The English iarre· or disagreement amongst the ministers of great Brittaine, concerning the Kinges supremacy. VVritten in Latin by the Reuerend Father, F. Martinus Becanus of the Society of Iesus, and professour in diuinity. And translated into English by I.W. P.

THE ENGLISH IARRE , CONCERNING the Kings Supremacy .

THE Kinges Supremacy in the Church of England is a new thing . It began vnder King Henry the 8. continued vnder King Edward the 6. and Queene Elizabeth : and now vnder King Iames , the same is rent and torne in peeces , with so many domesticall iarres and diuisions , that long it cannot stand . So as Christ in the Ghospell said full well , Omne regnum in se diuisum desolabitur : Euery Kingdome deuided in it selfe , shal be destroyed . But what , and how great these discords be , I will shew in these few questions following : I. Whether the King of England haue any Primacy in the Church , or no ? II. Whether the Primacy of the King , be Ecclesiasticall and spirituall ? III. Whether the King by this Primacy , may be called the Primate of the Church ? IIII. Whether by vertue of the same Primacy , the K. may be called Supreme Head of the Church ? V. Whether this Primacy consist in any Power , or Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall ? VI. Whether the King , by reason of his Primacy , can assemble or call togeather Councels , and sit as President therin ? VII . Whether he can make Ecclesiasticall Lawes ? VIII . Whether he can dispose of Ecclesiasticall liuings , or Benefices ? IX . Whether he can create , and depose Bishops ? X. Whether he can excommunicate the obstinate ? XI . Whether he can be Iudge , and determine of Controuersies ? XII . From whence hath the King this his Primacy ? XIII . Whether he can force his Subiects to take the Oath of Supremacy ?

In these Questions do our Aduersaries extremely differ and dis●gree , but especially these , M. Doctor Andrewes , in his Tortura Torti ; M. William Tooker Deane of Lichefield , in his Combat , or single Fight with Martin Becanus ; M. Richard Tompson , in his Reproofe of the Refutation of Tortura Torti ; M. Robert Burhill , in his Defence of Tortura Torti ; and M. Henry Salclebridge , in his Refutation of Becanus his examen . Besides these ( as opposite vnto them ) I will also cite Doctor Sanders , in his booke of the Schisme of England ; Genebard in his Chronology ; Polydor Virgil in his History of England ; Iacobus Thuanus of Aust , in the History of his tyme ; Iohn Caluin in his Commentary vpon the Prophet Amos , and others .

The I. Question . whether the King of England haue any Primacy in the Church ?

1 THE first Iarre or contention then is , concerning the Name of Primacy . Many of our Aduersaries admit this Name : but M. Richard Tompson had rather haue it called Supremacy then Primacy . His reason is , because Primacy doth signify a power of the same Order . Now , the King hath not power in the Church of England of the same Order with Bishops and Ministers , but a power of higher and different Order from them . Ergo he hath not the Primacy , but the Supremacy . The words of M. Tompson pag. 33. of his booke are these : Nos in Anglico nostro idiomate belliores longè sumus , quàm per inopiam Latini sermonis , nobis Latinè esse licuit . Non enim dicimus , The Kings Primacy , Regis Primatum , sed The Kings Supremacy , Regis Suprematum : Quo vocabulo nos quoque deinceps vtemur . Multùm enim disserunt Primatus & Suprematus . Illud enim Potestatem eiusdem Ordinis videtur significare , hoc non item . We in our English tongue , do speake much more properly , then we can do in the Latin speach , through the penury therof . For we do not say The Kings Primacy , but The Kings Supremacy : which word we will heerafter vse . For that Primacy and Supremacy do greatly differ : Primacy seeming to signify a power of the same Order ; but Supremacy not so .

2. Out of which words , we gather two things . The one , that all Englishmen , who vse the Name of Primacy , do eyther erre or speake improperly , if we belieue M. Tompson . For if they speake properly , seing that the word Primacy doth properly signify a Power of the same Order ; they do plainely vnderstand , that the King hath Power of the same order with the Bishops and Ministers of his Church . But this now according to M. Tompsons opinion , is an error : wherefore eyther they doe erre , or speake improperly .

3. The other is , that a Coniecture may be made of the thing signified , from the word signifying . The word Supremacy is a new and lately inuented word , vnknown to the Ancient Fathers , not vsed in Scriptures , vnheard of in the Christian world . Moreouer , what doth it signify ? The Supreme power ( forsooth ) of the King in the Church ? Wherefore this is new also . Surely if the ancient Fathers , eyther Latin or Greeke , had knowne this power , they would haue found out at least some word , wherby to haue expressed the same properly . But this it seemes none of them did .

II. Question . whether that this Primacy , which the King hath in the Church , be Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall ?

1 THIS is now another Iarre . Vnder King Henry the 8. and King Edward , this Primacy was alwaies called Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall , as it appeareth out of Doctor Sanders , whose words are these : Caluinus Henrici Primatum Ecclesiasticum oppugnauit . Caluin did oppugne King Henryes Ecclesiasticall Primacy . Againe : Episcopus Roffensis , quòd Henrici Primatum Ecclesiasticum nollet confiteri , ad mortem producitur . The Bishop of Rochester , because he denyed King Henryes Ecclesiasticall Primacy , was brought forth to dye &c. And againe : Multi in custodijs propter negatum Ecclesiasticum Regis Primatum detenti . Many were kept in prison , for denying the Kings Ecclesiastical Primacy . In like manner : Henricus mandauit vt filius in fide Catholica educar●tur excepto Primatus Ecclesiastici titulo , quem ei r●liquit . King Henry commaunded that his Sonne ( Edward ) should be brought vp in the Catholick faith , excepting the title of Ecclesiasticall Primacy , which he left vnto him . And yet more : Stephanus Wintoni●nsis , Edmundus Londinensis , Cuthbertus Dune mensis , Nicolaus Wigorniensis , & Daius Cicestrensis ●piscopi , timidè restiterunt pu●ri Regis Primatui spirituali , imò simpliciter subscripserunt . The Bishops of Winc●ester , London , Durham , Worcester , and Chichest●r did fearfully withstand the Spirituall Primacy of the Child King , nay they absolu●ly subscribed therun●o &c.

2. Vnder Queene Mary that succeeded to her brother King Edward in the Crowne , this Title of Primacy was taken away in a Parliament held at London , as witnesseth Iacobus Thuanus in the 9. booke of the History of his tyme , in these words : Antiquatus ijsdem Comitijs Primatus Eccl●siastici titulus . The title of Ecclesiasticall Primacy was abolished in that Parliament . The same was againe restored vnder Queene Elizabeth , as testifieth the same Author in his 15. booke &c.

3. But now in these our dayes vnder King Iames this matter is called into question : Some not daring to call it Primacy Ecclesiasticall and spirituall , but only Primacy belonging to Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall matt●rs : amongst whom is M. Doctor Andrewes , or the Kings Chaplaine in his Torture of Tortus pag. 90. where he writeth thus : N●que v●rò quoad spiritalia , alium nos Regi Primatum tribuimus , neque quoad temporalia alium Pontifici detrahimus● quam d●b●mus . Prior ille Regibus omni iure ; pos●erior hic Pontifici nullo iure debetur . Neyther do we attribute one Primacy , concerning spirituall matters vnto the King , nor do we take from the Pope any other Primacy , concerning temporall matters , then we ought to do . The first is due vnto Kings by all right ; the later no way pertayneth to the Pope &c. I , when I first read these wordes in the Chaplaynes booke , did thinke that he had taken these two , to wit , Primacy spirituall , & belonging to spirituall ; as also these other , Primacy temporall , & belonging to temporall , for one and the same thing . But now it seemes that the Defenders & Interpreters of the Chaplaine , to wit M. Tompson , and M. Burhill , do take it otherwise . For so writeth M. Burhill pag. 55. of his Booke , concerning this point : Non dicit , Primatum spiritual●m , sed Primatum qu●ad spiritualia d●b●ri Regibus omni iure . He ( the Chaplaine ) doth not s●y , that Spirituall Primacy , but Primacy belonging to Spirituall , is due vnto Kings by all right &c. And then againe pag. 133. in fine : E●si ●nim R●gi tribuimus Primatum in ●cclesia non tam●n Primatum spiritualem a●t Ecclesiasti●um ●i t●ibu●mus : s●d pot●us ●rimatum quoad res & personas spirituales & Ecclesias●●cas . For although we giue vnto the King Primacy ouer the Church ; ●et do we not giue vnto him Primacy spirituall or Eccle●i●●ticall ; but rather Primacy belonging to things and persons spirituall and Ecclesiasticall &c. And M. T●mpson pag. ●● . of his Booke also saith : Non dixit , Primatum Ecclesiasticum , aut Spiritualem , quasi formaliter intelligat ; sed quoad Spiritualia , id est , obiectiuè & materialiter . The Chaplaine said not , the Primacy Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall , as though he vnderstood it formally , but for so much as it belongeth to Spirituall , that is to say , obiectiuely and materially &c. In which sense the same Author pag. 95. saith . Dicimus Regem gubernare quidem Ecclesiastica , sed non Ecclesiasticè : We say indeed , that the King gouerneth Ecclesiasticall things , but not Ecclesiastically .

4. So as if you aske in England , whether the King hath Primacy Ecclesiasticall or no ? It wil be answered you thus : King Henry , K. Edward , and Q. Elizabeth had Ecclesiasticall Primacy : K. Iames hath not Primacy Ecclesiasticall , but only so far forth , as it belongeth to Ecclesiasticall things . Hath then his Maiesty that now is lesse , then they had ? So it seemes . Is then the Kings Primacy in England so nipped and pared in so short a space ? So they say . Is it then almost decayed , and at an end ? I doubt not but it is . What is the cause ? Hearken to the common saying : What s quickly got , is quickly lost : as also to that of the holy Scripture : Si est ex hominibus consilium hoc , aut opus , dissoluetur . Act. 5.38 . If this deuise , or worke be of men , it will be dissolued .

