An exhortacion to the Scottes to conforme them selfes to the honorable, expedie[n]t, and godly vnion, betwene the twoo realmes of Englande and Scotlande.

AN EXHORTACION

The cause wher of I treate beeyng so weightie , the discourse so large , & my witte and cunnyng so small to set it furthe , I might well be discoraged to entre so greate a ground : but that loue to my countrey on the one side , and desire of concorde and quietnes on the other side , moue me to speake , hopyng that the honesty of the matter shall supplie the rude handelyng , and the plain veritie , to stand in stede of eloquence and cunnyng . For like as in an euill cause , muche arte and conueyaunce must be vsed , afore it can appere good : euen so in a cause true , honest , and righteous , there needeth no subtile perswasions or finesse of woordes : but how muche the plainer so muche the better , and how muche the more eloquent , somuch the more suspicious . For truthe is sufficient of her selfe , and needeth no colours , no more then natural beawty , nedeth of paintyng . Taking this for my foundacion , I maie the more boldely procede without feare of offence , seeyng my cause is suche , as all good men will further , all wise men fauor , and all Godly men defende , as that whiche beeyng enbraced , shall doo good to many , and hurt to none , and beyng neglected , shall hurte a multitude , and auayle no man , tendyng no lesse to the commoditie of the aduersaries , then of the fauorers . Thus the ground beyng so true , the occasion so honest , and the querell so righteous , there wanteth nothyng but one that could set the same furth accordyngly . And seeyng suche as canne best , liste not , and that ought moste , will not , and that wold faynest , dare not take this vniuersall cause in hande , I beyng simple vnlearned , and most barayn of all orators arte and perswasion , yet armed with truth moued with honestie , and prouoked by loue , towardes God and my countrey , ( as Dauid against Golias ) entre the felde against the mightie Giauntes , enemies of concorde and vnitie , desiryng all my countreymen of Scottande ( whose cause I now specially entreat ) to geue me pacient hearyng , whilest I suade theim to that , whiche shal be acceptable to God , commendable to the world , ioyfull to their frendes , hatefull to their enemies , profitable to all parties , and to none so muche as to themselfes .

TO ground my cause vpon truth ( as I promised ) I will sette my foundacion , vpon the infallible truthe of Gods woorde , takyng this texte for my purpose . Omne regnum in se diuisum desolabitur : that is to saie : euery kyngdom diuided in it self , shal be brought to desolacion . If this sentence bee well marked , and the persone of the speaker considered , I shall not nede to bee long in perswadyng you to beleue it . The wordes be true : for he that spake them , cannot lye , whiche is Christ himself the aucthor of al truth and veritie . But though Christ had not spoken them , let vs se whether comon reason dooth not affirme theim , and the experience of all realmes and countreis , in al tymes and ages , hath not approued theim . And to fet our examples not out of straunge countreys , loke well vpon the Chronicles of this island of Britain , and consider the estate thereof , from the beginnyng , and compare theim , with the histories of other nacions , and you shal not lightly heare or read of any one countrey sithe the worldes creacion , more inuaded , wasted , and destroyed , then this I stande , ne of people more often , ne more curelly spoyled , exiled , or afflicted , then the inhabiters thereof , and all by diuision and discord : the sedes wherof , beyng laied in by the deuil as pouder vnder a walle , after it once toke fire , did so terribly shake the foundacions of their common weale , that it riued a sunder their Kyngdome and monarchie , and diuidyng it into partes , broughte the whole at last to ruyne and desolacion , which hath not been fully recouered to this daie , nor in my iud gement like to be , so long as the islande is diuided into two partes , and knowen by two names , that is to saie , England & Scotlande , and vnder twoo seuerall gouernours . The cause whereof though it maie chiefly bee ascribed to the iuste vengeaunce of God , prouoked with the synnes of the people , as Gildas witnesseth : yet is it clere that the onely meane thereof , was discord and diuision , emong the Insulanes , wherby it came to passe , whylest euery one striued , all were ouer comen , and made an easy prey to straunge nacions . For althoughe outward enemies , vpon tiranny and conquest , as the Romayns , or els expulsed from their countreys , and driuen to seke newe dwellynges as the Pictes , or allured with the fertilitie of the soyle as the Scottes inhabityng , the north partes of Irelande , inuaded this islande : Yet could those people neuer haue kepte quiete possession , ne reigne so long as thei did , but through diuision and discord emong the Britaynes , whiche beeyng stiffe necked against God , and ingrate eche to other ( as the said aucthor writeth ) by their demerites , wer not onely ouercome with outwarde inuasions , but finally lost their name and , Empire , whereby the inhabitauntes beyng mixt with straungers , haue euer sithe been vexed with intestine warres and ciuill discorde to the irremediable ruine and desolacion therof , vntil it shal please Gods goodnesse to haue mercie on the people , and to reduce the islande to the firste estate , to one Monarchy , vnder one kyng and gouernor , as it was in the Britons tyme . But if God of his goodnesse , without our desertes hath in these latter daies , prouided that blessed meane and remedy for the glorie of his name , and for our wealth and commoditie : and wee for our parte , either of stubburnesse will not , or of wilfulnesse liste not , thankefully to receiue his synguler grace and benefite so freely offered , what then maie bee thoughte in vs ? Ought not then all good men thynke ( as thei dooe in deede ) that all the mischiefe , effusion of bloud , hunger and other miseries ensuyng of warre , fall vpon vs morthely and by deserte . Yes verely : And surely in this parte , I must desire you my countreymen , bothe of pardon and pactence , when I shall disclose the cause of this mischief , and the long continuaunce thereof , to come rather of vs , than of the contrary parte , whiche iudgemente ( God is my witnesse ) procedeth neither of adulacion to English men , nor of malice to any estate , but as my conscience moueth me , and as the truthe to al wisemen maie appere .

BVT afore I will stirre that vnsauery sinke of treson and trecherie , as one that intendeth to make a greate lepe , I muste bee forced to ronne backe to fetche my course , wherefore , omittyng the mattiers of the tyme present , I muste repete the estate of this island from the beginnyng , and what were the causes of this diuision at the firste , and by what waies it hathe continued from tyme to tyme , and how it is yet norished , to the ende that vpon the causes opened , and the persones detected , that bee workers therof , the remedies maie be the soner founde , and simple people beware of those , that with fayned fables and lies , haue ledde them long blindfold , & so would kepe them , to the perdicion both of their soules and bodies , and then shal we se , whether this saiyng of Christ afore recited , maie not be wel verefied in vs of Britayne . In the discourse whereof , because the right & title whereby the kynges of Englande claime to be superior Lordes of Scotland , is incidently touched : I wil vse for the more parte the testimonies either of Scottish chronicles , or forein writers , and litle of the Englishe , onlesse where bothe Scottishe and Englishe do agre , or where by apparaunt reason , the truthe standeth more on th one side , then on the other : and all to aduoyde the common cauillacion of suche , as say , how the Kynges of Englande , proue their title to Scotlande , onely by Englishe aucthors .

THE opinion of moste writers , and specially of Latins ( at whom , aswell for auncientie , as indifferencie , I take my ground ) is , that this islande of Britayn , whiche conteineth bothe realmes of Englande and Scotland ( as I saied afore ) was at the firste , called Albion , that is to saie the white lande , hauyng that name Ab albis rupibus , that is to saie , of the White Rockes and Cleues , whiche appere vpon the sea costes of the saied islande , euen as we at this daie call the countrey from whence the Brasill wood commeth , Brasilia : whiche opinion is more probable then the deuise of a late Welshe Poete , ymaginyng how it was called Albion , of one Albina , eldest of the fiftie daughters , of one Dioclesian kyng of Syria , whiche hauyng killed fiftie kynges , beyng their husbandes , wer for the same exiled . And after long wanderyng in the seas , arriued at laste in this Islande , where thei ingendered with spirites , & brought furth .l. Giauntes , whiche wer Gog Magog and his felowes , with suche poeticall fables , not onely without good foundacion , but also mere contrary to all auncient stories , and welnere against al possibilitie of nature . But as the be ginnyng of all nacions for the more part be fabulous and vncertain , some fetchyng their pedegre from the Goddes , and some from the deuils , as the Grekes from Iupiter , the olde Gaules from Pluto God of helle : so the better opinion , aswel of the latre writers , as also of Gildas a Britayn is , that this island was inhabited from the beginnyng , by those that were borne in the same , & afterward as the world multiplied , grewe vnto a greate people , and from a people vnto a Kyngdome , and gouerned by Kynges , as by stories is to bee seen , of whom the firste that wee finde , was one Brutus , whiche , whether he came out of Italy or not , is not muche materiall , but certain it is , that suche a one reigned , and was firste Kyng of the whole islande : whiche beginnyng of the people , dooth make muche more with the honor and glory of this islande , then to beduce a pedegree , either from an outlaw of Italy , or a tirauntes sister out of Egipt , as Welshe & Scottishe Poetes , haue phantastically fayned . For if wee accompt nobilitie by auncientie of yeres , & length of tyme ( as some vse nowe a daies ) what can bee more auncient , more noble , more high , or honorable , then to haue a beginnyng beyond all memory , and in processe of yeres , from small families , to growe into a greate Monarchie & kyngdom . In whiche poynt , the old latins of whom the Romaynes discended , sette a greate parte of their glory , callyng themselfes Aborigines , that is to saie : a people from the beginnyng .

