THE
PRINCE
;
Written
by
Nicholas
Machiavelli
,
Secretary
and
Citizen
of
Florence
.
CHAP.
I.
How
many
sorts
of
Principalities
there
are
,
and
how
many
wayes
they
are
attained
to
.
ALl
States
,
all
Dominions
that
have
had
,
or
now
have
rule
over
men
,
have
been
,
and
are
,
either
●epubliques
,
or
Principalities
.
●rincipalities
are
either
herdita●y
,
whereof
they
of
the
bloud
of
●he
Lord
thereof
have
long
time
been
Princes
;
or
else
they
a●
new
;
and
those
that
are
new
,
a●
either
all
new
,
as
was
the
Dutch●
of
Millan
to
Francis
Sforce
;
or
a●
as
members
adjoyned
to
the
hereditary
State
of
the
Prince
tha●
gaines
it
;
as
the
kingdome
of
Naples
is
to
the
King
of
Spain
.
Thes●
Dominions
so
gotten
,
are
accustomed
either
to
live
under
●
Prince
,
or
to
enjoy
their
liberty
and
are
made
conquest
of
,
eithe●
with
others
forces
,
or
ones
owne
either
by
fortune
,
or
by
valour
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Hereditary
Principalities
.
I
Will
not
here
discourse
of
Republiques
,
because
I
have
other●
where
treated
of
them
at
large
I
will
apply
my selfe
only
to
a
Principality
,
and
proceed
,
whil●
I
weave
this
web
,
by
arguing
thereupon
,
how
these
Principalities
can
be
governed
and
maintained
.
I
say
then
that
in
State
of
inheritance
,
and
accustomed
to
the
bloud
of
their
Princes
,
there
●re
far
fewer
difficulties
to
keep
●●em
,
than
in
the
new
:
for
it
suf●●ces
only
not
to
transgresse
the
●ourse
his
Ancestors
took
,
and
so
●fterwards
to
temporize
with
●hose
accidents
that
can
happen
;
●hat
if
such
a
Prince
be
but
of
or●inary
industry
,
he
shall
alwayes
●e
able
to
maintain
himselfe
in
●is
State
,
unlesse
by
some
extraordinary
or
excessive
power
he
be
●eprived
thereof
;
and
when
he
hath
lost
it
,
upon
the
least
sinister
chance
that
befals
the
usurper
,
he
●●covers
it
again
.
We
have
in
Ita●●
the
Duke
of
Ferrara
for
example
thereof
,
who
was
of
ability
to
resist
the
Venetians
,
in
the
yeer
84
,
●nd
to
withstand
Pope
Julius
in
●he
tenth
for
no
other
reason
,
than
because
he
had
of
old
continued
in
that
rule
;
for
the
natu●●ll
Prince
hath
fewer
occasions
,
and
lesse
heed
to
give
offence
,
whereupon
of
necessity
he
must
●e
more
beloved
;
and
unlesse
it
●e
that
some
extravagant
vices
of
his
bring
him
into
hatred
,
it●
agreeable
to
reason
,
that
natura●ly
he
should
be
well
beloved
b●
his
own
subjects
:
and
in
the
ant●quity
and
continuation
of
th●
Dominion
,
the
remembranc●
and
occasions
of
innovations
a●
quite
extinguished
:
for
evermo●
one
change
leaves
a
kinde
o●
breach
or
dent
,
to
fasten
the
building
of
another
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
mixt
Principalities
.
BUt
the
difficulties
consist
i●
the
new
Principality
;
an●
first
,
if
it
be
not
all
new
,
but
as
member
,
so
that
it
may
be
term●
altogether
as
mixt
;
and
the
v●riations
thereof
proceed
in
th●
first
place
,
from
a
naturall
diff●culty
,
which
we
commonly
find●
in
all
new
Principalities
;
for
me●
do
willingly
change
their
Lor●
beleeving
to
better
their
condit●on
;
and
this
beliefe
causes
the●
to
take
armes
against
him
th●●
rules
over
them
,
whereby
they
de●●ive
themselves
;
because
they
●●nde
after
by
experience
,
they
●ave
made
it
worse
:
which
de●ends
upon
another
naturall
and
●rdinary
necessity
,
forcing
him
●wayes
to
offend
those
,
whose
●rince
he
newly
becomes
,
as
well
●y
his
souldiers
he
is
put
to
enter●●in
upon
them
,
as
by
many
other
●●juries
,
which
a
new
conquest
●aws
along
with
it
;
in
such
man●er
as
thou
findest
all
those
thine
●●emies
,
whom
thou
hast
endam●aged
in
the
seizing
of
that
Prin●●pality
,
and
afterwards
canst
●ot
keep
them
thy
friends
that
have
seated
thee
in
it
,
for
not
being
able
to
satisfie
them
accord●●g
to
their
expectations
,
nor
put
〈◊〉
practise
strong
remedies
against
●●em
,
being
obliged
to
them
.
For
●●wever
one
bee
very
well
pro●●ded
with
strong
armies
,
yet
hath
〈◊〉
alwayes
need
of
the
favour
of
●e
inhabitants
in
the
countrey
,
〈◊〉
enter
thereinto
.
For
these
rea●●ns
,
Lewis
the
twelth
,
King
of
France
,
suddenly
tooke
Milan
▪
and
as
soone
lost
it
;
and
the
firs●
time
Lodwick
his
owne
forces
served
well
enough
to
wrest
it
out
o●
his
hands
;
for
those
people
tha●
had
opened
him
the
gates
,
finding
themselves
deceived
of
thei●
opinion
,
and
of
that
future
goo●
which
they
had
promised
themselves
,
could
not
endure
the
distastes
the
new
Prince
gave
them
▪
True
it
is
,
that
countreyes
tha●
have
rebelled
again
the
secon●
time
,
being
recovered
,
are
hard●
lost
;
for
their
Lord
taking
occasion
from
their
rebellion
,
is
less●
respective
of
persons
,
but
car●
only
to
secure
himselfe
,
by
punishing
delinquents
,
to
clear
all
suspicions
,
and
to
provide
for
himself●
where
he
thinks
he
is
weakest
:
s●
that
if
to
make
France
lose
Milan
the
first
time
,
it
was
enoug●
for
Duke
Lodwick
to
make
som●
small
stir
only
upon
the
confines
yet
afterwards
,
before
they
coul●
make
him
lose
it
the
second
tim●
they
had
neede
of
the
who●●
world
together
against
him
,
and
●●at
al
his
armies
should
be
wasted
●nd
driven
out
of
Italy
;
which
proceeded
from
the
forenamed
●auses
:
however
though
,
both
●he
first
and
second
time
it
was
●aken
from
him
.
The
generall
●auses
of
the
first
we
have
treated
●f
;
it
remaines
now
that
we
see
●hose
of
the
second
,
and
set
down
●he
remedies
that
he
had
,
or
any
●ne
else
can
have
,
that
should
●hance
to
be
in
those
tearmes
he
was
,
whereby
he
might
be
able
●o
maintaine
himselfe
better
in
his
conquest
,
than
the
King
of
France
did
.
I
say
therefore
,
that
these
States
which
by
conquest
are
annexed
to
the
ancient
states
of
their
Conquerour
,
are
either
of
the
●●me
Province
,
and
the
same
language
,
or
otherwise
;
and
when
●hey
are
,
it
is
very
easie
to
hold
●hem
,
especially
when
they
are
●ot
used
to
live
free
:
and
to
enjoy
●hem
securely
,
it
is
enough
to
have
extinguished
the
Princes
line
who
ruled
over
them
:
For
in
other
matters
,
allowing
them
their
ancient
conditions
,
and
there
being
not
much
difference
of
manners
betwixt
them
,
men
ordinarily
live
quiet
enough
;
as
we
have
seene
that
Burgundy
did
,
Britany
,
Gascony
,
and
Normandy
,
which
so
long
time
continued
with
France
:
for
however
there
be
some
difference
of
language
betweene
them
,
yet
can
they
easily
comport
one
with
another
;
and
whosoever
makes
the
conquest
of
them
;
meaning
to
hold
them
,
must
have
two
regards
;
the
first
,
that
the
race
of
their
former
Prince
be
quite
extinguished
;
the
other
,
that
he
change
nothing
,
neither
in
their
lawes
nor
taxes
▪
so
that
in
a
very
short
t●me
they
become
one
entire
body
with
their
ancient
Principality
.
But
when
any
States
are
gaind
in
a
Province
disagreeing
in
language
,
manners
,
and
orders
,
here
are
the
difficulties
,
and
here
is
there
need
of
good
fortune
,
and
great
industry
to
maintain
them
;
and
it
would
be
one
of
the
best
●nd
liveliest
remedies
,
for
the
Conquerour
to
goe
in
person
and
dwell
there
;
this
would
make
the
possession
hereof
more
secure
and
durable
;
as
the
Turke
hath
done
in
Greece
,
who
among
al
the
other
courses
taken
by
him
for
to
hold
that
State
,
had
he
not
gone
thither
himselfe
in
person
to
dwell
,
it
had
never
beene
possible
for
him
to
have
kept
it
:
for
abi●ing
there
,
he
sees
the
disorders
growing
in
their
beginnings
,
and
●orthwith
can
remedy
them
;
whereas
,
being
not
there
present
,
●hey
are
heard
of
when
they
are
growne
to
some
height
,
and
then
●s
there
no
help
for
them
.
Moreover
,
the
Province
is
not
pillaged
by
the
officers
thou
sendest
thi●her
:
the
subjects
are
much
satisfied
,
of
having
recourse
to
the
Prince
neere
at
hand
,
whereupon
have
they
more
reason
to
love
him
,
if
they
meane
to
be
good
;
●nd
intending
to
doe
otherwise
,
●o
feare
him
:
and
forrein
Princes
will
be
well
aware
how
they
invade
that
State
;
insomuch
,
that
making
his
abode
there
,
he
can
very
hardly
lose
it
.
Another
remedy
,
which
is
also
a
better
,
is
to
send
Colonies
into
one
or
two
places
,
which
may
be
as
it
were
the
keyes
of
that
State
;
for
it
is
necessary
either
to
doe
this
,
or
to
maintaine
there
many
horse
and
foot
.
In
these
colonies
the
Prince
makes
no
great
expence
,
and
either
without
his
charge
,
or
at
a
very
small
rate
,
he
may
both
send
and
maintaine
them
;
&
gives
offence
only
to
them
from
whom
he
takes
their
fields
and
houses
,
to
bestow
them
on
those
new
inhabitants
,
who
are
but
a
very
small
part
of
that
State
;
and
those
that
he
offends
,
remaining
dispersed
and
poore
,
can
never
hurt
him
:
and
all
the
rest
on
one
part
,
have
no
offence
given
them
,
and
therefore
a
small
matter
keeps
them
in
quiet
:
on
the
other
side
,
they
are
wary
not
to
erre
,
for
feare
it
befals
not
them
,
as
it
did
those
that
were
dispoyld
.
I
conclude
then
,
●●at
those
colonies
that
are
not
●●argeable
,
are
the
more
trusty
,
●●ve
the
lesse
offence
;
and
they
that
●re
offended
,
being
but
poor
and
●●attered
,
can
do
but
little
harme
,
〈◊〉
I
have
said
;
for
it
is
to
be
no●●d
,
that
men
must
either
be
dalli●●
and
flatterd
withall
,
or
else
be
●ite
crusht
;
for
they
revenge
●●emselves
of
small
dammages
;
●t
of
great
ones
they
are
not
●de
;
so
that
when
wrong
is
done
〈◊〉
any
man
,
it
ought
so
to
be
●one
,
that
it
need
feare
no
returne
〈◊〉
revenge
againe
.
But
in
lieu
of
●●lonies
,
by
maintaining
souldi●●s
there
,
the
expence
is
great
;
for
●e
whole
revenues
of
that
State
●e
to
be
spent
in
the
keeping
of
〈◊〉
;
so
the
conquest
proves
but
a
●sse
to
him
that
hath
got
it
,
and
●dāmmages
him
rather
;
for
it
●urts
that
whole
State
,
to
remove
●e
army
from
place
to
place
,
of
●hich
annoyance
,
every
one
hath
〈◊〉
feeling
,
and
so
becomes
enemie
〈◊〉
thee
;
as
they
are
enemies
,
I
wis
,
who
are
outraged
by
thee
in
their
own
houses
,
whensoever
they
are
able
to
do
thee
mischief
.
Every
way
then
is
this
guard
unprofitable
,
a●
that
of
the
colonies
is
profitable
.
Besides
,
he
that
is
in
a
different
Province
,
(
as
it
is
said
)
should
make
himself
Head
and
defender
of
his
lesse
powerfull
neighbours
,
and
devise
all
wayes
to
weaken
those
that
are
more
mighty
therein
,
and
take
care
,
that
upon
no
chance
there
enter
not
any
forreiner
as
mighty
as
himselfe
;
for
it
will
alwayes
come
to
passe
,
that
they
shall
be
brought
in
by
those
,
that
are
discontented
,
either
upon
ambition
,
or
feare
;
as
th●
Etolians
brought
the
Romans
int●
Greece
;
and
they
were
brough●
into
every
countrey
they
came
▪
by
the
Natives
;
and
the
course
o●
that
matter
is
,
that
so
soone
as
a
powerfull
Stranger
enters
a
countrey
,
all
those
that
are
the
lesse
powerfull
there
,
cleave
to
him
▪
provoked
by
an
envie
they
bear●
him
that
is
more
mighty
tha●
they
:
so
that
,
for
these
of
the
weaker
sort
,
he
may
easily
gaine
them
without
any
paines
:
for
presently
all
of
them
together
very
willingly
make
one
lump
with
that
hee
hath
gotten
:
Hee
hath
only
to
beware
that
these
increase
not
their
strengths
,
nor
their
authorities
,
and
so
he
shall
easily
be
able
by
his
own
forces
,
and
their
assistances
,
to
take
down
those
that
are
mighty
,
and
remain
himselfe
absolute
arbitre
of
that
countrey
.
And
he
that
playe●
not
well
this
part
,
shall
quickly
lose
what
hee
hath
gotten
;
and
while
hee
holds
it
,
shall
find
therein
a
great
many
troubles
and
vexations
.
The
Romans
in
the
Provinces
they
seiz'd
on
,
observed
well
these
points
,
sent
colonies
thither
,
entertained
the
weaker
sort
,
without
augmenting
any
thing
their
power
,
abated
the
forces
of
those
that
were
mighty
,
and
permitted
not
any
powerfull
forreiner
to
gaine
too
much
reputation
there
.
And
I
will
content
my self
only
with
the
countrey
of
Greece
for
example
hereof
.
The
Achayans
and
Etolians
were
entertained
by
them
,
the
Macedons
kingdome
was
brought
low
,
Antiochus
was
driven
thence
,
nor
ever
did
the
Achayans
or
Etolians
deserts
prevaile
so
farre
for
them
,
that
they
would
ever
promise
to
enlarge
their
State
,
nor
the
perswasions
of
Philip
induce
them
ever
to
bee
his
friends
,
without
bringing
him
lower
:
nor
yet
could
Antiochus
his
power
make
them
ever
consent
that
hee
should
hold
any
state
in
that
country
:
for
the
Romans
did
in
these
cases
that
,
which
all
judicious
Princes
ought
to
doe
,
who
are
not
only
to
have
regard
unto
all
present
mischiefes
,
but
also
to
the
future
,
and
to
provide
for
those
with
all
industry
;
for
by
taking
order
for
those
when
they
are
afarre
off
,
it
is
easie
to
prevent
them
;
but
by
delaying
till
they
come
neare
hand
to
thee
,
the
remedy
comes
too
late
:
for
this
malignity
is
grown
incurable
,
and
it
befals
this
,
as
the
physicians
say
of
the
Hectique
feaver
,
that
in
the
beginning
it
is
easily
cur'd
,
but
hard●y
known
:
but
in
the
course
of
●ime
,
not
having
been
known
in
●he
beginning
,
nor
cured
,
it
be●omes
easie
to
know
,
but
hard
to
●ure
.
Even
so
falls
it
out
in
mat●ers
of
State
;
for
by
knowing
it
a●●ofe
off
(
which
is
given
only
to
〈◊〉
wise
man
to
doe
)
the
mischiefs
●●at
then
spring
up
,
are
quickly
●elped
;
but
when
,
for
not
having
●een
perceived
,
they
are
sufferd
〈◊〉
increase
,
so
that
every
one
sees
●hem
;
there
is
then
no
cure
for
●hem
:
therefore
the
Romans
,
see●●g
these
inconvenients
afarre
off
,
●lwayes
prevented
them
,
and
●ever
sufferd
them
to
follow
,
●or
to
escape
a
warre
;
because
they
knew
that
a
warre
is
not
undertaken
,
but
deferrd
for
a●others
advantage
;
therfore
would
they
rather
make
warre
with
Philip
,
and
Antiochus
in
Greece
,
to
the
end
it
should
not
afterwards
be
made
with
them
in
Italy
,
though
for
that
time
they
were
able
to
avoyd
both
the
one
and
the
other
,
which
they
thought
not
good
to
doe
:
nor
did
they
approve
of
that
saying
that
is
ordinarily
in
the
mouths
of
the
Sages
of
our
dayes
,
to
enjoy
the
benefits
of
the
present
time
;
but
that
rather
,
to
take
the
benefit
of
their
valour
and
wisdome
;
for
time
drives
forward
every
thing
,
and
may
bring
with
it
as
well
good
as
evill
,
and
evill
as
good
.
But
let
us
return
to
France
,
and
examine
if
any
of
the
things
prescribed
have
been
done
by
them
:
and
we
will
speak
of
Lewis
,
and
not
of
Charles
,
as
of
whom
by
reason
of
the
long
possession
he
held
in
Italy
wee
better
knew
the
wayes
hee
went
:
and
you
shall
see
hee
did
the
clean
contrary
to
what
should
have
been
done
by
him
that
would
maintain
a
State
of
different
Language
and
conditions
.
King
Lewis
was
brought
into
Italy
by
the
Venetians
ambition
,
who
would
have
gotten
for
their
shares
half
the
State
of
Lombardy
:
I
will
not
blame
his
comming
,
or
the
course
hee
took
,
because
hee
had
a
mind
to
begin
to
set
a
foot
in
Italy
;
but
having
not
any
friends
in
the
country
,
all
gates
being
barrd
against
him
,
by
reason
of
King
Charles
his
carriage
there
;
he
was
constraind
to
joyne
friendship
with
those
hee
could
;
and
this
consideration
well
taken
,
would
have
proved
lucky
to
him
,
when
in
the
rest
of
his
courses
he
had
not
committed
any
errour
.
The
King
then
having
conquerd
Lombardy
,
recoverd
presently
all
that
reputation
,
that
Charles
had
lost
him
;
Genua
yeelded
to
him
,
the
Florentines
became
friends
with
him
;
the
Marquesse
of
Mantua
the
Duke
of
Ferrara
,
the
Bentivolii
,
the
Lady
of
Furli
,
the
Lord
of
Faenza
,
Pesaro
,
Rimino
,
Camerino
,
and
Piombino
,
the
Luccheses
,
Pisans
,
and
Sieneses
,
every
one
came
and
offered
him
friendship
:
then
might
the
Venetians
consider
the
rashnesse
of
the
course
they
had
taken
,
who
,
only
to
get
into
their
hands
two
Townes
in
Lombardy
,
made
the
King
Lord
of
two
thirds
in
Italy
.
Let
any
man
now
consider
with
how
small
difficulty
could
the
King
have
maintained
his
reputation
in
Italy
,
if
he
had
followed
these
afornamed
rules
,
and
secured
&
defended
those
his
friends
;
who
because
their
number
was
great
,
and
they
weak
and
fearefull
,
some
of
the
Church
,
and
others
of
the
Venetians
,
were
alwayes
forced
to
hold
with
him
,
and
by
their
meanes
he
might
easily
have
been
able
to
secure
himself
against
those
that
were
mightiest
:
but
hee
wa●
no
sooner
got
into
Milan
,
than
hee
took
a
quite
wrong
course
,
by
giving
ayd
to
Pope
Alexander
,
to
seize
upon
Romania
,
and
perceivd
not
that
,
by
this
resolution
he
weakned
himself
,
ruining
his
own
friends
,
and
those
that
had
cast
themselves
into
his
bosome
,
making
the
Church
puissant
,
by
adding
to
their
Spirituall
power
,
whereby
they
gaind
their
authority
,
and
so
much
temporall
estate
.
And
having
once
got
out
of
the
way
,
hee
was
constrained
to
goe
on
forward
;
insomuch
as
to
stop
Alexanders
ambition
,
and
that
he
should
not
become
Lord
of
all
Tuscany
,
of
force
he
was
to
come
into
Italy
:
and
this
sufficed
him
not
,
to
have
made
the
Church
mighty
,
and
taken
away
his
own
friends
;
but
for
the
desire
hee
had
to
get
the
kingdome
of
Naples
,
he
divided
it
with
the
King
of
Spain
:
and
where
before
he
was
the
sole
arbitre
of
Italy
;
he
brought
in
a
competitour
,
to
the
end
that
all
the
ambitious
persons
of
that
country
,
and
all
that
were
ill-affected
to
him
,
might
have
otherwhere
to
make
their
recourse
:
and
whereas
he
might
have
left
in
that
Kingdome
some
Vice-King
of
his
owne
,
hee
took
him
from
thence
,
to
place
another
there
,
that
might
afterward
chace
him
thence
.
It
is
a
thing
indeed
very
naturall
and
ordinary
,
to
desire
to
be
of
the
getting
hand
:
and
alwayes
when
men
undertake
it
,
if
they
can
effect
it
,
they
shall
bee
prais'd
for
't
,
or
at
least
not
blam'd
▪
but
when
they
are
not
able
,
and
yet
will
undertake
it
,
here
lies
the
blame
,
here
is
the
errour
committed
.
If
France
then
was
able
with
her
own
power
to
assaile
the
Kingdome
of
Naples
:
she
might
well
have
done
it
;
but
not
being
able
,
she
should
not
have
divided
it
:
and
if
the
division
she
made
of
Lombardy
with
the
Venetians
,
deserv'd
some
excuse
,
thereby
to
set
one
foot
in
Italy
;
yet
this
merits
blame
,
for
not
being
excus'd
by
that
necessity
.
Lewis
then
committed
these
five
faults
;
extinguish●
the
feebler
ones
,
augmented
the
State
of
another
that
was
already
powerfull
in
Italy
,
brought
thereinto
a
very
puissant
forreinner
,
came
not
thither
himself
to
dwell
there
,
nor
planted
any
colonies
there
:
which
faults
while
he
liv'd
,
he
could
not
but
be
the
worse
for
;
yet
all
could
not
have
gone
so
ill
,
had
he
not
committed
the
sixt
,
●o
take
from
the
Venetians
their
●tate
;
for
if
he
had
not
enlarg'd
●he
Churches
territories
,
nor
●rought
the
Spaniard
into
Italy
,
●t
had
been
necessary
to
take
them
●ower
;
but
having
first
taken
●hose
other
courses
,
he
should
ne●er
have
given
way
to
their
de●truction
;
for
while
they
had
been
●trong
,
they
would
alwayes
have
●●ept
the
others
off
from
venturing
●n
the
conquest
of
Lombardy
.
For
●he
Venetians
would
never
have
●iven
their
consents
thereto
,
un●esse
they
should
have
been
made
●ords
of
it
themselves
;
and
the
others
would
never
have
taken
it
●rom
France
,
to
give
it
them
&
then
●hey
would
never
have
dar'd
to
goe
and
set
upon
them
both
together
.
And
if
any
one
should
say
,
that
King
Lewis
yeelded
Roma●ia
to
Alexander
,
and
the
Kingdome
of
Naples
to
Spain
,
to
avoyd
a
warre
;
I
answer
with
the
●easons
above
alleaged
,
that
one
should
never
suffer
any
disorder
to
follow
,
for
avoding
of
a
warre
▪
for
that
warre
is
not
sav'd
,
but
put
off
to
thy
disadvantage
.
And
if
any
others
argue
,
that
the
King
had
given
his
word
to
the
Pope
,
to
doe
that
exploit
for
him
,
for
dissolving
of
his
marriage
,
and
for
giving
the
Cardinalls
Cap
to
him
of
Roan
,
I
answer
with
that
,
which
hereafter
I
shall
say
,
touching
Princes
words
,
how
they
ought
to
bee
kept
.
King
Lewi●
then
lost
Lombardy
,
for
not
having
observ'd
some
of
those
termes
which
others
us'd
,
who
have
possessed
themselves
of
countries
,
and
desir'd
to
keep
them
.
Nor
is
this
any
strange
thing
,
but
very
ordinary
and
reasonable
:
and
to
this
purpose
I
spake
at
Nantes
with
that
French
Cardinall
,
when
Valentine
(
for
so
ordinarily
was
Caesar
Borgia
Pope
Alexanders
sonne
call'd
)
made
himself
master
of
Romania
;
for
when
the
Cardinall
said
to
mee
,
that
the
Italians
understood
not
the
feates
of
warre
,
I
answered
,
the
Frenchmen
understood
not
matter
of
●tate
:
for
had
they
bin
wel
vers'd
●erein
,
they
would
never
have
●ffer'd
the
Church
to
have
grown
〈◊〉
that
greatnesse
.
And
by
expe●●ence
wee
have
seen
it
,
that
the
●ower
hereof
in
Italy
,
and
that
of
●pain
also
,
was
caused
by
France
,
●nd
their
own
ruine
proceeded
●●om
themselves
.
From
whence
〈◊〉
generall
rule
may
bee
taken
,
●hich
never
,
or
very
seldome
fails
:
●hat
hee
that
gives
the
meanes
to
●●other
to
become
powerfull
,
ru●es
himselfe
;
for
that
power
is
●●us'd
by
him
either
with
his
in●ustry
,
or
with
his
force
;
and
as
well
the
one
as
the
other
of
these
●wo
is
suspected
,
by
him
that
is
●rown
puissant
.
CHAP.
IV.
Wherefore
Darius
his
Kingdome
taken
by
Alexander
,
rebell'd
not
against
Alexanders
Successours
after
his
death
.
THe
difficulties
being
consider'd
,
which
a
man
hath
in
the
maintaining
of
a
State
n●
gotten
,
some
might
marvaile
ho●
it
came
to
passe
,
that
Alexand●●
the
Great
subdued
all
Asia
in
〈◊〉
few
yeeres
;
and
having
hardl●
possessed
himselfe
of
it
,
died
▪
whereupon
it
seem'd
probable
th●
all
that
State
should
have
rebell'd
neverthelesse
his
Successours
kep●
the
possession
of
it
,
nor
found
the●
other
difficulty
in
holding
it
,
tha●
what
arose
among
themselve●
through
their
own
ambition
.
〈◊〉
answer
,
that
all
the
Principalities
,
whereof
wee
have
memory
left
us
,
have
been
governed
in
tw●
severall
manners
;
either
by
〈◊〉
Prince
,
and
all
the
rest
Vassall●
who
as
ministers
by
his
favou●
and
allowance
,
doe
help
to
govern
that
Kingdom
;
or
by
a
Princ●
and
by
Barons
,
who
not
by
thei●
Princes
favour
,
but
by
the
antiquity
of
blood
hold
that
degree
▪
And
these
kinds
of
Barons
hav●
both
states
of
their
own
,
and
Vassalls
who
acknowledge
them
fo●
their
Lords
;
and
beare
them
a
tru●
naturall
affection
.
Those
States
●t
are
govern'd
by
a
Prince
and
〈◊〉
Vassalls
,
have
their
Prince
ru●●●g
over
them
with
more
autho●●●●
:
for
in
all
his
country
,
there
●one
acknowledg'd
for
superi●●
,
but
himselfe
:
and
if
they
●d
obedience
to
any
one
else
,
〈◊〉
but
as
to
his
minister
and
of●er
,
nor
beare
they
him
any
par●●●ular
good
will
.
The
examples
●hese
two
different
Goverments
●w
in
our
dayes
,
are
,
the
Turk
,
〈◊〉
the
King
of
France
.
The
Turks
●ole
Monarchy
is
govern'd
by
〈◊〉
Lord
,
and
the
rest
are
all
his
●●ssalls
;
and
deviding
his
whole
●●ngdom
into
divers
Sangiacques
〈◊〉
Governments
,
he
sends
severall
●ther
:
and
those
hee
chops
and
●nges
,
as
hee
pleases
.
But
the
●ng
of
France
is
seated
in
the
●●dst
of
a
multitude
of
Lords
,
●o
of
old
have
been
acknow●●●g'd
for
such
by
their
subjects
,
●d
being
belov'd
by
them
,
injoy
●●eir
preheminencies
;
nor
can
the
●●ng
take
their
States
from
them
without
danger
.
Hee
then
that
considers
the
one
and
the
other
of
these
two
States
,
shall
find
difficulty
in
the
conquest
of
the
Turks
State
;
but
when
once
it
is
subdu'd
,
great
facility
to
hold
it
.
The
reasons
of
these
difficulties
in
taking
of
the
Turks
Kingdom
from
him
,
are
,
because
the
Invader
cannot
be
call'd
in
by
the
Princes
of
that
Kingdom
,
nor
hope
by
the
rebellion
of
those
which
hee
hath
about
him
,
to
bee
able
to
facilitate
his
enterprize
:
which
proceeds
from
the
reasons
aforesaid
;
for
they
being
all
his
slaves
,
and
oblig'd
to
him
,
can
more
hardly
bee
corrupted
;
and
put
case
they
were
corrupted
,
little
profit
could
hee
get
by
it
,
they
not
being
able
to
draw
after
them
any
people
,
for
the
reasons
wee
have
shewed
:
whereupon
hee
that
assailes
the
Turk
,
must
think
to
find
him
united
;
and
must
rather
relie
upon
his
own
forces
,
than
in
the
others
disorders
:
but
when
once
he
is
overcome
and
broken
in
the
field
,
so
that
hee
cannot
repaire
his
armies
,
there
is
nothing
else
to
bee
doubted
,
than
the
Royall
blood
,
which
being
once
quite
out
,
there
is
none
else
left
to
bee
fear'd
,
none
of
the
others
having
any
credit
with
the
people
.
And
as
the
conquerour
before
the
victory
could
not
hope
in
them
;
so
after
it
,
ought
he
not
to
feare
them
.
The
contrary
falls
out
in
Kingdoms
govern'd
as
is
that
of
France
:
for
●t
is
easie
to
be
enter'd
,
by
the
gain●ing
of
any
Baron
in
the
Kingdom
;
for
there
are
alwayes
some
male-contents
to
be
found
,
and
those
that
are
glad
of
innovation
.
Those
for
the
reasons
alleag'd
are
able
●o
open
thee
a
way
into
that
State
,
●nd
to
further
thy
victory
,
which
●fterwards
to
make
good
to
thee
,
draws
with
it
exceeding
many
difficulties
,
as
well
with
those
●hat
have
ayded
thee
,
as
those
●hou
hast
supprest
.
Nor
is
it
enough
for
thee
to
root
out
the
Princes
race
:
for
there
remaine
●till
those
Lords
who
quickly
will
bee
the
ring-leaders
of
new
changes
;
and
in
case
thou
art
not
able
to
content
these
,
nor
extinguish
them
,
thou
losest
that
State
,
whensoever
the
occasion
is
offerd
.
Now
if
thou
shalt
consider
what
sort
of
gouernment
that
of
Darius
was
,
thou
shalt
find
it
like
to
the
Turks
dominions
,
and
therefore
Alexander
was
necessitated
first
to
defeat
him
utterly
,
and
drive
him
out
of
the
field
;
after
which
victory
,
Darius
being
dead
,
that
State
was
left
secure
to
Alexander
,
for
the
reasons
we
treated
of
before
:
and
his
successors
had
they
continued
in
amity
,
might
have
injoy'd
it
at
ease
:
nor
ever
arose
there
in
that
Kingdome
other
tumults
,
than
those
they
themselves
stir'd
up
.
But
of
the
States
that
are
order'd
and
grounded
as
that
of
France
,
it
is
impossible
to
become
master
at
such
ease
:
and
from
hence
grew
the
frequent
rebellions
of
Spain
,
France
,
and
Gree●●
against
the
Romans
,
by
reason
of
the
many
Principalities
those
States
had
:
whereof
while
the
memory
lasted
,
the
Romans
were
alwayes
doubtfull
of
the
possession
of
them
;
but
the
memory
of
them
being
quite
wip't
out
,
by
the
power
and
continuance
of
the
Empire
,
at
length
they
injoy'd
it
securely
;
and
they
also
were
able
afterwards
fighting
one
with
another
,
each
one
of
them
to
draw
after
them
the
greater
part
of
those
provinces
,
according
as
their
authority
had
gain'd
them
credit
therein
:
and
that
because
the
blood
of
their
ancient
Lord
was
quite
spent
,
they
acknowledg'd
no
other
but
the
Romans
.
By
the
consideration
then
of
these
things
,
no
man
will
marvaile
that
Alexander
had
so
little
trouble
to
keep
together
the
State
of
Asia
;
and
that
others
have
had
such
great
difficulties
to
maintain
their
conquest
,
as
Pyrrhus
,
and
many
others
;
which
proceeds
not
from
the
small
or
great
valour
of
the
conquerour
,
but
from
the
difference
of
the
subject
.
CHAP.
V.
In
what
manner
Cities
and
Principalities
are
to
be
govern'd
,
which
,
before
they
were
conquer
d
,
liv'd
under
their
own
Laws
.
WHen
those
States
,
that
are
conquered
,
as
it
is
said
,
have
been
accustomed
to
live
under
their
own
Laws
,
and
in
liberty
,
there
are
three
wayes
for
a
man
to
hold
them
.
The
first
is
to
demolish
all
their
strong
places
;
the
other
,
personally
to
goe
and
dwell
there
;
the
third
,
to
suffer
them
to
live
under
their
own
Laws
,
drawing
from
them
some
tribute
,
and
creating
therein
an
Oligarchy
,
that
may
continue
it
in
thy
service
▪
for
that
State
being
created
by
that
Prince
,
knowes
it
cannot
consist
,
without
his
aid
and
force
,
who
is
like
to
doe
all
he
can
to
maintain
it
;
and
with
more
facility
is
a
City
kept
by
meanes
of
her
own
Citizens
,
which
hath
been
us'd
before
to
live
free
,
than
by
any
other
way
of
keeping
.
We
have
for
example
the
Spartans
;
and
the
Romans
;
the
Spartans
held
Athens
and
Thebes
,
creating
there
an
Oligarchy
:
yet
they
lost
it
.
The
Romans
to
be
sure
of
Capua
,
Carthage
,
and
Numantia
,
dismantell'd
them
quite
,
and
so
lost
them
not
:
they
would
have
kept
Greece
as
the
Spartans
had
held
them
,
leaving
them
free
,
&
letting
them
injoy
their
own
Lawes
;
and
it
prospered
not
with
them
:
so
that
they
were
forc'd
to
deface
many
Cities
of
that
province
to
hold
it
.
For
in
truth
there
is
not
a
surer
way
to
keep
them
under
,
than
by
demolishments
;
and
whoever
becomes
master
of
a
City
us'd
to
live
free
,
and
dismantells
it
not
;
let
him
look
himselfe
to
bee
ruin'd
by
it
:
for
it
alwayes
in
time
of
rebellion
takes
the
name
of
liberty
for
refuge
,
and
the
ancient
orders
it
had
;
which
neither
by
length
of
time
,
nor
for
any
favours
afforded
them
,
are
ever
forgotten
;
and
for
any
thing
that
can
bee
done
,
or
order'd
,
unlesse
the
inhabitants
be
disunited
and
dispers'd
,
that
name
is
never
forgotten
,
nor
those
customes
:
but
presently
in
every
chance
recourse
is
thither
made
:
as
Pisa
did
after
so
many
yeeres
,
that
she
had
been
subdu'd
by
the
Florentines
.
But
when
the
Cities
or
the
Provinces
are
accustomed
to
live
under
a
Prince
,
and
that
whole
race
is
quite
extirpated
;
on
one
part
being
us'd
to
obey
;
on
the
the
other
,
not
having
their
old
Prince
;
they
agree
not
to
make
one
from
among
themselves
:
they
know
not
how
to
live
in
liberty
;
in
such
manner
that
they
are
much
slower
to
take
armes
,
and
with
more
facility
may
a
Prince
gaine
them
,
and
secure
himselfe
of
them
.
But
in
Republiques
there
is
more
life
in
them
,
more
violent
hatred
,
more
earnest
desire
of
revenge
;
nor
does
the
remembrance
of
the
ancient
liberty
ever
leave
them
,
or
suffer
them
to
rest
:
so
that
the
safest
way
,
is
,
either
to
ruine
them
,
or
dwell
among
them
.
CHAP.
VI.
Of
new
Principalities
,
that
are
conquer'd
by
ones
own
armes
,
and
valour
.
LEt
no
man
marvaile
,
if
in
the
discourse
I
shall
make
of
new
Principalities
,
both
touching
a
Prince
,
and
touching
a
State
,
I
shall
alleadge
very
famous
examples
:
for
seeing
men
almost
alwayes
walk
in
the
pathes
beaten
by
others
,
and
proceed
in
their
actions
by
imitation
,
and
being
that
others
wayes
cannot
bee
exactly
follow'd
,
nor
their
vertues
,
whose
patterne
thou
set-st
before
thee
,
attain'd
unto
;
a
wise
man
ought
alwayes
to
tread
the
footsteps
of
the
worthiest
persons
,
and
imitate
those
that
have
been
the
most
excellent
:
to
the
end
that
if
his
vertue
arrive
not
thereto
▪
at
least
it
may
yeeld
some
savour
thereof
,
and
doe
as
good
Archers
use
,
who
thinking
the
place
they
intend
to
hit
,
too
farre
distant
,
&
knowing
how
farr
the
strength
of
their
bow
will
carry
,
they
lay
their
ayme
a
great
deale
higher
than
the
mark
;
not
for
to
hit
so
high
with
their
arrow
,
but
to
bee
able
with
the
help
of
so
high
an
aime
to
reach
the
place
they
shoot
at
.
I
say
,
that
in
Principalities
wholly
new
,
where
there
is
a
new
Prince
;
there
is
more
and
lesse
difficulty
in
maintaining
them
,
as
the
vertue
of
their
Conquerour
is
greater
or
lesser
.
And
because
this
successe
,
to
become
a
Prince
of
a
private
man
,
presupposes
either
vertue
,
or
fortune
;
mee
thinks
the
one
and
the
other
of
these
two
things
in
part
should
mitigate
many
difficulties
;
however
he
that
hath
lesse
stood
upon
fortune
,
hath
maintain'd
himselfe
the
better
.
Moreover
it
some
what
facilitates
the
matter
in
that
the
Prince
is
constrain'd
,
because
hee
hath
not
other
dominions
,
in
person
to
come
and
dwell
there
.
But
to
come
to
these
,
who
by
their
own
vertues
,
and
not
by
fortune
,
attain'd
to
be
Princes
;
the
excellentest
of
these
are
,
Moyses
,
Cyrus
,
Romulus
,
Theseus
,
and
such
like
;
and
though
of
Moyses
we
are
not
to
reason
,
he
onely
executing
the
things
that
were
commanded
him
by
God
;
yet
merits
hee
well
to
be
admir'd
,
were
it
only
for
that
grace
,
that
made
him
worthy
to
converse
with
God
.
But
considering
Cyrus
,
and
the
others
,
who
either
got
or
founded
Kingdomes
;
wee
shall
find
them
all
admirable
;
and
if
their
particular
actions
,
and
Lawes
bee
throughly
weigh'd
,
they
will
not
appeare
much
differing
from
those
of
Moyses
,
which
hee
receiv'd
from
so
Soveraigne
an
instructer
.
And
examining
their
lives
and
actions
,
it
will
not
appeare
,
that
they
had
other
help
of
fortune
,
than
the
occasion
,
which
presented
them
with
the
matter
wherein
they
might
introduce
what
forme
they
then
pleas'd
;
and
without
that
occasion
,
the
vertue
of
their
mind
had
been
extinguish'd
;
and
without
that
vertue
,
the
occasion
had
been
offer'd
in
vaine
.
It
was
then
necessary
for
Moyses
to
find
the
people
of
Israel
slaves
in
Aegypt
,
and
oppress'd
by
the
Aegyptians
▪
to
the
end
that
they
to
get
out
of
their
thraldome
,
should
bee
willing
to
follow
him
.