III. Question Whether the King , by vertue of this Primacy may be called Primate of the Church ?

MAISTER Henry Salclebridge doth absolutely affirme it . For thus he writeth pag. 140. Dico , Regem Angliae Ecclesiae Anglicanae Primatem esse . I say , that the King of England is Primate of the Church of England . Nay , he will haue this point to be so certayne , and out of all doubt , that he thinketh , whosoeuer should deny it , to offend against the publike Profession of England . For so he saith pag. 177. Angliae Regem Anglicanae Ecclesiae Primatem esse , in professione publica Anglicana Veritatis sa●ris litteris nixae , ponitur . That the King of England is Primate of the Church of England , is founded in the publicke English Profession of Truth , grounded vpon the Sacred Letter .

2. M. Tooker , and M. Burhill do absolutely deny it . For thus wryteth M. Took●r pag. 3. Olere autem malitiam ac clamitare audaciam tuam illud videtur , cùm Regem Caput Ecclesiae , Primatemque confingas . It may see●e to ●auour of malice , and cry out vpon your sausines , when as you feigne the King Head , and Primate of the Church &c. And M. Burhill pag. 133. Nec Primatem quidem omnino Regem nostrum dicimus ; multò v●rò minù● Primatem Ecclesiasticum . Neyther do we at all , call our King Primate ; and much lesse Ecclesiasticall Primate &c.

3. ●eere hence do I frame a twofold Argument . One out of M. Tookers words in this manner : He that a●●irmeth the King to be Primate of the Church , is a sausy and malicious fellow . But M. Salcl●bridge affirmeth the King to be Primate of the Church . Ergo , he is a sausy and malicious fellow . The other argument I frame out of M. Salclebridges words thus : He that denyeth the King to be Primate of the Church , doth offend against the publicke Profession of the Truth receyued in England . But M. Tooker denyeth the King to be Primate of the Church of England . Ergo , he offendeth against the publicke profession of the Truth receyued in England . So ( I w●s ) one Mule claweth another .

4. But now it may be demaunded , whether of them doth iudg more rightly in this case , M. Salclebridge , who affirmeth the King to be Primate of the Church , or M. Tooker , that denieth it ? This controuersy dependeth vpon another question , to wit , whether these two Names , Primate and Primacy , are necessarily connexed , or , as they say , Coniugata ? M. Salclebridge thinketh that they are . Therfore , because he hath once affirmed the King to haue the Primacy of the Church , he consequently auerreth , that the King is Primate of the Church . For that with him this argument hath force à Coniugatis : The King hath Primacy , Ergo , the King is Primate . As also this : The Chaplaine hath a Bishopricke , Ergo , he is a Bishop .

5. Now M. Tooker , he thinketh the contrary . For pag 6. of his booke he expressely saith : That the King hath the Primacy of the Church ; but yet he is not the Primate of the Church . And contrariwise , The Archbishop of Canterbury hath not the Primacy of the Church ; and yet is he Primate of the Church . So as he denyeth these two consequences à Coniugatis , to wit . 1. The King hath the Primacy , Ergo , he is Primate . 2. The Archbishop is Primate , Ergo , he hath the Primacy . And perhaps he will deny these in like manner . 1. The Chaplayne hath a Bishopricke , Ergo , he is a Bishop . 2. M. Tooker is a Deane , Ergo , he hath a Deanery .

IIII. Question . Whether the King , by reason of his Primacy , may be called Head of the Church ?

THIS Title first began to be vsurped of King Henry the 8. as all Authors , aswell our owne as our aduersaryes , do testifie . For thus wryteth Iacobus Thuanus in his first booke of the Historyes of his times : Henricus post diuortium , se Caput Ecclesiae constituit . K. Henry after his diuorce ( from Q. Catherine ) made himselfe Head of the Church &c. And Polydor Virgil lib. 27. of his History of England , saith : Interea habetur Concilium Londini , in quo Ecclesia Anglicana formam potestatis , nullis antè temporibus visam , induit . Henricus enim Rex Caput ipsius Ecclesiae constituitur . In the meane while ( to wit after his forsaid diuorce ) a Councell was held at London , wherin the Church of ●ngland tooke to it selfe a forme of power , neuer heard of before . For that King Henry was appointed Head of the same Church &c. Genebrard also in the fourth booke of his Chronology hath these words : Henricus anno 1534. in publicis Comitijs se Caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae appellauit . King Henry in the yeare of our Lord 1534. in publicke Parliament , called himselfe Head of the Church of England &c. Also Doctor Sanders in his booke of the Schisme of England , saith : Ex qua dicendi formula , primam occasionem sumptam aiunt , vt Rex Supremum Caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae diceretur . By which manner of speach , it is said , the first occasion was taken , of calling the King supreme Head of the Church of England &c. And againe , in the same booke : Proponebantur cis noua Comitiorum Decreta , & iu●●bantur iurciurando affirmare , Regim Supremum Ecclesiae esse Caput . The new Laws or Statutes of the Parliament were propounded vnto them ( to wit , to the Kings subiects ) and they were commaunded to sweare , that the King was head of the Church &c. Iohn Caluin in like manner vpon the 7. Chapter of the Prophet Amos wryteth thus : Qui tantopere extu●erunt H●nricum Regem Angliae , certè fucrunt homines in●en●●derati Ded●runt enim illi summam rerum omnium petestatem & hoc me grauiter semper vulnerauit . Erant en●m blasphemi cùm vocarent cum summum Caput Ecclesia sub ●hristo . Those who so greatly did extoll K. H●n●y of En●land were men void of consideration . For they gaue vnto him the chiefe power of all things : and this point did euer gall me grieuously . For that they were blasphemers , when they called him the chiefe Head of the Church vnder Christ &c.

2. The same Title did K. Edward Sonne to K. Henry , and his Successour , vsurpe , as it may be seene by his Letters to Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury , which begin thus : Edouardus Dei gratia Angliae , Franciae , & Hyberniae Rex , supremum in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae , & Hybernicae , tam in causis spiritalibus quàm temporalibus Caput ; Reuerendo Thomae Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo , salutem . Edward by the Grace of God , King of England , France and Ireland , supreme Head on earth of the Church of England and Ireland , as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall : to the Reuerend , Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury , greeting &c. The same Title also did Bishop Cranmer giue vnto the said King , as appeareth by his letters wrytten to other Bishops subiect vnto him , thus : Thomas permissione diuina Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus , per Illustrissimum in Christo Principem Edouardum Regem sextum , supremum in terris Caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hybernicae , sufficienter & legitimè authorizatus ; Tibi Edmundo Londinensi ●piscopo , & omnibus fratribus Coëpiscopis , vice & nomine Regiae Maiestatis , quibus in hac parte fungimur , mandamus , vt Imagines ex ●cclesijs cuiusque dioecesis tollantur &c. We Thomas by Gods permission Archbishop of Canterbury , being sufficiently and lawfully authorized by our most gratious Prince in Christ , King Edward the sixt , supreme Head on earth of the Church of England and Ireland , do in his Maiesties Name and place , which herein we supplie , commaund you ●dmund Bishop of London , and all the rest of our Brethren Bishops , that Images be taken out of the Churches of euery Diocesse &c. And Doctor Sanders also in his booke of the Schisme of England saith thus : Quamprimùm visum est Henrici octaui mortem diuulgare , statim Edouardus Henrici filius , nonum aetatis annum agens , Rex Angliae proclamatur , & summum ●cclesiae Anglicanae in terris Caput , proximè secundum Christum constituitur &c. As soone as it was thought good to diuulge King Henryes death , by and by Edward his sonne , being of the age of nyne yeares , was proclaymed King of England , and ordayned supreme Head of the Church of England on earth , next vnder Christ &c.

3. Queene Elizabeth , although she were a woman , yet she thought her selfe no way inferiour to her Father or Brother . She therfore would be also called supreme Head of the Church of England . For so wryteth Iacobus Thuanus in his 15. booke of the Historyes of his time . Elizabetha , recepto à Patre & fratre titulo , Ecclesiae Caput per Angliam coepit appellari . Q. Elizabeth hauing receaued the ( former ) Title from her Father & Brother , began to be called Head of the Church throughout England &c.

4. But now adayes , vnder K. Iames , this title is put in ieopardy . The Chaplaine ( to wit M. Doctor Andrewes ) doth admit the same in his Tortura Torti ; but M. Tooker , and M. Burhill do reiect it . M. Tookers words , which a little before I recited are these : Olere autem militiam , & clamitare audaciam tuam videtur illud , cùm Regem Caput Ecclesiae , Primatemque confingas . It may seeme to sauour of malice , and cry out vpon your sausines , when as you feigne the King to be Head and Primate of the Church &c. And in like manner doth M. Burhill pag 133. reprehend a certaine person of ouer much wantonnes and boldnes , for calling the King , Head , Pastour and Primate of Bishops .

5. In this debate and Iarre then , what shall the King do ? If he admit the Title of Supreme head of the Church of England , M. Tooker , & M. Burhill will no doubt murmure shrewdly . If he reiect it , what then will the Chaplaine say ? Perhaps this contention may be mollified , if the King , as he gaue to the Chaplayne the Bishopricke of Ely : so he would giue to M. Tooker , and M. Burhill two other Bishopricks . For then , least they might seeme vngratefull they would easily graunt this Title to the King , and a far greater too .

V. Question . Whether the Kings Primacy do consist in any Power , or Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall ?