BRVTVS the first Kyng of this whole Islande , by whom it was called Britayne , & the people thereof Britaynes , reigned the yere after the creacion of the worlde , foure thousande , C C. and , xlii . and as writers affirme had three sonnes , Locrinus , Albanactus , and Camber , emong whom he diuided the whole island , assignyng the supreme empire with the greatest and moste fruitful part toward the Southe , vnto Locrinus his eldest sonne , of whom it was called Logres , and now England . To the second sonne , named Albanactus , he assigned another part towardes the Northe , whiche at this day the Scottes possesse : by which Albanactus , the countrey was called Albania , and the people , Albanactes , as shal be shewed hereafter . The .iii. part , liyng West , & towardes the seas of Gaule , whiche nowe is called wales , he gaue to Camber his yongest sonne , by whom it was called Cambria , & the people , Cambrians , as thei cal themselfes to this day .

AND though the island was thus parted , betwene the three brethren , yet the supreme power and kyngdome , remained alwayes in the eldest : to whom the other twoo were obedient , as to a superior kyng . The prose wherof , if any bee so curious to require , I aunswere , that the same histories , whiche speake of this particion , declare in likewise of the subieccion : So that admittyng them in the one , thei muste likewise bee admitted in the other . For the more corroboracion wherof , the histories , bothe of Britons and Romaines agre , that the Islande was vnder kynges at the beginnyng : whiche as thei were called Kynges of Britayne , so was the general name of the people , Brytons , neither was there any other state or Kyngdome in the Islande at those daies , but onely of Britons . In so muche , that the Romaines , beyng most diligent reporters of the names of Princes by them subdued , and countreys conquered , whereas thei make particular mencion of diuerse kynges of the Britaines and of sundery cities in Britain , yet do thei neuer name any people called Scottes , ne make mencion of any suche Princes , as is pretended to haue ruled ouer them whiche , if thei had been so glorious , bothe in warre and peace , as thei be set furthe : how should their actes haue been hidden to the Romaines , which contended with all men for glory , for thirst whereof , thei sometymes sought enemies at the worldes ende . And though it maie be said , that Caesar and diuerse other neuer came so farre as Scotlande , by a great distaunce : yet , how could it be , the Iulius Agricola , whiche , after the Southe partes of Britain was made a prouince to the Romayns inuaded vnto the Orcades , which is the farthest part of Scotland : & after .viii. yeres warres there at the foote of the mounte Grampius , now called Grāzebē , fought against Galgacus with ten . M. Britaines , whom he there ouerthrewe : how ( I saie ) could he bee ignoraunt of the Scottes or of their warres : So that it muste be graunted , that at those daies , either thei wer not in Britayne , or if thei wer in Britayne , their name and power was nothyng suche , as we pretend . For who so diligently considereth the course of the said stories , shall well se , the neither Pictes ne Scottes had any dominion in Britayn , vntil about the declinacion of the Romain Empire : and that the Pictes entered into Britayn before the Scottes , in the tune of kyng Marius , whiche was aboute the yere of Christe .lxxij. After whiche tyme , with the helpe of the Irishe Scottes , thei vexed the Britaines with continuall incursions . These Pictes wer a people of Scithia , now called Tartarie , & driuen out of their countrey , sought herberough emonges Irish Scottes , who beyng nothing glad of such gestes , procured theim to set foote in Brytayne as thei did in deede , and ther continued many yers after . This people wer called Pictes , because in stede of garmentes , thei vsed to paint their skynnes with sundery figures of beastes and birdes , hauing collers of yron about their neckes , and girdelles of the same , aboute their wastes , and specially the nobilitie of theim , whiche estemed the same for a greate poynt of brauerie . This doth Herodian write in the life of Seuerus thempecor , whiche came into Britayne , and repaired the walle , begonne afore by Adrian his predecessor , by whiche walle , the Prouince of the Romaynes was diuided , from the residue of Britain , and was made firste to resist the incursions of suche Britaynes as thei accompted , sauage and barbarous . The ruynes of this wal , are to be seen at this preset : wherefore it semeth to me , that afore the time of the saied Adrian , the name , neither of Pictes ne Scottes , was neuer knowen in Britayne , so that if thei had any possession there afore , thei came to it , rather by stelth then by any open force , or conquest . I speake not this to minishe the honoure and glory of my countrey , nor to deface the nobilitie , or the valeaunt actes of the Scottishe kynges , but to shewe that the first inhabitors of this island , wer al Britaines , more then .vi. C. yeres afore Scottes had any Kyngdom there , and that thei had no suche originall , as some haue phantasied , but that thei are a people mixt with Britaynes & come of Britaynes . In prose whereof , it is saied , that the Armes of Scotlande , borne at this date ( the trace of the floure deluce except , whiche was late put in ) is the self same armes , that Brute bare : yet wil I not affirme that Scottes be mere Britaynes , or Englishe men mere Britaynes , but that the more parte of bothe people bee discended of Britaynes . For though the Islande hath been often inuaded by sundry nacions as Romaynes , Pictes , Scottes Saxons , Danes , and lastely by Normaynes : yet doth it not folowe , that the whole bloud of Britaynes was so extincte thereby , but that there must great numbre remain in euery parte of the island , wherby it maie be sated that the race of them is mixte , but not merely fordoen and extirped : for no countrey can bee so inuaded by straungers , that the whole race of the olde inhabiters , can bee worne all out , but that the substaunce or more parte , shall still remain . As for example , Italie hath been inuaded by Gothes , Vandales , Honnes , and other barbarous nacions , can it therfore be saied that the whole Romain blod is vtterly extinct ? no verely : for of necessitie , the stocke dooth still abide , thoughe not wholy , yet in the more part . And likewise of Englande and Scotlande , I doubte not to saie , and am able to proue , that the great parte of bothe realmes , is come of the old Britayns . And thoughe me haue been mixed with foreyn nacions , whereby the Britayne tonge is chaunged & out of vse , pet doth the bloud and generacīo remain : and as for the Irish toungue , whiche thei speake in the North partes of Scotland , dooth no more proue them to be mere Irishe , then the Englishe toungue vsed in all the South partes of Scotlande , proueth the people there to be Englishe .

