By this time the Basons and Ewers were set vpon the table , and all of vs were attentiue to the giuing of thankes . After wee had washed , and the cloath was taken away . N. in this sort renewed speech .

What hath been the vse of auncient Empires and Common-wealths , concerning supreame gouernment in matters pertaining to religion , I haue not ( I doe confesse ) obserued : But it seemeth indeed , that the politicall gouernment in Ecclesiasticall affaires should be a point of Regalitie ; and that it is a hard matter , if not impossible , for any state either to grow or long time to continue very great , wherein a forraine power doth hold the regiment in religion . At the least , either to grow or continue any greater , then that forraine power shall thinke expedient .

That which from me was openly reiected , being allowed by N. and in the very same words by him repeated , found good acceptance among the rest . Whereupon I tooke occasion to say , that speech ( I perceiued ) was oftentimes like vnto coine , which passed for currant , not in regard of the mettall onely , but chiefely in regard of the stampe that was set vpon it .

Nay , said N. beautifying his speech with a courteous smile , we will also bring your mettall to the touch . There is but one truth in religion , which is not subiect to any humane power : but the discipline thereof , or matters of circumstance and externall forme , are held by our Church to depend vpon the power of the Prince . If question be made touching matter of substance , the same also may be determined within the realme , by the Clergie thereof , assembled together by authoritie of the Prince . Or if the Clergie of any other countrie should be taken to assistance or aduice , they come as equals , and not as superiours . For so Eusebius a a Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 34. reporteth , that Cyprian Bishop of Carthage did aduise with the Bishop of Rome , concerning the affaires of the Church : and that Dyonise of Alexandria b b Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 46. & lib. 7. cap. 5. & 9. aduised in like sort with Cornelius , Stephen and Sixtus Bishops of Rome , without attributing vnto them either title or qualitie , otherwise then as men of their owne order and ranke .

Now , I haue read many controuersies in Diuinitie concerning this question , whereof the multitude doth rather cloy then content ; and therefore I will not embarke you in that disputation . If you can make proofe out of other writers , that this authoritie in matters of religion , is a right of Regalitie , it will follow ( I suppose ) that it cannot without apparant danger depend vpon a foraine power . If also you do manifest , that in all principall Empires and Common-wealths , this authoritie hath bin exercised by the chiefe in state , you may probably conclude that it is a Regalitie . For these rights doe little varie , but remaine in a manner the very same in all states , of what kind soeuer they are . And although true religion is reuealed vnto vs by God , yet religion in the generall proceedeth from nature ; in regard whereof , there is some coherence and communitie in all sorts of religions ; as to acknowledge that there is a God ; to worship him ; to worship him by oblation and sacrifice &c. For although all nations doe not acknowledge and worship the true God , yet there is no nation ( as Cicero c c De Nat. deo . lib. 1. saith ) which doth not both acknowledge and adore some . These generall points which naturally , or by consent of nations are common in religion , may well bee considered without contending which religion in particular is true . For this will hardly by all parties be agreed : because euery man ( as Philo saith d d Phil. de leg●● . ) either by vse or by instruction iudgeth his owne religion best . So e e Chrysost. in Act. homil. 33. Chrysostome affirmeth , that in all differencies of religion , euery man will say , I say true f f Singuli dicunt , ego verum dico . . But this argument which you haue propounded being new ; this point being not pointed at by any whom I haue seene , I would gladly here you fortifie the same .

The argument being new ( answered I ) and now newly raysed into question , you must not engage your expectation too farre ; I shall doe much , if I minister some matter for better iudgements to work into forme .

