AN
INDVCTION
TO
LEX
MERCATORIA
,
OR
THE
LAW
MERCHANT
,
AND
THE
ANTIQVITIE
THEREOF
.
CHAP.
I.
WHen
Almightie
God
had
created
man
,
good
and
a
sociable
creature
,
who
could
not
so
well
liue
alone
,
as
other
creatures
sufficiently
prouided
(
by
nature
)
for
their
sustenance
;
and
had
reason
assigned
and
giuen
vnto
him
,
aboue
all
the
said
creatures
:
yet
all
the
meanes
and
faculties
of
his
bodie
and
soule
,
were
not
sufficient
to
make
him
happie
whilest
he
was
alone
.
But
necessitie
did
require
a
concourse
of
men
helping
one
another
to
supplie
(
with
a
common
strength
)
the
said
weakenesse
;
for
the
burden
of
the
said
necessitie
was
so
weightie
and
great
,
that
one
man
alone
was
not
able
to
manage
the
same
.
Then
it
came
to
passe
,
that
by
mutuall
contribution
of
offices
,
euerie
man
did
afford
means
according
to
his
abilitie
for
the
common
good
,
so
that
those
which
were
of
a
strong
bodie
did
emploie
their
labour
to
get
liuing
and
maintenance
for
themselues
and
others
:
And
those
which
were
endued
with
the
best
part
of
the
soule
,
as
Vnderstanding
and
Reason
,
did
vndertake
the
most
important
matters
,
teaching
men
how
to
liue
well
,
and
informing
them
of
their
felicitie
(
which
they
iudged
chiefely
to
consist
in
vertuous
actions
)
endeauouring
to
make
impression
in
the
soule
of
man
,
of
certaine
good
lawes
for
the
obseruation
thereof
,
with
a
reference
of
them
to
the
first
law
engraffed
in
the
soule
of
man
,
as
a
part
of
that
diuine
light
,
which
was
infused
in
him
to
know
(
in
some
measure
of
perfection
)
the
good
and
euill
,
As
for
the
other
and
better
part
of
informing
and
guiding
the
thoughts
and
affections
of
men
to
a
supernaturall
end
,
that
,
as
surpassing
the
compasse
of
that
lower
spheare
wherein
I
now
moue
,
must
be
left
vntouched
by
me
,
who
here
take
for
my
obiect
not
the
spirituall
but
the
ciuill
life
of
man
and
the
meanes
thereto
conducing
.
Touching
therefore
the
externall
part
.
The
mutuall
contribution
of
offices
amongst
men
hath
from
the
beginning
continued
both
in
labouring
and
manuring
the
naturall
riches
of
the
lands
in
corne
and
pasturage
,
as
in
the
immediate
children
of
our
first
father
Adam
,
and
in
planting
Vines
,
and
making
an
extract
of
the
iuyce
of
the
fruit
of
them
,
as
Noah
.
Which
riches
in
matter
and
foundation
naturall
,
and
partly
also
in
alteration
and
managing
artificially
,
euery
possessor
not
long
after
the
beginning
of
the
world
seuerally
inioyed
in
propertie
:
and
hence
did
proceed
a
commerce
,
first
,
in
reall
enterchange
and
communication
of
things
of
the
same
or
other
kinds
,
but
all
naturall
commodities
,
as
sheepe
for
sheepe
,
sheepe
for
corne
,
wine
for
oyle
,
&c.
betweene
man
and
man
,
or
nations
and
nations
,
according
to
number
,
weight
,
and
measure
,
and
after
,
to
auoid
confusion
,
by
a
commune
pignus
currant
mutuall
,
which
we
call
money
,
both
by
way
of
merchandizing
;
Minos
,
Charondas
,
Lycurgus
,
and
Phalcas
.
Neuerthelesse
,
many
Emperours
and
Kings
haue
alwaies
referred
the
ending
of
differences
,
which
happen
betweene
Merchants
,
to
be
done
&
decided
according
to
the
Law-Merchant
,
That
is
to
say
,
according
to
the
Custome
of
Merchants
;
who
by
their
trauels
found
the
diuersitie
of
weights
and
measures
,
and
the
goodnesse
and
vse
of
commodities
pleasing
to
all
nations
,
whereby
the
superfluities
of
them
were
vented
amongst
them
.
Vt
quod
vspiam
nascitur
boni
,
id
apud
omnes
affluat
.
This
Law
of
Merchants
,
or
Lex
Mercatoria
,
in
the
fundamentals
of
it
,
Ius
gentium
.
howbeit
some
doe
attribute
this
definition
vnto
ius
gentium
,
or
the
Law
of
Nations
,
which
consisteth
of
Customes
,
Manners
,
and
prescriptions
of
all
Nations
,
being
of
like
conditions
to
all
people
,
and
obserued
by
them
as
a
law
:
But
the
matter
being
truely
examined
,
we
shall
find
it
more
naturally
and
properly
belongeth
to
the
Law-merchant
.
Euery
man
knoweth
,
that
for
Manners
and
Prescriptions
,
there
is
great
diuersitie
amongst
all
Nations
:
but
for
the
Customes
obserued
in
the
course
of
trafficke
and
commerce
,
there
is
that
sympathy
,
concordance
,
and
agreement
,
which
may
bee
said
to
bee
of
like
condition
to
all
people
,
diffused
and
spread
by
right
reason
,
and
instinct
of
nature
consisting
perpetually
.
And
these
Customes
are
properly
those
obseruations
which
Merchants
maintaine
betweene
themselues
,
and
if
these
bee
separated
from
the
Law
of
Nations
,
The
remainder
of
the
said
Law
will
consist
but
of
few
points
.
Are
not
the
Sea
Lawes
establisted
to
decide
the
controuersies
and
differences
happening
betweene
Merchants
and
Marriners
?
And
is
it
not
conuenient
for
Merchants
to
know
them
?
Considering
that
Merchants
maintaine
the
Fisher-men
,
and
(
by
way
of
Trade
)
cause
the
Sea
and
Land
Commodities
to
bee
dispersed
euerie
where
?
So
that
the
said
prerogaties
doe
also
appertaine
to
the
Law-merchant
as
properly
inherent
vnto
commerce
,
and
the
obseruation
of
Merchants
being
of
like
condition
to
all
people
and
nations
.
Concerning
manners
and
prescriptions
,
And
herein
let
vs
obserue
the
difference
betweene
Lawes
and
Customes
according
to
the
description
of
the
said
worthy
author
Cicero
.
And
for
that
the
said
customarie
Law
of
Merchants
,
hath
a
peculiar
prerogatiue
aboue
all
other
Customes
,
Non
est
consuetudo
,
sed
vsurpatio
;
For
such
Customes
loose
their
names
,
and
are
called
Vsurpation
,
which
is
the
cause
that
many
times
Customes
are
established
for
Lawes
by
him
or
them
that
haue
power
to
make
Lawes
.
And
Customes
are
the
best
Interpreters
of
the
Lawes
,
Bartolus
,
Baldus
,
Iustinian
,
Vlpian
,
Paule
the
Iurisconsulse
,
Papinian
,
Benvenuto
Straccha
,
Petrus
Santerne
,
Ioannes
Inder
,
Balduinus
de
Vbald
,
Rodericus
Suarez
,
Iason
,
Angell
,
Andrias
Tiraquell
,
Alciatus
Budeus
,
Alexander
Perusius
,
Pomponius
,
Incolaus
Boertius
,
Azo
,
Celsus
,
Rusinus
,
Mansilius
,
Sillimanus
,
Accursius
,
Franciscus
Aretinus
,
Grisogonus
,
Lotharius
,
Iulianus
,
and
diuers
other
doctors
and
learned
of
the
ciuile
Law
,
haue
made
many
long
discourses
and
volumes
of
bookes
of
the
questionable
matters
fallne
out
amongst
Merchants
,
for
and
concerning
merchandise
,
Quid
s●●
Mercator
,
what
a
Merchant
is
?
Quidue
Mercatura
,
what
Merchandising
is
?
Whether
he
is
a
Merchant
that
doth
once
buy
and
sell
?
Wherher
merchandising
and
negotiating
be
one
and
the
same
?
Whether
an
vsurer
be
a
Merchant
?
Whether
selling
by
retaile
shall
be
called
merchandising
?
Whether
a
Clergie
man
or
a
Gentleman
dealing
in
buying
and
selling
,
shall
be
called
a
Merchant
in
any
controuersie
?
Wherein
a
Merchant
may
be
like
an
vsurer
?
Whether
a
man
buying
commodities
in
gro●●e
,
and
working
the
same
out
againe
into
other
things
to
be
vented
by
an
ordinarie
course
of
trafficke
,
be
a
Merchant
,
artificer
,
or
trades-man
?
Whether
a
seller
of
horses
may
be
called
a
Merchant
?
Whether
a
shop-keeper
trading
beyond
the
seas
and
at
home
,
be
a
Merchant
?
Whether
a
Merchant
shall
be
called
to
be
a
Merchant
of
one
kind
of
commodities
,
that
dealeth
for
diuers
sorts
of
merchandises
or
wares
?
Whether
he
bee
a
Merchant
that
dealeth
not
for
himselfe
:
but
others
negotiate
for
him
?
Or
whether
a
young
man
dwelling
with
a
Merchant
,
may
be
a
Merchant
?
And
other
the
like
questions
which
I
hold
to
be
vnnecessarie
to
trouble
Merchants
braines
withall
.
The
definition
of
a
Merchant
is
to
be
noted
.
Next
in
order
,
Hereupon
questions
are
made
,
whether
a
merchant
may
trafficke
with
Turkes
,
Heathens
,
Barbarians
,
and
Infidels
,
and
performe
promise
with
them
?
whether
a
merchant
may
sell
his
commodities
as
deere
as
he
can
,
without
respect
of
persons
?
whether
he
may
vse
lyes
(
as
being
officious
)
in
the
selling
of
commodities
?
Caueat
emptor
.
whether
he
may
be
craftie
without
deceit
?
whether
learning
bee
requisite
in
a
merchant
?
whether
he
may
deale
in
prohibited
commodities
at
his
apperill
?
whether
a
merchant
buying
commodities
,
and
selling
them
better
cheape
than
they
cost
him
,
shall
be
held
in
suspition
to
be
neere
decaying
?
and
the
like
of
him
that
taketh
vp
much
mony
at
interest
.
Let
vs
therefore
set
downe
,
what
a
compleate
merchant
ought
to
know
concerning
the
course
of
merchandising
,
and
withall
declare
the
methode
obserued
in
this
booke
of
the
Law
of
Merchants
.
1.
A
merchant
ought
first
to
know
the
science
of
Arithmeticke
,
and
to
obserue
the
daies
and
times
in
all
his
negotiations
,
and
the
beginnings
of
the
yeare
in
all
countries
,
and
to
calculate
all
things
orderly
.
2.
The
seuerall
weights
and
measures
of
all
countries
concerning
all
commodities
,
and
the
correspondence
of
them
,
that
there
may
be
to
him
in
effect
but
vnum
pondus
,
&
vna
mensura
,
that
is
,
one
weight
,
and
one
measure
.
3.
The
science
of
Geometry
,
and
some
inspection
of
Cosmography
,
and
the
Mathematickes
,
thereby
to
know
the
scituation
of
countries
,
with
their
distance
and
spaciousnesse
:
and
the
distinct
dominions
of
Princes
by
land
and
by
sea
,
with
their
iurisdiction
and
duties
for
fishing
and
otherwise
.
4.
To
know
the
three
Essential
parts
of
traffick
,
being
Commodities
,
Money
,
and
Exchange
for
money
by
Billes
of
exchanges
;
vnder
which
all
the
traffique
and
trade
is
performed
in
all
countries
,
or
by
some
of
them
,
because
they
are
the
causes
of
commerce
,
whereof
the
effects
are
buying
and
selling
of
commodities
,
receiuing
and
paying
of
monyes
,
and
deliuering
and
taking
of
monyes
by
exchange
,
with
their
Adiuncts
and
Accidents
in
the
said
course
of
traffique
.
5.
To
know
also
the
goodnesse
of
the
principall
commodities
of
all
countries
,
either
superficially
for
colour
and
beautie
;
or
substantially
for
qualitie
and
vse
.
As
also
the
weight
,
finenesse
,
and
valuation
of
the
moneyes
of
all
countries
,
with
the
proportion
betweene
the
gold
and
siluer
,
and
the
manner
of
exchanges
made
by
billes
vpon
the
imaginary
moneyes
inuented
to
make
exchanges
betweene
countrey
and
countrey
.
6.
The
customes
vsed
in
the
buying
and
selling
of
commodities
for
money
or
billes
obligatorie
,
or
by
way
of
Commutation
or
Barter
.
7.
The
deliuering
of
moneyes
at
interest
,
or
vpon
Botomary
,
or
vpon
liues
,
annuities
,
or
pensions
in
nature
of
rent
,
&c.
8.
The
fraighting
and
setting
forth
of
Ships
,
making
of
Charter-parties
,
Billes
of
lading
,
Invoice
,
and
Couenants
and
contracts
.
As
also
the
sea
lawes
,
to
decide
all
questions
and
controuersies
which
fall
out
betweene
Merchants
and
Marriners
,
and
owners
of
Ships
.
9.
The
customes
,
subsidies
,
impositions
,
tribute
,
and
tolles
payed
vpon
all
the
commodities
imported
and
exported
,
within
the
dominions
of
all
Princes
.
10.
The
manner
of
making
of
Assurances
vpon
goods
,
ships
,
the
persons
of
men
,
or
any
other
things
aduentured
by
sea
or
by
land
;
and
the
customes
obserued
therein
betweene
nation
and
nations
.
11.
The
keeping
of
Merchants
accounts
,
by
Debitor
and
Creditor
,
and
the
calculation
of
the
diuersities
of
money
,
whereby
the
said
bookes
of
account
are
kept
.
12.
The
authoritie
and
proceedings
of
Merchants
Courts
,
or
Priors
and
Consuls
,
to
decide
their
differences
according
to
equitie
in
places
where
they
are
kept
,
or
any
other
lawes
imperiall
or
common
to
some
countries
,
whereby
Merchants
controuersies
are
determined
;
with
the
course
of
attachments
and
sequestrations
,
or
executions
and
finall
determinations
by
arbitrators
,
or
iudiciall
decrees
in
any
Chauncery
or
Court
of
Equitie
.
All
these
(
making
the
customarie
law
of
Merchants
)
haue
neuer
beene
written
by
any
Ciuilian
or
Phylosopher
,
And
this
Law
of
Merchants
hitherto
obserued
in
all
countries
,
ought
in
regard
of
commerce
,
to
be
esteemed
and
held
in
reputation
as
the
Law
of
twelue
Tables
was
amongst
the
Romanes
.
For
herein
you
shall
find
euery
thing
built
vpon
the
foundations
of
Reason
and
Iustice
:
and
knowing
the
foresaid
twelue
points
,
you
shall
be
able
to
please
your
owne
minde
,
and
giue
satisfaction
of
your
sufficiencie
to
others
.
For
the
saying
is
true
,
Melius
est
Ciuitatem
,
ab
optima
lege
,
quam
ab
optimo
viro
gubernari
,
It
is
better
to
gouerne
a
Citie
by
a
good
Law
,
than
by
a
good
man
.
And
it
is
better
for
a
man
to
be
ruled
by
Reason
,
than
by
his
owne
Reason
to
seeke
to
rule
others
.
Finally
,
to
giue
satisfaction
to
the
learned
and
judicious
,
I
haue
abstracted
the
obseruations
of
the
learned
in
the
Ciuile
Lawes
,
vpon
all
the
precedent
points
,
and
added
them
vnto
the
following
Chapters
,
distinctly
from
the
Customes
of
Merchants
;
vsing
the
ordinary
name
of
Ciuilians
in
generall
,
without
naming
any
particular
Author
,
to
auoid
ambiguitie
and
vncertaintie
in
the
Contents
of
this
Booke
,
diuided
into
three
parts
,
according
to
the
said
three
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
.
CHAP.
II.
An
obseruation
concerning
TIME
.
ALL
men
of
iudgement
and
vnderstanding
doe
know
,
that
there
is
nothing
more
necessary
for
the
knowledge
of
Histories
,
and
diuers
estates
of
the
world
,
than
the
obseruation
of
Times
,
without
which
,
great
obscuritie
and
errors
will
be
found
in
the
Actions
of
men
,
aswell
in
matters
of
Religion
,
as
in
ciuile
gouernment
,
where
Merchants
(
in
regard
of
their
Trafficke
and
Commerce
)
haue
the
managing
and
disposing
of
the
wealth
of
Kingdomes
and
Common-weales
:
So
that
it
behoueth
them
,
to
obserue
the
yeeres
,
moneths
,
weekes
,
To
make
a
definition
of
Time
,
will
(
in
one
respect
)
be
verie
difficult
,
if
we
consider
,
that
Time
is
inseperably
conioyned
with
Eternitie
:
But
if
we
obserue
the
attribute
of
Time
,
and
doe
distinguish
things
orderly
,
we
shall
easily
perceiue
what
Time
is
,
and
make
vse
thereof
.
Time
is
the
consumer
of
all
things
,
Tempus
edax
rerum
.
Time
is
the
discouerer
of
all
things
,
Veritas
filia
Temporis
.
Time
is
vncertaine
and
wanteth
bounds
,
Tempora
mutantur
&c.
Times
minutes
past
,
no
treasure
can
restore
,
Irrevocabile
Tempus
.
Time
doth
pierce
the
hardest
flint
,
Gutta
cavat
lapidem
,
non
vi
sed
sepe
cadendo
.
Time
hath
a
salue
for
all
extremities
,
and
yet
begetteth
vsurie
.
Times
office
is
to
end
the
hate
of
foes
.
Times
glorie
is
to
calme
contending
kings
.
Time
is
a
tutor
both
to
good
and
bad
,
and
doth
discouer
the
affections
of
the
mind
.
Time
offers
still
each
houre
to
do
amisse
.
Time
breedeth
griefe
,
and
heales
when
Art
doth
faile
.
By
Time
and
Wisdome
passions
are
supprest
.
In
Time
small
wedges
cleaue
the
hardest
oakes
.
Time
is
the
Anchor
both
of
Trueth
and
Right
.
Time
hath
set
downe
the
compasse
of
his
course
.
Times
motions
do
equall
the
reeling
Sunne
.
Time
measureth
our
actions
.
Time
is
the
best
gouernour
of
all
our
councells
.
Time
on
the
weariest
wretch
bestoweth
rest
.
Both
Life
and
Loue
in
Time
must
haue
an
end
.
Many
more
attributes
may
be
bestowed
vpon
Time
.
But
we
shall
find
vpon
due
consideration
,
that
Time
is
but
a
distinction
and
measure
of
all
things
,
and
betweene
all
things
.
Concerning
the
reuolution
of
Time
,
let
vs
obserue
,
That
euen
as
God
the
Author
and
Conseruer
of
all
things
in
a
comely
and
decent
order
,
The
Sunne
compleating
his
course
and
Reuolution
in
365
daies
,
and
almost
sixe
houres
,
or
a
quarter
of
a
day
,
as
shal
be
declared
,
which
is
that
space
of
Time
,
which
wee
call
the
yeare
,
termed
Annus
,
qui
Annulus
,
The
Moone
by
her
Reuolution
in
the
Sphere
in
28
daies
,
or
thereabouts
,
determinates
vnto
vs
the
moneths
,
as
the
Sunne
doth
the
daies
and
houres
.
Saturnus
the
Planet
maketh
her
Reuolution
in
30
yeares
.
Iupiter
in
12.
yeares
,
Mars
in
two
years
,
and
Venus
and
Mercurie
in
360
daies
,
or
thereabo●ts
.
The
fixed
starres
haue
also
their
peculiar
Motions
and
Reuolutions
:
The
knowledge
of
all
which
,
is
both
pleasing
and
necessarie
vnto
judicious
Merchants
.
And
because
Time
is
subiect
to
be
numbered
by
Ages
,
Yeares
,
Moneths
,
Daies
,
Houres
,
Minutes
,
and
their
diuisions
and
subdiuisions
,
wee
cannot
in
this
place
omit
to
particularise
concerning
the
same
;
albeit
it
may
be
thought
inconuenient
to
touch
the
obseruation
of
the
period
of
Monarchies
and
Common-weales
,
Some
distribute
the
whole
ages
of
the
world
into
three
parts
,
ascribing
to
euerie
age
2000
yeares
,
which
proc●edeth
from
that
common
opinion
of
Elias
a
certaine
Rabbin
or
Iew
,
affirming
that
the
world
should
stand
6000
yeares
,
and
then
be
disolued
;
of
the
which
they
reckon
2000
yeares
,
before
the
Law
,
2000
yeares
,
vnder
the
Law
,
and
2000
yeares
,
vnder
Christ
,
which
shal
be
shortned
for
the
elects
sake
;
which
opinion
hath
beene
receuied
,
by
diuers
godly
fathers
,
supposing
that
as
the
world
and
all
things
therein
,
was
created
in
six
daies
;
So
the
same
should
endure
6000
yeares
,
taking
each
thousand
yeares
for
a
day
,
according
to
the
saying
of
Saint
Peter
.
Augustin
writing
of
these
ages
,
diuideth
them
into
sixe
,
and
reckoneth
the
first
age
to
be
from
Adam
to
Noah
;
the
second
,
from
Noath
to
Abraham
;
the
third
,
from
Abraham
to
Dauid
;
the
fourth
from
Dauid
to
the
captiuitie
of
Babylon
;
the
fifth
,
from
the
Captiuitie
to
Christ
;
the
sixt
and
last
,
vnder
the
kingdome
of
Christ
vntill
the
end
of
the
world
.
Others
there
be
that
doe
distribute
the
same
into
foure
,
according
to
the
nature
of
foure
kinds
of
mettals
,
the
Golden
,
Siluer
,
Brasse
,
and
Iron
Ages
:
alluding
to
the
Prophecie
of
Daniel
,
of
the
foure
Monarchies
.
Others
doe
account
,
the
same
by
thousands
,
or
millinaries
,
according
to
certaine
obseruations
of
6000
yeares
in
the
alterations
of
things
.
Others
doe
calculate
according
to
the
ages
of
men
,
supposing
100
yeares
for
an
age
;
and
so
now
being
56
ages
and
more
,
the
number
60
or
before
the
end
of
the
world
shall
come
.
But
,
let
vs
obserue
the
true
computation
of
the
Church
most
generally
approoued
hitherto
,
-
From
the
Creation
of
the
World
,
A●no
Dom●
1620.
vntill
the
last
yeare
—
5582.
-
From
the
said
Creation
vntill
the
Flood
—
1656.
-
From
the
said
creation
,
vntil
the
Birth
of
our
Sauior
Christ
—
3962.
-
Since
Brute
did
enter
the
Iland
of
Great
Brittaine
—
2727.
-
Since
the
building
of
the
Temple
by
Salomon
—
2649.
-
Since
the
building
of
the
Citie
of
Rome
—
2371.
-
Since
the
captiuity
of
Babylon
—
2258.
-
Since
Iulius
Caesar
was
slaine
—
1669.
-
Since
the
Birth
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
vntill
the
last
yeare
—
1620.
-
Since
the
Conquest
of
England
,
by
Duke
William
—
553.
Since
the
beginning
of
the
raigne
of
King
Iames
,
the
first
of
that
name
of
England
,
vntill
the
24
of
March
1620
,
is
17
yeares
compleate
,
but
currant
—
18.
Concerning
the
yeare
,
there
are
many
obseruations
,
All
our
Almanackes
or
Kalenders
beginne
the
yeare
from
the
first
day
of
Ianuary
,
albeit
this
beginning
differeth
in
many
other
countries
,
which
is
conuenient
for
Merchants
to
obserue
.
The
Astrologians
begin
at
the
entrance
of
the
Sun
in
Arijs
,
which
is
the
21
of
March
,
at
12
of
the
clocke
at
noone
.
The
old
Romanes
did
begin
their
yeare
,
ab
Hieberno
solstitio
.
The
Egyptians
and
old
Iewes
,
from
the
21
of
March
,
with
the
Astrologians
.
Those
of
Asia
and
India
,
ab
aquinoctio
Autumnali
;
being
the
23
of
September
,
at
12
of
the
clocke
at
noone
.
The
Grecians
of
the
longest
day
of
the
yeare
.
The
Venetians
of
the
first
of
March
.
The
Spaniards
from
the
Annuntiation
of
the
Virgin
Marie
,
the
25
of
March
,
as
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
.
The
Portugals
and
the
East-Indies
,
Barbarie
,
Preste-Iohn
,
the
29.
of
August
.
Moses
by
Gods
commandement
,
ab
equinoctio
verno
,
which
is
Easter
;
according
to
which
,
Golden
number●
-
1.
The
5
of
Aprill
.
-
2.
The
25
of
March
.
-
3.
The
13
of
Aprill
.
-
4.
The
2
of
Aprill
.
-
5.
The
22
of
March
.
-
6.
The
10
of
Aprill
.
-
7.
The
30
of
March
.
-
8.
The
18
of
Aprill
.
-
9.
The
7
of
Aprill
.
-
10.
The
27
of
March
.
-
11.
The
15
of
Aprill
.
-
12.
The
4
of
Aprill
.
-
13.
The
24
of
March
.
-
14.
The
12
of
Aprill
.
-
15.
The
1
of
Aprill
.
-
16.
The
21
of
March
.
-
17.
The
9
of
Aprill
.
-
18.
The
29
of
March
.
-
19.
The
17
of
Aprill
.
Quaere
tamen
quando
incaperint
.
as
adioyned
daies
;
which
made
the
yeare
to
be
365
daies
and
about
six
houres
,
as
aforesaid
:
which
was
vsed
before
the
flood
,
by
Iewes
,
Greekes
,
and
is
yet
at
this
day
vsed
by
the
Mahometans
,
Arabians
,
and
those
of
Feas
and
Marocco
and
other
places
.
The
Babylonians
,
Aegyptians
,
and
Assyrians
,
haue
also
obserued
365
daies
for
the
yeare
;
To
make
a
better
explanation
hereof
,
let
vs
note
,
That
there
is
a
great
Circle
imagined
to
bee
in
the
Heauens
,
called
the
Ecliptike
,
wherupon
the
Sunne
hath
his
continuall
motion
or
period
,
neuer
declining
from
the
same
:
and
on
each
side
is
imagined
to
be
another
lesser
Circle
limiting
the
latitude
of
the
Zodiake
,
Within
this
imagined
Circle
or
Zodiake
are
twelue
constellations
of
Starres
,
called
the
12
Signes
;
each
of
these
Signes
is
diuided
into
30
degrees
or
equall
parts
,
which
make
360
in
the
totall
.
Now
since
the
nature
and
qualitle
of
these
twelue
Signes
were
found
,
and
that
the
Moone
being
the
lowest
of
the
Planets
,
doth
conuey
and
transport
their
operations
and
force
through
her
Orbe
vnto
all
Elementall
Creatures
,
causing
alteration
of
change
and
humors
,
times
and
seasons
,
and
distemperature
of
bodies
;
Also
the
number
19
called
the
Prime
and
Golden
number
,
because
it
was
written
in
Golden
letters
for
the
vtilitie
thereof
,
which
deserueth
the
more
so
to
be
adorned
with
Gold
for
a
perpetuall
remembrance
of
our
noble
King
Iames
and
his
royall
issue
,
borne
vpon
the
19
day
of
seuerall
moneths
,
which
is
not
without
some
mysterie
,
as
I
thinke
.
The
19
of
Iune
Ann
1568
,
The
19
of
Februarie
Ann
1594
,
Prince
Henrie
(
deceased
)
was
born
,
and
dyed
before
19
yeares
.
The
19
of
August
Ann
1596
,
the
Lady
Elizabeth
his
daughter
was
borne
.
The
19
of
Nouember
An.
1600
,
Prince
Charles
his
sonne
was
borne
,
Deo
gratias
.
It
may
seeme
strange
,
that
Iulius
Caesar
did
not
obserue
this
number
of
the
meeting
of
the
Sunne
and
Moone
vpon
this
Period
,
when
he
made
his
Kalender
44
yeres
before
Christ
;
for
the
vse
hereof
began
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
532.
That
the
Romane
Kalender
may
easily
be
reformed
without
the
Alteration
of
ten
dayes
,
made
by
Pope
Gregorie
the
13.
IVlius
Caesar
the
first
Emperor
of
Rome
,
a
man
learned
and
of
great
magnanimitie
,
considering
that
the
Romane
yeares
were
reckoned
confusedly
according
to
the
course
of
the
Moone
,
&
by
the
Hebrews
with
their
intercalar
moneth
,
to
make
the
same
agree
with
the
Sun
:
By
the
counsell
and
instigation
of
Sosigenes
,
an
expert
Mathematician
,
about
44
yeares
before
the
Birth
of
Christ
,
deuised
a
new
fo●me
of
Kalendar
,
first
framed
after
the
course
of
the
Sunne
,
diuiding
the
whole
yeare
into
three
hundred
sixtie
fiue
dayes
,
and
sixe
houres
,
making
it
to
containe
twelue
moneths
,
whereof
the
names
are
yet
in
vse
;
beginning
from
March
for
the
first
moneth
;
which
caused
September
,
October
,
Nouember
,
and
December
,
to
beare
their
names
the
seuenth
,
eightth
,
ninth
,
and
tenth
moneth
;
yet
all
yeares
by
the
Almanackes
putttng
Ianuarie
for
the
first
moneth
,
beareth
the
name
accordingly
from
the
Heathen
god
Ianus
,
painted
with
two
faces
,
as
it
were
beholding
the
yeare
past
,
and
the
yeare
to
come
.
Februarie
was
so
called
of
certaine
sacrifices
then
offered
,
called
Februa
;
March
,
of
Mars
,
an
Heathen
god
;
April
,
a
Iuniore
,
for
that
all
the
yong
people
had
a
meeting
in
that
moneth
for
recreation
;
Iuly
,
of
his
owne
name
Iulius
;
and
Augustus
,
for
the
inlarging
of
the
Empire
.
Now
forasmuch
as
the
odd
six
houres
,
could
not
conueniently
bee
brought
to
account
euerie
yeare
:
hee
ordained
that
euerie
fourth
yeare
one
day
should
bee
added
to
February
,
because
foure
times
six
houres
maketh
vp
a
whole
day
of
foure
and
twentie
houres
,
and
the
yeare
wherein
this
odde
day
falleth
,
Iulius
Caesar
did
begin
his
Kalender
in
Ianuarie
,
when
the
Sunne
entreth
the
eighth
degree
of
Capricorne
,
eight
dayes
after
the
winter
Solstitium
,
Iulius
Caesar
did
reckon
the
yeare
to
continue
three
hundred
sixtie
fiue
dayes
,
and
six
houres
;
which
is
more
than
the
iust
Astronomers
calculation
by
tenne
minutes
of
an
houre
,
and
fortie
foure
seconds
,
accounting
sixty
minutes
to
an
houre
,
and
sixtie
seconds
to
a
minute
:
so
that
the
yeare
truely
containeth
three
hundred
sixtie
fiue
dayes
,
fiue
houres
,
fortie
nine
minutes
,
For
this
cause
sundry
learned
men
haue
heretofore
desired
that
the
same
may
bee
reformed
,
to
auoid
inconueniences
,
and
to
haue
a
true
account
of
yeares
and
dayes
.
And
the
matter
was
propounded
to
diuers
generall
Councells
,
but
tooke
no
effect
,
till
now
of
late
yeares
,
by
meanes
of
Pope
Gregory
the
thirteenth
,
in
the
yeare
1582
,
and
then
it
was
permitted
to
one
Aloysius
Lilius
,
(
professor
in
Mathematicke
Astrologie
)
to
set
downe
this
long
desired
Reformation
;
who
being
resolued
to
doe
the
same
exactly
by
true
account
,
was
hindered
by
the
Clergie
,
for
they
would
not
agree
that
the
same
should
be
drawne
backe
any
further
than
to
the
time
of
the
Nicene
Councell
,
which
was
in
the
yeare
328
:
and
hereupon
hee
brought
the
reckoning
backe
only
ten
daies
,
&
caused
the
fifteenth
day
of
December
to
bee
called
the
twentie
fiue
day
,
Whereas
men
of
true
iudgement
,
might
haue
made
this
argument
:
Is
it
by
the
addition
of
Time
,
growing
by
certaine
minutes
and
seconds
euery
yeare
,
arising
to
one
whole
day
euery
fourth
yeare
,
in
the
moneth
of
February
?
Then
,
as
it
is
increased
thereby
thirteene
dayes
in
one
thousand
six
hundred
sixty
foure
yeares
,
it
may
by
the
same
Rule
decrease
so
much
in
few
yeares
,
I
made
an
exact
Table
heereof
,
in
the
yeare
1604
,
whereby
the
day
of
the
Natiuitie
of
our
Sauiour
fell
out
againe
to
bee
the
shortest
day
of
the
yeare
.
This
Table
was
shewed
vnto
the
Kings
Maiestie
of
Great
Brittaine
(
as
I
was
informed
)
and
howsoeuer
pleasing
,
yet
for
some
causes
to
mee
vnknowne
not
held
fit
to
bee
established
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
NVMBER
,
and
the
Mysteries
thereof
.
VNitie
is
the
Spring
and
Fountaine
of
Numbers
,
which
hath
a
reference
vnto
God
,
the
only
fountaine
of
Goodnesse
,
the
onely
Father
,
Creator
,
and
preseruer
of
vs
all
.
Heere
let
vs
note
,
that
the
Philosophers
haue
not
onely
(
with
one
consent
)
affirmed
,
That
great
mysteries
and
vertues
are
contained
in
numbers
.
But
the
ancient
Fathers
haue
also
obserued
the
same
in
the
holy
Scripture
;
as
Ierome
,
Augustine
,
Origen
,
Ambrose
,
Basil
,
Athanasius
,
Hilarius
,
Rabanus
,
Beda
,
and
others
;
amongst
whom
Doctor
Rabanus
hath
made
a
booke
of
the
vertues
which
are
hidden
vnder
Number
.
And
if
there
were
no
mysterie
comprehended
vnder
Number
,
Saint
Iohn
in
the
Reuelation
would
not
haue
said
,
He
that
hath
vnderstanding
let
him
reckon
the
Number
of
the
name
of
the
Beast
,
Vie●ius
generalis
Dei
,
in
Terris
.
D.
C.
L.
V.
V.
IIIIII
.
which
is
the
number
of
a
man
,
speaking
of
Antichrist
in
the
dayes
of
the
Emperour
Domitian
,
the
tenth
persecutor
of
the
Christians
,
and
the
twelfth
Romane
Emperour
,
when
the
Latine
tongue
was
most
frequent
,
although
he
did
write
in
Greeke
,
which
number
was
666
by
significant
letters
.
Now
,
as
one
is
no
Number
,
but
vnitas
;
so
there
is
but
one
God
,
one
World
,
one
Sunne
,
one
King
of
Bees
,
The
Number
Three
is
called
Holy
,
and
Tria
sunt
omnia
,
Pithagoras
,
Virgil
,
Plini●
,
Aristosle
,
Trimegistus
and
others
,
haue
written
copiously
;
the
glory
of
all
belonging
to
the
three
persons
in
the
God-head
,
with
the
vertues
of
Faith
,
Hope
,
and
Charitie
.
&
Quiuarias
.
In
the
figure
of
Foure
many
things
are
to
bee
noted
,
as
the
Foure
Elements
;
the
Foure
originall
Windes
;
the
Foure
Seasons
of
the
yeare
,
&c.
So
of
the
Number
Fiue
,
being
the
Medium
of
Tenne
,
which
in
Number
figuratiue
climeth
no
higher
,
without
doubling
in
Letters
or
Figures
,
hauing
this
propertie
,
Numerus
mag●a
persectionis
&
virtutis
.
called
Sacred
,
because
God
rested
the
Seuenth
day
,
and
did
blesse
and
hallow
the
same
.
It
was
orda●ned
in
the
Law
,
that
amongst
the
people
of
God
,
euery
Seuenth
yeare
should
be
held
holy
,
wherein
the
land
should
rest
from
labour
,
and
that
libertie
should
be
giuen
vnto
seruants
,
and
bee
called
a
yeare
of
Rest
vnto
the
Lord
.
And
by
the
like
reasons
it
was
instit●ted
,
Wisedome
hath
builded
her
house
with
seuen
Pillars
,
vnderstanding
the
Church
,
with
the
gifts
of
the
Spirit
,
which
are
figured
by
Seuen
burning
Lamps
,
and
by
Seuen
grauen
Candlestickes
;
The
Stone
mentioned
by
Zachary
(
which
is
Christ
)
hath
Seuen
watching
eyes
of
God
;
and
the
Number
Seuen
so
often
vsed
in
the
Reuelation
of
Iohn
.
To
say
nothing
of
the
Seuen
Planets
running
their
courses
;
and
amongst
the
fixed
Starres
,
the
Seuen
called
Pleiades
,
and
other
Seuen
,
Hyades
;
and
the
two
Polar
Images
,
called
Vrsa
Maior
,
&
vrsa
Minor
,
containe
each
seuen
Starres
;
and
many
other
obseruations
of
the
said
Number
Seuen
may
be
noted
.
Some
obseruations
there
are
of
the
Numbers
Eight
and
Nine
.
And
for
the
Number
Tenne
,
notice
is
taken
of
the
Tenne
Commandements
;
Tenne
Curtaines
in
the
Temple
of
Salomon
;
Tenne
Strings
vpon
the
Harpe
,
Tenne
Musicall
Instruments
,
and
diuers
other
particulars
.
The
Number
Twelue
hath
very
great
vse
and
concordance
in
the
Scripture
:
the
12
Tribes
of
Israel
,
whereof
12
Stones
were
placed
in
the
Riuer
Iordan
,
and
so
many
precious
Stones
vpon
the
brest-plate
of
Aaron
;
so
many
Loaues
offered
;
so
many
Altars
builded
,
and
so
many
Lions
vnder
the
brazen
Seas
;
so
many
fountaines
in
Helim
,
&
so
many
men
sent
into
the
land
of
Promise
;
hereunto
allude
the
Twelue
Apostles
,
Twelue
thousand
Nations
marked
,
Twelue
Stars
to
crowne
the
Queene
of
Heauen
,
Twelue
Baskets
of
bread
gathered
,
Twelue
Angels
,
and
so
many
gates
and
stones
of
the
heauenly
Ierusalem
;
omitting
to
speak
of
the
Twelue
Signes
of
the
Zodiake
,
and
many
other
particularities
touching
the
coherence
of
this
number
.
Let
vs
note
,
Thus
much
may
suffice
to
haue
noted
concerning
Number
,
and
the
coherence
thereof
with
Time
.
Now
whereas
God
by
his
diuine
prouidence
hath
made
all
things
subiect
to
Number
,
Weight
,
and
Measure
,
let
vs
in
the
next
place
intreat
of
weight
and
measures
.
CHAP.
IIII.
Of
WEIGHTS
and
MEASVRES
vsed
in
all
places
of
the
world
,
with
other
obseruations
.
HAuing
intreated
of
Time
and
Number
,
All
WEIGHTS
are
diuided
into
three
sorts
.
FIrst
by
the
great
number
,
that
is
to
say
,
by
Hundreths
,
Kintalls
,
Centeners
,
Talents
,
Thousands
,
Waighs
,
Skipponds
,
Charges
,
Lispounds
,
Rooues
,
Stones
,
and
such
like
.
The
second
fort
of
Weights
,
is
by
Pounds
,
Mina
,
Manes
,
Rotulus
,
&c.
The
third
diuision
of
Weights
doth
consist
in
the
smaller
diuisions
of
12
,
14
,
16
,
18
,
20
and
30
ounces
to
a
pound
,
and
the
subdiuisions
thereof
.
The
Talent
of
the
Grecians
60
Minas
,
Mina
Ptolomaica
is
1
½
Rotulus
which
is
diuided
into
small
parts
,
viz.
-
18
ounces
,
of
12
to
one
Rotulus
-
144
Dragmes
,
of
8
to
one
ounce
.
-
432
Scruples
,
of
3
to
a
Dragme
.
-
846
Obulus
.
-
1296
Lupes
.
-
2592
Siliquas
or
Carrats
.
-
12
½
Ounces
.
-
25
Staters
or
Ciclos
.
-
100
Dragmes
or
Rosoli
.
-
300
Scruples
,
24
to
an
Ounce
.
-
600
Obolus
.
-
900
Lupines
.
-
1800
Siliquas
.
-
3600
Areola
or
Chalcos
.
Rotulus
in
Arabia
,
Siria
,
Asia
Minor
,
Aegypt
,
and
Venice
is
1
ll.
-
12
Ounces
or
Sachosi
.
-
24
Septarios
or
Cicles
.
-
84
Deniers
of
7
to
an
Ounce
.
-
96
Dragmes
or
Darchiny
.
-
288
Scruples
or
Grana
.
-
576
Obolus
or
Orlossat
.
-
864
Danig
.
-
1728
Carrats
or
Siliqua
.
-
6912
Kestuff
.
The
7
Deniers
make
an
Ounce
,
and
there
were
Dragmes
also
of
1
½
Dragme
,
and
of
1
½
Dragme
,
and
of
one
Dragme
called
Alby
.
In
the
Low-countries
the
Pounds
are
diuided
diuersly
in
16
Ounces
,
euerie
Ounce
in
8
Dragmes
,
or
fifths
,
and
8
parts
;
And
in
France
they
call
them
8
Grosses
,
the
128
make
one
pound
.
In
other
places
they
diuide
the
pound
in
12
,
14
,
and
15
Ounces
,
At
Bridges
in
Flaunders
they
vse
Pounds
of
14
Ounces
,
Italian
Pounds
for
physicke
vsed
in
other
places
also
.
-
12
Ounces
.
-
24
Loot
.
-
48
Sizaynes
or
Siliqua
.
-
96
Dragmes
.
-
288
Scruples
.
-
576
Obolus
.
-
1728
Siliqua
.
-
5760
Graines
.
The
said
Weight
of
physicke
is
at
Lyons
in
France
as
the
Merchants
ll.
-
12
Ounces
.
-
96
Dragmes
.
-
288
Scruples
.
-
5760
Graines
.
The
Pound
weight
of
Venice
.
-
12
Ounces
.
-
72
Sextulas
.
-
1728
Siliqua
.
-
6912
Graines
.
The
Pound
at
Paris
in
France
.
-
16
Ounces
.
-
128
Grosses
.
-
384
Scruples
.
-
9216
Graines
.
In
Italie
the
Pound
is
also
diuided
-
12
Ounces
.
-
24
Staters
.
-
96
Dragmes
.
Vienna
in
Austria
the
Pound
i●
-
32
Loott
.
-
128
Quintes
.
-
512
Pennings
.
-
12800
Graines
.
Forasmuch
as
it
falleth
out
most
commonly
,
that
vpon
triall
of
an
vnknowne
Weight
,
we
doe
beginne
from
the
smallest
Weight
or
Graine
,
and
so
ascend
to
the
other
proportions
,
and
to
the
Pound
,
by
comparing
the
same
to
our
Graines
and
diuisions
of
the
Pound
,
There
is
also
a
great
obseruation
to
be
had
in
the
correspondencie
of
Weights
of
one
countrie
to
the
Weights
of
another
countrie
,
vpon
the
hundreth
subtle
,
that
is
to
say
100
pounds
euen
Weight
.
And
because
in
England
all
wares
of
Volume
or
Bulck
is
sold
,
some
by
the
hundreth
weight
of
112
ll
,
and
some
is
sold
by
the
pound
,
as
spices
,
sugars
,
and
such
like
,
&
yet
are
weighed
by
the
said
weight
of
112
ll
;
and
that
moreouer
there
is
an
ouer-weight
allowed
called
Trett
which
is
4
vpon
the
112
ll
,
and
also
2
ll
vpon
euery
skale
of
3
hundreth
weight
called
Cloff
,
which
is
abated
betweene
the
buyer
and
seller
,
The
correspondencie
of
Weight
of
most
places
of
Trafficke
.
The
said
100
ll
weight
of
Antuerp
weigheth
in
the
places
following
,
At
Dublin
and
all
Ireland
also
,
At
Edenburgh
in
Scotland
—
96
ll
and
all
Scotland
ouer
;
The
said
100
ll
make
189
½
Markes
of
8
ounces
,
which
are
ounces
Troy
;
wherewith
Gold
,
Siluer
,
Pearles
,
Muske
,
Corrall
,
&c.
Diamonds
are
weighed
by
another
weight
,
called
Carrat
:
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
are
correspondent
with
the
100
ll
of
Bruxells
,
Malines
,
Hartogenbosh
,
Louain
,
Arschor
;
but
at
Barrow
op
Zoom
98
ll.
At
Briges
also
100
ll.
But
wooll
weight
is
108
ll
,
This
100
ll
of
Antuerp
is
but
93
ll
at
Bridges
,
in
the
waight
of
Butter
and
Cheese
,
waying
by
Stones
of
6
ll
,
and
20
Stones
is
a
waigh
,
and
doe
make
also
189
½
Markes
of
Siluer
,
Gold
,
&c.
Troy
weight
.
The
said
100
ll
makes
at
Gaunde
,
Ypre
,
Dixmuyde
,
Hulst
,
The
said
100
ll
,
of
Antuerp
make
at
Amsterdam
but
94
⅘
ll
,
And
all
Holland
,
Gelderland
,
Walsland
,
and
Sealand
,
it
is
99
ll.
Holland
,
Sealand
,
&c.
And
110
ll
onely
at
Zurickzea
and
Tergoes
maketh
107
ll.
FRANCE
.
The
said
100
pound
of
Antuerpe
Subtle
,
weigheth
by
the
Kings
weight
,
At
Paris
—
93
ll
accounting
4
quarters
of
25
pound
to
the
hundreth
.
Diepe
,
Abbeuile
,
Bourdeaux
,
Borgoingne
,
&c.
—
94
¾
ll.
Roan
—
91
ll
,
by
the
Vicontee
,
accounting
as
at
Paris
.
Also
by
the
ordinary
weight
—
94
¾
,
waighed
by
the
same
,
and
account
4
ꝑ
cent
ouer
.
-
Lyons
-
111
ll
Ordinary
weight
by
Centeners
of
112
ll.
-
102
ll
Almeric
,
or
weight
of
Genua
,
for
Silkes
,
Saffron
,
and
such
like
,
weighing
by
small
weights
,
and
abating
8
ꝑ
100.
-
94
¾
ll
By
the
Kings
weight
,
to
pay
Custome
by
.
-
A
Charge
,
is
300
ll
,
a
Quintall
100
ll
,
and
a
Somme
is
400
ll.
-
Tholouze
.
111
ll
;
euery
Centener
or
Quintall
,
is
2
Frailes
of
56
ll.
-
Auignon
.
111
ll
;
euery
Centener
or
Quintall
,
is
2
Frailes
of
56
ll.
-
Montpellier
111
ll
;
euery
Centener
or
Quintall
,
is
2
Frailes
of
56
ll.
-
Rochel
.
—
111
ll
;
and
119
ll
by
the
small
weight
.
-
Calais
in
Picardy
-
111
ll
Ordinary
weight
.
-
92
ll
Merchants
weight
.
-
114
ll
The
English
wooll
weight
.
-
Genua
-
102
ll
Weight
for
Spices
.
-
85
ll
By
the
great
weight
.
Carga
,
or
Charge
,
is
270
ll
small
weight
.
-
Marsellis
.
—
111
ll.
-
Saint
Antoine
.
—
127
ll.
-
Aquismort
.
102
ll.
And
all
France
generally
111
ll.
Lions
weight
are
some
102
ll
,
or
94
¾
as
aforesaid
.
-
Mirabel
.
102
ll.
And
all
France
generally
111
ll.
Lions
weight
are
some
102
ll
,
or
94
¾
as
aforesaid
.
-
Calsada
.
102
ll.
And
all
France
generally
111
ll.
Lions
weight
are
some
102
ll
,
or
94
¾
as
aforesaid
.
-
Offerte
.
102
ll.
And
all
France
generally
111
ll.
Lions
weight
are
some
102
ll
,
or
94
¾
as
aforesaid
.
SPAINE
.
-
Seuill
the
said
100
ll
are
107
ll
by
-
Great
Quintall
of
144
ll
of
4
roues
of
36
ll.
-
Smaller
Quintall
of
112
ll
,
of
4
roues
of
28
ll.
-
Lesser
Quintall
of
120
ll
,
of
4
roues
of
30
ll.
-
Granada
&
Armaria
bona
-
105
ll
Is
pound
of
16
Ounces
.
-
93
ll
Silke
and
Copper
weight
of
18
Ounces
.
-
54
ll
Great
weight
for
flesh
,
of
32
Ounces
.
-
Castile
.
—
102
ll.
-
Medina
del
Campo
.
—
102
ll.
-
Burgos
.
—
93
Rotolus
.
-
Arragon
.
-
106
ll.
-
96
ll
,
Great
weight
for
wooll
.
-
Barselona
.
131
ll
,
Small
weight
for
Saffron
.
-
Valentia
.
-
106
ll
By
Quintalls
of
4
roues
,
of
30
ll
for
Spices
.
-
134
ll
By
Quintalls
of
4
roues
,
of
36
ll.
-
Carga
is
3
Quintalls
of
360
ll
,
and
the
greater
of
432
pounds
.
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
makes
in
Spaine
-
At
Leon.
—
109
ll.
-
Sarragossa
.
—
112
ll
,
and
smal
Quintal
131
ll.
-
Lavalona
,
Sallanico
&
Magilica
.
—
131
ll.
-
Vilaco
.
—
80
ll.
The
Ilands
of
the
Canaries
,
and
all
the
Ilands
of
Spaine
vse
the
weight
of
Seuill
,
as
aforesaid
.
PORTVGALL
.
The
said
100
ll
make
107
½
Rotules
or
Araters
by
-
The
great
Quintall
of
128
ll.
-
The
small
Quintall
of
112
ll
,
containing
each
foure
rooues
of
32
ll
,
and
28
ll.
There
is
allowance
made
,
foure
vpon
the
hundreth
vpon
Sugars
;
and
2
and
3
vpon
Cotten
wooll
,
and
such
like
.
The
small
Quintall
is
the
weight
of
the
contraction
House
of
the
Indies
:
Spice
is
weighed
heereby
,
but
all
weighed
by
the
great
Quintall
,
and
reduced
vpon
the
lesse
Quintall
.
One
Quintall
of
Wax
is
1½
Quintall
of
112
ll
,
is
168
ll.
-
Madera
107
½
Rotules
,
or
pounds
by
the
Quintall
of
128
ll.
-
Cabo
Verde
107
½
Rotules
,
or
pounds
by
the
Quintall
of
128
ll.
-
Santo
Thomas
107
½
Rotules
,
or
pounds
by
the
Quintall
of
128
ll.
-
Guynea
107
½
Rotules
,
or
pounds
by
the
Quintall
of
128
ll.
-
Marocco
in
Barbary
107
½
Rotules
,
or
pounds
by
the
Quintall
of
128
ll.
-
Feas
and
Suus
in
Barbary
96
ll.
Calicut
80
Aracoles
for
the
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
;
here
they
sell
by
Baccar
or
Bahar
,
being
at
Lisbone
4
great
Quintalls
of
112
ll.
Baccar
or
Bahar
is
-
4
Quintals
for
120
Aracoles
.
-
20
Faracoles
of
32
ll
ꝑ
Rooue
,
at
Lixborne
is
5
Quintalls
.
-
480
Aracoles
.
ITALIE
.
Venice
,
the
said
100
ll
,
is
—
98
⅔
ll
great
weight
,
wherwith
Flesh
,
Butter
,
cheese
,
Leather
,
dates
,
Yearne
,
Copper
thred
,
yron
,
Oyle
,
Brimstone
,
and
Wooll
are
weighed
,
called
,
A
la
grossa
:
And
by
the
small
weight
,
Allasotile
—
156
ll
of
12
ounces
,
most
vsed
for
all
merchandises
,
euery
ounce
is
six
Saffi
,
euery
Sassi
of
24
Carrats
,
euerie
Carrat
is
foure
Graines
.
They
doe
also
weigh
by
thousands
of
40
Mixi
of
25
ll
euerie
one
.
And
there
is
allowance
made
two
vpon
the
hundreth
,
in
the
Custome
house
,
they
account
also
by
Cargaos
of
400
ll
smal
weight
:
Also
by
starre
of
220
ll
weight
,
howbeit
star
is
Mensuralis
,
to
measure
according
to
the
weight
of
the
goods
,
as
Ginger
180
ll
,
Raisons
260
ll
,
Corne
130
ll.
Starre
containeth
54
pottles
of
wine
at
Antuerp
,
Istria
,
Spalato
,
Sequia
,
Fiume
,
Piran
,
and
Trieste
,
haue
all
the
same
weight
,
which
the
Venetians
vse
,
as
aforesaid
.
The
said
100
ll
at
-
Rome
.
132
ll.
-
Florence
.
125
ll
of
12
ounces
.
-
Bolognia
.
53
ll
of
30
ounces
,
to
weigh
wax
&
wooll
by
roues
of
10
ll.
-
Milan
,
Pauia
&
Cremona
-
143
ll
,
of
12
ounces
most
vsed
.
-
132
ll
of
12
ounces
,
being
13
of
the
other
.
-
60
ll
of
28
ounces
for
flesh
.
-
Rechanate
—
137
ll
,
but
to
gold
thred
but
112
ll.
-
Treuiso
,
Padua
,
137
ll
,
and
108
ll
by
the
two
Quintalls
.
-
Ferrara
,
Ottrante
,
137
ll
,
and
108
ll
by
the
two
Quintalls
.
-
Vrbino
,
Lansan
,
137
ll
,
and
108
ll
by
the
two
Quintalls
.
-
Cesena
,
Bergamo
,
137
ll
,
and
108
ll
by
the
two
Quintalls
.
-
Verona
90
ll
,
and
for
gold
Thred
143
ll.
-
Bressa
184
ll
,
and
for
Venice
gold
136
ll.
-
Naples
120
ll
,
and
for
Venice
gold
134
ll.
-
Romagna
120
ll
,
and
for
Venice
gold
134
ll.
-
Carpi
,
Mirandola
,
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
make
147
ll.
-
Parma
,
Plaisance
,
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
make
147
ll.
-
Luca
,
Mantua
,
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
make
147
ll.
-
Forli
,
Carmia
,
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
make
147
ll.
-
Aquila
,
Crema
,
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
make
147
ll.
-
Como
,
Piedmont
.
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerp
make
147
ll.
-
Sauoy
—
137
ll
,
and
small
weight
195
ll.
-
Rauiano
,
Faenza
,
Modena
,
Rimano
,
Rauenna
and
Raguza
,
all
132
ll.
Genes
by
Roues
,
to
a
Quintall
of
4
Roues
and
4
ll
ouer
and
aboue
allowed
,
Pepper
110
ll
,
and
Ginger
114
ll
the
Quintall
.
-
Napoli
de
Reame
147
ll.
53
Rotulus
the
100
to
one
quintal
or
Cantar
.
-
Puglia
,
Calabria
147
ll.
53
Rotulus
the
100
to
one
quintal
or
Cantar
.
-
Macharon
—
147
ll.
53
Rotulus
the
100
to
one
quintal
or
Cantar
.
Sicilia
all
the
Island
ouer
-
152
ll
of
12
ounces
.
-
61
Rotuls
of
30
ounces
is
a
Cantar
of
24
Sestertios
.
-
54
Rotuls
for
flesh
by
Talents
of
12
Sestertios
,
is
30
Rotulos
.
-
Candia
—
-
138
ll
for
gold
threed
.
-
89
Rotules
,
the
100
is
a
Cantar
or
Quintall
.
-
Nigrepont
119
ll.
87
Rotules
,
the
100
a
Cantar
.
-
Griro
119
ll.
87
Rotules
,
the
100
a
Cantar
.
-
Laarta
119
ll.
87
Rotules
,
the
100
a
Cantar
.
-
Cataio
119
ll.
87
Rotules
,
the
100
a
Cantar
.
-
Lacaonia
138
ll
,
and
78
½
Rotules
.
-
Constantinople
-
87
½
Rotules
,
the
100
a
Cantar
.
-
39
Ochaa
.
Dragma
they
call
Metallici
of
2
½
make
3
Dragmes
of
ours
.
The
said
100
ll
make
at
Armenia
130
ll.
-
At
Bursa
in
Natolia
—
88
Rotules
.
-
Bucca
—
44
Ochas
.
Damasco
26
Rotules
,
whereof
the
100
make
a
Cantar
,
euery
Cantar
5
Zurli
or
stones
of
20
Rotules
,
a
Riuola
is
at
Antuerp
225
ll.
-
Tripoli
22
Rotules
.
-
Bieritti
21
Rotules
.
-
Suria
156
Minas
,
euerie
one
of
100
Dragmes
.
Siria
in
Hebrew
80
Minas
or
Maneg
,
and
100
is
a
Talent
of
pounds
18
ounces
.
-
Alexandria
—
-
108
Rotules
,
the
100
a
Cantar
.
-
78
Minas
of
20
ounces
.
-
Kalla
maketh
at
Antuerp
560
ll.
-
Molucco
88
Rotules
,
the
112
make
a
Cantar
.
-
Arabia
—
-
78
Rotules
of
12
Sachosi
,
or
ounces
-
148
ll.
-
104
Maires
or
Minas
.
Almerica
Malica
—
90
ll
of
12
ounces
,
or
36
Minas
Sestertios
of
30
ounces
,
or
is
60
Siclos
.
Cyprus
20
½
Rotules
,
the
100
a
Cantar
,
and
the
100
of
Famiagosta
are
in
all
the
Iland
104.
Rhodes
19
½
Rotules
,
the
100
make
a
Cantar
.
Scio
:
Fio
96
¾
Rotules
or
Scrutari
.
Corfu
97
ll
great
weight
,
and
115
ll
small
weight
.
Leuante
26
Rotules
and
156
ll.
Aegypt
.
-
Alcario
.
-
78
Minas
of
16
ounces
-
164
ll.
-
27
Rotules
of
6
ll
euery
one
.
-
Sciba
is
at
Antuerp
,
320
ll
,
is
Skippound
.
-
Zeroi
is
50
Rotules
.
-
Forfori
is
65
Rotules
,
is
for
Pearles
.
-
Zaidin
is
77
Rotules
.
Muske
and
Amber
is
weighed
by
Metallici
or
Dragmes
,
and
with
Peso
,
whereof
1
½
is
Metallicum
,
the
50
are
one
marke
,
and
our
marke
is
42
Metallici
.
Suria
-
Tripoli
26
½
Rotules
.
-
Achri
17
¼
Rotules
,
the
100
,
a
Cantan
Tambaran
.
-
Aleppo
and
Aman
22
Rotules
,
the
100
a
Cantar
.
Euerie
Rotule
is
60
ounces
,
8
Metecalo
or
Dragmes
is
the
Rotulo
,
480
Metecalos
or
Metalicos
is
euerie
one
1
½
Peso
,
and
the
10
Pesos
is
an
Ouga
or
Ongia
,
wherewith
ciuet
is
weighed
.
-
Archipelago
120
ll.
-
Nichosia
120
ll.
-
Barbarie
-
Arcadia
-
92
ll.
-
83
ll
,
for
Mauigette
.
-
Tripoli
63
Rotules
.
-
Thunes
63
Rotules
.
-
Oran
-
94
Rotules
,
the
Cantar
is
5
Roues
of
20
Rotules
-
138
ll
for
spices
,
and
the
Cantar
is
4
Roues
.
-
50
Rotules
for
corne
,
euerie
Cantar
6
Rotules
.
-
61
Rotules
for
cotton
wooll
,
15
to
a
Cantar
.
-
Vna
-
65
Rotules
for
cotton
wooll
.
-
75
Rotules
for
spices
.
-
94
Rotules
for
corne
.
-
Sus
in
Africa
by
the
Quintall
of
100
ll
of
Seuill
.
-
Feas
,
the
Quintall
is
66
ll
of
Antuerpe
of
18
ounces
.
GERMANIE
.
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerpe
make
as
followeth
,
at
-
Norenborgh
92
ll
of
16
ounces
or
32
Loott
,
some
by
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
and
some
of
120
ll.
-
Constance
92
ll
of
16
ounces
or
32
Loott
,
some
by
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
and
some
of
120
ll.
-
Spiers
92
ll
of
16
ounces
or
32
Loott
,
some
by
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
and
some
of
120
ll.
-
Bibrach
92
ll
of
16
ounces
or
32
Loott
,
some
by
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
and
some
of
120
ll.
-
Collen
—
93
⅓
ll.
-
Ausborgh
all
95
ll.
-
Munchen
all
95
ll.
-
Wisell
all
95
ll.
-
Norlingen
all
95
ll.
-
Salsborgh
—
111
ll
by
the
small
weight
,
and
83
ll
by
the
great
.
-
Meysen
and
all
Saxonie
-
100
ll
,
Zigostatica
is
the
Princes
,
weight
,
marke
,
pounds
of
16
ounces
.
-
96
ll
Merchants
weight
.
-
148
ll
of
12
ounces
.
-
Frankford
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Hecdelborgh
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Lipsich
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Friburch
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Vlme
,
Isuff
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Offen
of
Offner
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Basle
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Costuts
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Dompstetter
96
ll
,
they
do
vse
the
Centener
of
100
ll
,
120
ll
,
and
132
ll.
-
Botsen
138
ll
,
ordinarie
weight
.
-
Adler
91
ll
to
weigh
Steele
,
Tinne
,
and
Copper
.
-
Bresloo
120
ll
by
Centeners
of
132
ll
,
and
Stones
of
24
ll
,
wherof
5
Stones
make
a
Centener
.
-
Silesia
120
ll
by
Centeners
of
132
ll
,
and
Stones
of
24
ll
,
wherof
5
Stones
make
a
Centener
.
-
Poosen
120
ll
by
Centeners
of
132
ll
,
and
Stones
of
24
ll
,
wherof
5
Stones
make
a
Centener
.
-
Prage
,
Canali
87
ll.
-
Passau
,
Gern
87
ll.
-
Regensborgh
87
ll.
-
Vienna
85
ll
,
a
sum
of
quicksiluer
is
275
ll
of
32
Loott
the
ll.
-
Ersurd
85
ll
,
a
sum
of
quicksiluer
is
275
ll
of
128
Quints
the
ll.
-
Idria
85
ll
,
a
sum
of
quicksiluer
is
275
ll
of
512
Penning
the
ll.
-
Loosen
—
146
ll.
EASTLAND
.
The
said
100
ll
of
Antuerpe
make
at
-
Hamborogh
—
96
ll
,
The
Centener
is
120
ll
of
10
ll
to
the
stone
,
300
ll
to
the
Skippound
,
or
20
Lispound
of
15
ll.
-
Lubecke
—
96
ll
,
The
Centener
112
ll
,
the
Stone
10
ll
,
&
32
stone
to
a
Skippound
,
and
the
20
Lispound
of
16
marke
pound
is
a
Skippound
also
.
-
Coppenghen
96
ll
as
Lubecke
-
Berghen
in
Norway
—
96
ll
,
but
very
vncertain
waighing
with
a
sling
.
-
Straelsont
92
ll
,
the
stone
10
ll
,
and
the
Lispond
16.
-
Statin
is
96
ll
,
small
stone
10
ll
,
great
stone
21
ll
,
the
Centener
112
ll.
-
Stockholm
in
Sweden
120
ll
,
the
Skippond
is
320
ll
,
and
also
340
ll
as
at
Dansicke
by
stones
of
34
ll.
-
Reuell
120
ll
,
and
the
Skippound
is
there
400
ll.
-
Dansicke
120
ll
,
16
marke
pound
are
one
Lispound
,
and
20
Lispound
one
Skippound
by
the
small
stone
of
24
ll
for
spices
&c.
They
haue
also
a
great
stone
to
weigh
grosse
wares
,
as
wax
,
flax
,
and
the
like
of
34
ll
,
whereof
10
to
the
Skippound
of
340
ll.
-
Coninxborogh
125
ll
,
the
stone
is
40
ll
,
&
10
stones
one
Skippound
of
400
ll
,
they
doe
weigh
also
350
ll
,
for
the
Skippound
of
Dansicke
which
is
very
dangerous
,
besides
that
the
citizens
are
much
fauoured
.
-
Meluin
is
124
ll
,
the
stone
40
ll.
-
Riga
is
120
ll
,
and
20
a
Lispound
,
&
20
Lispound
to
the
Skippound
.
-
Thoren
120
ll
,
the
stone
is
24
ll.
-
Nareca
120
ll
,
agreeing
with
the
weight
of
Riga
.
-
Wilde
is
likewise
120
ll
,
and
20
ll
one
Lispound
.
-
Cracou
is
124
ll
,
and
the
Centener
is
136
ll.
Quasi
Shippond
,
as
a
diuident
of
a
Last
of
corne
,
and
as
a
pound
is
diuided
into
12
or
16
ounces
,
so
is
the
ship-last
diuided
into
12
and
16
parts
:
Obseruations
concerning
the
manner
of
Weighing
.
TO
weigh
with
few
peeces
or
weights
,
take
weights
of
augmentation
double
,
namely
1
ll
,
2
,
4
,
8
,
16
,
32
,
and
64
,
making
together
127
ll
,
and
with
these
7
peeces
you
may
weigh
all
things
vntill
127
ll:
and
with
treble
augmentations
,
as
1
,
3
,
9
,
27
,
81
,
243
,
and
729
ll
,
vntill
1093
ll.
But
the
double
augmentation
is
more
commodious
for
Germanie
and
England
where
the
Centener
of
112
ll
is
vsed
.
There
must
be
an
especiall
regard
had
concerning
the
Beames
or
Ballances
for
the
iustifying
of
them
:
If
it
be
an
yron
Beame
trie
the
same
emptie
,
and
afterwards
loaden
with
equall
weights
;
and
if
it
be
a
wooden
Beame
,
it
happeneth
many
times
that
the
ends
are
not
euen
,
or
that
the
yrons
about
the
ends
are
remoued
more
on
the
one
side
than
the
other
;
therefore
trie
the
said
Beame
both
emptie
and
loaden
,
and
you
may
find
a
great
difference
in
weight
,
which
with
knocking
in
the
yron
with
a
hammer
may
be
remedied
.
Whereas
the
weight
of
Antuerpe
(
whereupon
all
the
aforesaid
correspondencies
are
calculated
)
is
bigger
than
the
weight
of
London
foure
vpon
the
hundreth
,
which
may
be
thought
a
benefit
:
the
same
is
not
so
to
be
accounted
,
because
of
the
Custome
of
4
pro
cento
for
Trett
,
allowed
betweene
the
buyer
and
the
seller
,
at
London
,
which
taketh
away
the
benefit
.
This
Trett
is
taken
by
diuiding
your
weight
subtle
by
26
,
otherwise
you
should
allow
as
it
were
Trett
vpon
Trett
.
The
Romanes
had
a
Custome
,
Bina
sextula
,
or
⅓
part
,
Sicilicus
is
6
Scruples
,
Dragma
3
Scruples
.
And
so
in
the
making
of
their
Wills
and
Testaments
,
they
put
downe
one
to
be
heire
of
Besse
,
is
192
Scruples
,
two
of
an
Ouncia
is
1/12
;
part
,
or
24
Scruples
,
3
of
semissa
is
½
a
Scruple
,
4
of
Duello
,
is
8
Scruples
;
in
all
368
Scruples
,
there
being
but
288
Scruples
in
the
pound
:
so
euery
mans
portion
must
bee
ratably
diminished
according
to
the
pound
.
Cicero
made
the
Testament
of
Cesinna
,
ex
devnce
&
senuncia
,
was
12/24
parts
,
and
of
Marcus
Fuluius
of
2
Sextula
was
1/10.
There
is
also
Ebutio
sextula
,
being
1/72
,
and
so
the
Masse
of
their
goods
was
described
.
Of
one
pound
of
12
ounces
,
Sextans
is
2
ounces
,
Quadrans
3
ounces
,
Triens
4
ounces
;
and
so
accordingly
the
goods
were
distributed
in
equitie
.
By
meanes
whereof
the
Testators
wealth
was
vnknowne
,
and
when
hee
gaue
more
than
the
proportion
Arithmeticall
came
vnto
,
the
order
was
to
reduce
the
same
to
the
pound
of
288
Scruples
,
by
diminution
of
euery
mans
rate
accordingly
.
The
Custome
vsed
by
many
now
to
giue
certainties
,
and
the
remainder
in
vncertaintie
is
to
be
preferred
.
Weights
for
Moneys
,
and
their
correspondence
for
most
places
of
Trafficke
.
THere
is
an
other
weight
,
which
is
vsed
in
the
Mints
for
Gold
and
Siluer
,
which
is
the
marke
weight
of
8
ounces
:
This
marke
weight
is
heauier
at
Antuerp
than
their
ordinary
pound
,
by
fiue
vpon
the
hundreth
.
This
marke
is
diuided
in
20
English
,
euery
English
32
graines
;
so
one
marke
is
5120
of
their
graines
.
This
manner
of
marke
weight
is
vsed
in
most
countries
,
howbeit
in
some
places
of
Italy
by
pounds
of
12
ounces
otherwise
diuided
.
In
England
the
pound
Troy
of
12
ounces
is
diuided
into
20
penny
weight
,
euery
ounce
,
and
euery
penny
weight
into
24
graines
,
which
in
Antuerp
vpon
the
marke
is
diuided
into
32
graines
.
So
the
pound
Troy
of
12
ounces
at
London
is
but
5760
graines
,
whereas
the
marke
of
Antuerp
being
but
8
ounces
is
5120
graines
as
abouesaid
.
Whereof
we
intend
to
treat
more
amply
in
our
Second
Part
of
the
Law-merchant
.
There
is
also
vsed
a
penny
weight
,
which
is
diuided
;
The
marke
in
eight
ounces
,
the
ounce
in
24
penny
weight
,
and
the
penny
weight
in
twentie
foure
graines
,
making
the
said
marke
of
eight
ounces
to
bee
4008
graines
.
The
Marke
is
diuided
at
Rome
in
eight
Ounces
.
-
The
Marke
weight
of
Rome
.
-
The
Ounce
in
8
Dragmes
.
-
Dragma
3
Scruples
.
-
Scruple
2
Obolus
.
-
Obolus
3
Siliquas
.