HEERE now , is there a great Iarre and debate amongst our English Aduersaries : nor can the same be easily vnderstood , vnlesse it be first well distinguished . Ecclesiasticall Power is threefold , as the Deuines do teach . One of Order ; another of interiour Iurisdiction ; the third of exteriour Iurisdiction . To the first belongeth to effect or consecrate , and administer Sacraments : to the second , to gouerne the Church in the interiour Court , or Court of Conscience ; and to the third , belongeth to gouerne the Church in the exteriour Court . Now certaine it is , that the King hath not the Power of Order , by reason of his Primacy . For this doth M. Tooker confesse pag. 14. where he saith : Reges non habent potestatem administrandi Sacramenta . Kinges haue not power to administer Sacraments . It is also certaine that he hath not Iurisdiction of the interiour Court , or Court of Conscience . For this in like manner doth M. Tooker confesse pag. 63. Omnis iurisdictio ( saith he ) in foro interiori Sacerdotum est , nulla Regum . All iurisdiction in the interiour Court ( or Court of Conscience ) belongeth to Priests , not any way to Kings &c.

2. All the question then is , whether the King hath Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical in the exteriour Court or no ? About this point are the Englishmen at a great iarre and variance amongst themselues : some affirming it , some denying it , others distinguishing . M. Tooker affirmeth it pag. 305. in these words : Qui habet plenissimam & am●lissimam iurisdictionem in foro exteriore , potest eamdem dare & auferre . Rex eam habet Ergo potest eamdem dare & auferre . Totum hoc liquet ex V. & N. Testamento . He that hath most full and ample Iurisdiction in the exteriour Court , can giue and take away the same ( at his pleasure . ) But the King hath this Iurisdiction . Ergo , he can giue and take away the same . Al this is manifest out of the old & new Testament &c. With him agreeth also M. Salclebridge pag. 140. Reges oleo sacro vncti , capaces sunt Iurisdictionis spiritualis . Kings ( saith he ) annoynted with holy oyle , are made capable of spirituall Iurisdiction &c. And then againe in the same place out of the Lawes of England . R●x ( saith he ) est persona mixta , vrpote qui ●cclesiasticam & temporalem iurisdictionem habet , & quidem Supremam . The King is a person mixt , to wit , that hath both Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall and Temporall , and that in the highest degree &c. And yet more pag. 144. Per leges ●cclesiasticas in hoc Regno approbatas , vnus Sacerdos duo ben●ficia ha●ere non potest , nec Bastardus Sacris initiari . V●rùm Rex , ●cclesiastica potestate & iurisdictione , quam habet in vtroque , dispensare potest . By the Ecclesiasticall Lawes approued in this Kingdome ( of ●ngland ) one Priest may not haue two Benefices , nor a Bastard be made Priest . But the King , by the Iurisdiction and Power Ecclesiasticall , which he hath , can dispense in both &c.

3. M. Tompson , and M. Burhill do absolutely deny it : M. Tompson pag. 80. of his booke wryting thus : ●rimatus ●ccles●ae non est d●●iniendus per iurisdiction●m . Ecclesiasticam , sed per gubernation●m supr●mam . The Primacy of the Church is not to be defined by Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , but by supreme Gouerment &c. And againe pag. 95. Diximus , Reg●m gub●rnar● quid●m Ecclesiastica● s●d non Ecclesias●i●è . We haue said before , that the King indeed doth gouerne Ecclesiasticall things , but not Ecclesiastically . And why I pray you ? Because , forsooth , he hath not Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , but only temporall . And hereunto agreeth M. Burhill pag. 234. granting this negatiue proposition . Rex ( saith he ) nullam habet Iurisdictionem Ecclesiasticam , nec in foro interiori , nec in exteriori . The King hath no Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , neyther in the interiour , nor exteriour Court &c.

4. Now my Lord of Ely , he distinguisheth in this case , as may be seene in M. Tookers Booke pag. 305. in these wordes : Habet Rex omnem iurisdictionem spiritualem , in foro exteriori , exceptis quibusdam Censuris . The King hath all Iurisdiction spirituall in the exteriour Court , except in certaine Censures &c. So as now to this question ( to wit whether the King , as he is Primate and Head of the Church , haue any Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall or spirituall in the exteriour Court , ) we must answere thus : First with M. Tooker , and M. Salclebridge , That he hath most ample , most full , and supreme Iurisdiction . Secondly with my Lord of Ely , That he hath indeed some , but not all . And lastly , with M. Burhill , and M. Tompson , That he hath none , no not any one iote at all .

VI. Question . Whether the King of his owne Authority can assemble , or call togeather Councells ?

1. NOv follow the Iarres and debates of our Aduersaries , concerning the Offices and Functions of the Kings Primacy , & they ●re six in number , which may be disputed of . The first is , of assembling , or calling togeather of Synods . The second of enacting of Ecclesiasticall lawes . The third , of conferring or bestowing of benefices . The fourth of creating & deposing of Bishops . The fifth , is about Excommunication . The sixt and last , is about the decision and determining of Controuersies . The question then is , whether these offices belong to the Kings Primacy ? I will speake a word of ech in order .

2. First , it may be demaunded , whether the King by vertue of his Primacy , may of his owne authority , call or assemble togeather Synods , and therin sit as chiefe and head ? This was certainly persuaded that it might be done , in the tyme of King Henry , K. Edward , and Queene Elizabeth : but now vnder King Iames the matter is called into question . M. Salclebridge pag. 121. affirmeth , that he can do it , in these words : Christiani Principes in Regnis suis cum laude , propria auctoritate Synodos conuocarunt , Constitutiones condiderunt , causas audierunt & cognouerunt . Christian Princes haue with great praise assembled Synods by their owne authority , in their Kingdomes , haue made Constitu●ions , heard and examined causes &c. And againe pag. 146. Rex Angliae potest Synodos indi●●re omnium Ordinum Oecumeni●as , & in ijsdem praesidere . The King of ●ngland ( saith he ) may as●emb●e Generall Councells of all Orders or degrees , and therin sit as President or Chiefe &c. And pag. 155. he saith in like manner . Reges Angliae suprema sua authoritate , de iure Synodos conuocarunt . The Kings of ●ngland haue by th●ir owne supreme authority , and by ●●ght , ass●mbled Synods &c.

3 Now M To●ker in this poynt is very variable : one while contradicting himselfe , another while others . And this is manifest out of the diuers testimonies he produceth . The first is pag. 37. where he hath these words : A quibus magis aequum est indici Concilia● quàm ab illis● penes quos semper ●uit authoritas ●a congregandi ? Cùm autem communit●r triplex pon● soleat Concilium , Generale , Prouinciale & Dioec●sanum ; Concilium G●n●rale solius Papae iussu celebrari vultis , sed neque illud nisi ab Imp●ratoribus & Regibus simul consentient●bus hodie indici debet . Prouinciale à Metropolita●o cum suis Suffragancis . Dioecesanum ab Episcopo cum Curatis● R●ctoribus , & Clericis Dioeceseos &c. By whome is it more fit that Councells should be assembled , then by those in whose power hath alwayes authority byn to call them togeather ? For wheras commonly there be 3. sortes of Councells , Generall , Proui●ciall , & of a particuler Diocesse : the Generall , Councell you will haue to be celebrated only by commandment of the Pope ; but yet not so neyther now a dayes , vnlesse Emperors & Kings do agree therunto also . A Prouinciall Coun●ell is to be assembled by the Metropolitan and his Su●fragans : th●t of the Diocesse by the Bishop therof togea●her with the Curates , Recto●s , and Clarkes of ●he same Bishopricke &c. Out of which testimony we may gat●er , that the K. of England cannot assemble a Councell of his owne authority . Not a gene●all , because that belongeth to the common consent of Kings and Emperours . Not a Prouinciall , because that pertayneth to the Metropolitan . Not of the D●ocesse , because that belongeth to the Bishop therof . What then , I pray you , is left vnto the King ?

4. Another testimony heerof is out of the same M. ●ooker pag. 41. in these wor●s : Abundè liquet ex Concilijs ipsis , & historia Ecclesiastica , ●r●uincial●a Concilia & Nationalia ab Imperatoribus a● Regibus fuisse congregata . It is aboundantly manifest out of the Coū●els themselues , and the Ecclesiasticall Historyes , that Prouinciall and Nationall Councels haue byn assembled by Emperours and Kings &c. This now is plainely repugnant to his former testimony . For there he affirmeth , that Prouinciall Councells are to be assembled by the Metropolitans therof : heere he saith , ●hat they must be assembled by Kings and Emperours . There , is distinguished o●ly a threefould Councell● to wit , Generall Prouinciall● ● and that of the Diocesse : heere now , is added a four●h , to wit , Nationall .

5. His third testimony is set downe pag. 42. where he propo●eth this question : Quo igitur iure tantam sibi potestat●m arrogat Pontif●x solus ? Num diuino ? ●y what right then , I pray you , doth the Pope challenge vnto himselfe alone so great power ? Doth he do it by diuine right ? &c. And a little after he addeth : Erat Apostolorum omnium , non vnius tant●mmodo , & indicere Concilium , & statuere cum verborum solennitate ; Visum est Spiritui sancto & Nobis &c. It belonged to all the Apos●les , not to one alone , to assemble a Councell , and with solemnity of words to ordaine ; It seemes good vnto the Holy Ghost , and Vs &c. As if he would say ; That as by diuine right , not S. Pet●r alone , but all the Apostles togeather with equall power did assemble the fi●st Councell at Ierusalem , & therin decreed that law , about eating of bloud and strangled meates : so in like manner , by diuine right , not the Pope alone , but all Bishops , with equall power , must assemble Councells , and decree Ecclesiasticall lawes . Surely , if it be so , then without doubt it followes , that the power to call or assemble Councells doth not belong , by the law of God , to secular Kings and Princes , but to the Apostles and their success●urs &c.

