GOD
AND
THE
KING
.
Philanax
.
YOv
are
well
met
Aristobulus
:
your
countenance
and
gesture
import
,
that
your
thoughtes
are
much
busied
.
What
may
b●
the
occasion
of
these
Meditations
?
Aristobulus
.
I
haue
lately
perused
a
short
Treatise
intituled
GOD
AND
THE
KING
,
the
Author
whereof
vndertaketh
to
shew
the
groundes
&
foundations
of
royall
Soueraignty
,
and
of
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
.
Philanax
.
Why
should
the
perusall
of
the
Treatise
cause
such
admiration
in
you
?
I
am
sure
you
,
b●ing
a
Professour
of
the
Ghospell
,
are
no●
of
their
number
,
that
seeke
to
depresse
Kingly
power
,
or
thinke
much
that
Kings
should
oblige
their
subiects
to
them
by
Oathes
.
Aristobulus
.
My
professio●
,
and
my
deedes
declare
sufficiently
my
dutifull
affection
to
Kings
,
my
high
esteeme
of
their
authority
,
my
detestation
of
all
treason
,
hollownes
,
and
insincerity
towardes
them
.
I
approue
the
doctrine
of
this
Dialogu●
,
Dial.
God
and
the
Kinge
pag.
2.
that
vnder
the
pious
and
reuerend
appellations
of
Father
and
Mother
,
are
comprized
,
not
only
our
naturall
Parents
,
but
likewise
all
higher
Powers
,
and
especially
such
as
haue
soueraigne
authority
,
as
Kings
&
Princes
,
who
more
expresly
,
then
any
Gouernours
,
represent
the
person
&
maiesty
of
one
God
,
ruling
the
whole
world
,
and
are
his
substitutes
&
lieutenants
,
euery
one
within
his
owne
Kingdome
.
Dial.
p.
33.
&
34.
The
subiect
may
not
touch
his
soueraigne
with
any
hurtfull
touch
,
nor
stretch
out
his
hand
against
his
sacred
person
,
nor
a●fright
,
nor
disgrace
him
by
cutting
the
lapp
●f
his
garment
,
not
hurt
him
in
word
,
no
not
●o
much
as
in
thought
.
He
must
discharge
his
●anifold
duties
towards
him
,
by
payinge
●ribute
for
his
regall
supporte
:
by
fighting
his
●attailes
with
Ioab
:
aduenturing
his
life
with
Dauid
to
vanquish
his
enimies
:
Reuealing
with
●eligions
Mardochaeus
treasonable
designe●ents
against
him
:
by
powring
out
pra●ers
●nd
supplications
for
his
wellfare
:
by
esteeming
and
●onouring
him
from
the
harte
,
and
out
of
conscience
,
as
the
annointed
o●
the
Lord
,
Gods
holy
Ordinance
and
Minister
,
and
as
a
God
vpon
earth
.
These
doctrines
I
allow
;
and
these
duties
towardes
Princes
whosoeuer
infringeth
,
either
by
tumults
or
seditions
against
his
state
,
or
by
treacherous
and
violent
attempts
against
his
person
,
deserue
as
violators
of
Gods
will
,
contemners
of
natures
●aw
,
and
enemies
to
the
good
of
their
Countrey
,
to
be
punished
&
persecuted
●o
death
by
sword
and
fire
.
Philanax
.
Seeing
then
that
the
Treatise
you
●peake
of
doth
so
fully
declare
the
duty
of
Allegiance
to
the
Kinge
:
what
●roubleth
you
therein
,
that
your
coun●enance
discouereth
disl●ke
?
Aristobulus
.
To
commend
allegiance
in
generall
termes
,
simply
and
playnly
conceaued
,
is
most
alowable
&
necessary
in
these
times
.
But
bold
,
or
rather
desperate
Treatises
,
such
as
this
is
,
that
disclose
the
mysteries
of
Regall
Prerogatiue
,
which
,
●peach
in
the
Star-chamber
.
16.6
.
as
his
Maiesty
well
noteth
,
ought
not
to
be
searched
into
:
that
ground
the
authority
of
Kings
so
necessary
for
mankinde
,
vpon
doubtfull
curios●ties
:
that
moue
questions
about
depositions
,
both
disgracefull
to
Maiesty
,
and
odious
to
the
subiects
:
such
Treatises
(
I
say
)
doe
more
harme
then
good
:
and
without
doubt
the
first
Authors
of
such
conceipts
be
secret
enemies
to
Kingly
gouernment
,
and
by
this
stratageme
would
craftily
vndermine
what
hitherto
in
vayne
they
haue
assaulted
openly
.
Philanax
.
I
am
persuaded
the
Treatise
you
mention
was
not
written
by
any
Papist
:
nor
that
any
of
that
generation
●ad
their
hand
in
it
.
Who
then
may
we
think
be
these
vnderminers
of
Monarchy
you
speak
of
?
Aristobulus
.
I
would
to
God
it
were
hard
to
name
them
:
or
that
euery
one
could
not
point
with
his
finger
at
that
profession
which
from
her
cradle
hath
euer
been
a
mortall
enemie
〈◊〉
Kings
.
That
the
first
planters
of
the
Ghospell
in
this
age
rooted
the
same
in
rebellion
and
in
hatred
to
Monarchy
,
neitheir
wee
nor
any
of
their
best
frends
can
deny
.
Bancroft
in
the
Dangerous
po●itions
p.
33.
Our
late
Arch-bishop
excuseth
them
,
that
their
zeale
was
very
greate
,
the
light
of
the
Ghospell
(
sayth
he
)
then
first
appearing
vnto
them
,
so
dazeled
their
eyes
,
that
they
did
not
well
consider
what
they
did
.
Without
doubt
so
it
was
,
and
so
it
will
euer
be
,
where
the
pure
light
,
as
they
call
it
,
of
this
Ghospell
shineth
,
and
zeale
therof
feruently
burneth
,
there
can
be
no
assured
allegiance
to
the
Prince
.
This
(
I
confesse
)
is
no
small
blemis●
to
the
Religion
,
which
I
would
conceale
,
did
not
loue
to
his
Maiesty
force
me
to
speak
.
And
the
reason
why
it
must
needes
be
so
is
euident
.
A
true
spirit
zealous
in
Religion
can
neuer
be
quiet
in
the
busines
of
s●luation
,
and
in
questions
and
Controuersies
of
Faith
,
●●ll
he
find
some
ground
infallible
whereon
he
may
rest
.
The
Papist
holdes
that
the
Popes
sentence
,
specially
in
generall
Councels
,
is
the
infallible
decider
of
Controuersies
,
vpon
which
he
repo●●th
his
conscience
.
And
by
submitting
euery
one
his
priuate
iudgment
to
the
sentence
of
a
supreme
Iudge
,
they
gayne
peace
and
v●ity
among
themselues
,
and
their
Iudge
,
still
when
he
defines
,
being
(
as
they
pretend
)
assisted
by
Gods
spirit
,
they
are
secured
from
errour
.
An
easy
and
sweet
way
to
end
Controuersies
had
it
pleased
God
to
haue
appointed
it
,
verity
and
charity
m●et
,
Iustice
(
doctrine
I
say
iust
with
Gods
word
)
kisseth
with
peace
:
S.
Paul
so
highly
commendeth
,
charity
of
●●uth
.
But
our
Authors
constantly
affirme
,
that
since
the
Apostles
,
God
gr●unted
no
such
priuiledge
to
any
Pastor
,
nor
wold
bestow
so
great
blessing
on
his
Church
,
as
to
haue
perpetually
such
a
visible
gouernour
to
decide
her
doubtes
—
nimium
vobis
Romana
propago
visa
potens
,
superi
,
propria
haec
si
dona
fuissent
.
W●erfore
by
the
consent
of
the
Churches
which
we
call
reformed
,
the
spirit
of
God
deciding
Controuersies
,
which
Papists
tied
to
the
Pope
and
his
Councells
,
was
giuen
to
euery
man
that
should
attend
to
the
spirit
speaking
in
Scriptures
.
A
course
which
pleased
much
the
common
people
in
the
beginning
,
persuading
them
that
they
had
been
blinded
and
wronged
by
the
Pope
,
taking
from
them
,
together
with
the
vse
of
Scriptures
,
their
authority
to
iudge
definitions
of
the
Church
by
Scriptures
.
The
deuisers
of
this
way
seemed
to
haue
great
zeale
of
the
truth
,
but
were
not
carefull
to
prouide
for
peace
.
And
so
in
practise
this
deuise
begot
a
multitude
of
Sects
and
Religions
,
one
against
another
,
that
many
,
weary
of
all
,
began
to
thinke
it
were
better
men
should
be
vnited
in
error
,
then
thus
mortally
diuided
in
Truth
.
A
meane
was
deuised
to
decide
Controuersies
by
nationall
Synods
,
that
are
confessed
may
erre
,
but
the
Ciuil
magistrate
,
as
our
chief
Deuines
teach
,
as
being
President
in
them
,
is
to
compell
his
subiects
by
the
sword
to
imbrace
those
doctrines
that
be
determined
(
be
they
true
or
fals
.
)
For
this
course
(
say
they
)
was
appointed
by
God
,
Hooker
Ecclesiast.
pol.
prefac
.
p.
28.
who
thought
it
better
in
the
eye
of
his
vnderstanding
,
that
sometimes
an
erroneous
definitiue
sentence
should
preuaile
,
then
that
strifes
should
haue
respite
to
grow
and
not
come
speedily
to
some
end
.
Heere
desire
of
peace
&
concord
may
seeme
to
haue
made
these
men
lesse
zealous
of
the
Truth
then
behooued
them
.
So
it
opened
a
gappe
(
specially
in
England
)
to
prophanes
&
irreligiosity
,
which
is
to
be
iust
of
the
Kings
Religion
whatsoeuer
it
be
,
or
rather
of
none
.
A
salue
for
this
sore
hath
been
inuented
:
that
subiects
ought
to
obey
their
Princes
Lawes
and
definitions
,
Hooker
ibid.
p.
29.
when
they
haue
only
probabilities
against
them
,
not
when
they
haue
necessary
and
demonstratiue
reasons
,
which
discharge
the
conscience
and
giue
liberty
to
resist
.
This
caueat
and
salue
for
Truth
sets
the
wound
of
dissention
againe
a
bleeding
.
Sects
in
the
world
are
now
allmost
infinite
for
number
:
amongest
which
not
one
is
found
that
pretendeth
not
cleere
and
euident
demonstration
,
and
proofe
from
holy
Scripture
for
their
contrary
and
repugnant
opinions
.
And
who
shall
iudg
in
this
contradiction
and
confusion
whose
reasons
are
necessary
and
demonstratiue
?
The
arguments
which
we
think
demonstrati●e
,
moue
Papists
nothing
at
all
,
and
arguments
which
we
iudg
of
no
force
,
Puritans
(
as
Archbishop
Bancroft
writeth
of
them
)
take
to
be
so
vrgent
,
that
,
Suruey
of
the
holy
●iscipline
.
p.
93.
if
euery
hayre
of
their
head
were
a
seuerall
life
,
they
wold
giue
them
all
in
the
cause
.
This
controuersy
therfore
,
whose
reasons
are
demonstratiue
and
whose
are
not
,
is
the
greatest
of
all
others
:
nor
is
there
any
way
to
decide
it
in
our
churches
besides
the
sword
of
the
temporall
Prince
.
Princes
therfore
for
conseruation
of
peace
,
must
keep
the
spirit
in
awe
,
practising
power
infallible
in
deedes
,
which
they
dare
not
challenge
in
wordes
.
This
is
the
cause
of
the
secret
emnity
betweene
power
of
Kings
,
and
feruour
of
our
Ghospell
.
The
Prince
can
neuer
be
assured
of
our
Gospellers
by
the
Principles
of
their
Religion
,
that
their
zeale
to
the
Truth
will
not
trouble
the
peace
of
his
Kingdome
:
nor
Ghospellers
of
the
Prince
,
that
his
loue
of
temporall
peace
,
will
not
compell
them
to
trust
to
his
deceaueable
definitions
.
Whence
it
is
manifest
,
that
so
longe
as
the
one
shal
be
zealous
and
feruent
,
to
follow
,
and
preach
what
by
light
of
the
spirit
they
conceaue
to
be
in
Sc●ipture
,
occasions
cannot
be
wanting
to
the
other
that
will
force
him
to
vse
his
power
to
curbe
their
liberty
.
Which
power
,
so
long
as
he
shal
vsurpe
(
&
so
long
as
he
will
be
Prince
and
Protestant
he
must
needes
vsurpe
)
let
him
neuer
expect
that
Ghospellers
can
loue
his
gouernment
,
though
they
may
flatter
in
outward
shew
.
Those
men
had
(
no
doubt
)
the
[
(a)
](A01004-e940-b)
(a)
Ba●il
.
Dor.
p
40.
&
.
41.
pure
spirit
of
our
Ghospell
,
who
professed
,
that
except
they
[
(b)
](A01004-e980-b)
(b)
Knox.
histor.
of
the
Church
of
Scot.
p.
265.
Dang
.
po●it
.
p.
11.
might
haue
the
re●ormation
they
desired
,
they
would
neuer
be
subiect
to
mortall
man
.
Looke
vpon
the
first
erecting
of
our
Religion
in
[
(c)
](A01004-e1020-b)
(c)
Sleydan
.
l.
28.
&
l.
22.
O●ian
.
Epist.
cent.
16.
p.
566.
Germany
,
[
(d)
](A01004-e1070-b)
(d)
Cuspin
.
of
the
Church
of
France
p.
625
Ferres
histor.
p.
588.
France
,
[
(e)
](A01004-e1100-b)
(e)
Osiand
.
ibid.
p.
94.
Flanders
[
(f)
](A01004-e1120-b)
(f)
Chitr●eus
in
chron
p.
71
Swe●eland
[
(g)
](A01004-e1140-b)
(g)
Fulk
.
answere
to
the
declam
of
P.
●rarines
.
Denmarke
[
(h)
](A01004-e1160-b)
(h)
Dang
.
posit
.
l
●
.
c.
●
.
4●
&
.
seq
.
and
Scotland
,
&
you
shall
find
that
the
Ghospell
went
not
so
fast
vp
,
but
Kings
and
their
authority
went
as
fast
downe
.
What
Bullenger
writeth
of
Anabaptist●
,
was
the
true
course
of
our
Reformers
.
[
(i)
](A01004-e1200-b)
(i)
Suruey
of
the
disc.
p.
101.
They
began
with
Bishops
,
pulling
them
from
their
seates
;
they
ended
with
Kings
casting
them
from
their
Thrones
.
Books
haue
been
written
of
this
argument
[
(k)
](A01004-e1220-b)
(k)
Dang
.
po●it
.
Suruey
and
others
by
D.
Bancroft
.
by
no
Papists
,
that
shew
their
practises
and
doctrines
to
be
in
the
highest
degree
iniurious
to
Kings
.
[
(l)
](A01004-e1250-b)
(l)
Principes
sunt
omnium
quos
terra
●ustinet
s●ultis●imi
&
deterrimi
nebulones
.
Ton
.
2.
Ger.
●en
.
de
mag
saecul
.
fol.
200.
Luthers
inuectiues
I
omitt
,
not
to
pollute
your
eares
.
Caluin
is
more
modest
,
yet
so
bould
with
Kinges
,
as
to
write
,
that
when
they
resist
the
Ghospell
[
(m)
](A01004-e1280-b)
(m)
Cal.
in
Dan.
cap.
6.
v.
22.
they
are
not
to
be
obeyed
,
but
rather
we
ought
to
s●it
it
in
their
faces
.
This
is
nothing
to
that
which
Hottoman
,
Beza
,
Goodman
,
Knox
,
Vrsinus
,
Buchanan
(
to
forbeare
the
naming
of
others
innumerable
)
haue
written
,
wherby
they
make
Maiesty
subiect
to
the
peoples
pleasure
,
no
more
sure
of
his
state
,
then
wethercocks
that
must
turn●
with
the
wind
.
Vt
sumat
,
vt
ponat
secures
Arbitrio
popularis
aurae
.
What
thinke
you
of
these
their
propositions
following
?
[
(n)
](A01004-e1360-b)
(n)
Knox
to
Engl.
&
Scotl.
fol.
78.
Yf
Princes
be
tyrants
against
God
and
his
Truth
,
their
subiects
are
freed
from
their
oath
o●
Allegiance
.
[
(o)
](A01004-e1380-b)
(o)
Hotoman
.
de
i●●e
Reg.
p.
61.
The
people
are
greate●
then
the
King
,
&
of
greater
authority
[
(p)
](A01004-e1400-b)
(p)
ibid
p.
58.
The
people
haue
the
same
power
o●uer
the
King
,
that
the
King
hath
ouer
any
one
person
.
[
(q)
](A01004-e1420-b)
(q)
ibid.
p.
13.
The
people
haue
right
to
bestow
the
Crown
at
their
pleasure
.
[
(r)
](A01004-e1440-b)
(r)
ibid.
p.
12.
As
the
patient
may
choose
the
phisitian
he
like●●
best
,
&
reiect
him
at
his
pleasure
:
so
the
people
in
whose
free
choice
at
the
beginning
it
was
to
be
vnder
kings
or
no
,
may
,
when
they
be
weary
of
their
bad
gouernment
,
cast
him
from
his
[
(s)
](A01004-e1460-b)
(s)
Buchan
apud
Black
.
Apol.
pro
Reg.
pag.
●1
.
Office
into
prison
,
into
irons
,
put
him
to
death
,
and
set
whome
they
please
to
gouerne
in
his
place
.
[
(t)
](A01004-e1490-b)
(t)
The
booke
of
obedience
writt●n
in
Geneua
by
fugitiues
in
Queene
Maryes
dayes
p.
16.
Kings
haue
their
authority
from
the
people
,
and
the
people
may
take
it
away
againe
,
as
men
may
reuoke
their
letters
of
Attorney
.
[
(u)
](A01004-e1500-b)
(u)
ibid.
p.
319
159.
Yf
kings
without
feare
transgresse
Gods
Lawes
,
they
ought
no
more
to
be
taken
as
magistrats
,
but
be
examined
,
accused
,
condemned
,
and
punished
as
priuate
transgressors
.
[
(x)
](A01004-e1520-b)
(x)
Goodman
●
.
180.184.185
.
When
magistrats
do
not
their
duties
,
God
giueth
the
sword
into
the
people●
hand
:
from
●e
which
no
person
,
King
,
Queene
〈◊〉
Emperor
is
exempt
;
being
Idolater
〈◊〉
must
dye
the
death
.
These
and
the
●●ke
positions
haue
been
inuented
by
●●e
zealous
professors
of
our
Religion
.
●he
same
or
worse
were
renewed
and
●ttered
by
the
feruerous
reformers
that
●roue
for
discipline
in
Queene
Eliz.
●ayes
,
that
(
as
a
worthy
prelat
writes
)
[
(y)
](A01004-e1540-b)
(y)
Bancroft
.
Dang
.
po●it
.
p.
65.
See
this
proued
l.
2.
c.
4.5.6.7.8.9.10.11.12.13
.
All
the
Popi●●
traitors
that
hither●o
haue
written
,
and
all
the
Gene●ian
&
Scottish
Reformers
come
not
neere
●hem
for
malicious
and
spiteful
taunts
,
●or
rayling
and
bitter
tearmes
,
for
dis●aineful
and
contemptuous
speaches
,
●gainst
Prince
,
Bishops
,
Counsailors
&
●ll
other
that
stand
in
their
way
.
Their
●ecret
practises
to
set
vp
,
by
som
meane
●r
other
,
sweete
or
violent
,
the
said
●isciplin
,
haue
neuer
been
interrupted
●r
remitted
,
as
he
doth
[
(z)
](A01004-e1580-b)
(z)
Dang
.
po●it
.
ibid.
l.
3.
c.
●
.
&
seq
.
Danger
.
l.
4.
c.
6.7.8.9.10
.
Ibid.
c.
11.
particular●y
relate
,
beginning
at
the
yeere
1560.
●o
the
yeere
1591.
when
was
practised
●hat
most
blasphemous
and
barbarous
●reason
,
of
their
counterfait
Iesus-Christ
Hacket
,
and
his
two
Prophets
●f
mercy
and
vengeance
,
who
would
●aue
planted
the
discipline
,
by
depriuing
the
Queene
,
and
murthering
th●
nobles
that
stood
against
it
,
of
whic●
the
cheefest
Pretendents
in
that
refor●mation
had
notice
,
ibid.
c.
13.
at
loast
in
confu●●
and
in
generall
,
as
the
said
Archbisho●
affirmeth
,
and
did
secre●ly
conniu●
thereunto
:
fauouring
no
doubt
in
ha●●
a
popular
state
where
Church-doctrine
and
discipline
is
receaued
&
reiected
by
voices
.
Igneae
naturae
concionato●●s
●asil
.
Dor.
pag.
41.
In
which
gouernment
these
fiery
Ghospellers
,
as
hi●
Maiesty
calleth
them
,
beeing
com●monly
men
of
sharpe
wits
,
and
ready
tongues
,
high
minded
,
and
of
working
spirits
might
beare
great
sway
,
&
euery
one
rule
as
King
and
Pope
in
his
parish
.
Since
that
time
,
these
men
haue
been
in
shew
both
for
doctrine
&
practise
more
moderate
,
specially
●ince
his
Maiesties
happy
raigne
,
and
that
some
of
them
haue
been
aduaunced
to
dignities
.
Now
they
are
become
the
forwardest
in
shew
●or
defence
of
Allegiance
:
they
speake
most
against
the
Papists
that
hold
Kings
to
be
deposable
in
some
cases
:
They
extoll
Royall
authority
aboue
the
skyes
.
I
can
i●
Charity
beleeue
that
some
of
them
meane
as
they
professe
:
yet
wisedome
giues
leaue
to
feare
rec●nciled
emenies
.
Poison
no
where
lurketh
more
securely
then
in
hony
.
Their
present
doctrine
carrieth
outwardly
a
shew
of
friendship
to
Kings
,
but
●o
will
●ooke
into
the
ground
,
shall
finde
it
dangerous
to
them
,
and
more
pernicious
then
the
former
of
Caluin
,
Goodman
,
Beza
,
Knox
Buchanan
,
and
others
●heir
predecessors
and
Maisters
.
The
●umme
of
this
their
doctrine
is
con●eyned
in
the
Treatise
intituled
God
&
●he
King
.
Dial.
p.
31.
32.33.88
.
The
Authour
whereof
had
●o
reason
to
tearme
himselfe
Theodi●act
,
that
is
,
Taught
of
God
,
seing
he
spea●eth
diuers
thinges
that
the
spirit
of
God
could
not
suggest
vnto
him
.
He
●ndertaketh
the
proofe
of
foure
pro●ositions
.
The
first
is
,
That
Kings
haue
●uthority
immediately
&
only
from
God
,
the
Church
and
people
not
being
any
thing
in
the
●uist
thereof
.