-
Siliqua
4
Primi
or
graines
;
so
euery
marke
is
4608
graines
.
-
Meysen
in
Saxony
.
-
Markes
8
ounces
.
-
Ounce
24
penny
or
Deniers
.
-
Penny
24
graines
or
Momenta
,
is
also
4608
Momenta
to
the
Marke
.
-
Dansicke
in
Eastland
.
-
Marke
8
ounces
Is
512
in
the
mark
.
-
Ounce
32
penny
Is
512
in
the
mark
.
-
Penny
2
Heller
Is
512
in
the
mark
.
-
Norenborough
.
-
Marke
16
Loot
.
-
Loot
4
Quintes
.
-
Quints
4
Prime
or
Numulos
.
-
Penny
4
Sestertios
,
is
the
marke
256
penny
,
or
1024
Sestertios
.
-
France
.
-
Marke
8
ounces
Is
4608
grains
the
marke
.
-
Ounce
8
grosses
Is
4608
grains
the
marke
.
-
Grosse
3
deniers
Is
4608
grains
the
marke
.
-
Denier
24
grains
Is
4608
grains
the
marke
.
-
Portugall
.
-
Marke
8
ounces
288
graines
to
the
marke
.
-
Ounce
8
Oitauos
.
288
graines
to
the
marke
.
-
Oitauo
4
½
great
Graines
.
-
Venice
.
-
Marke
8
ounces
.
-
Ounce
4
quarts
,
or
Silicos
.
-
Quarta
36
Carats
or
Siliquas
.
-
Carrat
4
graines
,
is
4608
graines
to
the
marke
,
or
1152
Siliquas
.
-
Florence
.
-
Pound
in
12
ounces
6912
graines
the
marke
.
-
Ounce
24
deniere
6912
graines
the
marke
.
-
Deniere
24
graines
6912
graines
the
marke
.
|
|
Gold
.
|
Siluer
.
|
|
Genua
|
Marke
8
ounces
|
Pound
12
ounces
.
|
|
Oùnce
24
deniers
.
|
Ounce
24
deniers
.
|
|
Denier
24
graines
.
|
Denier
24
graines
.
|
Naples
,
a
pound
12
ounces
,
and
an
ounce
8
Octany
.
-
Besse
,
or
old
marke
of
the
Romanes
.
-
16
Loot
or
Tetradragmes
.
-
21
⅓
Tridragmes
.
-
32
Didragmes
.
-
64
Dragmes
.
-
96
Obolus
or
Treobolus
.
-
128
Triobulos
.
-
384
Obolos
.
-
768
Miobolos
.
-
3840
Momenta
.
-
The
old
pound
of
the
Romanes
,
called
Pondus
.
-
64
Denarios
.
-
128
Quinarios
.
-
256
Sestertios
.
-
640
Asses
.
-
1280
Semilibellas
.
-
2560
Teruncios
.
-
Libra
Romana
.
-
12
Ounces
or
gilders
.
-
84
Denarios
.
-
168
Victoritatus
.
-
336
Sestertios
.
-
840
Asses
.
-
3320
Quadrantes
or
Teruncios
.
-
5040
Sextantes
.
Wee
haue
declared
heretofore
the
diuision
of
the
pound
weight
for
wares
,
and
the
correspondence
of
the
hundreth
pound
,
compared
to
the
100
ll
Suttle
of
Antuerp
.
And
now
in
the
same
manner
wee
shall
note
the
correspondence
likewise
by
the
hundreth
markes
of
Antuerp
to
all
the
said
places
or
most
of
them
,
which
is
called
the
weight
of
the
Duke
of
Burgundie
,
agreeable
with
the
100
markes
of
Bridges
,
and
containing
14
ounces
to
the
pound
.
The
said
100
markes
of
Antuerp
make
in
all
places
following
.
-
Saxony
.
Dansicke
.
105
1/19
Markes
.
-
Meysen
.
Milan
.
105
1/19
Markes
.
-
Collen
.
Vicenza
.
105
1/19
Markes
.
-
Treci
.
Lipsich
.
105
1/19
Markes
.
-
Mens
.
Vlme
.
105
1/19
Markes
.
-
Erfurd
.
Frankfoord
.
105
1/19
Markes
.
-
Grecia
.
Ausborough
.
105
1/19
Markes
.
-
Norenborgh
.
Bauiere
.
103
¼
Markes
.
-
Franconia
.
Bambergh
.
103
¼
Markes
.
-
Wessilbourgh
.
Fribourgh
.
103
¼
Markes
.
-
Ancona
.
Triuiso
.
103
¼
Markes
.
-
Roma
.
Crema
.
103
¼
Markes
.
-
Venice
.
Verona
.
103
¼
Markes
.
-
Piedmont
and
Turin
—
99
Markes
.
-
Florence
72
pounds
.
-
Aquila
71
ll.
-
Naples
.
76
½
Pounds
.
-
Calabria
.
76
½
Pounds
.
-
Puglia
.
76
½
Pounds
.
-
Adler
.
76
½
Pounds
.
-
V●enna
.
87
Markes
.
-
Hungary
.
87
Markes
.
-
Bothner
.
87
Markes
.
-
Bohemia
.
87
Markes
.
-
Bresla
in
Sileia
121
¾
Markes
.
-
Paris
.
-
Lyons
.
112
Markes
,
Merchants
weight
.
-
Genua
.
102
½
Markes
,
the
Kings
weight
.
-
Genes.
-
116
Markes
for
gold
.
-
77
Markes
for
●iluer
or
pounds
.
-
Spaine
107
Markes
.
-
Catalonia
100
Markes
.
-
Burgas
116
⅔
Markes
.
-
Constantinople
.
87
Markes
.
-
Turkie
.
87
Markes
.
-
Africa
.
87
Markes
.
-
Narsinga
.
87
Markes
.
-
Perou
.
87
½
Markes
.
-
Noua
Spagnia
.
87
½
Markes
.
-
Aegypt
94
Besses
.
-
Persia
87
Minas
.
The
premises
are
applyed
for
our
instruction
in
the
handling
of
Mint
affaires
more
at
large
.
Here
followeth
the
description
of
the
Measures
.
WHereas
all
Commodities
,
Wares
,
or
Stuffes
made
of
wooll
,
linnen
,
silke
,
or
haire
,
are
measured
by
the
Elle
,
or
Yeard
,
which
was
taken
vpon
the
measure
or
length
of
the
arme
,
accounting
the
halfe
Elle
for
Cubitus
,
diuided
into
foure
quarters
,
and
euery
quarter
into
foure
inches
:
wee
shall
also
follow
the
elle
at
Antuerp
,
generally
knowne
and
obserued
in
all
places
,
in
the
correspondence
and
buying
of
forraine
commodities
by
it
,
reducing
the
same
afterwards
to
our
elle
or
yeard
.
The
hundreth
ells
of
Antuerpe
make
in
the
countries
following
.
ENGLAND
.
-
London
-
60
Ells
for
linnen
Cloth
with
the
palme
and
thumbe
measured
.
-
75
Yards
for
woollen
Cloth
with
the
thumbe
which
is
1/36
of
a
yard
.
-
59
Godes
to
measure
Frizes
or
Frizadoes
.
-
61
Elles
Cords
to
measure
Rowan
Canuas
whereof
the
Centener
is
120
Elles
,
10
Cords
to
a
Centener
of
12
Elles
.
-
Scotland
72
Elles
,
and
they
reckon
with
fixe
score
to
the
hundreth
,
is
120.
THE
LOW
COVNTRIES
.
Antuerpe
for
silke
wares
is
but
98
⅔
Elles
.
Bridges
in
the
shops
is
also
98
⅔
,
but
for
linnen
is
but
94
½
Elles
.
-
Gaunt
all
98
⅔
Elles
,
and
all
Flanders
and
Brabant
accordingly
,
and
not
named
hereunder
.
-
Audenarde
all
98
⅔
Elles
,
and
all
Flanders
and
Brabant
accordingly
,
and
not
named
hereunder
.
-
Ysenghem
all
98
⅔
Elles
,
and
all
Flanders
and
Brabant
accordingly
,
and
not
named
hereunder
.
-
Damme
all
98
⅔
Elles
,
and
all
Flanders
and
Brabant
accordingly
,
and
not
named
hereunder
.
-
Ipre
all
98
⅔
Elles
,
and
all
Flanders
and
Brabant
accordingly
,
and
not
named
hereunder
.
-
Sluys
all
98
⅔
Elles
,
and
all
Flanders
and
Brabant
accordingly
,
and
not
named
hereunder
.
-
Dunkercke
100
Elles
.
-
Honscotten
100
Elles
.
Cassell
,
Wynockxborough
,
Deyse
,
Lowe
,
Bolducke
,
Bruselles
,
Diest
,
Louain
make
102
Elles
.
Lile
,
Cambray
,
Doway
,
Orsies
,
Meanen
and
Masiers
96
Elles
.
Amsterdam
101
¼
.
Harlem
in
the
market
94
½
Elles
for
linnen
.
All
Holland
besides
is
103
½
Elles
.
Henault
94
½
in
the
markets
,
but
in
shops
98
½
Elles
.
Gelderland
and
Ouerry
sell
104
½
Elles
.
Middelborough
100
Elles
,
and
in
the
market
for
linnen
94
½
Elles
.
Flissingh
104
Elles
,
Vere
94
½
Elles
,
Goes
97
Elles
,
Romerswall
99
Elles
.
Artois
all
the
whole
prouince
98
⅔
Elles
.
Tourney
108
Elles
.
Liege
114
Elles
.
Maestricht
,
Asselt
,
104
½
Elles
.
Namen
,
and
Acon
104
½
Elles
.
Couyn
but
70
Elles
.
Hoye
102
Elles
.
FRANCE
.
The
said
100
Elles
of
Antuerpe
make
at
Rouen
58
Elles
,
the
Centener
of
Elles
being
112
of
4
quarters
of
28
Elles
.
Paris
,
Rochell
,
and
all
France
,
the
following
places
excepted
,
59
Ells.
Nantes
,
Abbeuile
,
and
all
Picardie
84
Elles
.
-
Lyons
-
60
Elles
for
linnen
cloth
▪
-
94½
Elles
for
silke
wares
.
-
Auignon
-
60
Elles
.
-
36
Cannes
.
-
Prouence
—
36
Cannes
.
-
Marselles
-
36
Cannes
for
silke
.
-
33½
Cannes
for
woollen
cloth
.
-
Geneua
60
Stabb
.
ITALIE
.
-
Venice
101⅔
Braces
for
woollen
cloth
.
-
Istrica
101⅔
Braces
for
woollen
cloth
.
-
Piran
101⅔
Braces
for
woollen
cloth
.
-
Venice
108
for
silkes
and
cloth
of
gold
.
-
Istrica
108
for
silkes
and
cloth
of
gold
.
-
Piran
108
for
silkes
and
cloth
of
gold
.
-
Florence
-
122½
Braces
for
silkes
.
-
116
Elles
for
wollen
cloth
.
-
Rome
-
33
Cannes
.
-
105½
for
wollen
cloth
.
-
Luca
and
Raguza
120.
-
Ferrara
,
Modena
,
107½
Braces
.
-
Mantua
,
Perato
,
107½
Braces
.
-
Ancona
,
Cesena
,
107½
Braces
.
-
Bologna
,
Carpi
,
107½
Braces
.
-
Nigropont
,
Mirandola
.
107½
Braces
.
-
Verona
-
104½
Braces
.
-
108
Braces
of
cloth
of
gold
.
-
86
Braces
.
-
Parma
-
109½
Braces
.
-
91
Braces
.
-
Rauenna
,
Scio
,
Corfu
116⅔
.
-
Genes
-
122
Braces
.
-
288
Palmes
for
silke
wares
,
and
104
palmes
is
giuen
for
34⅔
Elles
.
-
32
Cannes
for
woollen
cloth
of
9
palmes
the
cane
.
-
29
Canes
of
linnen
cloth
of
10
palmes
to
the
cane
.
-
Vicenza
98⅔
for
woollen
cloth
,
and
80½
Braces
for
silkes
.
-
Naples
116
Canes
and
33⅓
Canes
.
-
Padua
101⅔
for
cloth
,
and
83½
Braces
for
silke
wares
.
-
Milan
-
120
Braces
Campido
for
linnen
cloth
.
-
141
Braces
for
silke
,
which
must
be
conditioned
.
-
Rauenna
113
Braces
.
-
Bressa
,
Treuira
,
101⅔
Braces
.
-
Crema
,
Bergamo
,
101⅔
Braces
.
-
Rechanati
,
Vrbin
,
101⅔
Braces
.
-
Cremona
,
Lacaia
.
101⅔
Braces
.
-
Pesaro
103
,
and
for
cloth
107
Braces
.
-
Sicilia
,
Palermo
34½
Canes
of
4
pichy
to
the
Cane
.
-
Masilla
—
34½
Canes
of
4
pichy
to
the
Cane
.
-
Gira
124
Pichy
,
Rama
115
Pichy
,
Salonici
109
Pichy
.
-
Tripoli
in
Barbary
124
Pichy
of
4
to
a
Cane
.
-
Lavalona
111
Nigroponte
and
Lepanto
113
Pichy
.
-
Alexandria
,
Larta
124
Pichy
.
-
Siria
,
Damasco
,
Bruti
111⅓
Pichy
.
-
Suria
-
Tripoli
112
Pichy
.
-
Achri
115
Pichy
.
-
Alepo
108
Pichy
.
-
Aman
108
Pichy
.
-
Bursa
in
Natolia
114
Pichy
,
Bucia
158
Pichy
.
-
Constantinople
-
113
Pichy
.
-
80
Pichy
for
canuas
.
-
Archipelago
100.
-
Sapy
—
100.
-
Puglia
-
31
Canes
for
clothes
.
-
33
Canes
for
silkes
.
-
Calabria
,
Adler
,
Lansan
,
Malaca
,
Rhode
,
33½
Canes
.
-
Candia
108
Pichy
,
Sebenico
,
Zara
112
Braces
.
EASTLAND
.
-
Embden
122½
Elles
.
-
Brema
122½
Elles
.
-
Hamborough
122½
Elles
.
-
Lubecke
120
Elles
.
-
Munster
65
Elles
.
-
Osenbrigh
63
Elles
.
-
Wismar
118
Elles
.
-
Rosticke
119
Elles
.
-
Gripswoll
122½
Elles
.
-
Domyn
122½
Elles
.
-
Statin
,
Ockermond
,
106
Elles
.
-
Dansicke
,
&
Melvyn
,
122
Elles
.
-
Connixborough
125
Elles
.
-
Riga
and
Reuell
125
Elles
.
Narua
125
Arsins
.
-
Sweden
and
Stockholm
125
Elles
,
but
at
Barrow
vncertaine
,
for
they
measure
the
bignesse
of
your
head
with
a
rope
for
an
Elle
,
and
may
be
120
Elles
.
GERMANIE
.
-
Collen
120
Elles
.
-
Norenborough
105
Elles
for
silke
and
linnen
wares
.
-
Meysen
-
Lipsich
120
for
cloth
.
-
Ausborough
127
for
cloth
.
-
Franckford
125
for
linnen
.
-
Halle
and
Meydelborch
,
105
Elles
.
-
Prage
111
Elles
,
and
for
silke
wares
120
Elles
.
-
Breslo
111
Elles
,
and
for
silke
wares
120
Elles
.
-
Bautson
111
Elles
,
and
for
silke
wares
120
Elles
.
-
Vienna
77½
for
linnen
,
85½
for
cloth
and
silke
.
-
Ofner
-
119
Regenburch
78½
Elles
.
-
130
Regenburch
78½
Elles
.
-
Vlm
120
,
and
for
woollen
cloth
96
Elles
.
-
Ernfurd
165
Elles
.
Ienfer
60
Stabb
.
-
Zurich
116½
Elles
.
Basell
125
Elles
.
SPAINE
.
-
Castill
and
Toledo
,
85
Varas
of
4
Quartos
,
euery
Quarto
2
Palmes
.
-
Cadez
-
81
Varas
.
-
108
Elles
for
silke
.
-
Andaluzia
,
Seuill
,
Granado
83½
Varas
.
-
Barselona
,
Aragon
,
43
Cannes
.
-
Saragosia
33
Cannes
.
-
Valentia
73
Cannes
.
PORTVGALL
.
-
Lisborne
-
62
Varas
.
-
83
Varas
.
-
100
Couados
for
Silke
Wares
.
-
Maroco
.
Capo
d'Algier
136½
Couados
,
of
twelue
to
one
Cane
.
The
Measure
of
wet
Commodities
.
THe
Romanes
in
times
past
,
called
the
wet
Measure
by
Ounces
,
At
Meyson
in
Saxony
twentie
Ounces
Ponderales
,
make
twentie
foure
Mensurales
.
At
Lypsich
thirtie
two
Ounces
wet
Measure
,
to
26½
Ounces
weight
Measure
;
the
difference
of
correspondence
from
fiue
to
six
.
A
Hogshead
of
Wine
weigheth
500
ll
,
the
Caske
50
ll:
so
in
Wine
450
ll.
A
Hogshead
of
Corne
400
ll
,
the
Caske
50
ll
,
is
Netto
350
ll
in
Corne
.
So
one
Tunne
of
Wine
weigheth
Nett
1800
ll
,
and
with
the
Caske
2000
ll.
And
one
Tunne
lading
of
Corne
1600
ll
,
being
in
Caske
also
.
Two
Tunnes
are
accounted
for
one
Last
:
so
two
Tunnes
of
Wine
4000
ll
and
somewhat
more
;
At
Dort
in
Holland
,
they
call
a
great
Vessell
,
a
Rod
of
Wine
,
which
weighed
4500
ll
,
as
a
Last
of
Corne
;
comparing
these
4500
ll
Mensurales
,
by
reduction
of
six
to
fiue
,
are
3750
ll
Ponderales
,
is
12½
Ames
.
Now
if
you
account
the
gallon
of
Wine
of
Antuerp
to
weigh
6
ll
,
the
capacitie
of
this
Vessell
is
15
Ames
,
being
750
gallons
.
The
Rod
,
is
a
Rod
quadrant
,
of
tenne
foot
long
,
and
tenne
foot
broad
,
and
one
foot
deepe
,
euery
foot
containing
7½
gallons
Antuerps
Measure
,
or
4⅔
foot
Cubice
.
The
Romanes
had
a
Measure
called
Amphora
,
of
foure
great
feet
,
as
are
vsed
at
Paris
,
Cubice
64
foot
of
11¾
of
the
Antuerp
gallon
:
so
you
shall
find
the
Rod
of
750
gallons
set
downe
for
so
many
ounces
;
and
tenne
Mixiades
for
1000
gallons
Dorts
,
in
the
lieu
of
pounds
.
Amphora
,
of
the
Romanes
wet
Measure
,
is
84
ll.
or
72
ll.
weight
Measure
,
is
50
ll
weight
of
Antuerp
,
and
in
—
-
Wine
or
raine
water
—
50
ll.
-
Of
diuers
Riuer
water
—
53
ll.
-
Oyle
or
Butter
—
45
ll.
-
Beanes
and
Pease
—
35
ll.
-
Linseed
—
39
ll.
-
Corne
—
40
ll.
-
Almonds
—
42
ll.
-
Raisins
—
49
ll.
-
Figgs
and
Chesnuts
—
67
ll.
-
Hony
—
75
ll.
-
Quickesiluer
—
850
ll.
Oyle
and
all
greasie
things
are
light
,
and
therefore
swimme
aboue
,
and
burne
.
Distilled
waters
are
yet
lighter
,
and
will
swimme
aboue
,
the
oyle
,
and
also
burne
better
,
being
more
combustible
.
The
caske
which
is
made
for
the
keeping
of
wine
doth
differ
much
;
in
France
,
a
tunne
of
two
pipes
,
three
puncheons
,
and
foure
hogheades
,
is
euerie
one
of
these
six
Ames
of
Antuerps
measure
.
In
Germanie
they
call
it
a
Fother
,
or
the
carriage
of
the
drawing
of
two
horses
,
is
called
a
Voeder
wyns
,
and
they
account
2½
Rodds
for
a
fother
of
wine
,
or
tenne
French
hogheads
,
euerie
hoghead
being
an
Ame
of
wine
measure
of
Dort
,
whereby
they
measure
and
account
their
wines
,
namely
the
Renish-wines
comming
out
of
Germanie
,
whereof
the
Staple
is
kept
at
Dort
aforesaid
.
An
Ame
is
100
gallons
or
stoopen
,
and
euery
Gallon
is
ten
Schreaues
,
measuring
thereby
by
the
great
.
Of
the
correspondence
of
Wine
Measures
..
THe
correspondence
of
Wine
Measure
is
taken
vpon
the
vessell
of
6
Ames
Measure
of
Antuerp
,
containing
300
Stoops
,
euery
Stoop
weighing
6
pound
called
a
Stone
,
which
6
Ames
make
in
FRANCE
.
-
At
Paris
and
Orleans
—
Foure
Hog-heads
,
lacking
ten
Stoops
,
euery
Hoghead
312
Stoops
,
and
at
Paris
36
Sextiers
,
euery
Sextier
foure
quarts
,
euery
quart
two
pints
,
is
288
pints
or
graines
imitated
as
before
,
euery
pinte
is
two
Choppins
or
Obles
.
-
Bourdeaux
4½
Hogsheads
.
-
Lisborne
5½
Hoshgeads
.
-
Auxere
in
Burgondy
3
Puncheons
.
-
Poictou
2
Pipes¼
.
-
Coniac
2
Pipes
,
or
4
Hogsheads
.
-
Ay
and
Artois
4⅔
Hogsheads
.
ENGLAND
.
London
252
gallons
,
the
gallon
is
halfe
a
bushell
of
Corne
,
and
the
Chus
measure
of
the
Grecians
.
So
an
Ame
is
42
gallons
of
wine
.
SPAINE
.
-
Romani
—
Two
Pipes
of
150
Stoops
,
or
1
Butt
and
9/20
euerie
Butt
,
is
at
Antuerp
158
Stoops
.
They
measure
by
the
Rooue
of
30
ll
,
is
5
Stoops
of
Antuerp
,
and
euery
Butt
containeth
thirtie
Rooues
,
and
the
Pipes
containe
thirtie
Rooues
of
28
ll
weight
.
-
Seres
or
Sherry
Two
Pipes
of
150
Stoops
,
or
1
Butt
and
9/20
euerie
Butt
,
is
at
Antuerp
158
Stoops
.
They
measure
by
the
Rooue
of
30
ll
,
is
5
Stoops
of
Antuerp
,
and
euery
Butt
containeth
thirtie
Rooues
,
and
the
Pipes
containe
thirtie
Rooues
of
28
ll
weight
.
-
Canarie
—
Two
Pipes
of
150
Stoops
,
or
1
Butt
and
9/20
euerie
Butt
,
is
at
Antuerp
158
Stoops
.
They
measure
by
the
Rooue
of
30
ll
,
is
5
Stoops
of
Antuerp
,
and
euery
Butt
containeth
thirtie
Rooues
,
and
the
Pipes
containe
thirtie
Rooues
of
28
ll
weight
.
-
Condado
is
2
Butts
.
-
Madera
2
Pipes
lacking
16
Stoops
.
-
Seuill
56¼
Rooues
of
Romani
.
A
Rooue
is
eight
Somer
,
euery
Somer
foure
Quartils
,
euery
Quartill
is
⅙
of
a
Stoop
of
Antuerp
.
-
They
deliuer
27
and
28
Rooues
in
a
Pipe
.
-
But
Oyle
measure
by
40
and
41
Rooues
in
the
Pipe
.
-
Ansoy
or
Bastard
,
2
Pipes
16
Stoops
for
the
said
6
Ames
.
PORTVGALL
.
-
Lisborne
-
37½
Almudas
of
1½
Rooues
of
Seuill
.
-
Euery
Almudas
is
12
Couados
,
or
Somer
,
at
Seuill
.
-
Cauodo
is
4
quarts
.
Oyle
Measure
by
Alqueri
or
Cantar
,
euery
Alqueri
6
Couados
,
euery
Cantar
4
Stoops
of
Antuerp
.
Algarue
34
Starre
.
ITALIE
.
-
Florence
16⅔
Barrells
of
20
Fiaschi
,
or
18
Stoop
of
Antuerp
,
the
three
Barrels
is
one
Star
,
and
Star
is
54
Stoops
Antuerp
.
-
Rome
7
1/7
Brenten
,
euery
Brent
96
Pockall
or
13½
Rubes
or
stones
of
10
ll
of
30
ounces
in
one
Brent
,
or
42
stoops
of
Antuerp
for
Hony
,
the
pound
is
44
ounces
.
-
Candia
80
Mostaches
,
in
Butt
of
34
and
35
Mostaches
of
3
¾
Stope
.
-
Bolognia
13
Corbes
.
-
Padua
1
1/25
Cara.
The
Oyle
is
by
Millier
of
1185
ll
,
is
at
Antuerp
1100
,
maketh
152
Stopes
in
one
Butt
.
-
Venice
80
Mostati
,
the
38
make
one
Butt
,
and
76
an
Amphora
,
16⅘
Quarti
Besontz
measure
the
4
one
Bigontz
Bigonts
,
is
a
French
Hogs-head
,
one
quart
,
eighteene
Stopes
of
Antuerp
.
15⅖
Quarti
measure
,
Secchio
,
or
small
measure
of
foure
Tischaufer
.
-
Amphora
-
4
Bigonts
,
or
Bigontines
.
-
16
Quarti
Bigots
measure
.
-
18½
Quarti
Secchio
.
-
Lagel
,
is
a
Puncheon
,
Amphora
is
two
Ames
,
for
Oyle
they
measure
by
Amphora
also
,
and
for
Hony
,
but
most
by
Milliar
of
1210
ll.
-
Verona
-
1½
Cara.
-
14
Brentes
,
euery
Brent
16
Basses
.
-
Oyle
by
Milliar
,
of
1738
ll
,
is
Brenten
8
,
&
11
Basses
.
-
Ferrara
,
12
Mastelli
,
of
8
Seccheio
.
-
Vicenza
,
1
1/26
Cara
,
the
Oyle
by
the
Milliar
of
Venice
.
-
Treuiso
,
11
Consi
,
the
10
one
Cara.
-
Corfu
37
Zare
,
or
Sare
.
-
Zante
37
Zare
,
or
Sare
.
-
Istria
,
15
Venas
,
Prian
12
Vrna
,
Tunes
60
Matali
of
32
Rotules
.
-
Tripoli
in
Barbary
,
45
Metares
of
42
Rotules
.
-
Constantinopolis
180
Almes
.
96½
Almes
of
Oyle
,
is
at
Venice
a
Milliar
.
-
Calabria
8
Salmes
.
-
Puglia
8
Salmes
are
French
Barrels
,
Oyle
also
8
Salmes
,
euery
Salme
,
10
Star
,
euery
Star
32
Pignatoli
.
Of
the
Correspondence
of
Beere
Measures
.
THe
Barrell
of
Beere
is
made
according
to
the
Ame
of
Antuerp
,
and
against
spilling
,
accounted
54
Stoops
in
Flanders
and
Brabant
.
The
Barrell
of
Beere
in
Holland
containeth
54
Stoops
at
Amsterdam
56½
Stoops
,
accounting
60
Stoops
for
64
Flemish
.
At
London
the
Barrell
of
Beere
36
gallons
beere
measure
,
is
48
gallons
wine
measure
.
Euery
gallon
of
Beere
is
iust
two
Stoops
in
Flanders
,
and
at
Amsterdam
1⅔
Stoops
.
The
Barrell
of
Lubicke
,
is
iust
50
Stoopes
of
Antuerp
.
The
Fatt
of
Dansicke
containeth
180
Stoops
,
of
Dansicke
is
Antuerp
81.
Old
Measures
of
the
Romanes
.
THe
Latins
and
ancient
Romans
had
Doleum
which
was
1½
,
Culeus
which
was
2010
ll
weight
of
Antuerpe
.
Culeus
did
containe
20
Amphora
,
being
Amphora
80
ll
Mensurales
,
and
Ponderales
69
ll
,
maketh
the
Culeus
1380
ll
of
Antuerpe
.
Amphora
(
is
yet
almost
in
vse
in
all
Italie
and
Germanie
)
was
also
called
Cadus
.
Quadrantal
being
a
Tubb
portable
betweene
Tu
of
a
great
foot
Cubice
,
also
Ciraminium
vini
is
as
at
London
the
bushell
of
corne
of
8
gallons
of
wine
,
weighed
60
ll
of
Antuerpe
.
Vina
is
½
Amphora
Quod
vrinet
was
a
leaking
bucket
,
also
a
tankard
wherewith
water
is
carried
at
London
.
Three
Vrnas
was
16
Stoops
or
a
Sestier
waighing
34½
ll.
Congius
was
a
pottell
of
farewel
,
of
1½
stoope
,
or
an
English
gallon
,
maketh
at
Meysen
3
pots
,
weigheth
8¾
ll.
Campsaces
is
the
same
.
Sextarius
is
⅙
of
Congeus
,
or
about
one
pint
of
Antuerpe
.
There
was
Sextarius
Castrensis
of
double
the
measure
,
which
was
vsed
in
the
warres
to
euerie
souldier
one
daily
,
weighing
23½
ounces
.
Hemina
is
at
Antuerpe
and
Meyssen
halfe
a
pint
,
called
also
Allabastrum
.
Triblium
an
oyle
glasse
weighed
11½
ounces
.
Acetabulum
was
a
goblet
to
bring
vineger
to
the
table
of
3
ounces
.
Ciatus
,
in
Germanie
Bacherline
,
is
4
spoone-full
,
or
a
small
romerken
weighing
2
ounces
,
is
the
bignes
of
the
egge
of
a
hen
.
Culeus
is
-
20
Amphores
.
-
40
Vrnas
of
4
Congios
.
-
160
Congios
of
6
Sextarios
.
-
960
Sextarios
.
-
1920
Heminas
.
-
3840
Quartas
.
-
7680
Acetabula
.
-
11520
Clatos
or
Ciatos
.
Measures
of
the
Grecians
.
MEtrices
a
metiendo
,
called
Artaba
by
the
Aegyptians
,
is
16½
stoop
,
or
a
Sestier
,
waighing
100
ll
at
Antuerpe
.
Chus
is
Congius
Romanorum
,
about
1⅓
stoope
,
a
drinke
of
farewell
which
they
did
drinke
one
to
another
,
weighed
8¾
ll.
Cotila
is
Romanorum
Hemina
(
the
Spartans
in
their
feasts
gaue
no
more
to
euerie
one
)
is
halfe
a
pint
.
The
king
had
2
waight
11⅔
ounces
.
Quartanius
is
¼
of
a
pint
,
weighing
5⅚
ounces
.
Oxibaphum
,
is
as
Acetabulum
of
3¼
ounces
,
or
1½
Ciatos
.
Metreta
Laconica
was
lesse
,
as
Amphora
of
the
Romans
of
96
Cotilas
.
Modios
or
Medimios
is
8
stoops
of
Antuerpe
.
Metretes
is
12
Chus
,
or
144
Cotilas
,
or
576
Oxibapha
of
1½
Ciatos
.
Bats
or
Bathis
is
½
Metretes
,
or
6
Hinas
euerie
Hina
8⅓
ll.
Logni
is
5
Egges
of
⅔
ll:
there
were
three
sorts
of
Egges
vsed
.
Measures
vsed
by
Physitians
.
Metretes
is
-
72
Sextarios
of
4
Quartas
.
-
288
Quartarios
or
-
12
Choas
of
6
Sextar
.
-
72
Sextarios
of
2
Cotilas
.
-
144
Cotilas
.
-
288
Quartas
.
-
576
Oxibapha
.
-
864
Ciatos
.
Ciatos
is
1½
Ounces
.
-
10
Dragma
.
-
4
small
Mistra
.
-
3
great
Mistra
.
-
2
small
Conchas
.
-
⅔
great
Conchas
.
-
5
Chemas
.
-
10
Cochlearia
or
Spoonfull
.
Measures
of
Arabia
.
Dorath
is
Albi
,
Romans
Amphora
,
Iohem
is
Congeus
Romanorum
.
Dorath
is
-
8
Iohem
.
Cophinus
3
stoop
.
-
48
Kift
.
Mares
or
Pontes
,
1
stoop
.
-
96
Corbin
.
Dadix
4
stoops
,
measures
of
-
192
Kesiath
.
Boetia
.
-
384
Cassich
.
-
376
Cuatum
.
-
2304
Salgerin
.
Artaba
measure
of
Aegypt
,
is
72
Sextarios
,
of
72
Nations
knowne
(
then
in
the
world
)
to
be
,
Collatum
is
6
stoops
,
Chenix
a
stoop
,
Hidria
is
9
stoops
,
Phiala
or
Briala
is
a
guilt
cup.
Of
the
correspondence
of
the
Measures
of
Corne
.
THe
differences
of
the
corne
measures
are
verie
necessarie
to
be
knowne
of
all
merchants
and
masters
of
ships
,
letting
thereupon
their
ships
to
fraight
;
the
Last
(
which
is
two
Tunnes
lading
)
being
the
ground-worke
of
it
,
vsed
in
all
the
harbors
of
the
sea
coasts
diuersly
.
Foure
and
twentie
small
Barrels
are
accounted
for
a
Last
,
as
herring
Barrels
,
being
18
beere
Barrels
,
or
18
Ames
of
Antuerpe
,
which
are
three
Tunnes
of
wine
;
and
yet
we
reckon
two
Tunnes
of
wine
for
a
Last
,
for
two
Tunnes
of
wine
weigh
the
weight
of
a
Last
of
corne
,
that
is
to
say
,
one
hoghead
500
ll
,
the
2
Tunnes
4000
ll
accordingly
,
and
12
Hogheads
of
corne
waighing
350
ll
the
Hoghead
,
besides
the
caske
,
is
4200
ll.
But
the
corne
is
laden
Ioose
,
and
filleth
the
roome
full
.
One
pound
of
wheate
containeth
about
9
thousand
graines
of
wheat
;
and
the
Last
of
4300
ll
,
is
so
many
nine
thousand
graines
in
a
Last
.
The
corne
measure
most
knowne
is
in
Latine
Modius
,
a
measure
,
in
Germanie
a
Molder
,
in
the
Low-countries
a
Mudde
,
in
France
Muy
:
and
the
Last
differing
in
so
many
places
,
it
is
not
amisse
to
account
the
weight
of
a
Last
of
wheat
from
4200
to
4800
ll
,
the
Last
of
Rie
from
4000
to
4200
ll
,
the
Last
of
Barley
from
3000
to
3400
ll:
Oats
are
yet
lighter
,
which
is
the
cause
that
the
Oats
measure
is
made
bigger
to
counteruaile
the
weight
.
We
shal
take
our
correspondence
vpon
the
Last
of
Amsterdam
,
best
knowne
euerie
where
,
and
where
also
all
graines
are
measured
alike
.
The
Last
of
Amsterdam
is
27
moyes
,
or
mudden
,
euerie
mudd
4
Schepel●s
,
is
108
Schepells
to
the
Last
:
or
a
Last
is
29
sackes
,
euerie
sack
3
Achtelings
,
24
small
Tunnes
to
a
Last
as
aforesaid
,
or
20½
meale
Barrels
,
that
is
to
say
,
one
Last
of
meale
is
put
into
20½
Barrels
,
because
it
becommeth
more
depressed
than
corne
,
or
15
½
great
Barrels
which
do
containe
more
.
It
is
also
to
be
obserued
,
that
the
difference
of
corne
measure
is
of
6
vpon
7
,
also
3
to
4
,
and
2
to
3
,
and
in
some
places
one
wil
make
two
.
And
in
many
townes
vpon
the
sea
coasts
they
vse
two
sorts
of
measures
,
the
one
called
the
water
measure
,
whereby
the
corne
is
measured
on
ship-boord
(
being
alwaies
the
biggest
,
)
the
other
is
called
land
measure
,
because
the
corne
is
measured
thereby
in
all
markets
,
shops
,
or
places
where
corne
is
sold.
The
Last
of
corne
of
Amsterdam
is
at
the
following
places
.
DAnsick
,
e56
Schepells
,
whereof
60
there
make
a
Last
,
the
4
Schepells
make
one
Mudde
,
which
is
the
Skippound
of
340
ll.
Embden
55
Werps
,
whereof
61
make
the
Last
,
or
15½
Barrells
of
4
Werps
.
Hamborough
83
Schepells
,
whereof
90
make
a
Last
.
Lubecke
85
Schepells
,
whereof
96
make
the
Last
.
Fameren
78
Schepells
,
whereof
96
to
the
Last
.
Heyleger
hauen
in
Denmarke
80
Schepells
,
also
96
to
the
Last
.
Coppenhauen
23
small
barrells
,
whereof
42
make
a
Last
.
Ebbeltorff
Danic
23
barrells
,
whereof
36
to
the
Last
.
Nelleboghe
23
barrells
,
whereof
42
to
the
Last
.
Sweaden
23
barrells
.
Connixborough
6/7
of
a
Last
,
the
6
Last
are
7
at
Amsterdam
.
Melvyn
17/21
of
a
Last
.
Statyn
in
Pomerland
6/7
of
a
Last
.
Riga
42
Loops
,
Rosticke
and
Mecheborough
measure
of
Lubecke
Antuerpe
37
1/●
Vertules
.
Bruxells
10½
Mudden
,
and
differing
in
all
places
of
Brabant
.
Gaunt
4
Mudds
,
7
Hal●ters
of
12
to
one
Mudd
is
55
Hal●ters
.
Bridges
17½
Hoot
.
Dunkircke
18
Rasiers
water
measure
.
Middleborough
40
sackes
is
41½
to
the
Last
in
all
Zeland
.
Dort
28
sackes
.
Roterdam
and
Delfe
87
Achtelinges
.
Schoonhauen
88
Achtelinges
.
Enckhuysen
,
Horne
,
Medenblick
42
sackes
.
Groeninghen
33
Mudds
.
Texell
58
Loops
.
All
other
towes
not
scituated
vpon
the
sea-coasts
we
doe
omit
,
for
this
correspondence
is
made
considering
the
lading
of
ships
.
London
and
all
England
is
10¼
quarters
make
one
Last
;
but
in
the
ordinarie
lading
5
quarters
are
accounted
for
one
tunne
lading
.
Calais
18
Rasiers
doth
agree
with
England
.
Roan
20
vntill
30
Mines
,
euerie
Mine
is
4
Bushels
.
Rochell
128
Bushels
4
to
euerie
Se●tier
.
Bourdeaux
38
Boissiaux
,
whereof
33
to
the
Last
.
Seuill
54
Hanegas
,
a
Last
is
4
Cahis
of
12
Hanegas
.
Lyxborne
225
Alquiers
,
whereof
240
to
the
Last
,
or
4
Moyos
of
60
Alquiers
●o
the
Moyo
,
ano
so
in
all
the
Islands
of
Portugall
.
Venice
32
Star
.
Genoa
23½
Mina
.
Sicilia
38
Medinnos
of
6
Moyos
.
Puglia
32
Cara
of
36
Timani
.
Cyprus
40
Medinnos
of
2
Cipros
.
Note
that
the
corne
doth
so
much
differ
in
goodnesse
,
that
the
measure
of
Amsterdam
will
weigh
of
Eastland
Wheat
156
ll
,
of
French
Wheat
180
ll
,
of
Sicilia
Wheat
224
ll
,
and
of
Africa
236
ll.
Of
the
Measures
of
Salt'
,
correspondence
and
goodnesse
of
the
same
.
THe
heauier
the
Salt
is
,
so
much
the
better
;
therefore
old
Salt
which
hath
lyen
long
,
and
is
setled
,
is
the
better
,
and
will
most
increase
to
make
Salt
vpon
Salt
,
in
yeelding
more
naturally
;
in
so
much
that
in
the
boyling
of
it
,
you
must
obserue
the
wind
,
which
is
good
at
the
North
,
but
contrarie
in
the
South
.
Salt
will
loose
the
first
yeare
betweene
8
and
10
in
the
hundreth
,
and
afterwards
but
little
.
But
for
the
Salt
boyler
,
he
looseth
nothing
,
it
is
so
much
the
heauier
and
better
.
Therefore
in
Eastland
,
at
Riga
and
other
places
they
sell
their
Salt
by
weight
,
12
Skippound
for
one
Last
,
and
in
some
places
15
and
16
Skippound
;
wherefore
if
you
haue
new
Salt
deliuer
it
by
the
measure
,
and
if
old
Salt
then
deliuer
by
weight
.
The
Salt
of
Portugall
and
Bruwage
,
increaseth
25
and
30
according
to
the
goodnes
:
the
white
Salt
being
weake
and
of
great
grains
,
will
lose
much
in
the
remoouing
,
and
more
in
the
carriage
,
by
8
and
10
p●
cent
.
To
salt
flesh
withall
,
take
of
the
slow
boyled
or
roasted
Salt
,
but
make
first
his
Brine
,
otherwise
it
will
be
too
weake
.
One
great
hundred
of
Salt
is
foure
small
hundreths
.
We
are
to
obserue
the
correspondence
of
Salt
against
one
hundreth
of
Zealand
,
most
knowne
in
all
places
:
they
measure
their
Salt
with
Barrels
,
18
Barrels
to
a
Last
,
and
7
Last
to
the
hundreth
,
is
126
Barrells
.
At
Armuyden
in
Zealand
,
they
reckon
8⅔
weighes
for
one
hundreth
,
euery
weigh
is
11½
Sackes
,
euery
Sacke
foure
Measures
,
and
15
weighs
of
Bruwage
Salt
make
the
great
hundreth
.
The
Sackes
of
Salt
of
Armuyden
,
being
122
small
Barrels
for
the
100
Sacke
,
make
as
followeth
in
other
places
.
Bruwage
4/7
parts
of
one
hundreth
of
28
Moyos
,
and
12
Sackes
to
the
Moyo
,
also
by
Charges
or
Load
;
tenne
load
in
the
hundreth
,
and
48
Moyos
or
Muys
to
the
Last
,
or
21
Barrell
.
Lisborne
25
Moyos
,
Mary
port
28
Moyos
.
Saintubal
20
Cays
.
Calis
22
Cays
.
Sanlucar
21
Cays
.
Gaunt
108
Sackes
or
Barrels
.
Antuerp
144
Vertels
of
24
to
the
Last
,
and
six
Last
to
the
hundreth
,
and
the
white
Salt
is
measured
with
a
lesser
Measure
of
12
vpon
100.
The
said
100
Sackes
of
Salt
of
Armuyden
in
Zealand
,
make
At
Dunkercke
92
Water-measures
,
or
104
Land-measures
.
Ostend
98
Measures
,
Damme
and
Axels
102
Measures
.
Bridges
104
measures
,
and
Ypre
144.
Roterdam
100
,
whereof
six
make
one
Mudde
of
eighteene
to
the
hundreth
.
Amsterdam
,
Vtrecht
,
Deuenter
,
102
Scheppels
.
Calis
in
France
130
Barrels
,
19
to
the
Last
,
but
20
by
fraighting
.
Roan
,
and
almost
all
France
6½
Muys
.
Hamborch
7
Last
,
whereof
80
Barrells
maketh
the
hundreth
.
Denmarke
6⅔
Last
.
Sweaden
112
Tunnes
or
Barrels
,
16
to
the
Last
.
Embden
100
Barrels
,
14
to
our
Last
.
Lubeck
7
Lasts
of
18
Barrels
.
London
7½
Lasts
of
18
Herring
Barrels
,
but
by
Waighes
11½
.
Venice
and
Prian
70
Mose
.
The
Measures
of
Woad
,
Hops
,
and
Sea-coale
.
WOad
of
Thoulouze
in
France
,
made
vp
in
Baskets
of
56
ll
weight
,
is
at
Antuerp
50
ll
,
London
52
ll.
Foure
Baskets
are
one
Load
and
foure
Bales
,
or
400
ll
is
reckoned
for
a
Diars
Triall
,
and
at
London
they
take
foure
Quintalls
of
112
ll
for
a
Triall
,
to
know
how
many
short
Clothes
of
24
yeards
it
will
dye
,
which
is
commonly
of
Ilands
Woad
from
Saint
Michael
7
Clothes
:
And
at
Thouloze
they
account
that
Woad
of
36
Frankes
,
or
about
4
pound
sterling
,
dieth
13
Clothes
.
Cane
in
France
they
measure
by
a
Tub
,
containing
8
Measures
or
Sackes
,
euery
Measure
120
ll
,
is
the
Coope
at
Antuerp
1050
ll
,
accounted
for
a
Triall
,
but
is
farre
inferiour
in
goodnesse
to
Thouloze
Woad
.
Eldfoord
in
Germany
,
there
one
great
Drifatt
of
1200
ll
is
a
Triall
.
Hoppes
were
wont
to
be
sold
by
the
Measure
,
but
now
it
is
done
by
weight
,
namely
the
hundreth
,
or
by
a
Skippound
of
Amsterdam
of
300
ll
,
which
comming
much
into
England
from
the
following
places
,
is
worthy
the
obseruation
,
albeit
English
Hopps
are
the
best
.
The
Skippound
of
300
ll
of
Amsterdam
is
—
-
Bridges
13
Hoett
,
but
now
measured
.
-
Gaunt
23
Halsters
.
-
Delft
40
Achtelings
.
-
Schoonhouen
37
Achtelings
.
-
Vtrecht
13
Muddes
.
-
Bolduc
or
Hertogenbosh
,
8
Hoet
.
-
Harlem
2
Hoet
.
-
Hamborough
1½
Wispell
.
The
Measure
of
Sea-Coale
.
THis
measure
must
of
necessitie
bee
taken
vpon
the
Chalder
of
New-castle
,
where
the
greatest
quantitie
of
Coales
is
found
:
They
measure
there
by
the
Chalder
filled
vp
,
whereof
7½
Chalders
make
one
Last
,
and
is
measured
with
giuing
twentie
one
for
twentie
,
the
correspondence
is
;
The
Last
of
New-castle
of
7½
Chalders
,
is
—
-
London
and
Yarmouth
10
Chalders
.
-
Roan
100
Barrels
,
giuing
104
for
100.
-
Bridges
and
Ostend
100
Measures
for
Oats
.
-
Dort
12
Hoet
,
also
by
Waighes
of
144
ll
of
24
Stones
of
6
ll.
-
Gaunt
144
Sackes
,
or
24
Muddes
.
-
Alst
200
Muddes
.
-
Antuerp
175
Vertels
.
-
Condet
44
Muys
,
the
80
make
a
Cherke
.
-
Zealand
68
Herring
Barrels
.
-
Middleborough
by
Waigh
of
180
ll.
-
Amsterdam
13½
Hoet
of
38
Measures
.
Rules
to
know
the
goodnesse
of
Sea-Coales
1
TAke
your
Coale
and
hold
the
same
ouer
a
candle
,
or
rather
ouer
a
flaming
fire
,
and
if
the
Coale
doe
melt
(
as
it
were
)
drop
or
fry
,
then
it
is
vndoubtedly
good
Coale
;
for
this
is
an
argument
of
his
fattie
and
sulphurious
nature
,
which
ministreth
store
of
food
for
the
fire
.
But
if
the
same
grow
hard
and
dry
ouer
the
flame
,
it
is
a
signe
of
a
leane
and
hungry
Coale
,
and
such
as
will
not
cake
or
knit
in
the
burning
.
2
The
brightnesse
and
glistering
of
the
Coale
,
both
within
and
without
,
is
some
argument
of
his
goodnesse
,
albeit
that
some
kind
of
bad
Sea-coale
,
newly
digged
out
of
the
Myne
,
and
brought
drie
in
Summer
time
,
will
both
shew
and
breake
faire
,
but
most
commonly
if
it
breake
in
the
colour
or
lustre
of
Pitch
,
it
prooueth
a
good
Coale
to
the
buyer
.
But
without
all
question
,
if
the
same
bee
of
a
darke
,
duskie
,
and
dead
earthly
colour
,
it
is
vtterly
vnprofitable
for
him
that
shall
spend
it
.
3
The
best
and
most
assured
proofe
(
except
the
making
of
a
fire
with
them
,
wherein
no
man
of
any
sense
can
easily
be
deceiued
)
is
the
lightnesse
of
the
Coales
in
weight
.
This
weight
,
as
in
many
other
bodies
,
so
especially
in
water
,
doth
either
argue
his
purenesse
or
impuritie
;
for
the
lighter
and
cleerer
waters
are
euer
held
the
better
and
more
wholesome
,
as
least
participating
with
earth
:
now
by
the
weight
of
halfe
a
Pecke
of
the
good
ones
kept
by
you
,
triall
may
bee
made
at
all
times
,
for
bad
Coale
is
much
displeasing
to
all
men
.
Of
the
Weights
and
Measures
of
England
.
COncerning
weights
,
for
difference
in
the
ounces
and
the
pounds
,
wee
are
to
obserue
the
Troy
weight
,
The
Troy
weight
serueth
onely
for
Bread
,
Gold
,
Siluer
,
and
Electuaries
,
accounted
eight
pound
to
the
gallon
,
and
so
by
computation
sixteene
pound
to
the
Pecke
,
32
ll
to
the
halfe
Bushell
,
and
64
ll
to
the
Bushell
.
The
Auoirdupois
weight
serueth
to
weigh
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Flesh
,
Tallow
,
Wax
,
and
euery
other
thing
which
beareth
the
name
of
Garbell
,
and
whereof
issueth
a
refuse
or
waste
.
So
7
ll
of
this
weight
to
the
gallon
for
Wheat
,
is
14
ll
the
Pecke
,
28
ll
the
halfe
Bushell
,
and
56
ll
the
Bushell
.
Concerning
MEASVRES
.
Plinie
lib.
2.
cap.
23.
deriueth
Stadium
to
be
a
Furlong
,
The
bredth
of
silke
Cypers
,
bending
and
Curld
.
Nᵒ.
6
is
3
Nailes
broad
,
nᵒ.
8
is
3½
Nailes
,
Genes
silke
by
the
Paune
of
104
to
the
hundreth
is
¼
26
yards
English
.
Bolonia
silkes
by
Braces
the
100
are
89
Flemish
Elles
.
Florence
silke
by
Braces
the
hundreth
81⅔
Flemish
,
and
61¼
English
.
Luca
by
Braces
the
⅚
part
of
a
Flemish
Elle
,
or
⅝
of
a
yard
English
.
Venice
by
Braces
the
100
are
95
Flemish
,
and
71¼
yards
so
Norenborgh
.
Seuill
by
Varres
the
100
is
123½
Flemish
,
and
92⅝
yards
74
Elles
.
Roan
by
Elles
the
100
is
125
yards
,
and
157½
Varres
of
Spaine
.
And
the
110
Elles
English
is
135½
Varres
of
Spaine
.
The
100
Elles
Flemish
is
but
60
Elles
English
.
There
are
8
Bushells
in
a
Quarter
,
Salt
fortie
Bushels
make
a
Waigh
,
At
Plymouth
they
measure
by
a
Bushell
,
alien
measure
,
whereof
24
make
a
Tunne
,
and
eight
make
a
Quarter
,
so
three
Quarters
make
one
Tunne
,
and
euerie
Bushell
is
eighteene
Gallons
:
so
that
a
Tunne
of
Salt
at
Plymouth
is
bigger
than
a
Waigh
of
London
by
32
Gallons
.
The
Measures
of
Lands
.
THe
measuring
of
Lands
in
distance
or
length
extending
to
miles
,
or
the
partition
of
Lands
by
Measures
,
Acres
,
Arpentiers
,
Bunderen
&c.
is
done
by
a
Measure
or
Road
,
which
is
diuided
in
10
,
12
,
14
,
16½
,
or
20
Foot
:
and
the
Foot
is
diuided
in
a
certaine
number
of
Ynches
,
10
,
12
,
or
16
,
which
are
also
differing
in
bignesse
.
Digitus
or
Finger
,
is
in
bredth
4
Barley
corns
laied
close
together
.
A
Thumbe
or
Inch
is
6
Graines
or
Barley
cornes
,
making
two
of
them
three
.
Ouncia
is
3
Fingers
or
2
Thumbes
.
Palma
(
in
Greeke
Doron
)
is
4
Fingers
,
is
the
24
part
of
a
mans
stature
.
Lichas
or
Dichas
is
a
Span
of
a
hand
with
the
Thumbe
and
fore-finger
,
or
ten
Fingers
;
sometimes
taken
for
two
Palmes
which
is
eight
Fingers
.
Orthodoron
in
Greeke
is
the
length
of
a
mans
hand
,
or
11
Fingers
.
Spithama
or
Span
with
the
Thumbe
and
the
little
Finger
is
16
Digiti
or
Fingers
,
also
Greciaries
12
Fingers
,
is
3
Palma
in
Latin
Dodrans
.
Pes
a
Foot
is
16
Fingers
or
4
Palmes
,
or
the
⅙
of
a
proportionated
mans
stature
.
Pigme
is
18
Fingers
,
so
a
Pigme
is
a
tall
fellow
.
Pigori
is
20
Fingers
,
called
Cubitus
,
from
the
elbow
to
the
fingers
doubled
.
Cubitus
is
24
Fingers
,
or
6
Palmes
,
is
¼
of
a
mans
stature
or
Sesquipes
1½
Foot
,
or
2
Dodrantes
from
the
elbow
to
the
point
of
the
longest
finger
.
Gradus
a
step
is
two
Foot
,
or
32
Fingers
,
as
betweene
both
feet
distant
.
Passus
simplex
is
2½
Foot
,
halfe
a
remoue
of
the
bodie
.
Passus
is
a
Pace
,
with
2
leggs
making
from
the
heele
to
the
toe
5
Foot
.
Orgia
or
a
Fathome
,
is
6
foot
,
in
Latin
Vlna
or
4
Cubicos
.
Stadium
is
Aulus
of
125
Paces
of
2½
foot
,
is
312
foot
.
Greece
100
Paces
was
the
running
of
one
man
with
one
breath
,
as
Hercules
did
.
Diaulus
is
2
Stadia
Hippicon
,
4
Stadia
the
running
of
a
horse
.
Dolicos
is
12
Stadia
,
about
the
sixth
part
of
a
Dutch
mile
.
Signes
,
or
Scena
,
or
Funiculus
in
Aegypt
is
60
Stadia
,
is
an
houres
going
,
and
euery
man
did
draw
the
line
going
vp
by
boat
.
Stadmos
was
a
Posts
iourney
.
Miliare
vel
Leuca
are
diuers
.
But
a
Flemish
mile
is
1400
Roads
.
Gradus
Geometrorum
,
wherewith
the
world
is
measured
round
about
,
is
15
miles
,
so
the
world
is
360
Gradus
,
in
toto
5400
miles
,
or
at
4
miles
for
one
Geometricall
mile
,
is
21600
miles
.
The
most
commodious
measure
and
more
vsuall
is
the
Road
of
14
foot
,
rather
than
our
pearch
of
16½
foot
,
and
one
hundreth
of
these
Roads
are
called
a
Line
of
land
,
and
three
line
make
a
great
Measure
of
land
,
so
called
by
the
name
Measure
,
whereupon
we
now
proceed
.
A
Line
of
land
,
lying
one
foot
broad
,
the
length
of
a
mile
,
and
a
plough
going
one
foot
broad
may
be
accounted
to
go
a
mile
,
the
land
square
100
foot
for
a
Road
,
and
the
Line
of
land
one
Road
broad
is
10600
foot
.
A
Line
square
is
10
thousand
Roads
,
or
33⅓
Measures
as
aforesaid
.
For
a
Measure
is
300
Roads
,
and
square
17½
Roads
,
containing
58800
Foot
.
This
Road
is
called
in
Germanie
Pertica
making
there
15
Foot
,
and
in
Flaunders
accounting
1400
Roads
for
a
mile
is
10600
Foot
in
length
.
A
way
one
Road
broad
,
is
called
a
high-way
for
passengers
Pedanticall
.
A
mile
in
length
containeth
4⅔
Measures
of
land
:
the
way
of
a
wagon
is
accounted
9⅓
Measures
.
Some
in
Flaunders
do
reckon
1000
Roads
for
a
mile
,
but
is
of
20
Foot
the
Road.
Miliare
was
the
distance
or
marching
of
a
campe
,
without
baiting
,
called
Rastrum
or
Rastas
,
was
4000
paces
.
The
difference
between
miles
is
not
to
be
reconciled
,
euery
countrie
hauing
their
owne
computation
,
and
that
differing
in
most
places
within
themselues
.
In
Saxonie
a
mile
is
4000
Paces
,
in
other
places
in
Germanie
5000
Paces
.
In
France
they
call
them
Lieux
or
Leucas
,
and
in
a
parleament
there
it
was
appointed
to
be
1000
turnings
of
the
wheeles
of
a
Wagon
,
wherof
the
formost
made
wheele
was
12
,
and
the
hindmost
18
foot
,
which
betweene
was
adiudged
vpon
15
Foot
,
is
of
a
Dutch
mile
but
¾
.
In
Spaine
one
Dutch
mile
maketh
one
mile
and
one
halfe
.
In
England
4
of
their
miles
to
one
Dutch
mile
,
being
there
1000
Paces
.
In
Italie
1000
Paces
,
wherof
the
3
is
a
Duch
mile
.
Florence
3000
Braces
for
a
mile
of
6
Roads
,
is
1300
Roades
.
Holland
2000
Roads
is
5
Holland
miles
for
4
Flaunders
miles
.
In
Aegypt
their
Cubitus
Geometricus
is
6
of
our
Cubits
,
they
reckon
by
Scena
which
is
a
Spanish
mile
.
Persia
Parasangia
of
30
Stadia
or
Funiculi
,
they
measure
with
24
fingers
the
cubit
,
and
Cubicus
Regius
is
27
Fingers
.
The
Romans
did
vse
the
Finger
,
Palme
,
and
the
Foot
making
foure
Palmes
.
In
the
measuring
of
lands
and
waies
,
diuers
measures
were
by
the
said
Romans
diuided
into
12
ounces
,
and
the
ounce
in
24
scruples
,
and
so
they
called
a
foot
a
pound
,
and
2
foot
Dupondium
.
The
Emperors
tables
were
foure
foot
square
euery
way
,
yet
in
vse
in
Germanie
and
the
East-countries
;
but
in
England
,
France
,
and
the
Low-countries
are
longer
than
broad
,
is
to
sit
16
persons
euerie
where
.
Iugerum
is
vsed
as
a
measure
in
Castilia
and
about
Rome
,
being
an
old
measure
.
Iuger
quasi
Iunctus
being
one
daies
labour
of
two
oxen
at
the
plough
,
vno
iugo
Bovum
,
was
the
space
of
240
Foot
,
broad
120
,
containing
28800
,
which
is
correspondent
to
one
halfe
great
Measure
of
land
,
wherein
they
did
also
vse
many
diuisions
and
subdiuisions
according
to
the
pound
weight
.
Of
the
nature
and
diuersitie
of
Colours
.
ALbeit
that
colours
are
not
comprehended
in
themselues
vnder
weight
and
measure
,
yet
because
the
quantitie
of
the
stuffe
wherby
things
are
dyed
,
are
done
by
weight
,
as
you
may
note
in
the
precedent
obseruation
of
Woad
;
and
for
that
merchants
may
giue
the
better
iudgement
of
colours
,
knowing
the
nature
thereof
,
I
haue
thought
good
(
for
varieties
sake
)
to
intreat
thereof
.
The
nature
of
all
colours
is
confined
betweene
White
and
Black
,
and
the
originall
colours
proceeding
and
relating
to
the
middle
of
them
,
which
is
Greene
,
for
so
experience
hath
taught
vs
in
progresse
of
time
,
by
long
obseruation
,
wherein
by
Art
I
haue
found
the
truth
by
variation
without
the
mysterie
of
dying
,
more
certaine
than
Aristotle
or
other
Phylosophers
by
reason
haue
conceiued
,
according
to
the
Theoricke
part
by
them
described
,
which
by
the
Practicke
part
I
am
assured
of
by
experience
as
aforesaid
.
The
originall
or
primarie
colours
are
seuen
,
as
compleat
in
number
,
and
all
other
colours
are
mixt
and
deriued
from
them
according
to
the
order
following
.
-
Albus
,
White
easily
conuerted
by
decay
of
nature
.
-
Flanus
,
Yellow
easily
conuerted
by
decay
of
nature
.
-
Puniceus
,
light
Red
,
is
neither
Blew
nor
Purple
.
-
Viridis
,
Greene
,
apt
to
be
made
into
Blew
.
-
Purpureus
,
Purple
easily
turned
to
Blacke
.
-
Caruleus
,
Blew
easily
turned
to
Blacke
.
-
Niger
,
Blacke
,
the
true
ground
whereof
is
Blew
.
All
colours
are
light
or
obscure
,
Lucida
vel
Opaca
,
and
they
all
(
except
Blacke
)
may
be
called
light
,
as
more
or
lesse
partaking
thereof
.
-
In
White
is
most
light
,
and
shadow
or
darknes
least
or
none
at
all
.
-
In
Blew
is
the
contrarie
,
most
shadow
and
lesse
light
.
-
In
Yellow
is
inward
light
and
lesse
obscuritie
.
-
In
Purple
is
the
contrarie
,
inward
obscuritie
and
lesse
light
.
-
In
Greene
,
is
equalitie
of
light
and
darkenesse
.
-
In
light
Red
,
is
more
light
than
obscuritie
.
So
that
for
too
much
want
of
obscuritie
commeth
whitenesse
,
and
for
too
much
want
of
White
or
lightnesse
,
commeth
blacknesse
;
and
a
cloth
dyed
Yellow
being
put
into
the
Blew
woaded
vessell
,
maketh
an
excellent
Greene
.
There
was
light
and
darkenesse
before
the
Planet
of
the
Sunne
was
created
,
albeit
the
distinction
betweene
day
and
night
is
ascribed
to
the
Sunne
.
Now
the
Moone
hath
no
light
,
but
what
the
Sunne
doth
impart
vnto
her
,
and
the
colours
of
the
Raine-bow
in
the
day
time
,
being
produced
by
the
foure
Elements
,
doe
approoue
these
colours
to
be
so
in
nature
,
whereof
the
Philosophers
haue
giuen
a
reason
accordingly
.
But
considering
the
curiositie
of
them
,
and
especially
of
Aristotle
,
it
is
strange
vnto
me
that
they
haue
not
made
mention
of
the
colours
of
the
Raine-bow
in
the
night
time
,
when
the
Moone
is
at
full
,
and
opposite
to
the
Sunne
,
which
colours
neuerthelesse
take
a
reflection
vpon
the
cloudes
and
obscuritie
of
the
night
,
far
differing
from
the
colour
of
the
Raine-bow
in
the
day
time
vpon
the
declination
of
the
Sun
;
insomuch
that
albeit
all
colours
must
be
discerned
by
light
,
and
so
iudged
accordingly
,
yet
their
operation
doth
differ
very
much
,
as
may
bee
shewed
.
The
propertie
of
all
colours
is
to
bee
subiect
to
the
ayre
and
Sunne
,
and
all
of
them
doe
vanish
;
but
in
the
blacke
it
is
least
seene
,
and
is
also
the
surest
,
hauing
his
ground
vpon
the
blew
;
so
it
bee
a
blew
substantiall
of
Woad
or
Indico
,
which
is
the
extraction
of
the
Herbe
Glaustum
,
or
Anill
,
in
the
East
and
West
Indies
like
vnto
our
greene
Woad
;
but
the
leaues
of
it
are
round
and
not
long
,
howbeit
the
climate
and
ground
make
the
maine
difference
.
There
was
of
late
yeares
,
two
great
controuersies
at
the
Councell
Table
:
the
one
concerning
the
dying
of
Black-silke
,
Concerning
the
London
dye
of
Silke
it
was
prooued
,
that
one
pound
of
16
ounces
was
by
sophistications
of
additements
augmented
to
32
ounces
,
and
fortie
ounces
:
which
fraud
commeth
to
passe
,
by
reason
of
the
gummy
matter
or
substance
whereof
the
silke
was
not
purged
for
blacke
dye
,
as
it
is
in
colours
,
whereby
it
made
such
an
increase
in
weight
.
To
preuent
this
abuse
,
a
Corporation
of
Silke-men
were
made
;
and
neuerthelesse
,
forasmuch
that
a
reasonable
increase
of
8
ounces
,
doth
looke
fairer
,
and
can
bee
better
vsed
,
there
remained
a
tolleration
of
this
increase
in
London
.
The
way
to
find
out
the
fraud
was
by
controlling
the
weight
by
measure
,
which
by
convulsion
becommeth
contracted
:
so
that
if
the
silke
being
purged
decreaseth
16
ounces
to
13
and
12
,
will
moderately
haue
afterwards
some
increase
;
then
this
silke
being
measured
by
the
yard
in
Skeanes
,
and
marked
with
Leads
,
and
so
deliuered
to
the
Dyar
,
must
bee
receiued
accordingly
without
such
contraction
and
decrease
of
length
,
by
the
increase
of
weight
,
these
two
controlling
each
other
.
The
indifferent
course
therefore
,
is
the
golden
meane
;
A
Table
of
the
Standard
,
for
the
true
making
of
Woollen
Clothes
,
according
to
the
Waight
and
Measure
declared
by
the
Statute
made
in
the
fourth
yeare
of
his
Maiesties
raigne
of
Great
Brittaine
,
&c.
THe
Sacke
of
Wooll
appointed
by
King
Edward
the
third
,
is
distinguished
according
to
the
Lunare
yeare
of
13
monethes
,
of
28
dayes
,
making
in
all
364
ll
,
or
365
ll
,
for
so
many
dayes
in
the
yeare
;
the
Todd
of
Wooll
being
28
ll
,
for
so
many
dayes
in
the
moneth
;
and
13
Todds
for
so
many
moneths
in
the
yeare
;
euery
Todd
containing
foure
Nayles
,
and
euery
Nayle
being
7
ll
,
for
the
seuen
dayes
of
the
weeke
.
This
Sacke
of
Wooll
is
accounted
to
make
4
Standard
Clothes
of
cleane
Wooll
,
called
Sorting-clothes
,
waighing
60
ll
the
Cloth
,
and
being
24
yeards
long
,
of
6
½
quarters
broad
or
thereabouts
,
within
the
remedy
or
allowance
of
2
ll
weight
vpon
a
cloth
.
In
the
weight
is
to
be
obserued
,
that
the
clothes
be
well
scoured
,
thicked
,
milled
,
and
fully
dryed
.
In
the
Measure
likewise
,
that
the
same
be
measured
by
the
yeard
and
inch
,
within
the
List
,
concerning
the
breadth
,
according
to
the
said
Statute
made
of
all
the
seuerall
sorts
of
Clothes
made
in
diuers
Shires
,
Viz.
|
Broad
.
|
Weight
,
|
and
Measure
.
|
|
Kent
,
Yor.
&
Read
.
clothes
of
6
½
quarters
|
86
ll
|
30
&
34
yeards
.
|
|
Suffolke
,
Norffolke
,
and
Essex
of
7
quar.
|
80
ll
|
29
&
32
yeards
.
|
|
Worcest.
Couent
.
and
Heref.
of
6
½
quar.
|
78
ll
|
30
&
33
yeards
.
|
|
Wilts.
Glocest.
Oxon.
Somers
.
of
7
quar.
|
76
ll
|
29
&
32
yeards
.
|
|
Suffolke
sorting
Clothes
broad
6
½
quar.
|
64
ll
|
23
&
26
yeards
.
|
|
All
sorting
Clothes
of
diuers
shires
6
½
q.
|
60
ll
|
24
&
26
yeards
.
|
|
B.
Cloth
,
Tauntons
,
Bridgewaters
and
Dunstars
—
of
7
quar.
|
30
ll
|
12
&
13
yeards
.
|
|
Broad
&
narrow
of
Yorkshire
of
4
quar.
|
30
ll
|
24
25
yeards
.
|
|
Deuon
.
Kerseys
and
Dozens
—
of
4
quar.
|
13
ll
|
12
13
yeards
.
|
|
Check
.
Kerseys
,
straict
&
plain
grayes
4
q.
|
24
ll
|
17
18
yeards
.
|
|
Ordinary
Penistone
or
Forests
5
½
quar.
|
28
ll
|
12
13
yeards
.
|
|
Sorting
Penistones
of
6
½
quar.
—
|
35
ll
|
13
14
yeards
.
|
|
Washers
of
Lankyshire
and
others
—
|
17
ll
|
17
18
yeards
.
|
|
Clogware
,
Kend.
Karpnuales
at
pleasure
,
|
|
20
at
the
lest
.
|
The
manner
of
making
of
all
Woollen
Clothes
,
and
workemens
orders
,
with
the
viewing
,
searching
,
and
the
forfeitures
or
abatements
,
may
at
large
be
seene
by
the
said
Statute
:
being
an
Epitome
of
all
former
Acts
concerning
the
indraping
of
Wools
,
appointing
wherein
Flockes
,
Thrums
,
or
Lambs
wooll
may
be
put
.
Obseruations
concerning
the
said
Weight
and
Measure
of
Clothes
in
generall
.
THat
all
Substantiall
things
,
either
dry
or
liquid
,
are
by
Diuine
prouidence
subiect
and
gouerned
by
Number
,
Weight
,
and
Measure
.
That
Weight
and
Measure
doe
controle
each
other
,
and
that
Number
giueth
denomination
to
them
both
,
to
discerne
truth
from
falshood
,
as
aforesaid
.
That
the
weight
of
a
Cloth
is
more
to
be
regarded
,
than
the
Measure
,
because
the
weight
containeth
substance
;
which
is
abused
by
stretching
it
in
measure
.
That
according
to
the
Standard
of
Clothes
,
there
must
be
allowed
or
accounted
two
pounds
and
one
halfe
of
Wooll
,
to
make
one
yeard
of
the
abouesaid
Clothes
.
That
the
Statute
of
Clothmaking
,
hath
had
a
consideration
to
make
an
allowance
or
abatement
for
Draped
,
Dressed
,
Rowed
,
and
Sheared
Clothes
,
which
is
fiue
ll
in
a
Long-cloth
,
and
foure
ll
in
a
Broad-cloth
,
besides
the
remedy
of
two
ll.
