AN
ANSWER
TO
THE
FIRST
PART
OF
A
CERTAINE
CONFERENCE
,
CONCERNING
SVCCESSION
,
PVBLISHED
not
long
since
vnder
the
name
of
R.
Dolman
.
AT
LONDON
Imprinted
for
Simon
Waterson
,
and
Cuthbert
Burbie
.
1603.
TO
THE
KINGS
MOST
EXCELLENT
MAIESTIE
.
MOst
loued
,
most
dread
,
most
absolute
both
borne
and
respected
Soueraigne
,
to
offer
excuse
for
that
which
I
needed
not
to
haue
done
,
were
secretly
to
confesse
,
that
hauing
the
iudgement
to
discerne
a
fault
,
I
wanted
the
will
not
to
commit
it
.
Againe
,
to
seeke
out
some
coulers
to
make
it
more
plausible
,
were
to
bring
in
question
the
sufficiencie
thereof
.
Therefore
without
further
insinuation
either
for
pardon
or
for
acceptance
,
I
here
present
vnto
your
Maiestie
this
defence
,
both
of
the
present
authoritie
of
Princes
,
and
of
succession
according
to
proximitie
of
bloud
:
wherein
is
maintained
,
that
the
people
haue
no
lawfull
power
,
to
remoue
the
one
,
or
repell
the
other
:
In
which
two
points
I
haue
heretofore
also
declared
my
opinion
,
by
publishing
the
tragicall
euents
which
ensued
the
deposition
of
King
Richard
,
and
vsurpation
of
King
Henrie
the
fourth
.
Both
these
labours
were
vndertaken
with
particular
respect
,
to
your
Maiesties
iust
title
of
succession
in
this
realme
:
and
I
make
no
doubt
,
but
all
true
hearted
Englishmen
wil
alwaies
be
both
ready
and
forward
to
defend
the
same
,
with
expence
of
the
dearest
drops
of
their
bloud
.
The
Lord
vouchsafe
to
second
your
honorable
entrance
to
the
possession
of
this
crowne
,
with
a
long
&
prosperous
continuance
ouer
vs
.
Your
Maiesties
most
humble
and
faithfull
subiect
.
Io:
HAYWARD
.
Qui
tibi
Nestoreum
concessit
pectus
e●
ora
,
Nestoreos
etiam
concedat
Iupiter
annos
.
To
R.
DOLEMAN
.
YOu
will
thinke
it
strange
Maister
Doleman
,
that
hauing
lien
these
many
yeares
in
quiet
harbour
from
the
tempest
of
mens
tongues
,
you
should
now
feele
a
storme
to
breake
vpon
you
;
peraduenture
you
were
perswaded
(
as
euery
one
suffereth
himselfe
to
be
beguiled
with
desire
)
that
this
silence
did
growe
,
eyther
vpon
acceptance
of
your
opinion
,
or
from
insufficiencie
to
oppose
against
it
.
I
assure
you
neither
;
but
partly
from
contempt
,
and
partly
from
feare
.
Th●
contempt
proceeded
from
the
manner
of
your
writing
,
wherein
you
regarde
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
but
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
not
how
eyther
truly
or
pertinently
,
but
how
largelye
you
do
wright
:
endeauouring
nothing
else
,
but
eyther
to
abuse
weake
iudgements
,
or
to
feede
the
humors
of
such
discontented
persons
,
as
wante
o●
disgrace
hath
kept
lower
then
they
had
set
their
swelling
thoughts
.
The
feare
was
occasioned
by
the
nimble
eare
which
lately
was
borne
to
the
touche
of
this
string
:
for
which
cause
our
English
fugitiues
did
stand
in
some
aduantage
,
in
that
they
had
free
scope
to
publish
whatsoeuer
was
agreeable
to
their
pleasure
;
knowing
right
well
,
that
their
bookes
could
not
be
suppressed
,
and
might
not
be
answered
.
It
may
be
you
will
question
,
wherefore
I
haue
not
answered
your
second
part
:
it
is
ready
for
you
,
but
I
haue
not
now
thought
fit
to
divulge
the
same
;
partly
because
it
hath
beene
dealt
in
by
some
others
;
but
principallie
because
I
know
not
how
conuenient
it
may
seeme
,
to
discusse
such
particulars
,
as
with
generall
both
liking
and
applause
are
now
determined
.
I
forbeare
to
expresse
your
true
name
;
I
haue
reserued
that
to
my
answere
to
some
cast
Pamphlet
which
I
expect
you
will
cast
forth
against
mee
:
and
I
make
little
doubt
but
to
driue
you
in
the
end
to
such
desperate
extremitie
,
as
(
with
Achitophell
)
to
sacrifice
your selfe
to
your
owne
shame
,
because
your
mischieuous
counsaile
hath
not
bin
embraced
.
AN
ANSWERE
TO
THE
FIRST
CHAPter
;
whereof
the
Title
is
this
.
That
succession
to
gouernement
by
neerenesse
of
bloude
is
not
by
lawe
of
Nature
or
deuine
,
but
onely
by
humane
and
positiue
lawes
of
euery
particular
common
wealth
:
and
consequently
,
that
it
may
vpon
iust
causes
,
be
altered
by
the
same
.
HERE
you
beginne
,
that
other
conditions
are
requisite
for
comming
to
gouernement
by
succession
,
besides
propinquitie
or
prioritie
of
bloude
;
which
conditions
must
be
limited
by
some
higher
authoritie
then
that
of
the
King
,
and
yet
are
they
prescribed
by
no
law
of
Nature
or
deuine
.
For
otherwise
,
one
that
wanteth
his
wits
or
sences
,
or
is
a
Turke
in
religion
,
might
succeed
in
gouernment
;
which
you
affirme
to
be
against
al
reason
,
law
,
religion
,
wisdom
,
conscience
,
&
against
the
first
end
of
Institution
of
common
wealths
.
And
that
Byllay
,
who
maintaineth
the
contrarie
,
doth
it
in
fauour
and
flattery
of
some
particular
Prince
.
What
conditions
are
requisit
in
succession
besides
priority
of
bloud
,
&
by
what
authority
they
are
to
be
limited
,
I
w●l
them
examin
when
you
shal
propound
:
but
for
your
reason
of
this
assertion
,
you
must
heaue
other
men
than
Billay
out
of
credit
,
for
reason
,
law
,
conscience
,
&
wisdom
,
before
you
cary
it
for
cleare
good
.
As
for
entire
contrariety
in
religion
,
or
difference
in
some
particular
points
therof
,
whether
it
be
a
sufficient
cause
of
exclusion
,
or
no
,
I
wil
refer
my selfe
to
that
place
,
where
you
do
strain
your
strength
about
it
.
In
disabilities
to
gouern
,
Baldus
[
a
](A02848-e340-b)
a
In
c.
1.
tit
.
de
success
.
feud
.
doth
distinguish
,
whether
it
be
naturall
,
or
accidentall
;
affirming
,
that
in
the
first
case
it
sufficeth
to
exclude
,
because
he
that
is
incapable
of
gouernment
from
his
birth
,
had
neuer
any
right
of
succession
setled
in
him
:
in
the
other
it
doth
not
suffice
;
because
he
that
is
once
inuested
in
right
of
succession
,
cannot
be
depriued
therof
without
his
fault
.
Many
do
follow
this
distinction
;
Io:
Igneus
[
b
](A02848-e360-b)
b
In
quaest●an
rex
Franc
ae
r●c●gn
s●at
●uperiorem
.
doth
limit
it
,
to
such
dignities
as
are
not
absolute
:
But
I●son
[
c
](A02848-e380-b)
c
In
●●emo
.
D.
d●
l●g
1.
,
Angelus
[
d
](A02848-e400-b)
d
In
●●um
praetor
.
§
non
autem
.
D.
de
Iudi.
&
diuers
others
do
indistinctly
hold
,
that
the
eldest
son
of
a
king
or
other
gouernor
,
although
he
be
borne
either
●urious
,
or
a
foole
,
or
otherwise
defectiue
,
cannot
therfore
be
excluded
from
his
succession
.
These
affirm
,
that
any
end
of
institution
of
common
wealths
is
,
if
not
fully
,
yet
better
satisfied
,
by
appointing
a
protector
of
the
state
(
as
vpon
diuers
occasions
it
hath
bin
vsuall
)
then
by
acknowledging
another
prince
;
as
wel
for
other
respects
,
as
for
that
by
continuance
of
succession
in
one
discent
,
a
faire
&
ordinary
occasion
is
remoued
,
both
of
mutiny
&
inuasion
.
For
enemies
wil
not
readily
attempt
,
&
subiects
do
most
willingly
obey
that
prince
,
whose
ancesters
haue
worn
out
those
humors
both
of
hatred
&
contempt
which
do
commonly
accompany
new
raised
estates
.
I
wil
not
confirm
this
last
opinion
,
by
the
example
of
Neptune
the
son
of
Saturn
;
who
,
althogh
he
was
lame
on
both
his
legs
,
yet
had
the
gouernment
of
the
sea
allotted
to
him
:
but
I
wil
confirm
it
by
the
practise
of
Athens
&
Laced●mon
,
the
two
eyes
of
Graecia
,
as
Leptines
[
e
](A02848-e470-b)
e
Apud
Aristor
.
thetor
.
3.
ca.
10.
&
Iustine
[
f
](A02848-e490-b)
f
Lib.
5.
do
aptly
term
them
.
Herodotu
:
[
g
](A02848-e510-b)
g
In
cerpsychore
reporteth
that
when
Alexandrides
king
of
Sparta
left
2
,
sons
,
Cleomenes
the
eldest
,
distracted
in
wits
,
&
Dorieus
the
yongest
,
both
of
ability
&
inclination
to
all
actions
of
honor
,
the
Lacedaemonians
acknoledged
Cleomenes
for
their
king
.
Agesilaus
also
the
famous
king
of
Lacedaemon
was
lame
,
as
Plutarch
&
Probus
Aemilius
[
h
](A02848-e620-b)
h
In
eius
vita
.
do
report
.
Paul
.
Orosius
[
i
](A02848-e640-b)
i
Lib.
3.
ca.
2.
saith
,
that
the
Lacedaemonians
did
chose
to
haue
their
K.
halt
rather
than
their
kingdom
.
Herodotus
[
k
](A02848-e670-b)
k
Vbi
.
5.
also
writeth
that
after
the
death
of
Codrus
king
of
Athens
,
Medon
his
eldest
son
,
&
Neleus
the
next
,
did
contend
for
the
kingdom
,
because
Neleus
would
not
giue
place
to
Medon
,
who
was
by
reason
of
his
lame
legs
,
if
not
vnable
,
yet
vnapt
to
gouerne
.
The
matter
being
almost
brought
to
the
sentence
of
the
sword
,
it
was
mediated
between
them
,
that
the
controuersie
should
be
decided
by
the
Oracle
of
Apollo-Apollo
was
consulted
;
by
whose
iudgement
Medon
was
declared
king
.
Iosephus
[
l
](A02848-e760-b)
l
Antiqu.
14.
ca.
1
hath
left
recorded
,
that
Aristobulus
&
Hircanus
,
after
a
long
&
cruel
contention
for
the
kingdom
of
Iury
,
made
Pompeie
the
iudge
of
that
right
which
by
arms
they
wer
vnable
to
decide
.
Hircanus
alleaged
that
he
was
eldest
brother
;
Aristobulus
excepted
,
that
Hircanus
was
insufficient
to
gouern
a
realme
.
Hereupon
Pompei
gaue
sentence
,
that
Aristobulus
should
giue
ouer
the
kingdome
which
he
did
vsurp
,
&
Hircanus
be
restored
to
his
estate
.
The
like
iudgement
doth
Liuy
[
m
](A02848-e870-b)
m
Lib.
1.2
.
belli
Iu●●ci
.
write
,
that
Annibal
gaue
for
the
kingdome
of
that
country
,
which
is
now
called
Sauoy
[
n
](A02848-e970-b)
n
In
Lisan●i
.
saith
,
that
he
found
no
man
to
second
his
aduise
.
I
will
adde
an
example
of
later
times
.
Ladislaus
,
a
man
more
famous
for
the
sanctitie
of
his
life
,
then
for
his
kingdom
of
Hungary
,
left
by
his
brother
Grisa
two
nep●ewes
;
Colomannus
the
elder
,
who
was
dwarfye
,
lame
,
crooke-backt
,
crab-faced
,
blunt
and
bleare-eyed
,
a
stammerer
,
and
(
which
is
more
)
a
Priest
:
and
Almus
the
younger
,
a
man
free
from
iust
exception
.
Yet
these
respectes
set
aside
,
a
dispensation
was
obteined
from
the
Pope
,
and
Colomannus
,
notwithstanding
his
deformities
and
defectes
,
was
accepted
by
the
people
for
king
So
you
see
,
that
the
practise
of
many
nations
haue
beene
contrary
to
your
conceipt
:
and
that
the
interpreters
of
the
ciuill
and
canon
lawe
(
good
arbitrators
of
naturall
equitie
)
either
beare
against
you
,
or
stand
for
you
onely
when
disabilitie
is
naturall
:
adding
further
,
that
if
the
excluded
successor
hath
a
sonne
,
before
or
after
succession
doth
fall
,
free
from
any
such
defect
,
the
right
of
the
kingdome
descendeth
vnto
him
.
This
affirmeth
Baldus
[
q
](A02848-e1120-b)
q
Cons.
389.
lib.
2.
,
Socinus
[
r
](A02848-e1140-b)
r
Cons
4●
.
lib.
3.
,
Cardinall
Alexander
Andreas
Iserna
.
[
t
](A02848-e1180-b)
t
In
c.
vlt.
tit
.
●
pif
.
vel
ab
.
Because
the
inhabilitie
of
parents
doth
not
preiudice
the
children
,
especially
in
regard
of
their
naturall
rightes
[
u
](A02848-e1190-b)
u
l.
3.
D●le
interdic
.
&
rel.
l.
2.
C●de
libert.
&
co●.
lib
●diui
fratres
.
D.
de
iur
.
patr
l
quaeritur
D.
de
bo
lib.
panor
.
cons.
85.
lib.
1.
Io.
Annd.
in
c.
significasti
de
so
.
comp.
:
neither
is
it
any
impediment
wherefore
they
should
not
enioy
either
priuiledge
or
dignitie
from
the
person
of
their
grandfather
.
Magis
est
(
saith
Vlpian
[
x
](A02848-e1220-b)
x
In
l.
vii
.
in
fi.
de
senat
.
)
vt
aui
potius
dignitas
prosit
,
quam
obsit
casus
patris
.
It
is
fitter
that
the
son
should
receiue
profit
by
the
dignitie
of
his
grandfather
,
then
preiudice
by
his
fathers
chaunce
.
And
this
(
we
may
thinke
)
is
a
reasonable
respect
,
wherefore
other
interpreters
haue
not
allowed
their
principall
opinion
,
in
repelling
him
who
is
disabled
by
birth
.
For
if
another
be
once
possessed
of
his
place
,
it
will
be
hard
for
any
of
his
children
to
attaine
their
right
:
Wherevpon
difunion
,
factions
,
warres
may
easily
arise
.
It
is
inconuenient
(
I
grant
)
to
be
gouerned
by
a
king
,
who
is
defectiue
in
body
or
in
minde
:
but
it
is
a
greater
inconuenience
,
by
making
a
breache
in
this
high
point
of
state
,
to
open
an
entrance
for
all
disorders
,
wherein
ambition
and
insolencie
may
range
at
large
.
For
as
mischiefe
is
of
that
nature
that
it
cannot
stand
,
but
by
supportaunce
of
another
euill
,
and
so
multiplieth
in
it selfe
,
till
it
come
to
the
highest
,
and
then
doth
ruine
with
the
proper
weight
:
so
mindes
once
exceeding
the
boundes
of
obedience
,
cease
not
to
strengthen
one
bouldnesse
by
another
,
vntil
they
haue
inuolued
the
whole
state
in
confusion
.
We
find
that
Gabriel
the
yongest
brother
of
the
house
of
Saluse
kept
his
eldest
brother
in
close
prison
,
vsurped
his
estate
,
and
gaue
forth
for
satisfaction
to
the
people
,
that
hee
was
mad
.
I
could
report
many
like
examples
:
but
I
shal
haue
occasion
to
speake
more
hereof
in
the
further
passage
betwixt
vs
.
After
this
you
conclude
three
points
.
-
1
That
inclination
to
liue
in
companie
is
of
nature
.
-
2
That
gouernement
and
iurisdiction
of
magistrates
is
also
of
nature
.
-
3
That
no
one
particulare
forme
of
gouernement
is
naturall
;
for
then
it
should
be
the
same
in
all
countries
,
seeing
God
and
nature
is
one
to
all
.
But
before
I
ioyne
with
you
,
either
in
contradiction
or
consent
,
it
shall
not
be
amisse
to
declare
briefly
,
what
we
vnderstand
by
the
lawe
of
nature
,
and
by
what
meanes
it
may
best
be
knowne
.
God
in
the
creation
of
man
,
imprinted
certaine
rules
within
his
soule
,
to
direct
him
in
all
the
actions
of
his
life
:
which
rules
,
because
we
tooke
them
when
wee
tooke
our
beeing
,
are
commonly
called
the
primarie
lawe
of
Nature
:
of
which
sort
the
canons
[
x
](A02848-e1340-b)
x
c●ius
naturale
.
dist.
3
accompt
these
precepts
following
.
To
worship
god
:
to
obey
parents
and
gouernours
,
&
therby
to
conserue
common
society
:
lawful
coniunction
of
man
&
woman
:
succession
of
children
:
education
of
children
:
acquisition
of
things
which
pertaine
to
no
man
:
equall
libertie
of
all
:
to
communicate
commodities
:
to
repell
force
:
to
hurt
no
man
:
and
generally
,
to
do
to
another
as
he
would
be
done
vnto
:
which
is
the
sum
and
substance
of
the
second
table
of
the
decalogue
.
And
this
lawe
Thom.
Aquine
[
y
](A02848-e1380-b)
y
1.2
.
q.
94.
d.
2.
affirmeth
to
be
much
depraued
by
the
fall
of
man
;
and
afterwards
more
,
by
errour
,
euill
custome
,
pertinacie
,
and
other
corrupters
of
the
mind
:
and
yet
doth
it
yeeld
vs
so
large
light
,
that
Saint
Paule
[
z
](A02848-e1400-b)
z
rom.
cap.
2.
&
3.
did
esteeme
it
sufficient
to
condemne
the
gentiles
,
who
had
no
other
law
written
.
Out
of
these
precepts
are
formed
certaine
customes
,
generally
obserued
in
all
parts
of
the
world
:
which
,
because
they
were
not
from
the
beginning
,
but
brought
in
afterward
,
some
as
a
consequence
or
collection
,
others
as
a
practise
or
execution
of
the
first
naturall
precepts
,
are
called
the
secondarie
lawe
of
nature
,
and
by
many
also
the
law
of
nations
.
Gaius
,
[
'
](A02848-e1430-b)
'
quod
naturali●
ratio
inter
omnes
homine●
constituit
,
id
apud
omnes
peraeque
custoditur
vocaturque
ius
gentium
.
l.
ix
.
D.
de
iust
.
&
iur
.
saith
:
that
which
naturall
reason
doth
constitute
among
all
men
,
is
obserued
by
all
alike
,
and
termed
the
lawe
of
Nations
:
and
the
same
is
called
by
Iustinian
[
a
](A02848-e1460-b)
a
iust
.
de
ter.
deni
.
§.
singulorum
.
;
the
lawe
of
nature
.
Cicero
[
b
](A02848-e1480-b)
b
in
re
consensio
omnium
gentium
,
lex
naturae
putanda
est
.
i.
Tuscal
.
likewise
saith
:
the
consent
of
al
nations
is
to
be
esteemed
the
lawe
of
nature
.
But
this
is
to
be
taken
,
not
as
though
al
nations
haue
at
any
time
obserued
one
vsage
alike
:
it
is
not
necessary
faith
Baldus
[
c
](A02848-e1520-b)
c
in
l
1.
C.
de
testam
.
,
that
the
word
al●
should
cary
so
large
a
sence
:
neither
hath
it
euer
bin
brought
into
knoledge
what
customes
all
nations
haue
held
in
vse
.
And
it
is
most
certain
,
that
ther
is
not
one
point
or
precept
of
the
law
of
nature
,
but
,
by
reason
,
partly
of
the
weaknes
,
partly
of
the
corruption
,
which
the
fal
of
Adam
fasten
in
his
posteritie
,
some
people
haue
at
all
times
,
either
neglected
or
els
depraued
:
some
being
so
dull
as
they
could
not
perceiue
,
others
so
malicious
as
they
would
denie
,
that
which
nature
did
lay
before
them
.
Yea
,
such
is
either
the
weakenesse
or
wilfulnesse
of
our
iudgement
,
that
they
who
are
not
onely
admitted
but
admired
for
wise
men
,
doe
many
times
disagree
in
determining
what
is
most
agreeable
to
nature
:
much
lesse
may
we
either
expect
or
imagine
,
that
al
nations
,
so
different
,
so
distant
,
neuer
so
much
as
now
,
and
yet
not
now
fully
discouered
,
should
iumpe
in
one
iudgement
for
vniform
obseruation
of
any
custome
:
neither
is
that
no
natural
right
,
as
Zenophon
[
d
](A02848-e1550-b)
d
4.
Socrat.
noteth
,
which
many
dayly
doe
transgresse
.
And
therefore
Donellus
[
e
](A02848-e1580-b)
e
In
com
.
in
.
6.
did
vniustly
reiect
the
discription
which
Gaius
gaue
of
the
law
of
nations
,
by
taking
the
word
al
in
the
amplest
sence
.
S.
Ambrose
[
f
](A02848-e1620-b)
f
Ad
ephes.
4.
and
S.
Hierome
[
g
](A02848-e1640-b)
g
Tit.
did
in
this
sort
declare
it
;
that
we
are
to
take
that
for
a
decree
of
nations
,
which
successiuely
and
at
times
hath
beene
obserued
by
all
.
But
as
for
any
one
time
,
as
it
is
to
be
iudged
the
decree
or
custome
of
a
whole
citty
,
which
hath
passed
by
consent
of
the
most
part
,
although
al
haue
not
allowed
,
and
some
perhaps
haue
opposed
against
it
[
h
](A02848-e1650-b)
h
c.
●
.
de
decret.
ab
ord.
.
l.
32.
de
legi
.
;
so
is
it
to
be
esteemed
the
lawe
of
nations
,
the
common
lawe
of
the
whole
world
,
which
most
nations
in
the
world
are
found
to
imbrace
.
And
because
gouernment
was
not
from
the
beginning
,
but
induced
as
a
consequence
of
the
primary
precept
of
nature
;
to
maintaine
humane
societie
:
therefore
whensoeuer
wee
speake
of
naturall
gouernment
,
we
are
intended
to
meane
the
secondary
lawe
of
nature
,
which
is
the
receiued
custome
,
successiuely
of
al
,
&
alwaies
of
most
nations
in
the
world
.
Out
of
this
we
may
gather
,
that
three
rules
doe
chiefly
lead
vs
to
the
knowledg
of
this
law
.
The
first
is
that
which
Cicero
[
i
](A02848-e1690-b)
i
ad
Q.
fratrem
.
prouocandum
ad
sensus
.
in
the
like
case
giueth
:
to
appeale
vnto
sence
:
because
there
is
no
man
but
by
the
light
of
nature
,
hath
some
sence
of
that
which
nature
doth
allowe
.
S.
Augustine
[
k
](A02848-e1720-b)
k
interiori
nescio
qua
conscientia
i●aec
sentimus
.
de
vtti
.
cred.
saith
,
I
know
not
by
what
inward
conscience
we
feele
these
things
:
and
likewise
Tertullian
[
l
](A02848-e1750-b)
l
omn●
malum
aut
timore
aut
pudor
natura
perfu●it
.
in
apol.
:
Nature
hath
tainted
all
euill
eyther
with
feare
or
with
shame
.
Wherto
agreeth
that
which
S.
Ambrose
although
they
deny
it
,
they
cannot
but
shew
some
tokens
of
shame
.
Herupon
the
authors
of
the
ciuill
lawe
[
n
](A02848-e1800-b)
n
l.
3.
si
auro
.
D.
de
vsur
.
l.
8.
D.
quib
.
mo
.
pi.
sold.
15.
de
cond.
l.
14.
D.
de
nup.
do
reiect
that
for
vniust
,
which
is
not
demaunded
without
shew
of
shame
.
For
,
as
Cassiodorus
[
o
](A02848-e1820-b)
o
7.
var.
16.
writeth
;
God
hath
giuē●l
men
such
a
sence
of
iustice
,
that
they
who
know
not
the
lawes
,
cannot
but
acknowledge
the
reason
of
truth
.
But
because
this
light
of
nature
,
in
many
men
is
exceeding
dimme
;
the
next
rule
is
to
obserue
what
hath
bin
allowed
by
those
who
are
of
greatest
both
wisedome
and
integrity
,
in
whom
nature
doth
shew
her selfe
most
cleere
.
For
as
Aristotle
saith
[
;?
](A02848-e1860-b)
;?
topic
.
prin.
;
that
is
probable
which
prooued
men
do
approue
.
Among
these
,
the
first
place
pertaineth
vnto
them
,
who
by
inspiration
of
god
,
haue
compiled
the
books
of
holy
scripture
:
to
whom
as
attendants
we
may
adioyne
the
ancient
counsailes
&
fathers
of
the
church
.
The
next
place
is
to
be
giuen
to
the
authors
of
the
ciuill
lawe
;
whose
iudgement
hath
bin
these
many
hundred
yeers
,
admired
by
many
,
approoued
by
all
,
and
is
at
this
daie
accepted
for
lawe
,
almost
in
all
states
of
the
christian
common
wealth
.
To
these
also
we
may
adioyne
,
as
attendants
,
their
interpreters
of
most
approued
note
.
The
third
place
is
due
to
Philosophers
,
historiographers
,
orators
and
the
like
;
who
haue
not
vnprofitably
endeauoured
to
free
nature
of
two
cloudes
,
wherewith
shee
is
often
ouercast
:
grosse
ignorance
,
and
subtill
errour
.
But
because
naturall
reason
,
as
Alciate
[
p
](A02848-e1900-b)
p
5.
consil.
38.
affirmeth
,
doth
sometimes
varie
,
according
to
the
capacitie
of
particulare
men
;
euen
as
the
sunne
,
beeing
in
it selfe
alwaies
the
same
,
giueth
neither
heate
nor
light
to
all
alike
:
the
third
rule
followeth
,
to
obserue
the
common
vse
of
all
nations
,
which
Cicero
[
q
](A02848-e1920-b)
q
ipsius
vocem
naturae
de
natur
.
deot
.
calleth
;
the
voice
of
nature
:
because
as
Aristotle
[
r
](A02848-e1950-b)
r
15.
prob
.
3.
hath
written
,
it
is
not
done
by
chance
which
euery
where
is
done
.
Plato
[
s
](A02848-e1970-b)
s
8.
de
legib.
saith
,
this
shall
be
the
proofe
hereof
,
that
no
man
doth
otherwise
speake
:
and
likewise
Baldus
[
t
](A02848-e2000-b)
t
4.
consil.
496.
,
I
dare
not
disalow
that
which
the
world
alloweth
.
And
in
this
common
lawe
or
custome
of
the
world
,
three
circumstancies
are
to
be
considered
:
antiquitie
,
continuance
,
and
generalitie
.
Now
then
your
first
position
is
so
cleerelie
true
,
that
you
doe
but
guild
gould
in
labouring
to
prooue
it
:
for
man
is
not
onely
sociable
by
nature
,
but
(
as
Aristotle
[
u
](A02848-e2050-b)
u
1.
polit.
affirmeth
)
more
sociable
then
any
other
liuing
creature
.
These
notorious
pointes
,
the
more
we
prooue
,
the
more
we
obscure
.
Your
second
is
also
true
,
for
as
Tullie
saith
[
x
](A02848-e2090-b)
x
sine
imperio
n●c
d●mus
vlla
,
nec
ciuita●
,
nec
gen
,
neel
ominem
vniu●t
sum
genus
state
,
n●c
re●um
natura
om●●
nec
ipse
den
.
que
m●●dus
potest
.
●
.
de
legib.
Without
empire
,
neither
house
,
nor
citty
,
nor
nation
,
nor
mankinde
can
stand
,
nor
the
nature
of
all
things
,
nor
in
a
word
,
the
world
it selfe
.
Whereto
agreeth
that
of
Aristotle
[
y
](A02848-e2120-b)
y
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
1.
polit.
ca.
3.
:
gouernment
is
both
necessary
and
also
profitable
.
But
whereas
you
bring
in
proofe
hereof
,
that
there
was
neuer
people
founde
,
either
in
auncient
time
,
or
of
late
discouerie
,
which
had
not
some
magistrate
to
gouerne
them
,
neither
is
it
necessarie
,
and
yet
false
.
It
is
not
necessarie
to
haue
so
large
a
consent
of
nations
,
as
I
haue
declared
before
:
and
it
is
false
that
in
all
times
and
nations
there
haue
beene
magistrates
.
After
the
deluge
,
magistrates
were
not
knowne
vntil
kings
did
arise
,
as
hereafter
it
shall
appeare
.
The
Iewes
were
often
without
either
magistrates
or
gouernement
:
Whereupon
in
certaine
places
of
the
booke
of
Iudges
[
z
](A02848-e2150-b)
z
ca.
17.
ver.
6.
&
ca.
vlt
in
si
.
it
is
thus
written
:
In
those
dayes
there
was
no
king
in
Israell
,
but
what
seemed
right
to
euery
man
that
did
hee
.
Sometimes
Democraticall
gouernement
doth
drawe
to
a
pure
anarchie
;
and
so
doth
the
interregnum
of
electiue
principalities
.
Leo
Aser
reporteth
,
that
in
Guzala
,
a
countrie
of
Africke
,
the
people
haue
neither
king
nor
forme
of
gouernement
;
but
vpon
dayes
of
mart
,
they
elect
a
captaine
to
secure
their
trafficke
.
The
same
authour
deliuereth
,
that
the
inhabitantes
of
the
mountaine
Magnan
,
vpon
the
frontiers
of
Fez
,
haue
noe
forme
of
common
wealth
,
but
doe
stay
trauailers
(
vnpartiall
iudges
)
to
decide
their
controuersies
.
Leo
himselfe
was
arrested
to
bee
their
iudge
,
and
when
hee
had
spent
many
dayes
in
determining
their
debates
,
hee
was
in
the
end
presented
with
hennes
,
ducks
,
geese
and
other
of
their
countrie
commodities
,
which
serued
onelie
to
discharge
his
host
.
And
if
this
your
reason
should
bee
of
force
then
were
not
sociabilitie
naturall
,
because
many
men
haue
made
choise
to
liue
alone
.
But
how
them
,
wil
you
say
,
is
nature
immutable
?
It
is
in
abstracto
,
but
it
is
not
in
subiecto
.
Or
thus
:
In
it selfe
it
is
not
changed
:
in
vs
,
by
reason
of
our
imperfections
,
it
is
.
Or
els
more
plainely
,
it
is
not
changed
,
but
it
is
transgrested
.
But
nature
,
you
say
,
is
alike
to
al.
Not
so
,
good
sir
:
because
all
are
not
apt
alike
to
receiue
her
:
euen
as
the
sun
beames
doe
not
reflect
alike
vpon
a
cleane
and
cleare
glasse
,
and
vpon
a
glasse
that
is
either
filthy
or
course
:
And
in
many
,
not
onely
men
,
but
nations
,
euill
custome
hath
driuen
nature
out
of
place
,
and
setteth
vp
it selfe
in
steade
of
nature
[
z
](A02848-e2290-b)
z
l.
si
quis
post
.
humos
.
D.
de
lib.
et
posth
.
.
Your
third
conclusion
,
that
no
particulare
forme
of
gouernement
is
naturall
,
doth
not
finde
so
easie
acceptaunce
.
Your
onely
proofe
is
,
that
if
it
were
otherwise
,
there
should
be
one
forme
of
gouernement
in
all
nations
;
because
god
and
nature
is
one
to
all
.
But
this
reason
I
haue
encountred
before
:
and
yet
you
take
paines
to
puffe
it
vp
with
many
waste
words
;
howe
the
Romanes
changed
gouernment
;
how
in
Italie
there
is
,
a
pope
,
a
king
and
many
dukes
;
how
Millaine
,
Burgundie
,
Loraine
,
Bavier
,
Gascoint
,
and
Britaine
the
lesse
were
changed
from
kingdomes
to
dukedomes
;
howe
Germanie
was
once
vnder
one
king
,
and
is
now
deuided
among
dukes
,
earles
,
and
other
supreme
princes
;
How
Castile
,
Aragone
,
Portugall
,
Barcelona
and
other
countries
in
Spaine
,
were
first
Earldomes
,
then
Dukedomes
,
then
seuerall
Kingdomes
,
and
now
are
vnited
into
one
;
how
B●eme
and
Polonia
were
once
Dukedomes
,
and
now
are
Kingdomes
;
how
Fraunce
was
first
one
kingdome
,
then
deuided
into
fower
,
and
lastly
reduced
into
one
.
How
England
was
first
a
Monarchie
,
vnder
the
Britaines
,
then
a
Prouince
vnder
the
Romaines
,
after
that
diuided
into
seauen
Kingdomes
,
and
lastly
reduced
into
one
;
how
the
people
of
Israell
were
first
vnder
Patriarkes
,
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
and
Iacob
,
then
vnder
Captains
,
then
vnder
Iudges
,
them
vnder
high
Priests
,
then
vnder
Kings
,
and
then
vnder
Captaines
and
high
Priests
againe
.
I
will
not
followe
you
in
euery
by
way
whereinto
your
errours
doe
leade
(
for
who
would
haue
aduentured
to
affirme
,
that
the
children
of
Israell
were
vnder
Abraham
and
Isaac
;
and
that
the
Britaines
at
the
first
were
vnder
one
King
,
whereas
Caesar
reporteth
that
hee
found
fower
kings
in
that
country
which
is
now
called
Kent
)
but
I
will
onely
insist
vpon
the
principall
point
;
in
regard
whereof
,
all
this
bundell
of
wordes
is
like
a
blowne
bladder
,
full
of
winde
,
but
of
no
weight
.
For
first
you
doe
but
trifle
vpon
tearmes
,
in
putting
a
difference
betweene
Kings
,
Dukes
,
and
Earles
,
which
holde
their
state
with
soueraigne
power
.
Wee
speake
not
of
the
names
,
but
of
the
gouernement
of
Princes
.
Supreme
rulers
may
differ
in
name
;
they
may
change
name
also
,
either
by
long
vse
,
or
vpon
occasion
:
and
yet
in
gouernment
neither
differ
nor
change
.
Secondly
,
it
is
a
more
vaine
ieast
to
put
a
difference
(
in
this
regarde
)
betweene
a
great
territorie
and
a
small
.
If
a
kingdome
bee
enlarged
or
streight●ed
in
limites
,
the
gouernement
is
not
thereby
changed
:
if
many
kingdomes
bee
vnited
into
one
;
if
one
bee
diuided
into
many
;
the
nature
of
gouernment
is
no
more
altered
,
then
is
the
tenure
of
lande
,
either
when
partition
is
made
,
or
when
many
partes
accrewe
into
one
.
The
knot
of
doubt
is
,
whether
it
bee
not
naturall
,
that
one
state
,
bee
it
great
or
small
,
should
rather
bee
commaunded
by
one
person
,
howsoeuer
intitled
,
then
by
many
.
And
if
wee
descende
into
true
discourse
,
wee
shall
finde
,
that
the
verie
sinewes
of
gouernment
doe
consist
,
in
commaunding
and
in
obeying
.
But
obedience
can
not
bee
performed
,
where
the
commaundementes
are
,
eyther
repugnant
or
vncertaine
:
neither
can
these
inconueniences
bee
any
waies
auoided
,
but
by
vnion
of
the
authoritie
which
doth
commaunde
.
This
vnion
is
of
two
sortes
;
first
,
when
one
commaundeth
;
secondly
,
when
many
doe
knit
in
one
power
and
will
.
The
first
vnion
is
naturall
;
the
seconde
is
by
meane
of
amitie
,
which
is
the
onely
bande
of
this
collectiue
bodie
:
and
the
moe
they
are
who
ioyne
in
gouernment
,
the
lesse
naturall
is
their
vnion
,
and
the
more
subiect
to
dissipation
.
For
as
Tacitus
saith
[
',
](A02848-e2540-b)
',
Arduvm
semper
codem
loci
potcutiam
&
concordiam
esse
.
iiiii
.
annal.
:
aequalitie
and
amitie
are
scarce
compatible
.
Naturall
reason
teacheth
vs
,
that
all
multitude
beginneth
from
one
,
and
the
auncient
Philosophers
haue
helde
,
that
from
vnitie
all
thinges
doe
proceede
,
and
are
againe
resolued
into
the
same
.
Of
which
opinion
Laertius
[
a
](A02848-e2580-b)
a
In
pr●ncipt●
lib.
d●
v●tis
●ententi●que
Philosophorum
.
reporteth
that
Musaeus
of
Athens
was
authour
,
who
liued
long
before
Homer
:
but
afterwardes
it
was
renewed
by
Pythagoras
,
as
Plutarch
[
b
](A02848-e2640-b)
b
Lib.
de
dogmatis
Philosophorum
.
Alexander
[
c
](A02848-e2660-b)
c
In
successionibus
Philosophorum
.
,
and
Laertius
[
d
](A02848-e2680-b)
d
Lib.
8.
de
vi●is
&
sententiis
Philosophorum
.
doe
write
:
who
added
thereunto
,
that
vnitie
is
the
originall
of
good
,
and
dualitie
of
euill
:
And
of
this
opinion
Saint
Hierome
[
e
](A02848-e2710-b)
e
Lib.
1.
contra
Iouinian
.
was
also
,
whose
sentence
is
repeated
in
the
canonicall
decrees
[
f
](A02848-e2730-b)
f
c.
nuptiae
.
32.
di.
1.
but
vnder
the
title
and
name
of
Saint
Ambrose
.
Hereupon
Homer
doth
oftentimes
call
good
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
applyeth
the
terme
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
affliction
and
trouble
.
Hereupon
Galen
[
g
](A02848-e2790-b)
g
Lib.
6.
de
sanit
.
tuend
.
also
writeth
,
that
the
best
in
euerye
kinde
is
one
.
Plato
produceth
all
thinges
from
one
[
h
](A02848-e2810-b)
h
In
Timaeo
.
;
measureth
all
thinges
by
one
[
i
](A02848-e2820-b)
i
In
Philebo
.
;
and
reduceth
all
thinges
into
one
[
k
](A02848-e2830-b)
k
In
Epinomide
.
.
The
whole
worlde
is
nothinge
but
a
greate
state
;
a
state
is
no
other
then
a
greate
familie
;
and
a
familie
no
other
then
a
greate
bodye
.
As
one
GOD
ruleth
the
worlde
,
one
maister
the
familie
,
as
all
the
members
of
one
bodye
receiue
both
sence
and
motion
from
one
heade
,
which
is
the
seate
and
tower
both
of
the
vnderstanding
and
of
the
will
:
so
it
seemeth
no
lesse
naturall
,
that
one
state
should
be
gouerned
by
one
commaunder
.
The
first
of
these
arguments
was
vsed
by
Soliman
,
Lord
of
the
Turkes
[
l
](A02848-e2870-b)
l
Anno.
1552.
.
Who
hauing
strangled
Sultane
Mustapha
his
sonne
,
because
at
his
returne
out
of
Persit
,
he
was
receiued
by
the
soldiers
with
great
demonstrations
of
ioy
;
hee
caused
the
dead
bodie
to
be
cast
forthe
before
the
armie
,
and
appointed
one
to
crye
;
There
is
but
one
God
in
Heauen
,
and
one
Sultane
vpon
earth
.
The
second
was
vsed
by
Agesilaus
,
to
one
that
moued
the
Spartans
for
a
popular
gouernment
;
goe
first
(
saide
hee
)
and
stablish
a
popular
gouernment
within
your
owne
doores
.
To
the
third
Tacitus
[
m
](A02848-e2940-b)
m
Vnum
imperii
corpus
vnius
animo
regendum
videtur
.
1.
annal.
did
allude
,
when
hee
saide
:
The
body
of
one
Empire
seemeth
best
to
be
gouerned
by
the
soule
of
one
man
.
In
the
heauens
there
is
but
one
Sunne
;
which
Serinus
[
n
](A02848-e2980-b)
n
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
also
applyeth
vnto
gouernement
,
in
affirming
,
that
if
wee
set
vp
two
sunnes
,
we
are
like
to
set
all
in
combustion
.
Many
sociable
creatures
haue
for
one
company
,
one
principall
either
gouernour
or
guide
;
which
al
authors
take
for
a
natural
demonstration
of
the
gouernment
of
one
.
And
if
you
require
herein
the
testimonie
of
men
,
you
shall
not
finde
almost
any
that
writeth
vpon
this
subiect
,
but
hee
doth
,
if
not
alleage
,
yet
allow
that
of
Homer
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
one
Lord
,
one
King
.
Plutarch
declareth
both
his
owne
iudgement
concerning
this
point
,
and
also
the
consent
of
others
,
in
affirming
[
o
](A02848-e3040-b)
o
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
in
Enagora
.
that
all
men
did
acknowledge
,
that
the
gouernment
of
a
King
is
the
most
excellent
benefit
that
God
hath
giuen
vnto
men
.
Callimachus
saith
,
[
p
](A02848-e3080-b)
p
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
that
Kings
proceede
from
god
:
Homer
affirmeth
,
[
q
](A02848-e3110-b)
q
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
that
they
are
cherished
by
god
.
Your selfe
doe
shew
[
r
](A02848-e3130-b)
r
In
cap.
1.
out
of
Aristotle
,
Seneca
,
Plutarch
,
S.
Hierome
,
S.
Chrysost●me
and
S.
Peter
,
that
monarchie
is
the
most
excellent
and
perfect
gouernement
,
most
resembling
the
gouernement
of
god
,
and
most
agreeable
vnto
nature
.
But
what
doe
you
meane
to
acknowledge
all
this
,
and
yet
to
denie
that
monarchie
is
naturall
?
doe
you
take
it
to
be
aboue
nature
?
or
how
els
is
it
most
excellent
and
perfect
?
how
is
it
most
agreeable
to
nature
,
and
yet
not
naturall
?
can
any
action
be
most
agreeable
to
iustice
,
and
yet
not
iust
?
I
know
not
by
what
strategeme
,
or
cunning
cranck
of
the
schools
,
you
can
be
made
agreeable
to
your selfe
.
But
now
if
we
consider
the
generall
custome
of
al
people
,
we
shall
find
that
all
the
ancient
nations
in
whom
the
laws
of
nature
were
least
corrupt
,
had
no
other
gouernment
:
as
the
Assyrians
,
Medes
,
Persians
,
Parthians
,
Indians
,
Scythians
,
Sirians
,
Phoenicians
,
Arabians
,
Aegyptians
,
Africans
,
Numidians
,
Mauritanians
,
Britans
,
Celtes
,
Gaules
,
Latines
,
Hetruscanes
,
Sicilians
,
Athenians
,
Lacaedemonians
,
Corinthians
,
Achaeans
,
Sicyonians
,
Candians
,
&
in
one
word
,
all
.
Tullie
saith
[
s
](A02848-e3210-b)
s
certum
est
omnos
antiqua●
gentes
regibus
paruisse
.
3.
de
legib.
:
it
is
certaine
,
that
al
ancient
nations
were
vnder
kings
:
with
which
opinion
Salust
[
t
](A02848-e3240-b)
t
in
Caulin
.
consenteth
;
&
Iustine
also
,
where
he
saith
[
u
](A02848-e3260-b)
u
principio
tersum
,
gentium
nationumque
imperium
p●nes
r●ges
crat.
lib.
1.
;
the
empire
of
nations
at
the
first
was
in
the
hands
of
kings
.
And
when
the
people
of
Israel
desired
a
king
,
they
alleged
that
al
other
nations
were
gouerned
by
kings
[
x
](A02848-e3280-b)
x
1.
reg.
8.5
.
.
The
Athenians
were
the
first
(
as
Plinie
affirmeth
)
who
set
vp
the
gouernment
of
many
,
whose
example
certaine
other
towns
of
Greece
did
follow
,
rather
blinded
by
ambition
,
than
led
by
iudgement
.
Among
these
,
if
the
highest
authority
were
in
the
least
part
of
the
citisens
,
it
was
called
aristocracy
;
if
in
the
most
or
in
all
,
it
was
termed
democracy
;
wherin
you
confesse
[
x
](A02848-e3330-b)
x
in
ca.
2.
that
neither
they
did
nor
could
any
long
time
continue
;
but
after
many
tumults
,
seditions
,
mutinies
,
outrages
,
iniusticies
,
banding
of
factions
,
and
inundations
of
bloud
,
they
were
in
the
end
either
dissolued
or
vanquished
,
and
reduced
againe
vnder
gouernement
of
one
.