It
was
fit
that
Romulus
should
not
bee
kept
in
Albia
,
but
expos'd
presently
after
his
birth
that
hee
might
become
King
of
Rome
,
and
founder
of
that
City
.
There
was
need
that
Cyrus
should
find
the
Persians
discontented
with
the
Medes
government
,
and
the
Medes
delicate
and
effeminate
through
their
long
peace
.
Theseus
could
not
make
proof
of
his
vertue
,
had
not
he
found
the
Athenians
dispers'd
.
These
occasions
therefore
made
these
men
happy
,
and
their
excellent
vertue
made
the
occasion
be
t●ken
notice
of
,
whereby
their
country
became
●nnobled
,
and
exceeding
fortunate
.
They
,
who
by
vertuous
wayes
,
like
unto
these
,
become
Princes
,
attain
the
Principality
with
difficulty
,
but
hold
it
with
much
ease
;
and
the
difficulties
they
find
in
gayning
the
Principality
,
arise
partly
from
the
new
orders
and
courses
they
are
forc'd
to
bring
in
,
to
lay
the
foundation
of
their
State
,
and
worke
their
own
security
.
And
it
is
to
be
consider'd
,
how
there
is
not
any
thing
harder
to
take
in
hand
,
nor
doubtfuller
to
succeed
,
nor
more
dangerous
to
mannage
,
than
to
be
the
chiefe
in
bringing
in
new
orders
;
for
this
Chiefe
finds
all
those
his
enimies
,
that
thrive
upon
the
old
orders
,
and
hath
but
luke-warme
defenders
of
all
those
that
would
doe
well
upon
the
new
orders
,
which
luke-warme
temper
proceeds
part
ly
from
feare
of
the
opposers
,
who
have
the
lawes
to
their
advantage
;
partly
from
the
incredulity
of
the
men
,
who
truly
beleeve
not
a
new
thing
,
unlesse
there
bee
some
certain
proofe
given
them
thereof
.
Whereupon
it
arises
,
that
whensoever
they
that
are
adversaries
take
the
occasion
to
assayle
,
they
doe
it
factiously
;
and
these
others
defend
but
cooly
,
so
that
their
whole
party
altogether
runs
a
hazzard
.
Therefore
it
is
necessary
,
being
we
intend
throughly
to
discourse
this
part
,
to
examine
,
if
these
innovators
stand
of
themselves
,
or
if
they
depend
upon
others
;
that
is
,
if
to
bring
their
worke
to
effect
,
it
bee
necessary
they
should
intreat
,
or
be
able
to
constrain
.
In
the
first
case
they
alwayes
succeed
ill
,
and
bring
nothing
to
passe
;
but
when
they
depend
of
themselves
,
and
are
able
to
force
,
than
seldome
it
is
that
they
hazzard
.
Hence
came
it
that
all
the
Prophets
that
were
arm'd
,
prevail'd
;
but
those
that
were
unarm'd
,
were
too
weak
:
for
besides
what
wee
have
alleadg'd
,
the
nature
of
the
people
is
changeable
;
and
easie
to
bee
perswaded
to
a
matter
;
but
it
is
hard
also
to
settle
them
in
that
perswasion
.
And
therefore
it
behooves
a
man
to
be
so
provided
,
that
when
they
be●eeve
no
longer
,
hee
may
be
able
to
compell
them
thereto
by
force
.
Moyses
,
Cyrus
,
Theseus
,
and
Romulus
would
never
have
been
able
to
cause
their
Lawes
long
to
be
obey'd
,
had
they
been
disarm'd
;
as
in
our
times
it
befell
Fryer
Jerome
Savanarola
,
who
perish'd
in
his
new
constitutions
,
when
the
multitude
began
not
to
beleeve
him
;
neither
had
hee
the
meanes
to
keep
them
firme
,
that
had
beleev'd
;
nor
to
force
beleefe
in
them
that
had
not
beleev'd
him
.
Wherefore
such
men
as
these
,
in
their
proceedings
find
great
difficulty
,
and
all
their
dangers
are
in
the
way
,
and
these
they
must
surmount
by
their
vertue
:
but
having
once
masterd
them
,
and
beginning
to
bee
honourd
by
all
,
when
they
have
rooted
those
out
that
envy'd
their
dignities
,
they
remain
powerfull
,
secure
,
honourable
,
and
happy
.
To
these
choice
Examples
,
I
will
adde
one
of
lesse
remarque
;
but
it
shall
hold
some
proportion
with
them
,
and
this
shall
suffice
me
for
all
others
of
this
kind
,
which
is
Hiero
the
Siracusan
.
He
of
a
private
man
,
became
Prince
of
Siracusa
,
nor
knew
hee
any
other
ayd
of
fortune
,
than
the
occasion
:
for
the
Siracusans
being
oppress'd
,
made
choyce
of
him
for
their
Captaine
,
whereupon
hee
deserv'd
to
be
made
their
Prince
:
and
he
was
of
such
vertue
even
in
his
private
fortune
,
that
hee
who
writes
of
him
,
sayes
,
he
wanted
nothing
of
reigning
,
but
a
Kingdome
.
This
man
extinguish'd
all
the
old
souldiery
,
ordein'd
the
new
;
left
the
old
allyances
,
entertain'd
new
;
and
as
he
had
friendship
,
and
souldiers
that
were
his
own
,
upon
that
ground
he
was
able
to
build
any
edifice
;
so
that
hee
indur'd
much
trouble
in
gaining
,
and
sufferd
but
little
in
maintaining
.
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
new
Principalities
,
gotten
by
fortune
,
and
other
mens
for●es
.
THey
,
who
by
fortune
only
become
Princes
of
private
men
,
with
small
paines
attain
to
it
;
but
have
much
adoe
to
maintain
themselves
in
it
,
and
find
no
difficulty
at
all
in
the
way
,
because
they
are
carried
thither
with
wings
:
but
all
the
difficulties
arise
there
,
after
they
are
plac'd
in
them
.
And
of
such
sort
are
those
,
who
have
an
estate
given
them
for
money
,
by
the
favour
of
some
one
that
grants
it
them
:
as
it
befell
many
●n
Greece
,
in
the
cities
of
Jonia
,
and
Hellespont
;
where
divers
Princes
were
made
by
Darius
,
as
well
for
his
own
safety
,
as
his
glory
;
as
also
them
that
were
made
Emperours
;
who
from
private
men
by
corrupting
the
souldiers
,
attaind
to
the
Empire
.
These
subsist
meery
upon
the
will
,
and
fortune
of
those
that
have
advanc'd
them
;
which
are
two
volu●ble
and
unsteady
things
;
and
the●
neither
know
how
,
nor
are
abl●
to
continue
in
that
dignity
:
the●
know
not
how
,
because
unlesse
i●
be
a
man
of
great
understanding
and
vertue
,
it
is
not
probable
▪
that
hee
who
hath
alwayes
liv'd
i●
private
life
,
can
know
how
t●
command
:
neyther
are
they
able
because
they
have
not
any
force
that
can
be
freindly
or
faythful●
to
them
.
Moreover
those
State
that
suddenly
fall
into
a
ma●
hands
,
as
all
other
things
in
nature
that
spring
and
grow
quickly
,
cannot
well
have
taken
roote
nor
have
made
their
correspondencyes
so
firme
,
but
that
the
fir●●
storme
that
takes
them
,
ruine
them
;
in
case
these
,
who
(
as
it
i●
sayd
)
are
thus
on
a
suddain
clamberd
up
to
be
Princes
,
are
not
o●
that
worth
and
vertue
as
to
know
how
to
prepare
themselves
t●
maintain
that
,
which
Chan●●
hath
cast
into
their
bosomes
,
an●
can
afterwards
lay
those
foundations
,
which
others
have
cast
before
they
were
Princes
.
For
the
one
and
the
other
of
these
wayes
about
the
attaining
to
be
a
Prince
,
by
Vertue
,
or
by
Fortune
,
I
will
alleage
you
two
examples
which
have
been
in
the
days
of
our
memory
.
These
were
Francis
Sforza
and
Caesar
Borgia
;
Francis
by
●ust
meanes
and
with
a
great
deal
of
vertue
,
of
a
private
man
got
to
be
Duke
of
Millan
;
and
that
which
with
much
payns
he
had
gaind
,
he
kept
with
small
adoe
.
On
the
other
side
Caesar
Borgia
(
commonly
termd
Duke
Valentine
)
gott
his
state
by
his
Fathers
fortune
,
and
with
the
same
lost
it
;
however
that
for
his
owne
part
no
paynes
was
spard
,
nor
any
thing
omitted
,
which
by
a
discreet
and
valorous
man
ought
to
have
been
done
,
to
fasten
his
roots
in
those
Estates
,
which
others
armes
or
fortune
had
bestowed
on
him
;
for
(
as
it
was
formerly
sayd
)
he
that
lays
not
the
foundations
first
,
yet
might
be
able
by
means
of
his
extraordinary
vertues
to
lay
them
afterwards
,
however
it
be
with
the
great
trouble
of
the
architect
,
and
danger
of
the
aedifice
.
If
therfore
we
consider
all
the
Dukes
progresses
,
we
may
perceive
how
great
foundations
he
had
cast
for
his
future
power
,
which
I
judge
a
matter
not
superfluous
to
runne
over
;
because
I
should
not
well
know
,
what
better
rules
I
might
give
to
a
new
Prince
,
than
the
patterne
of
his
actions
;
and
however
the
courses
he
took
,
availd
him
not
,
yet
was
it
not
his
fault
,
but
it
proceeded
from
an
extraordinary
and
extreame
malignity
of
fortune
.
Pope
Alexander
the
sixt
,
desiring
to
make
the
Duke
his
sonne
a
great
man
,
had
a
great
many
difficulties
,
present
and
future
:
First
hee
saw
no
way
there
was
whereby
hee
might
be
able
to
make
him
Lord
of
any
State
,
that
was
not
the
Churches
;
and
if
hee
turnd
to
take
that
from
the
Church
,
hee
knew
that
the
Duke
of
Milan
,
and
the
Venetians
would
never
agree
to
it
;
for
Faenza
and
Riminum
were
under
the
Venetians
protection
.
Moreover
,
hee
saw
that
the
armes
of
Italy
,
and
those
whereof
in
particular
hee
might
have
been
able
to
make
some
use
,
were
in
their
hands
,
who
ought
to
feare
the
Popes
greatnesse
:
and
therefore
could
not
any
wayes
rely
upon
them
:
being
all
in
the
Orsi●s
and
Colonnies
hands
,
and
those
of
their
faction
.
It
was
necessary
then
,
that
those
matters
thus
appointed
by
them
,
should
bee
disturb'd
,
and
the
States
of
Italy
disorder'd
,
to
bee
able
safely
to
master
part
of
them
,
which
he
then
found
easie
to
doe
,
seeing
the
Venetians
upon
three
considerations
had
us'd
the
meanes
to
bring
the
French
men
back
again
into
Italy
:
which
hee
not
only
did
not
withstand
,
but
further'd
,
with
a
resolution
of
King
Lewis
his
ancient
marriage
.
The
King
then
past
into
Italy
with
the
Venetians
ayd
,
and
Alexanders
consent
;
nor
was
hee
sooner
arriv'd
in
Milan
,
than
the
Pope
had
souldiers
from
him
for
the
service
of
Romania
,
which
was
quickly
yeelded
up
to
him
upon
the
reputation
of
the
Kings
forces
.
The
Duke
then
having
made
himselfe
master
of
Romania
,
and
beaten
the
Colonnies
;
desiring
to
hold
it
,
and
proceed
forward
,
two
things
hinder'd
him
:
the
one
,
his
owne
souldiers
,
which
hee
thought
were
not
true
to
him
;
the
other
,
the
French
mens
good
wills
;
that
is
to
say
,
hee
fear'd
that
the
Princes
souldiers
,
whereof
hee
had
serv'd
himselfe
,
would
faile
him
,
and
not
only
hinder
his
conquest
,
but
take
from
him
what
hee
had
gotten
;
and
that
the
King
also
would
serve
him
the
same
turne
.
Hee
had
experience
of
the
Orsini
upon
an
occasion
,
when
after
the
taking
of
Faenza
,
hee
assaulted
Bolonia
,
to
which
assault
he
saw
them
goe
very
cold
.
And
touching
the
King
,
he
discoverd
his
mind
,
when
having
taken
the
Dutchy
of
Vrbin
,
he
●vaded
Tuscany
;
from
which
●ction
the
King
made
him
retire
;
whereupon
the
Duke
resolv'd
to
●epend
no
more
upon
fortune
,
●nd
other
mens
armes
.
And
the
●irst
thing
hee
did
,
was
,
to
wea●en
the
Orsini
and
Colonnies
●actions
in
Rome
:
for
hee
gain'd
●ll
their
adherents
that
were
gen●lemen
,
giving
then
large
allow●nces
,
and
honouring
them
ac●ording
to
their
qualities
with
●harges
and
governments
:
so
●hat
in
a
few
months
the
good
will
they
bare
to
the
parties
was
quite
extinguisht
,
and
wholly
●ent
to
the
Duke
.
After
this
,
●ee
waited
an
occasion
to
root
●ut
the
Orsini
,
having
before
dispersd
those
of
the
family
of
Co●onna
,
which
fell
out
well
to
his
●and
;
and
he
us'd
it
better
.
For
●he
Orsini
being
too
late
aware
,
●hat
the
Dukes
and
the
Churches
greatnesse
was
their
destruction
;
held
a
Counsell
together
●n
a
dwelling
house
of
theirs
in
the
country
adjoyniog
to
Per●sia
.
From
thence
grew
the
r●bellion
of
Vrbin
,
and
the
troubl●
of
Romania
,
and
many
other
dangers
befell
the
Duke
,
which
〈◊〉
overcame
all
with
the
help
of
th●
French
:
and
having
regaind
h●
reputation
,
trusting
neither
Franc●
nor
any
forreine
forces
,
to
th●
end
hee
might
not
bee
put
〈◊〉
make
triall
of
them
again
,
he
b●
took
himselfe
to
his
sleights
;
an●
he
knew
so
well
to
disguise
his
intention
,
that
the
Orsins
,
by
th●
mediation
of
Paul
Orsini
,
we●
reconciled
to
him
,
to
whom
th●
Duke
was
no
way
wanting
in
a●
manner
of
courtesies
whereby
to
bring
them
into
security
,
g●ving
them
rich
garments
,
mony
and
horses
,
till
their
owne
simplicities
led
them
all
to
Sinigallia
into
his
hands
.
These
head
being
then
pluck'd
off
,
and
thei●
partisans
made
his
friends
,
th●
Duke
had
laid
very
good
foundations
,
to
build
his
owne
greatnesse
on
,
having
in
his
power
al●
Romania
with
the
Dutchy
of
Vr●in
,
and
gaind
the
hearts
of
those
people
,
by
beginning
to
give
them
●ome
rellish
of
their
well
being
.
And
because
this
part
is
worthy
to
bee
taken
notice
of
,
and
to
be
●mitated
by
others
,
I
will
not
let
it
scape
.
The
Duke
,
when
he
had
taken
Romania
,
finding
it
had
been
under
the
hands
of
poor
Lords
,
who
had
rather
pillag'd
their
subjects
,
than
chastis'd
or
amended
them
,
giving
them
more
cause
of
discord
,
than
of
peace
and
union
,
so
that
the
whole
country
was
fraught
with
robberies
,
quarrells
,
and
all
other
sorts
of
insolencies
;
thought
the
best
way
to
reduce
them
to
termes
of
pacification
,
and
obedience
to
a
Princely
power
,
was
,
to
give
them
some
good
government
:
and
therefore
hee
set
over
them
one
Remiro
D'
Orco
,
a
cruell
,
hasty
man
,
to
whom
he
gave
an
absolute
power
.
This
man
in
a
very
short
time
setled
peace
and
union
amongst
them
with
very
great
reputation
.
Afterwards
the
Duke
thought
such
excessive
authority
serv'd
not
so
well
to
his
purpose
,
and
doubting
it
would
grow
odious
,
he
erected
a
Civill
Iudicature
in
the
midst
of
the
countrey
,
where
one
excellent
Iudge
did
precide
,
and
thither
every
City
sent
their
Advocate●
and
because
he
knew
the
rigours
past
had
bred
some
hatred
against
him
,
to
purge
the
mindes
of
those
people
,
and
to
gaine
them
wholly
to
himselfe
,
he
purpos'd
to
shew
,
that
if
there
was
any
cruelty
used
▪
it
proceeded
not
from
any
order
of
his
,
but
from
the
harsh
disposition
of
his
Officer
.
Whereupon
laying
hold
on
him
,
at
this
occasion
▪
hee
causd
his
head
to
bee
struck
off
one
morning
early
in
the
market
place
at
Cesena
,
where
hee
was
left
upon
a
gibbet
,
with
a
bloodie
sword
by
his
side
;
the
cruelty
of
which
spectacle
for
a
while
satisfied
and
amaz'd
those
people
.
But
to
returne
from
whence
wee
have
digressd
:
I
say
,
that
the
Duke
finding
himselfe
very
strong
,
and
in
part
out
of
doubt
of
the
present
dangers
,
because
hee
was
armd
after
his
owne
manner
,
and
had
in
some
good
measure
suppressd
those
forces
,
which
,
because
of
their
vicinity
,
were
able
to
annoy
him
,
hee
wanted
nothing
else
to
goe
on
with
his
Conquest
,
but
the
consideration
of
France
:
for
hee
knew
,
that
the
King
,
who
now
,
though
late
,
was
advisd
of
his
errour
,
would
never
suffer
him
:
and
hereupon
hee
began
to
seeke
after
new
allyances
,
and
to
waver
with
France
,
when
the
French
came
towards
Naples
against
the
Spaniards
,
who
then
besiegd
Gagetta
;
and
his
designe
was
onely
to
be
out
of
their
danger
,
which
had
been
effected
for
him
,
had
Pope
Alexander
liv'd
.
And
thus
were
his
businesses
carried
touching
his
present
estate
.
As
for
the
future
,
hee
had
reason
to
doubt
,
least
the
new
successor
to
the
Papacy
would
not
bee
his
friend
,
and
would
indeavour
to
take
that
from
him
that
Alexander
had
bestowd
on
him
;
and
hee
thought
to
provide
for
this
fowre
wayes
:
first
by
rooting
out
the
races
of
all
those
Lords
hee
had
dispoyled
,
whereby
to
take
those
occasions
from
the
Pope
.
Secondly
,
by
gaining
all
the
gentlemen
of
Rome
,
whereby
he
might
be
able
with
those
to
keep
the
Pope
i●
some
awe
.
Thirdly
,
to
make
the
Colledge
of
Cardinals
as
much
at
his
devotion
as
possibly
might
bee
.
Fourthly
,
by
making
of
so
large
Conquests
,
before
the
Popes
death
,
as
that
hee
might
be
able
of
himselfe
to
withstand
the
first
fury
of
his
enemies
.
Three
of
these
fowre
at
Pope
Alexanders
death
hee
had
effected
,
and
the
fourth
hee
had
neare
brought
to
a
point
.
For
of
those
Lords
he
had
stripd
▪
hee
put
to
death
as
many
as
hee
could
come
at
,
and
very
few
scap'd
him
▪
hee
gaind
him
the
Romane
gentlemen
:
and
in
the
Colledge
hee
had
made
a
great
faction
.
And
touching
his
new
Conquest
,
hee
had
a
designe
to
become
Lord
of
Tuscany
.
And
he
had
possessed
himselfe
already
of
Perusia
,
and
Piombin
,
and
taken
protection
of
Pisa
:
and
so
soone
as
hee
should
have
cast
of
his
respect
to
France
(
which
now
hee
meant
to
hold
no
longer
)
being
the
French
were
now
driven
out
of
the
Kingdome
of
Naples
by
the
Spanyards
,
so
,
that
each
of
them
was
forc'd
to
buy
his
friendship
at
any
termes
;
he
was
then
to
leape
into
Pisa
.
After
this
Lucca
and
Siena
,
were
presently
to
fall
to
him
,
partly
for
envy
to
the
Florentines
,
and
partly
for
feare
.
The
Florentines
had
no
way
to
escape
him
:
all
which
had
it
succeeded
with
him
,
as
without
question
it
had
,
the
very
same
yeere
that
Alexander
dy'd
,
he
had
m●de
himselfe
master
of
so
great
forces
,
and
such
reputation
,
that
hee
would
have
been
able
to
have
stood
upon
his
own
bottome
,
without
any
dependance
of
fortune
,
or
resting
upon
others
helps
;
but
only
upon
his
own
strength
and
valour
.
But
Alexander
dy'd
five
yeeres
after
that
hee
had
begun
to
draw
forth
his
sword
:
and
left
him
settled
only
in
the
State
of
Romania
,
with
all
his
other
designes
in
the
ayre
,
sick
unto
death
,
between
two
very
strong
armies
of
his
enemies
:
and
yet
was
there
in
this
Duke
such
a
spirit
and
courage
,
and
hee
understood
so
well
,
how
men
are
to
be
gaind
,
and
how
to
be
lost
,
and
so
firme
were
the
grounds
hee
had
laid
in
a
short
time
,
that
,
had
hee
not
had
those
armies
upon
his
back
,
or
had
hee
been
in
health
,
hee
would
have
carried
through
his
purpose
in
spight
of
all
opposition
:
and
that
the
foundations
hee
grounded
upon
,
were
good
,
it
appeard
in
that
Romania
held
for
him
above
a
month
,
and
hee
remaind
secure
in
Rome
,
though
even
at
deaths
doore
:
and
however
the
Baglioni
,
Vitelli
,
and
Orsini
came
into
Rome
;
yet
found
they
none
would
take
their
parts
against
him
.
And
this
hee
was
able
to
have
effected
,
that
if
hee
could
not
have
made
him
Pope
whom
hee
would
,
he
could
have
hindred
him
that
hee
would
not
should
bee
Pope
.
But
had
hee
been
in
health
when
Alexander
dy'd
,
every
thing
had
gone
easily
with
him
;
and
hee
told
mee
on
that
day
that
Julius
the
second
was
created
Pope
,
that
hee
had
fore-thought
on
all
that
which
could
happen
,
in
case
his
father
chanc'd
to
dye
,
and
for
every
thing
provided
its
remedy
:
this
onely
excepted
,
that
hee
foresaw
not
that
hee
himselfe
should
at
the
same
time
be
brought
unto
deaths
dore
also
.
Having
then
collected
all
the
Dukes
actions
,
me
thinks
I
could
not
well
blame
him
,
but
rather
(
as
I
have
here
done
)
set
him
as
a
patterne
to
be
followd
by
all
those
,
who
by
fortune
and
others
armes
have
been
exalted
to
an
Empire
.
For
hee
being
of
great
courage
,
and
having
lofty
designes
,
could
not
carry
himselfe
otherwise
;
and
the
only
obstacle
of
his
purpos●
was
the
brevity
of
Alexanders
life
,
and
his
own
sicknesse
.
Whoever
therefore
deemes
it
necessary
in
his
entrance
into
a
new
Principality
,
to
secure
himselfe
of
his
enemies
,
and
gaine
him
friends
,
to
overcome
either
by
force
,
or
by
cunning
,
to
make
himselfe
be
belovd
,
or
feard
of
his
people
,
be
follow'd
and
reverenc'd
by
his
souldiers
,
to
root
out
those
that
can
,
or
owe
thee
any
hurt
,
to
change
the
ancient
orders
with
new
wayes
,
to
bee
severe
,
and
yet
acceptable
,
magnanimous
,
and
liberall
,
to
extinguish
the
unfaithfull
souldiery
,
and
create
new
,
to
maintaine
to
himselfe
the
amities
of
Kings
and
Princes
,
so
that
they
shall
either
with
favour
benefit
thee
,
or
bee
wary
how
to
offend
thee
;
cannot
find
more
fresh
and
lively
examples
than
the
actions
of
this
man
.
Hee
deserves
to
bee
found
fault
withall
for
the
creation
of
Julius
the
second
,
wherein
an
evill
choice
was
made
for
him
:
for
,
as
it
is
said
,
not
being
able
to
make
a
Pope
to
his
mind
,
hee
could
have
with-held
any
one
from
being
Pope
;
and
should
never
have
consented
that
any
one
of
those
Cardinals
,
should
have
got
the
Papacy
,
whom
hee
had
ever
done
harme
to
;
or
who
having
attaind
the
Pontificate
were
likely
to
be
afraid
of
him
:
because
men
ordinarily
doe
hurt
either
for
feare
,
or
hatred
.
Those
whom
hee
had
offended
,
were
among
others
,
hee
who
had
the
title
of
St.
Peter
ad
Vincula
,
Colonna
,
St.
George
,
and
Ascanius
;
all
the
others
that
were
in
possibility
of
the
Popedome
,
were
such
as
might
have
feard
him
rather
,
except
the
Cardinall
of
Roan
,
and
the
Spanyards
;
these
by
reason
of
their
alliance
and
obligation
with
him
,
the
other
,
because
of
the
power
they
had
,
having
the
Kingdome
of
France
on
their
party
.
Wherefore
the
Duke
above
all
things
should
have
created
a
Spanyard
Pope
,
and
in
case
hee
could
not
have
done
that
,
hee
should
have
agreed
that
Roan
should
have
been
,
and
not
St.
Peter
ad
Vincula
.
And
whoever
beleeves
,
that
with
great
personages
new
benefits
blot
out
the
remembrance
of
old
injuries
,
is
much
deceiv'd
.
The
Duke
therefore
in
this
election
,
was
the
cause
of
his
own
ruine
at
last
.
Till
wee
come
to
this
seaventh
Chapter
,
I
find
not
any
thing
much
blame-worthy
,
unlesse
it
be
one
ground
hee
layes
in
the
secon●
Chapter
;
whereupon
hee
build●
most
of
this
Fabrick
,
viz.
Tha●
Subjects
must
either
be
dallyed
o●
flatterd
withall
,
or
quite
crush
.
Whereby
our
Author
advises
hi●
Prince
to
support
his
authority
with
two
Cardinall
Vertues
,
Dissimulation
,
and
Cruelty
.
He
considers
not
herein
that
the
head
is
but
a
member
of
the
body
,
though
the
principall
;
and
the
end
of
the
parts
is
the
good
of
the
whole
.
And
here
hee
goes
against
himselfe
in
the
twenty
sixt
Chapter
of
his
Rep.
l.
1.
where
hee
blames
Philip
of
Macedon
for
such
courses
,
terming
them
very
cruell
,
and
against
all
Christian
manner
of
living
;
and
that
every
man
should
refuse
to
be
a
King
,
and
desire
rather
to
live
a
private
life
,
than
to
reigne
so
much
to
the
ruine
of
mankind
.
The
life
of
Caesar
Borgia
,
which
is
here
given
as
a
paterne
to
new
Princes
,
wee
shall
find
to
have
been
nothing
else
but
a
cunning
carriage
of
things
so
,
that
he
might
thereby
first
deceive
and
inveigle
,
and
then
suppresse
all
those
that
could
oppose
or
hinder
his
ambition
.
For
if
you
runne
over
his
life
,
you
shall
see
the
Father
Pope
Alexander
the
sixt
,
and
him
,
both
imbarqued
for
his
advancement
,
wherein
they
ingag'd
the
Papall
authority
,
and
reputation
of
Religion
;
for
faith
and
conscience
these
men
never
knew
,
though
they
exacted
it
of
others
:
there
was
never
promise
made
,
but
it
was
only
so
farre
kept
as
servd
for
advantage
;
Liberalite
was
made
use
of
,
Clemency
and
Cruelty
,
all
alike
,
as
they
might
serve
to
worke
with
their
purposes
.
All
was
sacrific'd
to
ambition
,
no
freindship
could
tye
these
men
,
nor
any
religion
:
and
no
marvell
:
for
ambition
made
them
forget
both
God
and
man
.
But
see
the
end
of
all
this
cunning
:
though
this
Caesar
Borgia
contrivd
all
his
businesse
so
warily
,
that
our
Author
much
commends
him
,
and
hee
had
attaind
neere
the
pitch
of
his
hopes
,
and
had
provided
for
each
misadventure
could
befall
him
its
remedy
;
Policy
shewd
it selfe
short
sighted
;
for
hee
foresaw
not
at
the
time
of
his
Fathers
death
,
he
himself
should
bee
brought
unto
deaths
doore
also
.
And
me
thinks
this
Example
might
have
given
occasion
to
our
Author
to
confesse
,
that
surely
there
is
a
God
that
ruleth
the
earth
.
And
●any
times
God
cutts
off
those
cun●ing
and
mighty
men
in
the
hight
●f
their
purposes
,
when
they
think
●hey
have
neare
surmounted
all
●angers
and
difficulties
.
To
the
●●tent
that
the
living
may
know
,
●hat
the
most
high
ruleth
in
the
Kingdome
of
men
,
and
giveth
it
to
●homsoever
hee
will
,
and
setteth
●p
over
it
the
basest
of
men
.
Da●iel
.
4.17
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Concerning
those
who
by
wicked
meanes
have
attaind
to
a
Principality
.
BUt
because
a
man
becomes
a
Prince
of
a
private
man
two
wayes
,
which
cannot
wholly
be
●ttributed
eyther
to
Fortune
or
Vertue
,
I
think
not
fit
to
let
●hem
passe
me
:
howbeit
the
one
of
them
may
be
more
largely
discoursed
upon
,
where
the
Re●ublicks
are
treated
of
.
These
are
,
when
by
some
wicked
and
unlawfull
meanes
a
man
rises
to
the
Principality
;
or
when
a
private
person
by
the
favour
of
his
fellow
Citizens
becomes
Prince
of
his
countrey
.
And
speaking
of
the
first
manner
,
it
shall
be
made
evident
by
two
Examples
,
the
one
ancient
,
the
other
moderne
,
without
entring
otherwise
into
the
justice
or
merit
of
this
part
;
for
I
take
it
that
these
are
sufficient
for
any
body
that
is
forc'd
to
follow
them
.
Agathocles
the
Sicilian
,
not
of
a
private
man
only
,
but
from
a
base
and
abject
fortune
got
to
be
King
of
Siracusa
.
This
man
borne
but
of
a
Potter
,
continued
alwayes
a
wicked
life
throughout
all
the
degrees
of
his
fortune
:
neverthelesse
he
accompanied
his
lewdnesse
with
such
a
courage
and
resolution
,
that
applying
himselfe
to
military
affaires
,
by
the
degrees
thereof
hee
attaind
to
bee
Praetour
of
Siracusa
,
and
being
setled
in
that
degree
,
and
having
determind
that
he
would
become
Prince
,
and
hold
that
by
violence
and
without
obligation
to
any
other
,
which
by
consent
had
been
granted
him
;
and
to
this
purpose
having
had
some
private
intelligence
touching
his
designe
with
Amilcar
the
Carthaginian
,
who
was
imployd
with
his
army
in
Sicily
,
one
morning
gatherd
the
people
together
and
the
Senate
of
Siracusa
,
as
if
he
had
somewhat
to
advise
with
them
of
matters
belonging
to
the
Common-wealth
,
and
upon
a
signe
given
,
caus'd
his
souldiers
to
kill
all
his
Senatours
,
and
the
richest
of
the
people
;
who
being
slaine
,
he
usurp'd
the
Prineipality
of
that
City
without
any
civill
strife
:
and
however
he
was
twice
broken
by
the
Carthaginians
,
and
at
last
besiegd
,
was
able
not
only
to
defend
his
own
City
,
but
leaving
part
of
his
own
army
at
the
defence
thereof
,
with
the
other
invaded
Affrique
,
and
in
a
short
time
freed
Siracusa
from
the
siege
,
and
brought
the
Carthaginians
into
extreme
necessity
,
who
were
constraind
to
accord
with
him
,
be
contented
with
the
possession
of
Affrique
,
and
qui●●
Sicily
to
Agathocles
.
He
then
that
should
consider
the
actions
and
valour
of
this
man
,
would
not
see
any
,
or
very
few
things
to
be
attributed
unto
Fortune
;
seeing
that
as
is
formerly
sayd
,
not
by
any
ones
favour
,
but
by
the
degrees
of
service
in
warre
with
many
sufferings
and
dangers
,
to
which
he
had
risen
,
he
came
to
the
Principality
;
and
that
hee
maintaind
afterwards
with
so
many
resolute
and
hazardous
undertakings
.
Yet
cannot
this
be
term'd
vertue
or
valour
to
slay
his
own
Citizens
,
betray
his
friends
,
to
be
without
faith
,
without
pitty
,
without
religion
,
which
wayes
are
of
force
to
gaine
dominion
,
but
not
glory
:
for
if
Agathocles
his
valour
bee
well
weighd
,
in
his
venturing
upon
,
and
comming
off
from
dangers
,
and
the
greatnesse
of
his
courage
,
in
supporting
and
mastering
of
adversities
,
no
man
●an
see
why
he
should
be
thought
●ny
way
inferiour
even
to
the
●blest
Captaines
.
Notwithstand●ng
his
beastly
cruelty
and
inhumanity
with
innumerable
wickednesses
,
allow
not
that
he
should
be
celebrated
among
the
most
excellent
men
.
That
cannot
then
be
attributed
to
Fortune
or
Vertue
,
which
without
the
one
or
th'
other
was
attaind
to
by
him
.
In
our
dayes
,
while
Alexander
the
sixth
held
the
sea
,
Oliverotto
of
Fermo
,
who
some
few
yeeres
before
had
been
left
young
by
his
parents
,
was
brought
up
under
the
care
of
an
uncle
of
his
on
the
mothers
side
,
calld
John
Foliani
,
and
in
the
beginning
of
his
youth
given
by
him
to
serve
in
the
warres
under
Paulo
Vitelli
:
to
the
end
that
being
well
instructed
in
that
discipline
,
hee
might
rise
to
some
worthy
degree
in
the
warrs
.
Afterwards
when
Paulo
was
dead
,
hee
served
under
Vitellozzo
his
brother
,
and
in
very
short
time
,
being
ingenious
,
of
a
good
personage
,
and
brave
courage
,
he
became
one
of
the
prime
men
among
the
troops
he
served
in
:
but
thinking
it
but
servile
to
depend
upon
another
;
hee
plotted
by
the
ayd
of
some
Citizens
of
Fermo
(
who
lik'd
rather
the
thraldome
of
their
City
than
the
liberty
of
it
)
and
by
the
favour
of
the
Vitelli
,
to
make
himselfe
master
of
Fermo
;
and
writ
to
John
Foliani
,
that
having
been
many
yeeres
from
home
,
he
had
a
mind
to
come
and
see
him
and
the
City
,
and
in
some
part
take
notice
of
his
own
patrimony
;
and
because
he
had
not
imployd
himselfe
but
to
purchase
honour
,
to
the
end
his
Citizens
might
perceive
,
that
he
had
not
vainely
spent
his
time
,
he
had
a
desire
to
come
in
good
equipage
and
accompanied
with
a
hundred
horse
of
his
friends
and
servants
;
and
he
intreated
him
that
he
would
be
pleasd
so
to
take
order
,
that
he
might
be
honourably
receivd
by
the
inhabitants
of
Fermo
;
which
turnd
as
well
to
his
honour
that
was
his
uncle
,
as
his
that
was
the
nephew
.
In
this
,
John
faild
not
in
any
office
of
courtesie
due
to
his
nephew
:
and
caus'd
him
to
be
well
receivd
by
them
of
Fermo
,
and
lodgd
him
in
his
own
house
:
where
having
passd
some
dayes
,
and
stayd
to
put
in
order
somewhat
that
was
necessary
for
his
intended
villany
,
he
made
a
very
solemne
feast
,
whether
he
invited
John
Foliani
,
and
all
the
prime
men
of
Fermo
:
and
when
all
their
cheare
was
ended
,
and
all
their
other
entertainments
,
as
in
such
feasts
it
is
customary
,
Oliverotto
of
purpose
mov'd
some
grave
discourses
;
speaking
of
the
greatnesse
of
Pope
Alexander
,
and
Caesar
his
son
,
and
their
undertakings
;
whereunto
John
and
the
others
making
answer
:
he
of
a
sudden
stood
up
,
saying
,
that
those
were
things
to
be
spoken
of
in
a
more
secret
place
,
and
so
retir'd
into
a
chamber
,
whether
John
and
all
the
other
Citizens
followd
him
;
nor
were
they
sooner
set
down
there
,
than
from
some
secret
place
therein
came
forth
diverse
souldiers
,
who
slew
John
and
all
the
others
:
after
which
homicide
Oliverotto
got
a
horsebacke
and
ravagd
the
whole
towne
,
and
besiegd
the
supreme
Magistrate
in
the
palace
,
so
that
for
feare
they
were
all
constraind
to
obey
him
,
and
to
settle
a
government
,
whereof
hee
made
himselfe
Prince
;
and
they
being
all
dead
,
who
,
had
they
been
discontented
with
him
,
could
have
hurt
him
;
he
strengthned
himselfe
with
new
civill
and
military
orders
,
so
that
in
the
space
of
a
yeere
that
he
held
the
Principality
,
he
was
not
only
secure
in
the
City
of
Fermo
,
but
became
fearefull
to
all
his
neighbours
;
and
the
conquest
of
him
would
have
prov'd
difficult
,
as
that
of
Agathocles
,
had
he
not
let
himselfe
been
deceivd
by
Caesar
Borgia
;
when
at
Sinigallia
,
as
before
was
said
,
he
took
the
Orsini
and
Vitelli
:
where
he
also
being
taken
a
yeere
after
he
had
committed
the
parricide
,
was
strangled
together
with
Vitellozzo
(
whom
he
had
had
for
master
both
of
his
vertues
and
vices
.
)
Some
man
might
doubt
from
whence
it
should
proceed
,
that
Agathocles
,
and
such
like
,
after
many
trecheryes
and
crueltyes
,
could
possibly
live
long
secure
in
his
own
countrey
,
and
defend
himselfe
from
his
forren
enemyes
,
and
that
never
any
of
his
own
Citizens
conspir'd
against
him
;
seeing
that
by
means
of
cruelty
,
many
others
have
never
been
able
even
in
peaceable
times
to
maintaine
their
States
,
much
lesse
in
the
doubtfull
times
of
warre
.
I
beleeve
that
this
proceeds
from
the
well
,
or
ill
using
of
those
crueltyes
:
they
may
bee
termd
well
us'd
(
if
it
bee
lawfull
to
say
well
of
evill
)
that
are
put
in
practise
only
once
of
necessity
for
securities
sake
,
not
insisting
therein
afterwards
,
but
there
is
use
made
of
them
for
the
subjects
profit
,
as
much
as
may
be
.
But
those
that
are
ill
usd
,
are
such
as
though
they
bee
but
few
in
the
beginning
,
yet
they
multiply
rather
in
time
,
than
deminish
.
They
that
take
that
first
way
,
may
with
the
help
of
God
,
and
mens
care
,
find
some
remedy
for
their
State
,
as
Agathocles
did
:
for
the
others
,
it
is
impossible
they
should
continue
.
Whereupon
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
in
the
laying
hold
of
a
State
,
the
usurper
thereof
ought
to
runne
over
and
execute
all
his
cruellties
at
once
,
that
hee
bee
not
forcd
often
to
returne
to
them
,
and
that
hee
may
be
able
,
by
not
renewing
of
them
,
to
give
men
some
security
,
and
gaine
their
affections
by
doing
them
some
courtesies
.
Hee
that
carries
it
otherwise
,
either
for
fearefullnesse
,
or
upon
evill
advice
,
is
alwayes
constraind
to
hold
his
sword
drawne
in
his
●and
;
nor
ever
can
hee
rely
upon
●is
subjects
,
there
being
no
pos●ibility
for
them
,
because
of
his
daily
and
continuall
injuries
,
to
live
in
any
safety
:
for
his
injuries
should
bee
done
altogether
,
that
being
seldomer
tasted
,
they
might
lesse
offend
:
his
favours
should
bee
bestowd
by
little
and
little
,
to
the
end
they
might
keep
their
●aste
the
better
;
and
above
all
●hings
a
Prince
must
live
with
his
subjects
in
such
sort
,
that
no
accident
either
of
good
or
evill
can
make
him
vary
:
for
necessity
comming
upon
him
by
reason
of
adversities
,
thou
hast
not
time
given
thee
to
make
advantage
of
thy
cruellties
;
and
the
favours
which
then
thou
bestowest
,
will
little
help
thee
,
being
taken
,
as
if
they
came
from
thee
perforce
,
and
so
yeeld
no
returne
of
thanks
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
the
Civill
Principality
.
