
Paulus
AEmilius
in
Lodouico
7.
Sigon
.
de
regno
Italiae
.
an
.
1147.
The
like
hath
chanced
also
in
other
expeditions
of
Christian
kinges
and
Emperours
,
for
the
recouerie
of
the
holy
land
;
wherof
one
was
made
at
the
motion
,
and
instant
solicitation
of
S.
Bernard
,
who
hauing
perswaded
Lewis
the
7.
king
of
France
to
vndertake
the
same
,
The
euil
successe
of
an
other
expedition
made
for
the
recouerie
of
the
holy
land
by
the
solicitacion
of
S.
Bernard
.
induced
also
Conrade
the
Emperour
and
many
other
princes
therto
,
partely
by
preaching
,
and
partly
by
many
wonderful
miracles
which
he
did
at
a
dyete
held
at
Spyre
in
Germany
;
and
yet
the
successe
therof
was
so
bad
,
that
the
holy
man
incurred
much
disgrace
and
obloquie
,
which
he
bore
with
greate
patience
,
saying
,
that
seing
the
weaknes
of
men
was
such
,
that
they
would
needes
accuse
either
God
or
him
for
their
il
successe
,
he
was
content
to
beare
the
blame
that
God
might
be
excused
.
And
yet
neuertheles
it
pleased
God
to
cleare
him
shortly
after
of
that
imputation
,
by
a
publike
miracle
,
for
a
blind
child
being
brought
vnto
him
by
his
parents
to
be
restored
to
his
sight
,
he
desired
publikely
of
almighty
God
,
Guliel
.
Abbat
In
vita
sancti
Bernardi
.
li
.
3.
c
.
4.
that
if
his
deuine
maiestie
did
moue
him
to
perswade
the
voyage
to
the
holie
land
,
yea
and
did
cooperate
with
him
therin
,
that
then
it
would
please
him
to
restore
sight
vnto
the
child
,
or
otherwise
not
,
where
vpon
the
child
recouered
his
sight
presentlie
,
and
al
men
admired
no
lesse
the
sanctitie
of
the
holy
man
,
then
the
secret
iudgments
of
almighty
God
,
who
had
made
him
his
instrument
to
procure
the
execution
of
his
iustice
vpon
his
owne
people
.
18.
We
read
in
like
manner
,
Iudic
.
c
.
20.
The
children
of
Israel
twise
ouerthrown
although
God
appointed
them
a
captayn
&
bad
them
geue
battaile
.
of
two
great
ouerthrowes
giuen
to
the
children
of
Israel
,
not
withstanding
that
at
both
times
almighty
God
himselfe
encouraged
them
to
giue
battaile
to
their
enemies
,
yea
and
the
first
time
appointed
them
a
captaine
or
leader
,
for
the
iust
reuenge
of
an
enormious
iniurie
done
vnto
them
by
the
tribe
of
Beniamin
,
which
reuenge
neuertheles
it
pleased
not
God
to
giue
them
,
vntil
he
had
first
punished
them
by
the
hands
of
their
enemies
for
their
owne
offences
,
so
that
God
disposeth
not
alwaies
of
the
successe
of
mens
actions
according
to
their
good
or
bad
intentions
,
but
according
to
his
owne
secret
and
iust
iudgments
,
prospering
sometimes
the
bad
designments
of
euil
men
,
and
ouerthrowing
the
good
endeauours
of
his
seruants
,
as
for
his
owne
greater
glorie
,
and
the
reward
,
exercise
and
punishment
of
them
or
of
others
,
by
the
meanes
it
seemeth
to
his
wisdome
most
conuenient
;
And
yet
alwayes
soe
,
as
neither
the
wicked
by
their
good
successe
shal
escape
the
punishment
due
to
their
bad
intentions
,
or
actions
;
nor
the
good
shal
loose
the
merit
and
reward
of
their
good
meaninges
&
labours
,
though
they
succeede
neuer
so
il
in
the
sight
of
men
.
19.
Thus
then
I
haue
sufficiently
declared
,
what
are
Fate
,
Fortune
,
and
Chance
,
and
that
they
no
way
empeach
the
freedome
of
mans
wil
,
and
much
les
the
course
of
Gods
prouidence
,
where
vpon
they
principally
depend
.
I
haue
also
shewed
that
almighty
God
serueth
himselfe
as
wel
of
al
casual
and
natural
causes
,
as
of
the
good
or
bad
designmentes
of
his
seruants
,
or
enemies
,
giuing
such
successe
there
vnto
,
as
for
his
owne
glorie
,
and
the
execution
of
his
holy
wil
,
and
iust
iudgments
,
is
most
requisite
.
And
therfore
I
wil
now
proceede
to
proue
the
insufficiencie
of
man
for
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
,
by
euident
examples
of
Councels
,
pollicies
,
and
attempts
,
of
the
wisest
and
most
potent
Politikes
,
deluded
by
suddaine
chances
,
and
vnexpected
euents
,
or
rather
by
Gods
prouidence
,
vsing
the
same
,
as
a
meanes
to
worke
his
wil
,
and
to
make
men
see
their
owne
weaknes
.
DIVERS
EXAMPLES
OF
SVNDRY
ACCIdents
wherby
great
plots
and
designments
of
great
Politikes
haue
bene
dissipated
,
and
ouerthrowne
:
and
concerning
policyes
that
for
a
time
haue
bene
profitable
,
and
in
the
end
haue
proued
pernicious
.
CHAP.
13.
WEE
reade
in
Plutarke
that
the
people
of
Sicily
being
oppressed
with
diuers
tirants
,
Plut.
in
Timoleon
.
An
attempt
against
Timoleon
ouerthroun
by
a
strange
accident
.
craued
assistance
of
the
Corinthians
,
who
sent
them
for
their
succour
a
captaine
of
theirs
called
Timoleō
a
man
famous
not
only
for
military
discipline
,
but
also
for
moral
vertue
&
piety
.
This
Timoleō
had
within
a
while
so
good
successe
,
that
the
tyrants
dispairing
euer
to
be
able
,
either
to
ouercome
him
,
or
to
defend
them selues
by
force
,
one
of
them
called
Icetes
suborned
a
coople
of
desperat
companions
to
kil
him
,
who
perswading
them selues
that
they
might
best
performe
it
,
as
he
should
be
sacrificing
vnto
his
Gods
,
and
wholy
attentiue
to
his
deuotions
,
watched
an
opportunity
for
that
purpose
;
and
finding
him
one
day
in
the
temple
readie
to
sacrifice
,
they
drew
neere
him
to
execute
their
intent
;
but
as
they
were
readie
to
strike
him
,
one
of
the
standers
by
,
who
suspected
nothing
of
their
intention
,
vpon
a
suddaine
gaue
one
of
the
conspiratours
such
a
mortal
wound
,
that
he
fel
dead
in
the
place
:
the
other
seeing
his
fellow
killed
,
&
thinking
that
the
conspiracy
was
discouered
,
fled
to
the
Altar
,
tooke
hold
therof
,
craued
pardon
of
the
Gods
and
of
Timoleon
,
&
promised
that
if
he
would
saue
his
life
,
he
would
discouer
al
the
practise
;
in
the
meane
time
he
that
killed
the
other
conspiratour
being
fled
,
was
taken
&
brought
backe
,
calling
God
&
man
to
witnes
that
he
had
done
nothing
but
a
most
iust
and
lawful
act
,
in
killing
him
that
had
killed
his
father
,
which
being
knowne
to
some
that
were
present
,
&
testified
by
them
to
be
true
,
filled
al
the
assistants
with
admiration
of
Gods
prouidence
,
who
by
such
a
suddaine
and
vnexpected
accident
,
had
not
only
ouerthrowne
the
pernitious
plot
,
and
designment
of
the
wicked
tirant
,
and
preserued
Timoleon
,
but
also
had
executed
his
iustice
vpon
a
murderer
.
The
definition
of
Fortune
according
to
the
platonicks
.
Plut.
Ibid
.
2.
Hereupon
Plutark
maketh
a
notable
discourse
of
Fortune
following
the
opinion
of
the
Platonicks
,
concerning
the
same
(
which
they
define
to
be
,
Demoniacum
potestatem
&c.
An
angelical
power
connecting
diuers
and
different
causes
to
produce
some
effect
)
and
therfore
he
noteth
in
this
historie
how
the
good
Angel
of
Timoleon
,
Proclus
in
Comment
.
in
Timaeum
.
did
for
his
preseruation
assemble
,
and
,
as
it
were
,
chayn
togeather
thinges
that
had
of
themselues
no
coherence
,
making
one
of
them
,
the
begining
of
an
other
.
For
although
the
murder
of
his
father
that
killed
the
conspiratour
,
had
no
connexion
with
this
conspiracy
against
Timoleon
;
yet
,
neither
that
murder
had
bene
reuenged
,
if
this
conspiracy
had
not
followed
,
nor
yet
this
conspiracy
had
bene
discouered
and
ouerthrowne
,
but
by
the
occasion
of
that
murder
committed
longe
before
.
Plutarck
ascribeth
the
preseruation
of
Timoleon
to
the
prouidence
of
God
by
the
meanes
of
his
good
angel
.
Philip
.
Comin
.
ca.
58.
Thus
discourseth
Plutark
vpon
this
accident
,
which
although
he
referred
to
Fortune
(
speaking
therof
according
to
the
opinion
of
Platonicks
)
yet
he
ascribed
it
principally
to
the
prouidence
of
God
,
who
by
the
ministry
of
a
good
Angel
protected
and
preserued
his
seruant
Tymoleon
,
in
respect
of
his
great
piety
&
deuotion
,
And
this
being
wel
vnderstood
,
is
no
way
repugnant
to
our
Christian
and
Catholike
doctrine
.
An
other
example
of
a
great
designment
of
Charles
duke
of
Bur●undie
ouerth●own
by
a
chance
.
3.
But
to
come
to
examples
nerer
our
time
,
Charles
Duke
of
Burgundy
being
at
warre
with
Lewis
the
11.
kinge
of
France
,
had
for
his
confederats
the
dukes
of
Guienne
and
Brittany
,
wherof
the
first
was
the
kinges
owne
brother
,
and
hauing
bene
in
former
times
twise
deceaued
by
the
said
King
with
false
treaties
,
and
now
desirous
to
quite
him
with
the
like
,
offered
him
to
abandon
his
two
confederats
vpon
condition
,
that
he
would
restore
vnto
him
certaine
townes
which
he
had
of
his
vpon
the
frontiers
,
aduertising
his
confederats
in
the
meane
time
,
that
his
meaning
was
not
to
forsake
them
,
or
to
keepe
any
conuenant
with
the
Kinge
,
but
only
to
recouer
his
owne
,
and
then
to
delude
him
as
he
had
bene
deluded
before
by
him
.
The
Kinge
suspecting
no
deceit
,
accorded
to
the
conditions
,
and
sent
his
Embassadours
to
Duke
Charles
to
take
his
oath
,
for
the
performance
of
the
couenants
on
his
parte
,
the
Duke
sware
,
or
rather
forsware
himselfe
(
promising
vpon
his
oath
that
which
he
meant
not
to
performe
)
and
then
sent
his
Embassadours
in
like
manner
to
the
King
to
take
his
oath
;
In
the
meane
time
before
the
Embassadours
arriued
where
the
king
was
,
it
pleased
God
so
to
dispose
that
the
Duke
of
Guienne
the
kinges
brother
,
and
confederat
to
Charles
died
,
which
the
king
vnderstanding
,
and
seing
him selfe
already
deliuered
by
his
brothers
death
of
the
danger
of
ciuil
warre
which
he
most
feared
;
refused
to
sweare
,
and
to
stand
to
his
couenants
,
and
soe
al
the
crafty
deuise
,
and
suttle
plot
of
Charles
was
ouerthrowne
,
by
the
suddaine
accident
of
his
confederats
death
,
which
he
neuer
dreamed
of
,
and
he
himselfe
forsworne
for
nothinge
.
4.
Hereto
I
wil
adde
Caesar
Borgia
Duke
of
Valence
,
The
ouerthrow
of
Caesar
Borgia
(
Macchiauels
mirrour
for
a
prince
)
by
a
suddayn
chance
.
whome
Machiauel
so
highly
admireth
(
as
before
cap
.
3.
I
haue
signified
)
that
he
proposeth
him
for
a
patterne
or
example
to
his
prince
,
this
Caesar
being
become
exceeding
rich
and
potent
by
the
help
and
authority
of
Alexander
the
6.
his
father
,
and
fearing
nothing
so
much
as
his
fathers
death
,
Guicciard
.
li
.
6.
whereby
it
might
chance
that
some
enemy
of
his
might
be
chosen
to
succeed
him
,
studdied
and
labored
by
al
meanes
possible
to
preuent
that
inconuenience
,
and
to
procure
that
the
election
of
his
fathers
successor
might
fal
in
to
the
hands
of
him selfe
and
his
freendes
,
which
when
he
had
prouided
sufficiently
as
he
thought
,
it
chanced
by
such
meanes
,
as
I
wil
declare
after
a
while
,
that
not
only
his
father
died
,
but
also
that
he
him selfe
fel
so
extreamly
sick
at
the
same
time
,
that
he
could
execute
nothinge
of
that
which
he
had
before
resolued
;
wherby
it
came
to
passe
(
God
so
disposing
of
his
iust
iudgments
)
that
an
enimy
of
his
fathers
and
his
being
chosen
to
succeede
,
he
was
with
in
a
while
vtterly
ouerthrowne
.
In
which
respect
,
he
him selfe
was
wont
afterwards
to
confesse
,
and
lament
the
imbecillity
of
mans
wit
,
Guicciard
.
li
.
6.
for
that
when
he
thought
he
had
fore-seene
al
the
inconueniences
that
might
happen
vnto
him
by
his
fathers
death
,
and
prouided
to
preuent
them
,
he
neuer
so
much
as
imagined
that
he
should
be
so
sick
at
the
same
time
,
Caesar
Borgi●
thinking
to
poyson
an
other
poisoned
his
owne
father
and
him selfe
.
that
he
should
not
be
able
to
put
any
of
his
designments
in
execution
.
5.
And
herein
it
is
also
to
be
noted
for
the
further
proofe
of
the
matter
in
hand
,
that
he
him selfe
was
the
cause
as
wel
of
his
owne
sicknes
,
as
also
of
his
fathers
death
,
and
consequently
of
his
owne
ouerthowe
,
by
a
wonderful
chance
that
hapned
contrary
to
his
expectation
;
for
hauing
inuited
his
father
and
Cardinal
Cornetti
to
a
vineyard
,
with
intent
to
poison
the
Cardinal
,
to
the
end
to
inherit
his
goods
,
he
recomended
a
certaine
poisoned
bottle
of
wine
to
a
trusty
seruant
of
his
,
with
special
chardge
to
keepe
it
safe
,
and
to
giue
it
to
none
without
his
expresse
order
,
but
so
it
fel
out
by
his
seruantes
negligence
,
or
rather
by
Gods
iustice
,
Psal
.
7.
that
as
the
Psalmist
saith
.
Incidit
in
foueam
quam
fecit
,
he
fel
him selfe
into
the
pit
that
he
made
for
others
.
For
his
father
comming
in
to
supper
very
hot
,
and
thirstie
,
by
reason
of
the
great
heates
,
and
calling
for
wine
,
the
seruant
that
had
charge
of
the
bottle
,
not
knowing
it
was
poisened
,
but
imagininge
only
that
it
was
some
special
wine
more
pretious
then
the
rest
,
and
not
hauing
any
other
ready
,
(
for
that
the
prouision
was
not
brought
from
the
pallace
)
gaue
him
of
that
wine
,
Gu●cci●rd
.
ibid
.
wherof
not
only
he
,
but
also
his
sonne
Caesar
Borgia
dranke
,
and
being
both
poisened
therwith
,
the
father
(
who
was
old
and
weake
)
died
presently
,
but
the
sonne
being
young
,
and
more
able
to
resist
the
force
of
the
poison
,
had
time
to
take
great
and
potent
remedies
,
wherby
after
longe
and
dangerous
sicknes
he
hardly
escaped
,
and
what
became
of
him
after
,
shal
be
declared
in
the
second
part
of
this
treatise
when
I
come
to
speake
of
Gods
iustice
vpon
wicked
men
which
in
him
was
very
exemplar
;
And
in
the
meane
time
we
see
how
God
did
frustrat
his
wicked
plots
,
and
pernitious
proiects
,
by
accidents
which
he
neuer
dreamed
of
,
and
much
lesse
could
preuent
.
And
this
I
wish
the
rather
to
be
noted
in
him
then
in
others
,
for
the
great
account
that
Machiauel
and
al
other
politiks
make
of
his
rare
wisdome
and
iudgement
.
Sander
.
de
Scism
.
Anglic
.
Ihon
Stowe
in
Edou
.
6.
6.
But
now
to
come
to
an
example
in
our
owne
country
which
many
may
yet
remember
.
The
lord
Iohn
Dudley
Earle
of
warwicke
and
after
duke
of
Northumberland
in
king
Edward
the
6.
his
time
meaning
to
aduance
himselfe
and
his
family
;
married
the
lord
Gilford
Dudley
his
fourth
sonne
,
to
the
lady
Iane
daughter
to
the
duke
of
Suffolk
,
pretending
to
make
her
queene
after
king
Edward
,
The
plott
of
the
Duke
of
Northumberlande
against
the
lady
Mary
.
in
preiudice
of
the
lady
Mary
,
daughter
to
king
Henry
the
8.
and
sister
to
the
said
king
Edwarde
,
and
by
the
reason
of
the
kings
lingering
sicknes
,
had
time
to
vse
al
the
meanes
which
he
thought
conuenient
for
the
accomplishment
of
his
desire
,
and
therfore
procured
partly
for
freendshipp
,
and
partly
for
feare
,
not
only
the
consent
of
al
the
lords
of
the
Councel
,
but
also
the
hands
and
subscriptions
of
400.
others
,
noble
men
and
gentlemen
,
of
the
most
principal
through
out
the
realme
,
in
so
much
that
there
seemed
to
want
nothing
for
the
assurance
of
his
designments
,
but
only
to
haue
the
Lady
Mary
in
his
hands
,
whome
therfore
he
caused
the
councel
to
send
for
in
the
Kinges
name
,
vpon
pretence
that
she
should
come
to
comfort
the
Kinge
;
which
she
obeyed
,
not
suspecting
any
sinister
meaning
in
the
Duke
7.
But
as
she
was
vpon
the
way
,
yea
and
with
in
halfe
a
daies
iorney
of
London
,
ready
to
fal
in
to
the
snare
,
it
pleased
God
that
she
receaued
aduise
of
the
Dukes
designments
from
one
of
his
owne
councel
,
where
vpon
she
returned
suddenly
,
and
with
in
a
while
after
that
she
arriued
at
her
owne
howse
,
she
had
newes
of
the
King
her
brothers
death
.
And
although
she
was
vtterly
destitute
of
men
,
money
,
councel
,
and
al
other
humane
meanes
to
enable
her
,
to
resist
so
great
an
aduersary
as
the
Duke
,
(
who
had
al
the
treasure
and
strength
of
England
in
his
hands
)
yet
such
was
her
trust
in
God
for
the
iustice
and
right
of
her
title
,
that
she
caused
her
how
shold
seruants
presently
to
proclaime
her
Queene
in
the
country
townes
there
abouts
;
wherupon
,
first
the
common
people
of
the
countries
adioyning
,
and
afterwards
diuers
gentlemen
of
account
repaired
vnto
her
,
The
Duke
of
Northumberland
his
ouerthrow
by
Gods
prouidence
and
iustice
.
in
so
great
number
,
that
the
Duke
of
Northumberland
and
the
councel
(
who
had
already
proclaymed
the
Lady
Iane
in
London
&
in
diuers
other
partes
)
thought
it
conuenient
to
leuye
forces
,
and
to
make
a
Royal
army
,
wherof
the
Duke
himselfe
for
the
authority
of
his
parson
should
be
general
.
The
Duke
put
him selfe
then
presently
into
the
feeld
,
leauing
the
chardge
of
the
citty
and
tower
of
London
to
the
Lords
of
the
councel
,
who
promised
him
al
fidelity
:
neuertheles
seeing
him
absent
,
&
vnderstanding
the
great
concourse
of
the
people
to
the
assistance
of
the
Lady
Mary
,
and
considering
with
al
the
equity
of
her
cause
,
they
agreed
amongst
them selues
to
proclaime
her
in
London
which
they
did
presently
,
and
committing
to
prison
the
Lady
Iane
,
they
sent
order
to
apprehend
the
Duke
him selfe
,
who
was
so
dismayed
there
with
when
he
vnderstood
it
,
that
he
vtterly
lost
courage
,
and
suffered
him selfe
to
be
taken
prisoner
at
Cambridge
and
brought
to
London
where
he
was
after
executed
.
8.
Here
now
we
see
this
great
designment
of
the
Duke
,
that
was
fortified
with
the
consent
of
al
the
Councel
,
and
nobility
of
the
Realme
suddenly
ouerthowne
,
by
such
accidents
as
passed
his
power
to
preuent
,
to
wit
;
First
by
the
discouery
of
his
intention
disclosed
by
one
of
his
owne
councel
,
at
such
tyme
,
as
if
it
had
bene
concealed
but
one
halfe
day
longer
,
it
had
by
al
likelyhood
taken
effect
.
The
Lady
Mary
her
preseruation
from
her
enemies
throu●h
Gods
prouidence
.
Secondly
by
the
Kings
death
,
ensuing
so
soone
after
,
that
the
Duke
had
no
time
to
vse
his
name
and
authority
to
sease
vpon
the
Lady
Maries
person
,
which
he
would
haue
done
,
if
the
King
had
liued
but
a
few
dayes
longer
.
Al
which
the
good
Lady
considering
,
togeather
with
the
other
circumstances
of
the
matter
,
to
wit
,
the
affection
,
concourse
,
and
assistance
of
the
common
people
,
the
suddain
change
of
the
councells
resolution
,
the
dismaye
,
and
speedy
apprehention
of
her
potent
aduersary
,
and
lastly
her
victory
,
in
such
an
important
,
&
doubtful
quarel
,
without
the
spilling
of
one
droppe
of
blood
,
and
al
this
with
in
twelue
or
thirtene
dayes
after
her
brothers
death
,
she
wisely
&
gratefully
acknowledged
the
benifit
wholy
from
Gods
hand
.
And
therfore
ordained
for
the
inscriptions
of
the
angells
,
stamped
in
her
raigne
,
this
verse
of
the
psalme
;
A
domino
factum
est
illud
,
P●al
.
117.
et
est
mirabile
in
oculis
nostris
;
This
was
done
by
our
Lord
,
and
it
is
wonderful
in
our
eyes
.
By
these
examples
and
infinit
others
which
might
be
alleaged
,
it
is
euident
that
there
is
no
surety
in
the
councells
and
plots
of
men
,
be
they
neuer
so
wise
,
except
they
be
guided
particulerly
by
the
spirit
of
God
;
for
when
they
haue
built
(
as
a
man
may
say
)
towres
of
policy
as
highe
as
the
tower
of
Babel
,
a
sudden
blast
of
an
accident
vnexpected
,
shal
cast
them
downe
to
the
very
ground
,
to
the
confusion
many
times
,
and
ruine
of
the
builders
,
and
contriuers
therof
.
9.
But
what
shal
we
say
of
councels
&
policies
,
that
seeme
not
only
to
be
grounded
vpon
great
reason
,
The
Romaine
Empire
ouerthrowen
by
the
same
meanes
that
preserued
it
for
a
time
.
and
contriued
with
great
prudence
,
but
also
succeed
for
some
tyme
notably
wel
,
and
yet
in
the
end
proue
to
be
pernicious
,
whereof
we
haue
seene
sufficyent
experience
in
the
Romaine
empyre
,
which
was
ouerthrowne
in
course
of
time
by
that
which
for
many
yeeres
seemed
to
be
the
strength
and
security
therof
.
For
wheras
the
first
Romane
Emperours
,
hauing
oppressed
the
commonwelth
by
armes
,
perswaded
themselues
that
their
state
was
to
be
established
and
conserued
by
the
same
meanes
,
wherby
it
was
gotten
,
and
,
therfore
resolued
,
that
the
safety
therof
,
and
of
their
persons
consisted
in
strong
guardes
,
garisons
,
legions
,
&
armies
of
soldiers
to
be
distributed
throughout
al
the
partes
of
their
dominions
,
it
is
euident
that
the
same
was
in
the
end
,
one
of
the
principal
causes
of
the
vtter
ouerthrow
of
the
Empyre
,
though
at
the
first
it
seemed
greatly
to
establish
and
assure
the
same
.
10.
For
after
the
death
of
Nero
(
when
the
family
of
the
Caesars
was
ended
)
not
only
the
guardes
deputed
for
the
custody
and
safeguard
of
the
Emperours
persons
,
called
Pretoriani
milites
,
The
factious
election
of
Emperours
by
guardes
and
armies
of
souldiars
.
but
also
the
legions
,
and
armyes
,
disposed
,
and
placed
in
diuers
quarters
of
the
Empyre
,
seeing
as
wel
the
persons
of
the
Emperours
,
as
also
the
strenght
of
the
Empyre
in
their
owne
hands
,
did
arrogat
vnto
them selues
such
authority
and
liberty
to
choose
new
Emperours
,
that
they
set
them
vp
and
pulled
them
downe
at
their
pleasures
:
wherby
in
lesse
then
one
yeare
after
Neroes
death
,
Suetonias
Plutarck
.
4.
Emperours
,
Galba
,
Otho
,
Vittellius
&
Vespasian
were
chosen
by
the
guardes
which
forced
the
Senates
to
admitt
and
confirme
them
:
and
their
insolency
grew
to
such
extremity
in
time
,
Eli●s
Spartian
.
that
after
the
death
of
the
Emperour
Pertinax
whom
they
killed
,
they
made
offer
of
the
Empire
by
publike
proclamation
,
to
whosoeuer
would
giue
most
for
it
.
And
whereas
there
were
but
only
two
that
offered
money
for
it
,
to
wit
,
Sulpicianus
,
and
Didius
Iulianus
,
they
gaue
it
to
the
later
,
partly
because
he
gaue
them
ready
money
,
and
partly
because
Sulpicianus
was
father
in
law
to
Pertinax
whome
they
had
slaine
,
and
whylest
not
only
the
Emperours
guardes
,
but
also
the
soldiars
of
euery
army
tooke
vpon
them
to
make
Emperours
,
it
fel
out
some
tymes
,
that
there
were
as
many
Emperours
chosen
at
once
,
as
there
were
diuers
armies
in
the
Empyre
;
in
so
much
,
that
in
the
tyme
of
Galien
&
Valerian
,
Trebel
.
Pollio
in
trigi●ta
tyrannis
.
there
were
no
lesse
then
30.
Emperours
declared
in
sundry
places
,
in
the
space
of
15.
yeares
:
where
vpon
it
followed
that
the
Empyre
being
pyttyfully
rent
&
torne
with
ciuil
warres
was
so
weakned
,
that
it
became
a
spoyle
and
pray
to
the
Goaths
,
Vandals
,
Alans
,
Huns
,
Lombards
and
such
other
barbarous
nations
.
11.
Thus
was
the
Romane
Empire
ouerthrowne
by
the
same
meanes
,
that
were
nor
only
ordained
to
conserue
and
mantayne
it
,
The
ruine
of
many
Emperors
by
their
owne
guardes
.
but
also
did
indeed
for
a
tyme
preserue
it
from
many
dangers
,
both
domestical
,
and
forreine
;
to
wit
,
as
wel
from
inuasion
of
forreine
enemyes
,
as
from
rebellions
of
subiects
,
which
by
the
Emperous
guardes
,
and
the
ordinary
legions
dispersed
through
out
al
partes
of
the
Empire
,
were
either
easely
preuented
,
or
speedily
repressed
.
For
which
cause
the
Emperours
them selues
were
content
to
stand
(
as
it
were
at
their
mercie
,
to
the
end
they
might
by
them
,
rule
and
command
others
:
which
though
to
some
it
was
a
safegaurde
and
security
,
yet
to
many
others
it
brought
ruyne
and
perdition
,
Sueton
.
Iulius
Capitol
.
A●lius
Lam
prid
.
Trebel
,
pollio
.
Flauius
vopisc
.
as
to
Caligula
,
Pertinax
,
Caracalla
,
Heliogabolus
,
Pupienus
,
Balbinus
,
Phillipus
Galien
,
Seuerus
,
Macrinus
,
Aurelianus
,
Iulius
Maximinus
,
Probus
,
with
diuers
others
,
some
of
them
slaine
by
their
owne
gaurdes
,
and
some
by
their
soldiers
.
12
This
inconuenience
the
Emperours
of
the
Turkes
doe
seeke
to
remedy
in
their
tyrannycal
dominion
(
which
they
also
vphold
by
force
as
the
Romans
did
,
Lazaro
Soranzo
in
his
Ottoman
.
par.
1.
though
with
lesse
danger
)
For
although
they
haue
aboue
300.
thousand
horse
and
foote
euer
in
readynes
vnder
their
Coronells
&
Captaines
in
Europe
,
Asia
,
&
Africa
,
yet
they
keepe
them
alwayes
a
sunder
&
so
dispersed
,
that
they
neuer
come
togeather
in
any
number
,
vnles
they
be
to
be
emplyoed
in
some
forrein
warre
:
The
Turks
great
gardes
of
Gianizaries
dangerous
to
his
state
.
neuertheles
their
guards
of
Gianizaries
which
they
haue
alwayes
neere
about
them
for
the
security
of
their
persons
,
to
the
number
of
13.
or
14.
thousand
,
haue
proued
many
tymes
no
lesse
dammageable
then
dangerous
to
their
states
,
for
they
haue
not
only
some
tymes
set
vp
the
younger
brother
against
the
elder
,
&
helped
the
sonne
to
depose
the
father
,
Paul
.
Iouins
.
comment
retum
Ture
in
Batazete
.
2.
Lazaro
Soranso
,
in
his
Otto
manno
.
par.
1.
but
also
euen
in
this
our
age
,
haue
taken
the
most
confident
officers
,
and
greatest
fauorits
of
the
Turke
from
him
by
force
,
&
cut
of
their
heads
,
yea
and
compelled
him
to
pardon
them
,
yea
and
to
giue
them
what
soeuer
they
would
demand
to
appease
them
.
13.
Wherupon
two
considerations
may
be
gathered
;
the
one
,
the
infelicity
of
tyrants
,
Tyrants
are
Slaues
to
those
by
whome
they
●epe
others
in
slauery
.
who
whiles
they
seeke
rather
to
be
feared
then
to
be
beloued
,
are
forced
to
make
themselues
subiects
and
slaues
to
those
by
whom
they
keepe
other
in
subiection
and
slauery
:
wherby
we
see
how
true
it
is
which
Seneca
saith
.
Quod
alieno
metu
magnum
est
,
suo
non
vacat
.
That
which
is
great
by
others
feare
,
is
not
void
of
feare
it selfe
.
The
other
consideration
is
,
how
ticle
is
the
state
of
Princes
,
how
weake
their
policies
,
The
dangerous
and
ticle
state
of
princes
without
Gods
Special
protection
.
how
vncertaine
the
successe
of
their
plots
,
&
consequently
how
needful
it
is
for
them
to
craue
and
haue
the
special
protection
of
almighty
God
in
al
their
designements
and
actions
,
seeing
the
meanes
wherby
they
labour
to
preserue
themselues
from
dangers
,
proue
many
tymes
more
dangerous
in
the
end
,
then
the
dangers
them selues
which
they
seeke
to
auoide
.
14.
Roderic
K.
of
Spaine
ouerthrown
throwgh
his
owne
policy
.
Lucas
Tudensis
.
an
.
713.
This
may
furder
appeare
by
the
policy
which
Rodericke
King
of
Spayne
vsed
to
assure
his
state
against
the
children
and
frends
of
King
Vitiza
,
whom
he
had
deposed
,
for
fearing
least
his
subiects
might
rebel
in
their
fauour
,
he
dismantled
al
the
strong
holds
and
places
in
Spayne
,
and
disarmed
the
people
,
wherby
though
he
strengthned
his
state
,
in
regarde
of
domestical
danger
yet
he
weakned
it
in
respect
of
forraine
attempts
,
in
so
much
that
the
Moores
inuading
him
shortly
after
,
Ioan
.
vasaeus
in
.
Cron
.
an
.
714.
Baron
.
nno
.
713.
Beda
.
hist
.
Eccles
.
li
.
1.
c
.
14
&
15.
&
ouerthrowing
him
in
bataille
,
found
so
litle
resistance
afterward
,
that
in
7.
or
8.
moneths
they
conquered
almost
al
Spayne
.
The
like
also
may
be
said
of
the
Britons
to
whom
their
owne
policy
proued
most
pernicious
:
for
being
molested
and
oppressed
by
the
Picts
and
Scots
,
they
called
in
the
Saxons
for
their
defence
,
The
Britons
conquered
by
the
same
meanes
,
wherby
they
meant
to
defend
them selues
.
who
for
some
tyme
serued
them
to
good
purpose
,
but
in
the
end
they
conquered
them
and
their
cuntry
.
In
like
manner
the
Queene
of
Hungary
thought
it
good
policy
to
procure
the
ayde
of
Soliman
the
great
Turke
against
Ferdinand
King
of
the
Romans
,
brother
to
the
Emperour
Charles
the
5.
and
for
a
while
she
was
releeued
&
supported
therby
,
but
in
the
end
,
Soliman
commnig
into
Hungary
in
parson
,
with
pretence
to
succour
her
,
depriued
her
&
her
sonne
of
their
kingdome
:
as
also
Amurates
one
of
Solimans
ancesters
,
conquered
the
greatest
part
of
Greece
by
the
like
meanes
and
occasion
.
15.
But
perhaps
you
wil
say
that
this
was
so
grosse
a
folly
in
Christian
princes
(
to
trust
to
the
help
of
such
potent
and
perfidious
infidels
)
that
it
is
not
to
be
alleaged
for
an
example
of
policy
.
I
graunt
,
that
it
was
folly
,
but
such
follies
are
committed
by
the
wisest
Princes
and
their
councells
,
when
God
wil
punish
them
:
for
he
either
taketh
from
them
their
witts
,
to
the
end
they
may
erre
and
precipitate
them selues
,
or
he
ouerthroweth
their
wisest
designments
,
by
such
meanes
as
they
can
not
imagin
,
or
els
he
bringeth
them
to
such
exigents
,
that
they
are
forced
wittingly
to
take
some
dangerous
,
and
desperat
resolution
wherby
they
are
ruyned
.
And
this
I
say
hapneth
many
times
,
to
the
mightiest
and
wisest
Princes
,
when
they
forget
their
duty
to
God
,
and
confide
ouer
much
either
on
their
owne
wisdome
and
policy
,
or
vpon
their
power
and
strength
,
as
I
wil
make
it
yet
more
manifest
in
the
two
chapters
next
ensuinge
.
OF
THE
FORCE
OF
SVDDEN
CHANCES
and
vnexpected
euents
,
for
the
dissipation
as
wel
of
mans
power
,
as
of
his
policy
,
and
of
the
hazards
and
doutful
euents
of
battiles
,
and
other
enterprises
of
warre
.
And
that
al
the
successe
therof
dependeth
vpon
the
prouidence
of
God
,
giuinge
victory
some
times
by
secret
concurence
with
secondary
causes
,
and
some
times
by
manifest
and
miraculous
meanes
.
CHAP.
14.
ALTHOVGH
the
successe
of
mens
affaires
is
most
vncertaine
,
The
euents
of
warre
most
doubtful
.
variable
,
&
subiect
to
infinit
chances
and
hazards
;
yet
in
nothing
so
much
as
in
matters
wherin
mans
power
is
most
seene
,
to
wit
,
Supplement
of
Plutarc
in
Epaminondas
.
in
matters
of
warre
:
wherof
the
euents
are
so
doutful
and
dangerous
,
that
(
as
Iason
said
to
Epaminondas
)
he
is
not
wise
that
doth
not
feare
them
.
Plutar
in
Phocion
.
And
therfore
it
is
noted
of
Phocion
a
most
excellent
captaine
of
the
Athenians
,
that
although
he
was
chosen
45.
times
general
of
their
armies
,
yet
he
him selfe
did
euer
perswade
them
to
peace
,
fearing
the
successe
of
warre
.
And
Hannibal
hauing
bene
for
16.
Hannibal
feared
the
euent
of
warre
.
yeres
victorious
in
Italy
,
and
forced
at
length
to
defend
his
owne
country
,
which
was
Carthage
,
(
where
Scipio
the
Roman
had
already
ouerthrowne
two
great
armies
of
the
Carthagenians
,
and
was
ready
also
to
present
him
battaile
)
he
douted
so
much
the
euent
therof
,
that
crauing
conference
with
Scipia
,
he
sought
to
perswade
him
to
peace
,
Li●ius
dec
23.
li.
●●
.
representing
vnto
him
the
hazard
of
warre
,
and
aduising
him
to
consider
in
the
prosperous
course
of
his
victories
,
not
only
what
had
hapned
to
other
men
,
Idem
.
To
make
peace
is
in
the
hands
of
man
,
but
victory
is
in
the
hands
of
God
.
Ibid
.
but
also
what
might
happen
to
him selfe
,
and
that
to
make
peace
was
in
his
owne
hands
;
but
if
he
once
came
to
battaile
,
the
victory
should
be
only
in
the
hands
of
God
.
And
lastly
that
.
Nusquam
minus
quam
in
bello
euentus
respondent
.
The
euents
of
thinges
doe
no
where
lesse
answere
the
expectation
of
men
then
in
warre
.
2.
Thus
said
Hanibal
,
Idem
.
who
may
also
wel
serue
for
an
example
of
his
owne
admonitions
;
For
though
he
had
bene
many
yeares
togeather
the
terrour
and
scourge
of
the
Romans
,
and
the
most
famous
and
renouned
captaine
then
liuing
,
yea
and
was
,
as
it
were
growne
old
with
victories
in
forreine
cuntries
,
The
ouerthrow
of
Hannibal●
by
a
Romaine
.
Ibid
.
euen
before
the
very
gates
of
Rome
;
yet
he
was
at
length
vtterly
ouerthrowne
at
home
by
a
Roman
,
a
young
man
interiour
to
him
in
reputation
,
experience
,
and
forces
;
and
in
that
battaille
which
most
imported
him
,
and
wherin
by
the
iudgement
of
al
men
,
he
emploied
al
the
endeuor
,
military
art
,
and
skil
he
had
,
or
which
could
be
required
in
a
most
prudent
and
valiant
captaine
.
3.
This
change
and
decay
of
fortune
in
warre
,
The
chance
and
decay
of
fortune
in
warre
exemplified
in
many
famous
captaines
.
Machab
.
li
1.
ca
5
Iust
.
in
li.
1
Plutarc
.
may
be
exemplified
in
many
others
,
as
famous
captaines
as
euer
were
,
as
in
the
worthy
Iudas
Machabeus
,
Cyrus
King
of
Persia
;
Pirrus
King
of
Epyrus
,
Marcellus
,
Pompeius
Magnus
,
Marcus
Antonius
competitor
of
Augustus
Caesar
,
the
Emperour
Constantius
,
and
Heraclius
,
Belisarius
,
Edward
the
3.
King
of
England
,
our
famous
country
man
.
Iohn
Talbot
the
first
Earle
of
Shrewsbury
,
whose
name
is
yet
terrible
to
the
French
;
the
great
Earle
of
Warwick
in
the
time
of
Edward
the
4.
and
Charles
Duke
of
Burgundy
,
Nicolo
Piccinino
.
Lewis
the
12.
Polidor
.
Virg
.
Phil
.
Comin
.
Guicciard
Pero
Mexia
Suriu●
.
King
of
France
.
And
now
lastly
in
our
memory
the
Emperour
Charles
the
5.
al
which
(
with
many
others
who
for
breuities
sake
I
omit
)
hauing
by
many
notable
victories
got
the
fame
and
renoune
of
most
famous
captaines
,
either
were
at
last
disgratiously
killed
,
or
else
receiued
some
greate
ouerthrowes
,
or
had
at
least
some
notorious
decay
of
their
wonted
prosperous
successe
.
4.
The
doubtful
●uent
of
a
batt●ll
is
greatly
to
be
feared
.
The
consideration
hereof
hath
moued
diuers
most
valiant
captaines
to
auoid
the
aduenture
of
battailes
as
much
as
might
be
,
and
rather
to
seeke
to
ouercome
their
enemies
by
stratagems
,
practices
,
&
delayes
as
Q.
Fabius
Maximus
who
by
such
meanes
distressed
Hanibal
much
more
then
others
could
doe
by
mayne
battailes
:
and
therfore
Enninus
the
poet
said
of
him
;
Cunctando
restituit
rem
;
He
repaired
the
state
of
the
Romans
by
delayes
.
And
it
is
also
written
of
the
valliant
Franciscus
Sforza
Duke
of
Milane
,
E●●lus
apud
Cicet
offic
.
l.
1.
Silua
de
vatia
lection
.
c
.
1.
part
.
2.
that
he
would
neuer
ioyne
battaile
with
an
enemy
but
when
he
could
not
otherwise
choose
.
5.
And
Lewis
the
11.
King
of
France
(
who
was
no
lesse
valerous
in
warre
then
prudent
in
peace
)
feared
nothing
more
,
as
Philip
de
Comines
testifieth
,
Philip
commi
ca.
17.26
.
ct
.
125.
then
the
hazarde
of
warre
,
and
specially
of
a
battel
,
which
by
al
meanes
possible
he
sought
to
auoide
:
inso
much
,
that
when
any
enemy
entred
into
France
,
he
procured
to
make
peace
or
truse
with
him
,
what
soeuer
it
cost
him
:
as
appeared
when
Edward
the
4.
King
of
England
was
there
,
with
a
strong
army
,
Phil
.
Comin
ca.
29.
ct
.
64.
to
whom
he
gaue
a
great
some
of
ready
money
,
&
graunted
to
pay
him
a
try
but
of
50.
thousand
crownes
a
yeere
,
besides
diuers
pensions
to
his
councellers
,
and
other
hard
conditions
,
rather
then
he
would
hazard
a
battaile
with
him
,
knowing
the
casualty
therof
,
and
that
as
Cominaeus
saith
:
Vne
battaille
perdu
á
mauuaise
queúè
.
A
battail
lost
hath
an
yl
taile
;
and
why
.
Comin
ibid
.
A
battaylle
lost
hath
an
il
tayle
,
or
consequence
.
For
it
redoubleth
the
hope
and
courage
of
the
victors
,
it
astonisheth
,
and
discourageth
the
vanquished
,
it
shaketh
the
fidelity
of
subiects
,
it
ministreth
matter
&
oportunity
of
conspiracy
to
malcontents
,
of
reuolt
to
townes
,
&
of
alienation
to
confederats
,
who
commonly
sway
with
the
good
successe
.
And
for
this
cause
,
not
only
king
Lewis
the
11.
but
also
other
wise
Princes
haue
vsed
,
when
an
enemy
hath
bin
ready
to
enter
into
their
countryes
,
Idem
.
ca.
64.
The
practise
of
L●wis
the
11.
K.
of
France
,
to
ouercomme
an
enemy
with
out
battail
.
to
dismantle
al
the
townes
in
his
way
,
that
were
not
tenable
,
and
to
fortify
the
rest
,
retiring
thither
al
the
cattle
and
prouision
of
the
country
,
and
destroying
al
the
corne
upon
the
grownd
therby
to
consume
him
by
famine
,
longe
seiges
,
and
al
kinde
of
delayes
,
rather
then
to
seeke
to
ouerthrowe
him
by
a
mayne
battaille
.
This
was
prudently
practised
by
Francis
the
first
King
of
France
,
at
such
time
as
the
Emperour
Charles
determined
to
enter
into
Prouence
with
a
great
army
,
Martin
du
Bellay
.
The
preuentions
which
Francis
the
first
K.
of
France
vsed
against
the
inuasion
of
Charles
the
Empero●●
.
in
so
much
that
when
King
Francis
vnderstood
that
the
people
of
the
country
resisted
the
destructions
of
their
corne
,
and
other
commodityes
,
he
sent
his
army
to
destroy
it
,
where
by
the
Emperour
finding
al
townes
fortifyed
,
and
no
prouision
abroad
,
was
forced
after
he
had
beseiged
Marcella
some
moneths
,
to
retyre
himselfe
for
lacke
of
victualles
.
And
this
I
haue
thought
good
to
signify
by
the
way
,
for
that
Philip
de
Comines
and
Martin
du
Bellay
(
both
of
them
notable
historiagraphers
and
councellours
,
the
first
,
to
Lewis
the
11.
and
the
other
to
Francis
the
first
)
doe
greatly
approue
this
maner
of
proceeding
in
these
Princes
,
and
propose
it
for
a
rule
of
state
to
al
such
Kinges
and
Princes
,
as
being
in
possession
of
their
kingedomes
&
states
,
are
inuaded
by
forreyners
,
though
for
those
that
inuade
&
seeke
to
conquere
,
Phil
.
de
Comin
ca.
29.
The
inuader
ought
to
seek
battail
;
and
why
.
Philip
de
Comines
thinketh
it
conuenient
to
seeke
battaile
,
to
make
short
worke
,
by
reason
of
the
difficulty
to
be
succoured
,
and
of
the
infinit
dangers
and
inconueniencyes
that
happen
by
delayes
to
an
army
of
strangers
in
a
forreyne
country
.
Besides
that
he
which
inuadeth
,
and
seeketh
to
conquere
,
commonly
aduentureth
no
more
but
his
present
army
,
and
that
in
hope
to
get
a
crowne
;
wheras
the
Prince
in
possession
,
aduentureth
his
whole
state
against
nothing
,
and
a
state
is
lost
many
tymes
,
with
the
losse
of
a
battaile
at
home
,
if
the
victory
be
wel
followed
.
6.
The
diuers
casualtyes
of
warlike
attempts
.
But
to
retourne
to
speake
of
chances
and
to
touch
some
particularityes
,
thereby
to
shew
euidently
the
weaknes
of
mans
wit
and
power
,
and
the
casualty
of
warlike
attempts
,
let
vs
consider
by
how
many
accidents
the
mightiest
armyes
are
many
tymes
dispersed
and
dissipated
,
and
the
greatest
enterprises
ouerthrowne
:
as
somtymes
by
the
death
of
some
one
man
;
somtymes
by
the
dissention
of
Leaders
and
Captaynes
,
or
by
the
mutiny
of
soldiers
;
somtymes
by
tempest
or
vnseasonable
weather
;
somtymes
againe
by
plagues
or
diseases
in
the
Campe
;
otherwhiles
by
sudden
feares
that
fal
vpon
the
soldiers
without
cause
;
Guicciard
.
ii
.
●
.
and
somtymes
(
as
Guicciardine
noteth
)
by
a
commandement
either
not
wel
vnderstood
,
or
il
executed
;
by
a
litle
temerity
or
disorder
,
by
some
vaine
worde
or
speach
of
the
meanest
soldier
;
and
lastly
(
saith
he
)
by
infynit
chances
which
happen
at
vnawares
,
vnpossible
to
be
foreseene
and
preuented
by
the
wit
or
councel
of
any
Captaine
,
Phil
.
Comines
c
.
5.
7.
Hereto
I
also
adde
out
of
Cominaeus
,
Plots
ar
seeldom
or
neuer
executed
in
the
field
as
they
ar
ordeyned
in
the
chamber
.
that
be
the
councel
neuer
so
wel
taken
and
the
plot
neuer
so
wel
layed
,
it
is
seldome
or
neuer
executed
in
the
feeld
,
as
it
is
ordained
in
the
chamber
:
and
that
some
tymes
by
the
least
motions
or
occasions
that
may
be
,
the
victory
is
wonne
or
lost
;
which
(
saith
he
)
is
a
great
mistery
,
wherby
kingdomes
and
states
rise
or
fal
;
Idem
Ibid
.
&
hereupon
the
same
author
groundeth
two
conclusions
no
lesse
piously
then
wisely
,
the
one
that
no
humane
wit
is
able
of
it selfe
,
sufficiently
to
gouerne
an
army
of
men
;
and
the
other
that
God
reserueth
to
him selfe
the
successe
of
battailes
,
and
disposeth
of
the
victory
at
his
pleasure
.
8.
This
wil
be
made
cleare
by
examples
,
by
the
which
I
wil
shew
first
the
force
of
sudden
chances
in
battailes
,
and
other
enterprises
of
warr
;
and
after
,
that
al
victory
proceedeth
from
the
prouidence
and
hand
of
God
,
and
not
from
the
policy
and
power
of
men
.
As
concerning
the
first
,
we
see
many
times
that
great
designments
are
broken
,
The
force
of
sudd●yne
chances
in
battailes
,
and
warre
.
and
potent
armyes
dissolued
by
accidents
,
with
out
any
force
or
stroke
of
enemy
.
When
Lewis
the
Emperour
,
(
called
Lewis
of
Bauier
)
was
in
Italy
with
a
great
army
and
ready
to
beseige
Florence
,
vpon
the
confidence
he
had
in
the
valloure
and
assistance
of
Castruccio
of
Pisa
,
Peto
Maxia
.
in
L●doni●
Ba●aro
.
whome
the
Florentines
feared
more
then
any
man
liuing
,
it
chanced
that
the
said
Castruccio
dyed
,
wherupon
the
Emperour
broke
his
desygnment
,
and
returned
into
Germany
with
his
armie
.
9.
Also
in
the
tyme
of
the
great
schisme
betwixt
Vrbanus
the
6.
Pope
of
that
name
,
and
Clement
the
false
Pope
,
who
was
called
Clement
the
7.
Paul
.
AEmil
.
in
Catolo
.
6.
and
liued
in
Auignion
.
Lewis
Duke
of
Anio●
vncle
to
Charles
the
6.
kinge
of
France
,
went
into
Italy
with
a
huge
army
,
wherin
he
had
aboue
30.
thousand
horse
,
partly
to
deliuer
Iane
Queene
of
Naples
(
who
was
beseiged
by
Charles
Durazzo
nephew
to
Lewis
King
of
Hungary
)
and
partly
to
depose
Pope
Vrbanus
in
fauor
of
Clement
,
and
when
he
had
already
entred
Italy
,
and
began
to
make
warr
in
the
terrytorie
of
Bolonia
(
which
belonged
to
the
Church
)
and
was
likely
in
al
mens
opinions
(
by
reason
of
his
great
forces
)
to
obtaine
his
desyre
in
al
he
pretended
,
he
suddenly
fel
sick
and
dyed
,
wherupon
al
that
great
army
dissolued
it selfe
,
Lewis
duke
of
Aniou
his
death
〈◇〉
Italy
.
Paul
.
AEmilius
in
Lodouico
.
9.
and
euery
man
returned
from
whence
he
came
.
10.
The
like
hath
chanced
diuers
tymes
by
some
great
plague
and
mortallity
in
armyes
,
as
in
that
of
the
Christians
which
beseiged
Tunes
in
Africk
,
vnder
the
conduct
of
Lewis
the
9.
called
now
S.
Lewis
,
(
as
I
haue
declared
cap
.
12.
before
vpon
another
occasion
)
which
army
was
so
molested
with
pestilence
,
that
it
was
forced
to
rise
from
the
seige
at
such
tyme
,
as
the
towne
was
brought
to
extremity
,
&
must
needes
haue
rendred
it selfe
with
in
a
few
dayes
.
And
to
omit
al
other
more
ancient
examples
of
this
kind
,
the
Queene
of
Englands
army
sent
to
Portugal
in
the
yeere
1589.
in
fauor
of
Don
Antonio
,
Portugal
vio●g●
an
.
Dom
.
1529
receauing
no
losse
to
speake
of
by
the
enemy
,
was
so
consumed
with
a
strange
sicknes
,
that
of
18.
thousand
which
went
therin
,
there
returned
not
men
enough
to
bring
home
the
ships
,
wherof
some
were
left
behinde
for
lack
of
marryners
.
11.
Paul
.
AEmilius
in
Phillipo
.
2.
In
like
manner
a
potent
army
of
Christian
Princes
going
to
beseige
Hierusalem
,
and
hauing
already
taken
Ptolomais
was
dissolued
by
the
dissention
of
Phillip
the
second
King
of
France
.
and
Richard
the
first
king
of
England
.
For
wheras
the
first
pretending
cause
of
retourne
departed
vpon
a
sudden
,
A
great
army
of
Christians
in
the
holy
land
dissolued
by
the
dissention
of
the
kings
of
England
and
France
.
the
other
fearing
that
he
meant
to
inuade
England
in
his
absence
,
could
not
be
perswaded
to
stay
longe
after
him
,
wherupon
followed
the
surcease
of
the
enterprise
,
&
the
dissolution
&
retourne
of
the
whole
army
.
12
Furthermore
such
is
the
force
of
suddaine
feares
which
fal
vpon
men
somtymes
by
meere
chance
with
out
any
iust
cause
,
that
the
greatest
armyes
are
vtterly
ouerthrowne
therby
.
Of
the
force
of
suddain
feare
in
battails
.
And
no
maruaile
,
seeing
no
man
is
so
valiant
,
but
that
he
may
be
seazed
and
transported
with
a
sudden
feare
.
And
therfore
the
Lacedemonians
before
they
went
to
fight
,
were
wont
to
sacrifice
to
the
Muse
,
Plutarck
.
in
tra●●
de
Ira
reprimenda
.
sto
obtaine
their
assistance
against
the
furious
assalts
of
sudden
passions
;
which
taking
Reason
many
tymes
at
vnawares
,
and
as
it
were
at
an
aduantage
,
doe
so
oppresse
it
,
that
they
bereaue
a
man
of
al
iudgment
and
discourse
for
a
tyme
,
No
passion
bereaueth
a
man
of
his
senses
more
then
suddaine
feare
.
and
no
passion
more
then
feare
;
wherof
I
saw
my selfe
a
notable
experience
in
a
most
valiant
spanish
Captaine
in
France
,
in
the
tyme
of
the
league
,
who
going
out
of
his
garison
with
certaine
troupes
vpon
an
occasion
,
and
meeting
by
chance
with
the
enemy
where
he
least
suspected
,
tooke
such
a
fright
that
he
ran
home
with
might
and
mayne
,
and
tould
vs
(
for
I
was
there
the
same
tyme
)
that
al
the
soldiers
were
cut
in
peices
,
&
that
he
him selfe
escaped
very
hardly
,
neuertheles
with
in
5.
or
6.
howers
after
,
they
al
retourned
home
safe
,
and
not
so
much
as
one
man
hurt
,
though
they
came
scattered
one
after
another
,
for
they
al
fled
as
wel
as
he
,
and
the
rather
by
his
example
,
which
would
haue
vtterly
disgraced
him
,
if
in
very
many
occasions
before
he
had
not
got
the
reputation
of
one
of
the
most
valiant
men
of
his
nation
,
in
which
respect
,
it
was
rather
wondered
at
in
him
,
then
blamed
.
Rome
surprised
by
Arnulphus
the
●mperour
through
a
suddayn
feare
.
Si●onius
de
Regno
Italico
an
.
896.
13.
But
to
●hew
the
like
effect
of
suddaine
feares
in
whole
armyes
vpon
diuers
accidents
;
When
Arnulfus
the
Emperour
beseiged
Rome
,
it
chanced
that
a
hare
being
start
by
some
of
the
camp
ran
towards
the
citty
,
and
that
a
great
number
of
the
soldiers
pursued
her
with
great
noise
&
cryes
,
which
the
Romans
seeing
from
the
towne
,
and
conceauing
that
the
enemyes
ment
to
giue
some
furious
assalt
therto
,
were
surprised
with
such
a
feare
,
that
they
abandoned
the
walles
and
rampaires
,
and
the
enemy
taking
the
opportunity
skaled
the
walles
and
tooke
the
towne
.
A
battayl
lost
by
the
Christians
to
the
Turks
through
a
suddeyn
feare
.
Nauelerus
.
Chron
.
an
.
1396.
14.
Also
when
Sigismond
king
of
Hungary
who
was
after
Emperour
,
gaue
battaile
vnto
an
army
of
the
Turkes
neere
to
Nicopolis
,
and
was
assisted
with
great
numbers
of
Frenchmen
,
and
of
diuers
other
nations
,
the
french
horsemen
being
in
the
vangard
and
seeing
themselues
after
a
while
hardly
prest
,
alighted
from
their
horses
to
fight
on
foote
;
their
horses
being
loose
,
ran
al
back
toward
the
camp
,
which
he
Hungarians
and
others
that
were
in
the
reereward
seeing
,
&
imagining
that
the
horsemen
were
al
killed
,
tooke
such
a
fright
therwith
that
they
ran
a
way
,
wherby
the
Turke
got
a
notable
victory
with
great
slaughter
of
the
Christians
,
especially
of
the
French
who
were
almost
al
slaine
.
The
Christians
ouerthrown
by
the
Soldan
through
a
suddeyn
feare
.
Paul
AEmilius
in
Philipo
2.
Nauelerus
in
Chron
.
15.
Also
at
Ptolomais
in
Egipt
which
the
Christians
beseiged
two
yeeres
togeather
,
the
Soldan
who
came
with
a
great
army
to
succour
it
,
gaue
them
an
ouerthrow
by
the
like
chance
,
of
a
horse
which
being
let
loose
ran
back
to
the
camp
,
for
wheras
diuers
of
the
soldiers
called
one
to
an
other
to
stay
him
,
many
ran
out
of
their
rankes
to
take
him
with
such
disorder
,
that
they
seemed
to
those
that
were
behind
and
somewhat
farre
of
,
to
run
a
way
;
wherupon
a
great
part
of
the
Christian
army
began
to
fly
;
and
this
hapned
at
such
tyme
as
the
Soldan
with
his
soldiers
being
put
to
the
worse
were
running
out
of
the
feild
,
who
neuerthelesse
seeing
the
Christians
fly
,
called
backe
his
men
,
charged
them
a
fresh
,
and
got
the
victory
.
Phil
.
Comin
.
ca.
85.
Charles
duke
of
Burgundy
ouerthrown
by
the
Switz●rs
at
Granson
.
16.
Charles
duke
of
Burgundy
beseiging
Granson
,
and
vnderstandinge
that
the
Switzers
came
to
succour
it
,
went
to
meete
them
to
giue
them
battaile
;
The
soldiers
of
the
vangard
,
as
they
were
marching
,
meaning
to
take
a
better
way
,
retyred
a
litle
back
:
the
reereward
seeing
the
same
,
imagined
that
they
fled
,
and
began
themselues
to
flee
,
wherupon
the
rest
also
did
the
like
,
and
in
conclusion
the
Duke
&
al
ranne
a
way
,
abandoning
their
artillery
&
camp
to
the
spoyle
of
the
Switzers
,
who
were
exceedingly
enriched
therby
and
yet
killed
but
only
7.
men
,
for
al
the
rest
saued
themselues
by
flight
.
Thus
much
concerning
sudden
feares
,
wherto
I
wil
adde
a
few
more
examples
of
other
accidents
.
17.
Examples
of
battayls
l●st
by
dyuers
other
accidents
Osotius
.
li
.
7.
ca.
36.
Gildo
gouernour
of
Africk
vnder
the
Emperours
Arcadius
and
Honorius
rebelled
against
the
empire
;
And
his
owne
brother
Mas●●zil
was
employed
against
him
for
General
,
who
had
not
in
a
certaine
occasion
aboue
5000.
men
,
to
fight
with
70000.
And
the
armyes
being
so
neere
togeather
that
they
were
ready
to
charge
one
another
,
Gildo
gouernour
of
Afri●
ouerthrown
by
a
strange
accident
.
Mascezil
beganne
to
make
motions
of
peace
and
receauing
some
hard
&
crosse
language
of
one
that
bore
an
Ensygne
,
stroke
him
vpon
the
same
arme
that
held
it
,
wherwith
the
Enseigne
fel
,
&
diuers
others
that
followed
seeing
the
same
,
and
conceiuing
that
he
which
bore
it
had
yeelded
it
,
came
in
great
hast
and
yeelded
themselues
,
wherupon
Gildo
fled
away
with
a
great
parte
of
the
army
and
the
rest
rendred
it selfe
.
18.
Guiccia
.
li
.
5.
The
French
ouerthrowne
by
the
Spaniards
,
through
a
word
mistaken
.
Also
in
the
battaile
of
Cirignola
in
the
kingdome
of
Naples
betwixt
the
Spaniards
&
the
Frenchmen
,
aword
of
the
Count
de
Nemours
who
was
General
of
the
French
being
misconstrued
by
his
soldiers
,
was
a
great
cause
of
their
ouerthrow
;
for
the
battaile
being
already
begon
,
and
the
Count
finding
that
he
could
not
passe
a
certaine
dich
(
ouer
the
which
he
had
thought
to
●aue
led
some
part
of
his
army
to
charge
the
Spaniards
on
the
other
side
)
cryed
vnto
the
soldiers
that
followed
him
,
back
,
back
,
meaning
to
lead
them
another
way
,
but
they
not
knowing
the
cause
,
vnderstood
that
he
had
bid
them
fly
,
which
they
al
began
to
doe
,
and
others
seeing
the
same
followed
the
example
:
&
it
chanced
also
at
the
same
tyme
that
the
Count
was
slayne
;
wherupon
the
whole
army
of
the
French
ranne
away
,
and
left
the
feild
and
victory
to
the
Spaniards
.
19.
Againe
who
soeuer
hath
read
any
thing
of
the
ancient
warres
,
or
hath
any
experience
of
these
of
our
tymes
,
cannot
be
ignorant
what
confusion
may
be
bred
in
a
battaile
by
a
little
disorder
growing
vpon
some
suddaine
accident
,
Battayles
lost
by
a
litle
disorder
.
Liui
.
dec
.
3.
li.
10
wherby
armyes
many
tymes
are
causes
of
their
owne
ouerthrowe
:
as
it
chanced
to
Hanibal
in
his
last
battaile
with
Scipio
,
wherin
his
owne
Elephants
turning
back
vpon
his
horsemen
,
so
brake
and
disordered
them
,
that
the
Romans
taking
the
aduantage
therof
easily
put
them
to
flight
,
The
battail
of
Fury
in
France
,
in
the
yere
1590.
20.
The
like
to
this
hath
happened
sometymes
in
this
our
age
,
&
namely
a
few
yeeres
past
in
France
,
in
the
yeere
of
our
lord
1590.
in
the
battaile
of
Yury
,
betwixt
the
King
of
France
that
now
is
,
and
the
Duke
de
Mayne
then
general
for
the
league
,
in
which
battaile
the
horsemen
of
the
league
flying
back
vpon
their
owne
footemen
,
brake
them
in
such
sort
,
that
the
enemy
entring
with
al
,
easily
defeated
them
.
The
victory
in
battails
dependeth
●ometymes
vpon
wynd
and
wether
,
as
wel
by
land
as
by
sea
21.
Lastly
to
shew
euidently
the
force
of
chance
in
warr
;
is
there
any
thing
more
vncertaine
or
inconstant
then
winde
and
weather
?
and
yet
neuertheles
therupon
dependeth
many
tymes
the
successe
of
battailes
and
other
warlike
attempts
,
especially
by
sea
,
where
the
wind
and
weather
doe
predominate
,
and
doe
check
al
the
power
of
men
.
For
who
is
ignorant
that
be
the
Nauy
neuer
so
potent
,
it
can
neither
goe
out
of
the
harbour
,
nor
arriue
where
it
should
,
to
encounter
the
enemy
,
if
wind
and
weather
be
not
fauourable
?
Which
also
is
as
necessary
and
important
for
the
obtaning
of
uictory
in
a
conflict
by
sea
,
wherin
the
first
aduantage
that
the
expert
sea
man
seeketh
to
get
of
his
enemy
,
is
to
winne
the
wind
of
him
:
which
wind
changing
also
sometymes
during
the
conflict
,
doth
giue
both
the
aduantage
&
victory
to
the
enemy
.
The
battail
of
Le●anto
betwixt
the
Christians
and
the
Tur●s
.
As
it
fel
out
in
the
battaile
of
Lepanto
betwene
the
Christians
and
the
Turcks
,
wherin
the
wind
being
first
fauourable
to
the
Turcks
,
changed
suddenly
and
droue
al
the
smoke
of
the
artillery
and
smal
shot
vpon
them
,
wherby
they
were
so
blinded
,
Surius
in
commentar
.
1571.
that
they
were
easely
and
speedily
ouerthrowne
:
wherof
I
shal
haue
more
occasion
to
speake
more
particulerly
cap
.
15.
number
28.
hereafter
.
22.
And
this
chanceth
in
like
manner
in
battailes
vpon
land
;
&
therfore
wise
captaines
seeke
not
only
to
haue
the
sunne
,
but
also
the
wind
on
their
backs
;
for
it
often
falleth
out
,
that
a
storme
of
haile
or
raine
in
the
face
of
an
army
,
or
a
violent
wind
driuing
either
the
dust
or
the
smoke
of
shot
&
artillery
vpon
it
,
The
great
victory
●f
Hannibal
at
Cannae
.
giueth
the
victory
to
the
enemy
.
As
in
the
famous
battaile
at
Can●ae
when
Hannibal
ouerthrew
the
Romans
,
and
slew
4000.
foote
and
2700.
●iu●
.
dec
3
li.
2.
horse
,
and
tooke
3300.
prisoners
,
he
had
the
wind
in
his
fauor
,
which
being
in
his
back
,
&
with
al
so
violent
,
that
it
droue
the
dust
into
the
eyes
of
the
Romans
,
did
greatly
facillitate
his
victory
.
23.
The
victory
of
Scipio
Assatiticus
against
Antiochus
Liui
.
dec
.
4.
li.
●
.
The
like
or
rather
a
far
greater
victory
got
Scipio
Asiaticus
against
Antiochus
King
of
Syria
,
whom
he
put
to
flight
and
slew
5000.
footemen
and
4000.
horse
with
the
losse
only
of
349.
men
,
by
the
help
of
a
foggy
mist
,
and
a
shewer
of
rayne
;
for
the
mist
was
so
thick
that
the
huge
army
of
Antiochus
could
not
one
part
of
it
see
another
,
wheras
it
wrought
no
such
effect
in
the
smal
army
of
the
Romans
;
and
againe
the
rayne
so
weakned
the
bowes
and
slinges
of
the
soldiers
of
Antiochus
,
that
they
serued
to
litle
purpose
,
wheras
the
Romans
vsing
onl●
swords
and
dartes
receiued
no
dammage
therby
.
And
to
come
nearer
our
tyme
,
Pero
Mes●ia
.
in
vitis
Impet
.
in
Ad●lto
.
Guiccia
.
li
.
●
.
we
read
that
Adulfus
the
Emperour
was
slayn
,
and
ys
whole
army
ouerthrowne
by
Albertus
,
by
reason
that
the
sunne
was
in
their
faces
.
24.
Also
amongst
some
other
causes
of
the
losse
of
the
great
battaile
of
Ghiaradadda
betwixt
the
Venetians
and
the
French
;
Guicciardin
obserueth
,
The
battail
of
Chiaradadda
l●st
by
the
Venetians
through
a
shoure
of
rayne
.
that
a
shewer
of
rayne
which
fel
as
they
were
fighting
,
made
the
ground
so
slipery
vpon
a
suddayne
,
that
the
footemen
of
the
Venetians
could
not
hold
their
footing
,
to
defend
themselues
against
the
french
horse
,
by
which
meanes
they
were
easely
broken
and
the
greatest
parte
of
them
slayne
.
25
,
This
then
we
see
how
great
a
sway
chance
beareth
in
battailes
and
enterprises
of
warre
,
How
little
confidence
is
to
be
had
in
the
policy
or
power
of
man
for
the
good
successe
of
a
battail
.
and
consequently
how
litle
confidence
is
to
be
reposed
in
the
wit
,
policy
,
power
,
or
endeauor
of
men
for
the
good
successe
therof
,
which
dependeth
vpon
infinite
accidents
,
chancing
so
diuersly
(
according
to
the
difference
of
persons
,
tymes
,
places
,
and
circumstances
)
that
nether
the
wisdome
of
any
General
can
foresee
them
,
nor
any
diligence
,
dexterity
,
or
industry
of
soldiers
preuent
them
,
though
al
should
concurre
in
the
highest
degree
:
for
be
the
soldiers
neuer
so
obedient
,
dexterous
,
and
diligent
,
and
the
captaine
neuer
so
wise
&
valiant
;
yet
what
assurance
is
there
of
good
successe
when
a
sudden
danger
shal
so
dismay
both
Captaine
and
soldiers
,
that
nether
the
one
shal
know
what
to
command
,
nor
the
other
how
to
obey
,
when
an
erronious
conceit
of
some
few
,
or
the
bad
example
of
some
one
,
or
a
word
mistaken
,
or
a
blast
of
wynd
,
or
a
shewer
of
rayne
,
&
innumerable
other
accydents
,
not
possible
to
before
seene
or
remedyed
,
shal
giue
the
victory
to
the
weaker
,
yea
to
those
that
are
in
a
manner
vanquished
.
The
successe
of
battails
dependeth
who●ly
on
the
wil
and
secret
iudgements
of
God
.
26.
But
now
to
demonstrate
not
only
that
al
humane
policy
,
power
,
&
force
is
vaine
,
but
also
that
God
disposeth
of
the
successe
of
battailes
and
warlike
attempts
,
according
to
his
holy
wil
and
secret
iudgments
:
it
is
to
be
considered
that
as
the
worthy
Iudas
Machabaeus
said
,
Non
in
multitudine
exercitus
victoria
belli
sed
de
caelo
fortitudo
est
.
Machab
.
li
.
1.
c
.
3.
The
victory
in
warre
doth
not
consist
in
the
multitude
,
or
greatnes
of
the
army
,
but
al
fortitude
and
strength
is
from
heauen
;
And
to
the
end
that
the
same
may
apeare
to
be
true
;
Examples
of
a
great
number
ouerthrowne
by
a
few
Iustin
.
li
.
2.
I
wil
first
shew
by
diuers
examples
,
that
a
handful
of
men
,
many
tymes
ouerthrow
many
thousands
,
and
after
I
wil
make
it
manifest
,
that
the
same
doth
proceed
for
the
hand
and
prouidence
of
God
.
Mighty
armies
of
Darius
and
Xerxes
ouerthrown
by
a
few
.
27.
Milciades
the
Athenian
,
hauing
but
eleuen
thousand
soldiers
,
ouerthrew
Darius
king
of
Persia
,
who
had
600.
thousand
:
as
also
not
long
after
Themistocles
with
a
smal
number
ouercame
700.
thousand
foote
,
and
300.
thousand
horse
,
brought
into
Greece
by
Xerxes
kinge
of
Persia
,
who
escaped
by
flight
in
a
litle
fisher
bote
,
wheras
not
long
before
the
earthe
and
sea
was
scarse
able
to
hould
him
.
Idem
Ibid
.
The
battail
betvixt
Alexander
and
Darius
.
28.
Alexander
the
great
with
lesse
then
40000.
ouercame
Darius
who
had
600.
thousand
,
of
whome
he
killed
two
and
twenty
thousand
,
and
lost
but
nine
footemen
,
and
a
hundred
and
20.
horse
:
and
in
his
second
battaile
he
killed
threscore
and
one
thousand
foote
,
and
ten
thousand
horse
,
and
tooke
40000.
prisoners
,
with
the
losse
of
an
hundreth
and
30.
foote
and
150.
horse
.
Plutarck
.
in
the
life
of
Paulus
AEmil●us
.
Bel●satius
.
Clau●ius
.
Procopt
.
l
2.
de
bella
vandil
.
Iohan
.
Vassae
in
ebton
.
an
.
588.
Lue
.
Tu●ens
.
Sanctus
●sidor
.
29.
Paulus
AEmilius
a
Roman
,
in
his
second
consulate
,
being
farr
inferiour
in
number
of
soldiers
to
Persaeus
king
of
Macedonia
,
tooke
him
prisoner
,
and
slew
25.
thousand
of
his
men
with
the
losse
of
80.
Romans
.
Bellisarius
with
5000.
ouercame
50000.
Vandals
.
Claud
us
a
captaine
of
Recaredus
king
of
Spaine
,
with
300.
soldiers
slew
and
put
to
flight
threscore
thousand
that
came
into
the
confynes
of
Spaine
to
the
succour
of
the
Arrians
conducted
by
B●sea
or
Baso
a
subiect
of
Guntran
king
of
Orleance
.
Abderama
the
Moore
entring
France
with
450000.
Arrians
ouert●rown
by
Los●a
.
Saracens
was
defeated
by
Charles
Martelle
who
with
the
losse
of
1500.
men
,
slew
Abderama
&
the
greatest
parte
of
his
nobility
,
and
3.
hundreth
70.
and
fiue
thousand
Saracens
.
30.
Iohn
Froysart
in
Chron
.
The
Count
of
Flanders
ouerthrowne
by
the
inhabitants
of
Gant
.
The
people
of
Gaunt
rebelling
against
the
Count
of
Flanders
their
Soueraigne
,
&
being
so
blocked
on
al
sides
that
they
were
like
to
perrish
with
famine
,
issued
desperatly
out
of
the
towne
with
5000.
onl●
,
and
gaue
battaile
to
the
Count
though
he
had
40000.
men
,
whom
they
put
to
flight
and
pursued
euen
into
the
towne
of
Bruges
,
whence
he
escaped
very
hardly
in
the
night
disguised
,
Walter
of
Pletemburg
,
ouerthrewe
the
Muscouits
.
wherupon
almost
al
the
townes
of
Flanders
yealded
to
them
.
31.
Walter
of
Pletemburg
great
Maister
of
the
Knights
of
Prussia
,
with
a
smal
number
in
respect
of
his
enemy
slew
100000.
Muscouits
and
lost
but
only
one
man
.
And
a
few
yeeres
after
,
Tilman
.
Bredem
bach
.
de
bello
Liuoni
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
the
Lituanians
hauing
not
boue
30.
thousand
,
slew
90.
thousand
Muscouits
with
the
losse
of
20.
men
.
32.
And
here
further
it
is
to
be
noted
,
When
man
is
most
confident
of
his
owne
power
,
he
hath
Commonly
the
worst
successe
.
Iustin
li.
34.
The
Corinthians
subdued
by
the
Romans
.
that
when
man
is
most
insolent
,
and
confident
of
his
owne
power
,
and
most
contemneth
his
enemye
,
then
many
tymes
he
hath
the
worst
successe
,
wherof
I
wil
also
alleadge
a
few
examples
.
The
people
of
the
country
of
Achaya
(
wherof
Corinth
was
the
cheife
city
)
being
very
confydent
of
their
owne
power
,
abused
certaine
Embassadours
of
the
Romans
,
who
in
reuenge
therof
sent
an
army
to
make
warre
vpon
them
;
This
army
semed
to
them
so
litle
in
respect
of
theirs
,
that
they
made
sure
account
of
victory
;
and
therfore
when
they
went
to
battaile
they
tooke
with
them
waynes
and
cartes
to
bringe
home
the
spoyles
of
the
Roman
army
,
and
placed
al
their
parents
,
wiues
,
&
children
where
they
might
see
the
conflict
,
but
they
were
al
ouercome
,
their
wiues
and
children
made
prisoners
,
the
towne
of
Corinth
taken
,
and
al
the
people
therof
sold
for
slaues
.
33.
Plut.
in
●●ecullo
.
Tigranes
the
King
of
Armenia
being
assisted
with
diuers
other
Kings
his
confederats
,
Tigranes
King
of
Armenia
ouerthrowne
by
the
Romans
.
had
an
army
of
aboue
two
hundreth
and
twenty
thousand
armed
men
,
wherof
50000.
were
horse
,
to
fight
with
Lucullus
the
Roman
,
who
had
not
aboue
12.
or
13.
thousand
horse
,
and
foote
,
in
which
respect
he
was
so
contemned
by
his
enemyes
that
not
only
euery
one
of
the
Kings
,
but
also
almost
euery
particuler
Coronel
desired
of
Tigranes
that
he
with
his
troupes
might
haue
the
honour
to
fight
with
him
alone
;
and
Tigranes
him selfe
iested
at
him
,
saying
,
that
if
he
came
as
Embassadour
he
had
many
men
,
but
if
he
came
to
fight
,
he
had
very
few
.
In
conclusion
they
fought
,
and
Lucullus
had
the
victory
,
and
killed
of
the
enemy
a
hundreth
thousand
foote
,
and
almost
al
his
horsemen
,
and
(
which
was
most
admirable
)
he
lost
but
5.
men
in
al
,
and
aboute
10.
others
were
hurt
.
Basilius
great
D
k●
of
Muscou●●
,
ouerthrov●n
by
the
Polonians
.
Cromer
.
in
orat
.
funci●
.
in
ol●tu
S●gismundi
.
34.
Basilius
the
great
Duke
of
Muscouy
being
to
giue
battaille
to
the
Polonians
trusted
so
much
to
his
owne
strength
(
hauing
an
army
of
80.
thousand
men
)
that
when
he
might
haue
taken
them
at
an
aduantage
as
they
passed
a
riuer
,
he
would
not
,
but
bragged
that
he
would
let
them
passe
ouer
,
to
the
end
that
afterwards
he
might
driue
them
al
before
him
like
beasts
into
Muscouia
:
neuertheles
it
so
fel
out
that
the
Polonians
got
the
victory
,
and
slew
40.
thousand
Muscouits
,
and
tooke
5000.
prisoners
;
so
dangerous
a
thing
it
is
for
any
man
to
contemne
his
enemy
vpon
confidence
of
his
owne
strength
.
Dangerous
to
contemne
an
enemy
.
P●lidor
Virg
.
hi●t
.
l.
19.
1556
35.
But
what
neede
I
alleadge
forreine
examples
seeing
we
haue
at
home
some
most
notable
in
this
kinde
.
Iohn
Kinge
of
France
at
the
famous
battaile
of
Poictiers
,
Ihon
King
of
●rance
ta●en
in
the
battail●
of
●●y
●●reby
Edward
the
black
prince
.
betwixt
him
and
Edward
the
black
Prince
sonne
to
Kinge
Edward
the
.
3.
had
60
,
thousand
men
,
and
the
Prince
had
not
aboue
8000.
which
made
Kinge
Iohn
so
confident
,
that
being
earnestly
solicited
by
the
Popes
Legate
to
accept
such
reasonable
conditions
of
composition
as
the
Prince
offered
him
,
(
which
were
to
restore
vnto
him
,
al
the
prisoners
,
castells
,
and
townes
that
he
had
taken
of
his
before
in
that
warre
,
and
further
to
bind
him selfe
by
oath
not
to
beare
armes
against
him
for
some
yeeres
)
he
would
admit
no
other
condition
,
but
that
the
Prince
should
yeeld
him selfe
prisoner
,
and
al
his
army
to
his
mercy
;
wherupon
the
Prince
gaue
him
battaile
,
&
tooke
him
&
his
sonne
Phillip
prisoners
,
with
a
thousand
seuen
hundreth
others
of
the
nobility
,
slew
6000.
soldiers
,
had
the
spoyle
of
his
camp
,
and
carried
away
aboue
100.
enseignes
.
36.
And
afterwards
at
the
battaille
of
Agincourt
,
in
France
betweene
Henry
the
5.
The
battail
of
Agin●●urt
betwixt
the
Eng●●●h
&
Fr●●ch
.
King
of
England
,
and
the
Dukes
of
Orleance
and
Barbon
in
the
time
of
Charles
the
6.
King
of
France
;
the
French
so
farre
exceeded
the
English
in
number
of
horse
and
foote
,
and
made
such
sure
account
of
the
victory
,
that
being
ready
to
ioyne
battaile
,
Polid
.
li
.
●is
.
2●
.
an
14.
19.
they
sent
a
messenger
to
King
Henry
to
know
what
he
would
giue
for
his
ransome
,
yea
and
prepared
a
triumphant
chariot
to
carry
him
away
prisoner
when
they
should
take
him
;
but
God
so
disposed
,
that
he
tooke
the
two
Dukes
prisoners
,
&
slew
almost
20000.
of
their
men
,
and
lost
not
aboue
fiue
or
six
hundred
of
his
,
or
,
as
some
write
,
not
a
hundreth
.
37.
I
omit
many
other
examples
,
which
might
be
alledged
;
And
now
to
shew
whence
al
these
admirable
victories
proceed
,
I
wil
conclude
with
that
which
almighty
God
said
vnto
the
children
of
Israel
when
he
gaue
them
the
law
,
God
is
the
giues
of
victories
.
Leuitit
.
26.
promising
them
that
if
they
serued
him
,
Persequemini
,
saith
he
,
mimicos
Vestros
&c.
you
shal
pursue
your
enemyes
,
and
they
shal
fall
before
you
,
fyue
of
yours
shal
geue
chase
to
a
hundreth
strangers
,
and
a
hundreth
of
you
,
to
ten
thousand
;
Thus
said
almighty
God
,
and
to
the
same
purpose
also
Moyses
,
prophecing
of
the
greate
ouerthrowes
which
the
enemies
of
the
children
of
Israel
should
geue
them
,
by
the
iust
iudgements
of
God
for
their
wickednes
,
demanded
,
how
it
should
come
to
passe
,
that
one
shuld
ouercome
a
thousand
,
&
two
,
Deuicr
.
32.
ten
thousand
whereto
he
also
answered
Quia
Deus
suus
vendidit
eos
.
Because
their
God
hath
sold
them
,
and
geuen
them
ouer
to
their
enemies
.
Why
God
ouerthroweth
many
times
th●
stronger
by
the
weaker
.
And
the
like
must
needs
be
confessed
in
al
such
cases
,
such
being
the
stile
of
almighty
God
,
(
when
he
meaneth
to
punish
men
for
sinne
)
to
confound
the
strong
by
the
weake
,
as
wel
to
beat
doune
the
pride
of
the
potent
and
mightie
,
who
confide
in
their
owne
strength
,
as
also
to
shew
his
owne
power
&
glory
in
those
thinges
,
God
the
Lord
of
hosts
&
armies
.
Isai
37.
Ierem
.
9.
Ezechiel
.
30.
wherin
man
is
most
powerful
and
glorious
,
to
wit
in
matters
of
warre
,
armies
,
battailes
;
and
therfore
our
Lord
is
commonly
called
in
the
Scriptures
Dominus
exercituum
.
The
Lord
of
host
and
armies
.
38.
And
although
it
seemeth
most
commonly
that
the
victory
in
warre
proceedeth
either
of
the
valour
,
or
power
of
him
that
ouercommeth
,
or
of
the
error
,
cowardyze
,
How
God
geueth
victorie
by
secondarie
causes
or
weaknes
of
the
vanquished
,
or
else
otherwhiles
of
chance
;
yet
it
is
not
therfore
to
be
denied
to
proceede
from
the
prouidence
of
God
,
who
disposing
al
thinges
sweetly
worketh
his
wil
by
secondary
causes
,
(
as
I
haue
declared
before
)
for
some
times
hee
giueth
valour
and
courrage
,
some
times
he
taketh
it
away
,
other
whiles
he
doth
dissipate
and
frustrat
prudent
councels
,
and
policies
,
and
other
whiles
againe
he
bereaueth
men
of
their
iudgments
,
to
the
end
they
may
erre
,
(
when
their
sinnes
deserue
it
or
his
secret
iudgements
require
it
)
some
times
he
worketh
by
such
secret
&
hidden
causes
,
that
the
victory
seemeth
to
men
to
be
got
by
chance
,
though
to
his
deuine
prouidence
and
wisdome
nothing
is
accidental
.
Eccle
.
46.
et
47.
Indic
.
4.5.6.13.14.15
.
Psal
143.2
.
Machab
.
10.
Psal
.
17.
et
.
141.
39.
To
Iosue
,
Debora
,
Gedeon
,
Sampson
,
Dauid
,
and
Iudas
Machabeus
he
gaue
extraordinary
courrage
,
and
valour
;
yea
and
as
Dauid
saith
of
him selfe
.
He
taught
their
hands
to
fight
,
and
made
their
armes
like
bowes
of
brasse
.
Wherby
they
got
most
notable
victories
,
memorable
to
al
posterity
;
He
daunted
the
courrage
of
Zara
the
Aethiopian
,
2.
paralip
.
ca.
16.
and
of
his
million
of
men
;
wherby
they
al
fled
,
and
were
most
of
them
slaine
,
of
whome
the
scripture
saith
.
Exterruit
Dominus
Aethiopes
coram
Asa
,
et
Iuda
,
fugeruntque
et
ruerunt
vsque
ad
internecionem
;
Our
Lord
cast
a
feare
vpon
the
Ethiopians
before
the
face
of
King
Asa
,
and
Iuda
,
and
they
fled
and
fel
with
great
slaughter
;
He
in
fatuated
the
crafty
and
politik
councel
of
Achitophel
wherby
Dauid
was
deliured
from
his
sonne
Absalon
;
2.
Reg
.
17.
He
permtted
the
spirit
of
errour
to
deceaue
the
prophets
of
King
Achab
that
he
might
runne
vpon
his
owne
ruine
:
3.
Reg
.
c
.
22.
Dedit
Dominus
(
saith
the
prophet
Micheas
to
Achab
)
Spiritum
mendacij
in
ore
omnium
phrophetarum
tuorum
,
Our
Lord
hath
giuen
the
spirit
of
lies
in
to
the
mouth
of
al
thy
prophets
.
Lastly
though
his
deuine
maiestie
determined
,
that
the
said
King
Achab
should
be
killed
by
the
Syrians
(
in
that
battaile
wherto
his
false
prophets
encouraged
him
)
neuertheles
he
ordained
,
God
geueth
victories
by
casual
meanes
.
that
the
same
should
be
executed
by
casual
meanes
,
for
so
the
scripture
saith
,
as
I
haue
signified
before
in
the
12.
chapter
.
40.
Loe
then
how
almighty
God
whose
wisdome
and
power
is
infinit
,
whose
councels
are
incomprehensible
,
and
iudgments
inscrutable
doth
not
only
vse
meanes
which
seeme
to
men
accidental
&
casual
;
but
also
serueth
him selfe
of
the
wits
,
wils
,
hartes
,
and
handes
of
al
men
,
yea
of
their
very
errours
and
euil
wils
,
for
the
execution
of
his
holy
wil
,
to
giue
victory
where
and
when
it
pleaseth
him
;
to
humiliate
the
hautie
and
proude
,
and
to
exalt
the
humble
;
Psal
.
9.3
.
Reg
.
20.
Psal
.
32.
Vt
sciant
quia
homines
sunt
.
That
they
may
knowe
they
are
men
.
&
.
Quia
deus
est
dominus
,
that
God
is
their
lord
:
And
that
Rex
non
saluatur
per
multam
virtutem
.
The
Kinge
is
not
saued
by
his
owne
great
power
,
nor
the
gyant
by
the
greatnes
of
his
strength
;
But
that
(
as
it
followeth
in
the
same
place
)
Occuli
domini
super
metuentes
cum
:
Ibid
.
The
eyes
of
our
Lord
are
vpon
them
which
feare
him
and
trust
in
his
mercy
.
41.
And
although
it
seemeth
good
to
his
deuine
wisdome
ordinarily
to
worke
and
execute
his
wil
as
wel
in
warre
as
in
other
affaires
of
men
,
by
such
a
secret
concurance
with
secondary
causes
,
that
his
operation
therin
is
not
apparant
to
the
eyes
of
men
(
therby
to
leaue
place
for
the
merit
of
faith
,
as
he
doth
in
like
forte
in
al
the
course
of
his
gouernment
of
the
world
,
and
his
disposition
of
humane
affaires
:
)
yet
somtimes
for
his
owne
greater
glory
and
the
greater
confusion
of
his
enemies
,
and
to
make
it
manifest
vnto
al
men
that
the
successe
of
mens
actions
depend
vpon
his
wil
;
God
geueth
victory
many
times
by
miraculous
meanes
.
he
giueth
victories
in
such
wonderful
and
miraculous
maner
,
that
the
most
incredulous
and
faithles
man
can
not
deny
it
to
be
his
worke
.
42.
This
may
appeare
by
very
many
examples
,
Examples
of
miraculous
victories
in
the
old
testament
.
Exod
.
ca.
14.
not
only
in
the
old
testament
but
also
in
the
histories
of
later
times
.
Of
some
of
the
first
kind
I
wil
only
make
a
breife
mention
,
because
they
are
notorious
to
al
Christians
.
King
Pharao
and
al
his
host
pursuing
Moyses
and
the
children
of
Israel
,
were
drowned
in
the
red
sea
:
The
army
of
the
5.
Kinges
of
the
Amorrheans
was
destroied
with
haile
from
heauen
,
yea
&
the
sunne
,
Iosue
.
ca.
10.
Iudic
.
c
.
7.
&
moone
stood
stil
a
whole
day
while
Iosue
fought
against
them
.
Gedeon
with
300.
men
who
did
but
sound
their
trumpets
,
and
beat
their
pots
and
flagons
one
against
another
,
ouercame
an
innumerable
multitude
of
the
Madianits
and
Amalecits
,
who
were
so
dismaied
and
confounded
that
they
killed
one
an
other
.
Sampson
with
the
iawbone
of
an
asse
,
slew
a
thousand
Philistines
.
Iud.
ca.
15.4
.
Reg
.
ca.
7.
Benadad
King
of
Syria
beseiging
the
Israelites
,
and
hauing
almoste
famished
them
,
tooke
such
a
fright
in
the
night
,
that
he
left
the
camp
,
&
ranne
away
with
his
whole
army
.
The
angel
of
God
killed
in
one
night
a
hundred
4.
score
and
5.
thousand
in
the
campe
of
Sennacherib
King
of
Assria
.
Iudith
deliuered
Bethulia
from
the
seige
of
Holofernes
,
4.
Reg
.
ca.
19.
Iudith
.
ca.
13.
who
had
a
hundreth
and
forty
thousand
in
his
campe
.
And
lastly
to
omit
diuers
others
,
5.
Angels
appeared
on
horsbacke
in
the
ayre
,
Machab
.
li
.
i
.
c
.
10.
defending
Iudas
Machabeus
against
Timotheus
&
castinge
thunderbolts
at
him
&
his
army
,
wherby
they
were
put
to
flight
,
and
aboue
20.
thousand
of
them
slaine
.
43.
But
what
?
hath
not
almighty
God
also
manifested
his
owne
power
and
glory
in
like
manner
,
since
the
time
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
in
al
ages
,
euen
vntil
this
wherin
wee
liue
?
I
might
alleadge
an
infinit
number
of
most
notable
examples
,
out
of
the
histories
of
al
cuntries
&
times
;
but
for
breuities
sake
I
wil
only
relate
one
or
two
of
euery
age
,
Examples
of
miraculous
victories
in
euery
age
since
Christs
time
.
for
the
instruction
of
such
as
cal
in
question
the
credit
of
the
holy
scriptures
in
the
miraculous
victories
afore
said
;
or
doe
any
way
doubt
of
Gods
prouidence
in
humane
affaires
,
or
else
expect
the
good
successe
either
of
their
policies
,
or
of
their
powerful
attempts
,
otherwise
then
at
the
hands
of
almighty
God
.
FOR
THE
FVRTHER
PROOFE
THAT
THE
successe
in
warre
dependeth
vpon
Gods
wil
and
prouidence
,
examples
are
alleaged
of
miraculous
victories
in
euery
age
since
our
Sauiours
time
;
with
the
conclusion
of
this
point
concerninge
Chances
and
vnexpected
Euents
.
CHAP.
15.
The
miraculous
destruction
of
Hierusalem
by
the
Romans
.
Anno
72.
Iosephus
de
bello
Iudaico
.
li
.
7.
c
18.
WHo
soeuer
considereth
the
predictions
,
and
prophecies
not
only
of
the
ancient
Prophets
,
but
also
of
our
Sauiour
him selfe
,
concerning
the
seige
and
destruction
of
Hierusalem
,
(
which
were
fulfilled
in
the
first
age
,
38.
yeeres
after
our
Sauiours
passion
)
and
weigheth
with
al
the
prodigious
signes
and
tokens
which
were
seene
before
the
same
,
and
the
admirable
effects
that
followed
,
(
as
that
eleuen
hundreth
thousand
Iewes
perished
,
partly
by
their
owne
ciuil
dissentions
during
the
seige
,
and
partly
by
the
enemies
sword
)
who
soeuer
(
I
say
)
considereth
the
same
,
he
can
not
deny
,
but
that
God
gaue
them
in
to
their
enemies
handes
;
which
Titus
general
of
the
Roman
army
acknowledged
him selfe
when
he
had
taken
the
City
,
and
seene
the
infinite
numbers
of
dead
bodies
,
and
the
extreame
calamitie
of
those
which
were
liuing
.
Philostratus
.
li
.
6.
And
therfore
he
refused
to
be
crowned
,
saying
to
them
that
asked
him
the
cause
,
that
he
was
not
author
of
such
a
wonderful
exploite
,
but
that
God
being
angry
with
the
Iewes
,
had
vsed
him
as
his
instrument
to
execute
his
iustice
vpon
them
.
But
because
I
shal
haue
occasion
hereafter
to
speake
more
particulerly
of
this
seige
,
and
of
the
cause
therof
,
&
of
Gods
notable
iustice
shewed
therein
;
it
shal
suffice
only
to
haue
made
this
mention
therof
in
this
place
,
to
shew
,
that
the
victory
of
the
Romans
proceeded
from
the
hand
of
God
,
and
not
from
their
owne
power
.
2.
In
the
second
age
,
A
miraculous
victory
of
the
Emperour
Marcu
Aureliu●
.
Anno.
176.
when
Marcus
Aurelius
the
Emperour
made
warre
in
Germany
,
against
the
Marcommani
,
Quadi
,
and
diuers
other
barbarous
nations
to
the
number
of
977.
thousand
,
and
was
no
lesse
afflicted
and
al
his
army
with
thirst
for
lack
of
water
,
then
oppressed
with
the
multitude
of
enemies
,
he
sought
releefe
from
his
false
Gods
,
by
the
prophane
sacrifices
and
prayers
of
his
Idolatours
priests
,
&
seeing
no
fruite
therof
,
he
commanded
a
Christian
legion
,
which
serued
him
in
his
armie
to
pray
vnto
their
God
for
releefe
and
victory
,
vpon
whose
praiers
God
destroyed
the
army
of
the
enemies
with
thunder
,
lightning
,
and
fiery
haile
;
And
at
the
same
time
refreshed
the
Emperours
army
with
such
store
of
raine
that
it
serued
them
to
drinke
&
quench
their
thirsts
,
wherby
the
Emperour
had
a
most
notable
victory
which
he
acknowledged
as
obtained
by
the
praiers
of
the
Christian
legion
;
and
therfore
did
not
only
honour
it
euer
after
,
with
the
title
of
Fulminatrix
,
(
that
is
to
say
the
Tuunderer
)
but
also
graunted
to
al
Christians
exemption
from
persecution
,
by
publike
edict
.
And
this
appeareth
by
the
letters
of
the
Emperour
him selfe
to
the
Senat
testifiing
the
same
,
Euseb
.
ecclesiast
.
hist
.
li.
5.
ca.
5.
orosi
.
li
.
7.
ca.
15.
Iustin
.
et
Tertul
.
Apolog
.
ca.
5.
et
ad
Scapulum
c
.
4.
wherof
not
only
Eusebius
,
Orosius
,
and
many
other
historiographers
make
mention
,
but
also
Iustin
the
philosopher
and
martyr
,
and
Tertulian
who
in
their
apologies
for
the
Christians
,
obiect
the
same
to
the
heathens
their
enemies
,
as
a
matter
so
manifest
,
that
they
could
not
deny
it
,
besides
that
there
remaineth
euen
to
this
day
,
a
monument
,
Baron
.
an
.
176.
and
memory
of
it
vpon
the
famous
piller
erected
by
Marcus
Aurelius
in
Rome
,
and
dedicated
to
his
father
in
law
the
Emperour
Antonius
.
3.
In
the
third
age
S.
Mercury
not
longe
before
his
martyrdome
,
Anno.
254.
Metaphrastes
.
Surius
in
eius
vita
20.
decem
The
Persians
ouerthrown
miraculously
by
S.
Mercury
.
(
being
but
a
priuate
soldier
in
the
army
of
Decius
the
Emperour
,
and
fighting
against
the
Persians
)
had
a
sword
giuen
him
by
an
Angel
,
and
was
encouraged
by
him
to
presse
into
the
midst
of
〈◇〉
●nemies
battaile
,
which
he
did
with
such
valour
,
that
he
slew
the
King
of
Persia
,
wherby
the
whole
army
was
discomfited
;
in
recompence
wherof
the
emperour
Decius
aduanced
him
greatly
and
gaue
him
very
honorable
chardge
in
his
army
,
though
with
in
a
while
after
,
vnderstanding
that
he
was
a
Christian
,
he
caused
him
to
be
most
cruelly
tormented
and
executed
.
4.
In
the
4.
age
the
famous
Emperour
,
and
honour
of
our
cuntry
Constantine
the
great
,
Anno.
312.
as
he
was
going
from
Britany
towards
Italy
with
smal
forces
against
Maxentius
the
Tirant
,
(
who
had
a
hundred
&
70.
Maxentius
miraculously
ouerthrowne
by
Constantin
the
great
.
thousand
foote
men
,
&
18.
thousand
horse
)
saw
in
the
ayre
at
midday
a
Crosse
with
this
insciption
,
In
hoc
vince
.
Ouercome
in
this
,
and
the
next
night
after
our
Sauiour
also
appeared
vnto
him
,
(
though
he
was
yet
a
painim
)
and
shewed
him
the
same
Crosse
which
he
had
seene
in
the
ayre
the
day
before
commanding
him
to
beare
it
in
his
standard
,
and
assuring
him
of
victory
.
Wherupon
Constantyne
confering
with
certaine
Christians
which
were
in
his
army
,
receaued
of
them
instructions
of
the
Christian
faith
&
determined
to
be
a
Christian
;
in
testimony
wherof
,
he
made
that
famous
standard
called
the
Labarum
,
Baron
.
20.
312.
wherin
was
contained
the
forme
of
the
Crosse
which
he
had
seene
in
the
ayre
,
wherby
he
did
not
only
ouerthrow
the
tirant
Maxentius
,
but
also
was
most
victorius
euer
after
during
his
life
,
in
so
much
that
when
soeuer
any
parte
of
his
army
was
distressed
,
it
was
presently
releeued
by
transporting
that
standard
thither
.
Euseb
.
li
.
1.
de
vita
.
Constant
.
ca.
20.24.25.26
.
5.
This
apparition
of
the
Crosse
with
the
vision
of
our
Sauiour
afterwards
,
and
the
miraculous
victory
of
Constantine
is
testified
many
wayes
;
Eusebius
bishop
of
Caesarea
liuing
at
the
same
time
wrote
the
history
vpon
the
report
of
Constantine
him selfe
;
who
,
Mephrasies
20.
Octob
.
he
saith
,
affirmed
it
to
him
with
an
oath
;
Also
Artemius
,
who
was
then
a
soldier
in
Constantines
army
,
obiected
the
apparition
of
the
Crosse
afterwards
to
Iulian
the
Apostata
,
affirming
that
not
only
he
,
Euseb
.
hist
.
li.
9.
ca.
8.
et
in
vita
Constant
.
c
.
32.
but
also
the
whole
army
did
see
it
,
which
he
tould
him
,
he
might
vnderstand
to
be
true
by
many
of
his
owne
soldiers
,
●otim
.
li
.
3.
who
were
there
present
,
and
saw
it
as
wel
as
hee
.
Furthermore
Nazarius
a
pagan
orator
,
in
his
panaegirical
oration
made
in
prayse
of
Constantine
,
in
the
presence
of
him
and
of
the
whole
Senat
of
Rome
,
attributed
his
victory
against
Maxentius
to
the
miraculous
assistance
of
God
,
declaring
amongst
other
thinges
as
a
matter
notorious
amongst
the
Gaules
,
(
who
are
now
Frenchmen
)
that
there
was
seene
in
diuers
partes
whole
armies
of
certaine
celestial
men
,
which
passed
through
the
country
towards
Italy
,
publishing
and
proclaiming
by
the
way
,
Baron
.
anno
.
312.
that
they
went
to
assist
Constantine
.
Lastly
the
Senat
it selfe
erecting
a
thriumphant
Arke
in
the
honor
of
Constantine
,
and
in
memory
of
his
victory
,
did
signify
that
he
obtained
the
same
instinctu
diuinitatis
,
by
the
instinct
or
help
of
God
,
as
appeareth
yet
to
this
day
in
the
inscriptions
vpon
the
said
Arke
.
6.
Anno.
338.
Sapores
K.
of
Persia
driuen
from
●isibis
with
gnats
.
Hieron
.
in
croni
.
Theodor
.
&
hist
.
li.
2.
ca.
30.
Anon.
63.
Socrat
hist
.
li.
3.
c
.
17.
In
the
same
age
Sapores
Kinge
of
Persia
by
the
prayers
of
the
holy
Bishop
of
Nisibis
called
Iames
,
was
driuen
from
the
seige
therof
with
gnats
and
flees
.
As
also
the
Emperour
Iulian
the
wicked
Apostata
fighting
against
the
Persians
was
slaine
with
a
lance
or
speare
,
no
man
knewe
by
whom
;
in
so
much
that
Calistes
one
of
his
owne
guarde
,
writing
afterwards
the
story
of
that
warre
in
verse
,
saith
that
he
was
kild
by
a
Daemon
,
that
is
to
say
a
spirit
:
and
he
him selfe
acknowledged
it
to
proceede
from
the
hand
of
God
for
his
malice
to
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
casting
his
owne
blood
with
great
fury
in
to
the
ayre
saying
;
vicisti
Galilee
:
Theodoret
.
l.
3.
c
.
20.
O
Galilean
(
meaning
our
Sauiour
)
thou
hast
ouercome
mee
;
7.
Also
in
the
same
age
the
Emperour
Theodosius
the
elder
surnamed
the
great
,
ouercame
Eugenius
the
tirant
:
Anno
●94
.
Ang.
de
c
uit
.
dei
li
5
ca
26.
The
miraculous
victory
of
the
Emperour
Theodosius
a●ainst
Eugenius
.
Potius
orando
saith
S.
Augustin
,
quam
p●gnando
,
rather
by
praier
then
by
fightinge
.
For
after
he
had
by
long
and
feruent
praier
recomended
his
cause
to
almighty
God
,
it
pleased
his
deuine
maiestie
miraculously
to
assist
him
with
a
great
storme
of
winde
and
tempest
,
which
did
not
only
cast
back
his
enemies
dartes
and
arrowes
against
them selues
(
wher
with
great
numbers
of
them
were
slaine
)
but
also
wrested
their
weapons
out
of
their
●ands
,
and
so
dismaied
them
that
they
were
defeated
with
al
facility
,
which
,
August
.
Ibid
.
as
S.
Augustine
testifieth
,
one
of
the
soldiers
who
fought
vnder
Eugenius
and
escaped
from
the
battaile
)
reported
to
him
.
Besides
that
Claudianus
a
pagan
poet
who
wrote
at
the
sane
time
,
acknowledged
the
miracle
writing
of
Theodosius
in
these
wordes
.
O
nimium
dilecte
Deo
,
Claudianus
Paniger
ad
Honor
.
in
eius
30.
consul
.
cui
militat
●ther
Et
con●urati
veniant
ad
classica
venti
.
that
is
to
say
;
O
dearly
beloued
of
God
for
whom
the
very
ayre
fighteth
and
the
windes
come
coniured
at
the
sound
of
the
trompet
.
Aug
li.
5.
de
ciuit
.
de●
ca.
23.
8.
In
the
5.
age
S.
Augustine
who
then
also
was
liuing
,
recounteth
for
a
miracle
&
the
special
worke
of
God
(
as
no
dout
it
was
)
that
Rhadagaisus
King
of
the
Goths
comming
before
Rome
with
a
huge
army
of
aboue
200.
Anno.
406.
Orosius
.
thousand
men
,
was
with
out
the
losse
or
wound
of
any
one
Roman
,
vtterly
discumfited
,
and
him selfe
with
his
children
,
Anno.
425.
Theodoretus
hist
.
li.
5.
ca.
36.
Socrat
.
li
.
7.
ca.
42.
N●cepho
.
li
.
14.
cap
.
4.
taken
and
slaine
.
And
in
the
same
age
almighty
God
miraculously
destroyed
Roylas
a
Scythian
and
his
puissant
army
with
thunderbolts
,
and
fier
from
heauen
,
when
he
approached
to
Constantinople
,
which
he
ment
to
haue
beseiged
in
the
time
of
Theodosius
the
younger
.
9.
But
most
wonderful
,
and
miraculous
was
the
ouerthrow
of
the
Saracens
in
the
same
age
as
they
were
comming
to
succour
Nisibis
,
Anno
Domini
.
420.
Socrat
.
lib
.
7.
ca.
18.
beseeged
by
an
army
of
Theodosius
the
younger
.
For
almighty
God
strooke
in
to
them
such
a
terrout
and
feare
of
the
Christian
army
,
A
miraculous
ouerthrow
of
the
Saracens
by
an
army
of
Theodosius
.
with
an
imagination
that
they
were
inclosed
and
assayled
by
the
same
on
euery
side
,
that
a
hundreth
thousand
of
them
cast
them selues
armed
in
to
the
riuer
Euphrates
,
wherin
they
perished
with
out
stroke
of
enemy
:
the
which
was
vnderstood
to
haue
bene
performed
by
the
help
and
ministery
of
Angels
,
who
a
litle
before
appeared
to
diuers
in
Bythinia
as
they
were
going
to
Constantinople
,
and
bad
them
signify
vnto
the
Constanstinopolitans
,
(
which
at
that
time
were
in
great
feare
of
that
huge
army
of
the
Saracens
,
that
they
should
haue
the
victory
,
to
which
purpose
they
said
they
were
sent
by
almighty
God
to
giue
them
assistance
.
10.
What
should
I
speake
of
Clodoueus
King
of
France
,
who
being
yet
a
Painim
,
Clodeueus
the
first
Christian
King
of
France
.
Anno.
499.
Paul
AEmilius
in
Clodoueo
.
in
the
same
age
gaue
a
notable
ouerthrowe
to
the
Almaines
by
Gods
assistance
,
which
he
obtained
by
a
vow
that
he
made
to
be
baptised
if
he
got
the
victory
;
which
vow
he
presently
after
performed
,
and
with
al
planted
the
Christian
faith
amongst
the
French
.
I
forbeare
(
I
say
)
to
recount
the
perticulers
therof
and
of
other
miraculous
victories
in
that
age
,
seeing
we
haue
in
our
owne
country
a
most
notable
example
of
a
victory
obtained
by
the
Britons
,
who
being
assailed
by
a
great
number
of
Pictes
,
Anno.
429.
A
miraculous
victory
of
the
Britons
against
the
Pelagians
.
&
dispairing
of
their
owne
forces
,
craued
the
praiers
and
help
of
S.
German
,
a
French
bishop
being
come
thither
at
the
same
time
to
cleare
the
country
from
the
infection
of
the
Pelagian
heresie
,
vnder
tooke
the
conduct
of
them
,
and
ordayned
that
when
they
should
come
to
fight
&
ioyne
battaile
they
should
cry
al
togeather
Allelluya
.
3.
times
,
which
they
did
,
Bed
.
lib
.
1.
c
.
20.
and
so
obtained
a
glorious
victory
,
as
our
famous
cuntriman
S.
Bede
reporteth
in
his
ecclesiastical
history
of
our
country
.
11.
In
the
6.
Anno.
544.
The
citty
of
Sergiopolis
miraculously
defended
against
Cosdroes
Procopius
de
bello
Gothico
.
age
Cosdroes
King
of
Persia
vnderstanding
that
the
citty
called
Sergiopolis
was
voyd
of
soldiers
to
deffend
it
,
thought
to
surprise
it
vpon
a
suddaine
,
but
when
he
arriued
there
,
it
pleased
God
that
the
walles
seemed
to
him
to
be
so
furni●hed
with
soldiers
that
he
was
astonished
ther
with
,
knowing
right
wel
that
there
were
not
so
many
soldiers
in
the
towne
;
and
therfore
vnderstanding
it
to
be
miraculous
,
he
returned
with
out
making
any
further
attempt
against
it
.
This
miracle
was
attributed
to
the
merits
of
S.
Sergius
patrone
of
that
citty
.
And
some
yeares
after
this
,
an
other
Cosaroes
also
King
of
Persia
,
Anno
593.
Euagrius
li.
6.
ca.
●
.
though
he
was
no
Christian
,
yet
vnderstanding
of
great
miracles
done
by
S.
Sergius
,
vowed
to
giue
a
ritch
gift
to
his
church
if
he
obtained
victory
in
a
battaile
which
he
was
to
fight
,
and
afterwards
he
performed
it
,
sending
thither
a
very
ritch
Crosse
of
gold
set
with
pretious
stones
with
an
inscription
in
greeke
containing
the
history
therof
.
12.
In
the
8.
Anno
60●
.
Aimonius
lib
.
3.
ca.
87.
&
88.
age
we
read
that
when
Theodobert
and
his
brother
Theodorick
both
Kings
of
France
,
ouerthrew
Clotarius
sonne
of
King
Chilperick
,
an
Angel
was
seene
in
the
ayre
fighting
for
the
2.
bretheren
;
Anno.
602.
As
also
the
next
yeere
after
a
Saint
appeared
in
like
sorte
fighting
in
the
ayre
against
the
Romans
in
behalfe
of
Arnulphus
the
Longobard
Duke
of
Spoleto
in
Italy
,
Paulus
Diaco
.
l.
4.
ca.
5.
S.
Sabinus
seen
fyghting
in
the
ayre
.
the
which
apparition
was
knowne
to
be
of
S.
Sabinus
the
martyr
by
his
picture
,
which
at
the
same
time
was
deuoutly
kept
in
the
churches
dedicated
vnto
almighty
God
in
honour
and
memory
of
him
.
13.
In
the
9.
Anno.
718.
Rodericus
Toletan
.
li
.
4.
ca.
2.
The
miraculous
victory
of
Pelagius
K.
of
Spain●
against
the
Saracens
.
age
also
Pelagius
King
of
Spaine
being
driuen
in
to
the
mountaines
of
Asturias
by
the
Saracens
(
who
before
had
conquered
,
and
then
possessed
al
the
rest
of
Spaine
)
was
forced
to
fortify
him selfe
in
a
caue
,
where
the
Saracens
beseiged
him
,
and
being
destitute
of
al
humane
helpe
&
hope
,
he
had
recourse
to
almighty
God
through
the
intercession
of
the
blessed
virgin
Mary
,
which
had
so
good
effect
,
that
the
arrowes
and
darts
of
the
Saracens
turned
back
vpon
them selues
,
and
slew
so
many
of
them
that
the
rest
began
to
flee
:
wherupon
King
Pelagius
issued
with
his
soldiers
,
(
who
were
but
1000.
in
al
)
and
pursuing
them
killed
very
many
,
Ioan
vasscus
.
an●o
.
718.
Iu●●s
T●dens
Ro●et
.
Tolet
.
and
the
rest
.
&
the
rest
eyther
perished
in
the
mountaines
,
or
were
drowned
by
the
riuers
which
at
the
same
time
did
ouerslowe
some
partes
of
the
country
;
and
this
is
testified
by
al
the
Spanish
historiographers
.
Anno.
749.
14.
In
the
same
age
Pepin
King
of
France
being
to
fight
against
the
Saxons
and
Westphalians
,
made
a
vow
to
almighty
God
and
S.
Swibert
,
Baron
tom
9.
Annal
.
ho●
anno
.
A
miraculous
victory
of
Pepin
K.
of
France
.
S.
Swybeyt
an
English
Saint
.
(
an
English
Saint
)
that
if
he
got
the
victory
he
would
make
a
sollemne
pilgrimage
to
S.
Swiberts
toumb
;
afterwards
when
he
came
to
ioyne
battel
with
his
enemies
,
there
appeared
such
a
miraculous
&
heauenly
light
vpon
his
whole
army
,
&
his
enemies
were
so
astonished
and
dismaied
there
with
,
that
they
presently
offered
to
yeeld
them selues
,
declaring
what
they
had
seene
,
and
so
the
King
taking
hostages
of
them
made
an
end
of
that
warre
,
Ludgetus
Monast
epist.
ad
A●xfridu●
de
mirac
.
S.
Swibetti
.
and
acknowledging
Gods
mercy
and
fauor
therin
,
through
the
intercession
of
S.
Swibert
,
performed
his
pilgrimage
bare
foote
accompanied
with
great
numbers
of
his
Nobility
,
as
witnesseth
S.
Ludgerus
bishop
of
Munstar
.
Anno.
880.
Kinge
Alured
mira
ulosly
overthrew
the
Danes
.
Polid
.
lib
.
5.
Cul
.
M●lmes
li.
de
g●st
reg
Angl.
li
.
2
c
.
4.
Roger
.
de
Hou●d
.
Annal
.
part
.
1.
Ingulphus
.
Hist
.
Angl.
an
.
872.
15.
In
the
9.
age
the
famous
Alured
or
Alfred
King
of
the
West
Saxons
,
and
the
first
founder
of
learning
in
our
vniuersity
of
Oxford
,
being
spoyled
almost
of
al
his
state
,
and
brought
to
great
extremity
by
the
Danes
,
was
comforted
and
encouraged
by
a
vision
of
S.
Cuthert
,
who
appeared
not
only
vnto
him
,
but
also
to
his
mother
in
their
sleepe
,
promising
him
victory
of
his
enemyes
,
and
recouery
of
his
state
,
and
to
the
end
he
might
the
rather
beleeue
it
,
he
fore
told
him
and
his
mother
certaine
thinges
,
which
succeeded
presently
after
.
Wherupon
he
gathered
new
forces
by
sea
,
and
land
,
assailed
his
enemies
and
recouered
his
owne
,
deliuered
Rochester
,
London
,
and
other
townes
from
the
seige
of
their
enemies
,
and
partly
killed
them
,
&
partly
droue
them
al
out
of
the
country
,
except
some
few
whome
he
permitted
to
remaine
vpon
condition
they
should
be
Christians
;
Finaly
hauing
also
enlarged
his
dominion
by
the
conquest
of
the
kingdome
of
the
Mercians
,
Polid
.
Ibid
.
he
gaue
greate
gifts
&
made
ritch
offerings
to
almighty
God
in
honour
of
S.
Cuthert
in
the
Church
where
his
reliques
were
kept
,
ascribing
al
his
victories
&
good
successe
to
his
merits
and
intercession
.
Anno.
825.
16.
In
the
same
age
Ranimirus
King
of
Leon
,
&
Asturias
in
Spaine
hauing
refused
to
pay
the
yerely
tribute
of
virgins
(
which
Mauregatus
one
of
his
predecessours
had
graunted
to
the
Moores
,
The
miraculous
ouerthrow
of
the
Moores
in
Spaine
by
King
Ranimirus
.
Ioan
.
valaeus
.
cron
.
an
.
825.
Roderic
.
Tolet
.
li
.
4.
cap
.
1●
Rode
.
san
.
par
.
3.
ca.
10.
Io
Vasse
.
in
cron
.
an
.
825.
did
also
make
warre
vpon
them
,
and
being
assisted
by
S.
Iames
who
was
seene
visibly
to
fight
for
the
Spaniards
vpon
a
white
horse
,
slew
about
70000.
of
them
with
smal
forces
;
In
memory
wherof
the
Spainards
h●ve
euer
since
vsed
to
cal
vpon
God
&
S.
Iames
in
th●ir
warrs
,
as
Englishmen
doe
vpon
God
and
S.
Georg●
.
Besides
th●t
the
letters
patents
of
Kinge
Ranimirus
,
wherby
he
graunted
to
the
church
of
S.
Iames
in
Compostella
certaine
yeerely
tributs
to
be
paied
therto
,
(
in
which
letters
this
story
is
declared
)
are
yet
kept
,
and
yeerely
read
publikly
in
the
churches
of
the
diocesses
of
Compostella
in
memory
of
this
victorie
.
17.
In
the
10.
Anno
915.
The
Sa●acent
miraculously
ouerthrown
in
Apulia
.
Sigo
.
de
regno
.
Ital
.
an
.
915.
Luit
.
prand
li.
2.
c
.
14.
The
Scithians
miraculously
defeated
by
the
Emperour
of
Constantinople
.
Hist
.
Ioan
.
Cuto
.
palat
.
age
when
the
Saracens
entred
Apulia
in
Italy
with
exceeding
great
forces
,
Pope
Iohn
the
10.
of
that
name
sent
an
army
against
them
,
which
though
it
was
farre
inferiour
in
number
;
yet
ouerthrew
them
,
and
following
the
victory
killed
them
euery
man
,
which
was
especially
attributed
to
the
help
of
the
blessed
Apostles
S.
Peter
and
S.
Paul
,
who
were
seene
fighting
for
the
Christians
.
In
the
same
age
,
Iohn
Simisces
Emperour
of
Constantinople
,
had
a
notabe
victory
against
the
Scythians
by
the
helpe
of
S.
Theodorus
the
martyr
,
in
the
day
of
his
feast
,
who
was
seene
by
al
the
Emperours
army
fighting
before
them
vpon
a
white
horse
and
breaking
the
rankes
of
the
enemy
;
in
memory
wherof
the
Emperour
reedyfied
the
church
where
he
was
buried
,
which
had
bene
for
some
tyme
before
vtterly
ruynated
18.
In
the
11.
Anno.
1098.
A
miraculous
victory
of
Godfrey
of
Bullen
in
the
holly
land
.
Paul
AEmil
.
in
Philippo
.
1.
S
Antonin
.
Tit
.
16.
c
.
13.
ss
.
5.
Guliel
.
Tyrius
de
bello
Sacto
lib
.
5.
c
.
23.
&
lib
.
6.
c
.
14.
&
22.
Baron
.
To
.
11.
an
.
1098.
age
in
the
voiage
to
the
holy
land
vnder
Godfrey
of
Bullen
the
Christians
being
beseeged
in
Antioch
,
with
a
great
multitude
of
Turks
,
Saracens
,
&
Persians
,
&
extreamly
afflicted
with
famine
,
S.
Andrew
appeared
to
a
deuoute
preest
in
the
army
,
&
commanded
him
to
tel
the
Christian
Princes
,
&
captaines
from
him
,
that
if
they
would
dig
in
S.
Petres
church
in
a
certaine
place
wher
he
appointed
,
they
should
finde
the
Speare
wher
with
our
Sauiours
side
was
perced
,
&
that
carrying
the
same
before
them
in
their
battaile
,
they
should
assuredly
haue
the
victory
;
the
preist
after
2.
or
.
3.
apparitions
and
admonitions
of
the
Apostle
,
did
the
message
to
the
Princes
,
the
place
was
digged
where
it
was
assigned
,
the
speare
found
,
great
hope
of
good
successe
conceiued
by
al
,
a
resolution
taken
to
issue
out
vpon
the
enemy
,
and
that
the
Popes
legat
should
beare
the
holy
Speare
in
the
enterprise
.
This
being
so
ordayned
,
and
euery
man
in
order
,
and
ready
to
make
the
attempt
,
there
fel
vpon
them
al
a
heauenly
dew
,
which
gaue
such
vigour
and
force
,
as
wel
to
their
horses
,
as
to
themselues
,
(
almost
starued
before
with
thirst
and
famine
)
that
they
assayled
the
enemy
with
redoubled
hope
and
courage
,
and
obtained
a
most
famous
victory
.
Apud
Paul
.
AEmil
.
Ibid
.
And
Baldricus
bishop
of
Dole
who
liued
at
the
same
time
,
testifieth
that
he
was
tould
by
some
of
the
soldiars
,
who
were
there
present
,
that
there
appeared
in
the
ayre
three
men
on
horsbacke
,
leading
after
them
great
troupes
,
and
that
they
fought
for
the
Christians
,
these
three
were
supposed
to
be
,
S.
George
,
S.
Demetrius
,
and
S.
Mercurius
.
Anno.
1099.
Antoninus
hist
.
Tit
.
16.
c
.
13.
pat
.
7.
Hierusalem
miraculously
taken
by
Godfrey
of
Bullen
.
19.
And
in
the
the
yeare
following
the
Christian
army
lying
before
Hierusalem
,
hauing
for
a
month
togeather
assailed
it
in
vaine
,
(
in
so
much
that
the
souldiers
began
to
shrink
away
)
there
appeared
vnto
them
a
man
in
resplendent
and
glistering
armour
vpon
Mount
Oliuet
,
who
made
signe
to
those
which
were
going
away
to
returne
,
whereby
the
whole
army
receiued
such
courrage
,
that
they
gaue
a
fresh
assault
,
and
with
in
awhile
got
the
towne
,
Godfrey
of
Bullen
,
&
his
brother
Eustathius
being
the
first
that
entred
the
same
.
A
miraculous
victory
of
Alfonso
King
of
Portugal
.
Anno.
1139.
L.
Andreas
Resendius
de
Antiquit
.
portugallia
lib
.
4.
20.
In
the
12.
age
Alfonso
the
first
king
of
Portugal
being
encorraged
by
our
Sauiour
,
(
who
appeared
vnto
him
crucified
,
and
promised
him
victory
)
gaue
battaile
with
4000.
to
4.
hundreth
thousand
Saracens
,
conducted
by
5.
Kings
whome
he
ouerthrew
,
and
therefore
whereas
he
was
wont
before
that
time
to
beare
for
his
armes
a
white
field
only
,
he
added
thereto
(
in
memory
as
wel
of
the
5.
wounds
of
our
Sauiour
,
as
of
the
5.
Kings
which
he
ouercame
)
5.
escuchons
,
in
forme
of
a
plaine
crosse
azure
,
and
in
one
of
them
.
30.
plates
,
in
token
of
the
30
pence
,
for
the
which
our
Sauiour
was
sold
,
which
plates
the
Kings
his
successors
distributed
equally
into
5.
escuchons
in
euery
one
5.
in
a
decussis
,
The
reason
of
the
armes
of
Portugal
.
that
is
to
say
in
forme
of
a
greate
†
.
or
S.
Andrewes
crosse
,
(
called
in
armory
a
saltier
)
so
that
the
plates
being
counted
saltier
wise
as
they
stand
,
(
whereby
the
plate
in
the
midst
is
numbred
twyse
)
there
are
six
in
euery
escuchon
,
which
in
al
make
vp
the
number
of
30.
plates
.
And
as
for
the
7.
castels
gold
in
a
bordure
geules
(
which
are
also
parte
of
the
armes
of
Portugal
)
they
were
added
to
the
5.
escuchons
afterwards
,
vpon
the
conquest
of
the
kingdome
of
Algarbes
,
wherein
are
.
7.
principal
citt●es
,
signified
by
the
7.
castels
;
and
this
I
haue
thought
good
to
note
by
the
way
,
as
wel
to
geue
some
satisfaction
to
such
as
are
curious
in
the
serch
of
Antiquities
,
as
also
to
shew
the
religious
gratitude
of
Kinge
Alfonsus
towards
our
Sauiour
,
in
leauing
such
a
monument
of
his
merciful
apparition
,
and
of
the
admirable
victory
which
he
gaue
him
.
21.
Anno.
1212.
A
miraculous
ouerthrow
of
the
Sarazins
by
Alfonso
K.
of
Castile
.
In
the
13
age
the
memorable
battaile
was
fought
in
Spaine
betwixt
Memelius
King
of
the
Saracens
and
Alfonsus
the
8.
King
of
Castile
where
in
were
killed
200.
thousand
Saracens
,
and
but
25.
Christians
,
which
almighty
God
shewed
euidently
to
proceede
from
his
hand
,
as
wel
by
the
apparition
,
of
the
crosse
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
which
was
seene
at
the
same
time
in
the
ayre
,
as
also
for
tha●
presently
vpon
the
aproach
of
a
banner
,
wherein
was
painted
the
Image
of
the
blessed
virgin
Mary
patronesse
of
the
prouince
of
Toledo
,
the
army
of
the
infidels
which
vntil
that
time
had
stood
firme
and
vnmoueable
,
began
to
fly
,
Roder
.
Tolet
de
reb
.
His
.
lib
.
8.
Ca
.
10.
and
was
with
in
a
while
vtterly
ouerthrowne
,
as
witnesseth
Rodoricke
.
Archbishop
of
Toledo
,
who
was
present
at
the
battaile
.
22.
In
the
14.
The
Venetians
miraculously
recouered
their
state
age
the
Venetians
hauing
receaued
many
disgraces
and
great
ouerthrowes
by
the
Genueses
,
were
brought
to
such
extremity
that
they
determined
to
make
peace
vpon
what
conditions
soeuer
it
should
please
their
enemies
,
Iacobus
Philip
.
Bergomas
in
supplem
.
chron
.
Anno.
1371.
and
as
they
were
consulting
therupon
in
their
Senat
,
there
rose
a
voice
amongst
them
vpon
a
sudden
(
no
man
knew
from
whence
it
came
)
which
said
,
o
Venetians
you
haue
only
one
,
to
wit
Pisanus
,
who
may
ouercome
the
Genueses
.
This
Pisanus
was
a
Senatour
of
Venice
and
then
in
prison
,
for
hauing
lost
a
great
battaile
by
his
negligence
(
as
it
was
supposed
)
at
Pola
in
Istria
where
he
commanded
the
Venetian
army
.
Therfore
Andreas
the
Duke
of
Venice
and
the
rest
of
the
Senate
being
much
amazed
to
heare
the
said
voyce
,
&
holding
it
for
some
deuine
oracle
,
went
al
of
them
presently
to
the
prison
to
deliuer
him
,
and
made
him
admirall
and
captaine
general
of
their
nauy
,
by
whose
wisdome
,
and
valour
,
their
state
was
not
only
conserued
,
but
also
restored
to
the
former
dignity
.
23
There
occurreth
also
in
the
same
age
an
example
of
our
owne
cuntry
wherin
the
assistance
of
almighty
God
was
notorious
,
considering
the
meanes
vsed
to
obtaine
the
same
,
and
the
admirable
effect
that
followed
Edward
the
3.
Anno.
1345.
The
victory
of
the
English
against
the
f●●nch
in
the
battaile
of
Creci
.
King
of
England
being
in
France
at
Creci
in
Picardy
,
with
a
smal
army
,
and
pursued
by
Philip
.
the
6.
King
of
France
with
a
huge
host
,
had
such
confidence
in
almighty
God
,
that
he
douted
not
to
giue
him
battaile
,
although
the
French
being
assisted
by
the
King
of
Bohemia
,
and
his
sonne
Charles
King
of
the
Romans
,
were
more
then
8.
times
as
many
as
the
English
,
Io
.
Froysart
in
cron
Machab
.
li
.
1.
c
.
3.
to
wit
100.
thousand
;
wheras
the
English
were
but
13000.
and
100.
in
which
respect
King
Edward
considering
with
the
good
Iudas
Machabeus
,
that
:
Non
est
differentia
in
conspestu
Dei
liberare
in
multis
et
in
paucis
;
There
is
no
difference
in
the
sight
of
God
to
deliuer
with
many
or
few
;
resolued
to
seeke
his
protection
and
help
,
and
therfore
the
night
before
the
battaile
he
retired
him selfe
shortly
after
supper
in
to
his
chamber
,
where
he
continued
in
pr●ier
vpon
his
knees
vntil
midnight
,
and
the
next
day
which
was
the
day
of
the
battaile
,
not
only
he
him selfe
and
his
sonne
the
black
Prince
,
but
also
the
greatest
parte
of
his
army
were
by
his
order
confessed
and
communicated
,
&
such
was
the
force
of
their
deuotion
,
&
confidence
in
God
,
that
they
gotte
the
most
famous
victory
that
the
english
men
euer
had
,
for
they
tooke
80.
enseignes
and
slew
the
King
of
Bohemia
,
10.
or
11.
Princes
;
1200.
Knights
,
and
men
of
account
and
30000.
others
of
al
sortes
,
and
the
King
of
France
him selfe
hardly
escaped
by
flight
:
which
victory
was
(
as
it
seemeth
)
prognosticated
and
signified
from
heauen
,
the
moring
before
the
battaile
;
for
the
sunne
being
already
vp
and
shyning
vere
faire
,
there
fel
suddainly
such
a
wonderful
obscurity
and
darknes
vpon
the
two
armies
,
Io
.
Frois
.
ibid
.
that
Froysart
who
liued
in
the
same
age
and
writeth
the
story
,
doth
attribute
it
to
an
eclipse
of
the
sunne
which
he
saith
was
most
terrible
;
wheras
it
is
c●rtaine
by
the
calculation
of
the
eclipses
of
that
yeere
,
that
naturaly
there
could
be
none
at
that
time
,
wherupon
it
may
be
inferred
,
that
it
was
some
supernatural
,
and
prodigious
signe
pretending
the
deuine
prouidence
,
and
ordinance
,
in
the
ouerthrow
of
the
French
and
victory
of
the
English
.
Anno.
148●
.
24.
In
the
15.
age
Mahomet
the
great
Turke
after
the
conquest
of
Constantinople
,
sent
a
great
nauy
&
army
to
beseige
R●des
which
then
was
in
the
possession
of
the
Knights
of
the
order
of
S.
Iohn
(
now
called
the
Knights
of
Malta
)
&
after
many
violent
assaults
giuen
to
the
towne
,
his
soldiers
,
Rodes
miraculously
defended
against
the
Turk
.
Io
.
Naucler
in
Cron
.
were
so
terrified
with
the
vision
of
a
Saint
or
Angel
,
which
fought
against
them
,
that
they
fled
al
away
in
such
hast
,
that
one
of
them
opprest
and
killed
an
other
.
25.
In
the
same
age
the
nauigation
of
the
East
Indies
being
discouered
by
the
Portugals
,
the
King
of
Congo
,
A
miraculous
ouerthrow
of
Paynimes
in
the
East
India
.
Io
.
Maffaeus
.
in
hist
.
Indi
.
in
the
cost
of
Africk
was
by
them
conuerted
to
the
Christian
faith
who
dying
a
Christian
left
two
sonns
,
the
one
called
Alfonsus
a
Christian
,
&
the
other
a
Paynim
,
who
though
he
was
the
younger
,
yet
pretended
to
exclude
his
brother
Alfonso
from
the
succession
to
the
crowne
,
because
he
was
a
Christian
Alfonso
fearing
his
owne
weaknes
,
(
in
respect
that
the
greatest
parte
of
the
realme
followed
his
brother
)
first
recommended
his
cause
by
continual
prayer
to
almighty
God
,
and
then
assembled
the
Christians
and
such
others
as
would
assist
him
,
and
finding
in
conclusion
that
he
had
not
aboue
36.
armed
men
,
and
the
rest
very
few
in
number
in
respect
of
his
brothers
great
power
,
he
ordained
that
when
they
should
come
to
fight
,
they
should
al
togeather
cal
vpon
the
name
of
Iesus
,
and
S.
Iames
,
which
they
did
,
and
so
put
to
flight
the
Infidels
,
and
tooke
both
his
brother
and
the
Liuetenant
of
his
army
prisoners
,
who
confessed
that
there
appeared
such
a
heauenly
light
vpon
the
Christian
army
and
such
numbers
of
horse
men
fighting
for
them
,
that
they
were
forced
to
fly
.
Dyuers
miraculous
victoryes
obtained
by
the
Portingals
&
Spayniards
in
the
east
and
west
Indias
,
left
vnmentioned
for
breuities
sale
.
Anno.
1532.
Surius
.
in
Comment
.
Guintium
in
Hungary
miraculously
defended
against
the
Turk
.
Anno.
1565.
26.
I
might
adde
hereto
diuers
other
most
miraculous
&
stupendious
victories
,
which
it
hath
pleased
God
to
giue
to
the
Portugalles
and
Spaniards
,
against
the
infidels
,
in
planting
the
faith
in
the
East
&
west
Indies
,
as
wel
in
the
15.
as
in
the
16.
age
,
which
was
the
last
,
and
ended
but
3.
yeeres
agoe
,
but
I
let
passe
the
same
,
and
wil
conclude
with
two
or
there
memorable
examples
nearer
home
,
and
in
the
memory
of
some
yet
liuing
.
27.
In
the
16.
and
last
age
Solyman
the
great
Turk
was
repelled
with
great
losse
and
shame
from
a
litle
towne
in
Hungary
called
Guintium
,
by
an
Angel
or
some
who
fought
against
him
in
the
ayre
on
horsbacke
,
and
droue
backe
his
army
as
it
was
entring
into
the
towne
.
And
some
yeeres
after
,
not
aboue
40
yeere
agoe
a
huge
army
also
of
Soliman
beseeging
the
towne
of
S.
Michel
in
the
Iland
of
Malta
,
The
miraculous
defence
of
S.
Michels
in
the
Iland
of
Malta
.
was
after
three
months
seige
,
and
many
most
furious
batteries
and
assaultes
giuen
therto
,
forced
to
retire
with
the
losse
of
23.
thousand
Turks
,
by
the
intercession
and
healpe
of
the
blessed
Virgin
Mary
,
S.
Paul
protector
of
that
Iland
and
S.
Iohn
Baptist
patron
of
the
order
of
the
Knights
of
Malta
,
Pietro
Gentile
.
de
Vanlonio
,
of
the
seige
of
Malta
.
that
defended
the
same
:
which
was
sufficiently
acknowledged
by
the
Turks
them selues
,
who
demanded
of
the
Christians
what
woman
that
was
which
shewed
her selfe
some
times
during
their
assaults
vpon
the
castel
of
S.
Elmo
,
accompanied
with
two
men
,
the
one
an
old
man
with
a
longe
beard
&
a
sword
,
and
the
other
a
young
man
clad
in
skinnes
,
by
which
discription
(
agreeing
with
the
pictures
of
S.
Paul
and
S.
Iohn
,
Baptist
as
they
are
commonly
painted
in
our
Churches
)
it
appeareth
that
almighty
God
deliuered
the
towne
from
the
barberous
furye
of
the
Turks
by
their
merits
,
togeather
with
the
intercession
of
the
blessed
and
most
glorious
Virgin
Mary
.
Anno.
1571.
The
victory
of
the
Christians
against
the
Turk
at
Lepanto
,
Catena
in
vita
F●●
5
.
28.
A
few
yeeres
after
in
the
yeere
of
our
lord
1571.
almighty
God
gaue
to
the
Christians
a
famous
victory
against
the
Turks
at
Lepanto
,
and
reuealed
it
as
wel
before
hand
,
as
at
the
time
of
the
battaile
to
pope
Pius
5.
of
holy
memory
,
who
hauing
not
only
recommended
the
good
successe
therof
to
the
praiers
of
al
Christian
people
in
general
,
and
to
many
great
seruants
of
God
in
perticuler
;
but
also
vsed
of
his
owne
part
al
manner
of
deuotion
,
and
godly
meanes
to
obtaine
Gods
merciful
assistance
therin
,
had
such
assurance
giuen
him
of
the
victory
by
the
holy
Ghost
,
that
he
sent
Monsieur
Odescalco
bishop
of
Penna
to
Don
Iohn
of
Austria
general
of
the
Christian
nauy
with
a
charge
to
tel
him
,
Pope
Pius
quintus
commanded
Don
Ihon
de
Austria
to
geue
battail
to
the
Turks
at
Lepanto
.
that
he
commanded
him
,
with
al
the
authority
which
God
had
giuen
him
to
giue
battaile
to
the
enemy
with
the
first
comodity
,
assuring
him
on
the
behalfe
of
God
that
though
he
were
inferiour
in
forces
he
should
haue
the
victory
,
and
the
like
assurance
he
also
sent
him
by
Don
Hernando
Carrillo
count
of
Pliego
(
whome
Don
Iohn
had
sent
to
him
vpon
busines
)
as
also
by
Marco
Antonio
Collunna
General
for
the
Church
,
and
by
many
other
Captaines
which
came
to
demaund
his
benediction
when
they
went
to
the
battaile
.
29.
And
afterwards
at
the
tyme
and
instant
of
the
victory
being
walking
with
Monsieur
Bartolomeo
Bussotti
his
Treasurer
general
,
and
treating
of
important
affaires
,
The
victory
of
the
Christians
at
Lepanto
reuealed
to
Pius
quintus
at
the
time
of
the
battail
.
he
went
from
him
vpon
the
suddaine
,
opened
a
window
,
and
stedfastly
beheld
the
heauens
,
and
after
a
while
shutting
the
window
againe
he
returned
to
the
Treasurer
ful
of
ioy
and
said
vnto
him
,
it
is
not
now
tyme
to
treate
further
of
this
matter
,
but
to
giue
God
thankes
for
the
victory
which
he
hath
giuen
our
nauy
against
the
Turkes
,
and
then
he
retired
him selfe
to
his
praiers
.
30.
This
the
said
Treasurer
did
not
only
set
doune
at
the
same
time
in
writing
with
a
particuler
note
of
the
month
,
day
,
and
hower
,
but
also
tould
it
to
diuers
of
his
particuler
freendes
before
the
newes
came
of
the
victory
,
which
by
reason
of
contrary
windes
,
staid
so
longe
that
the
Pope
said
many
times
he
meruailed
of
it
;
Selin
the
great
Turk
ascribed
the
victory
to
the
praiers
of
pius
5.
Also
Selin
the
great
Turk
who
then
raigned
was
so
perswaded
,
that
this
victory
of
the
Christians
proceeded
of
the
praiers
of
Pope
Pius
,
that
when
he
vnderstood
of
his
death
which
hapned
the
yeere
following
,
he
ordained
great
feastes
&
triumphes
for
three
daies
togeather
in
Constantinople
.
31.
Moreouer
the
manner
and
greatnes
of
the
victory
being
considered
,
it
is
euident
that
God
fought
for
his
seruants
.
The
manner
of
the
victory
of
the
Christians
at
Lepanto
.
Sur
.
in
Comment
.
anno
.
1571.
Anton
.
Cicatellus
in
vita
.
Pij
5.
For
wheras
the
Turk
had
300.
gallies
and
the
Christians
not
fully
200.
&
the
wind
at
first
was
contrary
to
the
Christians
and
fauorable
to
the
Turks
,
it
pleased
God
that
the
wind
calmed
presently
,
and
an
other
wind
arose
from
an
other
part
,
which
draue
al
the
smoke
of
the
artiliry
and
of
the
smal
shot
vpon
the
Turks
,
and
so
blinded
them
that
it
healped
the
Christians
greatly
to
get
the
victory
,
which
they
obtained
with
incredible
speede
,
to
wit
,
in
4.
howers
.
In
which
time
they
slew
Hali
Bassa
the
General
and
30000.
Turks
,
and
tooke
3000.
prisoners
,
and
a
130
gallies
besides
80.
which
they
sunke
,
and
lastly
deliuered
15000.
Christian
slaues
;
so
that
we
may
say
with
the
Psalmist
:
Deus
respexit
&c.
Psal
.
101.
God
had
respect
vnto
the
praiers
of
the
humble
,
and
despised
not
their
petitions
;
let
these
thinges
be
written
in
an
other
generation
;
The
conclusion
of
this
chap.
inferring
the
weaknes
of
mans
pollicy
and
power
and
Gods
prouidence
in
the
disposition
of
mane
affaires
.
and
the
people
which
shal
be
created
wil
praise
our
Lord
.
32.
In
these
examples
good
reader
thou
maist
haue
noted
the
miraculous
proceedings
of
almighty
God
,
disposing
of
mens
power
,
forces
,
and
pollcies
,
according
to
his
wil
,
and
geuing
such
euent
and
successe
to
their
most
powerful
entreprises
,
and
attempts
,
as
for
the
confusion
of
the
proude
and
presumptpuous
,
or
for
the
comfort
&
releese
of
the
humble
which
trust
in
him
,
or
for
the
demonstration
of
his
owne
power
and
glory
seemeth
to
his
wisdome
most
conuenient
,
and
thou
hast
seene
the
same
witnessed
not
only
by
the
holy
Scriptures
,
but
also
by
examples
of
al
ages
since
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
confirmed
partly
by
the
grauest
writers
and
historiographers
,
and
partly
by
monuments
and
memories
therof
yet
extant
;
and
partly
by
the
confession
of
Paynims
,
and
enemies
to
Christian
religion
.
33.
Who
then
that
shal
duly
consider
the
same
,
can
be
so
faithles
,
and
incredulous
as
not
to
beleeue
,
or
so
impudent
to
deny
,
either
the
prouidence
of
almighty
God
in
humane
affaires
,
or
else
that
the
successe
of
mans
policies
deliberations
and
enterprises
,
depend
wholy
vpon
his
wil
?
wherto
if
we
adde
what
I
haue
also
proued
in
the
former
chapter
,
to
wit
,
that
al
suddaine
chances
,
and
vnexpected
euents
,
(
which
do
many
times
delude
and
dissipate
mans
policies
and
power
)
do
proceede
from
no
other
fortune
or
fate
,
then
the
ineffable
wisdome
and
inscrutable
iudgments
of
almighty
God
,
seruing
him selfe
of
al
inferiour
causes
to
produce
al
kind
of
effects
.
Two
thinges
,
must
needes
follow
theron
;
the
one
that
no
policy
or
power
of
man
,
is
of
it selfe
sufficient
,
and
able
to
conserue
any
kingdome
or
commonwelth
,
but
needeth
therto
the
help
and
assistance
of
God
.
The
other
is
that
therfore
the
surest
and
wisest
way
for
any
gouernour
or
prince
is
to
recomend
him selfe
,
his
state
,
his
councells
,
his
designments
&
al
his
actions
continually
,
and
in
al
humillity
to
Gods
merciful
direction
,
vpon
whome
only
dependeth
al
the
good
successe
therof
;
and
the
prosperity
and
security
of
al
states
,
and
commonwelthes
;
Therfore
I
conclude
with
the
prophet
Hieremy
;
Hierom
.
●a
.
17.
Maledictus
homo
qui
confidit
in
homine
,
et
ponet
carnem
brachium
suum
.
Cursed
is
the
man
which
trusteth
to
man
,
and
maketh
fle●h
his
arme
;
This
wil
be
yet
more
euident
by
the
discussion
of
the
next
point
which
I
promised
to
handle
to
wit
,
the
iustice
of
God
in
punishing
commonwelths
for
sinne
wherof
I
wil
treat
in
the
next
chapter
.
THE
WEAKNES
AND
INSVFFICIENCY
of
mans
wit
,
policy
and
power
for
the
conseruation
of
commonwelth
,
is
shewed
,
by
the
consideration
of
Gods
iustice
in
the
punishment
,
translation
and
subuersion
of
states
for
sinne
;
which
point
is
handeled
,
in
7.
chapters
next
ensuinge
;
and
first
the
iustice
of
God
in
punishing
sinne
is
proued
by
arguments
drawne
from
nature
it selfe
.
CHAP.
16.
I
Haue
hitherto
shewed
the
insufficiency
of
man
for
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
,
aswel
by
his
owne
natural
infirmity
and
weaknes
,
of
wit
,
as
also
by
the
nature
of
commonwelth
,
which
I
haue
proued
to
be
subiect
to
such
mutability
,
and
to
so
many
accidents
,
and
chances
,
vnpossible
to
be
foreseene
,
or
preuented
,
that
it
passeth
al
the
policy
or
power
of
man
to
giue
sufficient
order
,
and
assurance
to
the
same
;
wherto
I
thinke
good
to
adde
yet
an
other
consideration
,
to
wit
,
Of
the
iustice
of
God
,
The
iustice
of
God
in
●unishing
sinne
.
punishing
the
sinnes
of
men
in
euery
commonwelth
;
wherupon
follow
many
tymes
mutations
,
and
changes
therin
,
yea
,
and
the
vtter
subuersion
and
ouerthrow
therof
,
for
the
offences
either
of
the
people
,
or
of
the
princes
,
or
of
both
.
And
although
there
is
nothing
more
manifest
then
the
same
,
either
in
reason
,
or
experience
,
(
in
so
much
that
it
may
perhaps
seeme
to
some
zealous
men
,
a
needles
,
and
superfluous
labour
to
produce
any
proofes
therof
)
yet
for
that
there
are
many
in
these
dayes
who
either
doe
not
beleeue
it
,
or
at
least
doe
not
obserue
,
and
consider
it
(
as
it
were
conuenient
)
I
haue
thought
good
to
say
somwhat
touching
the
same
,
to
the
end
,
that
not
only
mans
weaknes
and
infirmity
euery
way
,
but
also
the
course
of
Gods
prouidence
in
mens
affaires
may
be
the
more
euident
;
which
later
point
is
also
one
special
part
of
the
subiect
which
I
haue
vndertaken
to
handle
in
this
treatise
.
2.
Therfore
first
to
speake
of
Gods
iustice
in
general
,
whosoeuer
doubteth
whether
God
doth
execute
his
iustice
vpon
men
,
let
him
but
harken
to
the
voice
of
nature
in
himselfe
,
and
in
al
other
men
,
Remorse
of
conscience
an
argument
of
Gods
iu●tice
in
the
punishment
of
sinne
.
to
wit
,
the
prick
and
remorce
of
conscience
,
which
al
men
naturally
haue
,
after
offence
committed
.
For
what
else
is
the
same
,
but
as
I
may
tearme
it
,
a
sumner
,
or
an
aparitor
of
the
author
of
nature
,
summoning
,
and
cyting
euery
offender
to
appeare
before
his
trybunal
,
whose
voice
,
when
a
guilty
conscience
heareth
,
it
is
vexed
with
anguish
,
feare
,
and
horrour
,
wherupon
the
holy
Ghost
in
the
booke
of
wisdome
calleth
wickednes
;
Sap
.
17.
Iob
.
15.16
.
Timidam
;
timerous
,
and
feareful
,
and
Iob
,
saith
of
the
wicked
man
:
Vndique
terrebunt
eum
formidines
&c
:
Feares
shal
terrify
him
,
on
euery
side
,
&
shal
enwrap
and
intangle
his
feete
,
and
the
sound
of
terrour
shal
alwayes
be
in
his
eares
.
Statius
2.
Hereupon
also
the
poët
saith
;
O
caeca
notentum
consilia
,
ô
semper
timidum
scelus
;
O
how
blind
are
the
desygnments
of
euil
men
,
and
how
fearful
is
wickednes
alwayes
?
The
wicked
man
naturally
feareth
puni●hment
.
Cicero
.
Tuseul
.
quaest.
2.
The
d
finition
of
feare
.
3.
But
what
is
it
that
the
wicked
man
naturaly
feareth
?
is
it
not
the
punishment
due
for
his
offence
?
for
he
that
feareth
must
needes
feare
some
euil
that
may
befal
him
;
for
feare
is
(
as
Cicero
saith
)
Opinio
impendentis
mali
,
the
opinion
of
some
euil
that
hangeth
ouer
a
man
,
or
as
Philo
saith
Futuri
mali
expectatio
,
the
expectation
of
an
euil
to
come
;
Now
then
;
the
euil
that
the
guilty
conscience
of
man
naturally
feareth
,
can
be
nothing
else
but
punishment
for
sinne
,
for
that
his
feare
and
the
effects
therof
grow
vpon
no
other
cause
,
but
vpon
the
knowledge
of
his
owne
offence
,
both
nature
and
reason
teaching
,
Punishment
of
sinne
a
debt
due
to
the
author
of
nature
.
Math
.
c
.
6.
that
euery
fault
deserueth
punishment
,
and
that
the
same
shal
be
exacted
as
a
due
debt
by
the
author
of
nature
.
In
which
respect
the
sinnes
of
men
are
called
debita
,
debts
,
as
our
Sauiour
himselfe
called
them
,
when
he
taught
vs
to
say
;
demitte
nobis
debita
nostra
;
forgiue
vs
ô
Lord
our
debts
,
that
is
to
say
our
sinnes
,
or
offences
.