According
to
this
Rule
,
his
Maiesties
Custome
for
Cloth
and
Carseyes
,
&c.
ought
to
bee
payed
,
equalizing
the
said
Custome
of
Cloth
,
with
the
Custome
of
Wooll
,
according
to
fortie
shillings
the
Sacke
,
payed
in
the
time
of
Queene
Mary
;
which
is
to
bee
done
according
to
the
weight
,
and
not
according
to
the
measure
,
as
heretofore
hath
beene
partly
done
.
And
the
weight
will
cause
Clothes
to
be
better
made
,
according
to
the
Statute
whereunto
the
Reformation
must
be
reduced
,
which
will
be
beneficiall
.
Benefits
which
will
arise
by
the
true
making
of
Clothes
in
England
,
according
to
the
Statute
made
in
the
fourth
yeare
of
his
Maiesties
raigne
of
Great
Brittaine
.
THe
Cloth
of
the
Realme
shall
recouer
his
former
estimation
,
which
euery
Merchant
(
weighing
his
Clothes
)
will
cause
to
bee
obserued
,
according
to
the
said
rule
and
proportion
betweene
weight
and
measure
,
whereby
the
stretching
and
falsifying
of
Cloth
will
be
controlled
and
preuented
,
especially
if
this
demonstration
(
here
set
downe
)
shall
direct
the
buyer
of
Clothes
.
And
the
like
may
be
made
for
Carseyes
and
all
other
woollen
commodities
,
according
to
the
said
Statute
.
The
Cloth
being
truely
made
,
will
be
more
vendible
beyond
the
Seas
,
where
many
complaints
are
daily
made
of
the
false
making
thereof
;
which
the
Clothier
cannot
but
know
,
vpon
so
many
Certificates
for
Tare
as
are
abated
of
them
to
their
losse
:
euery
Merchant
looking
more
to
buy
good
cheape
,
than
to
buy
good
Cloth
,
feeding
false
making
by
it
,
which
commeth
to
passe
more
by
ignorance
than
otherwise
.
The
Clothier
finding
the
Merchant
by
these
meanes
able
to
controll
him
,
will
endeuour
to
make
true
Cloth
,
and
the
Officers
to
suruey
it
will
be
more
carefull
,
and
not
send
the
Clothier
their
Leads
and
Stampe
,
and
so
they
be
payed
,
neuer
looke
to
take
paines
to
view
the
Cloth
;
hereby
trafficke
will
increase
for
the
generall
good
of
the
Realme
,
and
his
Maiesties
Custome
will
be
duely
payed
,
according
to
the
said
Statute
,
and
all
will
tend
to
the
glory
of
God
,
and
honour
of
the
King
,
in
all
Equitie
and
Iustice
to
bee
obserued
in
all
well
gouerned
Common-weales
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
three
Essentiall
Parts
of
Trafficke
,
namely
,
Commodities
,
Money
,
and
Exchange
of
Money
by
Billes
of
Exchanges
.
ALL
the
trafficke
and
commerce
betweene
Nation
and
Nation
,
or
man
and
man
,
is
performed
vnder
three
Simples
,
which
are
properly
the
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
:
Namely
,
Commodities
,
Money
,
and
Exchange
for
Money
by
Billes
of
Exchanges
:
which
is
effected
by
Number
,
Weight
,
and
Measure
,
according
to
the
former
obseruation
.
-
Commodities
for
Commodities
.
-
Commodities
for
Money
,
and
-
Commodities
for
exchange
of
Money
,
by
Bills
of
exchange
.
For
some
Merchants
do
negotiate
all
for
Commodities
,
others
all
for
Money
,
or
Exchanges
,
or
for
all
three
or
any
of
them
which
yeeldeth
them
most
benefit
and
gaine
:
and
herein
is
their
particular
profit
,
or
Priuatum
Commodam
,
more
respected
than
the
generall
good
of
the
common-wealth
,
whereby
corruptible
and
vnnecessarie
commodities
are
giuen
for
Staple
wares
and
durable
commodities
,
to
the
impouerishing
of
kingdomes
and
common-weales
.
And
not
only
is
this
commutation
or
exchange
abused
in
kind
,
but
also
in
the
price
,
paying
too
deere
for
the
one
,
and
selling
the
other
too
good
cheape
:
whereby
commeth
an
ouer-ballancing
of
Commodities
in
price
and
qualitie
,
and
not
in
quantitie
;
whereby
in
effect
,
For
the
said
three
essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
are
properly
the
Bodie
,
Soule
,
and
Spirit
of
Commerce
,
The
first
as
the
Bodie
vpheld
the
world
by
commutation
and
bartring
of
Commodities
,
vntill
Money
was
deuised
to
be
coyned
.
The
second
,
as
the
Soule
in
the
Bodie
,
did
infuse
life
to
trafficke
,
by
the
means
of
Equalitie
and
Equitie
,
preuenting
aduantage
between
buyers
and
sellers
.
The
third
,
as
the
Spirit
and
facultie
of
the
Soule
(
being
seated
euerie
where
)
corroborateth
the
vitall
Spirit
of
trafficke
,
directing
and
controlling
(
by
iust
proportions
)
the
prices
and
values
of
Commodities
and
Moneys
.
True
it
is
,
that
this
Spirit
and
facultie
of
the
Soule
,
namely
the
Exchange
for
Money
,
taketh
his
originall
from
the
Soule
,
which
giueth
life
to
the
bodie
of
trafficke
;
that
is
to
say
,
The
exchange
for
Moneys
by
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
is
grounded
vpon
Moneys
,
and
Moneys
were
inuented
and
made
by
common
consent
to
be
the
rule
and
square
to
set
a
price
vnto
all
things
,
and
the
right
and
true
judges
of
them
;
and
is
therefore
called
Publica
Mensura
,
Publica
Mensura
betweene
vs
and
forreine
nations
,
and
between
all
nations
in
the
course
of
commerce
,
Marcus
Cato
therefore
saieth
aduisedly
:
Oportet
patrem
familias
esse
Vendacem
,
non
emacem
.
A
prince
therefore
(
as
the
father
of
the
common-wealth
)
ought
to
be
a
seller
and
not
a
buyer
,
which
commeth
to
passe
when
the
expences
of
his
common-wealth
do
not
exceed
his
incomes
and
reuenues
:
this
to
be
effected
by
keeping
a
certaine
equalitie
in
the
trafficke
betwixt
his
kingdome
and
forreine
nations
.
These
Aphorismes
or
selected
points
are
of
great
importance
:
for
(
as
is
noted
before
)
gaine
being
the
scope
of
all
merchants
,
is
procured
without
regard
had
to
the
common-wealth
;
the
wealth
wherof
cannot
properly
decrease
but
three
manner
of
waies
,
Money
may
well
be
compared
to
the
Compasse
,
The
learned
haue
determined
,
The
knowledge
of
the
premisses
is
so
naturally
and
visibly
engraffed
in
the
mind
of
man
,
as
no
doubt
can
be
admitted
:
neuerthelesse
there
are
men
so
intoxicated
in
their
iudgements
,
that
being
once
possessed
of
an
imaginarie
conceit
,
they
will
neuer
be
remoued
;
as
he
was
who
asked
of
his
friend
,
What
he
should
do
with
a
heape
of
stones
and
trash
to
be
rid
of
it
?
and
was
answered
,
That
he
should
digge
a
hole
in
the
ground
and
burie
them
;
and
when
the
other
demanded
of
him
,
what
he
should
do
with
the
earth
he
should
dig
out
?
he
told
him
he
should
make
the
hole
so
much
bigger
to
put
them
in
both
,
and
he
could
neuer
be
recalled
from
this
conceit
,
euen
in
naturall
and
substantiall
things
to
be
felt
,
seene
,
and
handled
;
insomuch
that
experience
sheweth
,
that
digging
an
hole
,
one
shall
hardly
put
in
the
same
earth
againe
,
without
cramming
and
labour
,
much
lesse
the
other
.
The
Pithagorians
doctrine
lately
reuiued
by
Copernicus
,
touching
the
scituation
and
mouing
of
the
bodies
Coelestiall
,
denying
the
stabilitie
of
the
earth
,
may
in
some
measure
be
admitted
argumentandi
gratia
;
for
they
set
forth
some
Astronomicall
demonstration
,
Right
merchants
are
taken
to
be
wise
in
their
profession
,
for
their
owne
good
and
benefit
of
the
common-wealth
;
for
of
the
six
members
of
all
the
gouernments
of
monarchies
and
common-weales
,
they
are
the
principal
instruments
to
increase
or
decrease
the
wealth
therof
;
as
may
appear
by
the
description
of
the
following
royall
banket
of
Great
Britaine
.
Diuine
seruice
,
Armes
,
Laws
,
Riches
,
Arts
,
and
Sustenance
,
&
that
the
managing
of
these
six
things
requireth
six
maner
of
persons
,
namely
,
Clergie-men
,
Noble-men
,
Magistrates
,
Merchants
,
Artificers
,
&
Husband-men
(
which
iointly
are
the
members
of
all
common-weales
)
was
graciously
disposed
to
inuite
them
all
vnto
a
royall
banket
,
where
(
after
many
pleasing
discourses
concerning
hunting
,
and
hauing
proued
by
many
examples
,
that
the
most
renowned
princes
delighting
in
that
royall
sport
,
haue
alwaies
beene
the
best
wariers
)
his
Maiestie
was
pleased
,
that
euerie
member
of
his
common-wealth
as
aforesaid
,
should
in
one
onely
word
expresse
the
propertie
of
his
profession
or
calling
;
whereupon
the
Clergie-men
did
say
,
we
instruct
;
the
Noblemen
,
we
fight
;
the
Magistrates
,
we
defend
;
the
Merchants
,
we
inrich
;
the
Artificers
,
we
furnish
;
and
the
Husband-men
,
we
feed
.
The
king
answering
,
vsed
these
or
the
like
speeches
:
We
do
verie
well
approue
your
declarations
in
this
briefe
manner
,
recommending
euerie
one
of
you
to
discharge
your
duetie
accordingly
,
Parens
patri●
who
like
a
father
of
the
great
familie
of
the
common-wealth
,
doth
studie
for
the
welfare
thereof
.
The
Lord
Chancellor
making
a
general
answere
,
did
acknowledge
his
maiestie
to
be
the
right
and
supreame
head
,
without
which
the
bodie
was
to
be
esteemed
as
a
dead
trunke
,
for
said
he
,
the
royal
Scepter
of
a
Monarchie
,
guided
with
good
and
wholesome
lawes
,
doth
far
exceed
all
other
gouernments
,
Aristocracies
&
Democracies
.
Aristocracie
is
the
gouernment
of
the
lesse
number
of
people
of
a
common-wealth
in
soueraingtie
,
and
Democracie
(
being
contrarie
vnto
it
)
is
the
greater
number
of
people
gouerning
.
Hereupon
replication
being
made
by
the
King
;
fault
was
found
of
the
generall
dearth
of
all
things
within
his
Realme
,
without
any
scarsitie
of
the
said
things
seruing
for
the
backe
and
belly
,
which
wee
doe
attribute
vnto
you
Husbandmen
,
said
the
King
,
And
ingeniously
perceiuing
,
that
the
vitall
spirit
of
trafficke
did
consist
in
the
matter
of
exchange
for
monyes
,
because
the
same
is
the
publike
measure
betweene
Nation
and
Nations
,
and
that
gaine
was
the
radicall
moisture
of
commerce
,
which
had
his
effectuall
power
in
Exchanges
:
his
Maiestie
thought
good
to
call
diuers
Merchants
to
the
consultation
of
this
businesse
(
being
within
their
element
)
to
heare
their
opinion
how
to
remedy
the
said
inconuenience
.
First
,
that
our
Monie
being
vndervalued
in
Exchange
,
causeth
the
price
of
our
home
Commodities
to
be
abated
,
and
to
bee
sold
better
cheape
in
forraine
parts
,
and
is
also
the
cause
that
our
Monyes
are
exported
.
Secondly
,
the
Monyes
being
transported
,
taketh
away
the
liuely
course
of
trafficke
of
our
said
Commodities
,
and
causeth
young
Merchants
to
runne
by
Exchanges
vpon
Billes
to
maintaine
their
Trade
,
paying
great
Interest
for
money
,
which
they
cannot
take
vp
by
their
single
Bond
,
as
they
can
doe
by
Bill
,
taking
vp
the
same
by
Exchange
without
Sureties
.
Thirdly
,
this
causeth
young
Merchants
and
others
to
make
rash
sales
of
their
Commodities
beyond
the
Seas
,
to
pay
their
Billes
of
Exchanges
,
whereby
they
ouerthrow
the
Markets
of
others
,
an●
make
them
sell
better
cheape
.
So
on
the
contrarie
,
the
coynes
being
ouervalued
in
exchange
,
and
also
inhaunced
beyond
the
Seas
,
caused
the
price
of
forraine
Commodities
to
increase
,
more
than
our
natiue
Commodities
;
and
our
Merchants
are
compelled
(
of
course
)
to
make
returne
thereby
,
because
they
cannot
import
those
ouer-valued
monyes
,
but
to
their
exceeding
great
losse
.
And
by
exchange
they
find
few
Takers
,
vnlesse
it
be
our
young
Merchants
,
which
doe
consume
their
estates
by
Exchanges
,
and
Rechanges
.
For
of
the
said
three
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
,
This
plentie
of
money
is
daily
increased
by
our
Merchants
trading
Spaine
and
all
others
,
who
doe
diuert
the
Royalls
of
Spaine
from
vs
,
because
of
the
inhaunsing
of
monyes
beyond
the
Seas
,
where
they
haue
25
vpon
the
hundreth
gaine
,
when
with
vs
they
make
but
10
ꝑ
cent
.
This
gaine
is
practised
by
exchange
,
and
would
otherwise
bee
but
imaginarie
,
as
shall
be
declared
hereafter
;
whereby
we
shall
find
that
the
said
Exchange
is
still
predominant
,
and
ouerruling
the
Monyes
and
Commodities
.
CHAP.
VI.
A
Geometricall
Description
of
the
World
,
especially
of
EVROPE
,
Measured
by
Millions
of
Acres
of
ground
,
vpon
the
Mappe
.
The
Measure
is
one
Million
,
or
ten
hundreth
thousand
Acres
.
THE
Circumference
of
the
roundnesse
of
the
whole
Globe
of
the
world
,
composed
of
Water
and
Earth
,
is
accounted
to
bee
5400
Geometricall
Miles
,
or
21600
ordinarie
Miles
.
But
whereas
the
Miles
in
all
Kingdomes
and
Countries
,
and
almost
in
euerie
Prouince
or
Shire
doe
differ
.
I
haue
thought
conuenient
to
admit
one
measure
of
one
million
of
Acres
of
ground
,
to
measure
the
whole
Globe
therby
according
to
the
Map
,
which
is
not
only
intelligible
vnto
al
men
;
but
al
merchants
also
may
haue
vse
hereof
.
For
by
the
number
of
the
millions
of
Acres
,
comparing
one
Kingdome
vnto
another
,
or
one
Countrie
vnto
another
Countrie
,
they
may
know
the
bignesse
and
spaciousnesse
thereof
,
which
we
haue
particularly
obserued
in
Europe
,
with
a
distinction
also
of
the
Dominion
of
Princes
in
these
seuerall
Countries
knowne
by
the
name
,
France
,
Italy
,
Germany
and
others
,
which
many
times
falleth
into
consideration
vpon
singular
occasions
.
This
Globe
of
the
world
,
is
diuided
to
be
two
third
parts
Water
or
Seas
,
and
one
third
part
Land
:
and
of
this
Land
there
is
one
third
part
not
inhabited
,
and
the
other
two
third
parts
are
,
as
followeth
.
The
whole
Circumference
,
by
the
aforesaid
measure
is
,
19
,
803
,
575000
,
which
is
29
milliars
,
803
millions
,
575
thousand
Acres
,
and
the
milliar
is
tenne
hundreth
millions
.
Hereof
deduct
⅓
part
not
inhabited
,
which
is
3
milliars
,
311
millions
,
508
thousand
acres
;
So
rest
6
milliars
623
millions
17
thousand
acres
of
land
inhabited
,
whereof
followeth
a
particular
distribution
.
First
for
Europe
or
Christendome
.
England
containeth
29
millions
,
568
thousand
acres
.
Scotland
containeth
14
millions
,
432
thousand
acres
.
Ireland
containeth
18
millions
.
So
these
three
Kingdoms
,
with
all
their
dominions
of
lands
and
Ilands
adiacent
,
vnder
the
Diademe
of
King
Iames
,
containe
62
millions
of
acres
of
ground
,
&c.
England
is
by
this
computation
accordingly
with
the
dominion
of
Wales
,
and
all
Islands
thereunto
belonging
,
the
thousand
part
of
the
whole
Globe
,
or
the
222
part
of
the
earth
inhabited
,
or
the
333
part
of
the
whole
earth
;
and
Scotland
may
be
full
the
one
halfe
of
this
computation
,
that
is
,
the
444
part
of
the
earth
inhabited
,
or
the
666
part
of
the
whole
earth
:
and
the
Monarchie
of
great
Brittaine
,
and
the
Kingdome
of
Ireland
is
the
480
part
of
the
whole
Globe
,
vnnecessarie
fractions
in
cypher
omitted
.
The
bodie
of
the
Sunne
is
166
times
bigger
than
the
whole
Globe
of
the
world
,
and
so
accordingly
for
the
seas
and
earth
,
as
aforesaid
.
The
17
Prouinces
of
the
Low-countries
.
Containe
10
millions
,
797
thousand
acres
,
whereof
-
The
reconciled
prouinces
with
Spaine
,
containe
7
millions
,
197
thousand
acres
.
-
The
vnited
prouinces
vnder
the
States
containe
3
millions
,
599
thousand
acres
.
-
The
Kingdome
of
France
diuided
into
32
prouinces
containeth
in
all
82
millions
,
879
thousand
acres
.
The
kingdomes
of
Spaine
(
being
eight
in
number
)
containe
as
followeth
.
|
|
|
m.
|
|
Castile
|
25
Millions
|
730.
|
|
Andalusia
|
2
millions
|
425
|
|
Granado
|
2
millions
|
128
|
|
Nauarre
|
1
million
|
458
|
|
Leon
galisia
|
9
millions
|
124
|
|
Arragon
|
13
millions
|
104
|
|
Biscaye
|
3
millions
|
412
|
|
Portugal
|
10
millions
|
154
|
In
all
containing
67
millions
,
535
thousand
acres
.
ITALIA
.
Vnder
Spaine
.
|
|
|
m.
|
|
Naples
|
11
millions
|
704
|
|
Lombardie
|
1
million
|
640
|
Vnder
Venice
.
|
|
|
m.
|
|
Treuisana
|
2
millions
|
584
|
|
Verona
|
0
millions
|
480
|
|
Frioul
|
1
million
|
047
|
|
Mantua
|
0
millions
|
480
|
Vnder
Rome
.
|
|
|
m.
|
|
Liguria
|
1
million
|
415
|
|
Romagnia
|
1
million
|
085
|
|
Latium
|
0
millions
|
480
|
|
Hetruria
|
0
millions
|
540
|
|
Sauoy
|
1
million
|
910
|
|
Piedmont
|
1
million
|
160
|
|
Toscana
&c.
|
4
millions
|
785
|
|
Suria
and
Florence
|
480
|
|
Marca
|
1
million
|
412
|
|
Ancona
|
|
Parma
|
0
millions
|
885
|
|
Sicilia
|
3
millions
|
113
|
|
Cypres
|
1
million
|
601
|
|
Candia
|
2
millions
|
060
|
|
Corsica
|
1
million
|
395
|
|
Sardegna
|
4
millions
|
089
|
Containing
in
all
44
millions
,
257
thousand
acres
.
GERMANIA
.
|
|
|
m.
|
|
Saxonia
|
3
millions
|
484
|
|
Misina
|
3
millions
|
249
|
|
Turnigia
|
1
million
|
093
|
|
Lusatia
|
2
millions
|
572
|
|
Bauaria
|
3
millions
|
249
|
|
Helsatia
|
3
millions
|
644
|
|
Heluetia
|
12
millions
|
328
|
|
Basle
|
0
millions
|
842
|
|
Swebourgh
|
2
millions
|
109
|
|
Salsbourgh
|
1
million
|
063
|
|
Trier
,
Ments
,
|
4
mill
.
|
237
|
|
Spiers
,
Strasbourgh
,
|
|
and
Wormes
.
|
|
Iuliers
|
0
millions
|
348
|
|
Cleaue
|
0
millions
|
258
|
|
Westphalia
|
2
millions
|
300
|
|
Osnab
|
0
millions
|
358
|
|
Silesia
|
5
millions
|
706
|
|
Bohemia
|
7
millions
|
024
|
|
Austria
|
6
millions
|
121
|
|
Morauia
|
4
millions
|
114
|
|
Pomerania
|
3
millions
|
249
|
|
Brandenbourgh
|
6
millions
|
208
|
|
Machalbourgh
|
2
millions
|
107
|
|
Franconia
|
6
millions
|
361
|
|
Tiroll
|
3
millions
|
249
|
|
Carinthia
|
1
million
|
588
|
|
Stiria
|
1
million
|
779
|
|
Palantine
Rhene
|
4
millions
|
361
|
|
Wirtenborgh
|
1
million
|
223
|
|
Embden
|
0
millions
|
230
|
|
Oldenbourgh
|
0
millions
|
449
|
|
Liege
|
0
millions
|
548
|
|
Coloigne
|
0
millions
|
215
|
Containing
in
all
95
millions
,
646
thousand
acres
.
Prussia
—
10
millions
240
thousand
acres
.
|
|
|
m.
|
|
Russia
|
9
millions
|
607
|
|
Volhimia
|
5
millions
|
762
|
|
Massouia
|
1
million
|
916
|
|
Liuonia
|
34
millions
|
115
|
|
Poland
|
19
millions
|
205
|
Heretofore
named
Polonia
,
containing
in
all
80
millions
m.
845.
DENMARKE
.
|
|
|
m.
|
|
Denmarke
|
10
millions
|
426
|
|
Norway
|
28
millions
|
492
|
|
Holsten
|
1
million
|
065
|
|
Ditinars
|
0
million
|
337
|
Containing
in
all
40
millions
,
326
thousand
acres
.
SWETHEN
.
|
Sweathen
|
57
millions
|
430
thousand
acres
.
|
|
Finland
|
7
millions
|
531
thousand
.
|
|
Gothia
|
20
millions
|
936
thousand
.
|
Containing
in
all
85
millions
,
897
thousand
acres
.
Part
of
Russiia
or
Moscouia
and
Situam
vnder
Europe
,
232
millions
558
thousand
acres
:
so
that
whole
Europe
or
Christendome
doth
but
containe
802
millions
740
thousand
acres
,
-
Hungarie
,
Dalmatia
,
Transyluania
,
and
all
Turkie
385
mill
.
m.
367.
-
Moscouiae
Pars
128
millions
,
817
thousand
acres
.
-
Tartaria
299
millions
,
110
thousand
.
-
Persia
385
millions
,
367
thousand
.
-
Calicut
and
East-India
587
millions
,
200
thousand
acres
.
-
Africa
containeth
1541
millions
,
883
thousand
acres
.
-
America
containeth
1152
millions
,
400
thousand
acres
.
-
Noua
Hispania
1349
millions
,
133
thousand
acres
.
Summa
totalis
of
the
inhabited
parts
of
the
World
,
six
Milliars
,
six
hundreth
and
twentie
three
Millions
,
and
seuen
tenne
thousand
Acres
of
Land
,
Vt
supra
.
THE
vse
of
this
description
,
to
know
the
bignesse
of
one
Countrey
compared
vnto
another
Countrey
,
is
,
for
example
:
England
containeth
twentie
nine
Measures
and
odde
;
Bohemia
containing
seuen
Measures
and
odde
,
is
the
fourth
part
of
England
,
or
thereabouts
.
The
seuenteene
Prouinces
of
the
Low
Countryes
,
being
tenne
Measures
and
odde
,
is
the
third
part
of
England
,
or
thereabouts
.
The
Monarchy
of
Great
Brittaine
,
being
fortie
foure
Measures
and
odd
,
is
as
big
as
all
Italy
,
and
the
fiue
Ilands
of
Sicilia
,
Cyprus
,
Candia
,
Corsica
,
and
Sardignia
,
and
is
also
more
populous
.
And
so
for
all
other
Countryes
;
insomuch
that
England
onely
containing
twentie
nine
of
those
Measures
,
or
Millions
,
568
thousand
Acres
of
ground
;
if
wee
deduct
the
fiue
Millions
,
and
568
thousand
Acres
for
wilde
&
waste
grounds
and
High-wayes
,
Here
may
Microcosmos
,
the
little
world
Man
,
behold
how
little
the
great
world
is
,
which
is
made
for
him
as
a
Tabernacle
,
where
hee
hath
no
abiding
place
,
but
trauelleth
as
a
Pilgrime
towards
the
Coelestiall
habitation
,
with
a
thankefull
mind
and
remembrance
of
the
mercie
of
God
,
who
hath
beene
mindfull
of
the
Sonne
of
Man
,
and
made
him
lower
than
the
Angels
,
to
crowne
him
with
glory
and
worship
,
Psal.
8.
Thus
much
I
thought
to
demonstrate
vnto
Christian
Merchants
touching
the
world
,
before
wee
intreate
of
the
commodities
,
whereby
trafficke
and
commerce
is
by
them
and
other
Nations
maintained
,
according
to
the
ancient
Verse
:
Currit
Mercator
ad
Indos
,
—
as
appeareth
in
the
next
Chapter
.
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
the
Commodities
of
all
Countries
whereby
commerce
is
mainetained
.
Corporum
tria
sunt
genera
.
ALbeit
that
the
aforesaid
Doctors
of
the
Ciuile
Law
haue
declared
that
there
be
but
three
kind
of
bodies
of
things
,
namely
,
1
Quod
continetur
vno
spiritu
,
vt
homo
,
lapis
&c.
which
is
contained
of
one
spirit
,
as
man
and
a
stone
,
or
such
like
.
2
Quod
ex
pluribus
inter
se
,
coherentibus
constat
,
vt
edificium
nauis
&c.
which
consisteth
of
many
things
ioyned
together
,
as
a
building
,
a
ship
&c.
3
Quod
ex
distantibus
constat
,
vt
corpora
vno
nomine
subiecta
,
veluti
populus
,
legio
,
grex
,
&c.
which
consisteth
of
distant
things
,
as
many
bodies
vnder
one
name
,
a
People
,
a
Legion
,
a
Flock
,
and
the
like
.
Yet
this
difinition
is
not
compleat
,
concerning
the
bodie
of
trafficke
and
commerce
,
consisting
of
Bodie
,
Soule
,
and
Spirit
,
namely
Commodities
,
Mony
,
and
exchange
of
Mony
by
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
as
aforesaid
,
which
are
to
be
described
in
order
.
And
because
Commodities
,
like
vnto
the
Bodie
,
vpheld
the
world
at
the
first
by
way
of
commutation
and
bartering
of
them
according
to
necessitie
and
vsefulnesse
:
Therefore
may
it
bee
thought
conuenient
to
set
downe
in
this
place
,
the
particular
commodities
of
all
Countries
,
and
(
of
some
of
them
)
their
values
and
estimation
,
by
meanes
whereof
Trafficke
and
Trade
is
established
and
maintained
,
that
thereupon
wee
may
proceed
accordingly
.
Verely
in
the
estate
of
Innocency
all
things
were
common
;
but
alas
this
communitie
of
things
indured
but
a
while
,
and
now
by
reason
of
our
naturall
corruption
,
and
pronenesse
to
wrong
one
another
,
there
is
an
absolute
necessitie
of
proprietie
and
seuerall
possession
,
which
is
consonant
to
the
Law
of
God
,
as
well
as
founded
vpon
the
Law
of
man
,
and
consent
of
Nations
;
it
being
the
voyce
of
secondarie
Nature
:
This
is
my
house
,
this
is
my
towne
,
and
this
is
my
seruant
,
&c.
whereby
Meum
&
Tuum
is
distinguished
.
The
reuocation
of
this
communion
of
things
,
is
the
nerues
and
bond
of
humane
Societie
,
and
the
mother
of
labour
and
diligence
.
Who
would
Till
the
ground
if
he
hoped
not
to
taste
of
the
crop
of
it
?
Surely
all
would
be
waste
and
desolate
,
if
men
were
to
plant
and
build
for
euery
body
,
that
is
nobody
.
Wee
see
by
experience
,
that
the
strongest
would
depriue
others
of
the
vse
of
things
,
vnlesse
the
law
did
interpose
her
authoritie
,
which
is
two
fold
,
namely
Paterna
&
Politica
effected
by
the
fathers
of
families
,
and
magistrates
.
And
herein
is
no
other
equalitie
to
be
found
concerning
things
,
but
a
mutuall
voluntarie
estimation
of
them
according
to
the
vse
and
behoofe
of
the
said
things
.
And
the
prouerbe
is
true
,
That
goods
held
in
common
,
are
(
as
it
were
)
no
bodies
goods
,
and
not
manured
as
they
ought
to
be
,
whereupon
Plato
in
his
second
Common-wealth
(
vpon
better
consideration
)
did
reuoke
his
former
opinion
of
the
communitie
of
goods
,
and
vsed
to
say
,
That
no
man
was
a
gayner
but
another
became
a
looser
,
which
had
an
ouer
great
regard
to
the
propertie
of
goods
,
and
if
there
were
no
propertie
of
goods
,
all
trafficke
would
cease
.
Neuerthelesse
,
the
Equalitie
and
Equitie
in
the
course
of
Commerce
must
be
obserued
,
to
auoid
the
ouerballancing
of
commodities
,
as
in
the
precedent
Chapter
is
mentioned
,
which
requireth
a
third
consideration
of
an
other
kind
of
equalitie
.
For
as
we
haue
noted
with
Aristotle
,
Riches
is
either
Naturall
,
or
Artificiall
.
The
Naturall
riches
,
as
Lands
,
Vines
,
Forrests
,
Meddowes
,
and
the
like
.
The
Artificiall
,
as
Money
,
Gold
,
Siluer
,
Cloth
,
and
all
other
Manufactures
and
houshold
Stuffe
.
Now
as
this
Artificiall
riches
is
proceeding
of
the
Naturall
riches
,
and
that
both
these
doe
receiue
their
price
and
estimation
by
money
:
So
reason
requireth
a
certaine
equalitie
betweene
them
,
which
wee
find
to
bee
defectiue
,
which
is
concerning
the
price
of
lands
.
To
prooue
our
Assertion
,
wee
can
hardly
make
this
inequalitie
appeare
,
albeit
wee
doe
find
the
want
of
the
treasure
transported
from
vs
into
the
parts
beyond
the
Seas
.
For
it
befalleth
vnto
vs
concerning
monyes
and
wealth
,
as
it
doth
to
a
Generall
of
a
Campe
of
ten
thousand
supposed
armed
men
,
whereof
muster
being
taken
at
seuerall
times
,
and
vpon
seuerall
dayes
,
all
of
them
are
found
to
bee
armed
,
because
they
lend
their
Armour
to
each
other
:
whereas
,
if
they
were
all
mustred
in
a
day
,
and
at
one
instant
,
a
great
part
of
them
would
bee
found
to
want
Armour
.
So
the
like
want
of
monyes
and
wealth
would
be
found
if
rich
men
were
examined
,
for
their
personall
estates
vpon
any
vrgent
occasion
.
And
now
let
vs
examine
the
commodities
of
all
countries
,
beginning
from
the
East
and
ending
in
the
West
.
Of
the
goodnesse
and
value
of
East
India
Commodities
.
THe
Merchants
Trade
for
the
East
Indies
,
tooke
beginning
in
England
,
in
the
yeare
1600
;
At
which
time
Spices
and
all
other
Commodities
were
bought
for
the
prices
hereafter
declared
,
translated
out
of
the
Portugall
tongue
,
with
my
additions
and
obseruations
concerning
the
goodnesse
of
those
Commodities
.
Crauo
di
Bastao
,
which
is
sold
for
25
ducatts
,
which
the
Portugalls
doe
mingle
many
times
:
the
difference
is
halfe
in
halfe
in
price
,
and
the
pound
at
13
½
pence
.
There
is
an
inferiour
sort
called
Mechino
,
of
six
Ducatts
the
Quintall
.
Ginger
in
conserue
,
at
13
½
Ducatts
,
is
about
7
½
pence
the
pound
.
De
mato
,
for
ten
Ducatts
,
whereby
the
pound
of
the
best
is
about
19
pence
,
and
the
other
about
6
d.
Commodities
sold
by
a
weight
called
Man
of
24
ll
weight
.
China
Silke
76
Ducatts
.
Silke
in
pieces
86
Ducatts
.
Lacre
or
Hard-Wax
,
sixteene
Ducatts
the
Man
.
Soft-Wax
,
Commodities
sold
by
the
Bar
of
15
Rooues
or
Arrobas
of
28
ll.
White
Sandalo
,
the
20
pieces
,
160
Ducatts
.
Red
Sandall
wood
,
China
Wood
180
Ducatts
,
Ebony
Wood
200
Ducatts
.
Commodities
which
are
sold
by
the
Ounce
.
Ambre
greis
13
Ducatts
,
is
65
ss.
Blacke
Ambre
3
Ducatts
,
Muske
in
Coads
at
2
½
Ducatts
or
12
ss
6
pence
the
ounce
.
Bezar
Stones
are
sold
according
to
their
bignesse
more
or
lesse
.
Commodities
sold
by
the
score
of
twentie
pieces
,
as
Calico
Cloth
,
&c.
CAlico
Cloth
of
the
places
following
,
called
by
seuerall
names
.
Canequins
fine
of
Cambaya
60
Ducatts
,
is
3
Ducatts
,
or
15
ss
the
piece
.
Canequins
ordinary
of
the
same
place
,
40
ducats
is
10
ss
the
piece
.
Teadas
20
Ducatts
,
is
5
ss
the
piece
.
Dotins
,
25
Ducatts
.
Bancais
tenne
,
&c.
Cotonias
for
Friars
,
twentie
foure
Ducatts
:
and
ordinarie
at
twentie
Ducatts
.
Calico
Cloth
Dosinde
,
called
Iourins
fine
70
,
and
ordinarie
45
Ducatts
.
Calico
Cloth
of
the
coast
of
Canaor
,
called
Beatillas
,
fine
26
Ducatts
,
and
the
ordinarie
20
Ducatts
.
Pacharins
25
,
and
Berames
30
Ducatts
.
Calico
Cloth
of
Vengala
,
of
two
places
,
called
Cassas
fine
,
100
Ducats
,
the
ordinary
Cassas
70
Ducatts
,
Soto
pazes
,
25
Ducatts
,
and
Beatillas
100
Ducatts
.
Chaictares
fine
,
40
ducatts
;
ordinaries
25
,
and
cassas
of
60
ducats
.
Calico
Lawne
made
of
Nettles
●/4
broad
,
All
kind
of
Druggs
differing
much
in
goodnesse
,
Tamarinds
,
Calamus
,
Aromaticus
,
Spicanardi
,
Oppium
,
Cassia
,
Mirrhe
inanse
,
Aloes
Cicatrini
,
&
Tutia
,
Rheubarbe
,
and
the
like
;
Lignnm
Aloes
,
Saunde●s
,
Borax
or
Atincall
,
and
many
other
commodities
.
All
which
Spices
and
Druggs
are
to
bee
Garbled
,
for
the
better
and
wholsome
vse
of
man
,
for
as
liquid
things
in
Nature
,
become
soure
;
so
drie
things
become
bitter
in
nature
,
wherevpon
the
Garbellers
office
was
established
and
granted
,
Of
the
weight
,
goodnesse
,
and
values
of
Pearles
and
Precious
Stones
.
PEarles
and
Diamonds
,
are
bought
and
sold
by
the
Carrat
weight
made
for
that
purpose
.
For
whereas
Gold
is
sold
by
the
Carrat
of
24
to
an
ounce
,
accounting
two
Carrats
for
one
ounce
of
Siluer
,
whereof
12
ounces
make
the
pound
weight
Troy
.
Rubies
are
bought
by
the
Fanan
,
and
11
¼
Fanans
make
one
Mitigall
,
and
6
½
of
them
make
an
ounce
.
But
of
late
yeares
,
Diamonds
,
Rubies
and
Saphires
,
are
bought
and
sold
by
the
Carrat
weight
.
Diamonds
the
most
perfect
,
called
Nayfe
,
are
found
in
the
Kingdome
of
Decan
and
Narsinga
,
and
the
Iland
of
Ziclan
,
which
,
as
(
I
say
)
are
sold
by
the
Mangelin
,
at
so
many
Pardaos
,
or
Ducatts
of
360
Reis
,
or
9
Royalls
of
Portugall
;
but
accounting
the
Fanan
at
six
pence
,
and
tenne
Fanans
for
the
said
Ducatt
,
then
the
Pardao
is
fiue
shillings
starling
.
The
Nayfe
Diamonds
are
pointed
on
both
sides
,
and
they
doe
grow
vpon
the
Flat
Diamonds
,
which
are
in
the
superficies
of
the
Bourt
of
Diamonds
,
and
are
impure
,
commonly
beaten
therefore
into
powder
for
the
vse
of
the
other
Diamonds
,
that
are
cut
and
polished
by
the
Millne
.
The
Flat
Diamonds
are
alwayes
valued
one
third
part
lesse
in
price
,
than
the
Nayfe
are
,
so
long
as
they
be
vncut
;
but
being
cut
,
are
of
more
or
lesse
estimation
according
to
their
fashion
.
Some
are
faire
Triangles
,
others
Flower
de
Luces
,
Roses
,
Harts
,
Columes
,
Demy
Crosses
,
or
other
fashions
of
Poly
Angles
,
and
proportions
seruing
for
the
members
or
parts
of
the
bodies
of
things
to
bee
made
into
many
workes
and
Iewels
,
as
the
Iewellers
will
apply
the
same
,
cut
with
many
Fassets
or
Squares
:
But
the
thicke
Stones
are
more
certainely
knowne
by
their
weight
,
hauing
their
Bisallyes
compleat
either
in
Tables
or
Points
wanting
no
corners
or
due
proportion
,
without
spots
or
sands
,
burbles
,
Piedras
de
muestra
,
or
stones
of
shew
,
will
be
sold
by
estimation
,
as
the
loue
and
fancie
of
a
man
will
carrie
the
same
.
In
times
past
all
Diamonds
aboue
4
Carrats
,
rough
or
vnwrought
,
were
the
kings
,
in
the
places
where
they
were
found
;
which
is
the
cause
that
concerning
the
values
of
Diamonds
of
aboue
4
Carrats
cut
,
no
proportion
in
price
is
made
certaine
betweene
Iewellers
,
but
is
left
to
estimation
according
to
the
abouesaid
properties
.
Small
Diamonds
haue
some
proportionable
price
,
rising
and
falling
accordingly
,
which
were
set
downe
at
Paris
in
France
,
during
the
raigne
of
the
French
king
Henrie
the
fourth
,
by
the
Iewellers
there
,
as
followeth
.
Crownes
of
6
ss
euerie
Carrat
.
|
Of
10
stones
a
Car.
|
5.
|
|
Of
9
to
a
Carrat
|
5
½
|
|
Of
8
½
to
a
Carrat
|
6
|
|
Of
7
½
to
a
Carrat
|
7
|
|
Of
7
to
a
Carrat
|
7
½
|
|
Of
6
½
to
a
Car.
|
8
|
|
Of
6
to
a
Car.
|
8
¼
|
|
Of
5
½
to
a
Car.
|
8
½
|
|
Of
5
to
a
Car.
|
8
¾
|
|
Of
4
½
to
a
Car.
|
9
|
|
Of
4
to
a
Car.
|
9
¼
|
|
Of
3
½
to
a
Car.
|
9
¾
|
|
Of
3
to
a
Car.
|
10
¼
|
|
Of
2
½
to
a
Car.
|
11
|
|
Of
2
to
a
Car.
|
12
|
|
Of
2
¼
gr.
the
peece
|
12
½
|
|
Of
2
½
gr.
the
peece
|
13
|
|
Of
2
¾
gr.
the
peece
|
14
½
crowns
the
Car.
|
|
Of
3
Graines
|
16
½
the
Carrat
.
|
|
Of
3
¼
Graines
|
17
|
|
Of
3
¾
Graines
|
18
½
|
|
Of
1
Car.
the
peece
|
19
|
|
Of
4
¼
Graines
|
19
½
|
|
Of
4
½
Graines
|
20
|
|
Of
4
¾
Graines
|
21
|
|
Of
5
Graines
|
22
|
|
Of
6
Graines
|
24
|
|
Of
7
Graines
|
26
|
|
Of
8
Graines
|
30
|
|
Of
9
Graines
|
34
|
|
Of
10
Graines
|
40
|
|
Of
11
Graines
|
45
|
|
Of
12
Graines
|
50
|
|
Of
16
or
4
Carrats
|
60
|
By
this
estimat
it
appeareth
that
a
Diamond
of
4
Carrats
brute
or
vncut
,
is
set
downe
60
French
crownes
,
which
is
18
ll
sterling
:
for
it
is
vncertaine
what
may
be
diminished
of
the
weight
by
the
workemanship
of
it
.
|
Of
½
a
Graine
|
20
shillings
ster
.
|
|
Of
¾
of
a
Graines
|
25
|
|
Of
one
Graine
|
40
|
|
Of
1
¼
Graine
|
50
|
|
Of
1
½
Graine
|
60
|
|
Of
1
¾
Graine
|
80
|
|
Of
2
Graines
|
100
|
|
Of
2
¼
Graines
|
120
|
|
Of
2
½
Graines
|
150
|
|
Of
2
¾
Graines
|
9
ll
0
0
|
|
Of
3
Graines
|
12
0
0
|
|
Of
3
¼
Graines
|
16
0
0
|
|
Of
3
½
Graines
|
20
0
0
|
|
Of
3
¾
Graines
|
24
0
0
|
|
Of
4
Gr.
or
one
Carrat
|
30
0
0
|
|
Of
one
Carrat
¼
|
33
0
0
|
|
Of
1
½
Carrats
|
36
0
0
|
|
Of
1
¾
Carrat
|
40
0
0
|
|
Of
2
Carrats
|
60
0
0
|
|
Of
3
Carrats
|
100
0
0
|
|
Of
4
Carrats
|
200
0
0
|
All
which
prices
may
alter
from
time
to
time
according
to
the
vse
of
precious
Stones
,
vpon
accidentall
causes
of
the
mariages
,
of
Princes
and
great
personages
,
to
be
done
proportionably
.
As
if
the
Diamond
of
a
Carrat
should
rise
20
in
the
hundreth
,
then
all
the
other
sorts
accordingly
;
and
so
also
in
the
falling
of
the
price
by
greater
quantities
.
Diamonds
of
yellow
water
(
which
giue
lustre
extraordinarily
by
candle-light
)
are
more
in
request
in
Germanie
and
some
places
in
Italie
,
where
the
browne
Diamonds
are
also
desired
.
But
in
England
&
France
they
are
worth
⅓
part
lesse
(
which
is
according
to
the
aboue
said
prices
that
Diamonds
are
now
worth
with
vs
also
.
)
The
Diamond
of
a
full
Carrat
being
a
perfect
Table
,
and
yellow
,
is
worth
20
ll
sterling
.
The
pointed
Diamonds
,
which
(
in
regard
of
their
natural
proportion
,
hauing
lesse
wast
in
the
cutting
)
heretofore
sold
better
cheape
than
the
Table
Diamonds
,
are
now
deerer
and
more
esteemed
.
About
this
time
of
the
abouesaid
estimation
,
these
Diamonds
of
the
Sortes
following
,
|
|
|
ll.
|
s.
|
d.
|
|
Of
10
peeces
to
a
Carrat
|
1000
reis
|
or
0
|
12
|
6
the
Carrat
.
|
|
Of
9
to
a
Carrat
|
1200
reis
|
0
|
15
|
0
|
|
Of
8
to
a
Carrat
|
1400
reis
|
0
|
17
|
6
|
|
Of
7
to
a
Carrat
|
1600
reis
|
1
|
0
|
0
|
|
Of
6
to
a
Carrat
|
1800
reis
|
1
|
2
|
6
|
|
Of
5
to
a
Carrat
|
2000
reis
|
1
|
5
|
0
|
|
Of
4
to
a
Carrat
|
2400
reis
|
1
|
10
|
0
|
|
Of
3
to
a
Carrat
|
3200
reis
|
2
|
0
|
0
|
|
Of
2
to
a
Carrat
|
4000
reis
|
2
|
10
|
0
|
|
Of
one
Carrat
nayfe
|
6000
reis
|
3
|
15
|
0
|
|
Of
one
Carrat
flat
stones
|
5000
reis
|
3
|
2
|
6
|
The
cutting
of
them
was
10
and
12
ss
for
euerie
Carrat
in
those
daies
.
There
is
a
rule
for
cut
Diamonds
aboue
5
Carrat
.
Rubies
are
found
for
the
most
part
in
a
riuer
called
Pegu
,
being
of
the
best
kind
and
finest
,
and
are
called
Nuncuplo
,
of
a
high
colour
without
any
spots
,
and
cleane
,
They
are
sold
by
the
Corcia
or
score
,
of
20
peeces
,
by
a
weight
called
Fanan
.
The
Rubie
of
one
Fanan
for
10
Pardaos
or
Ducatts
,
is
50
ss
ster
.
If
they
be
not
perfect
,
the
price
must
be
considered
,
as
in
the
Island
of
Zeilan
,
where
great
quantities
are
found
of
a
fleshie
colour
,
esteemed
but
⅓
in
value
,
called
by
the
Indians
Manecas
,
which
being
mundified
by
the
fire
are
made
Carbuncles
.
There
is
also
found
in
Pegu
,
another
kind
called
Spinella
with
vs
,
Saphires
in
the
Island
of
Zeilan
,
the
hardest
are
best
,
Topasies
in
the
same
Island
,
of
colour
like
beaten
gold
,
Turqueses
found
in
Malabar
,
Iacinths
(
in
the
Island
of
Zeilan
)
are
tender
yellow
stones
,
Emeralds
or
Smaragds
(
being
hard
and
greene
stones
,
The
auncient
Phylosophers
haue
determined
that
Sulphur
and
Mercurie
(
being
the
originalls
of
all
mettals
)
are
engendered
of
vapours
and
exhalations
,
All
these
stones
being
out
of
request
with
vs
,
are
to
be
bought
for
Russia
and
other
places
,
as
the
buyer
findeth
cause
.
Pearles
of
all
sorts
are
most
found
in
the
West-Indies
,
which
are
Occidentall
,
|
|
|
ll.
|
s.
|
d.
|
|
Of
one
Carrat
|
1
½
Pardaos
is
|
0
|
7
|
6
Sterling
.
|
|
Of
1
½
Carrat
|
3
Par.
|
0
|
15
|
0
|
|
Of
2
Carrats
|
6
Par.
|
1
|
10
|
0
|
|
Of
2
½
Carrats
|
8
|
2
|
0
|
0
|
|
Of
3
Carrats
|
12
|
3
|
0
|
0
|
|
Of
3
½
Carrats
|
16
|
4
|
0
|
0
|
|
Of
4
Carrats
|
20
|
5
|
0
|
0
|
|
Of
4
½
Carrats
|
25
|
6
|
5
|
0
|
|
Of
5
Carrats
|
30
|
7
|
10
|
0
|
|
Of
5
½
Carrats
|
35
|
8
|
15
|
0
|
|
Of
6
Carrats
|
40
|
10
|
0
|
0
|
|
Of
6
½
Carrats
|
45
|
11
|
5
|
0
|
|
Of
7
Carrats
|
50
|
12
|
10
|
0
|
|
Of
7
½
Carrats
|
60
|
15
|
0
|
0
|
|
Of
8
Carrats
|
70
&
80
|
20
|
0
|
0
|
Aliofar
,
which
is
small
Pearle
sold
by
the
Iuera
,
or
Sorts
which
commeth
from
the
fishing
of
Comorin
,
worth
|
The
1
Iuera
|
330
reis
|
|
The
second
|
180
|
|
The
third
|
80
|
|
The
fourth
|
18
|
|
The
fifth
|
8
|
Francis
Drake
knight
,
which
he
brought
from
Carthagena
,
a
citie
of
the
Island
of
Santo
Domingo
,
being
all
vnholed
and
brute
,
of
seuerall
sorts
,
called
Rostillo
of
40
ss
,
the
ounce
,
halfe
Rostillo
of
30
ss
,
Cadenilla
of
4
ll
the
ounce
,
halfe
Cadenilla
3
ll
,
Pedraria
of
60
&
80
peeces
in
the
ounce
7
ll
,
and
halfe
Pedraria
of
100
to
110
peeces
in
the
ounce
5
ll.
Also
great
vnproportionated
Pearles
called
Barocos
,
according
to
estimation
and
goodnesse
,
as
these
prices
were
made
at
Paris
,
and
when
they
are
holed
or
boared
and
stringed
vp
in
foure
sorts
,
called
Entreneto
,
and
put
into
boxes
,
then
they
are
sold
one
with
another
according
to
their
sorts
,
for
4
or
5
ll
the
ounce
:
diuers
flat
Pearles
seruing
for
buttons
,
Round
Pearles
of
all
sorts
of
this
water
,
valued
at
Paris
as
followeth
.
|
Of
½
a
Graine
2
Solz
tornois
|
2
d
⅖
star
.
|
|
Of
●/4
Graines
2
½
|
2
d
⅗
|
|
Of
1
Graine
4
|
4
d
⅘
|
|
Of
1
●/4
Graine
6
|
7
d
⅕
|
|
Of
1
½
Graine
10
|
12
d
|
|
Of
1
¾
Graine
13
is
|
15
d
½
|
|
Of
2
Graines
16
|
19
d
⅕
|
|
Of
2
¼
Graines
18
|
21
d
⅗
|
|
Of
2
¾
Graines
30
|
3
ss
|
|
Of
3
Graines
40
|
4
ss
|
|
Of
3
¼
Graines
|
50
solz
|
5
|
|
Of
3
½
Graines
|
60
|
6
|
|
Of
3
●/4
Graines
|
70
|
7
|
|
Of
4
Gr.
Carrat
|
80
|
8
|
|
Of
4
¼
Graines
|
90
|
9
|
|
Of
4
½
Graines
|
100
|
10
|
|
Of
5
Graines
|
120
|
12
|
|
Of
6
Graines
|
240
|
24
|
|
Of
7
Graines
|
460
|
46
|
|
Of
8
Gr.
is
2
Carrats
|
60
|
Pearles
of
a
Carratt
are
worth
now
ten
shillings
,
and
the
other
sorts
vnder
the
same
,
or
aboue
it
,
accordingly
.
I
had
1600
of
a
Carratt
,
which
were
sold
for
9
ss
and
900
of
two
Carrats
,
sold
for
36
shillings
,
and
many
faire
pendants
,
whereof
no
price
can
be
made
in
certaintie
,
they
must
haue
the
due
proportion
of
a
Peare
,
and
be
of
excellent
water
.
Yellow
Pearle
,
is
not
worth
halfe
the
price
of
the
East
India
browne
Pearle
,
albeit
they
be
a
little
helped
to
make
them
whiter
,
for
the
Prouerb
is
true
,
Quod
natura
dedit
,
nemo
tollere
potest
;
but
if
they
be
yellow
accidentally
,
then
they
will
become
very
faire
by
the
remedie
following
.
Take
two
ounces
of
white
Argall
or
Tartar
,
and
one
ounce
of
Mercurie
sublimate
,
and
1
½
ounce
of
Allome
,
put
them
together
into
a
cleane
pipkin
or
leaded
pot
,
poure
vpon
it
the
best
Aqua
vitae
you
can
get
,
and
bind
your
pearles
into
a
cleane
clout
,
and
hang
them
in
the
pot
,
and
so
let
them
stand
ouer
the
fire
one
houre
,
not
touching
any
part
of
the
pot
,
and
they
will
be
faire
and
white
.
If
they
be
great
round
Pearles
they
may
be
scaled
,
for
naturally
the
Pearle
is
like
vnto
an
Onyon
,
scaling
one
vpon
another
.
I
remember
that
a
friend
of
my
acquaintance
,
called
Mounsieur
Hellman
told
mee
many
yeares
since
,
that
during
the
minoritie
of
Philip
the
third
,
late
King
of
Spaine
,
he
shewed
vnto
him
two
excellent
great
round
Pearles
,
which
he
valued
at
ten
thousand
ducatts
,
or
three
thousand
pounds
:
which
the
young
Prince
tooke
in
his
hands
,
saying
,
Bocado
por
vn
Roy
(
A
morsell
for
a
King
)
and
swallowed
them
downe
one
after
another
.
The
Merchant
made
account
to
receiue
money
for
his
Pearles
,
but
hee
could
not
,
and
was
glad
within
two
dayes
after
to
take
his
Pearles
againe
,
which
by
the
heat
of
the
stomacke
were
become
yellow
;
comming
to
Antuerp
,
a
certaine
Iew
vndertooke
to
take
off
the
vpper
scale
,
and
so
they
were
exceeding
faire
againe
,
but
diminished
:
they
were
afterwards
sold
to
the
great
Turke
for
aboue
two
thousand
pounds
starling
.
Thus
much
for
Orientall
and
Occidentall
Pearles
,
where
note
that
the
weight
for
Pearles
in
Seuill
,
is
lesser
than
the
weight
of
Lisborne
by
eight
in
the
hundreth
:
the
climate
in
the
East
is
hotter
than
in
the
West
,
and
the
water
more
faltish
,
which
causeth
the
diuersitie
of
colours
.
In
Scotland
are
many
times
found
prettie
store
of
Pearles
,
and
the
climate
being
colder
,
maketh
the
colour
of
them
to
be
dimme
,
albeit
I
haue
seene
some
very
faire
,
and
pendants
also
.
The
small
Pearle
is
also
very
wholesome
in
medicinable
Potions
.
Of
the
Commodities
of
Great
Brittaine
.
Woollen
Clothes
of
all
sorts
,
broad
and
narrow
,
long
and
short
,
called
and
knowne
by
the
names
of
seuerall
Shires
,
being
250
thousand
Clothes
made
yearely
,
besides
the
new
Draperies
of
Perpetuanaes
,
and
the
like
commodities
.
Tinne
,
wrought
and
vnwrought
,
aboue
twelue
hundreth
thousand
pounds
yearely
.
Lead
transported
and
vsed
,
aboue
eight
thousand
Fodders
euerie
yeare
.
Allomes
made
in
aboundance
,
aboue
seuen
hundreth
Tunnes
yearely
.
Copperas
made
according
to
the
quantitie
vsed
,
some
250
Tunnes
yearely
.
Yron
of
all
sorts
,
setting
800
Furnaces
on
worke
.
Yron
Ordnance
,
or
cast
Pieces
,
according
to
occasion
made
.
Wools
and
Woolfels
,
and
Calfe
skinnes
in
great
quantitie
,
and
Conie
skins
.
Stockins
of
all
sorts
of
Silke
,
Wooll
,
and
Yarnsey
,
Yearne
and
Woolls
.
Buffins
,
Mocadoes
,
Grograines
,
Sattins
,
Calamancos
,
Veluets
,
Worsteds
,
Sarges
,
Fustians
,
Durance
,
Tukes
,
and
all
other
Norwich
wares
and
Stuffes
.
Saffron
the
best
that
can
be
found
in
any
countrey
.
Glasse
and
Glasses
of
all
sorts
,
Venice
gold
,
Sea-coale
,
and
Salt
.
Linnen
Cloth
,
and
all
Ironmongers
wares
,
Hides
,
Tallow
,
Leather
,
drest
and
vndrest
,
Trayne
Oyle
,
Salmons
,
Pilchards
,
Herrings
,
Hake
,
Conger
,
Red-Herring
,
Hops
,
Woad
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Beere
,
Salt-peter
and
Gun-powder
,
Honny
and
Wax
,
Alablaster
,
and
many
other
Stones
.
The
Commodities
of
the
Kingdome
of
Ireland
,
are
The
Commodities
of
the
Kingdome
of
France
,
are
WInes
,
Prunes
,
Canuas
,
Linnen
cloth
,
Salt
,
Veluets
,
Raw
silke
,
The
Commodities
of
Spaine
and
Portugall
,
are
WOols
,
Madera
Sugar
,
Almonds
,
Wines
,
Oyles
,
Anny-seeds
,
The
Commodities
of
Italy
,
and
certaine
Ilands
.
VEnice
Gold
,
Veluets
,
Sattines
,
Cipres
,
Silkes
,
The
Commodities
of
Germany
and
places
adioyning
.
WOolles
,
Argall
,
Steele
,
Latine
,
Copper
,
Yron̄
,
The
Commodities
of
East-land
,
and
thereabouts
.
AShes
,
Bowstaues
,
Cables
,
Canuas
,
Buffe-hides
,
Flaxe
,
Hempe
,
The
Commodities
of
Denmarke
,
and
Norway
,
and
Sweaden
.
WHeat
,
Rye
,
Woolles
,
Deales
,
Clap-boord
,
Pipe-staues
,
Denmarke
,
Norway
&
Sweaden
.
Masts
,
Waynscot
,
Copper
,
Timber
,
Fish
and
Furres
,
Allomes
in
some
places
.
The
Commodities
of
Russia
.
The
Commodities
of
Barbary
.
The
Commodities
of
the
Low
Countries
.
Low
Countries
.
TApestrie
,
Battery
worke
,
Steele
,
Cambrickes
,
Lawnes
,
Hoppes
,
Mather
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Grograines
,
Bozatoes
,
Chamblets
,
Mocadoes
,
Brushes
,
Tape
,
Linnen
cloth
,
Pots
,
Bottles
,
Wheat
,
Rye
,
Salt
,
Chimney
backes
,
Blades
,
Horses
,
Soape
,
Fish
,
Herrings
,
Cods
,
Ling
,
and
many
things
,
as
Diaper
,
Smalt
,
Hoopes
of
Yron
.
The
Commodities
of
the
West
Indies
.
FRom
the
Low
Countrie
beginning
the
West
India
Trade
,
let
vs
set
downe
the
commodities
of
it
,
seeing
that
the
States
of
the
vnited
Prouinces
haue
made
lately
a
Societie
of
Merchants
,
bearing
date
the
ninth
of
Iune
1621
,
wherein
other
Nations
may
be
aduenrors
,
as
by
their
letters
Pattents
appeareth
;
prohibiting
all
other
their
subiects
or
inhabitants
,
that
they
shall
not
trade
from
the
said
countries
,
nor
out
or
from
any
other
kingdome
and
countrie
whatsoeuer
,
Gold
and
Siluer
,
Cucheneale
,
Sugars
,
rich
Indico
,
Donnigo
Ginger
,
Pearles
,
Emeraulds
,
Hydes
,
Campeche
or
Logwood
,
Salsaparilla
,
Tabacco
,
Canafistula
,
Cocos-wood
,
Lignum
vitae
,
Cottonwooll
,
Salt
,
and
some
other
druggs
for
Physicke
or
dying
of
Stuffes
.
And
this
may
suffice
for
a
declaration
of
the
principall
commodities
of
most
countries
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
Commutation
or
Bartring
of
Commodities
.
WE
haue
compared
Commodities
vnto
the
bodie
of
trafficke
,
which
did
vphold
the
world
by
commutation
and
Bartring
of
Commodites
before
money
was
deuised
to
be
coined
,
whereof
we
are
now
to
intreate
.
For
commutation
,
barter
,
or
trucke
of
Commodities
was
first
effected
in
specie
,
by
deliuering
one
Commoditie
for
another
according
to
the
commodious
and
behoofull
vse
of
man
;
so
that
one
did
deliuer
so
many
measures
of
Corne
for
so
many
measures
of
Salt
,
as
was
agreed
vpon
;
another
so
many
pound
of
Wooll
against
so
many
pound
of
Pepper
,
Sugar
,
or
other
commodities
;
an
other
so
many
peeces
of
such
a
commodity
for
such
a
commodity
;
or
so
many
Hides
for
one
barre
of
Yron
,
or
so
many
peeces
of
Siluer
vncoyned
,
but
weighed
and
exchanged
,
as
yet
is
vsed
in
some
places
of
America
,
Barbarie
and
Guynea
,
and
other
countries
.
This
may
be
properly
called
an
exchange
of
commodities
,
or
rather
a
permutation
of
commodities
;
albeit
the
Ciuilians
,
when
there
is
scarcitie
of
Gold
and
Siluer
in
a
countrie
,
and
when
the
commodities
in
value
surmount
the
money
paied
for
them
,
they
do
call
that
a
permutation
,
and
denie
the
same
to
be
an
emption
by
their
distinctions
;
how
soeuer
,
this
manner
of
commutation
or
barter
was
made
by
number
,
weight
and
measure
of
commodities
in
kind
:
but
moneys
being
inuented
and
valued
by
the
publicke
authoritie
of
princes
according
to
their
seuerall
stampes
or
coyne
,
and
by
common
consent
made
Publicae
Mensura
,
or
the
publicke
measure
to
set
a
price
vpon
euerie
thing
.
This
commutation
,
barter
,
or
exchange
of
commodities
for
commodities
,
was
,
and
is
(
since
that
time
)
made
according
to
the
rule
of
money
,
whereby
euerie
man
setting
a
price
vnto
his
commoditie
,
doth
sell
and
barter
the
same
as
he
can
,
with
a
respect
of
the
necessarie
vse
or
request
had
of
the
commoditie
,
and
of
the
qualitie
and
goodnesse
of
the
same
,
being
either
corruptible
commodities
,
or
staple
wares
more
durable
,
whereby
all
mettals
and
minerals
came
into
greater
estimation
,
and
the
purest
was
most
valued
and
esteemed
,
euen
in
the
verie
trafficke
by
commutation
when
moneys
were
not
coyned
,
and
commodities
were
dispersed
by
commerce
betweene
nations
by
an
interchangeable
course
,
supplying
each
others
occasions
and
necessities
,
according
to
the
vse
of
commodities
.
in
specie
,
as
aforesaid
;
or
by
the
rule
of
money
in
buying
and
selling
the
same
at
a
price
agreed
or
concluded
vpon
betwene
the
parties
contracting
for
the
same
:
In
the
estimation
whereof
we
are
to
haue
a
due
consideration
,
That
riches
being
naturall
and
artificiall
,
and
both
valued
by
money
,
there
is
required
a
certaine
equalitie
in
the
said
estimation
,
proceeding
of
the
consideration
betweene
this
naturall
and
artificiall
riches
.
And
as
there
are
three
temporall
things
for
the
behoofe
of
man
,
namely
Food
,
Houses
,
and
Apparel
:
so
must
we
account
all
the
things
seruing
thereunto
accordingly
,
and
the
scarcitie
or
plentie
of
those
things
also
according
to
the
vse
of
them
;
hauing
alwaies
a
regard
and
care
not
to
pay
too
much
for
the
things
seruing
for
the
bellie
,
(
especially
such
as
in
some
sort
may
be
spared
or
forborne
)
and
not
to
sell
too
good
cheape
the
things
seruing
for
the
backe
,
or
in
effect
to
barter
them
for
superfluous
things
,
alwaies
admitting
ciuilitie
(
which
albeit
that
men
account
that
ciuile
,
which
is
according
to
the
manner
of
euerie
countrie
as
the
prouerbe
is
,
countries
fashion
,
countries
honour
:
)
yet
reason
must
rule
herein
,
with
a
due
consideration
of
Gods
good
creatures
and
gifts
,
which
cannot
be
done
without
an
vnfatigable
industrie
,
both
in
discerning
the
varietie
of
them
,
and
in
obseruing
their
infinit
number
and
pure
creation
;
in
which
regard
pretious
things
haue
their
estimation
,
so
that
the
same
ciuilitie
must
be
reduced
to
the
good
of
the
common-wealth
,
and
for
the
vpholding
of
the
same
,
liuing
together
in
christian
societie
,
giuing
so
farre
place
vnto
reason
,
that
euerie
man
may
endeauour
himselfe
for
the
preseruation
of
the
weale
publike
,
and
conceiue
generally
,
that
other
nations
(
not
indued
with
so
much
reason
)
are
alwaies
inferiour
vnto
vs
in
that
regard
,
euen
considering
all
men
alike
in
an
estate
of
politicke
gouernment
.
Who
seeth
not
then
that
without
any
cause
of
admiration
,
some
men
doe
wonder
at
the
simplicitie
of
Brasilians
,
West-India
,
and
other
nations
,
as
they
of
Barbarie
,
or
Africa
,
in
giuing
the
good
commodities
of
their
countries
,
yea
Gold
,
Siluer
,
and
pretious
things
,
for
Beades
,
Bels
,
Kniues
,
Looking-Glasses
,
and
such
toyes
and
trifles
?
when
wee
our selues
commit
the
same
,
in
giuing
our
staple
wares
for
Tobacco
,
Orenges
,
and
other
corruptible
smoaking
things
,
or
superfluous
commodities
bought
at
deere
rates
,
to
the
losse
of
the
common-wealth
:
whereby
commeth
an
ouer-ballancing
of
foreine
commodities
with
our
home
commodities
,
which
draweth
away
our
treasure
and
readie
moneys
to
the
incredible
losse
and
impouerishing
of
the
realme
.
This
commutation
negotiatiua
ought
to
be
the
studie
of
Polititians
or
States-men
,
as
a
principall
matter
of
State
for
the
preseruation
and
augmentation
of
the
wealth
of
their
Common-weales
or
Monarchies
,
where
they
sit
to
direct
the
ship
of
trafficke
;
as
skilfull
Pilots
obseruing
all
accidents
which
happen
to
the
three
essentiall
parts
of
trade
and
commerce
alreadie
declared
,
and
to
be
amplified
in
our
description
of
this
customarie
Law
of
Merchants
.
This
Studie
consisteth
in
two
points
,
namely
in
the
consideration
of
the
value
of
the
things
commuted
or
bartered
betweene
countrie
and
countrie
,
according
to
their
vse
;
and
in
the
charges
of
manufacture
of
those
things
,
and
the
manufacture
of
other
things
exchanged
for
the
same
by
way
of
trafficke
and
commerce
.
Worthie
of
commendation
was
the
Maior
of
Carmarthen
towne
in
Wales
,
Touching
the
price
of
manufactures
,
the
labour
and
charges
of
workemen
is
to
be
considered
on
either
side
,
and
what
the
commoditie
may
be
in
the
wearing
or
vse
thereof
,
and
to
what
purpose
or
profit
the
remainder
may
be
imployed
.
As
for
example
,
If
silke
Lace
be
imported
,
after
the
wearing
it
is
nothing
worth
:
If
Venice
Gold
and
Siluer
be
imported
,
there
will
remaine
about
the
one
halfe
in
Siluer
,
albeit
the
same
be
sold
deere
vnto
vs
;
which
is
verie
tollerable
,
if
other
of
our
manufactures
,
or
Cloth
,
be
exported
for
the
same
,
whereby
the
people
are
set
on
worke
to
maintaine
a
common
societie
.
But
when
Tabacco
is
imported
,
On
the
other
side
if
Venice
Gold
and
Siluer
thred
,
Spangles
,
and
Oes
,
shall
be
thought
conuenient
to
be
made
in
England
;
then
(
to
procure
the
Siluer
in
plates
cut
or
vncut
to
be
brought
ouer
of
the
sterling
Standard
,
or
so
much
in
Bullion
as
may
make
the
quantitie
required
)
may
be
thought
expedient
,
if
(
in
regard
of
ciuile
reputation
of
the
kingdome
)
we
will
not
prohibit
the
importation
of
it
by
course
of
trafficke
.
But
considering
that
after
wearing
the
same
with
reputation
,
it
leaueth
almost
the
one
halfe
of
his
value
.
There
is
no
pregnant
cause
to
find
so
much
fault
with
it
,
as
some
men
do
.
The
like
consideration
is
to
be
had
for
such
manufactures
,
whereof
the
verie
peeces
or
rags
may
be
vsed
to
some
purpose
,
as
of
Linnen
to
make
white
paper
,
of
fishers
nets
to
make
browne
paper
,
of
skins
to
make
glew
,
of
beere
leeze
to
make
Aqua
vitae
and
the
like
.
And
here
we
may
not
omit
how
Almightie
God
by
his
diuine
prouidence
ruleth
many
times
this
negotiating
commutation
,
when
the
haruest
of
Corne
faileth
in
one
countrie
,
and
is
prosperous
in
another
countrie
,
whereby
this
trade
of
barter
by
the
rule
of
Mony
,
doth
verie
much
augment
,
and
the
price
of
Corne
becommeth
to
be
much
deerer
:
Albeit
the
price
be
reasonable
,
considering
the
Fermer
may
by
the
cheapnes
thereof
be
made
vnable
to
pay
his
rent
.
And
God
,
who
doth
euerie
thing
for
the
best
,
sheweth
vnto
vs
how
one
nation
may
haue
need
and
occasion
to
vse
the
help
and
meanes
of
other
nations
,
and
which
is
more
admirable
to
be
noted
,
God
in
the
permitting
of
it
,
may
haue
some
other
work
in
hand
to
manifest
his
glorie
,
or
to
relieue
his
children
by
vnexpected
meanes
;
As
the
sending
of
the
children
of
Iacob
into
Aegypt
for
the
want
of
Corne
to
maintaine
themselues
,
doth
demonstrate
vnto
vs
.
The
like
may
be
applyed
for
Wines
,
Salt
,
and
other
commodities
for
the
sustenance
of
man
,
which
(
although
they
be
corruptible
commodities
)
may
,
contrarie
to
our
former
assertion
(
by
this
accidentall
or
casuall
extremitie
)
be
preferred
in
estimation
of
the
Staple
commodities
,
which
are
durable
,
and
become
valued
only
by
Gold
&
Siluer
,
which
is
the
cause
that
Spaine
and
Portugall
being
subiect
to
haue
dearth
of
Corne
,
do
permit
the
exportation
of
Siluer
and
Gold
in
returne
of
the
prouenue
of
it
and
other
victuals
,
To
make
application
of
this
negotiating
commutation
in
the
price
of
Commodities
,
it
is
to
bee
prooued
by
diuers
ancient
Merchants
bookes
,
that
within
the
age
of
a
man
,
or
seuentie
yeares
,
the
price
of
forraine
Commodities
with
vs
is
farre
more
risen
than
the
price
of
our
home
Commodities
;
which
by
way
of
Antithesis
is
worthy
the
obseruation
.