This
is
the
fundamentall
●●one
,
whereon
is
built
the
second
:
●hat
Kings
haue
no
superior
on
earth
to
cha●●ise
and
punish
them
.
The
third
is
.
That
●either
Tyranny
,
nor
Heresy
,
nor
Apostacy
can
release
subiects
of
their
Obedience
.
The
fourth
:
That
Kings
may
neither
be
deposed
nor
resisted
(
but
by
teares
and
prayers
)
though
they
should
be
so
tyrannous
&
prophane
,
as
to
endeauour
to
oppresse
the
whole
Church
and
Commonwealth
at
once
,
and
vtterly
to
extinguish
the
light
of
Christian
Religion
.
Philanax
.
These
speaches
may
be
disgustfull
to
Subiects
,
and
sound
vncou●hly
in
their
●ares
:
but
doctrine
that
doth
so
magnify
Kings
,
I
see
not
how
it
may
be
thought
pernicious
to
them
.
Aristobulus
.
Kinges
are
not
to
regard
so
much
how
great
and
glorious
,
as
how
grounded
be
the
titles
that
are
bestowed
on
them
:
seeing
incredible
praises
giuen
to
men
,
do
oftentimes
abate
the
credit
of
their
deserued
commendation
.
Some
Ghospellers
(
as
a
iudicious
Protestant
complaines
)
attributing
to
the
holy
Scripture
more
then
it
can
haue
,
Hooker
.
Eccl.
polit.
l.
2.
p.
129.
the
incredibility
of
that
hath
caused
euen
those
things
which
in
deede
it
hath
most
aboundantly
,
to
be
the
lesse
reuerently
esteemed
.
The
same
we
may
●are
will
happen
to
the
authority
of
Kinges
.
And
the
danger
of
such
flat●ering
speculations
as
this
Dialogist
●each●th
,
is
so
much
the
greater
to
the
Soueraigne
,
whilest
they
extoll
him
aboue
measure
to
the
state
of
absolute
Lord
&
God
vpon
earth
,
as
it
is
hatefull
●o
the
subiect
to
see
himself
abased
to
●eruile
&
abhorred
●●ptiuity
,
&
put
to
●
more
miserable
condition
,
then
the
●ondage
of
slaues
.
For
slaues
(
to
speak
nothing
of
humane
lawes
that
haue
●ppointed
limits
to
their
miseries
)
●aue
some
rightes
and
liberties
by
the
●aw
of
nature
inuiolable
,
which
(
if
●hey
be
able
)
they
may
defend
by
force
●gainst
euen
their
owne
Maisters
that
shall
violently
and
vniustly
inuade
●hem●
Such
liberty
they
haue
to
marry
●nd
propagate
humane
kind
,
to
enioy
●ife
so
longe
as
they
haue
done
no●hing
worthy
of
death
,
but
principally
●o
worship
God
their
maker
and
su●reme
Lord
.
But
this
new
doctrine
of
Princely
absolute
Soueraignty
set
●owne
in
the
Treatise
mentioned
,
●akes
the
Common-wealth
so
mise●able
,
and
the
people
such
bondmen
to
their
Prince
,
that
they
may
not
defen●●
their
nationall
freedomes
how
iust
&
necessary
soeuer
,
nor
the
liberties
an●
rightes
that
nature
hath
bequea●●e●
euen
vpon
slaues
.
But
that
if
th●
Prince
wanton
in
cruelty
,
should
kee●
men
by
force
from
marrying
,
so
to
bring
the
Common-wealth
to
vtter
de●olation
in
one
age
:
●r
if
not
hauing
pati●ence
to
attend
that
lingring
consump●tion
of
the
state
,
he
should
daily
sen●
men
by
multitudes
like
heards
of
sheep
or
oxen
to
the
slaughter
;
or
if
(
out
o●
a
desire
his
subiects
may
perish
eternally
)
he
should
seek
vtterly
to
extinguish
the
doctrine
of
saluation
within
his
Realmes
:
In
these
cases
(
I
say
)
o●
the
like
,
of
extreamest
necessity
and
most
hostile
inuasion
,
according
to
th●
doctrine
of
this
Dialogist
,
they
may
not
lift
vp
so
much
as
their
finger
against
his
attempts
,
nor
ioyne
with
any
power
vpon
earth
,
that
would
releeue
them
.
Philanax
.
I
see
plainly
that
this
doctrine
is
very
odious
in
it self
:
and
you
set
it
forth
to
the
vttermost
.
Aristobulus
.
I
say
no
more
then
his
owne
wor●es
import
,
nor
haue
described
tyranny
●ore
truly
then
he
hath
done
in
his
Dialogue
.
And
I
know
so
well
there
is
●o
cause
to
feare
the
practise
of
this
●octrine
by
his
gratious
Maiesty
,
that
I
would
not
haue
said
thus
much
,
but
to
●hew
how
odiously
●nemies
of
Royalty
may
,
and
will
exagitate
this
Conclu●ion
,
when
such
discourses
shal
be
for
●he
aduantage
of
popularity
.
Now
●hey
write
,
and
cause
Treatises
to
be
●ublished
by
authority
,
which
when
●ime
shall
serue
,
they
may
vse
to
make
●is
Maiesty
hatefull
.
By
the
like
stra●ageme
the
Puritans
of
Scotland
ouer●hrew
his
Maiesti●s
Mother
.
Camden
.
Eliz.
p.
111.
When
●hey
had
barbarously
slayne
the
Kinge
●er
husband
,
they
importunely
vrged
●e●
(
alledging
it
was
necessary
for
the
maintenance
of
her
state
and
life
)
to
marry
with
the
Earle
of
Bothwell
,
●oncealing
from
her
that
he
had
been
●heef
actor
in
the
murther
.
The
mar●iage
was
no
sooner
concluded
,
but
●hey
diuulged
the
hatefullnes
therof●
thence
seeking
to
persuade
the
world
she
had
been
consenting
to
her
husbands
death
.
And
so
what
with
defa●matory
libells
abroad
,
what
wit●
their
turbulent
declamations
at
hom●
they
made
her
odious
,
they
tooke
from
her
the
Crown●
they
tossed
her
from
mi●sery
to
misery
,
till
finally
they
brough●
h●r
to
lay
her
head
on
the
blocke
to
b●
cut
off
by
the
comon
Executioner
.
●
hope
his
Maiesties
happy
raygne
shal●
neuer
see
commotion
in
this
state
:
ye●
if
any
such
tumult
happen
(
and
human
things
are
vncertain
)
I
do
not
feare
to
be
found
a
false
Prophet
in
saying
,
tha●
this
doctrine
wil
be
bitterly
exclaime●
against
,
and
this
Treatise
I
speake
of●
produced
to
witnes
what
desperate
allegiance
Princes
exact
:
and
vrged
no●
only
against
his
Maiesty
,
but
as
a
caus●
sufficient
to
banish
Kings
out
of
th●
Land
.
The
late
Lord
of
Canterbury
complaynes
,
that
in
his
dayes
,
●ancrofe
●uruey
of
●ol
.
dis.
c.
2.5.7
cantonin●
of
Kingdomes
was
in
many
mens
mouthes
:
tha●
men
did
talke
what
a
notable
thing
it
is
to
liu●
in
Venice●
where
euery
gentleman
liueth
wit●
as
great
liberty
,
as
the
Duke
himselfe
.
Many
who
now
haue
Kings
and
their
maiesti●s
most
frequent
in
their
mouth
,
still
●arbor
we
may
feare
,
the
same
affecti●n
in
their
hartes
to
be
freed
from
them
.
Yea
some
Puritanes
of
the
last
Parlament
in
their
discontented
meetings
,
were
bold
to
propose
the
changing
of
the
gouernment
of
the
Realme
●rom
Monarchy
into
Democracy
.
Nor
may
such
men●
that
haue
been
once
tayn●ed
with
this
Con●storiall
affection
,
be
therfore
trusted
,
because
they
are
content
to
take
vpon
them
the
dignity
of
Bishops
,
wherein
they
may
dissemble
by
their
owne
doctrine
,
retayning
it
not
as
a
sacred
but
as
a
temporall
office
from
the
Prince
,
and
vs●
it
to
set
vp
the
discipline
:
These
couert
enemies
of
Kings
want
not
their
Confederates
in
France
whose
mindes
and
desires
Turquet
a
famous
French
Protestant
expresseth
in
his
booke
written
in
commendation
of
Democracy
aboue
Monarchy
;
nor
in
Holland
to
which
●his
French
Democratist
Turquet
dedi●ated
his
aforesayd
booke
,
as
to
men
●llready
made
blessed
by
this
kind
of
gouernment
,
and
fittest
instruments
●o
bring
the
same
into
the
rest
of
reformed
Countries
.
Of
these
enemies
o●
Monarchy
so
combined
togeather
,
so
neighbouring
vpon
vs
,
so
subtile
as
they
lye
hidden
vnder
roche●s
,
&
corner
caps
in
the
shape
of
Bishops
and
their
adherents
,
we
haue
more
need
to
take
heed
then
of
the
Pope
,
who
is
further
off
,
his
cause
not
popular
,
his
party
not
like
to
preuaile
by
force
&
his
followers
rather
ready
to
dye
,
then
they
wil
dissemble
their
Religion
,
as
these
others
do
.
Philanax
.
I
perceaue
by
your
discourse
that
more
treachery
against
Kings
may
be
couched
in
these
plausible
discourses
then
I
could
euer
haue
imagined
.
The
Troians
were
not
wise
that
trusted
the
guifts
of
the
Grecians
,
nor
can
I
thinke
it
policy
to
rest
secure
of
the
bookes
or
writings
which
those
that
once
were
Puritans
publish
to
flatter
the
state
or
the
Prince
,
pretending
affection
to
soueraignty
which
their
Religion
doth
so
mightily
and
so
intrinsecally
oppugne
.
I
feare
that
as
within
the
Troian
horse
armed
enemies
lurked
,
so
vnder
this
new
deuised
allegiance
●●aytors
lye
hidden
:
who
when
they
●●e
their
time
wil
shew
themselues
like
●o
many
firebrands
,
to
incense
the
●eople
against
Kings
,
that
challenge
●uch
infinite
and
hatefull
authority
.
Aristobulus
.
You
feare
not
without
cause
,
yf
you
●onsider
that
by
this
deuise
the
authors
●herof
who
would
●ule
themselues
a●one
,
do
nothing
but
practise
the
Ma●hiauilian
meanes
to
attayn
therunto
..
[
*
](A01004-e2180-b)
*
Diuide
&
r●g●a
.
They
seek
to
seperate
the
King
from
●hose
,
whose
loue
may
stand
him
in
most
steed
.
The
foure
propositions
be●ore
set
downe
make
him
enter
into
o●ious
competency
with
foure
Aduer●aries
.
The
first
breeds
him
a
quarrell
with
the
Common
wealth
,
from
whom
he
will
not
haue
his
power
de●iued
.
The
second
puts
him
into
con●ention
with
the
Church
,
to
whose
●irection
and
censures
he
wil
not
haue
●is
Crowne
subordinate
.
The
third
●rings
him
into
hatred
of
mankind
,
by
●hallenging
an
irresistable
power
to
●yranize
vpon
man
at
his
pleasure
.
The
●ourth
conteynes
an
open
●trife
with
God
for
precedence
,
requiring
of
th●
Common
weal●h
,
in
case
they
canno●
enioy
both
,
that
they
be
content
t●
want
rather
God
then
their
King
.
An●
these
quarrells
are
moued
vpon
weak●
titles
and
claymes
,
grounded
on
doctrines
either
vncertayne
or
apparantly
false
,
and
so
odious
as
were
the●
true
,
yet
were
it
not
fit
to
discuss●
them
in
vulgar
Treatises
.
Philanax
.
I
see
these
doctrines
are
odious
,
an●
I
nothing
doubt
but
they
are
likewis●
vngrounded
:
yet
I
desire
that
you
wi●
seuerally
shew
both
these
things
in
euery
one
of
the
foure
propositions
,
tha●
I
may
be
better
instructed
to
discoue●
the
treacherous
entendments
of
thes●
counterfeit
friendes
of
Maiesty
.
Aristobulus
.
I
will
do
my
endeauour
to
satisfy
your
request
.
First
,
I
will
examine
the
foure
aforesaid
Propositions
,
which
done
I
meane
to
speake
a
word
concerning
the
Oath
,
which
Theodidact
buildeth
vpon
them
,
as
vpon
foure
●●llers
.
And
to
beginne
with
the
first
,
●●at
the
king
hath
power
from
God
only
,
inde●endently
of
the
Common
wealth
,
●ecause
this
is
the
ground
of
all
his
di●course
,
and
of
the
other
three
I
will
●ore
fully
shew
the
vnsoundnes
there●f
,
that
the
world
may
see
,
that
Theodi●●ct
,
as
either
a
most
vnkillfull
Archi●ect
that
layes
so
weake
a
principle
of
●he
building
he
p●e●eds
to
raise
to
the
●kye
;
or
a
subtill
Arch-traytor
pur●osely
placing
the
Soueraignty
of
Kings
,
which
he
desires
may
fall
vpon
●
most
ruinous
foundation
.
Three
be
the
wayes
,
by
the
which
●en
come
to
be
Kings
:
popular
electi●n
:
lawfull
conquest
;
Gods
personall
●ppointment
sp●cially
reuealed
.
I
say
●pecially
reuealed
,
for
I
nothing
doubt
●ut
Kings
by
the
two
other
titles
be
made
by
Gods
speciall
prouidence
.
The
title
of
election
depends
on
mens
●artes
.
The
title
of
Conquest
vpon
●attailes
,
which
are
two
things
most
●ncertaine
,
and
their
successe
only
in
Gods
hand
,
who
bestoweth
popular
●auour
and
victory
in
warre
on
whom
●e
will
.
For
this
re●son
it
is
sayd
that
,
Kings
raign
by
him
;
that
he
placeth
them
in
their
throne
;
ruleth
in
the
Kingdome
of
men
;
giueth
it
to
whome
soeuer
he
please
,
not
that
h●
maketh
Monarches
without
secondary
causes
;
but
because
these
secondary
causes
worke
not
,
but
by
the
speciall
direction
of
his
hand●
Wherefore
the
titles
of
Election
and
Conquest
be
spe●cially
from
God
,
though
not
only
&
immediatly
from
him
,
as
is
the
third
clayme
,
when
God
by
speciall
reuelation
declares
his
will
to
haue
some
certayne
person
King
,
as
he
did
Saul
and
Dauid
,
Philanax
.
You
omit
Succession
,
which
is
a
clayme
to
the
Crowne
.
Aristobulus
.
Succession
in
bloud
is
not
a
prim●
and
originall
title
,
but
a
meanes
to
deriue
to
posterity
these
three
fornamed
claymes
from
Auncestors
that
first
enioyed
them
;
none
of
which
titles
do
sufficiently
institute
a
person
King●
without
the
consent
of
common-wealth
.
When
a
King
is
made
by
ele●●ion
the
case
is
cleere
;
but
the
Con●ueror
seemes
to
come
to
the
crowne
●gainst
the
Commonwealths
will
.
In
●eed
the
right
of
Conqueror
he
may
●aue
,
will
they
nil
they
;
yet
Royall
●uthority
ouer
them
he
cannot
haue
●ithout
their
graunt
.
The
right
of
●awfull
Conquest
binds
the
state
con●uered
to
make
the
conquerour
their
King
vpon
iust
conditions
which
he
●ay
prescribe
heauy
or
hard
according
●o
the
quantity
of
their
offence
.
Yf
●hey
refuse
to
yield
,
he
hath
the
right
●f
the
sword
to
force
them
,
not
the
●ight
of
Prince
to
gouerne
them
,
till
●hey
consent
.
This
consent
being
●ielded
,
then
there
begins
a
new
So●iety
and
Commonwealth
compacted
●f
●onquerors
and
the
people
con●uered
,
and
the
Prince
of
the
conque●ing
side
becomes
Kinge
to
gouerne
●hem
both
according
to
the
lawes
and
●onditions
agreed
vpon
:
which
condi●●ons
if
he
neglect
,
he
is
no
lesse
sub●●ct
and
corrigible
by
the
Common-●ealth
,
then
Kings
made
by
ele●tion
.
When
God
personally
appoints
any
one
to
be
Kinge
,
as
he
did
Saul
,
&
Dauid
,
neither
then
haue
Kings
pow●er
immediatly
,
and
only
from
God
God
is
sayd
to
haue
made
Saul
,
an●
Dauid
Kings
,
because
he
eternall●
decreed
they
should
be
Kings
,
in
du●
tyme
reuealed
this
his
will
,
gaue
com●maundment
to
his
people
,
and
effectu●ally
stirred
vp
t●●ir
hartes
to
mak●
them
Kings
.
These
are
remote
title●
and
a
farre
of
:
but
it
can
neuer
be
proued
that
in
making
Saul
and
Daui●
Kings
,
the
peoples
graunt
did
no●
concur
with
Gods
,
yea
the
Scriptur●
signifies
that
it
did
,
saying
,
all
the
peopl●
went
to
Galgala
and
made
Saul
King
before
th●
Lord
.
The
elders
of
Iudath
and
Israel
annointe●
Dauid
King
ouer
them
.
Philanax
.
Some
say
,
Dial.
p.
44
the
people
made
Saul
an●
Dauid
Kings
,
not
by
giuing
them
Kingly
power
this
was
from
God
only
;
but
by
manifestin●
that
they
were
Kings
,
by
approuing
them
〈◊〉
Kings
made
by
God
,
by
putting
them
into
th●
possession
of
their
Kingdomes
to
exercise
rega●
authority
.
Aristobulus
.
I
know
that
Theodidact
answereth
〈◊〉
this
sorte
,
but
proof
of
his
sayings
〈◊〉
bringeth
none
.
Doth
he
thinke
the
●●llar
of
Soueraignity
stands
firme
in●●gh
vpon
his
bare
word
?
What
if
one
●●y
,
that
the
people
did
likewise
con●●r
with
God
to
make
them
Kings
,
●●n
Theodidact
thinke
you
cleerly
con●●te
him
?
Verily
this
concourse
of
God
●●d
people
to
make
a
King
is
insinua●●d
in
Deuteronomy
,
Thou
shalt
make
him
●ing
whom
thy
Lord
God
hath
chosen
for
thee
,
●●gnifying
that
God
designed
the
per●●n
,
but
the
people
made
him
King
〈◊〉
bestowing
authority
on
him
.
And
●●ing
God
vseth
not
to
do
things
on●●
by
himselfe
when
secondary
agents
〈◊〉
present
sufficient
to
worke
them
;
●●y
may
we
not
thinke
that
God
ha●●ng
designed
the
persons
of
Saul
and
●●uid
,
left
the
making
them
Kings
to
●●e
people
of
the
Iewes
,
who
had
no
●●●se
power
then
other
free
Common●●althes
to
constitute
for
themselues
●●uernours
and
Kings
?
Heere
you
may
see
in
what
danger
to
fall
,
regall
supremacy
is
,
which
Th●●odidact
buildeth
vpon
this
discour●●
Saul
and
Dauid
had
power
only
an●
immediatly
from
God
,
therfore
th●
same
is
to
be
beleeued
of
other
Kings●
The
antecedent
is
vncertaine
,
and
ca●
neuer
be
proued
,
as
hath
beene
sayd●
but
much
more
seely
is
the
consequen●●
which
extendeth
Gods
speciall
f●●uours
shewed
to
his
people
in
th●
choice
of
their
Kings
,
to
the
generali●●
of
Kings
and
Nations
.
God
fed
h●●
people
in
the
des●rt
with
bread
ma●●
by
the
hands
of
Angells
;
may
we
thē●●
inferre
that
men
haue
no
bread
b●●
commeth
immediatly
from
heauen
?
But
(
to
omit
these
Kings
that
wer●
by
Gods
expresse
comission
personall●
designed
)
that
other
Kings
haue
pow●●
only
from
God
,
is
a
paradox
which
scar●
any
Christian
Deuine
houldes
.
C●●tholicks
,
Puritans
,
forraine
Prot●●stants
,
euen
our
English
Conform●●tants
,
deriue
regall
authority
from
th●
Commonwealth
.
Let
the
truth
b●
tryed
by
the
testimony
of
two
.
Can
●ame
any
grauer
Authors
in
o●●
Church
then
Doctor
Bilson
late
Bisho●
●f
Winchester
&
M.
Hooker
?
The
first
in
●is
Trea●ise
of
Christian
Subiection
●ebateth
this
question
,
The
true
difference
&c.
p.
421.
and
defineth
●hat
Kings
are
not
only
creatures
of
●he
Commonwealth
,
but
also
in
some
●ases
,
may
be
deposed
by
the
supreame
●urisdiction
thereof
.
And
that
Chilperick
was
iustly
deposed
by
his
Nobles
,
and
●ipin
chosen
King
in
his
place
.
M.
Hooker
●ath
these
wordes
.
Eccles.
polit.
p.
72.
all
publick
regiment
〈◊〉
what
kinde
soeuer
seemeth
euidently
to
haue
●●sen
from
deliberate
aduise
,
and
consultation
,
●nd
composition
betwene
men
ordeyning
the
●●me
,
and
yeilding
themselues
subiect
therevnto
,
●ithout
which
consent
there
were
no
reason
●a●
one
man
should
take
vpon
him
to
be
Lord
or
●udge
ouer
others
.
And
againe
:
within
their
priuate
●amilies
na●●re
hath
giuen
supreme
power
:
howbeit
ouer
●
whole
grande
multitude
,
hauing
no
such
de●●ndency
vpon
any
one
,
and
consisting
of
many
●●milies
,
impossible
it
is
that
any
one
shold
haue
●●mplete
and
full
power
,
without
consent
of
●●n
.
He
graunteth
indeed
that
some
●ings
and
law-make●s
as
Moyses
,
Saul
,
●●uid
were
aut●orized
by
God
,
and
by
●●●resse
commission
immediatly
and
personally
●●aued
●rom
him
,
ou●
of
this
case
(
saith
he
)
the
power
of
gouernment
and
making
lawes
〈◊〉
commaund
whole
politik
societies
of
men
,
be●longeth
so
properly
vnto
the
same
entire
socie●ties
,
that
for
any
Prince
or
Potentate
vpon
ear●●
of
what
kind●
soeuer
,
to
exercise
the
same
〈◊〉
himselfe
,
not
by
authority
deriued
at
the
fir●●
from
their
consent
vpon
whose
persons
they
im●pose
lawes
,
it
is
no
better
then
meere
tyranny●
Thus
he
writeth
,
and
thus
our
own
Authors
ouerthr●w
Theodidacts
new
piller
of
Soueraigntie
,
proclaymin●
those
Princes
playne
tyrants
that
claym●
power
deriued
from
God
and
natur●
and
not
originally
from
the
grau●●
and
consent
of
their
subiects
.