As
also
he
compared
the
place
deputed
for
the
punishment
of
sinne
in
the
other
life
,
to
a
prison
for
a
debt
,
exhorting
euery
one
to
make
peace
with
his
aduersary
if
he
haue
any
here
in
this
life
;
Math
.
c
.
15.
Luc
.
ca.
12.
Lest
(
saith
he
)
thy
aduersary
deliuer
thee
to
the
Iudge
,
&
the
Iudge
giue
thee
into
the
hands
of
the
minister
of
iustice
,
and
so
thou
be
cast
in
prison
;
truly
I
say
vnto
thee
thou
shalt
not
be
deliuered
from
thence
,
●●til
thou
haue
payd
the
last
farthinge
.
Thus
said
our
Sauiour
,
signifying
that
punishme●●
for
sinne
is
no
lesse
due
to
be
payed
then
any
debt
whatsoeuer
.
4.
This
I
say
nature
it selfe
not
only
notifyeth
to
euery
man
by
a
secret
instinct
,
but
also
giueth
him
a
tast
therof
in
the
worme
or
remourse
,
wherupon
the
Satyrical
poët
speaking
of
wicked
men
,
saith
elegantly
thus
;
—
Curtamen
hos
tu
Euassisse
putas
,
Iuuenal
.
Sa●ir
.
11.
quos
semper
conscia
facti
Mens
habet
attonitos
,
&
sardo
verbere
caedità
Paena
autem
vehemens
,
&
multo
saeuior
illis
,
Quas
&
Seditius
granis
inuenit
,
&
Radamanthus
Nocte
dieque
suum
gestare
in
pectore
testem
;
That
is
to
say
,
how
canst
thou
thinke
that
those
men
escape
vnpunished
,
The
horrour
of
a
guilty
Conscience
.
whom
the
knowledge
&
consideration
of
their
owne
wickednes
euer
holdeth
astonished
,
beatinge
them
,
as
it
were
,
with
stil
and
secret
stripes
,
for
truely
neither
the
seuere
iudge
Seditius
,
nor
yet
Radaman
thus
,
did
euer
inuent
so
vehement
,
and
cruel
a
torment
,
as
it
is
for
a
man
,
day
,
and
night
to
carry
the
testimony
of
his
owne
wickednes
in
his
owne
brest
Thus
saith
the
poët
,
the
truth
wherof
appeareth
in
the
horror
of
many
wicked
mens
consciences
,
vexed
with
fearful
phantasyes
,
dreadful
dreames
,
terrible
thoughts
and
cogitations
,
distraction
,
madnes
,
and
dispaire
.
5.
We
read
of
Nero
that
after
he
had
killed
his
mother
,
Suet
.
ca.
34.
he
was
continually
exagitated
(
as
himselfe
confessed
)
with
phantasies
of
the
apparition
of
her
ghost
,
and
with
conceits
that
the
furyes
persecuted
him
with
burning
torches
,
Phil
.
Commi
.
de
reb
g●stis
Caroli
.
8.
Guiccir
.
li
.
1.
and
Alfonsus
King
of
Naples
hauing
vniustly
,
&
cruely
murthered
24.
of
his
Barons
,
could
neuer
sleepe
quietly
for
the
representation
of
their
shapes
which
alwayes
vexed
him
in
his
dreames
;
Also
of
such
kind
of
men
the
Satirycal
poët
saith
thus
.
Hij
sunt
qui
trepidant
&
ad
omnia
fulgura
pallent
Cum
tonat
exanimes
,
Iuuneal
.
S●ti
.
15.
primo
quoque
murmure
caeli
Non
quasi
fortuitò
,
nec
ventorum
rabie
,
sed
Iratus
cadat
in
terras
&
vindicet
ignis
;
the
sence
is
this
.
These
are
they
which
tremble
and
waxe
pale
at
euery
flash
of
lightninge
,
and
are
almost
dead
at
euery
clap
of
thunder
,
as
though
the
wrathful
hand
of
God
were
powring
downe
fier
vpon
them
,
S●et
.
in
Tib●ri●
&
Caio
.
for
punishment
of
their
wickednes
Thus
saith
the
poët
,
wherof
Tiberius
and
Caius
Caligula
two
most
wicked
Emperours
may
serue
for
example
,
who
trembled
alwaies
and
hid
them selues
when
they
hard
any
thunder
.
6.
The
cause
of
al
this
is
no
other
but
that
almighty
God
the
author
of
nature
hath
ordayned
as
S.
Chrisostom
witnesseth
,
Chrisost
.
To
.
1.
concio
.
4.
de
Lazaro
.
A
tribunal
in
the
soule
of
man
.
that
conscience
shal
be
,
as
it
were
,
a
tribunal
in
the
soule
of
man
,
to
the
end
that
euery
one
being
the
accuser
,
witnes
,
yea
and
Iudge
of
his
owne
sinne
,
and
condemning
him selfe
by
his
owne
sentence
,
may
either
repent
and
doe
satisfaction
,
or
else
expect
the
due
punishment
therof
from
the
deuine
iustice
,
&
acknowledge
it
for
most
iust
when
it
shal
be
inflicted
vpon
him
;
For
seing
al
sinne
doth
impugne
and
transgresse
the
law
of
nature
,
it
followeth
that
the
punishment
of
sinne
doth
most
properly
belonge
to
the
author
of
nature
,
who
as
he
made
nature
and
her
lawes
,
so
doth
he
most
iustly
exact
the
pennalty
due
to
the
transgression
therof
.
7.
And
euen
as
we
see
in
commonwelths
betwext
Princes
&
their
subiects
,
that
particuler
iniuries
done
to
particuler
men
against
the
political
lawes
,
redound
to
the
offence
of
the
Prince
as
head
of
the
commonwelth
,
(
in
which
respect
though
the
wronged
remit
the
trespasse
done
to
them
,
yet
the
Prince
iustly
punisheth
the
offender
)
euen
so
it
falleth
out
betwext
God
,
and
man
;
Al
offenses
redound
to
the
offence
of
God
,
though
sometymes
they
seeme
to
be
committed
only
against
man
.
Psal
.
6.2
.
Math
.
ca.
16.
ca.
17.
nu
.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
The
vniforme
consent
&
practise
of
al
natinos
in
crauing
pardon
of
God
for
sinne
i●
an
infallible
argument
of
his
iustice
.
Cicero
Tus
.
c
.
quaest.
for
although
mans
offence
may
sometimes
seeme
to
be
committed
only
against
man
,
or
humane
authority
;
yet
it
redoundeth
to
the
offence
of
God
,
vpon
whose
authority
and
power
pedendeth
al
the
power
and
authority
of
man
,
and
from
whose
supreame
and
eternal
law
doe
flow
al
other
good
and
iust
lawes
;
so
that
although
men
,
either
punish
or
remit
the
faults
of
men
,
yet
the
offendours
are
not
exempt
thereby
from
the
punishment
of
God
,
except
they
also
satisfy
his
iustice
,
who
searching
the
hartes
,
&
reynes
of
men
,
and
taking
account
of
euery
idle
word
,
is
the
iust
iudge
.
Qui
reddit
vnicuique
iuxta
opera
sua
;
which
yeeldeth
to
euery
one
accordinge
to
his
workes
;
rewarding
and
punishing
some
in
this
life
and
some
in
the
next
,
and
some
in
both
,
wherof
I
wil
say
more
,
&
yeeld
some
further
reason
after
a
while
.
8.
In
the
meane
time
I
wish
to
be
considered
as
an
other
euident
argumet
of
Gods
iustice
,
drawne
also
from
natture
it selfe
,
that
the
constant
and
vniforme
consent
and
practise
of
al
nations
,
and
people
(
which
Cicero
saith
is
nothing
else
but
:
vox
naturae
,
the
very
voice
of
nature
)
doth
giue
manifest
testimony
of
the
truth
hereof
.
For
to
what
end
were
al
the
propitiatory
&
expiatory
sacrifices
ordained
and
vsed
,
not
only
amongst
the
faithful
people
of
God
,
but
also
amongst
the
Heathens
,
Greekes
,
and
Romans
,
yea
and
al
barbarous
nations
,
but
to
pacifie
the
wrath
of
almighty
God
,
and
to
obtaine
remission
and
pardon
of
punishment
due
to
sinne
.
9.
The
experience
of
Gods
iustice
vpon
sinners
.
Finally
the
most
certaine
experience
of
Gods
iustice
vpon
sinners
(
confirmed
not
only
by
the
testimony
of
most
graue
and
learned
authors
of
al
times
and
countries
,
but
also
by
daily
examples
euident
to
be
seene
)
teacheth
and
conuinceth
that
God
is
Deus
vltionum
the
God
of
punishment
;
Deus
fortis
et
Zelotes
&c.
:
Psal
.
93.
Exod
.
20.
A
mighty
and
Iealous
God
,
who
visiteth
and
punisheth
the
iniquity
of
the
father
vpon
the
children
,
vnto
,
the
3.
and
4.
generation
.
10.
But
for
asmuch
as
I
am
also
to
touch
this
matter
hereafter
,
and
to
treat
of
the
punishment
not
only
of
tirants
and
wicked
men
,
but
also
of
heretical
and
schismatical
Kinges
,
partly
in
this
first
part
of
this
treatise
,
&
partly
in
the
second
,
I
wil
therfore
here
in
this
place
speake
only
of
Gods
iustice
extended
vpon
whole
commonwelths
,
Kingdoms
,
and
Empires
,
&
for
some
introduction
therunto
,
I
wil
first
say
somwhat
of
his
prouidence
in
general
,
in
matters
concerning
the
states
of
Kinges
and
Princes
,
as
farre
as
I
shal
thinke
conuenient
for
this
place
.
FOR
THE
MORE
EVIDENT
PROOFE
THAT
God
ouerthroweth
states
and
Kingdomes
for
sinne
,
it
is
first
proued
that
they
depend
on
his
prouidence
,
and
that
they
are
at
his
disposition
;
also
it
is
signified
for
what
cause
God
giueth
Kingdomes
and
states
to
men
;
&
finaly
for
what
kind
of
sinns
and
in
what
cases
he
punisheth
or
destroyeth
,
whole
commonwelths
.
CHAP.
17.
I
HAVE
in
the
beginning
of
this
Treatise
sufficiently
declared
,
as
a
matter
most
euident
in
nature
and
reason
,
and
confessed
by
al
philosophers
,
that
al
creatures
in
heauen
and
earth
,
haue
not
only
their
essence
,
and
being
,
but
also
their
natural
proprieties
,
and
what
soeuer
is
good
and
commendable
in
them
of
their
first
cause
,
that
is
to
say
,
of
almighty
God
their
Creator
.
Wherupon
it
is
necessarily
to
be
inferred
,
Al
humane
power
,
and
authority
proceedeth
from
God
and
dependeth
on
his
wil
.
Apoc
.
19.
Rom.
13.
Prouerb
.
ca.
8.
that
al
humane
power
,
authority
,
and
dignity
whatsoeuer
proceedeth
from
him
,
and
dependeth
on
him
,
who
for
his
owne
seruice
and
greater
glory
imparteth
the
same
to
men
,
no
lesse
then
other
of
his
gifts
.
In
which
respect
the
scripture
giueth
him
the
supereminent
title
of
,
Rex
regum
,
&
Dominus
dominantium
;
the
Kinge
of
Kinges
,
and
Lord
of
Lords
:
and
furder
saith
,
that
Non
est
potestas
nisi
a
Deo
;
there
is
no
power
but
from
God
.
and
that
by
him
,
Reges
regnant
&
principes
imperant
:
Kinges
raigne
,
and
Princes
rule
;
wherupon
also
it
followeth
,
that
al
kingdomes
and
states
are
disposed
by
his
infinit
wisdome
and
holy
wil
;
Al
kingdomes
and
states
disposed
by
the
infinit
wisdom
and
wil
of
God
.
For
if
al
power
be
deriued
from
him
,
and
if
Kinges
and
Princes
raigne
and
rule
by
the
authority
which
he
giueth
them
;
then
they
are
no
other
but
his
ministers
subiects
&
vicegerents
,
accountable
for
that
which
they
haue
of
him
,
and
to
be
gouerned
and
guided
by
him
,
placed
,
and
displaced
,
punished
,
rewarded
,
and
disposed
,
both
they
,
and
their
states
,
as
it
shal
please
him
.
2.
Aug.
li
.
5.
de
cluis
dei
.
ca.
it
.
S.
Augustine
argument
to
proue
the
dependance
of
states
vpon
the
prouidence
of
God
.
This
also
may
be
inferred
vpon
his
prouidence
in
farre
lesse
matters
,
or
rather
in
al
other
thinges
;
Wherupon
S.
Augustin
reasoneth
thus
;
Seeinge
(
saith
he
)
the
highest
,
and
true
God
hath
giuen
order
and
conueniency
,
and
as
it
were
a
certaine
peace
,
agreement
,
and
harmony
of
parts
not
only
to
heauen
,
earth
,
and
man
;
but
also
to
euery
litle
and
contemptible
creature
,
to
euery
feather
,
to
euery
flower
,
or
hearb
,
and
to
euery
leafe
,
it
is
not
to
be
beleeued
that
the
kingdomes
of
men
;
or
their
gouernments
are
not
also
ordered
by
the
lawes
of
his
prouidence
.
Thus
reasoneth
this
learned
and
holy
doctor
,
as
who
would
say
,
if
God
haue
care
of
lesser
thinges
,
it
can
not
be
imagined
that
he
neglecteth
the
greater
;
the
care
whereof
no
lesse
partaineth
,
but
rather
more
to
his
infinit
bounty
,
wisdome
,
and
power
:
For
although
the
prouidence
of
man
(
which
is
limited
,
with
in
the
straight
and
narrowe
bounds
of
humane
infirmitie
,
)
extendeth
it selfe
sometimes
to
the
least
matters
only
,
because
it
can
not
comprehend
the
greatest
,
and
sometimes
to
great
matters
and
not
to
smal
,
because
it
can
not
sufficiently
comprehend
both
,
yet
the
prouidence
of
almighty
God
being
infinit
,
The
prouidence
of
God
extendeth
it selfe
to
al
things
litle
and
great
.
extendeth
it selfe
to
al
thinges
,
because
he
is
no
lesse
infinit
in
wisdome
,
and
power
,
then
in
bounty
and
goodnes
,
and
therfore
,
as
he
is
creator
of
al
thinges
,
he
also
careth
and
prouideth
for
al
things
;
and
as
it
is
fit
for
his
incomparable
goodnes
to
care
for
the
least
thinges
in
the
world
,
so
is
it
conuenient
for
his
infinit
wisdome
,
and
power
,
to
care
and
prouide
for
the
greatest
,
and
especialy
for
matters
of
kingdomes
and
commonwelths
,
which
most
import
,
and
are
of
that
nature
,
(
as
I
haue
sufficiently
showed
throughout
this
whole
treatise
)
that
they
surpasse
the
capacity
,
wit
,
and
power
of
men
.
3.
Wherupon
it
followeth
that
if
almighty
God
should
exclude
the
same
from
his
diuine
prouidence
,
there
should
want
sufficient
meanes
in
nature
for
the
gouernment
&
conseruation
of
the
world
,
which
were
absurd
to
say
;
and
therfore
I
wil
conclude
with
S.
Augustin
:
Non
tribuamus
(
saith
he
)
dandi
regni
potestatem
&c.
let
vs
not
attribut
the
power
of
giuinge
Kingdomes
or
Empires
to
any
other
but
to
the
true
God
,
August
.
Ibid
.
ca.
●●
.
who
giueth
felicity
in
the
Kingdome
of
heauen
only
to
the
pious
and
godly
,
and
bestoweth
the
kingdomes
of
the
ea●th
,
vpon
good
and
bad
accordinge
as
it
pleaseth
him
,
whome
nothing
pleaseth
vniustly
.
Thus
saith
he
,
and
to
the
same
purpose
S.
Hierome
saith
,
Regna
Dei
gubernantis
mutantur
,
&
finiuntur
arbitrio
.
&c.
Kingdomes
are
changed
,
Hieron
.
in
daniel
.
ca.
2.
and
ended
by
the
wil
of
God
,
who
gouerneth
al
,
and
the
causes
therof
are
knowne
to
him
who
made
al.
4.
Thus
saith
S.
Hierome
expounding
a
notable
sentence
concerning
this
matter
in
Daniel
the
prophet
,
The
dependance
of
states
vpon
the
prouidence
of
God
proued
by
the
prophesy
of
Daniel
.
who
hauing
vnderstood
by
reuelation
from
almighty
God
as
wel
the
dreame
or
vision
of
Nabuchadonosor
,
as
also
the
interpretation
therof
(
wherby
was
signified
the
translation
of
his
empire
first
to
the
Medians
and
Persians
,
and
after
to
the
Grecians
,
and
lastly
to
the
Romans
)
was
strooken
with
such
an
admiration
of
Gods
prouidence
,
and
power
in
the
disposition
of
Empires
,
and
Kingdomes
,
that
he
brake
forth
into
these
wordes
,
Dan
.
ca.
2.
Sit
nomen
domini
benedictium
a
seculo
&c.
The
name
of
our
Lord
be
blessed
for
euer
and
euer
,
for
al
wisdome
and
strength
is
his
,
and
he
changeth
times
and
ages
,
and
translateth
,
constituteth
and
ordaineth
Kingdomes
at
his
pleasure
.
Thus
said
the
prophet
.
5.
The
truth
wherof
is
so
euident
by
the
euent
of
that
vision
of
Nabuchadonosor
,
and
of
the
other
prophesies
of
Daniel
,
that
no
painim
or
infidel
,
who
shal
duly
consider
the
same
,
can
with
reason
deny
it
,
or
doubt
of
it
,
seeing
al
that
which
he
foresaw
,
and
foretould
so
many
hundreth
yeeres
before
,
hath
bene
from
time
to
time
,
and
daylie
is
accomplished
,
and
fulfilled
,
as
the
histories
of
al
times
and
experience
plainly
shew
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
The
accomplishment
of
Daniels
prophes●
concerning
the
empyre
of
the
world
and
many
particuler
kingdomes
.
Idem
.
ca.
11.
For
he
prophesied
not
only
of
the
translation
of
the
Empire
of
the
world
from
nation
,
to
nation
,
as
before
I
signified
,
but
also
of
the
perticuler
warrs
,
and
the
contentions
,
of
the
successors
of
Alexander
the
great
,
especially
of
the
Kinges
of
Syria
and
Aegipt
,
of
their
victories
and
ouerthrowes
,
of
their
leagues
,
their
mariages
,
and
the
fraudulent
practises
of
one
of
them
against
an
other
,
and
of
the
affliction
of
the
Iewes
during
the
time
of
those
warrs
,
especially
by
the
persecution
of
Antiochus
Kinge
of
Syria
,
(
wherof
the
bookes
of
Machabees
doe
treate
at
large
)
as
also
of
the
fal
of
the
Roman
empire
,
●
Mach
.
b
.
c
.
5.
6.
7.
8
9.
of
the
very
time
of
the
comminge
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
of
his
passion
and
death
,
of
his
Church
and
kingdome
,
and
of
the
amplytude
and
eternity
therof
,
and
al
this
he
prophesied
so
perticulerly
,
and
clearly
,
that
whosoeuer
shal
conferre
his
predictions
with
the
euents
testified
by
prophane
authors
,
namely
by
Pausanias
Iustin
,
Polibius
;
Q.
Curtius
,
Appian
,
&
Iosephus
,
and
with
our
scriptures
,
&
ecclesiastical
writers
,
he
can
not
but
acknowledge
the
verity
therof
.
6.
This
was
so
manifest
to
the
very
painims
,
Hierem
praefat
.
in
Daniel
.
The
Cauel
of
Porphir●●●
against
Daniel
;
pro●phesy
confuted
.
that
Porphiryus
the
Platonicke
philosopher
noting
the
accomplishment
of
al
that
which
Daniel
prophesied
in
the
11.
chapter
,
concerning
the
successors
of
Alexander
the
great
,
affirmed
that
it
was
a
historye
of
matters
past
,
written
in
the
time
of
Antiochus
Epiphanes
,
and
published
as
a
prophesie
in
the
name
of
Daniel
,
which
is
easely
confuted
as
wel
for
that
the
70.
interpreters
translated
it
amongst
others
partes
of
scripture
,
almost
a
hundreth
yeeres
before
the
time
of
Antiochus
,
as
also
because
Iaddus
cheefe
bishop
of
the
Iewes
shewed
the
same
to
Alexander
the
great
at
Hierusalem
,
to
proue
vnto
him
that
a
Grecian
King
should
subdue
the
Persian
empire
,
which
Alexander
expounded
of
him selfe
,
and
was
encouraged
therby
to
giue
battaile
to
Darius
,
Iosephus
li.
11.
antiquit
.
whom
he
defeated
and
depriued
of
the
kingdome
of
Persia
and
Media
;
And
this
was
160.
yeeres
before
Antiochus
.
Besides
that
the
euents
of
al
that
which
Daniel
prophesied
of
thinges
to
follow
the
time
of
Antiochus
vntil
this
day
,
as
of
the
fal
of
the
Roman
empire
,
and
the
rising
of
the
kingdome
of
Christ
,
that
is
to
say
of
his
Church
and
of
the
encrease
and
admirable
propagation
therof
through
out
the
world
,
doe
not
only
confute
the
calumniation
of
Porphiry
,
but
also
proue
most
manifestly
the
prouidence
of
almighty
God
in
the
affaires
of
men
,
Iosephus
the
Iew
proued
the
prouidence
of
God
by
the
verity
of
Daniels
prophesyes
.
Ioseph
.
li
.
10.
antiquit
.
ca.
12.
as
Iosephus
the
famous
Iew
obserued
in
the
same
prophesies
for
matters
past
vntil
his
time
,
conuincing
therby
the
Epicurians
,
and
al
other
Athiests
who
denied
the
prouidence
of
God
in
humane
affaires
;
When
I
consider
(
saith
he
)
the
prophesies
of
Daniel
,
I
can
not
but
vtterly
condemne
their
ignorance
,
which
deny
the
prouidence
of
God
ouer
men
,
for
how
could
it
come
to
passe
that
his
predictions
should
fal
out
to
be
so
true
as
we
see
,
by
the
euents
they
are
,
if
the
course
of
the
world
,
and
worldly
affaires
were
guided
by
chance
;
Thus
saith
Iosephus
,
who
neuerthelesse
saw
not
the
accomplishment
of
a
great
part
of
Daniels
prophesies
,
which
these
last
15.
ages
that
haue
passed
since
his
death
,
haue
made
manifest
vnto
vs.
Dan
.
ca.
2.
How
the
prediction
of
Daniel
to
Nabuchadonosor
,
hath
ben
fulfilled
from
time
to
time
,
and
dayly
it
.
7.
For
where
as
the
vision
of
Nabuchodonosor
interpreted
by
Daniel
signified
that
the
empire
of
the
Caldeans
should
be
ouerthrowne
by
the
Medians
and
Persians
,
and
they
againe
by
the
Grecians
,
and
the
Grecians
by
the
Romans
,
and
that
the
Roman
empire
should
be
crushed
,
and
brused
by
astone
cut
out
of
a
hil
without
handes
,
(
that
is
to
say
by
our
sauiour
Christe
borne
of
the
blessed
virgin
Mary
with
out
the
help
of
man
)
and
that
the
said
stone
should
grow
to
be
a
mighty
mountaine
,
and
fil
the
whole
earth
,
by
which
mountaine
was
signified
the
Church
of
Christ
propagated
through
out
the
whole
world
,
which
should
subdue
to
her
obedience
,
not
only
the
Roman
empyre
,
but
also
al
other
earthly
kingdomes
and
states
in
time
;
whereas
(
I
say
)
al
this
was
signifyed
by
Daniel
to
Nabucodonosor
,
The
verity
of
Daniels
prophesy
much
more
manifest
to
vs
then
it
was
to
Iosephus
.
Iosephus
neither
saw
the
decay
and
fal
of
the
Roman
empyre
,
(
which
flowrished
cheefly
in
his
time
)
nor
the
subiection
therof
to
the
empire
of
Christ
and
his
vicars
or
substituts
in
earth
(
who
haue
already
aboue
1500.
yeres
possessed
the
very
seat
of
the
Roman
Emperours
:
)
Wherupon
I
conclude
,
that
we
who
haue
seene
&
daylie
doe
see
the
accomplishment
of
these
prophesies
,
Dan
.
ca.
2.
God
disposeth
of
kingdomes
and
states
by
the
ministery
of
men
.
Isay
.
10.
more
then
Iosephus
did
,
haue
far
greater
cause
,
and
more
reason
then
he
to
acknowledge
the
manifest
verity
therof
,
and
to
admire
the
infynit
wisdome
,
&
wonderful
prouidence
of
almighty
God
,
and
confessing
with
Daniel
,
(
as
before
I
signified
)
that
:
Ipse
mutat
&c.
It
is
he
which
changeth
times
and
ages
,
and
transferreth
,
and
setteth
vp
kingdomes
;
though
he
vse
therin
the
ministery
of
men
,
who
are
no
other
but
his
instruments
to
execute
his
wil
.
Men
the
instruments
of
God
many
times
though
they
know
it
not
.
Isay
ibid
.
In
which
respect
he
called
the
King
of
the
Assirians
,
the
Rodde
of
his
wrath
,
and
his
staff
,
and
compared
him
to
An
axe
and
a
saw
,
which
men
vse
for
their
seruice
,
because
he
ment
to
make
him
his
instrument
for
the
punishment
of
the
Iewes
,
though
the
said
Assirian
had
no
such
intention
,
nor
any
imagination
therof
,
;
as
it
was
also
signified
by
the
prophet
,
who
hauing
called
him
,
the
rodde
of
his
wrath
,
and
his
staff
,
added
:
Ipse
autem
non
sic
cogitabit
,
&c.
but
he
shal
not
thinke
so
,
neither
shal
his
hart
so
conceiue
which
shal
be
wholy
set
vpon
conquest
,
and
vpon
the
destruction
of
many
nations
.
8.
And
this
secret
operation
of
almighty
God
,
for
the
execution
of
his
wil
,
The
dependance
of
states
vpon
Gods
prouidence
proued
by
the
prophesy
of
Zachary
Zacha
.
ca.
6.
is
not
to
be
vnderstood
to
haue
place
,
only
in
Kinges
and
Princes
and
in
particuler
men
,
but
also
in
whole
kingdomes
and
empyres
,
which
are
in
like
manner
secretly
moued
,
gouerned
,
and
disposed
by
him
,
the
which
is
notably
signifyed
in
the
prophet
Zachary
,
when
the
angel
who
shewed
him
the
vision
of
4
Chariots
,
said
vnto
him
;
Ista
sunt
quatnor
venti
caeli
,
qui
egrediuntur
vt
stent
coram
dominatore
orbis
terrae
;
These
are
the
4.
windes
of
the
heauen
,
Hieron
.
in
each
a●●an
ca.
6.
which
goe
forth
to
stand
before
the
gouernour
of
the
whole
earth
;
that
is
to
say
as
S.
Hierom
expoundeth
it
;
These
are
the
4.
clymats
or
partes
of
the
world
,
which
attend
to
know
the
wil
of
almighty
God
:
Idem
.
Ibid
.
Nihil
enim
haec
4.
regna
absque
domini
voluntate
fecerunt
,
for
these
4.
kingdoms
or
empyres
(
saith
S.
Hierom
)
did
nothinge
without
the
wil
of
our
Lord
.
And
a
litle
after
the
prophet
speaking
of
the
horses
in
the
4.
The
commission
that
God
gaue
to
the
Romans
to
conquer
the
world
.
Hierom
.
Ibid
.
chariot
(
which
signifyed
the
Roman
empyre
)
saith
,
Qui
erant
robustissimi
&c
:
those
which
were
the
strongest
went
forth
and
sought
to
goe
&
runne
ouer
the
earth
,
and
he
(
to
wit
,
the
Angel
)
said
goe
,
and
walke
ouer
the
earth
&c.
wherin
the
prophet
giueth
to
vnderstand
that
the
Romans
had
a
particuler
commission
or
licence
of
almighty
God
to
conquer
the
world
,
which
is
signifyed
in
that
the
angel
said
vnto
them
;
Ite
&
perambulate
terram
:
goe
and
walke
ouer
the
earth
,
that
is
to
say
(
saith
S.
Hierom
)
Pedibus
conculcate
&
substernite
regna
;
subdue
kingdomes
,
&
tread
them
vnder
your
feete
.
9.
The
consideration
of
the
particuler
causes
why
God
geueth
kingdomes
to
men
.
But
this
prouidence
of
God
in
the
disposition
of
kingdomes
or
states
wil
the
better
appeare
,
if
we
consider
the
particuler
causes
why
he
giueth
the
same
to
some
rather
then
to
others
;
For
besides
the
general
cause
proceeding
from
the
reason
and
nature
of
commonwelth
it selfe
,
to
wit
,
the
conseruation
of
the
body
politicke
,
by
the
supreame
power
and
authority
of
the
head
,
for
the
administration
of
iustice
,
defence
of
the
weake
,
3.
Reg
ca.
16.
remuneration
of
the
good
,
and
punishement
of
the
bad
,
(
in
which
respect
the
queene
of
Saba
saith
to
Salomon
;
Constituit
te
dominus
regem
&c.
our
Lord
hath
made
thee
Kinge
to
the
end
that
thou
maist
doe
iustice
and
iudgement
)
besides
(
I
say
)
this
general
cause
indifferent
to
al
Princes
,
as
being
the
end
and
ground
of
al
princely
authority
,
there
are
other
particuler
respects
,
for
the
which
God
raiseth
and
aduanceth
some
men
to
supreame
dignity
,
wherof
I
wil
recount
such
as
occurre
to
me
at
this
present
.
10.
God
geueth
dominion
to
some
for
his
owne
greater
glory
.
Constantin
the
great
.
Sometymes
God
giueth
dominion
to
some
men
for
his
owne
greater
glory
,
and
the
aduancement
of
true
religion
,
for
which
cause
he
gaue
the
Roman
empyre
and
al
felicytie
temporal
to
Constantine
the
great
,
as
appeared
by
his
extraordinary
vocation
to
the
Christian
faith
,
&
his
miraculous
victoryes
,
&
by
the
propagation
of
Christian
religion
,
and
the
subuersion
of
Idolatry
which
ensued
therof
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
an
English
King
called
Edwin
King
of
that
part
of
England
which
is
on
the
northside
of
the
riuer
Humber
(
al
which
was
then
called
Northumberland
)
to
whom
almighty
God
gaue
that
kingdom
for
his
owne
glory
and
the
aduancement
of
Christian
religion
,
as
may
appeare
by
the
circumstances
therof
which
for
that
they
are
very
rare
,
and
remarkable
I
wil
breefly
relate
.
Edwin
King
of
Northumberland
.
Beda
.
hist
.
eccle
.
li
.
2.
ca.
12.
Polid
.
li
.
4
11.
This
Edwin
sonne
to
Alla
second
King
of
Northumberland
was
depriued
of
his
kingdome
being
very
younge
by
Edelfred
,
and
forced
to
flee
to
Redoaldus
King
of
the
East
Angles
,
who
though
he
receaued
,
and
treated
him
at
first
with
al
curtesie
,
yet
afterwards
at
the
earnest
sute
of
Edelfreds
embassadours
,
determined
either
to
kil
him
,
or
to
deliuer
him
vnto
them
;
Edwin
vnderstanding
the
same
,
and
being
maruelously
perplexed
therewith
,
was
comforted
by
an
Angel
appearing
vnto
him
in
the
habit
of
an
old
man
,
who
demanded
of
him
what
he
would
giue
one
who
would
not
only
deliuer
him
of
his
care
and
affliction
but
also
restore
him
to
his
kingdome
,
and
when
Edwin
promised
that
he
would
be
most
grateful
for
it
;
he
asked
him
furder
,
if
the
same
partie
should
teach
him
a
heauenly
doctrin
for
his
eternal
good
,
whether
he
would
imbrace
it
or
no
,
which
he
also
promised
most
wilingly
:
wherupon
the
old
man
approaching
nere
vnto
him
,
laid
his
right
hand
vpon
his
head
and
said
,
when
this
shal
be
done
vnto
thee
,
remember
then
that
thou
performe
thy
promise
,
and
so
vanished
away
;
within
a
while
after
Edwin
was
aduertised
that
King
Redoaldus
by
the
perswasion
of
the
Queene
his
wife
,
had
not
only
changed
his
minde
,
but
also
resolued
to
giue
him
assistance
against
Edelfred
,
wherof
he
shortly
after
saw
the
effect
;
for
by
the
healp
of
Rodoaldus
,
K.
Edwin
made
a
Christian
.
he
ouerthrew
and
slew
Edelfred
,
and
recouered
his
kingdome
;
Some
yeeres
after
S.
Paulinus
preaching
vnto
him
the
Christian
faith
,
and
not
finding
him
so
forward
as
he
desired
,
was
moued
by
the
spirit
of
God
to
lay
his
hand
vpon
his
head
,
and
to
aske
him
whether
he
remembred
that
signe
,
wherupon
Kinge
Edwin
calling
to
mind
his
vision
,
cast
him selfe
downe
at
the
feete
of
Paulinus
,
and
promised
to
beleeue
and
embrace
the
doctrine
which
he
preached
,
and
after
a
while
was
baptized
with
al
his
nobility
and
people
;
Thus
writeth
S.
Bede
our
countriman
,
wherby
it
is
manifest
that
almighty
God
bestowed
that
kingdome
vpon
Edwin
,
for
his
owne
glory
and
seruice
and
for
the
conuersion
of
him
and
his
people
to
the
Christian
saith
.
But
now
to
proceede
.
12.
Cirus
aduanced
to
the
empyre
of
the
Chaldeans
for
the
comfort
of
the
people
of
God
.
Isay
.
ca.
45.
Some
times
God
aduanceth
men
to
the
gouernement
of
a
kingdome
for
the
comfort
of
his
seruants
;
so
we
read
in
Isaias
the
prophet
,
that
God
wold
geue
the
empire
of
the
Chaldeans
to
Cirus
King
of
Persia
,
to
the
end
he
might
deliuer
the
Iewes
from
their
captiuity
.
In
which
respect
he
called
him
,
his
seruant
,
his
anoynted
,
and
his
pastor
,
or
sheapherd
,
200.
yeeres
before
he
was
borne
.
13.
1.
Reg
.
ca.
16.
4.
Reg
.
ca.
19.
Dauid
made
King
for
the
punishment
of
K.
Saul
.
Sometimes
God
giueth
a
kingdome
to
some
one
to
whome
it
doth
no
way
appertaine
,
for
the
punishment
of
the
King
therof
;
so
he
raised
Dauid
against
Saul
:
and
Iehu
against
the
sonnes
of
Achab
King
of
Israel
,
which
Iehu
was
anointed
King
by
the
prophet
,
to
the
end
he
might
destroy
al
the
children
and
posterity
of
Achab
,
which
he
performed
.
14.
Sometymes
a
wicked
man
reigneth
for
the
punishment
of
a
wicked
people
.
Hier
.
in
Daniel
.
ca.
2.
Iob
.
Osc.
ca.
13.
Some
times
also
he
permitteth
some
wicked
man
to
obtaine
a
crowne
or
kingdome
for
the
punishment
of
the
people
thereof
;
Vt
malus
malos
puniat
:
(
saith
S.
Hierome
)
that
a
wicked
man
may
punish
others
for
their
wickednes
.
To
this
purpose
Iob
saith
;
God
makes
the
hipocrite
,
or
wicked
man
raigne
for
the
sinnes
of
the
people
;
and
to
the
same
purpose
also
almighty
God
said
to
the
people
of
Israel
by
the
prophet
Ose
:
Dabo
tibi
regem
in
furore
meo
.
I
wil
giue
thee
a
King
in
my
fury
;
Grego
.
in
illud
.
1.
Reg
.
9.
which
S.
Gregory
expoundeth
thus
In
furore
Dei
Rex
datur
,
cum
malis
petor
praeesse
decernitur
;
a
King
is
giuen
in
the
fury
of
God
,
when
he
giueth
to
wicked
men
a
Kinge
more
wicked
then
the●
.
Thus
farre
S
Gregory
;
Which
may
also
be
notably
confirmed
out
of
Plutark
though
he
was
a
painim
,
who
saith
,
Plut.
de
seranuminis
vindicta
.
God
vseth
the
ministery
of
a
wicked
King
to
execute
his
iustice
.
that
God
doth
serue
him selfe
of
wicked
tirants
as
of
hangmen
to
execute
his
iustice
vpon
others
,
no
lesse
or
more
wicked
then
they
:
&
that
as
poisons
are
some
way
medicinable
,
and
necessary
to
purge
bad
humours
,
&
cure
diseases
,
euen
so
tirants
are
necessary
to
purge
the
sinns
,
and
cure
the
vices
of
wicked
subiects
.
To
which
end
(
saith
he
)
Phalaris
t●e
tirant
was
ordained
by
almighty
God
to
gouerne
the
Agrigentins
;
and
Marius
the
Romans
;
These
that
haue
a
tirannical
prince
,
ought
rather
to
blame
themselues
,
then
●ins
.
and
therfore
Apollo
him selfe
also
said
to
the
Scicionians
that
they
had
neede
of
wh●ppinge
maisters
to
scourge
them
in
good
earnest
;
Thus
saith
Plutarke
Therfore
when
God
giueth
such
a
King
,
it
●hal
be
wel
to
remember
the
councel
of
S.
Gregory
who
saith
;
Let
not
those
which
haue
an
euil
gouernour
accuse
him
,
for
the
same
,
Greg
.
li
.
moral
.
25.
cap
.
20.
seing
they
deserued
to
be
subiect
to
such
a
one
;
but
let
them
rather
blame
themselues
,
for
it
is
written
,
I
wil
giue
thee
Kinges
in
my
fury
&c.
thus
far
S.
Gregory
.
Some
ar
aduanced
by
alm●ghty
God
,
in
reward
of
some
seruice
donne
to
him
.
Ezechiel
.
ca.
29.
15.
Otherwhiles
God
giueth
a
kingdome
,
or
encrease
of
dominion
to
a
wicked
man
in
reward
of
some
seruice
which
he
hath
done
him
;
so
he
gaue
al
Egipt
to
Nabuchadonosor
King
of
Babilon
,
because
he
had
bene
his
minister
in
the
execution
of
his
iustice
vpon
the
citty
and
state
of
Tyrus
:
Nabuchodonosor
,
(
saith
almighty
God
by
the
prophet
)
did
me
great
seruice
with
his
army
against
Tyrus
,
and
hath
receiued
as
yet
no
reward
,
neither
he
nor
his
army
for
the
same
;
Behould
I
wil
giue
him
the
land
of
Egipt
and
it
shal
be
a
recompence
,
for
his
army
,
and
for
the
paines
he
tooke
in
my
seruice
.
Thus
saith
the
prophet
;
wherby
we
may
gather
how
bountifully
almighty
God
wil
reward
such
seruices
as
are
done
him
willingly
,
The
wonderful
bounty
of
almighty
God
,
in
rewarding
seruice
donne
him
vnwittingly
.
and
with
intention
to
serue
him
,
seing
he
also
liberally
rewarded
a
seruice
done
him
vnwittingly
,
for
Nabuchadonosor
made
warre
vpon
Tyrus
,
not
with
intent
to
serue
God
therin
,
but
either
for
some
reuenge
of
inuiryes
,
or
for
ambition
to
encrease
his
dominion
.
16.
In
like
manner
,
sometimes
God
giueth
gouernment
and
dominion
to
an
euil
man
for
some
seruice
done
vnto
him
by
his
parents
or
progenitors
,
Wicked
men
aduanced
sometymes
or
prospered
by
some
good
deeds
of
their
wicked
progenitors
.
4.
Reg
.
9.10.13.14
.
though
they
were
as
wicked
as
hee
;
wherof
we
haue
an
example
in
Ioachaz
,
Ioas
,
Ieroboam
,
and
Zacharias
Kinges
of
Israel
,
who
though
they
were
Idolaters
,
linealy
descended
of
Iehu
an
Idolater
as
wel
as
they
,
yet
raigned
al
of
them
,
&
succeeded
one
an
other
by
a
perticuler
priuiledge
of
almighty
God
,
for
the
seruice
which
Iehu
their
progenitor
did
him
in
extinguishinge
the
howse
of
Achab
:
wheras
by
the
ordinarie
course
of
Gods
iustice
,
al
the
other
Idolatrous
Kinges
of
Israel
were
depriued
of
their
kingdomes
by
violent
death
,
either
the
father
or
the
sonne
,
or
both
,
in
so
much
that
it
neuer
descended
to
the
3.
generation
,
except
in
the
posterity
of
Iehu
,
to
which
God
gaue
it
vntil
the
4.
generation
for
the
cause
before
declared
.
God
aduanceth
sometymes
wicked
men
for
the
good
deserts
of
their
vertuous
parents
.
Seneca
.
li
4.
de
benefi●●●s
ca.
32.
17.
Also
some
wicked
men
are
aduanced
to
soueraignity
for
the
vertues
of
good
men
their
parents
,
or
progenitors
,
for
which
cause
almighty
God
continued
the
crowne
&
kingdome
of
Iuda
for
many
dissents
,
in
the
posterity
of
the
holy
King
Dauid
,
though
many
of
them
were
most
wicked
men
,
and
this
the
painims
also
acknowledged
,
as
appeareth
in
Seneca
,
who
saith
that
some
doe
raigne
because
some
one
of
their
ancestors
was
a
good
man
,
for
whose
sake
they
are
aduanced
to
gouernment
,
not
because
,
saith
Seneca
,
they
are
woorthy
of
it
;
Sed
quia
alius
pro
illis
meruit
.
But
because
an
other
deserued
it
for
them
:
so
that
(
saith
hee
,
)
God
giueth
a
kingdome
to
an
vngratful
man
,
not
for
his
owne
sake
,
or
for
any
merit
of
his
,
but
to
pay
an
old
debt
to
some
of
his
progenitors
.
18.
God
geueth
or
amplifyeth
a
k●ngdome
sometimes
in
reward
of
moral
vertue
.
Lastly
an
Empire
or
kingdome
is
sometimes
giuen
by
almighty
God
and
sometime
amplified
and
encreased
in
reward
of
the
vertue
,
iustice
,
and
piety
of
him
which
possesseth
it
,
I
meane
not
only
vertues
infused
(
as
true
religion
,
iustice
,
and
piety
proceedinge
of
Gods
grace
)
but
also
moral
vertues
,
wherto
honour
and
dominion
,
is
so
due
by
the
law
,
and
course
of
nature
,
that
who
so
euer
should
excel
al
other
men
therin
,
should
therby
deserue
not
only
to
be
more
honored
then
they
,
but
also
to
haue
dominion
ouer
them
,
and
as
A
istotle
teacheth
,
Arist
.
polit
.
li.
2.
&
5.
he
should
naturaly
be
their
King
,
and
Lord
;
Besides
that
the
godnes
and
bounty
of
almighty
God
is
such
in
rewardinge
al
vertue
and
goodnes
what
so
euer
,
(
accordinge
to
the
merit
,
and
worth
of
euery
act
)
that
wheras
moral
vertues
proceedinge
only
of
the
force
of
nature
,
can
not
deserue
heauenly
,
and
eternal
reward
,
(
which
is
supernatural
)
he
recompenceth
them
temporally
in
this
life
,
sometimes
with
welth
and
riches
,
sometimes
with
prosperous
successe
,
or
other
temporal
contentments
,
and
sometimes
with
honour
dignity
and
dominion
;
Aug.
de
ciuit
.
dei
li.
5.
ca.
15.
and
therfore
although
S.
Augustin
doth
not
acknowledge
the
vertues
of
the
Romans
to
be
true
vertues
,
(
for
that
they
were
commonly
referred
to
vaine
glory
)
yet
he
affirmeth
that
God
gaue
them
the
empire
of
the
world
in
reward
of
their
ciuil
,
and
moral
vertues
,
The
empyre
of
the
world
geuen
to
the
Romans
for
their
ciuil
,
and
moral
vertues
.
meaninge
therby
that
although
they
were
not
truly
vertuous
,
yet
because
they
were
more
vertuous
then
other
nations
,
God
gaue
them
dominion
and
commandement
ouer
al
others
:
what
then
may
be
supposed
of
his
bountyful
goodnes
in
rewardinge
true
vertue
in
his
seruants
(
I
meane
infused
vertue
proceedinge
of
his
grace
)
seinge
he
so
liberally
recompenceth
the
vnperfect
vertues
of
his
enemyes
;
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
he
wil
reward
the
same
,
not
only
with
euerlastinge
glory
,
but
also
with
temporal
felicytie
,
when
it
shal
be
necessary
and
conuenient
for
their
eternal
good
.
How
God
geueth
kingdomes
or
temporal
felicity
in
reward
of
infused
vertues
.
19.
For
although
temporal
felicitie
being
considered
simply
in
it selfe
as
a
thinge
transitory
&
not
truly
good
,
can
be
no
due
reward
for
the
infused
vertues
(
which
in
respect
of
the
dignity
of
Gods
grace
from
which
they
proceed
,
doe
merit
a
heauenly
&
euerlastinge
rewarde
)
yet
if
we
consider
temporal
happines
,
as
it
may
be
referred
to
the
seruice
of
God
,
and
so
made
a
meanes
to
attaine
to
eternal
felicitie
,
it
may
be
not
only
truly
good
,
but
also
a
true
and
proper
reward
of
religious
piety
,
and
other
infused
vertues
.
Psal
.
33.
In
which
sense
the
royal
prophet
saith
;
Rich
men
haue
wanted
and
bene
hungry
,
but
those
which
seeke
our
lord
;
Non
minuentur
omni
bono
;
shal
not
want
any
good
what
soeuer
.
That
is
to
say
,
they
shal
haue
al
good
,
spiritual
and
temporal
;
including
in
this
word
good
,
al
such
temporal
thinges
,
as
may
be
necessary
to
saluation
;
(
for
what
soeuer
is
contrary
therto
,
God
geueth
not
temporal
felicity
to
al
his
seruants
but
only
to
such
of
them
as
wil
vse
it
wel
.
is
neither
good
nor
profitable
but
bad
and
pernitious
)
and
therfore
God
doth
not
giue
temporal
felicity
to
al
his
seruants
,
but
only
to
such
of
them
as
he
knoweth
wil
,
with
the
helpe
of
his
grace
vse
it
wel
to
his
honour
and
glory
,
and
to
such
it
is
not
only
a
reward
for
vertue
,
but
also
a
furtherance
&
healp
to
saluation
;
wheras
to
wicked
men
,
though
it
be
also
Gods
guift
,
(
yea
and
some
times
giuen
them
in
recompense
of
some
good
act
or
worke
of
theirs
as
I
wil
signify
more
at
large
hereafter
)
yet
it
is
not
properly
to
be
accompted
a
reward
but
a
punishment
,
ca.
26.
nu
.
5.
not
a
blessing
but
a
curse
,
not
felicitie
but
misery
,
by
reason
that
it
maketh
them
more
insolent
,
proud
and
licentious
,
and
by
consequence
encreaseth
their
damnation
.
20.
Now
then
to
returne
to
speake
of
kingdomes
,
empires
,
earthly
glory
,
and
encrease
of
dominion
,
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
but
that
as
almighty
God
doth
bestow
them
vpon
euil
men
yea
vpon
the
worst
men
,
ca.
26.
ca.
26.
(
partly
for
the
causes
lately
declared
,
and
partly
for
some
other
respects
wherof
I
wil
speake
here
after
)
so
also
he
giueth
them
some
times
to
his
seruants
in
reward
of
their
vertue
,
so
far
forth
as
he
seeth
it
necessary
for
his
owne
glory
and
seruice
,
and
for
their
eternal
good
.
And
this
I
would
proue
more
at
large
in
this
place
by
many
reasons
and
examples
,
but
that
the
question
more
properly
belongeth
to
the
2.
parte
of
this
Treatise
,
where
I
shal
purposely
speake
of
religion
.
21.
Therfore
I
wil
now
prosecute
that
which
I
haue
already
touched
before
,
and
am
specially
to
handle
in
this
place
,
to
wit
,
the
iustice
of
God
extended
vpon
kingdomes
&
commonwelth
for
sinne
,
The
consideration
of
Gods
Iustice
extended
vpon
states
for
sinne
.
Three
kinds
of
sinnes
for
the
which
God
punisheth
commonwelthe
.
and
wil
make
it
manifest
by
euident
examples
that
al
mutations
,
and
ouerthrowes
of
states
and
kingdomes
,
doe
principaly
proceede
from
the
iudgments
of
God
,
for
the
sinnes
of
men
,
which
sinnes
to
speake
therof
breefly
and
in
general
,
may
be
reduced
to
three
kindes
;
For
,
as
there
are
3.
thinges
specialy
which
doe
maintaine
and
vphold
al
commmonwelthes
,
and
for
the
which
God
doth
blesse
and
prosper
them
(
the
first
religion
and
pietie
towardes
God
;
the
second
iustice
and
equity
amongst
men
;
and
the
third
good
disciplyne
in
life
and
manners
)
so
also
3.
other
things
contrary
to
those
doe
subuert
commonwelths
,
and
prouoke
the
wrath
of
God
against
the
same
.
22.
The
first
is
,
al
sortes
of
false
religion
,
superstition
,
Sinnes
concerning
religion
Idolatry
,
heresie
and
schimse
,
and
such
sinnes
as
belong
therto
;
For
the
which
the
kingdome
of
Israel
was
by
Gods
iust
iudgment
destroied
in
the
time
of
the
old
law
,
as
also
since
Christs
time
al
Greece
.
And
the
easterne
parts
of
Christendome
haue
bene
ouerrunne
,
and
are
stil
tirannyzed
by
the
Turke
,
as
shal
be
amply
declared
in
the
second
part
of
this
Treatise
.
Iniustice
.
The
second
is
al
sortes
of
iniustice
,
as
rapine
,
imoderat
exactions
,
oppression
of
the
poore
,
effusion
of
innocent
blood
,
calumniation
or
slanders
,
and
such
like
,
Eccle
.
ca.
10.
for
the
which
God
punisheth
kingdomes
and
states
as
the
holy
Ghost
signifieth
in
Eclesiasticus
saying
.
Regnum
de
gente
in
gentem
transfertur
&c.
A
kingdome
is
transferred
from
nation
to
nation
,
for
iniustice
,
iniuries
,
calumniations
,
or
slanders
,
and
diuers
deceits
;
and
hereof
I
wil
alleadged
diuers
examples
after
a
while
;
The
3.
Dissolute
and
licentious
life
.
kind
consisteth
in
licentiousnes
,
and
disolution
of
life
&
manners
,
as
shal
appeare
herafter
by
perticuler
examples
of
Gods
punishments
vpon
commonwelths
for
the
sinnes
of
the
flesh
.
23.
And
in
al
this
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
In
what
cases
God
punisheth
a
whole
commonwelth
.
The
first
case
,
Genes
.
ca.
18.
●0
19.
that
almighty
God
punisheth
or
destroieth
whole
commonwelths
for
sinns
,
especially
in
4.
cases
:
the
first
is
,
when
any
of
the
fore
said
kindes
of
sinne
is
growne
to
be
so
vniuersal
&
general
in
a
commonwelth
,
that
few
or
none
,
are
free
from
it
,
as
it
was
in
Sodome
and
Ghomorra
which
God
destroied
with
fier
from
heauen
for
the
abominable
sinne
of
sodomy
,
wherwith
al
the
in
habitants
were
infected
from
the
highest
to
the
lowest
,
as
the
scripture
testifieth
.
The
second
case
.
24.
The
second
case
is
,
when
the
prince
or
gouernour
of
the
commonwelth
is
a
notable
offendour
in
any
of
the
sinns
before
mencyoned
,
wherby
he
iustly
draweth
the
wrath
of
God
,
not
only
vpon
him selfe
but
also
vpon
al
the
commonwelth
,
such
being
the
simpathy
in
the
body
politicke
,
betwixt
the
Prince
&
the
subiects
,
as
in
the
body
natural
,
betwixt
the
head
and
the
members
;
The
simpathy
betwixt
the
head
and
the
members
in
the
body
politicke
.
The
Subiects
punished
for
the
sinnes
of
the
prince
.
2.
Reg
.
ca.
21.
2.
Reg
.
c
.
24.
2.
Paral
.
ca.
28.
and
therfore
as
the
hurt
or
dammage
of
the
head
may
redound
to
the
destruction
of
the
whole
body
;
euen
so
the
sinne
of
the
Prince
may
procure
the
wrath
of
God
against
the
whole
commonwelth
,
wherof
we
haue
diuers
examples
in
the
holy
scriptures
;
The
iniustice
which
King
Saul
vsed
towards
the
Gaboanits
was
punished
in
the
people
with
3.
yeeres
famine
40.
yeeres
after
in
king
Dauids
tyme
;
and
for
king
Dauids
sinne
in
numbring
the
people
there
perished
70000.
of
them
with
pestilence
;
and
in
like
manner
for
the
sinnes
of
King
Achaz
:
Humiliauit
dominus
Indam
,
saith
the
scripture
,
God
humbled
&
afflicted
al
the
people
of
Iuda
,
who
also
were
afterwards
carried
away
into
captiuity
with
their
King
Ioachin
,
by
Nabuchadonosor
for
the
sinnes
of
King
Manasses
,
great
grandfather
to
Ioachin
;
and
hereof
I
shal
also
haue
occasion
to
alledge
some
moderne
examples
after
a
whyle
.
The
third
case
.
25.
And
the
like
also
hapneth
to
Princes
,
&
their
whole
state
for
the
sinnes
of
the
people
,
which
is
the
3.
case
wherein
God
punisheth
whole
commonwelths
for
sinne
;
for
as
almighty
God
sometymes
prospereth
and
blesseth
the
Prince
for
the
peoples
sake
,
Princes
punished
for
the
sinnes
of
the
people
.
and
the
people
for
the
Princes
,
so
also
he
punisheth
otherwhyles
the
Princes
for
the
offences
of
the
subiects
,
as
Samuel
signifyed
to
the
people
of
Israel
when
he
had
annointed
Saul
their
King
,
1.
Reg
.
ca.
12.
saying
vnto
them
,
that
if
they
feared
,
and
serued
God
,
he
wold
protect
both
them
and
their
King
,
and
if
they
perseuered
in
their
malice
both
they
and
their
King
should
perish
together
..
26.
Also
for
the
sinnes
of
the
people
,
God
suffred
K.
Dauid
to
fal
,
whereupon
followed
the
death
of
70.
thousand
men
who
perished
by
Pestilence
;
2.
Reg
.
c
.
24.
The
participation
of
merit
and
demerit
betwixt
Prince
,
&
their
Subiects
.
Greg
.
li
.
5.
in
Iob
.
c
.
14.
by
the
occasion
whereof
S.
Gregory
teacheth
notably
the
communication
of
merit
and
demerit
in
the
commonwelth
,
betwixt
the
Princes
&
their
subiects
,
saying
;
The
good
King
Dauid
sinned
and
the
people
was
punished
;
for
according
to
the
deserts
of
the
people
,
the
harts
of
the
Princes
are
disposed
;
and
a
little
after
The
deserts
of
the
people
&
their
gouernour
are
so
conioyned
,
that
often
time
,
the
liues
and
manners
of
a
good
people
,
become
woorse
for
the
sinnes
of
a
bad
Prince
,
and
the
liues
of
a
bad
Prince
,
become
better
for
the
merit
and
good
desert
,
of
a
good
people
.
Thus
saith
S.
Gregory
.
27.
The
fourth
case
The
fourth
case
.
is
when
the
magistrats
doe
notably
neglect
the
execution
of
iustice
,
for
as
S.
Gregory
faith
,
when
the
vices
of
the
subiects
are
dissembled
,
and
winked
at
by
the
gouernours
,
The
negligence
of
magistrats
in
the
execution
of
iustice
draweth
the
wrath
of
God
vpon
the
commonwelth
.
Greg
.
Ibid
.
they
are
reserued
for
the
iudgement
of
God
,
who
being
the
supreme
Iudge
,
then
iustly
exercyseth
his
authority
,
and
power
,
as
wel
to
punish
his
ministers
(
that
is
to
say
,
the
Magistrats
)
for
their
negligence
,
as
also
to
supply
their
defects
,
in
punishing
others
,
and
therfore
in
such
case
he
commonly
imposeth
some
general
penalty
vpon
the
commonwelth
,
whereof
we
haue
a
notable
example
in
the
ouerthrow
,
The
children
of
Israel
punished
for
a
secret
fault
of
one
man
vnpunished
.
Iosu●
c
.
7.
which
God
suffred
the
people
of
Israel
to
receiue
for
the
offence
of
one
only
man
,
to
wit
Acham
,
who
hauing
stolne
part
of
the
spoyle
of
Hiericho
,
contrary
to
Gods
commandment
was
not
discouered
and
punished
by
the
Magistrats
,
and
therfore
God
said
vnto
them
,
that
he
would
abandon
them
vtterly
except
they
serched
out
,
and
punished
the
offender
;
Yf
therfore
he
punish
so
seuerely
the
omission
of
iustice
,
when
the
sinne
is
secret
,
and
vnknowne
to
the
Magistrats
,
much
more
may
wee
thinke
he
wil
doe
it
,
when
publike
sinnes
are
permitted
,
or
dissembled
by
them
;
ca.
20.
nu
.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
as
shal
appeare
by
sundry
examples
hereafter
.
28.
And
therfore
for
this
tyme
I
conclude
this
point
,
and
chapter
with
an
obseruation
of
S.
Augustin
concerning
the
participation
of
merit
,
and
demerit
amongst
men
,
Why
the
punishment
of
one
man
redoundeth
sometymes
to
many
.
Aug.
de
ciuit
.
d●●
li.
1.
c
.
9.
to
wit
that
the
punishment
of
one
doth
redound
some
tymes
to
al
men
,
To
recommend
vnto
vs
,
saith
he
,
the
consideration
of
the
strait
bond
,
and
vnity
of
humane
society
,
to
the
end
we
may
vnderstand
therby
,
ho●v
careful
we
ought
to
be
,
to
hinder
the
offence
of
God
in
other
men
,
as
wel
as
in
our selues
,
seeing
we
are
al
,
quasi
vnum
corpus
,
as
it
were
one
body
,
and
subiect
in
some
cases
to
paye
the
temporal
penaltyes
,
one
of
an
others
offence
.
Thus
much
in
general
concerning
for
what
kinds
of
sinne
,
and
in
what
cases
God
punisheth
whole
commonwelths
.
29.
And
now
to
come
to
particuler
examples
of
kingdomes
,
and
states
,
vtterly
ouerthrowne
,
or
greeuoussly
punished
by
almighty
God
,
for
sinne
,
I
wil
make
choyce
of
some
most
manifest
,
amongst
very
many
,
which
doe
occurre
vnto
me
,
and
〈◇〉
beginne
with
two
,
testified
partly
by
our
holy
scriptures
,
and
partly
by
prophane
authors
,
who
declare
the
euents
which
the
scriptures
long
before
prophesied
and
foretold
,
The
one
example
shal
be
the
ouerthrowe
of
the
great
empire
of
the
Chalaians
,
and
the
other
of
the
destruction
of
Hierusalem
,
and
the
vtter
subuersion
of
the
state
of
the
Iewes
.
EXAMPLES
OF
THE
SEVERITY
OF
GODS
iustice
vpon
kingdomes
and
states
for
sinne
,
and
first
of
the
subuersion
of
the
most
potent
Empire
of
the
Chaldaeans
,
and
of
their
admirable
citty
of
Babilon
and
for
what
sinns
the
same
was
ouerthrowne
,
and
that
the
euents
therof
testified
by
prophane
authors
,
answered
exactly
to
the
prophesies
in
our
holy
scriptures
.
CHAP.
18.
NOTHING
was
more
famous
in
old
time
not
more
celebrated
by
al
historiographers
,
The
magnificence
and
riches
of
the
Chaldaean
em●●●re
.
Te●tul
.
aduer
.
Iudeos
.
Metast
.
henes
de
rebus
.
Indicis
.
li
.
4.
Dan
.
2.
The
welth
beauty
and
strength
of
the
citty
of
Babilon
.
Solin
.
ca.
60.
Plin
.
li
.
6.
ca.
26.
Diodor
.
Sicul
li.
3.
Strabo
li.
16.
Hieron
.
li
.
5.
in
Isay
c
.
14.
Arist
.
lib
.
3.
Pol●tic
.
then
the
riches
&
magnificence
of
the
Chaldean
Empire
,
which
besides
the
oriental
countries
,
from
India
to
Aethiopia
included
al
Aegipt
,
Africk
,
and
Spaine
,
in
which
respect
Daniel
the
prophet
said
to
Nabuchadonosor
who
was
King
thereof
,
Tu
es
rex
regum
,
et
potesta●
tua
in
terminos
vniuersae
terrae
;
Thou
art
Kinge
of
Kinges
,
and
thy
power
extends
it selfe
to
the
bounds
of
the
whole
earth
,
besides
that
the
wealth
strength
,
and
beauty
of
Babilon
(
the
Imperial
seate
of
the
Ch●●dean
Kinges
,
)
was
such
,
as
it
giueth
sufficient
testimony
of
the
great
power
of
that
Empire
.
For
the
walles
were
50.
cubits
thick
,
and
200
cubits
high
;
the
citty
was
foure
square
15.
miles
from
one
corner
to
an
other
,
and
60.
miles
in
compasse
;
in
so
much
that
Aristotle
affirmeth
that
when
it
was
taken
,
those
which
dwelled
in
the
furthest
parte
of
the
citty
,
did
not
heare
of
it
in
3.
daies
;
It
had
100.
gates
,
with
the
thre
sholds
and
posts
of
brasse
;
great
numbers
of
marble
tempells
,
and
golden
images
;
whole
streets
shining
and
glyttering
with
gold
and
pretious
stones
,
and
amongst
other
temples
,
there
was
one
of
Belus
4.
square
,
Herodat
.
li
.
●
.
containing
2.
stades
euery
way
,
which
was
a
quarter
of
a
mile
in
length
,
and
a
myle
in
compasse
,
in
the
midst
wherof
there
was
a
tower
,
which
as
wel
in
bredth
,
as
in
height
,
contained
a
stade
,
that
is
to
say
halfe
a
quarter
of
a
mile
,
vpon
the
which
were
raised
8.
other
towers
,
one
aboue
an
other
,
with
easy
staires
to
mount
vp
to
the
top
,
where
there
was
a
chappel
with
a
sumptious
bed
,
and
a
table
of
gold
;
finally
such
wonderful
things
are
written
by
graue
authors
of
artificial
mountaines
,
orchardes
,
and
gardens
,
called
,
●osius
apud
Iosephum
.
Diodor
.
Sicul
.
li
.
3.
horti
pensiles
,
hanging
gardens
,
and
such
other
thinges
,
that
they
seeme
incredible
.
2.
Hereby
we
may
geather
how
admirable
was
the
welth
of
the
Kinges
of
Babilon
,
The
destruction
of
Babilon
prophesied
200.
yere
before
it
hapned
.
Isay
.
ca.
13.
and
how
great
the
power
of
their
monarchy
;
wherof
the
destruction
was
prophesied
by
Isaias
200.
yeeres
before
it
hapned
,
who
said
in
the
person
of
God
.
Ecce
ego
suscitabo
super
eos
Medos
&c.
Behold
I
wil
raise
against
them
the
Medians
,
&
Babilon
which
is
so
glorious
amongst
al
other
kingdomes
,
and
so
notable
,
and
famous
in
the
pride
of
the
Chaldaeans
shal
be
ouerthrowne
.
And
in
like
manner
,
Ieremias
the
prophet
aboue
60.
yeeres
before
it
was
taken
,
Ierem
.
ca.
●1
.
said
:
Suscitauit
dominus
&c.
Our
Lord
hath
stirred
vp
the
spirit
of
the
King
of
the
Medians
against
Babilon
,
and
his
meaninge
is
to
destroy
it
;
Also
Daniel
the
prophet
interpreting
to
Baltasar
King
of
Babilon
the
wordes
Mane
Thecel
,
Phares
,
Dan
.
ca.
●
.
(
which
were
written
miraculously
on
the
wal
before
him
as
he
was
banqueting
with
his
nobility
)
foretold
him
the
very
day
before
it
was
taken
,
that
God
had
giuen
his
kingdome
to
the
Medians
&
Persians
,
al
which
was
accomplished
the
night
followinge
,
when
Darius
Kinge
of
Media
and
Persia
(
whome
Xenophon
called
Ciaxares
)
beseeging
Babilon
tooke
it
on
a
suddaine
,
with
the
help
of
his
nephew
,
Zeno
.
li
.
7.
How
the
prophesy
of
the
destruction
of
Babilon
was
accomplished
,
by
the
testimony
of
prophane
autors
.
Xenophon
.
Ibid
.
Herodat
.
li
.
2
Cirus
the
persian
in
the
time
of
a
great
feast
,
when
the
King
,
nobility
,
and
people
,
contemning
their
enemies
by
reason
of
the
great
strength
,
of
the
citty
,
attended
only
to
banquets
and
sportes
,
as
both
Xenophon
,
and
Herodotus
do
testifie
,
who
doe
also
declare
the
meanes
how
they
tooke
it
,
conforme
to
the
predictions
of
the
prophets
,
to
wit
,
by
a
stratagem
of
Cyrus
,
who
caused
certaine
ditches
to
be
cut
and
opened
,
to
draw
away
the
riuer
Euphrates
,
which
passed
through
the
towne
,
wherby
the
channel
was
left
drye
,
and
the
soldiers
entring
suddenly
surprised
it
with
out
resistance
.
Ieremy
.
ca.
15.
3.
Of
this
drawing
away
the
riuer
Ieremy
prophesied
plainely
saying
,
Desertum
faciam
mare
eius
,
et
siccabo
venam
eius
;
I
wil
make
h●●
sea
(
that
is
to
say
her
great
and
famous
riuer
Euphrates
)
desert
,
and
I
wil
drye
vp
the
vaine
or
channel
therof
.
And
againe
;
Vada
praeoccup●●●
sunt
:
her
fords
or
waters
are
preoccupaied
or
intercepted
.
and
againe
Siccitas
super
aqaus
eius
et
arescent
;
her
waters
shal
become
drye
.
4.
Thus
began
the
execution
of
Gods
wrath
vpon
Babilon
and
vpon
the
empire
of
the
Chaldaeans
,
which
was
then
translated
to
the
Medians
and
Persians
,
according
to
the
predictions
of
the
prophets
;
which
predictions
neuertheles
were
not
fulfilled
al
at
once
but
in
processe
of
tyme
;
for
the
prophets
fore
told
not
only
the
surprise
of
the
citty
,
Ierem
.
ca.
51.
but
also
the
vtter
desolation
thereof
and
of
the
whole
cuntry
of
Babilon
;
Murus
ille
Babilonis
latisim●●
(
saith
Ieremy
)
suffossione
suffodietur
&c.
That
exceeding
broad
wal
of
Babylon
shal
be
vndermined
,
Idem
.
ca.
50.
and
digged
vp
,
and
the
high
,
and
magnifical
gates
therof
shal
be
burnt
;
And
againe
in
an
other
place
speaking
to
the
Babilonians
,
he
saith
.
Confusa
est
mater
vestra
.
&c.
your
mother
,
(
that
is
to
say
,
Babilon
,
)
is
wholy
confounded
,
and
made
euen
with
the
ground
&c.
and
al
those
which
shal
passe
by
it
shal
be
amazed
,
&
shal
kisse
at
it
in
respect
of
the
plagues
that
shal
fal
vpon
it
.
Isay
ca.
13.
Also
Isaias
prophesied
that
it
should
become
a
wildernes
,
saying
Non
habitabitur
vsque
infinem
,
nec
ponet
ibi
tentoria
Arabs
,
nec
pastores
requiescent
,
sed
requiescent
ibi
bestiae
;
&c.
It
shal
not
be
inhabited
to
the
end
,
nor
the
Arabian
(
who
driues
his
cattel
from
place
to
place
to
seeke
feeding
for
them
)
shal
not
pitch
his
tents
there
,
nor
so
much
as
shepheards
shal
remaine
there
,
but
it
shal
be
a
receptacle
for
wild
beasts
.
5.
Al
this
,
I
say
was
fully
accomplished
afterwards
,
for
Darius
the
sonne
of
Histaspis
the
Persian
,
tooke
Babilon
againe
the
second
tyme
,
Her●
lot
.
li.
3.
Instin
.
li
.
1.
about
40.
yeeres
after
the
first
surprise
,
by
the
occasion
of
the
rebellion
of
the
Babilonians
,
and
then
he
raised
the
strong
and
stately
walles
therof
:
&
though
the
citty
was
left
standing
yet
it
fel
by
litle
and
litle
to
dessolation
,
especialy
after
the
building
of
Seleucia
by
Seleucus
Nicanor
,
and
of
Ctesiphonte
by
the
Kinges
of
the
Parthians
,
Plinius
ca.
6
li
26.
from
which
time
forward
it
grew
to
be
dispeopled
,
in
so
much
that
in
the
time
of
Adrian
the
emperour
,
Hierom
li.
5.
in
Esay
.
c
.
13.
in
finae
.
there
was
nothing
left
of
Babilon
but
a
poore
wal
which
serued
in
S.
Hierome
tyme
,
as
he
witnesseth
,
for
an
inclosure
of
al
kind
of
wild
beastes
,
which
were
reserued
and
kept
there
for
the
recreation
of
the
Kinges
of
that
country
,
The
great
disolation
of
that
place
where
Babilon
stood
.
when
they
came
to
hunt
in
those
partes
;
and
those
which
haue
traueled
lately
that
way
,
affirme
,
that
al
that
part
where
Babilon
stood
,
is
so
ful
of
Lyons
&
sauage
beastes
,
yea
and
of
murdering
theeues
and
robbers
,
that
the
passengers
are
faine
to
haue
gardes
of
soldiers
for
their
safety
;
which
I
also
note
by
the
way
,
as
an
accomplishment
of
the
prophesie
of
Ierem●
who
said
,
Habitabunt
ibi
dracones
cum
fatuis
sicarijs
;
Ierem
.
50.
dragons
or
beasts
of
the
desert
with
wicked
murderers
shal
dwel
there
.
6.
Bagadat
now
cauled
new
Babilon
,
a
dayes
iourney
distant
from
where
the
other
stood
.
Bozius
de
ruinis
gent
.
&
regno
.
Not
a
greene
hearb
or
tree
in
the
territory
of
old
Babilon
Plin
.
nat.
hist
.
in
6.
ca.
26.
Herodot
.
li
.
1.
The
admirable
fertility
of
the
C●●ntry
of
Babilon
in
times
past
.
Lastly
it
is
certainlye
reported
by
others
which
haue
bene
there
,
that
there
is
not
there
about
any
towne
or
village
(
for
Bagad●t
which
is
now
called
new
Babilon
,
is
a
daies
iorney
from
the
place
where
the
old
stood
)
nor
so
much
as
a
tree
or
greene
hearbe
in
al
that
territory
,
but
that
al
is
(
as
the
prophet
Ieremy
foretold
)
Deserta
et
arenes
,
desert
and
drye
,
w●ich
may
be
wondered
at
,
considering
the
admirable
fertility
therof
in
times
past
;
for
(
as
Pliny
saith
)
it
was
the
most
fruteful
country
of
al
the
east
,
and
He
odotus
affirmeth
that
the
ground
yeilded
ordinarily
200.
for
one
,
and
some
yeers
300.
&
he
forbeareth
as
he
saith
,
to
recount
other
perticulers
therof
because
the
same
would
seeme
incredible
to
such
as
had
neuer
seen
it
.
7.
But
for
as
much
,
as
the
prophets
doe
also
specify
the
perticuler
causes
that
is
to
say
,
the
sinns
wherby
the
Babilonians
and
Chaldaeans
incurred
the
wrath
of
almighty
God
,
and
deserued
so
great
a
punishment
,
I
wil
breefly
lay
them
downe
in
the
prophets
owne
wordes
.
Esay
.
ca.
13.
The
particuler
causes
why
God
destroyed
Babilon
.
The
pride
of
the
Babilonians
.
Esayas
speakinge
of
Babilon
in
the
person
of
God
,
said
:
Quiescere
faciam
superbiam
infidelium
,
&
arrogantiam
forti
um
humiliabo
;
I
wil
make
the
pride
of
the
miscreants
,
or
infidels
to
ceasse
,
&
I
wil
humiliate
the
arrogancy
of
the
strong
:
And
in
an
other
place
the
same
prophet
speakinge
to
Babilon
of
the
calamities
that
should
fal
vpon
her
said
;
Vniuersa
venerunt
super
te
&c.
Al
thy
miseries
fel
vpon
thee
for
the
multitude
of
thy
witchcrafts
,
witchrafts
.
Esay
.
ca.
47.
Ibid
.
&
for
the
hardnes
of
the
harts
of
thy
inchanters
&c.
stande
forthe
with
the
multitude
of
thy
witchcrafts
,
wherin
thou
hast
laboured
,
euen
from
thy
infancy
,
and
see
whether
they
can
profit
thee
any
thinge
.
Thy
astrologers
,
Superstitious
Astrology
.
and
those
which
were
wont
to
contemplate
the
starrs
,
&
to
co●nt
he
monthe
to
te●
thee
thinges
to
come
,
let
them
now
comeforth
,
and
saue
thee
if
they
can
;
Behold
they
are
al
made
like
straw
or
stuble
the
fier
hath
burnt
them
,
euery
one
of
them
hath
erred
in
his
way
and
none
can
saue
thee
.
Hierem
.
ca.
51.
The
cruelty
of
the
Babilonians
towards
the
people
of
God
&
their
temple
.
Hierem
.
ca.
50.
8.
Also
Hieremias
conforteth
the
Iewes
in
their
captiuity
saying
in
the
person
of
God
;
Reddam
Babiloni
&c.
I
wil
render
to
Babilon
,
and
to
al
the
people
of
Chaldea
al
the
euil
and
hurt
they
haue
done
in
Syon
;
And
againe
;
the
foundations
(
saith
he
)
of
Babilon
are
fallen
,
the
walls
are
destroyed
,
for
it
is
the
reuenge
of
our
Lord
,
and
the
reuenge
of
his
temple
;
Dan
.
ca.
5.
Idolatry
and
the
profanation
of
holy
vessels
.
9.
Lastly
Daniel
expounding
to
Baltasar
the
last
King
therof
,
the
inscription
written
vpon
the
wal
by
the
hand
,
which
appeared
as
he
was
banqueting
with
his
nobility
,
signified
vnto
him
that
God
had
giuen
his
kingdome
vnto
the
Medians
and
Persians
,
as
wel
for
his
pride
and
Idolatry
,
as
also
because
in
that
banquet
he
prophaned
the
holy
vessells
of
the
temple
,
which
Nabuchadonosor
his
grandfather
had
brought
from
Hierusalem
,
when
he
led
the
Iewe●
into
captiuity
,
so
that
the
special
sinns
for
the
which
God
did
ouerthrow
the
mighty
and
potent
empire
,
were
pride
,
witchcraft
;
the
superstitious
vse
of
astrologie
,
cruelty
towardes
the
people
of
God
,
and
the
destruction
of
his
temple
in
Hierusalem
,
Idolatry
,
and
the
profanation
of
holy
vessells
dedicated
to
Gods
seruice
;
wherby
we
may
see
how
hainous
the
said
sinns
were
in
the
sight
of
God
,
and
how
greuious
is
the
penalty
of
sinne
;
Hieron
.
li
.
5.
in
Esay
.
ca.
14.
Al
human
power
but
dust
&
asshes
when
God
stryketh
for
sinne
.
and
Lastly
how
true
it
is
which
S.
Hierome
saith
,
speaking
of
the
subuersion
of
that
mighty
empire
;
Al
humane
power
,
(
saith
he
)
is
but
dust
and
ashes
.
When
the
wrath
of
God
striketh
for
sinne
.
Thus
much
concerning
the
destruction
of
Babilon
,
and
the
translation
of
the
Chaldean
empire
to
the
Medians
,
and
now
I
wil
proceede
to
treat
of
the
destruction
of
Hierusalem
.
OF
THE
DESTRVCTION
OF
HIERVSAlem
,
&
of
the
great
calamities
of
the
Iewes
euer
since
for
their
sinnes
;
and
how
the
prophesies
of
Daniel
and
of
our
Sauiour
him selfe
were
fulfilled
therin
;
wherby
the
prouidence
and
iustice
of
almighty
God
,
is
euidently
proued
.
CHAP.
19.
I
OMIT
for
breuityes
sake
the
prophesies
of
Esayas
&
Hieremias
,
Isay
ca.
10.
&
●3
.
Hierem
ca.
29.
and
wil
only
speake
of
two
other
,
the
one
of
Daniel
,
and
the
other
of
our
Sauiour
him selfe
.
The
prophesy
of
Daniel
of
the
destruction
of
Hierusalem
.
Daniel
writing
after
the
first
destruction
of
Hierusalem
by
Nabuchadonosor
,
during
the
captiuity
of
the
Iews
in
Babilon
,
and
●auing
prophesied
of
the
reedification
of
the
temple
,
saith
furder
●n
these
wordes
;
Dan
.
c
.
●9
.
Et
post
sexaginta
duas
hebdomadas
occidetur
Chri●●us
&c.
After
threescore
and
two
weekes
(
that
is
to
say
.
490.
yeeres
)
compting
the
weekes
by
yeeres
&
not
by
dayes
to
wit
,
7.
yeeres
●o
euery
weeke
)
Christ
or
the
Messias
shal
be
killed
,
&
the
people
which
●hal
not
be
his
people
,
and
the
citty
&
sanctuary
shal
be
destroied
by
a
people
that
shal
come
with
their
captayne
,
and
the
end
of
it
shal
be
destruction
,
&
●fter
the
end
of
the
warre
shal
follow
,
the
determined
desolation
.
2.
This
was
the
prophesie
of
Daniel
of
the
destruction
of
Hierusalem
,
and
of
the
cause
therof
aboue
500.
The
prophesy
of
our
Sauiour
of
the
destruction
of
Hierusalem
.
yeeres
before
it
hap●ned
;
which
our
Sauiour
him selfe
foretold
more
perticulerly
,
who
a
litle
before
his
passion
going
downe
to
Hierusalem
from
the
mount
Oliues
(
whence
he
had
the
ful
view
and
prospect
of
the
citty
)
wept
for
the
compassion
he
had
of
the
misery
that
was
to
fal
vpon
it
,
saying
;
Venient
dies
in
te
&c
:
Luc
.
19.
The
dayes
shal
come
in
thee
Hierusalem
,
that
thy
enemyes
shal
enuirone
thee
round
about
,
&
shal
stray●en
thee
on
euery
side
,
and
shal
not
leaue
in
thee
,
one
stone
vpon
an
other
,
●ecause
thou
knewest
not
the
tyme
of
thy
visitation
;
Luc
.
21.
Math
.
24.
Marc
.
13.
And
againe
afterwards
he
sayd
to
his
disciples
;
When
yee
shal
see
Hierusalem
beseeged
with
an
army
,
then
knowe
yee
that
the
desolation
therof
is
at
hand
;
Then
●hose
which
are
in
Iudea
let
them
fly
to
the
mountaynes
,
and
those
which
are
in
the
midst
of
it
,
let
them
depart
,
and
those
which
are
in
the
country●
adioyning
,
let
them
not
enter
into
it
,
for
that
these
are
the
dayes
of
reuenge
,
to
the
end
that
al
those
thinges
which
haue
bin
written
therof
may
be
fulfilled
;
woe
be
to
women
with
childe
,
and
to
nurses
in
those
dayes
for
them
shal
be
great
misery
vpon
the
earth
and
wrath
vpon
this
people
,
and
they
shal
fal
in
the
face
of
the
sword
,
and
shal
be
caried
captiues
into
al
nations
,
and
Hierusalem
shal
be
trodden
vnder
the
feete
of
the
gentils
.
3.
And
afterward
againe
when
the
women
of
Hierusalem
bewayled
and
lamented
him
when
he
went
to
his
passion
,
he
sayd
to
them
;
Luc
.
ca.
23.
weepe
not
for
me
(
o
yee
daughters
of
Hierusalem
)
hut
for
your selues
and
your
children
,
for
loe
the
dayes
shal
come
when
they
shal
say
happy
are
the
barren
and
the
wombes
that
haue
not
borne
children
,
and
the
pa●●
that
haue
not
giuen
suck
;
then
they
shal
begin
to
say
to
the
mountaines
,
f●●
vpon
vs
,
and
to
hills
couer
vs
&c
:
Thus
sayd
our
Sauiour
,
which
I
haue
set
downe
the
more
particulerly
to
the
end
we
may
cons●der
how
the
euent
corresponded
to
his
prophesie
,
by
the
testimony
of
prophane
authors
,
and
especially
of
the
famous
Iosephus
the
Iew
,
who
was
an
eye
witnes
and
partaker
of
the
common
calamity
of
his
country
,
though
being
blinded
no
lesse
then
the
rest
,
he
had
not
the
grace
to
acknowledge
the
true
cause
therof
.
The
siege
of
Hierusalem
40.
yeres
after
our
Sauiours
passion
.
4.
Although
there
passed
almost
40.
yeeres
before
the
seege
of
Hierusalem
after
our
Sauiours
death
,
yet
almighty
God
began
much
sooner
to
execute
his
iust
iudgments
vpon
the
Iews
in
most
euident
and
rigorous
manner
,
not
only
in
Hierusalem
&
Iudaea
,
but
also
in
al
other
partes
where
they
dwelled
,
it
seeming
conuenient
to
his
iustice
,
that
as
they
were
from
al
partes
assembled
in
Hierusalem
at
the
time
of
his
passion
,
The
wonderful
puni
hments
of
God
vpon
the
Iewes
,
many
yeres
before
the
siege
of
Hierusalem
.
Ioseph
li.
2.
de
bello
Iuda●●o
.
ca
21.
&
in
42.
Idem
.
de
bello
Iudaico
li
.
2
ca.
1●
.
20.
&
li.
7.
ca.
28.
and
al
consenting
to
his
condemnation
,
so
they
should
in
like
sort
pay
the
penalty
therof
in
al
parts
,
wheresoeuer
they
liued
;
and
therfore
with
in
7.
or
8.
yeeres
after
our
Sauiour
suffred
,
there
were
infinit
numbers
of
them
,
slaughtered
in
al
the
cittyes
of
Syria
,
Aegipt
,
and
other
countryes
,
by
conspiracies
of
the
people
against
them
,
as
in
Seleucia
50000.
In
Damascus
18000.
In
Casarea
20000.
In
Scithopolis
13000.
In
Ascalon
2500.
in
Alexandria
50000.
10000.
more
in
other
cittyes
of
Aegipt
,
and
5000
in
Ioppe
.
5.
And
with
in
a
few
yeeres
after
,
Claudius
the
Emperour
banished
al
the
Iewes
out
of
Rome
by
a
publick
edict
,
&
out
of
al
the
country
of
Iudea
;
Sueton
.
in
Claudio
.
anno
.
51.
Ioseph
.
li
.
20.
de
antiquit
.
ca.
6.
&
de
bello
Iudaico
li
.
2.
ca.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
Idem
li.
20.
de
antiquit
.
ca.
4.
besides
that
the
citty
of
Hierusalem
was
miserably
infested
with
theeues
,
robbers
,
murderers
,
magitians
,
false
prophets
,
and
seditious
persons
,
prophaning
the
very
temple
with
blood
,
in
so
much
that
20000.
were
killed
,
and
the
most
of
them
stifeled
in
a
tumult
in
Hierusaldm
,
at
a
feast
of
Easter
(
as
we
cal
their
Pascha
:
)
Al
which
Iosephus
recounteth
as
the
preambles
to
their
ruyne
;
besides
that
their
gouernours
did
vse
such
tiranny
vpon
them
vnder
the
emperours
Caligna
,
Claudius
,
and
Nero
,
that
very
many
of
them
were
forced
to
abandon
their
country
and
the
rest
to
rebel
,
Idem
.
li
.
2
de
bello
.
22.
ca.
which
brought
vpon
them
the
armyes
of
the
Romans
,
first
vnder
Cestius
gouernour
of
Syrya
,
who
burned
spoyled
and
ransacked
al
Palestina
,
&
beseeged
Hierusalem
it selfe
;
●nd
after
againe
Vespasian
destroied
al
the
country
and
great
numbers
of
the
people
with
fier
and
sword
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
li
.
3.
ca.
2.
3.
4.
whiles
also
in
the
meane
time
they
were
miserably
afflicted
with
famine
and
ciuil
warrs
,
by
reason
of
3
,
seueral
potent
factions
,
which
arose
amongst
them
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
li
.
6.
ca.
1.
first
in
the
prouinces
abroad
and
after
in
the
citty
●f
Hierusalem
,
where
the
seditious
slew
great
numbers
of
their
●duersaries
in
the
temple
it selfe
&
committed
with
al
such
ho●ible
sacriledges
,
and
other
abominable
mischeefes
therin
,
Ioseph
.
de
bel
.
Iud.
li
.
6.
c
.
16.
that
●osephus
saith
therof
.
Non
recusabo
dicere
&c.
I
wil
not
forbeare
to
say
that
which
sorrowe
forceth
me
to
vtter
,
I
verily
think
that
if
the
Romans
●ad
not
come
when
they
did
against
those
most
wicked
men
of
my
nation
,
ei●her
the
earth
would
haue
opened
and
swalloed
vp
the
citty
,
or
an
other
de●uge
would
haue
drowned
it
,
or
thunderbolts
or
fier
from
heauen
,
would
haue
destroied
and
consumed
it
.
6.
Thus
saith
Iosephus
,
and
this
was
the
state
of
the
Iewes
when
Vespasian
being
chosen
emperour
of
the
Romans
left
the
chardge
and
prosecution
of
the
warre
against
them
to
his
sonne
Titus
,
who
presently
after
planted
his
seege
before
the
citty
of
Hierusalem
,
whiles
the
Iewes
according
to
their
yeerly
custome
,
Hierusalem
beseeged
by
Gods
special
prouidence
at
a
feast
of
Easter
.
were
assembled
there
,
out
of
al
parts
to
celebrat
their
feast
of
Pascha
;
which
time
was
no
dout
ordayned
by
the
special
prouidence
of
God
for
that
seige
,
partly
to
the
end
,
that
the
time
of
their
punishment
might
answere
to
the
time
of
their
offence
,
(
for
that
they
had
put
our
Sauiour
to
death
at
their
Paschal
feast
)
and
partly
to
the
end
that
the
reuenge
might
be
the
more
complete
vpon
the
whole
nation
,
by
reason
of
the
infinit
number
of
them
that
were
assembled
there
for
the
celebration
of
the
fea●●
from
al
parts
of
Iudaea
,
and
the
countries
adioining
.
How
our
Sauiours
prophesy
was
fulfilled
.
Luc
.
19.
Ioseph
.
de
bel
.
Iud.
li
.
6.
ca.
13.
&
li.
7.
c
.
7.
&
8.
The
extreeme
famine
in
Hierusalem
beseeged
.
7.
The
towne
being
beseiged
was
with
in
a
few
daies
enuironed
by
the
Romans
according
to
our
Sauiours
prophesie
,
not
only
with
a
trench
,
but
also
with
a
wal
,
in
such
sort
,
that
no
liuing
creature
could
issue
out
any
way
;
by
meanes
wherof
,
and
of
the
great
multitude
of
people
with
in
the
towne
,
there
grew
with
in
a
while
such
extremity
of
famin
,
that
they
were
forced
to
eate
,
not
only
horses
,
asses
,
dogs
,
rats
,
and
mice
,
and
the
leather
that
couered
their
sheildes
and
bucklers
,
but
also
the
very
dunge
out
of
the
stables
,
yea
and
a
noble
woman
was
knowne
to
eate
her
owne
childe
that
suct
vpon
her
brest
wherin
no
dout
was
fulfilled
the
prophesie
of
our
Sauiour
,
Luc
.
ca.
23.
when
he
said
;
Beat●
steriles
&c.
Happy
are
the
barren
,
and
the
bellies
which
haue
not
brought
forth
children
.
&c.
8.
But
to
proceede
;
In
the
meane
time
the
beseiged
were
no
lesse
infested
with
cruel
sedition
and
warrs
amongst
them selues
,
The
extreeme
misery
of
the
Iewes
beseeged
.
then
with
famine
,
or
the
assaults
of
their
enemies
abrod
,
In
so
much
that
they
filled
the
citty
&
temple
with
their
owne
blood
,
and
such
as
were
taken
by
the
Romans
,
were
by
the
comandement
of
Titus
,
crucified
before
the
walles
of
the
citty
to
the
number
of
500
euery
day
,
Ioseph
.
li
6.
ca.
1●
.
vntil
at
length
,
(
as
Iosephus
reporteth
)
there
wanted
both
crosses
for
the
bodies
,
and
place
for
the
crosses
,
so
that
there
clamorous
sentence
of
Crucifige
giuen
against
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
Luc
.
23.
was
iustly
executed
vpon
them selues
.
9.
Also
great
numbers
of
them
,
who
being
forced
with
famine
sought
to
saue
their
liues
by
yeelding
them selues
to
their
enemies
,
Ioseph
.
de
bel
.
Iud.
li
.
6.
c
.
15.
were
neuertheles
killed
by
the
Syrian
and
Arabian
soldiers
,
and
their
bowells
ript
vp
in
hope
to
find
gold
therin
,
vpon
a
report
,
or
at
least
a
conceite
,
that
the
Iewes
did
swallow
their
gold
to
convaigh
it
out
of
the
citty
by
that
meanes
;
and
such
was
the
mortality
and
misery
within
the
citty
by
famin
,
pestilence
and
the
cruelty
of
the
factious
one
against
an
other
,
Ioseph
.
li
.
6.
de
bello
indaico
.
ca.
14.
that
as
Iosephus
reporteth
,
al
the
sinkes
,
void
places
and
retreats
,
yea
the
very
streets
were
ful
of
dead
bodies
,
which
were
continually
cast
out
from
the
howses
and
trodden
vpon
like
dust
and
durt
,
Isay
.
ca.
19.
wherin
the
prophesie
of
Isaias
was
fulfilled
who
said
;
Facta
su●●
morticinia
&c.
Their
carcasses
became
like
durt
or
dunge
in
the
mydst
of
the
streets
.
And
although
it
was
ordained
at
the
first
that
the
dead
bodies
should
be
buried
at
the
publike
charge
of
the
citty
to
,
remedy
the
contagion
which
daily
encreased
by
the
pestilent
sauor
therof
,
yet
the
number
grew
with
in
awhile
to
be
so
great
,
that
there
was
not
place
to
bury
them
,
in
so
much
that
the
liuing
were
forced
to
cast
the
dead
ouer
the
walles
in
to
the
ditch
of
the
towne
in
so
great
numbers
,
Ioseph
.
de
●el
.
Iud.
li
.
6.
c
14.
that
Titus
the
General
of
the
Romans
seeing
it
,
and
noting
the
filth
and
corruption
that
issued
out
of
their
woundes
and
plague-sores
,
loathsome
to
behold
,
exclaimed
saying
,
that
it
was
some
extraordinary
punishment
of
God
vpon
them
for
their
sinns
,
and
not
any
effect
of
his
seige
,
as
I
haue
also
declared
ca.
7.
before
,
when
I
treated
of
miraculous
victories
.
10.
Finaly
after
5.
months
seige
,
Hierusalem
taken
&
destroyed
after
5.
months
siege
.
Ioseph
.
li
.
7.
ca.
10.
the
temple
and
citty
were
burned
,
and
the
walles
razed
excepting
one
litle
peece
therof
,
which
was
left
for
some
shelter
and
defence
for
the
soldiers
who
were
to
remaine
in
those
parts
,
besides
some
peeces
of
3.
●owers
which
Titus
commanded
should
be
left
for
a
monument
●nd
remembrance
of
his
seige
,
wheras
al
the
rest
of
the
citty
was
so
destroied
(
as
Iosephus
saith
)
that
it
seemed
neuer
to
haue
bene
●nhabited
;
which
our
sauiour
signified
when
he
said
.
Luc
.
19.
Et
proster●ent
&c.
And
they
shal
lay
thee
flat
vpon
the
ground
,
Ioseph
.
li
.
7.
c
.
17.
The
number
of
the
Iewes
that
dyed
and
were
slaine
in
the
siege
,
and
of
the
captiues
.
and
one
stone
shal
●ot
be
left
vpon
an
other
in
thee
;
To
conclude
;
the
number
of
those
which
were
slaine
and
died
during
the
seige
was
(
as
Iosephus
re●orteth
)
a
million
,
and
a
hundreth
thousand
,
and
of
the
capti●es
97000.
(
wherof
Iosephus
him selfe
was
one
)
and
of
those
●ome
were
condemned
to
the
publike
workes
,
others
of
the
●tronger
and
handsomer
sort
carried
in
triumph
,
and
such
as
●ere
vnder
the
age
of
17.
yeers
,
were
sold
for
litle
or
nothing
,
●nd
those
which
remained
in
the
country
were
loaden
with
●uch
greuious
impositions
and
tributes
,
that
they
liued
in
conti●ual
misery
and
slauery
.
11.
Thus
much
concerning
the
destruction
of
Hierusalem
,
The
continuance
of
Gods
punishment
vpon
the
Iewes
euer
since
the
destruction
of
Hierusalem
.
Esay
.
ca.
5.
●herof
I
thinke
the
like
hath
not
bene
read
or
heard
of
in
al
an●iquity
;
But
what
?
was
the
iustice
of
God
satisfied
and
his
wrath
●owards
the
Iewes
appeased
with
this
?
No
;
for
(
as
the
prophet
say
said
)
when
he
prophesied
of
the
lamentable
destruction
,
●nd
dessolation
of
the
citty
:
In
omnibus
his
non
est
auersus
furor
eius
,
sed
adhuc
manus
eius
extenta
;
his
wrath
was
not
auerted
from
them
with
al
this
but
his
hand
is
stil
stretched
out
to
punish
them
.
12.
This
may
euidently
appeare
by
the
wonderful
calamities
,
which
fel
vpon
them
after
,
not
only
in
Iudaea
,
but
also
in
al
other
places
where
they
were
dispersed
;
Anno.
116.
&
.
117.
as
first
,
in
the
next
age
,
in
the
tyme
of
Traian
the
emperour
,
Euseb
.
in
Chron
.
18.
an
.
Traiani
.
Euseb
.
li
.
4.
ca.
2.
&
in
chron
.
Infinit
numbers
of
Iewes
slaine
in
diuers
parts
of
the
world
in
the
tymes
of
the
Emperours
Traian
and
Adrian
.
with
in
lesse
then
50.
yeeres
after
the
subuersion
of
Hierusalem
;
Infinita
eorum
millia
&c.
(
saith
Eusebius
)
Infinit
thousands
of
them
were
killed
for
their
rebellions
in
Egipt
,
Mesopotamia
,
and
the
Iland
of
Cyprus
:
for
in
Alexandria
in
Aegipt
,
where
they
liued
in
great
multitude
,
al
of
them
were
put
to
the
sword
;
in
Macedonia
they
were
vtterly
extinguished
,
and
in
Cyprus
they
were
al
either
killed
,
or
banished
,
and
a
law
made
that
it
should
be
death
for
any
Iew
to
arriue
there
,
though
he
were
driuen
thither
by
tempest
against
his
wil
,
and
a
few
yeeres
after
,
Iulius
Seuerus
being
called
out
of
Brittany
by
the
emperour
Adrian
and
sent
into
Iudaea
(
to
represse
a
rebellion
of
the
Iewes
)
destroied
almost
al
the
country
.
Dion
.
in
Hadriano
.
13.
For
as
Dion
writeth
,
he
dismanteled
50.
strong
forts
,
and
razed
or
burnt
985.
townes
and
villages
,
and
killed
aboue
50000.
Iews
in
battaile
,
besides
that
an
infinit
number
of
others
either
died
by
fier
,
Hierom
.
in
Zachariam
.
ca.
11.
Anno.
137.
famine
and
pestilence
;
or
were
sold
for
slaues
;
And
such
saith
(
S.
Hierome
)
as
could
not
be
sould
were
translated
into
Egipt
,
or
els
perished
by
shipwrack
,
famine
,
or
by
the
sword
of
the
Gentils
;
Euseb
.
Ecclesiast
.
hist
.
li.
4.
ca.
6.
Iewes
forbidden
by
edict
to
behold
their
owne
cuntry
a
farre
of
.
Iulius
capitolin
in
Anton
.
an
.
141.
The
affliction
of
the
Iewes
vnder
Antonius
Pius
,
Marcus
Aurelius
,
and
Seuerus
.
Ammianus
li.
22.
Anno.
178.
Spartian
in
Seuero
.
Baron
.
an
.
199.
And
the
emperour
hauing
lately
before
reedified
the
citty
of
Hierusalem
and
called
it
after
his
owne
name
Aelia
,
Adria
commanded
by
publike
edict
,
that
no
Iew
should
euer
after
enter
into
the
territory
or
iurisdiction
therof
,
nor
so
neare
vnto
it
that
he
might
behold
it
from
any
hil
or
high
place
;
Shortly
after
Adrians
tyme
they
were
also
miserably
afflicted
by
the
emperour
Antonius
Pius
for
an
other
rebellion
,
and
after
him
againe
by
Marcus
Aurelius
,
who
being
wearied
with
their
contynual
tumults
,
(
as
saith
Ammianus
Marcellinus
)
exclaymed
against
them
,
saying
,
that
they
were
worse
then
the
Marcomani
,
Quadi
,
and
Sarmatae
,
whome
he
held
to
be
the
most
beastly
of
al
barbarous
nations
;
And
againe
some
yeeres
after
they
were
subdued
and
destroied
by
the
emperour
Seuerus
,
who
triumphed
for
his
great
victory
against
them
,
and
renewed
the
decrees
of
Adrian
,
for
their
exclusion
from
the
sight
of
their
country
,
by
meanes
wherof
they
were
counted
no
better
then
vagabondes
.
14.
Tertul
.
contra
.
Iudeos
ca.
11.
&
Apologet
.
ca.
21.
And
therfore
Tertulian
who
wrote
in
the
same
tyme
said
of
them
thus
:
Dispersi
,
palabundi
caeli
&
soli
sui
extorres
,
vagantur
per
orbem
sine
homine
,
sine
Deo
rege
;
They
wander
about
the
world
,
dispersed
scattered
and
banished
from
their
natiue
soyle
and
ayre
,
The
paynimes
called
the
Iewes
faetentes
Iudaei
.
stinking
Iewes
.
Amianus
Marcellinus
li.
22.
hauing
neither
God
nor
man
for
their
King
;
Quibus
nec
aduenarum
iure
,
terram
patriam
salutare
conceditur
;
who
may
not
so
much
as
in
guest-wise
salute
or
see
their
owne
country
;
Thus
said
Tertulian
,
and
so
odious
&
hateful
became
they
afterwardes
to
al
men
,
that
they
were
tearmed
Foetentes
Iudaei
,
filthy
and
stinkinge
Iewes
,
as
appeareth
in
Amianus
Marcellinus
a
Pagan
historiographer
.
The
reason
of
the
stink
that
the
Iewes
haue
and
the
remedy
which
they
haue
sometymes
vsed
for
the
same
.
15.
Wherof
some
also
yeeld
a
perticuler
reason
manifesting
Gods
malediction
vpon
them
,
to
wit
,
that
al
Iewes
haue
a
filthy
and
loathsome
sauor
continually
,
euer
since
their
dispersion
,
and
that
they
perswade
them selues
that
the
same
can
not
be
cured
,
but
with
drinking
the
blood
of
Christians
;
for
which
cause
they
haue
killed
many
children
at
diuers
tymes
,
and
in
diuers
See
Math
.
Paeris
and
Ioan
Capgrau
.
of
the
passion
of
S.
Hugh
a
child
crucifyed
at
Lincolne
anno
.
1255.
and
an
other
at
Norwich
.
an
.
1146.
Surius
24.
martij
.
Ioan
.
Math
.
Ep.
ad
senatum
.
populumque
.
Brixianum
.
Chrisost
.
orat
.
2.
aduer
.
Iudeos
circa
.
anno
313.
The
misery
of
the
Iewes
in
the
tymes
of
Constantin
the
great
,
and
Constantius
his
sonne
.
Hieron
.
in
chron
anno
.
353.
Sozomen
li.
4.
ca.
6.
countries
,
&
perticulerly
in
Trent
in
the
yeere
of
our
Lord
1475.
at
what
time
they
miserably
tormented
and
crucified
a
young
child
of
20.
months
old
called
Simon
,
by
whose
body
so
many
wonderful
miracles
were
done
,
when
it
was
found
,
that
he
was
canonized
for
a
Saint
,
and
the
Iewes
being
taken
for
the
fact
,
confessed
that
one
of
the
causes
that
moued
them
therto
,
was
to
drinke
his
blood
for
remedy
of
their
stinking
disease
,
as
writeth
:
Iohannes
Mathias
Tiberinus
a
learned
phisitian
who
liued
in
Trent
at
the
same
time
.
16.
But
to
returne
to
the
former
ages
from
whence
I
haue
a
litle
digressed
.
After
the
time
of
the
emperour
Seuerus
they
rebelled
also
against
Constantin
the
great
,
for
the
which
great
numbers
of
them
had
their
eares
cut
of
,
and
were
by
the
emperours
commandement
dispersed
throughout
al
countries
with
that
and
other
markes
of
infamy
,
for
the
general
reproach
and
shame
of
al
the
nation
;
and
not
many
yeeres
after
there
were
many
thousands
of
them
slaine
in
Iudaea
,
without
respect
of
young
or
old
,
and
3.
or
4.
of
their
cheife
citties
,
and
very
many
of
their
townes
were
burnt
in
the
time
of
Constantinus
sonne
to
Constantin
the
great
for
an
other
rebellion
.
17.
And
here
I
can
not
but
note
by
the
way
for
the
furder
manifestation
of
Gods
wrath
towards
them
,
that
although
the
emperour
Iulian
the
apostata
who
succeeded
Constantius
,
The
fauour
done
to
the
Iewes
by
Iulian
the
Apostata
turned
to
their
confusion
.
fauored
them
so
much
for
the
short
time
of
his
raigne
(
which
was
but
20
months
)
that
he
gaue
them
leaue
,
not
only
to
returne
to
Hierusalem
to
inhabit
there
,
but
also
to
reedifye
their
temple
,
yet
it
rather
turned
to
their
confusion
,
then
to
their
contentment
and
commodity
;
For
first
,
as
concerning
the
reedification
of
their
temple
,
when
they
had
made
collections
of
great
sommes
of
money
(
wher
to
as
wel
women
as
men
most
zealously
contributed
as
much
as
they
were
any
way
able
,
with
intention
to
make
it
more
beautiful
,
&
sumptuous
then
euer
it
was
)
they
lost
both
their
labour
and
charges
,
being
forced
by
3.
prodigeous
accydents
to
surcease
the
woorke
after
they
had
began
it
.
18.
For
when
al
thinges
necessary
for
the
building
were
prouided
,
The
reedification
of
the
temple
in
Hierusalem
miraculously
hindred
.
Dan
.
9.
the
foundation
layd
vpon
the
ground
workes
of
the
old
temple
,
the
walles
rising
apace
,
the
Iewes
tryumphinge
and
insulting
against
our
Sauiour
Christ
and
the
Christians
(
who
were
much
dysmayed
in
respect
of
the
cleere
prophesies
of
Daniel
fortelling
the
perpetual
dessolation
of
the
temple
)
it
pleased
almightye
God
that
first
an
earthquake
dissolued
the
foundation
,
and
ouerthrew
the
wall
that
was
begon
,
Anno.
363.
and
then
a
fyer
from
heauen
consumed
as
wel
the
tooles
and
instruments
of
the
workemen
,
as
also
al
the
tymber
and
other
matter
prepared
for
the
building
,
yea
and
burnt
very
many
of
the
Iewes
themselues
;
and
lastly
for
their
furder
confusion
,
and
that
it
might
be
manifest
vnto
them
from
whence
al
this
proceeded
,
there
appeared
a
crosse
in
the
ayre
,
and
the
apparrel
of
al
those
which
were
present
was
also
miraculously
besprinkled
and
marked
with
crosses
,
which
could
neuer
after
be
washed
out
,
nor
taken
away
by
any
meanes
,
wherwith
the
Iewes
were
so
confounded
,
that
they
defisted
from
their
worke
,
and
many
of
them
became
Christians
.
Ruffin
.
li
.
1.
ca.
37.
Socrat
.
l.
3.
c
.
17.
Greg
.
Nazian
.
orat
2.
in
Iulianum
.
Chrisost
.
orat
.
2.
aduersus
iudeos
.
19.
This
story
is
written
by
Ruffinus
,
Socrates
,
S.
Gregory
Nazianzen
and
S.
Chrisostom
who
saith
;
Huius
rei
nos
omnes
testes
sumus
nostra
enim
aetate
ante
annos
viginti
haec
acciderunt
;
we
are
al
witnesses
of
this
matter
,
for
it
hapned
in
this
our
age
litle
more
then
20.
yeers
agoe
.
Loe
then
how
litle
the
fauor
of
earthly
kinges
and
Princes
auaileth
when
the
heauenly
King
disfauoreth
and
punisheth
for
sinne
,
and
also
how
true
it
is
which
the
royal
prophet
saith
;
Psal
.
126.
Nisi
dominus
aedificauerit
domum
&c
:
Except
our
Lord
build
the
howse
,
they
labour
in
vaine
who
build
it
.
20.
And
now
as
concerning
the
aboade
of
the
Iewes
at
Hierusalem
afterwards
,
it
is
euident
that
they
remayned
not
long
there
but
that
with
in
a
while
after
Iulians
death
(
who
dyed
presently
after
that
this
chanced
)
they
were
not
only
expelled
thence
,
but
also
forbidden
again
to
enter
into
the
citty
,
Circa
.
anno
.
389.
for
we
read
that
within
20.
yeeres
after
or
there
abouts
,
The
Iewes
purchased
licence
for
money
to
got
to
Hierusalem
to
bewail
the
subuersion
of
their
temple
,
in
the
tyme
of
Theodosius
.
in
the
tyme
of
the
emperous
Theodosius
and
Valentinian
,
their
custome
was
to
purchase
licence
for
money
yeerely
to
goe
thither
to
bewaile
the
subuersion
of
their
temple
in
the
anniuersary
day
therof
,
as
witnesseth
S.
Hierome
who
liued
many
yeeres
in
those
partes
and
wrote
there
at
the
same
tyme
his
learned
commentaries
vpon
the
lesser
prophets
,
wherin
he
notably
describeth
the
miserable
state
,
as
wel
of
the
whole
country
as
of
the
Iewes
themselues
;
which
therefore
I
thinke
good
to
lay
downe
in
his
owne
wordes
.
21.
As
for
the
destruction
of
the
strong
citties
(
saith
he
)
which
were
wont
to
be
in
Iudea
,
I
think
it
may
better
be
iudged
by
the
eye
then
by
the
eare
,
better
by
sight
then
by
report
,
and
I
especially
who
now
am
in
this
prouince
,
Hieron
.
in
Sophoniam
.
ca.
1●
S.
Hierome
an
e●o
witnesse
of
the
desolation
of
Iudaea
and
the
misery
of
the
Iewes
.
can
not
but
see
it
,
and
approue
those
thinges
which
haue
bene
written
of
it
,
for
we
see
now
scant
any
litle
monument
of
the
old
ruynes
in
some
of
the
greatest
cittyes
which
flourished
in
tymes
past
;
In
Silo
,
where
the
tabernacle
and
ark
of
the
testament
of
our
Lord
was
,
the
very
foundations
of
the
altar
scant
appeare
;
Gabaa
that
great
citty
of
Saul
is
pulled
downe
to
the
very
ground
;
Rama
and
Bethoron
and
the
other
famous
citties
built
by
Salomon
are
now
litle
Villages
;
And
a
litle
after
:
And
at
this
present
day
the
perfidious
and
traiterous
Iewes
are
forbidden
to
enter
into
Hierusalem
,
except
it
be
to
weepe
and
bewaile
the
subuersion
of
their
temple
,
As
the
Iewes
bought
the
blood
of
Christ
,
so
they
were
saine
afterwards
to
buy
their
owne
teares
.
for
the
which
also
they
are
forced
to
pay
money
,
so
that
as
in
tymes
past
they
bought
the
blood
of
Christ
,
so
now
they
are
faine
to
buy
their
owne
teares
and
can
not
be
suffred
so
much
as
to
weepe
of
free
cost
;
you
shal
see
in
the
day
that
Hierusalem
was
taken
and
destroied
by
the
Romans
,
that
wooful
people
,
old
women
at
deaths
dore
,
and
old
men
loaden
no
lesse
with
raggs
then
with
yeeres
,
come
flocking
thither
bearing
the
testimony
of
Gods
wrath
in
their
very
bodies
and
habit
:
And
a
litle
after
.
A
woeful
multitude
of
miserable
people
(
whome
yet
no
man
pittieth
)
assemble
them selues
there
to
lament
the
ruyne
of
their
temple
,
and
whiles
they
haue
yet
their
cheekes
bedewed
with
teares
,
and
their
naked
armes
stretched
vp
to
heauen
,
and
their
haire
spred
about
their
eares
,
the
pitti
lesse
soldier
asketh
them
some
reward
to
suffer
them
to
weepe
a
litle
longer
;
and
can
any
man
who
shal
see
this
dout
but
that
this
is
the
day
of
their
tribulation
,
and
the
time
of
their
calamity
,
anguish
and
misery
wherof
the
prophet
speaketh
?
Thus
saith
S.
Hierome
of
the
infelicitye
of
the
Iewes
and
their
exclusion
from
Hierusalem
in
the
tyme
of
Theodosius
.
Chrisost
.
orat
.
2.
contra
Iudaeos
.
22.
Furthermore
S.
Chrisostome
writing
some
yeeres
after
in
the
time
of
the
emperours
Arcadius
,
and
Honorius
,
affirmed
that
the
Iewes
hauing
lost
their
liberty
and
country
,
were
contemptible
and
ridiculous
to
al
men
through
out
the
world
from
the
east
to
the
west
,
Circa
.
an
.
397.
and
to
the
very
extremitty
and
further
most
bounds
of
the
earth
.
The
misery
of
the
Iewes
in
the
tymes
of
Arcadius
and
Honorius
.
Cod
.
Theod
.
li
.
24.
anno
.
418.
23.
Their
misery
also
in
those
tymes
appeareth
by
2.
lawes
of
Honorius
the
emperour
,
the
one
against
them
,
&
the
other
in
fauor
of
them
:
by
the
first
he
ordaynd
,
that
no
Iew
should
haue
,
any
kind
of
honour
or
office
in
the
commonwelth
,
and
that
such
as
already
had
any
should
be
depriued
therof
;
the
other
law
made
in
their
fauor
,
was
,
to
represse
the
fury
of
the
people
against
them
in
al
parts
;
For
that
for
4.
yeeres
togeather
before
that
law
was
made
,
their
sinagogues
were
burnt
,
and
they
them selues
dispitefully
and
cruelly
handled
euery
where
,
which
the
emperour
restrayned
by
a
publike
edict
,
least
otherwise
they
might
be
vrterly
extinguished
.
The
calamities
of
the
Iewes
in
al
Christian
cuntryes
since
the
yere
of
our
Lord
.
600.
Aimoinus
&
appendix
ad
Greg
.
Tuto
.
an
.
614.
Ioan
.
vasaei
chron
Hisp
.
anno
.
694.
Glaber
.
li
.
3.
ca.
7.
Baron
.
an
.
1009.
24.
And
who
is
able
to
recount
al
the
plagues
and
calamyties
which
since
that
tyme
haue
fallen
vpon
them
euery
where
,
and
how
they
haue
bene
oppressed
,
spoyled
,
bannished
,
and
massacred
,
whersoeuer
they
haue
liued
;
In
France
90000.
of
them
were
forced
either
to
be
baptised
or
to
flye
the
country
,
in
the
yeere
of
our
Lord
614.
In
Spayne
(
a
conspiracy
of
theirs
being
detected
in
the
yeere
694.
)
al
their
goods
were
confiscate
,
them selues
made
slaues
,
and
their
childeren
vnder
the
age
of
7
yeeres
taken
from
them
and
christened
.
In
the
yere
1009.
it
being
discouered
and
published
that
certaine
Iewes
in
France
,
had
inteligence
by
letters
with
the
prince
of
Babilon
,
Naucler
.
in
anno
1948.
Pero
Mexia
.
de
vitis
imperat
.
in
caro
.
Nauclerus
.
anno
.
1492.
and
had
procured
the
subuersion
of
a
most
famous
church
in
Hierusalem
wherein
was
the
Sepulcher
of
our
Sauiour
,
there
was
such
a
general
hatred
conceiued
against
them
throughout
Christendome
,
that
they
were
tormented
&
slaine
in
al
places
where
they
dwelled
,
some
hanged
,
some
drowned
,
some
burned
,
others
put
to
the
sword
,
besids
very
many
that
to
auoide
torments
killed
them selues
.
Also
in
the
yere
1348.
infinit
numbers
of
them
were
massacred
in
Spayne
,
France
,
Germany
,
&
Italy
vpon
a
report
that
they
had
poysned
the
wells
in
al
these
countries
,
and
caused
a
great
mortality
of
people
;
which
died
at
the
same
tyme
:
and
after
againe
in
the
yeer
1492.
al
Iewes
were
expelled
out
of
Spayne
to
the
number
of
124000.
families
of
whome
there
dyed
2000.
of
the
plague
,
as
they
were
remouing
,
and
the
like
rigour
was
vsed
against
them
in
Portugal
some
yeeres
after
.
25.
Also
in
our
country
in
the
time
of
King
Richard
the
first
,
The
misery
of
the
Iewes
in
England
whyles
they
liued
there
.
Polidorus
in
Ricar
.
primo
.
Idem
.
in
Ioan
.
great
numbers
of
them
that
then
dwelled
in
Lincolne
and
Yorke
were
slayne
,
as
wel
women
as
men
,
in
a
tumult
of
the
people
;
And
vnder
K.
Iohn
they
were
miserably
oppressed
with
taxes
and
impositions
,
and
such
of
them
,
as
would
not
pay
what
was
demanded
of
them
,
were
cruelly
tormented
vntil
they
gaue
satisfaction
:
and
amongst
others
it
is
written
of
one
of
them
,
that
7.
Mattheus
paris
.
Hist
.
in
Ioanne
.
of
his
teeth
were
pulled
out
one
after
an
other
,
before
he
would
graunt
,
to
pay
a
taxe
of
ten
thousand
marks
,
Polidor
.
in
Edwardo
.
1.
which
he
was
content
at
last
to
pay
to
saue
the
rest
;
Lastly
vnder
King
Edward
the
first
they
were
al
banished
out
of
England
by
acte
of
Parlament
.
26.
Iewes
at
this
present
euery
where
contemned
,
and
oppressed
,
as
wel
amongst
Turks
and
Mores
,
as
amongst
Christians
.
And
at
this
present
time
experience
sheweth
that
whersoeuer
they
yet
dwel
amongst
Christians
,
they
liue
in
al
contempt
&
subiection
,
being
as
it
were
slaues
to
them
whome
they
most
hate
,
and
so
odious
is
the
race
and
name
of
them
in
most
Christian
countryes
,
that
it
is
compted
infamy
to
be
descended
of
them
,
or
to
marry
with
them
,
although
they
become
Christians
:
in
so
much
that
in
Spayne
and
Portugal
where
there
are
great
numbers
of
baptised
Iewes
,
(
whome
they
cal
Christianos
nueuos
,
new
Christians
)
no
man
is
capable
of
any
Knighthood
,
or
yet
(
in
some
places
)
of
any
dignity
Ecclesiastical
,
or
temporal
,
if
he
be
any
way
discended
of
them
,
which
is
specially
enquired
of
,
by
expresse
commissions
sent
forth
for
that
purpose
,
neither
is
this
their
oppression
or
seruitude
only
amongst
Christians
,
but
also
amongst
Turks
and
Moores
,
as
graue
authors
doe
testify
,
and
those
which
trauel
their
countryes
doe
finde
by
experience
.
The
blyndnes
of
the
Iewes
,
and
their
hardnes
of
hart
,
their
greatest
plague
.
Aug.
in
psal
.
9.
27.
Finaly
we
may
ad
hereto
an
other
plague
surpassing
al
the
rest
,
which
God
hath
laid
vpon
them
for
the
consummation
of
their
infelicity
and
misery
,
I
meane
their
blindnes
and
hardnes
of
hart
,
which
is
not
only
of
it selfe
,
magna
damnatio
,
a
great
damnation
,
as
(
S.
Augustin
calleth
it
)
but
also
doth
exclude
them
from
al
remedy
,
so
long
as
it
continueth
.
Isay
ca.
6.
28.
This
the
prophet
Isayas
signifyed
when
he
said
,
Excaeca
cor
populi
huius
,
&c
:
Make
blind
the
harts
of
this
people
,
and
agrauate
their
eares
,
and
shut
vp
their
eyes
,
lest
peraduenture
they
may
see
with
their
eyes
and
heare
with
their
eares
,
Psal
.
68.
and
vnderstand
with
their
harts
and
be
conuerted
,
and
I
moued
to
heale
them
.
Also
the
royal
prophet
Dauid
to
the
same
purpose
:
Obscurentur
(
saith
he
)
oculi
eorum
&c
:
Let
their
eyes
(
o
Lord
)
be
obscured
that
they
may
not
see
,
and
lay
a
perpetual
load
or
burthen
vpon
their
backs
.
And
the
same
was
also
signifyed
or
rather
prophesied
by
Moyses
when
he
threatned
the
people
of
the
Iewes
saying
:
Percutiet
te
dominus
amentia
&c.
Our
Lord
wil
stricke
thee
with
madnes
,
Deuter
.
ca.
blindnes
and
fury
of
mynde
,
that
thou
maist
goe
groping
in
the
midday
as
the
blind
man
gropes
in
the
dark
,
and
mayst
not
direct
thy
waies
,
but
alwaies
sustaine
shame
and
reproach
,
and
be
opprest
with
violence
,
and
not
haue
any
man
to
deliuer
thee
.
29.
Thus
said
Moyses
threatning
the
children
of
Israel
(
in
case
they
should
forsake
their
Lord
God
)
but
propheticaly
describing
the
inuincible
blindnes
and
miserable
state
wherin
the
whole
nation
of
the
Iewes
should
liue
after
our
Sauiours
passion
,
vntil
the
end
of
the
world
;
at
what
tyme
our
Lord
hath
promised
to
haue
mercy
vpon
them
;
The
Iewes
shal
be
conuerted
in
the
end
of
the
world
.
Rom.
ca.
11.
and
therfore
the
Apostle
said
that
the
blindnes
of
the
whole
nation
of
the
Iewes
in
general
should
continew
:
Donec
plenitudo
gentium
intraret
:
vntil
the
fulnes
of
the
gentils
should
enter
,
that
is
to
say
vntil
al
nations
should
be
conuerted
;
Et
sic
omnis
Israel
saluus
fieret
;
and
so
al
Israel
should
be
saued
:
and
to
the
same
purpose
the
psalmist
saith
;
Conuertentur
ad
vesperam
;
They
shal
be
conuerted
towards
the
eueninge
(
that
is
to
say
)
towards
the
end
of
the
world
.
Psal
.
58.
30.
Now
then
al
this
being
considered
,
and
that
not
with
standing
their
dispersion
through
out
al
countries
for
1500.
yeeres
space
,
they
haue
euer
conserued
vntil
this
day
their
name
,
and
nation
,
we
cannot
but
acknowledge
with
S.
August
:
Aug.
in
psal
.
58.
that
almighty
God
hath
of
his
prouidence
and
iust
iudgment
signed
,
and
marked
them
like
Caine
,
Genes
.
4.
The
causes
why
God
hath
ordayned
that
the
Iewes
shal
stil
remaine
a
d●stinct
people
from
al
other
,
notwithstanding
their
general
dispersion
.
Psal
.
58.
that
they
may
neuer
be
extinguished
,
but
remaine
alwayes
a
distinct
people
from
al
other
,
to
beare
and
indure
the
deserued
scourge
of
his
wrath
,
and
to
serue
not
only
for
a
manifest
example
of
his
iustice
,
but
also
for
an
euident
testimony
against
them selues
and
al
infidels
,
of
the
omnipotent
diuinity
of
our
Sauiour
Iesus
Christ
,
whome
they
crucified
,
and
of
the
verity
of
our
Christian
religion
which
they
impugne
.
31.
This
S.
Augustin
wel
considered
,
who
expounding
this
verse
of
the
psalme
;
Ne-occideris
eos
,
nequando
obliuiscantur
populi
mei
;
saith
that
it
may
wel
be
vnderstood
,
as
the
wordes
of
our
Sauiour
to
his
father
concerning
the
Iewes
,
as
though
he
should
say
:
Istos
inimicos
meos
qui
me
occiderunt
noli
tu
occidere
,
Aug.
in
Psal
.
58.
maneat
gens
Iudaeorum
;
These
my
enemies
(
o
father
)
who
haue
killed
me
,
doe
not
thou
kil
,
but
let
the
nation
of
the
Iewes
remayne
;
wherof
he
also
yeeldeth
two
reasons
,
the
one
that
they
remaining
in
continual
affliction
,
may
be
a
testimony
to
the
world
,
as
wel
of
their
owne
sinne
and
great
ingratitude
to
almighty
God
,
as
also
of
his
iustice
in
punishing
the
same
;
the
other
reason
is
,
Quia
necessarij
sunt
credentibus
gentibus
;
Aug.
Ibid
.
Because
they
are
necessary
for
the
gentils
which
beleeue
;
&
why
?
mary
(
saith
hee
)
to
the
end
that
(
as
the
psalmist
saith
)
almighty
God
may
shew
vnto
vs
his
mercy
in
our
very
enemies
:
that
is
to
say
,
that
by
their
obstinance
and
reprobation
,
we
may
see
his
mercy
towards
vs
in
our
vocation
;
besides
that
,
Aug
li
12
contra
Faustum
.
they
serue
vs
also
(
saith
he
in
an
other
place
)
for
porters
to
beare
and
carry
after
vs
the
law
and
the
prophets
,
in
testimony
of
the
doctrine
of
our
Christian
catholique
Church
.
32.
In
which
respect
S.
Bernard
saith
notably
,
The
Iewes
ought
not
to
be
expelled
from
amongst
Christans
,
and
why
.
Bernard
.
ad
episcop
.
clerum
.
&
populum
spir
.
ep
.
322.
Non
sunt
persequendi
Iudaei
,
non
sunt
trucidandi
,
nec
effugandi
quidem
&c.
The
Iewes
are
not
to
be
persecuted
,
they
are
not
to
be
killed
,
no
nor
to
be
chased
from
amongst
vs
:
and
then
giuing
the
reason
therof
,
he
saith
;
Viui
quidem
apices
nobis
sunt
.
&c.
They
are
liuely
letters
,
representing
vnto
vs
the
passion
of
our
Lord
,
for
they
are
dispersed
into
al
countries
,
to
the
end
that
whiles
they
pay
the
penalty
of
their
horible
crime
,
they
may
be
witnesses
of
our
redemption
;
Besides
that
(
saith
he
)
if
they
were
cleane
extinguished
,
how
should
the
promise
of
their
reduction
,
and
conuersion
in
the
latter
end
of
the
world
be
ful
filled
?
Thus
reasoneth
S.
Bernard
,
which
I
haue
thought
god
to
note
by
the
way
,
to
satisfie
the
scruple
of
some
in
these
daies
who
are
scandalized
to
see
the
Iewes
suffred
to
liue
in
Rome
,
Why
the
Iewes
are
suffred
to
liue
in
Rome
,
&
other
Christian
citties
.
and
other
Christian
countries
,
not
considering
,
as
it
seemeth
,
the
perticuler
prouidence
of
God
therein
,
who
so
ordaineth
it
for
their
greater
punishment
,
his
owne
greater
glory
,
the
manifestation
of
his
loue
towards
vs
,
the
confirmation
of
our
Christian
religion
;
yea
and
for
the
saluation
of
some
of
them
,
whome
it
pleaseth
him
to
cal
to
the
Christian
faith
,
whiles
neuertheles
their
whole
nation
in
general
beareth
the
heauy
burthen
of
their
owne
malediction
,
which
they
gaue
against
them selues
,
Math
.
ca.
27.
when
they
cried
.
Sanguis
eius
super
nos
,
et
super
filios
nostros
.
His
blood
light
vpon
vs
and
vpon
our
children
.
33.
Thus
much
concerning
the
iustice
of
God
vpon
the
people
of
the
Iewes
for
their
sinne
,
which
sinne
,
as
it
was
the
greatest
that
euer
was
committed
,
so
also
it
hath
had
,
and
stil
hath
the
greatest
and
most
rigorous
punishment
,
that
euer
was
laid
vpon
any
nation
or
country
,
and
is
so
euident
,
that
it
cannot
be
denyed
.
OTHER
EXAMPLES
OF
GODS
SEVERE
iudgments
vpon
commonwelths
for
sinne
,
and
particulerly
for
negligence
in
the
execution
of
iustice
vpon
offendours
,
and
for
the
sinnes
of
the
flesh
.
CHAP.
20.
A
great
plague
and
famin
in
the
citties
of
Rome
and
Laurentum
,
for
negligence
in
the
execution
of
iustice
.
Plutat
.
in
Romulo
.
BVT
to
leaue
the
scriptures
apart
for
awhile
,
and
to
prosecute
this
matter
a
litle
further
with
the
examples
of
prophane
authors
,
we
read
in
Plutark
that
when
Romulus
King
of
Rome
,
and
Tatius
King
of
the
Sabins
after
cruel
warrs
,
had
made
their
composition
to
gouerne
the
Romans
and
Sabins
ioyntly
,
their
fel
a
strange
kind
of
plague
and
famin
in
the
citties
of
Rome
and
Laurentum
,
for
2.
murthers
commited
by
the
Romans
and
Laurentins
,
the
one
by
the
kinsmen
of
Tatius
vpon
certaine
embassadours
of
Laurentum
(
which
murder
Tatius
neglected
to
punish
)
and
the
other
by
the
frends
of
the
said
embassadours
vpon
Tatius
,
in
reuenge
of
the
iniustice
done
by
his
kinsmen
,
and
suffered
by
him
,
which
also
Romulus
let
passe
vnpunished
;
whervpon
it
being
noted
,
that
the
plague
and
famine
encreased
strangely
in
both
citties
,
and
a
common
opinion
conceiued
that
it
was
a
punishment
of
God
vpon
them
for
those
murthers
committed
;
and
not
punished
,
they
resolued
to
doe
iustice
vpon
the
offendours
,
which
being
done
,
the
plague
ceased
presently
in
both
places
.
2.
Plutar
.
in
Camillo
.
Also
the
same
author
ascribeth
the
sack
of
Rome
by
the
Gaules
to
the
iust
iudgment
of
God
vpon
the
Romans
,
for
two
iniustices
committed
by
them
;
The
first
was
the
vniust
banishment
of
Camillus
;
The
second
,
their
refusal
to
punish
certaine
embassadours
of
their
owne
,
who
being
sent
to
treat
peaceably
with
the
Gaules
in
behalfe
of
the
Clusians
,
committed
acts
of
hostility
against
them
contrary
to
the
law
of
armes
:
and
when
the
Gaules
sent
to
Rome
to
demand
reparation
of
the
iniury
,
Rome
sacked
&
spoyled
by
the
Gaules
,
in
punishment
of
two
iniuries
committed
by
the
Romans
.
the
Romans
not
only
refused
to
giue
them
satisfaction
,
but
also
made
their
embassadors
who
had
done
the
iniury
,
Generals
of
an
army
to
assist
the
Clusians
against
them
,
not
with
standing
that
the
Feciales
(
who
were
certaine
officers
ordained
by
Numa
Pompilius
,
to
determine
of
the
iust
and
lawful
causes
to
make
peace
or
warre
)
made
great
instance
to
the
Senat
that
the
embassadours
might
be
punished
,
lest
the
penalty
of
their
fault
might
otherwise
fal
vpon
the
commonwelth
,
as
indeede
it
did
;
for
the
Gaules
giuing
battaile
to
the
embassadours
,
easely
ouerthrew
them
,
and
prosecuted
their
victory
,
spoiled
,
&
sacked
Rome
,
as
I
haue
declared
Chap.
5.
nu
.
6.
before
vpon
an
othet
occasion
.
3.
Herein
I
wish
to
be
noted
how
greuious
a
sinne
it
is
in
the
opinion
of
the
very
Paynims
themselues
,
and
how
dangerous
to
commonwelth
,
to
neglect
and
omit
the
punishment
of
wronges
and
iniuries
done
therin
;
Wherby
the
offences
of
particuler
men
,
are
made
the
sinnes
and
offences
of
the
whole
state
,
and
draw
the
wrath
and
punishment
of
God
vpon
the
same
.
Wherof
an
other
example
may
also
be
gathered
out
of
the
same
author
and
history
,
Plut.
Ibid
.
concerning
the
cause
and
manner
of
the
first
comming
of
the
Gaules
into
Italy
,
and
of
the
great
spoyle
they
made
in
Tuscane
,
which
seemed
to
proceede
of
the
iust
iudgment
of
God
for
the
like
necligence
in
the
execution
of
iustice
.
The
cause
why
the
Gaules
came
into
Italy
.
4.
For
one
of
the
cuntry
of
Tuscane
called
Aruntius
,
hauing
his
wife
taken
from
him
,
and
kept
by
force
by
a
noble
man
called
Lucumo
,
and
finding
no
remedy
by
iustice
(
by
reason
that
his
aduersary
was
supported
by
the
Magistrats
)
was
so
incensed
therwith
against
the
whole
state
,
that
he
went
into
France
,
and
caryed
with
him
some
of
the
grapes
and
other
commodities
of
Italy
,
to
inuite
the
Gaules
to
attempt
the
inuasion
of
Tuscane
,
wherto
he
easely
perswaded
them
,
&
serued
them
for
their
guide
,
God
so
disposing
of
his
iustice
,
as
it
seemed
,
that
he
to
whome
the
state
had
done
the
wronge
,
should
be
the
meanes
and
instrument
of
the
punishment
due
for
the
same
.
Plutat
.
in
his
treatise
intituled
Narrationes
amatotiae
.
Diodor
.
Sicul
.
li
.
15.
c
.
14.
Cicero
.
de
diuinat
.
li
.
1.
The
Lacedemonians
gre●uously
punished
for
omission
of
iustice
&
for
the
sinnes
of
the
flesh
.
5.
Hereto
I
wil
adde
an
other
notable
example
in
the
same
kind
,
of
the
ouerthrow
of
the
Lacedemonians
,
&
their
losse
of
the
empyre
of
Greece
,
by
the
iust
iudgment
of
God
for
the
like
offence
,
as
both
Diodorus
Siculus
,
Plutark
Cicero
,
and
others
affirme
,
and
the
euent
it selfe
made
it
manifest
,
the
story
is
thus
.
6.
Two
Lacedemonians
passing
ouer
the
playne
of
Leuctra
,
were
lodged
&
courteously
entertayned
in
the
howse
of
one
Scedasus
,
who
had
two
hansome
women
to
his
daughters
,
and
returning
that
way
shortly
after
,
and
finding
the
two
young
women
at
home
,
and
their
father
absent
,
first
rauished
,
and
after
killed
them
both
;
Their
father
at
his
returne
finding
his
daughters
slaine
,
and
vnderstanding
who
had
bin
the
doers
of
it
,
went
to
Lacedemonia
to
craue
iustice
against
the
malefactors
;
but
so
potent
were
they
and
their
freends
there
,
that
he
could
by
no
meanes
obtayne
it
,
wherupon
after
infinit
malidictions
powred
forth
in
the
sorrowe
of
his
hart
against
them
,
and
their
whole
state
,
he
went
home
and
desperatly
killed
him selfe
vpon
the
graue
of
his
daughters
;
Not
long
after
,
warrs
growing
betwixt
the
Thebans
,
and
the
Lacedemonians
,
the
soule
of
Scedasus
appeared
to
Pelopidas
(
one
of
the
cheefe
captaynes
of
the
Thebans
)
and
encouraged
him
to
giue
battayle
to
the
Lacedemonians
in
the
plaine
of
Leuctra
,
where
he
and
his
daughters
were
buried
,
telling
him
that
their
death
should
be
there
reuenged
,
and
so
afterwards
it
fel
out
.
For
there
the
Lacedemonians
lost
not
only
the
the
battaile
,
but
also
the
empire
of
Greece
,
which
they
had
many
yeeres
before
possessed
;
Wherin
may
also
be
noted
how
God
executed
his
iustice
vpon
them
in
an
other
respect
.
For
wheras
the
sinne
of
the
flesh
was
growne
in
Lacedemonia
to
such
excesse
,
as
that
no
part
of
Greece
was
so
much
infected
therwith
(
as
I
haue
signified
before
)
it
seemed
conuenient
to
the
diuine
iustice
,
that
the
same
should
also
be
a
meane
to
draw
his
further
wrath
vpon
their
whole
state
,
that
so
they
might
be
punished
by
the
meanes
of
that
sinne
,
wherby
they
had
most
offended
.
7.
And
truly
though
many
sinnes
are
compted
more
haynous
and
are
more
seuerely
chastised
by
humane
lawes
then
the
sinnes
of
the
flesh
,
yet
almighty
God
hath
not
more
rigorously
punished
any
in
whole
countryes
&
states
then
the
same
;
as
to
omit
the
examplar
plague
that
fel
vpon
Sodoma
and
Gomorrha
by
fyer
from
heauen
,
Gen.
ca.
19.
Examples
of
Gods
seuere
iudgements
vpon
whole
commonwelths
for
the
sinnes
of
the
flesh
.
Li
.
Iudic
.
ca.
20.
Ibid
.
ca.
19.
for
the
detestable
sinne
against
nature
(
which
in
that
respect
is
called
Sodomy
)
we
read
in
the
holy
scriptures
,
that
al
the
whole
trybe
of
Beniamin
excepting
only
600
)
was
slaine
by
the
childeren
of
Israel
by
the
commandement
of
almighty
God
,
for
a
rape
that
those
of
the
towne
of
Gabaa
committed
vpon
the
wife
of
a
Leuit
,
whome
they
abused
in
such
excesse
that
shee
presently
dyed
,
wherupon
the
other
trybes
assembled
them selues
,
and
first
demanded
to
haue
the
malefactors
deliuered
vnto
them
,
and
then
vpon
the
refusal
therof
,
consulted
with
almighty
God
whether
they
should
inuade
them
or
no
,
which
God
commanded
them
to
doe
,
and
appoynted
them
a
captaine
,
Chap.
12.
nu
.
20.
&
although
in
two
battailes
the
childeren
of
Israel
had
the
woorst
(
for
such
cause
as
I
haue
declared
before
vpon
an
other
occasion
)
yet
in
the
3.
battaile
;
Percussit
eos
Dominus
(
saith
the
scripture
)
in
conspectu
filiorum
Israel
&c.
Our
Lord
stroke
those
of
the
tribe
of
Beniamin
in
the
sight
of
the
children
of
Israel
.
Who
killed
of
them
25100.
men
,
that
bore
armes
;
wherby
we
may
see
no
lesse
then
by
the
former
examples
,
as
wel
the
enormity
of
the
sinne
of
the
flesh
,
as
also
that
the
refusal
to
doe
iustice
vpon
a
few
offendours
of
one
towne
of
Gabaa
,
drew
al
the
tribe
of
Beniamin
into
the
participation
of
the
offence
,
which
was
therfore
punished
in
them
al
alike
.
8.
But
to
omit
the
later
consideration
(
to
wit
,
of
the
omission
to
doe
iustice
vpon
offendours
)
and
to
say
some
what
more
concerning
the
punishment
of
God
for
the
sinnes
of
the
flesh
,
we
haue
a
notable
and
fearful
example
therof
in
the
kingdome
of
Spayne
,
Spayne
conqueerd
by
the
Mores
for
the
sinnes
of
the
flesh
.
conquered
by
the
Moores
and
possessed
by
them
700.
yeeres
for
that
offence
;
For
when
the
kingdome
had
flourished
,
as
wel
in
religion
as
power
,
from
the
tyme
of
King
Recared
(
the
first
Catholique
kinge
therof
)
for
the
space
of
120.
yeeres
,
the
wicked
kinge
Vitiza
being
a
man
giuen
ouer
to
al
lust
,
Roderic
.
Toletan
.
li
.
3.
de
rebus
Hisp
.
c
.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
and
carnallity
,
infected
and
corrupted
al
Spayne
,
not
only
with
the
bad
example
of
his
owne
dissolute
life
(
hauing
many
wiues
at
once
besides
diuers
concubines
)
but
also
with
abominable
lawes
,
wherby
he
gaue
leaue
to
al
sorts
of
men
to
haue
as
many
wiues
and
concubines
as
they
listed
,
yea
&
forced
priestes
,
and
such
as
would
haue
liued
chast
,
to
marry
;
by
which
meanes
al
Spayne
became
with
in
a
while
to
be
no
better
then
a
common
stew
or
brodel
.
And
although
almighty
God
according
to
his
accustomed
mercy
expected
their
conuersion
&
amendment
al
the
time
of
his
raigne
,
&
laied
only
the
penalty
therof
vpon
him
,
whome
he
depriued
both
of
his
crowne
and
of
his
eye-sight
,
by
the
meanes
of
Roderick
who
succeeded
him
in
the
kingdome
:
yet
when
the
said
Roderick
followed
his
stepps
as
wel
in
his
vicious
life
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
Ioan
.
vasaeus
.
chron
.
an
.
11.
as
in
the
maintenance
of
his
abominable
lawes
,
it
pleased
God
of
his
iustice
to
permitt
him
to
giue
the
occasion
both
of
his
owne
ruyne
,
and
also
of
the
ouerthrow
of
al
Spayne
by
the
sinne
of
the
flesh
,
wherwith
the
whole
kingdome
was
,
as
it
were
,
ouerflowed
.
9.
For
whereas
King
Roderick
had
sent
a
kinsman
of
his
owne
called
Count
Iulian
,
embassadour
into
Africk
,
and
in
the
meane
tyme
rauished
his
daughter
,
or
(
as
some
write
)
his
wife
;
the
Count
vnderstanding
it
at
his
returne
,
was
so
incensed
therwith
against
the
king
,
that
in
reuenge
therof
he
practised
with
the
Moores
to
bring
them
into
Spayne
,
who
with
his
assistance
conquered
it
so
speedily
,
and
with
such
destruction
of
the
people
,
that
the
punishment
of
God
was
most
euident
therin
.
For
hauing
first
ouerthrowne
King
Roderick
(
whose
body
could
neuer
after
the
battaile
be
found
)
they
subdued
almost
al
Spayne
in
8.
Almost
al
Spayne
conquered
by
the
Mores
in
8.
months
.
Ioan
vassaeus
in
chron
.
an
.
714.
months
,
or
in
14.
as
some
say
,
and
slew
700000.
of
al
sortes
of
people
;
besides
great
numbers
of
captiues
,
which
they
sent
prisoners
into
Barbary
,
and
from
that
tyme
forward
they
remayned
in
the
possession
of
that
kingdome
,
or
of
some
great
part
therof
for
the
space
of
700.
yeeres
.
10.
The
subuersion
of
Spayne
by
the
Mores
attributed
by
wyse
and
holly
men
in
the
same
age
,
to
Gods
iustice
for
their
sinnes
of
the
flesh
Baron
.
anno
745.
This
example
of
the
conquest
and
subuersion
of
Spaine
for
the
sinns
of
the
flesh
,
was
so
famous
,
and
so
much
obserued
,
by
godly
and
wise
men
at
the
same
time
when
it
hapned
,
that
S.
Bonifacius
,
a
countriman
of
ours
and
bishop
of
Mentz
in
Germany
(
who
liued
in
the
same
age
,
and
conuerted
the
Saxons
and
Frisons
from
paganisme
to
the
Christian
faith
)
proposed
it
to
an
english
King
called
Ethelbald
King
of
the
Mercians
,
to
with
draw
him
from
his
dissolute
life
;
and
for
as
much
as
his
epistle
to
him
conteineth
very
notable
matter
,
I
wil
alleage
here
some
part
therof
,
translated
out
of
the
latin
,
wherin
this
zealous
,
and
blessed
bishop
hauing
reprehended
the
King
for
his
loose
life
,
saith
furder
thus
.
11.
I
beseech
you
deare
sonne
in
our
Lord
,
Baron
e●d
.
an
.
A
notable
epistle
of
S.
Bonifacius
an
English
man
,
bishop
of
Mentz
to
King
Ethelbald
to
with
draw
him
from
his
dissolute
life
.
that
if
this
be
ttue
which
is
reported
of
you
,
you
wil
repent
and
amend
your
life
,
remembring
how
vnfitte
it
is
for
you
,
who
haue
the
Image
of
God
created
in
you
,
to
conuert
the
same
in
to
the
Image
of
the
deuil
by
licentiousnes
,
and
that
you
,
whome
no
merits
or
deserts
of
your
owne
,
but
the
bountiful
piety
of
almighty
God
hath
made
a
prince
,
and
King
,
to
gouerne
many
,
should
make
your selfe
slaue
of
the
diuel
by
the
sinns
of
the
flesh
;
For
as
the
Apostle
saith
,
what
sinne
soeuer
a
man
comitts
,
he
makes
him selfe
slaue
therof
,
How
rigorusly
the
Saxons
in
Germany
being
painimes
punished
adultery
and
fornication
.
and
the
Paynims
them selues
who
know
not
the
true
God
,
doe
obserue
in
this
point
,
that
which
God
ordayned
from
the
begining
,
liuing
in
al
true
loue
and
loialty
with
their
wiues
,
and
punishing
adultery
,
and
fornication
.
For
if
in
old
Saxony
,
where
there
is
no
knowledg
of
Christ
,
either
maide
or
wife
doe
commit
adultery
or
fornication
,
she
is
first
strangled
,
and
after
burnt
,
and
he
that
corrupted
her
is
hanged
ouer
her
;
or
else
she
is
stripped
naked
to
the
middle
,
&
whipped
by
chast
matrons
from
towne
to
towne
,
and
prickt
with
sharpe
kniues
vntil
she
dye
therwith
.
If
therfore
the
gentils
who
know
not
God
,
haue
such
a
zeale
and
loue
to
chastity
,
what
should
you
doe
,
that
are
a
Christian
King
;
Therfore
haue
pitty
vpon
your
owne
soule
,
and
vpon
the
miltitude
of
your
people
which
perish
by
your
example
,
for
whose
soules
you
are
to
yeeld
accompt
.
Consider
also
this
,
that
if
the
english
nation
(
as
the
very
Painims
in
France
and
Italy
doe
cast
in
our
teeth
)
doe
contemne
mariage
,
The
hurt
that
followeth
to
commonwelth
of
vnlawful
procreation
.
and
giue
them selues
ouer
to
vnlawful
lust
,
it
must
needs
follow
that
the
children
which
shal
proceede
of
them
wil
degenerat
,
and
al
the
people
grow
euery
day
worse
and
worse
,
and
become
at
last
cowardly
and
weake
in
warre
,
vnstable
in
faith
,
shameful
and
reprochful
amongst
men
and
hateful
to
God
,
as
it
hath
already
chanced
to
the
Prouensals
,
Burgundians
and
Spaniards
,
who
falling
from
God
by
the
same
meanes
,
are
now
by
his
iust
iudgment
seuerly
punished
for
the
same
by
the
Saracens
,
with
the
losse
of
the
Christian
faith
.
12.
Thus
wrote
this
famous
bishop
a
few
yeeres
after
Spaine
was
conquered
by
the
Moores
,
Baron
.
eod
.
an
.
and
further
added
certaine
examples
of
Gods
iustice
extended
vpon
some
english
Kinges
,
for
their
licentious
life
and
other
offences
,
The
vnfortunat
ends
of
the
kings
Celred
,
Osred
,
&
Ethelbald
,
in
punishments
of
their
licentious
liues
.
as
vpon
Kinge
Celred
predecessor
of
Ethelbald
,
who
he
saith
was
not
only
a
deflowerer
of
religious
women
,
but
also
a
breaker
of
ecclesiastical
priuiledges
,
and
that
therfore
God
suffred
a
wicked
spirit
to
take
and
posesse
him
,
as
he
was
banquetinge
with
his
nobility
,
and
to
kil
him
after
that
he
had
made
him
blaspheme
almighty
God
,
and
to
the
same
cause
he
also
attributeth
the
vnfortunate
end
of
Osred
King
of
Northumberland
,
who
he
saith
was
Earundem
culparum
reus
,
guilty
of
the
same
faults
,
and
that
therfore
God
suffred
him
to
be
miserably
killed
.
Thus
this
holy
man
admonished
King
Ethelbald
;
who
as
it
may
be
presumed
,
contemned
his
councel
,
and
therfore
receiued
at
Gods
handes
,
the
punishment
which
the
blessed
bishop
had
threatned
him
,
Polidor
.
li
.
4.
&
suplement
Epitomes
hist
.
Bedae
.
for
he
was
afterwards
cruelly
murdered
as
appeareth
in
our
histories
.
13.
This
I
haue
said
,
with
desier
that
it
may
serue
for
a
document
to
al
princes
&
maiestrats
to
labour
by
al
meanes
to
represse
and
reforme
that
vice
of
the
flesh
,
not
only
in
them selues
,
if
neede
be
;
but
also
in
their
subiects
,
lest
if
it
grow
to
excesse
in
either
,
it
may
draw
the
wrath
of
God
vpon
the
whole
commonwelth
,
wherof
I
haue
declared
the
reason
in
the
17.
chapter
.
Therefore
now
I
wil
proceede
to
other
examples
of
Gods
wrath
executed
vpon
commonwelths
,
&
wil
lay
downe
only
4.
most
manifest
.
Three
in
our
owne
country
,
and
the
fourth
in
the
kingdome
of
Naples
.
THAT
THE
THREE
CONQVESTS
OF
our
country
by
the
Saxons
,
Danes
,
and
Normans
proceeded
of
the
sinnes
,
either
of
the
Princes
,
or
of
the
people
,
or
of
both
;
and
what
their
sinnes
were
which
deserued
so
great
a
punishment
;
Also
by
the
way
,
it
is
declared
what
great
mercy
God
shewed
towards
the
Brittans
and
English
from
tyme
to
tyme
.
CHAP.
21.
IF
WE
consider
the
three
diuers
conquests
of
our
country
since
it
receiued
the
Christian
faith
,
and
the
state
therof
at
the
same
time
,
togeather
with
the
iudgment
and
testimony
of
the
grauest
authours
that
haue
written
therof
;
The
causes
of
the
3.
conquests
of
our
cuntry
by
the
Saxons
Danes
&
Normans
we
shal
easely
see
that
the
same
haue
proceeded
of
no
other
cause
but
of
the
sinns
of
the
Princes
,
or
of
the
people
,
or
of
both
,
For
although
the
infirmity
of
man
is
such
,
that
there
neuer
wanteth
matter
for
Gods
iustice
to
punish
in
commonwelths
(
by
reason
wherof
we
see
that
in
al
countries
the
people
are
scourged
more
or
lesse
from
time
to
time
,
not
only
perticulerly
euery
one
in
his
owne
person
,
with
misaduentures
,
sicknes
,
losse
of
goods
,
death
of
children
&
such
like
,
but
also
generally
with
plagues
,
famin
,
inundations
and
warrs
)
yet
the
subuersion
of
commonwelths
neuer
chanceth
,
but
for
some
great
excesse
of
sinne
,
either
in
the
Prince
,
or
in
the
people
,
or
in
both
;
&
commonly
after
many
warnings
&
admonitions
giuen
by
gentle
and
sweete
corrections
,
such
being
the
longanimity
and
patience
of
al
nighty
God
,
that
he
laieth
the
axe
at
the
foote
of
the
tree
long
before
he
cut
it
downe
,
and
trieth
al
meanes
to
cure
the
sores
of
his
seruants
,
by
lenitiues
and
fomentations
,
rather
then
by
cau●eres
and
incisions
,
or
by
cutting
off
the
infected
member
,
which
he
neuer
doth
but
when
there
is
no
other
remedy
.