BVT to resorte to our purpose , how can it stand with reason , that the Pictes and Scottes , two strong nacions should make great warres , should so often infest and vexe bothe Brytains & Romaines , ye and ouercome them and at length stablish two kingdomes in the Island , and no remembraunce thereof founde in any story , either of the Britains or Romaines , nor in any other autentique or approued Cronicle . For Caesar Tacitus , Ptholomeus and Plinius , Romayne aucthors ( thoughe we speake of no mo ) & on the other syde , Gildas , mooste auncient writer of the Brytaines , though euery wher in their histories , they make special mencion of all the people , then dwelling in Britayne , yet speake thei nothing of those twoo nacions , whiche if thei were chefe & strongest ( as oure writers pretende ) how coulde their names be pretermitted of so many aucthors , wherby one of these two thinges muste be graunted , that either they were not then come into Britayne , or els ( if thei were come ) they remayned subiectes to the Britaynes , according to the English history . Agaynst which though it may be obiected , that Britayne was not alwayes from the beginning , vnder one Kyng or one Ruler , but was gouerned somwhiles by one , and somwhiles by mo , ( as the Romayne stories declare ) whereby there should be no suche Monarchie and kyngdome , nor any such order prescribed by Brute , as the English stories specifie : yet doth that make nothing to proue , the Scottes not to be come of Britaynes , ne enforceth any title for them , to be no subiectes to England : for it may stand together , that the estate of Britayne was suche at the beginninge , as the Englishe cronicles mencion : & as in time all thinges chaunge , so by occasions ensuyng , the first ordre might be broken , and from one intier Kyngdome , to be diuided into partes , as it should seme , that it was about the coming of Caesar , who writeth , that at his arryuall in Britayne , the cities by common assente , elected Cassibilanus , to their King , wherby it maye be gathered , that the Monarchie therof , was then broken by some faccion within the Islande , which caused it to be a more easy prey to enemies . And this verefieth my woordes spoken afore : that diuision and discorde of the people brought this Islande first , into subiection of other nacions . This is confirmed by the Romayn stories , but namely by Cornelius Tacitus , saiynge that Britaynes at the first were vnder Kynges , and afterwardes by faccions and sedicions of Prynces and great men , were so diuided in themselfs , that to resist an vniuersal peril , scarsely twoo or three countreys at the most , would agre together : so fighting in partes , at last the whole was ouercome . And by this meane was Britayne fyrste subdued , & made tributarie to the Romayns , vnder whome it continued in fourme of a prouince , vntill the tyme of great Constantine the Emperour , by whome it was restored to libertie : yet was it not so broughte in subieccion al this tyme , but that there were for the most part , kinges in Britayne , as our stories testifie , and likewise the Romayne : wherein we reade of Aruiragus , whome Iuuenal writing to Nero , signifieth to be a Kyng by these woordes : Detaemone Britanno , excidet Aruiragus , that is to saye : Aruiragus shall fall frome the stem of Britayne . And after hym , of Lucius , the first christen King , whom Elu therius bishop of Rome , in one of his epistles , calleth kyng of Britaynes , and so of Coelus with diuers other . Wherefore admitting the state of Britayn to haue been suche at the beginning , as the English story affirmeth , ( which we must admitt , because the contrarye appeareth not ) though there happened som interrupcion of the Monarchie by the Romayns , or otherwyse : yet when the people atteyned their libertie , and were gouerned by Kynges of their awne : we muste presume , that thei obeied them & their lawes , & the people to hold their landes in like course , as was ordeyned at the first : wherof it muste folowe , that if Scottes were in Britayn at those daies , they knowledged the kynges of Britayn for their superiors , according to the stories . In which point I will not muche stycke , consideringe the name of Scottes was not then knowen , as I said afore . And though our writers dreame diuerse thynges to the contrary , we cannot admitte their bare allegacions in disprofe of so many stories , of so graue writers , in whom , as there is lesse suspicion of parcialitie , so was there more certaintie of knoweledge , then in the other , whiche were vnborne after theim , by a great numbre of yeres . But admit no suche ordre to haue been prescribed in gouernement of the kyngdome , as the Englishe storie alledgeth : and though there had been , yet the interrupcion to be sufficient cause , to breake the same : and admit the Scottes to haue been then in Britayne as thei were not : Let vs se whether we cannot vnite these people by another waie . It is certain that after the Romayns had reduced the South and West partes of Britayn into a prouince , as men desirous to enlarge their empire neuer content with part , till thei had the whole , thei inuaded the Northe partes of Britayne , and ceased not , till thei came to the Orcades , and so in fine , brought the whole islande in subieccion : their stories herein bee playne .

AND no lesse plain is it , that Constancius th emperor , who died at Yorke , maried Helene , called saincte Helene , doughter & heire to Coyll kyng of the Britayns , of whom he begatte the greate Constantyne , afterwardes Emperor , not onely of Britayn , but also of the whole worlde : in whose persone , bothe titles , aswel that , whiche the Romaynes had by conquest , as also that , which his mother Helene had ( as heire of Britayn ) wer vnited & knit together , and he without al doubt or controuersy , was very Emperor of al Britayn , wherby the island after long seruitude , was at last ( as it wer by Gods prouidence ) restored to his former libertie & honor , th emperor beyng begotten in Britayn , sonne of her , that was heire of Britayne , borne in Britayne , and create Emperor in Britayne . Now if Scottes wer then in Britayn ( as our writers alledge ) then wer thei subiectes to Constantine , because the stories be euident , that he had al Britayn in possession , wherunto whether he came by Helene his mother , or by Constancius his father forceth not much : for it suffiseth for our purpose , to proue that al Britayn , was vnder one Emperor , and beeyng vnder one Emperor , then was Scotlande and Englande but one Empire . In contirmaciō wherof , besides the testimony of old histories , there be two notable thynges yet obserued in Englande , by all the kynges successiuely , euen sithe the saied Constantine . The one is that thei weare a close crowne Emperiall , in token that the lande is an empire free in it self , & subiett to no superior but GOD . The other is , that in al their warres , thei beare a banner with a red Crosse , for their ensigne , in memory of that Crosse , whiche appered to th emperor Constantine gooyng to battaill , when this voyce was heard : Constantine , in hoc signo vinces , that is to saie , with this ensigne thou shalt preuaile . These twoo monumentes of honor & religion in Britayn , wer receiued from that noble emperor .

EVTROPIVS witnesseth , that Britayne rested in libertie , duryng the life of Constantyne , who left behind hym .iii. sonnes successors of his Empire , Constancius , Constans , and Constantyne , to whom beeyng youngest , there fell for his porcion , Britain Spayne , Fraunce , and the Orcades . This Constantyne was after slayne in Italye , by whose beathe , the Empire of Britayne came to his brother Constancius whiche reigned twenty yeres , in whose bloud , it remained .xxiiij. yeres after , that is to saie , vntil the v. yere of the ii . brethren , Gracian and Valentinian , Emperors , what tyme by fauor of the people , Maximus was creat emperor in Britain . This Maximus as Hector Boctius alledgeth , in the .vij. boke of his historie , discended of the bloud of greate Constantine , & reigned ouer the whole islande of Britain and the Orcades , seuentene yeres without interrupcion . And being desirous of more empire , with a greate numbre of Britaines , entered into Fraunce , & stewe Gracian the Emperor at Lions , and forced Valentinian the other brother to flee to Constantinople , for ayde of the Emperoure ther. Neuertheles ( as al worldly thynges be mutable ) hys fortune was to be slayne in Italy , leuynge behynd hym a sonne named Victor , who was slayne in Fraunce : whereby the state of Britayne , drew euery daye into worse . It were longe to reherse the mutacions of thinges , happening in Britayn , from the tyme of great Constantine , vnto Valentinian the Emperoure , in whose dayes , the Empire of Roome was inuaded with great multitudes of Barbarous nations . And in his tyme , did the Scottes beinge a nacyon come oute of Irelande ( as Gildas writeth ) passe ouer into Britayne , and finding the lande destitute of men of warre , whiche either were all slayne by tyrauntes , or waisted by long warres in other countreys , entred the Islond & makinge league with the Pictes , preuayled so at length , that they obteyned all the North parte of Britayn in possession , callyng the countrey Scotlande , and themselfes Scottes . And this was the thrid nacion that Inuaded this Island : First cominge out of Scithia into Irelande , and frome Irelande into the North partes of Britayne . The Capitayn and leder of this people ( as Beede witnesseth ) was one Rewda , albeit the late Scottishe Cronicles fet a muche further beginnyng , whiche I wyll touch in his place . But if we beleue Beede , a man for hys liuing and learning , reconed in the numbre of sainctes , and of ecclcsiasticall writers , called Venerabilis , the comming of the Scottes into Britayne was not vntyll about the yere of Christ . cccc . xliij . which was long after the comming of the Pictes : to whose opinion , though he was a Saxon , I would soner assent , then to the new fonde fables of our Scottishe Poetes , framed vpon phantasie , without auctoritie precedent .