Redding
colour
,
and
other
mingled
colour
Clothes
,
did
cost
9
ll
the
Cloth
then
,
when
Blacke
Veluets
were
sold
at
10
shillings
the
yeard
;
and
now
the
said
sort
of
Clothes
are
sold
but
for
11
ll
and
12
ll
the
Cloth
,
and
Veluets
at
26
shillings
the
yeard
.
Packe
Clothes
white
,
at
fiftie
pound
the
packe
of
tenne
pieces
,
Cramosin
Veluets
at
12
shillings
the
yeard
.
And
now
Packe
Clothes
of
the
same
marke
,
at
ninetie
pound
,
and
a
hundreth
pound
,
and
Cramosin
Veluets
at
thirtie
shillings
the
yeard
.
Wooll
the
Todd
of
28
ll
weight
,
at
12
shillings
,
Blacke
Satine
at
5
shillings
the
yeard
;
Wooll
now
aboue
20
shillings
,
or
thereabouts
,
and
Satine
15
shillings
.
Calfe
skins
the
dozen
5
ss
;
Fustians
the
Bale
of
40
½
pieces
,
at
12
ll
the
Bale
;
Calfe
skins
now
at
10
ss
,
and
Fustians
36
pounds
,
and
Millaine
Fustians
at
18
and
20
shillings
the
piece
,
now
at
3
ll
and
aboue
.
Sayes
of
Norwich
,
at
20
ss
the
piece
and
vpwards
:
Messina
silke
8
ss
the
pound
;
Sayes
are
about
40
ss
,
French
Wine
at
5
ll
the
Tunne
,
now
20
ll
,
or
thereabouts
.
Long
Proines
5
ss
,
now
15
and
16
ss
;
Sugar
6
pence
the
pound
,
now
14
and
16
pence
.
Malmeseyes
5
ll
the
Butt
,
now
18
ll
and
20
ll
;
Cotton
Wool
4
d.
now
15
d.
and
diuers
other
commodities
accordingly
.
So
that
an
angel
would
haue
bought
one
yeard
of
Veluets
,
now
three
Angels
or
pieces
of
gold
can
be
exported
for
the
same
.
Ten
Angels
would
haue
bought
a
Tun
of
Claret
Wine
in
England
,
which
is
now
sold
for
aboue
twentie
pound
,
and
twentie
foure
pound
.
Besides
that
,
our
Cloth
is
better
made
than
in
those
dayes
,
albeit
not
so
good
as
it
might
be
made
;
victuall
and
wages
are
deerer
,
and
Woad
,
Mather
,
Oyle
,
and
colours
are
extreamely
risen
.
A
Merchant
might
haue
sent
or
carried
with
him
one
packe
of
Clothes
,
white
,
broad
,
or
narrow
lists
,
and
brought
in
returne
one
Chest
containing
nine
or
tenne
pieces
of
Veluets
:
whereas
now
he
cannot
bring
aboue
three
or
foure
pieces
in
returne
thereof
.
For
a
Redding
Cloth
sold
beyond
the
Seas
,
hee
might
haue
returned
one
Bale
of
Fustians
;
whereas
now
for
the
value
of
one
Bale
of
Fustians
sold
in
England
,
a
Merchant
must
buy
and
export
three
Clothes
.
A
London
mingled
colour
cloth
,
would
haue
bought
at
Lisborne
two
chests
of
Sugar
;
now
one
chest
of
Sugar
will
draw
two
Clothes
out
of
the
Realme
:
So
a
Kentish
Cloth
would
haue
bought
at
Seuill
a
Tunne
of
Oyle
and
more
;
now
one
Tunne
of
Oyle
doth
counteruaile
three
Clothes
and
more
,
and
other
commodities
accordingly
,
giuing
(
as
it
were
)
three
to
one
in
specie
for
foraine
commodities
.
in
specie
for
weight
and
finenesse
,
and
onely
the
valuation
is
altered
)
and
you
shall
find
that
within
the
said
time
of
seventie
yeares
,
an
Angel
worth
ten
s.
then
,
is
now
aboue
twentie
s●illings
;
a
French
Crowne
six
shillings
,
now
twelue
shillings
six
pence
,
and
all
other
coynes
accordingly
,
or
thereabouts
:
whereas
in
England
there
is
no
momentarie
alteration
of
the
monyes
,
as
heereafter
shall
be
made
more
apparant
.
And
the
like
consideration
will
also
bee
had
concerning
the
Exchanges
of
monyes
by
Billes
of
Exchanges
.
Some
men
are
of
opinion
,
that
selling
our
home
commodities
good
cheape
,
maketh
a
liuely
trade
,
augmenteth
commerce
,
and
maintaineth
all
the
dependances
thereupon
,
by
setting
the
people
on
worke
,
imploying
Ships
,
and
augmenting
the
Kings
Customes
and
Impositions
:
But
they
neuer
consider
two
principall
points
whereby
the
wealth
of
Kingdomes
and
Common-weales
increaseth
or
decreaseth
,
namely
:
Againe
,
if
our
home
commodities
be
sold
too
good
cheape
,
other
nations
can
make
a
trade
thereby
for
other
countries
,
and
ouerthrow
the
trades
of
seuerall
Societies
of
the
Realme
.
We
haue
seene
in
times
past
,
that
the
Westerne
colour
Carseyes
were
sold
at
Norenborough
in
Germany
,
to
the
great
losse
and
hindrance
of
the
then
Turkie
trade
;
and
at
this
present
our
Suffolke
clothes
are
sold
so
good
cheape
beyond
the
Seas
,
at
Amsterdam
and
other
places
,
that
they
haue
made
a
large
trade
for
Russia
and
East-land
with
our
home
commodities
,
and
thereby
ouerthrowne
our
trade
by
preoccupying
the
Markets
,
and
ingrossing
the
commodities
of
those
countries
aforehand
.
From
Zealand
there
is
a
trade
establis●ed
for
Barbarie
,
with
the
said
clothes
sold
vnto
them
,
thereby
preuenting
the
trade
of
English
Merchants
,
which
yeeldeth
them
but
little
profit
,
and
the
commodities
which
they
bring
in
returne
(
as
Hydes
,
Almonds
and
other
things
)
are
better
vented
beyond
the
Seas
,
where
our
Merchants
are
forced
to
transport
them
,
and
the
gold
which
they
bring
affordeth
but
little
profit
;
Concerning
the
particular
barter
or
truck
with
Merchants
,
euery
man
doth
know
who
dealeth
therein
,
Caueat
Emptor
;
for
it
is
a
buying
and
selling
,
implying
an
aduantage
intended
by
both
parties
,
how
soeuer
they
wil
seeme
to
colour
the
matter
.
So
that
the
Prouerbe
is
not
to
be
vnderstood
,
vpon
all
bargaines
of
commodities
whereby
a
man
becommeth
a
loser
;
and
he
that
dealeth
in
barter
must
be
very
circumspect
,
and
the
money
giuen
in
barter
cannot
be
ouerset
:
Whereupon
a
principall
Merchant
of
London
,
made
once
a
barter
,
in
hope
to
ouerreach
another
Merchant
,
and
they
both
being
resolued
to
doe
their
best
indeauour
therein
,
agreed
to
esteeme
and
value
their
commodities
at
a
high
rate
:
Hee
that
buyeth
Lawne
before
he
can
fold
it
,
will
repent
before
he
hath
sold
it
.
But
these
particular
commutations
betweene
man
and
man
are
not
hurtfull
to
the
Common-wealth
,
vnlesse
they
be
betweene
vs
and
forraine
Nations
in
the
pluralitie
of
the
things
commuted
betweene
vs
and
them
.
in
specie
,
or
according
to
the
rule
of
money
bartered
or
deliuered
for
another
commoditie
of
another
Kingdome
;
as
the
bargaine
was
to
deliuer
Sea-coales
of
New-castle
,
into
France
for
Salt
,
paying
the
fraight
on
either
side
equally
betweene
them
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
ordinarie
buyings
and
sellings
of
Commodities
.
EVerie
man
knoweth
that
in
the
buying
and
selling
of
commodities
,
there
is
an
estimation
and
price
demanded
and
agreed
vpon
between
both
parties
,
according
to
a
certaine
equalitie
in
the
value
of
things
,
permuted
by
a
true
reason
grounded
vpon
the
commodious
vse
of
things
:
So
that
equalitie
is
nothing
else
but
a
mutuall
voluntarie
estimation
of
things
made
in
good
order
and
trueth
,
True
it
is
that
there
can
be
no
rule
prescribed
or
taught
how
to
buy
and
sell
,
which
is
lawfull
and
vnlawfull
,
or
iust
and
vniust
,
by
any
wise
man
whatsoeuer
,
because
the
children
of
this
age
are
wiser
than
the
children
of
light
in
their
generation
and
calling
;
which
is
the
cause
that
some
Diuines
(
hauing
written
hereof
)
do
proceed
with
great
moderation
,
Tho.
Aquinas
,
Scotus
,
and
others
.
obseruing
that
the
transferring
of
things
from
one
owner
vnto
another
,
is
effected
fiue
maner
of
waies
by
priuate
persons
.
-
1
By
Donation
,
which
is
altogether
of
free
gift
,
according
to
the
saying
recorded
,
Luke
the
sixteenth
chapter
,
Mutuum
date
,
-
2
By
Permutation
,
Do
vt
Des
,
I
giue
because
you
should
giue
:
as
the
prouerbe
is
,
Si
mihi
des
,
tibi
do
,
si
nil
des
,
nil
tibi
reddo
:
Hoc
verbum
do
,
das
nutrit
amicitias
.
-
3
By
Emption
or
buying
of
things
.
-
4
By
Vendition
or
selling
of
things
.
-
5
By
actiue
mutuation
,
or
mutuall
giuing
or
lending
of
moneys
.
The
Ciuilians
(
affirming
,
that
probabilitie
to
proue
the
estimation
of
a
thing
is
sufficient
,
whether
it
be
more
or
lesse
worth
)
do
admit
that
a
man
may
sell
deerer
vnto
an
expert
man
,
than
vnto
a
simple
man
;
and
to
sell
deerer
than
the
thing
is
worth
by
common
estimation
,
is
adiudged
by
them
to
be
alwaies
vniust
:
as
also
to
vse
reasons
and
inducements
to
sell
wares
the
deerer
,
neither
is
the
seller
to
demand
or
expect
any
thing
aboue
the
price
agreed
vpon
.
And
intreating
hereof
,
they
make
large
discourses
,
which
I
do
admit
to
handle
for
the
reasons
aforesaid
.
Buying
and
selling
,
say
they
,
is
done
two
manner
of
waies
,
First
that
the
thing
be
so
bought
,
that
all
power
of
pretence
be
auoided
,
which
is
giuing
a
thing
at
a
certaine
price
for
the
thing
:
and
secondly
,
that
the
thing
sold
be
as
a
gift
for
that
price
,
which
in
substance
may
be
said
to
be
a
plaine
,
absolute
,
and
lawfull
bargaine
,
sold
(
as
we
say
)
in
open
market
or
shop
,
They
haue
also
determined
,
that
a
seller
may
not
demand
a
greater
price
for
the
forbearance
of
his
payment
or
satisfaction
of
the
thing
,
but
he
may
well
diminish
the
price
,
if
the
buyer
do
satisfie
him
the
sooner
,
To
conclude
the
premisses
touching
buying
and
selling
,
we
find
,
that
no
man
in
selling
any
wares
is
bound
to
declare
,
whether
any
quantitie
of
the
like
wares
are
to
be
had
or
expected
when
he
selleth
.
CHAP.
X.
Of
Suretiship
and
Merchants
Promises
.
HAuing
intreated
of
the
ordinarie
buying
and
selling
of
commodities
,
either
for
money
to
be
paied
at
some
daies
of
payment
,
or
for
wares
to
be
deliuered
by
way
of
permutation
,
(
wherein
many
times
a
third
person
is
interposed
,
or
it
doth
meerely
depend
vpon
the
parties
promise
)
it
may
seeme
conuenient
to
handle
the
point
of
Suretiship
and
Promises
.
For
albeit
as
the
Ciuilians
say
,
fide
inssor
to
performe
the
same
,
and
the
act
done
before
is
a
sufficient
good
consideration
,
and
they
all
agree
that
bona
fides
inter
mercatores
est
seruanda
,
Faith
or
trust
is
to
be
kept
betweene
merchants
,
and
that
also
must
be
done
without
quillets
or
titles
of
the
law
,
to
auoid
interruption
of
trafficke
,
wherein
his
Suretiship
is
to
be
considered
according
to
the
promise
;
for
if
it
be
conditionall
,
if
such
a
man
do
not
pay
,
then
the
other
to
pay
the
same
within
a
time
,
or
to
saue
him
harmelesse
:
it
is
first
to
be
demaunded
of
the
Principall
,
and
if
he
do
not
pay
,
then
the
Suretie
is
to
pay
it
without
any
course
of
law
,
vnlesse
he
be
ordered
by
the
Court
of
Merchants
to
performe
the
same
,
because
that
thereby
he
may
also
the
sooner
recouer
the
same
of
the
Principall
for
whom
he
did
giue
his
promise
.
It
is
also
a
custome
amongst
Merchants
,
that
if
a
Merchant
be
indebted
vnto
another
,
and
thereupon
intreateth
another
merchant
to
desire
the
creditor
to
respit
him
some
time
for
the
paiment
of
it
;
if
then
the
said
merchant
the
debtor
do
not
pay
accordingly
at
the
time
,
he
shall
be
taken
pro
confesso
,
and
sentence
shall
be
giuen
by
the
Merchants
Court
for
the
paiment
thereof
,
onely
vpon
proofe
made
,
that
he
did
will
another
to
craue
the
said
respite
of
time
for
the
paiment
.
The
like
is
done
by
the
Common
law
of
England
by
triall
of
Iuries
of
12
men
,
vpon
proofe
made
by
euidence
produced
before
them
,
that
the
debtor
did
craue
day
of
paiment
,
so
that
they
will
thereupon
deliuer
their
verdict
,
and
iudgement
and
execution
may
be
of
course
had
for
the
same
.
But
if
the
promise
be
not
conditionall
,
then
is
he
an
absolute
Suretie
,
and
is
to
pay
the
same
accordingly
,
as
merchants
of
credit
alwaies
haue
done
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
the
Reuolution
of
Buying
and
Selling
of
Commodities
,
by
the
course
of
Trafficke
.
EVen
,
as
the
whole
Commerce
and
Trafficke
consisteth
of
our
Land
Commodities
,
and
some
fishing
on
the
Seas
,
and
of
the
Commodities
of
forraine
Nations
;
So
from
hence
followeth
,
An
efficient
Cause
of
a
kind
of
Reuolution
in
buying
and
selling
of
Commodities
:
because
the
commodities
of
one
countrie
growing
rancke
and
aboundant
,
are
transported
into
other
countries
,
in
whose
steed
needfull
commodities
of
those
kingdomes
and
countries
and
returned
thither
,
which
is
a
neighbourly
lending
betweene
kingdomes
and
countries
.
For
,
as
is
noted
,
God
caused
Nature
to
distribute
her
benefits
,
or
his
blessings
to
seuerall
Climates
,
of
diuers
things
found
in
some
places
,
that
are
not
in
other
places
;
to
make
an
interchangeable
course
of
the
said
commodities
by
way
of
merchandizing
.
This
Reuolution
of
Trade
,
1
The
first
is
,
buying
with
readie
money
,
2
There
is
also
a
buying
and
selling
of
Commodities
,
Suppose
A.B.
the
Clothier
selleth
to
C.D.
the
Merchant
one
pack
of
Clothes
,
The
Common
Law
of
England
,
is
directly
against
this
course
;
for
they
say
there
can
bee
no
alienation
from
one
man
to
another
of
debts
;
because
they
are
held
,
Choses
en
Action
,
and
such
whereof
no
propertie
can
passe
by
assignement
or
alienation
;
and
many
good
Lawyers
doe
wish
as
well
as
Merchants
,
that
there
were
an
Act
of
Parliament
made
for
the
establishing
of
the
like
course
in
England
.
By
reason
whereof
,
let
vs
in
the
next
Chapters
handle
this
matter
more
distinctly
,
and
declare
the
benefits
which
the
Realme
will
receiue
thereby
,
and
all
Merchants
and
others
negotiating
for
great
summes
.
There
are
other
manner
of
buying
and
selling
of
commodities
,
by
Contracts
,
and
vpon
Conditions
and
Casualties
,
which
are
to
bee
declared
in
their
proper
places
,
whereunto
relation
may
bee
had
hereafter
.
CHAP.
XII
.
Of
the
Transferring
or
setting
ouer
of
Billes
Obligatorie
,
betweene
Merchants
and
others
.
WE
haue
in
some
measure
,
in
the
precedent
Chapter
,
declared
the
Vse
and
Custome
of
Merchants
beyond
the
Seas
,
in
the
Transferring
and
setting
ouer
of
Bills
Obligatorie
,
or
Billes
of
Debt
,
which
they
giue
each
to
others
for
the
payment
of
Commodities
,
bought
and
sold
by
way
of
traffick
and
trade
,
it
resteth
now
to
speake
thereof
more
amply
.
For
the
sinceritie
of
plaine
dealing
hath
hitherto
beene
inuiolable
,
This
Custome
is
much
practised
by
the
Merchants
Aduenturers
beyond
the
Seas
at
Middleborough
,
Amsterdam
,
Antuerp
,
Hamborough
,
and
other
places
where
they
do
trade
,
in
manner
following
,
as
we
haue
noted
.
A
Merchant
,
hauing
many
of
these
Billes
,
which
he
hath
receiued
for
his
Clothes
sold
vnto
Drapers
(
or
other
Merchants
dwelling
in
seuerall
townes
and
places
)
will
resort
vnto
a
Shop-keeper
,
or
another
Merchant
,
commonly
accompanied
with
a
Mediator
or
Broker
,
to
buy
a
good
round
quantitie
of
Silke
wares
,
in
specie
,
or
for
any
other
purpose
at
their
pleasure
;
which
is
commodious
for
young
merchants
hauing
small
stockes
,
as
also
for
all
men
vpon
all
occasions
:
for
it
is
properly
as
money
paied
by
assignation
,
whereby
verie
great
matters
are
compassed
in
the
trade
of
merchandize
,
the
commodities
are
sooner
vented
in
all
places
,
This
laudable
custome
(
as
I
said
)
is
not
practised
in
England
;
yet
sometimes
a
Merchant
Stranger
will
accept
of
Bills
of
Debt
in
payment
for
commodities
sold
with
aduantage
:
But
then
the
Bill
is
made
new
againe
,
and
in
the
Merchant
Strangers
name
;
and
this
is
not
without
some
daunger
to
him
that
buyeth
the
commoditie
or
merchandise
for
another
mans
Bill
,
as
Factors
may
doe
for
their
Masters
:
for
I
haue
obserued
by
good
experience
,
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
the
nature
of
Bills
Obligatorie
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
in
England
.
SVch
is
the
sinceritie
and
Candor
Animi
amongst
Merchants
of
all
nations
beyond
the
seas
,
in
the
obseruation
of
plaine
dealing
concerning
the
said
Bill●
Obligatorie
betweene
man
and
man
,
that
no
man
dare
presume
to
question
his
owne
hand
;
for
if
he
be
stayned
therewith
,
he
is
not
only
vtterly
discredited
,
but
also
detested
of
all
Merchants
:
The
forme
of
the
Bills
being
as
followeth
,
onely
Mutatis
mutandis
.
Forme
of
Billes
Obligatorie
.
I
A.
B.
Merchant
of
Amsterdam
doe
acknowledge
by
these
presents
to
be
truely
indebted
to
the
honest
C.
D.
English
Merchant
dwelling
at
Middleborough
,
in
the
summe
of
fiue
hundreth
pounds
currant
money
for
merchandise
,
which
is
for
commodities
receiued
of
him
to
my
contentment
,
which
summe
of
fiue
hundreth
pound
as
aforesaid
,
I
do
promise
to
pay
vnto
the
said
C.D.
(
or
the
bringer
hereof
)
within
six
months
next
after
the
date
of
these
presents
:
In
witnesse
whereof
I
haue
subscribed
the
same
at
Amsterdam
the
10
of
Iulie
1622
,
Stilo
nouo
.
A.B.
In
the
East
Countries
,
and
sometimes
in
the
Low-countries
they
will
put
a
seale
to
it
,
and
then
the
word
subscribed
and
sealed
goeth
together
:
but
there
is
no
mention
made
of
any
deliuerie
or
deed
,
for
that
is
vnderstood
of
course
,
in
so
much
,
that
if
for
want
of
payment
the
Bill
be
put
in
suit
,
and
the
partie
adiourned
or
cited
to
make
his
appearance
:
The
Iudge
(
making
no
doubt
of
any
such
matter
)
will
instantly
say
to
him
,
My
friend
,
what
is
the
reason
that
you
haue
not
payed
this
your
Bill
to
C.
D
?
for
to
deliuer
a
Writing
,
or
a
Bill
as
an
[
*
](A06786-e51880-b)
*
Called
Apocha
or
Apodissa
by
the
Ciuilians
.
Escroll
(
as
we
say
at
the
Common
Law
)
is
vnknowne
vnto
all
Merchants
there
,
and
the
bringer
of
the
Bill
(
called
with
vs
the
bearer
of
it
)
shall
be
admitted
to
recouer
the
same
without
any
Letter
of
Atturney
,
or
other
Warrant
.
Poena
Canonica
,
which
with
vs
in
England
is
done
vpon
a
Bond
,
with
a
forfeiture
of
halfe
or
double
the
summe
of
the
principall
,
wherewith
the
interest
is
also
ioyned
without
distinction
,
which
may
not
exceed
the
rate
of
ten
vpon
the
hundreth
for
the
yeare
,
in
the
computation
whereof
,
diuers
things
are
to
obserued
,
as
we
shal
declare
hereafter
.
Now
if
a
Bill
made
beyond
the
seas
be
done
by
two
,
three
,
or
more
persons
,
as
hauing
bought
a
commoditie
as
partners
together
,
or
taken
vp
moneys
together
at
interest
,
wherein
they
bind
themselues
all
as
principall
Parties
or
Debtors
;
yet
euerie
man
is
but
bound
to
pay
his
part
.
in
solidum
were
expressed
:
which
is
the
cause
that
in
all
notariall
writings
(
onely
vsed
vpon
questionable
matters
decided
,
or
to
be
decided
)
they
do
not
only
bind
the
parties
with
these
words
,
but
they
do
also
make
a
declaration
of
all
renuntiations
of
priuiledges
,
Exceptio
ordinis
&
excus
sionis
,
is
to
meddle
with
the
Suerties
before
the
Principall
:
Renouncing
the
Letters
of
Adrian
the
Emperour
,
for
the
cessions
of
goods
,
Prolongations
of
paiments
,
Vintages
,
or
free
Martes
,
all
Constitutions
,
Canons
,
Priuiledges
,
or
Statutes
and
Acts
of
Parliament
made
or
to
be
made
,
published
or
enacted
;
and
in
these
cases
the
debtor
is
alwaies
to
be
bound
with
the
Suerties
in
all
Acts
or
Instruments
made
before
Notaries
.
Renouncing
also
the
benefit
of
Senatus-consultus
,
or
Arrest
Velle
Ioan
,
for
the
prerogatiue
of
women
,
which
vpon
the
decease
of
their
husbands
doe
claime
their
portion
brought
in
by
them
in
marriage
,
or
their
dower
,
or
any
thing
else
that
may
be
alleaged
or
imagined
.
In
England
,
Billes
Obligatorie
being
made
payable
to
the
partie
,
his
Heires
,
Executors
,
Administrators
,
or
Assignes
,
may
conueniently
be
set
ouer
,
as
aforesaid
;
because
the
lawfull
assignee
shall
bee
of
Record
,
and
registred
also
vpon
the
Bill
,
and
if
there
bee
two
or
more
bound
in
a
Bill
,
fraudulent
dealing
will
be
also
better
preuented
;
for
by
the
Common
Law
,
Three
Linnen
Drapers
of
London
,
bought
of
a
Merchant
stranger
40
pieces
of
fine
Hollands
cloth
,
amounting
to
160
ll
,
and
gaue
their
ioynt
Bill
for
the
payment
of
it
at
six
moneths
:
one
of
them
became
insoluent
,
and
being
imprisoned
,
made
a
composition
with
the
Merchant
for
eight
pounds
,
and
thereupon
had
a
generall
acquitance
made
to
him
onely
.
Shortly
after
,
the
other
two
Linnen
Drapers
,
being
somewhat
pressed
for
the
payment
,
and
ingaged
for
the
other
,
they
did
plead
the
other
mans
generall
acquitance
,
which
was
but
a
receit
made
of
the
said
eight
pound
,
expressing
that
is
was
in
full
of
his
part
;
and
neuerthelesse
vpon
triall
in
Law
,
it
was
adiudged
to
be
a
sufficient
discharge
for
them
all
,
in
nature
of
a
generall
acquitance
.
These
obseruations
at
the
Common
Law
,
and
such
like
Booke
cases
as
I
haue
put
downe
,
I
hold
to
be
necessarie
for
Merchants
to
know
,
albeit
wee
handle
the
Law-merchant
in
this
Treatise
,
and
not
matters
of
the
Common
Law
.
If
you
take
beyond
the
Seas
any
Bill
Obligatorie
for
money
deliuered
vpon
two
or
three
liues
,
or
for
wagers
or
layes
,
which
are
conditionall
,
Abundans
Cautela
non
nocet
.
Finally
,
if
a
Bill
be
thirtie
yeeres
old
,
and
neuer
demanded
or
questioned
,
it
is
void
by
the
Ciuile
Law
,
and
the
Law
or
Custome
of
Merchants
doth
not
take
any
knowledge
thereof
.
CAHP.
XIIII
.
Of
Letters
of
Credit
and
Blankes
signed
.
THE
Credit
of
Merchants
is
so
delicate
and
tender
,
that
it
must
bee
cared
for
as
the
apple
of
a
mans
eye
:
Hence
it
doth
proceed
that
Letters
of
Credit
are
had
in
such
reputation
,
that
the
giuer
of
them
will
be
well
aduised
before
hee
doe
make
them
;
and
the
partie
to
whom
they
are
directed
,
will
be
carefull
to
accomplish
them
,
for
it
doth
concerne
both
their
Credits
:
The
giuers
Credit
of
the
Letters
,
will
bee
had
in
question
of
insufficiencie
,
known
to
the
other
that
he
doth
not
accomplish
them
,
or
he
that
doth
not
performe
them
may
bee
thought
to
be
weake
and
to
want
meanes
to
doe
the
same
.
The
Signing
of
Blankes
,
is
also
a
Custome
amongst
Merchants
,
whereby
they
strengthen
the
cred●t
of
their
Factors
or
Seruants
in
the
like
occasions
,
which
is
a
matter
of
great
confidence
,
A.
B.
&c.
which
is
impertinent
,
and
not
to
bee
vsed
in
Billes
of
Debt
.
Herein
we
may
consider
a
necessitie
to
giue
Blankes
,
not
only
because
of
the
Masters
Credit
requisite
;
but
also
because
of
the
vncertaintie
in
the
finding
of
the
quantitie
of
Corne
which
was
to
be
bought
.
CHAP.
XV.
Of
Letters
of
Attorney
,
or
Procurations
and
Transports
,
or
Conueyances
.
Procurations
generally
,
or
for
the
most
part
,
containe
the
word
Irreuocable
;
A
Merchant
may
also
make
a
Letter
of
Attorney
to
a
Notarie
beyond
the
seas
,
and
thereby
to
giue
him
power
to
make
any
insinuation
,
or
intimation
,
or
protest
,
against
any
other
Merchant
there
,
to
serue
him
in
all
occasions
or
occurrences
concerning
the
matter
in
question
.
For
a
Procuration
is
beyond
the
seas
of
that
validitie
,
that
the
partie
who
hath
the
same
,
and
is
the
Procurator
,
is
taken
in
law
as
absolute
as
the
Constituant
,
and
many
sundrie
proceedings
may
be
vsed
against
him
accordingly
,
by
Citations
,
Intimations
,
Protests
,
Recoueries
of
goods
deliuered
formerly
,
and
recalled
backe
againe
,
or
the
value
thereof
vpon
any
Attachments
or
Sequestrations
,
which
cannot
be
done
against
a
mans
Factor
or
Seruant
:
The
Ciuilians
intreating
of
Procurations
or
Constitutions
vnder
Titulas
Mandati
,
haue
well
obserued
,
A.B.
willed
C.D.
his
debtor
to
pay
vnto
E.
●
.
one
hundred
pounds
which
he
did
owe
him
,
C.D.
did
not
pay
the
said
money
,
but
promised
to
pay
the
same
.
Queritur
whether
C.D.
hath
performed
the
commission
or
commandement
giuen
him
,
and
whether
he
be
discharged
of
the
debt
;
as
also
whether
this
order
or
commission
can
be
reuoked
.
A.B.
owing
the
like
summe
to
E.F.
Herein
C.D.
hath
not
performed
his
commission
,
which
was
to
pay
,
and
not
to
promise
the
payment
of
the
hundreth
pounds
,
and
therefore
the
said
Commission
might
be
reuoked
,
and
C.D.
was
not
discharged
of
the
debt
,
for
the
matter
was
entire
,
and
all
entire
Commissions
are
reuocable
.
Mandatum
enim
re
integra
,
reuocari
potest
,
&
res
est
integra
,
&
si
stipulatio
promissioue
interuenerit
cum
id
non
mandauerim
.
For
if
C.D.
should
breake
or
become
insoluent
,
E.F.
would
come
to
A.B.
his
debtor
,
to
haue
satisfaction
for
the
said
money
,
and
C.D.
was
not
discharged
of
the
debt
owing
vnto
A.B.
But
if
E.F.
had
taken
his
promise
for
paiment
,
then
vpon
proofe
made
of
it
,
the
case
is
cleere
.
It
is
a
question
also
,
whether
a
Procurator
hauing
commission
to
receiue
moneys
which
were
owing
or
lent
,
and
to
giue
an
Acquittance
for
the
same
;
and
receiuing
the
money
without
making
an
Acquittance
,
haue
performed
his
commission
:
And
the
answere
is
,
That
he
hath
not
performed
the
same
,
because
he
made
no
Acquittance
,
as
he
was
willed
to
do
,
Aliud
est
enim
confessio
,
aliud
numeratio
.
Albeit
the
Acquittance
did
not
concerne
the
Procurator
,
but
the
partie
who
repaied
the
money
.
Another
case
they
handle
at
large
,
Bartholomew
did
make
and
constitute
Nicholas
to
be
his
Procurator
or
Agent
,
in
the
buying
of
commodities
,
to
the
value
of
fiue
thousand
crownes
;
and
he
the
Constituant
to
be
answerable
for
the
price
and
totall
summe
of
fiue
thousand
crownes
:
and
withall
giuing
full
power
and
authoritie
vnto
the
said
Nicholas
,
that
his
procuration
shall
be
good
and
auaileable
,
during
the
liues
of
the
honest
persons
Gerome
,
Iohn
,
and
Angell
,
of
whom
the
said
Constituant
had
his
Commission
,
and
that
they
also
together
and
apart
insolidum
should
be
bound
for
the
performance
,
and
himselfe
also
.
Nicholas
the
Procurator
by
the
commission
of
Ierome
,
Iohn
,
and
Angell
,
as
also
of
Bartholomew
,
caused
by
an
Instrument
(
or
Act
past
before
a
Notarie
)
the
said
parties
to
be
named
in
the
contract
,
and
thereby
bindeth
them
vnto
Titus
and
Meuius
,
for
the
commodities
bought
of
them
to
the
value
or
summe
of
fiue
thousand
crownes
.
But
Bartholomew
is
not
named
in
the
article
wherby
the
other
parties
are
bound
in
the
couenant
;
whereupon
some
would
conclude
,
that
for
want
of
forme
Bartholomew
was
not
bound
to
the
payment
,
although
by
commission
of
the
other
three
he
had
constituted
and
made
Nicholas
to
be
the
Procurator
.
It
is
also
a
custome
amongst
Merchants
,
that
if
the
Master
(
knowing
that
his
Procurator
hath
exceeded
his
Commission
)
be
silent
,
the
same
is
taken
for
a
consent
;
the
rather
because
Procurations
(
commonly
running
in
generall
words
,
whereby
Factors
are
directed
)
do
comprehend
all
things
which
(
of
course
)
are
to
be
done
touching
moneys
or
paiment
of
exchanges
for
moneys
.
The
question
therefore
to
know
whether
a
Procurator
(
hauing
commission
to
sell
commodities
,
or
to
let
them
to
hire
at
a
price
)
hath
authoritie
to
receiue
the
money
or
hire
,
may
be
thought
friuolus
:
for
the
buyer
in
matter
of
sale
of
commodities
in
market
ouert
,
hath
no
regard
to
the
Procurations
or
Commissions
giuen
to
the
seller
of
the
said
commodities
.
The
like
may
be
vnderstood
in
this
question
following
,
Whether
a
Merchant
(
selling
Cloth
vnto
an
Abbot
to
cloath
his
Friers
or
Monkes
)
shall
not
be
satisfied
and
payed
for
his
cloth
,
although
the
Abbot
did
diuert
and
imploy
the
same
afterwards
to
another
vse
?
For
the
vse
is
no
matter
to
be
regarded
by
the
Merchant
,
but
the
payment
of
his
Cloth
.
If
a
man
buying
Paper
for
the
printing
of
a
booke
,
doth
not
print
the
booke
,
and
selleth
the
Paper
vnto
another
Merchant
that
is
no
cause
but
he
must
pay
for
the
Paper
,
whereof
no
man
ought
to
make
doubt
.
If
a
Merchant
maketh
a
Procurator
,
Another
question
is
moued
,
whether
a
Merchant
that
hath
commission
to
receiue
a
summe
of
money
,
and
to
pay
the
same
vnto
another
,
and
besides
to
pay
the
interest
due
vnto
the
partie
to
whom
he
paied
that
money
,
is
bound
to
proue
what
interest
he
payed
,
and
to
whom
he
paied
that
interest
or
vse
money
:
it
seemeth
Prima
fronte
,
that
the
Merchant
is
bound
to
name
the
partie
to
whom
he
paied
the
said
vse
money
;
and
yet
there
is
doubt
made
whether
he
should
pay
it
without
he
were
compelled
thereunto
as
a
thing
vnlawfull
;
and
therefore
the
Commission
or
Order
the
Merchant
had
,
is
not
to
be
contradicted
,
but
must
be
allowed
without
any
other
proofe
,
for
this
question
is
so
resolued
by
the
Ciuilians
,
and
where
the
proofe
is
not
needfull
,
there
the
nomination
of
the
persons
to
whom
it
was
paied
is
to
no
purpose
,
according
to
the
rule
Qui
non
tenetur
probare
,
non
tenetur
nominare
.
It
is
also
worthie
the
obseruation
,
Let
all
things
bee
done
as
shall
bee
thought
most
expedient
or
conuenient
,
that
the
said
Commissions
or
Directions
are
to
be
left
to
the
interpretation
of
Arbitrators
when
any
question
ariseth
;
which
is
also
in
many
more
questions
concerning
Merchants
noted
in
most
of
their
Law
bookes
:
hereof
we
intend
(
God
willing
)
to
intreat
more
amply
in
the
next
chapter
concerning
Factors
and
Seruants
,
and
the
Commissions
giuen
them
,
&c.
The
ordinarie
rule
of
Procurations
in
things
compleat
and
not
effected
,
is
vnderstood
to
end
with
the
death
of
the
Master
or
Merchant
that
giueth
such
procurations
,
albeit
there
are
many
exceptions
:
for
a
Procuration
may
be
made
to
endure
after
his
death
,
And
that
all
Merchants
or
Procurators
for
Merchants
,
are
to
accomplish
the
lawfull
Commissions
giuen
them
,
and
meanes
thereunto
being
prouided
,
or
else
to
answere
the
damages
which
the
parties
shall
receiue
by
the
default
thereof
.
Those
therfore
that
without
any
Commission
do
vndertake
things
which
bring
losses
vnto
the
parties
are
much
to
be
blamed
,
and
by
a
fuller
measure
to
answere
fo●
the
same
,
or
to
make
by
gaine
a
recompence
for
the
losses
,
as
occasion
serueth
.
De
Constituto
.
Some
that
haue
written
de
Constituto
haue
moued
questions
,
Whether
it
be
lawfull
to
take
penalties
or
forfeitures
,
if
the
Constituant
do
bind
himselfe
to
performe
or
else
to
loose
a
certaine
summe
of
money
?
Others
,
whether
a
Commission
shall
be
executed
by
an
ordinarie
messenger
?
Others
,
whether
it
bee
conuenient
to
vse
the
words
,
You
shall
giue
him
full
credit
and
trust
in
what
he
hath
vndertaken
to
doe
?
How
long
the
Commissions
shall
endure
,
if
there
be
no
time
limited
?
and
the
like
questions
:
which
vpon
due
consideration
are
easily
resolued
,
and
(
in
my
opinion
)
impertinent
to
trouble
Merchants
with
them
.
Such
only
as
are
materiall
shall
be
handled
in
the
following
Chapter
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XVI
.
Of
Factors
and
Seruants
,
and
Commissions
giuen
vnto
them
.
THE
difference
betweene
a
Factor
and
a
Seruant
consisteth
chiefly
in
this
,
That
a
Factor
is
created
by
Merchants
Letters
,
and
taketh
Salarie
or
prouision
of
Factoridge
:
But
a
Seruant
or
an
Apprentise
,
is
by
his
Master
entertained
,
some
receiuing
wages
yearely
,
and
some
others
without
wages
.
a
Factor
is
bound
to
answere
the
losse
which
happeneth
by
ouerpassing
or
exceeding
his
Commission
;
whereas
a
Seruant
is
not
,
but
may
incurre
his
Masters
displeasure
.
For
albeit
that
the
Spanish
Prouerbe
is
Quien
Passa
comission
,
pierde
Prouision
,
that
hee
that
exceedeth
his
Commission
shall
lose
his
Factoridge
.
Sub●lca
lo
paga
,
his
purse
doth
pay
for
it
.
Factors
therefore
must
bee
very
carefull
,
to
follow
the
Commissions
giuen
them
very
orderly
and
punctually
;
and
because
Merchants
are
not
able
to
prescribe
euerie
thing
,
so
exactly
vnto
their
Factors
as
is
conuenient
,
it
behooueth
them
to
make
good
choice
of
the
persons
which
they
doe
imploy
,
for
their
welfare
dependeth
vpon
Trafficke
;
otherwise
,
the
Factor
groweth
rich
and
the
Merchant
poore
,
because
his
gaine
of
Factoridge
is
certaine
,
howsoeuer
the
successe
of
Merchants
imployment
doth
prooue
.
But
hauing
a
good
Factor
,
which
word
(
Good
)
implyeth
all
and
more
than
an
honest
Factor
,
who
may
bee
honest
and
neuerthelesse
simple
in
his
proceedings
,
and
others
also
may
be
wise
and
not
honest
.
This
Good
Factor
therefore
may
bee
trusted
,
Dispose
,
doe
,
&
deale
therein
as
if
it
were
your
owne
;
&
this
being
so
found
;
the
Factor
is
to
be
excused
,
although
it
should
turne
to
losse
,
because
it
is
intended
hee
did
it
for
the
best
according
to
his
discretion
,
which
is
and
ought
to
be
the
truest
director
,
making
a
conscience
to
see
their
Masters
losse
,
if
they
can
preuent
it
:
but
being
limited
to
the
contrarie
,
they
can
but
grieue
,
when
their
counsell
and
aduice
doth
not
take
place
,
either
in
the
selling
of
commodities
in
time
,
foreseeing
a
greater
losse
,
or
buying
some
commodities
deere
ouer
hastily
,
as
also
in
keeping
a
commoditie
without
purloyning
the
same
;
Obseruations
concerning
Factors
.
IF
a
Factor
do
sell
at
one
time
vnto
one
man
seuerall
parcells
of
commodities
or
goods
belonging
to
diuers
mens
accounts
,
to
be
paied
iointly
in
one
or
more
paiments
,
without
any
distinction
made
by
the
buyer
for
what
parcels
he
payeth
any
summe
in
part
of
payment
of
the
said
debt
,
weekely
or
monethly
,
as
shop-keepers
do
▪
then
is
the
said
Factor
to
make
a
proportionable
distribution
of
the
moneys
so
receiued
vpon
euerie
mans
account
,
If
a
Factor
do
sell
afterwards
more
goods
to
the
said
man
,
or
any
other
who
is
alreadie
indebted
for
other
commodities
formerly
bought
,
as
aforesaid
,
bee
it
for
his
owne
account
,
or
other
mens
accounts
,
and
in
the
Interim
receiue
some
more
monyes
in
part
of
payment
and
account
between
them
;
then
is
the
said
Factor
to
distribute
the
said
monyes
as
before
,
vntil
the
said
old
and
precedent
debt
be
first
payed
,
vnlesse
there
were
cause
of
controuersie
for
them
,
or
that
the
payment
were
indorsed
vpon
the
Bill
made
for
the
later
goods
sold
vnto
that
man
:
for
that
Bill
may
bee
transferred
or
set
ouer
vnto
another
man
,
and
so
is
not
hee
the
receiuer
of
that
money
,
but
the
other
man
.
If
a
Factor
doe
sell
goods
to
another
man
payable
at
time
for
his
owne
account
,
and
rcieveth
the
money
for
the
same
at
the
time
of
payment
,
and
in
the
meane
time
letteth
other
mens
monyes
remaine
in
that
mans
hands
vnpayed
,
for
goods
by
him
formerly
sold
;
this
Factor
is
to
be
answerable
for
that
money
vnto
those
other
men
,
although
hee
should
neuer
recover
one
penny
of
it
.
For
hee
cannot
(
without
fraud
)
beare
with
the
non-payment
of
other
mens
monies
after
they
be
due
,
and
procure
the
payment
of
his
owne
money
,
to
another
mans
losse
and
preiudice
.
In
like
case
,
if
a
Factor
doe
sell
vnto
a
man
certaine
goods
of
another
mans
account
,
either
by
it selfe
or
amongst
other
parcells
,
and
this
Factor
giueth
not
aduice
to
the
owner
or
proprietarie
of
the
sale
of
the
said
goods
,
but
afterwards
(
hauing
had
more
dealings
with
that
man
in
selling
of
goods
and
receiuing
of
monyes
)
this
man
becommeth
insoluent
;
The
Factor
is
to
make
good
that
debt
for
the
said
goods
so
sold
,
because
hee
gaue
no
aduice
to
the
owner
of
the
sale
of
the
said
goods
at
conuenient
time
,
euen
as
if
he
had
sold
those
goods
vnto
a
man
contrarie
to
the
Commission
giuen
vnto
him
;
for
the
Salarie
of
Factoridge
bindeth
him
thereunto
.
If
a
Factor
by
order
or
Commission
of
a
Merchant
,
doe
buy
any
Commodities
aboue
the
price
limited
vnto
him
by
the
said
Merchant
,
or
that
they
bee
not
of
that
sort
,
goodnesse
,
or
kind
,
as
he
is
willed
to
doe
:
This
Factor
is
to
keepe
the
same
for
his
owne
account
,
and
the
Merchant
may
disclaime
the
buying
of
them
.
The
like
hee
may
doe
,
if
the
Factor
(
hauing
bought
a
commoditie
according
to
his
Commission
)
doe
ship
the
same
for
another
place
than
he
hath
Commission
to
doe
.
If
a
Factor
doe
sell
a
commoditie
vnder
the
price
limited
vnto
him
;
he
is
to
make
good
the
losse
or
difference
of
the
price
,
vnlesse
he
can
giue
a
sufficient
reason
of
his
doing
so
:
wherein
hee
is
to
consider
the
disposition
of
the
Merchant
for
whom
hee
dealeth
,
as
is
before
noted
.
If
a
Factor
buy
commodities
according
to
his
Commission
,
and
afterwards
the
price
of
them
riseth
,
and
thereupon
(
fraudulently
)
hee
ladeth
them
for
another
place
,
contrarie
to
his
Commission
,
to
take
the
benefit
thereof
:
in
this
case
the
Merchant
shall
recouer
damages
against
the
Factor
by
the
Custome
of
Merchants
,
vpon
proofe
made
thereof
.
If
a
Factor
,
by
the
aduice
of
a
Merchant
,
doe
buy
a
commoditie
for
that
Merchants
account
,
with
the
said
Merchants
mony
,
or
by
his
credit
;
and
the
Factor
giueth
no
aduice
of
the
buying
of
it
to
the
said
Merchant
,
but
doth
sell
the
same
againe
for
his
owne
benefit
and
gaine
:
the
Merchant
shall
recouer
this
benefit
of
the
said
Factor
,
by
the
Office
of
Prior
and
Consulls
,
according
to
the
Custome
of
Merchants
,
and
shall
be
moreouer
amerced
for
his
fraud
.
If
the
Factor
do
sell
another
mans
commoditie
to
a
man
discredited
,
who
cannot
vsually
(
as
before
)
buy
commodities
at
the
ordinarie
price
as
other
men
,
and
it
falleth
out
that
this
man
breaketh
;
the
Factor
shall
pay
for
the
said
goods
,
as
shall
be
thought
they
were
worth
,
vnlesse
hee
can
prooue
that
hee
was
ignorant
of
the
parties
weake
estate
and
credit
,
or
that
hee
sold
him
goods
of
his
owne
account
also
,
which
argueth
plaine
dealing
,
or
that
hee
had
Commission
of
the
other
man
to
deale
for
him
,
as
if
it
were
for
his
owne
proper
goods
,
as
hath
beene
declared
.
And
yet
in
this
case
hee
cannot
barter
any
of
the
said
commodities
for
other
commodities
,
If
a
Factor
shall
by
a
false
Entrie
in
the
Custome
house
,
either
vnawares
or
of
purpose
,
If
a
Factor
or
Merchant
,
doe
colour
the
goods
of
Merchant
Strangers
in
paying
but
English
Customes
,
(
although
he
did
beare
the
aduenture
of
the
Seas
for
the
said
goods
)
he
runneth
into
a
Praemunire
,
and
forfeiteth
all
his
goods
vnto
the
King
,
and
his
bodie
to
perpetuall
imprisonment
.
If
a
Factor
,
by
a
Letter
of
aduice
,
or
by
an
Inuoyce
of
commodities
which
the
Merchant
sendeth
,
doe
make
a
short
entrie
into
the
Custome
house
,
the
goods
not
entred
shall
be
lost
,
but
the
Factor
cannot
be
charged
with
the
same
.
If
a
Factor
make
returne
vnto
a
Merchant
for
the
prouenue
of
his
commodities
sold
,
If
a
Factor
doe
pay
money
for
a
Merchant
(
without
Commission
)
to
another
man
,
it
is
at
his
apperill
to
answere
for
it
.
And
if
hee
deliuer
other
mens
money
at
interest
,
and
take
more
than
the
tolleration
of
the
Statute
(
which
is
ten
in
the
hundreth
by
the
yeare
)
whereby
the
said
Statute
against
Vsurie
taketh
hold
of
him
,
and
the
money
is
lost
;
the
said
Factor
is
to
be
charged
therewith
,
and
to
make
good
the
money
vnto
the
Merchant
.
If
a
Factor
(
hauing
receiued
other
mens
goods
or
monyes
into
his
custodie
)
be
robbed
of
the
said
goods
and
moneys
,
he
is
to
beare
the
losse
,
If
a
Factor
buy
a
commoditie
,
If
a
Factor
do
receiue
money
for
other
mens
accounts
,
If
E.
F.
of
Amsterdam
,
or
any
other
of
my
friends
there
,
draw
by
exchange
vpon
you
any
Summes
of
money
;
it
may
please
you
to
follow
his
and
my
friends
order
:
I
will
be
your
warrant
for
all
,
and
haue
a
care
that
all
shall
be
accomplished
orderly
.
C.D.
of
Antuerp
the
Factor
in
this
case
,
If
a
Factor
doe
accept
Billes
of
Exchanges
of
a
Merchant
,
with
order
to
Rechange
the
same
againe
vpon
him
,
or
to
take
it
vp
by
exchange
for
another
place
or
places
,
where
he
the
said
Factor
shall
find
it
to
be
for
the
most
benefit
of
the
Merchant
:
if
this
Factor
take
vp
the
same
according
to
his
best
skill
and
knowledge
,
although
it
be
found
contrarie
to
the
Merchants
intention
,
the
Factor
is
not
to
be
charged
,
and
the
Merchant
is
to
saue
him
harmelesse
for
the
principall
,
with
exchange
,
rechange
,
and
all
charges
of
factoridge
.
If
a
Factor
do
make
ouer
money
for
another
mans
account
by
exchange
vnto
another
man
or
Merchant
,
before
he
haue
notice
that
this
Merchant
is
broken
,
and
the
Bills
of
Exchange
are
not
due
:
this
Factor
hath
authoritie
to
countermaund
the
payment
of
this
money
,
although
the
partie
(
vpon
whom
the
Bill
of
Exchange
is
directed
)
had
accepted
the
same
.
And
if
the
said
partie
should
pay
the
same
before
it
was
due
,
he
is
to
repaie
the
same
againe
to
the
said
Factor
,
as
hauing
paied
it
in
his
owne
wrong
,
contrarie
to
the
custome
of
Merchants
in
exchanges
.
If
a
Factor
do
fraight
a
ship
for
some
voyage
to
be
made
,
If
a
Factor
do
fraight
a
ship
for
another
man
,
or
for
his
owne
account
,
and
when
it
commeth
to
the
place
appointed
to
vnlade
,
there
are
no
goods
to
relade
the
same
,
or
there
wanteth
money
for
the
lading
thereof
;
if
the
Master
doe
not
stay
out
all
his
daies
of
demourer
agreed
vpon
by
the
charterpartie
of
fraightment
,
If
a
Factor
do
fraight
a
ship
for
a
Merchant
,
and
afterwards
the
said
ship
is
taken
to
serue
the
king
for
some
few
daies
,
within
the
time
agreed
vpon
for
the
lading
;
and
hereupon
the
Merchant
disclaimeth
the
fraighting
of
the
said
ship
,
albeit
the
Factor
did
proceede
to
lade
the
same
:
In
this
case
the
Factor
is
not
to
beare
any
losse
;
but
what
damage
shall
be
adiudged
to
the
Master
,
the
Merchant
is
to
saue
the
Factor
harmelesse
of
it
.
If
a
Factor
do
hire
a
ship
by
the
moneth
for
another
Merchant
,
or
for
his
owne
account
,
and
ladeth
the
same
being
readie
to
depart
,
afterwards
the
king
maketh
a
generall
Embargo
or
restraint
vpon
all
ships
for
a
time
;
the
Master
cannot
demaund
any
fraight
of
the
Factor
for
and
during
the
said
time
of
arrest
.
And
if
the
ship
be
vnladen
againe
,
and
employed
in
the
kings
seruice
,
the
Factor
is
free
of
all
agreements
or
couenants
with
the
Master
.
If
a
Factor
by
errour
of
account
doe
wrong
vnto
a
Merchant
,
CAHP.
XVII
.
Of
the
beginning
of
Sea
Lawes
.
HAuing
in
the
former
Chapters
methodically
intreated
(
as
also
in
this
hitherto
)
of
the
matters
therein
intended
,
neuerthelesse
according
to
the
Contents
of
them
,
the
matter
being
of
seuerall
natures
runneth
promiscuously
,
but
in
the
end
will
performe
the
worke
.
For
as
the
roundnesse
of
the
Globe
of
the
world
is
compounded
of
the
Waters
and
the
Earth
:
So
this
worke
of
the
Law-merchant
cannot
be
compleat
,
without
the
Sea
Lawes
;
so
called
(
Lawes
)
because
they
are
written
and
knowne
;
for
without
Nauigation
,
Commerce
is
of
small
moment
,
so
that
the
Land
affaires
shall
be
intermixed
with
Sea-faring
matters
accordingly
.
Some
doe
attribute
the
first
making
of
Sea
Lawes
,
to
the
Pheniciaus
and
Carthaginians
,
because
Plinie
doth
ascribe
the
Art
of
Sayling
vnto
them
.
But
by
the
most
ancient
Records
,
the
Beginning
must
be
from
the
inhabitants
of
the
Island
of
Rhodes
,
Martin
de
Rea
,
against
the
Riuer
of
Charante
,
which
was
called
Le
Roll
d'
Oleron
:
by
which
the
controuersies
on
that
Coast
were
determined
,
and
the
said
Lawes
were
afterwards
dispersed
and
brought
in
vse
in
England
and
the
Low
Countries
;
whereupon
diuers
Statutes
both
in
England
and
Scotland
haue
been
enacted
for
Sea-faring
businesse
;
and
in
like
manner
diuers
ordinances
in
the
Low
Countries
,
especially
since
their
fishing
trade
began
.
Edward
the
third
,
King
of
England
,
caused
(
with
the
aduice
of
diuers
men
of
knowledge
and
experience
in
Maritime
causes
)
diuers
Articles
to
be
set
downe
,
Francis
the
French
King
,
and
Henrie
the
third
of
France
,
haue
made
some
Statute
Lawes
concerning
the
Courts
of
Admiraltie
;
but
the
substance
of
all
doth
concurre
and
agree
with
the
Lawes
of
Oleron
,
whereof
we
shall
intreat
more
hereafter
.
Fredericke
the
second
,
King
of
Denmarke
,
at
a
Parliament
holden
at
Coppenhauen
in
the
yeare
1561
,
hath
abridged
,
as
also
set
downe
certaine
Acts
or
Statutes
for
the
ruling
of
Sea
matters
,
but
for
the
most
para
agreeing
also
with
the
said
Lawes
of
Oleron
;
which
you
shall
find
in
this
Treatise
set
downe
vpon
euery
occasion
offered
vnto
me
,
to
make
application
of
them
in
the
Chapters
following
.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
Of
the
manner
of
Proceedings
in
Sea-faring
Causes
.
ALl
controuersies
and
differences
of
Sea-faring
Actions
,
or
Maritime
Causes
,
ought
to
be
decided
according
to
the
Sea
Lawes
,
which
tooke
their
beginning
from
Customes
and
obseruations
;
and
from
them
is
the
interpretation
of
the
said
Law
to
be
taken
:
and
if
any
Case
shall
fall
out
that
was
not
knowne
before
,
neither
written
downe
and
authorised
as
a
Law
,
then
the
same
is
to
bee
determined
by
the
Iudge
,
with
the
opinion
of
men
of
experience
and
knowledge
in
the
said
Sea-faring
causes
.
And
herein
is
all
conuenient
expedition
required
,
that
the
matter
may
be
summarily
and
briefly
determined
,
especially
in
case
of
shipwracke
;
wherein
delayes
or
protractions
in
Law
,
is
a
crueltie
to
vex
such
afflicted
persons
.
Therefore
to
preuent
appellations
,
present
execution
and
restitution
of
goods
is
vsed
in
causes
of
spoyle
,
vpon
caution
first
found
by
the
spoyled
,
to
satisfie
the
condemnation
to
the
Iudge
,
if
there
bee
iust
cause
found
of
appellation
;
The
plaintife
is
to
find
suerties
to
pay
costs
and
damages
,
if
he
doe
faile
in
his
proofe
;
and
the
defendant
is
to
be
put
in
caution
to
satisfie
the
sentence
,
Iudicio
cisti
&
iudicatum
solui
.
If
the
defendant
doe
stand
out
,
or
commit
a
comtempt
by
not
appearing
for
to
defend
himselfe
or
his
Ship
,
or
things
challenged
,
the
Iudge
of
the
Admiraltie
may
(
after
foure
defaults
entred
)
deliuer
the
possession
of
the
said
Ship
or
any
other
thing
,
or
part
thereof
,
to
the
plaintife
,
putting
in
sureties
for
one
yeare
and
a
day
:
and
if
the
partie
appeare
not
within
that
time
,
then
the
propertie
is
finally
adiudged
to
the
plaintife
.
And
if
he
doe
appeare
within
the
time
,
offering
to
pay
the
expences
,
and
putting
in
caution
to
obey
and
performe
the
definitiue
sentence
,
he
shall
be
admitted
.
But
this
caution
or
suerties
are
lyable
absolutely
for
all
from
the
beginning
,
and
cannot
be
discharged
,
as
a
Baile
may
be
at
the
common
Law
,
If
any
man
be
arrested
or
troubled
for
the
like
matters
,
he
is
presently
to
be
discharged
vpon
suerties
,
and
especially
Marriners
,
because
they
shall
not
be
hindered
of
their
voyage
;
which
he
may
doe
with
so
much
goods
or
the
value
thereof
,
as
he
hath
within
shipboord
,
at
the
Iudges
discretion
:
for
it
is
intended
that
otherwise
trafficke
and
commerce
is
interrupted
.
CAHP.
XIX
.
Of
Buying
and
Selling
of
Commodities
by
Contracts
.
THE
buying
and
selling
of
commodities
by
contracts
,
may
bee
distinguished
three
manner
of
wayes
,
namely
,
Regall
,
Notariall
,
and
Verball
.
The
Regall
contracts
,
are
made
betweene
Kings
and
Princes
and
Merchants
,
which
caused
the
Kings
of
Portugall
to
be
called
,
Royall
Merchants
.
For
whereas
the
Venetians
had
the
trade
for
Spices
and
other
commodities
of
the
East
Indies
;
Such
are
the
contracts
which
the
King
of
Spaine
doth
make
with
Merchants
for
the
prouision
of
Corne
for
his
townes
in
Africa
vpon
the
coasts
of
Barbarie
,
as
Ceuta
,
Mosegam
,
Tangere
,
and
other
places
,
the
paiment
whereof
hath
beene
made
againe
by
Pepper
vpon
some
especiall
contract
,
and
the
Merchants
haue
thereupon
also
made
other
contracts
with
Merchants
of
the
Low-countries
to
deliuer
them
that
Pepper
at
Amsterdam
,
and
to
take
Corne
in
paiment
:
But
the
case
is
since
altered
by
the
incorporating
of
the
East-India
trade
.
Such
were
the
contracts
made
by
the
French
king
Henrie
the
third
,
with
the
great
Merchants
of
Italie
,
called
Le
graund
partie
,
for
Salt
,
which
they
by
authoritie
did
ingrosse
for
the
king
,
and
brought
also
from
other
countries
by
sole
permission
,
causing
euerie
household
in
all
France
to
take
a
proportion
yearely
,
or
to
pay
for
it
whether
they
had
occasion
to
vse
it
or
not
,
which
was
an
Italian
inuention
;
and
for
this
they
paied
by
contract
vnto
the
king
six
hundred
thousand
pounds
sterling
(
being
two
millions
of
French
Crownes
)
yearely
.
Such
were
the
contracts
which
Queene
Elizabeth
of
blessed
memorie
,
made
with
Merchants
of
London
,
for
the
prouision
of
victuals
and
apparrell
for
the
souldiours
in
Ireland
during
the
late
warres
with
the
Earle
Tirone
,
which
did
amount
to
verie
great
summes
of
money
,
insomuch
that
the
seuerall
contracts
for
apparrell
came
to
ninetie
sixe
thousand
suits
of
apparrell
,
as
I
haue
seene
by
the
Records
and
Accounts
extant
in
his
maiesties
Court
of
Exchequer
.
All
these
and
such
like
contracts
are
made
by
commissions
granted
for
that
purpose
to
some
great
officers
of
the
kingdome
,
who
haue
thereby
authoritie
to
contract
for
the
same
with
Merchants
or
others
.
Notariall
contracts
haue
partly
dependance
vpon
the
same
,
pro
Cent.
which
hee
should
haue
giuen
vnto
another
Factor
to
sell
the
same
for
him
.
This
is
the
substance
of
a
Merchants
Contract
,
wherein
it
seemeth
all
things
haue
beene
well
considered
and
agreed
vpon
;
yet
the
principall
matter
for
good
and
sure
dealing
is
omitted
,
In
like
manner
a
London
Merchant
doth
contract
with
a
Merchant
stranger
here
,
and
buyeth
of
him
a
certaine
commoditie
,
whereof
the
goodnesse
is
commonly
knowne
by
the
marke
,
or
otherwise
by
the
Fabrica
or
making
,
as
Veluets
,
Sattin
,
Silkes
,
Fustians
,
and
other
commodities
to
be
here
deliuered
vnto
him
by
such
a
day
,
or
within
so
many
moneths
,
at
a
price
agreed
vpon
betweene
them
,
with
the
manner
of
paiment
,
and
other
conditions
agreed
also
;
hereupon
likewise
passeth
a
Notariall
Contract
which
is
performed
accordingly
.
But
put
the
case
,
That
the
price
of
the
said
Veluets
and
Silkes
by
some
accident
or
occasion
doth
fall
,
and
the
London
Merchant
doth
repent
himselfe
of
his
bargaine
and
contract
,
and
now
some
of
the
said
forraine
commodities
are
come
from
beyond
the
seas
,
and
arriued
within
the
riuer
of
Thames
,
whereupon
the
Merchant
stranger
giueth
notice
vnto
him
of
it
,
and
the
London
Merchant
seemeth
vnwilling
to
receiue
the
said
commodities
,
and
is
constrained
either
by
a
Scriuener
or
with
witnesses
to
offer
vnto
him
the
said
commodities
according
to
their
contract
:
Noua
Espagnia
,
and
all
those
quarters
of
the
world
,
and
euerie
resonable
soule
must
haue
one
of
them
yearely
,
and
that
this
is
the
most
beneficiall
contract
I
proue
thus
.
In
the
yeare
1591
Pope
Sixtus
Quintus
caused
two
ships
to
be
laden
out
of
Spaine
for
the
West-Indies
as
aforesaid
,
with
some
100
Buts
of
Sackes
,
1400
little
Chests
containing
each
of
them
three
ordinarie
small
Barrells
of
Quicke-siluer
weighing
50
ll
the
peece
,
to
refine
the
Siluer
withall
in
the
said
Indies
:
and
moreouer
with
a
great
number
of
Packes
of
the
Printed
Bulls
and
Pardons
graunted
at
that
time
,
to
make
prouision
against
the
Heretickes
;
Forasmuch
that
the
great
Armada
of
the
yeare
1588
,
had
so
much
exhausted
the
treasure
of
Spaine
.
These
two
ships
were
met
withall
at
sea
by
Captaine
White
(
who
was
laden
and
bound
for
Barbarie
)
and
brought
into
England
by
him
,
where
the
commodities
were
sold
:
but
the
Popes
merchandise
(
being
out
of
request
)
remained
a
long
time
in
Ware-houses
at
the
disposing
of
Q●eene
Elizabeth
;
vntill
at
last
at
the
earnest
request
of
her
Physitian
called
Docter
Lopes
,
she
gaue
all
the
said
great
quantitie
of
Bulls
vnto
him
,
amounting
to
many
thousands
in
number
.
This
courtly
Merchant
(
falling
in
communication
with
an
Italian
knight
,
who
had
been
a
Merchant
)
did
conclude
with
the
said
knight
to
make
a
partable
voyage
betweene
them
,
and
to
send
those
Bulls
into
the
West-Indies
,
and
accordingly
a
ship
was
fraighted
and
laden
with
the
said
Bulls
and
some
other
commodities
,
and
did
perform
the
said
voyage
to
the
Indies
:
but
no
sooner
arriued
,
the
Popes
Contractor
for
that
commoditie
did
seise
vpon
all
the
said
Bulls
,
and
caused
an
information
to
be
giuen
against
them
,
that
they
were
infected
,
hauing
beene
taken
by
Heretickes
;
it
was
alleaged
that
they
were
miraculously
saued
,
but
lost
they
were
and
confiscated
,
and
so
couetousnesse
was
well
rewarded
.
But
returning
to
prooue
this
beneficiall
Contract
,
Now
before
we
intreat
of
extrauagant
Contracts
in
the
buying
and
selling
of
commodities
in
some
places
,
it
will
not
be
impertinent
to
note
the
obseruations
and
opinions
of
Ciuilians
concerning
Merchants
Contracts
,
which
they
haue
distinguished
to
be
Solemne
,
Publike
or
Priuate
,
as
in
the
Marginall
notes
is
before
declared
,
to
the
end
all
controuersies
may
bee
auoided
in
the
said
Merchants
Contracts
.
The
Ciuilians
writing
,
De
Contractibus
Mercatorum
,
This
damage
sustained
by
Merchants
or
others
,
Therefore
when
Merchants
are
contending
in
any
Courts
of
Equitie
or
Law
,
where
they
are
delayed
for
many
yeares
in
continuall
suit
at
their
great
charges
:
Then
it
tendeth
to
the
interrupof
trade
and
commerce
in
generall
,
and
the
ouerthrow
of
the
parties
in
particular
,
whereof
the
Law
of
Merchants
hath
a
singular
care
to
prouide
for
,
and
therefore
doth
many
times
(
though
not
without
danger
)
admit
the
proofe
to
bee
made
vpon
the
parties
oath
,
if
witnesses
be
absent
.
In
all
Contracts
,
made
for
a
copartnership
in
prouiding
of
a
ioynt
Stocke
,
is
to
bee
obserued
,
that
the
one
or
some
of
them
doe
not
defraud
the
other
.
Also
it
is
approued
,
that
they
may
sell
their
aduenture
to
others
,
and
the
buyer
is
to
take
the
account
according
to
the
Contract
,
Againe
,
suppose
this
money
were
deliuered
to
a
father
and
his
sonne
ioyntly
,
whether
the
same
shal
be
redemanded
of
the
father
and
of
the
sonne
by
equall
portion
halfe
and
halfe
,
or
of
them
both
▪
Hereupon
they
are
of
opinion
,
if
the
father
did
receiue
the
money
,
and
that
the
sonne
be
vnder
the
gouernement
of
the
father
,
then
the
father
is
to
answere
for
all
:
But
if
the
sonne
doe
(
as
it
were
)
gouerne
the
father
,
because
hee
is
old
;
then
the
sonne
is
to
answere
for
the
money
.
Now
the
Law-merchant
obligeth
them
both
to
answere
for
the
said
money
,
vnlesse
the
sonne
were
vnder
yeares
.
But
this
question
may
be
thought
extrauagant
,
for
contracts
are
commonly
Notariall
in
this
case
,
and
betweene
parteners
,
To
make
these
Notariall
contracts
more
authenticke
and
sure
,
when
due
regard
is
had
of
reciprocall
actions
,
to
auoid
Nudum
Pactum
,
the
Bonds
made
by
each
partie
to
other
in
a
summe
of
money
for
the
performance
thereof
,
are
to
be
preferred
before
the
limitation
of
a
penaltie
contained
in
the
contract
,
albeit
that
these
Bonds
being
put
in
suit
,
causeth
the
other
partie
to
flie
into
the
Chancerie
;
but
the
Merchants
Courts
proceed
herein
with
more
expedition
.
There
are
also
certaine
Merchants
contracts
,
which
(
in
regard
of
the
conditions
)
are
called
Extrauagants
,
A
Merchant
in
Spaine
dealing
for
the
West
Indies
,
Noua
Espagnia
,
Terra
firma
,
or
Peru
and
other
places
in
America
,
will
buy
a
round
quantitie
of
Germanie
commodities
or
manufactures
made
there
,
and
in
the
Low
Countries
,
either
Yronmongers
wares
,
as
Hatchets
,
Axes
,
Kniues
,
Bells
,
Beads
,
Needles
,
Basons
,
Candlestickes
,
Counters
,
Lockes
,
Nayles
,
and
diuers
sorts
of
commodities
;
and
he
is
made
acquainted
by
the
Inuoice
or
Cargasson
of
those
goods
what
they
did
cost
in
the
places
from
whence
they
came
,
where
the
Merchant
owner
of
the
said
wares
,
hath
augmented
his
price
in
the
said
Invoice
,
and
so
the
Spanish
Merchant
doth
make
him
an
offer
of
so
many
Maluidies
for
euerie
pounds
Flemish
,
or
Hamborough
money
,
Another
Merchant
selling
by
contract
,
some
commodities
to
be
deliuered
at
the
returne
of
the
said
West
Indies
Fleet
,
Posito
a
certaine
quantitie
of
Cutcheneale
,
as
the
price
shall
be
broken
in
Spaine
vpon
the
arriuall
of
the
maine
Partida
;
this
Merchant
commonly
taketh
a
summe
of
mony
before
hand
,
whereof
he
alloweth
interest
for
the
time
,
or
else
he
abateth
a
certaine
allowance
in
the
price
of
the
Cutcheneale
lesse
than
the
price
,
which
by
authoritie
and
consent
amongst
Merchants
is
made
,
that
is
to
say
,
If
the
best
sort
called
Misteca
be
set
at
40
Ducatts
the
Ro●ue
of
25
ll
weight
,
he
shall
abate
him
after
20
or
25
ꝑ
100.
Now
if
the
price
of
Cutcheneale
be
high
or
low
,
the
interest
of
his
money
formerly
disbursed
(
by
the
said
abatement
)
must
needes
bee
accordingly
:
So
that
the
best
aduantage
is
to
take
the
interest
after
a
rate
certaine
,
and
the
price
of
the
Cutcheneale
,
as
it
shall
and
may
f●ll
out
,
the
like
may
bee
obserued
for
all
other
commodities
.
The
Bankers
haue
found
the
same
by
experience
,
by
dealing
with
the
Kings
of
Spaine
and
Portugall
,
when
they
make
Partidos
with
them
to
furnish
them
monyes
in
their
occasions
,
by
making
them
to
pay
exchanges
and
rechanges
for
it
after
a
great
rate
.
And
neuerthelesse
,
they
will
bee
sure
to
haue
Pepper
or
any
other
commoditie
,
at
a
certain
rate
agreed
vpon
betweene
them
,
CHAP.
XX.
Of
Bankes
and
Bankers
.
A
Banke
is
properly
a
collection
of
all
the
readie
money
of
some
Kingdome
,
These
Bankers
,
as
they
haue
their
Companies
,
Factors
,
or
correspondence
in
the
chiefe
places
of
trade
in
Europe
,
so
must
they
also
keepe
account
with
euerie
man
,
of
whom
they
haue
receiued
any
money
into
their
Banke
,
out
of
which
number
,
no
man
of
that
iurisdiction
is
almost
exempted
;
but
generally
all
men
are
desirous
to
please
them
,
and
to
bring
their
readie
money
into
their
Banke
,
as
also
such
money
as
they
haue
in
foreine
parts
.