For
whic●
their
opinions
reasons
may
be
brough●
very
vrgent
.
The
practise
of
all
Cou●●tryes
that
haue
transferred
the
Crown●
from
family
to
family
haue
restrayne●
and
enlarged
the
boundes
thereof
b●
politick
lawes
.
What
reason
,
if
we
r●●spect
only
the
law
of
God
and
natur●
why
Spaine
shold
be
gouerned
by
a
M●●narch
,
rather
then
Venice
?
That
i●
England
women
may
succeede
to
th●
Crowne
,
from
which
they
are
exclude●
in
France
?
That
in
Scotland
the
Crown●
descendeth
to
the
neerest
in
bl●ud
,
a●●
〈◊〉
Poland
the
Kinge
is
made
by
the
free
●●oice
of
States
?
Victor
.
relect.
3.
d●
pot●st
.
ciuili
.
Mol.
d●
iure
&
instit.
tom.
1●
trac
.
2.
d.
120.
What
is
the
reason
●●at
by
the
law
of
nations
the
whole
Commonwealth
may
be
punished
&
●rought
into
bondage
for
the
sinnes
●f
their
Prince
?
Why
shold
the
Princes
●●ymes
be
imputed
to
them
,
if
it
were
〈◊〉
their
choice
,
neither
at
the
first
to
●aue
him
,
nor
afterward
to
want
him
?
●ithout
question
●he
generall
voice
●f
h●mane
kind
is
,
that
Common●ealthes
haue
power
to
make
Princes
,
●nd
vpon
iust
reason
vnmake
them
:
●nd
therfore
they
are
accountable
to
●●her
neighbouring
States
,
if
they
ad●it
one
to
the
Crowne
with
their
in●●ry
,
or
finding
him
incorrigible
do
●ot
remoue
him
.
Whence
ariseth
that
●●onge
inclination
in
subiects
to
fight
●●r
their
Prince
,
to
wit
from
loue
,
to
●●stify
their
owne
doings
&
the
States
●●blick
iudgment
of
their
Princes
●orthines
.
Philanax
.
It
cannot
be
well
denyed
but
the
●●nsent
of
the
Commonwealth
either
●●e
or
enforced
by
Conquest
,
concur●eth
to
the
making
of
the
Prince
,
but
Theodidact
sayth
,
that
is
,
not
the
originall
and
mediate
fountaine
o●
this
authority●
Heate
,
moisture
,
colde
,
and
our
temper
arising
from
them
,
are
preparations
whereby
our
bodies
are
made
fit
receptacles
for
the
soule
,
but
the
Creator
o●
our
soule
is
God
:
so
Princes
haue
their
claymes
and
ti●les
by
election
or
conquest
,
but
the
prime
Author
of
their
power
is
God
,
&
as
they
receaue
their
power
only
from
God
,
s●
for
the
good
or
euill
administration
thereof
they
are
accountable
only
to
God
.
Aristobulus
.
This
discourse
of
Theodidact
groundeth
Royall
authority
vpon
another
vncertainty
,
which
Deuines
debate
i●
their
schooles
:
whether
royall
powe●
be
produced
by
the
Commonwealt●
when
Kinges
are
made
,
or
being
create●
by
God
together
with
mankind
fro●
the
b●ginning
,
is
communicated
b●
the
Commonwealth
to
their
King●
Some
say
,
Molin●
to.
1.
de
iure
tract.
2.
disp.
26.
Driedo
de
libert.
l.
1.
c.
15.
that
the
Commonweal●h
making
Kinges
,
produceth
a
new
kin●
of
power
which
before
was
not
whence
they
inferre
that
the
Commō●wealth
hath
a
more
eminent
authorit●
●hen
the
Kinge
,
as
being
able
to
giue
●eing
to
his
power
:
others
,
whom
●
rather
approue
,
teach
that
regall
au●hority
was
created
imediatly
of
God
●ogether
with
mans
nature
,
Victor
?
relect.
de
potest
.
ciuili
.
n.
8.
&
Couarr
.
de
practicis
quaest.
c.
1.
n.
6.
and
is
for●ally
in
euery
absolute
and
free
state
:
●hich
state
when
they
choose
for
thē●●lues
a
Kinge
,
doth
not
produce
a
new
●ind
of
power
which
was
not
before
,
●ut
the
royall
Soueraignty
which
God
●reated
and
bestowed
vpon
them
,
they
●●ansferre
from
himselues
to
the
per●●n
elected
,
by
which
coniunction
of
●●e
Commonwealths
power
,
with
●●s
person
,
he
is
created
King
.
In
the
●●ke
manner
parents
produce
children
,
●●t
by
producing
the
soule
which
is
〈◊〉
God
only
,
but
by
conioyuing
the
●ule
created
of
God
to
the
bodie
pre●●red
and
de●igned
by
generation
●●erunto
.
True
then
is
the
saying
of
〈◊〉
Paul
:
Omnis
potestas
à
Deo
est
:
All
power
is
〈◊〉
God
,
and
only
imediatly
f●om
God
:
Kings
haue
their
power
whence
●●r
spirit
,
as
they
receaue
their
power
●ro●
God
only
,
so
●or
the
good
or
euil
administration
th●●reof
,
they
are
accountable
only
to
God
.
Who
se●
not
the
weaknes
of
this
inference
,
thou●●
the
antecedent
were
true
?
The
soule
〈◊〉
men
is
of
God
only
,
yet
for
wordes
〈◊〉
deedes
proceeding
from
the
same
,
m●●
are
accountable
to
mor●al
Superiou●●
The
power
of
Father
ouer
his
child●●●
the
power
of
husband
ouer
his
w●●●
is
of
God
only
;
yet
for
the
administr●●tion
therof
they
may
be
called
to
a●●●unt
by
the
Commonwealth
,
yea
●●s
authority
which
God
hath
giuen
●●em
,
when
they
tyranize
ouer
wife
●●d
children
,
the
Commonwealth
●ay
restrayne
,
or
vtterly
take
from
●●em
.
To
conclude
,
and
summe
vp
●is
whole
discourse
in
few
wordes
.
●hat
Saul
or
Dauid
,
or
any
King
had
●wer
only
from
God
,
is
at
the
least
〈◊〉
vncertainty
,
thence
to
infer
the
●●●e
of
al
Kings
is
a
meer
vanity
That
〈◊〉
Kings
haue
power
from
God
only
,
●●th
no
probability
.
Graunt
all
:
yet
●●ueraignty
cannot
out
of
these
prin●●●les
be
concluded
,
seeing
some
●wer
only
from
God
may
be
subor●●●ate
to
superiors
on
earth
.
Theodida●●●
●
did
he
not
desire
that
royal
Soue●●●gnty
should
fall
,
would
he
(
thinke
〈◊〉
)
striue
so
earnestly
to
haue
the
〈◊〉
builded
on
this
heape
of
sand
.
Philanax
.
Doth
not
this
doctrine
,
that
●●nces
are
made
by
the
consent
of
the
●●●monwealth
,
impare
the
Maie●●●f
Kings
,
and
the
reuerence
and
●●●ration
due
thereunto
?
A●istobulus
.
No
:
but
rather
increase
the
sam●
more
then
the
contrary
conceipt
.
Fo●
if
men
be
made
to
the
image
and
likenes
of
God
,
sonnes
of
God
,
and
God
on
earth
,
principally
in
respect
of
th●
soueraignty
they
haue
to
rule
themsel●ues
and
other
Creatures
,
when
this
di●uine
Maiesty
of
nature
is
wholy
trans●ferred
from
the
Communalty
to
on●
person
;
how
sacred
&
venerable
ma●
he
be
thought
,
as
in
the
beginning
o●
the
world
,
the
waters
that
were
vn●der
the
Heauens
gathering
into
on●
place
,
made
this
vast
ocean
we
see
;
s●
the
heauenly
guift
of
Soueraignty
d●●ffused
in
euery
free
and
absolute
state
when
they
by
common
consent
em●●tying
&
exhausting
themselues
,
d●●riue
the
same
to
one
person
,
b●●comes
a
fountaine
or
rather
a
may●
sea
of
Maiesty
and
power
;
which
〈◊〉
humane
in
regard
of
the
person
〈◊〉
which
it
is
,
&
the
manner
it
com●
vnto
him
:
but
diuine
,
if
we
looke
〈◊〉
the
spring
whence
it
originally
a●●
immediatly
floweth
.
To
which
pu●●●ose
the
Poet
singeth
not
amisse
—
Terrae
Dominos
,
pelagique
futuros
●●menso
decuit
rer●m
de
Principe
nasci
.
Philanax
.
I
am
satisfied
,
&
see
plainely
that
his
immediate
receauing
power
from
God
only
,
is
but
an
empty
title
with●ut
substance
,
which
his
Maiesty
will
●ot
regard
,
being
●●ll
of
true
glory
.
●lexander
was
not
wise
in
his
vaine
am●ition
to
be
thought
Iupiters
sonne
,
●hereby
he
lost
their
hartes
that
had
●ost
helped
him
to
the
Monarchy
of
●he
earth
.
Aristobulus
.
The
conceipt
is
not
only
idle
&
●mpty
,
but
also
may
preiudice
Kings
.
As
Hercules
choaked
the
giant
by
hol●ing
him
aloft
in
the
ayre
,
whom
by
●hrowing
against
the
ground
he
could
●ot
ouercome
:
so
the
enemies
of
Kings
whome
by
their
doctrine
,
that
depre●sed
them
vnder
the
feete
of
common
●eople
,
they
could
not
make
way
●ith
flattering
subiectes
,
they
lift
to
●he
skyes
that
they
may
more
dangerously
fall
.
For
such
conceipts
by
raising
Kings
beyond
measure
aboue
t●●
heades
of
their
subiects
,
remoue
the●
much
further
from
their
hearts
,
whic●
are
(
whatsoeuer
flatterers
say
)
the
im●●diate
fountaine
of
their
greatnes
,
&
th●
only
seat
of
security
they
may
tru●
vnto
.
Such
Monarches
as
though●
themselues
sure
,
being
feared
,
thoug●
they
were
also
ha●●d
,
haue
left
behin●
them
lamentable
documents
,
tha●
they
were
deceaued
:
and
that
the
say●ing
of
a
prudent
historian
is
most
tru●
Nullum
stabile
regnum
nis●
beneuolentia
muni●tum
,
AEmilius
Probus
in
Dione
.
No
King
can
long
raigne
who
i●
not
walled
in
and
guarded
about
wit●
the
Loue
of
his
subiects
.
Mans
lou●
with
ease
descendes
to
persons
vnde●
him
either
by
naturall
descent
whic●
is
the
cause
they
loue
so
deerly
thei●
Children
,
or
by
voluntary
subiection
which
is
the
reason
we
loue
them
tha●
do
freely
deuote
them●elues
to
ou●
seruice
.
Neither
did
God
in
the
trea●sure
of
his
infinite
wisdome
find
any
better
meanes
to
wynne
mans
a●ffection
then
to
descend
both
to
re●cea●e
life
and
being
from
man
,
glory●●●g
to
be
stiled
the
sonne
of
man
,
and
af●●●ward
to
liue
as
an
humble
seruant
〈◊〉
man
,
performing
the
greatest
ser●●ce
of
Charity
,
to
dye
for
him
.
It
●●nnot
be
thought
how
louely
to
man
●aiesty
is
,
that
professeth
to
come
of
●●s
stocke
,
and
to
be
wholy
consecra●●d
to
his
loue
:
you
may
by
this
ghesse
●ow
pernicious
this
new
doctrine
is
,
●●at
dryeth
vp
thes●
two
fountaines
,
〈◊〉
peoples
affection
towards
their
●rince
,
by
making
him
skorne
to
be
●●ought
(
though
S.
Peter
so
tearmes
●●m
)
the
creature
of
man
,
much
lesse
●●eir
seruant
,
rather
then
absolute
●●ord
that
may
dispose
of
their
liues
&
●●uings
at
this
will
.
Contrary
to
this
was
the
iudgment
●f
all
the
worthiest
and
best
Roman
●mperors
that
raigned
happily
and
●●ed
quietly
in
their
bedds
.
They
did
●ost
willingly
acknowledge
the
Em●ire
to
be
the
guift
of
the
people
and
●enate
:
they
were
much
more
carefull
●f
their
Subiects
good
,
then
of
their
●wne
,
yea
they
seemed
not
to
regarde
●easons
against
their
persons
that
●ere
not
ioyned
with
other
publicke
d●triment
.
Amongst
the●e
,
Traian
i●
eminent
,
who
being
chosen
Emperou●
straight
in
the
hands
of
the
Consul●
swore
allegiance
&
fealty
to
the
com●monwealth
:
Plinius
in
panegir
.
Trai
●n
.
Dio
in
Traiano
.
and
when
he
made
th●
Pretor
to
gouerne
in
his
name
according
to
the
ceremony
,
deliuering
the
naked
sword
,
sayd
to
him
:
Vse
this
sword
for
me
if
I
gouerne
iustly
,
i●
otherwise
vse
it
against
me
.
By
wh●ch
resignation
both
of
state
and
life
,
into
the
Common-wealthes
hands
,
he
more
secured
them
both
,
then
any
enforced
Oath
,
that
he
held
the
Crowne
from
God
only
,
could
haue
done
.
Philanax
.
You
haue
shewed
the
first
proposition
of
Theodidact
to
be
neyther
a
solid
ground
of
soueraignty
,
nor
a
doctrin
apt
to
nourish
in
subiects
minds
,
affection
to
their
Kings
.
I
desire
you
wold
passe
to
the
examination
of
the
second
:
that
Kings
haue
no
Superior
that
may
call
him
to
account
,
or
pun●sh
him
,
but
God
alone
.
Aristobulus
.
Heere
Theodidact
goeth
forward
in
building
the
soueraignty
of
Kings
●ither
vpon
manifest
falshood
,
or
tot●ering
vncertaineties
.
That
the
King
●ath
no
superior
,
but
God
alone
,
that
●ay
punish
him
,
all
learned
men
ge●erally
,
Papists
,
Puritans
,
Pro●estants
●eny
.
Philanax
.
I
do
much
wonder
that
you
say
Protestants
●each
,
th●t
the
Kinge
may
●e
sentenced
and
punished
by
any
man
●pon
earth
.
I
thinke
you
meane
Puri●ans
,
not
our
Protestants
that
pro●esse
to
follow
the
Religion
established
●y
Parlament
.
Aristobulus
.
I
meane
Protestants
that
are
ene●ies
of
Puritans
,
and
conformable
to
●he
state
:
and
to
increase
your
wondring
I
add
,
that
howsoeuer
the
word
Supreme
Gouernour
,
and
Head
of
the
Church
go
currant
in
England
,
yet
in
●ense
our
Deuines
giue
our
Kinge
no
greater
authority
in
causes
Ecclesiasticall
then
Papists
do
.
I
desire
not
to
be
beleeued
vnlesse
I
make
what
I
haue
●ayd
,
euident
by
the
testimonies
of
them
,
that
haue
lately
written
abo●●
this
argument
.
First
concerning
the
ver●
title
,
they
say
,
the
King
hath
no
any
spirituall
Ecclesiasticall
power
a●
a●l
,
Confut.
p.
3.
&
36.
Respons.
pro
Tortura
Torti
.
p.
239.
Tompson
in
elench.
refut●
p.
51.
his
power
(
sayth
doctor
Morton
,
no●
Bishop
of
Chester
)
is
but
corporall
,
and
ca●
go
no
●urther
then
the
body
.
He
hath
(
sayt●
M.
Burhill
)
no
iurisdiction
in
the
Church
ey●ther
●or
the
inward
o●
outward
Court
:
his
powe●
is
meere
temporall
and
laicall
,
nor
in
it
sel●
spirituall
,
though
the
matter
and
obiect
there●●
be
spirituall
:
such
power
,
and
no
greater
,
sayt●
M.
Richard
Tomson
,
then
Iewes
,
Infidel●
and
Turkes
haue
ouer
the
Christian
Churc●
within
their
dominions
.
Secondly
concerning
Controuersies
of
fayth
,
the
Deane
of
Lichfiel●
doctor
Tooker
disclaymeth
as
an
im●pudent
slaunder
,
that
the
Church
o●
England
holdes
,
Duel
.
contra
Becan
.
p.
3.
the
King
to
be
their
prima●
or
head
,
or
iudge
of
Controuersies
about
fait●
and
Religion
.
To
the
Apostles
Christ
gaue
powe●
to
gather
Councells
,
and
to
define
solemnly
th●
Churches
doubts
.
Concord
.
Angl.
p.
43.
The
sentence
of
Councell
(
sayth
M.
Richard
Harris
)
hath
without
th●
King
the
force
of
an
ecclesiasticall
law
:
the
King
addes
thereunto
corporall
penalty
.
M.
Morton
●●yth
,
that
Imperiall
and
Kingly
authority
in
●●irituall
causes
,
reacheth
no
further
,
then
as
it
belongeth
to
outward
preseruation
,
not
to
the
●ersonall
administration
of
them
,
neyther
doth
●●e
King
challenge
,
nor
subiects
condescend
vnto
●ore
.
Barlow
in
his
answere
to
a
namelesse
Catholike
p●
171.
But
most
cleerly
M.
Barlow
late
●ishop
of
Lincoln●
.
The
King
(
sayth
he
)
in
●ontrouersies
about
fayth
,
hath
not
iu●icium
definitium
,
sentence
d●finitiue
,
to
●●scerne
what
is
sound
in
●●●inity
:
but
when
the
●hurch
hath
determined
matters
of
fayth
,
he
●ath
iudicium
executiuum
,
sentence
exe●utiue
,
to
commaund
the
professing
therof
●ithin
his
Kingdomes
.
And
is
not
this
the
very
doctrine
●f
Papists
,
Suruey
of
the
holy
Discipl
.
p.
254.
and
that
doctrine
which
●●rmerly
our
Arch-bishop
Bancro●t
re●ected
with
great
scorne
,
as
disgrace●ull
to
Kings
,
making
them
,
but
Car●●fices
Ecclesiae
,
the
executioners
of
the
Churches
will
and
pleasure
?
Tortura
Torti
.
p.
151.
Thirdly
concerning
the
offices
of
●his
power
,
they
teach
,
Tooker
Duel
.
p.
15.
Tomson
●lench
.
p.
83.
the
King
hath
no
●ower
to
vse
any
censure
,
or
to
cast
any
out
of
●he
Church
by
sentence
,
but
his
office
is
to
punish
●hem
with
corporall
chastisement
,
on
whom
Bishops
haue
laid
their
censures
.
The
King
doth
●ot
make
or
vnmake
Bishops
,
they
are
made
by
the
Bishops
of
the
Kingdone
,
as
by
them
they
a●●
desposed
and
vnmade
.
Took●r
Duell
.
p.
●6
The
King
hath
right
t●
name
and
present
persons
to
benefices
,
as
other
lay
men
of
lower
condition
haue
,
but
benefices
ei●ther
with
cure
or
without
cure
,
great
or
little
,
he
neither
doth
,
nor
euer
did
bestow
,
much
lesse
the
ecclesiasticall
dignities
,
as
the
Bishopricks
&
Arch-Bishopricks
of
his
Kingdome
.
Answere
to
a
nameless
.
p.
172.
Fourthly
,
concerning
the
Kings
sudordination
to
Bishops
,
Doctor
Barlow
highly
commendeth
the
saying
of
Ambrose
:
Duell
.
pag.
311.
Bishops
(
in
matters
concerning
faith
)
are
to
iudge
of
Emperors
,
not
Emperors
of
Bishops
.
Burhill
.
ibid.
139.
The
Deane
of
Lich●eild
saith
,
that
,
the
King
is
,
and
with
Valentinian
Emperor
doth
acknowledge
himselfe
the
sonne
and
p●pill
of
the
Church
,
and
the
scholler
of
the
Bishops
.
What
more
do
papists
require
?
Can
he
then
iudg
&
teach
his
Fathers
,
Iudges
and
Maisters
in
those
thinges
wherein
he
is
their
sonne
,
pupill
,
and
scholler
?
Finally
M.
Burhill
saith
,
Theodor.
l.
9.
Histor.
c.
30.
Ruffin
.
l.
12.
c.
18.
Niceph.
l.
12.
c.
41.
that
the
King
sup●eme
gouernour
of
the
Church
may
by
his
Bishops
be
cast
out
of
the
Church
,
What
Ambrose
did
lawfully
to
Theodosius
,
our
Bishops
may
do
lawfully
to
the
King
●or
the
like
offence
.
And
what
did
Ambrose
to
Theodosius
?
He
cast
him
by
sentence
out
of
the
Church
:
he
stood
ready
to
keepe
him
out
by
force
,
and
called
him
Ty●ant
●o
his
face
:
he
forced
him
to
e●act
a
temporall
law
concerning
the
●xecution
of
the
sentence
in
matter
of
●ife
and
death
:
he
commanded
him
out
of
the
quire
or
the
place
of
Priests
,
sent
him
into
the
body
of
the
Church
to
pray
with
laymen
.
And
may
the
Bishop
of
Canterb●●y
lay
the
same
punishments
on
his
M●iesty
?
Tortur
.
Tort.
p●
15●
Suruey
of
holy
Disc.
p.
254.
yea
(
saith
the
Bishop
of
Ely
)
perchaunce
the
Pope
may
excommunicate
the
Kinge
,
&
depriue
him
of
the
common
goods
of
the
Church
.
Doe
you
see
to
how
many
censures
,
Emman
.
Saa
,
verb.
Excomm
.
15.
Enriquez
l.
1●
.
de
ex●om
.
c.
14.
Sayr
.
in
Thesau
.
l.
1.
c.
9.
n.
7
Protestants
make
the
King
subiect
?
Truly
I
see
not
how
any
Religion
doth
or
can
make
Kings
more
absolute
,
and
subiect
to
fewer
Superiors
,
then
Papists
doe
,
The
Puritan
will
haue
them
subiect
to
the
Pastor
of
euery
parishe
that
hath
a
Consistory
,
as
our
Bishop
Bancro●t
sayth
They
banish
one
Pope
and
admit
a
thousand
.
The
Protestant
makes
them
obnoxius
to
the
censure
of
Bishops
without
any
restraynt
,
wheras
the
Romanists
out
of
respect
to
the
Maiesty
of
Kings
,
reserue
the
power
of
censuring
them
●o
the
supreame
Pastor
.
But
to
returne
to
Theodidact
:
you
se●
he
keepeth
his
custome
to
ground
al●legiance
due
to
Kings
,
vpon
do●ctrines
eyther
questionable
,
or
〈◊〉
denyed
of
all
sides
;
his
second
propo●sition
,
that
the
Kinge
is
free
from
al●
punishment
that
man
may
inflict
,
bein●
rather
more
vncertaine
,
then
hi●
first
,
that
Kings
h●●e
their
power
only
fro●
God
.
Philanax
.