The
state
of
Rome
began
vnder
kings
;
it
atteined
the
highest
pitch
both
of
glory
and
greatnes
vnder
emperors
:
in
the
middle
time
,
wherin
it
neuer
inioyed
x.
yeeres
together
free
from
sedition
,
Polybius
saith
that
is
was
mixed
;
the
consulls
representing
a
monarchie
,
the
senate
,
an
aristocracie
,
&
the
common
people
a
democracy
:
which
opinion
was
likewise
embraced
by
Dionysius
Halicarnasseus
,
Cicero
,
Cantarine
and
others
.
But
many
do
hold
that
the
state
of
Rome
at
that
time
was
populare
:
which
seemeth
to
be
confirmed
by
the
famous
lawier
&
counsailer
Vlpian
,
where
he
saith
[
y
](A02848-e3400-b)
y
vtpote
cum
lege
re●●a
quae
denu●crio
cius
lara
est
,
populus
e●
&
in
eum
omne
sur●m
im
:
cusuin
&
pot
.
statem
consera
l
1.
D.
de
c●●st
pr●ne
.
that
the
people
did
grant
al
their
power
&
authority
to
the
prince
.
Whatsoeuer
it
was
in
shew
,
in
very
deede
it
was
alwayes
gouerned
by
some
one
principall
man
.
Liuie
wrighteth
of
Scipio
[
z
](A02848-e3430-b)
z
sub
vmbra
cius
vrbem
terratum
d●minam
latere
,
●●us
nutus
●ro
decretis
patrum
,
pro
iustis
populi
●sse
.
lib
●0
.
,
that
vnder
his
shadow
the
city
was
protected
,
&
that
his
looks
were
in
stead
of
lawes
:
&
likewise
of
Papirius
cursor
[
,'
](A02848-e3450-b)
,'
nemo
erat
quo
magis
innixa
res
romana
,
qu
m●in
Papirio
cutsore
c●tatet
.
lib.
●
.
;
that
he
sustained
the
Romane
affaires
.
So
said
Thucidides
,
that
Athens
was
in
appearance
populare
,
but
Aristides
was
the
true
monarch
thereof
:
&
Plutarch
[
a
](A02848-e3500-b)
a
in●pelopid
.
also
affirmeth
,
that
Pelopidas
and
Epaminondas
were
no
lesse
then
lords
of
the
populare
state
of
Thebes
:
but
after
the
death
of
these
men
,
both
the
states
of
Athens
and
Thebes
floated
in
tumults
,
as
the
same
authour
obserueth
[
b
](A02848-e3550-b)
b
in
pericle
,
,
like
a
ship
in
a
tempest
without
a
pilot
.
So
did
Peter
Sodarine
Gonsalonier
of
Florence
giue
forth
,
that
the
title
of
popularity
was
vsed
as
a
maske
,
to
shadow
the
tyranny
of
Laurence
Medices
:
but
Florence
did
neuer
so
florish
both
in
honor
,
wealth
,
and
quiet
,
as
vnder
that
tyranny
.
Also
in
actions
of
weight
,
in
great
dangers
and
necessities
the
Romans
had
recourse
to
one
absolute
and
supreme
commander
,
which
Liuie
calleth
[
c
](A02848-e3600-b)
c
trepidi
patres
ad
summum
au●ilium
decurrunt
Dictatorem
dici
placuit
.
lib
6.
the
highest
refuge
;
whose
authority
as
the
Romans
did
most
reuerently
respect
,
so
was
it
many
times
fearefull
to
their
enemies
.
Of
the
first
,
Liuie
saith
[
d
](A02848-e3620-b)
d
Dictatoris
edictum
pro
numine
semper
obseruatum
.
lib.
6.
;
the
Dictators
edict
was
alwayes
obserued
as
an
oracle
:
of
the
second
[
e
](A02848-e3640-b)
e
tantus
erat
dictatoris
terror
apud
hostes
,
vt
co
creato
statim
a
manibus
discesserint
.
lib.
co.
,
so
soone
as
a
dictator
was
created
,
such
a
terror
came
vpon
the
enemies
,
that
they
departed
presently
from
the
walles
.
Likewise
in
cases
of
extremity
the
Lacedaemonians
had
their
high
gouernour
whom
they
called
Harmostes
;
the
Thessalonians
had
their
Archos
;
and
the
Mytilenians
also
their
great
Aezymnetes
.
Lastly
,
Tacitus
reporteth
[
f
](A02848-e3730-b)
f
ve
recte
prudentes
quidam
de
vita
Augusti
post
mortem
eius
inter
se
conferentes
,
dix●runt
,
non
aliud
discordantis
patriae
remedium
suisse
,
quam
si
ab
vno
regeretur
.
ann.
1.
that
certaine
wise
men
discoursing
of
the
life
of
Augustus
after
his
death
,
affirmed
rightly
,
that
ther
was
no
other
meane
to
appease
the
discordes
of
the
state
,
but
by
reducing
it
vnder
the
gouernement
of
one
.
Let
vs
now
take
a
view
of
our
present
age
.
In
al
Asia
,
from
whence
Tullie
saith
,
[
g
](A02848-e3780-b)
g
in
epist.
1.
ad
Q.
Fratreu●
.
ciuility
did
first
spread
into
other
parts
of
the
world
,
no
gouernment
is
in
vse
but
by
a
monarch
,
as
appeareth
by
the
Tartarians
,
Turks
,
Persians
,
Indians
,
Chinans
&
Cataians
:
no
other
gouernment
is
found
to
be
founded
in
al
the
cuntries
of
Affrick
:
in
America
also
and
all
the
west
parts
of
the
world
,
no
other
is
yet
discouered
:
in
Europe
only
,
vpon
eyther
declining
or
chang
of
the
empire
,
a
few
towns
in
Germany
&
Italy
did
reuiue
againe
the
gouernment
of
many
:
som
are
alredy
returned
to
a
monarchy
,
and
the
residue
in
their
time
will
do
the
like
,
euen
as
all
others
haue
done
which
haue
bene
before
them
.
What
then
shal
we
say
of
this
so
ancient
,
so
continuall
,
so
generall
consent
of
all
nations
?
what
can
we
say
,
but
conclude
with
Tertullian
these
testimonies
,
the
more
true
,
the
more
simple
;
the
more
simple
,
the
more
common
;
the
more
common
,
the
more
natu●all
;
the
more
naturall
,
the
more
deuine
.
But
because
ambition
is
a
most
firy
affection
,
and
carieth
men
blindfold
into
headlong
hopes
,
wherby
many
do
aspire
to
beare
rule
,
neither
they
good
,
nor
with
any
good
either
means
or
end
;
the
custome
or
lawe
of
nations
hath
by
two
reines
endeauored
to
keep
in
this
raging
desire
:
by
succession
&
by
election
.
And
yet
againe
,
because
election
is
most
often
,
if
not
alwaies
,
entangled
with
many
inconueniences
;
as
first
,
for
that
the
outragies
during
the
vacancy
,
are
many
&
great
;
euery
one
that
is
either
grieued
or
in
want
,
assuming
free
power
both
for
reuenge
&
spoile
.
Secondly
,
for
that
the
bouldest
winneth
the
garland
more
often
then
the
best
;
because
the
fauour
of
the
people
doth
alwayes
tast
more
of
affection
then
of
iudgement
.
Thirdly
,
for
that
they
who
do
not
leaue
their
state
to
their
posterity
,
wil
dissipate
the
domain
and
worke
out
of
it
either
profit
or
friends
;
for
so
we
see
that
the
empire
of
Germanie
is
pluckt
bare
of
her
fairest
feathers
.
Fourthly
,
for
that
occasions
of
war
are
hereby
ministred
;
&
that
,
either
when
one
taketh
his
repulse
for
indignity
;
vpon
which
ground
Frauncis
the
first
,
king
of
Fraunce
,
could
neuer
be
driuen
out
of
practise
against
Charles
the
5.
emperor
;
or
els
when
by
means
of
factions
many
are
elected
,
as
it
happened
in
Almaine
when
Lewes
of
Bauier
,
and
Albert
of
Austria
were
elected
Emperors
,
wherupon
eight
yeers
warre
betweene
them
did
ensue
;
and
as
it
often
happened
in
the
Empire
of
Rome
,
when
one
Emperour
was
chosen
by
the
Senate
,
and
another
by
the
Soldiers
,
and
sometimes
by
euery
legion
one
;
whereby
such
fiers
were
kindled
,
as
could
not
bee
quenched
without
much
bloude
.
For
these
warres
are
most
cruelly
executed
;
because
the
quarrell
leaueth
no
middle
state
inter
summum
&
praecipitium
;
betweene
the
highest
honour
and
the
deadliest
downefall
.
For
these
and
diuers
other
respectes
,
it
hath
bin
obserued
,
at
most
times
in
all
nations
,
and
at
all
times
in
most
,
that
the
roialtie
hath
passed
by
succession
,
according
to
propinquitie
of
bloud
.
We
read
that
Ptolomie
,
who
after
the
death
of
Alexander
the
great
seazed
vpon
Aegypt
,
and
part
also
of
Arabia
and
of
Africk
,
left
that
state
to
his
youngest
sonne
:
but
Trogus
saide
,
and
out
of
him
Iustine
[
i
](A02848-e4060-b)
i
Lib.
16.
,
that
it
was
against
the
lawe
of
Nations
,
and
that
vpon
this
occasion
one
of
them
did
worke
the
death
of
the
other
.
And
therefore
when
afterward
Ptolomie
surnamed
Physcon
,
at
the
importunitie
of
his
wife
Cleopatra
,
would
haue
preferred
his
youngest
son
to
the
succession
of
his
kingdom
,
Iustine
saith
[
k
](A02848-e4110-b)
k
Lib.
39.
,
that
the
people
opposed
themselues
against
it
;
but
Pausanias
[
l
](A02848-e4130-b)
l
Lib.
1.
more
probably
affirmeth
,
that
they
reuersed
his
order
after
his
death
.
The
same
course
was
held
in
Italy
by
the
Hetruscanes
,
Latines
,
and
those
Albanes
from
whome
the
Romanes
tooke
their
originall
.
Liuie
[
m
](A02848-e4200-b)
m
Lib.
1.
writeth
that
Procas
king
of
the
Albanes
appointed
Numitor
to
succeede
in
his
estate
,
but
Amulius
his
yonger
brother
did
vsurpe
it
by
force
:
hereupon
Dionysius
Halicarnasseus
[
n
](A02848-e4260-b)
n
Lib.
1.
saith
;
that
Amulius
held
the
kingdome
against
right
,
because
it
appertained
to
his
elder
brother
.
Among
the
Graecians
,
during
the
space
of
six
hundred
yeares
,
wherein
they
were
gouerned
by
kings
,
we
finde
but
Timondas
and
Pittacus
who
were
elected
,
the
one
of
Corinth
,
the
other
of
Negropont
;
the
residue
held
their
states
by
order
of
succession
,
as
Thucidides
affirmeth
,
encountring
therein
the
opinion
of
Aristotle
.
Liuy
writeth
[
o
](A02848-e4360-b)
o
Belli
macedonici
.
lib.
10.
,
that
Perseus
king
of
Macedon
said
,
that
by
the
order
of
Nature
,
the
law
of
Nations
,
and
the
ancient
custome
of
Macedony
,
the
eldest
sonne
was
to
succeede
in
the
kingdome
.
Diodorus
Siculus
[
p
](A02848-e4410-b)
p
Lib.
16.
,
and
Iustine
[
q
](A02848-e4430-b)
q
Lib.
7.
doe
report
,
that
by
this
custom
Alexander
succeeded
his
father
Amyntas
,
before
his
yonger
brother
Phillippe
.
Herodotus
Out
of
which
place
Seruius
Maurus
doth
collect
,
that
women
also
did
vse
to
gouerne
.
But
more
plainely
this
custome
of
the
Troianes
doth
appeare
,
by
that
which
Messala
Coruinus
[
t
](A02848-e4690-b)
t
Lib
ad
oc●au
.
August
.
writeth
,
that
Troius
had
two
sonnes
,
Ilus
and
Assaracus
;
and
that
Ilus
by
priuiledge
of
his
age
succeeded
in
the
kingdome
.
The
Persians
also
,
who
for
a
long
time
held
the
reines
of
all
the
nations
neere
vnto
them
,
had
the
same
order
of
succession
,
as
Zenophon
[
u
](A02848-e4770-b)
u
In
Cytopaed
.
witnesseth
;
which
is
also
confirmed
by
two
famous
histories
;
one
between
Artaxerxes
&
Cyrus
,
wherof
Plutarch
[
x
](A02848-e4810-b)
x
In
Artaxerxe
.
maketh
mention
,
the
other
between
Artabazanes
&
Xerxes
,
reported
by
Herodotus
[
y
](A02848-e4850-b)
y
In
polyhimnia
.
&
Iustine
[
z
](A02848-e4870-b)
z
Lib.
2.
;
wherin
Artabazanes
alleaged
,
that
it
was
a
custome
among
all
men
,
that
the
eldest
son
should
first
succeed
.
Agathocles
,
&
out
of
him
Athenaeus
do
write
,
that
the
Persians
had
a
golden
water
(
for
so
they
terme
it
)
whereof
it
was
capital
for
any
man
to
drinke
,
but
only
the
king
and
his
eldest
son
.
Whither
this
water
were
drawen
out
of
the
riuer
Euleus
,
which
inuironeth
the
tower
Susis
,
&
the
Temple
of
Diana
,
wherof
Pliny
[
a
](A02848-e4960-b)
a
Lib.
6.
ca.
28.
writeth
,
that
only
the
kings
of
Persia
did
drink
;
or
whether
out
of
Choaspis
,
whose
waters
Herodotus
doth
report
to
haue
bin
boiled
,
&
caried
after
the
king
in
siluer
vessels
;
or
whether
both
these
were
one
riuer
,
I
will
neither
determine
nor
discourse
.
In
Siria
,
which
is
called
Assiria
(
as
Herodotus
Phoenicia
,
Palestina
,
&
Mesopotamia
,
as
appeareth
by
Pliny
[
b
](A02848-e5080-b)
b
Lib.
5.
ca.
12.
Eusebius
[
c
](A02848-e5100-b)
c
De
praeparar
.
euang.
lib.
10.
&
diuers
other
,
the
same
custome
is
proued
by
that
which
Iustine
[
d
](A02848-e5120-b)
d
lib.
34.
,
&
L.
Florus
[
e
](A02848-e5230-b)
e
Iustin.
lib.
14.
&
41.
.
Among
the
Germaines
also
,
who
were
of
force
to
defeate
fiue
consulare
armies
of
the
Romanes
,
Tacitus
[
f
](A02848-e5260-b)
f
De
morib.
Ger.
affirmeth
that
the
eldest
sonne
did
intirely
succeede
,
onely
the
horses
did
fall
to
the
most
valiant
.
And
that
this
was
likewise
the
custome
of
the
Iewes
,
it
is
euident
by
the
whole
history
of
their
kings
,
especially
where
it
is
said
[
g
](A02848-e5280-b)
g
2.
Chron.
ca.
21.
,
that
Ioram
succeeded
Iosaphat
;
&
the
reason
added
,
because
he
was
the
eldest
.
I
should
but
burne
day
(
as
the
saying
is
)
in
running
further
vpon
particulars
.
Herodotus
[
h
](A02848-e5340-b)
h
In
polyhimnia
.
doth
aduow
it
to
be
a
general
custome
among
al
men
,
that
the
first
in
birth
is
next
in
succession
.
Certaine
ages
after
him
S.
Hierome
[
i
](A02848-e5360-b)
i
In
epist
ad
onagrium
,
&
in
gen.
49.
said
,
that
a
kingdom
is
due
vnto
the
eldest
.
In
late
ages
our selues
may
see
,
that
the
Tartars
Turks
,
Persians
,
&
all
the
Asiaticks
haue
no
other
form
of
constituting
their
kings
.
No
other
is
folowed
in
all
the
countries
of
Africk
.
In
the
west
Indies
no
other
is
yet
discouered
;
Insomuch
as
when
Frances
Pizaire
,
in
the
conquest
of
Peru
,
had
slain
Atibalippa
the
king
therof
,
the
people
brake
into
shew
,
some
of
ioy
,
all
of
contentment
;
because
he
had
made
his
way
to
the
kingdom
,
by
murthering
of
his
elder
brother
.
In
Europe
it
is
not
long
since
all
the
Monarchies
were
successiue
.
When
the
Empire
of
Almaine
was
made
electiue
,
it
became
in
short
time
so
either
troblesom
or
base
,
that
diuers
Princes
refused
to
accept
it
:
of
late
it
hath
bin
setled
in
one
family
,
but
hath
as
yet
litle
increased
either
in
dignity
or
in
power
.
The
people
of
Denmarke
,
Sweden
,
Hungary
,
and
B●eme
,
doe
chalenge
to
themselues
a
right
of
election
,
but
they
accept
their
king
by
propinquitie
of
bloud
.
So
they
did
in
Polonia
,
vntill
the
line
of
Iagello
was
worne
out
,
and
then
they
elected
for
king
,
Henry
duke
of
Aniou
in
France
:
since
which
time
,
they
haue
alwaies
in
the
change
of
their
kings
,
exposed
their
state
to
faire
danger
of
ruine
.
Vpon
this
both
generall
and
continuall
custome
Baldus
[
k
](A02848-e5530-b)
k
Cons.
275.
vol.
2.
saith
,
that
kingdomes
are
successiue
by
the
law
of
nations
;
affirming
further
,
[
l
](A02848-e5540-b)
l
L.
Ex
hoc
iure
D.
de
iust
&
iuro
.
semper
fuit
,
&
semper
erit
.
&c.
that
alwayes
it
hath
beene
,
&
alwayes
it
shall
bee
,
that
the
first
borne
succeedeth
in
a
kingdome
:
wherein
he
is
either
followed
or
accompanied
with
open
crie
of
al
the
choise
interpreters
of
both
lawes
;
as
namely
the
Glossographer
,
Iohan.
Andreas
,
Hostiensis
,
Collect.
Pet.
Anchoranus
,
Antonius
,
Imola
,
Card.
Florentinus
,
Abb.
Panormitanus
[
m
](A02848-e5570-b)
m
in
c.
Licet
.
de
voto
.
,
Oldradus
[
n
](A02848-e5590-b)
n
Cons.
94.
&
274.
,
Albericus
[
o
](A02848-e5610-b)
o
in
prooem.
D.
§.
Discipuli
.
,
Angelus
[
p
](A02848-e5630-b)
p
Cons.
287.
,
Felinus
[
q
](A02848-e5650-b)
q
in
c.
Prudentiam
de
offic.
de
leg
.
,
Paul
.
Castrensis
[
r
](A02848-e5670-b)
r
in
l
maximum
.
C.
de
lib.
praeter
.
&
cons.
179
li.
1.
,
Alexander
[
s
](A02848-e5690-b)
s
Cons.
25.
lib.
5.
,
Barbatius
[
t
](A02848-e5710-b)
t
Cons.
2.
,
Franc.
Curtius
[
u
](A02848-e5730-b)
u
Con.
67.
,
Guido
Pape
[
x
](A02848-e5750-b)
x
Deci.
476.
&
con.
60.
,
Card.
Alexander
[
y
](A02848-e5770-b)
y
in
c.
1.
tit
de
his
qui
feud
.
da.
poss.
&
in
c.
Qualite●
.
tit.
Si
de
feu
.
su
cont.
inter
do
.
,
Philip
.
Francus
[
z
](A02848-e5790-b)
z
in
●ub
de
test
.
lib.
●
.
&
inc
.
grandi
.
de
sup.
●cque
prael
.
,
Iason
[
a
](A02848-e5810-b)
a
in
l.
1.
D.
de
const.
prin.
&
in
l.
n●mo
.
de
leg.
1.
,
Philippus
Decius
,
Carol
[
c
](A02848-e5850-b)
c
Cons.
25.
lib.
1
,
Anto.
Corsetta
[
d
](A02848-e5870-b)
d
Tract
.
de
pu●.
&
excel
.
regia
q.
9.
,
Ripa
[
e
](A02848-e5890-b)
e
in
●
quart
.
ad
l.
Falcid
.
,
Calderine
[
f
](A02848-e5910-b)
f
Cons.
9.
tit
de
feud
,
Alciate
[
g
](A02848-e5930-b)
g
in
l.
Obuenire
.
D.
de
verb.
fig.
,
and
manie
other
of
somewhat
more
ordinarie
name
.
Who
all
with
full
voice
do
agree
,
that
in
kingdomes
and
other
dignities
,
which
cannot
bee
either
valued
or
diuided
but
they
are
dismembred
,
the
eldest
son
doth
entirely
succeed
.
And
this
manie
of
them
do
call
the
law
of
all
Nations
,
deriued
from
the
order
of
nature
,
and
from
the
institution
of
God
;
and
confirmed
by
the
Canon
,
ciuil
and
other
positiue
lawes
.
For
the
succession
of
children
,
is
one
of
the
primarie
precepts
of
nature
[
h
](A02848-e5950-b)
h
cius
natural
.
dist.
1.
:
whereby
his
mortalitie
is
in
some
sort
repaired
,
&
his
continuance
perpetuated
by
his
posteritie
.
But
among
al
the
children
,
nature
seemeth
to
preferre
the
first
borne
,
by
imprinting
in
the
mind
of
parents
the
greatest
loue
and
inclination
towards
them
,
as
diuers
of
the
authors
before
alleaged
do
affirm
;
&
as
it
may
appeare
by
that
of
the
prophet
Zacharie
[
i
](A02848-e5970-b)
i
Z●ch.
12.10
.
,
And
they
shall
lament
ouer
him
as
men
vse
to
lament
in
the
death
of
their
first
borne
:
and
likewise
by
that
which
is
said
of
Dauid
he
was
his
first
borne
.
Hereupon
Lyra
[
l
](A02848-e6040-b)
l
In
Exod.
cap.
11
,
and
before
him
Saint
Augustin
[
n
](A02848-e6080-b)
n
in
Gen.
hom.
51
do
affirme
that
the
last
plague
of
the
Egyptians
,
which
was
the
death
of
their
first
borne
,
was
the
most
sharpe
and
heauie
vnto
them
.
For
nothing
(
saith
Saint
Augustin
[
o
](A02848-e6100-b)
o
Vbi
●
.
)
is
more
deare
then
the
first
borne
.
Aristotle
,
Plinie
[
p
](A02848-e6120-b)
p
De
h●sto
.
anim●●
.
lib
6.
cap.
1●
.
,
Aeltane
[
q
](A02848-e6140-b)
q
Lib.
11.
cap
40
,
and
Tzetzes
do
write
,
that
the
same
affection
is
also
found
in
certaine
beasts
.
[
s
](A02848-e6160-b)
s
Histor.
chilia
.
4.
cap
126.
And
to
this
purpose
is
that
which
Herodotus
[
r
](A02848-e6190-b)
r
De
it
otu
animal
lib.
3.
&
lib.
15.
cap.
13.
reporteth
,
[
t
](A02848-e6200-b)
t
in
Arato
.
,
that
when
the
Lacedaemanians
had
receiued
an
oracle
,
that
they
should
take
for
kings
the
two
sonnes
of
Aristodemus
and
Aegina
,
but
giue
most
honor
vnto
the
eldest
,
and
they
were
ignorant
which
was
eldest
,
because
the
mother
and
the
Nurse
refused
to
declare
it
;
they
obserued
which
of
the
children
the
mother
did
wash
and
feed
first
,
and
thereby
found
out
that
Eristhenes
was
the
eldest
.
Lucian
[
u
](A02848-e6250-b)
u
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
in
dia
logo
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
citeth
the
loue
of
the
first
borne
,
as
growne
into
a
prouerbe
.
Gregorie
Nazianzene
saith
[
x
](A02848-e6290-b)
x
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
,
that
all
men
haue
a
sense
thereof
.
Saint
Ambrose
[
y
](A02848-e6320-b)
y
Lib.
2
de
Cain
&
Abel
.
cap.
2.
writeth
,
that
in
this
respect
God
called
the
people
of
Israel
his
first
borne
[
z
](A02848-e6330-b)
z
Exod.
4.
,
for
that
they
were
,
not
most
ancient
,
but
best
beloued
.
Lastly
S.
Chrysostome
And
this
naturall
precedence
both
in
honour
and
in
fauour
,
seemeth
to
be
expressely
ratified
by
God
;
first
where
he
said
vnto
Cain
,
of
his
brother
Abel
[
b
](A02848-e6390-b)
b
Gen
47.
,
His
desires
shall
be
subiect
vnto
thee
,
and
thou
shalt
haue
dominion
ouer
him
:
according
to
which
institution
,
when
Iacob
had
bought
his
brothers
right
of
birth
,
Isaak
blessed
him
in
these
words
[
c
](A02848-e6430-b)
c
Gen.
27.19
.
Bee
Lord
ouer
thy
brethren
,
and
let
the
sonnes
of
thy
mother
bow
before
thee
:
Secondly
,
where
he
forbiddeth
the
father
to
disinherit
the
first
sonne
of
his
double
portion
;
because
by
right
of
birth
it
is
his
due
[
d
](A02848-e6450-b)
d
Deut.
1.17
.
:
Thirdly
,
where
he
maketh
choise
of
the
first
borne
to
be
sanctified
to
himselfe
Abel
,
Isaac
,
Iacob
,
Iuda
,
Phares
,
Ephraim
,
Moses
,
Dauid
,
Salomon
,
and
others
;
it
was
no
other
then
that
which
Christ
[
f
](A02848-e6480-b)
f
Matth.
19.30
.
&
20.16
.
Marc.
10.31
.
Luc.
13.10
.
said
,
that
manie
that
were
last
should
be
first
:
and
that
which
Saint
Paul
hath
deliuered
[
g
](A02848-e6500-b)
g
1.
Cor.
1.
circa
si
.
,
that
God
hath
chosen
the
weak
,
and
base
,
and
contemptible
things
of
this
world
,
least
any
flesh
should
glorie
in
his
sight
.
So
hath
Herodotus
written
[
h
](A02848-e6520-b)
h
lib.
7.
how
Artabanus
the
Persian
,
in
complaining
maner
did
confesse
,
that
God
delighted
to
depresse
those
things
that
were
high
.
But
if
the
first
borne
die
before
succession
fall
;
or
if
being
possessed
of
the
kingdom
,
he
die
without
issue
;
his
right
of
birth
deuolueth
vnto
the
next
in
bloud
:
and
if
he
dieth
in
like
maner
,
then
vnto
the
third
,
and
so
likewise
to
the
rest
in
order
.
This
is
affirmed
by
Albericus
[
i
](A02848-e6560-b)
i
in
preoem
D.
§
Discipuli
Et
in
L.
donationes
.
C.
de
d●n
.
inter
vir
.
&
●x
.
;
and
may
be
confirmed
by
that
which
Baldus
saith
[
k
](A02848-e6620-b)
k
In
L
2.
C.
de
iur
.
Emphyt
.
,
that
succession
hath
reference
to
the
time
of
death
,
and
respecteth
the
prioritie
which
is
then
extant
[
l
](A02848-e6630-b)
l
Per
l.
Ex
facto
.
●
Pen.
D.
ad
Treb.
.
And
againe
[
m
](A02848-e6640-b)
m
Cons.
275.
lib.
2.
,
He
is
not
said
the
first
borne
in
lawe
,
who
dyeth
before
the
fee
openeth
,
but
he
who
at
that
time
is
eldest
in
life
.
And
this
opinion
is
embraced
by
Alciate
[
o
](A02848-e6690-b)
o
L.
●x
d●obus
.
D.
de
vu●g
.
&
pu●.
;
Primus
is
dicitur
ante
quem
nemo
sit
,
He
is
first
who
hath
none
before
him
.
Iaco.
A
retinus
,
Cinus
,
Albericus
and
Baldus
doe
forme
this
case
[
p
](A02848-e6720-b)
p
in
l.
Si
quis
priorit
§.
talem
.
D.
de
secund.
:
There
is
a
custome
,
that
the
first
borne
of
the
first
mariage
shoulde
succeede
in
a
baronnie
;
a
certaine
baron
had
three
wiues
;
by
the
first
he
had
no
children
,
by
the
other
two
manie
;
the
first
sonne
of
the
second
mariage
shall
succeede
:
because
(
as
the
glossographer
there
saith
)
the
second
mariage
in
regarde
of
the
thirde
is
accompted
first
.
Baldus
[
p
](A02848-e6740-b)
p
Ibid.
dooth
extende
it
further
;
that
if
hee
hath
a
sonne
by
the
first
mariage
;
and
hee
refuse
the
baronie
,
the
first
sonne
by
the
second
mariage
shall
succeede
in
his
right
:
and
so
hee
saith
it
was
determined
in
the
kingdome
of
Apulia
,
when
Lewes
the
kings
eldest
sonne
was
professed
a
friar
.
And
this
decision
is
allowed
by
Alexander
[
q
](A02848-e6770-b)
q
in
addit
.
Bar.
l.
1.
c.
Qui
habebat
D.
de
bo.
poss.
●
nt
.
tab
&
in
disp●t
.
in
cip
.
Sigism
●nd
.
,
Oldradus
[
r
](A02848-e6790-b)
r
Cons.
92.
,
and
Antonius
Corsetta
[
s
](A02848-e6810-b)
s
in
t.
act
de
pot
.
&
excell
.
reg.
q.
10.
&
q.
74.
:
and
is
prooued
by
plaine
text
of
the
canon
law
,
both
where
the
second
borne
is
called
first
borne
,
when
the
first
borne
hath
giuen
place
[
t
](A02848-e6820-b)
t
in
c.
quaeritur
.
§.
item
opponitur
22.
q.
2.
;
and
also
where
he
is
called
the
onlie
sonne
[
u
](A02848-e6830-b)
u
Vnigeni●us
.
,
whose
brother
is
dead
[
y
](A02848-e6840-b)
y
c
nam
&
ego
.
Dever
.
fig.
.
But
because
it
is
a
notorius
custome
that
the
neerest
in
bloud
doth
succeede
,
although
perhaps
remoued
in
degree
,
I
wil
labour
no
more
to
loade
it
with
proofe
:
for
who
wil
proclaime
that
the
sunne
doth
shine
?
But
if
we
should
now
graunt
vnto
you
(
which
is
a
greater
curtesie
,
then
with
modesty
you
can
require
)
that
no
particular
forme
of
gouernement
is
naturall
:
what
will
you
conclude
thereof
?
what
inference
can
you
hereupon
enforce
?
That
there
is
no
doubt
but
the
people
haue
power
to
choose
and
to
chaunge
the
fashion
of
gouernment
,
and
to
limitte
the
same
with
what
conditions
they
please
.
What
Sir
?
can
you
finde
no
thirde
?
but
that
either
one
forme
of
gouernment
is
naturall
,
or
that
the
people
must
alwaies
retaine
such
libertie
of
power
?
haue
they
no
power
to
relinquish
their
power
?
is
there
no
possibilitie
that
they
may
loose
it
?
whether
are
you
so
ignorant
to
thinke
as
you
speake
,
or
so
deceitfull
to
speake
otherwise
then
you
thinke
.
There
is
no
authoritie
which
the
people
hath
in
matters
of
state
,
but
it
may
bee
either
bound
or
streightned
by
three
meanes
.
The
first
is
by
cession
or
graunt
:
for
so
the
Romans
by
the
law
of
royaltie
[
y
](A02848-e6880-b)
y
Lex
regia
.
yeelded
all
their
authoritie
in
gouernment
to
the
Prince
.
Of
this
lawe
Vlpian
[
z
](A02848-e6900-b)
z
L.
1.
de
const.
princ
.
maketh
mention
;
and
Bodin
[
a
](A02848-e6920-b)
a
De
rep.
lib.
1.
reporteth
that
it
is
yet
extant
in
Rome
grauen
in
stone
.
So
the
people
of
Cyrene
;
of
Pergame
and
of
Bithynia
,
did
submit
themselues
to
the
Empire
of
the
Romanes
.
So
the
Tartarians
commit
absolute
power
both
ouer
their
liues
and
their
liuings
to
euerie
one
of
their
Emperours
:
&
so
haue
our
people
manie
times
committed
to
their
king
the
authoritie
of
the
parliament
either
generallie
,
or
els
for
some
particular
case
.
For
it
is
held
as
a
rule
,
that
any
man
may
relinquish
the
authoritie
which
he
hath
to
his
owne
benefit
&
fauour
[
b
](A02848-e6930-b)
b
L.
Si
st●its
&
ib.
Bar.
&
Bald
D.
de
dam.
infect
.
.
Neither
is
he
againe
at
pleasure
to
be
admitted
to
that
,
which
once
hee
did
thinke
fit
to
renounce
[
c
](A02848-e6940-b)
c
L.
Si
q●●s
iusiarandum
.
c.
de
reb.
cr●d
.
.
And
as
a
priuate
man
may
altogether
abandon
his
free
estate
,
and
subiect
himselfe
to
seruile
condition
[
d
](A02848-e6950-b)
d
Inst.
de
iur
.
Person
.
,
so
may
a
multitude
passe
away
both
their
authoritie
and
their
libertie
by
publike
consent
.
The
second
is
by
prescription
and
custome
,
which
is
of
strength
in
all
parts
of
the
world
,
least
matters
should
alwaies
float
in
vncertaintie
,
and
controuersies
remaine
immortall
[
e
](A02848-e6970-b)
e
L.
1.
de
vsucap
.
.
And
that
this
authoritie
of
the
people
may
be
excluded
by
prescription
,
it
is
euident
by
this
one
reason
,
which
may
be
as
one
in
a
third
place
of
Arithmeticke
,
in
standing
for
a
hundred
.
Euerie
thing
may
be
prescribed
,
wherein
prescription
is
not
prohibited
[
f
](A02848-e6980-b)
f
L.
vlt.
C.
de
praesc
.
long
.
temp.
I.
sicut
c.
de
praesc
.
30.
ann.
:
but
there
is
no
lawe
which
prohibiteth
prescription
in
this
case
;
and
therefore
it
followeth
that
it
is
permitted
.
And
generallie
,
custome
doth
not
only
interpret
law
[
g
](A02848-e6990-b)
g
L.
Si
de
interpretatione
.
D.
de
Ll.
,
but
correcteth
it
,
and
supplieth
where
there
is
no
lawe
[
h
](A02848-e7000-b)
h
L.
Omnes
populi
.
De
iust
.
&
sur
.
l.
Sed
&
ca.
D.
de
legib.
:
in
somuch
as
the
common
lawe
of
England
,
as
well
in
publick
as
priuate
controuersies
,
is
no
other
(
a
fewe
maximes
excepted
)
but
the
common
custome
of
the
Realme
.
Baldus
saith
[
i
](A02848-e7020-b)
i
e.
1.
de
Feud
.
,
that
custome
doth
lead
succession
in
principalities
,
which
Martinus
[
k
](A02848-e7040-b)
k
c.
1.
de
ali
.
Feud
.
aduiseth
to
fixe
in
memorie
,
because
of
the
often
change
of
Princes
:
and
the
particular
custome
of
euerie
nation
is
at
this
day
,
the
most
vsuall
and
assured
law
betweene
the
Prince
and
the
people
.
And
this
doe
th●
Emperours
Honorius
and
Arcadius
[
l
](A02848-e7070-b)
l
L.
Testaments
omnia
.
C.
de
test
.
,
in
these
wordes
command
punctuallie
to
be
obserued
:
Mos
namque
retinendus
est
fidelissimae
vetustatis
:
the
custome
of
faithful
antiquitie
must
be
retained
:
which
place
is
to
this
sense
ballanced
by
Pau.
Gastrensis
,
Frane
.
Aretinus
,
and
Phil.
Corneus
;
who
termeth
it
a
morall
text
.
The
like
whereto
is
found
also
in
the
Canon
lawe
,
[
k
](A02848-e7110-b)
k
c
Ridiculum
12
di.
:
and
noted
by
the
Glossographer
[
l
](A02848-e7120-b)
l
in
c
Quanto
de
transl
.
,
ral
.
,
Archidiaeonus
[
m
](A02848-e7140-b)
m
in
c
Domino
.
50.
di.
,
Romanus
[
n
](A02848-e7160-b)
n
in
L.
●ive●o
D.
de
sol
.
Mat.
,
and
Cepola
.
Neither
were
the
Fathers
of
the
Nicene
councel
of
other
opinion
,
who
thus
decreed
:
Let
auncient
customes
stand
in
strength
[
p
](A02848-e7190-b)
p
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
:
Whereto
also
agreeth
that
old
verse
of
Ennius
,
[
o
](A02848-e7220-b)
o
in
tract
.
de
imper
Moribus
antiquis
res
stat
Romana
virisque
:
Customes
and
men
of
oldest
sort
;
The
Romane
state
do
best
support
:
which
is
cited
by
Saint
Austin
[
q
](A02848-e7300-b)
q
De
ciuit
.
D●
.
lib.
2.
cap.
21.
;
and
esteemed
by
Cicero
[
r
](A02848-e7320-b)
r
lib.
3.
de
repub.
both
for
breuitie
and
truth
,
as
an
oracle
.
To
the
same
sense
Periander
of
Corinth
said
[
s
](A02848-e7350-b)
s
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
,
that
old
lawes
and
new
meates
were
fittest
for
vse
:
which
saying
Phauorinus
in
Gellius
did
in
this
manner
a
little
vary
:
Liue
after
the
passed
manner
,
speake
after
the
present
[
t
](A02848-e7400-b)
t
Viue
moribus
praelentibus
,
loquere
verbis
praesentibus
.
.
Hereto
also
pertaineth
that
edict
of
the
censors
mentioned
by
Suetonius
Aul.
Gellius
[
x
](A02848-e7440-b)
x
Lib.
15.
c.
11.
&
lib.
1.
cap.
10.
:
Those
things
which
are
beside
the
custome
and
fashion
of
our
Elders
,
are
neither
pleasing
,
nor
to
be
adiudged
right
[
y
](A02848-e7460-b)
y
Quae
praeter
consuetudinem
&
morem
maiorum
fiu●t
,
neque
placen●
,
neque
iecta
videntur
.
.
Of
this
point
I
shall
haue
occasion
more
particularlie
hereafter
to
write
.
The
third
meanes
whereby
the
people
may
loose
their
authoritie
,
is
by
way
of
conquest
.
For
howsoeuer
Saint
Augustine
[
z
](A02848-e7490-b)
z
4.
de
ciuit
.
,
and
after
him
Alciate
[
a
](A02848-e7510-b)
a
5.
Cons.
132.
,
doe
disallowe
ambition
of
enlarging
Empire
;
and
tearme
warres
vpon
this
cause
great
theeueries
[
b
](A02848-e7520-b)
b
Grandia
latrocinia
.
:
Whereupon
Lucane
[
d
](A02848-e7560-b)
d
1.
de
benesie
.
,
called
Alexander
the
Great
,
a
great
robber
of
the
world
[
e
](A02848-e7580-b)
e
Orbis
terratum
praedo
.
,
Yet
there
is
no
doubte
but
the
sentence
of
victorie
,
especiallie
if
the
war
was
vndertaken
vpon
good
cause
(
as
the
conqueror
being
made
his
own
arbitrator
wil
hardlie
acknowledge
the
contrarie
)
is
a
iust
title
of
acquisition
[
f
](A02848-e7590-b)
f
l.
Postliminium
D.
de
captiu
.
;
reducing
the
vanquished
,
their
priuileges
,
liberties
and
whole
estate
,
vnder
the
discretion
of
him
that
is
victorious
.
Caesar
sayth
;
He
geueth
all
that
denieth
right
[
g
](A02848-e7620-b)
g
Arma
tenenti
omnia
dat
qui
iusta
negar
.
:
which
sentence
is
approoued
by
Couaruuias
[
h
](A02848-e7640-b)
h
Reg.
peccatum
p.
●
.
§.
9.
;
affirming
,
that
the
victor
maketh
all
which
his
sword
tou●heth
to
be
his
owne
.
So
sayth
Baldus
[
i
](A02848-e7660-b)
i
in
rub
.
C.
de
la.
Ii
.
,
that
he
doth
his
pleasure
vpon
the
vanquished
:
and
againe
Caesar
in
the
speech
of
Ariouistus
it
is
the
law
of
armes
,
that
the
victorious
should
command
those
whom
they
haue
subdued
,
euen
as
they
please
.
Clemens
Alexandrinus
saith
the
goods
of
enemies
are
taken
away
by
right
of
warre
.
Isocrates
We
hold
this
land
giuen
by
the
posteritie
of
Hercules
,
confirmed
by
the
Oracle
of
Delphos
,
the
inhabitantes
thereof
being
ouercome
by
warre
.
Which
was
not
much
vnlike
that
which
Iephte
captaine
of
Israell
expostulated
with
the
Ammonites
Are
not
those
things
thine
which
Chamos
thy
God
hath
possessed
?
but
whatsoeuer
the
Lord
our
God
hath
conquered
,
pertaineth
vnto
vs
.
Yea
,
God
doth
expressely
giue
to
the
people
of
Israel
,
the
cities
which
they
should
subdue
[
q
](A02848-e7850-b)
q
1.
Ciu.
,
iust
,
to
retaine
principall
or
direct
dominion
,
in
al
thinges
which
they
brought
vnder
the
sway
of
their
sworde
.
Brissonius
[
r
](A02848-e7870-b)
r
4.
de
form
.
hath
collected
certaine
examples
of
the
forme
of
yeelding
vnto
the
Romans
,
whereby
al
prophane
&
sacred
,
al
humane
and
diuine
matters
were
submitted
vnto
them
.
Seeing
therefore
that
the
people
may
so
many
wayes
loose
both
their
power
and
their
right
in
affaires
of
state
,
is
not
your
ignorance
aduenturous
so
generallie
to
affirme
,
that
if
no
one
forme
of
gouerment
bee
naturall
,
there
is
no
doubt
but
the
people
haue
power
both
to
alter
and
limit
the
same
,
as
they
please
?
Can
no
lawe
,
no
custome
,
no
conquest
restraine
them
?
Your
pen
doth
range
,
and
your
iudgement
rage
beyond
al
compasse
and
course
of
reason
.
You
should
haue
said
,
that
there
is
no
doubt
,
but
if
by
al
or
any
of
these
meanes
,
the
right
both
of
succession
and
gouernment
be
setled
in
one
familie
,
according
to
propinquitie
and
prioritie
of
bloud
,
the
people
may
neither
take
away
nor
varie
the
same
:
and
if
they
doe
,
they
commit
iniustice
,
they
violate
the
law
of
nations
,
whereby
they
expose
themselues
,
not
onlie
to
the
infamie
and
hate
of
al
men
,
but
to
the
reuenge
of
those
who
wil
attempt
vppon
them
.
For
it
is
not
onlie
lawfull
but
honourable
,
for
any
people
,
either
to
right
or
reuenge
the
breach
of
this
lawe
;
against
them
which
contemne
it
,
as
monsters
;
against
them
who
knowe
it
not
,
as
beasts
.
Saint
Augustine
saith
[
s
](A02848-e7900-b)
s
v.
de
ciuit
.
;
If
a
Citie
vppon
earth
should
decree
some
great
mischiefes
to
be
done
,
by
the
decree
of
mankind
it
is
to
be
destroied
.
And
as
in
the
state
of
one
countrey
any
man
may
accuse
vpon
a
publicke
crime
You
close
your
conclusion
with
this
conceit
,
that
the
word
naturall
Prince
,
or
naturall
successor
,
is
to
be
vnderstood
of
one
,
who
is
borne
within
the
same
Realme
,
and
that
it
is
ridiculous
to
take
it
,
as
though
anie
prince
had
natural
interest
to
succeed
.
But
what
construction
wil
you
then
make
of
that
which
Herodian
deliuereth
[
s
](A02848-e7960-b)
s
Herod
.
lib.
1.
,
in
the
speech
of
Commodus
the
sonne
of
Marcus
?
Now
hath
fortune
giuen
me
vnto
you
for
prince
in
his
stead
,
not
drawen
into
the
state
,
such
as
they
were
,
who
were
before
me
;
nor
as
one
that
glorieth
in
the
purchase
of
the
Empire
▪
for
I
onlie
am
borne
vnto
you
and
brought
vp
in
the
court
,
neuer
swathed
in
priuate
cloathes
,
but
so
soone
as
I
was
borne
the
imperiall
purpure
did
receiue
me
,
and
the
sun
beheld
me
at
once
,
both
a
man
and
a
prince
.
Consider
these
things
,
[
t
](A02848-e7990-b)
t
Ture
principem
●olite
,
non
datum
,
sed
●atum
.
and
honour
your
prince
by
right
,
who
is
not
giuen
,
but
borne
vnto
you
.
Girard
TO
THE
SECOND
CHAPTER
,
which
is
intituled
,
Of
the
particular
forme
of
Monarchies
and
kingdomes
,
and
the
different
lawes
whereby
they
are
to
bee
obtained
,
holden
and
gouerned
in
diuers
countries
,
according
as
each
common
wealth
hath
chosen
and
established
.
IN
this
chapter
you
spend
much
speech
in
praising
a
monarchie
,
and
preferring
it
before
the
gouernment
of
manie
;
which
you
doe
to
no
other
end
,
but
to
insinuate
your selfe
either
into
credit
,
or
aduantage
to
drawe
it
downe
▪
euen
as
Ioab
presented
Amasa
with
a
kind
kisse
,
to
winne
thereby
opportunitie
to
stab
him
[
a
](A02848-e8080-b)
a
2
Sam.