6. His fourth testimony is pag. 63. where he saith : Mixtum aut●m ius , & r●suit●ns ●x vt●oque , & iure Regio & Episcopali , est Legum sanctio & Synodorum indictio , & praes●dendi in ijs praer●gatiu● & controu●rs●arū decisio , aliorumque actuum , qui his finitimi sunt ex●rcitium : quae f●rè ab origine Prima●us R●gij desc●ndunt , & communicantur Sac●r●oti●u &c The decreing or enacting of Lawes , the assembling of Synodes & Prerogatiue of ●it●ing therin as chiefe or head , as also the exercise of all other offices in this kind , is a certaine mixt Right , proceeding from both Kingly and Episcopall power : which things do in a manner come downe , or descend from the origen of the Kings Primacy , and are communicated or in parted vnto Priests &c. This now againe , as you see , is contrary to that which he said next before . For there he will needs haue the assembly of Synods or Councels to belong by diuine right to the Apostles : heere , forsooth , he will haue the same chiefely to belong to Kinges , and from them to be deriued vnto Bishops . These things do not agree one with another .

VII . Question . Whether the King can enact Ecclesiasticall Lawes , or no ?

1. IT is cleere , that K. Henry the 8. did , aswell by himselfe , as by his Vicar Generall ( Cromwell ) enact Ecclesiasticall Lawes . For so saith Doctor Sanders in his booke of the Schisme of England . His di●bus vigilantissimus hic Ecclesiae Pastor Henri●us quo in posterum sciretur quae cui rite nupta esset , legem ediderat perpetuam de Nuptijs , Comitior●m etiam auctoritate ●onfirmatam , qua statuchatur , vt si quae p●rsonae in L●uitico non prohibitae , solo cons●nsu , per verba de praesenti , matrimonium , nulla carnis copula subsecuta , contraxerint●eae verò ambae postea , vel earum altera nuptijs cum altera persona in L●uitico non prohibita contractis , ca●nali copula easd●m consumma ●erint ; hae post●riores quas firmasset copula , non priores illae , quas solus cons●nsus sta●u●ss●t , ratae atque legitimae haber●ntur : adeo , vt cùm olim iuris Gentium fuiss●t Regula , Nuptias non concubitus , sed consensus facit ; ●am dein●●ps , H●nrici r●gula esse coeperit , Nuptias non consen●us , sed concubitus facit . Et tam●n ips● Legis-lator contra suam ipsius regulam vxorem Annam Cliu●ns●m , cuius nuptias , non solo consensu , sed sept●m etiam mensium concu●itu firmau●rat , eo solùm praetextu r●iccit , i●saque viu●nte aliam superinduxit , quòd alt●ri , nes●io cui , cons●nsum antea praebuisse fin●●r●tur . Huius ergo legis tantop●re postea puduit ipsos Prot●stant●s , vt mortuo Henrico , eam ipsi r●uocauerint , atque irritam f●c●rint &c In these dayes , the most vigilan● Pastor of the Church K. H●nry , that it might be knowne to posterity , what woman were lawfully married to another , enacted a perpetuall law concerning Marriage , authorizing the same by publicke Decree of Parlament : wherin it was orda●ned , that if any persons , not prohibited in the Leuiticall law , should contract marriage by only consent , and by words de praes●nti , no carnall copulation following the same ; and that the said persons , or eyther of them ●hould afterward contra●t with another person not prohibited in the Leuiticall law , & consumm●te the same by carnall copulation ; that then these later contractes , which were consummated by carnall copulation , not the former , that were agreed vpon by only consent , should be accompted for good and lawfull . In so much , tha● wheras the rule of the law of Nations in old tyme was , That consent , not carnall copulation did make the marriage lawfull ; now heereafter by the law of K. Henry , it began to be a rule , That carnall copulation , not consent did make marriage lawfull . And yet for all this , the law-maker himselfe K. Henry , did , against his owne proper rule and law , reiect Anne of Cleeue his wife , whose marriage was not only contracted by consent alone , but consummated also by seauen moneths carnall copulation , vpon this only pretence , that she had giuen her consent to another before , I know not whome ; and vpon this fiction , he married another , she yet remayning aliue . And of this law afterward the Protestants themselues were so much ashamed , that after K. Henryes death , they recalled , and disanulled the same &c.

2. Concerning his Vicar Generall ( Cromwell ) thus wryteth also the said Doctor Sanders in the same booke . Septembri mense , authoritate sua Vicaria , Canones quosdam Ecclesiasticos quos Iniunctiones vocabat , sigillo Vicariatus sui munitos Archiepis●opis , Episcopis , Abbatibus & reliquo Clero praescripsit in quibus praeter cetera , iube●antur Parochi sub grauissimis poenis vt Orationem Dominicam cum salutatione Angelica , Symbolum item fidei & decem Decalogi praecepta aliaque huiusmodi , Anglicè in posterum in Ecclesijs docerent . In the moneth of September K. Henryes Vicar Generall , by the authority of his Office , prescribed certayne Ecclesiasticall Canons , which he called Iniunctions , signed with the seale of his Office of Vicar-Generall , to the Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , and the rest of the Clergy : wherin among●t other things the Pastors of C●urches were com●●nded , vnder most seuere punishment herafter to read in their Churches , the Lords prayer , the Aue Mary , the Creed , and ten Comaundements in English &c.

3. Now , our English Aduersaries , that wryte in these daies of the Kings Supremacy , do not agree in this point . For that some of them say , that the enacting of decreeing of Ecclesiasticall lawes , doth by diuine right belong vnto Bishops ; others say , that it belongeth to Kings and Emperours . The first opinion holdeth M. Tooker pag. 42. of his booke , where he saith , that the Apostles in the first Councell at Hierusalem did enact this Ecclesiasticall law : Visum est Spiritui Sancto & nobis , nihil vltra imponere vobis oneris , nisi haec necessaria : vt abstineatis vos ab immolatis simulachrorum , & sanguine , & suffocato . It hath seemed good to the holy Ghost , and to vs , to lay no further burthen vpon you , then these necessary things : that you abstayne from the things immolated to Idols , and from bloud , and that which is strangled &c. And this , saith he , the Apostles did by diuine right . The other opinion holdeth M. Tompson pag. 80. where he affirmeth , that Bishops , and Councels cannot enact or decree any Ecclesiasticall law , which hath the force of law , vnlesse Kings and Emperours consent therunto . His words are these : Decreta Conciliorum & Patrum , Ecclesiasticis Censuris , & 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 tantùm stetiss●nt , nisi legum vim Caesarea aura ipsis afflasset . The Decrees of the Councels and of the Fathers had bene held but only for Ecclesiasticall censures , and penalties , vnlesse the Emperours fauour had imparted the force of lawes vnto the said Decrees &c.

4. Heere now the Iarre is euident . For without doubt , that Ecclesiasticall law , which the Apostles decreed , had the force of a law : for that so much is gathered out of these words ; Visum est , nihil vltra imponere vobis oneris , nisi haec necessaria . It hath seemed good , to lay no further burthen vpon you , then these necessary things &c. But this Ecclesiasticall law had not it force from any fauour of the Emperor , seing that neither Tyberius , nor Pilate , nor Herod , nor any other fecular Prince , which then liued , did by his fauour , authorize the force of the law ; but that it came from the Apostles themselues . For that they , by their Apostolicall authority and power , which they had receiued from Christ , did decree , and promulgate that law . And the same power & authority haue Bishops now a dayes , not Kings , nor Emperours .

VIII . Question . whether the King by his owne proper authority , may conferre , collate , or bestow Ecclesiasticall benefices ?

1. THAT the King may conferre Ecclesiasticall liuings , M. Henry Salclebridge affirmeth pag. 121 in these wordes : Christiani Principes in suis R●●ni● , 〈…〉 authoritate , ben●ficia contul●runt 〈…〉 in their owne Kingdomes , by their owne proper authority , haue giuen or bestowed benefices , and that to their praise . &c. And then againe pag. 150. Audin I●suita , non modò collationes ben●ficiorum ad Angliae Reg●s sp●c●are , sed ad eosd●m illos spectare , vti Ecclesiae Anglicanae Primates vel supremos Ordinarios &c. Do you heare Iesuite , the collation of benefices , doth not only belong to the Kings of England , but also it doth belong vnto them , as they are Primates or supreme Ordinaries of the Church of England &c. And yet more : Rex ratione supremae suae Ecclesiasticae iurisdictionis praesentabit ad liberas Capellas . The King by vertue of his supreme Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction , shall be able to present vnto Free Chappells &c.

2. Now M. Tooker to the contrary denyeth it , pag. 36. where talking of the Kings of England , he saith thus : Beneficia autem curata , vel non curata , non conf●runt omnino in quempiam , maiora minoráue : multò minus dignitates Ecclesiasticas , siue Episcopatus , siue Archiepiscopatus per vniuersum ambitum Regni sui . Eorum certè collatio vel institutio est , quorum est destitutio , id est , Episcoporum Comprouincialium , qui potestat●m habent personas ipsas sacrandi . Hoc habet iuris Regia Maiestas , quod minor & subordinata potestas habet , ius inquam n●minandi , & praesentandi apud nos &c. Kings do not at all collate or bestow vpon any man benefices that haue care of soules , or not care , greater or lesser ; & much lesse Ecclesiasticall dignities , whether Bishopri●kes or Archbishoprickes throughout the whole circuite of their Kingdomes . For this truly belongeth vnto those , whose office it is to dispose therof , to wit , to the Comprouinciall Bishops , who haue power to consecrate the said persons on whome they bestow them . Indeed the Kings Majesty notwithstanding hath this right with vs in England , which an inferiour and subordinate power also hath , to wit , right to nominate and present vnto benefices &c.

3. Behould heere a triple Iarre or discord betwene these two Authors , and this in a dayly and vulgar matter . The first is , that M. Henry Salclebridg saith , that the collation of benefices belongeth to the Kings of England , in that they be the Primates of the Church of England . M. Tooker saith to the contrary , that it belongeth not to Kings at all , but to Bishops . The second Iarre is , that M. Salclebridge saith , that Kings by their owne authority , haue conferred benefices . M. Tooker saith , that they neuer do , nor haue done . The third is , that M. Salclebridge saith , that Kings by vertue of their supreme Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction may present vnto benefices . M. Tooker auerreth , that in this point , Kings haue no more right , then their subiects , & other inferiour persons : for so he saith : Hoc ha●et iuris Regia Maiestas , quod minor & subordinata potestas habet . The Kings Maiesty hath ( in this point of conferring benefices ) the same right that an inferiour & subordinate power hath &c. Whether of these two then should King Iames belieue , if he had a fat benefice , or an Archbishopricke now to bestow ?