It
seemeth
by
your
discourse
,
tha●
Theodidact
makes
Kinges
more
absolu●●●
then
other
Protestants
doe
,
&
teacheth
against
them
,
that
the
King
may
no●
be
excommunicated
,
or
cast
out
of
th●
Church
.
For
he
sayth
,
that
the
Kinge
i●
free
from
all
punishment
that
man
can
inflict
&
excommunication
without
doubt
is
a
great
punishment
:
Ministers
with●out
question
,
are
men
.
Aristobulus
.
It
is
hard
to
say
,
what
Theodida●●
holdes
:
this
his
ground
of
Soueraignty●
The
Kinge
hath
no
superiour
but
God
alone
,
i●
●lippery
and
vncertayne
,
that
he
dares
not
stand
vpon
it
himself
.
For
elswhere
contradicting
this
principle
,
he
●aith
in
playne
termes
,
that
,
Kings
that
●aue
giuen
their
names
vnto
Christ
are
sheepe
of
●is
fold
,
&
so
are
to
obey
their
spirituall
pastors
●auing
ouersight
ouer
them
:
that
they
are
to
be
●bedient
vnto
their
spirituall
Pastors
,
as
Em●assadors
from
Christ
:
Kings
and
Bishops
●e
mutually
Pastors
,
and
Superiors
one
to
the
●ther
.
Yf
Bishops
be
ouerseers
,
Pastors
,
Superiors
to
the
King
,
how
is
it
true
,
●hat
the
King
hath
no
superiour
but
God
alone
?
Yf
nothing
be
more
excellent
,
no●hing
more
sublime
then
a
Bishop
,
as
our
Theodidact
,
De
dignit●
sacer
.
c.
3.
approuing
S.
Ambrose
his
●aying
,
teacheth
,
●o
wit
in
spirituall
●nd
Ecclesiasticall
causes
,
which
to
ad●minister
they
are
sent
;
the
Kinge
supreme
Gouernour
of
the
Church
,
may
be
sententially
summoned
,
arrai●gned
,
and
cast
out
of
the
Church
by
a
Bishop
●
Yf
soueraigne
Princes
may
be
iudge●
by
their
subiects
in
those
causes
wherin
they
are
supreme
and
independant
what
doth
their
supremacy
auaile
thē●
Yf
supreme
gouernors
of
the
Churc●
may
be
cast
out
of
the
Church
,
by
thei●
Bishops
that
ar●
their
spirituall
subiects
;
what
solid
reason
can
Theodidac●
assigne
why
Soueraignes
may
not
like●wise
be
cast
out
of
their
Kingdome
by
their
Barons
and
Peeres
,
thoug●
they
be
their
vassalls
?
Philanax
.
I
could
wish
our
Authors
,
concerning
the
Kings
supremacy
,
spake
mor●
coherently
,
yet
seeing
this
proposition
the
King
hath
no
superior
but
Go●
alone
,
doth
so
much
extoll
the
Soue●raignty
of
Kings
,
I
can
not
be
brough●
to
forsake
Theodidact
herein
,
except
b●
the
confutation
of
his
reasons
I
perceaue
this
pillar
of
Maiestye
to
be
vncertayne
,
and
vnsound
.
Aristobulus
.
Small
reading
and
skill
in
Scri●ture
is
suffici●nt
to
shew
,
that
Theodidacts
arguments
against
Papists
be
not
so
conuincing
as
we
may
securely
ground
the
authority
of
Kinges
ther●pon
.
For
either
th●●
make
nothing
to
the
purpose
,
or
els
proue
what
Papists
do
not
deny
,
that
the
King
is
supreme
in
temporalls
.
His
mayn●●round
and
principle
is
,
that
in
the
old
Testament
Priests
were
not
superior
to
Kings
,
but
rather
that
Kings
were
their
Iudges
:
Could
he
haue
assumed
a
doctrine
more
vncertaine
,
or
rather
more
false
,
then
is
this
?
to
their
Priests
not
to
Kings
was
committed
the
custody
of
the
Law
,
and
the
charge
of
greatest
affaires
:
so
that
they
were
ouerseers
of
all
,
Iudges
of
controuersies
,
and
punisher
of
offenders
.
Philo
[
*
](A01004-e5350-b)
*
De
legat
.
sua
ad
Caium
.
quanto
Deus
antestat
homini
,
tanto
pontificatus
regno
exce●lentior
.
writeth
that
Priestly
dignity
is
preferred
before
royall
,
by
the
Iewes
,
who
iudge
Priesthood
by
so
much
the
more
excellent
then
Royalty
,
by
how
much
God
surpasseth
man
.
With
whom●
agree
the
Chri●tian
Fathers
,
namely
S.
Chrysostome
,
auerring
,
that
God
woul●
haue
Kings
submit
their
heads
to
the
hands
of
Priests
,
that
men
might
vnderstand
that
Priest●
are
more
worthy
Princes
,
and
more
venerable
then
are
Kings
.
Yea
the
word
of
God
se●meth
●o
distinguish
the
office
of
high
Priest
,
from
the
office
of
King
,
Reg.
c.
22.
assigning
to
the
high
Priest
the
care
of
things
that
pertayne
to
God
,
to
the
Kinge
the
ch●rge
of
temporall
affayres
.
Whosoeuer
shal
be
proude
and
refuse
to
obey
the
sentence
of
the
Priest
,
let
that
man
dye
the
death
.
Philanax
.
These
testimony
of
the
Fathers
and
Scriptures
seeme
very
vrgent
:
But
hath
not
Theodidact
made
some
answere
to
them
?
Aristobulus
.
No
:
nor
brought
any
proof
of
his
opinion
,
besides
the
bare
example
of
●alomon
,
Dial.
p.
48.
that
deposed
Abiathar
the
high
Priest
●nd
placed
Sadocke
in
his
roome
●
But
first
be
●roues
not
that
Salomon
deposed
Abia●har
lawfully
,
that
therein
he
exceeded
●ot
the
boundes
of
his
authority
.
The
deeds
of
Kings
be
not
euer
iustifiable
,
●or
was
Salomon
such
a
Saint
,
that
we
may
thinke
all
his
actions
praise
worthy
without
further
proof
.
Secondly
he
proueth
not
that
Salomon
deposed
Abia●har
by
the
ordinary
power
of
King
.
Papists
say
,
Sand.
l.
2.
v
fib
.
Mon.
c.
3.
Salomon
did
in
that
action
proceed
not
as
King
,
Stapleton
.
prin●
.
doct.
l.
3.
c
3.
but
as
Prophet
.
Bell.
l.
de
conc
.
20.
Dial.
p.
49.
Which
answere
Theodidact
doth
not
confute
,
but
misvnderstand
,
as
though
they
me●nt
that
Salomon
was
therfore
a
Prophet
,
because
he
fulfilled
what
God
had
foretould
against
the
house
of
Heli
,
which
he
reiecteth
with
a
iest
,
that
so
Herod
might
be
tearmed
a
Prophet
in
murthering
the
Innocents
,
because
therin
he
●ulfilled
,
what
God
by
Ieremie
had
foretolde
.
things
pertayning
t●
God
,
Princes
might
be
subiect
to
th●
high-Priest
,
&
for
spiritual
crimes
ten●ding
to
the
ouerthrow
of
Religion●
might
be
deposed
.
And
in
my
opinion
it
is
want
o●
iudgment
in
them
that
would
b●
thought
friends
to
Kings
,
to
stir
th●
stories
of
the
old
Testament
,
which
,
for
one
high
Priest
desposed
by
a
King
witho●t
cleere
approbation
of
the
●act
,
yeeldeth
two
soueraigne
Princes
deposed
by
the
high
Priest
,
and
their
deposition
warranted
by
the
holy
Ghost
.
not
lawfull
Queene
but
an
vsurper
,
he
neither
proueth
,
nor
is
it
very
proba●ble
.
Suarez
.
de
leg
.
l.
3
c.
4.
She
came
blodily
&
vniustly
to
the
Crown
,
but
this
doth
not
conuince
that
she
was
not
afterward
righful
Queen
.
They
who
themselues
,
or
whose
auncestors
come
to
the
Crowne
vniustly
,
be
made
Lawfull
Princs
,
when
they
are
freely
admitted
by
the
state
without
debatable
contradiction
,
though
perchaunce
some
may
suruiue
,
that
in
the
sight
of
God
hath
better
right
of
bloud
.
And
no
doubt
can
be
made
,
but
Athalia
was
admitted
with
generall
consent
for
six
yeeres
,
when
Ioas
lay
hidden
,
none
standing
in
open
competency
against
her
:
That
this
co●sent
was
not
free
but
inforced
,
can
neither
be
proued
nor
cleerly
confuted
.
So
Theodidacts
solution
is
grounded
vpon
vncertanity
.
But
his
answere
to
the
second
instance
about
Ozias
,
the
high-Priest
did
not
cast
him
out
of
the
Temple
by
force
,
but
caused
him
to
depart
by
word
and
admonition
only
,
is
much
more
insufficient
,
and
hardly
can
it
agree
with
the
text
of
Scripture
,
which
sayth
that
to
hinder
Ozias
from
burning
incense
,
there
entred
into
the
Temple
togeather
with
Azarias
fourescore
Priests
,
not
as
King
but
as
a
fugitue
and
vngratious
seruant
.
They
warned
him
to
desist
and
to
depart
,
Chry.
hom.
5.
de
verb.
Isa.
vidi
Dominum
.
whose
admonition
when
he
contemned
,
God
incontinently
strook
him
with
Leprosy
.
His
Leprosy
the
Priests
perceaued
shining
in
his
forehead
,
before
he
felt
it
himselfe
,
and
vpon
sight
therof
began
out
of
hand
hastily
to
●hrust
him
out
:
though
,
when
he
●elt
Gods
miraculous
chastisement
vpon
him
,
he
was
as
willing
to
go
,
as
they
to
carry
him
away
.
So
that
in
the
beginning
he
was
drawne
,
in
the
end
lead
out
of
the
Temple
.
—
Ducunt
volentem
fata
nolentem
trahunt
.
Philanax
.
How
might
Papists
cast
him
out
by
force
,
seeing
Chrisostome
cited
by
Theodidact
saith
,
Dial.
p.
51.
Homil
4●
de
verb.
I●a
.
vidi
Dominum
.
The
office
of
a
Priest
is
only
to
reproue
,
and
only
to
admonish
,
not
to
moue
arme●
not
vse
buckelers
,
not
to
shake
a
lance
,
but
only
to
argue
,
and
freely
to
admonish
.
Aristobulus
.
The
saying
of
Chrysostome
(
which
Theodidact
doth
so
much
magnify
)
is
properly
verified
,
Leo
Ep.
91.
&
23.9.8
.
Can.
1.
&
seq
.
and
were
chosen
to
Priestly
dignity
,
for
their
consecrating
their
hands
to
God
in
the
bloud
of
synners
:
But
the
saying
is
true
of
Christian
Priesthood
whereof
they
were
figures
,
which
abhorreth
bloudy
proceedings
.
But
this
makes
not
against
what
hath
been
said
,
that
Ozia●
was
cast
out
by
force
,
because
the
same
Father
alloweth
that
euen
Christian
Priests
,
thru●t
wicked
Kings
ou●
of
the
Church
with
their
hands
,
or
keep
them
out
forcibly
by
the
interposition
of
their
body
.
So
did
he
resist
Endoxia
Empresse
,
Vita
Chrysost.
per
Simeon
.
Me●aph
.
to
.
1.
p
152.
Paulin.
in
●ius
vita
&
Theodor.
l.
8
c.
19.
and
S.
Ambrose
was
ready
to
haue
vsed
the
lik●
force
against
Theodosius
:
yea
the
same
S.
Chrysostome
highly
commendeth
the
famous
Patriarch
of
Antioch
and
Martyr
Babilas
for
keeping
a
blo●dy
Emperour
out
of
the
Church
,
impacta
in
pectus
dextera
,
giuing
him
a
thrust
on
the
brest
:
wherby
(
saith
this
Father
)
he
taught
the
world
,
Aduersus
gentiles
s●u
ora●ione
de
●
.
Babyla
.
tom.
5
pag.
888.
in
what
degree
Priest●ood
excelleth
Royalty
:
he
taught
Kings
to
keep
their
power
within
their
●ounds
prescribed
by
God
:
he
taught
Priests
in
what
sort
they
were
to
rule
and
vse
authority
ouer
Kings
.
Philanax
.
I
see
it
can
hardly
be
denyed
but
the
Priests
cast
the
King
by
force
out
of
the
Temple
:
but
him
(
sayth
Theodidact
)
they
did
not
depriue
of
his
Kingly
authority
,
which
he
held
to
his
death
:
for
he
●eigned
52.
years
:
which
ca●not
be
true
,
excep●
the
years
of
his
leprosy
be
recko●ed
as
part
of
his
reigne
.
Aristobulus
.
To
this
obiection
of
Theodidact
S.
Chrysostome
his
●hosen
Patron
,
deverb
.
Isa.
vidi
Dominum
.
makes
answere
euen
in
that
very
homily
by
him
cited
,
saying
that
Ozias
was
depriued
of
Royall
au●hority
,
because
the
people
out
of
respect
to
his
Diademe
,
and
Royall
dignity
did
not
execute
the
sen●ence
vpon
him
,
so
that
he
still
remayned
in
his
house
,
and
sate
in
the
Throne
transgressing
the
Law
.
And
that
the
people
did
greeuously
offend
in
not
casting
the
King
by
force
,
from
gouernment
,
the
same
Father
●estifieth
in
these
words
:
This
their
negligence
(
saith
he
)
prouoked
God
to
anger
,
stopped
the
course
of
prophesy
:
that
I
say
saw
not
the
Lord
,
till
Ozias
was
dead
.
And
consider
the
mercy
of
God
that
did
not
for
this
ouerthrow
the
Citty
nor
destroy
the
inhabitants
,
but
as
one
frend
expostulates
with
another
,
so
did
God
with
his
people
,
deseruing
greater
punishment
:
My
●eople
do
you
feare
to
expell
this
impure
Kinge
?
Do
you
so
reuerence
his
dignity
,
as
to
transgresse
my
law
?
Will
you
not
reuenge
my
quarrell
?
Nor
will
I
speake
with
you
.
I
could
my selfe
haue
cast
him
out
of
the
Citty
:
but
what
remayned
I
le●t
to
be
finished
by
you
.
I
cast
him
out
of
my
●emple
,
he
being
a
King
,
you
haue
not
put
him
out
of
your
Citty
.
I
bound
him
fast
in
Leprosy
,
as
in
a
chayne
,
and
of
a
King
made
him
a
priuate
man●
he
being
now
a
priuate
man
you
haue
not
set
vpon
him
.
Whom
I
condemned
you
had
not
courage
to
cast
out
.
Thus
S.
Chrysostome
,
most
cleerly
teaching
the
lawfull
deposition
of
Princes
,
and
that
subiects
not
only
may
but
are
bound
to
vse
force
and
execute
that
sentence
vpon
them
,
when
they
are
leprous
[
(a)
](A01004-e7020-b)
(a)
Hanc
poenam
regem
sicut
alium
è
plebe
pati
oportebat
.
Chrysost.
that
is
hereticall
,
and
for
such
declared
by
the
Church
.
And
this
is
peculiar
to
●eresy
,
which
(
specially
being
ioyned
with
persecution
)
is
a
[
(b)
](A01004-e7050-b)
(b)
Hic
animi
iam
lepra
quaeritur
Chrys.
ibid.
Aug.
l.
2.
Euang.
quaest.
40.
leaprous
and
infectio●s
synne
,
that
when
the
Prince
is
namely
denounced
and
cast
out
of
the
Church
for
it
,
the
[
(c)
](A01004-e7080-b)
(c)
Haereti●
cum
pos●v●ā
correptionem
de●ita
.
ad
●it
.
c.
3.
Law
of
God
and
〈◊〉
bindes
the
Subiects
(
if
they
be
〈◊〉
)
to
[
(d)
](A01004-e7100-b)
(d)
Nulla
cum
haereticis
cōme●ciaco●pulentur
.
Cyprian
.
l.
●p.
3.
&
●eren●
l
3
c
3.
Tantum
Apostoli
&
horum
discipuli
habuerun●●morem
,
vt
ne
verbo
quidem
communicarent
alicui
eorum
qui
adulterauerant
veritatem
.
sep●rate
themselues
from
him
,
in
respect
of
the
daunger
.
Which
seemes
a
doctrine
so
receaued
anciently
amongest
Christians
,
that
euen
the
Popes
who
still
stood
vpon
the
priuiledge
[
(e)
](A01004-e7140-b)
(e)
Prima
sedes
à
nemine
iudica●ur
.
Concil.
Sin●ess
.
Synod
.
Romana
sub
Sixto
3.
Bellar.
l.
2.
de
pont.
c.
26.
that
they
might
be
iudged
by
no
man
,
haue
euer
yeelded
themselues
[
(f)
](A01004-e7210-b)
(f)
Can.
si
papa
●
.
40.
Innocent.
4
serm.
de
consecrat
.
Pontif.
subiect
to
the
Church
and
deposeable
in
this
case
:
neither
did
Henry
the
fourth
Emperour
in
his
contention
with
Hidelbrand
,
or
Gregory
the
seauenth
,
deny
but
for
heresy
he
might
be
deposed
.
He
ple●ded
he
was
no
hereticke
,
and
that
for
other
crimes
the
Pope
could
not
depose
him
.
[
(g)
](A01004-e7280-b)
(g)
Ep.
ad
Gregor.
7.
apud
magdebu●
.
●●t.
10.
c.
8.
de
schismate
.
Dialog.
83.
The
tradition
of
Fathers
(
saith
he
)
is
that
I
am
to
be
iudged
by
God
alone
,
except
I
haue
declined
from
the
Catholike
faith
,
which
God
forbid
.
This
doctrine
of
the
Papists
seemes
to
answere
what
Theodidact
els
where
obiects
,
that
euen
the
Romanists
themselues
teach
that
excommunication
not
doth
free
the
seruant
from
obedience
to
his
maister
.
For
though
this
be
true
in
excomunication
for
other
crymes
,
yet
heresy
is
a
cryme
that
ha●h
peculiar
force
by
Christian
institution
to
separate
seruants
and
sonnes
from
their
hereticall
Lords
and
Fathers
.
Clemens
.
l.
1.
Constit.
Apost.
c.
●8
.
One
of
the
Apostolicall
ordinations
related
by
S.
Clement
,
is
,
that
Bishops
ought
to
cast
impenitent
hereticks
out
of
the
Church
,
and
commaund
the
faithfull
not
to
haue
any
manner
of
conuersation
with
them
.
So
out
of
S.
Chrysostome
they
conclude
that
Christians
may
no
more
endure
a
Prince
declared
heretike
by
their
supreme
Pastour
,
then
●he
Iewes
might
suffer
a
King
declared
Leaper
by
their
high
Priest
,
whome
they
were
bound
vnder
payne
of
g●uions
sinne
to
expel
as
you
heard
this
forsaid
Father
affirme
.
Philanax
.
I
see
the
old
Testament
specially
according
to
S.
Chrysostomes
exposition
,
doth
not
very
plausibly
proue
regall
independency
of
Priest-hood
:
hath
not
Theodidact
better
arguments
out
of
the
new
?
Aristobulus
.
He
alleageth
diuers
testimonies
,
that
euery
soule
is
to
be
subiect
to
the
higher
powers
:
that
there
is
no
state
,
nor
man
in
the
world
equall
to
the
Emperour
:
Bellar.
l.
●
.
de
Pontif.
c.
19.
●and
.
l.
2.
vi●.
mon.
c.
4.
Persons
let
.
p.
16.
n●
26.
and
Discuss
.
against
Barl●
p.
31.
Victor
.
relect.
de
potest
.
Eccl●s
sect●
4.
propofi●
4.
That
all
men
whatsoeuer
,
Prophets●
Euangelists
,
Apostles
,
Priests
,
Monks
that
liue
within
their
states
,
are
subiect
to
their
Gouernment
,
and
to
the
lawes
which
they
make
,
for
the
good
o●
the
Common
wealth
.
They
proue
that
primitiue
Ch●●stians
both
laymen
&
Priests
,
were
bound
to
pay
tribute
to
the
Emperour
,
&
were
in
criminall
causes
answerable
before
the
temporall
Magistrate
.
For
the
dignity
of
Priestly
state
,
and
the
speciall
ordinance
of
Christ
exempting
them
,
was
not
then
sufficiently
promulgated
,
nor
accepted
of
by
Princes
,
as
afterward
it
was
in
gratitude
for
the
benefit
of
their
conuersion
to
Christianity
,
by
the
preaching
and
labours
of
Priesthood
.
The
places
then
of
Scriptures
and
Fathers
shew
,
that
Priests
euen
Apostles
,
were
subiect
to
the
Emperour
in
causes
temporall
:
but
can
any
man
with
reason
thinke
that
their
testimonies
import
,
that
vnbelee●ing
Emp●rours
were
in
all
spirituall
occurrences
the
soueraigne
Gouernours
of
the
Christian
Church
.
That
the
supreme
Pastorship
to
decide
doubtes
of
faith
,
gather
Councels
,
or
excommunicate
disobedient
Christians
,
was
committed
to
them
.
I
thinke
Protestants
will
hardely
graunt
this
.
Whence
Papists
inferre
,
that
had
Kings
byn
ordeyned
by
Christ
supreme
Gouernours
next
himself
in
the
Ec●●esiastical
hierarchy
,
he
would
haue
prouided
Christian
Kings
to
furnish
that
place
in
the
first
erecting
of
his
Church
.
Which
seeing
he
did
not
,
they
fu●ther
deduce
that
Kings
cannot
challenge
by
Christs
institution
any
place
of
gouernment
in
Church-affayres
:
S.
Augustin
writeth
)
eminentissimum
culmen
Romani
Imperij
diadema
suum
piscatori
Petro
subiecit
,
They
bring
an
history
to
this
purpose
out
of
Suidas
●
concerning
Constantius
the
Arian
,
who
seemeth
the
first
that
challenged
this
Supremacy
in
Church
affayres
.
As
he
was
sa●th
Suidas
,
●nce
sitting
in
Councell
in
the
midst
o●
many
Prelates
,
Iudge
of
their
Controuersies
,
Leontius
Suidas
verbo
Leontius
.
the
most
holy
Bishop
of
Tripolis
reproued
him
openly
,
that
being
a
secular
&
lay
man
,
he
wold
meddle
with
Church-affaires
:
which
saying
made
that
prophane
Emperour
to
conceaue
the
vndecency
of
the
practise
,
that
out
of
band
for
very
shame
be
desisted
.
If
to
the
fauorits
of
Kinges
,
ancient
Fathers
seeme
ouer
playne
and
bitter
,
who
call
them
that
will
gouerne
in
the
Church
Antichrists
:
so
in
my
opinion
wee
ought
to
take
heed
that
our
Church
disgrace
not
herselfe
,
by
being
base
and
seruile
in
this
poynt
,
laying
her
Keyes
vnder
the
feete
of
Kings
,
which
i●
another
extreme
.