AND for the further profe of this Monarchie , it is reade in the tyme of Lucius , whiche was the firste christen Kynge of the Britaynes , as is said afore : ther were in Britayne .iii. high Prestes , or Bishoppes , Idolaters , of the Heathen religion , called Archiflamines , and .xxviii. other inferiour Bishoppes of the same supersticion , called Flamines : In stede of whom , this godly King , ordeined as many Bishoppes or Christes religion , & thre Archebishoppes , placinge the first at London , the second at Yourke , and the thirde in the citie of Legions , whiche at this day is called Chester . To the prouince of Yourke , there belonged all the Northe parte of Britayne , now called Scotlande with the orcades . And notwitstanding all the mutations , happening in processe of yeres , yet al the Bishops of those countreys , came vnto Yorke to beconsecrated of the Arch bishop there , and promised obedience vnto him , as to their Metropolitane & hed bishop : albeit by occasion of warres , they were sūmewhiles letted so to do . And of latter dayes , that is to saye , in the tyme of Henry the .ij. Kynge of Englande , which was about the yere of Christ a . M.C. & .lv. the Englishe historie sheweth , that Michaell Bishop of Glascow , and after him , Tothadus Bisshop of saincte Andrewes , were consecrated by Thomas Archebishop of Yourk . If my countreymen beleue me not in thys point , let them beleue the Bulles of Paschall , Calixte , Honorius , Innocentius , Eugenius and Adrianus , Bishoppes of Rome , written to the Bishops of Scotlande , so as any of theym were rebell , or would not acknowledge the Archebishop of Yourke , Primate of Scotland , for their head Bisshop . This I alledge to shewe , that the two realmes at the first were not onely vnited in one Empire , but also in one Religion the superioritie wherof , seynge it so longe continued in the English side , proueth in that part a certayn kynde of subieccion in Scottes , whyche I passe ouer . But nowe hauinge sufficiently alleged to proue , that al we were Britaynes at the beginning , come of one kynde , and liuinge vnder one Monarchie , broken by diusion and ciuil discorde , as is shewed before : there restethe to disproue the fayned alligacions of the contrary part , which conuey you from Pharao , the tyraunt of Egipt . And as it is to coniecture , if their willes might take place , thei would bryng you vnder the seruitude of Egypte again . But before I touche the argument , according to my promisse at the beginning , I must in part disclose the aucthors therof , whose vntrouthes , though I passe ouer , yet will they bewrey it them selfes : for it is not vnknowen what persons they be , that take vpon them to write stories and Cronicles , both in England & Scotlande : which for the more parte , be Monkes and Fryers , suche as in name professe Religion , beyng in dede the peruerters of all true Religion . These men , issuyng from the prince of darkenesse , brougte vp in darkenes , & maynteined by darkenes , seke nothing so muche as to kepe the worlde in darkenes , & not without cause : for if their state shuld come to light , the people should espye howe they are plantes , not planted by the heauenly Father but to be pulled vp by the rootes . Which thing being well perceiued by the most noble king , of immortal memory , Henry the . VIII . of Englande , like a prince no lesse Godly then prudent , cleuyng in that part to Christes worde , weded out of his realme , those wicked plantes , not onely unprofitable to his common wealth , but also enemies to all veritie and true Religion , whose example , if we of Scotlande , had the grace to folow , I would nothyng dispaire of an honorable and Godly concorde , betwene bothe realmes in shorte time : & that without suche warre and effusion of bloud , as this deuillish generacion hath procured . But to the purpose , these men ( I saie ) after sthan was let lose , & had filled the whole world full of tumult & sedicion , ragyng with fire & sworde against the Gospel , ( which euen then began to geue light in Britain ) as Oules not apperyng in the day , nesteled themselfes in the nighte , of that ignoraunt worlde , hauyng as mete a tyme to crepe into the consciences of the simple Britaynes , as euer Saxons or Danes had , to inuade their land and countrey . So apperyng to theim with a visor of simplicitie and holines , semyng lambes outwardly , and neuerthelesse Wolues inwardlie , gat credite of vertue and Godlinesse : And seeyng the Coccle , whiche their father Sathan had sowen emong the Corne , so faire commyng vp , because the haruest should be weedes , watered the yearth , with suche abundante showers of lyes and fables , that the wedes ouergrowying the corne , the cropp was accordyng to the seede , and with suche kynde of breade haue thei fedde the silly people , vtteryng their dreames and muencions , in stede of trouthes & verities . For as Kytes bryng furthe no culuers , no more can the father of falshed bryng furthe children of truthe , qualis pater talis filius , thei then beyng the impes of so euill a tree , muste of congruence bryng furthe fruite , like to them selfes , whiche was well sene in those dayes : For what through mischiefe & mortalitie , raised by theim on the one side : And what through preaching lies & phantasies , on the other side , not only Gods woorde , but also all other knowledge , hath been obscured : whereof ensued vniuersal ignoraunce , who , being ioyned with error , brought furth an vnhappie babe , called contencion , whom thei haue moste tenderly fostered euer since : not onely ministryng matter thereof , in pulpittes and stoles , but also in their stories and chronicles , myngelyng the same with so many sedicious falshodes , as it is in doubte , whether the lines or lies bee mo in number . And because it were long to reherse al their lesynges and vanities , beyng to many to be well numbered , and to apparaunt to be hidden ( for all bee poudered with like peper ) yet in the Scottishe story a greate part of their practises is to bee seen , and that euen at the very beginnyng , wher at , if thei stumble , what shall we iudge of the reste . If the matter wer onely Poetical , or upon desire to shewe an auncient beginnyng , it might happely be borne and yet scarse in a storie , the law whereof , is to affirme nothyng that is false , to hyde nothyng that is true , neither to bee ledde with fauor , ne hatered . But seeyng the thyng is doen of a sette purpose , for norishyng diuision in the twoo Realmes , I cannot ouer passe it with silence .

GATHELVS sonne of Cecrops , kyng of Athens or Argiues , beeyng banished oute of Grece , with certain other fugitiues cam into Egipt , in the time of the greate tyraunt Pharao , whiche persecuted the children of Israell . In his daies , the Mootes entered into Egipt , and had broughte the lande vnto vtter ruine , had not the kyng by gods commaundement , committed his armie vnto Moses : But after that Gathelus was come , and had wonne a battail against the Moores , Moses and his company grewe out of fauor , and were fain to flee out of Egipt into Inde . Then was Gathelus made lieuetenaunt of Pharaos army , and for his valeaunt seruice , obteined Scota the Kynges sister in mariage , with all the landes lately taken from the people of Israell . After the deathe of this Pharao , reigned his sonne Bochoris , whiche oppressed Gods people with more tyranny , then his father did . But after the God had sent greate plagues emong the Egipcians , Gathelus vnder standyng by the prophetes , that greater were like to folowe , forsooke Egipte , & in the yere of the creacion of the world .iii. M.vj. C.xliij : He with Scota his wife their children & seruauntes , Grekes and Egipcians , came out of the mouthe of Nilus , and passyng by the sea , called Mediterraneum , toke land in Numidie , and after , he arriued into a part of Spayne , then called , Lusitania , whiche because of his arriual there , had the name of Portyngale , as one would saie , the porte of Gathele .

THIS is a greate stomble at the thressholde of the dore : for it is plain by histories , that Lusitania , was not called Portyngale , almost by a M. yeres , after this supposed tyme . But for the better triall , let vs examine the circumstaunces of the persone , time and place . And for the persone , we will admit Gathelus to be the kyng of Athens sonne , although no suche name is found in the Greke histories , and wee will admitte Pharao to haue a doughter , thoughe no historie , Greke or Egipt , mencion of any suche . But when wee haue admitted the persons , al the doubt is , how we shall couple theim in mariage . For accomptyng the tyme of Pharaos reigne , father of Scota , after the Hebrues , then was she in the yere of the creacion of the worlde , twoo thousand foure hundred yeres : and by our histories , Gathelus was in the yere of the creacion of the world three thousand sixe hundred fortie and three : whiche is differente , twelfe hundred yeres and more .