IX . Question . Whether the King can create , and depose Bishops , or no ?

1. MAISTER Salclebridge saith , that he can . For thus he writeth pag. 121. Christiani Principes in suis Regnis , cum laude , propria authoritate , Episcopos crearunt & deposuerunt . Christian Prices , haue in their Kingdomes , by their owne proper authority created and deposed Bishops , and that with praise &c. And then againe pag. 144. Rex Angliae Archidiacono Richmundiae Episcopal●m concessit Iurisdictionem . The King of England graunted Episcopall Iurisdiction to the Archdeacon of Richmond &c. And yet further pag. 155. Reges Angliae suprema sua authoritate , de iure , atque cum laude omnium Ordinum Episcopos eleger●nt , ac proinde deponere potu●runt . The Kings of England of their owne supreme authority , by right , & with praise of all manner Estates , haue elected Bishops , and therfore they might depose them also &c. And then lastly : Constat , Christianos Prin●ipes cum laude Episcopos elegisse , & deposuisse , etiam Romanos . It is manifest , that Christian Princes , haue elected , & deposed Bishops , yea Popes also , and that with their praise &c.

2. Now M. Tooker , he denyes in the place before cited that the King can create or depose Bishops . For there he assigning two things necessary for the ordayning or creating of a Bishop , to wit , Consecration of the person , & a Bishopricke , addeth , that the King can performe neyther of these two . For neyther can he confer any benefice● , and much lesse a Bishopricke or Archbishopricke ; neyther hath he any power to consecrate persons . In so much , that in another place he confesseth , that it is so far off from King Iames to haue power to create or depose Bishops , that he would rather acknowledg himselfe for one of their schollers and Disciples . For thus he wryteth pag. 311. Serenissimus ac pientissimus Rex noster Iacobus non habet quicquam antiquius & honorificentius , quàm vt cum Valentiniano filium se Ecclesiae profiteatur , & cum Theodorico Italiae Rege , se alumnum Ecclesiae , & discipulum Archiepiscoporum suorum , & Episcoporum libenter recognoscat . Our most Gratious and most pious King Iames doth esteeme or accompt nothing more noble and more honorable , then with Valentinian ( the Emperour ) to professe himselfe a sonne of the Church ; and with Theodoricus King of Italy most willingly to acknowledge himselfe a foster-child of the Church , and a disciple of his Archbishops and Bishops &c.

3. This Iarre now , as you see , is of great moment . For if the King cannot create or ordaine Bishops , as M. Tooker saith he cannot ; then it followeth euidently , that Thomas Cranmer who was made Archbishop of Canterbury by the King ( Henry the 8. ) was no true , but a false Bishop ; no pastour , but a robber ; one that entred not into the sheepfold by the dore , but climbed vp some other way . Whereof againe ensue three other markable points . First , that all other Bishops , who were afterward eyther created by Crammer , or by the King , were like vnto Cranmer himselfe . Secondly whatsoeuer was done of them , by Episcopall authority or Iurisdiction , was of no validity or force . Thirdly , that they , so ordained , are bound to restitution of all reuenewes and profits which they haue reaped by their Bishopricks . What coun●●ll now is there to be taken in this point ? Let your Academicks , I pray you , consider .

X. Question . Whether the King can excommunicate his obstinate subiects , or no ?

1. HEERE now do our aduersaries ranke their King amongst ordinary men ; & what they graunted vnto him before , heere now they seeme to reuoke . For they say , that the King cannot excommunicate any of his subiects and yet himselfe may be excommunicated by them , and expelled out of the Church of England , wherof himself is supreme Head . The former part herof doth M. Tooker affirme pag. 15. in these worlds : Rex non habet potestatem distringendi gladium spiritualem , vel quempiam excommunicandi . The King hath no power to vnsheath the spirituall sword , nor to excommunicate any man &c. And the Chaplaine , my Lord of Ely , pag. 151. saith : Nos Principi censurae potestatem non facimus . We do not giue authority to our Prince to vse Censures &c. And againe M. Tompson pag. 83. Excommunicare nullo modo ad Supr●matum Ecclesiae pertinet . To excommunicate doth no way belong to the Supremacy of the Church . And againe pag. 84. Omnes fatemur R●gem excomunicandi potestatem nullam habere . We do all confesse , that the King hath no power to excommunicate &c.

2. The later part of the former point affirmeth M● Burhill pag. 137. when he saith : Quod Ambrosio licuit in Theodosium idem & alijs in Regem simili de causa liceat &c. As it was lawfull for Ambrose to proceed against Theodosius ; so is it lawfull also for others to proceed against the King , in the like cause &c. To wit ( he would say ) as it was lawfull for S. Ambrose being a Bishop , to excommunicate Theodosius the Emperour ; so in like manner is it lawfull for our Bishops ( of England ) to excomunicate King Iames , if he offend in like manner . And then againe pag. 242. Supremus Ecclesiae Gubernator , potest eijci ex Ecclesia . The supreme Gouernour of the Church , ( to wit the King ) may be cast forth of the Church &c. And pag. 267. Rex etsi iustissimè excommunicatus , non amittit Primatum . The King , although he should be most iustly excommunicated , yet he doth not loose his Primacy . &c.

3. Now I do not see , how these things can possibly hang togeather , or agree with those which hitherto before haue byn att●ibuted to the King . For vnto him is attributed , That he is Primate , and the supreme head of the Church of England : That he is aboue all persons , aswell Ecclesiasticall , as temporall in his Kingdome : That he hath supreme , most ample , and full iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , no lesse then politicall and temporall . And notwithstanding all this , being so great a person , yet can he not excommunicate any one of his subiects , eyther Laicke , or Church-man , although neuer so rebellious and obstinate . Nay , although he be so great , as he is , he may neuerthelesse be excommunicated by his subiects , & cast out of the Church of England , wherof he is supreme Head . I cannot vnderstand this mystery .

4. Heerunto will I adde 3. arguments more , which will increase the difficulty . The first is : He that hath supreme , most ample , and most full Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall in any Kingdome , may exercise all the actions , & offices that belong vnto Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall of that Kingdome . But now the King hath supreme , most ample , and most full iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall in the Kingdome of England , as M. Tooker , and M. Salclebridg do confesse : Ergo , he may exerci●e all offices belonging Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical in the Kingdome of England : Ergo he may also excommunicate : for that excommunication which is denounced by sentence , is an act of Ecclesiasticall Iur●sdiction . Or els contrariwise , if you will thus : He that cannot exercise all acts of Ecclesiasticall Iurisdi●●ion in any Kingdome , hath not supreme , most ample , & most full Iurisdiction Ecclesiasti●all in that Kingdome . But the King of England cannot exercise 〈…〉 of ●cclesiasticall Iurisdiction in his Kingdo●e because he cannot excommunicate any man . 〈…〉 not supreme , most ample , and most 〈…〉 ●●●l●siasticall in his Kingdome .

5. The second argument is this . He that giueth to another , power to excommunicate , without doubt hath power himself to excommunicate , b●cause no man can giue to another that which he hath not himselfe . But the King of England giueth power to his Bishops to excommunicat● . Ergo , h● hath power to excommunicate . The Minor is proued out of M. Tooker pag. 304. where he affirmeth , That the Bishops ( of England ) do receyue all their Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction of the exteriour Court , from the King . But now , power to excommunicate belongeth to Iurisdiction of the exteriour Court , a● the Chaplaine pag. 41. and M. Tooker pag. 305. expressely teach vs , saying : Rex habet omnem iurisdictionem spiritualem in foro exteriori , exceptis quibusdam censuris . The King hath all Iurisdiction spirituall in the exteriour Court , excepting certaine Censures . But now h● excepteth Excommunication , wherin yow see is to be noted againe a contradiction in M. Tooker ; for that he referreth Censures ( amongst which excommunication is one ) to the Iurisdiction of the exteriour Court . True indeed . Bu● yet he adioyneth two other things , that are con●radictory . The first , that the King can giue vnto Bishops all Iurisdiction of the exteriour Court : and th● second , that the King hath not all Iurisdiction o● the exteriour Court .

6. The third Argument is : That whosoeuer is subiect to another in Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction of the exteriour Court hath not supreme , mo●t ample , and full Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall of the exteriour Court● But the King is subiect to some other body in Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction of the exteriour Court , to wit , to the Bishop , because he may by him be excommunicated , by sentence , and cast out of the Church , as M. Burhill doth confesse : Ergo , he hath not supreme , most ample and most full Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall in the exteriour Court &c. Or , if you will , contrarywise thus : He that is subiect to no other in Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction , cannot by any man be excōmunicate● by sentence . But the King now , if he haue supreme Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction , is subiect to no other in Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall : Ergo , he cannot by any other be excommunicated &c. I doubt not , but you ma●ke well , that these things do not agree .

XI . Question . Whether the King may be Iudge of all Controuersies in the Church ?

1. CONTROVERSIES that arise in the Church are of two sortes : some are about faith and Religion : others are concerning Ecclesiasticall affayres . The former of these questions then , is : Whether the King by vertue of his Primacy , be supreme Iudg of all Controuersies , which pertayne vnto faith and Religion ? M. Salclebridge saith he is pag. 163. in these words : Sic luce clarius ●st , Christianos Principes cum laude , Controuers●as fid●i dijudicasse & dir●misse , etiam in vniuersalibus oct● Concilijs &c. So as it is more cleare then the sunne , that Christian Princes , with prais● , haue iudged of , and decided controuer●ies of faith , and that in eight Generall Councells &c. Which is as much to say , in the first of Nice , the first of Constantinople , that of Ephesus , Chalcedon , the second , third , & fourth of Constantinople , and the second of Nice , wherin diuers controuersies concerning matters of faith were iudged of , and decided ; especially concerning the diuinity of Christ , against the Hereticke Arius ; of the diuinity of the holy Ghost , against Macedonius ; of one person of Christ , against Nestorius ; of two Natures in Christ , against Eutyches and Dioscorus , & so of others . All these Controuersies , saith M. Salclebrigde , were iudged of , and decided by Kings and Emperours .