BUt
comming
to
the
othe●
part
,
when
a
principall
Citizen
,
not
by
villany
,
or
any
other
insufferable
violence
,
but
by
the
favour
of
his
fellow-citizens
becomes
Prince
of
his
native
countrey
:
which
we
may
terme
a
Civill
Principality
;
nor
to
attaine
hereunto
is
Vertue
wholly
,
or
Fortune
wholly
necessary
,
but
rather
a
fortunate
cunning
.
I
say
,
this
Principality
is
climb'd
up
to
,
either
by
the
peoples
help
,
or
the
great
mens
.
For
,
in
every
City
we
finde
these
two
humour●
differ
;
and
they
spring
from
this
that
the
people
desire
not
to
be
commanded
nor
oppressed
by
the
great
ones
,
and
the
great
one●
are
desirous
to
command
and
oppresse
the
people
:
and
from
these
two
several
appetites
,
arises
in
the
City
one
of
these
three
effects
,
either
a
Principality
,
or
Liberty
,
or
Tumultuary
licentiousnesse
.
The
Principality
is
caused
either
by
the
people
,
or
the
great
ones
;
according
as
the
one
or
the
other
of
these
factions
have
the
occasion
offerd
;
for
the
great
ones
seeing
themselves
not
able
to
resist
the
people
,
begin
to
turne
the
whole
reputation
to
one
among
them
,
and
make
him
Prince
,
whereby
●hey
may
under
his
shadow
vent
their
spleenes
.
The
people
also
,
not
being
able
to
support
the
great
mens
insolencies
,
converting
the
whole
reputation
to
one
man
,
create
him
their
Prince
,
to
●e
protected
by
his
authority
.
He
●hat
comes
to
the
Principality
by
●he
assistance
of
the
great
ones
,
●ubsists
with
more
difficulty
,
than
●e
that
attaines
to
it
by
the
peo●les
favour
;
for
he
being
made
●rince
,
hath
many
about
him
,
who
account
themselves
his
e●ualls
,
and
therefore
cannot
dis●ose
nor
command
them
at
his
●leasure
.
But
he
that
gaines
the
●rincipality
by
the
peoples
favor
,
finds
himselfe
alone
in
his
throne
,
and
hath
none
or
very
few
neare
him
,
that
are
not
very
supple
to
bend
:
besides
this
,
the
great
ones
cannot
upon
easie
termes
be
satisfied
,
or
without
doing
of
wrong
to
others
,
whereas
a
small
matter
contents
the
people
:
for
the
end
which
the
people
propound
to
themselves
,
is
more
honest
than
that
of
the
great
men
,
these
desiring
to
oppresse
,
they
only
not
to
be
oppressed
.
To
this
may
be
added
also
,
that
the
Prince
which
is
the
peoples
enemy
,
can
never
well
secure
himselfe
of
them
,
because
of
their
multitude
;
well
may
hee
bee
sure
of
the
Nobles
,
they
being
but
a
few
.
The
worst
that
a
Prince
can
look
for
of
the
people
become
his
enemy
,
is
,
to
be
abandond
by
them
:
but
when
the
great
ones
once
grow
his
enemyes
,
he
is
not
only
to
feare
their
abandoning
of
him
,
but
their
making
of
a
party
against
him
also
:
for
there
being
i●
them
more
forecast
and
craft
,
the●
alwayes
take
time
by
the
forelocks
whereby
to
save
themselves
,
and
seeke
credit
with
him
,
who
they
hope
shall
get
the
mastery
.
The
Prince
likewise
is
necessitated
alwayes
to
live
with
the
same
people
,
but
can
doe
well
enough
without
the
same
great
men
,
he
being
able
to
create
new
ones
,
and
destroy
them
againe
every
day
,
and
to
take
from
them
,
and
give
them
credit
as
he
pleases
:
and
to
cleare
this
part
,
I
say
,
that
great
men
ought
to
be
considerd
two
wayes
principally
,
that
is
,
if
they
take
thy
proceedings
so
much
to
heart
,
as
to
ingage
their
fortunes
wholly
in
thine
,
in
case
they
lye
not
alwayes
catching
at
spoyle
,
they
ought
to
bee
well
honourd
and
esteem'd
:
those
that
bind
themselves
not
to
thy
fortune
,
are
to
be
considerd
also
two
wayes
;
either
they
doe
it
for
lack
of
courage
,
,
and
naturall
want
of
spirit
,
and
then
shouldst
thou
serve
thy selfe
of
them
,
and
of
them
especially
that
are
men
of
good
advice
;
for
if
thy
affaires
prosper
,
thou
dost
thy self
honor
thereby
;
if
crost
,
thou
needst
not
feare
them
:
but
when
they
oblige
not
themselves
to
thee
of
purpose
,
and
upon
occasion
of
ambition
,
it
is
a
signe
they
think
more
of
themselves
than
of
thee
:
and
of
these
the
Prince
ought
to
beware
,
and
account
of
them
as
his
discoverd
enemyes
:
for
alwayes
in
thy
adversity
they
will
give
a
hand
too
to
ruine
thee
.
Therefore
ought
hee
that
comes
to
be
Prince
by
the
peoples
favour
,
keepe
them
his
friends
:
which
he
may
easily
doe
,
they
desiring
only
to
live
free
from
oppression
:
but
he
that
becomes
Prince
by
the
great
mens
favour
,
against
the
will
of
the
people
,
ought
above
all
things
to
gaine
the
people
to
him
,
which
he
may
easily
effect
,
when
he
takes
upon
him
their
protection
:
And
because
men
when
they
find
good
,
where
they
look
for
evill
,
are
thereby
more
endeard
to
their
benefactour
,
therefore
growes
the
people
so
pliant
in
their
subjection
to
him
,
as
if
by
their
favours
he
had
attaind
his
dignity
.
And
the
Prince
is
able
to
gaine
them
to
his
side
by
many
wayes
,
which
because
they
vary
according
to
the
subject
,
no
certaine
rule
can
bee
given
thereupon
,
wherefore
we
shall
let
them
passe
;
I
will
only
conclude
,
that
it
is
necessary
for
a
Prince
to
have
the
people
his
friend
,
otherwise
in
his
adversities
he
hath
no
helpe
.
Nabis
Prince
of
the
Spartans
supported
the
siege
of
all
Greece
,
and
an
exceeding
victorious
army
of
the
Romans
,
and
against
those
defended
his
native
countrey
and
State
,
and
this
suffic'd
him
alone
,
that
as
the
danger
came
upon
him
,
he
secur'd
himselfe
of
a
few
:
whereas
if
the
people
had
been
his
enemy
,
this
had
nothing
availd
him
.
And
let
no
man
think
to
overthrow
this
my
opinon
with
that
common
proverb
,
that
he
who
relyes
upon
the
people
,
layes
his
foundation
in
the
dirt
;
for
that
is
true
,
where
a
private
Citizen
grounds
upon
them
,
making
his
account
that
the
people
shall
free
him
,
when
either
his
enemyes
or
the
Magistrates
oppresse
him
.
In
this
case
he
should
find
himselfe
often
deceiv'd
,
as
it
befell
the
Gracehyes
in
Rome
,
and
in
Florence
George
Scali
:
but
he
being
a
Prince
that
grounds
thereupon
,
who
can
command
,
and
is
a
man
of
courage
,
who
hath
his
wits
about
him
in
his
adversityes
,
and
wants
not
other
preparations
,
and
holds
together
the
whole
multitude
animated
with
his
valour
and
orders
,
shall
not
prove
deceiv'd
by
them
,
and
shall
find
he
hath
layd
good
foundations
.
These
Principalityes
are
wont
to
be
upon
the
point
of
falling
when
they
goe
about
to
skip
from
the
civill
order
,
to
the
absolute
:
for
these
Princes
either
command
of
themselves
,
or
by
the
Magistrats
;
in
this
last
case
their
State
is
more
weak
and
dangerous
:
because
they
stand
wholly
at
the
will
and
pleasure
of
these
Citizens
,
who
then
are
set
over
the
Magistrates
,
who
especially
in
adverse
times
are
able
with
facility
to
take
their
State
from
them
,
either
by
rising
up
against
them
,
or
by
not
obeying
them
;
and
then
the
Prince
is
not
at
hand
in
those
dangers
to
take
the
absolute
authority
upon
him
:
for
the
Citizens
and
subjects
that
are
accustomed
to
receive
the
commands
from
the
Magistrates
,
are
not
like
in
those
fractions
to
obey
his
:
and
in
doubtfull
times
hee
shall
alwayes
have
greatest
penury
of
whom
hee
may
trust
;
for
such
a
Prince
cannot
ground
upon
that
which
he
sees
in
peaceable
times
,
when
the
Citizens
have
need
of
the
State
;
for
then
every
one
runs
and
every
one
promises
,
and
every
one
will
venture
his
life
for
him
,
when
there
is
no
danger
neare
;
but
in
times
of
hazzard
,
when
the
State
hath
need
of
Citizens
,
there
are
but
few
of
them
then
,
and
so
much
the
more
is
this
experience
dangerours
,
in
that
it
can
be
but
once
made
.
Therefore
a
prudent
Prince
ought
to
devise
a
way
,
whereby
his
Citizens
alwayes
and
in
any
case
and
quality
of
time
may
have
need
of
his
government
,
and
they
shall
alwaies
after
proove
faithfull
to
him
.
CHAP.
X.
In
what
maner
the
forces
of
al
Principalities
ought
to
be
measured
.
IT
is
requisite
in
examining
the
quality
of
those
Principalities
,
to
have
another
consideration
of
them
,
that
is
,
if
a
Prince
have
such
dominions
,
that
hee
is
able
in
case
of
necessity
to
subsist
of
himselfe
,
or
else
whether
hee
hath
alwaies
need
of
another
to
defend
him
.
And
to
cleer
this
point
the
better
,
I
judge
them
able
to
stand
of
themselves
,
who
are
of
power
either
for
their
multitudes
of
men
,
or
quantity
of
money
,
to
bring
into
the
feild
a
compleat
armie
,
and
joyne
battell
with
whoever
comes
to
assaile
them
:
and
so
I
think
those
alwayes
to
stand
in
need
of
others
help
,
who
are
not
able
to
appear
in
the
feild
against
the
enemy
,
but
are
forc'd
to
retire
within
their
walls
and
guard
them
.
Touching
the
first
case
,
wee
have
treated
already
,
and
shall
adde
somewhat
thereto
as
occasion
shall
require
.
In
the
second
case
,
wee
cannot
say
other
,
save
only
to
incourage
such
Princes
to
fortifie
and
guard
their
own
Capitall
city
,
and
of
the
countrey
about
not
to
hold
much
account
;
and
whoever
shall
have
well
fortifi'd
that
towne
,
and
touching
other
matters
of
governments
shall
have
behav'd
himselfe
towards
his
subjects
,
as
hath
been
formerly
said
,
and
hereafter
shall
bee
,
shall
never
be
assaild
but
with
great
regard
;
for
men
willingly
undertake
not
enterprises
,
where
they
see
difficulty
to
work
them
through
;
nor
can
much
facility
bee
there
found
,
where
one
assailes
him
,
who
hath
his
towne
strong
and
well
guarded
,
and
is
not
hated
of
his
people
.
The
cities
of
Germany
are
very
free
;
they
have
but
very
little
of
the
countrey
about
them
belonging
to
them
,
and
they
obey
the
Emperour
,
when
they
please
,
and
they
stand
not
in
fear
,
neither
of
him
nor
any
other
potentate
about
them
:
for
they
are
in
such
a
manner
fortifi'd
,
that
every
one
thinks
the
siege
of
any
of
them
would
proove
hard
and
tedious
:
for
all
of
them
have
ditches
and
rampires
,
and
good
store
of
Artillery
,
and
alwayes
have
their
publick
sellers
well
provided
with
meat
and
drink
and
firing
for
a
yeere
:
besides
this
whereby
to
feed
the
common
people
,
and
without
any
losse
to
the
publick
,
they
have
alwayes
in
common
whereby
they
are
able
for
a
yeere
to
imploy
them
in
the
labour
of
those
trades
,
that
are
the
sinews
and
the
life
of
that
city
,
and
of
that
industry
,
whereby
the
commons
ordinarily
supported
themselves
:
they
hold
up
also
the
military
exercises
in
repute
,
and
hereupon
have
they
many
orders
to
maintaine
them
.
A
Prince
then
that
is
master
of
a
good
strong
city
,
and
causeth
not
himselfe
to
be
hated
,
cannot
bee
assaulted
;
and
in
case
hee
were
,
he
that
should
assaile
him
,
would
be
faine
to
quitt
him
with
shame
:
for
the
affayres
of
the
world
are
so
various
,
that
it
is
almost
impossible
that
an
army
can
lye
incampt
before
a
towne
for
the
space
of
a
whole
yeere
:
and
if
any
should
reply
,
that
the
people
having
their
possessions
abroad
,
in
case
they
should
see
them
afire
,
would
not
have
patience
,
and
the
tedious
siege
and
their
love
to
themselves
would
make
them
forget
their
Prince
:
I
answer
that
a
Prince
puissant
and
couragious
,
will
easily
master
those
difficulties
,
now
giving
his
subjects
hope
,
that
the
mischiefe
will
not
bee
of
durance
,
sometimes
affrighting
them
with
the
cruelty
of
their
enemies
,
and
otherwhiles
cunningly
securing
himself
of
those
,
whom
he
thinks
too
forward
to
runne
to
the
enemy
.
Besides
this
by
ordinary
reason
the
enemy
should
burne
and
waste
their
country
upon
his
arrivall
,
and
at
those
times
while
mens
minds
are
yet
warme
,
and
resolute
in
their
defence
:
and
therefore
so
much
the
lesse
ought
a
Prince
doubt
:
for
after
some
few
dayes
,
that
their
courages
grow
coole
,
the
dammages
are
all
done
,
and
mischiefes
receivd
,
and
there
is
no
help
for
it
,
and
then
have
they
more
occasion
to
cleave
faster
to
their
Prince
;
thinking
hee
is
now
more
bound
to
them
,
their
houses
having
for
his
defence
been
fir'd
,
and
their
possessions
wasted
:
and
mens
nature
is
as
well
to
hold
themselves
oblig'd
for
the
kindnesses
they
doe
,
as
for
those
they
receive
;
whereupon
if
all
bee
well
weigh'd
,
a
wise
Prince
shall
not
find
much
difficulty
to
keep
sure
and
true
to
him
his
Citizens
●earts
at
the
beginning
and
●atter
end
of
the
siege
,
when
●ee
hath
no
want
of
provision
●or
food
and
munition
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Concerning
Ecclesiasticall
Principalities
.
THere
remaines
now
only
that
wee
treat
of
the
Eccle●iasticall
Principalities
,
about
which
all
the
difficulties
are
be●ore
they
are
gotten
:
for
they
are
●ttain'd
to
either
by
Vertue
or
●ortune
,
and
without
the
one
or
●he
other
they
are
held
:
for
they
●re
maintaind
by
orders
inve●erated
in
the
religion
,
all
which
●re
so
powerfull
and
of
such
na●ure
,
that
they
maintaine
their
●rinces
in
their
dominions
in
●hat
manner
soever
they
proceed
●nd
live
.
These
only
have
an
Estate
and
defend
it
not
;
have
●ubjects
and
governe
them
not
;
●nd
yet
their
States
because
un●efended
,
are
not
taken
from
them
;
nor
their
subjects
,
though
not
govern'd
,
care
not
,
think
not
,
neither
are
able
to
aliene
themselves
from
them
.
These
Principalities
then
are
only
happy
and
secure
:
but
they
being
sustained
by
superiour
causes
,
whereunto
humane
understanding
reaches
not
,
I
will
not
meddle
with
them
:
for
being
set
up
and
maintaind
by
God
;
it
would
be
the
part
of
a
presumptuous
and
rash
man
to
enter
into
discourse
of
them
.
Yet
if
any
man
should
aske
mee
whence
it
proceeds
,
that
the
Church
in
temporall
power
hath
attaind
to
such
greatnesse
,
seeing
that
till
the
time
of
Alexander
the
sixt
,
the
Italian
potentates
,
and
not
only
they
who
are
entitled
potentates
,
but
every
Baron
and
Lord
though
of
the
meanest
condition
,
in
regard
of
the
temporality
made
but
small
account
of
it
,
and
now
a
King
of
France
trembles
at
the
power
thereof
,
and
it
hath
been
able
to
drive
him
out
of
Italy
,
and
ruine
the
Venetians
;
and
however
this
bee
well
known
,
me
thinks
it
is
not
superfluous
in
some
part
to
recall
it
to
memory
.
Before
that
Charles
King
of
France
past
into
Italy
,
this
countrey
was
under
the
rule
of
the
Pope
,
the
Venetians
,
the
King
of
Naples
,
the
Duke
of
Milan
,
and
the
Florentines
.
These
potentates
took
two
things
principally
to
their
care
;
the
one
,
that
no
forreiner
should
invade
Italy
;
the
other
,
that
no
one
of
them
should
inlarge
their
State
.
They
,
against
whom
this
care
was
most
taken
,
were
the
Pope
and
the
Venetians
;
and
to
restraine
the
Venetians
,
there
needed
the
union
of
all
the
rest
,
as
it
was
in
the
defence
of
Ferrara
;
and
to
keep
the
Pope
low
,
they
servd
themselves
of
the
Barons
of
Rome
,
who
being
devided
into
two
factions
,
the
Orsini
and
Colonnesi
,
there
was
alwayes
occasion
of
offence
between
them
,
who
standing
ready
with
their
armes
in
hand
in
the
view
of
the
Pope
,
held
the
Popedome
weak
and
feeble
:
and
however
sometimes
there
arose
a
couragious
Pope
,
as
was
Sextus
;
yet
either
his
fortune
,
or
his
wisdome
was
not
able
to
free
him
of
these
incommodities
,
and
the
brevity
of
their
lives
was
the
cause
thereof
:
for
in
ten
yeers
,
which
time
one
with
another
,
the
Popes
ordinarily
liv'd
,
with
much
adoe
could
they
bring
low
one
of
the
factions
.
And
if
,
as
as
wee
may
say
,
one
had
near
put
out
the
Colonnesi
,
there
arose
another
enemy
to
the
Orsini
,
who
made
them
grow
againe
,
so
that
there
was
never
time
quite
to
root
them
out
.
This
then
was
the
cause
,
why
the
Popes
temporall
power
was
of
small
esteeme
in
Italy
.
There
arose
afterwards
Pope
Alexander
the
sixt
,
who
of
all
the
Popes
that
ever
were
,
shewd
what
a
Pope
was
able
to
doe
with
money
and
forces
:
and
hee
effected
by
meanes
of
his
instrument
,
Duke
Valentins
,
and
by
the
occasion
of
the
French
mens
passage
,
all
those
things
,
which
I
have
formerly
discoursed
upon
in
the
Dukes
actions
:
and
however
his
purpose
was
nothing
at
all
to
inlarge
the
Church
dominions
,
but
to
make
the
Duke
great
;
yet
what
hee
did
,
turnd
to
the
Churches
advantage
;
which
after
his
death
,
when
the
Duke
was
taken
away
,
was
the
heire
of
all
his
paines
.
Afterwards
succeeded
Pope
Julius
,
and
found
the
Church
great
,
having
all
Romania
,
and
all
the
Barons
of
Rome
being
quite
rooted
out
,
and
by
Alexanders
persecutions
all
their
factions
worne
down
;
hee
found
also
the
way
open
for
the
heaping
up
of
monyes
,
never
practis'd
before
Alexanders
time
;
which
things
Julius
not
only
follow'd
,
but
augmented
;
and
thought
to
make
himselfe
master
of
Bolonia
,
and
extinguish
the
Venetians
,
and
chase
the
French
men
out
of
Italy
:
and
these
designes
of
his
prov'd
all
lucky
to
him
,
and
so
much
the
more
to
his
praise
in
that
he
did
all
for
the
good
of
the
Church
,
and
in
no
private
regard
:
hee
kept
also
the
factions
of
the
Orsini
,
and
Colonnesi
,
in
the
same
State
hee
found
them
:
and
though
there
were
among
them
some
head
whereby
to
cause
an
alteration
;
yet
two
things
have
held
them
quiet
,
the
one
the
power
of
the
Church
,
which
somewhat
affrights
them
;
the
other
because
they
have
no
Cardinals
of
their
factions
,
who
are
the
primary
causes
of
all
the
troubles
amongst
them
:
nor
shall
these
parties
ever
bee
at
rest
,
while
they
have
Cardinals
;
because
they
nourish
the
factions
both
in
Rome
,
and
abroad
,
and
and
the
Barons
then
are
forc'd
to
undertake
the
defence
of
them
:
and
thus
from
the
Prelates
ambitions
arise
the
discords
and
tumults
among
the
Barons
.
And
now
hath
Pope
Leo
his
Holinesse
found
the
Popedome
exceeding
puissant
,
of
whome
it
is
hop'd
,
that
if
they
amplifi'd
it
by
armes
,
hee
by
his
goodnesse
,
and
infinite
other
vertues
,
will
much
more
advantage
and
dignifie
it
.
CHAP.
XII
.
How
many
sorts
of
Military
discipline
there
are
:
and
touching
Mercenary
souldiers
.
HAving
treated
particularly
of
the
qualities
of
those
Principalities
,
which
in
the
beginning
I
propounded
to
discourse
upon
,
and
considered
in
some
part
the
reasons
of
their
well
and
ill
being
,
and
shewed
the
wayes
whereby
many
have
sought
to
gaine
,
and
hold
them
;
it
remaines
now
that
I
speak
in
generall
of
the
offences
and
defences
,
that
may
chance
in
each
of
the
forenamed
.
We
have
formerly
said
that
it
is
necessary
for
a
Prince
to
have
good
foundations
laid
;
otherwise
it
must
needs
bee
that
hee
goe
to
wrack
.
The
principall
foundations
that
all
States
have
,
as
well
new
,
as
old
,
or
mixt
,
are
good
lawes
,
and
good
armes
;
and
because
there
cannot
bee
good
lawes
,
where
there
are
not
good
armes
,
and
where
there
are
good
armes
,
there
must
needs
be
good
lawes
,
I
will
omit
to
discourse
of
the
lawes
,
and
speak
of
armes
.
I
say
then
that
the
armes
,
wherewithall
a
Prince
defends
his
State
,
either
are
his
own
,
or
mercenary
,
or
auxiliary
,
or
mixt
.
Those
that
are
mercenary
,
and
auxiliary
,
are
unprofitable
,
and
dangerous
;
and
if
any
one
holds
his
State
founded
upon
mercenary
armes
,
hee
shall
never
be
quiet
,
nor
secure
:
because
they
are
never
well
united
,
ambitious
,
and
without
discipline
,
treacherous
,
among
their
friends
stout
,
among
their
enemies
cowardly
,
they
have
no
feare
of
God
,
nor
keep
any
faith
with
men
,
and
so
long
only
deferre
they
the
doing
of
mischiefe
,
till
the
enemy
comes
to
assayle
thee
,
and
in
time
of
peace
thou
art
dispoyld
by
them
,
in
warre
by
thy
●lemies
:
the
reason
hereof
is
,
be●ause
they
have
no
other
love
,
●or
other
cause
to
keep
them
in
●he
feild
,
but
only
a
smal
stipend
,
●hich
is
not
of
force
to
make
●●em
willing
to
hazard
their
lives
●or
thee
:
they
are
willing
indeed
●●be
thy
souldiers
,
til
thou
goest
to
●●ght
,
but
then
they
flye
,
or
run
●way
:
which
thing
would
cost
●ee
but
small
paines
to
perswade
:
●r
the
ruine
of
Italy
hath
not
had
●ny
other
cause
now
adayes
,
than
●or
that
it
hath
these
many
yeers
●ely'd
upon
mercenary
armes
;
●hich
a
good
while
since
perhaps
●ay
have
done
some
man
some
●●rvice
,
and
among
themselves
●●ey
may
have
been
thought
va●●ant
:
but
so
soone
as
any
forrein
●nemy
appeard
,
they
quickly
●●ewd
what
they
were
:
Where●pon
Charles
the
King
of
France
,
●ithout
opposition
made
himself
●aster
of
all
Italy
:
and
he
that
●●id
,
that
the
cause
thereof
were
●ur
faults
,
said
true
;
but
these
were
not
those
they
beleevd
,
but
wha●
I
have
told
;
and
because
they
were
the
Princes
faults
,
they
als●
have
suffered
the
punishment
.
I
will
fuller
shew
the
infelicity
o●
these
armes
.
The
mercenary
Captaines
are
either
very
able
men
,
or
not
:
if
they
bee
,
thou
canst
no●
repose
any
trust
in
them
:
for
they
will
alwayes
aspire
unto
thei●
owne
proper
advancements
,
eitheir
by
suppressing
of
thee
tha●
art
their
Lord
,
or
by
suppressing
of
some
one
else
quite
out
of
thy
purpose
:
but
if
the
Captaine
be●
not
valourous
,
hee
ordinarily
ruines
thee
:
and
in
case
it
be
answerd
,
that
whoever
shall
have
armes
in
his
hands
,
whether
mercenary
or
not
,
will
doe
so
:
I
woul●
reply
,
that
armes
are
to
bee
imployd
either
by
a
Prince
,
or
common-wealth
.
The
Prince
ough●
to
goe
in
person
,
and
perform●
the
office
of
a
commander
:
th●
Republick
is
to
send
forth
h●
Citizens
:
and
when
shee
send
forth
one
that
proves
not
of
abilities
,
shee
ought
to
change
him
●hen
,
and
when
hee
does
prove
●alourous
,
to
bridle
him
so
by
the
●aws
,
that
he
exceed
not
his
commissions
.
And
by
experience
wee
●ee
,
that
Princes
and
Republicks
of
themselves
alone
,
make
very
great
conquests
;
but
that
merce●ary
armes
never
doe
other
than
●arme
:
and
more
hardly
falls
a
Republick
armed
with
her
owne
●rmes
under
the
obedience
of
one
of
her
owne
Citizens
;
than
one
●hat
is
armd
by
forrein
armes
.
Rome
and
Sparta
subsisted
many
●ges
armd
and
free
.
The
Swissers
are
exceedingly
well
armd
,
and
yet
very
free
.
Touching
mercenary
armes
that
were
of
old
,
we
have
an
example
of
the
Carthagians
,
who
neare
upon
were
oppressd
by
their
owne
mercenary
souldiers
,
when
the
first
warre
with
the
Romans
was
finishd
,
however
the
Carthagians
had
their
owne
Citizens
for
their
Captaines
.
Philip
of
Macedon
was
made
by
the
Thebans
after
Epaminondas
his
death
,
Generall
of
their
Armies
;
and
after
the
victory
,
he
took
from
them
their
liberty
.
The
Milaneses
when
Duke
Philip
was
dead
,
entertaind
Francis
Sforza
into
their
pay
against
the
Venetians
,
who
having
vanquisht
their
enemies
at
Caravaggio
,
afterwards
joyned
with
them
,
whereby
to
usurp
upon
the
Milaneses
his
Masters
.
Sforza
his
father
,
being
in
Joane
the
Queen
of
Naples
pay
,
left
her
on
a
sudden
disarmd
;
whereupon
she
,
to
save
her
Kingdome
,
was
constraind
to
cast
her selfe
into
the
King
of
Arragon's
bosome
.
And
in
case
the
Venetians
and
the
Florentines
have
formerly
augmented
their
State
with
these
kinde
of
Armes
,
and
their
owne
Captaines
,
and
yet
none
of
them
have
ever
made
themselves
their
Princes
,
but
rather
defended
them
:
I
answer
,
that
the
Florentines
in
this
case
have
had
Fortune
much
their
friend
:
for
of
valorous
Captains
,
which
they
might
any
way
feare
,
some
have
not
been
victors
,
some
have
had
opposition
,
and
others
have
layd
the
ayme
of
their
ambitions
another
way
.
Hee
who
overcame
not
,
was
John
Aeuto
,
of
whose
faith
there
could
no
proofe
bee
made
,
being
he
vanquisht
not
;
but
every
one
will
acknowledge
,
that
,
had
he
vanquisht
,
the
Florentines
were
at
his
discretion
.
Sforza
had
alwayes
the
Bracceschi
for
his
adversaries
,
so
that
they
were
as
a
guard
one
upon
another
.
Francis
converted
all
his
ambition
against
Lombardy
.
Braccio
against
the
Church
,
and
the
Kingdome
of
Naples
.
But
let
us
come
to
that
,
which
followed
a
while
agoe
.
The
Florentines
made
Paul
Vitelli
their
General
,
a
throughly
advisd
man
,
and
who
from
a
private
fortune
had
rose
to
very
great
reputation
:
had
he
taken
Pisa
,
no
man
will
deny
but
that
the
Florentines
must
have
held
fast
with
him
;
for
had
he
been
entertaind
in
their
enemyes
pay
,
they
had
had
no
remedy
,
and
they
themselves
holding
of
him
,
of
force
were
to
obey
him
.
The
Venetians
,
if
wee
consider
their
proceedings
,
wee
shall
see
wrought
both
warily
and
gloriously
,
while
they
themselves
made
warre
,
which
was
before
their
undertakings
by
land
where
the
gentlemen
with
their
own
Commons
in
armes
behav'd
themselves
bravely
:
but
when
they
began
to
fight
by
land
,
they
lost
their
valour
,
and
follow'd
the
customes
of
Italy
;
and
in
the
beginning
of
their
inlargement
by
land
,
because
they
had
not
much
territory
,
and
yet
were
of
great
reputation
,
they
had
not
much
cause
to
feare
their
Captaines
;
but
as
they
began
to
extend
their
bounds
,
which
was
under
their
Commander
Carminiola
,
they
had
a
taste
of
this
error
:
for
perceiving
hee
was
exceeding
valourous
,
having
under
his
conduct
beaten
the
Duke
of
Milan
,
and
knowing
on
the
other
side
,
how
hee
was
cold
in
the
warre
,
they
judg'd
that
they
could
not
make
any
great
conquest
with
him
;
and
because
they
neither
would
,
nor
could
not
cashier
him
,
that
they
might
not
lose
what
they
had
gotten
,
they
were
forc'd
for
their
owne
safeties
to
put
him
to
death
.
Since
they
have
had
for
their
Generall
Bartholomew
of
Berganio
,
Robert
of
St.
Severin
,
●he
Count
of
Petilian
,
and
such
like
:
whereby
they
were
to
feare
their
losses
,
as
well
as
to
hope
for
gaine
:
as
it
fell
out
afterwards
at
Vayla
,
wherein
one
day
they
●ost
that
,
which
with
so
much
●aines
they
had
gotten
in
eight
●undred
yeeres
:
for
from
these
kind
of
armes
grow
slack
and
●low
&
weak
gaines
;
but
sudden
●nd
wonderfull
losses
.
And
because
I
am
now
come
with
these
●xamples
into
Italy
,
which
now
●hese
many
yeares
,
hath
been
go●ernd
by
mercenary
armes
,
I
will
●earch
deeper
into
them
,
to
the
end
that
their
course
and
progresse
being
better
discoverd
,
they
may
be
the
better
amended
.
You
have
to
understand
,
that
so
soone
as
in
these
later
times
the
yoak
of
the
Italian
Empire
began
to
be
shaken
off
,
and
the
Pope
had
gotten
reputation
in
the
temporalty
,
Italy
was
divided
into
severall
States
:
for
many
of
the
great
cities
took
armes
against
their
Nobility
;
who
under
the
Emperours
protection
had
held
them
in
oppression
;
and
the
Pope
favourd
these
,
whereby
he
might
get
himselfe
reputation
,
in
the
temporalty
;
of
many
others
,
their
Citizens
became
Princes
,
so
that
hereupon
Italy
being
come
into
the
Churches
hands
as
it
were
,
and
some
few
Republicks
,
those
Priests
and
Citizens
not
accustomed
to
the
use
of
armes
,
began
to
take
strangers
to
their
pay
.
The
first
that
gave
reputation
to
these
souldiers
was
Alberick
of
Como
in
Romania
.
From
his
discipline
among
others
descended
Brachio
and
Sforza
,
who
in
their
time
were
the
arbitres
of
Italy
.
After
these
followd
all
the
others
,
who
even
til
our
dayes
have
commanded
the
armes
of
Italy
:
and
the
successe
of
their
valour
hath
been
,
that
it
was
overrunne
by
Charles
,
pillagd
by
Lewis
,
forc'd
by
Fardinand
,
and
disgrac'd
by
the
Swissers
.
The
order
which
they
have
held
,
hath
been
,
first
whereby
to
give
reputation
to
their
owne
armes
,
to
take
away
the
credit
of
the
infantrey
.
This
they
did
,
because
they
having
no
State
of
their
owne
,
but
living
upon
their
industry
,
their
few
foot
gave
them
no
reputation
,
and
many
they
were
not
able
to
maintaine
,
whereupon
they
reduc'd
themselves
to
cavalery
,
and
so
with
a
supportable
number
they
were
intertaind
and
honourd
:
and
matters
were
brought
to
such
termes
,
that
in
an
army
of
twenty
thousand
souldiers
,
you
should
not
find
two
thousand
foot
.
They
had
moreover
usd
all
industry
to
free
themselves
and
their
souldiers
of
all
paines
and
feare
,
in
their
skirmishes
,
not
killing
,
but
taking
one
another
prisoners
,
and
without
ransome
for
their
freedomes
;
they
repaird
not
all
to
their
tents
by
night
,
nor
made
palizado
,
or
trench
thereabout
,
nor
lay
in
the
feild
in
the
summer
:
and
all
these
things
were
thus
contrivd
and
agreed
of
among
them
in
their
military
orders
:
whereby
(
as
is
sayd
)
to
avoyd
paines
and
dangers
;
insomuch
as
they
have
brought
Italy
into
slavery
and
disgrace
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
Auxiliary
Souldiers
,
mixt
,
and
natives
.
THe
Auxiliary
forces
,
being
the
other
kind
of
unprofitable
armes
,
are
,
when
any
puissant
one
is
cal'd
in
,
who
with
his
forces
comes
to
assist
and
defend
thee
;
such
as
in
these
later
times
did
Pope
Julius
use
,
who
having
seen
the
evill
proof
of
his
mercenary
souldiers
in
the
enterprize
of
Ferrara
,
appli'd
himselfe
to
the
Auxiliaries
,
and
agreed
with
Ferdinand
King
of
Spain
,
that
with
his
forces
hee
should
ayd
him
.
These
armes
may
be
profitable
and
advantagious
for
themselves
;
but
for
him
that
calls
them
in
,
hurtfull
;
because
in
losing
,
thou
art
left
defeated
;
and
conquering
,
thou
becomest
their
prisoner
.
And
however
that
of
these
examples
the
ancient
stories
are
full
fraught
,
yet
will
I
not
part
from
this
of
Pope
Julius
the
second
,
which
is
as
yet
fresh
:
whose
course
could
not
have
been
more
inconsiderate
,
for
the
desire
hee
had
to
get
Ferrara
,
putting
himselfe
wholly
into
strangers
hands
:
but
his
good
fortune
,
causd
another
third
cause
to
arise
,
that
hindred
him
from
receiving
the
fruit
of
his
evill
choice
;
for
his
Auxiliaries
being
broken
at
Ravenna
,
and
the
Swissers
thereupon
arriving
,
who
put
the
Conquerours
to
flight
,
beyond
all
opinion
even
their
owne
and
others
,
he
chanc'd
not
to
remaine
his
enemies
prisoner
,
they
being
put
to
flight
;
nor
prisoner
to
his
Auxiliaries
,
having
vanquishd
by
other
forces
,
than
theirs
.
The
Florentines
being
wholly
disarmd
,
brought
ten
thousand
French
to
Pisa
for
to
take
it
:
by
which
course
they
ran
more
hazzard
,
than
in
any
time
of
their
troubles
.
The
Emperour
of
Constantinople
,
to
oppresse
his
neighbours
,
brought
into
Greece
ten
thousond
Turks
,
who
when
the
warre
was
ended
,
could
not
bee
got
out
thence
,
which
was
the
beginning
of
Greeces
servitude
under
the
Infidels
.
He
then
that
will
in
no
case
be
able
to
overcome
,
let
him
serve
himselfe
of
these
armes
;
for
they
are
much
more
dangerous
than
the
mercenaries
;
for
by
those
thy
ruine
is
more
suddenly
executed
;
for
they
are
all
united
,
and
all
bent
to
the
obedience
of
another
.
But
for
the
mercenaries
to
hurt
thee
,
when
they
have
vanquishd
,
there
is
no
more
need
of
time
,
and
greater
occasion
,
they
not
being
all
united
in
a
body
,
and
being
found
out
and
paid
by
thee
,
wherein
a
third
that
thou
mak'st
their
head
,
cannot
suddenly
gaine
so
great
authority
,
that
hee
can
endammage
thee
.
In
summe
,
in
the
mercenaries
their
sloth
and
lazinesse
to
fight
is
more
dangerous
:
in
the
auxiliaries
their
valour
.
Wherefore
a
wise
Prince
hath
alwayes
avoyded
these
kind
of
armes
,
and
betaken
himselfe
to
his
owne
,
and
desird
rather
to
lose
with
his
owne
,
than
conquer
with
anothers
,
accounting
that
not
a
true
victorie
,
which
was
gotten
with
others
armes
.
I
will
not
doubt
to
alleadge
Caesar
Borgia
,
and
his
actions
.
This
Duke
entred
into
Romania
with
auxiliarie
armes
,
bringing
with
him
all
French
souldiers
:
but
afterwards
not
accounting
those
armes
secure
,
bent
himselfe
to
mercenaries
,
judging
lesse
danger
to
be
in
those
,
and
tooke
in
pay
the
Orsini
and
the
Vetelli
,
which
afterwards
in
the
proof
of
them
,
finding
wavering
,
unfaithfull
,
and
dangerous
,
hee
extinguishd
,
and
betook
himselfe
to
his
owne
;
and
it
may
easily
be
perceiv'd
,
what
difference
there
is
between
the
one
and
the
other
of
these
armes
,
considering
the
difference
that
was
between
the
Dukes
reputation
,
when
he
had
the
French
men
alone
,
and
when
he
had
the
Orsini
and
Vetelli
;
but
when
he
remaind
with
his
own
,
and
stood
of
himselfe
,
wee
shall
find
it
was
much
augmented
:
nor
ever
was
it
of
great
esteeme
,
but
when
every
one
saw
,
that
hee
wholly
possesd
his
owne
armes
.
I
thought
not
to
have
parted
from
the
Italian
examples
of
late
memory
;
but
that
I
must
not
let
passe
that
of
Hiero
the
Siracusan
,
being
one
of
those
I
formerly
nam'd
.
This
man
(
as
I
said
before
)
being
made
generall
of
the
Siracusans
forces
,
knew
presently
that
that
mercenary
souldiery
was
nothing
for
their
profit
,
in
that
they
were
hirelings
,
as
our
Jtalians
are
;
and
finding
no
way
either
to
hold
,
or
cashier
them
,
made
them
all
bee
cut
to
peeces
,
and
afterwards
wag'd
warre
with
his
owne
men
,
and
none
others
.
I
will
also
call
to
memory
a
figure
of
the
old
Testament
serving
just
to
this
purpose
.
When
David
presented
himselfe
before
Saul
to
goe
to
fight
with
Goliah
the
Philistims
Champion
;
Saul
to
incourage
him
,
clad
him
with
his
owne
armes
,
which
David
when
hee
had
them
upon
his
back
,
refus'd
,
saying
,
he
was
not
able
to
make
any
proofe
of
himselfe
therein
,
and
therefore
would
goe
meet
the
enemy
with
his
own
sting
and
sword
.
In
summe
,
others
armes
either
fall
from
thy
shoulders
,
or
cumber
or
streighten
thee
.
Charles
the
seaventh
,
Father
of
Lewis
the
eleventh
,
having
by
his
good
fortune
&
valour
set
France
at
liberty
from
the
English
,
knew
well
this
necessity
of
being
arm'd
with
his
owne
armes
,
and
settled
in
his
Kingdome
the
ordinances
of
men
at
armes
,
and
infantry
.
Afterwards
King
Lewis
his
sonne
abolishd
those
of
the
infantry
,
and
began
to
take
the
Swissers
to
pay
;
which
errour
follow'd
by
the
others
,
is
(
as
now
in
deed
it
appeares
)
the
cause
of
that
Kingdomes
dangers
.