10.
.
For
in
the
end
[
b
](A02848-e8090-b)
b
Fol.
21.
you
fetch
about
,
that
because
a
Prince
is
subiect
,
as
other
men
,
not
onely
to
errours
in
iudgement
,
but
also
to
passionate
affections
,
in
his
will
;
it
was
necessarie
,
that
as
the
common
wealth
hath
giuen
that
great
power
vnto
him
,
so
it
should
assigne
him
helpes
for
managing
the
same
.
And
that
a
Prince
receiueth
his
authoritie
from
the
people
,
you
proue
a
little
before
[
c
](A02848-e8100-b)
c
Pag.
17.
,
for
that
Saint
Peter
tearmeth
kings
Humane
creatures
I
know
not
in
what
sort
to
deale
with
you
,
concerning
this
interpretation
.
Shall
I
labour
to
impugne
it
by
arguments
?
Why
,
there
is
no
man
that
wanteth
not
either
iudgement
or
sinceritie
,
but
vpon
both
the
naturall
and
vsuall
sense
of
the
words
,
hee
will
presently
acknowledge
it
to
bee
false
.
Shall
I
go
about
either
to
laugh
,
or
to
raile
you
from
your
errour
,
as
Cicero
in
the
like
case
perswaded
to
doe
?
But
this
would
bee
agreeable
neither
to
the
stayednesse
of
our
yeeres
,
nor
the
grauitie
of
our
professions
.
I
am
now
aduised
what
to
doe
;
I
will
appeale
,
as
Machetes
did
before
Philip
of
Macedon
Spirituall
,
Angelicall
,
or
anie
other
adiunct
vnto
creature
,
what
reference
hath
it
to
the
Authour
of
creation
?
And
if
it
were
so
,
then
should
al
creatures
be
called
diuine
,
because
they
were
created
by
God
,
to
whom
onely
it
is
proper
to
create
;
and
in
this
verie
point
,
Saint
Paul
saith
[
d
](A02848-e8230-b)
d
Marc.
16.
;
according
to
which
commission
,
Saint
Paul
did
testifie
Bee
subiect
to
your
Lords
,
whether
it
bee
to
the
king
,
as
to
the
most
excellent
,
&c.
This
interpretation
not
only
not
relieuing
you
,
but
discouering
very
plainly
either
the
weaknesse
or
corruption
of
your
iudgement
,
it
resteth
vpon
your
bare
word
,
that
kings
haue
receiued
their
first
authoritie
from
the
people
;
which
although
I
could
denie
,
with
as
great
both
countenance
&
facilitie
,
as
you
affirme
,
yet
will
I
further
charge
vpon
you
with
strength
of
proofe
.
Presently
after
the
inundation
of
the
world
,
we
find
no
mention
of
politike
gouernement
,
but
onely
of
oeconomical
,
according
as
men
were
sorted
in
families
:
for
so
Moses
hath
written
[
g
](A02848-e8330-b)
g
Gen.
10.5
,
that
of
the
progenie
of
Iapheth
,
the
Iles
of
the
Gentiles
were
deuided
after
their
families
.
The
first
,
who
established
gouernment
ouer
manie
families
,
was
Nimrod
the
sonne
of
Cush
,
accounted
by
Saint
Chrysostome
[
h
](A02848-e8380-b)
h
Hom.
in
Gen.
the
first
King
:
which
authoritie
hee
did
not
obtaine
by
fauour
and
election
of
anie
people
,
but
by
plaine
purchase
of
his
power
.
Heereupon
Moses
calleth
him
a
mightie
Hunter
[
i
](A02848-e8400-b)
i
Gen.
10.9
.
,
which
is
a
forme
of
speech
among
the
Hebrues
,
whereby
they
signifie
a
spoiler
or
oppresser
.
And
this
doth
also
appeare
by
the
etymologie
of
his
name
;
for
Nimrod
signifieth
a
rebell
,
a
transgressour
,
and
as
some
interpret
it
,
a
terrible
Lord
:
and
names
were
not
imposed
in
auncient
times
by
chance
or
at
aduenture
,
as
Plato
[
k
](A02848-e8430-b)
k
in
Cratylo
.
,
one
of
natures
chiefe
secretaries
,
and
among
the
Latin
writers
Aul.
Gellius
[
l
](A02848-e8450-b)
l
●oct
.
Attic.
9.
cap.
4.
doe
affirme
.
Many
hold
opinion
,
that
this
Nimrod
was
the
same
,
whom
the
Grecians
cal
Ninus
:
which
seemeth
to
be
confirmed
by
that
which
Moses
saith
[
m
](A02848-e8500-b)
m
Gen.
10.
,
that
hee
did
build
the
Citie
of
Niniue
.
Of
this
Ninus
,
Iustine
writeth
[
n
](A02848-e8520-b)
n
Ninus
primus
dicrut
bello
parta
retinuisse
,
cum
priores
contenti
victoria
▪
imperio
abstinuissent
.
Iust.
1.
that
he
was
the
first
who
held
that
which
hee
did
subdue
;
others
,
satisfied
with
victorie
,
aspired
not
to
beare
rule
.
Nimrod
founded
the
empire
of
the
Assyrians
,
which
continued
by
succession
in
his
posterity
,
vntil
it
was
violently
drawn
from
Sardanapalus
to
the
Medes
.
From
them
also
Cyrus
by
subuersion
of
Astyages
did
transport
it
to
the
Persians
;
and
from
them
againe
the
Grecians
did
wrest
it
by
conquest
.
After
the
death
of
Alexander
,
his
captaines
without
any
consent
of
the
people
,
made
partition
of
the
empire
among
them
;
whose
successors
were
afterwards
subdued
by
the
armies
and
armes
of
Rome
.
And
this
empire
,
beeing
the
greatest
that
euer
the
earth
did
beare
,
was
in
the
end
also
violentlie
distracted
,
by
diuers
seueral
either
conquests
or
reuolts
.
Leo
After
writeth
,
that
it
is
not
a
hundred
yeares
,
since
the
people
of
Gaoga
in
Africk
had
neither
king
nor
Lord
,
vntill
one
hauing
obserued
the
greatnesse
and
maiestie
of
the
king
of
Tombute
,
did
enterprise
to
attaine
soueraigntie
aboue
them
;
which
by
violence
he
effected
,
and
left
the
same
to
his
posteritie
.
And
because
I
will
not
bee
tedious
in
running
through
particulars
,
giue
you
an
instance
of
anie
one
people
,
which
hath
not
diuers
times
receiued
,
both
Prince
and
gouernment
by
absolute
constraint
,
Et
Phillidasolus
habeto
;
and
I
will
yeeld
to
all
that
you
affirme
.
But
failing
herein
,
you
shall
bee
enforced
to
confesse
,
that
in
manie
,
yea
in
most
,
if
not
in
all
countries
,
the
people
haue
receiued
libertie
,
either
from
the
graunt
or
permission
of
the
victorious
Prince
,
and
not
the
prince
authoritie
from
the
vanquished
people
.
What
helpes
nowe
doe
you
imagine
,
that
the
people
haue
assigned
to
their
Prince
?
The
first
,
you
affirme
to
be
the
direction
of
lawes
.
But
it
is
euident
,
that
in
the
first
heroicall
ages
,
the
people
were
not
gouerned
by
anie
positiue
lawe
,
but
their
kings
did
both
iudge
and
commaund
,
by
their
word
,
by
their
will
,
by
their
absolute
power
;
and
,
as
Pomponius
saith
[
*
](A02848-e8640-b)
*
l.
2.
de
orig.
iur
.
,
Omnia
manu
a
reg●bus
gubernabantur
:
Kings
gouerned
all
things
:
without
either
restraint
or
direction
,
but
onely
of
the
lawe
of
nature
.
The
first
lawe
was
promulged
by
Moses
;
but
this
was
so
long
before
the
lawes
of
other
nations
,
that
Iosephus
writeth
[
*
](A02848-e8690-b)
*
Contra
Appianum
.
,
It
was
more
ancient
then
their
gods
:
affirming
also
,
that
the
word
Law
is
not
found
in
Homer
,
or
in
Orpheus
,
or
in
anie
Writer
of
like
antiquitie
.
Of
this
law
of
nature
Homer
maketh
mention
in
these
words
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
And
they
who
keepe
the
lawes
which
God
hath
prescribed
.
And
againe
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Vnciuill
and
vniust
is
he
,
and
wanting
priuate
state
,
Who
holdeth
not
all
ciuill
war
in
horror
and
in
hate
.
And
of
the
iustice
of
kings
he
writeth
in
this
maner
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
which
verses
Chrysostome
affirmeth
[
q
](A02848-e8960-b)
q
lib.
2.
de
regno
.
by
the
iudgment
of
Alexander
,
that
Homer
hath
delineated
the
perfect
image
of
a
King
:
but
that
hee
maketh
mention
of
anie
positiue
lawes
,
I
doe
rather
doubt
then
assuredlie
denie
.
For
Kings
in
auncient
times
did
giue
iudgment
in
person
,
not
out
of
any
formalitie
in
lawe
,
but
onlie
according
to
naturall
equitie
.
Virgil
saith
[
r
](A02848-e9000-b)
r
Aeneid
,
●
.
:
Hoc
Priami
gestamen
erat
cumiura
vocatis
More
daret
populis
.
This
was
the
robe
which
Priamus
did
alwaies
vse
to
weare
,
When
he
the
people
to
him
called
,
their
causes
for
to
heare
.
Which
he
doth
also
affirme
of
Aeneas
[
s
](A02848-e9120-b)
s
Aeneid
.
3.
,
Dido
[
t
](A02848-e9140-b)
t
Aeneid
.
1.
and
of
Alcestes
[
u
](A02848-e9160-b)
u
Aeneid
.
5.
.
The
like
doth
Herodotus
report
[
*
](A02848-e9180-b)
*
lib.
●
.
of
Midas
king
of
Phrygia
,
who
consecrated
his
tribunall
to
Apollo
:
and
the
like
also
dooth
Plutarch
[
x
](A02848-e9220-b)
x
in
Apopht
,
of
diuers
kings
of
Macedonia
:
Philarchus
affirmeth
in
Athenaeus
,
that
the
kings
of
Persia
had
palme
trees
and
vines
of
goulde
,
vnder
which
they
did
sit
to
heare
causes
.
But
because
it
grew
both
troublesome
&
tedious
,
for
al
the
people
to
receiue
their
right
from
one
man
[
y
](A02848-e9260-b)
y
At
cum
ius
aequabile
ab
●no
viro
homines
non
consequerentur
,
inuentae
sunt
leges
.
Offic.
2.
;
lawes
were
inuented
,
as
Cicero
saith
,
and
officers
also
appointed
to
execute
the
same
.
Another
original
of
lawes
was
thus
occasioned
:
When
anie
people
were
subdued
by
armes
,
lawes
were
laid
like
logs
vpon
their
necks
,
to
keepe
them
in
more
sure
subiection
:
which
both
because
it
is
not
doubtful
,
and
to
auoid
prolixitie
,
I
will
manifest
onlie
by
our
owne
example
.
When
the
Romans
had
reduced
the
best
part
of
this
Iland
into
the
forme
of
a
prouince
;
as
they
permitted
libertie
of
lawe
to
no
other
countrie
vnder
their
obedience
,
so
here
also
they
planted
the
practise
of
their
lawes
:
and
for
this
purpose
they
sent
ouer
manie
professors
,
and
among
others
Papinian
,
the
most
famous
both
for
knowledge
and
integritie
,
of
all
the
authors
of
the
ciuill
lawe
.
Againe
,
when
the
Saxons
had
forced
this
Realme
,
and
parted
it
into
seauen
kingdomes
,
they
erected
so
manie
settes
of
law
;
of
which
onelie
two
were
of
continuance
,
the
Mercian
lawe
;
and
the
West
Saxon
law
.
After
these
the
Danes
became
victorious
;
and
by
these
newe
Lordes
new
lawes
were
also
imposed
,
which
bare
the
name
of
Dane-lawe
.
Out
of
these
three
lawes
,
partlie
moderated
,
partlie
supplied
,
King
Edward
the
confessor
composed
that
bodie
of
lawe
,
which
afterwardes
was
called
Saint
Edwards
lawes
.
Lastly
,
the
Normans
brought
the
land
vnder
their
power
;
by
whom
Saint
Edwards
lawes
were
abrogated
,
and
not
onlie
new
lawes
,
but
newe
language
brought
into
vse
;
in
somuch
as
all
pleas
were
formed
in
French
;
and
in
the
same
tongue
children
were
taught
the
principles
of
Grammar
.
These
causes
wee
find
of
the
beginning
of
lawes
;
but
that
they
were
assigned
by
the
people
for
assistance
and
direction
to
their
kinges
,
you
bring
neither
argument
,
nor
authoritie
for
proofe
;
it
is
a
part
of
the
drosse
of
your
owne
deuise
.
The
second
helpe
,
which
you
affirme
that
common
wealthes
haue
assigned
to
their
kings
,
is
by
parliaments
and
priuie
councelles
.
But
Parliaments
in
al
places
haue
bin
erected
by
kings
;
as
the
parliament
of
Paris
and
of
Montpellier
in
Fraunce
,
by
Philip
the
Faire
;
the
parliament
in
England
by
Henrie
the
first
;
who
in
the
sixteenth
yeare
of
his
raigne
[
a
](A02848-e9410-b)
a
Ann.
1116.
,
called
a
councell
of
all
the
states
of
his
realme
at
Salisburie
,
which
our
Historiographers
do
take
for
the
first
Parliament
in
England
;
affirming
that
the
kings
,
before
that
time
,
did
neuer
call
the
common
people
to
counsell
.
After
this
the
priuie
councell
at
the
instance
of
the
Archbishop
of
Canterburie
,
was
also
established
;
and
since
that
time
,
the
counsellors
of
state
haue
alwaies
bin
placed
by
election
of
the
Prince
.
And
that
it
was
so
likewise
in
auncient
times
,
it
appeareth
by
tha●
which
Homer
writeth
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
First
hee
established
a
councell
of
honorable
old
men
:
And
likewise
by
Virgill
.
—
gaudet
regno
Troianus
Acestes
.
Indicitque
foru
,
et
patribus
dat
iura
vocatis
:
Acestes
of
the
Troiane
bloud
in
kingdome
doth
delight
,
He
sets
a
Court
,
and
councell
cals
,
&
giues
ech
man
his
right
.
I
will
passe
ouer
your
course
,
foggio
,
drowsie
conceite
,
that
there
are
few
or
none
simple
monarchies
in
the
world
,
(
for
it
would
tire
:
any
●to
toyle
after
your
impertinent
errours
)
and
wil
now
rip
vp
your
packet
of
examples
,
whereby
you
indeuour
to
shew
,
that
the
power
of
kings
hath
bin
brideled
by
their
subiects
.
But
what
do
you
infer
hereby
?
What
can
you
inforce
?
will
you
rake
ouer
al
histories
for
examples
of
rebellion
,
and
then
argue
,
a
facto
ad
ius
;
that
euerie
thing
is
lawful
which
you
finde
to
haue
bin
done
?
Iustinian
sayth
:
Non
exemplis
,
sed
legibus
iudicandum
[
*
](A02848-e9540-b)
*
l.
13.
C.
de
sen.
&
interloc
.
om.
iud.
:
We
must
iudge
facts
by
lawe
,
and
not
lawe
by
facts
,
or
by
examples
:
which
Alciate
[
d
](A02848-e9650-b)
d
Gell.
lib.
5.
ca.
19.
:
the
other
would
sort
themselues
by
fifteene
and
twentie
families
together
,
and
hold
both
wiues
and
goods
in
common
.
I
omit
the
vnnatural
customes
of
diuers
other
nations
;
and
will
now
declare
,
how
in
straining
a
fewe
examples
to
countenance
your
conceit
,
you
are
constrained
to
beare
your selfe
no
lesse
cunning
in
concealing
truthes
,
then
bold
in
auouching
things
which
are
,
not
only
vncertaine
,
but
plainely
false
.
It
is
true
which
you
write
,
that
the
kings
of
Sparta
,
by
the
institution
of
Lycurgus
,
were
obedient
to
the
officers
called
Ephori
;
but
these
were
titular
kings
,
hauing
no
other
power
but
a
single
voice
among
the
Senators
:
and
because
all
affaires
were
caried
by
consent
of
the
people
,
the
estate
was
then
esteemed
popular
.
Afterwards
Theopompus
,
by
pretence
of
an
Oracle
,
drew
this
authoritie
from
the
people
,
to
a
Senate
of
thirtie
;
whereby
the
gouernment
did
change
into
an
Aristocracie
;
&
yet
the
naked
name
of
kings
was
retained
.
By
this
shuffling
of
rule
the
Lacedaemonians
were
continually
tossed
with
tempests
of
sedition
,
ceasing
not
to
wade
in
their
owne
bloud
(
as
before
you
haue
acknowledged
)
vntill
in
the
end
they
were
brought
into
subiection
;
first
,
by
the
Macedonians
;
afterward
by
the
Achaeans
;
and
lastly
by
the
Romans
.
I
will
not
say
now
what
reason
haue
we
?
but
what
a
shame
is
it
for
vs
,
to
open
our
cares
to
these
Vtopicall
state-writers
?
who
being
mellowed
in
idlenesse
,
&
hauing
neither
knowledge
nor
interest
in
matters
of
gouernment
,
make
new
models
vpon
disproportioned
ioints
,
borrowed
from
nations
most
different
in
rule
.
You
affirme
by
the
testimonie
of
Liuie
,
that
for
offence
taken
against
Romulus
,
because
hee
raigned
at
pleasure
,
and
not
by
law
,
the
Senators
did
cut
him
in
peeces
:
in
which
short
assertion
many
base
vntruths
are
included
,
beneath
the
degree
of
anie
vile
word
.
Liuie
writeth
that
he
sorted
the
people
into
order
,
and
gouerned
them
by
lawes
[
e
](A02848-e9770-b)
e
Iura
dedit
.
,
and
that
hee
was
also
both
aduised
and
valiant
in
the
field
;
euen
such
a
one
as
Homer
describeth
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Both
a
good
king
,
and
couragious
commander
.
Concerning
his
end
,
Liuie
writeth
,
that
in
taking
muster
of
his
armie
,
a
thicke
tempest
did
arise
,
after
which
he
was
neuer
seene
;
wherein
he
is
seconded
by
Solinus
,
Eutropius
and
the
rest
:
only
Liuie
addeth
,
that
there
was
a
rumor
,
but
verie
obscure
,
without
any
certaine
either
authour
or
ground
;
I
will
adde
also
without
probabilitie
,
that
he
was
torne
in
peeces
.
For
howe
probable
is
it
,
that
such
a
fact
,
in
the
open
view
of
his
armie
,
could
bee
verie
obscure
?
how
probable
is
it
also
,
that
the
people
would
first
teare
him
in
peeces
for
his
iniustice
,
and
then
worship
him
for
a
God
?
Further
,
with
what
either
confidence
or
conceit
doe
you
alleage
this
report
of
Liuie
,
for
his
opinion
?
I
find
your
fetch
;
you
apprehend
euerie
thing
which
may
,
if
not
confirm
,
yet
countenance
that
doctrine
,
which
lately
you
haue
drawne
out
of
Cerberus
denne
;
That
it
is
lawfull
to
contriue
the
death
of
kings
.
That
the
people
were
grieued
against
Seruius
Tullius
for
raigning
without
election
:
it
is
a
meere
fantasie
,
a
dreame
,
a
deuise
.
Liuie
faith
[
f
](A02848-e9900-b)
f
Tanto
consensu
quanto
haud
qui●quam
alius
ante
rex
est
declaratus
.
,
that
hee
was
declared
king
with
such
a
consent
,
as
no
man
had
bin
before
him
.
That
Tarquinius
neglected
the
lawes
of
gouernment
prescribed
to
him
by
the
common
wealth
,
it
is
an
ougly
vntruth
.
Liuie
saith
,
that
he
brake
the
auncient
manner
of
kings
before
him
:
but
for
lawes
Pomponius
affirmeth
[
g
](A02848-e9950-b)
g
i●●
.
2.
D.
de
orig●●r
.
,
that
at
that
time
the
Romans
had
no
lawes
but
from
their
kings
,
and
that
Sextus
Papirius
reduced
them
into
one
volume
,
which
was
called
the
ciuill
law
of
Papirius
[
h
](A02848-e9980-b)
h
i●s
ci●●le
●apirianum
.
,
and
that
when
the
people
expelled
their
kings
,
they
abrogated
their
lawes
also
,
and
remained
twentie
yeares
without
any
law
.
Lastly
you
adde
,
that
the
Romans
did
expell
their
kings
,
and
erect
Consuls
in
their
steed
:
but
you
suppresse
that
which
followed
,
which
I
hold
for
a
common
consequence
of
the
like
disorder
:
First
,
that
for
this
cause
,
they
were
presently
almost
ouerwhelmed
with
warres
:
secondly
,
that
in
this
state
,
they
neuer
enjoyed
long
time
free
from
sedition
:
lastly
,
that
as
Tacitus
saith
,
[
i
](A02848-e10020-b)
i
Nullum
esse
discordantis
patrie
remedium
,
quam
vt
ab
vno
rege●etur
.
annal●
there
was
no
meanes
to
appease
these
tumults
,
but
by
returning
to
a
monarchie
againe
.
All
this
I
write
,
rather
to
manifest
the
maner
of
your
dealing
,
then
that
I
hold
it
much
regardable
what
Romans
did
.
Your
examples
of
our
present
age
I
will
wrap
vp
in
these
few
words
.
All
nations
,
very
few
excepted
,
do
consent
in
this
forme
of
gouernment
;
first
,
to
bee
vnder
one
Prince
;
secondly
,
to
accept
him
by
succession
,
according
to
propinquitie
of
bloud
:
in
other
circumstances
,
either
for
inaugurating
their
prince
,
or
for
the
maner
of
managing
and
executing
his
gouernment
,
not
two
nations
in
the
world
in
all
points
do
agree
.
And
yet
is
not
this
diuersitie
raised
,
by
any
lawes
which
the
people
doe
prescribe
vnto
their
Prince
,
as
you
doe
most
grossely
,
yea
peeuishly
,
yea
maliciously
affirme
;
but
by
the
particular
lawes
and
customes
of
euerie
nation
,
in
which
the
consent
of
the
Prince
,
either
secret
or
expresse
,
sometimes
onely
is
sufficient
,
alwayes
principally
doth
concur
.
Vpon
this
diuersitie
of
customes
you
conclude
,
that
it
sufficeth
not
to
alleage
bare
propinquitie
of
bloud
.
What
?
not
where
that
custom
is
established
?
as
I
haue
declared
it
to
bee
in
most
nations
of
the
world
?
doth
difference
of
customes
make
all
custom
void
?
doth
diuersitie
of
custome
in
some
circumstances
take
away
the
principall
custome
of
succession
by
bloud
?
This
cleaueth
together
no
surer
then
sand
;
you
loose
both
labour
and
credit
in
obtruding
vnto
vs
these
weake
and
loose
arguments
,
without
either
force
of
reason
or
forme
of
Art
.
Your
instance
of
the
lawe
Salicke
in
France
,
doth
offer
occasion
to
enter
into
a
large
fielde
,
wherein
I
could
plainlie
prooue
,
that
there
was
neuer
anie
such
lawe
made
to
bind
the
discent
of
the
crowne
of
Fraunce
;
and
that
it
hath
bin
the
custome
in
most
parts
of
the
world
,
not
to
exclude
women
from
succession
in
state
:
in
so
much
as
Beda
[
k
](A02848-e10070-b)
k
in
Act.
cap.
8.
and
before
him
Eusebius
[
l
](A02848-e10090-b)
l
lib.
2.
cap.
I.
,
and
Plinie
[
m
](A02848-e10110-b)
m
lib.
6.
cap.
29.
&
30.
do●
write
,
that
certaine
people
were
gouerned
onlie
by
Princes
of
that
sex
.
But
because
this
is
a
matter
both
of
long
discourse
,
and
not
proper
to
our
purpose
,
I
wil
conteine
my selfe
within
this
obseruation
;
That
the
exclusion
of
King
Edward
the
third
from
the
crowne
of
Fraunce
,
vppon
this
pretence
,
was
the
cause
of
the
effusion
of
their
brauest
bloud
,
and
of
the
spoile
,
wast
,
and
conquest
of
all
that
Realme
.
I
acknowledge
that
the
English
haue
lost
the
possession
of
that
conquest
;
and
that
was
by
meanes
of
domestical
warres
,
for
excluding
the
neerest
in
bloud
from
the
crowne
;
into
which
vnquiet
quarrell
,
you
doe
now
endeuour
againe
to
imbarke
vs
.
Yet
no
man
can
assure
that
the
miseries
of
Fraunce
for
this
cause
are
at
an
end
.
Rammes
recoile
to
strike
harder
:
we
are
gone
rather
backe
then
away
:
I
will
not
presage
,
but
anie
man
may
coniecture
,
that
our
minds
and
our
meanes
will
not
alwaies
want
the
fauour
of
time
.
After
all
this
you
proceede
a
degree
further
:
that
it
is
lawfull
vpon
iust
considerations
,
not
only
to
put
backe
the
next
inheritour
of
the
crowne
,
but
also
to
remoue
him
who
is
in
full
possession
thereof
.
And
that
is
plaine
(
you
say
)
not
onely
by
the
grounds
before
by
you
alleaged
,
but
also
by
example
of
the
Romans
&
Graecians
:
&
because
God
hath
commonlie
concurred
in
such
iudiciall
actions
of
the
state
;
not
onely
in
prospering
them
,
but
in
giuing
them
also
some
notable
successour
.
And
yet
you
protest
you
are
far
from
their
opinion
,
who
vpon
euerie
mislike
are
readie
to
band
against
their
Prince
;
and
that
you
esteem
the
tenure
of
a
crown
,
if
once
it
be
setled
,
the
most
irregular
,
whereto
euery
man
is
bound
to
settle
his
conscience
,
without
examination
of
title
or
interest
;
but
onely
by
the
supreme
law
of
Gods
disposition
,
who
can
dispence
in
what
he
listeth
:
and
that
notwithstanding
you
are
as
farre
,
from
the
abiect
flatterie
of
Billaie
and
others
;
who
affirme
,
that
Princes
are
subiect
to
no
law
or
limitation
at
al
,
and
that
they
succeed
by
nature
and
birth
onely
,
and
not
by
admission
of
the
people
;
and
that
there
is
no
authoritie
vnder
God
to
chasten
them
.
These
you
call
absurd
paradoxes
;
and
herewith
you
settle
your self
to
shewe
in
the
next
Chapter
,
what
good
successe
hath
insued
the
deposition
of
Princes
.
Concerning
your
protestation
,
wee
may
say
vnto
you
as
Isaac
said
to
his
sonne
Iacob
[
n
](A02848-e10190-b)
n
Gen.
27.22
.
The
voice
is
Iacobs
voice
,
but
the
hands
are
the
hands
of
Esau
:
You
speake
faire
,
and
therewith
also
well
;
but
the
maine
drift
of
your
discourse
,
is
nothing
else
but
a
tempestuous
doctrine
of
rebellion
and
disorder
:
you
being
therein
like
the
boatman
,
who
looketh
one
waie
and
pulleth
another
;
or
rather
like
the
image
of
Ianus
,
which
looked
two
contrarie
waies
at
once
.
It
is
a
rule
in
lawe
;
That
a
protestation
contrarie
to
a
mans
act
,
will
not
serue
to
relieue
him
[
o
](A02848-e10220-b)
o
Protestatio
aetui
contraria
non
releuat
.
:
onlie
this
shal
serue
to
conuince
you
,
either
of
false
or
of
forgetful
dealing
,
when
we
come
to
that
place
where
in
flat
words
you
maintaine
the
contrarie
.
Concerning
the
querele
which
you
lay
against
Billaie
;
as
I
haue
not
seene
what
he
hath
written
,
so
wil
I
not
interpose
betweene
him
and
you
.
I
neuer
heard
of
christian
prince
who
challenged
infinite
authoritie
without
limitation
of
any
law
,
either
natural
or
diuine
.
But
where
you
terme
it
an
absurd
paradoxe
,
that
the
people
should
not
haue
power
to
chasten
their
Prince
,
and
vpon
iust
considerations
to
remoue
him
;
I
am
content
to
ioine
with
you
vppon
the
issue
.
And
first
I
note
the
maner
of
your
dealing
,
in
that
you
haue
omitted
to
expresse
what
these
iust
considerations
may
be
.
For
seeing
there
hath
bin
no
king
,
who
is
not
noted
of
some
defects
;
and
againe
,
no
Tyrant
,
who
hath
not
manie
commendable
partes
(
as
Plutarch
writeth
[
p
](A02848-e10270-b)
p
In
Dionys.
that
Dionysius
excelled
most
princes
in
diuers
pointes
of
iustice
and
vertue
)
it
is
a
matter
of
dangerous
consequence
,
to
leaue
these
considerations
vndetermined
and
at
large
.
But
who
seeth
not
,
that
you
do
it
out
of
pollicie
,
that
you
may
vpon
euerie
particular
occasion
,
declare
such
causes
to
be
sufficient
as
you
please
?
How
then
doe
you
proue
,
that
vpon
anie
cause
,
the
people
haue
power
to
dispossesse
their
prince
?
This
is
plaine
(
you
say
)
not
onlie
by
the
groundes
before
by
you
alleaged
,
but
also
by
example
of
the
Romans
&
Graecians
.
The
grounds
by
you
alleaged
,
are
two
.
One
in
your
first
Chapter
,
that
because
no
one
forme
of
gouernment
is
natural
,
the
people
haue
power
both
to
choose
,
and
to
change
,
and
to
limit
it
as
they
please
.
The
other
ground
is
in
this
Chapter
;
that
because
there
are
diuers
lawes
and
customes
in
matters
of
principalitie
,
it
sufficeth
not
to
alleage
bare
propinquitie
of
bloud
.
Why
;
but
had
you
no
text
of
scripture
,
no
Father
of
the
Church
to
alleage
?
No
lawe
?
No
reason
?
No
better
example
?
No
surer
grounde
?
It
is
more
then
this
which
you
bring
against
your selfe
,
in
citing
out
of
Saint
Peter
[
q
](A02848-e10330-b)
q
2.
ca.
2.10
.
;
The
Lord
knoweth
to
reserue
the
vniust
vnto
the
daie
of
iudgement
;
and
especiallie
them
that
despise
gouernment
,
and
speake
euill
of
those
that
are
in
dignitie
.
And
out
of
Saint
Iude
[
r
](A02848-e10360-b)
r
ver.
8.
:
Likewise
these
dreamers
despise
gouernment
,
and
speake
euill
of
them
that
are
in
authoritie
.
Besides
also
,
you
haue
alleaged
out
of
Saint
[
s
](A02848-e10380-b)
s
Rom.
●
3.
Paule
:
Let
euerie
soule
be
subiect
vnto
the
higher
power
;
for
there
is
no
power
but
of
God
:
Whosoeuer
therefore
resisteth
the
power
,
resisteth
the
ordinance
of
God
;
and
they
that
resist
shall
receiue
to
themselues
iudgment
.
And
likewise
out
of
S.
Peter
:
[
t
](A02848-e10410-b)
t
1.
ca.
2
ver.
13
Submit
your selues
to
euerie
humane
creature
,
whether
it
be
to
the
king
,
or
vnto
gouernors
;
for
so
is
the
will
of
God
.
To
which
places
we
maie
likewise
ad
that
,
which
S.
Paule
did
write
vnto
Titus
[
u
](A02848-e10450-b)
u
Tit.
3.1
.
:
Put
them
in
remembrance
that
they
be
obedient
to
the
principalities
&
powers
.
And
writing
to
Timothy
[
*
](A02848-e10480-b)
*
1.
Tim.
2.2
.
he
exhorteth
vs
also
to
praie
for
them
,
that
we
may
leade
vnder
them
a
peaceable
life
.
But
perhaps
you
wil
say
,
that
the
Apostles
did
not
meane
this
of
wicked
princes
.
Trifler
:
the
Apostles
spake
generallie
of
al
:
Saint
.
Peter
[
x
](A02848-e10510-b)
x
1.
Pet.
2.18
.
maketh
expresse
mention
of
euil
Lords
.
And
what
princes
haue
euer
bin
more
either
irreligious
or
tyrannical
,
then
Caligula
,
Tiberius
,
Nero
,
the
infamie
of
their
ages
,
vnder
whose
empire
the
Apostles
did
both
liue
and
write
.
Bellarmine
the
great
master
of
controuersies
perceiuing
this
to
be
vnanswerablie
true
,
did
in
another
sort
rather
cut
then
vntie
the
knot
:
affirming
[
y
](A02848-e10550-b)
y
In
tract
.
de
.
exemp.
clericorum
.
that
at
that
time
it
was
necessarie
to
admonish
the
Christians
to
performe
obedience
to
their
kings
,
least
the
preaching
of
the
Gospel
might
otherwise
be
hindred
:
which
is
as
if
in
direct
tearmes
he
should
haue
saide
.
Sir
Kings
:
whilest
our
heads
were
vnder
your
girdle
,
we
were
content
to
curry
fauour
,
by
preaching
obedience
vnto
the
people
:
but
now
we
haue
got
the
wind
of
you
;
we
must
plainlie
tel
you
,
that
you
hold
your
crownes
at
their
curtesie
and
fauour
;
and
haue
no
power
in
effect
,
but
as
lieutenants
general
.
I
know
you
wil
make
a
sower
face
at
this
;
it
will
go
very
much
against
your
stomackes
;
but
there
is
no
remedie
,
you
must
take
it
down
;
they
are
your
good
lords
;
they
may
dispossesse
you
.
Prophane
Bellarmine
:
is
Christian
Religion
a
meere
policie
?
doth
it
applie
it selfe
onlie
to
the
present
?
Doth
it
turne
alwaies
with
the
time
?
May
the
principal
professors
thereof
say
,
as
an
infidel
Moore
did
,
when
he
violated
the
faith
which
he
had
giuen
vnto
christians
?
We
haue
no
bone
in
our
tongues
that
we
cannot
turne
them
which
way
we
please
.
Wee
seee
plainlie
that
you
say
so
:
and
it
is
as
plaine
,
that
it
was
far
from
the
true
meaning
of
the
Apostles
.
S.
Iude
[
z
](A02848-e10600-b)
z
ver.
16.
writeth
sharpelie
against
those
,
who
had
mens
per●ons
in
admiration
because
of
aduvntage
.
S.
Paul
also
saith
[
*
](A02848-e10630-b)
*
Galat.
1.10
.
:
Goe
I
about
to
please
men
?
If
I
should
please
men
,
I
were
not
then
the
seruant
of
Christ
.
I
wil
giue
you
an
example
of
another
time
.
Nabuchadnezzar
king
of
Assyria
,
wasted
al
Palestina
;
tooke
Hierusalem
;
slew
the
king
;
burnt
the
Temple
;
tooke
away
the
holy
vessels
and
treasure
:
the
residue
he
permitted
to
the
crueltie
and
spoile
of
his
vnmerciful
soldiers
;
who
defiled
al
places
with
rape
,
ruine
and
bloud
.
After
the
glut
of
this
butcherie
,
the
people
which
remained
,
he
led
captiue
into
Chaldaea
,
and
there
commaunded
,
that
whosoeuer
refused
to
worship
his
golden
image
,
should
be
cast
into
a
firie
furnace
.
What
crueltie
,
what
impietie
is
comparable
to
this
?
and
yet
the
Prophets
Ieremiah
[
a
](A02848-e10690-b)
a
ca.
29.7
.
and
Baruch
[
b
](A02848-e10710-b)
b
ca.
1.11
.
did
write
to
those
captiue
Iewes
,
to
praie
for
the
prosperitie
and
life
of
him
,
and
of
Baltazar
his
sonne
,
that
their
daies
might
be
vpon
earth
as
the
daies
of
heauen
:
and
Ezechiel
[
c
](A02848-e10740-b)
c
ca.
17.
both
blameth
and
threatneth
Zedechia
,
for
his
disloialtie
in
reuolting
from
Nabuchadnezzar
,
whose
homager
and
tributarie
he
was
.
What
answere
wil
you
make
to
this
example
?
I
am
wiselie
busied
to
cast
forth
this
question
;
what
answere
can
you
make
,
which
your
owne
knowledg
will
not
conuince
?
Many
other
places
there
are
in
holy
Scripture
,
whereby
not
onely
our
actions
are
tied
to
obedience
;
He
that
doth
presumptuously
against
the
ruler
of
the
people
shal
die
[
d
](A02848-e10790-b)
d
Deut.
17.12
.
:
but
also
our
words
,
Thou
shalt
not
speake
euill
against
the
ruler
of
the
people
[
e
](A02848-e10810-b)
e
Exod.
22.28
.
Act.
23.5
.
;
yea
,
our
secret
thoughts
:
Detract
not
from
the
king
,
no
not
in
thy
thought
;
for
the
foules
of
the
aire
shall
carie
thy
voice
[
f
](A02848-e10830-b)
f
Eccles.
10.20
.
.
The
reason
hereof
is
not
obscure
:
Because
princes
are
the
immediat
ministers
of
God
[
g
](A02848-e10840-b)
g
Rom.
13.
;
&
therefore
he
called
Nabuchadnezzar
,
his
seruant
[
h
](A02848-e10860-b)
h
Ierem.
25.9
.
;
&
promised
him
also
hire
&
wages
for
the
seruice
which
he
did
[
i
](A02848-e10870-b)
i
Ezech.
29.18
.
.
And
the
Prophet
Esay
[
k
](A02848-e10890-b)
k
cap.
25.
calleth
Cyrus
,
a
prophane
&
heathen
king
,
the
Lords
annointed
.
For
,
as
Salomon
saith
[
l
](A02848-e10930-b)
l
Prou.
21.1
.
,
The
harts
of
kings
are
in
the
hands
of
the
Lord
:
&
he
stirreth
vp
the
spirit
,
euen
of
wicked
Princes
to
do
his
wil
[
m
](A02848-e10950-b)
m
2.
Chron.
36.22
.
:
&
(
as
Iehoshaphat
said
to
his
rulers
[
n
](A02848-e10970-b)
n
2.
Chron.
19.8
.
)
they
execute
not
the
will
of
man
,
but
of
the
Lord
.
In
regard
hereof
Dauid
calleth
them
gods
[
o
](A02848-e11000-b)
o
Psal.
82.
;
whereof
Plato
also
had
some
sense
,
when
he
said
[
p
](A02848-e11020-b)
p
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
polit.
,
A
king
is
in
steed
of
god
.
And
if
they
do
abuse
their
power
,
they
are
not
to
be
iudged
by
their
subiects
,
as
being
both
inferiour
and
naked
of
authoritie
,
because
all
iurisdiction
within
their
realme
is
deriued
from
them
,
which
their
presence
only
doth
silence
&
suspend
:
but
God
reserueth
them
to
the
●orest
trial
:
Horribly
and
sodainly
(
saith
the
wise
man
[
q
](A02848-e11060-b)
q
Sap.
6.
)
will
the
Lord
appeare
vnto
them
,
and
a
hard
iudgment
shal
they
haue
.
You
Iesuits
do
yeeld
a
blindfold
obedience
to
your
superiours
,
not
once
examining
either
what
hee
is
,
or
what
he
doth
command
:
&
although
the
Pope
should
swarue
from
iustice
,
yet
by
the
canons
[
r
](A02848-e11090-b)
r
Extrauag
.
Vnam
sanctam
.
de
maio
,
&
obed
,
,
men
are
bound
to
performe
obedience
vnto
him
,
and
God
only
may
iudge
his
doings
:
and
may
a
king
,
the
Lords
Lieutenant
,
the
Lords
annointed
in
the
view
of
his
subiects
,
nay
,
by
the
hands
of
his
subiects
,
bee
cast
out
of
state
?
May
he
,
as
was
Actaeon
,
be
chased
and
wooried
by
his
own
hounds
?
Wil
you
make
him
of
worse
condition
,
then
the
Lord
of
a
Manor
?
then
a
parish
priest
?
then
a
poore
schoolemaster
,
who
cannot
be
remoued
by
those
that
are
vnder
their
authoritie
and
charge
?
The
law
of
God
commandeth
that
the
child
should
die
,
for
anie
contumely
done
vnto
the
Parents
.
But
what
if
the
father
be
a
robber
?
if
a
murtherer
?
if
for
all
excesse
of
villanies
odious
&
execrable
both
to
God
and
man
?
Surely
hee
deserueth
the
highest
degree
of
punishment
;
&
yet
must
not
the
son
lift
vp
his
hand
against
him
:
for
,
as
Quintilian
saith
[
s
](A02848-e11130-b)
s
in
declam
.
,
No
offence
is
so
great
,
as
to
be
punished
by
parricide
.
But
our
country
is
dearer
to
vs
then
our selues
[
u
](A02848-e11150-b)
u
Pater
patriae
.
:
whose
authoritie
,
as
Baldus
noteth
[
*
](A02848-e11170-b)
*
in
l.
senium
.
C.
qui
test
.
fa.
poss.
,
is
greater
then
of
parents
:
and
therfore
he
must
not
be
violated
,
how
impious
,
how
imperious
soeuer
he
be
.
If
hee
commaundeth
those
things
that
are
lawfull
,
we
must
manifest
our
obedience
by
readie
performing
.
If
he
inioine
vs
those
actions
that
are
euill
;
we
must
shew
our
subiection
by
patient
enduring
.
It
is
God
only
who
seateth
kings
in
their
state
;
it
is
he
only
who
may
remoue
them
.
The
Lord
wil
set
a
wise
king
ouer
the
people
which
he
loueth
,
as
himselfe
doth
testifie
[
x
](A02848-e11200-b)
x
2.
Chron.
1.
.
And
againe
,
For
the
sins
of
the
land
the
kings
are
changed
[
y
](A02848-e11220-b)
y
Prou
28.2
.
2.
Chron.
28.6
.
.
As
therefore
wee
endure
with
patience
vnseasonable
weather
,
vnfruitful
yeares
,
&
other
like
punishments
of
God
;
so
must
wee
tolerate
the
imperfections
of
Princes
,
and
quietly
expect
either
reformation
,
or
els
a
change
.
This
was
the
doctrine
of
the
ancient
Christians
,
euen
against
their
most
mortall
persecuters
.
Tertullian
saith
[
z
](A02848-e11250-b)
z
Apolog.
37.
,
For
what
warre
are
we
not
both
seruiceable
and
readie
,
although
vnequall
in
number
,
who
doe
so
willingly
endure
to
be
slaine
?
neither
want
we
strength
of
number
:
but
God
forbid
,
that
religion
should
be
maintained
with
humane
fire
.
From
him
also
Saint
Cyprian
,
a
most
studious
reader
of
Tertullian
,
as
Saint
Hierome
[
*
](A02848-e11300-b)
*
de
sacr.
ec
.
Tert.
noteth
,
in
like
maner
writeth
[
a
](A02848-e11310-b)
a
Ad
Demet.
:
Although
our
people
bee
exceeding
copious
,
yet
it
doth
not
reuenge
it selfe
against
violence
:
it
suffreth
.
Saint
Augustin
saith
[
b
](A02848-e11340-b)
b
●actum
societatis
humanae
generale
regibus
obedire
.
Confes.
lib.
2.
:
It
is
a
generall
paction
of
humane
societie
to
obey
kings
.
Which
sentence
is
assumed
into
the
body
of
the
canon
law
[
c
](A02848-e11360-b)
c
Dist.
8.
c.
qu●
contra
.
.
In
a
word
,
the
current
of
the
ancient
fathers
is
in
this
point
concurrent
;
insomuch
as
among
them
all
there
is
not
one
found
,
not
anie
one
;
one
is
a
small
number
;
and
yet
I
say
confidently
againe
,
there
is
not
anie
one
,
who
hath
let
fall
so
loose
a
speech
,
as
may
be
strained
to
a
contrarie
sense
:
How
then
are
you
of
late
become
,
both
so
actiue
&
resolute
to
cut
in
sunder
the
reines
of
obedience
,
the
verie
sinewes
of
gouernment
&
order
?
Whence
had
Benedetto
Palmto
,
a
Iesuite
,
his
warrant
,
to
incite
William
Parrie
to
vndertake
the
parricide
of
our
Queene
?
whence
did
Annibal
Codretto
,
another
Iesuite
,
assure
him
,
that
the
true
Church
made
no
question
,
but
that
the
fact
was
lawfull
?
Whence
did
Guignard
,
a
Iesuite
,
terme
the
butcherie
of
Henry
late
king
of
Fraunce
,
an
heroicall
act
,
and
a
gift
of
the
holy
Ghost
?
Whence
did
he
write
of
the
king
,
who
now
there
raigneth
:
If
without
armes
he
cannot
be
deposed
,
let
men
take
armes
against
him
;
if
by
warre
it
cannot
be
accomplished
,
let
him
bee
murthered
?
Whence
did
Ambrose
Verade
,
rector
of
the
colledge
of
the
Iesuits
in
Paris
,
animate
Barriers
(
as
he
confessed
)
to
sheath
his
knife
in
the
kings
breast
;
assuring
him
by
the
liuing
God
,
that
he
could
not
execute
anie
act
more
meritorious
?