In
regard
whereof
,
these
Bankers
do
giue
them
great
credit
;
for
if
any
man
haue
occasion
to
bestow
in
merchandise
or
to
pay
in
money
3
or
foure
thousand
ducats
,
and
haue
but
one
thousand
ducats
in
the
Banke
,
the
Bankers
will
pay
it
for
him
more
or
lesse
,
as
the
partie
is
well
knowne
or
credited
,
without
taking
any
gaine
for
it
,
although
it
be
for
3
,
4
,
6
,
or
more
monethes
.
This
seemeth
to
be
a
great
commoditie
(
as
no
doubt
it
is
to
men
in
particular
)
but
being
well
considered
of
,
it
will
be
found
a
small
friendship
,
and
no
more
in
effect
,
than
if
a
man
did
participate
the
light
of
his
candle
to
another
mans
candle
:
for
what
is
this
credit
?
or
what
are
the
paiments
of
the
Banks
,
but
almost
or
rather
altogether
imaginarie
?
As
for
example
,
But
some
will
say
or
demaund
,
Cannot
a
man
haue
any
readie
money
out
of
the
Bankers
hands
,
if
he
haue
occasion
to
vse
it
?
Yes
that
he
can
:
but
before
he
haue
it
,
they
will
be
so
bold
,
as
to
know
for
what
purpose
he
demaundeth
the
same
,
or
what
he
will
doe
with
it
.
If
it
be
to
pay
any
man
withall
,
they
will
alwaies
doe
that
for
him
,
as
hauing
account
almost
with
all
men
;
for
hee
is
accounted
to
be
of
no
credit
,
that
hath
not
any
money
in
Banke
.
If
he
do
demaund
it
for
to
make
ouer
by
exchange
in
some
other
countrie
,
they
will
also
serue
his
turne
in
giuing
him
Bills
of
Exchanges
for
any
place
wheresoeuer
,
because
they
haue
their
companies
or
correspondence
in
euerie
place
.
If
he
do
demaund
it
for
his
charges
and
expences
,
it
will
be
paied
him
forthwith
,
because
it
is
but
a
small
summe
,
and
in
the
end
the
money
commeth
into
their
hands
againe
.
If
they
pay
out
money
to
any
man
,
that
hauing
money
in
Banke
will
bestow
the
same
in
purchase
of
lands
,
they
will
still
haue
an
eye
to
haue
it
againe
in
Banke
one
way
or
other
,
at
the
second
and
third
hand
;
so
that
they
once
being
possessed
of
moneys
,
they
will
hardly
be
dispossessed
,
and
their
paiments
are
in
effect
all
by
assignation
,
and
imaginarie
.
And
if
they
haue
any
money
in
Banke
belonging
vnto
Widowes
and
Orphanes
,
or
any
other
person
that
hath
no
occasion
to
vse
the
same
,
they
will
allow
them
interest
after
foure
or
fiue
vpon
the
hundreth
in
the
yeare
,
at
the
most
,
and
that
vpon
especiall
favour
;
for
euerie
man
seeketh
to
please
them
,
as
in
matter
where
Commodum
priuatum
beareth
the
rule
;
for
they
can
easily
please
men
in
particular
,
in
giuing
them
some
credit
of
that
great
credit
which
they
haue
obtained
in
generall
.
The
money
then
remaining
in
the
Bankers
hands
,
is
imployed
by
them
to
other
vses
and
purposes
.
First
,
they
doe
deale
with
great
Princes
and
Potentates
,
Secondly
,
they
ingrosse
thereby
diuers
commodities
into
their
hands
:
and
lastly
,
they
carrie
thereby
a
predominance
in
ruling
the
course
of
exchanges
for
all
places
,
where
it
pleaseth
them
:
by
reason
whereof
the
citie
of
Amsterdam
(
to
countermine
them
)
haue
in
the
yeare
1608
,
also
erected
a
verie
great
Banke
,
Of
the
breaking
of
some
of
these
Bankes
,
Facultad
Reall
,
that
is
to
say
,
pro
cent
.
to
their
creditors
for
the
forbearance
.
CAHP.
XXI
.
Of
the
Fraighting
of
ships
,
Charterparties
,
and
Bills
of
lading
.
HItherto
we
haue
beene
buying
and
dealing
in
commodities
,
and
now
it
will
be
time
to
aduance
our
commerce
or
trafficke
,
and
to
fraight
Ships
for
the
purpose
to
transport
ouer
commodities
.
No
Ship
should
be
fraighted
without
a
Charterpartie
,
meaning
a
Charter
or
Couenant
betweene
two
parties
,
the
Master
and
the
Merchant
:
and
the
Bills
of
lading
do
declare
what
goods
are
laden
,
The
persons
that
are
in
a
Ship
may
bee
thus
in
order
,
which
although
they
differ
in
names
in
many
languages
,
yet
they
are
all
one
in
effect
.
The
Master
of
the
Ship
,
the
Pilot
,
the
Masters
mate
,
the
Ship-wright
or
Carpenter
,
the
Boats-man
,
the
Purser
,
the
Chirurgeon
,
the
Cooke
,
and
the
Ships
boy
.
All
the
rest
are
vnder
the
name
Marriners
,
all
these
are
distinguished
in
hires
and
fees
in
all
Countries
.
The
Master
therefore
doth
couenant
by
the
Charter-partie
,
Againe
,
if
the
Ship
bee
not
readie
at
the
day
appointed
in
the
Charter-partie
to
goe
to
Sea
,
the
Merchant
may
not
onely
free
himselfe
of
her
,
except
hee
hold
his
peace
and
discharge
her
not
(
for
then
by
his
silence
he
seemeth
to
consent
,
But
if
the
Ship
in
her
Voyage
become
vnable
,
without
the
Masters
fault
,
or
that
the
Master
or
Ship
bee
arrested
by
some
authoritie
of
Magistrates
in
her
way
;
the
Master
may
either
mend
his
Ship
,
or
fraight
another
.
But
in
case
the
Merchant
agree
not
thereunto
,
then
the
Master
shall
at
least
recouer
his
fraight
,
so
farre
as
hee
hath
deserued
it
.
For
otherwise
,
except
the
Merchant
consent
,
or
necessitie
constraine
the
Master
to
put
the
goods
into
another
Ship
worse
than
his
owne
;
the
Master
is
heerein
bound
to
all
losses
and
damages
,
except
that
both
the
Ships
perish
that
voyage
,
and
that
no
fault
nor
fraud
bee
found
in
the
Master
.
Don
Andrea
Doria
intending
to
surprise
those
Ships
(
the
Grand
Armada
being
preparing
in
Spaine
)
they
came
all
of
them
away
without
their
lading
;
some
two
of
these
Ships
had
lyen
out
all
their
time
conditioned
by
their
Charterpartie
,
to
take
in
their
lading
,
and
the
Masters
had
Notariall
protests
against
the
Factors
that
they
should
haue
laden
them
.
These
were
by
the
Law
of
Admiraltie
adiudged
to
haue
deserued
their
whole
fraight
.
Two
other
ships
hauing
not
staied
there
their
abiding
dayes
,
nor
made
any
protest
as
aforesaid
,
could
not
be
found
to
haue
deserued
any
fraight
at
all
,
although
they
were
laden
outward
bound
.
The
fifth
Ship
had
a
condition
or
prouiso
in
her
Charterpartie
,
That
if
it
should
happen
that
in
her
comming
backe
out
of
the
Straits
,
shee
should
be
taken
or
cast
away
;
neuerthelesse
the
fraight
outwards
(
which
was
accounted
halfe
)
should
bee
payed
,
It
is
also
accounted
for
a
fault
,
if
the
Master
put
forth
the
Ship
to
Sea
,
either
without
a
skilfull
Pilot
,
or
without
sufficient
furniture
and
necessaries
,
according
to
the
ordinarie
clauses
of
the
Charter-parties
,
or
(
as
in
the
precedent
case
)
that
the
other
Ship
in
which
the
goods
were
last
put
in
,
bee
not
sufficient
,
or
that
the
Master
doe
in
an
vnlikely
time
put
foorth
to
Sea
.
The
Emperors
Gratian
,
Theodosius
,
and
Valentinian
,
in
times
past
did
expresly
forbid
that
no
man
should
aduenture
vpon
the
Seas
,
from
Nouember
till
Aprill
,
Sed
Tempora
mutantur
,
&
nos
mutamur
in
illis
.
Alwayes
it
is
a
great
fault
by
the
Law
,
to
put
to
sayle
out
of
any
Port
in
stormie
and
tempestuous
weather
.
Item
,
if
a
Master
set
forth
his
Ship
for
to
take
in
a
certaine
charge
or
lading
,
and
then
takes
in
any
more
,
especially
of
other
men
,
hee
is
to
lose
all
his
whole
fraight
;
for
by
other
mens
lading
hee
may
endanger
the
Merchants
goods
diuers
wayes
.
And
in
such
a
case
,
when
goods
by
stormes
are
cast
ouer-boord
,
it
shal
not
be
made
good
by
contribution
or
aueridge
,
Item
,
if
a
ship
do
enter
into
any
other
Port
or
Harbour
,
than
she
was
fraighted
for
,
against
the
Masters
will
,
as
by
storme
or
some
force
,
then
the
goods
shall
be
transported
to
the
Port
conditioned
,
on
the
Masters
charges
;
but
this
must
be
tried
by
the
Masters
oath
,
and
of
two
of
his
Mariners
,
or
else
the
Master
may
be
in
further
danger
.
If
any
man
compell
the
Master
to
ouer-burthen
Ship
or
Boat
,
he
may
therefore
bee
accused
criminally
,
and
pay
the
damages
happening
thereby
.
Item
,
if
a
Merchant
put
in
more
goods
into
a
Ship
than
was
conditioned
,
then
may
the
Master
take
what
fraight
hee
please
.
By
the
Romane
Law
it
is
imputed
for
a
fault
to
the
Master
,
if
hee
direct
his
course
by
wayes
either
dangerous
,
thorough
Pirats
,
enemies
,
or
other
euill
aduentures
.
Also
if
hee
doe
carrie
the
Flag
of
other
Nations
and
not
his
owne
,
and
thereby
incurre
any
losse
or
dammages
:
For
as
Packes
,
Pipes
,
and
all
goods
,
should
bee
marked
with
the
proper
markes
of
the
Merchant
to
whom
they
appertaine
:
So
should
Ships
bee
discerned
one
from
another
by
their
owne
Flag
.
The
ordinarie
Charter-parties
of
fraightments
of
Ships
,
made
and
indented
betweene
the
Master
of
a
Ship
and
a
Merchant
,
or
many
Merchants
in
fraighting
a
Ship
together
by
the
tunnage
,
A.B.
Master
of
the
Good
Ship
or
Fly-boot
,
called
the
Red
Lyon
of
Ratclife
,
of
the
burthen
of
120
Tunnes
or
thereabouts
,
riding
at
Anchors
in
the
Riuer
of
Thames
,
acknowledgeth
to
haue
letten
to
fraight
vnto
C.
D.
the
Merchant
his
said
Ship
,
and
doth
promise
to
prepare
to
make
readie
the
same
within
tenne
dayes
,
to
take
in
such
goods
,
as
the
said
Merchant
shall
lade
or
cause
to
be
laden
in
her
,
to
make
(
by
Gods
grace
)
with
the
first
conuenient
weather
and
wind
(
after
the
expiration
of
the
said
dayes
)
a
Voyage
from
the
Citie
of
London
,
to
the
Towne
of
Saint
Lucar
De
Barameda
in
Spaine
,
and
there
to
deliuer
all
the
said
goods
,
well
conditioned
,
and
in
such
sort
as
they
were
deliuered
vnto
him
,
to
such
a
Merchant
or
Factor
,
as
the
Merchant
the
fraightor
shall
nominate
and
appoint
,
according
to
the
Bills
of
lading
made
or
to
be
made
thereof
;
and
there
to
remaine
with
his
said
Ship
the
space
of
twentie
dayes
,
to
take
in
and
receiue
all
such
goods
,
as
the
said
Factor
or
any
other
by
his
appointment
shall
lade
into
her
,
and
as
the
said
Ship
may
conueniently
carrie
,
and
being
so
laden
,
to
returne
backe
againe
for
the
said
Citie
of
London
,
and
there
to
deliuer
the
said
goods
also
well
conditioned
,
to
the
said
C.
D.
the
Merchant
,
or
his
assignes
.
And
the
said
Master
doth
further
couenant
with
the
said
Merchant
,
that
his
Ship
shall
be
furnished
with
twelue
able
men
and
a
boy
,
tenne
pieces
of
yron
Ordnance
,
namely
,
two
Sakers
,
six
Minions
,
two
Falcons
,
and
eight
Muskets
,
with
Powder
,
Shot
,
and
all
things
necessarie
,
as
Cables
,
Sayles
,
Ropes
,
Anchors
and
Victualls
requisite
for
such
or
the
like
Voyage
,
&c.
And
hereupon
C.
D
the
Merchant
and
Fraightor
,
doth
likewise
couenant
with
the
said
M●ster
,
or
all
the
said
Merchants
doe
couenant
with
him
,
euery
one
for
his
tunnage
as
aforesaid
,
that
he
or
they
and
either
of
them
,
will
lade
or
cause
to
be
laden
(
within
the
dayes
limited
)
the
said
Ship
,
with
such
and
such
commodities
accordingly
,
pesterable
wares
or
goods
excepted
,
And
the
said
Merchant
doth
further
couenant
to
pay
vnto
the
Master
,
three
pounds
or
more
for
the
fraight
of
euery
Tunne
lading
vpon
the
full
discharge
of
his
said
Ship
,
and
deliuery
of
the
said
goods
at
London
aforesaid
,
accounting
two
and
twentie
hundreth
and
a
halfe
,
or
so
many
Kintalls
for
a
Tunne
;
and
in
like
manner
for
two
Pipes
or
Butts
,
foure
Hogsheads
and
other
commodities
rated
for
the
Tunne
or
Last
,
as
foure
Chests
of
Sugar
,
Six
Barrells
of
●ny
other
commoditie
for
a
Tunne
(
as
in
the
fourth
Chapter
of
Weights
and
Measures
is
declared
)
with
Primage
,
Petilodeminage
,
and
sometimes
Pilotage
,
according
to
the
accustomed
manner
in
the
like
Voyages
,
&c.
binding
themselues
each
to
other
for
the
performance
thereof
in
a
summe
of
money
,
Nomine
Poenae
,
with
such
other
clauses
,
conditions
,
cautions
,
or
other
agreements
as
may
bee
concluded
betweene
them
,
which
being
well
expressed
,
preuenteth
all
those
and
the
like
questions
,
which
the
Ciuilians
doe
discourse
vpon
,
as
the
following
may
be
for
an
instance
.
Questions
about
Fraightings
,
and
their
Solutions
.
If
a
Ship
bee
fraighted
by
the
great
,
Posito
two
hundreth
Tunnes
for
the
summe
of
six
hundreth
pounds
,
to
bee
payed
at
the
returne
;
the
said
summe
of
600
ll
is
to
bee
payed
,
although
the
Ship
were
not
of
that
burthen
.
If
the
like
Ship
of
200
Tunnes
be
fraighted
,
and
the
summe
is
not
(
either
by
the
Great
,
or
Tunne
)
expressed
;
then
such
fraight
as
is
accustomed
to
be
payed
in
the
like
Voyages
,
is
due
,
and
ought
to
bee
payed
accordingly
.
If
the
like
Ship
of
200
Tunnes
bee
fraighted
by
the
Tunne
,
and
full
laden
,
according
to
their
Charterpartie
:
then
fraight
is
to
bee
payed
for
euery
Tunne
,
otherwise
but
for
so
many
Tunne
as
the
lading
in
the
same
was
.
If
the
like
Ship
of
two
hundreth
be
fraighted
,
and
named
to
be
of
that
burthen
in
their
couenant
,
and
being
fraighted
by
the
Tunne
,
shall
be
found
to
bee
lesse
in
bignesse
,
there
is
no
more
due
to
bee
payed
,
than
by
the
Tunne
,
for
so
many
as
the
same
did
carry
and
brought
in
goods
.
If
the
like
ship
be
fraighted
for
two
hundred
tunnes
or
therabouts
,
this
addition
(
or
thereabouts
)
is
within
fiue
tunnes
commonly
taken
and
vnderstood
,
as
the
moitie
of
the
number
ten
,
whereof
the
whole
number
is
compounded
.
If
the
like
ship
be
fraighted
by
the
great
,
and
the
burden
of
it
is
not
expressed
in
the
contract
,
yet
the
summe
certaine
agreed
vpon
is
to
be
paied
without
any
cauillation
.
If
fraight
be
agreed
vpon
for
the
commodities
laden
or
to
be
laden
,
for
a
certaine
price
for
euerie
Packe
,
Barrell
,
Butt
,
and
Pipe
,
&c.
without
any
regard
had
to
the
burden
of
the
ship
,
but
to
giue
her
the
full
lading
:
no
man
maketh
doubt
but
that
the
same
is
to
be
performed
accordingly
.
If
the
like
ship
,
or
any
other
(
being
fraighted
by
the
great
for
a
summe
certaine
)
happen
to
be
cast
away
,
there
is
nothing
due
for
fraight
:
but
if
the
ship
be
fraighted
by
the
tunne
,
or
peeces
of
commodities
laden
and
cast
away
and
some
saued
,
then
is
it
made
question●ble
,
whether
any
fraight
be
due
for
the
goods
saued
pro
rata
,
albeit
there
is
none
due
at
all
:
for
the
Assurors
are
not
to
bee
abridged
herein
by
any
fraight
.
Hence
arise
some
other
questions
,
Exempli
gratia
,
Whether
a
Master
of
a
ship
(
hauing
vndertaken
to
carrie
ouer
a
familie
,
or
certaine
slaues
,
or
cattell
,
and
some
of
them
dying
in
the
voyage
)
shall
haue
any
fraught
for
those
persons
or
cattell
which
are
dead
?
whereupon
three
considerations
are
incident
.
1
If
the
contract
was
made
for
the
whole
familie
,
slaues
,
or
cattell
,
then
the
fraight
or
passage
money
is
due
,
and
to
be
paied
for
all
.
2
If
it
be
couenanted
,
that
for
euerie
head
or
passenger
,
the
master
shall
haue
a
certaintie
:
then
for
the
dead
neuer
comming
to
the
destined
place
,
there
is
nothing
due
.
3
If
it
do
not
appeare
how
the
agreement
was
made
,
but
that
there
is
a
certain
summe
agreed
vpon
;
then
that
agreement
being
an
entire
thing
,
is
to
be
performed
,
although
some
died
:
the
reason
is
,
because
there
was
no
fault
in
the
master
,
and
therefore
the
rule
of
Re
integra
remaineth
good
:
and
if
a
woman
be
carried
ouer
and
be
deliuered
of
a
child
in
the
voyage
,
yet
there
is
nothing
to
be
paied
for
the
passage
of
the
child
which
she
carieth
in
her
armes
.
There
is
an
ancient
question
,
Whether
a
Master
of
a
ship
who
promised
to
place
another
in
his
ship
,
and
to
expose
him
in
a
certaine
place
,
can
demaund
any
recompence
for
the
same
,
he
neuer
hauing
placed
the
partie
there
;
but
the
partie
came
into
the
ship
,
and
so
went
ouer
:
wherein
they
consider
the
difference
betweene
liuing
creatures
and
rational
,
or
things
dead
and
insensible
:
and
diuers
other
reasons
which
I
omit
,
for
it
may
well
bee
compared
to
the
disputation
de
Lana
Caprina
,
whether
the
haire
of
the
Bucke
be
wooll
or
haire
,
which
putteth
me
in
mind
of
a
prettie
tale
,
which
for
varietie
of
theame
,
I
here
bestow
vpon
merrie
conceited
mariners
.
The
Poets
(
hauing
made
Caron
to
be
the
ferrie-man
of
hell
,
And
to
conclude
concerning
Fraightments
and
Charterpa●ties
,
let
vs
obserue
,
that
equitie
in
all
things
is
to
be
considered
,
and
especially
in
sea-fairing
causes
,
and
cauillations
are
to
be
auoided
,
as
for
example
,
A
Merchant
fraighted
a
ship
with
all
his
furniture
by
the
moneth
,
and
putteth
into
her
the
Master
and
Mariners
,
and
victualled
the
same
at
his
charges
,
and
maketh
a
charterpartie
with
the
owner
,
promising
to
pay
for
the
vse
of
the
shippe
and
furniture
twentie
pound
euerie
moneth
at
her
returne
into
the
riuer
of
Thames
,
and
so
ladeth
in
her
for
the
Straits
,
The
labourer
is
worthie
of
his
hire
.
The
ship
is
not
fraighted
by
the
great
,
to
run
that
aduenture
,
which
is
noted
before
,
neither
was
she
wanting
her
furniture
of
Cables
,
Anchors
,
Sailes
,
Ropes
,
or
any
thing
whereby
she
was
disabled
to
performe
the
voyage
,
and
might
be
the
cause
of
the
casting
away
:
for
if
it
were
so
,
then
there
were
great
cause
giuen
to
denie
the
payment
of
the
fraight
.
Againe
,
where
it
was
alleaged
,
that
the
said
owner
hath
made
assurance
vpon
the
ship
,
for
more
than
the
same
was
worth
,
and
did
thereby
recouer
of
the
Assurors
a
benefit
towards
his
losse
,
this
did
not
concerne
the
Merchant
,
but
the
Assurors
:
and
if
the
assurance
were
orderly
made
,
the
said
Assurors
haue
paied
the
same
duely
,
that
is
to
say
,
If
the
pollicie
or
writing
of
assurance
did
declare
,
That
the
owner
did
value
his
ship
in
such
a
summe
;
whereof
hereafter
you
may
read
in
the
proper
place
,
intreating
of
the
nature
of
Assurances
.
A
Merchant
valued
one
barrell
of
Saffroh
at
1000
ll
,
hauing
priuately
put
so
much
in
Gold
in
the
same
,
the
Gold
was
taken
,
but
the
Saffron
was
deliuered
,
and
the
Assurors
did
pay
for
the
Gold
.
And
the
like
is
for
Pearles
or
other
things
so
valued
.
Item
,
when
Coffers
,
Packes
,
or
Pipes
,
and
other
marked
commodities
or
goods
are
deliuered
close
packed
or
sealed
,
and
afterwards
shall
be
receiued
open
and
loose
,
the
master
is
to
be
charged
for
it
,
vntill
a
due
triall
,
and
that
consideration
thereof
be
had
;
he
must
also
answere
for
the
harme
which
Rats
do
in
the
ship
to
any
merchandise
for
want
of
a
Cat.
The
Merchant
on
the
other
side
,
is
to
be
bound
by
the
said
charterpartie
to
pay
the
fraight
of
the
goods
by
him
laden
,
either
by
the
Last
,
Tunne
,
or
by
the
Packe
and
Fardel
,
according
to
the
agreement
;
accounting
for
a
Last
,
Tunne
,
or
other
thing
,
after
the
rate
of
a
Tunne
lading
,
wherein
pesterable
wares
which
take
a
great
deale
of
roome
are
excepted
,
and
must
be
agreed
for
,
and
the
goods
laden
are
liable
for
the
paiment
of
the
fraight
.
The
Merchant
likewise
doth
couenant
to
pay
Pilotage
,
if
a
Pilot
be
vsed
to
bring
the
ship
into
the
harbor
;
also
primage
,
and
petilodmanidge
to
the
master
for
the
vse
of
his
Cables
to
discharge
the
goods
,
CHAP.
XXII
.
Of
the
Master
of
the
Ship
his
power
,
and
duetie
of
the
Master
to
the
Merchant
.
The
Master
shall
be
punished
also
by
damages
,
if
the
ouerloope
of
the
Ship
be
vntyth
,
or
the
Pumpe
be
faultie
,
or
a
sufficient
couering
be
wanting
,
especially
for
Corne
,
Victuall
,
and
such
like
commodities
.
He
is
also
before
his
departure
to
deliuer
the
names
of
all
the
persons
which
he
is
to
transport
,
and
of
his
mariners
,
which
with
vs
is
but
lately
established
:
and
at
his
returne
he
is
to
deliuer
a
true
Inuentorie
of
the
goods
of
any
persons
which
shall
happen
to
depart
this
life
in
that
voyage
,
not
onely
because
his
kindred
and
friends
may
haue
intelligence
of
it
,
but
also
because
their
goods
may
bee
safe
and
forthcomming
for
one
whole
yeare
:
of
which
goods
in
the
meane
time
,
the
bedding
and
appurtenances
may
bee
taken
by
the
Master
and
his
Mate
to
their
vses
,
as
also
such
clothing
and
other
things
then
vpon
his
bodie
,
may
bee
deliuered
to
the
Boats-man
and
the
company
,
who
doe
for
that
dispose
of
the
dead
bodie
,
putting
the
same
into
the
Sea
.
When
any
goods
or
merchandises
are
deliuered
vnto
the
Master
,
or
his
Clearke
the
Purser
of
the
Shippe
,
and
laid
within
boord
,
or
to
the
Ships
side
,
both
wayes
,
is
at
the
Masters
perill
.
But
the
Master
is
not
bound
to
answere
for
such
things
as
are
put
in
his
Ship
,
without
his
and
his
companies
knowledge
;
The
Master
is
lyable
for
all
damages
sustained
by
bad
Hookes
,
Ropes
,
Blockes
,
or
Lines
,
if
the
Mariners
doe
giue
notice
of
it
,
and
they
shall
beare
their
parts
in
the
damage
,
and
so
is
he
also
to
answere
any
dammage
happening
by
vnreasonable
stowing
or
breaking
of
goods
,
and
therein
he
and
his
companie
may
be
put
to
their
oath
.
Further
,
whatsoeuer
shall
happen
through
fault
,
negligence
,
or
chance
,
which
might
be
auoided
,
or
if
it
bee
done
by
the
passengers
or
other
than
himselfe
and
his
companie
,
the
Master
is
answerable
.
If
by
the
Masters
default
,
confiscation
of
goods
or
other
damages
happens
for
non-payment
of
Custome
,
But
concerning
the
suing
for
the
said
goods
,
the
Master
may
well
doe
it
,
as
the
Merchant
may
pursue
for
spoyled
goods
.
And
notwithstanding
if
it
shall
bee
found
,
that
the
Merchant
is
in
any
fault
concerning
the
goods
,
as
aforesaid
;
then
if
the
Master
,
and
foure
of
his
companie
,
Mariners
,
sweare
no
fault
to
haue
beene
in
them
,
the
Master
shall
be
cleared
thereby
.
The
Master
is
to
keepe
his
companie
in
peace
,
and
if
any
Mariner
shall
be
hurt
in
doing
seruice
,
or
by
his
companion
,
the
Master
shall
cause
him
to
be
healed
,
as
hee
who
is
onely
answerable
for
the
fact
within
shipboord
,
and
then
by
his
authoritie
recouer
from
the
other
Mariner
the
charges
,
and
any
thing
that
the
hurt
man
hath
lost
thereby
;
except
that
hee
who
is
hurt
or
lamed
,
haue
prouoked
the
other
by
euident
assault
or
stroakes
.
And
if
a
Mariner
fall
sicke
,
the
Master
shall
cause
him
to
bee
laid
in
a
house
,
with
all
sustentation
necessarie
and
vsuall
in
the
Ship
;
but
shall
not
stay
the
Ship
vntill
hee
bee
healed
:
and
when
hee
recouers
health
shall
giue
him
his
hyre
,
or
if
hee
dye
shall
giue
it
to
the
wife
or
neerest
friends
.
But
if
a
Mariner
bee
not
hurt
in
the
Ships
seruice
,
the
Master
shall
hyre
another
in
his
place
who
if
hee
haue
a
greater
hyre
,
that
Mariner
then
shall
recouer
the
surplus
.
And
alwayes
the
Master
ought
to
lend
his
Mariners
if
they
want
.
If
through
the
Masters
fault
the
Shipboat
perish
,
with
any
Mariners
in
it
,
by
spoyled
Ropes
or
otherwise
,
then
shall
the
Master
pay
one
whole
yeares
hire
to
the
heires
of
the
drowned
.
Item
,
he
ought
to
giue
his
Mariners
Flesh
vpon
Sunday
,
Tuesday
,
and
Thursday
,
and
vpon
other
dayes
Fish
or
such
like
,
with
sufficient
drinke
;
but
no
meat
to
them
that
sleepes
not
in
the
Ship
.
Neuerthelesse
the
qualitie
and
quantitie
of
Mariners
food
and
hires
goeth
diuersly
,
according
to
the
diuers
Customes
of
Countries
,
and
the
conditions
made
with
them
at
the
entring
of
the
voyage
,
whereof
remembrance
is
to
be
kept
to
auoid
discords
,
which
are
more
dangerous
on
the
Seas
than
on
Land
.
CHAP.
XXIII
.
Of
the
Duties
and
Priuiledges
of
Mariners
.
ACcording
to
the
Law
of
Oleron
,
Mariners
owe
all
due
obedience
to
the
Master
,
not
onely
in
flying
from
him
in
his
wrath
,
so
farre
as
they
can
,
but
also
in
suffering
;
yet
may
they
after
one
stroake
defend
themselues
.
In
case
of
rebellion
of
Mariners
against
their
Master
,
which
is
thought
then
to
be
done
,
when
the
Master
hath
thrice
lifted
the
Towell
from
before
any
Mariner
,
and
yet
he
submits
not
himselfe
:
then
may
hee
not
onely
bee
commanded
forth
of
the
Ship
at
the
first
land
,
but
also
if
hee
make
open
strife
and
debate
against
the
Master
,
hee
shall
lose
his
halfe
hire
,
with
all
the
goods
he
hath
within
shipboord
.
But
if
in
this
strife
a
Mariner
vseth
any
armour
or
weapons
,
then
should
the
rest
of
the
Mariners
bind
him
,
imprison
him
,
and
present
him
to
the
Iustice
:
so
that
if
any
refuse
to
assist
,
hee
shall
lose
his
hire
and
all
things
he
hath
within
shipboord
.
Yea
in
case
any
number
of
the
Mariners
would
conspire
,
and
force
the
Master
to
passe
to
any
other
Port
than
to
the
which
he
was
fraighted
,
they
may
bee
accused
criminally
and
punished
,
as
for
a
capitall
crime
.
And
yet
if
a
rebellious
Mariner
repent
in
time
,
and
offer
amends
for
a
simple
rebellion
,
and
the
Master
notwithstanding
refuse
,
he
may
follow
the
Ship
and
obtaine
his
hire
.
Mariners
ought
each
one
to
helpe
and
assist
others
on
the
Seas
,
or
else
he
that
refuseth
loseth
his
hire
,
and
the
oath
of
his
fellowes
shall
be
a
proofe
against
him
.
Mariners
in
a
strange
Port
,
should
not
leaue
the
Ship
without
the
Masters
licence
,
or
fastning
her
with
foure
ropes
,
or
else
the
losse
fals
vpon
them
.
They
are
also
to
attend
the
Ship
vntill
shee
be
discharged
and
ballasted
new
,
and
the
Tackle
taken
downe
.
And
if
a
Mariner
during
the
time
of
her
discharge
and
lading
,
labour
not
with
the
rest
of
the
companie
,
but
goeth
idle
,
and
absents
himselfe
,
hee
shall
pay
a
fine
to
the
rest
of
the
companie
pro
rata
.
In
a
strange
Countrey
,
the
one
halfe
of
the
company
at
the
least
,
ought
to
remaine
on
shipboord
,
and
the
rest
who
goe
on
land
should
keepe
sobrietie
and
abstaine
from
suspected
places
,
or
else
should
be
punished
in
bodie
and
purse
:
like
as
he
who
absents
himselfe
when
the
Ship
is
readie
to
sayle
,
yea
if
he
giue
out
himselfe
worthier
than
he
is
in
his
calling
,
hee
shall
lose
his
hire
,
halfe
to
the
Admirall
,
and
the
other
halfe
to
the
Master
.
But
this
especially
ought
to
be
executed
against
an
vnworthy
Pilot.
The
Mariner
also
forfeits
his
hire
,
if
the
Ship
breake
in
any
part
,
and
hee
helpe
not
with
all
his
diligence
to
saue
the
goods
.
If
it
chance
otherwise
than
well
with
the
Master
,
the
Mariners
are
then
holden
to
bring
backe
the
Ship
to
the
Port
,
from
whence
shee
was
fraighted
,
without
delay
,
except
it
bee
otherwise
prouided
.
A
Mariner
may
carrie
as
much
meat
out
of
the
Ship
,
as
hee
may
eat
at
a
meale
,
but
no
drinke
.
A
Mariner
may
keepe
either
his
portage
in
his
owne
hands
,
or
put
forth
the
same
for
fraight
,
and
yet
the
Ship
shall
not
stay
vpon
the
lading
of
his
portage
:
so
that
in
case
the
Ship
be
fully
laden
before
the
goods
for
his
portage
bee
brought
in
,
hee
shall
onely
haue
the
fraight
of
so
much
goods
.
If
a
Ship
passe
further
than
the
Mariner
was
hired
,
his
hire
should
be
accordingly
augmented
,
except
hee
be
hired
a
Mareages
,
mais
non
a
deniers
,
as
the
French
man
speakes
,
or
by
the
moneth
for
all
the
yeare
.
If
a
Mariner
runne
away
with
his
hire
vndeserued
,
hee
deserues
the
Gallowes
.
If
a
Mariner
be
hired
for
a
simple
Mariner
,
and
afterwards
in
the
voyage
findes
hiring
,
to
be
a
Pilot
or
a
Master
,
he
may
passe
,
restoring
his
former
hire
;
and
so
it
is
if
he
marrie
.
Mariners
are
not
onely
to
discharge
and
deliuer
goods
out
of
the
Ship
,
but
also
if
no
Porters
or
Carriers
bee
in
those
parts
,
to
carrie
the
same
themselues
for
such
hire
as
other
workemen
should
haue
had
therefore
.
If
it
happen
a
Ship
to
be
prised
for
debt
,
or
otherwise
to
bee
forfeited
,
yet
the
Mariners
hire
is
to
be
payed
,
and
if
she
prosper
,
to
receiue
their
pay
in
the
same
money
that
the
fraight
is
payed
with
.
Lastly
,
a
Mariner
should
neither
be
arrested
,
nor
taken
forth
of
a
Ship
making
readie
to
sayle
,
for
any
debt
,
but
onely
his
hire
and
as
much
other
goods
as
hee
hath
in
the
Ship
may
be
arrested
for
it
,
according
to
the
value
of
the
debt
,
and
the
Master
to
bee
answerable
for
all
;
because
the
Ship
is
compared
to
a
mans
dwelling
house
,
which
is
his
sure
refuge
by
the
Law
,
except
it
be
for
a
sworne
debt
,
or
a
penaltie
to
the
King
through
some
crime
.
CHAP.
XXIIII
.
Of
the
Office
of
Assurances
,
and
the
Ancient
Custome
of
the
same
.
CLaudius
Caesar
,
the
fifth
Romane
Emperour
,
by
succession
of
gouernement
from
Iulius
Caesar
,
who
was
before
the
Birth
of
our
Sauiour
Christ
,
(
borne
vnder
Augustus
)
and
the
first
persecution
of
Christians
was
vnder
Tiberius
,
This
Claudius
did
bring
in
this
most
laudable
Custome
of
Assurances
,
whereby
the
danger
and
aduenture
of
goods
is
diuided
,
reparted
,
and
borne
by
many
persons
,
consenting
,
and
agreed
vpon
betweene
them
,
what
part
euerie
man
will
be
contented
to
assure
,
make
good
and
pay
if
any
losse
or
casualtie
should
happen
to
the
goods
aduentured
,
or
to
bee
aduentured
at
the
Seas
,
as
also
by
Land
;
to
the
end
that
Merchants
might
enlarge
and
augment
their
Trafficke
and
Commerce
,
and
not
aduenture
all
in
one
Bottome
to
their
losse
and
ouerthrow
,
but
that
the
same
might
be
reparted
and
answered
for
by
many
.
This
Custome
comming
to
the
knowledge
of
the
inhabitants
of
Oleron
was
recorded
,
and
by
them
set
downe
for
a
Law
,
and
practised
to
be
obserued
through
all
the
Sea-coast
Townes
of
France
,
and
yet
was
first
vsed
in
England
,
and
after
vs
imitated
by
the
Antuerpians
,
and
all
other
Nations
there
inhabiting
when
that
Citie
did
flourish
.
And
whereas
here
in
London
,
Thomas
Gresham
knight
)
all
the
policies
or
writings
of
Assurances
which
then
were
,
and
now
yet
are
made
,
do
make
mention
,
That
it
shall
be
in
all
things
concerning
the
said
Assurances
,
as
was
accustomed
to
be
done
in
Lombard
Street
in
London
;
which
is
imitated
also
in
other
places
of
the
Low-countries
.
These
Assurances
are
made
in
the
said
Office
in
the
West
end
of
the
said
Royall
Exchange
in
London
,
which
are
of
seuerall
natures
,
as
followeth
,
and
at
diuers
and
seuerall
rates
.
The
Commissioners
for
the
said
Assurances
are
chosen
yearely
(
or
at
the
least
some
of
them
)
in
the
beginning
of
euerie
yeare
;
And
at
Roan
,
at
the
time
when
the
Merchants
of
all
nations
chuse
their
Prior
and
Consulls
.
The
chiefe
authoritie
with
vs
doth
rest
in
the
Lord
Maior
of
London
,
confirmed
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
in
the
later
time
of
Queene
Elizabeth
(
as
you
may
vnderstand
by
the
manner
of
proceedings
for
Assurances
)
for
the
obtaining
whereof
,
I
haue
sundrie
times
attended
the
committees
of
the
said
parliament
,
by
whose
meanes
the
same
was
enacted
,
not
without
some
difficultie
:
because
there
was
many
suits
in
law
by
action
of
Assumpsit
before
that
time
,
vpon
matte●s
determined
by
the
commissioners
for
Assurances
,
who
for
want
of
power
and
authoritie
could
not
compell
contentious
persons
to
performe
their
ordinances
;
and
the
partie
dying
,
the
Assumpsit
was
accounted
to
be
void
in
law
.
The
nature
of
Assurances
.
THe
nature
of
Assurances
are
either
vpon
goods
laden
or
to
be
laden
outwards
in
such
a
ship
,
bound
from
such
a
place
to
such
a
place
.
As
for
example
,
from
London
to
Saint
Lucar
vpon
Perpetuanoes
or
Corne
,
vntill
it
be
laied
on
shoare
at
Siuill
,
which
aduenture
is
as
well
in
the
small
ships
,
lighters
,
or
boats
,
whereby
it
is
carried
vp
to
the
citie
of
Siuill
vntill
landing
of
it
,
as
it
was
in
the
ship
whereby
the
said
Perpetuanoes
or
Corne
was
transported
from
London
to
Sain
Lucar
;
and
any
damage
either
totally
or
in
part
,
is
to
be
answered
by
the
Assurors
accordingly
,
and
pro
rata
that
euerie
man
hath
subscribed
in
the
policie
or
writing
of
Assurance
,
as
by
the
said
commissioners
for
Assurances
shall
be
set
downe
.
Other
Assurances
are
made
vpon
goods
laden
or
to
be
laden
homewards
in
such
a
ship
vnder
such
a
marke
,
the
masters
name
,
and
any
other
circumstances
wherby
the
said
goods
or
commodities
may
be
knowne
to
be
the
same
that
are
assured
;
as
laden
,
or
to
be
laden
,
by
such
a
man
,
in
such
a
place
,
about
such
a
time
,
&c.
which
if
it
be
in
any
ship
that
was
fraighted
outwards
,
may
be
better
specified
,
or
if
it
be
by
letters
of
aduice
,
it
may
be
described
accordingly
,
which
aduenture
may
also
run
from
the
time
that
the
said
goods
(
posito
oyles
of
Vtrera
)
were
laden
into
any
Vessell
,
Lighter
,
or
Boat
,
to
come
downe
the
riuer
to
Sain
Lucar
to
be
laden
in
such
a
ship
,
or
any
ship
(
neither
naming
the
ship
nor
master
)
vnto
the
citie
of
London
,
and
the
said
Oyles
there
laied
on
land
.
But
to
declare
that
the
Pipes
are
marked
with
such
a
marke
,
to
be
laden
by
such
a
man
,
doth
much
strengthen
the
said
Assurance
,
to
auoid
cauillations
,
doubts
,
or
controuersies
.
Other
Assurances
are
made
vpon
goods
laden
in
a
ship
for
a
certaine
place
,
which
ship
is
fraighted
going
and
comming
;
as
for
Turkie
,
or
any
places
in
the
Mediterranean
seas
,
bound
to
go
into
seuerall
ports
to
discharge
part
of
the
lading
in
one
place
,
and
the
rest
in
another
place
;
and
then
to
lade
againe
homewards
in
such
another
place
:
and
all
this
Assurance
is
one
entire
Assurance
,
vntill
the
ship
be
returned
home
,
and
the
goods
safely
receiued
on
land
.
Other
Assurances
are
made
vpon
goods
to
be
sent
or
laden
from
one
place
to
another
,
and
vpon
the
returne
of
the
prouenue
thereof
;
as
from
Lixborne
to
Brasile
,
and
backe
againe
to
Lixborne
;
or
from
Saint
Lucar
to
the
West-Indies
,
Santo
domingo
,
Perou
,
or
any
other
places
,
and
so
backe
againe
;
or
from
Portugall
to
the
East-Indies
,
and
in
like
manner
to
Lixborne
againe
.
All
which
Assurances
are
verie
daungerous
,
because
a
man
cannot
haue
aduice
when
the
voyages
are
performed
;
and
it
hath
fallen
out
,
that
the
Assurors
haue
borne
two
aduentures
for
one
,
the
ship
making
two
voyages
vnknowne
to
the
Assurors
,
dwelling
in
remote
places
.
Other
Assurances
are
made
vpon
the
Ship
or
Shippes
Tackle
,
Furniture
,
and
Keele
of
the
Shippes
,
so
called
because
all
is
to
be
bound
to
the
Assurors
,
and
likewise
the
Assurors
are
liable
and
bound
to
answere
for
the
whole
Ship
,
as
also
for
Cables
,
Anchors
,
and
any
Furniture
,
or
part
of
the
same
,
which
is
also
dangerous
and
much
subiect
to
Aueridges
and
other
casualties
,
especially
if
it
be
vpon
a
Shippe
that
cannot
drinke
of
all
waters
,
whereunto
diuers
men
may
lay
claime
;
or
for
some
act
perpetrated
by
her
in
times
past
,
whereby
the
same
may
bee
called
in
question
,
which
is
the
cause
that
the
price
of
assurance
vpon
Ships
is
almost
double
.
Other
Assurances
are
made
vpon
goods
and
merchandises
sent
by
land
from
one
place
to
another
,
by
the
Conductors
or
Carriers
to
Venice
,
Frankford
,
or
any
other
places
,
wherein
the
goods
commonly
are
declared
,
and
the
marke
also
:
and
this
manner
of
Assurance
is
especially
performed
by
the
Conductors
,
who
take
for
the
charges
a
certaine
allowance
for
euerie
pound
weight
that
the
goods
do
weigh
,
and
moreouer
2
,
3
,
or
4
vpon
the
hundreth
pounds
in
value
that
the
said
goods
are
esteemed
to
be
worth
:
and
he
doth
appoint
a
sufficient
gard
of
souldiors
to
conuey
the
same
by
land
and
riuers
to
the
places
intended
,
which
neuerthelesse
by
a
stronger
power
haue
many
times
been
taken
by
the
Freebooters
.
Other
Assurances
are
made
vpon
the
liues
of
men
,
for
diuers
respects
,
some
because
their
estate
is
meerely
for
terme
of
life
,
and
if
they
haue
children
or
friends
to
leaue
some
part
of
their
estate
vnto
,
they
value
their
life
at
so
many
hundreth
pounds
for
one
or
more
yeares
,
and
cause
that
value
to
be
assured
at
fiue
,
sixe
,
ten
or
more
for
euerie
hundreth
pounds
,
and
if
he
do
depart
this
life
within
that
time
,
the
Assurors
pay
the
money
;
as
it
happened
of
late
,
that
one
being
ingaged
for
sir
Richard
Martin
Knight
,
Master
of
the
Mint
,
caused
300
ll
to
bee
assured
vpon
the
life
of
the
said
sir
Richard
,
being
some
90
yeares
of
age
,
and
therefore
gaue
twentie
and
fiue
pro
centum
to
the
Assurors
:
The
auncient
knight
dyed
within
the
yeare
,
and
the
said
Assurors
did
pay
the
money
.
Also
one
master
Kiddermaster
hauing
bought
an
office
of
the
sixe
Clerkes
of
the
Chauncerie
,
and
taken
vp
money
of
others
,
caused
for
their
assurance
for
many
yeares
together
2000
ll
to
be
assured
vpon
his
life
after
foure
and
fiue
in
the
hundreth
,
vntill
he
had
paied
that
money
;
which
is
verie
commodious
.
Likewise
a
traueller
vndertaking
a
voiage
to
Ierusalem
or
Babylon
,
deliuering
out
money
payable
at
his
returne
,
will
prouidently
assure
a
summe
of
money
vpon
his
life
,
either
to
secure
some
men
that
do
furnish
him
with
money
to
performe
his
voyage
,
and
to
put
forth
the
greater
summe
,
or
to
leaue
some
meanes
vnto
his
friends
,
if
he
should
die
and
neuer
returne
.
So
that
this
office
is
most
necessarie
in
all
humane
actions
,
and
men
cannot
inuent
or
imagine
any
thing
,
but
the
value
of
it
may
be
assured
,
as
you
may
iudge
by
the
former
examples
.
And
herein
must
be
noted
,
that
Assurors
are
verie
fitly
compared
vnto
Orphanes
,
because
they
may
endure
much
wrong
,
but
cannot
commit
any
;
for
they
are
to
be
ordered
and
commaunded
by
the
Commissioners
sentence
,
and
must
performe
the
same
;
to
which
end
the
Lord
Maior
of
London
(
for
the
time
being
)
hath
authoritie
to
commit
them
to
prison
,
if
in
case
they
do
not
satisfie
the
same
within
a
time
limited
,
vntill
they
do
it
.
Other
Assurances
are
made
,
and
these
are
the
most
dangerous
of
all
,
because
they
are
made
vpon
ships
and
goods
,
lost
or
not
lost
;
which
is
not
onely
in
regard
that
a
ship
knowne
to
be
departed
,
doth
not
arriue
in
many
moneths
after
to
the
appointed
place
of
discharge
:
but
also
if
any
newes
doe
come
that
the
ship
and
goods
is
cast
away
,
neuerthelesse
if
the
Assurance
be
made
with
the
wordes
(
lost
or
not
lost
)
the
Assurors
beare
the
aduenture
of
it
,
vn●esse
it
can
be
proued
that
the
partie
who
caused
the
Assurance
to
be
made
,
did
see
the
ship
when
it
was
cast
away
,
in
this
case
it
is
a
fraud
:
as
the
fraudulent
dealing
of
him
that
had
a
rotten
ship
,
In
the
case
of
Assurances
of
lost
or
not
lost
,
I
remember
that
in
the
yeare
1583
,
there
was
a
rich
Carracke
called
the
Saint
Peter
,
(
comming
from
the
East-Indies
for
Lixborne
)
missing
a
long
time
,
and
there
was
assurance
made
vpon
her
in
Antuerpe
,
Roan
,
and
other
places
,
at
30
pro
centum
.
Within
three
yeares
after
,
there
came
or
did
arriue
at
Lixborne
a
smaller
ship
richly
laden
,
which
was
made
of
the
other
ship
which
was
cast
on
shoare
in
a
certaine
Island
,
and
thereupon
certaine
controuersies
did
arise
betweene
the
owners
of
the
goods
and
the
Assurors
,
as
also
the
master
and
mariners
.
At
last
it
was
adiudged
at
Lixborne
by
the
sea-law
,
that
the
master
and
mariners
should
haue
one
third
part
,
and
that
the
Assurors
should
come
in
for
so
much
as
they
had
pro
rata
assured
,
all
charges
deducted
;
the
ship
to
be
the
owners
of
the
former
Carracke
:
with
the
like
consideration
as
aforesaid
.
pro
cent
.
the
like
from
London
to
Roan
and
Diepe
,
Edenborough
in
Scotland
,
and
Hamborough
in
East-land
:
and
from
London
to
Bourdeaux
and
Rochell
,
Lubecke
,
Denmarke
,
4
vpon
the
hundreth
:
as
also
for
Barbarie
,
for
Lixborne
,
Biscay
,
Ireland
,
Dansicke
,
Riga
,
Reuell
,
and
Sweaden
,
5
in
the
hundreth
:
Siuill
,
Gibraltar
,
Maliga
,
and
the
Islands
,
6
and
7
:
for
Ligorne
,
Ciuita
Vecchia
,
8
and
9
:
Venice
10
,
Wardhouse
9
,
Russia
9
,
Santo
domingo
11
and
12
:
and
for
the
East-Indies
15
;
nay
both
for
going
and
comming
hath
bin
made
at
20
pro
centum
.
CHAP.
XXV
.
Of
pollicies
of
Assurances
,
and
the
substance
of
them
,
and
of
Contributions
.
WEe
haue
partly
touched
what
a
policie
or
writing
of
Assurance
is
,
by
the
nature
of
Assurances
aforesaid
,
and
the
dangers
and
aduentures
whereunto
the
Assurors
are
subiect
.
But
now
we
are
to
expresse
them
vpon
the
verie
words
contained
in
all
or
most
policies
of
Assurances
,
namely
,
Of
the
Seas
,
men
of
Warre
,
Fire
,
Enemies
,
Pirats
,
Rouers
,
Theeues
,
Iettezons
,
Letters
of
Mart
,
and
Couenants
,
Arrest
,
Restraints
and
Detainements
of
Kings
and
Princes
,
and
of
all
other
persons
,
Barratrie
of
the
Master
and
Mariners
,
and
of
all
other
Perills
,
Losses
and
Misfortunes
whatsoeuer
they
be
,
and
howsoeuer
they
shall
happen
or
come
,
to
the
hurt
and
detriment
of
the
Goods
and
Merchandises
,
or
any
part
or
parcell
thereof
,
&c.
First
,
the
Policie
of
assurance
saith
,
That
such
a
man
(
of
what
nation
or
qualitie
soeuer
he
be
)
caused
himselfe
to
be
assured
from
such
a
place
to
such
a
place
,
vpon
goods
or
,
&c.
laden
or
to
be
laden
,
in
the
good
Ship
called
the
Dragon
,
or
&c.
of
the
burthen
of
so
many
Tunnes
,
whereof
A.B.
is
Master
for
such
a
voyage
,
and
to
beare
the
aduentures
abouesaid
.
If
the
person
whose
name
is
vsed
in
the
assurance
,
be
in
time
of
warre
taken
to
be
no
friend
to
the
State
,
there
is
a
danger
to
pay
the
said
assurance
;
if
(
after
the
subscription
of
the
assurour
)
the
goods
should
bee
arrested
and
be
made
forfeited
to
answere
the
same
to
the
Prince
,
albeit
this
was
by
the
late
Queene
Elizabeth
contradicted
in
the
point
of
honour
,
as
it
pleased
her
of
a
royall
and
noble
disposition
to
say
in
a
case
concerning
the
Portugalls
,
subiects
to
her
aduersarie
,
Phillip
the
second
King
of
Spaine
.
For
in
the
yeare
1589
,
a
great
Ship
being
taken
by
certaine
men
of
warre
of
London
,
and
brought
into
Plimmouth
laden
with
Pepper
,
Sugar
,
and
other
commodities
at
Lixborne
,
to
bee
deliuered
at
Venice
;
it
pleased
the
Lords
of
her
Highnesse
most
honourable
priuie
Councell
to
deliuer
vnto
me
all
the
Letters
,
Bills
of
lading
,
and
Inuoyces
which
were
found
in
the
said
Ship
(
being
written
in
six
or
seuen
seuerall
languages
)
to
the
end
I
should
make
true
report
of
the
contents
of
them
,
to
know
to
whom
properly
the
said
goods
did
appertaine
:
in
doing
whereof
I
found
that
a
great
part
of
the
said
goods
did
belong
to
the
Venetians
,
as
also
to
the
Florentines
,
with
whom
the
said
Queene
had
no
quarrell
;
but
that
the
said
goods
were
assured
at
Lixborne
by
the
Portugall
Merchants
.
Hereupon
there
was
a
pretence
to
make
them
good
prize
,
and
the
matter
was
long
debated
,
and
at
last
resolued
that
the
parties
should
haue
restitution
of
their
goods
,
the
rather
for
that
the
Portugalls
were
great
losers
many
wayes
:
which
was
done
accordingly
.
The
losses
which
ordinarily
,
according
to
the
seasons
of
the
yeare
happen
vpon
the
Seas
are
knowne
:
the
like
is
,
more
or
lesse
,
with
men
of
warre
,
enemies
,
Pirats
,
Rouers
and
theeues
,
Moreouer
,
if
without
apparant
danger
,
some
of
the
skilfullest
Mariners
deeme
that
a
Pilot
is
not
so
skilfull
,
as
hee
maketh
boast
or
profession
of
,
then
shall
he
both
lose
his
hire
,
and
double
the
same
to
the
Admirall
and
Master
,
or
else
(
by
the
Law
of
Denmarke
)
passe
thrice
vnder
the
Ships
Keele
.
And
also
if
a
Pilot
hired
for
a
voyage
bee
not
readie
against
the
day
,
hee
shall
not
onely
pay
the
Master
and
Merchants
damage
or
stay
;
but
also
the
fraight
that
is
lost
thereby
,
except
sickenesse
or
some
very
lawfull
excuse
qualifie
the
same
.
The
like
consideration
must
be
had
in
the
contribution
made
to
satisfie
Pirats
;
for
if
ship
or
goods
be
redeemed
from
a
Pirat
,
the
contribution
must
be
made
by
all
,
because
the
redemption
is
made
for
the
safetie
of
all
.
Againe
,
if
it
be
needfull
to
lighten
a
Ship
,
for
her
easier
entrie
into
the
harbour
or
channell
,
Item
,
contribution
should
be
for
the
Pilots
fee
,
So
is
it
when
two
Ships
rush
and
crosse
one
ouer
another
,
and
the
company
sweare
,
that
it
lay
not
in
their
power
to
stay
the
same
,
contribution
must
bee
made
for
the
repairation
of
both
their
losses
;
but
not
so
if
one
of
them
perish
,
for
which
an
Action
may
be
brought
against
the
negligent
Master
or
Mariner
,
who
did
make
her
loose
.
And
therefore
,
if
such
a
chance
doe
happen
in
the
day
time
by
a
Ship
vnder
sayle
,
against
a
Ship
riding
at
Anchor
;
then
the
Master
of
that
sayling
Ship
,
shall
make
good
the
damage
and
hurt
of
the
other
,
to
the
vttermost
:
and
the
like
shall
bee
done
,
if
in
the
night
the
riding
Ship
doe
put
forth
fire
and
light
,
or
make
any
crying
to
forewarne
the
other
.
It
also
appertaineth
to
this
Argument
;
If
some
sort
of
goods
,
as
Salt
,
or
Corne
,
be
laid
on
heap
by
diuers
parteners
in
one
Ship
,
without
distinction
,
and
that
the
Master
deliuer
to
any
of
them
their
due
measure
,
and
before
the
rest
receiue
their
measures
,
the
remaining
Salt
or
Corne
washes
or
loses
;
he
that
had
the
hap
to
bee
first
serued
,
enioyes
it
fully
without
any
contribution
to
the
parteners
;
Concerning
the
danger
and
aduenture
of
Letters
of
Mart
,
Arrests
,
Restraints
,
and
detainements
of
Kings
and
Princes
,
and
of
all
other
Persons
happening
both
in
time
of
warre
and
peace
,
committed
by
the
publike
authoritie
of
Princes
,
as
also
by
priuate
persons
,
both
wayes
dangerous
.
Now
concerning
the
Arrests
of
particular
persons
,
Barratrie
of
the
Master
and
Mariners
can
hardly
be
auoided
,
And
of
all
other
Perills
,
Losses
and
Misfortunes
whatsoeuer
they
be
,
and
howsoeuer
they
shall
happen
or
come
,
to
the
hurt
and
detriment
of
the
Goods
and
Merchandises
,
or
any
part
or
parcell
thereof
)
contained
in
the
policie
of
Assurance
as
aforesaid
.
I
hold
it
also
conuenient
to
aduertise
the
Assurors
of
a
case
of
mine
owne
experience
:
In
the
yeare
1589
I
caused
the
ship
of
Monsieur
Gourdan
gouernour
of
Calais
,
to
be
fraighted
for
Lixborne
,
and
to
returne
backe
againe
to
Calais
or
London
:
medio
por
ciento
,
as
it
were
tenne
shillings
for
euerie
hundreth
pound
for
their
subscribing
to
the
policie
of
Assurance
,
to
my
verie
great
losse
.
To
this
purpose
doth
appertaine
another
propertie
of
Assurances
,
which
happeneth
,
when
Merchants
cause
a
greater
summe
to
be
assured
than
the
goods
are
worth
or
amount
vnto
when
they
are
laden
into
any
ship
which
is
expected
home
wards
,
making
account
that
their
Factors
will
send
them
greater
returnes
than
they
do
:
in
this
case
the
Custome
is
,
To
conclude
the
point
of
policies
of
Assurances
,
let
vs
note
,
that
of
necessitie
it
is
required
as
a
consideration
precedent
,
that
the
Assurors
must
acknowledge
themselues
to
be
satisfied
of
the
Premium
of
Assurance
,
at
the
hands
of
the
assured
,
or
any
other
who
doth
vndertake
to
pay
them
:
which
beyond
the
seas
is
commonly
payed
within
six
moneths
,
because
that
Merchants
assuring
each
to
other
,
may
rescounter
their
Premios
,
in
the
accounts
kept
thereof
betweene
them
;
for
herein
is
vsed
great
trust
and
confidence
betweene
them
:
and
this
appeareth
also
by
euerie
mans
vnderwriting
in
the
said
policie
of
Assurance
,
in
these
words
,
I
A.
B.
am
content
with
this
Assurance
(
which
God
preserue
)
for
the
summe
of
one
hundreth
pounds
.
London
this
10
of
August
1620
,
&c.
according
to
the
summe
and
time
.
CHAP.
XXVI
.
Of
the
manner
of
Contributions
or
Aueridges
.
Hauing
intreated
of
Contributions
or
Aueridges
in
regard
of
Assurors
,
now
it
behoueth
vs
somewhat
to
speake
of
the
manner
how
this
is
executed
and
performed
;
by
some
called
Scot
and
Lot
.
In
the
case
of
casting
of
goods
in
tempestious
weather
,
for
preseruation
of
life
and
goods
,
the
master
is
to
consult
with
the
mariners
,
and
if
they
consent
not
,
yet
the
master
may
cast
some
goods
,
if
the
storme
continue
:
but
if
the
Merchant
be
present
,
let
him
begin
to
cast
,
saith
the
law
of
Oleron
,
and
next
the
mariners
,
who
if
they
unbesill
any
part
to
their
owne
vse
of
that
which
should
be
cast
,
are
to
answere
the
double
.
When
the
master
shall
come
on
land
,
he
must
(
with
the
most
part
of
his
companie
)
sweare
that
he
did
cast
the
said
goods
,
for
no
other
cause
,
but
for
the
safetie
of
ship
,
goods
and
lines
,
which
are
to
be
cast
into
an
Aueridge
or
Contribution
vpon
ship
&
goods
,
whether
they
be
burdensome
or
of
small
volume
,
as
mony
,
Iewels
or
such
like
,
not
being
weightie
;
things
vpon
a
mans
bodie
,
victualls
,
and
such
like
excepted
.
But
here
ariseth
a
question
,
Whether
goods
laden
aboue
the
ouerlope
,
or
forbidden
goods
to
be
transported
,
shall
be
answered
by
Contribution
?
Sure
if
such
goods
happen
to
be
the
cause
of
any
danger
or
damage
,
the
master
shall
beare
the
losse
,
and
also
criminally
be
prosecuted
.
But
if
goods
vnaduisedly
(
without
consent
of
the
owner
)
be
cast
out
on
the
suddaine
,
the
owner
may
vpon
his
conscience
esteeme
them
to
the
verie
value
,
because
the
companie
(
by
their
rash
proceeding
)
hath
lost
the
priuiledge
they
had
to
esteeme
and
appraise
the
said
goods
.
Also
any
ships
geare
or
apparrell
lost
by
storme
,
is
not
within
Aueridge
,
and
accounted
like
vnto
a
workeman
breaking
or
spoyling
his
tooles
,
or
ordinarie
instruments
.
The
like
is
for
goods
cast
,
which
were
brought
within
ship-boord
,
without
the
master
or
his
pursers
knowledge
.
In
the
rating
of
goods
by
way
of
Contribution
,
this
order
is
obserued
,
If
they
chance
to
be
cast
before
halfe
the
voyage
performed
,
then
they
are
to
be
esteemed
at
the
price
they
cost
;
if
after
,
then
at
the
price
as
the
rest
,
or
the
like
shall
be
sold
at
the
place
of
discharge
.
The
person
(
whose
goods
haue
beene
cast
)
is
to
be
carefull
to
haue
the
same
estimated
before
the
ship
doe
discharge
,
and
to
deale
with
the
master
for
that
purpose
.
For
the
law
doth
intend
that
the
goods
deliuered
vnto
him
,
are
not
only
as
a
pawne
or
pledge
for
his
fraight
,
but
also
bound
to
answere
all
such
Contributions
and
Aueridges
that
may
happen
;
and
therefore
the
master
may
put
his
helping
hand
thereunto
,
vntill
satisfaction
be
made
,
albeit
that
commonly
the
detaining
of
other
mens
goods
are
not
allowed
.
If
a
ship
or
goods
be
taken
from
a
professed
enemie
,
it
is
to
be
proceeded
in
according
to
the
authoritie
whereby
it
was
taken
.
But
if
goods
be
taken
by
a
professed
enemie
,
and
afterwards
the
said
goods
are
taken
againe
from
him
,
and
the
true
owner
doth
claime
them
,
it
ought
to
be
restored
to
the
owner
;
for
the
law
taketh
these
goods
to
be
as
receiued
and
not
taken
,
yet
with
good
recompence
for
them
.
But
when
such
goods
become
a
lawfull
prise
to
the
taker
,
then
the
Admirall
is
to
haue
his
tenth
part
)
according
to
the
offer
which
Abraham
made
vnto
God
,
of
the
spoyle
which
he
tooke
of
the
fine
kings
)
and
the
remainder
of
the
goods
so
taken
,
is
to
be
proportionably
diuided
betweene
the
takers
,
or
according
to
the
composition
formerly
made
.
In
these
cases
there
is
alwaies
a
fauourable
consideration
to
be
had
:
which
is
the
cause
,
that
if
two
forreine
nations
be
at
warre
,
and
the
one
take
a
ship
from
the
other
,
and
bring
her
into
a
port
or
road
within
the
bounds
of
a
neuterall
nation
,
alike
friend
to
both
;
then
may
the
Admirall
of
that
nation
ordaine
that
ship
to
be
restored
to
her
owner
,
and
the
persons
captiue
to
their
former
libertie
,
euen
as
if
she
had
beene
brought
backe
to
her
owne
port
or
countrie
againe
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CAHP.
XXII
.
Of
the
particulars
to
bee
obserued
in
Assurances
.
THE
obseruations
to
bee
considered
of
in
matter
of
assurances
are
very
materiall
for
euery
Merchant
,
and
deserue
a
particular
Chapter
in
this
Treatise
,
which
I
haue
compiled
according
to
the
circumstances
of
the
things
themselues
,
for
the
assurors
benefit
.
1
The
first
I
haue
touched
in
the
Partie
who
causeth
the
assurance
to
be
made
,
both
for
his
honest
dealing
,
and
whether
hee
bee
a
friend
to
the
State
or
Kingdome
for
the
reasons
aforesaid
.
2
To
know
the
Master
of
the
Ship
and
Mariners
to
bee
honest
,
and
of
experience
,
to
auoid
the
danger
of
Barratrie
and
other
accidents
.
3
To
take
notice
of
the
goodnes
of
the
Ship
,
and
of
her
sayling
,
especially
making
her
voyage
alone
,
or
in
companie
of
other
Ships
:
whether
she
be
old
or
new
built
,
and
the
price
of
the
assurance
to
bee
accordingly
.
4
To
know
by
the
Map
or
Sea-cardes
,
the
distance
of
the
place
or
countrey
where
the
Ship
is
to
sayle
,
and
the
dangers
of
knowne
rockes
and
sands
.
5
To
haue
a
regard
what
winde
must
serue
,
and
the
true
season
of
the
yeare
,
which
maketh
a
difference
in
the
price
of
assurance
;
as
for
example
,
an
East
or
North-east
winde
driueth
from
the
land
for
Spaine
,
which
is
lesse
dangerous
,
and
receiuing
six
or
seuen
pro
ciento
,
when
a
Westerne
,
or
North-west
,
or
South-west
(
driuing
from
thence
vpon
the
land
)
is
to
giue
seuen
or
eight
pro
ciento
:
in
Winter
two
in
the
hundreth
more
than
in
Summer
,
vnlesse
it
be
by
calmes
in
places
dangerous
,
as
now
in
the
Straights
for
the
Turkish
Pirats
and
without
it
,
the
Moores
of
Barbarie
,
or
other
theeues
.
So
Ships
going
for
East-land
against
Winter
,
will
giue
two
in
the
hundreth
more
than
in
Summer
.
The
like
for
Ships
bound
for
seuerall
Ports
more
subject
to
casualties
,
&c.
6
To
consider
of
the
places
of
hostilitie
,
where
the
Ship
must
vnlade
or
touch
,
the
danger
of
generall
or
particular
Embargos
of
Ships
,
the
likelihood
of
detainements
of
Kings
and
Princes
.
7
Not
to
assure
for
vnlawfull
places
of
trade
,
or
questionable
betweene
Princes
,
as
Guinea
and
there
about
the
West-Indies
;
vnlesse
a
good
premio
bee
giuen
,
as
in
a
manner
vpon
aduentures
lost
or
not
lost
.
8
To
know
vpon
what
kind
of
goods
you
doe
assure
,
whether
vpon
Wines
,
Oyles
,
Salt
,
Raisons
,
and
such
like
corruptible
and
perishable
wares
,
or
vpon
other
Staple
commodities
,
as
Clothes
,
Tin
,
Lead
or
Silkes
,
&c.
not
subiect
so
ordinarily
to
Aueridges
and
contributions
as
the
other
.
9
To
know
what
Ordnance
and
Munition
the
Ship
is
prouided
withall
,
and
not
to
assure
vpon
the
bottome
of
the
Ship
,
but
with
good
aduice
.
10
If
you
assure
vpon
any
particular
goods
marked
,
to
know
whether
they
bee
laden
in
the
bottome
of
the
Ship
,
and
there
is
danger
of
wetting
and
spoiling
;
if
aboue
in
the
Ship
,
there
is
danger
of
Pirats
,
or
of
casting
ouerboord
;
about
the
middle
is
best
.
11
To
bee
aduised
not
to
assure
,
beyond
the
limitation
of
your
knowledge
by
the
meanes
of
others
,
or
from
Lixborne
to
Brazell
,
or
from
Venice
to
Tripoly
,
or
such
like
voyages
,
whereof
you
cannot
conueniently
haue
notice
from
time
to
time
.
12
Lastly
,
to
bee
prouident
in
the
contributions
and
aueridges
,
to
answere
for
no
more
than
is
your
due
to
pay
,
and
to
haue
an
inspection
of
the
Bills
of
lading
,
if
doubt
be
made
of
the
Commissioners
sufficiencie
or
knowledge
in
cases
of
this
nature
.
The
assurance
vpon
the
liues
of
men
(
whether
aged
or
young
,
of
good
qualities
and
diet
,
of
disposition
gentle
or
quarrelsome
,
a
traueller
or
a
dweller
)
being
somewhat
extraordinary
,
euerie
man
is
best
able
to
consider
of
it
by
the
acquaintance
of
the
persons
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XXVIII
.
Of
the
manner
of
Proceedings
for
Assurances
,
in
case
of
losses
.
WHereas
the
policie
of
Assurance
remaining
with
the
assured
,
is
registred
Verbatim
in
the
Office
of
Assurances
,
to
the
end
that
if
the
same
should
happen
to
bee
lost
,
yet
by
the
said
Register
,
the
partie
may
recouer
of
the
assurors
the
seuerall
summes
by
them
assured
;
as
also
because
if
any
newes
doe
come
of
the
casting
away
of
the
Ship
,
the
assured
may
come
to
the
office
,
and
cause
intimation
to
be
made
to
the
assurors
,
and
to
euery
one
of
them
in
particular
of
such
a
losse
,
which
is
also
recorded
there
accordingly
,
expressing
the
time
when
this
intimation
is
made
,
and
in
cases
of
assurance
made
vpon
lost
or
not
lost
,
the
very
houre
of
the
day
is
to
bee
set
downe
,
whereby
(
if
there
were
any
fraud
)
it
may
sooner
bee
detected
.
And
if
the
assured
doth
thinke
conuenient
,
either
for
that
hee
hath
almost
assured
all
the
value
of
his
goods
,
or
that
hee
would
haue
the
assistance
of
the
assurors
,
when
there
is
hope
of
recouerie
of
any
part
thereof
,
or
any
other
cause
which
may
mooue
him
:
then
I
say
,
Hereupon
the
partie
assured
doth
procure
his
testimonialls
,
witnesses
,
or
any
other
euidences
concerning
the
said
losse
,
declaring
the
manner
and
place
,
the
cause
,
with
all
circumstances
,
either
by
examinations
in
the
said
Office
of
Assurances
,
or
in
the
Court
of
Admiraltie
,
with
all
such
other
proofe
as
by
letters
and
all
other
meanes
hee
can
attaine
vnto
:
To
abbreuiate
the
questions
which
the
Ciuilians
haue
made
,
concerning
this
argument
of
Assurances
,
writing
De
assicurationibus
,
I
haue
thought
good
to
let
euery
Merchant
vnderstand
,
that
obseruing
the
forme
of
the
policie
of
Assurances
,
with
the
obseruation
before
declared
,
all
the
said
questions
will
bee
preuented
,
and
to
proue
the
same
by
Demonstratiue
Reasons
vpon
euery
question
alleaged
,
as
followeth
.