For
having
given
reputation
to
the
Swissers
,
they
have
renderd
all
their
own
armes
contemptible
;
for
this
hath
wholly
ruind
their
foot
,
and
oblig'd
their
men
at
armes
to
forrein
armes
:
for
being
accustomed
to
serve
with
the
Swissers
,
they
think
they
are
not
able
to
overcome
without
them
.
From
whence
it
comes
that
the
French
are
not
of
force
against
the
Swissers
,
and
without
them
also
against
others
they
use
not
to
adventure
.
Therefore
are
the
French
armies
mixt
,
part
mercenaries
,
and
part
natives
,
which
armes
are
farre
better
than
the
simple
mercenaries
or
simple
auxiliaries
,
and
much
inferiour
to
the
natives
;
and
let
the
said
example
suffice
for
that
:
for
the
Kingdome
of
France
would
have
been
unconquerable
,
if
Charles
his
order
had
been
augmented
and
maintaind
:
but
men
in
their
small
wisdome
begin
a
thing
,
which
then
because
it
hath
some
savour
of
good
,
discovers
not
the
poyson
,
that
lurkes
there
under
,
as
I
before
said
of
the
hectick
feavers
.
Wherefore
that
Prince
which
perceives
not
mischiefes
,
but
as
they
grow
up
,
is
not
truely
wise
;
and
this
is
given
but
to
few
:
and
if
we
consider
the
first
ruine
of
the
Romane
Empire
,
wee
shall
find
it
was
,
from
taking
the
Goths
first
into
their
pay
;
for
from
that
beginning
the
forces
of
the
Romane
Empire
began
to
grow
weak
,
and
all
the
valour
that
was
taken
hence
was
given
to
them
.
I
conclude
then
that
without
having
armes
of
their
owne
,
no
Principality
can
be
secure
,
or
rather
is
wholly
oblig'd
to
fortune
,
not
having
valour
to
shelter
it
in
adversity
.
And
it
was
alwayes
the
opinion
and
saying
of
wise
men
,
that
nothing
is
so
weak
and
unsetled
,
as
is
the
reputation
of
power
not
founded
upon
ones
owne
proper
forces
:
which
are
those
that
are
composd
of
thy
subjects
,
or
Citizens
,
or
servants
;
all
the
rest
are
mercenary
or
auxiliary
;
and
the
manner
how
to
order
those
well
,
is
easie
to
find
out
,
if
those
orders
above
nam'd
by
me
,
shall
be
but
run
over
,
and
if
it
shall
be
but
consider'd
,
how
Philip
Alexander
the
Great
his
Father
,
and
in
what
manner
many
Republicks
and
Princes
have
armd
and
appointed
themselves
,
to
which
appointments
I
referre
my selfe
wholly
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
What
belongs
to
the
Prince
touching
military
Discipline
.
A
Prince
then
ought
to
have
no
other
ayme
,
nor
other
thought
,
nor
take
any
thing
else
for
his
proper
arte
,
but
warr
,
and
the
orders
and
discipline
thereof
:
for
that
is
the
sole
arte
which
belongs
to
him
that
commands
,
and
is
of
so
great
excellency
,
that
not
only
those
that
are
borne
Princes
,
it
maintains
so
;
but
many
times
rayses
men
from
a
private
fortune
to
that
dignity
.
And
it
is
seene
by
the
contrary
,
that
when
Princes
have
given
themselves
more
to
their
delights
,
than
to
the
warres
,
they
have
lost
their
States
;
and
the
first
cause
that
makes
thee
lose
it
,
is
the
neglect
of
that
arte
;
and
the
cause
that
makes
thee
gaine
it
,
is
that
thou
art
experienc'd
and
approv'd
in
that
arte
.
Francis
Sforza
by
being
a
man
at
armes
,
of
a
private
man
became
Duke
of
Milan
;
and
his
sons
by
excusing
themselves
of
the
troubles
and
paines
belonging
to
those
imployments
of
Princes
,
became
private
men
.
For
among
other
mischiefes
thy
neglect
of
armes
brings
upon
thee
,
it
causes
thee
to
be
contemnd
,
which
is
one
of
those
disgraces
,
from
which
a
Prince
ought
to
keepe
himselfe
,
as
hereafter
shall
bee
sayd
:
for
from
one
that
is
disarmd
to
one
that
is
armd
there
is
no
proportion
;
and
reason
will
not
,
that
he
who
is
in
armes
,
should
willingly
yeeld
obedience
to
him
that
is
unfurnishd
of
them
,
&
that
he
that
is
disarmd
should
be
in
security
among
his
armed
vassalls
;
for
there
being
disdaine
in
the
one
,
and
suspicion
in
the
other
it
is
impossible
these
should
ever
well
co-operate
.
And
therefore
a
Prince
who
is
quite
unexperienc'd
in
matter
of
warre
,
besides
the
other
infelicities
belonging
to
him
,
as
is
said
,
cannot
bee
had
in
any
esteeme
among
his
souldiers
,
nor
yet
trust
in
them
.
Wherefore
he
ought
never
to
neglect
the
practice
of
the
arte
of
warre
,
and
in
time
of
peace
should
he
exercise
it
more
than
in
the
warre
;
which
he
may
bee
able
to
doe
two
wayes
,
the
one
practically
,
and
in
his
labours
&
recreations
of
his
body
,
the
other
theorically
.
And
touching
the
practick
part
,
hee
ought
besides
the
keeping
of
his
own
subjects
well
traind
up
in
the
discipline
and
excercise
of
armes
,
give
himselfe
much
to
the
chase
,
whereby
to
accustome
his
body
to
paines
,
and
partly
to
understand
the
manner
of
situations
,
&
to
know
how
the
mountaines
arise
,
which
way
the
vallyes
open
themselves
,
and
how
the
plaines
are
distended
flat
abroad
,
and
to
conceive
well
the
nature
of
the
rivers
,
and
marrish
ground
,
and
herein
to
bestow
very
much
care
,
which
knowledge
is
profitable
in
two
kinds
:
first
he
learnes
thereby
to
know
his
own
countrey
,
and
is
the
better
enabled
to
understand
the
defence
thereof
,
and
afterwards
by
meanes
of
his
knowledge
and
experience
in
these
situations
easily
comprehend
any
other
situation
,
which
a
new
hee
hath
need
to
view
,
for
the
little
hillocks
,
vallies
,
plaines
,
rivers
,
and
marrish
places
.
For
example
,
they
in
Tuscany
are
like
unto
those
of
other
countries
:
so
that
from
the
knowledge
of
the
site
of
one
country
,
it
is
easie
to
attain
to
know
that
of
others
.
And
that
Prince
that
wants
this
skill
,
failes
of
the
principall
part
a
Commander
should
be
furnisht
with
:
for
this
shows
the
way
,
how
to
discover
the
enemy
,
to
pitch
the
camp
,
to
lead
their
armies
,
to
order
their
battells
,
and
also
to
besiege
a
town
at
thy
best
advantage
.
Philopomenes
Prince
of
the
Achayans
,
among
other
prayses
writers
give
him
,
they
say
,
that
in
time
of
peace
,
he
thought
not
upon
any
thing
so
much
as
the
practise
of
warre
;
and
whensoever
he
was
abroad
in
the
field
to
disport
himselfe
with
his
friends
,
would
often
stand
still
,
and
discourse
with
them
,
in
case
the
enemies
were
upon
the
top
of
that
hill
,
and
we
here
with
our
army
,
whether
of
us
two
should
have
the
advantage
,
and
how
might
wee
safely
goe
to
find
them
,
keeping
still
our
orders
?
and
if
we
would
retire
our selves
,
what
course
should
we
take
?
if
they
retir'd
,
how
should
wee
follow
them
?
and
thus
on
the
way
propounded
them
all
such
accidents
could
befall
in
an
army
;
would
heare
their
opinions
,
and
tell
his
own
,
and
confirme
it
by
argument
,
so
that
by
his
continuall
thought
hereupon
,
when
ever
he
led
any
army
,
no
chance
could
happen
,
for
which
he
had
not
a
remedy
.
But
touching
the
exercise
of
the
mind
,
a
Prince
ought
to
reade
Histories
,
and
in
them
consider
the
actions
of
the
worthiest
men
,
marke
how
they
have
behav'd
themselves
in
the
warrs
,
examine
the
occasions
of
their
victories
,
and
their
losses
;
whereby
they
may
be
able
to
avoyd
these
,
and
obtaine
those
;
and
above
all
,
doe
as
formerly
some
excellent
man
hath
done
,
who
hath
taken
upon
him
to
imitate
,
if
any
one
that
hath
gone
before
him
,
hath
left
his
memory
glorious
;
the
course
he
took
,
and
kept
alwaies
neare
unto
him
the
remembrances
of
his
actions
and
worthy
deeds
:
as
it
is
said
,
that
Alexander
the
great
imitated
Achilles
;
Caesar
Alexander
;
and
Scipio
Cyrus
.
And
whoever
reads
the
life
of
Cyrus
,
written
by
Xenophon
,
may
easily
perceive
afterwards
in
Scipio's
life
,
how
much
glory
his
imitation
gaind
him
,
and
how
much
Scipio
did
conforme
himselfe
in
his
chastity
,
affability
,
humanity
,
and
liberality
with
those
things
,
that
are
written
by
Xenophon
of
Cyrus
.
Such
like
wayes
ought
a
wise
Prince
to
take
,
nor
ever
be
idle
in
quiet
times
:
but
by
his
paines
then
,
as
it
were
provide
himselfe
of
store
,
whereof
he
may
make
some
use
in
his
adversity
,
to
the
end
that
when
the
times
change
,
he
may
be
able
to
resist
the
stormes
of
his
hard
fortune
.
CHAP.
XV.
Of
those
things
,
in
respect
whereof
,
men
,
and
especially
Princes
,
are
praised
,
or
dispraised
.
IT
now
remaines
that
we
consider
,
what
the
conditions
of
a
Prince
ought
to
be
,
and
his
termes
of
government
over
his
subjects
,
and
towards
his
friends
.
And
because
I
know
that
many
have
written
hereupon
;
I
doubt
,
lest
I
venturing
also
to
treat
thereof
,
may
be
branded
with
presumption
,
especially
seeing
I
am
like
enough
to
deliver
an
opinion
different
from
others
.
But
my
intent
being
to
write
for
the
advantage
of
him
that
understands
mee
,
I
thought
it
fitter
to
follow
the
effectuall
truth
of
the
matter
,
than
the
imagination
thereof
:
And
many
Principalities
and
Republiques
,
have
been
in
imagination
,
which
neither
have
been
seen
nor
knowne
to
be
indeed
:
for
there
is
such
a
distance
between
how
men
doe
live
,
and
how
men
ought
to
live
;
that
hee
who
leaves
that
which
is
done
,
for
that
which
ought
to
bee
done
,
learnes
sooner
his
ruine
,
than
his
preservation
:
for
that
man
who
will
professe
honesty
in
all
his
actions
,
must
needs
goe
to
ruine
,
among
so
many
that
are
dishonest
.
Whereupon
it
is
necessary
for
a
Prince
,
desiring
to
preserve
himselfe
,
to
be
able
to
make
use
of
that
honestie
,
and
to
lay
it
aside
againe
,
as
need
shall
require
.
Passing
by
then
things
that
are
only
in
imagination
belonging
to
a
Prince
,
to
discourse
upon
those
that
are
really
true
;
I
say
that
all
men
,
whensoever
mention
is
made
of
them
,
and
especially
Princes
,
because
they
are
placd
aloft
in
the
view
of
all
,
are
taken
notice
of
,
for
some
of
these
qualities
,
which
procure
them
either
commendations
,
or
blame
:
&
this
is
,
that
some
one
is
held
liberal
,
some
miserable
,
(
miserable
I
say
,
not
covetous
,
for
the
covetous
desire
to
have
,
though
it
were
by
rapine
,
but
a
miserable
man
is
he
,
that
too
much
forbears
to
make
use
of
his
owne
)
some
free
givers
,
others
extortioners
;
some
cruell
,
others
pittious
;
the
one
a
League
breaker
,
another
faithfull
;
the
one
effeminate
and
of
small
courage
,
the
other
fierce
and
couragious
;
the
one
courteous
,
the
other
proud
;
the
one
lascivious
,
the
other
chaste
;
the
one
of
faire
dealing
,
the
other
wily
and
crafty
;
the
one
hard
,
the
other
easie
;
the
one
grave
,
the
other
light
;
the
one
religious
,
the
other
incredulous
,
and
such
like
.
I
know
that
every
one
will
confesse
,
it
were
exceedingly
praise-worthy
for
a
Prince
to
be
adorned
with
all
these
above
nam'd
qualities
that
are
good
:
but
because
this
is
not
possible
,
nor
doe
humane
conditions
admit
such
perfection
in
vertues
,
it
is
necessary
for
him
to
be
so
discreet
,
that
he
know
how
to
avoid
the
infamie
of
those
vices
,
which
would
thrust
him
out
of
his
State
;
and
if
it
be
possible
,
beware
of
those
also
which
are
not
able
to
remove
him
thence
;
but
where
it
cannot
bee
,
let
them
passe
with
lesse
regard
.
And
yet
,
let
him
not
stand
much
upon
it
,
though
he
incurre
the
infamie
of
those
vices
,
without
which
hee
can
very
hardly
save
his
State
:
for
if
all
bee
throughly
considerd
,
some
things
we
shall
find
which
will
have
the
colour
and
very
face
of
Vertue
,
and
following
them
,
they
will
lead
thee
to
thy
destruction
;
whereas
some
others
,
that
shall
as
much
seeme
vice
,
if
we
take
the
course
they
lead
us
,
shall
discover
unto
us
the
way
to
our
safety
and
well-being
.
The
second
blemish
in
this
our
Authours
book
J
find
in
his
fifteenth
Chapter
:
where
he
instructs
his
Prince
to
use
such
an
ambidexterity
as
that
he
may
serve
himselfe
,
either
of
vertue
,
or
vice
,
according
to
his
advantage
,
which
in
true
pollicy
is
neither
good
in
attaining
the
Principality
,
nor
in
securing
it
when
it
is
attaind
.
For
Politicks
presuppose
Ethiques
,
which
will
never
allow
this
rule
:
as
that
a
man
might
make
this
small
difference
between
vertue
,
and
vice
,
that
he
may
indifferently
lay
aside
,
or
take
up
the
one
,
or
the
other
,
and
put
it
in
practise
as
best
conduceth
to
the
end
he
propounds
himselfe
.
I
doubt
our
Authour
would
have
blamd
Davids
regard
to
Saul
,
when
1.
Sam.
24.
in
the
cave
hee
cut
off
the
lap
of
Sauls
garment
,
and
spared
his
head
,
and
afterwards
in
the
26.
when
he
forbade
Abishai
to
strike
him
as
hee
lay
sleeping
.
Worthy
of
a
Princes
consideration
is
that
saying
of
Abigal
to
David
1.
Sam.
25.30
.
It
shall
come
to
passe
when
the
Lord
shall
have
done
to
my
Lord
,
according
to
all
that
hee
hath
spoken
concerning
thee
,
and
shall
have
appointed
thee
Ruler
over
Israel
,
that
this
shall
be
no
griefe
to
thee
,
nor
offence
of
heart
unto
my
Lord
,
that
thou
hast
forborne
to
shed
blood
&c.
For
surely
the
conscience
of
this
evill
ground
whereupon
they
have
either
built
,
or
underpropped
their
tyranny
,
causes
men
as
well
metus
as
spes
in
longum
projicere
,
which
sets
them
a
work
on
further
mischiefe
.
CHAP.
XVI
.
Of
Liberality
,
and
Miserablenesse
.
BEginning
then
at
the
first
of
the
above
mentioned
qualities
,
I
say
,
that
it
would
be
very
well
to
be
accounted
liberall
:
neverthelesse
,
liberality
used
in
such
a
manner
,
as
to
make
thee
be
accounted
so
,
wrongs
thee
:
for
in
case
it
be
used
vertuously
,
and
as
it
ought
to
be
,
it
shall
never
come
to
be
taken
notice
of
,
so
as
to
free
thee
from
the
infamie
of
its
contrary
.
And
therefore
for
one
to
hold
the
name
of
liberall
among
men
,
it
were
needfull
not
to
omit
any
sumptuous
quality
,
insomuch
that
a
Prince
alwayes
so
disposd
,
shall
waste
all
his
revenues
,
and
at
the
end
shall
be
forc'd
,
if
he
will
still
maintaine
that
reputation
of
liberality
,
heavily
to
burthen
his
subjects
,
and
become
a
great
exactour
;
and
put
in
practise
all
those
things
,
that
can
be
done
to
get
mony
.
Which
begins
to
make
him
hatefull
to
his
subjects
,
and
fall
into
every
ones
contempt
,
growing
necessitous
:
so
that
having
with
this
his
liberality
wrong'd
many
,
and
imparted
of
his
bounty
but
to
a
few
,
he
feeles
every
first
mischance
,
and
runnes
a
hazzard
of
every
first
danger
.
Which
he
knowing
,
and
desiring
to
withdraw
himselfe
from
,
incurrs
presently
the
disgrace
of
being
termd
miserable
.
A
Prince
therefore
not
being
able
to
use
this
vertue
of
liberality
,
without
his
owne
dammage
,
in
such
a
sort
,
that
it
may
be
taken
notice
of
,
ought
,
if
he
be
wise
,
not
to
regard
the
name
of
Miserable
;
for
in
time
he
shall
alwayes
be
esteemed
the
more
liberall
,
seeing
that
by
his
parsimony
his
owne
revenues
are
sufficient
for
him
,
as
also
he
can
defend
himselfe
against
whoever
makes
warre
against
him
,
and
can
doe
some
exploits
without
grieving
his
subjects
:
so
that
he
comes
to
use
his
liberality
to
all
those
,
from
whom
he
takes
nothing
,
who
are
infinite
in
number
;
and
his
miserablenesse
towards
those
,
to
whom
hee
gives
nothing
,
who
are
but
a
few
.
In
our
dayes
wee
have
not
seen
any
,
but
those
who
have
been
held
miserable
,
doe
any
great
matters
,
but
the
others
all
quite
ruind
.
Pope
Julius
the
second
,
however
he
serv'd
himselfe
of
the
name
of
Liberall
,
to
get
the
Papacy
,
yet
never
intended
he
to
continue
it
,
to
the
end
hee
might
bee
able
to
make
warre
against
the
King
of
France
;
and
hee
made
so
many
wars
without
imposing
any
extraordinary
taxe
;
because
his
long
thrift
supplyd
his
large
expences
.
This
present
King
of
Spain
could
never
have
undertaken
,
nor
gone
through
with
so
many
exployts
,
had
he
been
accounted
liberall
.
Wherefore
a
Prince
ought
little
to
regard
(
that
hee
may
not
be
driven
to
pillage
his
subjects
,
that
he
may
be
able
to
defend
himselfe
,
that
he
may
not
fall
into
poverty
and
contempt
,
that
he
be
not
forcd
to
become
an
extortioner
)
though
he
incurre
the
name
of
Miserable
;
for
this
is
one
of
those
vices
,
which
does
not
pluck
him
from
his
throne
.
And
if
any
one
should
say
;
Caesar
by
his
liberality
obtaind
the
Empire
,
and
many
others
(
because
they
both
were
,
and
were
esteemd
liberall
)
attaind
to
exceeding
great
dignities
.
I
answer
,
either
thou
art
already
come
to
be
a
Prince
,
or
thou
art
in
the
way
to
it
:
in
the
first
case
this
liberality
is
hurtfull
;
in
the
secone
it
is
necessary
to
be
accounted
so
;
and
Caesar
was
one
of
those
that
aspird
to
the
Principality
of
Rome
.
But
if
after
he
had
gotten
it
,
he
had
survivd
,
and
not
forborne
those
expences
,
hee
would
quite
have
ruind
that
Empire
.
And
if
any
one
should
reply
;
many
have
been
Princes
,
and
with
their
armies
have
done
great
exployts
,
who
have
been
held
very
liberall
.
I
answer
,
either
the
Prince
spends
of
his
owne
and
his
subjects
,
or
that
which
belongs
to
others
:
in
the
first
,
hee
ought
to
be
sparing
,
in
the
second
hee
should
not
omit
any
part
of
liberality
.
And
that
Prince
,
that
goes
abroad
with
his
army
,
and
feeds
upon
prey
,
and
spoyle
,
and
tributes
,
and
hath
the
disposing
of
that
which
belongs
to
others
,
necessarily
should
use
this
liberality
;
otherwise
would
his
souldiers
never
follow
him
;
and
of
that
which
is
neither
thine
,
nor
thy
subjects
,
thou
mayest
well
be
a
free
giver
,
as
were
Cyrus
,
Caesar
,
and
Alexander
;
for
the
spending
of
that
which
is
anothers
,
takes
not
away
thy
reputation
,
but
rather
addes
to
it
,
only
the
wasting
of
that
which
is
thine
owne
,
hurts
thee
;
nor
is
there
any
thing
consumes
it selfe
so
much
as
liberality
,
which
whilst
thou
usest
,
thou
losest
the
meanes
to
make
use
of
it
,
and
becom'st
poore
and
abject
,
or
to
avoyd
this
poverty
an
extortioner
and
hatefull
person
.
And
among
all
those
things
which
a
Prince
ought
to
beware
of
,
is
,
to
bee
dispisd
,
and
odious
;
to
one
and
the
other
of
which
,
liberality
brings
thee
.
Wherefore
there
is
more
discretion
to
hold
the
stile
of
Miserable
,
which
begets
an
infamy
without
hatred
,
than
to
desire
that
of
Liberall
,
whereby
to
incurre
the
necessity
of
being
thought
an
extortioner
,
which
procures
an
infamy
with
hatred
.
CHAP.
XVII
.
Of
Cruelty
,
and
Clemency
,
and
whether
it
is
better
to
be
belov'd
,
or
feard
.
DEscending
afterwards
unto
the
other
fore-alleadged
qualities
,
I
say
,
that
every
Prince
should
desire
to
be
held
pittifull
,
and
not
cruell
.
Neverthelesse
ought
hee
beware
that
he
ill
uses
not
this
pitty
.
Caesar
Borgia
was
accounted
cruell
,
yet
had
his
cruelty
redrest
the
disorders
in
Romania
,
settled
it
in
union
,
and
restord
it
to
peace
,
and
fidelity
:
which
,
if
it
be
well
weighd
,
we
shall
see
was
an
act
of
more
pitty
,
than
that
of
the
people
of
Florence
,
who
to
avoyd
the
terme
of
cruelty
,
sufferd
Pistoya
to
fall
to
destruction
.
Wherefore
a
Prince
ought
not
to
regard
the
infamy
of
cruelty
,
for
to
hold
his
subjects
united
and
faithfull
:
for
by
giving
a
very
few
proofes
of
himselfe
the
other
way
,
hee
shall
be
held
more
pittifull
than
they
,
who
through
their
too
much
pitty
,
suffer
disorders
to
follow
,
from
whence
arise
murthers
and
rapines
:
for
these
are
wont
to
hurt
an
intire
universality
,
whereas
the
executions
practisd
by
a
Prince
,
hurt
only
some
particular
.
And
among
all
sorts
of
Princes
,
it
is
impossible
for
a
new
Prince
to
avoyd
the
name
of
cruell
,
because
all
new
States
are
full
of
dangers
:
Whereupon
Virgil
by
the
mouth
of
Dido
excuses
the
inhumanity
of
her
Kingdome
,
saying
,
Res
dura
&
Regni
novitas
me
talia
cogunt
Moliri
et
latè
●nes
custode
tenere
.
My
hard
plight
and
new
State
force
me
to
guard
My
confines
all
about
with
watch
and
ward
.
Neverthelesse
ought
he
be
judicious
in
his
giving
beleefe
to
any
thing
,
or
moving
himselfe
thereat
,
nor
make
his
people
extreamly
affraid
of
him
;
but
proceed
in
a
moderate
way
with
wisdome
,
and
humanity
,
that
his
too
much
confidence
make
him
not
unwary
,
and
his
too
much
distrust
intolerable
,
From
hence
arises
a
dispute
,
whether
it
is
better
to
be
belov'd
or
feard
:
I
answer
,
a
man
would
wish
hee
might
bee
the
one
and
the
other
:
but
because
hardly
can
they
subsist
both
together
,
it
is
much
safer
to
be
feard
,
than
be
lov'd
;
being
that
one
of
the
two
must
needs
faile
;
for
touching
men
,
wee
may
say
this
in
generall
,
they
are
unthankfull
,
unconstant
,
dissemblers
,
they
avoyd
dangers
,
and
are
covetous
of
gaine
;
and
whilst
thou
doest
them
good
,
they
are
wholly
thine
their
blood
,
their
fortunes
,
lives
and
children
are
at
thy
service
,
as
is
said
before
,
when
the
danger
is
remote
;
but
when
it
approaches
,
they
revolt
.
And
that
Prince
;
who
wholly
relyes
upon
their
words
,
unfurnishd
of
all
other
preparations
,
goes
to
wrack
:
for
the
friendships
that
are
gotten
with
rewards
,
and
not
by
the
magnificence
and
worth
of
the
mind
,
are
dearely
bought
indeed
;
but
they
will
neither
keep
long
,
nor
serve
well
in
time
of
need
:
and
men
doe
lesse
regard
to
offend
one
that
is
supported
by
love
,
than
by
feare
.
For
love
is
held
by
a
certainty
of
obligation
,
which
,
because
men
are
mischeivous
,
is
broken
upon
any
occasion
of
their
owne
profit
.
But
feare
restrains
with
a
dread
of
punishment
which
never
forsaks
a
man
.
Yet
ought
a
Prince
cause
himselfe
to
be
belovd
in
such
a
manner
,
that
if
hee
gaines
not
love
,
he
may
avoyd
hatred
:
for
it
may
well
stand
together
,
that
a
man
may
bee
feard
and
not
hated
;
which
shall
never
faile
,
if
hee
abstaine
from
his
subjects
goods
,
and
their
wives
;
and
whensoever
hee
should
be
forc'd
to
proceed
against
any
of
their
lives
,
doe
it
when
it
is
to
be
done
upon
a
just
cause
,
and
apparent
conviction
;
but
above
all
things
forbeare
to
lay
his
hands
on
other
mens
goods
;
for
men
forget
sooner
the
death
of
their
father
,
than
the
losse
of
their
patrimony
.
Moreover
the
occasions
of
taking
from
men
their
goods
,
do
never
faile
:
and
alwayes
hee
that
begins
to
live
by
rapine
,
finds
occasion
to
lay
hold
upon
other
mens
goods
:
but
against
mens
lives
they
are
seldomer
found
,
and
sooner
faile
.
But
when
a
Prince
is
abroad
in
the
feild
with
his
army
and
hath
a
multitude
of
souldiers
under
his
government
,
then
is
it
necessary
that
he
stands
not
much
upon
it
,
though
hee
be
termd
cruell
:
for
unlesse
hee
be
so
,
hee
shall
never
have
his
souldiers
live
in
accord
one
with
another
,
nor
ever
well
disposd
to
any
brave
peece
of
service
.
Among
Hannibals
actions
of
mervaile
this
is
reckond
for
one
,
that
having
a
very
huge
army
,
gatherd
out
of
severall
nations
,
and
all
led
to
serve
in
a
strange
countrey
,
there
was
never
any
dissention
neither
amongst
themselves
,
nor
against
their
Generall
,
as
well
in
their
bad
fortune
as
their
good
.
Which
could
not
proceed
from
any
thing
else
,
than
from
that
barbarous
cruelty
of
his
,
which
,
together
with
his
exceeding
many
vertues
,
renderd
him
to
his
souldiers
both
venerable
and
terrible
;
without
which
,
to
that
effect
his
other
vertues
had
servd
him
to
little
purpose
:
and
some
writers
,
though
not
of
the
best
advised
,
on
one
side
admire
these
his
worthy
actions
,
and
on
the
other
side
,
condemne
the
principall
causes
thereof
.
And
that
it
is
true
,
that
his
other
vertues
would
not
have
suffis'd
him
,
wee
may
consider
in
Scipio
,
the
rarest
man
not
only
in
the
dayes
he
liv'd
,
but
even
in
the
memory
of
man
;
from
whom
his
army
rebell'd
in
Spain
:
which
grew
only
upon
his
too
much
clemency
,
which
had
given
way
to
his
souldiers
to
become
more
licentious
,
that
was
well
tolerable
by
military
discipline
:
for
which
hee
was
reprov'd
by
Fabius
Maximus
in
the
Senate
,
who
termd
him
the
corrupter
of
the
Romane
souldiery
.
The
Locrensians
having
been
destroyed
by
a
Lieftenant
of
Scipio's
,
were
never
reveng'd
by
him
,
nor
the
insolence
of
that
Lieftenant
punisht
,
all
this
arising
from
his
easie
nature
:
so
that
one
desiring
to
excuse
him
in
the
Senate
,
said
,
that
there
were
many
men
knew
better
how
to
keep
themselves
from
faults
,
than
to
correct
the
faults
of
other
men
:
which
disposition
of
his
in
time
would
have
wrong'd
Scipio's
reputation
&
glory
,
had
he
therewith
continu'd
in
his
commands
:
but
living
under
the
government
of
the
Senate
,
this
quality
of
his
that
would
have
disgrac'd
him
▪
not
only
was
conceal'd
,
but
prov'd
to
the
advancement
of
his
glory
.
I
conclude
then
,
returning
to
the
purpose
of
being
feard
,
and
belov'd
;
insomuch
as
men
love
at
their
owne
pleasure
and
to
serve
their
owne
turne
,
and
their
feare
depends
upon
the
Princes
pleasure
,
every
wise
Prince
ought
to
ground
upon
that
which
is
of
himselfe
,
and
not
upon
that
which
is
of
another
:
only
this
,
he
ought
to
use
his
best
wits
to
avoid
hatred
,
as
was
said
.
CHAP
,
XVIII
.
In
what
manner
Princes
ought
to
keep
their
words
.
HOw
commendable
in
a
Prince
it
is
to
keepe
his
word
,
and
live
with
integrity
,
not
making
use
of
cunning
and
subtlety
,
every
one
knows
well
:
yet
wee
see
by
experience
in
these
our
dayes
,
that
those
Princes
have
effected
great
matters
,
who
have
made
small
reckoning
of
keeping
their
words
,
and
have
known
by
their
craft
to
turne
and
wind
men
about
,
and
in
the
end
have
overcome
those
who
have
grounded
upon
the
truth
.
You
must
then
know
,
there
are
two
kinds
of
combating
or
fighting
;
the
one
by
right
of
the
laws
,
the
other
meerly
by
force
.
That
first
way
is
proper
to
men
,
the
other
is
also
common
to
beasts
:
but
because
the
first
many
times
suffices
not
,
there
is
a
necessity
to
make
recourse
to
the
second
;
wherefore
it
behooves
a
Prince
to
know
how
to
make
good
use
of
that
part
which
belongs
to
a
beast
,
as
well
as
that
which
is
proper
to
a
man
.
This
part
hath
been
covertly
shew'd
to
Princes
by
ancient
writers
;
who
say
that
Achilles
and
many
others
of
those
ancient
Princes
were
intrusted
to
Chiron
the
Centaure
,
to
bee
brought
up
under
his
discipline
:
the
morall
of
this
,
having
for
their
teacher
one
that
was
halfe
a
beast
and
halfe
a
man
,
was
nothing
else
,
but
that
it
was
needfull
for
a
Prince
,
to
understand
how
to
make
his
advantage
of
the
one
and
the
other
nature
,
because
neither
could
subsist
without
the
other
.
A
Prince
then
being
necessitated
to
know
how
to
make
use
of
that
part
belonging
to
a
beast
,
ought
to
serve
himselfe
of
the
conditions
of
the
Foxe
and
the
Lion
;
for
the
Lion
cannot
keep
himself
from
snares
,
nor
the
Foxe
defend
himselfe
against
the
Wolves
.
Hee
had
need
then
bee
a
Foxe
,
that
hee
may
beware
of
the
snares
,
and
a
Lion
,
that
he
may
scarre
the
Wolves
.
Those
that
stand
wholly
upon
the
Lion
,
understand
not
well
themselves
.
And
therefore
a
wise
Prince
cannot
,
nor
ought
not
keep
his
faith
given
,
when
the
observance
therof
turnes
to
disadvantage
,
and
the
occasions
that
made
him
promise
,
are
past
.
For
if
men
were
all
good
,
this
rule
would
not
be
allowable
;
but
being
they
are
full
of
mischiefe
,
and
would
not
make
it
good
to
thee
,
neither
art
thou
tyed
to
keep
it
with
them
:
nor
shall
a
Prince
ever
want
lawfull
occasions
to
give
colour
to
this
breach
.
Very
many
moderne
examples
hereof
might
be
alleadg'd
,
wherin
might
be
shewd
how
many
peaces
concluded
,
and
how
many
promises
made
,
have
bin
violated
and
broken
by
the
infidelity
of
Princes
;
and
ordinarily
things
have
best
succeeded
with
him
that
hath
been
neerest
the
Foxe
in
condition
.
But
it
is
necessary
to
understand
how
to
set
a
good
colour
upon
this
disposition
,
and
to
bee
able
to
faine
and
dissemble
throughly
;
and
men
are
so
simple
and
yeeld
so
much
to
the
present
necessities
,
that
hee
who
hath
a
mind
to
deceive
,
shall
alwayes
find
another
that
will
be
deceivd
.
I
will
not
conceale
any
one
of
the
examples
that
have
been
of
late
.
Alexander
the
sixth
,
never
did
any
thing
else
than
deceive
men
,
and
never
meant
otherwise
,
and
alwayes
found
whome
to
worke
upon
;
yet
never
was
there
man
would
protest
more
effectually
,
nor
averre
any
thing
with
more
solemne
oaths
,
and
observe
them
lesse
than
he
;
neverthelesse
,
his
coosenages
all
thriv'd
well
with
him
;
for
hee
knew
how
to
play
this
part
cunningly
.
Therefore
is
there
no
necessity
for
a
Prince
to
bee
endued
with
all
these
above
written
qualities
,
but
it
behooves
well
that
he
seeme
to
be
so
;
or
rather
I
will
boldly
say
this
,
that
having
these
qualities
,
and
always
regulating
himselfe
by
them
,
they
are
hurtfull
,
but
seeming
to
have
them
,
they
are
advantagious
;
as
to
seeme
pitifull
,
faithfull
,
mild
,
religious
,
and
of
integrity
,
and
indeed
to
be
so
;
provided
withall
thou
beest
of
such
a
composition
,
that
if
need
require
thee
to
use
the
contrary
,
thou
canst
,
and
know'st
how
to
apply
thy selfe
thereto
.
And
it
suffices
to
conceive
this
,
that
a
Prince
,
and
especially
a
new
Prince
,
cannot
observe
all
those
things
,
for
which
men
are
held
good
;
he
being
often
forc'd
,
for
the
maintenance
of
his
State
,
to
do
contrary
to
his
faith
,
charity
,
humanity
,
and
religion
:
and
therefore
it
behooves
him
to
have
a
mind
so
disposd
as
to
turne
and
take
the
advantage
of
all
winds
and
fortunes
;
and
as
formerly
I
said
,
not
forsake
the
good
;
while
he
can
;
but
to
know
how
to
make
use
of
the
evill
upon
necessity
.
A
Prince
then
ought
to
have
a
speciall
care
,
that
he
never
let
fall
any
words
,
but
what
are
all
season'd
with
the
five
above-written
qualities
,
and
let
him
seem
to
him
that
sees
and
heares
him
,
all
pitty
,
all
faith
,
all
integrity
,
all
humanity
,
all
religion
;
nor
is
there
any
thing
more
necessary
for
him
to
seeme
to
have
,
than
this
last
quality
:
for
all
men
in
generall
judge
thereof
,
rather
by
the
sight
than
by
the
touch
;
for
every
man
may
come
to
the
sight
of
him
,
few
come
to
the
touch
and
feeling
of
him
;
every
man
may
come
to
see
what
thou
seemest
,
few
come
to
perceive
and
understand
what
thou
art
;
and
those
few
dare
not
oppose
the
opinion
of
many
,
who
have
the
majesty
of
State
to
protect
them
:
And
in
all
mens
actions
,
especially
those
of
Princes
,
wherein
there
is
no
judgement
to
appeale
unto
,
men
forbeare
to
give
their
censures
till
the
events
,
and
ends
of
things
.
Let
a
Prince
therefore
take
the
surest
courses
he
can
to
maintaine
his
life
and
State
:
the
meanes
shall
alwaies
be
thought
honorable
,
and
commended
by
every
one
:
for
the
vulgar
is
over-taken
with
the
appearance
and
event
of
a
thing
:
and
for
the
most
part
of
people
,
they
are
but
the
vulgar
:
the
others
that
are
but
few
,
take
place
where
the
vulgar
have
no
subsistence
.
A
Prince
there
is
in
these
dayes
,
whom
I
shall
not
do
well
to
name
,
that
preaches
nothing
else
but
peace
and
faith
;
but
had
he
keept
the
one
and
the
other
,
severall
times
had
they
taken
from
him
his
State
and
reputation
.
In
the
sixteenth
,
seaventeenth
,
and
eighteenth
Chap.
our
Author
descends
to
particulars
,
perswading
his
Prince
in
his
sixteenth
to
such
a
suplenesse
of
disposition
,
as
that
upon
occasion
hee
can
make
use
either
of
liberality
or
miserablenesse
as
need
shall
require
.
But
that
of
liberality
is
to
last
no
longer
,
than
while
hee
is
in
the
way
to
some
designe
:
which
if
we
well
weigh
,
is
not
really
a
reward
of
vertue
,
how
ere
it
seemes
;
but
a
bait
and
lure
to
bring
birds
to
the
net
.
In
the
seventeenth
Chap.
hee
treats
of
clemency
and
cruelty
;
neither
of
which
are
to
be
exercisd
by
him
as
acts
of
mercy
or
justice
;
but
as
they
may
serve
to
advantage
his
further
purposes
.
And
lest
the
Prince
should
incline
too
much
to
clemency
,
our
Author
allowes
rather
the
restraint
by
feare
,
than
by
love
.
The
contrary
to
which
all
stories
shew
us
.
I
will
say
this
only
,
cruelty
may
cut
of
the
power
of
some
,
but
causes
the
hatred
of
all
,
and
gives
a
will
to
most
to
take
the
first
occasion
offered
for
revenge
.
In
the
eighteenth
Chap.
our
Author
discourses
how
Princes
ought
to
governe
themselves
in
keeping
their
promises
made
:
whereof
hee
sayes
they
ought
to
make
such
small
reckoning
as
that
rather
they
should
know
by
their
craft
how
to
turne
and
wind
men
about
,
whereby
to
take
advantage
of
all
winds
and
fortunes
.
To
this
J
would
oppose
that
in
the
fifteenth
Psal.
v.
5.
Hee
that
sweareth
to
his
neighbour
,
and
disappointeth
him
not
,
though
it
were
to
his
owne
hindrance
.
It
was
a
King
that
writ
it
:
and
mee
thinks
the
rule
hee
gave
,
should
well
befit
both
King
and
subject
:
and
surely
this
perswades
against
all
taking
of
advantages
.
A
man
may
reduce
all
the
causes
of
faith-breaking
to
three
heads
.
One
may
be
,
because
he
that
promisd
,
had
no
intention
to
keep
his
word
;
and
this
is
a
wicked
and
malitious
way
of
dealing
.
A
second
may
bee
,
because
hee
that
promisd
,
repents
of
his
promise
made
;
and
that
is
grounded
on
unconstancy
,
and
lightnesse
in
that
hee
would
not
bee
well
resolved
before
be
entred
into
covenant
.
The
third
may
bee
,
when
it
so
falls
out
,
that
it
lyes
not
in
his
power
,
that
made
the
promise
to
performe
it
.
In
which
case
a
man
ought
to
imitate
the
good
debter
,
who
having
not
wherewithall
to
pay
,
hides
not
himselfe
,
but
presents
his
person
to
his
creditour
;
willingly
suffering
imprisonment
.
The
first
and
second
are
very
vitious
and
unworthy
of
a
Prince
:
in
the
third
,
men
might
well
bee
directed
by
the
examples
of
those
two
famous
Romans
,
Regulus
and
Posthumius
.