Whence
did
the
commenter
vpon
the
epitome
of
Confessions
,
otherwise
the
seuenth
booke
of
decretals
,
commend
all
the
Iesuits
in
these
termes
[
d
](A02848-e11460-b)
d
Tyrannos
aggred
untur
,
lolium
ab
agro
dominico
●u●llunt
.
,
They
set
vpon
tyrants
,
they
pull
the
cockle
out
of
the
Lords
field
?
It
is
a
rule
in
nature
,
that
one
contrarie
is
manifested
by
the
other
.
Let
vs
compare
then
your
boisterous
doctrine
with
that
of
the
Apostles
,
and
ancient
Fathers
of
the
Church
,
and
we
shall
find
that
the
one
is
like
the
rough
spirit
,
which
hurled
the
heard
of
swine
headlong
into
the
sea
[
f
](A02848-e11510-b)
f
1.
Reg.
19.
.
Neither
was
the
diuel
euer
able
,
vntil
in
late
declining
times
,
to
possesse
the
hearts
of
Christians
with
these
cursed
opinions
,
which
doe
euermore
beget
a
world
of
murthers
,
rapes
,
ruines
&
desolations
.
For
tel
me
,
what
if
the
prince
,
whom
you
perswade
the
people
they
haue
power
to
depose
,
be
able
to
make
&
maintaine
his
partie
,
as
K.
Iohn
and
king
Henry
the
third
did
against
their
Barons
?
What
if
other
princes
,
whom
it
doth
concerne
,
as
wel
in
honor
,
to
see
the
law
of
Nations
obserued
,
as
also
in
policie
,
to
breake
those
proceedings
which
may
form
precedents
against
themselues
,
do
adioin
to
the
side
?
what
if
whilest
the
prince
and
the
people
are
(
as
was
the
frog
and
the
mouse
)
in
the
heate
of
their
encounter
,
some
other
potentate
play
the
kite
with
them
both
;
as
the
Turke
did
with
the
Hungarians
?
Is
it
not
then
a
fine
peece
of
policie
which
you
doe
plotte
?
or
is
it
not
a
grosse
errour
to
raise
these
daungers
,
and
to
leaue
the
defence
to
possibilities
doubtfull
.
Goe
too
,
Sirs
,
goe
too
,
there
is
no
christian
country
,
which
hath
not
by
your
deuises
ben
wrapped
in
warres
.
You
haue
set
the
empire
on
swim
with
bloud
:
your
fires
in
France
are
not
ye
:
extinguished
:
in
Polonia
&
all
those
large
countries
,
extending
from
the
north
to
the
east
,
you
haue
caused
of
late
more
battels
to
be
fought
,
then
had
ben
in
500
yeers
before
.
Your
practises
haue
heeretofore
preuailed
against
vs
:
of
late
yeers
you
haue
busied
your selues
in
no
one
thing
more
,
then
how
to
set
other
christian
princes
on
our
necks
;
stirring
vp
such
store
of
enemies
against
vs
,
as
,
like
the
grashoppers
of
Egipt
,
[
g
](A02848-e11570-b)
g
Exod.
10.
might
fill
our
houses
,
and
couer
our
whole
land
,
and
make
more
doubt
of
roome
then
of
resistance
.
Our
owne
people
also
you
haue
prouoked
to
vnnaturall
attempts
:
you
haue
exposed
our
country
as
a
pray
,
to
them
that
will
either
inuade
or
betray
it
;
supposing
belike
that
you
play
Christs
part
well
,
when
you
may
say
as
Christ
did
,
[
h
](A02848-e11580-b)
h
Math.
10.34
.
thinke
not
that
I
came
to
send
peace
,
I
came
not
to
send
peace
but
a
sword
.
But
when
by
the
power
&
prouidence
of
God
,
all
these
attempts
haue
rather
shewen
what
good
hearts
you
beare
towards
vs
,
then
done
vs
any
great
harme
;
when
in
all
these
practises
you
haue
missed
the
mark
,
now
you
do
take
another
●ime
:
now
hauing
no
hope
by
extremitie
of
armes
,
you
indeuour
to
execute
your
mallice
by
giuing
dangerous
aduise
:
Now
you
goe
about
to
entangle
vs
with
titles
,
which
is
the
greatest
miserie
that
can
●all
vpon
a
state
.
You
pretend
faire
shewes
of
libertie
&
of
power
,
Sed
timeo
Danaos
&
don●
ferentes
:
Wee
cannot
but
suspect
the
courtesies
of
our
enemies
:
the
power
which
you
giue
vs
will
pull
vs
downe
;
the
libertie
whereof
you
speake
will
fetter
vs
in
bondage
.
When
Themistocles
came
to
the
Persian
court
,
Artab●nus
captaine
of
the
guard
,
knowing
that
hee
would
vse
no
ceremonie
to
their
king
,
kept
him
out
of
presence
,
and
said
vnto
him
:
you
Grecians
esteeme
vs
barbarous
,
for
honouring
our
kings
,
but
we
Persians
esteeme
it
the
greatest
honour
to
vs
that
can
be
.
The
like
answere
will
we
frame
vnto
you
:
you
Iesuits
account
it
a
bondage
to
be
obedient
vnto
kings
;
but
wee
Christians
account
it
the
greatest
meanes
for
our
continuance
both
free
and
safe
.
To
the
third
Chapter
,
which
is
intitledOf
the
great
reuerence
and
respect
due
to
kings
,
and
yet
how
diuers
of
them
,
haue
ben
lawfully
chastised
by
their
common
wealthes
for
their
misgouernment
,
&
of
the
good
&
prosperous
successe
that
God
commonly
hath
giuen
to
the
same
,
and
much
more
to
the
putting
back
of
an
vnworthie
pretender
.
THat
princes
may
bee
chastised
by
their
subiects
,
your
proofes
are
two
:
one
is
drawen
from
certaine
examples
;
the
other
from
the
good
successe
and
successors
which
vsuallie
haue
followed
.
Surely
it
cannot
be
but
that
you
stand
in
a
strong
conceite
,
either
of
the
authoritie
of
your
woord
,
or
simplicitie
of
our
iudgement
;
otherwise
you
could
not
bee
perswaded
,
by
these
slender
threds
to
draw
any
man
to
your
opinion
.
Of
the
force
of
examples
I
haue
spoken
before
;
there
is
no
villanie
so
vile
which
wanteth
example
.
And
yet
most
of
the
examples
which
you
doe
bring
,
are
either
false
,
or
else
impertinent
.
For
there
haue
beene
diuers
states
,
wherein
one
hath
borne
the
name
&
title
of
king
,
without
power
of
Maiestie
.
As
the
Romanes
in
the
time
of
their
consulate
estate
,
had
alwaies
a
priest
,
whom
they
entitled
king
,
whose
office
consisted
in
certaine
ceremonies
&
sacrifices
,
which
in
former
times
could
not
be
performed
but
by
their
kings
.
Likewise
the
Lacedaemonians
,
after
Licurgus
had
formed
their
gouernment
retained
two
kings
,
who
had
no
greater
stroke
in
matters
of
state
,
then
a
single
voice
as
other
Senators
.
Such
were
in
Caesars
time
many
pettie
kings
of
Gaule
,
who
(
as
Ambiorix
king
of
Leige
confessed
)
were
subiect
to
their
Nobilitie
,
&
iusticeable
by
them
.
Such
are
now
the
Emperours
of
Almaine
;
because
the
puissance
&
Maiestie
of
the
empire
pertaineth
to
the
states
,
who
are
sworne
to
the
empire
it selfe
,
and
not
to
the
person
of
the
Emperour
.
Such
are
also
the
Dukes
of
Venice
,
the
soueraignetie
of
which
state
is
setled
in
the
gentlemen
.
In
these
and
such
like
gouernments
,
the
Prince
is
not
soueraigne
,
but
subiect
to
that
part
of
the
common
wealth
,
which
retaineth
the
royaltie
and
maiestie
of
state
,
whether
it
be
the
Nobilitie
,
or
common
people
:
and
therefore
your
examples
drawen
from
them
is
nothing
to
our
purpose
.
Concerning
successe
,
it
cannot
bee
strange
vnto
you
,
that
by
the
secret
,
yet
iust
iudgement
of
God
,
diuers
,
euill
actions
are
carried
with
apparance
of
good
successe
The
Prophet
Dauid
said
,
[
a
](A02848-e11740-b)
a
Psal.
73.
that
his
treadings
had
almost
slipt
,
by
seeing
the
wicked
to
flourish
in
prosperitie
:
the
prophet
Ieremiah
[
b
](A02848-e11760-b)
b
Ca.
12
1.
seemed
also
to
stagger
vpon
this
point
&
it
hath
alwaies
ben
a
dangerous
stone
in
the
way
of
the
godly
,
whereat
manie
haue
stumbled
,
and
some
fallen
.
Besides
,
it
ordinarily
happeneth
that
good
princes
succeede
tyrants
;
partly
because
they
are
so
indeede
,
as
being
instructed
to
a
better
mannage
of
gouernment
,
both
by
the
miserable
life
of
their
predecessors
,
and
by
the
o●gly
infamie
which
remaineth
after
their
death
:
partly
because
by
meanes
of
the
comparison
they
both
seeme
,
and
are
reported
to
bee
farre
better
then
they
are
.
Heerevpon
Lampridius
saith
of
Alexander
Seuerus
:
[
c
](A02848-e11780-b)
c
in
Alexand.
I
may
also
say
,
that
Alexander
was
a
good
Prince
by
feare
▪
for
that
Heltogab●lus
his
predecessor
was
both
an
euill
prince
,
and
also
massacred
and
slaine
.
Seing
therefore
the
reason
is
so
manifest
,
wherefore
good
princes
should
succeede
tyrants
,
is
it
not
rashnesse
?
is
it
not
impudencie
?
is
it
not
impietie
for
vs
to
wade
with
vncleane
feete
into
Gods
secret
counsells
,
vnknowne
to
the
Angells
,
and
to
iustifie
vpon
this
euent
the
paricide
of
any
prince
?
For
my
part
,
I
know
not
whether
you
shew
your selfe
more
presumptuous
in
entering
into
this
obseruation
,
or
in
pursuing
it
more
idle
and
impure
.
I
will
passe
ouer
your
protestation
of
respect
and
obedience
due
vnto
Princes
:
protest
what
you
please
,
wee
will
take
you
for
no
other
then
a
vile
●inde
of
vermine
,
which
,
if
it
bee
permitted
to
creepe
into
the
bowels
of
any
state
,
will
gnaw
the
hart
strings
thereof
in
sunder
.
This
you
manifest
by
the
course
comparison
which
presently
you
annexe
,
that
as
a
naturall
body
hath
authoritie
,
to
cure
the
head
if
it
be
out
of
tune
,
and
reason
to
cut
it
off
oftentimes
,
if
it
were
able
to
take
another
;
so
a
body
politick
hath
power
to
cure
or
cut
off
the
head
,
if
it
be
vnsound
.
But
what
either
will
or
power
hath
any
part
of
the
body
in
it selfe
?
what
either
sence
for
the
one
,
or
motion
for
the
other
,
which
proceedeth
not
altogether
from
the
head
?
where
is
the
reason
seated
which
you
attribute
to
the
body
,
both
in
iudging
and
curing
the
infirmities
of
the
head
?
Certaine
it
is
,
that
in
your
cutting
cure
you
deale
like
a
foolish
phisition
,
who
finding
a
body
halfe
taken
and
benummed
with
a
palsie
,
cutteth
off
that
part
to
cure
the
other
,
and
so
make
sure
to
destroy
both
.
You
suppose
belike
that
to
enter
into
greater
perills
,
is
the
onely
remedie
of
present
dangers
.
I
omit
to
presse
many
points
of
this
comparison
against
you
,
because
comparisons
do
serue
rather
to
illustrate
then
inforce
:
and
I
know
not
what
assertion
you
might
not
easely
make
good
,
if
such
sencelesse
prating
might
goe
for
proofe
.
I
come
now
to
your
particular
examples
,
wherof
the
first
is
of
King
Saule
;
whom
you
affirme
to
be
depriued
and
put
to
death
for
his
disobedience
.
Saule
depriued
and
put
to
death
?
I
neuer
heard
that
any
of
his
subiects
did
euer
lift
vp
one
thought
against
him
.
Dreamer
,
you
will
say
,
hee
was
slaine
by
the
Philistimes
:
good
;
but
who
depriued
him
;
it
was
God
(
you
say
)
who
did
depriue
him
?
You
must
pardon
vs
if
vpon
the
sodaine
wee
doe
not
conceiue
the
misterie
of
your
meaning
:
your
words
of
depriuation
and
putting
to
death
,
doe
rather
import
a
iudiciall
proceeding
against
him
,
than
that
God
deliuered
him
to
be
vanquished
,
by
his
enemies
in
the
field
.
But
what
is
this
to
dispossessing
by
subiects
?
yes
,
you
say
,
because
what
soeuer
God
hath
put
in
vre
in
his
common
wealth
,
may
be
practised
by
others
.
Why
,
but
then
also
good
princes
may
be
deposed
by
their
subiects
;
because
God
deliuered
Iosiah
to
be
slaine
by
the
Aegiptians
.
You
firebrands
of
strife
,
you
trumpets
of
sedition
,
you
red
horses
whose
sitters
haue
taken
peace
from
the
earth
,
[
d
](A02848-e11860-b)
d
Apoc.
6.4
.
how
impudently
doe
you
abuse
the
scriptures
?
how
doe
you
defile
them
with
your
filchie
fingers
?
It
is
most
certaine
that
Dauid
knew
,
both
because
Samuel
tould
him
,
and
because
he
had
the
spirit
of
prophesie
,
that
God
had
reiected
Saul
,
and
designed
him
to
be
king
in
his
place
:
yet
his
doctrine
was
alwaies
,
not
to
touch
the
Lords
anoin●ed
Your
second
example
is
of
king
Amon
,
who
was
slaine
(
as
you
wright
)
by
his
owne
people
;
because
he
walked
not
in
the
wayes
of
the
Lord
.
This
is
somewhat
indeed
if
it
be
true
;
let
vs
turne
to
the
text
.
[
f
](A02848-e11950-b)
f
4
reg.
21.
Amon
was
xxii
.
yeeres
ould
when
he
began
to
reigne
&c.
and
he
did
euill
in
the
sight
of
the
Lord
&c.
and
his
seruants
conspired
against
him
,
&
slew
him
in
his
house
,
and
the
people
smote
all
those
who
conspired
against
king
Amon
,
and
made
Iosiah
his
sonne
king
in
his
stead
.
But
this
is
very
different
from
that
which
you
report
.
Amon
was
slaine
by
his
seruants
,
and
not
by
the
people
;
who
were
so
far
from
working
,
that
they
seuerely
reuenged
his
death
.
And
although
Amon
was
euill
,
yet
the
scripture
laieth
not
his
euill
for
the
motiue
whervpon
his
seruants
slue
him
.
The
diuell
himselfe
in
alleaging
the
scripture
,
vsed
more
honestie
&
sinceritie
(
if
I
may
so
terme
it
)
then
you
:
for
he
cited
the
very
words
,
wresting
them
onely
to
a
crooked
sence
:
but
you
change
the
words
of
the
Scripture
;
you
counterfeit
Gods
coine
,
you
corrupt
the
recordes
which
he
hath
left
vs
.
I
will
now
shake
of
all
respect
of
ciuilitie
towards
you
,
and
tell
you
in
flat
and
open
termes
;
that
as
one
part
of
your
assertion
is
true
,
that
good
Kings
succeeded
Saul
and
Amon
;
so
the
other
part
,
that
either
they
were
,
or
in
right
could
haue
bene
depriued
and
put
to
death
by
their
subiects
,
it
is
a
sacrilegious
,
a
logger-headed
lye
.
Of
your
example
of
Romulus
I
haue
spoken
before
.
I
haue
declared
also
how
the
Romanes
,
presently
after
the
expelling
of
their
kings
,
&
for
that
cause
,
were
almost
ouerwhelmed
with
the
weight
of
warre
;
being
beaten
home
to
the
very
gates
of
their
citie
.
And
had
not
Chocles
by
a
miracle
of
manhood
susteined
the
shock
of
the
enemies
,
whilest
a
bridge
was
broken
behind
him
,
the
towne
had
bene
entred
and
their
state
ruined
.
And
wheras
you
attribute
the
inlargement
of
the
empire
,
which
happened
many
ages
after
,
to
this
expelling
of
their
kings
,
you
might
as
well
haue
saide
,
that
the
rebellion
against
king
Iohn
was
the
cause
of
the
victories
which
wee
haue
since
had
in
France
.
I
haue
before
declared
,
that
the
state
of
the
Romanes
vnder
their
consulls
,
was
popular
,
rather
in
shew
,
then
in
deede
:
this
shew
began
also
to
end
,
when
by
the
law
Valeria
,
L.
Sylla
was
established
dictator
for
foure
and
twentie
yeares
.
After
this
,
the
empire
did
mightely
encrease
,
vntil
the
reigne
of
Traian●
;
at
which
time
all
authors
agree
that
it
was
most
large
;
and
yet
far
short
of
your
wandring
suruey
,
not
halfe
fifteene
thousand
miles
in
compasse
.
In
your
example
of
Caesar
,
I
neuer
saw
more
vntruthes
crowded
together
in
fewer
words
:
you
say
he
brake
all
lawes
,
both
humane
and
deuine
:
that
is
one
;
his
greatest
enemies
did
giue
of
him
a
most
honorable
testimonie
.
You
say
he
tooke
all
gouernment
into
his
hands
alone
:
that
is
two
;
the
people
by
the
law
Seruia
elected
him
perpetual
dictator
.
You
make
his
death
to
be
an
act
of
the
state
:
that
is
three
;
for
they
who
slew
him
,
were
both
declared
&
pursued
by
decree
of
the
state
for
publicke
enemies
;
of
whom
,
not
any
one
,
either
died
a
naturall
death
,
or
liued
three
yeeres
after
;
it
was
further
decreed
,
that
the
court
where
he
was
slaine
should
be
stopped
vp
,
that
the
Ides
of
March
should
be
called
parricidium
;
&
that
the
Senate
should
neuer
be
assembled
vpon
that
day
.
You
say
that
Augustus
was
preferred
in
his
place
:
that
is
foure
;
and
all
within
the
compasse
of
sixe
lines
.
Augustus
was
neuer
chosen
dictator
;
Suetonius
writeth
[
g
](A02848-e12140-b)
g
In
Augusto
,
genu
nixus
dictaturam
deprecatus
est
,
that
hee
entreated
the
people
vpon
his
knee
,
not
to
charge
him
with
that
office
.
But
Augustus
,
Antonius
and
Lepidus
did
first
knit
in
armes
by
the
name
of
Triumuiri
,
to
reuenge
the
death
of
Iulius
Caesar
;
whervpon
a
long
cruell
and
doubtfull
warre
was
set
vp
,
which
continued
the
space
of
xx
.
yeers
;
first
,
betweene
these
three
,
and
the
murtherers
of
Caesar
;
then
,
betweene
Lepidus
,
and
the
other
two
;
lastly
betweene
Augustus
&
Antonius
:
and
this
was
the
sweet
successe
of
the
murther
of
Caesar.
Augustus
,
after
his
victorie
was
made
perpetuall
tribune
,
as
Suetonius
hath
written
[
h
](A02848-e12270-b)
h
In
August
.
Dio.
saith
,
[
i
](A02848-e12290-b)
i
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
lib.
53.
that
he
was
freed
from
the
power
of
the
lawes
;
as
Pompeie
also
had
beene
before
him
.
Tacitus
addeth
,
[
k
](A02848-e12330-b)
k
in
proam
.
that
the
people
hauing
their
hearts
broken
with
broiles
,
permitted
him
to
rise
into
rule
,
and
to
draw
by
degrees
the
whole
authoritie
of
the
state
into
his
handes
.
And
so
it
seemeth
that
the
royall
law
was
not
yet
established
,
[
l
](A02848-e12340-b)
l
Lex
regia
.
by
which
the
people
gaue
ouer
their
power
in
gouernment
:
wherevpon
some
make
good
the
sentence
which
the
Senate
gaue
against
Nere
;
because
the
soueraigntie
was
not
then
by
any
expresse
act
setled
in
the
Emperour
.
But
where
you
bring
the
succession
of
Vespasian
as
a
good
successe
of
this
sentence
against
Nero
,
it
is
a
wilde
and
witlesse
vntruth
.
Galba
succeeded
next
after
Nero
;
who
was
slaine
in
a
sedition
raised
by
Otho
.
Otho
againe
was
ouercome
in
field
by
Vitellius
;
whervpon
hee
slue
himselfe
.
Lastly
,
Vitellius
was
ouerthrowne
and
slaine
by
the
Captaines
of
Vespasian
;
who
was
the
fourth
Emperour
after
Nero.
These
intestine
warres
,
these
open
battailes
fought
to
the
full
,
this
slaughter
of
Emperours
,
which
you
terme
interludes
,
were
the
immediate
successe
after
the
death
of
Nero.
You
furies
of
hell
,
whose
voices
are
lightening
and
thunder
,
whose
breathing
is
nothing
but
sword
,
fire
,
rages
and
rebellions
:
the
encountring
of
armies
,
the
butcherie
of
millions
of
men
,
the
massacre
of
princes
,
you
accompt
enterludes
:
These
are
your
pleasures
;
these
your
recreations
.
I
hope
all
christian
wealthes
will
beare
an
eye
ouer
your
inclination
,
and
keepe
out
both
your
persons
and
perswasions
,
from
turning
their
state
into
an
open
stage
for
the
acting
of
these
enterludes
.
You
continue
your
base
bouldnesse
in
affirming
,
that
the
senate
procured
the
death
of
Domitian
;
that
they
requested
the
soldiers
to
kil
Heliogabalus
;
that
they
inuited
Constantine
to
come
&
doe
iustice
vpon
Maxentius
:
this
broken
kinde
of
disguising
is
familiar
vnto
you
,
to
make
such
violencies
as
haue
often
preuailed
against
excellent
princes
,
to
seeme
to
be
the
act
of
the
whole
state
.
And
wheras
you
bring
the
succession
of
Alexander
Seuerus
for
a
good
successe
of
the
murther
of
Heliogabalus
,
being
the
rarest
prince
(
you
say
)
that
euer
the
Romanes
had
;
you
might
haue
alleaged
any
author
in
proofe
thereof
better
then
Herodian
,
who
writeth
of
him
in
this
manner
.
[
m
](A02848-e12550-b)
m
lib.
6.
Alexander
did
beare
the
name
and
ensignes
of
the
empire
;
but
the
administration
of
affaires
&
gouernment
of
the
state
did
rest
vpon
wemen
.
And
further
he
writeth
that
by
his
slacknesse
and
cowardice
,
the
Romane
Armie
was
defeated
by
the
Persians
;
&
finally
,
that
for
his
want
of
courage
,
he
was
slaine
by
his
owne
soldiers
.
By
this
we
may
see
that
you
goe
blindfold
;
being
so
far
from
caring
,
that
many
times
you
scarce
know
what
you
wright
.
Your
markable
example
(
as
you
terme
it
)
of
the
change
o●
the
empire
,
from
the
west
to
the
east
;
from
Constantin
the
sixt
,
to
Charles
king
of
France
,
doth
mark
out
nothing
more
vnto
vs
,
then
your
foundred
iudgement
.
The
question
is
not
what
one
forren
prince
may
do
against
another
,
but
what
subiects
may
do
against
their
soueraign
:
this
is
the
point
of
controuersie
,
heete
you
must
cloase
;
and
not
trauerse
about
in
discourses
impertinent
.
The
change
of
the
kingdome
of
France
from
Childeric
to
Pepin
,
your
owne
authour
Girard
[
n
](A02848-e12650-b)
n
lib.
1.
de
l'sta●e
de
France
.
affirmeth
to
be
,
both
an
ambitious
&
fraudulent
vsurpation
,
wherin
Pepin
vsed
the
reuerence
of
religion
as
a
mantle
to
couer
his
impietie
&
rebellion
.
The
matters
which
he
obiected
against
Childeric
were
two
;
first
,
his
insufficiencie
,
the
ordinarie
pretence
of
most
rebellions
;
but
Girard
,
[
o
](A02848-e12690-b)
o
Ibidem
.
saith
,
that
the
auncient
custome
of
the
French
was
,
to
loue
&
honor
their
kings
,
whether
sufficient
or
vnable
,
worthie
or
weake
;
&
that
the
name
of
king
was
esteemed
sacred
,
by
whomsoeuer
it
was
borne
.
Secondly
he
obiected
,
that
his
subiects
were
condicionally
sworne
vnto
him
;
&
this
also
Girard
writeth
to
be
a
forced
and
cautelous
interpretation
,
violently
streining
the
words
of
their
oath
to
his
aduantage
:
and
in
deede
,
if
the
oath
of
the
people
had
ben
conditionall
,
what
needed
they
to
procure
a
dispensation
for
the
same
?
This
was
the
first
act
(
saith
he
)
wherby
the
popes
tooke
occasion
to
set
in
their
foot
of
authoritie
,
for
transporting
of
kingdoms
from
one
race
to
another
:
which
growing
to
strength
,
hath
filled
all
christian
countries
with
confusion
and
tumult
.
Likewise
the
change
of
that
kingdome
from
the
line
of
Pepin
to
the
line
of
Capet
,
was
a
meere
violence
&
intrusion
,
&
so
was
it
acknowledged
by
Eudes
earle
of
Paris
,
the
first
of
that
family
who
did
vsurp
Charles
.
Hugh
,
the
sonne
of
Robert
nourished
this
ambition
:
But
Hugh
Capet
his
sonne
with
better
both
opportunitie
&
successe
,
but
no
better
right
,
did
accomplish
the
enterprise
.
For
Girard
[
q
](A02848-e12840-b)
q
Fo●
58.
de
l'state
.
calleth
him
an
vsurper
,
&
Charles
duke
of
Lorrane
the
true
heire
to
the
crowne
.
Between
these
two
(
as
in
all
vsurpations
it
is
vsuall
)
war
was
raised
;
but
by
the
vnsearchable
iudgement
of
God
the
duke
of
Lorraine
was
cast
to
the
ground
.
And
there
is
little
doubt
,
but
,
if
he
had
preuailed
,
Lorraine
had
bene
at
this
day
a
member
of
the
crowne
of
France
.
The
like
answer
may
be
giuen
to
your
example
of
Suintilla
:
&
this
beside
;
that
the
kingdom
of
the
Gothes
in
Spaine
,
was
not
then
setled
in
succession
,
&
chiefly
during
the
reigne
of
Victeric
,
Gundemir
,
Sisebuth
,
Suintilla
,
Sicenand
,
Cinthilla
,
and
Tulca
.
The
historie
of
Alphonso
,
another
of
your
examples
,
standeth
thus
.
Alphonso
had
a
sonne
called
Ferdinand
,
who
died
during
the
life
of
his
father
,
&
left
two
yong
sons
behinde
him
.
After
the
death
of
Ferdinand
,
his
yonger
brother
Sancho
practised
with
D.
Lope
Diaz
de
Haro
Lord
of
Biscay
,
to
procure
him
to
be
aduanced
to
the
succession
of
the
kingdom
,
before
his
nephewes
.
D.
Lope
vndertoke
the
deuise
;
&
drawing
some
other
of
the
nobilitie
to
the
partie
,
they
so
wrought
with
the
king
,
that
in
an
assembly
of
the
states
at
Segouia
,
Sancho
was
declared
successor
,
&
the
children
of
Ferdinand
appointed
to
be
kept
in
prison
.
But
Sancho
,
either
impatient
to
linger
in
expectation
,
or
suspicious
that
his
father
grew
inclinable
towards
his
nephewes
,
made
league
with
Mahomed
Mir
,
king
of
Granado
,
a
Moore
;
by
whose
ayde
,
&
by
the
nobilitie
of
his
faction
,
he
caused
him selfe
to
be
declared
king
.
Heerevpon
,
Alphonso
was
enforced
to
craue
assistance
of
Iacob
Aben
Ioseph
king
of
Maroco
,
who
before
had
bene
an
enemie
to
Alphonso
:
but
vpon
detestation
of
this
vnnatural
rebellion
,
he
sent
forces
to
him
,
protesting
notwithstanding
that
so
soone
as
the
war
should
be
ended
,
he
wold
become
his
enemie
againe
.
So
Alphonso
by
help
,
partly
of
the
Marocco
Moores
,
&
partly
of
his
subiects
which
remained
loyall
,
maintained
against
his
sonne
both
his
title
&
state
during
his
lyfe
,
but
not
without
extremitie
of
bloudshed
;
&
opportunitie
for
the
Moores
,
being
assistant
to
both
parties
,
to
make
themselues
more
strong
within
the
countries
of
Spaine
.
For
this
cause
Alphonso
disinherited
his
sonne
by
his
testament
,
and
cast
a
cruell
cursse
vpon
him
&
his
posteritie
:
&
afterward
it
was
ordeined
in
an
assembly
of
the
states
holden
at
Tero
,
that
the
children
of
the
elder
brother
deceased
,
should
be
preferred
before
their
vnckle
.
How
then
will
you
verifie
your
two
points
by
this
historie
?
First
,
that
Alphonso
was
depriued
by
a
publick
act
of
parlament
:
secondly
,
that
it
turned
to
the
great
commoditie
of
the
state
.
It
is
not
a
million
of
Masses
that
are
sufficient
to
satisfie
for
all
your
deceitful
&
malicious
vntruthes
.
I
meruaile
how
the
rebellion
of
Absolon
,
against
king
Dauid
his
father
escaped
you
:
Oh
;
it
wanted
successe
;
&
you
could
not
so
easily
disguise
the
report
.
You
write
that
the
common
wealth
of
Spaine
,
resoluing
to
depose
D.
Pedro
the
cruell
,
sent
for
his
brother
Henry
out
of
france
,
&
required
him
to
bring
a
strength
of
frenchmen
with
him
:
but
hereby
you
make
it
plain
,
that
the
common
wealth
was
not
fully
agreed
.
The
truth
is
,
that
this
was
a
dangerous
deuision
of
the
state
,
between
two
concurrents
;
some
holding
for
Henry
,
&
some
for
Pedro.
Henry
obtained
forren
asistance
by
the
french
,
Pedro
by
the
english
.
In
the
meane
time
,
whilst
Peter
was
throwen
out
of
state
by
the
forces
of
france
,
&
after
that
Henry
by
the
armes
of
england
;
&
againe
Peter
deiected
both
from
dignitie
and
life
by
his
brother
Henry
;
the
poore
country
became
a
spectacle
for
one
of
your
enterludes
.
Your
example
of
Don
Sancho
Capello
king
of
Portugal
,
containeth
many
intollerable
vntruthes
.
For
neither
was
he
depriued
of
his
dignitie
,
neither
did
the
Pope
&
counsell
of
Lions
giue
either
authoritie
or
consent
that
he
should
be
depriued
;
neither
was
he
driuen
out
of
his
realme
into
Castilla
;
neither
died
he
in
banishment
;
neither
was
Alphonso
his
brother
king
during
his
life
.
These
fiue
vntruths
you
huddle
into
one
heape
.
The
counsaile
of
Lions
wholy
opposed
against
the
deposing
of
Don
Sancho
,
notwithstanding
many
disabilities
were
obiected
against
him
:
in
regard
wherof
they
gaue
direction
,
that
Alphonso
his
brother
should
be
regent
of
the
realme
;
as
in
that
case
it
is
both
vsuall
&
fit
.
But
Sancho
taking
this
to
dislike
,
did
seeke
aide
of
the
king
of
Castile
;
&
in
that
pursuite
ended
his
life
without
issue
:
wherby
the
right
of
succession
deuolued
to
Alphonso
.
To
your
examples
of
greeke
Emperours
,
I
will
answer
by
your
words
;
which
are
;
[
r
](A02848-e13430-b)
r
cap.
5
pa.
8●
that
for
the
most
part
they
came
not
orderly
to
the
crowne
,
but
many
times
the
meanes
thereof
were
tribulent
and
seditious
.
The
deposing
of
Henry
king
of
Polonia
,
I
acknowledge
to
be
both
true
&
iust
;
I
haue
nothing
to
except
against
it
.
When
the
crowne
of
France
did
discend
vnto
him
,
he
forsooke
Polonia
,
&
refused
to
return
again
to
that
swaggering
gouernment
,
wherevpon
they
did
depose
him
.
Giue
vs
the
like
case
,
&
you
shal
be
allowed
the
like
proceeding
;
but
you
esteeme
your
examples
by
tale
&
not
by
touch
:
being
not
much
vnlike
a
certaine
mad
fellow
in
Athens
,
who
imagined
euery
ship
which
was
brought
into
the
hauen
to
be
his
:
for
whatsoeuer
you
finde
of
a
king
deposed
,
you
lay
claime
vnto
it
,
as
both
lawfully
done
,
and
pertayning
to
your
purpose
,
whereas
one
of
these
doth
alwaies
faile
.
Concerning
your
two
examples
,
one
of
Sueden
,
and
the
other
of
Denmarke
,
I
shall
haue
occasion
to
speake
hereaf●er
.
The
nobility
of
those
countries
pretend
,
that
their
kings
are
not
soueraigne
,
but
that
the
power
in
highest
matters
of
state
pertaineth
vnto
them
.
If
it
bee
thus
,
the
examples
are
not
appliable
to
the
question
,
if
it
be
otherwise
,
then
the
princes
had
wrong
.
Wee
are
come
now
to
our
domesticall
examples
;
the
first
whereof
is
that
of
king
Iohn
,
who
was
deposed
by
the
Pope
,
you
say
,
at
the
suite
of
his
owne
people
.
All
this
people
was
the
Archbishop
of
Cant.
the
bish.
of
London
,
and
the
bish.
of
Ely
;
at
whose
complaint
,
the
Pope
did
write
to
Phillip
king
of
France
,
that
hee
should
expell
king
Iohn
out
of
his
realme
.
If
not
conscience
,
if
not
ordinarie
honestie
,
pure
shame
should
haue
drawen
you
to
another
forme
of
writing
.
Hee
was
also
depriued
(
you
say
)
afterwards
by
his
Barons
.
Heauy
beast
;
call
you
this
a
depriuation
?
The
commons
were
neuer
called
to
consent
;
the
Clergie
were
so
opposite
to
those
that
stoode
in
armes
against
king
Iohn
,
that
they
procured
excommunication
against
them
:
first
generally
;
then
by
name
;
lastly
,
Lewes
the
French
kings
sonne
was
also
included
:
of
the
Nobilitie
,
which
is
onely
the
third
state
of
the
realme
,
I
make
no
doubt
but
some
reserued
themselues
to
bee
guided
by
successe
;
others
,
and
namely
the
Earles
of
Warren
,
Arundell
,
Chester
,
Penbrooke
,
Ferrers
,
Salisburie
,
and
diuers
Barons
did
openly
adhere
vnto
king
Iohn
;
you
may
as
well
call
any
other
rebellion
a
depriuation
,
as
affirme
that
the
rest
either
did
or
might
depriue
him
.
And
whereas
you
bring
in
king
Henry
the
third
,
as
a
most
worthie
successour
after
this
depriuation
;
I
will
derogate
nothing
from
his
worthinesse
:
but
there
was
neuer
king
in
England
,
who
without
concurrent
in
the
title
of
the
crowne
,
did
draw
more
bloud
out
of
the
sides
of
his
subiects
.
Your
second
example
is
of
king
Edward
the
second
,
whom
many
of
our
histories
report
to
bee
of
a
good
and
courteous
nature
and
not
vnlearned
;
imputing
his
defectes
rather
to
Fortune
,
then
either
to
counsell
or
carriage
of
his
affaires
.
His
deposition
was
a
violent
furie
,
led
by
a
wife
,
both
cruell
&
vnchast
;
&
can
with
no
better
countenance
of
right
be
iustified
,
then
may
his
lamentable
both
indignities
and
death
,
which
therupon
did
ensue
.
And
although
the
nobilitie
,
by
submitting
themselues
to
the
gouerment
of
his
sonne
,
did
breake
those
occasions
of
wars
which
doe
vsually
rise
vpon
such
disorders
,
yet
did
not
the
hand
of
God
forget
to
pursue
reuenge
.
For
albeit
king
Edward
his
son
enioyed
both
a
long
&
prosperous
raign
,
yet
his
next
successor
king
Richard
the
second
,
was
in
the
like
violent
manner
imprisoned
depriued
&
put
to
death
.
I
will
prosecute
the
successiue
reuenge
which
heereof
also
ensued
,
being
a
strange
matter
,
&
worthie
to
be
rung
into
the
eares
of
all
ages
.
King
Henry
the
fourth
,
by
whom
king
Richard
was
deposed
,
did
exercise
the
chiefest
acts
of
his
raigne
,
in
executing
those
who
conspired
with
him
against
king
Richard
.
His
son
had
his
vertue
well
seconded
by
felicity
;
during
whose
raigne
by
meanes
of
the
wars
in
France
,
the
humour
against
him
was
otherwise
imployed
&
spent
:
but
his
next
successor
king
Henry
the
sixth
was
in
the
very
like
manner
depriued
,
&
together
with
his
yong
son
Edward
imprisoned
and
put
to
death
by
king
Edward
the
fourth
.
This
Edward
died
not
without
suspicion
of
poison
;
&
after
his
death
,
his
two
sons
were
in
like
maner
disinherited
,
imprisoned
&
murthered
by
their
cruell
vnkle
,
the
duke
of
Glocester
:
who
being
both
a
tyrant
and
vsurper
,
was
iustly
encountred
and
slaine
,
by
king
Henry
the
seauenth
,
in
the
field
.
So
infallible
is
the
law
of
iustice
in
reuenging
cruelties
and
wrongs
,
not
alwaies
obseruing
the
presence
of
times
wherein
they
are
done
,
but
often
calling
them
into
reckoning
;
when
the
offenders
retaine
least
memorie
of
them
.
Likewise
the
deposition
of
king
Richard
the
second
was
a
tempestuous
rage
,
neither
led
nor
restrained
by
any
rules
of
reason
or
of
state
;
not
sodainely
raised
and
at
once
,
but
by
very
cunning
and
artificiall
degrees
.
But
examine
his
actions
without
distempred
iudgement
,
&
you
will
not
condemne
him
to
be
exceeding
either
insufficient
or
euill
weigh
the
imputations
that
were
obiected
against
him
,
and
you
shall
find
nothing
either
of
any
truth
or
of
great
moment
.
Hollingshead
writeth
You
proceede
that
king
Henry
the
sixth
was
also
deposed
for
defectes
in
gouernment
.
Let
vs
yeeld
a
little
to
you
,
that
you
may
bee
deceiued
;
a
little
that
you
may
be
carried
by
your
affections
;
how
can
you
excuse
these
open
vntruthes
,
wherein
it
cannot
bee
but
the
diuell
hath
a
finger
?
you
cannot
bee
ignorant
,
that
the
onely
cause
which
drew
the
familie
of
Yorke
into
armes
against
king
Henry
,
was
the
title
which
they
had
vnto
the
crowne
:
by
vertue
whereof
,
it
was
first
enacted
,
that
Richard
duke
of
Yorke
should
succeed
king
Henry
,
after
his
death
:
but
for
that
hee
made
vnseasonable
attempts
,
he
was
declared
by
parlament
incapable
of
succession
,
and
afterwards
slaine
at
the
battaile
of
wakefield
.
Then
Edward
his
sonne
,
prosecuting
the
enterprise
,
&
hauing
vanquished
king
Henry
at
the
battaile
of
S.
Albons
,
obtained
possession
of
the
state
,
caused
king
Henrye
to
be
deposed
,
and
himselfe
to
be
proclaimed
&
crowned
king
.
Afterward
he
was
chased
out
of
the
realme
,
and
by
act
of
parlament
both
depriued
and
disabled
from
the
crowne
.
Lastly
he
returned
againe
,
and
depriued
king
Henrye
both
from
gouernment
&
from
life
.
It
is
true
,
that
some
defects
were
obiected
against
king
Henry
;
but
this
was
to
estrange
the
harts
of
the
peple
from
him
.
The
main
cause
of
the
war
did
proceed
,
from
the
right
of
the
one
partie
,
&
possession
of
the
other
:
The
contrarietie
of
the
acts
of
parlament
was
caused
,
by
the
alternatiue
victories
of
them
both
.
Your
last
example
is
of
king
Richard
the
third
,
of
whom
you
wright
;
First
,
that
although
he
sinned
in
murthering
his
Nephewes
,
yet
after
their
death
hee
was
lawfull
king
:
Secondly
,
that
he
was
deposed
by
the
common
wealth
,
who
called
out
of
France
Henry
earle
of
Richmond
,
to
put
him
downe
,
Philosophers
say
that
dreames
doe
commonly
arise
,
by
a
reflection
of
the
phantasie
vpon
some
subiect
,
wherof
we
haue
meditated
the
daie
before
.
It
may
be
that
your
drowsie
conceit
was
here
cast
into
a
dreame
,
of
that
wheron
it
had
dozed
in
all
this
chapter
:
Or
at
the
best
,
that
you
are
like
vnto
those
,
who
haue
so
often
tould
a
lie
,
that
they
perswade
themselues
it
is
true
.
King
Edward
the
fourth
left
other
children
besides
those
that
were
murthered
;
the
duke
of
Clarence
also
,
who
was
elder
brother
to
king
Richard
,
lest
issue
in
life
;
all
which
had
precedence
of
right
before
him
.
And
as
for
the
second
point
,
tell
mee
I
pray
you
,
by
what
parlament
was
king
Richard
deposed
?
wher
did
the
states
assemble
?
when
did
they
send
for
the
earle
of
Richmond
to
put
him
down
?
by
what
decree
?
by
what
messengers
?
Ther
is
no
answer
to
be
made
,
but
one
;
and
that
is
,
to
confesse
ingenuously
,
that
you
say
vntrue
;
&
that
it
is
your
vsuall
manner
of
deceiuing
,
to
impute
the
act
of
a
few
vnto
all
;
&
to
make
euerie
euent
of
armes
,
to
be
a
iudicial
proceeding
of
the
common
wealth
.
For
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
earle
of
Richmond
had
his
first
strength
from
the
king
of
France
;
&
that
after
his
discent
into
England
,
more
by
halfe
,
both
of
the
nobilitie
&
common
people
did
stand
for
king
Richard
,
then
stirre
against
him
.
You
adioyne
for
a
speciall
consideration
,
that
most
excellent
princes
succeeded
these
whom
you
affirme
to
be
deposed
.
I
will
nor
extenuate
the
excellencie
of
any
Prince
;
but
I
hould
it
more
worthie
to
be
considered
,
that
these
disorders
spent
England
a
sea
of
bloud
.
In
the
ende
you
conclude
,
that
all
these
depriuations
of
Princes
were
lawfull
.
Nay
;
by
your
fauour
;
if
you
sweat
out
your
braines
,
you
shall
neuer
euince
,
that
a
fact
is
lawfull
beecause
it
is
done
.
Yes
(
you
say
)
for
otherwise
two
great
inconueniences
would
follow
;
one
,
that
the
actes
of
those
that
were
put
in
their
place
,
should
be
voide
and
vniust
:
the
other
,
that
none
who
now
pretend
to
these
Crownes
,
could
haue
any
tytle
,
●or
that
they
descend
from
them
,
who
succeeded
those
that
were
depriued
.
You
deserue
now
to
be
basted
with
words
well
stiped
in
vineger
and
salt
:
but
I
will
be
more
charitable
vnto
you
,
and
leaue
bad
speaches
to
black
mouthes
.
For
the
first
,
the
possession
of
the
crowne
purgeth
all
defects
,
and
maketh
good
the
actes
of
him
that
is
in
authoritie
,
although
he
wanteth
both
capacitie
and
right
.
And
this
doth
Vlpian
expressely
determine
[
t
](A02848-e14010-b)
t
In
●
Barbarius
.
D.
de
offic.
praesid
.
vpon
respect
(
as
he
saith
)
to
the
common
good
.
For
the
other
point
,
the
successors
of
an
vsurper
,
by
course
and
compasse
of
time
,
may
prescribe
a
right
;
if
they
who
haue
receiued
wrong
,
discontinue
both
pursuit
and
claime
.
P●normitane
saith
:
[
u
](A02848-e14030-b)
u
In
●
.
cu●a
pastoralis
de
●u●epation
.
Successor
in
dignitate
potest
praescribere
,
non
abstante
vitio
sui
praedecessor
is
:
A
successor
in
dignitie
may
prescribe
,
notwithstanding
the
fault
of
his
predecessor
:
otherwise
,
causes
of
war
should
be
immortall
,
and
titles
perpetually
remaine
vncertaine
.
Now
then
for
summarie
collection
of
all
that
you
haue
saide
▪
your
protestations
are
good
;
your
proofes
light
and
loose
;
your
conclusions
both
dangerous
&
false
.
The
first
doth
sauour
of
God
;
the
second
of
man
;
the
third
of
the
diuell
.
To
the
fourth
Chapter
which
beareth
tytle
.