The rights of Soueraignty or of maiesty , so termed by Cicero ; and by Liuie , the rights of Empire , and of Imperiall Maiestie ; by Tacitus , sacraregni ; by Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; by the Lawyers , Sacra sacrorum ; sacra indiuidua ; iura sublimia ; by the Feudistes , iura regalia ; are nothing else , but an absolute and perpetuall power , to exercise the highest actions and affaires in some cretaine state . These are the proper qualities of Soueraigne or Maiesticall power ; that it be both absolute and also perpetuall . If it be absolute but not perpetuall , th●n is it not soueraigne ; for such power hath been oftentimes committed , by the Romanes to their Dictators , by the Lacedemonians to their Harmostes ; by many Kings to their Regents , Viceroyes or Lieutenants . But because they haue no proprietie of power inherent in them , but only an execution or exercise thereof committed to their charge , vnder limitation of time ; because also it may vpon iust cause bee reuoked within that time ; they are not accounted to haue the same in Soueraignetie . And this holdeth true , although such power bee committed for a very long time ; as the Athenians did to their great Archos for tenne yeres : although it bee committed also in a most ample manner , which the auncient Latines called optima lege , without controlement or account ; such as had the Pontifices in Rome ; or as the Cuidians euery yeere chose 60. of their Citizens whom for this cause they called Amimones ; that is , men without imputation or account . And lastly , although it be without certaine limitation of time ; as sometimes had the Regents of France , created for the infancie , furie or absence of their King ; who before the law of Charles the fifth , dispatched matters in their proper name .

Againe , if it be perpetuall but not absolute , as either depending vpon some other , or else giuen either vpon charge , or with exception and restraint , then is it not soueraigne . For such power was giuen by decree of Charles the fifth Emperor to the Senate of Milan ; To confirme the constitutions of the Prince , as also to infirme and abrogate the same ; to dispence contrarie to the statutes ; to make enablements , giue prerogatiues , graunt restitutions &c. that no appeale should be made from the Senate &c. And whatsoeuer they should doe , should haue like force as if it were done or decreed by the Prince . g g Non tamen possit delictorum veniam tributre , aut litteras saluiconductus reis criminum dare . Yet might they not graunt pardon for offences , or giue letters of safe conduct vnto parties conuicted . So likewise in the ancient forme of inaugurating the Kings of Arragon , the great Magistrate or Iustice said thus vnto him : Wee who are in vertue not inferiour , and in power greater then thy selfe , create thee King ; yet with this condition , that one amongst vs shal haue more power and command then thy selfe .

I will not particularly rehearse what actions are proper vnto soueraigne power : generally it may be said , that those affaires of state , which are of greatest importance and weight , are annexed vnto the soueraigne Maiestie , and cannot be separated from the same . For , because some matters are of so high nature , that vpon the ordring of them dependeth , not onely the honour and dignitie , but the safetie also and libertie of the people ; not the florishing constitution only , but the very life and being of the Common-wealth ; it hath been thought fit by generall consent of Nations , that they cannot bee managed by any other authoritie , than that wherein the soueraignetie is setled ; whether it be in one man , as in a Monarchie ; or in a few , as in an Aristocrace ; or in all , as in a popular or Democraticall gouernment . They cannot bee vsurped , they cannot be h h Alex. in l. filiae qua de lib. & post . Card. Flor. & Ias. in prooem. s●●● . Mart. l and . in c. 1. qui feud . da. Imola . in Rub. ae ●e●b . obl●g . prescribed they cannot bee distracted or aliened from the same , they cannot be absolutely exercised by any other , than by them who beare the supreame Maiestie . They to whose trust a Common-weale is committed , must order the chiefest affaires of the same : they who are appointed for the very head of a societie , must giue both direction and motion to the principall actions of the whole bodie . And therfore they are termed sacra sacrorum i i Baid . in prooem. seud . , as hath been said ; and also , iura indiuidua k k Cyn. in l. si viua . c. de bo mat . Bald in auth. hoc amplius . c. de side● com . Ang. Bald. in l. om●es C. de praescript . Plat. in l. si quis decurto . Feli. in Rub de praese 10. And● in cap. vlt. de praeb. lib. 6. Alex. cons. 141. lib. 1. no. 2. because they are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the firme foundation and groundworke of a state , and can no waies be separated from the soueraigntie thereof .