I
shall
close
this
with
that
answer
of
Charles
the
fifth
when
hee
was
pressd
to
break
his
word
with
Luther
for
his
safe
returne
from
Wormes
.
Fides
rerum
promissarum
etsi
toto
mundo
exulet
,
Gulielmus
Xenocarus
in
vit.
Car.
Quinti
.
tamen
apud
imperatorem
eam
consistere
oportet
.
Though
truth
be
banisht
out
of
the
whole
world
,
yet
should
it
alwayes
finde
harbour
in
an
Emperours
breast
.
CHAP.
XIX
.
That
Princes
should
take
a
care
,
not
to
incurre
contempt
or
hatred
.
BUt
because
among
the
qualities
,
wherof
formerly
mention
is
made
,
I
have
spoken
of
those
of
most
importance
;
I
will
treat
of
the
others
more
briefly
under
these
qualities
,
that
a
Prince
is
to
beware
,
as
in
part
is
above
said
,
and
that
he
fly
those
things
which
cause
him
to
bee
odious
or
vile
:
and
when
ever
hee
shall
avoid
this
,
he
shall
fully
have
playd
his
part
,
and
in
the
other
disgraces
he
shall
find
no
danger
at
all
.
There
is
nothing
makes
him
so
odious
,
as
I
said
,
as
his
extortion
of
his
subjects
goods
,
and
abuse
of
their
women
,
from
which
hee
ought
to
forbeare
:
and
so
long
as
hee
wrongs
not
his
whole
people
neither
in
their
goods
,
nor
honors
,
they
live
content
,
and
hee
hath
only
to
strive
with
the
Ambition
of
some
few
:
which
many
wayes
,
&
easily
too
,
is
restrain'd
.
To
be
held
various
,
light
,
effeminate
,
faint-harted
,
unresolv'd
,
these
make
him
be
contemnd
and
thought
base
,
which
a
Prince
should
shun
like
rocks
,
and
take
a
care
that
in
all
his
actions
there
appeare
magnanimity
,
courage
,
gravity
,
and
valour
;
and
that
in
all
the
private
affaires
of
his
subjects
,
he
orders
it
so
,
that
his
word
stand
irrevocable
:
and
maintaines
himselfe
in
such
repute
,
that
no
man
may
think
neither
to
deceive
,
nor
wind
and
turn
him
about
;
that
Prince
that
gives
such
an
opinion
of
himself
,
is
much
esteemd
:
and
against
him
,
who
is
so
well
esteemd
,
hardly
are
any
conspiracies
made
by
his
subjects
,
or
by
forreiners
any
invasion
,
when
once
notice
is
taken
of
his
worth
,
and
how
much
hee
is
reverenced
by
his
subjects
.
For
a
Prince
ought
to
have
two
feares
,
the
one
from
within
,
in
regard
of
his
subjects
;
the
other
from
abroad
,
in
regard
of
his
mighty
neighbours
;
from
these
he
defends
himselfe
by
good
armes
and
good
friends
,
and
alwayes
he
shall
have
good
friends
if
he
have
good
armes
;
and
all
things
shall
always
stand
sure
at
home
,
when
those
abroad
are
firme
;
in
case
some
conspiracy
have
not
disturb'd
them
,
and
however
the
forraine
matters
stand
but
ticklishly
;
yet
if
hee
have
taken
such
courses
at
home
,
and
liv'd
as
we
have
prescrib'd
,
he
shall
ever
be
able
(
in
case
he
forsake
not
himselfe
)
to
resist
all
possible
force
and
violence
,
as
I
said
,
Nabis
the
Spartan
did
:
but
touching
his
subjects
,
even
when
his
affaires
abroad
are
setled
,
it
is
to
be
fear'd
,
they
may
conspire
privily
;
from
which
a
Prince
sufficiently
secures
himselfe
by
shunning
to
bee
hated
or
contemnd
,
and
keeping
himself
in
his
peoples
good
opinion
,
which
it
is
necessary
for
him
to
compasse
,
as
formerly
we
treated
at
large
.
And
one
of
the
powerfullest
remedies
a
Prince
can
have
against
conspiracies
,
is
,
not
to
bee
hated
nor
despisd
by
the
universality
;
for
alwaies
he
that
conspires
,
beleevs
the
Princes
death
is
acceptable
to
the
subject
:
but
when
he
thinks
it
displeases
them
,
he
hath
not
the
heart
to
venture
on
such
a
matter
;
for
the
difficulties
that
are
on
the
conspirators
side
,
are
infinite
.
By
experience
it
is
plaine
,
that
many
times
plots
have
been
laid
,
but
few
of
them
have
succeeded
luckily
;
for
hee
that
conspires
,
cannot
be
alone
,
nor
can
he
take
the
company
of
any
but
of
those
,
who
,
he
beleevs
are
male-contents
;
and
so
soon
as
thou
hast
discover'd
thy self
to
a
malecontent
,
thou
giv'st
him
meanes
to
work
his
own
content
:
for
by
revealing
thy
treason
,
hee
may
well
hope
for
all
manner
of
favour
:
so
that
seing
his
gaine
certaine
of
one
side
;
and
on
the
other
,
finding
only
doubt
and
danger
,
either
hee
had
need
be
a
rare
friend
,
or
that
he
be
an
exceeding
obstinate
enemy
to
the
Prince
,
if
he
keeps
his
word
with
thee
.
And
to
reduce
this
matter
into
short
termes
:
I
say
,
there
is
nothing
but
jealousie
,
feare
,
and
suspect
of
punishment
on
the
conspirators
part
to
affright
him
;
but
on
the
Princes
part
,
there
is
the
majesty
of
the
principality
,
the
lawes
,
the
defences
of
his
friends
and
the
State
,
which
do
so
guard
him
;
that
to
all
these
things
the
peoples
goods
wills
being
added
,
it
is
unpossible
,
any
one
should
be
so
head-strong
,
as
to
conspire
;
for
ordinarily
where
a
traytor
is
to
feare
before
the
execution
of
his
mischiefe
;
in
this
case
he
is
also
to
feare
afterwards
,
having
the
people
for
his
enemy
,
when
the
fact
is
committed
;
and
therefore
for
this
cause
,
not
being
able
to
hope
for
any
refuge
.
Touching
this
matter
,
many
examples
might
be
brought
,
but
I
will
content
my selfe
to
name
one
which
fell
out
in
the
memory
of
our
Fathers
.
Annibal
Bentivolii
,
grand-father
of
this
Anniball
who
now
lives
,
that
was
Prince
in
Bolonia
,
being
slaine
by
the
Canneschi
,
that
conspir'd
against
him
,
none
of
his
race
being
left
,
but
this
John
,
who
was
then
in
swadling
clouts
;
presenty
the
people
rose
,
upon
this
murder
,
and
slew
all
the
Cannesch●
;
which
proceeded
from
the
popular
affection
,
which
the
family
of
the
Bentivolii
held
then
in
Bolonia
:
which
was
so
great
,
that
being
there
remain'd
not
any
,
now
Anniball
was
dead
,
that
was
able
to
manage
the
State
;
and
having
notice
that
in
Florence
there
was
one
borne
of
the
Bentivolii
,
who
till
then
was
taken
for
a
Smiths
sonne
:
the
citizens
of
Bolonia
went
to
Florence
for
him
,
and
gave
the
government
of
their
City
to
him
,
which
was
rul'd
by
him
,
untill
John
was
of
fit
yeares
to
governe
.
I
conclude
then
that
a
Prince
ought
to
make
smal
account
of
treasons
,
whiles
he
hath
the
people
to
friend
:
but
if
they
be
his
enemies
and
hate
him
,
he
may
well
feare
every
thing
,
and
every
one
.
And
well
orderd
States
,
and
discreet
Princes
have
taken
care
withall
diligence
,
not
to
cause
their
great
men
to
fall
into
desperation
,
and
to
content
the
the
people
,
and
so
to
maintaine
them
:
for
this
is
one
of
the
most
important
businesses
belonging
to
a
Prince
.
Among
the
Kingdomes
that
are
well
orderd
and
governd
in
our
dayes
,
is
that
of
France
,
and
therein
are
found
exceeding
many
good
orders
;
whereupon
the
Kings
liberty
and
security
depends
:
of
which
the
chiefe
is
the
Parliament
,
and
the
authority
thereof
:
for
hee
that
founded
that
Kingdome
,
knowing
the
great
mens
ambition
and
insolence
;
and
judgeing
it
necessary
there
should
bee
a
bridle
to
curbe
them
;
and
on
the
other
side
knowing
the
hatred
of
the
Commonalty
against
the
great
ones
,
grounded
upon
feare
,
intending
to
secure
them
,
would
not
lay
this
care
wholly
upon
the
King
;
but
take
this
trouble
from
him
,
which
hee
might
have
with
the
great
men
,
in
case
hee
favourd
the
Commonalty
,
or
with
the
Commonalty
in
case
hee
favourd
the
great
men
:
and
thereupon
set
up
a
third
judge
,
which
was
that
,
to
the
end
it
should
keep
under
the
great
ones
,
and
favour
the
meaner
sort
,
without
any
imputation
to
the
King
.
It
was
not
possible
to
take
a
better
,
nor
wiser
course
than
this
,
nor
a
surer
way
to
secure
the
King
,
and
the
Kingdome
.
From
whence
we
may
drawe
another
conclusion
worthie
of
note
,
that
Princes
ought
to
cause
others
to
take
upon
them
the
matters
of
blame
and
imputation
;
and
upon
themselves
to
take
only
those
of
grace
and
favour
.
Here
againe
I
conclude
,
that
a
Prince
ought
to
make
good
esteeme
of
his
Nobility
;
but
not
thereby
to
incurre
the
Commons
hatred
:
It
would
seem
perhaps
to
many
,
considering
the
life
and
death
of
many
Romane
Emperours
,
that
they
were
examples
contrary
to
my
opinion
,
finding
that
some
have
liv'd
worthily
,
and
shewd
many
rare
vertues
of
the
minde
,
and
yet
have
lost
the
Empire
,
and
been
put
to
death
by
their
owne
subjects
,
conspiring
against
them
.
Intending
then
to
answer
these
objections
;
I
shall
discourse
upon
the
qualities
of
some
Emperours
,
declaring
the
occasions
of
their
ruine
,
not
disagreeing
from
that
which
I
have
alleagd
:
and
part
thereof
I
will
bestow
on
the
consideration
of
these
things
;
which
are
worthy
to
be
noted
by
him
that
reads
the
actions
of
those
times
:
and
it
shall
suffice
mee
to
take
all
those
Emperours
,
that
succeeded
in
the
Empire
from
Marcus
the
Philosopher
to
Maximinus
,
who
were
Marcus
and
Commodus
his
sonne
,
Pertinax
,
Julian
,
Severus
,
Antonius
,
Caracalla
his
sonne
,
Macrinus
,
Heliogabalus
,
Alexander
,
and
Maximin
.
And
first
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
were
in
the
other
Principalities
,
they
are
to
contend
only
with
the
ambition
of
the
Nobles
,
and
the
insolence
of
the
people
;
the
Romane
Emperours
had
a
third
difficulty
,
having
to
support
the
cruelty
and
covetousnesse
of
the
souldiers
,
which
was
so
hard
a
thing
,
that
it
causd
the
ruine
of
many
,
being
hard
to
satisfy
the
souldiers
,
and
the
people
:
for
the
people
love
their
quiet
,
and
therefore
affect
modest
Princes
;
and
the
souldiers
love
a
Prince
of
a
warlike
courage
,
that
is
insolent
,
cruell
and
plucking
from
every
one
:
which
things
they
would
have
them
exercise
upon
the
people
,
whereby
they
might
bee
able
to
double
their
stipends
,
and
satisfie
their
avarice
and
cruelty
:
whence
it
proceeded
,
that
those
Emperours
who
either
by
Nature
or
by
Art
had
not
such
a
reputation
,
as
therewith
they
could
curbe
the
one
and
the
other
,
were
alwayes
ruind
:
and
the
most
of
them
,
specially
those
,
who
as
new
men
came
to
the
principality
,
finding
the
difficulty
of
those
two
different
humours
,
applyd
themselves
to
content
the
souldiers
,
making
small
account
of
wronging
the
people
:
which
was
a
course
then
necessary
;
for
the
Princes
not
being
able
to
escape
the
hatred
of
every
one
,
ought
first
endeavour
that
they
incurre
not
the
hatred
of
any
whole
universality
;
and
when
they
cannot
attaine
therunto
,
they
are
to
provide
with
all
industry
,
to
avoyd
the
hatred
of
those
universalities
,
that
are
the
most
mighty
.
And
therefore
those
Emperours
,
who
because
they
were
but
newly
call'd
to
the
Empire
,
had
need
of
extraordinary
favours
,
more
willing●y
stuck
to
the
souldiers
,
than
to
the
people
;
which
neverthelesse
turnd
to
their
advantage
,
or
otherwise
,
according
as
that
Prince
knew
how
to
maintaine
his
repute
with
them
.
From
these
causes
aforesayd
proceeded
it
,
that
Marcus
,
Pertinax
,
and
Alexander
,
though
all
living
modestly
,
being
lovers
of
justice
,
and
enemies
of
cruelty
,
courteous
,
and
bountifull
,
had
all
from
Marcus
onward
,
miserable
ends
;
Marcus
only
liv'd
and
dy'd
exceedingly
honoured
:
for
hee
came
to
the
Empire
by
inheritance
,
and
was
not
to
acknowledge
it
neither
from
the
souldiers
,
nor
from
the
people
:
afterwards
being
accompanyed
with
many
vertues
,
which
made
him
venerable
,
hee
held
alwayes
whilst
he
liv'd
,
the
one
and
the
other
order
within
their
limits
,
and
was
never
either
hated
,
or
contemnd
.
But
Pertinax
was
created
Emperour
against
the
souldiers
wills
,
who
being
accustomd
to
live
licentiously
under
Commodus
,
could
not
endure
that
honest
course
,
that
Pertinax
sought
to
reduce
them
to
:
Whereupon
having
gotten
himself
hatred
,
and
to
this
hatred
added
contempt
,
in
that
hee
was
old
,
was
ruind
in
the
very
beginning
of
his
government
.
Whence
it
ought
to
be
observed
,
that
hatred
is
gaind
as
well
by
good
deeds
as
bad
;
and
therefore
as
I
formerly
said
,
when
a
Prince
would
maintaine
the
State
,
hee
is
often
forcd
not
to
be
good
:
for
when
that
generalty
,
whether
it
be
the
people
,
or
souldiers
,
or
Nobility
,
whereof
thou
thinkst
thou
standst
in
need
to
maintain
thee
,
is
corrupted
,
it
behooves
th●e
to
follow
their
humour
,
and
content
them
,
and
then
all
good
deeds
are
thy
adversaries
.
But
let
us
come
to
Alexander
,
who
was
of
that
goodnesse
,
that
among
the
prayses
given
him
,
had
this
for
one
,
that
in
fourteen
yeers
wherein
he
held
the
Empire
,
he
never
put
any
man
to
death
but
by
course
of
justice
;
nevert●elesse
being
held
effeminate
,
and
a
man
that
suffered
himselfe
to
be
ruld
by
his
mother
,
and
thereupon
fallen
into
contempt
;
the
army
conspird
against
him
.
Now
on
the
contrary
discoursing
upon
the
qualities
of
Commodus
,
Severus
,
Antonius
,
Caracalla
,
and
Maximinus
,
you
shall
find
them
exceeding
cruell
,
and
ravinous
,
who
to
satisfie
their
souldiers
,
forbeare
no
kinde
of
injury
,
that
could
be
done
upon
the
people
;
and
all
of
them
,
except
Severus
,
came
to
evill
ends
:
for
in
Severus
there
was
such
extraordinary
valour
,
that
while
hee
held
the
souldiers
his
friends
,
however
the
people
were
much
burthend
by
him
,
he
might
alwayes
reigne
happily
:
for
his
valour
rendred
him
so
admirable
in
the
souldiers
and
peoples
sights
;
that
these
in
a
manner
stood
amazd
and
astonishd
,
and
those
others
reverencing
,
and
honoring
him
.
And
because
the
actions
of
this
man
were
exceeding
great
being
in
a
new
Prince
,
I
will
briefly
shew
,
how
well
hee
knew
to
act
the
Foxes
and
the
Lions
parts
;
the
conditions
of
which
two
,
●
say
,
as
before
,
are
very
necessary
for
a
Prince
to
imitate
.
Severus
having
had
experience
of
Iulian
the
Emperours
sloth
,
perswaded
his
army
(
whereof
hee
was
commander
in
Sclavonia
)
that
they
should
doe
well
to
goe
to
Rome
,
to
revenge
Pertinax
his
death
,
who
was
put
to
death
by
the
Imperiall
guard
;
and
under
this
pretence
,
not
making
any
shew
that
hee
aspird
unto
the
Empire
,
set
his
army
in
march
directly
towards
Rome
,
and
was
sooner
come
into
Italy
,
than
it
was
knowne
hee
had
mov'd
from
his
station
.
Being
arriv'd
at
Rome
,
hee
was
by
the
Senate
chosen
Emperour
for
feare
;
and
Julian
slaine
.
After
this
beginning
,
two
difficulties
yet
remaind
to
Severus
,
before
hee
could
make
himselfe
Lord
of
the
whole
State
;
the
one
in
Asia
,
where
Niger
the
Generall
of
those
armies
had
gotten
the
title
of
Emperour
,
the
other
in
the
West
with
Albinus
,
who
also
aspird
to
the
Empire
:
and
because
hee
thought
there
might
be
some
danger
to
discover
himselfe
enemy
to
them
both
;
he
purposd
to
set
upon
Niger
,
and
cozen
Albinus
,
to
whom
hee
writ
,
that
being
elected
Emperour
by
the
Senate
,
hee
would
willingly
communicate
it
with
him
;
and
thereupon
sent
him
the
title
of
Caesar
,
and
by
resolution
of
the
Senate
,
tooke
him
to
him
for
his
Collegue
;
which
things
were
taken
by
Albinus
in
true
meaning
.
But
afterwards
when
Severus
had
overcome
and
slaine
Niger
,
and
pacified
the
affaires
in
the
East
,
being
returnd
to
Rome
,
hee
complaind
in
the
Senate
of
Albinus
,
how
little
weighing
the
benefits
received
from
him
,
hee
had
sought
to
slay
him
by
treason
,
and
therefore
was
hee
forc'd
to
goe
punish
his
ingratitude
:
afterwards
hee
went
into
France
,
where
hee
bereft
him
,
both
of
his
State
,
and
life
.
Whoever
then
shall
in
particular
examine
his
actions
,
shall
finde
hee
was
a
very
cruell
Lion
,
and
as
crafty
a
Foxe
:
and
shall
see
that
hee
was
alwayes
feard
and
reverenc'd
by
every
one
,
and
by
the
armies
not
hated
;
and
shall
nothing
marvell
that
hee
being
a
new
man
,
was
able
to
hold
t●gether
such
a
great
Empire
:
for
his
extraordinary
reputation
defended
him
alwayes
from
that
hatred
,
which
the
people
for
his
extortions
might
have
conceiv'd
against
him
.
But
Antonius
his
sonne
,
was
also
an
exceeding
brave
man
,
and
endued
with
most
excellent
qualities
,
which
causd
him
to
be
admird
by
the
people
,
and
acceptable
to
the
souldiers
;
because
hee
was
a
warrlike
man
,
enduring
all
kind
of
travell
and
paines
,
despising
all
delicate
food
,
and
all
kinde
of
effeminacy
;
which
gaind
him
the
love
of
all
the
armies
:
neverthelesse
his
fiercenesse
and
cruelty
were
such
and
so
hideous
,
having
upon
many
particular
occasions
put
to
death
a
great
part
of
the
people
of
Rome
,
and
all
those
of
Alexandria
,
that
hee
grew
odious
to
the
world
:
and
began
to
bee
feard
by
those
also
,
that
were
neare
about
him
;
so
that
hee
was
slaine
by
a
Centurion
in
the
very
midst
of
his
army
.
Where
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
these
kinde
of
deaths
,
which
follow
upon
the
deliberation
of
a
resolv'd
and
obstinate
minde
,
cannot
by
a
Prince
be
avoyded
:
for
every
one
that
feares
not
to
dye
,
is
able
to
doe
it
;
but
a
Prince
ought
to
be
lesse
afraid
of
it
;
because
it
very
seldome
falls
out
.
Only
should
hee
beware
not
to
doe
any
extreame
injury
,
to
any
of
those
of
whom
he
serves
himselfe
,
or
that
hee
hath
near
about
him
in
any
imployment
of
his
Principality
;
as
Antonius
did
:
who
had
reproachfully
slaine
a
brother
of
that
Centurion
,
also
threatned
him
every
day
,
and
neverthelesse
entertaind
him
still
as
one
of
the
guards
of
his
body
:
which
was
a
rash
course
taken
,
and
the
way
to
destruction
,
as
befell
him
.
But
let
us
come
to
Commodus
,
for
whom
it
was
very
easie
to
hold
the
Empire
,
by
reason
it
descended
upon
him
by
inheritance
,
being
Marcus
his
sonn●
;
and
it
had
been
enough
for
him
to
follow
his
fathers
footsteps
,
and
then
had
hee
contented
both
the
people
and
the
souldiers
:
but
being
of
a
cruell
and
savage
disposition
,
whereby
to
excercise
his
actions
upon
the
people
,
hee
gave
himselfe
to
entertaine
armies
,
and
those
in
all
licentiousnesse
.
On
the
other
part
not
maintaining
his
dignity
,
but
often
descending
upon
the
stages
to
combate
with
fencers
,
and
doing
such
other
like
base
things
,
little
worthy
of
the
Imperiall
majesty
,
hee
became
contemptible
in
the
souldiers
sight
,
and
being
hated
of
one
part
,
and
dispisd
of
the
other
,
he
was
conspird
against
,
and
slaine
.
It
remaines
now
that
wee
declare
Maximinus
his
conditions
:
who
was
a
very
warrlike
man
;
and
the
armies
loathing
Alexanders
effeminacy
,
whereof
I
spake
before
,
when
they
had
slain
him
,
chose
this
man
Emperour
;
who
not
long
continu'd
so
,
because
two
things
there
were
that
brought
him
into
hatred
and
contempt
;
the
one
because
hee
was
very
base
,
having
kept
cattell
in
Thrace
,
which
was
well
knowne
to
every
one
,
and
made
them
to
scorne
him
;
the
other
,
because
in
the
beginning
of
his
Principality
having
delayd
to
goe
to
Rome
,
and
enter
into
possession
of
the
Imperiall
throne
,
he
had
gaind
the
infamy
of
being
thought
exceding
cruell
,
having
by
his
Prefects
in
Rome
,
and
in
every
place
of
the
Empire
exercisd
many
cruelties
,
insomuch
that
the
whole
world
being
provok'd
against
him
to
contempt
for
the
basenesse
of
his
blood
,
on
the
other
side
upon
the
hatred
conceiv'd
against
him
for
feare
of
his
cruelty
;
first
Affrica
,
afterwards
the
Senate
with
all
the
people
of
Rome
,
and
all
Italy
conspird
against
him
,
with
whom
his
own
army
took
part
;
which
incamping
before
Aquileya
,
and
finding
some
difficulty
to
take
the
town
,
being
weary
of
his
cruelties
,
&
because
they
saw
he
had
so
many
enemies
,
fearing
him
the
lesse
,
slew
him
.
I
purpose
not
to
say
any
thing
either
of
Heliogabalus
,
Macrinus
,
or
Julian
,
who
because
they
were
throughly
base
,
were
suudenly
extinguishd
;
but
I
will
come
to
the
conclusion
of
this
discourse
;
and
I
say
,
that
the
Princes
of
our
times
have
lesse
of
this
difficulty
to
satisfie
the
Souldiers
extraordinarily
in
their
governments
;
for
notwithstanding
that
there
be
some
consideration
to
bee
had
of
them
;
yet
presently
are
those
armies
dissolv'd
,
because
none
of
these
Princes
do
use
to
maintaine
any
armies
together
,
which
are
annex'd
and
inveterated
with
the
governments
of
the
provinces
,
as
were
the
armies
of
the
Romane
Empire
.
And
therefore
if
then
it
was
necessary
rather
to
content
the
souldiers
than
the
people
,
it
was
because
the
souldiers
were
more
powerfull
than
the
people
:
now
is
it
more
necessary
for
all
Princes
,
(
except
the
Turk
and
the
Souldan
)
to
satisfie
their
people
than
their
souldiers
:
because
the
people
are
more
mighty
than
they
;
wherein
I
except
the
Turk
,
he
alwayes
maintaining
about
his
person
12000
foot
,
and
15000
horse
,
upon
which
depends
the
safety
and
strength
of
his
Kingdome
,
and
it
is
necessary
that
laying
aside
all
other
regard
of
his
people
,
hee
maintaine
these
his
friends
.
The
Souldans
Kingdome
is
like
hereunto
,
which
being
wholly
in
the
souldiers
power
,
hee
must
also
without
respect
of
his
people
keep
them
his
friends
.
And
you
are
to
consider
,
that
this
State
of
the
Souldans
differs
much
from
all
the
other
Principalities
:
for
it
is
very
like
the
Papacy
,
which
cannot
be
termd
a
hereditary
Principality
,
nor
a
new
Principality
:
for
the
sonns
of
the
deceasd
Prince
are
not
heires
and
Lords
thereof
;
but
hee
that
is
chosen
,
receives
that
dignity
from
those
,
who
have
the
authority
in
them
.
And
this
order
being
of
antiquity
,
cannot
be
termd
a
new
Principality
,
because
therein
are
none
of
those
difficulties
,
that
are
in
the
new
ones
:
for
though
the
Prince
be
new
;
yet
are
the
orders
of
that
State
ancient
,
and
ordaind
to
receive
him
,
as
if
hee
were
their
hereditary
Prince
.
But
let
us
returne
to
our
matter
;
whosoever
shall
consider
our
discourse
before
,
shall
perceive
that
either
hatred
,
or
contempt
have
causd
the
ruine
of
the
afore-namd
Emperours
;
and
shall
know
also
,
from
it
came
that
part
of
them
proceeding
one
way
,
and
part
a
contrary
;
yet
in
any
of
them
the
one
had
a
happy
successe
,
and
the
others
unhappy
:
for
it
was
of
no
availe
,
but
rather
hurtfull
,
for
Pertinax
and
Alexander
,
because
they
were
new
Princes
,
to
desire
to
imitate
Marcus
,
who
by
inheritance
came
to
the
Principality
:
and
in
like
manner
it
was
a
wrong
to
Caracalla
,
Commodus
,
and
Maximinus
to
imitate
Severus
,
because
none
of
them
were
endued
with
so
great
valour
as
to
follow
his
stepps
therein
.
Wherefore
a
new
Prince
in
his
Principality
cannot
well
imitate
Marcus
his
actions
;
nor
yet
is
it
necessary
to
follow
those
of
Severus
:
but
he
ought
make
choyce
of
those
parts
in
Severus
which
are
necessary
for
the
founding
of
a
State
;
and
to
take
from
Marcus
those
that
are
fitt
and
glorious
to
preserve
a
State
which
is
already
establishd
and
setled
.
CHAP.
XX.
Whether
the
Citadels
and
many
other
things
,
which
Princes
often
make
use
of
,
are
profitable
or
dammageable
.
SOme
Princes
,
whereby
they
might
safely
keep
their
State
,
have
disarmd
their
subjects
;
some
others
have
held
the
townes
under
their
dominion
,
devided
into
factions
;
others
have
maintain'd
enmities
against
themselves
;
others
have
apply'd
themselves
to
gaine
them
,
where
they
have
suspected
at
their
entrance
into
the
government
;
others
have
built
Fortresses
;
and
others
again
have
ruind
and
demolishd
them
:
and
however
that
upon
all
these
things
,
a
man
cannot
well
passe
a
determinate
sentence
,
unlesse
one
comes
to
the
particulars
of
these
States
,
where
some
such
like
determinations
were
to
be
taken
;
yet
shall
I
speake
of
them
in
so
large
a
manner
,
as
the
matter
of
it selfe
will
beare
.
It
was
never
then
that
a
new
Prince
would
disarme
his
own
subjects
;
but
rather
when
hee
hath
found
them
disarmd
,
hee
hath
alwayes
armd
them
.
For
being
belov'd
,
those
armes
become
thine
;
those
become
faithfull
,
which
thou
hadst
in
suspicion
;
and
those
which
were
faithfull
,
are
maitaind
so
;
and
thy
subjects
are
made
thy
partisans
:
and
because
all
thy
subjects
cannot
be
put
in
armes
,
when
thou
bestowst
favours
on
those
thou
armest
,
with
the
others
thou
canst
deale
more
for
thy
safety
;
and
that
difference
of
proceeding
which
they
know
among
them
,
obliges
them
to
thee
;
those
others
excuse
thee
,
judgeing
it
necessary
,
that
they
have
deservd
more
,
who
have
undergon
more
danger
,
and
so
have
greater
obligation
:
but
when
thou
disarmst
them
,
thou
beginst
to
offend
them
,
that
thou
distrusts
them
,
either
for
cowardise
,
or
small
faith
;
and
the
one
or
the
other
of
those
two
opinions
provokes
their
hatred
against
thee
:
and
because
thou
canst
not
stand
disarmd
,
thou
must
then
turne
thy selfe
to
mercenary
Souldiery
,
whereof
wee
have
formerly
spoken
what
it
is
:
and
when
it
is
good
,
it
can
never
bee
so
much
as
to
defend
thee
from
powerfull
enemies
,
and
suspected
subjects
;
therefore
as
I
have
said
,
a
new
Prince
in
a
new
Principality
hath
always
ordaind
them
armes
.
Of
examples
to
this
purpose
,
Histories
are
full
.
But
when
a
Prince
gaines
a
new
State
,
which
as
a
member
hee
addes
to
his
ancient
dominions
;
then
it
is
necessary
to
disarme
that
State
,
unlesse
it
be
those
whom
thou
hast
discoverd
to
have
assisted
thee
in
the
conquest
thereof
;
and
these
also
in
time
and
upon
occasions
,
it
is
necessary
to
render
delicate
and
effeminate
,
and
so
order
them
,
that
all
the
armes
of
thy
State
be
in
the
hands
of
thy
own
Souldiers
,
who
live
in
thy
ancient
State
neare
unto
thee
.
Our
ancestors
and
they
that
were
accounted
sages
,
were
wont
to
say
,
that
it
was
necessary
to
hold
Pistoya
in
factions
,
and
Pisa
with
Fortresses
;
and
for
this
cause
maintaind
some
towne
subject
to
them
in
differences
,
whereby
to
hold
it
more
easily
.
This
,
at
what
time
Italy
was
ballanc'd
in
a
certaine
manner
,
might
be
well
done
;
but
me
thinks
it
cannot
now
adayes
bee
well
given
for
a
precept
;
for
I
do
not
beleeve
,
that
divisions
made
can
do
any
good
;
rather
it
must
needs
bee
,
that
when
the
enemy
approaches
them
,
Cities
divided
are
presently
lost
;
for
alwayes
the
weaker
part
will
cleave
to
the
forreine
power
,
and
the
other
not
be
able
to
subsist
.
The
Venetians
(
as
I
think
)
mov'd
by
the
aforesaid
reasons
,
maintaind
the
factions
of
the
Guelfes
and
Gibellius
,
in
their
townes
;
and
however
they
never
suffer'd
them
to
spill
one
anothers
blood
,
yet
they
nourishd
these
differences
among
them
,
to
the
end
that
the
citizens
imployd
in
these
quarrels
,
should
not
plot
any
thing
against
them
:
which
as
it
prov'd
,
never
serv'd
them
to
any
great
purpose
:
for
being
defeated
at
Vayla
,
presently
one
of
those
two
factions
tooke
courage
and
seizd
upon
their
whole
State
.
Therefore
such
like
wayes
argue
the
Princes
weakenesse
;
for
in
a
strong
principality
they
never
will
suffer
such
divisions
;
for
they
shew
them
some
kind
of
profit
in
time
of
peace
,
being
they
are
able
by
meanes
thereof
more
easily
to
manage
their
subjects
;
but
war
comming
,
such
like
orders
discover
their
fallacy
.
Without
doubt
,
Princes
become
great
,
when
they
overcome
the
difficulties
and
oppositions
that
are
made
against
them
;
and
therefore
Fortune
especially
when
she
hath
to
make
any
new
Prince
great
,
who
hath
more
need
to
gaine
reputation
,
than
a
hereditary
Prince
,
causes
enemies
to
rise
against
him
,
and
him
to
undertake
against
them
;
to
the
end
he
may
have
occasion
to
master
them
,
and
know
that
ladder
,
which
his
enemies
have
set
him
upon
,
whereby
to
rise
yet
higher
.
And
therefore
many
think
,
that
a
wise
Prince
,
when
hee
hath
the
occasion
,
ought
cunningly
to
nourish
some
enmity
,
that
by
the
suppressing
thereof
,
his
greatnesse
may
grow
thereupon
.
Princes
,
especially
those
that
are
new
,
have
found
more
faith
and
profit
in
those
men
,
who
in
the
beginning
of
their
State
,
have
been
held
suspected
,
than
in
those
who
at
their
entrance
have
been
their
confidents
.
Pandulphus
Petrucei
,
Prince
of
Siena
,
governd
his
State
more
with
them
that
had
bin
suspected
by
him
,
than
with
the
others
.
But
of
this
matter
we
cannot
speak
at
large
,
because
it
varies
according
to
the
subject
;
I
will
only
say
this
,
that
those
men
,
who
in
the
beginning
of
a
principality
were
once
enemies
,
if
they
be
of
quality
,
so
that
to
maintain
themselves
they
have
need
of
support
,
the
Prince
might
alwayes
with
the
greatest
facility
gaine
for
his
;
and
they
are
the
rather
forc'd
to
serve
him
faithfully
,
insomuch
as
they
know
it
is
more
necessary
for
them
by
their
deeds
to
cancell
that
sinister
opinion
,
which
was
once
held
of
them
;
and
so
the
Prince
ever
draws
from
these
more
advantage
,
than
from
those
,
who
serving
him
too
supinely
,
neglect
his
affaires
.
And
seing
the
matter
requires
it
,
I
will
not
omit
,
to
put
a
Prince
in
mind
,
who
hath
anew
made
himselfe
master
of
a
State
,
by
meanes
of
the
inward
helpes
he
had
from
thence
,
that
he
consider
well
,
the
cause
that
mov'd
them
that
favour'd
him
to
favour
him
,
if
it
be
not
a
naturall
affection
towards
him
;
for
if
it
be
only
because
they
were
not
content
with
their
former
government
,
with
much
paines
and
difficulties
shall
he
be
able
to
keep
them
long
his
friends
,
because
it
will
bee
impossible
for
him
to
content
them
.
By
these
examples
then
,
which
are
drawn
out
of
ancient
and
moderne
affaires
,
searching
into
the
cause
hereof
,
wee
shall
find
it
much
more
easie
to
gaine
those
men
for
friends
,
who
formerly
were
contented
with
the
State
,
and
therefore
were
his
enemies
:
than
those
,
who
because
they
were
not
contented
therewith
,
became
his
friends
,
and
favourd
him
in
getting
the
mastery
of
it
.
It
hath
been
the
custome
of
Princes
,
wherby
to
hold
their
States
more
securely
,
to
build
Citadels
,
which
might
bee
bridles
and
curbs
to
those
that
should
purpose
any
thing
against
them
,
and
so
to
have
a
secure
retraite
from
the
first
violences
.
I
commend
this
course
,
because
it
hath
been
usd
of
old
;
notwithstanding
Nicolas
Vitelli
in
our
dayes
hath
been
knowne
to
demolish
two
Citadels
in
the
towne
of
Castello
,
the
better
to
keep
the
State
.
Guidubaldo
Duke
of
Vrbin
being
to
returne
into
his
State
,
out
of
which
hee
was
driven
by
Caesar
Borgia
,
raz'd
all
the
Fortresses
of
that
Country
,
and
thought
he
should
hardlyer
lose
that
State
againe
without
them
.
The
Bentivolii
returning
into
Bolonia
,
usd
the
like
courses
.
Citadels
then
are
profitable
,
or
not
,
according
to
the
times
,
and
if
they
advantage
thee
in
one
part
,
they
do
thee
harme
in
another
,
and
this
part
may
be
argued
thus
.
That
Prince
,
who
stands
more
in
feare
of
his
owne
people
than
of
strangers
,
ought
to
build
Fortresses
:
but
hee
that
is
more
afraid
of
strangers
than
of
his
people
,
should
let
them
alone
.
Against
the
house
of
Sforza
,
the
Castle
of
Milan
,
which
Francis
Sforza
built
,
hath
and
will
make
more
war
,
than
any
other
disorder
in
that
State
:
and
therefore
the
best
Citadell
that
may
be
,
is
not
to
incurre
the
peoples
hatred
;
for
however
thou
holdst
a
Fortresse
,
and
the
people
hate
thee
,
thou
canst
hardly
scape
them
:
for
people
,
when
once
they
have
taken
armes
,
never
want
the
help
of
strangers
at
their
need
,
to
take
their
parts
.
In
our
dayes
we
never
saw
,
that
they
ever
profited
any
Prince
,
unlesse
it
were
the
Countesse
of
Furli
,
when
Count
Hieronimo
of
Furli
her
husband
was
slaine
;
for
by
meanes
thereof
she
escap'd
the
peoples
rage
,
and
attended
aid
from
Milan
,
and
so
recoverd
her
State
:
and
then
such
were
the
times
that
the
stranger
could
not
assist
the
people
:
but
afterwards
they
servd
her
to
little
purpose
,
when
Caesar
Borgia
assaild
her
,
and
that
the
people
which
was
her
enemy
,
sided
with
the
stranger
.
Therefore
both
then
,
and
at
first
,
it
would
have
been
more
for
her
safety
,
not
to
have
been
odious
to
the
people
,
than
to
have
held
the
Fortresses
.
These
things
being
well
weigh'd
then
,
I
will
commend
those
that
shall
build
up
Fortresses
,
and
him
also
that
shall
not
;
and
I
will
blame
him
,
howsoever
he
be
that
relying
upon
those
,
shall
make
small
account
of
being
hated
by
his
people
.
CHAP.
XXI
.
How
a
Prince
ought
to
behave
himselfe
to
gaine
Reputation
.
THere
is
nothing
gaines
a
Prince
such
repute
,
as
great
exployts
,
and
rare
trialls
of
himselfe
in
Heroicke
actions
.
We
have
now
in
our
dayes
Ferdinand
King
of
Arragon
the
present
King
of
Spain
:
hee
in
a
manner
may
be
termd
a
new
Prince
,
for
from
a
very
weak
King
,
hee
is
now
become
for
fame
and
glory
,
the
first
King
of
Christendome
,
and
if
you
shall
well
consider
his
actions
,
you
shall
find
them
all
illustrious
,
and
every
one
of
them
extraordinary
.
Hee
in
the
beginning
of
his
reigne
assaild
Granada
,
and
that
exployt
was
the
ground
of
his
State
.
At
first
hee
made
that
warre
in
security
and
without
suspicion
he
should
be
any
wayes
hindred
,
and
therein
held
the
Barons
of
Castiglias
minds
busied
,
who
thinking
upon
that
warre
,
never
minded
any
innovation
;
and
in
this
while
he
gaind
credit
and
authority
with
them
,
they
not
being
aware
of
it
;
was
able
to
maintaine
with
the
Church
,
and
the
peoples
mony
all
his
souldiers
,
a●d
to
lay
a
foundation
for
his
military
ordinances
with
that
long
warre
:
which
afterwards
gaind
him
exceeding
much
honour
.
Besides
this
,
to
the
end
hee
might
be
able
here
among
to
undertake
greater
matters
,
serving
himselfe
alwaies
of
the
colour
of
religion
;
hee
gave
himselfe
to
a
kind
of
religious
cruelty
,
chasing
and
dispoyling
those
Jewes
out
of
the
Kingdome
;
nor
can
this
example
bee
more
admirable
and
rare
:
under
the
same
cloke
hee
invaded
Affrick
and
went
through
with
his
exployt
in
Italy
:
and
last
of
all
hath
hee
assaild
France
,
and
so
alwaies
proceeded
on
forwards
contriving
of
great
matters
;
which
alwayes
have
held
his
subjects
minds
in
peace
and
admiration
,
and
busied
in
attending
the
event
what
it
should
bee
:
and
these
his
actions
have
thus
grown
,
one
upon
another
,
that
they
have
nev●r
given
leysure
to
men
so
to
rest
,
as
that
they
might
ever
plot
any
thing
against
them
.