Wherein
consisteth
principally
the
lawfulnesse
of
proceeding
against
Princes
,
which
in
the
former
Chapter
is
mencioned
,
What
interest
Princes
haue
in
their
subiects
goods
or
liues
;
How
oathes
doe
binde
or
may
bee
broken
,
of
subiects
towards
their
Princes
;
and
finally
the
difference
betweene
a
good
king
and
a
tyrant
.
HEere
you
cloase
with
Billaye
vpon
two
points
;
first
,
whether
a
king
is
subiect
to
any
law
;
Secondly
,
whether
all
temporalities
are
in
proprietie
the
Kings
:
but
because
these
questions
doe
little
perteine
to
our
principall
controuersie
,
I
will
not
make
any
stay
vpon
them
;
it
suffiseth
that
we
may
say
with
Seneca
[
a
](A02848-e14110-b)
a
De
benefic
.
lib.
7.
c
●
.
5
.
Omnia
rex
imperio
possidet
,
singuli
domino
:
The
king
hath
empire
,
euery
man
his
particular
proprietie
in
all
things
.
After
this
,
you
proceede
further
to
make
good
,
that
the
Princes
before
mencioned
were
lawfully
deposed
;
and
that
by
all
law
;
both
diuine
and
humane
,
naturall
,
nationall
and
positiue
.
Your
cause
is
so
badd
,
that
you
haue
need
to
set
a
bould
countenance
vpon
it
.
But
what
deuine
lawes
doe
you
alleage
?
You
haue
largely
beefore
declared
(
you
saye
)
that
GOD
doth
approoue
the
forme
of
gouernment
which
euery
common
wealth
doth
choose
,
as
also
the
conditions
and
statutes
which
it
doth
appoint
vnto
her
prince
.
I
must
now
take
you
for
a
naturall
lyer
,
when
you
wil
not
forbeare
to
bely
your selfe
:
you
neuer
proued
any
such
matter
;
&
the
contrary
is
euident
,
that
sometimes
entire
gouernments
;
often
,
customes
&
statutes
of
state
;
&
very
commonly
accidentall
actions
,
are
so
vnnaturall
&
vniust
,
that
(
otherwise
then
for
a
punishment
and
curse
)
wee
cannot
say
that
God
doth
approue
them
.
We
haue
often
heard
that
the
Church
cannot
erre
in
matters
of
Faith
;
but
that
in
matter
of
gouerment
a
common
wealth
cannot
erre
,
it
was
neuer
(
I
assure
my selfe
)
published
before
.
But
let
vs
suppose
(
supposall
is
free
)
that
God
alloweth
that
forme
of
gouernment
which
euery
common
wealth
doth
choose
:
doth
it
therfore
follow
that
by
all
deuine
lawes
princes
may
be
deposed
by
their
subiects
?
these
broken
peeces
will
neuer
bee
squared
to
forme
strong
argument
.
But
wherefore
doe
not
you
produce
the
deuine
canons
of
scripture
?
surely
,
they
abhorre
to
speake
one
word
in
your
behalfe
:
yea
,
they
doe
giue
expresse
sentence
against
you
,
as
I
haue
shewed
before
.
Well
let
this
passe
among
your
least
escapes
,
in
making
God
either
the
author
or
aider
of
rebellion
:
you
alledge
no
other
humane
law
,
but
that
princes
are
subiect
vnto
law
and
order
.
I
will
not
denie
but
ther
is
a
duty
for
princes
to
performe
:
but
how
proue
you
that
their
subiects
haue
power
to
depose
them
if
they
faile
?
In
this
manner
.
As
the
common
wealth
gaue
them
their
authoritie
for
the
common
good
,
so
it
may
also
take
the
same
away
,
if
they
abbuse
it
.
But
I
haue
manifested
before
[
c
](A02848-e14160-b)
c
Cap.
1.
,
both
that
the
people
may
so
graunt
away
their
authoritie
that
they
cannot
resume●t
;
&
also
that
few
princes
in
the
world
hold
their
state
by
graunt
of
the
people
.
I
will
neuer
heereafter
esteeme
a
mans
valure
by
his
voice
:
Your
braue
boast
of
all
lawes
,
diuine
,
humane
,
naturall
,
nationall
and
positiue
,
is
disolued
into
smoake
:
you
busie
your selfe
as
the
Poets
wright
of
Morpheus
,
in
presenting
shadowes
to
men
a
sleepe
.
But
the
chiefest
reason
(
you
say
)
the
very
ground
and
foundation
of
all
.
Soft
:
what
reason
?
what
ground
?
if
you
haue
alreadie
made
proofe
by
all
lawes
,
humane
and
deuine
,
naturall
,
nationall
and
positiue
,
what
better
reason
?
what
surer
ground
will
you
bring
?
Tush
:
these
interruptions
.
The
chiefest
reason
(
you
say
)
the
very
ground
and
foundation
of
all
is
,
that
the
common
wealth
is
superiour
to
the
prince
;
and
that
the
authoritie
which
the
prince
hath
,
is
not
absolute
,
but
by
the
way
of
mandate
and
commission
from
the
common
wealth
.
This
is
that
which
I
expected
all
this
time
:
you
haue
hetherto
approached
by
stealing
steps
,
you
are
now
come
cloase
to
the
wall
,
do
but
mount
into
credit
and
the
fort
is
your
owne
.
You
affirmed
at
the
first
,
that
princes
might
be
deposed
for
disabilitie
;
then
,
for
misgouernmen●
;
now
,
vpon
pleasure
and
at
will
.
For
they
who
haue
giuen
authoritie
by
commission
,
doe
alwaies
retaine
more
then
they
graunt
;
[
d
](A02848-e14210-b)
d
c.
dudum
.
de
praeb.
lib
6.
&
are
not
excluded
either
from
commanding
or
iudging
,
by
way
of
preuention
,
concurrence
,
or
evocation
;
euen
in
those
cases
which
they
haue
giuen
in
charge
[
e
](A02848-e14220-b)
e
l.
iudicium
soluitur
.
D.
de
iudic
.
:
The
reason
is
declared
by
Vlpian
[
f
](A02848-e14240-b)
f
l.
solet
.
de
iurisd
.
.
because
hee
to
whom
iurisdiction
is
committed
representeth
his
person
who
gaue
commission
,
and
not
his
owne
.
Herevpon
Alexander
[
g
](A02848-e14270-b)
g
in
l.
vlt.
de
iurisd
.
,
Panormitane
[
h
](A02848-e14290-b)
h
in
c.
pastoral●s
de
off
.
ord.
,
Innocentius
,
and
Felinus
[
i
](A02848-e14320-b)
i
in
c.
cum
ecclesiarum
.
co.
doe
affirme
,
that
they
may
cast
their
commissioners
out
of
power
when
they
please
,
because
as
Paulus
saith
[
k
](A02848-e14340-b)
k
in
d.
l.
iudicium
.
;
a
man
can
iudge
no
longer
,
when
he
forbiddeth
who
gaue
authoritie
.
Further
,
all
states
take
denomination
from
that
part
wherin
the
supreme
power
is
setled
;
as
if
it
bee
in
one
prince
,
it
is
called
a
monarchie
;
if
in
many
of
highest
ranck
,
then
it
is
an
aristocracie
;
if
in
the
people
,
then
a
democracie
.
Whervpon
it
followeth
;
if
the
people
are
superiour
to
the
prince
,
if
the
prince
hath
no
power
but
by
commission
from
them
,
that
then
all
estates
are
populare
:
for
we
are
not
so
much
to
respect
who
doth
execute
this
high
power
of
state
,
as
from
whom
immediately
it
is
deriued
.
Hereto
let
vs
ad
that
which
you
haue
said
in
another
place
[
l
](A02848-e14370-b)
l
cap
●2
.
;
that
in
populare
gouernments
there
is
nothing
but
sedition
,
trouble
,
tumults
,
outragies
&
iniustices
vpon
euery
light
occasion
;
&
then
we
shall
perceiue
;
first
,
that
you
want
the
art
of
a
wise
deceiuer
,
not
to
be
entangled
in
your
tale
;
secondly
,
that
this
is
meere
poison
,
which
the
diuell
hath
dropt
out
of
your
pen
,
to
infect
christian
countries
with
disobedience
&
disorder
.
In
a
word
,
to
the
contrary
of
this
your
impudent
vntruth
,
our
laws
do
acknowledge
supreme
authority
in
the
prince
within
the
realme
&
dominions
of
england
[
m
](A02848-e14380-b)
m
1.
El.
1.
,
neither
can
subiects
beare
themselues
either
superior
or
equall
to
their
soueraigne
;
or
attempt
violence
either
against
his
person
or
estate
,
but
as
well
the
ciuill
law
[
n
](A02848-e14390-b)
n
l.
j.
d.
ad
.
l.
Iul.
maiest
.
,
as
the
particulare
lawes
&
customes
of
all
countries
do
adiudge
it
high
&
hainous
treason
.
I
will
speake
now
without
passion
;
what
reason
haue
we
,
to
accept
your
idle
talk
for
a
kind
of
authority
,
against
the
iudgement
&
lawes
of
most
nations
in
the
world
?
You
proceede
that
the
power
of
a
prince
is
giuen
to
him
by
the
common
wealth
,
with
such
conditions
&
exceptions
,
as
if
the
same
be
not
kept
,
the
people
stand
free
.
That
the
prince
receiueth
his
power
vnder
plain
conditions
,
you
go
about
to
proue
afterward
:
now
you
hold
on
,
that
in
all
mutual
contracts
,
if
one
side
recede
from
promise
,
the
other
remaineth
not
obliged
▪
&
this
you
proue
by
two
rules
of
the
law
.
The
first
is
[
o
](A02848-e14410-b)
o
Frustra
sidem
sibi
quis
postulat
seruari
ab
eo
,
cui
sidem
a
se
praestitam
seruare
recusat
.
;
he
doth
in
vaine
require
promise
to
be
kept
of
another
man
,
to
whom
he
refuseth
to
performe
that
which
he
promised
:
the
other
is
[
p
](A02848-e14430-b)
p
non
obstringitur
quis
ad
implendum
quod
iurauit
si
ab
alia
parte
non
inpletur
,
cuius
respectu
praebuit
iuramentum
.
a
man
is
not
bound
to
performe
his
oath
,
if
on
the
other
part
,
that
be
not
performed
,
in
respect
whereof
he
did
sweare
.
Poore
fellow
,
had
you
ben
as
conuersant
in
the
light
of
law
,
and
cleere
course
of
iustice
,
as
you
are
in
the
smoake
&
dust
of
some
corner
of
a
colledge
,
you
wold
neuer
haue
concluded
so
generally
so
confidently
vpon
any
of
the
rules
of
law
,
which
are
subiect
,
for
the
most
part
,
vnto
many
exceptions
.
Alexander
[
q
](A02848-e14470-b)
q
in
l.
cum
proponas
.
c.
de
pact
.
&
Felinus
[
r
](A02848-e14490-b)
r
in
c.
peruenit
2
de
iureiur
.
doe
assigne
fiue
fallencies
vnto
these
rules
:
Socinus
[
s
](A02848-e14510-b)
s
in
tract
fallen
reg
199.
giueth
the
cootrarie
rule
:
to
him
that
breaketh
his
faith
or
oath
,
faith
ought
to
bee
kept
;
&
then
restraineth
it
with
seauen
limitations
.
But
all
affirme
,
that
in
those
offices
which
are
mutuall
between
any
persons
,
by
the
law
of
nature
or
of
God
;
as
between
the
father
&
the
child
,
the
husband
&
the
wife
,
the
master
&
the
seruant
,
the
prince
and
the
subiect
;
although
the
same
be
further
assured
by
promise
or
by
oath
,
the
breach
of
duty
in
the
one
,
is
no
discharge
vnto
the
other
.
And
therfore
if
the
father
performeth
not
his
duty
towards
his
children
,
they
are
not
thereby
acquitted
both
of
the
obedience
&
care
,
which
God
&
nature
exacteth
of
them
;
howsoeuer
Solon
in
his
lawes
discharged
children
from
nourishing
their
parents
,
if
they
did
not
traine
them
in
some
trade
,
wherby
they
might
acquire
their
liuing
.
Much
lesse
are
subiects
exempted
from
obedience
,
if
the
prince
either
erre
or
be
defectiue
in
gouernment
:
because
the
like
respect
is
not
due
vnto
parents
as
vnto
Princes
(
as
I
haue
somewhat
touched
before
)
insomuch
as
a
sonne
that
beareth
authoritie
,
hath
right
both
to
commaund
and
compell
the
father
.
[
t
](A02848-e14590-b)
t
l.
ille
a
quo
&
●
.
seq.
ad
Treb.
This
was
declared
among
the
Romanes
,
by
that
which
Plutarch
[
u
](A02848-e14620-b)
u
in
apopht
.
,
Liuie
[
x
](A02848-e14640-b)
x
lib.
24.
,
Valerius
[
y
](A02848-e14660-b)
y
lib.
2.
ca.
1.
,
and
Gellius
[
a
](A02848-e14680-b)
a
lib.
2
ca.
2.
,
doe
report
of
Q.
Fabius
:
to
whome
,
being
consull
,
when
Fabius
Maximus
his
father
,
who
had
bene
consull
the
yeare
before
,
did
approch
sitting
vpon
his
horse
,
the
sonne
commanded
him
by
a
sergeant
to
allight
:
the
father
not
onely
obeyed
,
but
highly
commended
both
the
courage
and
iudgement
of
his
sonne
,
in
maintaining
the
maiestie
which
he
did
beare
,
and
in
preferring
a
publicke
both
dutie
and
authoritie
beefore
priuate
.
Vpon
those
examples
Paulus
the
lawier
did
wright
,
[
z
](A02848-e14720-b)
z
l.
postliminium
.
filius
D.
da
capit
,
et
postlim
.
that
publick
discipline
was
in
higher
estimation
among
the
Romane
parents
,
then
the
loue
of
children
.
After
an
impertinent
discourse
,
that
vpon
diuers
considerations
an
oath
ought
not
to
be
performed
;
you
annex
another
cause
wherefore
subiects
may
withdraw
their
alleageance
;
&
that
is
,
when
it
should
turne
to
the
notable
dammage
of
the
common
wealth
and
both
these
you
affirme
to
be
touched
,
in
the
depriuation
of
Childeric
king
of
France
.
But
I
regard
not
what
was
touched
in
the
depriuation
of
Childeric
;
I
haue
answered
to
that
in
the
chapter
next
before
;
I
require
either
arguments
or
authoritie
of
more
tough
temper
.
Well
then
let
vs
turne
back
the
leafe
,
and
there
we
shall
finde
a
rule
of
the
law
(
because
by
rules
onely
you
will
beat
down
rule
)
[
a
](A02848-e14760-b)
a
c.
In
mali●
.
d●
reg.
iur
.
in
6.
In
euill
promises
it
is
not
expedient
to
keepe
faith
:
Which
is
also
confirmed
by
a
sentence
of
Isidorus
:
[
b
](A02848-e14790-b)
b
22.
q.
4.4
.
c.
5
In
euill
promises
,
break
your
word
;
in
a
dishonest
oath
change
your
purpose
.
Well
fare
your
wits
,
good
soule
;
doe
you
accompt
the
promise
of
obedience
euill
?
not
so
(
I
suppose
you
will
say
)
but
it
turneth
to
be
euill
when
it
turneth
to
the
notable
detriment
of
the
common
wealth
.
It
is
one
of
your
peculiar
guifts
,
the
further
you
goe
,
the
more
impious
you
declare
your selfe
.
For
if
you
take
the
word
euill
in
noe
higher
sence
then
for
detriment
and
damage
,
it
would
follow
vpon
your
rule
,
that
a
man
were
no
further
tyed
to
his
promise
,
then
the
performance
thereof
were
aduantageable
vnto
him
.
You
would
inforce
also
,
that
if
the
father
doth
dissipate
his
patrimoniall
estate
,
and
runne
a
course
to
ruine
his
familie
,
the
children
and
the
wife
may
thervpon
disauow
their
duties
.
But
if
wee
take
a
true
touch
of
this
point
,
we
shall
finde
,
that
the
vices
of
any
Prince
are
not
sufficient
of
themselues
to
ouerthrow
a
state
,
except
therevpon
rebellions
be
raised
,
which
will
draw
all
things
into
confusion
.
For
there
is
no
Prince
,
which
either
hath
liued
,
or
can
almost
be
imagined
to
liue
,
in
so
little
sence
of
humanitie
,
but
generally
he
both
fauoureth
and
maintaineth
some
order
of
iustice
;
onely
against
particuler
persons
,
some
of
them
haue
violently
bene
carried
by
the
tempest
of
their
passion
,
whereby
notwithstanding
the
inordinate
desires
of
one
man
,
can
not
possibly
reach
to
the
ruine
of
all
.
So
saith
Suetonius
,
[
c
](A02848-e14850-b)
c
In
domit
.
that
vnder
Domitian
the
prouinces
were
well
gouerned
,
onely
certaine
priuate
men
at
Rome
,
felt
the
euill
of
his
crueltie
and
other
vices
.
But
when
the
people
doe
breake
into
tumult
,
then
all
course
of
iustice
is
stopped
;
then
is
either
assistance
made
,
or
resistance
weakned
for
forren
inuasion
;
then
is
euery
one
raysed
into
hope
who
cannot
flye
but
with
other
mennes
feathers
;
then
,
as
when
a
fierce
horse
hath
cast
his
rider
,
the
reines
are
loosed
to
those
insolencies
,
which
a
dissolute
people
,
nothing
restrained
either
by
honestie
or
feare
doe
vsually
commit
.
For
as
it
is
the
nature
of
men
,
when
they
come
out
of
one
extremitie
wherin
they
haue
bene
houlden
by
force
,
to
runne
with
a
swift
course
into
another
,
without
staying
in
the
middest
;
so
the
people
breaking
out
of
tyrannie
,
if
they
bee
not
helde
back
,
will
runne
headlong
into
vnbrideled
libertie
;
and
the
harder
they
were
kept
vnder
beefore
,
the
more
insolently
will
they
then
insult
.
I
obserue
that
Saint
Paul
alleageth
two
reasons
wherefore
we
should
be
obedient
euen
to
wicked
and
cruell
Princes
:
one
is
for
conscience
sake
,
Beecause
they
are
the
ministers
of
God
[
d
](A02848-e14900-b)
d
Rom.
13.
,
and
in
their
royaltie
doe
beare
his
Image
:
Another
,
for
the
safetie
,
and
tranquillitie
of
our selues
;
that
wee
may
lead
vnder
them
a
quiet
and
peaceable
lyfe
[
e
](A02848-e14920-b)
e
1.
Tim.
2.2
.
.
Wherevpon
the
prophet
Ieremiah
[
g
](A02848-e14960-b)
g
Generale
quippe
pactum
est
humanae
succietatis
,
regibus
obedi●e
.
confess
.
lib.
2.
It
is
a
generall
couenant
of
humane
societie
to
obey
Kings
;
And
likewise
Saint
Ambrose
[
h
](A02848-e14990-b)
h
Magnum
est
et
speciale
documentum
&c.
ad
Auxentium
It
is
a
great
and
speciall
point
of
doctrine
whereby
Christians
are
taught
to
be
subiect
vnto
higher
powers
.
Three
waies
a
cruell
Prince
may
work
violence
against
his
subiects
;
vpon
their
goods
;
vpon
their
persons
;
and
vpon
their
consciences
,
by
commaunding
them
to
commit
that
which
is
euil
.
Of
the
first
,
Saint
Ambrose
saith
:
[
i
](A02848-e15030-b)
i
Ad
Auxentium
If
the
Emperour
demaundeth
tribute
,
wee
doe
not
deny
him
;
If
he
desireth
fieldes
,
let
him
take
them
if
he
please
:
I
doe
not
giue
them
to
the
Emperour
;
but
therewith
also
I
doe
not
deny
them
.
Of
the
second
,
Tertullian
wrighteth
[
k
](A02848-e15060-b)
k
Apol.
as
I
haue
alleaged
him
before
:
For
what
war
are
wee
vnseruiceable
or
vnfit
,
although
vnequall
in
number
,
who
doe
so
willingly
suffer
death
:
yea
,
he
was
so
farre
from
iudgeing
it
lawfull
to
resist
,
that
he
thought
it
scarce
allowable
to
flye
.
In
the
third
case
,
not
your
rule
of
law
,
but
the
rule
of
the
Apostles
taketh
place
,
It
is
better
to
obey
GOD
then
man
:
[
l
](A02848-e15080-b)
l
Act.
4.
whereby
the
subiect
is
not
bound
to
yeeld
obedience
.
But
how
?
hee
is
not
bound
to
obey
by
doeing
,
but
by
suffering
hee
is
:
he
is
not
bound
to
obey
in
doing
that
onely
which
is
euill
;
but
he
is
not
thereby
freed
from
doing
any
other
thing
which
is
lawfully
commanded
.
S.
Augustine
saith
[
m
](A02848-e15110-b)
m
in
Psalm
.
:
Iulian
was
an
infidell
Emperour
,
an
Apostata
;
an
Idolater
;
christian
soldiers
did
serue
this
infidell
Emperour
;
when
hee
would
haue
them
worship
Idols
,
and
offer
Frankencense
vnto
them
,
th●y
preferred
God
before
him
:
but
when
hee
saide
;
bring
foorth
the
armie
,
march
against
such
a
nation
;
they
did
presently
obey
.
All
this
seemeth
to
bee
confirmed
by
God
himselfe
,
who
after
hee
had
forewarned
the
people
of
Israell
by
the
mouth
of
Samuell
,
and
yee
shall
cry
out
in
that
day
because
of
your
king
,
and
the
Lord
will
not
heare
you
.
As
if
hee
had
said
:
you
shall
grudge
at
this
burthen
,
you
shall
grone
vnder
it
;
but
you
shall
not
haue
power
,
either
to
shrinke
from
it
,
or
to
shake
it
off
.
Surely
,
if
you
had
been
aduised
,
you
would
priuily
haue
blowen
your
blasphemies
into
the
eares
of
those
ideots
,
who
adore
you
for
the
great
penitentiaries
of
the
sea
of
Rome
,
&
esteeme
your
idle
imaginations
as
the
articles
of
their
faith
:
&
not
so
publikely
haue
poured
forth
your self
into
these
paradoxes
,
both
impious
&
absurd
;
not
so
boisterously
haue
stepped
,
like
Hercules
Furens
,
vpon
the
open
stage
of
the
world
,
to
denounce
depriuation
against
all
princes
.
You
would
not
thus
confidently
haue
opposed
your
hot
headed
assertion
against
al
the
ancient
fathers
of
the
church
.
You
would
not
thus
ignorantly
haue
troubled
the
waters
of
true
humane
wisdom
,
by
corrupting
the
sence
of
the
ciuell
laws
:
you
would
not
thus
profanely
haue
abused
the
scriptures
in
maintaining
rebellion
,
as
coniurers
doe
in
inuocating
the
diuell
.
For
first
,
you
are
thereby
discouered
to
be
,
neither
religious
,
modest
,
nor
wise
:
secondly
,
you
haue
runne
your selfe
into
the
compasse
of
a
Canon
,
in
the
councell
of
Chalcedon
.
[
q
](A02848-e15180-b)
q
C.
coniurationū
xj
q
j.
Wherein
it
is
thus
decreed
against
you
:
If
Clerkes
shall
be
found
to
be
contriuers
of
conspiracies
,
or
raisers
of
factions
,
let
them
be
degraded
.
After
this
you
declare
,
who
is
a
tyrant
;
and
that
is
a
king
,
(
you
say
)
if
once
he
doth
decline
from
his
dutie
:
which
is
a
large
description
,
and
fit
to
set
all
christian
countries
on
floate
with
bloud
.
Comines
saith
,
that
he
is
to
be
esteemed
a
good
king
,
whose
vertues
are
not
ouerballanced
by
vice
.
I
omit
your
thicke
error
in
putting
no
difference
betweene
a
magistrate
and
a
king
,
with
many
other
of
like
qualitie
,
and
do
come
now
to
a
principall
point
of
your
strength
:
that
Christian
princes
at
this
day
are
admitted
vpon
conditions
,
and
likewise
with
protestations
,
that
if
they
do
not
performe
the
same
,
their
subiects
are
free
from
all
alleageance
.
This
you
will
prooue
by
the
particular
oathes
of
all
Princes
,
if
the
ouerrunning
of
your
tongue
may
haue
the
ful
course
without
encounter
.
To
the
fifth
Chapter
,
which
is
entitled
:
Of
the
coronation
of
Princes
,
and
maner
of
admitting
to
their
authoritie
,
and
the
oathes
which
they
do
make
in
the
same
vnto
the
common
wealth
,
for
their
good
gouernment
.
FIrst
I
will
preface
;
that
no
Prince
is
soueraigne
,
who
acknowledgeth
himselfe
either
subiect
or
accomptable
to
any
but
to
God
;
euen
as
Marcus
Aurelius
said
:
That
Magistrates
were
iudges
of
priuate
men
,
and
the
Prince
of
Magistrates
,
and
God
of
the
Prince
.
In
regard
of
this
immediate
subiection
,
Princes
are
most
especially
obliged
to
the
lawes
of
God
and
of
Nature
:
for
[
r
](A02848-e15270-b)
r
In
l.
2.
D.
de
seruit
.
&
aqua
Baldus
,
[
s
](A02848-e15290-b)
s
cons.
216.
Alexander
,
[
t
](A02848-e15310-b)
t
De
legib.
Speculator
,
[
u
](A02848-e15330-b)
u
In
l.
vlt.
c.
si
contra
in
s
.
all
interpreters
,
[
w
](A02848-e15340-b)
w
c.
sunt
quidam
.
25.
q.
1.
the
lawe
it selfe
,
do
affirme
,
that
Princes
are
more
strictly
bound
to
these
lawes
,
[
*
](A02848-e15350-b)
*
nunc
.
then
any
of
their
subiectes
.
Whereof
[
x
](A02848-e15360-b)
x
Plutarch
.
in
Problem
.
Graec.
Dionysius
the
Tyrant
had
some
sence
,
when
he
sayd
vnto
his
mother
:
That
he
was
able
to
dispence
with
the
lawes
of
Syracusa
,
but
against
the
lawes
of
Nature
he
had
no
power
.
If
therefore
a
Prince
doth
professe
,
that
he
will
beare
himselfe
regardfull
o●
the
accomplishment
of
these
lawes
,
he
doth
not
condition
or
restraine
himselfe
,
but
maketh
an
honorable
promise
of
indeuour
,
to
discharge
his
dutie
;
being
tyed
thereby
to
no
s●anter
scope
then
he
was
before
.
The
reason
hereof
is
:
[
y
](A02848-e15380-b)
y
L.
iij.
D.
de
leg
.
j.
Dec.
in
reg.
77.
n.
10.
Quia
expressio
eius
quod
tacitè
inest
,
nihil
operatur
:
The
expressing
of
that
which
is
secretly
vnderstood
,
worketh
nothing
.
Againe
,
when
the
promise
is
not
annexed
to
the
authoritie
,
but
voluntarily
and
freely
made
by
the
Prince
,
his
estate
is
not
thereby
made
conditionall
.
For
the
interpreters
of
the
Ciuill
lawe
do
consent
in
this
rule
:
[
z
](A02848-e15410-b)
z
In
l.
iurisgentium
.
Pacta
conuenta
quae
contractibus
non
insunt
,
non
formant
actionem
:
Couenants
which
are
not
inherent
in
contracts
,
do
not
forme
an
action
.
[
*
](A02848-e15430-b)
*
quinimo
.
And
therefore
although
by
all
lawes
,
both
of
conscience
and
state
,
a
Prince
is
bound
to
performe
his
promise
;
because
(
as
the
Maister
of
sentences
saith
)
God
himself
will
stand
obliged
to
his
word
:
yet
is
not
the
authoritie
,
but
the
person
of
the
Prince
hereby
affected
;
the
person
is
both
tyed
and
touched
in
honour
,
the
authoritie
ceasseth
not
,
if
performances
do
faile
.
Of
this
sort
was
that
which
you
report
of
Traian
,
who
in
deliuering
the
sword
to
his
gouernors
,
would
say
:
If
I
raigne
iustly
,
then
vse
it
for
me
;
if
otherwise
,
then
vse
it
against
me
:
but
where
you
adde
,
that
these
are
the
very
same
words
in
effect
,
which
Princes
do
vse
at
their
coronations
,
(
pardon
me
,
for
it
is
fit
I
should
be
mooued
)
you
will
find
it
to
bee
a
very
base
〈◊〉
lye
.
Of
this
nature
was
that
also
which
the
same
Traian
did
,
(
to
encourage
his
subiects
to
do
the
like
)
in
taking
an
oath
to
obserue
the
lawes
:
which
Pliny
the
younger
did
account
so
strange
,
as
the
like
before
had
not
bene
seene
.
But
afterward
,
Theodoric
did
follow
that
fact
;
whereupon
Cassiodorus
saith
:
Ecce
,
Traiani
nostri
clarum
seculis
reparamus
exemplum
;
iurat
vobis
per
quem
iuratis
:
We
repaire
the
famous
example
of
Traian
;
he
sweareth
to
you
by
whome
you
sweare
.
So
when
king
Henry
the
fifth
was
accepted
for
successour
to
the
crowne
of
Fraunce
,
he
made
promise
,
to
maintaine
the
Parliament
in
the
liberties
thereof
.
And
likewise
diuers
Princes
do
giue
their
faith
,
to
mainetaine
the
priuiledges
of
the
Church
,
and
not
to
change
the
lawes
of
the
Realme
:
which
oath
is
interpreted
by
[
*
](A02848-e15530-b)
*
In
l.
claris
l.
de
fideis
.
Baldus
,
[
a
](A02848-e15550-b)
a
In
c.
pro●llor●i
de
praebend.
Panormitane
,
and
[
b
](A02848-e15570-b)
b
Cons.
220.
lib.
6.
&
cons.
122.
&
125.
lib.
4.
Alexander
,
to
extend
no
further
then
when
the
lawes
shall
be
both
profitable
and
iust
:
because
Iustice
and
the
common
benefit
of
subiects
,
is
the
principal
point
,
both
of
the
oath
and
dutie
of
a
Prince
,
whereto
all
other
clauses
must
be
referred
.
And
now
to
your
examples
.
First
,
because
in
all
the
ranke
of
the
Hebrew
kings
,
you
cannot
find
either
condition
or
oath
;
not
:
in
the
auncient
Empires
and
kingdomes
of
the
world
;
not
vsually
in
the
●lourishing
time
of
the
Romaine
state
,
both
vnder
heathen
and
christian
Emperors
;
because
these
times
are
too
pure
for
your
purpose
,
you
fumble
foorth
a
dull
coniecture
:
That
forsomuch
as
the
first
kings
were
elected
by
the
people
,
it
is
like
that
they
did
it
vpon
conditions
and
assurances
for
themselues
.
That
the
first
kings
receiued
not
their
authoritie
from
the
people
,
I
haue
manifested
before
[
c
](A02848-e15600-b)
c
In
cap.
1.
:
and
yet
your
inference
hereupon
is
no
other
,
then
if
you
should
sue
in
some
Court
for
a
legacie
,
alleadging
nothing
for
your
intent
,
but
that
it
is
like
the
Testator
shold
leaue
you
something
;
in
which
case
it
is
like
(
I
suppose
)
that
your
plea
wold
be
answered
with
a
silent
scorne
.
After
a
few
loose
speeches
,
which
no
man
would
stoupe
to
gather
together
,
you
bring
in
the
example
of
Anastasius
the
first
Emperour
of
Constantinople
;
of
whom
the
Patriarch
Euphemius
required
before
his
coronation
,
a
confession
of
the
faith
in
writing
,
wherin
he
should
promise
to
innouate
nothing
.
And
further
,
he
promised
to
take
away
certaine
oppressions
,
and
to
giue
offices
without
mony
.
Let
vs
take
things
as
they
are
,
and
not
speake
vpon
idle
imagination
,
but
agreeable
to
sence
:
what
either
condition
or
restraint
do
you
find
in
these
words
?
Condition
they
do
not
forme
,
because
in
case
of
failance
they
do
not
make
the
authoritie
void
:
neither
do
they
make
restraint
,
because
they
containe
no
point
,
whereunto
the
lawe
of
God
did
not
restraine
him
.
All
this
he
was
bound
to
performe
without
an
oath
;
and
if
he
were
a
thousand
times
sworne
,
he
was
no
more
but
bound
to
perform
it
:
euen
as
if
a
father
should
giue
his
word
to
cloath
and
feede
his
child
;
or
the
husband
to
loue
his
wife
;
or
any
man
to
discharge
that
dutie
,
which
God
and
Nature
doth
require
.
It
is
true
,
that
Anastasius
was
both
a
wicked
man
,
and
iustly
punished
by
God
for
the
breach
of
his
faith
;
but
his
subiects
did
neuer
challenge
to
be
free
therefore
from
their
alleageance
.
The
same
aunswere
may
be
giuen
to
the
promise
,
which
Michael
the
first
gaue
to
Nicephorus
the
Patriarch
:
That
he
would
not
violate
the
Ordinances
of
the
Church
,
nor
embrue
his
hands
with
innocent
bloud
;
especially
if
you
take
the
word
Ordinances
for
matters
necessarie
to
be
beleeued
:
but
if
you
take
it
in
a
larger
sence
,
then
haue
I
also
declared
in
the
beginning
of
this
chapter
,
how
farre
the
promise
doth
extend
.
Your
next
example
is
of
the
Empire
of
Almaine
;
from
whence
all
that
you
obiect
,
doth
fall
within
this
circle
.
After
the
death
of
Charles
the
Great
,
the
empire
was
held
by
right
of
succession
,
vntill
his
line
was
determined
in
Conrade
the
first
.
After
whose
death
it
became
came
electiue
:
first
in
Henry
duke
of
Saxony
,
then
in
Otho
his
son
;
and
afterwards
in
the
rest
:
from
whom
notwithstanding
no
other
promise
was
wrested
,
but
the
discharge
of
that
dutie
,
which
they
were
enformed
,
or
rather
threatned
,
that
God
wold
seuerely
exact
at
their
hands
.
But
(
as
in
all
electiue
States
it
vsually
hapneth
)
at
euery
new
change
and
choise
,
the
Emperor
was
deplumed
of
some
of
his
feathers
,
vntill
in
the
end
he
was
made
naked
of
authoritie
,
the
Princes
hauing
drawne
all
power
to
themselues
.
So
by
degrees
the
Empire
was
changed
from
a
Monarchie
to
a
pure
aristocracie
;
the
Emperour
bearing
the
title
thereof
,
but
the
maiestie
and
puissance
remaining
in
the
States
.
During
which
weaknesse
of
the
Emperour
,
some
points
were
added
to
his
oath
,
which
seemed
to
derogate
from
the
soueraigntie
of
his
estate
.
But
what
is
this
to
those
Princes
,
who
haue
retained
their
dignitie
,
without
any
diminution
,
either
of
authoritie
,
or
of
honour
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
Polonia
,
which
not
many
hundred
yeares
since
was
erected
into
a
kingdome
:
and
although
the
States
did
challenge
therein
a
right
of
election
,
yet
did
it
alwaies
passe
according
to
propinquitie
of
bloud
,
and
was
esteemed
a
soueraigne
Monarchie
;
vntill
after
the
death
of
Casimire
the
Great
,
when
Lodonicus
his
Nephew
King
of
Hungarie
,
rather
greedie
then
desirous
to
be
king
also
of
Polonia
,
did
much
abase
the
Maiestie
thereof
.
Yet
falling
a●terward
into
the
line
of
Iagello
,
who
maried
one
of
the
daughters
of
Lodowicke
,
it
recouered
the
auncient
both
dignitie
and
strength
.
But
when
that
line
also
failed
in
Sigismond
Augustus
,
the
last
male
of
that
Familie
,
the
States
elected
Henry
Duke
of
Anjowe
for
their
King
,
with
this
clause
irritant
;
That
if
hee
did
violate
any
point
of
his
oath
,
the
people
should
owe
him
no
alleageance
.
But
whereas
you
report
this
as
the
vsuall
oath
of
the
Kinges
of
Polonia
,
you
deserue
to
heare
the
plainest
tearme
of
vntruth
.
In
the
kingdome
of
Spaine
you
distinguish
two
times
:
one
,
before
the
conquest
thereof
by
the
Moores
;
the
other
,
after
it
was
recouered
againe
by
the
Christians
.
I
acknowledge
a
difference
in
these
two
times
;
for
that
in
the
one
,
the
right
of
the
kingdome
was
electiue
;
in
the
other
,
it
hath
alwaies
remained
successiue
:
insomuch
as
[
d
](A02848-e15850-b)
d
In
spec.
tit.
14.
Peter
Belluga
,
a
diligent
writer
of
the
rights
of
Arragon
,
doth
affirme
,
that
the
people
haue
no
power
in
election
of
the
king
,
[
*
](A02848-e15870-b)
*
Veniamus
n.
10.
except
in
case
the
line
should
faile
.
Concerning
the
matter
in
controuersie
,
you
affirme
,
that
the
kings
did
sweare
the
same
points
in
effect
,
which
before
haue
bene
mentioned
.
This
wee
must
take
vpon
your
forfeited
faith
,
for
you
alleadge
no
forme
of
oath
;
onely
you
write
,
that
the
fourth
nationall
Councell
of
[
c
](A02848-e15890-b)
c
An.
633.
cap.
74.
Toledo
,
with
all
humilitie
conuenient
did
require
,
that
the
present
king
,
and
all
other
that
should
follow
,
would
be
meeke
and
moderate
towardes
their
subiects
,
and
gouerne
them
with
iustice
,
and
not
giue
sentence
in
causes
capitall
without
assistance
:
declaring
further
,
that
if
any
of
them
should
exercise
cruell
and
proude
authoritie
,
〈◊〉
they
were
condemned
by
Christ
,
with
the
sentence
of
Excommunication
,
and
separated
to
euerlasting
iudgement
.
But
what
pang
hath
possessed
your
dreaming
braines
,
to
tearme
this
by
a
marginall
note
,
Conditions
of
raigning
in
Spaine
?
being
no
other
then
a
reuerent
and
graue
admonition
of
the
dutie
of
a
king
,
with
a
feareful
declaration
of
the
iudgment
of
God
against
wicked
Princes
.
And
that
which
was
afterward
decreed
in
the
sixt
Councell
of
Toledo
:
That
the
king
should
sweare
,
not
to
suffer
any
man
to
breake
the
Catholike
faith
,
because
it
is
a
principall
point
of
his
dutie
,
his
estate
was
not
thereby
made
conditionall
.
The
rest
of
this
passage
you
fill
vppe
with
froath
of
the
antiquated
lawe
of
Don
Pelayo
,
prescribing
a
forme
of
inaugurating
the
Kinges
of
Spaine
;
whereof
there
is
not
one
point
,
either
now
in
vse
,
or
pertaining
to
the
purpose
.
So
miserable
is
your
case
,
that
you
can
write
nothing
therein
,
but
that
which
is
either
impertinent
or
vntrue
.
For
Fraunce
,
your
first
example
is
taken
from
the
coronation
of
Philip
the
first
:
wherein
you
note
,
that
king
Henrie
his
father
requested
the
people
to
sweare
obedience
to
his
sonne
;
inferring
thereby
,
that
a
coronation
requireth
a
new
consent
,
which
includeth
a
certaine
election
of
the
subiects
.
But
this
is
so
light
,
that
the
least
breath
is
sufficient
to
disperse
it
.
Philip
was
crowned
king
during
the
life
of
his
father
:
which
action
,
as
it
was
not
ordinarie
,
so
was
it
of
such
both
difficultie
and
weight
,
that
it
could
not
be
effected
without
assemblie
and
consent
of
the
States
.
The
oath
which
he
made
,
is
in
this
forme
extant
in
the
Librarie
of
Rheimes
:
I
do
promise
before
God
and
his
Saints
,
that
I
will
conserue
to
euery
one
committed
vnto
me
canonicall
priuiledge
,
&
due
Law
&
Iustice
,
and
wil
defend
them
,
by
the
helpe
of
God
,
so
much
as
shall
lye
in
my
power
,
as
a
king
by
right
ought
to
do
within
his
Realme
,
to
euery
Bishop
,
and
to
the
Church
committed
to
him
:
and
further
,
to
the
people
committed
to
my
charge
,
I
wil
grant
by
my
authority
the
dispensation
of
laws
according
to
right
.
Ad
to
this
a
more
ancient
form
of
the
oth
of
those
kings
,
which
it
seemeth
you
haue
not
seene
:
I
sweare
in
the
name
of
God
Almighty
,
&
promise
,
to
gouerne
well
&
duly
the
subiects
committed
to
my
charge
,
&
to
do
with
all
my
power
,
iudgement
,
iustice
and
mercy
.
Ad
also
the
oath
which
you
alleage
of
Philip
the
2.
surnamed
Augustus
:
To
maintaine
all
canonicall
priuileges
,
law
&
Iustice
due
to
euery
man
,
to
the
vttermost
of
his
power
;
to
defend
his
subiects
as
a
good
king
is
bound
to
do
;
to
procure
that
they
be
kept
in
the
vnion
of
the
Church
;
to
defend
then
from
al
excesse
,
rapine
,
extortion
&
iniquity
;
to
take
order
that
Iustice
be
kept
with
equity
&
mercy
;
&
to
endeuor
to
expell
heretiks
.
What
doth
all
this
rise
vnto
,
but
a
princely
promise
to
discharge
honorably
and
truly
those
points
of
duty
,
which
the
laws
of
God
did
lay
vpon
them
?
What
other
conditions
or
restraints
are
imposed
?
what
other
contract
is
hereby
made
?
where
are
the
protestations
which
in
the
end
of
the
last
chap.
you
promised
to
shew
,
that
if
the
Prince
do
faile
in
his
promise
,
the
subiects
are
free
from
their
allegeance
?
what
clause
do
you
find
sounding
to
that
sense
?
But
you
litle
regard
any
thing
that
you
say
;
you
easily
remember
to
forget
your
word
.
Wel
then
,
we
must
put
these
your
vaine
speeches
into
the
reckning
of
mony
accompted
,
but
not
receiued
:
and
seeing
you
cannot
shew
vs
,
that
the
kings
of
France
and
of
Spaine
are
tied
to
any
condition
,
whereto
the
law
of
God
doth
not
bind
them
,
I
will
not
vary
from
the
iudgement
of
Ordradus
[
f
](A02848-e16060-b)
f
Cons.
69.
in
affirming
them
to
be
absolute
kings
.
I
haue
pressed
this
point
the
rather
in
this
place
,
because
you
write
,
that
most
neighbour
nations
haue
taken
the
forme
of
annointing
&
crowning
their
kings
,
from
the
ancient
custome
of
France
;
although
the
substance
be
deduced
from
the
first
kings
of
the
Hebrews
,
as
appeareth
by
the
annointing
of
king
Saule
:
whereof
Dauid
(
you
say
)
made
great
accompt
,
notwithstanding
that
Saule
had
bene
reiected
by
God
,
and
that
himselfe
had
lawfully
borne
armes
against
him
.
Out
Atheist
;
you
would
be
dawbed
with
dung
,
&
haue
the
most
vile
filth
of
your
stewes
cast
in
your
face
.
Did
Dauid
beare
armes
against
his
annointed
king
?
did
he
euer
lift
vp
his
eye-lids
against
him
?
did
he
euer
so
much
as
defend
himselfe
otherwise
then
by
flight
?
It
is
certaine
that
Shemei
did
not
halfe
so
cruelly
either
curse
or
reuile
this
holy
man
,
who
did
so
much
both
by
speech
and
action
detest
this
fact
,
that
he
would
rather
haue
endured
ten
thousand
deaths
,
then
to
haue
defiled
his
soule
with
so
damnable
a
thought
.
What
then
shall
we
say
vnto
you
,
who
to
set
vp
sedition
and
tumult
,
abuse
all
diuine
&
humane
wrightings
,
in
whatsoeuer
you
beleeue
will
aduance
your
purpose
?
who
spend
some
speech
of
respect
vnto
kings
for
allurement
onely
,
to
draw
vs
more
deepe
into
your
deceit
?
Shall
we
giue
any
further
eare
to
your
doctrine
,
both
blasphemous
and
bloudy
?
We
will
heare
you
to
the
end
;
and
I
deceiue
my selfe
,
but
your
owne
tale
shall
,
in
any
moderate
iudgement
,
condemne
the
authoritie
of
your
opinions
for
euer
.
Let
vs
come
then
to
your
last
example
(
which
is
neither
the
last
nor
the
least
whereat
you
leuell
.
)
And
that
is
of
England
,
which
of
all
other
kingdomes
(
you
say
)
hath
most
particularly
taken
this
ceremony
of
Sacring
and
annointing
from
France
.
Well
,
let
the
ceremonie
be
taken
from
whence
you
please
:
if
the
oath
be
no
other
then
you
do
specifie
,
To
obserue
peace
,
honour
and
reuerence
,
vnto
Almighty
God
,
to
his
Church
and
to
the
Ministers
of
the
same
,
to
administer
Law
and
Iustice
equally
to
all
;
to
abrogate
euill
lawes
and
customes
,
and
maintaine
good
(
which
was
the
oath
of
king
Richard
the
first
;
the
like
whereto
was
that
of
king
Iohn
,
altered
only
in
the
first
branch
:
To
loue
and
defend
the
Catholicke
Church
:
)
If
the
oath
be
no
other
I
say
,
I
do
not
see
what
other
answer
you
need
to
expect
,
but
that
it
is
onely
a
free
royall
promise
,
to
discharge
that
duty
which
God
doth
impose
.