2.
This
course
we
see
he
held
with
his
owne
people
,
for
though
hee
often
chastised
them
with
famine
,
pestilence
,
inuasions
of
enemies
and
ciuil
warres
;
The
proceedinge
of
almighty
God
towards
his
owne
people
like
to
the
course
he
held
with
the
Britans
.
Hierem
.
ca.
2.
Hierem
.
ca.
5.
yet
after
a
while
he
euer
restored
them
to
tranquillity
,
plenty
&
peace
,
vntil
at
length
they
proued
so
incorrigible
,
that
the
prophet
lamented
in
the
person
of
God
,
that
al
his
fatherly
correction
was
lost
vpon
them
,
saying
;
Frustra
percussi
filios
vestros
.
I
haue
beaten
and
chastised
your
children
in
vaine
;
and
againe
the
said
prophet
saith
to
almighty
God
;
Percussisti
eos
&c.
Thou
hast
beaten
them
(
o
Lord
)
and
they
haue
not
bene
sory
;
thou
hast
afflicted
them
,
and
they
haue
refused
to
receaue
thy
discipline
;
As
who
would
say
,
there
is
noe
other
remedy
left
,
but
reprobation
,
subuersion
,
and
vtter
extirpation
of
them
;
&
therfore
almighty
God
gaue
them
ouer
into
the
hands
of
their
enemies
;
4.
Reg
.
ca.
17.
first
the
ten
tribes
in
Samaria
which
were
al
taken
with
their
King
Osee
and
translated
into
Syria
,
and
after
also
the
other
two
tribes
in
Iuda
,
were
caried
into
captiuity
by
Nabuchadonosor
King
of
Babilon
,
4.
Reg
.
ca.
23.24.25
.
where
they
remained
70.
yeeres
;
&
though
they
were
after
restored
to
their
country
and
their
temple
reedified
,
yet
at
length
they
were
for
their
extreame
ingratitude
and
peruerse
obstinacy
vtterly
ruynated
,
as
I
haue
declared
before
.
The
pacience
which
God
vsed
towards
the
Brittans
before
their
conquest
.
3.
The
like
proceeding
almighty
God
vsed
with
our
country
in
the
time
of
the
Brittans
after
they
receaued
the
Christian
faith
,
for
he
chastised
them
some
times
with
dearth
and
famine
,
some
tymes
with
pestilence
,
and
other
whiles
with
incursions
of
their
enemies
,
and
with
ciuil
warrs
amongst
them selues
,
so
long
as
the
same
sufficed
to
reduce
them
to
repentance
and
amendment
of
their
liues
,
as
some
tymes
it
did
;
which
our
famous
country
man
S.
Bede
,
and
the
ancient
Gildas
called
the
Sage
,
doe
testifie
,
declaring
that
the
Brittans
being
driuen
partly
by
famin
,
The
miserable
state
of
the
Britans
inuaded
by
Pictes
and
Scots
.
Gildas
de
excidio
Britan
.
and
partly
by
inuasions
of
Scots
and
Picts
,
either
to
abandon
the
country
,
or
to
hide
them selues
in
mountaines
woods
and
caues
,
craued
help
of
the
Romans
writting
vnto
them
that
lamentable
epistle
,
wherof
Gildas
maketh
mencion
,
in
the
which
they
said
;
Our
barbarous
enemyes
doe
driue
vs
to
the
sea
,
and
the
sea
driueth
us
back
to
them
againe
,
so
that
of
two
kind
of
deaths
we
haue
our
choice
,
to
wit
,
whether
we
wil
haue
our
throats
cut
,
or
els
be
drowned
;
Thus
wrote
they
to
the
Romans
:
The
Britans
destitut
of
humane
he●●
,
had
recourse
to
the
deuine
,
and
obtayned
it
.
4.
But
being
not
succored
by
them
,
by
reason
of
their
great
warrs
at
the
same
time
with
Attila
,
they
begane
to
haue
recourse
to
the
mercy
of
God
,
and
to
rely
wholy
vpon
his
helpe
(
as
the
fore
said
authors
report
)
and
so
with
his
assistance
assailed
their
enemies
out
of
the
caues
,
and
woods
where
they
lay
hid
,
Beda
.
ec●les
.
hist
li.
1.
ca
14.
Gildas
de
exci●
.
Brittan
.
and
not
only
gaue
them
great
ouerthrowes
,
but
also
droue
them
out
of
the
country
,
&
shortly
after
had
such
plenty
of
corne
,
fruite
,
and
al
kind
of
victualls
,
that
the
like
had
nor
bene
seene
,
The
Britans
by
prosperity
became
insolent
,
and
vngratful
toward
God
.
nor
heard
of
before
in
many
ages
;
wherupon
followed
the
effect
which
Moises
noted
and
lamented
in
the
children
of
Israel
;
Incrassatus
est
dilectus
(
saith
he
)
&
recalcitrauit
;
The
beloued
people
of
God
was
made
fatte
,
and
then
they
began
to
kick
,
that
is
to
say
(
as
he
expoundeth
it
presently
)
Incrassatus
,
impinguatus
,
Deuter
.
32.
Ibid
.
dilatatus
dereliquit
Deum
factorem
suum
:
Being
become
faire
and
fatte
,
they
forsooke
their
God
and
Creator
,
and
so
it
fel
out
with
the
Brittans
.
5.
For
they
proued
so
vngratful
for
Gods
great
mercy
towards
them
,
that
(
as
the
foresaid
authors
affirme
)
they
fel
into
the
extremity
of
al
mischeefe
and
wickednes
:
Beda
.
hist
.
li.
5.
ca.
14.
The
vices
and
sinnes
of
the
Britans
.
Non
solum
seculares
viri
&c.
Not
only
secular
men
,
but
also
the
ecclesiastical
,
giuing
them selues
wholy
to
dronkenes
,
to
animosity
,
and
contention
,
enuy
,
cruelty
,
hatred
of
truth
,
loue
of
lyes
,
and
al
vice
;
wherupon
our
Lord
scourged
them
againe
with
such
a
pestilent
mortallity
,
that
with
in
a
while
there
were
not
men
enough
a
liue
(
as
these
authors
testify
)
to
bury
the
dead
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
New
inuasions
of
the
Britans
by
Picts
,
and
Scots
.
and
when
that
sufficed
not
to
reuoke
them
from
their
vicious
liues
;
Non
multo
post
(
saith
S.
Bede
)
acrior
gentem
peccatricem
vltio
diri
sceleris
secuta
est
;
Shortly
after
a
sharper
punishment
of
such
detestable
wickednes
followed
vpon
that
sinneful
people
;
For
the
Picts
and
Scots
began
againe
to
make
such
irruptions
vpon
them
,
that
not
being
able
to
withstand
them
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
The
Britans
ca●led
in
the
Saxons
for
their
defence
which
by
Gods
iustice
turned
to
their
vtter
ouerthrow
in
the
end
.
Idem
.
ca.
15.
Idem
.
ca.
16.
The
repentance
of
the
Britans
for
their
sinnes
,
and
God
mercy
towards
them
they
were
forced
to
cal
in
the
Saxons
to
assist
them
,
Quod
domini
nutu
(
saith
S.
Bede
)
dispositum
esse
constat
.
&c.
Which
it
is
manifest
was
done
by
Gods
disposition
,
to
the
end
that
their
wickednes
might
receaue
due
punishment
.
For
with
in
a
while
the
Saxons
did
confederate
them selues
with
their
enemies
,
and
picking
quarrells
against
them
,
destroied
al
the
country
with
fier
and
sword
,
burning
vp
howses
,
villages
,
and
townes
,
and
killing
al
sorts
of
people
,
in
so
much
that
many
fled
into
forreine
countries
,
and
others
hid
them selues
amongst
the
hills
,
mountaines
and
woods
,
vntil
acknowledging
the
iust
iudgment
of
God
vpon
them
,
they
called
to
him
for
mercy
;
Vnanimo
consensu
auxilium
caeleste
precantes
;
Crauing
help
from
heauen
with
vniforme
consent
;
wherwith
Gods
mercy
was
moued
to
giue
them
Ambrosius
Aurelianus
for
their
captaine
,
and
diuers
notable
victories
by
his
meanes
,
and
especially
at
Blackamore
in
yorke
shere
(
for
so
was
called
Mons
Badonicus
.
as
saith
Polidore
)
where
they
made
such
great
slaughter
of
them
,
Pol
.
Virgil
.
li
.
3.
that
for
some
yeeres
,
they
did
not
further
molest
them
,
God
so
disposing
in
reward
of
their
repentance
at
that
time
.
6.
For
being
as
Gildas
saith
myndful
of
their
former
calamities
and
afflictions
laied
vpon
them
for
their
sinns
,
The
relapse
of
the
Britans
into
their
former
vices
.
al
sorts
of
men
,
spiritual
and
temporal
,
as
wel
the
Princes
as
their
subiects
,
did
euery
one
his
duty
in
his
vocation
;
At
illis
(
saith
Gildas
)
decedentibus
.
&c.
But
they
being
dead
,
and
an
other
age
succeeding
ignorant
of
the
miseries
past
,
Gildas
de
excidi
.
Britan
.
and
corrupted
with
present
ease
and
pleasure
,
al
trueth
and
iustice
was
so
subuerted
,
that
there
appeared
not
so
much
as
any
signe
therof
in
al
the
fore
said
states
of
men
;
Exceptis
paucis
et
valde
paucis
.
Excepting
a
few
,
and
those
very
few
;
for
the
Kinges
(
saith
hee
)
were
tirants
,
and
the
Iudges
,
most
wicked
and
corrupt
,
The
vices
of
the
clergy
and
laity
in
Britanny
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
the
priests
negligent
of
their
duty
;
Raro
sacrificantes
et
nunquam
puro
corde
inter
altaria
stantes
;
Seeldome
sacrificing
and
neuer
comming
to
the
altar
with
a
pure
hart
,
ignorant
,
impudent
,
simoniacal
,
and
lasciuious
;
and
al
sorts
of
laimen
loaden
with
wickednes
,
with
murder
,
paricids
,
pride
,
adulteries
,
swearing
,
periuries
,
blasphemies
,
and
al
iniquity
.
7.
And
to
shew
some
particularities
of
this
,
and
how
iustly
the
vengeance
of
almighty
God
was
powred
vpon
the
whole
nation
,
Gild
Ibid
.
The
horrible
sinnes
of
the
princes
of
Brittany
before
the
conquest
thereof
by
the
Saxons
.
Galfrid
monumet
.
hist
.
li.
12.
ca.
15.
King
Cadwalladar
fleing
into
France
,
acknowledged
Gods
iustice
vpon
him selfe
,
and
his
people
for
their
sinnes
.
the
same
author
toucheth
breefly
the
liues
of
some
of
the
kinges
and
princes
that
were
in
his
time
,
as
of
Constantius
,
Aurelius
,
Conanus
,
Vortiporius
,
Cuneglasus
and
Maglocunus
,
taxing
them
with
tiranny
,
periury
,
sacrilegious
murders
,
and
parricids
,
(
committed
euen
before
the
holy
altars
)
adulteries
,
horrible
incestes
,
breach
of
vowes
,
of
religion
,
and
chastity
,
yea
and
2.
of
them
with
beastly
Sodomy
;
for
the
which
enormityes
,
and
the
general
corruption
and
wickednes
of
the
whole
nation
,
he
threatneth
or
rather
prophesieth
vnto
them
the
vtter
ruyne
and
destruction
which
shortly
after
worthily
fel
vpon
them
,
as
the
British
cronicler
Geffrey
of
Monmoth
,
also
acknowledgeth
saying
that
King
Cadwalladar
(
who
was
the
last
of
the
race
of
Britans
)
vsed
these
wordes
as
he
fled
by
sea
into
France
,
with
the
reliques
of
the
Britan
nation
;
Vae
nobis
peccatoribus
ob
immania
scelera
nostra
,
&c.
Woe
be
to
vs
sinners
for
our
greuious
sinnes
wherwith
we
haue
neuer
ceased
to
offend
God
whiles
we
had
time
of
repentance
,
and
therfore
now
the
punishment
of
God
falleth
vpon
vs
,
which
rooteth
vs
out
of
our
natiue
soyle
.
Thus
said
King
Cadwalladar
,
and
much
more
to
the
same
purpose
,
wherby
,
as
also
by
that
which
I
haue
said
before
it
euidently
appeareth
that
the
sinnes
of
the
Britans
,
as
wel
of
the
Princes
as
of
the
people
,
was
the
cause
of
their
ouerthrowe
,
and
of
the
conquest
of
their
country
by
the
Saxons
.
8.
Of
the
conqu●st
of
the
English
by
the
Danes
.
And
now
to
speake
of
that
which
followed
in
the
raigne
of
the
said
Saxons
&
English
,
&
how
almighty
God
punished
them
also
for
their
sinnes
,
it
cannot
be
denied
but
that
there
were
amongst
them
many
holy
men
and
great
Saints
of
God
,
as
wel
of
the
kinges
,
as
of
the
bishops
,
prelats
,
religious
men
,
and
others
;
The
great
vertue
of
many
of
the
Saxon
kings
whereof
8.
were
canonized
beside
60.
princes
of
royal
blood
.
Guliel
.
Malsmsb
li.
2.
5.
13.
Martirol
.
Roman
.
&
alij
.
Chap.
20.
nu
.
10.
Baron
.
anno
.
745.
The
great
vice
that
rayned
in
England
when
the
Danes
made
their
first
inuasion
.
as
8.
Kinges
,
aboue
60
Princes
of
royal
blood
(
to
wit
,
sonnes
,
daughters
,
nephewes
,
or
neeces
of
kings
)
and
35.
bishops
,
besides
a
far
greater
number
of
religious
and
holy
men
and
women
,
also
famous
for
their
holy
life
and
miracles
,
before
,
or
after
their
deaths
,
that
they
were
and
are
held
and
honored
for
Saints
,
neuertheles
there
neuer
wanted
amongst
the
rest
of
the
Princes
,
and
people
,
matter
,
and
as
I
may
tearme
it
,
fewel
,
to
kindle
the
wrath
of
God
against
the
whole
realme
,
in
so
much
that
S.
Bonifacius
bishop
of
Mentz
in
Germany
(
of
whome
I
haue
spoken
before
)
writing
to
an
archdeacon
in
England
called
Hec●ert
about
the
yeere
of
our
Lord
745.
exclaymed
against
the
vices
of
the
english
Christians
saying
;
In
auditum
malum
est
prae
ceteris
seculis
&c.
The
like
mischeefe
hath
not
bin
heard
of
in
former
ages
,
to
wit
,
that
a
Christian
nation
should
far
exceede
&
surpasse
the
Sodomits
in
sinne
,
and
that
contemning
lawful
marriage
,
&
the
custome
of
the
whole
world
,
and
the
precept
of
God
,
they
should
liue
in
continual
incest
,
adultery
,
and
abominable
whoredome
,
euen
with
religious
women
.
9.
Thus
wrote
S.
Boniface
in
the
same
age
,
&
not
many
yeeres
before
that
the
Danes
first
entred
England
,
The
Danes
infested
&
troubled
the
English
by
piracies
and
warres
200.
yeres
.
Circa
an
.
740.
Polidor
li.
5.
hist
.
Angl.
wherby
it
may
wel
be
iudged
that
for
those
enormious
sinnes
of
the
flesh
,
which
he
so
much
reprehended
in
the
English
,
almighty
God
chastised
them
,
not
only
by
ciuil
warres
,
which
seeldome
ceased
there
whiles
there
were
many
kinges
,
but
also
by
inuasion
of
the
Danes
,
who
first
by
piracyes
&
after
by
open
warrs
,
cruelly
infested
and
troubled
the
realme
at
diuers
and
sundry
tymes
,
for
the
space
of
almost
200.
●●ds
wrath
appeased
towards
the
English
by
the
prayers
and
merits
o●
the
Saints
of
the
nation
.
Polid
.
li
.
5.
hist
.
Anglic
.
K.
Alured
being
greatly
distressed
by
the
Danes
was
conforted
by
a
vision
of
S.
Cuthert
.
Gulielmus
Malsburiensis
de
gestis
Anglo
.
li
.
2.
ca.
4.
Polidor
.
li
.
5.
Ingulphus
Hist
.
Angl.
yeeres
,
vntil
at
length
,
the
iustice
of
God
was
satisfied
and
his
wrath
appeased
by
the
prayers
and
merits
of
the
Saints
of
the
nation
,
as
it
was
reuealed
to
the
good
King
Alured
,
or
Alfred
founder
of
the
famous
vniuersity
of
Oxford
,
who
hauing
had
many
yeres
warres
with
the
Danes
,
and
being
driuen
by
them
at
length
to
great
extremity
,
and
forced
to
retire
him selfe
into
a
certaine
fenny
and
marish
ground
in
Somersetshyre
,
with
his
mother
and
other
of
his
nobillity
,
was
comforted
with
a
vision
of
S.
Cutbert
,
who
appeared
not
only
to
him
,
but
also
to
his
mother
in
their
sleepe
,
telling
them
that
wheras
the
english
had
for
a
long
tyme
before
borne
the
heauy
pennance
of
their
sinnes
,
by
the
inuasion
and
molestation
of
the
Danes
,
God
would
of
his
mercy
ease
them
therof
:
Indigenarum
Sanctorum
meritis
,
for
the
merits
of
the
home
borne
Saints
,
or
holy
men
of
the
nation
.
And
therfore
bad
him
be
of
good
comfort
,
for
that
he
should
with
in
a
while
be
restored
to
his
former
state
and
haue
the
victory
of
his
enemyes
,
which
after
proued
most
true
.
K.
Alured
expelled
al
the
Danes
,
which
would
not
be
Christians
.
Polid
.
virg
.
hist
.
li.
5.
Idem
.
li
.
6.
10.
For
he
recouered
al
that
which
he
had
lost
and
droue
the
Danes
out
of
England
,
excepting
such
as
were
content
to
become
Christians
,
to
whome
he
gaue
the
kingdomes
of
Northumberland
,
and
of
the
Eastangles
,
who
duringe
his
tyme
neuer
moued
more
warre
,
&
they
of
the
easterne
parts
stirring
afterwardes
against
his
sonne
called
Edward
the
first
,
were
by
him
vtterly
ouerthrowne
,
as
also
the
other
in
Northumberland
,
in
like
manner
and
vpon
like
occasion
,
were
subdued
by
his
grandchild
Adelstane
who
made
England
a
monarchy
,
which
so
remained
and
flourished
without
further
infestation
of
the
Danes
,
The
mercy
of
God
towards
the
posterity
of
the
good
King
Alured
to
the
4
gen●ration
.
Guliel
.
Malmsb
.
li
2.
ca
8.
Ingulphus
hist
.
Anglorum
.
during
the
raigne
of
4.
Kings
the
successors
of
Adelstan
,
to
wit
,
his
2.
bretheren
,
Edmond
and
Eldred
(
who
succeeded
one
an
other
)
and
the
2.
sonnes
of
Edmund
called
Edwin
and
Edgar
,
which
Edgar
was
for
his
excellent
vertues
and
prosperous
raigne
called
;
Honor
&
deliciae
Anglorum
,
the
honor
&
delight
of
England
,
or
as
Ingulphus
tearmeth
him
,
honor
&
rosa
regum
,
the
honor
,
and
rose
of
Kings
,
of
whom
it
is
written
hatt
in
his
tyme
al
ecclesiastical
orders
flowrished
,
learned
and
vertuous
men
were
highly
esteemed
,
al
ciuil
and
forrein
warrs
ceased
,
Scotland
was
tributary
to
him
,
and
he
was
called
the
King
of
Albion
,
being
no
lesse
powerful
by
sea
then
by
land
;
no
yeere
of
his
raigne
passed
wherein
he
built
not
some
monastaries
,
or
else
did
not
some
great
and
notable
good
to
his
country
,
and
such
were
his
vertues
and
so
great
the
fame
of
his
felicity
,
that
there
came
principal
men
out
of
al
countries
adioyning
to
see
him
,
and
to
be
acquainted
with
him
.
11
Loe
then
how
the
promise
of
S.
Cubert
to
Kinge
Alured
was
fulfilled
,
partly
in
him
,
and
partly
in
his
posterity
to
the
4.
generation
,
and
how
the
Danes
were
expelled
,
and
the
english
flourished
,
when
the
penalty
of
their
sinnes
past
was
paied
,
and
Gods
wrath
appeased
,
by
the
merits
of
the
Saints
or
holy
men
of
the
Iland
as
S.
Cubert
signified
.
12.
The
Danes
returned
into
England
for
the
punishment
of
sinne
.
Polidor
.
hist
.
Angli
.
li
.
7.
Therfore
wheras
the
Danes
returned
againe
into
england
shortly
after
Edgar
in
the
raigne
of
his
sonne
Etheldred
,
and
not
only
molested
it
with
incursions
(
as
they
were
wont
)
but
also
conquered
and
possessed
it
for
a
time
,
it
may
wel
be
presumed
that
they
were
but
the
instruments
of
Gods
iustice
therin
for
the
punishment
of
sinne
,
as
wel
as
in
former
times
;
and
although
the
iudgments
of
God
are
so
inscrutable
,
that
no
certaine
iudgment
can
be
made
therof
,
furder
then
it
pleaseth
him selfe
to
reueale
;
neuertheles
speaking
probably
according
to
the
course
of
his
diuyne
iustice
declared
in
the
the
scriptures
in
like
cases
,
The
Danes
conquered
England
(
as
it
may
be
thought
)
for
the
sinnes
of
K.
Edgar
,
and
his
sonne
Etheldred
.
it
may
be
thought
that
the
said
conquest
made
by
the
Danes
,
proceeded
of
the
sinns
partly
of
the
famous
King
Edgar
(
though
he
were
dead
before
)
and
partly
of
his
wife
Alfreda
,
and
lastly
of
their
sonne
Etheldred
in
whose
time
the
country
was
conquered
;
For
although
King
Edgar
excelled
in
al
piety
and
vertue
in
his
later
daies
(
as
I
haue
declared
)
yet
he
did
an
act
in
his
youth
wherof
it
may
be
thought
his
children
and
posterity
paid
the
penalty
.
13.
Polid
.
Virg
.
hi●●
.
Anglic
.
li
.
6.
What
the
offence
was
of
K.
Edgar
,
and
Alfreda
his
wife
.
This
I
say
for
that
after
the
death
of
Elfleda
his
wife
(
by
whome
he
had
King
Edward
the
martyr
)
he
fel
in
loue
with
Alfreda
wife
to
a
noble
man
called
Ethelwolfe
,
whome
with
her
consent
he
caused
to
bee
killed
,
to
the
end
he
might
marry
her
;
and
how
greuous
this
sinne
of
his
was
in
the
sight
of
almighty
God
,
and
how
iustly
punished
in
his
posterity
,
we
may
wel
iudge
by
the
like
offence
of
King
Dauid
,
who
to
the
end
he
might
marry
Bersabe
procured
the
death
of
Vrias
her
husband
,
2.
Reg
.
ca.
1●
for
the
which
the
prophet
Nathan
tould
him
from
almighty
God
,
that
the
sword
should
neuer
depart
out
of
his
house
,
and
that
his
sonne
in
the
cradle
should
dye
therfore
,
besides
that
God
permitted
for
punishment
of
that
sinne
,
that
al
his
other
children
except
Salomon
died
most
vnfortunatly
;
Idem
.
ca.
13.
For
Amnon
hauing
deflowred
his
sister
Thamar
was
killed
by
his
brother
Absolon
;
&
Adonias
by
Salomon
,
&
lastly
Absolon
rebelling
and
fighting
against
his
owne
father
Kinge
Dauid
,
3.
Reg
.
ca.
2.
was
miserably
slaine
,
hanging
on
a
tree
by
the
haire
of
the
head
;
2.
Reg
.
ca.
18.
&
therfore
no
meruaile
that
the
like
sinne
of
Kinge
Edgar
was
also
seuerely
punished
in
his
children
.
14.
To
this
purpose
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
his
marriage
proued
most
vnfortunate
,
not
only
to
the
fruite
that
proceeded
therof
,
and
to
the
whole
realme
(
as
shal
be
declared
here
after
)
but
also
to
King
Edward
his
sonne
by
his
former
wife
,
who
succeeding
him
in
his
kingdome
,
was
shortly
after
killed
by
the
meanes
of
Alfreda
his
stepmother
,
Polid
.
Virg
.
li
.
6.
in
fine
.
The
seuerity
of
Gods
iustice
in
punishing
sinne
.
for
the
aduancement
of
her
sonne
Etheldred
,
wherin
I
can
not
but
note
by
the
way
,
the
seuerity
of
Gods
iustice
in
punishing
sinne
,
seeing
the
said
young
Prince
being
so
holy
and
innocent
of
life
,
and
so
higly
in
Gods
fauor
,
that
presently
after
his
death
many
notable
miracles
were
done
at
his
body
,
and
he
canonized
for
a
Saint
,
yet
he
could
not
escape
the
temporal
punishment
due
to
his
fathers
offence
.
15.
But
to
proceede
,
such
was
the
common
opinion
of
the
innocencye
and
holines
of
this
young
King
Edward
;
and
of
the
enormity
of
the
sinne
committed
by
Alfreda
in
the
murther
of
him
,
that
the
conciete
of
most
men
was
at
that
time
(
as
William
of
Malmsbury
witnesseth
)
that
the
conquest
of
England
by
the
Danes
was
a
punishment
of
God
for
the
same
;
Guliel
Malms
.
de
gestis
Reg
.
An.
li
.
2.
c
.
9.
which
may
wel
be
presumed
,
especialy
if
we
adde
therto
the
offence
,
not
only
of
his
father
(
wherof
I
haue
already
spoken
)
but
also
of
his
brother
Etheldred
,
for
whose
cause
he
was
murdred
,
and
in
whose
time
that
conquest
hapned
;
for
it
may
be
thought
most
consonant
to
the
iustice
of
almighty
God
,
that
Etheldred
being
the
sonne
of
the
wicked
Alfreda
,
and
fruit
of
the
cursed
marriage
,
yea
and
with
al
most
wicked
him selfe
,
S.
Dunstan
prophesyed
of
the
conquest
of
England
.
Idem
Ibid
.
c
.
10.
Polid
.
Virg
.
li
.
7.
Ingulphus
Hist
.
Angl.
should
beare
the
penalty
as
wel
of
his
owne
,
as
of
both
his
parents
sinnes
.
This
holy
S.
Dunstan
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
fore
saw
,
and
foretold
of
him
,
partly
at
his
coronation
(
saving
,
that
for
his
mothers
sinne
in
the
murder
of
King
Edward
,
both
he
and
his
childrens
should
be
seuerely
punished
,
and
his
kingdome
transferred
to
strangers
)
and
partly
afterwards
,
when
vpon
displeasure
taken
against
the
Bishop
of
Rochester
,
he
beseeged
him
in
the
said
Citty
,
and
was
nothing
moued
,
either
with
the
humble
sute
of
S.
Dunstan
,
or
els
with
his
threats
of
the
wrath
of
God
,
and
S.
Andrew
,
patron
of
the
church
of
Rochester
vntil
at
length
S.
Dunstan
gaue
him
a
hundreth
pounds
in
money
,
for
the
which
he
was
content
to
raise
his
sege
;
where
vpon
the
holly
man
sent
him
woord
,
that
seeing
he
preferred
money
,
before
God
and
his
Apos●●
al
those
mischeefes
which
God
had
ordained
,
should
shortly
fal
vpon
him
,
meaning
the
inuasion
of
the
Danes
,
and
losse
of
his
kingdome
,
which
fel
out
to
be
true
.
16.
And
if
we
consider
the
manner
of
his
life
,
and
the
nature
,
The
offences
of
K.
Etheldred
in
whose
tyme
the
Danes
conquered
England
.
Eccli
.
ca.
10.
and
quality
of
his
offences
,
we
shal
find
,
that
they
were
the
very
same
which
the
scriptures
affirme
to
be
the
cause
of
the
translation
of
kingdomes
,
from
one
nation
to
an
other
wherof
the
boke
of
Eclesiasticus
saith
Regnum
de
gente
in
gentem
transfertur
&c.
kingdomes
are
transferred
from
nation
to
nation
for
iniustice
,
iniuries
,
calumniations
,
and
diuers
deceits
.
In
which
kind
of
sinnes
,
King
Etheldred
greately
exceeded
,
for
he
had
his
eares
so
open
,
and
showed
such
fauour
to
al
kind
of
accusers
and
calumniatours
,
that
(
as
Polidor
Virgil
saith
)
no
mans
life
was
in
security
;
Polidor
.
li
.
7.
besids
that
vpon
euery
light
occasion
,
he
spoiled
,
and
banished
the
richest
,
and
welthiest
of
his
subiects
,
being
geuen
withal
to
al
kind
of
riot
,
and
dissolution
;
and
therfore
william
of
Malm●s●ury
writeth
of
him
breefely
thus
;
Eius
vitae
cursus
saeuus
in
principio
,
miser
in
medio
,
Guliel
Mal
.
de
ge●
reg
.
li
.
2.
ca.
10.
turpis
in
exitu
;
The
course
of
his
life
was
cruel
in
the
begining
,
miserable
in
the
midst
,
and
shameful
in
the
end
.
Polid
.
Virg
.
li
.
7.
K.
Etheldred
expelled
out
of
England
by
Sueno
King
of
the
Danes
,
who
reyned
there
fiue
yeres
.
K.
Etheldred
after
Suenos
death
recouered
England
again
;
and
vsed
his
former
cruelty
and
impiety
.
17.
Furthermore
he
was
so
cowardly
&
base
minded
,
that
he
was
no
lesse
contemptible
to
strangers
abroad
,
ethen
hateful
to
his
owne
subiects
at
home
;
wherupon
the
Danes
tooke
courage
againe
to
enter
England
,
who
first
made
him
graunt
them
a
yeerely
tribute
,
wherwith
they
were
content
for
a
time
,
&
after
turning
thither
againe
,
forced
him
to
flie
into
Normandy
and
to
leaue
his
kingdome
to
Sweno
their
King
who
exercised
al
kind
of
cruelty
vpon
the
English
,
and
enioyed
the
kingdome
as
long
as
he
liued
,
which
was
not
past
5.
yeeres
,
after
whose
death
Etheldred
recouered
it
againe
,
and
possessed
it
2.
yeeres
,
whilst
Canutus
sonne
to
Sweno
was
held
occupied
at
home
with
a
rebellion
of
the
people
of
Norway
,
in
which
meane
while
,
Etheldred
returned
like
the
dogge
to
his
old
vomit
of
cruelty
and
iniustice
,
especially
against
the
Danes
(
who
then
had
bene
for
some
yeeres
planted
and
marroed
in
England
)
causing
many
of
them
to
be
killed
with
cruel
torments
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
and
amongst
others
,
Sigifredus
,
and
Morgandus
two
of
the
noblest
of
them
,
were
falsly
accused
of
fained
crimes
,
and
put
to
death
for
the
same
;
besides
that
Prince
Edmund
sonne
to
Etheldred
rauished
the
wife
of
Sigifred
,
being
a
woman
no
lesse
admirable
for
her
beauty
,
then
commendable
for
her
chastity
,
al
which
when
Canutus
vnderstood
,
Canutus
sonne
tow
Sweno
inuaded
England
.
being
moued
with
desire
as
wel
to
reuenge
these
iniuries
done
to
his
countrimen
,
as
also
to
recouer
the
kingdome
of
England
conquered
by
his
father
,
passed
ouer
thither
with
an
army
,
and
put
al
to
fier
and
sword
;
wherupon
Etheldred
died
for
sorrow
,
K.
Etheldred
died
for
sorrow
.
Edmond
Ironside
sonne
to
K.
Etheldred
.
Canutus
king
of
England
.
and
although
his
sonne
Edmund
surnamed
Ironside
,
after
diuers
conflictx
&
a
combat
fought
hand
to
hand
with
Canutus
possessed
the
one
halfe
of
England
by
composition
,
yet
with
in
a
yeere
Canutus
enioyed
the
whole
by
the
suddaine
death
of
Edmund
,
slaine
vpon
a
priuie
as
he
was
easing
him selfe
,
and
so
he
remained
absolute
King
therof
,
as
long
as
he
liued
,
which
was
about
20.
yeeres
after
.
The
mercy
of
God
towards
the
English
in
turning
their
conquest
to
their
comfort
.
18.
Herein
neuertheles
it
is
to
be
noted
,
how
the
mercy
of
almighty
God
concurred
with
his
iustice
,
and
moderated
the
rigour
therof
,
for
that
of
his
infinit
bounty
he
determined
by
this
conquest
as
it
seemeth
,
rather
to
chastise
,
correct
,
and
redresse
England
then
to
ruine
and
oppresse
it
,
and
therfore
after
he
had
some
what
satisfied
the
seuerity
of
his
iustice
not
only
vpon
the
realme
,
by
the
5.
yeeres
cruel
raigne
of
Sweno
(
who
ransacked
and
spoiled
al
sorts
of
men
,
as
wel
ecclesiastical
,
as
temporal
)
but
also
vpon
the
persons
of
Etheldred
and
his
sonne
Edmond
,
he
gaue
them
Canutus
sonne
to
Sweno
for
their
King
,
who
though
he
was
a
stranger
,
The
great
vertu
and
piety
of
K.
Canutus
.
yet
gouerned
with
al
clemency
and
good
example
of
life
,
doing
continualy
acts
of
piety
,
making
good
and
holsome
lawes
,
easing
the
people
of
taxes
and
impositions
,
and
deseruing
wel
of
al
states
,
by
the
meanes
wherof
England
florished
in
his
time
in
peace
and
plenty
,
of
whome
I
can
not
for
beare
(
this
occasion
being
offred
)
to
declare
here
by
the
way
a
notable
act
,
which
I
wish
al
Princes
would
wel
waigh
and
consider
in
the
height
of
their
prosperity
.
19.
Polid
.
Virgil
.
Angl.
hist
.
li.
7.
in
fine
.
A
memorable
act
of
K.
Canutus
.
It
chanced
once
that
as
he
was
walking
at
Southamton
by
the
sea
side
some
of
his
noble
men
flattered
him
,
and
extolled
aboue
al
measure
his
great
power
,
calling
him
the
most
mighty
and
potent
King
of
al
Kinges
commanding
absolutly
ouer
men
,
land
and
sea
,
wherupon
to
correct
their
flattery
(
and
to
shew
mans
infirmity
)
he
went
to
the
very
sea
side
,
and
sitting
downe
there
,
said
to
the
waues
(
as
the
tide
was
comming
in
)
I
command
you
,
that
you
touch
not
my
feete
,
and
being
presently
wel
washed
with
a
waue
that
came
in
vpon
him
,
he
arose
,
and
turning
to
his
noble
men
,
said
,
Loe
my
Lordes
you
cal
me
King
of
Kinges
and
Lord
of
land
and
sea
,
though
I
can
not
command
one
of
these
litle
waues
of
water
;
therefore
know
yee
,
that
the
only
King
of
Kinges
,
and
he
that
commandeth
land
and
sea
,
is
the
father
of
our
Lord
Iesus
Christ
,
Henricus
Huntind
hist
.
Angl.
li
.
6.
by
whose
wil
and
prouidence
al
thinges
are
gouerned
;
And
hauing
said
thus
he
returned
to
Winchester
,
and
tooke
the
crowne
which
he
vsed
to
weare
vpon
his
head
,
and
put
it
with
his
owne
handes
vpon
an
image
of
Christ
crucified
,
which
was
in
the
church
of
S.
Peter
and
Paul
,
and
would
neuer
after
weare
any
crowne
so
long
as
he
liued
.
20.
Though
this
may
seeme
to
be
a
digression
from
my
matter
,
yet
I
haue
thought
good
to
recompt
it
here
,
as
wel
for
the
rarenes
of
the
example
,
as
also
that
it
may
appeare
how
mercifully
God
dealt
with
the
people
of
England
to
giue
them
such
a
kinge
,
by
whose
piety
their
conquest
turned
to
their
comfort
.
And
this
his
mercy
appeared
much
more
afterwards
,
Guliel
.
Malsm
.
de
gest
.
reg
.
li
.
2.
ca.
12.
Polid
.
Virg
.
li
.
8.
Ingulphus
.
hist
.
Henric
.
Huntind
.
li.
6.
Roger
.
Houed
.
Annal
.
par
.
1.
S.
Edward
the
Confessor
sonne
to
K.
Etheldred
succeeded
Canutus
.
when
it
pleased
his
diuine
maiesty
so
sweetly
to
dispose
,
that
after
the
death
of
Canutus
,
and
his
two
sonnes
Haraldus
and
Hardicanutus
,
or
as
Polidor
calleth
him
Cunueus
,
which
two
raigned
but
6.
yeeres
the
crowne
returned
againe
to
English
blood
,
yea
&
to
so
excellent
a
Prince
as
was
S.
Edward
the
Confessor
,
who
raigned
in
al
tranquility
peace
and
felicity
aboue
23.
yeeres
,
so
that
it
may
seeme
that
almighty
God
sought
,
not
only
by
so
great
benifits
,
but
also
by
the
good
endeauor
and
example
of
two
such
vertuous
&
pious
Kinges
,
to
induce
the
people
of
England
to
reforme
their
liues
,
which
had
bene
before
so
corrupted
,
by
the
euil
example
,
negligence
,
and
bad
gouernment
of
Etheldred
;
But
when
he
saw
their
obstinacy
and
ingratitude
towards
him
to
be
such
that
neither
seuerity
,
nor
lenity
,
could
reclaime
them
,
he
gaue
them
ouer
into
the
handes
of
the
Normans
,
partly
to
punish
them
according
to
their
deserts
,
and
partly
to
consummate
the
punishment
due
to
the
sinns
of
Edgar
and
Etheldred
;
For
which
cause
it
may
be
thought
he
would
not
suffer
the
good
King
Edward
(
who
was
Etheldreds
sonne
)
to
haue
any
issue
,
or
any
other
then
liuing
of
the
race
of
Etheldred
,
to
succeede
him
in
the
kingdome
;
for
at
the
same
time
liued
Edgar
,
sonne
to
Edmund
Ironside
and
his
two
sisters
,
Cul
.
Malms
.
de
gest
.
reg
.
Angl.
li
.
2.
c
.
13.
Guliel
.
Malmsbury
.
li
.
3.
de
Wilhelmo
.
1.
Christine
;
who
was
religious
in
a
monastery
at
Ramesey
,
and
Margaret
,
who
was
after
married
to
Malcolme
King
of
Scotland
;
And
Edgar
(
as
William
of
Malmsbury
witnesseth
who
wrote
in
the
time
of
King
Henry
first
sonne
to
the
Conquerour
)
hauing
bene
tossed
and
tumbled
too
,
and
fro
,
with
great
variety
of
fortune
Nunc
(
saith
he
)
remotus
,
&
tacitus
canos
suos
in
agro
consumet
;
He
now
wasteth
and
consumeth
his
hoary
haires
far
from
the
court
,
in
a
silent
and
quiet
country
life
.
21.
But
what
soeuer
may
be
supposed
of
Gods
iudgments
in
this
point
,
the
other
concerning
the
punishment
of
God
vpon
the
people
for
their
sinns
is
euident
enough
,
partly
by
the
circumstances
and
the
euent
,
Guliel
.
Mal
.
de
gest
.
reg
.
Angl.
li
.
2
c
.
13.
The
conquest
of
England
by
the
Normans
reuealed
to
S.
Edward
in
a
vision
.
Alredus
Abbas
in
vita
Edward
.
apud
Surium
5.
Ianuarij
.
and
partly
for
that
it
pleased
almighty
God
to
reueale
the
same
to
King
Edward
him selfe
alitle
before
his
death
,
who
liuing
in
a
trance
2.
daies
togeather
,
signified
when
he
came
to
him selfe
,
that
two
religious
men
whome
he
had
knowne
in
Normandy
to
liue
and
die
with
great
edification
)
had
appeared
vnto
him
,
and
tould
him
from
almighty
God
,
that
after
his
death
the
kingdome
should
for
a
time
be
giuen
ouer
into
the
hands
of
Diuels
,
and
wicked
spirits
for
the
sinns
of
the
clergy
and
people
.
And
further
he
said
,
that
when
he
made
instance
to
haue
leaue
to
signify
the
same
vnto
them
to
the
end
that
they
might
repent
,
&
auert
the
wrath
of
God
from
them selues
as
the
Niniuits
did
,
the
said
religious
men
answered
that
it
would
be
to
no
purpose
,
for
that
neither
they
wold
repent
,
nor
God
would
forbeare
to
punish
them
,
and
when
he
furder
insisted
to
know
when
the
wrath
of
God
would
be
appeased
towardes
them
and
their
sinnes
remmitted
,
Guliel
.
Mal
.
vbi
Supra
.
A
parable
signifyed
to
King
Edward
in
his
vision
.
they
answered
him
in
this
parable
.
22.
When
a
greene
tree
;
say
they
,
being
cutte
of
in
the
midst
,
and
one
part
thereof
separated
from
the
other
the
breadth
of
3.
akers
,
shal
with
out
helpe
come
togeather
againe
,
flowrish
,
and
fructify
,
then
shal
they
receaue
some
comfort
,
Alredus
.
Ibid
.
and
their
sinns
be
remitted
;
This
he
tould
to
the
Queene
his
wife
,
the
Lord
Robert
Steward
of
his
house
,
Harald
(
who
was
after
Kinge
)
and
Stigand
bishop
of
Canterbury
,
al
which
were
present
when
he
came
out
of
his
trance
,
and
the
euent
shewed
shortly
after
,
the
truth
of
the
first
part
therof
,
when
Duke
William
of
Normandy
slew
King
Harald
,
and
conquered
the
realme
,
The
exposition
of
the
parable
.
and
brought
al
the
states
therof
to
miserable
seruitude
;
and
as
for
the
later
part
(
to
wit
the
parable
)
some
haue
expounded
it
,
that
it
was
fulfilled
,
when
Henry
the
first
married
Maude
the
King
of
Scotlands
daughter
,
whose
mother
Margaret
was
daughter
to
Edmund
Ironside
&
neece
to
Edward
the
Confessor
,
as
I
haue
signified
before
;
so
that
the
tree
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
raigne
of
English
Kinges
being
cut
asunder
by
the
death
of
Kinge
Edward
in
whome
it
ceased
,
was
seperated
from
the
trunke
the
breadth
of
3.
akers
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
raigne
of
3.
Kinges
,
to
wit
Harald
,
William
the
Conquerour
,
and
William
Rufus
,
and
came
togeather
againe
in
Henry
the
first
,
when
he
maried
the
forsaide
Maude
,
who
was
(
as
I
haue
said
)
daughter
to
Margaret
and
she
daughter
to
Edmond
Ironside
,
and
the
tree
fructified
when
Maude
the
Empresse
issued
of
that
mariage
,
who
was
mother
to
Henry
the
2.
in
whome
ceased
the
raigne
of
strangers
in
England
,
al
his
successors
being
naturally
english
.
23
But
to
returne
to
speake
of
the
sinns
of
the
people
,
which
according
to
the
prophesy
of
S.
Edward
deserued
so
great
a
plague
,
Guliel
.
Malmesb
.
hist
.
Angl.
li
.
3.
d●
Wilhel
.
1.
we
may
sufficiently
vnderstand
the
same
by
the
testimony
of
William
of
Malmesbury
liuing
in
the
same
age
,
who
saith
,
that
although
al
learning
,
religion
,
and
vertue
had
flowrished
many
yeeres
amongst
the
english
,
yet
a
litle
before
the
comming
of
the
Normans
the
same
was
vtterly
destroied
and
decaied
;
The
enormious
sinnes
of
the
Clergy
Nobility
&
people
of
England
at
the
tyme
of
the
conquest
therof
by
the
Normans
.
For
the
priests
(
saith
he
)
were
so
vnlearned
that
they
could
skant
pronounce
truly
the
very
wordes
of
the
sacraments
,
and
diuin
seruice
;
and
such
was
the
ignorance
generally
of
al
men
,
that
a
gramarian
was
held
for
a
wonder
,
religious
men
were
wholy
giuen
to
delicacy
and
kept
no
rules
of
religion
,
the
noble
men
and
gentlemen
gaue
them selues
ouer
to
gluttony
and
laciuiousnes
,
there
was
no
respect
of
religion
,
nor
care
of
iustice
;
in
so
much
that
the
common
people
serued
for
no
other
then
a
praie
to
the
nobility
,
who
spoiled
&
ransacked
them
at
their
pleasure
;
It
was
a
common
custome
,
when
men
had
got
their
maidseruants
with
child
,
either
to
send
them
to
the
stewes
,
or
to
sel
them
for
slaues
,
drounkenes
,
and
al
the
vices
that
commonly
accompany
the
same
,
or
follow
therof
,
were
generally
through
out
the
realme
;
Thus
saith
William
of
Malmsbury
in
substance
.
Alred
.
in
vita
Edwardi
.
What
S.
Edward
said
at
his
death
concerning
the
sinnes
of
the
English
,
and
the
conquest
to
follow
in
punishment
thereof
.
William
the
conquerour
minister
of
Gods
iustice
to
chastise
the
English
.
Polid
Virgil
li.
8.
in
fine
.
Idem
.
li
.
9.
per
totum
.
The
tiranny
of
Willam
the
conquerour
vpon
al
states
.
24.
Also
S.
Edward
him selfe
when
he
declared
his
vision
said
,
that
the
magistrats
as
wel
spiritual
as
temporal
,
were
no
better
then
ministers
of
the
diuel
,
that
God
was
euery
where
dishonored
,
law
contemned
,
truth
trodden
vnder
foote
,
pitty
and
mercy
banished
,
cruelty
held
for
a
pastime
and
entertainment
;
and
therfore
(
said
he
)
the
wickednes
of
the
english
is
now
complete
,
and
growne
to
the
height
,
and
the
reuenge
and
punishment
therof
is
shortly
to
follow
.
25.
This
was
proued
to
be
true
by
the
euent
with
in
a
yeere
after
,
when
William
Duke
of
Normandy
called
the
Conquerour
came
into
England
,
whome
God
made
the
instrument
and
minister
of
his
iustice
to
chastice
them
,
for
being
admitted
and
crowned
King
(
presently
after
the
bloody
battaile
wherin
King
Harald
&
20000.
men
were
slaine
)
he
began
to
tiranize
vpon
al
states
,
he
spoiled
the
nobility
of
their
landes
,
goodes
,
dignities
and
offices
,
to
giue
the
same
to
the
Normans
,
he
opprest
the
people
with
infinit
,
and
intollerable
taxes
,
and
impositions
;
he
depriued
citties
,
bishopricks
and
monastaries
,
of
their
immunities
,
and
priuiledges
,
forcing
them
to
redeeme
them
of
him
againe
,
for
great
sommes
of
money
;
he
tooke
from
churches
&
religious
howses
,
not
only
such
money
as
they
had
in
store
,
but
also
the
holy
vessels
dedicated
to
Gods
seruice
;
he
abolished
the
old
lawes
and
ordained
new
,
and
caused
them
to
be
written
in
the
Norman
tounge
,
which
the
english
vnderstood
not
,
wherupon
there
grew
great
confusion
in
the
exercise
therof
,
in
al
sorts
of
actions
and
pleas
,
as
wel
criminal
as
ciuil
,
&
many
wrongfully
lost
their
lands
and
goods
,
and
many
their
liues
,
and
a
gate
was
opened
to
al
kind
of
iniustice
.
26.
Furthermore
he
was
not
content
only
to
spoyle
the
english
of
their
wealth
,
but
also
depriued
them
of
their
pleasures
,
taking
from
very
many
noble
men
,
and
gentlemen
their
parkes
,
and
chases
for
his
owne
vse
,
yea
and
ouerthrew
howses
,
churches
,
villages
and
whole
parishes
to
make
forrests
,
in
so
much
that
(
as
Polidor
virg
:
Polidor
.
Virg
.
li
.
9.
witneseth
)
to
make
the
chase
which
now
is
called
new
forrest
he
dispeopled
and
made
desert
al
the
country
betwixt
Salisbury
and
the
seaside
for
30.
miles
space
,
and
when
diuers
of
his
nobility
by
reason
of
his
tiranny
rebelled
against
him
,
he
tooke
occasion
therupon
to
vse
al
kind
of
seuerity
,
The
extreame
cruelty
of
K.
William
the
conquerour
.
and
cruelty
,
not
only
vpon
their
persons
when
they
fel
into
his
handes
,
but
also
vpon
whole
countryes
and
prouinces
,
which
he
so
spoyled
and
ransacked
,
that
they
lay
wast
for
some
yeeres
after
;
Finally
his
gouernment
,
during
the
tyme
of
his
raigne
,
seemed
to
tend
to
nothing
else
,
but
to
extirpate
,
and
extinguish
the
race
,
and
name
of
the
English
.
27.
The
English
had
not
one
day
of
ease
or
repose
during
the
21.
yeres
of
wiliam
Conquerours
raigne
.
The
cruelty
and
auarice
of
K.
william
●ufus
sonne
to
the
conquerour
.
Polid
.
Virg
.
li
.
10.
Wherto
if
we
add
the
frequent
warrs
in
England
in
his
tyme
,
partly
by
rebellion
of
his
subiects
,
and
partly
by
inuasion
of
strangers
,
as
of
Danes
and
Scots
,
we
shal
find
that
England
had
not
one
yeere
,
no
nor
one
day
of
ease
and
repose
during
the
21.
yeeres
of
his
raigne
;
which
calamity
also
continued
,
or
rather
encreased
for
13.
yeares
after
his
death
,
by
the
succession
of
his
sonne
William
Rufus
,
who
far
exceeded
his
father
in
cruelty
,
auarice
,
oppression
of
his
subiects
,
and
contempt
of
God
and
man
,
by
reason
wherof
,
he
was
so
hated
of
the
people
,
that
when
his
death
was
knowne
which
was
most
suddaine
and
exemplar
,
(
for
he
was
killed
by
chance
with
an
arrow
as
he
was
hunting
)
the
people
were
so
transported
with
ioy
,
that
they
went
euery
where
to
the
churches
to
giue
God
thankes
therfore
,
as
for
the
happiest
newes
that
euer
came
to
England
,
in
hope
that
the
last
day
of
his
life
would
be
the
first
day
of
their
liberty
;
If
therfore
we
consider
al
this
,
we
shal
euidently
see
how
true
the
prophesie
of
S.
Edward
proued
when
he
said
,
That
England
should
be
giuen
for
a
tyme
into
the
handes
of
diuels
,
and
wicked
spirits
,
for
the
sinnes
of
the
nobility
,
clergy
,
and
people
.
28.
Here
then
I
conclude
,
that
wheras
the
first
conquest
,
The
conclusion
of
this
chapter
concerning
the
three
conquests
of
England
,
and
the
causes
thereof
.
seemeth
to
haue
proceeded
of
the
sinnes
as
wel
of
the
people
as
of
the
princes
,
and
the
second
of
the
offences
rather
of
the
princes
then
of
the
people
,
the
last
was
(
as
S.
Edward
testifyed
)
in
punishment
of
the
peoples
sinnes
,
rather
then
of
the
princes
;
Wherby
we
may
see
as
before
I
noted
,
the
simpathy
in
the
body
politike
,
no
lesse
then
in
the
natural
body
,
betwixt
the
head
and
the
members
,
in
the
participation
of
punishment
for
sinne
or
reward
for
vertue
;
Which
may
serue
for
a
motiue
to
al
Princes
and
magistrats
,
An
aduertisement
to
princes
,
and
magistrats
.
to
haue
special
care
to
auoid
the
offence
of
God
,
not
only
by
their
owne
good
liues
,
but
also
by
punishing
and
reforming
the
sinnes
of
their
subiects
,
lest
their
negligence
in
ether
,
may
draw
Gods
wrath
vpon
both
,
to
the
destruction
of
the
whole
commonwelth
.
Thus
much
for
the
three
conquests
of
our
country
.
OF
THE
CONQVEST
OF
THE
KINGDOME
of
Naples
by
Charles
the
8.
King
of
France
,
for
the
sinns
of
the
Kinges
therof
,
with
the
conclusion
inferring
vpon
the
premisses
the
prouidence
and
iustice
of
God
in
the
disposition
of
states
,
and
the
insufficiency
of
man
for
the
gouernment
therof
,
with
out
Gods
assistance
.
CHAP.
22.
THE
fourth
example
which
I
promised
was
of
the
kingdome
of
Naples
geuen
by
almighty
God
into
the
handes
of
Charles
the
8.
The
conquest
of
the
kingdome
of
Naples
.
King
of
France
for
the
sinns
of
the
Kings
therof
,
as
al
men
generally
conceiued
,
and
the
effect
it selfe
seemed
to
make
manifest
,
wherof
also
Philip
de
Comines
(
who
was
councellour
to
the
said
King
Charles
,
Philip
.
de
Comines
in
Carolo
.
8.
and
serued
him
in
the
action
)
giueth
notable
testimony
,
which
I
thinke
good
to
set
downe
in
his
owne
wordes
in
respect
of
his
grauity
&
authority
,
who
speaking
of
the
cruelty
and
tiranny
of
Ferdinando
King
of
Naples
,
and
of
his
sonne
Alphonso
in
causing
24.
noblemen
their
subiects
to
be
most
cruelly
murdered
in
prison
,
discourseth
first
of
their
vices
and
wickednes
,
and
after
of
Gods
iust
iudgments
vpon
them
for
the
same
.
Philip
.
Comines
.
The
iudgement
of
Philip
de
Comines
of
the
conquest
of
Naples
for
the
sinnes
of
the
Kings
therof
.
Of
the
first
he
saith
as
followeth
.
2.
No
man
(
saith
he
)
was
euer
more
cruel
,
more
wicked
,
more
vicious
,
nor
a
greater
glutton
then
Alphonso
,
though
his
father
Ferdinando
was
more
dangerous
then
he
,
for
in
making
men
faire
weather
and
good
cheere
,
he
commonly
betraied
them
,
as
he
dealt
by
Count
Iacques
whome
he
murdered
villanously
,
though
he
were
Embassadour
with
him
for
Francisco
Sforza
Duke
of
Millan
,
and
so
he
dealt
also
with
many
others
,
neuer
vsing
mercy
towards
any
,
no
not
so
much
as
towards
his
owne
neare
kinsman
,
The
tiranny
,
cruelty
,
and
vicious
life
of
the
kings
of
Naples
.
besides
that
he
neuer
had
any
pitty
or
compassion
of
his
poore
people
,
for
he
made
a
very
marchandise
of
his
kingdome
,
in
so
much
that
he
forced
his
subiects
to
feede
,
and
fatte
his
hogs
,
and
pay
for
them
if
they
chanced
to
dye
,
he
bought
vp
al
the
oyle
and
graine
in
the
country
before
it
was
ripe
,
and
sold
it
after
,
extreamly
deare
,
compelling
them
to
take
it
at
his
price
,
and
whilst
he
sold
,
no
man
might
sel
any
;
If
any
nobleman
or
gentleman
,
were
more
rich
then
the
rest
he
forced
him
to
lend
him
great
sommes
of
mon●●
he
tooke
from
his
nobility
their
races
of
horses
,
or
els
made
them
keepe
them
for
him
,
wherby
he
had
many
thousand
of
horses
,
mares
,
and
colts
;
Both
the
father
and
the
sonne
tooke
many
women
by
force
;
They
neuer
had
reuerence
,
nor
respect
to
the
holy
Church
,
they
sold
bishopricks
,
as
for
example
that
of
Taranto
which
Ferdinando
the
father
sold
for
13000.
duckets
to
a
Iew
for
his
sonne
,
who
he
said
was
a
Christian
,
he
gaue
Abbeis
to
falkoners
with
charge
to
keepe
him
a
certaine
number
of
haukes
at
their
exp●nces
;
Alphonso
the
sonne
neuer
kept
any
lent
,
nor
made
so
much
as
any
show
to
keepe
it
,
and
for
many
yeeres
togeather
he
was
neuer
confessed
,
nor
comunicated
,
and
to
conclude
,
it
is
not
possible
to
doe
worse
then
they
did
both
.
3.
Thus
saith
this
author
of
the
liues
and
manners
of
these
2
Kinges
,
and
then
he
further
addeth
concerning
Gods
iudgments
vpon
them
,
it
may
(
saith
he
)
seeme
to
the
readers
that
I
haue
said
this
of
some
particuler
passion
,
or
hatred
towards
them
,
but
(
in
good
faith
)
I
haue
not
saied
it
to
any
other
end
,
Philip
.
de
Com
.
Ibid
.
Charles
the
eight
K.
of
France
the
Comissary
of
God
to
chastise
the
●ings
of
Naples
.
then
to
continue
the
course
of
my
history
,
and
that
it
may
appeare
,
that
this
voiage
of
kinge
Charles
to
Naples
proceeded
only
of
the
wil
of
almighty
God
,
who
ordained
that
so
young
a
Kinge
destitute
of
councel
money
,
and
al
sufficient
meanes
for
such
an
enterprise
,
should
be
,
as
it
were
,
his
comissary
to
chastise
these
Kinges
who
were
wise
,
potent
and
rich
,
&
had
many
wise
Councellours
and
graue
personages
about
them
,
and
many
subiects
and
frends
,
and
allies
abroad
in
Italy
,
whome
it
imported
to
conserue
and
defend
that
kingdome
,
&
yet
neuertheles
(
though
they
foresaw
the
storme
long
before
)
they
could
not
find
meanes
to
auoid
it
,
nor
make
resistance
any
where
,
for
,
excepting
only
the
castle
of
Naples
,
The
admirable
facility
of
the
conquest
of
Naples
.
there
was
not
any
place
,
towne
,
or
fort
that
staid
King
Charles
one
whole
day
;
in
so
much
that
Pope
Alexander
said
very
wel
,
that
the
Frenchmen
came
with
chalke
in
their
hands
like
harbingers
,
to
make
and
take
vp
their
lodgings
where
they
list
,
for
they
had
not
occasion
so
much
as
to
put
on
their
armour
in
al
the
voiage
.
The
euident
punishment
of
God
vpon
the
kings
of
Naples
.
4.
Therfore
I
conclude
according
to
the
opinion
of
very
many
good
religious
men
,
&
other
of
al
sorts
of
people
(
&
the
voice
of
the
people
is
the
voice
of
God
)
that
God
did
punish
these
kinges
visibly
&
in
such
euident
manner
,
that
it
might
serue
for
an
example
&
admonition
to
al
Princes
to
liue
wel
,
according
to
the
commandments
of
God
;
for
these
Kinges
wherof
I
haue
spoken
lost
their
honours
and
realme
,
great
riches
,
&
moueables
of
al
sorts
,
and
their
owne
persons
in
the
end
,
three
of
them
in
the
space
of
one
yeere
or
litle
more
;
and
as
I
haue
vnderstood
of
some
that
were
very
neare
them
,
A
prophesy
of
the
conquest
of
Naples
.
they
found
in
pulling
downe
an
old
chappel
,
a
booke
,
wherof
the
litle
was
,
The
truth
with
her
secret
councel
,
in
which
booke
was
contained
al
that
hapned
after
vnto
them
,
and
when
they
three
only
had
read
it
they
burnt
it
.
5.
Thus
much
I
haue
thought
good
to
set
downe
in
the
wordes
of
this
wise
and
graue
author
,
to
the
end
that
not
only
the
bad
liues
of
these
Kinges
,
but
also
his
iudgment
may
appeare
concerning
Gods
iustice
shewed
vpon
them
and
their
whole
kingdome
for
the
same
;
And
this
may
also
be
confirmed
by
the
other
prrticulers
,
Chiceiardin
li.
1.
hist
.
K.
Ferdinand
of
Naples
dyed
for
sorrow
.
which
Guicciardin
,
recounteth
of
them
and
of
the
successe
of
that
warre
,
signif●ing
that
Ferdinando
the
father
being
very
wise
,
&
vnderstanding
of
the
intention
of
king
Charles
to
come
to
inuade
his
kingdome
,
feared
so
greatly
the
successe
,
in
respect
of
his
owne
bad
life
and
his
sonnes
,
that
he
labored
by
al
meanes
possible
,
by
embassadours
and
frends
to
diuert
him
from
his
purpose
,
offering
him
to
pay
him
a
yeerly
tribute
of
50000.
duckets
,
and
to
hold
his
kingdome
of
him
by
fealty
and
homage
,
and
when
he
saw
that
nothing
would
preuaile
,
he
fel
sicke
for
sorrowe
,
and
died
before
king
Charles
entered
into
Italy
.
6.
And
Alphonso
his
sonne
(
who
then
succeeded
him
in
the
kingdome
)
though
he
bragged
long
before
that
he
would
goe
as
farre
as
the
mountaines
to
meete
king
Charles
if
he
came
forward
(
which
he
said
he
would
neuer
beleeue
he
durst
doe
)
yet
afterwards
when
the
French
were
in
Italy
,
&
came
as
farre
as
Rome
,
he
tooke
such
a
fright
that
he
cried
out
euery
night
,
he
heard
the
frenchmen
comming
,
and
that
the
very
trees
and
stones
cried
France
;
Gucciardine
.
Ibid
.
and
as
Guicciardin
affirmeth
(
who
was
not
a
man
either
easely
to
beleeue
,
or
rashly
to
write
fables
)
it
was
credibly
and
constantly
reported
,
The
soule
of
K.
Ferdinand
appeared
after
his
death
.
that
the
spirit
of
Ferdinando
his
father
appeared
to
one
that
had
bene
his
phisition
,
and
bad
him
tel
his
sonne
Alphonso
from
him
,
that
he
should
not
be
able
to
resist
the
frenchmen
,
for
that
God
had
ordained
that
his
progenny
should
after
many
great
afflictions
be
depriued
of
their
kingdome
,
for
the
multitude
and
great
enormity
of
their
sinns
,
The
kings
of
Naples
depriued
of
their
kingdome
especially
for
one
sinne
.
and
especialy
for
that
which
he
had
done
by
the
perswasion
of
Alphonso
him selfe
in
the
church
of
S.
Leander
in
Chiaia
neare
to
Naples
,
wherof
he
tould
not
the
particulers
.
7.
Guicciard
.
Ibid
.
The
torments
of
a
guilty
conscience
.
Furthermore
the
same
author
signifieth
that
Alphonso
was
exagitated
with
suspitions
and
feares
,
whiles
he
was
waking
,
&
in
his
sleep
with
the
representation
of
the
noble
men
whome
he
had
caused
to
be
secretly
murdered
in
prison
(
as
I
haue
declared
before
(
and
that
being
in
this
miserable
perplexity
he
resigned
his
crowne
to
his
sonne
called
,
Ferdinando
(
as
his
grandfather
was
)
&
ranne
away
into
Sicily
in
such
hast
,
that
his
mother
in
law
with
whome
only
he
communicated
his
intention
,
being
desirous
to
flee
with
him
,
could
not
perswade
him
to
stay
for
her
so
much
as
three
daies
which
shee
earnestly
desired
,
to
the
end
she
might
haue
that
comfort
at
least
to
be
Queene
of
Naples
a
ful
yeare
,
but
he
tould
her
that
if
she
would
not
goe
presently
with
him
,
he
would
leaue
her
,
protesting
,
Philip
.
Comin
.
in
Carolo
.
8.
K.
Alphonso
being
strangely
tormented
with
the
horrour
of
his
owne
conscience
fled
into
Sicily
.
as
Philip
de
Comines
testifieth
,
that
if
any
sought
to
stay
him
by
force
,
hee
would
cast
him selfe
out
of
the
windowes
,
asking
her
further
if
shee
heared
not
euery
one
cry
France
,
France
.
And
thus
being
tormented
with
the
horrour
of
his
owne
conscience
,
and
the
terrour
of
Gods
iust
iudgments
already
fallen
vpon
him
,
he
fled
into
Sicily
,
taking
with
him
only
diuers
sorts
of
delicat
wines
(
which
he
had
alwaies
loued
ouerwel
)
and
some
garden
seedes
to
sowe
,
and
a
few
iewels
,
and
a
alitle
money
,
without
giuing
any
order
in
the
world
to
his
goods
and
moueables
which
he
left
in
great
quantity
in
the
castle
of
Naples
.
8.
But
being
arriued
in
Sicily
and
touched
with
Gods
grace
,
he
fel
into
the
account
of
his
bad
life
past
,
and
of
Gods
iustice
executed
vpon
him
,
K.
Alphonso
died
in
Sicily
very
repentant
.
and
meaning
to
doe
some
satisfaction
for
the
same
,
he
entred
into
Religion
and
did
great
almes
,
and
pennance
,
in
which
state
he
dyed
within
awhile
of
t
e
stone
,
with
the
extreamest
torments
that
could
be
imagined
,
as
some
of
the
Religious
with
whome
he
liued
told
afterward
to
Philip
de
Comines
,
as
he
himselfe
writeth
.
Idem
.
ca.
19.
K
Ferdinand
sonne
to
Alfonso
being
forsaken
of
his
subiects
fled
into
Sicily
,
and
dyed
there
9.
And
to
conclude
the
tragilical
history
of
the
Kinges
,
his
sonne
Ferdinando
to
whome
he
resigned
his
crowne
,
hauing
assembled
al
his
forces
,
durst
make
no
resistance
any
were
to
the
Frenche
but
fled
before
them
from
place
to
place
,
vntil
at
length
almost
al
his
subiects
forsooke
him
,
and
rebelled
against
him
;
whereupon
he
fled
also
into
Sicily
,
&
with
in
awhile
died
there
.
10.
Loe
here
the
miserable
calamity
which
for
the
sinnes
of
these
Kings
fel
not
only
vpon
them
,
but
also
vpon
their
whole
kingdome
,
seruing
for
many
yeeres
after
for
a
praye
and
spoyle
to
forreine
nations
,
vntil
at
length
Gods
wrath
being
appeased
,
&
his
iustice
satisfied
he
gaue
it
the
repose
which
it
now
enioyeth
vnder
the
Catholique
King
of
Spayne
.
Certein
aduertisments
inferred
vpon
the
premisses
.
11.
This
shal
for
this
tyme
suffice
for
the
exemplyfication
of
Gods
iustice
in
general
vpon
commonwelths
for
the
sinnes
of
the
Princes
and
people
wherein
I
wish
certaine
thinges
to
be
noted
,
which
occurre
vpon
the
due
consideration
of
the
premisses
;
The
prouidence
of
God
in
the
disposition
of
kingdomes
.
First
,
the
prouidence
of
almighty
God
in
the
affayres
of
men
and
particulerly
in
the
disposition
of
kingdomes
,
and
empires
seeing
he
correcteth
,
punisheth
,
transferreth
,
&
ouerthroweth
them
for
sinne
.
How
hateful
sinne
is
to
almighty
God
.
12.
Secondly
how
enormus
&
hateful
a
thinge
,
sinne
is
to
almighty
God
,
and
how
terrible
are
his
iudgments
for
the
same
;
seeing
the
offences
of
a
part
of
the
commonwelth
,
as
either
of
the
Prince
or
subiects
,
may
cause
the
calamity
of
the
whole
.
Al
the
calamities
of
kingdomes
are
punishment
for
sinne
.
13.
Thirdly
that
al
the
miseryes
and
calamityes
which
fal
vpon
kingdomes
and
states
,
are
no
other
but
the
effects
of
Gods
iustice
,
punishing
in
them
the
sinnes
and
offences
of
men
.
14.
Fourthly
how
necessary
it
is
for
euery
particuler
man
to
auoid
the
offence
of
God
,
not
only
for
the
publike
good
of
the
commonwelth
(
to
the
punishment
wherof
his
sinnes
may
redound
)
but
also
for
his
owne
particuler
benefit
;
For
seeing
the
seuerity
of
Gods
iustice
is
such
that
he
punisheth
sinne
in
whole
commonwelths
(
wherin
many
times
some
good
men
participate
of
the
punishment
due
to
wicked
mens
offences
)
no
particuler
man
that
is
an
offendour
can
make
account
to
be
exempt
from
the
penalty
due
to
his
owne
sinne
,
No
man
can
escape
the
punishment
of
sinne
.
but
that
he
shal
pay
it
sooner
or
latter
,
here
or
hence
,
of
which
point
I
shal
haue
occasion
to
speake
more
amply
hereafter
.
15.
Lastly
it
followeth
vpon
al
this
discourse
,
No
wit
or
power
of
man
able
to
vphold
a
state
,
when
God
punisheth
it
for
sinne
.
that
no
wit
or
power
of
man
is
able
to
vphold
any
state
when
God
striketh
&
punisheth
the
same
for
sinne
;
wherby
appeareth
the
insufficiency
of
man
,
for
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
,
without
the
help
and
asistance
of
almighty
God
which
is
the
point
that
I
specially
intended
to
proue
throughout
al
this
Treatise
.
THE
IMBECILLITY
OF
MANS
WIT
IS
further
discouered
by
the
answere
of
certayne
obiections
of
the
Athiests
against
the
prouidence
of
God
;
and
first
somwhat
is
said
of
the
inscrutability
of
Gods
,
iudgments
,
and
of
mans
ignorance
in
ordinary
,
and
triuial
things
,
and
how
that
ignorance
is
the
mother
of
Atheisme
.
CHAP.
23.
SEEING
I
haue
made
it
euident
that
God
doth
execute
his
iustice
vpon
whole
kingdomes
and
commonwelths
,
in
punishing
them
for
sinne
(
wherupon
as
wel
his
prouidence
in
humane
affaires
,
as
also
mans
imbecility
and
weaknes
is
necessarily
inferred
)
it
resteth
now
,
that
for
confirmation
therof
,
and
for
thy
furder
satisfaction
(
good
Reader
)
I
cleare
certayne
doubts
and
difficulties
which
occurre
in
this
matter
,
and
serue
for
stumbling
blocks
to
such
as
are
weake
in
faith
,
to
cast
them
headlong
into
the
depth
of
Atheisme
,
Why
Atheists
dout
of
the
prouidence
of
God
.
who
measuring
the
infinite
power
and
wisdome
of
God
with
their
owne
weaknes
,
wil
beleeue
no
more
then
they
know
,
and
cal
in
question
the
prouidence
and
iustice
of
God
,
because
they
cannot
comprehend
the
reason
of
his
secret
iudgments
,
not
considering
that
although
nothing
is
more
euident
nor
apparant
,
The
iustice
of
God
most
euident
though
his
iudgments
are
inscrutable
.
euen
to
the
vnderstanding
&
eyes
of
men
(
as
I
haue
partly
declared
already
)
then
the
execution
of
Gods
iustice
here
on
earth
;
yet
nothing
is
more
abstruse
,
inscrutable
,
and
incomprehensible
,
then
his
iudgements
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
reasons
and
causes
why
,
and
the
manner
how
he
proceedeth
therin
,
which
the
royal
Prophet
signifyeth
very
aptly
saying
;
Psal
.
35.
Iustitia
tua
sicut
montes
Dei
,
iudicia
tua
abissus
multa
;
They
iustice
(
o
Lord
)
is
like
to
the
highest
mountaynes
,
and
they
iudgments
like
to
a
bottomlesse
sea
;
That
is
to
say
,
as
on
the
one
side
thy
iustice
may
be
compared
to
the
mightiest
mountaynes
,
not
only
for
the
sublimity
and
immobility
,
but
also
for
the
perspicuity
and
euidence
therof
;
so
on
the
other
side
they
iudgments
may
be
likened
to
a
bottomles
sea
,
for
the
vnmeasurable
depth
and
profundity
of
them
,
which
the
Apostle
considering
,
exclaymed
,
O
altitudo
diuitiarum
&c.
O
how
wonderful
is
the
deapth
of
the
riches
of
Gods
wisdome
and
knowledge
;
Rom.
ca.
11.
how
incomprehensible
are
his
iudgments
,
and
vnsearchable
are
his
wayes
!
who
knoweth
the
sence
or
meaning
of
our
Lord
,
or
who
is
his
councellour
?
Aug.
de
verbis
Apostle
.
ser
.
20.
A
notable
sentence
of
S.
Aug.
concerning
the
inscrutability
of
Gods
iudgments
.
2.
Thus
saith
the
Apostle
;
wherupon
also
S.
Augustin
.
Quaeris
tu
(
saith
he
)
rationem
?
Dost
thou
seeke
a
reason
of
Gods
iudgements
?
I
for
my
part
wil
feare
and
tremble
therat
;
reason
and
argue
thou
,
and
I
wil
wonder
and
admire
,
dispute
thou
,
and
I
wil
beleeue
,
I
see
the
pitt
,
but
cannot
sound
the
deapth
,
&
seeing
the
Apostle
saith
that
the
wayes
of
God
can
not
be
found
;
thinkest
thou
to
find
them
out
?
To
search
thinges
inscrutable
,
is
as
vnpossible
as
to
see
thinges
inuisible
,
or
to
speake
thinges
ineffable
.
Thus
saith
this
famous
and
learned
father
,
acknowledgeing
his
owne
imbecility
,
&
incapacity
,
for
the
comprehension
of
Gods
iudgments
,
though
neuertheles
for
his
sharpnes
of
wit
,
his
excellent
knowledge
and
learning
,
both
humane
and
diuine
,
and
other
notable
gifts
of
nature
,
he
was
inferiour
to
few
men
that
haue
liued
either
before
him
or
since
,
and
yet
now
a
dayes
euery
iangling
sophister
and
poore
grammarian
,
euery
shallow
and
idle
headed
companion
,
plungeth
himselfe
boldly
into
the
depth
of
Gods
secret
councells
,
and
either
must
haue
a
reason
therof
,
Men
exact
reasons
of
Gods
secret
councels
,
&
yet
know
not
the
reasons
and
causes
of
comon
effects
.
or
else
he
wil
deny
his
iustice
,
his
prouidence
and
his
deytie
,
not
considering
in
the
meane
tyme
how
litle
men
know
,
or
can
conceaue
of
common
and
triuial
thinges
,
which
are
daily
before
their
eyes
.
3.
For
who
is
he
that
can
yeild
the
true
causes
and
reasons
of
al
such
natural
effects
as
we
daily
see
in
common
experience
?
as
of
the
properties
of
the
load
stone
which
doth
not
only
draw
yron
vnto
it
,
Leuinus
Lemnius
de
occulto
naturae
mirac
.
li
.
3.
c
.
4.
The
causes
of
the
admirable
properties
of
the
loadstone
vnknowne
.
Poca
de
hidrographic
.
hispanice
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
but
also
hath
an
admirable
vertue
for
the
vse
of
nauigation
;
For
,
the
needle
of
the
compasse
being
touched
with
the
head
of
the
load
stone
,
euer
turneth
to
the
north
pole
;
wheras
if
it
be
touched
with
the
other
end
,
it
turneth
south
ward
,
and
being
rubbed
with
the
one
side
,
it
looketh
eastward
,
and
with
the
other
side
,
westward
;
which
vertue
is
strengthned
&
redoubled
,
as
some
Spanish
nauigatours
writ
,
if
the
Loadstone
be
made
hot
in
the
fier
&
laid
sometime
in
the
oyle
of
Crocomarcium
;
as
also
they
say
,
it
is
vtterly
lost
and
extinguished
,
if
the
stone
be
steeped
in
the
oile
of
quicksiluer
;
besides
they
obserue
that
the
said
needle
of
the
compasse
neuer
standeth
iust
north
,
but
only
in
one
meridian
,
to
wit
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
in
that
which
passeth
by
the
Iland
of
S.
Maria
(
which
is
one
of
the
Azores
,
otherwise
called
Terceras
)
and
of
S.
Antony
,
which
is
the
most
westward
of
the
Ilands
of
Cabouerde
,
and
that
in
al
other
meridians
it
inclineth
more
or
lesse
to
the
east
or
west
.
4.
Who
then
is
able
to
yeild
the
true
cause
therof
?
A
strange
wel
in
Lucania
.
Baptist
:
Fulgoso
li
.
r
.
de
dict
.
&
fact
.
mirab
.
ca.
6.
or
of
infinit
other
secrets
in
nature
,
as
of
the
fountaine
in
Lucania
in
the
kingdome
of
Naples
which
(
as
Baptista
Fulgoso
witnesseth
)
a
man
shal
find
very
cleare
if
he
goe
to
it
with
silence
,
but
if
hee
speake
,
it
is
presently
troubed
;
or
of
a
wel
in
the
,
A
wel
in
Darbishire
,
which
ebbeth
and
floweth
4
tymes
in
an
howre
.
The
strange
properties
of
the
fish
called
Remora
.
Bapt
.
Fulgoso
.
Ibid
.
Peak
forest
some
two
or
three
mile
from
the
bath
of
Bucston
in
Darbishire
,
which
wel
,
being
on
the
side
of
a
high
hil
,
ordinarily
ebbeth
and
floweth
with
great
equallity
and
proportion
,
4.
times
with
in
the
space
of
an
hower
,
or
there
about
,
whereof
I
haue
bene
my selfe
an
eye
witnes
;
or
of
the
wonderful
propertie
of
a
litle
fish
called
Remora
not
past
a
spanne
long
,
which
is
able
to
stay
a
ship
vnder
saile
,
wherof
the
experience
hath
bene
diuers
time
seene
,
as
in
the
naual
battaile
at
Actium
,
betwixt
Augustus
Caesar
and
Antonius
,
wherin
the
ship
of
Antonius
was
staied
by
that
fish
in
such
sort
that
he
was
faine
to
imbarke
him selfe
in
an
other
.
Also
As
Caius
Caligula
the
emperour
passed
once
to
Antium
by
sea
his
galley
being
vnder
saile
&
rowed
with
400.
Plinius
histor
.
natut
.
li
.
32.
c
.
1.
oares
was
detained
by
a
Remora
,
and
could
not
be
moued
,
vntil
some
who
coniectured
the
cause
,
diued
into
the
water
and
tooke
away
the
fish
from
the
side
of
the
galley
wherto
it
had
fastned
it selfe
;
And
hereto
may
be
added
the
strange
property
of
an
other
fish
cauled
Torpedo
,
Idem
.
A
fish
cauled
Torpedo
.
Ibid
.
which
being
taken
with
an
anglerod
so
benummeth
the
arme
of
the
fisher
that
he
is
forced
to
let
the
rod
falle
.
5.
And
although
I
doe
purposely
forbeare
to
speake
here
of
infinite
other
examples
notorious
in
this
kinde
(
for
that
they
are
common
to
be
found
in
such
as
write
of
the
natures
and
properties
as
wel
of
liuing
creatures
,
as
of
waters
,
trees
,
hearbs
,
plants
,
&
such
like
)
yet
I
can
not
omit
to
declare
some
particulers
of
the
propertie
of
a
kind
of
spyder
,
The
admirable
property
of
the
Tarantola
.
which
is
found
only
in
Apulia
in
the
kingdome
of
Naples
,
and
is
cauled
Tarantola
,
or
Phalangium
.
6.
This
spider
is
not
venimous
or
poisonful
at
any
time
of
the
yeere
,
but
in
the
greatest
heats
of
summer
,
at
wha●
time
if
any
man
be
bitten
,
The
biting
or
stinging
of
the
Tarantola
cured
by
musick
.
or
venomed
therby
,
he
receiueth
no
cure
but
by
musicke
,
in
which
respect
,
musicians
doe
ordinarily
in
the
summer
time
,
passe
with
their
instruments
from
village
to
village
to
cure
such
as
are
venomed
by
the
Tarantola
,
who
are
therfore
called
in
that
country
Tarantati
,
as
witnesseth
Alexander
ab
Alexandro
,
Alexan
.
Genial
diarf
.
li
.
2.
ca.
16.
who
saith
,
that
as
he
and
others
of
his
company
trauailed
through
Apulia
in
the
heat
of
the
yeere
and
heard
musicians
playing
vpon
diuers
instruments
in
euery
vilage
;
they
inquired
the
cause
,
and
vnderstood
that
they
were
such
as
cured
the
Tarantati
;
The
manner
how
those
which
are
venomed
by
the
Tarantola
are
cured
.
wherupon
he
and
the
rest
being
desierous
to
see
the
experience
therof
,
dismounted
from
their
horses
and
went
into
a
howse
where
one
was
to
be
cured
,
whome
they
found
not
only
speachles
but
also
senseles
in
appearance
,
and
yet
neuertheles
after
that
the
instruments
had
sounded
a
while
,
he
began
first
to
moue
his
handes
,
and
then
his
legges
in
measure
according
to
the
sound
and
stroake
of
the
instruments
,
and
at
length
rose
vp
and
danced
with
a
good
grace
,
and
when
the
musicians
ceassed
to
play
(
as
of
purpose
they
did
to
shew
vnto
the
beholders
the
strange
nature
of
that
disease
)
the
sick
man
fel
downe
againe
as
though
he
had
bene
dead
,
and
when
they
retourned
to
their
instruments
and
plaied
againe
,
be
arose
and
danced
as
before
,
vntil
at
length
al
the
venime
&
poison
wherwith
he
was
infected
,
was
dissipated
and
dissolued
,
and
so
he
retourned
to
his
senses
,
and
recouered
perfect
health
;
Idem
.
Ibid
.
And
further
the
said
author
testifieth
,
that
if
there
be
any
infected
and
not
fully
cured
he
can
neuer
forbeare
to
dance
,
when
soeuer
he
heareth
any
musick
.
This
I
haue
thought
good
to
relate
for
the
strangnes
therof
,
vpon
the
report
of
so
graue
an
eye-witnes
as
was
the
author
that
writeth
the
same
,
wherto
I
might
adde
many
other
so
stupendious
effects
,
and
secrets
of
nature
,
that
al
mans
wit
faileth
in
the
consideration
of
the
true
causes
therof
.
7.
But
what
neede
I
speake
of
thinges
so
rare
and
strange
seeing
no
humane
wit
is
able
to
comprehend
and
vnderstand
the
admirable
science
and
art
which
almighty
God
hath
vsed
in
the
creation
of
the
least
flower
,
worme
,
flea
,
or
flee
,
vpon
the
earth
?
For
as
Lactantius
saith
;
Deo
soli
nota
sunt
opera
sua
&c.
Lactan
.
li
.
7.
ca.
2.
No
humane
wit
able
to
vnderstand
the
art
which
God
hath
vsed
in
the
creation
of
the
least
creature
in
the
world
.
No
man
knoweth
fully
the
parts
of
his
owne
body
.
G
len
.
de
A●n
tom
.
administrat
.
o
Lactan
.
de
Ira
.
dei
.
ca.
14.
Gods
workes
are
knowne
to
him selfe
alone
,
and
man
can
not
attaine
to
the
vnderstanding
therof
by
disputing
or
arguing
,
but
by
learning
of
him
who
only
knoweth
them
and
can
teach
him
.
Thus
saith
he
.
8.
But
if
any
man
desire
to
see
how
shorte
is
the
sight
of
his
owne
vnderstanding
in
thinges
aboue
him selfe
let
him
consider
how
litle
he
knoweth
of
him selfe
as
what
his
owne
soule
is
,
which
giueth
him
life
,
or
of
what
members
and
partes
his
body
is
inwardly
compacted
,
and
what
is
the
office
,
vse
,
and
function
of
euery
bone
,
vaine
,
arterie
,
&
sinewe
which
no
man
fully
vnderstandeth
as
Galen
him selfe
coffesseth
,
saying
that
those
,
who
doe
applie
them selues
to
the
study
and
speculation
of
Anotomies
al
their
liues
,
are
deceaued
therin
,
and
therfore
Lactantius
saith
:
Multa
esse
constat
in
corpore
,
quorum
vim
,
rationemque
perspicere
,
nemo
nisi
qui
fecit
,
potest
;
It
is
manifest
that
there
are
many
thinges
in
the
body
of
man
,
the
force
and
reason
wherof
no
man
can
conceiue
but
he
which
made
them
;
neuertheles
by
that
which
is
vnderstood
therof
,
Gallen
,
Galen
.
de
vsu
partium
.
li
.
3.
being
a
Painim
notably
inferred
against
the
Epicurians
(
whome
he
calleth
beastes
)
that
the
creator
of
man
must
needes
be
of
infinite
wisdome
bounty
and
power
.
9.
Furthermore
,
what
is
either
more
conuenient
or
profitable
for
man
to
know
and
vnderstand
exactly
then
his
owne
constitution
and
complexion
,
the
state
of
his
body
and
the
true
causes
of
his
disseases
wherby
he
may
conserue
his
health
,
The
true
causes
of
mens
disseases
vnknowne
many
times
.
remedy
and
preuent
sicknes
,
and
prolong
his
life
;
and
yet
neuertheles
we
see
that
neither
the
complections
of
mens
bodies
,
nor
the
causes
of
their
disseases
are
perfectly
knowne
,
either
to
the
patients
them selues
,
or
to
the
phisitians
,
be
they
neuer
so
wel
learned
or
practized
,
so
that
many
times
the
ignorance
therof
,
breedeth
error
in
the
cure
,
and
consequently
procureth
the
death
of
the
patient
.
10.
But
what
meruaile
is
it
,
that
there
are
infinite
thinges
in
nature
,
and
many
in
man
him selfe
,
which
man
doth
not
know
or
vnderstand
,
seeing
he
is
deceaued
and
erreth
many
times
in
that
which
he
presumeth
best
to
knowe
,
Men
erre
many
times
in
that
which
they
presume
to
know
best
ca.
4.
11.
12.
as
it
is
manifest
by
al
the
precedent
discourse
concerning
the
imbicillity
of
mans
wit
,
which
I
haue
already
sufficiently
shewed
,
as
wel
by
reason
and
testimony
of
most
learned
and
graue
authors
,
as
also
by
examples
of
the
errours
of
the
wisest
Philosophers
and
,
greatest
Politikes
,
who
haue
absurdly
erred
in
those
thinges
wherin
they
haue
sought
to
make
the
greatest
shew
and
oftentation
of
their
knowledge
and
wisdome
.
Sap
.
ca.
9.
11.
Therfore
I
conclude
with
the
wise
man
that
seeing
,
we
hardly
attaine
to
the
knowledge
of
thinges
in
earth
,
and
find
out
with
labour
euen
those
thinges
which
are
in
our
sight
;
Caelestia
quis
inuestigabit
Who
shal
be
able
to
find
out
heauenly
thinges
,
or
who
knoweth
(
o
Lord
)
thy
councels
and
meaning
,
except
thou
giue
wisdome
and
send
thy
holy
spirit
from
the
highest
?
Thus
saith
he
wise
man
in
the
booke
of
wisdome
,
and
this
is
euident
ynough
by
common
experience
,
as
I
haue
already
declared
.
The
intolerable
presumption
and
folly
of
those
which
make
them selues
iudgges
of
Gods
iudgment●
.
12.
What
then
may
we
say
of
those
men
,
who
make
them selues
iudges
of
Gods
iudgments
,
and
limite
his
infinite
wisdome
and
power
within
the
compasse
of
their
smal
capacity
?
may
it
not
be
said
of
them
that
they
are
as
wel
and
wisely
occupied
,
as
if
they
should
seeke
to
put
al
the
world
into
a
nut
shel
?
which
how
vnpossible
soeuer
it
is
,
yet
it
may
be
said
to
be
more
probable
then
the
other
,
for
betwixt
the
whole
world
and
the
shel
of
a
nut
,
there
is
some
kind
of
proportion
,
by
reason
that
neither
of
them
is
infinit
,
but
haue
both
of
them
their
limits
&
bounds
;
but
betwixt
a
thing
infinit
(
as
is
Gods
wisdome
and
power
)
and
a
thing
finite
or
limited
(
as
is
the
created
vnderstanding
of
man
)
there
is
no
proportion
at
al
;
and
therfore
it
is
no
lesse
then
meere
madnesse
for
any
man
to
seeke
to
comprehend
the
infinit
wisdome
and
power
of
almighty
God
,
within
the
straite
and
narrow
limits
of
his
vnderstanding
and
to
make
his
weake
and
light
wit
the
plummet
to
sound
the
bottomlesse
sea
of
the
inscrutable
iudgments
of
God
.
13.
And
truly
if
we
consider
the
reasons
that
moue
men
many
times
to
cal
in
question
,
or
to
deny
the
prouidence
of
God
,
we
may
wonder
no
lesse
at
their
grosse
ignorance
and
folly
,
then
at
their
impiety
;
Two
sortes
of
Atheists
,
some
in
opinion
and
some
only
in
wordes
.
I
meane
such
as
are
Atheists
in
opinion
;
For
some
there
are
(
and
that
ouer
many
in
these
wicked
daies
)
who
though
they
openly
blaspheme
the
holy
name
of
God
,
and
most
wickedly
curse
,
defye
,
yea
and
deny
his
deitye
,
yet
they
rather
doe
it
vpon
some
rage
and
fury
,
●hen
for
that
they
beleeue
as
they
say
,
for
so
farre
are
wicked
m●n
transported
many
times
with
fury
and
passion
,
when
they
are
hindred
of
their
desires
,
For
how
smal
causes
wicked
men
blaspheme
or
deny
God
.
Propertius
.
that
no
reuenge
vpon
any
creature
can
content
them
;
and
therfore
they
seeke
to
be
reuenged
vpon
the
Creator
him selfe
,
blaspheming
,
or
denying
him
for
euery
trifle
,
which
also
the
Poëts
amongst
the
Painims
obserued
in
the
humours
of
men
in
their
times
towards
their
God
.
14.
Ouidius
.
Propertius
describing
the
desperat
passion
of
a
woman
forsaken
of
her
louer
saith
of
her
.
—
Et
queritur
nullos
esse
relicta
Deos
,
Seing
her selfe
forsaken
she
complaineth
Straight
that
there
are
no
Gods
.
And
in
an
other
Poët
,
a
forlorne
louer
made
the
periurie
of
his
mistrisse
,
&
her
beauty
withal
,
an
argument
to
proue
that
there
were
no
Gods
.
Esse
Deos
credamne
?
fidem
iurata
fefellit
,
Et
manet
in
solito
qui
fuit
ore
decor
.
Shal
I
beleeue
that
there
are
any
Gods
,
seeinge
She
hath
forsworne
her selfe
,
and
yet
is
as
Faire
as
euer
she
was
?
And
an
other
Poët
chargeth
the
Gods
with
cruelty
,
for
no
greater
a
reason
,
but
because
serpents
are
said
to
renew
their
youth
yearly
,
when
they
cast
of
their
old
skinns
,
and
yet
beauty
of
women
hath
no
such
priuiledge
,
but
fadeth
without
remedy
.
Tibullus
Crudeles
diui
serpens
nouus
exuit
annos
,
Formae
non
vllam
Fata
dedere
moram
.
O
cruel
Gods
;
the
serpent
euery
yeare
changeth
his
skinne
and
reneweth
his
youth
,
and
yet
the
Fates
haue
graunted
no
stay
nor
repaire
to
beauty
.
15.
Thus
did
the
Poëts
expresse
the
fury
of
mens
passions
denying
God
and
his
prouidence
,
or
blaspheming
him
for
euery
triffle
,
which
also
how
truly
it
may
be
applyed
to
our
tyme
,
such
may
be
witnesses
as
doe
haunt
dy●in-howses
,
and
heare
the
horrible
blasphemies
of
many
gamesters
,
who
when
their
successe
answereth
not
their
expectation
,
stick
not
presently
to
deny
God
or
to
blaspheme
his
holy
name
,
or
his
Saints
;
wherof
I
thinke
it
not
amisse
to
recount
a
notable
history
of
the
miraculous
punishment
of
a
blasphemous
gamester
which
hapned
in
the
citty
of
Luca
the
30.
of
march
in
the
yeare
of
our
Lord
1588.
16.
The
story
is
thus
,
Iacomo
Pietro
disant
Romano
a
young
man
of
26.
A
story
of
a
blasphemous
gamster
miraculously
punished
.
yeeres
of
age
hauing
lost
his
money
at
dice
,
powred
out
many
blasphemies
against
almighty
God
,
and
seeing
a
picture
of
the
blessed
virgin
Mary
,
tooke
vp
the
dice
and
aimed
with
his
eye
and
hand
to
throw
them
at
it
,
which
when
he
attempted
to
doe
,
and
streached
out
his
arme
to
that
purpose
,
it
broke
in
the
midst
of
the
bone
,
betwixt
the
showlder
and
the
elbow
,
and
he
him selfe
fel
downe
in
a
sownd
,
and
being
hardly
recouered
by
them
that
were
present
,
remayned
in
such
horrible
torment
,
that
both
he
and
they
acknowledged
the
manifest
hand
of
God
therin
,
in
so
much
that
one
of
the
best
surgeons
in
the
towne
called
Rocco
,
beinge
sent
for
to
cure
him
,
and
vnderstanding
the
cause
&
manner
of
his
hurt
,
refused
to
deale
with
it
,
wherupon
he
was
carryed
to
the
Hospital
,
to
be
cured
there
;
the
fame
wherof
caused
great
concourse
first
of
the
cittizens
of
Luca
,
and
after
of
the
country
people
to
see
the
picture
of
the
blessed
virgin
,
and
it
pleased
God
so
to
satisfie
their
deuotion
,
and
to
glorifie
his
sonne
our
Sauiour
in
his
holy
mother
,
that
very
many
wonderful
miracles
were
daily
done
there
,
and
al
sortes
of
diseased
persons
were
cured
;
wherupon
the
magistrates
of
Luca
caused
the
said
miracles
to
be
printed
,
and
the
bookes
to
be
published
the
yeere
following
,
at
what
tyme
I
my selfe
was
not
far
from
Luca
at
Genua
,
where
I
remained
almost
2.
months
,
and
heard
the
constant
fame
of
the
dayly
miracles
that
were
done
there
,
which
vpon
so
iust
an
occasion
,
I
haue
thought
good
to
signify
in
this
place
,
to
the
glory
of
God
and
the
honor
of
the
blessed
virgin
,
as
also
to
the
end
it
may
appeare
,
that
although
almighty
God
is
of
infinit
patience
and
longanimity
,
yet
neuertheles
he
otherwhiles
taketh
exemplar
reueng
euen
in
this
world
of
iniuries
done
in
this
kinde
,
either
to
him selfe
or
to
his
Saints
and
seruants
;
wherof
I
could
alleadge
innumerable
examples
,
if
this
place
did
permit
it
,
where
my
purpose
is
not
to
speake
,
but
only
by
the
way
,
of
this
sort
of
Atheistical
blasphemers
,
who
are
Atheists
rather
in
wordes
then
in
beleife
or
opinion
.
17.
Therfore
this
might
suffice
concerning
them
,
but
that
I
can
not
but
lament
,
that
so
great
an
impiety
as
blasphemie
is
being
so
common
in
England
,
as
it
is
,
How
blasphemies
are
punished
in
Spayne
.
both
passe
there
vnpunished
,
wheras
in
other
countries
the
least
blasphemies
are
seuerely
chastised
,
in
so
much
that
in
Spayne
,
I
haue
knowne
a
man
set
in
the
market
place
the
greatest
part
of
the
day
,
gaping
with
a
gag
in
his
mouth
,
for
swearing
only
Porla
vida
de
dios
by
the
life
God
,
wheras
other
Atheistical
blasphemies
are
more
rigorously
punished
by
the
Inquisition
;
And
with
great
reason
,
seeing
the
law
of
Moyses
ordayneth
,
Leuit.
ca.
24.
Blasphemers
stoned
to
death
in
the
law
of
Moyses
.
Dan
.
ca.
3.
Blasphemy
against
Christ
punished
amongst
the
Turks
.
that
he
which
should
blaspheme
the
name
of
God
should
be
stoned
to
death
,
and
Nabuchodonosor
a
Pagan
and
Idolatrous
King
,
being
moued
with
the
miracle
of
the
3.
children
,
made
a
decree
that
whosoeuer
should
blaspheme
the
name
of
the
God
of
Israel
should
be
killed
and
his
howse
destroyed
;
yea
and
the
very
law
of
the
Turks
and
Mahometans
ordayneth
great
pecuniary
penaltyes
and
60.
bastonades
for
such
as
blaspeme
our
Sauiour
Christ
or
his
mother
;
as
diuers
Christians
who
haue
traueled
in
Turky
do
testifye
.
18.
And
amongst
the
decrees
of
Christian
princes
,
we
find
one
of
the
holy
S.
Lewis
King
of
France
who
commanded
that
al
blasphemers
,
Ciles
Corozet
de
propos
memorables
.
A
decere
of
S.
Lewis
K.
of
France
against
blasphemers
.
should
haue
their
tounges
perced
with
a
hot
yron
,
and
when
some
complayned
vnto
him
of
the
seuere
execution
therof
,
he
wished
that
his
owne
tounge
were
perced
in
like
manner
,
vpon
condition
that
the
name
of
God
might
be
no
more
blasphemed
in
his
kingdome
,
wherby
Christian
princes
and
magistrats
may
learne
,
what
zeale
,
and
iealousy
of
Gods
honor
they
ought
to
shew
in
the
rigorous
punishment
of
such
horrible
blasphemies
,
Blasphemy
vnpunished
may
draw
the
wrath
of
God
vpon
the
whole
commonwelth
.
ca.
23.
as
are
now
euery
where
ouer
common
.
And
truly
how
dangerous
the
permission
therof
may
proue
to
their
states
and
commonwelths
in
tyme
(
through
Gods
iust
iudgement
)
it
may
be
coniectured
by
that
which
I
haue
alreadie
discoursed
concerning
the
participation
of
merite
&
demerite
betwixt
the
commonwelth
and
euery
member
therof
;
seing
that
(
as
I
haue
declared
before
)
some
great
offence
of
some
one
man
may
drawe
the
wrath
of
God
vpon
a
whole
kingdome
,
especially
when
the
magistrats
are
negligent
in
punishing
the
same
;
For
so
,
it
is
made
the
offence
of
the
commonwelth
which
remayneth
engaged
to
pay
the
penalty
.
Thus
much
concerning
this
kind
of
Atheists
in
woords
.
19.
But
now
to
speake
of
an
other
sort
of
Atheists
,
who
though
they
are
more
wary
and
spare
of
their
speach
,
Of
Atheists
in
beleefe
and
their
grosse
folly
.
yea
and
many
tymes
shrowd
them selues
vnder
some
shew
of
religion
and
pietie
,
yet
in
opinion
and
beleefe
are
truley
Atheists
(
not
acknowledging
the
prouidence
of
God
in
humane
affayres
)
of
sueh
(
I
say
)
that
although
many
of
them
are
esteemed
for
great
wise
men
,
yet
when
I
consider
the
reasons
that
induce
them
to
Atheisme
,
I
cannot
but
greatly
wonder
at
their
grosse
folly
,
seing
that
how
wise
soeuer
they
seeme
either
to
them selues
,
or
to
other
men
,
it
is
euident
that
their
Atheisme
proceedeth
of
meere
ignorance
and
blindnes
,
as
it
also
doth
in
al
other
that
are
infected
therwith
,
who
by
the
iust
iudgment
of
God
haue
their
harts
so
obscured
and
possessed
with
ignorance
and
errour
,
Atheists
haue
not
the
true
light
of
natural
reason
.
Iob
.
ca.
38.
that
they
loose
the
very
light
of
natural
reason
in
thinges
pertayninge
to
their
saluation
;
wherin
is
verified
the
saying
of
Iob
:
Aufereturab
impijs
lux
sua
;
Wicked
men
shal
haue
their
light
taken
from
them
,
which
is
the
greatest
punishment
&
malediction
that
God
layeth
vpon
the
most
wicked
men
for
their
sinnes
.
In
which
respect
the
scriptures
euery
where
testify
of
the
Iews
;
That
their
harts
were
blinded
,
their
eares
dulled
,
&
their
eyes
shut
vp
;
Isay
.
6.
Ioan
.
12.
Rom.
11.
Act.
28.
Mat
.
13.
Marc
.
4.
Luc
.
8.
Psal
.
68.
Rom.
1.
to
the
end
they
might
neither
see
with
their
eyes
,
nor
heare
with
their
eares
,
nor
vnderstand
with
their
harts
;
And
in
like
manner
the
Apostle
saith
of
the
Philosophers
,
that
for
punishment
of
their
wickednes
they
were
not
only
giuen
ouer
to
a
reprobate
sence
,
but
also
that
their
foolish
harts
were
obscured
in
such
sort
,
that
esteeming
them selues
for
wise
men
,
they
became
fooles
.
20.
Therfore
I
say
that
for
as
much
as
by
the
iust
iudgment
and
malediction
of
almighty
God
,
this
blindnes
of
hart
and
obscurity
of
vnderstanding
is
common
to
al
Athyiests
;
it
may
truly
be
said
that
ignorance
and
blindes
are
the
true
mothers
of
Atheisme
,
Ignorance
the
mother
of
Atheisme
,
and
why
.
seeing
no
man
that
hath
the
true
light
of
natural
reason
can
doubt
,
either
,
that
their
is
a
God
,
or
that
he
gouerneth
the
affaires
of
men
,
as
we
may
perceaue
by
the
ancient
Philosophers
,
who
being
guided
by
the
only
light
of
reason
,
arriued
to
the
knowledge
as
wel
of
Gods
prouidence
in
humane
affaires
,
as
of
his
deity
;
and
therfore
it
is
no
meruaile
that
the
Psalmist
calleth
al
Atheists
fooles
in
diuers
places
,
as
,
Psal
.
52.
The
holy
Scriptures
doe
calle
Atheists
fooles
.
Psal
.
91.
Dixit
insipiens
&c.
The
foole
said
in
his
hart
there
is
no
God
,
And
againe
speaking
of
the
admirable
magnificence
of
Gods
workes
,
and
of
the
profound
depth
of
his
diuine
councells
,
he
addeth
;
Vir
insipiens
non
cognoscet
,
et
stultus
non
intelliget
haec
;
The
vnwise
man
shal
not
know
these
thinges
,
and
the
foole
shal
not
vnderstand
them
,
And
lastly
reprehending
the
folly
of
such
wicked
Atheists
,
as
thinke
that
God
doth
not
see
their
iniquity
,
nor
yet
that
he
wil
punish
them
You
vnwise
men
(
saith
he
)
vnderstand
,
Psal
.
9●
.
and
you
fooles
be
wise
at
last
;
he
which
planted
the
eare
vpon
the
head
of
man
,
can
not
he
heare
?
and
he
which
framed
and
made
the
eye
,
can
not
he
see
,
and
consider
?
and
he
which
doth
correct
and
chastise
al
nations
,
wil
not
he
punish
?
21.
Thus
you
see
how
the
Psalmist
treateth
Atheists
with
the
title
of
fooles
,
and
now
to
shew
further
how
worthy
they
are
therof
,
and
how
true
it
is
,
that
ignorance
is
the
mother
of
Atheisme
,
it
is
to
be
considered
,
Al
the
arguments
of
Atheists
doe
notably
bewray
their
ignorance
and
folly
.
that
al
their
reasons
against
the
prouidence
of
God
doe
notably
bewray
their
ignorance
and
folly
,
partly
because
they
are
notable
arguments
against
them
(
as
I
wil
shew
after
a
while
)
and
partly
because
it
is
euident
therby
that
the
only
reason
why
they
calle
in
question
the
prouidence
of
God
,
is
,
because
they
vnderstand
not
the
reason
of
his
iudgments
in
some
thinges
;
so
that
the
ground
of
their
doubt
and
infidelity
,
is
no
other
,
but
their
ignorance
;
and
rherfore
they
argue
much
like
,
as
if
a
blind
man
should
say
,
that
the
sunne
shineth
not
because
he
is
so
blind
,
that
he
seeth
it
not
;
For
no
otherwise
can
they
conclude
vpon
their
reasons
against
the
prouidence
of
God
,
the
which
is
so
manifest
in
infinite
thinges
,
and
by
such
euident
arguments
,
(
as
I
haue
pertly
shewed
already
and
wil
doe
more
amply
hereafter
)
that
the
obscurity
of
some
points
can
not
preiudice
the
cleere
light
of
the
rest
,
but
ought
rather
to
moue
men
to
acknowledge
their
owne
infirmity
,
and
to
admire
the
ineffable
wisdome
of
God
,
and
to
say
with
Lanctantius
;
Lactan
.
de
Ita
.
dei
.
ca.
1.
Hoc
differt
ab
humanitate
diuinitas
,
quod
humanitatis
est
ignoratio
,
diuinitatis
sciencia
;
This
difference
there
is
betwixt
diuinity
and
humanity
,
that
ignorance
is
proper
to
humanity
,
and
knowledge
to
diuinity
.
22.
This
wil
be
most
manifest
if
we
examine
some
of
their
principal
arguments
,
and
although
for
answere
therof
I
must
endeauor
to
yeild
some
reason
of
Gods
iudgments
in
some
thinges
,
I
would
not
haue
any
man
to
thinke
that
I
presume
to
sound
the
depth
therof
,
or
to
wade
further
therin
,
then
I
shal
be
warranted
and
guided
either
by
the
holy
scriptures
(
wherin
it
hath
pleased
God
to
reueale
some
part
of
his
councells
in
behalfe
)
or
by
the
writings
of
Gods
seruants
,
and
Saints
,
whome
his
diuine
maiestie
hath
illuminated
,
for
the
instruction
of
the
weake
in
faith
.
THE
OBIECTIONS
OF
THE
ATHEISTS
are
discussed
,
and
answered
:
wherby
it
appeareth
that
their
arguments
against
Gods
prouidence
,
are
notable
and
euident
proofes
of
the
same
;
And
first
,
how
it
standeth
with
the
prouidence
,
iustice
,
and
mercy
of
almighty
God
,
to
suffer
so
much
sinne
,
euil
,
and
mischeife
in
the
world
.
CHAP.
24.
THE
principal
arguments
of
the
Atheists
consist
in
these
points
following
.
The
cheife
arguments
of
Atheists
against
the
prouidence
of
God
.
If
God
(
say
they
)
haue
care
of
men
,
and
be
with
al
infinitly
wise
,
bountiful
and
omnipotent
,
why
doth
he
suffer
so
much
euil
and
mischeife
in
the
world
?
why
is
innocency
oppressed
?
truth
obscured
?
vertue
of
most
neglected
?
vice
embraced
?
good
men
despised
?
euil
men
honored
,
and
aduanced
?
yea
and
those
which
serue
God
best
,
and
are
counted
most
deare
vnto
him
,
more
oppressed
and
afflicted
many
times
,
then
his
greatest
enemyes
?
Either
(
say
they
following
their
old
maister
Epicurus
)
God
can
remedy
this
and
wil
not
,
or
he
would
and
can
not
,
or
he
neither
can
,
nor
wil
,
or
he
both
can
and
wil
;
If
he
can
remedy
it
,
and
wil
not
,
he
is
not
(
say
they
)
infinitly
good
and
bountiful
;
if
he
would
and
cannot
,
he
is
impotent
and
weake
;
and
if
he
neither
can
,
nor
wil
;
he
is
neither
omnipotent
nor
infynitly
merciful
and
good
;
(
and
by
consequence
he
is
not
God
)
and
if
he
can
and
wil
,
why
doth
he
not
(
say
they
)
remedy
such
great
inconueniences
,
why
doth
he
not
exterminate
al
euil
out
of
the
worlde
,
cherish
and
honor
his
frendes
,
punish
his
enemyes
,
aduance
vertue
,
suppresse
vice
,
maintaine
and
support
innocency
and
truth
;
and
why
suffereth
he
such
confusion
as
we
see
dayly
in
mens
affayres
,
by
reason
of
the
variable
and
vncertayne
euents
good
and
bad
,
which
are
common
to
al
men
alike
,
be
they
iust
or
vniust
?
wherein
(
say
they
there
rather
appeareth
meere
chance
and
casualty
,
then
a
diuine
prouidence
.
2.
Thus
argue
they
,
wherto
I
say
,
as
S.
Augustine
said
of
some
arguments
of
the
Platonicks
;
Aug.
de
ciuit
dei
.
li
.
22.
ca.
11.
Ecce
qualibus
argumentis
diuinae
omnipotentiae
humana
contradicit
infirmitas
,
quam
possidet
vanitas
,
that
is
to
say
,
behold
with
what
wise
arguments
the
omnipotency
of
God
is
contradicted
by
the
infirmity
of
man
,
posest
with
vanity
;
Thus
said
S.
Augustine
of
certaine
obiections
of
the
Platonicks
,
The
blindnes
of
Atheists
in
that
their
arguments
are
notable
profs
of
Gods
prouidence
.
against
some
points
of
Christian
religion
.
And
so
may
I
say
with
farre
more
reason
of
these
arguments
of
the
Atheists
,
which
are
so
farre
from
confirming
their
assertions
,
that
being
wel
wayghed
,
they
cleerely
proue
the
contrary
,
and
conuince
them
notably
of
ignorance
and
blindnes
,
seeing
that
the
same
reasons
,
wherby
they
impugne
the
omnipotency
,
bounty
,
iustice
,
wisdome
and
prouidence
of
almighty
God
,
are
cleere
and
inuincible
proofes
therof
,
as
I
wil
make
manifest
in
this
chapter
,
and
the
three
other
next
ensuing
;
The
arguments
of
Atheists
,
reduced
to
4.
heads
.
For
wheras
their
arguments
may
be
reduced
to
foure
heads
,
the
first
concerning
the
permission
of
euil
.
The
second
concerning
the
affliction
of
good
men
.
The
third
touching
the
prosperitie
of
wicked
men
.
And
the
fourth
concerning
the
variable
and
vncertaine
euents
,
that
are
common
to
good
and
euil
men
in
this
life
,
I
wil
treat
of
al
these
4.
points
seuerally
,
and
first
of
the
causes
why
God
permitteth
so
great
euil
in
the
world
as
we
dayly
see
.
Aug.
de
vera
religione
,
ca.
12.
&
23.
Al
euil
consisteth
either
in
sinne
,
or
in
the
punishment
of
sinne
.
Idem
.
li
.
1.
retractat
.
ca.
9.
&
de
libero
.
arbit
.
ca.
1.
3.
And
for
as
much
as
al
euil
consisteth
(
as
S.
Augustin
saith
)
In
peccato
;
or
In
paena
peccati
,
either
in
sinne
,
or
in
the
penalty
of
sinne
,
that
is
to
say
,
either
in
the
offence
of
God
,
or
in
the
misery
&
affliction
which
God
iustly
inflicteth
vpon
men
for
the
same
;
and
againe
,
seeing
that
al
sinne
proceedeth
from
mans
free
wil
(
in
which
respect
S.
Augustin
also
affirmeth
,
that
the
free
wil
of
man
was
the
cause
of
al
the
euil
in
the
world
)
it
shal
be
necessary
for
the
clearing
of
those
difficulties
,
and
the
explication
of
this
whole
matter
,
to
consider
two
thinges
;
the
one
,
why
almighty
God
gaue
free
wil
to
man
;
and
the
other
,
how
it
could
stand
with
his
mercy
and
goodnes
to
suffer
man
to
be
tempted
,
knowing
that
he
would
abuse
his
free
wil
,
and
consequently
incurre
his
indignation
,
and
draw
vpon
him selfe
al
that
misery
which
since
hath
fallen
vpon
him
.
4.
As
for
the
first
point
,
to
wit
,
the
causes
why
God
gaue
free
wil
to
man
,
though
many
reasons
&
causes
may
be
giuen
for
the
same
,
yet
I
wil
content
my selfe
,
with
these
few
following
.
Why
God
gaue
free
wil
to
man
.
First
the
dignity
of
mans
nature
did
require
it
,
for
seing
it
pleased
almighty
God
not
only
to
create
him
of
an
intelligent
,
and
reasonable
nature
,
and
to
his
owne
Image
,
Genes
.
1.
Psal
.
8.
but
also
to
make
him
Lord
of
the
earth
and
of
al
earthly
creatures
,
and
as
it
were
his
Lieutennant
and
vicegerent
ouer
them
,
it
was
most
conuenient
also
for
man
to
be
Lord
of
his
owne
wil
,
that
is
to
say
,
not
to
be
moued
,
or
to
worke
by
necessitie
or
compulsion
(
as
other
creatures
inferiour
to
him
doe
)
but
freely
and
by
election
of
his
owne
wil
,
by
which
freedome
of
wil
,
and
by
his
vnderstanding
,
he
became
the
Image
of
almighty
God
his
Lord
and
Creator
,
Damascen
.
li.
2.
de
fide
ortho
.
ca.
12.
as
witnesseth
S.
Ihon
Damascen
;
wherby
it
appeareth
that
it
was
most
honorable
for
him
,
and
requisit
to
the
dignity
and
excellency
of
his
nature
to
haue
free
wil
.
5.
Secondly
God
gaue
freewil
to
man
that
it
might
appeare
therby
,
that
although
he
ordayned
man
for
his
seruice
,
yet
he
had
no
neede
of
him
;
For
wheras
men
,
the
more
neede
they
haue
of
their
seruants
,
the
more
they
seeke
to
bind
them
vnto
their
seruice
,
and
to
depriue
them
of
liberty
and
freedome
of
wil
,
almighty
God
meaning
to
shew
that
he
had
no
neede
of
man
,
gaue
him
free
wil
to
doe
what
he
would
.
6.
Thirdly
,
that
therby
his
iustice
and
equity
might
appeare
,
in
rewarding
and
punishing
euery
man
according
to
his
deserts
,
Ignat
.
ep
.
ad
Magnes
.
Iust
in
.
mart
.
in
Apolog
.
Itaen
.
li
.
4.
c
.
71.
&
72.
Basil
.
in
psal
.
61.
Aug.
li
.
de
vera
religione
.
ca.
14.
which
could
haue
had
no
place
,
if
man
had
not
free
wil
,
vpon
the
which
is
grounded
the
reason
of
merit
and
demerit
,
and
consequently
of
reward
and
punishment
,
as
not
only
al
our
diuines
,
but
also
the
paynim
philosophers
doe
teach
.
7.
Fourthly
;
to
shew
his
infinit
bounty
in
proposing
to
man
so
highe
a
reward
,
as
euerlasting
glory
,
to
be
obtayned
by
the
meanes
of
freewil
,
helped
and
assisted
with
his
grace
.
Chrisost
.
ho
.
22.
in
Genes
.
Hieron
.
ad
Damasum
.
ep
.
146.
Arist
.
li
.
3.
ethic
.
c
.
4.
8.
Fiftly
,
to
the
end
,
that
the
endles
treasure
of
his
riches
might
appeare
,
seing
that
he
would
not
appoint
,
or
ordayne
for
man
,
any
certaine
measure
or
limits
of
his
rewards
,
but
gaue
him
free
wil
to
merit
with
the
healp
of
his
grace
,
and
to
obtayne
as
much
as
he
list
.
9.
Sixtly
to
shew
his
omnipotency
and
infinite
wisdome
in
gouerning
the
affayres
of
man
,
seing
that
the
freedome
of
their
wills
is
no
way
able
to
hinder
the
execution
of
his
wil
,
for
as
much
as
al
the
actions
of
men
,
be
they
neuer
so
voluntary
or
freely
done
,
yea
the
actions
of
wicked
men
,
do
finally
concurre
to
the
working
of
his
holy
wil
,
through
the
admirable
disposition
of
his
wisdome
&
omnipotency
,
much
like
as
if
a
man
were
able
to
direct
the
arrowes
of
al
the
archers
in
the
world
to
hit
one
butt
,
though
they
were
shot
al
at
rouers
,
and
at
infinite
sundry
markes
,
Aug.
de
ciuit
.
dei
.
li
.
22.
ca.
1.
This
S.
August
:
signifyeth
saying
,
Multa
fiunt
a
malis
&c
:
Many
thinges
are
done
by
euil
men
against
the
wil
of
God
,
but
such
is
his
wisdome
and
power
,
that
al
those
thinges
which
seeme
to
be
contrary
to
his
wil
,
do
finaly
tend
to
those
ends
which
he
of
his
bounty
and
iustice
hath
foreseene
and
ordayned
,
thus
saith
S.
Augustin
.
Freewil
was
giuen
to
man
for
his
great
benefit
and
Gods
great
glory
.
How
it
stood
with
Gods
goodnes
to
suffer
man
to
be
tempted
.
God
did
no
iniury
to
man
in
suffering
him
to
be
tempted
.
Eusebius
.
de
preparat
.
euangel
.
li
.
6.
ca.
5.
God
gaue
Adam
sufficient
meanes
to
ouercome
the
temptation
if
he
would
.
Aug
de
ciuit
dei
.
li
.
14.
ca.
27.
10.
Hereto
other
reasons
might
be
added
;
but
by
these
it
appeareth
sufficiently
,
that
it
was
most
conuenient
for
man
to
haue
free
wil
,
not
only
for
the
glory
of
God
,
and
the
manifestation
of
his
infinite
power
,
wisdome
,
iustice
,
and
mercy
;
but
also
for
the
dignity
of
mans
nature
and
his
exceeding
great
benefit
;
11.
And
now
to
speake
of
the
other
point
proposed
,
to
wit
,
how
it
could
stand
with
Gods
infinit
goodnes
to
suffer
man
to
be
tempted
,
knowing
that
he
would
fal
into
sinne
,
misery
,
and
damnation
.
I
say
first
that
almighty
God
did
man
no
iniury
therin
,
in
respect
that
he
had
giuen
him
sufficient
meanes
to
ouercome
the
temptation
of
his
aduersary
with
al
facillity
,
if
he
him selfe
would
.
For
as
Eusebius
bishop
of
Caesaria
noteth
very
wel
,
God
gaue
not
only
freewil
to
man
,
but
also
the
light
of
vnderstanding
,
reason
&
conscience
,
euer
mouing
him
to
good
;
wherto
he
incited
him
also
with
the
promise
of
reward
for
vertue
and
wel
doing
,
and
terrifyed
him
with
threats
of
punishments
,
in
case
he
should
transgresse
his
law
;
wherto
I
add
that
he
was
also
ready
to
assist
him
with
his
grace
,
if
he
would
haue
put
his
confidence
in
him
,
as
teacheth
S.
Augustin
,
who
saith
,
Homo
sic
erat
institutus
&c.
Man
was
so
framed
and
ordayned
,
that
if
he
had
trusted
vpon
the
healp
of
God
,
he
had
ouercome
the
temptation
of
the
euil
angel
.
Why
it
was
not
conuenient
that
God
should
hinder
the
temptation
of
Adam
though
he
knew
he
would
fal
.
12.
Secondly
I
say
that
although
almighty
God
did
know
that
man
would
abuse
freewil
to
his
owne
hurt
and
damnation
;
yet
it
was
not
conuenient
that
therfore
he
should
exempt
and
free
him
from
temptation
afterwardes
,
for
that
,
as
on
the
one
side
temptation
had
serued
man
for
a
notable
occasion
of
merit
,
and
consequently
of
great
benefit
to
him selfe
,
if
he
had
resisted
it
(
as
he
easely
might
haue
done
if
he
had
listed
)
so
also
on
the
other
side
,
when
he
fel
,
it
ministred
to
almighty
God
sufficient
occasion
and
matter
,
to
shew
his
infinite
mercy
,
iustice
,
wisdome
,
and
omnipotency
,
in
turning
the
same
not
only
to
his
owne
glory
,
but
also
to
mans
benefit
and
to
great
good
many
wayes
;
For
which
cause
S.
August
:
saith
,
that
although
God
knew
that
man
would
sinne
,
Aug.
de
ciuit
Dei
li
.
22.
ca.
1.
et
.
li
.
de
corrupti
.
et
gra
.
ca
10.
et
.
12.
et
in
enchirid
ca.
27.
yet
he
made
him
of
a
mutable
nature
,
&
suffered
him
to
be
tempted
,
because
he
foresaw
what
great
good
he
would
draw
out
of
his
fal
.
Iudicans
potentius
&
melius
esse
&c.
Iudging
it
to
be
better
and
more
for
his
glory
,
and
for
the
manifestation
of
his
power
,
to
doe
good
by
the
occasion
of
euil
,
then
not
to
suffer
any
euil
at
al
to
be
done
.
Chrisost
.
hom
.
de
lapsu
primi
homnis
10.
More
for
Gods
glory
to
drawe
good
out
of
euil
then
not
to
suffer
euil
to
be
.
And
S.
Chrisostome
also
saith
:
Deus
praescius
futurorum
&c.
God
,
who
knoweth
al
thinges
to
come
,
made
man
to
his
owne
image
and
likenes
,
and
gaue
him
precepts
,
foreseeing
both
his
transgression
,
and
also
the
great
good
,
which
his
diuine
wisdome
was
determined
to
draw
out
of
the
same
.
Thus
saith
S.
Chrisostome
.
13.
And
now
to
recount
some
of
those
goods
and
benefits
which
almighty
God
did
foresee
would
redound
vpon
mans
sinne
,
and
withal
to
answere
the
obiection
of
the
Atheists
concerning
his
permission
of
euil
.
The
first
good
or
benefit
may
be
,
that
the
world
it selfe
is
much
more
perfect
and
complete
therby
;
Why
God
permitteth
sinne
&
other
euils
.
The
world
is
more
perfect
and
complete
by
the
euil
that
is
therin
.
The
nature
of
earthly
thinges
requireth
a
mixture
of
good
and
bad
.
Aug.
de
triplic●
habitaculo
.
For
although
euil
being
considered
in
it selfe
,
is
hateful
and
loathsome
;
yet
being
wayghed
togeather
with
al
other
thinges
,
which
are
necessary
to
the
composition
of
the
world
,
we
shal
find
it
to
be
also
conuenient
for
the
same
,
for
diuers
respects
.
First
,
for
that
the
very
nature
and
condition
of
earthly
thinges
,
doth
seeme
to
require
a
mixture
of
good
and
bad
;
for
seeing
that
in
heauen
there
is
nothing
but
goodnes
and
felicitie
,
and
in
hel
nothing
but
badnes
and
misery
,
it
was
very
conuenient
that
this
our
terrestrial
world
,
which
is
betwixt
both
,
should
in
some
degree
participate
of
both
.
To
which
purpose
S.
Augustin
saith
,
that
God
hath
made
3.
habitations
,
or
mansions
,
to
wit
,
the
highest
,
the
lowest
,
and
one
in
the
midst
,
wherof
the
two
extreames
are
altogeather
contrary
,
and
the
other
in
the
midst
hath
a
great
affinity
or
likenes
with
both
the
extreames
.
14.
For
wheras
almighty
God
did
compact
the
world
of
contrarieties
,
as
of
4.
contrary
elements
,
The
world
compacted
of
contrarieties
.
contrary
qualities
of
moysture
and
drynesse
,
heat
and
cold
,
of
light
and
darknes
,
day
and
night
,
soft
and
hard
,
high
and
lowe
,
it
was
conuenient
also
that
he
should
permit
the
opposition
of
euil
to
God
,
to
the
end
that
the
good
might
therby
become
more
prespicuous
,
eminent
,
&
laudable
,
Arist
problem
.
Sect
.
22.
q
.
11.
&
Rhetoric
.
li.
2.
for
Contraria
(
saith
the
philosopher
)
iuxta
se
posita
magis
elucescunt
;
Contrary
thinges
being
set
togeather
doe
make
each
other
more
aparant
;
And
euen
as
a
shaddow
in
a
picture
,
or
a
litle
mole
or
wart
in
a
beautiful
face
,
or
a
foyle
vnder
a
diamond
,
though
they
are
of
themselues
imperfections
,
yet
being
considered
in
their
composition
they
are
ornaments
therto
,
Aug.
enchirid
ad
Laurent
.
ca.
10.
euen
so
saith
S.
Augustine
:
That
which
is
called
euil
,
being
wel
ordayned
and
disposed
in
the
vniuersity
of
thinges
,
that
is
to
say
in
the
whole
world
;
Eminentius
commendat
bona
,
vt
magis
placeant
&
laudabiliora
sint
;
Doth
more
eminently
or
excellently
set
forth
good
thinges
to
make
them
the
more
delectable
and
commendable
.
15.
Thus
farre
S.
Augustin
,
who
also
in
an
other
place
concerning
this
matter
saith
notably
:
that
euen
as
a
man
of
a
very
short
sight
,
Aug.
li
.
de
ordine
ca.
1.
&
li.
2.
ca.
4.
who
in
a
great
table
ful
of
checher
worke
or
marquery
should
be
able
to
see
no
more
but
some
one
or
two
litle
peeces
therof
,
could
not
discerne
the
cunning
of
the
workman
in
the
composition
of
the
whole
,
but
would
perhaps
blame
both
the
worke
,
Though
euil
considered
by
it selfe
semeth
inconuenient
yet
to
the
composition
of
the
whole
world
it
is
necessary
.
&
the
workeman
;
euen
so
it
chanceth
to
ignorant
men
,
who
not
being
able
to
comprehend
in
their
weake
vnderstandinges
,
the
great
arte
vsed
by
almighty
God
in
the
composition
of
the
whole
world
,
are
many
tymes
scandalized
with
the
consideration
of
some
particuler
thinges
;
wheras
(
saith
he
)
if
they
could
lift
vp
their
eyes
to
see
and
consider
al
the
whole
togeather
,
they
should
find
euery
thinge
notably
ordayned
,
and
disposed
in
due
manner
and
place
.
16.
Hereof
we
see
euident
examples
in
euery
man
,
in
euery
howse
,
in
euery
comonwelth
.
For
if
we
regard
some
partes
of
man
in
them selues
,
they
are
but
vnseemely
and
loathsome
,
yet
being
considered
with
the
whole
body
,
Some
partes
of
man
vnseemly
and
loathsome
in
themselues
yet
necessary
for
the
body
.
they
are
conuenient
&
necessary
;
the
like
also
may
be
said
of
some
homely
places
,
needles
to
be
named
in
the
most
beautiful
pallaces
or
of
some
base
&
odious
offices
in
commonwelths
which
neuertheles
are
most
necessary
therto
,
as
of
catch
poles
,
promotors
,
hangmen
and
such
like
;
yea
saith
S.
Augustine
Quid
sordidius
meretricibus
&
laenonibus
?
Aug.
li
.
2.
de
ordine
.
ca.
4.
&c.
What
is
more
filthy
then
bawds
and
queans
,
neuerthelee
they
are
sometymes
necessarily
permitted
in
cittyes
?
Lastly
to
conclude
,
what
more
offendeth
mans
eare
then
a
discord
in
musick
,
A
discord
in
musick
wel
placed
graceth
the
harmony
.
yet
being
wel
placed
with
good
cordes
in
a
musical
composition
,
it
greatly
graceth
the
harmony
and
giueth
contentment
to
the
eare
,
and
euen
so
al
euils
in
the
world
being
regarded
apart
by
them selues
,
seeme
inconuenient
and
absurd
,
but
being
considered
togeather
with
the
vniuersity
of
al
other
thinges
,
doe
help
to
the
consummation
and
perfection
therof
,
as
shal
appeare
more
euidently
by
the
consideration
of
these
points
followinge
.
17.
It
is
to
be
considered
that
there
is
no
euil
in
the
world
,
but
good
doth
come
of
it
one
way
or
other
,
No
euil
in
the
world
but
good
doth
come
of
it
.
whether
the
euil
be
in
thinges
natural
,
or
in
thinges
moral
;
For
although
in
thinges
natural
there
is
nothinge
absolutly
euil
(
for
whatsoeuer
is
natural
is
of
God
,
&
consequently
good
)
yet
that
which
is
against
the
nature
of
any
thing
,
How
good
commeth
of
euil
in
natural
thinges
.
Arist
.
li
.
de
g●nerat
.
&
corrupt
.
c
.
3.
and
helpeth
or
tendeth
to
the
corruption
of
it
,
may
be
accompted
euil
in
respect
therof
:
but
for
as
much
as
according
to
the
philosopher
:
Corruptio
vnius
rei
est
generatio
alterius
;
The
corruption
of
one
thinge
is
the
generation
of
an
other
,
it
followeth
that
whatsoeuer
is
hurtful
to
one
thinge
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
that
which
it
corrupteth
,
the
same
is
conuenient
and
good
for
that
which
is
to
be
engendred
therof
;
And
such
is
the
prouidence
of
God
in
al
his
creatures
,
that
there
is
nothing
in
the
world
so
vile
or
base
,
so
loathsome
,
so
stinking
,
or
so
poysonful
,
but
it
is
good
for
some
thinge
,
or
for
some
vse
or
other
,
as
dayly
experience
teacheth
in
dust
,
ashes
,
durt
,
yea
and
the
very
ordure
of
men
and
beasts
(
which
serueth
to
many
good
purposes
)
and
the
like
may
be
said
of
poysons
which
sometymes
are
made
medicinable
,
and
may
be
put
also
otherwayes
to
necessary
vses
,
Diogenes
laert
:
in
vita
.
Socratis
Plato
.
in
phaedone
.
Plutarc
.
as
in
some
countryes
they
haue
ben
vsed
for
the
execution
of
iustice
in
the
punishment
of
malefactours
,
in
stead
of
halter
,
sword
,
water
,
fyer
,
or
other
instruments
of
iustice
.
18.
The
like
appeareth
in
morall
euils
,
Cicero
.
Tuscul
.
li
.
1.
I
meane
such
as
proceed
of
the
malice
of
men
,
as
al
sinne
or
sinful
actions
,
which
are
commonly
hurtful
either
to
him
that
committeth
them
,
How
good
commeth
of
sinful
actions
.
or
to
some
other
man
;
and
yet
both
wayes
doe
euer
turne
to
some
good
or
other
;
First
as
concerning
euil
actions
tending
to
the
hurt
of
others
,
what
benefits
doe
grow
to
men
many
tymes
by
the
malice
of
their
enemies
?
Genes
.
37.
c
41.
how
could
the
loue
and
good
wil
of
Iosephes
breetheren
haue
profited
him
so
much
as
did
their
hatred
,
and
malice
,
which
was
the
meanes
to
aduance
him
to
great
honor
and
dignity
;
and
doth
it
not
fal
out
otherwhiles
,
that
an
enemy
meaning
to
destroy
an
other
man
doth
preserue
his
life
?
as
it
chanced
to
one
Promotheus
,
Plut
lib
.
de
vtilitate
capiendo
ab
inimicis
.
of
whome
Plutarke
writeth
that
his
life
was
saued
by
his
enemy
;
who
meaning
to
kil
him
,
strooke
him
with
a
sword
,
and
lanced
an
inward
impostume
with
in
his
body
which
otherwaies
could
haue
had
no
cure
;
In
like
sort
we
see
that
the
malice
of
the
diuel
and
wicked
men
against
good
men
,
The
malice
of
the
diuel
and
wicked
men
turneth
to
the
benefit
of
the
good
and
the
glory
of
God
.
in
procuring
their
persecution
,
torments
&
death
,
turneth
to
their
exceeding
great
benefit
,
and
to
Gods
great
glory
(
as
I
wil
declare
more
at
large
after
a
while
)
and
when
soeuer
God
permiteth
any
mischeefe
or
euil
to
fal
vpon
euil
men
by
other
mens
malice
,
the
same
is
either
a
warning
for
their
amendment
,
and
consequently
an
effect
of
Gods
mercy
;
or
else
a
due
punishment
for
their
sinne
,
&
so
an
acte
of
his
iustice
wherby
he
is
glorified
.
19.
And
as
concerning
the
sinnes
of
men
which
are
hurtful
only
to
them selues
sometimes
they
turne
also
to
their
good
,
by
making
them
see
their
owne
weaknes
,
and
to
relye
,
more
then
before
,
vpon
Gods
grace
&
assistance
:
and
sometimes
they
serue
for
example
to
other
men
,
2.
Reg
.
ca.
11.
Math
.
26.
as
the
fal
of
the
prophet
Dauid
,
and
of
S.
Peter
,
are
warninges
and
motiues
to
vs
to
take
heede
how
wee
trust
to
our
owne
strength
:
sometimes
againe
mens
sinns
are
a
punishment
of
sinne
,
as
in
the
philosophers
of
whom
the
Apostle
saith
that
they
Were
giuen
ouer
to
al
wickednes
in
punishment
of
their
ingratitude
to
almighty
God
,
Rom.
1.
and
of
their
Idolatry
.
How
al
sinne
turneth
to
good
.
20.
Lastly
when
or
how
soeuer
sinne
is
committed
it
turneth
to
Gods
glory
,
in
respect
that
he
either
sheweth
his
mercy
in
pardoning
it
,
or
his
iustice
in
punishing
it
,
and
so
he
is
glorified
therby
,
which
is
the
greatest
good
in
nature
,
and
the
end
of
al
good
,
Prou.
c
.
16.
wherto
he
ordained
al
thinges
what
soeuer
;
for
,
Vniuersa
propter
semetipsum
(
saith
the
scripture
)
operatus
est
Dominus
,
impium
quoque
ad
diem
malum
;
Our
lord
made
al
thinges
for
himselfe
,
and
the
wicked
man
also
for
the
euil
day
,
that
is
to
say
,
euen
as
almigty
God
made
al
other
thinges
for
his
owne
seruice
(
in
which
respect
he
is
called
in
the
scipture
Alpha
et
Omega
,
Apoc
.
22.
the
begining
and
the
end
)
so
also
he
ordained
the
punishment
of
the
wicked
for
his
owne
glory
,
reseruing
them
for
the
euil
day
,
that
is
to
say
for
the
day
of
iudgment
,
to
shew
as
wel
his
iustice
in
punishing
them
,
as
his
bounty
and
mercy
in
rewarding
the
good
.
Benefits
which
redound
to
man
of
sinne
and
other
euils
in
the
world
.
Hereby
it
appeareth
that
the
very
sinnes
of
men
,
doe
alwaies
turne
to
good
some
way
or
other
,
no
lesse
then
al
other
euils
,
the
which
also
wil
be
yet
more
euident
,
if
we
consider
some
other
special
benefits
that
redound
to
man
of
sinne
,
and
of
the
euil
that
is
in
the
world
.
21.
First
,
the
infinit
goodnes
and
mercy
of
God
was
moued
therby
to
giue
to
man
such
excellent
remedies
against
the
same
,
that
the
benifits
which
he
receiueth
by
them
,
doe
far
surpasse
the
harmes
which
proceede
of
the
euil
,
as
the
benefit
of
wisdome
,
wherof
Salomon
saith
in
his
parables
;
Melior
est
sapientia
&c.
Prouerb
.
c
8.
The
benefit
of
wisdome
.
Wisdome
is
better
then
al
the
most
pretious
thinges
in
the
world
,
and
nothinge
that
can
be
desired
of
men
may
be
compared
vnto
it
.
Thus
saith
he
of
wisdome
:
the
office
wherof
is
not
only
to
distinguish
betwixt
good
and
bad
,
but
also
to
teach
vs
our
duty
to
almighty
God
,
and
consequently
the
way
to
eternal
saluation
,
where
vpon
Lactantius
discourseth
notably
thus
.
22.
If
there
were
no
euil
nor
danger
,
Lactant
.
li
.
de
Ira
dei
ca.
13.
The
office
of
reason
&
wisdome
is
to
distinguish
betwixt
good
and
euil
.
nor
any
thinge
that
could
hurt
a
man
in
the
world
,
al
matter
for
wisdome
to
worke
vpon
were
taken
away
,
and
so
it
should
be
needles
;
For
if
nothing
were
proposed
to
vs
but
only
good
,
what
neede
should
we
haue
of
discourse
,
vnderstanding
,
knowledge
or
reason
,
when
we
should
find
euery
thinge
apt
and
commodius
for
vs
,
which
way
soeuer
we
should
turne
our selues
;
as
if
a
man
should
bringe
infants
,
that
haue
not
the
vse
of
reason
,
to
a
banquet
of
sweete
and
holsome
meats
,
it
were
no
danger
for
them
to
eate
what
soeuer
their
eye
or
apetite
should
moue
them
vnto
,
neither
for
that
purpose
should
they
neede
discretion
;
but
if
there
were
some
vnholsome
or
poisned
meates
amongst
the
rest
,
they
might
receaue
great
dammage
or
death
therby
,
not
beinge
able
to
discerne
betwixt
the
one
and
the
other
.
Therfore
we
see
that
we
haue
neede
of
reason
and
wisdome
rather
in
respect
of
the
euil
then
of
the
good
;
Man
hath
farre
greater
good
by
wisdome
then
harme
by
euil
.
and
that
God
doth
not
take
away
euil
from
vs
,
because
he
hath
giuen
vs
so
great
a
remedy
as
wisdome
,
wherin
there
is
far
greater
good
and
pleasure
,
then
trouble
and
greife
in
euil
;
For
that
by
wisdome
we
come
to
know
God
,
and
by
that
knowledge
we
attaine
to
immortality
,
which
is
perfect
felicity
;
Thus
saith
Lactantius
.
23.
But
what
?
Haue
we
only
the
benifit
of
wisdome
in
recompence
of
euil
?
Euery
harme
hath
a
help
and
euery
inconuenience
a
remedy
.
Chrisost
.
in
ca.
6.
Math
.
hom
.
15.
Euery
vice
hath
an
oposit
vertue
,
and
euery
euil
a
good
wherby
it
may
be
ouercome
.
If
there
were
no
euil
many
excellent
vertues
would
be
obscured
or
extinguished
.
Haue
we
not
also
for
euery
euil
a
particuler
good
,
for
euery
harme
a
helpe
,
for
euery
sore
a
salue
for
euery
vice
a
vertue
,
for
euery
inconuenience
an
assured
remedy
if
we
list
to
vse
it
?
Omnia
mala
(
saith
S.
Chrisostome
)
habent
contraria
bona
per
quae
superentur
;
Al
euils
haue
their
contrary
goods
by
the
which
they
may
be
ouercome
.
By
the
vertue
of
chastity
,
we
subdue
al
the
vices
of
the
flesh
,
by
humility
we
conquer
pride
,
by
iustice
we
suppresse
al
iniquity
and
iniustice
,
by
liberality
we
ouercome
auarice
,
and
lastly
by
fortitude
and
patience
we
triumphe
ouer
al
the
miseries
of
the
world
;
and
wheras
these
and
such
other
vertues
are
the
proper
ornaments
of
man
,
wherby
he
excelleth
bruite
beasts
and
is
made
like
to
God
,
it
is
to
be
considered
that
some
of
the
chiefest
of
them
would
be
vtterly
extinguished
,
and
the
rest
wholy
obscured
,
if
there
were
no
sinne
nor
euil
in
the
world
.
24.
For
if
there
were
no
passions
,
no
intemperance
,
no
iniuries
,
no
afflictions
,
how
could
there
be
any
vertue
of
continency
,
patience
,
temperance
,
or
fortitude
,
which
consist
either
in
restraint
,
and
suppression
of
passions
,
or
in
the
suffering
of
iniuries
,
or
in
the
toleration
of
miseries
&
afflictions
?
Also
if
there
were
no
sinnes
of
the
flesh
,
what
commendation
could
be
giuen
to
chastity
?
If
there
were
no
pride
,
who
should
be
praised
for
humility
?
If
no
man
were
either
couetous
or
prodigal
,
who
should
be
counted
liberal
?
By
vice
we
know
the
worthines
of
vertue
.
For
as
by
darknes
we
knowe
the
benefit
of
light
,
by
paine
the
contentment
of
ease
and
pleasure
,
by
sicknes
the
treasure
of
health
;
so
by
the
turpitude
and
loathsomnes
of
vice
,
we
know
the
worthines
and
excellency
of
vertue
.
25.
Therefore
Lactantius
saith
very
wel
;
If
al
euil
were
taken
away
,
Lact
.
de
ira
ca.
13.
Chrisost
.
hom
.
de
lapsu
.
Adami
.
The
force
of
vertue
consisteth
in
suffering
or
ouercomming
euil
.
there
would
not
remaine
so
much
at
any
signe
of
vertue
,
wherof
al
the
force
consisteth
in
sustaining
or
ouercomminge
euil
;
and
S.
Chrisostome
,
Tolle
(
saith
he
)
congeriem
malorum
&
non
erit
plenitudo
virtutum
;
Take
away
the
heape
of
euil
out
of
the
world
,
and
there
shal
be
no
plenitude
or
fulnes
of
vertue
;
Tolle
persecutores
,
&
non
erunt
martires
;
tolle
adulterij
amatores
,
&
non
erit
perfectio
castorum
.
Take
away
persecutours
,
and
there
wil
be
no
martires
,
take
away
the
louers
of
addultry
,
and
chast
men
wil
haue
no
praise
of
perfection
.
Chrisost
.
Ibid
.
And
then
he
concludeth
Ergo
ex
comparatione
malorum
fit
laus
bonorum
.
Therfore
of
the
comparison
with
euil
men
,
groweth
the
commendation
of
the
good
.
Thus
reasoneth
S.
Chrisostome
.
26.
Hereto
I
adde
,
that
the
excellency
of
vertue
&
the
benefit
which
we
haue
therby
,
doth
not
appeare
only
by
the
comparison
therof
with
vice
,
The
rewards
of
vertue
far
greater
by
the
occasion
of
euil
.
but
much
more
by
the
consideration
of
the
rewarde
due
thereto
,
which
rewardes
are
farre
greater
now
by
the
occasion
of
sinne
,
and
of
the
euils
that
follow
theron
,
then
they
could
haue
bene
,
if
man
had
neuer
sinned
,
or
fallen
into
misery
.
For
;
although
he
was
ordained
to
eternal
glory
and
should
haue
enioyed
it
,
if
he
had
neuer
sinned
;
yet
he
could
not
haue
had
it
in
so
high
and
ample
a
degree
,
as
now
;
seeing
he
should
not
haue
had
those
occasions
and
that
matter
of
merit
,
which
now
he
hath
by
his
continual
combat
and
conflict
with
sinne
,
mans
life
being
no
other
as
Iob
saith
,
Iob
.
7.
Mans
life
a
continual
warfare
.
but
Militia
super
terram
.
A
warfare
vpon
the
earth
;
wherin
euery
soldier
deserueth
different
honour
and
crowne
,
according
to
his
different
labours
and
vallour
shewed
against
his
enimies
:
in
which
respect
the
Apostle
describeth
,
as
it
were
,
a
combat
&
fight
betwixt
vs
and
our
enemy
the
diuel
,
who
he
saith
doth
assault
vs
with
;
Ignea
tela
,
fiery
darts
,
&
spiritualia
nequitiae
,
spiritual
armes
of
wickednes
.
Ephes
.
ca.
6.
Thes
.
ca.
5.
And
therfore
he
aduiseth
vs
to
put
on
the
armour
of
God
,
the
corslet
of
iustice
and
charity
,
the
sword
of
the
spirit
(
which
he
expoundeth
to
be
the
word
of
God
)
the
sheild
of
faith
,
and
the
helmet
of
hope
of
saluation
;
And
further
,
2.
Timo
.
ca.
4.
he
saith
of
him selfe
that
he
had
fought
a
good
fight
,
and
therfore
expected
the
Crowne
of
iustice
which
the
iust
Iudge
reserued
for
him
:
and
of
al
the
faithful
in
general
he
teacheth
,
that
no
man
shal
be
crowned
that
shal
not
fight
lawfully
.
27.
But
if
there
were
no
sinne
nor
temptation
,
there
could
be
no
fight
,
if
no
fight
,
no
victory
,
if
no
victory
,
no
crowne
;
wherby
it
appeareth
what
benefit
redoundeth
to
man
by
sinne
and
other
euils
,
Of
the
conquest
of
sinne
and
euil
,
proceedeth
the
merit
of
eternal
glory
.
seeing
of
the
conquest
therof
proceedeth
the
great
glory
which
God
giueth
to
his
seruants
,
not
only
in
heauen
eternally
,
but
also
euen
in
this
world
,
by
the
glorious
memory
had
of
them
continually
in
his
church
.
28.
The
vnspeakable
benefit
we
haue
by
the
passion
of
our
Sauiour
through
the
occasion
of
sinne
.
Furthermore
who
can
sufficiently
expresse
the
good
which
we
reape
by
the
passion
of
our
Sauiour
Iesus
Christ
,
wherby
he
payd
the
penalty
of
sinne
,
with
such
a
copious
redemption
,
&
inestimable
benefit
to
man
,
that
we
may
iustly
sing
with
the
church
.
O
felix
culpa
quae
talem
meruit
Redemptorem
.
O
happy
fault
that
deserued
such
a
Redeemer
;
For
he
not
only
cancelled
the
obligation
of
our
debt
,
and
subdued
the
diuil
and
sinne
;
but
also
made
vs
able
to
conquer
them
both
,
leauing
vs
the
endles
treasure
of
his
owne
merits
,
with
meanes
to
apply
the
same
to
our
owne
benefit
;
wherby
al
our
defects
may
be
aboundantly
supplyed
,
our
pouerty
enriched
,
our
wracks
repayred
,
our
woundes
and
diseases
cured
,
Man
triumpeth
ouer
sinne
and
al
euil
through
the
merits
of
Christs
passion
.
and
our
weaknes
strengthned
in
such
sort
,
that
the
most
infirme
and
weake
man
liuing
,
may
by
the
healp
therof
,
triumphe
not
only
ouer
sinne
,
&
al
the
mischeife
,
and
malignity
of
the
world
,
but
also
ouer
the
malice
and
power
of
the
diuel
,
yea
and
turne
al
the
same
to
his
eternal
good
;
In
so
much
that
the
least
crosse
or
trouble
that
a
man
may
haue
in
this
life
,
being
patiently
endured
for
the
loue
of
God
,
No
man
can
iustly
complaine
of
the
euil
that
is
in
the
world
.
2.
Cor
.
ca.
4.
may
through
the
merits
of
our
Sauiours
passion
worke
in
him
(
as
S.
Paule
saith
)
Aeternum
gloriae
pondus
;
An
euerlasting
waight
of
glory
;
so
that
no
man
hath
iust
cause
to
complayne
of
the
euil
that
is
in
the
world
,
seeing
the
same
may
serue
him
for
matter
and
meanes
of
exceeding
merit
and
euerlasting
blisse
,
if
he
wil
but
craue
assistance
of
him
,
who
denyeth
it
to
no
man
,
but
inuiteth
al
men
to
come
vnto
him
,
saying
:
Matth
.
11.
Apoc
.
ca.
3.
Venite
ad
me
omnes
&c
;
Come
to
me
al
yee
that
labour
&
are
loaden
and
I
wil
refresh
you
.
And
againe
;
Ecce
sto
ad
ostium
pulsans
si
quis
aperiat
mihi
;
Behould
I
stand
at
the
dore
knocking
,
if
any
wil
open
vnto
mee
.
29.
Loe
then
how
almighty
God
turned
the
sinne
of
Adam
and
al
mans
misery
to
mans
great
benefit
and
felicity
,
yea
and
to
his
owne
exceeding
glory
,
seeing
therin
he
shewed
his
infinit
mercy
and
bounty
,
his
iustice
,
his
wisdome
,
prouidence
and
omnipotency
,
though
he
did
it
in
such
admirable
manner
,
that
to
wordly
men
,
his
omnipotency
seemed
infirmitie
,
and
his
wisdome
folly
.
And
for
as
much
as
the
explication
of
this
point
may
serue
,
not
only
for
the
confirmation
of
that
which
I
haue
hetherto
laboured
to
proue
(
touching
the
benefit
and
great
good
that
redoundeth
to
man
of
the
fal
of
Adam
)
but
also
for
an
euident
demonstration
of
the
prouidence
of
God
,
Of
the
infinit
wisdome
and
omnipotency
of
God
shewed
in
the
passion
of
our
Sauiour
for
the
benefit
of
man
.
yea
and
of
the
diuinity
of
our
Sauiour
Iesus
Christ
against
al
Atheists
or
Infidels
,
that
deny
or
dout
of
the
one
or
the
other
;
I
wil
briefly
say
somewhat
first
of
the
infirmity
which
appeared
in
his
humanity
,
and
then
of
the
omnipotent
effects
wrought
therby
.