Dial
p.
58.
and
59.
What
may
we
think
of
Theodidact
who
writes
that
the
Kinge
saileth
to
heauen
in
his
owne
ship
,
guided
by
his
owne
subiects
,
ouer
whome
he
is
Iudge
,
and
may
punishe
them
with
death
,
if
he
find
them
(
in
his
opinion
)
to
deliuer
their
owne
errors
in
steed
of
diuine
truth
.
S.
Paul
were
he
aliue
would
preach
,
that
the
Church
(
the
ship
to
conuay
passengers
to
heauen
)
is
not
the
Kings
,
but
Christs
,
which
he
bought
with
his
pretious
bloud
,
apud
Athan●sium
.
Apol.
2.
Amb.
ep●
33
would
say
,
Pallaces
belonge
to
Emperors
,
Churches
to
Priests
.
The
great
Gregorie
of
Nazianzum
were
he
now
liuing
,
Naz.
orat
.
ad
princip●̄
irascentem
.
his
doctrine
would
be
,
that
Kings
are
subiect
to
the
tribunall
of
Bishops
,
that
Priests
are
the
more
eminent
Gouernours
,
n●t
Kings
,
subiects
in
Church
affayres
,
but
as
another
Gregorye
sayth
,
S.
Greg.
ep.
ad
Herm.
Metens
.
habetur
.
d.
●6
.
can.
9.
their
Fathers
,
Maisters
and
Iudges
:
yea
that
it
is
miserable
madnes
●or
Kings
to
goe
about
with
their
wicked
lawes
to
make
them
be
at
their
command
,
to
whom
they
know
that
Christ
together
with
the
Keyes
gaue
power
to
bind
in
heauen
and
in
earth
.
These
and
the
like
authorities
of
Fathers
Papists
heap
together
which
I
haue
brought
,
not
that
I
desire
that
any
thing
be
detracted
from
royall
authority
,
but
to
the
end
that
you
may
see
,
that
it
is
not
wisdome
to
ground
Royall
Soueraignty
vpon
this
Kingly
Church-primacy
,
which
Pro●estants
allow
,
Puritans
detest
,
Papists
with
the
saying
of
Fathers
shake
and
batter
.
Philanax
.
Herein
I
agree
with
you
,
Otho
●ri●ing
.
l.
6.
c.
35.
that
none
of
them
exercised
it
before
the
time
of
Gregory
the
VII
,
otherwise
tearmed
Hildebrand
,
who
excommunicated
and
deposed
Henry
the
Fo●●th
Emperour
,
about
the
yeare
1073●
more
then
a
thousand
yeares
from
Christs
ascension
,
as
Otho
Frisingensis
,
liui●g
neere
those
times
saith
:
I
read
and
read
againe
the
gestes
of
the
Romane
,
Kings
and
Emperors
,
and
no
where
I
find
any
of
them
,
till
this
man
Henry
the
Fourth
excommunicated
or
deposed
by
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
Aristobulus
I
do
not
desire
to
proue
that
authority
of
the
Pope
,
my
drift
is
to
shew
that
Kings
Church-primacy
is
not
aduisely
brought
and
placed
as
the
pillar
of
their
ragall
Soueraignty
.
For
,
to
that
,
which
moueth
you
so
much
,
behold
the
Papists
how
easily
,
and
how
many
things
they
answere
.
First
deposition
being
an
extraordinary
remedy
against
the
persecution
of
hereticall
Princes
,
not
to
be
vsed
,
but
in
cases
of
ext●emity
;
what
wonder
that
practises
therof
vpon
Romane
Emperours
haue
not
been
many
?
Moreouer
for
the
first
300.
yeares
after
Christ
there
was
no
Christian
Emperour
on
whom
that
power
might
be
vsed
.
In
the
other
two
hundred
,
the
Empire
was
so
mix●d
of
heathens
and
Christians
,
that
this
power
could
not
be
conueniently
exercised
.
And
for
other
three
hundred
yeares
there
was
no
Emperour
of
the
west
,
but
only
of
the
●ast
residing
in
Greec●
,
far
from
the
sight
of
the
Romane
Bishops
;
so
that
to
the
Gre●●an
Patriarches
did
the
charge
immediatly
belong
,
to
proceed
with
censures
,
when
they
were
needfull
,
against
Emperors
.
And
against
some
they
proceeded
,
though
not
against
all
;
for
some
were
good
Princes
deseruing
well
of
the
Church
,
and
others
that
were
bad
raigned
not
long
,
or
were
not
so
violent
and
incorrigible
,
as
they
vrged
the
Chu●ch
to
vse
the
last
remedy
of
deposition
.
Finally
that
some
heretickes
and
●ersecutors
,
were
not
deposed
,
argues
not
want
of
power
in
Popes
,
but
shewes
that
circumstances
of
time
,
and
persons
might
be
such
,
as
either
in
wisdome
and
clemency
they
would
not
vse
that
power
,
or
els
could
not
with
probability
of
successe
,
or
without
daunger
of
greater
inconuenience
.
Howbeit
the
saying
of
Otho
makes
as
much
against
the
power
of
excommunication
,
as
deposition
,
and
is
so
stronge
,
that
I
wonder
how
Theodidact
,
into
his
fundamentall
discourse
for
soueraignty
(
if
he
meant
in
deede
to
make
it
●undamentall
)
would
transcribe
so
notorious
an
errour
in
history
as
this
is
,
Dial.
p.
63.
that
no
Romane
Emperour
was
excommunicated
before
Henry
the
Fourth
.
For
,
Euseb.
l.
6.
c
25.
to
omit
what
graue
Authors
write
,
that
Philip
a
bloudy
Emperour
was
excommunicated
by
Pope
Fabian
the
first
,
●ide
Baro.
Tom●
3.
anno
Domini
357.
Nicephor
.
l.
3.
c.
34.
Symmac
.
Ap●log
.
ad
Anas●as
.
Constantius
the
Arian
by
Felix
the
second
;
who
can
deny
that
Arcadius
&
Eudoxia
Emperours
were
excommunicated
by
Innocent
the
first
,
for
being
accessory
to
S.
Chrysostoms
banishment
and
death
?
That
Anastasius
the
Eutychian
Emperour
was
excommunicated
by
Pope
Symmacus
,
in
a
Roman
Councell
,
as
the
said
Pope
writing
to
the
Emperour
testifieth
in
these
words
;
You
say
,
that
the
Senate
conspiring
with
me
,
I
haue
excommunicated
you●
I
haue
done
so
in
deed
,
but
therin
I
follow
what
hath
be●n
don●
laudably
by
my
●redecessors
before
me
.
Philippicus
the
Monothelite
was
excommunicated
by
Pope
Constantine
,
who
commaunded
that
the
n●me
of
the
Emperour
should
not
be
put
in
my
writings
publicke
or
priuate
,
or
set
vpon
any
coyne
,
either
of
brasse
,
siluer
,
or
lead
.
Leo
Isauricu●
was
excomunicated
by
the
Gregories
●econd
&
third
,
Marian.
Scot.
a.
712.
Ado
in
chronico
.
Paulus
Diaconu●
l.
21.
Zonaras
To.
3.
in
vita
Leonis●
Isauric●
.
Sigeber●
7●7
.
Platina
in
Greg.
3.
and
as
some
say
deposed
,
whereby
he
lost
the
Empire
of
the
west
.
Lotharius
King
,
and
Brother
to
Lewi●
the
second
Emperour
,
was
excommunicated
by
Nicholas
the
first
,
as
Otho
Frisingensis
relates
,
and
praiseth
the
Pope
for
that
fact
,
calling
him
a
religious
Priest
,
and
full
of
the
zeale
of
God
.
Your
see
how
false
the
saying
of
Frisingensis
is
,
which
you
stood
so
much
vpon
.
What
may
be
the
drift
of
Theodidact
who
so
carefully
sets
out
the
sayings
of
Authors
,
which
he
knoweth
to
be
most
false
,
and
then
by
force
draweth
Royall
authority
to
rely
vpon
them
.
This
I
leaue
to
your
consideration
.
Nor
do
I
see
why
his
Maiesty
should
make
great
accompt
of
this
title
of
Supreme
head
,
the
true
●ignification
whereof
,
our
authours
,
when
Papists
presse
them
with
their
arguments
,
renounce
,
and
which
was
first
vsurped
vpon
a
knowne
scandalous
occasion
,
and
by
●King
,
whome
not
only
Papists
,
but
also
we
Protestants
point
forth
as
a
Monster
,
that
(
saith
a
late
Historian
)
if
the
memory
of
former
Tyrants
,
and
of
their
cruelties
were
dead
,
hi●
raigne
alone
might
suffice
to
bring
them
all
againe
to
life
.
Rawley
in
his
story
of
the
world
.
Preface
.
Why
should
his
gratious
Maiesty
runne
the
course
of
opposition
began
by
this
King
,
whose
name
lyes
buried
in
disgrace
and
infamy
,
and
his
posterity
turned
into
rottenesse
and
dust
?
especially
seeing
this
King
Henry
the
Eight
as
he
parted
from
his
noble
Father
Henry
the
seauenth
his
affection
towardes
the
Roman
Bishop
;
so
likewise
●e
degenerated
from
the
loue
that
his
said
noble
Father
bore
to
his
Maiesties
family
.
For
it
is
wel
known
that
this
first
Head
of
the
English
Church
sought
to
cast
the
hou●e
of
●cotland
from
succession
in
the
Crowne
of
England
,
and
to
preuent
the
Blessed
●nion
of
both
Kingdomes
we
now
●nioy
.
Which
blessing
rooted
in
his
Ma●estyes
person
that
it
may
be
continued
in
the
flourishing
perpetuity
of
his
Royall
yssue
,
my
prayers
are
,
that
they
may
not
be
driuen
by
flatterers
into
needlesse
contention
with
the
Church
against
which
none
euer
opposed
themselues
,
that
did
not
either
finally
yeeld
,
or
vtterly
p●rish
.
Philanax
.
Herein
you
haue
fully
satisfied
me
.
Now
I
desire
you
to
come
to
the
third
proposition
,
and
the
second
piller
of
soueraignty
deuised
by
Theodidact
:
Dial.
p.
67.
That
Tyranny
,
Infidelity
,
Heresy
,
or
apostacy
be
not
sufficient
causes
to
release
subiects
o●
their
obedience
to
their
soueraignes
.
Aristobulus
.
Had
you
not
put
me
in
mind
,
I
should
willingly
haue
forgotten
this
question
.
I
cannot
commend
their
wisdome
that
cause
or
permit
Treatises
that
plead
for
the
impunity
of
tyrants
,
to
be
set
forth
by
his
Maiesties
special
authority
.
Wil
any
man
thinke
this
impunity
would
be
so
eagerly
defended
,
were
it
not
also
loued
and
desired
?
or
loued
for
meere
speculations
sake
,
not
for
the
vse
and
ex●rcise
thereof
?
It
is
inough
for
priuate
men
(
as
sayd
a
prudent
[
*
](A01004-e8970-b)
*
Liuia
apud
Dion
in
Augusto
.
Emp●●sse
to
her
husband
)
that
they
be
innocent
,
but
Princes
seing
they
gouerne
not
brute
beastes
but
men
,
must
also
procure
not
to
be
suspected
:
specially
in
matter
of
Tyrany
,
wherin
subiects
are
naturally
iealous
,
and
apt
to
thinke
the
worst
vpon
any
light
occasion
.
Sometymes
weake
denyalls
be
taken
as
graunts
.
Kings
that
couldly
detest
tyranny
,
may
soone
be
suspected
to
loue
it
.
Some
kind
of
sinnes
may
neuer
be
named
,
without
great
shew
of
execration
,
some
may
not
be
named
at
all
,
there
being
no
words
that
can
sufficiently
expresse
the
horrour
,
that
when
they
are
named
must
waite
vpon
them
.
Indignatur
enim
priuatis
ac
prope
socco
Digni●
carminibus
narrare
scaena
Thyesta
.
This
being
the
suspicious
disposition
of
men
;
Dial●
p.
75.
what
may
we
thinke
of
Treatises
set
forth
by
authority●
wherein
the
bloudiest
cruelties
be
related
without
horror
;
yea
their
Authors
be
named
as
worthy
of
honour
,
not
as
monsters
,
dese●●ing
banishment
from
the
face
of
the
earth
,
and
memory
of
mankind
?
What
is
this
but
to
cast
suspicions
that
his
Maiesty
secretly
affects
such
courses
,
and
could
finde
in
his
hart
that
most
merciles●e
tyranny
might
raigne
i●punely
?
Wherein
the
wronge
done
him
is
exceeding
great
,
his
gratious
disposition
being
as
far
,
from
louing
Tyranny
,
as
his
happy
Raigne
from
the
ex●rcise
of
it
.
Philanax
.
His
Maiesties
knowne
clemency
,
&
inna●ed
auersion
from
bloud
,
aboundantly
confirmes
what
you
say
.
Nor
doth
he
stand
vpon
this
totall
impunity
of
Princes
,
that
he
would
haue
true
tyrants
liue
vncontrolled
:
but
because
Common-people
are
so
light-headed
and
vnstayed
,
that
if
they
b●
permitted
to
resist
their
Prince
in
any
imaginable
case
of
tyranny
,
they
wil●
when
they
are
displeased
with
him●
though
without
cause
,
straight
imagine
that
then
is
the
cause
of
lawfull
resistance
.
Aristobulus
.
We
cannot
deny
,
but
this
is
the
disposition
of
vulgar
multitudes
,
which
shewes
the
wonderfull
vncertanity
of
humane
greatnes
,
and
the
great
dependence
that
Kings
haue
on
God
,
in
whose
hands
only
are
the
hartes
of
the
people
,
so
l●kewise
the
scepters
of
kings
.
God
thought
best
to
permit
many
lamentable
examples
of
Common-wealths
cruelties
against
their
Kings
,
partely
to
terrify
the
ambition
of
mankind
,
ouer
greedy
of
that
honour
,
partly
for
the
punishment
in
this
life
of
wicked
gouernours
,
partly
for
the
benefit
of
good
Kings
,
that
they
might
be
more
frequently
mindfull
of
●eath
and
of
the
iudgment
consequent
therevpon
.
As
Kings
haue
extraordinary
licence
and
incitements
to
offend
,
so
the
diuine
wisedome
to
curbe
that
liberty
,
hath
prouided
them
besides
the
daungers
of
common
mortality
,
speciall
reasons
to
feare
death
,
and
to
be
ready
for
their
finall
account
.
The
remedy
which
The●didact
hath
inuented
against
this
mischief
,
to
wit
,
that
this
doctrine
be
continually
beaten
into
Subiects
eares
,
that
they
are
bond-men
to
their
Princes
without
any
meanes
of
redemption
,
or
liberty
to
runne
from
them
,
how
c●uell
soeuer
they
become
towardes
them
:
this
remedy
(
I
say●
)
cannot
preuent
,
but
may
rather
accelerate
the
daunger
.
Seneca
writes
that
in
his
time
there
were
such
store
of
slaues
in
Rome
,
Li●●ius
de
magnif
.
Rom.
l.
1.
c●
16.
that
the
Senate
hauing
made
an
edict
that
they
should
weare
a
certaine
marke
,
wherby
they
might
be
discouered
from
freemen
,
●hey
were
glad
straight
to
recal
it
,
see●ng
the
daunger
that
might
ensue
,
if
slaues
should
begin
to
compare
their
multitudes
with
the
paucity
of
their
Maisters
.
Subiects
being
many
in
●umber
,
it
is
not
secure
to
sound
still
●his
lesson
in
their
eares
,
that
they
are
slaues
by
the
condition
of
their
birth
bound
to
endure
any
horrible
cruelties
at
the
Princes
pleasure
.
For
first
put
case
they
be
persuaded
that
the
commonwealth
may
not
in
such
cases
resist
without
synne
,
but
are
bound
all
one
a●ter
another
to
go
quietly
to
the
slaughter
:
yet
the
feare
of
offending
God
will
hardly
be
strong
inough
to
restrayne
them
from
seeking
liberty
.
For
seeing
by
the
practise
of
former
times
it
is
knowne
that
liberty
gotten
sinfully
,
being
now
gotten
is
continued
rightfully
;
they
will
rather
choose
to
synne
once
then
to
be
slaues
euer
.
Secondly
men
are
so
strongely
by
natur●
inclined
to
fauour
their
owne
liberty●
that
well
may
Conquerers
compell
them
by
force
of
armes
to
endure
,
but
neuer
will
Doctor
by
s●rength
of
argument
conuince
them●
to
thinke
that
nature
hath
created
them
for
such
●lauery
,
that
by
right
of
birth
one
family
may
tyranniz
without
controllement
,
a●
others
being
borne
to
suf●er
withou●
releef
,
or
without
any
lawfull
powe●
to
resist
.
Wisdome
would
haue
such
ha●efull
.
Doctrines
kept
from
commo●
people
which
doe
rather
stir
passion
then
perswade
patience
.
The
dire●ull
apprehension
of
the
miseries
of
such
slauery
,
will
be
more
potent
to
awake
auersion
from
kings
in
Subiects
,
then
any
preten●ed
reasons
from
nature
,
scripture
or
history
to
allay
i●
,
though
those
reasons
were
cleere
&
plentifull
in
this
point
.
The
best
course
then
is
not
to
driue
people
into
despaire
,
and
into
desperate
attempts
by
vtter
denyall
of
remedy
against
cruell
&
mercilesse
tyrants
,
but
●o
to
moderate
matters
,
as
to
remoue
the
life
and
state
of
Kings
as
much
as
may
be
,
from
popular
rashnes
.
And
this
course
of
moderation
I
know
not
any
that
doe
more
exactly
obserue
then
the
Papists
,
whome
Theodidact
singled
out
to
be
his
aduersaries
.
I
will
breefly
declare
what
they
hold
in
this
poynt
,
not
standing
vpon
the
truth
of
their
doctrine
,
but
only
how
honorable
to
Kings
it
is
,
and
with
what
wisedome
they
haue
found
out
●
safe
and
moderate
course
betweene
Scilla
&
Charibdis
,
without
declyning
to
●auour
,
in
their
doctrine
,
either
the
rashnes
of
common
people
,
or
the
cruelty
of
tyrannons
Princes
.
Mol.
de
iustit
.
&
iure
tom●
1.
tract.
2.
disp.
23.
First
then
they
teach
that
the
Kinge
is
Superior
ouer
the
whole
Common-wealth
,
not
only
ouer
euery
particular
subiect
&
company
.
They
disallow
the
Puritan
doctrine
,
that
the
people
haue
the
same
power
ouer
Kings
,
that
the
King
hath
ouer
euery
one
person
.
Dangerous
positions
l.
1.
c.
4.
vide
Richard
.
Ha●lum
de
necessit
.
&
dignit
.
vnius
Regis
.
c.
6.
They
say
allso
that
the
King
in
the
necessity
of
the
Common-wealth
,
&
the
state
of
the
people
so
requiring
,
may
doe
things
contrary
to
the
laws
,
liberties
and
priuiledges
:
that
he
may
impose
extraordinary
tributs
,
inflict
extraordinary
punishments
,
not
meerly
for
his
lust
,
but
for
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Finally
the
King
is
to
iudg
when
the
necessity
of
this
extraordinary
proceeding
occurreth
,
nor
are
bounds
to
be
prescribed
to
hi●
royall
priuiledges
.
This
doctrine
giueth
ample
power
to
the
King
,
wherby
he
may
both
do
many
thinges
very
extraordinary
iustly
,
and
teacheth
people
that
they
●asily
condemne
not
their
Prince
of
tyranny
,
though
his
dealing
with
them
be
seuere
and
rigorous
Secondly
they
teach
that
Kings
are
free
from
bonds
of
lawes
,
Suares
de
leg
.
l.
3.
c.
37.
&
alij
.
so
as
they
may
not
be
called
to
account
nor
punished
,
much
lesse
deposed
for
ordinary
and
personall
offences
,
or
for
their
deeds
iniurio●s
only
to
few
.
And
herevpon
they
detest
this
proposition
of
Puritans
,
Dangerous
posit.
l.
1.
c.
1.
Iudges
ought
by
the
law
of
God
to
summon
Princes
before
●hem
for
their
crimes
,
and
to
proceed
against
them
as
against
all
other
offenders
:
So
that
the
Common-wealth
cannot
by
the
doctrine
of
Papists
remoue
the
Prince
from
gouernment
,
but
for
crymes
exorbitant
which
tend
to
the
destruction
of
the
whole
state
,
nor
then
neither●
except
(
all
other
remedies
being
first
tried
to
reclayme
him
)
he
be
found
obstinate
and
incorrigible
in
his
tyranous
course
.
And
this
shewes
the
sillines
of
Theodidacts
discourse
,
Thirdly
they
teach
,
Bourchier
de
iusta
abdicatio●e
.
Less
.
de
inst.
l.
2.
c.
9.
lub
.
4.
Sess.
15●
Dang
.
posit.
l.
2.
c.
1.
that
Princes●
thoug●
they
be
manifest
and
incorrigible
tyrants
,
ye●
may
not
be
deposed
,
much
lesse
made
away
with
out
publick
sentence
,
and
a
iuridicall
releasmē●
of
his
Subiect●
from
their
obedience
.
This
their
doctrine
is
defined
in
the
Councell
o●
Constance
against
the
ancient
Purita●nisme
of
Iohn
Wicklif●e
,
renewed
in
thi●
age
by
Iohn
Caluin
,
and
his
followers
,
holding
,
that
a
priuate
man
hauing
some
speciall
inward
motion
,
may
kill
a
Tyrant
.
Wherfore
so
longe
as
the
Common-wealth
doth
endure
the
tyrant
,
S.
Peter
,
as
also
Theodidact
largely
vrgeth
,
commaunded
the
beleeuing
Iewe●
to
obey
Claudius
a
bloudy
and
barbarous
Emperour
:
which
must
be
vnderstood
in
things
not
against
iustice
and
religion
,
&
so
long
as
the
tyranous
E●perour
should
be
tolerated
by
the
Commonwealth
.
For
who
will
thi●ke
that
S.
Peter
by
that
his
exhortation
meant
,
that
they
should
obey
Claudius
further
then
for
the
time
he
shold
be
admitted
as
lawfull
Prince
?
who
can
wi●h
any
probability
im●gine
that
S.
Peter
by
that
sentence
decided
the
controuersy
betwene
the
Rom●n
Emperour
&
the
Senate
,
about
the
right
of
making
and
deposing
Emperours
:
and
that
he
defined
in
behalfe
of
●he
Emperour
that
he
might
no●
be
deposed
by
the
Sen●te
?
&
that
in
case
of
deposition
Christians
were
still
to
obey
the
depriued
,
not
the
new
erected
magistrate
?