And
this
is
plainely
declared
by
the
speech
which
you
alleage
,
of
Thomas
Arundell
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
to
king
Henry
the
fourth
;
Remember
(
saith
he
)
the
oath
which
voluntarily
you
made
:
voluntarily
he
sayd
,
and
not
necessarily
:
it
was
voluntary
in
oath
,
but
necessary
in
duty
.
That
which
you
report
also
that
Thomas
Becket
did
write
vnto
king
Henry
the
second
,
importeth
nothing
else
but
an
acknowledgement
of
duty
:
Remember
(
said
he
)
the
confession
which
you
made
.
I
cannot
omit
your
description
of
the
manner
of
the
Coronation
in
England
.
First
(
you
say
)
the
king
i●
sworne
;
then
the
Archbishop
declareth
to
the
people
what
he
hath
sworne
,
and
demaundeth
if
they
be
content
to
submit
themselues
vnto
him
vnder
those
conditions
:
whereunto
they
consenting
,
he
putteth
on
the
royall
ornaments
;
and
then
addeth
the
words
of
commission
:
Stand
and
hold
thy
place
,
and
keepe
thy
oath
.
And
thus
you
haue
hammered
out
a
formall
election
,
supposing
that
you
draw
together
the
peeces
of
falshood
so
close
,
that
no
man
can
perceiue
the
seame
.
The
truth
is
,
that
king
Henry
the
fourth
being
not
the
nearest
in
bloud
to
the
inheritance
of
the
crowne
,
did
countenance
his
violence
with
the
election
of
the
people
;
not
at
his
Coronation
,
but
in
a
Parliament
that
was
holden
before
.
And
therefore
you
do
impudently
abuse
vs
;
First
,
in
ioyning
them
together
as
one
act
;
Secondly
,
by
falsifying
diuerse
points
in
both
;
Lastly
,
by
insinuating
that
the
same
order
was
obserued
by
other
kings
.
The
points
which
you
falsifie
are
these
:
The
interrogation
of
the
Archbishop
to
the
people
:
the
absurd
straining
of
these
words
,
Stand
,
hold
thy
place
,
to
be
a
Commission
:
the
alleaging
also
out
of
Stow
,
1.
That
the
Archbishop
did
reade
vnto
the
people
,
what
the
King
was
bound
vnto
by
oath
;
2.
That
the
Earle
of
Northumberland
did
shew
a
ring
vnto
the
people
,
that
they
might
thereby
see
the
band
whereby
the
king
was
bound
vnto
them
;
3.
That
the
king
did
pray
,
that
he
might
obserue
his
promise
.
In
which
composition
of
conceits
,
you
shew
how
actiue
you
are
in
counterfaiting
any
thing
,
that
may
make
to
your
purpose
;
perswading
your selfe
,
that
it
is
no
fraud
vnto
God
,
to
deceiue
the
world
in
a
lye
for
aduantage
.
King
Edward
the
fourth
also
(
because
his
right
was
litigious
,
&
another
was
in
possession
of
the
crowne
)
strengthened
,
or
rather
countenanced
his
title
with
the
approbation
of
the
people
.
But
where
you
write
,
that
at
the
Coronation
of
King
Edward
the
sixth
,
Queene
Mary
,
and
Queene
Elizabeth
,
the
consent
and
acceptation
of
the
people
was
demanded
:
First
,
we
haue
no
cause
to
credite
any
thing
that
you
say
;
then
,
although
it
be
true
,
yet
not
being
done
in
Parliament
,
it
addeth
no
right
vnto
the
Prince
;
but
is
only
a
formality
,
a
circumstance
only
of
ceremony
and
order
.
Hereupon
you
conclude
,
that
a
king
hath
his
authority
,
by
agreement
and
contract
betweene
him
&
the
people
:
insinuating
thereby
that
he
looseth
the
same
,
if
he
either
violate
or
neglect
his
word
.
The
contrary
opinion
,
that
only
succession
of
bloud
maketh
a
king
,
&
that
the
consent
of
the
people
is
nothing
necessary
,
you
affirme
to
be
absurd
,
base
and
impious
,
an
vnlearned
,
fond
and
wicked
assertion
;
in
flattery
of
Princes
,
to
the
manifest
ruine
of
common-wealths
,
and
peruerting
of
all
law
,
order
and
reason
.
I
did
alwayes
foresee
that
your
impostumed
stomacke
would
belch
forth
some
loathsome
matter
.
But
whosoeuer
shall
compare
this
confident
conclusion
with
the
proofes
that
you
haue
made
,
he
will
rather
iudge
you
mad
then
vnwise
.
This
bold
blast
,
vpon
grounds
that
are
both
foolish
and
false
,
bewrayeth
rather
want
then
weaknesse
of
wits
.
I
am
ashamed
I
should
offer
any
further
speech
in
so
euident
a
truth
:
but
since
I
haue
vndertaken
to
combate
an
herisie
,
since
the
matter
is
of
so
great
consequence
&
import
,
I
purpose
once
againe
to
giue
you
a
gorge
.
Learne
then
,
heauy-headed
Cloisterer
,
vnable
to
mannage
these
mysteries
of
State
:
Learne
of
me
,
I
say
;
for
I
owe
this
duty
to
all
Christians
:
the
Prophets
,
the
Apostles
,
Christ
himselfe
hath
taught
vs
,
to
be
obedient
to
Princes
,
though
both
tyrants
and
infidels
.
This
ought
to
stand
with
vs
for
a
thousand
reasons
to
submit
our selues
to
such
kings
,
as
it
pleaseth
God
to
send
vnto
vs
;
without
either
iudging
or
examining
their
qualities
.
Their
hearts
are
in
Gods
hand
;
they
do
his
seruice
,
sometimes
in
preseruing
,
sometimes
in
punishing
vs
:
they
execute
his
iudgement
both
wayes
,
in
the
same
measure
which
he
doth
prescribe
.
If
they
abuse
any
part
of
their
power
,
we
do
not
excuse
,
we
do
not
extenuate
it
;
we
do
not
exempt
them
from
their
punishment
:
let
them
looke
vnto
it
,
let
them
assuredly
expect
,
that
God
will
dart
his
vengeance
against
them
with
a
most
stiffe
and
dreadfull
arme
.
In
the
meane
season
,
we
must
not
oppose
our selues
,
otherwise
then
by
humble
sutes
and
prayers
:
acknowledging
,
that
those
euils
are
alwayes
iust
for
vs
to
suffer
,
which
are
many
times
vniust
for
them
to
do
.
If
we
do
otherwise
;
if
we
breake
into
tumult
and
disorder
,
we
resemble
those
Giants
of
whom
the
Poets
write
;
who
making
offer
to
scale
the
skies
,
and
to
pul
Iupiter
out
of
his
throne
,
were
ouerwhelmed
in
a
moment
with
the
mountaines
which
they
had
heaped
together
.
Beleeue
it
,
Cloisterer
;
or
aske
any
man
who
is
both
honest
and
wise
,
and
he
will
tell
you
:
It
is
a
rule
in
reason
,
a
triall
in
experience
,
an
authority
confirmed
by
the
best
,
that
rebellion
produceth
more
horrible
effects
,
then
either
the
tyranny
or
insufficiency
of
any
Prince
.
To
the
sixth
Chapter
,
whereof
the
title
is
:
What
is
due
to
onely
succession
by
birth
;
and
what
interest
or
right
an
Heire
apparant
hath
to
the
Crowne
,
before
he
is
crowned
or
admitted
by
the
commonwealth
;
and
how
iustly
he
may
be
put
backe
,
if
he
hath
not
the
partes
requisite
.
YOV
begin
(
after
your
manner
)
with
a
carreir
against
Billay
;
but
because
both
I
haue
not
seene
what
he
hath
written
,
and
dare
not
credite
what
you
report
,
I
will
not
set
in
foote
betweene
you
.
In
breaking
from
this
,
you
preferre
succession
of
Princes
before
free
election
,
as
well
for
other
respects
,
as
for
the
preeminence
of
auncetrie
in
birth
,
which
is
so
much
priuiledged
in
the
Scripture
:
and
yet
not
made
so
inuiolable
(
you
say
)
but
vpon
iust
causes
it
might
be
inuerted
;
as
it
appeareth
by
the
examples
of
Iacob
,
Iuda
and
Salomon
.
And
this
libertie
you
hold
to
be
the
principall
remedie
for
such
inconueniences
as
do
ensue
of
the
course
of
succession
;
as
if
the
next
in
birth
be
vnable
or
pernicious
to
gouerne
:
in
which
cases
,
if
he
be
not
capable
of
directions
and
counsels
,
you
affirme
that
the
remedie
is
to
remoue
him
.
And
so
you
make
succession
and
election
,
the
one
to
be
a
preseruatiue
to
the
other
;
supposing
,
that
the
difficulculties
of
both
are
taken
away
:
First
,
if
ordinarily
succession
taketh
place
;
then
,
if
vpon
occasion
we
giue
allowance
to
election
.
For
the
prerogatiue
of
birth
,
as
also
for
the
speciall
choice
which
God
hath
often
made
of
the
yongest
,
I
will
remit
my selfe
to
that
which
I
haue
written
before
[
g
](A02848-e16620-b)
g
Cap.
1.
.
At
once
:
in
those
particular
actions
which
God
hath
either
done
,
or
by
expresse
Oracle
commaunded
,
contrarie
to
the
generall
lawes
which
he
hath
giuen
vs
;
as
in
the
robberie
of
the
Aegyptians
,
the
extirpation
of
the
Amalekites
,
the
insurrection
of
Iehu
,
and
such
like
;
we
are
bound
to
the
law
,
and
not
to
the
example
.
God
hath
giuen
vs
a
naturall
law
,
to
preferre
the
first
borne
;
he
hath
often
made
choice
of
the
yongest
,
because
he
commonly
worketh
greatest
effects
,
by
meanes
not
onely
weake
,
but
extraordinary
;
as
it
appeareth
by
the
birth
of
Isaak
.
But
that
these
speciall
elections
of
God
are
not
proposed
for
imitation
to
vs
,
hereby
it
is
euident
;
because
they
haue
bene
for
the
most
part
,
without
defect
in
the
one
,
or
demerite
in
the
other
.
And
especially
in
this
example
of
Iacob
and
Esau
;
Saint
Paule
sayth
[
h
](A02848-e16700-b)
h
Rom.
9.13
.
that
it
was
not
grounded
vpon
their
workes
,
but
vppon
the
will
and
pleasure
of
God
;
for
before
they
had
done
good
or
euill
,
before
they
were
borne
,
God
sayd
:
[
i
](A02848-e16710-b)
i
Gen
25.23
.
The
eldest
shall
serue
the
youngest
.
Which
if
we
might
imitate
,
the
priuiledge
of
birth
were
giuen
in
vaine
.
For
your
deuice
in
ioyning
election
to
succession
,
whereby
one
of
them
should
remedie
the
difficulties
of
the
other
,
it
is
a
meere
vtopicall
conceipt
:
what
else
shall
I
tearme
it
?
an
imposture
of
state
,
a
dreame
,
an
illusion
,
fit
only
to
surprise
the
iudgement
of
the
weake
and
ignorant
multitude
.
These
toyes
are
alwaies
hatched
by
the
discoursiue
sort
of
men
,
rather
then
the
actiue
;
being
matters
more
in
imagination
then
in
vse
:
and
herein
two
respects
do
principally
oppose
against
you
.
The
first
is
,
for
that
in
most
nations
of
the
world
,
the
people
haue
lost
all
power
of
election
;
and
succession
is
firmely
setled
in
one
discent
,
as
before
I
haue
declared
[
k
](A02848-e16750-b)
k
Cap.
j.
The
second
is
,
for
that
more
fierie
factions
are
hereby
kindled
,
then
where
succession
or
election
are
meere
without
mixture
.
For
where
one
claimeth
the
Crowne
by
succession
,
and
another
possesseth
it
by
title
of
election
;
there
,
not
a
disunion
onely
of
the
people
,
not
a
diuision
in
armes
,
but
a
cruel
throat-cutting
,
a
most
immortall
and
mercilesse
butcherie
doth
vsually
ensue
.
It
is
somwhat
inconuenient
(
I
grant
)
to
be
gouerned
by
a
Prince
either
impotent
or
euill
;
but
it
is
a
greater
inconuenience
,
by
making
a
breach
into
this
high
point
of
state
,
to
open
a
way
to
all
manner
of
ambitions
,
periuries
,
cruelties
and
spoile
:
whereto
the
nature
of
the
common-people
would
giue
a
great
furtherance
,
who
being
weake
in
wisedome
,
violent
in
will
;
soone
wearie
of
quiet
,
alwaies
desirous
of
chaunge
,
and
most
especially
in
matters
of
state
,
are
easily
made
seruiceable
to
any
mans
aspiring
desires
.
This
I
haue
manifested
before
[
l
](A02848-e16770-b)
l
Cap.
3.
,
by
the
examples
of
king
Edward
and
king
Richard
,
both
surnamed
the
Second
:
who
were
not
insupportable
either
in
nature
or
in
rule
;
&
yet
the
people
more
vpon
wantonnes
then
for
any
want
,
did
take
an
vnbridled
course
against
them
.
And
thus
is
your
high
pollicie
nothing
else
but
a
deepe
deceipt
;
thus
whilest
you
striue
with
the
wings
of
your
wit
to
mount
aboue
the
cloudes
of
other
mens
conceipt
,
you
sinke
into
a
sea
of
absurdities
and
errors
.
After
this
,
you
determine
two
questions
;
the
first
is
,
What
respect
is
to
be
attributed
to
propinquitie
of
bloud
onely
.
Whereto
you
answer
,
that
it
is
the
principall
circumstance
which
leadeth
vs
to
the
next
succession
of
the
Crowne
,
if
other
circumstances
and
conditions
doe
concurre
,
which
were
appointed
at
the
same
time
,
when
the
lawe
of
succession
was
established
.
Assuredly
you
can
neuer
shewe
either
when
,
or
by
whome
,
this
lawe
of
succession
was
first
instituted
,
except
perhappes
by
some
Nimrod
,
when
hee
had
brought
the
necke
of
a
people
vnder
his
sword
:
at
which
time
,
what
conditions
hee
would
set
downe
to
bee
required
from
his
successour
,
any
ordinarie
iudgement
may
coniecture
at
ease
.
Well
,
since
you
set
vs
to
seeke
for
proofe
of
this
,
to
that
which
you
haue
written
before
,
I
will
also
send
you
backe
to
the
same
place
[
m
](A02848-e16820-b)
m
Cap
j.
for
your
answer
.
The
second
question
is
,
What
interest
a
Prince
hath
to
his
kingdome
,
before
he
be
crowned
.
This
you
resolue
by
certaine
comparisons
;
and
first
you
write
,
that
it
is
the
same
which
the
Germaine
Emperour
hath
before
his
coronation
.
But
that
is
so
large
,
that
some
Emperours
haue
neuer
bene
crowned
;
others
haue
deferred
it
for
many
yeares
;
among
which
[
n
](A02848-e16840-b)
n
Metrop
.
l.
3.
cap.
20.
Crantzius
writeth
,
that
Otho
the
first
receiued
the
Crowne
of
the
Empire
,
in
the
eight
and
twentieth
yeare
of
his
raigne
.
And
yet
is
not
this
comparison
full
to
the
question
propounded
;
because
in
electiue
states
there
is
not
held
one
perpetuall
continuance
of
royaltie
,
as
is
in
those
that
are
successiue
.
And
[
o
](A02848-e16870-b)
o
In
Prooem.
decret.
Panormitane
saith
,
That
an
argument
a
similibus
is
not
good
,
if
any
difference
can
bee
assigned
.
Much
more
vnfitly
doe
you
affirme
,
that
it
is
no
greater
then
a
Maior
of
London
hath
in
his
office
,
before
hee
hath
taken
his
oath
:
for
it
is
odiously
absurd
,
to
compare
the
authoritie
of
an
absolute
Prince
by
succession
,
to
the
authoritie
of
an
Officer
,
both
electiue
and
also
subiect
.
But
it
is
the
example
of
mariage
(
you
say
)
whereby
this
matter
is
made
more
plaine
:
for
as
in
this
contract
there
is
an
espousall
,
by
promise
of
a
future
act
,
and
a
perfect
mariage
by
yeelding
present
consent
;
the
first
is
,
when
both
parties
doe
mutually
promise
that
they
will
;
the
second
,
that
they
do
take
one
the
other
for
husband
and
wife
:
so
an
heire
apparant
,
by
propinquitie
of
bloud
is
espoused
onely
to
the
Commonwealth
,
and
maried
afterward
at
his
coronation
,
by
oathes
of
either
partie
,
and
by
putting
on
the
ring
,
and
other
wedding
garments
.
But
how
were
Kings
maried
in
former
ages
?
how
are
they
now
maried
in
those
countries
,
where
they
haue
neither
ring
,
nor
wedding
garment
,
nor
also
any
oath
?
What
?
is
euery
office
and
degree
which
is
taken
with
ceremonie
,
to
be
esteemed
likewise
a
mariage
?
Or
if
you
will
haue
coronation
onely
to
bee
a
mariage
,
what
else
can
it
resemble
,
but
the
publike
celebration
of
matrimonie
betweene
man
and
woman
?
which
addeth
nothing
to
the
substance
of
contract
,
but
onely
manifesteth
it
to
the
world
.
These
pitifull
proofes
,
naked
of
authoritie
,
emptie
of
sence
,
deserue
rather
to
be
excused
then
answered
:
I
will
helpe
therefore
in
some
sort
to
excuse
them
.
They
are
the
best
that
your
starued
both
cause
and
conceipt
can
possibly
affoord
:
and
you
haue
also
some
fellowes
in
your
folly
.
Heliogabalus
did
solemnely
ioyne
the
statues
of
the
Sunne
and
of
the
Moone
in
mariage
together
.
Nero
was
maried
to
a
man
,
and
tooke
also
a
man
to
his
wife
.
The
Venetians
doe
yearely
vpon
Ascention
day
,
by
a
ring
and
other
ceremonies
,
contract
mariage
with
the
sea
.
But
now
in
earnest
;
men
do
dye
whensoeuer
it
pleaseth
God
to
call
them
:
but
it
is
a
Maxime
in
the
common
law
of
England
:
Rex
nunquam
moritur
;
The
king
is
alwaies
actually
in
life
.
In
Fraunce
also
the
same
custome
hath
bene
obserued
;
and
for
more
assurance
it
was
expresly
enacted
vnder
[
p
](A02848-e16960-b)
p
About
the
yeare
,
●375
.
Charles
the
fifth
:
That
after
the
death
of
any
king
,
his
eldest
sonne
should
incontinently
succeede
.
For
which
cause
the
Parliament
court
of
Paris
doth
accompanie
the
funeral
obsequies
of
those
that
haue
bene
their
kings
,
not
in
mourning
attire
,
but
in
scarlet
;
the
true
ensigne
of
the
neuer-dying
Maiestie
of
the
Crowne
.
In
regard
of
this
certaine
and
incontinent
succession
,
the
[
q
](A02848-e16990-b)
q
In
c.
v●t
.
24
q.
1.
Glossographer
vpon
the
Decrees
noteth
:
That
the
sonne
of
a
king
,
may
be
called
King
during
the
life
of
his
father
,
as
wanting
nothing
but
administration
:
wherein
he
is
followed
with
great
applause
by
[
r
](A02848-e17000-b)
r
In
l
quesitam
.
D.
de
leg
.
j.
Baldus
,
[
s
](A02848-e17020-b)
s
In
c●
tanta
qui
fil
suat
legit
.
Panormitane
,
[
t
](A02848-e17040-b)
t
Con●
.
1●2
.
l.
2
Iason
,
[
u
](A02848-e17060-b)
u
Cons
●
2.
li.
1
Carol.
Ruinus
,
[
w
](A02848-e17080-b)
w
In
c.
1
tit
.
quis
dicat
.
dux
.
Andreas
Iserna
,
Martinus
,
Card.
Alexander
,
[
x
](A02848-e17100-b)
x
Ind.
pa●●●
.
c.
de
re●●cad
.
Albericus
,
[
y
](A02848-e17120-b)
y
In
rep
●ab
.
de
ca.
po
&
prop.
Fed.
Barbatius
,
[
z
](A02848-e17140-b)
z
Cons.
262.
Philip
Decius
,
[
&
](A02848-e17160-b)
&
In
tra●t
de
po.
&
excel
.
reg.
●
25
Ant.
Corsetta
,
[
a
](A02848-e17180-b)
a
In
tra●t
de
privil
〈◊〉
.
par.
1.
ca.
109.
Fra.
Luca
,
[
b
](A02848-e17200-b)
b
In
tract
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Matthe
,
Afflict
.
And
the
same
also
doth
Sernius
note
out
of
[
c
](A02848-e17240-b)
c
Amend
.
9.
Virgil
,
where
he
saith
of
Ascanius
:
Regemque
requirunt
,
his
father
Aeneas
being
yet
aliue
.
But
so
soone
as
the
king
departeth
out
of
life
,
the
royaltie
is
presently
transferred
to
the
next
successor
,
according
to
the
lawes
and
customes
of
our
Realme
.
All
Writs
go
foorth
in
his
name
;
all
course
of
iustice
is
exercised
,
all
Offices
are
held
by
his
authoritie
;
all
states
,
all
persons
,
are
bound
to
beare
to
him
alleageance
:
not
vnder
supposall
of
approbation
when
hee
shall
be
crowned
,
according
to
your
dull
and
drowsie
coniecture
,
but
as
being
the
true
Soueraigne
king
of
the
Realme
.
He
that
knoweth
not
this
,
may
(
in
regard
of
the
affaires
of
our
state
)
ioyne
himself
to
S.
Anthony
,
in
glorying
in
his
ignorance
,
&
professing
that
he
knoweth
nothing
.
Queene
Mary
raigned
three
mon●ths
before
she
was
crowned
,
in
which
space
the
Duke
of
Northumberland
and
others
were
condemned
and
executed
for
treason
:
for
treason
I
say
,
which
they
had
committed
,
before
she
was
proclaimed
Queene
.
King
Edward
the
first
was
in
Palestina
,
when
his
father
dyed
;
in
which
his
absence
,
the
Nobilitie
and
Prelates
of
the
Realme
assembled
at
London
,
and
did
acknowledge
him
for
their
king
.
In
his
returne
homeward
,
he
did
homage
to
the
French
king
,
for
the
lands
which
he
held
of
him
in
France
.
He
also
repressed
certaine
rebels
of
Gascoine
;
amongst
whom
,
Gasco
of
Bierne
,
appealed
to
the
court
of
the
king
of
Fraunce
:
where
king
Edward
had
iudgement
,
that
Gasco
had
committed
treason
[
d
](A02848-e17370-b)
d
Walsingh
.
in
E.
1.
;
and
therupon
he
was
deliuered
to
the
pleasure
of
king
Edward
.
And
this
hapned
before
his
coronation
,
which
was
a
yeare
and
nine
mon●ths
after
he
began
to
raigne
.
King
Henry
the
sixth
was
crowned
in
the
eighth
yeare
of
his
raigne
;
and
in
the
meane
space
,
not
onely
his
subiectes
did
both
professe
and
beare
alleageance
,
but
the
King
of
Scottes
also
did
sweare
homage
vnto
him
.
What
neede
I
giue
any
more
either
instance
or
argument
,
in
that
which
is
the
cleare
lawe
,
the
vncontroulled
custome
of
the
Realme
?
Against
which
notwithstanding
your
weather-beaten
forehead
doth
not
blush
to
oppose
a
blind
opinion
,
that
heires
apparant
are
not
true
kings
,
although
their
titles
be
iust
,
and
their
predecessors
dead
.
This
you
labour
to
prooue
by
a
few
drye
coniectures
,
but
especially
and
aboue
all
others
(
you
say
)
because
the
Realme
is
asked
three
times
at
euery
coronation
,
whether
they
will
haue
such
a
man
to
be
their
king
or
no.
First
,
wee
haue
good
reason
to
require
better
proofe
of
this
question
then
your
bare
word
:
secondly
,
although
we
admit
it
to
be
true
,
yet
seeing
the
aunswer
is
not
made
by
the
estates
of
the
Realme
assembled
in
parliament
,
but
by
a
confused
concurse
(
necessarie
Officers
excepted
)
of
all
sorts
both
of
age
and
sexe
,
it
is
for
ceremonie
only
,
&
not
of
force
,
either
to
giue
or
to
increase
any
right
.
Another
of
your
arguments
is
,
for
that
the
Prince
doth
first
sweare
to
gouerne
well
and
iustly
,
before
the
subiects
take
their
oath
of
alleageance
;
which
argueth
,
that
before
they
were
not
bound
.
And
further
you
affirme
,
that
it
happened
onely
to
king
Henry
the
fifth
,
among
his
predecessors
,
to
haue
fealtie
done
vnto
him
,
before
hee
was
crowned
,
and
had
taken
his
oath
.
I
confesse
indeed
,
that
Polydore
and
St●w
haue
written
so
;
but
you
might
easily
haue
found
that
they
write
not
true
;
the
one
of
them
being
a
meere
straunger
in
our
state
;
the
other
a
man
more
to
be
commended
for
indeuour
then
for
art
.
King
Iohn
being
in
Normandie
when
his
brother
dyed
,
sent
into
England
Hubert
Archbishop
of
Canterburie
,
William
Marshall
Earle
of
Strigvile
,
and
Geoffrie
Fitzpeter
Lord
chiefe
●ustice
,
who
assembled
the
States
of
the
Realme
at
Northhampton
,
and
tooke
of
them
an
oath
of
obedience
to
the
new
king
.
Also
king
[
c
](A02848-e17500-b)
c
Anno
reg.
23.
Henry
the
third
caused
the
Citizens
of
London
,
the
Guardians
of
the
Cinque-ports
,
and
diuers
others
,
to
sweare
fealtie
to
Prince
Edward
his
sonne
;
who
being
in
Palestina
when
his
father
died
,
the
Nobilitie
and
Prelates
of
the
Realme
assembled
in
the
new
temple
at
London
,
and
did
acknowledge
him
for
their
king
.
And
in
like
manner
,
king
Edward
the
third
tooke
an
oath
of
all
the
Nobilitie
of
the
Realme
,
of
faith
after
his
death
to
Richard
Prince
of
Wales
:
and
so
did
king
Henry
the
first
,
for
his
daughter
Mawde
,
and
her
yong
sonne
Henry
.
After
the
death
of
king
Henry
the
fifth
,
that
subiects
did
often
sweare
alleageance
,
before
the
coronation
and
oath
of
the
king
,
you
had
neither
countenance
nor
conscience
to
deny
:
but
it
was
neither
of
these
two
which
did
restraine
you
;
it
proceeded
onely
from
the
force
of
truth
,
which
will
manifest
it selfe
whatsoeuer
art
we
vse
to
disguise
it
.
For
otherwise
,
what
countenance
,
what
conscience
had
you
to
affirme
,
that
it
is
expresly
noted
by
our
English
Historiographers
:
That
no
alleageance
is
due
vnto
kings
,
before
they
bee
crowned
?
Who
are
these
Historiographers
?
where
doe
they
so
write
?
you
that
search
euery
dustie
corner
of
your
braines
,
for
a
fewe
ragged
reasons
to
vphold
your
heresie
,
should
not
either
haue
mentioned
,
or
omitted
such
pregnant
proofes
:
for
in
that
you
affirme
,
and
do
not
expresse
them
,
you
condemne
your selfe
by
your
owne
silence
.
If
you
meane
that
which
you
alleadge
out
of
Polydore
and
Stowe
:
That
an
oath
of
fealtie
was
neuer
made
before
coronation
,
vntill
the
time
of
king
Henry
the
fifth
;
it
is
neither
true
,
nor
to
any
such
sence
.
If
you
meane
that
of
Polydore
in
tearming
Henry
the
fift
,
Prince
and
not
King
,
before
he
was
crowned
;
in
writing
also
,
that
the
States
did
consult
in
Parliament
,
[
f
](A02848-e17660-b)
f
De
nouo
rege
creando
more
maiorum
.
of
creating
a
new
king
after
the
custome
of
their
auncestors
:
it
is
a
sleepie
ieast
,
to
straine
euery
word
in
such
an
author
to
proprietie
of
speech
.
You
might
better
haue
cited
,
what
certaine
cities
in
Fraunce
not
long
since
alledged
for
themselues
:
That
because
they
had
not
reputed
Henry
the
fourth
for
their
king
,
because
they
had
not
professed
alleageance
vnto
him
,
they
were
not
to
be
adiudged
rebels
:
whereupon
notwithstanding
the
chiefest
Lawyers
of
our
age
did
resolue
,
that
forasmuch
as
they
were
originall
subiects
,
euen
subiects
by
birth
;
they
were
rebels
in
bearing
armes
against
their
king
,
although
they
had
neuer
professed
alleageance
.
And
this
is
so
euidently
the
lawe
of
the
Realme
,
that
it
is
presumption
in
vs
both
;
in
you
,
to
assay
by
your
shallow
Sophistrie
to
obscure
or
impugne
;
in
me
,
to
indeuour
by
authorities
and
arguments
to
manifest
or
defend
the
same
.
But
the
admission
of
the
people
(
you
say
)
hath
often
preuailed
against
right
of
succession
.
So
haue
pyrates
against
merchants
;
so
haue
murtherers
and
theeues
against
true
meaning
trauellers
.
And
this
disloyalty
of
the
people
hath
moued
diuerse
kings
to
cause
their
sonnes
to
be
crowned
during
their
owne
liues
;
because
the
vnsetled
state
of
succeeding
kings
doth
giue
oportunitie
to
bouldest
attempts
;
and
not
as
you
dreame
,
because
admission
is
of
more
importance
then
succession
.
I
will
examine
your
examples
in
the
Chapters
following
.
In
the
meane
time
where
you
write
,
that
king
Henry
and
king
Edward
,
both
called
the
Fourth
,
had
no
better
way
to
appease
their
minds
at
the
time
of
their
death
,
but
by
founding
their
title
vpon
consent
of
the
people
;
the
Authors
[
g
](A02848-e17730-b)
g
Sir
Tho.
Moore
,
and
Stow.
which
you
cite
do
plainely
charge
you
with
vnexcuseable
vntruth
.
King
Edward
neuer
made
question
of
his
right
:
king
Henry
did
,
as
some
other
Authors
report
[
h
](A02848-e17760-b)
h
Holingshead
.
;
but
applied
no
such
deceiptfull
comfort
:
this
false
skinne
would
not
then
serue
to
couer
his
wound
.
To
the
seuenth
Chapter
,
which
beareth
title
:
How
the
next
in
succession
by
propinquity
of
bloud
,
haue
oftentimes
bin
put
backe
by
the
commonwealth
,
&
others
further
off
admitted
in
their
places
,
euen
in
those
kingdoms
where
succession
preuaileth
;
with
many
examples
of
the
kingdome
of
Israel
and
Spaine
.
HERE
you
present
your selfe
very
pensiue
to
your
audience
,
as
though
you
had
so
ouer-strained
your
wits
with
store
of
examples
of
the
next
in
succession
not
admitted
to
the
state
,
that
you
had
cracked
the
creadite
of
them
for
euer
.
But
you
are
worthy
of
blame
,
either
for
endangering
or
troubling
your selfe
in
matters
of
so
small
aduantage
.
I
haue
shewed
before
,
that
examples
suffice
not
to
make
any
proofe
;
and
yet
herein
doth
consist
the
greatest
shew
of
your
strength
.
It
is
dangerous
for
men
to
be
gouerned
by
examples
though
good
,
except
they
can
assure
themselues
of
the
same
concurrence
of
reasons
,
not
onely
in
generall
,
but
in
particularities
;
of
the
same
direction
also
and
cariage
in
counsell
;
and
lastly
,
of
the
same
fauourable
fortune
:
but
in
actions
which
are
euill
,
the
imitation
is
commonly
worse
then
the
example
.
Your
puffie
discourse
then
is
a
heape
of
words
without
any
waight
;
you
make
mountaines
,
not
of
Mole-hils
,
but
of
moates
;
long
haruest
for
a
small
deale
,
not
of
corne
,
but
of
cockle
;
and
(
as
one
sayd
at
the
shearing
of
hogges
)
great
crie
for
a
little
,
and
that
not
very
fine
wooll
.
Yea
,
but
of
necessitie
something
you
must
say
:
yea
,
but
this
something
is
no
more
then
nothing
.
You
suppose
,
that
either
your
opinion
will
be
accepted
,
more
for
authority
of
your
person
,
then
waight
of
your
proofes
;
or
else
that
any
words
will
slide
easily
into
the
minds
of
those
,
who
are
lulled
in
the
humour
of
the
same
inclination
;
because
partialitie
will
not
suffer
men
to
discerne
truth
,
being
easily
beguiled
in
things
they
desire
.
Besides
,
whatsoeuer
countenance
you
cary
,
that
all
your
examples
are
free
from
exception
,
yet
if
you
had
cast
out
those
which
are
impertinent
,
or
vniust
,
or
else
vntrue
,
you
could
not
haue
beene
ouer-charged
with
the
rest
.
Your
first
example
,
that
none
of
the
children
of
Saule
did
succeede
him
in
the
crowne
,
is
altogether
impertinent
:
because
by
particular
and
expresse
appointment
of
God
[
i
](A02848-e17830-b)
i
2.
Reg
15.
&
16.
2
Reg.
2.
&
5.
,
the
kingdome
was
broken
from
his
posteritie
.
We
acknowledge
that
God
is
the
onely
superiour
Iudge
of
supreme
Kings
,
hauing
absolute
both
right
and
power
,
to
dispose
and
transpose
their
estates
as
he
please
.
Neither
must
we
examine
his
actions
by
any
course
of
law
,
because
his
will
is
aboue
all
law
.
He
hath
enioyned
the
people
to
be
obedient
to
their
Kings
;
he
hath
not
made
them
equall
in
authoritie
to
himselfe
.
And
whereas
out
of
this
example
you
deduce
,
that
the
fault
of
the
father
may
preiudicate
the
sonnes
right
,
although
he
had
no
part
in
the
fault
;
to
speake
moderately
of
you
,
your
iudgement
is
either
deceitfull
or
weake
.
God
in
his
high
Iustice
,
doth
punish
indeed
the
sinnes
of
parents
vpon
their
posterity
[
k
](A02848-e17840-b)
k
Exod.
20.5
.
:
but
for
the
ordinary
course
of
humane
iustice
,
he
hath
giuen
a
law
,
that
the
sonne
shall
not
beare
the
iniquity
of
the
father
[
l
](A02848-e17850-b)
l
Ezech.
18.20
.
Ierem.
31.29
.
Deut.
24.16
.
2.
Chron.
25.2
.
:
the
equity
wherof
is
regularly
followed
,
both
by
the
Ciuill
[
m
](A02848-e17860-b)
m
l.
siquis
sno
.
§
legi●
C●de
In
o●f
.
test●
generali
.
D●●e
rit
.
nup.
l.
siliam
.
D.
de
senator
.
l.
adoptiuum
.
D.
de
In
ius
voc.
and
Canon
[
n
](A02848-e17870-b)
n
Dist.
56.
per
tot
.
law
;
and
by
the
interpretors
of
them
both
[
o
](A02848-e17880-b)
o
gl.
et
Dd●b
.
et
in
c.
vel
non
est
de
temp.
ord.
Your
second
example
is
of
King
Salomon
,
who
succeeded
in
the
state
of
Dauid
his
father
,
notwithstanding
he
was
his
yongest
sonne
.
But
this
example
in
many
respects
falleth
not
within
the
compasse
of
your
case
.
First
,
because
he
was
not
appointed
successor
by
the
people
:
we
speake
not
what
the
king
and
the
people
may
do
to
direct
succession
,
but
what
the
people
may
do
alone
.
Secondly
,
for
that
the
kingdome
was
not
then
stablished
in
succession
.
Lastly
,
for
that
the
action
was
led
by
two
Prophets
,
Dauid
and
Nathan
,
according
to
the
expresse
choise
and
direction
of
God
[
p
](A02848-e17940-b)
p
1
Chron.
22.8.9
.
:
whereby
it
is
no
rule
for
ordinary
right
.
Here
many
points
do
challenge
you
of
indiscretion
at
the
least
.
You
write
that
Dauid
made
a
promise
to
Bathsheba
in
his
youth
,
that
Salomon
should
succeed
in
his
estate
:
but
if
you
had
considered
at
what
yeares
Salomon
began
to
raigne
,
you
should
haue
found
,
that
Dauid
could
not
make
any
such
promise
,
but
he
must
be
a
youth
about
threescore
yeares
of
age
.
You
write
also
,
that
Dauid
adored
his
sonne
Salomon
from
his
bed
:
but
the
words
wherewith
Dauid
worshipped
were
these
[
q
](A02848-e18040-b)
q
3.
Reg.
2.48
.
:
Blessed
be
the
Lord
God
of
Israel
,
who
hath
made
one
to
sit
on
my
throne
this
day
,
euen
in
my
sight
:
whereby
it
is
euident
,
that
Dauid
adored
God
and
not
his
son
.
This
I
note
rather
for
obseruation
of
the
loosenesse
of
your
iudgement
,
then
for
any
thing
it
maketh
to
the
purpose
.
You
are
so
accustomed
to
vntruths
,
that
you
fall
into
them
,
without
either
aduantage
or
end
.
The
like
answer
may
be
giuen
to
your
example
of
Rehoboam
;
because
God
declared
his
sentence
therein
by
two
Prophets
,
Ahijah
[
r
](A02848-e18100-b)
r
3.
Reg.
11.31
.
and
Shemaiah
[
s
](A02848-e18120-b)
s
3.
Reg.
12.24
.
.
But
for
that
the
ten
tribes
reuolted
from
Rehoboam
,
vpon
discontentment
at
his
rough
answer
,
and
with
dispite
against
Dauid
and
his
house
,
and
not
in
obedience
to
Gods
decree
,
we
cannot
excuse
them
from
offence
,
for
which
it
turned
to
their
destruction
.
For
hereupon
,
first
they
were
separated
both
from
the
place
&
maner
of
the
true
worship
of
God
;
them
,
there
arose
vnappeasable
war
,
betweene
them
&
the
tribe
of
Iudah
;
then
,
insolencies
following
disorders
,
they
were
neuer
long
time
free
from
conspiracies
,
diuisions
and
tumults
:
by
which
meanes
being
drained
both
of
wealth
and
inhabitants
,
and
reduced
to
a
naked
weaknesse
,
they
were
lastly
caried
captiue
into
diuerse
farre
countries
,
and
strangers
were
sent
to
inhabite
their
cities
.
I
must
here
also
obserue
a
few
of
your
interpretations
,
wherein
your
boldnesse
is
not
limited
with
any
bounds
.
It
is
to
be
noted
(
you
say
)
that
before
Rehoboam
went
to
Shechem
to
be
admitted
by
the
people
,
he
was
not
accompted
true
King
.
I
desire
therefore
that
you
would
satisfie
vs
in
these
places
following
.
Before
Rehoboam
went
to
Shechem
,
the
Scripture
saith
,
that
Salomon
died
,
and
was
buried
,
and
Rehoboam
his
sonne
raigned
in
his
stead
[
t
](A02848-e18250-b)
t
3.
Reg.
11.43
.
.
Againe
,
after
the
defection
of
the
ten
tribes
it
is
sayd
,
that
in
the
cities
of
Iudah
Rehoboam
did
raigne
still
,
[
u
](A02848-e18270-b)
u
3.
Reg.
12.17
.
implying
thereby
,
that
in
the
other
cities
he
raigned
before
.
Againe
,
they
are
sayd
to
haue
rebelled
against
the
house
of
Dauid
[
w
](A02848-e18290-b)
w
3.
Reg.
12.19
.
.
And
lastly
,
Rehoboam
raised
all
the
strength
of
Iudah
and
Beniamin
,
to
bring
the
kingdome
againe
vnto
him
[
x
](A02848-e18330-b)
x
3.
Reg.
12.21
.
.
Further
you
write
,
that
ten
tribes
refused
to
admit
Rehoboam
;
but
the
Scripture
saith
that
they
rebelled
[
y
](A02848-e18360-b)
y
3.
Reg.
12.19
.
.
What
?
did
God
only
allow
hereof
after
it
was
done
?
did
he
only
permit
the
people
to
do
it
?
the
Scripture
testifieth
that
it
was
his
decree
,
that
it
was
his
deed
,
and
that
he
declared
his
will
by
Ahijah
the
Prophet
[
z
](A02848-e18380-b)
z
3.
Reg.
11.31
.
,
during
the
life
of
Salomon
,
and
for
his
sins
.
But
these
speciall
warrants
do
not
constitute
a
law
;
they
serue
onely
to
make
good
the
particular
actions
for
which
they
are
directed
,
and
not
to
iustifie
another
the
like
.
Lastly
,
S.
Paule
saith
,
that
all
things
happened
to
the
Iewes
in
figure
;
vpon
which
place
diuerse
expositors
haue
noted
,
that
the
state
of
the
Iewes
was
a
figure
of
the
Church
of
Christ
:
but
that
it
was
an
example
and
patterne
of
all
other
states
that
should
ensue
,
it
shall
be
ranged
among
your
cast
conceipts
.
I
refer
me
now
to
the
iudgement
of
any
man
,
who
taketh
not
pleasure
to
beguile
himselfe
,
whether
you
do
not
by
art
&
trumpery
manifestly
abuse
vs
;
partly
by
incapacitie
,
&
partly
by
deceipt
,
either
corrupting
or
confounding
whatsoeuer
you
take
in
hand
.
Your
humor
both
discontented
and
vnquiet
,
hath
armed
your
mind
with
bloudy
desires
,
which
haue
edged
you
on
to
put
fewell
to
those
flames
,
which
you
shold
endeuour
to
quench
,
though
it
were
with
your
bloud
.
I
will
not
stand
vpon
the
particular
examples
of
Spaine
,
as
well
for
that
the
matter
is
both
tedious
and
to
litle
purpose
;
as
also
for
that
we
haue
small
conformitie
with
the
customes
of
that
nation
.
Onely
thus
much
in
generall
:
We
acknowledge
that
in
auncient
times
the
kingdome
of
Spaine
was
electiue
,
and
therfore
your
examples
drawne
from
thence
are
nothing
pertinent
.
The
examples
of
later
times
,
are
both
few
and
vniust
,
caried
onely
by
faction
and
by
force
;
as
Garabay
[
&
](A02848-e18460-b)
&
Pa.
414.
testifieth
of
your
example
of
Aurelio
,
and
as
by
the
example
of
D.
Sancho
el
Brauo
I
haue
declared
before
[
a
](A02848-e18490-b)
a
Cap.
3.
.
But
you
accompt
faction
to
be
the
Common-wealth
,
and
violence
Iustice
,
when
it
may
make
to
the
furtherance
of
your
affaires
.
The
Historie
of
D.
Berenguela
I
will
briefly
report
,
rather
for
the
respect
which
guided
the
Castilians
,
then
that
I
allow
it
for
right
which
they
did
.
Henry
had
two
sisters
,
Donna
Blanch
the
eldest
,
maried
to
Lewes
the
eight
King
of
Fraunce
;
and
Berenguela
the
yongest
,
maried
to
Alphonso
king
of
Leon.
Henry
dying
without
issue
,
the
Castilians
feared
,
if
they
should
submit
themselues
vnto
Blanch
,
that
their
state
,
being
lesse
then
the
state
of
Fraunce
,
would
be
made
a
member
thereof
,
and
gouerned
as
a
Prouince
,
and
not
as
a
kingdome
.
And
therefore
they
did
rather
chuse
to
professe
allegeance
to
the
Lady
Berenguela
;
by
which
meanes
,
the
kingdome
of
Leon
was
afterwards
annexed
vnto
Castile
,
to
the
great
encrease
,
both
of
dignitie
and
assurance
to
them
both
.
I
haue
followed
herein
your
owne
Authors
,
not
being
ignorant
that
others
of
better
name
do
write
,
that
Berenguela
was
the
eldest
sister
,
as
I
shall
haue
occasion
hereafter
to
declare
:
but
for
the
present
let
it
be
as
you
please
;
and
let
vs
weigh
our
owne
wisdomes
,
not
only
in
straining
,
but
in
forging
titles
,
to
incurre
those
mischiefes
,
which
the
Castilians
reiected
,
a
lawfull
title
to
auoid
.
And
this
was
also
one
of
the
motiues
of
the
reuolt
of
Portugale
,
which
is
your
last
example
;
although
it
had
also
(
as
Garabay
[
b
](A02848-e18710-b)
b
Lib.
34.
pa
833.
writeth
)
a
concurrence
of
right
.
For
Ferdinand
king
of
Portugale
,
by
his
procurators
,
the
Bishop
of
Ebora
and
others
,
did
both
contract
and
solemnize
espousals
with
Elianor
,
daughter
of
Peter
king
of
Aragon
.