An
abridgement
of
Questions
of
Assurances
.
1
WHether
an
assurance
made
vpon
a
Ship
named
,
is
to
be
vnderstood
of
the
ship
or
of
the
goods
laden
therein
,
or
vpon
both
?
Answere
,
When
the
name
of
the
ship
is
expressed
according
to
the
said
policie
of
Assurance
made
vpon
the
very
Keele
of
the
ship
of
such
a
burthen
,
there
is
no
man
endued
with
reason
,
that
will
attribute
this
Assurance
to
extend
to
the
goods
laden
in
the
same
,
much
lesse
to
both
,
when
the
Ship
is
onely
named
and
no
goods
at
all
.
2
Whether
an
Assurance
made
vpon
one
thousand
Hides
,
laden
in
such
a
ship
,
from
such
a
place
,
to
such
a
place
be
good
,
without
naming
the
seuerall
sorts
of
Hides
laden
therein
?
A.
In
all
policies
of
Assurances
the
words
runne
Generall
vpon
the
principall
wares
,
and
all
other
commodities
or
goods
laden
,
or
to
be
laden
by
such
a
man
,
for
the
account
of
him
or
any
other
;
and
so
this
(
Generall
)
includeth
all
particular
things
,
which
when
assurance
is
made
vpon
them
are
named
and
specified
,
as
heereafter
is
also
declared
.
3
Whether
vpon
vncertaine
things
to
bee
laden
,
the
assurance
bee
good
?
A.
When
assurances
are
made
vpon
goods
laden
,
or
to
bee
laden
,
as
aforesaid
;
the
said
assurance
must
needes
bee
of
validitie
,
for
the
word
Goods
and
Merchandises
comprehendeth
all
vncertaine
things
vendible
:
and
if
it
were
some
particular
thing
,
it
is
alwayes
expressed
.
4
Whether
an
assurance
made
vpon
one
Sacke
of
Wooll
bee
good
,
when
there
is
many
Sackes
of
Woolles
in
the
same
Ship
?
A.
The
question
is
preuented
by
the
Custome
of
Assurances
,
which
is
,
that
an
assurance
made
vpon
any
particular
goods
,
must
bee
declared
by
the
particular
marke
of
the
goods
belonging
to
such
an
owner
,
or
any
other
;
and
if
there
be
more
of
the
said
marke
,
the
number
therefore
is
added
:
and
if
the
number
were
alike
,
the
weight
may
distinguish
the
same
;
whereby
the
one
Sack
being
throwne
ouer
boord
for
safegard
of
the
ship
and
goods
,
may
bee
cast
into
a
contribution
;
or
being
taken
by
Pirats
,
the
assurors
are
to
pay
for
it
:
so
this
question
is
friuolous
,
as
many
other
are
,
and
breedeth
but
contention
to
imbibe
Merchants
braines
with
them
.
5
The
like
is
when
the
assurance
is
made
vpon
commodities
or
goods
without
name
,
or
not
naming
the
number
,
weight
,
or
measure
,
but
expressing
the
marke
of
all
goods
laden
or
to
bee
laden
,
as
aforesaid
.
6
Whether
the
assuror
is
to
haue
his
Premio
or
Salarie
,
vpon
a
conditionall
assurance
,
or
not
?
A.
There
is
no
conditionall
assurance
made
,
but
with
exception
of
some
aduentures
not
to
bee
borne
by
the
assuror
;
which
are
not
comprized
in
the
policie
of
assurance
,
and
therefore
the
Premio
is
due
to
the
assuror
.
7
Whether
an
assurance
made
is
to
bee
vnderstood
of
the
first
voyage
which
the
ship
doth
make
after
the
assurance
is
made
,
and
the
ship
appointed
for
lading
?
A.
This
is
to
be
vnderstood
alwayes
of
the
first
voyage
,
vnlesse
there
were
a
declaration
of
a
second
voyage
in
the
policie
of
assurance
,
and
therefore
I
haue
noted
a
caueat
for
assurors
to
bee
carefull
how
they
cause
other
men
to
assure
for
them
in
remote
places
,
not
to
make
them
lyable
to
two
voyages
for
one
assurance
,
nor
to
be
subiect
to
a
second
voyage
when
the
first
is
performed
,
but
to
be
vigilant
in
their
actions
.
8
Whether
an
assurance
made
for
the
tempest
of
the
Seas
,
bee
also
to
be
vnderstood
for
Theeues
or
Robbers
vpon
the
Seas
?
A.
The
generall
and
ordinarie
policie
of
assurance
,
containing
all
aduentures
,
sheweth
,
that
the
assuror
is
to
beare
the
aduenture
of
both
these
;
and
if
it
were
otherwise
in
particular
,
it
must
bee
declared
:
So
that
this
distinction
is
vaine
.
9
The
like
may
be
said
to
the
question
,
Whether
an
assurance
made
by
stipulation
,
be
a
contract
or
not
?
or
whether
it
be
couentionall
or
conditionall
?
wherein
this
distinction
is
of
no
moment
.
10
Whether
an
assuror
(
hauing
payed
the
Merchant
for
goods
lost
by
him
assured
,
may
afterwards
,
if
the
goods
were
found
againe
or
recouered
)
restore
the
goods
to
the
Merchant
,
and
call
for
his
money
(
which
he
paied
)
backe
againe
?
A.
It
appeareth
plainely
by
all
policies
of
Assurance
,
That
the
Assuror
doth
condescend
that
the
Merchant
shall
haue
full
power
and
authoritie
by
himselfe
or
his
Factors
and
Seruants
,
to
sue
for
therecouerie
of
the
goods
,
and
that
the
Assurors
shall
contribute
to
the
charges
pro
rata
of
their
summes
by
them
assured
respectiuely
:
but
the
Merchant
is
not
therefore
hindered
to
recouer
the
money
of
the
Assurors
,
neither
can
one
particular
Assuror
haue
all
the
goods
;
for
the
Merchant
relinquishing
the
goods
to
the
Assuror
,
reserueth
alwaies
his
part
therein
which
he
hath
not
assured
,
which
he
detaineth
in
nature
of
an
Assuror
,
so
that
the
Assuror
hath
not
conuenient
meanes
to
performe
the
contents
of
the
question
;
neuerthelesse
,
if
the
Merchant
will
,
hee
may
buy
the
goods
so
recouered
of
the
Assurors
,
as
they
can
agree
;
but
then
is
the
question
altered
,
and
not
the
same
.
11
Whether
an
Assuror
is
to
answere
any
hurt
or
damage
done
to
the
goods
by
Mice
,
Rats
,
or
any
other
vermine
,
especially
moaths
?
A.
By
the
policie
of
Assurance
that
Assuror
is
to
answere
for
all
damages
,
detriment
,
or
hurt
which
shall
happen
to
the
goods
after
his
vnderwriting
:
but
if
he
can
proue
the
hurt
or
damage
was
before
done
in
the
ware-house
or
other
place
,
he
is
not
bound
to
answere
the
same
.
12
Whether
goods
lost
in
the
ship
boat
,
being
vnladen
out
of
the
ship
,
or
being
to
be
laden
into
the
ship
,
shall
be
answered
by
the
Assurors
,
or
what
may
be
laied
to
the
charge
of
the
Assurors
by
contribution
?
A.
This
question
consisteth
of
two
points
:
the
answere
to
the
first
is
plaine
,
according
to
the
policies
of
Assurances
,
where
it
is
specified
,
that
the
aduenture
shall
begin
vpon
the
goods
laden
in
any
Boat
,
Vessell
,
or
Crayer
to
be
laied
aboard
of
such
a
Ship
,
or
being
discharged
out
of
the
Ship
,
the
aduenture
to
continue
till
the
goods
be
safely
landed
:
but
to
the
second
,
the
answere
is
not
so
plaine
,
because
it
dependeth
vpon
the
sea-law
,
and
must
be
considered
accordingly
.
For
as
we
haue
noted
in
the
chapter
of
Contributions
,
if
by
occasion
of
lightening
,
the
goods
which
are
put
into
the
Boat
or
Lighter
perish
,
the
ship
and
remaining
goods
in
the
ship
shall
answere
for
the
same
:
but
on
the
contrarie
,
if
the
ship
and
remaining
goods
perish
after
the
Boat
or
Lighter
is
once
safe
,
no
contribution
shall
be
on
the
goods
in
the
Lighter
;
for
the
law
is
,
That
the
goods
shall
onely
be
lyable
to
contributions
,
when
ship
and
goods
are
safely
arriued
to
their
intended
port
of
discharge
:
according
to
this
rule
is
the
Assuror
to
answer
for
contributions
pro
rata
of
the
summe
by
him
assured
.
13
Whether
assurance
made
for
pirats
,
is
to
be
vnderstood
also
for
theeues
which
by
night
steale
the
goods
from
the
ship
?
A.
The
answere
is
so
euident
,
that
both
the
one
and
the
other
is
comprised
in
the
Assurance
,
as
there
needeth
no
other
explanation
.
14
Whether
an
Assurance
made
at
one
time
vpon
goods
to
be
bought
and
intended
to
be
laden
,
and
afterwards
found
not
to
be
bought
at
the
same
time
,
but
at
another
time
,
doth
bind
the
Assurors
to
pay
the
losse
?
A.
This
question
is
worthie
the
consideration
,
and
doth
meerely
consist
in
the
obseruation
of
time
,
&
not
in
the
buying
of
the
goods
,
although
it
be
so
propounded
;
for
the
time
maketh
great
difference
in
the
assurance
,
as
I
haue
noted
before
.
Goods
laden
in
the
Summer
are
not
in
aduenture
comparable
to
the
Winter
when
stormes
and
tempests
do
arise
,
and
therefore
are
not
the
Assurors
to
be
made
answerable
to
this
assurance
;
for
the
custome
herein
is
cleere
and
concurring
with
the
Law
of
Oleron
,
and
therefore
not
comprised
in
the
tenor
of
the
policies
of
Assurances
,
which
is
the
cause
also
that
Assurors
are
to
haue
a
speciall
regard
to
the
Masters
of
ships
whether
they
be
vicious
or
diligent
:
for
the
loue
of
women
and
wine
maketh
them
to
loose
the
oportunitie
of
time
;
so
that
by
contrarie
windes
their
voyage
is
retarded
,
and
which
was
to
be
made
in
Summer
falleth
out
to
bee
in
Winter
,
subiect
to
eminent
daungers
and
losses
,
whereunto
the
Assurors
become
liable
,
as
is
declared
,
whether
it
be
by
accident
,
misfortune
,
casualtie
,
rare
successes
and
negligences
of
Masters
and
Mariners
vnlooked
for
and
happening
in
strange
manner
sodenly
.
15
Whether
an
Assuror
be
liable
to
the
aduenture
of
goods
shipped
from
one
ship
into
another
?
A.
Sometimes
in
policies
of
Assurances
it
happeneth
that
vpon
some
especiall
consideration
,
this
clause
forbidding
the
transferring
of
goods
is
inserted
,
because
in
time
of
hostilitie
or
warres
betweene
princes
,
it
might
fall
out
to
be
vnladen
in
such
ships
of
those
contending
princes
,
whereby
the
aduenture
would
be
farre
greater
.
But
according
to
the
vsuall
Assurances
which
are
made
generally
without
any
exception
,
the
Assuror
is
liable
thereunto
:
for
it
is
vnderstood
,
that
the
Master
of
a
ship
without
some
good
and
accidentall
cause
,
would
not
put
the
goods
from
one
ship
into
another
,
but
would
deliuer
them
(
according
to
the
charterpartie
)
at
the
appointed
place
,
which
is
the
cause
that
(
when
assurance
is
made
vpon
some
particular
goods
laden
in
such
a
ship
,
vnder
such
a
marke
)
the
Policie
maketh
mention
of
the
goods
laden
to
be
transported
and
deliuered
to
such
a
place
by
the
ship
,
or
by
any
other
ship
or
vessell
vntill
they
bee
safely
landed
,
so
that
in
all
these
and
the
like
the
condition
maketh
the
law
.
16
Now
there
is
a
question
,
Whether
an
Assuror
is
answereable
to
the
assurance
of
goods
to
beare
the
aduenture
if
no
goods
were
laden
,
or
but
part
of
the
goods
?
A.
If
a
man
do
bind
or
oblige
a
thing
to
be
found
in
such
a
place
,
and
it
is
not
found
there
;
euerie
man
knoweth
that
the
said
thing
tied
to
a
locall
place
cannot
be
bound
thereby
,
because
it
is
a
bodie
named
without
substance
,
and
not
in
Rerum
natura
,
and
there
would
be
vnderstood
a
priuation
without
being
,
and
where
there
is
not
materia
&
forma
,
first
,
there
can
be
no
priuation
:
but
if
part
of
the
goods
were
laden
,
then
the
Assurors
are
liable
for
so
much
as
that
part
of
goods
did
cost
or
amount
vnto
:
albeit
that
in
this
(
as
I
haue
touched
before
)
custome
is
preferred
aboue
law
;
In
like
manner
,
if
a
ship
bound
for
a
certaine
port
(
being
at
sea
)
be
driuen
backe
to
the
same
from
whence
it
departed
,
and
by
tempest
be
cast
away
,
the
Assurors
are
to
aunswere
the
damage
of
the
goods
laden
therein
,
for
so
much
as
they
did
assure
,
as
they
do
in
other
casualties
.
Assurors
therefore
are
rightly
exempted
by
the
Diuines
and
Canonists
to
be
no
manner
of
waies
vsurors
,
taking
a
benefit
by
contract
&c.
The
matter
of
losse
being
well
examined
and
made
plaine
,
the
Commissioners
then
with
a
mature
deliberation
do
set
downe
their
determination
and
sentence
,
That
the
Assurors
shall
pay
euerie
one
the
mony
by
him
assured
;
and
if
thereupon
any
one
do
denie
to
make
payment
accordingly
,
then
(
vpon
certificate
to
the
Lord
Maior
of
London
,
and
some
of
the
said
Commissioners
made
of
his
refusall
)
they
haue
by
act
of
Parliament
(
as
aforesaid
)
authoritie
to
commit
the
said
Assuror
to
prison
,
there
to
remaine
vntill
he
doe
pay
or
satisfie
the
said
sentence
or
finall
decree
,
which
no
man
of
any
credit
will
incurre
.
And
thus
is
this
laudable
custome
established
in
England
:
and
beyond
the
seas
they
are
compelled
by
the
Magistrates
to
performe
the
like
ordinances
or
sentences
pronounced
in
the
like
cases
of
Assurances
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XXIX
.
Of
Shipwrecke
,
and
things
found
vpon
the
Seas
.
THE
Merchant
or
the
assured
,
together
with
the
assurors
,
have
great
cause
of
encouragement
to
looke
after
the
goods
of
a
Shipwrecke
,
for
there
is
no
forfeiture
of
the
said
goods
;
but
with
all
humanitie
euerie
man
is
bound
to
aid
them
thereunto
;
and
whosoeuer
steales
any
such
goods
,
hee
shall
pay
fourefold
to
the
owner
thereof
,
if
hee
bee
pursued
within
a
yeare
and
a
day
,
and
as
much
to
the
Prince
or
Admirall
:
wherein
the
Sea-law
is
so
strict
,
that
the
stealing
of
a
nayle
or
the
value
thereof
,
maketh
the
party
guiltie
to
the
rest
of
the
goods
;
so
that
by
the
ordinance
of
the
Emperor
Antonius
,
The
theese
or
robber
of
such
goods
should
bee
beaten
,
and
banished
for
three
yeares
;
or
if
hee
were
of
base
condition
,
scourged
to
the
Gallies
.
For
he
that
will
not
helpe
such
distressed
men
,
shall
bee
counted
as
a
murtherer
:
and
therefore
may
no
man
hinder
Ships
to
tye
their
ropes
,
or
lay
their
anchors
on
land
.
And
therefore
did
Hadrian
the
Emperour
ordaine
,
That
all
men
hauing
possessions
on
the
coasts
,
should
attend
carefully
vpon
such
chances
,
otherwise
they
to
be
answerable
for
all
things
missing
by
stealth
or
robberie
.
If
no
man
in
due
time
claime
such
a
wrecke
,
then
it
belongeth
to
the
Prince
or
Admirall
:
and
any
action
for
Shipwrecke
must
therefore
be
commenced
within
a
yeare
and
a
day
.
Wherein
also
is
to
be
noted
,
That
if
the
Ship
onely
perish
and
the
goods
bee
saued
,
then
the
goods
shall
pay
the
tenth
,
or
the
fifth
,
as
the
difficultie
of
the
sauing
thereof
shall
require
.
For
Gold
,
Siluer
,
Silke
,
and
the
like
things
of
easie
transportation
,
should
pay
lesse
than
goods
of
greater
weight
and
burthensome
for
carriage
,
as
being
in
greater
danger
,
except
the
Master
carry
in
his
Ship
to
a
place
where
hee
should
not
,
and
then
is
the
Merchant
free
of
the
Masters
losse
.
Now
of
things
found
vpon
the
Seas
,
or
within
the
flood-mark
,
these
are
of
three
sorts
,
either
found
on
the
streame
floating
,
and
then
are
called
Floatson
;
or
found
on
the
Sea
bottome
,
Floatson
.
Lagon
.
and
drawne
vp
from
it
,
and
then
called
Lagon
;
or
found
on
land
,
but
within
the
Sea-flood
,
or
cast
forth
there
by
storme
and
the
water
,
and
then
are
called
Ietson
.
Concerning
Floatson
and
Ietson
,
whether
things
be
cast
vp
by
Shipwrecke
,
or
else
left
or
lost
through
casting
in
stormes
,
the
finders
thereof
(
as
some
Lawyers
are
of
opinion
)
should
doe
therewith
as
with
other
goods
found
vpon
land
,
that
is
,
to
proclaime
the
same
to
be
forthcomming
to
the
true
owner
,
because
the
loser
remaineth
still
proprietarie
of
them
:
and
if
no
man
claime
the
same
,
the
finder
to
keepe
the
same
to
himselfe
.
But
by
the
Rhodian
Law
,
the
finder
hath
one
fifth
part
for
the
sauing
.
And
in
France
by
the
Admiraltie
of
Rochell
,
they
allow
Pour
le
Droict
de
sauuage
one
third
part
,
which
my selfe
haue
allowed
of
eightie
pipes
of
Oyle
,
and
twentie
two
Butts
of
Sackes
,
which
became
Floatson
out
of
a
Ship
of
Diepe
,
called
the
Desire
,
which
did
perish
neere
the
Island
of
Saint
Martin
de
Rea
,
not
farre
from
Oleron
,
in
the
yeare
1589
,
the
French
King
Henry
the
fourth
late
deceased
being
then
but
King
of
Nauarre
.
So
hath
a
Diuer
for
drowned
goods
,
If
Ships
or
Boats
are
found
on
the
Sea
,
or
vpon
the
coast
,
without
any
liuing
creature
therein
,
and
no
man
claiming
the
same
within
a
yeare
and
a
day
;
then
the
halfe
is
allowed
to
the
finder
,
and
the
other
halfe
to
the
Prince
.
But
of
late
yeares
all
is
left
to
the
arbitrement
of
the
Admiralls
,
to
consider
the
finder
or
taker
with
some
portion
for
his
trauells
,
charges
,
and
danger
.
And
if
the
finder
conceale
such
goods
,
whether
Anchor
,
Timber
,
Iewels
,
dead
men
with
money
or
Iewels
about
them
,
hee
not
onely
loseth
his
part
,
but
also
shall
bee
fined
at
the
will
and
pleasure
of
the
Admirall
.
If
Whales
,
or
Regall
Fishes
,
Ships
or
Boats
without
liuing
thing
in
them
,
be
driuen
by
force
of
winde
and
waues
onely
to
any
coast
or
land
,
then
all
and
wholly
doth
appertaine
to
the
Admirall
.
But
in
the
yeare
1617
,
a
great
Whale
being
found
on
the
coast
in
Suffolke
,
where
Sir
Robert
Lloyd
Knight
was
Admirall
for
the
late
Queene
Anne
,
his
Maiesties
Consort
,
for
her
lands
there
;
he
took
not
the
benefit
hereof
,
as
hee
might
haue
done
,
but
the
said
Queene
had
the
same
.
In
like
manner
,
a
Deo
dando
or
Deodant
appertaineth
to
the
Admirall
,
that
is
to
say
,
The
thing
(
whether
Ship
or
Boat
)
that
caused
the
death
of
a
man
,
or
whereby
a
man
did
perish
vnawares
.
To
conclude
this
point
,
let
vs
remember
that
in
causes
of
spoile
,
it
is
sufficient
by
the
Lawes
of
England
,
for
the
spoiled
to
prooue
his
goods
by
his
marke
,
and
the
Shipwrecke
may
not
only
be
proued
by
the
persons
liuing
,
but
also
by
the
persons
who
were
present
at
the
preparation
of
their
voyage
,
euen
their
owne
parents
and
children
,
if
none
of
the
Ship
(
broken
)
be
aliue
.
CHAP.
XXX
.
Of
Partners
of
Ships
and
Voyages
.
FOrasmuch
as
Parteners
and
Owners
of
Ships
cannot
be
constrained
by
the
Law
to
remaine
in
Partenership
,
although
they
had
made
a
couenant
neuer
to
sunder
or
separate
themselues
;
therefore
are
there
many
considerations
to
bee
had
and
required
in
the
same
.
And
first
it
is
generally
obserued
and
accustomed
,
That
if
Owners
of
a
ship
newly
builded
or
bought
betweene
them
,
shall
fall
out
and
be
at
variance
,
the
said
ship
shall
bee
imployed
and
make
one
voyage
first
,
In
cases
where
Owners
doe
agree
,
and
voyages
are
vndertaken
,
there
the
Master
of
the
ship
is
placed
by
the
Owners
,
If
a
Merchant
contracting
with
a
Mariner
,
that
is
not
a
Master
,
be
therein
ouerseene
,
he
must
content
himselfe
,
for
he
can
haue
no
action
against
the
Owners
,
except
for
a
fault
done
by
a
Mariner
which
hath
beene
hired
and
put
in
by
the
Owners
.
Againe
,
albeit
that
by
the
Sea-lawes
,
the
Owners
may
not
pursue
any
persons
obliged
to
the
Master
;
yet
are
they
permitted
to
pursue
vpon
the
Masters
contract
,
as
if
they
had
beene
principall
contractors
.
Because
herein
they
doe
represent
and
vndertake
the
person
of
the
Master
,
and
these
priuiledges
are
granted
to
the
Owners
,
for
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
augmentation
of
trafficke
.
Neuerthelesse
the
Master
is
not
bound
to
render
an
account
of
all
to
the
Owners
,
as
for
passengers
which
are
found
vnable
to
pay
;
and
so
are
not
Owners
bound
to
answere
for
the
Masters
negligence
.
But
it
is
very
conuenient
if
the
Owners
bee
in
place
,
that
the
Master
doe
not
let
the
ship
to
fraight
,
or
vndertake
any
voyage
,
without
the
priuitie
,
knowledge
,
and
aduice
of
the
Owners
,
or
of
some
of
them
,
to
the
end
many
things
may
bee
aduised
by
them
,
whereof
the
Master
was
ignorant
.
CAHP.
XXXI
.
Of
Moneys
taken
vpon
Bottommarie
,
by
the
Master
of
a
ship
,
called
Foenus
Nauticum
.
THe
name
Bottommarie
is
deriued
by
the
Hollanders
from
the
Keele
or
Bottome
of
a
ship
,
vpon
the
paralel
whereof
,
the
Rudder
of
a
ship
doth
gouerne
and
direct
the
same
:
and
the
money
so
taken
vp
by
the
master
of
the
ship
,
is
commonly
done
vpon
great
necessitie
,
when
moneys
must
be
had
in
forreine
countries
to
performe
a
voyage
;
for
the
vse
payed
for
the
same
is
verie
great
,
at
30
,
40
,
and
50
pro
cent
.
without
consideration
of
time
,
but
within
so
many
daies
after
the
voyage
ended
.
Pecunia
traiectitia
,
because
that
vpon
the
lenders
danger
and
aduenture
it
is
carried
beyond
or
ouer
the
seas
:
so
that
if
the
ship
perish
,
or
that
all
be
spoyled
,
the
lender
doth
lose
the
money
.
But
on
the
contrarie
,
money
letten
at
interest
is
deliuered
on
the
perill
of
the
borrower
;
so
that
the
profit
of
this
is
meerely
the
price
of
the
simple
loane
,
called
Vsura
:
Further
in
case
the
borrower
detaines
any
such
money
lent
as
aforesaid
,
beyond
the
time
appointed
for
the
repaying
,
he
shall
at
his
returne
not
onely
pay
the
profit
agreed
vpon
before
the
voyage
,
but
also
augment
the
same
according
to
the
longer
time
,
and
shall
pay
the
profit
of
that
first
condition
accordingly
.
Some
Merchants
there
are
,
that
will
deliuer
money
in
nature
of
Vsura
Maritima
,
ioyning
the
vse
money
and
danger
of
the
seas
,
either
vpon
the
ships
or
goods
all
in
one
consideration
,
and
so
take
25
or
30
vpon
the
hundreth
,
at
the
returne
of
such
a
ship
from
such
a
voyage
;
wherein
they
haue
an
eye
to
the
person
that
taketh
vp
the
money
,
making
account
to
be
better
assured
by
a
vigilant
eye
vpon
a
Merchants
trafficke
,
whom
they
must
trust
(
if
they
will
make
benefit
of
their
moneys
)
rather
than
to
deliuer
their
money
vnto
another
of
whose
dealing
they
cannot
giue
so
good
a
iudgement
.
pro
Ceinto
;
So
that
vpon
the
returne
of
the
said
ship
he
is
to
haue
1300
ll
within
such
a
time
as
they
commonly
agree
,
be
it
one
or
two
moneths
after
.
This
is
a
good
bargaine
for
the
lender
,
howsoeuer
the
borrower
of
the
money
may
speed
;
for
the
lender
hath
not
to
do
with
the
sale
of
the
goods
,
nor
with
the
returne
of
them
:
but
he
will
be
sure
that
(
at
the
returne
of
the
ship
)
he
may
haue
his
money
payed
him
,
not
onely
by
the
prouenue
of
the
Kersies
and
Tinne
which
was
bought
with
the
thousand
pounds
he
lent
,
but
also
with
the
returne
of
all
other
goods
which
the
borrower
did
lade
more
in
the
said
ship
for
Tripoli
,
as
aforesaid
,
and
in
like
manner
for
other
places
.
CHAP.
XXXII
.
Of
Shipping
and
Nauigation
.
VNder
the
name
Nauis
is
all
kind
of
shipping
vnderstood
,
and
Nauigium
is
a
generall
word
many
times
vsed
for
Nauigation
.
So
that
it
is
not
of
any
moment
to
describe
the
diuersitie
of
ships
,
as
Carracks
,
Galleons
,
Galeasses
,
Galleys
,
Centaureis
,
ships
of
Warre
,
Flyboats
,
Busses
,
and
all
other
kind
of
ships
and
vessells
:
But
that
we
may
vnderstand
the
sea
lawes
and
customes
obserued
therein
,
appertaining
to
the
law
Merchant
,
as
also
those
things
which
properly
may
concerne
ships
,
as
followeth
.
All
ships
being
made
for
failing
,
are
to
be
prepared
accordingly
,
both
for
goodnesse
and
sit
timber
,
and
conuenient
building
;
as
for
the
placing
of
the
Rudder
of
the
ship
vpon
the
right
paralell
of
the
keele
of
the
ship
,
Some
make
a
question
,
Whether
a
ship
so
amended
&
repaired
shal
be
taken
to
be
the
same
?
But
it
is
cleere
,
that
so
long
as
the
keele
of
the
ship
remaineth
,
it
is
still
the
same
ship
,
and
not
to
be
called
another
ship
;
so
is
it
alwaies
belonging
vnto
the
owners
of
the
ship
,
although
they
had
fabricated
&
amended
the
same
with
another
mans
timber
:
for
the
selling
of
a
ship
is
not
a
sufficient
course
to
alienate
the
same
;
but
the
quiet
possession
thereof
must
be
deliuered
vpon
the
sale
made
.
And
although
the
sale
be
made
,
and
the
possession
of
a
ship
deliuered
,
if
neuerthelesse
it
afterwards
shall
appeare
that
some
haue
committed
piracie
with
the
same
,
the
party
who
lost
his
goods
,
may
lay
an
action
to
the
ship
in
place
conuenient
.
Hence
the
prouerbe
ariseth
,
Quia
non
sunt
immobilia
.
Concerning
yron
,
they
are
also
to
haue
a
care
it
be
not
brittle
,
and
that
all
be
performed
with
great
care
.
Shipping
being
the
walls
of
the
kingdome
of
England
:
and
ship-wrights
are
forbidden
vnder
paine
of
treason
to
communicate
or
make
their
art
knowne
vnto
enemies
or
barbarous
people
.
No
man
can
be
prohibited
to
saile
on
the
maine
sea
,
albeit
in
some
places
(
where
the
waters
are
as
royalties
vnto
them
)
it
be
prohibited
,
as
the
Venetians
do
in
the
Adriaticke
lake
,
and
other
Princes
and
Common-weales
in
their
iurisdictions
and
commands
,
which
hath
beene
obserued
time
out
of
mind
,
and
is
taken
for
a
most
ancient
prescription
.
If
a
ship
bound
for
Venice
,
doe
enter
into
the
Riuer
of
Lixborne
and
there
deliuer
some
goods
or
merchandises
,
and
afterwardes
entring
into
the
Straights
of
the
Mediterranian
Sea
,
be
driuen
by
contrarie
windes
to
some
other
place
or
Island
in
the
said
Seas
,
and
then
make
after
that
his
discharge
at
Venice
:
CHAP.
XXXIII
.
An
abridgement
of
the
Imperiall
Sea-lawes
of
the
Haunce
Townes
,
made
in
the
yeare
1614.
HAuing
alreadie
in
the
precedent
Chapters
,
declared
the
Sea-lawes
generally
obserued
in
all
Countries
,
and
that
in
compendious
manner
:
I
haue
thought
good
neuerthelesse
to
abridge
in
this
place
the
Imperiall
Sea-lawes
of
the
Haunce
Townes
,
as
they
haue
beene
reuiewed
and
exactly
set
downe
by
the
Magistrates
of
all
these
Haunce
Townes
,
at
an
assembly
in
the
famous
Citie
of
Lubecke
the
23
day
of
May
1614
,
vnder
15
Titles
in
seuerall
Articles
,
as
in
the
margine
is
declared
.
No
man
shall
set
forth
or
cause
any
ships
to
bee
builded
in
any
of
our
said
Townes
,
vnlesse
hee
bee
a
Citizen
,
No
Master
of
a
ship
,
shall
vndertake
to
build
a
ship
in
their
parteners
absence
,
vnlesse
he
doe
it
at
his
owne
charges
,
and
be
able
to
set
her
forth
alone
,
vpon
paine
of
halfe
a
Doller
for
euery
Last
,
to
bee
payed
,
the
one
halfe
to
the
Magistrate
,
and
the
other
halfe
to
the
poore
.
The
Master
of
a
ship
is
to
conferre
with
his
parteners
,
and
to
conclude
of
what
burthen
the
ship
shall
be
built
,
and
in
what
manner
,
to
be
done
all
in
writing
,
and
if
it
bee
found
bigger
,
to
pay
two
Dollers
for
euery
Last
,
&c.
The
Master
hath
no
power
to
enlarge
the
building
of
a
ship
after
she
bee
at
Sea
,
vnlesse
it
be
vpon
great
necessitie
to
aduance
the
voyage
,
and
for
her
safegard
,
otherwise
all
the
charges
of
it
shall
bee
his
owne
.
The
Owners
,
Parteners
,
or
the
Masters
of
ships
,
shal
haue
no
power
(
during
the
building
of
the
ship
)
to
giue
away
any
of
the
materialls
or
victualls
of
the
ship
(
but
to
bring
the
same
to
account
)
vnlesse
all
of
them
doe
agree
thereunto
,
otherwise
they
are
not
to
be
payed
for
.
That
with
their
generall
consent
,
some
two
or
more
persons
bee
appointed
to
buy
all
which
shall
bee
requisite
to
the
building
of
the
ship
and
prouision
,
and
they
to
deliuer
an
exact
account
of
it
by
particulars
,
&c.
A
Master
being
entertained
,
is
forthwith
to
bee
assured
by
the
Owners
of
his
wages
,
whereby
hee
may
bee
able
to
deale
with
his
Mariners
.
And
the
said
Owners
are
to
doe
their
indeuour
to
make
good
,
on
their
parts
,
what
shall
be
necessarie
for
the
voyage
.
All
Owners
are
to
cause
good
accounts
to
be
kept
,
and
to
deliuer
vpon
the
finishing
of
them
,
publike
writings
and
testimonialls
of
the
Masters
good
behauiour
,
and
discharge
of
his
vndertaking
,
vpon
paine
,
&c.
If
the
Owners
of
a
ship
cannot
agree
with
the
Master
,
as
is
fitting
,
they
may
by
generall
consent
make
choice
of
another
,
and
pay
the
said
Master
his
wages
,
and
discharge
him
:
and
if
hee
haue
any
part
in
the
said
ship
,
they
are
to
pay
him
for
the
same
according
to
iust
appraisement
.
To
prouide
Mariners
of
experience
,
and
that
the
ship
be
not
ouerladen
,
nor
too
light
laden
,
but
haue
his
due
ballast
,
and
to
haue
his
Cabin
and
ouerlop
cleare
.
That
hee
bee
on
shipboord
euery
night
,
and
vpon
speciall
occasions
being
absent
,
hee
may
leaue
his
Mate
and
other
that
may
supply
his
place
.
That
they
doe
not
too
much
meddle
with
merchandise
or
trade
,
whereby
they
shall
bee
hindered
in
the
due
care
of
the
charge
of
the
ship
.
The
Master
is
duely
to
pay
the
Mariners
wages
,
without
any
abatement
,
vnlesse
it
be
for
monyes
lent
them
before
,
or
cause
to
pay
any
thing
to
the
Owners
.
The
wages
due
vnto
Mariners
for
places
neere
at
hand
,
are
to
be
payed
but
by
two
payments
,
but
for
remote
and
long
voyages
in
three
payments
;
one
at
the
departure
,
another
vpon
the
vnlading
of
the
goods
,
and
the
third
vpon
the
ending
of
the
voyage
,
by
equall
portions
in
third
.
If
a
Masters
vpon
some
reasonable
occasion
wil
discharge
his
Pilot
either
vpon
the
vnlading
or
relading
,
he
is
to
pay
him
full
wages
.
If
Mariners
be
vnruly
and
giue
occasion
to
hinder
the
voyage
any
way
,
by
their
misbehauiour
to
be
prooued
by
two
other
Mariners
,
the
Master
may
set
them
on
land
,
or
cause
them
to
be
punished
according
to
their
demerite
.
If
Mariners
will
not
testifie
of
their
fellowes
misbehauiours
,
the
Master
vpon
his
oath
shall
be
beleeued
,
and
the
Mariner
to
be
punished
accordingly
.
If
a
Master
doe
conceale
the
offences
of
Mariners
,
hee
shall
forfeit
and
pay
fiftie
Dollers
,
halfe
to
the
Magistrate
,
and
halfe
to
the
poore
.
If
a
Mariner
should
kill
another
,
the
Master
is
to
keepe
him
in
Yrons
,
vntill
hee
bring
him
vnto
the
first
judicature
to
bee
iudged
,
&c.
If
a
Pirat
or
Theefe
shall
come
aboord
,
and
the
Mariners
are
willing
to
defend
the
same
,
and
yet
the
Master
will
not
fight
:
this
Master
shall
neuer
bee
put
in
trust
any
more
,
nor
haue
credit
as
an
honest
man
,
nor
bee
suffered
to
dwell
in
any
of
the
Haunce
Townes
.
If
a
Master
be
put
in
trust
to
bring
ouer
Pearles
,
Precious
Stones
,
or
Money
,
which
are
wares
of
no
volume
to
pay
fraight
,
but
a
consideration
;
the
Master
is
to
haue
the
fourth
part
of
it
,
and
the
other
three
parts
are
to
be
the
Owners
.
If
a
Master
,
being
part
Owner
,
wil
sell
his
part
,
or
cause
his
Owners
to
pay
deare
for
it
:
the
said
part
is
to
bee
valued
by
indifferent
persons
,
and
the
Owners
or
some
of
them
are
to
pay
accordingly
.
If
a
Master
without
cause
will
saile
in
another
Hauen
than
hee
is
fraighted
,
and
losse
doe
happen
,
hee
shall
answere
the
same
of
his
owne
meanes
.
If
a
Master
shall
sell
the
ship
,
and
the
Merchants
goods
,
and
runne
away
,
hee
shall
not
remaine
in
any
of
the
Haunce
Townes
,
and
shall
bee
pursued
to
answere
for
the
same
to
the
vttermost
by
all
meanes
.
If
by
contrary
wind
and
weather
being
entred
into
another
Harbour
,
the
Merchant
doe
sell
his
goods
,
the
Master
is
to
haue
his
full
fraight
,
or
to
goe
the
voyage
.
If
a
Master
find
himselfe
in
places
,
where
neither
himselfe
nor
his
Pilot
is
acquaited
,
and
may
haue
Pilots
,
but
will
not
vse
them
,
hee
is
to
pay
one
marke
of
Gold
for
his
punishment
.
If
a
Master
haue
his
lading
in
Corne
,
which
becommeth
hot
,
hee
is
to
coole
the
same
in
conuenient
manner
,
if
wind
and
weather
doe
not
hinder
him
:
and
the
Mariners
are
to
haue
two
shillings
lups
for
euery
Last
for
doing
of
it
.
None
shall
hire
another
Mariner
by
intisements
of
words
,
or
by
giuing
greater
wages
,
but
take
them
of
course
,
vpon
paine
of
tenne
Dollers
,
&c.
And
if
the
Mariner
take
his
owne
leaue
,
the
Master
may
claime
halfe
the
wages
which
another
shall
giue
him
.
The
Mariners
shall
keepe
their
promise
of
fidelitie
to
the
Master
,
and
be
of
good
behauiour
,
and
quietly
liue
together
vpon
paine
as
followeth
.
If
any
one
doe
put
himselfe
forth
to
bee
a
Pilot
,
Boteswaine
,
or
any
other
officer
,
and
shall
be
found
insufficient
by
two
credible
honest
men
,
or
be
prooued
by
his
company
,
they
shall
not
onely
lose
their
wages
,
but
also
be
punished
according
to
the
fact
.
If
a
Mariner
be
entertained
,
and
at
the
Masters
charges
,
and
before
the
voyage
,
the
Master
take
dislike
of
him
,
hee
may
discharge
him
,
giuing
one
third
of
his
wages
,
but
it
shall
bee
of
the
Masters
purse
,
and
not
for
the
Owners
to
beare
any
part
thereof
.
When
the
Master
hath
entertained
the
Mariners
at
the
ship
expences
,
the
Mariners
are
to
make
their
lodging
on
boord
,
and
to
content
themselues
with
it
.
When
the
ship
is
come
to
some
Port
,
or
arriued
at
the
place
,
the
said
Mariners
are
not
without
the
Masters
leaue
to
goe
on
shoare
,
vpon
paine
to
be
imprisoned
,
and
further
to
bee
punished
as
cause
shall
require
.
The
Mariners
shall
haue
no
guests
on
boord
without
the
Masters
consent
.
No
Mariner
shall
haue
his
wife
on
boord
in
the
night
,
vpon
paine
of
a
Doller
if
he
doe
offend
.
No
Mariner
is
to
discharge
any
Ordnance
,
or
shoot
without
the
Masters
commandement
,
vpon
paine
to
pay
double
for
the
powder
and
shot
.
All
Mariners
shall
both
at
Sea
and
in
the
Harbour
,
keep
true
watch
night
and
day
,
according
to
the
Masters
appointment
,
vpon
paine
of
halfe
a
Doller
to
bee
abated
of
his
hire
,
and
by
default
to
bee
punished
,
&c.
Whosoeuer
be
found
to
sleepe
vpon
the
watch
,
shall
forfeit
eight
shillings
lups
,
and
he
that
findeth
him
sleeping
and
conceales
it
,
shall
pay
the
like
.
No
Boteswaine
shall
loose
a
Cable
,
without
the
Masters
or
Pilots
commandement
.
When
a
ship
is
detained
by
wind
and
weather
in
any
strange
place
,
no
Mariner
shall
depart
or
goe
on
shoare
without
the
Masters
leaue
,
vpon
paine
to
lose
halfe
wages
,
the
halfe
of
it
to
the
Master
,
and
halfe
to
the
poore
.
Neither
shall
the
Mariners
goe
on
shoare
,
when
the
ship
is
at
Anchor
,
without
the
masters
leaue
,
vpon
paine
of
halfe
a
Doller
.
If
any
mariner
go
on
land
without
leaue
,
and
become
wounded
,
the
master
is
not
to
looke
to
see
him
healed
.
If
a
Boteswaine
being
absent
,
be
the
cause
of
some
great
harme
or
losse
,
he
shall
answere
for
it
:
and
if
he
haue
no
means
,
he
shall
be
then
imprisoned
one
whole
yeare
with
bread
and
water
:
and
if
by
his
default
the
ship
perish
,
or
some
bodie
be
slaine
,
he
shall
answere
for
it
with
his
life
,
or
be
punished
according
to
his
offence
.
When
the
master
with
some
of
his
mariners
goeth
on
land
,
the
mariners
are
to
attend
in
the
boat
for
him
,
or
to
follow
his
order
;
and
if
any
remaine
all
night
on
shoare
,
he
shall
lose
his
portage
,
and
be
punished
.
When
a
master
hath
hired
his
companie
for
a
certaine
place
,
and
he
hath
afterwards
aduice
of
his
Owners
or
Partners
,
that
more
profit
is
to
bee
made
in
another
place
:
the
mariners
are
to
be
content
therewith
,
and
to
take
content
for
their
wages
;
wherein
if
they
cannot
well
agree
,
then
the
most
antient
are
to
conclude
,
or
other
indifferent
persons
:
and
if
any
mariner
be
not
so
contented
,
and
thereupon
quarrelleth
,
he
shall
be
punished
as
a
mutinous
person
.
The
like
is
to
be
done
in
any
fraight
which
might
happen
,
where
the
master
is
agreed
with
,
which
being
performed
,
then
to
be
determined
in
like
maner
for
all
controuersies
,
as
aforesaid
.
When
a
master
hath
maintained
(
at
his
expences
)
the
mariners
in
the
Winter
season
,
they
shall
not
seeke
to
haue
their
wages
augmented
.
If
a
ship
be
detained
by
some
Prince
or
Potentate
,
or
sent
on
a
voyage
,
the
mariners
are
to
serue
neuerthelesse
;
and
if
any
run
away
,
they
are
seuerely
to
be
punished
:
and
hauing
serued
,
the
difference
also
to
be
ended
with
indifferent
proceeding
,
as
aforesaid
.
If
mariners
will
go
away
vpon
ending
of
halfe
the
voyage
,
the
master
may
demand
all
their
whole
wages
.
If
any
mariner
officer
(
hauing
receiued
halfe
wages
)
runne
away
,
he
is
to
be
pursued
,
&
burnt
in
the
face
with
some
letter
for
a
marke
.
If
any
mariner
do
commit
any
outrage
to
the
master
,
he
is
to
be
seuerely
punished
according
to
the
offence
.
And
if
they
combine
or
conspire
against
the
master
,
whereby
he
may
be
driuen
into
some
other
harbour
,
or
receiue
great
detriment
to
the
ship
and
goods
,
all
is
to
be
punished
both
by
wages
,
life
,
and
goods
accordingly
.
If
the
ship
become
assailed
by
Pirats
or
Frybuters
,
the
mariners
are
to
defend
the
same
,
and
to
assist
the
master
:
and
if
they
be
found
partakers
in
the
taking
of
the
ship
,
they
are
to
be
beheaded
for
it
.
If
a
ship
be
in
danger
at
sea
by
tempest
or
stormes
,
the
mariners
are
to
do
their
vttermost
endeauours
to
helpe
the
master
to
saue
the
ship
and
goods
;
and
if
cast
away
,
to
helpe
to
saue
the
furniture
thereof
,
as
also
the
goods
and
merchandises
,
and
of
them
to
haue
some
recompence
for
the
sauing
;
and
by
default
,
to
be
punished
by
all
meanes
whatsoeuer
.
When
a
ship
is
to
be
prepared
or
set
forth
,
it
must
be
done
with
a
free
and
good
will
,
and
that
all
things
may
be
bought
at
the
best
hand
;
wherein
one
or
more
persons
may
be
imployed
with
the
Master
,
taking
care
to
bestow
all
things
in
some
conuenient
place
,
with
the
consent
of
the
Owners
:
that
the
flesh
be
wel
salted
and
preserued
,
and
all
other
victuals
prouided
to
be
shipped
at
the
appointed
time
,
all
with
good
order
and
direction
.
But
when
a
Master
of
a
ship
doth
victuall
in
some
other
countrie
where
he
hath
no
Owners
,
he
must
alwaies
buy
all
things
as
good
as
he
can
,
and
thereof
keepe
a
true
and
iust
account
,
wherein
(
if
he
be
found
to
haue
dealt
fraudulently
)
he
is
to
be
punished
for
a
theefe
.
Therefore
to
prepare
all
things
whereby
a
voyage
may
be
sooner
accomplished
,
the
Magistrates
are
to
take
care
as
well
as
the
Owners
to
further
the
same
;
so
that
the
Merchant
or
the
fraighter
of
the
ship
making
the
goods
readie
to
be
laden
,
may
find
the
ship
readie
at
the
appointed
time
agreed
vpon
,
vpon
forfeiture
of
the
whole
fraight
.
No
Master
of
a
ship
shall
for
himselfe
alone
,
or
his
Owners
,
deale
or
lade
any
merchandise
and
goods
in
the
ship
,
without
the
knowledge
of
the
fraighter
of
the
ship
,
but
do
all
things
orderly
.
And
whereas
it
may
happen
,
that
in
the
preparing
of
a
ship
,
some
of
the
Owners
may
not
agree
to
the
same
;
most
voices
shal
ouer-rule
the
same
,
as
the
manner
is
in
all
sea-lawes
,
and
then
money
may
be
taken
vpon
the
ship
for
his
part
,
by
Bottommarie
,
called
Faenus
nauticum
.
But
when
a
Master
is
out
of
his
countrie
,
and
where
he
hath
no
Owners
,
nor
any
goods
of
theirs
,
nor
of
his
owne
,
and
cannot
finde
means
to
take
vp
by
exchange
,
or
otherwise
,
and
that
for
want
of
money
the
voyage
might
be
ouerthrown
;
then
may
he
take
mony
vpon
Bottommarie
,
and
all
the
Owners
are
liable
thereunto
,
otherwise
he
shall
beare
the
losse
.
If
a
ship
at
sea
be
in
daunger
,
so
as
goods
must
be
throwne
ouer-boord
,
If
a
Master
cut
his
Masts
or
Sailes
by
stormie
weather
,
the
Merchant
is
to
beare
part
of
the
losse
;
but
not
if
the
Mast
do
breake
,
or
the
Sailes
be
blowne
ouer-boord
.
The
rating
of
the
goods
lost
,
and
to
be
cast
into
an
Aueridge
,
is
to
be
reckoned
vpon
the
ship
,
as
the
same
may
be
valued
to
be
worth
,
and
that
for
so
much
as
he
must
take
the
same
,
if
the
Merchants
will
suffer
it
,
and
the
like
to
be
done
in
the
appraisement
of
goods
,
and
the
ships
fraight
.
When
Merchants
goods
are
taken
at
the
seas
,
some
of
one
man
,
some
of
another
mans
;
euerie
one
is
to
beare
his
owne
losse
,
vnlesse
it
were
otherwise
agreed
before
the
setting
forth
of
the
ship
.
If
a
ship
breake
on
the
seas
,
or
be
cast
away
,
When
a
ship
receiueth
damage
vpon
the
sea
,
by
the
Maisters
negligence
,
and
bringeth
neuerthelesse
the
Merchants
goods
home
,
the
Master
is
to
haue
his
full
fraight
:
but
for
the
goods
which
he
bringeth
not
,
there
is
no
fraight
due
;
and
if
any
be
damnified
,
he
is
to
make
good
the
damage
.
If
any
man
find
any
ship-wrecke
goods
vpon
the
coast
,
or
in
the
seas
,
driuing
neere
the
ship
,
and
fisheth
vp
the
same
,
he
is
to
answere
the
same
to
the
next
Magistrate
,
or
iurisdiction
thereunto
adioyning
,
be
it
towne
or
countrie
,
and
the
finder
shall
haue
for
his
labour
and
paines
the
twentieth
part
.
But
if
it
be
stolne
goods
vpon
the
seas
,
then
he
is
to
haue
¼
part
.
When
there
is
shipwrecke
apparant
to
be
on
the
seas
,
the
Master
is
to
see
the
persons
to
be
landed
first
,
then
to
saue
the
goods
,
tackle
,
apparrel
and
all
the
furniture
;
and
of
that
which
is
saued
,
consideration
for
it
is
to
be
made
by
the
arbitrement
of
honest
men
.
If
so
much
be
saued
of
the
ships
furniture
as
the
fraight
commeth
vnto
,
then
are
full
wages
to
be
paied
to
the
Mariners
.
When
two
ships
at
sea
cannot
shunne
one
another
,
and
both
sustaine
damage
,
vpon
proofe
made
by
oath
not
to
be
wilfully
done
,
If
a
ship
vnder
saile
do
run
vpon
another
ship
at
anchor
,
and
sinke
the
same
,
or
commit
other
damage
,
the
partie
offending
shall
pay
for
all
,
and
the
ship
shall
also
be
liable
thereunto
,
according
to
indifferent
iudgement
.
If
by
storme
a
ship
breake
loose
and
run
vpon
another
,
and
indamage
the
same
,
the
losse
to
be
repaired
as
aforesaid
.
If
a
ship
receiue
damage
by
the
anchor
of
another
ship
hauing
his
boy
,
the
same
is
to
pay
the
damage
;
and
if
both
ships
be
in
fault
,
then
the
same
to
be
borne
proportionably
.
When
a
ship
is
safely
arriued
to
his
place
of
discharge
,
the
Mariners
are
to
be
diligent
to
looke
to
their
discharge
,
No
Master
shall
sell
any
of
the
ships
victuals
,
vnlesse
it
were
to
preuent
some
losse
,
and
so
bring
the
money
to
account
,
or
vpon
necessitie
of
others
to
helpe
them
in
distresse
;
and
the
remaining
victuals
he
is
to
deliuer
to
the
Owners
,
and
the
Mariners
shall
take
no
part
thereof
after
discharge
,
and
the
Purser
of
the
ship
is
to
looke
to
the
safe
keeping
of
it
.
The
Mariners
are
not
to
cast
the
ballast
into
the
water
,
but
to
cause
the
same
to
be
carried
to
the
appointed
place
.
The
portage
of
Mariners
shall
not
bee
allowed
for
Spaine
nor
France
,
&c.
but
when
they
are
laden
with
salt
,
then
they
may
haue
it
homewards
.
CHAP.
XXXIIII
.
Of
Nauigation
and
Communitie
of
the
Seas
.
TRafficke
and
Commerce
(
without
Nauigation
)
would
be
of
small
moment
:
therefore
euen
as
God
the
Author
and
Creator
of
all
things
,
hath
made
of
the
waters
and
earth
on
perfect
globe
,
for
their
more
mutuall
seruice
to
mans
vse
;
so
hath
he
also
distributed
his
seueral
and
distinct
Blessings
to
diuers
Climats
,
to
the
end
that
(
by
supplying
the
barrennesse
of
some
things
in
one
countrie
,
with
the
superfluities
and
fruitfulnesse
of
other
countries
)
there
might
be
a
communication
and
entercourse
betweene
all
nations
,
by
way
of
Traffick
and
Commutation
of
things
interchangeably
,
whetby
one
Common-weale
should
liue
with
another
;
so
that
Trafficke
betweene
all
people
(
hauing
peace
one
with
another
)
is
free
.
And
according
to
the
common
right
of
mankind
,
●ure
Gentium
,
the
Nauigation
through
all
the
world
,
is
no
lesse
free
and
open
to
euerie
one
,
than
the
vse
of
the
ayre
.
God
hauing
so
disposed
of
the
foure
Eliments
,
two
to
swim
aboue
mans
head
;
and
two
to
lie
vnder
his
feet
,
the
Earth
and
the
Water
.
Hence
it
proceedeth
,
that
passage
both
vpon
land
and
sea
through
all
Christian
regions
,
is
and
hath
beene
so
indifferently
permitted
to
all
persons
of
all
nations
,
euen
to
Turkes
,
Iewes
,
Barbarians
,
and
Pagans
(
not
being
professed
enemies
)
much
lesse
to
be
restrained
therefore
of
Christians
in
all
respects
,
both
by
land
and
vpon
the
seas
,
vnderstanding
the
great
maine
Ocean
seas
,
which
cannot
be
hindered
but
by
the
right
of
wars
.
This
excellent
art
of
Nauigation
is
now
so
much
practised
and
knowne
,
that
the
voyages
heretofore
performed
by
sir
Francis
Drake
knight
,
and
after
him
by
master
Candish
,
sayling
round
about
the
globe
of
the
earth
in
lesse
than
three
yeres
time
,
is
become
no
matter
of
admiration
;
and
may
be
done
in
far
shorter
time
,
as
dayly
experience
doth
proue
.
Maruellous
is
that
naturall
propertie
of
the
Magnes
,
called
the
Loadstone
,
or
Adamant
stone
,
As
the
Axis
of
the
earth
,
notwithstanding
all
other
motions
,
remaineth
(
as
it
were
)
immoueable
;
and
yet
in
respect
of
the
Sphericall
forme
of
the
earth
in
euery
seuerall
Horizon
maketh
a
line
Meridionall
,
by
reason
of
the
Section
made
in
the
superficies
of
the
Horizons
,
by
Meridians
,
hauing
all
that
Axis
as
their
common
Diameter
:
So
may
it
also
come
to
passe
of
the
line
of
the
needle
,
and
his
variation
,
the
needle
being
alwaies
permanent
in
one
plaine
superficies
,
according
to
the
seuerall
Section
of
the
plaine
wherein
it
resteth
,
and
the
Horizon
there
may
continually
bee
made
,
in
euerie
plaine
new
variations
:
For
a
fimile
,
as
in
a
paire
of
ballance
of
equal
weight
,
there
is
a
certaine
motion
too
and
fro
,
before
they
find
their
true
place
of
rest
(
the
same
being
onely
in
the
leuell
of
the
Horizon
)
which
commeth
to
passe
by
the
Attractiue
Center
of
the
earth
;
who
drawing
vnto
him
either
weight
with
like
fo●ce
,
finding
the
substance
like
also
,
compelleth
them
to
rest
in
the
superficies
,
like
distant
from
that
Attractiue
Center
:
so
in
the
needle
,
being
a
bodie
indued
with
two
seuerall
properties
,
the
one
of
Grauitie
,
and
the
other
of
Leuitie
,
which
being
equally
peized
,
forceth
him
to
abide
in
the
Horizon
;
the
other
being
Magneticall
and
receiued
by
the
touch
,
causeth
him
to
rest
alway
in
that
one
Meridian
to
the
Magnes
appropriate
,
it
thereby
commeth
to
passe
,
that
after
sundrie
ballancing
this
way
and
that
way
,
it
onely
settleth
in
the
common
Section
of
this
peculiar
Meridian
and
Horizon
.
So
that
euen
as
in
Dialls
,
the
line
of
the
stile
onely
accordeth
and
concurreth
with
the
Meridian
line
,
in
such
as
are
void
of
declination
(
but
in
all
such
plaines
as
are
declinatorie
,
the
line
of
the
Stile
varieth
from
the
Meridian
line
,
and
the
same
Angle
of
variation
also
altereth
as
well
in
respect
of
inclination
as
declination
)
so
it
may
be
supposed
this
variation
of
the
Compasse
to
be
nothing
else
but
the
Angle
comprehended
betweene
the
Meridian
line
,
and
the
common
Section
of
the
Magneticall
Meridian
to
the
Horizon
,
in
the
Horizonceall
plaine
;
and
this
Angle
to
bee
alwayes
exactly
equall
to
the
Angle
contained
of
the
Meridian
line
,
and
line
of
the
Stile
,
the
Longitude
of
the
place
proponed
,
accounted
from
the
Magneticall
Meridian
,
being
equall
to
the
declination
of
the
Dialls
plaine
superficies
,
making
computation
from
South
to
East
circularly
,
and
the
Latitude
of
the
place
equall
to
the
complement
of
the
inclination
of
the
same
superficies
Horologicall
,
wherein
euery
man
at
his
pleasure
may
iudge
with
vnderstanding
,
if
hee
haue
tasted
but
of
the
first
principles
of
the
Mathematikes
or
Cosmography
.
And
hauing
made
mention
of
the
Attractiue
Center
,
I
call
to
memorie
a
conference
,
which
in
the
yeare
1606
(
being
in
Yorkeshire
about
the
Allome
Mines
,
and
certaine
Lead
Mines
in
Richmondshire
)
passed
betweene
the
Archbishop
of
Yorke
Doctor
Matthew
,
and
my selfe
,
in
presence
of
Ralph
Lord
Eure
,
with
whom
I
went
to
Yorke
to
congratulate
the
said
Archbishop
newly
come
to
that
See
,
which
was
concerning
the
Center
of
the
earth
,
which
hee
said
was
vnknowne
vnto
him
what
to
coniecture
of
it
;
whereupon
we
entred
into
a
large
discourse
,
insomuch
that
from
the
lowest
Center
,
wee
did
clime
and
ascend
to
the
highest
Climate
by
imaginarie
conceits
(
for
so
is
all
the
studie
of
the
Circle
of
the
Zodiacke
,
Concerning
the
Art
of
Nauigation
,
Mariners
haue
one
great
imperfection
,
that
is
,
the
want
of
exact
rules
to
know
the
Longitude
,
or
Arkes
Itinerall
,
East
and
West
,
without
the
which
they
can
neither
truely
giue
the
place
or
scituation
of
any
Coast
,
Harbour
,
Rode
or
towne
;
nor
in
sayling
discerne
how
the
place
they
sayle
vnto
beareth
from
them
,
or
how
farre
it
is
distant
:
whereby
they
are
inforced
long
before
they
come
to
any
Coast
,
all
night
to
strike
sayle
,
not
otherwayes
than
if
they
were
vpon
it
,
thereby
losing
the
benefit
of
prosperous
windes
,
in
sch
sort
sometimes
,
that
whereas
keeping
a
true
course
,
they
might
haue
beene
quietly
at
road
,
they
are
by
contrarie
and
aduerse
tempests
carried
farre
off
,
and
so
not
without
great
charge
to
the
Owner
,
paine
to
the
Companie
,
and
perill
to
their
Ship
are
enforced
to
waste
their
time
;
which
of
late
yeares
by
some
new
Chartes
and
Instruments
is
in
some
part
amended
,
albeit
the
said
Chartes
are
still
described
with
straight
Meridian
lines
running
equidistant
or
parallel
,
which
is
erronious
:
and
they
suppose
that
running
vpon
any
of
their
points
of
the
Compasse
,
they
should
passe
in
the
circumference
of
a
great
Circle
,
and
therefore
in
the
plaine
Cardes
describe
those
windes
with
straight
lines
,
which
is
another
abuse
.
For
the
Ship
steming
the
North
and
the
South
,
onely
maketh
her
course
in
a
great
Circle
East
or
West
shee
describeth
a
parallel
,
and
being
stirred
on
any
other
meane
point
shee
delineateth
in
her
course
a
Curue
or
Helicall
line
,
neither
straight
nor
circular
,
but
mixt
of
both
:
which
supposition
being
well
obserued
,
betweene
two
different
Angles
of
variation
,
Francis
Drake
Knight
to
take
notice
of
,
in
the
yeare
1587
,
and
after
that
more
sensibly
to
Sir
Walter
Rawleigh
Knight
.
CHAP.
XXXV
.
Of
the
distinct
Dominions
of
the
Seas
.
PLato
the
Philosopher
,
perceiuing
that
Equalitie
would
be
the
cause
that
euerie
man
should
haue
enough
,
was
of
opinion
,
and
willed
all
things
in
a
Common-wealth
to
bee
common
;
whom
Sir
Thomas
Moore
in
his
Vtopian
Common-weale
seemeth
to
imitate
,
to
the
end
that
an
infinite
number
of
Lawes
alreadie
made
,
and
the
making
of
so
many
new
Lawes
as
daily
are
made
might
be
abolished
:
whereas
all
of
them
are
not
sufficient
for
euery
man
to
inioy
,
defend
and
know
from
another
mans
,
that
which
hee
calleth
his
owne
proper
and
priuate
goods
.
But
finding
afterwards
that
this
Equalitie
could
not
bee
established
,
and
that
many
other
inconueniences
should
arise
thereby
,
he
did
wisely
reuoke
the
same
in
his
second
Common-wealth
.
the
earth
and
rule
ouer
the
fish
.
The
meanes
which
God
hath
appointed
,
to
make
this
distinction
of
the
Dominions
vpon
the
Seas
,
are
as
certaine
as
the
mensuration
of
the
Land
whereunto
the
Sea
is
adioyning
,
and
in
proprietie
to
bee
esteemed
accordingly
,
taking
their
names
of
the
Countries
and
Kingdomes
adiacent
,
or
of
their
scituation
;
as
Mare
Britannicum
,
Mare
Germanicum
,
Mare
Hibernicum
,
and
for
scituation
,
Mare
Mediterraneum
,
obserued
by
Cosmographers
,
Historiographers
,
and
Mathematicians
:
this
is
performed
with
the
helpe
of
the
Compasse
,
counting
of
courses
,
soundings
,
colour
of
the
grauell
or
sands
,
and
other
wayes
to
designe
Finitum
ab
'
i●finito
:
de
ter.
diuisione
.
In
§.
nullius
in
tratt
,
de
i●sula
.
Bartolas
doth
in
his
opinion
allow
for
princes
and
people
at
the
sea-side
Centum
mitliaria
,
which
is
one
hundreth
leagues
of
sea
from
their
coast
,
if
they
extend
their
protection
so
farre
,
called
by
them
Districtus
maris
&
territorium
,
which
is
most
plaine
in
those
seas
where
the
Isles
of
Garnesey
and
Iarnesey
are
so
sensible
and
visible
to
the
realme
of
England
,
This
distinction
of
dominion
hauing
continued
so
many
hundreth
yeares
,
needeth
not
to
be
corroborated
with
other
proofe
and
arguments
:
yet
let
vs
note
obiter
,
That
if
the
same
were
not
distinguished
as
aforesaid
,
Ranulph
Cestriensis
.
and
his
progresse
was
most
towards
the
North.
It
is
also
affirmed
,
Mare
Hibernicum
.
is
not
needfull
.
For
afterwards
William
Duke
of
Normandie
,
after
he
had
subdu●d
the
realme
of
England
by
conquest
,
Mare
Germanicum
.
caused
himselfe
not
onely
to
be
proclaimed
King
,
Mare
Deucalidon
.
but
also
that
all
the
goods
of
the
subiects
were
his
,
and
so
caused
the
land
to
be
diuided
,
and
yet
was
contented
to
change
the
title
of
a
Monarchie
by
conquest
into
a
Monarchie
Royall
,
and
was
also
Lord
of
the
said
foure
seas
,
Io
Bodinus
de
Resp.
by
the
former
assumpsit
,
which
had
then
continued
200
yeares
;
and
his
progresse
by
sea
was
most
Westward
.
For
when
Princes
or
Kings
do
stile
themselues
by
proclamation
,
then
the
continuance
thereof
(
without
opposition
of
other
princes
)
is
holden
and
obserued
as
inuiolable
and
permanent
.
Now
King
Henrie
the
second
succeeding
William
the
Conqueror
,
In
the
time
of
King
Edward
the
third
,
Ioh.
Hayward
.
and
thereupon
Fraunce
disclaimed
therein
,
After
this
follow
the
particular
Letters
for
the
deliuerie
of
seuerall
countries
and
townes
,
as
Caours
,
Carsin
,
Monstreull
,
Calice
,
Rochell
,
Turaine
,
Poitiers
,
Poitou
,
Xantes
,
Xantogne
,
Dagonois
,
Perigot
,
and
diuers
others
,
besides
many
Letters
concerning
the
French
Kings
libertie
,
and
his
Hostages
,
and
of
the
homage
to
be
made
by
the
Earles
and
Barons
to
the
King
of
England
(
who
remaineth
with
the
title
of
Soueraignetie
and
Domayne
)
besides
many
other
memorable
things
;
so
that
all
matters
concerning
the
seas
and
land
were
established
for
those
seas
:
and
King
E●ward
tooke
sixe
pence
a
tunne
for
fishing
ships
.
King
Henrie
the
fifth
who
did
conquere
all
France
,
and
had
the
possession
of
Mare
Britanicum
,
lost
nothing
of
his
right
;
no
more
did
Henrie
the
sixth
,
and
King
Henrie
the
seuenth
,
as
may
appeare
by
their
Proclamations
,
Treaties
,
Froiszart
.
Guicc●ar●in
and
the
said
Treatise
.
or
Historicall
description
of
the
Low-countries
appeareth
.
And
as
Docter
Dee
in
his
booke
of
Nauigation
affirmeth
,
King
Henrie
the
seuenth
in
consideration
of
the
fishing
trade
,
properly
belonging
vnto
England
(
in
his
seas
and
dominions
)
had
resolued
to
settle
a
trade
thereupon
,
which
he
preferred
aboue
all
voyages
;
for
in
those
daies
,
there
was
no
fishing
trade
established
in
the
Low-countries
.
Violet
,
Stephens
,
and
other
discontented
Fishmongers
departed
the
realme
of
England
,
and
went
into
Holland
to
the
towne
of
Enckhusen
,
where
they
procured
the
inhabitants
to
fish
for
them
,
in
his
Maiesties
of
great
Brittaine
seas
,
streames
,
and
dominions
:
which
inhabitants
(
vpon
the
decease
of
the
said
Englishmen
Fishmongers
)
tooke
the
whole
trade
to
themselues
,
dispersing
the
same
into
many
other
townes
,
whereby
the
same
is
admirably
increased
.
Queene
Marie
being
maried
with
King
Philip
the
second
of
Spaine
(
vnder
whom
all
the
seuenteene
Low
Prouinces
were
vnited
)
granted
a
lease
vnto
the
said
King
for
the
fishing
of
his
subiects
in
the
North
parts
of
Ireland
,
for
one
and
twentie
yeares
,
for
a
certaine
fine
,
and
paying
one
thousand
pound
yearely
into
the
Treasurie
of
Ireland
,
and
Edward
Fitton
knight
then
Treasurer
.
And
the
Companie
of
the
old
Haunce
in
primo
of
the
said
Queene
Marie
had
also
libertie
to
sish
within
the
said
seas
,
vpon
certaine
conditions
,
as
appeareth
in
the
Chappell
of
the
Rolls
of
the
Chancerie
.
And
for
England
Northwards
,
licences
were
giuen
at
Scarborough
Castle
.
To
this
distinction
of
dominion
of
the
Seas
,
Plus
vltra
:
and
likewise
the
French
Kings
Tent
with
the
three
Flower
deluces
,
and
the
title
of
Primus
Christianorum
Rex
,
He
caused
an
Archer
to
be
made
vpon
his
Pauillion
with
Bow
and
Arrowes
,
and
his
inscription
was
Cui
adherio
praeest
,
declaring
thereby
his
present
strength
whereby
hee
did
qualifie
those
warres
,
and
peace
was
made
between
the
Emperor
and
the
said
French
King
,
it
being
true
that
the
state
of
a
Prince
doth
as
much
consist
by
reputation
,
as
by
strength
.
Our
Soueraigne
Lord
King
Iames
,
hath
also
beene
mindfull
of
his
right
of
distinct
dominion
;
for
the
great
blessings
which
almightie
God
hath
allotted
to
the
Kingdomes
of
Great
Brittaine
,
Ireland
,
and
the
Isles
adiacent
vnder
his
Maiesties
Dominions
,
is
so
visible
to
all
the
world
,
as
that
thereby
they
are
rauished
with
admiration
.
For
albeit
that
the
earthly
blessings
are
produced
in
seasonable
times
:
yet
the
blessings
of
the
Seas
are
directed
and
pointed
at
by
the
finger
of
God
at
infallible
seasons
,
causing
those
watrie
creatures
to
offer
themselues
for
our
sustenance
,
and
for
the
generall
good
of
all
creatures
in
places
certaine
,
within
his
Maiesties
Seas
,
Streames
and
Dominions
,
and
not
into
the
maine
where
fishing
cannot
bee
effected
.
Whereupon
his
Maiestie
before
his
comming
into
England
,
did
let
the
fishing
of
Scotland
to
the
Hollanders
for
fifteene
yeares
,
it
being
agreed
by
more
ancient
Treaties
betweene
them
,
that
the
fishing
then
agreed
vpon
should
be
eightie
miles
from
the
Coast
,
to
the
end
the
Scoles
of
Herrings
should
not
bee
interrupted
.
His
Maiestie
in
the
fourth
yeare
of
his
Raigne
of
Great
Brittaine
,
made
a
Graunt
to
one
Collyns
of
Couentrie
for
twentie
one
yeres
for
the
fishing
in
some
parts
of
Ireland
:
In
the
seuenth
yeare
of
his
Maiesties
said
raigne
,
his
Highnesse
caused
a
Proclamation
to
be
made
,
concerning
his
Dominion
of
fishing
,
which
being
compendious
and
substantiall
,
I
thought
conuenient
here
to
be
inserted
Verbatim
.
IAMES
,
By
the
Grace
of
God
,
King
of
Great
Brittaine
,
France
,
and
Ireland
,
Defendor
of
the
Faith
,
&c.
To
all
and
singular
persons
to
whom
it
may
appert●ine
,
greeting
.