2. M. Tooker now , he affirmeth the quite contrary , who by no meanes will haue Kings or Emperors to be Iudges of Controuersies of faith . For thus he writeth pag. 3. of his booke : Olere autem malitiam , ac clamitare audaciam tuam illud vid●tur , cùm Regem caput Ecclesiae , Primatemque confingas , omniumque causarum & controuersiarum , quae ad fidem & R●ligionem pertinent iudicem tribuas . It may seeme to sauour of malice , & cry out vpon you sausinesse , when as you feigne the King to be head of the Church and Iudg of all causes and controuersies which pertaine vnto faith and Religion &c. And againe pag. 50●● Rex in suo Regno , omnibus superior sit , nulli subditus . Fidei iudex ne appelletur quidem . Although the King , in his owne Kingdome , be aboue all , and subiect to none : yet he may not be called , in any case , the Iudge of our Faith &c. And pag. 313. Reges Christiani non sunt ●idei ac Religionis Iudices . Christian Kings are not Iudges of Faith & Religion .

3. So as , if now in England there should chance to arise a dissention or debate concerning any point of Faith or Religion , as for example , concerning the r●all Pr●s●nce of Christ in the Eucharist ; what should your Academicks heere do ? To whome should your Cittizens , and the rest of the subiects haue recourse ? Should they go vnto the King as iudge in this point , and aske his sentence and determination ? M. Took●r , you see , would not go to the King . What ? should they go to some other Iudge then ? But M. Salclebridge he will admit no other . What then were best to be done in this case ? Truly euen that , which hitherto hath bin done in the debate of the Kings Supremacy : to wit , alwayes to braule , and iarre therabout , & neuer end the controuersy . And what 's the cause ? In very deed no other , but for that some thinke one thing , some another , and they cannot , or rather will not find out the certaine & true Iudge , who can decide the matter . And this is the property of heretikes .

4. The other Question is , Whether the King be Iudg of all Controuersies , that concerne other Ecclesiasticall affaires ? M. Salclebridge saith , that he is pag. 165. in these wordes : Audin , Controuersias Episcopales ab Imperatore dir●mptas ? Do you not heare Syr , that Episcopall Controuersies haue bin decided by Emperours ? &c. What M. Tooker thinketh of this point , is not well knowne . For s●me times he affirmeth it , as for example pag 24. thus : N●mini dubium est , quin in Primitiua Eccl●sia , d● r●bus & p●rs●nis Eccl●siasticis ius dic●r●nt Imperator●s . No man can doubt but that in the Primitiue Church , Emperors iudged of matters , and persons Ecclesiasticall &c. And yet pag. 23. he seemeth to deny it : Non est Princeps supra res , sed supra personas . The Prince ( saith he ) is not aboue the matters , but aboue the persons &c. And then againe pag. 49. Rex in suo Regno supremus est , non supra res , sed supra homines . The King in his owne Kingdome is the chiefe or principall , but yet not chiefe ouer thinges , but ouer men . And thus you see euery where nothing but iarring and disagreement .

XII . Question . Whence , & by what Title , hath the King his Primacy in the Church ?

1. THE sense hereof is , Whether the King precisely in that he is a King , or rather in that he is a Christian King , hath the Primacy of the Church ? The former part of this point , M. Tompson seemeth to approue pag. 78. where he saith : Omnes Principes , ●tiam Pagani , obiectiuè habent supremam potestat●m in omnes omnino personas suorum subditorum , & generatim in res ipsas , siue ciuiles sint , siue sacrae , vt in cultu diuino & Religione procuranda , saltem quoad modum & exercitium . All Princes , yea euen those that be Pagans , haue for the obiect of their supreme power , all manner of persons that be their subiects , and generally all thinges , whether ciuill or sacred , as in aduancing Gods honour and Religion , at leastwise , so far forth , as belongeth to the manner and exercise therof &c. And then againe pag. 94. Primatus est Regium honum , quod Censurâ tolli non potest . Nec est absurdum , Regem v●lut Ethnicum , esse Primatem E●cl●siae . Primacy is a certaine Kingly right , that cannot be taken away by censures . Nor is it absurd , that a King , as he is an Ethnicke , be Primate of the Church &c. And yet further in the same place : Rex Ethnicus , cùm Christo initiatur , non acquirit Primatum de nouo . An Ethnicke King ( saith he ) when as he is instructed in Christ , or the Christian faith , doth not purchase therby any new Primacy &c. To whome consenteth M. Burhill pag. 251. thus : Rex titulo R●gis temporalis potest sibi vindicare , & assumere Primatum Eccl●siae . A King , by the title of a temporall King , may clayme vnto himselfe and take vpon him the Primacy of the Church &c. And pag. 267. Rex etsi iustissimè excommunicatus , non amittit Primatum in rebus Ecclesiasticis . A King although he be most iustly excommunicated , yet doth he not loose his Primacy in Ecclesiasticall matters &c.

2. My Lord of Fly now , he teacheth vs a quite contrary lesson in his Tortura Torti ●ag. 39. where he auerreth , that the Prima●y of the Church doth belong to the King , not because he is a King , but because he is a Christian King ; and therfore Ethnicke Kings haue not Primacy in the Church , so long as they remaine Ethnicks ; but do then receyue the said Primacy , when they are made Christians : and loose the same againe also , when they be excommunicated . His words are these : An non Regi Ethnico praestare fidem fas ? Imo nefas non praestare . In Ethnico enim est vera potestas temporalis , idque s●ne ordine ad potestatem Ecclesiasticam . Is it not law●ull then , to yield Allegiance to an Ethnicke King ? Nay rather not to yield i● , is a wickednes . For in an Ethni●ke there is true temporall power , and that without respect to Ecclesiasticall powe● &c. And a little after . Rex quiuis cùm de ●thnico Christianus fit , non perdit terrenum ius , sed acquirit ius nouum . Itid●m cùm de Christiano fit s●cut Ethnicus , vigore sententiae amittit nouum ius quod acquisierat : sed retinet terrenum ius in temporalibus : quod fuerat illi proprium , priusquam Christianus fieret &c. Euery King , when as of an Ethni●ke , he becommeth a Christian , doth not loose his earthly right , but getteth a new right . And so in like manner , when as of a Christi●n he becommeth as an Ethnicke , ( to wit by ●xcommunication ) then by vigour of the sentence , he looseth that new right which he had gotten , but yet notwithstanding he still retayneth his earthly right in temporall things , which was proper vnto him , before he became a Christian &c.

3. So as according to the opinion of M. Tompson , and M. Burhill it followeth , that all Kings , whether Christians or Ethnicks , or of whatsoeuer other Sect or Religion they be , are Primates of the Church in their owne Kingdomes . Therfore all Englishmen and Scots , who liue at Constantinople , are ( by their sentence ) subiect to the Turke in Ecclesiasticall matters : as also they that liue in Spaine , are subiect to King Philip ; and they at Rome to the Pope , and so to others , in other places . What now shall those men do , if the Turke should commaund them to follow the Alcoran ? The King of Spaine force them to he●re Masse ? The Pope to pray for the dead ? and some heathen King perhaps compell them to Idolatry ? Shall they then obay these Princes commaund ? ●ut then should they do against their Consciences . Shall they refuse to obay ? Then farewell Primacy of the Church . Perhaps they will answere , that they will obay , when they thinke good . Shall therfore subiects be Iudges of their Kings ? May then the Catholickes in England , say after this manner , If it pl●ase your Maiesty , in this point we thinke good to obay your Maiestyes commaund , but in that not ?

XIII . Question . Whether the King may constraine his Subiects to take the Oath of Prmacy , or no ?

1. HITHERTO haue we treated of the Iarring & disagreement of our Aduersaries , abou● the nature , offices , & origen of the King● Primacy . Now there remaineth a certaine practicall question , which toucheth the Conscience to the quicke ; to wit , whether the King may constraine or force his Subiects to sweare , that they acknowledge his Kingly Primacy , wherof we haue spoken before ? Or whether they will acknowledg the King as Primate and supreme Head of the Church of ●ngland , vnto whome , as vnto their Primate & supreme Head they will promise fidelity , no lesse in Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall matters , then in Politicke and temporall ? This question hath two points . The first , whether the King of England doth de facto exact , or hath at any time exacted such an Oath of his subiects ? The other is , whether his subiects are bound in conscience to take such an Oath , if the King should exact the same ? Of both these points seuerally I meane to speake a word or two .

The first Point .

2. The first point then is , Whether the King of England doth exact , or at any tyme hath exacted such an Oath of his subiects ? It is manifest that K. Henry the 8. did . For so wryteth Doctor Sanders in his booke of the Schisme of England : Laurentius Cocchus Prior Coenobij Dancastrensis , vnà cum tribus Monachis & duobus laicis , Aegidio Horno , & Clemente Philpotto , quòd nollent Ecclesiasticum terreni Regis Primatum iuratò confiteri , exclusi è terris , ad caelestem aeterni Regis gloriam transmissi sunt . Laurence Coch Prior of the Monasterie of Dancaster , togeather with three Monkes and two Laymen , Giles Horne , and Clement Philpot , for that they would not sweare to the Ecclesiasticall Primacy of a temporall King , being excluded from earth , were transl●ted to a celestiall glory of the eternall King &c. And then againe : Proponebantur eis noua Comitiorum Decreta & iubebantur iureiurando affirmare , Regem Ecclesiae supremum esse Ca●ut . The new decrees of the Parlament were propounded vnto them , & they were commaunded to sweare , the King to be supreme Head of the Church &c.