But there is nothing in a Common-wealth of so high nature , nothing of so important weight , as is Religion ; for this conserueth families , as Euripides l l In Bacchis : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . testifieth , and is a most excellent ornament in a Citie m m Eu●●p . 〈◊〉 supplic . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . : yea , Lactantius affirmeth it the onely meanes to knit and conserue men in mutuall societie n n Trast . de ●ra . cap. 12. re●●gto & ●imor deisolus est qui custodit hominam inter sesoctetatc● . : and that without religion the life of man would be filled with all foolishnes , madnesse and mischiefe . So likewise Plutarch o o Plut. contra Colot . calleth religion , the band which containeth all societies , and the very foundation of iustice and lawes p p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . For as a building cannot be either faire or firme , if the foundation be not fairely and firmely laid ; so if there bee defect in this part of gouernment , the whole frame of state will be neither seemly nor yet sure . Sinesius saith q q Orat. de regno . ; First let pietie be setled , the base and piller whereupon this Statue of a kingdome shall firmely stand r r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . Plutareh s s Plut. contra Colot . was of opinion , that a Citie might more easily be built and not vpon the ground , than a Common-wealth either constituted or conserued , if you take away Religion t t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . And therefore Numa in Liuie u u ●●u lib. 1. did first of all establish Religion as a most effectuall thing to settle the vnskilfull multitude x x Omntum primum rem ad multitudinem imperitam efficacissima , deorum metum inveiend● ratus . . Afterwards also Valerius y y Valcr . lib. 1. cap. 1. witnesseth , that the Citie of Rome made lesse estimation of all things than of Religion z z Om●ia post religi●●en ponenda ciuita● nostra duxit . . For this cause likewise Aristotle a a Arist. 7. P●l●t . cap. 8. affirmeth , that the principall care in a Common wealth must be concerning matters of Religion b b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . First , for that it setleth obe●tence and quiet within the state ; being a bridle to retaine men in order and in awe : for so Cyrus reasoneth in Xenophon c c Xenoph. P●d . lib. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . : If all men should be religiously affected they would beare themselues more iust and vpright in cariage , both among themselues and towards him . Secondly , for that it is an assured defence ; for so Trismegast●s saith d d A●ud La●tantium 11. inst cap. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ; Pietie is a custodie and defence . Thirdly , for that it aduanceth victories abroad : For so Cicero e e Cic orat de 〈◊〉 . rest on non call●ditate ●word ●robo●c sed pie●a●e ac relligione omnes gentes nation 〈◊〉 super au●sse . aduoweth , that , not by policie , not by power , but by pietie and religion , the Romanes vanquished all other nations . And so Valerius hath written : f f Va 〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. 1. Non dubitauerunt sacris imperia seraire : it s sererum humanarum futura regimen existimantia , si diuinae po●●●●●ae bene atque constaater essent samelata . Empires haue not thought much to submit themselues to sacred seruice , supp●sing to obtaine the rule of humane affaires , if they were we and constantly seruiceable in diuine . Also the Poets ; g g H●rat . Dis te minorem quod geris , imperas . Generally , for that in all affaires whether publike or priuate , it draweth our endeuours to a prosperous euent , for the most part better found in the end , than it can be coni●ctured by the meanes . For so Aristotle did acknowledge h h Arist. Rhet. ad Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . , That God is more fauourable and inclinable to those by whom he is most honoured .

On the contrarie , it is impossible for that State to stand , much lesse to florish and thriue , where those two extreames of religion are highly in strength , whereto Plutarch i i Plut. in Camillo . saith , the weakenes of man is exceeding prone ; k k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the one is vaine superstition ; l l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the other is cold carelesnesse and proud contempt . The first Plutarch m m Plut. in Sertorio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . doth appropriate to barbarous people ; Seneca n n Senec. epist. 124. Superstitio error insanus est , am●dos colit , quos colit violat . termeth it a mad error : Cicero o o Cic. 1. de siuib . superstitione qui est imbutus , quietus esse non potest . saith that it stirreth the minds of men and maketh them vnquiet . And that it breaketh the courage and heart , Lucretius doth in these words affirme : Faciunt animos humiles formidine diuûm depressosque premunt ad terram . The second is called by Hermes , p p Herm. cap. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a great disease and sicknes of the soule , making it inclinable to all actions that are euill . From hence ariseth discord and disturbance in the state : from hence Cicero q q Cic. 5. in Ver. omnia prospera eueniunt colentibus D●os , aduersa speraeatibus . saith , great calamities are cast vpon it : which is also confirmed by that of Horace : Di multa neglecti dederunt , Hesperiae mala luctuosae .

For these causes Cicero r r De nat. deo li. 2. eorum imperus remp . amplificatam qui religio●●●s paruissent . obserued , that the Common-wealth of the Romans was most enlarged vnder the command of them , who had religion in regard . After him Constantine the Emperour left written , s s l. 16. in qualibet . de Episc. & cle. C. Theod. that a Common-wealth is contained in order , more by religion then by trauaile of body . And Iustinian also professed , t t Nouel . 42. circa fi. that he was the more carefull about the gouernment of the Church , because , If that be kept in good fashion and forme , the other parts of gouernment shall thereby be redressed u u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . .

Hereupon also it is necessarilie expedient , that they who beare the soueraigntie of State , should alwaies manage the affaires of religion ; either by themselues , or by some at their appointment within the same State ; and neuer receiue direction and rule from a foraine power . For the Church ( saith Optatus ) is a part of the State : and ( as another said ) x x Afer episc . Religio debet esse in rep. non contra . Religion must bee in a Common-wealth , and not the contrarie . Vpon which ground Diotogenes in Stoboeus said ; A perfect King must of necessitie bee a good Commander , and Iudge , and Priest y y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And againe : the best must bee held in honour by the best , and that which ruleth by him that beareth rule z z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . But Aristotle in this point is most expresse , ( For I must often cite these Authors to giue satisfaction vnto those , who regard more by whom a thing is spoken , then what is said . ) a a Arist. Polit. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The King ( saith hee ) is ruler and directer of those things that pertaine vnto the Gods . Whereunto somewhat agreeth that of Iustine ; b b Iustin. lib. 8. Iure ille à dijs proximus habetur , per quem deorum maiestas vindicatur . he is accounted next vnto God by whom the Maiestie of God is maintained .

For , how should he be esteemed a Soueraigne , who , in the greatest actions and affaires of the State , acknowledgeth the iurisdiction of another greater then himselfe ? what maiestie should he be adiudged to beare , who is vnder the authority of another man ? to reuerse his iudgements , to correct his lawes , to restraine or constraine him at pleasure and with case ? Religion is seated within the soule and conscience of man , and is a most potent ruler of the same . The life ( saith Plinie c c Lib. 14. nat. hist. Religione vitae constat . ) consisteth in religion . If then the consciences of a people be commanded by a stranger , if their soules be subiect to a forraine power , if their liues be at the seruice of an external Prince ; it is but a weake , but a dead dominion , which the naturall Prince shall hold ouer their bodies . That Prince whose subiects soules are in subiection to a stranger for matters of religion , shall neither preuaile more against his enemies , nor beare greater authoritie amongst his owne people , then that stranger shall limit him leaue .

All men of themselues are moued with religion d d Cic. in 5. in Verrem . omnes religione mouentur . , but when they are also thrust on by those , who make it their purchase ( as Liuie speaketh e e tiu lib. 4. quibus quaestui sunt capti superstitione animi . ) to possesse soules with superstition , then doe they not inconsideratly only , but in a wild furie runne and rush vpon most desperate aduentures . The multitude ( saith Curtius f f Curt. lib. 4. vbi vana religione capta est , melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret . ) being weake , fierce and mutable , when it is once possessed with vaine religion , is more obedient to their Priests , then to their Commander or Prince .

Diodorus Siculus g g Lib. 6. cap. 10 hath a memorable Historie concerning this point , of the Priests of Iupiter , in the Iland Meroe , enuironed with the riuer Niliu ; who held the people of Aethiopia in so superstitious dependancie vpon them , that they would send to them at pleasure , and giue in charge the slaughter of their Kings ; no man making offer either to deny or to delay their cruell command . vntill Ergamenes , a King of Aethiopia suddenly surprised and slew them all , whereby both their office and authority did surcease .

Florus h h Flo. 3. cap. 16. writeth that Eunus a slaue counterfeiting a fanaticall furie , and pretending some diuine inspiration , was able to see 60. thousand armed men in the face of the Romans , euen in the principal time of their policie and strength ; being then hardlie able to deliuer Sicilia from his subiection . Iosephus reporteth i i Ioseph. 2. bel . Iud. cap. 12. of an Aegyptian in the time of the Emperour Claudius , who bearing himselfe to be a Prophet , vnder that pretext adioined 30. thousand men vnto him , in the country of Iudea ; with whom he maintained head against the forces of the Romans . Tacitus k k Tac. 2. hist. writeth the like of Maricus , who giuing forth that he was the God and deliuerer of Gallia , drew 8. thousand men vnto him , with whom he attempted against the Romane garrisons .