THIS beinge true , here were a very vnfitte mariage betwene these twoo persones , the Bridegrome beinge elder then the Bride , by .xii. C. and .xl. yeres . But some wiseman will saye , the folke liued long in those daies , yet can thei not denye , but she was to olde a mayde for so yonge a bachelar , whereby I can worse beleue , that they had any children , she beinge of suche yeares . So that to make this mariage frame , either Gathelus was elder then his father , or she was yonger then her brother by a thousande yeares at the leaste . And syns the tyme of Abraham , men by course of nature , haue not conmonlie lyued much aboue a . C. yeares . And this is ouer plaine to be excused , as a faulte of the writer , seing the whole course of our historie , dependeth vpon the tyme . If she then coulde be doughter to none of the Pharaoes , no more coulde he be sonne to any of the kynges of Athens . And in the tyme that Gathelus liued , which is alledged to be in the yeare of the worlde .iii. M.vi . C.xliii . there were no kinges in Athens , but it was gouerned by certayne Rulers , as a free estate . If this then be false in the originall , we muste iudge in the sequele , which is of their comming into Spaine , and of their sonne Hyber afterwardes into Irelande , of whome it is called Hybernia , with all the processe of the historie , no lesse vnlikelie . For if either the Spāyardes inhabitinge Galicia , or the Irishe men that now be , had comme of Grekes or Egyptians , then of likelyhode , some parte of their speache or language , should remain there . The vocables & soū des of which tongues , be asmuch differente in sounde , as the voices of men , and the noise of dogges . But seinge this priuiledge hath been geuen vnto antiquitie , that to make their fame moore highe and honorable , they myghte referre their beginninge to the Goddes : and thoughe the same were more like Poetes fableis then syncere histories , yet to be taken for true : Soo woulde not I trauaile so muche in disprofe of these trifles , but because I se , that as thei were at the first inuented for diuision by new diuersitie of names , so thei be continued at this daie for like purposes . Suche practises haue bene vsed in Italie , betweene Guelfes and Gibilines , and in Hollande betwene Hukeis and Cabellawes , and other where by newe founde names , inuented by the chyldren of perdicion , to set vs at diuision , euen as they , by diuersitie of sectes & names are diuided from the vnitie of Christes religion . I nede not to name them , for those companions , be wel enough knowne by their coates and hodes , whome as I do not reproue of hatered to their persones , no moore do I impugne their histories for enuy at oure nacion , whose honor if I should not earnestly seke , I mought be compted moste vnnaturall , but that I se what sedicion is sowen by ouer much credite vnto their fables and inuencions , which I suppose hath been a greate lette to the concorde , that all good men desire . For seinge the beginninges of people cannot be certainely knowen , but onely vnto God , whiche was afore al beginning , it shal be better to admitte some thinges for true , the contrarye wherof cannot be proued , then to labor in vayne , where the truth cannot be tried . But this thing which is apparauntelye false , repugnaunte to reason , and not onely against al other histories , but also contrary in it self , yea & againste the scripture , founded vpon falsehode , mainteined vpon malice , and sette forthe to the diuision of two Realmes : I thoughte it no vnprofitable labor , to impugne , lamentinge , that in a Chronicle so exactelic written , & so eloquentelie set furthe , there shoulde wante veritie , the cheife grounde of al historie : whishing vnto the aucthor , asmuch wante of malice & affeccion , as he hath plentie of witte and learninge . An other argument I gather out of the same historie , where it is confessed , that after the Britaynes inhabiting Scotlande were expulsed by the Pictes , thei with their wifes & children , fledde into Ireland , where thei continewed xlv . yeares together . Duringe which time , by reason of biynge and selling , marriyng , and other trauffique with the Irishe people , their name & toungue was a great part altered & lost . Yet , as our histories shew , the posteritie of those people , comming afterwardes vnto the possession of their countrey , to kepe in memorie of what kinde thei were come , called them selfes Realbines , the is to saye : Albines again , for a knowledge ( as it should seme ) aswel of their kindered , as of their restitution & comming againe : which is a better profe to shew vs discended of Albanactus , ( according to the English historie ) then to saie , the Realbines , is vnderstanded , kinges of Albion ( as the translator of Boetius historie interpretethe . As though it werlike , that those fewe , whiche had put foote , but in the smallest and most barrain porcion of the Isle , should call themselfes kinges of Albion , when thei neither came in by conquest ne reigned ouer any people , but occupied a wast part of the land not beynge inhabited , as in the thirde Chapiter of his Chronicle appereth . But how standeth that with reason , that Britayne beyng inhabited by the space of vi . C. yeres afore their comyng , suche a countrey shoulde lie desert , and especially vpon the sea costes : Whiche liyng open to other landes , and sonest sene by theim that saile , muste of likelyhode haue inhabiters , before the inner parte of the countrey . I saie no more , but , Mendacem oportet esse memorem : He that should tell a lye , had nede to haue good memory , least his matter appere like a Meremaide , beginnyng with a woman , and ending with a Fishe , as when the ende of the tale is repugnaunt to the beginnyng , and the middes agreable to neither of bothe . And doubteles it is no smal masterie to hide a lie : for apparrell hym neuer so faire , his ragges will appeare , packe him neuer so close , the bundell will breake , write hym or speake hym , and his aucthor is bewraied , as a Ratte , is by squekyng : And though he bee allowed for a ceason yet at the ende , tyme will trie hym , whereof ensueth greate preiudice to the author : For though he sa●e afterwardes true , none will beleue hym .

IF I shoulde here entre into declaracion of the righte & title , wherby the kynges of England claime to be superior lordes of Scotland , I should of some be noted , rather a confounder of our liberties and fredomes , then a conseruator , ( which name I had late ) . But for somuche as the same is so exactelie set furthe in an Englishe boke put in Printe in the yere of oure Lorde .1542 . at the beginninge of these warres , called : A DECLARATION , conteynyng the iust causes and consideracions , of this presente warre with the Scottes , wherin alsoo appereth the true and right title , that the kynges most royall maiestie hath to the souerayntie of Scotlande : as nothynge can be sayde more in so fewe woordes , I will referre all indifferent readers to the same booke , thinkinge it nedelesse to spende any more time , in a matter so well proued : Neuerthelesse I will somewhat touche a point or two , to geue occasion to all suche my contreymen , as minde the honor and quiet of Scotlande , to conferre my saiynges , with our histories , and to iudge the matter without affeccion . Whereof settinge a parte the order deuised by Brutus at the first concerning the diuision of Brytayne , betwene his sonnes , with the Superioritie supposed in the eldest , and subiection of the other two , pretermitting also the conquest of the whoole Islande by Romaines , and the title deriued frome the greate Constantine : letting passe also the sundry homages and recognicions of subieccion , made to Arthur , and other kynges of the Britaynes , and after him to Osbright , and the Saxon Kynges successiuely , whiche be at large expressed in the Englishe and Briton histories , and affirmed also by Marianus , our countryman , whose aurthoritie is not light , if all these were of no credite , ( as they must nedes be of great , howe soeuer we esteme them ) yet in my iudgement our awn writers , wherin they labor most to impugne the cause of England , do moste aduaunce it : and therfore in thys parte , I will grounde me vpon them . They agre al vpon .xviii. homages & knowledges of subieccion and allegiaunce , made by the kynges of Scotland successiuely , vnto the kinges of Englande , and many of them within late memorie . Which homages , though some of them , either folowing their phantaseis , or fearing to offende our kynges , alledge to haue been done , somewhiles for Cumberland , & somewhiles for the Erledome of Huntingdon : Yet the time considered , they declare , that such actes were doone by oure kynges , afore any of the sayde Erledomes were in their possession , wherby they must be vnderstande absolutely done , for the realme of Scotlande , and in that pointe I referre you vnto the readinge of Marianus : And of latter dayes , synce that those Erledomes were taken from vs by Englishmen emong other , kynge Iames the first , did homage , to kyng Henry the fourthe of Englande . The woordes and fourme of whose homage , who so liste to peruse , shall well perceiue the same to haue been made , neither for any of those Erledomes , neither yet for any other holde , but merely , for the crowne of Scotlande , whiche aswel he as other , knowledged to hold of the king of Englande , as superior lorde . The recordes remaine , the seales & subscriptions be so many , so auncient , and so faire , as cannot lightelie be counterfaicte . But some peraduenture will say , that many of those homages were done by force and compulsion : I aunswere , thoughe it might be , that some of theim were soo done , yet all could not be . For our Cronicles specifie that those .xviii. kinges , were in Englande , which no man can iudge to haue come all thither by force , and all those dyd homage there , and those homages , well nere all , appere to haue been made for the croune of Scotlande , if we beleue the recordes of Englande . And if any saye , that they be counterfeited , I thinke it soner said , then proued . And touching the compulsion and force , I saye , thoughe some of our kynges might be conpelled by feare , yet howe coulde all be : or coulde an whole Parliament be compelled ? Is it not manifest , that when question arose , vpon the title of the croune of Scotlande , betwene Balliol . Brus , and Hastynges , was it not decided by Edward the fyrst , king of Englande , as competent iudge in that case ? But here it is sayde agayn , that he was iudge in that case , not of righte , but by consente of the parties . Then loke well to the woordes of the compromisse , which nameth him superior lord of Scotland . And this was done in Parliamente , by consente of the thre estates , which of likelyhoode could not be all compelled . In which cause , I am partely ashamed , of the impudent vanitie of our writers , whiche raile without reason agaynst the iudgement of Edward in that plea , as corrupte . & false . This I saie , that if the Iudgement were to be geuen agayne , neither Mynos , Lycurgus , nor Salomon , ( whose iudgementes in histories be so celebrate ) dyd euer geue a more true , a more perfect or a more rightfull sentence , either by the ciuile lawes , or by the practise and custome of Scotlande , or any other reasonable lawe , and take the case , euen as they propone it . But then we haue an other euasion , which is to alledge prescripcion , because those homages haue not been done within memorie . To that I aunswere , that thoughe prescripcion serued in that case , ( as it doth not ) yet the warres made from tyme to tyme , counteruaile a possession thereof : In whiche pointe lette vs be well aduised , what we saye , leaste by fleynge the smoke , we fall into the fyre . For once admittinge hym superiour kynge , no prescripcion wil serue agaynst hym . The texte is common , and no more common , then allowed , almoste in all lawes . Nullum tempus occurrit Regi : Time cannot preiudice a Kyng .