Moreover
it
much
availes
a
Prince
to
give
extraordinary
proofes
of
himselfe
touching
the
government
within
,
such
as
those
wee
have
heard
of
Bernard
of
Milan
;
whensoever
occasion
is
given
by
any
one
,
that
may
effectuate
some
great
thing
either
of
good
or
evill
,
in
the
civill
government
;
and
to
finde
out
some
way
either
to
reward
or
punish
it
,
wherof
in
the
world
much
notice
may
bee
taken
.
And
above
all
things
a
Prince
ought
to
endeavour
in
all
his
actions
to
spread
abroad
●
fame
of
his
magnificence
and
worthinesse
.
A
Prince
also
is
well
esteemd
,
when
hee
is
a
true
friend
,
or
a
true
enemy
,
when
without
any
regard
hee
discovers
himselfe
in
favour
of
one
against
another
;
which
course
shall
bee
alwayes
more
profit
,
than
to
stand
neuter
:
for
if
two
mighty
ones
that
are
thy
neighbours
come
to
fall
out
,
or
are
of
such
quality
,
that
one
of
them
vanquishing
,
thou
art
like
to
bee
in
feare
of
the
vanquisher
;
or
not
;
in
either
of
these
two
cases
,
it
will
ever
prove
more
for
thy
profit
to
discover
thy selfe
,
and
make
a
good
war
of
it
:
for
in
the
first
case
,
if
thou
discoverst
not
thy selfe
,
thou
shalt
alwayes
bee
a
prey
to
him
that
overcomes
,
to
the
contentment
and
satisfaction
of
the
vanquisht
;
neither
shalt
thou
have
reason
on
thy
side
,
nor
any
thing
else
to
defend
or
receive
thee
.
For
hee
that
overcomes
,
will
not
have
any
suspected
freinds
,
that
give
him
no
assistance
in
his
necessity
:
and
hee
that
loses
,
receives
thee
not
,
because
thou
wouldst
not
with
thy
armes
in
hand
runne
the
hazzard
of
his
fortune
.
Antiochus
passd
into
Greece
,
thereunto
induc'd
by
the
Etolians
,
to
chace
the
Romans
thence
:
and
sent
his
Ambassadors
to
the
Achayans
,
who
were
the
Romans
friends
,
to
perswade
them
to
stand
neuters
;
on
the
other
side
the
Romans
mov'd
them
to
joyne
armes
with
theirs
:
this
matter
came
to
bee
deliberated
on
in
the
counsell
of
the
Achayans
,
where
Antiochus
his
Ambassadour
encouragd
them
to
stand
neuters
,
whereunto
the
Romans
Ambassadour
answerd
.
Touching
the
course
,
that
is
commended
to
you
,
as
best
and
profitablest
for
your
State
,
to
wit
,
not
to
intermeddle
in
the
warre
between
us
,
nothing
can
be
more
against
you
:
because
,
not
taking
either
part
,
you
shall
remaine
without
thanks
,
and
without
reputation
a
prey
to
the
Conquerour
.
And
it
will
alwayes
come
to
passe
that
hee
who
is
not
thy
freind
,
will
require
thy
neutrality
,
and
hee
that
is
thy
friend
,
will
urge
thee
,
to
discover
thy selfe
by
taking
armes
for
him
:
and
evill
advisd
Princes
,
to
avoyd
the
present
dangers
,
follow
often
times
that
way
of
neutrality
,
and
most
commonly
goe
to
ruine
:
but
when
a
Prince
discovers
himselfe
strongly
in
favour
of
a
party
,
if
hee
to
whom
thou
cleavest
,
overcomes
,
however
that
hee
be
puissant
,
and
thou
remainst
at
his
disposing
,
hee
is
oblig'd
to
thee
,
and
there
is
a
contract
of
friendship
made
;
and
men
are
never
so
openly
dishonest
,
as
with
such
a
notorious
example
of
dishonesty
to
oppresse
thee
.
Besides
victories
are
never
so
prosperous
,
that
the
conquerour
is
like
to
neglect
all
respects
,
and
especially
of
justice
.
But
if
he
to
whom
thou
stickst
,
loses
thou
art
receivd
by
him
;
and
,
while
hee
is
able
,
hee
aydes
thee
,
and
so
thou
becomst
partner
of
a
fortune
that
may
arise
againe
.
In
the
second
case
,
when
they
that
enter
into
the
lists
,
together
,
are
of
such
quality
,
that
thou
needst
not
feare
him
that
vanquisheth
,
so
much
the
more
is
it
descretion
in
thee
to
stick
to
him
;
for
thou
goest
to
ruine
one
with
his
assistance
,
who
ought
to
doe
the
best
hee
could
to
save
him
,
if
he
were
well
advisd
;
and
hee
overcomming
,
is
left
at
thy
discretion
,
and
it
is
unpossible
but
with
thy
ayd
he
must
overcome
.
And
here
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
a
Prince
should
bee
well
aware
never
to
joyne
with
any
one
more
powerfull
than
himselfe
,
to
offend
another
,
unlesse
upon
necessity
,
as
formerly
is
said
.
For
when
he
overcomes
,
thou
art
left
at
his
discretion
;
and
Princes
ought
avoid
as
much
as
they
are
able
,
to
stand
at
anothers
discretion
.
The
Venetians
took
part
with
France
against
the
Duke
of
Milan
,
and
yet
could
have
avoided
that
partakeing
,
from
which
proceeded
their
ruine
.
But
when
it
cannot
bee
avoyded
,
as
it
befell
the
Florentines
,
when
the
Pope
and
the
King
of
Spain
went
both
with
their
armies
to
assaile
Lombardy
,
there
the
Prince
ought
to
side
with
them
for
the
reasons
aforesaid
.
Nor
let
any
State
think
they
are
able
to
make
such
sure
parties
;
but
rather
that
they
are
all
doubtfull
;
for
in
the
order
of
things
wee
find
it
alwayes
,
that
whensoever
a
man
seeks
to
avoid
one
inconvenient
;
hee
incurres
another
.
But
the
principall
point
of
judgement
,
is
in
discerning
between
the
qualities
of
inconvenients
,
and
not
taking
the
bad
for
the
good
.
Moreover
a
Prince
ought
to
shew
himself
a
lover
of
vertue
,
and
that
he
honours
those
that
excell
in
every
Art
.
Afterwards
ought
hee
incourage
his
Citizens
,
whereby
they
may
bee
enabled
quickly
to
exercise
their
faculties
as
well
in
merchandise
,
and
husbandry
,
as
in
any
other
kind
of
traffick
,
to
the
end
that
no
man
forbeare
to
adorne
and
cultivate
his
possessions
for
feare
,
that
hee
be
despoyld
of
them
;
or
any
other
to
open
the
commerce
upon
the
danger
of
heavy
impositions
:
but
rather
to
provide
rewards
for
those
that
shall
set
these
matters
a
foot
,
or
for
any
one
else
that
shall
any
way
amplifie
his
City
or
State
.
Besides
hee
ought
in
the
fit
times
of
the
yeare
entertain
the
people
with
Feasts
and
Maskes
;
and
because
every
City
is
devided
into
Companyes
,
and
Arts
,
and
Tribes
;
hee
ought
to
take
speciall
notice
of
those
bodies
,
and
some
times
afford
them
a
meeting
,
and
give
them
some
proofe
of
his
humanity
,
and
magnificence
;
yet
withall
holding
firme
the
majestie
of
his
State
,
for
this
must
never
faile
in
any
case
.
CHAP.
XXII
.
Touching
Princes
Secretaries
.
IT
is
no
small
importance
to
a
Prince
,
the
choyce
he
makes
of
servants
,
being
ordinarily
good
,
or
bad
,
as
his
wisdome
is
.
And
the
first
conjecture
one
gives
of
a
great
man
,
and
of
his
understanding
,
is
upon
the
sight
of
his
followers
and
servants
hee
hath
about
him
,
when
they
prove
able
and
faithfull
,
and
then
may
hee
alwayes
be
reputed
wise
;
because
hee
hath
knowne
how
to
discerne
those
that
are
able
,
and
to
keepe
them
true
to
him
.
But
when
they
are
otherwise
,
there
can
be
no
good
conjecture
made
of
him
,
for
the
first
errour
hee
commits
,
is
in
this
choyce
.
There
was
no
man
,
that
had
any
knowledge
of
Antony
of
Vanafro
,
the
servant
of
Pandulfus
Petrucci
Prince
of
Siena
,
who
did
not
esteeme
Pandulfus
for
a
very
discreet
man
,
having
him
for
his
servant
.
And
because
there
are
three
kinds
of
understandings
,
the
one
that
is
advisd
by
it selfe
;
the
other
that
understands
when
it
is
informd
by
another
;
the
third
that
neither
is
advisd
by
it selfe
,
nor
by
the
demonstration
of
another
;
the
first
is
best
,
the
second
is
good
,
and
the
last
quite
unprofitable
.
Therefore
it
was
of
necessity
,
that
if
Pandulfus
attaind
not
the
first
degree
,
yet
hee
got
to
the
second
;
for
whenever
any
one
hath
the
judgement
to
discerne
between
the
good
and
the
evill
,
that
any
one
does
and
sayes
,
however
that
hee
hath
not
this
invention
from
himselfe
,
yet
still
comes
hee
to
take
notice
of
the
good
or
evill
actions
of
that
servant
;
and
those
hee
cherishes
,
and
these
hee
suppresses
;
insomuch
that
the
servant
finding
no
meanes
to
deceive
his
master
,
keeps
himselfe
upright
and
honest
.
But
how
a
Prince
may
throughly
understand
his
servant
,
here
is
the
way
that
never
failes
.
When
thou
seest
,
the
servant
study
more
for
his
owne
advantage
than
thine
,
and
that
in
all
his
actions
,
hee
searches
most
after
his
owne
profit
;
this
man
thus
qualified
,
shall
never
prove
good
servant
,
nor
canst
thou
ever
relie
upon
him
:
for
he
that
holds
the
sterne
of
the
State
in
hand
,
ought
never
call
home
his
cares
to
his
owne
particular
,
but
give
himselfe
wholly
over
to
his
Princes
service
,
nor
ever
put
him
in
mind
of
any
thing
not
appertaining
to
him
.
And
on
the
other
side
the
Prince
to
keepe
him
good
to
him
,
ought
to
take
a
care
for
his
servant
,
honouring
him
,
enriching
,
and
obliging
him
to
him
,
giving
him
part
both
of
dignities
and
offices
,
to
the
end
that
the
many
honors
and
much
wealth
bestowd
on
him
,
may
restraine
his
desires
from
other
honours
,
and
other
wealth
,
and
that
those
many
charges
cause
him
to
feare
changes
that
may
fall
,
knowing
hee
is
not
able
to
stand
without
his
master
.
And
when
both
the
Princes
and
the
servants
are
thus
disposd
,
they
may
rely
the
one
upon
the
other
:
when
otherwise
,
the
end
will
ever
prove
hurtfull
for
the
one
as
well
as
for
the
other
.
CHAP.
XXIII
.
That
Flatterers
are
to
bee
avoyded
.
I
Will
not
omit
one
principle
of
great
importance
,
being
an
errour
from
which
Princes
with
much
difficulty
defend
themselves
,
unlesse
they
be
very
discreet
,
and
make
a
very
good
choice
;
and
this
is
concerning
flatterers
,
whereof
all
writings
are
full
:
and
that
because
men
please
themselves
so
much
in
their
owne
things
,
and
therein
cozen
themselves
,
that
very
hardly
can
they
escape
this
pestilence
;
and
desiring
to
escape
it
,
there
is
danger
of
falling
into
contempt
;
for
there
is
no
other
way
to
bee
secure
from
flattery
,
but
to
let
men
know
,
that
they
displease
thee
not
in
telling
thee
truth
:
but
when
every
one
hath
this
leave
,
thou
losest
thy
reverence
.
Therefore
ought
a
wise
Prince
take
a
third
course
,
making
choyce
of
some
understanding
men
in
his
State
,
and
give
only
to
them
a
free
liberty
of
speaking
to
him
the
truth
;
and
touching
those
things
only
which
hee
inquires
of
,
and
nothing
else
;
but
hee
ought
to
be
inquisitive
of
every
thing
,
and
heare
their
opinions
,
and
then
afterwards
advise
himselfe
after
his
owne
manner
,
and
in
these
deliberations
,
and
with
every
one
of
them
so
carry
himselfe
,
that
they
all
know
,
that
the
more
freely
they
shall
speake
,
the
better
they
shall
be
lik'd
of
:
and
besides
those
,
not
give
eare
to
any
one
,
and
thus
pursue
the
thing
resolvd
on
,
and
thence
continue
obstinate
in
the
resolution
taken
.
Hee
who
does
otherwise
,
either
falls
upon
flatterers
,
or
often
changes
upon
the
varying
of
opinions
,
from
whenc●
proceeds
it
that
men
conceive
but
slightly
of
him
.
To
this
purpose
I
will
alleadge
you
a
moderne
example
.
Peter
Lucas
a
servant
of
Maximilians
the
present
Emperour
,
speaking
of
his
Majesty
,
said
that
hee
never
advisd
with
any
body
,
nor
never
did
any
thing
after
his
owne
way
:
which
was
because
he
took
a
contrary
course
to
what
wee
have
now
said
:
for
the
Emperour
is
a
close
man
,
who
communicates
his
secrets
to
none
,
nor
takes
counsaile
of
any
one
:
but
as
they
come
to
be
put
in
practise
,
they
begin
to
be
discoverd
and
knowne
,
and
so
contradicted
by
those
that
are
neare
about
him
,
and
hee
as
being
an
easie
man
,
is
quickly
wrought
from
them
.
Whence
it
comes
,
that
what
hee
does
today
,
hee
undoes
on
the
morrow
;
and
that
hee
never
understands
himself
what
he
would
,
nor
what
hee
purposes
,
and
that
there
is
no
grounding
upon
any
of
his
resolutions
.
A
Prince
therefore
ought
alwayes
to
take
counsell
,
but
at
his
owne
pleasure
,
and
not
at
other
mens
;
or
rather
should
take
away
any
mans
courage
to
advise
him
of
any
thing
,
but
what
hee
askes
:
but
hee
ought
well
to
aske
at
large
;
and
then
touching
the
things
inquird
of
,
be
a
patient
hearer
of
the
truth
,
and
perceiving
that
for
some
respect
the
truth
were
conceald
from
him
,
be
displeasd
thereat
.
And
because
some
men
have
thought
,
that
a
Prince
,
that
gaines
the
opinion
to
bee
wise
,
may
be
held
so
,
not
by
his
owne
naturall
indowments
,
but
by
the
good
counsells
hee
hath
about
him
;
without
question
they
are
deceivd
;
for
this
is
a
generall
rule
and
never
failes
,
that
a
Prince
who
of
himselfe
is
not
wise
,
can
never
bee
well
advisd
,
unlesse
he
should
light
upon
one
alone
,
wholly
to
direct
and
governe
him
,
who
himselfe
were
a
very
wise
man
.
In
this
case
it
is
possible
hee
may
bee
well
governd
:
but
this
would
last
but
little
:
for
that
governour
in
a
short
time
would
deprive
him
of
his
State
;
but
a
Prince
not
having
any
parts
of
nature
,
being
advisd
of
more
than
one
,
shall
never
bee
able
to
unite
these
counsells
:
of
himselfe
shall
hee
never
know
how
to
unite
them
,
and
each
one
of
the
counsellers
,
probably
will
follow
that
which
is
most
properly
his
owne
;
and
hee
shall
never
finde
the
meanes
to
amend
or
discerne
these
things
,
nor
can
they
fall
out
otherwise
,
because
men
alwayes
prove
mischievous
,
unlesse
up●n
some
necessity
they
be
forc'd
to
become
good
:
wee
conclude
therefore
,
that
counsells
from
whencesoever
they
proceed
,
must
needs
take
their
beginning
from
the
Princes
wisdome
,
and
not
the
wisdome
of
the
Prince
from
good
counsells
.
In
this
Chapter
our
Authour
prescribes
some
rules
how
to
avoyd
flattery
,
and
not
to
fall
into
contempt
.
The
extent
of
these
two
extreames
is
so
large
on
both
sides
,
that
there
is
left
but
a
very
narrow
path
for
the
right
temper
to
walke
between
them
both
:
and
happy
were
that
Prince
,
who
could
light
on
so
good
a
Pilote
;
as
to
bring
him
to
Port
between
those
rocks
and
these
quicksands
.
Where
Majesty
becomes
familiar
,
unlesse
endued
with
a
supereminent
vertue
,
it
loses
all
awfull
regards
:
as
the
light
of
the
Sunne
,
because
so
ordinary
,
because
so
common
,
we
should
little
value
,
were
it
not
that
all
Creatures
feele
themselve●
quickned
by
the
rayes
thereof
.
On
the
other
side
,
Omnis
insipiens
arrogantiâ
&
plausibus
capitur
.
Every
foole
is
taken
with
his
owne
pride
and
others
flatteryes
:
and
this
foole
keeps
company
so
much
with
al
great
wise
men
,
that
hardly
with
a
candle
and
lanterne
can
they
bee
discernd
betwixt
.
The
greatest
men
are
more
subject
to
grosse
ar●
palpable
flatteries
;
and
especiall●
the
greatest
of
men
,
who
are
King
▪
and
Princes
:
for
many
seek
th●
Rulers
favour
.
Prov.
28.26
For
there
are
divers
meanes
where
by
private
men
are
instructed
▪
Princes
have
not
that
good
hap
but
they
whose
instruction
is
〈◊〉
most
importante
,
so
soone
as
they
have
taken
the
government
upon
them
,
no
longer
suffer
any
reproovers
:
for
,
but
few
have
accesse
unto
them
,
and
they
who
familiarly
converse
with
them
,
doe
and
say
all
for
favour
.
Isocrat
.
to
Nicocles
.
All
are
afraid
to
give
him
occasion
of
displeasure
,
though
by
telling
him
truth
.
To
this
purpose
therefore
sayes
one
,
a
Prince
excells
in
learning
to
ride
the
great
horse
,
rather
than
in
any
other
excercise
:
because
his
horse
being
no
flatterer
,
will
shew
him
hee
makes
no
difference
between
him
and
another
man
,
and
unlesse
hee
keepe
his
seate-well
,
will
lay
him
on
the
ground
.
This
is
plaine
dealing
.
Men
are
more
subtile
,
more
double
heatred
,
they
have
a
heart
&
a
heart
,
neither
is
their
tongue
their
hearts
true
interpreter
.
Counsell
in
the
heart
of
man
is
like
deepe
waters
;
but
a
man
of
understanding
will
draw
it
out
.
Prov.
20.5
.
This
understanding
is
most
requisite
in
a
Prince
,
inasmuch
as
the
whole
Globe
is
in
his
hand
,
and
the
inferiour
Orbes
are
swayed
by
the
motion
of
the
highest
.
And
therefore
surely
it
is
the
honour
of
a
King
to
search
out
such
a
secret
:
Prov.
25.2
.
His
counsellours
are
his
eyes
and
eares
;
as
they
ought
to
be
deare
to
him
,
so
they
ought
to
be
true
to
him
,
and
make
him
the
true
report
of
things
without
disguise
.
If
they
prove
false
eyes
,
let
him
pluck
them
out
,
hee
may
as
they
use
glasse
eyes
take
them
forth
without
paine
,
and
see
never
a
whit
the
worse
for
it
.
The
wisdome
of
a
Princes
Counsellours
is
a
great
argument
of
the
Princes
wisdome
.
And
being
the
choyce
of
them
imports
the
Princes
credit
and
safety
,
our
Authour
will
make
him
amends
for
his
other
errours
by
his
good
advice
in
his
22.
Chap.
whether
I
referre
him
.
CHAP.
XXIV
.
Wherefore
the
Princes
of
Italy
have
lost
their
States
.
WHen
these
things
above
said
are
well
observ'd
,
they
make
a
new
Prince
seeme
as
if
he
had
been
of
old
,
and
presently
render
him
more
secure
and
firme
in
the
State
,
than
if
he
had
already
grown
ancient
therein
:
for
a
new
Prince
is
much
more
observd
in
his
actions
,
than
a
Prince
by
inheritance
,
and
when
they
are
known
to
bee
vertuous
;
men
are
much
more
gaind
and
oblig'd
to
them
thereby
,
than
by
the
antiquity
of
their
bloud
:
for
men
are
much
more
taken
by
things
present
,
than
by
things
past
;
and
when
in
the
present
they
find
good
,
they
content
themselves
therein
,
and
seeke
no
further
,
or
rather
they
undertake
the
defence
of
him
to
their
utmost
,
when
the
Prince
is
not
wanting
in
other
matters
to
himselfe
;
and
so
shall
he
gaine
double
glory
to
have
given
a
beginning
to
a
new
Principality
,
adornd
,
and
strengthnd
it
with
good
lawes
,
good
arms
,
good
friends
,
and
good
examples
;
as
hee
shall
have
double
shame
,
that
is
borne
a
Prince
,
and
by
reason
of
his
small
discretion
hath
lost
it
.
And
if
we
shall
consider
those
Lords
,
that
in
Italy
have
lost
their
States
in
our
dayes
,
as
the
King
of
Naples
,
the
Duke
of
Milan
,
and
others
;
first
we
shall
find
in
them
a
common
defect
,
touching
their
armes
,
for
the
reasons
which
have
been
above
discoursd
,
at
length
.
Afterwards
we
shall
see
some
of
them
,
that
either
shall
have
had
the
people
for
their
enemies
;
or
be
it
they
had
the
people
to
friend
,
could
never
know
how
to
assure
themselves
of
the
great
ones
:
for
without
such
defects
as
these
,
States
are
not
lost
,
which
have
so
many
nerves
,
that
they
are
able
to
maintaine
an
army
in
the
field
.
Philip
of
Macedon
,
not
the
father
of
Alexander
the
Great
,
but
he
that
was
vanquishd
by
Titus
Quintius
,
had
not
much
State
in
regard
of
the
greatnesse
of
the
Romanes
and
of
Greece
that
assail'd
him
;
neverthelesse
in
that
he
was
a
warlike
man
and
knew
how
to
entertaine
the
people
and
assure
himselfe
of
the
Nobles
,
for
many
yeares
he
made
the
warre
good
against
them
:
and
though
at
last
some
town
perhaps
were
taken
from
him
,
yet
the
Kingdome
remaind
in
his
hands
still
.
Wherefore
these
our
Princes
who
for
many
yeares
had
continued
in
their
Principalities
,
for
having
afterwards
lost
them
,
let
them
not
blame
Fortune
,
but
their
own
sloth
;
because
they
never
having
thought
during
the
times
of
quiet
,
that
they
could
suffer
a
change
(
which
is
the
common
fault
of
men
,
while
faire
weather
lasts
,
not
to
provide
for
the
tempest
)
when
afterwards
mischiefes
came
upon
them
,
thought
rather
upon
flying
from
them
,
than
upon
their
defence
,
and
hop'd
that
the
people
,
weary
of
the
vanquishers
insolence
,
would
recall
them
:
which
course
when
the
others
faile
,
is
good
:
but
very
ill
is
it
to
leave
the
other
remedies
for
that
:
for
a
man
wou●d
never
go
to
fall
,
beleeving
another
would
come
to
take
him
up
:
which
may
either
not
come
to
passe
,
or
if
it
does
,
it
is
not
for
thy
security
,
because
that
defence
of
his
is
vile
,
and
depends
not
upon
thee
;
but
those
defences
only
are
good
,
certaine
,
and
durable
,
which
depend
upon
thy
owne
selfe
,
and
thy
owne
vertues
.
CHAP.
XXV
.
How
great
power
Fortune
hath
in
humane
affaires
,
and
what
meanes
there
is
to
resist
it
.
IT
is
not
unknown
unto
me
,
how
that
many
have
held
opinion
,
and
still
hold
it
,
that
the
affaires
of
the
world
are
so
governd
by
fortune
,
and
by
God
,
that
men
by
their
wisdome
cannot
a
mend
or
alter
them
;
or
rather
that
there
is
no
remedy
for
them
:
and
hereupon
they
would
think
that
it
were
of
no
availe
to
take
much
paines
in
any
thing
,
but
leave
all
to
be
governd
by
chance
.
This
opinion
hath
gain'd
the
more
credit
in
our
dayes
,
by
reason
of
the
great
alteration
of
things
,
which
wee
have
of
late
seen
,
and
do
every
day
see
,
beyond
all
humane
conjecture
:
upon
which
,
I
sometimes
thinking
,
am
in
some
part
inclind
to
their
opinion
:
neverthelesse
not
to
extinguish
quite
our
own
free
will
,
I
think
it
may
be
true
,
that
Fortune
is
the
mistresse
of
one
halfe
of
our
actions
;
but
yet
that
she
lets
us
have
rule
of
the
other
halfe
,
or
little
lesse
.
And
I
liken
her
to
a
precipitous
torrent
,
which
when
it
rages
,
over-flows
the
plaines
,
overthrowes
the
trees
,
and
buildings
,
removes
the
earth
from
one
side
,
and
laies
it
on
another
,
every
one
flyes
before
it
,
every
one
yeelds
to
the
fury
thereof
,
as
unable
to
withstand
it
;
and
yet
however
it
be
thus
,
when
the
times
are
calmer
,
men
are
able
to
make
provision
against
these
excesses
,
with
banks
and
fences
so
,
that
afterwards
when
it
swels
again
,
it
shall
all
passe
smoothly
along
,
within
its
channell
,
or
else
the
violence
thereof
shall
not
prove
so
licentious
and
hurtfull
.
In
like
manner
befals
it
us
with
fortune
,
which
there
shewes
her
power
where
vertue
is
not
ordeind
to
resist
her
,
and
thither
turnes
she
all
her
forces
,
where
shee
perceives
that
no
provisions
nor
resistances
are
made
to
uphold
her
.
And
if
you
shall
consider
Italy
,
which
is
the
seat
of
these
changes
,
and
that
which
hath
given
them
their
motion
,
you
shall
see
it
to
be
a
plaine
field
,
without
any
trench
or
banck
;
which
had
it
been
fenc'd
with
convenient
vertue
,
as
was
Germany
,
Spaine
,
or
France
;
this
inundation
would
never
have
causd
these
great
alterations
it
hath
,
o●
else
would
it
not
have
reach'd
to
us
:
and
this
shall
suffice
to
have
said
,
touching
the
opposing
of
fortune
in
generall
.
But
restraining
my selfe
more
to
particulars
:
I
say
,
●hat
to
day
we
see
a
Prince
prosper
and
flourish
,
and
to
morrow
utterly
go
to
ruine
;
not
seeing
that
he
hath
alterd
any
condition
or
quality
;
which
I
beleeve
arises
first
from
the
causes
which
wee
have
long
since
run
over
,
that
is
because
that
Prince
that
relies
wholly
upon
fortune
,
ruines
,
as
her
wheele
turnes
.
I
beleeve
also
,
that
he
proves
the
fortunate
man
,
whose
manner
of
proceeding
meets
with
the
quality
of
the
times
:
and
so
likewise
he
unfortunate
,
from
whose
course
of
proceeding
the
times
differ
:
for
we
see
that
men
,
in
the
things
that
induce
them
to
the
end
,
(
which
every
one
propounds
to
himselfe
,
as
glory
and
riches
)
proceed
therein
diversly
;
some
with
respects
,
others
more
bold
,
and
rashly
;
one
with
violence
,
and
th'
other
with
cunning
;
the
one
with
patience
,
th'
other
with
its
contrary
;
and
every
one
by
severall
ways
may
attaine
thereto
.
We
see
also
two
very
respective
●nd
wary
men
,
the
one
come
to
his
purpose
,
and
th'
other
not
;
and
in
like
manner
two
equally
prosper
taking
divers
courses
,
th'
one
being
wary
,
th'
other
headstrong
;
which
proceeds
from
nothing
else
,
but
from
the
quality
of
the
times
,
which
agree
,
or
not
,
with
their
proceedings
.
From
hence
arises
that
which
I
said
,
that
two
working
diversly
,
produce
the
same
effect
;
and
two
equally
working
,
th'
one
attaines
his
end
,
th'
other
not
.
Hereupon
also
depends
the
alteration
of
the
good
;
for
if
to
one
that
behaves
himself
with
warinesse
and
patience
,
times
and
affaires
turne
so
favourably
,
that
the
carriage
of
his
businesse
prove
well
,
hee
prospers
;
but
if
the
times
and
affaires
change
,
he
is
ruind
;
because
he
changes
not
his
manner
of
proceeding
:
nor
is
there
any
man
so
wise
,
that
can
frame
himselfe
hereunto
;
as
well
because
he
cannot
go
out
of
the
way
,
from
that
whereunto
Nature
inclines
him
:
as
also
,
for
that
one
having
alwayes
prosperd
,
walking
such
a
way
,
cannot
be
perswaded
to
leave
it
:
and
therefore
the
respective
and
wary
man
,
when
it
is
fit
time
for
him
to
use
violence
and
force
,
knows
not
how
to
put
it
in
practise
,
whereupon
hee
is
ruind
:
but
if
he
could
change
his
disposition
with
the
times
and
the
affaires
,
he
should
not
change
his
fortune
.
Pope
Julius
the
second
,
proceeded
in
all
his
actions
with
very
great
violence
,
and
found
the
times
and
things
so
conformable
to
that
his
manner
of
proceeding
,
that
in
all
of
them
he
had
happy
successe
.
Consider
the
first
exploit
he
did
at
Bolonia
,
even
while
John
Bentivolio
liv'd
:
the
Venetians
were
not
well
contented
therewith
;
the
King
of
Spaine
likewise
with
the
French
,
had
treated
of
that
enterprise
;
and
notwithstanding
all
this
,
hee
stirrd
up
by
his
own
rage
and
fiercenesse
,
personally
undertook
that
expedition
:
which
action
of
his
put
in
suspence
and
stopt
Spaine
and
the
Venitians
,
those
for
feare
,
and
th
'others
for
desire
to
recover
the
Kingdome
of
Naples
;
and
on
th'
other
part
drew
after
him
the
King
of
France
:
for
that
King
seeing
him
already
in
motion
,
and
desiring
to
hold
him
his
friend
,
whereby
to
humble
the
Venetians
,
thought
he
could
no
way
deny
him
his
souldiers
,
without
doing
him
an
open
injury
.
Julius
then
effected
that
with
his
violent
and
heady
motion
,
which
no
other
Pope
with
all
humane
wisdome
could
ever
have
done
;
for
if
hee
had
expected
to
part
from
Rome
with
his
conclusions
settled
,
and
all
his
affaires
ordered
before
hand
,
as
any
other
Pope
would
have
done
,
hee
had
never
brought
it
to
passe
:
For
the
King
of
France
would
have
devisd
a
thousand
excuses
,
and
others
would
have
put
him
in
as
many
feares
.
I
will
let
passe
his
other
actions
,
for
all
of
them
were
alike
,
and
all
of
them
prov'd
lucky
to
him
;
and
the
brevity
of
his
life
never
sufferd
him
to
feele
the
contrary
:
for
had
he
light
upon
such
times
afterwards
,
that
it
had
been
necessary
for
him
to
proceed
with
respects
,
there
had
been
his
utter
ruine
;
for
hee
would
never
have
left
those
wayes
,
to
which
he
had
been
naturally
inclind
.
I
conclude
then
,
fortune
varying
,
and
men
continuing
still
obstinate
to
their
own
wayes
,
prove
happy
,
while
these
accord
together
:
and
as
they
disagree
,
prove
unhappy
:
and
I
think
it
true
,
that
it
is
better
to
be
heady
,
than
wary
:
because
Fortune
is
a
mistresse
;
and
it
is
necessary
,
to
keep
her
in
obedience
,
to
ruffle
and
force
her
:
and
we
see
,
that
she
suffers
her selfe
rather
to
be
masterd
by
those
,
than
by
others
that
proceed
coldly
.
And
therefore
,
as
a
mistresse
,
shee
is
a
friend
to
young
men
,
because
they
are
lesse
respective
,
more
rough
,
and
command
her
with
more
boldnesse
.
I
have
considered
the
25
Chapter
,
as
representing
me
a
full
view
of
humane
policy
and
cunning
:
yet
me
thinks
it
cannot
satisfie
a
Christian
in
the
causes
of
the
good
and
bad
successe
of
things
.
The
life
of
man
is
like
a
game
at
Tables
;
skill
availes
much
I
grant
,
but
that
's
not
all
:
play
thy
game
well
,
but
that
will
not
winne
:
the
chance
thou
throwest
must
accord
with
thy
play
.
Examine
this
;
play
never
so
surely
,
play
never
so
probably
;
unlesse
the
chance
thou
castest
,
lead
thee
forward
to
advantage
,
all
hazards
are
losses
,
and
thy
sure
play
leaves
thee
in
the
lurch
.
The
sum
of
this
is
set
down
in
Ecclesiastes
chap.
9.
v.
11.
The
race
is
not
to
the
swift
,
nor
the
battell
to
the
strong
;
neither
yet
bread
to
the
wise
,
nor
yet
riches
to
men
of
understanding
,
nor
yet
favour
to
men
of
skill
;
but
time
and
chance
happeneth
to
them
all
.
Our
cunning
Author
for
all
his
exact
rules
he
delivers
in
his
books
,
could
not
fence
against
the
despight
of
Fortune
,
as
he
complaines
in
his
Epistle
to
this
booke
.
Nor
that
great
example
of
policy
,
Duke
Valentine
,
whom
our
Author
commends
to
Princes
for
his
crafts-master
,
could
so
ruffle
or
forcc
his
mistresse
Fortune
,
that
he
could
keep
her
in
obedience
.
Man
can
contribute
no
more
to
his
actions
than
vertue
and
wisdome
:
but
the
successe
depends
upon
a
power
above
.
Surely
there
is
the
finger
of
God
:
or
as
Prov.
the
16.
v.
33.
The
lot
is
cast
into
the
lap
,
but
the
whole
disposing
thereof
is
of
the
Lord
.
It
was
not
Josephs
wisdom
made
all
things
thrive
under
his
hand
;
but
because
the
Lord
was
with
him
,
and
that
which
he
did
,
the
Lord
made
it
to
prosper
.
Gen.
39.
Surely
this
is
a
blessing
proceeding
from
the
divine
providence
,
which
beyond
humane
capacity
so
cooperateth
with
the
causes
,
as
that
their
effects
prove
answerable
,
and
sometimes
(
that
we
may
know
there
is
something
above
the
ordinary
causes
)
the
successe
returnes
with
such
a
supereminency
of
worth
,
that
it
farr
exceeds
the
vertue
of
the
ordinary
causes
.
CHAP
,
XXVI
.
An
Exhortation
to
free
Italy
from
the
Barbarians
.
HAving
then
weigh'd
all
things
above
discoursd
,
and
devising
with
my selfe
,
whether
at
this
present
in
Italy
the
times
might
serve
to
honour
a
new
Prince
,
and
whether
there
were
matter
,
that
might
minister
occasion
to
a
wise
and
valourous
Prince
,
to
introduce
such
a
forme
,
that
might
doe
honour
to
him
,
and
good
to
the
whole
generalty
of
the
people
in
the
countrey
:
me
thinks
so
many
things
concurre
in
favour
of
a
new
Prince
,
that
I
know
not
whether
there
were
ever
any
time
more
proper
for
this
purpose
.
And
if
as
I
said
,
it
was
necessary
,
desiring
to
see
Moyses
his
vertue
,
that
the
children
of
Israel
should
bee
inthrald
in
Aegypt
;
and
to
have
experience
of
the
magnanimity
of
Cyrus
his
minde
,
that
the
Persians
should
be
oppresd
by
the
Medes
;
and
to
set
forth
the
excellency
of
Theseus
,
that
the
Athenians
should
bee
dispersd
:
so
at
this
pres●nt
now
wee
are
desirous
to
know
the
valour
of
an
Italian
spirit
,
it
were
necessary
Italy
should
bee
reduc'd
to
the
same
termes
it
is
now
in
,
and
were
in
more
slavery
,
than
the
Hebrews
were
;
more
subject
than
the
Persians
;
more
scatterd
than
the
Athenians
;
without
head
,
without
order
,
batterd
,
pillagd
,
rent
asunder
,
overrunne
,
and
had
undergone
all
kind
of
destruction
.
And
however
even
in
these
later
dayes
,
wee
have
had
some
kinde
of
shew
of
hope
in
some
one
,
whereby
wee
might
have
conjectur'd
,
that
hee
had
been
ordeind
for
the
deliverance
hereof
,
yet
it
prov'd
afterwards
,
that
in
the
very
height
of
all
his
actions
hee
was
curb'd
by
fortune
,
insomuch
that
this
poore
countrey
remaining
as
it
were
without
life
,
attends
still
for
him
that
shall
heale
her
wounds
,
give
an
end
to
all
those
pillagings
and
sackings
of
Lombardy
,
to
those
robberies
and
taxations
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
of
Tuscany
,
and
heale
them
of
their
soares
,
now
this
long
time
gangren'd
.
We
see
how
she
makes
her
prayers
to
God
,
that
he
send
some
one
to
redeem
her
from
these
Barbarous
cruelties
and
insolences
.
We
see
her
also
wholly
ready
and
disposd
to
follow
any
colours
,
provided
there
bee
any
one
to
take
them
up
.
Nor
doe
we
see
at
this
present
,
that
shee
can
look
for
other
,
than
your
Illustrious
Family
,
to
become
Cheiftaine
of
this
deliverance
,
which
hath
now
by
its
owne
Vertue
and
Fortune
been
so
much
exalted
,
and
favourd
by
God
and
the
Church
,
whereof
it
now
holds
the
Principality
:
and
this
shall
not
be
very
hard
for
you
to
doe
,
if
you
shall
call
to
minde
the
former
actions
,
and
lives
of
those
that
are
above
named
.
And
though
those
men
were
very
rare
and
admirable
,
yet
were
they
men
,
and
every
one
of
them
began
upon
lesse
occasion
than
this
;
for
neither
was
their
enterprise
more
just
than
this
,
nor
more
easie
;
nor
was
God
more
their
friend
,
than
yours
.
Here
is
very
great
justice
:
for
that
warre
is
just
,
that
is
necessary
;
and
those
armes
are
religious
,
when
there
is
no
hope
left
otherwhere
,
but
in
them
.
Here
is
an
exceeding
good
disposition
thereto
:
nor
can
there
be
,
where
there
is
a
good
disposition
,
a
great
difficulty
,
provided
that
use
bee
made
of
those
orders
,
which
I
propounded
for
ayme
and
direction
to
you
.
Besides
this
,
here
we
see
extraordinary
things
without
example
effected
by
God
;
the
sea
was
opened
,
a
cloud
guided
the
way
,
devotion
powrd
forth
the
waters
,
and
it
raind
downe
manna
;
all
these
things
have
concurrd
in
your
greatnesse
,
the
rest
is
left
for
you
to
doe
.
God
will
not
doe
every
thing
himself
,
that
he
may
not
take
from
us
our
free
will
,
and
part
of
that
glory
that
belongs
to
us
.
Neither
is
it
a
marvell
,
if
any
of
the
aforenamd
Italians
have
not
been
able
to
compasse
that
,
which
wee
may
hope
your
Illustrious
family
shall
:
though
in
so
many
revolutions
of
Italy
,
and
so
many
seats
of
warr
,
it
may
seeme
that
the
whole
military
vertue
therein
be
quite
extinguisht
;
for
this
arises
from
that
the
ancient
orders
thereof
were
not
good
;
and
there
hath
since
been
none
that
hath
knowne
how
to
invent
new
ones
.
Nothing
can
so
much
honour
a
man
rising
anew
,
as
new
lawes
and
new
ordinances
devisd
by
him
:
these
things
when
they
have
a
good
foundation
given
them
,
and
containe
in
them
their
due
greatnesse
,
gaine
him
reverence
and
admiration
;
and
in
Italy
their
wants
not
the
matter
wherein
to
introduce
any
forme
.
Here
is
great
vertue
in
the
members
,
were
it
not
wanting
in
the
heads
.