30.
As
for
the
first
what
greater
weaknes
could
be
in
man
,
then
that
which
our
Sauiour
shewed
in
him selfe
,
Of
the
weaknes
and
infirmity
that
appeared
in
our
Sauiours
humanity
.
when
hauing
for
33.
yeeres
space
endured
the
miseries
of
this
life
,
in
pouerty
,
thirst
,
hunger
,
and
cold
,
he
suffered
him selfe
to
be
betrayed
by
his
owne
disciple
,
apprehended
by
his
owne
people
,
mocked
and
skorned
,
reuyled
,
blasphemed
,
falsly
accused
,
scourged
,
crowned
with
thorne
,
and
in
the
end
ignominiously
crucified
betweene
two
theeues
?
Could
any
man
(
I
say
)
shew
greater
infirmity
then
this
,
or
any
thing
seeme
more
foolish
and
absurd
to
wise
men
of
the
world
,
then
that
God
should
become
man
,
and
subiect
him selfe
to
so
great
ignominy
and
misery
,
or
that
men
should
worship
such
a
one
for
God
?
what
maruaile
is
it
then
,
Act.
ca.
17.
The
preaching
of
Christ
crucified
seemeth
at
first
ridiculous
to
paynims
.
that
when
the
Apostle
preached
him
amongst
the
Philosophers
at
Athens
they
laughed
at
him
;
or
that
the
infidels
to
whome
the
faith
of
Christ
is
preached
at
this
day
,
doe
at
the
first
,
vntil
they
haue
some
light
of
Gods
grace
,
hould
it
for
most
absurd
?
31.
Hereof
the
experience
was
seene
of
late
in
China
,
from
whence
it
is
writtten
by
letters
dated
at
Macao
the
25.
Litterae
annuae
de
Macao
25.
Ianuary
.
1602.
of
Ianuary
1602.
That
whereas
Fa
.
Matteo
Ricchi
of
the
Society
of
Iesus
had
obtayned
leaue
of
the
King
of
China
to
repayre
to
his
court
,
to
present
vnto
him
certaine
rare
thinges
,
hoping
therby
to
take
occasion
and
opportunity
to
preach
the
Christian
faith
to
the
King
and
his
nobility
(
as
hee
and
other
of
his
Society
had
done
some
time
before
in
diuers
townes
of
China
vpon
the
sea
cost
,
The
experience
of
what
the
paynims
thinke
at
the
first
of
Christ
crucified
.
with
no
smal
fruite
and
gayne
of
soules
)
it
chanced
that
a
gouernour
of
a
citty
,
by
the
which
he
passed
,
vsing
more
rigour
towards
him
then
others
had
done
,
and
rifeling
al
his
stuffe
,
found
a
crucifixe
,
which
when
he
saw
he
demanded
what
it
was
,
and
being
very
particulerly
informed
by
the
Father
what
it
signified
,
What
conceit
some
paynims
in
China
had
of
crucifixes
vsed
amongst
Christians
.
The
subtility
of
the
deuil
to
hinder
the
shewing
of
crucifixes
to
the
paynims
in
China
.
and
what
the
Christians
beleeued
and
taught
concerning
him
whome
it
represented
,
he
fel
into
a
long
discourse
inueying
bitterly
against
Christians
and
their
religion
,
concluding
that
they
must
needes
be
very
wicked
men
&
inhumane
,
seeing
they
could
find
in
their
harts
to
behold
such
a
pittiful
spectacle
:
besides
that
diuers
other
principal
men
who
greatly
fauored
Father
Ricchi
and
the
Christians
did
perswade
him
very
earnestly
(
of
great
good
wil
as
it
seemed
)
to
leaue
al
his
crucifixes
behind
him
,
or
at
least
not
to
shew
them
to
any
,
assuring
him
that
the
very
sight
therof
would
disgust
al
men
,
and
make
them
abhorre
him
.
32.
But
the
Father
perceiuing
the
subtilty
of
the
diuel
(
who
sought
by
such
meanes
to
make
him
ashamed
of
the
signes
and
badges
of
Christian
religion
)
would
not
consent
therto
,
but
carried
them
along
with
him
to
the
court
,
where
he
and
his
fellowes
haue
since
had
so
good
successe
in
preaching
the
Christian
faith
,
The
progresse
of
Christian
religion
in
China
at
this
present
.
Littera
annua
delie
Iso●e
Philip
.
del
.
anno
.
1603.
Christ
crucifyed
a
scandal
to
the
Iews
and
folly
to
the
gentils
.
2.
Cor
.
ca.
1.
that
they
haue
conuerted
and
baptized
many
,
and
obtayned
both
a
howse
and
a
church
for
the
exercyse
of
Christian
religion
,
as
it
is
aduertised
from
the
Ilands
of
Philippinae
by
letters
dated
at
Manila
the
eleuenth
of
Iune
in
the
yeere
1603.
and
printed
here
very
lately
with
priuiledge
and
publike
authority
.
This
I
haue
thought
good
to
relate
by
the
way
,
to
declare
how
the
experience
of
this
tyme
sheweth
the
truth
of
that
which
the
Apostle
said
of
Christ
crucified
,
to
wit
,
that
he
was
:
Scandalum
Iudaeis
&
stultitia
Gentibus
.
A
scandal
to
the
Iewes
and
folly
to
the
Gentiles
.
Ibid
.
The
stupendious
effects
of
the
infirmity
that
appeared
in
our
Sauiours
passion
33.
But
if
we
consider
the
stupendious
effects
of
this
infirmity
and
supposed
folly
,
we
shal
euidently
see
that
our
Sauiour
Christ
for
his
owne
greater
glory
;
Elegit
infirma
mundi
vt
confunderet
fortia
;
Made
choyse
of
the
weake
of
the
world
to
confound
the
stronge
;
and
therfore
after
his
poore
life
and
ignominious
death
,
he
vsed
no
other
instrumenrs
for
the
publishing
and
preaching
of
faith
but
only
a
few
poore
,
The
weak
instruments
our
Sauiour
vsed
for
the
conuersion
of
the
world
.
simple
,
and
ignorant
fishers
,
and
some
such
other
men
of
mecanical
occupation
,
who
subdued
infinit
numbers
of
people
to
the
obedience
of
his
law
,
not
by
might
but
by
miracles
,
not
by
force
of
armes
(
as
Mahomets
law
was
established
,
and
is
stil
maintained
)
nor
by
the
power
of
Princes
,
but
by
preaching
and
perswations
,
consisting
in
the
plaine
and
simple
narration
of
a
doctrine
,
which
seemed
no
lesse
repugnant
to
reason
,
then
to
mans
nature
and
sense
.
Christian
doctrin
seemeth
repugnant
to
mans
nature
reason
&
sence
.
For
,
besides
that
,
they
taught
the
incomprehensible
misteries
of
the
blessed
Trinity
,
the
diuinity
of
Christ
borne
of
a
Virgin
,
&
the
resurrection
of
the
dead
(
which
were
thinges
surpassing
mans
reason
and
capacity
)
the
moral
doctrine
which
they
preached
with
al
,
was
no
other
then
the
continual
mortification
of
the
flesh
,
abnegation
of
a
mans
wil
,
voluntary
pouerty
,
remission
of
iniuries
,
the
loue
of
our
enemies
,
hate
of
the
world
,
of
our
parents
,
of
our selues
,
and
such
like
points
of
perfection
in
Christian
religion
,
which
mans
corrupt
nature
hardly
brooketh
,
or
rather
abhorreth
;
and
al
this
with
out
any
promise
of
recompence
in
this
life
,
but
in
hope
only
of
reward
in
the
next
.
34.
Yet
neuertheles
such
was
the
omnipotency
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
that
by
the
meanes
of
such
weake
instruments
,
The
omnipotency
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
manifest
in
the
weaknes
of
his
instruments
.
and
of
a
doctrine
so
repugnant
and
vnsauory
to
mans
sense
and
reason
as
this
he
hath
confounded
the
wise
men
of
the
world
,
beaten
downe
the
power
of
the
proude
and
potent
,
ouerthrowne
Idolatry
,
and
the
empire
of
the
Deuil
(
which
had
bene
established
for
some
thousandes
of
yeers
before
amongst
the
gentils
)
and
lastly
he
hath
propagated
his
faith
and
extended
his
kingdome
throughout
so
many
nations
,
as
haue
bene
&
are
daily
brought
to
the
obedience
of
his
church
,
not
with
standing
the
violent
opposition
&
persecutions
raised
against
it
by
the
prince
of
darknes
assisted
with
the
power
of
pagan
,
heretical
,
and
scismatical
emperours
,
Kings
&
princes
,
&
of
al
the
wicked
men
of
the
world
;
as
shal
be
further
declared
in
the
second
part
of
this
treatise
,
35.
This
then
being
euident
in
al
mens
experience
,
who
can
be
so
absurd
to
deny
either
the
prouidence
of
God
in
the
affaires
of
men
,
or
yet
the
diuinity
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
?
Can
it
be
said
,
The
prouidence
of
God
and
the
diuinity
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
manifest
in
the
miraculous
conuersion
of
the
world
.
that
there
was
no
such
man
,
and
that
the
story
of
him
and
his
disciples
was
fained
?
How
then
became
the
world
to
be
Christian
,
the
miraculous
conuersion
wherof
giueth
manifest
testimony
of
the
truth
in
this
matter
?
For
let
al
histories
be
read
,
al
antiquityes
searched
,
and
al
monuments
vewed
and
considered
,
they
al
concure
to
the
confirmation
of
this
most
admirable
conuersion
,
wrought
by
no
other
meanes
then
these
which
I
haue
declared
;
And
this
being
so
,
no
man
can
with
any
shew
of
reason
or
common
sense
,
deny
our
Sauiours
wonderful
prouidence
,
infinit
wisdome
,
ineffable
goodnes
,
and
diuine
power
,
not
only
in
working
such
incredible
,
and
yet
most
manifest
effects
,
by
such
impotent
and
weake
meanes
,
What
good
God
drew
out
of
euil
by
our
Sauiours
passion
.
but
also
in
drawing
so
much
good
,
out
of
so
great
euil
,
as
strength
out
of
weaknes
,
wisdome
out
of
folly
,
felicity
out
of
misery
,
merit
out
of
malice
,
life
out
of
death
,
and
out
of
sinne
saluation
;
seeing
he
confounded
the
strong
by
the
weake
,
he
conuinced
the
wise
and
learned
by
the
simple
and
ignorant
,
he
made
misery
,
as
it
were
the
ladder
to
mount
to
felicity
,
he
turned
the
malice
of
the
diuel
and
wicked
men
,
to
the
merit
and
glory
of
the
good
,
he
destroied
death
by
his
death
,
and
gaue
life
to
the
dead
;
and
finally
by
the
sinne
of
Iudas
and
of
those
that
crucified
him
,
he
wrought
the
saluation
of
the
world
.
36.
Thus
then
we
see
how
the
fal
and
sinne
of
Adam
,
though
it
brought
al
misery
to
the
world
,
yet
is
not
only
recompenced
,
but
also
made
most
beneficial
to
man
,
through
the
infinit
mercy
of
our
Sauiour
,
Mans
nature
more
glorified
now
by
the
occasion
of
Adams
sinne
then
it
should
haue
bin
if
Adam
had
not
sinned
.
Rom.
ca.
6.
in
whome
,
and
by
whose
merits
,
mans
nature
is
now
more
glorified
,
then
it
should
haue
bene
if
Adam
had
not
sinned
,
nor
our
Sauiour
suffered
:
which
the
Apostle
signifieth
,
making
a
notable
Antithesis
betwixt
our
Sauiour
Christ
&
Adam
,
and
prouing
that
the
benefit
which
we
haue
by
our
Sauiour
,
farre
exceedeth
the
losse
and
dammage
which
wee
receiued
by
Adam
,
concluding
that
,
Vbi
abundauit
delictum
superabundauit
gratia
;
Where
the
sinne
and
offence
abounded
,
there
grace
is
farre
more
aboundant
.
Wherupon
I
conclude
that
it
was
more
conforme
,
to
the
wisdome
,
prouidence
,
and
bountiful
goodnes
of
God
,
to
permitte
man
by
the
freedome
of
his
wil
to
fal
into
sinne
,
and
misery
,
with
intention
to
giue
him
such
excellent
remedies
,
then
either
not
to
giue
him
free
wil
,
or
hauing
giuen
it
him
,
to
hinder
the
operation
therof
,
or
not
to
suffer
any
euil
at
al
to
be
;
Thus
much
concetning
Gods
permission
of
sinne
and
euil
.
OF
THE
AFFLICTIONS
OF
GOOD
MEN
in
this
life
,
and
that
the
same
is
a
notable
argument
,
as
wel
of
Gods
prouidence
,
bounty
and
iustice
,
as
of
his
loue
to
them
;
with
much
comfortable
doctrine
for
the
afflicted
seruants
of
God
.
CHAP.
25.
HAVING
declared
by
some
probable
reasons
,
how
it
stood
with
the
prouidence
and
infinit
goodnes
of
almighty
God
,
to
permit
man
to
fal
into
sinne
and
misery
,
I
wil
now
satisfie
the
other
difficulties
,
concerninge
the
affliction
of
good
men
,
and
the
prosperity
of
wicked
men
,
and
shew
,
that
the
same
are
the
proper
effects
sometimes
of
his
iustice
,
and
sometimes
of
his
mercy
,
and
that
with
al
they
are
manifest
arguments
,
of
his
prouidence
in
humane
affaires
.
2.
Therfore
,
wheras
tribulation
seemeth
to
be
,
as
it
were
,
the
proper
patrimony
and
portion
of
good
men
,
Psal
.
33.
Tribulation
the
patrimony
of
good
men
.
for
Multae
sunt
tribulationes
iustorum
(
saith
the
roial
prophet
)
the
afflictions
of
the
iust
are
many
(
as
it
may
appeare
by
the
liues
of
al
the
best
beloued
seruants
,
and
saints
of
God
,
yea
and
of
our
Sauiour
him selfe
)
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
that
God
hath
of
his
infinit
wisdome
so
ordained
it
,
for
many
notable
reasons
,
wherof
I
wil
here
lay
downe
diuers
,
aswel
for
the
consolation
of
the
afflicted
,
as
for
the
proofe
of
the
matter
in
hand
.
3.
First
wheras
the
frailty
of
mans
nature
is
such
that
no
man
is
so
free
from
sinne
,
1.
Ioan
.
1.
God
purgeth
the
sinnes
of
good
men
with
temporal
affliction
in
this
life
.
Chris
.
concione
4.
ca.
16.
ex
Luca
.
Tom
.
2.
but
that
he
offendeth
almighty
God
sometimes
more
or
lesse
(
for
as
S.
Ihon
saith
Si
dixerimus
&c.
If
we
say
we
haue
no
sinne
,
we
seduce
and
deceaue
our selues
and
there
is
no
trueth
in
us
)
God
of
his
mercy
purgeth
the
sinns
of
his
seruants
with
temporal
afflictions
in
this
life
,
to
the
end
he
may
reward
their
good
workes
with
eternal
glory
in
the
next
.
For
as
S.
Chrisostome
saith
,
Iusti
afflicti
hic
purgantur
,
&
in
alia
vita
maiorem
merentur
gloriam
;
Iust
men
being
afflicted
in
this
life
are
purged
,
and
deserue
greater
glory
in
the
other
life
.
For
this
cause
,
the
holy
King
and
prophet
Dauid
paied
the
penalty
of
his
homycide
and
addultry
by
the
death
of
3.
of
his
children
,
and
the
rebellion
of
one
of
them
,
2.
Reg
.
ca.
11.12.13.15.16.17.18
.
to
wit
Absolon
;
and
by
many
other
afflictions
vntil
Gods
iustice
was
satisfied
.
4.
Secondly
,
good
men
are
sometimes
afflicted
in
this
life
,
Good
men
are
somtymes
afflicted
for
their
fathers
offences
.
2.
Reg
.
ca.
12.
Ioan
.
9.
for
some
offences
of
their
fathers
,
or
of
some
of
their
progenitors
,
as
the
innocent
infant
of
K.
Dauid
died
in
the
cradle
for
his
fathers
sinne
,
and
for
this
cause
,
the
Apostles
asked
our
Sauiour
whether
the
blind
man
whome
he
cured
,
was
borne
blind
for
his
fathers
sinnes
or
no
.
And
how
it
standeth
with
the
iustice
of
God
to
punish
one
for
the
sinnes
of
an
other
,
Chap.
17.
nu
.
24.25
.
&c.
Chap.
nu
.
13.14
.
&c.
as
the
father
for
the
sonne
,
or
the
subiect
for
the
prince
,
I
haue
partly
declared
before
,
and
wil
declare
more
amply
after
a
while
.
5.
Thirdly
,
God
suffereth
good
men
sometimes
to
fal
into
diuers
tentations
and
troubles
to
shew
them
the
imbecility
of
humane
nature
,
lest
otherwaies
they
might
forget
them selues
,
by
reason
of
the
spiritual
gifts
and
graces
,
Tribulation
serueth
to
good
men
for
an
admonition
of
their
natural
infirmity
.
2
Cor
.
12.
Chris
.
hom
.
26.
in
12.
ca.
2.
ep
.
ad
.
Cor
.
which
he
communicateth
more
largely
to
them
,
then
to
other
men
.
For
which
cause
the
Apostle
saith
that
God
gaue
him
the
Angel
of
sathan
to
beat
him
,
which
angel
of
sathan
S.
Chrisostome
expoundeth
to
be
the
Iewes
,
and
al
the
enemies
of
the
gospel
of
Christ
,
who
persecuted
and
afflicted
S.
Paul
.
6.
Fourthly
if
the
seruants
of
God
should
alwaies
liue
in
prosperity
,
many
would
thinke
that
they
embraced
vertue
and
serued
God
for
temporal
reward
,
wheras
being
in
aduersity
and
misery
,
they
make
it
manifest
that
they
loue
and
serue
him
for
him selfe
,
The
vertue
of
good
men
is
made
manifest
to
the
world
by
their
affliction
.
Iob
.
ca.
1.
and
for
the
discharge
of
their
duties
,
as
appeared
by
the
example
of
Iob
whome
the
diuel
did
calumniat
saying
to
almighty
God
;
That
Iob
did
not
serue
him
for
nothinge
,
or
in
vaine
,
seeing
he
did
blesse
and
protect
him
,
his
family
and
al
his
substance
;
but
touch
him
(
saith
he
)
a
litle
in
his
welth
and
possessions
,
and
thou
shalt
see
he
wil
curse
thee
;
neuertheles
when
God
had
giuen
the
diuel
leaue
to
afflict
him
,
not
only
in
his
substance
and
children
,
but
also
in
his
owne
person
,
it
then
appeared
that
he
had
not
serued
God
for
temporal
respects
,
but
for
the
duty
that
a
creature
oweth
to
his
Creator
.
For
he
blessed
&
thanked
him
,
as
wel
for
his
losses
and
afflictions
,
as
for
his
welth
and
prosperity
saying
:
Dominus
dedit
&c.
Ibid
.
Our
Lord
gaue
it
and
our
Lord
hath
taken
it
away
,
the
name
of
our
Lord
be
blessed
.
7.
Fiftly
wheras
almighty
God
doth
for
his
owne
glory
and
the
edification
of
others
,
How
the
miraculous
workes
of
many
good
men
redound
wholy
to
Gods
glory
by
their
afflictions
.
Good
men
are
persecuted
sometimes
for
the
conuersion
or
confusion
of
their
persecutours
.
Mar.
ca.
13.
worke
many
times
great
miracles
by
his
seruants
,
he
suffereth
them
to
indure
many
temporal
afflictions
,
to
the
end
that
the
infirmity
of
humane
nature
appearing
therby
in
them
,
the
glory
of
their
great
graces
,
workes
,
and
miracles
,
may
redound
wholy
to
him
.
8.
Sixtly
God
suffereth
his
seruants
to
be
troubled
and
persecuted
for
the
conuersion
or
confusion
of
their
persecutours
his
enemies
,
to
the
end
,
that
if
they
wil
not
be
conuerted
,
the
constancy
and
patience
of
his
seruants
may
serue
for
a
testimony
against
them
,
and
therefore
our
Sauiour
said
to
his
disciples
of
their
persecutors
:
You
shal
be
beaten
in
their
sinagogs
,
and
shal
stand
before
Presidents
and
Kinges
for
me
;
In
testimonium
illis
,
For
a
testimony
against
them
.
9.
Seauenthly
,
God
permitteth
the
tribulation
of
the
best
&
iustest
men
,
for
the
example
and
consolation
of
the
weaker
,
God
permitteth
the
tribulation
of
the
best
men
,
for
the
example
and
consolation
of
the
weaker
that
are
afflicted
.
Tobiae
ca.
2.
who
may
be
animated
therby
to
beare
their
tribulation
with
pacience
,
yea
and
to
hold
it
for
a
token
of
Gods
loue
towards
them
,
seeing
he
exerciseth
and
chastiseth
his
best
beloued
seruants
,
and
dearest
freends
.
10.
For
this
cause
God
suffered
the
good
Tobias
to
be
strooken
blind
.
Vt
posteris
(
saith
the
scripture
)
daretur
exemplum
patientiae
eius
,
sicut
&
sancti
Iob
;
That
an
example
might
be
giuen
to
the
posterity
,
as
wel
of
his
patience
,
as
of
the
patience
of
the
holy
Iob
.
Seneca
li
de
prouid
.
ca.
6.
This
also
Seneca
the
painim
philosopher
seemed
to
consider
,
saying
:
Why
doe
good
men
suffer
much
aduersity
?
Vt
alios
pati
doceant
nati
sunt
in
exemplare
;
That
they
may
teach
others
to
suffer
,
for
they
are
borne
and
ordained
to
serue
for
patterns
and
examples
to
other
men
.
11.
Eyghtly
;
when
euil
men
see
good
men
suffer
many
calamities
and
miseries
,
How
the
affliction
of
good
men
,
may
moue
euil
men
to
imitate
their
vertues
.
and
therby
vnderstand
that
they
are
of
no
more
diuine
nature
then
them selues
,
but
subiect
as
wel
as
they
to
al
humayne
infirmities
,
they
may
also
perceaue
that
it
is
not
impossible
for
them
to
imitate
their
vertues
,
if
they
wil
vse
the
same
meanes
that
they
doe
to
attaine
thereto
.
12.
Ninthly
;
the
patience
,
fortitude
,
charity
,
and
other
vertues
of
good
men
,
are
by
their
afflictions
made
knowne
not
only
to
the
world
(
for
Gods
greater
glory
and
their
comendation
)
but
also
to
them selues
for
their
owne
spiritual
comfort
,
as
S.
Augustin
noteth
very
wel
;
For
vntil
they
were
tried
,
Aug.
li
de
ciuit
dei
ca.
9.
Good
men
by
tribulation
,
haue
tryal
and
experience
of
their
owne
valor
and
vertu
.
Seneca
de
consola
ad
Marcian
.
li
.
1.
ca
6.
&
de
prouiden
.
ca.
4.
Sap
.
Cap.
3.
Affliction
is
the
fornace
wherin
good
men
are
tryed
and
purisyed
.
Sene
li.
de
prouiden
.
ca.
3.
&
4.
neither
the
world
nor
yet
themselues
knew
their
valour
.
To
which
purpose
Seneca
faith
that
euen
as
the
good
pilott
and
mariner
can
not
shew
his
art
and
skil
when
he
hath
a
prosperous
wind
and
calme
sea
,
but
in
tempests
and
stormes
;
euen
so
the
good
man
can
not
shew
his
vertue
nor
yet
haue
any
proofe
of
him selfe
in
continual
prosperity
,
but
in
the
difficulties
,
trauerses
,
and
crosses
of
aduersities
.
13.
For
this
cause
tribulation
is
compared
in
the
scripture
to
the
fornace
,
wherein
gold
is
tried
,
Tanquam
aurum
(
faith
the
boke
of
wisdome
)
In
fornace
probauit
cos
,
God
did
trie
his
seruants
like
gold
in
the
fornace
.
And
to
the
same
purpose
Seneca
also
saith
:
Ignis
aurum
probat
,
miseria
fortes
viros
:
Fier
trieth
gold
,
and
misery
men
of
valour
.
And
speaking
other
where
to
the
prosperous
man
that
neuer
passed
this
trial
he
saith
.
I
iudge
thee
to
be
miserable
because
thou
didst
neuer
suffer
misery
;
Senell
.
de
prouiden
.
ca.
3.
&
4.
He
is
miserable
which
neuer
suffered
misery
.
hast
thou
past
thy
life
with
out
contradiction
?
neither
thus
thy selfe
nor
any
man
else
knowes
what
thou
art
able
to
doe
,
for
to
the
end
that
a
man
may
know
him selfe
,
it
is
necessary
that
experience
teach
him
his
owne
ability
.
Thus
farre
Seneca
.
14.
Thenthly
we
learne
by
the
tribulation
of
good
men
,
that
there
is
an
other
life
after
this
wherin
vertue
is
rewarded
and
vice
punished
;
The
tribulation
of
good
men
,
is
an
euident
argument
of
the
imortality
of
the
soule
.
Cicero
de
finibus
.
for
seeing
that
the
best
men
,
and
greatest
seruants
of
God
haue
commonly
no
rest
nor
repose
,
and
consequently
no
reward
of
vertue
in
this
life
,
it
must
needes
follow
that
they
shal
be
rewarded
in
the
next
:
For
otherwise
vertue
,
which
is
most
natural
&
proper
to
man
(
being
as
Cicero
defineth
it
,
Natura
adsummum
perducta
;
nature
brought
to
her
height
or
perfection
)
should
be
giuen
to
man
by
nature
,
not
for
his
good
,
but
for
his
hurt
,
seeing
it
consisteth
in
the
contempt
and
restraint
of
al
the
commodities
and
pleasures
of
this
life
,
not
for
a
day
or
two
,
or
for
a
few
yeeres
,
but
euen
vntil
the
hower
of
death
;
and
therfore
it
followeth
that
the
reward
therof
is
reserued
for
the
next
life
,
Lact
.
li
7.
ca.
9.
&
10.
The
true
and
ful
reward
of
vertue
reserued
for
the
next
life
.
which
Lactantius
inferreth
notably
vpon
the
nature
and
office
of
vertue
;
If
vertue
(
saith
hee
)
doth
not
euil
,
but
wel
,
in
that
,
it
contemneth
vice
and
filthy
pleasures
,
and
feareth
not
,
to
endure
any
paine
,
sorrow
or
dea●h
it
must
needs
follow
,
that
it
shal
attaine
to
some
greater
good
,
then
that
which
it
contemeneth
and
reiecteth
;
but
that
good
(
saith
hee
)
can
not
be
in
this
life
,
for
that
vertue
endeth
not
but
with
death
,
yea
,
and
many
times
sheweth
it selfe
,
in
the
contempt
of
death
,
and
therfore
the
good
which
it
deserueth
and
expecteth
,
must
needs
be
after
this
life
.
Thus
reasoneth
Lactantius
,
prouing
therby
the
immortality
of
the
soule
.
15.
Seeing
then
vertue
of
her
owne
nature
depriueth
men
of
the
pleasures
and
commodities
of
this
world
,
and
that
also
vertuous
men
are
many
times
by
Gods
special
ordinance
loaden
with
afflictions
during
their
liues
,
euen
natural
reason
teacheth
that
there
is
an
other
life
after
this
,
wherin
they
are
to
receiue
the
reward
of
their
vertue
;
2.
Cor
.
ca.
15.
In
which
respect
the
Apostle
saith
very
wel
;
that
we
christians
were
the
most
miserable
men
in
the
world
,
if
it
were
not
for
the
hope
we
haue
of
euerlasting
glory
.
16.
Furthermore
God
permitteth
his
seruants
to
be
afflicted
sometimes
with
many
temporal
losses
,
to
the
end
to
take
from
them
the
occasions
and
matter
that
engendreth
or
nourisheth
vice
and
sinne
,
as
riches
,
honour
,
The
afflictions
of
good
men
exempteth
them
from
the
occasions
of
sinne
.
1.
Timo
.
ca.
6.
and
other
worldly
contentments
,
which
make
men
forget
both
God
and
them selues
;
and
therefore
the
Apostle
saith
,
Qui
volunt
fieri
diuites
,
incidunt
&c.
Those
which
desire
to
become
rich
,
doe
fal
into
temptation
,
and
into
the
snare
of
the
diuel
,
and
into
many
vnprofitable
and
hurtful
desires
which
cast
men
headlong
into
perdition
.
Thus
saith
the
Apostle
.
17.
This
also
the
very
painims
saw
and
acknowledged
,
Hast
thou
lost
(
saith
Seneca
)
thy
substance
and
welth
?
In
excerptis
lib
.
Seneca
.
perhaps
if
thou
hadst
not
lost
it
,
it
would
haue
destroued
thee
,
where
as
now
thou
shalt
be
in
lesse
danger
,
and
happy
art
thou
if
with
thy
welth
,
thou
hast
lost
couetousnes
,
Couetousnes
fed
and
nourrished
with
riches
.
and
yet
though
it
doth
remaine
with
thee
,
thou
art
in
better
case
then
before
,
for
that
thou
hast
lost
the
matter
wher
with
so
great
an
euil
was
fed
and
nourrished
to
thee
.
Thus
far
Seneca
;
Therfore
when
almighty
God
fore
seeth
that
some
seruant
of
his
(
for
whome
hee
ordayneth
eternal
glory
)
wil
abuse
his
riches
,
honour
,
health
of
body
or
any
other
worldly
commodities
,
to
the
hurt
of
his
owne
soule
,
he
mercyfully
depriueth
him
therof
,
Sap
.
4.
yea
sometimes
also
of
his
life
.
Ne
malitia
mutet
intellectum
(
saith
the
scripture
)
Lest
malice
may
change
his
vnderstandinge
.
18.
Moreouer
although
God
giueth
his
seruants
the
light
of
grace
wherby
he
doth
illuminate
their
vnderstanding
,
yet
he
doth
not
therby
exclude
them
from
the
ordinary
meanes
to
attaine
to
wisdome
,
Tribulation
the
ordinary
and
high
way
to
wisdome
.
I
say
ca.
28.
amongst
the
which
none
is
either
more
ordinary
or
effectual
then
affliction
,
according
to
the
saying
of
the
prophet
:
Vexatio
dabit
intellectum
;
Tribulation
wil
geue
vnderstandinge
.
19.
This
I
say
for
two
causes
;
Tribulation
tompereth
the
exorbitant
humours
of
men
.
Surius
in
comment
anno
.
1535.
Prosperous
men
commonly
want
wit
.
How
affliction
teacheth
men
moral
philosophy
.
the
one
because
affliction
tempereth
and
setleth
the
exorbitant
humours
of
men
,
which
so
abound
commonly
in
continual
prosperity
that
their
iudgments
are
greatly
blinded
,
and
hindred
therby
,
in
which
respect
the
famous
lady
Katherin
Queene
of
England
,
and
daughter
to
Ferdinand
K.
of
Spayne
was
wont
wisely
to
say
:
That
if
she
must
needes
make
choice
either
of
continual
prosperity
,
or
continual
aduersity
,
she
would
choose
the
latter
;
For
in
affliction
(
saith
she
)
no
good
man
can
want
consolation
,
where
as
in
prosperity
most
men
want
witt
.
To
this
purpose
S.
Chrisostome
saith
very
wel
,
that
affliction
doth
teach
men
moral
philosophy
;
For
(
saith
he
)
it
ouercommeth
,
or
qualifieth
al
the
turbulent
passions
and
affections
of
men
,
Chris
.
hom
.
26.
in
12.
ca.
2.
ep
.
ad
corinth
.
as
,
enuy
,
lust
,
couetousnes
and
selfe-loue
,
it
beateth
downe
pride
and
arrogancy
,
it
quickneth
sloth
,
it
induceth
to
patience
,
it
discouereth
the
basenes
of
humaine
thinges
,
and
cureth
al
the
disseases
of
the
mind
.
20.
The
other
why
affliction
maketh
men
wise
,
is
,
for
that
it
greatly
enricheth
their
experience
,
Affliction
enricheth
mens
experience
.
Experience
the
mistresse
of
fooles
.
Few
men
wise
by
other
mens
experience
.
Seneca
de
prouiden
.
c
.
4.
which
as
the
prouerbe
saith
,
is
Stultorum
magistra
,
the
misteresse
of
fooles
,
that
is
to
say
,
it
makes
fooles
wise
,
and
for
as
much
as
few
men
wil
be
the
wiser
,
by
other
mens
experience
,
vntil
they
be
beaten
with
their
owne
rod
,
it
is
conuenient
that
men
passe
dangers
&
difficulties
and
suffer
some
affliction
,
therby
the
better
to
know
the
vanity
of
the
world
,
which
no
man
knoweth
so
wel
as
he
that
tryeth
it
.
For
as
Seneca
saith
,
he
that
alwayes
hath
bin
fortunate
and
neuer
tasted
aduersity
:
Ignorat
rerum
naturae
alteram
partem
,
is
ignorant
of
the
one
halfe
of
the
nature
of
thinges
,
and
can
neuer
truely
vnderstand
how
true
it
is
,
Ibid
.
that
Accepimus
peritura
perituri
,
we
that
are
to
perish
haue
receiued
thinges
that
also
shal
perish
;
by
the
due
consideration
wherof
mans
cogitation
&
desire
may
be
eleuated
from
thinges
terrestrial
,
Wherin
true
wisdome
consisteth
.
Psal
.
118.
mutable
and
fraile
,
to
celestial
and
eternal
,
wherein
consisteth
true
wisdome
;
In
which
respect
the
royal
Prophet
saith
;
Bonum
est
mihi
quod
humiliasti
me
vt
discam
iustificationes
tuas
;
It
is
good
for
me
(
o
Lord
)
that
thou
hast
humbled
me
by
affliction
,
to
the
end
I
may
learne
they
iustifications
.
21.
Therfore
wheras
this
is
the
ordinary
way
,
wherby
men
attaine
to
true
wisdome
,
God
suffereth
also
his
seruants
to
passe
by
the
same
,
though
he
giue
them
with
al
a
greater
light
and
measure
of
grace
,
then
to
other
men
,
wherby
he
also
confirmeth
,
How
tribulation
encreaseth
and
perfecteth
al
vertue
.
fortifieth
,
and
encreaseth
their
vertues
;
For
by
tribulation
,
their
charity
&
loue
to
God
is
kindled
,
their
faith
strengthned
,
their
hope
redoubled
,
their
patience
not
only
proued
,
but
also
augmented
,
their
wills
made
more
pliable
and
conforme
to
Gods
wil
,
their
prayer
more
frequent
and
feruorous
,
and
finally
their
inward
consolation
so
much
the
greater
,
by
how
much
more
greeuous
their
afflictions
seeme
to
be
.
Wherfore
the
Psalmist
saith
;
Psal
.
93.
Secundum
multitudinem
dolorum
meorum
in
corde
meo
,
consolationes
tuae
laetificauerunt
animam
meam
;
According
to
the
multitude
of
the
sorrowes
of
my
hart
,
thy
consolations
(
o
Lord
)
haue
giuen
ioy
to
my
soule
.
Christ
.
in
2.
cor
.
●2
.
hom
.
16.
And
S.
Chrisostome
:
Quemadmodum
(
saith
he
)
abundant
passiones
&c.
Euen
as
our
passions
and
suffringes
doe
abound
,
so
aboundeth
also
our
consolation
.
22.
Lastly
wheras
it
pleased
our
Sauiour
Christ
not
otherwayse
to
enter
into
glory
but
by
suffring
a
most
bitter
passion
,
(
for
as
he
said
himselfe
:
Oportuit
Christum
pati
,
&
ita
intrare
in
gloriam
suam
;
Luc
.
24.
It
was
conucuient
that
Christ
should
suffer
,
and
so
enter
into
his
glory
;
he
hath
also
ordayned
that
his
seruants
shal
not
otherwise
arriue
therto
,
but
by
the
same
way
;
I
meane
,
Good
men
by
affliction
are
made
conforme
to
Christ
their
maister
and
head
.
not
otherwise
participate
of
the
ioyes
of
his
kingdome
,
but
by
the
participation
of
his
crosse
and
passion
,
and
no
meruaile
?
For
Christ
being
our
head
,
and
wee
his
members
,
how
can
it
be
conuenient
,
that
an
afflicted
and
tormented
head
,
should
haue
a
pampered
body
and
delicate
members
?
or
that
the
Lord
and
maister
should
liue
in
labour
and
payne
,
and
the
slaue
in
ease
and
pleasure
,
and
that
we
should
get
that
for
nothing
,
which
our
Sauiour
bought
&
purchased
so
deare
,
seeing
we
cannot
obtayne
any
thing
of
great
vallew
in
the
world
it selfe
,
but
with
much
care
,
trauel
&
toyle
?
For
difficilia
(
saith
the
prouerb
)
quae
pulchra
;
Those
thinges
that
are
fayre
are
ful
of
difficultyes
.
23.
How
then
can
we
make
account
to
attayne
to
the
heauenly
kingdome
and
the
inestimable
ioyes
therof
,
Whether
the
passion
of
Christ
did
free
his
seruants
from
suffring
.
Rom.
8.
by
liuing
in
ease
and
delights
?
Marry
(
say
some
in
these
dayes
)
the
account
is
easely
made
,
and
the
reason
ready
at
hand
.
Our
Sauiour
payd
the
price
,
and
made
the
purchase
for
vs
that
be
faithful
,
wherby
we
became
,
Haeredes
dei
,
&
cohaeredes
Christi
:
heyres
of
God
&
coheyres
with
Christ
;
And
therfore
(
say
they
)
being
heyres
,
we
shal
in
herite
by
the
vertue
of
his
suffring
and
purchase
,
though
we
suffer
nothing
our selues
,
for
he
both
suffred
and
satisfied
for
vs
;
thus
say
they
.
24.
The
ful
answere
hereof
,
would
require
a
longer
discourse
then
this
place
wil
permitt
;
Wee
cannot
raigne
with
Christ
except
we
suffer
with
him
.
Ibid
.
but
to
say
somewhat
breefly
for
the
explication
of
the
matter
in
hand
,
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
;
that
where
the
Apostle
calleth
vs
;
Heyres
of
God
,
and
coheyres
of
Christ
,
He
addeth
imediatly
;
Si
tamen
compatimur
,
vt
&
conglorificemur
;
signifying
that
we
are
coheyres
with
Christ
vpon
condition
that
we
suffer
with
him
,
to
the
end
we
may
be
glorifyed
with
him
;
And
therfore
in
our
Sauiours
suffering
,
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
he
not
only
redeemed
vs
from
death
therby
,
and
set
vs
in
the
way
of
euerlasting
life
,
but
also
went
before
vs
,
carrying
his
crosse
to
giue
vs
both
example
and
courrage
to
follow
him
,
which
saint
Peter
plainly
teacheth
saying
;
1.
Pet
.
ca.
2.
Christus
passus
est
pro
nobis
&c.
Christ
hath
suffred
for
vs
,
leauing
you
an
example
that
you
may
followe
his
footsteps
;
Thus
saith
the
Prince
of
the
Apostles
.
25.
Wherin
hee
giueth
vs
to
vnderstand
,
that
our
Sauiour
by
his
passion
did
not
free
and
exempt
vs
from
suffring
,
but
inuited
or
rather
obliged
vs
there
vnto
;
which
also
our
Sauiour
him selfe
teacheth
more
expresly
;
Math
.
c
.
10.
Christ
to
be●imitated
in
the
hearing
of
his
crosse
.
Si
quis
(
saith
he
)
vult
venire
post
me
&c.
If
any
man
wil
come
after
me
,
let
him
deny
him selfe
,
and
take
vp
his
crosse
and
follow
me
;
And
hereto
also
tended
al
his
doctrine
consisting
in
the
renunciation
of
the
world
,
in
the
mortification
of
the
flesh
,
in
hatred
of
our selues
,
and
in
the
patient
sufferings
of
the
maledictions
and
persecutions
of
wicked
men
;
which
he
taught
to
be
the
strait
and
narrow
way
,
which
leadeth
to
the
kingdome
of
heauen
;
Al
which
(
to
omitt
other
testimonies
for
breuities
sake
)
the
Apostle
comprehended
in
these
few
wordes
;
Act.
c
.
14.
Per
multas
tribulationes
oportet
nos
intrare
in
regnum
Dei
;
We
must
enter
in
to
the
kingdme
of
heauen
by
many
tribulations
;
Wherin
neuertheles
almighty
God
sheweth
sufficiently
his
mercy
and
great
compassion
of
our
infirmity
,
1.
Cor
.
ca.
10.
The
mercy
of
God
towards
his
afflicted
and
tempted
seruants
.
seeing
,
as
the
same
Apostle
affirmeth
;
He
suffreth
vs
not
to
be
afflicted
or
tempted
more
,
then
with
the
helpe
of
his
grace
we
may
be
able
to
beare
,
yea
and
also
;
Dat
cum
tentatione
prouentum
;
Giueth
vs
with
tentation
encrease
of
grace
;
And
as
the
Roial
prophet
saith
,
he
is
not
only
alwaies
present
with
his
seruants
in
tribulation
,
Psal
.
90.
but
also
in
the
end
;
Eripit
eum
,
&
glorificat
cum
,
doth
deliuer
him
,
and
glorify
him
.
26.
Seeing
then
I
haue
here
proued
that
affliction
is
to
good
men
the
fornace
wherin
they
are
purged
,
purified
,
and
refined
in
this
life
,
a
necessary
testimony
to
them selues
and
others
,
of
the
infirmity
of
humane
nature
,
A
breif
summe
of
the
benefits
of
affliction
in
good
men
.
an
assay
(
as
it
were
)
and
trial
of
their
owne
strength
,
a
manifestation
of
their
faith
charity
,
hope
,
patience
,
fortitude
and
other
vertues
,
an
example
,
encouragment
,
and
edification
to
others
,
a
comfort
to
them selues
,
a
confusion
to
the
enemies
of
God
and
theirs
,
an
euident
argument
of
the
soule
,
and
of
Gods
iustice
in
rewarding
the
iust
in
the
next
life
,
the
hammer
and
hatchet
of
vice
,
the
nourse
of
vertue
,
the
mother
of
experience
and
wisdome
,
and
(
as
I
may
tearme
it
)
a
magazine
of
merit
,
and
finally
the
pathe
that
our
Sauiour
him selfe
troad
before
vs
,
to
lead
vs
therby
to
euerlasting
glory
;
who
can
deny
that
the
tribulation
of
the
good
,
is
not
only
a
manifest
argument
of
Gods
infinit
wisdome
,
iustice
,
Affliction
,
an
assured
token
&
pledg
of
Gods
loue
.
Tob
.
12.
mercy
,
and
prouidence
,
but
also
an
assured
token
and
pledge
of
his
loue
&
fauor
towardes
them
?
and
therfore
the
angel
said
to
the
good
Tobias
,
Quia
acceptus
eras
Deo
,
necesse
fuit
vt
tentatio
probaret
te
;
Because
thou
wast
acceptable
to
God
,
it
was
necessary
that
temptation
should
proue
thee
.
And
the
Apostle
saith
;
Our
Lord
chastrseth
him
whome
he
loueth
,
and
scourgeth
euery
sonne
whome
he
receaueth
:
and
alitle
after
,
what
sonne
(
saith
he
)
is
these
,
Hevbrae
.
ca.
12.
God
chastiseth
whome
he
loueth
.
whome
his
father
doth
not
correct
?
for
if
you
be
out
of
discipline
,
wherof
al
the
children
of
God
are
made
partakers
,
it
is
it
a
token
you
are
bastards
and
not
lawful
children
;
Thus
saith
the
Apostle
for
the
comfort
of
the
afflicted
seruants
of
God
.
27.
And
this
also
the
painims
them selues
notably
considered
,
as
amongst
others
the
famous
Seneca
,
Seneca
de
prouiden
ca.
1.
Notable
considerations
of
Seneca
concerning
the
afflictions
of
good
men
.
who
giueth
notable
instructions
to
the
same
purpose
;
when
thou
seest
(
saith
hee
)
good
men
tossed
and
turmoyled
,
and
euil
men
liue
in
pleasure
,
and
delight
,
remember
that
we
are
wont
to
restraine
our
children
with
seuerity
of
discipline
,
and
to
giue
more
liberty
to
our
slaues
;
and
the
like
thou
maist
thinke
of
almighty
God
,
who
suffereth
not
good
men
to
liue
in
ease
and
pleasures
,
but
doth
proue
exercise
and
harden
them
,
and
therby
prepareth
them
for
him selfe
;
And
againe
afterwards
:
Idem
.
Ibid
.
ca.
4.
God
(
saith
he
)
doth
lay
vpon
the
best
men
,
labours
,
sicknes
,
sorrowes
,
and
other
incomodities
,
much
like
to
a
captaine
in
the
warre
,
who
committeth
the
hardest
and
most
dangerous
exploits
,
to
the
best
and
most
valiant
soldiers
;
and
euen
as
the
soldier
chosen
and
asigned
,
for
the
execution
of
some
heroycal
and
worthy
enterprise
,
Affliction
ought
to
be
esteemed
as
an
honour
and
fauour
at
Gods
hand
.
doth
not
murmur
and
grudge
against
his
captaine
for
the
same
,
as
though
he
had
done
him
wronge
,
or
bare
him
euil
wil
,
but
rather
holdeth
himselfe
to
be
honored
and
beloued
of
him
:
euen
so
we
are
to
thinke
,
that
God
doth
honour
and
loue
vs
when
he
thinkes
vs
worthy
to
combat
with
aduersity
.
28.
Thus
far
Seneca
,
who
also
signifying
in
an
other
place
,
Seneca
.
Ibid
ca.
5.
with
how
prompt
and
ready
a
wil
we
should
receiue
any
crosses
or
afflictions
at
Gods
handes
,
saith
in
the
person
of
an
afflicted
man
;
Resignation
of
mans
wil
to
Gods
wil
in
affliction
taught
and
practised
by
the
paynims
.
Hoc
vnum
(
dij
imortales
)
&c.
O
yee
immortal
Gods
,
for
one
thinge
only
I
may
complaine
of
you
,
to
wit
,
that
you
did
not
sooner
notify
vnto
me
your
wil
in
this
behalfe
,
for
if
I
had
knowne
it
,
I
would
haue
offred
my selfe
to
suffer
al
that
which
now
I
willingly
accept
at
your
handes
;
wil
yee
haue
my
children
,
or
any
part
of
my
body
,
or
my
life
?
take
al
;
for
I
am
wel
content
to
returne
vnto
you
al
that
which
ye
gaue
me
,
and
therfore
yee
shal
not
neede
to
take
it
from
me
by
force
,
for
nothinge
can
bee
taken
from
him
who
giueth
al
he
hath
with
a
good
wil
.
29.
Thus
saith
this
painim
,
which
I
haue
alleadged
the
rather
,
that
wee
Christians
who
haue
receiued
the
light
of
grace
,
and
of
the
Christian
faith
,
may
be
a
shamed
of
our selues
,
when
we
murmure
against
God
for
euery
litle
crosse
or
tribulation
,
seeing
the
painims
both
taught
and
shewed
such
resignation
of
wil
to
the
wil
of
God
,
A
shame
for
Christians
to
be
lesse
resigned
to
Gods
wil
then
paynims
.
to
suffer
what
soeuer
he
should
lay
vpon
them
,
though
they
had
neither
any
light
nor
help
of
his
grace
,
nor
yet
any
promise
,
and
much
lesse
assurance
of
eternal
reward
,
or
any
other
motiue
,
but
only
the
consideration
of
the
duty
of
a
creature
to
his
Creatour
;
wheras
wee
haue
not
only
the
same
reason
which
they
had
,
to
moue
vs
therto
;
but
also
the
rules
and
precepts
of
our
religion
,
the
promise
and
assurance
of
ineffable
and
incomprehensible
rewards
,
the
examples
of
the
most
paineful
life
and
passion
of
our
Sauiour
him selfe
,
The
example
of
Christ
and
al
his
Saints
inuiteth
Christians
to
suffer
affliction
willingly
.
and
of
inumerable
persecutions
,
afflictions
,
and
torments
,
ioyfully
endured
by
his
Apostles
,
and
infinit
other
Martires
,
besides
the
continual
crosses
which
al
the
Confessours
and
great
Saints
of
Gods
church
haue
either
voluntary
taken
and
borne
of
them selues
,
for
the
loue
of
God
,
or
els
willingly
and
thankfully
receiued
,
from
the
handes
of
others
.
We
ought
to
ioy
and
glory
in
affliction
;
and
why
.
30.
Al
which
ought
to
moue
vs
to
the
patient
,
yea
and
ioyful
suffring
of
what
tribulation
soeuer
it
shal
please
God
to
inflict
vpon
vs
,
and
to
say
with
the
Apostle
;
Gloriamur
in
tribulationibus
,
We
glory
in
afflictions
.
Seeing
,
that
as
hee
also
saith
in
an
other
place
,
Rom.
ca.
5.
2.
Cor
.
ca.
4.
The
conclusion
,
inferring
that
the
infliction
of
good
men
is
a
natoble
argument
of
Gods
prouidence
.
That
tribulation
of
ours
which
for
the
present
is
short
and
light
,
doth
worke
in
vs
an
eternal
waight
of
glory
aboue
al
measure
;
wherupon
I
conclude
,
that
the
affliction
of
good
men
being
duly
considered
with
the
circumstances
and
reasons
therof
,
is
so
farre
from
being
an
argument
against
the
prouidence
,
iustice
and
mercy
of
God
,
that
it
notably
proueth
and
confirmeth
the
same
;
and
thus
much
for
this
point
.
31.
Now
then
it
resteth
that
I
proceede
to
an
other
point
,
which
I
promised
to
treat
of
;
to
wit
,
why
God
suffereth
euil
men
to
prosper
,
and
forbeareth
many
tymes
to
punish
them
in
this
life
,
at
least
so
greuously
and
publikely
as
they
seeme
to
deserue
,
wherof
many
notable
reasons
may
be
giuen
,
not
only
out
of
Christian
authors
,
but
also
out
of
paynims
,
Plutark
.
de
sera
numinis
vindicta
&
namely
Plutark
who
wrote
a
notable
treatise
of
this
matter
against
the
Epicurians
,
wherin
he
proued
the
prouidence
of
almighty
God
in
the
affayres
of
men
,
by
his
patience
towards
euil
men
,
and
their
prosperity
,
as
I
shal
haue
occasion
further
to
declare
now
and
then
in
the
next
chapter
.
OF
THE
GREAT
LONGANIMITY
AND
patience
of
almighty
God
,
towards
wicked
men
,
and
of
the
causes
of
their
prosperity
;
By
occasion
whereof
,
their
pittiful
and
miserable
state
is
declared
,
with
some
good
admonitions
to
them
.
CHAP.
26.
AMONGST
al
the
wonderful
effects
of
Gods
secret
iudgments
concerning
man
,
there
is
none
more
admirable
then
the
impunity
and
prosperity
of
wicked
men
;
For
,
Nothing
more
admirable
then
the
impunity
&
prosperity
of
wicked
men
.
what
may
seeme
more
wonderful
and
strange
,
then
that
almighty
God
,
being
of
infinit
maiesty
,
power
and
iustice
,
should
suffer
such
excesse
as
we
dayly
see
of
sinnes
and
offences
,
committed
against
him selfe
,
and
not
only
forbeare
often
tymes
to
punish
the
offendours
,
but
sometymes
also
to
bestow
al
temporal
prosperity
&
felicity
vpon
them
;
the
consideration
wherof
so
much
perplexed
&
troubled
the
Royal
prophet
,
that
he
saith
it
made
him
stagger
.
For
when
I
considered
(
saith
he
)
the
peace
and
prosperity
of
sinners
;
Penè
moti
,
Psal
.
72.
sunt
peeds
mei
,
penè
effusi
sunt
gressus
mei
;
I
almost
lost
my
footinge
,
and
was
almost
put
out
of
my
pase
;
and
S.
Aug
:
expounding
these
wordes
of
the
Psalme
,
Psal
.
91.
Thy
cogitations
(
o
Lord
)
are
most
profound
;
saith
,
that
there
is
no
sea
so
deepe
,
as
is
the
cogitation
or
iudgment
of
God
,
that
wicked
men
flowrish
,
and
good
men
are
afflicted
,
in
which
depth
or
profundity
,
Aug.
in
Psal
.
91.
saith
he
,
Naufragat
omnis
infidelis
,
euery
vnfaithful
man
makes
shipwrack
,
that
is
to
say
,
is
drowned
in
the
depth
of
Atheisme
,
doubting
or
denying
the
prouidence
of
God
in
mans
affayres
.
2.
Neuertheles
so
merciful
is
almighty
God
in
this
behalfe
,
that
he
is
content
him selfe
to
serue
for
the
pilot
to
deliuer
vs
from
the
danger
of
this
golfe
,
hauing
reuealed
vnto
vs
many
notable
causes
&
reasons
of
his
admirable
iudgments
in
this
point
,
though
al
men
haue
not
grace
to
see
and
consider
them
;
and
therfore
I
wil
endeauor
to
lay
downe
some
of
them
in
this
place
,
speaking
first
of
his
Longanimity
&
patience
towards
wicked
men
,
and
after
of
their
prosperity
.
3.
First
then
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
such
is
the
mercy
of
almighty
God
towards
al
sinners
,
God
spareth
wicked
men
to
giue
them
tyme
to
repent
.
Sap
.
11.
Iob
.
c
.
24.
and
his
desire
of
their
repentance
,
that
as
the
wiseman
saith
:
Dissimulat
peccata
hominum
propter
panitentiam
;
he
dissembleth
,
and
seemeth
not
to
see
the
sinnes
of
men
,
to
the
end
they
may
haue
tyme
to
repent
.
For
which
cause
,
he
sometymes
spareth
the
most
wicked
,
as
Iob
,
signifyeth
saying
,
Deus
dedit
ei
locum
penitentiae
,
at
ille
eo
abutitur
in
superbiam
.
God
gaue
the
wicked
man
tyme
and
place
of
repentance
,
but
he
abuseth
it
to
pride
.
4.
This
consideration
was
not
vnknowne
to
the
Paynims
,
and
therfore
Plutarke
saith
:
Plut.
de
sera
.
vindicta
.
What
the
paynims
obserued
in
Gods
patience
towards
sinners
that
as
almighty
God
doth
commonly
exterminat
and
cut
of
such
wicked
men
as
he
knoweth
to
be
incorrigible
(
for
that
they
are
hurtful
as
wel
to
others
as
to
them selues
)
so
also
he
spareth
such
as
erre
rather
of
ignorance
or
fraylty
,
then
of
malice
;
giuing
them
tyme
to
repent
;
and
to
the
same
purpose
he
alleadgeth
examples
of
diuers
that
had
bene
somtymes
very
wicked
,
and
became
afterwards
men
of
notable
vertue
,
wherof
we
see
also
dayly
experience
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
The
example
of
Gods
patience
towards
sinners
〈◇〉
be
●mitated
by
men
.
5.
And
here
I
can
not
omit
an
other
notable
consideration
of
his
,
concerning
the
great
patience
of
God
towards
sinners
,
which
he
wisheth
al
men
to
propose
as
an
example
to
them selues
,
therby
to
moderate
their
exorbitant
passions
of
anger
and
desire
of
reuenge
;
For
if
(
saith
he
)
wise
men
are
wont
oftentymes
to
cal
to
mind
,
and
imitate
the
patience
and
moderation
of
Architas
,
Plato
,
and
other
philosophers
(
who
would
neuer
correct
or
punish
their
slaues
in
their
anger
)
much
more
reason
is
it
,
that
we
haue
alwayes
before
our
eyes
and
imitate
,
the
patience
and
longanimity
of
almighty
God
(
the
true
patterne
of
vertue
&
goodnes
)
accustome
our selues
by
his
example
to
moderation
,
clemency
,
and
benignity
,
as
to
most
perfect
and
diuine
vertues
;
Thus
saith
this
paynim
.
6.
But
if
we
extend
the
example
of
Gods
patience
a
litle
further
to
the
pardon
and
remission
of
iniuries
done
vnto
vs
(
as
God
pardoneth
our
iniuries
&
offences
done
vnto
him
)
we
shal
make
this
consideration
much
more
Christian
and
proffitable
to
vs
,
Gods
patiente
to
be
imitated
in
remission
of
iniuries
Mat
.
ca.
18.
especially
seeing
our
owne
pardon
dependeth
vpon
our
imitation
of
almighty
God
in
this
point
,
as
we
may
learne
by
our
Sauiours
parable
of
the
maister
of
the
family
,
who
hauing
remitted
al
the
debt
of
his
seruant
,
greeuously
punished
him
afterwards
,
because
he
did
not
pardon
his
fellow
,
as
he
was
pardoned
him selfe
.
Therfore
I
conclude
with
S.
Cyprian
,
Cyp
.
li
de
bone
patient
.
that
seeing
almighty
God
(
who
is
both
our
Lord
and
Father
)
is
the
author
and
true
mircour
of
patience
,
it
is
fit
that
we
imitate
him
therin
,
For
seruants
(
saith
S.
Cyprian
)
ought
to
conforme
them selues
to
their
Lord
and
maister
,
and
children
should
not
degenerate
from
the
vertues
of
their
father
.
Thus
much
for
the
first
point
.
7.
Secondly
,
God
forbeareth
sometymes
to
destroy
wicked
men
for
some
good
mens
sake
who
liue
&
dwel
amongst
them
,
God
forbeareth
wicked
men
somtymes
for
good
mens
sake
.
Exod
ca.
32.
either
for
that
his
wrath
is
pacified
by
their
prayers
(
as
when
Moyses
obtayned
pardon
for
the
children
of
Israel
whome
God
threatned
to
destroy
for
their
Idolatry
)
or
els
when
the
punishment
which
the
wicked
deserue
would
bring
such
a
general
desolation
to
a
whole
country
,
that
the
good
must
needs
participat
therof
;
In
which
case
almighty
God
forbeareth
sometymes
to
execute
the
rigour
of
his
iustice
.
8.
And
this
our
Sauiour
may
seeme
to
haue
insinuated
in
the
parable
,
wherin
he
signified
that
the
cockle
,
Math
.
ca.
13.
and
darnel
should
be
suffred
to
grow
with
the
good
corne
vntil
haruest
,
least
if
it
were
weeded
out
,
the
corne
might
be
pulled
vp
with
al
;
and
therfore
when
God
determined
to
destroy
Sodome
and
Ghomorra
,
Abraham
said
confidently
vnto
him
,
Non
est
tuum
&c.
Genes
.
ca.
●●
It
is
not
thy
property
or
custome
(
o
Lord
)
to
destroy
the
iust
togeather
with
the
vniust
;
Wherto
also
almighty
God
answered
,
that
if
there
were
but
ten
iust
men
in
al
the
citty
of
Sodome
he
would
spare
it
for
their
fakes
;
How
much
it
may
auaile
an
euil
man
to
be
but
in
the
company
of
a
good
man
.
wherby
we
may
see
how
much
it
may
auaile
an
euil
man
to
be
but
in
the
company
of
good
men
,
or
to
haue
one
good
man
in
his
howse
,
seing
God
would
haue
spared
so
great
and
populous
a
cittie
if
there
had
bene
but
ten
iust
men
therin
:
which
may
also
further
appeare
by
the
example
of
those
276.
men
which
sailed
with
S.
Paule
towards
Rome
,
Act.
ca.
27.
whome
God
deliuered
from
drowning
for
S.
Paules
sake
,
as
the
Angel
signified
vnto
him
saying
,
Donauit
tibi
Deus
,
omnes
qui
nauigant
tecum
;
God
hath
giuen
thee
al
those
that
sayle
with
thee
;
Of
whome
none
perished
,
though
the
ship
was
cast
a
way
.
9.
Thirdly
it
falleth
out
many
times
that
almighty
God
suspendeth
and
differreth
his
iust
punishment
due
to
euil
men
,
God
diserreth
somtymes
the
punishment
of
the
wicked
to
punish
them
in
tyme
and
place
more
conuenient
4.
Reg
.
c
.
19.
to
inflict
it
vpon
them
in
time
and
place
more
conuenient
for
his
glory
,
their
greater
confusion
,
and
example
of
others
;
as
the
scriptures
testifye
of
the
most
wicked
and
blasphemous
Sennacherib
King
of
the
Assirians
when
he
beseiged
Hierusalem
and
blasphemed
almighty
God
most
abominably
;
For
although
God
destoried
his
whole
army
miraculously
in
the
night
,
yet
he
deforred
his
personal
punishment
for
a
time
,
and
therfore
he
said
of
him
by
his
prophet
:
Reuertetur
in
terram
suam
&c.
He
shal
retourn●
into
his
owne
country
,
Ibid
.
and
there
I
wil
destroy
him
with
the
sword
;
which
was
fulfilled
shortly
after
in
Niniue
,
where
he
was
slaine
in
the
temple
of
his
false
God
Nesrac
by
two
of
his
owne
sonnes
,
whom
God
vsed
as
his
instruments
to
punish
him
more
notoriously
,
as
wel
for
his
Idolatry
,
as
for
his
blasphemy
.
Plut.
de
sera
numin
.
vit
dicta
.
10.
This
point
Plutark
exemplifieth
in
diuers
wicked
men
,
as
to
omit
others
in
one
Bessus
,
who
had
secretly
killed
his
owne
father
and
was
not
discouered
a
longe
time
,
vntil
at
length
being
inuited
to
diner
with
diuers
others
,
An
example
of
Gods
punishment
diforred
,
recounted
by
Plutark
.
and
arriuing
at
the
place
where
he
should
dine
,
he
fel
into
a
rage
vpon
a
suddaine
against
certaine
yonge
swallowes
that
cried
in
their
nest
,
in
so
much
that
he
pulled
them
downe
and
trode
them
al
vnder
his
feete
:
and
being
reprehended
by
others
which
were
present
;
Why
(
saith
he
)
did
you
not
heare
how
they
said
that
I
killed
my
father
;
Which
being
marked
,
and
notice
giuen
therof
to
the
magistrates
,
he
was
examined
,
and
confessing
the
murder
was
worthily
executed
for
the
same
;
wherby
it
appeareth
that
God
suspended
the
punishment
of
this
parricide
to
inflict
it
vpon
him
in
a
more
strange
and
notorious
manner
for
his
owne
greater
glory
&
the
terrour
of
others
.
11.
To
which
purpose
Plutark
discourseth
notably
of
Gods
great
wisdome
and
iustice
in
punishing
euery
offendour
,
Ibid
.
Notable
considerations
of
Plutar
why
God
deferreth
the
pument
of
euil
men
aleadging
also
for
the
same
,
the
Poët
Pindarus
,
who
said
that
it
belongeth
to
almighty
God
only
,
as
to
the
author
of
iustice
to
determine
when
,
how
,
where
,
and
how
much
euery
sinner
is
to
be
punished
,
and
therfore
(
saith
Plutark
)
euen
as
those
which
haue
no
skil
in
phisick
can
not
with
reason
controle
a
skilful
phisition
or
surgeon
for
that
hee
deferreth
the
lancing
of
an
impostume
,
or
because
he
draweth
blood
,
or
purgeth
his
pacient
rather
to
day
then
to
morrow
,
so
we
who
knowe
not
the
secret
iudgments
of
God
,
neither
ought
,
nor
can
controle
his
proceedinges
,
when
he
punisheth
sooner
or
later
;
God
knoweth
how
&
when
to
apply
the
due
remedies
to
the
malica
of
men
.
neither
yet
can
we
affirme
or
conceiue
any
other
thing
therof
,
but
only
that
he
knoweth
best
how
to
apply
the
due
remedy
to
the
malice
of
men
,
by
punishing
euery
offence
in
due
manner
,
measure
,
tyme
,
and
season
.
12.
And
herein
also
this
same
author
hath
other
notable
considerations
,
as
that
almighty
God
may
securely
delay
the
punishment
of
wicked
men
,
because
they
can
not
escape
his
hands
by
flight
,
or
by
any
other
meanes
,
wheras
we
(
respecting
as
wel
our
owne
impotency
,
as
the
breuity
of
our
liues
)
are
forced
many
times
to
punish
with
speed
,
lest
the
offendour
may
otherwise
scape
vnpunished
;
But
God
(
saith
he
)
who
is
omnipotent
,
Plutare
.
Ibid
.
and
to
whome
in
respecte
of
his
eternity
,
the
whole
life
of
a
man
is
but
like
the
dawning
of
the
day
;
yea
and
lesse
then
an
instant
or
moment
,
God
looseth
no
tyme
in
the
punishment
of
wicked
men
by
delay
.
Wicked
men
vnpunished
compared
to
prisoners
condemned
to
death
and
not
executed
.
looseth
no
tyme
by
delay
,
hauing
al
wicked
men
as
it
were
,
in
a
continual
prison
and
in
fetters
,
from
whence
they
can
noe
flee
or
deliuer
them selues
,
be
they
neuer
so
potent
or
subtile
;
and
therfore
although
we
see
them
many
times
liue
prosperously
and
pleasantly
,
we
are
to
thinke
(
saith
he
)
no
otherwise
of
them
,
then
of
prisoners
condemned
to
death
,
amongst
whome
there
are
many
so
carelesse
,
that
they
iest
sport
and
play
vntil
the
halter
be
about
their
necks
.
Thus
saith
this
pagan
phlilosopher
of
Gods
sufferance
and
patience
towards
wicked
men
,
and
of
their
miserable
estate
,
seeing
that
how
wise
or
potent
soeuer
they
seeme
to
be
,
they
haue
no
way
or
meanes
,
to
escape
the
rigour
of
Gods
iustice
,
but
by
repentance
and
amendement
of
their
liues
.
And
thus
much
for
the
third
consideration
.
13.
Fourthly
when
almighty
God
doth
foresee
that
some
wicked
men
wil
doe
in
time
some
good
worke
,
to
his
glory
or
to
a
publike
good
,
or
that
he
shal
haue
good
and
vertuous
children
(
as
Plutark
noteth
)
God
doth
tolerate
and
suffer
him
vntil
he
haue
yeelded
his
good
fruit
;
Plut.
de
sera
numin
.
vindicta
.
God
spareth
wicked
men
somtymes
vntil
they
haue
yeilded
some
good
fruit
.
much
like
(
saith
Plutark
)
as
the
lawes
ordaine
,
that
women
condemned
to
death
for
some
haynous
offence
,
be
neuertheles
repriued
and
spared
if
they
be
with
child
,
vntil
they
be
deliuered
,
which
being
done
,
the
law
is
executed
vpon
them
:
and
euen
so
(
saith
he
)
though
almighty
God
determine
to
punish
wicked
men
,
yet
he
forbeareth
to
doe
it
otherwhiles
,
in
respect
of
the
good
fruit
which
they
wil
produce
in
time
.
14.
This
the
prophet
Michaeas
signifieth
of
the
people
of
the
Iewes
,
The
people
of
the
Iewes
spared
vntil
Christ
was
borne
of
them
.
Mich
.
ca.
5.
who
for
their
wickednes
deserued
to
be
destroied
longe
before
they
were
,
but
in
respect
that
our
Sauiour
Christ
was
to
be
borne
of
them
,
their
destruction
was
differred
vntil
after
his
birth
and
passion
;
and
therfore
the
prophet
saith
.
Propter
hoc
&c.
For
this
cause
God
wil
suffer
them
for
a
time
;
In
quo
parturiens
pariet
;
Vntil
one
,
that
is
to
say
the
Virgin
Mary
,
shal
haue
brought
forth
herchilde
.
Put
.
Ibid
de
sera
num
.
vind
.
The
difference
betwixt
mans
ignorance
and
Gods
infinit
wisdome
notably
obserued
,
by
Plutark
.
15.
Furthermore
of
this
point
Plutark
discourseth
notably
,
shewing
also
herein
the
diference
betwixt
the
iudgement
of
men
,
and
the
iudgement
of
God
,
or
rather
betwixt
mans
ignonorance
,
and
Gods
infinit
wisdome
;
For
euen
as
(
saith
hee
)
an
ignorant
man
in
husbandry
,
seeing
a
peece
of
ground
ouerrunne
with
brambles
,
shrubs
,
and
bushes
,
and
ful
of
mire
and
durt
,
holdeth
it
for
barren
and
nothing
worth
,
wheras
the
skilful
husbandman
doth
therby
know
the
fertility
of
it
;
euen
so
we
(
saith
hee
)
seeing
some
bad
fruite
of
good
&
generous
natures
,
doe
vtterly
condemne
them
,
and
thinke
them
vnworthy
to
be
permitted
in
humane
society
;
wheras
almighty
God
who
searcheth
the
minds
and
hartes
of
al
,
and
knoweth
that
the
bad
fruite
,
which
those
good
natures
yeld
,
proceedeth
rather
of
the
fertility
and
generosity
therof
,
then
of
sterrility
or
defect
,
suffereth
the
same
,
and
expecteth
vntil
nature
haue
discharged
her
selfe
of
her
superfluities
,
that
so
it
may
bring
forth
in
time
the
good
fruit
,
which
by
his
wisdome
,
and
prescience
he
foreseeth
:
and
therfore
as
sometimes
he
cutteth
of
wicked
men
in
respect
of
some
great
mischeifes
they
would
doe
,
Why
God
cutteth
of
some
wicked
men
&
spareth
some
others
.
if
they
should
liue
(
foreseeing
that
their
future
offences
would
be
greater
then
their
former
,
and
their
secret
sinns
worse
then
their
publike
)
so
also
he
spareth
some
for
the
good
he
knoweth
wil
in
time
proceed
from
them
.
&c.
Thus
discourseth
hee
,
giuing
also
examples
of
many
,
who
though
they
continued
wicked
al
their
liues
,
and
were
in
the
end
punished
exemplarly
by
almighty
God
,
yet
did
some
notable
good
acts
before
their
death
.
16.
God
forbeareth
some
euil
men
rather
then
others
because
they
wil
doe
more
good
then
others
.
And
although
the
good
which
some
tirants
and
wicked
men
doe
,
doth
not
perhaps
counteruaile
the
hurt
and
dammage
which
many
particuler
men
,
or
the
whole
commonwelth
receaueth
by
their
wickednes
;
yet
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
for
as
much
as
they
are
in
their
very
tiranny
and
iniquity
the
instruments
and
ministers
of
Gods
iustice
(
as
I
wil
further
declare
nu
.
23.
hereafter
)
it
is
not
vnfit
for
the
great
mercy
and
bounty
of
almighty
God
,
to
spare
them
and
to
vse
the
ministry
of
them
,
rather
then
of
other
wicked
men
,
so
much
the
longer
,
by
how
much
the
more
he
may
expect
with
al
some
better
fruit
of
them
,
then
of
others
such
as
they
.
17.
For
such
is
his
bountiful
goodnes
,
God
suffreth
no
good
to
be
lost
that
his
creatures
may
conueniently
yeild
.
Luc
.
13.
that
as
he
suffereth
no
euil
in
the
world
,
but
to
the
end
that
good
may
come
therof
;
so
he
wil
suffer
no
good
to
be
lost
that
any
creature
of
his
may
conueniently
yeald
;
This
our
Sauiour
him selfe
giueth
vs
to
vnderstand
by
the
parable
of
the
figge
tree
,
which
hauing
bene
in
the
vineyard
three
yeares
,
and
yelded
no
fruit
,
the
maister
of
the
vineyard
was
content
to
let
stand
one
yeare
longer
,
ordaining
with
al
that
it
should
be
pruned
,
dressed
,
digged
about
and
dunged
,
to
the
end
it
might
fructify
if
it
were
possible
,
and
that
if
it
gaue
no
fruit
the
fourth
yeere
,
it
should
be
then
cut
vp
.
18.
Thus
signified
our
Sauiour
the
longanimity
and
patience
which
God
vseth
towards
sinners
,
and
his
exceeding
great
care
and
desire
to
draw
some
good
fruit
from
them
,
how
barren
or
bad
soeuer
they
be
;
and
thus
much
for
this
point
.
19.
Fiftly
almighty
God
not
only
spareth
,
God
spareth
and
prospereth
some
wicked
men
for
some
good
deedes
they
haue
done
.
and
forbeareth
wicked
men
,
but
also
doth
giue
them
temporal
happines
here
in
this
life
,
for
some
good
deedes
they
haue
done
;
To
which
purpose
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
as
no
man
is
so
free
from
sinne
,
but
that
he
committeth
sometimes
some
frailties
,
which
God
of
his
iustice
punisheth
either
in
this
life
or
the
next
,
so
also
no
man
,
or
at
the
least
very
few
,
are
altogeather
so
void
of
grace
and
goodnes
,
but
that
they
doe
,
or
haue
done
sometimes
in
their
life
some
good
worke
,
which
almighty
God
of
his
iustice
,
or
liberallity
wil
reward
;
For
as
our
Sauiour
him selfe
witnesseth
.
He
which
giueth
but
so
much
as
a
cup
of
cold
water
in
his
name
.
Math
.
ca.
5.
No
good
deede
shal
be
vnrewarded
.
Ca
.
17.
nu
.
15.
Non
perdet
mercedem
suam
;
Shal
not
loose
his
reward
.
Yea
and
which
is
more
,
such
is
his
mercy
and
liberality
,
that
he
recompenseth
sometimes
such
as
doe
him
seruice
vnwittingly
,
as
I
haue
declared
Ezech
.
ca.
29.
els
where
by
the
example
of
Nabuchodonosor
King
of
Babilon
,
to
whome
God
gaue
the
kingdome
of
Egipt
,
for
the
seruice
he
had
done
him
vnwittingly
,
in
the
destruction
of
the
people
of
Tyrus
.
20.
But
now
for
asmuch
as
the
whole
course
of
wicked
mens
liues
,
is
such
,
that
they
iustly
deserue
eternal
damnation
,
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
that
almighty
God
,
as
wel
for
the
manifestation
of
his
mercy
,
as
for
the
satisfaction
of
his
iustice
,
rewardeth
their
few
good
workes
temporally
in
this
life
,
Many
wicked
men
haue
their
heauen
in
this
world
.
to
the
end
he
may
giue
them
in
the
other
the
ful
measure
of
punishment
,
which
their
wickednes
deserueth
;
and
for
this
cause
no
doubt
,
very
many
which
shal
be
damned
eternally
for
their
wicked
liues
,
Iob
.
21.
haue
their
heauen
in
this
world
,
who
as
Iob
saith
.
Dacunt
in
bonis
dies
suos
&
in
puncto
ad
inferum
discendunt
;
Lead
their
liues
in
pleasure
,
and
in
a
moment
descend
to
hel
.
21.
Sixtly
God
forbeareth
sometimes
,
and
spareth
wicked
men
,
God
forbeareth
or
prospereth
euil
men
somtymes
for
the
good
deeds
of
their
progenetours
.
4.
Reg
.
ca.
9.10.13
.
&
14.
yea
and
giueth
them
temporal
blessinges
(
as
riches
honour
and
prosperity
)
for
some
good
deeds
of
their
parents
or
progenitours
;
So
wee
see
in
the
scriptures
,
that
God
not
only
gaue
the
kingdome
of
Israel
to
Iehu
,
but
also
continued
his
children
&
posterity
in
the
possession
therof
to
the
fourth
generation
(
though
they
were
al
wicked
schismatikes
and
Idolaters
)
in
reward
of
the
good
seruice
which
Iehu
had
done
him
in
destroving
the
howse
of
Achab
,
Chap.
17.
nu
.
16.
as
I
haue
noted
before
,
speaking
of
the
causes
,
why
God
giueth
kingdomes
to
euil
men
;
Also
God
forbore
to
destroy
King
Ioas
and
the
people
of
Israel
,
yea
and
gaue
them
great
victories
against
the
Kings
of
Siria
;
4.
Reg
.
ca.
13.
Propter
pactum
quod
habebat
cum
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
&
Iacob
;
For
the
couenant
hee
had
made
with
Abraham
,
Isaac
&
Iacob
:
Of
whome
they
were
descended
.
22.
Seuenthly
God
giueth
many
times
,
releefe
in
affliction
and
prosperity
to
wicked
men
,
to
draw
them
to
the
loue
of
him
by
temporal
benefits
;
For
this
cause
he
deliuered
the
Idolatrous
Kinge
Achab
and
the
Israelites
his
subiects
from
a
cruel
famin
,
3.
Reg
.
ca.
18.
&
20.
God
giueth
temporal
benefits
to
wicked
men
,
to
drawe
them
therby
to
loue
him
.
Deuter
.
ca.
37.
Ezech
.
ca.
3.
wherwith
they
were
afflicted
,
and
after
gaue
them
two
notable
victories
against
the
Syrians
;
and
for
the
same
cause
God
hath
promised
,
and
gaue
many
miraculous
victories
,
and
much
temporal
felicity
to
the
people
of
the
Iewes
,
cherishing
and
tendring
them
,
as
Moyses
said
,
Quasi
pupillam
oculi
,
Like
the
apple
of
his
eye
.
Though
they
were
alwaies
:
Populus
durae
ceruicis
,
A
stiffnecked
people
,
Generatio
praua
&
exasperans
;
A
wicked
and
an
exasperating
genetation
.
And
therfore
in
the
end
he
did
exterminat
them
vtterly
for
their
ingratitude
.
23.
Eyghtly
the
prosperity
of
the
wicked
is
sometimes
necessary
for
the
iust
punishment
of
others
as
wicked
,
God
prospereth
wicked
men
somtymes
for
the
punishment
of
others
.
4.
Reg
.
c
.
17
&
25.
or
more
wicked
then
they
,
in
which
case
God
maketh
euil
men
the
iustruments
of
his
iustice
,
and
prospereth
their
designments
and
attempts
so
farre
forth
as
is
conuenient
for
the
chastisment
of
others
;
So
God
prospered
the
Assirians
and
Babilonians
,
in
the
conquest
of
Samaria
and
Iuda
,
the
Goths
,
Vandals
,
Alans
,
Huns
and
other
barbarous
people
,
in
the
subuersion
and
direption
of
many
Christian
countries
;
the
Turks
and
Moores
,
in
the
subduing
of
Grece
and
Spaine
,
and
lastly
the
Saxons
,
Danes
and
Normans
in
the
3.
seueral
conquests
of
our
country
,
as
I
haue
ca.
20.
&
21.
ca.
17.
nu
.
14.
declared
already
when
I
treated
of
Gods
iustice
in
punishing
the
Spainards
,
Brittans
and
English
;
I
haue
also
spoken
perticulerly
of
this
point
in
the
causes
why
God
giueueth
kingdomes
to
euil
men
,
where
the
reader
shal
see
some
other
thinges
concerning
this
matter
worthy
obseruation
.
24.
Wherto
I
adde
,
God
casteth
the
roddes
of
his
wrath
into
the
fyer
,
when
he
hath
worne
them
.
that
commonly
when
almighty
God
for
the
execution
of
his
iustice
vpon
others
,
hath
vsed
the
ministry
of
euil
men
,
he
also
extendeth
the
seuerity
of
his
iustice
vpon
them
,
casting
the
rods
of
his
wrath
into
the
fier
,
when
he
hath
worne
them
vnto
the
stumps
,
which
was
signified
by
the
prophet
Isay
of
the
King
of
the
Assirians
,
Isay
.
ca.
10.
whose
ministery
God
meant
to
vse
in
the
punishment
of
the
Iewes
,
and
therfore
he
called
him
the
Rod
of
his
wrath
,
Ibid
.
and
his
staffe
,
adding
that
when
he
had
fulfilled
al
that
which
he
was
to
doe
in
Sion
and
Hierusalem
,
Visitabo
(
saith
he
)
super
fructum
magnifici
cordis
regis
Assur
.
&c.
I
wil
visit
(
that
is
to
say
)
I
wil
punish
the
magnificent
King
of
the
Assirians
for
his
proude
hart
;
and
the
same
we
see
verified
commonly
in
al
tirants
,
who
being
no
other
but
the
instruments
of
Gods
iustice
,
Plut.
de
sera
num
.
vindie
.
and
as
Plutarke
calleth
them
,
his
hangmen
,
doe
feele
in
the
end
his
heauy
hand
vpon
them selues
;
As
I
wil
make
most
euident
hereafter
.
And
thus
much
for
this
point
.
God
exalteth
wicked
men
somtymes
,
for
their
punishment
.
Claudian
.
li
.
1.
in
Ruffinum
.
25.
Ninthly
God
not
only
spareth
,
but
also
many
tymes
rayseth
and
exalteth
wicked
men
for
their
punishment
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
confound
them
the
more
by
their
fal
.
—
tolluntur
in
altum
(
saith
the
poët
)
vt
lapsu
grauiore
ruant
:
They
are
lifted
vp
on
high
,
that
they
may
haue
the
greater
and
fouler
fal
:
which
the
prophet
Dauid
signifyeth
to
be
a
great
and
terrible
effect
of
Gods
wrath
.
For
,
speaking
in
the
person
of
a
repentant
sinner
fallen
from
prosperity
to
misery
,
Psal
.
101.
Potum
meum
(
saith
he
)
cum
fletu
miscebam
&c
I
did
mixe
my
drinke
with
teares
before
the
face
of
thy
wrath
,
and
indignation
,
because
thou
didst
eleuate
&
lift
me
vp
,
to
cast
me
downe
to
the
ground
.
And
the
same
he
insinuateth
in
many
places
,
where
speaking
of
the
destruction
and
ouerthrow
of
wicked
men
,
he
first
maketh
mention
of
their
exaltation
:
The
enemyes
of
God
(
saith
he
)
when
they
are
honoured
and
exalted
,
Psal
.
36.
shal
vanish
away
like
smoake
;
and
againe
,
I
saw
the
wicked
man
eleuated
and
lifted
vp
farre
higher
then
she
Cedar
trees
of
Libanus
,
Ibid
.
and
I
passed
by
&
hee
was
not
,
and
I
sought
him
and
his
place
was
not
found
.
And
Iob
to
the
same
purpose
,
Iob
.
24.
saith
of
euil
men
:
Eleuati
sunt
ad
modicum
.
&c.
They
are
lifted
vp
for
a
while
,
and
shal
not
subsist
,
but
shal
be
humbled
26.
This
also
was
obserued
by
the
Paynims
,
and
therfore
Caesar
in
his
commentaries
saith
,
Caesar
.
Coment
.
li
.
6.
that
sometymes
when
almighty
God
determineth
to
punish
men
greuously
for
their
wickednes
,
Concedit
illis
res
secundiores
&
diuturniorem
impunitatem
,
quo
grauius
ex
rerum
commutatione
doleant
;
He
graunteth
them
the
greater
prosperity
,
and
longer
impunity
,
to
the
end
that
they
may
the
more
feele
their
affliction
by
change
of
their
fortune
.
Thus
saith
he
,
acknowleging
with
the
Christians
the
seuerity
of
Gods
iustice
,
and
his
secret
iudgments
vpon
wicked
men
,
in
that
he
exalteth
them
,
to
the
end
to
humble
them
and
lifteth
them
vp
,
to
throwe
them
downe
,
and
seemeth
to
fauour
and
cherish
them
,
Prosperity
to
many
wicked
men
,
is
but
a
preamble
to
their
destruction
when
he
meaneth
to
destroy
them
,
giuing
them
many
tymes
their
owne
harts
desires
,
for
a
pleasant
preparatiue
to
their
bitter
potion
,
which
he
ordayneth
for
them
,
euen
in
this
life
;
as
the
Royal
prophet
sheweth
expresly
in
the
children
of
Israel
,
when
they
offended
almighty
God
most
greeuously
,
murmuring
against
him
in
the
wildernes
for
lack
of
meate
,
and
distrusting
his
prouidence
and
power
to
feede
them
,
to
whome
neuertheles
he
gaue
such
aboundance
that
the
scripture
saith
;
It
rayned
flesh
vpon
them
like
dust
,
Psal
.
77.
and
featherd
foule
like
the
sand
of
the
sea
,
and
they
did
eat
therof
their
bellyes
ful
,
Et
non
fraudati
sunt
a
desiderto
suo
;
and
were
not
deceaued
or
skanted
of
their
d●sire
.
But
what
followeth
?
Adhu●escae
eorum
erant
in
ore
ipsorum
&c.
Behold
,
their
meat
was
not
yet
out
of
their
mouths
,
when
the
wrath
of
God
fel
vpon
them
,
and
killed
the
fattest
amongst
them
&c.
Thus
saith
the
psalmist
of
the
children
of
Israel
,
and
so
it
falleth
out
many
tymes
with
other
wicked
men
who
wallow
in
welth
and
pleasure
for
a
tyme
,
and
are
but
as
it
were
fatted
like
beasts
for
the
slaughter
,
whereto
they
are
by
Gods
iust
iudgment
reserued
.
27.
And
this
they
may
feare
so
much
the
more
,
by
how
much
more
prosperous
and
happy
they
seeme
to
them selues
or
others
;
The
more
posperous
wic●ed
men
are
,
the
more
cause
they
haue
to
feare
Cicero
de
fini●
.
li
.
5.
wherof
we
haue
a
notable
example
in
Policrates
the
tyrant
,
who
hauing
had
a
most
prosperous
tyranny
,
and
not
so
much
as
any
check
of
fortune
,
or
euil
hap
in
al
his
life
,
so
much
suspected
the
issue
therof
in
him selfe
,
that
he
sought
purposely
some
occasion
of
greefe
,
and
to
that
end
did
voluntarily
cast
into
the
sea
a
dyamond
which
he
was
wont
to
weare
of
inestimable
valew
;
but
so
it
chanced
,
that
the
dyamond
was
swallowed
by
a
fish
,
and
the
fish
shortly
after
taken
by
some
fishermen
his
subiects
,
who
finding
so
rich
a
iewel
in
the
belly
of
the
fish
,
and
thinking
it
to
be
a
fit
present
for
their
prince
,
brought
him
his
diamond
againe
;
Not
long
after
it
was
his
fortune
to
be
taken
in
the
warrs
,
and
hanged
vp
aliue
vntil
he
died
,
partly
with
famin
,
and
partly
with
the
parching
heate
of
the
sunne
.
28.
To
the
same
purpose
it
is
written
,
that
S.
Ambrose
bishop
of
Milan
,
hearing
a
wicked
man
,
in
whose
howse
he
was
lodged
,
vant
that
he
had
neuer
in
his
life
had
any
misfortune
,
In
the
life
of
S.
Ambrose
.
sicknes
,
crosse
,
or
cause
of
greefe
,
made
great
hast
to
get
out
of
his
howse
,
least
the
wrath
of
God
might
fal
vpon
it
whilst
he
was
there
,
and
that
presently
after
his
departure
the
ground
opened
and
swallowed
vp
the
howse
with
the
maister
therof
,
and
al
his
family
.
29.
Neuertheles
such
men
as
these
might
perhaps
seeme
either
happy
,
or
at
least
not
vnfortunare
,
if
they
might
purchase
many
yeres
of
prosperity
and
pleasure
so
good
cheap
,
as
with
only
a
few
dayes
misery
in
the
end
,
Wicked
men
purchase
eternal
misery
with
a
few
yeeres
prosperity
but
so
hard
and
miserable
is
their
condition
,
that
they
are
further
to
pay
an
eternal
penalty
of
their
sinful
prosperity
,
as
shal
be
shewed
in
the
next
consideration
,
and
how
miserable
also
their
life
is
(
though
it
seeme
neuer
so
happy
)
I
wil
declare
at
large
herafter
.
30.
Therfore
the
tenth
and
last
consideration
shal
be
,
that
many
tymes
God
giueth
to
wicked
men
,
not
only
impunity
in
this
life
,
Continual
impunity
&
prosperity
of
wicked
men
an
assurance
of
their
reprobation
.
Ca
.
25.
nu
.
26.
but
also
al
temporal
felicity
for
an
assured
token
of
their
reprobation
,
&
as
it
were
an
earnest-peny
of
their
eternal
damnation
:
for
as
there
is
no
greater
signe
of
Gods
loue
to
his
children
,
and
of
their
election
,
then
that
he
keepeth
them
in
discipline
(
as
I
haue
amply
declared
in
the
last
chapter
)
so
there
is
no
greater
token
of
his
wrath
towards
sinners
,
and
of
their
reprobation
,
then
if
he
neuer
correct
or
chastice
them
;
and
therfore
the
psalmist
saith
.
Psal
.
9.
Aug.
in
Psal
.
9.
God
is
vehemently
angry
with
sinners
when
he
doth
not
punish
them
.
Exacerbauit
dominum
peccator
secundum
multitudinem
irae
suae
non
quaeret
,
the
sence
is
(
as
S.
Augustin
expoundeth
it
)
that
a
sinner
doth
somtymes
exasperat
so
farre
our
Lord
,
that
he
wil
not
punish
him
in
this
life
,
for
Multum
irascitur
(
saith
he
)
dum
non
exquirit
&c.
Our
Lord
is
vehemently
angry
when
he
doth
not
puni●h
mens
sinnes
,
but
seeme●h
to
forget
and
ouersee
them
.
For
then
he
reserueth
them
for
the
horrible
and
euerlasting
torments
of
hel
fire
.
2.
Macha
.
ca.
31.
And
therfore
the
scripture
teacheth
,
that
when
Goddoth
not
suffer
sinners
to
goe
long
vnpunished
;
Magni
beneficij
est
indicium
;
It
is
to
be
taken
fora
great
benefit
.
And
that
the
longer
he
forbeareth
them
,
the
more
like
it
is
that
he
wil
punish
them
with
al
seuerity
and
rigour
In
the
day
of
iudgment
;
In
which
respect
Iob
hauing
recounted
many
particularities
of
the
prosperity
of
wicked
men
in
this
life
(
as
their
security
,
impunity
,
health
,
pleasures
,
and
happines
in
their
children
and
goods
)
concludeth
thus
;
In
diem
perditionis
seruatur
malus
,
&
ad
diem
furoris
ducetur
;
Iob
.
22.
The
wicked
reserued
for
the
day
of
fury
.
The
wicked
man
is
reserued
for
the
day
of
distruction
,
and
shal
be
led
to
the
day
of
fury
.
Thus
saith
Iob
,
meaning
by
the
day
of
fury
,
the
day
of
iudgment
,
either
particuler
(
which
euery
man
passeth
at
his
death
)
or
vniuersal
at
the
end
of
the
world
;
in
both
which
the
wicked
shal
receiue
the
most
dreadful
sentence
of
euerlasting
damnation
.
32.
And
this
day
of
iudgment
,
is
whorthely
called
in
the
scripture
the
day
of
fury
and
wrath
:
Why
the
day
of
iudgment
is
caled
the
day
of
fury
.
For
that
almighty
God
wil
then
power
forth
an
vnspeakable
and
euerlasting
vengeance
vpon
the
wicked
as
it
were
in
wrath
and
fury
,
leauing
no
further
place
nor
time
for
mercy
,
which
vengeance
also
shal
be
so
much
the
greater
,
and
the
torments
of
the
wicked
so
much
the
more
greeuous
,
by
how
much
more
prosperous
,
pleasant
,
and
delicious
their
life
hath
bene
in
this
world
:
as
S.
Ihon
signifieth
of
them
in
the
Apocalipse
vnder
the
name
of
Babilon
.
Apoc
.
18.
Quantum
glorificauit
se
,
&
in
delitij
fuit
(
saith
the
angel
)
tantum
date
ei
tormentum
;
Giue
torment
to
Babilon
,
that
is
to
say
to
the
wicked
,
according
to
the
measure
of
the
glory
and
delights
wherin
they
haue
liued
;
The
consideration
wherof
fully
satisfied
the
scruple
&
doubt
which
the
Royal
prophet
saith
made
him
stagger
,
when
he
saw
the
the
peace
&
prosperity
of
wicked
men
,
wherin
as
he
signifieth
,
Psal
.
72.
The
end
of
wicked
men
principaly
to
be
considered
.
he
could
not
be
satisfied
:
Donec
intrem
(
saith
he
)
in
sanctuarium
Dei
,
&
intelligam
in
nouissimis
eorum
;
vntil
I
entred
into
the
consideration
of
Gods
secret
iudgments
,
and
of
their
last
end
,
that
is
to
say
of
their
eternal
damnation
.
33.
Loe
then
how
smal
cause
wicked
men
haue
to
flatter
them selues
,
or
to
glory
ouer
much
in
their
prosperity
,
The
felicity
of
euil
men
most
vnfortunat
;
&
why
.
Aug.
ep
.
ad
Marcelinum
.
when
with
al
they
are
loaden
with
sinne
;
for
then
they
may
wel
feare
,
that
their
sinful
prosperity
is
nothing
els
but
a
punishment
of
sinne
:
whereupon
S.
Augustin
saith
;
Nihil
est
infalicius
&c.
Nothing
,
is
more
vnfortunat
then
the
felicity
of
sinners
,
whereby
their
penal
impunity
is
nourished
,
and
their
malice
strengthned
and
encreased
;
And
alitle
after
;
When
God
suffereth
sinners
to
prosper
,
then
his
indignation
is
the
greater
towards
them
and
when
he
leaueth
them
vnpunished
,
then
he
punisheth
them
most
of
al.
Thus
saith
he
:
and
the
reason
is
,
for
that
then
God
giueth
them
ouer
to
their
owne
desires
,
and
to
the
passions
of
their
harts
,
wherby
they
daily
encrease
their
owne
damnation
:
which
S.
Grigory
notably
representeth
to
the
consideration
of
al
men
,
Ezech
.
ca.
3.
in
his
exposition
of
these
wordes
of
Ezechiel
;
If
the
iust
man
fal
from
righteousnes
to
iniquity
,
I
wil
lay
a
stumbling
block
before
him
.
The
discourse
of
S.
Gregory
is
some
what
prolix
,
and
yet
because
it
containeth
notable
doctrine
,
I
thinke
good
to
lay
it
downe
here
with
some
litle
abridgment
.
Gregor
.
in
c
.
3.
Ezech
.
The
fearful
state
of
wicked
men
notably
represented
by
S.
Gregory
.
Genes
.
ca.
15.
1.
Thessal
.
2.
Wicked
men
spared
somtymes
vntil
their
iniquities
are
complet
.
Apoc
.
c
.
vltimo
.
Ezech
.
3.
34.
Hoc
nobis
(
saith
he
)
cum
tremore
considerandum
est
.
&c.
This
is
to
be
considered
of
vs
with
trembling
,
that
when
the
iust
and
omnipotent
God
is
angry
with
our
sinns
and
wickednes
,
he
iustly
permitteth
vs
to
be
so
blinded
,
that
we
fal
into
greater
and
more
greuious
sinns
,
in
which
respect
Moyses
said
of
the
Amorrhaeans
,
that
their
wickednes
was
not
yet
complete
,
and
the
Apostle
S.
Paul
speaking
of
the
Iewes
saith
,
that
they
persecuted
Gods
seruants
,
and
hindred
the
preaching
of
the
gospel
,
to
fil
vp
the
heap
and
number
of
their
sinns
;
and
S.
Ihon
saith
in
the
Apoc
:
He
which
hurteth
let
him
hurt
stil
,
and
hee
which
is
filthy
with
sinne
,
let
him
become
more
filthy
:
and
in
this
place
of
Ezechiel
almighty
God
saith
that
he
wil
lay
a
stumbling
block
before
him
,
who
shal
fal
from
iustice
to
iniquity
,
as
who
would
saye
,
that
because
the
sinner
wil
not
by
repentance
,
see
where
he
now
stumbleth
,
therfore
God
wil
iustly
forsake
him
that
he
may
stumble
worse
other
where
.
35.
And
herin
it
is
to
be
noted
(
saith
S.
Gregory
)
that
wheras
it
is
said
that
God
doth
lay
a
stumbling
block
in
the
way
of
a
sinner
It
is
not
meant
that
he
vrgeth
,
or
presseth
him
to
sinne
,
but
that
he
wil
not
deliuer
him
from
sinne
,
as
also
it
is
written
of
Pharao
that
God
would
harden
his
hart
,
How
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
that
God
hardned
the
hart
of
pharao
.
because
he
would
not
mollify
it
by
his
grace
;
It
is
therfore
to
be
vnderstood
,
that
when
our
merciful
God
doth
giue
vs
time
of
repentance
,
and
we
turne
it
to
the
encrease
of
our
fault
,
he
also
of
his
iust
iudgment
turneth
the
same
to
our
greater
damnation
;
Rom.
ca.
2.
The
wicked
man
abuseth
Gods
patience
ann
mercy
to
his
owne
greater
damnation
.
and
therfore
the
Apostle
saith
,
dost
thou
not
know
,
that
the
benignity
,
and
mercy
of
almighty
God
,
doth
moue
and
lead
thee
to
repentance
and
thou
by
thy
hard
and
impenitent
hart
,
doest
as
it
were
hoard
and
lay
vp
in
store
for
thy selfe
his
wrath
in
the
day
of
wrath
,
and
of
his
iust
iudgment
.
Thus
saith
the
Apostle
,
wherby
we
see
,
(
saith
S.
Gregory
)
that
a
sinner
doth
heape
vpon
him selfe
the
wrath
of
God
,
when
he
emploieth
the
time
in
sinne
which
God
giueth
him
to
repent
,
for
then
seeing
him
abuse
his
mercy
,
and
patience
,
he
iustly
permitteth
that
for
as
much
as
he
would
not
forsake
sinne
to
liue
euerlastingly
,
he
may
encrease
his
sinne
to
dye
eternally
.
36.
Thus
saith
S.
Gregory
in
substance
,
Gods
iustice
alwayes
to
be
feared
.
which
I
would
to
God
al
men
would
wel
consider
,
and
learne
therby
not
so
farre
to
presume
of
Gods
mercy
as
to
contemne
his
iustice
,
nor
to
say
with
the
sinner
in
Ecclesiasticus
,
Peccaui
&
quid
accidit
mihi
triste
?
Eccli
.
ca.
5.
I
haue
sinned
,
and
what
haue
I
fared
the
worse
?
But
to
remember
that
which
followeth
there
,
to
wit
;
Altissimus
est
patiens
reddittor
,
God
is
slow
but
a
sure
paymaister
.
Valer
.
Maximus
lib
.
1.
ca.
1.
almighty
God
is
a
patient
paymaister
,
that
is
to
say
he
paieth
or
punisheth
slowly
,
but
surely
;
and
as
a
certaine
Paynim
said
;
Tarditatem
supplicij
,
grauitate
compensat
,
he
recompenseth
the
delay
of
puni●hment
,
with
the
greeuiousnes
therof
.
And
therfore
although
God
is
so
mercyful
that
many
times
he
expecteth
the
repentance
of
sinners
,
vntil
their
sinns
be
growne
vnto
a
certaine
degree
and
measure
(
as
before
is
noted
of
the
Amorrhaeans
whome
he
said
he
would
spare
vntil
their
iniquities
were
complete
,
Gen.
c
.
15.
and
as
also
he
said
by
his
prophet
to
the
people
of
Iuda
and
Israel
,
Amos
.
2.
that
he
would
beare
with
them
for
3.
sinns
but
not
for
the
4.
)
yet
for
as
much
,
as
the
degree
and
measure
of
sinns
,
No
man
knoweth
how
long
or
litle
God
wil
expect
his
repentance
The
danger
of
delay
of
repentance
.
and
the
time
which
he
is
content
to
expect
before
he
punish
,
is
knowne
only
to
his
diuine
maiestie
,
no
sinner
can
promise
to
him selfe
either
securi●y
,
or
yet
delay
of
his
punishment
one
minute
of
an
howre
,
but
rather
may
feare
that
the
oftener
God
hath
called
him
,
and
the
more
he
hath
forborne
him
,
the
more
likely
it
is
,
that
he
wil
neuer
cal
him
againe
,
nor
forbeare
him
any
longer
,
especially
seeing
he
vseth
not
one
kind
of
proceeding
with
al
men
,
nor
extendeth
his
mercy
to
al
men
alike
.
37.
For
as
it
falleth
out
with
theeues
and
robbers
in
regard
of
the
punishment
of
the
lawes
(
which
some
of
them
escape
many
yeeres
,
others
fewer
,
God
giueth
not
tyme
of
repentance
to
al
sinners
alike
;
and
why
.
and
some
are
taken
and
hanged
for
the
very
first
robbery
they
commit
)
so
also
it
fareth
with
other
sinners
and
wicked
men
in
regard
of
Gods
iudgments
towards
them
;
For
although
he
expect
some
of
them
to
repentance
many
yeares
,
yea
and
vseth
many
meanes
to
inuite
and
draw
them
therto
(
to
shew
therin
his
infinit
bounty
and
goodnes
)
yet
to
others
he
giueth
lesse
time
and
meanes
,
and
to
some
very
litle
,
cutting
them
of
in
the
first
greeuous
sinne
,
that
they
are
knowne
to
commit
;
for
the
example
no
dout
and
terrour
of
others
,
to
the
end
that
none
shal
haue
cause
to
presume
ouermuch
of
his
mercy
,
Philip
.
2.
Math
.
24.
Luc
.
12.
Death
like
to
a
theefe
that
stealeth
vpon
a
man
at
vnwares
.
Eccl.
5.
but
that
euery
one
may
as
the
Apostle
aduiseth
;
Worke
his
saluation
with
feare
and
tremblinge
:
in
which
respect
our
Sauiour
him selfe
also
admonisheth
vs
:
To
watch
continualy
,
and
to
stand
as
it
were
vpon
our
guard
,
because
we
knowe
not
,
at
what
howre
the
theeefe
(
that
is
to
say
our
death
)
wil
steale
vpon
vs
;
and
therfore
also
the
holy
Ghost
saith
in
Ecclesiasticus
;
Ne
differas
de
die
in
diem
&c.
Differe
not
thy
repentance
from
day
to
day
,
least
the
wrath
of
God
suddenly
fal
vpon
thee
,
and
destroy
thee
in
the
day
of
reuenge
.
Thus
much
concerning
the
prosperity
of
wicked
men
.
OF
THE
VARIABLE
AND
VNCERTAINE
euents
,
which
are
common
to
good
and
euil
men
,
in
this
life
;
as
why
the
good
and
bad
doe
many
times
prosper
,
or
are
afflicted
alike
,
Also
why
some
are
punished
in
this
life
,
and
others
not
;
and
why
one
man
is
punished
for
the
faultes
of
an
other
;
and
finally
why
almighty
God
doth
manifest
his
iudgments
to
man
in
some
thinges
,
and
concealeth
them
from
him
in
some
other
;
and
that
in
al
this
,
the
prouidence
of
God
cleary
appeareth
.
CHAP.
27.
HAVING
yeelded
some
probable
reasons
in
the
former
chapters
of
Gods
permission
of
euil
and
of
the
affliction
of
good
men
,
and
prosperity
of
the
wicked
,
I
wil
now
labour
to
satisfie
some
other
difficulties
and
doubts
,
that
moue
some
curious
and
vnsetled
spirits
to
cal
in
question
the
prouidence
of
God
;
Other
arguments
of
the
Atheists
.
who
reason
thus
.
If
only
euil
men
(
say
they
)
who
shal
haue
eternal
payne
in
the
other
life
,
were
prosperous
in
this
;
and
good
men
only
afflicted
here
,
for
whome
eternal
felicitie
is
ordayned
other
where
,
there
might
seeme
to
be
some
more
reason
of
a
diuine
prouidence
therin
;
but
seeing
al
temporal
good
and
euil
is
indifferent
,
and
common
to
good
and
bad
men
,
and
that
the
good
are
many
tymes
punished
togeather
with
the
bad
,
and
that
some
offences
are
punished
here
and
others
not
;
of
what
other
cause
(
say
they
)
may
al
this
seeme
to
proceede
then
of
meere
chance
?
which
as
they
suppose
guideth
the
affayres
of
men
.
2.
To
answere
to
al
this
,
and
first
concerning
the
variable
euents
which
chance
indifferently
to
good
and
euil
men
,
Touching
the
variable
euents
of
this
life
common
to
good
and
euil
men
.
Eccle
.
c
.
8.
I
say
that
the
same
hath
bin
sufficiently
considered
hertofore
,
of
such
as
haue
neuertheles
acknowledged
and
taught
the
particuler
prouidence
of
God
ouer
men
,
as
namely
the
Preacher
who
saith
in
Ecclesiasticus
:
that
amongst
many
vanities
of
vncertaine
euents
which
he
obserued
in
the
world
;
the
worst
is
,
that
many
tymes
there
hapneth
to
the
iust
,
that
which
the
wicked
deserue
,
Eccle
.
c
9.
and
that
the
desert
of
the
wicked
falleth
vpon
the
iust
.
And
againe
afterwards
;
Al
thinges
(
saith
he
)
chance
a
like
to
the
iust
,
&
to
the
wicked
,
to
the
good
&
bad
,
to
the
cleane
and
vncleane
,
wherupon
the
harts
of
the
children
of
men
,
are
replenished
with
malice
and
contempt
.
3.
Thus
saith
he
,
The
Preacher
impugneth
the
opinion
of
Atheists
grounded
vpon
the
indifferency
of
good
and
euil
accidents
to
good
and
euil
men
.
Ibid
.
Hier
.
in
ca.
8.
Eccles
.
wherin
he
denieth
not
Gods
iust
iudgment
and
prouidence
ouer
men
(
which
he
plainly
teacheth
in
the
same
place
saying
,
that
the
workes
of
iust
and
wise
men
are
in
the
hands
of
God
)
but
signifieth
that
the
wicked
take
occasion
by
the
variable
and
vncertayne
euents
of
thinges
,
to
thinke
(
as
S.
Hierome
saith
vpon
this
place
)
that
the
prouidence
of
God
doth
not
gouerne
this
world
,
seing
there
seemeth
to
be
so
much
confusion
therin
:
which
opinion
or
conceit
of
the
wicked
,
the
Preacher
notably
impugneth
thee
and
confuteth
in
the
same
place
,
teaching
two
thinges
;
the
one
,
the
inscrutability
of
Gods
iudgments
in
the
disposition
of
humane
affayres
,
The
inscrutability
of
Gods
iudgments
noted
by
the
Preacher
.
Eccles
.
c
.
8.
The
variable
euents
of
this
life
proceed
from
the
prouidence
of
God
.
wherupon
he
saith
that
hauing
applyed
his
mind
to
vnderstand
the
reasons
of
the
variety
which
is
to
be
seene
in
the
course
of
wordly
matters
;
Intellexi
(
saith
he
)
quod
omnium
operum
Dei
&c.
I
vnderstood
that
no
man
can
find
the
reason
of
the
workes
of
God
which
are
done
vnder
the
sunne
,
and
that
how
much
more
any
man
shal
labour
to
know
it
,
so
much
lesse
he
shal
vnderstand
it
.
Thus
farre
the
Preacher
,
wherin
we
may
see
that
although
he
affirme
it
to
be
impossible
to
vnderstand
the
true
reason
and
causes
of
the
variable
euents
in
the
world
;
yet
he
teacheth
that
they
proceede
from
Gods
prouidence
and
iudgments
,
in
that
he
calleth
them
his
workes
.
S.
Hieroms
exposition
of
the
place
of
the
Preacher
.
Hier
.
Comment
.
in
Eccl.
c
.
8.
4.
Therefore
S.
Hierome
expounding
those
wordes
of
the
Preacher
saith
,
that
he
which
seeketh
the
causes
and
reasons
why
this
,
or
that
is
done
,
and
the
world
gouerned
with
diuers
euents
,
as
why
one
man
is
blind
,
another
lame
,
one
sound
,
another
sick
,
one
poore
another
rich
,
one
noble
another
ignoble
,
he
shal
but
breake
his
braine
,
and
vex
his
mind
to
no
purpose
,
and
vnderstand
nothing
in
the
end
,
and
yet
(
saith
S.
Hierome
)
the
Preacher
giueth
vs
to
vnderstand
with
al
that
there
are
causes
,
and
the
same
most
iust
,
why
euery
thing
falleth
out
as
we
see
,
though
(
as
he
also
saith
in
the
same
place
)
Seruantor
incerta
in
futurum
;
The
cause
of
many
thinges
are
kept
secret
and
vncertaine
vntil
the
day
of
iudgment
.
They
are
kept
secret
and
vncertaine
for
the
tyme
to
come
,
that
is
to
say
for
the
next
life
,
Quia
tunc
erit
iudicium
nunc
certamen
;
For
then
shal
be
the
time
of
iudgment
,
wheras
now
is
the
time
only
of
our
conflict
:
and
therefore
who
soeuer
is
heere
afflicted
,
he
knoweth
not
whether
his
affliction
proceede
of
Gods
loue
toward
him
,
as
it
did
to
Iob
,
or
of
his
hatred
,
as
it
doth
to
euil
men
whome
he
punisheth
for
their
wickednes
;
Thus
saith
S.
Hierome
of
the
inscrutability
of
Gods
iudgment
,
according
to
the
doctrine
of
the
Preacher
whome
he
interpreteth
.
The
Preacher
obserueth
the
vanity
and
misery
of
this
world
by
occasion
of
the
variable
&
vncertaine
euents
therof
.
Eccles
.
c
.
1.
5.
The
other
thing
which
the
Preacher
laboured
to
teach
and
proue
by
the
variable
and
vncertaine
euents
of
this
world
,
is
the
vanity
and
misery
therof
;
and
how
necessary
it
is
for
man
to
contemne
the
same
,
and
to
seeke
to
attaine
to
true
stability
and
felicity
in
the
next
life
;
which
(
he
saith
)
Is
to
be
obtained
only
by
the
feare
of
God
,
and
the
keeping
of
his
commandements
;
Therfore
he
not
only
beginneth
his
notable
treatise
with
this
sentence
;
Vanitas
,
vanitatum
omnia
vanitas
;
Vanity
of
vanities
al
thinges
are
vanity
;
but
also
doth
euery
where
inculcate
the
same
,
and
concludeth
therwith
adding
these
memorable
wordes
;
Ibid
.
ca.
12.
The
strict
iudgment
of
God
obserued
by
the
Preacher
.
Finem
loquendi
&c.
Let
vs
al
heare
the
end
of
al
speach
,
feare
God
and
keepe
his
commandements
,
for
this
is
euery
man
(
that
is
to
say
,
for
this
end
was
euery
man
ordained
and
created
)
and
God
shal
bring
al
thinges
that
are
done
in
this
world
into
iudgment
,
yea
and
euery
hidden
and
secret
thing
what
soeuer
,
be
it
good
or
bad
.
6.
Thus
saith
the
Preacher
,
wherby
we
may
see
that
although
he
wel
waighed
and
considered
that
good
and
bad
men
are
subiect
a
like
to
the
variable
and
vncertaine
euents
of
this
world
;
yet
he
was
so
farre
from
denying
the
prouidence
of
God
therfore
,
that
he
representeth
the
same
vnto
vs
by
the
occasion
therof
,
admiring
the
inscrutability
of
his
iudgments
,
and
signifiing
the
vanity
and
misery
of
the
world
,
with
the
way
and
meanes
to
attaine
to
true
felicity
,
to
wit
;
by
the
feare
of
Gods
iustice
,
and
the
obseruation
of
his
commandements
.
7.
S.
Augustins
doctrine
concerning
the
variable
and
vncertaine
euents
of
this
life
.
Aug.
li
.
20.
de
ciuit
.
dei
.
ca.
2.
The
same
doctrine
also
S.
Augustine
draweth
out
of
the
same
difficulty
,
explicating
it
notably
with
some
other
points
appartaining
to
this
matter
,
saying
,
that
although
we
vnderstand
not
the
iudgments
of
God
in
his
variable
disposition
and
distribution
of
good
and
euil
thinges
,
to
good
and
bad
men
;
yet
we
learne
therby
to
contemne
those
goods
and
euils
,
which
are
common
to
both
,
and
to
thirst
after
those
goods
only
which
are
only
proper
to
good
men
,
and
to
eschew
the
euils
which
are
only
proper
to
euil
men
;
Aug.
de
ciuit
.
dei
.
li
.
1.
ca.
8.
&
this
S.
Augustine
explaineth
further
in
an
other
place
in
these
wordes
:
Placuit
diuinae
prouidentiae
.
&c.
It
hath
pleased
the
diuine
prouidence
to
ordaine
and
prepare
eternal
goods
for
the
iust
,
which
the
vniust
shal
not
enioy
,
and
euerlasting
euils
for
the
vniust
,
from
which
the
iust
shal
be
free
;
and
therfore
he
would
haue
these
transitory
goods
and
euils
to
be
common
to
both
in
this
life
;
The
reason
why
the
goods
and
euils
of
this
world
are
common
to
good
and
euil
men
.
to
the
end
that
we
may
neither
to
much
seeke
or
desire
those
goods
which
euil
men
may
haue
,
as
wel
as
wee
;
nor
yet
basely
or
shamefully
flee
those
euils
,
which
may
fal
to
good
men
,
as
wel
as
to
euil
men
without
preiudice
of
their
vertue
and
goodnes
.
Thus
farre
S.
Augustine
,
who
also
prosecuting
this
matter
further
,
giueth
further
reason
therof
,
and
sheweth
notably
Gods
infinite
wisdome
&
prouidence
,
in
that
he
diuersly
disposeth
of
mens
affaires
,
giuing
prosperity
to
some
,
and
not
to
others
,
and
manifestly
punishing
or
rewarding
some
here
,
and
some
hence
.
8.
August
.
Ibid
.
God
sheweth
(
saith
he
)
his
owne
operation
in
the
variable
distribution
of
good
and
euil
thinges
.
For
if
he
should
not
liberaly
graunt
temporal
goods
to
some
which
seeke
and
aske
them
of
him
,
men
would
say
,
that
the
same
are
not
at
his
disposition
:
and
if
he
should
graunt
them
to
al
that
doe
or
would
aske
them
,
men
would
suppose
that
he
were
to
be
serued
for
no
other
rewardes
,
Why
God
giueth
temporal
goods
to
some
that
craue
them
and
not
to
others
Why
some
sinnes
are
punished
in
this
life
and
not
others
.
and
would
rather
become
couetous
and
auaricious
in
his
seruice
then
godly
and
vertuous
;
In
like
manner
if
he
should
manifestly
punish
euery
sinne
in
this
life
,
men
would
thinke
there
were
no
other
life
nor
iudgment
or
punishment
hereafter
:
and
if
hee
should
punish
no
sinne
manyfestly
here
in
this
world
,
men
would
imagine
that
he
had
no
care
or
prouidence
of
their
affaires
.
Thus
saith
S.
Augustine
of
the
cause
why
God
bestoweth
the
temporal
goods
of
this
world
vpon
some
,
and
not
vpon
al
;
and
why
he
punisheth
some
here
,
and
some
hence
.
Why
the
good
and
bad
are
punished
many
tymes
togeather
.
9.
But
now
(
say
you
)
why
doth
he
punish
the
good
togeather
with
the
bad
,
as
we
see
many
tymes
he
doth
with
some
general
plague
or
sicknes
,
famine
or
warre
,
wherof
as
wel
the
good
,
as
the
bad
,
beare
the
burden
and
feele
the
scourge
?
whervnto
I
answer
,
that
as
God
of
his
mercy
doth
sometymes
forbeare
the
bad
in
respect
of
the
good
(
as
I
haue
signified
ca.
26.
nu
.
2.
before
)
so
also
sometymes
he
iustly
punisheth
the
good
with
the
bad
,
yet
in
such
sort
,
that
therin
he
alwayes
extendeth
his
mercy
aboundantly
towardes
them
:
Aug.
de
ciuit
dei
ca.
9.
How
good
men
participat
of
the
faults
of
euil
men
.
to
which
purpose
S.
Augustine
saith
that
good
men
deserue
sometymes
to
be
punished
with
euil
men
because
they
doe
otherwhiles
participate
of
their
faults
,
by
reason
of
some
conniuence
with
them
(
I
meane
some
negligence
in
not
correcting
,
reprehending
or
counseling
them
when
they
might
doe
it
)
for
which
cause
the
psalmist
prayeth
to
almighty
God
:
Ab
ocultis
meis
munda
me
,
Psal
.
18.
&
ab
alienis
parce
seruo
tuo
;
Make
me
cleane
o
Lord
from
my
hidden
faults
&
doe
not
punish
me
for
the
faults
of
other
men
.
Besids
that
as
S.
Augustin
also
saith
,
they
are
iustly
punished
with
euil
men
;
Aug.
de
ciuit
.
dei
li.
1.
c
.
9.
Non
quia
simul
agunt
vitam
malam
;
Sed
quia
simul
amant
vitam
temporalem
;
Not
because
they
doe
liue
an
euil
life
with
them
,
but
because
they
loue
this
temporal
life
ouer
much
with
them
.
And
finaly
(
saith
he
)
because
they
doe
sometymes
commit
some
sinnes
(
vel
rara
vel
tanto
crebriora
quanto
minora
;
Either
seldome
,
or
so
much
the
ofter
by
how
much
lesse
they
are
)
of
which
sinnes
they
iustly
bare
the
penalty
.
How
good
and
euil
men
are
distinguished
in
the
sight
of
God
though
they
be
punished
togeather
.
10.
Herein
neuertheles
the
mercy
of
God
towards
them
is
euident
,
in
that
the
same
punishment
serueth
for
their
purgation
in
this
life
to
purify
&
prepare
them
for
euerlasting
glory
,
wheras
to
the
wicked
which
are
punished
with
them
,
it
serueth
for
no
other
,
then
as
I
may
terme
it
,
an
antepast
to
their
euerlasting
damnation
,
Aug.
Ibid
.
&
this
S.
Augustine
notably
teacheth
in
these
wordes
;
When
we
see
(
saith
he
)
good
men
afflicted
togeather
with
euil
men
,
we
are
not
to
thinke
that
they
are
not
therfore
distinguished
from
them
in
the
sight
of
God
,
for
it
is
to
be
considered
that
the
punishment
&
affliction
may
be
al
one
,
The
Affliction
may
be
al
one
,
and
the
afflicted
of
different
nature
and
desert
.
and
yet
the
punished
or
afflicted
be
of
different
nature
and
consideration
:
for
as
gold
is
purified
and
straw
consumed
by
one
and
the
selfe
same
fyre
,
so
one
and
the
selfe
same
affliction
purgeth
and
purifieth
good
men
,
wheras
to
euil
men
it
is
but
a
beginning
of
their
hel
and
eternal
torments
,
and
therfore
we
see
also
euidently
different
effects
in
them
both
;
For
wicked
men
in
their
affliction
detest
&
blaspheme
almighty
God
,
wheras
good
men
in
their
sufferinges
doe
pray
and
prayse
him
;
so
much
it
importeth
to
consider
,
not
what
the
affliction
is
that
is
suffred
,
but
what
and
who
they
are
which
suffer
the
same
;
Thus
saith
the
famous
and
holy
Father
,
declaring
notably
how
it
standeth
with
Gods
iust
and
merciful
prouidence
to
punish
sometymes
the
good
with
the
bad
.
11.
Al
which
I
wil
conclude
with
S.
Chrisostome
,
The
doctrin
of
S.
Chrisost
.
concerning
the
punishement
of
sinne
.
Chrisost
.
in
Luc
.
ca.
16.
concion●
3.
Tom
.
2.
who
yeeldeth
also
the
like
notable
reasons
,
why
God
punisheth
some
,
and
spareth
others
in
this
world
,
clearing
with
al
some
other
difficulties
.
If
al
men
(
saith
he
)
should
be
punished
here
according
to
their
deserts
,
wee
should
al
perish
,
for
wee
al
deserue
it
;
Againe
,
if
no
man
should
be
punished
heere
,
many
would
become
carelesse
,
yea
and
say
,
that
there
is
no
prouidence
of
God
in
the
affaires
of
men
;
For
seeing
that
now
when
the
hand
of
God
is
manifestly
seene
vpon
many
men
,
there
want
not
some
which
powre
forth
such
blasphemies
,
Ibid
.
Why
some
are
cut
of
by
iustice
of
God
and
others
not
.
what
would
they
doe
if
there
were
here
no
punishment
at
al
?
But
perhapps
some
wil
(
saith
S.
Chrisostome
)
that
those
which
are
cut
of
by
the
iustice
of
God
for
their
sinns
,
doe
many
times
breake
forth
into
blasphemies
and
dye
in
despaire
by
occasion
of
their
punishment
,
and
so
encrease
their
owne
sinne
and
damnation
;
wheras
otherwaies
they
might
perhappps
in
tyme
amend
;
wherto
he
answereth
,
that
if
God
did
not
foresee
that
they
would
not
amend
,
he
would
not
cut
them
of
in
sinne
,
but
would
giue
them
time
to
repent
,
and
that
therfore
foreseeing
their
impenitence
,
he
executeth
his
iustice
vpon
them
,
aswel
to
giue
them
their
due
desert
,
as
also
to
terrifie
others
by
theire
example
.
Thus
saith
S.
Chrisostome
in
substance
.
Why
al
are
not
punished
alike
in
this
life
,
who
sinne
alike
.
Ibid
.
12.
But
why
then
(
say
you
)
are
not
al
punished
a
like
who
sinne
a
like
(
for
many
times
we
see
that
of
those
which
are
partakers
of
one
fault
,
some
are
seuerely
punished
in
this
life
,
and
others
not
at
al
?
wherto
S.
Chrisostome
answereth
,
that
he
which
paieth
the
whole
penalty
of
his
sinne
here
,
paieth
none
in
the
other
life
,
and
he
which
paieth
part
here
paieth
lesse
there
,
&
he
which
is
not
punished
here
with
his
fellowes
,
eyther
amendeth
by
their
example
,
or
if
he
do
not
he
draweth
vpon
him selfe
a
great
reuenge
which
wil
surely
falle
vpon
him
in
the
end
.
And
this
saint
Chrisostome
confirmeth
with
the
answere
of
our
Sauiour
to
the
Iewes
who
complained
to
him
of
the
cruelty
of
Pilat
when
he
mixed
the
sacrifices
of
the
Galileans
with
their
blood
.
Ibid
.
Some
punished
for
the
example
of
others
.
Luc
.
13.
Doe
you
thinke
(
saith
our
Sauiour
)
that
those
Galileans
were
greater
sinners
then
the
rest
,
because
they
were
so
afflicted
?
nay
I
say
vnto
you
that
except
you
doe
pennance
,
you
shal
al
perish
;
and
th●nke
you
that
those
18.
men
vpon
whome
the
tower
fel
in
Siloe
,
and
killed
them
,
deserued
it
more
then
al
the
inhabitants
of
Hierusalem
?
nay
I
say
vnto
you
,
that
except
you
repent
you
●hal
al
perish
alike
.
Thus
said
our
Sauiour
,
to
signify
as
wel
that
God
wil
infallibly
puni●h
al
wicked
men
sooner
or
later
,
as
also
that
he
punisheth
some
for
the
example
of
others
;
according
as
wee
see
many
times
(
saith
S.
Chrisostome
)
that
a
maister
of
a
family
beateth
some
of
his
slaues
,
to
the
end
their
correction
may
serue
for
a
warning
to
the
rest
of
their
fellowes
.
How
it
standeth
with
Gods
iustice
to
punish
one
for
an
others
faults
.
2.
Reg
.
12.
13.
But
yet
there
resteth
no
smale
difficulty
to
be
cleared
,
to
wit
how
it
standeth
with
the
iustice
of
God
,
to
punish
one
for
the
offences
of
an
other
,
especially
infants
for
the
sinnes
of
their
parents
?
as
the
innocent
child
of
Dauid
who
died
in
the
cradel
for
his
fathers
sinne
;
and
in
like
manner
we
see
in
general
afflictions
of
commonwelths
,
that
not
only
good
,
and
holly
men
,
but
also
innocent
children
(
who
doe
no
waye
participat
of
the
offences
of
the
princes
or
the
people
)
are
afflicted
,
or
doe
corporally
perish
with
the
rest
;
and
herein
the
dout
may
seeme
to
be
the
greater
for
that
the
Prophet
Ezechiel
saith
,
Ezechiel
.
18.
that
the
Sonne
shal
not
beare
the
iniquity
of
the
father
,
nor
the
father
the
iniquity
of
the
sonne
,
but
that
the
righteousnes
of
the
iust
man
shal
be
vpon
him
,
and
the
iniquity
of
the
wicked
man
shal
fal
vpon
him selfe
.
To
which
purpose
it
may
also
be
obserued
,
that
whereas
almighty
God
threatned
in
Exodus
to
punish
the
sinnes
of
Parents
in
the
children
to
the
3.
Exod
.
20.
How
Gods
threats
of
punishment
vntil
the
4.
generation
are
to
be
vnderstood
.
Chrisost
.
ho
.
in
psal
.
84.
To
.
2.
Hieron
.
in
Isay
li.
18.
ca.
65.
Aug.
li
.
contra
.
Adimant
.
c
.
7.
Greg
.
in
21.
ca.
Iob
.
ca.
31.
and
4.
generation
;
the
ancient
Fathers
vnderstand
the
same
of
wicked
children
,
who
imitat
their
parents
in
their
wickednes
,
for
so
S.
Chrisostome
,
S.
Hierome
,
S.
Augustin
,
and
S.
Gregory
doe
interpret
it
;
of
whome
S.
Gregory
(
to
omit
the
other
for
breuities
sake
)
saith
vpon
the
same
place
.
Quisquis
patris
iniquitatem
non
imitatur
,
nequaquam
illius
delicto
grauatur
.
Who
soeuer
doth
not
imitat
his
fathers
iniquity
,
is
not
punished
for
his
sinne
.
And
further
adding
the
reason
why
God
threatneth
to
punish
to
the
4.
generation
,
he
saith
,
that
because
wicked
children
may
see
the
euil
life
of
their
wicked
parents
to
the
third
&
fourth
generation
,
&
be
induced
by
their
example
to
offend
God
,
Greg
.
Ibid
.
therfore
Vsque
ad
eos
extenditur
vltio
,
qui
viderunt
quod
male
sequerentur
.
The
punishment
is
extended
to
those
who
haue
seene
the
euil
example
which
they
haue
followed
.
Thus
saith
S
Gregory
,
wherby
it
maye
appeare
,
that
only
wicked
men
,
and
not
innocent
children
,
or
good
men
are
to
suffer
for
the
offences
,
either
of
their
parents
,
or
of
any
other
.
14.
For
the
clearing
of
this
difficulty
it
is
to
be
considered
,
Ezech
.
18.
The
difficulties
cleared
and
the
place
of
Ezechiel
interpreted
.
that
whereas
the
prophet
saith
,
that
the
Sonne
shal
not
be
punished
for
the
father
,
nor
the
father
for
the
sonne
;
It
is
to
be
vnderstood
of
spiritual
punishment
,
and
eternal
damnation
of
the
soule
,
and
not
of
temporal
punishment
in
body
,
goods
,
or
other
temporal
things
,
so
that
the
sence
is
;
that
no
man
shal
be
punished
in
his
soule
,
or
damned
eternally
for
the
only
fault
of
his
parents
,
when
he
hath
not
deserued
it
him selfe
;
Hieron
.
li
.
6.
in
Ezech
.
c
.
18.
Chrisost
.
5.
in
spal
.
8.
Aug.
li
.
6.
trac
.
Iulian
25.
&
in
Encherid
c
.
4.6
.
for
so
the
ancient
Fathers
vnde●stand
the
woords
of
the
prophet
,
not
denying
but
that
good
men
or
innocent
children
may
iustly
be
punished
in
their
persons
or
goods
,
for
their
fathers
sinnes
;
for
such
reasons
as
I
wil
declare
after
a
while
.
15.
Neither
doth
the
ancient
Fathers
exposition
of
the
place
of
Exodus
before
mencioned
contradict
the
same
,
Exod
.
20.
The
obiection
out
of
Exodus
answered
.
Greg
.
in
21.
ca.
Iob
.
ca.
31.
for
although
they
seeme
to
vnderstand
it
only
of
wicked
children
(
who
imitating
the
wickednes
of
their
parents
shal
be
punished
to
the
4
generation
)
yet
S.
Gregory
in
the
same
place
exemplifieth
his
owne
interpretation
not
only
in
euil
men
,
but
also
in
innocent
children
,
who
he
saith
are
sometimes
possessed
and
vexed
by
deuils
for
the
only
sinnes
of
their
parents
;
wherby
it
appeareth
that
he
vnderstandeth
the
punishment
threatned
in
Exodus
partly
of
corporal
or
temporal
punishment
,
in
goods
,
honour
,
and
such
like
(
in
which
sence
the
good
and
innocent
are
included
as
wel
as
the
wicked
)
and
partly
of
spiritual
or
eternal
punishment
,
as
wel
as
corporal
,
which
is
to
be
vnderstood
only
of
wicked
men
,
who
imitating
the
bad
example
of
their
wicked
parents
make
their
offences
their
owne
,
and
therfore
may
iustly
be
punished
for
the
same
al
manner
waies
,
to
wit
,
corporally
and
spiritually
,
temporally
and
eternally
.
Infants
punished
corporally
for
their
parents
sinnes
,
&
why
.
16.
But
now
to
speake
more
particulerly
of
the
temporal
punishment
of
infants
or
good
men
for
the
sinnes
of
their
parents
;
I
say
,
that
although
almighty
God
doth
neuer
punish
them
eternally
,
or
spiritually
,
for
the
faults
of
their
progenitours
,
yet
it
is
most
agreable
to
his
iustice
,
that
they
pay
sometimes
a
corporal
and
temporal
penalty
for
the
same
,
as
wel
in
respect
of
their
participation
,
of
one
,
and
the
selfe
same
nature
,
as
also
because
they
are
D.
Tho
.
1.2
.
q
.
87.
art
.
8.
c
.
Children
are
part
of
their
parents
goods
.
The
good
deeds
of
parents
rewarded
in
their
children
,
and
why
.
Tertul
aduers
.
Marcion
.
li
.
2.
Plutark
.
de
sera
num
.
vindic
.
The
difference
betwixt
that
which
is
made
by
art
,
and
that
which
is
engendred
.
part
of
their
parents
goods
;
in
which
respect
,
God
doth
as
iustly
punish
a
father
in
his
children
,
as
in
his
house
,
lands
,
cattle
or
the
rest
of
his
substance
.
And
seeing
also
the
merits
or
good
deedes
of
parents
are
temporally
rewarded
in
their
children
(
who
enherit
their
honours
,
dignities
,
and
other
commodities
,
no
lesse
then
their
lands
,
by
reason
of
their
natural
discent
,
and
dependance
of
them
)
it
is
also
most
iust
by
the
same
reason
,
as
Tertulian
affirmeth
,
that
they
temporrally
participate
of
their
disgraces
,
harmes
,
and
incommodities
;
wherof
Plutarck
yeeldeth
the
reason
,
obseruinge
notably
the
difference
betwixt
that
which
is
naturally
engendred
,
and
that
which
is
made
by
art
:
For
,
saith
he
,
artificial
things
are
made
by
workmen
,
but
not
of
them
;
that
is
to
saye
they
are
not
made
of
their
substance
or
nature
,
and
therfore
being
seperat
from
their
authors
,
they
haue
no
furder
communication
with
them
,
but
children
are
engendred
of
the
very
substance
and
nature
of
their
parents
,
which
remaineth
in
them
,
and
descendeth
also
by
generation
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
The
natural
properties
and
corporal
markes
of
parents
descend
to
their
children
.
from
them
to
their
posterity
.
17.
And
for
the
confirmation
hereof
,
he
obserueth
also
that
the
resemblance
,
and
natural
properties
,
or
corporal
marks
of
some
parents
,
are
continued
in
their
families
for
many
descents
,
yea
and
sometimes
not
appearing
in
the
second
or
third
generation
,
doe
neuerthelesse
shew
them selues
in
the
4.
or
5.
or
others
ensuing
some
ages
after
;
whereof
he
bringeth
an
example
of
one
in
his
time
called
Pithon
,
who
being
descended
of
the
founders
of
Thebes
,
and
the
last
of
that
race
,
was
borne
with
the
figure
of
a
lance
vpon
his
body
,
which
had
bene
in
former
ages
a
natural
marke
of
those
of
that
family
,
and
discontinued
in
them
for
many
yeres
;
wherby
,
saith
he
,
it
maye
appeare
that
one
,
and
the
selfe
same
nature
of
parents
doth
propagat
,
and
extend
it selfe
to
their
children
,
and
posterity
,
and
that
therefore
it
may
iustly
be
punished
or
reward
in
them
.
18.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
Humane
iustice
punisheth
whole
communities
though
euery
one
therein
hath
not
offended
;
and
why
.
This
also
the
same
author
confirmeth
by
the
custome
and
practise
of
humane
lawes
,
which
doe
iustly
reward
or
punsih
whole
citties
,
colledges
,
or
corporations
,
though
euery
particular
man
,
or
woman
,
therein
haue
not
deserued
it
,
by
meanes
whereof
such
as
come
afterwards
to
be
members
of
the
same
communities
,
doe
also
participat
of
the
same
rewards
or
penalties
,
only
by
reason
of
their
communion
in
that
pollitical
body
;
which
neuertheles
,
saith
Plutark
,
Ibid
.
seemth
not
to
haue
so
greate
reason
of
iustice
,
as
the
punishment
or
reward
of
a
whole
race
,
or
progeny
for
the
offence
or
good
desert
of
their
progenitour
,
whose
nature
stil
liueth
in
them
.
Thus
reasoneth
this
painime
most
excellently
defending
the
iustice
,
and
prouidence
of
God
against
the
Atheists
of
his
time
,
whereby
we
may
also
gather
how
conuenient
and
iust
it
is
,
that
some
good
and
holly
men
,
yea
and
innocent
children
,
Why
innocent
children
perish
with
wicked
men
in
the
general
punishments
of
commonwelths
.
nu
.
24.25.26.27
.
who
are
no
waie
partakers
of
the
common
offences
of
the
people
,
doe
neuerthelesse
temporally
suffer
with
the
rest
in
some
general
punishment
of
a
whole
commonwelth
,
by
reason
of
the
natural
simpathy
,
and
vnion
of
the
members
of
political
bodies
,
no
lesse
then
of
bodies
natural
;
as
I
haue
also
noted
before
,
in
the
17.
chapter
,
where
I
treated
of
Gods
iustice
in
punishing
the
subiects
for
the
sinnes
of
the
Princes
.
19.
And
this
wil
be
yet
more
cleare
if
we
consider
the
course
of
Gods
prouidence
in
this
point
,
How
God
tempereth
his
iustice
with
mercy
in
the
affliction
of
men
.
and
how
he
tempereth
his
iustice
with
mercy
in
the
afflictions
,
and
punishments
of
men
.
To
which
purpose
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
that
euery
one
who
is
afflicted
,
is
not
punished
,
and
this
I
saye
for
diuers
causes
,
first
,
for
that
sometimes
afflictions
falle
vpon
men
not
for
any
offence
,
The
difference
betwixt
affliction
and
punishment
.
Al
afflictions
are
punishments
of
sinne
in
infidels
,
but
not
in
the
baptised
,
and
why
.
Aug.
li
.
13.
de
Trinit
.
ca.
16.
&
li.
2
de
pec
.
mer
.
ca.
33.
The
reasons
why
the
baptised
are
not
exempt
from
miseries
,
after
the
remission
of
original
sinne
.
The
miseries
of
this
life
are
not
punishments
in
Christians
,
but
only
when
they
are
some
offence
.
but
either
naturally
,
or
casually
,
only
through
the
course
of
humane
infirmity
,
in
which
case
,
how
soeuer
al
kind
of
afflictions
may
be
truly
called
punishments
in
infidels
,
who
are
not
regenerat
by
baptisme
and
cleansed
from
original
sinne
(
whereof
humane
miseries
are
some
part
of
the
penalty
)
yet
to
Christians
(
to
whome
both
original
sinne
and
the
paine
due
thereto
is
remitted
)
they
are
as
S.
Augustin
teacheth
,
left
after
baptisme
,
by
the
special
prouidence
of
God
,
not
as
punishment
,
but
for
their
exercise
and
to
serue
them
for
matter
of
greater
merit
,
to
make
them
like
to
Christ
their
head
,
whose
members
they
are
,
to
the
end
that
suffring
with
him
,
the
maye
raigne
with
him
;
and
lastly
,
to
draw
them
from
the
loue
of
wordly
vanities
,
and
of
this
ttansitory
life
,
to
the
due
consideration
and
desire
of
heauenly
ioyes
,
and
life
euerlasting
.
Therefore
I
saye
,
that
wheras
al
kind
of
miseries
are
now
since
the
falle
of
Adam
,
and
his
losse
of
original
iustice
,
incident
to
the
life
and
state
as
wel
of
man
,
as
of
other
liuing
creatures
,
the
same
are
not
punishments
in
the
regenerat
,
but
only
when
they
are
inflicted
vpon
them
,
either
by
diuine
or
humane
iustice
for
some
offence
;
for
otherwise
when
they
falle
vpon
them
,
either
by
course
of
nature
,
or
by
meere
accident
,
though
they
are
afflictions
,
yet
they
neither
are
,
nor
can
properly
be
tearmed
punishments
.
Certain
cases
wherin
afflictions
are
not
punishments
.
Iob
.
1.
Tobiae
.
12.
Ioan
.
9.
20.
Further
more
I
haue
declared
amply
in
the
25.
Chapter
that
men
are
sometymes
afflicted
,
not
for
sinnes
but
for
their
probation
and
greater
merit
,
as
Iob
and
Tobias
were
,
and
sometymes
only
for
the
manifestation
of
Gods
glory
,
as
the
man
was
of
whome
the
Gospel
speaketh
,
who
was
borne
blind
,
to
the
end
that
our
Sauiour
might
be
glorifyed
by
his
cure
.
Otherwhiles
also
God
suffreth
his
seruants
to
be
afflicted
for
their
preseruation
from
sinne
:
●
.
Cor
.
12.
as
S
Paule
was
molested
by
the
Angel
of
Sathan
,
lest
otherwise
he
might
be
proud
of
the
grace
and
gifts
which
God
had
geuen
him
;
for
which
cause
also
God
depriueth
good
men
otherwhiles
not
only
of
their
temporal
and
corporal
commodities
(
lest
they
may
be
seduced
and
corrupted
thereby
)
but
also
of
their
liues
,
Sap
.
4.
nu
5.
&
17.
ne
malitia
mutet
intellectum
,
lest
malice
may
change
their
vnderstanding
,
as
I
haue
signifyed
more
amply
in
25.
Insants
perish
corporally
sometymes
to
the
saluation
of
their
soules
.
Chap.
25.
chapter
.
And
in
like
manner
it
may
be
said
of
infants
,
and
innocent
children
,
that
they
may
through
Gods
merciful
prouidence
perish
corporally
,
in
some
general
affliction
to
the
saluation
of
their
soules
,
which
if
they
liued
might
be
damned
eternally
.
In
al
which
cases
and
diuers
other
(
whereof
I
haue
also
spoken
before
)
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
that
innocent
men
may
be
afflicted
,
&
yet
not
punished
,
though
neuertheles
others
may
be
iustly
punished
in
them
.
And
the
reason
is
for
that
the
calamity
of
one
person
may
haue
many
different
considerations
,
according
to
the
difference
of
Gods
iudgements
vpon
him
that
is
afflicted
,
How
the
affliction
of
one
man
which
is
no
punishment
to
him
may
be
a
punishment
to
others
.
The
different
considerations
which
may
be
had
in
the
affliction
of
some
one
man
.
Aug.
li
.
6.
quaest.
sup
.
Iosue
.
c
.
8.
and
vpon
others
whome
his
affliction
may
some
way
concerne
.
As
for
example
;
the
suddain
death
of
some
one
(
whether
it
hap
by
Gods
special
ordinance
for
the
saluation
of
his
soule
,
or
only
by
natural
or
casual
meanes
)
may
by
the
secret
disposition
,
and
prouidence
of
God
,
serue
for
a
due
punishment
to
his
parents
,
for
temporal
reward
(
due
also
by
Gods
iustice
)
to
his
enemies
,
for
an
example
,
and
admonition
to
some
,
for
an
edification
to
others
,
and
finnally
for
the
glory
of
God
;
and
this
S.
Augustine
insinuateth
notably
,
saying
.
For
as
much
as
the
visible
afflictions
or
deaths
of
men
may
be
either
profitable
,
or
hurtful
to
those
vpon
whome
they
are
inflicted
,
our
Lord
knoweth
in
his
secret
prouidence
how
to
dispose
the
same
iustly
to
euery
one
;
Etiam
cum
aliorum
peccata
in
alijs
vlcisci
videtur
;
euen
then
when
he
seemeth
to
punish
the
sinnes
of
some
in
others
.
Thus
saith
S.
Augustine
.
21.
Now
then
of
these
premisses
I
gather
three
conclusions
.
The
first
is
,
The
first
conclusion
gathered
of
the
premisses
.
that
one
man
may
iustly
beare
the
temporal
penalty
of
an
other
mans
faults
,
either
in
respect
of
some
interest
or
propriety
which
one
may
haue
in
an
other
,
or
of
some
coniunction
,
or
communion
in
nature
(
for
both
which
respects
children
are
punished
for
the
sinnes
of
their
parents
)
or
els
by
reason
of
a
natural
simpathy
in
a
politicke
body
(
as
when
whole
commonwelths
are
afflicted
for
the
offences
of
some
members
thereof
)
in
which
cases
there
is
a
iust
participation
of
merit
and
demerit
,
and
consequently
of
reward
and
punishment
.
22.
The
second
conclusion
,
The
second
conclusion
.
is
that
in
the
afflictions
as
wel
of
whole
communities
,
as
of
particuler
men
,
for
the
sinnes
of
others
,
God
disposeth
,
and
distributeth
the
same
to
euery
one
in
such
weight
,
measure
,
and
manner
,
as
to
his
infinit
wisdome
seemeth
conuenient
for
the
punishment
of
some
,
&
benefit
of
others
,
&
his
owne
glory
,
reseruing
the
reasons
,
&
causes
therof
,
as
it
were
,
locked
vp
in
the
secret
cabinet
of
his
inscrutable
iudgements
for
such
respect
as
shal
be
declared
after
a
while
.
nu
.
23.
&
24.
The
third
conclusion
.
The
reasons
of
Gods
iudgements
in
particular
are
secret
and
vnknown
.
Many
euident
reasons
may
be
geuen
of
Gods
iudgements
in
general
.
23.
The
third
conclusion
resulting
of
the
satisfaction
of
this
last
difficulty
,
and
of
al
the
former
,
is
that
although
the
reasons
of
Gods
iudgements
in
particuler
(
I
meane
concerning
particuler
men
)
are
secret
and
for
the
most
part
vnknowne
either
to
them selues
,
or
to
any
other
in
this
life
,
yet
many
euident
,
and
manifest
reasons
may
be
geuen
of
his
iudgements
in
general
,
as
why
one
man
is
punished
for
an
other
,
why
the
wicked
are
prosperous
,
and
the
iust
afflicted
,
why
some
sinners
are
chasticed
in
this
world
,
and
others
not
,
why
good
and
wicked
men
are
sometymes
punished
togeather
,
&
finally
why
al
temporal
good
and
euil
is
common
to
them
both
.
Why
God
manifesteth
his
iudgements
in
some
things
,
and
concealeth
them
in
other
.
24.
And
herein
also
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
God
sheweth
his
mercy
and
prouidence
towards
man
,
as
wel
in
concealing
the
one
from
him
,
as
in
reuealing
vnto
him
the
other
,
for
as
by
the
light
and
knowledge
which
we
haue
of
his
iudgements
in
general
,
we
are
moued
the
more
to
admire
his
infinit
wisdome
,
to
acknowledge
his
prouidence
,
and
to
honour
and
loue
him
:
so
by
not
knowing
his
iudgements
concerning
our selues
in
particular
,
we
are
admonished
of
our
owne
infirmity
&
ignorance
,
and
of
our
absolut
dependance
vpon
his
wil
,
Not
fit
for
the
slaue
to
know
the
councels
of
his
Lord
and
maister
.
Ioan
.
ca.
15.
as
his
creatures
,
seruants
,
and
slaues
,
to
whom
it
doth
not
appertayne
to
knowe
the
councells
of
their
Lord
and
maister
,
further
then
it
pleaseth
him
to
manifest
the
same
vnto
them
;
For
as
our
Sauiour
him selfe
saith
.
Seruus
nescit
quod
faciat
dominus
eius
;
the
slaue
knoweth
not
what
his
Lord
or
maister
doeth
:
By
the
consideration
wherof
we
are
moued
also
to
serue
him
with
so
much
more
feare
,
by
how
much
we
lesse
knowe
his
wil
and
pleasure
concerning
vs
and
our
affayres
.
25.
This
S.
Gregory
doth
notably
signifye
,
who
expounding
the
history
of
Iob
saith
,
that
almighty
God
speaking
vnto
him
,
did
admonish
him
to
suffer
his
affliction
with
so
much
more
patience
,
by
how
much
lesse
he
vnderstood
for
what
cause
he
suffered
the
same
;
and
to
the
same
purpose
S.
Gregory
discourseth
amply
in
the
same
place
of
the
variable
and
diuers
euents
,
which
fal
out
dayly
in
the
different
estats
and
condicions
of
men
,
and
concludeth
that
it
is
most
necessary
,
that
we
should
not
know
and
vnderstand
the
secret
iudgments
of
God
therin
;
Necessary
for
man
not
to
know
the
seacret
iudgments
of
God
.
Greg
.
li
.
29.
ca.
18.
in
38.
ca.
Iob
.
To
the
end
(
saith
he
)
we
may
the
better
know
our selues
,
and
knowing
our selues
may
feare
and
be
humbled
,
and
being
humbled
,
may
not
presume
any
thinge
of
our
owne
strenght
,
but
craue
and
seeke
the
helpe
of
our
Creatour
,
by
the
which
we
may
attaine
to
euerlasting
life
,
wheras
by
trust
and
confidence
in
our selues
we
may
perish
for
euer
;
Thus
saith
S.
Gregory
,
wherby
we
may
see
how
true
it
is
which
S.
Chrisostome
saith
;
Chris
.
in
Psal
.
142.
The
iudgments
of
God
are
hidden
from
vs
for
our
good
.
Iudicia
Dei
abscondita
sunt
a
nobis
,
pro
nobis
;
The
iudgements
of
God
are
hidden
from
vs
,
for
vs
,
that
is
to
say
,
for
our
owne
good
.
So
that
the
great
wisdome
,
prouidence
,
and
mercy
of
God
towards
vs
,
appeareth
no
lesse
in
that
he
concealeth
his
iudgments
from
vs
in
many
thinges
,
then
that
in
many
other
he
manifesteth
the
same
vnto
vs.
26.
And
hereby
,
as
also
by
al
the
precedenr
discourse
,
it
is
euident
that
the
reasons
which
Atheists
vse
against
the
prouidence
of
God
,
are
notable
arguments
to
proue
the
same
,
The
conclusion
of
this
chapter
,
inserring
the
euidence
of
Gods
prouidence
and
the
blindnes
of
Atheists
.
and
doe
conuince
them
as
wel
of
extreame
ingratitude
towards
their
most
merciful
,
prouident
,
and
louing
father
;
as
also
of
intollerable
presumption
and
inexcusable
ignorance
and
blindnes
;
I
say
presumption
and
blindnes
,
in
that
they
thinke
them selues
able
to
measure
the
infinit
wisdome
of
their
Creator
by
the
inche
(
as
I
may
tearme
it
)
of
their
short
and
sillye
capacity
,
whiles
in
the
meane
tyme
they
are
so
blind
that
they
see
not
the
cleare
light
of
his
prouidence
,
which
shineth
and
manifesteth
it selfe
in
the
admirable
disposition
and
gouernment
of
al
his
creatures
.
Attingens
(
saith
the
booke
of
wisdome
)
a
fine
vsque
ad
finem
fortiter
,
&
disponens
omnia
suauiter
;
That
is
to
say
,
Sap
.
ca.
●
.
Reaching
and
extending
it selfe
powerfully
from
one
end
to
the
other
,
and
disposinge
al
thinges
sweetly
;
And
this
shal
suffiice
at
this
time
for
this
matter
.