One of our late writers l l Bodin . lib. 1. reporteth , that because in one chapter of the Alcoron , all the Musulman Princes are forbidden to call themselues Lords , except their Caliph or great Vicar of their Prophet Muhamed , by colour thereof , the Mahometan Bishops vsurped absolute soueraignety , aboue all their Princes ; disposing of principalities at their pleasure , vnder the name and title of gouernments . At last the Muselman Princes supposing that Chapter not to haue been inserted by Mahamed their Law-giuer , but by their Caliphes , for aduancing their owne authoritie , at such time when of diuers corrupt Alcorons they composed one , long time after the death of Muhamed ; they tooke aduantage of a diuision among their great Bishops , when three of them did take vpon them the title of great Caliph together , and thereupon the Princes of Persia , the Curdes , the Turkes , the Tartars , the Sultans of Aegypt , the Kings of Marrocco , of Fez , of Telensin , of Tanes , of Bugia , the people of Zenetes , and of Luntune quitted themselues of their obeysance to the Caliphes , and maintained Soueraigntie within their states .

Elmahel in Africa m m Leo. lib. 2. , hauing gained a great opinion of sanctitie among the people of Marocco , raised them against Abraham their King , and dispoyled him both of his Empire and life . n n Leo. lib. 3. With like industrie and art an other impostor called Chemin Mennal stirred the people against the King of Fesse , and constrained him by armes to yeeld vnto him the kingdome of Temesna . o o Annal. Turc . Schacoculis being of the sect of the Persians , by pretence of piety gathered such strength , that he tooke many Cities in Asia , ouerthrew the Turkes forces in three great battailes , and brought his whole Empire to a dangerous distresse .

How Iohn of Leiden , a Taylor by his trade , set all Germany in vproare and in armes , by bearing himselfe to be a principall man in religion , it scarce exceedeth the memory of this present age . And what practises in this kind , haue been either atchieued or attempted in other Christian countries , I shall haue occasion hereafter to touch . But for auoiding of these and the like dangers , I find that two policies were aunciently obserued . One consisted in excluding all externall ceremonies and rites : the other was , in comm●ting the gouernment for matters of Religion , to the soueraigne power and authoritie in the State .

In regard of the first , the Iewes would not conuerse or accompanie a man who was not of their owne religion . Among the Grecians , Socrates and Protagoras were condemned , Anaxagoras and Aristotle were accused for holding opinions contrarie to their receiued religion . Iosephus writeth p p Ioseph . lib. 2. co●it . sp●●● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . , that the Athenians had a seuere law against any man who should speake a word in religion , against that which was established by law . The Scythians put Anacharsis to death , for performing the tites of Bacchus after the manner of the Grecians . Liuie writeth that among the Romanes , the Aediles receiued in part of their charge , q q Ne qui ●isi Romani dij , neue alto more quam patrio colerc●tur . that no externall religion or ceremony should be brought in . And to the same purpose M. Aemilius recited a decree ; r r Liu. lib. 15. ne quis in publico sacroue loco , nouo au● externo ritu sacrificaret . that no man should sacrifice in a publike or sacred place , after a new or externall rite . How often ( saith the same Liuie s s Lib. 39. quoties patrum auorumque aetate negotiu magisti , atibus datum est , vt sacra externa sicri vitarent . ) haue our fathers and ancestors giuen charge to the Magistrates , that externall ceremonies should bee forbidden ? Maecenas in Dio t t Dio lib. 52. gaue this exhortation and aduice to Augustus ; u u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Obserue religion after the fashion of your country , and compell others to do the like : but those who bring in strange and foraine rites , hate and correct ; because they perswade many to worke alterations , from whence conspiracies , and seditions are oftentimes occasioned .

Concerning the second point , Iustine x x Iustin lib. 36. mos est apud Iudaeos , vt cosdem reges & sacerdotes habere . reporteth that it was a custome among the Iewes , to haue the same men both Princes and Priests . This was at sometimes true in the gouernment of the Iewes . At other times the Kings gaue order in matters of religion , and appointed not only inferiour Priests and officers ( as did Iosias y y 2. Chron. 35. 2. ) but also high Priests ( as did King Salomon z z 1. Reg. 2. 25. ) to execute the same . For this cause Moses left in charge a a Deut. 17. 19. , that the King should reade in the booke of the law all the daies of his life ; that he might learne to feare the Lord his God , and to keepe all the words of that law , and those ordinances for to dee them . For this cause also they were sacred with oyle , to declare ( saith Eusebius b b Lib. 1. Ecclesihist . ) both their dutie and authoritie in matters of religion . From hence it proceeded , that as the Kings prooued good or euill , so the true religion was either obserued or neglected . From hence also Tacitus c c Lib. 3. hist. Iudaeis sacerabtij hon●s firmamentum potentiae erat . hath written : The honor of Priesthood is a great assurance of power to the Iewes . The Scriptures doe further testifie , that Melchisedeen was both King and Priest ; and that Balak King of Moab offered sacrifice together with Balaam .