Consider
in
the
single
fights
that
have
been
,
and
duells
,
how
much
the
Jtalians
have
excell'd
in
their
strength
,
activity
and
adresse
;
but
when
they
come
to
armies
,
they
appeare
not
,
and
all
proceeds
from
the
weaknesse
of
the
Chieftaines
;
for
they
that
understand
the
managing
of
these
matters
,
are
not
obeyd
,
and
every
one
presumes
to
understand
;
hitherto
there
having
not
been
any
one
so
highly
raisd
either
by
fortune
or
vertue
,
as
that
others
would
submit
unto
him
.
From
hence
proceeds
it
,
that
in
so
long
time
,
and
in
so
many
battles
fought
for
these
last
past
20
yeers
,
when
there
hath
been
an
army
wholly
Italian
,
it
alwayes
hath
had
evill
successe
;
whereof
the
river
Tarus
first
was
witnesse
,
afterwards
Alexandria
,
Capua
,
Genua
,
Vayla
,
Bolonia
,
Mestri
.
Your
Illustrious
family
then
being
desirous
to
tread
the
footsteps
of
these
Worthyes
who
redeemd
their
countryes
,
must
above
all
things
as
the
very
foundation
of
the
whole
fabrick
,
be
furnishd
with
souldiers
of
your
owne
natives
:
because
you
cannot
have
more
faithfull
,
true
,
nor
better
souldiers
;
and
though
everyone
of
them
be
good
,
all
together
they
will
become
better
when
they
shall
find
themselves
entertaind
,
commanded
,
and
honourd
by
their
owne
Prince
.
Wherefore
it
is
necessary
to
provide
for
those
armes
,
whereby
to
be
able
with
the
Italian
valour
to
make
a
defence
against
forreiners
.
And
however
the
Swisse
infantery
and
Spanish
bee
accounted
terrible
;
yet
is
there
defect
in
both
of
them
,
by
which
a
third
order
might
not
only
oppose
them
,
but
may
bee
confident
to
vanquish
them
:
for
the
Spanyards
are
not
able
to
indure
the
Horse
,
and
the
Swisse
are
to
feare
the
Foot
,
when
they
incounter
with
them
as
resolute
in
the
fight
as
they
.
Whereupon
it
hath
been
seene
,
and
upon
experience
shall
bee
certaine
,
tha●
the
Spaniards
are
not
able
to
beare
up
against
the
French
Cavalery
,
and
the
Swisses
have
been
routed
by
the
Spanish
Foot
.
And
though
touching
this
last
,
there
hath
not
been
any
entire
experience
had
,
yet
was
there
some
proofe
thereof
given
in
the
battell
of
Ravenna
,
when
the
Spanish
Foot
affronted
the
Dutch
batallions
,
which
keepe
the
same
ranke
the
Swisses
doe
,
where
the
Spanyards
with
their
nimblenesse
of
body
,
and
the
help
of
their
targets
entred
in
under
their
Pikes
,
and
there
stood
safe
to
offend
them
;
the
Dutch
men
having
no
remedy
:
and
had
it
not
been
for
the
Cavalery
that
rushd
in
upon
them
,
they
had
quite
defeated
them
.
There
may
then
(
the
defect
of
the
one
and
the
other
of
these
two
infanteries
being
discoverd
)
another
kind
of
them
bee
anew
ordaind
,
which
may
bee
able
to
make
resistance
against
the
Horse
,
and
not
feare
the
Foot
,
which
shall
not
be
a
new
sort
of
armes
,
but
a
change
of
orders
.
And
these
are
some
of
those
things
which
ordaind
anew
,
gaine
reputation
and
greatnesse
to
a
new
Prince
.
Therefore
this
occasion
should
not
bee
let
passe
,
to
the
end
that
Italy
after
so
long
a
time
may
see
some
one
redeemer
of
hers
appeare
.
Nor
can
I
expresse
with
what
dearnesse
of
affection
hee
would
be
receiv'd
in
all
those
countryes
which
have
sufferd
by
those
forrein
scumms
,
with
what
thirst
of
revenge
,
with
what
resolution
of
fidelity
,
with
what
piety
,
with
what
teares
.
Would
any
gates
bee
shut
against
him
?
Any
people
deny
him
obedience
?
Any
envy
oppose
him
?
Would
not
every
Italian
fully
consent
with
him
?
This
government
of
the
Barbarians
stinks
in
every
ones
nostrills
.
Let
your
Illustrious
Family
then
undertake
this
worthy
exployt
with
that
courage
and
those
hopes
wherewith
such
just
actions
are
to
be
attempted
;
to
the
end
that
under
your
colours
,
this
country
may
be
ennobled
,
and
under
the
protection
of
your
Fortune
that
saying
of
Petrarch
bee
verifyd
.
Vertu
contr'
al
furore
Prendera
l'arme
,
&
fia
il
combatter
corto
:
Che
l'antico
valore
Ne
gli
Italici
cor
non
è
anchor
morto
.
Vertue
'gainst
fury
shall
advance
the
fight
,
And
it
i'
th'
combate
soone
shall
put
to
flight
:
For
th'
old
Romane
valour
is
not
dead
,
Nor
in
th'
Italians
brests
extinguished
.
FINIS
.
The
life
of
Castruccio
Castracani
of
Lucca
,
composed
by
Nicholas
Machiavelli
,
and
presented
to
Zanobi
●●ond●lmonti
and
Luigi
Alomanni
his
very
good
friends
.
ZANOBI
and
LUIGI
,
my
very
good
friends
,
it
seemes
a
matter
of
great
mervayle
to
those
that
take
it
into
consideration
,
how
that
all
they
,
or
the
greater
part
of
them
,
who
have
effected
great
things
in
this
World
,
and
borne
up
their
heads
above
others
their
contemporaries
,
have
taken
their
rises
and
births
from
obscure
and
base
beginnings
;
or
such
as
have
been
by
Fortune
extraordinarily
afflicted
.
For
all
of
them
have
been
either
exposed
to
the
mercy
of
savage
creat●r●s
,
or
had
such
base
Sires
,
that
as
ashamed
of
them
,
they
have
feigned
themselves
sons
to
Jupiter
,
or
some
other
Deity
;
who
these
have
been
,
every
one
having
knowledge
of
many
of
them
,
we
shall
omit
to
relate
,
as
superfluous
,
yeelding
rather
distaste
than
delight
to
the
Reader
.
I
am
indeed
of
opinion
that
it
proceeds
from
hence
,
viz.
in
that
Fortune
willing
to
demonstrate
unto
the
World
,
that
she
,
and
not
Wisdome
,
gives
men
their
greatnesse
,
therefore
begins
to
shew
her
strength
at
such
a
time
,
when
Wisdome
can
challenge
no
interest
,
but
all
rather
is
to
bee
attributed
as
due
to
her
alone
.
Castruccio
Castracani
of
Lucca
was
then
one
of
those
,
who
in
regard
of
the
times
hee
liv'd
in
,
and
the
City
where
he
was
borne
,
effected
very
great
matters
,
and
had
,
as
others
in
this
kind
,
neither
a
very
fortunate
nor
known
birth
,
as
in
my
further
discourse
of
his
life
it
shall
appeare
:
which
I
thought
fit
to
bring
to
memory
,
as
having
found
therein
a
subject
of
very
great
example
,
as
well
in
regard
of
valour
,
as
fortune
.
And
I
thought
I
might
the
better
direct
this
discourse
unto
you
two
,
who
of
all
that
I
know
most
delight
in
such
glorious
atchievements
.
I
say
then
,
that
the
Family
of
the
Castracani
is
reckoned
among
the
noble
Families
of
the
City
of
Lucca
,
however
that
in
these
dayes
it
be
much
decayed
,
according
to
the
course
of
all
other
worldly
things
.
Of
this
there
was
one
Antony
borne
,
who
took
upon
him
religious
orders
,
and
was
a
Canon
of
S.
Michaels
at
Lucca
,
and
in
honour
thereof
was
entitled
Master
Antony
.
He
had
but
one
sister
,
who
was
married
to
Buonaccorso
Cennami
;
but
Buonaccorso
being
dead
,
&
she
remaining
a
widdow
,
betook
her selfe
to
live
with
her
brother
,
with
intention
not
to
marry
any
more
.
Master
Antony
had
behind
his
house
where
he
dwelt
,
a
vineyard
,
whereinto
by
reason
of
divers
gardens
bordering
thereupon
on
severall
sides
,
the
passage
was
very
ordinary
.
It
happened
that
one
morning
a
little
after
the
Sunne
rise
,
Dame
Dionora
,
for
so
was
Master
Antonies
sister
cald
,
walking
out
into
the
vineyard
,
as
she
was
gathering
some
herbs
,
after
the
manner
of
women
,
to
make
a
sallet
withall
;
shee
heard
some
kind
of
russeling
under
a
vine
amongst
the
leaves
,
and
casting
her
eye
that
way
,
she
perceiv'd
some
little
cry
there
:
wherupon
drawing
neare
to
the
noise
,
she
discover'd
the
hands
and
face
of
an
infant
,
wrapt
in
the
vine
leaves
,
which
seem'd
as
if
it
ask'd
her
assistance
:
so
that
she
partly
mervayling
,
partly
frighted
,
full
of
pity
and
amazement
,
tooke
it
up
in
her
armes
:
and
having
carried
it
home
,
and
wash'd
it
,
and
swaddled
it
in
cleane
clouts
,
as
they
use
children
;
at
her
returne
presented
it
to
Master
Antony
:
who
considering
the
accident
,
and
seeing
the
child
,
was
as
much
amaz'd
and
compassionate
as
was
his
sister
:
and
advising
together
what
they
should
do
in
this
case
,
resolved
to
bring
it
up
,
he
being
a
Priest
,
and
she
not
having
any
children
.
Having
then
taken
a
nurse
into
the
house
,
they
nourishd
it
with
as
much
tendernesse
as
if
it
had
bin
their
own
child
;
&
causing
it
to
be
baptiz'd
,
nam'd
it
Castruccio
,
after
the
name
of
their
own
father
.
Castruccio
as
he
increased
in
years
,
so
he
grew
in
person
&
feature
,
and
in
every
thing
he
shewd
wit
and
disretion
:
and
quickly
,
according
to
his
age
,
he
learnd
whatsoever
Master
Antony
taught
him
:
who
purposing
to
make
him
a
Priest
,
and
to
turne
over
unto
him
his
Canonicate
,
and
his
other
Benefices
,
instructed
him
that
way
:
but
he
found
him
not
a
subject
fit
for
that
regular
life
:
For
so
soon
as
Castruccio
came
to
14
yeeres
of
age
,
and
that
hee
began
to
grow
a
little
masterfull
towards
Master
Antony
and
Dame
Dionora
,
so
that
he
stood
no
longer
in
feare
of
them
,
laying
aside
all
Church
books
,
he
began
to
handle
armes
,
and
took
not
delight
in
any
thing
more
than
to
mannage
them
,
or
with
others
his
equals
to
run
,
leape
,
or
wrastle
,
and
such
other
like
exercises
:
wherein
he
shew'd
such
courage
and
strength
,
that
he
far
surpassd
all
others
of
his
age
;
and
if
any
time
he
gave
himselfe
to
reading
,
he
took
pleasure
in
nothing
else
than
discourses
of
wars
,
and
the
actions
of
most
famous
men
:
for
which
cause
Master
Antony
was
much
griev'd
at
heart
.
In
the
City
of
Lucca
there
happened
to
dwell
a
Gentleman
of
the
Family
of
the
Guinigi
,
cald
Master
Francis
,
who
for
fortunes
,
esteem
,
and
valour
,
out-went
all
others
the
citizens
of
Lucca
:
who
was
always
train'd
up
in
bearing
of
armes
,
and
who
had
a
long
time
serv'd
under
the
Viscounts
of
Milan
:
and
because
he
was
a
Gibelline
,
he
was
accounted
of
above
all
that
follow'd
that
faction
in
Lucca
.
This
man
being
then
in
Lucca
,
and
assembling
morning
and
evening
,
with
the
rest
of
the
citizens
under
the
Governours
Palace
,
which
is
in
the
head
of
the
place
of
S.
Michael
,
being
the
prime
place
of
Lucca
;
oftentimes
saw
Castruccio
using
of
those
exercises
with
other
lads
of
the
towne
,
wherein
I
formerly
said
he
took
delight
;
and
perceiving
that
besides
the
mastering
of
them
,
he
held
over
them
a
kind
of
Princely
authority
,
and
that
they
again
lov'd
and
reverenc'd
him
,
he
became
very
desirous
to
know
what
he
was
:
whereof
being
inform'd
by
some
there
present
,
hee
became
the
more
desirous
to
take
him
home
to
him
;
and
calling
him
one
day
to
him
,
ask'd
him
,
where
he
had
rather
live
,
either
in
a
Cavaliers
house
,
when
he
might
learne
to
ride
and
use
his
armes
,
or
a●●●e
in
a
Priests
house
,
where
nothing
else
were
to
be
heard
but
their
Offices
and
Masses
?
Master
Francis
perceiv'd
how
much
Castruccio
was
cheer'd
upon
the
mention
of
horses
and
armes
;
yet
he
standing
a
little
out
of
countenance
,
Mr.
Francis
again
encouraging
him
to
speak
,
he
answerd
,
that
if
his
Patron
would
therwith
be
content
,
hee
could
not
have
a
greater
pleasure
,
than
to
quit
this
calling
of
Priest
,
and
betake
himselfe
to
that
of
a
Souldier
.
Master
Francis
was
much
satisfy'd
with
this
reply
:
and
in
a
short
time
so
negociated
in
this
matter
,
that
Master
Antony
gave
him
up
to
his
charge
,
whereunto
hee
was
the
rather
mov'd
by
the
lads
inclination
,
judgeing
thereby
that
he
could
not
hold
him
much
longer
in
his
former
course
.
Castruccio
then
being
preferr'd
from
Master
Antony
Castracani
the
Priests
house
,
to
the
Palace
of
Master
Francis
Guinigi
the
Commander
;
it
was
a
marvaile
to
think
in
how
short
a
time
hee
attain'd
to
those
vertues
and
good
qualities
,
which
are
requir'd
in
a
compleate
Cavaliere
.
First
he
became
an
excellent
horseman
:
for
he
was
able
to
manage
the
roughest
horse
at
ease
,
and
,
though
but
a
youth
,
in
jousts
and
tournaments
hee
was
of
prime
remarque
;
so
that
in
any
action
of
strength
or
activity
,
none
could
exceed
him
.
These
perfections
besides
,
were
season'd
with
such
manners
,
and
good
qualities
,
as
that
touching
modesty
,
it
was
incredible
how
that
either
in
word
or
deed
he
gave
no
distaste
to
any
;
to
his
superiours
he
yeelded
reverence
;
he
was
modest
with
his
equals
,
and
pleasant
with
his
inferiours
;
which
gain'd
him
favour
,
not
only
in
the
whole
Family
of
Guinigi
,
but
also
in
the
whole
City
of
Lucca
.
It
chanc'd
in
those
times
,
Castruccio
being
now
arriv'd
to
eighteen
yeares
of
age
,
that
the
Gibellins
were
chasd
by
the
Guelfes
from
Pavia
,
in
favour
of
whom
Master
Francis
Guinigi
was
sent
for
by
the
Viscounty
of
Milan
,
with
whom
went
Castruccio
,
as
hee
on
whose
shoulders
lay
the
charge
of
the
whole
troops
:
in
which
imployment
,
Castruccio
gave
such
proofs
of
his
judgement
and
courage
,
that
not
one
in
this
expedition
gain'd
so
much
esteeme
as
he
,
and
his
name
became
honourable
,
not
only
in
Pavia
,
but
throughout
all
Lombardy
.
Castruccio
being
then
return'd
to
Lucca
of
far
greater
esteeme
,
than
before
his
departure
he
was
;
fayl'd
not
(
to
his
power
)
to
gaine
himselfe
friends
,
practising
meanes
to
win
them
.
But
Master
Francis
Guinigi
now
chancing
to
dye
,
and
having
left
behind
him
a
son
nam'd
Paul
of
13
yeares
of
age
;
appointed
Castruccio
his
Tutor
,
and
the
Governour
of
his
estate
;
having
first
causd
him
to
bee
cald
to
him
before
his
death
,
and
intreated
him
,
that
he
would
take
upon
him
the
care
to
bring
up
his
son
,
with
that
faithfulnesse
he
had
found
himselfe
,
and
that
what
kindnesses
he
could
not
returne
to
the
father
,
he
would
requite
to
the
son
.
And
now
at
length
Master
Francis
Guinigi
being
dead
,
Castruccio
left
Tutour
and
Governour
to
Paul
,
grew
in
such
credit
and
power
,
that
the
favour
hee
was
wont
to
find
in
Lucca
,
in
some
part
was
turn'd
into
envy
,
and
he
was
calumniated
by
many
,
as
who
they
doubted
had
some
projects
upon
a
tyranny
.
Among
whom
the
principall
was
M.
George
Opizi
,
head
of
the
Guelfes
faction
.
This
man
hoping
by
the
death
of
Mr.
Francis
,
to
remaine
without
competitour
in
Lucca
,
thought
that
Castruccio
,
being
left
with
that
trust
,
by
the
grace
and
favour
his
discret
carriage
gain'd
him
,
had
bereav'd
him
of
all
meanes
,
to
attaine
thereto
;
and
hereupon
sowed
many
seeds
of
scandall
against
him
,
whereby
to
choake
his
well-grown
credit
.
Which
at
first
Castruccio
disdeign'd
,
but
afterwards
grew
jealous
of
it
:
for
he
thought
that
Master
George
would
never
rest
,
till
he
had
so
far
disgrac'd
him
with
King
Robert
of
Naples
his
Lievftenant
,
as
to
cause
him
to
chase
him
out
of
Lucca
.
At
that
time
there
was
one
Vguccion
of
Fagginolo
of
Arezo
,
then
Lord
of
Pisa
,
who
by
the
Pisans
was
first
chosen
for
their
Commander
,
and
afterwards
made
himselfe
their
Lord
.
Divers
out-law'd
Luccheses
of
the
Gibellin
faction
abode
with
Vguccion
,
whome
Castruccio
practis'd
to
restore
againe
with
Vguccions
aid
;
and
this
designe
he
communicated
also
with
his
friends
at
home
,
who
could
no
way
endure
the
Opizies
autority
.
Having
therefore
given
order
,
as
was
requisite
,
to
this
purpose
,
Castruccio
fortify'd
the
tower
of
the
Honesti
,
and
furnishd
it
with
munition
and
store
of
vittayls
,
whereby
upon
occasion
he
might
be
able
to
defend
himselfe
therein
for
some
time
:
and
the
night
being
come
,
which
was
agreed
of
with
Vguccion
:
hee
gave
the
signe
to
him
,
who
was
gone
down
into
the
plaine
with
much
people
between
the
mountaines
and
Lucca
;
and
having
seene
the
signall
hee
came
close
to
Saint
Peters
gate
,
and
fir'd
the
antiport
:
Castruccio
on
the
other
side
raisd
a
great
cry
,
calling
the
people
●o
armes
,
and
forcd
the
gate
on
the
other
side
within
:
so
that
Vguccion
entring
with
his
men
,
forcd
the
towne
,
and
slew
Mr.
George
with
all
those
of
his
Family
,
and
many
others
his
friends
and
partisans
,
and
chasd
out
the
governour
,
and
changd
the
State
of
the
City
,
as
Vguccion
lik'd
best
,
to
the
great
dammage
thereof
;
for
it
appeard
then
,
that
there
were
above
a
hundred
families
chasd
out
of
Lucca
.
Those
that
fled
,
part
went
to
Florence
,
and
part
to
Pistoya
,
which
Cities
were
then
governd
by
the
Guelfes
faction
;
and
hereupon
they
became
enemies
to
Vguccion
and
the
Luccheses
.
And
upon
this
the
Florentines
and
the
rest
of
the
Guelfes
thinking
the
Gibellines
faction
growne
too
mighty
in
Tuscany
,
accorded
together
to
restore
againe
these
exild
Luccheses
,
and
having
levyed
a
huge
army
,
they
came
to
the
vale
of
Nievole
,
and
seizng
upon
Mount
Catino
,
from
hence
they
went
to
incampe
at
Mount
Carlo
,
whereby
to
have
the
passage
open
to
Lucca
.
Whereupon
Vguccio
having
gatherd
a
good
army
of
Pisans
and
Luccheses
,
besides
many
Dutch
horse
which
hee
drew
out
of
Lombardy
,
went
to
find
the
Florentines
campe
:
which
perceiving
the
enimies
approach
,
was
removd
from
Mount
Carlo
,
and
settled
between
Mount
Catino
and
Pescia
;
and
Vguccion
sate
downe
under
Mount
Carlo
about
some
two
miles
off
the
enemy
,
where
for
some
dayes
between
the
Horse
of
the
two
Armyes
there
passd
some
slight
skirmishes
:
for
Vguccion
being
falne
sick
,
the
Pisans
and
Luccheses
refusd
to
come
to
battell
with
the
enemy
.
But
Vguccions
malady
augmenting
,
hee
retird
to
Mount
Carlo
for
his
recovery
,
and
committed
the
charge
of
the
army
to
Castruccio
,
which
was
the
Guelfes
destruction
:
for
hereupon
they
tooke
courage
;
esteeming
the
enemies
armies
as
●eft
without
a
head
:
which
Castruccio
understood
,
and
lay
still
●ome
few
dayes
,
the
more
to
confirme
this
their
opinion
,
making
shew
of
feare
,
and
not
suffering
any
one
to
goe
out
of
the
trenches
:
and
on
the
other
side
the
Guelfes
the
more
they
saw
this
●eare
,
the
more
insolent
they
became
,
and
every
day
being
orderd
for
fight
,
they
presented
themselves
before
Castruccio's
army
,
who
thinking
hee
had
now
enough
,
emboldned
them
,
and
having
had
full
notice
of
what
order
they
kept
,
resolved
to
come
to
the
tryall
of
a
day
:
and
first
with
his
speeches
hee
confirmd
his
souldiers
courage
,
and
shewd
them
the
victory
certaine
,
if
they
would
follow
his
directions
.
Castruccio
had
seene
how
the
enemy
had
plac'd
all
his
strength
in
the
body
of
the
army
,
and
the
weaker
sort
in
the
wings
thereof
:
whereupon
hee
did
the
clean●
contrary
;
for
hee
put
his
be●●
souldiers
in
his
wings
,
and
hi●
flightest
people
in
the
body
:
and
issuing
out
of
his
trenches
with
this
order
,
so
soone
as
ever
he●
came
within
view
of
the
enemy
which
insolently
,
as
before
they
had
wont
,
came
to
find
them
out
,
hee
commanded
that
thos●
squadrons
in
the
middle
shoul●
goe
on
leisurely
,
but
that
the
res●
should
move
with
speed
,
insomuch
that
when
they
came
to
joyne
battell
with
the
enemy
,
only
the
wings
of
each
army
fought
,
and
the
troops
in
the
middle
stood
unimployd
because
the
middle
part
of
Castruccio'●
army
had
lagguerd
so
much
behind
,
that
the
enemyes
body
had
not
yet
reach'd
to
them
:
and
thus
the
ablest
of
Castruccio's
army
came
to
fight
with
the
weakest
of
the
enemies
,
and
the
enemie●
strength
lay
idle
,
not
able
to
endammage
those
,
they
were
to
encounter
with
,
nor
could
they
●ayd
any
of
their
owne
party
:
so
that
without
much
difficulty
,
the
enemies
two
winges
were
both
put
to
flight
,
and
they
in
the
middle
seeing
themselves
left
naked
on
each
flanke
,
without
having
whereupon
to
shew
their
valour
,
fled
likewise
.
The
rout
and
the
slaughter
were
great
:
for
there
were
slaine
above
ten
thousand
men
,
with
many
Officers
,
and
great
Cavaliers
of
the
Guelfes
faction
throughout
all
Tuscany
,
and
many
Princes
,
who
came
thither
in
favour
of
them
:
to
wit
,
Peter
King
Roberts
Brother
,
and
Charles
his
nephew
,
and
Philip
Lord
of
Taranto
:
but
of
Castruccio's
side
they
came
not
to
above
three
hundred
:
among
which
Francis
Vguccions
sonne
was
slaine
:
who
being
young
and
over
venturous
,
was
killd
at
the
first
onset
.
This
overthrow
much
augmented
Castruccio's
credit
,
so
that
Vguccion
grew
so
jealous
and
suspitious
of
his
owne
State
,
that
hee
continually
busied
his
brains
how
to
bring
him
to
destruction
,
thinking
with
himselfe
,
that
that
victory
had
rather
taken
his
powe●
from
him
,
than
settled
it
:
an●
being
in
this
thought
,
while
he●
awaited
some
faire
colour
to
effect
his
designes
,
it
happned
tha●
Pieragnolo
Michaeli
was
slain●
in
Lucca
,
a
man
of
good
worth
and
esteeme
,
and
the
Assassin●
fled
into
Castruccio
s
house
where
the
Captaines
and
Serjeants
going
to
apprehend
him
were
affronted
,
and
hindred
by
Cstaruccio
,
so
that
the
murtherer
by
his
ayd
escapd
,
which
thing
Vguccion
,
who
was
then
at
Pisa
,
hearing
,
and
deeming
then
he●
had
just
occasion
to
punish
him
▪
calld
unto
his
owne
sonne
Neri
,
to
whom
hee
had
now
given
the
command
of
Lucca
and
chargd
him
,
that
under
colour
of
inviting
Castruccio
,
hee
should
lay
hold
on
him
,
and
put
him
to
death
.
Whereupon
Castruccio
going
familiarly
into
the
commander●
pallaces
,
not
fearing
any
injury
,
was
first
by
Neri
entertaind
at
supper
,
and
afterwards
seizd
on
.
And
Neri
doubting
,
lest
by
putting
him
to
death
,
without
any
publick
justification
,
the
people
might
bee
inrag'd
,
kept
him
alive
,
till
hee
were
better
informd
by
Vguccion
what
was
farther
to
be
done
in
that
case
:
who
blaming
his
sonnes
slownesse
and
cowardise
,
for
the
dispatching
hereof
went
out
of
Pisa
with
four
hundred
Horse
towards
Lucca
:
&
hardly
yet
was
he
arriv'd
at
the
Baths
,
but
the
Pisans
took
armes
,
and
slew
Vguccions
Lieutenant
,
and
the
rest
of
his
family
,
that
remaind
at
Pisa
,
and
made
Count-Gaddo
of
Gerardesca
their
Lord
:
Vguccion
before
he
came
to
Lucca
,
had
notice
of
this
accident
befalne
in
Pisa
,
yet
thought
he
it
not
fit
to
turne
back
,
lest
the
Luccheses
,
like
as
the
Pisans
,
should
also
shut
their
gates
against
him
.
But
the
Luccheses
understanding
the
chance
at
Pisa
,
notwithstanding
that
Vguccion
was
enterd
Lucca
,
taking
this
occasion
to
free
Castruccio
,
first
began
at
their
meetings
in
the
Piazze
to
speake
slightly
of
him
,
afterwards
to
make
some
hub-bub
,
and
from
thence
came
to
armes
,
demanding
Castruccio
to
be
set
free
;
insomuch
that
Vguccion
for
feare
of
worse
,
drew
him
out
of
prison
:
Whereupon
Castruccio
suddenly
rallying
his
friends
,
with
the
peoples
favour
made
an
assault
upon
Vguccion
who
finding
no
other
remedy
,
fled
thence
with
his
friends
,
and
so
went
into
Lombardy
to
the
Lords
of
Scala
,
where
afterwards
hee
dy'd
poorly
.
But
Castruccio
being
of
a
prisoner
become
as
Prince
of
Lucca
,
prevaild
so
by
his
friends
,
and
with
this
fresh
gale
of
the
peoples
favour
,
that
hee
was
made
Generall
of
their
Forces
for
a
yeare
,
which
being
compassd
,
to
gaine
himselfe
further
credit
in
armes
,
hee
purposd
to
recover
for
the
Lucchefes
severall
townes
which
rebelld
after
Vguccions
departure
,
and
went
also
by
the
Pisans
favour
,
with
whom
he
had
enterd
into
league
at
the
campe
,
to
Serezana
,
and
to
winne
that
,
he
had
built
over
it
a
fort
,
which
,
being
afterwards
changed
by
the
Florentines
,
is
now
calld
Serezanello
,
and
in
two
monthes
space
tooke
the
towne
,
and
afterwards
in
strength
of
this
credit
,
hee
wonne
Massa
,
Carrara
,
and
Lavenza
,
and
in
short
time
all
Lunigiana
:
and
to
stop
the
passage
that
comes
from
Lombardy
into
Luginiana
,
he
tooke
Pontremoli
,
and
drew
out
thence
Mr.
Anastasia
Palivicini
,
who
was
Lord
thereof
.
Returning
then
to
Lucca
with
this
victory
,
hee
was
met
by
the
whole
people
:
whereupon
Castruccio
resolving
not
to
deferre
longer
to
make
himselfe
Prince
,
by
meanes
of
Pazzino
of
Poggio
,
Puccinello
of
Porcico
,
Francisco
Boccansecchi
,
and
Cécco
Guinigi
at
that
time
of
great
repute
in
Lucca
,
but
corrupted
by
him
,
made
himselfe
Lord
thereof
,
and
so
solemnely
and
by
resolution
of
the
people
was
elected
their
Prince
.
At
this
time
Frederick
of
Baviere
King
of
the
Romans
,
came
into
Italy
to
take
the
Imperiall
crown
,
whom
Castruccio
made
his
friend
,
and
went
to
him
with
five
hundred
Horse
,
having
left
for
his
Lieutenant
at
Lucca
Paulo
Guinigi
,
whom
in
remembrance
of
his
father
,
hee
made
account
of
as
his
owne
child
.
Castruccio
was
entertaind
very
honourably
by
Frederick
,
who
gave
him
many
priviledges
,
and
made
him
his
Deputy
in
Tuscany
;
and
because
the
Pisans
had
expelld
Gaddo
of
Gerardesca
,
and
for
feare
of
him
askd
succours
of
Frederick
,
hee
made
Castruccio
their
Lord
,
whom
the
Pisans
accepted
for
feare
of
the
Guelfes
faction
,
and
in
particular
because
of
the
Florentines
.
Frederick
then
being
returnd
into
Germany
,
and
having
left
at
Rome
a
governour
for
his
affaires
in
Italy
,
all
the
Gibellins
,
as
well
Tuscans
as
Lombarbs
that
followd
the
Imperial
faction
,
had
their
recourse
to
Castruccio
,
and
each
promisd
him
the
Principality
of
their
native
country
;
provided
that
by
his
meanes
they
might
bee
restord
:
among
whom
was
Mattheo
Guidi
,
Nardo
Scolare
,
Lapo
Vberti
,
Gerozzi
Nardi
and
Piero
Buonacorsi
,
all
Gibellins
,
and
outlawd
Florentines
:
and
Castruccio
plotting
by
helpe
of
these
,
and
with
his
owne
forces
to
become
Lord
of
all
Tuscany
,
to
gaine
himself
credit
the
more
,
entred
into
amity
with
Mr.
Mattheo
Visconti
Prince
of
Milan
:
and
traind
up
all
the
men
of
his
owne
city
and
country
to
armes
:
and
because
Lucca
had
five
gates
,
hee
devided
the
country
into
five
parts
,
armd
them
,
and
distributed
them
under
Captaines
and
colours
,
so
that
on
a
sudden
hee
was
able
to
bring
together
above
twenty
thousand
men
into
the
feild
,
besides
the
help
hee
might
have
from
Pisa
.
Hee
then
being
environd
with
these
forces
and
freinds
,
it
fortun'd
that
Mr.
Mattheo
Visconti
was
assayled
by
the
Guelfes
of
Piacuza
;
who
had
driven
out
the
Gibellins
,
in
whose
behalfe
the
Florentines
and
King
Robert
had
sent
their
troopes
.
Whereupon
Mr.
Mattheo
intreated
Castruccio
to
assaile
the
Florentines
,
that
they
being
constraind
to
defend
their
owne
homes
,
should
call
back
their
men
out
of
Lombardy
.
So
Castruccio
with
a
good
artny
enterd
the
Vale
Arno
,
tooke
Fucachio
,
and
St.
Miniato
with
great
dammage
of
the
country
;
and
upon
this
occasion
the
Florentines
were
forc'd
to
call
back
their
troopes
:
who
were
hardly
returnd
into
Tuscany
,
but
Castruccio
was
compelld
upon
another
necessity
to
haste
back
to
Lucca
:
And
in
that
City
the
Family
of
Poggio
being
of
such
power
and
authority
as
that
it
had
made
Castruccio
not
only
great
,
but
Prince
also
,
and
not
taking
themselves
to
have
been
requited
as
they
had
deservd
,
agreed
with
other
Families
of
Luccato
move
the
city
to
rebellion
and
to
chace
Castruccio
thence
;
whereupon
taking
occasion
one
morning
they
came
armd
upon
the
Deputy
,
whom
Castruccio
had
there
ordaind
over
Justice
,
and
slew
him
,
and
further
purposing
to
raise
the
people
to
commotion
;
Steven
of
Poggio
an
ancient
and
peaceable
man
,
who
had
no
hand
at
all
in
this
conspiracy
,
came
before
them
,
constrain'd
his
friends
by
his
autority
amongst
them
,
to
lay
aside
their
armes
,
offering
himselfe
to
mediate
with
Castruccio
for
them
,
that
he
should
satisfie
their
desires
.
Thus
they
layd
down
their
armes
,
but
not
with
greater
discretion
than
they
had
taken
them
up
;
for
Castruccio
having
had
notice
of
these
novelties
befalne
in
Lucca
,
without
making
any
delay
,
with
part
of
his
troops
,
leaving
Paul
Guinigi
Commander
of
the
residue
,
came
thence
to
Lucca
,
where
having
found
the
tumult
appeasd
,
beyond
his
expectation
,
deeming
hee
might
with
the
more
ease
secure
himselfe
;
disposed
those
of
his
party
in
severall
places
,
as
best
was
for
his
turne
.
Steven
of
Poggio
thinking
with
himselfe
,
that
Castruccio
was
beholding
to
him
,
went
to
him
,
and
intreated
,
not
for
himselfe
,
because
he
thought
it
no
way
needfull
for
him
,
but
for
the
others
of
his
Family
,
praying
that
many
things
hee
would
pardon
,
in
respect
of
their
youth
,
and
many
things
in
regard
of
the
ancient
amity
,
and
obligation
hee
had
to
the
whole
kindred
.
Wherunto
Castruccio
answered
courteously
,
and
bid
him
be
of
good
cheere
,
and
told
him
that
hee
received
more
content
the
tumult
was
appeased
,
than
hee
had
had
trouble
that
it
was
raysed
,
and
perswaded
Steven
to
cause
them
all
to
come
to
him
,
saying
,
that
he
thank'd
God
he
had
given
him
opportunity
to
make
a
shew
of
his
clemency
,
and
bounty
.
They
all
then
presenting
themselves
upon
Stevens
word
and
Castruccios
,
were
together
with
Steven
imprisond
and
put
to
death
.
In
this
meane
while
the
Florentines
had
recoverd
S.
Miniato
;
whereupon
Castruccio
thought
fit
to
stay
that
war
:
considering
that
as
yet
he
was
not
secure
of
Lucca
,
being
that
he
could
not
safely
part
from
home
;
and
having
causd
the
Florentines
to
be
felt
whether
they
would
admit
of
a
truce
,
he
found
them
easily
yeelding
theret●
;
for
they
also
were
weary
of
the
charge
,
and
desirous
to
stop
the
expence
.
Whereupon
they
made
a
truce
of
two
yeares
,
and
that
every
one
should
keep
what
they
had
gotten
.
In
the
meane
while
Castruccio
being
freed
from
the
war
,
that
he
might
not
againe
incurre
those
dangers
and
hazards
which
formerly
he
had
run
,
under
divers
colours
and
pretences
,
cut
off
all
those
in
Lucca
,
who
could
have
any
ambition
to
aspire
to
the
Principality
,
and
pardoned
not
one
of
them
,
depriving
them
of
their
Country
and
Fortunes
,
and
those
he
could
get
in
his
clutches
,
of
their
lives
:
affirming
that
hee
had
found
it
by
experience
,
that
none
of
them
would
abide
true
;
and
for
his
better
safegard
,
built
a
Fortresse
in
Lucca
,
and
made
use
of
the
materialls
of
their
Towres
,
whom
he
had
banish'd
and
murdred
.
While
Castruccio
was
thus
quiet
with
the
Florentines
,
and
that
hee
strengthened
himselfe
in
Lucca
,
he
fail'd
not
to
do
all
that
he
could
,
without
entring
into
open
hostility
to
increase
his
greatnesse
:
and
having
a
great
desire
to
take
Pistoya
,
thinking
with
himselfe
that
by
the
possession
of
that
City
,
he
had
gotten
one
foot
into
Florence
,
gain'd
himselfe
by
divers
wayes
the
whole
mountaine
to
friend
,
and
by
the
factions
hee
made
in
Pistoya
,
so
behav'd
himselfe
,
that
every
one
rely'd
much
on
him
.
At
that
time
the
City
was
divided
(
as
always
it
was
)
into
the
Bianchi
and
Neri
;
head
of
the
Bianchi
was
Bastiano
of
Possente
,
and
of
the
Neri
,
James
of
Gia
:
each
of
which
held
streight
correspondence
with
Castruccio
,
and
one
desir'd
to
expell
th'
other
,
so
that
the
one
and
the
other
after
many
suspicions
came
to
blowes
.
James
made
himselfe
strong
at
the
gate
towards
Florence
.
Bastiano
at
that
towards
Lucca
,
and
the
one
and
th'
other
of
them
relying
more
upon
Castruccio
,
than
upon
the
Florentines
,
judging
him
more
ready
and
quick
of
dispatch
in
any
thing
touching
the
warre
,
each
of
them
sent
to
him
secretly
for
ayd
:
which
Castruccio
promis'd
to
them
both
,
letting
James
know
that
hee
would
come
in
person
,
and
telling
Bastiano
,
hee
would
send
Paul
Guinigi
his
Foster
son
:
and
appointing
a
set
time
,
sent
Paul
by
way
of
Pescia
,
and
himselfe
went
straight
on
to
Pistoya
,
so
that
about
midnight
,
for
thus
was
it
agreed
between
Castruccio
and
Paul
,
they
both
arrived
at
Pistoya
,
and
there
receiv'd
as
friends
:
being
both
entred
;
when
Castruccio
found
his
time
,
he
gave
the
watch
word
to
Paul
,
whereupon
he
slew
James
of
Gia
,
and
the
other
Bastiano
of
Possente
;
&
all
their
partakers
were
partly
taken
,
partly
slaine
,
wherupon
they
forced
Pistoya
without
resistance
;
&
for
the
government
of
the
towne
,
Castruccio
constrained
the
people
to
yeeld
him
obedience
,
remitting
to
them
many
old
debts
and
dutyes
,
and
thus
did
he
to
the
whole
Country
thereabouts
;
who
all
flock't
together
,
partly
to
see
the
new
Prince
,
so
that
every
one
fraught
with
hopes
,
or
admiring
his
valour
,
set
his
heart
at
rest
.
It
happened
about
this
time
,
that
the
people
of
Rome
mutinyed
upon
the
extreame
dearth
of
provision
there
,
which
was
caused
by
the
Popes
absence
,
who
was
then
at
Av●gnon
and
they
blamed
the
Germane
government
,
insomuch
that
every
day
murders
and
other
disorders
were
committed
:
which
Henry
the
Emperours
Deputy
could
no
way
remedy
;
whereupon
he
had
a
great
suspicion
that
the
Romanes
would
call
in
King
Robert
of
Naples
,
and
chace
him
Rome
,
and
so
restore
it
to
the
Pope
:
And
having
no
nearer
Allie
,
whom
he
could
make
recourse
unto
,
than
Castruccio
,
he
sent
to
intreat
him
,
that
he
would
be
pleasd
,
not
only
to
send
him
aid
,
but
to
come
himselfe
also
in
person
.
Castruccio
thought
this
voyage
was
no
way
to
be
put
off
,
as
well
to
render
some
service
of
merit
to
the
Emperour
,
as
because
now
the
Emperour
was
absent
from
Rome
,
there
was
some
necessity
of
it
:
leaving
Paul
Guinigi
at
Lucca
,
hee
went
thence
with
two
hundred
horse
to
Rome
,
where
he
was
entertain'd
by
Henry
,
with
very
much
honour
;
and
his
presence
in
a
short
time
gave
so
much
credit
to
the
Imperials
,
that
without
blood
or
other
violence
,
all
things
were
well
quieted
:
for
Castruccio
having
caused
a
good
quantity
of
corne
to
be
brought
by
Sea
out
of
the
Country
about
Pisa
,
tooke
away
all
occasion
of
offence
.