IT
IS
INFERRED
VPON
THE
PREMISSES
that
no
sinful
policy
can
be
truely
accompted
wise
or
political
;
And
by
occasion
therof
it
is
declared
,
whence
true
wisdome
is
,
what
it
is
,
and
wherin
it
consisteth
.
Also
the
diference
betwixt
wisdome
,
prudence
,
and
policy
;
and
lastly
the
necessity
of
grace
to
the
perfection
of
policy
is
signified
:
with
a
consideration
of
the
difficulties
and
dangers
incydent
to
matters
of
state
.
CHAP.
28.
IN
the
former
discourse
(
good
reader
)
I
haue
proued
especially
two
thinges
,
the
one
is
the
weaknes
of
mans
wit
,
policy
,
and
power
;
and
by
consequence
his
insufficiency
for
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
with
out
some
supernatural
assistance
;
The
other
is
,
the
dependance
of
al
states
,
empires
,
and
kingdomes
,
vpon
the
prouidence
,
absolute
wil
,
and
disposition
of
almighty
God
;
wherupon
,
though
many
notable
conclusions
may
be
inferred
,
yet
I
wil
for
this
time
,
only
inferre
one
,
to
wit
,
that
no
policy
which
is
sinneful
,
No
sinful
policy
can
be
truely
wise
or
political
and
why
;
and
offenciue
to
God
,
can
be
truly
wise
and
political
;
For
if
al
kingdomes
&
states
,
depend
wholy
vpon
Gods
wil
and
disposition
,
it
is
manifest
that
nothing
which
offendeth
God
can
be
good
for
state
,
nor
by
consequence
political
.
And
although
I
meane
to
treat
this
point
specially
in
the
second
part
of
this
Treatise
,
where
I
wil
proue
that
there
is
no
true
vtility
in
sinne
and
wickednes
;
yet
I
haue
thought
good
to
lay
downe
some
groundes
therof
in
this
chapter
.
2.
And
to
the
end
,
the
discourse
hereof
may
be
the
more
cleare
,
Policy
a
branch
of
wisdome
.
I
wil
first
declare
what
is
wisdome
,
and
wherin
it
consisteth
:
For
seeing
policy
is
but
as
it
were
a
branch
therof
,
it
shal
be
conuenient
first
to
consider
the
nature
of
the
roote
or
tree
,
that
we
may
therby
know
the
property
and
nature
of
the
branch
;
And
to
this
end
it
is
to
be
considered
,
first
whence
wisdome
is
,
and
afterwards
what
it
is
,
wherby
it
shal
appeare
that
true
wisdome
,
and
consequently
true
policy
,
can
no
way
stand
with
wickednes
.
3.
For
the
first
;
it
is
euident
,
Wisdome
the
special
gif●e
of
God
according
to
Plato
.
by
the
doctrine
as
wel
of
the
best
philosophers
,
as
of
our
holy
scriptures
,
that
wisdome
is
the
special
gift
of
God
,
which
Plato
taught
not
only
concerning
absolute
wisdome
(
consisting
in
the
speculation
and
knowledge
of
diuine
thinges
)
but
also
of
ciuil
or
political
wisdome
and
prudence
,
which
he
saith
is
neither
giuen
to
man
by
nature
,
Plato
4.
de
legib
.
&
in
Minoe
.
Wisdome
not
giuen
by
nature
,
nor
taught
by
Philosophy
,
nor
got
by
industry
.
nor
taught
by
philosophy
,
nor
got
by
industry
or
experience
;
and
therfore
in
his
booke
of
political
lawes
,
he
craueth
it
of
almighty
God
as
his
especial
gift
,
acknowledging
that
no
humane
wit
,
can
with
out
his
particuler
inspiration
,
and
assistance
,
ordaine
sufficient
lawes
,
for
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
,
as
I
haue
ca.
7.
nu
.
8.
already
signified
here
.
4.
This
also
our
scriptures
teach
aboundantly
,
Eccli
.
ca.
1.
God
the
only
autor
and
giuer
of
wisdome
according
to
the
Scriptures
.
Ibid
.
ca.
15.
Eccli
.
ca.
1.
deriuing
al
wisdome
from
almighty
God
,
as
from
the
true
fountaine
therof
saying
,
Omnis
sapientia
a
domino
Deo
est
;
Al
wisdome
is
from
our
Lord
God
;
Et
à
deo
profecta
est
sapientia
&c.
Wisdome
came
from
God
,
and
it
shal
abound
in
the
mouth
of
the
faithful
man
,
and
the
gouernour
or
Lord
of
al
w●l
giue
it
him
;
And
againe
,
Fons
sapientiae
verbum
Dei
in
excelsis
;
The
fountaine
of
wisdome
is
the
word
of
God
on
high
,
That
is
to
say
the
sonne
of
God
,
who
is
therfore
called
;
Sapientia
patris
.
The
wisdome
of
God
the
father
.
5.
For
this
cause
S.
Iames
aduiseth
vs
,
Ep.
Iac
.
ca.
1.
Si
quis
vestrum
(
saith
he
)
indiget
sapientia
,
postulet
à
Deo
&
dabitur
ei
;
If
any
of
you
neede
wisdome
let
him
aske
it
of
God
,
and
it
shal
be
giuen
him
;
3.
Reg
.
ca.
3.
Salomon
and
Iesus
the
sonne
of
Sirach
obtayned
wisdome
of
God
by
prayer
.
Eccli
.
ca.
51.
and
Salomon
craued
it
of
almighty
God
,
and
obtained
it
,
and
Iesus
the
sonne
of
Sirach
saith
of
him selfe
.
Cum
adhuc
iunior
sum
&c.
When
I
was
yet
but
younge
I
craued
wisdome
expresly
in
my
prayers
,
and
before
it
was
yet
time
to
vse
it
I
required
it
,
and
profited
much
in
it
,
and
therfore
I
wil
giue
glory
to
him
who
gaue
it
me
.
Thus
saith
the
Preacher
,
wherto
I
might
adde
infinit
places
of
scriptures
to
the
same
purpose
,
if
it
were
needeful
.
6.
Seeing
then
true
wisdome
is
,
according
to
the
opinion
both
of
philosophers
and
diuines
,
an
especial
gift
of
almighty
God
,
it
must
needes
follow
that
it
can
haue
no
communication
with
sinne
and
wickednes
,
or
with
any
thinge
offenciue
to
Gods
and
therfore
Plato
with
al
his
followers
doth
teach
,
Plato
in
The
age
.
&
in
ep
.
ad
Syracusan
.
What
wisdome
is
according
to
Plato
.
that
for
as
much
as
true
wisdome
is
nothing
els
,
but
as
it
were
the
light
of
the
cheefe
and
true
good
(
that
is
to
say
of
almighty
God
)
reflected
vpon
the
soules
of
men
,
no
soule
defiled
with
sinne
,
is
any
whit
more
capable
of
this
light
of
true
wisdome
,
then
the
ayre
being
ouercast
with
cloudes
is
capable
of
the
sunne
.
And
this
doctrine
of
Plato
agreeth
notablye
with
our
holy
scriptures
which
teach
,
Sap
.
1.
A
soule
desiled
with
sinne
,
not
capable
of
wisdome
.
Eccli
.
43.
that
In
maleuolam
animam
&c.
Wisdome
wil
not
enter
into
a
soule
possest
with
malice
,
nor
dwel
in
a
body
subiect
to
sinne
.
And
therfore
the
Preacher
saith
,
that
God
giueth
wisdome
;
Homini
bono
;
To
the
good
man
.
&
pie
agentibus
,
and
to
those
which
doe
wel
and
godly
.
7
This
wil
be
more
euident
by
the
consideration
of
what
wisdome
is
,
What
wisdome
is
,
wherin
it
consisteth
according
to
our
holy
scriptures
.
Iob
.
ca.
28.
and
wherin
it
principally
consisteth
.
Therfore
first
to
speake
of
the
doctrine
of
our
holy
scriptures
,
and
after
of
the
opinion
of
Philosophers
;
Iob
hauing
asked
this
question
;
Wher
is
wisdome
to
be
found
,
and
what
is
the
place
of
vnderstanding
?
answereth
him selfe
saying
;
Ecce
timor
domini
ipsa
est
sapientia
&
recedere
a
malo
intelligentia
;
Behould
the
feare
of
God
is
wisdome
it selfe
,
and
to
forsake
euil
is
vnderstanding
.
Eccli
.
ca.
19.
Thus
saith
Iob
:
which
the
Preacher
confirmeth
sayinge
.
Omnis
sapientia
timor
Dei
,
&
in
omni
sapientia
dispositio
legis
;
Al
wisdome
is
the
feare
of
God
,
and
in
al
wisdome
is
the
disposition
of
the
law
,
That
is
to
say
(
as
we
read
in
the
greeke
text
)
Factio
&
operatio
legis
,
True
wisdome
consisteth
in
the
feare
of
God
and
the
execution
of
his
law
.
The
doing
and
working
of
the
lawe
,
signifiing
that
al
wisdome
consisteth
in
the
feare
of
God
,
and
in
the
execution
of
his
law
,
which
is
as
much
to
say
,
as
in
keeping
his
commandements
;
wherof
three
reasons
may
be
giuen
.
8.
The
first
,
because
he
which
feareth
God
and
fulfilleth
his
commandements
,
hath
the
ground
and
principal
part
of
wisdome
,
The
principal
part
of
wisdome
,
to
respect
in
al
thinges
the
glory
of
God
,
and
our
eternal
good
.
Matth
.
16.
Eccli
.
c
.
37.
for
in
al
his
actions
he
principally
respecteth
two
thinges
,
the
one
,
the
glory
of
God
(
for
the
which
man
and
al
other
creatures
were
cheefly
ordained
)
and
the
other
,
the
eternal
good
of
his
soule
which
most
importeth
him
;
For
as
our
Sauiour
saith
.
What
doth
a
man
gaine
though
he
get
the
whole
world
,
if
he
loose
his
soule
?
And
therfore
the
Peacher
saith
very
wel
;
Sapiens
est
animae
suae
sapiens
:
He
which
is
wise
,
is
wise
for
his
soule
.
9.
The
second
reason
is
,
for
that
he
which
feareth
God
and
keepeth
his
commandements
,
doth
therin
worke
wisely
,
He
which
truly
feareth
God
is
wise
for
his
temporal
good
and
why
.
not
only
for
his
eternal
good
(
as
I
said
before
)
but
also
for
his
temporal
and
worldly
good
:
seeing
therby
he
conserueth
him selfe
in
the
protection
and
fauor
of
him
who
is
the
author
and
giuer
as
wel
of
the
one
,
as
of
the
other
,
and
hath
a
special
and
particular
care
of
such
as
feare
and
serue
him
,
for
as
the
Psalmist
saith
.
Oculi
domini
super
metuentes
eum
.
Psal
.
32.
Psal
.
33.
The
eyes
of
our
Lord
are
vpon
them
that
feare
him
.
Et
aures
eius
in
preces
eorum
;
and
his
eares
are
attentiue
to
their
praiers
:
and
such
is
his
loue
towards
them
&
the
regard
he
hath
of
them
,
that
as
our
Sauiour
saith
;
Math
.
ca.
10.
Psal
.
33.
He
numbreth
the
very
haires
of
their
heads
:
Et
custodit
(
saith
the
psalmist
)
omnia
ossa
eorum
,
and
preserueth
al
their
bones
,
to
the
end
that
there
shal
not
any
one
of
them
perish
.
10.
Therfore
as
no
man
either
is
or
can
be
counted
wise
or
happy
,
who
by
contempt
of
almighty
God
,
No
man
is
wise
in
exposing
him selfe
to
Gods
indignation
.
and
breach
of
his
commandements
,
exposeth
him selfe
to
his
indignation
(
wherby
both
he
,
and
his
may
vtterly
perish
)
so
also
he
which
by
the
feare
of
God
and
the
obseruation
of
his
law
procureth
his
continual
fauor
and
protection
,
is
not
only
truely
wise
,
but
also
truely
happy
:
which
Aristotle
him selfe
acknowledged
,
Arist
.
li
.
10.
ethi
.
ca
7.
He
which
procureth
the
fauor
of
God
,
is
both
wise
and
happy
according
to
Aristotle
Idem
.
Ibid
.
ca
8.
The
law
of
God
is
the
rule
of
al
prudent
actions
.
The
difference
betwixt
wisdome
and
prudence
.
The
obiect
of
wisdome
.
The
difinition
of
wisdome
.
Cicero
offic
li.
2.
Aug.
li
.
14.
de
trinit
.
ca.
1.
The
office
of
prudence
.
who
tecahing
that
true
wisdome
and
felicity
doe
cheefly
consyst
in
the
contemplation
of
God
&
heauenly
thinges
,
affirmeth
the
wisest
man
to
be
the
happiest
of
al
others
:
because
hee
is
most
grateful
to
God
,
and
best
beloued
of
him
,
and
protected
and
benefytted
by
him
.
11.
The
third
reason
why
the
feare
of
God
and
the
keeping
of
his
commandments
is
true
wisdome
,
is
,
because
the
law
of
God
is
the
true
rule
,
and
squire
,
by
the
which
al
prudent
actions
are
to
be
measured
,
for
it
comprehendeth
in
it selfe
&
teacheth
al
true
vertue
and
goodnes
,
without
the
which
there
can
be
no
true
prudence
:
as
shal
appeare
by
the
circumstances
due
,
and
requisit
thereto
,
according
to
the
doctrin
of
Philosophers
;
wherein
in
by
the
way
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
although
wisdome
,
and
prudence
in
common
speach
are
commonly
confounded
,
yet
there
is
betwixt
them
this
difference
;
that
wisdome
hath
for
her
obiect
,
not
only
humane
,
but
also
diuine
things
,
and
therefore
is
defined
both
by
Philosophers
and
diuins
to
be
;
fciencia
diuinarum
humanarumque
rerum
&
eorumquae
illarum
rerum
sunt
causae
,
The
knowledge
of
things
diuine
,
and
humane
,
and
of
their
causes
,
Basil
in
princip
.
prouerb
.
Arist
.
Motal
.
Ni
com
li.
7.
ca.
5.
&
ethi
.
li
.
6.
D.
Tho
.
2.2
.
q
27.2
.
Cicero
de
nat.
deor
.
li.
3.
Aug.
li
.
83
quaest.
31.
Basil
in
princip
.
prouerb
.
The
difinition
of
prudence
.
wheras
the
office
of
prudence
is
duly
to
consider
,
and
wel
to
direct
humane
affaires
,
and
is
called
by
S.
Thomas
.
Sapientia
in
humanis
rebus
,
wisdome
in
humane
things
,
consisting
,
as
both
Cicero
and
S.
Augustin
teach
,
in
the
knowledge
,
of
things
good
,
bad
,
and
indifferent
;
and
is
defined
,
verum
expetendarum
fugiendarumque
scientia
,
the
knowledge
of
things
to
be
desired
,
or
fled
,
or
as
S.
Basil
saith
eorum
quae
agenda
&
non
agenda
sunt
cognitio
.
The
knowledge
of
those
things
which
are
to
be
donne
or
not
to
be
donne
,
Whereto
3.
circumstances
are
principally
required
.
12.
The
1.
is
,
that
the
end
of
euery
action
be
truely
good
,
which
Aristotle
teacheth
to
be
the
first
and
principal
circumstance
requisite
to
prudence
,
Arist
li.
6.
ethic
.
ca.
4.
Idem
.
ca.
12.
The
end
of
euery
action
truely
prudent
must
needs
be
good
.
The
meanes
and
circumstances
of
euery
prudent
action
are
good
and
iust
.
Arist
.
in
ethi
.
and
therfore
he
affirmeth
that
who
soeuer
applieth
his
wit
and
iudgments
to
worke
for
an
euil
end
,
although
he
haue
neuer
so
good
successe
therin
,
yet
he
can
not
be
called
truely
wise
or
prudent
,
but
crafty
or
subtile
.
13.
The
2.
circumstance
is
,
not
only
that
the
end
of
euery
action
be
good
(
as
I
haue
said
)
but
also
that
the
meanes
to
attaine
to
that
end
,
be
correspondent
therto
,
that
is
to
say
,
that
they
be
also
good
and
iust
,
yea
and
wel
and
iustly
done
;
To
which
purpose
Aristotle
prescribeth
circumstances
of
due
time
,
place
,
and
manner
,
to
be
considered
in
euery
vertuous
and
prudent
action
,
teaching
with
al
that
who
soeuer
fayleth
in
any
of
the
said
circumstances
,
Idem
li.
6.
is
not
vertuous
,
nor
by
consequent
prudent
,
Ethic
.
e
.
12.
Macrob
.
in
somno
scrip
.
li.
1.
Vertue
and
prudence
so
ioyned
that
they
cannot
be
seperated
.
Basil
in
princip
.
prouerb
.
for
that
prudence
and
vertue
are
so
ioyned
,
that
the
one
can
nor
possible
be
with
out
the
other
;
and
therfore
Macrobius
assigning
our
of
Plato
six
partes
of
prudence
,
accompteth
circumspection
for
one
,
which
he
saith
consisteth
in
the
consideration
of
the
circumstances
of
euery
action
,
that
the
same
be
lawful
,
good
,
and
iust
;
whereupon
S.
Basil
saith
.
Quisquis
prudentiam
recte
sectatus
fuerit
&c.
who
soeuer
followeth
the
rule
of
prudence
truly
,
he
shal
neuer
swarue
from
vertu
,
nor
fal
into
vice
.
14.
The
3.
circumstance
to
be
considered
in
eu●ry
prudent
action
is
,
that
wheras
there
are
certaine
degrees
of
goodnes
in
thinges
,
some
being
good
,
other
better
,
and
one
the
best
of
al
,
(
wh●rto
al
other
thinges
are
to
be
referred
,
which
is
therefore
called
by
the
philosophers
:
Sumun
bonum
;
The
cheefe
good
,
and
also
,
Finis
bonorum
,
Cicero
de
finibus
li
.
1
2.3.4
.
&
5.
&
offic
.
li.
3.
The
end
of
al
good
thinges
)
it
is
(
I
say
)
specially
required
to
prudence
,
to
make
a
true
estimate
of
the
valew
and
wroth
of
euery
thinge
,
Prudence
preferreth
the
greater
good
before
the
lesse
,
and
the
cheefe
good
before
al
other
.
Plutarc
.
de
amore
frater
.
Arist
.
6.
Ethic
.
D.
Tho
.
2.2
.
q
.
27.
ar
.
2.
and
not
only
to
reiect
thinges
absolutly
euil
,
or
of
euills
to
choose
the
least
(
as
the
Lacedemonian
said
merily
he
had
done
,
when
he
had
maried
a
very
litle
wife
but
also
of
good
thinges
to
choose
the
best
,
preferring
those
thinges
which
are
absolutly
good
,
before
al
other
goods
what
soeuer
,
and
making
the
cheefe
good
,
the
scope
and
end
of
al
his
actions
.
15.
Now
then
seeing
these
three
circumstances
are
requisit
to
true
prudence
,
to
wit
to
choose
a
good
end
,
to
vse
and
practice
good
and
vertuous
meanes
;
and
to
esteeme
euery
good
thing
in
the
degree
that
it
deserueth
;
How
he
that
feareth
God
practiseth
the
3.
cheefe
points
of
prudence
.
it
is
euident
that
he
who
feareth
God
and
keepeth
his
commandements
,
most
exactly
,
p
rformeth
al
those
three
thinges
not
only
in
euery
par●iculer
action
but
also
throughout
the
whole
course
of
his
life
,
tending
in
al
thinges
to
goodnes
and
vertue
,
vsing
al
iust
and
vertuous
meanes
,
and
esteeming
euery
thinge
according
to
the
true
worth
and
valew
therof
;
For
he
preferreth
the
soule
before
the
body
,
eternal
thinges
before
temporal
.
the
goods
of
the
body
before
the
goods
of
fortune
,
the
goods
of
the
mind
before
them
both
:
and
finnally
he
referreth
and
directeth
al
his
actions
and
the
whole
course
of
his
life
to
the
seruice
and
glory
of
God
,
Apoc
.
1.
Arist
.
Metaph
.
li.
1.
Trimegist
.
in
paeman
.
c
.
3.
whome
both
diuines
and
Philosophers
teach
,
to
be
the
begining
and
end
of
al
creatures
,
as
I
haue
partly
shewed
already
,
and
wil
doe
more
amply
in
the
second
part
of
this
treatise
when
I
shal
speake
of
religion
.
In
the
preface
.
16.
But
here
perhaps
some
wil
say
,
that
there
are
necessarily
required
to
prudence
certaine
partes
which
I
haue
not
yet
mencioned
,
as
sagacity
of
wit
,
a
good
memory
,
&
a
sound
iudgment
,
A
difficulty
proposed
concerninge
other
parts
of
prudence
.
Arist
.
ethic
.
li
.
6.
c
.
9.
&
10.
wherby
wise
men
doe
prudently
consider
,
iudge
,
counsel
,
ordaine
,
and
execute
;
and
that
these
partes
(
as
Aristotle
teacheth
)
proceede
partly
of
a
natural
hability
,
and
partly
of
longe
experience
.
In
which
respect
he
most
approueth
the
iudgment
and
counsel
of
old
men
;
wherupon
it
followeth
that
it
sufficeth
not
to
prudence
to
feare
God
and
keepe
his
commandements
,
except
a
man
haue
with
al
the
other
partes
aboue
mencioned
,
which
many
good
and
holy
men
want
,
either
in
respect
of
some
natural
defect
of
wit
,
memory
,
and
iudgment
,
or
for
lack
of
experience
.
The
satisfaction
of
the
difficulty
proposed
.
17.
For
the
better
satisfaction
hereof
,
one
thing
is
to
be
considered
,
which
I
haue
before
amply
treated
and
proued
,
to
wit
the
natural
imbecility
of
mans
wit
,
which
I
haue
shewed
to
be
such
in
the
wisest
worldly
man
that
liueth
,
that
he
knoweth
not
what
is
conuenient
for
him selfe
,
No
man
is
so
wise
that
he
alwayes
knoweth
what
is
conuenient
for
him selfe
.
Chap.
2.
&
3.
&c.
The
light
of
Gods
grace
necessary
for
the
perfection
of
prudence
.
and
much
lesse
for
others
;
wherby
he
desireth
and
seeketh
many
tymes
that
which
turneth
to
his
vtter
ruyne
:
wherof
I
alleadged
many
reasons
and
examples
;
by
the
which
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
most
necessary
part
for
the
consumation
and
perfection
of
humane
prudence
,
is
some
supernatural
and
diuine
light
,
to
illuminat
the
vnderstanding
of
men
,
&
to
mooue
and
encline
their
wils
to
make
choice
of
that
which
may
be
most
conuenient
for
them
and
others
,
without
which
light
the
wisest
worldly
men
(
I
meane
such
as
haue
most
excellent
talents
,
&
parts
of
nature
and
are
wicked
withal
)
are
but
like
to
blind
men
,
and
goe
as
it
were
groping
in
the
darke
;
Eccli
.
ca.
11.
The
wisest
worldly
men
,
are
as
it
were
blindsold
.
Prou.
ca.
4.
Wherfore
the
Preacher
saith
.
Error
&
tenebrae
peccatoribus
concreatae
sunt
;
Error
&
darknes
are
created
togeather
with
sinners
,
that
is
to
say
ignorance
and
blindnes
are
connatural
to
wicked
men
.
And
againe
Salomon
saith
:
Via
peccatorum
tenebrosa
&c.
The
way
of
the
wicked
is
darke
and
obscure
,
and
they
know
not
where
they
shal
fal
;
Wheras
on
the
contrary
side
he
saith
of
the
iust
:
Iustorum
semita
quasi
lux
splendens
;
Ibid
.
The
path
or
way
of
the
iust
(
that
is
to
say
of
those
that
feare
God
and
keepe
his
commandements
)
is
as
it
were
a
resplendant
light
which
stil
encreaseth
vntil
it
be
cleare
day
.
And
for
this
cause
also
the
psalmist
saith
of
the
law
of
God
,
that
it
is
,
cleare
and
bright
,
Psal
.
18.
The
good
habilities
of
nature
are
encreased
&
perfected
by
grace
.
and
that
it
giueth
light
vnto
the
eyes
:
that
is
to
say
,
the
light
of
grace
,
wherby
the
good
habilities
natural
of
Gods
seruants
are
encreased
and
perfected
,
&
their
actions
prospered
so
farre
forth
as
almighty
God
thinketh
it
necessary
for
their
good
,
his
glory
,
and
the
execution
of
his
wil
.
18.
Wherto
I
adde
that
also
the
defects
of
nature
may
be
and
many
tymes
are
,
The
defects
of
nature
may
be
,
and
often
are
supplied
by
the
light
of
grace
.
supplyed
by
the
light
&
helpe
of
grace
,
in
such
sort
that
the
seruants
of
God
may
,
and
many
tymes
doe
exactly
performe
al
the
parts
of
prudence
,
though
they
haue
no
natural
hability
for
the
same
:
such
being
the
force
and
effects
of
grace
,
that
it
perfecteth
humane
nature
,
which
though
it
aspire
and
tend
to
perfection
,
yet
can
not
possibly
attayne
therto
in
many
thinges
,
without
some
supernatural
helpe
;
as
I
wil
euidently
proue
in
the
second
parte
of
this
Treatise
,
when
I
shal
treat
of
Religion
:
&
now
in
the
meane
tyme
for
the
better
proofe
of
the
matter
in
hand
,
I
wil
only
lay
downe
some
examples
of
the
seruants
of
God
,
Examples
of
diuers
in
whome
grace
supplied
natural
defects
.
who
not
withstanding
either
their
natural
defects
and
imperfections
,
or
their
want
of
experience
,
haue
by
the
conduct
of
grace
most
prudently
and
wisely
behaued
themselues
in
most
important
matters
.
19.
Daniel
being
but
a
child
of
12
years
old
iudged
the
cause
of
Susanna
.
Dan
.
ca.
13.
Theodor
.
in
1.
ca.
Ezech
.
Ignatius
Martit
.
ep
.
ad
Magnes
.
Suspicius
Seuer
.
li
.
2.
Sacrae
.
histo
.
Aug.
serm
.
242.
Dan
.
c
.
1.
Ananias
,
Misael
and
Azarias
.
Iudith
.
ca.
7.8.9.10.11.12.13
.
Iudith
heroycaly
and
wisely
performed
a
glorious
enterprise
.
For
who
seemed
more
vnfit
to
vndertake
the
iudgment
of
great
causes
then
Daniel
whiles
he
was
a
child
of
12.
yeres
old
,
(
as
Theodoretus
testifieth
)
or
as
other
graue
and
ancient
Fathers
affirme
,
not
much
elder
(
and
therfore
no
lesse
vnripe
in
experience
then
in
yeares
)
and
yet
neuertheles
being
assisted
by
the
spirit
of
God
he
confounded
the
addulterous
iudges
in
the
cause
of
Susanna
,
which
he
most
prudently
determined
;
besides
that
the
scripture
witnesseth
that
God
gaue
such
profound
knowledge
and
wisdome
not
only
to
him
,
but
also
to
Ananias
,
Misael
and
Azarias
whiles
they
were
al
children
,
that
they
farre
surpassed
al
the
wise
and
learned
Chaldeans
.
20.
And
was
there
euer
any
glorious
enterprise
,
more
wisely
contriued
,
more
couragiously
attempted
,
or
more
heroically
performed
,
then
the
ouerthrow
of
Holofernes
,
slaine
by
a
holy
woman
,
no
lesse
timerous
of
nature
,
then
weake
of
iudgment
and
void
of
experience
through
the
infirmity
of
her
sex
?
21.
Againe
,
what
sufficiency
was
there
in
Moyses
for
the
performance
of
so
great
a
chardge
as
almighty
God
layed
vpon
him
;
Exod
.
c
.
3.
first
in
his
embassage
to
Pharao
,
and
afterward
in
the
gouernment
and
conduct
of
his
people
through
so
many
dangers
and
difficulties
?
This
was
acknowledged
by
Moyses
him selfe
,
Moyses
acknowledged
his
insufficiency
for
the
conduct
of
Gods
people
.
Exod
.
Ibid
.
who
confessed
his
owne
insufficiency
&
weaknes
,
saying
to
almighty
God
;
Quis
sum
ego
&c
:
Who
am
I
o
Lord
?
that
is
to
say
what
is
there
mee
that
I
shal
goe
to
Pharao
;
and
conduct
the
children
of
Israel
out
of
Egipt
?
And
againe
afterwards
being
vtterly
discouraged
with
the
consideration
of
his
want
of
eloquence
and
vtterrance
,
and
of
his
other
infirmities
,
he
desired
to
be
excused
saying
.
Ibid
.
ca.
4.
Glossa
interlin
.
How
God
supplyed
the
defects
of
Moyses
.
Obsecro
domine
mitte
quem
missurus
es
,
I
beeseche
thee
o
Lords
send
whome
els
it
please
thee
;
Wherupon
God
did
not
only
promise
him
his
owne
continual
assistance
,
but
also
appointed
Aaron
to
helpe
him
,
and
to
speake
for
him
to
the
people
in
al
occasions
,
promising
with
al
to
be
in
the
mouthes
of
them
both
.
Exod
.
c
.
18.
22.
Besides
that
,
lethro
cosen
to
Moyses
did
also
afterwards
by
Gods
great
prouidence
,
teach
him
a
notable
pointe
of
policy
for
the
gouernment
of
the
people
;
wherin
it
may
be
noted
by
the
way
,
God
concurreth
with
his
seruants
somtymes
immediatly
,
and
sometymes
by
meanes
of
others
how
sweetly
almighty
God
directeth
and
guideth
his
seruantes
concurring
with
them
,
and
mouing
them
sometimes
immediatly
by
secret
inspiration
,
and
sometimes
by
the
help
and
meanes
of
others
,
wherby
Moyses
being
as
it
seementh
altogeather
vnskilful
,
and
vnexpert
in
matters
of
state
,
did
neuertheles
many
yeres
most
prudently
and
happily
gouerne
the
people
of
God
,
as
wel
in
warlike
,
as
in
other
ciuil
affaires
.
1
Reg
.
ca.
16.
2.
Reg
.
c
.
2.
&
5.
23.
In
like
manner
if
we
consider
either
the
yeres
or
education
of
Dauid
(
when
being
very
younge
he
was
called
from
the
shepe
cote
to
the
Courte
,
and
shortly
after
anioynted
Kinge
)
and
if
we
weigh
with
al
his
wise
,
Dauid
directed
and
guided
in
al
his
gouernment
by
almighty
God
2.
Reg
.
c
.
7.
victorious
,
and
glorious
gouernment
for
40.
yeeres
togeather
,
we
must
needs
confesse
that
the
same
proceeded
of
Gods
assistance
,
and
not
of
his
owne
sufficiency
,
whereof
almighty
God
admonished
him
by
Nathan
the
prophet
saying
;
Ego
tuli
te
&c.
I
tooke
thee
from
the
pastures
wh●n
thou
followedst
thy
flocks
,
and
made
thee
Kinge
of
my
pe●ple
of
Israel
,
and
I
was
with
thee
,
and
assisted
thee
in
al
thinges
wher
soeuer
thou
didst
goe
.
I
kild
al
thy
enemies
before
thy
face
,
and
haue
magnified
thy
name
amongst
the
great
ones
of
the
earth
;
Thus
said
the
prophet
Dauid
in
the
person
of
almighty
God
,
and
this
also
Dauid
him selfe
(
who
best
knew
him selfe
,
and
the
fauors
which
God
had
done
him
)
gratefully
aknowledged
,
Dauid
gratfully
acknowledged
Gods
assistance
Psal
.
17.
&
143.
Psal
.
17.16.15.24.133
.
calling
almighty
God
his
Protector
,
his
stay
,
his
refuge
,
his
buckler
or
sheild
,
his
strength
,
his
hope
,
his
glory
,
and
humbly
beseeching
him
in
al
his
occasions
,
to
illuminat
him
,
to
protect
and
defend
him
,
to
direct
his
course
,
and
to
guide
his
steps
.
24.
Furthermore
to
omit
the
most
admirable
conuersion
of
of
the
Christian
world
to
the
faith
of
Christ
by
poore
and
ignorant
fi●hermen
(
wherof
I
haue
spoken
before
)
and
to
say
some
what
of
later
examples
;
Chap.
24.
nu
.
23.
&
24.
S
Antony
the
hermit
most
prudent
&
learned
without
humane
lerning
or
experience
.
S.
Athan
.
in
.
v●●a
S.
Antonij
.
Who
can
sufficiently
admire
the
wisdome
and
prudence
of
S.
Antony
the
hermite
,
who
withdrawing
himselfe
from
the
world
to
the
wildernes
,
in
his
young
and
tender
yeares
,
became
neuertheles
so
iudicious
,
wise
,
and
learned
,
that
the
famous
S.
Athanasius
(
who
wrote
his
life
)
saith
of
him
thus
;
He
was
very
wise
,
and
this
was
wonderful
i●
him
,
that
hauing
had
no
last
at
al
of
humane
learning
,
yet
he
was
;
Ingeniosissimus
,
&
prudentissimus
;
Most
ingenious
and
prudent
;
For
example
wherof
S.
Athanasius
recounteth
certaine
disputations
which
passed
betwixt
him
,
and
some
famous
pagan
Philosophers
,
whome
he
conuinced
with
arguments
no
lesse
subtil
then
sound
and
learned
.
The
admirable
learning
of
S.
Katherin
of
Alexandria
.
Metaphastes
.
Baron
.
Anno.
307.
&
alij
.
25.
The
like
also
is
testified
by
graue
authors
of
S.
Katherine
of
Alexandria
in
Greece
,
who
being
but
18.
yeres
of
age
,
defended
the
Christian
faith
against
the
learnedst
Philosophers
of
her
time
,
whome
shee
confuted
and
conuerted
.
26.
And
to
her
I
may
adde
an
other
S.
Katherin
of
Siena
,
who
being
brought
vp
from
hir
infancy
in
religion
,
F.
Raimundus
Capuen
.
in
vita
S.
Kater
.
Senen
.
The
learning
&
wisdome
of
S.
Katherin
of
Se●na
.
Anno.
1375.
with
out
any
experience
or
practice
of
worldly
affaires
,
was
neuertheles
so
prudent
and
of
such
notable
judgement
,
that
the
Florentines
hauing
warre
with
Pope
Gregory
the
11.
intreated
her
to
goe
to
Auignion
in
France
where
he
resided
,
to
craue
and
treat
peace
for
them
,
which
shee
did
with
such
wonderful
wisdome
,
and
efficacy
,
that
the
Pope
was
content
to
remit
the
conditions
to
to
her
,
though
afterwards
it
tooke
no
effect
,
by
reason
of
new
troubles
raised
in
Florence
by
some
seditious
persons
,
who
were
opposit
to
the
peace
;
Besids
that
,
whilst
shee
remained
in
Auignion
,
shee
filled
the
whole
Court
with
the
admiration
,
aswel
of
her
learning
,
as
of
her
prudence
,
resoluinge
and
satisfiing
great
doubts
and
difficulties
propounded
vnto
her
,
by
three
of
the
most
learnedst
Prelats
of
that
age
,
who
of
curiosity
meant
to
try
her
hability
in
matters
of
learning
.
The
infused
lerning
and
wisdome
of
S.
Bernard
.
Guild
.
Abbas
.
Claraual
.
in
vita
Bernar
.
li
.
2.
ca.
2.
&
li
4.
c
.
3.
Carol
.
Sigon
.
de
reg
.
Hal
.
an
.
11.30
.
&
1134.
S.
Franciscus
de
Paula
,
void
of
humane
experience
,
yet
admirably
wise
.
27.
Also
how
admirable
was
the
learning
,
wisdome
,
and
prudence
of
S.
Bernard
,
who
retiring
him selfe
from
the
world
to
a
monastery
at
two
and
twenty
yeres
of
age
,
became
not
only
so
learned
,
as
appeareth
by
his
notable
workes
;
but
also
so
wise
and
prudent
,
that
he
was
diuers
times
called
from
his
cloister
into
Italy
and
other
parts
,
to
compound
great
quarells
,
and
controuersies
,
which
he
did
with
great
satisfaction
,
and
admiration
of
al
men
.
28.
Finally
who
euer
knew
or
vnderstood
lesse
of
worldly
matters
then
Robert
le
Roy
,
otherwise
called
now
Franciscus
de
Paula
,
sounder
of
the
religious
order
of
the
Minimes
;
who
forsooke
the
world
and
went
to
the
desert
being
but
a
boy
,
and
euer
after
liued
a
monastical
life
,
and
neuertheles
was
of
such
wisdome
and
prudence
,
Philip
.
Com
.
ca.
130.
that
Philip
de
Comines
a
most
graue
and
wise
councellour
of
Lewis
the
11.
King
of
France
,
saith
that
he
heard
him
diuers
times
discourse
in
the
presence
as
wel
of
King
Lewis
,
as
of
King
Charles
his
sonne
,
so
prudently
of
great
and
difficult
matters
,
that
it
seemed
he
was
inspired
by
almighty
God
,
and
that
the
holy
Ghost
speake
by
his
mouth
,
for
otherwise
(
saith
this
author
)
he
could
not
haue
spoken
of
such
matters
as
he
did
.
29.
I
omit
diuers
other
examples
for
breuityes
sake
,
seeing
by
these
it
sufficiently
appeareth
how
true
it
is
which
the
Psalmist
saith
.
Psal
.
18.
How
the
law
of
God
giueth
wisdome
.
Lex
domini
sapientiam
praestat
paruulis
;
The
lawe
of
God
giueth
wisdome
to
children
;
That
is
to
say
,
to
simple
and
ignorant
men
;
and
the
reason
is
,
for
that
the
law
of
God
conteineth
the
precepts
,
and
rules
of
al
true
wisdome
and
prudence
,
teaching
vs
what
is
our
duty
to
God
,
to
our
neighboure
,
to
our
superiours
,
inferious
,
and
equalls
;
how
,
and
what
to
loue
;
how
,
and
what
to
hate
;
how
to
command
,
how
to
obay
,
to
what
end
to
direct
our
intentions
and
actions
;
how
to
liue
,
how
to
dye
,
and
lastly
how
to
arriue
after
the
stormes
and
tempests
of
this
life
,
at
the
secure
port
of
eternal
felicity
,
wherto
true
wisdome
directeth
and
addresseth
her
whole
course
.
30.
And
this
is
not
only
to
be
vnderstood
of
the
written
law
of
God
,
The
written
law
of
God
ful
of
al
wisdome
.
that
is
to
say
the
holy
scriptures
of
the
old
and
new
testament
(
in
the
which
as
S.
Chrisostome
saith
;
Non
est
sillaba
vel
apiculus
.
&c.
There
is
not
a
sillable
,
nor
so
much
as
a
tittle
,
wherin
there
is
not
hidden
some
great
treasure
)
but
much
more
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
of
the
law
of
God
vnwritten
,
The
infused
law
of
God
.
Hieremiae
ca.
13.
infused
in
to
the
hartes
of
Gods
seruants
;
wherof
almighty
God
said
by
the
prophet
;
Dabo
legem
meam
&c.
I
wil
g●ue
them
my
law
in
their
bowels
,
and
I
wil
write
it
in
their
hearts
.
Which
vnwritten
or
infused
law
is
,
as
S.
Augustin
saith
nothing
els
but
:
Aug.
li
.
de
spir
.
&
littera
ca.
21.
Ipsa
presentia
Spiritus
Sancti
&c.
The
very
presence
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
&c.
by
whom
charity
is
spread
and
printed
in
our
harts
,
which
charity
is
the
consummation
of
the
law
,
and
end
of
the
commandement
31.
Thus
saith
S.
Augustin
of
the
infused
law
of
God
,
which
doth
not
only
teach
men
true
wisdome
(
as
doth
the
written
law
)
but
doth
also
giue
it
them
,
The
infused
law
both
teacheth
and
giueth
true
wisdome
.
making
them
the
temples
of
God
,
and
habitacles
of
the
holy
Ghost
;
by
whose
grace
the
good
natural
talents
of
many
seruants
of
God
are
encreased
and
perfected
,
their
defects
supplied
,
their
infirmites
cured
,
the
eyes
of
their
vnderstandings
illuminated
,
and
their
iudgments
guided
and
directed
;
by
meanes
wherof
they
are
replenished
with
heauenly
wisdome
,
and
enabled
to
performe
al
the
partes
of
true
prudence
,
to
wit
,
to
deliberate
maturely
,
to
iudge
soundly
,
to
councel
securely
,
to
ordaine
and
command
exactly
,
and
to
execute
effectually
;
and
so
they
worke
in
al
thinges
,
no
lesse
prudently
then
happily
,
being
moued
and
led
by
the
only
author
of
wisdome
and
happines
,
in
whose
hand
are
the
harts
of
al
men
,
and
vpon
whose
wil
dependeth
〈◇〉
successe
of
al
actions
whatsoeuer
.
32.
Therefore
I
wil
infer
hereupon
certaine
conclusions
;
The
first
conclusion
.
Eccli
.
ca.
1.
The
feare
of
God
is
the
beginning
and
perfection
of
wisdome
;
and
why
.
The
first
,
that
,
as
the
Preacher
saith
,
the
feare
of
God
is
not
only
;
Initium
&
radix
,
The
begininge
and
roote
,
but
also
;
plenitudo
sapientiae
:
The
consummation
or
perfection
of
wisdome
;
For
those
which
sincerely
feare
God
,
haue
consequently
the
light
&
helpe
of
his
grace
,
wherby
they
may
,
and
many
times
doe
arriue
to
the
perfection
of
wisdome
and
prudence
,
wheras
otherwise
there
is
no
possibility
to
attaine
therto
;
al
humane
wisdome
,
being
of
it selfe
(
as
I
may
tearme
it
)
lame
,
and
vnperfect
,
Al
humane
wisdome
is
of
it selfe
lame
and
vnperfect
.
vncertaine
and
subiect
to
infinit
errours
(
as
hath
bene
amply
proued
through
out
this
whole
discourse
)
so
that
wicked
men
although
they
haue
neuer
so
good
partes
of
wit
and
iudgement
naturally
,
and
may
by
the
force
and
meanes
therof
doe
many
thinges
prudently
and
wisely
,
The
wisest
worldly
man
is
a
foole
in
that
which
most
imports
him
.
yet
for
as
much
as
they
alwaies
play
the
fooles
notably
in
that
which
importeth
them
most
(
to
wit
,
in
thinges
pertaining
to
their
eternal
good
or
euil
(
and
doe
also
erre
very
blindly
and
absurdly
many
times
in
temporal
affaires
,
they
nether
haue
any
perfection
of
wisdome
,
nor
can
be
truly
counted
wise
.
33.
Wheras
on
the
other
side
the
seruants
of
God
who
haue
good
parts
natural
,
and
the
light
and
helpe
of
grace
with
al
,
How
the
seruants
of
God
are
wise
.
doe
not
only
worke
most
prudently
alwaies
in
matters
that
concerne
their
eternal
good
or
euil
,
but
also
deale
in
al
thinges
whatsoeuer
with
farre
more
light
,
certaintye
,
and
security
,
then
wicked
men
of
like
good
partes
and
talents
natural
.
And
although
the
seruants
of
God
haue
sometimes
some
natural
defect
of
wit
and
iudgement
,
Why
the
simplest
seruant
of
God
is
wiser
then
the
wisest
wicked
man
.
yet
for
as
much
as
such
also
doe
alwaies
discharge
the
partes
of
true
prudence
in
matters
which
import
them
most
,
and
may
haue
also
,
and
many
times
haue
,
with
the
helpe
of
grace
,
such
a
supplement
of
their
natural
imperfections
,
that
al
of
them
may
,
and
many
of
them
doe
,
performe
the
office
of
prudent
and
wise
men
in
al
affaires
(
which
wicked
men
neither
doe
nor
possibly
can
doe
)
I
conclude
,
The
perfection
of
humane
wisdome
consisteth
in
Gods
grace
.
that
the
perfection
of
humane
wisdome
consisteth
in
Gods
grace
,
and
that
the
simplest
seruant
of
God
may
more
truly
be
accompted
wise
,
then
the
wisest
,
I
meane
the
subtilest
and
craftiest
wicked
man
whosoeuer
.
34.
This
the
roial
prophet
acknowledged
in
him selfe
,
comparing
the
prudence
and
wisdome
which
God
had
giuen
him
by
the
obseruation
of
his
commandements
,
with
the
wisdome
and
prudence
of
his
enemies
&
of
the
wisest
worldlings
,
saying
;
Super
inimicos
meos
&c.
Psal
.
11.8
.
Thou
hast
made
me
(
o
Lord
)
wiser
then
my
enemies
,
with
thy
commandements
or
law
,
and
I
haue
vnderstood
more
then
al
they
which
taught
mee
,
and
I
haue
bene
wiser
then
old
men
,
because
I
haue
sought
to
keepe
thy
commandements
.
The
2.
conclusion
.
35.
The
second
conclusion
is
,
that
(
as
the
booke
of
Eeclesiasticus
signifieth
)
Non
est
sapientia
nequitiae
disciplina
,
&
non
est
cogitatus
peccatorum
prudentia
.
Eccli
.
ca.
19.
Nothing
that
is
offensiue
to
God
,
can
stand
with
true
wisdome
or
prudence
.
Supra
nu
.
7.
&
sequent
.
The
discipline
of
wickednes
is
not
wisdome
,
nor
the
cogitations
or
plotts
of
sinners
are
not
prudence
.
For
seeing
true
wisdome
consisteth
in
the
feare
of
God
and
in
the
obseruation
of
his
commandements
(
as
I
haue
sufficiently
proued
)
nothing
that
is
offenciue
to
God
,
or
contrary
to
his
law
,
can
stand
with
true
wisdome
.
And
againe
seeing
prudence
and
moral
vertue
are
so
connected
,
that
they
can
not
be
seperated
,
yea
and
that
not
only
the
end
of
euery
prudent
action
,
but
also
the
meanes
must
necessarily
be
good
and
vertuous
(
as
I
haue
amply
declared
)
it
must
needes
follow
that
whatsoeuer
is
vicious
,
Supra
.
nu
.
13.
impious
,
or
wicked
,
is
excluded
from
true
prudence
.
In
which
respect
prudence
is
called
in
the
scriptures
,
Prou.
ca.
9.
Prudence
called
in
the
scripture
the
knowledge
of
holy
men
.
The
3.
conclusion
.
Scientia
Sanctorum
.
And
therfore
Salomon
saith
;
Principium
sapientiae
timor
Domini
,
&
scientia
sanctorum
prudentia
;
The
feare
of
God
is
the
begining
of
wisdome
,
and
the
knowledge
of
holy
men
is
prudence
.
36.
Hereupon
also
follow
two
other
conclusions
,
concerning
policy
;
The
one
that
no
true
policy
can
admit
any
impiety
,
No
true
policy
admitteth
any
impiety
.
wickednes
or
offence
of
God
.
The
other
that
al
humane
policy
with
out
the
light
and
help
of
Gods
grace
is
vncertaine
and
defectuous
;
And
for
the
better
vnderstanding
hereof
,
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
as
prudence
is
a
part
of
wisdome
,
Policy
a
part
of
prudence
.
so
policy
is
a
part
of
prudence
,
and
that
prudence
is
also
deuided
into
three
partes
.
The
first
personal
;
the
second
Oeconomical
;
and
the
thirde
political
Personal
prudence
consisteth
in
the
speculation
and
practise
of
such
thinges
,
as
belong
only
to
particuler
men
:
Prudence
diuided
into
3
parts
.
Oeconomical
prudence
respecteth
al
thinges
belonging
to
household
;
What
is
political
prudence
or
policy
.
and
political
prudence
is
that
which
considereth
matters
pertaining
to
commonwelth
;
and
this
kind
of
prudence
is
properly
called
policy
.
37.
Therfore
as
prudence
being
a
branch
of
wisdome
,
can
not
disagree
from
the
nature
therof
(
no
more
then
the
branch
from
the
nature
of
the
tree
)
so
also
policy
being
a
part
of
prudence
,
Policy
can
not
disagree
from
prudence
.
must
needs
be
conforme
and
agreeable
therto
(
in
which
respect
euery
political
act
must
needs
be
prudent
,
and
euery
prudent
act
concerning
commonwelth
,
must
needs
be
political
)
wherupon
it
followeth
that
seeing
true
prudence
excludeth
al
wickednes
and
impiety
,
true
policy
doth
also
exclude
the
same
.
38.
The
4.
conclusion
.
And
againe
seeing
true
wisdome
&
prudence
are
the
special
gifts
of
God
(
as
I
haue
shewed
)
and
that
without
the
light
and
helpe
of
Gods
grace
,
Al
humane
policy
is
vnperfect
and
defectuous
without
the
light
of
grace
.
al
humane
wisdome
is
ful
of
imperfection
and
obscurity
;
vncertainty
and
error
;
it
followeth
also
by
the
like
consequence
,
that
the
like
iudgment
is
to
be
giuen
of
al
humane
policy
,
to
wit
,
that
it
is
of
it selfe
imperfect
,
vncertaine
,
obscure
,
and
erronious
,
and
to
be
perfected
,
assured
,
rectified
and
guided
by
the
light
of
grace
;
which
is
the
point
that
I
haue
specially
laboured
to
proue
throughout
this
whole
Treatise
.
39.
The
imprudence
of
those
who
presume
to
deale
in
matters
of
state
,
without
any
regard
of
Gods
assistance
.
Therfore
to
conclude
this
chapter
and
to
draw
also
to
the
conclusion
of
this
first
parte
of
the
whole
treatise
,
I
can
not
but
lament
and
wonder
at
the
imprudence
of
two
sorts
of
men
.
The
one
is
of
those
who
make
no
doubt
to
deale
in
matters
of
policy
and
state
,
without
any
care
or
regard
of
Gods
helpe
and
assistance
,
yea
with
offence
of
God
;
wherby
they
expose
not
only
the
matters
which
they
mannage
to
dangerous
errors
,
and
to
al
euil
successe
:
but
also
the
princes
whom
they
councel
,
and
the
commonwelths
where
they
gouerne
,
to
Gods
indignation
,
and
consequently
to
vtter
ruine
,
as
I
haue
partly
proued
already
in
diuers
parts
of
this
Treatise
,
and
wil
proue
more
amply
in
the
second
part
therof
.
The
imprudence
of
those
that
presume
to
medle
in
the
greatest
matters
of
state
without
experience
.
40.
The
other
sort
of
imprudent
men
,
in
my
fancy
are
those
,
who
are
so
farre
transported
either
with
a
conceit
of
their
owne
witts
and
sufficiency
,
or
with
a
desire
to
deale
in
great
matters
,
that
they
aspire
to
nothing
more
,
then
to
meddle
in
matters
of
state
,
yea
and
boldly
embarke
them selues
in
the
greatest
that
doe
occurre
,
before
they
haue
any
experience
or
practice
therof
in
the
world
,
or
haue
so
much
as
reflected
vpon
the
natural
imbecility
of
mans
wit
,
and
the
weaknes
of
humane
policy
;
or
of
the
insuperable
difficulties
and
dangers
incident
to
matters
of
state
,
which
are
such
as
doe
many
tymes
ouerthrow
and
disgrace
the
most
wise
and
expert
negociators
.
41.
And
therfore
it
hapneth
very
often
to
those
who
so
greedily
and
aduisedly
seeke
such
employments
,
What
hapneth
to
those
which
vnaduisedly
seeke
great
employments
.
as
it
doth
to
a
man
,
which
in
faire
weather
putteth
him selfe
to
sea
in
a
litle
boat
or
fregot
for
his
recreation
,
when
vpon
the
suddaine
there
riseth
a
storme
that
carrieth
him
into
the
maine
sea
,
and
so
tosseth
him
to
and
fro
,
that
he
not
only
looseth
al
the
pleasure
which
he
expected
,
but
also
scapeth
hardly
with
his
life
,
and
therfore
with
many
a
sigh
and
heauy
groane
he
looketh
back
to
the
land
from
whence
he
came
,
but
neuertheles
is
forced
to
goe
whether
the
windes
and
tempests
carry
him
,
and
perhaps
perisheth
in
the
end
by
the
violence
of
the
storme
:
and
euen
so
(
I
say
)
it
fareth
many
tymes
with
those
which
embarke
them selues
vnaduisedly
in
matters
of
state
;
for
with
in
a
while
they
finde
them selues
so
perplexed
,
that
they
desire
to
returne
to
their
former
repose
and
quietnes
,
but
yet
they
are
forced
to
goe
whether
the
course
and
current
of
their
affayres
doth
carry
them
,
yea
and
sometymes
perish
amidst
the
manyfold
dangers
which
commonly
do
accompany
state-matters
,
wherof
the
practise
may
wel
be
compared
to
the
practise
of
phisicke
.
The
practise
of
matters
of
state
li●e
the
practise
of
Phisi●e
.
42.
For
although
some
phisicians
exercise
their
science
with
more
iudgment
and
better
successe
then
others
,
yet
none
is
so
skilful
and
fortunate
that
he
can
alwayes
warrant
the
cure
of
his
patient
;
and
young
beginners
many
tymes
kil
three
,
before
they
saue
one
;
And
euen
so
Statists
,
how
expert
soeuer
they
be
,
can
neuer
warrant
the
good
successe
of
their
plots
and
designments
,
and
for
the
most
part
at
the
first
doe
marre
many
matters
,
Young
Statists
marre
many
matters
before
they
make
one
.
before
they
make
one
;
in
so
much
that
I
accompt
him
no
lesse
happy
then
wise
,
who
can
be
the
wiser
not
only
by
other
mens
errors
,
but
also
by
his
owne
:
and
as
I
hold
him
for
the
wisest
man
which
erreth
the
least
;
so
I
take
him
for
the
happyest
and
best
at
ease
,
who
meddleth
the
least
,
He
the
wisest
that
erreth
the
least
,
but
the
hapiest
he
that
medleth
the
least
in
matters
of
state
.
or
not
at
al
in
matters
of
state
,
seeing
there
was
neuer
any
that
dealt
in
many
,
but
he
erred
in
some
:
and
sometymes
we
see
that
the
least
error
worketh
both
his
ouerthrow
who
committed
it
,
and
also
the
ruyne
of
whole
kingdomes
and
commonwelths
.
Wherfore
I
conclude
with
the
spanish
prouerb
;
A
quel
es
Rey
,
que
nunça
vio
Rey
;
He
is
a
King
that
neuer
saw
Kinge
.
That
is
to
say
,
he
is
a
happy
man
who
neuer
had
to
deale
with
the
affaires
of
princes
,
or
state-matters
.
43.
I
say
not
this
to
dehort
,
or
disswade
al
men
from
dealing
with
matters
of
state
(
which
is
a
thing
so
necessary
for
the
seruice
of
God
,
and
princes
,
and
for
the
good
of
commonwelth
,
that
it
is
both
honorable
,
yea
and
meritorious
when
it
is
done
with
circumstances
conuenient
and
requisite
thereunto
)
but
my
meaning
is
to
signify
with
what
great
consideration
and
circumspection
al
men
ought
to
vndertake
such
negociations
,
especially
young
men
,
Dangerous
for
very
young
men
to
deale
in
matters
of
state
.
Plutark
in
his
treatise
whether
an
old
man
should
deale
in
matters
of
state
.
who
haue
not
had
any
experience
or
practice
thereof
,
and
therfore
can
not
haue
the
mature
and
ripe
iudgment
which
is
necessary
therto
;
For
which
cause
the
Athenians
did
ordaine
that
no
man
vnder
50.
yeeres
of
age
should
be
called
to
giue
aduise
in
the
affaires
of
their
commonwelth
.
And
although
a
man
may
be
(
as
very
many
are
no
doubt
)
sooner
ripe
and
able
to
mannage
any
matter
whatsoeuer
;
yet
reason
and
experience
teache
,
that
the
younger
a
man
is
,
and
the
lesse
practice
he
hath
,
the
more
he
is
like
to
erre
.
Wherfore
I
craue
thy
patience
(
good
Reader
)
while
I
set
downe
here
a
few
general
rules
for
young
beginers
,
aswel
for
their
instruction
,
as
also
for
the
discouery
of
the
difficulties
which
occurre
in
the
gouernment
of
commonwelth
.
CERTAINE
GENERAL
RVLES
OR
ADVIses
no
lesse
pious
then
political
,
for
the
instruction
of
such
as
desire
to
mannage
matters
of
state
,
and
haue
no
experience
thereof
;
to
the
end
they
may
deale
therin
with
lesse
danger
and
difficulty
.
CHAP.
29.
FIRST
,
he
that
meaneth
to
apply
him selfe
to
matters
of
state
,
must
see
that
his
intention
be
cleare
and
pure
,
A
pure
and
good
intention
,
most
necessary
in
a
Statist
.
that
is
to
say
,
that
he
be
not
moued
therto
by
vaine
glory
,
ambition
,
couetousnes
,
or
any
vicious
or
vnlawful
desire
;
for
that
the
same
are
too
weake
foundations
to
vphold
waighty
affaires
,
being
accompanied
not
only
with
the
offence
of
God
,
but
also
with
passion
,
wherby
mans
iudgment
is
blinded
,
and
many
times
drawne
to
errour
;
And
therfore
the
cheefe
and
principal
intention
of
a
Statist
ought
to
be
,
What
the
intention
of
a
Statist
ought
to
be
.
the
seruice
of
God
and
his
Prince
,
and
the
publike
good
of
his
country
,
whereto
euery
man
ought
principally
to
direct
and
leuel
al
his
actions
,
which
otherwise
can
not
be
truly
vertuous
and
wise
,
nor
conforme
to
the
duty
of
a
good
Christian
man
nor
yet
haue
the
assistance
and
blessing
of
almighty
God
,
which
for
the
good
successe
of
al
mens
affaires
is
most
requisite
.
For
as
the
roial
prophet
saith
.
Psal
.
126.
Nisi
Dominus
aedificauerit
domum
,
in
vanum
laborauerunt
qui
edificant
eam
.
Except
our
Lord
doe
build
the
howse
,
they
labour
in
vaine
which
build
the
same
.
2.
This
foundation
being
laid
,
any
negociation
be
it
neuer
soe
waighty
and
important
may
be
built
therupon
,
The
commodities
of
a
good
intention
in
vndertaking
matters
of
state
.
for
foure
reasons
.
First
,
for
that
a
mans
reason
and
iudgment
b●ing
free
from
passion
and
selfe
loue
,
he
shal
more
clearly
and
soundly
both
deliberate
and
worke
in
al
occasions
.
Secondly
for
that
it
is
most
likely
that
almighty
God
seeing
his
good
and
holy
intention
,
wil
concurre
&
cooperate
with
him
in
al
his
negociations
.
Thirdly
though
it
would
not
please
almighty
God
(
for
his
secret
iudgments
)
to
blesse
and
prosper
his
actions
,
yet
he
wil
assuredly
giue
him
the
reward
of
his
good
intention
;
And
lastly
,
for
that
in
case
he
fal
into
the
great
difficulties
and
dangers
,
that
are
incident
to
dealing
in
matters
of
state
,
yet
he
shal
haue
the
comfort
and
consolation
of
a
good
and
cleere
conscience
,
Horat
.
li
.
1.
ep
.
ad
Mecaenat
.
A
cleare
conscien●e
a
brazen
walle
.
Li
.
4.
de
benefici
.
ca.
21.
which
as
the
Poët
saith
is
:
Murus
ahaeneus
a
brasen
wal
;
and
the
most
assured
anchor
in
al
the
stormes
&
tempests
of
this
life
;
Quae
etiam
obruta
delectat
(
saith
Seneca
)
which
euen
when
it
is
oppressed
,
or
ouerwhelmed
doth
delight
.
Thus
much
for
the
first
rule
.
3.
Secondly
;
it
shal
be
conuenient
for
a
young
Statist
,
wel
to
waigh
and
foresee
the
difficulties
and
dangers
which
he
may
by
al
likelyhood
incurre
by
dealing
in
matters
of
state
,
The
difficulties
and
dangers
,
to
be
considered
in
matters
of
state
.
either
through
the
nature
and
condicion
of
the
matters
which
he
is
to
handle
;
or
through
the
treachery
and
pe●fidiousnes
of
those
with
whome
he
is
to
deale
;
or
through
the
malice
and
emulations
either
publike
or
secret
,
which
in
courts
neuer
want
;
or
els
through
the
ielosie
of
Princes
who
(
as
Comineus
wel
noteth
)
doe
easely
suspect
and
distrust
their
best
seruants
in
matters
concerning
their
state
;
or
lastly
,
Phil
.
Com
.
cron
.
Lodouic
.
Il.
ca.
26.
through
the
vncertainty
of
the
successe
of
busines
,
which
is
in
no
mans
hand
to
warrant
,
as
hath
bene
sufficiently
proued
.
Chap.
13.
By
al
which
meanes
we
see
many
times
most
important
matters
miscarry
,
to
the
great
greefe
,
disgrace
,
yea
and
vtter
ouerthrow
of
the
negociators
,
The
benefit
of
foresight
and
prouidence
in
Statists
.
especially
when
they
haue
not
foreseene
the
same
;
wheras
by
consideration
and
foresight
,
they
might
perhaps
haue
preuented
inconuenience
,
or
at
least
haue
bene
better
armed
to
beare
their
misfortune
which
patience
.
4.
Plutark
in
his
treatise
of
instructions
for
Statists
.
Therefore
Plutarke
worthily
compareth
improuident
and
vnaduised
negociators
,
to
one
that
should
fal
before
he
were
aware
into
a
coale
pit
or
mine
,
where
though
perhaps
he
escape
with
life
yet
he
commonly
receiueth
some
hurt
;
or
at
least
is
wonderfully
astonished
and
amazed
,
not
only
with
the
fal
,
but
also
with
the
obscurity
and
horror
of
the
place
,
which
to
those
that
goe
in
of
purpose
,
and
with
resolution
to
indure
it
,
is
nothing
so
noysome
or
loathsome
.
5.
Thirdly
he
ought
to
obserue
alwaies
three
thinges
,
which
I
haue
largely
proued
throughout
this
whole
discourse
;
3.
thinges
to
be
considered
of
Statists
.
the
first
is
the
imbecility
and
weaknes
of
mans
wit
;
the
second
the
vncertainty
of
the
successe
of
al
mens
actions
:
&
the
third
the
prouidence
of
God
in
the
disposition
of
al
humane
affaires
.
These
three
thinges
,
I
say
,
euery
Statist
should
haue
continually
before
his
eyes
,
to
the
end
,
that
seeing
his
owne
infirmity
,
and
the
vncertainty
of
the
successe
of
al
his
designments
,
he
may
consider
his
danger
,
as
wel
of
errour
in
his
determinations
,
as
of
euil
hap
in
his
actions
,
and
consequently
haue
recourse
to
the
remedies
ordained
for
the
same
by
the
prouidence
and
mercy
of
God
:
The
councel
of
Tobias
to
his
Sonne
.
Tobiae
.
ca.
4.
acording
to
the
aduise
which
old
Tobias
gaue
to
his
sonne
for
the
direction
of
the
whole
course
of
his
life
,
to
whom
amongst
many
other
notable
precepts
he
gaue
this
.
Aske
counsel
alwaies
of
a
wiseman
(
saith
hee
)
and
continually
blesse
and
prayse
God
,
and
beseech
him
to
direct
al
thy
course
,
and
let
al
thy
purposes
and
pretences
be
fixed
and
setled
in
him
.
Two
things
to
be
practised
of
al
Statists
.
Thus
said
Tobias
,
or
rather
the
holy
Ghost
by
his
mouth
aduising
notably
two
thinges
,
necessary
to
be
practised
of
al
men
,
for
the
remedy
of
their
natural
imbecility
;
to
wit
,
to
take
councel
of
wise
men
,
and
to
craue
the
assistance
of
God
,
for
that
we
are
neither
so
absolute
of
our selues
,
but
that
we
neede
in
al
thinges
Gods
helpe
and
assistance
(
as
I
haue
sufficiently
proued
)
neither
yet
so
gouerned
and
guided
by
almighty
God
,
Chap.
2.
that
we
ought
to
contemne
the
helpe
of
man
;
such
being
the
course
of
his
diuyne
prouidence
in
humane
affaires
,
that
he
doth
his
wil
not
only
in
men
,
but
also
by
them
,
and
with
their
cooperation
;
in
which
respect
S.
Paule
did
not
stick
to
cal
him selfe
and
the
other
Apostles
Adiutores
Dei
.
The
helpers
of
God
in
the
conuersion
of
the
gentils
.
1.
Cor
.
3.
Extreame
folly
in
men
to
trust
wholy
in
humane
wisdome
and
power
.
Exod
.
ca.
18.
A
tempting
of
God
to
contemne
humane
helpe
and
councel
;
6.
Therfore
as
it
were
great
folly
,
pride
,
and
presumption
in
man
,
so
to
trust
in
him selfe
,
or
in
humane
wisdome
&
power
as
to
neglect
the
prouidence
and
assistance
of
God
,
so
were
it
one
the
other
side
extreme
neglicence
,
yea
and
a
tempting
of
God
,
so
to
relye
vpon
him
,
as
to
contemne
al
humane
helpe
and
councel
:
which
we
may
learne
by
the
example
of
Moyses
,
who
though
he
was
instructed
,
inspired
,
and
conducted
by
almighty
God
him selfe
,
yet
refused
not
the
good
councel
of
Iethro
for
the
manner
of
his
gouerment
,
which
almighty
God
also
allowed
in
him
:
1.
Reg
.
20.
2.
Reg
19.
&
16.
1.
Reg
.
c
.
21.
22.
24.
as
also
one
the
other
side
Kinge
Dauid
,
though
he
tooke
the
counsel
of
his
frendes
,
councellours
,
and
seruants
(
as
of
Ionathas
,
Achitophel
,
Ioab
and
others
)
and
vsed
also
his
owne
prudence
,
as
wel
in
the
deliberation
,
as
in
the
execution
of
his
affaires
,
yet
he
neuer
omitted
to
consult
with
almighty
God
,
by
his
prophets
and
preists
when
hee
conueniently
might
do
it
;
yea
and
(
as
I
haue
signified
other
where
)
continually
craued
the
assistance
,
illumination
,
Chap.
28.
nu
.
25.
and
direction
of
almighty
God
in
al
his
actions
.
7.
And
this
concurrence
of
diuine
helpe
with
humane
diligence
,
is
notably
expressed
in
the
scripture
,
Iudic
.
7.
Concurrence
of
humane
diligence
with
diuine
helpe
necessary
.
where
it
is
signifyed
that
Gedeon
gaue
order
to
his
souldiars
to
cry
in
their
conflict
with
the
Madianits
,
Domino
,
&
Gedeoni
;
To
our
Lord
God
,
and
to
Gedeon
,
&
gladius
Domini
,
&
Gedeonis
,
the
sword
of
God
,
and
Gedeon
;
And
againe
in
the
relation
of
the
greate
victory
which
Asa
King
of
Iuda
had
against
the
Aethiopians
the
scripture
saith
that
Cadente
Domino
contriti
sunt
,
&
exercitu
illius
praeliante
.
Paralip
.
ca.
14.
They
were
vtterly
ouerthrowne
,
our
Lord
killing
them
,
and
the
army
of
Asa
fighting
,
which
is
as
much
to
say
,
as
man
doing
his
endeuour
,
and
God
geuing
the
good
successe
.
This
also
the
very
paynims
knew
,
and
obserued
so
wel
that
Plutark
noteth
it
seriously
in
the
battaile
betwixt
Perseus
King
of
Macedony
,
and
Paulus
Aemilius
the
Roman
.
Plut.
in
P.
AEmil
.
For
where
as
Perseus
when
he
should
haue
fought
,
with
drew
him selfe
from
the
feild
vnder
colour
to
Sacrifice
to
Hercules
,
he
saith
,
that
God
doth
not
vse
to
fauor
such
idle
fellowes
,
as
presume
of
his
helpe
,
and
wil
doe
nothing
them selues
;
For
God
(
saith
he
)
hath
so
ordayned
,
that
he
which
wil
hit
the
marke
,
must
shoote
,
and
he
which
wil
winne
the
goale
must
runne
,
&
he
which
wil
haue
the
victory
,
must
fight
;
and
therfore
God
fauored
and
helped
Paulus
Aemilius
who
craued
force
and
victory
with
his
armes
in
his
hands
;
A
dios
rogando
(
as
the
spanish
prouerb
saith
)
y
con
la
maça
dando
:
praying
to
God
and
laying
on
load
with
his
club
:
8.
The
benefit
and
necessity
of
prayer
for
the
good
successe
of
matters
of
State
.
But
to
say
some
what
here
particulerly
of
a
special
meanes
to
procure
the
help
and
assistance
of
God
;
nothing
behoueth
a
Statist
more
then
daily
to
recommend
his
actions
to
his
diuine
maiesty
by
feruent
and
deuout
prayer
,
the
force
and
benefit
whereof
is
vnspeakable
,
no
lesse
in
al
kind
of
temporal
matters
then
in
spiritual
,
Matth
.
6.
&
7.
Marc.
11.
Luc
.
11.
Exod
.
c
.
17.
for
the
which
we
haue
not
only
our
Sauiours
doctrin
and
warrant
,
but
also
infinit
examples
of
holy
and
wise
men
in
diuine
and
humane
histories
.
Whyles
Iosue
fought
with
the
Amalecits
Moyses
prayed
vpon
the
mountayne
and
obtayned
the
victory
.
Examples
of
the
greate
force
of
deuout
prayer
.
The
two
Annae
being
barren
,
were
by
prayer
made
mothers
,
the
1.
Reg
.
c
.
1.
one
of
the
prophet
Samuel
,
and
the
S.
Ioan
Damascen
orat
de
natiuit
.
B.
Virgi
.
other
of
the
virgin
Mary
,
3.
Reg
.
c
.
3.
4
Salomon
by
prayer
obtayned
wisdome
:
King
R.
c
.
19
Ezechias
recouered
health
,
and
had
victory
against
the
Assirians
;
The
three
Dan
.
3.
children
were
deliuered
from
fyer
,
And
to
speake
of
later
times
,
Aug.
de
ciuit
.
dei
li.
5.
c
.
26
Theodosius
the
emperour
surnamed
the
greate
,
as
S.
Augustin
witnesseth
,
preuayled
against
Eugenius
the
Tyrant
more
by
prayer
then
by
force
;
and
the
like
is
also
testifyed
by
graue
writers
,
of
Procop
.
de
bello
gothico
.
Narses
the
Eunuch
,
Lieutennant
to
Iustinus
the
emperour
,
whose
greate
victories
were
attributed
to
his
prayers
and
greate
deuotion
towards
the
blessed
Virgin
Mary
,
who
as
Euagrius
li.
4.
ca.
23.
Euagrius
affirmeth
appeared
to
him
many
tymes
before
his
battailes
,
and
gaue
him
directions
for
the
same
.
Paul
.
Diacon
.
li
.
18
Cedren
.
Theophan
.
Naucler
.
Baron
.
an
.
621.
622.
623.
Gulies
.
Malmesb
.
de
gest
.
reg
.
Angl.
li
.
2
ca.
3.
Roger
de
Houeden
Annal
.
par
.
1.
an
.
871.
Baron
.
an
.
eodem
.
9.
In
like
manner
the
famous
ouerthrowes
which
Heraclius
the
emperour
gaue
to
Cosroes
King
of
Persia
(
of
whom
he
recouered
Hierusalem
,
and
al
the
east
parts
)
are
ascribed
by
the
best
historiographers
that
write
thereof
,
to
the
greate
deuotion
and
prayers
which
he
partly
vsed
,
and
partly
procured
for
the
good
successe
of
that
warre
,
where
in
diuers
miraculous
accidents
hapned
,
which
I
omit
for
breuities
sake
.
We
read
also
in
our
English
histories
that
King
Ethelred
(
elder
brother
to
the
famous
Alfred
,
or
Alured
,
founder
of
the
vniuersity
of
Oxford
)
being
incamped
against
the
Daynes
,
and
aduertised
by
his
captaynes
at
such
tyme
as
he
was
going
to
masse
,
that
the
enemy
assayled
his
camp
,
bad
them
attend
to
the
defence
therof
,
for
that
he
wold
heare
masse
before
he
wold
goe
out
of
his
tent
,
as
he
was
daily
accustomed
to
doe
;
In
the
meane
tyme
his
brother
Alfred
with
the
rest
of
his
captaines
,
who
had
ioyned
battaile
with
the
enemy
,
were
in
greate
danger
to
bee
ouerthrowne
,
where
King
Ethelred
hauing
heard
masse
,
came
himselfe
in
person
,
and
fynding
his
souldiars
alreddy
flying
away
,
he
recalled
them
to
the
battaile
,
thrusting
him selfe
into
the
midst
thereof
,
Cuius
virtute
saith
the
history
,
&
Dei
miraculo
;
Guliel
Malmes
vbi
supra
.
by
whose
vallor
,
and
the
miraculous
helpe
of
God
,
the
Daynes
were
put
to
flight
,
and
their
King
slaine
,
with
diuers
of
their
nobility
,
and
many
thousands
of
the
souldiars
.
10.
Also
in
the
Spanish
histories
,
we
haue
a
notable
example
of
the
wonderful
force
and
effect
of
prayer
in
a
noble
man
of
Castile
called
Hernandes
Antolino
,
Vassae
.
chron
.
an
.
941.
in
the
time
of
Garsias
Hernandes
Count
of
Castile
,
who
had
greate
warres
with
the
Moores
.
This
Antolino
being
no
lesse
deuout
then
valiant
,
was
wont
to
spend
many
houres
euery
day
in
prayer
,
and
going
one
day
to
pray
before
a
battaile
which
the
Count
of
Castile
was
to
geue
to
the
Moores
,
he
was
so
absorpt
,
and
rauished
with
deuotion
,
that
he
forgott
him selfe
and
continued
therein
during
al
the
tyme
of
the
battaile
,
wherein
neuertheles
it
pleased
God
to
shew
visibly
,
that
his
prayers
proffited
,
and
preuailed
more
,
then
his
presence
could
haue
donne
;
For
one
in
his
shape
and
armour
and
vpon
his
horse
,
made
such
slaughter
amongst
the
enemyes
that
they
were
forced
to
flee
;
In
so
much
that
the
count
and
al
the
army
being
fully
persuaded
,
that
they
had
wonne
the
battail
by
the
meanes
of
Antolino
sought
for
him
to
geue
him
the
thanks
and
praise
,
which
they
thought
his
greate
vallour
deserued
,
and
although
they
found
him
not
in
the
field
,
but
in
his
tent
,
much
ashamed
of
his
absence
,
yet
assuring
them selues
that
they
saw
both
his
horse
,
and
armour
in
the
battaile
they
caused
them
to
be
produced
,
and
then
it
appeared
as
wel
by
the
wounds
and
wearines
of
his
horse
,
as
by
the
signes
of
the
bloues
vpon
his
armour
,
that
some
angel
had
vsed
them
in
his
steede
,
and
that
God
had
geuen
them
victory
through
the
merit
of
his
prayers
.
11.
To
this
purpose
also
may
serue
those
examples
of
the
famous
victories
of
Edward
the
3.
King
of
England
against
the
French
at
Crecy
in
Picardy
;
and
of
the
Christians
against
the
Turke
at
Lepanto
in
our
dayes
;
as
also
of
many
other
miraculous
victories
,
whereof
I
haue
made
ample
relation
Chap.
15.
Chrisost
.
de
nat.
dei
,
hom
.
5.
The
testimony
of
S.
Chrisostom
concerning
the
force
of
prayer
.
heretofore
out
of
approued
authors
,
and
therfore
I
remit
the
reader
therto
,
and
end
concerning
prayer
with
this
sentence
of
S.
Chrisostom
;
Vis
orationis
,
(
saith
he
)
vim
ignis
extinxit
&c.
The
force
of
prayer
hath
extinguished
the
force
of
fyre
,
shutt
vp
the
mouth
of
lyons
,
geuen
victories
in
warre
,
appeased
stormes
,
and
tempests
,
expelled
diuels
,
opened
the
gates
of
heauen
,
broken
the
bands
of
death
,
cured
disseases
,
reconciled
enemyes
,
deliuered
citties
from
earthquakes
,
and
defended
them
as
wel
from
the
punishment
of
God
,
as
from
the
treasons
,
and
attempts
of
men
;
Finally
it
hath
ouercome
al
sorts
of
euil
.
Thus
saith
S.
Chrisostome
of
the
wonderful
efficacy
of
prayer
when
it
is
accompanied
with
such
circumstances
as
are
requisit
to
make
the
same
acceptable
to
almighty
God
,
whereof
I
omit
to
speake
here
,
because
it
properly
belongeth
to
those
that
write
expressely
of
spiritual
matters
.
Thus
much
concerning
prayer
and
diuine
helpe
.
The
necessity
of
humane
councel
.
Eccli
.
ca.
32.
12.
And
now
to
say
yet
a
word
or
two
more
,
concerning
humane
counsel
,
the
holly
Ghost
giueth
a
notable
aduise
,
saying
,
Fili
sine
consilio
nihil
facias
,
&
post
factum
non
penitebis
.
My
sonne
doe
nothing
without
councel
and
thou
shalt
not
afterwards
repent
thee
.
And
againe
;
Pro
.
15.
Qui
agunt
omnia
cum
consilio
reguntur
sapientia
.
Those
which
doe
al
thinges
with
councel
are
gouerned
with
wisdome
.
And
this
point
I
hold
to
be
absolutly
necessary
,
not
only
for
younge
men
,
or
others
of
smal
experience
,
but
also
for
the
eldest
and
most
expert
;
For
Nemo
omnibus
horis
sapit
;
No
man
is
wise
at
al
howres
.
And
as
the
prouerb
saith
;
Two
eyes
see
more
then
one
;
And
therfore
the
famous
Scipio
Africanus
did
euer
consult
al
his
affayres
with
Caius
Laelius
;
and
Cicero
confesseth
that
in
his
consulship
,
Plutark
in
his
treatise
intituled
whether
an
old
man
should
deale
with
matters
of
state
.
Pro
.
15.
Many
councellors
necessary
for
princes
.
he
did
nothing
without
the
aduise
of
the
philosopher
Publius
Nigidius
;
and
for
this
cause
princes
haue
diuers
councellours
,
to
the
end
that
matters
being
pondered
by
diuers
,
al
circumstances
may
be
duely
examined
and
considered
:
for
as
Salomon
saith
:
vbi
sunt
plures
consiliarij
confirmatur
cogitationes
;
plots
and
designments
are
confirmed
or
established
,
where
there
are
many
councellours
;
for
some
find
out
one
inconuenience
,
some
an
other
,
some
one
remedy
,
and
some
an
other
,
whereof
I
shal
haue
occasion
to
say
more
hereafter
.
13.
Therfore
I
conclude
for
the
present
that
a
young
Statist
following
the
rule
and
counsel
of
Tobias
,
The
conclusion
concerning
the
concurence
of
deuout
prayer
and
humane
councel
.
Matth
.
10.
that
is
to
say
fixing
his
hart
and
his
hopes
vpon
almighty
God
,
adding
the
continual
vse
of
deuout
and
feruent
praier
,
to
humane
counsel
and
diligence
,
and
ioyning
therby
the
Wisdome
of
the
serpent
with
the
simplicity
of
the
doue
,
piety
with
policy
,
gifts
of
grace
with
habillity
of
nature
,
and
finally
the
wisdome
of
God
with
the
prudence
of
man
,
shal
deliberate
and
worke
in
al
occasions
,
no
lesse
happily
then
wisely
;
and
this
shal
suffice
for
the
third
rule
.
14.
Fourthly
it
importeth
greatly
that
after
mature
consultation
of
any
matter
of
state
,
Tyme
not
to
be
lost
.
and
serious
recommendation
therof
to
almighty
God
,
no
time
of
action
be
not
fore-slowed
with
needles
delaies
after
the
matter
be
determined
;
for
tyme
may
so
alter
the
state
of
any
affaire
,
be
it
neuer
so
wel
and
wisely
resolued
,
that
the
oportunity
of
execution
may
bee
vtterly
lost
and
the
busines
with
al
;
and
therfore
the
common
prouerb
aduiseth
.
To
strske
while
the
iron
is
hot
;
for
as
the
poet
saith
:
Lucan
li.
1.
The
danger
of
needles
delay
.
Nocuit
differre
paratis
.
Delay
is
alwaies
hurtful
to
those
who
are
readdy
to
execute
;
and
especially
in
matters
wherin
there
is
any
competence
of
enemies
,
who
euer
watch
diligently
to
take
al
oportunities
and
doe
often
preuaile
them selues
greatly
,
of
the
negligences
and
delaies
of
their
aduersaries
.
15.
Speedy
execution
most
necessary
in
matters
of
warre
.
And
although
this
aduise
is
necessary
in
al
matters
of
state
,
yet
it
is
most
behoueful
,
and
requisit
in
warlike
affaires
;
wherin
we
see
many
times
,
that
speede
and
diligence
is
more
important
then
great
force
;
for
speed
being
commonly
accompanied
with
sudden
terrour
and
feare
,
The
force
of
suddaine
feare
.
doth
open
the
way
to
smal
force
,
and
enable
the
same
to
worke
great
effects
;
And
therfore
Agathocles
one
of
the
tirants
of
Sicily
,
hauing
but
a
few
soldiers
,
and
exhorting
them
to
the
speedy
and
sudden
inuasion
of
Chartage
said
;
Iustin
.
li
.
42.
In
repentino
metu
non
modicum
victoriae
momentum
;
Sudden
feare
wil
be
of
no
smal
moment
and
importance
for
the
obtaining
of
the
victory
;
Which
was
proued
to
be
true
by
the
euent
,
and
is
daily
seene
by
the
experience
of
surprises
,
camisadas
,
and
al
other
suddaine
enterprises
of
warre
.
16.
To
conclude
this
aduise
,
one
general
rule
is
to
be
held
,
In
what
cases
delay
is
necessary
.
that
to
temporize
or
delay
time
is
neuer
good
but
in
three
cases
.
The
first
when
matters
are
not
maturely
consulted
and
wel
digested
(
wherin
neuertheles
al
due
diligence
is
to
be
vsed
,
lest
time
and
oportunity
of
action
,
be
spent
and
lost
in
consultation
)
The
second
case
is
,
when
there
is
some
iust
and
important
impediment
of
the
execution
.
The
thrid
is
in
cases
of
extremity
which
passe
a
mans
power
and
wisdome
to
helpe
,
for
then
the
only
remedy
is
to
temporize
and
winne
time
,
which
produceth
many
accidents
that
could
neuer
be
fore-seene
&
imagined
,
and
discouereth
soueraigne
remedies
for
the
most
desperat
cases
;
and
therfore
Pericles
was
wont
to
say
,
Plutark
.
in
Pericle
.
Tyme
the
wisest
councellour
that
is
.
A
mans
owne
hability
wel
to
be
weighed
.
That
time
is
the
wisest
councelour
that
is
:
Thus
much
for
the
fourth
aduise
.
17.
Fiftly
let
euery
younge
Statist
consider
and
measure
his
owne
hability
,
to
the
end
he
doe
not
vndertake
any
matter
aboue
his
reach
or
capacity
;
for
no
man
how
excellent
soeuer
he
be
,
is
so
perfect
that
he
excelleth
in
al
thinges
,
and
therfore
the
Poëts
fained
that
the
Gods
them selues
had
not
al
gifts
alike
,
but
that
some
excelled
in
one
,
and
some
in
an
other
;
and
the
Apostle
saith
that
God
distributeth
his
gifts
vnto
men
diuersly
;
Diuidens
singulis
prout
vult
;
1.
Cor
.
ca.
12.
Deuiding
them
vnto
euery
one
as
it
pleaseth
him
;
to
the
end
we
may
haue
neede
one
of
an
other
.
And
this
also
common
experience
teacheth
;
for
some
excel
in
depth
of
iudgment
,
others
in
sharpnes
of
wit
,
others
in
eloquence
,
others
in
memory
,
others
in
science
and
learninge
,
and
of
them
some
in
one
kinde
and
some
in
an
other
.
A
Statist
ought
to
measure
the
matters
he
vndertaketh
with
his
hability
.
18.
Now
then
,
it
is
conuenient
for
euery
one
wel
to
waigh
his
owne
talents
,
and
how
they
sort
with
the
busines
in
which
he
is
to
be
emploied
;
as
if
he
be
to
perswade
,
whether
he
haue
the
gift
of
vtterance
and
eloquence
;
if
he
be
to
passe
couenants
and
conuentions
of
leagues
or
mariages
,
whether
he
be
a
lawier
;
and
if
he
be
to
treat
of
matters
of
warre
whether
he
be
a
soldier
,
and
so
in
like
cases
;
for
otherwise
he
shal
proue
,
Asinus
ad
liram
,
An
asse
at
a
harpe
,
as
the
prouerb
saith
,
and
not
only
disgrace
him selfe
and
them
that
sent
him
,
but
also
loose
his
labour
and
his
busines
.
Who
they
are
commonly
that
vnderta
e
greater
matters
then
they
can
performe
.
19.
They
that
erre
in
this
point
are
those
commonly
which
either
haue
such
an
inordinate
desire
to
be
medling
in
great
matters
,
that
they
care
not
what
they
vndertake
so
they
be
doing
;
or
els
haue
an
extraordinary
conceit
of
their
owne
wits
and
sufficiency
:
and
therfore
as
it
shal
be
good
for
euery
one
to
moderate
in
him selfe
the
first
,
to
wit
,
the
desire
of
dealing
;
so
for
the
remedy
of
the
later
,
A
young
Statist
should
not
ma●e
him selfe
iudge
of
his
owne
sufficiency
.
it
shal
be
secure
for
any
man
(
in
my
fancy
)
not
to
rely
wholy
vpon
his
owne
opinion
concerning
his
sufficiency
but
partly
vpon
the
iudgment
of
others
,
receiuing
rather
emploiment
from
his
prince
or
other
superiours
,
then
offering
or
intruding
him selfe
therto
,
vntil
he
haue
made
some
good
trial
of
him selfe
;
for
by
that
meanes
if
the
busines
speed
wel
he
shal
haue
the
thankes
and
honour
of
it
,
and
if
it
succeede
otherwise
,
he
shal
auoid
great
part
of
the
blame
.
Better
for
a
Statist
to
acknowledge
his
owne
defect
then
to
accept
a
charge
which
he
can
not
performe
.
20.
But
if
he
find
that
his
superiours
knowe
him
not
,
so
wel
as
he
knoweth
him selfe
,
&
that
they
would
employ
him
in
matters
wherin
he
hath
neither
experience
nor
hability
;
it
shal
be
lesse
shame
for
him
to
confesse
his
defect
,
and
either
to
refuse
the
commission
,
or
to
craue
an
associate
furnished
with
the
parts
that
he
wanteth
,
then
to
accept
the
charge
,
and
to
faile
in
the
performance
;
Moyses
being
commanded
,
Exod
.
c
.
3.
by
almighty
God
to
goe
in
embassage
to
Pharao
King
of
Aegipt
,
for
the
deliuery
of
the
children
of
Israel
,
humbly
excused
him selfe
as
vnfit
for
such
a
waighty
charge
,
by
reason
of
the
impediment
in
his
speach
;
for
the
remedy
wherof
God
gaue
him
an
assistant
,
to
wit
,
his
brother
Aâron
,
who
being
very
eloquent
might
speake
for
them
both
.
wherby
not
only
subiects
,
which
are
to
be
emploied
,
may
learne
to
consider
and
acknowledge
their
owne
deffects
;
but
also
princes
may
learne
so
to
employ
their
subiects
,
that
one
may
haue
the
parts
that
an
other
wanteth
,
and
supply
each
one
the
deffects
of
an
other
.
21.
Sixtly
,
A
young
Statist
ought
to
beginne
his
practise
with
smal
matters
.
it
shal
not
be
amisse
in
my
opinion
for
a
younge
beginner
,
to
enter
into
his
first
practice
with
matters
of
smal
importance
,
and
to
proceed
to
greater
by
degrees
,
as
his
experience
and
hability
,
shal
growe
and
increase
;
like
vnto
the
wise
phisition
,
who
when
he
begineth
to
practise
taketh
in
hand
easy
cures
,
and
medleth
not
with
inueterat
and
dangerous
diseases
,
vntil
he
hath
got
both
experience
and
credit
;
A
young
Statist
like
to
a
phisition
.
And
so
I
would
wish
a
young
beginner
in
matters
of
state
,
to
fly
busines
of
great
waight
and
difficulty
and
rather
to
procure
at
the
first
,
some
honorable
commission
or
embassage
of
congratulation
,
or
condoling
,
including
some
ouerture
of
an
important
treaty
,
rather
then
to
deale
in
the
treaty
it selfe
,
which
requireth
great
practise
,
experience
,
and
wisdome
.
22.
And
if
he
be
emploied
in
any
such
treaty
,
I
would
wish
him
to
be
contented
rather
to
be
a
second
,
or
an
assistant
then
cheife
in
commission
,
A
young
Statist
compared
to
the
iuy
tree
.
The
assistance
of
wise
and
sincere
frendes
most
necessary
in
great
employments
.
The
practise
of
the
Lacedemonians
in
employing
embassadours
.
Aristot
politi●
li.
2.
c
.
7.
and
so
to
groue
for
a
while
like
the
vine
or
iuy
,
by
the
support
of
an
other
tree
.
Or
if
his
dignity
be
such
as
can
not
admit
a
second
place
,
to
procure
,
as
much
as
may
be
,
to
haue
such
assistants
,
as
are
not
only
men
of
sound
iudgment
and
wisdome
,
but
also
his
sincere
frends
,
such
being
commonly
the
emulation
and
ambition
in
courts
,
that
he
may
otherwise
make
accompt
that
his
owne
associats
wil
curiously
obserue
euery
litle
errour
of
his
,
and
take
aduantage
therof
for
their
owne
better
credits
.
23.
To
which
purpose
it
is
to
be
considered
that
the
Lacedemonians
vsed
to
choose
such
to
send
on
their
embassages
as
were
either
publike
,
or
at
least
secret
enemies
;
to
the
end
that
one
of
them
might
serue
for
a
spye
ouer
the
others
actions
;
and
the
like
may
stil
be
vsed
,
Philip
.
Com
.
Cron
.
du
Roy
Louis
.
c
.
26.
The
practise
of
K.
Lewis
the
11.
of
France
when
hee
employed
a
great
embassadour
.
and
is
no
dout
many
times
.
And
Philip
de
Comines
noteth
of
Lewis
the
11.
King
of
France
,
that
he
was
wont
sometimes
when
he
sent
a
great
embassadour
,
to
giue
secret
commissions
a
part
to
some
meaner
man
in
his
company
,
vsing
the
other
for
a
shew
and
for
matters
of
complement
,
or
perhaps
to
the
end
he
might
beare
the
greatest
parte
of
the
charges
of
the
embassage
(
as
commonly
great
men
doe
)
rather
then
for
the
dispatch
of
important
affaires
;
and
the
like
of
both
these
examples
may
wel
be
practised
by
princes
when
they
send
great
embassadours
,
and
especially
when
he
that
is
cheife
in
commission
is
rawe
and
vnexpert
,
and
therfore
it
shal
be
conuenient
for
such
a
one
to
consider
the
same
,
to
the
end
he
may
the
better
looke
to
his
owne
carriage
,
and
procure
(
as
I
said
before
)
to
haue
about
him
wise
and
assured
frends
to
aduise
him
,
The
danger
of
associats
in
commission
when
they
are
not
sincere
freends
.
lest
otherwise
his
owne
assistants
may
let
him
commit
some
grosse
errours
,
and
so
handle
the
matter
,
that
al
the
negociation
shal
turne
to
their
honour
by
the
discouery
of
his
imbecility
.
24.
And
this
he
may
feare
not
only
in
his
associats
and
fellowes
in
commission
,
but
also
in
his
followers
and
seruants
;
amongst
whome
some
one
of
more
spirit
and
talent
then
the
rest
,
may
seeke
to
make
his
aduantage
of
his
maisters
weaknes
;
The
treachery
of
seruants
to
be
feared
in
employments
.
as
it
chanced
to
an
embassadour
whome
I
knew
,
whose
Secretary
noting
in
him
some
negligence
in
the
dispatch
of
aduises
,
when
occasion
required
,
preuented
commonly
his
maisters
letters
with
his
owne
;
Besides
that
,
being
emploied
by
his
maister
to
procure
aduises
&
intelligences
,
he
concealed
the
most
important
matters
from
him
,
and
wrote
them
him selfe
to
some
principal
counsellours
,
whose
good
grace
he
gained
so
farre
therby
,
that
they
procured
his
aduancement
at
his
returne
,
wheras
the
embassadour
was
held
vnworthy
of
further
preferment
and
liued
euer
after
in
disgrace
.
25.
Seuenthly
I
would
aduise
a
young
beginner
not
to
charge
him selfe
with
many
matters
at
once
,
Many
matters
not
to
be
vndertaken
at
once
of
a
young
Statist
.
as
some
doe
who
can
not
endure
to
see
any
man
emploid
but
them selues
,
wherof
it
followeth
that
some
one
or
two
businesses
succeeding
il
(
as
commonly
amongst
many
some
doe
)
they
receiue
more
disgrace
therby
,
then
reputation
or
thankes
for
al
the
rest
,
though
they
succeed
neuer
so
wel
:
Therfore
it
is
wisdome
for
any
man
(
especially
for
such
as
be
nouices
in
affaires
of
state
)
to
take
in
hand
but
few
matters
and
to
dispatch
them
wel
;
like
to
a
man
that
hath
but
a
weake
stomache
,
who
is
to
take
heede
,
A
young
Statist
like
to
a
man
of
a
weake
stomache
.
that
he
neither
ouerlay
it
with
the
quantity
,
nor
yet
pester
it
with
diuersity
of
meates
,
for
that
one
wil
hinder
the
disgestion
of
another
.
26.
And
this
I
wish
to
be
considered
especially
of
such
,
as
are
the
fauorits
of
princes
,
An
aduertisment
to
the
fauorits
of
princes
.
who
many
times
desiring
to
haue
al
in
their
owne
handes
,
doe
not
stick
to
charge
them selues
with
much
more
then
they
can
attend
to
dispatch
in
due
manner
and
season
,
to
the
exceeding
great
detriment
,
as
wel
of
particuler
men
,
as
of
the
state
in
general
:
wherby
they
expose
not
only
them selues
but
also
their
princes
to
such
hatred
of
the
nobility
and
people
,
that
there
follow
therof
many
times
commotions
and
rebellions
,
The
dangers
that
the
fauorits
of
princes
incurre
by
hatred
of
the
people
.
in
so
much
that
their
princes
are
either
forced
to
abandon
them
to
their
enemies
,
or
els
to
perish
with
them
;
as
to
omit
forraine
examples
,
wee
haue
seene
by
experience
in
England
in
the
time
of
King
Edward
the
second
and
King
Richard
the
second
,
against
whom
the
nobillity
and
commons
did
take
armes
for
the
hatred
they
bore
to
their
fauorits
,
Piers
Gaueston
,
the
two
Spensers
,
Robert
dela
vere
Earle
of
Oxford
,
&
others
their
adherents
,
vpon
whose
persons
they
discharged
their
fury
,
Polidorus
virgil
.
in
Hist
.
Angl.
exercising
vpon
them
al
kind
of
cruelty
,
except
vpon
the
earle
of
Oxford
,
who
saued
his
life
by
flight
into
Holland
,
and
ended
his
daies
in
banishment
;
and
herto
may
also
partly
be
ascribed
the
the
vnfortunate
ends
of
both
those
Kinges
,
who
were
afterwards
deposed
and
cruely
murdered
.
27.
Eyghtly
;
nothing
is
more
necessary
in
handling
matters
of
state
then
secrecy
,
Secrecy
in
matters
of
state
most
necessary
.
I
meane
matters
intended
or
consulted
before
they
come
to
execution
,
for
they
are
like
to
a
myne
,
which
hauing
any
vent
,
is
wholy
frustrat
,
and
of
no
effect
;
therefore
Peter
King
of
Aragon
being
demanded
from
Pope
Martin
the
fourth
,
what
he
meant
to
doe
with
the
great
fleet
,
wherwith
he
afterwards
recouered
Sicily
from
the
french
men
,
answered
that
if
he
thought
his
shirt
did
know
it
he
would
burne
it
.
28.
ca.
30.
nu
.
17.
But
because
I
am
to
speake
of
this
point
of
secrecy
hereafter
,
I
wil
giue
here
only
one
general
rule
,
to
be
held
and
practized
of
younge
Statists
,
A
general
rule
to
be
held
concerning
secrecy
.
which
is
not
to
communicat
any
important
matter
of
state
to
any
man
whatsoeuer
,
except
he
be
to
be
employed
,
or
his
counsel
to
be
vsed
therin
;
and
whosoeuer
fayleth
in
this
point
,
is
not
fit
to
handle
any
matter
of
importance
,
nor
shal
euer
haue
credit
with
princes
,
who
esteeme
nothing
more
in
their
seruants
then
secrecy
;
Princes
esteeme
nothing
more
in
their
seruants
then
secrecy
.
In
so
much
that
a
prince
in
these
our
dayes
(
whome
for
some
respects
I
forbeare
to
name
)
caused
a
faithful
seruant
of
his
(
whome
he
also
loued
dearly
)
to
be
killed
,
for
feare
hee
should
reueale
a
secret
which
by
chance
he
came
to
knowe
;
Dangerous
to
be
partaker
of
princes
secrets
.
Plutark
in
his
treatise
of
talking
to
much
.
wherby
we
may
see
how
dangerous
a
thinge
it
is
,
to
be
partakers
of
the
secrets
of
princes
;
and
therfore
Philippides
the
commendian
being
willed
by
Kinge
Lisimachus
to
aske
some
fauor
of
him
,
beseeched
him
to
doe
him
what
fauor
it
might
please
him
,
so
that
he
imparted
vnto
him
none
of
his
secrets
;
And
thus
much
for
this
point
.
Vnlawful
employment
to
be
auoyded
.
29.
Ninthly
,
a
young
Statist
is
to
haue
special
care
to
auoid
al
kind
of
vnlawful
employments
;
as
to
be
instrument
of
any
wickednes
for
his
princes
seruice
;
for
besids
the
offence
to
God
,
(
who
wil
assuredly
punnish
the
same
sooner
or
later
)
he
may
wel
thinke
that
his
prince
also
wil
neuer
trust
him
after
,
how
soeuer
he
be
satisfied
with
the
seruice
for
the
present
;
for
princes
many
tymes
are
contented
to
take
the
benefit
of
a
seruice
done
by
euil
meanes
,
and
yet
euer
after
hold
suspected
,
and
hate
the
malicious
nature
and
disposition
of
him
that
did
it
,
whome
they
vse
no
otherwise
then
poyson
only
to
serue
their
turne
though
they
detest
the
malignity
of
it
:
Plutark
in
his
apotheg
.
of
King
and
Captaines
.
Princes
loue
the
treason
,
and
hate
the
traytour
.
and
therfore
Augustus
Caesar
was
wont
to
say
,
I
loue
the
treason
,
but
I
hate
the
traytour
;
and
al
wise
princes
hold
it
for
a
rule
,
that
where
there
is
no
bridle
of
conscience
and
feare
of
God
,
there
is
no
fidelity
towards
man
to
be
expected
.
30.
We
reade
that
Constantius
Caesar
,
father
to
the
emperour
Constantine
the
great
,
hauing
commanded
that
al
such
Christians
as
would
not
adore
his
Gods
,
should
depart
from
his
seruice
,
banished
neuertheles
al
those
who
denyed
their
faith
,
and
retayned
the
others
in
his
seruice
and
fauor
,
He
that
is
false
to
God
,
wil
not
be
true
to
man
.
wherof
he
gaue
this
reason
,
that
those
which
had
so
litle
conscience
to
be
false
to
their
God
could
not
be
true
to
him
.
And
Henry
the
5.
King
of
England
,
presently
after
his
fathers
death
,
banished
from
the
court
,
Polid
.
virgil
.
i●
Henr
.
5.
al
such
as
had
bin
councellous
,
instruments
,
or
companions
of
his
riots
before
,
perswading
him selfe
that
they
were
not
to
be
trusted
about
his
person
;
and
so
it
commonly
falleth
out
when
princes
are
wise
,
and
enter
into
the
due
consideration
of
them selues
,
and
their
consciences
.
31.
But
such
other
princes
as
giue
them selues
ouer
to
vice
&
sinne
,
and
make
no
conscience
of
any
thinge
,
Princes
somtymes
disauow
their
commis●ions
after
the
fact
.
doe
not
only
commonly
disauow
their
owne
commissions
(
after
that
some
wicked
act
is
committed
by
their
order
)
but
also
vse
to
pick
quarrells
or
to
take
very
smal
occasions
to
make
away
the
instruments
of
their
owne
wickednes
,
either
to
rid
them selues
of
the
suspicion
,
and
infamy
therof
,
or
for
the
iealousy
they
haue
of
the
maligne
natures
of
their
instruments
,
or
for
feare
they
may
discouer
their
practises
if
they
liue
,
or
some
tymes
for
other
respects
;
God
so
disposing
(
by
his
iust
iudgments
)
to
make
them
the
executours
of
his
iustice
,
Gods
iustice
vpon
euil
instruments
.
vpon
those
who
preferred
their
seruice
before
his
.
32.
Iustin
.
li
.
11.
So
did
Alexander
the
great
at
his
fathers
obsequies
command
publike
iustice
to
be
done
vpon
those
whome
he
had
him selfe
secretly
employed
to
kil
him
.
So
did
Tiberius
emperour
disauow
his
commission
giuen
to
a
soldier
to
kil
Agrippa
,
Tacit.
li
.
1.
Annal
.
telling
him
that
he
should
answere
the
matter
before
the
senate
;
as
he
did
also
put
to
death
Seianus
his
great
fauorit
,
and
instrument
of
much
mischeefe
.
And
in
like
sort
dealt
Caesar
Borgia
with
a
fauorite
of
his
;
And
Henry
the
8.
Sander
.
li
.
8.
de
schism
.
Angl.
Ioan
.
Stow
in
Henr
.
8.
et
ali●
King
of
England
with
some
councellours
and
seruants
of
his
;
and
so
also
haue
some
others
in
these
our
dayes
bin
by
sundry
deuises
made
away
in
diuers
courts
and
countryes
,
when
they
had
serued
the
appetits
of
some
great
personages
,
whome
for
iust
respects
I
forbeare
to
name
:
which
may
serue
for
an
aduertisment
and
warning
to
al
men
,
to
take
heede
how
they
suffer
them selues
to
be
employed
by
any
man
in
matters
vnlawful
and
offensiue
to
God
;
Et
faelix
quem
faciunt
,
Happy
is
hee
that
taketh
heede
by
other
mens
harmes
.
aliena
pericula
cautum
;
Happy
is
he
who
can
take
heede
by
other
mens
harmes
.
33.
The
tenth
aduise
which
I
giue
to
a
younge
Statist
,
is
,
that
if
his
prince
doe
him
the
honour
to
make
him
of
his
councel
,
he
consider
wel
what
is
the
duty
of
a
councellour
;
to
which
purpose
I
wil
set
downe
some
rules
,
wherin
neuertheles
I
meane
not
to
frame
an
exact
councellour
as
Cicero
did
an
oratour
,
and
Xenophon
a
prince
,
and
Castiglione
a
courtier
,
neither
yet
doe
I
take
vpon
mee
to
aduise
old
councellours
,
whose
experience
must
needes
surpasse
mine
,
but
only
to
giue
some
aduertisments
,
to
such
as
haue
not
any
great
experience
or
practise
in
matters
of
state
;
and
for
as
much
as
it
requireth
some
larger
discourse
,
then
were
conuenient
to
prosecute
in
this
chapter
,
it
shal
serue
for
the
subiect
of
the
next
.
OTHER
GENERAL
RVLES
FOR
A
YOVNG
Statist
,
aduanced
by
his
princes
fauor
to
be
of
his
Councel
;
as
what
he
is
to
consider
in
him selfe
;
in
his
prince
;
and
in
the
matters
that
are
to
be
consulted
.
And
first
concerning
the
Councellour
him selfe
.
CHAP.
30.
The
points
that
are
to
be
considered
of
a
young
councellour
reduced
to
3.
heads
.
THE
points
that
are
in
my
fancy
to
be
principally
considered
of
a
young
councellour
,
though
they
may
be
deuided
into
many
members
,
yet
may
be
reduced
to
three
heads
;
The
first
concerning
him selfe
;
the
second
concerning
his
prince
;
and
the
third
touching
the
matters
that
are
to
be
consulted
;
Of
al
which
I
wil
say
some
what
,
with
the
perspicuity
,
8.
points
to
be
considered
in
the
councellour
him selfe
.
A
councellour
ought
to
be
truly
vertuous
and
religious
.
God
doth
assist
and
illuminat
good
men
in
matters
of
councel
.
〈◇〉
3.
4.
5.
7.
8.
&c.
and
breuity
that
I
conueniently
may
.
2.
As
for
that
which
toucheth
him selfe
;
he
is
to
regard
cheefly
eight
points
.
The
first
is
,
that
he
procure
by
al
meanes
,
not
only
to
haue
the
reputation
of
vertue
and
religion
,
but
also
to
be
indeed
truly
vertuous
and
religious
,
for
two
causes
:
The
first
to
obtaine
therby
the
assistance
of
Gods
grace
,
which
how
necessary
it
is
for
the
illumination
of
mans
vnderstandinge
in
al
matters
of
councel
,
appeareth
throughout
this
whole
discourse
,
and
especially
in
the
28.
chapter
,
where
I
haue
proued
that
true
wisdome
prudence
and
pollicy
,
are
the
special
gifts
of
almighty
God
,
and
not
otherwaies
to
be
obtained
but
by
the
obseruation
of
his
commandements
.
3.
The
other
cause
why
it
behoueth
a
councellour
,
to
be
truly
religious
and
vertuous
,
is
,
for
that
such
is
the
force
of
vertue
,
that
it
giueth
credit
to
the
possessors
therof
,
and
maketh
them
more
easely
beleeued
and
their
councel
better
accepted
;
Vertue
giueth
reputation
to
the
possessours
of
it
.
and
therfore
we
see
that
al
men
of
discretion
and
iudgment
doe
demand
councel
rather
of
those
who
are
reputed
wise
and
vertuous
,
then
of
wicked
men
who
haue
only
reputation
of
wisdome
;
for
as
S.
Ambrose
saith
.
Ambro
.
de
offi●
.
li.
2.
c
.
10.
Where
vertue
and
wisdome
concurre
al
good
councel
is
to
be
expected
.
Where
wisdome
and
vertue
are
conioyned
.
Magna
erit
consiliorum
salubritas
;
There
is
al
good
and
holsome
councel
to
be
had
,
and
al
men
(
sath
he
)
are
willing
to
heare
the
wise
and
vertuous
man
,
as
wel
for
the
admiration
of
his
wisdome
,
as
for
the
loue
of
his
vertue
;
In
which
respect
he
also
saith
,
that
men
addresse
them selues
commonly
for
councel
to
those
who
are
more
vertuous
then
them selues
;
For
no
man
(
saith
hee
)
hath
reason
to
think
him
,
Ambr.
Ibid
.
who
is
inferiour
to
him selfe
in
manners
.
to
be
his
superiour
in
wisdome
and
councel
.
4.
Furthermore
such
is
the
dignity
and
authority
of
vertue
,
The
dignity
of
vertu
is
such
that
euil
men
beare
respect
therto
.
that
euil
men
beare
a
reuerend
respect
therto
,
and
stand
,
as
it
were
,
in
awe
of
good
men
;
wherof
we
haue
an
example
in
Herod
,
who
although
he
held
S.
Ihon
Baptist
in
prison
,
and
would
not
follow
his
councel
in
the
matter
of
his
diuorce
;
yet
for
the
reuerence
he
bore
to
his
vertue
,
he
consulted
many
other
things
with
him
,
and
followed
his
aduise
therin
;
and
as
the
scripture
also
saith
metuebat
eum
,
he
feared
him
;
Marc.
c
.
6.
and
no
dout
but
wise
and
vertuous
princes
,
much
more
esteeme
and
respect
the
councel
of
wise
men
that
are
vertuous
,
then
of
others
of
equal
wit
and
iudgement
,
that
are
vicious
and
wicked
,
Pro
.
c
.
12.
The
councel
of
euil
men
commonly
fraudulent
.
A
councellour
ought
to
haue
great
regard
to
the
gouernment
of
his
family
&
priuat
affayres
.
knowing
that
as
Salomon
saith
.
Consilia
impiorum
fraudulenta
;
The
councells
of
the
wicked
are
fraudulent
,
&
that
he
who
hath
no
care
of
his
conscience
&
duty
towards
God
,
wil
haue
lesse
care
of
his
duty
towards
men
.
5.
The
second
point
is
that
he
also
giue
satisfaction
to
the
world
of
his
wisdome
,
by
the
good
and
wise
gouernment
of
his
family
;
For
no
wise
prince
can
thinke
him
a
fit
man
to
councel
him
,
or
to
gouerne
vnder
him
,
that
can
not
gouerne
him selfe
and
his
owne
family
,
and
therfore
Basilius
the
emperour
aduised
his
sonne
to
choose
those
for
his
councellours
,
who
had
giuen
proofe
and
experience
of
their
wisdome
in
the
good
conduct
and
direction
of
their
owne
priuat
affaires
;
Wherupon
also
S.
Ambrose
saith
.
Ambro
.
li
2.
de
offic
.
c
.
112.
No
man
fit
to
councel
an
other
that
cannot
councel
him selfe
.
An
idoneum
putabo
,
qui
mihi
det
consilium
,
qui
non
dat
sibi
?
Can
I
thinke
him
fit
to
councel
me
,
who
can
not
councel
him selfe
?
For
he
that
is
a
foole
in
his
owne
busines
can
neuer
be
wise
in
the
busines
of
other
men
.
And
therfore
S.
Paule
declaring
the
duty
of
a
bi●hop
,
requireth
that
he
be
such
a
one
,
as
gouerneth
wel
his
owne
family
;
For
Si
quis
,
saith
he
,
domui
suae
praesse
nescit
,
Timo
.
3.
quomodo
eclesia
Dei
diligentiam
habebit
?
If
a
man
can
not
gouerne
his
owne
house
,
how
shal
he
gouuerne
the
church
of
God
?
A
councellour
ought
to
auoid
al
flattery
.
Terentius
in
Andr.
6.
The
third
point
is
,
that
in
al
his
speaches
and
conference
with
his
prince
,
he
vse
al
sincerity
,
truth
&
plainnesse
,
with
out
flattery
;
For
although
the
common
prouerb
say
;
Obsequium
amicos
,
veritas
odium
parit
,
Flattery
gaineth
freends
,
and
trueth
hatred
;
Yet
as
there
is
nothing
more
pernicious
to
princes
then
flattery
,
so
by
consequent
there
is
nothing
more
vnfit
to
be
vsed
of
councellours
,
whose
office
is
,
and
special
care
should
be
,
to
vndeceaue
their
prince
in
al
thinges
,
wherin
they
are
any
way
deceiued
,
and
to
labour
therin
so
much
the
more
,
by
how
much
lesse
other
men
doe
it
,
seeing
one
of
the
greatest
infelicities
of
princes
is
,
Princes
that
haue
al
;
want
one
to
tel
them
truth
.
Seneca
de
beneficijs
li
.
6.
ca.
30.
that
al
or
most
men
flatter
and
soothe
them
in
al
thinges
,
and
few
or
none
deale
sincerly
or
plainly
with
them
.
In
which
respect
Seneca
saith
;
Quid
omnia
possidentibus
deest
?
Ille
qui
verum
dicat
;
What
wants
he
who
hath
al
?
Mary
one
to
tel
him
truth
;
Which
therfore
the
faithful
councellour
should
doe
,
for
otherwise
the
prince
should
liue
in
continual
errour
&
ignorance
of
his
owne
estate
,
Flattery
the
ruine
of
princes
state
.
Quint
.
Curtius
li.
●
.
and
especially
of
his
imperfections
,
yea
and
in
great
peril
of
ruine
;
for
as
Curtius
saith
;
Regum
opes
&c.
The
stats
of
princes
are
oftner
ouerthrowne
by
flattery
then
by
force
.
7.
Neuertheles
if
the
councellour
haue
occasion
to
admonish
his
prince
,
of
any
errour
or
fault
of
his
,
he
ought
to
doe
it
with
great
discretion
,
How
a
councellour
ought
to
admonish
his
prince
of
his
errour
.
Plutark
in
his
treatise
of
fla●ery
.
and
moderation
,
vsing
(
as
Parisatis
mother
to
Cirus
was
wont
to
saye
)
wordes
of
silke
,
and
launcing
the
so●e
like
a
good
surgeon
with
such
dexterity
that
he
may
cure
it
,
and
not
exasperat
his
prince
and
make
him
lesse
capable
of
his
good
councel
;
Those
that
offend
in
this
kinde
are
commonly
such
as
presume
ouer
much
either
of
their
owne
wits
,
and
power
,
or
of
their
princes
weaknes
,
or
of
his
ouer
great
fauor
and
familiarity
,
or
of
the
neede
that
he
hath
of
them
,
Who
they
are
that
commonly
ouershoote
themselues
in
admonishing
or
contradicting
their
princes
Arran
li.
8.
de
rebus
Allexand
.
Vnseasonable
liberty
of
speach
,
odious
to
princes
or
els
perhaps
are
of
nature
seuere
,
insolent
,
or
passionat
,
for
such
sometimes
doe
forget
them selues
,
yea
&
take
a
pride
in
contradicting
or
admonishing
their
princes
with
lesse
duty
and
respect
then
were
conuenient
.
8.
Such
a
one
was
Calisthenes
,
of
whome
Arrianus
writeth
that
he
made
him selfe
odious
to
Alexander
the
great
;
Tum
ob
intempestiuam
liberatem
,
tum
ob
superbam
stultitiam
;
Both
for
his
vnseasonable
liberty
of
speach
,
and
also
for
his
proud
folly
.
Such
a
one
also
was
a
Philosopher
that
liued
in
the
court
of
Dionysius
the
elder
,
tirant
of
Sicily
;
Plutarc
.
for
wheras
the
tirant
being
delighted
with
his
owne
poems
was
wont
to
impart
them
publikly
to
certayne
Philosophers
which
liued
in
his
court
,
to
haue
their
opinions
,
A
pleasant
example
of
a
rude
philosopher
.
there
was
one
amongst
the
rest
who
could
not
flatter
nor
indure
the
vanity
of
the
tirants
humour
,
but
tould
him
plainely
that
his
verses
were
nothing
worth
,
and
that
it
was
a
shame
to
heare
them
;
wherwith
the
tirant
was
so
offended
,
that
he
commanded
his
gard
to
take
him
presently
&
to
carry
him
to
the
mynes
to
worke
there
amongst
condemned
persons
:
afterwards
,
the
same
Philosopher
being
released
,
and
retourned
to
the
court
at
the
sute
of
his
freends
,
it
chanced
,
that
the
tirant
caused
a
certaine
poeme
of
his
owne
to
be
read
in
the
presence
of
him
and
of
al
the
other
Philosophers
,
commanding
them
to
speake
their
opinions
therof
;
al
the
rest
extolled
the
worke
to
the
skies
,
some
praising
the
inuention
,
and
others
the
vaine
and
grace
of
the
verse
,
euery
one
striuing
who
should
commend
them
most
,
vntil
it
came
to
the
turne
of
this
Philosopher
,
who
in
stead
of
giuinge
his
censure
,
called
suddainly
to
the
guardes
of
the
tirant
,
saying
,
come
maisters
carry
me
away
to
the
mynes
,
for
I
can
not
endure
this
extreame
folly
;
and
the
tirant
being
,
as
it
chanced
,
in
a
good
humour
tooke
it
not
ill
,
but
was
content
to
turne
it
to
a
iest
and
laughed
wel
at
it
.
9.
But
this
Philosopher
seeking
to
auoid
Silla
,
fel
into
Charibdis
;
for
fleeing
base
flattery
he
fel
into
an
other
extremity
,
The
discreet
modesty
of
Haephestion
councellour
to
Allexander
.
Q.
Cutius
de
reb
.
gestis
Alexand
.
to
wit
,
impudent
insolency
,
which
is
no
lesse
vnfit
and
absurd
for
councellours
;
who
are
to
imitate
the
discreet
and
prudent
modesty
of
Haephestion
councellour
to
Alexander
the
great
;
For
although
he
alwaies
admonished
Alexander
discreetly
&
freely
as
occasion
serued
,
yet
he
euer
did
it
in
such
sort
,
that
it
feemed
rather
to
be
Alexanders
wil
and
pleasure
he
should
so
doe
,
then
that
he
challenged
any
such
right
to
him selfe
.
The
like
stile
ought
a
councellour
to
vse
in
contradicting
or
admonishing
his
Prince
,
obseruing
exactly
his
disposition
and
humour
,
for
that
no
man
is
alwaies
disposed
alike
to
receiue
contradiction
or
to
heare
of
his
faults
,
especially
in
the
presence
of
others
;
and
therfore
fit
time
and
place
is
alwaies
to
be
chosen
for
that
purpose
,
and
some
plausible
preamble
to
be
vsed
of
the
princes
prayses
for
some
of
his
good
partes
,
which
in
such
case
is
no
flattery
,
but
a
spurre
to
vertue
,
and
may
serue
for
a
preparatiue
to
the
pill
of
admonition
which
he
meaneth
to
geue
him
;
so
that
he
geue
it
in
so
good
tearmes
and
with
such
dutiful
respect
,
Al
speach
proceeding
of
passion
insolency
or
contempt
,
odious
to
princes
.
Prou.
ca.
27.
A
wound
at
a
freends
hand
,
better
then
the
kisse
of
an
enemy
How
a
councellour
ought
to
speake
to
his
prince
,
and
of
his
prince
.
Counsellours
by
conniuency
are
partakers
of
their
princes
faults
.
that
the
Prince
may
perceiue
it
proceedeth
not
of
passion
,
or
of
a
spirit
of
contradiction
,
or
of
audacious
insolency
,
or
of
contempt
(
al
which
are
to
princes
most
odious
)
but
of
intire
loue
&
affection
to
him
,
for
so
wil
he
(
if
he
be
wise
)
take
the
admonition
in
good
part
,
&
say
with
Salomon
,
that
a
wound
at
a
freends
hand
is
better
then
the
kisse
of
an
enemie
.
10.
To
conclude
,
a
Councellour
may
hould
this
rule
,
to
speake
alwaies
in
this
manner
freely
to
the
prince
him selfe
,
though
it
be
of
his
errours
;
but
neuer
to
others
of
him
,
otherwaies
then
in
his
honour
and
commendation
,
and
though
the
prince
be
neuer
a
whit
the
better
for
the
admonition
,
yet
it
may
suffice
his
councellour
to
haue
done
his
dutie
,
and
not
to
be
partaker
of
his
princes
faultes
,
as
otherwise
he
should
be
,
if
he
should
not
in
al
dutiful
manner
aduise
and
admonish
him
,
as
occasion
should
require
:
and
therfore
though
he
should
feare
to
incurre
his
displeasure
for
his
plainesse
,
yet
he
ought
to
discharge
his
conscience
,
Plu
in
Themisto
.
and
to
say
as
Themistocles
said
to
Euribiades
(
who
tooke
vp
a
staffe
to
strike
him
for
his
free
speeche
)
strike
me
so
that
you
heare
me
after
.
Finally
,
a
councellour
should
not
expect
that
his
prince
should
alwaies
follow
his
aduise
nor
afflict
him selfe
much
if
he
doe
not
:
For
though
princes
geue
to
their
councelloures
great
liberty
to
say
what
they
wil
,
yet
they
reserue
a
greater
to
them selues
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
doe
what
they
list
;
and
thus
much
for
the
third
part
.
11.
The
4.
poynt
that
a
councellour
is
to
consider
in
him
selfe
,
is
,
A
ouncellour
ought
to
be
constant
in
his
opinion
.
Inconstancy
an
euident
signe
of
folly
.
Seneca
in
prouerbijs
.
Ibid
.
Arist
.
6.
Ethic
.
that
it
behoueth
him
to
be
graue
and
constant
in
his
opinions
;
For
leuity
and
inconstancy
is
a
most
euident
signe
of
folly
.
And
to
this
end
it
shal
be
necessary
for
him
maturely
to
deliberate
and
fully
to
consider
the
matter
propounded
,
before
he
giue
his
opinion
;
for
as
Seneca
saith
:
Sunt
duo
contraria
consilio
,
festinatio
&
ira
;
Two
thinges
are
contrary
to
counsel
,
hast
,
and
anger
;
and
againe
;
Deliberandum
est
diu
(
saith
he
)
quod
statuendum
est
semel
;
The
thinge
that
is
once
to
be
determined
,
is
to
be
deliberated
by
leysure
;
and
to
the
same
purpose
Aristotle
saith
,
that
a
wise
man
ought
to
councel
slowly
and
to
execute
speedily
.
Why
very
young
men
are
not
fit
to
giue
councel
.
Why
ancient
men
resolue
slowly
and
maturely
.
12.
Therfore
he
excludeth
very
young
men
from
counsel
in
matters
of
state
,
for
that
(
saith
he
)
their
natural
hear
maketh
them
ouer
hastie
and
headlonge
in
giuing
their
opinions
,
besides
that
by
reason
of
their
want
of
experience
,
there
doth
not
occure
vnto
them
many
reasons
,
or
difficulties
to
be
considered
,
in
which
respect
they
resolue
easely
and
speedily
,
and
with
lesse
iudgement
;
wheras
ancient
men
both
by
reason
of
their
colder
humour
,
and
also
of
their
greater
experience
(
which
ministreth
vnto
them
more
matter
of
discourse
,
and
more
doubts
to
be
resolued
)
determine
slowly
and
with
farre
more
iudgment
;
so
that
speedy
resolutions
,
are
arguments
of
weaknes
of
wit
or
want
of
iudgement
,
and
therfore
to
be
fled
of
councellours
,
as
more
proper
to
women
,
whose
counsel
men
commonly
say
,
is
neuer
to
be
taken
but
vpon
a
sudden
,
wherof
I
wil
declare
the
reason
hereafter
.
nu
.
24.
13.
The
5.
Obstinacy
in
opinion
vnfit
for
councellours
.
point
is
to
auoide
the
other
extremity
opposit
to
leuity
,
to
wit
obstinacy
and
wilfullnes
,
which
is
no
lesse
vnfit
for
a
wise
councellour
then
the
other
;
For
obstinacy
is
euer
accompanied
with
contempt
of
other
mens
opinions
and
contention
;
and
is
therfore
an
enemy
to
resolution
,
which
can
neuer
be
taken
where
obstinat
and
contentious
men
meete
in
a
councel
.
From
whence
obstinacy
in
opinion
proceedeth
.
Chap.
1
nu
.
3.
4.
&
5.
&c.
Folly
for
a
wise
man
not
to
change
hi●
opinion
when
there
is
cause
.
This
defect
proceedeth
commonly
either
of
pride
and
presumption
of
a
mans
owne
wit
(
wherof
I
haue
spoken
sufficiently
in
the
begining
of
this
discourse
)
or
of
a
false
conceite
that
many
men
haue
,
that
it
is
a
shame
for
a
wise
man
to
change
his
opinion
,
which
is
farre
otherwise
:
for
although
a
wise
man
ought
not
to
doe
it
lightly
,
and
with
out
great
reason
,
yet
when
there
is
sufficyent
cause
,
it
were
great
shame
and
folly
not
to
doe
it
and
therfore
Seneca
the
stoick
(
who
according
to
the
opinion
of
those
of
his
sect
,
Seneca
li.
4.
de
benefi
.
ca.
34.
A
necessary
exception
to
be
vnderstood
in
the
opinion
of
a
wise
man
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
held
that
a
wise
man
neuer
changeth
his
opinions
)
expoundeth
it
in
such
sort
that
he
includeth
in
the
opinion
of
a
wise
man
a
necessary
exception
,
to
wit
,
if
nothing
hap
that
may
alter
the
case
,
and
therfore
he
also
saith
that
;
It
is
the
property
of
fooles
to
●ssure
them selues
ouer
much
of
the
euent
of
their
councelles
and
determinations
;
and
that
a
wise
man
knoweth
what
sway
errour
beareth
in
the
affaires
of
men
,
how
vncertaine
al
humane
things
are
,
and
how
many
accidents
hinder
good
and
wise
designments
;
Wherupon
he
concludeth
;
that
it
is
no
shame
for
wise
men
to
alter
their
opinions
when
occasion
requireth
.
Plat
de
Rep
li
.
10
A
wise
man
compared
to
a
good
gamster
,
by
Plato
.
And
Plato
compareth
a
wise
man
to
a
good
gamster
,
who
doth
accomodate
his
play
to
the
chances
of
the
dice
;
and
so
saith
he
should
a
wise
man
accomodate
his
counsels
and
course
of
life
to
the
occasions
,
which
changing
and
varying
with
the
time
,
doe
often
require
new
deliberation
.
14.
Neuertheles
it
is
herein
to
be
considered
,
that
this
change
with
the
occasions
,
In
what
case
a
wise
man
may
change
his
opinion
.
is
conuenient
only
when
the
occasions
change
the
fundamental
and
cheefe
reason
of
the
first
resolution
;
For
wheras
in
al
matters
of
councel
many
reasons
may
concurre
to
one
end
,
wherof
some
may
be
more
important
then
other
,
and
some
one
perhaps
the
ground
and
foundation
of
the
rest
,
it
falleth
out
otherwhiles
that
change
of
times
and
variety
of
occasions
,
Whiles
the
cheife
and
foundamental
reasons
of
the
desygnment
stand
good
,
the
councel
is
not
to
be
changed
.
doe
alter
some
considerations
,
and
circumstances
,
and
not
the
grounds
and
fundamental
reasons
of
the
matter
;
In
which
case
the
resolution
is
not
to
be
changed
,
for
otherwaies
men
should
be
like
weather-cokces
,
which
change
with
euery
wind
,
seeing
time
produceth
alwaies
some
new
difficulties
,
and
changeth
some
part
of
the
reasons
in
al
matters
that
require
any
long
time
for
the
execution
;
Wherupon
may
follow
some
alteration
of
circumstances
in
the
designment
,
though
the
resolution
may
stand
good
for
the
principal
.
15.
Wherfore
it
were
great
temerity
and
leuity
in
any
man
,
to
condemne
others
mens
counsells
,
A
counsel
not
so
be
condemned
because
some
of
the
motiues
haue
fayled
.
Plat
.
in
Timol●on
&
in
Phocion
.
because
some
of
the
motiues
that
induced
them
therto
haue
failed
,
or
because
the
successe
hath
not
in
the
begining
answered
their
expectations
,
as
may
appeare
by
the
example
of
the
wise
Phocion
of
Athens
,
who
hauing
diswaded
the
Athenians
from
a
certaine
enterprise
which
succeeded
wel
,
being
reproched
therwith
by
some
of
his
aduersaries
,
said
,
that
he
was
right
glad
of
the
good
successe
;
and
yet
nothinge
repented
him
of
his
opinion
;
and
this
he
said
partly
because
he
foresaw
a
bad
sequele
of
their
good
begininge
(
as
after
it
fel
out
)
and
partly
because
a
wise
man
dischargeth
his
part
and
duty
,
A
good
beginning
hath
many
tymes
a
bad
sequel
.
if
his
counsel
be
wel
grounded
vpon
good
and
sound
reasons
,
though
the
successe
be
not
so
good
as
he
expected
,
seeing
the
euent
of
al
mens
counsels
is
only
in
the
hands
of
God
,
and
cannot
be
assuredly
foreseene
,
and
much
lesse
warrantted
by
the
wisdome
of
any
man
,
Chap.
11.
12.
&
13.
as
I
haue
sufficiently
declared
other
where
.
16.
To
conclude
this
point
,
a
wise
man
ought
alwaies
so
to
ground
his
opinions
and
counsels
vpon
reason
,
conscience
,
Counsells
grounded
vpon
conscience
and
iustice
neuer
to
be
repented
.
Plut.
in
Timoleon
.
and
iustice
,
that
what
soeuer
succedeth
he
shal
haue
no
iust
cause
to
repent
or
retract
the
same
;
and
therfore
Aristides
hauinge
said
to
Dionysius
the
tirant
(
who
demanded
one
of
his
daughters
in
mariage
)
that
he
had
rather
see
her
burned
then
maried
to
a
tirant
,
would
neuer
retract
or
recal
his
wordes
,
though
it
did
cost
him
the
life
of
his
sonne
;
For
when
the
tirant
had
slaine
his
sonne
,
and
asked
him
whether
he
was
stil
of
the
same
mind
concerning
the
mariage
of
his
daughter
,
he
answered
that
although
he
was
sory
for
that
which
had
hapned
to
his
sonne
,
yet
he
repented
not
that
which
he
had
said
;
which
constancy
of
Aristides
Plutark
greatly
commendeth
,
as
proceeding
(
saith
he
)
of
a
notable
and
complete
vertue
;
And
thus
much
for
the
5.
point
.
17.
The
6.
point
necessary
in
a
councellour
is
secrecy
wherof
I
haue
said
somewhat
before
,
Secrecy
most
requisit
in
a
counselour
.
Plut.
in
Alexandro
.
and
here
adde
that
councellers
must
vnderstand
that
their
mouthes
are
sealed
vp
by
their
princes
,
as
Haephesions
mouth
was
by
Alexander
the
great
,
who
hauing
shewed
him
a
secret
letter
said
nothing
to
him
,
but
tooke
of
his
sealing
ring
and
put
it
to
his
lips
;
This
I
say
a
young
counselour
must
vnderstand
to
passe
betwixt
his
Prince
and
him
,
Secrecy
the
best
and
surest
bound
of
matters
of
state
.
Valer
.
li.
2.
ca.
2.
The
persians
honored
silence
for
a
God
.
Aminian
.
Marcellin
.
li
.
21.
when
his
Prince
doth
him
the
honour
to
make
him
of
his
counsel
,
or
to
treat
with
him
of
matters
of
state
,
wherof
secrecy
is
as
Valerius
saith
;
Optimum
&
tutissimum
vinculum
;
The
best
and
surest
bond
.
And
therfore
it
was
so
much
esteemed
amongst
the
Persians
,
that
they
honoured
Silence
for
a
God
;
and
such
was
the
care
and
respect
that
the
Romans
had
therto
that
when
King
Eumenes
came
into
the
senat
to
demand
assistance
against
King
Perseus
it
was
neuer
vnderstood
,
Liuius
li.
42.
The
admirable
secrecy
of
the
Romane
Senat
.
as
Liuy
witnesseth
either
what
he
said
,
or
what
any
answered
,
vntil
the
warre
which
the
Romans
made
at
his
request
was
ended
;
such
being
the
secrecy
of
the
Roman
Senatours
(
though
very
many
in
number
)
that
as
Valerius
saith
,
it
seemed
that
,
Valer
.
li.
2.
c
.
2.
Not
so
much
as
one
man
heard
that
which
was
committed
to
the
eares
of
so
many
.
18.
Neuerthelesse
great
discretion
is
to
be
vsed
herein
;
for
a
man
may
as
wel
be
ouer
secret
in
some
cases
,
Some
men
are
ouer
seacret
and
some
to
open
.
as
to
open
.
I
haue
noted
sometimes
that
some
great
princes
and
councellours
for
feare
of
discouering
their
designments
,
haue
either
forborne
to
take
sufficient
information
,
&
instruction
,
of
such
as
could
best
informe
them
,
The
danger
of
takinge
information
by
obscure
questions
.
and
might
haue
bene
trusted
(
wherby
they
haue
gone
blindly
to
worke
)
or
els
they
haue
sought
to
informe
them selues
in
cloudes
,
by
such
darke
&
obscure
questions
,
that
they
haue
bene
falsly
&
ill
informed
;
for
the
parties
with
whome
they
conferred
,
making
a
false
coniecture
of
their
drift
,
and
answerring
them
according
to
their
owne
sense
(
far
otherwaies
then
-
they
would
haue
done
,
if
they
had
knowne
their
meaning
)
haue
abused
them
against
their
wils
.
Some
intending
to
be
seacret
,
discouer
their
secrets
.
19.
Againe
,
some
there
are
,
who
intending
to
be
very
secret
,
play
as
a
man
may
say
,
willy-beguile
them selues
.
I
knew
a
councellour
,
who
being
commanded
by
his
prince
to
giue
him
his
opinion
in
a
matter
of
exceeding
great
importance
and
secrecy
,
thought
to
informe
him selfe
of
some
circumstances
so
cunningly
,
that
his
meaning
should
not
be
so
much
as
guessed
at
:
but
the
party
with
whome
he
treated
being
of
an
excellent
iudgment
,
presently
vnderstood
it
,
and
though
he
answered
him
to
his
great
satisfaction
,
yet
not
thinking
him selfe
any
way
bound
to
secrecy
for
that
the
councellour
neither
had
taken
his
oath
,
nor
his
worde
,
nor
had
shewed
any
confidence
in
him
for
that
matter
)
he
wrote
it
to
a
great
personage
,
with
whome
he
had
correspondence
,
by
which
meanes
it
was
with
in
a
month
after
so
publike
that
it
came
into
the
gazetta
of
Rome
,
and
from
thence
was
published
throughout
Christendome
,
as
the
councellour
him selfe
hath
since
tould
me
;
so
that
in
seeking
information
by
riddels
,
and
obscure
questions
,
two
inconueniences
may
be
feared
,
the
one
to
receiue
a
false
information
,
and
the
other
to
discouer
the
designment
against
a
mans
wil
.
20.
Therfore
to
preuent
these
inconueniences
,
How
informations
are
to
be
taken
in
important
matters
.
my
opinion
is
,
that
when
information
must
needes
be
taken
(
as
in
some
cases
it
is
absolutly
necessary
,
especially
for
enterprises
to
be
made
in
forreine
cuntries
,
vnknowne
to
him
who
would
lay
the
plotte
)
it
shal
be
conuenient
,
if
a
sufficient
enformer
may
be
found
,
who
is
knowne
to
be
of
a
good
&
sincere
conscience
,
to
deale
plainely
with
him
,
and
to
shew
confidence
in
him
,
taking
neuertheles
his
oathe
of
secrecy
to
bind
him
the
more
,
and
to
vse
other
meanes
of
curtesy
and
benefits
to
oblige
him
,
and
to
doe
this
with
the
liking
and
leaue
of
the
prince
,
for
the
councellours
better
discharge
;
But
when
such
a
confident
&
sincere
informer
can
nor
be
had
,
my
opinion
is
,
that
although
it
shal
be
good
to
vse
al
possible
meanes
&
diligence
to
learne
what
may
be
learned
with
out
discouery
of
the
intention
,
yet
neuertheles
no
great
foundation
is
to
be
made
of
an
information
taken
by
such
meanes
,
except
it
be
of
a
matter
of
fact
,
wherin
no
man
that
knoweth
the
truth
,
can
falsly
informe
,
An
information
little
to
be
esteemed
when
the
informer
doth
not
fully
vnderstand
the
drift
of
the
propounder
.
A
councellor
ought
to
be
free
from
passion
&
perticular
affection
.
except
he
wil
wilfully
lye
,
for
of
matters
of
discourse
,
depending
vpon
the
iudgement
of
the
informer
be
he
neuer
so
wise
,
smal
reckoning
is
to
be
made
,
when
he
doth
not
fully
vnderstand
the
drift
and
intention
of
the
propounder
.
Thus
much
concerninge
the
sixt
point
.
21.
The
7.
point
which
a
councellour
should
consider
in
him selfe
is
,
that
in
the
deliberation
of
al
matters
whatsoeuer
,
he
be
cleare
and
free
from
al
passion
,
and
particular
affection
,
that
is
to
say
from
al
respects
,
either
of
loue
,
hatred
,
or
enuy
to
any
;
and
this
(
I
say
)
for
that
wise
princes
are
wont
exactly
to
obserue
the
humours
and
dispositions
of
their
councellors
,
and
to
make
smal
account
of
the
aduise
or
persons
of
such
,
as
they
find
to
be
subiect
to
any
of
the
foresaid
imperfections
;
and
with
great
reason
;
For
as
Salust
saith
:
Non
facile
animus
&c.
The
mind
doth
not
easely
see
the
truth
,
where
passion
and
affection
beareth
swaye
;
Salust
.
in
Catolin
.
Passion
and
affection
blind
the
iudgment
.
Besides
that
,
passion
not
only
blindeth
the
vnderstanding
of
man
,
but
also
doth
soe
corrupt
his
wil
,
that
although
he
see
the
truth
,
yet
he
wil
not
embrace
it
;
which
Iustin
obserued
very
wel
in
King
Antiochus
and
his
councellours
;
For
when
Hanibal
had
councelled
him
to
inuade
Italy
,
his
councel
(
saith
Iustin
)
was
reiected
,
Iustin
.
hist
.
li.
3●
.
partly
because
the
cheefe
councellours
,
&
fauorits
of
Antiochus
,
feared
that
if
it
were
admitted
,
Hanibal
might
grow
in
more
credit
and
fauor
with
Antiochus
then
they
,
and
partly
because
Antiochus
him selfe
doubted
left
his
owne
glory
might
be
in
some
part
obscured
if
he
should
be
thought
to
doe
any
thinge
by
Hanibals
aduise
;
Envy
maketh
a
man
somtymes
enemy
of
his
owne
good
.
Plutark
.
in
his
Apophtheg
.
of
K.
and
Princes
.
so
pestilent
is
the
passion
of
enuy
and
emulation
,
that
it
maketh
a
man
sometimes
enemy
of
his
owne
good
,
no
lesse
then
of
the
publike
.
22.
Therfore
Aristides
of
Athens
being
sent
embassadour
with
Themistocles
who
was
his
enemy
,
willed
him
at
their
departure
out
of
the
towne
,
that
they
might
leaue
al
their
emulations
and
quarrels
behinde
them
at
the
gate
,
Councelors
should
leaue
their
quarrels
at
the
councel
chamber
dore
least
their
priuate
passions
might
hinder
the
publike
good
of
the
commonwelth
;
and
so
in
like
manner
al
councellors
,
that
haue
any
particular
quarrels
,
or
disgusts
amongst
them selues
,
should
leaue
them
at
the
councel-chamber
dore
,
when
they
enter
therin
.
And
the
like
may
also
be
said
of
the
respects
of
priuate
freendship
or
of
other
mens
greatnes
and
fauor
with
the
prince
;
Respects
of
other
mens
greatnes
pernicious
in
Councels
.
which
respects
are
many
times
no
lesse
hurtful
in
councels
then
enuy
or
hatred
,
for
that
they
make
men
conceale
their
owne
iudgements
,
because
they
wil
not
disgust
some
freend
or
some
great
man
,
that
holdeth
a
contrary
opinion
;
in
so
much
that
it
falleth
out
many
times
,
that
some
fauorite
of
the
prince
,
hauing
once
vttered
his
conceit
,
though
none
of
the
wisest
,
carieth
after
him
al
the
rest
with
out
contradiction
,
and
so
the
best
opinions
are
either
concealed
,
or
not
so
wel
debated
,
as
were
conuenient
.
23.
For
the
preuention
and
remedy
of
this
inconuenience
,
the
wise
Cosmo
de
Medices
Duke
of
Florence
,
A
prudent
practise
of
the
wise
Cosmo
de
Medices
&
of
Philip
the
2.
King
of
Spayne
.
and
Philip
the
2.
last
King
of
Spaine
vsed
to
propound
their
most
important
matters
,
to
their
councellours
,
first
by
writting
,
commanding
them
to
set
downe
their
opinions
also
in
writing
,
with
their
reasons
,
and
not
to
communicate
the
same
with
any
other
,
&
afterwardes
if
they
thought
it
needful
,
they
assembled
them
in
their
presence
,
to
heare
them
debate
and
defend
their
owne
opinions
,
which
proceeding
was
very
prudent
in
my
fancy
,
for
so
euery
councellour
gaue
his
opinion
freely
with
out
passion
or
respect
to
any
other
,
and
for
his
owne
honour
and
reputation
defended
it
so
farre
as
reason
would
beare
him
,
wherby
matters
were
throughly
debated
and
wel
discussed
.
24.
To
conclude
this
point
,
councellours
must
say
of
al
particuler
respects
as
Popilius
the
Roman
;
being
sent
embassadour
to
King
Anttochus
his
old
freend
,
said
vnto
him
of
their
former
amitie
;
Facessat
priuata
amicitia
&c.
Iustin
.
li
.
34.
Priuat
freendship
not
to
be
respected
when
publike
matters
are
handled
.
What
Counsellors
ought
alwayes
to
haue
before
their
eyes
.
The
dangers
that
coun●ellors
incurre
by
giuing
euil
councel
to
their
princes
.
Euil
councellors
hateful
sometimes
to
their
princes
.
Polid
.
Virg
&
Io
.
Sto
.
in
Henr
.
5.
Fare
wel
priuat
freendship
when
publike
matters
are
in
hand
;
this
I
say
should
councellours
,
when
they
come
to
the
councel
table
,
both
say
and
practize
,
laying
a
side
al
priuat
and
particular
respects
either
to
one
another
,
or
to
them selues
,
as
hauing
nothing
els
before
their
eyes
in
al
their
deliberations
,
but
the
publike
good
,
to
wit
,
the
seruice
of
God
,
their
prince
,
and
their
country
.
25.
The
8.
and
last
point
which
I
would
wish
a
young
councellour
to
consider
concerning
him selfe
,
is
the
danger
of
punishment
both
humane
and
deuine
,
which
he
shal
incurre
,
if
he
corrupt
or
seduce
his
prince
by
euil
councel
,
for
that
his
prince
him selfe
if
euer
he
haue
the
grace
to
see
his
owne
errour
,
can
not
but
hate
and
detest
the
author
and
councellour
therof
;
As
did
King
Henry
the
5.
who
repenting
the
riotous
course
of
his
youth
,
banished
from
the
court
al
those
which
had
misled
and
seduced
him
,
as
I
haue
noted
Chap.
29
nu
28.
Euil
councellours
hateful
to
the
people
and
punished
by
them
.
Ibid
.
nu
.
24.
Stow
in
henry
.
8.
before
.
And
though
he
escape
the
disgrace
or
punishment
of
his
prince
,
yet
he
may
iustly
feare
the
hatred
of
the
people
and
his
owne
destruction
to
enswe
therof
;
as
I
haue
also
signified
before
vpon
an
other
occasion
,
in
Piers
Gauerston
,
the
Spensers
,
&
other
councellours
of
Edward
the
2.
and
Richard
the
2.
to
whome
I
may
ad
Emson
and
Dudley
,
put
to
death
by
King
Henry
the
8.
in
the
begining
of
his
raigne
,
to
satisfie
the
importunity
of
the
people
,
who
demanded
iustice
against
them
,
for
the
euil
councel
they
had
giuen
to
King
Henry
the
7.
in
matters
of
exactions
,
impositions
,
and
pecuniary
penalties
.
26.
Plutarc
.
in
his
treatise
that
philosophers
should
conuerse
with
princes
.
The
wicked
councellors
of
diuers
tyrants
notably
punished
A
wi●ked
councellour
,
like
to
one
that
poysneth
a
publike
fountaine
.
And
Plutarke
also
noteth
that
the
councellours
and
fauorits
of
Apollodorus
,
Phalaris
,
Dionysius
,
Nero
,
and
other
tirants
,
were
racked
,
stead
,
burnt
,
and
otherwise
most
cruelly
tormented
by
the
people
,
and
iustly
(
saith
he
)
for
that
he
which
corrupteth
,
or
seduceth
a
prince
,
deserueth
no
lesse
to
be
abhorred
of
al
men
,
then
one
that
should
poison
a
publike
fountaine
wherof
al
men
should
drinke
;
Seeing
that
vpon
the
princes
example
&
authority
,
dependeth
the
good
or
euil
estate
of
al
his
subiects
;
and
therfore
he
which
misleadeth
the
prince
,
doth
notable
iniury
to
the
commonwelth
,
and
oweth
the
penalty
therof
,
as
wel
to
the
people
as
to
the
prince
himselfe
.
In
which
respect
Plutarke
also
noteth
of
Tigellinus
,
a
wicked
councellour
and
corrupter
of
Nero
,
Plut.
in
Otho
.
The
punishment
of
a
wicked
counsellor
is
a
debt
due
to
the
commonwelth
.
that
the
people
after
Nero
his
death
made
continual
instance
for
his
punishment
,
as
for
a
publike
debt
due
to
the
commonwelth
,
which
at
lenght
they
obtained
of
Otho
successor
to
Galba
.
27.
But
though
neither
the
prince
nor
the
people
doe
exact
this
debt
of
a
wicked
councellour
,
yet
he
shal
be
sure
to
pay
it
eternally
to
almighty
God
,
The
danger
of
eternal
damnation
to
a
wicked
coun●ellour
.
Rom.
ca.
1.
if
he
repent
not
and
satisfie
his
iustice
otherwise
.
For
if
not
only
those
which
doe
euil
are
worthy
death
(
as
the
Apostle
saith
)
but
also
those
:
Qui
consentiunt
facientibus
,
which
consent
therto
;
much
more
guilty
are
the
councellours
of
euil
,
who
are
either
the
principal
authors
therof
,
if
they
inuent
it
,
or
abetters
and
associats
in
the
highest
degree
,
if
they
approue
and
ratify
it
;
And
therfore
how
hateful
such
are
to
almighty
God
,
it
appeareth
by
the
examples
of
Achitophel
and
Amon
,
the
one
councellour
to
Absolon
,
2.
Reg
.
ca.
17.
Hester
ca.
7.
Amon
and
Achitophel
punished
by
almighty
God
in
this
life
for
their
wicked
councel
.
and
the
other
to
Assuerus
,
whose
wicked
councells
God
did
not
only
frustrate
and
infatuate
(
as
the
scipture
speaketh
)
but
also
punish
most
exemplarly
in
this
life
,
making
the
one
of
them
his
instrument
to
execute
iustice
vpon
him selfe
,
and
turning
the
wicked
councel
of
the
other
to
his
owne
distruction
.
As
also
the
like
may
be
obserued
in
Gods
iust
punishment
vpon
Cardinal
Wolsey
,
&
some
other
councellours
of
King
Henry
the
8.
Sand
.
lib
.
1.
de
schism
.
Angl.
of
whome
I
shal
haue
occasion
to
speake
more
at
large
in
the
second
part
of
this
treatise
.
And
Philip
de
Comines
seriously
noteth
,
Phil
.
Com
.
cron
.
du
Roy
Louis
ca.
28.
What
Comineus
noteth
of
a
councellor
of
the
duke
of
Burgundy
how
a
counceller
of
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
called
monsieur
Contay
hauing
geuen
a
cruel
counsel
to
the
Duke
(
to
put
to
death
c●rtaine
hostages
of
Liege
)
liued
not
long
after
,
which
some
who
were
present
and
heard
him
,
did
in
a
manner
pronosticat
,
saying
that
they
wold
warrant
him
he
would
not
liue
a
yeare
to
an
end
:
whi●h
,
saith
he
,
fel
out
to
be
true
,
for
he
died
with
in
a
while
;
Thus
then
it
appeareth
how
true
the
latin
prouerb
is
:
Consilium
malum
consultori
pessimum
;
Euil
counsel
is
worst
to
the
councellour
.
Hesiodus
.
Euil
councel
worst
●o
the
councellour
.
This
shal
suffise
for
those
points
which
a
young
councellour
ought
to
consider
in
him selfe
.
WHAT
A
COVNSELLOVR
OVGHT
TO
CONsider
in
his
prince
;
as
namely
his
consicence
,
his
commodity
,
and
his
reputation
.
CHAP.