I
cannot
thinke
S.
Peter
dyd
desire
,
that
Christians
in
those
times
shold
busy
their
heads
with
these
speculations
,
but
simply
for
conscience
sake
obey
the
present
Prince
they
found
allowed
in
the
state
wherin
●hey
liued
,
so
long
as
he
was
permitted
to
rule
.
It
would
goe
hard
with
Kings
,
if
their
condition
were
like
the
Emperour
;
Apolog.
pro
reg.
c.
4.
seeing
the
greatest
patrō●
of
Kings
dare
not
deny
what
Emperors
themselues
haue
acknowledged
that
they
may
be
deposed
by
the
Senate
or
Peeres
of
the
Empire
.
Naucler
.
gen.
41.
an
.
●●12
.
in
O●h.
4.
So
that
these
exhortations
of
Apostles
and
Fathers
to
obey
tyranous
Princes
for
the
time
they
be
tolerated
by
the
Common-wealth
,
which
Theodidact
vrgeth
so
diffusely
,
come
short
of
prouing
that
Princes
are
in
all
cases
indeposable
.
Fourthly
the
Papists
hold
that
the
sentence
of
deposition
must
not
only
be
giuen
by
a
publick
magistrate
,
but
allso
by
the
whole
magistracy
and
nobility
of
the
Commonwealth
,
or
by
the
far
greater
part
thereof
.
And
for
this
cause
(
they
say
)
that
neither
Iulian
the
Apostata
,
nor
Constantius
,
nor
Valens
Arian
Emperors
were
deposed
,
which
Theodidact
exaggerateth
as
an
argument
of
great
moment
to
proue
that
Christians
can
vse
no
forcible
resistance
against
persecuting
Princes
.
But
the
cause
why
these
hereticall
Em●erours
were
not
deposed
,
cannot
be
proued
to
haue
byn
want
of
authority
in
the
Church
,
but
because
there
wanted
at
that
time
meanes
to
vnite
the
whole
Empire
in
the
busines
of
deposing
hereticall
Emperours
.
For
from
the
time
of
Constantine
to
the
sack
of
Rome
by
Alaricus
,
heat●ens
and
infidells
did
abound
through
the
whole
Romane
Empire
,
many
of
them
bearing
chief
offices
euen
in
the
Senat
,
who
could
not
be
brought
nor
commaunded
to
concurre
against
Emperours
for
their
heresy
or
apostacy
:
so
that
the
attempts
of
Catholiks
to
depose
them
could
then
haue
had
no
other
successe
,
but
faction
and
ciuill
warre
.
Nor
could
the
sentence
of
the
supreme
pastor
vnite
them
in
that
enterprize
,
seeing
a
great
part
of
the
Empire
were
Infidells
(
as
hath
been
said
)
and
so
not
the
Popes
subi●cts
.
But
when
the
Commonwealth
consisteth
of
only
Christians
,
then
heresy
and
apostacy
of
the
Prince
ioyned
with
persecution
ought
to
breed
in
them
all
,
a
generall
dislike
thereof
:
&
the
sentence
of
their
spirituall
Pastor
challengeth
like●ise
vniuersal
obedi●nce
;
so
that
if
factions
grow
amongest
them
,
the
fault
is
not
in
the
cause
which
is
common
to
all
,
nor
in
the
sentence
which
b●ndeth
them
all
,
but
in
themselues
that
are
neither
zealou●
in
their
Religion
,
nor
obedient
to
th●
Church
.
He
that
shall
consider
wha●
orthodoxe
Fathers
haue
written
against
Constantius
the
Arian
,
will
soon●
perceaue
that
the
Bishops
of
the
primitiue
Church
were
sharpe
censurer●
of
hereticall
Princes
.
They
rebuke
[
(*)
](A01004-e10070-b)
(*)
Haec
conspicis
huiusmodi
quae
te
iubent
honorari
intelligis
:
quae
vero
sacrae
littere
iubent
te
facere
illa
in
quibus
te
monent
sacerdotibu●
obedire
,
fingis
non
n●sse
.
Lucifer
.
de
non
parcendo
in
Deum
delinquent
.
fol.
●97
.
him
for
gathering
together
places
o●
Scripture
,
that
commaund
that
he
b●
honored
and
obeyed
,
omitting
other
testimonies
that
giue
liberty
to
resist
and
bind
him
to
obey
his
spirituall
Pastors
.
They
tell
him
in
playn●
tearmes
Lucifer
vbi
supra
p.
255.
they
might
deale
with
him
as
the
Machabees
did
with
Antiochus
whom
they
resisted
,
his
armies
they
ouerthrew
,
cast
him
from
the
Kingdome
of
Iury.
I
tell
thee
Constan●ius
(
saith
one
of
those
Fathers
)
hadst
thou
been
in
the
hands
of
Ma●tathias
that
zealous
priest
,
so
wicked
a
persecutor
as
thou
art
he
would
haue
killed
thee
:
Thus
bouldy
writeth
that
Bishop
,
which
shewes
●hat
the
reason
why
Arian
Emperors
in
those
dayes
were
not
deposed
,
was
not
want
of
iust
desert
in
the
Princes
,
nor
of
power
in
the
Church
,
but
because
the
sentence
would
not
conioyne
the
whole
Commonwealth
being
then
mixed
of
heathens
&
Christians
,
in
the
execution
thereof
,
so
that
the
sentence
could
not
be
lawfully
executed
without
the
asistance
of
some
absolute
temporall
Prince
.
And
this
assistance
the
primitiue
Church
in
those
dayes
did
not
neglect
Socrates
l.
2.
c.
18.
Theodor.
l.
2.
c.
8.
Sozomen
.
l.
9.
c.
1.
Niceph
l.
9.
c●
21.
to
craue
of
Constantine
the
most
pious
&
Christian
Emperour
who
tooke
vpon
him
the
protection
of
Catholike
Bishops
that
were
banished
by
his
Arian
Brother
(
Constantius
)
to
whome
he
sent
word
,
that
vnlesse
he
would
restore
them
,
Hostem
se
illi
fu●urum
,
nec
quicquam
nisi
bellum
expectandum
:
that
he
would
become
his
enimie
,
and
that
he
should
expect
nothing
from
him
but
warre
.
And
as
for
Iulian
the
Apostata
,
I
do
fearefully
relate
what
they
write
.
For
wheras
by
some
it
had
byn
giuen
out
that
he
was
by
a
Christian
souldier
depriued
both
of
Empire
&
life
,
Theodoretus
l.
3.
Histor.
c.
20.
Nazian.
orat.
2.
in
Iul.
Chrys.
orat
.
in
S.
Babylam
.
Sozom.
vbi
supra
.
Nicephor
.
l.
10.
c.
34.
they
magnify
the
stroke
whosoeuer
were
the
Author
thereof
.
And
some
Christian
historians
graunt
that
,
it
is
not
incredible
that
some
Christian
souldyer
killed
Iulian
,
and
defend
the
fact
as
most
glorious
,
seeing
(
say
they
)
not
only
Pagans
,
but
all
men
of
what
religion
soeuer
,
euen
to
our
age
haue
allwaies
exalted
them
that
haue
taken
away
tyrants
,
venturing
their
liues
for
the
liberty
of
their
kindred
and
countrey
:
how
much
more
glorious
is
it
to
do
this
for
God
and
Religion
?
These
sayings
and
the
like
may
be
found
in
the
writings
of
the
Auncients
,
which
I
do
not
bring
as
approuing
them
;
yea
this
last
of
priuate
vndertaking
against
Emperours
I
vtterly
mislike
.
But
this
sheweth
what
I
pretend
,
that
it
were
better
wholly
to
relinquish
the
discussion
of
this
controuersy
,
then
to
prouoke
men
to
produce
these
authorities
,
Mutatio
regnorum
quae
non
interposito
sedis
Apostolicae
iudicio
fit
,
non
legitimè
sed
seditiose
fit
.
Sanderus
de
vi●ib
.
Monarch
.
pag.
406.
Mol.
de
iure
.
to.
1.
tra.
2.
disp.
11.
Omnes
Catholici
Romanum
Pontificem
pro
Christi
vicario
habent
,
per
quem
res
in
tota
republica
Christiana
graui●●●mae
semper
de
cidendae
sunt
.
Sanderu●
vbi
supra
.
and
that
they
be
not
wise
,
or
not
friends
of
the
King
that
will
needes
be
stirring
in
this
busines
.
Fiftly
Papists
teach
that
a
Christian
Commonwealth
may
not
proceed
against
their
Christian
Prince
,
though
he
be
a
tyrant
,
without
the
aduise
an●
consent
of
the
supreme
Pa●stor
of
their
soules
.
This
they
require
not
only
in
the
case
o●
heresy
and
Apostacy
,
but
also
when
subiects
are
moued
against
them
for
tyranous
oppression
of
their
liues
and
temporall
state
.
And
their
reason
is
because
deposition
beeing
an
affaire
of
singuler
moment●
ought
to
be
done
wi●h
the
grea●est
aduise
and
deliberation
that
may
be
.
Nor
is
it
secure
to
commit
the
cause
to
the
sole
Commonwealth
,
least
the
people
out
of
passion
,
the
Nobles
out
of
ambition
,
be
ouerforward
to
proceed
against
Prince●
.
So
that
in
my
opinion
Papists
take
a
most
mature
course
,
and
remoue
the
life
of
Kings
from
the
temerity
of
vulgar
affections
,
one
degree
further
then
any
other
religion
whatsoeuer
.
And
seeing
mankind
with
vniuersall
consent
seeme
to
allow
that
some
meanes
may
be
vsed
for
the
commonwealths
safety
against
incorrigible
and
deplored
tyrants
:
I
do
not
see
that
humane
wisdome
could
haue
inuented
a
proceeding
more
discreet
and
moderate
then
this
of
Papists
,
who
,
that
a
Prince
may
be
deposed
lawfully
,
require
:
First
cryme●
manifest
,
that
can
no
wayes
be
excused
:
secondly
crymes
exorbitant
,
tending
to
the
euident
ouerthrow
of
the
whole
Kingdome
:
thirdly
cryme●
with
malice
,
incorrigible
,
leauing
no
hope
of
amendment
:
fourthly
the
publicke
and
vuiuersall
agrement
of
magistrates
and
Nobles
of
the
Common-wealth
.
Fiftly
that
the
case
be
proposed
,
and
the
deposition
approued
by
their
supreme
Pastor
,
and
his
Counsell
abroad
.
Finally
,
to
preuent
popular
rashnes
,
they
further
add
,
that
the
comonwealth
in
the
execution
of
the
sentence
,
must
proceed
per
modum
defensionis
,
non
per
modum
punitionis
,
de
iustit
.
tract.
2.
dis.
23.
num.
8.
by
way
of
their
owne
defence
,
not
by
way
of
punishing
their
Prince
.
And
in
this
their
defence
they
must
obserue
moderamen
inculpatae
tutelae
,
Dang
.
pofit
.
l.
1.
c.
4.
that
is
,
they
must
do
no
more
then
is
precisely
necessary
for
their
own
defence
.
Card.
Perons
Oration
,
Eng●●s●●
.
108.109
.
Wherfore
they
may
not
,
hauing
deposed
their
Prince
,
arraigne
him
,
as
Puritans
teach
,
that
being
needlesse
for
their
owne
safety
.
The
King
deposed
still
retaynes
a
certaine
remote
right
to
the
Crowne
,
as
it
were
a
marke
,
or
politike
character
that
discerneth
him
from
meere
subiects
:
by
reason
whereof
,
if
he
repent
of
his
Apostacy
,
and
giue
the
Commonwealth
good
security
that
being
againe
restored
to
gouernment
,
he
wil
rule
moderately
,
the
Commonwealth
may
not
by
taking
way
his
life
depriue
him
of
his
possibility
.
Philanax
.
Your
discourse
giueth
me
great
content
to
see
that
Papists
in
their
doctrine
,
prouide
so
carefully
for
the
security
of
Princes
.
That
a
King
be
deposed
lawfully
they
require
such
a
generall
consent
both
domesticall
and
forraine
,
that
it
seemes
scarce
possible
that
so
many
should
conspire
in
passion
,
or
that
any
Prince
,
by
this
doctrine
,
loose
his
Kingdome
that
is
either
friended
abroad
or
beloued
at
home
.
For
if
the
motion
to
depose
the
Prince
arise
from
the
Commonwealth
,
Be●l
.
aduersus
Bark
.
6
.
10●
Cardinall
.
Peron
.
ora
.
pag.
106.
the
last
decision
thereof
is
referred
to
the
Pope
and
his
Counsell
that
are
forrayners
,
and
not
interessed
in
the
Commonwealthes
quarrell
.
Yf
the
treaty
of
depo●ition
begin
from
the
Pope
,
the
execution
must
passe
through
the
hands
of
the
Peeres
of
the
Realme
spirituall
&
temporall
,
whose
loue
to
their
Prince
will
resist
the
Popes
sentence
if
they
find
the
motiue
either
openly
vniust
,
as
grounded
vpon
temporall
pretences
,
or
not
cleerly
and
apparantly
iust
,
as
is
required
in
a
point
of
so
many
consequences
.
Nor
do
there
want
examples
of
Catholicke
Kingdomes
that
haue
stood
for
their
Kings
,
when
they
thought
that
Popes
were
moued
with
humane
respects
:
yea
I
haue
noted
in
the
histories
I
haue
perused
,
and
much
wondred
thereat
.
Protestants
haue
beene
more
forward
and
heady
to
follow
the
sentence
of
some
Ministers
or
consistory
against
their
Prince
,
then
haue
Papists
beene
in
obeying
the
Popes
censures
for
the
deposition
of
their
King
,
that
hardly
can
you
name
any
sentence
of
deposition
that
hath
been
executed
,
and
the
Prince
turned
from
his
Crowne
by
his
Catholike
subiects
.
Which
difference
seeing
it
cannot
spring
from
any
greater
reuerence
,
which
Protestants
b●a●e
to
their
spirituall
gouernours
(
for
it
is
known
they
do
not
so
much
esteeme
their
Ministers
,
as
the
Papists
do
their
Priests
)
it
must
proceed
from
this
cause
,
that
Papists
loyall
loue
to
their
Prince
doth
somewhat
allay
their
prompt
obedience
to
the
Pope
,
when
betweene
him
and
their
Prince
contentions
happen
.
But
you
haue
so
discouered
the
weaknes
of
Theodidacts
arguments
,
that
I
haue
more
cause
to
feare
treason
then
expect
reason
in
his
discourses
.
I
should
haue
byn
glad
if
the
doctrine
that
makes
Kings
in
all
cases
indeposable
could
haue
byn
proued
by
solid
and
inuincible
arguments
.
Aristobulus
.
How
solide
and
inuincible
Theodidacts
arguments
are
,
you
may
giue
a
ghesse
,
by
this
one
which
he
vrgeth
very
●arnestly
,
that
Christians
may
not
depose
Tyrants
though
neuer
so
cruell
enemies
of
their
Religion
,
because
Christ
commaundeth
them
to
loue
their
enemies
and
per●●cutors
.
And
verily
I
could
smile
to
see
Theodidact
seriously
dilate
vpon
the
precept
to
loue
enemies
:
We
must
(
sayth
be
)
loue
them
with
our
harts
,
blesse
and
pray
for
them
with
our
tongues
,
and
do
good
to
them
by
our
actions
.
Yf
these
duties
be
to
be
performed
twards
priuate
men
that
are
our
enemies
:
how
much
more
to
publicke
persons
and
Potentats
of
the
earth
.
Thus
he
,
and
much
more
,
shewing
great
want
of
iudgment
thus
to
trifle
in
so
serious
an
argument
.
For
the
precept
to
loue
our
enemies
,
&
to
bestow
benefits
on
them
,
vrgeth
the
Commonwealth
to
depose
tyrants
rather
then
to
the
contrary
.
For
what
greater
benefit
can
Christian
charity
bestow
on
tyrants
that
run
headlong
to
euerlasting
perdition
,
then
to
remoue
them
from
gouernment
,
from
the
world
,
&
occasions
of
synne
.
Without
doubt
the
precept
of
Charity
would
bind
the
Commonwea●th
to
●tay
the
damnation
of
tyrants
by
deposing
them
,
did
Iustice
permit
them
that
are
not
Superiours
to
bestow
benefits
&
deeds
of
charity
vpon
others
against
their
wil.
The
truth
is
,
that
this
were
against
Iustice
,
though
not
against
Charity
,
to
take
by
force
the
scepter
from
a
Prince
,
who
abuseth
the
same
only
to
his
owne
damnation
,
without
endaungering
the
Commonwealth
.
But
if
he
commit
synns
that
tend
to
the
destruction
of
the
state
;
if
(
saith
the
Chancellour
of
Paris
)
the
great
Patron
of
royall
imunity
,
if
the
Prince
doth
manifestly
,
obstinatly
,
really
,
&
vniustly
persecute
his
subiects
,
than
that
Principle
of
the
law
of
nature
taks
place
,
violence
may
be
repelled
with
violence
.
Thus
much
Gerson
,
and
much
more
which
I
willingly
pretermit
:
nor
would
I
haue
said
so
much
,
but
only
to
shew
that
it
were
best
not
to
handle
these
questiō●
,
specially
in
vulgar
Treatises
:
and
that
you
may
see
Theodidacts
fraude
,
who
loadeth
on
Kings
many
new
titles
,
that
are
not
so
glorious
as
odious
,
which
doe
not
so
much
adorne
as
oppresse
,
and
weigh
downe
Kings
,
by
laying
vpon
them
the
heauy
burthen
of
popular
enuy
.
Such
is
his
fourth
proposition
which
remaynes
to
be
examined
,
teares
and
prayers
,
that
may
be
law●ully
vsed
for
the
defence
of
the
Church
against
the
King
,
though
he
shold
be
so
tyrannous
and
prophane
as
to
oppresse
the
whole
Church
,
and
vtterly
to
extinguish
the
light
of
Christian
Religion
.
Philanax
.
The
very
sound
of
this
proposition
offendeth
a
Christian
●are
,
nor
can
I
thinke
it
is
gratefull
to
his
Maiesty
,
who
would
(
I
dare
say
)
wish
himselfe
dead
a
thousand
times
,
rather
then
such
a
case
shold
really
happen
,
that
he
shold
extinguish
the
light
of
Religion
,
so
litle
delight
he
takes
that
men
should
adore
his
Royall
Dignity
vested
in
these
imaginary
impieties
.
Nor
doth
Theodidact
bring
any
proofe
therof
besides
the
patience
of
the
Iewes
,
when
they
were
persecuted
by
Aman
,
who
won
Assuerus
to
send
forth
a
decree
to
destroy
their
whole
nation
both
yonge
and
olde
,
children
and
women
in
one
day
.
Here
(
saith
he
)
the
whole
visible
Church
which
was
only
amongst
the
Iewes
,
by
the
barbarous
designements
of
Assuerus
seemed
to
be
in
the
very
iawes
of
death
,
yet
they
take
no
armes
,
they
consul●
not
how
to
poison
Assuerus
,
or
Aman
,
they
animate
no
desperate
person
suddenly
to
stab
them
,
but
there
was
only
great
sorrow
am●ngest
them
,
and
fasting
&
weeping
.
Aristobulus
.
It
is
not
probable
that
Aman
had
graunt
to
murther
the
whole
nation
of
the
Iewes
,
but
only
all
those
that
were
out
of
their
Country
scattered
in
the
Townes
of
the
Persian
Monarchy
,
whome
Aman
,
Esth.
c.
3.8
.
speaking
with
Assuerus
,
tearmeth
a
people
dispersed
through
all
the
Prouinces
of
the
Empire
,
and
diuided
one
from
another
,
besides
which
there
was
a
flourishing
Church
in
Iury.
Secondly
wheras
Theodidact
saith
,
that
amongest
the
Iewes
in
that
extremity
there
was
sorrow
&
fasting
,
and
weeping
only
;
that
only
he
addes
of
his
owne
head
against
Gods
expresse
word
,
which
besides
these
meanes
to
appease
Gods
anger
,
setteth
downe
other
secondary
meanes
they
vsed
for
their
deliuerance
;
for
they
better
informed
Assuerus
,
deceaued
by
Amans
sinister
suggestions
,
vsing
as
instrument
the
Qu●ene
that
was
so
gracious
in
his
sight
:
resolued
also
to
vse
other
helpes
had
that
failed
them
,
as
Mardochaeus
sent
a
message
to
Esther●
per
aliam
oc●asionem
liberabu●tur
Iudaei
,
by
some
other
way
the
Iewes
s●albe
released
.
Neither
may
we
doubt
but
the
Iewes
(
had
they
been
able
)
might
and
would
haue
resisted
Assuerus
,
had
he
inuaded
their
Country
with
intention
to
destroy
them
.
For
they
might
haue
done
to
him
what
their
Auncestors
did
to
his
Persian
predecessor
,
as
[
(a)
](A01004-e11170-b)
(a)
In
●hronico
.
Eusebius
[
(b)
](A01004-e11190-b)
(b)
l●●
.
de
Ciuit.
c.
26
S
Augustine
,
[
(c)
](A01004-e11210-b)
(c)
l.
●
Sacrae
histor.
Sulpitius
,
[
(d)
](A01004-e11230-b)
(d)
l.
de
sex
aetatibus
.
Beda
&
other
Fathers
hold
,
that
Nabuch●d●noso●
was
,
that
sent
an
army
against
them
vnder
the
conduct
of
Holofernes
,
whom
they
resisted
,
as
it
is
well
knowne
,
with
miraculous
successe
.
I
doe
not
examine
the
truth
of
their
opinion●
whether
Nabuchodonosor
were
in
deed
a
Persian
Emperour
,
but
I
note
the
iudgment
of
the
learned
Christian
antiquity
,
that
they
held
it
lawfull
for
the
people
of
the
Iewes
to
vse
forcible
resistance
against
their
tyrannous
Soueraigne
:
neither
doth
any
Father
or
Doctor
reproue
their
opinion
in
this
respect
.
And
in
what
writings
of
Christian
Fathers
be
not
the
Machabees
renowned
that
valiantly
opposed
themselues
against
Antiochus
persecuting
them
for
Religion
,
who
was
their
lawfull
Prince
?
whose
ancestors
had
peaceably
enioyed
Soueraignty
ouer
Iury
from
the
time
of
Seleucus
,
for
the
space
of
an
hundred
and
fourty
yeares
,
and
were
acknowledged
by
Priest
and
people
as
much
as
euer
Persian
or
Roman
Emperors
were
?
And
if
wee
call
to
mind
Christian
histories
,
wee
shall
finde
that
as
soone
as
the
temporall
sword
was
put
into
the
hands
of
a
Christian
Monarch
,
the
Christian
Church
craued
the
assistance
thereof
against
Licinius
the
persecuting
Emperour
.
Constantine
went
to
succour
the
Christians
of
the
East
whome
Licinius
persecuted
.