Afterwards
,
partly
by
admonishing
,
partly
by
chastising
the
chiefe
Officers
of
Rome
,
he
reduc'd
them
freely
under
Henries
government
;
and
Castruccio
was
created
a
Romane
Senatour
,
besides
many
other
honours
he
received
of
the
people
;
and
that
Order
hee
tooke
with
very
great
pompe
,
putting
on
a
gowne
of
cloth
of
tissue
,
with
great
letters
before
to
this
purpose
:
This
man
is
what
it
pleases
God
,
and
againe
behind
,
And
shall
be
what
God
will
.
In
this
meane
while
the
Florentines
,
who
were
displeased
that
Castruccio
during
the
truce
had
made
himselfe
Lord
of
Pistoya
,
devis'd
which
way
they
might
make
it
rebell
,
which
by
reason
of
his
absence
,
they
thought
might
easily
be
effected
.
Amongst
the
banish'd
Pistoyeses
,
who
were
then
at
Florence
,
there
was
Baldo
Cecchi
,
and
James
Baldini
,
both
men
of
authority
,
and
ready
for
any
hazard
.
These
men
held
correspondence
with
some
friends
they
had
within
;
so
that
with
the
Florentines
helpe
,
they
entred
by
night
into
Pistoya
,
and
chac'd
thence
Castruccios
friends
and
officers
,
and
some
of
them
they
slew
,
and
restord
the
City
her
liberty
,
which
news
much
displeasd
Castruccio
;
so
that
having
taken
leave
of
Henry
,
he
came
with
his
men
by
great
dayes
journyes
to
Lucca
.
The
Florentines
when
they
had
word
of
Castruccios
returne
,
thinking
hee
would
not
take
much
rest
,
resolv'd
to
prevent
him
,
and
with
their
forces
to
enter
first
into
the
Vale
of
Nievole
,
before
him
:
supposing
,
that
if
they
first
made
themselves
masters
of
that
vally
,
they
should
cut
of
from
him
all
meanes
of
possibility
to
recover
Pistoya
;
and
so
having
put
in
order
a
great
army
of
all
the
friends
of
the
Guelfes
faction
,
they
c●me
into
the
territory
of
Pistoya
.
On
the
other
side
,
Castruccio
came
with
his
troops
to
mount
Carlo
,
and
having
learned
where
the
Florentines
army
was
,
determined
not
to
meet
them
in
the
plaine
of
Pistoya
,
nor
to
attend
them
in
the
plaine
of
Pascia
,
but
if
it
might
be
,
to
encounter
them
in
the
straight
of
Saravalla
;
deeming
that
by
bringing
his
designe
to
passe
,
hee
should
surely
gaine
the
victory
;
for
hee
understood
the
Florentines
had
got
together
some
forty
thousand
men
,
and
he
had
made
choyce
of
some
twelve
thousand
out
of
all
his
,
and
however
he
was
confident
of
his
own
industry
,
and
their
valour
,
yet
doubted
he
,
lest
if
he
set
on
them
in
a
large
place
,
he
might
bee
environ'd
by
the
multitude
of
the
enemies
.
Saravalla
is
a
Castle
between
Pescia
and
Pistoya
,
plac't
upon
a
hill
,
that
shuts
in
the
Valle
of
Nievole
,
not
upon
the
very
passage
,
but
above
to
that
some
two
bow
shots
of
the
place
,
by
which
a
man
passes
,
is
more
straight
than
on
the
sudden
;
for
of
every
side
it
rises
gently
,
but
in
a
straight
manner
,
especially
upon
the
hill
,
where
the
waters
are
divided
;
so
that
twenty
men
on
the
one
side
and
the
other
would
wholly
possesse
it
.
In
this
place
Castruccio
had
a
designe
to
encounter
with
the
enemy
,
as
well
because
his
small
troops
should
have
the
advantage
,
as
not
to
discover
the
enemy
,
but
just
upon
the
skirmish
,
fearing
lest
his
men
seeing
the
number
of
the
enemies
,
should
be
startled
.
Mr.
Manfredi
of
the
German
nation
,
was
then
Lord
of
the
Castle
of
Seravalle
,
who
before
that
Castruccio
was
Lord
of
Pistoya
,
had
been
left
in
that
Castle
,
as
in
a
place
that
was
neuter
between
the
Luccheses
&
Pistoyeses
:
nor
afterward
befell
it
either
of
them
to
offend
him
,
he
promising
to
abide
neuter
,
and
not
to
apply
himselfe
to
the
one
or
other
:
So
that
for
this
cause
,
and
for
that
the
situation
was
strong
,
he
had
kept
himselfe
thus
:
but
upon
this
accident
Castruccio
became
desirous
to
possesse
this
place
.
And
having
very
neare
acquaintance
with
one
of
the
inhabitants
of
the
place
,
he
so
appointed
his
business
with
him
,
that
the
night
before
the
skirmish
was
to
begin
,
he
should
take
into
the
town
400
men
of
his
,
and
slay
the
commander
;
and
abiding
thus
prepared
,
he
stirred
not
his
army
from
Mount
Carlo
,
the
more
to
encourage
the
Florentines
to
passe
,
who
,
because
they
desired
to
carry
the
war
far
off
from
Pistoya
,
and
to
bring
it
into
the
Vale
of
Nievole
,
encamped
under
Serravalle
,
with
intention
the
day
following
to
passe
the
hill
;
but
Castruccio
having
without
any
noyse
taken
the
Castle
in
the
night
,
parted
from
Mount
Carlo
about
midnight
,
and
quietly
arrived
in
the
morning
at
the
foot
of
Serravalle
,
so
that
at
the
same
instant
both
the
Florentines
and
hee
began
to
ascend
the
side
of
the
hill
.
Castruccio
had
sent
his
infantery
by
the
rode
way
,
and
a
troope
of
400
Horse
hee
had
sent
upon
the
left
hand
towards
the
Castle
:
on
the
other
side
the
Florentines
had
sent
400
Horse
before
them
,
and
after
those
their
Foot
mov'd
,
not
any
way
thinking
they
should
find
Castruccio
upon
the
top
of
the
hill
;
for
they
knew
nothing
of
that
hee
had
made
himselfe
master
of
the
Castle
.
Thus
at
unawares
the
Florentine
Horse
having
got
to
the
top
of
the
hill
,
discoverd
Castruccio's
Foot
,
and
were
so
near
approachd
them
,
that
they
had
hardly
time
to
lace
on
their
helmets
.
These
men
then
that
were
unprovided
,
being
assaild
by
the
others
that
were
prepard
,
and
in
order
,
were
fiercely
set
upon
,
and
with
much
adoe
made
resistance
,
and
indeed
some
few
of
them
made
head
a
while
:
but
so
s●on
as
the
noyse
hereof
descended
into
the
Florentines
campe
,
all
was
full
of
confusion
.
The
Horse
were
oppressd
by
the
Foot
,
the
Foot
by
the
Horse
,
and
their
carriages
;
the
Commanders
because
of
the
straightnesse
of
the
place
could
neither
advance
nor
retire
:
so
that
no
man
in
this
confusion
knew
what
could
or
should
bee
done
:
insomuch
that
the
Horse
which
were
at
blowes
with
the
enemies
Foot
,
were
cut
to
peeces
,
and
they
not
able
to
defend
themselves
,
because
the
maligniry
of
the
scite
did
not
suffer
them
,
yet
made
they
resistance
more
of
necessity
than
of
valour
:
for
being
hemm'd
in
by
the
mountaines
on
both
sides
,
behind
by
their
freinds
,
and
before
by
their
enemies
,
they
had
no
way
open
for
flight
.
Hereupon
Castruccio
having
perceiv'd
that
his
troops
were
not
able
to
breake
the
enimy
,
sent
a
thousand
Foot
by
way
of
the
Castle
,
causing
them
to
descend
with
the
400
Horse
which
hee
had
sent
before
,
who
struck
them
so
rudely
upon
the
flanke
,
that
the
Florentines
unable
longer
to
resist
that
violence
,
vanquisht
rather
by
the
place
than
by
the
enimy
,
all
tooke
them
to
flight
;
and
the
flight
began
from
those
who
were
behind
towards
Pistoya
,
who
dispersing
themselves
all
along
the
plaine
,
every
one
where
hee
best
could
,
provided
for
his
safegard
.
This
defait
was
very
great
and
bloody
;
many
Commanders
were
taken
,
among
which
was
Bandino
of
Rossi
,
Prancesco
Brunnelleschi
,
and
John
of
Tosa
,
all
noble
Florentines
,
and
many
other
Tuscans
,
besides
divers
of
the
Kingdome
of
Naples
,
who
being
sent
by
King
Robert
in
favour
of
the
Guelfes
serv'd
under
the
Florentines
.
The
Pistoyeses
hearing
of
this
rout
,
without
delay
chasing
out
the
faction
of
the
Guelfes
,
yeelded
themselves
to
Castruccio
.
Who
not
contented
herewith
,
tooke
Piato
,
and
all
the
Castles
of
the
plaine
,
as
well
on
this
as
on
the
other
side
of
Arno
,
and
set
himselfe
downe
with
his
army
in
the
plaine
of
Perettola
some
two
miles
of
from
Florence
,
where
hee
abode
many
dayes
to
divide
the
spoyle
,
and
to
feast
for
joy
of
the
victory
gotten
,
causing
moneys
to
be
stamp'd
in
scorne
of
the
Florentines
,
and
races
to
be
runne
by
horse
,
men
,
and
queanes
:
neither
faild
hee
to
endeavour
to
corrupt
some
noble
Citizens
,
to
open
to
him
in
the
night
the
gates
of
Florence
;
but
the
conspiracy
being
discoverd
,
they
were
taken
and
beheaded
,
among
whom
was
Thomas
Lupacco
,
and
Lambertuccio
Frescobaldi
.
Hereupon
the
Florentines
being
affrighted
upon
this
defeat
,
hardly
knew
any
remedy
to
preserve
their
liberty
:
and
to
the
end
they
might
bee
sure
of
ayd
,
sent
Ambassadours
to
Robert
King
of
Naples
,
to
give
him
the
City
,
and
the
dominion
thereof
.
Which
that
King
accepted
of
,
not
somuch
for
the
honour
the
Florentines
had
done
him
,
as
for
that
hee
knew
well
how
much
it
imported
his
State
that
the
Guelfes
faction
should
maintaine
the
State
of
Tuscany
:
and
having
agreed
with
the
Florentines
to
have
of
them
two
hundred
thousand
Florins
by
the
yeare
,
hee
sent
Charles
his
sonne
with
foure
thousand
Horse
to
Florence
:
so
that
the
Florentines
were
somewhat
easd
of
Castruccio's
troopes
:
for
th●y
were
constraind
to
leave
their
territories
and
to
goe
to
Pisa
,
there
to
represse
a
conspiracy
made
against
him
by
Benedicto
Lanfranchi
,
one
the
cheife
of
Pisa
,
who
not
being
able
to
endure
that
his
native
country
should
be
enthralld
to
a
Lucchese
,
conspird
against
him
,
plotting
to
seize
upon
the
Cittadell
,
and
to
chace
out
the
garrison
,
and
to
slay
those
of
Castruccio's
party
.
But
because
in
such
matters
,
if
the
small
number
be
fit
to
keepe
the
secret
,
yet
suffices
it
not
to
put
it
in
execution
:
while
hee
went
about
to
gaine
more
men
to
his
purpose
,
some
there
was
that
bewrayd
his
plot
to
Castruccio
:
neither
passd
this
discovery
without
the
infamy
of
Bonifacio
Cerchi
and
John
Guidi
Florentines
,
who
were
neare
neighbours
to
Pisa
;
whereupon
Benedicto
being
layd
hand
on
,
was
put
to
death
,
and
all
the
rest
of
that
Family
banisht
,
and
many
other
Noble
Citizens
beheaded
:
and
thinking
with
himselfe
that
Pistoya
and
Pisa
were
not
very
faithfull
unto
him
,
he
tooke
care
both
by
his
industry
and
forces
to
secure
himselfe
thereof
:
which
gave
leysure
to
the
Florentines
to
recover
their
strength
,
and
to
be
able
to
attend
the
returne
of
Charles
:
who
being
arriv'd
,
they
determined
to
lose
no
longer
time
,
and
gatherd
a
great
number
of
men
;
for
they
calld
together
to
their
ayd
in
a
manner
all
the
Guelfes
in
Italy
,
and
made
an
exceeding
great
army
of
more
than
30000
Foot
,
and
10000
Horse
:
and
having
advisd
,
which
were
first
to
bee
assaild
,
either
Pistoya
,
or
Pisa
,
they
resolv'd
it
were
better
to
set
first
upon
Pisa
,
being
a
thing
more
likely
to
succeed
,
by
reason
of
the
late
conspiracy
there
,
as
also
of
more
profit
,
deeming
that
if
Pisa
were
once
gotten
,
Pistoya
would
soone
render
of
it selfe
.
The
Florentines
then
going
forth
with
this
army
in
the
beginning
of
May
1328
,
suddenly
tooke
Lastra
,
Signia
,
Mount
Lupo
,
and
Empoli
,
and
came
with
their
army
to
St.
Miniato
.
Castruccio
on
the
other
part
perceiving
this
great
army
,
which
the
Florentines
had
brought
against
him
,
was
nothing
startled
,
but
rather
thought
that
this
was
the
time
,
when
Fortune
was
to
give
him
in
his
hand
the
whole
dominion
of
Tuscany
:
beleeving
they
should
have
no
better
successe
in
this
of
Pisa
,
than
formerly
they
had
in
that
of
Serravalle
;
and
that
now
they
could
not
hope
to
repaire
themselves
againe
,
as
then
;
whereupon
assembling
twenty
thousand
Foot
and
4000
Horse
,
hee
brought
his
army
to
Fucechio
,
and
sent
Paul
Guinigi
with
5000
Foot
to
Pisa
.
Fucechio
is
seated
in
a
stronger
place
than
any
other
Castle
,
upon
the
territory
of
Pisa
,
because
it
is
in
the
midst
between
the
Gusciana
and
the
Arno
,
and
a
little
raisd
from
the
plaine
;
where
he
abiding
,
the
enemies
were
not
able
,
unlesse
they
divided
their
army
into
two
parts
,
to
hinder
his
provision
either
from
Lucca
,
or
Pisa
;
neither
could
they
but
upon
disadvantage
either
come
upon
him
,
or
goe
towards
Pisa
:
for
in
one
case
they
might
be
inclosd
in
the
midst
between
Castruccios
troopes
,
and
those
of
Pisa
;
in
the
other
case
,
having
the
Arno
to
passe
,
they
could
not
doe
it
with
the
enemy
on
their
backs
,
without
very
great
danger
.
And
Castruccio
for
their
incouragement
to
undertake
the
passage
had
not
plac
d
himselfe
with
his
troopes
along
the
banke
of
Arno
,
but
a
little
aside
neare
unto
the
walls
of
Fucechio
,
and
had
left
distance
enough
between
the
River
and
him
.
The
Florentines
having
gotten
St.
Miniato
,
advisd
whether
were
to
be
done
,
either
to
goe
to
Pisa
,
or
to
find
out
Castruccio
;
and
having
measured
the
difficulties
of
both
courses
,
they
resolvd
to
goe
and
invest
him
.
The
river
Arno
was
so
low
that
a
man
might
wade
over
it
,
but
yet
not
so
,
but
that
the
infantery
was
wet
to
the
shoulders
,
and
the
Horse
even
to
the
saddle
.
Upon
the
tenth
day
then
of
June
in
the
morning
,
the
Florentines
in
battell
array
,
causd
part
of
their
Cavalery
to
begin
to
passe
,
and
a
body
of
ten
thousand
Foot
.
Castruccio
who
stood
ready
and
intent
to
what
hee
had
in
his
mind
to
doe
,
with
a
battalion
of
five
thousand
Foot
and
three
thousand
Horse
fell
upon
them
:
neither
give
hee
them
any
time
to
get
out
of
the
water
but
that
hee
was
at
blowes
with
them
;
hee
sent
a
thousand
light
armd
Foot
up
by
the
banke
on
that
part
under
the
Arno
,
and
a
thousand
above
it
.
The
Florentines
Foot
were
mueh
distressed
with
the
water
and
weight
of
their
armes
,
nor
had
they
all
yet
got
over
the
channell
of
the
river
.
When
some
of
the
Horse
had
passd
,
by
reason
that
they
had
moord
the
bottome
of
the
Arno
,
they
made
the
passage
the
uneasier
for
them
that
came
after
them
;
for
the
bottome
proving
rotten
and
miry
,
some
of
the
Horse
came
over
and
over
on
their
riders
,
and
many
stuck
so
fast
in
the
mud
that
they
were
there
stabled
:
whereupon
the
Florentine
Commanders
seeing
the
difficulty
to
passe
on
that
part
,
causd
them
to
retire
and
make
proofe
of
a
higher
part
of
the
river
,
whereby
to
finde
a
sounder
bottome
,
and
the
channell
more
favorable
for
their
passage
:
against
whom
those
whom
Castruccio
had
sent
under
the
banke
,
made
resistance
,
who
slightly
armd
with
targets
and
darts
in
their
hands
,
with
huge
outcryes
,
wounded
them
both
in
the
face
and
brest
,
insomuch
that
the
horses
affrighted
both
with
the
cryes
and
strokes
,
would
in
no
wise
passe
forwards
,
but
fell
foule
one
upon
another
:
the
fight
between
Castruccio's
men
and
those
that
were
already
past
,
was
sharp
and
terrible
,
and
of
each
side
there
fell
many
,
and
every
one
usd
all
his
skill
and
strength
to
overcome
his
adversary
.
Castruccio's
men
would
force
them
back
into
the
river
;
the
Florentines
striv'd
to
put
forwards
to
make
place
for
others
,
that
being
come
forth
of
the
water
,
they
might
be
able
to
stand
to
the
fight
,
to
which
obstinacy
there
was
added
the
Captaines
encouragements
.
Castruccio
put
his
men
in
mind
,
that
these
were
the
same
enemies
,
which
but
a
little
while
agoe
they
had
beaten
at
Sarravalle
.
The
Florentines
reproachd
theirs
,
that
they
being
many
,
should
suffer
a
few
to
overcome
them
.
But
Castruccio
perceiving
that
the
fight
lasted
,
and
that
his
owne
and
his
adversaries
were
well
wearied
,
and
that
on
each
side
many
were
hurt
and
slaine
,
hee
sent
out
another
band
of
five
thousand
Foot
,
and
when
hee
brought
them
up
to
the
very
back
of
his
owne
that
fought
,
hee
gave
order
that
they
before
should
open
,
and
wheele
about
,
one
on
the
right
hand
,
the
other
on
the
left
,
and
so
retire
;
which
thing
done
gave
roome
to
the
Florentines
to
advance
and
gaine
some
ground
.
But
when
once
they
came
to
handy
blowes
,
the
fresh
men
with
those
that
were
tir'd
,
they
staid
not
long
ere
they
forc'd
them
back
into
the
river
,
between
the
Horse
of
the
one
side
,
and
the
other
,
yet
there
was
not
much
advantage
:
whereupon
Castruccio
knowing
his
owne
inferiour
,
had
given
order
to
the
leaders
,
that
they
should
only
maintaine
fight
,
as
hee
that
hop'd
to
overcome
the
Foot
;
which
done
,
he
might
bee
able
with
more
ease
to
overcome
the
Horse
;
which
fell
out
as
hee
purposd
:
for
having
seene
the
Foot
forc'd
back
into
the
river
,
hee
sent
the
rest
of
his
infantery
against
the
enemies
Horse
,
who
with
lances
and
darts
wounding
them
,
and
the
Cavalery
also
pressing
them
with
greater
fury
,
put
them
to
flight
.
The
Florentine
Commanders
seeing
the
difficulty
that
their
Horse
had
to
passe
;
strove
to
make
their
Foot
passe
on
that
part
beneath
the
river
,
to
fight
with
the
flanke
of
Castruccio's
troops
.
But
the
channell
being
deep
,
and
all
above
already
possest
by
his
men
,
all
this
prov'd
vaine
.
Whereupon
the
whole
army
was
put
to
rout
,
to
Castruccio's
great
glory
and
honour
,
and
of
so
great
a
multitude
there
escap'd
not
a
third
.
Many
Chieftaines
were
taken
,
and
Charles
sonne
of
King
Robert
,
together
with
Michaelangelo
Falconi
,
and
Taddeo
of
the
Albizi
Florentine
Commissaries
,
fled
thence
to
Empoli
.
The
spoyle
taken
was
great
,
the
slaughter
exeeeding
great
,
as
a
man
may
imagine
in
such
and
so
great
a
conflict
:
for
of
the
Florentine
army
20231
,
and
of
Castruccio's
part
1570
were
left
dead
upon
the
place
.
But
Fortune
being
enemy
to
his
glory
,
when
as
she
should
have
given
him
life
,
took
it
from
him
,
and
interrupted
those
designes
which
hee
a
long
time
before
had
purposd
to
put
in
effect
:
neither
could
any
thing
but
death
hinder
him
.
Castruccio
had
toyld
himselfe
all
that
day
in
the
battell
,
when
at
the
end
thereof
all
weary
and
sweaty
,
he
stayd
about
the
port
of
Fucechio
,
to
attend
the
souldiers
,
as
they
should
returne
from
the
victory
,
and
in
person
receive
and
thank
them
,
and
partly
if
peradventure
any
thing
should
arise
from
the
enemyes
,
that
they
had
made
head
in
any
place
,
hee
might
bee
ready
to
give
order
thereto
:
judgeing
it
the
office
of
a
good
Commander
,
to
be
the
first
to
get
a
Horse-back
,
and
the
last
to
light
off
.
Whereupon
hee
standing
exposd
to
a
wind
,
which
ordinarily
about
midday
rises
upon
the
Arno
,
and
uses
to
be
pestiferous
,
hee
was
all
over
chill'd
.
Which
thing
not
being
made
account
of
by
him
,
was
the
occasion
of
his
death
:
for
the
night
following
hee
was
taken
with
a
dangerous
feaver
,
which
continually
augmenting
,
and
the
sicknesse
being
judg'd
mortall
by
all
the
Physitians
,
and
Castruccio
perceiving
of
it
,
calld
Paul
Guinigi
,
and
spake
to
him
these
words
.
Had
I
beleev'd
,
my
sonne
,
that
Fortune
would
have
cut
off
my
course
in
the
midst
of
the
way
,
to
arrive
unto
that
glory
,
which
I
by
my
so
many
good
successes
had
promisd
my selfe
,
I
should
have
lesse
wearied
my selfe
,
and
to
thee
as
I
should
have
left
a
smaller
estate
,
so
also
fewer
enemies
,
and
lesse
envy
:
for
I
would
have
been
content
with
the
dominion
of
Lucca
and
Pisa
,
and
never
subdu'd
the
Pistoyeses
,
nor
with
so
many
injuries
provoked
the
Florentines
;
but
by
making
the
one
and
the
other
of
these
people
my
freinds
,
I
should
have
led
a
life
,
though
not
longer
,
yet
surely
more
quiet
;
and
to
thee
should
I
have
left
an
estate
,
though
lesse
,
without
doubt
,
more
secure
and
firme
:
but
Fortune
,
who
will
dispose
of
all
humane
affayres
,
gave
mee
not
so
much
judgement
,
that
I
was
able
first
to
know
it
,
or
so
much
time
,
that
I
was
able
to
overcome
it
.
Thou
hast
heard
,
for
many
have
told
thee
,
and
I
never
denyd
it
to
thee
,
how
I
came
into
thy
fathers
house
being
yet
a
young
lad
,
and
voyd
of
all
those
hopes
,
which
every
generous
spirit
ought
to
conceive
,
and
how
I
was
by
him
brought
up
,
and
belov
d
by
him
as
much
as
if
I
had
been
of
his
own
blood
,
whereupon
under
his
government
I
became
valourous
,
and
grew
capable
of
that
fortune
,
in
which
thou
hast
and
dost
see
mee
:
and
because
at
his
death
,
hee
committed
thee
and
all
his
fortunes
to
my
fidelity
,
I
have
brought
thee
up
with
that
affection
,
and
increasd
them
with
that
fidelity
,
that
I
was
and
am
bound
to
.
And
because
not
only
whether
that
alone
which
was
left
thee
by
thy
father
,
but
that
also
which
my
fortune
and
valour
got
,
were
thine
,
I
never
would
marry
,
to
the
end
that
the
love
of
children
should
never
take
mee
off
,
from
shewing
in
any
part
that
thankfullnesse
towards
thy
fathers
blood
,
which
I
thought
I
was
oblig'd
to
shew
.
I
leave
thee
therefore
a
very
faire
State
,
whereat
I
am
much
pleasd
:
but
for
that
I
leave
it
thee
weake
and
unsettled
,
I
am
exceedingly
grieved
:
there
remaines
to
thee
the
City
of
Lucca
,
which
will
never
be
content
to
live
under
thy
government
:
Pisa
is
also
thine
:
wherein
there
are
men
naturally
inconstant
,
and
full
of
treachery
:
which
,
however
it
bee
divers
times
accustomed
to
serve
,
yet
will
it
alwayes
disdaine
to
have
a
Lucchese
for
its
Lord
.
Pistoya
likewise
is
left
to
thee
,
very
little
faithfull
to
thee
,
because
it
is
divided
,
and
by
fresh
injuries
provok'd
against
our
Family
.
Thou
hast
the
Florentines
for
thy
neighbours
,
and
those
offended
,
and
divers
wayes
injuryed
by
us
,
and
not
extinguisht
,
to
whom
the
news
of
my
death
would
be
more
welcome
than
the
Conquest
of
all
Tuscany
.
Thou
canst
not
rely
upon
the
Princes
of
Milan
,
nor
upon
the
Emperour
,
because
they
are
far
hence
,
lazy
,
and
very
slow
with
their
succours
:
wherefore
thou
oughtst
not
to
hope
in
any
thing
,
but
in
thy
owne
industry
,
and
the
remembrance
of
my
valour
,
and
in
the
reputation
which
this
present
victory
gaines
thee
:
which
if
thou
shalt
know
with
discretion
how
to
make
use
of
,
will
ayd
thee
to
make
an
accord
with
the
Florentines
,
who
being
affrighted
at
this
present
defeate
,
ought
with
desire
to
condiscend
thereto
:
whom
though
I
sought
to
make
them
mine
enemies
,
and
thought
it
would
procure
mee
both
power
and
glory
,
yet
thou
art
by
all
meanes
to
seeke
to
gaine
for
thy
friends
;
for
their
friendship
will
prove
thy
security
and
advantage
.
It
is
a
thing
of
very
much
importance
in
this
world
for
a
man
to
understand
his
owne
selfe
,
and
to
know
how
to
measure
the
forces
of
his
owne
courage
and
State
;
and
he
that
finds
himselfe
unfit
for
warr
,
should
endeavour
to
settle
his
government
by
the
rules
of
peace
,
whereunto
thou
shalt
doe
well
if
by
my
advice
thou
addresse
thy selfe
,
and
strive
by
this
way
to
enjoy
my
paines
,
and
dangers
,
which
shall
easily
prove
successefull
to
thee
,
when
thou
shalt
account
these
my
advertisements
true
:
and
herewithall
thou
shalt
be
doubly
oblig'd
to
mee
,
first
that
I
have
left
thee
this
State
,
and
secondly
that
I
have
taught
thee
how
to
keepe
it
.
Afterwards
having
causd
those
citizens
to
come
to
him
,
who
of
Lucca
,
Pisa
,
and
Pistoya
,
serv'd
in
the
warres
under
him
,
and
recommended
Paul
Guinigi
to
them
,
and
made
them
to
sweare
obedience
to
him
,
hee
dyed
;
leaving
to
all
those
,
that
ever
knew
him
,
a
happy
remembrancc
of
him
;
and
to
those
that
had
been
his
friends
,
so
great
a
desire
of
him
,
that
never
any
Prince
,
that
died
at
any
time
,
left
more
.
His
funeralls
were
most
honourably
solemnizd
,
and
hee
was
buried
at
St.
Francesco
in
Lucca
.
But
neither
valour
,
nor
fortune
were
so
favourable
to
Paul
Guinigi
,
as
to
Cas●ruccio
;
for
not
long
after
,
hee
lost
Pistoya
,
and
after
Pisa
,
and
with
much
adoe
held
hee
the
government
of
Lucca
:
which
continued
in
his
Family
till
Paul
the
grand-child
.
Castruccio
then
was
,
by
what
is
here
shewed
,
a
man
of
rare
note
,
not
only
for
those
times
he
lived
in
,
but
for
many
ages
that
had
past
long
before
.
He
was
of
a
stature
higher
than
ordinary
,
and
his
limbs
were
well
answerable
each
to
other
,
and
of
such
a
grace
hee
was
in
his
aspect
,
and
entertain'd
all
men
with
that
humanity
,
that
hee
never
spake
with
any
,
that
he
sent
from
him
discontent
;
his
haire
inclin'd
to
a
reddish
colour
,
and
he
wore
it
always
cut
above
his
eares
;
and
always
and
in
all
seasons
,
whether
it
rain'd
or
snew
,
he
went
with
his
head
uncover'd
;
hee
was
very
pleasing
to
his
friends
,
and
terrible
to
his
enemies
;
just
among
his
subjects
,
treacherous
with
forreiners
:
nor
where
hee
could
vanquish
by
fraud
did
he
ever
strive
to
do
it
by
force
:
for
he
said
the
victory
,
and
not
the
manner
how
it
was
got
,
gain'd
a
man
glory
;
no
man
enter'd
more
boldly
into
dangers
,
nor
was
more
wary
to
get
out
of
them
:
and
he
was
wont
to
say
,
that
men
ought
to
prove
every
thing
,
but
to
be
astonish'd
at
nothing
,
and
that
God
favours
valiant
men
,
who
alwayes
chastises
the
feeble
with
the
mighty
.
Hee
was
also
very
admirable
in
replying
or
biting
sharply
or
gentilely
;
and
as
in
this
kind
hee
spared
not
any
,
so
likewise
he
was
nothing
mov'd
,
when
himselfe
was
not
spar'd
:
So
that
we
have
many
things
he
said
wittily
,
and
heard
patiently
,
as
these
:
Having
causd
a
duck
at
to
bee
given
for
a
starling
,
and
a
friend
of
his
reproving
him
for
it
,
said
Castruccio
,
thou
wouldst
not
have
given
above
a
peny
for
it
;
and
his
friend
saying
it
was
true
,
he
reply'd
,
a
duck
at
is
lesse
to
mee
.
Having
a
flatterer
about
him
,
and
in
scorne
having
spat
upon
him
,
the
flatterer
said
,
that
Fishermen
to
take
a
little
Fish
suffer
themselves
to
be
all
moyl'd
in
the
Sea
;
I
will
let
my selfe
be
daub'd
by
a
little
spettle
,
to
catch
a
Whale
:
which
Castruccio
not
only
heard
patiently
,
but
rewarded
.
When
one
told
him
,
that
he
livd
too
sumptuously
;
said
Castruccio
,
if
this
were
a
vice
,
there
would
not
bee
so
splendide
entertainments
at
the
Saints
Feasts
.
Passing
through
a
street
,
and
seeing
a
young
man
comming
out
of
a
whore-house
all
blushing
,
because
he
had
been
seen
by
him
;
he
said
to
him
,
be
not
asham'd
when
thou
goest
out
,
but
when
thou
enterst
in
.
A
friend
of
his
giving
him
a
knot
to
loose
,
that
was
curiously
tyed
,
said
,
O
foole
,
dost
thou
think
I
will
loosen
such
a
thing
,
which
being
tyed
gives
me
so
much
trouble
?
Castruccio
saying
to
one
that
profest
himselfe
a
Philosopher
,
you
are
of
the
condition
of
dogs
,
that
always
go
about
those
who
can
best
give
them
meat
;
no
says
the
party
,
we
are
like
Physitians
,
who
visit
their
houses
that
have
most
need
of
them
.
Going
from
Pisa
to
Ligorne
by
water
,
and
a
dangerous
storme
there
arising
,
and
thereupon
being
much
perplex'd
,
was
reprehended
by
one
of
his
company
as
pusillanimous
,
saying
himselfe
was
not
afraid
of
any
thing
;
to
whom
Castruccio
reply'd
,
that
he
nothing
marvayl'd
thereat
,
for
every
one
valu'd
his
life
,
according
to
its
worth
.
Being
ask'd
by
one
,
what
he
should
do
to
gaine
a
good
esteeme
?
answered
him
;
see
when
thou
goest
to
a
Feast
,
that
a
blocke
sit
not
upon
a
blocke
.
When
one
boasted
that
hee
had
read
many
things
;
said
Castruccio
,
it
were
better
thou
couldst
brag
thou
hadst
remembred
much
.
Another
bragging
though
he
had
tippled
much
,
he
was
not
drunk
;
reply'd
,
an
Oxe
does
the
same
.
Castruccio
kept
a
young
lasse
,
which
he
lay
with
ordinarily
,
and
thereupon
being
reprov'd
by
a
friend
,
telling
him
,
that
it
was
a
great
wrong
to
him
that
he
had
suffer'd
himselfe
to
bee
so
taken
by
a
Wench
;
thou
art
mistaken
,
quoth
Castruccio
,
I
took
her
,
not
she
me
.
Also
when
one
blam'd
him
that
he
was
too
delicious
in
his
dyet
;
hee
said
to
him
,
I
warrant
thou
wouldst
not
spend
herein
so
much
as
I
doe
;
that
is
true
quoth
the
other
;
then
reply'd
he
,
thou
art
more
covetous
,
than
I
am
gluttonous
.
Being
invited
to
supper
by
Tadeo
Bernardi
a
Lucchese
,
a
rich
and
magnificent
citizen
;
and
in
the
house
Tadeo
shewing
him
a
chamber
all
furnish'd
with
cloth
of
gold
,
and
that
it
was
all
pav'd
with
curious
stones
,
which
were
diversly
wrought
with
sundry
colours
,
and
represented
flowers
,
leaves
,
and
such
like
green
things
:
Castruccio
having
got
together
a
great
deale
of
spettle
in
his
mouth
,
spat
it
full
in
Tadeos
face
;
at
which
he
shewing
himselfe
much
troubled
,
says
Castruccio
,
I
knew
not
where
to
spet
that
I
might
offend
thee
lesse
.
Being
ask'd
how
Caesar
dy'd
?
saith
he
,
would
to
God
I
might
dye
like
him
.
Being
one
night
in
a
house
of
one
of
his
Gentlemen
,
where
there
were
divers
Ladyes
invited
to
a
feast
,
and
hee
dancing
,
and
sporting
with
them
,
more
than
befitted
his
condition
,
was
reprovd
by
a
friend
,
answered
,
he
that
is
held
a
wise
man
in
the
day
time
,
will
never
be
thought
a
foole
in
the
night
.
One
comming
to
aske
a
favour
at
his
hands
,
and
Castruccio
seeming
as
if
he
heard
not
,
fell
down
upon
his
knees
before
him
,
whereat
Castruccio
chiding
him
,
he
answered
,
thou
art
the
cause
thereof
,
who
carryest
thine
eares
in
thy
feet
:
and
thereby
he
gaind
double
the
favour
he
asked
.
He
used
to
say
,
that
the
way
to
Hell
was
easie
,
because
men
went
thither
downwards
,
and
blindfold
.
When
one
askd
him
a
favour
with
many
and
superfluous
words
,
Castruccio
said
to
him
,
hereafter
when
thou
wouldst
any
thing
with
me
,
send
another
.
Such
another
man
having
wearied
him
with
a
tedious
speech
,
and
telling
him
in
the
latter
end
,
perhaps
I
may
have
tir'd
you
with
my
long
speaking
;
no
,
thou
hast
not
,
said
he
,
for
I
heard
not
one
word
of
all
that
thou
hast
spoken
.
He
was
wont
to
say
of
one
,
who
had
been
a
handsome
boy
,
and
afterwards
became
a
comely
man
,
that
he
was
too
injurious
,
having
first
distracted
the
husbands
from
their
wives
,
and
afterwards
the
wives
from
their
husbands
.
To
an
envious
man
that
laughd
,
he
said
,
laughst
thou
because
thou
art
well
,
or
because
another
suffers
evill
?
When
he
was
also
under
the
rule
of
Master
Francis
Guinigi
,
one
of
his
play-fellows
,
saying
to
him
,
what
wilt
thou
that
I
shall
give
thee
,
for
a
blow
on
the
mouth
?
Castruccio
answered
him
,
a
Helmet
.
Having
causd
a
citizen
of
Lucca
to
dye
,
who
had
helpd
him
in
his
rising
to
his
greatnesse
,
when
it
was
said
to
him
,
he
had
ill
done
to
put
to
death
one
of
his
old
friends
;
he
reply'd
,
you
are
deceivd
,
I
have
put
to
death
a
new
enemy
.
Castruccio
commended
much
those
that
betrothd
wives
,
but
never
married
them
,
like
men
that
say
they
will
go
to
Sea
,
but
never
do
.
He
said
he
wondred
much
at
men
,
that
when
they
bought
any
vessell
of
earth
or
glasse
,
they
sound
it
first
whether
it
be
good
;
but
in
taking
a
wife
they
are
content
only
to
see
her
.
When
hee
was
neare
death
,
one
asking
him
,
how
he
would
be
buried
?
he
answered
,
with
my
face
downwards
:
for
I
know
,
that
as
soon
as
I
am
dead
,
this
Country
shall
go
upside
down
.
Being
asked
,
whether
he
never
thought
to
become
a
Fryer
to
save
his
Soule
?
he
said
no
,
for
it
was
strange
to
him
,
that
Lazarus
should
go
to
Paradise
,
and
Vguccion
of
Faggivola
to
Hell
.
Being
asked
,
when
it
was
best
to
eate
,
to
preserve
the
health
?
he
answered
,
if
a
man
be
rich
,
when
hee
is
hungry
;
if
hee
be
poore
,
when
he
may
.
Seeing
a
gentleman
a
friend
of
his
,
that
made
his
servant
trusse
his
points
,
hee
said
,
I
hope
one
day
too
thou
wilt
make
him
feed
thee
.
Seeing
that
one
had
written
upon
his
house
in
Latine
,
God
keep
the
wicked
hence
;
said
,
the
master
then
must
not
enter
here
.
Passing
by
a
way
where
there
was
a
little
house
with
a
great
gate
,
he
said
,
this
house
will
run
out
of
doores
.
Treating
with
an
Ambassadour
of
the
King
of
Naples
touching
some
goods
of
the
borderers
,
whereat
he
was
somewhat
angry
,
when
the
Ambassadour
said
,
feare
you
not
the
King
then
?
Castruccio
said
,
is
this
your
King
good
or
bad
?
and
he
answering
that
he
was
good
,
Castruccio
reply'd
,
wherefore
then
should
I
be
afraid
of
those
that
are
good
?
We
might
relate
many
others
of
his
sayings
,
wherein
he
shewd
both
acutenesse
of
wit
,
and
gravity
;
but
these
shall
suffice
in
testimony
of
his
worthy
qualities
.
He
liv'd
forty
foure
yeares
,
and
behavd
himselfe
like
a
Prince
in
all
his
fortunes
:
and
as
of
his
good
fortunes
there
are
enough
monuments
left
,
so
likewise
would
he
there
should
be
seene
some
of
his
evill
fortunes
;
for
the
manacles
wherewith
hee
was
chain'd
in
prison
,
are
yet
to
bee
seene
fastned
in
the
tower
of
his
dwelling
house
,
where
they
were
put
by
him
,
that
they
might
beare
witnesse
of
his
adversity
.
And
because
hee
was
no
way
inferiour
to
Philip
of
Macedon
,
Alexanders
father
;
nor
to
Scipio
of
Rome
:
hee
dy'd
in
the
same
age
they
two
did
;
and
doubtlesse
hee
would
have
exceeded
the
one
and
the
other
,
if
in
exchange
of
Lucca
hee
had
had
Macedon
,
or
Rome
for
his
Countrey
.
FINIS
.