31.
A
COVNCELLOVR
is
to
consider
in
his
prince
principally
three
thinges
.
His
conscience
,
A
councellour
is
to
consider
in
his
prince
,
hs
conscience
,
commodity
and
reputation
.
his
commodity
,
and
his
reputation
;
of
which
3.
I
place
commodity
in
the
midst
,
for
that
it
is
to
be
ballanced
&
waighed
with
both
the
other
,
seeing
nothing
can
be
truly
commodious
which
is
not
agreeable
to
both
,
&
no
temporal
commodity
can
recompence
the
losse
of
either
of
them
.
And
first
to
speake
of
conscience
;
The
word
Conscience
,
What
the
woord
conscience
signifyeth
.
D.
Tho
.
2.
d
.
24.
q
.
2
at
.
4.
c
.
is
diuersly
vnderstood
,
and
commonly
taken
for
an
act
consisting
in
the
application
of
our
knowledge
to
our
actions
(
for
that
Conscientia
is
Scientia
cum
alio
,
Knowledge
with
an
other
thing
.
In
which
sence
,
conscience
may
erre
,
when
we
erre
in
knowledge
,
or
apply
our
true
knowledge
erroneously
to
our
actions
)
therfore
I
wil
not
treate
of
conscience
here
in
this
sence
,
but
only
as
it
is
the
Idem
1.
p.
q.
79.
ar
.
●3
in
cor
.
The
definition
of
Conscience
.
Remorse
of
conscience
.
Origen
li.
2.
in
ep
ad
Rom.
c
.
2.
first
natural
habit
in
the
soule
of
man
,
which
neuer
erreth
,
and
so
Conscience
is
the
purest
,
and
highest
part
of
reason
wherby
we
doe
naturally
discerne
betwixt
good
and
euil
,
reiecting
the
euil
and
approuing
the
good
;
Wherupon
groweth
remorse
and
repentance
in
our
soules
after
an
euil
act
,
and
contentment
after
a
good
:
in
which
respect
Origen
saith
that
conscience
is
.
Rector
&
paedagogus
animae
&c.
The
gouernour
and
paedagogue
of
the
soule
,
where
by
it
is
deuerted
from
euil
,
moued
to
good
,
admonished
,
reproued
,
and
chastised
;
S.
Basil
,
S.
Basil
apud
D.
Thom
.
1.
p.
q.
79.
ar
13.
ca.
Aug.
li
.
2.
de
libero
.
arbit
.
c
.
10.
as
S.
Thomas
noteth
,
called
it
naturale
iudicatorium
,
the
natural
faculty
of
Iudgement
;
where
of
S.
Augustin
speaketh
when
he
saith
that
there
are
in
the
soule
of
man
,
certaine
infalible
rules
,
true
and
incommutable
lights
of
vertue
whereby
euery
one
conceaueth
and
iudgeth
truly
of
the
general
principles
of
the
office
and
duty
of
man
S.
Chrisostome
speaking
of
conscience
,
saith
,
Chrisost
.
To
.
2.
concio
.
4.
de
de
Lazaro
.
that
almighty
God
hath
placed
it
in
the
soule
of
man
,
Conscience
placed
in
the
soule
of
man
as
a
Iudge
of
his
actions
.
as
a
Iudge
which
is
euer
vigilant
,
and
attentiue
to
his
actions
,
incorruptible
,
in
exorable
,
inflexible
,
and
serching
into
his
very
cogitations
and
intentions
,
where
vpon
it
followeth
that
after
any
sinne
or
offence
committed
,
a
mans
owne
conscience
iustly
iudgeth
and
condemneth
him
,
with
out
any
other
accuser
or
witnes
then
him selfe
.
D.
Tho
.
quod
li.
3.
ar
.
6.
1.
Conscience
is
a
natural
law
alwayes
agreable
to
the
law
●f
God
Rom.
2.
Lastly
S.
Thomas
calleth
it
Lex
naturalis
;
A
natural
law
or
the
law
of
nature
,
by
the
light
whereof
the
very
painims
know
those
things
which
are
commanded
by
the
law
of
God
,
as
the
Apostle
testifieth
,
saying
;
The
gentils
who
haue
not
the
law
(
that
is
to
say
the
written
law
of
God
)
doe
naturally
performe
those
things
which
are
of
the
law
,
and
not
hauing
the
law
,
are
to
them selues
a
law
,
and
shew
that
they
haue
the
worke
of
the
law
written
in
their
harts
,
their
owne
consciences
geuing
testimony
vnto
them
,
and
their
secret
cogitations
accusing
or
defending
them
in
the
daie
of
Iudgement
;
Thus
saith
the
Apostle
.
Whereby
it
appeareth
that
those
which
liue
according
to
the
rule
of
reason
,
Who
doth
according
to
conscience
or
against
conscience
.
the
law
of
nature
,
and
the
law
of
God
(
which
are
alwaies
conforme
one
to
the
other
)
doe
according
to
conscience
;
and
on
the
other
side
,
those
which
decline
and
swarue
from
any
of
them
,
doe
against
conscience
.
Nothing
truly
commodius
that
is
against
conscience
.
Math
.
ca.
5.
2.
Now
then
for
as
much
as
our
eternal
felicity
dependeth
vpon
the
integrity
and
purity
of
conscience
(
in
which
respect
our
Sauiour
saith
:
Beati
mundo
corde
&c.
Happy
are
the
cleane
in
hart
,
for
they
shal
see
God
)
It
followeth
that
nothing
can
be
truly
commodious
which
is
contrary
to
conscience
,
for
what
soeuer
hindreth
our
greatest
good
and
commodity
,
that
is
to
say
our
saluation
,
and
draweth
vs
also
to
the
greatest
misery
that
can
be
,
to
wit
,
to
eternal
damnation
,
the
same
is
not
good
and
profitable
but
mischeeuous
and
pernicious
,
for
(
as
I
noted
other
where
out
of
our
Sauiours
wordes
)
what
doth
it
profit
a
man
to
gaine
the
whole
wo●ld
if
he
loose
his
soule
?
Matth
.
16.
And
therfore
S.
Augustine
saith
very
wel
,
that
he
which
counselleth
a
man
contrary
to
his
saluation
hath
pallium
consulentis
&
venenum
perimentis
;
Aug.
in
Psal
.
119.
The
cloake
of
a
Councel
,
lor
,
and
the
poison
of
a
killer
.
Whereupon
it
followeth
that
the
first
and
principal
thinge
that
euery
councellour
ought
to
regard
is
,
The
principal
thinge
that
a
Counc●llour
ought
to
regarde
that
his
councel
be
so
grounded
vpon
conscience
,
that
God
be
not
offended
,
nor
his
princes
conscience
wounded
there
with
:
which
latter
were
of
it selfe
no
smal
infelicity
though
God
,
should
not
otherwise
punish
the
euil
act
;
For
as
on
the
one
side
,
There
can
be
no
greater
happines
in
the
life
of
man
,
No
greater
happines
in
this
life
then
tranquility
of
conscience
.
Aug.
de
ciuit
.
dei
li
21.
Iuuenal
.
No
greater
misery
then
a
torm●nted
conscience
.
The
worme
of
conscience
biteth
at
one
tyme
or
o
her
.
Chris
in
16.
Luc
.
concio
.
4.
Why
the
sting
of
conscience
is
frequent
&
not
continual
.
Greg
.
in
Iob
.
21.
Sinne
shuts
the
eyes
,
and
punishment
openeth
them
.
Iob
.
21.
then
the
tranquillity
and
quietnes
of
conscience
(
as
S.
Augustin
saith
)
so
on
the
otherside
there
can
be
no
greater
misery
or
torment
then
.
Nocte
,
dieque
suum
gestare
in
pectore
testem
.
To
carry
day
and
night
the
testimony
of
a
mans
wickedne●
in
his
owne
brest
.
3.
And
although
princes
doe
not
alwaies
at
the
first
feele
the
prick
of
conscience
,
whiles
the
pleasure
or
commodity
of
wicked
●ounsel
is
yet
fresh
,
neuertheles
afterwards
they
are
stoung
and
vexed
therwith
at
one
time
or
other
;
such
being
the
nature
of
the
worme
of
conscienc●
,
that
though
sometimes
it
seeme
to
sleepe
,
yet
otherwhiles
it
gnaweth
and
byteth
bitt●rly
;
God
hauing
of
his
infinite
wisdome
and
m●rcy
so
ordained
(
as
S.
Chrisostome
witnesseth
)
L●st
if
it
were
continual
,
it
●hould
not
be
supportable
,
and
if
it
were
not
frequent
,
it
might
quickly
be
forgotten
or
contemned
:
but
howsoeuer
it
may
seeme
to
sleepe
in
prosp●rity
,
it
neuer
fayleth
to
prick
and
sting
in
aduersity
,
giuing
testimony
to
wicked
men
of
Gods
iust
iudgment
vpon
th●m
;
For
as
S.
Gregory
saith
.
Culpa
claudit
o●ulos
,
&
pena
aperit
;
Offence
,
or
sinne
shuts
the
eyes
,
and
punishment
openeth
them
.
To
which
purpose
also
Iob
saith
of
the
wicked
man
;
Cum
reddiderit
(
Deus
)
tunc
sciet
,
When
God
shal
punish
him
,
according
to
his
deserts
,
then
he
wil
know
,
that
he
hath
sinned
.
The
Children
of
Iacob
being
taken
for
spies
and
deteined
in
Egipt
,
fel
presently
into
account
of
their
sinne
in
selling
their
brother
Ioseph
,
saying
:
Merito
haec
patimur
&c.
We
suffer
this
worthely
;
Gen.
42.
And
Mauritius
the
emperour
seeing
his
children
killed
before
his
face
,
&
him selfe
also
designed
for
the
slaughter
,
acknowledged
Gods
iustice
saying
;
Iustus
es
domine
&c.
Thou
art
iust
o
Lord
,
Nicephor
.
li
.
18.
ca.
40.
Guicc
.
li
.
1.
ca.
22.
nu
.
6.
7.
8.
and
thy
iudgement
is
right
,
and
ful
of
equity
.
The
like
maye
be
noted
in
Alphonsus
King
of
Naples
of
whome
I
haue
spoken
before
,
and
infinit
others
whome
I
omit
for
breuities
sake
;
And
this
al
wicked
councellours
ought
wel
to
consider
and
feare
;
in
respect
of
the
hurt
that
may
ensew
thereof
,
as
wel
to
them selues
,
Remorse
of
conscience
breedeth
hatred
of
the
euil
councel
and
o●
the
councellour
.
Guliel
.
Malsmesb
.
li
.
2.
c
.
6.
as
to
their
princes
,
for
that
the
worme
of
conscience
breedeth
not
only
remorse
,
and
repentance
of
the
euil
act
,
but
also
hatred
both
of
the
counsel
,
and
the
councellour
;
As
it
did
in
King
Adelstan
the
first
monark
of
England
after
the
entry
of
the
Saxons
,
who
being
seduced
by
the
bad
councel
,
and
and
false
suggestions
of
one
of
his
fauorits
,
Matth
.
westmonast
.
an
.
934.
banished
his
brother
Edwin
vniustly
,
commanding
him
to
be
set
to
sea
,
with
only
one
seruant
,
in
a
boat
without
saile
,
wherein
he
perished
;
which
when
King
Adelstan
vnderstood
,
he
fel
into
the
account
of
his
owne
offence
,
and
so
much
repented
it
,
that
he
not
only
tooke
vpon
him
7.
yeres
pennance
,
but
also
grew
by
little
and
little
to
detest
and
abhorre
his
fauorit
,
who
had
counselled
him
therto
;
in
so
much
that
in
the
end
he
cut
of
his
head
,
taking
occasion
vpon
certaine
woords
of
his
,
who
being
his
cup-bearer
,
&
comming
one
daye
to
geue
him
drinke
in
a
sollemne
and
publike
feast
,
and
chancing
to
stumble
with
one
foote
and
to
recouer
him selfe
with
the
other
,
said
,
So
one
brother
helpes
an
other
.
Whereupon
the
King
remembring
the
losse
of
his
brother
,
was
so
moued
there
with
,
that
he
caused
him
presently
to
be
taken
and
executed
.
4.
Furthermore
a
counceller
is
to
consider
that
councelling
his
prince
against
conscience
,
he
endangereth
not
only
his
princes
soule
(
as
I
haue
signifyed
before
)
but
also
his
temporal
state
,
How
a
wicked
councellor
endangereth
the
state
of
his
prince
.
exposing
him
and
it
to
the
iust
wrath
&
punishment
of
almighty
God
,
vpon
whose
wil
depend
the
states
of
al
princes
,
as
I
haue
largely
proued
already
.
Besids
that
no
man
knoweth
for
how
smal
an
offence
in
the
sight
of
man
,
No
man
knoweth
for
how
smal
an
offence
God
wil
punish
a
prince
in
his
person
or
state
.
Nume
ca.
20.
Deut
.
c
.
1.
1.
Reg
.
ca.
15.
Example
of
Moyses
,
Dauid
,
Saule
,
and
Ezechias
2.
Reg
c
24.
4.
Reg
.
ca.
20.
2.
pa
c
.
32.
Isa
.
c
.
38.
God
may
punish
a
prince
in
his
person
or
state
.
Moyses
for
a
litle
distrust
in
the
promise
of
God
,
dyed
before
he
entred
into
the
land
of
promise
.
King
Saul
was
reiected
of
almighty
God
,
and
disposessed
of
his
kingdome
,
for
reseruing
some
part
of
the
spoyle
of
Amalec
at
the
request
of
the
people
,
contrary
to
the
commandement
of
the
prophet
.
Dauid
was
punished
with
the
losse
and
distruction
of
70000
of
his
subiects
,
for
numbring
them
.
And
Ezechias
for
his
vaine
glory
in
shewing
his
treasure
to
the
embassadours
of
the
King
of
Babilon
,
was
threatned
by
the
prophet
with
the
spoyle
of
his
pallace
,
and
captiuity
of
his
posterity
,
which
after
was
fulfilled
.
5.
But
of
al
other
acts
against
conscience
;
for
the
which
God
punisheth
princes
and
their
states
,
No
wicked
councel
more
pernicious
to
state
,
then
that
which
is
giuen
for
the
benefit
of
state
,
and
why
.
none
are
more
pernicious
to
state
,
then
such
as
are
committed
with
intention
and
hope
to
benefit
the
state
;
for
how
litle
soeuer
some
of
them
may
seeme
to
be
in
their
owne
nature
,
yet
they
haue
one
circumstance
which
doth
greatly
agrauate
them
,
and
maketh
them
very
haynous
in
the
sight
of
God
,
seeing
that
wicked
pollicyes
doe
commonly
proceede
of
distrust
or
lack
of
beleefe
in
the
prouidence
of
God
;
For
no
man
who
sincerely
beleeueth
that
al
states
depend
vpon
Gods
wil
and
prouidence
,
can
with
any
reason
perswade
him selfe
,
that
any
thing
which
is
offensiue
to
God
,
may
be
good
for
state
;
God
doth
iustly
turne
macheuillian
pollicies
to
the
ouerthrow
of
the
contriuers
.
Prouerb
.
10.
and
therfore
no
meruaile
if
almighty
God
(
who
of
his
iustice
punisheth
sinners
many
tymes
,
by
the
same
meanes
wherby
they
offend
him
)
doth
often
turne
the
wicked
pollicies
of
Macheuillians
to
their
owne
ouerthrow
,
ordayning
that
(
as
Salomon
saith
)
Quod
timet
impius
veniat
super
eum
.
That
which
the
wicked
man
feareth
may
falle
vpon
him
.
6.
An
example
of
Pharao
.
Exod
.
1.
So
it
fel
out
to
Pharao
who
fearing
least
the
children
of
Israel
might
multiply
ouermuch
to
the
danger
of
his
state
,
oppressed
them
wrongfully
,
&
commanded
that
their
male
children
should
be
cast
into
the
riuer
,
as
soone
as
they
were
borne
;
Neuertheles
the
more
they
were
oppressed
,
the
more
they
encreased
&
multiplyed
.
And
through
the
special
prouidence
of
God
,
Moyses
was
saued
from
drowninge
,
&
nowrished
by
Pharaos
owne
daughter
,
and
by
his
ministry
the
children
of
Israel
were
deliuered
,
Egipt
,
spoyled
,
and
Pharao
himselfe
with
al
his
army
drowned
.
Ibid
.
ca.
12.
14.
So
it
also
fel
out
to
the
Iewes
,
who
fearing
lest
Christ
,
An
example
of
the
Iewes
.
Ioan
.
11.
if
he
should
liue
any
tyme
,
would
draw
so
many
to
beleeue
in
him
,
that
the
Romans
might
easely
destroy
their
temple
&
nation
(
for
want
of
people
to
defend
the
same
)
resolued
to
kil
him
,
and
so
drew
vpon
them selues
,
and
their
temple
,
the
destruction
which
they
sought
to
preuent
;
God
so
disposing
for
punishment
of
their
wickednes
,
that
the
Romans
did
afterwards
vtterly
destroy
their
temple
and
country
,
as
I
haue
amply
declared
in
the
19.
chapter
;
and
hereupon
S.
Augustin
notably
saith
;
Aug.
Tract
.
4●
.
in
Ioan
.
That
whiles
for
feare
of
loosing
their
temporal
state
,
they
contemned
the
eternal
;
they
iustly
lost
both
.
7.
Iustin
.
li
.
1.
An
example
of
King
.
Astiages
.
Also
the
like
iustice
and
iudgement
of
almighty
God
may
be
noted
in
King
Astiages
,
who
fearing
that
his
daughters
issue
might
depriue
him
of
his
kingdome
,
thought
to
preuent
it
by
the
murder
of
her
sonne
Cyrus
,
commanding
Harpagus
to
destroy
him
as
soone
as
he
was
borne
;
but
God
so
disposed
that
the
child
was
saued
contrary
to
the
expectation
of
them
both
,
and
that
afterwards
he
dispossessed
Astiages
of
his
kingdome
,
with
the
assistance
of
Harpagus
,
whom
Astiages
had
made
the
instrument
of
his
wickednes
.
So
also
it
hapned
to
Amulius
who
thinking
to
assure
his
owne
state
by
the
murder
of
his
two
nephewes
,
Idem
.
li
.
4.
3.
Plutarc
.
in
Romulo
.
An
example
of
K.
Amulius
.
Romulus
and
Remus
caused
them
to
be
laid
forth
in
the
woodes
,
when
they
were
new
borne
,
to
the
end
they
might
be
deuoured
of
wild
beasts
,
or
perish
otherwaies
,
whom
neuertheles
it
pleased
God
to
preserue
,
and
by
the
meanes
of
Romulus
to
disposses
Amulius
of
his
kingdome
.
8.
But
to
speake
of
Christians
.
In
the
time
of
the
emperour
Valentinian
the
third
,
Paul
.
Diac
.
li
.
15.
Attila
the
Scithian
and
King
of
the
Hunnes
(
who
called
him selfe
Flagellum
Dei
the
scourge
of
God
)
inuaded
the
Roman
empire
with
an
army
of
eleuen
hundreth
thousand
men
,
and
hauing
already
possest
him selfe
of
al
Pannonia
(
called
Hungary
euer
since
)
passed
through
Germany
into
France
,
vsing
al
kind
of
cruelty
vpon
al
sorts
of
Christian
people
,
threatning
vtter
ruine
as
wel
to
Christian
religion
,
as
to
the
Roman
empire
;
whereupon
the
famous
captaine
Aetius
being
assisted
with
Theodoricus
King
of
the
Goths
,
and
diuers
other
princes
,
presented
him
battaile
in
France
not
farre
from
Orleans
,
in
which
battaile
there
were
slaine
a
hundreth
&
four
score
thousand
on
both
sides
,
and
Attila
ouerthrowen
in
such
sort
,
that
he
had
no
meanes
to
saue
his
owne
person
,
but
by
retiring
him selfe
into
his
campe
,
where
he
fortified
him selfe
,
and
neuerthelesse
might
easily
haue
bene
either
killed
or
taken
,
and
Christiandome
therby
deliuered
of
a
most
potent
and
dreadful
enemy
,
The
famous
captain
Aetius
preferring
reason
of
State
before
conscience
destroyed
him selfe
and
endangered
the
Roman
Empyre
.
if
Aetius
wold
haue
donne
his
endeuour
therto
;
who
preferring
reason
of
state
,
before
true
Christian
zeale
,
and
Gods
seruice
,
spared
him
,
fearing
lest
if
he
were
vtterly
ouerthrowen
,
the
Gothes
(
who
had
already
conqu●red
al
Spaine
,
and
a
greate
part
of
France
,
wold
be
farre
more
dangerous
to
the
Roman
empire
,
being
free
from
the
feare
of
Attilla
,
who
was
common
enemy
to
both
,
for
which
respect
,
he
suffred
him
to
escape
away
with
the
relikes
of
his
army
into
Hungary
;
which
by
the
iust
iudgement
of
almighty
God
turned
as
wel
to
the
destruction
of
Aetius
,
as
to
the
greate
danger
of
the
empire
;
For
Aetius
being
returned
most
tryumphant
to
Rome
,
fel
shortly
after
into
the
disgrace
of
the
emperour
,
who
suspected
,
that
he
had
spared
Attilla
to
the
end
to
make
him selfe
emperour
by
his
assistance
,
where
vpon
he
slew
Aetius
with
his
owne
hand
,
and
Attilla
hauing
with
in
a
while
repaired
his
army
was
more
terrible
and
noysome
to
the
Roman
empire
then
before
,
for
he
came
into
Italy
putting
al
to
fire
and
sword
,
he
razed
Aquileia
to
the
ground
,
tooke
Pauia
,
sacked
and
destroied
Milan
,
and
marched
towards
Rome
to
beseege
it
,
which
he
had
donne
,
if
he
had
not
bene
diuerted
from
it
by
Pope
Leo
the
greate
,
who
going
him selfe
in
person
to
him
,
perswaded
him
to
desist
from
the
enterprise
,
and
to
retire
him selfe
into
Hungary
,
which
he
did
presently
;
And
being
demanded
of
some
of
his
nobility
,
why
he
changed
his
resolution
so
suddainly
,
he
answered
that
he
durst
not
doe
otherwaise
,
Blondus
decad
.
1.
li.
2.
Sabellic
.
Enncad
.
8
li.
1.
Baron
.
an
.
452.
for
that
two
graue
old
men
appareled
like
priests
,
stood
by
Pope
Leo
al
the
time
of
their
conference
,
with
swords
in
their
hands
,
and
threatned
to
kil
him
if
he
did
not
satisfy
him
.
But
to
returne
to
Aetius
;
we
see
herein
the
bad
successe
of
his
pollicy
,
and
how
it
turned
to
his
destruction
,
when
he
preferred
reason
of
state
before
conscience
and
the
seruice
of
God
.
9.
Hereto
I
may
adde
some
others
of
later
time
,
of
whome
I
haue
also
spoken
before
vpon
other
occasions
,
as
Caesar
Borgia
Caesar
Borgia
.
(
the
mirrour
of
Machiauels
prince
)
who
determining
to
poison
Cardinal
Cornetti
,
poisoned
his
owne
father
and
him selfe
.
Chap.
13.
nu
.
4.
&
5.
Guicciar
.
li
.
6.
hist
.
In
like
manner
the
Queene
of
Hungary
thinking
to
mayntaine
her selfe
and
her
sonne
in
the
vniust
possession
of
that
kingdome
,
The
queene
of
Hungary
.
Surius
in
commen
.
an
.
1541.
against
Ferdinand
then
king
of
Romans
,
and
after
emperour
,
craued
aide
of
Solyman
the
great
Turk
,
by
whome
both
she
and
her
sonne
were
depriued
thereof
.
And
lastly
I
may
conclude
with
a
most
manifest
example
of
Gods
exemplar
iustice
in
this
kind
,
extended
a
few
yeares
past
,
vpon
Henry
the
3.
king
of
France
,
who
reiecting
conscience
in
the
breach
of
his
oth
,
Henry
the
3.
K.
of
France
reiecting
conscience
ouerthrew
his
estate
.
ouerthrew
both
him selfe
and
his
state
,
by
the
same
meanes
whereby
he
thought
to
preserue
both
;
to
wit
by
the
slaughter
of
the
Cardinal
and
Duke
of
Guise
,
after
his
reconciliation
with
them
,
confirmed
on
his
part
by
solemne
oathes
,
with
many
imprecations
,
and
maledictions
against
him selfe
(
geuing
him selfe
to
the
deuil
,
body
and
soule
)
in
case
he
ment
,
or
should
attempt
any
thing
against
them
,
receiuing
also
the
blessed
Sacrament
publikely
for
their
furder
assurance
;
The
death
of
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
and
of
the
Cardinal
his
brother
.
which
promise
and
oathe
he
was
bound
in
conscience
to
performe
,
not
withstanding
any
former
act
or
desert
of
theirs
;
yet
neuertheles
he
caused
the
Duke
to
be
killed
in
his
owne
presence
,
and
the
Cardinal
the
next
daye
after
,
whereby
he
thought
he
had
so
assured
his
estate
,
that
he
vanted
with
greate
ioye
and
triumph
,
as
wel
to
the
queene
his
mother
as
to
his
fauorits
,
that
he
was
then
king
(
meaning
that
during
the
Dukes
life
,
he
had
bene
King
only
in
name
,
and
not
in
deede
)
whereas
it
fel
out
through
Gods
iust
iudgement
,
that
the
Dukes
death
,
was
the
meanes
to
depriue
him
both
of
his
kingdome
and
life
;
For
,
not
only
al
the
principal
tounes
in
France
reuolted
presently
from
him
(
for
the
horrour
and
hatred
of
the
fact
)
but
also
he
him selfe
,
with
in
8.
monthes
after
,
hauing
leuied
50.
thousand
men
for
the
seege
of
Paris
,
Henry
the
3.
K.
of
France
slayne
in
the
midest
of
hi●
army
.
Clement
was
the
watchword
of
them
who
killed
the
Duke
,
and
the
name
of
him
who
slew
the
King
.
Iob
.
5.
was
miserably
slaine
,
in
the
midst
of
his
army
,
by
a
poore
simple
friar
called
Clement
:
whose
name
I
note
,
for
that
S.
Clement
was
ordained
by
the
King
,
to
serue
for
the
watchwoord
to
those
,
who
slew
the
Duke
;
and
not
with
out
mistery
,
through
Gods
special
prouidence
,
fignifying
,
as
it
were
prophetically
the
name
of
him
,
whose
hand
should
reuenge
it
.
Whereby
it
may
appeare
how
dangerous
,
and
pernicious
al
counsels
,
or
attempts
against
conscience
,
are
to
state
,
in
respect
of
the
offence
of
him
on
whose
wil
depend
al
states
,
and
who
,
as
Iob
saith
.
Apprehendit
sapientes
in
astutia
eorum
&c.
Ouerreacheth
the
wise
men
of
the
world
in
their
owne
craft
,
and
suttlety
,
and
dissipateth
the
councels
,
and
plots
of
wicked
men
.
Therfore
it
may
truly
be
said
of
Machiauillian
princes
,
and
their
wicked
councellours
,
as
the
prophet
said
of
the
King
and
councellours
of
Egipt
Stulti
principes
&c.
Isay
.
ca.
16.
The
princes
are
fooles
and
their
wise
councellers
haue
giuen
foollish
councel
,
our
Lord
hath
cast
amongst
them
the
spirit
of
giddines
,
and
hath
made
them
stagger
and
erre
in
al
their
workes
,
like
a
reeling
and
vommiting
dronken
man
.
Thus
much
touching
the
respect
which
councell●rs
ought
to
haue
to
conscience
,
wherof
I
shal
haue
occasion
also
to
say
more
in
the
last
chapter
.
The
reputation
of
the
prince
greatly
to
be
regarded
of
a
c●uncelour
&
why
.
Thom
22.
9
73.
ar
.
2
&
3
Prouerb
.
ca.
22.
10.
As
for
reputation
(
which
is
also
called
Honour
,
estimation
,
fame
,
good
name
,
or
credit
)
no
smale
regarde
is
to
be
had
therto
,
when
there
is
any
question
of
the
princes
commodity
,
seeing
that
of
al
external
goods
it
is
the
principal
,
&
most
pretious
,
and
(
as
S.
Thomas
affirmeth
)
most
like
to
the
goods
of
the
minde
,
wherupon
Salomon
saith
.
Melius
est
bonum
nomen
quam
diuitiae
multae
.
Good
name
is
better
then
great
riches
;
Which
is
euident
in
matter
of
state
,
for
that
reputation
conserueth
the
states
of
princes
many
times
,
no
lesse
or
rather
more
then
wealth
and
force
.
In
which
respect
Tiberius
Caesar
was
wont
to
say
,
as
Tacitus
noteth
;
Tacit.
li
.
4.
annal
.
That
although
the
deliberations
of
al
other
men
,
doe
commonly
consist
in
the
consideration
of
vtility
and
profit
;
yet
the
state
of
a
prince
is
such
,
that
he
ought
principally
to
respect
fame
and
reputation
;
And
the
reason
is
,
The
danger
of
the
losse
of
a
princes
reputation
.
for
that
the
losse
of
reputation
,
is
not
only
the
signe
and
(
as
I
may
say
)
the
preamble
of
a
princes
fal
,
but
also
the
occasion
therof
many
times
,
because
therwith
decaieth
&
falleth
commonly
the
affection
of
freends
and
the
repect
,
feare
,
and
obedience
of
subiects
;
wherupon
followeth
the
subuersion
of
states
.
11.
Now
then
,
Wherin
the
reputation
of
a
prince
consisteth
.
wheras
the
reputation
of
princes
consisteth
especially
in
4.
thinges
,
to
wit
,
wisdome
,
valour
,
vertue
,
and
power
;
al
councel
tending
to
commodity
is
to
be
waighed
with
the
estimation
therof
,
for
nothing
that
may
impaire
the
honour
of
the
prince
in
any
of
these
,
can
be
accounted
truly
commodious
for
him
;
Philip
.
de
Com
.
ca.
57.
Therfore
Philip
de
Comines
aduiseth
touching
the
princes
wisdome
,
that
if
he
be
not
very
wise
,
and
of
good
partes
,
great
care
be
had
that
strangers
be
not
admitted
to
his
presence
,
The
care
to
be
had
of
the
reputation
of
wisdome
in
the
prince
.
especially
to
treat
with
him
,
lest
the
discouery
of
his
imperfection
in
that
behalfe
,
may
blemish
his
reputation
,
and
animate
his
enemies
to
contemne
him
;
And
the
french
historiographers
affirme
,
that
the
opinion
which
men
had
of
the
wisdome
of
Charles
the
5.
King
of
France
called
the
wise
,
auailed
him
more
against
the
English
,
then
his
force
;
Du
Haillan
in
Charls
le
sage
.
in
so
much
that
the
dispatches
which
he
made
in
his
chamber
,
were
more
feared
(
say
they
)
then
his
armies
in
the
feild
12.
The
reputation
of
valour
.
The
like
also
is
to
be
said
of
the
opinion
of
valour
in
a
prince
,
which
maketh
him
no
lesse
redoubtable
to
his
enemies
,
then
beloued
of
his
freends
and
subiects
;
wheras
the
opinion
of
his
effeminacy
or
basenes
of
mind
maketh
him
contemptible
to
al
men
,
and
often
causeth
the
deposition
,
and
destruction
of
princes
,
as
it
did
to
Sardanapalus
the
great
Assirian
King
;
Iustin
.
li
.
1.
Paulus
AEmilius
in
Chilper
.
Naucler
.
chron
.
1400.
Arist
.
li
.
5.
Polit
.
The
reputation
of
vertue
and
religion
.
to
Chilperic
King
of
France
,
to
Wenceslaus
the
emperour
,
and
to
many
others
.
13.
And
as
for
vertue
(
where
in
I
include
also
religion
)
Aristotle
teacheth
that
the
only
reputation
,
and
opinion
therof
,
is
a
notable
stay
,
and
prop
to
a
princes
state
,
in
respect
that
al
men
commonly
conceiue
that
a
vertuous
,
and
religious
prince
is
in
the
fauour
,
and
protection
of
almighty
God
;
And
therfore
Achior
cheefe
captayne
of
the
Amonits
councelled
Holofernes
when
he
made
warre
vpon
the
children
of
Israel
,
to
informe
him selfe
whether
they
had
committed
any
greate
offenses
towards
their
God
,
where
by
they
might
loose
his
fauour
,
assuring
him
that
otherwaise
it
wold
be
in
vaine
to
assayle
them
,
for
that
their
God
wold
defend
them
.
And
the
like
conceit
it
seemeth
that
Loelin
prince
of
wales
had
of
Henry
the
3.
Matheus
Paris
in
Hen
.
3.
King
of
England
,
for
when
certaine
bishops
who
were
sent
by
the
King
to
treate
with
him
to
reduce
him
to
obedience
,
threatned
him
with
the
Kings
greate
power
,
and
forces
;
he
answered
that
he
feared
more
his
almes
,
then
his
armies
,
meaning
that
he
douted
lest
in
respect
of
his
greate
charity
and
piety
,
God
would
protect
and
assist
him
,
and
that
otherwaise
he
wold
little
esteeme
his
force
,
&
power
.
So
much
it
importeth
a
prince
to
haue
the
reputation
of
vertue
,
and
religion
,
which
serueth
for
a
bridle
to
his
enemies
both
domestical
,
and
forrein
,
to
withhold
them
from
al
attempts
against
him
;
Besids
that
it
causeth
that
his
faults
,
and
errours
are
either
not
beleeued
,
or
more
easely
excused
,
or
the
blame
therof
laied
vpon
his
councellours
.
Macchi
.
in
princ
.
Macchiauel
aduiseth
his
prince
to
seeke
to
haue
the
reputation
of
religion
and
vertue
.
The
absurdity
of
Macchiauels
doctrin
impugning
it selfe
.
Terent
.
in
Eunuch
.
Cicero
.
de
offi
.
Nothing
that
is
dissembled
can
last
long
.
Math
.
c
.
8.
14.
And
for
these
causes
Macchiauel
also
councelleth
his
prince
,
to
procure
by
al
meanes
to
haue
the
reputation
of
a
religious
,
iust
,
and
vertuous
prince
,
though
he
teach
him
withal
to
be
a
most
wicked
tyrant
;
wherin
I
can
not
omit
by
the
way
to
note
the
absurdity
of
his
doctrin
,
notably
impugning
&
contradicting
it selfe
,
seeing
he
wil
haue
his
prince
to
seeme
a
lambe
,
and
be
a
woolfe
,
and
to
make
shew
of
a
Saint
,
and
be
indeede
a
diuil
;
which
is
no
more
possible
then
as
the
commical
Poët
saith
.
Cum
ratione
insanire
,
to
be
madde
with
reason
;
For
al
fayned
things
(
saith
Cicero
)
fade
and
fall
away
like
flowers
,
and
nothing
that
is
dissembled
can
long
last
,
which
our
Sauiour
him selfe
confirmeth
saying
expresly
of
hipocricy
;
Attendite
&c.
Take
heede
of
the
leuen
of
the
Pharises
that
is
to
say
hipocrisy
,
for
nothing
is
secret
that
shal
not
be
reuealed
nor
any
thinge
hid
that
shal
not
be
knowne
.
15.
And
this
is
more
euident
in
disembling
and
hipocritical
tyrants
,
Tiranny
cannot
be
hid
.
then
in
any
other
sort
of
men
;
for
that
so
violent
is
the
flame
of
tyranny
,
that
it
breaketh
out
through
the
weake
and
clouen
walls
of
hipocrisy
,
and
discouereth
it selfe
to
the
world
;
such
being
the
state
of
publike
persons
,
and
especially
of
princes
(
whose
actions
are
subiect
to
the
eyes
and
censures
of
al
men
)
that
their
least
faults
cannot
passe
either
vnknowne
or
vncontrold
of
the
people
;
as
Plutark
affirmeth
,
The
least
deffects
of
princes
are
commonly
noted
and
knowne
to
their
subiects
.
Plut.
in
his
instructions
for
those
that
mannage
matters
of
state
.
notably
aduising
princes
to
haue
a
special
regard
to
al
their
actions
,
for
that
their
least
defects
,
or
imperfections
are
noted
;
which
he
confirmeth
with
examples
of
diuers
princes
,
as
of
Pompey
the
great
,
noted
of
singularity
for
scratching
his
head
with
one
finger
;
Lucullus
censured
to
be
ouer
delicate
in
his
dyet
;
The
famous
Scipio
blamed
for
sleeping
much
;
And
Caesar
for
going
il
girded
:
What
then
shal
we
say
of
tyrannycal
acts
,
No
hipocrisy
can
suffise
to
coue●
a
tiranny
.
such
as
Machiauel
commendeth
in
his
prince
,
I
meane
murders
,
breach
of
promises
and
othes
,
fraudes
and
deceit
,
and
al
kind
of
iniustice
?
Can
any
man
with
reason
thinke
that
the
same
can
be
sufficiently
couered
with
any
cloake
of
hipocrisy
;
or
can
a
people
be
so
simple
,
or
senseles
as
not
to
know
,
and
see
a
tyranny
when
they
see
the
manifest
effects
,
and
feele
to
heauy
wayght
therof
in
them selues
?
Therfore
what
els
can
follow
of
hipocrisy
in
a
tyrant
but
that
his
subiects
shal
hate
him
much
more
,
and
the
sooner
conspire
his
ouerthrow
,
Hipocrisy
encreseth
the
hatred
of
God
and
man
against
a
tyrant
Iob
.
20.
as
of
one
no
lesse
odious
to
God
then
to
man
?
whereby
the
scripture
shal
be
fulfilled
,
which
,
saith
that
The
heauens
shal
reueale
the
iniquity
of
the
hipocrite
,
and
the
earth
shal
rise
against
him
.
16.
But
because
I
am
to
speake
purposely
,
and
much
more
amply
of
this
matter
in
the
2.
part
of
this
treatise
,
it
shal
suffise
to
haue
said
thus
much
here
by
the
way
,
The
reputation
of
true
and
not
of
fayned
vertue
requisit
in
a
prince
.
What
true
vertue
in
the
prince
worketh
in
the
subiects
.
What
are
the
effects
of
vice
in
a
prince
.
and
withal
to
inferre
thereupon
,
that
the
reputation
of
vertue
which
is
necessary
for
the
conseruation
of
a
prince
,
must
be
grounded
vpon
true
vertue
,
and
not
vpon
vaine
shewes
and
hipocritical
dissimulations
;
for
,
as
true
religion
,
iustice
,
and
vertue
,
ioyned
with
princely
power
,
engender
in
the
subiects
admiration
,
respect
,
reuerence
,
and
loue
towards
their
prince
:
so
impiety
iniustice
,
and
intemperance
in
him
,
breede
in
the
subiects
either
hatred
,
or
els
contempt
of
person
.
For
of
the
crymes
of
impiety
,
and
iniustice
(
as
periury
,
deceit
,
&
cruelty
)
proceedeth
hatred
;
and
of
the
vices
that
grow
of
imtemperance
(
as
lasciuiousnes
,
dronkennes
,
and
such
like
)
is
engendred
contempt
,
as
I
wold
declare
here
more
at
large
,
but
that
I
reserue
the
furder
discourse
therof
to
the
2.
part
of
this
treatise
,
where
I
determine
to
speake
of
the
princes
vertues
more
particularly
,
and
amply
,
in
respect
that
al
perfection
of
vertue
proceedeth
from
Gods
grace
,
and
true
religion
,
whereof
I
am
to
treate
there
.
17.
Neuertheles
I
thinke
good
to
say
some
what
more
in
this
place
,
Concerning
truth
and
fidelity
in
the
prince
.
concerning
one
special
vertue
very
requisit
in
a
prince
for
his
reputation
,
to
wit
,
truth
,
fidelity
,
and
constancy
,
in
the
exact
obseruation
of
his
oathes
,
promises
,
and
word
;
whereof
I
am
the
more
willing
to
treat
for
that
Macchiauel
alloweth
,
and
commendeth
al
manner
of
falshood
,
deceit
,
trechery
and
periury
in
a
prince
,
when
he
may
hope
to
gaine
,
or
to
benefit
his
state
therby
.
But
how
impious
and
absurd
his
doctrin
is
in
that
behalfe
,
yea
and
how
pernitious
to
princes
and
their
states
,
it
wil
the
more
euidently
appeare
if
we
consider
how
dangerous
and
dammageable
al
falshood
,
and
deceit
is
to
commonwelth
;
for
the
conseruation
whereof
,
nothing
is
more
necessary
then
truth
,
and
fidelity
,
as
wel
in
the
prince
,
as
in
the
people
.
18.
Therfore
Cicero
teacheth
that
Fides
,
which
we
may
calle
fidelity
(
consisting
as
he
sayth
,
Cicero
.
li
.
1.
de
offic
.
Wherin
fidelity
consisteth
.
Idem
.
pro
Sext
.
Ros
.
in
the
verity
,
&
constant
performance
of
woords
,
promisses
,
&
couenants
)
is
fundamentum
iustitiae
,
the
foundation
of
iustice
which
is
the
special
proppe
&
stay
of
state
,
in
which
respect
he
calleth
it
commune
omnium
praesidium
.
The
common
defence
,
or
refuge
of
al
men
;
Idem
.
li
.
2.
de
offic
.
Valer
.
li.
6.
ca.
6.
&
also
sayth
,
that
nulla
res
vehementius
rempublicam
continet
quam
fides
.
Nothing
doth
more
firmely
vnite
and
hold
together
the
commonwelth
then
fidelity
;
and
Valerius
calleth
it
;
venerabile
numen
&
certissimum
humana
salutis
pignus
.
A
venerable
and
deuine
power
,
and
the
most
sure
pledge
of
humane
security
;
Dionis
Halicar
.
li
.
2
Li●i
.
li
.
&
2.
and
the
Romans
so
much
esteemed
it
that
they
buylded
,
and
dedicated
a
Temple
to
it
,
as
to
a
Goddesse
,
in
which
temple
al
leagues
,
truces
,
couenants
,
and
important
bargains
,
were
publikly
made
&
sworne
,
which
were
so
religiously
obserued
,
that
who
soeuer
broke
them
,
was
held
for
a
cursed
,
and
damned
creature
,
and
vnwoorthy
to
liue
in
humane
society
.
And
with
greate
reason
,
for
if
falshood
and
fraud
were
permitted
to
haue
course
in
commonwelths
,
If
falshood
and
fraud
were
permitted
amongst
men
no
commonwelth
coulde
stand
.
what
traffick
or
commerce
with
strangers
or
frends
?
what
assurance
in
leagues
with
forrain
princes
,
in
contracts
and
mariages
,
in
promises
,
and
bargains
,
in
buying
or
selling
?
what
loue
?
what
society
?
what
commonwelth
?
which
consisteth
in
the
communication
of
commodities
one
with
an
other
,
&
florisheth
so
much
the
more
,
by
how
much
euery
one
tendereth
,
and
desireth
the
publyk
good
more
then
his
owne
,
in
which
respect
it
is
called
R
spub●ica
,
that
is
to
saye
,
〈◇〉
e
publik
.
And
therfore
if
trusty
and
faithful
dealing
●●ould
faile
amongst
men
,
there
woold
be
no
more
●iuil
●●ciety
amongst
them
then
amongst
Tigres
,
and
beares
,
foxes
,
and
wo●lues
,
catts
,
and
doggs
;
which
the
Apostle
insinuateth
notably
when
he
exhorteth
the
Ephesians
,
and
in
them
al
other
Christians
to
vse
al
sincerity
,
and
truth
one
with
an
other
,
because
we
are
al
combined
in
one
mistical
body
;
Propter
quod
(
saith
he
)
deponentes
mendacium
&c.
Ephes
4.
Therfore
laying
aside
al
lies
,
let
euery
one
of
you
speake
the
truth
to
his
neighbour
;
Quoniam
sumus
inuicem
membra
.
Because
we
are
al
members
one
of
another
.
29.
Hereupon
it
followeth
,
that
fidelity
is
not
only
most
necessary
in
the
subiects
,
but
also
in
the
prince
,
Fidelity
most
necessary
in
the
prince
for
the
conseruation
of
the
commonwelth
.
for
the
conseruation
of
the
commonwelth
;
for
seeing
nothing
is
more
requisit
for
the
maintenance
of
the
political
body
then
the
vnion
of
the
head
with
the
members
therof
,
that
is
to
say
of
the
prince
with
the
people
,
and
nothing
againe
more
necessary
therto
,
then
their
trust
and
confidence
one
in
an
other
(
which
can
not
be
where
there
is
no
fidelity
)
it
followeth
,
that
nothing
is
more
requisit
for
the
conseruation
of
both
the
prince
,
and
the
people
,
then
fidelity
in
both
;
without
the
which
neither
the
subiects
can
assure
them selues
of
their
princes
protection
,
nor
the
prince
be
satisfied
of
the
loyalty
of
his
subiects
.
20.
And
to
speake
here
particulerly
of
the
prince
;
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
the
want
of
fidelity
and
sincerity
in
him
,
The
force
of
the
princes
good
or
bad
example
in
the
commonwelth
.
is
most
dangerous
not
only
to
the
common
welth
,
but
also
to
him selfe
,
as
it
wil
be
euident
if
we
waigh
the
force
&
effect
of
the
good
or
bad
example
of
the
prince
,
&
how
potent
a
motiue
it
is
to
induce
his
subiects
to
vertue
or
vyce
,
seeing
as
Salomon
sayth
,
and
experience
teacheth
that
;
Qualis
est
rector
Ciuitatis
,
tales
sunt
habitantes
in
ea
.
Eccli
.
10.
Such
as
is
the
gouernour
of
the
Citty
,
such
are
the
inhabitants
therof
.
Therfor
I
saye
that
as
the
example
of
the
princes
fidelity
doth
redound
both
to
the
good
of
the
common
welth
,
How
the
fidelity
of
the
prince
redoundeth
to
his
owne
good
.
&
also
to
his
owne
security
(
for
that
the
people
doth
learne
therby
to
be
not
only
faithful
one
to
an
other
,
but
also
dutiful
,
&
loyal
towards
him
)
so
also
the
example
of
perfidious
&
double
dealing
in
him
,
doth
woorke
the
contrary
effect
,
A
perfidious
prince
teacheth
his
subiects
to
be
trayterous
to
him selfe
.
and
teacheth
his
subictes
to
be
no
lesse
faithlesse
,
and
traiterous
towards
him
,
then
fraudulent
,
and
trecherous
one
towards
an
other
,
which
may
turne
as
wel
to
his
destruction
,
as
to
the
hurt
of
the
commonwelth
.
21.
But
perhaps
some
Macchiauillian
wil
say
,
that
although
the
prince
for
his
owne
commodity
do
vse
sometimes
to
violat
his
faith
,
yet
he
may
so
seuerely
punish
it
in
his
subiects
,
that
no
inconuenience
shal
follow
of
his
example
,
either
to
the
commonwelth
or
to
him selfe
.
22.
Wherto
I
answere
,
that
the
prince
can
not
with
reason
,
expect
that
the
seuerity
of
lawes
,
The
princes
bad
example
ouerweyeth
good
lawes
.
Claudian
.
or
other
polityk
meanes
,
shal
represse
in
his
commonwelth
any
vice
which
shal
be
autorized
by
the
example
of
his
owne
practise
;
for
as
the
Poët
saith
.
—
Totus
componitur
orbis
Regis
ad
exemplum
nec
sic
inflectere
sensus
Humanos
edicta
valent
,
vt
vita
reg
ntis
That
is
to
say
,
al
the
world
is
framed
after
the
model
of
the
king
and
no
lawes
or
edicts
can
so
moue
the
minds
of
men
,
as
doth
the
life
of
the
gouernour
;
Plutar
.
de
doctrina
principium
.
which
Plutark
confirmeth
notably
,
saying
.
That
euen
as
a
squire
,
or
rule
,
must
be
straight
in
it selfe
before
it
can
make
other
things
straight
;
so
the
prince
(
who
is
,
as
it
were
,
the
rule
of
his
subiects
)
ought
first
to
rectify
him selfe
,
The
prince
is
the
rule
of
his
subiects
.
before
he
goe
about
by
lawes
or
other
meanes
to
rectify
his
commonwelth
:
for
he
that
is
falling
(
saith
Plutark
)
is
not
fit
to
vphold
others
;
nor
he
that
is
ignorant
,
to
teach
;
nor
he
that
is
incorrigible
,
to
correct
;
nor
he
that
is
him selfe
disordred
,
to
put
others
in
order
.
Thus
saith
he
,
geuing
to
vnderstand
that
a
vicious
prince
who
seeketh
to
make
his
subiects
vertuous
by
rigour
of
lawes
,
laboureth
in
vaine
,
like
vnto
one
that
buildeth
with
one
hand
,
and
puleth
doune
with
the
other
,
A
bad
prince
who
maketh
good
lawes
buildeth
with
one
hand
&
putteth
doune
with
the
other
.
chap.
4.
nu
.
28.
&c.
and
so
destroieth
more
in
one
daie
,
then
he
can
build
in
many
:
for
so
doth
the
bad
example
of
the
prince
,
corrupt
more
in
a
daie
,
then
his
lawes
can
correct
or
amend
in
a
yere
;
as
is
euident
ynough
by
that
which
I
haue
largely
discoursed
els
where
of
the
procliuity
of
man
to
vice
,
with
the
facility
,
and
many
meanes
found
in
euery
commonwelth
to
escape
the
penalties
of
lawes
.
23.
This
the
ancient
Romans
so
wel
considered
that
their
magistrats
,
The
Roman
magistrats
and
Senat
most
exact
in
the
obseruation
of
othes
.
and
Senat
were
most
exact
,
and
punctual
in
the
obseruation
of
oathes
,
and
promisses
euen
to
their
very
enemies
,
for
the
regard
they
had
not
only
to
iustice
,
and
to
their
owne
reputation
,
but
also
to
the
consequence
of
their
good
example
in
the
commonwelth
;
to
which
purpose
I
alledged
before
vpon
another
occasion
the
example
of
the
woorthy
consul
Marcus
Attilius
Regulus
,
who
being
taken
prisoner
by
the
Carthaginians
,
Chap.
5.
nu
.
5.
Cicero
.
li
.
3.
de
offic
.
and
dismissed
vpon
his
oath
(
promising
either
to
procure
the
deliuery
of
certaine
prisoners
,
or
to
returne
him selfe
to
Carthage
)
was
sent
back
by
the
Senat
with
his
owne
consent
,
because
the
Senat
did
neither
think
it
conuenient
to
deliuer
the
prisoners
,
n●r
to
recouer
and
retaine
their
consul
contrary
to
his
oath
.
And
the
like
I
haue
also
noted
before
in
the
same
place
of
T.
Veturius
,
and
Spurius
Posthumus
consuls
,
Chap.
5.
nu
.
4.
Cicero
li.
3.
de
offi
.
and
of
T.
Mutius
and
Q.
Aemilius
tribunes
of
the
people
,
who
were
deliuered
prisoners
to
the
Samnits
,
because
the
Senat
wold
not
ratify
the
peace
which
the
said
consul
and
Tribunes
had
made
with
them
;
To
whome
I
may
ad
L.
Minictius
.
C.
Manlius
.
Q.
Fabius
and
C.
Apronius
men
of
greate
dignity
,
Valer
.
li.
6.
ca.
6.
deliuered
also
by
order
of
the
Senat
to
the
embassadours
of
Carthage
,
and
of
the
citty
of
Appollonia
,
for
some
abuses
which
they
committed
against
the
said
embassadours
contrary
to
the
law
of
nations
.
24.
The
like
notable
examples
of
particuler
men
amongst
the
painims
may
also
be
alledged
,
wherof
I
wil
relate
only
one
or
two
for
breuities
sake
.
Sextus
Pompeius
,
sonne
to
Pompey
the
great
,
hauing
warres
with
Antonicus
the
Triumuir
,
Sextus
Pompeyus
wold
not
breake
his
oath
to
be
emperour
of
the
world
.
Plutar
.
in
Anton
.
and
meeting
with
him
at
the
sea
side
vpon
a
treaty
of
peace
,
inuited
him
to
supper
in
his
galley
,
geuing
him
his
oath
for
his
assurance
,
and
being
demanded
secretly
by
Metrodorus
the
Pyrat
,
whiles
they
were
at
table
,
whether
he
wold
haue
him
waye
anker
,
and
sette
saile
,
and
so
make
him selfe
lord
of
the
world
,
he
answered
,
that
it
was
not
his
custome
or
condition
to
forswere
him selfe
,
esteeming
it
neither
honorable
,
nor
profitable
for
him
,
to
gaine
the
empire
of
the
world
by
periury
.
25.
The
care
which
Li
urgus
had
of
fidelity
.
Plutar
.
in
Licur
.
No
lesse
care
of
fidelity
had
Licurgus
brother
to
Polidectes
King
of
Lacedemonia
;
for
,
hauing
taken
vpon
him
the
gouernment
of
the
kingdome
after
his
brothers
death
,
at
the
instance
of
the
people
vntil
his
brothers
wife
,
who
was
greate
with
child
,
should
be
brought
to
bed
,
and
the
child
of
yeres
to
gouerne
,
and
being
sollicited
by
her
,
to
marry
with
her
,
vpon
her
promise
to
kil
the
child
in
her
woomb
,
therby
to
assure
his
state
,
he
not
only
refused
it
,
but
also
proclaymed
her
sonne
King
,
as
soone
as
he
was
borne
taking
only
the
tuition
of
him
vntil
he
came
to
age
,
nu
.
1.
as
I
haue
declared
more
at
large
in
the
8.
chapter
.
26.
I
neede
not
to
adde
hereto
any
examples
of
Christian
princes
whose
religion
both
teacheth
and
bindeth
them
to
be
more
exact
and
precise
then
paynims
in
like
cases
;
Neuerthelesse
,
I
I
cannot
forbeare
to
speake
of
a
notabl●
act
in
this
kind
of
the
most
Christian
and
vertuous
prince
Ferdinand
brother
to
Henry
the
3.
Ferdinand
brother
to
Henry
K.
of
Castile
.
of
that
name
King
of
Castile
,
which
Ferdinand
being
le
t
by
his
brothers
testament
tutor
to
his
sonne
King
Iohn
the
2.
(
an
infant
of
8.
Luc
.
Marin
.
Siculus
de
reb
.
Hisp
.
li
.
11.
months
old
)
and
being
vrged
greately
by
the
three
sta●es
of
Castile
to
take
the
croune
to
him selfe
,
wold
by
no
meanes
consent
therto
,
saying
that
he
wold
neuer
be
false
,
either
to
his
brother
d●ad
,
or
to
his
nephew
liuing
,
to
whom
he
had
promised
fidelity
;
for
the
which
God
rewarded
him
,
as
it
seemeth
with
in
six
yeres
after
with
the
kingdome
of
Aragon
,
whereto
he
was
chosen
by
the
free
election
of
the
nobility
,
and
commons
of
the
realme
.
Lo
then
how
greate
respect
not
only
this
Christian
Prince
,
but
also
the
paynims
before
named
,
had
to
sincerity
and
fidelity
,
as
wel
for
the
causes
before
mencioned
,
as
also
for
the
very
detestation
,
and
hatred
of
perfidiousnes
,
being
a
vice
of
it selfe
most
odious
,
and
vnwoorthy
of
princely
dignity
.
27.
For
where
as
al
other
vices
and
sinnes
for
the
most
part
,
are
or
may
be
attributed
either
to
frailty
,
or
errour
(
wherby
they
seeme
many
times
more
woorthy
of
pardon
)
perfidiousnes
is
euer
presumed
to
proceede
from
a
trecherous
,
Perfidiousnes
is
a
signe
of
a
base
and
vile
nature
.
maligne
,
vile
,
and
base
nature
,
and
therfore
not
excusable
in
princes
,
whose
proceedings
ought
to
be
in
al
things
real
,
generous
,
noble
and
heroycal
;
in
which
respect
one
false
,
and
trecherous
act
may
suffise
to
eclipse
,
and
obscure
the
glory
of
many
greate
vertues
in
a
prince
,
Plut.
in
Alexander
.
as
Plutark
noteth
in
Alexander
the
greate
,
who
causing
certaine
Indian
souldiars
to
be
killed
after
they
had
rendered
them selues
vnto
him
vpon
his
woord
,
spotted
and
stayned
(
saith
he
)
the
renoune
of
al
his
glorious
conquests
and
royal
vertues
with
the
ignominy
of
that
one
act
;
and
the
reason
is
,
for
that
so
●elicat
is
mans
credit
,
Once
false
,
euer
suspected
.
and
reputation
in
matter
of
trust
,
and
confidence
,
that
it
is
like
to
a
glasse
,
which
being
once
broken
is
not
reparable
;
and
therfore
he
that
is
once
knowne
for
a
lyer
,
is
not
beleeued
when
he
saith
true
,
and
he
that
is
once
reputed
to
be
false
,
is
euer
suspected
,
and
according
to
the
general
rule
of
the
law
.
Semper
presumitur
malus
in
eodem
genere
mali
.
Li
.
si
cui
ff
.
de
accusat
.
Bart
.
in
li.
Cassius
de
Sena
.
The
dangers
which
accompany
persidiousnes
in
a
prince
.
Is
euer
presumed
to
be
wicked
in
the
same
kind
of
wickednes
;
Whereupon
it
followeth
that
a
faythles
prince
,
is
hated
of
his
subiects
,
suspected
of
his
best
frends
,
irreconciliable
with
his
enemyes
,
beloued
and
trusted
of
none
,
and
betrayed
or
forsaken
of
al
men
in
his
greatest
necessities
,
and
that
woorthily
;
seeing
he
him selfe
geueth
the
euil
example
which
other
men
follow
to
his
ouerthrowe
.
28.
But
here
the
pollitike
,
or
Macchiauillian
wil
say
,
that
a
wise
prince
hath
sufficient
remedyes
against
these
inconueniences
,
to
wit
,
strong
gards
,
garrisons
,
and
fortresses
,
besids
his
owne
pollicy
,
assisted
with
the
prudence
of
faythful
and
vigillant
councellours
,
whereby
he
may
securely
make
his
commodity
in
al
occasions
,
without
feare
of
any
dammage
that
may
ensew
therof
to
his
person
,
or
estate
.
The
insufficiency
of
Macchiauillian
remedyes
.
Thus
saith
the
Macchiauillian
most
absurdly
,
as
it
wil
appeare
if
we
consider
whence
groweth
the
danger
that
the
prince
incurreth
by
perfidious
and
deceitful
dealing
,
which
being
most
hateful
not
only
to
man
,
but
also
to
God
,
doth
draw
vpon
him
both
diuine
,
and
humane
punishment
,
against
the
which
neither
these
,
Falshood
hateful
to
God
,
and
man
.
nor
any
other
Macchiauillian
remedyes
can
warrant
him
.
29.
And
first
to
speake
of
the
offence
of
God
and
deuine
punis●ment
ensewing
therof
.
We
fynd
in
holly
scriptures
,
that
nothing
is
more
detestable
to
almighty
God
then
a
deceitful
,
or
d●oble
dealing
man
,
and
therfore
the
Holly
Ghost
saith
in
the
parables
.
Os
bilingue
detestor
;
I
doe
detest
a
dooble
tongued
mouth
.
And
againe
in
the
same
place
.
Abominatio
Domini
est
omnis
illusor
.
Prouerb
.
8.
Ibid
.
ca.
3.
Euery
deceiuer
is
abominable
before
God
.
And
the
royal
Prophet
coupling
the
deceiuer
with
the
blood-sucker
,
saith
of
them
both
.
Virum
sanguinum
&
dolosum
abominatur
dominus
:
God
do
h
abhorre
the
bloody
,
Psal
.
51.
and
deceitful
man
;
And
speaking
of
the
guylful
tongue
of
Doeg
he
thretneth
the
vengeance
of
God
to
him
,
and
al
such
;
saying
.
Lingua
dolosa
;
propterea
&c.
A
deceitful
tongue
;
God
wil
therfore
destroy
thee
eternally
he
wil
pul
thee
vp
,
and
remoue
thee
from
thy
tabernacle
,
Psal
11.
God
exacteth
nothing
more
of
man
then
truth
.
and
roote
thee
out
of
the
land
of
the
liuing
.
Loe
then
how
odious
al
fraudulent
,
and
dooble
dealing
is
to
almighty
God
,
who
being
,
Ipsa
veritas
,
truth
it selfe
,
exacteth
nothing
more
of
man
created
to
his
image
,
A
prince
is
the
Image
of
God
in
two
respects
.
then
verity
and
truth
,
and
much
more
of
a
prince
then
of
any
priuat
person
,
for
that
the
prince
is
his
image
,
not
only
by
reason
of
the
natural
gifts
of
his
soule
(
as
al
other
men
are
)
but
also
in
respect
of
his
office
,
wherby
he
representeth
his
person
,
as
his
lieftenant
,
in
the
administration
of
Iustice
,
wherof
fidelity
and
truth
is
the
foundation
,
nu
.
48.
as
I
haue
declared
before
.
30.
Wherein
neuertheles
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
that
although
al
real
plaine
and
true
dealing
be
most
requisit
in
a
prince
,
yet
he
is
to
vse
greate
discretion
,
Greate
prudence
to
be
vsed
of
princes
in
playnnes
.
and
prudence
therin
,
for
that
infinit
occasions
occurre
,
wherin
princes
ought
to
conceale
and
couer
their
intentions
,
with
more
care
and
cirumspection
then
al
other
men
,
especially
in
matters
to
be
executed
:
wherefore
greate
difference
is
to
be
noted
betwyxt
telling
a
lye
,
Greate
difference
to
be
noted
betwixt
telling
a
lie
and
concealing
the
truth
.
The
difference
betwixt
fixion
and
discreete
dissimulation
.
Discreete
dissimulation
commendable
in
princes
.
and
concealing
the
truth
,
which
the
latins
do
signify
in
two
proper
woords
,
to
wit
simulatio
,
and
dissimulatio
,
wherof
the
fyrst
(
which
we
may
tearme
simulation
,
or
fiction
)
is
euer
vnlawful
,
&
therfore
neuer
to
be
vsed
;
and
the
later
,
(
which
we
maye
calle
discret
dissimulation
)
is
both
lawful
and
commendable
,
yea
and
some
tymes
so
necessary
in
princes
,
that
it
may
wel
and
truly
be
sayd
;
Qui
nescit
dissimulare
,
nescit
regnare
.
He
which
knoweth
not
how
to
dissemble
,
that
is
to
saye
discreetly
to
couer
and
cloke
his
intentions
when
occasion
requyreth
,
knoweth
not
how
to
raygne
.
The
which
how
and
in
what
cases
it
may
be
donne
and
practised
whithout
offence
,
I
wil
declare
particulerly
and
amply
in
the
second
part
of
this
treatise
,
where
I
meane
to
resolue
many
doutful
cases
of
state
,
according
to
the
rule
of
conscience
,
for
the
instruction
of
yong
statists
;
and
in
the
meane
tyme
I
saye
here
with
Salomon
(
who
was
him selfe
a
most
wyse
&
potent
prince
)
that
;
Prouerb
.
ca
17.
A
lie
most
vnseemely
in
the
mouth
of
a
prince
.
Ibid
.
ca.
30.
Ibid
.
ca.
10.
Aug.
cont
.
Crescon
.
li
.
3.
ca
9.
A
lyer
the
child
of
the
deuil
.
Ioan
.
8.
Non
decet
principem
labium
mentiens
.
A
lying
lippe
or
mouth
doth
not
beseeme
a
prince
;
In
which
respect
he
also
prayeth
to
almighty
God
;
verba
mendacia
longe
fac
a
me
;
O
lord
preserue
and
keepe
me
farre
from
lying
woords
;
And
agayne
in
an
other
parable
he
sayth
.
Qui
nititur
mendacijs
pascit
ventus
;
He
which
trusts
to
lyes
feeds
the
wynds
;
that
is
to
saye
,
as
S.
Augustin
expoundeth
it
,
fit
esca
spiritibus
malis
;
he
becomes
the
meate
,
or
pray
of
wicked
spirits
,
or
of
the
deuil
,
whose
,
imitatour
,
or
rather
whose
child
he
maketh
him selfe
.
For
as
our
Sauiour
saith
the
deuil
is
;
Mendax
&
pater
eius
;
A
lier
and
the
father
of
lies
,
and
is
therfore
called
Diabolus
which
signifieth
a
deceiuer
.
31.
Macchiauels
prince
perfidious
and
periured
.
What
then
shal
we
saye
of
such
a
prince
as
Macchiauel
frameth
,
to
wit
a
most
trecherous
,
perfidious
,
and
periured
person
;
can
he
deserue
to
be
called
the
Image
,
lieutenant
,
or
minister
of
God
,
whose
similitud
,
and
likenes
,
he
defaceth
in
him selfe
,
whose
commission
he
abuseth
,
and
whose
holly
name
he
shamefully
profaneth
?
what
els
can
he
expect
at
the
hands
of
God
,
but
seuere
punishment
,
not
only
in
the
world
to
come
,
but
also
in
this
life
if
he
repent
not
?
This
may
appeare
by
manifest
examples
wherof
I
wil
alledge
some
out
of
approued
autors
,
both
ancient
,
and
moderne
,
to
shew
the
impious
absurdity
of
Macchiauels
doctrin
,
allowing
perfidiousnes
and
periury
in
a
prince
,
as
necessary
sometimes
for
the
benefit
of
his
state
.
32.
And
first
to
speake
of
our
holly
Scriptures
,
we
read
in
Genesis
,
that
Simeon
,
and
Leui
the
children
of
Iacob
,
Genes
.
49.
were
cursed
by
their
father
at
his
death
,
for
that
they
had
violated
their
league
made
with
Sichem
,
and
Hemor
,
Ibidem
.
34.
Simeon
and
Leui
cursed
by
their
father
Iacob
,
for
violating
their
league
v●ith
Sichem
.
and
Hemor
.
whome
they
destroied
with
al
their
citty
,
contrary
to
their
promise
,
and
couenant
.
Maledictus
(
saith
Iacob
)
furor
eorum
quia
pertinax
&c.
Cursed
be
their
fury
because
it
was
obstinat
;
and
prophesing
furder
of
the
temporal
punishment
,
which
God
wold
inflict
vpon
their
posterity
for
the
same
,
he
added
.
Diuidameos
in
Iacob
,
&
dispergam
in
Israel
;
I
wil
deuide
them
in
Iacob
,
and
disperse
them
amongst
the
children
of
Israel
.
Which
was
fulfilled
afterwards
,
as
S.
Hierome
witnesseth
,
Hieron
.
in
tradition
.
hebraicis
in
Genesim
.
for
that
their
tribes
had
not
their
habitation
apart
as
the
others
had
,
for
the
tribe
of
Leui
was
distributed
in
diuers
citties
amongst
the
other
tribes
,
to
be
their
Leuits
,
and
priests
,
and
the
tribe
of
Simeon
,
had
their
dwelling
with
the
tribe
of
Iuda
,
and
as
the
hebrewes
affirme
,
serued
for
scholemasters
in
al
the
other
tribes
,
Pererius
in
Ganes
.
ca.
49.
and
got
their
liuing
by
teaching
children
.
33.
In
like
manner
the
punishment
of
God
was
notable
vpon
King
Sauls
posterity
,
2.
Reg
.
ca.
21.
Iosue
.
9.
Sauls
posterity
punished
for
his
breach
of
league
with
the
Gabaonits
.
for
his
breach
of
league
which
Iosue
made
with
the
Gabaonits
;
where
in
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
although
the
Gabaonits
craftily
circumuented
Iosue
,
&
induced
him
by
fraude
and
deceit
to
make
legue
with
them
,
putting
on
their
old
shooes
,
and
torne
clothes
,
and
affirming
that
they
were
a
people
dwelling
in
a
farre
cuntry
,
and
that
being
moued
with
the
fame
of
his
victories
,
they
were
come
so
many
daies
iourney
to
meete
him
that
they
had
worne
out
their
shooes
and
clothes
in
their
voiage
(
whereas
they
dwelt
not
farre
of
,
and
in
the
very
land
of
promise
which
God
had
geuen
to
the
children
of
Israel
)
neuertheles
when
Iosue
discouered
their
deceit
,
The
greate
regard
which
Iosue
had
o
his
oth
and
league
with
the
Gabaonits
.
Ibid
.
he
had
such
regard
to
his
oath
that
he
wold
by
no
meanes
violate
it
,
but
answered
to
the
children
of
Israel
when
they
murmured
against
him
;
Iurauimus
eis
(
saith
he
)
We
haue
sworne
vnto
them
in
the
name
of
the
lord
God
of
Israel
,
and
therfore
we
may
not
touch
them
lest
the
wrath
of
God
faule
vpon
vs
if
we
breake
our
oath
.
The
obligation
of
lawful
leagues
.
Thus
saith
Iosue
whereby
we
may
learne
how
greate
is
the
obligation
of
al
iust
,
and
lawful
leagues
,
or
other
couenants
passed
by
oath
;
and
how
dangerous
is
the
breach
therof
,
in
respect
of
Gods
iust
and
seuere
Iudgements
vpon
the
offenders
in
that
behalfe
,
whereof
the
experience
was
seene
aboue
300.
yeres
after
Iosues
time
in
the
breach
of
that
league
by
Saule
,
for
the
which
the
children
of
Israel
were
afflicted
with
three
yeres
famin
in
Dauids
time
,
2.
Reg
.
21.
and
7.
of
Saules
children
,
and
family
were
deliuered
into
the
hands
of
the
Gabaonits
,
and
cru●ified
by
them
in
punishment
of
Sauls
offence
.
2.
Mach
.
ca.
4.
Andronicus
punished
for
his
trechery
towards
Onias
.
34
,
Furdermore
we
read
in
the
booke
of
Machabees
that
Andronicus
,
a
fauorit
of
King
Antiochus
,
was
by
the
iust
iudgement
of
God
,
and
the
commandment
of
Antiochus
him selfe
,
shamefully
put
to
death
in
the
same
place
,
where
he
had
killed
Onias
the
heigh
priest
,
who
had
rendred
him selfe
vnto
him
,
vpon
his
promise
of
s●curity
.
How
the
paynims
obserued
Gods
iudgements
vpon
perfidious
persons
.
Poliaen
li.
2.
Also
the
examples
hereof
are
very
notable
amongst
the
Ethnicks
who
obserued
dilligently
the
Iudgements
of
God
vpon
traitrous
and
perfidious
persons
;
And
therfore
when
Tissaphernes
the
Perssian
made
warre
against
the
Grecians
,
and
broke
a
truce
which
he
had
made
with
them
for
3.
months
.
Agesilaus
reioysed
greatly
saying
.
We
are
beholding
to
Tissaphernes
for
making
th●
Gods
his
enemies
,
and
our
frends
,
wherfore
lette
vs
boldly
geue
him
battaile
,
And
so
he
did
,
and
gaue
him
a
great
ouerthrow
.
Plutar
in
Apoph
.
Lacedem
.
Gods
notable
iudgement
vpon
Cleomenes
for
his
periury
.
35.
Plutark
also
recounteth
a
notable
history
of
Cleomenes
king
of
Lacedemonia
,
who
hauing
made
truse
with
the
Argiens
for
7.
daies
set
vpon
their
campe
in
the
night
,
and
taking
them
vnprouided
by
reason
of
the
truse
,
made
greate
slaughter
of
them
,
and
b●ing
reproched
with
the
breach
of
his
promise
,
&
oath
,
he
iested
at
it
,
saying
that
he
swore
truce
for
the
daies
,
and
not
for
the
nights
;
but
so
it
fel
out
,
saith
Plutark
,
in
punishment
of
his
falshood
and
periury
,
that
it
serued
him
to
no
purpose
;
for
whereas
he
assailed
the
citty
presently
,
hoping
to
take
it
with
al
facility
,
he
had
a
shameful
repulese
by
the
women
which
dwelt
therin
,
and
after
falling
furiously
madde
,
he
tooke
a
knife
and
ripp●d
vp
his
owne
body
from
his
very
heele
to
his
hart
,
and
so
died
laughing
.
36.
The
same
author
also
signifieth
,
Plutarc
.
in
Dion●
Cali●pus
punished
by
almighty
God
for
pe●●ury
.
that
one
Calippus
being
iustly
charged
with
a
conspiracy
against
Dion
of
Sicily
,
and
hauing
denied
it
with
many
solemne
oathes
in
the
Temple
of
Ceres
,
was
by
Gods
iust
iudgement
slaine
with
the
same
dagger
wherwith
Dion
was
killed
before
by
his
consent
.
I
omit
diuers
other
examples
,
which
might
be
all●adged
out
of
prophane
historiographers
to
adde
a
few
out
of
Christian
,
and
more
moderne
authors
.
37.
The
seuere
iudgements
of
God
vpon
men
for
the
sinne
of
periury
,
haue
bene
alwaise
so
euident
amongst
Christians
,
Matters
in
controuersy
decyded
by
othes
at
the
tombes
of
martyres
in
the
primitiue
church
.
Aug.
ep
.
137.
that
the
custome
was
in
the
primitiue
church
to
decide
matters
in
controuersy
by
oathes
at
certaine
holly
places
,
and
the
toombes
of
martires
,
where
almighty
God
did
ordinarily
extend
his
iustice
vpon
periured
persons
;
which
custome
as
S.
Augustin
witnesseth
,
was
in
vre
in
his
time
at
Millan
,
wherof
he
saith
;
Nos
nouimus
Mediolani
&c.
I
my selfe
haue
knowne
,
that
in
Milan
at
the
memory
of
Saints
(
where
diuels
doe
miraculously
and
terribly
confesse
the
truth
)
a
certaine
theefe
who
went
thither
with
intention
to
deceiue
by
periury
,
What
Saint
Augustin
affirmeth
of
his
owne
knowledge
and
practise
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
was
compelled
to
confesse
his
theft
,
and
to
restore
that
which
he
had
stolne
.
Thus
saith
S.
Augustin
,
signifiing
with
al
that
he
had
sent
a
priest
of
his
called
Bonifacius
,
and
another
who
had
accused
him
of
certaine
crimes
,
to
the
body
of
S.
Felix
at
Nola
in
Italy
(
where
he
saith
greate
miracles
were
then
wrought
)
to
the
end
that
the
bad
conscience
of
one
of
them
,
might
be
discouered
there
,
either
by
feare
,
or
by
deuine
punishment
;
And
furder
debating
in
the
same
place
,
why
God
,
who
is
euery
where
,
and
to
be
adored
in
spirit
and
truth
doth
shew
his
power
and
iudgements
miraculously
in
some
places
,
and
not
in
some
other
,
he
concludeth
,
that
it
is
to
be
left
to
the
inscrutable
iudgements
of
God
;
For
,
Ide●
Ibid
.
faith
he
,
as
he
geueth
his
graces
,
and
gifts
diuersly
vnto
his
seruants
,
to
one
the
grace
to
heale
and
cure
disseases
,
and
●o
another
to
discerne
spirits
,
and
not
al
gifts
to
al
alike
:
so
also
he
wil
not
that
these
kind
of
miracles
be
donne
in
al
places
alike
.
Thus
saith
S.
Augustin
in
substance
.
Grego
.
Homil
.
32.
in
Euangel
.
38.
But
to
proceede
.
S.
Gregory
testifieth
,
that
the
same
custome
of
trial
of
truth
by
oathes
in
holly
places
,
was
also
vsed
in
his
time
,
Periury
miraculously
punished
at
Rome
in
the
time
of
S.
Gregory
.
namely
in
Rome
at
the
bodies
of
S.
Processus
,
and
S.
Martinianus
,
wherof
he
saith
.
Periuri
veniunt
,
&
a
daemonibus
vexantur
,
demoniaci
veniunt
&
liberantur
.
Periured
persons
come
thither
,
and
are
vexed
with
diuels
,
and
such
as
are
possest
with
deuils
are
deliuered
.
And
the
like
is
also
witnessed
by
Gregory
of
Tours
of
the
body
of
S.
Pancratius
in
Rome
,
Greg
.
Turon
.
de
gloria
Matt
.
ca.
39.
whome
he
therfore
calleth
.
Valde
in
periuris
vltorem
;
A
notable
punisher
of
periury
;
And
saith
that
assoone
as
the
party
,
who
came
thither
for
his
purgation
,
did
forswere
him selfe
,
he
was
either
presently
possest
by
the
deuil
,
or
els
fel
doune
dead
vpon
the
ground
;
Idem
.
Ibid
.
ca.
103.
And
he
affirmeth
the
like
of
the
body
of
S.
Polieuctus
in
Constantinople
.
A
notable
example
of
a
noble
man
of
England
miraculously
punished
for
periury
.
39.
But
of
this
matter
we
haue
a
most
famous
,
and
autentical
example
in
our
owne
histories
.
Elfred
a
noble
man
of
England
in
the
time
of
King
Adelstan
,
conspired
against
him
with
certaine
others
,
and
being
accused
therof
,
stood
vpon
the
denial
,
and
because
the
prooues
were
not
sufficient
to
conuince
him
,
he
was
sent
to
Rome
(
as
the
custome
was
then
)
to
make
his
purgation
by
oath
at
the
body
of
S.
Peter
,
where
he
swore
contrary
to
his
owne
conscience
,
and
presently
fel
doune
before
the
Aultar
,
and
died
with
in
three
daies
after
;
Vpon
the
aduertisement
whereof
king
Adelstan
(
to
shew
his
gratitude
and
deuotion
towards
S.
Peter
)
gaue
al
the
lands
of
Elfred
vnto
the
church
of
S.
Peter
in
the
Abbey
of
Malmesbury
with
letters
patents
,
Guliel
Malmesb
.
de
gest
.
Reg
.
Angl.
li
.
2.
ca.
6.
wherin
after
the
grant
of
the
said
lands
,
he
declared
the
whole
matter
as
it
passed
in
these
woords
.
40.
Scient
sapientes
&c.
Be
it
knowne
to
al
wise
men
of
this
our
cuntry
,
The
leters
patents
of
King
Adelstan
testifying
the
history
aboue
mencioned
.
that
we
haue
not
taken
vniustly
the
foresaid
lands
,
neither
haue
geuen
to
God
an
vnlawful
spoile
,
but
that
we
haue
had
them
by
the
iudgement
,
as
wel
of
al
the
nobility
of
England
,
as
also
of
Iohn
the
Apostolical
Pope
of
the
Roman
church
by
the
death
of
Elfred
,
who
was
the
enemy
of
our
life
,
and
felicity
,
and
consented
to
the
wickednes
of
other
our
enemies
,
which
conspired
to
put
out
our
eyes
at
the
toune
of
winchester
,
after
our
fathers
death
;
from
the
which
God
of
his
greate
mercy
deliuered
vs
;
where
vpon
their
conspiracy
being
discouered
,
and
Elfred
sent
to
the
Roman
church
to
purge
him selfe
before
Iohn
t●e
Apostolical
bishop
,
he
tooke
his
oath
at
the
Altar
of
S.
Peter
,
and
presently
fel
doune
to
the
ground
,
and
was
caried
away
by
his
seruants
to
the
This
scole
of
the
English
was
not
where
the
English
ho●pital
is
now
(
as
Polidore
verg●l
erroneously
conceiueth
)
but
where
the
hospital
of
S.
Spirito
is
neere
to
S
Peters
.
schoole
of
the
engli●hmen
,
where
he
died
the
third
night
after
,
and
then
the
Apostolical
Bishop
sent
vnto
vs
,
to
know
what
we
wold
haue
to
be
donne
with
the
body
,
and
whether
it
should
be
buried
in
christian
mans
burial
,
which
at
the
earnest
,
and
humble
sute
of
his
kinsfolkes
,
and
other
of
our
nobility
,
we
were
content
to
graunt
,
and
so
we
signified
vnto
the
Pope
,
by
whose
consent
he
was
buried
amongst
other
Christians
(
though
vnworthy
therof
)
and
so
al
his
possessions
litle
and
greate
were
adiudged
to
vs
,
which
we
haue
thought
good
to
signify
by
these
letters
to
the
end
that
so
long
as
Christianity
shal
raigne
,
it
may
be
knowne
how
we
gotte
the
foresaid
possessions
,
which
we
haue
now
geuen
to
God
&
S.
Peter
,
it
seeming
to
vs
most
iust
,
to
geue
the
same
to
them
who
ouerthrew
our
enemy
in
the
sight
of
al
men
and
gaue
vs
the
prosperous
raigne
and
kingdome
which
we
enioye
.
Thus
farre
the
letters
Patents
of
King
Adelstan
,
Guliel
.
Mal
.
Idid
.
which
William
of
Malmesbury
who
liued
in
William
the
conquerours
time
,
citeth
out
of
the
original
that
then
was
extant
in
the
Abbey
,
where
he
wrote
the
history
.
41.
Regino
Chron
.
Aymoyn
li.
5.
ca.
21.
Sigon
.
de
reg
.
Ital
.
an
869
Naucler
.
Chron
.
an
867.
Baron
.
an
.
868.
Also
some
yeres
after
in
the
same
age
Lotharius
King
of
Austrasia
(
which
contained
al
Lorraine
,
and
Flanders
and
some
part
of
Germany
Burgundy
and
France
)
came
to
Rome
accompanied
with
al
his
nobility
in
the
time
of
Adrian
the
second
to
be
absolued
from
the
excomunication
which
he
had
incurred
in
the
time
of
Pope
Nicolas
the
first
,
for
his
deuorce
from
his
lawful
wife
Theutperga
and
his
mariage
with
Waldrada
his
concubine
;
and
wher●as
he
had
bene
also
furder
accused
to
the
sea
Apostolik
of
diuers
crimes
concerning
the
same
matter
he
was
content
for
his
purgation
therof
,
to
receiue
the
blessed
Sacrament
at
the
hands
of
Pope
Adrian
together
with
his
nobility
;
which
he
did
,
protesting
for
his
part
,
that
he
was
cleare
of
those
things
whereof
he
had
bene
accused
,
which
also
his
nobility
confirmed
,
though
it
was
most
false
;
as
afterwards
it
euidently
appeared
by
the
exemplar
puni●hment
of
God
vpon
th●m
al
;
For
whereas
they
d●parted
●hortly
after
from
Rome
homewards
,
there
fel
amongst
them
such
a
strange
dissease
,
that
Lotharius
hauing
seene
the
death
of
most
of
his
noble
men
before
he
came
to
Luca
,
fel
sicke
there
him selfe
,
and
with
in
a
few
daies
after
,
died
at
Placencia
,
and
of
al
those
who
receiued
the
blessed
Sacrament
with
him
,
Vbi
supra
.
there
liued
not
any
one
to
the
yeres
end
,
as
testifieth
Regino
,
Aymoinus
,
Sigonius
,
Nauclerus
and
diuers
others
.
Henry
Huntend
.
hist
.
li.
6
Ingulphus
hist
.
Angli
an
.
153.
Polidor
hist
.
Angli
.
Periury
notably
punished
in
Earle
Godwin
father
to
K.
Harold
.
42.
And
now
to
returne
to
our
owne
cuntry
.
Earle
Godwin
father
to
King
Harrold
hauing
procured
the
vntimely
death
of
Alfred
brother
to
King
Edward
the
Confessor
,
denied
it
continually
with
sollemne
oathes
,
and
especially
once
,
when
he
dined
with
the
king
,
at
what
time
occasion
being
offred
to
speake
of
that
matter
,
he
tooke
a
piece
of
bread
and
praied
to
God
that
the
same
might
be
his
last
,
if
he
were
any
way
consenting
,
or
priuy
therto
,
and
so
eating
the
bread
was
choked
therwith
,
and
died
there
in
the
Kings
presence
.
43.
It
is
also
obserued
and
testified
by
the
most
of
the
old
historiographers
of
our
cuntry
,
that
the
ouerthrow
of
K.
Harold
by
William
the
conquerour
,
was
a
iust
punishment
of
God
vpon
him
for
his
periury
;
King
Harold
slayne
by
William
the
conquerour
in
punishment
of
his
periury
.
The
story
is
breefly
thus
.
Harold
being
in
Normandy
with
duke
William
in
the
time
of
King
Edward
the
Confessor
promised
to
assist
him
after
the
death
of
the
king
in
his
pretence
to
the
crowne
of
England
,
which
he
also
confirmed
by
sollemne
oath
,
whereupon
Duke
William
fianced
his
daughter
vnto
him
,
and
for
that
she
was
not
then
of
yeres
to
be
maried
,
he
tooke
Harolds
oath
to
performe
the
mariage
with
in
a
ceraine
time
after
.
But
when
the
time
appointed
for
the
mariage
was
expired
,
and
Harold
shewed
no
care
to
performe
any
part
of
his
promises
,
the
Duke
sent
messengers
vnto
him
to
request
of
him
the
accomplishment
therof
,
but
he
in
steede
of
geuing
satisfaction
to
the
Duke
,
derided
and
abused
his
messengers
,
causing
some
of
their
horse
tailes
to
be
cutte
of
,
and
others
to
be
lamed
,
and
afterwards
when
King
Edward
died
,
he
practised
not
only
to
exclude
the
Duke
from
the
croune
,
but
also
procured
it
for
him selfe
,
pretending
that
his
promise
to
the
Duke
was
made
for
feare
,
and
that
therfore
it
could
not
bynd
him
.
And
when
the
duke
was
entred
into
England
with
his
army
,
and
solicited
him
by
messengers
to
haue
care
of
his
conscience
,
representing
vnto
him
the
seuere
Iudgements
of
God
vpon
periured
persons
,
offring
to
come
to
some
reasonable
composition
with
him
,
he
made
no
account
therof
,
neither
yet
of
the
admonition
of
his
owne
brother
called
Gurth
,
who
aduised
him
seriously
before
the
battaile
to
retire
him selfe
,
and
to
leaue
the
conduct
of
the
army
vnto
him
,
and
others
who
were
not
bound
to
the
duke
by
any
oath
or
promise
,
lest
other
waise
God
might
suffer
them
al
to
be
ouerthrowne
for
his
cause
;
whereto
he
answered
,
that
he
wold
put
it
in
venter
and
that
God
should
be
Iudge
therof
,
&
so
geuing
battaile
was
slaine
him selfe
,
&
al
his
army
ouerthrowne
,
whereupon
also
followed
the
conquest
of
the
cuntry
.
And
although
the
said
conquest
might
seeme
to
be
a
punishment
of
God
vpon
the
whole
realme
for
the
sinnes
of
the
people
(
as
I
haue
amply
declared
before
)
yet
the
particuler
disgrace
which
happened
to
King
Harrolds
person
may
wel
be
thought
to
haue
proceeded
of
Gods
iust
iudgement
for
his
periury
,
and
so
the
English
croniclers
which
wroote
in
that
age
,
Chap.
21.
nu
.
22.22
.
&
23.
or
neare
that
time
doe
signify
,
as
Ingulphus
,
William
of
Malmesbury
,
Ingulphus
hist
.
Angl.
Hen
.
Huno
.
Hist
li.
6
Guliel
.
Malmesh
.
li
.
3.
roger
.
Houed
.
Annal
.
par
.
1.
Henry
Huntindon
,
Matthew
of
westminster
,
Matthew
Paris
and
Roger
Houedon
,
which
last
speaking
of
that
victory
,
saith
;
Vere
&
absque
dubio
Dei
iudicio
ascribenda
est
,
qui
puniendo
scelus
periurij
,
ostendit
se
Deum
nolentem
iniquitatem
;
Truly
and
without
dout
it
is
to
be
ascribed
to
the
iudgement
of
God
,
who
punishing
the
crime
of
periury
,
shewed
that
he
is
a
God
which
doth
not
allow
of
iniquity
.
44.
Philip
.
de
Comines
.
Chron
.
du
Roy
Louis
ca.
83.
&
91.
Charles
Duke
of
Bur●undy
worthily
betrayed
.
But
to
come
nearer
to
our
time
Philip
de
Comines
noteth
the
manifest
Iustice
of
God
in
the
disgraceful
death
of
Charles
last
duke
of
Burgundy
,
through
the
treason
of
Campobachio
an
Italian
,
shortly
after
that
the
said
Charles
had
betraied
the
count
S.
Paule
sent
him
prisoner
to
Lewis
the
11.
King
of
France
,
not
with
standing
that
he
had
geuen
him
saufe
conduct
to
come
into
his
country
.
45.
Caesar
Borgia
punished
for
his
perfidious
trechery
.
Furdermore
I
cannot
omit
Caesar
Borgia
though
I
haue
spoken
of
him
before
diuers
times
.
For
as
Macchiauel
worthely
maketh
him
a
mirrour
for
his
tyran
in
respect
of
his
many
fold
vices
,
so
he
may
worthyly
be
proposed
for
an
example
of
Gods
iustice
,
in
respect
of
the
manyfold
Iudgements
of
God
diuersly
extended
vpon
him
,
and
particularly
in
the
punishment
of
his
perfidiousnes
and
periury
,
where
by
he
had
deceiued
and
ruined
diuers
principal
personages
,
as
Liuerotto
,
Vittellozzo
,
Guicciardin
li.
●
Pagolo
Vrsino
,
and
the
duke
o●
Grauina
,
whome
he
caused
to
bee
strangled
after
they
had
rendred
them selues
vnto
him
vpon
composition
,
and
emploied
them selues
faithfully
in
his
seruice
;
Liuerotto
hauing
trayterously
murdred
his
vncle
,
was
also
trayterously
murdered
him selfe
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
wherein
Gods
iustice
may
be
noted
by
the
waye
in
Liuerotto
who
a
little
before
,
had
cruelly
and
trayterously
murdred
his
owne
vncle
,
and
diuers
other
principal
cittizens
of
Fermo
,
hauing
inuited
them
to
a
banket
in
his
owne
house
,
which
perfidious
trechery
of
his
,
God
punished
as
it
seemed
,
by
the
trechery
,
&
perfidiousnes
of
Caesar
Borgia
,
who
also
receiued
the
like
measure
him selfe
of
others
,
with
in
a
whyle
after
;
For
whereas
he
had
taken
the
oaths
of
40.
principal
personnages
to
assist
him
after
his
fathers
death
,
he
was
forsaken
of
them
al
,
and
afterwards
putting
him selfe
in
to
the
hands
of
Hernando
Gonsales
Gouernour
of
Naples
,
vpon
his
saufe
conduit
he
was
also
betrayed
by
him
,
and
sent
prisonner
into
Spaine
,
as
I
haue
signified
els
where
.
Chap.
3.
nu
.
4.
46.
The
like
Iustice
of
God
may
be
noted
also
in
Christiern
K.
of
Denmark
,
Surius
anno
.
1517.
An
other
example
of
Christiern
King
of
Denmark
.
and
Norway
,
who
maried
a
sister
of
the
Emperour
Charles
the
5.
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
8.
king
of
England
.
This
Christiern
beseeging
Stockholme
in
Suecia
tooke
it
by
composition
,
binding
him selfe
to
certayne
conditions
,
not
only
by
oath
,
but
also
by
receiuing
the
blessed
Sacrament
,
which
conditions
he
obserued
for
some
dayes
,
til
he
had
the
Castle
,
&
al
the
strongest
places
of
the
towne
in
his
owne
hands
,
Olaus
Mag.
li
.
8.
ca.
39.
&
that
he
had
furnished
them
with
men
,
&
munition
,
&
then
inuiting
al
the
noble
men
,
and
magistrats
to
a
banket
,
to
the
number
of
94
he
imprisoned
them
,
and
after
killed
them
,
with
a
greate
number
of
the
cittizens
,
&
fynding
that
very
many
escaped
by
hidinge
them selues
,
he
promised
by
proclamation
,
life
and
liberty
to
al
those
which
were
left
aliue
,
where
vpon
they
al
shewed
them selues
and
were
al
of
them
miserably
slayne
.
And
with
in
a
while
after
he
was
driuen
out
of
his
kingdome
by
his
owne
subiects
,
and
when
he
had
wandred
from
cuntry
,
to
cuntry
,
in
al
pouerty
and
misery
,
for
the
space
of
10.
yeres
,
he
was
receiued
againe
by
some
of
the
cheefest
of
his
nobility
,
who
though
they
promised
him
obedience
and
assistance
vnder
their
hands
and
seales
,
neuertheles
they
tooke
him
prisoner
vpon
his
entrance
,
and
with
in
a
while
poysoned
him
in
prison
;
and
so
his
perfidious
falshood
was
iustly
repayed
with
the
like
;
after
whose
deposition
,
and
death
his
vncle
Frederick
a
woorthy
prince
,
Munster
Geograph
li.
4.
was
chosen
King
of
Denmarke
,
of
whome
our
most
gracious
,
and
renoumed
Queene
is
lineally
descended
.
47.
Martin
du
Belley
anno
1527.
The
Duke
of
Burbon
slaine
at
the
siege
of
Rome
in
punishment
of
his
periury
.
About
the
same
tyme
also
the
Duke
of
Burbon
being
fled
from
Francis
the
first
King
of
France
,
to
the
seruice
of
the
Emperour
Charles
the
5.
and
made
by
him
gouernour
of
Millan
,
so
exasperated
the
people
by
his
exactions
and
cruelty
that
they
rose
against
him
,
in
so
much
that
to
pacify
them
he
bound
him selfe
by
oath
to
certayne
conditions
,
praying
withal
to
almighty
God
,
that
in
case
he
did
not
exactly
,
performe
them
,
he
might
be
killed
with
a
bullet
in
the
first
occasion
of
warre
which
should
be
offred
;
Neuerthelesse
he
fel
afterwards
againe
to
his
former
course
,
without
regard
of
his
oath
,
and
being
with
in
a
while
after
made
general
of
an
army
of
the
Emperours
in
Italy
,
he
was
tumultuously
carried
by
the
souldiars
against
his
wil
to
the
siege
of
Rome
,
where
he
was
presently
slayne
with
a
peece
of
Artillery
of
his
owne
,
negligently
discharged
by
his
souldiars
,
Paulus
Iouius
de
expug
.
vrbis
Romae
.
and
so
he
payed
the
penalty
of
his
periury
,
according
to
the
Iudgement
and
sentence
which
he
had
(
as
it
were
prophetically
)
geuen
against
him selfe
.
To
conclude
;
The
notable
Iudgement
of
God
vpon
Henry
the
3.
K.
of
France
,
Supra
nu
.
9.
to
these
may
be
added
Henry
the
3
last
King
of
France
on
whome
almighty
God
extentended
his
iustice
in
this
kind
most
notoriously
a
few
yeres
past
,
as
I
haue
particulerly
declared
in
this
chapter
vpon
an
other
occasion
,
and
therfore
shal
not
neede
to
repeat
it
here
.
48.
Now
then
;
I
wish
al
Macchiauillians
to
consider
here
three
things
,
which
are
euident
by
these
examples
:
The
first
;
3.
Things
to
be
considered
and
noted
of
Macchiauellians
in
the
premises
.
how
detestable
al
perfidiousnes
and
periury
is
in
the
sight
of
God
;
The
second
;
how
dangerous
it
is
to
princes
in
respect
of
Gods
wrath
,
which
may
be
like
to
falle
vpon
them
and
their
states
for
the
same
through
the
seuerity
of
Gods
iustice
,
against
the
which
no
humaine
wit
,
or
power
is
able
to
defend
them
;
The
third
is
,
a
necessary
consequent
of
these
two
,
to
wit
,
The
insufficiency
and
vanity
of
Macchiauillian
pollicie
for
the
defence
of
a
wicked
prince
.
that
al
Macchiauillian
remedies
(
consisting
as
is
before
said
partly
in
humane
prudence
,
and
dilligence
,
and
partly
in
force
,
and
strength
of
gards
,
garisons
,
fortresses
,
and
such
like
)
are
most
friuolous
and
vaine
when
God
is
offended
,
and
wil
punish
for
sinne
;
where
vpon
it
followeth
also
that
the
foresaid
remedyes
are
in
like
manner
insufficient
to
protect
a
perfidious
prince
from
the
danger
of
humane
punishment
,
which
is
commonly
but
a
sequele
and
effect
of
the
iust
iudgments
of
God
,
in
whose
hand
are
the
hartes
and
wills
of
al
men
,
and
who
vseth
the
same
as
his
instruments
to
execute
his
iustice
vpon
princes
when
they
deserue
it
,
Chap.
7.
nu
.
7.
as
I
haue
signified
before
,
and
meane
to
declare
more
amply
here
after
in
the
35.
chapter
.
49.
Besids
that
it
is
euident
inough
in
true
reason
of
state
,
that
although
there
were
no
danger
at
al
of
Gods
wrath
,
yet
these
and
such
other
Macchiauillian
policies
,
are
not
only
insufficient
to
preuent
or
remedy
the
inconueniences
which
wicked
princes
incurre
by
the
hatred
of
men
,
but
also
doe
many
times
encrease
their
dangers
,
and
helpe
to
praecipitat
them
to
their
vtter
destruction
,
wherof
I
forbeare
to
treat
more
particularly
here
,
partly
because
it
wold
require
a
longer
discourse
then
for
this
place
is
conuenient
,
&
partly
because
I
shal
haue
sufficient
occasion
,
to
speake
therfore
amply
in
the
34.
chapter
,
where
I
wil
examine
certaine
principles
of
Macchiauels
doctrin
,
and
shew
the
vanity
thereof
for
the
better
instruction
of
a
yong
Statist
.
And
in
the
meane
time
this
shal
suffise
for
as
much
as
concerneth
the
vertue
of
fidelity
in
●he
prince
;
with
this
conclusion
,
that
because
the
danger
which
groweth
to
princes
by
fraud
and
deceit
,
proceedeth
principally
from
the
Iust
Iudgements
of
God
,
as
I
haue
amply
declared
,
therefore
the
yong
Statist
and
councellour
whome
I
informe
,
Al
reputation
of
vertue
ought
to
be
grounded
vpon
sincerity
and
truth
.
ought
to
vnderstand
concerning
this
,
as
wel
as
al
other
vertues
,
that
the
reputation
therof
which
he
is
to
desire
and
procure
in
his
prince
,
is
to
be
grounded
,
not
vpon
vaine
shewes
,
and
apparances
of
counterfet
vertue
(
which
God
of
his
Iustice
wil
discouer
,
and
punish
sooner
or
later
)
but
vpon
the
solid
foundation
of
sincerity
,
and
truth
,
which
is
the
surest
piller
,
and
stay
of
al
humane
actions
,
and
most
grateful
both
to
God
and
man
;
and
therfore
the
wise
man
saith
.
Qui
ambulat
simpliciter
,
Prouerb
.
●●
.
20
.
ambulat
confidentur
.
He
which
walkes
simply
,
and
plainely
,
walketh
bold●y
and
surely
;
Ibidem
.
Et
qui
deprauat
vias
suas
manifestus
erit
;
And
he
which
runneth
an
vndirect
course
shal
be
made
manifest
.
The
reputation
of
the
princes
power
and
greatnes
.
50.
It
resteth
now
that
I
saye
somewhat
though
very
breefely
,
of
the
reputation
of
a
princes
power
and
greatnes
,
the
losse
and
decay
wherof
emboldneth
his
enemies
,
discourageth
his
frends
,
and
laieth
open
his
person
to
the
contempt
of
al
men
,
any
his
state
to
infinit
dangers
.
For
as
the
reputation
of
a
princes
greatnes
,
welth
,
and
power
,
striketh
a
terrour
and
feare
into
the
harts
as
wel
of
his
subiects
,
as
of
strangers
,
and
with
holdeth
them
from
conspiring
against
him
:
Opinion
of
the
prin●es
wea
nes
is
the
mother
of
conspiracyes
.
so
also
the
opinion
of
his
weaknes
,
worketh
the
contrary
effect
,
and
is
the
very
mother
,
and
nurse
of
rebellions
,
conspiracies
,
and
al
hostile
attempts
,
and
no
man
knoweth
how
smale
an
attempt
may
ouerthrow
the
greatest
state
in
the
world
.
seeing
it
dependeth
only
vpon
the
successe
,
which
no
man
can
warrant
,
&
many
times
is
such
that
it
deceiueth
al
mens
expectation
;
and
therfore
the
surest
and
wisest
way
is
,
to
vse
al
preuentions
,
that
nothing
be
attempted
against
the
state
.
51.
To
which
purpose
the
reputation
of
a
princes
power
,
force
,
and
greatnes
is
greatly
auaylable
,
Augustus
Caesar
laboured
greatly
to
conserue
the
reputation
of
his
greatnes
.
Tacit.
li
.
1.
annal
.
Iustin
.
li
.
3.
The
great
Xerxes
ruyned
by
the
losse
of
reputation
.
Al
benefit
of
the
prince
to
be
wayed
with
his
reputation
and
conscience
,
but
not
in
like
degree
.
Reputation
,
though
it
be
the
cheefe
external
good
,
is
inferior
to
conscience
&
why
.
Ambrose
li.
1.
de
offic
.
c
.
12.
The
benefits
that
redound
to
the
prince
of
the
purity
of
conscien●●
the
which
Augustus
Caesar
knew
so
wel
,
that
hauing
lost
an
army
in
Germany
of
40000.
men
,
yet
he
continued
the
warre
for
no
other
necessity
or
reason
as
Tacitus
noteth
,
then
to
maintayne
the
opinion
and
reputation
of
his
power
,
lest
otherwise
he
might
growe
to
be
contemned
as
the
great
Xerxes
was
;
who
hauing
terrified
al
Greece
with
his
huge
army
of
a
million
of
men
,
was
vpon
his
ouerthrow
and
retourne
into
Persia
so
dispysed
,
that
he
was
killed
by
one
of
his
owne
subiects
.
So
dangerous
it
is
and
dammageable
to
a
prince
,
to
loose
reputation
how
great
soeuer
he
be
.
Wherupon
I
conclude
that
it
importeth
a
wise
councellour
to
measure
and
waigh
al
the
commodity
and
benefit
of
his
prince
,
as
wel
with
his
reputation
,
as
with
his
conscience
;
though
not
in
like
degree
.
52.
For
although
reputation
be
the
cheefe
external
good
of
man
(
as
I
haue
signifyed
before
)
yet
it
is
inferiour
to
the
internal
(
that
is
to
say
to
the
goods
of
the
minde
,
wherof
a
pure
conscience
is
the
principal
,
seeing
therin
consisteth
the
cheefe
felicity
of
man
in
this
life
as
S.
Ambrose
saith
;
Besides
that
,
the
benefit
which
redoundeth
to
princes
of
purity
of
conscience
is
the
fauor
and
protection
of
almighty
God
to
them
and
their
states
,
here
in
this
world
,
and
eternal
reward
and
saluation
of
their
soules
in
the
next
;
and
the
dammage
that
enseweth
of
a
corrupt
and
sinful
conscience
,
is
Gods
indignation
in
this
life
)
wherby
the
greatest
monarches
and
their
monarchies
haue
perished
)
and
euerlasting
damnation
in
the
world
to
come
;
The
dammage
that
●nsueth
to
the
prince
of
a
bad
conscience
.
How
farre
the
gaine
or
losse
of
reputation
may
hurte
or
auaile
.
Rom.
8.
Wheras
on
the
other
side
,
al
the
benefit
or
dammage
,
that
the
gaine
or
losse
of
reputation
can
yeild
(
being
considered
in
it selfe
)
extendeth
no
furder
then
to
the
fauor
or
disfauor
of
men
,
who
can
neither
vphold
whome
God
ouerthroweth
,
nor
ouerthrow
whome
God
protecteth
;
For
as
the
Apostle
saith
.
Si
Deus
pro
nobis
&c.
If
God
be
with
vs
,
what
matter
makes
it
who
is
against
vs.
53.
Wherupon
it
followeth
that
whether
we
regard
,
the
dignity
and
benefit
of
conscience
&
reputation
,
or
els
the
dammage
that
enseweth
of
the
blemish
of
either
of
them
;
The
losse
of
reputation
is
cheifly
to
be
seared
when
conscience
is
stayned
.
the
respect
of
conscience
is
far
to
be
preferred
before
the
other
,
and
that
the
losse
of
reputation
is
then
principally
to
be
feared
,
when
conscience
is
also
stained
;
For
then
the
prince
lying
open
to
the
contempt
and
hatred
as
wel
of
God
as
man
,
hath
no
deffence
but
may
wel
feare
and
expect
punishment
from
both
,
and
the
rather
for
that
the
losse
and
want
of
reputation
,
is
one
special
meanes
wherby
God
vseth
to
execute
his
iust
iudgment
on
wicked
princes
;
it
being
most
consonant
to
iustice
and
reason
that
those
who
contemne
and
disobay
their
soueraigne
Lord
,
King
,
and
Creator
,
should
be
ruined
by
the
contempt
hatred
,
and
disobedience
of
their
owne
subiects
;
and
this
danger
(
I
say
)
is
iustly
to
be
feared
,
when
both
reputation
and
conscience
are
stained
.
The
losse
of
reputation
is
nothing
so
dangerous
when
conscience
is
cleare
.
54.
But
when
conscience
is
pure
and
entiere
,
the
losse
of
reputation
is
noth
ng
so
dangerous
;
For
although
the
iustest
and
best
men
,
are
sometimes
so
calumniated
,
that
they
incurre
infamy
and
disgrace
through
the
practice
of
the
wicked
;
yet
for
as
much
as
the
same
hath
no
ground
at
al
,
it
vani●heth
away
like
smoke
,
and
is
euer
through
Gods
iustice
discouered
and
cleared
in
the
end
to
their
greater
reputation
and
honour
,
and
in
the
meane
time
they
haue
the
comfort
,
not
only
of
God
prot●ction
,
as
I
haue
said
,
but
also
of
their
owne
consciences
;
the
good
testimony
wherof
giueth
in
such
cases
inestimable
consolation
,
2.
Cor
.
c
.
1.
Th●
comfort
of
a
good
conscience
against
calumniations
.
A
good
desynm●nt
is
not
to
be
lest
of
for
feare
of
false
rumours
and
therfore
the
Apostle
saith
.
Gloria
nostra
haec
est
testimonium
conscientiae
nostrae
.
The
testimony
of
our
conscience
is
our
glory
.
In
which
respect
wise
and
vertuous
princes
,
though
they
haue
euer
due
care
of
their
reputation
,
yet
doe
not
so
much
regard
false
rumours
when
their
conscience
is
cleare
,
as
to
forbeare
the
execution
of
any
good
and
necessary
designment
for
the
feare
therof
,
but
follow
the
example
of
the
wise
and
valiant
consul
Fabius
Maximus
;
Qui
non
ponebat
rumores
ante
salutem
:
Plut.
in
Fabio
.
Cicero
.
li
.
1.
Officio
.
Who
preferred
not
rumours
before
the
good
of
the
commonwelth
.
For
although
his
delaies
against
Hannibal
were
through
the
malice
of
his
enemies
much
calumniated
and
generally
condemned
,
by
the
common
people
(
as
proceeding
of
cowardize
)
yet
he
was
nothing
moued
therwith
,
holding
it
,
as
he
said
,
for
greater
cowardize
to
leaue
a
good
purpose
for
feare
of
mens
tongues
,
then
to
leaue
the
field
for
feare
of
an
enemy
.
In
which
respect
he
continued
his
course
,
vntil
he
had
therby
wasted
and
consumed
the
forces
of
Hannibal
,
with
security
to
the
Roman
state
,
for
the
which
,
Ennius
apud
Ciceron
.
li
.
1.
de
offic
.
he
was
afterwards
highly
commended
,
because
(
as
Ennius
saith
)
Cunctando
restituit
rem
.
He
repared
and
restored
the
state
of
the
Romans
by
delaies
.
55.
Neuertheles
in
such
cases
also
,
al
dilligence
is
to
be
vsed
by
princes
and
their
councellours
,
Good
fame
not
to
be
contemned
vpon
confidence
of
a
good
conscience
.
Aug
Ser
.
49.
c
.
1.
&
de
bono
vi
.
duitatis
c
.
21.
The
preseruation
of
a
mans
good
name
is
necessary
for
his
neighbour
.
Aug.
Ibid
.
to
take
away
the
scandal
that
may
grow
of
the
erroneous
conceit
of
their
actions
,
though
their
consciences
be
neuer
so
cleare
;
wherupon
S.
Augustin
saith
.
That
he
which
trusting
to
his
conscience
neglecteth
his
fame
or
good
name
,
is
cruel
;
And
therof
he
yeeldeth
this
reason
,
Because
(
saith
he
)
he
killeth
the
soules
of
others
;
for
although
he
doe
not
the
euil
that
is
supposed
,
yet
the
very
supposition
therof
serueth
for
a
stumbling
block
to
ouerthrow
such
as
are
weake
and
il
disposed
;
and
therfore
S.
Augustin
also
saith
,
That
conscience
and
fame
being
two
thinges
,
the
one
of
them
is
necessary
for
vs
,
and
the
other
for
our
neighbour
,
and
that
he
,
which
keepeth
his
conscience
cleare
,
doth
good
to
himselfe
,
but
he
which
preserueth
his
fame
doth
good
to
others
.
56.
Plut.
ep
.
ad
Dionisyum
.
2.
Why
a
man
should
seeke
to
leaue
behind
him
an
euerlasting
fame
.
In
what
case
an
vniust
blemish
of
reputation
is
to
be
tolerated
.
For
this
cause
also
Plato
requireth
in
euery
good
and
vertuous
man
,
that
he
haue
special
care
to
leaue
behind
him
an
eternal
reputation
and
fame
of
his
vertues
,
to
the
end
,
to
stirre
vp
not
only
men
of
his
time
,
but
also
al
posterity
to
the
imitation
therof
;
the
which
is
most
necessary
in
publike
persons
,
and
especially
in
princes
;
for
that
their
example
inciteth
to
vertue
or
vice
much
more
then
the
example
of
priuat
men
;
and
therfore
not
only
reason
of
state
,
but
also
conscience
bindeth
them
to
be
most
careful
of
their
reputation
and
good
name
,
and
not
to
permitte
the
lest
blemish
therof
(
though
it
be
neuer
so
vniust
,
if
it
may
be
conueniently
remedied
,
but
when
it
can
not
be
helped
without
some
greater
detriment
to
them selues
or
to
the
commonwelth
,
then
it
is
to
be
tolerated
and
borne
with
patience
;
for
both
reason
and
conscience
require
,
that
the
publike
and
common
good
be
preferred
before
any
mans
particuler
benefit
,
and
that
of
two
inconueniences
the
lesse
be
chosen
,
wherof
also
conscience
is
to
be
iudge
.
57.
Therfore
I
conclude
that
wheras
commodity
,
conscience
,
and
reputation
,
are
to
be
respected
in
al
deliberations
concerning
princes
affairs
,
Conscience
is
the
touchstone
of
al
reputation
and
commodity
Cicero
.
de
offic
.
li.
1.
A
councellour
should
hold
for
a
ground
that
nothing
is
proffitable
that
is
not
honest
.
conscience
ought
euer
to
predominate
,
and
to
serue
for
the
touchstone
and
rule
,
as
wel
of
reputation
as
of
al
temporal
commodities
;
and
therin
a
councellour
shal
wel
discharge
his
duty
,
if
in
al
his
consultations
he
hold
the
knowne
axiome
of
Cicero
for
his
ground
,
to
wit
,
that
.
Nihil
est
vtile
quod
non
sit
honestum
.
Nothing
is
profitable
which
is
not
honest
;
Which
point
Cicero
discourseth
and
teacheth
notably
in
his
offices
,
and
I
meane
to
proue
at
large
in
the
second
part
of
this
treatise
,
where
I
shal
haue
occasion
to
treat
of
true
vtility
.
And
thus
much
touching
what
a
counseller
is
to
consider
in
his
prince
.
WHAT
A
COVNCELLOVR
IS
TO
CONSIder
in
the
matters
which
are
to
be
consulted
.
CHAP.
32.
Concerning
matters
to
be
consulted
.
AND
now
to
come
to
the
last
point
of
my
diuision
that
is
to
say
,
what
a
councellour
is
to
regard
in
the
matter
it selfe
that
is
to
be
consulted
;
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
that
although
the
affaires
of
state
are
infinit
,
and
therfore
can
not
be
sufficiently
reduced
to
particular
rules
;
yet
some
things
are
generally
to
be
considered
in
al
matters
what
soeuer
,
wherof
I
wil
here
touch
some
such
as
occurre
to
me
at
this
present
.
2.
First
for
a
necessary
preamble
,
or
preparatiue
to
al
deliberations
in
matters
of
state
,
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
in
respect
of
the
connexion
which
particuler
affaires
of
state
,
Necessary
for
a
councelour
to
know
the
state
of
forreine
princes
.
either
haue
or
may
haue
,
with
the
general
state
of
forreine
princes
,
it
is
conuenient
&
necessary
for
a
councellour
to
haue
bene
a
trauiller
,
or
otherwise
to
procure
by
al
meanes
to
haue
an
exact
knowledge
and
vnderstanding
,
not
only
of
his
owne
princes
state
and
affaires
,
but
also
of
the
estates
&
affaires
of
other
princes
,
especially
of
such
as
are
his
princes
neighbours
;
enemies
,
or
confederats
.
3.
To
his
end
two
thinges
are
requisite
,
A
counsellour
should
be
affable
&
courteous
to
strangers
and
why
.
that
he
be
affable
and
courteous
towards
al
men
,
and
willing
to
heare
them
,
and
to
conferre
with
them
,
especially
strangers
,
for
that
he
may
learne
by
them
many
thinges
,
more
then
otherwise
he
can
come
to
know
,
of
the
state
of
forrayne
princes
and
countries
.
For
as
the
Spanish
prouerb
saith
;
Mas
sabe
el
necio
en
su
casa
,
que
el
cuerdo
en
la
agena
;
A
foole
knoweth
more
in
his
owne
howse
,
then
a
wise
man
doth
in
another
mans
.
And
although
a
councellour
may
perhaps
by
this
facility
be
many
tymes
troubled
whith
impertinent
matters
;
yet
he
shal
withal
vnderstand
many
thinges
,
which
may
import
him
to
know
,
and
there
is
no
man
so
wise
,
but
he
may
sometymes
heare
of
a
simple
man
,
somwhat
that
may
serue
him
to
very
good
purpose
;
and
therfore
the
trouble
in
this
case
is
to
be
borne
with
patience
,
in
respect
of
the
benefit
that
he
may
reape
therby
.
4.
A
councelour
ought
to
procure
frequent
intelligence
out
of
forrayne
cuntryes
and
of
what
matters
.
The
other
thinge
necessary
for
a
councellours
better
information
,
is
to
procure
frequent
aduises
,
and
intelligence
by
lettres
from
al
partes
,
of
the
state
,
humours
,
and
dispositions
of
forrayne
princes
;
of
al
changes
and
innouations
in
their
courts
and
countryes
;
of
the
marriages
and
alliances
of
them
,
their
children
,
and
their
most
powerful
subiects
;
of
embassages
to
and
fro
,
and
their
treatyes
,
of
prouisions
and
preparations
for
warre
,
by
sea
and
land
,
and
their
intentions
therin
;
of
al
taxes
and
impositions
laid
vpon
the
people
,
or
other
leuies
of
money
,
of
the
diuisions
that
fal
out
amongst
the
nobility
,
or
common
people
,
of
their
discontentments
;
and
fynally
of
al
matters
that
may
tend
,
either
to
the
establishment
&
strengthning
,
or
to
the
weakning
or
innouation
of
other
princes
states
.
For
although
a
councellour
shal
by
this
meanes
heare
many
vntruths
:
yet
he
shal
very
oft
receiue
aduise
of
important
matters
,
What
benefit
a
councellour
shal
reape
by
frequent
intelligence
.
wherof
he
may
make
good
vse
and
benefit
,
and
being
a
man
of
iudgment
,
and
hauing
intelligence
with
many
he
may
easely
discerne
truths
from
falshoods
,
by
conferring
their
aduises
togeather
,
especially
if
he
take
order
that
his
intelligencers
doe
not
know
one
of
an
others
employment
.
Finally
,
he
shal
by
this
meanes
,
not
only
iudge
better
,
and
more
clearly
of
al
matters
occurring
for
his
princes
seruice
;
but
shal
also
make
him selfe
much
more
grateful
to
his
prince
,
by
his
dilligence
,
and
more
intrinsecal
with
him
by
the
occasion
of
his
frequent
aduises
of
forreyne
newes
,
which
princes
are
alwayes
most
desierous
to
heare
:
And
thus
much
for
the
first
point
.
S.
Tho
.
22.
q
.
51.
Arist
.
li
.
6.
Ethic
.
3.
Thinges
to
be
especially
respected
in
euery
matter
.
5.
Secondly
a
councellour
is
to
consider
that
in
al
matters
of
councel
,
three
thinges
are
specially
to
be
respected
;
(
as
S.
Thomas
noteth
following
Aristotle
)
the
first
a
due
end
;
the
second
conuenient
meanes
,
and
the
third
fit
tyme
and
season
;
that
is
to
say
,
that
the
end
and
meanes
be
not
only
lawful
,
iust
,
and
honorable
in
them selues
,
and
in
their
owne
natures
;
but
also
conuenient
,
and
proportionable
as
wel
one
to
another
,
as
also
to
the
person
,
state
,
and
power
of
the
prince
:
for
if
ther
be
any
inconuenience
,
or
disproportion
in
any
of
these
,
I
meane
if
the
meanes
be
not
conuenient
for
the
obtayning
of
the
end
,
or
if
the
end
or
meanes
be
impossible
,
or
aboue
the
might
and
power
of
the
prince
,
or
base
,
or
any
way
vnfit
for
his
state
and
person
,
or
if
the
councel
be
guien
out
of
due
tyme
and
season
,
especially
to
late
,
it
looseth
al
grace
,
and
cannot
be
accompted
either
good
or
prudent
.
Plato
.
in
Phedro
.
Necessary
to
know
the
state
of
the
matter
with
al
the
circumstances
.
One
litle
circumstance
vn●nowne
may
cause
great
errour
in
the
resolution
.
Why
wise
men
doe
not
alwayes
iudge
with
like
prudence
.
What
is
particulerly
to
be
considered
in
euery
matter
.
6.
To
this
purpose
I
say
,
that
according
to
Platoes
rule
,
he
,
who
is
to
giue
his
opinion
of
any
matter
whatsoeuer
,
ought
first
to
vnderstand
&
know
fully
the
state
therof
with
al
the
circumstances
.
For
mans
iudgement
is
grounded
vpon
his
knowledge
and
guided
therby
,
and
some
one
litle
circumstance
vnknowne
,
may
wholy
alter
the
case
,
and
cause
great
errour
in
the
resolution
,
in
so
much
that
a
simple
man
who
knoweth
more
of
a
matter
,
may
iudge
more
wisely
therof
then
a
far
wiser
man
that
knoweth
lesse
;
And
the
reason
why
wise
men
doe
not
alwayes
iudge
with
like
wisdome
and
prudence
in
al
causes
,
is
commonly
,
because
they
doe
not
vnderstand
them
alike
.
7.
But
to
proceede
;
the
state
and
circumstances
of
the
matter
being
once
fully
knowne
to
the
councellour
,
he
his
then
to
passe
to
the
consideration
of
the
inconueniencies
,
difficultyes
,
dangers
,
discommodityes
and
commodities
therof
,
which
may
minister
different
arguments
,
pro
et
contra
,
in
the
discussion
and
decission
wherof
the
prudence
of
a
councellour
is
specially
seene
.
8.
And
here
I
note
by
the
way
(
though
perhaps
,
I
may
seeme
somwhat
to
digresse
from
the
matter
)
that
some
men
which
haue
great
viuacity
and
sharpnes
of
wit
to
find
out
inconueniences
,
to
foresee
dangers
,
and
to
propound
obiections
,
douts
,
The
difference
that
may
be
noted
in
the
ability
of
councellours
.
and
difficultyes
,
haue
not
maturity
of
iudgement
to
cleare
and
decyde
them
,
or
to
find
out
remedyes
;
and
that
some
other
who
are
more
mature
and
sound
in
iudgement
,
are
lesse
sharpe
of
wit
:
&
againe
that
some
who
are
of
good
capacity
,
haue
so
litle
courage
,
that
they
are
dismayed
with
euery
difficulty
,
and
therfore
cannot
easely
resolue
vpon
any
thing
;
wheras
some
others
of
lesse
capacity
,
&
more
courage
resolue
far
more
easely
and
better
in
any
occasion
,
so
that
we
may
say
with
the
poet
;
Non
omnia
possumus
omnes
;
We
cannot
al
doe
al
thinges
.
Phil
.
Com
.
Cron
du
Roy
.
Louis
ca.
27.
Why
it
is
conuenient
for
princes
to
haue
many
counsellours
.
And
therfore
Philip
de
Comines
obserueth
very
wel
,
that
it
is
conuenient
for
princes
to
haue
many
councellours
,
to
the
end
that
one
of
them
may
supply
the
defects
of
another
;
For
the
wisest
(
saith
hee
)
erre
oft
tymes
,
either
through
passion
,
or
through
hate
,
or
affection
,
or
through
the
indisposition
of
their
persons
,
especially
after
dinner
,
and
if
any
(
saith
he
)
thinke
that
such
ought
not
to
be
made
counsellours
,
Al
councellours
erre
at
one
tyme
or
other
.
it
may
be
answered
that
we
are
al
men
,
and
that
whosoeuer
wil
haue
none
to
bee
of
a
princes
councel
,
that
erre
at
any
time
in
speach
or
opinion
,
or
are
otherwhiles
moued
and
led
with
passion
,
or
affection
,
he
must
seeke
them
in
heauen
,
for
in
earth
none
such
are
to
be
found
.
Thus
saith
he
,
who
was
him selfe
a
graue
and
wise
councellour
;
which
I
note
here
by
the
way
to
the
end
that
young
councellours
may
learne
,
neither
to
assure
them selues
ouermuch
of
their
owne
opinions
,
nor
rashly
to
condemne
others
of
their
follow-counsellers
,
if
they
erre
and
be
deceaued
sometimes
.
9.
And
to
prosecute
this
digression
yet
a
litle
further
,
A
princes
councel
ought
to
be
composed
of
men
of
different
humours
.
The
melancholike
iudgment
most
sound
.
I
also
adde
that
it
is
necessary
for
a
prince
to
haue
his
councel
composed
like
mans
body
,
that
is
to
say
,
of
men
of
different
complexions
and
humours
,
to
the
end
that
the
cholericke
heate
and
hasty
feruor
of
some
,
may
be
tempered
with
the
flegmatick
coldnes
and
slow
resolution
of
some
other
;
and
that
the
viuacity
of
some
mens
sanguine
spirits
,
and
eleuated
wits
,
may
be
some
what
depressed
and
counterpoysed
with
the
maturity
of
some
others
melancholike
iudgments
(
which
Aristotle
holdeth
to
be
foundest
in
matters
of
state
)
wherby
the
whole
body
of
the
councel
may
be
reduced
to
a
perfect
temperature
,
Aristot
.
problem
.
Sect
.
30.
quest
.
1.
so
that
the
predominant
quality
therin
be
sound
iudgment
in
most
,
or
in
some
at
least
,
which
may
helpe
to
correct
the
peccant
and
offensiue
humours
of
the
rest
,
restrayne
the
superfluity
of
ouer-flowing
conceits
,
cleare
doubts
and
difficulties
,
and
satisfie
obiections
which
proceede
many
tymes
from
them
who
are
not
able
to
resolue
them
,
and
serue
to
great
purpose
in
councells
,
to
whet
the
wits
and
open
the
vnderstanding
of
men
of
iudgment
.
This
I
haue
thought
good
to
touch
by
the
way
that
the
young
counceller
whom
I
aduise
,
may
vnderstand
some
what
as
wel
of
the
nature
of
a
councel
,
as
of
the
office
and
duty
of
a
councellour
.
10.
But
now
to
retourne
to
the
consideration
of
matters
to
be
consulted
,
it
is
requisite
that
a
counceller
doe
prudently
waygh
,
and
compare
the
discommodities
with
the
commodities
,
and
inconueniences
with
the
remedies
,
the
difficulties
,
and
dangers
with
the
possibility
,
and
probability
to
ouercome
them
;
and
not
to
reiect
a
very
commodious
and
honorable
desynment
because
it
is
costly
,
or
some
way
discommodious
or
difficult
and
hard
,
or
some
way
dangerous
;
for
as
the
prouerb
saith
.
There
is
no
commodity
without
a
discommodity
,
No
commodity
without
a
discommodity
.
nor
any
thing
honorable
which
is
not
difficult
;
And
therfore
it
is
to
be
foreseene
,
and
prouided
that
the
commodities
ouerwaigh
the
dammages
,
that
the
gaine
quite
the
cost
,
that
euery
inconuenience
haue
a
due
remedy
,
that
euery
difficulty
be
some
way
facilitated
,
What
is
to
be
forseene
&
prouided
for
in
euery
matter
.
that
euery
important
danger
may
be
probably
preuented
or
escaped
;
that
of
commodities
which
cannot
be
had
togeather
,
the
greater
be
chosen
,
and
of
inconueniences
,
when
al
cannot
be
auoyded
,
the
least
be
admitted
;
al
which
being
foreseene
and
probably
prouided
for
,
any
important
action
whatsoeuer
my
be
determined
,
councelled
,
and
vndertaken
,
notwithstanding
that
some
difficulties
,
and
dangers
may
be
incident
therto
.
For
he
that
wil
not
take
paynes
to
crack
the
nut
,
He
that
wil
hazard
nothing
shal
winne
nothing
.
cannot
eate
the
kernel
,
and
he
that
wil
hazard
nothing
,
shal
winne
nothing
;
For
nought
venture
(
saith
the
prouerb
)
nought
haue
.
11.
Yet
this
is
to
be
vnderstoood
,
that
the
danger
be
not
ouer
great
;
which
may
partly
be
prouided
for
,
if
it
be
foreseene
,
What
is
to
be
considered
concerning
danger
and
the
preuention
therof
.
Better
one
bird
in
the
hand
then
two
in
the
bush
Tacit.
Annal
.
Resolutions
are
to
be
grounded
vpon
probable
reasons
&
sufficient
meanes
.
that
the
greatest
danger
rather
concerne
some
circumstance
of
the
matter
,
then
the
principal
parte
,
or
the
whole
body
of
the
plot
,
that
the
benefit
expected
,
doe
farre
exceede
the
losse
or
detriment
which
may
be
feared
;
that
no
certaine
thing
of
moment
be
left
or
aduentured
for
a
thing
vncertaine
(
for
better
one
bird
in
the
hand
then
two
in
the
bush
)
that
of
matters
doubtful
which
can
not
fully
be
resolued
,
the
lesse
doubtful
or
more
assured
be
preferred
;
and
finally
that
the
hope
of
benefit
be
grounded
vpon
probable
reason
,
and
sufficiente
meanes
to
atcheiue
the
same
,
and
not
vpon
chance
,
which
is
so
vncertaine
that
no
man
may
safely
build
any
important
matter
theron
.
And
therefore
Tiberius
Caesar
held
it
for
a
ground
of
state
,
as
Tacitus
witnesseth
.
Non
omittere
caput
rerum
,
neque
se
in
casum
dare
;
Nothing
of
importance
is
to
be
left
to
chance
.
Not
to
let
slip
the
first
oportunities
,
nor
to
aduenture
him selfe
or
his
affaires
vpon
chance
,
that
is
to
say
,
not
to
hazard
him selfe
or
his
estate
in
any
enterprise
,
when
he
had
not
sufficient
probabillity
of
good
successe
.
12.
For
although
the
euent
of
al
plots
that
are
put
in
execution
,
is
casual
,
depending
vpon
the
wil
of
God
(
as
I
haue
amply
declared
)
yet
it
is
a
wise
mans
part
to
doe
that
which
lieth
in
him
,
to
assure
it
by
al
probable
and
conuenient
meanes
,
and
then
to
leaue
the
rest
to
Gods
disposition
;
for
otherwise
he
should
tempt
God
and
offend
him
by
his
negligence
,
as
I
haue
signified
ca.
29.
nu
.
6.
before
;
and
therfor
without
this
probability
of
assurance
,
no
matter
of
importance
ought
to
be
attempted
by
a
wise
man
,
except
in
desperat
cases
,
In
extremities
a
man
must
trust
to
God
and
his
good
fortune
.
when
the
necessity
and
exigent
is
so
great
and
so
suddaine
(
as
sometimes
it
falleth
out
to
be
)
that
there
is
no
time
or
place
for
discourse
;
For
then
there
is
no
remedy
but
to
trust
only
to
God
and
a
mans
good
fortune
,
which
falleth
out
many
times
better
then
by
humane
discourse
can
be
expected
or
immagined
;
As
it
did
to
Iulius
Caesar
,
who
finding
him selfe
vnable
to
giue
battaile
to
Pompey
,
because
his
forces
were
not
arriued
,
Of
Iulius
Caesar
and
his
fortune
.
Plut.
in
Iulio
.
Caesare
.
and
being
in
the
meane
time
constrained
to
disguise
him selfe
,
and
goe
to
sea
in
a
litle
fregot
,
in
such
stormy
weather
and
rough
seas
,
that
the
Pilot
would
not
passe
forth
,
discouered
him selfe
vnto
him
,
and
bad
him
set
saile
and
goe
forward
in
any
case
,
for
that
he
carried
Caesar
and
his
fortune
,
which
succeeded
wel
,
for
therby
he
escaped
at
that
time
,
and
after
ouerthrew
Pompey
,
and
became
Emperour
of
the
world
;
But
this
he
did
because
he
had
no
other
remedy
,
thinking
it
better
to
put
him selfe
to
the
mercy
of
the
sea
,
then
of
his
enemy
.
13.
And
in
such
desperate
and
sudden
exigents
when
there
is
no
time
and
place
for
wisdome
or
discourse
,
In
extremityes
the
councel
of
a
simple
man
may
be
good
and
why
.
Arist
de
bona
fortuna
.
the
councel
of
some
woman
or
simple
Idiot
may
be
better
then
of
the
wisest
man
;
For
that
(
as
Aristotle
saith
)
some
such
being
by
the
gift
of
God
borne
fortunate
,
and
following
the
impulse
and
motion
of
nature
,
may
aduise
or
execute
more
hapily
then
men
of
great
wisdome
,
who
pondering
al
thinges
in
the
ballance
of
reason
and
discourse
,
doe
not
follow
many
times
a
fortunat
motion
in
them selues
,
or
happy
councel
of
others
,
because
they
see
not
some
good
and
reasonable
ground
for
the
same
,
wherby
they
forgoe
and
loose
their
good
fortune
,
and
this
is
the
reason
why
the
common
prouerb
saith
,
Why
a
womans
councel
is
neuer
good
but
vpon
a
sudden
.
That
a
womans
councel
is
neuer
good
but
vpon
a
sudden
;
For
when
women
councel
according
to
their
first
motion
,
they
may
councel
fortunatly
,
either
by
chance
,
or
by
some
natural
impulse
or
motion
;
wheras
falling
to
discourse
of
reason
or
to
deliberation
,
they
seldom
or
neuer
councel
wisely
,
through
the
infirmity
and
weaknes
of
their
iudgement
.
Ibid
.
And
to
this
purpose
Aristotle
alleadgeth
the
old
prouerb
;
Fortuna
fauet
fatuis
;
Fortune
fauoreth
fooles
,
as
I
haue
signified
ca.
12.
nu
.
2.
before
,
where
I
haue
spoken
somewhat
of
this
point
.
Nothing
to
be
left
to
chance
but
in
case
of
necessity
.
14.
Hereupon
I
conclude
two
thinges
;
the
one
that
except
in
case
of
necessity
,
a
wise
man
ought
to
leaue
nothing
to
chance
that
may
be
any
way
assured
by
reasonable
meanes
,
in
respect
of
the
danger
thar
may
ensew
therof
;
For
although
dangerous
councells
grounded
vpon
hope
of
good
fortune
,
speed
wel
sometimes
by
meere
chance
,
yet
they
proue
most
commonly
pernitious
,
Eccli
.
ca.
3.
He
which
loues
danger
shal
perish
in
it
.
and
therfore
the
wise
man
saith
wisely
.
Qui
amat
periculum
peribit
in
illo
;
He
which
loues
danger
shal
perish
in
it
.
15.
The
other
conclusion
is
,
that
seeing
men
are
many
times
put
to
such
sudden
extremities
,
that
they
haue
no
time
or
oportunity
to
aduise
themselues
,
The
necessity
of
the
dayly
recommendation
of
our
actions
to
God
.
or
sufficiently
to
consult
with
others
,
it
is
most
necessary
that
they
arme
and
prouide
them selues
against
the
same
by
frequent
praier
and
by
daily
recomendation
of
al
their
actions
to
almighty
God
,
the
author
and
giuer
of
al
good
successe
,
to
the
end
that
he
may
in
such
cases
,
guide
,
protect
and
prosper
them
as
I
haue
sufficiently
declared
before
and
can
not
repeat
too
oft
,
Chap.
29.
nu
.
●
.
for
that
I
hold
it
to
be
the
soundest
aduise
that
any
councellour
can
giue
vnto
his
prince
.
Thus
much
for
the
second
consideration
.
68.
The
third
shal
be
to
ponder
and
examine
diligently
not
only
the
present
state
of
the
matter
,
and
the
immediate
or
next
sequels
therof
,
but
also
what
may
be
like
to
succeed
from
time
to
time
,
and
especially
what
may
be
the
conclusion
or
(
as
I
may
tearme
it
)
the
vpshot
of
the
whole
;
For
many
times
it
falleth
out
that
designments
prosper
and
succeed
wel
for
a
while
,
and
ouerthrow
the
authors
and
attempters
in
the
end
,
The
ouer
sight
of
some
councellours
.
not
so
much
by
fortune
or
chance
,
as
by
ouersight
of
the
councellour
or
contriuer
therof
,
who
being
deceaued
with
the
appearance
or
hope
of
some
present
or
neare
commodity
,
foreseeth
not
,
or
else
neglecteth
some
future
and
final
disgrace
:
Some
improuident
councellours
compared
to
sick
men
.
much
like
to
the
sick
man
,
who
following
his
owne
appetit
,
eateth
or
drinketh
some
thinge
which
refresheth
and
contenteth
him
for
the
present
,
and
augmenteth
his
desease
or
killeth
him
in
the
end
.
In
this
point
al
wicked
and
machiauellian
councells
faile
for
the
most
part
,
which
doe
often
succeede
wel
for
a
tyme
through
Gods
permission
(
for
secret
causes
knowne
to
his
diuyne
wisdome
)
but
in
the
end
doe
destroy
princes
and
their
states
,
Wherin
al
wicked
or
machiauillian
councels
fayle
for
the
most
part
.
partly
through
the
iustice
of
almighty
God
,
and
partly
by
errour
of
the
councellours
in
true
reason
of
state
,
as
I
hope
to
proue
substantially
and
amply
in
the
34.
and
35.
chapter
.
6.
In
the
meane
tyme
I
adde
for
the
present
a
fourth
consideration
to
the
same
purpose
,
to
wit
,
Commodity
to
be
wayed
with
stability
and
security
.
that
a
wise
councellour
ought
to
waigh
the
commodity
of
euery
thinge
with
the
stability
and
security
therof
,
and
not
to
aduise
his
prince
with
a
few
yeres
,
present
pleasure
,
or
benefit
,
to
purchase
many
yeres
future
payne
or
discommodity
;
but
rather
to
endure
some
disaduantage
or
dammage
for
a
tyme
,
when
therby
he
may
attayne
to
some
stable
and
permanent
good
afterwards
;
which
he
may
learne
by
the
course
that
nature
holdeth
in
humane
and
worldly
affayres
,
ordayning
motion
for
rest
,
buisnes
for
repose
,
The
course
of
nature
to
be
followed
in
the
deliberation
of
matters
of
state
.
labour
for
ease
,
and
payne
for
pleasure
.
In
which
respect
a
wise
man
laboureth
when
he
is
young
to
rest
in
his
old
age
,
&
taketh
a
loathsome
potion
,
or
bitter
pil
to
recouer
health
,
and
willingly
endureth
al
temporal
misery
to
attaine
in
the
end
to
eternal
felicity
.
This
I
say
not
only
nature
,
but
also
true
wisdome
(
which
alwayes
followeth
the
course
&
steps
therof
)
doth
teach
vs
no
lesse
in
matters
of
state
,
then
in
al
other
humane
affaires
.
17.
Therfore
by
the
same
reason
a
councellour
ought
also
to
preferre
a
certaine
and
durable
commodity
;
Plutark
in
his
treatise
whether
a
prince
ought
to
be
learned
.
though
it
be
lesse
,
before
a
greater
that
is
short
and
vncertaine
;
To
which
purpose
Theopompus
King
of
Lacedemony
answered
the
Queene
his
wife
very
wel
,
when
shee
lamented
to
him
that
he
would
leaue
his
roial
authority
lesse
to
his
children
,
then
he
had
receiued
it
of
his
father
(
because
he
had
ordained
certaine
controlers
of
the
Kings
called
Ephori
)
:
The
greatnes
of
princely
authority
to
be
measured
by
the
stability
therof
.
No
(
saith
he
)
I
shal
leaue
it
them
greater
because
,
it
shal
be
more
firme
and
sure
;
Thus
said
hee
,
wisely
measuring
the
benefit
of
princely
authority
not
so
much
by
greatnes
,
as
by
surety
and
stability
,
wherto
al
the
councels
and
endeauors
of
wise
councellours
and
statists
ought
cheefly
to
tend
;
what
is
cheefly
to
be
considered
concerning
stability
.
yet
with
this
considerarion
,
that
although
of
worldly
thinges
some
are
more
stable
and
permanent
then
others
,
yet
there
is
no
true
stability
in
any
of
them
,
&
that
therfore
al
wise
mens
councells
are
specially
directed
to
the
attaining
of
heauenly
thinges
,
in
the
which
is
true
stability
and
eternity
,
wherof
I
shal
speake
more
in
the
last
chapter
.
True
stability
is
in
eternity
.
Thus
much
for
considerations
to
be
had
in
general
concerning
matters
to
be
consulted
.
Sufficient
rules
cannot
be
giuen
in
particuler
concerning
matters
of
state
.
18
And
for
asmuch
as
sufficient
rules
cannot
be
giuen
in
particuler
concerning
the
same
,
in
respect
that
the
affayres
of
state
are
infinit
and
variable
,
by
reason
of
the
infinit
occasions
and
accidents
that
fal
out
daylie
to
be
considered
(
al
which
may
require
different
considerations
,
according
to
the
different
nature
and
quallity
of
the
matters
,
and
the
sundry
circumstances
of
tymes
,
places
,
and
persons
)
I
haue
therfore
thought
good
for
example
sake
and
the
instruction
of
young
Statists
,
to
handle
and
debate
here
,
some
one
matter
of
state
by
way
of
discours
.
And
because
occasion
is
offered
often
tymes
to
deliberat
about
the
maintenance
of
a
ciuil
war
in
a
forreine
country
,
I
wil
set
downe
my
opinion
what
aduise
a
young
Statist
may
safely
giue
concerning
the
same
.
FOR
THE
BETTER
AND
MORE
PERTICVlar
instruction
of
a
young
councellour
concerning
matters
to
be
consulted
;
A
matter
of
state
is
debated
,
to
wit
,
what
is
to
be
considered
in
a
deliberation
,
touching
the
maintenance
of
a
ciuil
warre
in
a
forraine
country
.
CHAP.
33.
WHo
soeuer
shal
giue
aduise
concerning
the
maintenance
of
a
ciuil
warre
in
a
forraine
country
,
Concerning
the
maintenance
of
a
ciuil
warre
in
a
forraine
cuntry
.
it
shal
be
conuenient
for
him
in
my
fancy
,
to
consider
principally
these
points
following
.
2.
First
,
the
equity
and
iustice
of
the
cause
,
as
wel
of
his
princes
parte
(
to
wit
,
The
equity
of
the
Cause
to
be
considered
.
whether
it
may
be
iust
and
lawful
for
him
to
giue
the
assistance
demanded
)
as
also
whether
their
quarrel
which
demand
the
same
,
be
lawful
and
iust
or
no
.
For
if
iustice
and
equity
want
in
either
of
both
,
no
commodity
that
a
prince
can
receiue
or
expect
,
can
counteruaile
the
dishonour
,
danger
,
and
dammage
,
Psal
.
75.
which
he
shal
assuredly
incurre
by
the
offence
of
almighty
God
.
Qui
aufert
spiritum
principum
,
&
terribilis
est
apud
reges
terrae
.
Who
takes
away
the
life
of
princes
and
is
terrible
to
the
Kinges
of
the
earth
;
And
wil
assurdly
exact
the
penalty
therof
of
him
,
The
highest
point
of
state
.
or
perhaps
of
his
estate
,
or
of
both
,
sooner
or
later
,
which
is
the
cheefe
and
highest
point
of
state
to
be
considered
in
al
deliberations
of
princes
seeing
the
destruction
and
vtter
ruine
of
them
and
their
estates
,
proceedeth
principally
of
the
offence
of
God
,
as
I
haue
partly
made
euident
Chap.
16.17.18.19.20.21
.
et
22.
already
,
when
I
treated
of
the
iustice
of
God
,
and
wil
make
more
manifest
Chap.
35.
hereafter
.
3.
Iust
motiues
on
the
princes
part
to
giue
succour
.
It
is
also
to
be
considered
what
good
and
iust
motiues
his
prince
may
haue
on
his
owne
part
to
giue
the
succours
demanded
,
which
may
be
reduced
to
four
cases
.
The
first
when
he
may
doe
therby
some
notable
seruice
to
God
,
Some
notable
seruice
to
God
.
which
is
alwaies
in
it
●elfe
not
only
honorable
,
but
also
profitable
,
as
it
were
,
money
put
to
interest
in
respect
of
the
reward
,
that
he
shal
receaue
assuredly
at
Gods
hands
for
the
same
,
howsoeuer
it
succeed
for
the
present
.
Obligation
of
oth
,
promise
,
or
gratitude
.
4.
The
second
case
is
,
when
he
is
bound
by
oath
,
promise
,
or
gratitude
,
to
succour
the
partie
that
craueth
his
aide
:
for
in
such
case
the
omission
therof
,
when
it
may
iustly
and
conueniently
be
done
,
were
both
offensiue
to
God
,
and
also
dishonorable
,
yea
and
dangerous
to
a
prince
,
as
wel
in
respect
of
Gods
punishment
for
his
periury
(
whereof
I
haue
spoken
amply
in
the
31.
nu
.
17.18
.
&c.
chapter
)
as
also
for
the
bad
example
&
iust
occasion
he
should
giue
to
others
,
his
allyes
,
and
confederats
,
yea
and
to
his
owne
subiects
to
forsake
him
in
his
necessity
.
A
iust
pretence
to
a
forreine
crowne
or
state
.
5.
The
third
case
is
when
the
prince
of
whome
the
succour
is
demanded
hath
a
iust
pretence
to
a
forraine
crowne
or
state
,
for
the
obtaining
wherof
he
may
hope
to
haue
a
party
by
maintaining
a
iust
quarrel
in
the
same
state
or
country
;
wherin
respect
is
to
be
had
,
that
the
princes
owne
forces
be
sufficient
for
the
execution
of
his
enterprise
,
A
forreine
warre
not
to
be
principally
grounded
vpon
hope
of
a
party
.
that
he
shal
no
neede
to
relie
further
vpon
his
party
,
then
only
to
facilitate
the
same
,
for
if
his
hope
of
good
successe
,
either
in
obtayning
his
pretence
,
or
in
conseruing
or
maintaining
of
it
afterwards
,
doe
chiefly
depend
vpon
the
good
wil
,
fidelity
,
and
strength
of
such
a
party
,
he
builds
(
as
a
man
may
say
)
vpon
the
sand
,
and
puts
in
aduenture
his
labour
,
charges
,
and
reputation
.
A
lamentable
example
of
Sebastian
K.
of
Portugal
.
Hieron
.
Conestagio
del
vnio
de
li
.
reg
.
di
Portugallo
li
.
2.
6.
Hereof
we
haue
had
a
lamentable
example
a
few
yeres
past
in
Sebastian
King
of
Portugal
,
who
hoped
to
make
him selfe
King
of
Marroco
vnder
couler
to
restore
therunto
Muley
Mahomet
,
wherof
he
made
so
sure
accompt
that
he
caried
a
crowne
with
him
to
crowne
him selfe
kinge
there
,
not
considering
that
his
aduersary
Muley
Moluco
,
(
who
was
then
in
possession
of
that
kingdome
)
was
not
only
most
valiant
for
his
person
,
but
also
able
to
put
into
the
feild
for
his
defence
aboue
100000.
horse
and
foote
,
against
whome
neuertheles
Kinge
Sebastian
vndertooke
the
enterprise
with
an
army
of
3000.
soldiers
or
therabout
,
the
most
parte
of
them
vntrayned
,
besides
that
neither
he
him selfe
,
nor
any
that
did
command
the
army
vnder
him
had
euer
borne
armes
before
,
in
so
much
that
he
trusted
as
it
seemed
to
the
conduct
and
forces
of
Muley
Mahomet
his
confederat
,
who
when
he
came
to
trial
was
not
able
to
bringe
to
the
feild
2000.
men
;
so
that
aduenturing
with
so
few
to
fight
with
aboue
40000.
horse
,
&
10000.
foote
(
&
as
some
say
a
farre
greater
number
)
his
army
was
presently
inclosed
on
al
sides
,
&
so
opprest
with
multitude
,
that
he
lost
both
the
battaile
&
his
life
So
perilous
a
thing
it
is
for
a
prince
to
ground
any
desygnment
of
a
forreine
warre
vpon
conceite
either
of
the
weaknes
of
an
enemy
,
or
of
the
strength
of
a
confederat
,
and
not
vpon
sufficient
forces
of
his
owne
.
But
to
proceede
.
7.
The
fourth
case
is
,
A
forraine
warre
to
be
mantayned
to
auoid
a
domestical
.
when
to
auoid
some
imminent
danger
of
inuasion
or
warre
at
home
,
or
other
great
vexation
,
a
prince
is
forced
to
hold
his
enemy
occupied
in
his
owne
country
by
supporting
there
a
iust
quarrel
against
him
:
wherin
though
he
may
spend
largly
without
feare
of
losse
,
(
in
respect
of
the
present
security
which
he
purchaseth
,
Good
councel
of
Alcibiades
concerning
the
maintenance
of
a
forreine
warre
.
and
exemption
from
greater
expences
and
danger
at
home
)
neuertheles
it
shal
be
wisdome
for
him
in
my
fancy
to
practise
the
councel
which
Alcibiades
the
Athenian
gaue
to
Tistaefernes
,
in
like
case
,
to
wit
,
not
to
giue
greater
succour
then
may
suffice
to
keepe
the
warre
stil
on
foote
as
wel
to
gaine
tyme
(
which
often
remedieth
the
greatest
inconueniences
)
as
also
to
extenuat
and
weary
both
parties
,
in
such
sort
,
that
whether
the
warre
end
by
victory
or
composition
,
they
may
haue
no
ability
to
assaile
him
,
which
he
may
wel
feare
,
though
the
party
which
he
assisteth
should
preuaile
.
8.
For
this
purpose
it
is
to
be
considered
,
Ciuil
warrs
end
often
to
the
cost
of
the
forreiner
that
mantayned
them
.
that
ciuil
dissentions
end
many
tymes
to
the
cost
of
the
forreine
prince
who
mantayned
the
same
,
whether
they
end
by
victory
of
his
enemy
,
or
of
his
confederat
,
or
els
by
their
composition
;
For
his
enemy
if
he
ouercome
,
remayneth
more
irritated
,
and
more
obliged
to
seeke
reuenge
then
before
;
and
his
confederat
if
he
vanquish
the
other
,
and
succeede
him
in
his
state
,
is
more
like
to
proue
an
enemy
then
a
freend
,
especially
if
the
quarrel
of
the
other
was
not
personal
(
that
is
to
say
proceeding
of
some
perticuler
iniury
done
to
his
person
)
but
a
quarrel
of
state
,
as
commonly
it
is
,
for
in
that
case
whosoeuer
shal
be
gouernour
of
the
same
state
wil
be
his
enemy
notwithstanding
any
benefit
receiued
;
Respect
of
gratitude
encountred
with
reason
of
state
litle
auaileth
.