MOREOVER , I note this , that the Kynges of Englande would neuer make peace with vs perpetually , neither as lawfull enemies , but admitted a truce , or an intermission of warr for a tyme , alwaies exceptyng , Lorne and Lundie , and with a caution to saue their title and right . Our awne Recordes and registers approue this : howbeit let no man iudge , that myne entent is herin to pleade the cause of Englande , ( for that I neither can doo , ne professe to doo ) but onely to geue light to suche , as liste to seke , that the matter is not so cleare on our side , as oure writers would haue it seme , and therfore , I would that men should weigh the querell indifferently , and without affeccion , and not to leane more on the one side , then on the other . For the title , which I alledge , is neither deuised vpon phantasie , worne out with age , introduced by conquest , ne enforced with fe●●re or compulsion : but grounded vpon truth , dooen within memory , wrought by consente , and agreyng to all iustice , equitie , lawe , pacte , and promise , not doen in priuate , but openly , and not by a ●ew , but by a multitude , vpon a greate deliberacion , and that in parliament : whiche title enduceth no seruitude , but fredome , libertie , concord and quietnesse , and serueth aswell for Scotlande , as Englande , makyng equalitie without supertoritie .

AT the parliament holden at Edinbrough ( immediatly after the death of our last kyng ) wher al the lordes , thother states and orders of our realme wer assembled ( sauing the Erle of Arguyle that appered there by his proctor , sir Ihou Cāmell ) : The mariage betwene our Princes , and the kynges maiestie of England , kyng Edward the . VI. ( then beyng prince ) was fully concluded by aucthoritie of the same Parliament , al th assentes of the said states and Orders , concurryng therunto . The whiche , for more faithe & testimony of the thyng , was also confirmed by writing , vnder the greate seale of Scotlande . Maie there be any thyng of greater aucthoritie , force , or euidence , any title more righteous , then this ? graunted , not by our auncestors , but by our selfes , and to a prince now liuyng , not in tyme oute of mynde , but now these so fewe yers freshely paste , not rashely , or sodainly , but by greate and deliberate aduisement , and the same not of a fewe , but of all the states of the realme , assembled not at al aduentures , but solempnely in parament : a thing no doubt , instilled from the almightie , and the same our moste merciful god , into the mindes of the workers thereof , to haue set an end to al the discord of bothe realmes , by that vnion and knot of mariage . And what madnes or deuill ( O moste dere countreimen ) hath so moued , or rather distracte our myndes , eftsones to take weapon in hand , and the same against oure promises , fidelities , honoures , and othes , hauyng on oure side , no good grounde , honestie , reason , ne any iuste respecte , but onely of the prouocacion of the deuil , the pope , and his rable of religious men ( as thei would seme to be ) & specially those , whom we cal our auncient frendes , where their are in deede our auncient enemies , the Frenchemen . And when we shall haue well considered , this attonement with Englande , & compared the same , with the league of Fraunce , and well weighed th ententes & endes of bothe , we shall perceiue the the one , calleth vs to an euerlasting peace & quietnes , and the other hath , and will kepe vs ( if wee forsake it not in tyme ) in continual miserie and warres . And that maie we easily iudge , in repeting from the beginnyng the causes of the one , and of the other . The Frenchmen , fearyng more and more the power of Englande , whiche had so many tymes dooen theim so notable displeasures , as not onely to haue wonne of them sundry battailes ( wherof for briefnes sake , I reporte me to the stories ) but also , for that the Englishemen , haue ( as ye knowe ) these many yeres , kepte foote and possession of ground in Fraunce , did besides and emong many other thynges , deuise this one , as a chief staye for theim , to make vs of their faccion against Englande , thinkyng therby at all tymes , when either for iust causes , Englande should haue to do with theim , or thei with Englande , wee should set on the backes of the English men , or otherwise anoye theim , either to force them to withdrawe their armie out of Fraunce , or els bee constreined for resistence , or inuasions , to diuide their power , and so to be the weaker : euen as it hath come to passe , that the Englishemen , haue so been forced to doo , when neuerthelesse , it hath redounded to no lesse discomfiture of our nacion , then of the Frenchemen , their principall enemies . An euident proife and triall whereof , ( partely because thynges of farther tyme and memorie , hauyng been so many and so often nede not therin in to be narowly sought for , and partly because this example , beyng freashest in mynd , maie , if it please God , worke moste best effect ) did right well appere , in the first voyage of Kyng Henry the VIII . a Prince of mooste worthy & famous memorie , against Fraunce , when we inuaded England , to haue hyndered his enterprise , and doen there some displeasure , if wee had might , supposyng to haue founde at home , but shepherdes , priestes and women . At one time we lost the feld and our kyng , ( beyng otherwise a noble Prince and a valeaunte Knight ) besides an infinite numbre of our countreimen , few of the Englishe part wantyng , & kyng Henry , at the very self same time wonne the battaill in Fraunce , at the iorney of the spurres : and besides that , wonne also by plain conquest , Turwayn and Turney . Now , when wee shall haue bothe considered our league with the Frenchemen , and all the successes , that haue chaunced to vs syns the conclusion of the same , we cannot recken how to aduaunt vs of any one thyng wee haue wonne , but of infinite losses , misfortunes , slaughters , spoyles , and vtter ruyne , come thereby to vs and our countrey vniuersal . The honor and profite , if any be , commeth onely to the Frenchemen , whiche serue theimselfes of vs for their money : for th inordinate gain wherof , we do alwaies hazard , our honoures , lifes , and countrey , and haue lost our frendes , naye , rather beeyng a membre of the selfe body with Englande , haue suffered our self to be diuorced & torne from the same , and haue so far passed our awne reason , that we haue in that behalf , attempted to do hurte to a part of our awnselfes , if Gods goodnes towardes Englande , had not so prouided , that our power could not bee hable to aunswer , to our misaduised willes : And so farre did we estraunge our selfes , that wee could finde in our hartes to become seruile , and to bee as common hirelynges , to a forrein nacion . For what other thing do we but serue theim for their money , to our awne vtter destruccions , to the spillyng of our awne bloud to the burnyng of oure tounes , and to the waste and spoyle of our whole natiue countrey ? And at this , do the Frenchmen laugh thei take pleasure , sittyng at home in securitie , excepte peraduenture thei sende a few of their cast souldiors , of whom thei make lesse accoumptes or estimacion , then of so many shepe or hogges : Howbeit , to bring vs in belefe , that we bee in some parte of estimacion with theim , thei make of our nacion , certain chief presioentes in Fraunce , & the kyng hath of vs , a certain numbre in his garde , for the defence of his persone , in whom , howe litle he trusteth , God knoweth , and daily experience teacheth . By this he maketh vs silly soules beleue , that he hath vs in singuler trust when in deede , it is but a golden and glisteryng bayte , alluryng our simplicitie and credulitie , to that Iron hoke , that hath caught and killed afore now , the moste part of our auncestors , & now of late , no fewer of oure fathers , of our children , and of our kinsfolke while the Frenche , lose not a man , but a fewe golden crounes . And yet our presidentes , for al the honor & aucthoritie , that thei be set in , doo serue but as Cyphers in Algorisme , to fill the place , and in stede of Iupiters blocke , sent to rule the Frogges , whereupon thei treade and leape , withoute feare & daunger . And our countreymen of the gard after many yeres , worne in Fraunce , haue this onely rewarde at length , to bee called of all the worlde , in mockery , Iehan de Escoce . Yet is there one thyng wherein wee repose a certain honor , and yet in deede , is the same one of the most dishonors , that euer we receiued whiche was , when at th entre of a league , with Charles the greate Kyng of Fraunce , wee receiued for an encrease of the Armes of our realme , a trace of flour deluces , not considering how shamefull and dishonorable it was to vs , being so noble pleople , to deface our auncient Armes , and receiue the note and token of nobilitie and worthines , of straungers : On thother part , how honorable a thyng , this attonement with Englande , were for vs , the blynd man maie se . For beeyng then ( as algates we must be vnder some one ) bothe vnder one kyng , the more large and ample the Empire wer : the more honorable and glorious : the kyng of greater dominion , gouernaunce power , and fame : and the subiectes more renoumed , more happy and more quiet : the realme more sure , and formidable to the enemies : and thei lesse eshuned and feared .