Although
We
doe
sufficiently
know
,
by
Our
experience
in
the
Office
of
Regall
dignitie
(
in
which
by
the
fauour
of
Almightie
God
,
Wee
haue
beene
placed
and
exercised
these
many
yeares
)
as
also
by
obseruation
which
Wee
haue
made
of
other
Christian
Princes
exemplarie
actions
,
how
far
the
absolutenesse
of
Our
Soueraigne
Power
extendeth
it selfe
.
And
that
in
regard
thereof
Wee
need
not
to
yeeld
account
to
any
person
vnder
God
,
for
any
action
of
Ours
which
is
lawfully
grounded
vpon
that
iust
Prerogatiue
:
Yet
such
hath
euer
beene
,
and
shall
be
Our
care
and
desire
to
giue
satisfaction
to
Our
neighbour
Princes
and
friends
,
in
any
action
which
may
haue
the
least
relation
to
their
Subiects
and
Estates
:
as
We
haue
thought
good
(
by
way
of
friendly
Praemonition
)
to
declare
vnto
them
all
,
and
to
whomsoeuer
it
may
appertaine
,
as
followeth
.
Whereas
,
Wee
haue
beene
contented
,
since
Our
comming
to
the
Crowne
,
to
tollerate
an
indifferent
and
promiscuous
kind
of
libertie
to
all
Our
friends
whatsoeuer
to
fish
vpon
Our
Streames
,
and
vpon
any
of
Our
Coasts
of
Great
Brittaine
,
Ireland
,
and
other
adiac●●t
Islands
,
so
farre
forth
as
the
permission
or
vse
thereof
might
not
redound
to
the
impeachment
of
Our
Prerogatiue
Royall
,
nor
to
the
hurt
and
damage
of
Our
louing
Subiects
,
whose
preseruation
and
flourishing
estate
We
hold
Our selues
principally
bound
to
aduance
before
all
worldly
respects
:
so
finding
that
Our
coniuence
therein
,
hath
not
onely
giuen
occasion
of
ouer
great
encroachments
vpon
Our
Regalities
,
or
rather
questioning
of
Our
right
;
but
hath
been
a
meanes
of
much
daily
wrongs
to
Our
own
people
that
exercise
the
trade
of
fishing
,
as
(
either
by
the
multitude
of
strangers
which
doe
preoccupie
those
places
,
or
by
the
iniuries
which
they
receiue
most
commonly
at
their
hands
)
Our
Subiects
are
constrained
to
abandon
their
fishing
,
or
at
the
least
become
so
discouraged
in
the
same
,
as
they
hold
it
better
for
them
to
betake
themselues
to
some
other
course
of
liuing
.
Whereby
not
onely
diuers
of
Our
Coasts
Townes
are
much
decayed
,
but
the
number
of
Marriners
daily
diminished
;
which
is
a
matter
of
great
consequence
to
Our
estate
,
considering
how
much
the
strength
thereof
consisteth
in
the
power
of
Shipping
,
and
the
vse
of
Nauigation
.
Wee
haue
thought
it
now
,
both
iust
and
necessarie
(
in
respect
that
Wee
are
now
by
Gods
fauour
,
lineally
and
lawfully
possessed
,
as
well
of
the
Island
of
Great
Brittaine
,
as
of
Ireland
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Isles
adiacent
)
to
bethinke
Our selues
of
good
and
lawfull
meanes
to
preuent
those
inconueniences
and
many
others
depending
vpon
the
same
.
In
the
consideration
whereof
,
as
Wee
are
desirous
that
the
world
may
take
notice
,
that
Wee
haue
no
intention
to
deny
Our
neighbours
and
allies
,
those
fruits
and
benefits
of
peace
and
friendship
which
may
be
iustly
expected
at
Our
hands
in
honour
and
reason
,
or
are
affoorded
by
other
Princes
mutually
in
the
point
of
Commerce
and
Exchange
of
those
things
which
may
not
prooue
preiudiciall
to
them
:
So
because
some
such
conuenient
order
may
be
taken
in
this
matter
,
as
may
sufficiently
prouide
for
all
these
important
considerations
which
doe
depend
thereupon
:
Wee
haue
resolued
,
first
,
to
giue
notice
to
all
the
world
,
That
Our
expresse
pleasure
is
,
that
from
the
beginning
of
the
moneth
of
August
next
comming
,
no
person
of
what
Nation
or
qualitie
soeuer
,
being
not
Our
naturall
borne
Subiect
,
be
permitted
to
fish
vpon
any
of
Our
Coasts
and
Seas
of
Great
Brittaine
,
Ireland
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Isles
adiacent
(
where
most
vsually
heretofore
any
fishing
hath
beene
)
vntill
they
haue
orderly
demanded
and
obtained
licences
from
Vs
,
or
such
Our
Commissioners
as
Wee
haue
authorised
in
that
behalfe
,
viz.
at
London
,
for
Our
Realmes
of
England
and
Ireland
,
and
at
Edenborough
for
Our
Realme
of
Scotland
.
Which
licences
Our
intention
is
,
shall
be
yearely
demanded
,
for
so
many
Vessells
and
Ships
,
and
the
Tunnage
thereof
,
as
shall
intend
to
fish
for
that
whole
yeare
,
or
any
part
thereof
,
vpon
any
of
Our
Coasts
and
Seas
,
as
aforesaid
,
vpon
paine
of
such
chastisement
,
as
shall
be
fit
to
be
inflicted
vpon
such
wilfull
offenders
.
Giuen
at
our
Palace
of
Westminster
the
sixth
of
May
,
in
the
seuenth
yeare
of
Our
Raigne
of
Great
Brittaine
,
France
and
Ireland
.
Anno
Dom.
1609.
By
this
Proclamation
,
is
his
Maiesties
Right
and
Dominion
of
the
Seas
,
expressed
in
two
words
,
by
Lineall
and
Lawfull
possession
of
an
hereditarie
Kingdome
or
Kingdomes
,
whereunto
those
Seas
are
ioyned
and
appertaining
.
It
is
not
a
Dominion
obtained
by
an
electiue
Kingdome
,
as
Poland
,
Hungarie
,
and
others
;
neither
is
it
had
by
any
first
discouerie
,
wherein
the
Pope
must
be
a
mediatour
,
as
Alexander
the
sixth
was
between
the
King
of
Castile
and
Portugal
,
vpon
the
discouery
of
the
East
and
West-Indies
,
by
drawing
a
line
vpon
the
Globe
from
the
Island
of
the
Canaries
,
to
make
the
diuision
betweene
them
:
Neither
is
it
like
to
the
Whale
fishing
in
Greeneland
,
where
some
vpon
their
discouerie
tooke
neither
possession
,
much
lesse
had
any
occupation
,
which
maketh
the
stronger
right
:
Neither
is
it
by
gift
or
purchase
,
as
some
Italian
Princes
in
the
Mediterranean
Seas
,
which
doe
neuerthelesse
inioy
both
freedome
and
benefit
thereby
;
but
it
is
vndoubted
and
indisputable
as
aforesaid
.
To
conclude
this
Argument
,
In
Russia
many
leagues
from
the
Maine
,
Fishermen
doe
pay
great
taxes
to
the
Emperour
of
Russia
,
and
in
most
places
none
but
his
subiects
are
permitted
to
fish
,
and
the
Hollanders
doe
giue
him
the
tenth
fish
.
The
King
of
Denmarke
taketh
great
tribute
,
both
at
Wardhouse
and
the
Sound
.
The
Kings
of
Sweathen
haue
done
the
like
,
which
is
now
continued
by
the
King
of
Denmarke
,
for
Norway
.
The
Duke
of
Medina
Sidonia
taketh
for
Tunyne
.
King
Edward
the
third
of
England
,
tooke
six
pence
for
euery
Tun
in
his
time
,
which
by
inhauncing
of
the
money
is
now
18
pence
.
All
the
bordering
Princes
of
Italy
,
doe
take
tribute
of
the
fish
taken
within
the
Mediterranean
Seas
,
for
their
seuerall
Territories
.
In
Lappia
,
Fishermen
doe
pay
monyes
in
the
Sound
for
passage
to
fetch
it
,
ouer
and
aboue
the
tenth
fish
.
The
Earle
of
Orkney
taketh
the
tenth
fish
,
for
the
Isles
of
Orcades
vnder
his
iurisdiction
:
as
the
Fishermen
doe
to
the
Lords
of
the
Manors
in
the
West
parts
of
England
,
for
Pilchards
,
Hake
and
Conger
.
The
States
of
the
vnited
Low
Countries
,
doe
take
an
Imposition
vpon
fish
taken
within
the
Seas
and
Streames
of
other
Princes
,
as
also
neere
their
Coast
,
and
their
subiects
trafficking
with
the
Russians
,
as
Haunce
Noblett
,
Haunce
Van
stracle
,
Robert
Englegraue
and
others
,
do
continually
pay
the
tenth
fish
vnto
the
Emperour
of
Russia
.
All
which
is
requisite
for
Merchants
to
know
,
to
preuent
troubles
or
losses
,
for
the
pretence
of
ignorance
doth
not
excuse
,
as
our
Merchants
of
Kingstone
vpon
Hull
haue
found
to
their
exceeding
losse
heretofore
.
CHAP.
XXXVI
.
Of
Customes
,
Subsidies
,
and
Impositions
payed
vpon
Commodities
.
WHereas
Customes
,
Subsidies
,
Impositions
,
Toles
,
In
Russia
,
Denmarke
and
Sweathen
,
In
Spaine
,
and
other
Dominions
of
the
King
of
Spaine
,
the
commodities
concealed
,
are
onely
forfeited
,
vnlesse
they
bee
prohibited
and
vnlawfull
goods
.
In
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
is
the
like
,
and
onely
the
goods
concealed
are
forfeited
,
and
may
be
had
againe
vpon
reasonable
composition
;
for
the
Statute
Law
giueth
authoritie
to
the
Officer
who
maketh
the
seizure
,
that
vpon
licence
sued
forth
to
compound
,
hee
may
doe
it
safely
for
his
part
,
which
is
the
one
moitie
;
and
for
the
other
moity
which
is
the
Kings
,
Merchants
are
graciously
dealt
wichall
,
by
the
Iudges
or
Barons
of
the
Kings
Exchequer
,
In
France
and
Germany
is
the
like
for
concealed
commodities
,
which
are
not
declared
in
the
Custome-house
;
and
Iewels
,
and
precious
Stones
,
and
Pearles
are
freed
of
Custome
.
And
so
was
it
in
England
,
vntill
of
late
yeares
,
since
the
Customes
were
taken
to
farme
,
and
yet
they
pay
but
three
pro
cent
.
of
the
value
of
their
appraisement
,
All
Merchants
ships
being
laden
,
In
Barbarie
and
other
places
,
where
the
Customes
are
paied
in
kind
or
Species
,
if
any
part
bee
concealed
and
not
entered
,
that
onely
will
be
forfeited
;
and
yet
the
losse
is
greater
,
because
they
will
make
choice
of
the
best
:
as
for
example
,
Suppose
a
Merchant
doth
enter
diuers
sorts
of
Linnen-cloth
,
and
concealeth
some
pieces
,
the
Officers
will
take
both
the
tenth
piece
for
the
Custome
,
and
all
the
concealed
pieces
of
the
best
and
finest
sorts
,
to
your
exceeding
great
losse
.
In
the
Low-countries
and
Germanie
,
as
also
in
most
places
of
Italie
and
Turkie
,
you
shall
onely
forfeit
the
goods
concealed
,
and
bee
permitted
to
compound
for
them
as
you
can
agree
,
wherein
the
circumstances
in
some
places
will
be
considered
,
and
the
manner
how
the
error
grew
,
or
whether
it
were
done
with
a
set
purpose
.
There
are
also
in
diuerse
places
allowances
made
(
as
in
England
)
vpon
Wines
in
regarde
of
lecage
of
tenne
or
fifteene
vpon
the
hundreth
,
or
else
all
the
Buts
and
Pipes
are
to
be
filled
vp
,
Vpon
Clothes
to
be
shipped
out
,
Also
whereas
of
late
yeares
,
since
the
Customes
were
letten
to
farme
,
all
Commodities
,
as
Sugars
,
Spices
,
Raisons
of
the
sunne
,
and
others
are
weighed
,
and
thereupon
the
Tarra
for
the
Caske
or
Chest
is
to
bee
allowed
,
Now
to
conclude
touching
Customes
,
we
must
consider
what
they
may
amount
vnto
vpon
the
hundreth
:
according
to
which
,
Merchants
are
to
cast
vp
their
accounts
for
benefit
and
losse
,
as
aforesaid
.
Parva
Custuma
)
was
three
pence
vpon
euerie
pound
,
that
the
commodities
are
rated
in
the
Custome
Booke
,
which
is
paid
by
Merchants
strangers
,
now
altered
paying
6
d.
pro
cent
.
more
for
goods
inward
;
and
for
English
Merchants
is
ten
vpon
the
hundreth
.
In
Spaine
and
Portugall
they
take
after
diuers
rates
for
commodities
,
some
●/10
or
●/●●
and
twentie
fiue
vpon
the
hundreth
,
esteemed
to
be
one
with
another
vn
quinto
or
●/●
part
,
or
20
pro
cent
.
with
the
Alcaualla
,
taken
for
Brokeridge
to
sell
them
.
In
Barbarie
seuen
pro
cent
.
The
Turke
taketh
⅕
part
,
as
the
Aegyptians
.
The
Venetians
take
3
,
5
,
7
,
and
10
vpon
the
hundreth
with
great
aduisement
,
and
vpon
the
Manufactures
of
other
nations
14
,
15
,
and
more
.
And
the
like
is
done
in
France
to
aduance
the
handie
crafts
man
.
The
Great
Imposts
demanded
in
the
yere
1604
by
Philip
the
third
King
of
Spaine
(
of
30
vpon
the
100
)
of
French
,
English
,
CHAP.
XXXVII
.
Of
Merchants
Wagers
,
Stipulations
,
or
Conuentions
.
FOr
as
much
as
diuers
Ciuilians
haue
intreated
of
this
arguments
of
Merchants
Wagers
,
and
made
some
Treatises
de
Sponsionibus
,
wherevnder
matter
of
Assurances
is
comprised
:
it
may
not
be
thought
impertinent
to
handle
this
subiect
briefly
and
diuidedly
from
Merchants
Assurances
,
alreadie
declared
in
his
proper
place
.
The
said
Ciuilians
do
distinguish
these
Wagers
or
Sponsiones
to
be
threefold
.
1
Where
a
Wager
is
laied
with
a
pawne
in
the
hands
of
a
third
person
.
2
Where
(
by
way
of
Stipulation
)
some
thing
is
giuen
vpon
a
Wager
.
3
Where
a
thing
deliuered
or
by
a
couenant
made
with
another
person
,
the
same
is
promised
to
be
restored
,
and
double
,
treble
,
and
ten
times
the
value
thereof
vnto
the
partie
with
whom
the
Wager
is
made
,
if
the
matter
in
question
or
doubt
do
not
take
effect
;
whereof
many
examples
may
be
giuen
and
declared
,
namely
,
The
Great
Wager
betweene
Cleopatra
Queene
of
Aegypt
,
Marc
Anthonie
,
for
the
great
expences
of
a
supper
,
by
dissoluing
the
Paragon
Pearle
,
and
drinking
the
same
,
as
Plinie
reporteth
,
when
Lucius
Plancus
was
made
judge
of
that
Wager
,
and
pronounced
that
Anthonie
had
lost
.
That
of
Cecinna
,
whereof
Cicero
maketh
mention
for
the
recouerie
of
his
grounds
taken
from
him
in
hostile
maner
by
Eubusius
,
and
restored
againe
.
That
such
a
Cardinall
shall
be
elected
to
be
Pope
,
That
such
a
King
is
dead
,
and
such
a
town
is
taken
:
in
all
which
,
the
Wager
is
made
by
Pawne
,
Stipulation
,
or
Conuention
,
as
aforesaid
;
and
hereof
are
innumerable
examples
.
Hereupon
they
conclude
,
That
all
Wagers
laid
must
be
for
honest
causes
,
and
as
it
were
striuing
for
vertuous
actions
;
and
that
these
by
the
law
are
to
bee
maintained
in
the
performance
of
the
Wager
,
wherein
custome
is
the
best
interpreter
,
A
Wager
being
laid
,
that
the
Pope
of
Rome
,
or
the
Emperor
,
or
any
other
great
personage
shall
die
within
the
yeare
,
A
Wager
laied
vpon
the
death
of
a
priuate
person
,
is
disallowed
;
but
not
for
the
contracting
of
any
supposed
or
expected
marriage
,
which
is
lawfull
.
All
Wagers
laied
in
lawfull
games
are
allowable
;
but
in
prohibited
games
cannot
be
recouered
by
the
Ciuile
law
.
So
Wagers
made
by
lookers
on
vpon
other
mens
games
are
disallowed
,
which
is
the
cause
that
Stipulations
are
made
,
putting
the
pawne
or
money
downe
,
which
is
called
,
to
stake
downe
:
and
if
it
be
vpon
an
vnlawfull
game
,
then
the
lookers
on
are
subiect
to
punishment
,
as
well
as
the
gamesters
.
A
Wager
laid
who
shall
eate
or
drinke
most
,
is
vnlawfull
.
If
a
Gamester
or
a
Merchant
playing
,
receiue
twentie
and
promise
to
giue
fiftie
for
it
the
next
day
playing
,
the
Conuention
is
good
.
A
Merchant
laying
a
Wager
to
giue
tenne
for
one
if
such
a
ship
arriue
within
a
limited
time
,
within
such
a
Port
or
Hauen
,
is
good
in
law
.
A
Wager
is
laied
vpon
the
arriuall
of
a
ship
in
the
port
of
Lixborne
,
and
a
certaine
summe
of
money
promised
thereupon
:
it
falleth
out
,
that
the
said
ship
is
a
Galeon
;
so
deniall
is
made
to
pay
the
money
.
The
Law
did
determine
the
money
should
be
paied
,
because
the
word
Ship
is
a
generall
name
,
although
it
be
called
by
diuers
names
,
As
a
Notarie
is
called
a
Tabellion
,
Scriuenor
,
or
a
publike
seruant
.
A
Wager
vpon
a
sonne
or
a
daughter
to
be
borne
,
is
good
in
law
;
and
if
it
be
a
Hermophrodite
of
both
sexes
,
then
iudgement
is
giuen
according
as
the
naturall
inclination
shal
be
found
to
be
more
masculine
or
feminine
.
If
any
man
by
the
inducement
or
fraud
of
a
third
person
lay
a
Wager
that
such
a
woman
shall
be
deliuered
of
a
sonne
,
when
she
was
alreadie
deliuered
,
the
Wager
is
not
to
be
allowed
,
and
if
the
Midwiues
are
partakers
herein
,
they
are
to
be
punished
,
and
incur
Crimen
Stellionatus
.
If
one
lay
a
Wager
to
run
with
another
,
and
afterwards
doth
refuse
to
runne
,
hee
may
be
compelled
thereunto
,
or
the
stake
is
lost
;
for
hee
committeth
no
deceit
,
which
preuenteth
a
fraud
.
The
captation
or
aduantage
taken
vpon
words
ought
therefore
to
be
excluded
,
and
wagers
are
to
be
made
in
plaine
termes
,
and
to
be
construed
accordingly
;
Fallere
fallentem
,
non
est
fraus
.
Wagers
between
Merchants
are
many
times
more
done
for
sport
and
recreation
than
for
gaine
:
for
ouer
great
wagers
are
against
good
manners
,
and
may
concerne
a
Merchant
much
in
reputation
and
credit
,
more
than
the
playing
for
great
summes
of
money
,
which
many
times
Merchants
doe
vse
,
with
the
obseruation
of
a
conuenient
time
,
and
as
the
Prouerbe
is
,
With
good
fortune
,
otherwise
the
end
of
it
is
dangerous
;
for
as
nature
produced
all
things
in
due
time
,
so
is
moderation
required
in
all
actions
.
CHAP.
XXXVIII
.
Of
Merchants
Markes
set
vpon
Commodities
.
THe
marking
of
Merchants
commodities
,
either
packt
vp
in
Bundels
,
Trusses
,
Cases
,
Coffers
or
Packes
,
is
of
great
importance
;
for
not
onely
by
the
Custome
of
Merchants
,
but
also
by
the
Ciuile
Law
,
the
propertie
of
the
goods
and
merchandises
is
adiudged
to
him
,
by
whose
marke
they
are
marked
or
sealed
.
It
is
dangerous
therefore
to
vse
another
mans
marke
,
as
many
times
Merchants
doe
in
time
of
warre
,
when
they
lend
their
names
and
markes
for
the
preseruation
of
their
goods
,
betweene
two
or
more
contending
Princes
,
both
by
Sea
and
Land
.
Euery
Merchant
is
to
set
downe
his
marke
vpon
his
Bookes
of
account
,
wherewith
his
commodities
are
marked
.
In
the
yeare
1586
or
thereabouts
,
Robert
Lord
Dudley
Earle
of
Leicester
was
an
Aduenturer
for
Barbary
,
where
hee
sent
some
commodities
by
way
of
commerce
,
vnto
a
certaine
Factor
(
that
did
deale
for
diuers
other
Merchants
)
there
to
be
sold
for
his
account
,
and
to
make
returne
vnto
him
of
the
prouenue
thereof
in
Sugar
and
other
commodities
.
The
Factor
hauing
sold
some
of
the
said
goods
(
considering
the
number
of
men
of
warre
,
which
were
then
at
the
Seas
,
and
the
greatnesse
of
the
said
Earle
)
thought
good
,
that
all
the
Chests
of
Sugar
and
other
commodities
which
he
sent
home
to
all
his
Masters
in
a
certaine
ship
,
In
the
yeare
1597
one
Iohn
de
Bassadonna
,
the
sonne
of
one
of
the
Magnificoes
of
Venice
,
then
resident
in
London
,
had
a
certaine
ship
which
was
fraighted
for
Lixborne
,
and
so
to
goe
for
Venice
,
according
as
the
Master
thereof
was
bound
by
a
Charterpartie
of
fraightment
,
and
in
both
places
to
take
in
all
such
commodities
and
merchandises
as
the
Merchant
should
lade
or
cause
the
said
ship
to
be
laden
withal
,
and
to
be
discharged
at
Venice
with
the
vsuall
conditions
of
Sea-lawes
.
CHAP.
XXXIX
.
Of
the
Buying
and
Selling
of
Commodities
by
Brokers
,
and
by
the
Candle
.
IT
is
an
old
Prouerbe
,
and
very
true
,
that
betweene
What
will
you
buy
?
and
what
will
you
sell
?
there
is
twentie
in
the
hundreth
differing
in
the
price
:
which
is
the
cause
that
all
Nations
doe
more
affect
to
sell
their
commodities
with
reputation
by
meanes
of
Brokers
,
than
we
doe
;
for
that
which
seemeth
to
be
gotten
thereby
,
is
more
than
double
lost
another
way
.
Besides
,
that
by
that
course
many
differences
are
preuented
,
which
might
arise
betweene
man
and
man
,
in
their
Bargaines
or
Verball
contracts
:
for
the
testimony
of
a
sworne
Broker
and
his
booke
together
,
is
sufficient
to
end
the
same
.
And
moreouer
it
is
many
times
a
cause
that
Factors
and
Seruants
deale
more
faithfully
for
their
Masters
in
buying
or
selling
of
all
commodities
,
or
in
monyes
by
exchange
,
knowing
their
euidence
is
extant
against
them
.
Therefore
no
Broker
should
be
admitted
vnlesse
hee
were
sworne
,
and
vpon
Affidauit
or
Certificate
made
by
some
principall
Merchants
,
of
his
sufficiencie
and
behauiour
,
and
to
put
sureties
for
his
true
and
good
demeanour
amongst
Merchants
,
according
to
the
Custome
of
London
.
For
albeit
that
the
common
saying
is
,
That
a
craftie
Merchant
needeth
no
Broker
:
yet
it
may
much
concerne
the
Common-wealth
,
when
too
much
hunting
after
forraine
commodities
may
increase
the
price
of
them
,
and
offering
our
home
commodities
to
sale
,
The
Venetians
therefore
haue
an
Office
,
called
Messacaria
,
consisting
only
of
Brokers
,
which
deale
betweene
man
and
man
aduisedly
;
and
in
Spaine
they
are
of
such
estimation
,
that
they
ride
on
horse-backe
vpon
their
foot-clothes
,
and
hauing
the
Inuoyces
of
Merchants
goods
,
they
will
deale
for
great
matters
at
a
time
,
against
the
lading
of
the
Fleet
for
Noua
Espagna
and
the
Islands
of
the
West-Indies
,
to
be
payed
partly
readie
money
,
and
partly
at
the
returne
of
the
said
Fleet
;
and
then
afterwardes
let
you
vnderstand
their
Merchant
:
and
many
times
they
are
of
that
meanes
and
credit
,
that
for
a
small
matter
they
will
be
bound
to
make
the
debts
good
,
if
the
Merchant
should
faile
,
whereupon
(
as
the
Custome
is
to
haue
one
vpon
the
hundreth
)
they
will
condition
but
double
Brocadge
,
or
lesse
.
Our
Brokers
of
London
take
but
two
pence
vpon
the
pound
(
which
is
lesse
then
one
ꝑ
cent
.
)
for
the
sale
of
commodities
,
and
to
hinder
one
another
they
will
take
lesse
;
which
amongst
Merchants
beyond
the
Seas
,
is
taken
to
be
a
disorder
,
for
they
are
inclined
to
make
the
Brokers
good
gainers
.
The
like
is
done
in
the
Faires
of
Frankford
,
where
many
Brokers
doe
resort
twice
in
the
yeare
,
and
they
keepe
account
of
all
the
bargaines
that
they
make
betwene
the
forraine
Merchants
,
that
come
thither
to
make
their
payments
most
by
rescounter
and
assignation
,
after
the
manner
of
Bankers
:
For
the
commodities
sold
in
one
Mart
,
are
commonly
payable
the
next
Mart
,
being
betweene
fiue
and
sixe
moneths
time
one
after
another
;
wherein
these
Brokers
are
very
necessarie
members
and
instruments
also
to
transferre
Merchants
Bills
Obligatorie
for
other
commodities
,
or
to
make
payments
thereby
.
The
duties
of
the
Alcaualla
in
Spaine
,
are
taken
vpon
that
consideration
.
The
Merchants
of
the
East-India
companie
do
imitate
the
same
,
and
after
publike
notice
giuen
in
writing
vpon
the
Royall
Exchange
in
London
,
That
such
a
day
,
such
and
such
commodities
will
be
sold
at
such
a
place
,
Merchants
and
others
(
knowing
the
great
parcels
of
Pepper
,
Indico
,
and
other
commodities
of
Silkes
,
Calicoes
,
and
such
like
)
will
ioyne
together
to
buy
the
same
in
seuerall
companies
,
and
so
buy
the
same
by
the
Candle
,
as
aforesaid
,
although
it
were
a
parcell
of
one
hundreth
thousand
pounds
.
The
time
for
the
payments
is
foure
times
six
moneths
,
which
is
fifteene
moneths
in
one
payment
,
according
to
which
(
if
you
will
pay
all
or
part
of
it
in
readie
money
by
way
of
Anticipation
)
you
shall
haue
vse
allowed
you
accordingly
,
after
the
rate
of
ten
vpon
the
hundreth
.
But
their
good
orders
require
a
more
larger
declaration
.
CHAP.
XL.
Of
buying
of
commodities
by
Condition
,
termed
Capiticus
,
and
of
selling
things
vpon
Casualties
.
THe
buying
of
commodities
vpon
Condition
is
termed
by
the
Ciuilians
Capiticus
,
a
capiendo
,
either
to
refuse
or
take
vpon
a
penaltie
;
or
sometimes
vpon
a
casuall
Condition
.
Which
bargains
are
much
vsed
in
the
Low-countries
,
as
also
in
France
,
especially
at
Roan
and
Calice
,
where
my selfe
haue
made
money
of
Corne
and
Salt
:
and
this
bargaining
is
most
proper
for
such
and
the
like
commodities
,
the
price
whereof
doth
quickly
rise
or
fall
,
and
are
also
commodious
when
a
mans
money
is
not
so
readie
,
to
buy
much
,
and
to
make
a
great
imployment
with
little
money
,
which
happeneth
vpon
some
soden
aduice
many
times
vnexpected
,
whereupon
men
are
verie
hot
either
to
buy
or
sell
:
which
is
much
vsed
in
Flanders
in
buying
of
Herrings
before
they
be
catched
,
by
(
stelle
gelt
)
as
they
call
it
,
that
is
by
a
summe
of
money
agreed
vpon
to
be
paied
,
if
the
partie
doe
repent
himselfe
of
the
bargaine
,
wherein
he
taketh
a
time
of
one
moneth
or
two
to
be
aduised
according
to
the
occasions
and
probabilities
of
the
successe
.
To
disburse
or
offer
fiftie
pounds
vpon
fiftie
Last
of
Herrings
with
six
weekes
respit
vpon
the
condition
after
twentie
pound
were
equal
nineteene
and
twentie
one
,
and
without
respit
of
time
presently
to
say
to
be
deliuered
at
three
moneths
,
the
fiftie
Last
at
twenty
pound
amounteth
to
1000
ll
,
you
aduance
the
interest
,
warehouse-hire
,
charges
,
lackage
,
besides
the
commoditie
that
you
haue
bought
with
the
money
a
bargaine
of
fiftie
Last
,
when
it
would
pay
but
2
½
Last
,
vpon
condition
to
take
or
leaue
.
One
hundreth
pounds
deliuered
out
to
pay
the
first
yeare
one
pound
,
the
second
yeare
two
pounds
,
increasing
euerie
yeare
one
pound
,
amounteth
in
fifteene
yeares
to
128
pounds
,
in
twentie
yeares
210
ll
,
to
the
20
adde
one
,
multiplie
with
½
of
1
to
20
is
10
,
and
so
of
all
other
augmenting
,
be
it
of
1
,
2
,
6
,
8
,
&c.
The
Conditions
are
diuers
:
The
certainetie
of
the
money
which
you
do
aduenture
to
losse
,
being
well
considered
of
,
may
turne
you
to
gain
,
especially
in
places
bordering
vpon
the
seas
or
riuers
,
to
serue
the
In-land
people
,
as
Calice
,
Dunkerke
,
for
Flanders
,
Henault
,
Arthois
,
and
other
prouinces
.
The
like
might
be
practised
in
many
coast
townes
of
England
.
But
strangers
are
more
addicted
to
make
casuall
bargaines
for
buying
of
commodities
.
For
selling
of
commodities
vpon
casualties
,
therein
are
we
more
frequent
,
especially
of
things
not
vendible
at
all
times
,
to
sell
them
payable
vpon
the
returne
of
such
a
voyage
from
Venice
,
Turkie
,
or
other
places
,
or
vpon
the
decease
of
such
a
man
or
woman
,
or
at
a
marriage
day
,
or
the
first
,
second
,
or
third
child
,
either
male
or
female
.
In
all
which
sellings
,
money
and
wares
may
be
ioyned
together
.
But
in
deliuering
money
with
wares
at
interest
,
the
contract
is
vsurious
by
the
law
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XLI
.
Of
diuiding
of
Commodities
by
Lots
.
ALl
extreames
being
vicious
,
hath
giuen
me
cause
to
write
this
exorbitant
chapter
,
concerning
the
diuision
by
Lots
,
because
there
are
men
in
this
age
so
precise
(
by
some
called
Puritanes
)
that
they
can
be
well
contented
to
buy
a
commoditie
in
companie
with
their
neighbours
,
when
their
owne
meanes
and
credit
cannot
compasse
the
same
;
but
afterwards
to
diuide
those
goods
(
by
the
Lot
)
between
them
,
they
are
verie
scrupulous
,
and
hold
it
a
prophane
action
,
and
they
are
(
as
they
say
)
bound
vnto
it
of
necessitie
,
or
else
to
take
that
which
their
partners
do
giue
vnto
them
,
and
so
let
them
cast
the
Lot
amongst
them
,
and
what
remaineth
vpon
equall
diuision
,
they
will
rather
accept
of
,
than
that
any
Lot
should
be
cast
for
them
:
yet
they
will
more
fauour
the
Lot
than
the
casting
of
the
dice
,
or
the
measuring
by
strawes
.
To
these
weake
stomakes
thus
troubled
with
a
Nausea
,
I
would
not
minister
any
Cordials
,
Electuaries
,
or
Potions
to
rid
them
of
that
distemperate
humour
;
but
a
plaine
vomit
is
fittest
,
the
Moone
being
in
Aries
or
Capricorne
,
which
must
be
thus
preparéd
.
As
in
Gods
Church
there
neuer
wanted
true
religion
reuealed
from
God
himselfe
,
so
amongst
heathen
,
and
all
nations
,
there
neuer
wanted
meanes
to
acknowledge
a
soueraigne
power
;
which
caused
them
to
deuise
a
certaine
shadow
of
religion
,
by
worshipping
their
imaginarie
gods
with
a
kind
of
diuine
seruice
:
the
contemplation
and
vse
whereof
,
they
did
esteeme
to
be
the
highest
degree
of
felicitie
,
or
summum
bonum
,
in
so
much
that
(
euen
in
their
blindnesse
)
they
did
attribute
the
successe
of
all
things
to
proceed
from
aboue
,
vsing
(
for
to
attaine
to
the
knowledge
of
the
diuine
pleasure
)
diuers
means
of
Diuinations
,
Imprecations
,
Oracles
,
and
casting
of
Lots
,
because
they
wanted
the
illumination
of
the
most
glorious
and
transparent
Sunne
of
the
word
of
God
,
whereby
we
are
taught
to
obey
the
knowne
will
of
God
,
and
to
reuerence
(
with
admiration
)
his
secret
will
not
declared
vnto
vs
.
Diuinations
and
imprecations
being
not
accompanied
with
visible
and
sensible
apparitions
,
caused
all
Oracles
to
be
in
greater
veneration
:
as
that
of
Dodona
,
where
Iupiter
answered
,
striking
the
Caldrons
with
a
siluer
wand
:
That
of
Iupiter
Hammon
in
the
confines
of
Aegypt
:
That
of
Delphos
,
where
an
old
woman
answered
in
Greeke
verse
:
That
of
Latona
,
and
that
of
Motenzuma
in
America
,
and
others
.
All
which
ceased
,
when
and
where
the
Sunne
beames
of
the
word
of
God
did
disperce
the
mistie
clouds
of
darknesse
,
and
then
all
was
abrogated
,
and
onely
the
casting
and
drawing
of
Lots
did
remaine
as
a
custome
of
great
antiquitie
amongst
all
nations
,
recorded
not
onely
by
prophane
Historiographers
,
but
also
by
diuine
Prophets
and
Euangelists
.
To
which
purpose
we
may
obserue
two
especial
examples
in
the
holie
Scripture
.
But
least
these
men
should
obiect
,
That
the
aforesaid
examples
are
actions
of
the
Heathens
,
and
but
mentioned
in
the
holy
Scripture
;
we
pray
them
to
remember
,
That
the
children
of
Israel
had
no
other
meanes
propounded
vnto
them
,
to
obtaine
victorie
against
their
enemies
,
by
remouing
the
offence
of
the
interdict
or
forbidden
goods
,
Forasmuch
as
in
Italy
and
Germany
,
diuers
commodities
and
manufactures
are
dispersed
,
distributed
,
and
in
a
maner
vented
,
by
the
meanes
of
Lottaries
which
are
continually
extant
,
in
publike
markets
and
other
places
;
I
cannot
omit
to
speake
hereof
,
as
a
matter
appertaining
to
Merchants
.
There
are
two
manner
of
Lotaries
,
namely
,
Standing
Lotaries
,
and
Running
Lotaries
;
the
first
limitted
for
a
continuance
of
time
to
bee
drawne
at
the
end
thereof
,
without
intermission
by
day
and
night
;
the
latter
to
bee
drawne
daily
and
at
all
conuenient
houres
,
when
the
parties
will
put
in
their
money
,
and
haue
the
Lot
drawne
instantly
.
To
which
end
in
many
places
of
Germany
,
there
are
publike
Shops
and
Stales
,
where
diuers
sorts
of
manufactures
are
exposed
to
be
sold
,
and
to
euery
Lot
there
is
a
Prize
appointed
to
answere
the
said
Lot
;
whereby
a
man
hath
alwayes
some
thing
for
his
money
,
and
many
times
a
Prize
of
good
value
.
Being
therein
like
vnto
the
Tree
of
Fortune
,
Standing
Lotaries
,
are
stately
and
magnificent
,
consisting
of
Siluer
,
Plate
,
Chaines
of
Gold
,
Iewells
,
Cabinets
,
Hangings
,
Pictures
,
and
other
precious
and
curious
things
,
fit
for
honourable
persons
,
and
others
of
qualitie
.
Albeit
all
men
are
admitted
to
aduenture
therein
,
which
is
the
cause
the
Lots
are
commonly
made
of
twelue
pence
or
two
shillings
,
the
number
whereof
maketh
a
compleat
Lotarie
,
fit
to
be
drawne
when
the
same
is
full
,
which
must
bee
done
by
gathering
in
the
money
in
continuance
of
a
certaine
time
limitted
,
as
aforesaid
.
The
Running
Lotaries
are
of
Plate
,
Chaines
of
Gold
,
and
other
things
,
whereof
the
price
is
(
in
a
manner
)
certaine
,
as
also
of
moneys
:
and
for
that
they
are
instantly
drawne
,
and
men
willing
to
know
their
present
fortune
(
as
they
terme
it
,
)
euerie
one
is
inclined
,
that
the
money
which
they
draw
,
they
will
venture
againe
in
hope
of
a
better
,
whereby
their
Lotaries
are
sooner
filled
.
Both
these
sorts
of
Lotaries
haue
a
Table
wherein
the
Prizes
are
declared
,
which
are
valued
by
publike
authoritie
to
preuent
deceit
and
fraud
,
which
in
great
Standing
Lotaries
is
more
likely
to
bee
practised
.
There
is
as
many
Bills
made
of
the
aduenturers
,
by
their
names
or
poesies
,
as
there
are
Blankes
and
Prizes
to
be
drawne
,
answerable
to
the
Tickets
deliuered
for
the
money
to
euerie
man
that
is
an
aduenturer
in
the
said
Lotaries
:
and
all
these
Bills
of
names
being
examined
by
the
Magistrates
or
Commissioners
,
with
the
Bookes
of
Collection
for
the
monyes
,
are
put
into
one
great
close
Basket
,
with
a
hole
in
the
middle
thereof
for
a
man
or
a
boy
to
put
in
his
arme
to
draw
them
at
the
appointed
time
.
Likewise
all
the
Blankes
and
Prizes
,
with
the
like
suruay
of
Sworne-men
,
are
put
into
the
like
close
Basket
,
after
examination
of
the
Prizes
registred
in
the
said
Table
,
which
being
all
of
one
fashion
and
bignesse
,
are
publikely
vpon
a
Stage
mixt
,
tossed
,
and
tumbled
in
certaines
sheets
of
Canuas
,
before
they
be
put
in
the
said
Basket
;
and
between
the
said
two
Baskets
sitteth
the
Drawer
,
putting
both
his
armes
at
one
instant
seuerally
in
euery
Basket
,
deliuering
the
Bills
of
the
names
or
poesies
with
the
right
hand
,
and
the
Blankes
and
Prizes
with
the
left
hand
,
to
certaine
Sworne-men
,
which
doe
read
the
contents
thereof
openly
to
all
the
standers
by
;
which
Drawers
or
persons
do
change
for
certain
hours
,
(
for
they
continue
both
night
and
day
vntill
all
be
drawne
out
,
without
stirring
of
the
Baskets
.
)
Othersome
doe
herein
obserue
certaine
houres
daily
,
and
vpon
euerie
discontinuance
,
they
seale
the
said
Baskets
vnder
two
or
three
Seales
from
time
to
time
,
proclaming
all
Prizes
by
the
sound
of
the
Trumpet
,
and
stringing
some
blew
papers
in
the
Files
made
of
the
Blankes
and
names
:
and
the
Prizes
euerie
day
drawne
,
are
the
next
day
to
bee
seene
in
print
,
with
the
assistance
of
Officers
appointed
to
see
good
orders
obserued
in
keeping
the
Peace
,
vpon
all
occasions
of
fallings
out
,
which
might
happen
amongst
the
vnruly
multitude
of
mechanicall
people
.
The
Prizes
are
many
to
auoid
discontent
,
which
the
reading
of
many
names
and
answeres
in
Blanke
prouoketh
.
And
commonly
they
do
not
exceed
in
number
aboue
thirtie
or
fortie
for
one
;
and
so
the
least
prize
being
but
tenne
shillings
,
is
proportionably
three
or
foure
to
one
in
value
or
in
readie
money
.
All
the
Prizes
haue
a
priuie
marke
or
number
knowne
onely
to
some
few
persons
,
to
preuent
the
counterfeiting
of
euill
disposed
persons
or
officers
,
which
are
hereby
easily
discouered
.
For
all
the
cautions
and
preuentions
of
dishonest
and
craftie
dealings
are
more
than
necessarie
in
Lotaries
,
the
rather
of
the
common
opinion
of
all
men
,
which
hold
it
impossible
for
Lotaries
to
be
without
fraud
.
Lotaries
are
commendable
,
The
Etimologie
of
the
word
Lotarie
,
is
deriued
from
the
word
(
Lot
:
)
And
albeit
all
Lotaries
are
things
casuall
in
respect
of
man
to
whom
the
Lot
falleth
;
yet
in
regard
of
the
prouidence
of
God
,
they
are
certaine
(
in
effect
)
by
the
said
Diuine
disposing
of
the
Lot
.
Insomuch
,
that
howsoeuer
the
words
,
Fortune
,
Chaunce
,
Fate
,
Destinie
,
and
Casualtie
,
are
borrowed
from
the
Heathens
;
it
cannot
bee
denied
,
but
that
(
respecting
the
effects
and
operations
of
God
towards
man
)
they
are
proper
distinctions
of
Gods
Diuine
Prouidence
:
And
hence
ariseth
the
Prouerbe
,
Nemo
sua
sorte
contentus
viuit
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XLII
.
Of
Associations
,
Monopolies
,
Engrossings
,
and
Forestallings
.
ASsociations
are
twofold
,
the
one
is
done
by
publike
authoritie
of
Princes
or
States
,
vpon
Graunts
made
by
Letters
Patents
,
which
are
properly
called
Societies
;
as
the
Companie
of
Merchant
Aduenturers
,
Thomas
Becket
of
Canturburie
,
which
were
confirmed
by
King
Edward
the
third
,
Henry
the
fourth
,
Henrie
the
fifth
,
Edward
the
fourth
,
Henrie
the
sixth
,
Richard
the
third
,
and
King
Henrie
the
seuenth
;
who
gaue
them
the
name
of
Merchants
Aduenturers
:
after
him
also
confirmed
by
King
Henrie
the
eight
,
Edward
the
sixth
,
Queene
Marie
,
Queene
Elizabeth
,
and
lastly
,
by
our
Soueraigne
Lord
King
Iames
;
not
without
many
enemies
and
oppositions
,
and
most
especially
of
late
,
taxing
them
to
be
Monopolizers
,
and
vnprofitable
to
the
common-wealth
;
being
that
all
our
Clothes
were
not
dressed
and
dyed
in
England
.
Whereupon
their
Patent
was
for
a
time
suspended
,
but
afterwardes
confirmed
again
vnto
them
by
his
Maiesties
ample
Proclamation
.
As
this
Societie
is
of
ancient
estimation
,
so
is
their
gouernement
verie
commendable
,
and
preserueth
the
amitie
and
entercourse
betweene
the
Realme
and
other
neighbour
Princes
and
States
,
venting
the
best
commodities
of
the
Kingdome
;
yet
so
,
that
euerie
man
selleth
freely
at
his
pleasure
without
any
combination
or
limitation
,
to
the
great
honour
and
seruice
of
the
State
,
wherein
they
may
daily
see
and
obserue
more
and
more
,
as
is
heeretofore
declared
.
The
other
Association
is
done
by
and
betweene
Merchants
of
their
owne
authoritie
,
There
is
another
branch
of
this
maner
of
partnership
,
Description
of
Monopolies
.
MOnopolies
are
somewhat
displeasing
,
because
the
propertie
of
them
is
commonly
to
ingrosse
things
to
an
ill
end
,
increasing
the
price
therof
disorderly
,
drawing
a
general
benefit
to
a
particular
,
diuerting
the
course
of
traffick
:
but
for
as
much
as
they
are
vsed
now
a
daies
,
it
will
be
conuenient
to
distinguish
them
by
Reasonable
,
Vnreasonable
,
and
Indifferent
.
Reasonable
,
of
such
things
and
trifles
as
are
for
pleasure
,
as
Starch
,
Cards
,
Lute-strings
,
Tabacco
,
and
such
like
.
Vnreasonable
,
as
of
Flesh
,
Fish
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
or
needfull
things
for
the
sustenance
of
man
,
without
which
he
can
hardly
liue
ciuilly
.
Indifferent
,
as
of
Veluets
,
Silkes
,
Sugar
,
Spices
,
and
other
delicacies
and
dainties
or
curiosities
,
indifferent
to
be
vsed
or
not
.
All
these
are
done
by
publicke
authoritie
of
Princes
and
States
,
by
Letters
Patents
granted
for
terme
of
yeares
:
The
gouernment
of
Norenborough
in
Germanie
is
much
to
bee
commended
,
not
only
for
the
prouident
care
to
preuent
Forestallers
,
The
Ciuilians
haue
made
the
Latin
word
Monopolium
,
borrowed
from
the
Greek
,
to
be
lesse
vnderstood
,
because
of
their
many
difinitions
therof
,
which
made
me
to
treat
of
Associations
,
Monopolies
,
Engrossings
,
and
Forestallings
,
as
hauing
affinitie
one
with
another
,
and
to
describe
them
in
diuided
manner
,
as
also
to
note
their
coherence
,
as
followeth
.
For
an
Association
,
Companie
,
Definition
of
a
Monopoly
.
THe
truest
definition
of
a
Monopoly
therefore
is
,
A
kind
of
commerce
in
buying
,
selling
,
changing
,
or
bartering
,
vsurped
by
a
few
,
and
sometimes
,
but
by
one
person
,
and
forestalled
from
all
others
to
his
or
their
priuate
gaine
,
and
to
the
hurt
and
detriment
of
other
men
;
whereby
of
course
or
by
authoritie
,
the
libertie
of
Trade
is
restrained
from
others
,
whereby
the
Monopolist
is
inabled
to
set
a
price
of
commodities
at
his
pleasure
.
A
Merchant
of
London
,
hauing
sent
a
great
Ship
to
Zante
,
to
lade
Corrints
and
Wines
,
being
there
arriued
;
another
Merchant
there
inhabiting
,
vpon
knowledge
hereof
,
caused
all
the
Corrints
to
bee
bought
vp
,
to
preuent
the
said
Merchant
,
and
to
compell
him
to
buy
the
said
Corrints
of
him
at
deare
rates
,
to
lade
the
said
Ship
,
which
made
the
Factor
(
appointed
to
lade
the
said
Ship
)
at
his
wits
end
:
But
being
ingenuous
hee
deuised
a
course
to
disappoint
the
said
forestalling
Merchant
,
and
caused
Bills
to
be
set
vp
in
all
publike
places
,
to
giue
notice
that
the
said
Ship
was
come
,
to
take
in
Merchants
goods
for
her
lading
,
and
to
returne
for
London
:
which
being
vnderstood
by
him
,
brought
him
into
a
secondarie
,
and
to
set
all
the
Brokers
of
Zante
on
worke
,
to
helpe
him
to
sell
the
said
Corrints
againe
,
whereby
he
became
a
loser
.
In
this
and
the
like
cases
the
said
Societies
are
to
haue
a
care
of
preuention
;
otherwise
it
is
the
part
of
the
Prince
to
looke
vnto
it
with
a
politicke
eye
,
vpon
complaint
to
bee
made
,
as
of
late
yeares
hath
been
done
(
when
the
French
Merchants
did
striue
to
bring
new
Wines
first
to
the
Market
,
thereby
inhauncing
the
price
of
Wines
in
France
:
)
it
was
ordered
and
commanded
by
Proclamation
,
That
no
Wines
growing
in
France
,
should
be
sold
or
put
to
sale
,
before
the
first
of
December
,
to
bee
obserued
euerie
yeare
.
The
like
was
done
heretofore
by
our
Merchants
trading
Spaine
,
in
the
buying
of
Rotta
Raisons
by
an
order
amongst
them
,
That
none
should
bee
sold
by
them
before
the
last
of
October
:
which
being
knowne
to
Merchant
Strangers
,
made
them
to
preoccupie
the
Market
(
they
not
being
bound
to
their
orders
;
)
so
that
this
is
to
be
done
more
properly
by
the
Kings
Proclamation
.
Here
I
call
to
mind
my
former
obseruation
of
that
royall
commoditie
Tinne
,
which
aboue
one
hundreth
yeares
since
,
This
is
agreeable
to
the
Common
Law
of
the
Realme
,
and
the
fundamentall
Lawes
of
all
Nations
:
granting
the
Proiectors
or
Inuentors
,
priuiledges
for
twentie
one
or
more
yeares
,
which
some
men
without
distinction
of
Monopolies
,
would
haue
abridged
to
14
,
11
,
or
7
yeares
,
wherein
the
thing
it selfe
ought
to
make
the
difference
,
vpon
good
considerations
,
and
not
to
measure
all
things
alike
.
For
example
,
the
Graunt
made
for
the
sole
importation
of
Spanish
Tabacco
,
The
generall
intention
of
all
Graunts
by
Letters
Patents
for
Manufactures
,
hath
a
relation
to
set
the
people
on
worke
,
to
recompence
the
inuenter
of
the
Art
or
Science
,
and
that
things
may
(
in
some
measure
)
be
better
cheape
to
the
subiects
.
What
shall
we
say
then
,
of
those
Graunts
which
make
the
commoditie
good
cheap
to
forraine
Nations
,
and
dearer
to
the
subiects
?
Surely
this
cannot
be
without
some
great
abuse
.
If
a
Keelne
for
the
drying
of
Malt
for
all
the
Kingdome
ouer
,
were
inuented
to
bee
done
with
Pit-coale
,
better
cheape
than
with
Wood
fire
,
and
more
pleasing
,
without
the
sent
of
smoake
;
and
that
this
Keelne
or
Keelns
were
placed
in
conuenient
places
,
for
all
mens
accesse
,
whereby
they
should
saue
much
charges
,
and
haue
their
Mault
better
cheape
:
if
heereupon
Letters
Patents
were
granted
to
reward
the
Proiector
,
no
man
of
iudgement
will
call
this
a
Monopoly
,
nor
any
part
thereof
,
although
the
publike
libertie
seemeth
thereby
to
be
restrained
.
For
take
it
another
way
,
and
you
shall
find
it
rather
to
be
a
common
distribution
than
a
restraint
whensoeuer
it
bringeth
a
generall
good
and
commoditie
to
the
Common-wealth
.
The
Statutes
of
the
Kingdome
restraining
from
the
exercise
of
sundrie
Crafts
all
such
as
haue
not
serued
an
Apprentishood
vnto
the
Art
which
they
would
exercise
,
doe
it
to
no
other
end
but
that
those
Arts
might
bee
brought
to
better
perfection
,
and
the
things
made
,
might
be
good
and
seruiceable
for
those
that
buy
and
vse
them
.
Some
men
are
well
contented
,
if
a
prohibition
or
restraint
of
a
commoditie
be
done
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
they
will
no
manner
of
wayes
haue
called
the
same
to
be
a
Monopoly
,
although
it
be
so
in
effect
,
when
a
Societie
of
priuate
Merchants
haue
a
priuiledge
to
themselues
onely
to
sell
certaine
commodities
,
or
to
import
them
,
and
all
other
subiects
are
excluded
,
although
they
were
neither
the
discouerers
or
first
inuenters
thereof
.
But
if
it
be
done
by
the
Kings
Prerogatiue
,
then
they
take
it
to
be
a
kind
of
Monopoly
.
So
that
,
if
it
be
by
a
dispensation
vpon
a
Penall
Law
,
they
make
the
same
questionable
;
wherein
neuerthelesse
the
Princes
wisedome
is
to
rule
for
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
.
Others
would
haue
all
things
at
large
in
the
course
of
trafficke
,
and
that
there
should
be
no
Societies
or
Corporations
of
Merchants
for
any
places
of
trade
;
but
that
by
way
of
partenership
,
Merchants
might
associate
themselues
to
make
or
enterprise
some
voyages
,
or
in
sending
of
commodities
in
copartnership
,
without
regard
had
that
innouations
are
dangerous
,
where
the
trade
hath
beene
carried
alwayes
by
Companies
or
Societies
,
whereof
some
are
of
great
antiquitie
.
This
is
more
considerable
in
the
gouernements
of
Monarchies
(
and
especially
in
Islands
)
than
in
State
or
popular
gouernements
,
where
the
ouerballancing
of
forraine
commodities
is
not
respected
;
neither
the
oueraboundant
inhabitation
of
strangers
,
which
augmenteth
their
Customes
and
Impositions
laid
at
pleasure
vpon
their
commodities
;
as
a
principall
matter
whereby
they
subsist
.
Others
make
a
difference
betweene
Companies
or
Associations
,
dealing
in
a
ioynt
Stocke
,
or
apart
;
affirming
the
negotiation
of
a
ioynt
Stocke
to
be
within
the
compasse
of
a
Monopoly
:
Neuerthelesse
they
would
be
contented
to
tollerate
the
same
,
for
the
imployment
outwards
.
But
for
the
returnes
homewards
,
they
would
haue
a
diuision
in
kind
,
or
species
of
the
commodities
which
they
receiue
;
which
is
contrarie
to
the
manner
of
the
Portugalls
,
whose
experience
hath
made
apparant
vnto
vs
,
that
they
haue
for
many
yeares
sold
their
Spices
and
other
East-India
commodities
,
with
good
order
and
reputation
for
their
benefit
.
And
in
this
course
they
vse
many
times
other
mens
names
,
Touching
forestalling
of
Corne
or
other
commodities
in
Markets
,
it
is
(
as
I
haue
said
)
prouided
for
by
Lawes
;
neuerthelesse
the
Ciuilians
haue
noted
,
That
by
the
Municipall
Lawes
of
all
Countries
,
it
is
not
prohibited
for
any
man
to
make
his
prouision
of
Corne
,
or
other
victualls
for
one
whole
yeare
,
and
vpon
changing
of
mind
,
to
sell
the
same
againe
to
profit
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XLIII
.
Of
Merchants
Oppignorations
.
MErchants
oppignorations
are
more
vsed
in
regard
of
the
commodiousnesse
of
it
,
than
vpon
necessitie
,
as
other
goods
are
pawned
.
For
when
a
Merchant
hath
a
Ship
come
home
,
laden
with
Wines
,
Oyles
,
Woad
,
or
such
like
commodities
,
and
is
to
pay
a
great
summe
of
money
for
Fraight
,
Custome
and
Impost
,
hee
will
not
willingly
disburse
more
money
,
but
will
indeauour
to
sell
part
of
his
commodities
to
pay
the
same
withall
:
because
that
thereby
hee
may
auoid
the
payment
of
interest
for
money
vnto
others
,
which
sometimes
hee
cannot
so
re●dily
find
vpon
his
owne
Bond
alone
;
and
if
he
doe
,
then
must
hee
bee
tied
to
take
the
same
for
foure
or
sixe
moneths
,
and
pay
that
interest
;
when
within
one
moneth
he
may
make
moneys
of
his
own
goods
.
Vpon
consideration
whereof
some
rich
Citizens
that
haue
great
houses
,
and
many
Sellers
or
Ware-houses
and
to
let
them
at
greater
rents
;
haue
beene
contented
to
lend
money
vpon
the
goods
brought
into
their
Sellers
and
Ware-houses
,
paying
after
the
rate
of
tenne
in
the
hundreth
for
the
yeare
,
and
when
they
sell
their
goods
they
must
pay
them
the
said
money
:
for
they
do
trust
Bayard
in
the
Stable
.
In
which
regard
the
houses
of
Commerce
are
very
necessary
,
and
other
such
houses
that
are
spacious
to
receiue
great
quantities
of
commodities
,
where
the
Customes
and
Impositions
are
only
paied
by
the
sale
of
the
commodities
,
and
you
may
borrow
more
money
for
little
or
no
consideration
at
all
:
and
heereby
doth
a
Merchant
inlarge
his
trade
,
and
young
Merchants
(
hauing
small
Stockes
)
find
great
ease
and
commoditie
.
You
haue
at
Lixborne
the
Alfandega
,
in
Seuill
A
Dicana
,
at
Venice
Il
fontego
:
Domus
Commutationis
.
THe
scituation
of
this
House
of
Commutations
or
Commerce
,
would
be
verie
commodious
vpon
the
Tower
hill
,
to
be
made
of
free
stone
;
the
proportion
almost
square
,
according
to
the
said
Easterlings
house
at
Antuerpe
,
leauing
a
faire
street
on
euerie
side
:
the
fore
part
thereof
towards
the
riuer
of
Thames
,
and
the
water
to
be
brought
before
it
,
by
cutting
in
the
docke
below
the
Tower
wharfe
,
so
as
two
ships
of
ordinarie
burthen
might
at
one
time
come
in
to
discharge
at
the
Cranes
to
be
made
there
for
the
purpose
.
The
drinesse
of
the
ground
is
very
fit
to
make
great
Cellars
,
in
the
middest
a
stately
Court
,
and
all
the
lower
part
of
this
house
double
Ware-houses
for
commodities
of
great
Bulke
,
and
ouer
that
Galleries
answerable
to
the
lower
part
,
set
vpon
stately
Columes
,
full
of
Ware-houses
for
small
wares
of
value
:
and
so
for
a
third
Storie
,
and
double
Garrets
for
corne
and
such
like
commodities
,
reseruing
some
faire
roomes
for
the
entertainement
of
great
personages
(
comming
from
beyond
the
seas
)
to
feast
them
onely
;
also
with
a
magnificent
Turret
,
great
Gates
,
and
places
with
ballances
and
beames
to
weigh
all
sorts
of
commodities
.
The
earth
of
the
Cellars
would
serue
to
raise
the
hither
part
of
the
ditches
of
the
Tower
to
make
them
deeper
,
and
part
of
the
ground
leuell
,
fit
for
goodly
walkes
;
and
for
the
scouring
of
the
docke
or
entrance
,
a
Mill
might
be
made
to
grind
mineralls
,
and
other
things
.
One
part
of
this
House
to
serue
the
clothiers
that
cannot
conueniently
at
all
times
sell
their
clothes
at
Blackwel
Hall
,
which
they
may
remoue
when
they
haue
occasion
to
vse
mony
to
buy
necessarie
commodities
to
maintaine
their
trade
;
which
commodities
they
may
haue
for
that
money
,
or
by
way
of
commutation
,
as
Woolls
,
Oyle
,
Woad
,
Indicoe
,
Cutcheneale
,
Allome
,
Copperas
,
or
other
such
like
extant
in
other
Ware-houses
of
this
House
,
as
by
the
Register
kept
thereof
will
appeare
;
whereunto
all
Brokers
shall
resort
,
and
haue
notice
of
if
they
will
.
When
the
clothiers
shall
haue
this
commodiousnesse
,
they
will
increase
their
trade
,
and
set
more
people
on
worke
to
make
good
clothes
,
according
to
the
statute
,
which
will
be
more
vendible
in
other
places
beyond
the
seas
,
to
the
generall
aduancement
of
trafficke
,
his
maiesties
Customes
and
Impositions
,
and
all
other
dependancies
thereupon
.
No
man
is
compelled
to
bring
his
commodities
to
this
House
,
but
allured
thereunto
by
the
commodiousnesse
and
benefits
thereof
,
because
of
the
ease
of
Ware-house
roome
and
Cellaridge
at
easier
rates
,
the
commoditie
of
sale
or
barter
,
the
forbearing
to
pay
Customes
and
Imposts
for
a
time
,
the
taking
vp
of
moneys
to
serue
his
turne
,
and
the
goods
better
assured
than
in
other
places
.
According
to
the
said
house
of
the
Easterlings
at
Antuerpe
,
there
will
be
108
cellars
,
and
double
that
in
warehouses
,
and
after
that
so
many
garrets
,
in
all
aboue
foure
hundred
roomes
.
The
benefit
whereof
will
be
verie
great
,
one
with
another
at
10
ll
is
4000
ll.
The
benefit
of
weighing
all
commodities
,
and
the
selling
and
registring
of
all
will
be
much
more
.
And
all
the
charge
of
this
house
is
by
the
computation
of
some
workemen
to
be
done
for
15000
ll
,
and
may
yeeld
10000
ll
yearely
profit
,
to
the
honour
of
the
King
,
reputation
of
the
citie
of
London
,
and
welfare
of
the
realme
,
and
credit
of
Merchants
.
The
old
Romanes
(
when
moneys
were
first
made
of
Copper
,
and
then
Siluer
,
and
before
Golden
coynes
were
made
)
had
appointed
a
place
,
Mensa
Argentaria
.
called
Mensa
Argentaria
,
where
they
lent
moneys
vpon
commodities
for
a
reasonable
consideration
,
to
aduance
trafficke
and
trade
,
which
(
in
comparison
of
ours
)
was
but
in
his
infancie
,
and
therefore
to
be
left
now
to
the
mercie
of
monyed
men
(
without
other
prouision
by
authoritie
to
supplie
mens
occasions
)
seemeth
to
be
impertinent
,
especially
when
moneys
are
not
plentifull
.
Hauing
hetherto
treated
of
buying
and
selling
,
and
the
dependancies
thereupon
,
now
wee
are
to
speake
of
receiuing
and
paying
by
moneys
,
and
of
the
manner
of
Merchants
dealings
therein
.
But
this
doth
properly
appertaine
to
the
second
part
of
the
Law-Merchant
,
where
moneys
are
compared
to
the
Soule
of
trafficke
and
commerce
.
Merces
Vaenales
for
Oppignorations
.
Returning
therefore
to
the
said
matter
of
Oppignorations
,
let
vs
note
the
questions
of
Ciuilians
,
Whether
in
the
generall
binding
of
a
mans
goods
,
wares
to
bee
sold
(
called
Merces
Vaenales
)
are
comprised
,
by
saying
,
he
bindeth
his
goods
present
and
to
come
?
The
answere
is
,
that
they
are
bound
,
but
yet
the
sale
of
the
said
goods
is
not
hindered
thereby
,
vnlesse
they
were
pawned
or
obliged
to
be
in
a
place
certaine
,
and
named
in
the
writing
there
to
be
extant
.
Also
in
Tacita
Hipotheca
,
or
as
it
were
close
pawning
,
Merchants
money
may
bee
comprehended
and
made
liable
:
but
this
is
to
be
vnderstood
of
moneys
had
some
other
way
;
for
it
is
reason
that
the
money
which
a
man
taketh
vp
shall
serue
him
to
expedite
his
affaires
.
Also
in
binding
of
future
goods
,
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
onely
of
such
goods
as
he
may
get
during
his
life
,
and
not
by
any
of
his
heirs
.
These
reasons
haue
a
reference
to
trafficke
,
which
is
a
generall
bodie
,
and
commodities
by
merchandising
or
commerce
do
supplie
themselues
in
their
places
;
so
that
when
some
commodities
are
disposed
of
,
other
commodities
come
into
the
roome
thereof
:
and
the
lawes
haue
alwaies
more
regard
to
the
generall
than
to
the
particular
;
insomuch
that
a
woman
(
euen
for
her
dower
)
cannot
arrest
her
husbands
goods
,
finding
his
estate
to
decay
.
CHAP.
XLIIII
.
The
proceedings
vsed
against
Bankrupts
.
THe
mutabilitie
and
inconstancie
of
all
worldly
affaires
(
and
especially
of
Merchants
estates
)
causeth
me
to
remember
the
ancient
Dutch
Prouerbe
,
This
difference
and
distinction
betweene
a
Merchant
taking
daies
of
payment
,
&
a
Bankrupt
,
doth
incourage
men
to
deale
honestly
and
conscionably
especially
with
the
vertuous
and
well
disposed
,
for
Virtus
laudata
crescit
,
whereby
they
pay
euerie
man
his
owne
in
time
,
and
for
the
most
part
with
interest
for
the
forbearance
of
their
due
debts
:
And
therefore
is
it
,
that
to
call
this
man
a
Bankrupt
,
beareth
a
great
action
by
the
Ciuile
Law
,
as
also
by
the
Common
law
of
the
realme
,
which
is
verie
careful
for
Merchants
credits
and
reputation
:
for
that
Merchant
which
in
the
storms
of
aduersitie
,
sheweth
to
be
a
good
pilot
,
deserueth
great
commendation
of
the
care
and
endeuours
which
he
vseth
to
preuent
the
ship-wrecke
of
his
reputation
and
credit
,
especially
with
a
good
conscience
,
which
will
be
vnto
him
a
continuall
feast
,
although
the
seas
be
turbulent
,
for
he
is
armed
with
patience
,
and
not
destitute
of
comfort
:
and
on
the
contrarie
,
those
that
like
cowards
become
carelesse
of
their
credit
,
or
being
of
an
euill
disposition
,
seeke
to
defraud
their
creditors
,
and
to
inrich
themselues
by
their
breaking
,
paying
little
or
nothing
;
they
do
not
onely
deserue
a
name
of
defamation
,
but
ought
to
be
met
withall
by
some
seuere
punishment
by
the
Law
.
Vltra
posse
non
est
esse
.
But
these
well
meaning
men
are
oftentimes
hindred
to
performe
their
honest
intentions
,
by
the
hard
and
obstinate
dealing
of
some
of
their
creditors
,
to
the
vtter
ouerthrow
of
them
,
their
wiues
and
children
,
and
the
generall
losse
of
all
the
rest
of
the
creditors
:
these
men
therefore
are
to
bee
ouerruled
by
the
Lord
Chaunceller
,
who
may
compell
them
to
bee
conformable
with
the
other
creditors
,
according
to
the
Customes
of
Merchants
in
other
countries
:
and
there
hath
beene
in
times
past
,
during
the
Raigne
of
Queene
Elizabeth
,
For
the
better
encouragement
,
and
to
retaine
men
in
their
duties
,
The
Custome
of
Merchants
concurring
with
the
course
of
the
Ciuile
Law
herein
,
The
said
Statute
against
Bankerupts
is
made
vpon
verie
great
consideration
,
which
lieth
not
against
a
Gentleman
;
so
that
to
call
a
decayed
Gentleman
,
a
Bankerupt
,
(
although
he
haue
had
dealing
in
the
world
)
beareth
no
action
at
the
Common
Law
,
vnlesse
hee
were
a
Merchant
or
Shopkeeper
,
&c.
It
is
also
prouided
by
the
said
Statute
,
That
whosoeuer
shall
bee
found
to
haue
voluntarily
yeelded
to
any
arrest
,
or
his
bodie
to
prison
,
and
so
remaineth
in
prison
,
for
,
and
during
the
time
of
sixe
moneths
,
thinking
by
that
imprisonment
to
free
his
goods
,
and
to
deceiue
his
creditors
;
against
him
may
the
said
Commission
bee
sued
forth
and
executed
accordingly
,
for
hee
is
to
bee
taken
for
a
Bankerupt
according
to
the
said
Statute
;
and
if
the
partie
bee
at
libertie
,
against
whom
the
said
Statute
of
Bankerupt
is
taken
out
,
the
said
Commissioners
may
(
if
they
see
cause
)
commit
him
to
prison
,
and
giue
him
some
allowance
for
his
maintenance
.
And
of
all
their
proceedings
there
is
a
Register
appointed
,
by
his
Maiesties
Letters
Patents
vnder
the
Great
Seale
of
England
to
record
the
same
,
vntill
the
Lord
Chanceller
doe
dissolue
the
said
Commission
by
a
Supersedeas
.
De
Decoctoribus
,
made
by
Benuenuto
Straccha
,
appeareth
.
And
the
Definition
of
Bankerupts
is
three
manner
of
waies
distinguished
:
First
,
When
a
man
becommeth
insoluent
,
by
losing
his
goods
and
other
mens
,
by
fortune
,
mischance
,
and
casualtie
,
which
man
is
not
taken
to
be
infamous
by
the
Law
,
indeauouring
to
make
satisfaction
as
he
can
.
Secondly
,
When
a
man
by
wasting
,
spoyling
,
and
viciously
giuen
,
consumeth
his
owne
and
other
mens
goods
,
and
hee
by
the
Law
is
infamous
.
Thirdly
,
When
a
man
is
decayed
,
partly
by
wasting
and
spoyling
of
his
owne
and
other
mens
goods
,
and
partly
by
misfortune
,
and
accidents
;
and
this
man
is
taken
to
be
infamous
,
if
he
be
vicious
.
Hereunto
I
may
adde
the
fourth
,
and
most
vile
person
,
who
inriching
himselfe
with
other
mens
goods
,
breaketh
without
iust
cause
,
and
onely
of
purpose
to
deceiue
men
,
according
to
the
aforesaid
example
of
Roan
.
Albeit
I
am
of
opinion
,
that
the
said
Ciuilians
haue
left
them
out
of
the
number
to
bee
criminally
punished
,
as
theeues
to
the
Common-wealth
,
by
the
magistrats
or
princes
authoritie
,
as
the
Banker
of
Florence
was
;
who
breaking
for
many
millions
of
ducats
,
made
a
suddaine
and
deceitfull
composition
with
his
creditors
for
the
one
halfe
,
and
did
pay
them
in
readie
money
:
which
being
vnderstood
by
the
great
Duke
,
hee
caused
his
processe
to
bee
made
instantly
,
and
thereupon
hee
was
executed
also
accordingly
;
which
was
good
iustice
,
and
is
to
be
done
by
the
Magistrates
,
and
not
by
the
creditors
.
Concerning
fraudulent
dealers
the
Law
is
,
That
by
making
Cession
they
shall
not
bee
relieued
,
and
may
bee
apprehended
in
the
Church
:
whereas
a
free-man
cannot
bee
arrested
or
taken
in
the
Church
,
but
may
be
vnto
him
a
place
of
refuge
.