Guichiard
.
nel●
auisi
polit
.
For
experience
teacheth
that
respect
of
gratitude
for
benefits
past
,
litle
auaileth
when
it
is
any
way
encountre●●ith
reason
of
state
which
(
as
Guicciardin
saith
)
vince
ogni
partito
;
doth
with
princes
ouerwaigh
al
other
considerations
,
and
is
so
variable
according
to
the
variety
of
occasions
and
successe
of
affaires
that
it
changeth
daily
,
Reason
of
state
very
variable
.
and
of
a
freend
this
day
maketh
an
enemy
to
morow
,
in
which
respect
the
leagues
and
amity
of
princes
is
commonly
very
vnsure
,
be
the
obligation
neuer
so
great
K.
Henry
the
7.
Polid
virgil
hist
.
Angl
li.
26.
9.
Henry
the
7.
King
of
England
became
an
enemy
to
Charles
the
8.
King
of
France
in
defence
of
the
Duke
of
Britany
for
reason
of
state
,
though
the
said
Charles
did
lately
before
assist
him
with
men
and
money
against
King
Richard
the
third
,
and
helped
to
make
him
King
of
England
.
Elizabeth
Q.
of
England
.
Sand
.
li
.
2.
de
Schism
.
Angl.
And
what
greater
benefit
could
one
prince
receaue
of
an
other
,
then
the
late
Queene
of
England
receiued
of
the
Catholike
King
Philip
the
2.
King
of
Spaine
,
who
when
he
was
King
of
England
,
and
married
to
her
sister
,
saued
her
life
,
which
otherwise
shee
had
lost
for
conspiracy
against
her
said
sister
,
yet
neuertheles
shee
became
the
greatest
enemy
he
had
,
and
so
continued
during
his
life
.
10.
Moreouer
it
commonly
falleth
out
,
that
the
party
whom
a
forreine
prince
helpeth
to
aduance
,
Money
lent
to
mantaine
a
forreine
warre
in
danger
to
be
lost
.
remaineth
his
debter
for
the
charges
bestowed
in
his
succour
;
wherupon
it
followeth
many
times
,
that
the
creditor
looseth
both
his
freend
and
his
money
.
For
if
he
trust
to
bare
promises
of
repaiment
,
he
is
in
danger
to
be
serued
as
was
Edward
the
black
prince
,
Edward
the
black
Prince
.
who
going
in
person
with
a
great
army
into
Spaine
to
succour
Peter
the
King
of
Castile
vpon
his
promise
to
repay
him
al
his
expences
,
Polid
virg
.
hist
.
Angl.
li
.
19.
was
after
the
victory
so
delaied
and
deluded
by
him
,
that
he
was
faine
to
returne
without
any
satisfaction
;
by
the
meanes
wherof
he
was
constrained
to
lay
such
impositions
vpon
his
owne
subiects
in
Aquitany
for
the
paiment
of
his
soldiers
that
they
rebelled
,
and
he
lost
the
greatest
part
of
that
country
.
Places
or
townes
giuen
in
paune
for
money
ma
e
enemies
of
frends
.
11.
And
put
the
case
he
haue
any
places
,
or
townes
deliuered
him
in
consideration
of
his
expences
,
or
for
his
better
security
(
which
any
prince
that
shal
giue
succours
to
forrainers
hath
reason
to
seeke
)
then
his
frend
many
times
for
reason
of
state
becomes
his
enemy
to
recouer
the
places
,
which
he
gaue
him
before
:
And
so
also
it
falleth
out
commonly
whensoeuer
ciuil
warrs
and
dissentions
come
to
end
by
composition
of
the
parties
deuided
,
who
for
them
part
willingly
agree
and
ioyne
against
the
forreiner
,
that
mantained
their
diuision
,
especially
if
he
haue
any
hould
or
footing
in
their
country
,
though
it
were
at
the
first
with
their
owne
consent
,
wherof
I
wil
alleadge
a
few
examples
,
as
wel
ancient
as
moderne
.
12.
In
the
Barons
warrs
in
England
in
the
time
of
King
Iohn
,
The
Barrons
warrs
in
England
.
Polidor
Virgil
.
hist
.
Angliae
li.
15.
Paul
.
Aemil
in
Philip
2.
Lewis
the
8.
then
sonne
to
Philip
the
2.
King
of
France
assisted
the
Barons
against
their
King
and
being
called
by
them
into
England
and
proclaimed
King
therof
,
was
shortly
after
by
common
consent
,
as
wel
of
them
as
of
al
other
english
,
driuen
out
againe
.
13.
Also
Philip
Duke
of
Burgundy
Philip
duke
of
Burgundy
.
to
be
reuenged
of
the
Duke
of
Orleance
and
of
Charles
the
7.
whiles
he
was
yet
but
Dolphin
,
called
Henry
the
5.
King
of
England
into
France
,
and
assisted
him
first
to
make
him
Regent
and
after
to
crowne
,
Pol
.
Virg
.
in
Henr
.
5.
&
6.
not
only
him
but
also
Henry
the
6.
his
sonne
king
of
France
in
Paris
,
yet
in
the
end
he
made
his
peace
with
king
Charles
aforesaid
,
and
helped
him
to
depriue
the
English
of
al
that
which
either
they
had
got
by
his
meanes
,
or
els
held
before
by
title
of
inheritance
.
14.
In
like
manner
Charles
the
8.
Charles
the
8.
K.
of
France
.
King
of
France
was
most
earnestly
sollicited
to
the
conquest
of
Naples
by
the
Neapolitans
them selues
,
Philip
Comin
.
in
Carol
.
8.
c
.
2.
&
39.
who
neuertheles
shortly
after
helped
to
expel
the
guarisons
and
forces
which
he
left
there
,
not
with
standing
they
had
receiued
great
benefits
of
him
.
15.
Elizabeth
Q.
of
England
.
In
this
age
also
the
late
Queene
of
England
supported
the
Protestants
in
the
first
troubles
of
France
against
their
king
to
her
great
charges
,
and
when
they
made
their
peace
in
the
yere
of
our
Lord
1562.
they
al
ioyned
with
the
catholikes
against
her
to
recouer
of
her
Haure
de
Grace
,
which
they
had
before
giuen
her
for
the
assurance
of
the
money
,
which
she
had
lent
them
.
16.
Philip
the
2.
K.
of
Spaine
.
And
now
lastly
not
with
standing
the
chargable
and
costly
succours
of
men
and
money
that
the
french
catholikes
receiued
of
the
catholike
King
of
glorious
memory
,
yet
they
forsooke
him
al
most
al
in
the
end
,
and
ioyned
with
his
and
their
aduerse
party
,
and
made
warre
against
him
to
recouer
of
him
some
few
townes
in
the
frontiers
of
Flanders
which
they
had
giuen
him
before
for
his
and
their
security
.
17.
Therfore
although
these
thinges
doe
not
alwaies
succeede
in
this
manner
;
yet
for
as
much
as
most
commonly
they
doe
,
and
that
nothing
is
more
vncertaine
then
that
which
dependeth
vpon
the
wil
,
affection
or
gratitude
of
other
men
,
or
vpon
reason
of
state
(
which
,
Nothing
more
vncertaine
then
that
which
dependeth
on
the
wil
of
men
or
reason
of
state
.
as
I
haue
said
,
doth
vary
and
change
daily
according
to
the
variety
of
occasions
)
I
hold
it
for
a
special
point
of
prudence
in
a
prince
to
take
the
surest
way
,
to
wit
,
not
to
engage
him selfe
to
farre
,
nor
to
aduenture
more
then
he
careth
not
to
loose
,
in
the
maintenance
of
a
ciuil
warre
in
a
forraine
country
,
except
when
either
the
seruice
of
God
,
some
iust
obligation
,
or
the
conseruation
of
his
owne
state
,
doth
necessarily
require
it
.
Thus
much
concerning
such
points
as
are
to
be
waighed
on
the
behalfe
of
the
prince
that
is
to
giue
the
succour
.
Considerations
concerning
those
which
demand
succour
.
18.
Furthermore
great
consideration
is
also
to
be
had
of
the
state
and
condicion
of
the
parties
which
demand
it
,
as
whether
they
be
able
to
ouercome
their
aduersaries
,
or
at
least
to
stand
and
maintaine
their
quarel
,
with
the
assistance
which
they
craue
or
may
be
giuen
them
,
for
otherwaies
it
were
great
imprudence
in
any
prince
to
vndertake
their
maintenance
,
but
rather
to
endeauor
by
way
of
treaty
betwixt
them
and
their
aduersary
to
compound
the
quarrel
,
and
therby
to
make
him selfe
grateful
to
both
parties
.
19.
And
for
as
much
as
it
many
tymes
falleth
out
,
that
the
ability
and
power
of
the
party
,
which
craueth
assistance
,
consisteth
not
in
the
strength
of
some
one
potent
&
absolut
prince
,
but
in
the
force
of
many
princes
,
Concerning
towns
or
states
confederated
.
townes
,
or
states
confederated
and
leagued
togeather
,
it
is
in
such
case
specially
to
be
considered
,
how
,
or
vpon
what
reasons
the
said
party
is
vnited
.
20.
To
this
purpose
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
in
al
confederacies
and
leagues
wherin
many
vnite
them selues
,
The
motiues
or
ends
of
leagues
to
be
considered
.
the
confederats
are
moued
therto
,
either
with
one
motiue
or
end
(
as
in
the
Cantons
of
the
switzers
,
or
in
the
league
which
the
Pope
,
the
king
of
the
Romans
,
Philip
de
Com
.
Cron
du
Roy
.
Charles
ca.
23.
the
king
of
Spaine
,
the
Venetians
,
and
the
Duke
of
Milan
made
against
Charles
the
8.
king
of
France
,
for
the
deffence
of
Italy
,
wherin
al
of
them
were
interessed
)
or
els
they
are
moued
therto
,
The
common
end
of
the
french
league
.
The
particuler
ends
of
many
in
the
french
league
.
with
diuers
and
sundry
motiues
,
some
with
one
,
and
some
with
an
other
;
as
for
example
in
the
late
French
league
or
vnion
,
some
entred
only
for
the
conseruation
of
the
catholike
religion
(
which
was
the
common
and
pretended
end
of
al
that
party
)
others
entred
for
particular
respects
,
as
either
for
passion
,
or
for
ambition
,
or
for
the
freendship
of
some
man
on
the
one
side
,
or
hatred
of
some
on
the
other
,
or
for
hope
of
future
gaine
,
or
for
present
profit
and
commodity
,
or
such
like
.
21.
Now
then
those
that
are
led
by
particuler
respects
,
Diuersity
of
ends
causeth
the
dissolution
of
leagues
.
doe
not
for
the
most
part
remaine
any
longer
in
any
league
,
then
they
may
hope
to
obtaine
their
desires
,
and
when
they
are
perswaded
that
they
may
sooner
obtaine
the
same
by
adhearing
to
the
aduerse
party
,
they
are
easely
induced
therto
;
and
hereupon
followeth
commonly
the
dissolution
of
such
leagues
and
confederacies
;
For
which
cause
the
strength
and
power
of
any
league
,
is
not
to
be
measured
so
much
by
the
multitude
of
confederats
(
be
they
neuer
so
great
and
potent
)
as
by
their
concurrence
and
agreement
in
one
and
the
selfe
same
end
:
A
few
vnder
o●●
head
str●nger
then
many
vnder
different
heades
Philip
.
Commin
.
Cron
.
du
roy
Louis
c
.
26.
for
as
a
few
men
vnder
one
head
,
are
stronger
then
many
vnder
many
and
different
heads
(
as
Philipus
Comminaeus
noteth
very
wel
)
so
a
few
principal
persons
or
townes
vnited
to
geather
for
one
and
the
selfe
same
cause
,
are
to
be
reputed
farre
stronger
,
and
more
like
to
stand
,
then
very
many
,
though
much
more
potent
,
if
they
haue
many
and
different
ends
.
22.
Necessario
for
a
Prince
to
di●couer
the
ends
of
the
principal
confederats
.
Therfore
it
much
importeth
a
prince
which
shal
support
a
foreine
league
to
discouer
as
much
as
he
may
,
what
end
or
motiue
induced
the
heads
and
principal
confederats
to
enter
therin
,
wherby
he
shal
the
better
discerne
,
what
their
force
and
strength
may
be
,
and
how
they
may
be
like
to
stand
and
maintaine
their
quarrel
,
for
if
they
haue
al
one
end
,
they
may
be
reputed
the
stronger
,
but
if
their
ends
be
diuers
they
can
not
long
stand
,
as
we
haue
seene
by
experience
of
late
in
the
french
league
,
which
not
with
standing
the
great
succours
both
of
men
and
money
giuen
them
by
the
catholike
King
,
dissolued
rather
of
it selfe
then
by
any
forces
of
enemy
,
The
dissolution
of
the
French
league
through
the
diuersity
of
ends
.
by
reason
that
very
many
of
the
gouernours
of
townes
and
cheefe
pillers
therof
,
concurred
not
in
one
end
with
the
whole
league
,
and
therfore
when
they
receiued
satisfaction
of
their
particular
desires
,
or
saw
them selues
out
of
hope
therof
,
they
easely
changed
their
party
.
23.
To
such
leagues
I
say
vnited
only
in
exterior
shew
,
In
what
case
a
prince
may
support
a
forreine
league
not
vnited
in
one
end
.
and
not
in
one
common
end
,
I
hold
it
not
secure
or
conuenient
for
a
prince
to
giue
succour
,
except
he
be
moued
therto
by
some
iminent
danger
of
inuasion
or
other
great
dammage
,
which
he
may
feare
to
receiue
from
the
enemy
occupied
(
as
I
haue
signified
before
)
whiles
he
neither
prepare
for
his
better
deffence
at
home
,
nu
.
7.
or
at
least
may
winne
time
,
which
in
al
extremities
is
to
be
sought
,
and
often
remedieth
the
greatest
inconueniences
.
24.
Moreouer
for
as
much
as
the
succours
demanded
,
or
giuen
,
consist
commonly
either
in
money
,
men
,
or
in
both
,
and
that
it
may
import
a
prince
for
the
furtherance
of
some
iust
pretence
,
or
obligation
of
his
ow●e
,
or
for
some
publike
good
to
employ
not
only
his
forces
but
also
his
money
largely
,
to
maintaine
and
support
a
forreine
league
,
I
wil
adde
somewhat
concerning
the
same
,
to
the
end
that
a
young
Statist
may
the
better
vnderstand
,
both
what
to
aduise
,
and
also
how
to
deale
therin
.
25.
Therfore
,
first
concerning
the
bestowing
of
money
,
I
say
that
although
it
can
not
be
denied
but
that
money
may
doe
very
much
in
al
busines
of
this
quallity
(
for
Quid
non
mortalia
pectora
cogit
auri
sacra
fames
?
How
money
is
to
be
bestowd
in
the
mantaynance
of
a
forreine
league
.
what
effect
money
may
worke
.
What
doth
not
the
detestable
hunger
of
gold
compel
men
to
doe
?
yet
ordinarily
the
effect
that
money
can
worke
is
but
to
dispose
the
wills
and
minds
of
men
to
the
desired
end
,
which
disposition
neuertheles
in
some
that
receaue
the
money
,
is
none
at
al
,
in
others
very
litle
,
and
in
most
very
doubtful
,
and
to
be
suspected
;
For
,
those
to
whome
thou
giuest
thy
money
either
are
thy
enemies
,
or
thy
freends
,
or
els
neutral
:
if
they
be
thy
enemies
,
commonly
they
take
thy
money
,
to
impouerish
thee
,
to
enrich
them selues
,
and
to
employ
thy
owne
money
against
thee
when
they
shal
see
time
:
if
they
be
thy
frends
,
thy
money
worketh
litle
,
for
that
their
owne
good
wil
and
frendship
,
bindeth
them
vnto
thee
more
then
thy
money
;
if
they
be
neutral
and
become
thy
frendes
for
the
profit
thy
haue
by
thee
,
their
frendship
wil
last
no
longer
then
the
profit
continueth
,
and
when
they
may
thinke
to
get
more
by
thy
enemy
then
by
thee
,
they
wil
be
his
frends
for
the
same
reason
that
they
were
thine
;
and
although
they
shal
haue
neuer
so
great
benefit
by
thee
,
they
wil
perswade
themselues
that
thou
seekest
thy
owne
commodity
and
not
theirs
,
and
that
thou
art
beholding
vnto
them
,
for
that
they
doe
voutchsafe
to
take
any
thinge
of
thee
.
The
desire
of
money
encreaseth
with
the
vse
and
possession
therof
.
Cicero
.
offic
li.
2.
26.
And
for
as
much
as
the
hunger
and
desire
of
money
doth
encrease
with
the
possession
and
vse
therof
,
the
more
thou
giuest
them
,
the
more
they
wil
desire
,
for
as
Cicero
saith
.
Fit
deterior
qui
accipit
,
&
ad
idem
semper
expectandum
paratior
;
He
which
taketh
or
receiueth
money
is
made
worse
therby
,
and
alwaies
the
more
ready
to
expect
the
like
.
So
that
if
thou
doe
not
euer
giue
them
,
when
,
and
how
much
they
shal
expect
,
or
demand
of
thee
,
they
wil
hate
thee
more
for
that
which
thou
dost
not
giue
them
,
then
they
haue
loued
thee
for
that
which
they
haue
receiued
already
;
For
as
Seneca
Seneca
.
saith
.
Vetus
&
nota
ingratitudo
est
,
dati
immemores
meminisse
negati
,
ideoque
rarae
&
tepentes
gratiae
feruidae
&
frequentes
quaerelae
;
A
benefit
receiued
soone
forgotten
,
a
benefit
denyed
,
remembred
euer
.
It
is
an
old
and
notorious
ingratitude
to
forget
a
benefit
receiued
,
and
stil
to
remember
a
benefit
denied
,
wherupon
it
followeth
,
that
thanks
are
rare
and
told
,
and
complaints
feruent
and
frequent
.
27.
I
say
not
this
for
that
I
thinke
it
not
conuenient
to
negociate
with
money
to
gaine
&
entertaine
the
affections
of
men
,
but
to
signifie
that
it
is
to
be
done
with
great
consideration
;
for
as
Pliny
saith
.
Inconsideratae
largitionis
comes
paenitentia
est
;
Plin
.
li
.
7.
ep
.
Money
to
be
bestowed
with
great
consideration
.
Liberality
to
be
vsed
towards
true
frends
and
who
they
are
.
Repentance
euer
accompanieth
the
inconsiderat
emploiment
of
money
.
Therfore
to
say
somewhat
of
this
point
,
my
opinion
is
,
that
it
is
conuenient
for
any
man
,
that
doth
negociate
with
money
in
a
strange
country
,
to
haue
his
purse
alwaies
open
,
for
such
as
are
true
frends
to
him
,
and
the
league
,
as
wel
to
gratify
them
,
and
to
recompence
their
good
wils
,
and
good
offices
,
as
also
to
helpe
their
necessities
and
to
enable
them
to
vphold
their
party
.
28.
And
those
may
be
accompted
true
frends
,
whose
end
is
either
the
common
end
of
the
whole
league
,
How
money
is
to
be
bestowed
vpon
suspected
persons
.
or
so
dependant
therof
,
that
it
can
not
be
otherwise
obtained
,
but
by
the
good
successe
of
the
league
;
and
to
such
,
money
may
be
euer
securely
giuen
,
when
their
necessities
,
or
the
publike
good
of
the
league
shal
require
it
:
but
to
others
,
litle
or
nothing
is
to
be
giuen
,
in
my
fancy
,
except
it
be
to
buye
of
them
some
important
places
,
or
to
recompence
intelligences
,
or
seruices
already
done
,
and
therfore
it
shal
be
conuenient
to
vse
al
diligence
(
as
before
I
signified
)
to
discouer
the
true
motiues
that
induced
euery
one
,
to
whome
money
is
to
be
giuen
,
to
enter
into
the
league
.
29.
And
in
case
it
may
seeme
needful
,
to
aduenture
somewhat
to
entertaine
some
few
principal
men
,
though
neutrals
,
or
suspected
(
to
diuert
them
●rom
compounding
with
the
enemy
)
it
shal
be
conuenient
in
my
fancy
to
giue
them
largely
,
and
more
then
the
enemy
is
like
to
giue
them
,
The
danger
of
breach
of
promise
.
and
precisely
to
accomplish
what
els
shal
be
promised
,
for
otherwise
they
wil
acknowledge
no
obligation
,
and
when
the
enemy
shal
giue
them
more
,
they
wil
follow
him
,
and
if
promise
be
not
kept
with
them
,
they
wil
esteeme
them selues
to
be
mocked
,
&
for
very
disdaine
wil
passe
to
the
enemy
;
and
of
al
this
,
I
saw
daily
experience
in
time
of
the
league
in
France
,
where
the
Catholique
King
bestowed
many
millions
,
in
pensions
,
in
entertainments
which
many
receiued
,
and
after
became
his
open
enemies
;
some
of
them
because
they
were
not
punctually
paied
their
entertainments
;
others
because
(
as
they
pretended
)
promise
was
not
kept
with
them
in
other
things
;
and
some
others
againe
,
either
because
they
could
not
haue
what
soeuer
they
demanded
,
or
because
others
had
more
then
they
.
29.
But
how
much
soeuer
shal
be
bestowed
vpon
one
or
other
,
Money
and
forces
concurring
worke
great
effects
.
there
is
no
security
,
or
assurance
,
in
negociating
with
money
alone
,
except
the
same
be
either
accompanied
,
or
shortly
seconded
with
sufficient
forces
,
which
concurring
therwith
may
worke
great
effect
,
and
therfore
the
Oracle
said
to
Philip
of
Macedony
;
Hastis
pugna
,
argentatis
&
omnia
vinces
.
Fight
with
siluered
speares
,
and
thou
shalt
ouercome
al
;
Aduising
him
therby
,
to
employ
money
and
forces
togeather
,
for
as
for
negociation
with
money
alone
,
the
longer
it
continueth
,
the
more
danger
there
is
to
loose
both
the
money
and
the
busines
,
for
no
trust
is
to
be
had
in
affection
bought
with
money
,
and
not
grounded
on
reason
and
vertue
.
No
t●ust
in
affection
bought
with
money
.
Cicero
.
offic
.
li.
2.
In
which
respect
Philip
King
of
Macedony
,
said
very
wel
to
Alexander
his
sonne
,
who
sought
to
gaine
from
him
the
good
wills
of
the
Maccedonians
with
gifts
and
bribes
;
What
a
mischeefe
(
saith
he
)
perswadeth
thee
to
thinke
that
those
wil
be
faithful
vnto
thee
,
whome
thou
hast
corrupted
with
money
.
30.
Thus
much
for
this
matter
,
wherof
much
more
might
be
said
if
the
question
were
reduced
to
particular
persons
and
cuntries
which
might
minister
other
important
considerations
of
difficulties
according
to
the
nature
strength
or
weaknes
of
the
places
,
A
man
corrupted
with
money
wil
be
faithful
to
no
man
.
and
the
conditions
,
and
habilities
of
the
persons
who
were
to
be
succorred
or
impugned
,
which
I
forbeare
to
prosecut
any
furder
to
passe
to
an
other
matter
;
meaning
to
debate
,
whether
the
remedies
which
politykes
teach
against
the
dangers
and
inconueniences
growing
of
wickednes
,
be
sufficient
in
reason
and
true
policy
to
assure
the
state
of
a
wicked
prince
,
by
the
occasion
wherof
I
wil
examine
diuers
principles
of
Macchiauellian
doctrin
,
and
shew
the
absurdity
therof
,
to
the
end
that
the
young
Statist
whome
I
informe
,
may
vnderstand
,
as
wel
what
to
auoid
,
as
what
to
embrace
in
matter
of
policy
,
and
that
a
princes
state
,
can
not
be
assured
by
wickednes
.
ANOTHER
QVESTION
IS
DEBATED
FOR
the
furder
instruction
of
a
yong
Statist
,
to
wit
,
whether
a
princes
state
can
be
assured
by
wicked
policy
;
by
the
occasion
wherof
many
principles
of
Macchiauel
and
of
the
politikes
his
followers
,
are
examined
,
and
confuted
,
by
reason
of
state
,
without
the
consideration
of
Gods
iustice
.
CHAP.
34.
NO
man
that
is
endewed
with
reason
wil
deny
,
that
wickednes
in
a
prince
,
maketh
him
hateful
to
his
subiects
and
consequently
endangereth
his
estate
,
which
al
Macchiauellians
and
politikes
,
know
so
wel
,
Wherein
consisteth
the
greatest
part
of
Macchiauels
pollicies
.
that
the
greatest
part
of
their
policy
consisteth
in
deuising
remedies
against
the
same
,
to
the
end
that
their
prince
may
be
securely
wicked
,
that
is
to
say
,
that
he
may
purchase
and
enioy
al
worldly
pleasures
,
and
commodities
,
per
fas
&
nefas
;
by
right
or
wrong
,
without
danger
of
any
reuenge
of
man
,
not
fearing
the
wrath
,
&
iustice
of
God
,
because
they
beleeue
not
,
that
there
is
a
God
,
or
at
least
that
he
medleth
with
the
affayres
of
men
.
2.
Now
then
,
for
as
much
,
as
I
haue
already
sufficiently
proued
through
out
this
whole
treatise
,
that
God
disposeth
of
princes
,
and
their
states
,
and
punisheth
them
for
sinne
when
they
deserue
it
(
where
vpon
it
also
followeth
that
al
Macchiauillian
,
and
wicked
policies
,
tending
to
the
conseruation
of
wicked
princes
,
are
not
only
friuolous
and
vayne
,
but
also
noysome
,
and
pernicious
to
their
estates
)
therfore
I
wil
here
in
this
chapter
,
lay
aside
the
consideration
,
of
Gods
prouidence
and
iustice
,
and
examine
the
sufficiency
of
Macchiauellian
pollicies
only
according
to
reason
of
state
;
to
shew
thereby
the
absurdity
of
politikes
;
who
thinke
them selues
able
to
warrant
and
defend
a
prince
in
wickednes
,
plunging
him
first
into
needles
dangers
,
and
then
endeuoring
to
apply
some
remedies
:
Politykes
do
first
drawe
princes
into
dangers
,
and
then
see●e
to
remedy
them
.
Folly
to
admit
an
inconuenience
in
hope
of
an
vncertain
remedy
.
as
if
a
man
should
poyson
his
frend
,
making
ful
account
to
cure
him
afterwards
,
whereas
it
is
the
part
of
a
wise
and
politike
man
,
rather
to
preuent
the
danger
and
inconuenience
,
then
to
admit
it
vpon
confidence
of
remedies
,
whereof
no
man
liuing
can
warrant
the
successe
.
This
I
say
,
for
that
Macchiauillians
doe
most
absurdly
endanger
their
princes
by
their
wicked
counsel
,
in
hope
to
deliuer
them
afterwards
by
their
policies
,
where
of
the
successe
is
not
in
their
hands
,
but
so
vncertayne
and
subiect
to
chance
and
hazard
,
that
no
wit
or
power
of
man
,
can
assure
it
,
as
I
haue
most
amply
proued
in
the
11.12
.
and
13.
Chapters
.
3.
But
let
vs
see
some
of
their
remedies
.
One
of
the
principal
(
according
to
the
doctrin
of
their
maister
Macchiauel
)
is
,
extremity
of
al
mischeefe
and
wickednes
,
Macchia
.
de
princi
.
Macchiauels
principal
remedy
consisteth
in
extremity
of
wickednes
.
Macchiauel
wold
haue
a
prince
to
be
either
a
Saint
or
a
deuil
.
which
Macchiauel
teacheth
to
be
farre
more
secure
for
a
prince
,
then
mediocrity
betwixt
vertue
,
and
vice
,
therefore
he
wold
haue
his
prince
to
be
either
the
best
man
liuing
,
or
the
woorst
,
that
is
to
say
,
either
to
be
a
Saint
,
or
a
deuel
;
whereof
his
reason
must
needs
be
(
if
he
haue
any
at
al
)
that
he
which
holdeth
the
middle
way
betwixt
vertue
,
and
vice
,
&
doth
sometymes
wel
,
and
sometymes
il
,
must
needs
incurre
the
offence
and
hatred
of
some
men
whereby
he
shal
be
endangered
;
wherfore
he
thinketh
it
conuenient
for
such
a
one
to
practise
the
common
prouerb
,
to
wit
;
Qui
semel
verecundiae
fines
transierit
&c.
He
that
hath
once
past
the
bounds
of
shame
,
must
be
notably
impudent
;
That
is
to
say
,
he
that
is
once
ouer
the
shooes
in
sinne
,
and
iniquity
,
must
for
his
saufty
,
goe
ouer
head
and
eares
;
as
though
the
way
to
remedy
a
dissease
were
to
nourish
&
encrease
the
cause
therof
,
Macchiauels
absurditie
in
seeking
to
remedy
a
dissease
b●
encreasing
the
cause
thererof
.
Excessiue
wickednes
exposeth
a
prince
to
excessiue
hatred
.
Cicero
offic
.
2.
as
to
cure
a
dropsy
,
with
continual
drinking
,
or
a
burning
feauer
with
whot
wynes
,
and
spice
;
or
to
cast
oyle
into
the
fyre
to
the
end
to
quench
it
;
for
so
doe
Macchiauillians
,
who
to
remedy
the
danger
that
groweth
to
a
wicked
prince
by
hatred
,
do
make
him
more
hateful
,
and
by
the
extremity
and
excesse
of
wickednes
,
expose
him
to
the
extreme
and
excessiue
hatred
of
al
men
,
and
consequently
to
ruine
and
perdition
.
4.
For
as
Cicero
saith
;
Multorum
odijs
nullae
opes
nullae
vires
poterunt
resistere
.
No
force
,
power
,
No
force
or
power
can
sufficiently
resist
the
hatred
of
many
.
Politi●es
seeke
absurdly
to
remedy
hatred
by
feare
.
Feare
concurring
with
hate
,
makes
it
more
dangerous
to
him
wich
is
hated
and
why
.
or
welth
can
suffise
to
resist
the
hatred
of
many
;
and
much
lesse
of
al
men
;
yes
saye
they
;
Oderint
dum
metuant
.
Let
them
hate
him
(
be
they
neuer
so
many
)
so
that
they
feare
him
;
For
feare
shal
so
represse
their
hatred
,
that
they
shal
not
dare
to
attempt
or
execute
any
thing
to
his
preiudice
.
Thus
say
they
but
most
absurdly
,
For
,
feare
,
in
a
mind
possest
with
hate
,
is
nothing
els
,
but
,
as
it
were
;
Vnguis
in
vlcere
;
A
mans
naile
,
or
a
scratch
in
an
vlcere
or
botch
which
is
exasperated
thereby
,
and
the
paine
of
the
patient
greatly
agrauated
;
And
although
feare
do
in
some
sort
delay
and
represse
the
fury
of
hatred
,
yet
it
makes
it
much
more
secure
for
the
hater
,
and
more
dangerous
to
him
that
is
hated
.
5.
For
,
those
who
hate
without
feare
,
doe
many
times
attempt
vnaduisedly
to
their
owne
destruction
,
but
those
which
both
hate
and
feare
,
do
deliberat
,
and
execute
with
much
more
maturity
,
and
consideration
,
The
prince
adding
feare
to
the
hatred
of
his
Subiect
,
redoobleth
his
owne
feare
and
danger
.
Senca
Treaged
.
&
consequently
with
lesse
danger
to
them selues
,
and
more
to
their
enemy
;
so
that
when
the
prince
doth
adde
feare
to
the
hate
of
his
subiects
,
he
redoobleth
both
his
owne
feare
,
and
also
his
owne
peril
.
Wherupon
the
tragical
Poët
saith
.
—
Qui
sceptra
duro
saeuus
imperio
regit
,
Timet
timentes
,
metus
in
autorem
redit
.
That
is
to
saye
,
he
which
gouuerneth
by
seuerity
,
and
cruelty
feareth
those
which
feare
him
,
and
the
feare
turneth
vpon
the
author
,
Feare
turneth
vpon
the
author
.
or
cause
therof
.
And
as
Seneca
the
stoick
saith
.
Necesse
est
vt
multos
timeat
,
quem
multi
timent
.
He
must
need
be
in
feare
of
many
,
whom
many
feare
.
Cicero
offic
.
li.
2.
Also
Cicero
following
Ennius
the
Poët
saith
notably
thus
;
Quem
metuunt
oderunt
&c.
Men
hate
him
whome
they
feare
,
and
euery
one
desireth
the
destruction
of
him
whome
he
hateth
,
and
no
force
or
power
of
Empire
be
it
neuer
so
greate
can
long
stand
if
it
be
prest
with
continual
feare
of
the
subiects
.
Thus
saith
Cicero
,
declaring
the
danger
that
groweth
to
a
prince
by
hatred
and
feare
,
which
are
the
most
forcible
and
vrgent
motiues
that
may
be
,
to
moue
a
people
to
conspiracies
,
Hatred
and
so
are
the
Causes
of
conspiracyes
.
as
wel
amongst
them selues
,
as
wi●h
forreiners
,
both
to
deliuer
them selues
of
their
feare
,
as
also
to
discharge
their
hatred
and
ire
vpon
their
prince
.
wherefore
Aristotle
doth
reckon
hatred
,
and
feare
amongst
the
principal
causes
of
the
destruction
of
monarchyes
,
Aristot
li.
5.
Poli●
.
and
tyrannys
.
6.
But
here
saye
the
Macchiauillians
;
for
this
cause
hath
the
prince
his
gards
,
Macchiauillian
remedyes
against
conspiracies
.
armies
,
and
fortresses
to
defend
him selfe
from
al
attempts
both
forraine
and
domestical
,
besids
the
vigilancy
,
and
policy
which
he
vseth
for
the
preuention
of
conspiracies
,
disarming
and
empouerishing
his
subiects
,
forbidding
their
assemblies
,
and
publik
conuentions
,
and
al
other
meanes
which
may
breede
loue
,
trust
,
and
confidence
amongst
them
,
terrifiing
them
also
often
times
with
the
frequent
shew
of
his
gards
,
and
garrisons
to
make
them
seruile
,
and
base
minded
,
suffering
them
to
be
vicious
,
and
dissolute
of
life
to
make
them
effeminate
,
not
permitting
them
the
vse
of
schooles
,
or
other
meanes
,
whereby
they
may
become
learned
,
wise
,
and
politike
,
employing
his
spies
euery
where
for
the
discouery
of
euery
mans
intention
,
nourrishing
diuision
amongst
the
greatest
to
counterpeise
one
with
an
other
,
suspecting
al
men
,
be
they
neuer
so
much
bound
to
him
,
and
finnally
cutting
of
by
one
meanes
or
other
,
al
those
whose
power
,
courrage
,
or
wit
,
he
may
think
to
be
dangerous
to
his
state
;
wherby
he
shal
be
secure
and
free
from
the
danger
which
may
grow
vnto
his
person
or
state
by
the
hate
of
his
subiects
.
Macchiauel
was
not
the
imuentor
of
his
pollicies
.
7.
Thus
say
they
;
whereto
I
answere
,
that
if
Macchiauel
or
some
other
politikes
,
in
these
our
dayes
,
had
ben
the
first
inuenters
of
these
policies
,
&
that
they
had
neuer
ben
yet
tryed
,
and
put
in
practise
,
it
might
with
more
reason
be
supposed
,
that
there
were
or
might
be
some
assurance
,
and
security
therin
for
a
wicked
prince
,
but
seeing
al
this
,
or
whatsoeuer
els
Macchiauel
,
or
any
politike
doth
teach
for
the
conseruation
of
a
tyrant
,
Macchiauillian
policies
knowen
and
practised
in
al
ages
by
wicked
princes
to
their
ruine
.
hath
ben
practised
in
al
tymes
and
ages
,
by
tyrants
and
wicked
princes
(
who
neuertheles
haue
al
,
or
the
most
part
of
them
perished
,
and
bene
ruyned
by
the
hatred
of
men
)
who
seeth
not
the
insufficiency
therof
,
for
the
assurance
of
a
prince
in
wickednes
.
Arist
.
lib
.
5.
polit
.
c
.
11.
Macchiauillian
pollicies
reiected
by
Aristotle
aboue
2000.
yeres
agoe
.
8.
Can
Macchiauel
,
or
any
other
politike
teach
more
to
this
purpose
,
then
we
fynd
written
aboue
2000.
yeres
agoe
by
Aristole
in
his
politikes
,
who
shewing
the
meanes
whereby
tyrants
seeke
to
preserue
them selues
,
and
their
states
,
ministreth
to
Macchiauel
and
his
followers
al
the
matter
,
and
substance
of
their
wicked
policies
;
which
neuertheles
were
not
approued
by
Aristotle
as
sufficient
for
the
conseruation
of
tyranny
,
but
reproued
and
vtterly
reiected
by
him
;
in
which
respect
he
declareth
how
vnsure
tyranny
is
,
The
speedy
fal
of
tyrannical
states
noted
by
Aristotle
.
Aristot
Ibid
.
c
.
12.
and
exemplyfyeth
the
same
in
al
the
tyrannical
states
,
which
had
bene
before
,
or
in
his
tyme
,
shewing
how
speedily
they
al
perished
,
excepting
only
foure
,
whereof
the
first
continued
a
hundreth
yeres
,
the
second
73.
and
six
monthes
,
the
third
33.
and
the
fourth
22.
yeres
.
And
the
cause
of
the
long
continuance
of
the
first
,
&
second
,
he
ascribeth
to
the
moderat
and
iust
gouernment
of
the
tyrants
,
who
though
they
got
their
states
tirannically
,
and
held
them
by
vsurpation
,
and
force
(
in
respect
whereof
they
were
called
tyrants
)
yet
they
gouerned
with
such
moderation
,
and
iustice
,
that
they
were
greately
beloued
of
their
subiects
.
9.
Aristot
ibid
.
ca.
11.
To
which
purpose
Aristotle
also
obserueth
that
the
state
of
a
tyrant
is
so
much
the
more
sure
,
by
how
much
more
moderat
it
is
,
and
nearer
to
the
iust
gouuernment
of
a
king
;
wherein
the
Macchiauillians
may
note
,
both
by
the
doctrin
and
experience
of
Aristotle
,
that
the
extremity
of
wickednes
and
tyranny
,
Macchiauillian
pollicy
contrary
to
Aristotles
doctrin
and
experience
.
is
the
high
way
to
carry
a
prince
head-long
to
his
destruction
,
notwithstanding
al
their
preuentions
aforesaid
,
whereof
some
part
are
most
necessary
for
the
conseruation
of
any
princes
state
,
as
gards
,
garrisons
,
fortresses
,
vigilance
of
consellours
,
diligence
of
spyes
,
&
intelligencers
,
as
also
such
other
part
of
those
pollicies
,
What
is
to
be
reiected
and
what
alowed
in
the
Macchiauillian
remedies
aboue
mencioned
.
as
is
conforme
to
reason
,
iustice
,
and
conscience
;
but
the
rest
,
I
meane
those
points
of
hindring
loue
,
and
confidence
amongst
the
subiects
,
immoderat
pilling
and
polling
them
,
making
them
effeminat
,
ignorant
,
&
base
minded
,
nourishing
debate
amongst
greate
personages
,
and
cutting
of
such
as
are
more
eminent
in
credit
,
power
,
courrage
and
wit
then
the
rest
,
these
I
say
,
and
al
such
as
are
against
charity
,
iustice
,
and
conscience
,
are
against
al
true
policy
,
and
so
farre
from
helping
to
conserue
a
tyrant
,
that
they
helpe
to
ruine
him
;
as
here
in
this
chapter
it
shal
appeare
concerning
some
of
these
points
in
particuler
,
and
some
in
general
,
so
farre
as
I
shal
think
it
necessary
for
this
tyme
,
leauing
the
examination
of
the
rest
to
the
second
part
of
this
treatise
,
whereto
they
more
properly
belong
.
10.
And
now
to
speake
of
some
of
them
,
Macchiauels
doctrin
concerning
diuision
confuted
.
what
can
be
more
contrary
to
true
reason
of
state
,
then
to
hinder
trust
,
confidence
,
&
loue
amongst
the
people
,
without
the
which
there
can
be
no
commonwelth
?
For
without
loue
,
and
confidence
there
can
be
no
fidelity
,
and
without
fidelity
,
no
iustice
,
and
without
iustice
,
no
commonwelth
;
num
.
18.
as
I
haue
declared
sufficiently
in
the
31.
Chapter
,
where
I
treated
of
the
necessity
of
fidelity
in
the
prince
.
Why
publike
feasts
and
plaies
were
first
instituted
.
11.
For
this
cause
al
ancient
law-makers
,
and
founders
of
commonwelths
,
haue
ordayned
in
al
countries
and
citties
,
publike
feasts
,
playes
,
and
assemblyes
,
where
the
people
may
meete
togeather
,
not
only
for
their
recreations
,
but
also
to
make
them
knowne
one
to
an
other
,
to
the
end
that
of
their
acquayntance
and
conuersation
may
grow
loue
,
The
benefit
of
loue
and
frendship
in
Common
welths
.
Arist
.
li
.
2.
polit
.
c
.
2.
and
frendship
,
and
the
same
redound
to
a
general
vnity
for
the
conseruation
of
peace
in
the
whole
commonwelth
;
And
therfore
Aristotle
saith
that
frendship
is
;
Maximum
bonum
ciuitatibus
.
The
greatest
good
that
can
be
to
commonwelths
,
for
saith
he
;
By
the
meanes
therof
they
shal
be
free
from
sedition
.
Also
Solon
esteemed
this
amity
,
and
vnion
of
mynds
,
to
be
so
necessary
for
the
conseruation
of
humane
Society
,
Plutar
.
that
being
demanded
what
commonwelth
was
best
,
and
most
like
to
continue
;
What
common
welth
Solon
liked
best
.
Plutar
.
in
Solon
.
Such
a
one
saith
he
,
wherein
euery
man
doth
take
the
iniury
which
is
donne
to
an
other
,
to
be
donne
to
him selfe
;
and
to
the
same
purpose
he
made
a
law
in
Athens
,
geuing
leaue
to
euery
one
to
take
vpon
him
the
iust
quarrel
of
any
other
,
and
to
demand
reparation
of
the
wrong
,
as
if
the
matter
concerned
himselfe
,
which
constitution
of
Solon
,
The
loue
and
vnion
of
members
of
the
political
body
most
necessary
for
the
conseruation
thereof
,
Plutark
commendeth
greatly
;
As
a
meanes
saith
he
,
to
accustome
the
people
to
feele
and
redresse
the
greeues
and
iniuryes
one
of
an
other
,
as
being
all
members
of
one
bodie
;
whereby
we
may
vnderstand
that
the
vnion
and
loue
of
the
members
of
the
political
body
(
that
is
to
say
the
commonwelth
)
is
no
lesse
necessary
,
then
the
combination
of
the
parts
in
the
body
natural
;
which
Seneca
teacheth
notably
in
these
woords
.
Vt
omnia
inter
se
membra
&c.
As
al
the
members
and
parts
of
mans
body
,
Seneca
li.
2.
de
Ira
.
ca.
31.
doe
agree
together
,
for
the
conseruation
of
the
whole
,
which
also
redoundeth
to
the
good
of
euery
part
in
particuler
,
so
all
men
ought
to
agree
to
the
benefit
one
of
an
other
,
for
that
we
are
borne
to
liue
in
society
,
which
cannot
be
conserued
but
by
the
agreement
and
loue
of
the
parts
thereof
.
Thus
saith
Seneca
.
Why
Macchiauillians
think
that
factions
amongst
subiects
ar
good
for
their
princes
.
12.
How
then
can
it
stand
with
true
policy
,
or
reason
of
state
,
to
hinder
this
vnion
,
and
loue
of
the
people
,
or
to
sowe
and
nourrish
factions
amongst
them
,
and
especially
amongst
greate
personages
,
whereby
seditions
,
tumults
and
garboyles
may
grow
in
the
commonwelth
;
Marry
,
say
the
Macchiauillians
,
it
standeth
notably
wel
with
the
reason
of
our
princes
state
,
who
seeketh
not
the
general
good
of
the
commonwelth
,
but
his
owne
particuler
benefit
,
and
therfore
for
as
much
as
the
vnion
and
frendship
of
his
subiects
may
animat
and
enable
them
the
rather
to
conspire
against
him
,
A
mac●hiauillian
prouerb
,
and
prin●iple
confuted
.
it
is
good
policy
and
reason
of
state
for
him
,
to
maintayne
factions
amongst
them
,
according
to
the
old
saying
;
Si
vis
regnare
diuide
;
If
thou
wilt
raigne
,
make
diuision
.
13.
Thus
say
they
;
of
whome
I
wold
gladly
learne
,
The
good
and
yll
of
the
common
welth
and
of
the
prince
are
conioined
Factions
in
the
common
welth
dangerous
to
the
prince
.
Plutarke
in
his
instructions
for
such
as
deale
in
matters
of
state
.
how
they
can
in
this
case
separat
the
peril
of
the
commonwelth
,
from
the
peril
of
the
prince
,
to
make
this
good
policy
for
him
;
can
the
body
be
in
danger
without
the
danger
of
the
head
?
hath
it
not
bene
seene
manny
tymes
,
that
some
priuat
quarrel
growne
at
first
betwixt
meane
personages
,
hath
after
passed
furder
to
a
multitude
,
and
from
them
come
to
be
general
to
the
ruine
of
a
whole
state
?
and
therfore
Plutark
wysely
compareth
sedition
to
a
little
sparke
of
fyre
,
which
falling
into
straw
,
or
other
dry
matter
,
in
some
corner
of
a
howse
,
setteth
the
same
on
fyre
,
wherby
in
the
end
a
whole
toune
is
burnt
;
in
which
respect
he
counteth
it
for
one
of
the
most
special
points
of
political
scyence
to
take
away
al
occasion
of
sedition
,
and
when
it
groweth
to
appease
it
quickly
.
14.
Aristotle
also
teacheth
the
same
very
seriously
,
Arist
.
Polit
.
li.
5.
ca.
2
3.
&
4.
Sedition
a
principal
cause
of
the
subuersion
of
Sta●es
.
affirming
that
sedition
is
the
cheefe
cause
of
the
mutation
,
and
subuersion
of
commonwelths
,
shewing
how
many
wayse
it
may
a rise
,
and
how
it
may
be
remedyed
,
and
that
it
is
alwaise
dangerous
,
but
then
most
pernicious
,
when
it
groweth
amongst
greate
personages
,
and
therfore
he
aduiseth
to
remedy
the
same
if
it
be
possible
in
the
very
beginning
,
for
that
;
Idem
Ibid
.
c
.
4.
Principium
dicitur
esse
dimidium
totius
;
The
biginning
is
said
to
be
the
one
haulfe
of
the
whole
;
And
little
seditions
at
the
first
,
Factions
amongst
great
men
most
dangerous
.
grow
after
to
be
greate
especially
amongst
greate
men
,
whose
discord
,
saith
he
,
draweth
the
whole
commonwelth
after
them
;
whereof
he
alledgeth
diuers
examples
,
which
I
omit
because
I
haue
treated
this
matter
already
in
the
7.
Chapter
vpon
the
occasion
of
a
law
of
Solon
,
nu
.
14.
where
I
haue
shewed
how
dangerous
,
&
pernicious
some
seditions
haue
bene
which
haue
sprong
but
amongst
women
and
boyes
,
num
.
19.20
.
&
21.
and
I
haue
also
furder
declared
the
danger
of
nourrishing
diuision
amongst
greate
personages
by
a
domestical
example
of
the
vtter
ouerthrow
of
King
Henry
the
6.
Ibid
.
nu
.
17.
and
al
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
whereof
the
first
ground
and
occasion
was
,
that
the
Queene
his
wife
maintayned
the
diuision
betwixt
the
Duke
of
Somerset
,
and
the
Earle
of
Warwick
;
And
to
the
same
purpose
I
haue
also
alledged
other
examples
out
of
Philip
de
Comines
with
his
opinion
and
aduise
to
al
princes
to
labour
with
al
speede
to
compound
the
quarrels
,
Ibid
nu
.
16.
&
18.
Philip
.
Com
.
de
reb
.
gest
.
Lodou
.
c
.
138.
that
falle
out
amongst
their
nobility
,
and
not
to
nourrish
them
by
any
meanes
,
lest
they
should
kindle
a
fire
in
their
owne
house
,
which
after
they
shal
not
be
able
to
quench
.
Whereby
it
may
appeare
how
dangerous
&
absurd
is
the
councel
which
Macchiauillians
geue
to
their
princes
,
to
nourish
factions
in
their
commonwelth
,
and
especially
amongst
the
greatest
personages
,
Princes
may
make
factions
,
and
can
not
afterwards
hinder
the
bad
effects
thereof
.
as
though
,
princes
were
omnipotent
,
and
had
the
harts
,
and
wils
of
al
men
in
their
hands
,
to
moue
,
and
sway
,
incense
,
or
temper
,
in
such
manner
,
&
measure
,
as
it
shal
please
them
,
which
is
only
in
Gods
hand
&
power
to
doe
.
So
that
it
is
euident
in
this
case
,
that
the
Macchiauillians
expose
their
prince
to
manifest
danger
without
any
assurance
,
num
.
11.
&
12.
or
sufficient
probability
of
remedy
,
which
in
matter
of
state
is
most
absurd
,
as
I
haue
declared
in
the
32.
Chapter
.
Macchiauillian
po●licies
make
princes
odious
,
to
their
subiects
.
15.
The
like
may
also
be
said
of
their
other
pestilent
policies
before
mencioned
,
consisting
in
al
kind
of
cruelty
,
iniustice
&
wickednes
,
wherby
they
make
their
princes
most
odious
to
al
men
,
and
by
consequent
,
draw
them
into
manifest
danger
,
from
the
which
they
are
not
able
to
warrant
or
defend
them
by
al
their
policy
:
as
it
may
appeare
by
the
experience
of
al
ages
,
and
former
times
vntil
this
wherin
we
liue
,
The
hatred
of
subiects
most
dangerous
to
princes
by
the
experience
of
al
ages
.
seeing
al
histories
do
testify
that
the
more
wicked
and
tiranical
princes
haue
bene
,
and
themore
they
haue
incurred
the
hatred
of
men
,
the
sooner
they
haue
bene
ruined
;
some
by
open
rebellions
of
their
subiects
;
some
others
by
their
general
defection
in
fauor
of
strangers
,
others
by
secret
conspiracies
of
a
few
,
and
others
also
by
some
desperat
attempt
of
some
one
man
,
not
withstanding
al
their
policies
,
power
,
or
force
of
gards
,
armies
,
fortresses
,
or
other
humane
meanes
.
Cicero
offic
.
li.
2.
16.
This
point
Cicero
proueth
by
the
examples
of
Phalaris
a
most
cruel
tirant
(
whome
al
the
people
of
the
Agrigentius
oppressed
in
a
general
tumult
)
&
of
Alexander
the
tirant
of
Phaerae
,
The
danger
of
hatred
exemplified
by
.
Cicero
.
Diuers
of
the
first
kings
of
Rome
ruynated
by
hatred
.
killed
by
his
owne
wife
;
&
of
Demetrius
K.
of
Maccedony
forsaken
of
al
his
subiects
in
fauor
of
K.
Pirrhus
;
To
whome
we
may
adde
Romulus
the
first
founder
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
who
hauing
made
him selfe
hateful
to
his
Senatours
,
was
murdred
by
them
,
in
the
very
Senat
house
.
As
also
L.
Tarquinius
Priscus
his
3.
successor
being
become
odious
to
the
people
for
his
iniustice
&
fraud
towards
the
children
,
of
Ancus
Marcius
(
whome
he
depriued
of
their
kingdome
,
though
he
was
left
their
tutor
by
their
father
)
was
slaine
by
two
shepherds
.
In
like
manner
Tarquinius
superbus
(
the
7.
and
last
king
of
the
Romans
)
who
vsed
al
the
tirannical
policies
aboue
mencioned
,
violating
al
lawes
humane
&
deuine
,
T.
Liuius
.
Dec.
1.
li.
1.
for
the
conseruation
of
his
estate
,
was
neuertheles
driuen
out
of
his
kingdome
by
his
subiects
,
&
the
name
of
king
&
kingly
authority
abolished
amongst
the
Romans
in
hatred
of
him
,
for
the
space
of
500.
yeres
.
17.
Examples
in
the
Empyre
of
Rome
and
Constantinople
.
And
if
we
looke
into
the
Roman
Empire
after
Iulius
Caesar
we
shal
find
that
neither
policy
,
nor
power
,
could
defend
many
emperours
of
Rome
,
and
Constantinople
,
against
the
hatred
of
men
,
as
(
to
omit
others
who
perished
vpon
other
occasions
)
it
may
appeare
by
Sueton
Tranqui
.
Iulius
Caesar
him selfe
,
Caius
Caligula
,
Claudius
,
Nero
,
Domitian
,
Aelius
lamprid
.
Commodus
,
Spartian
.
Didius
Iulianus
d
Caracalla
,
Iul
.
Capitolin
.
Opilius
Macrinus
and
his
sonne
Diadumenus
,
Lamprid
.
Heliogabalus
,
Alexander
Seuerus
,
Iulius
Maximinus
,
Trebellius
pollio
Galienus
,
Sextus
Aurel
.
victor
.
Philipus
,
Flauius
Vopiscus
.
Aurelianus
,
Pomponius
laetus
.
Constans
the
first
Ioan
.
Baptista
Egnatius
.
Zonaras
Nicetas
Choniates
.
Gratian
;
valentinian
the
third
,
Basilicus
,
Zeno
,
Mauritius
,
Phocas
;
Heracleona
with
his
mother
Martina
,
Constans
the
second
,
Iustinian
the
second
,
Phillipicus
,
Constantinus
the
sixt
Nicephorus
Stauracius
,
Leo
Armenius
,
Michael
the
sonne
of
Theophilus
,
Nicephorus
surnamed
Phocas
,
Ioannes
Zemisces
,
Michael
Calaphates
,
Stratioticus
,
Michael
Parapinaceus
,
Andronicus
Comnenus
and
diuers
others
who
hauing
incurred
,
the
hatred
either
of
their
subiects
in
general
,
or
of
some
particuler
persons
,
were
some
of
them
poisoned
,
and
others
violently
slaine
,
either
by
the
fury
of
the
people
,
or
by
their
nobility
,
or
by
their
owne
gards
,
&
soldiars
,
or
by
their
wiues
,
concubins
,
or
seruants
,
or
by
other
particuler
men
:
besids
that
some
others
of
them
were
deposed
,
and
either
confined
into
Monastaries
,
or
depriued
as
wel
of
their
eyes
and
noses
,
as
of
their
empyre
;
and
one
amongst
the
rest
,
to
wit
Zeno
(
a
most
cruel
and
craftie
tyrant
)
was
put
into
his
Sepulcher
aliue
,
by
the
consent
of
his
wife
,
whyles
he
was
drounk
,
Cedren
.
in
Conp
.
Zonaras
Annal
.
To
3.
Ioan
.
Baptista
Egnat
.
in
Zonone
.
or
as
some
write
,
taken
with
a
fit
of
the
falling
sicknes
,
being
also
so
hated
of
his
owne
seruants
,
and
gardes
,
that
when
he
came
to
him selfe
and
cried
for
helpe
out
of
the
Sepulchre
,
no
man
assisted
or
pittied
him
,
and
so
he
died
raging
,
and
tearing
,
his
owne
flesh
with
his
teeth
,
as
it
appeared
afterwards
when
the
tomb
was
opened
.
18.
And
although
euery
one
of
these
was
not
so
suttle
,
nor
so
politike
,
nor
yet
so
wicked
as
Macchiauel
wold
haue
his
prince
to
be
,
yet
it
is
euident
in
them
al
,
that
the
hatred
of
subiects
is
most
pernicious
to
princes
,
and
in
some
of
them
it
appeareth
manifestly
,
that
no
humane
power
,
or
wicked
pollicy
,
can
warrant
,
and
assure
,
the
state
of
a
prince
generally
hated
,
seeing
that
diuers
of
the
aboue
named
,
Epito
.
Ioan
.
Bap
.
Egnatij
.
excelled
not
only
in
imperial
power
,
but
also
in
suttlety
,
craft
,
perfidiousnes
,
periury
,
deepe
dissimulation
,
cruelty
,
and
al
such
wickednes
,
as
Macchiauel
requireth
in
his
prince
.
As
(
to
omit
others
for
breuities
sake
)
the
last
whome
I
named
of
the
Emperous
of
Constantinople
,
to
wit
Andronicus
Comnenus
,
was
soe
eminent
and
egregious
in
al
tiranical
pollicy
,
that
Egnatius
woorthily
calleth
him
.
Nicetas
Choniaces
in
Andronico
Comneno
.
li
.
1.
Callidissimum
mortalium
;
The
most
crafty
of
al
mortal
men
,
of
whose
manner
of
gouernment
,
I
wil
saye
somewhat
breefly
,
to
the
end
it
may
appeare
how
little
security
a
prince
may
haue
by
wicked
policy
against
the
hatred
of
men
.
19.
This
Andronicus
hauing
with
greate
art
and
suttlety
,
obtained
to
be
tutor
to
the
young
Emperour
Alexius
sonne
to
Emanuel
,
Andronicus
Comnenus
emperour
of
Constantinople
,
an
egregious
polityke
.
made
him selfe
shortly
after
,
his
companion
in
the
Empire
,
procuring
the
death
of
the
Empresse
mother
to
Alexius
and
of
diuers
others
,
whose
liues
he
thought
to
be
preiudicial
to
his
pretence
,
and
with
in
a
while
also
caused
the
young
Emperour
him selfe
to
be
murdred
,
notwithstanding
his
former
oath
of
fidelity
solemnly
confirmed
with
receiuing
the
blessed
Sacrament
.
And
being
then
Emperour
alone
,
and
finding
him selfe
to
be
hateful
to
his
people
,
he
practised
al
the
tiranical
polic●
,
which
could
be
d●uised
for
his
owne
conseruation
;
He
garded
his
pallace
,
Idem
.
li
.
2.
His
gards
of
barbarous
strangers
,
and
his
great
dog
.
and
person
,
with
strong
gards
of
barbarous
strangers
,
and
the
most
desperate
fellowes
that
could
be
found
,
who
could
neither
speake
nor
vnderstand
the
language
of
the
country
;
and
he
had
besids
euery
night
at
his
chamber
dore
a
-
huge
mastife
dogg
,
Idem
li.
1.
&
2.
His
wicked
instruments
.
so
fierce
that
he
durst
fight
hand
to
hand
with
a
lyon
,
or
with
an
armed
man
on
horse
back
;
He
was
also
prouided
of
wicked
instruments
for
the
execution
of
his
wil
in
al
cases
,
as
spies
,
promoters
,
and
false
witnesses
,
whereby
many
noble
men
were
killed
,
imprisoned
,
or
banished
,
for
no
other
cause
,
but
for
that
he
feared
,
that
either
their
credit
with
the
people
,
or
their
power
,
or
their
welth
,
or
their
wit
,
might
proue
in
time
dangerous
to
his
state
;
20.
Yet
neuerthelesse
knowing
right
wel
,
Idem
li.
2.
His
care
of
the
administration
of
iustice
in
all
things
which
did
not
touch
his
particuler
benefit
or
pleasure
.
that
the
more
his
empire
florished
in
iustice
,
the
more
it
wold
be
to
his
honour
,
benefit
,
and
security
;
he
shewed
such
special
care
thereof
,
that
he
excelled
many
notable
princes
therin
,
not
only
prouiding
for
the
election
of
iust
and
wise
officers
,
but
also
seuerely
punishing
those
,
who
either
did
,
or
permitted
,
any
wrong
to
be
donne
to
the
meanest
or
poorest
subiect
he
had
.
Besids
that
he
ordained
,
and
gaue
most
liberal
allowance
to
al
magistrats
for
their
maintenance
,
to
the
end
,
Idem
Ibid
.
that
they
should
not
haue
any
neede
,
or
pretence
to
take
bribes
,
and
such
as
were
proued
to
be
corrupt
,
he
punished
so
exemplarly
,
that
with
in
a
while
no
magistrat
durst
take
so
much
as
a
present
of
any
man
,
though
it
was
neuer
so
voluntarily
offred
;
he
shewed
him selfe
affable
,
and
courteous
to
the
poore
,
and
seemed
ful
of
pitty
and
compassion
when
he
heard
their
complaints
,
and
did
them
exact
iustice
,
and
further
tooke
such
order
for
the
releefe
of
the
necessities
of
the
common
people
,
that
al
kind
of
vittails
were
most
plentiful
and
cheap
,
the
ground
wel
tilled
,
and
manured
;
the
countries
wel
inhabited
,
villages
and
citties
much
augmented
,
and
the
commonwelth
greately
enriched
.
21.
Such
was
the
care
he
seemed
to
haue
of
iustice
,
He
furnished
his
commonwelth
with
good
magistrats
and
his
court
with
wicked
Counsellours
and
iudges
.
and
of
the
publike
good
,
which
neuerthelesse
he
respected
no
further
then
it
might
tourne
to
his
owne
particuler
benefit
or
pleasure
,
wherof
he
preferred
the
consideration
,
before
al
things
what
soeuer
,
as
al
tirants
doe
.
For
as
he
prouided
the
commonwelth
of
notable
magistrats
,
so
he
furnished
his
court
and
councel
with
wicked
councellers
and
Iudges
,
void
of
al
conscience
,
who
executed
his
wil
vpon
al
such
as
incurred
his
dislike
,
or
suspicion
,
banishing
some
,
spoiling
others
of
their
goods
,
depriuing
others
of
their
eyes
,
drowning
and
murdring
diuers
secretly
,
and
condemning
many
publikly
vpon
false
pretenses
,
of
whom
neuerthelesse
he
him selfe
would
seeme
to
haue
greate
compassion
.
Idem
.
li
.
1.
He
suspected
&
made
away
his
most
faithful
seruants
.
As
for
example
;
vnderstanding
that
one
Isacius
a
noble
man
had
taken
armes
against
him
in
the
Iland
of
Ciprus
,
he
picked
a
quarrel
against
two
of
his
owne
trustiest
seruants
and
fauorits
,
because
they
were
greate
frends
of
the
other
,
and
caused
them
to
be
accused
of
treason
,
comdemned
,
&
executed
,
and
when
sute
was
made
vnto
him
after
their
deaths
,
that
their
bodies
,
which
were
hanged
vp
,
might
be
taken
doune
and
buried
,
he
seemed
so
much
to
pitty
their
case
,
His
deep
dissimulation
,
and
fayned
piety
.
that
he
shed
aboundance
of
teares
,
lamenting
that
the
sentence
of
the
Iudges
&
the
seuerity
,
&
authority
of
the
lawes
,
must
needs
ouerweigh
his
desire
,
&
the
affection
that
he
beare
them
.
Idem
.
li
.
2.
And
when
any
were
toucht
with
matter
of
sedition
,
not
only
they
them selues
,
but
also
al
their
whole
kindred
,
His
horrible
cruelty
craftily
couered
.
and
familes
were
condemned
and
ruined
,
to
the
end
that
none
should
be
left
of
their
race
to
reuenge
it
.
The
which
neuerthelesse
he
seemed
rather
to
permit
,
and
suffer
to
be
donne
,
then
him selfe
to
ordaine
it
;
For
he
caused
his
Iudges
and
magistrats
to
geue
those
sentences
by
publik
Edict
,
with
plausible
preambles
,
shewing
their
care
of
the
saufty
of
the
Emperours
person
,
and
referring
it
not
to
his
commandement
,
but
to
the
deuine
inspiration
,
as
a
thing
necessary
for
the
seruice
of
God
,
and
the
good
of
the
commonwelth
.
Andronicus
had
the
quintessence
of
Macchiauels
policy
.
22.
Here
now
I
appeale
to
any
Macchiauillian
,
whether
Andronicus
had
not
the
quintessence
of
Macchiauels
policy
before
Macchiauel
was
borne
,
and
whether
he
wanted
ether
desire
,
wit
,
or
wickednes
,
to
conserue
his
estate
against
the
hatred
of
men
,
if
it
had
bene
possible
to
haue
donne
it
by
wicked
meanes
.
Therefore
let
vs
see
the
end
,
which
was
such
,
that
it
may
serue
for
an
exemplar
warning
to
al
Macchiauillian
politikes
.
23.
Whiles
Andronicus
gouerned
in
this
manner
,
his
cruelty
and
iniustice
did
purchase
him
more
hatred
,
then
the
good
which
he
did
for
the
publik
could
recompence
,
which
filled
him
euery
daye
with
new
feares
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
His
feares
and
suspicions
.
suspicions
,
and
iealousies
,
especially
after
that
he
was
pressed
with
warres
by
William
King
of
Sicely
;
who
hauing
ouerthrowne
some
of
his
armies
,
and
taken
Thessalonica
,
and
other
townes
of
importance
,
marched
towards
Constantinople
,
wherwith
the
people
beganne
to
take
courrage
,
and
to
discouer
their
hatred
towards
Andronicus
daily
more
and
more
,
which
put
him
in
such
feare
of
conspiracies
,
His
sorceryes
&
witchcrafts
.
that
he
consulted
with
sorcerers
,
and
witches
,
and
especially
with
one
Sethus
a
magician
,
who
deuined
by
a
basen
of
water
;
And
one
daye
when
Andronicus
desired
to
know
the
name
of
his
successor
,
Sethus
shewed
him
in
the
water
the
two
letters
.
I.
and
.
S.
whereby
he
and
his
councellours
coniectured
that
it
should
be
Isacius
(
who
was
rebelled
against
him
in
the
Iland
of
Ciprus
,
as
I
haue
declared
)
neuerthelesse
,
How
he
was
ouerreached
in
his
sorceryes
.
for
as
much
as
there
was
another
Isacius
surnamed
Angelus
at
the
same
time
in
the
court
,
a
man
of
so
quiet
a
spirit
,
and
so
smal
courrage
,
that
Andronicus
him selfe
(
as
suspicious
as
he
was
)
did
no
way
suspect
him
,
one
of
his
special
counsellers
,
suggested
to
him
,
that
it
were
good
to
command
the
said
Isacius
Angelus
to
be
taken
and
put
in
prison
to
preuent
the
woorst
,
lest
,
saith
he
,
we
may
seeke
the
viper
abrod
in
the
field
,
when
perhaps
we
haue
him
in
our
bosome
;
And
though
Andronicus
seemed
at
first
to
contemne
Isacius
,
as
a
man
no
way
to
be
feared
,
yet
at
last
it
was
resolued
by
him
and
his
councel
that
he
should
be
taken
,
and
for
that
purpose
,
Stephanus
(
one
of
his
chief
councellours
and
worst
instruments
)
went
him selfe
with
certaine
of
his
catchpoles
to
the
house
of
Isacius
,
How
his
wickednes
turned
to
his
ouerthrow
.
who
defending
him selfe
,
killed
Stephanus
,
and
ran
presently
with
his
sword
bluddy
in
his
hand
through
the
market
place
,
to
take
Sainctuary
in
the
cheef
church
of
the
towne
,
imploring
as
he
went
,
the
aide
of
the
people
;
and
declaring
what
he
had
donne
,
and
why
;
The
people
flocked
after
him
to
the
church
,
pittying
greatly
his
case
,
and
commending
his
act
;
and
at
length
their
courrage
encreasing
with
their
multitud
,
they
began
to
embolden
one
an
other
first
to
defend
Isacius
,
Isacius
fearing
to
loose
his
lyfe
was
suddenly
made
Emperour
.
and
after
to
make
him
-
Emperour
,
which
being
propounded
to
the
whole
assembly
,
was
accepted
and
allowed
of
them
al
,
though
he
him selfe
neither
desired
it
,
nor
so
much
as
dreamed
of
it
,
but
thought
him selfe
wel
apaied
if
he
could
saue
his
life
.
24.
This
resolution
being
taken
amongst
them
they
proclaimed
him
emperour
,
first
in
the
church
,
and
after
in
the
streets
,
Andronicus
forsaken
of
al
his
subiects
.
which
was
approued
with
general
consent
of
the
nobility
and
people
of
the
citty
,
who
came
al
to
yeeld
him
obedience
and
to
assist
him
;
Andronicus
seeing
him selfe
forsaken
of
al
his
subiects
durst
not
trust
to
the
strength
neither
of
his
pallace
,
nor
of
his
gards
,
nor
of
his
greate
dogg
,
but
fled
away
in
a
boat
,
and
was
shortly
after
taken
,
The
reward
&
miserable
end
of
his
tyranny
.
and
brought
back
loden
with
yron
chaines
,
skorned
,
and
reuiled
by
the
people
,
his
haire
of
his
head
and
beard
pulled
away
,
his
teeth
strooken
out
,
his
right
hand
cut
of
,
and
a
few
daies
after
,
one
of
his
eyes
being
pulled
out
of
his
head
,
he
was
set
vpon
a
skabbed
cammel
,
appareled
ridiculously
,
and
caried
through
the
streetes
to
be
shewed
to
the
people
;
who
cast
vpon
him
al
kind
of
ordure
,
and
filth
,
euery
one
contending
who
should
deride
him
,
or
abuse
him
most
;
and
at
last
,
he
was
hanged
vp
by
the
heeles
,
his
apparel
torne
from
him
,
and
his
naked
body
wounded
by
who
soeuer
wold
stricke
him
,
as
many
did
in
diuers
manners
,
some
for
sport
,
some
for
reuenge
of
iniuries
,
some
to
try
their
swords
,
and
some
their
strength
,
til
at
length
he
was
hacked
and
hewed
in
pieces
.
Loe
here
the
fruite
of
Macchiauillian
policy
,
The
fruite
of
Macchiauillian
pollicy
.
the
lamentable
issue
of
wickednes
and
tiranny
,
and
the
smale
assurance
that
tirants
haue
against
the
hatred
of
their
subiects
,
either
by
vsurped
power
,
or
impious
policy
;
whereto
I
might
adde
a
special
obseruation
of
Gods
iust
Iudgements
,
but
that
I
haue
determined
not
to
vrge
the
same
in
this
chapter
.
Thus
much
concerning
the
Roman
and
Greeke
Emperours
.
Examples
out
of
our
histories
.
Polidor
virgil
.
i●
7.
25.
I
may
also
produce
many
other
notable
examples
of
this
matter
out
of
the
historyes
as
wel
of
our
owne
country
as
of
al
others
.
For
what
caused
the
destruction
of
Edmond
Ironside
who
was
murdred
vpon
a
priuy
,
Idem
.
lib
.
or
the
continual
rebellions
in
the
tyme
of
king
Iohn
;
Idem
.
lib
.
or
the
vntimely
death
of
Edward
the
2.
broched
with
a
Spit
;
Idem
.
lib
.
or
of
Richard
the
2.
first
deposed
,
&
after
slayne
in
prison
;
or
yet
of
Richard
the
3.
forsaken
of
his
nobility
,
and
commons
and
killed
at
Bosworth
field
?
Syr
Thomas
More
in
King
Richards
lyfe
.
what
els
,
I
saye
,
was
the
cause
thereof
,
but
the
hatred
of
their
subiects
?
And
as
for
the
last
of
these
,
I
meane
Richard
the
third
,
if
we
consider
his
malignant
and
trecherous
nature
,
his
cruelty
,
his
deepe
dissimulation
,
his
diuelish
deuyses
&
inuentions
(
as
wel
to
gett
the
croune
,
as
after
to
conserue
it
)
his
murders
and
mischeefes
,
and
his
other
horrible
impiety
,
wee
shal
not
find
him
imferiour
to
the
most
famous
tyrants
of
former
tymes
for
al
impious
and
wicked
policy
,
which
neuerthelesse
could
not
free
him
from
the
danger
of
destruction
,
which
the
hatred
of
his
subiects
drew
vpon
him
.
26.
An
Example
of
Caesar
Borgia
.
But
what
neede
I
alledge
other
examples
seeing
the
mirrour
of
Machiauels
owne
prince
,
(
to
wit
Caesar
Borgia
)
may
serue
for
a
witnes
of
this
matter
?
For
though
he
so
farr
surpassed
al
former
tyrants
in
wickednes
and
tirrannical
policy
,
that
Macchiauel
made
special
choyse
of
him
,
to
frame
his
wicked
prince
by
the
model
of
his
tyranny
,
yet
could
not
he
vphold
,
Guicciat
.
li.
6.
and
conserue
his
state
against
the
hatred
of
men
,
but
being
abandoned
by
his
subiects
,
and
frends
,
became
a
notable
example
not
only
of
human
imbecillity
,
but
also
of
the
woful
end
of
such
as
trust
to
wicked
policy
,
as
I
haue
declared
before
vpon
other
occasions
,
Chap.
3.
nu
.
4.
&
chap.
13.
nu
4.
&
5.
27.
And
though
al
former
examples
should
fayle
vs
,
yet
one
or
two
of
the
last
age
stil
fresh
in
memory
,
might
suffise
for
a
warning
to
princes
,
Christiern
k
.
of
Denmark
.
Surius
in
Comment
.
an
1517.
Olaus
mag.
li
.
8.
c
.
39.
Henry
the
3.
k
.
of
france
.
how
they
incurre
the
general
hatred
of
their
subiects
,
I
meane
the
lamentable
end
of
Christiern
king
of
Denmark
,
first
driuen
out
of
his
kingdome
by
his
owne
people
for
his
tyrannical
cruelty
,
and
after
also
taken
,
imprisoned
,
and
poysoned
by
theim
:
(
as
I
haue
signified
before
)
and
of
Henry
the
3.
last
king
of
France
,
who
though
he
be
not
to
be
numbred
amongst
the
wicked
tyrants
before
mencioned
,
yet
may
serue
for
an
example
of
the
smale
assurance
that
a
prince
may
haue
against
the
hatred
of
his
people
,
seing
that
an
army
of
40000.
men
,
could
not
defend
his
person
against
the
resolution
of
a
simple
man
,
who
slew
him
in
the
midst
of
them
al
;
No
power
or
policy
can
defend
a
prince
from
the
resolution
of
some
one
man
.
whereby
wee
maye
see
how
true
it
is
which
Seneca
saith
.
Qui
suam
vitam
contemnit
,
tuae
dominus
erit
;
he
which
contemnes
his
owne
life
,
shal
be
mayster
of
thine
.
28.
Hereupon
therefore
it
followeth
that
no
princes
power
or
policy
can
sufficiently
warrant
,
and
assure
his
estate
against
the
vniuersal
hatred
of
men
,
The
little
security
that
wicked
princes
haue
of
theyr
gards
or
armyes
.
num
.
11.
especially
considering
the
little
security
,
that
wicked
princes
,
when
they
grow
to
be
hated
,
haue
,
of
their
owne
gards
,
or
armyes
;
which
though
they
are
the
special
meanes
of
their
defence
,
yet
serue
many
times
for
no
other
end
,
then
to
butcher
and
slaughther
theym
,
as
I
haue
declared
before
in
the
13.
chapter
,
Sueton
.
where
I
haue
alleged
the
examples
of
Caligula
,
Spartian
.
Caracalla
,
Lamprid
.
Heliogabalus
,
Philip
,
Trebellius
pollio
.
Gallien
,
Machrinus
,
Flau
.
Vopiscus
.
Aurelianus
,
Iulius
Capitol
.
Maximinus
,
and
others
slayne
partly
by
their
souldiars
&
partly
by
their
gardes
,
not
with
standing
the
greate
liberality
which
many
of
these
Emperours
vsed
to
buy
their
affections
and
fidelity
;
As
it
maye
be
wel
obserued
(
to
omit
dyuers
others
)
in
Maximinus
,
Iulius
Capitol
.
in
Maximin
.
of
whome
Iulius
Capitolinus
saith
.
Ea
astutia
fuit
,
vt
milites
non
solum
virtute
regeret
,
sed
etiam
praemijs
et
lucris
sui
amantissimos
redderet
.
He
was
so
crafty
,
that
he
did
not
only
gouerne
his
souldiars
by
vertue
,
but
also
wanne
their
affections
by
gifts
and
rewards
:
and
yet
neuertheles
they
conspyred
diuers
tymes
against
him
,
and
at
length
when
he
was
denounced
publike
enemy
by
the
Senat
,
and
some
what
distressed
in
his
march
towards
Rome
for
lack
of
vittayles
,
they
killed
him
,
and
his
sonne
in
their
tents
,
and
sent
their
heads
to
Rome
.
29
And
herein
I
wish
two
things
to
be
noted
;
the
one
,
the
fruit
of
cruelty
;
The
fruite
of
cruelty
.
for
this
Maximinus
being
made
Emperour
tyrannically
by
his
souldiars
against
the
wil
of
the
Senat
,
followed
the
principles
which
Macchiauel
teacheth
his
prince
,
perswading
him
him selfe
,
Idem
.
Ibidem
.
as
Iulius
Capitolinus
testifyeth
;
Nisi
crudelitate
imperium
non
teneri
;
That
he
could
not
hold
the
Empire
but
by
cruelty
,
wherein
he
so
exceeded
;
that
some
called
him
,
Cyclops
,
some
Busiris
,
some
Scyron
,
some
Typhon
,
and
some
Phalaris
,
and
therefore
in
the
end
he
receiued
the
iust
reward
thereof
,
at
the
hands
of
his
owne
soldiars
,
to
whome
notwithstanding
his
greate
donatiues
he
became
no
lesse
odious
then
to
other
men
.
The
other
thing
which
I
wish
to
be
obserued
,
num
.
12.
&
13.
The
infelicity
of
such
princes
as
seeke
rather
to
be
feared
then
to
be
beloued
.
is
that
,
which
I
haue
also
touched
in
the
13.
chapter
,
concerning
the
greate
infelicity
of
such
princes
,
as
seeke
rather
to
be
feared
then
to
be
beloued
,
for
though
they
are
forced
for
their
owne
safty
,
to
become
slaues
to
those
,
by
whome
they
keepe
others
in
slauery
,
yet
they
are
not
secure
thereby
,
being
stil
in
danger
not
only
of
others
,
but
also
of
them
who
should
defend
them
,
whose
mercenary
minds
,
are
so
inconstant
,
and
subiect
to
corruption
,
that
the
liues
of
the
princes
whome
they
gard
,
are
euer
salable
,
and
therefore
neuer
warrantable
by
any
humane
policy
,
or
power
;
for
let
the
prince
geue
them
neuer
so
much
,
to
bind
them
to
his
seruice
,
yet
he
that
shal
geue
,
yea
or
promise
more
,
may
winne
them
from
him
,
as
it
hath
fallen
out
diuers
tymes
to
the
Roman
Emperours
,
who
haue
ben
sold
by
their
souldiars
,
and
gards
,
not
for
reddy
money
,
but
for
the
promise
of
greater
summes
,
then
could
be
expected
at
their
hands
,
as
Plutark
noteth
in
the
gards
and
souldiars
of
Nero
,
Plutar
.
in
Galba
.
corrupted
by
Nimphidius
in
fauour
of
Galba
,
vpon
promise
of
a
greater
donatiue
then
could
afterwards
be
performed
,
which
saith
he
caused
the
destruction
both
of
Nero
and
Galba
;
for
the
souldiars
forsooke
Nero
in
hope
of
the
payment
promised
;
&
killed
Galba
because
he
could
not
pay
it
;
so
tickle
is
the
trust
that
princes
repose
in
mercenary
men
,
and
so
vnsure
the
state
that
is
to
be
vpholden
by
such
vnsure
,
and
weake
propps
,
which
many
tymes
fayle
,
when
there
is
most
neede
of
them
.
30.
An
inuitable
danger
which
a
prince
generally
hated
must
needs
incurre
.
Furdermore
an
other
especial
and
ineuitable
danger
is
to
be
noted
,
which
any
prince
generally
hated
must
needs
incurre
,
to
wit
,
the
defection
of
his
subiects
in
al
occasions
of
inuasion
from
forraine
cuntries
,
for
although
he
be
neuer
so
strong
at
home
in
gards
,
garrisons
,
and
fortresses
,
and
his
subiects
also
so
poore
and
weake
that
they
neither
dare
,
nor
can
rise
against
him
,
yet
if
forraine
princes
do
inuade
him
,
either
vpon
a
quarrel
of
state
(
which
amongst
princes
that
are
neighbours
neuer
wanteth
)
or
vpon
ambition
to
enlarge
their
dominions
,
what
remedy
hath
he
against
the
general
hatred
of
his
people
,
who
haue
then
sufficient
oportunity
,
and
meanes
to
be
reuenged
of
him
,
and
to
free
them selues
from
the
yoke
of
his
tiranny
,
by
taking
part
with
the
forrainer
,
whereof
the
experience
hath
bene
seene
often
times
.
31.
Iustin
.
li
.
39.
Demetrius
king
of
Siria
.
We
read
in
Iustin
that
the
subiects
of
Demetrius
king
of
Siria
abandoned
him
for
the
hatred
which
they
bore
him
,
and
tooke
part
with
a
knowne
counterfeit
,
cauling
him selfe
Alexander
,
pretending
to
be
of
the
roial
race
(
as
did
Perkin
Warbeck
in
England
)
which
Alexander
they
accepted
for
their
king
,
being
so
incensed
against
Demetrius
,
that
they
were
content
(
saith
Iustin
)
to
admit
any
who
soeuer
,
to
be
rid
of
him
.
Also
the
last
kings
of
Naples
,
no
lesse
rich
&
potent
then
wickedly
politik
,
Guicciard
.
li
.
6.
Philip
.
Comin
.
in
Carolo
8.
Alfonso
and
Ferdinand
kings
of
Naples
,
being
most
hateful
to
their
subiects
for
their
tyrannical
gouernment
,
were
forsaken
of
theim
al
,
&
betrayed
to
the
french
,
to
whome
they
yeelded
theim selues
with
out
any
resistance
;
as
I
haue
signified
so
amply
in
the
22.
chapter
that
I
shal
not
neede
to
speake
furder
thereof
in
this
place
.
32.
Also
Lodouic
Sforza
Duke
of
Milan
Lodouic
Sforza
duke
of
Milan
.
may
serue
for
a
notable
example
of
this
matter
.
For
when
Lewis
the
12.
King
of
France
,
made
warre
against
him
,
and
had
already
taken
diuers
principal
townes
,
Guicciardin
.
li
.
4.
and
forts
in
the
state
of
Milan
,
Duke
Lodouic
knowing
him selfe
to
be
very
odious
to
his
subiects
for
his
greate
exactions
,
and
impositions
,
and
fearing
lest
they
wold
abandon
him
,
assembled
the
people
of
Milan
to
recouer
their
good
wills
,
and
not
only
remitted
diuers
taxes
which
he
had
imposed
vpon
them
,
but
also
gaue
them
many
reasons
and
excuses
of
his
former
proceedings
;
neuertheles
such
was
the
hatred
which
they
had
conceiued
against
him
,
that
within
a
few
dayes
after
,
they
tooke
armes
,
killed
Antonio
Landriano
his
treasurer
,
forced
him
to
flee
,
cauled
in
the
french
,
&
yelded
the
toune
and
them selues
to
their
obedience
.
Polidor
.
vergil
.
in
Ioan
.
King
Ihon
of
England
.
Haue
we
not
seene
also
the
like
effect
of
hatred
in
England
,
in
the
tyme
of
king
Iohn
when
the
Barons
and
nobility
of
the
realme
cauled
in
Lewis
the
8.
king
of
france
whiles
he
was
Dolphin
,
and
proclaymed
him
king
,
choosing
rather
to
liue
vnder
the
ancient
enemyes
of
the
English
nation
,
then
to
obay
king
Iohn
their
natural
king
,
who
as
Matthew
of
westminster
wryteth
.
Matth
.
westmon
.
anno
.
1216.
Exosum
se
praebuit
&c.
Made
him selfe
hateful
vnto
them
,
as
wel
for
the
murder
of
his
nephew
Arthur
,
as
for
his
adulteries
his
tyranny
,
his
exactions
,
the
continual
seruitude
wherin
he
kept
England
,
and
lastly
for
the
warre
which
his
deserts
procured
,
in
respect
wherof
.
vix
alicuius
meruit
lamentatione
deplorari
,
he
deserued
not
to
be
lamented
scarcely
of
any
man
.
Thus
saith
he
.
I
forbeare
to
alledge
many
other
notable
histories
to
the
same
purpose
,
for
that
I
hold
it
needeles
in
a
matter
so
euident
as
this
.
33.
What
then
shal
we
say
of
Macchiauels
pestilent
precepts
for
the
preseruation
of
a
prince
already
infected
,
Macchiauel
seeking
to
expel
and
remedy
one
poison
with
an
other
poysoneth
his
prince
dooble
.
and
poysoned
with
wickednes
?
Can
we
say
ought
els
,
but
that
whiles
he
seeketh
by
one
poyson
to
expel
or
remedy
an
other
,
he
poysoneth
him
dooble
,
and
killeth
him
out
right
?
For
a
wicked
prince
adding
,
as
Macchiauel
aduiseth
,
wickednes
to
wickednes
,
and
cruelty
to
cruelty
,
doth
accumulat
vpon
him selfe
hatred
vpon
hatred
,
which
as
I
haue
declared
,
wil
breake
out
sooner
or
later
to
his
ouerthrow
.
The
danger
which
tyrants
incurre
by
the
ordinary
errours
proceeding
of
humaine
imbecillity
34.
Neither
can
the
Macchiauillian
helpe
his
maisters
cause
,
by
saying
that
such
wicked
princes
,
as
haue
perished
by
the
hatred
of
men
,
haue
committed
some
errour
or
other
,
which
they
should
or
might
haue
foreseene
,
and
auoided
;
for
,
I
haue
made
it
manifest
throughout
this
whole
discourse
,
that
the
imbecillity
of
mans
wit
and
power
is
such
,
that
no
man
liuing
is
able
to
foresee
and
preuent
al
the
dangers
and
accidents
which
may
occurre
in
the
affaires
of
men
to
the
ouerthrow
of
their
designments
which
I
haue
euidently
proued
by
examples
of
the
absurd
errours
as
wel
of
the
wisest
Senats
and
councels
,
Chap.
3.
4.
&
5.
as
of
most
politik
men
.
Where
vpon
it
followeth
that
the
prince
who
exposeth
him selfe
to
the
general
hatred
of
men
incurreth
notable
danger
.
35.
For
euen
as
tounes
of
warre
,
or
fortresses
which
haue
no
enemy
neere
,
do
,
or
may
commit
many
errours
in
matters
pertaining
to
their
defence
,
with
out
any
danger
,
but
being
beseeged
by
their
enemies
,
are
sometimes
surprised
by
the
occasion
of
their
least
ouersight
or
negligence
;
so
it
fareth
with
princes
,
who
,
so
long
as
they
are
generally
beloued
,
Euery
litle
errour
of
a
prince
generally
hated
ys
very
dangerous
.
are
little
or
nothing
preiudiced
by
many
errours
which
faule
out
in
their
gouernment
,
but
being
once
,
as
I
may
terme
it
,
beseeged
with
the
hatred
of
their
subiects
,
and
neighbours
,
they
are
ruined
some
times
with
the
least
errour
which
they
or
their
magistrates
commit
;
For
the
hatred
of
men
when
it
is
general
,
may
be
compared
to
a
swelling
sea
,
which
enuironing
a
ship
on
euery
side
,
doth
otherwhiles
ouerwhelme
it
with
the
impetuosity
of
waues
and
sometimes
againe
entreth
in
at
euery
little
leake
,
or
rift
,
and
sinketh
it
.
Euen
so
also
the
general
hatred
of
men
,
doth
not
only
ouerthrow
a
princes
state
,
by
potent
,
and
powerful
attempts
,
but
also
by
taking
aduantage
of
euery
little
errour
,
or
accident
which
may
help
to
ruine
it
.
And
therfore
,
No
prince
generally
hated
can
long
liue
in
security
,
&
why
.
for
as
much
as
the
weaknes
of
mans
wit
,
and
the
variety
of
times
,
and
occasions
produce
alwaise
some
dangerous
accidents
in
the
states
of
princes
,
either
by
their
errours
,
or
otherwaies
(
where
vpon
their
industrious
,
and
watchful
enemies
,
especially
at
home
,
may
take
aduantage
)
it
followeth
that
no
prince
generally
hated
can
liue
long
in
security
be
he
neuer
so
dilligent
,
vigilant
,
or
suspicious
of
al
men
,
as
Macchiauel
wold
haue
his
prince
to
be
.
36.
Who
could
vse
greater
vigilancy
,
Cicero
de
offi●
li
.
2.
No
vigilancy
suffyseth
against
the
general
hatred
of
men
.
or
dilligence
for
his
owne
conseruation
,
or
be
more
suspicious
then
Alexander
the
tiran
of
Phaeres
,
who
though
he
loued
his
wife
Thebes
very
dearely
,
yet
neuer
came
to
her
chamber
,
but
he
caused
both
her
coffers
,
and
her selfe
to
be
searched
,
to
see
whether
she
had
any
weapon
hid
in
hir
garments
,
and
neuerthelesse
was
killed
by
her
in
the
end
?
Could
any
man
be
more
prouident
for
his
owne
safty
then
was
Claudius
the
Emperour
,
Sueto
.
in
Claudio
.
who
wold
neuer
goe
to
any
banket
,
but
where
his
owne
gards
and
souldiars
serued
the
table
,
and
neuer
visited
any
sick
man
,
whose
chamber
was
not
searched
before
by
some
of
his
gards
,
euen
to
the
very
beds
and
bedstraw
?
and
yet
he
was
poisoned
at
last
by
his
owne
taster
,
whome
he
neuer
suspected
;
Idem
in
Domitiano
.
What
should
I
saye
of
Domitian
the
Emperour
who
was
so
feareful
and
suspicious
of
al
men
,
that
he
made
the
walls
of
his
galleries
,
where
he
vsed
to
walke
,
to
be
sette
ful
of
a
kind
of
bright
and
cleare
stone
called
Phengites
,
wherin
he
might
see
what
soeuer
was
donne
behind
him
?
and
neuerthelesse
he
was
murdred
by
his
owne
chamberlins
.
37.
Many
such
other
examples
might
be
alledged
of
princes
,
who
besids
their
great
gards
,
and
armies
for
the
defence
of
their
persons
vsed
also
al
humane
dilligence
,
being
ielouse
and
suspicious
of
al
men
,
and
yet
neuerthelesse
were
ouer-reached
,
some
times
by
those
whome
they
most
feared
,
and
sometimes
by
those
whome
they
least
suspected
,
or
best
trusted
.
Whereto
I
ad
(
as
I
haue
also
noted
els
where
and
can
not
repeat
too
oft
)
that
some
times
the
most
prouident
,
Most
prouident
and
polityke
princes
ouerthrown
some
tymes
by
their
owne
pollicyes
.
and
politike
princes
,
are
through
the
imbecillity
of
humane
wit
,
ouerthrowne
by
their
owne
policies
,
that
is
to
say
by
the
same
meanes
,
whereby
they
seeke
either
to
benefit
them selues
,
or
to
hurt
and
destroy
others
;
as
hath
sufficiently
appeared
by
the
examples
of
Caesar
Borgia
him selfe
,
Chap.
3.
4.
&
13.
the
Admiral
Chastillon
in
France
,
Henry
the
third
last
King
of
France
,
and
diuers
others
of
whome
I
haue
spoken
before
in
sundry
parts
of
this
treatise
.
A
nother
danger
proceeding
of
humane
infirmity
.
38.
But
what
security
can
a
wicked
prince
haue
by
gards
or
other
humane
prouidence
,
and
dilligence
,
seeing
we
see
sometimes
that
the
wisest
and
best
garded
being
aduertised
of
some
imminent
danger
,
either
haue
not
the
hap
to
vnderstand
it
,
or
the
wit
to
beleeue
it
;
Plutar
.
in
Iulio
Caesar
.
So
it
hapned
to
Iulius
Caesar
,
Iulius
Caesar
.
who
as
he
was
going
to
the
Senat
,
receiued
a
memorial
,
wherein
the
conspiracy
against
him
was
discouered
,
and
being
willed
to
read
it
presently
,
for
that
it
imported
him
greatly
,
was
so
troubled
with
the
presse
and
importunity
of
suters
,
that
he
could
not
attend
vnto
it
,
and
so
was
killed
the
same
daye
in
the
Senat
house
.
Also
Archias
a
tirant
in
Thebes
being
inuited
to
a
supper
,
Idem
.
in
pelopida
.
Archias
a
tyrant
of
Thebes
.
where
his
death
was
conspired
,
receiued
a
letter
from
a
frend
of
his
conteining
an
aduice
of
the
conspiracy
,
and
being
desired
by
him
that
brought
it
,
to
read
it
out
of
hand
,
for
that
it
concerned
matters
of
greate
importance
,
he
answered
that
it
was
no
time
then
to
negociat
,
and
so
laying
it
a
side
,
Philip
.
Com
.
in
Lodouico
11.
c
.
83.
&
91.
Charles
duke
of
Burgundy
.
was
slaine
with
in
two
houres
after
.
In
like
manner
Charles
the
last
duke
of
Burgundy
,
who
as
I
haue
declared
before
,
was
killed
at
Nancy
by
the
treason
of
Campobachio
an
Italian
,
was
aduertised
and
forewarned
thereof
by
Lewis
the
11.
king
of
France
;
Neuerthelesse
perswading
him selfe
that
his
aduertisement
proceded
either
of
malice
to
Champobachio
or
of
a
desire
to
depriue
him
of
his
most
necessary
,
and
trusty
seruant
,
wold
not
beleeue
it
,
but
loued
him
the
better
for
it
;
besids
that
,
one
who
was
priuy
to
the
conspiracy
being
condemned
to
dye
for
an
other
matter
,
and
determining
to
reueale
it
to
the
duke
,
thereby
to
obtayne
his
pardon
,
made
sute
vnto
him
to
speake
with
him
,
promising
to
aduertise
him
of
some
things
which
it
imported
him
greately
to
know
;
but
the
duke
wold
not
be
intreated
so
much
as
to
heare
him
,
and
so
the
man
was
executed
,
and
the
duke
slaine
with
in
a
few
daies
after
.
39.
Now
then
I
wold
gladly
know
of
Macchiauel
,
and
his
followers
,
How
many
wayes
a
wicked
prince
is
endangered
.
what
security
they
can
promise
their
prince
in
extremity
of
wickednes
,
seeing
it
is
euident
by
the
reasons
and
examples
alledged
,
that
the
extreame
hatred
which
extreame
wickednes
draweth
vpon
them
,
doth
,
not
with
standing
al
their
power
and
policy
,
woorke
their
ouerthrow
by
so
many
meanes
,
as
I
haue
declared
,
to
wit
,
by
open
rebellions
,
or
the
general
insurrection
of
a
whole
people
,
by
the
enterprise
of
a
few
,
by
the
attempt
of
some
one
man
,
by
the
disloialty
,
and
trechery
of
fained
frends
,
fauorits
,
souldiars
,
and
gards
,
by
the
defection
of
subiects
in
fauor
of
some
enemy
forrain
or
domestical
,
by
the
neligence
of
officers
,
and
ministers
,
by
the
casualty
of
al
humane
affaires
,
and
designments
,
and
lastly
by
the
errours
wherto
al
humane
wit
and
policy
is
subiect
(
which
to
princes
that
are
generally
beloued
are
nothing
so
dangerous
)
by
al
which
meanes
,
the
strongest
,
mightiest
,
and
most
politik
tirants
haue
bene
ouerthrowne
at
one
time
or
other
,
40.
So
that
the
absurdity
of
Macchiauel
,
is
most
manifest
in
true
reason
of
state
,
Macchiauel
exposeth
his
prince
to
an
assured
danger
,
and
geueth
him
not
so
much
as
aprobable
remedy
.
Plutare
in
his
treatise
,
how
to
know
,
whether
a
man
haue
profited
in
vertu
.
The
surder
a
prince
proceedeth
in
macchiauels
policies
the
more
he
endangereth
him selfe
.
seeing
that
in
councelling
princes
to
wickednes
and
tiranny
,
vpon
confidence
of
humane
force
and
policy
,
he
exposeth
them
to
an
assured
danger
,
and
doth
not
geue
them
any
assured
or
probable
remedy
,
but
rather
heapeth
danger
vpon
danger
,
by
encrease
of
cruelty
and
of
al
tirrannical
impiety
;
In
so
much
that
it
may
be
said
to
Macchiauels
prince
,
as
Diogenes
said
to
a
disciple
of
his
,
whome
he
had
forbidden
the
tauerne
;
for
seeing
him
one
day
running
from
the
tauerne
dore
,
where
he
stoode
,
into
the
tauerne
to
hide
him selfe
from
him
,
he
cauled
vnto
him
saying
,
come
back
thou
foole
for
the
furder
thou
goest
forward
,
the
more
thou
art
in
the
tauerne
:
and
so
may
we
saye
to
Macchiauels
prince
,
that
the
furder
he
proceedeth
in
his
dangerous
course
of
wicked
policy
,
the
more
he
endangereth
him selfe
,
and
as
the
Poët
saith
.
Incidit
in
scillam
cupiens
vitare
charibdim
,
that
is
to
say
,
Seeking
to
auoide
scilla
he
fauleth
into
charribdis
,
or
as
our
English
prouerb
saith
,
he
leapeth
out
of
the
frying
pan
,
into
the
fire
.
41.
But
put
the
case
that
a
Macchiauillian
,
or
wicked
prince
could
by
Macchiauels
policies
assure
his
estate
from
al
forraine
and
domestical
danger
,
yet
he
should
infallibly
pay
such
a
greeuous
penalty
of
his
wickednes
euen
in
this
world
,
The
torment
of
conscience
which
tyrants
endure
.
that
he
should
reape
neither
pleasure
nor
proffit
thereby
;
For
such
excesse
of
impiety
(
as
Macchiauel
requireth
in
his
prince
)
is
euer
accompanied
not
only
with
hatred
of
men
,
and
infamy
,
but
also
with
greefe
and
anguish
of
mind
,
infinit
suspitions
,
and
feares
,
weary
dayes
,
restles
nights
,
dreadful
dreames
,
and
continual
torment
,
and
horrour
of
conscience
,
yea
and
many
tymes
with
distraction
madnes
,
and
despayre
,
as
I
haue
signifyed
in
the
16.
Chapter
where
I
haue
already
handled
this
point
,
●u
.
2.
3.
4.
5.
&
6.
and
therfore
wilbe
the
breefer
here
,
meaning
only
to
adde
some
2.
or
3.
examples
,
which
there
I
thought
good
to
omit
.
42.
The
elder
Denis
tirant
of
Sicily
though
he
raigned
38.
yeres
in
greate
welth
,
Cicero
Tuscul
.
quaest.
lib
.
5.
Denis
tirant
of
Sicily
.
and
magnificence
,
yet
liued
in
such
continual
feare
,
ielously
,
and
suspition
of
al
men
,
that
he
durst
neuer
trust
any
barber
to
dresse
him
,
but
taught
his
owne
daughters
to
shaue
whiles
they
were
very
young
,
and
when
they
came
to
be
of
any
yeres
,
he
wold
not
suffer
them
to
vse
the
rasor
,
but
made
them
burne
a
waie
the
hayres
of
his
beard
with
walnut-shels
,
made
red
hote
,
and
hauing
two
wiues
,
he
alwaise
caused
them
to
be
searched
,
before
he
wold
come
to
them
,
and
when
he
had
occasion
to
treat
any
thing
with
the
people
,
he
spoke
vnto
them
from
the
top
of
a
high
towre
;
And
how
miserable
also
his
whole
life
and
state
was
,
he
him selfe
declared
sufficiently
,
when
Damocles
one
of
his
flatterers
admiring
his
greate
welth
,
dominion
,
magnifycence
,
and
maiestie
said
that
he
thought
no
man
liuing
more
happy
then
he
.
Wherupon
Denis
asked
him
whether
he
wold
try
how
happy
he
was
,
&
take
a
tast
of
his
felicity
;
Idem
.
Ibidem
.
&
when
Damocles
was
content
there
with
,
he
caused
him
to
be
sett
vpon
a
sumptuous
bed
(
as
the
vse
was
then
)
richly
couered
,
and
cubbards
of
plate
to
be
furnished
with
siluer
and
golden
vessel
,
tables
replenished
with
al
kind
of
delicat
meates
,
and
most
beautiful
boyes
attending
thereon
;
besids
that
,
there
was
no
want
of
precious
oyntments
,
and
sweete
perfumes
,
excellent
musick
,
How
Denys
represented
to
Damocles
the
miserable
state
of
a
tyrant
.
and
whatsoeuer
els
might
delite
the
sences
,
in
so
much
that
Damocles
thought
him selfe
to
be
a
happy
man
.
But
at
length
,
casting
vp
his
eyes
,
he
was
aware
of
a
bright
,
and
sharpe
sword
hanging
ouer
his
head
by
a
hayre
,
with
the
point
dounward
(
for
so
had
Denis
ordayned
)
which
when
he
saw
,
he
had
no
more
pleasure
in
beholding
his
fayre
boyes
,
or
his
rich
furniture
,
or
to
eate
of
his
dainties
,
or
to
heare
his
musick
,
but
desired
the
tirant
to
geue
him
leaue
to
be
gonne
,
for
that
he
wold
be
no
longer
happy
;
Thus
did
Denis
wel
expresse
the
infelicity
and
misery
of
wicked
tirants
,
how
pompious
,
potent
,
or
magnificent
soeuer
they
may
seeme
to
be
.
43.
I
omit
to
speake
of
the
Emperours
Nero
,
Chap.
16.
nu
.
5.
Claudius
and
Domitian
,
and
of
King
Alfonsus
of
Naples
,
of
whome
I
haue
spoken
before
,
Sir
Tho
.
More
in
the
story
of
k
.
Richard
the
3.
The
tormented
conscience
of
k
.
Richard
the
3.
after
he
had
killed
his
neuews
.
&
I
wil
only
touch
the
wretched
state
of
K.
Richard
the
third
,
after
he
had
murdr●d
his
neuewes
,
as
sir
Thomas
Moore
describeth
it
in
the
story
of
his
life
in
these
woords
.
I
haue
heard
(
saith
he
)
by
credible
report
of
such
as
were
secret
with
his
chamberers
,
that
after
this
abhominable
deede
donne
,
he
neuer
had
quiet
in
his
mind
,
he
neuer
thought
him selfe
sure
;
when
he
went
a
broad
,
his
eyen
whirled
about
,
his
body
was
priuily
fenced
,
his
hand
euer
on
his
dagger
,
his
countenance
and
manner
,
like
one
alway
reddy
to
strik
;
he
took
no
rest
a
nights
,
lay
long
waking
,
and
musing
,
sore
weried
with
care
,
and
watch
,
rather
slumbred
then
slept
,
troobled
with
feareful
dreames
,
suddainly
sometymes
started
vp
,
leapt
out
of
his
bed
,
and
ranne
about
the
chamber
;
so
was
his
restles
hart
tossed
,
and
tumbled
with
the
tedious
impression
,
and
stormy
remembrance
of
his
abominable
deede
.
Thus
saith
Sir
Thomas
Moore
.
Plutark
that
wickednes
suffiseth
to
make
a
man
miserable
.
Ibidem
.
44.
Whereby
we
may
see
that
Plutark
had
greate
reason
to
say
,
that
wickednes
is
of
it selfe
sufficient
to
make
a
man
miserable
,
&
that
wicked
men
the
longer
they
liue
the
more
miserable
they
are
,
and
that
the
doleful
&
tragical
ends
which
most
tirants
haue
,
can
not
be
so
properly
counted
the
temporal
punishment
due
to
their
wickednes
in
this
life
,
as
the
consummation
and
end
thereof
.
Therefore
I
conclude
,
that
though
there
were
no
other
punishment
diuine
,
nor
humane
to
be
feared
for
wickednes
,
nor
any
danger
to
follow
thereof
to
a
princes
state
,
neither
any
hel
or
heauen
after
this
life
,
yet
this
continual
torment
and
anguish
of
mind
,
this
hel
and
horrour
of
conscience
,
might
suffise
to
make
al
princes
detest
&
abhorre
the
abominable
precepts
of
Macchiauel
,
who
wold
perswade
princes
to
conserue
their
states
by
wickednes
.
45.
But
perhaps
the
Macchiauillians
wil
say
here
in
defence
of
their
maisters
doctrin
,
An
obiection
in
fauour
of
macchiauillians
.
that
although
it
should
not
be
amisse
for
those
who
come
iustly
,
and
lawfully
to
souuerainty
(
as
by
succession
,
or
election
)
to
procure
the
loue
and
good
wil
of
al
men
by
their
vertuous
,
and
iust
gouuernment
,
yet
a
prince
who
commeth
to
his
state
by
intrusion
and
iniustice
,
as
by
murders
and
mischeefes
to
the
preiudice
of
the
right
heires
,
or
owners
thereof
,
can
not
hope
to
conserue
and
maintaine
him selfe
therein
by
vertue
and
iustice
,
or
by
the
loue
of
the
people
(
whose
hatred
he
hath
alreddy
incurred
)
but
by
force
and
feare
,
and
by
continuance
of
wickednes
&
tiranny
,
which
Cicero
may
seeme
to
haue
insinuated
in
Denis
the
tirant
of
Sicily
,
Cicero
Tuscul
.
quest
.
lib
.
5.
of
whome
he
saith
that
.
Saluus
esse
non
posset
,
si
sanus
esse
caepisset
.
He
could
not
haue
bene
saufe
,
if
he
had
begunne
to
be
sound
,
that
is
to
say
,
he
could
not
haue
ben
secure
,
if
he
had
become
iust
and
vertuous
.
The
which
also
Solon
the
wise
Athenian
may
seeme
to
haue
signifyed
of
al
tirants
,
Plutar
.
in
Solon
.
for
when
he
was
m●ued
by
his
frends
to
make
him selfe
tirant
of
Athens
,
with
intention
to
gouern
wel
and
iustly
afterwards
,
he
refused
it
saying
,
that
Tiranny
is
like
to
a
laborinth
which
hath
no
issue
.
Meaning
as
it
may
seeme
,
Tiranny
like
a
laborinth
which
hath
no
issue
.
that
a
tirant
can
not
with
his
security
returne
from
wickednes
to
vertue
,
but
that
he
must
proceede
,
and
goe
on
in
impiety
,
and
tiranny
,
hauing
,
as
it
were
,
a
woolfe
by
the
eares
,
whome
if
he
lett
goe
,
he
setts
vpon
him selfe
.
Thus
say
the
Macchiauillians
,
or
at
least
may
say
,
for
I
am
content
to
plead
their
cause
for
them
.
46.
For
the
satisfaction
hereof
,
it
is
to
be
considered
,
The
maligne
nature
,
and
miserable
estate
of
tyrants
signified
by
Cicero
and
Solon
.
that
Cicero
&
Solon
said
this
aboue
mencioned
,
not
because
they
thought
that
the
way
and
passage
from
vice
to
vertue
is
not
open
as
wel
for
tyrants
,
as
for
other
men
,
but
to
signify
the
malignity
of
their
natures
,
and
their
miserable
state
,
for
that
tyrants
are
commonly
of
so
vile
,
maligne
,
and
beastly
natures
,
that
it
is
seeldome
seene
that
any
of
theim
come
to
embrace
vertue
,
in
which
respect
Cicero
thought
tyrants
to
be
most
miserable
;
besids
that
Solon
being
most
wise
,
Honour
changeth
manners
.
and
prudent
was
not
ignorant
that
honours
as
the
prouerb
saith
changeth
manners
,
and
therefore
he
greately
feared
that
if
he
should
once
geue
way
to
ambition
,
&
violate
Iustice
by
the
opression
of
the
common
welth
,
he
should
hardly
repayre
the
wrack
of
his
owne
conscience
euer
after
.
For
who
soeuer
shal
loose
,
as
I
may
terme
it
,
the
ancor
of
integrity
,
and
suffer
him selfe
to
be
so
farre
caried
away
with
the
wind
of
ambition
,
that
he
runne
the
ship
of
conscience
,
against
the
rocks
of
tiranny
,
let
him
not
maruel
if
he
make
an
irreparable
shipwrack
,
A
tyrant
conuerting
his
tyranny
to
a
royal
and
iust
gouerment
,
shal
be
much
more
secure
then
by
continuance
of
tyranny
.
of
al
Iustice
,
and
vertue
.
Neuerthelesse
if
a
prince
that
hath
gotte
a
croune
or
state
vniustly
,
do
hold
such
a
vertuous
course
,
that
he
conuert
his
tiranny
into
a
regal
and
iust
gouernment
,
it
is
euident
,
both
by
reason
and
experience
,
that
though
he
hold
not
his
il
gotten
state
lawfully
,
yet
he
shal
possesse
it
with
farre
lesse
danger
,
and
much
more
security
.
47.
And
this
is
conforme
not
only
to
the
opinion
,
and
doctrin
of
Aristotle
,
as
I
haue
declared
before
in
this
chapter
,
num
.
8.
&
9.
Plutar
.
in
Dio●
.
but
also
of
Plato
,
who
councelled
the
two
tirants
of
Sicily
called
Denis
(
the
father
and
the
sonne
)
to
chaunge
their
tirrannical
course
into
a
iust
manner
of
gouernment
,
assuring
them
that
they
could
not
otherwaise
long
conserue
and
assure
their
estates
:
the
truth
whereof
appeared
sufficiently
,
as
wel
by
the
miserable
life
of
the
father
(
of
whome
I
haue
spoken
lately
before
)
as
also
by
the
ignominious
banishment
and
vnfortunat
end
of
the
sonne
,
num
.
4.2
.
whome
Dion
with
very
smale
forces
cast
out
of
his
kingdome
,
Plutar
.
in
Dio●
.
by
reason
that
he
was
hated
&
forsaken
of
al
his
subiects
,
wheras
diuers
other
tirants
,
as
wel
of
Sicily
as
of
other
cuntryes
,
changing
their
course
of
tyranny
,
to
a
iust
and
vertuous
gouernment
,
liued
and
raigned
no
lesse
gloriously
then
securely
.
Anaxilaus
.
Iustin
.
lib
.
4.
Examples
of
tyrants
which
assured
their
estate
,
by
iustice
and
vertu
.
48.
Such
a
one
was
Anaxilaus
tirant
of
Sicily
of
whome
Iustin
writeth
thus
.
Ex
tyrannorum
numero
Anaxilaus
&c.
Anaxilaus
who
was
one
of
the
tyrants
,
did
striue
to
surpasse
the
cruelty
,
and
impiety
of
others
,
with
his
iustice
and
vertue
,
which
wrought
a
wonderful
effect
,
for
when
he
died
,
and
left
his
children
very
young
in
the
tuition
of
Nicithus
a
slaue
of
his
,
whome
loued
dearely
for
his
fidelity
,
such
was
the
loue
that
al
his
subiects
boare
vnto
the
memory
of
him
,
that
they
chose
rather
to
obaye
his
slaue
,
then
to
forsake
his
children
,
and
al
his
nobility
forgetting
their
dignity
and
the
maiestie
of
their
kingdome
,
did
offer
themselues
to
be
gouerned
by
a
slaue
.
Thus
saith
Iustin
.
Plutark
also
testifyeth
that
Hieron
and
Gelon
tirants
of
Sicily
,
Plutat
.
de
sera
.
num
.
vindict
.
Hieron
.
Gelon
.
Pisistratus
.
and
Pisistratus
the
sonne
of
Hippocrates
hauing
most
wickdly
possest
them selues
of
their
states
,
did
neuerthelesse
gouerne
afterwards
with
such
moderation
,
Iustice
,
and
equity
,
that
they
became
very
popular
princes
;
As
also
that
Lidiades
Lidiades
.
the
tirant
restored
vnto
his
subiects
,
their
old
lawes
,
and
priuiledges
,
and
afterwards
died
gloriously
in
the
field
in
defence
of
his
cuntry
.
Dion
in
Augusto
.
Augustus
Caesar
.
49.
In
like
manner
Augustus
Caesar
after
he
had
opprest
his
commonwelth
by
force
of
armes
,
and
vsed
such
cruelty
for
many
yeres
togeather
,
that
he
was
hated
of
al
men
(
in
so
much
that
he
could
neither
eate
,
drink
,
nor
sleepe
in
queit
for
feare
of
conspyracies
)
changed
his
course
by
the
councel
of
his
frends
,
and
gaue
him selfe
wholy
to
the
exercise
of
vertue
,
piety
,
and
iustice
,
whereby
he
was
at
length
exceedingly
beloued
of
al
his
subiects
,
and
esteemed
to
be
Pater
Patriae
,
the
father
of
his
cuntry
.
And
passed
the
rest
of
his
life
in
no
lesse
security
,
then
honour
and
felicity
.
Whereas
very
many
of
his
successors
,
trusting
partly
to
the
strength
of
their
gards
,
garrisons
,
and
armies
,
and
partly
to
their
policies
lost
their
honour
,
empire
,
&
liues
by
the
continuance
of
cruelty
,
and
wickednes
;
whereby
it
appeareth
that
it
is
better
according
to
the
Latin
prouerb
.
To
be
late
wise
,
then
neuer
,
and
that
it
is
not
only
easy
,
Better
late
wyse
then
neuer
.
but
also
most
secure
for
a
tyrannical
prince
to
passe
from
cruelty
to
clemency
,
from
vice
to
vertue
,
and
from
tyranny
to
iustice
and
piety
.
Another
obiection
of
Macchiauillians
.
50.
But
do
you
(
saith
the
Macchiauellian
)
count
it
wisdome
for
a
prince
,
so
to
confyde
in
iustice
,
and
vertue
,
that
he
trust
those
whom
he
hath
once
iniured
,
or
that
hee
think
him selfe
sure
from
them
so
long
as
they
liue
,
seeing
that
as
the
Italian
prouerb
saith
.
Chi
offend
non
perdona
mai
,
He
which
offendeth
,
that
is
to
say
,
he
which
doth
thee
iniury
,
neuer
pardoneth
,
and
much
lesse
he
which
receiueth
it
?
51.
Hereto
I
answere
,
that
I
grant
to
the
Macchiauillian
,
The
answer
to
the
obiection
.
that
his
tirant
shal
neuer
repose
so
greate
confidence
in
any
reconciled
enemy
,
Chap.
3.
nu
.
10.
that
he
shal
put
his
life
or
state
into
his
hands
(
to
which
purpose
I
haue
shewed
in
the
begining
of
this
treatise
how
the
Wisdome
of
the
serpent
,
Matth
.
10.
is
to
be
conioined
with
the
simplicity
of
the
doue
,
in
pardoning
yea
,
and
louing
our
enemies
,
and
yet
in
being
wary
and
circumspect
how
we
trust
them
)
but
that
which
I
require
of
a
tirant
for
his
security
is
,
that
●e
ceasse
to
heape
coales
vpon
his
owne
head
,
by
continuance
&
encrease
of
iniustice
,
How
a
tyrant
may
make
him self
generally
beloued
.
cruelty
,
and
tiranny
,
and
that
he
labour
by
al
conuenient
meanes
to
pacifye
the
exasperated
minds
of
those
whome
he
hath
offended
,
not
only
with
woords
,
but
also
with
deeds
,
recompensing
iniuries
with
benefits
,
and
disgraces
with
fauours
,
cruelty
,
and
seuerity
with
clemency
,
benignity
and
affability
,
doing
iustice
to
al
men
,
and
shewing
him selfe
to
haue
a
particuler
care
of
the
commonwelth
,
to
preferre
the
publik
good
before
his
owne
priuat
pleasure
,
or
commodity
,
to
be
the
patrone
,
and
protector
of
vertue
,
the
punisher
of
vice
,
a
refuge
to
the
poore
and
afflicted
,
and
finally
a
common
father
to
al
,
whereby
he
shal
purchase
to
him selfe
the
general
and
vniuersal
loue
of
al
,
and
either
extinguish
he
hatred
of
those
whome
he
had
wronged
,
and
offended
,
or
at
least
so
temper
and
mittigat
the
same
,
that
it
shal
be
much
lesse
dangerous
vnto
him
,
when
al
men
generally
honour
and
loue
him
;
52.
Moreouer
I
allow
not
only
to
a
reformed
tirant
,
Wherein
the
greatest
security
wich
can
be
had
by
humane
meanes
consisteth
.
but
also
to
the
most
lawful
and
best
prince
liuing
;
al
lawful
meanes
of
defence
,
as
strong
gards
,
garrisons
,
armies
,
fortresses
,
the
vigillance
of
councellers
and
magistrats
,
the
dilligence
of
spies
and
al
other
lawful
policies
;
al
which
concuring
with
the
vertuous
,
and
iust
gouernment
of
a
prince
,
and
being
fortified
with
the
general
loue
of
his
geople
(
which
vertue
and
iustice
engendreth
)
shal
yeeld
him
the
greatest
assurance
,
&
security
that
can
be
had
by
any
humane
meanes
.
A
Reply
of
the
macchiauillians
,
inferring
the
necessity
of
murders
sometymes
for
a
princes
security
.
53.
But
perhaps
the
Macchiauillians
wil
yet
reply
,
and
say
,
that
for
al
this
I
make
not
the
reformed
tirant
,
no
nor
any
other
lawful
prince
secure
;
For
although
he
shal
be
neuer
so
wel
beloued
generally
,
yet
,
as
I
haue
already
proued
some
one
man
offended
,
may
not
with
standing
al
his
force
and
lawful
policies
,
be
reuenged
of
his
person
,
and
therfore
the
only
remedy
for
the
prince
(
say
they
)
in
that
case
,
should
be
to
cut
off
by
some
meanes
or
other
,
al
such
as
he
may
think
likely
to
seeke
reuenge
,
or
to
be
any
way
dangerous
to
his
estate
;
For
as
Theodosius
said
to
Ptolomeus
King
of
Egipt
(
when
he
councelled
him
to
kil
Pompey
)
Mortui
non
mordent
;
Plutar
.
in
Pompeio
.
A
macchiauillian
prouerb
&
principle
confuted
.
num
.
41.42.43
.
&
44.
Dead
men
byte
not
.
Thus
say
they
.
54.
But
what
neede
the
dead
to
byte
him
,
when
not
only
his
owne
conscience
shal
byte
and
sting
him
(
as
I
haue
signified
a
little
before
)
but
also
there
shal
be
men
enow
left
aliue
to
seeke
the
reuenge
,
as
their
children
(
if
they
haue
any
)
or
their
kinsfolkes
,
seruants
or
frends
;
as
for
example
.
Frotho
king
of
Denmark
the
5.
of
that
name
,
caused
his
owne
brother
to
be
murdred
and
after
killed
the
murderer
,
lest
he
might
reueale
it
,
for
the
which
he
was
smothred
with
smoke
by
his
brothers
children
.
Olaus
mag.
li
.
8.
ca.
36.
Saxo
gram
.
li
.
7.
Paul
Diacon
.
lib
.
15.
Cassiodor
.
Chron
.
an
.
454.
c
.
&
455.
Euagri
.
li
.
2.
7.
Paul
.
Iouius
in
Amutate
.
Valentinian
the
third
emperour
of
that
name
,
hauing
vngratfully
killed
the
famous
captaine
Aetius
with
his
owne
hand
,
was
killed
by
two
souldiars
of
Aetius
in
reuenge
thereof
.
Also
Amurates
Emperour
of
the
Turkes
,
the
first
of
that
name
,
was
slaine
with
a
dagger
by
a
seruant
of
Lascarus
,
the
Despota
,
or
Lord
of
Seruia
for
reuenge
of
his
Lord
and
maisters
death
,
not
with
standing
that
Amurates
was
one
of
the
most
crafty
and
vigillant
princes
that
the
Turkes
euer
had
,
as
Paulus
Iouius
reporteth
.
Idem
.
Ibidem
.
55.
But
amongst
al
those
who
haue
sought
to
assure
their
estate
by
murders
,
none
euer
exceeded
Andronicus
Comnenus
Emperour
of
Constantinople
,
who
,
as
I
haue
declared
before
,
vsed
to
condemne
and
extirpat
whole
families
for
the
suspition
which
he
had
sometimes
of
some
one
man
,
Nicetas
Choniat
.
in
Andronico
Comneno
.
lib
.
2.
thereby
to
free
him selfe
from
al
feare
of
reuenge
;
which
neuerthelesse
was
reuenged
in
him
most
notoriously
,
not
only
by
the
frends
and
wel-willers
of
the
dead
,
but
also
by
al
the
people
;
such
being
the
horrour
of
iniustice
,
and
cruelty
,
that
it
doth
not
only
offend
those
which
are
iniured
,
but
also
al
other
men
,
and
therefore
it
hath
bene
often
seene
,
that
subiects
haue
,
attempted
against
the
state
or
person
of
a
prince
,
for
the
hatred
of
some
murder
,
Iustin
li.
37.
Seleucus
king
of
Siria
forsaken
of
his
subiects
for
a
murder
.
or
some
one
cruel
act
.
Iustin
writeth
,
that
when
Seleucus
king
of
Siria
began
his
gouerment
with
the
murder
of
Berenice
his
stepmother
,
and
of
her
sonne
his
owne
brother
,
al
the
citties
which
were
subiect
to
him
in
Asia
,
Exemplo
crudelitatis
territae
,
Being
frighted
with
this
example
of
cruelty
,
suddenly
reuolted
from
him
,
and
yelded
them selues
to
the
obedience
of
Ptolomaeus
king
of
Aegipt
;
Tantum
illi
odium
,
saith
Iustin
,
paricidiale
scelus
attulerat
,
so
great
was
the
hatred
,
which
his
wicked
and
parricidial
act
,
caused
in
his
subiects
towards
him
.
But
what
neede
I
alledge
old
examples
for
this
matter
,
seeing
we
haue
one
yet
fresh
in
memory
,
whereof
I
haue
had
occasion
to
speake
diuers
times
,
to
wit
the
lamentable
ruine
of
Henry
the
3.
last
King
of
France
,
who
perswading
him selfe
,
Henry
the
3.
k
.
of
france
.
that
dead
men
byte
not
,
thought
it
most
secure
for
him
to
kil
the
Cardinal
,
and
Duke
of
Guyse
,
which
was
reuenged
(
as
I
haue
signified
before
)
not
only
in
his
state
,
by
the
greatest
part
of
his
subiects
(
who
presently
vpon
the
newes
thereof
tooke
armes
against
him
)
but
also
in
his
person
,
by
one
,
who
was
not
any
way
dependant
of
the
Guyses
,
Dangers
not
remedyed
but
increased
by
cruelty
.
nor
euer
had
receiued
any
iniury
of
him
in
his
life
;
So
vnsure
and
dangerous
is
the
remedy
of
dangers
by
murder
and
cruelty
,
that
the
danger
is
many
times
encreased
and
redoobled
thereby
.
56.
But
now
,
the
politike
may
aske
me
here
,
Whether
any
princes
state
can
be
assured
by
iustice
and
moral
vertu
.
whether
I
(
who
inculcat
so
oft
the
danger
of
wicked
policye
)
can
assure
a
princes
state
by
vertue
and
iustice
,
in
such
sort
that
the
same
shal
not
be
subiect
to
any
danger
or
inconuenience
.
Whereto
I
answere
,
that
although
such
is
the
natural
infirmity
of
mans
state
,
and
condicion
,
and
so
infinit
the
hazards
and
inconueniences
wherto
he
is
subiect
,
and
such
also
the
malice
of
euil
men
,
that
no
humane
force
or
policy
can
warrant
the
best
prince
liuing
from
al
perils
incident
to
his
person
or
state
;
Al
the
security
which
a
prince
can
haue
by
humane
meanes
is
to
be
atteyned
principaly
by
vertu
.
yet
the
assurance
and
security
which
any
prince
may
possibly
haue
of
the
one
or
the
other
,
by
humane
meanes
,
is
to
be
attained
principally
by
vertue
,
Iustice
,
and
such
policies
as
are
grounded
there
on
,
&
not
by
iniustice
impiety
&
wicked
policy
;
for
whereas
the
iustest
prince
may
haue
some
one
,
or
a
few
enemies
,
who
may
endanger
him
,
the
wicked
must
needs
haue
many
,
and
the
more
wicked
and
cruel
he
is
,
the
more
enemies
he
shal
haue
,
and
consequently
the
greater
shal
be
his
danger
;
for
if
a
prince
can
not
be
secure
from
one
enemy
or
a
few
,
he
shal
be
much
lesse
secure
from
many
,
and
least
of
al
from
the
general
hatred
of
al
men
,
which
infallibly
groweth
of
such
excessiue
cruelty
and
wickednes
as
Macchiauel
requireth
in
his
prince
.
57.
Therefore
,
for
as
much
as
it
is
the
part
of
al
wise
men
,
especially
in
matters
of
state
,
to
choose
the
least
of
al
dangers
or
inconueniences
,
which
can
not
be
remedied
,
and
to
seeke
to
preuent
and
auoide
the
woorst
(
as
I
haue
sufficiently
declared
in
my
rules
for
yong
Statists
)
Chap.
32.
num
.
10.11.12
.
it
is
euident
that
as
nothing
is
more
dangerous
to
princes
and
their
states
then
iniustice
and
wickednes
(
which
maketh
them
odious
to
al
men
)
so
nothing
is
more
to
be
eschued
,
and
auoided
of
them
,
then
the
same
;
and
that
the
contrary
meanes
of
iustice
and
vertue
is
to
be
embraced
and
practised
,
The
greatest
security
of
princes
consisteth
in
the
loue
of
their
subiects
,
which
vertue
procureth
.
whereby
they
may
purchase
the
general
loue
of
their
subiects
,
in
the
which
consisteth
the
greatest
security
of
princes
,
such
being
the
force
and
effect
of
loue
,
that
it
causeth
in
the
louers
as
greate
a
care
of
the
beloued
,
as
of
them selues
,
in
which
respect
Seneca
saith
.
Vnum
est
inexpugnabile
munimentum
amor
ciuium
.
The
only
inexpugnable
fortresse
of
princes
is
the
loue
of
their
people
.
58.
And
this
is
so
manifest
that
Macchiauel
him selfe
acknowledgeth
it
sufficiently
,
teaching
that
excellent
vertue
may
conserue
a
princes
state
,
though
he
absurdly
attribut
the
like
force
and
effect
to
wickednes
,
which
truly
may
be
wondred
at
,
if
we
consider
that
he
being
wel
read
in
histories
(
as
it
may
seeme
)
could
not
but
see
,
Macchiauel
might
haue
noted
the
miserable
end
of
tyrants
,
in
al
historyes
if
he
were
not
wilfully
blind
,
that
al
such
tirants
as
haue
bene
noted
to
be
excessiue
in
cruelty
and
wickednes
,
haue
perished
miserably
one
way
or
other
,
which
hath
bene
obserued
in
al
ages
,
and
therfore
Cicero
speaking
of
the
violent
death
of
a
Tirant
saith
.
Haud
fere
quisquam
eorum
similem
interitum
effugit
.
There
is
skantly
any
one
tirant
to
be
found
,
that
escapeth
the
like
destruction
,
and
thereupon
also
the
tragical
Poët
saith
.
Seneca
.
—
Quota
pars
moritur
tempore
fati
?
Quos
felices
cinthia
vidit
?
Vidit
miseros
abitura
dies
,
Rarum
est
felix
idemque
senex
.
The
sense
is
,
that
few
of
them
liue
out
the
course
of
nature
,
and
that
it
is
a
rare
thing
to
see
any
of
them
old
and
happy
,
whereof
also
an
other
Poët
saith
thus
.
Ad
generum
cereris
,
sinecade
&
sanguine
,
pauci
Descendunt
reges
,
&
sicca
morte
tiranni
.
That
is
to
saye
,
few
tirants
dye
their
natural
death
,
or
without
blood
;
Which
Macchiauel
might
haue
noted
,
if
not
in
other
histories
,
yet
at
least
in
Titus
Liuius
,
vpon
the
which
he
made
certaine
discourses
,
for
of
7.
kings
of
Rome
from
Romulus
to
Tarquinius
Superbus
,
Tit
.
Liuius
.
Dec.
1.
li.
1.
4.
who
got
their
estates
,
or
at
least
gouerned
them
tirrannically
,
were
3.
of
thē
killed
,
&
the
fourth
banished
,
as
I
haue
obserued
before
in
Romulus
,
Lucius
Tarquinius
,
Seruius
Tullius
,
Supra
.
nu
.
26.
and
Tarquinius
superbus
,
whereas
the
other
3.
to
wit
Numa
Pompilius
,
Tullius
Hostilius
,
and
Ancus
Martius
who
were
lawfully
elected
by
the
Senat
and
gouerned
iustly
,
and
vertuously
,
liued
in
security
,
and
died
beloued
,
and
lamented
of
the
people
.
And
the
like
might
be
obserued
in
the
Romā
Emperours
after
Iulius
Caesar
,
if
it
were
needfull
.
59.
Macchiauel
might
haue
noted
the
miserable
end
of
tyrants
in
Caesar
Borgia
.
But
that
which
seemeth
to
me
most
strange
in
Macchiauel
is
,
that
he
could
not
see
the
experience
thereof
,
at
least
in
Caesar
Borgia
,
whome
as
I
haue
often
signified
before
,
he
proposeth
to
his
prince
for
a
mirrour
of
tirannical
policy
,
not
with
standinge
that
the
successe
thereof
,
was
such
in
him
,
that
all
princes
may
learne
thereby
to
detest
it
,
Guicciard
.
li
.
6.
seeing
hee
who
in
Macchiauels
opinion
was
most
exact
in
the
speculation
and
practise
thereof
,
was
vtterly
ouerthowne
therby
,
The
miserable
end
of
tirants
can
not
be
attributed
to
chance
and
why
.
as
wel
as
al
other
tirants
of
former
times
;
which
can
not
be
attributed
to
chance
,
as
the
politikes
wold
haue
it
,
but
either
to
the
iust
iudgement
of
God
vpon
wicked
men
(
which
is
in
deede
the
principal
cause
therof
,
as
I
wil
declare
in
the
next
chapter
)
or
at
least
to
the
next
and
immediat
cause
which
for
the
most
part
is
the
hatred
of
men
.
The
miserable
end
of
yr●●ts
is
very
frequent
&
hath
a
knowe●
caus●
,
and
therefore
is
not
casu●l
.
And
therfore
seeing
the
miserable
end
of
wicked
tirants
,
not
onely
hath
notorious
and
knowne
causes
,
but
also
is
so
frequent
,
and
common
,
that
it
hath
bene
alwaise
held
for
a
matter
of
common
experience
,
it
can
not
be
referred
to
chance
or
fortune
,
which
are
vnderstood
to
be
in
such
things
only
,
as
are
rare
,
num
.
6.
&
7.
It
may
be
ref●rred
to
chan●e
,
if
any
notab
e
tirat
come
to
a
good
end
.
and
haue
no
knowne
,
and
ordinary
cause
(
as
I
haue
declared
in
the
11.
chapter
)
So
that
it
may
rather
be
counted
casual
,
or
a
matter
of
chance
,
if
any
notable
tirant
doe
come
to
a
good
end
,
for
that
the
same
hath
bene
seeldome
seene
,
and
the
cause
therof
secret
,
or
at
least
vncertaine
.
Macchiauel
eith●r
grosly
ignorant
,
or
extremly
malicious
.
60.
Therefore
I
conclude
that
Macchiauel
cannot
be
excused
eyther
of
grosse
ignorance
,
if
he
knew
not
that
which
common
experience
teacheth
(
to
wit
that
wicked
tirants
doe
commonly
perish
miserably
,
)
or
of
extreme
malice
if
he
knew
it
,
and
yet
laboured
to
induce
princes
to
wickednes
,
and
tyranny
.
The
later
wherof
is
now
sufficiently
acknowledged
by
some
Florentines
of
no
meane
iudgement
his
owne
cuntrymen
,
How
Macchiauels
frends
excuse
him
at
this
day
.
and
frends
,
who
in
their
ordinary
discourses
concerning
his
pollicies
,
doe
not
stick
to
confesse
that
he
him selfe
knew
theym
to
be
contrary
to
true
reason
of
state
,
Macchiauels
doctrin
acknowledged
by
his
frends
to
be
pernicious
to
princes
.
and
pernicious
to
princes
,
&
that
neuerthelesse
desiring
to
ouerthrow
those
of
the
house
of
the
Medices
which
opprest
the
commonwelth
of
Florence
in
his
tyme
,
he
published
his
pestilent
doctrin
,
hoping
that
they
wold
embrace
it
&
ruine
theymselues
by
the
practise
therof
,
wherby
the
state
of
Florence
might
returne
to
the
ould
Democracy
or
popular
gouerment
wherin
it
had
continued
many
yeres
before
.
Macchiauels
malicious
impiety
.
Thus
say
his
frends
;
but
how
they
befrend
him
therin
excusing
him
of
folly
,
&
excusing
him
of
mallicious
impietye
,
I
leaue
it
to
the
iudgement
of
the
discret
reader
.
And
this
shall
suffise
for
the
examination
of
Macchiauillian
pollicyes
by
only
reason
of
state
,
wherto
I
will
now
ad
the
consideration
of
gods
prouidence
and
iustice
,
and
shew
therby
that
not
only
such
extremity
of
wickednes
as
Macchiauel
admitteth
in
his
prince
,
but
also
all
sinfull
pollicy
whatsoeuer
,
is
against
reason
of
state
;
and
further
that
all
Macchiauillian
wisdome
is
mere
folly
,
wherwith
I
wil
conclude
this
first
part
of
my
treatise
,
reseruing
the
more
ample
confutation
of
Macchiauels
doctrin
to
the
second
part
,
where
I
shall
also
haue
occasion
to
lay
downe
many
political
precepts
for
the
further
instruction
of
yong
statists
,
and
the
better
accomplishment
of
my
promise
in
that
behalf
.
THE
ARGVMENT
OF
THE
LAST
CHAPTER
IS
prosecuted
,
with
the
consideration
of
Gods
iustice
in
punishing
wicked
princes
,
by
the
ministery
of
al
his
creatures
.
Also
somewhat
is
said
of
the
enormity
of
murders
,
and
of
Gods
seuere
punishment
therof
.
CHAP
35.
IN
the
last
chapter
I
haue
shewed
the
absurdity
of
Macchiauillian
policies
,
What
the
authors
intention
is
in
this
chapter
.
by
onely
reason
of
state
,
&
now
for
the
furder
manifestation
therof
,
I
wil
adde
in
this
,
the
consideration
of
Gods
prouidence
in
the
disposition
of
kingdomes
,
and
of
his
iustice
in
punishing
wickednes
in
al
men
,
Chap.
17.
per
totum
.
and
particulerly
in
princes
,
wherof
I
haue
laied
the
foundation
befor
,
hauing
clearely
proued
that
al
states
,
and
kingdomes
,
are
very
particulerly
directed
,
gouerned
,
and
disposed
by
the
prouidence
of
God
,
which
I
haue
made
manifest
,
not
only
by
the
accomplisment
of
Daniels
prophesies
,
Ibid
.
num
.
4.5.6
.
&
7.
Dan
.
2.
concerning
the
translation
of
the
empire
of
the
world
,
from
one
nation
to
an
other
,
but
also
by
notorious
examples
of
Gods
Iustice
in
punishing
whole
common
welths
,
kingdomes
,
and
states
,
for
the
sinnes
,
Chap.
18.
19.
20.
21.
&
22.
sometimes
of
the
people
,
some
times
of
the
princes
,
and
sometimes
of
both
;
Chap.
28.
And
finally
I
haue
declared
,
as
wel
by
reason
,
and
by
the
authority
of
the
best
learned
,
and
most
famous
Philosophers
,
as
also
by
Ibid
.
num
.
19
20.21
.
&c.
&
num
.
35.
&
36.
Ibid
.
num
.
17.
examples
,
that
al
true
wisdome
and
policy
is
of
God
,
and
that
the
wisest
worldlings
,
and
most
politike
gouernours
,
doe
without
the
same
commit
infinit
errours
,
&
goe
,
as
it
were
groping
in
the
dark
,
in
matters
concerninge
as
wel
their
priuat
,
as
publike
affaires
.
2.
Al
this
,
I
say
,
I
haue
shewed
at
large
,
Ibidem
.
Why
Macchiauillian
policyes
.
and
therfore
shall
not
neede
to
repeat
it
here
,
but
doe
draw
there
vpon
this
infallible
conclusion
,
mencioned
also
sometymes
heretofore
,
that
al
Macchiauillian
or
wicked
policies
,
are
againste
true
reason
of
state
,
ar
against
true
reason
of
state
.
and
most
pernicious
to
princes
,
and
their
states
;
For
if
all
states
depend
vpon
the
prouidence
of
God
,
and
are
at
his
disposition
,
if
they
be
geuen
,
conserued
,
encreased
,
punished
,
translated
or
destroied
,
by
his
ordinance
(
as
I
haue
clearely
proued
they
are
)
and
lastly
if
al
true
wisdome
,
and
policy
be
of
God
,
it
must
needs
follow
,
that
no
act
can
be
truly
wise
and
politicall
which
is
offensiue
to
God
,
neither
yet
any
thing
good
for
state
,
or
conforme
to
true
reason
of
state
,
which
may
prouoke
the
wrath
and
punishment
of
God
,
on
whose
wil
al
states
depend
;
wherupon
it
also
followeth
,
that
not
so
much
as
a
venial
sinne
(
I
meane
the
least
that
may
be
committed
)
and
much
lesse
such
horrible
crimes
as
Macchiauel
alloweth
in
his
prince
,
can
be
according
to
true
reason
of
state
although
they
may
some
waye
benefit
the
state
by
Gods
permission
,
Chap.
36.
nu
.
26.
&
27.
wherof
I
wil
say
somewhat
after
a
while
.
3.
in
the
meane
tyme
I
wil
here
prosecute
the
former
argument
a
little
furder
,
with
the
consideration
of
Gods
iustice
,
wherby
it
wil
be
more
cleare
then
the
sunne
,
that
wicked
policy
can
not
assure
,
but
vtterly
destroy
the
states
of
princes
,
and
for
as
much
as
I
treated
of
this
point
in
the
last
chapter
,
examining
Macchiauels
doctrin
by
onely
reason
of
state
,
where
I
ascribed
the
ouerthrow
of
wicked
princes
to
the
hate
of
men
,
for
the
most
part
(
for
that
the
same
is
in
deede
one
of
the
most
ordinary
causes
thereof
)
:
therfore
I
wish
it
here
to
be
vnderstood
that
neither
hatred
,
nor
contempt
,
nor
ambition
,
nor
any
passion
of
man
,
nor
any
other
humane
meanes
whatsoeuer
(
wherby
wicked
princes
may
be
ouerthrowne
)
are
any
other
then
secondary
,
Gods
iustice
is
the
first
and
principal
cause
of
the
ouerthrow
of
wicked
princes
.
and
inferiour
causes
therof
,
for
that
the
first
and
principal
cause
is
the
Iustice
of
God
;
who
for
the
punishement
of
the
sinnes
of
men
,
doth
serue
him selfe
,
not
only
of
men
,
but
also
of
Angels
,
and
spirits
,
good
,
and
bad
,
of
all
liuing
and
sensible
creatures
,
and
of
the
elements
and
al
elemental
things
,
as
it
is
signifyed
in
Ecclesiasticus
where
we
read
that
,
Eccle
.
c
.
39.
Ibid
.
Sunt
spiritus
ad
vindictam
creati
There
are
spirits
created
for
reuenge
,
or
punishment
of
sinne
,
All
creatures
are
instruments
of
Gods
iusti
e
for
the
punishment
of
sinne
.
and
againe
.
Ignis
,
grando
,
fames
&c.
Fire
,
haile
,
famin
,
and
death
,
al
these
things
are
created
for
mans
punishment
,
the
teeth
of
beasts
,
and
scorpions
,
and
serpents
,
and
the
reuenging
swoord
prepared
for
the
vtter
extermination
of
the
wicked
.
Thus
far
the
preacher
concerning
the
ministery
of
al
creatures
in
the
punishment
of
the
wicked
,
wherof
also
the
wise
man
saith
.
Creatura
tibi
factori
deseruiens
&c.
Sap
.
16.
Thy
creatures
,
O
Lord
,
seruing
thee
their
Creator
,
are
kindled
with
fury
for
the
torment
of
the
vniust
.
4.
This
is
so
euident
by
the
experience
of
al
ages
,
that
it
shal
be
needeles
for
me
to
lay
doune
any
particular
examples
therof
,
and
therfore
I
omit
to
speake
of
the
general
deluge
in
the
tyme
of
Noe
,
of
the
burning
of
Sodoma
,
Genes
.
7.
and
Ghomorra
with
fyre
from
heauen
,
of
the
plagues
of
Egipt
by
frogs
flees
,
and
locusts
,
Exod
.
7.8.9
.
●t
10.
and
of
infinit
innundations
,
exustions
,
tempests
,
pestilences
,
famins
,
and
earth
quakes
,
wherby
whole
citties
prouinces
,
and
cuntries
haue
ben
destroied
for
sinne
,
God
vsing
the
ministery
of
his
creatures
of
al
sorts
for
the
punishment
therof
,
al
which
I
say
I
omit
as
needeles
,
and
wil
declare
how
diuersely
God
vseth
the
ministery
of
man
for
the
punishment
of
sinne
,
wherof
I
wil
first
speake
in
general
,
and
afterwards
exemplify
it
particulerly
in
wicked
princes
.
5.
The
ordinary
ministers
of
Gods
iustice
,
vpon
euil
men
,
Princes
the
ordinary
ministers
of
Gods
iustice
.
Rom.
13.
are
kings
and
princes
,
or
such
others
as
punish
malefactors
by
their
authority
,
in
which
respect
the
Apostle
saith
,
that
the
prince
.
Non
sine
causa
gladium
portat
.
Doth
not
carry
his
sword
in
vaine
,
or
without
cause
,
Dei
enim
minister
est
vindex
in
iram
ei
qui
malum
agit
.
For
he
is
the
minister
of
God
to
punish
in
wrath
him
that
doth
euil
;
How
priuatemen
are
the
ministers
of
Gods
iustice
.
Nume
.
25.
Neuerthelesse
priuat
men
are
sometymes
also
the
ministers
of
Gods
iustice
●pon
other
men
,
either
moued
therto
with
the
zeale
of
Gods
glory
,
(
as
Phinees
who
killed
the
Israelit
which
committed
fornication
with
the
Madianit
)
or
els
by
mere
accident
,
and
chance
,
as
it
appeareth
in
Exodus
,
where
the
law
of
God
ordayned
,
Erod
.
21.
Some
men
ar
the
ministers
of
Gods
iustice
by
chance
,
or
against
their
wils
.
that
he
who
should
commit
wilful
murder
,
should
be
punished
with
death
,
but
he
that
should
by
chance
,
or
against
his
wil
kil
a
man
(
whom
God
of
his
secret
iudgements
should
geue
into
his
hands
,
for
so
doth
the
scripture
geue
to
vnderstand
)
such
a
one
,
I
say
,
should
haue
a
sanctuary
for
his
refuge
;
wherby
we
may
see
that
God
maketh
some
the
ministers
of
his
iustice
casually
,
Men
execute
Gods
iustice
somtymes
vnwittingly
.
Num
.
7.
Isay
.
10.
and
against
their
wills
;
As
sometymes
alsoe
some
are
his
instruments
vnwittingly
in
doing
their
owne
busines
,
or
following
their
owne
affayres
,
not
meaning
to
do
God
any
seruice
therin
,
as
I
haue
noted
in
the
the
17.
chapter
of
Sennacherib
king
of
the
Assirians
,
whom
God
cauled
in
the
Prophet
,
the
rod
of
his
wrath
,
and
compared
him
to
an
axe
,
or
a
saw
,
which
men
vse
for
their
seruice
,
because
he
meant
to
punish
the
Iewes
by
him
,
though
he
had
no
imagination
therof
,
as
I
haue
also
noted
the
like
,
in
the
same
place
of
Nabuchodonosor
King
of
Babilon
,
Ezechiel
.
ca.
29.
who
executed
Gods
iustice
vpon
the
people
of
Tyrus
,
when
he
tooke
and
destroied
their
citty
,
either
for
reuenge
of
some
iniury
,
or
to
encrease
his
dominions
.
The
secret
operation
of
God
in
mouing
men
to
the
execution
of
his
iustice
.
Isay
.
7.
6.
Wherein
it
is
to
be
noted
by
the
way
,
that
God
doth
not
ordinarily
vse
to
stirre
and
moue
princes
or
other
men
to
execut
his
iustice
by
reuelations
,
manifest
inspirations
,
or
by
the
voice
of
some
prophet
,
but
by
such
a
secret
operation
that
it
doth
not
appeare
to
be
his
woork
;
which
is
signifyed
by
Isayas
who
prophesying
of
the
inuasion
of
Hierusalem
by
the
kinges
of
Assiria
&
Aegipt
,
saith
,
Sibilabit
dominus
musca
&c.
Our
Lord
wil
hisse
,
or
whistle
to
the
flie
in
the
vttermost
part
of
the
riuers
of
Aegipt
,
and
to
the
bee
of
Assiria
,
geuing
to
vnderstand
,
that
he
wold
secretly
moue
the
kings
of
those
cuntries
to
make
warre
against
Hierusalem
.
Therfore
the
like
may
be
saide
of
the
innundations
of
barbarous
people
(
as
of
the
Goths
,
Vandales
,
Hunnes
,
and
such
like
)
which
haue
at
diuers
times
ouerflowed
christendome
,
who
were
no
dout
the
ministers
of
Gods
iustice
for
the
punishment
of
sinne
,
in
which
respect
Attila
the
Hunne
,
Baron
.
an
.
451.
Paul
.
Diac
.
li
.
15.
Naueler
in
Chron
.
anno
.
1400.
and
the
greate
Tamorlan
were
called
,
the
one
Flagellum
Dei
,
The
scourge
of
God
,
and
the
other
Ira
Dei
,
The
wrath
of
God
,
though
they
had
no
other
intention
but
to
satisfy
their
owne
ambition
;
And
so
it
may
also
be
said
of
al
the
warres
amongst
princes
whatsoeuer
their
quarrels
are
,
wherby
they
execut
Gods
Iustice
in
punishing
the
sinnes
of
the
people
,
How
wicked
men
ar
the
ministers
of
Gods
iustice
.
though
they
intend
no
such
matter
.
And
the
wickedst
man
that
is
,
when
he
spoileth
,
robeth
,
ransacketh
,
&
murdreth
others
,
is
also
the
instrument
,
and
minister
of
Gods
iustice
,
whose
infinit
wisdome
,
and
prouidence
hath
ordained
,
that
whiles
euil
men
seeke
to
satisfy
their
vnbridled
appetits
,
and
desires
,
they
shal
exact
the
penalty
o●
other
mens
sinnes
,
it
being
most
consonant
to
equity
,
and
iustice
,
that
as
one
sinne
is
many
times
the
paine
,
and
punishment
of
an
other
sinne
,
How
sinners
execute
Gods
iustice
vpon
them selues
.
so
one
sinner
shal
punish
an
other
,
yea
and
that
sinners
shal
also
execute
Iustice
vpon
them selues
,
some
times
willingly
(
as
we
see
in
such
as
wilfully
make
away
them selues
)
and
sometimes
against
their
wills
,
either
killing
them selues
by
chance
,
or
ouerthrowing
them selues
by
their
owne
deuises
,
and
policies
,
in
al
which
Gods
prouidence
and
Iustice
notably
appeareth
,
for
,
seeing
that
man
,
and
al
the
parts
of
his
body
,
and
poures
of
his
soule
,
were
principally
ordained
for
Gods
seruice
,
therfore
when
he
emploieth
him selfe
,
God
is
glorified
in
the
punishment
of
wicked
men
.
his
parts
and
habilities
to
the
offence
of
God
,
it
is
most
iust
that
God
employe
him
and
them
to
his
punishment
,
which
turneth
also
to
the
seruice
of
God
,
who
by
that
meanes
is
serued
,
&
glorified
by
his
very
enemies
,
though
not
in
such
manner
as
they
should
,
yet
alwayse
in
such
sort
,
as
to
his
deuine
wisdome
seemeth
conuenient
.