THVS beyng bothe our people and forces ioyned in one , we should be the more puyssaunt to inuade , more strong to resist and defende . And our power beeyng suche & so great , should be an occasion ( for I wil not now speake of all thynges ) to make vs fre & sure from outward inuasicēr wherof ( peace beyng first betwene vs and Englande ) should folowe peace with al others : In sort , as the laboryng man might safely tille his grounde , and as safely gather in the profites and fruites therof : the marchaunt might withoute feare goo abrode , and bryng in forreine commodities , into the realme : the gouernours beeyng in tranquillitie , and not hauyng their thought and cure diuided into many sundery partes , should , with lesse carefulnesse and anxietie of mynde , see to the good ordre of the common wealth , whiche neuer so truely florisheth , as in peace : In fine , all murders , robberies , spoyles , slaughters , and desolacions , beyng the sequele , and as it wer , the children of warre , yea , and warr it self , the Parente of the same , should cease : in whose places should succede , peace , wealthe , quiet ordre , and all other graces and good happes . But if we be so blynd , that we will not see , and deafe , that we will not harken to these holsome admonicions , when without the feare of God , and without regard of the common weale , we shall rush still hedlong , into the fury of warre , lette vs recken with our selfes , ( whose cause is moste iniust and wrongfull ) what is to bee loked for , towardes vs , at the conquerors handes , seing , that we haue refused so honorable , so equall , and so easie , yea , and frendly condicions of peace : specially being called , not into subieccion or seruitude , but into one societie and feloweship with Englishemen , and that , by so honorable a meane , as the mariage of our Princes , with the kinges maiestie of Englande , a Prince of so greate towardnes , honor , and expectacion , bothe for that he is descended of such parentes , and also , for that those vertues bee all ready in hym , as the like were perchaunce , in no one prince afore : So as we may surely hope and promise to our selfes , more at his maiesties hand , then peraduenture were lawfull to looke for , of a mortall man . Then , what should wee feare at the handes of such a Prince , hauing maried our natural quene but all grace , clemencie , and benignitie , aswell for her graces sake , whom he shall haue maried , as also for those vertues , which be to his Maiestie naturall and propre . Moreouer , what other thyng is to be loked for at the handes of the succession of them both , which shall take aswell parte of her grace , as of his Maiestie , then al gentle and louing treatment and prerogatyue , seyng from the same we shal no more be strangers vnto that nacion , but asnye and as dere , as the self Englishmen . And so muche the rather , when those hatefull termes of Scottes & Englishemen , shal be abolisshed and blotted oute for euer , and that we shal al agre in the onely title and name of Britons ( as verely we ought to do ) and the selfe realme , beeyng eftsones reduced into the fourme of one sole Monarchie , shal bee called Britayn : Then the which forme , there is none other better nor no common weale so well gouerned as the same is , that is ruled by one kyng . The experience wherof we haue seen , euen from the beginning of the worlde , continually to our time . For who so shall well consider the states of all commone weales , that haue been gouerned by mo then one , shal perceiue that the same hath been the cause of their finall ruine & exterminion . For gouernaunce maye in no wyse suffer an equal companyon , ne any more be diuided into the rule of twoo sundrie administers , then one bodye maye beare two heades , or the worlde endure to haue twoo sunnes to geue lighte at once . And that same appereth in all other creatures , emonge whom , there is any societie , or body politique , wherby it may easily be gathered , to be the primatiue decre , and the due ordre of nature . Whiche , like as in many other thynges , so doth it specially appere in the swarme of Bees : for thei beyng ledde with the onely and mere instinct of nature , will neither bee without one Kyng and gouernor , ne yet admit any mo Kynges , then one at once . And by the same nature , bee wee taught , to repute and recken that body to be monstreous , that hath twoo heddes , and no lesse is the realme , that hath twoo kynges . Then if in all thinges we shuld ( as nigh as might be ) approche to the likenesse of heauen , aswell in our lifes and actes , as in all our fashions , wee should not allowe the regiment of many , for that the heauenly thynges , haue but one gouernor , whiche thyng Homere ( though he were but an Heathen poete ) semeth to expresse in these verses .

To haue mani gouernors is not good But let there bee one ruler of Kynges and one Kyng .