The Aegyptians from amongst whom the Iewes were extracted , and with whom they communicated in many ceremonies , are reported likewise by some , to haue annexed the royall and priestly dignitie together . Marcilius Ficinus affirmeth e e In praef. lib. Trismeg . out of Plato , and Seuerus in Stob●●us f f Serm 41. that their custome was to elect Priests out of their Philosophers : and out of their Priests , whom Diodorus g g Lib. 2. cap. 3. placeth next in dignitie to the King ( as Strabo h h Strab. lib. 11. writeth of the Priests of the Albanes ) to make choice of the best approued for their King . Wherupon Mercurius the grand-child of that Mercurie , who was sonne to Iupiter and Maia , being called by the Aegyptians Tenot , by the Grecians was named Trismegistus , which signifieth thrice greatest , because he was the greatest Philosopher ( for so is he also termed by Tertullian i i Aduers . Valent . ) the greatest Priest and the greatest King ; although Suidas coniectureth that name to be giuen him , because he did expressely write of the Trinitie .

Strabo saith k k Stra. lib. 5. , that in Aritia hee was a King who was Priest of Diana ; the same is confirmed by Suetonius l l In Calig c. 35 , and mentioned by diuers Poets , namely Ouid m m De arte amand . lib. 1. . Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae , Partaque per gladios regna nocente mann . And Lucane n n Lib 3. ; Qua sublime nemus Scythicae qua templa Diana . And Valer. Flaccus o o Argonant . lib. 2 ; — Etsol● non mitis Aritia regt . And la●tly by Martial p p Epigram. 64. lib. 9. ; Qua tri●ne nemerosa petit , dum regna viator Octauum demina marmor ab vrbe legit . The like doth Hartius q q I● bel . Alexand. report to be obserued in the Temple of Be●ona , in Cappadocia . The like also doth Virgil r r Aeneid . 3. write of Anins :

Diodorus Siculus s s Lib. 6. cap. 10 affirmeth , that the Priests of Pantheon were both Leaders in the field , and also Iudges and arbitratours in controuersies of right . Strabo testifieth t t Lib. 12. that in Zela , the Priest had supreme both dignitie and authoritie in all things . Iust. lib. 11. Iustine writeth , that Mida , sonne of Gordius King of Phrygia , being by Orpheus entred into the orders of the sacred and solemne mysteries of those times , filled all Phrygia with religion : wherewith he more assured himselfe , then hee did by armes . Tacitus u u De mor , Ger. reporteth that among the Germanes , it was permitted to no man to beate or bind or otherwise to punish , but only to the Priests . Strabo saith x x Lib. 12. that in Cuma of Pontus the Priest did weare a Diadem twise in the yeere , which is the ensigne of a King . Vitru●i●s y y Lib. 2. cap. 8. declareth that among the Trallians , the principall Priest had a princely Palace appointed for his aboad . Diodorous Siculus z z Lib. 17. cap. 4. Orosius a a Oros. lib. 4. cap. 6. and Pausanias b b Paus. in Baeot. siue lib. 9. doe write , that the priest of Hercules in Tyre was apparrelled in purpure , and did weare a Diadem vpon his head . Herodiane c c Herodian . lib. 5. writeth , that the Priest of the Sunne among the Phoenicians , was attired in a long garment , consisting onely of purpure and gold ; and did weare a Crowne of gold set with precious stones ; and that Heliogabalus , being Emperour of Rome did exercise that priesthood . Ferd. Lopex d d Lib. 1. hist. Ind. cap. 14. affirmeth , that the Kings of Malabar in East India are Priests or Bramenes , and must die in their sacred place , as men consecrated vnto God . And in China there is an auncient law , that no religion bee brought in , without allowance of the King and of his Councell : he that violateth this law is punished by death .