D●
vita
Constant
.
l.
2.
c.
3.
Being
persuaded
(
saith
Eusebius
)
that
it
was
a
great
deede
of
piety
&
sanctity
to
releeue
a
great
multitude
of
men
,
by
deposing
of
one
man
from
gouernment
.
In
which
enterprise
God
did
miraculously
concurre
to
giue
him
victory
,
and
Christian
Bishops
assisted
him
,
which
they
wold
not
haue
done
had
they
thought
no
meanes
lawfull
of
seeking
liberty
from
persecution
of
tyrants
,
besides
teares
and
prayers
.
Clodou●us
the
first
Christian
King
of
France
,
Paulus
AEmil
.
l.
1.
in
Clodouaeo
r●g●
.
how
was
he
magnified
for
making
warre
vpon
Alaricus
the
Arian
King
of
Spayn
,
whose
Empire
in
those
dayes
did
embrace
the
greatest
part
of
Gascony
,
wherof
Clodoueus
did
dispossesse
the
Gothes
,
Greg.
Turo
.
F●ist
.
Fran.
l.
2
cap.
37.
Amoyn
.
l.
1.
〈◊〉
gest
.
Fran●
.
c.
20
Nic●phor
.
l.
16.
cap.
6.
Euagr.
l.
3.
c.
7.
and
slew
their
Prince
in
the
battaile
with
his
owne
hand
,
hauing
no
other
quarrell
then
Religion
against
him
.
When
Basiliscus
the
Nestorian
Emperour
went
about
to
compell
Catholike
Bishops
to
condemne
the
Councell
of
Chaldedon
,
Acatius
Patriarch
of
Constantinople
stirred
vp
both
people
and
monks
against
him
,
went
to
the
Emperour
,
freely
reproued
his
impiety
,
that
out
of
feare
he
was
glad
to
recall
his
Edict
.
Anastasius
not
many
yeares
after
Emperour
,
The
people
straight
in
troopes
came
to
the
place
o●
meeting
crying●
Now
is
the
time
of
Martyrdome
:
Constant.
Manas.
p.
80.
Let
no
man
depart
from
his
Pastor
:
They
reuiled
the
Emperour
,
they
called
him
Manichee
and
vnworthy
to
be
Prince
:
so
that
frighted
to
see
the
whole
multitude
re●use
his
gouernment
,
he
then
gaue
ouer
his
enterprise
.
Many
the
like
examples
might
be
layd
together
out
of
antiquity
,
Nicephor
.
l.
16.
cap.
3●
which
shew
that
,
though
teares
,
serious
repentance
,
and
prayers
to
God
be
the
best
the
cheefest
and
readiest
remedies
,
without
which
no
other
ordinarily
preuaile
;
)
yet
the
Fathers
iudged
that
some
forcible
meanes
may
with
due
circumstances
be
lawfully
vsed
,
rather
then
the
light
of
Christian
Religion
should
be
extinguished
,
or
at
least
this
is
cleere
,
that
this
practise
may
be
so
confirmed
by
examples
of
Christian
antiquity
,
that
I
cannot
iudge
it
wisdom
to
make
these
questions
the
common
subiect
of
discourse
to
the
vulgar
multitude
.
The
only
way
to
abate
the
estimation
of
things
that
by
themselues
are
exceeding
pretious
,
is
to
compare
them
with
other
that
incomparably
exceed
them
in
worth
.
Mortall
life
compared
with
eternity
growes
into
contempt
:
stars
shine
not
in
the
presence
of
the
sunne
:
great
riuers
seeme
nothing
in
respect
of
the
ocean
.
The
splendor
of
royall
Maiesty
&
power
is
as
it
were
a
sunne
shining
among
his
subiects
,
the
readiest
way
to
make
the
sunne
seeme
dymme
in
a
piou●
and
religious
sight
,
is
that
which
Theodidact
vseth
,
to
compare
the
King
and
allegiance
with
God
and
religion
,
before
whom
euen
Angelicall
purity
is
darknesse
,
and
all
created
greatnes
put
together
,
no
more
then
one
drop
of
morning
dew
in
respect
of
the
mayne
sea
.
Canstant
.
Manasses
in
annalibus●
p.
80.
A
learned
Greci●n
writes
that
a
pious
man
cannot
respect
his
Prince
,
when
he
sees
the
cause
of
Religion
in
daunger
:
then
he
neither
regards
person
nor
dreadeth
power
how
soueraigne
soeuer
it
be
.
Dangerous
positions
c.
●
.
p.
33.
Our
writers
thinke
it
an
excuse
of
our
first
●hospellers
rebellion
,
that
the
light
of
the
Ghospell
●hining
in
their
eyes
,
made
them
not
see
the
maiesty
and
greatnes
of
Popish
Princes
whom
they
threw
from
their
thrones
.
What
wonder
then
if
men
that
haue
zeale
of
Religion
,
do
stagger
at
the
allegiance
we
exact
of
them
,
seeing
we
openly
require
them
to
professe
that
the
light
of
Christianity
may
be
vtterly
extinguished
,
rather
then
the
Prince
resisted
.
Philanax
.
Yow
haue
shewed
that
Theodidacts
foure
propositions
are
vngrounded
,
&
odious
,
and
no
sure
foundations
of
sincere
and
dutifull
allegiance
:
But
you
promised
also
to
speake
of
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
which
Theodidact
saith
,
stands
vpon
these
grounds
,
and
what
your
opinion
is
concerning
of
rigorous
vrging
thereof
.
Aristobulus
.
I
cannot
beleeue
that
the
cheef
inciters
of
his
Maiesty
to
the
violent
exaction
of
this
Oath
,
do
so
much
respect
the
common
good
,
as
their
priuate
interest
,
bei●g
men
that
liue
and
triumph
by
the
temporall
miseries
&
calamities
of
Papists
.
When
the
desperate
rage
and
temerity
of
some
few
of
that
profession
had
iustly
exasperated
his
Maiesty
,
these
their
enemies
that
lay
in
waite
to
do
them
a
mischief
,
suggested
this
deuise
,
which
I
cannot
be
persuaded
that
his
singular
wisdom
and
iudgment
would
euer
haue
liked
but
in
these
circumstan●s
of
perturbation●
I
wil
not
rashly
precipitate
my
censure
in
a
matter
of
such
consequence
,
and
wherein
his
excellent
Maiesty
is
so
much
engaged
:
only
I
will
offer
vnto
your
serious
cogitation
fiue
considerations
,
which
often
present
themselues
vnto
me
,
and
make
me
much
doubt
how
this
rigorous
course
of
vrging
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
can
stand
with
conscience
,
or
with
true
policy
,
or
with
clemency
,
or
with
his
Maiesties
honour
or
safety
.
First
how
can
we
with
safe
con●cience
vrge
men
to
swear
what
euen
according
to
the
principles
of
our
Religion
,
is
vncertayne
?
Not
only
they
that
sweare
what
they
knowe
to
be
false
commit
periury
,
but
such
also
as
sweare
wha●
they
know
not
to
be
certaine
:
because
in
swearing
a
thinge
that
may
be
false
,
they
go
in
danger
to
make
God
witnesse
of
falshood
.
A
truth
so
cleere
that
it
was
knowne
to
a
prophane
Poet
,
who
setts
it
downe
in
verse
,
that
might
beseeme
a
Christian
.
—
Ambiguae
si
forte
citabere
testis
Incertae
que
rei
,
Phalaris
licet
imperet
vt
sis
Falsus
,
&
admoto
dictet
periuria
Tauro
,
Summūcrede
nefas
animam
preferre
pudori
.
The
doctrines
sworne
in
the
Oath
cannot
be
more
certaine
then
the
principles
whence
they
are
drawne
:
as
the
walls
cannot
be
more
firme
then
the
foundation
wheron
they
stand
.
Now
if
you
call
to
mind
the
pillars
of
the
Oath
laid
by
Theodidact
,
you
shall
find
they
are
at
least
doubtfull
propositions
which
not
only
Papists
,
but
our
Doctors
are
diuided
about
.
Yea
for
the
most
part
both
sides
agree
that
they
are
false
.
Let
Protestants
then
thinke
how
with
safe
conscience
they
sweare
,
and
v●ge
others
to
sweare
the
things
,
which
being
grounded
vpon
principles
vncertaine
,
cannot
be
certaine
.
Philanax
.
I
haue
heard
that
Widderington
and
some
other
Papists
thinke
the
taking
of
the
Oath
lawfull
,
because
they
iudg
the
opinion
,
That
the
Pope
may
not
depose
Kings
,
probable
,
and
tollerable
amonge
Catholikes
:
these
men
allso
sweare
vpon
a
probability
.
Aristobulus
.
Widderington
&
his
adherents
seeme
to
be
Theodidacts
Cosen-germans
,
&
with
him
secretly
vndermine
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
wherof
they
would
be
thought
great
frends
:
For
either
they
commit
periury
in
swering
,
or
els
elude
the
drift
of
the
Oath
.
Yf
they
sweare
the
thing
it selfe
,
that
the
Pope
wants
that
power
,
they
that
haue
but
a
probable
persu●sion
therof
be
forsworne
;
seeing
they
sweare
what
they
doe
not
know
certainly
to
be
true
.
Yf
they
say
that
they
sweare
not
the
thing
it selfe
,
but
only
that
they
haue
an
acknowledgment
&
beleef
therof
,
&
that
this
is
true
,
seing
they
feele
a
pr●pable
assent
to
the
points
of
the
Oath
;
this
answere
cleereth
them
from
pe●iury
,
but
together
takes
from
the
Oath
force
to
bind
them
.
For
if
a
man
that
only
probably
beleeues
that
the
Pope
cannot
depose
King●
may
take
the
Oath
without
being
forsworne
;
then
the
Oath
in
the
swearer
requires
only
a
probable
persuasion
of
that
point
,
&
if
only
probable
,
then
changeable
vpon
better
aduise
:
for
liberty
to
change
is
necessarily
implied
in
a
probable
assent
,
seeing
no
law
can
exact
that
our
speculatiue
persuasion
,
be
more
certaine
and
immoueable
than
reason
&
argument
is
able
to
make
it
.
He
that
taks
the
Oath
as
a
point
of
faith
if
he
sweare
truly
,
can
neuer
alter
his
iudgment
therin
without
being
forsworn
,
because
vnlawfulnes
to
change
being
inuolued
in
the
assent
of
faith
,
he
that
sweares
beleef
for
the
present
,
sweares
consequently
he
will
neuer
afterward
chang
.
But
he
that
swears
I
acknowledg
&
beleue
the
Pope
cannot
depose
the
Kinge
,
meaning
no
more
then
I
probably
beleeue
,
though
he
sweare
truly
ye●
he
may
within
three
dayes
or
sooner
change
his
mind
without
periury
:
for
neyther
did
he
sweare
expresly
that
he
would
neuer
change
,
nor
did
the
nature
of
the
assent
he
professed
,
implicitely
bind
him
neuer
to
change
.
And
if
this
proposition
,
the
Pope
hath
no
power
to
depose
the
King
,
which
is
the
foundation
of
all
the
other
partes
in
the
Oath
,
be
sworne
as
probable
,
vpon
better
aduise
changeable
,
who
seeth
not
that
the
whole
frame
of
Allegiance
that
is
built
thereon
,
is
left
to
the
arbitrement
of
the
swearer
,
and
that
by
Widdringtons
doctrine
the
drift
of
the
Oath
,
to
make
his
Maiesty
secure
,
is
ouerthrowne
.
I
add
hereunto
that
if
the
Oath
be
satisfied
with
a
probable
persuasion
that
the
Pope
cannot
depose
the
King
;
then
the
Oath
leaues
liberty
to
the
Papist
that
sweares
,
to
follow
with
safe
conscience
the
contrary
in
practise
,
seeing
they
may
,
by
comon
consent
of
their
Deuines
,
follow
what
probable
opinion
they
please
:
yea
they
may
without
synne
follow
that
opinion
which
they
themselues
thinke
lesse
probable
.
Which
is
to
be
vnderstood
when
the
Authors
that
allow
the
speculation
of
a
doctrine
,
doe
not
themselues
condemne
the
practise
therof
,
as
somtimes
they
do
,
because
the
doubtfullnes
of
the
speculation
makes
the
practise
cleerly
against
Charity
or
Religion
,
or
Iustice
,
as
in
the
instances
that
Widdrington
brings
in
his
last
reply
.
But
no
instance
can
he
giue
when
both
speculation
and
the
practise
is
allowed
as
probable
by
graue
authors
,
that
then
Papists
may
not
follow
the
same
with
a
safe
conscience
.
And
such
is
the
doctrine
,
that
the
Pope
may
depose
Kings
,
their
schooles
that
allow
the
speculation
,
condemne
not
the
practise
.
Yf
then
Widrington
taking
the
oath
of
Allegiance
may
without
breach
of
his
Oath
thinke
the
contrary
doctrine
,
that
the
Pope
may
depose
Kings
,
probable
,
he
may
with
the
Oathes
good
leaue
,
by
the
principles
of
his
Religion
,
also
follow
that
doctrine
in
practise
:
so
that
swearers
vpon
probabilities
b●
cunninger
,
but
no
better
subiects
then
other
Catholiks
that
refuse
the
Oath
.
I
conclude
,
that
either
we
tender
the
new
Oath
to
no
purpose
,
or
els
we
vrge
men
further
then
in
conscience
they
can
sweare
.
Yf
we
require
but
a
weak
and
probable
assent
?
what
assurance
doth
his
Maiesty
gaine
when
the
swearer
may
change
his
opinion
at
his
pleasure
,
or
retayning
his
opinion
fo●low
the
contrary
in
practise
?
Yf
we
require
firme
and
immutable
assent
,
how
can
that
assent
be
sure
,
the
principles
&
meanes
thereof
being
doubtfull
?
●ow
can
we
with
good
conscience
force
men
to
sweare
that
doctrine
to
be
certaine
which
we
know
depends
vpon
points
,
disputable
in
our
Church
?
The
second
thing
I
present
vnto
you
to
be
considered
,
concerneth
the
politick
drift
&
intent
of
the
Oath
,
which
is
to
discouer
faithfull
subiects
from
those
that
are
disloyally
minded
:
may
we
not
in
true
policy
feare
the
Oath
works
the
con●rary
effect
?
For
may
not
loyall
subiects
refuse
it
vpon
persuasion
that
some
poynt
of
Religion
is
therein
indirectly
denyed
?
May
not
they
that
beare
trayterous
hartes
take
it
,
notwithstanding
their
intended
treasons
,
not
fearing
to
commit
periury
in
Gods
sight
?
Philanax
.
You
put
me
in
mind
of
another
doctrine
of
Theodidact
,
which
seemeth
to
me
strange
,
that
men
though
most
●rayterous
,
in
taking
an
Oath
will
not
dissemble
.
by
his
imediate
●inger
doth
so
straitly
oblige
with
secret
terrour
,
●he
most
inmost
conscience
,
that
men
obdurate
●o
other
greeuous
synns
,
will
be
tender
and
sen●●ble
of
the
violation
of
an
Oath
.
Hence
he
●eemeth
to
inferre
,
that
euen
the
gunne-●owder
traytors
would
not
haue
takē●●e
Oath
,
but
rather
haue
missed
of
●●eir
designe
,
and
that
all
who
refuse
〈◊〉
,
are
of
the
same
mind
and
stampe
●●at
they
were
.
Aristobulus
.
This
diuinity
of
●heodidact
,
which
seemes
the
ground
of
vrging
the
Oath
,
is
against
the
rules
of
true
policy
and
wisdome
.
First
it
layeth
the
burthen
of
infamons
disloyalty
on
tender
consciences
,
giuing
away
the
praise
of
fidelity
to
m●n
that
may
be
void
of
Religion
and
dissembling
swearers
.
Secondly
it
goeth
about
to
blinde
his
Maiesties
eyes
,
and
lull
his
Counsell
a
sleepe
towards
subtill
and
dangerous
traytors
,
that
goe
on
the
ground
of
that
reacherons
Thebean
,
Children
are
to
be
deceaued
with
apples
,
but
men
with
●athes
.
Thirdly
he
goeth
against
the
consent
of
all
well-ord●ed
Common-wealthes
,
which
in
triall
of
life
and
death
vse
not
to
put
men
to
purge
themselues
by
Oathe
,
fearing
they
wil●
sweare
vntruly
to
saue
their
liues
,
which
feare
were
needles
did
they
beleeue
that
God
in
taking
of
an
Oath
did
so
perpetually
constrayne
the
inmost
conscience
of
obdurate
sinners
t●
be
tender
in
that
poynt
.
De
menda●io
ad
Consent
.
c.
22.
S.
Augustine
i●
deed
saith
,
that
some
vnchast
women
whi●●
haue
not
feared
to
deceaue
their
husbands
by
wantonnes
,
haue
been
afraide
to
vse
God
vnto
them
as
a
witnesse
of
their
chastity
;
but
these
were
women
perchaunce
very
few
:
and
if
in
those
times
so
tender
a
conscience
was
incident
to
all
,
or
most
vnchast
wiues
;
I
dare
say
●hey
were
more
Godly
and
timorcus
●hen
the
adulteresses
of
these
dayes
,
amongst
whom
perchaunce
very
few
may
be
found
that
will
loose
their
liues
,
rather
then
delude
their
husbands
with
an
Oath
.
Howsoeuer
,
carnall
synne
,
the
motiue
whereof
is
fleeting
pleasure
,
doth
not
so
root
out
conscience
,
and
obdurate
the
hart
,
as
treasons
and
conspiracies
against
Kinge
&
Country
,
which
whosoeuer
harbour●th
in
his
hart
,
it
is
a
miracle
if
he
be
tender
in
violating
of
an
Oath
.
And
what
Theodidact
●eigneth
to
make
the
refusers
of
the
Oath
odious
,
that
those
phanaticall
plotters
would
rather
haue
lost
their
liues
,
then
haue
dissembled
in
an
Oath
,
their
best
frends
will
hardly
beleeue
they
were
worthy
of
so
great
prayse
.
Wherfore
men
that
are
more
timorous
of
a
false
Oath
,
then
of
the
losse
of
their
life
,
should
least
of
all
be
suspected
to
haue
consciences
capable
of
so
vast
treason
as
is
the
blowing
vp
Parlaments
with
powder
.
Anacharsis
compared
the
Athenian
lawes
to
the
spiders
web
,
wherein
flyes
are
caught
,
but
greater
beasts
without
difficulty
break
through
them
:
so
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
catcheth
some
scrupulous
women
,
and
t●●orous
Papists
,
but
great
Traitors
,
that
can
without
scruple
plot
and
contriue
bloody
massacres
&
murthers
of
Princes
,
these
will
easily
blow
away
so
trifling
a
synne
(
I
speak
comparatiuely
)
as
is
equiuocation
in
an
Oath
.
Yf
amongest
Papists
there
be
any
(
as
charity
would
haue
vs
iudg
there
be
none
)
that
nourish
such
bloudy
entendments
,
I
make
no
doubt
they
be
of
that
company
that
take
the
Oath
.
Yf
amongst
Puritans
there
be
any
so
traiterously
disposed
,
I
dare
acquit
them
that
for
conscience
&
feare
of
offending
God
refuse
the
Oath
,
&
vndergoe
the
penalties
thereof
,
as
I
vnderstand
some
doe
.
Those
Puritans
may
be
rather
suspected
that
be
deluder●
of
piously
inclined
people
,
that
think●
they
may
lawfully
lye
for
the
glory
of
the
Ghospell
,
O●iander
in
epi●
.
Hist.
Centur.
16.
pag.
79●
.
that
haue
drawne
auersion
to
his
Maiesty
from
the
very
springe
of
his
being
,
from
the
wombe
wherein
most
barbarously
they
went
about
to
bury
him
before
he
was
borne
.
As
for
Papists
they
beare
him
affection
grounded
in
the
stock
,
deriued
from
mother
to
the
sonne
:
these
I
say
refusing
to
sweare
out
of
meere
conscie●●e
may
,
according
to
the
rules
of
prudency
and
policy
,
most
of
all
be
trusted
,
and
deserue
that
the
beames
of
his
royall
Clemency
shine
vpon
them
.
Philanax
.
They
that
refuse
the
Oath
,
I
see
not
why
therfore
they
shold
be
numbred
amongst
loyall
subiects
:
yea
rather
fearing
periury
,
they
seeme
to
dissouer
disl●yall
affection
,
lurking
in
their
harts
.
Aristobulus
.
Such
as
refuse
to
take
the
Oath
in
the
prescribed
forme
of
wordes
,
at
the
same
time
offer
to
swear
that
they
wil
be
loyall
to
his
Maiesty
in
all
occasions
against
domesticall
treasons
or
forraine
inuasions
:
either
they
meant
sincerly
or
not
:
if
not
,
first
where
is
Theodidacts
diuinity
that
God
so
bindeth
the
inmost
cons●ience
that
obdurate
synners
will
not
dissemble
in
oathes
?
Secondly
why
would
you
trust
them
,
if
they
should
sweare
the
oath
you
prescribe
,
if
they
will
dissemble
in
the
Oath
they
offer
to
take
themselues
?
much
more
they
wil
and
may
dissemble
in
the
Oath
you
force
vpon
them
vnder
grieuous
penalties
,
if
they
meane
sincerely
,
then
his
Maiesty
may
be
secure
.
What
greater
Loyalty
can
you
desire
?
they
will
neuer
yeeld
to
any
treason
,
nor
second
or
conceale
any
forrayne
inuasion
whatsoeuer
.
How
can
that
stand
with
the
principles
of
their
doctrine
,
that
the
Pope
may
depose
the
King
?
Why
should
●e
be
solicitous
how
they
may
do
it
with
safe
conscience
?
It
is
inough
that
we
haue
their
sworne
loue
and
affection
to
do
it
.
Leaue
that
care
to
them
,
when
occasions
fal
,
out
particular
circumstances
will
a●foard
probable
reasons
to
do
the
duty
of
subiects
,
without
blemish
to
their
Religion
.
Loue
is
ingenious
to
find
out
reasons
for
excuse
of
the
person
we
loue
:
so
we
be
assured
of
their
loue
to
Prince
and
Country
,
we
need
no
more
.
But
we
be
not
sure
thereof
?
How
be
we
not
sure
when
we
see
,
those
men
that
offer
to
sweare
it
,
ready
to
dy
rather
then
sweare
an
vntruth
?
hauing
the
greatest
assurance
they
meane
sincerely
,
that
morality
can
a●foard
,
is
it
not
pitty
that
har●s
so
du●ifull
to
their
Prince
should
be
pluckt
out
of
their
brests
as
trayterous
,
because
they
be
so
awfull
to
God
,
that
they
wil
be
rather
torne
in
peeces
,
then
sweare
an
vncertanity
?