But
being
entred
into
war
with
Henry
king
of
Castile
,
&
finding
himself
at
some
disaduantage
,
he
forsooke
the
king
of
Arragons
daughter
,
&
contracted
himself
to
Elianor
,
daughter
to
the
king
of
Castile
,
vpon
very
beneficiall
conditions
for
his
state
.
Afterward
,
falling
into
fancy
with
one
of
his
subiects
,
named
Elianor
Telles
de
Meneses
,
wife
to
a
noble
man
called
Lorenzo
Vasques
de
Acun̄a
,
he
tooke
her
as
his
wife
,
and
enforced
her
husband
to
auoid
the
Realme
;
&
had
by
her
one
only
daughter
,
named
Beatrix
,
who
was
ioyned
in
mariage
to
Iohn
king
of
Castile
.
After
the
death
of
the
king
of
Portugale
her
father
,
the
king
of
Castile
in
the
right
of
his
wife
,
laid
claime
to
that
realme
,
&
was
accordingly
acknowledged
by
the
chiefe
of
the
nobility
and
Prelats
;
and
in
particular
,
by
D.
Iohn
maister
of
Auis
,
her
fathers
base
brother
,
who
was
then
the
most
forward
man
in
her
fauour
.
But
afterwards
falling
into
quarrell
,
and
hauing
slaine
the
Count
de
Oren
,
he
stirred
the
people
against
the
Queene
,
&
compelled
her
to
quit
the
city
.
And
after
diuerse
outrages
and
murthers
,
committed
vpon
the
Bishop
of
Lisbone
,
an
Abbesse
,
and
many
others
,
hee
was
first
made
gouernour
of
Portugall
;
and
then
proceeding
further
,
in
an
assembly
of
his
partie
gathered
at
Coimbra
,
he
was
made
King
.
Garrabay
writeth
,
[
c
](A02848-e18940-b)
c
pa.
841.
that
the
chiefest
obiection
against
Beatrix
was
,
because
her
mother
was
not
King
Ferdinands
lawfull
wife
.
And
I
beleeue
you
also
,
that
they
had
a
reflexe
,
not
to
loose
the
dignitie
of
their
kingdome
(
as
now
they
haue
done
)
and
be
made
subiect
to
the
cruell
both
auarice
and
ambition
of
a
more
potent
state
.
To
the
eighth
Chapter
,
which
is
entituled
,
Of
diuers
other
examples
out
of
the
states
of
France
and
England
,
for
proofe
,
that
the
next
in
bloud
are
sometimes
put
backe
from
succession
,
and
how
God
hath
approued
the
same
with
good
successe
.
YOur
examples
of
France
(
to
which
Nation
wee
are
more
neare
both
in
scituation
and
lawes
)
I
will
runne
ouer
with
a
swift
course
.
Of
the
chaunge
which
twice
hath
happened
in
the
whole
race
of
the
kings
of
France
,
I
haue
spoken
before
:
[
d
](A02848-e19000-b)
d
Cap.
●
.
you
seeme
also
either
to
threaten
or
presage
the
third
chaunge
,
from
the
king
who
now
raigneth
,
and
other
Princes
of
the
house
of
Burbon
.
It
was
your
desire
,
you
applyed
your
endeuour
,
with
all
the
power
and
perswasions
you
could
make
.
You
knit
diuers
of
the
Nobilitie
in
a
trecherous
league
against
him
;
you
incensed
the
people
;
you
drew
in
forren
forces
to
theyr
assistance
:
by
which
meanes
,
the
Realme
fell
daily
into
chaunge
of
distresse
,
the
men
of
armes
making
all
things
lawfull
to
their
lust
.
The
good
did
feare
,
the
euill
expect
;
no
place
was
free
,
eyther
from
the
rage
or
suspition
of
tumult
;
fewe
to
bee
trusted
,
none
assured
,
all
things
in
commixtion
;
the
wisest
too
weake
,
the
strongest
too
simple
,
to
auoyde
the
storme
which
brake
vpon
them
:
the
people
ioyning
to
their
miserable
condition
many
complaints
,
that
they
had
bene
abused
by
you
,
in
whose
directions
they
founde
nothing
but
obstinacie
and
rashnesse
,
two
daungerous
humours
to
leade
a
great
enterprise
.
At
the
last
,
when
lamentable
experience
had
made
that
knowne
vnto
them
,
which
they
had
no
capacitie
by
reason
to
foresee
,
they
expelled
as
well
your
company
as
counsell
out
of
the
Realme
;
and
so
the
firebrands
which
you
had
kindled
,
were
broken
vpon
your
owne
heads
;
hauing
opportunitie
by
your
iust
banishment
to
enter
into
conscience
,
both
of
the
weakenesse
and
wrong
of
your
aduice
.
The
partition
of
the
Realme
of
France
between
Charles
the
great
,
and
Carlomon
his
younger
brother
,
and
also
the
vniting
thereof
againe
in
Charles
,
after
the
death
of
Carloman
,
depended
vpon
the
disposition
of
Pepin
their
father
,
and
not
vpon
the
election
of
the
people
.
Girard
saith
,
that
[
e
](A02848-e19090-b)
e
Lib.
1.
de
l'estate
.
fol
43.
Pepin
hauing
disposed
all
things
in
his
new
Realme
which
hee
thought
necessarie
for
the
suretie
thereof
,
hee
disposed
his
estate
;
leauing
the
Realme
of
Noion
to
his
sonne
Charles
;
and
to
Carloman
his
other
sonne
,
that
of
Soissons
,
&
that
by
the
death
of
Carloman
,
both
his
place
and
his
power
did
accrue
vnto
Charles
.
In
this
manner
,
the
first
of
a
family
,
who
hath
attained
a
kingdome
,
hath
ordinarilye
directed
the
succession
thereof
.
The
contention
betweene
Lewis
le
debonaire
and
his
sonnes
,
according
to
your
owne
Author
Girard
,
[
f
](A02848-e19180-b)
f
De
l'estate
.
proceeded
and
succeeded
after
this
manner
.
Certaine
Lords
of
France
taking
discontentment
at
the
immoderate
fauours
,
which
the
king
shewed
toward
Berard
his
great
Chamberlaine
,
conspired
against
him
;
and
for
their
greater
both
countenance
and
strength
,
drew
his
owne
sonnes
to
bee
of
their
faction
.
But
Lewis
brake
this
broile
,
more
by
foresight
then
by
force
;
and
doing
execution
vpon
the
principall
offenders
,
pardoned
his
sonnes
.
Yet
they
,
interpreting
this
lenitie
to
slacknes
of
courage
,
rebelled
againe
,
gathered
a
greater
strength
,
&
drew
Pope
Gregorie
the
fourth
to
bee
a
complice
of
their
vnnaturall
impietie
:
whereby
it
appeareth
(
saith
Girard
)
that
they
are
either
foolish
or
mischieuous
,
who
wil
affirm
,
that
euery
thing
is
good
which
the
Popes
haue
done
.
Afterward
they
tooke
their
father
,
vnder
colour
of
good
faith
,
and
sent
him
prisoner
to
Tortone
,
&
then
at
Compeigne
assembled
a
Parliament
,
composed
of
their
owne
confederates
,
wherin
they
made
him
a
Monke
,
&
brought
his
estate
into
diuision
&
share
.
It
is
easie
to
coniecture
(
saith
the
same
Girard
)
what
miserable
conditions
the
Realme
then
endured
;
all
lawes
were
subuerted
,
all
things
exposed
to
the
rage
of
the
sworde
,
the
whole
realme
in
combustion
,
and
the
people
extreamely
discontented
at
this
barbarous
impietie
.
In
the
ende
Lewes
,
by
the
aide
of
his
faithfull
seruants
was
taken
out
of
prison
,
and
restored
to
his
kingdome
;
and
his
sonnes
acknowledging
their
faulte
,
were
receiued
by
him
both
to
pardon
and
fauour
.
His
sonne
Pepin
being
dead
,
he
diuided
his
Realme
among
his
other
three
sonnes
,
Charles
,
Lewes
,
and
Lothaire
;
but
Lewes
rebelled
againe
,
and
was
again
receiued
to
mercie
:
lastly
,
hee
stirred
a
great
part
of
Germanie
to
reuolt
,
with
griefe
whereof
the
good
olde
man
his
Father
died
.
After
his
death
,
Lewes
and
Lothaire
,
vpon
disdaine
at
the
great
portion
which
their
Father
had
assigned
to
their
brother
Charles
,
raised
warre
against
him
.
The
battaile
was
giuen
,
wherein
Charles
remained
victorious
,
reducing
them
both
vnder
such
conditions
,
as
hee
thought
conuenient
to
impose
.
Loe
heere
one
of
your
plaine
and
euident
examples
,
which
is
so
free
from
all
exception
.
But
mindes
corruptly
inclined
,
holde
nothing
vnlawfull
,
nothing
vnreasonable
,
which
agreeth
with
their
passion
.
Loys
le
Begue
,
succeded
after
Charles
,
not
as
you
affirme
,
by
authoritie
of
the
states
,
but
(
as
in
France
at
that
time
it
was
not
vnusuall
)
by
appointment
of
his
father
.
And
wheras
you
write
,
that
Loys
at
his
first
entrance
had
like
to
haue
bin
depriued
by
the
states
,
but
that
calling
a
Parlament
,
he
made
them
many
faire
promises
to
haue
their
good
will
;
it
is
a
very
idle
vntruth
,
as
appeareth
by
the
Author
whom
you
auouch
.
At
his
death
,
he
left
his
wife
great
with
childe
,
who
afterward
was
called
Charles
the
simple
.
But
before
he
had
accomplished
the
age
of
12.
yeares
,
there
stept
vp
in
his
place
,
first
Loys
and
Carloman
his
bastard
brothers
;
then
Charles
surnamed
le
Gros
;
and
after
him
Odo
Earle
of
Paris
.
Then
Charles
the
right
heire
attained
the
Crowne
;
and
then
againe
were
raised
against
him
,
first
Robert
,
Earle
of
Angiers
;
and
afterward
Ralph
king
of
Burgundie
.
But
where
you
attribute
these
mutations
to
the
authoritie
of
the
states
,
Girard
saith
,
that
they
were
by
faction
&
vsurpation
of
such
,
who
from
the
weaknes
of
their
Prince
,
did
make
aduantage
to
their
owne
ambition
;
affirming
plainly
,
that
betweene
the
death
of
Loys
le
Begue
,
&
Charles
the
simple
,
not
one
of
them
who
held
the
crowne
of
the
Realme
was
lawfull
king
[
g
](A02848-e19530-b)
g
Di
l'estate
.
lib.
1.
pa.
5●
.
,
noting
further
,
that
the
first
two
races
of
Kings
,
were
full
of
cruel
parricides
&
murthers
;
&
that
in
those
times
the
Realme
was
often
trauelled
with
tempests
of
sedition
.
Of
the
vsurpation
of
Hugh
Capet
I
haue
spoken
before
:
Girard
writeth
,
[
h
](A02848-e19570-b)
h
li.
●
.
fol.
60.
b.
that
althogh
he
sought
many
shadowes
of
right
,
yet
his
best
title
was
by
force
,
which
is
the
common
right
of
first
vsurpers
.
And
wheras
you
write
,
that
Henry
the
first
was
preferred
to
the
crowne
of
France
before
Robert
his
elder
brother
:
First
,
it
was
not
by
appointment
of
the
states
,
but
of
their
father
;
Secondly
,
Girard
maketh
the
matter
doubtfull
,
affirming
,
Further
,
where
you
write
,
that
William
being
a
bastarde
,
succeeded
Robert
his
Father
in
the
Duchie
of
Normandie
,
notwithstanding
the
saide
Robert
left
two
brothers
in
life
,
it
was
at
that
time
a
custome
in
France
,
that
bastards
did
succeed
,
euen
as
lawfull
children
.
Thierry
bastard
of
Clouis
,
had
for
his
partage
the
kingdome
of
Austrasie
,
now
called
Lorraine
.
Sigisbert
bastard
of
king
Dagobert
the
first
,
parted
with
Clouis
the
twelfth
,
his
lawfull
brother
.
Loys
and
Carloman
bastards
of
king
Loys
le
Begue
,
raigned
after
their
Father
.
But
in
the
third
race
of
the
kings
of
France
,
a
law
was
made
,
that
bastards
should
not
succeed
in
the
Crowne
;
and
yet
other
bastards
of
great
houses
were
stil
aduowed
,
the
French
being
then
of
the
same
opinion
with
Peleus
in
Euripides
.
[
k
](A02848-e19800-b)
k
In
Andromache
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Oftentimes
many
bastardes
excell
those
that
are
lawfully
borne
:
which
is
verified
by
Hercules
,
Alexander
the
great
,
Romulus
,
Timotheus
,
Themistocles
,
Homer
,
Demosthenes
,
Brutus
,
Bion
,
Bartolus
,
Gratian
,
Peter
Lombard
,
Peter
Comesior
,
Io.
Andreas
,
and
diuers
other
of
most
flourishing
name
.
Your
examples
of
Lewes
the
6.
and
Lewes
the
11.
are
not
worth
a
word
in
answere
.
In
the
beginning
of
their
raigne
,
you
affirme
that
they
had
like
to
haue
beene
disinherited
by
the
state
,
for
the
offences
of
their
Father
.
You
beare
a
minde
charged
with
thoughtes
vaine
,
busie
and
bolde
,
without
any
restreint
either
of
honestie
or
of
discretion
.
For
how
else
could
you
here
also
affirme
,
that
King
Henry
the
third
of
England
,
was
condemned
by
his
Barons
to
be
disinherited
,
for
the
fault
of
his
Father
?
It
is
vsuall
with
you
in
all
your
reports
,
either
plainely
to
breake
beyond
the
boundes
of
all
truth
,
or
grossely
,
(
for
I
cannot
now
say
artificially
)
to
disguise
it
,
with
many
false
and
deceiueable
termes
.
But
to
conclude
for
the
state
of
France
,
which
is
also
to
exclude
whatsoeuer
you
haue
said
;
vnder
the
raigne
of
Charles
the
fift
,
[
l
](A02848-e19960-b)
l
1375.
for
the
better
establishment
of
this
right
,
and
for
cutting
of
those
calamities
which
accompanie
vsurpation
,
there
was
a
lawe
made
,
that
after
the
death
of
any
King
,
the
eldest
sonne
should
incontinently
succeede
.
We
are
now
come
to
our
English
examples
,
of
which
you
might
haue
omitted
those
of
the
Saxon
kings
;
as
well
for
that
there
could
be
no
setled
forme
of
gouernment
in
those
tumultuous
times
,
as
also
for
that
our
Histories
of
that
age
are
very
imperfect
,
not
leading
vs
in
the
circumstances
,
either
of
the
maner
or
occasion
of
particular
actions
:
they
declare
in
grosse
what
things
were
done
,
without
further
opening
,
either
how
or
wherefore
.
But
both
these
doe
make
for
your
aduantage
:
for
who
seeth
not
,
that
your
examples
are
chiefly
bred
in
tempestuous
times
;
and
the
obscuritie
of
Histories
will
serue
for
a
shadowe
to
darken
your
deceit
.
Well
,
let
vs
take
both
the
times
and
Histories
as
they
are
.
How
will
you
maintaine
that
Egbert
was
not
next
successour
to
Briticus
by
propinquitie
of
blood
?
Briticus
left
no
children
,
and
Egbert
was
descended
of
the
blood
royall
,
as
Polydore
affirmeth
,
[
m
](A02848-e20040-b)
m
Lib
4.
circa
sin
.
William
Malmesbury
[
n
](A02848-e20060-b)
n
De
gest
.
Ang.
lib.
1.
ca.
2.
saith
,
that
he
was
the
only
man
aliue
of
the
royall
blood
,
being
descended
of
Inegild
,
the
brother
of
King
Ina.
How
then
is
it
true
which
you
say
,
that
Britricus
was
the
last
of
the
roial
descent
?
and
if
it
had
beene
so
indeede
,
the
right
of
election
should
then
haue
bene
in
the
state
.
And
thus
you
stumble
at
euery
step
,
you
entangle
your selfe
without
truth
or
ende
.
You
snatch
at
the
words
of
Polydore
,
where
he
saith
;
He
is
created
king
by
consent
of
all
:
which
doe
imply
no
other
sense
,
but
that
which
a
little
after
he
saith
;
That
he
was
saluted
king
by
all
.
So
we
finde
also
,
that
the
like
improper
speech
was
vsed
at
the
coronation
of
Philip
the
second
,
king
of
France
,
whereby
the
Archbishop
of
Reimes
did
challenge
power
in
the
right
of
his
Sea
,
to
make
election
of
the
king
.
That
Adelstane
was
illegitimate
,
you
follow
Polydore
,
a
man
of
no
great
either
industrie
or
iudgement
.
William
Malmesbury
[
o
](A02848-e20200-b)
o
Lib.
2.
ca.
5.
accounted
Egwina
the
mother
of
Adelstane
,
to
be
the
first
wife
of
king
Edward
his
father
:
he
termeth
her
also
a
noble
woman
,
contrary
to
that
which
Polydore
fableth
.
Henry
Huntington
,
Roger
Houeden
and
others
,
write
no
otherwise
of
him
,
but
as
of
one
that
was
lawfully
borne
.
And
in
that
you
english
these
words
of
Polydore
,
Rex
dicitur
;
Rex
a
populo
salutatur
;
Hee
was
made
king
by
the
people
:
In
that
you
affirme
also
,
that
for
the
opinion
of
his
valure
hee
was
preferred
before
his
brethren
which
were
lawfully
borne
,
whome
you
acknowledge
to
be
men
of
most
excellent
both
expectation
and
proofe
;
you
doe
plainly
shewe
,
that
vse
hath
made
you
too
open
in
straining
of
truth
.
Eldred
did
first
take
vpon
him
but
as
Protector
,
because
of
the
minoritie
of
the
sonnes
of
Edmund
his
elder
brother
;
and
afterward
entred
into
ful
possession
of
the
Crowne
.
But
that
his
nephewes
were
put
backe
by
the
Realme
,
it
is
your
owne
idle
inuention
;
it
was
no
more
the
act
of
the
realme
,
then
was
the
vsurpation
of
King
Richard
the
third
.
That
Edwin
was
deposed
from
his
estate
,
it
is
inexcusably
vntrue
.
Polydore
[
p
](A02848-e20340-b)
p
Lib.
6.
writeth
,
that
the
Northumbrians
and
Mercians
not
fully
setled
in
subiection
,
made
a
reuolt
.
Malmesburie
[
q
](A02848-e20360-b)
q
Lib.
2
ca.
8.
saith
,
that
hee
was
maimed
of
a
great
part
of
his
kingdome
,
by
the
stroke
of
which
iniurie
he
ended
his
life
.
And
whereas
you
write
in
commendation
of
King
Edgar
his
next
successor
,
that
he
kept
a
Nauie
of
6600.
shippes
for
defence
of
the
Realme
,
you
discouer
your
defectiue
iudgement
in
embracing
such
reports
for
true
.
In
that
you
say
,
that
many
good
men
of
the
Realme
were
of
opinion
,
not
to
admit
the
succession
of
Etheldred
after
the
death
of
his
brother
,
I
dare
confidently
affirme
,
that
you
doe
not
only
tel
,
but
make
an
vntruth
;
hauing
no
author
either
to
excuse
or
countenance
the
same
.
In
that
you
write
also
,
that
betweene
the
death
of
Edmund
Ironside
,
and
the
raigne
of
William
Conquerour
,
it
did
plainly
appeare
what
interest
the
Common-wealth
hath
to
alter
titles
of
succession
;
it
doth
plainly
appeare
,
that
both
your
reason
and
your
conscience
is
become
slauish
to
your
violent
desire
.
For
what
either
libertie
or
power
had
the
Common-wealth
vnder
the
barbarous
rage
and
oppression
of
the
Danes
?
when
Canutus
had
spread
the
winges
of
his
fortune
ouer
the
whole
Realme
,
none
hauing
either
heart
or
power
to
oppose
against
him
,
what
choise
was
then
left
vnto
the
people
?
what
roome
for
right
?
what
man
not
banished
from
sobrietie
of
sence
woulde
euer
haue
saide
,
that
hee
was
admitted
king
by
the
whole
Parliament
and
consent
of
the
Realme
?
It
is
true
,
that
after
he
had
both
violently
and
vniustly
obtained
full
possession
of
the
Realme
,
slaine
the
brother
of
Edmund
Ironside
,
and
conueied
his
children
into
Sueden
,
he
assembled
the
Nobilitie
,
and
caused
himselfe
to
be
crowned
king
:
but
neither
the
forme
nor
name
of
a
Parliament
was
then
knowne
in
Englande
;
and
if
coronation
were
sufficient
to
make
a
title
,
no
king
should
be
accounted
to
vsurpe
.
Of
Harold
the
first
,
the
naturall
sonne
of
Canutus
,
our
Histories
doe
verie
differently
report
.
Saxo
Grammaticus
writeth
,
that
he
was
neuer
king
,
but
that
he
died
before
his
Father
.
Henry
of
Huntington
reporteth
,
that
he
was
appointed
but
as
Regent
for
his
brother
Hardicanutus
.
Others
write
,
that
apprehending
the
opportunitie
of
his
brothers
absence
,
he
inuaded
Northumberland
and
Mercia
,
by
force
of
the
Danes
who
were
in
Englande
,
wherevpon
the
Realme
was
diuided
,
one
part
holding
for
Harolde
,
and
another
for
Hardicanutus
,
who
was
in
Denmarke
.
But
because
hee
delayed
to
come
into
England
,
they
all
fell
,
rather
not
to
denie
then
to
acknowledge
Harold
for
their
king
.
Take
now
which
of
these
reports
you
please
,
for
all
do
serue
to
your
purpose
alike
.
Hardicanutus
after
the
death
of
Harold
,
came
out
of
Denmarke
into
Englande
:
and
the
people
hauing
their
courages
broken
with
bondage
,
were
easie
to
entertaine
the
strongest
pretender
.
But
after
his
death
,
diuers
of
the
Nobilitie
,
especially
Godwine
Earle
of
Kent
,
rising
into
hope
to
shake
off
theyr
shoulders
the
importable
yoake
of
the
Danes
,
aduaunced
Edwarde
the
sonne
of
Etheldred
to
the
Crowne
,
as
being
the
next
of
the
race
of
the
Saxon
Kings
,
though
not
in
blood
,
yet
at
hand
;
for
Edward
the
outlawe
his
elder
brother
,
was
then
in
Hungarie
:
and
feare
being
the
only
knot
that
had
fastened
the
people
to
the
Danish
Kings
,
that
once
vntied
,
they
all
scattered
from
them
,
like
so
many
birdes
whose
cage
had
bene
broken
.
Edward
being
dead
,
Harold
the
sonne
of
Godwine
vsurped
the
kingdome
:
for
as
Malmesburie
saith
;
[
r
](A02848-e20670-b)
r
Extoria
a
principibus
fide
arripuit
diadema
.
By
extorted
faith
from
the
nobilitie
he
fastned
vpon
the
Crowne
a
forceable
gripe
:
Henry
Huntington
also
,
and
out
of
him
Polydore
doe
write
,
that
vpon
confidence
of
his
power
he
inuaded
the
Crowne
[
s
](A02848-e20700-b)
s
Viribus
&
genere
fretus
regni
Diadema
inuasit
.
:
which
vsurpation
gaue
both
encouragement
and
successe
to
the
enterprise
of
the
Normanes
.
This
short
passage
of
Historie
you
doe
defile
with
so
many
vntruthes
,
that
it
seemeth
you
haue
as
naturall
a
gift
to
falsifie
,
as
to
eate
,
drinke
,
or
sleepe
.
But
where
you
write
that
William
the
Conqueror
formed
any
title
by
consent
of
the
realme
,
you
grow
into
the
degree
of
ridiculous
.
We
finde
that
he
pretended
the
institution
of
king
Edward
,
which
had
neither
probabilitie
norforce
;
and
that
he
was
nearer
to
him
in
blood
,
then
Harold
the
vsurper
:
but
that
hee
euer
pretended
the
election
of
the
people
,
it
is
your
own
clowted
conceit
.
For
when
he
had
rowted
the
English
armie
in
the
field
,
when
hee
had
sacked
their
Townes
,
harried
their
Villages
,
slain
much
people
,
and
bent
his
sworde
against
the
brests
of
the
rest
,
what
free
election
could
they
then
make
?
Your selfe
acknowlede
also
in
another
place
,
[
t
](A02848-e20750-b)
t
In
part.
2.
ca.
2.
pa
12.
that
hee
came
to
the
Crowne
by
dinte
of
sworde
;
and
at
his
death
his
owne
conscience
constrained
him
to
confesse
,
that
hee
tooke
it
without
right
[
u
](A02848-e20760-b)
u
Lib.
vit
Will
.
conq
.
.
And
in
that
the
Pope
and
the
French
King
fauoured
his
enterprise
,
it
is
not
materiall
,
this
was
not
the
first
iniustice
which
they
haue
assisted
.
Neither
was
it
the
Popes
hallowed
banner
(
as
you
affirme
)
but
the
bowe
and
the
arrowe
,
the
only
weapon
of
aduantage
long
time
after
to
this
Nation
,
whereby
hee
did
obtaine
the
victorie
.
One
helpe
hee
had
also
within
the
Realme
,
for
that
King
Edward
had
aduanced
diuers
Normans
,
to
high
place
both
of
dignitie
and
charge
;
who
gaue
vnto
him
muche
secret
both
incouragement
and
assistance
in
his
attempt
.
And
thus
in
all
these
turbulent
times
,
you
are
so
farre
from
finding
fiue
or
sixe
,
that
you
are
short
of
any
one
,
who
was
made
King
by
free
authoritie
of
the
people
.
King
William
Rufus
made
no
other
title
to
the
Crowne
,
but
the
testament
of
his
Father
:
For
often
vse
hath
confirmed
it
for
lawe
,
that
a
Victor
may
freely
dispose
of
the
succession
of
that
state
,
which
hee
hath
obtained
by
the
purchase
of
his
sword
.
[
*
](A02848-e20810-b)
*
Cin.
&
Bartol.
in
l.
imperialis
.
C.
de
nupt.
The
conquerer
disinherited
his
eldest
son
Robert
,
for
that
,
knitting
with
Philip
King
of
France
,
he
inuaded
,
wasted
and
spoiled
Normandie
,
and
ioyned
in
open
battell
against
his
father
,
wherein
the
father
was
vnhorsed
and
wounded
,
and
brought
to
a
desperate
distresse
of
his
life
.
Herevpon
he
cast
forth
a
cruel
curse
against
his
sonne
,
which
he
could
neuer
be
entreated
to
reuoke
:
in
so
much
as
vpon
his
death-bed
he
said
of
him
[
w
](A02848-e20860-b)
w
Lib.
Vitj
.
Will
.
conq
.
,
that
it
was
a
miserable
countrey
which
should
bee
subiect
to
his
dominion
,
for
that
he
was
a
proud
and
foolish
knaue
,
&
to
be
long
scourged
with
cruell
fortune
.
And
wheras
you
write
that
at
the
time
of
his
fathers
death
he
was
absent
in
the
warre
of
Hierusalem
,
it
is
a
very
negligent
vntruth
.
But
it
is
an
idle
vntruth
that
you
write
,
that
Henry
the
first
had
no
other
title
to
the
crowne
,
but
the
election
of
the
people
.
He
neuer
was
elected
by
the
people
;
he
neuer
pretended
any
such
title
.
Nubrigensis
[
x
](A02848-e20910-b)
x
Lib.
1.
cap
3.
&
after
him
Polydore
[
y
](A02848-e20930-b)
y
In
Henr.
1.
sol.
181.
do
report
,
that
he
laid
his
title
,
because
he
was
borne
after
his
father
was
king
.
Malmesburie
[
z
](A02848-e20950-b)
z
In
Henr.
1.
lib.
5.
saith
;
Henry
,
the
youngest
sonne
of
William
the
great
,
being
an
Infant
,
according
to
the
desires
and
wishes
of
all
men
was
excellently
brought
vp
,
[
&
](A02848-e20980-b)
&
Quod
solus
omnium
filiorum
Willielminatus
est
regie
,
&
ei
regnum
videretur
competere
.
because
he
alone
of
all
the
sonnes
of
William
,
was
princely
borne
,
and
the
kingdome
seemed
to
appertaine
vnto
him
.
He
was
borne
in
England
in
the
third
yeare
after
his
father
entred
into
it
.
And
this
was
the
like
controuersie
to
that
which
Herodotus
[
a
](A02848-e21020-b)
a
In
polyhim●n
reporteth
,
to
haue
happened
betweene
the
sonnes
of
Darius
,
the
sonne
of
Hystaspis
,
king
of
Persia
,
when
hee
prepared
an
expedition
against
the
Grecians
and
Aegyptians
:
because
by
the
lawes
of
Persia
,
the
king
might
not
enter
into
enterprise
of
armes
,
before
he
had
declared
his
successor
.
Darius
had
three
children
before
he
was
king
,
by
his
first
wife
,
the
daughter
of
Gobris
:
and
after
he
attained
the
kingdome
he
had
other
foure
,
by
Atossa
,
the
daughter
of
Cyrus
.
Artabazanes
was
eldest
of
the
first
sort
;
Xerxes
of
the
second
.
Artabazanes
alledged
,
that
he
was
eldest
of
all
the
Kings
children
;
and
that
it
was
the
custome
amongst
all
men
,
that
the
eldest
should
enioy
the
principalitie
.
Xerxes
alledged
,
that
he
was
begotten
of
Atossa
,
the
daughter
of
that
king
,
by
whose
puissance
the
Persians
had
gained
,
not
onely
libertie
,
but
also
power
.
Before
Darius
had
giuen
sentence
,
Demaratus
the
sonne
of
Aristo
,
cast
out
of
his
kingdome
of
Sparta
,
came
vnto
Xerxes
,
and
aduised
him
to
alledge
further
,
that
he
was
the
eldest
sonne
of
Darius
after
he
was
king
:
and
that
it
was
the
custome
of
Sparta
,
that
if
any
man
had
children
in
priuate
estate
,
and
afterward
an
other
sonne
when
he
was
king
,
this
last
sonne
should
be
his
successor
:
vpon
which
ground
Darius
pronounced
in
the
behalfe
of
Xerxes
.
The
same
historie
is
reported
by
Iustine
[
b
](A02848-e21250-b)
b
Lib.
2.
,
and
touched
also
by
Plutarch
[
c
](A02848-e21270-b)
c
Lib.
de
fraacrna
beneuolentia
.
,
although
they
differ
,
both
from
Herodotus
,
and
one
from
the
other
in
some
points
of
circumstance
.
Hereto
also
agreeth
that
which
Iosephus
writeth
[
d
](A02848-e21300-b)
d
Antiq.
lib.
16
cap
3.
,
in
reprehending
king
Herod
,
for
excluding
Alexander
and
Aristobulus
his
sonnes
,
and
appointing
Antipater
,
borne
to
him
in
priuate
estate
,
to
succeed
in
his
kingdome
.
Many
great
Lawiers
haue
subscribed
their
opinions
to
this
kinde
of
title
;
and
namely
Pet.
Cynus
,
Baldus
,
Albericus
,
Raph.
Fulgosius
[
e
](A02848-e21370-b)
e
In
l.
imperialis
.
§
illud
.
C
de
nupt.
,
Rebuffus
[
f
](A02848-e21390-b)
f
In
l.
si
lenatus
C.
de
dignit
.
lib.
12.
;
and
Anto.
Corsetta
[
g
](A02848-e21410-b)
g
In
tract
.
de
pot
.
&
excell
.
reg
§.
16.
deliuereth
it
for
a
common
opinion
.
But
with
this
exception
,
if
the
kingdome
be
acquired
by
any
other
title
then
by
succession
,
according
to
proximitie
in
bloud
:
for
in
this
case
,
because
the
dignitie
is
inherent
in
the
stocke
,
the
eldest
sonne
shall
succeede
,
although
he
were
borne
before
his
father
was
King
[
h
](A02848-e21420-b)
h
Pet.
Iac.
in
arb.
success
.
reg
Franc.
10.
Rai
.
in
cap.
praeterea
.
tit.
de
prohis
seud
.
ali
&
in
tract
.
nobil
quest.
10.
Iac.
a
S.
Georg.
in
tract
.
seud
.
D.
Benedic
.
in
rep.
c.
Rainuitius
.
n.
200.
de
testam
.
.
And
therefore
Plutarch
writeth
[
i
](A02848-e21440-b)
i
In
Arraxerxe
.
that
after
the
kingdome
of
Persia
was
setled
in
succession
,
when
Darius
the
King
had
foure
sonnes
,
Artaxerxes
the
eldest
,
Cyrus
the
next
,
and
two
other
;
Parysatis
his
wife
hauing
a
desire
that
Cyrus
should
succeede
in
the
kingdome
,
pressed
in
his
behalfe
the
same
reason
wherewith
Xerxes
had
preuailed
before
:
affirming
,
that
shee
had
brought
forth
Artaxerxes
to
Darius
,
when
hee
was
a
priuate
man
;
but
Cyrus
,
when
he
was
a
king
.
Yet
Plutarch
writeth
,
that
the
reason
which
shee
vsed
was
nothing
probable
;
and
that
the
eldest
was
designed
to
be
King
.
Howsoeuer
the
right
stoode
betweene
Robert
Duke
of
Normandie
,
and
his
younger
brothers
,
the
facte
did
not
stande
eyther
with
the
quiet
or
safetie
of
the
Realme
.
For
,
during
the
raigne
of
William
Rufus
,
it
was
often
infested
vpon
this
quarell
,
both
with
forren
armes
and
ciuill
seditions
;
which
possessed
all
places
with
disorder
,
and
many
also
with
fire
,
rapine
and
bloud
,
the
principall
effects
of
a
li●entious
warre
.
These
mischiefes
not
onely
continued
but
encreased
in
the
raigne
of
King
Henry
,
vntill
Robert
the
eldest
brother
was
taken
prisoner
in
the
fielde
,
which
put
a
period
to
all
his
attempts
.
So
dangerous
it
is
vpon
any
pretence
to
put
bye
the
next
in
succession
to
the
crowne
.
This
Henry
the
first
left
but
one
daughter
,
and
by
her
a
young
sonne
named
Henry
,
to
whom
hee
appoynted
the
succession
of
the
Realme
:
and
tooke
an
oath
of
all
the
Bishops
,
and
likewise
of
the
Nobilitie
,
to
remaine
faithfull
vnto
them
after
his
decease
.
Yet
you
write
,
that
because
Stephen
,
sonne
of
Adela
,
sister
to
King
Henry
,
was
thought
by
the
states
more
fit
to
gouerne
,
he
was
by
them
admitted
to
the
Crowne
.
In
which
assertion
,
you
cannot
be
deceiued
,
you
do
not
erre
;
but
your
passion
doth
pull
you
from
your
owne
knowledge
and
iudgement
.
Polydore
writeth
,
[
k
](A02848-e21690-b)
k
Lib.
12.
in
prin.
that
hee
possessed
the
kingdome
contrary
to
his
oath
,
for
which
cause
the
mindes
of
all
men
were
exceedingly
mooued
:
some
did
abhorre
and
detest
the
impietie
;
others
,
and
those
very
fewe
,
vnmindefull
of
periurie
,
did
more
boldely
then
honestly
allowe
it
,
and
followed
his
part
.
Further
he
saith
,
[
l
](A02848-e21700-b)
l
Ibidem
.
that
he
was
crowned
at
Westminster
,
in
an
assembly
of
those
noble
men
who
were
his
friendes
.
Nubrigensis
affirmeth
,
that
[
m
](A02848-e21720-b)
m
Sacramenti
praeuaricator
regnum
in
vasit
.
violating
his
oath
hee
inuaded
the
kingdome
.
William
Malmesburie
,
who
liued
in
King
Stephens
time
,
saith
[
n
](A02848-e21760-b)
n
In
hist.
●●uel
lib.
1.
sol.
101.
a.
;
that
he
was
the
first
of
all
lay
men
,
next
the
King
of
Scots
,
who
had
made
oath
to
the
Empresse
Mawde
;
and
that
he
was
crowned
,
[
o
](A02848-e21780-b)
o
Tribus
episcopis
praesentibus
,
nullis
abbatibus
,
paucissimis
optimatibus
.
three
Bishops
being
present
(
of
whom
one
was
his
brother
)
no
Abbot
,
and
a
very
fewe
of
the
Nobilitie
.
Henry
Huntington
,
who
liued
also
in
the
same
time
,
saith
[
p
](A02848-e21800-b)
p
lib.
8
pa
221.
Vigore
&
impudentia
●retus
.
;
that
by
force
and
impudencie
tempting
God
,
he
inuaded
the
Crowne
.
Afterward
he
reporteth
[
q
](A02848-e21810-b)
q
Pa.
221.
,
that
being
desirous
to
haue
his
sonne
Eustace
crowned
king
with
him
,
the
Bishops
withstood
it
,
vpon
commaundement
from
the
Pope
:
because
hee
tooke
vpon
him
the
kingdom
against
his
oath
[
r
](A02848-e21830-b)
r
Quia
regnum
contra
iusiu
.
randum
p●aeripuisse
videbatur
.
,
Roger
Houeden
writeth
[
s
](A02848-e21850-b)
s
Pa.
275.
quasi
tempestas
inuasit
.
,
that
he
inuaded
the
Crowne
in
manner
of
a
tempest
.
This
is
the
report
of
those
writers
who
came
nearest
,
both
to
the
time
and
truth
of
this
action
:
whom
other
Authors
do
likewise
follow
.
Polydore
[
t
](A02848-e21880-b)
t
In
prine
li.
12
,
and
after
him
Hollingshead
do
write
,
that
he
tooke
vpon
him
the
Crowne
,
[
u
](A02848-e21900-b)
u
In
Steph.
partly
vpon
confidence
in
the
power
of
Theobald
his
brother
,
Earle
of
Blois
;
and
partly
by
the
aid
of
Hen.
his
other
brother
Bishop
of
Winchester
.
Walsinghame
addeth
[
w
](A02848-e21950-b)
w
Hypodig
.
pa.
,
8.
,
that
Hugh
Bigot
,
who
had
bene
King
Henries
Steward
,
tooke
an
oath
before
the
Archbishoppe
of
Canterburie
,
that
King
Henry
at
his
death
appointed
Stephen
to
be
his
successour
.
Wherevpon
the
Archbishop
and
a
fewe
others
were
ouer-lightly
ledde
,
like
men
blinded
with
securitie
,
and
of
little
foresight
:
neuer
considering
of
daungers
,
vntill
the
meanes
of
remedie
were
past
.
You
write
that
they
thought
they
might
haue
d●ne
this
with
a
good
conscience
,
for
the
good
of
the
Realme
.
But
what
good
conscience
could
they
haue
in
defiling
their
faith
?
such
consciences
you
endeuour
to
frame
in
all
men
,
to
breake
an
oathe
with
as
great
facilitie
,
as
a
Squirrell
can
cracke
a
Nut.
What
good
also
did
ensue
vnto
the
Realme
?
The
Nobilitie
were
set
into
factions
;
the
common
people
into
diuision
and
disorder
:
and
as
in
warres
where
discipline
is
at
large
,
there
insolencies
are
infinite
;
so
in
this
confusion
of
the
state
,
there
was
no
action
which
tended
not
to
the
ruine
thereof
;
the
liues
and
goods
of
men
remaining
in
continuall
pillage
.
Polydore
saith
[
x
](A02848-e22020-b)
x
Lib.
12.
pa.
107.
:
Matrons
were
violated
,
virgins
rauished
,
Churches
spoiled
,
Townes
and
Villages
rased
,
much
cattle
destroied
,
innumerable
men
slaine
.
Into
this
miserable
face
of
extremities
the
Realme
did
fall
;
&
into
the
same
againe
you
striue
to
reduce
it
.
But
you
say
,
that
for
the
ending
of
these
mischiefes
,
the
States
in
a
Parliament
at
Wallingford
made
an
agreement
,
that
Stephen
should
be
King
during
his
life
,
and
that
Henry
and
his
offspring
should
succeede
after
his
death
.
A
man
would
thinke
you
had
a
mint
of
fables
;
there
is
no
historie
which
you
handle
,
but
you
defile
it
with
apish
vntruthes
.
All
our
histories
agree
,
that
king
Stephen
,
vnable
to
range
things
into
better
forme
,
did
adopt
Henry
to
be
his
successor
.
The
second
Huntington
faith
[
y
](A02848-e22100-b)
y
Pa
228.
,
that
this
agreement
was
mediated
,
by
the
Archb.
of
Cant.
and
the
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
who
repented
him
of
the
furtherance
he
gaue
to
the
aduancement
of
king
Stephen
,
when
he
sawe
what
miseries
did
therevpon
ensue
.
The
like
doth
Houeden
report
[
z
](A02848-e22130-b)
z
Fol.
281.2
.
:
and
Holingshead
[
&
](A02848-e22150-b)
&
Pa.
62.
setteth
downe
the
forme
of
the
charter
o●
agreement
betweene
them
;
whereby
it
is
euident
,
that
it
was
a
transaction
betweene
them
two
,
and
no
compulsorie
act
or
authoritie
of
the
State
.
I
denie
not
but
some
Authors
affirme
,
that
the
King
assembled
the
Nobilitie
,
but
neyther
were
they
the
States
of
the
Realme
,
neither
were
they
assembled
to
any
other
ende
,
but
to
sweare
fealtie
vnto
Henry
,
sauing
the
kings
honour
so
long
as
hee
should
liue
.
After
the
death
of
King
Richard
the
first
,
you
affirme
that
the
succession
was
againe
broken
;
for
that
Iohn
,
brother
to
King
Richard
,
was
admitted
by
the
States
,
and
Arthur
Duke
of
Britaine
,
sonne
to
Geoffrye
,
elder
brother
vnto
Iohn
,
was
against
the
ordinarie
course
of
succession
excluded
.
Well
sir
,
I
arrest
your
worde
;
remember
this
I
pray
you
,
for
I
will
put
you
in
minde
thereof
in
an
other
place
.
That
which
here
you
affirme
to
be
against
the
ordinarie
course
of
succession
,
you
bring
in
an
other
place
for
proofe
,
that
the
Vncle
hath
right
before
the
Nephewe
.
You
do
wildely
wauer
in
varietie
of
opinion
,
speaking
flatte
contraries
,
according
as
the
ague
of
your
passion
is
eyther
in
fitte
or
intermission
.
The
Historie
of
King
Iohn
standeth
thus
.
King
Richard
the
first
dying
without
issue
,
left
behinde
him
a
brother
named
Iohn
,
and
a
Nephewe
called
Arthur
,
sonne
of
Geoffrye
,
who
was
elder
brother
vnto
Iohn
.
This
Arthur
was
appointed
by
King
Richard
to
succeede
in
his
estate
,
as
Polydore
writeth
[
a
](A02848-e22350-b)
a
Lib.
15.
in
prin.
.
Nubrigensis
saith
,
that
he
should
haue
bene
established
by
consent
of
the
Nobilitie
,
if
the
Britaines
had
not
bene
so
foolishly
,
eyther
suspitious
or
fonde
,
that
when
King
Richard
sent
for
him
,
they
refused
to
commit
him
into
his
Vncles
hands
.
But
after
the
death
of
king
Richard
,
his
brother
Iohn
seized
vpon
his
treasure
in
Normandie
,
came
ouer
into
England
,
and
in
an
assembly
onely
of
the
Nobilitie
,
was
crowned
king
.
Of
these
,
many
he
wonne
with
such
liberall
protestations
and
promises
,
as
men
carelesse
of
their
word
are
wont
to
bestowe
:
others
were
abused
by
the
perswasions
of
Hubert
Archbishop
of
Canterburie
,
and
a
fewe
others
(
saith
Polydore
[
b
](A02848-e22430-b)
b
Lib.
15
pa.
262.
)
not
well
aduised
.
Nic.
Triuet
saith
[
c
](A02848-e22460-b)
c
In
prologo
.
,
that
Iohn
pretended
for
his
title
,
not
the
election
of
the
people
,
but
propinquitie
of
bloud
[
d
](A02848-e22480-b)
d
Iure
propinquitatis
.
,
and
the
testament
of
king
Richard
.
The
same
also
is
affirmed
by
Walsingham
[
e
](A02848-e22510-b)
e
Hypodig
.
po.
50.
.
And
this
is
the
question
betweene
the
Vncle
and
the
Nephewe
,
of
which
I
shall
haue
occasion
to
speake
hereafter
.
But
Polydore
saith
[
f
](A02848-e22530-b)
f
Lib.
15.
pa.
263.
,
that
diuers
noble
men
did
account
this
to
be
a
fraudulent
iniustice
,
and
therevpon
did
ominate
those
euils
which
afterward
did
ensue
.
And
when
the
Archbishop
was
charged
,
that
vnder
colour
of
reason
,
partly
subborned
,
and
partly
weake
,
he
had
bene
the
occasion
of
all
those
mischiefes
.
Polydore
[
g
](A02848-e22550-b)
g
Pa
,
269.
saith
,
that
he
was
both
grieued
and
ashamed
at
nothing
more
;
Rog.
Wenden
affirmeth
,
that
he
excused
himselfe
,
that
he
did
it
vpon
oracles
,
and
by
the
gift
of
prophesie
.