3. Now that Queene ●lizabeth the daughter , followed heerin her Father K. Henry , it is manifest by the forme of Oath that she exacted of her subiects , which is this : ●go A. B prorsus testificor , & declaro in conscientia mea , Reginam ●sse solam supremam Gubernatricem & istius Regni Angliae & aliorum omnium suae Maiestatis dominiorum & regionum non minùs in omnibus spiritualibus atque Ecclesiasticis rebus vel causis , quàm temporalibus : Et quòd nemo externus Princeps , Persona Praelatus , Status , vel Potentatus , aut facto , aut iure , habet aliquam iurisdiction●m , potestatem , superioritatem , praeeminentiam , vel authoritat●m ●cclesiasticam aut spiritualem in hoc Regno . Ideoque planè renuntio & repudio omnes forinsecas iurisdictiones , potestates , superioritates atque authoritates &c. I A. B. do verily testify and declare in my conscience , that the Queene is the only supreme Gouernesse , aswell of this Kingdome of England , as of all other her Maiesties dominions and count●eys , aswell in all spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters and causes , as in temporall : And that no forrayne Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate hath , eyther by fact , or right , any Iurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence , or authority Ecclesiasticall or spirituall in this Kingdome . And therfore I do vtterly renounce , and abandone all forrayne Iurisdictions , powers , superiorities and authorityes &c.

4. The very same also doth now King Iames , who byndeth his subiects not with one Oath alone , but with two ; to wit , of Supremacy , and Allegiance . The former Oath of Supremacy beginneth thus : Ego A. B. palàm testor , & ex conscientia mea declaro , quod Maiestas Regia● vnicus est supremus Gubernator huius Regni , omniumque aliorum suae Maiestatis dominiorum & territoriorum tam in omnibus spiritualibus siue Ecclesiasticis rebus & causis , quàm in temporalibus : Et quòd nullus extraneus Princeps , Persona , Praelatus , Status aut Potentatus habet aut habere debet vllam iurisdictionem , potestatem , superioritatem , praeeminentiam vel authoritatem Ecclesiasticam , siue spiritualem intra hoc Regnum &c. I A. B. do publikely testify , and in my conscience declare , that the Kings Maiesty is the only supreme Gouernour of this Kingdome , and of all other his Maiesties dominions and territories , as well in all matters and causes spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , as in temporall : And that no forraine Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate hath , or ought to haue any Iurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence , or authority Ecclesiasticall or spirituall within this Kingdome &c. The later Oath called of Allegiance , beginneth thus : Ego A. B. verè & sincerè agnosco , profiteor , testificor , & declaro in conscientia mea coram Deo & Mundo , qùod supremus Dominus noster Rex Iacobus &c. I A. B. do truly and sincerely acknowledg , professe , and testify in my conscience , before God and the world , that our Soueraigne Lord King Iames &c.

5. Bo●h these Oathes are set downe at large in his Maiesties Apology : and in both of them , his subiects are required publickely and openly to professe & acknowledge● that King Iames is the supreme Gouernour , and Lord of all England , not only in politicke and temporall matters , but in spirituall and Ecclesiasticall also : And that neither the Pope , nor any other forrayner hath any power or Iurisdiction in , or ouer the Church of ●ngland . Againe the former of these Oathes was brought in by King Henry the 8. as his Maiesty confesseth in his Apology in these words : Sub Henrico octauo primùm introductum est Iuramentum Primatus sub eo●ue Thomas Morus & Rof●ensis supplico af●●cti ; idque partim ob eam causam , quòd Iuram●ntum illud recusarent . Ab eo deinceps omnes mei Praedecessores , quotquot sunt hanc Religionem amplexi , idem sibi , aut non multò secus asseruerunt &c. The Oath of Primacy was first brought in , vnder K. Henry the 8. vnder whome Syr Thomas More , and the Bishop of Roc●ester were beheaded ; and that partly because they refused that Oath . From him all my Predecessours downward , as many as haue imbraced this Religion , did retayne the same Oath , or not much different , vnto themselues &c. Now the later Oath was inuented by K. Iames himselfe .

The second Poynt .

6. The Question then is , whether all the Kings subiects in England , are bound in conscience to take both these Oathes , as often as the King shall exact the same ? Or whether they should suffer imprisonments , torments , and death it selfe , rather then sweare ? Concerning the former point , the Catholikes doubt nothing , for that they haue certainly and firmly determined rather to loose their liues , together with the glorious Martyrs Syr Thomas More , and the Bishop of Rochester , then to ad●it the Kings Primacy , and abiure the Popes . Now concerning the later Oath , there hath byn some doubt made these yeares past . For that some Catholikes , who perceaued not the force and scope of that Oath , did a little stagger at the beginning , whether they might with a safe conscience sweare therto , or no. Which doubt of theirs notwithstanding did not last long , but was soone taken away by Pope Paul the fifth , and Cardinall Bellarmine For the Pope forthwith directed two Apostolicall Breues to the Catholikes of England , and the said Card. wrote a letter to M. Blackwell then Archpriest of this affaire . Both Pope and Cardinall do deny , that the said Oath may be taken with a safe Conscience . And their reason is this : Because no man , with a safe conscience● can deny the Catholicke faith . But he now , who should take this Oath proposed by the King , should deny the Catholicke faith , though not generally , yet in ●art , so far forth as belongeth to some one article therof : Ergo , no man with a safe conscience can take this Oath .

7. This reason , being very sound , all good Catholicks admit : but our aduersaries do not . I , in fauour and consolation of the Catholicks , haue determined to adioyne heerunto two other reasons , especially against the Oath of Supremacy , which by the Aduersaries cannot be reiected . The first is this : No man is bound in Conscience to sweare that which is eyther apparently false , or at leastwise doubtfull : But , that the King is Primate , and supreme head of the Church , and for such to be obeyed , not only in temporall , but also in Ecclesiasticall matters , is eyther apparently false , or at leastwise doubtfull : Ergo , no man is bound in Conscience to sweare the same . The Maior is euident of it selfe , for that it is not lawfull to affirme any thing which is eyther false or doubtfull , and much lesse to sweare the same . The Minor is proued thus : For that , is it iudged apparently false , aswell amongst the Caluinists , as amongst the Catholicks , that the King is Primate and supreme head of the Church . But now amongst the Caluinists of England , who adhere vnto the King , the same is called into doubt . For that some of them affirme , others deny these points following : 1. That the King is Primate of the Church . 2. That he is supreme head of the Church . 3. That he hath Ecclesiasticall Primacy ouer the Church . 4. That he hath power & iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall . 5. That the K. by his owne proper Authority may assemble Councells or Synods , and sit as chiefe Head or President therin . 6. That he can confer benefices , or Ecclesiasticall liuings . 7. That he can create and depose Bishops . 8. That he is Iudge in Controuersies of faith &c. So as truly , if these and the like points be doubtfull and vncertaine amongst those who adhere vnto , and fauour the King , seing that some deny them , some affirme them : it followeth necessarily , that the Kings whole Primacy is an vncertaine thing . What rashnes then , and imprudency is it , to go about to bynd Catholicks in their Consciences to sweare that , which they themselues do affirme some of them to be false , some others to be doubtfull ?

8. I will explicate more distinctly that which I haue said . The Oath of the Kings Primacy , doth contayne so many parts as there be , or are thought to be Offices and functions of the Kings Primacy . The offices then eyther are , or are thought to be diuers , as we haue seene before , to wit , to assemble Synods , to enact and decree Ecclesiasticall lawes , to conferre benefices , to cre●te Bishops , to determine controuersies of faith , and the like . Therfore diuers are the parts of the Oath of the Kings Supremacy . Of these parts then , let vs take one of them by it selfe , to wit this : I A. B. do sweare in my conscience , that I will be faithfull and obedient vnto the King , as often , or whensoeuer he shall , by his owne proper authority , create Bishops , whom he will , and againe depose from their office or dignity , whome he will &c. If this part only of the Kings Offices should be exacted of all his Maiesties subiects in England , what , do you thinke , would be done ? Would all , trow you , yea they who most adhere now vnto the King , sweare this ? Let them sweare that would ; M. Tooker I am sure , if he be a constant man would not . For that he denyeth the creation and deposition of Bishops to belong any way vnto the King . And if so be , that he , who otherwise acknowledgeth the Kings Primacy ( at least in words ) would not sweare heerunto ; how then should Catholicks be compelled to do the same , who doe in no wise acknowledge it ? And what I haue said concerning this point , the same may be also said of the rest .

9. My other reason is this . King Iames doth often protest , that he claymeth no more right or Inrisdiction ouer the Church , then did the Kings in the old Testament in ancient times : and therfore that this his Primacy must be contayned within the same lymits , & termes , that theirs was in the old Testament . But the Kings in the old Testament could not compell their subiects to sweare such an Oath as this : I A. B. do openly testi●ie , and in my conscience declare , that Ieroboam is the only supreme Gouernour of this Kingdome of Israel , aswell in spirituall as temporall matters : And that no forrayner hath any iurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence , or authority in this Kingdome &c. Ergo , neyther King Iames can inforce his subiects to take such a like Oath . The Maior is manifest out of his Maiestyes owne words in his Apology . The Minor I thus explicate . After the death of King Salomon , his Kingdome ( God so disposing ) was deuided into two parts : wherof one conteyned ten Tribes : the other two . So as by this meanes , they became two distinct Kingdomes afterwards , & therin raigned two distinct Kings , one wherof had no dependance of the other in temporall gouerment . One was called King of Israel , the other King of Iuda : and both of them had successours in their kingdomes . The first Kings that ruled , after the diuision of the kingdome made , were Ieroboam King of Israel , & Roboam King of Iuda . In eyther kingdome were Priestes and Leuites . But the high or Chiefe Priest , could not reside in both Kingdomes , but only in one , and that ordinarily in Iuda : yet notwithstanding he was Head of all the Priestes & Leuites that remayned in both Kingdomes . Neither could Ieroboam lawfully say vnto his Priests and Leuites : You shall not obey the High Priest , that resideth in the Kingdome of Iuda : but you shall obey me only : for you are exempted from his iurisdiction and power &c. And though he should haue so said ; yet no doubt , but he had offended . If now King Ieroboam could not exempt the Priests and Leuites of his owne Kingdome , from the Iurisdiction and Power of a forraine High Priest : by what right then doth now King Iames of England do the same ? especially , seeing he auerreth , that he claymeth no more right or iurisdiction vnto himselfe ouer the Church , then the Kings of the old Testament did ?