Wherfore
in
my
opinion
,
sworne
duty
of
Papists
were
to
be
highly
prized
,
yea
most
of
all
the
allegiance
of
them
,
that
be
readier
to
dy
then
to
take
the
new
oath
.
For
their
standing
with
such
daunger
against
an
oath
which
they
thinke
vniust
,
shewes
they
will
not
for
humane
respects
sweare
but
what
really
they
beleeue
to
be
true●
nor
promise
but
what
they
truly
meane
to
performe
.
It
may
be
iustly
supposed
that
these
men
,
as
they
will
rather
dye
,
then
sweare
Allegiance
which
they
think
not
due
,
so
they
wil
loose
their
liues
sooner
then
neglect
the
allegiance
they
haue
once
sworn
.
And
though
they
cannot
frame
their
consciences
to
sweare
the
speculatiue
denyall
of
th●
Pop●s
authority
to
depose
Princes
in
some
circumstances
imagin●●le
,
yet
they
are
ready
to
sweare
that
in
practise
they
will
stand
with
the
King
against
●ll
treasons
,
and
in
al
quarrells
not
openly
and
vnexcusably
vniust
.
Such
as
persuade
his
Maiesty
to
neglect
such
loyall
offer
of
loue
,
I
pray
God
their
trecherous
,
flattery
bring
him
not
into
occasions
that
he
may
need
the
helpe
of
such
trusty
subiects
.
This
we
see
that
already
the
flaterers
haue
brought
him
to
engage
his
Honor
for
the
ouerthrow
of
the
Popes
authority
in
this
poynt
,
which
is
the
fourth
consideration
that
I
made
promise
to
present
vnto
you
.
For
I
cannot
thinke
the
successe
wil
be
such
as
might
become
the
enterprise
of
so
great
a
Monarch
.
Philanax
.
The
power
to
depose
Kings
at
his
pleasure
which
the
Pope
challenge●h
,
so
sauoureth
of
presumption
,
&
is
so
odious
,
that
his
Maiesty
needs
not
feare
the
successe
of
so
plausible
a
quarrell
.
Aristobulus
.
This
authority
hath
●yn
now
many
yeares
together
impugned
,
and
the
abiuration
thereof
vrged
vnder
gri●uous
penalties
.
What
haue
we
gayned
?
or
rather
could
this
doctrine
haue
more
preuailed
then
by
this
opposition
it
hath
done
?
Before
this
stirre
,
I
know
some
learned
Papists
denyed
that
authority
in
the
Pope
;
many
that
held
it
,
thought
it
not
a
poynt
of
Faith
,
but
the
more
probable
opinion
:
and
in
France
that
opinion
might
scarce
be
spoken
of
.
Now
find
me
a
popish
Priest
that
houlds
it
,
or
thinks
that
doctrine
tollerable
in
their
Church
?
When
the
matter
was
vrged
in
France
to
haue
a
like
oath
enacted
,
did
not
both
Clergy
&
Nobility
stand
against
it
?
When
Cardinall
Per●ns
speach
for
the
Popes
authority
to
depose
K●nges
was
printed
,
what
Papist
durst
p●t
his
name
to
an
answere
?
We
know
that
that
doctrin
forsaken
of
the
Papists
of
France
,
was
forced
to
fly
for
succour
to
his
Maiestie●
pen
.
Some
Papists
complayne
that
we
change
the
state
of
the
question
,
of
purpose
to
make
their
doctrine
odious
;
Which
is
,
not
that
the
Pope
may
depose
Princes
at
his
pleasure
,
but
in
case
of
necessity
.
But
this
change
of
the
question
to
me
seemes
not
so
disgraceful
to
the
Pope
,
as
to
our
●hospell
,
that
after
so
great
promises
to
burne
Rome
,
and
ouerthrow
Popery
,
the
heat
of
al
our
controuersies
worketh
vpon
this
poynt
,
Whether
Kings
for
their
Crownes
be
the
Popes
tenants
at
will
.
Would
the
Pope
renounce
his
right
in
this
point
,
for
the
rest
we
would
not
greatly
care
to
giue
ouer
.
When
I
co●sider
the
late
quarrell
begun
by
our
King
Henry
the
8.
against
the
Pope
,
me
thinks
the
successe
thereof
hath
been
much
like
that
of
the
Carthaginians
vnder
Haniball
against
the
auncient
Common
wealth
of
Rome
.
At
the
first
the
Carthaginians
so
farre
preuailed
,
as
they
got
most
part
of
Italy
from
the
Romans
,
and
fought
with
them
about
the
walls
of
Rome
.
Within
a
while
fortune
so
changed
that
the
Carthaginians
were
driuen
backe
into
Africke
;
warre
w●s
there
maintained
,
that
much
adoe
they
had
to
saue
their
own●
Carthage
.
Our
Kings
in
the
beginning
stroue
with
the
Pope
for
supremacy
in
spiri●ua●l
things
,
many
Papists
&
euen
Bishops
stood
with
the
King
,
that
the
Pope
was
in
danger
to
loose
his
Miter
.
The
more
that
matters
were
searched
into
,
the
more
did
the
Popes
cause
daily
preuaile
:
so
that
not
only
Papists
be
now
cleerly
resolued
in
that
point
,
as
in
a
most
notorious
truth
,
but
also
Puritans
mislike
Princes
supremacy
:
and
euen
Protestants
,
as
far
as
they
da●e
,
go
paring
away
peeces
from
it
.
And
now
the
Pope
secure
of
supremacy
in
spirituall
things
,
pretends
right
to
dispose
of
Crownes
,
when
the
necessity
of
Religion
shall
require
it
.
And
who
seeth
not
that
euen
in
this
controuersy
they
dayly
winne
ground
?
Had
not
we
s●t
our
s●lues
to
impugne
this
authority
:
had
not
so
many
books
,
fr●ught
with
weak
arguments
,
which
Papists
conf●te
with
great
shew
of
truth
on
their
side
,
beene
written
against
it
:
had
not
Priests
lost
their
liues
,
&
lay
Papists
their
liuings
for
it
,
I
am
perswaded
it
might
haue
beene
buried
in
obliuio●
,
or
at
least
within
their
schooles
haue
beene
kept
from
common
peoples
●ares
.
Now
persecution
hath
made
the
question
so
famous
,
as
it
will
hardly
be
forgotten
:
the
bloud
shed
for
the
affirmatiue
part
thereof
,
hath
printed
the
same
deepe
in
many
m●ns
conceipts
,
yea
the
death
of
men
so
graue
,
learned
,
and
pious
hath
made
some
Protestants
that
hated
it
before
,
cast
vpon
it
a
more
fauourable
looke
.
—
Per
arma
per
caedes
,
abipso
Sumit
opes
,
animumque
serro
.
And
this
is
a
very
remarkable
proceeding
of
Popery
,
different
from
the
course
of
our
Ghospell
.
The
light
of
our
Ghospell
shined
exceeding
bright
at
the
first
:
there
was
no
diuision
amongest
our
Ghospellers
:
it
stirred
vp
in
mens
harts
wonderfull
zeale●
that
(
as
one
noteth
)
out
of
pure
light
they
did
not
consider
what
they
did
,
Dangerous
positions
p.
33.
and
i●
their
zeale
their
goods
,
lands
,
children
,
wiues
,
and
liues
were
not
greatly
deere
vnto
them
.
With
time
this
light
waxed
dymmer
and
dymmer
,
the
doctrine
lesse
certaine
,
they
grew
into
factions
and
sects
,
and
therupon
their
zeale
b●came
could
,
that
now
the
greatest
feare
is
(
as
oftentimes
from
one
extreme
men
are
prone
to
fall
into
the
cleane
opposite
)
least
the
supposed
cleere
shining
of
truth
,
make
men
vncerten
and
not
greatly
zealous
of
any
Religion
at
all
.
The
Papists
contrarywise
,
when
controuersies
are
first
raised
,
are
very
wary
and
circumspect
,
their
censures
be
not
absolute
,
there
are
commonly
diuers
opinions
amongest
them
,
the
more
that
Scriptures
,
Fathers
,
Councells
,
testimonies
of
antiquity
,
and
reasons
are
examined
,
the
more
they
grow
into
consent
,
the
more
resolute
and
immoueable
they
become
in
their
doctrine
,
m●re
z●alous
one
day
then
another
to
giue
their
liues
for
it
.
This
course
they
hold
in
the
doctrine
of
the
Popes
power
,
which
in
the
beginning
was
taught
neither
so
certainly
,
nor
vniuersally
,
nor
zealously
as
now
it
is
,
and
wil
be
euery
day
more
and
more
,
except
these
controuersies
be
remoued
from
vulgar
examination
,
which
cannot
be
so
long
as
the
oath
is
vrged
:
seeing
such
as
are
to
sweare
,
must
(
least
they
be
forsworne
)
search
into
the
certainty
of
this
Truth
,
and
read
bookes
that
treat
of
that
argument
.
And
when
no
other
inconuenience
should
ensue
of
this
course
;
this
alone
might
moue
the
prudent
frends
of
Kings
to
labour
the
silencing
of
this
controuersy
,
that
the
wordes
of
deposing
and
murthering
Gods
annointed
,
which
should
be
buried
in
the
depth
of
amazement
&
horror
,
come
by
vulgar
disputation
to
sound
familiarly
in
euery
eare
.
And
without
doubt
by
this
their
familiar
acquaintance
with
the
word
,
part
of
the
horror
against
the
action
is
lost
.
Which
may
be
the
cause
,
Sen.
ep.
77.
that
where
speach
against
the
Pops
authority
for
deposing
of
Kings
hath
been
rifest
,
&
most
vulgar
,
those
Countries
for
practise
against
the
life
of
their
Kinges
haue
been
most
vnfortunate
:
Whereas
Spayne
hath
seene
no
such
tragicall
practise
,
nor
any
attempt
thereo●
,
but
hath
enioyed
a
longe
happy
peace
,
where
the
questions
how
to
proceede
with
Tyrants
are
freely
permitted
to
the
schooles
,
without
any
popular
declamations
agaynst
Scholastical●
opinions
in
this
poynt
.
Philanax
.
I
must
confesse
that
I
haue
been
my selfe
much
deceaued
in
my
expectation
about
the
suc●esse
of
Papists
in
this
controuersy
.
When
I
considered
the
circumstances
of
the
contention
,
the
doctrine
impugned
not
gratefull
to
Princes
,
not
so
cleerly
decided
in
their
Church
,
by
some
of
their
writers
denied
,
the
person
impugning
by
sword
and
penne
a
Monarch
mighty
,
learned
,
&
beloued
euen
of
Popish
Potentates
,
and
this
at
a
tyme
of
great
aduantage
vpon
the
gunpowder
treason
,
which
was
vrged
as
a
sequell
of
this
doctrine
,
that
euen
the
greatest
fauorers
therof
seemed
fearfull
.
These
circumstances
made
me
think
that
P●pery
would
receaue
a
great
blow
,
and
that
his
Maiesty
would
draw
the
whole
Church
to
be
of
his
opinion
.
What
the
successe
hath
been
we
see
,
&
you
haue
shewed
.
I
could
wish
the
Controuersy
might
not
haue
further
progresse
,
&
be
now
buried
in
silence
,
that
posterity
may
not
say
,
that
Rome
grew
by
his
Maiesties
opposition
against
it
,
that
this
point
of
her
authority
was
made
renowned
by
victory
ouer
him
,
&
what
the
Papists
before
did
doubtfully
defend
,
the
bloud
of
their
Martyrs
suffering
vnder
King
Iames
made
certaine
,
knowne
,
illustrious
.
And
peace
concluded
about
the
silencing
of
this
controuersy
might
be
the
beginning
of
an
vniuersall
agreement
with
that
Sea
,
seeing
other
doctrinall
controuersies
by
discussion
be
brought
to
that
yssue
,
that
(
as
I
haue
heard
some
learned
&
intelligent
persons
auerre
)
a
calme
consultation
void
of
priuate
interest
,
and
animosity
might
soone
end
them
.
Aristobulus
.
This
peace
were
much
to
be
wished
nor
is
it
safe
to
mantaine
strife
with
that
Sea
,
but
vpon
vnauoidable
occasions
.
And
this
is
the
fifth
and
last
thinge
which
I
wish
you
would
seriously
ponder
,
and
not
wonder
that
this
counsell
should
be
suggested
by
mee
that
am
no
Pa●●st
.
The
knowne
bad
successe
that
Kings
and
Princes
haue
still
had
in
their
opposicions
against
the
Romane
Church
may
mooue
sufficiently
all
faithfull
Counsailors
,
though
not
of
the
Popes
Religion
,
neuer
(
if
they
may
choose
)
to
engage
their
So●craignes
in
such
quarrelles
.
Iudith
.
c.
2●
Arioch
the
Ammonite
Prince
could
tell
Holosernes
out
of
experience
,
that
his
power
and
force
would
not
be
able
to
subdue
the
Iewes
,
that
in
the
end
he
would
be
repelled
with
disgrace
,
yet
he
was
not
a
Iew
in
Religion
.
The
like
aduise
Amon●
Counsailors
that
were
heathens
gaue●
him
,
Esther
.
c.
●
.
to
desist
in
his
quarrell
against
Mardochaus
the
Iew
:
Thou
canst
not
(
say
they
)
resist
him
,
he
being
of
the
stock
of
the
Iewes
,
but
shalt
fall
be●ore
him
.
It
was
noted
that
when
Octau●a●
and
Antony
were
youthes
,
still
in
their
games
Octauian
had
the
best
:
wherupon
a
prudent
frend
gaue
Antony
warning
in
ciuill
controuersies
neuer
to
encounter
him
.
Plutarchus
de
fortu●●
Romano●um
Thou
art
(
said
he
)
more
noble
then
he
,
more
eloquen●
and
better
qualified
,
yet
I
see
cleerly
his
Genins
is
stronger
than
thine
:
if
thou
try
the
for●une
of
warre
with
him
,
he
will
doubtles
be
Conquerour
.
What
the
cause
may
be
why
it
shold
be
so
,
who
knows
?
but
experience
,
now
a
thousand
and
six
hundred
years
old●
shewes
that
this
is
the●
fate
and
felicity
of
that
Sea
,
to
conquer
with
their
patience
and
bring
vnd●●
subiection
,
&
into
nothing
,
all
the
opponents
against
their
doctrine
,
or
their
authority
.
The
Roman
Emperors
for
300●
yeares
together
bloudily
oppugned
Christian
R●lig●on
,
but
principally
the
Roman
Sea
,
in
so
much
as
thirty
Bishops
therof
were
martyred
,
S.
Cy●rian
saith
)
were
more
greeued
that
a
new
high
Priest
was
placed
in
that
Sea
,
then
that
a
new
Prince
was
chosen
&
set
vp
against
them
.
What
was
the
successe
?
For
those
three
Centuries
of
yeares
,
scarce
any
Emperour
that
persecuted
them
,
can
be
named
,
that
deriued
the
Empire
to
a
third
heire
,
or
dyed
not
an
vnfortunate
death
:
and
in
the
end
Constantine
,
their
Successor
,
submitted
the
Empire
to
the
obedience
of
the
Roman
Bishop
,
wherin
the
Empe●ors
that
followed
him
contynued
.
Afterward
so●e
Christian
Emperors
began
to
quarrell
with
the
Church
about
the
priuiledge●
and
immunities
of
the
Clergy
,
specially
Valentinian
the
third
,
and
the
succeeding
Emperors
of
the
West
.
Did
they
preuaile
?
In
their
daies
the
westerne
Empire
began
to
decay
;
The
Franks
tooke
to
them
France
;
the
Saxons
,
Britanny
;
and
Wandalls
Asrick
;
the
Visigothes
,
Spaine
;
the
Gothes
,
Italy
●
which
●oone
after
were
made
Chri●●●ans
and
submitted
their
Kingdomes
to
the
Pope
,
and
their
Kings
professed
to
receaue
their
Crownes
&
authority
from
him
.
Who
knoweth
not
how
pittifully
the
Easterne
Emperors
,
and
the
Patriarches
of
Constantinople
vexed
th●
Pope
for
many
ages
,
which
their
quarrell
they
neuer
would
giue
ouer
till
finally
they
fell
into
the
miserable
bondage
&
sl●uery
of
the
Tu●ke
,
wherin
at
this
present
,
without
hope
of
remedy
,
they
grone
.
What
successe
(
to
omit
many
other
experiences
)
had
the
German
Caesars
,
that
stroue
with
the
Pope
for
the
inuestiture
of
Bishops
by
staffe
&
ringe
?
Henry
the
4.
excommunicated
and
deposed
by
Gregory
the
7.
vpon
that
cause
,
prospered
for
a
while
,
which
this
treatiser
sets
downe
to
encourage
Princes
to
follow
his
example
,
but
he
concealeth
how
in
the
end
(
in
punishment
of
his
rebellion
against
his
spirituall
Father
,
Sigon
.
de
Regno
●●a●
.
l.
9.
in
Hen●
.
4.
as
Papists
thinke
)
he
was
deposed
by
his
owne
Sonne
,
put
in
prison
,
whence
escaping
he
gathered
forces
,
was
defeated
,
&
brought
to
such
want
,
as
he
sued
to
be
Sexton
in
a
Churc●●
and
serue
Priests
Masse
,
who
had
most
cruelly
vexed
the
high
Priest
of
Christians
many
yeares
together
.
Not
admitted
to
that
office
,
he
turned
himself
to
begge
of
laymen
,
in
lamentable
manner
,
crying
,
Haue
mercy
on
me
,
at
least
you
my
friendes
,
for
the
hand
of
the
Lord
hath
touched
mee
:
and
so
full
of
misery
,
repentance
,
and
anguish
of
mind
,
he
pined
away
to
death
.
The
newes
whereof
was
receaued
with
generall
ioy
of
all
Christians
.
And
his
Sonne
,
though
for
a
while
he
trode
the
steps
of
his
Fathers
disobedience
:
yet
finally
he
yielded
vp
his
right
,
in
possession
whereof
the
Roman
Bishop
is
at
thi●
day
.
Wherein
not
only
the
successe
which
Popes
had
against
so
potent
Aduersaries
,
as
was
Henry
the
4.
who
fought
more
battaile●
then
euer
did
Iulius
Caesar
,
but
their
courage
and
confidence
also
was
admirable
.
Neither
ought
any
discreete
Protestant
trust
Theodidacts
relation
of
Hidelbrāds
fainting
in
the
quarrell
,
taken
out
of
Sigebert
a
partiall
Monke
;
seeing
Papists
bring
50.
Historians
that
contradict
him
.
These
whose
fidelity
can
with
no
rea
〈…〉
called
in
question
,
relate
that
he
ended
his
life
full
of
constancy
,
vsing
at
his
death
these
words
:
Because
,
I
haue
loued
Iustice
,
and
hated
wickednesse
,
I
now
dy
in
banishment
.
Vrbane
that
succeded
Gregory
both
in
office
and
in
zeale
against
the
Emperour
,
being
driuen
out
of
Italy
into
France
,
hauing
so
great
need
of
the
Kings
assistance
;
yet
was
he
so
voide
of
humane
respects
,
that
at
that
very
time
he
excommunicated
Philip
King
of
France
,
for
putting
away
his
true
wife
,
and
liuing
in
open
incest
.
Papyrius
Maslonius
Annal.
Franc.
l.
3.
in
Philipp
.
The
Kinge
(
saith
an
vnpartiall
Historian
)
threatned
,
that
except
Vrbane
would
restore
him
to
the
Church
&
Crowne
,
he
wold
depart
with
his
whole
Kingdome
from
his
obedience
,
&
the
obedience
of
the
Roman
Sea
:
yet
this
moued
not
that
most
holy
Bishop
to
relent
.
In
fine
Philip
was
faine
to
yeeld
;
not
being
able
to
extort
otherwise
releasment
from
excommunication
,
and
so
religion
&
conscience
preuailed
ouer
th●
Scepter
and
the
Diademe
,
&
the
inuincible
Maiesty
and
Name
of
King
.
So
admirable
for
constancy
were
those
Popes
that
vsed
their
authority
to
depose
wicked
Emperors
,
&
so
free
from
loue
of
the
world
,
that
we
may
ius●ly
thinke
God
fauoured
their
cause
.
H●●soeuer
their
perpetuall
good
successe
for
so
many
ages
against
all
aduersaries
,
though
the
reason
therof
be
hidden
,
may
giue
iust
cause
(
in
my
opinion
)
for
Kings
to
be
wary
,
how
they
aduenture
their
Crownes
vpon
preuailing
against
them
;
and
how
they
deuise
new
oathes
of
Allegiance
that
wage
warre
against
the
authority
of
their
Sea
.
And
this
is
the
last
thing
which
I
desire
to
leaue
to
be
seriously
pondered
by
you
that
loue
the
King
:
&
so
I
conclude
,
praying
the
Lord
hartily
,
that
as
hitherto
he
hath
defended
Kingly
authority
in
our
great
Britany
from
open
enemies
:
so
now
he
will
defend
the
same
from
secret
plots
and
trayterous
Treatises
,
which
by
shew
of
friendship
seek
the
ouerthrow
thereof
.
Philanax
.
I
am
glad
(
Aristobulus
)
that
wee
fell
into
this
discourse
,
in
which
you
haue
cleerly
discryed
Theodidacts
fraudulent
vndermining
of
Royall
Authority
.
The
publishers
of
that
booke
,
besides
their
secret
plotting
agaynst
〈◊〉
●oueraignty
of
Princes
,
seeme
like●●●●
to
haue
had
an
eye
to
their
owne
●uere
in
the
di●ulging
therof
.
For
there
being
a
commaund
,
that
this
Booke
both
in
publicke
and
priuate
schooles
be
read
to
Children
of
both
sexes
,
&
ech
booke
sold
for
six
pence
which
is
hardly
worth
two
pence
;
you
must
needs
see
a
great
summe
of
money
that
hence
is
yearely
made
:
a
summe
,
I
say
,
so
great
,
as
doth
farre
surpasse
the
custome
of
the
Peter-pence
,
which
in
old
time
euery
house
payed
to
the
Pope
.
Notwithstanding
at
this
their
enriching
themselues
by
this
deuise
,
I
do
not
so
much
grieue
:
but
I
am
hartily
sory
that
so
many
odious
&
vngrounded
positions
concernin●
Royall
Authority
that
may
raise
vp
horror
rather
than
loue
of
Kinges
,
be
instilled
into
the
tender
mindes
of
Children
,
which
afterward
,
when
any
occasion
is
giuen
,
may
soone
turne
into
hatred
.
But
thereof
yo●
haue
spoken
inough
.
Wherfore
I
likewise
will
end
with
your
harty
good
wishes
towardes
his
Maiesty
,
and
our
most
gracious
Prince
Charles
,
beseching
the
Almighty
to
defend
them
both
,
and
to
giue
them
the
spirit
of
wised
〈◊〉
wherby
they
may
discouer
these
●●●●sons
hidden
with
a
shew
of
friendshipp
.