King
Iohn
hauing
locked
himselfe
into
the
saddle
of
state
,
made
one
wrong
which
he
had
done
,
to
be
the
cause
of
a
greater
wrong
;
by
murthering
his
Nephew
,
Arthur
,
Duke
of
Britane
,
whose
inheritance
he
did
vniustly
vsurpe
.
For
this
fact
the
French
king
depriued
him
of
all
the
landes
which
he
helde
in
fee
of
the
crowne
of
France
,
&
prosecuted
the
sentence
to
effect
.
After
this
,
as
men
are
easily
imboldened
against
an
vsurper
,
when
once
he
declineth
eyther
in
reputation
or
in
state
,
diuers
of
the
Nobilitie
,
especially
they
of
the
North
,
confederated
against
him
:
but
being
neither
able
to
endure
his
warre
,
nor
willing
to
repose
trust
in
his
peace
,
they
contracted
with
Lewis
the
French
kings
sonne
,
to
take
vpon
him
to
be
their
king
.
And
so
it
often
happeneth
in
ciuill
contentions
,
that
they
who
are
weakest
,
do
runne
with
a
naturall
rashnesse
to
call
in
a
third
.
Lewes
being
arriued
vpon
the
coast
of
Kent
,
the
Nobilitie
of
that
faction
[
h
](A02848-e22650-b)
h
Walsing.
hypodigm●
.
pa.
56.
,
came
and
sware
alleageance
vnto
him
.
The
Londoners
also
,
many
vpon
an
ordinarie
desire
to
haue
new
kings
,
others
for
feare
,
and
●ome
for
company
,
ioyned
to
the
reuolt
.
Hereof
a
lamentable
presence
of
all
miseries
did
arise
,
whereby
as
well
the
libertie
as
the
dignitie
of
the
Realme
,
were
brought
to
a
neare
and
narrowe
iumpe
.
The
poore
people
,
naked
both
of
helpe
and
hope
,
stood
at
the
curtesie
and
pleasure
of
the
men
of
armes
;
the
libertie
of
warre
making
all
things
lawfull
to
the
furie
of
the
strongest
.
The
Nobilitie
,
feeling
much
,
and
fearing
more
the
insolencie
of
the
French
Nation
,
who
(
as
Vicount
Melin
a
noble
man
of
France
confessed
at
his
death
)
had
sworne
the
extirpation
of
all
the
noble
bloud
in
the
Realme
,
began
to
deuise
,
how
they
might
returne
into
the
alleageance
of
king
Iohn
:
in
so
much
as
a
litle
before
his
death
,
Letters
were
b●ought
vnto
him
from
certaine
of
his
Barons
,
to
the
number
of
fortie
,
who
desired
to
be
receiued
againe
into
his
peace
.
But
after
his
death
,
which
happily
did
happen
within
fiue
moneths
after
the
arriuall
of
the
French
,
both
their
hatred
and
their
feare
being
at
an
ende
,
they
were
all
as
readie
to
cast
out
Lewes
,
as
they
had
bene
rash
to
call
him
in
.
This
History
you
corrupt
with
verie
many
odious
vntruthes
,
which
are
more
harsh
to
a
well
tuned
eare
,
then
the
crashing
of
teeth
,
or
the
grating
of
copper
.
As
namely
in
affirming
,
that
Arthur
was
excluded
,
and
Iohn
crowned
King
by
the
states
of
the
Realme
;
that
God
did
more
defend
this
act
of
the
Common-wealth
,
then
the
iust
title
of
Arthur
;
that
by
the
same
states
,
king
Iohn
was
reiected
,
Prince
Henry
his
sonne
depriued
,
and
Lewes
of
France
chosen
to
be
king
;
that
the
same
states
recalled
their
sentence
against
Prince
Henry
,
disanulling
their
oathe
and
alleageance
made
vnto
Lewes
.
A
shamelesse
tongue
,
gouerned
by
a
deceitfull
minde
,
can
easily
call
,
faction
,
the
Common
wealth
;
rebellion
,
a
iust
and
iudiciall
proceeding
;
open
an
often
periurie
,
an
orderly
reuoking
of
a
sentence
;
Gods
secret
iudgement
in
permitting
iniustice
to
preuaile
,
a
plain
defence
and
allowance
thereof
.
Of
the
diuision
of
the
houses
of
Lancastar
and
Yorke
,
it
is
but
little
that
you
write
,
whereto
I
haue
fully
answered
before
:
you
do
wisely
to
giue
a
light
touch
to
this
example
,
it
is
so
hotte
that
it
will
scalde
your
throate
.
King
Henry
the
fourth
,
more
caried
by
cursed
ambition
,
then
either
by
necessitie
or
right
,
laide
an
vniust
gripe
vpon
the
Realme
,
which
afterward
he
did
beautifie
with
the
counterfeit
titles
of
conquest
and
election
.
So
violent
are
the
desires
of
Princes
to
imbrace
streined
titles
,
by
whiche
they
may
disturbe
the
states
of
other
;
not
remembring
,
that
right
may
be
troaden
downe
,
but
not
troaden
out
;
hauing
her
secret
both
meanes
to
support
,
and
seasons
to
reuiue
her
.
For
although
the
lawfull
successor
did
warily
strike
saile
to
the
tempest
,
because
neither
the
time
running
,
nor
the
opportunitie
present
(
which
are
the
guiders
of
actions
)
did
consent
as
then
to
enter
into
enterprise
.
Yet
so
soone
as
one
heare
of
occasion
was
offered
,
his
progenie
did
set
vp
a
most
doubtfull
warre
,
wherein
thirteene
battailes
were
executed
by
English-men
only
,
and
aboue
fourescore
Princes
of
the
royall
blood
slaine
.
Loe
now
the
smiling
successe
of
these
vsurpations
;
loe
what
a
deare
purchase
of
repentance
they
did
cause
!
Were
it
not
that
passion
doth
blind
men
,
not
only
in
desire
but
in
hope
,
they
might
suffice
to
make
vs
aduised
,
to
keepe
rather
the
knowne
&
beaten
way
with
safetie
,
then
vpon
euery
giddie
and
brainlesse
warrant
to
engulphe
our selues
in
those
passages
,
wherein
so
many
haue
perished
before
vs
.
It
belongeth
to
wise
men
to
auoide
mischies
;
and
it
is
the
reward
of
fooles
to
lament
them
.
Goe
too
then
,
conclude
if
you
please
that
the
people
are
not
bound
to
admit
him
to
the
Crowne
,
who
is
the
next
successor
by
propinquitie
of
blood
;
but
rather
to
weigh
,
whether
it
is
like
that
hee
will
performe
his
charge
,
or
no.
Conclude
this
(
I
say
)
to
be
your
opinion
;
and
that
it
seemeth
to
you
to
be
conforme
to
all
reason
,
lawe
,
religion
,
pietie
,
wisedome
and
policie
,
and
to
the
custome
of
all
Common
wealthes
in
the
world
:
and
I
wil
assuredly
conclude
against
you
,
that
you
prate
without
either
warrant
or
weight
.
To
the
ninth
Chapter
,
which
beareth
title
,
What
are
the
principall
points
which
a
Common-wealth
ought
to
respect
in
admitting
or
excluding
any
Prince
,
wherein
is
handled
largely
also
,
of
the
diuersitie
of
religions
,
and
other
such
causes
.
IN
this
passage
you
handle
what
cause
is
sufficient
,
either
to
keepe
in
,
or
to
cast
the
next
in
blood
out
of
state
.
In
which
question
you
determine
,
that
God
doth
allowe
for
a
iust
and
sufficient
cause
,
the
will
&
iudgement
of
the
people
.
Your
reason
is
,
for
that
they
are
the
iudge
of
the
thing
it selfe
,
and
therefore
they
are
the
iudge
also
of
the
cause
.
Your
antecedent
you
proue
;
First
,
for
that
it
is
in
their
owne
affaire
;
secondly
,
for
that
it
is
in
a
matter
that
hath
his
whole
beginning
,
continuance
and
substance
from
them
alone
.
Your
consequence
you
proue
by
a
whole
lump
of
lawe
,
in
alleaging
the
entire
bodie
of
the
ciuil
and
Canon
lawe
,
assisted
also
with
great
reason
.
Diogenes
said
of
a
certain
Tumbler
,
that
he
neuer
sawe
man
take
more
paines
to
breake
his
necke
.
In
like
sort
we
may
say
of
you
;
It
is
hard
to
finde
a
man
that
hath
more
busied
his
wittes
,
to
ouerthrow
the
opinion
of
his
wisedome
.
For
the
first
proofe
of
your
antecedent
,
is
not
only
of
no
force
for
you
,
but
strong
against
you
;
because
no
man
is
a
competent
iudge
in
his
owne
cause
;
no
man
can
bee
both
partie
and
iudge
:
whereto
I
wil
adde
,
that
no
inferiour
hath
iurisdiction
ouer
the
superiour
,
much
lesse
the
subiect
against
the
Soueraigne
.
Your
second
proofe
,
that
all
the
power
of
a
King
hath
dependency
vpon
the
people
,
I
haue
sufficiently
encountred
before
[
h
](A02848-e22930-b)
h
Ca.
1.
.
And
if
your
consequence
were
true
,
that
whosoeuer
is
iudge
of
a
thing
,
is
iudg
also
without
controwlment
of
the
cause
;
if
this
were
as
agreeable
to
all
lawes
as
you
make
countenance
,
then
were
all
iudgements
arbitrarie
;
then
could
no
appeale
be
enterposed
,
for
giuing
sentence
without
iust
cause
;
then
were
it
false
which
Panormitane
writeth
[
l
](A02848-e22950-b)
l
In
e
per
tuas
.
Qui
fil
.
sunt
legit
.
,
that
a
false
cause
expressed
in
a
sentence
maketh
it
voide
.
What
shall
I
say
?
what
doe
you
thinke
?
doe
you
think
that
these
fat
drops
of
a
greasie
brain
,
can
bring
the
tenure
of
a
crown
to
the
wil
of
the
people
?
what
are
you
who
endeuour
thus
boldly
to
abuse
both
our
iudgement
&
conscience
?
Are
you
religious
?
are
you
of
ciuil
either
nature
or
education
,
who
vnder
the
name
of
Ciuilian
do
open
the
way
to
all
maner
of
deceits
,
periuries
,
tumults
&
treasons
?
What
are
you
?
For
you
shewe
your selfe
more
prophane
then
Infidels
;
more
barbarous
then
Caniballs
,
Tartarians
,
Moores
&
Mammelucks
;
who
though
they
beare
themselues
in
nothing
more
then
hatred
and
contempt
,
yet
do
they
both
loue
&
honor
their
kings
.
I
see
what
you
are
,
the
very
true
follower
of
the
Anabaptists
in
Garmanie
,
who
openly
professed
,
that
they
must
ruinate
the
state
of
kings
.
And
who
can
assure
vs
(
for
your
corrupt
dealing
make
all
suspitions
credible
)
that
you
doe
not
also
follow
them
both
in
desire
and
hope
,
to
imbrace
the
Monarchy
of
the
whole
world
.
The
difference
betweene
you
is
this
:
they
pretended
reuelation
for
their
warrant
:
you
worke
by
deceitfull
shewe
of
reason
,
by
falsly
either
alleaging
,
or
wresting
,
or
corrupting
both
humane
and
diuine
authoritie
.
In
what
miserable
condition
should
Princes
liue
,
if
their
slate
depended
vpon
the
pleasure
of
the
people
,
in
whom
company
taketh
away
shame
,
and
euery
man
may
laie
the
fault
on
his
fellow
?
How
could
they
commaund
?
who
would
obey
?
what
could
they
safely
either
doe
or
omit
?
Who
knowes
a
people
,
that
knoweth
not
,
that
suddain
opinion
maketh
them
hope
,
which
if
it
be
not
presently
answered
,
they
fall
into
hate
?
choosing
and
refusing
,
erecting
and
ouerthrowing
,
as
euery
winde
of
passion
doth
puffe
.
What
staiednesse
in
their
will
or
desire
?
which
hauing
so
many
circles
of
imagination
,
can
neuer
be
enclosed
in
one
point
.
And
whereas
you
write
,
that
God
alwaies
approueth
the
will
and
iudgement
of
the
people
,
as
being
properly
the
iudge
of
the
whole
businesse
;
and
that
euery
particular
man
must
simply
submit
himselfe
therevnto
,
without
further
inquisition
,
although
at
diuers
times
they
determine
contraries
,
(
as
they
did
betweene
the
houses
of
Lancaster
and
Yorke
)
because
we
must
presume
that
they
were
ledde
by
different
respects
.
You
seeme
not
obscurely
to
erect
thereby
another
priuiledged
power
vppon
earth
;
which
cannot
erre
,
which
doth
not
deceiue
.
But
it
may
be
some
honest
minded
man
will
say
,
that
howsoeuer
you
write
,
your
meaning
was
otherwise
;
you
write
also
afterward
,
that
in
two
cases
euery
priuate
man
is
bounde
to
resist
the
iudgement
of
the
whole
people
,
to
the
vttermost
extent
of
his
abilitie
.
Well
then
,
let
vs
take
you
for
a
man
,
whose
sayings
disagree
,
both
from
your
meaning
,
and
betweene
themselues
:
let
vs
consider
what
are
your
two
exceptions
.
The
first
is
when
the
matter
is
carried
,
not
by
way
of
orderly
iudgement
,
but
by
particular
faction
of
priuate
men
,
who
will
make
offer
to
determine
the
cause
,
without
authoritie
of
the
Realme
committed
vnto
them
.
But
this
exception
is
so
large
,
that
it
deuoureth
the
whole
rule
:
for
in
actions
of
this
qualitie
,
the
originall
is
alwaies
by
faction
▪
the
accomplishment
by
force
,
or
at
least
by
feare
,
howsoeuer
they
are
sometimes
countenanced
with
authoritie
of
the
state
.
So
Sylla
,
hauing
brought
his
legions
within
the
walles
of
Rome
,
obteined
the
lawe
Valeria
to
be
published
,
whereby
he
was
created
Dictator
for
24.
yeares
:
by
meanes
of
which
force
,
Cicero
affirmeth
[
m
](A02848-e23060-b)
m
Lib.
de
legibus
.
that
it
was
no
lawe
.
Likewise
Lawrence
Medices
,
hauing
an
armie
within
Florence
,
caused
,
or
rather
constrained
the
Citizens
to
elect
him
Duke
.
When
Henry
the
fourth
was
chosen
king
,
ho
held
fortie
thousand
men
in
Armes
.
And
this
is
most
euident
by
your
owne
example
,
of
foure
contrary
actes
of
Parliament
which
at
diuers
times
were
made
,
during
the
contention
betweene
the
families
of
Lancastar
and
Yorke
,
not
vpon
different
reasons
,
as
with
little
reason
you
affirme
,
but
vpon
different
successe
of
either
side
.
In
matters
of
this
moment
,
the
orderly
course
of
proceeding
is
onely
by
Parliament
.
The
Parliament
must
bee
summoned
by
the
Kings
writ
,
and
no
act
thereof
hath
life
,
But
by
expresse
consent
of
the
King
.
If
this
forme
had
alwayes
beene
obserued
,
neyther
our
Kinges
should
haue
beene
deposed
,
nor
the
next
successours
excluded
,
nor
the
title
of
the
crowne
entangled
,
to
the
inestimable
both
weakning
&
waste
of
all
the
Realme
.
Your
second
exception
is
,
when
such
a
man
is
preferred
to
the
crowne
,
by
whom
God
is
manifestly
offended
,
&
the
realme
preiudiced
or
endangered
:
in
which
case
(
you
say
)
euery
man
,
with
a
free
and
vntrowled
conscience
,
may
resist
what
he
can
.
It
was
euen
here
I
looked
for
you
.
Your
broyling
spirits
do
nothing
else
but
fling
firebrands
,
&
heape
on
wood
,
to
set
kingdomes
in
combustion
.
What
rebellion
,
what
reuolt
hath
euer
bin
made
,
but
vnder
some
of
these
pretenses
?
what
Princes
actions
,
either
by
malicious
or
ignorant
interpretation
,
may
not
easily
be
drawen
to
one
of
these
heades
?
you
are
a
nursery
of
war
in
the
common-wealth
:
a
Seminary
of
schisme
&
diuision
in
the
church
:
In
sum
,
all
your
actions
,
all
your
thoughts
are
barbarous
&
bloody
.
You
write
much
of
right
&
iustice
,
but
you
measure
the
right
&
iustice
of
a
cause
,
by
the
aduantage
of
your
owne
affaires
.
You
speak
as
hauing
a
tender
touch
of
the
glorie
of
God
;
but
you
stretch
out
your
throate
with
high
wordes
of
contradiction
against
him
.
You
make
shew
of
care
to
pre●erue
the
state
,
but
you
are
like
the
Iuy
,
which
●eemeth
outwardly
both
to
imbrace
and
adorne
the
wall
,
whereinto
inwardly
it
doth
both
eate
&
vndermine
.
For
what
meanes
either
more
readie
or
forceable
to
ouerthrow
a
state
,
then
faction
and
intestine
quarels
?
and
what
other
milke
doe
you
yeelde
?
what
are
your
opinions
?
what
your
exhortations
?
but
either
to
set
,
or
to
holde
vp
sedition
and
bloodshead
?
Saint
Paule
teacheth
vs
not
to
resist
higher
powers
[
n
](A02848-e23160-b)
n
Rom.
13.
,
although
both
cruel
and
prophane
;
you
teach
vs
to
resist
them
what
we
can
:
the
Apostle
is
followed
of
al
the
auntient
Fathers
of
the
church
;
you
are
followed
of
those
only
who
follow
the
Anabaptists
.
For
my
part
,
I
had
rather
erre
with
the
Apostle
in
this
opposition
,
then
holde
truth
with
you
.
But
I
will
speake
more
moderately
in
a
subiect
of
such
nature
;
I
wil
not
say
then
that
I
had
rather
erre
,
but
that
I
shall
lesse
feare
to
erre
in
not
resisting
with
the
Apostle
,
them
in
resisting
with
you
.
New
councels
are
alwaies
more
plausible
then
safe
.
After
you
haue
plaide
the
Suffenus
with
your selfe
,
in
setting
the
garland
vpon
your
owne
head
,
and
making
your
imaginarie
audience
to
applaude
your
opinion
,
as
worshipfully
wise
,
you
proceede
to
declare
what
ought
chiefly
●o
be
regarded
,
in
furthering
or
hindering
any
Prince
towards
the
Crowne
.
Three
points
(
you
say
)
are
to
bee
required
in
euerie
Prince
,
religion
,
chiualrie
and
iustice
;
and
putting
aside
the
two
last
,
as
both
handled
by
others
,
and
of
least
importance
,
you
assume
onely
to
treate
of
religion
;
wherein
,
eyther
errour
or
want
doth
bring
inestimable
damage
to
any
state
.
You
drawe
along
discourse
,
that
the
highest
end
of
euery
Common-wealth
,
is
the
seruice
&
worship
of
God
;
and
consequently
,
that
the
care
of
religion
is
the
principall
charge
which
pertaineth
to
a
King
.
And
therfore
you
conclude
,
that
whatsoeuer
prince
doth
not
assist
his
subiects
to
attaine
this
ende
,
omitteth
the
chief
part
of
his
charge
,
&
committeth
high
treason
against
his
Lord
,
and
is
not
fit
to
holde
that
dignitie
,
though
he
performe
the
other
two
partes
neuer
so
well
.
And
that
no
cause
can
to
iustly
cleare
the
conscience
,
whether
of
the
people
,
or
of
particular
men
,
in
resisting
the
entrance
of
any
Prince
,
as
if
they
iudge
him
faultie
in
religion
.
This
is
neither
nothing
,
nor
all
which
you
say
.
In
electiue
states
,
the
people
ought
not
to
admit
any
man
for
King
,
who
is
eyther
colde
or
corrupt
in
religion
;
but
if
they
haue
admitted
such
a
one
with
soueraigne
authoritie
,
they
haue
no
power
at
pleasure
to
remoue
him
.
In
successiue
kingdomes
wherein
the
people
haue
no
right
of
election
,
it
is
not
lawfull
for
priuate
men
vpon
this
cause
to
offer
to
impeach
,
either
the
entrance
or
continuance
of
that
king
,
which
the
lawes
of
the
State
do
present
vnto
them
:
not
only
because
it
is
forbidden
of
God
(
for
that
is
the
least
part
of
your
regard
)
but
because
disorderly
disturbance
of
a
setled
forme
in
gouernment
,
traineth
after
it
more
both
impieties
and
dangers
,
then
hath
euer
ensued
the
imperfections
of
a
king
.
I
will
come
more
close
to
the
point
in
controuersie
,
and
dispell
these
foggie
reasons
which
stand
betweene
your
eye
and
the
truth
.
There
are
two
principall
parts
of
the
lawe
of
God
;
the
one
morall
or
natural
,
which
containeth
three
points
;
sobrietie
in
our selues
,
iustice
towards
others
,
and
generally
also
reuerence
and
pietie
towards
God
:
the
other
is
supernaturall
;
which
containeth
the
true
faith
of
the
mysteries
of
our
saluation
,
and
the
speciall
kind
of
worship
that
God
doth
require
.
The
first
,
God
hath
deliuered
by
the
ministrie
of
nature
to
all
men
;
the
second
he
doth
partly
reueale
,
&
partly
enspire
to
whom
he
please
:
and
therefore
although
most
nations
haue
in
some
sort
obserued
the
one
,
yet
haue
they
not
only
erred
,
but
failed
in
the
other
.
During
the
time
of
the
lawe
,
this
peculiar
worship
of
God
was
appropriate
only
to
the
people
of
Israel
,
in
a
corner
kingdome
of
the
world
:
the
flourishing
Empires
of
the
Assirians
,
Medes
,
Persians
,
Aegyptians
,
Graecians
,
Syrians
and
Romans
,
eyther
knew
it
not
,
or
held
it
in
contempt
.
The
Israelites
were
almost
alwaies
in
subiection
vnder
these
both
Heathen
&
tyrannicall
gouernments
;
&
yet
God
by
his
Prophets
enioyned
them
obedience
;
affirming
,
that
the
hearts
of
kings
were
in
his
hands
;
&
that
they
were
,
the
officers
of
his
iustice
,
the
executioners
of
his
decrees
.
In
the
time
of
grace
,
the
true
mysteries
both
of
worship
and
beliefe
,
were
imparted
also
to
other
nations
;
but
the
ordinarie
meanes
to
propagate
the
same
,
was
neither
by
policie
,
nor
by
power
.
When
S.
Peter
offered
prouident
counsell
(
as
hee
thought
)
vnto
Christ
,
aduising
him
to
haue
care
of
himselfe
,
and
not
to
go
to
Hierusalem
,
where
the
Iewes
sought
to
put
him
to
death
,
Christ
did
sharply
reproue
him
for
it
[
o
](A02848-e23290-b)
o
Math.
16.25
.
:
when
he
did
drawe
his
sword
,
and
therwith
also
drew
bloud
in
defence
of
Christ
,
hee
heard
this
sentence
;
[
p
](A02848-e23310-b)
p
Math.
26.52
.
They
that
take
the
sworde
shall
perish
with
the
sworde
.
Christ
armed
his
Apostles
onely
with
firie
tongues
[
q
](A02848-e23340-b)
q
Act.
2.3
.
;
by
force
whereof
they
maintained
the
fielde
,
against
all
the
stratagems
and
strength
in
the
world
.
And
when
Princes
did
,
not
onely
reiect
but
persecute
their
doctrine
;
they
taught
their
subiects
obedience
vnto
them
[
r
](A02848-e23360-b)
r
Rom.
13.
1.
Pet.
2.
,
they
did
both
encounter
and
ouercome
them
,
not
by
resisting
,
but
by
persisting
and
enduring
.
This
course
seemeth
straunge
to
the
discourse
of
of
reason
,
to
plant
religion
vnder
the
obedience
of
kings
,
not
only
carelesse
therof
,
but
cruell
against
it
:
but
when
we
consider
that
the
Iewes
did
commonly
forsake
God
in
prosperitie
,
and
seeke
him
in
distresse
;
that
the
Church
of
Christ
was
more
pure
,
more
zealous
,
more
entire
,
I
might
also
say
more
populous
,
when
shee
trauelled
with
the
storme
in
her
face
,
then
when
the
winde
was
eyther
prosperous
or
calme
;
that
as
S.
Augustine
saith
Want
or
weakenesse
of
faith
is
vsually
chastised
with
the
scourges
of
tribulations
;
We
may
learne
thereby
no
further
to
examine
,
but
to
admire
and
embrace
the
vnsearchable
wisedome
and
will
of
God
.
Seeing
therefore
that
this
is
appointed
the
ordinarie
meanes
,
both
to
establish
and
encrease
religion
,
may
we
aduenture
to
exchange
it
with
humane
deuices
?
Is
it
the
seruants
dutie
eyther
to
contradict
or
dispute
the
maisters
commaundement
?
is
there
any
more
readie
way
to
proue
an
heretike
,
then
in
being
a
curious
questionist
with
God
?
is
hee
bounde
to
yeelde
to
any
man
a
reason
of
his
will
?
It
is
more
then
presumption
,
it
is
plaine
rebellion
to
oppose
our
reason
against
his
order
,
against
his
decree
.
It
standeth
also
vpon
common
rules
:
That
which
is
contrary
to
the
nature
of
a
thing
doth
not
helpe
to
strengthen
,
but
to
destroy
it
:
It
is
foolish
to
adde
externall
stay
,
to
that
which
is
sufficient
to
support
it selfe
:
It
is
sencelesse
to
attempt
that
by
force
,
which
no
force
is
able
to
effect
:
That
which
hath
a
proper
rule
,
must
not
be
directed
by
any
other
.
And
this
was
both
the
profession
and
practise
of
the
auntient
Fathers
of
the
Church
,
as
I
haue
declared
before
[
t
](A02848-e23460-b)
t
Ca.
●
.
;
wherto
I
wil
here
adde
that
which
S.
Ambrose
saith
[
u
](A02848-e23480-b)
u
Epist.
54.
:
Let
euery
man
beare
it
patiently
,
if
it
be
not
extorted
from
the
Emperor
,
which
he
would
be
loath
the
Emperor
should
extort
from
him
.
And
least
they
might
be
interpreted
not
to
mean
obedience
,
as
wel
to
succession
as
to
present
power
,
they
alledge
that
which
the
captiue
Iewes
of
Babilon
did
wright
,
to
the
tributarie
Iewes
which
were
at
Ierusalem
[
w
](A02848-e23500-b)
w
Hierem.
29.
Baruch
.
1
;
to
pray
for
the
life
not
onely
of
Nabuchodonosor
,
the
King
of
Babilon
,
but
also
of
Baltasar
his
sonne
,
the
next
successor
to
his
estate
.
But
in
latter
times
,
Innocentius
hath
taught
,
and
is
also
seconded
by
Castrensis
[
x
](A02848-e23560-b)
x
in
rep.
l.
5
de
iust
.
,
that
loue
is
a
iust
cause
to
moue
armes
for
matters
of
religion
;
vnder
which
pretence
,
diuers
men
haue
pursued
their
owne
priuate
purposes
&
end●s
.
Guicciardine
wrighteth
[
y
](A02848-e23580-b)
y
lib.
12.
,
that
Firdinand
who
was
called
the
catholicke
,
did
couer
al
his
couetous
and
ambitious
desires
,
with
the
honest
and
holy
veile
of
religion
:
the
like
dooth
Iouius
reporte
[
z
](A02848-e23610-b)
z
lib.
30.
of
Charles
the
fifth
Emperour
.
Paulus
Aemilius
[
&
](A02848-e23640-b)
&
Paul
.
Aem.
6.7.8
wrighteth
thus
of
all
:
euery
man
professeth
his
war
to
be
holy
;
euery
man
termeth
his
enemies
impious
,
sanctity
&
piety
is
in
euery
mans
mouth
,
but
in
aduise
and
in
action
nothing
lesse
.
The
contention
is
for
worldly
right
,
take
away
that
,
and
you
shall
finde
no
cause
of
war
.
Now
they
pretend
piety
to
euery
mischiefe
:
the
name
of
holy
warrefare
,
(
most
miserable
)
is
applied
vnto
armes
.
Hereupon
such
cru●ll
calamities
haue
ensued
in
most
partes
of
Europe
,
&
●specially
in
Germanie
and
France
,
with
so
little
furtherance
to
that
cause
,
for
whose
supportance
force
was
offred
,
that
all
the
chiefe
wrighters
of
our
age
are
now
reduced
to
the
former
opinion
;
affirming
with
Arnobius
[
a
](A02848-e23690-b)
a
Adu
.
ge.
3.4
.
that
religion
is
of
power
sufficient
for
it selfe
:
with
Tertulian
also
[
b
](A02848-e23710-b)
b
Apolo
.
Hactantius
[
c
](A02848-e23730-b)
c
Inst.
20.21
.
,
Cassiodorus
[
d
](A02848-e23750-b)
d
2.
Var.
27.
et
.
lib.
10
epi.
26.
Iosephus
[
e
](A02848-e23770-b)
e
de
Vi.
su.
,
S.
Barnard
[
f
](A02848-e23790-b)
f
cant
.
ser.
,
and
others
,
that
it
must
be
perswaded
and
not
enforced
.
They
of
your
society
,
as
they
tooke
their
originall
from
a
souldier
,
so
they
are
the
onely
Atheologians
whose
heades
entertaine
no
other
obiect
but
the
tumult
of
realmes
;
whose
doctrine
is
nothing
but
confusion
and
bloodshed
;
whose
perswasions
were
neuer
followed
,
but
they
haue
made
way
for
all
miseries
and
mischiefes
to
range
in
,
to
come
forward
,
to
thriue
,
to
preuaile
.
You
haue
alwayes
bin
like
a
winter
sunne
,
strong
enough
to
raise
vapours
,
but
vnable
to
dispell
them
.
For
most
cowardly
companions
may
set
vp
striefe
;
but
it
is
maintained
with
the
hazard
,
and
ended
with
the
ruine
,
alwayes
of
the
worthiest
,
and
sometimes
of
all
.
The
summe
is
this
.
So
long
as
we
expresse
pure
pietie
,
both
in
our
doctrine
and
in
our
doings
;
all
will
goe
well
;
but
when
we
make
a
mixture
of
deuine
and
humane
both
wisedome
and
power
;
when
we
preach
policie
:
when
we
make
a
common
trade
of
treason
;
when
we
put
no
difference
betweene
conscience
and
conceite
;
we
must
needes
ouerthrow
,
either
religion
or
our selues
.
Now
I
will
answere
the
reasons
of
your
assertion
.
First
you
say
,
that
if
Princes
doe
not
assist
their
subiects
in
the
honour
and
seruice
of
God
in
this
life
,
God
should
drawe
no
other
fruite
or
commodity
from
humane
societies
,
then
of
an
assembly
of
brutish
creatures
.
But
this
reason
is
not
onely
weake
,
as
it
may
appeare
by
that
which
hath
beene
saide
,
but
also
brutish
,
and
(
which
is
worse
)
prophane
.
For
what
fruite
,
what
commoditie
doeth
God
drawe
from
societies
of
men
?
is
not
his
glory
perfect
in
it selfe
?
can
we
adde
any
thing
to
the
excellencie
thereof
?
hath
he
any
neede
of
our
broken
worship
?
God
is
an
absolute
beeing
,
both
comprehending
,
and
exceeding
all
perfections
:
an
infinite
being
,
and
therefore
his
sufficiencies
neither
can
be
encreased
,
neither
doe
depend
vpon
any
,
but
onely
of
himselfe
.
He
was
from
eternity
without
any
world
,
●nd
a
thousand
worldes
more
cannot
any
deale
encrease
his
felicity
and
glory
:
he
did
create
the
world
,
not
to
perticipate
any
thing
thereof
,
but
to
communicate
from
himselfe
vnto
it
.
Heereupon
Iob
saith
[
g
](A02848-e23840-b)
g
22.5
.
.
What
profit
is
it
to
God
if
thou
be
iust
?
What
aduantage
is
it
to
him
if
thy
wayes
bee
cleane
?
Surelie
we
must
be
better
enformed
of
the
soundnesse
of
your
iudgement
,
before
we
dare
depend
vppon
the
authority
of
your
worde
.
You
put
vs
in
minde
that
you
compared
an
heire
apparant
to
a
spouse
,
betroathed
onely
and
not
maried
to
the
common
wealth
.
I
remember
it
well
;
but
I
did
not
take
you
for
such
a
widower
of
wit
,
that
you
could
thinke
it
worthy
to
be
repeated
.
And
yet
that
which
herevpon
you
deduce
out
of
S.
Paul
maketh
altogether
against
you
.
S.
Paul
saith
[
h
](A02848-e23890-b)
h
1.
Cor.
7.
,
that
if
a
brother
hath
an
infidell
to
wife
,
if
the
consent
to
abide
with
him
,
he
may
not
put
her
away
:
and
likewise
if
a
woman
hath
an
infidell
husband
:
but
if
the
infidell
doeth
depart
,
then
the
Christian
is
free
.
Now
if
you
will
needes
make
a
marriage
betweene
a
King
and
his
subiects
,
you
might
heereupon
conclude
,
that
if
an
infidell
King
will
houlde
his
state
,
the
people
may
not
dispossesse
him
.
And
whereas
you
affirme
,
that
all
they
who
differ
in
any
point
of
religion
,
and
stand
wilfully
in
the
same
,
are
infidelles
the
one
to
the
other
,
you
shew
both
a
violence
and
weakenesse
of
minde
.
For
obstinate
error
in
certaine
articles
of
●aith
,
and
not
in
the
whole
state
and
substance
thereof
,
doth
make
an
hereticke
,
but
not
an
Infidell
.
And
although
the
Canon
lawe
dooth
in
some
case
dissolue
mariage
betweene
a
Christian
and
an
Infidell
[
i
](A02848-e23920-b)
i
c.
iudaei
.
28.
q.
1.
c.
quanto
.
de
diuor
.
;
yet
doth
it
not
permit
the
like
betweene
a
true
Christian
and
an
heretick
[
k
](A02848-e23930-b)
k
d.
c.
quanto
c.
gaudemus
de
diuort
.
.
And
Panormitane
[
l
](A02848-e23950-b)
l
Inc.
ex
parte
.
2.
de
conuer
.
coniug.
in
his
doubting
manner
denyeth
,
that
the
Church
hath
power
to
authorize
diuorce
in
case
of
heresie
.
So
that
allowing
your
compa●ison
for
good
,
yet
in
case
of
infidelitie
,
S.
Paule
;
in
case
of
heresie
,
the
Cannon
lawe
is
altogether
against
you
.
You
adde
,
that
albeit
the
religion
which
a
man
professeth
be
neuer
so
true
,
yet
whosoeuer
hath
a
contrary
perswasion
thereof
,
he
shall
sinne
damnably
in
the
sight
of
God
,
to
preferre
that
man
to
a
charge
,
wherein
he
may
drawe
others
to
his
opinion
.
But
I
will
omit
this
streine
,
and
yet
rather
as
impertinent
then
true
.
For
there
are
few
nations
in
the
world
,
wherein
the
people
haue
right
to
prefer
any
man
to
be
king
:
&
that
which
you
alleage
out
of
S.
Paule
[
m
](A02848-e23990-b)
m
Rom.
14.
1.
Cor.
8.
for
your
proofe
,
is
very
different
from
the
case
which
you
do
forme
.
The
Apostle
speaketh
when
an
action
is
of
it selfe
indifferent
,
but
a
weake
conscience
iudgeth
it
euill
;
being
also
euill
by
circumstance
,
in
offending
others
:
you
speake
where
an
action
is
good
in
it selfe
,
but
an
erronious
conscience
iudgeth
it
euill
.
I
allowe
,
that
a
good
action
contrarie
to
conscience
is
vnprofitable
;
but
that
it
is
alwayes
a
damnable
sinne
I
dare
not
affirme
.
I
dare
not
affirme
that
the
Romane
armie
did
damnably
sinne
,
in
defering
the
Empire
to
Iouinian
;
who
excusing
himselfe
,
(
as
Zona●as
wrighteth
)
because
being
a
Christian
he
could
not
command
a
Pagane
armie
,
they
did
notwithstanding
confirme
him
Emperour
,
by
which
means
they
did
afterward
embrace
the
Christian
faith
.
The
like
doth
Orosius
report
,
that
Valentinian
,
being
discharged
by
Iulian
from
being
Tribune
,
because
he
was
a
Christian
,
by
consent
of
the
Souldiers
was
created
Augustus
.
I
rather
take
it
to
be
a
damnable
sinne
,
which
Zonaras
[
o
](A02848-e24090-b)
o
to
.
3.
wrighteth
of
the
Bulgarians
,
in
taking
armes
against
their
King
,
because
he
was
conuerted
to
Christian
religion
;
albeit
they
did
according
to
their
conscience
.
It
were
a
deflowring
of
time
to
diue
into
the
depth
of
this
question
;
because
it
appe●teineth
to
electiue
states
,
and
not
vnto
vs
.
But
where
you
wright
,
without
eyther
authoritie
or
proofe
,
that
to
assist
,
or
not
to
resist
the
aduancement
or
gouernment
of
any
king
,
whom
we
iudge
faultie
in
religion
,
is
a
most
damnable
sinne
,
of
what
side
soeuer
the
truth
be
;
you
breath
out
most
filthy
and
vnsauorie
smoake
;
you
lift
vp
your
voice
into
high
blasts
of
blasphemie
,
against
the
most
high
.
God
hath
taught
by
the
Apostle
S.
Paule
[
p
](A02848-e24120-b)
p
Rom.
15.
,
that
whosoeuer
resist
the
higher
powers
(
which
at
that
time
were
Infidels
)
receiue
vnto
themselues
damnation
;
you
teach
,
that
whosoeuer
doth
not
in
the
like
case
resist
,
doth
damnably
offend
.
Were
not
the
spirit
of
diuision
,
otherwise
called
the
deuill
seated
in
your
soule
,
you
would
not
thus
openly
oppose
the
setlings
of
your
rotten
braine
,
against
the
expresse
and
direct
sentence
of
God
.
What
?
is
it
a
damnable
sinne
to
doe
euery
man
right
?
is
it
damnable
to
giue
Caesar
that
which
is
his
due
[
q
](A02848-e24150-b)
q
Math.
22
17.
Mar.
12.17
.
Luc.
20.25
.
?
to
giue
tribute
,
honor
,
feare
,
to
whom
they
appertaine
[
r
](A02848-e24190-b)
r
Rom.
13
7
?
The
Apostle
saith
,
that
Christians
by
resisting
the
power
of
Infidell
rulers
,
do
acquire
vnto
themselues
damnation
[
s
](A02848-e24210-b)
s
Rom.
13.2
:
and
shall
wee
yeelde
credit
vnto
you
,
that
Turkes
,
Moores
,
Infidels
,
should
damnablye
sinne
,
eyther
in
admitting
or
enduring
the
authoritie
of
a
Christian
Prince
?
How
vilie
doe
you
value
the
iudgements
of
men
?
at
how
lowe
rate
doe
you
prize
both
your
conscience
and
credit
?
I
could
rise
into
riot
of
wordes
vpon
you
,
were
it
not
that
I
respect
what
is
seemlye
,
rather
for
mee
to
speake
then
for
you
to
heare
.
Certainely
,
if
we
had
receiued
no
such
commaundement
from
God
,
the
regarde
of
the
quiet
of
humane
societies
is
sufficient
to
ouer-whelme
your
hereticall
assertion
:
for
seeing
there
are
many
different
professions
of
religion
,
not
onely
in
the
world
,
but
almost
in
euery
nation
of
the
world
:
seeing
also
(
as
Philo
saith
[
t
](A02848-e24250-b)
t
De
legat
.
)
euery
man
,
eyther
by
vse
or
instruction
iudgeth
his
owne
religion
best
:
what
suretie
could
any
Prince
,
what
safetie
could
any
people
enioy
,
if
your
firie
opinion
should
take
place
?
what
assurance
can
there
be
of
life
or
of
state
,
where
the
sworde
beareth
swaye
vpon
such
occasions
,
&
that
guided
by
hands
both
tumultuous
and
fierce
.
And
seeing
among
many
religions
there
can
be
but
one
truth
,
if
all
men
should
be
obstinatelie
bent
against
the
gouernment
of
any
,
who
in
their
iudgement
is
faultie
in
religion
;
what
likelyhood
can
we
eyther
conceiue
or
coniecture
,
but
that
many
errours
would
soone
preuaile
against
the
onely
trueth
.
And
therefore
it
is
farre
more
moderate
and
safe
,
to
vse
the
ordinarie
meanes
both
of
maintaining
and
propagating
the
trueth
,
and
to
commit
the
successe
thereof
vnto
God
;
and
(
as
Iosephus
aduiseth
)
not
to
offer
eyther
contumelie
or
violence
against
any
religion
,
least
we
prouoake
thereby
the
professors
thereof
to
doe
the
like
against
our
.
Your
last
reason
is
drawne
from
policie
and
consideration
of
state
;
because
a
King
will
neyther
trust
nor
fauour
,
much
lesse
aduance
him
,
that
is
not
of
the
same
religion
with
himselfe
:
but
to
the
contrarie
,
hee
shall
bee
subiect
to
all
molestations
,
iniuries
and
other
auersions
,
which
are
incident
to
those
who
are
not
currant
with
the
present
course
of
affaires
.
Oh
sirre
;
this
is
the
Helene
for
which
you
contend
;
you
concurre
in
opinion
with
those
Athenians
of
whome
Alexander
demanded
deuine
honours
;
not
so
obstinately
to
defend
heauen
,
as
to
loose
the
benefit
of
the
earth
.
This
is
the
marke
whereat
you
aime
,
this
is
the
Compasse
whereby
you
sayle
;
as
diuers
flowers
doe
open
and
cloase
,
according
to
the
motion
of
the
same
;
so
according
to
the
variation
hereof
,
you
extend
or
restraine
your
plyant
conscience
as
you
please
.
But
the
Apostle
teacheth
vs
to
be
obedient
to
higher
powers
,
for
conscience
sake
[
u
](A02848-e24330-b)
u
Rom.
13.5
,
and
not
for
anye
priuate
respect
.
Besides
,
all
Princes
are
not
of
that
disposition
whereof
you
speake
.
Suida
wrighteth
of
one
,
who
changing
religion
to
please
his
King
,
was
therefore
adiudged
to
loose
his
head
;
one
being
appointed
to
crye
at
the
time
of
his
execution
;
Hee
that
keepeth
not
faith
with
God
,
what
sound
conscience
can
hee
beare
towards
men
?
The
Protestants
in
France
are
not
altogether
cast
eyther
out
of
fauoure
or
out
of
charge
:
and
manie
Romane
Catholickes
in
England
,
doe
enioye
their
full
part
,
of
all
the
plentie
and
pleasures
that
the
realme
can
affoord
.
Lastly
,
what
haue
you
to
doe
with
reasons
of
state
?
This
is
the
Eagles
feather
which
consumeth
your
deuotion
.
Your
office
is
to
meditate
,
to
pray
,
to
instruct
men
in
pure
deuotion
,
to
settle
their
soules
in
piety
&
in
peace
.
But
do
you
containe
yourselues
within
these
limmits
?
nothing
lesse
.
You
take
vpon
you
the
pollicie
of
state
;
yoù
●end
&
deface
the
reputation
of
Kings
;
you
make
your selues
both
iudges
&
moderators
of
all
their
actions
,
allowing
them
to
flie
no
further
then
you
giue
them
wings
.
You
dispose
not
onely
their
affaires
,
but
their
crownes
at
your
pleasure
;
you
hunt
them
,
not
to
couert
,
but
to
death
.
You
contriue
wa●s
to
compasse
your
designes
;
you
traine
vp
your
followers
in
the
high
mistery
of
treason
;
you
cast
into
euery
realme
the
apple
of
striefe
:
your
doctrine
is
to
no
other
vse
but
as
drummes
,
Fifes
,
and
trumpets
to
incense
fury
.
To
these
endes
,
you
wrest
scriptures
,
you
corrupt
histories
,
you
counterfeit
reasons
,
you
corrupt
all
truth
(
pardon
my
plainenes
I
pray
you
,
I
haue
not
atteined
to
your
dexterity
in
disguising
matters
with
smooth
termes
)
you
are
obstinate
to
hazard
rather
all
dangers
,
then
to
be
cut
of
from
one
point
of
your
purpose
.
You
acknowledge
no
religion
but
your
will
,
no
law
but
your
power
:
all
lies
,
treacheries
and
fraudes
do
change
their
nature
,
and
become
both
lawfull
and
laudable
actions
when
they
beare
for
the
aduantage
of
your
affaires
.
But
this
is
directed
to
deuotion
,
(
you
will
say
)
and
as
you
terme
it
,
ordine
ad
deum
,
for
a
holy
and
religious
end
.
Away
then
with
your
deuotion
,
and
so
we
shall
be
rid
of
your
dangerous
deceit
.
Away
I
say
with
your
deuotion
;
or
else
we
will
conclude
of
you
as
Liuie
did
of
Anniball
:
nihil
veri
,
nihil
sancti
,
nullus
deûm
metus
nullum
iusiuradum
,
nulla
religio
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
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