SVRELY , the aunswer of Cerbane Lydyane , wherof Serinus maketh mencion in his commentaries , was of no small grauitie & importaunce . For when Craesus would haue ioyned his brother with hym in the kyngdome : the sonne ( saied he ) is aucthor of all good thynges in the yearth , but if there should bee twoo sonnes , it wer perill least their two heates , should burne vp al the arth : Euen so , as one kyng is necessarie , so mo then one , is hurtfull . The experience wherof , ( to sette examples no farther of ) was wel felt in Englande , so long as the seuen Kynges reigned , as maie well appere to theim that reade the story . Herefore dare I boldly saie , if these twoo realmes wer brought vnder one Empire and gouernaunce , wee should see an ende of al strief and warre , whiche will neuer come otherwise to passe : And then should wee haue this common weale of ours , beyng now out of all ordre , and in moste miserable state & condicion to bee moste happie and mooste florishing . The whiche thyng to attein , it lieth onely in you ( O moste dere countreymen ) : yours is the faulte , you must make the amendes . And other condicions of recompense , then your selfes haue agreed vnto , wil vndoubtedly , none bee allowed . For what other condicions should Englande receiue of vs , ( hauing had so often experience of oure breaches of peace , of truce , and of our promises , which yet vnto this daie , we haue neuer truely kept towardes them , as thei maye in no reason truste vs , ) but in suche sorte , as they maie be assured to fynde vs constaunt , firme and stedfaste in oure promisse . Wherfore , if there remayn with you ( O dere countreymen ) any remorce or pitie of our torne and woful countrey , or of your selfes , staye betymes , while you haue tyme to do well . Recken , that though ye haue offended , it is better betymes to refourme the thyng , whiche , by reason of sinistre and euill counsaill , hath been euill doen , then to stande obstinately in your most wicked and deuelish enterprise , beyng vtterly contrary to your faithefull promise , to your honors , & also to righte and duety : that if your awn particular respectes , doo not moue you , yet haue mercy vpon youre commune countrey , youre mangled countrey , youre countrey weepinge to you with bloody teares , which your selfes do expresse , and wring out of her , and enforce her to shed . And surely in this part , I would wyshe asmuch eloquence , as I haue good will to set out this woofull tragedy in her perfect colours : but seynge the same doeth not serue to my wyshe , I muste vtter such matter , as the dolor of my hart , and natural pitte , may minister vnto my penne , which if it could as liuely depaynt the greatnes of this euill , as myne harte doth Imagine and conceiue the same the multitude of teares , shoulde set mens iyes from readyng and extremitie of affeccions , disturbe their myndes from conceinyng . Imagine you ( I praye you ) if Britayne coulde speake , mighte she not well saye thus : Hath not the almighty prouidence seuered me from the reste of the worlde , with a large sea , to make me one I slande ? hath not natures ordinaunce furnisshed me with as many thinges necessary , as any one ground bringeth furth ? hath not mans pollicie at the beginninge subdued me to one gouernoure ? And hath not the grace of Christ illumined me ouer all , with one faith : and finally the workes of all these foure , tended to make me one ? Why then wil you diuide me in two ? What foly , yea , or rather what contempt of God is this , that ye still teare me , pull me , & ryue me in peces ? were their euer children so vnnaturall ( if they were not of the vipers nature ) to rend their mothers wombe ? yea , were there euer beastes so saluage , or cruel , to deuour the dam ? If bit des , beastes , and all thinges naturall haue this reason , not to destroy their kynde , how chaunceth it then , that you veyng men endewed with reason , bredde in one lande , ioyned in one faithe , should thus vnkindly , vnnaturally , and vnchristenly , bathe youre swoordes in eche others blode ? May not the example of other landes teache you to beware of diuision , to hate all discorde , to abhorre intestine warre ? May not the ruine of the Grekes , the falle of the Romaynes , and the subuersion of soo many countreis , common weales , and states in the worlde , suffyce for pour ensample ? yea , may not the present sighte of my ruyne and decay , teache you to take heede ? If the counsailes of wyse men , experience of other countreys , nor the pytie of me your mother , your nutryce , and your bringer vp , do not moue you : Yet at the least , haue and vse some mercye towardes your selfes . Haue you not shedd enough of your awne blodde ? what folye , or rather what fury is this , thus to ruynate your selfes , and to deuoure one an other , to the discomforte of me , and pleasure of your enemyes ? If ye woulde set before your eyes , the exceding quantitie of blodd , that hath been shed betwene you my ingrate & moste vnnatural children : you would iudge it sufficiente , & more then enoughe , not onely to conquere Europe , but euen the whole world . And to what vtilitie hathe all thys been spent ? surely to none other , then to the mischief & destruccion of eche other , emonge youre selfes . Oh incomparable losse for so litle game . I was neuer yet inuaded by forreine enemyes , but some of my chyldren , were the chief ayders , and onely causers therof : nor no mischiefe procured against me at this day , but by their consent and counsail . Oh I an vnhappy mother of suche children : how longe shall these furies leade you ? how longe will you that my wyde fyeldes lye wasted , that my townes be desert and vnpeopled , that my fayre houses and castels be spoiled and burnt , & my people famished ? I cannot accuse Romaynes , Pictes , ne yet Normais , but myne awne rebellious , discordant and graceles children . O hateful discord , no where doest thou begyn , but all goeth to wrecke , ere thou makest an end . O priuy poyson , O familiar foo , O dissembling traitor , O couerte pestilence : what coulde Caesar haue preuailed agaynst me , if Mandrubatius a Britayne , had not bene diuided from Cassibolan my king ? Wil this fire neuer be quenched ? this malice neuer cease , nor your furye neuer ende ? If it be geuen you of natur● if you sucke it with your mothe●s mylke , if it growe in you with yeares , to hungre strife & watre : here this my counsail : Afore you make warre at home , seke your enemies abrode Pursue their lifes , shedde their bloode , be wroken upon them , kyl them , & ouercome them , & when thei be all killed , ouercome and subdned , then turne the swoordes point against eche other , but not afore : and then shall you neuer soo doo , for you neuer yet to this daie , haue wanted enemies . But to returne to you again my countremen , whom , for the natural loue , I beare to you , I cannot leaue to blame for your folyes , or rather madnes , & exhorte you to this moste honorable , moste godly and profitable attonement with Englande , who wynkynge at our transgressions , bearynge with our peruerse waiwardenes & pardoning our to much ingratitude hitherto , doth to her vtter moste strength & power , seke with al possible gentlenes , to reconcile vs & with all her endeuoure continuallye laboureth , to make vs partakers of her concorde and vnitie , her tranquilite & quiet , her wealth & luckey fortune , her conquestes & triumphes : & finallie of all her incomparable ioyes & felicities . I shal lastely beseche and exthorte , and ( as farre as the mothers aucthoritie ouer the chyldren may ) adiure you by God the very aucthor of all peace Loue , Charitie , & concorde , to returne into the right waie , out of the whiche , ye haue so long gone astraigh . Remember ( I besech you , o most dere countremen ) how that by this calling of vs into this vnitie , proceding plainly from god him selfe he woulde also vnite & ioyne vs in one religion . For howe godly were it , that as these two Realmes should grow into one , so should thei also agre in the concorde & vnite of one religion , & the same the pure , syncere & incorrupt religion of Christ , setting a part all fonde supersticions , sophisticacions , & other thousandes of deuilries brought in by the bishop of Rome & his creatures , wherby to geue glosse to their thinges & darknes to Gods true worde , for the onely purpose , to aduaunce their glory , & treade Gods word vnder fote , to vtter their fylthye merchaundise , & to sclander the precious ware & Iewels of the scripture : & emonges the rest , to destroye Gods peace , & ringe their awne alarmes , against his moste glorious victory on the Crosse , throu-out the worlde . And I wote not whether firme concorde be otherwise more sureli mortized in mens hartes , then when it procedeth of the true knowlege of Gods word , which doth in so many passages repete vnto vs , peace , peace : loue , loue : charitie , charitie : & reproueth warre , hatred , & discord , seedes doubtelesse scatered by the deuil , through those monsters of men , that professe preposterous religion , to stirre aswell all others , as also most specially , you my coūtrymen most of all , to this diuision & roare , wherin thei ( fearinge the worthy fall wherwith God threateneth them , which they now perceiue by others examples to hang ouer their heades ) deuise by hooke & by croke to kepe you stil occupied in mistrust of your best frendes , casting before your eyes , mystes , shadowes , & colors ( suche as Iuglers vse to doo ) to th ende , lest if you should once se the clearnes of Gods worde , you should then encline to that of your selfes , and most easly , wherunto I do now with so much a do exhorte you . I perceyue that the loue to my country and nacion , hath made me vnawares to haue wandred furder , then at the first I purposed : wherfore I wil make an ende , if fyrst I shall repete that I haue already proued vnto you , that these twoo Realmes were first a Monarchie vnder Brutus , and soo lefte by hys order to his sonnes , by the superioritie geuen to the eldest , which forme of gouernaunce , was also vnder Constantyne . I haue alsoo proued , that these two realmes ought to come vnder that fourme , & the kinges Maiestie that now is , to be Monarch of the same : aswel for the superiorite , which was in his auncestors proued by the homages & other thinges afore alleged , the claim wherof did yet neuer cease as also specially by force of your awn late act of parliament , wherby he ought of right to mary our Princesse , thīheritrice of the crown of Scotlande : by occasion wherof we shal be receiued , not into seruitude , but into the same felowship with Englishmen , the names of both subiectes & realmes ceassing , & to be changed into the name of Britain & Britons , as it was first , & yet stil ought to be . And how necessary that same fourme of the gouernaunce of one Monarche or kinge is , you se to be more clere then the sonne , & the same to be a ready & easy meane , how both tappease al discord , which otherwise wil neuer stint , & also testablish vs in euerlasting peace , quiete & tranquillite : vnto whiche effectes there is verely none other meane . And the thing selfe ( though I should holde my peace ) doth sufficiently speake & avouche the same to be awaye vnto both Realmes most honorable , because not only the Empire shal by the occasion be the more large & strong in it self , & the King the more puissant & famous : profitable , for that discorde shal ceasse , & concord come in place , & thereby the people & common weale florish & prospere : & godly for the we shal agre all in one , & the same the true & christen religion .

IT remaineth now to say vnto you , that the right high mightie and excellent prince Edward , duke of Somerset , erle of Hertforde , Viscount Beauchamp , lord Seymour , gouernor of the persone of the Kynges Maiestie of Englande , & protector of all his realmes , dominions , & subiectes his lieuetenasit general of al his armies , bothe by lande and by sea , Treasorer & Erle Marshal of England , gouernor of the isles of Gernsey and Iersey , & knight of the moste noble ordre of the garter : A man for his actes and worthinesse , well knowen to the world , & you , of whom you haue had late experience to your pernes , & his dolour , for that , as the louyng mother , in beafyng her childe weepeth , so in punishyng you , he did it lothely , and to his grief , because he pitied your case The said lord protector is commyng towardes you , with a puissaunt & inuincible army , hauing on his side God , & the iust cause , and an intent , to receiue to mercy grace & fauor , so many of you , as for that furthering of this mariage & his other Godly purposes , wil come in to him . And contrarily , to punish & correct the rest , that shal remain in their stubburn & wilful disobedience . Wherfor ( o countrymen ) considering the on oure part , we haue nothing but the wrong & iniust cause , violacion of our promises & othes , geuen to England with conceiued words , after mature & iuste deliberacion , callyng God & his angels , vnto witnes therof , who knoweth our infidelitie , & will not leaue the iniury doen to hym & them , vnreuenged . For the regard of God , for your awn sakes , & for the tendre respecte of our countrey , cast wisely doune that armour & weapons , that you haue so fondely put on & taken in hand : & submit your selfes humbly , to the mercy & clemencie of so noble & benigne a Prince : who is rather come thither , louingly toembrace & receiue you , yea , & as your protector , to defend & assist you : then to punish you according to your desertes . But if you shal despice my counsail & abuse his humanitie & good offers , how gentle & clement soeuer he be of his awn nature , thinke you for sure , that God , who wil not suffre infidelite , tescape long īchastised , wil stirre vp his corage to do vengeance vpon you for your insolencie and faith broken : the which I writ , not without sorow & teares : Praiing God for his pitie & goodnesse , to geue you his grace & better mynde , so as you may forsake the errors the now lead you hedlong , and maie folow these good & holsome counsailes , of your most natural , and most tendre louyng countreiman : wherby , you maie accord ( as by your promises and dueties , ye ought to do ) to so godly , so honorable , and so profitable condicions , as are now gentelly offered you .