7.
To
which
purpose
I
wish
also
to
be
obserued
,
Wicked
men
the
instruments
of
Gods
iustice
,
but
not
when
and
how
they
wil
.
Macch
.
in
princ
.
that
although
wicked
men
,
are
the
ministers
and
instruments
of
Gods
Iustice
vpon
sinners
,
yet
it
is
not
either
when
,
or
where
,
or
how
they
wil
,
but
in
such
time
,
place
,
manner
,
and
measure
,
as
it
shal
please
God
to
permit
them
.
Which
I
say
the
rather
for
that
Macchiauel
seemeth
to
imagin
,
that
if
Ihon
Paul
Baglione
Tirant
of
Perugia
had
bene
,
as
he
termeth
it
,
magnanimamente
Scelerato
,
Courragiously
wicked
,
he
wold
or
might
haue
killed
Pope
Giulio
the
2.
when
vpon
composition
betwixt
them
the
said
Pope
put
him selfe
into
his
hands
,
and
came
to
Perugia
without
any
forces
,
or
sufficient
gards
of
his
owne
,
Macchiauel
impiously
ignorant
.
wherin
Macchiauel
showeth
him selfe
no
lesse
absurd
,
then
impiously
ignorant
of
the
course
,
and
power
of
Gods
prouidence
,
and
of
the
infirmity
of
man
,
Mans
impossibility
to
execute
his
owne
desynments
without
Gods
permission
.
or
rather
his
impossibility
to
execute
his
owne
dessignments
furder
,
then
God
doth
permit
him
,
which
it
pleaseth
almighty
God
to
show
sometimes
most
euidently
,
to
the
end
we
may
acknowledge
the
same
in
al
other
occasions
;
And
this
may
be
noted
not
only
in
the
holly
Scriptures
(
in
the
deliuery
of
Genes
.
37.
Ioseph
from
his
brethren
,
of
1.
Reg
.
19
&
20.
Dauid
from
Saule
,
of
Hest
.
c
5.
&
6.
Mardocheus
from
Aman
,
of
Daniel
.
13.
Susanna
from
the
Iudges
,
of
the
Ibid
.
c
.
3.
3.
children
from
Nabuc●odonosor
,
and
of
Act.
12.
S.
Peter
from
Herod
)
but
also
in
profane
histories
,
as
it
shal
appeare
by
2.
or
3.
examples
.
8.
Anastasius
the
Emperour
.
The
Emperour
Anastasius
hauing
discouered
a
conspiracy
against
his
person
,
and
state
,
not
long
before
he
died
,
caused
diuers
of
the
conspiratours
to
be
apprehended
,
amongste
whome
were
two
principal
men
,
cauled
Iustinus
and
Iustinian
,
and
hauing
commanded
them
with
diuers
others
to
be
executed
,
there
●ppeared
vnto
him
in
the
night
in
his
sleepe
a
terrible
old
●an
commanding
him
to
spare
them
both
,
●onar
.
Annal
.
To
.
3.
for
that
they
were
●●e
daye
to
doe
God
seruice
,
whereupon
he
pardoned
and
released
them
,
The
emperour
Iustine
had
ben
a
Swinheard
.
Idem
.
Ibidem
.
and
after
his
death
Iustinus
was
his
next
successor
in
the
empire
,
chosen
by
the
souldiars
(
though
he
was
very
basely
borne
,
and
had
bene
a
drouier
,
or
as
some
write
,
a
swineheard
)
and
next
after
him
succeeded
Iustinian
;
So
that
it
was
euident
,
first
by
the
apparition
,
and
after
by
the
effect
,
that
God
deliuered
them
from
the
hands
of
Anastasius
,
because
he
had
designed
them
to
be
Emperours
.
The
strange
escape
of
Michael
Balbus
.
Leo
Armenius
Emperour
.
9.
The
like
may
be
said
of
Michael
Balbus
emperour
of
Constantinople
,
who
most
strangely
escaped
the
hands
of
the
emperour
Leo
Armenius
,
and
succeeded
him
in
the
empire
.
The
story
is
thus
.
Michael
Balbus
being
of
great
autority
in
the
time
of
Leo
conspired
against
him
,
and
the
conspiracy
being
detected
,
he
was
taken
,
examined
,
conuicted
,
condemned
to
be
burnt
,
the
fire
made
,
he
ledde
to
his
execution
,
and
Leo
him selfe
followed
to
see
it
performed
,
either
because
he
trusted
not
his
officers
,
or
to
satisfy
his
vindicatiue
mind
,
Zonara
.
Annal
.
To
.
3
,
in
Michael
Balbo
.
with
the
sight
of
the
miserable
end
and
torment
of
his
enemy
.
But
so
it
fel
out
that
this
being
donne
vpon
Christmas
Eue
,
the
empresse
his
wife
came
to
him
,
as
he
was
going
,
and
chid
him
bitterly
for
hauing
no
more
respect
to
the
●olemnity
of
the
feast
,
requiring
of
him
only
suspention
of
the
execution
for
one
day
,
vntil
the
morrow
after
the
feast
,
which
he
granted
at
length
so
much
against
his
wil
,
that
he
said
vnto
her
,
he
feared
that
she
,
and
her
children
wold
repent
it
,
his
owne
hart
foretelling
him
,
as
it
seemed
,
the
danger
which
hanged
ouer
him
and
the
rather
for
that
he
had
bene
long
before
aduertised
,
either
by
some
prophetical
,
or
magical
prediction
,
that
he
should
be
killed
vpon
a
Christmas
day
.
And
therfore
to
make
him selfe
sure
of
Michael
Balbus
,
whome
he
most
feared
,
he
wold
not
commit
him
to
any
prison
,
but
deliuered
him
to
one
Papias
,
whome
he
best
trusted
,
and
caused
him
to
be
fettred
with
certaine
huge
bolts
of
iron
,
locked
with
a
key
which
he
kept
him selfe
,
and
for
more
surety
he
went
him selfe
in
person
the
same
night
to
visit
the
house
of
Papias
where
Michael
was
lodged
.
10.
But
see
here
the
disposition
of
Gods
prouidence
for
the
deliuery
of
Michael
and
the
punishment
of
Leo
;
This
Papias
,
The
wonderful
disposition
of
Gods
prouidence
for
the
conseruation
of
Michael
Balbus
and
the
punishment
of
Leo
.
was
on●
of
Michaels
confederats
in
his
conspiracy
,
and
therfore
haui●g
now
both
of
them
this
oportunity
to
consult
together
,
they
resolued
to
procure
the
Emperours
death
without
further
delay
,
and
to
that
purpose
,
sent
presently
to
the
other
cospiratours
,
who
were
not
discouered
,
and
threatned
to
discouer
them
if
they
wold
not
attempt
to
kil
the
emperour
out
of
hand
,
representing
vnto
them
the
facility
to
doe
it
the
next
morning
before
daye
,
when
he
should
be
in
the
church
at
matins
,
which
they
allowed
and
executed
;
And
Michael
was
the
very
same
daye
,
proclaimed
,
and
crowned
Emperour
in
the
same
church
where
Leo
was
killed
.
11.
The
wisest
man
liuing
playeth
the
foole
some
way
or
other
when
he
attempteth
any
thing
agaynst
the
wil
of
god
.
But
now
wil
the
Macchiauillians
say
that
the
emperour
plaied
the
foole
,
in
sparing
him
at
his
wiues
request
,
which
I
grant
to
bee
true
,
and
such
a
foole
should
Macchiauel
him selfe
,
or
any
man
els
haue
bene
,
if
he
had
attempted
to
doe
any
thing
contrary
to
the
wil
of
God
,
as
Leo
did
in
this
case
;
which
I
saye
,
not
only
because
the
strange
effect
shewed
it
,
but
also
because
it
appeareth
sufficiently
otherwaise
,
that
God
had
determined
that
Michael
Balbus
should
be
emperour
.
For
many
yeres
before
,
when
Leo
and
he
were
both
of
them
priuat
men
,
and
seruants
to
the
Duke
,
or
greate
Captaine
Bardanes
,
it
chanced
that
their
Lord
,
Zonar
.
Annal
.
To
.
3.
in
leo
Armenio
.
&
maister
aspiring
to
the
empire
went
to
a
holy
man
(
who
was
esteemed
to
haue
the
spirit
of
prophesy
)
&
demanded
of
him
whether
he
should
not
in
time
be
emperour
;
the
holly
man
tould
him
,
that
if
he
attempted
it
he
should
loose
both
his
labor
&
his
eyes
,
and
afterwards
seeing
Leo
,
&
Michael
Balbus
bring
him
his
horse
at
his
departure
,
he
tooke
him
aside
,
and
told
him
that
God
wold
not
geue
him
the
empire
,
but
that
those
two
,
who
brought
him
his
horse
,
should
be
emperours
the
one
after
the
other
.
12.
Bardanes
contemning
his
prediction
,
attempted
to
make
him selfe
emperour
,
and
failing
of
his
purpose
,
had
his
eyes
put
out
,
and
was
spoiled
of
al
that
he
had
,
and
some
yeres
after
,
Zonar
.
Ibid
.
Leo
being
aduanced
to
the
seruice
of
the
emperour
Michael
Rangabe
,
and
general
vnder
him
of
a
greate
part
of
his
army
against
the
Thracians
,
found
meanes
to
make
the
emperour
so
hateful
,
and
him selfe
soe
greateful
to
the
souldiars
,
that
he
easely
made
him selfe
emperour
with
the
helpe
of
Michael
Balbus
,
who
was
a
Coronel
at
the
same
time
vnder
him
,
&
in
great
credit
with
the
souldiars
,
so
that
there
wanted
no
more
for
the
accomplishment
of
the
prophesy
,
but
that
Michael
Balbus
should
succeede
Leo
,
which
he
also
did
,
as
I
haue
declared
.
Dyuers
things
to
be
noted
in
the
example
of
Michael
Balbus
and
Leo
The
infirmity
of
mans
wit
.
The
Iustice
of
God
in
the
punishment
of
tyranny
.
13.
Therfore
in
this
example
diuers
notable
things
may
be
obserued
,
besids
that
which
I
principally
intended
.
The
first
is
,
the
infirmity
of
mans
wit
,
who
when
he
thinketh
many
times
to
take
the
surest
way
,
doth
soonest
ouerthrow
him selfe
,
as
Leo
did
,
in
making
choise
of
Papias
to
be
the
geoler
of
Michael
Balbus
,
whereby
he
saued
Michaels
life
,
and
lost
his
owne
.
14.
The
second
is
,
the
notable
Iustice
of
God
in
the
punishment
of
the
tiranny
of
Leo
,
who
hauing
vniustly
,
and
tirannically
got
&
gouerned
the
empire
,
lost
it
againe
with
his
life
and
al
by
the
like
meanes
.
The
course
of
Gods
prouidence
in
the
execution
of
his
iudgements
.
15.
The
third
is
the
course
of
Gods
prouidence
in
the
execution
of
his
iust
iudgements
,
turning
the
endeuors
of
wicked
men
to
his
owne
seruice
,
and
glory
,
and
to
their
punishment
,
seruing
him selfe
not
only
of
their
best
frends
(
as
he
did
here
of
the
empresse
,
for
the
ouerthrow
of
her
husband
,
though
against
her
wil
)
but
also
of
them selues
,
and
of
their
owne
wits
,
and
policies
.
Wherin
Gods
iustice
notably
appeareth
,
for
as
the
Psalmist
saith
.
Psal
.
9.
Cognoscetur
Dominus
iudicia
faciens
.
Our
Lord
shal
be
knowne
by
doing
his
iudgements
,
and
then
declaring
how
,
&
wherin
he
addeth
In
operibus
mannum
suarum
conprehensus
est
peccator
;
The
sinner
is
ouertaken
in
the
woorks
of
his
owne
hands
,
geuing
to
vnderstand
,
that
the
iustice
of
God
appeareth
in
nothing
more
,
then
in
that
he
ouer-reacheth
wicked
men
in
their
owne
woorkes
,
and
inuentions
,
Chap.
3.
num
.
1.4
.
&
13.
&
Chap.
31.
num
.
5.6
.
&c.
How
vayn
it
is
to
striue
against
the
wil
of
God
.
tripping
them
,
as
a
man
may
say
,
and
ouer-turning
them
in
their
owne
play
,
as
I
haue
diuers
times
noted
before
.
16.
Whereupon
followeth
also
the
fourth
consideration
,
to
wit
,
how
vainely
men
striue
against
the
wil
of
God
,
which
when
they
seeke
to
hinder
,
they
helpe
many
times
to
effectuat
,
as
Leo
did
;
for
whereas
God
had
determined
to
geue
the
empire
to
Michael
Balbus
,
Leo
in
labouring
to
preuent
it
by
the
death
of
Michael
,
not
only
furdered
it
,
but
also
wrought
his
owne
destruction
,
and
of
this
obseruation
I
shal
haue
occasion
to
saye
more
in
the
next
chapter
.
Chap.
36.
num
.
5.9.10.11
.
&c.
17.
The
fifth
and
last
consideration
shal
be
,
that
which
I
principally
intended
to
show
by
this
example
,
that
is
to
saye
,
No
man
hath
absolute
power
ouer
an
other
man
.
that
no
man
hath
such
absolut
power
ouer
any
other
man
,
that
he
can
execute
his
desynments
,
and
wil
vpon
him
at
his
owne
pleasure
,
but
only
when
God
geueth
him
leaue
,
as
it
appeareth
in
Leo
,
for
who
could
be
more
in
an
other
mans
power
,
and
lesse
in
his
own●
,
then
Michael
Balbus
when
he
was
in
the
hands
of
Leo
,
being
condemned
to
be
burnt
,
going
to
the
fire
,
yea
and
Leo
following
him
to
see
the
execution
,
replenished
with
anger
and
hatred
against
him
,
inexorable
,
&
resolut
to
be
reuenged
;
when
neuerthelesse
God
so
disposed
,
that
a
few
brawling
woords
of
his
owne
wife
,
wrested
from
him
so
much
respite
for
the
prisonner
,
as
suffised
to
saue
his
life
,
and
gaine
him
the
Empire
,
and
so
it
alwaise
falleth
out
by
one
meanes
or
other
,
when
God
wil
frustrat
the
desynments
of
wicked
men
,
or
punish
them
.
18.
And
though
these
examples
might
suffise
for
this
matter
,
yet
I
can
not
omit
an
other
no
lesse
notable
in
our
owne
cuntry
,
to
wit
,
The
notable
escape
of
Henry
Earle
of
Richmond
from
king
Edward
the
fourth
and
Richard
the
third
.
Polidor
.
hist
.
Angliae
.
li
.
24.
of
the
deliuery
of
Henry
Earle
of
Richmond
(
who
was
after
king
of
England
from
the
hands
of
King
Edward
the
4.
and
of
Richard
the
tirant
;
For
wheras
King
Edward
,
after
the
death
of
King
Henry
the
6.
and
his
sonne
,
had
no
feare
of
any
,
but
of
Henry
earle
of
Richmond
(
who
then
liued
a
banished
life
in
the
court
of
Francis
duke
of
Britany
)
he
sent
embassadours
to
the
duke
,
pretending
to
desire
a
marriage
betwixt
his
eldest
daughter
,
and
Henry
the
earle
,
and
for
that
purpose
requested
to
●aue
him
sent
ouer
vnto
him
,
which
the
embassadours
obtained
by
corruption
of
the
dukes
councellours
,
and
conuayed
him
to
the
sea
side
to
Saint
Malo
,
where
he
was
to
be
shipped
presently
for
England
,
being
sick
for
sorrow
and
feare
;
But
in
the
meane
time
a
noble
man
of
Brittany
,
and
a
greate
frend
of
his
,
being
absent
from
the
dukes
court
,
and
hearing
what
had
passed
concerning
him
,
presently
repaired
to
the
duke
,
&
represented
vnto
him
,
the
fraude
of
King
Edward
in
his
pretence
of
the
marriage
,
and
consequently
the
earles
danger
,
if
he
suffred
him
to
be
transported
into
England
,
wherupon
the
duke
sent
one
of
his
councel
in
al
hast
,
to
ouertake
the
embassadours
of
King
Edward
,
and
to
find
some
good
pretence
to
hinder
the
earles
passage
,
which
he
did
,
entertaining
them
with
some
plausible
matters
,
whiles
the
earle
tooke
sanctuary
in
a
church
,
claiming
the
priuiledge
of
the
holly
place
,
which
the
duke
wold
not
suffer
to
be
violated
,
and
so
the
embassadours
returned
without
the
earle
,
and
he
escaped
the
hands
of
King
Edward
.
Idem
li.
25.
And
againe
afterwards
in
the
time
of
King
Richard
the
tirant
,
brother
,
and
successor
to
Edward
the
fourth
,
the
earle
being
also
in
Brittany
was
in
no
smale
danger
by
the
practise
of
the
tirant
with
a
councellour
of
the
dukes
(
who
wholy
gouerned
him
)
of
whome
the
tirant
had
obtained
for
money
,
that
the
earle
should
be
presently
taken
,
and
either
sent
ouer
into
England
,
or
at
least
kept
prisoner
there
,
which
practise
was
discouered
to
the
earle
before
it
could
be
executed
,
wherby
he
had
time
to
saue
him selfe
by
flight
;
and
with
in
a
while
after
procured
some
smale
assistance
of
Charles
King
of
France
,
and
passing
ouer
into
England
,
became
the
minister
of
Gods
iustice
vpon
the
tirant
,
whome
he
slew
at
Boswoorth
field
,
Idem
li.
24.
and
succeeded
him
in
the
kingdome
;
which
was
prophesied
many
yeres
before
,
by
the
holly
King
Henry
the
6
,
who
seeing
him
when
he
was
but
10.
yeres
of
age
,
said
to
some
of
his
nobility
,
that
he
should
be
the
man
,
who
should
in
the
end
decide
the
quarrel
,
betwixt
the
houses
of
Lancaster
,
and
York
,
and
be
king
of
England
.
19.
By
al
this
it
appeareth
,
that
although
wicked
men
may
extend
their
malicious
wills
,
and
desires
infinitly
to
al
mischiefe
,
yet
they
haue
no
power
,
or
possibility
to
execut
any
iote
therof
furder
then
God
doth
geue
them
leaue
for
the
accomplishment
of
his
wil
,
The
wicked
man
lyke
a
mastif
dog
in
a
chaine
&
why
.
in
which
respect
the
wickedst
man
in
the
world
,
be
he
neuer
so
potent
,
is
but
like
a
fierce
mastife
dogge
tied
in
a
chaine
;
for
though
he
barke
at
euery
stranger
,
and
haue
a
wil
to
byte
him
,
yet
he
can
come
no
nearer
him
,
then
the
chaine
doth
permit
him
;
The
malice
of
the
deuil
and
euil
men
like
the
bloody
thyrst
of
the
horse
leech
and
why
.
And
therfore
the
malice
not
only
of
wicked
men
,
but
also
of
the
deuil
him selfe
,
may
be
compared
to
the
bloody
thirst
of
the
horse-leech
,
or
blood-sucker
,
which
the
wise
phisition
vseth
,
to
draw
blood
in
such
time
,
and
quantity
,
as
he
thinketh
conuenient
,
for
the
cure
of
his
pacient
,
and
so
doth
almighty
God
by
his
omnipotent
wisdome
,
vse
the
malice
of
the
deuil
,
and
wicked
men
so
farre
forth
,
as
he
seeth
it
necessary
for
the
execution
of
his
secret
Iudgements
,
either
in
the
exercise
of
his
seruants
for
their
greater
merit
,
or
in
the
punishment
of
sinners
for
his
owne
glory
.
20.
For
otherwaise
if
the
deuil
,
and
his
instruments
might
doe
what
they
wold
,
they
wold
quickly
destroy
al
the
good
men
in
the
world
;
And
this
is
the
true
cause
why
the
bad
desinments
of
euil
men
doe
sometimes
take
effect
,
and
are
sometimes
frustrat
,
yea
and
turne
many
times
not
only
to
their
owne
destruction
(
as
it
appeareth
by
many
examples
,
which
I
haue
alledged
in
sundry
partes
of
this
discourse
)
but
also
to
the
greater
benefit
of
those
whome
they
seeke
to
destroy
,
Chap.
3
.
4.5.1●
.
&
chap.
31.
num
.
5.6.7
.
*
&
Chap.
35.
num
.
15.
nu
.
18.
Plutar
.
li
.
de
vtilitate
capiend●
ab
inimicis
.
Genes
.
37.
&
41.
as
I
haue
declared
in
the
24.
chapter
,
by
the
example
of
one
who
thinking
to
kil
an
other
with
his
sword
,
lanced
an
inward
impostume
in
his
body
,
which
otherwaise
wold
haue
had
no
cure
.
And
the
like
I
also
noted
of
Iosephs
brethren
who
selling
him
for
a
slaue
procured
his
aduancement
;
wherto
I
may
ad
Andronicus
Comnenus
the
emperour
,
Nicetas
Choniat
.
hist
de
Andron
.
Comne
.
li.
2.
Chap.
34.
nu
.
19.20
.
&
sequen●
.
who
meaning
to
kil
Isacius
Angelus
for
the
assurance
of
his
state
,
caused
his
election
to
the
Imperial
dignity
which
he
neuer
expected
.
The
story
is
notable
to
this
purpose
,
as
it
may
bee
seene
in
the
last
chapter
,
where
I
haue
related
it
at
large
.
Therfore
I
conclude
that
neither
Macchiauels
prince
(
be
he
neuer
so
courragiously
wicked
)
can
put
in
execution
his
desynments
for
the
benefit
of
his
state
,
neither
yet
priuat
men
can
execut
their
malice
against
princes
,
furder
then
God
doth
particularly
permit
.
21.
This
was
wel
considered
,
as
it
seemeth
,
by
Philip
the
2.
last
King
of
Spaine
,
who
being
aduised
by
some
about
him
(
by
occasion
of
the
slaughter
of
the
last
King
of
France
)
to
goe
better
garded
then
he
commonly
did
,
answered
notably
,
A
notable
Apophthegme
of
Philip
the
2.
k
.
of
Spain
.
bien
guardado
esta
,
a
quien
Dios
guarda
,
He
is
wel
garded
whome
God
gardeth
,
geuing
to
vnderstand
that
how
potent
and
powerful
soeuer
any
prince
is
in
gards
,
and
armies
,
his
cheefe
security
consisteth
in
Gods
protection
;
Gods
merciful
prouidence
in
the
protection
of
the
kings
maiesty
our
souerain
.
Hope
of
future
blessings
by
the
vnion
of
the
3.
Crounes
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
.
wherof
most
notable
experience
hath
bene
seene
in
this
our
age
,
not
only
in
the
King
of
France
,
who
raigneth
at
this
present
,
but
also
in
our
most
dread
soueraigne
,
whom
almighty
God
hath
deliuered
from
sundry
dangerous
conspiracies
in
such
wonderful
manner
,
that
his
deuine
protection
,
and
mercy
towards
him
hath
bene
most
manifest
therin
,
and
may
geue
vs
his
subiects
greate
hope
of
those
future
blessings
,
which
the
first
frutes
of
his
happy
raigne
(
I
meane
the
vnion
of
the
3.
crounes
of
England
Scotland
and
Ireland
)
doe
already
promise
vs
,
to
the
euerlasting
honour
,
and
benefit
of
al
the
three
nations
,
and
the
eternizing
of
his
maiesties
glorious
memory
.
22.
Now
then
to
proceede
;
wheras
almighty
God
serueth
him selfe
diuersly
of
men
,
as
wel
as
of
al
other
his
creatures
for
the
chastisement
of
al
sorts
of
sinners
,
he
vseth
greater
seuerity
in
the
punishment
of
tirants
,
God
punisheth
wicked
princes
more
seuerely
then
priuat
men
,
and
why
.
and
wicked
princes
then
of
any
other
,
for
three
reasons
.
The
first
is
for
that
their
offenses
are
farre
greater
then
other
mens
,
both
because
they
commonly
concerne
weighty
,
and
publik
matters
,
and
also
for
that
they
corrupt
many
with
their
bad
example
,
as
I
haue
signified
els
where
.
Chap.
31.
nu
.
22.
The
second
reason
is
,
because
they
are
more
vngratful
to
God
then
other
men
,
for
that
they
receiue
greater
temporal
benefits
at
his
hands
then
any
other
,
for
the
which
they
are
bound
to
serue
him
with
greater
loue
,
care
and
duty
then
other
.
The
third
reason
is
,
for
that
they
being
aboue
their
owne
lawes
,
and
not
subiect
to
the
penalties
therof
,
Princes
the
Lieutenants
and
ministers
of
God
.
their
faults
doe
properly
belong
to
the
tribunal
of
almighty
God
,
whose
lieutenants
&
ministers
they
are
,
and
to
whome
they
are
therfore
to
yeeld
a
strayt
,
and
exact
account
of
their
ministery
.
23.
This
is
expressely
taught
in
the
booke
of
wisdome
wher
almighty
God
saith
to
Kings
&
princes
thus
.
Audite
reges
&
intelligite
&c.
Sap
.
6.
Harken
O
Kings
,
and
vnderstand
,
learne
you
who
are
Iudges
of
the
bounds
of
the
earth
,
in
respect
that
power
is
geuen
vnto
you
from
aboue
,
and
strength
from
the
highest
,
who
wil
examine
your
woorks
,
and
search
your
thoughts
,
and
because
when
you
were
ministers
in
his
kingdome
,
you
did
not
Iudge
rightly
,
nor
keepe
the
law
of
iustice
,
nor
walke
in
the
way
of
God
,
he
wil
appeare
vnto
you
quickly
,
and
horribly
,
for
most
rigorous
Iudgement
is
donne
vnto
them
that
gouerne
;
with
the
poore
and
meane
man
mercy
is
vsed
,
Mighty
men
shal
suffer
torments
mightely
.
Iob
.
12.
but
mighty
men
shal
suffer
torments
mightily
.
Thus
saith
the
wise
man
,
which
Iob
confirmeth
saying
.
That
God
looseth
the
girdle
of
Kings
,
and
girdeth
their
reynes
with
a
rope
,
and
powreth
contempt
vpon
princes
,
and
maketh
them
stagger
like
dronken
men
,
And
therfore
the
roial
prophet
saith
,
Psal
.
75.
that
almighty
God
is
,
terribilis
apud
reges
terrae
,
terrible
to
the
Kings
of
the
earth
,
which
may
appeare
by
the
strange
,
The
examplar
punishment
of
wicked
princes
without
the
ministery
of
man
.
and
exemplar
punishment
which
God
hath
laied
vpon
wicked
princes
at
diuers
times
,
without
the
ministery
of
man
,
in
so
euident
manner
,
that
it
could
not
be
denied
to
proceede
from
his
hand
,
wherof
we
haue
notable
examples
,
not
only
in
the
holly
scriptures
but
also
in
prophane
histories
.
24.
Exod
.
14.
Dan
.
c
.
4.
Pharao
was
drowned
in
the
red
sea
pursuing
Moyses
and
the
children
of
Israel
;
Nabuchodonosor
was
cast
doune
from
his
princely
throane
,
and
made
companion
with
beasts
.
Paralip
.
ca.
26.
&
21.
Ozias
and
Ioram
were
strooken
by
almighty
God
,
the
first
with
a
filthy
leper
,
and
the
later
with
an
incurable
fluxe
in
his
belly
,
wherby
he
voided
his
bowels
by
little
and
little
,
&
died
(
as
the
scirpture
saith
)
Infirmitate
pessima
,
with
a
most
vile
dissease
;
Also
the
wicked
Iesabel
was
eaten
with
doggs
;
Antiochus
the
tirant
rotte●
aliue
,
4.
Reg
.
ca.
9.2
.
Mach
.
c
.
●
.
in
such
sort
that
wormes
issued
abundantly
out
of
his
body
,
&
neither
he
nor
any
man
els
could
endure
the
stink
of
him
.
Herodes
who
killed
saint
Iames
,
&
persecuted
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
was
strooken
by
an
angel
,
act
.
12.
and
consumed
with
wormes
whiles
he
liued
.
25.
And
to
come
to
later
histories
,
Isidor
.
Victor
vticen●
de
persecut
.
Vand
.
Carton
Chron
.
par
.
2.
an
mun
.
4122.
Polidor
.
li
1.
Hist
.
prodigiosa
.
1
p.
c
.
3.
Zonar
Annal
.
To
.
3.
Hunnericus
King
of
the
Vandals
in
Afrik
,
and
an
Arrian
heretik
,
was
also
consumed
with
woormes
,
wherewith
his
body
became
so
rotten
,
that
when
he
died
it
fel
in
pieces
,
and
could
not
be
buried
whole
;
Mempricius
king
of
Britany
being
most
vicious
,
and
tirannical
with
al
,
was
wurried
with
wolues
;
Popielus
king
of
Polonia
,
and
his
wife
were
killed
with
rats
,
and
mice
,
which
issued
out
of
the
tombes
of
his
children
,
and
neuewes
whome
he
had
caused
to
be
murdred
;
The
heretical
and
cruel
Emperour
Anastasius
being
admonished
in
a
dreame
that
14.
Bonifacius
ep
.
ad
Ethelbald
apud
Baron
.
an
.
745.
yeres
of
his
life
should
be
cutte
of
for
his
heresy
,
was
killed
with
a
thunder
bolt
.
Celred
one
of
the
Saxon
kings
in
England
before
the
conquest
,
was
for
his
wicked
life
possest
,
and
killed
by
the
deuil
as
he
was
banketing
with
his
nobility
.
26.
Gunderik
an
Arrian
king
of
the
Vandals
,
died
also
possest
,
Victor
vticen
.
de
persec
.
Vand
.
Paul
.
diac
.
li
.
23.
Zonar
Annal
.
To
.
3.
Egnatius
,
in
Epi●
and
miserably
vexed
by
the
deuil
;
Leo
the
fourth
Emperour
of
that
name
,
hauing
sacrilegiously
taken
a
golden
croune
from
the
church
,
and
altar
of
Saint
Sophia
in
Constantinople
,
for
the
couetousnes
of
a
precious
stone
wherwith
it
was
adorned
,
and
hauing
worne
it
on
his
head
in
tryumphant
manner
through
out
the
cittie
,
Baron
an
.
10.
79.
ex
longino
.
Dubrauius
Histor
.
Bohemiae
.
li
.
8.
was
stroken
by
almighty
God
with
an
impostume
in
his
head
cauled
a
carbuncle
,
and
so
tormented
therwith
that
he
dyed
.
Boleslaus
king
of
Polonia
who
killed
the
holy
bishop
Stanislaus
with
his
owne
hand
,
was
cast
out
of
his
kingdome
by
his
owne
subiects
,
after
fel
madde
,
and
ranne
vp
and
doune
the
woods
,
Idem
hist
.
Bohem
.
li
.
5.
and
was
found
in
the
end
eaten
with
doggs
.
Drahomira
wife
to
Vratislaus
duke
of
Bohemia
procured
the
death
first
of
the
holy
woman
Ludimilla
her
mother
in
law
,
and
after
of
many
priests
,
and
as
she
passed
in
her
coche
ouer
the
place
where
the
priests
were
murdred
,
shee
was
swallowed
vp
by
the
earth
,
which
opened
,
Ibidem
.
in
respect
wherof
the
place
is
held
as
accursed
,
and
shunned
by
al
such
as
passe
that
way
to
Praga
as
Dubrauius
reporteth
in
history
of
Bohemia
.
Petrus
Cluniacē
.
li
.
2.
mirac
.
c
.
1.
Finally
Petrus
Cluniacensis
a
most
graue
author
affirmeth
,
that
a
count
of
Mascon
in
Burgundy
hauing
committed
many
sacrileges
,
and
being
one
day
at
his
owne
Pallace
in
Mascon
,
accompanied
with
many
noble
men
,
and
souldiars
,
was
forced
by
a
stranger
,
who
came
to
him
on
horse
back
,
to
light
vpon
a
spare
horse
,
which
he
had
there
ready
for
him
,
and
so
was
carried
away
in
the
ayre
,
in
the
sight
of
al
the
citty
,
and
neuer
seen
,
nor
heard
of
after
.
27.
To
these
many
more
examples
may
be
added
of
emperours
kings
and
princes
,
which
for
their
wickednes
were
notoriously
punished
by
the
hand
of
God
,
How
God
punisheth
princes
by
the
ministery
of
man
.
with
out
the
ministery
,
or
helpe
of
men
,
who
neuertheles
are
the
ordynary
instruments
of
Gods
Iustice
,
though
many
tymes
they
are
principally
moued
ther
to
eyther
by
hatred
,
or
by
feare
,
or
by
ambition
,
or
by
some
other
passion
,
wherof
almighty
God
serueth
him selfe
,
for
the
execution
of
his
secret
Iudgements
,
as
I
haue
already
showed
in
the
punishment
of
sinners
in
general
,
and
wil
now
show
also
particulerly
in
wicked
kings
and
princes
28.
Sennacherib
king
of
Assiria
making
warre
vpon
the
Iewes
,
and
most
contemptuously
blaspheming
the
holy
name
of
God
,
4.
Reg
.
9.
Iosephus
Antiquiti
.
li
.
10.
was
condemned
by
the
deuine
Iustice
to
be
killed
at
his
returne
to
Nintuc
.
Reuertetur
,
saith
almighty
God
,
in
terram
suam
,
&
deijciam
eum
gladio
in
terra
sua
,
He
shal
returne
into
his
owne
cuntry
,
and
I
wil
ouerthrow
him
there
with
the
sword
,
neuertheles
this
sentence
of
almighty
God
was
executed
by
Sennacheribs
children
,
who
killed
him
in
Niniue
,
as
he
was
sacrifysing
in
the
temple
of
his
God
Nesrac
;
Daniel
.
ca.
5.
Also
Baltazar
king
of
Babilon
receiued
sentence
of
death
,
and
of
the
translation
of
his
kingdome
by
the
mouth
of
Daniel
the
prophet
,
because
he
profaned
the
holy
vessels
of
Hierusalem
,
and
for
his
other
impiety
,
for
the
execution
of
which
sentence
God
vsed
the
ambition
of
Cirus
,
and
Darius
,
who
beseeging
Babilon
,
3.
Reg
.
15
&
●6
.
tooke
it
and
killed
Baltazar
.
The
like
also
appeareth
euidently
in
the
scriptures
in
Nadab
,
Helam
,
and
many
other
schismatical
kings
of
Israel
,
on
whom
God
executed
his
iust
Iudgements
by
the
ministery
of
most
wicked
men
,
who
killed
them
for
the
ambitious
desire
they
had
of
their
kingdomes
.
29.
I
haue
thought
good
to
alledge
these
examples
out
of
the
holy
scriptures
,
where
in
it
hath
pleased
God
to
discouer
the
course
of
his
prouidence
in
the
execution
of
his
secret
Iudgements
vpon
these
kings
,
to
the
end
we
may
also
obserue
the
same
in
like
occasions
and
acknowledge
his
Iustice
in
the
miserable
end
of
wicked
princes
,
by
what
meanes
soeuer
the
same
hapneth
vnto
them
,
to
which
purpose
I
wil
also
alleadge
an
example
,
or
two
,
out
of
later
histories
.
30.
Mauritius
the
emperour
Mauritius
the
Emperour
.
who
was
slayne
by
Phocas
dreamed
a
little
before
,
that
tan
Image
of
Christ
which
was
ouer
the
brazen
gate
of
his
pallace
,
cauled
him
and
charged
him
with
his
sinnes
,
and
in
the
end
demanded
of
him
,
whether
he
wold
receiue
the
punishment
therof
in
this
lyfe
,
or
in
the
next
,
and
that
when
he
answered
in
the
next
,
Zonaras
Annal
.
To
.
3.
in
Mauriin
tio
.
Paul
.
diac
.
li
.
16.
in
fine
.
Blondus
De●
.
li
.
8.
Sabellic
.
ennead
.
8.
li.
5.
an
.
603.
Cowards
are
cruel
.
the
Image
commanded
that
he
shuld
be
geuen
with
his
wife
,
and
children
into
the
hands
of
Phocas
.
wherupon
Mauritius
awaking
in
greate
feare
,
sent
for
Philippieus
his
sonne
in
law
,
and
asked
him
whether
he
knew
any
souldiar
in
the
armye
cauled
Phocas
,
who
answered
that
there
was
a
commissary
so
cauled
,
a
yong
man
,
temerarious
,
but
timorous
,
and
cowardly
,
if
he
be
a
coward
saith
Mauritius
,
he
is
cruel
,
and
bloody
.
And
with
in
a
whyle
after
,
it
so
fel
out
,
that
Mauritius
grew
to
be
soe
hateful
to
his
souldiars
for
his
couetousnes
,
&
their
bad
payments
,
that
they
were
easely
corrupted
by
Phocas
,
and
induced
to
proclayme
him
emperour
,
by
whome
Mauritius
was
taken
as
he
fled
with
his
wife
,
and
5.
of
his
children
,
and
his
children
killed
first
,
and
he
him selfe
afterwards
,
who
considering
his
owne
deserts
,
&
the
Iustice
of
God
,
repeated
oft
these
woords
.
Iustus
es
Domine
,
&
rectum
Iudicium
tuum
,
Thou
art
Iust
ó
lord
,
Psal
.
118.
and
thy
Iudgement
is
right
.
Here
in
we
may
note
,
how
the
hatred
of
the
souldiars
,
&
the
ambition
of
Phocas
were
the
meanes
wherby
God
did
execut
his
Iustice
vpon
Mauritius
.
31.
The
like
may
be
also
obserued
in
the
conquest
of
Naples
by
Charles
the
8.
The
conquest
of
Naples
.
king
of
France
,
wherof
I
related
the
history
before
at
large
in
the
22.
chapter
where
I
made
it
euident
,
that
it
proceeded
of
Gods
iust
Iudgement
for
the
punishment
of
the
kings
therof
,
Philip
.
Comi
.
Chron
.
du
Roy
Charles
.
8.
c
.
17.
which
appeared
not
only
by
the
strangenes
of
the
successe
almost
incredible
for
the
speede
in
the
conquest
,
and
the
smale
,
or
rather
no
resistance
on
the
be
haulfe
of
the
kings
,
and
their
subiects
,
but
also
by
the
tormented
conscience
of
king
Alphonso
so
terrifyed
with
the
remembrance
,
and
representation
of
his
former
tyranny
,
that
al
things
seemed
to
him
to
denounce
Gods
iust
Iudgement
against
him
,
Guicciardin
li.
1.
and
to
cry
France
,
France
;
besids
the
testimony
of
the
soule
of
king
Ferdinand
his
father
newly
deceassed
,
who
appearing
to
his
phisician
,
notifed
vnto
him
the
sentence
and
decree
of
almighty
God
,
the
losse
of
their
kingdome
for
their
sinnes
,
which
neuertheles
was
executed
vpon
theim
by
the
ordinary
meanes
wherby
most
states
are
ouerthrown
,
to
wit
by
the
ambition
of
some
,
and
the
hatred
of
others
.
32.
So
that
wee
see
how
almighty
God
,
who
as
I
haue
amply
declared
before
,
disposeth
al
things
sweetely
and
wold
not
suffer
any
euil
in
the
world
,
but
to
the
end
to
draw
good
therof
,
(
who
by
the
malice
of
the
deuil
and
the
most
execrable
sinne
of
Iudas
,
wrought
the
redemption
of
man
,
)
we
see
,
I
say
,
how
for
the
execution
of
his
holly
wil
,
and
Iustice
vpon
wicked
princes
,
he
serueth
him selfe
as
wel
of
the
euil
wills
,
God
serueth
him selfe
of
the
euil
wils
of
men
for
the
execution
of
his
holly
wil
.
and
wicked
desires
of
wicked
men
,
as
of
al
other
causes
,
and
effects
what
soeuer
,
be
they
natural
,
moral
,
or
accidental
,
wherby
it
appeareth
,
that
the
miserable
end
of
tyrants
,
wherof
the
world
hath
common
experience
,
is
principally
to
be
attributed
to
the
Iustice
of
God
,
as
to
the
first
,
and
principal
cause
therof
,
though
the
secondary
,
and
inferiour
causes
are
,
or
may
be
as
many
,
and
diuers
,
as
there
are
many
and
dyuers
passions
,
or
affections
in
men
yea
and
creatures
in
the
world
;
the
ministery
,
and
seruice
wherof
their
omnipotent
creatour
vseth
as
it
pleaseth
him
for
the
execution
of
his
wil
.
Macchiauel
held
for
the
Archstatist
of
the
world
,
did
not
see
or
obserue
common
experience
.
33.
Therfore
it
may
greatly
be
wondred
how
Macchiauel
(
who
would
seeme
to
be
wiser
then
al
other
men
,
and
is
held
by
his
followers
for
the
Arch-statist
of
the
world
)
either
did
not
see
the
common
experience
which
the
world
hath
euer
obserued
of
Gods
punishment
of
wicked
princes
for
sinne
,
or
if
he
saw
it
,
how
he
could
imagin
,
that
extremity
of
wickednes
,
yea
or
any
sinful
policy
can
assure
a
princes
state
.
The
miserable
end
of
tyrants
,
obserued
diligen●ly
by
al
historiographers
and
referred
to
Gods
iustice
.
Wherin
he
or
his
followers
might
be
the
more
excused
if
this
experience
,
wherof
I
speake
,
were
only
to
be
obserued
in
the
histories
of
our
scriptures
or
ecclesiastical
,
and
Christian
writers
,
and
were
not
also
most
manifest
in
prophane
authors
,
and
pagan
historiographers
,
al
which
(
I
meane
those
of
any
note
)
doe
inculcat
nothing
more
,
then
the
seuerity
of
Gods
Iudgements
vpon
wicked
men
,
and
especially
vpon
wicked
princes
,
and
tirants
.
34.
Let
any
man
that
list
read
the
histories
of
Herodotus
Thucidides
,
Dionisius
,
Valerius
Maximus
,
Maximus
,
Plutark
,
Dion
,
Liui
,
Iustin
,
or
of
any
other
ancient
historiographer
of
the
gentils
,
and
he
shal
see
nothing
more
frequent
,
and
ordinary
in
them
,
then
the
curious
obseruation
of
the
miserable
end
of
wicked
tirants
,
and
their
owne
iudgements
often
interposed
by
the
way
,
referring
the
same
to
the
Iustice
of
God
.
35.
To
this
purpose
I
wil
lay
doune
what
may
be
noted
in
this
kind
,
only
in
one
of
the
aboue
named
historiographers
,
to
wit
Iustin
,
the
abridger
of
the
general
history
of
Trogus
Pompeyus
;
In
whome
we
may
see
the
violent
,
or
vnfortunat
end
of
these
tirants
following
.
Iustin
.
li
.
1.
Astiages
King
of
the
Medians
,
Idem
.
Ibidem
.
Cambises
,
Ibidem
.
Oropastes
and
Idem
li.
10.
Ochus
Kings
of
Persia
,
Idem
li.
2.
Hippias
,
and
Idem
.
li
.
5.
40.
other
tirants
of
Athens
,
li.
5.
Philip
,
and
li.
12.
Alexander
the
greate
his
sonne
,
li.
14.
Olimpias
mother
to
Alexander
,
li.
16.
Antipater
the
sonne
of
Cassander
,
li.
17.
Lisimachus
,
li.
24.
Ptolomeus
,
and
li.
33.
&
34.
Perseus
,
al
Kings
of
Macedony
li.
16.
Clearchus
tirant
of
Heraclia
,
li.
18.
Machaeus
,
and
li.
21.
Hanno
of
Carthage
,
li.
20.
Dioniosius
,
and
li.
22.
&
25.
Agathocles
tirants
of
Sicily
,
li.
31.
Nabis
a
tirant
of
greece
,
li.
26.
Aristotimus
tirant
of
Epyrus
,
two
Kings
called
li.
27.
&
3●
.
Seleucus
,
li.
27.
Antiochus
;
li.
35.
Demetrius
,
Ibidem
.
Alexander
,
li.
36.
and
Tripho
al
Kings
of
Siria
,
lib
.
37.
Attalus
a
king
in
Assia
,
Ibidem
.
Laodice
Quene
of
Cappadocia
,
li.
●9
.
Cleopatra
wife
of
Ptolome
K.
of
Aegipt
,
li.
42.
Mithridates
sonne
to
Artabanus
,
and
Ibidem
.
Horodes
K.
of
Parthia
,
&
lastly
li
43.
Iustin
li.
1●
.
Amulius
vncle
to
Romulus
,
and
Remes
&
killed
by
them
.
36.
These
and
diuers
others
whome
I
omit
for
breuities
sake
are
noted
by
Iustin
,
to
haue
either
gotte
their
estats
or
gouerned
them
tirannically
,
by
periury
,
murders
and
cruelty
,
and
to
haue
perished
miserably
,
and
in
diuers
of
them
he
obserueth
seriously
the
iust
Iudgement
of
God
;
Of
Cambyses
King
of
Persia
,
who
killed
his
owne
brother
,
and
spoiled
the
temple
of
Iupiter
Hammon
,
Idem
li.
2.
he
saith
thus
.
Being
greeuously
wounded
in
the
thygh
with
his
owne
sword
which
fel
out
of
his
scabbard
of
it selfe
he
died
,
and
paied
the
penalty
,
as
wel
of
his
parricid
,
as
of
his
sacrilege
.
Of
Hippias
tirant
of
Athens
,
Idem
li.
24.
he
saith
thus
.
In
that
battaile
Hippias
the
tirant
,
the
author
,
and
mouer
of
that
warre
was
slaine
,
the
Gods
taking
reuenge
of
him
;
Of
Ptolome
king
of
Macedony
he
saith
;
The
wickednes
of
Ptolome
was
not
long
vupunished
,
for
being
spoiled
of
his
kingdome
by
the
Gaules
,
and
after
taken
,
he
lost
his
life
by
the
sword
as
he
deserued
,
the
Gods
punishing
so
many
periuries
,
and
blooddy
parricids
of
his
.
Idem
li.
27.
37.
Of
Seleucus
king
of
Siria
,
who
killed
both
his
brother
,
and
his
mother
in
law
,
he
saith
,
Seleucus
hauing
prepared
a
greate
nauy
to
make
warre
vpon
the
Citties
which
rebelled
against
him
,
lost
the
same
by
tempest
,
whereby
the
Gods
punished
his
parricid
;
and
a
litle
after
,
speaking
of
him
,
and
his
brother
Antiochus
king
of
Asia
(
who
being
banished
out
of
his
kingdome
was
murdred
by
theeues
)
he
saith
,
Seuleucus
being
at
the
same
time
also
driuen
out
of
his
kingdome
,
fel
head
long
from
his
horse
,
Idem
li.
27.
and
so
died
,
so
that
the
two
breethren
being
both
banished
with
like
misfortune
,
after
the
losse
of
their
kingdomes
,
receiued
the
punishment
of
their
wickednes
.
Thus
saith
he
,
who
obserueth
also
the
like
Iustice
,
lib
.
32.
li.
18.
&
28.
&
35.
li.
39.
and
punishment
of
God
in
the
ouerthrow
of
the
Messenians
for
the
murder
of
Philopaemen
,
and
in
the
vnfortunat
ends
of
Machaeus
the
Carthagenian
,
Alexander
king
of
Siria
,
al
the
progeny
of
Cassander
King
of
Macedony
,
li.
25.
the
children
of
Ptolomaeus
,
Euergetes
King
of
Aegipt
,
Brennus
Captaine
of
the
Gaules
with
al
his
sacrilegious
army
,
and
Milo
of
Epirus
who
was
one
of
those
that
killed
Laodomia
,
of
whose
murder
,
and
Gods
Iudgement
vpon
the
murderers
,
Idem
.
li
.
28.
he
saith
thus
.
Quod
facinus
dij
immortales
&c.
The
which
horrible
act
the
immortal
Gods
did
punish
with
the
destruction
of
almost
al
the
people
,
who
were
wel
nere
wholy
consumed
with
dearth
,
famin
,
and
as
wel
ciuil
as
external
ware
;
And
Milo
who
was
the
principal
actor
in
the
murder
of
Laodomia
falling
madde
and
tearing
out
his
owne
bowels
with
his
teeth
,
dyed
with
in
twelue
dayes
after
her
.
38.
This
I
haue
thought
good
to
note
out
of
the
breefe
history
of
Iustin
,
to
geeue
to
the
reader
some
tast
of
the
Iudgement
of
pagan
historiographers
,
concerning
the
Iustice
of
God
,
in
punishing
the
tiranny
,
and
wickednes
of
princes
,
which
as
I
said
before
,
is
so
seriously
,
and
religiously
obserued
of
al
the
best
writers
of
al
ages
,
and
times
(
as
wel
greekes
,
as
latins
,
and
pagans
,
as
wel
as
Christians
)
that
no
man
who
hath
reade
them
can
bee
ignorant
what
the
opinion
,
iudgement
,
and
experience
of
the
world
hath
alwaise
bene
concerning
the
same
,
and
therfore
it
may
wel
be
said
that
Macchiauel
was
either
wilfully
blind
,
Macchiauel
eyther
wilfully
blynd
,
or
more
then
madde
.
if
he
saw
it
not
,
or
more
then
mad
,
if
he
saw
it
,
and
neglected
it
,
presuming
to
teach
a
doctrin
,
not
only
repugnant
to
al
lawes
,
humane
,
and
deuine
,
but
also
proued
to
be
pernicious
by
the
experience
of
the
whole
world
.
39.
But
perhaps
some
polityke
,
An
obiection
of
the
politikes
.
or
Macchiauillian
wil
say
in
defence
of
his
maisters
doctrin
,
that
although
very
many
tirants
,
or
perhaps
the
most
,
haue
miserably
perished
,
yet
there
hath
bene
many
others
,
who
either
got
,
or
conserued
their
states
by
tiranny
and
wickednes
,
&
neuertheles
died
their
natural
deaths
;
yea
,
and
left
florishing
Empires
,
kingdomes
,
or
states
vnto
their
children
,
wherby
any
man
may
be
incouraged
to
follow
their
example
,
with
no
smal
hope
,
of
like
good
successe
;
such
were
3.
Reg
.
15.
&
16.
Baasa
and
4.
Reg
.
15.
Manahen
Kings
of
Israel
;
the
elder
Cicero
Tuscul
.
q
.
li.
5.
Denis
tirant
of
Sicily
,
two
Iustin
.
li
.
38.
&
41.
Ptolomes
.
the
one
cauled
Philopater
and
the
other
Idem
li.
30.
Euergetes
,
the
second
king
of
Aegipt
Idem
.
li
.
38.
Cassander
,
King
of
Macedony
Idem
.
li
.
15.
Constantinus
the
4.
and
Zonar
.
Annal
.
to
3.
Haraclius
Emperours
of
Constantinople
,
Idem
.
Mahomet
the
second
Emperour
of
the
turkes
,
Paul
.
Iouius
in
comment
.
Edward
the
4.
King
of
England
,
Polidor
.
li
.
24.
Haldan
King
of
Denmark
,
and
Saxo
.
li
.
2.
Naucler
in
chron
.
an
.
140●
.
Iohn
Galliace
Duke
of
Millan
,
al
which
hauing
either
attained
to
souerainty
,
or
laboured
to
conserue
them selues
therin
,
by
murders
of
their
parents
,
breethren
,
nephwes
,
or
kinsfolkes
,
or
by
other
wicked
,
and
tyrannical
meanes
,
dyed
according
to
the
course
of
nature
,
and
left
their
states
,
to
their
children
and
posterity
.
40.
To
answere
hereto
,
I
say
first
,
that
though
this
be
true
yet
it
is
greate
folly
to
draw
any
consequence
therof
,
The
answere
to
the
obiection
precepts
are
to
be
deduced
of
things
most
frequent
.
or
to
ground
theron
any
doctrin
,
or
precepts
to
teach
others
to
follow
their
example
;
For
precepts
are
to
be
deduced
of
things
that
are
most
frequent
,
and
ordinary
(
which
breede
an
experience
)
and
not
of
things
more
rare
or
,
seeldome
seene
,
which
are
commonly
casual
,
and
to
be
referred
to
chance
,
for
what
man
that
hath
any
wit
wold
perswade
his
frend
to
goe
to
sea
in
a
storme
,
in
some
little
old
rotten
boat
,
because
he
hath
perhaps
seene
some
escape
,
or
saile
prosperously
,
in
like
manner
?
and
euen
soe
wee
can
not
thinke
to
be
wise
,
who
contemning
common
experience
(
which
teacheth
the
miserable
end
of
tirants
)
to
perswade
men
to
tiranny
by
the
example
of
a
few
who
haue
escaped
,
or
perhaps
bene
prosperous
by
the
secret
disposition
of
Gods
prouidence
,
for
causes
knowne
to
his
deuine
maiesty
,
as
I
haue
partly
signified
already
in
the
26.
chapter
(
where
I
treated
of
the
prosperity
of
wicked
men
)
&
wil
declare
furder
after
a
while
.
Cicero
ad
Atticum
.
41.
Therfore
Caesar
said
,
that
for
as
much
as
he
neuer
knew
any
man
but
Silla
,
who
could
conserue
his
state
long
by
cruelty
he
meant
not
to
folly
his
example
,
One
swallovv
makes
no
summer
.
for
as
the
prouerb
saith
;
One
,
swallow
makes
no
summer
,
neither
ought
a
few
examples
to
ouerthrow
a
greater
number
,
and
much
lesse
common
experience
.
In
which
respect
,
it
may
wel
be
said
to
the
Macchiauillians
,
as
one
said
to
a
priest
of
Neptune
,
Cicero
de
natura
deor
.
who
showed
him
certaine
painted
tables
hanged
vp
in
Neptunes
temple
,
containing
the
histories
of
some
whome
Neptune
had
,
as
they
thought
,
deliuered
from
drowning
,
but
can
you
tel
me
(
quoth
he
)
how
many
haue
bene
drowned
,
for
these
few
which
haue
escaped
?
and
so
I
say
to
the
Macchiauillians
,
that
for
a
few
tirants
which
haue
liued
,
and
died
prosperously
,
through
Gods
secret
Iudgements
,
they
may
find
an
infinit
number
of
others
,
who
haue
bene
by
his
iustice
,
ruined
,
and
destroyed
.
42.
But
to
satisfy
this
obiection
more
fully
,
I
am
to
desire
thee
,
good
reader
,
to
caule
to
mind
that
which
I
haue
treated
before
,
Chap.
26.
concerning
the
prosperity
of
wicked
men
in
this
life
,
wherein
amongst
many
other
things
very
considerable
for
this
matter
,
Psal
.
144.
I
haue
declared
that
almighty
God
(
whose
mercy
is
aboue
al
his
woorks
,
)
doth
sometymes
extend
the
same
towards
the
most
wicked
,
for
such
causes
,
as
I
haue
there
signifyed
,
yet
in
such
sort
,
The
children
of
tyrants
punished
for
their
fathers
tyranny
.
Chap.
26.
Per
totum
Chap.
27.
num
.
13.
&
sequent
Iob
.
21.
that
although
he
doth
mercifully
remit
vnto
theim
the
temporal
punishment
due
to
their
wickednes
,
or
some
part
therof
,
yet
he
iustly
exacteth
it
afterwards
of
their
children
and
posterity
,
wherof
I
haue
alledged
many
reasons
,
and
examples
needeles
to
repeate
in
this
place
,
because
they
may
be
seene
at
large
in
the
26.
and
27.
chapters
;
wherby
it
appeareth
how
true
it
is
,
which
Iob
.
saith
,
Deus
seruabit
filijs
impij
dolorem
patris
.
God
wil
reserue
the
sorrow
of
the
wicked
father
for
his
children
,
and
that
as
the
Poët
saith
.
—
Crimina
sepe
luunt
nati
scelerata
parentum
.
Eurprid
.
The
children
doe
oft
pay
the
penalty
of
their
fathers
wickednes
.
And
this
being
most
euidently
true
in
al
sorts
of
wicked
men
may
be
most
generally
obserued
in
such
tyrants
as
possesse
theim selues
of
states
,
or
seeke
to
conserue
theim
by
murders
,
as
shal
appeare
euen
in
those
who
are
mentioned
in
the
obiection
,
of
whome
I
wil
treate
in
the
same
order
that
there
they
are
set
downe
.
43.
Baasa
got
the
kingdome
of
Israel
,
Baasa
,
king
of
Israel
.
by
the
murder
of
king
Nadab
,
and
though
he
him selfe
dyed
his
natural
death
,
yet
his
sonne
Ela
was
killed
by
his
seruant
Zambri
,
3.
Reg
.
15.
who
as
the
scripture
saith
,
Percussit
omnem
domum
Baasa
&c.
destroyed
al
the
house
of
Baasa
,
&
filij
eius
propter
vniuersa
peccata
Baasa
,
and
of
his
sonne
Ela
for
al
the
sinnes
of
Baasa
.
44.
Manahen
king
of
Israel
.
Manahen
depriued
Sellum
as
wel
of
his
life
as
of
the
kingdome
of
Israel
,
and
died
neuertheles
in
his
bed
.
But
Phaceia
his
sonne
,
was
murdred
by
Phacee
,
and
so
payed
the
penalty
of
his
fathers
offenses
.
4.
Reg
.
15.
45.
As
for
Denis
the
first
tyrant
of
Sicily
of
that
name
,
the
historiographers
doe
not
agree
concerning
his
death
,
Denis
tyrant
of
Sicily
.
for
although
most
doe
affirme
that
he
raygned
38.
yeres
,
and
died
naturally
,
leauing
his
kingdome
to
Denis
his
sonne
,
yet
Iustin
following
Trogus
Pompeyus
whose
history
he
abridgeth
,
saith
that
he
was
slayne
;
Iustin
li.
20.
in
fine
.
but
howso
euer
it
was
,
two
things
are
euident
in
him
greately
to
be
noted
;
the
one
,
that
his
life
was
most
miserable
,
by
reason
of
the
continual
feares
,
suspitions
,
and
torment
of
mind
wherin
he
liued
,
as
I
haue
declared
at
large
in
the
last
chapter
;
num
.
42.
and
the
other
is
,
the
punishment
of
God
vpon
his
sonne
,
who
was
driuen
out
of
his
kingdome
by
Dyon
,
and
forced
to
liue
at
Corinth
in
most
base
manner
,
and
to
gett
his
liuing
by
teaching
children
.
Wherin
Valerius
Maximus
a
pagan
writer
,
obserueth
notably
the
Iustice
of
God
extended
vpon
him
for
his
fathers
tiranny
,
Valer
.
li.
2.
c
.
1.
saying
of
his
father
,
that
although
in
his
life
tyme
,
he
suffred
not
the
punishment
due
to
his
wickednes
,
yet
being
dead
he
payed
for
it
in
the
shamful
calamity
of
his
sonne
;
wherto
Valerius
also
addeth
this
golden
sentence
.
Lento
enim
gradu
procedit
diuina
ira
,
Idem
.
Ibidem
.
tarditatemque
suplicij
grauitate
compensat
.
The
wrath
of
God
proceedeth
with
a
slow
pace
to
take
reue
nge
of
offenses
comitted
against
him
,
and
recompenseth
the
delay
of
the
punsihment
,
with
the
greeueousnes
therof
.
Ptolome
Philopator
king
of
Egipt
.
46.
Ptolome
who
was
cauled
in
mockery
Philopater
(
that
is
to
say
a
louer
or
frend
of
his
father
,
because
he
killed
both
his
father
,
and
his
mother
,
)
died
his
natural
death
,
leauing
his
kingdome
to
his
sonne
Ptolome
Epiphanes
,
who
also
died
peacibly
for
ought
I
find
to
the
contrary
,
wherin
I
confesse
it
pleased
God
to
interrupt
the
ordinary
course
of
his
Iustice
in
punishing
tyrannical
murders
with
murder
,
or
other
violent
death
,
eyther
in
the
father
,
or
in
the
sonne
,
which
is
to
be
attributed
to
some
iust
though
secret
cause
,
knowne
only
to
his
infinit
wisdome
,
wherof
wee
see
the
very
like
in
the
holly
scriptures
in
Iehu
King
of
Israel
,
4.
Reg
.
10.
&
15.
and
his
posterity
,
for
although
the
ordinary
course
of
Gods
Iustice
was
not
to
permit
the
posterity
of
any
of
the
schismatical
Kings
of
Israel
,
to
enioye
that
kingdome
furder
then
the
2.
generation
,
(
so
that
their
lynes
and
races
were
euer
cut
of
,
eyther
in
the
father
or
in
the
sonne
,
)
he
exempted
Iehu
,
and
his
posterity
from
that
punishment
,
granting
them
a
particular
priuiledge
,
to
succeede
one
an
other
,
vntil
the
4.
generation
after
Iehu
,
for
the
notable
seruice
which
Iehu
did
him
in
destroying
the
house
of
Achab
,
as
I
haue
declared
in
the
26.
chapter
,
treating
of
the
prosperity
of
wicked
men
.
num
.
21.
47.
And
if
it
may
be
lawful
to
coniecture
the
cause
why
God
exempted
Ptolome
Philopator
,
and
his
sonne
Epiphanes
from
the
punishment
of
violent
death
due
to
the
wickednes
of
Philopator
,
it
may
be
probably
said
,
(
for
of
Gods
secret
Iudgements
,
I
dare
certaynely
affirme
nothing
,
)
that
it
may
be
ascribed
to
the
mercy
of
God
extended
towards
theim
,
for
the
seruice
which
Ptolomeus
Philadelphus
grand
father
to
Philopator
did
him
,
Iustin
li.
39.
as
wel
in
releasing
the
Iewes
which
were
captiues
in
Aegipt
,
to
the
number
of
a
hundreth
,
Iosephus
.
de
antiq
.
li
.
12.
ca.
2.
and
twenty
thousand
,
as
also
in
sending
rich
gifts
and
presents
to
the
temple
of
Hierusalem
,
besids
that
he
caused
the
law
of
Moyses
to
be
translated
in
to
the
Greeke
tongue
by
70.
learned
Iewes
,
commonly
cauled
the
Septuaginta
Interpreters
,
to
the
end
that
the
same
might
be
reserued
in
his
liberary
.
In
al
which
,
it
may
be
thought
,
he
did
such
grateful
seruice
to
almighty
God
,
that
the
reward
therof
redounded
to
his
posterity
to
the
4.
generation
,
as
it
fel
out
in
the
posterity
of
Iehu
:
and
that
therfore
,
nether
Philopator
who
was
grande-child
to
Philadelphus
,
nor
Epiphanes
sonne
to
Philopator
,
nor
Philometor
sonne
to
Epiphanes
dyed
violently
,
though
the
murders
,
as
wel
of
Philometor
,
who
killed
his
owne
mother
,
as
of
Philopator
(
of
whome
I
principally
speake
here
)
might
haue
deserued
it
.
48.
And
as
the
priuiledge
granted
to
the
posterity
of
Iehu
ceassed
in
the
4.
successor
(
for
Zacharias
who
was
the
4.
4
Reg
15.
either
left
no
children
,
or
if
he
did
,
they
succeeded
not
)
so
also
the
exemption
from
violent
death
,
granted
as
it
may
be
thought
to
the
posterity
of
Philadelphus
,
ceassed
in
the
4.
descent
;
for
Philometor
,
who
was
the
4.
successor
died
his
natural
death
,
but
his
sonne
was
depriued
,
both
of
his
kingdome
,
and
his
life
,
by
his
vncle
Euergetes
,
of
whome
I
am
to
speake
next
;
And
this
I
haue
thought
good
to
note
by
the
way
,
as
not
vnprobable
,
Iustin
.
38.
not
presuming
to
assure
any
thing
concerning
Gods
secret
Iudgements
;
But
that
which
I
take
vpon
me
to
affirme
here
is
,
that
for
as
much
as
there
is
no
rule
so
general
,
but
that
it
hath
an
exception
,
therfore
neither
this
example
of
Philopator
,
nor
a
few
other
such
like
,
proceeding
of
Gods
secret
Iudgements
(
which
are
euer
most
iust
)
can
preiudice
the
generality
of
the
rule
obserued
in
the
ordinary
course
of
his
Iustice
towards
most
men
;
Thus
much
concerning
Philopator
.
49.
Now
then
to
come
to
Ptolome
Euergetes
the
2.
(
who
was
sonne
to
Epiphanes
,
Ptolome
Euergetes
king
of
Aegipt
.
and
brother
to
Philometor
(
he
was
a
most
barbarous
,
and
cruel
tirant
,
for
he
killed
not
only
his
neuew
,
sonne
to
Philometor
(
as
I
haue
saide
)
but
also
a
sonne
of
his
owne
,
which
he
had
by
Cleopatra
his
owne
sister
;
Iustin
.
li
.
38.
besids
his
horrible
cruelty
in
murdring
many
principal
Citizens
of
Alexandria
which
although
it
was
not
punished
in
him
by
violent
death
;
(
perhaps
because
he
was
also
within
the
compasse
of
the
4.
generation
,
Iustin
li.
39.
being
brother
to
Philometor
aforesaid
)
yet
it
drew
the
vengeance
of
almighty
God
vpon
his
children
;
for
his
sinne
Ptolome
Phiscon
was
expelled
out
of
his
kingdome
by
his
owne
mother
Cleopatra
,
and
by
Alexander
his
younger
brother
,
which
Alexander
poisoned
his
mother
,
&
hauing
possest
him selfe
of
the
kingdom
,
was
driuen
out
againe
by
the
people
.
And
in
like
manner
the
two
daughters
of
Euergetes
,
Idem
.
Ibidem
.
Cleopatra
&
Griphina
being
maried
to
two
breethren
Ciricenus
,
and
Griphus
(
who
contended
for
the
kingdome
of
Siria
)
caused
the
destruction
of
one
an
other
;
for
Griph●na
procured
Cleopatra
to
be
murdred
in
the
very
Temple
of
the
Gods
where
she
had
taken
sainctuary
,
whose
death
was
afterwards
reuenged
by
her
husband
Ciricenus
,
who
hauing
ouerthrown
his
brother
Griphus
,
husband
to
Griphina
,
slew
her
in
reuenge
of
his
wiues
death
.
50.
Cassander
King
of
Macedony
Cassander
king
of
Macedony
,
was
not
only
consenting
to
the
poisoning
of
Alexander
the
greate
,
but
also
destroied
al
his
children
,
and
family
,
and
yet
died
no
violent
death
;
But
his
3.
sonnes
Antipater
,
Alexander
,
and
Philip
,
were
slaine
,
&
his
daughter
Euridice
was
kept
in
continual
prison
;
Iustin
.
li
.
16.
Atque
ita
,
saith
Iustin
vniuersa
Cassandri
domus
&c.
and
so
al
the
family
of
Cassander
paied
for
the
murder
,
as
wel
of
Alexander
,
as
of
his
children
,
partly
with
their
deaths
,
and
partly
with
their
punishment
.
51.
Constantine
the
4.
Emperour
of
that
name
,
first
cutte
of
the
nose
,
and
eares
of
his
two
breethren
,
and
after
killed
them
,
and
for
as
much
as
he
became
afterwards
a
good
man
,
it
seemeth
that
God
translated
the
temporal
punishment
therof
from
him
,
to
his
sonne
Iustinian
the
Emperour
,
whome
Leoncius
the
tirant
depriued
as
wel
of
his
nose
,
and
eares
,
as
of
his
empire
,
banishing
him
into
Pontus
;
and
Leoncius
being
ouerthrowne
,
and
taken
in
a
battaile
by
Tiberius
,
Zonar
Annal
.
To
.
3.
lost
both
his
nose
,
and
his
liberty
.
Afterwards
Iustinian
recouering
his
empire
tooke
Tiberius
prisoner
,
and
hauing
commanded
both
his
nose
,
and
his
eares
to
be
cutte
of
,
caused
him
and
Leoncius
whome
he
found
in
prison
to
be
executed
together
,
wherwith
neuertheles
the
tragedy
ended
not
,
vntil
at
length
both
Iustinian
,
and
his
sonne
Tiberius
were
slaine
by
Philippicus
,
who
succeeded
him
in
the
Empire
.
Heraclius
the
Emperour
.
52.
Heraclius
the
Emperour
succeeding
Phocas
whome
hee
slew
,
left
two
sonnes
,
Constantin
the
5.
and
Heracleona
,
of
which
two
,
Constantine
was
poisoned
by
his
stepmother
Martina
,
to
aduance
Heracleona
her
sonne
to
the
Empire
,
Zonar
.
Annal
.
To
3.
Paul
.
Diac
.
li
.
18.
who
after
awhile
was
depriued
therof
,
and
banished
together
with
his
mother
,
his
nose
being
cutte
of
,
and
her
tongue
.
Mahomet
the
second
Emperour
of
the
turkes
.
Paul
.
Iouius
in
com
.
rerum
Turci●
.
53.
Mahomet
the
second
Emperour
of
the
Turkes
of
that
name
,
who
ouerthrew
the
Empires
of
Constantinople
,
and
Trabisonda
,
succeeded
his
brother
Amurates
,
and
for
the
assurance
of
his
Empire
,
presently
caused
his
owne
brother
to
bee
killed
,
the
reuenge
of
whose
blood
,
fel
vpon
his
sonnes
,
Zizimus
,
and
Baiazet
the
2.
of
whome
the
first
being
forced
by
his
brother
to
flee
into
Christiandome
,
was
poisoned
in
Italy
,
and
the
other
to
wit
Baiazet
was
expelled
our
of
Constantinople
,
and
poisoned
by
his
owne
sonne
Selim
.
54.
Edward
the
4.
King
of
England
,
Edward
the
4.
king
of
England
.
Polidor
li.
24.
caused
not
only
king
Henry
the
6.
and
the
prince
his
sonne
,
but
also
his
owne
brother
George
duke
of
Clarence
to
be
murdred
,
the
penalty
wherof
was
paied
with
the
blood
of
both
his
sonnes
Edward
the
5.
and
his
brother
,
murdred
by
their
vncle
king
Richard
in
the
tower
.
55.
Haldan
k
.
of
Denmark
.
Haldan
king
of
Denm●rk
got
the
kingdome
by
the
murder
of
his
two
brethren
Roe
,
and
Scato
,
and
was
afterwards
so
cruel
a
tirant
al
his
life
,
that
Saxo
Grammaticus
(
an
ancient
historiographer
of
Denmark
)
saith
of
him
thus
.
Saxo
Gramma
.
Hist
.
Daniae
.
li
.
2.
His
fortune
was
most
admirable
in
one
thing
,
to
wit
that
although
he
neuer
omitted
any
moment
of
time
in
the
exercise
of
cruelty
,
yet
;
senectute
vitam
non
ferro
finiuit
;
He
ended
his
life
by
old
age
,
and
not
by
sword
.
Thus
saith
Saxo
,
noting
the
common
experience
of
the
bloody
and
violent
deaths
,
of
cruel
,
and
bloody
tirants
,
in
respect
wherof
he
wondered
at
the
natural
,
and
quiet
end
of
Haldan
,
which
must
be
referred
(
as
I
haue
noted
of
the
rest
)
to
the
secret
Iudgements
of
almighty
God
,
transferring
sometimes
the
fathers
temporal
punishment
to
the
children
,
for
iust
,
though
secret
causes
knowne
only
to
his
infinit
wisdome
,
as
it
may
also
be
obserued
in
this
case
:
for
whereas
king
Haldan
left
two
sonnes
,
Roe
,
and
Helgo
,
the
first
,
Saxo
.
Ibidem
.
being
inuaded
,
and
ouerthrown
in
three
battailes
by
the
king
of
Suethland
,
was
also
slaine
by
him
,
and
the
other
following
his
fathers
steps
,
as
wel
in
cruelty
,
as
al
other
wickednes
,
grew
no
lesse
hateful
to
him selfe
,
then
to
al
other
men
,
and
in
the
end
killed
him selfe
with
his
owne
sword
.
56.
To
conclude
,
Iohn
Galeas
Viscont
possessing
the
one
haulfe
of
the
state
of
Millan
,
and
his
brother
Barnaba
the
other
,
killed
his
brother
to
haue
the
whole
,
and
hauing
obtained
the
title
of
Duke
of
Wenceslaus
the
emperour
,
subdued
al
Lumbardy
,
Iohn
Galeas
the
fyrst
duke
of
Millan
.
Naucler
.
in
chron
.
an
.
1400.
&
left
the
same
with
the
title
of
a
duchy
to
his
sonne
Iohn
Maria
Visconte
,
who
was
afterwards
slaine
by
his
owne
subiects
for
his
tiranny
,
and
so
receaued
the
punishment
both
of
his
fathers
wickednes
and
his
owne
.
57.
To
these
might
be
added
other
children
of
blooddy
tirants
,
who
paied
the
penalty
of
their
fathers
wickednes
with
their
blood
,
and
yet
if
you
compare
them
in
number
with
those
whome
God
hath
manifestly
punished
in
this
life
for
their
owne
tiranny
,
you
shal
find
them
to
be
few
in
respect
of
the
other
;
But
how
soeuer
it
is
,
this
I
dare
be
bold
to
say
,
that
there
are
very
few
,
No
notable
tyrant
vnpunished
in
his
person
,
state
or
posterity
.
or
skantly
any
one
notable
tirant
to
be
found
in
al
antiquity
,
whose
person
,
state
,
or
posterity
,
hath
not
receiued
some
notorious
punishment
,
euen
in
the
very
opinion
and
iudgement
of
the
world
,
and
most
commonly
by
violent
,
&
bloody
death
,
it
being
most
consonant
,
to
the
Iustice
,
and
Iudgements
of
God
,
Blood
euer
repayed
with
blood
.
Matth
ca.
26.
Gen.
9.
that
the
punishment
be
correspondent
to
the
fault
,
that
blood
be
repaied
with
blood
,
and
that
as
our
Sauiour
saith
,
He
which
striketh
with
the
sword
,
should
perish
with
the
sword
.
58.
Therfore
almighty
God
said
to
Noe
.
Quicunque
effuderit
bumanum
sanguinem
,
fundetur
sanguis
illius
.
Whosoeuer
shal
spil
mans
blood
,
his
blood
shal
be
spilt
,
which
we
see
was
verified
for
the
example
of
others
in
Cain
the
protoparicid
,
Gen.
4.
when
he
had
killed
his
brother
Abel
,
whose
blood
our
lord
said
did
cry
to
him
for
vengeance
from
the
earth
,
and
therfore
he
was
accursed
by
almighty
God
,
and
afterwards
killed
by
Lamech
;
And
Adonibezec
hauing
cruelly
cut
of
the
hands
,
and
feete
of
seuenty
Kings
,
and
after
killed
them
,
Iud.
1.
was
taken
by
the
tribe
of
Iuda
,
and
handl●d
in
the
same
manner
,
acknowledging
Gods
Iustice
in
him selfe
,
saying
.
Sicut
feci
ita
redidit
mihi
Dominus
,
As
I
haue
donne
to
others
so
our
lord
hath
rendred
to
me
.
59.
And
in
like
manner
when
Achab
had
killed
Naboth
to
the
end
to
haue
his
vineyard
,
the
prophet
said
vnto
him
.
In
hoc
loco
in
quo
linxerunt
canes
sanguinem
Naboth
,
3.
Reg
.
c
.
22.
lingent
sanguinem
tuum
.
Euen
in
this
same
place
where
the
doggs
haue
licked
the
blood
of
Naboth
,
they
shal
lick
thyne
,
which
was
after
fulfilled
.
And
the
like
seuerity
of
Gods
Iustice
may
be
noted
in
Dauid
,
and
his
children
for
the
murder
of
Vrias
,
and
not
only
in
Amon
sonne
to
Manasses
;
but
also
in
al
the
people
,
and
cuntry
of
Iuda
,
which
was
miserably
spoyled
,
and
wasted
by
the
incursions
of
the
Sirians
,
Moabits
,
4.
Reg
.
24.
●bid
.
and
Amonits
,
in
the
tyme
of
Ioachin
grand-child
to
Manasses
,
Propter
,
sanguinem
innoxium
quem
effudit
,
&c.
For
the
innocent
blood
which
Manasses
shed
;
Et
ob
hanc
rem
noluit
Deus
propitiari
,
And
for
this
cause
God
wold
not
be
merciful
vnto
them
.
Thus
saith
the
scripture
;
wherby
we
may
see
that
,
Psal
.
5.
as
the
roial
prophet
saith
;
Virum
sanguinum
&
dolosum
abominatur
dominus
;
Our
Lord
abhorreth
the
bloody
,
&
deceitful
man
.
60.
To
which
purpose
,
Gods
wonderful
prouidence
&
Iustice
in
the
strange
discouery
of
murders
.
I
cannot
omit
vpon
this
occasion
to
note
here
by
the
way
the
wonderful
prouidence
,
and
Iustice
of
almighty
God
,
daily
showed
in
the
strange
discouery
of
murders
amongst
priuat
men
,
be
they
neuer
so
secretly
committed
.
For
whence
can
it
proceede
but
from
Gods
special
prouidence
,
and
Iustice
,
that
the
wounds
of
the
dead
body
of
him
that
is
murdred
,
doe
bleed
a
fresh
if
the
murderer
come
where
it
is
?
The
wounds
of
a
dead
body
bleede
if
the
murderer
come
where
it
is
.
which
not
only
graue
authors
doe
testify
,
but
also
common
experience
proueth
to
be
true
,
by
the
meanes
wherof
many
murders
haue
bene
discou●red
.
And
what
is
there
more
generally
obserued
in
the
experience
of
men
,
then
that
murder
can
not
be
hidden
,
but
that
it
is
discouered
,
and
punished
sooner
,
or
later
?
which
hath
bene
also
an
old
obseruation
,
A
strange
story
of
the
discouery
of
a
murder
.
as
it
may
appeare
by
a
strange
story
which
Plutark
reporteth
of
the
murder
of
one
Ibicus
,
though
he
tel
it
to
an
other
purpose
.
The
story
is
thus
.
91.
Ibicus
being
taken
by
certaine
enemies
of
his
,
Ibicus
murdred
.
and
caried
to
a
secret
place
where
they
meant
to
kil
him
,
perswaded
them
to
desist
from
their
enterprise
,
assuring
them
that
his
death
wold
be
discouered
,
and
reuenged
by
some
meanes
or
other
;
Plutark
in
his
treatise
of
much
talking
.
and
when
they
laughed
at
him
,
and
asked
him
who
should
discouer
it
,
he
showed
them
certaine
cranes
,
which
flew
ouer
their
heads
,
saying
that
although
there
should
be
no
humane
testimony
to
conuince
them
,
yet
those
cranes
should
be
witnesses
against
them
,
and
helpe
to
reuenge
his
death
;
neuerthelesse
they
slew
him
,
and
when
he
had
bene
missed
some
yeres
,
and
greate
enquiry
made
for
him
by
●is
frends
,
it
chanced
one
day
,
that
as
the
murderers
sate
togeather
in
the
Theater
,
beholding
a
publike
spectacle
,
there
flew
ouer
their
heads
certaine
cranes
,
which
one
of
them
seeing
,
showed
them
to
his
fellowes
,
and
laughed
saying
,
behold
the
witnesses
and
reuengers
of
the
death
of
Ibicus
,
this
was
ouer-heard
by
some
that
knew
him
,
who
signified
it
to
the
magistrats
,
whereupon
they
were
taken
,
and
examined
,
and
confessing
the
murder
were
executed
.
62.
The
same
author
recounteth
an
other
notable
history
,
An
other
strange
story
of
a
murder
discouered
.
which
I
haue
alledged
before
vpon
an
other
occasion
to
wit
,
that
one
who
had
killed
his
owne
father
,
and
was
not
discouered
of
many
yeres
,
Plutark
de
sera
numin
.
vindicta
.
bewraied
him selfe
by
pulling
doune
a
swallows
nest
,
and
stamping
the
yong
swallowes
vnder
his
feete
in
a
greate
rage
,
telling
them
who
asked
him
the
cause
,
that
the
swallowes
said
,
he
had
killed
his
father
;
wherupon
he
was
suspected
,
examined
,
and
vpon
his
confession
condemned
,
and
executed
,
as
I
haue
declared
more
at
large
in
the
26.
num
.
10.
Cedren
apud
Zonar
.
Annal
.
To
.
3.
in
Constantino
Pogonato
.
chapter
.
63
To
these
I
wil
ad
only
one
other
example
out
of
Cedrenus
.
A
theefe
hauing
robbed
,
&
killed
a
poore
man
who
had
a
dogge
with
him
,
left
the
dead
body
not
far
from
the
high
way
,
and
the
dogg
lying
by
it
;
with
in
a
while
after
a
passenger
seeing
the
dead
body
,
buried
it
;
which
being
donne
,
the
dogge
fauned
vpon
him
,
and
followed
him
home
;
This
man
was
an
Inne-keeper
,
A
murdrer
discouered
by
a
dogge
.
and
wheras
the
dogg
did
vse
to
faune
vpon
al
the
guests
that
came
to
his
house
,
it
chaunced
one
day
,
that
he
barked
at
one
,
who
came
to
drinke
there
,
and
sett
vpon
him
with
such
violence
,
that
the
Inne-keeper
,
and
others
,
noting
the
same
,
were
moued
(
saith
the
author
)
by
deuine
instinct
,
to
conceiue
that
he
was
the
man
who
had
killed
the
doggs
former
maister
,
&
vpon
suspicion
therof
,
caused
him
to
be
apprehended
,
and
examined
,
and
so
it
s
fel
out
that
he
being
the
murderer
,
confessed
it
,
and
receiued
the
punishment
which
he
deserued
.
64.
I
forbeare
to
alledge
modern
examples
of
this
matter
,
for
that
no
man
can
be
ignorant
of
the
strange
accidents
which
hap
dayly
in
one
place
or
other
,
for
the
discouery
,
and
punishment
of
murderers
;
and
therfore
I
conclude
,
that
the
common
obseruation
therof
,
being
deriued
from
the
experience
as
wel
of
former
ages
,
as
of
the
present
time
,
is
a
notable
argument
,
not
only
of
the
enormity
and
horr●r
of
homicid
,
but
also
of
Gods
greate
prouidence
,
and
seuere
iustice
in
punishing
the
same
.
65.
Seeing
then
almighty
God
hath
ordayned
this
miraculous
discouery
of
murders
,
to
the
end
no
murderer
amongst
priuat
men
shal
escape
the
punishment
of
humane
lawes
,
it
is
no
meruel
,
if
he
seuerely
punish
murder
in
princes
,
who
ought
to
punish
it
in
others
,
wherby
it
may
also
be
iudged
what
assurance
,
or
benefit
a
prince
may
procure
to
his
state
by
such
horrible
murders
,
as
Macchiauel
seemeth
to
allow
in
his
prince
;
wherby
he
shal
expose
him selfe
not
only
to
the
hatred
of
men
,
but
also
to
the
wrath
,
and
vengeance
of
almighty
God
,
against
whome
he
hath
no
defence
.
For
be
he
neuer
so
strong
,
and
potent
,
God
wil
put
(
as
the
Prophet
said
of
Sennacherib
)
Circulam
in
naribus
eius
&c.
Isay
.
37.
4.
Reg
.
1●
.
A
ring
in
his
nose
,
and
a
bridle
in
his
mouth
,
where
with
he
wil
wring
him
,
wind
him
,
and
turne
him
which
way
he
list
,
yea
&
perhaps
make
some
little
mouse
,
louse
,
or
woorme
ouerthrow
him
,
and
tryumph
ouer
al
his
power
,
pompe
,
and
pride
,
as
it
may
appeare
by
the
strange
and
miserable
ends
of
dyuers
kings
and
princes
,
of
whome
I
haue
spoken
before
in
this
chapter
.
num
.
11.
&
1●
.
IT
IS
FVRDER
DEBATED
WHETHER
AL
sinful
policy
be
against
reason
of
state
,
by
occasion
where
of
,
some
things
are
obserued
concerning
the
course
of
Gods
prouidence
,
in
the
conseruation
,
and
destruction
of
states
:
and
by
the
waye
some
what
is
sayde
of
sorcery
,
and
how
dangerous
the
practise
therof
is
to
princes
,
and
finally
it
is
concluded
that
al
wicked
policy
is
pernicious
to
state
,
and
that
the
wisdome
of
Politykes
and
Machiauillians
is
mere
folly
.
CHAP.
36
BVT
now
perhaps
the
politike
wil
saie
,
An
obiection
of
the
politi●es
.
that
although
he
should
grant
that
the
continuance
of
wickednes
might
make
a
prince
hateful
both
to
God
,
and
man
,
and
consequently
procure
his
ruine
,
neuerthelesse
it
wold
not
follow
that
euery
policy
which
may
be
sinful
,
Whether
euery
sinful
policy
be
against
reason
of
state
.
and
offensiue
to
God
,
is
aginst
reason
of
state
,
seeing
experience
teacheth
that
such
policyes
are
many
times
beneficial
,
and
profitable
to
state
,
and
what
soeuer
doth
benefit
the
state
,
the
same
may
be
iustly
saide
to
be
according
to
reason
of
state
,
and
be
practised
of
statists
with
out
imputation
of
folly
,
especially
in
cases
or
extremity
,
when
a
prince
seeth
him selfe
brought
to
such
an
exigent
,
that
he
hath
no
hope
of
helpe
by
any
lawful
meanes
,
and
yet
may
perswade
him selfe
that
some
act
,
which
may
be
counted
a
sinne
or
offence
to
God
,
may
procure
him
some
remedy
,
as
some
fraudulent
dealing
,
periury
,
murder
,
or
such
like
?
For
although
,
say
the
politikes
,
that
in
cases
where
there
is
freedome
of
election
of
good
or
bad
policies
,
it
may
perhaps
be
conuenient
to
vse
the
good
,
and
eschew
the
euil
,
yet
when
the
case
seemeth
to
be
desperat
,
and
no
choise
left
but
either
to
practise
some
wicked
policy
,
or
to
suffer
the
state
to
perish
,
then
at
least
,
say
they
,
reason
of
state
requireth
that
the
state
be
conserued
by
what
meanes
soeuer
.
The
answere
to
the
obiection
.
2.
For
the
satisfaction
of
this
difficulty
,
it
is
to
be
considered
that
euery
thing
which
succeedeth
wel
in
matter
of
state
,
can
not
be
said
to
be
according
to
reason
of
state
,
or
to
be
wel
and
wisely
donne
,
Euery
thing
which
succeedeth
wel
in
matter
of
state
is
not
according
to
reason
of
state
and
why
.
for
that
the
successe
not
only
of
very
bad
,
but
also
of
very
foolish
designments
is
many
times
very
good
,
by
chance
,
as
we
commonly
say
,
or
rather
by
the
permission
,
or
secret
disposition
of
almighty
God
,
who
(
as
I
haue
often
signified
)
disposeth
of
the
affaires
of
men
,
not
acccording
to
their
wills
or
wishes
but
according
to
his
owne
holly
wil
,
and
secret
Iudgements
,
drawing
alwaise
good
out
of
euil
,
and
turning
the
woorst
intentions
,
and
actions
of
the
wickedest
men
in
the
world
,
to
the
good
of
others
,
and
his
owne
glory
one
way
or
other
.
What
a
prince
reduced
to
any
extremity
is
to
consider
.
3.
Therfore
a
prince
who
seeth
him selfe
reduced
to
any
such
extremity
,
that
he
may
think
it
needeful
to
vse
some
wicked
policy
,
is
to
consider
that
the
calamity
which
he
either
suffreth
,
or
feareth
,
can
not
hap
vnto
him
without
Gods
special
prouidence
,
but
rather
by
his
iust
ordinance
,
either
for
his
trial
,
and
exercise
,
or
for
the
iust
punishment
of
his
sinnes
,
or
of
the
sinnes
of
his
parents
or
predecessors
,
Chap
17.
nu
.
24
25.
&
26.
or
perhaps
of
the
people
,
as
I
haue
sufficiently
proued
before
.
4.
If
it
be
only
for
his
trial
,
that
it
is
to
saye
,
to
proue
and
try
his
faith
,
&
hope
in
God
,
and
to
exercise
his
pacience
(
for
which
causes
God
suffred
Iob
,
Iob
.
1.2.3.42
.
To
.
●i
.
12.
and
Tobias
to
be
tempted
,
and
permitteth
his
best
beloued
seruants
to
faule
into
difficulties
)
what
other
effect
can
wicked
policy
woork
,
then
that
the
affliction
which
God
laied
vpon
him
for
his
benefit
and
special
good
,
shal
turne
by
Gods
iust
Iudgement
to
his
vtter
ruine
both
of
body
&
soule
?
5.
And
if
the
affliction
be
a
punishment
of
sinne
in
any
sort
,
he
can
not
with
any
reason
conceiue
that
the
same
may
be
remedied
by
sinful
,
and
wicked
meanes
,
wherby
the
cause
of
his
affliction
shal
be
encreased
,
and
Gods
indignation
,
and
wrath
furder
kindled
against
him
and
his
state
;
and
much
lesse
may
he
hope
,
either
to
force
,
or
frustrat
the
wil
of
God
by
policies
,
Extreme
folly
to
see●e
to
force
or
frustrat
the
wil
of
God
.
and
deuises
,
as
we
read
that
diuers
wicked
princes
haue
laboured
to
doe
,
and
gained
nothing
els
in
the
end
,
but
either
a
note
of
extreme
folly
and
impiety
,
or
els
vtter
ruine
to
them selues
and
their
states
,
and
as
the
tragical
Poët
saith
.
—
Ad
fatum
venêre
suum
dum
fata
timent
.
Seneca
in
O●dip
.
They
came
to
their
fatal
end
,
whiles
they
feared
,
or
sought
to
auoide
their
fate
;
that
is
to
saye
,
them selues
the
instruments
of
Gods
wil
and
Iustice
,
to
execute
the
same
vpon
them selues
.
6.
And
although
I
haue
proued
this
already
by
many
examples
of
princes
,
who
haue
perished
by
their
owne
wicked
policies
,
yet
I
wil
ad
here
a
few
more
examples
,
of
such
as
hauing
had
some
light
,
and
vnderstanding
of
Gods
wil
concerning
them selues
or
their
states
,
haue
sought
by
some
impious
policies
to
elude
,
or
auert
it
.
7.
To
which
purpose
I
wish
it
first
to
be
noted
by
the
way
,
God
reuealeth
sometymes
his
secret
iudgements
to
wicked
spirits
,
and
how
.
Ioan
.
11.
Aug.
de
Genesi
ad
litteram
.
ca.
17.
that
almighty
God
doth
sometymes
(
for
secret
causes
knowne
only
to
his
infinit
wisdome
)
reueale
his
owne
hidden
and
secret
councels
,
not
only
to
wicked
men
,
as
he
did
to
Caiphas
,
but
also
to
wicked
spirits
,
by
the
ministery
of
his
Angels
,
as
S.
Augustin
witnesseth
,
by
which
meanes
the
deuils
did
truly
fore-tel
to
the
paynims
many
things
which
depended
only
vpon
the
wil
of
God
,
wherof
there
hath
ben
also
and
stil
is
,
sufficient
experience
amongst
Christians
in
the
detestable
practise
of
nigromancy
,
and
sorcery
.
8.
For
although
the
deuil
(
who
is
Mendax
&
pater
eius
;
Alyer
,
Ioan
.
8.
and
the
father
of
lyes
,
)
doth
commonly
lye
,
and
delude
those
that
deale
with
him
,
yet
he
doth
other
whyles
truly
fore-tel
things
to
come
,
either
by
chance
,
or
by
coniecture
,
What
things
the
deuil
can
foretel
.
or
els
such
things
as
doe
proceede
of
natural
causes
,
(
wherof
he
hath
an
exact
knowledge
,
)
or
agayne
such
other
things
as
depend
vpon
his
owne
power
and
wil
by
the
permission
of
God
,
or
lastly
such
things
,
as
it
pleaseth
almighty
God
to
reueale
vnto
him
,
for
the
execution
of
his
secret
iudgements
.
9.
Therfore
now
to
come
to
the
examples
which
I
promised
,
Alexander
King
of
Epyrus
hauing
vnderstood
by
an
oracle
of
Iupiter
,
Alexander
king
of
Epirus
.
Iustin
.
li
.
12.
that
he
should
die
neare
to
the
riuer
Acherusia
,
and
the
citty
Pandosia
,
(
of
which
names
there
was
a
citty
and
riuer
in
his
owne
kingdome
of
Epyrus
,
)
thought
to
auoyde
t●e
same
by
leauing
his
cuntry
,
and
making
warre
abroade
in
Italy
;
where
he
was
slayne
with
in
a
whyle
,
neare
to
a
riuer
and
cit
y
so
cauled
,
as
before
is
mencioned
.
Idem
.
Ibid
.
Non
prius
,
saith
Iustin
,
fatalis
lo●i
cognito
nomine
quam
occideret
.
Not
knowing
the
name
of
that
fat●l
place
before
he
dyed
there
.
Chap.
25.
nu
8.
Anastasius
the
emperour
.
Zonar
Annal
.
To
.
3.
●edren
.
10.
Also
the
wicked
Emperour
Anastasius
(
of
whome
I
haue
spoken
before
in
the
last
chapter
,
)
being
fore
warned
that
he
should
be
killed
with
a
thunderbolt
,
built
a
maruel●us
strong
house
cauled
Tholotum
,
and
besids
many
strange
labyrinths
,
and
places
of
retrait
for
his
saftie
,
he
made
a
deepe
cistern
in
the
bottome
of
al
the
house
,
whyther
hee
meant
to
retire
him selfe
when
he
should
see
cause
;
neuerthelesse
he
was
killed
shortly
after
with
a
thunderbolt
,
as
he
was
running
in
a
tyme
of
greate
thunder
,
from
one
chamber
to
an
other
to
gett
doune
to
his
cisterne
;
to
whome
it
might
haue
ben
said
,
as
a
poët
saith
of
Enceladus
the
greate
giant
,
who
flying
away
from
Iupiter
was
strooken
with
a
thunderbolt
as
the
Poëts
faigne
,
and
cast
vnder
mount
Aetna
.
—
Quo
fugis
Encelade
?
quascunque
accesseris
oras
Sub
Ioue
semper
eris
.
Whither
flyest
thou
Encelade
?
what
coast
soeuer
thou
com'st
vnto
thou
shalt
euer
be
vnder
Iupiter
,
that
is
to
say
,
vnder
the
hand
of
God
:
●sal
.
138.
which
the
psalmist
teacheth
notably
saying
.
Quo
ibo
a
spiritu
tuo
.
&c.
Whither
shal
I
goe
,
o
lord
,
from
thy
spirit
?
or
whither
shal
I
flie
from
thy
face
?
if
I
goe
vp
to
heauen
thou
art
there
;
if
I
goe
doune
to
hel
,
thou
art
also
there
,
yf
I
take
wings
early
in
the
morning
,
and
dwel
in
the
furdest
part
of
the
sea
,
there
also
thy
right
hand
wil
lay
hould
on
me
,
Thus
saith
the
psalmist
,
to
show
the
vanity
and
folly
of
wicked
men
,
which
think
to
escape
the
hand
of
God
.
Valens
the
Emperour
.
11.
No
lesse
vaine
,
and
much
more
impious
was
the
endeuour
of
the
emperour
Valens
to
euacuat
the
ordinance
of
God
.
For
hauing
consulted
with
nigromancers
concerning
the
name
of
his
successor
,
and
being
told
that
it
shold
beginne
with
Theod
.
he
caused
very
many
to
be
made
awaye
,
P●n
.
Di●c
li.
12
of
whome
some
were
cauled
Theodosius
,
and
some
Theodotus
,
and
some
Theodulus
,
and
some
Theodorus
,
and
amongst
the
rest
he
most
vngratefully
murdred
the
valiant
captaine
Theodosius
when
he
had
recouered
Afrik
from
his
enemies
,
and
gaue
order
also
to
kil
Theodosius
his
sonne
,
Oros
.
li
.
7.
Ammian
li.
29.
Ambros
in
fin●
oratio
.
in
fun
.
Theodos
.
whome
neuerthelesse
almighty
God
deliuered
from
that
danger
,
and
after
made
him
Emperour
,
wherin
the
prediction
was
fulfilled
.
12.
Nicet
choniat
.
Annal
.
li
3.
de
And●o
com
.
Andronicus
Comnenus
emperour
.
Nu
.
33
&
34.
In
like
manner
the
Emperour
Andronicus
Comnenus
guessing
by
the
letters
I.
S.
(
which
were
showed
him
by
a
Nigromancer
in
a
basen
of
water
)
that
his
successors
name
should
be
Isacius
,
thought
to
kil
Isacius
Angelus
,
whome
he
made
by
that
meanes
Emperour
,
and
wrought
his
owne
destruction
,
as
I
haue
signified
in
the
34.
chapter
.
13.
To
these
I
wil
ad
only
one
more
out
of
our
owne
cuntry
,
Edward
the
4.
king
of
England
.
to
wit
Edward
the
4.
King
of
England
,
who
hauing
vnderstood
by
some
prophesy
,
as
it
is
supposed
,
that
one
whose
name
should
begin
with
a
G.
should
procure
the
destruction
of
his
children
after
his
death
,
Polidor
li.
24.
caused
his
brother
George
Duke
of
Clarence
to
be
murdred
in
the
tower
,
not
suspecting
any
thing
of
his
brother
the
Duke
of
Gloster
,
who
fulfilled
the
prophesy
,
if
it
was
a
prophesy
,
I
meane
if
it
was
the
prediction
of
any
man
inspired
by
the
holy
Ghost
,
and
not
some
deuise
of
the
deuil
(
which
I
think
more
likely
)
to
induce
King
Edward
to
the
murder
of
his
brother
,
wherupon
the
destruction
also
of
his
owne
children
(
which
hee
sought
to
preuent
therby
)
might
very
wel
follow
through
the
seuerity
of
Gods
iudgements
,
who
many
times
punisheth
sinners
by
that
which
they
most
feare
,
&
seeke
by
wicked
meanes
to
auoide
,
and
therfore
Salomon
saith
.
Prouerb
.
ca.
10.
Quod
timet
impius
veniet
super
eum
.
That
which
the
wicked
man
feareth
shal
fal
vpon
him
.
14.
But
leauing
this
to
Gods
secret
iudgements
,
Dangerous
for
a
prince
to
be
curious
to
know
Gods
secret
councels
.
Sorcery
most
hateful
to
God
and
dangerous
to
princes
.
I
wish
it
to
be
noted
by
the
way
in
these
examples
,
how
dangerous
a
thing
it
is
in
a
prince
,
to
be
curious
to
know
Gods
secret
councels
and
decrees
,
concerning
him selfe
,
&
his
state
,
wherby
many
princes
haue
bene
drawne
to
vse
the
helpe
of
nigromancers
and
sorcerers
,
to
the
greate
offence
of
God
,
&
consequently
to
their
owne
destruction
,
there
being
no
sinne
,
which
God
hateth
,
and
punisheth
more
,
as
we
may
perceiue
,
both
by
the
expresse
prohibition
therof
in
many
places
of
the
holy
scriptures
,
as
also
by
the
seuere
Iudgements
of
God
vpon
the
Babilonians
,
Leuit
19.
&
20.
Deuter
.
18.
Isay
.
47.
Aomrhaeans
,
Pherezeans
,
Chananaeans
,
Heuaeans
,
Iebusaeans
&
diuers
other
people
in
the
land
of
promise
,
with
their
Kings
to
the
number
of
31.
destroied
as
the
scripture
testifieth
principally
for
their
witch-crafts
,
Deuter
.
ca.
18.
enchantments
and
nigromancy
,
and
therfore
Moyses
warned
the
children
of
Israel
before
they
came
into
the
land
of
promise
,
that
they
should
not
imitat
those
infidels
in
those
sinnes
,
concluding
;
Ibid
.
Omnia
enim
haec
abominatur
Dominus
&
propter
istius
modi
scelera
delebit
eos
in
introitu
tuo
.
For
our
Lord
doth
abhorre
al
these
,
and
for
these
kind
of
sinnes
he
wil
vtterly
destroy
them
at
thy
entrance
.
The
collusion
of
the
deuil
in
sorcery
.
15.
And
if
it
be
also
considered
,
what
collusion
the
deuil
vseth
in
sorcery
,
and
how
little
truth
may
be
knowne
therby
,
it
wil
euidently
appeare
how
vaine
,
and
friuolous
is
the
practise
therof
.
For
wheras
he
seemeth
to
be
subiect
to
the
sorcerer
,
or
magician
,
as
either
forced
by
enchantments
,
or
bound
by
couenant
,
it
is
but
mere
fraude
,
and
deceite
on
his
part
;
for
that
he
can
neither
be
forced
by
man
,
The
deuil
can
not
be
forced
by
man
by
any
natural
meanes
.
by
any
natural
meanes
(
being
of
nature
,
and
power
,
superiour
to
the
nature
and
power
of
man
)
neither
be
furder
bound
by
couenant
then
he
him selfe
listeth
,
which
is
neuer
longer
then
he
may
hope
to
doe
man
some
notable
mischeefe
therby
;
besids
that
neither
doe
deuils
know
such
things
as
doe
meerly
depend
vpon
the
wil
of
God
or
man
(
as
I
haue
already
declared
)
neither
wil
they
for
the
malice
&
enuy
to
man
tel
him
the
truth
of
such
things
as
they
know
,
Supra
.
nu
.
8.
but
to
the
end
to
doe
him
some
hurt
and
mischeefe
one
way
or
other
;
which
also
God
of
his
iustice
permitteth
many
times
,
reuealing
vnto
them
his
owne
secret
iudgements
,
for
the
iust
punishment
and
greater
confusion
of
those
who
confide
in
them
,
to
whome
they
vse
to
signify
the
same
in
such
ridles
,
and
with
such
ambiguitye
,
that
although
they
denounce
vnto
them
,
Gods
sentence
geuen
against
them
for
their
destruction
,
yet
they
feede
them
with
false
hope
of
prosperous
successe
,
to
make
them
runne
head-long
to
their
owne
ruin
;
wherof
many
notable
examples
might
be
alledged
out
of
the
ancient
histories
of
painims
,
Examples
of
princes
abused
by
sorcerers
.
which
for
breuities
sake
I
omit
,
and
content
my selfe
to
relate
2.
or
3.
out
of
later
histories
.
Ferrand
Count
of
Flanders
.
16.
When
Ferrand
the
Count
of
Flanders
assisted
by
the
emperour
Otho
the
4.
(
or
as
some
caule
him
the
5.
of
that
name
)
was
to
geue
battaile
to
Phillip
King
of
France
cauled
Augustus
,
he
was
greatly
encouraged
therto
by
his
mother
vpon
the
prediction
of
certaine
magicians
with
whome
she
had
consulted
,
who
assured
her
that
the
king
of
France
should
be
ouerthrowne
in
the
battaile
,
troden
vnder
the
horse
feete
,
and
not
buried
,
Gaguin
.
Annal
France
.
lii
.
6.
and
that
the
Count
her
sonne
should
be
receiued
by
the
Parisians
with
greate
ioye
;
al
which
fel
out
to
be
true
,
though
in
other
manner
then
she
expected
;
For
although
the
King
of
France
was
soe
prest
by
his
enemies
,
that
he
was
thrown
doune
from
his
horse
,
and
troden
vnder
the
horse
feete
,
yet
he
was
rescued
by
his
soldiars
,
and
after
wonne
the
battaile
,
and
tooke
the
count
of
Flanders
,
&
sent
him
prisoner
to
Paris
,
wher
at
the
Parisians
reioysed
greatly
,
And
soe
wee
see
(
saith
the
story
)
how
the
Count
trusting
to
sorcerers
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
insteede
of
a
croune
which
he
expected
,
purchased
a
prison
.
17.
Wee
read
also
of
the
like
cosenage
,
and
illusion
of
the
deuil
in
the
assurance
which
a
sorceresse
gaue
to
Machabe
king
of
Scotland
,
Machabe
king
of
Scotland
.
to
wit
that
no
man
borne
of
a
woman
should
be
able
to
kil
him
,
wherby
he
was
animated
to
vse
al
cruelty
towards
his
subiects
,
and
in
the
end
was
slaine
by
Makdust
earle
of
Fife
,
who
was
not
borne
of
his
mother
,
but
cut
out
of
her
belly
.
Hector
Boethius
li.
12.
This
is
reported
by
Hector
Boethius
in
his
history
of
Scotland
;
out
of
whome
I
wil
also
ad
one
other
example
of
Gods
iust
Iudgements
vpon
such
as
consult
with
sorcerers
,
and
of
the
deuils
malicious
subtilty
in
procuring
their
destruction
.
18.
Nathalocus
K.
of
Scotland
.
Nathalocus
king
of
Scotland
sent
a
greate
fauorit
of
his
to
enquire
of
a
famous
witch
,
what
should
be
the
successe
of
a
warre
which
he
had
in
hand
,
and
other
things
concerning
his
person
,
and
state
,
to
whome
shee
answered
,
Hector
Boethi
.
li
.
6.
that
Nathalocus
should
not
liue
long
,
and
that
he
should
be
killed
by
some
of
his
owne
seruants
;
and
being
furder
vrged
to
tel
by
whome
,
shee
said
that
the
messenger
him selfe
shuld
kil
him
,
A
crafty
answer
of
the
deuil
to
cause
a
murder
.
who
though
he
departed
from
her
with
greate
disdaine
,
and
reuiled
her
,
protesting
that
he
wold
suffer
ten
thousand
deaths
rather
then
he
wold
doe
it
,
yet
thinking
better
vpon
the
matter
in
his
returne
,
and
ymagining
by
the
deuils
suggestion
that
the
King
might
come
to
know
of
the
witches
answere
,
by
one
meanes
or
other
,
and
hold
him
euer
after
suspected
,
or
perhaps
make
him
awaie
,
resolued
to
kil
him
,
which
he
presently
after
performed
;
wherin
we
may
see
the
craft
,
and
malice
of
the
deuil
,
who
thirsting
after
mans
blood
and
perdition
,
framed
such
an
answere
to
this
messenger
,
as
he
thought
most
likely
to
moue
him
to
the
murder
of
Nathalocus
who
sent
him
,
which
also
God
of
his
Iustice
permitted
for
the
iust
punishment
of
the
sinful
,
and
wicked
curiosity
of
Nathalocus
,
in
seeking
to
know
his
secret
Iudgements
,
by
such
vnlawful
meanes
.
19
Wel
then
I
conclude
this
point
,
with
the
councel
of
the
Preacher
in
the
holly
scripture
,
who
saith
.
Altiora
te
ne
quaesieris
&c.
●ccli
.
3.
A
good
admonition
of
the
preacher
against
curiosity
in
searching
into
Gods
secrets
.
Search
not
after
things
hygher
then
thy selfe
,
but
alwaise
think
of
those
things
which
God
hath
commanded
thee
,
neither
bee
thou
curious
in
many
of
his
woorks
,
for
it
is
not
necessary
for
thee
to
see
those
things
which
ar
hid
.
Thus
saith
the
Preacher
,
notably
correcting
the
curiosity
of
men
,
in
searching
into
the
secrets
of
God
,
&
this
I
haue
thought
good
to
touch
here
by
the
waie
,
though
breefely
,
because
I
wold
not
digresse
to
farr
from
my
principal
matter
,
referring
the
furder
,
and
more
substancial
discourse
of
this
point
,
as
also
the
predictions
of
Astrologers
,
to
the
second
part
of
this
treatise
,
where
I
shal
purposely
speake
of
religion
,
wherto
the
consideration
therof
doth
more
properly
belong
.
20.
But
now
to
returne
to
the
matter
which
I
had
in
hand
,
it
appeareth
sufficiently
by
this
which
I
haue
saide
,
not
only
how
dangerous
it
is
for
men
to
be
curious
to
know
Gods
iudgements
by
vnlawful
meanes
,
but
also
how
vaine
,
and
friuolous
ar
mans
inuentions
when
he
seeketh
to
crosse
,
Gods
wil
not
superable
by
force
,
nor
euitable
by
policy
,
but
flexible
to
praier
.
or
frustrat
the
wil
of
God
,
which
is
not
superable
by
force
,
nor
euitable
by
policy
,
but
only
exorable
,
and
flexible
to
praier
and
repentance
,
by
which
meanes
Gods
mercy
hath
bene
often
,
and
no
dout
is
daily
moued
to
reuerse
the
rigorous
sentences
of
his
Iustice
geuen
against
sinners
:
Ionae
.
3.
wherof
we
haue
examples
in
the
Niniuits
whome
God
determined
to
destroy
,
and
yet
spared
for
their
repentance
;
and
in
Achab
King
of
Israel
,
3.
Reg
21.
who
hauing
receiued
sentence
of
the
dectruction
of
his
whole
family
by
the
mouth
of
the
prophet
,
obtained
the
dilation
therof
by
humility
and
penance
,
in
respect
wherof
God
said
to
Elias
.
Quia
humiliatus
est
mei
causa
&c.
Because
he
hath
humbled
him selfe
for
my
cause
,
Ibid
.
I
wil
not
inflict
the
punishment
of
his
sinne
vpon
his
house
in
his
daies
,
4.
Reg
.
20.
but
in
the
daies
of
his
sonne
.
Also
Ezechias
being
sick
,
and
admonished
by
the
prophet
from
almighty
God
,
that
he
should
dye
of
that
dissease
,
obtained
by
prayer
and
teares
,
not
only
present
recouery
,
but
also
prolongation
of
life
for
15.
yeres
,
as
I
haue
signified
before
in
the
15.
and
24
chapters
,
Nu
.
2
6.7.10.13.14.23.25
.
&
28.
nu
.
8
&
9.
where
I
haue
by
many
examples
showed
the
admirable
effects
of
prayer
and
spiritual
meanes
,
for
the
remedy
of
al
the
necessities
of
princes
;
and
therfore
I
forbeare
to
speake
furder
therof
in
this
place
.
21.
Yea
but
saith
the
politike
,
An
obiection
of
the
politiks
how
many
haue
prayed
when
they
haue
ben
brought
to
extremities
,
and
haue
had
no
helpe
,
when
some
others
by
some
periury
,
murder
,
or
other
mischeef
haue
conserued
their
states
?
22.
Wherto
I
answere
,
that
the
question
is
not
here
,
as
I
haue
insinuated
before
,
of
the
euent
,
The
answer
and
successe
of
mens
actions
(
which
is
only
in
the
hand
of
God
,
and
disposed
by
him
according
to
his
secret
Iudgements
)
but
of
the
likelyhood
,
and
probability
of
remedy
in
extremities
,
by
the
one
meanes
,
or
by
the
other
;
for
I
could
also
with
much
more
reason
demand
,
how
many
haue
perished
by
wicked
policies
,
wheras
infinit
others
haue
conserued
them selues
,
and
their
states
by
recourse
to
God
,
and
godly
meanes
;
of
both
which
sort
I
haue
alledged
many
notable
examples
through
out
this
whole
discourse
.
23.
Obseruations
concerning
the
cours
of
Gods
prouidence
in
the
conseruation
and
destruction
of
states
.
Ierem
.
15.
4.
Reg
.
10.
But
that
which
I
wish
to
be
obserued
for
the
better
explication
of
this
matter
is
,
that
God
doth
sometymes
absolutly
determine
to
destroy
a
prince
or
state
(
as
when
he
said
of
the
people
of
Iuda
that
although
Moyses
,
and
Samuel
should
pray
for
them
he
would
not
spare
them
)
;
and
sometimes
agayne
he
absolutly
determineth
to
conserue
a
state
for
a
time
;
as
when
he
promised
to
Iehu
that
his
posterity
should
sit
in
his
seat
vntil
the
4.
generation
.
In
the
first
case
although
neither
good
,
nor
bad
policy
,
What
maie
be
the
effect
of
good
,
or
bad
policy
,
when
God
doth
absolutly
determine
to
destroy
a
state
.
nor
yet
prayer
can
conserue
the
state
(
I
meane
when
God
doth
absolutly
determine
to
destroy
it
)
yet
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
that
wicked
policy
may
through
the
seuerity
of
Gods
iustice
accelerat
,
&
agrauate
the
calamity
threatned
,
wheras
good
policy
ioyned
with
confidence
in
God
,
&
pure
deuotion
may
moue
his
deuine
maiesty
to
execute
his
Iudgements
with
much
more
mercy
,
and
to
turne
al
the
temporal
affliction
of
the
prince
to
his
eternal
good
,
which
in
that
case
were
the
greatest
benefite
that
could
be
desired
,
as
I
wil
declare
furder
after
awhile
.
Infra
.
nu
.
31.32
.
&
33.
How
&
when
wicked
policy
may
be
a
meanes
to
conserue
a
state
.
24.
In
the
second
case
(
I
meane
when
God
doth
absolutly
determine
to
conserue
a
state
)
it
is
not
to
be
douted
but
that
wicked
policy
may
be
a
meanes
therof
by
Gods
permission
,
and
for
the
execution
of
his
secret
Iudgements
,
though
neuertheles
the
prince
that
should
practise
the
same
should
commit
notorious
folly
,
for
that
he
might
in
that
case
maintaine
his
state
by
lawful
,
and
good
policy
,
with
lesse
danger
,
and
much
more
benefit
to
him selfe
.
And
this
I
saye
,
because
God
vseth
many
times
the
wicked
policies
of
men
for
the
conseruation
of
states
(
when
his
absolute
wil
is
to
maintayne
them
)
which
neuertheles
he
wold
conserue
by
the
meanes
of
their
lawful
and
good
policies
,
if
the
fault
were
not
in
them selues
.
To
which
purpose
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
that
almighty
God
,
hauing
geuen
freedome
of
wil
to
man
(
for
such
causes
as
I
haue
declared
in
the
24.
Nu
.
4.5.6.7
.
&c.
chap
;
)
doth
not
necessitat
,
or
force
mans
wil
,
but
vseth
it
such
as
it
is
,
(
as
I
haue
diuers
times
signified
)
mouing
it
alwayse
to
good
,
and
yet
seruing
him selfe
of
it
be
it
good
or
bad
,
for
his
owne
glory
,
and
the
accomplishment
of
his
wil
.
God
would
conserue
the
state
of
a
prince
much
rather
by
his
good
policy
,
then
by
his
bad
,
if
the
prince
him selfe
would
.
25.
Therfore
I
saye
,
that
when
soeuer
he
conserueth
the
states
of
princes
by
meanes
of
their
euil
wils
,
and
wicked
policies
,
he
wold
much
rather
woorke
the
same
effect
by
their
good
wills
,
and
lawful
endeuours
(
if
they
them selues
wold
)
yea
and
yeeld
them
with
al
,
not
only
temporal
but
also
eternal
reward
for
the
same
;
wheras
on
the
other
side
though
he
suffer
their
wicked
policies
to
haue
good
successe
for
a
time
(
so
long
I
meane
,
as
he
meaneth
to
conserue
their
states
,
during
which
times
they
can
not
by
any
errours
or
foly
of
theirs
ouerthrow
them
)
yet
he
doth
commonly
punish
them
for
it
in
the
end
,
Though
God
suffer
wicked
policies
to
prosper
,
yet
he
punisheth
the
princes
which
practise
them
.
Chap.
35.
nu
.
35.36.37
.
&c.
not
only
eternally
(
if
they
repent
not
)
but
also
temporally
,
either
in
their
persons
,
or
states
,
or
at
least
in
their
children
,
and
posterity
,
as
it
is
euident
in
the
wicked
tirants
mencioned
in
the
last
chapter
;
who
though
they
prospered
for
awhile
,
yet
at
length
perished
miserably
through
Gods
Iustice
,
and
those
few
of
them
which
escaped
temporal
punishment
in
their
owne
persons
,
left
their
children
engaged
to
pay
their
debt
in
that
behalfe
with
their
vtter
ruine
.
Ibid
.
nu
.
42.43
.
&
sequen
.
26.
Besides
that
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
a
wicked
policy
may
some
waye
through
Gods
permission
(
as
I
haue
said
)
benefit
the
state
,
and
helpe
to
vphold
it
for
a
time
,
How
wicked
policy
may
both
benefit
and
hurt
the
state
at
one
time
.
Wic●ed
policy
like
to
vnholsome
m●ats
.
An
example
of
th●
kingdome
&
kings
of
Israel
.
and
yet
draw
Gods
wrath
,
and
vengeance
vpon
it
some
otherwaie
,
wherby
it
shal
not
only
perish
in
the
end
,
but
also
be
miserably
afflicted
in
the
meane
while
:
like
as
the
vse
of
vnholsome
meats
doth
geue
the
body
strength
,
and
nourish
it
for
the
time
,
and
yet
doth
so
corrupt
it
,
that
it
perisheth
much
the
sooner
,
and
is
in
the
meane
time
replenished
with
disseases
.
27.
This
was
manifest
in
the
kingdome
,
and
Kings
of
Israel
.
For
wheras
they
al
continued
the
wicked
policy
of
Ieroboam
their
first
predecessor
for
the
conseruation
of
their
state
,
to
wit
their
Idolatry
,
3.
Reg
.
12.
and
schisme
(
which
was
first
begunne
by
Ieroboam
for
reason
of
state
)
it
is
not
to
bee
douted
,
but
that
almighty
God
,
hauing
determined
to
maintaine
that
kingdome
for
some
time
,
permitted
that
wicked
policy
to
haue
the
effect
for
the
which
it
was
deuised
(
that
is
to
say
)
to
diuert
the
people
from
going
to
the
temple
in
Hierusalem
,
Ibid
.
and
consequently
from
returning
to
the
obedience
of
the
kings
of
Iuda
)
and
yet
neuertheles
he
punished
the
same
seuerely
sometimes
in
the
princes
,
and
sometimes
in
the
state
,
as
it
is
euident
in
the
holy
scriptures
,
where
it
appeareth
that
not
only
Ieroboam
him selfe
was
strooken
by
the
hand
of
God
,
and
al
his
children
destroied
for
the
same
,
2
Paral
.
ca.
13.3
.
Reg
.
15.
but
also
al
the
Kings
his
successors
died
violent
deaths
,
either
the
father
or
the
sonne
,
excepting
the
children
,
4.
Reg
.
10.
&
15.
4.
Reg
.
13.
&
14.
and
posterity
of
Iehu
who
were
priuiledged
(
as
before
I
haue
said
)
for
4.
descents
;
wherin
it
is
also
to
be
noted
,
that
during
the
time
of
the
priuiledge
granted
to
their
persons
,
their
states
were
miserably
afflicted
for
the
continuance
of
that
wicked
policy
,
though
not
ouerthrowne
,
in
respect
of
the
couenant
which
God
had
made
with
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
and
Iacob
,
for
the
which
;
Noluit
(
saith
the
scripture
)
disperdere
eos
,
neque
proijcere
penitus
vsque
in
presens
tempus
.
4.
Reg
.
13.
God
wold
not
destroy
them
,
nor
vtterly
cast
them
of
as
yet
,
though
at
lenght
he
gaue
the
kings
their
successors
,
and
al
the
people
into
the
hands
of
the
kings
of
Assiria
,
4.
Reg
24.
&
to
perpetual
captiuity
for
the
continual
practise
of
the
same
sinful
policy
.
28.
Thus
then
we
see
,
how
wicked
policy
may
by
Gods
permission
some
way
helpe
to
the
conseruation
of
state
(
so
long
as
God
hath
ordayned
that
the
state
shal
stand
)
and
yet
may
in
the
meane
time
through
Gods
Iustice
procure
the
calamity
of
the
prince
,
and
state
some
other
way
,
and
the
destruction
of
both
in
the
end
.
Gods
wil
to
conserue
or
destroy
states
not
alwaise
absolute
.
29.
But
now
it
is
to
be
considered
,
that
the
wil
and
determination
of
almighty
God
,
to
destroy
,
or
conserue
states
,
is
not
alwayse
so
absolute
,
but
that
he
may
be
moued
by
the
merits
or
demerits
of
men
to
vphold
the
state
,
which
he
meant
to
destroy
,
and
to
destroy
that
which
he
meant
to
vphold
.
He
determined
as
I
said
before
,
Ionae
.
3.
3.
Reg
21.
to
destroy
the
Niniuits
,
and
al
the
family
of
Achab
for
their
sinnes
,
and
denounced
his
wil
vnto
them
by
his
prophets
,
and
yet
he
conserued
the
one
,
and
differred
the
execution
of
the
other
for
some
time
,
in
respect
of
their
humility
,
and
repentance
.
Psal
.
131.
On
the
other
side
,
God
promised
to
Dauid
that
the
kingdome
of
Iuda
should
remaine
for
euer
in
his
posterity
,
if
they
serued
him
,
2
Reg
.
7.
3.
Reg
.
11.
Paral
.
21.
and
kept
his
commandements
;
and
although
in
respect
of
his
promise
,
and
for
Dauids
sake
he
conserued
it
in
his
line
for
many
generations
,
4.
Reg
.
20.
and
diuers
times
defended
it
from
forrain
enemies
,
yet
at
length
he
destroied
it
vtterly
for
the
sinnes
of
the
kings
,
and
people
therof
.
So
that
wee
see
in
both
these
cases
that
good
policy
assisted
with
praier
,
and
spiritual
helpe
,
may
be
especial
meanes
,
to
vphold
and
maintaine
the
state
,
and
wicked
policy
,
as
also
al
kind
of
sinne
,
a
principal
or
rather
the
only
meanes
to
ouerthrow
it
.
What
princes
shou
d
doe
in
dangers
and
extremities
.
30.
Therfore
for
as
much
as
the
Iudgements
of
God
are
secret
,
and
not
ordinarily
knowne
but
by
the
effects
(
his
infinit
wisdome
hauing
so
ordained
,
to
the
end
we
may
the
rather
know
therby
,
and
acknowledge
our
dependance
on
his
wil
)
it
behoueth
princes
,
An
example
of
K
Dauid
.
1.
Reg
.
15.
yea
,
&
al
other
men
in
al
dangers
,
and
extremities
to
imitate
the
holy
,
&
prudent
King
Dauid
;
For
when
his
sonne
Absolon
rose
against
him
,
and
he
him selfe
,
with
those
few
that
wold
follow
him
,
was
forced
to
flye
out
of
Hierusalem
bare
headed
,
bare
footed
,
and
weeping
,
he
acknowledged
it
to
be
a
iust
punishment
of
God
for
his
sinnes
,
and
as
on
the
one
side
,
he
vsed
al
humane
dilligence
to
defend
him selfe
,
Ibid
.
and
to
discouer
and
dissipat
the
desinments
of
his
enemies
,
so
also
on
the
other
,
side
,
he
sought
to
moue
almighty
God
to
mercy
by
praier
,
pacience
,
Ibid
.
and
resignation
of
his
wil
to
Gods
wil
,
saying
to
Sadoc
the
priest
;
If
I
find
fauour
in
the
sight
of
God
he
wil
restore
me
,
but
if
he
saye
vnto
me
,
Ibid
.
thou
dost
not
like
,
or
content
me
;
Praesto
sum
,
faciat
mihi
quod
bonum
est
coram
se
;
I
am
ready
to
obaye
him
,
lett
him
doe
with
me
what
soeuer
it
shal
please
him
;
Furdermore
he
not
only
auoided
al
vnlawful
policies
that
might
offend
God
,
but
also
forbore
to
take
a
iust
reuenge
of
the
iniury
donne
him
by
Semei
,
Ibid
.
ca.
16.
whose
reprochful
speeches
and
maledictions
he
paciently
suffred
,
as
iustly
permitted
by
almighty
God
for
his
punishment
,
saying
to
Abisai
who
wold
haue
killed
Semei
;
Lett
him
raile
vpon
me
,
for
perhaps
our
Lord
may
behold
my
affliction
,
and
render
me
good
this
day
for
this
malediction
.
Such
was
the
religious
humility
,
of
the
wise
,
and
valiant
King
in
this
his
great
affliction
,
which
was
so
grateful
to
almighty
God
,
that
he
gaue
him
a
notable
victory
,
and
restored
him
to
his
former
tranquility
,
and
dignity
.
31.
The
like
humility
,
pacience
,
An
other
example
of
the
humility
and
pacience
of
king
Dauid
.
and
resignation
of
wil
he
showed
also
in
other
occasions
,
euen
when
he
found
not
the
mercy
and
fauour
at
Gods
hands
which
he
expected
.
When
the
prophet
Nathan
had
signified
vnto
him
the
wil
of
God
for
the
death
of
his
child
in
the
cradle
,
in
punishment
of
his
adultery
and
homicid
,
he
neuer
ceassed
to
craue
his
mercy
for
the
life
of
his
sonne
with
continual
prayer
,
teares
,
and
fasting
,
2.
Reg
.
1●
.
shut
vp
in
his
chamber
,
and
prostrat
vpon
the
ground
for
some
dayes
after
his
sonne
fel
sicke
,
not
omitting
any
other
lawful
meanes
for
his
recouery
,
vntil
he
vnderstood
by
his
seruants
that
he
was
dead
,
and
then
seeing
by
the
effect
what
was
the
wil
of
God
,
he
most
humbly
contented
him selfe
there
with
,
washed
,
and
anointed
him selfe
,
changed
his
apparel
,
went
to
the
house
of
God
to
pray
,
refreshed
him selfe
with
meate
,
and
was
so
comfortable
,
that
he
comforted
Bersabe
his
wife
,
and
al
his
family
,
saying
vnto
them
,
when
they
asked
him
why
he
was
so
sorrowful
whyles
the
child
was
aliue
,
and
so
comfortable
when
he
was
dead
;
I
fasted
,
saith
he
,
and
wept
whyles
he
liued
,
Ibidem
.
because
I
knew
not
whether
God
wold
grant
me
his
life
,
or
no
,
but
now
that
he
is
dead
,
why
should
I
afflict
my selfe
any
longer
;
?
as
who
wold
say
,
now
that
I
see
what
is
the
wil
of
God
,
what
should
I
els
doe
,
but
accomodat
my selfe
therto
,
and
reioyce
in
the
accomplishment
therof
?
32.
Thus
said
,
and
did
,
this
holy
King
,
and
prophet
,
and
so
should
al
Kings
and
princes
say
,
and
doe
in
like
case
,
imploring
the
fauour
,
and
mercy
of
God
whyles
they
may
haue
any
hope
,
(
yea
and
saying
with
Iob
.
Etiam
si
me
occiderit
sperabo
in
eo
;
Although
he
kil
me
I
wil
hope
in
him
)
not
omitting
any
lawful
policy
,
Iob
.
13.
or
diligenice
which
may
be
vsed
to
procure
remedy
,
and
contenting
them selues
with
Gods
wil
in
the
successe
,
what
soeuer
it
be
,
acknowledging
his
Iustice
therin
;
wherof
I
haue
alledged
also
before
a
notable
example
in
Mauritius
the
Emperour
,
who
hauing
vnderstood
Gods
wil
concerning
the
losse
of
his
life
,
Chap.
25.
nu
.
30.
and
Empire
,
by
the
meanes
of
Phocas
,
for
the
punishment
,
and
satisfaction
of
his
sinnes
in
this
life
,
laboured
neuertheles
by
continual
prayer
,
and
al
kind
of
deuotion
to
pacify
the
wrath
of
God
,
vsing
with
al
,
Zonar
.
Annal
To
.
3.
in
Mauritius
.
al
lawful
diligence
,
and
policy
,
to
preuent
the
danger
,
and
to
defend
himselfe
against
Phocas
,
and
in
the
end
when
nothing
could
preuaile
,
and
that
he
saw
him selfe
in
the
hands
of
his
enemy
,
and
his
children
killed
before
his
face
,
he
humbly
acknowledged
the
Iustice
of
God
,
often
repeating
these
woords
of
the
Psalme
;
Paul
.
diaco
.
li
.
17.
Psal
.
118.
Iustus
es
Domine
,
&
rectum
iudicium
tuum
.
Thou
art
Iust
o
lord
,
and
thy
Iudgements
are
right
.
33.
We
read
also
the
like
of
the
holy
,
and
pyous
,
though
most
most
vnfortunat
King
Henry
the
sixt
,
Henry
the
6.
king
of
England
.
who
hauing
ioyned
al
lawful
policy
with
prayer
,
and
other
spiritual
meanes
for
the
conseruation
of
his
state
,
and
finding
no
remedy
therby
,
attributed
al
his
calamity
,
Polid
.
li
.
23.
as
Polidore
witnesseth
to
the
iust
punishment
of
God
for
his
sinnes
,
and
the
sinnes
of
his
ancesters
,
though
his
owne
vertue
,
or
rather
innocency
was
such
,
that
if
God
had
not
(
as
it
may
be
presumed
)
irreuocably
decreed
,
to
lay
the
temporal
penalty
of
some
sinnes
of
his
ancesters
vpon
him
,
it
might
haue
obtayned
Gods
fauour
towards
him
,
as
wel
temporally
for
the
conseruation
of
his
state
,
as
it
did
spiritually
for
his
eternal
glory
,
testified
by
so
many
notable
miracles
,
that
king
Henry
,
Idem
.
Ibid
.
The
notable
effect
of
praier
and
humility
,
when
God
doth
absolutly
determine
to
destroy
a
prince
.
the
7.
demanded
his
canonization
of
Pope
Iulio
the
2.
and
had
obtayned
it
if
he
had
liued
:
wherby
it
appeareth
how
admirable
is
the
effect
of
prayer
,
humility
,
and
resignation
of
wil
to
the
wil
of
God
,
when
he
doth
absolutly
determine
to
destroy
a
prince
,
whose
temporal
losse
of
a
transitory
state
subiect
to
al
misery
,
is
therby
recompensed
with
an
incomparable
gaine
of
eternal
felicity
;
wheras
by
wicked
policy
he
can
neyther
conserue
the
one
,
nor
gaine
the
other
,
but
shal
passe
from
one
misery
to
an
other
incomparably
greater
,
that
is
to
say
,
from
a
temporal
calamity
,
to
inspeakable
and
euerlasting
torments
.
34.
Now
then
,
to
draw
to
an
end
of
this
part
of
my
treatise
I
wil
inferre
certaine
conclusions
vpon
al
the
precedent
discourse
.
The
first
is
,
The
first
conclusion
inferring
that
wicked
policy
cannot
stand
with
reason
of
state
.
that
seeing
almighty
God
gouerneth
al
states
by
his
prouidence
,
and
disposeth
of
them
,
as
it
pleaseth
him
(
which
I
haue
amply
proued
)
it
must
needs
follow
that
although
he
doe
sometimes
of
his
secret
Iudgements
(
as
I
haue
oft
said
)
permit
wicked
policies
to
prosper
,
yet
for
as
much
as
no
man
can
with
reason
presume
therof
(
considering
the
seuerity
of
his
Iustice
in
punishing
princes
and
their
states
for
sinne
,
yea
and
sometimes
for
very
smale
sinnes
in
the
opinion
of
men
,
as
I
haue
showed
in
my
rules
for
young
statists
)
therfore
I
say
,
Chap.
13.
nu
.
4.
no
wicked
policy
can
stand
with
true
reason
of
state
,
No
man
can
be
truly
counted
wise
who
aduentureth
vpon
Gods
indignation
.
the
danger
of
Gods
indignation
being
so
greate
,
that
no
man
can
be
truly
counted
wise
,
who
wil
aduenture
theron
;
no
more
then
any
one
might
be
said
to
doe
wisely
,
who
for
his
particuler
benefit
should
vse
to
robbe
&
steale
in
a
wel
gouerned
commonwelth
,
where
he
should
incurre
the
danger
of
the
law
as
oft
as
he
should
doe
it
,
though
perhaps
he
should
escape
the
same
many
times
;
wherin
neuertheles
this
difference
is
to
be
noted
,
that
wheras
men
doe
sometimes
auoide
the
penalties
of
lawes
,
no
man
can
escape
the
hand
of
God
,
if
he
offend
him
,
but
that
he
paieth
the
penalty
of
his
sinne
some
way
or
other
,
sooner
,
or
later
,
and
soe
much
more
greeuously
by
how
much
longer
it
is
diferred
,
and
most
of
al
,
if
the
whole
punishment
therof
be
wholly
reserued
to
the
next
life
,
which
neuerthelesse
is
seeldome
seene
in
tirants
and
wicked
princes
,
as
it
may
appeare
by
the
two
last
chapters
.
35.
The
second
conclusion
shal
be
,
that
seeing
I
haue
also
euidently
proued
through
out
this
whole
discourse
,
that
man
is
of
his
owne
nature
so
infirme
and
weake
of
wit
,
and
power
,
that
he
neither
knoweth
many
times
what
is
conuenient
for
him selfe
(
and
much
lesse
for
others
)
neither
yet
can
warrant
the
successe
of
his
owne
desinments
,
and
wisest
policies
,
The
2.
conclusion
inferring
the
necessity
of
Gods
grace
to
perfection
of
policy
.
by
reason
of
the
infinit
accidents
,
crosses
,
and
trauerses
wherto
mans
life
,
and
al
humane
affaires
are
subiect
,
besids
that
I
haue
also
made
it
manifest
by
reason
,
and
examples
,
not
only
that
al
political
science
,
is
of
it selfe
insufficient
for
the
perfect
gouernmen
;
t
of
state
,
but
also
that
al
true
wisdome
,
and
policy
is
of
God
?
therfore
it
cannot
be
denied
but
that
the
assistance
of
Gods
grace
,
and
protection
,
is
most
necessary
for
the
good
gouernment
,
The
necessity
of
true
religion
in
common
welth
and
assurance
of
al
princes
states
,
wherupon
also
followeth
the
necessity
of
true
religion
for
the
conseruation
of
state
,
seeing
God
doth
by
the
meanes
therof
most
amply
communicat
his
grace
and
fauour
,
as
wel
to
whole
common
welths
,
as
to
particuler
men
,
wherof
I
leaue
the
furder
discourse
,
and
proofe
to
the
2
part
of
this
treatise
,
where
I
am
purposely
to
handle
that
matter
,
and
to
show
as
wel
the
dignity
and
necessity
of
true
religion
in
common
welth
,
as
also
that
the
Catholike
religion
,
is
most
conuenient
for
state
.
The
3.
and
last
conclusion
that
al
wisdome
,
or
policy
grounded
on
wickednes
is
meere
folly
.
36.
The
third
,
and
last
conclusion
shal
be
,
that
al
wisdome
or
policy
grounded
on
sinne
and
wickednes
,
is
meere
foly
,
which
may
appeare
by
that
which
I
haue
taught
,
and
proued
,
as
wel
concerning
the
punishment
of
God
vpon
princes
and
their
states
for
sinne
,
as
also
touching
true
wisdome
and
policy
,
wherof
I
haue
particularly
,
and
amply
treated
in
the
28.
chapter
,
and
proued
clearely
that
it
consisteth
principally
in
the
feare
,
loue
,
Chap.
28.
nu
.
7.8.9
10.
&c.
Ibid
.
nu
.
17.18.19.20
.
&c.
and
seruice
of
God
,
and
that
no
man
can
possibly
attaine
to
any
perfection
of
wisdome
,
with
out
the
light
of
Gods
grace
,
(
wherby
mans
natural
habilities
are
encreased
,
and
perfited
,
and
his
defects
supplied
)
and
that
according
to
the
doctrine
of
the
best
philosophers
,
as
wel
as
our
deuines
,
true
prudence
and
vertue
cannot
be
seperated
,
and
that
it
is
most
requisit
to
euery
prudent
action
,
not
only
that
the
end
therof
,
and
the
meanes
to
atchieue
the
end
,
Ibid
.
nu
.
12.13
.
&
14.
Ibid
.
nu
.
15.
be
good
and
vertuous
,
but
also
that
euery
good
thing
be
esteemed
in
the
degree
it
deserueth
,
&
the
cheefe
good
of
al
(
which
is
God
,
and
his
seruice
)
preferred
before
al
other
things
what
soeuer
.
And
finally
that
it
is
the
special
office
of
a
wise
man
,
most
to
esteeme
and
seeke
that
which
most
importeth
him
,
to
wit
the
saluation
of
his
soule
,
and
his
eternal
good
,
Ibid
.
nu
.
32.
The
wise
man
is
wise
for
his
soule
for
that
Sapiens
(
as
the
scripture
saith
)
est
anima
suae
sapiens
,
the
wise
man
is
wise
for
his
soule
;
wherupon
it
followeth
that
he
who
preferreth
things
transitory
,
before
things
stable
and
permanent
,
and
looseth
,
or
ventureth
his
soule
for
any
worldly
commodity
,
or
pleasure
what
soeuer
,
is
no
wiser
then
Esau
,
who
sold
his
primogeniture
,
Genes
ca.
15.
Wicked
men
compared
to
Esops
cock
.
or
birth-right
for
a
messe
of
pottage
;
or
Esops
cock
that
esteemed
a
barly
corne
,
more
then
a
precious
stone
;
or
the
foole
,
who
(
as
the
prouerb
saith
)
wil
not
geue
his
bable
for
the
tower
of
London
;
And
therfore
such
as
valew
honour
,
and
riches
,
or
other
worldly
commodities
aboue
vertue
are
worthily
compared
by
Aristotle
to
children
that
esteeme
their
babies
and
puppies
more
then
gold
,
Seneca
ep
.
96.
Wicked
men
more
foolish
then
children
.
and
Seneca
accounteth
them
more
foolish
then
children
,
for
that
children
,
saith
he
,
play
the
fooles
in
triffles
,
and
matters
of
smale
moment
,
and
no
danger
,
wheras
these
other
are
seriously
foolish
,
or
rather
madd
in
matters
no
lesse
weightie
then
dangerous
,
as
wel
to
them selues
,
as
to
others
,
and
therfore
,
saith
he
,
Verius
,
carius
que
insaniunt
.
Ibidem
.
They
are
more
truly
,
and
costly
madd
.
Thus
saith
he
,
and
most
truly
,
for
it
costeth
them
many
times
their
reputation
,
and
honour
,
their
states
,
their
liues
,
bodies
,
and
soules
.
37.
So
that
they
may
say
as
Lisimachus
said
,
Plutark
in
Apophtheg
.
r●gum
&
principum
.
when
being
beseeged
,
and
vexed
with
thirst
,
he
yelded
him selfe
prisoner
,
and
gaue
his
kingdome
for
a
draught
of
water
,
exclaiming
when
he
had
dronke
,
O
for
how
smale
and
short
a
pleasure
haue
I
lost
a
kingdome
.
Thus
may
they
saie
with
more
reason
,
Wicked
men
compared
to
Lisimachus
that
gaue
his
kingdome
for
adraught
of
water
.
for
that
they
change
not
one
fraile
,
and
earthly
thing
for
an
other
as
he
did
,
but
heauenly
things
for
earthly
,
deuine
for
humane
,
eternal
for
transitory
,
which
admit
no
comparison
;
besids
that
they
show
them selues
to
be
no
better
,
nor
wiser
then
brute
beasts
which
are
lead
by
only
sence
,
and
vehemently
moued
by
present
obiects
,
without
discourse
and
consideration
of
future
things
or
of
the
end
which
is
specially
to
be
considered
of
men
,
Wicked
men
no
wyser
then
brute
beasts
.
to
whome
nature
hath
geuen
reason
to
discourse
and
iudge
,
not
only
of
things
present
,
or
past
,
but
also
of
things
to
come
,
and
especially
of
the
last
end
of
al
humane
actions
wherin
consisteth
the
eternal
felicity
,
or
misery
of
man
,
and
therfore
Moyses
partly
lamenting
,
The
end
of
euery
thing
is
cheefely
to
be
considered
of
men
.
and
partly
reprehending
the
absurd
folly
of
such
kind
of
men
saith
.
Gens
absque
consilio
est
,
&
sine
prudentia
,
vtinam
saperent
,
ac
intelligerent
,
&
nouissima
prouiderent
.
Deut
.
3●
.
These
are
a
people
with
out
councel
,
and
prudence
,
I
wold
to
God
they
wold
be
wise
,
and
vnderstand
,
and
foresee
or
prouide
for
their
last
end
.
38.
Furdermore
how
can
these
be
counted
truly
wise
,
whose
wisdome
consisteth
in
peruerting
the
whole
course
and
order
of
nature
,
and
contradicting
the
principles
,
The
wisdome
of
politikes
consisteth
in
peruerting
the
course
and
orde●
of
nature
,
and
in
contradicting
the
principels
of
rea●on
.
and
ground
of
reason
;
For
what
is
more
conforme
to
nature
,
or
more
euident
in
reason
,
then
that
as
the
soule
excelleth
the
body
,
and
heauen
the
earth
,
so
also
the
goods
,
and
gifts
of
the
mind
,
ought
to
be
preferred
before
the
gifts
,
and
goods
of
the
body
,
heauenly
things
before
earthly
,
reason
before
sensuality
,
the
publik
good
before
any
mans
particular
,
eternal
felicity
,
before
temporal
pleasure
or
commodity
,
and
the
seruice
,
and
glory
of
God
before
al
things
els
what
soeuer
;
Al
which
nature
ordaineth
,
reason
perswadeth
,
Philosophy
,
and
al
learning
teacheth
,
the
consent
of
the
world
confirmeth
,
and
mans
owne
conscience
within
him selfe
proclaimeth
it
to
be
true
.
Neuertheles
the
politikes
,
and
Ma●chiauillians
haue
found
out
a
kind
of
wisdome
,
and
policy
(
which
they
cal
reason
of
state
)
contradicting
al
this
,
preferring
the
body
before
the
soule
,
earth
before
heauen
,
humane
things
before
deuine
,
sensuality
before
reason
,
and
the
particular
pleasure
of
the
prince
,
before
the
general
good
of
the
commonwelth
,
temporal
commodities
before
eternal
felicity
;
and
lastly
whatsoeuer
seemeth
to
their
corrupt
iudgements
,
to
be
according
to
reason
of
state
,
the
same
they
preferre
before
conscience
,
religion
,
and
the
seruice
of
God
,
as
though
there
were
eyther
no
God
to
caule
them
to
account
,
or
that
he
had
nothing
to
doe
with
them
,
or
with
the
affaires
of
men
.
So
that
to
make
their
wisdome
true
wisdome
,
their
policy
good
policy
,
their
reason
of
state
good
reason
,
To
make
politikes
wyse
men
we
must
haue
a
new
nature
and
an
other
God
,
or
no
God
.
and
them
wise
men
,
the
whole
course
,
and
order
of
nature
must
be
changed
,
and
al
things
turned
vpside
doune
,
the
soule
must
bee
made
subiect
to
the
body
,
heauen
to
earth
,
reason
to
sensuality
,
commonwelth
to
priuat
welth
,
and
temporal
goods
must
excel
the
eternal
,
yea
and
lastly
we
must
haue
a
new
nature
,
and
either
an
other
God
,
or
no
God
,
or
at
least
such
a
one
as
shal
haue
no
prouidence
in
the
affaires
of
men
39.
What
maruel
is
it
then
that
this
kind
of
wisdome
and
policy
ouerthroweth
princes
,
subuerteth
their
states
,
and
filleth
the
world
with
misery
and
calamities
?
In
which
respect
the
scripture
calleth
it
.
1.
Cor
.
1.
Rom.
1.
Psal
.
52.
&
91.
&
93.
Matth
.
25.
Stultam
huius
mundi
sapientiam
.
The
foolish
wisdome
of
this
world
,
and
the
profess●rs
therof
Fooles
,
as
I
haue
sufficiently
showed
in
the
23.
chapter
,
where
I
conuinced
Atheistes
of
ignorance
and
foly
,
wherto
I
wil
ad
here
for
the
conclusion
of
this
point
,
Chap.
23.
nu
.
19.
&
20.
and
of
this
whole
discourse
,
what
the
Holy
Ghost
testifieth
in
the
booke
of
wisdome
,
concerning
as
wel
the
misery
,
as
the
foly
of
these
kind
of
wise
worldlings
,
as
that
,
when
they
shal
see
at
the
daye
of
Iudgement
them selues
condemned
to
eternal
torments
,
and
the
seruants
of
God
rewarded
with
euerlasting
glory
,
they
shal
say
one
to
an
other
.
40.
Nos
insensati
&c.
We
madde
men
(
or
men
with
out
sence
,
Sap
.
5.
The
folly
of
wicked
men
and
theyr
miserable
state
notably
signified
in
the
scriptures
.
and
vnderstanding
)
esteemed
the
life
of
these
(
that
is
to
say
of
the
Iust
)
to
be
madnes
,
and
their
end
without
honour
,
and
behold
how
they
are
now
reckoned
amongst
the
children
of
God
,
and
their
lot
is
amongst
the
saints
.
Therfore
wee
haue
erred
from
the
way
of
truth
,
&
the
light
of
his
Iustice
hath
not
shined
vnto
vs
,
neyther
hath
the
sunne
of
vnderstanding
risen
vnto
vs
,
we
haue
wearied
our selues
in
the
way
of
iniquitie
,
and
perdition
,
and
haue
walked
difficult
wayes
,
and
haue
not
knowne
the
way
of
our
Lord
;
what
hath
our
pride
proffited
vs
?
or
what
hath
the
ostentation
of
our
riches
benefited
vs
?
al
which
is
now
past
away
like
a
shadow
,
and
like
one
that
runneth
post
,
or
like
a
ship
that
saileth
,
or
like
a
bird
that
flieth
,
or
like
an
arrow
shot
at
a
marke
,
of
the
passage
wherof
there
remaineth
no
signe
;
And
euen
so
we
were
borne
and
presently
ceassed
to
be
,
and
haue
not
left
behind
vs
any
signe
of
vertue
,
but
are
comsumed
,
and
spent
in
our
owne
malignity
and
wickednes
;
Thus
doth
the
Holy
Ghost
describe
the
miserable
&
lamentable
state
of
the
worldly
wise
,
and
al
other
wicked
men
at
the
day
of
Iudgement
,
which
I
wish
euery
man
wold
consider
betyme
,
lest
he
repent
to
late
amongst
those
,
who
shal
make
this
pittiful
complaint
without
hope
or
possibility
of
remedy
.
41.
This
shal
suffise
for
the
first
part
of
my
treatise
concerning
policy
and
religion
,
wherin
if
thou
find
any
thing
,
good
Reader
,
that
may
content
thee
,
I
beseeche
thee
to
geue
the
prayse
,
and
honour
therof
to
almighty
God
(
from
whom
,
Iac
.
2.
Est
omne
donum
optimum
,
&
datum
perfectum
,
is
euery
good
and
perfect
gift
)
and
if
ther
be
any
thing
therin
,
which
may
iustly
dislike
thee
,
I
am
content
to
owne
it
my selfe
,
and
doe
desire
thee
to
beare
with
it
,
and
to
let
it
passe
for
an
example
of
the
infirmity
of
mans
wit
,
which
I
haue
showed
by
so
many
other
examples
of
the
errours
of
very
wise
and
learned
men
,
that
I
can
not
presume
to
warrant
my
owne
doings
or
writings
,
from
al
errour
and
ouersight
;
Only
this
I
wil
assure
thee
,
that
I
haue
not
erred
in
any
thing
maliciously
,
but
haue
had
through
out
this
whol●
discourse
a
charitable
desire
of
thy
good
,
and
as
I
hope
,
a
true
zeale
to
Gods
glory
,
which
al
men
ought
to
make
the
principal
scope
,
and
end
of
their
actions
.
yf
I
find
that
this
be
grateful
vnto
thee
,
I
wil
second
it
with
the
other
part
for
thy
furder
satisfaction
,
with
such
speede
,
as
the
regard
of
my
decaied
health
,
and
my
other
affaires
wil
permit
.
DEO
Soli
HONOR
&
Gloria
.
Deo
soli
honor
&
gloria
.