The Conclusion .

1. ALL then that hath bene hitherto said , may be reduced vnto three heads . The first is , that the Kings Primacy in the Church is a new thing , and first brought in by King Henry the 8. nor hitherto hath bene heard of , or vsurped in any other place then only in the Kingdome of ●ngland . The second is : that there be so many Iarres & disagreements of the English Ministry among ●hemselues , concerning this Primacy , that it is not manifest nor certaine what the said Primacy is , nor what force or authority the same hath . The third : that the Oath of this Primacy can neyther be exacted by the King ; nor may the Subiects take the same .

2. Heerehence three other questions which might be made concerning the Subiects , will ea●ily be solued . There be three sorts of Subiects in England . The first , as some call them , are Henricians , who both a●knowledg , & sweare vnto this Kingly Supremacy . The second sort are Puritans , or pure Caluinists , who indeed do not acknowledge the said Supremacy , but yet do sweare therunto . The third are Catholikes , which neyther acknowledge it , nor will sweare it .

3. The first question then is , What may be said of these Henricians , which both acknowledge and sweare to the Kings Supremacy ? I answere : that they do vnwisely and inconsiderately . The reason is● Because it is folly and rashnes , as before I haue said , to sweare a thing that is doubtfull and vncertaine . But the Primacy of the King is a thing altogeather doubtfull and vncertaine amongst the Henricians , as is manifest by their iarres and dissentions , which hithe●to we haue shewed . Ergo , to sweare to such a Supremacy is both folly and rashnes .

4. The second question is , What may be said of the Puritans , or pure Caluinists , who do not indeed acknowledg the Kings Primacy , & yet if they be commaunded , do sweare therto ? I answere : that they are periured persons and Politicians . The reason is . Because they belieue one thing , and sweare another . They belieue with Calnin , that neyther Kings nor secular Princes haue any Primacy in spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters , but only in temporall ; yet neuerthelesse they sweare Allegiance vnto the King ( togeather with the forsaid Henricians ) as to the Primate and supreme Head of the Church : and this they do , to make an externall and politicall peace , which is more esteemed by them , then their faith and Religion ; and therfore they are rather to be called Politicks then Christians . Of whome his Maiesty gaue a most worthy testimony , in his Preface Monitory , to wit , That he had found more truth and honesty in the high-land and bordering theeues , then in that sort of people .

5. The third question is , what may be said of Catholickes , who neyther acknowledge the Kings Primacy , nor sweare therto . I answere : that they be iust & vpright men , who walke before God in truth & verity . They be sincere , who professe with their mouth , that which they thinke in their hart . They are wise indeed , who with good Eleazarus had rather dye , then consent to any vnlawfull thing , no not so much , as in outward shew . They be like vnto the Apostles , who endeauour to obey God , rather then men . They be like to the Martyrs of the primitiue Church , who freely professe themselues before the persecutours , to be such as indeed they are .

6. But you will say , they be miserable . For if they refuse the Oath , they are forced to vndergoe imprisonments , torments , punishments . Truly they are not therfore miserable but most happy . For so did our Sauiour teach vs in the Ghospell , Matth. 5.10 . Bl●ss●d are th●y● who suffer persecution for iustice , for th●irs is the Kin●dome of heau●n . But then you will say : It is a hard thing to su●●er . How is that hard , which is done with ioy and delight ? Heare what is said of the Apos●les , Act. 5.41 . And they went from the sight of t●e Counc●ll reioycing● b●cause they were accompted wort●y to suf●er reproach for the name of Iesus . Heare what ●●e Apostle saith of himselfe 2. Cor. 4. Superabundo gaudio in omni tribulatione nostra . I excedingly reioy●e in all our tribulations .

7. And from whence commeth this ioy ? Truly from a twofold gift of the holy Ghost ; to wit Hope , and Charity . Hope of future glory , that maketh vs ioyfull and full of comfort in all aduersityes . Rom. 8.18 . The sufferings of these tymes , are not condigne to the future glory , that shal be reuealed in vs . And againe R●m. 12.12 . Reioycing in hope : and patient in tribulation . And H●br. 10.34 . The spoyle of your owne goods you tooke with ioy , knowing that you haue a better , and a p●rmanent substance . Do not therefore leese your confidence , which hath a great r●ward . For patience is n●●●ssary ●or you , that doing the will of God , you may rec●yue the promise &c.

8. Nor is the force of Charity lesse : Rom. 8.35 . W●o th●n shall separate vs from the Charity of Christ ? Tribulatio ? or a●stresse ? or fami●● ? or nak●dnes ? or dang●r ? or persecution ? or the sword ? &c. But in all these things we ouercome , b●cause of him that hath l●u●d vs . For I am sure , that neyther death , nor life , nor Angells , nor Principali●yes , nor Powers , neyth●r things pr●s●nt , nor things to come , neyther might , nor height , nor depth , nor other creature shal be able to separate vs from the Charity of God , which is in Christ I●sus our Lord &c.

9. Heerto belong the examples of Christ , & of other Saints , which haue great force and efficacy , to styr vp and strengthen the harts of Catholickes , to suffer patiently in this life , prisons , fetters , torments , yea death it selfe . 1. Pet. 2.20 . If doing well , you sustaine patiently , this is thanke before God . For vnto this are you called , because Christ also suffered for vs , leauing you an example , that you may follow his steppes , who did no sinne , n●yther was guile sound in his mouth : who when he was reuiled , did not r●uile● when he suff●red , he threatned not ; but deliuer●d himselfe to him that iudged him vniustly &c.

10. And Hebr. 11.36 . Others had triall of reproaches , and stripes : moreouer also of bands and prisons : they were stoned , they were h●wed , they were t●mpted , th●y died in the slaughter of the sword : they went about in sheep-skins , in goate-skins , needy , in distr●sse , a●flict●d : of whome the world was not worthy : wandring in d●serts , in mountaines , and dennes , and in caues of the eart● &c.

11. And againe in the 12. Chapter , and 1. verse . And therfore by pati●nce l●t vs runne to the Combat proposed vnto vs , looking on the author of Faith , and the consummator Iesus , who , ioy being proposed vnto him , sustayned the Crosse , contemning confusion , and sitteth on the right hand of the seat of God . For thinke diligently vpon him , who sustayned of sinners such contradiction against himselfe , that you be not wearied , fainting in your mynds . For you haue not yet resisted vnto bloud &c.

12. And yet more , 2. Cor. 11.23 . In very many labours , in prisons more aboundantly , in stripes aboue measure , in deaths often . Of the Iewes fiue tymes did I rec●yue fourty ( stripes ) sauing one . Thrice was I beaten with rodds , once I was stoned , thrice I suffered shipwracke , night and day haue I byn in the depth of the sea , in iourneying often , in perills of waters , perills of theeues , perills of my nation , perills of Gentiles , perills in the Citty , perills in the wildernesse , perills in the sea , perills among false brethren ; in labour and misery , in much watching , in ●unger and thirst , in fastings often , in cold and nakednes &c.

13. And yet more in the 12. Chapter and 9. verse . Gladly will I glory in my owne infirmity , that the power of Christ may dwell in me . For which cause I please my selfe in infirmityes , in contumelies , in necessities , in pers●cutions , in distresses for Christ . For when I am weake , then am I mighty &c.

14. With these , and the like testimonies of holy Scriptures were armed Syr Thomas More , & the Bishop of Rochester , when they rather chose to dy , then to take an impious & wicked Oath . With these places were others also animated , who followed them in their glorious fight . And lastly with these , are they encouraged , who now in England are kept in prisons , bound in fetters , spoyled of their goods and lyuings , and purpled in their owne bloud .

S. Cyprian Epist. 9.

Pretiosamors haec est , quae emit immortalitatem pretio sanguinis s●i Pretious is that death , which buyeth immortality with the price of it bloud .

And in the end of the same Epistle .

O beatam Ecclesiam nostram , quam tempor●bus nostris gloriosus Martyrum san●uis illustrat ! Erat antea in operibus fratrum candida : nunc facta est in Martyrum cruore purpurea . O happy is our Church , which the glorious bloud of Martyrs doth in these our dayes illustrate ! It was made white before in the works of our brethren : but now is it made purple in the bloud of Martyrs .

And yet more in Epist. 24.

Quid gloriosius aut felicius vlli hominum poterit ex diuina dignatione contingere , quàm inter ipsos carnifices interritum confit●ri Dominum D●um ? quam inter saeuientia saecularis potestatis tormenta , etiam extorto & ex●ruciato , & ex●arnificato corpore , Christum De● fi●ium , etsi recedente , sed tam●n lib●ro spiritu confit●ri ? quàm relicto mundo caelum p●ti●●e ? quam d●s●rtis hominibus , inter Angelos star● ? quam coll●gam passionis ●um Christo , in Christi nomine factum ●ss● ? What can happen vnto any man , through Gods diuine bountifulnes , more glorious , or more prosperous , then without all feare to confesse our Lord God ? then amidst the cruell torments of secular power , to confesse Christ the Sonne of God , with a free spirit , though now departing from the bodie , yea from the bodie tortured , tormented , and all to bemangled ? then by leauing the world , to goe to heauen ? then by forsaking the company of men , to be conuersant with angells ? and be made partaker of the Passion of Christ , in Christ his name ?

FINIS .