If
hee
bee
found
a
fraudulent
man
by
his
bookes
of
account
,
then
any
bargaine
or
sale
made
two
or
three
dayes
before
his
breaking
,
by
goods
sold
good
cheape
,
may
bee
recalled
and
auoyded
;
and
in
like
manner
,
if
he
pay
one
man
after
his
breaking
,
the
same
may
be
taken
to
be
done
in
fraud
of
all
the
other
creditors
,
and
may
be
recalled
for
the
generalitie
.
So
goods
bought
by
him
before
breaking
,
if
they
be
found
in
esse
,
may
be
claimed
by
the
Seller
to
his
particular
vse
and
payment
againe
.
All
coniectures
of
fraud
may
bee
augmented
and
aggrauated
against
the
fraudulent
man
,
according
to
the
saying
,
Semel
inuentum
decies
factum
.
If
any
man
do
breake
in
partnership
,
the
partnership
is
ipso
facto
dissolued
by
law
:
but
the
credit
of
the
other
remaineth
,
paying
the
debts
of
the
partnership
.
Also
any
commission
giuen
by
him
(
for
the
partnership
)
is
void
instantly
:
howbeit
,
if
a
Factor
by
ignorance
of
his
breaking
,
haue
caused
his
commission
to
be
followed
;
that
which
is
done
doth
bind
the
Master
,
and
shall
excuse
the
Factor
.
Concerning
agreements
to
be
made
between
Bankrupts
and
their
Creditors
,
there
is
a
question
made
,
That
if
Creditors
do
agree
with
their
Debtors
for
some
part
of
their
debts
,
The
greatest
number
,
or
the
greater
summe
of
the
Creditors
being
agreed
with
the
Debtor
,
are
bound
to
be
conformable
with
the
other
,
and
to
do
the
like
with
the
helpe
of
authoritie
,
not
onely
by
the
Ciuile
law
,
but
also
by
the
Merchants
Court
of
Prior
and
Consuls
,
which
authoritie
is
alreadie
noted
before
to
bee
in
the
Lord
Chauncellor
.
But
the
difference
is
great
betweene
the
greater
number
of
the
Creditors
,
or
the
greater
summe
:
for
a
man
may
haue
an
infinite
number
of
small
Creditors
,
or
few
Creditors
for
verie
great
summes
by
him
owing
;
so
that
the
greater
number
should
ouerrule
the
greater
summes
.
It
is
therefore
thought
conuenient
to
follow
the
greater
summes
,
which
neuer
the
lesse
doth
not
hinder
the
smaller
number
to
proceed
vpon
goods
appertaining
to
the
partie
,
if
they
can
find
them
,
if
by
the
said
authoritie
the
whole
estate
of
the
Decoctor
be
not
managed
:
Now
concerning
fugitiue
persons
(
being
indebted
)
if
they
be
Merchants
,
they
are
taken
pro
confesso
to
be
Decoctors
or
Bankrupts
,
The
statute
(
made
in
the
34
yeare
of
King
Henrie
8
)
hath
well
prouided
against
these
fugitiue
persons
,
All
meanes
of
strict
proceeding
are
to
be
vsed
against
those
fugitiue
Merchants
,
as
also
other
Decoctors
,
and
against
them
that
do
giue
them
any
aide
or
assistance
,
which
is
not
tollerated
by
the
law
:
for
he
that
will
helpe
them
because
he
may
the
sooner
recouer
of
him
his
owne
payment
,
may
be
conuicted
of
fraud
by
the
law
,
when
it
is
found
out
and
discouered
;
besides
that
,
the
other
Creditors
may
call
that
mony
backe
againe
to
be
distributed
amongst
them
.
And
the
Dictio
,
Nullo
modo
,
How
to
be
tak●n
.
nullo
modo
is
to
be
vnderstood
at
no
time
,
and
without
any
reason
of
excuse
,
in
all
other
things
prohibited
by
the
law
,
especially
in
this
which
concerneth
the
disturbers
of
commerce
,
so
much
to
be
celebrated
.
And
because
many
questions
do
arise
by
the
meanes
of
the
interruption
of
trafficke
by
Bankrupts
,
and
that
(
as
I
haue
noted
alreadie
)
the
lawes
in
most
countries
doe
differ
in
the
proceedings
against
them
:
I
haue
therefore
in
this
Chapter
made
a
more
ample
discourse
,
both
of
the
Ciuile
Law
,
the
customes
of
the
Merchants
courts
,
and
the
examples
and
lawes
of
other
countries
,
to
preuent
the
multiplicities
of
cases
which
might
be
alledged
by
true
obseruation
of
the
premisses
.
CHAP.
XLV
.
Of
Manufactures
.
HAuing
so
often
inculcated
that
important
argument
,
whereby
true
Merchants
are
to
be
carefull
,
That
trafficke
and
commerce
may
be
profitable
as
well
to
the
common-wealth
,
as
to
themselues
;
we
may
not
omit
to
intreate
of
Manufactures
,
as
an
important
matter
to
the
customarie
Law
of
Merchants
,
considering
the
aboundance
of
materials
and
stuffe
which
the
realms
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
doe
affoord
,
Experience
demonstrateth
vnto
vs
,
how
many
other
nations
(
hauing
not
stuffes
of
their
owne
,
but
from
others
)
do
neuerthelesse
set
their
people
on
worke
vpon
the
stuffe
and
materialls
of
other
countries
,
making
and
dispersing
the
same
into
a
large
trade
.
Therefore
it
is
conuenient
to
incourage
all
men
to
reward
new
inuentions
with
some
priuiledges
for
a
time
,
and
not
for
euer
,
Leuen
ende
laeten
leuen
,
To
liue
and
to
let
others
liue
.
This
is
to
be
regarded
also
by
states-men
,
The
commodities
which
are
not
made
at
all
,
or
but
in
small
quantitie
in
England
,
and
may
be
practised
,
are
manie
,
as
Buckrams
,
Tapistrie
,
Bustians
,
Cambrickes
,
Canuas
,
Cables
,
Babies
,
cloth
of
Gold
and
Siluer
,
Damaske
,
Diaper
,
Mather
,
Paper
,
and
diuers
other
things
;
all
which
may
bee
made
in
time
,
Quia
nemo
nascitur
artifex
.
And
herein
is
to
be
considered
,
That
all
other
nations
being
carefull
to
maintaine
manufactures
,
cannot
but
take
an
offence
,
if
any
other
nation
will
endeauour
to
doe
all
,
and
to
exclude
others
,
which
extremitie
enforceth
another
;
The
Impresa
,
Sceptra
foeuent
.
Artes
,
may
better
be
attributed
to
common-weales
or
popular
gouernments
,
than
vnto
Monarchies
or
Kingdomes
,
because
experience
proueth
the
same
vnto
vs
,
by
the
great
quantities
made
of
manufactures
,
and
dispersed
by
way
of
trade
;
as
we
haue
noted
by
the
laudable
engrossing
of
them
at
Norenbourgh
.
Quien
todo
lo
quiere
,
todo
lo
pierde
.
Setting
the
fishing
trade
apart
(
which
causeth
all
sorts
of
poore
to
imploy
their
hands
,
though
they
want
legs
)
let
me
recommend
vnto
you
,
Next
let
vs
somewhat
digresse
from
Manufacture
,
to
Apifacture
,
The
meanes
to
increase
Hony
and
Wax
,
doth
properly
consist
in
the
preferuation
of
Bees
,
and
the
making
of
conuenient
Skepes
or
Bee-hyues
after
a
new
inuention
:
Namely
,
you
may
make
your
Skepes
either
with
Straw
or
Wicker
of
two
sorts
,
Preseruation
of
Bees
for
the
Climate
of
Great
Brittaine
,
&c.
1
IN
Mareh
your
Bees
doe
beginne
to
breed
,
and
then
they
beginne
to
sit
,
let
them
at
that
time
bee
serued
twice
euerie
weeke
,
because
:
2
In
Aprill
your
Bees
beginne
to
hatch
,
serue
them
in
hard
and
rugged
weather
,
whereby
they
are
hindred
to
be
abroad
.
3
In
May
is
your
Bee
comming
forth
,
looke
to
serue
them
vntill
Midmay
.
4
In
Iune
are
your
Bees
in
their
strength
for
casting
,
and
then
there
is
great
plentie
of
Flowers
and
Dewes
for
them
to
feed
vpon
.
5
In
Iuly
they
are
full
of
Hony
,
therefore
cap
your
first
swarmes
,
and
take
vp
the
rest
for
Hony
that
you
meane
to
take
vp
for
that
yere
,
and
cap
as
followeth
.
6
In
August
is
the
most
breed
of
Bees
past
,
and
you
may
cappe
likewise
those
you
meane
to
keepe
ouer
the
yeare
;
I
meane
your
old
Stockes
,
for
then
they
may
forbeare
it
.
7
In
September
the
gathering
of
Bees
is
past
;
stop
close
,
and
if
there
bee
any
that
is
not
cappable
,
leaue
them
and
stop
close
with
clay
and
salt
,
and
daube
below
with
Cow
dung
as
the
manner
is
.
8
In
October
beginne
to
looke
whether
robbers
haue
spoiled
any
or
not
;
if
it
be
so
that
they
haue
,
take
away
your
Bees
as
in
Hony
time
,
and
set
vp
your
Skepes
with
the
combes
whole
,
to
be
vsed
as
hereafter
followeth
.
9
In
Nouember
stoppe
vp
all
holes
,
let
none
passe
in
or
out
;
but
if
they
prooue
weake
,
then
take
away
your
Bees
from
the
combes
,
and
keepe
them
for
the
second
and
third
swarmes
after
.
10
In
December
house
your
Bees
,
if
they
stand
cold
:
and
in
the
North
,
house
all
.
11
In
Ianuarie
turne
vp
your
Bees
,
and
throw
in
wort
,
and
water
and
hony
twice
or
thrice
,
but
let
your
water
be
warme
.
12
In
Februarie
set
foorth
and
serue
all
them
that
stand
in
need
,
with
wort
and
hony
,
or
hony
and
water
,
so
it
bee
warme
:
and
then
in
March
looke
for
their
breeding
,
as
is
before
declared
.
No
corrupt
combes
to
be
left
,
but
the
bad
are
to
be
taken
forth
in
the
Spring
time
(
being
in
feeding
)
and
when
you
haue
throwne
in
one
pinte
of
warme
worte
,
and
that
they
are
struggling
with
the
clammines
of
the
wort
;
then
may
you
verie
well
take
from
them
any
thing
that
doth
annoy
them
;
which
manner
of
dressing
you
may
obserue
for
many
yeares
during
your
Skepe
,
so
long
as
they
stand
to
worke
new
againe
.
Necessarie
obseruations
concerning
the
Premisses
.
FRom
the
middest
of
Aprill
,
vntill
the
midst
of
May
looke
diligently
to
thy
Bees
;
for
then
are
they
neere
beginning
to
hatch
,
and
doe
stand
in
need
of
most
helpe
,
especially
if
the
Spring
be
cold
,
Helpes
for
weake
Bees
at
all
times
.
TAke
water
and
hony
mixt
together
made
luke
warme
,
and
throw
it
amongst
the
combes
,
to
the
quantitie
of
a
pinte
at
a
time
:
or
strong
wort
new
runne
,
or
vnboyled
wort
also
luke
warme
,
and
the
same
two
or
three
times
at
the
most
;
and
this
for
the
first
Swarme
.
For
the
second
and
third
Swarme
must
be
giuen
in
their
Hiues
,
to
preserue
that
which
they
haue
gathered
:
Take
Mulce
,
which
is
eight
times
so
much
water
as
hony
,
boyled
to
a
quart
or
three
pintes
;
set
the
same
with
dishes
in
their
shepes
,
laying
a
few
strawes
in
the
dish
to
keep
them
from
drowning
.
Wort
and
figs
boyled
will
serue
also
.
The
smoake
(
as
it
were
the
Tabacco
of
Bees
)
wherein
they
delight
,
is
Cowes
or
Oxen
dung
,
sophisticated
with
sweet
wort
;
The
necessarie
vse
of
hony
and
wax
,
made
me
to
obserue
the
premisses
,
wishing
,
That
in
all
Parishes
of
Great
Brittaine
and
Ireland
,
all
the
Parsons
and
Vicars
in
Countrey
Townes
and
Villages
,
were
inioyned
to
keepe
Bees
for
their
owne
benefit
,
and
the
general
good
;
which
they
may
doe
conueniently
in
the
Churchyards
,
and
other
places
of
their
Gardens
,
and
some
of
their
children
or
schollers
may
attend
the
same
.
The
multiplying
of
Bees
is
easie
without
destroying
them
,
Plinius
,
Albertus
,
Varro
,
Columella
,
Palladius
,
Aristotle
,
Theophrastus
,
Cardanus
,
Guilielmus
de
Conchis
,
Agrippa
,
and
others
.
Returning
to
manufacture
,
and
to
conclude
this
argument
,
many
are
the
commodities
to
bee
made
of
Silke
,
Wooll
,
Linnen
,
Cotton
,
and
other
Stuffes
;
but
vaine
is
the
conceit
that
would
command
and
gouerne
them
all
.
But
as
we
haue
declared
before
,
in
the
Commutation
or
Barter
,
and
the
vse
of
them
,
lyeth
the
greatest
consideration
;
and
in
the
setting
of
people
on
worke
to
auoid
Idlenesse
,
the
disturber
of
Common-weales
,
which
causeth
men
to
make
Plantations
and
Discoueries
of
other
Countries
,
whereof
incidently
wee
are
now
to
handle
something
,
seeing
that
Merchants
haue
the
managing
thereof
.
CHAP.
XLVI
.
Of
Plantations
of
People
,
and
new
Discoueries
.
WHen
the
Common-wealth
of
the
Empire
of
the
Romanes
grew
to
bee
very
populous
,
and
men
(
idle
)
would
haue
stirred
more
commotions
:
The
vnfatigable
industrie
to
make
a
compleat
Plantation
in
Virginia
,
and
the
Island
of
Bermudus
,
Make
choice
of
some
honest
Shoemakers
likely
to
try
aduentures
and
to
inrich
themselues
,
know
of
them
how
many
paire
of
Shoes
they
make
yearely
,
whereby
they
liue
and
their
families
,
although
victualls
be
deare
.
Then
let
them
know
,
that
foure
or
fiue
times
so
many
shall
be
taken
from
them
,
and
Leather
bee
deliuered
them
,
if
they
will
goe
and
inhabite
in
Virginia
,
where
they
shall
haue
houses
and
lands
for
themselues
and
their
heires
for
euer
,
and
their
worke
shall
be
taken
from
them
,
and
they
shal
be
duely
paied
,
and
that
a
certaine
number
onely
shall
haue
this
priuiledge
for
certaine
yeares
,
and
none
others
to
be
admitted
,
albeit
the
number
of
people
doe
increase
;
wherby
they
may
be
sure
of
a
certain
beneficial
liuing
.
And
no
doubt
they
wil
aduenture
that
little
they
haue
to
inrich
their
means
and
estate
,
and
persuade
their
wiues
and
seruants
to
go
with
them
,
who
may
succeed
them
vpon
other
good
conditions
.
The
like
is
to
be
done
with
Taylors
,
Bakers
,
Brewers
,
and
other
handicraftes-men
,
and
(
so
conceauing
a
common-wealth
within
themselues
)
wil
resolue
and
encourage
many
that
are
of
some
meanes
to
accompanie
others
of
smaller
means
,
whereby
the
base
minded
will
be
brought
to
be
also
painefull
and
industrious
in
time
,
and
the
charge
of
the
vndertakers
will
be
lesse
,
and
more
commodious
to
prouide
the
voyages
with
facilitie
.
The
like
was
to
be
put
in
practise
by
the
Hollanders
,
in
the
Island
of
saint
Thomas
vnder
the
line
:
but
the
extreamitie
of
the
heate
of
that
Climate
did
bring
a
disorder
,
and
the
attempt
was
giuen
ouer
.
It
is
more
like
to
be
established
in
other
places
:
for
albeit
the
warres
in
Europe
will
diminish
the
people
,
yet
most
countries
are
populous
.
Politicians
although
they
are
much
mistaken
in
the
number
of
parishes
of
seuerall
kingdomes
,
yet
are
they
not
in
the
number
of
the
persons
or
inhabitants
.
France
containing
by
late
estimation
about
27400
parishes
,
England
containing
9725
parishes
,
52
shires
,
and
26
cities
,
is
esteemed
in
28
hundreth
thousand
families
of
six
persons
,
which
maketh
16
millions
,
and
800
thousand
persons
.
Scotland
containing
aboue
4000
parishes
,
is
esteemed
to
haue
about
1500
thousand
persons
or
families
of
six
persons
,
is
nine
millions
of
persons
.
Ireland
containing
5500
parishes
,
was
esteemed
not
to
containe
the
two
third
parts
of
Scotland
,
which
is
now
much
increased
.
The
prouince
of
Flanders
(
one
of
the
17
Netherlands
)
esteemed
to
containe
140
thousand
families
,
of
fiue
persons
,
is
700
thousand
persons
,
which
is
more
than
the
kingdome
of
Denmarke
being
ten
times
more
spacious
.
Now
omitting
to
speake
of
other
countries
,
The
Plantation
of
Vlster
(
one
of
the
foure
Prouinces
of
Ireland
)
is
now
verie
great
,
and
the
meanes
to
set
the
people
on
worke
are
to
be
taken
in
hand
,
which
may
be
done
by
a
Corporation
of
English
and
Irish
Merchants
there
inhabiting
,
and
English
Merchants
in
England
to
vent
the
superfluities
of
the
commodities
of
that
kingdome
,
and
to
increase
the
manufacture
of
many
needfull
commodities
to
bee
made
there
,
the
realme
affording
stuffe
and
materialls
thereunto
plentiously
.
And
here
I
remember
a
good
obseruation
heretofore
made
touching
the
kingdome
of
Ireland
,
Why
the
same
was
not
brought
vnto
perfect
obedience
to
their
soueraigne
these
400
year●s
,
but
vnder
our
most
gratious
king
Iames
?
which
is
attributed
to
the
mistaking
of
the
place
of
the
plantation
of
the
first
aduenturers
,
that
were
deceiued
in
their
choice
;
Ferdinand
de
Quir
,
a
Spanish
Captaine
;
let
vs
consider
,
that
many
other
countries
may
also
be
found
out
:
albeit
this
containeth
a
fifth
part
of
the
world
,
for
(
as
he
saieth
to
Philip
the
third
,
late
king
of
Spaine
)
the
length
thereof
is
as
great
as
all
Europe
,
and
Asia
the
lesse
,
vnto
the
sea
of
Bachu
,
Persia
,
and
all
the
Isles
,
as
well
of
the
Ocean
,
as
of
the
Mediterranean
sea
,
taking
England
and
Island
into
this
account
;
seated
within
Zona
Torrida
,
and
a
great
thereof
reacheth
vnto
the
Equinoctiall
Circle
,
eleuated
vnto
them
to
90
degrees
aboue
the
Horizon
,
and
in
some
places
a
little
lesse
.
There
they
liue
without
Kings
or
Lawes
,
and
know
no
neighbourhood
either
of
Turkes
or
Moores
;
and
according
to
this
maner
of
life
(
although
they
want
Yron
and
Guns
)
they
haue
not
need
of
any
thing
.
But
they
abound
with
many
excellent
commodities
,
whereof
the
Spaniards
will
in
time
make
vse
,
especially
if
they
be
more
assured
of
Gold
there
to
be
found
,
as
in
part
they
are
of
Siluer
and
Pearles
;
for
these
are
the
three
most
pretious
darlings
that
lie
and
are
cherrished
in
the
bosome
of
Nature
.
To
say
nothing
of
Spices
and
Drugs
whereof
they
abound
,
with
many
other
commodities
,
by
the
said
Captaine
declared
.
And
here
we
may
not
omit
to
remember
,
That
it
is
not
enough
to
discouer
countries
,
and
leaue
them
without
plantation
,
or
at
the
least
neglect
the
vse
of
them
▪
if
Merchants
do
giue
ouer
their
enterprises
:
But
it
is
the
part
of
Princes
to
see
plantations
made
,
Richard
Whitbourne
hath
verie
well
declared
in
his
discouerie
,
affirming
the
spaciousnesse
thereof
to
be
almost
as
Ireland
:
and
therein
he
hath
noted
many
disorderly
courses
committed
by
some
Traders
and
fishing
Merchants
,
in
setting
forth
to
the
New-found-land
,
which
are
worthie
the
obseruation
and
knowledge
of
Merchants
,
because
that
the
like
errors
may
not
be
committed
in
other
voyages
,
which
by
this
good
aduice
may
be
preuented
or
reformed
.
It
is
well
knowne
,
saieth
he
,
For
by
the
hasting
forth
(
as
now
they
vse
)
they
greatly
endanger
themselues
,
being
many
times
beaten
with
rough
and
stormie
windes
,
and
oftentimes
they
are
thereby
forced
to
returne
backe
with
great
losse
both
of
mens
liues
and
goods
,
as
it
is
well
knowne
;
so
that
to
get
the
superioritie
to
arriue
there
first
in
an
Harbour
,
they
will
beare
such
an
ouerprest
saile
,
and
in
so
desperate
a
maner
,
as
there
are
no
true
vnderstanding
sea-men
that
vse
the
like
to
any
place
of
the
world
.
For
albeit
when
the
fogs
are
thicke
,
and
the
nights
darke
,
that
sometimes
they
cannot
discerne
the
length
of
three
ships
in
the
way
before
them
,
and
the
yee
often
threatning
much
perill
vnto
them
;
yet
on
runnes
the
ship
amaine
so
fast
as
po●sibly
she
may
,
when
commonly
most
part
of
the
companie
are
fast
a
sleepe
,
euen
with
extreame
hazard
of
their
liues
.
Thus
many
times
both
ships
and
men
haue
beene
cast
away
suddenly
,
to
the
vtter
vndoing
of
many
aduenturers
and
families
.
And
also
this
vntimely
setting
forth
consumeth
a
great
quantitie
of
victualls
that
might
be
saued
to
better
purpose
,
and
it
forceth
them
to
carrie
and
recarrie
many
more
men
in
euerie
ship
(
euerie
voyage
)
than
they
need
,
if
they
once
take
a
fitter
course
.
Such
Stages
and
Houses
that
the
first
arriuers
find
standing
in
any
Harbors
(
wherein
men
set
diuers
necessaries
,
and
also
salt
their
fish
)
some
men
haue
vsed
to
pull
downe
,
or
taken
their
pleasures
of
them
:
by
which
vnfit
disorders
of
some
first
arriuers
there
yearely
,
those
which
arriue
after
them
are
sometimes
twentie
daies
and
more
,
to
prouide
boords
and
timber
to
fit
their
boats
for
fishing
,
and
other
necessarie
roomes
to
salt
and
drie
their
fish
on
,
whereby
much
time
is
lost
,
and
victualls
consumed
to
no
purpose
,
and
thereby
also
the
voyages
of
the
after-commers
are
often
greatly
hindered
and
prolonged
,
to
the
generall
hurt
of
the
common-wealth
:
and
the
mariners
themselues
which
commit
those
great
abuses
are
thereby
also
much
wronged
,
as
themselues
may
conceiue
.
Wherefore
if
such
as
henceforth
aduenture
to
that
countrie
,
take
some
better
course
in
that
trade
of
fishing
than
heretofore
they
haue
vsed
,
they
shall
find
the
greater
safetie
of
their
aduentures
,
and
much
good
thereby
.
And
thus
euerie
mans
fishing
Pinnaces
may
bee
preserued
in
such
perfect
readinesse
,
against
his
Ship
shall
yearely
arriue
there
againe
;
which
Pinnaces
are
now
often
lost
,
and
sometimes
torne
in
pieces
by
the
first
arriuers
there
,
very
disorderly
:
and
if
such
Pinnaces
,
Stages
,
and
Houses
may
bee
maintained
and
kept
in
such
readinesse
yearely
,
it
would
bee
the
most
pleasant
,
profitable
and
commodious
trade
of
fishing
that
is
at
this
time
in
any
part
of
the
world
.
For
then
euerie
Ships
companie
might
fall
to
fishing
the
verie
next
or
second
day
after
their
arriuall
,
whereas
now
it
is
twentie
dayes
before
they
are
fitted
;
and
then
such
Ships
should
not
need
so
soone
to
hast
away
from
England
by
one
moneth
,
at
the
least
mens
liues
might
be
thereby
much
the
better
saued
,
lesse
victualls
wasted
,
and
many
dangers
preuented
.
And
so
euerie
Ship
in
euerie
such
voyage
,
may
gaine
quickely
one
hundred
pounds
,
that
vsually
carrie
in
her
but
twentie
men
more
than
now
they
doe
,
by
leauing
of
foure
men
there
of
twentie
.
And
as
the
proportion
before
named
holds
,
for
leauing
sixe
men
in
New-found-land
of
thirtie
;
so
the
allowing
of
men
to
be
made
proportionably
fro
euerie
Ship
,
By
this
meanes
will
shipping
increase
,
men
be
imployed
,
and
two
voyages
may
be
made
yearely
,
and
much
victuall
saued
:
for
the
allowance
of
victuall
to
maintaine
sixe
men
to
carrie
them
and
recarrie
them
outwards
and
homewards
,
is
sixe
Hogsheads
of
Beere
,
and
sixe
hundred
weight
of
Bread
,
besides
Beefe
and
other
prouision
:
which
men
as
they
sayle
too
and
fro
(
as
now
they
vse
)
doe
little
good
or
any
seruice
at
all
,
but
pester
the
Ship
in
which
they
are
,
with
their
Bread
,
Beere
,
Water
,
Wood
,
Victuall
,
Fish
,
Chests
,
and
diuers
other
trumperies
that
euery
such
sixe
men
doe
cumber
the
Ship
withall
yearely
from
thence
,
which
men
are
to
be
accounted
vnnecessary
persons
returning
yearely
from
thence
.
But
being
left
in
the
countrey
in
manner
aforesaid
,
the
places
of
these
Ships
which
by
them
should
haue
been
preoccupied
,
may
be
filled
vp
yearely
with
good
fish
,
and
many
beneficiall
commodities
;
and
the
men
so
left
in
the
countrey
,
will
not
only
be
free
from
the
perils
of
the
Seas
by
not
returning
yearely
,
but
will
liue
there
very
pleasantly
,
and
(
if
they
be
industrious
people
)
gaine
twice
as
much
in
the
absence
of
the
Ships
,
more
than
twelue
men
shall
be
able
to
benefit
their
masters
that
are
kept
vpon
Farmes
,
Furres
may
be
procured
not
onely
by
taking
the
beasts
,
but
by
setling
(
in
processe
of
time
)
a
traffick
with
the
Sauages
for
their
Furres
of
Beuer
,
Martins
,
Seale
,
Otters
,
&
many
other
things
.
Finally
,
the
rocks
and
mountaines
are
good
for
seeds
,
rootes
,
and
vines
;
and
the
Climate
is
temperate
,
seeing
the
greatest
part
thereof
lieth
aboue
three
degrees
neerer
to
the
South
than
any
part
of
England
doth
;
which
hath
also
mooued
mee
to
write
the
said
commendations
of
New-found-land
,
by
the
affirmation
made
vnto
me
by
the
said
Captain
,
to
the
end
all
Merchants
might
further
this
intended
Plantation
,
whereby
the
fishing
trade
may
bee
much
aduanced
,
and
the
fish
it selfe
become
more
vendible
,
which
shall
bee
prepared
by
the
inhabitants
of
the
persons
to
be
left
there
.
For
it
is
well
approoued
by
all
those
that
yearely
fish
for
Herrings
,
CHAP.
XLVII
.
Of
the
Fishing
Trade
.
SOme
men
may
wonder
,
and
not
without
iust
cause
,
That
this
most
important
argument
of
Fishing
hath
not
beene
handled
hitherto
.
But
in
truth
my
meaning
was
not
to
haue
touched
the
same
,
because
of
the
neglect
of
it
in
the
Kingdomes
of
Great
Brittaine
,
and
Ireland
,
where
the
same
is
abandoned
vnto
other
Nations
:
howbeit
vpon
better
consideration
(
calling
many
things
to
mind
)
I
found
that
it
would
haue
beene
a
great
error
to
passe
ouer
the
same
with
silence
,
and
to
omit
the
Customes
of
Merchants
therein
,
as
the
fundamentall
cause
of
the
trafficke
and
trade
of
diuers
Nations
,
whose
great
wealth
hath
proceeded
from
the
same
.
For
it
hath
pleased
almightie
God
,
to
extend
his
blessings
herein
,
more
than
in
all
other
things
created
:
For
when
God
said
to
the
earth
,
Let
it
bring
forth
Trees
and
Plants
:
Let
the
Fowle
flie
in
the
open
firmament
:
and
of
Cattle
,
Let
the
earth
bring
foorth
the
liuing
thing
according
to
his
kind
:
He
saith
of
Fishes
in
a
peculiar
phrase
,
Let
the
waters
bring
foorth
in
aboundance
,
euery
thing
that
hath
life
;
and
willed
them
to
increase
and
multiply
and
to
fill
the
waters
,
which
was
the
cause
that
the
Prophet
Dauid
,
being
rauished
with
admiration
,
saith
;
O
Lord
,
how
manifold
are
thy
workes
,
in
wisedome
hast
thou
made
them
all
,
and
the
earth
is
full
of
thy
riches
:
so
is
the
great
and
wide
sea
also
,
wherein
are
things
creeping
innumerable
,
both
small
and
great
beasts
.
The
earth
is
full
,
but
in
the
sea
are
innumerable
.
Of
the
beasts
of
the
earth
the
learned
haue
obserued
,
Scaliger
,
Bodin
,
Ca●dan
,
and
others
.
That
there
be
scarse
120
seuerall
kinds
,
and
not
much
more
of
the
fowl●s
of
the
ayre
:
but
no
man
can
reckon
the
seuerall
kindes
of
the
creatures
of
the
seas
,
or
can
number
any
one
kind
.
This
ought
to
stirre
vs
vp
to
establish
the
fishing
trade
,
especially
for
Herrings
,
Cod
,
and
Ling
,
which
tooke
his
originall
from
vs
:
for
it
is
not
much
aboue
one
hundreth
yeares
since
that
one
Violet
Stephens
,
And
here
I
am
to
make
a
little
abridgement
of
the
collection
of
one
Tobias
Gentleman
,
a
Fisher-man
,
who
made
a
Treatise
touching
the
same
,
intituled
Englands
way
to
win
wealth
,
and
to
imploy
Ships
and
Mariners
,
Hereupon
hee
sheweth
,
That
about
Mid-may
they
make
readie
their
Busses
,
and
Fisher-fleetes
,
and
by
the
first
of
Iune
(
their
Stile
)
they
are
seene
to
sayle
out
of
the
Mase
,
Texell
,
and
the
Vly
,
a
thousand
sayle
together
for
to
catch
Herrings
in
the
North
Seas
,
being
most
of
them
ships
of
120
,
or
100
tunnes
,
and
the
other
60
tunnes
or
thereabouts
;
hauing
in
them
24
men
,
and
some
16
,
and
20
in
euery
ship
;
&
they
continue
their
course
North-west
and
by
North
,
vntill
they
arriue
at
the
Isle
of
Shotland
,
Their
fishing
for
Cod
and
Lings
continually
is
done
with
smaller
ships
(
of
40
tun
burden
)
called
Pinkes
and
Welboats
,
and
all
this
is
done
with
so
good
order
and
prouision
,
They
haue
besides
all
this
(
continually
in
the
season
)
another
fleete
of
Fisher-men
(
called
Flyboats
)
which
are
in
number
some
two
hundreth
or
more
,
and
these
be
at
the
North-East
of
Shotland
,
hauing
small
boats
with
them
,
called
Cobles
,
and
by
meanes
of
them
Lings
are
taken
in
great
aboundance
,
which
they
do
not
barrell
,
but
splet
and
salt
them
in
the
ships
bulke
.
To
say
nothing
of
fresh
Fish
,
and
other
prettie
obseruations
of
the
said
Tobias
Gentleman
,
let
vs
note
the
commodious
fisher-townes
of
England
,
as
Colchester
,
Harwich
,
Orford
,
Alborough
,
Donwich
,
Others
say
,
To
these
two
obiections
,
The
one
being
Domesticke
,
and
the
other
Forraine
,
I
make
this
answere
;
which
is
referred
to
the
iudicious
reader
.
in
specie
be
wanting
,
which
by
these
meanes
would
be
supplyed
.
And
concerning
the
priuiledges
graunted
to
seuerall
societies
,
it
will
bee
easie
to
reconcile
them
by
good
orders
to
be
obserued
in
the
fishing
trade
;
wherein
all
men
of
seuerall
companies
may
participate
,
and
the
generall
good
is
alwaies
to
be
preferred
before
the
particular
,
and
that
societie
which
is
against
the
common
good
ought
not
to
bee
admitted
or
continued
for
any
priuate
respect
.
The
managing
to
make
fish
more
merchantable
and
vendible
,
may
be
learned
of
others
in
time
,
and
for
wages
men
will
be
procured
that
shall
teach
others
;
we
know
that
the
prouerbe
is
true
,
omne
principium
graue
.
The
like
may
bee
said
touching
the
fraight
of
shipping
,
which
in
processe
of
time
may
be
had
in
the
same
manner
,
if
the
coast
Townes
of
England
were
made
and
appropriated
to
bee
the
Ware-houses
or
Megasins
for
the
grosse
commodities
of
those
countries
where
the
Herrings
are
sold
:
For
the
scituation
of
England
is
farre
more
commodious
to
send
away
the
said
commodities
for
all
other
countries
,
and
in
diuers
places
at
all
times
and
seasons
of
the
yeare
,
when
their
countries
are
frozen
for
many
moneths
together
,
or
want
many
times
winde
and
weather
to
performe
their
voyages
,
which
was
the
cause
that
the
Hamburgers
could
not
conueniently
continue
their
fishing
trade
,
as
is
alledged
.
Hauing
answered
sufficiently
(
as
I
hope
)
the
two
maine
obiections
against
the
fishing
trade
,
let
vs
now
examine
the
benefit
of
it
,
by
the
calculation
made
by
the
said
gentleman
.
Now
to
shew
truely
,
saith
he
,
what
the
charge
of
a
Busse
will
be
,
with
all
her
furniture
,
as
Masts
,
And
the
whole
charge
for
the
keeping
of
her
at
sea
,
for
the
whole
Summer
,
or
three
voyages
,
for
the
filling
of
a
hundred
Last
of
caske
or
barrels
.
-
100
Last
of
barrels
—
72
ll
-
For
salt
4
moneths
—
88
ll
-
Beere
4
moneths
—
42
ll
-
For
bread
4
moneths
—
21
ll
-
Bacon
and
butter
—
18
ll
-
For
pease
and
billets
—
6
ll
-
For
mens
wages
4
moneths
—
88
ll
-
335
ll
A
hundred
Last
of
barrels
filled
and
sold
at
10
pounds
the
Last
,
is
1000
ll
0
0
The
charge
deducted
335
0
0
Gotten
665
0
0
Here
(
saith
he
)
plainely
appeareth
,
The
charge
of
a
Pinke
of
eighteene
or
twentie
Last
,
He
hath
noted
moreouer
,
that
besides
the
Hollanders
,
the
French
men
of
Picardie
haue
also
a
hundreth
saile
of
fishermen
onely
for
Herrings
,
on
his
maiesties
seas
euerie
yeare
in
the
Summer
season
,
and
they
be
almost
like
vnto
Busses
,
but
they
haue
not
any
gagers
to
come
vnto
them
:
but
they
do
lade
themselues
,
and
returne
home
twice
euerie
yeare
,
and
find
great
profit
by
their
making
of
two
voyages
yearely
.
And
hereupon
he
concludeth
with
an
exhortation
to
all
noble
,
But
now
returning
to
the
lawfulnesse
of
fishing
,
wherein
we
are
to
obserue
,
That
albeit
hunting
,
hawking
,
and
fishing
be
of
one
kind
,
as
subiect
to
a
like
law
and
libertie
,
because
that
any
wild
beast
,
fowle
or
fish
being
once
taken
by
any
man
,
commonly
it
becommeth
his
owne
proper
by
the
law
of
nations
;
yet
there
is
a
difference
between
these
three
:
and
although
hunting
and
hawking
be
almost
euerie
where
lawfull
,
yet
fishing
is
forbidden
in
other
mens
ponds
,
stankes
,
and
lakes
,
as
comparable
vnto
theft
.
Statute
Lawes
of
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
,
concerning
fishing
.
THe
seuerall
Statutes
of
these
kingdomes
haue
established
good
orders
concerning
the
fishing
trade
,
whereunto
relation
may
be
had
,
containing
in
substance
,
the
ordinances
to
build
ships
and
boats
,
and
appointing
of
certaine
times
for
fishing
,
and
then
onely
to
fish
,
vpon
paines
not
onely
of
forfeitures
and
fines
,
but
death
also
,
according
to
the
manner
of
offence
made
,
and
contempt
of
those
decrees
and
ordinances
.
Prohibiting
(
for
the
increase
of
fishes
)
the
making
,
setting
and
vsing
of
crowes
,
yarres
,
dams
,
ditches
,
tramlets
,
parkings
,
dyking
in
any
waters
where
the
sea
ebbes
and
flowes
:
and
albeit
some
are
permitted
to
lay
nets
,
and
to
make
weares
,
yet
must
he
keep
the
Saturdaies
slop
,
that
is
,
to
lift
the
same
from
Saturday
in
the
afternoone
vntill
Monday
.
And
he
is
to
make
each
space
or
mesh
of
his
nets
three
ynches
wide
,
except
for
taking
of
Smelts
,
and
other
fish
which
will
neuer
be
bigger
,
and
the
same
is
to
be
set
vpon
the
water
,
that
the
midstreame
may
haue
the
space
of
six
foot
wide
,
vpon
paine
of
fiue
pounds
.
It
is
also
prouided
,
That
fishers
shall
not
hurt
one
another
,
and
the
measure
of
their
nets
are
limited
in
length
and
breadth
:
and
also
that
no
drag-net
be
set
before
March
,
nor
vpon
deeper
water
than
foureteene
fathome
.
Also
that
they
shall
be
honest
and
true
,
and
not
lie
to
their
neighbours
,
being
asked
concerning
the
length
and
depth
of
their
ropes
or
tewes
when
they
are
in
driuing
;
neither
shall
they
wittingly
and
willingly
suffer
their
tewes
to
flit
and
run
ouer
one
another
,
vnder
paine
of
ten
pounds
for
euerie
offence
.
That
till
Sunne
set
on
Sunday
,
no
man
lay
nor
hale
nets
or
great
lines
,
or
exercise
any
labour
,
vpon
paine
as
aforesaid
.
And
for
the
incouraging
of
Fishers
in
the
North
and
West
Isles
of
Scotland
,
there
is
a
Statute
prohibiting
all
exactions
to
bee
taken
of
them
,
but
onely
the
Kings
Custome
,
vpon
paine
to
be
found
to
be
a
manifest
oppressor
.
And
Concerning
Fishers
and
dealers
or
traffickers
with
fishes
,
it
is
also
ordained
,
That
not
onely
all
fish
slaine
and
taken
neere
to
the
coast
of
Scotland
be
brought
to
the
market
places
,
In
like
manner
concerning
the
barrelling
of
fishes
,
Let
vs
now
remember
in
this
place
the
fishing
of
New-found-land
,
|
|
ll.
|
ss.
|
d.
|
|
Bisket
a
pound
ꝑ
day
to
a
man
,
is
120
quintals
,
at
9
ss
|
47
|
16
|
0
|
|
Syder
and
Beere
,
one
hogshead
a
day
,
with
cask
yron
bound
,
12
tuns
at
50
ss
,
and
48
tuns
caske
,
at
20
ss
,
more
25
tuns
of
Beere
,
at
50
ss
,
and
35
tuns
Syder
,
at
50
ss
is
|
180
|
0
|
0
|
|
Water
caske
new
,
and
yron
bound
10
tuns
,
at
45
ss
|
22
|
10
|
0
|
|
Beefe
two
pound
ꝑ
day
,
is
100
ll
weight
for
three
dayes
a
week
,
is
in
all
96
dayes
,
and
8500
and
3
quarters
,
at
26
ss
the
hundreth
,
is
|
111
|
0
|
0
|
|
Caske
yron
bound
,
500
weight
in
a
Hogshead
repacked
,
and
Salt
|
12
|
0
|
0
|
|
6000
Newfoundland
fish
,
at
4
ll
10
ss
with
the
caske
,
is
|
27
|
0
|
0
|
|
24
Bushels
of
Pease
,
20
bushels
of
Oat-meale
,
two
barrells
of
Oyle
|
14
|
12
|
0
|
|
Butter
sixe
firkins
,
Cheese
½
ll
a
day
,
Aquauite
and
vinegar
|
60
|
0
|
0
|
|
Candels
,
Platters
,
Chirurgeons
Chests
,
&c.
|
65
|
0
|
0
|
|
|
539
|
18
|
0
|
which
said
summe
of
539
ll
18
0
,
amounteth
vnto
28
ss
a
man
for
euery
moneth
,
besides
the
ships
fraight
and
mens
wages
,
which
may
be
agreed
vpon
diuersly
.
And
commonly
the
Company
is
permitted
to
haue
one
third
,
the
Owners
of
the
ship
one
third
,
and
the
Merchant
or
Merchandize
one
third
:
all
other
incident
charges
to
bee
borne
accordingly
betweene
them
,
whereof
Indentures
of
couenants
are
made
.
Hauing
reserued
to
intreat
of
this
important
businesse
of
Fishing
,
in
the
end
of
this
first
Part
of
Lex
Mercatoria
,
concerning
commodities
,
which
are
compared
to
the
Body
of
Traffick
,
together
with
the
Sea-lawes
obserued
therein
,
with
all
other
Customes
of
Commerce
:
Let
vs
now
proceed
to
the
Second
Part
,
touching
Moneys
,
being
the
Soule
of
Trafficke
,
which
in
times
past
were
noted
to
be
raised
by
the
fishing
trade
(
now
so
much
neglected
)
appertaining
to
the
Kingdoms
of
Great
Brittaine
,
and
Ireland
,
as
hath
beene
shewed
euen
by
originall
Antiquitie
.
The
correspondence
and
long
entercourse
between
the
Societie
of
Gold-smiths
and
Fishmongers
alludeth
hereunto
:
For
Saint
Dunstane
the
Bishop
,
THE
SECOND
PART
OF
LEX
MERCATORIA
,
or
the
Auncient
Law-Merchant
;
concerning
Moneys
,
compared
to
the
Soule
of
TRAFFICKE
and
COMMERCE
.
WEe
haue
alreadie
compared
the
three
Simples
or
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
,
namely
Commodities
,
Money
,
and
Exchange
of
Moneys
,
vnto
the
Bodie
,
Soule
,
and
Spirit
:
And
in
our
first
p●rt
of
Lex
Mercatoria
,
treated
of
Commodities
,
as
the
Bodie
of
Trafficke
,
with
the
dependances
thereupon
,
as
being
properly
the
causes
of
Commerce
,
with
their
Effects
,
Adi●ncts
,
and
Accidents
:
which
methode
we
are
now
also
to
obserue
in
this
second
part
of
the
Law-Merchant
,
concerning
Moneys
,
compared
to
the
Soule
,
which
infuseth
life
vnto
Trafficke
by
the
meanes
of
Eq●alitie
and
Equitie
,
preuenting
aduantage
betweene
Buyers
and
Sellers
.
And
because
Money
is
made
of
Mettals
,
wherof
we
haue
not
spoken
in
the
Chapter
of
the
Commodities
whereby
Commerce
is
maintained
,
here
we
are
to
begin
with
the
verie
originall
of
Mettals
and
Mines
,
as
a
matter
worthie
the
knowledge
of
Merchants
and
others
.
First
we
find
,
That
when
commodities
began
much
to
abound
in
the
world
,
all
manner
of
mettall
,
as
Gold
,
Siluer
,
Copper
,
Tin
,
Lead
and
Yron
grew
into
greater
estimation
,
as
being
fit
and
more
dureable
for
preseruation
;
and
so
the
purest
and
finest
Mettall
most
esteemed
.
At
which
time
the
riches
of
men
was
notwithstanding
described
to
consist
of
cattel
,
commodities
,
and
other
moueables
:
Publica
Mensura
.
to
maintaine
a
certaine
euenhood
or
equalitie
in
buying
and
selling
;
and
the
same
to
haue
his
standing
valuation
only
by
publicke
authoritie
,
to
the
end
that
all
things
might
equally
passe
by
trade
from
one
man
to
another
.
a
monendo
,
to
shew
you
the
name
of
the
Prince
;
vel
nummi
nota
,
and
consequently
the
price
of
the
peece
of
coyne
by
his
authoritie
made
,
stamped
,
and
valued
.
Pecus
fuit
Pecuniae
fundamentum
.
Pecunia
is
deriued
a
Pecude
,
of
Cattell
,
as
of
Sheepe
and
Oxen
,
the
figure
whereof
was
coyned
thereupon
,
Nummus
,
a
numerando
,
vel
nomine
,
of
the
name
of
the
Prince
stamped
vpon
it
;
and
also
so
called
,
Carolus
Guildren
or
Floren
;
so
a
Ducat
of
Ducatus
,
the
name
of
a
Duke
.
And
in
times
past
being
called
Stipendium
,
was
à
stipe
&
pendo
,
before
the
same
was
coyned
with
a
stampe
,
but
made
and
weighed
,
being
siluer
,
as
the
Cicle
of
the
Hebrewes
.
The
Romans
in
times
past
vsed
copper
Moneys
,
calling
their
Exchequer
Aerarium
.
So
in
Germanie
it
is
called
Argentarium
of
the
Siluer
,
and
being
kept
at
Strasbourgh
,
that
citie
is
called
Argentina
.
The
first
Siluer
moneys
coyned
was
the
484
yeare
of
the
foundation
of
Rome
;
And
the
coynes
of
Gold
was
sixtie
and
two
yeres
after
that
.
Since
the
foundation
of
Rome
vntill
the
yeare
of
1622
are
2373
yeares
.
The
finesse
of
Gold
is
twentie
and
foure
Carrats
,
Let
vs
now
speake
of
the
properties
of
Moneys
in
the
course
of
Trafficke
,
and
make
the
effects
thereof
apparant
.
The
first
propertie
is
,
That
plentie
of
Money
maketh
generally
all
things
deere
,
and
scarcitie
of
Money
maketh
generally
things
good
cheape
:
whereas
particularly
commodities
are
also
deere
or
good
cheape
,
according
to
plentie
or
scarcitie
of
the
commodities
themselues
,
and
the
vse
of
them
.
Money
then
(
as
the
Bloud
in
the
bodie
)
containeth
the
Soule
which
infuseth
life
;
for
if
Money
be
wanting
,
Trafficke
doth
decrease
,
although
commodities
be
aboundant
and
good
cheape
:
and
on
the
contrarie
,
if
Moneys
be
plentifull
,
Commerce
increaseth
,
although
commodities
be
scarce
,
and
the
price
thereof
is
thereby
more
aduanced
.
Nay
by
Money
a
trade
is
made
for
the
imployment
of
it
both
at
home
and
abroad
:
For
those
countries
(
where
things
are
good
cheape
)
are
destitute
of
trade
,
and
want
Moneys
;
and
although
things
for
the
bellie
are
good
cheape
,
there
is
lesse
benefit
to
be
made
by
Merchants
.
According
to
plentie
or
scarcitie
of
Money
then
,
generally
commodities
become
deere
or
good
cheape
,
and
so
it
came
to
passe
of
late
yeares
,
that
euerie
thing
is
inhaunced
in
price
by
the
aboundance
of
Bullion
and
Moneys
(
which
came
from
the
West-Indies
into
Europe
)
which
like
vnto
an
Ocean
,
So
that
plentie
of
Money
concurring
herein
made
euerie
thing
deerer
,
and
especially
the
forreine
commodities
,
as
we
haue
noted
before
,
which
caused
some
men
to
be
of
opinion
,
That
our
Moneys
should
be
more
inhaunced
(
as
it
were
)
striuing
therein
to
exceed
other
nations
,
wherein
they
are
farre
from
the
marke
,
That
the
vnknowne
disease
putteth
out
the
Physitians
eye
.
The
plentie
of
Money
required
,
must
be
,
not
with
a
consideration
that
we
haue
(
or
may
seeme
to
haue
)
more
moneys
than
in
times
past
,
but
according
to
the
present
great
quantitie
and
aboundance
of
Moneyes
now
found
in
all
countries
,
which
(
in
effect
)
haue
more
proportionable
part
thereof
than
England
hath
.
Neither
was
Money
more
plentifull
when
an
ounce
of
Siluer
was
valued
but
twentie
pence
,
(
iudging
of
Money
as
we
do
of
Commodities
,
either
deere
or
good
cheape
according
to
the
price
)
for
Money
must
be
still
the
measure
,
and
ouerruleth
the
course
of
Commodities
:
Howbeit
Exchange
of
Moneys
,
is
predominant
ouer
Commodities
and
Moneys
,
as
shall
be
declared
hereafter
.
The
second
propertie
of
Money
(
proceeding
from
the
operation
of
Vsurie
deuised
thereupon
,
Thus
much
for
an
Introduction
concerning
Moneys
.
Now
let
vs
beginne
from
the
originall
of
Mettalls
,
and
so
descend
to
the
Particulars
and
Accidents
.
*
⁎
*
CHAP.
I.
Of
the
Essence
or
Existence
of
Mettalls
.
ALl
Philosophers
(
by
the
light
of
Nature
and
long
obseruation
)
haue
determined
that
the
sperme
,
or
seed
of
all
things
,
created
of
the
foure
Elements
,
doth
in
a
secret
manner
lowre
within
the
two
Elements
of
Water
and
Earth
;
and
that
Nature
doth
continually
worke
to
produce
perfect
things
,
but
is
hindered
therein
by
accidentall
causes
,
w●ich
are
the
begetters
of
corruption
and
imperfection
of
all
things
,
whereby
we
haue
varietie
of
things
which
are
delectable
to
the
spirit
of
man
.
Herein
they
obserue
the
operation
of
the
Sunne
and
Moone
,
[
*
](A06786-e68880-b)
*
Genesis
.
Booke
of
Moses
of
Creation
and
Generation
,
they
would
not
haue
ascribed
the
guiding
and
conducting
of
all
naturall
things
to
the
two
Leaders
,
namely
the
Starres
,
and
Nature
.
Hence
it
procedeth
,
that
amongst
vegitable
things
(
which
haue
a
Being
and
Life
)
they
reckon
all
mettalls
,
which
haue
their
beginning
from
Sulphur
and
Mercury
,
Tanquam
ex
patre
&
matre
;
which
meeting
and
concurring
together
in
the
veines
of
the
earth
,
doe
ingender
through
the
heat
and
qualitie
of
the
Climate
by
an
assiduall
concoction
,
according
to
the
nature
of
the
earth
wherein
they
meet
,
which
(
being
either
good
and
pure
,
or
stinking
and
corrupt
)
produceth
the
diuersitie
of
the
mettalls
of
Gold
,
Siluer
,
Copper
,
Tin
,
Lead
,
and
Yron
,
in
their
seuerall
natures
:
and
hereupon
they
haue
assigned
them
vnder
their
distinct
Planets
,
to
bee
beneuolent
or
maleuolent
;
These
diuersities
of
mettalls
being
come
to
passe
by
accidentall
causes
,
is
the
cause
that
Art
(
being
Natures
Ape
by
imitation
)
hath
endeuoured
to
performe
that
wherein
Nature
was
hindered
.
Whereupon
Aristotle
saith
,
Facilius
est
distruere
Accidentale
,
quam
Essentiale
,
So
that
the
Accidentall
being
destroyed
,
the
Essentiall
remaineth
,
which
should
be
pure
.
But
this
cannot
bee
done
without
proiection
of
the
Elixar
or
Quintescense
vpon
mettalls
.
Hence
proceedeth
the
studie
of
all
the
Philosophers
to
make
their
miraculous
Stone
,
which
(
I
confesse
)
is
very
pleasant
,
and
full
of
expectation
,
when
a
man
seeth
the
true
and
perfect
transmutation
of
mettalls
;
To
returne
to
our
Philosophers
,
concerning
the
Essence
of
Mettalls
,
they
haue
beene
transcendend
in
the
knowledge
thereof
,
for
they
shew
the
generation
of
Sulphur
and
Mercurie
in
this
manner
.
The
first
mettall
mentioned
in
the
holy
Scripture
,
is
Gold
,
which
was
found
in
the
riuer
Pisson
,
To
this
argument
appertaineth
the
Philosophicall
studie
of
Prima
Materia
,
Prima
Materia
,
vel
Mercurius
Philosophorum
.
to
be
found
out
by
experience
for
the
great
worke
of
Lapis
Philosophorum
,
by
the
operation
of
the
Sunne
,
in
seuen
yeares
;
the
practise
whereof
was
made
about
fortie
yeares
since
,
by
a
Germane
Doctor
of
Physicke
,
at
Dansicke
in
the
East
countreys
(
as
I
haue
been
informed
by
a
friend
of
mine
,
who
was
also
a
Physician
)
and
was
done
in
this
manner
,
according
to
the
bignesse
of
the
bodie
of
the
Sunne
,
I
haue
read
all
the
Bookes
of
Paracelsus
,
that
I
could
find
hitherto
,
and
in
his
Booke
De
Transmutatione
Rerum
,
I
doe
find
to
this
purpose
the
obseruations
following
,
concurring
with
my
friends
opinion
concerning
Ripleys
12
Diuisions
,
comprized
into
sixe
,
and
the
seuenth
is
the
matter
it selfe
and
the
labour
or
working
resteth
,
wherewith
I
doe
end
this
Chapter
,
and
proceed
to
the
surer
ground
of
the
Mines
of
Mettalls
.
Omne
quod
in
Fri●ore
soluitur
,
continet
Aerum
Spiritum
salis
,
quem
in
sublimatione
vel
distillatione
,
acquirit
&
assumit
.
Omne
quod
in
Frigore
vel
Aere
soluitur
,
iterum
calore
,
Ignis
coagulatur
in
Puluerem
vel
Lapidem
.
Solutio
verò
Caloris
,
soluit
omnia
pingua
&
omnia
Sulphurea
:
Et
quicquid
calor
ignis
soluit
:
hoc
coagulat
,
Frigus
in
mass●m
,
&
quicquid
calor
coagulat
,
hoc
soluit
rursus
Aeer
&
Frigor
.
Gradus
ad
Transmutationem
sunt
septem
.
Calcinatio
,
Sublimatio
,
Solutio
,
Putrifactio
,
Distillatio
,
Coagulatio
&
Tintura
.
Subgradus
Calcinationis
,
compraehenduntur
,
Reuerberatio
&
Cementatio
.
Sub
Sublimatione
,
Exaltio
,
Eleuatio
,
&
Fixatio
.
Sub
Solutione
,
Dissolutio
&
Resolutio
.
Sub
Putrifactione
,
Digestio
,
&
Circulatio
,
qui
transmutat
colores
,
separat
purum
ab
impuro
;
purum
superius
,
impurum
inferius
.
Sub
Distillatione
,
Ascensio
,
Lauatio
&
Fixatio
.
Coagulatio
est
duplex
;
vna
Aeris
,
altera
Ignis
.
Tintura
tingit
totum
corpus
,
&
est
fermentum
massae
,
farinaceoe
&
panis
.
Secundum
est
,
Quod
calidius
liquescunt
,
eo
celerius
tintura
transcurrit
,
sicut
fermentum
penetrat
,
&
totam
massam
acetositate
inficit
&c.
Sequitur
Mortificatio
&
Fixatio
sulphuris
,
&
in
Libro
de
Resuscitatione
Rerum
:
Reductio
metallorum
in
mercurium
vivum
.
CHAP.
II.
Of
Mines
Royall
.
THe
Mines
called
Royall
are
only
of
Gold
,
Siluer
,
and
Copper
,
of
which
three
mettalls
Princes
made
choice
to
make
their
moneys
of
,
simple
or
mixed
,
as
shall
be
hereafter
declared
.
But
for
as
much
as
Siluer
is
found
in
the
lead
Mines
,
and
that
the
siluer
Mines
haue
their
Ores
mixt
with
hard
lead
also
,
it
happeneth
many
times
,
that
there
are
great
questions
about
these
Mines
,
when
Princes
will
claime
their
interest
in
some
lead
Mines
,
because
they
are
rich
in
siluer
:
as
of
late
yeares
betweene
Queene
Elizabeth
and
the
Earle
of
Northumberland
,
as
you
may
read
in
Master
Plowdens
Commentarie
of
Booke
Cases
,
where
it
was
adiudged
,
That
if
a
Mine
be
found
richer
in
siluer
of
more
value
within
the
Ore
,
than
of
lead
,
all
charges
of
the
working
of
both
mettalls
being
fully
paied
;
the
Prince
may
claime
the
same
to
be
a
Mine
Royal
:
wherein
must
be
had
great
aduisement
,
some
Ore
in
one
place
being
richer
than
other
Ore
in
another
place
of
the
same
Mine
,
whereof
we
may
handle
in
his
proper
place
of
other
Mines
.
Beginning
therefore
with
Gold
,
the
most
precious
mettall
,
Aurum
obrison
:
such
was
the
Gold
which
sir
Beuis
Bulmer
knight
brought
out
of
Scotland
,
found
in
the
sands
of
the
riuers
neere
vnto
the
Gold
Mines
of
Crayford-moore
,
But
neither
this
place
or
any
other
are
lookt
into
for
the
reasons
hereafter
declared
,
being
right
worthie
to
be
regarded
with
a
curious
eye
,
and
an
industrious
vnderstanding
;
and
consequently
many
other
,
whereof
this
Monarchie
of
Great
Brittaine
is
rarely
blessed
,
and
especially
in
Scotland
where
much
barren
ground
is
:
for
God
in
his
diuine
wisdome
doth
counteruaile
the
said
barrennesse
of
the
soile
,
with
the
riches
contained
within
the
bowels
of
the
earth
,
as
in
fertile
ground
with
the
Corne
and
fruits
growing
vpon
the
superficies
thereof
:
Gold
doth
come
out
of
many
countries
,
as
out
of
the
mountaines
in
Bohemia
,
riuers
of
Pannonia
in
Hungarie
,
out
of
the
kingdome
of
Sweaden
;
but
it
is
all
exhausted
.
There
was
wont
to
come
out
of
Spaine
of
the
riuers
and
mountaines
aboue
twentie
thousand
pound
weight
yearely
,
which
is
worth
aboue
eight
hundreth
thousand
pounds
sterling
;
but
there
is
none
found
now
.
In
the
Island
of
Santo
Domingo
all
is
exhausted
also
;
and
so
will
it
be
in
Perou
,
and
the
West-Indies
:
it
is
more
like
to
continue
in
Africa
and
Barbarie
,
because
of
the
climate
,
Of
the
Gold
of
Ophir
,
Siluer
is
alwaies
found
more
aboundantly
,
The
Siluer
Mines
of
Hungarie
and
Bohemia
,
as
also
Sweaden
,
are
drawne
out
,
but
do
continue
in
Germanie
(
in
many
places
)
which
haue
properly
the
Siluer
Ore
of
the
Celestiall
colour
with
fine
grains
glistring
like
little
staires
.
In
Saxonie
the
Mines
are
richer
:
so
are
the
Mines
of
the
Seuerstall
Mountaines
,
The
Mines
in
the
West-Indies
are
the
principall
in
quantitie
of
poore
Ore
,
where
manie
hands
make
light
worke
.
For
the
King
of
Spaine
doth
diuide
his
grounds
by
proportion
to
his
subiects
to
worke
for
him
,
allowing
them
money
and
Quicke-siluer
to
seperate
the
siluer
from
the
drossie
substance
,
and
they
must
pay
him
againe
in
Siluer
after
a
certaine
rate
;
and
were
it
not
for
the
quantitie
of
Ore
,
the
Siluer
would
be
verie
little
.
For
I
am
assured
by
the
information
of
one
Don
Rodrigo
de
Cordua
of
the
house
of
Toledo
,
a
knight
who
had
liued
in
the
West-Indies
many
yeares
,
and
attended
the
great
Mine
of
Potosie
,
Antonio
Diaz
,
who
had
dwelt
thirtie
and
two
yeares
in
the
said
West-Indies
.
I
was
interpreter
betweene
our
soueraigne
Lord
Iames
,
and
the
said
Antonio
,
when
he
made
the
triall
of
the
Siluer
Ore
of
Scotland
in
the
Tower
of
London
with
Quick-siluer
before
the
King
,
and
did
informe
his
Maiestie
hereof
;
as
also
that
the
best
Siluer
Mine
that
euer
was
wrought
vpon
in
the
West-Indies
,
did
not
containe
aboue
eight
ounces
in
one
hundreth
weight
.
The
Mines
in
Germanie
are
farre
richer
:
The
Siluer
Mine
at
Combmartin
in
Cornewall
,
Beuis
Bulmer
did
worke
for
a
time
,
which
is
deepe
and
ouerflowne
with
water
;
but
there
are
diuers
branches
of
that
Mine
running
many
miles
off
spread
into
the
earth
,
and
within
these
two
years
some
Ore
was
sent
me
from
Barnestaple
of
a
branch
of
that
Mine
,
It
were
also
iniurious
,
Thomas
Hamilton
Knight
,
Lord
Aduocate
of
Scotland
,
within
eighteene
miles
of
Edenborough
towards
the
sea
side
,
discouered
in
the
yeare
1607
,
by
meanes
of
a
Collier
,
as
I
am
informed
.
In
the
report
of
the
goodnesse
of
this
Mine
hath
beene
very
great
diuersitie
,
according
as
they
found
the
Ore
of
seuerall
veynes
,
as
wee
haue
noted
before
,
for
the
blossome
of
Siluer
Ore
,
Es
menester
siempre
buscar
la
Beta
de
la
mina
,
Wee
must
alwayes
seeke
after
the
bodie
of
the
Mine
;
which
may
bee
sometimes
three
or
foure
foot
broad
,
when
the
veynes
are
like
an
arme
or
finger
:
and
according
to
the
triall
made
thereof
they
giue
their
iudgement
,
not
by
the
triall
of
the
subtile
assay
,
but
by
some
good
quantitie
,
and
increasing
their
said
trialls
by
some
additements
fit
for
the
nature
of
the
mettall
Ore
,
as
they
iudge
the
same
to
be
.
For
all
diseases
cannot
be
cured
with
one
remedie
in
all
persons
,
although
the
disease
be
alike
;
so
may
it
bee
said
of
those
that
make
trialls
of
the
Ores
of
mettalls
,
for
some
trialls
did
report
80
pound
of
Siluer
in
one
hundreth
weight
,
others
60
ll
,
40
ll
,
35
ll
,
and
20
ll
,
and
then
it
fell
into
ounces
,
which
was
more
reasonable
and
naturall
,
as
I
informed
then
some
Priuie
Councellor
,
Beuis
Bulmer
.
and
the
said
Sir
Beuis
Bulmer
,
whereupon
it
pleased
his
Maiestie
,
and
the
Lords
of
the
Right
honourable
Priuie
Councell
,
to
appoint
tenne
Tunnes
of
the
said
Siluer
Ore
to
bee
brought
into
the
Tower
of
London
,
whereof
one
Tunne
of
twentie
hundreth
weight
was
indifferently
taken
and
calcined
or
grinded
together
,
and
thereunto
were
two
Tuns
of
Lead
added
and
commixed
,
and
afterwardes
molten
by
a
continuall
fire
and
hand-blast
of
foure
men
,
according
as
I
haue
noted
in
writing
.
And
there
was
a
cake
of
siluer
remaining
weighing
17
½
ounces
,
and
the
extraction
out
of
the
Lead
was
some
foure
or
fiue
ounces
more
;
so
that
it
was
reported
to
bee
22
ounces
in
the
hundreth
weight
of
Ore
,
but
the
charge
was
great
.
There
was
also
another
triall
made
by
William
Beale
,
with
a
farre
lesser
quantitie
of
Lead
,
and
roasting
the
Ore
;
and
by
Master
Broad
and
others
,
as
Master
Russell
,
who
refined
the
same
with
the
flag
of
Lead
;
others
by
Lead
Ore
to
saue
charges
,
and
they
all
found
aboue
22
ounces
of
siluer
in
the
hundreth
weight
of
Ore
.
And
so
did
Sir
Richard
Martin
Knight
,
Master
worker
of
his
Maiesties
Mint
,
lately
deceased
,
who
deliuered
vnto
mee
at
times
20
pound
weight
of
the
said
Ore
,
grinded
,
shaddered
and
washed
,
which
I
did
send
beyond
the
seas
vnto
an
expert
Mint-master
,
and
withall
a
particular
of
the
manner
of
trialls
which
euery
man
had
made
here
;
as
also
of
the
triall
made
by
the
Portugall
with
Quickesiluer
,
who
found
23
or
24
ounces
;
his
answere
was
,
That
vpon
his
first
triall
hee
found
42
ounces
,
&
of
the
other
lesse
,
and
that
the
ore
was
easie
to
be
wrought
(
but
not
by
the
meanes
that
all
those
men
had
vsed
)
and
with
lit●le
charges
;
and
that
the
manner
to
refine
with
Quickesiluer
,
was
good
for
poore
Mines
of
two
or
three
ounces
,
where
the
Ore
had
little
or
no
Lead
;
Richard
Martin
had
three
tuns
,
whereof
some
was
sent
to
my
friend
beyond
the
seas
:
Interim
,
these
trialls
and
conclusions
so
differing
brought
the
said
Ore
(
together
with
other
proceedings
)
into
some
disgrace
,
whereupon
(
according
vnto
commission
giuen
mee
)
I
made
an
offer
to
buy
the
80
tunnes
remaining
in
the
Tower
,
to
a
great
personage
,
to
giue
it
for
24
pound
the
tun
,
to
be
transported
to
my
friend
into
Holland
paying
readie
money
:
time
was
taken
to
giue
me
an
answere
,
and
then
difficultie
was
made
,
for
that
treasure
was
not
to
be
exported
,
vnlesse
by
returning
the
quantitie
of
siluer
by
weight
;
heereupon
conclusion
was
made
to
bring
in
so
much
Bullion
of
siluer
or
royalls
of
plate
.
But
when
all
came
to
all
,
with
running
vp
and
downe
,
and
further
offering
to
deale
for
greater
quantities
,
and
to
take
it
in
Scotland
I
was
put
off
with
this
consideration
,
That
it
was
a
dishonour
to
England
,
not
to
haue
men
of
as
good
experience
as
any
were
beyond
the
seas
,
whereby
the
Kings
losse
was
2000
ll
;
for
his
Highnesse
gaue
the
same
afterwards
vnto
Iames
Achinson
his
Grauer
of
the
Mint
heeretofore
,
who
brought
the
same
to
nothing
,
being
vnskilfull
of
the
refining
of
it
.
And
thus
are
good
matters
marred
in
the
handling
,
Plus
Pencer
que
dire
.
where
the
Lead
Mines
are
poore
,
they
containe
the
more
siluer
of
1
½
,
two
and
three
ounces
in
the
hundreth
of
the
Ore
,
which
will
not
yeeld
aboue
40
or
44
ll
weight
of
Lead
,
and
the
Ore
of
the
Mine
which
holdeth
three
ounces
,
containeth
but
25
pound
of
Lead
.
The
Mines
most
knowne
are
those
in
Cardiganshire
in
Wales
,
where
master
Hugh
Middleton
of
London
Gold-smith
,
hath
bestowed
very
great
charges
,
as
he
did
in
bringing
the
water-workes
to
the
Citie
of
London
;
so
he
bringeth
now
siluer
to
the
Tower
to
bee
minted
:
the
Ore
being
foure
ounces
in
the
hundreth
,
or
80
ounces
in
the
tun
,
and
the
lesse
in
Lead
;
for
the
richer
the
Ore
is
in
Lead
,
the
poorer
it
is
in
siluer
.
So
one
hundreth
of
the
best
Ore
of
Lead
will
make
neere
70
ll
of
Lead
,
and
holdeth
but
1/●
ounce
of
siluer
,
not
worth
the
charges
of
refining
,
as
we
shall
declare
.
The
Lead
Mines
in
Ireland
,
doe
containe
more
siluer
than
these
Mines
of
Darbieshire
,
and
Somersetshire
,
called
Peake
and
Mendisse
Lead
.
The
Saxons
,
which
were
procured
to
come
into
England
,
had
no
more
,
no
not
so
much
experience
as
our
refiners
of
London
,
for
by
sauing
of
Lead
,
they
found
lesser
quantitie
of
siluer
,
and
so
all
was
giuen
ouer
.
The
third
sort
of
Mines
Royall
,
are
the
Copper
Mines
,
The
great
wealth
of
the
West-Indies
would
not
bee
so
admirable
vnto
vs
,
-
From
Noua
Espana
and
Terra
firme
.
For
the
King
.
-
8100
Ingots
of
Siluer
.
-
12
Chests
with
Gold
.
-
300
thousand
Royals
of
eight
.
-
20
Cases
with
Pearles
.
-
1
Chest
with
Emeraulds
.
-
5600
Roues
of
Cutchenille
.
For
particular
persons
.
-
5
millions
Teasted
siluer
.
-
1500
Markes
of
Gold
of
eight
ounces
.
-
1500
Markes
of
Pearles
.
-
1
Chest
Emeraulds
.
-
From
Mexico
.
For
the
King
.
-
1900
thousand
Pesos
of
Siluer
.
-
1100
Markes
of
Gold
.
For
particular
persons
.
-
2
millions
in
Siluer
.
-
64
thousand
Hides
.
-
25
thousand
ll
Indico
.
From
Santo
Domingo
Island
,
-
35
thousand
Hides
.
-
900
Chest
Sugar
of
1000
ll
weight
.
-
22
thousand
Kintals
of
Ginger
.
-
13
thousand
Kintals
of
Logwood
.
-
50
Kintals
of
Salsaparilla
.
-
48
Kintals
of
Caniafistula
.
-
64
Roues
of
Cottonwooll
.
All
the
Gold
and
Siluer
was
valued
at
thirteene
millions
,
and
all
the
commodities
at
three
millions
,
whereof
the
King
had
twelue
millions
and
one
halfe
De
claro
:
wherewith
we
conclude
this
Chapter
of
the
Mines
Royall
,
and
are
moued
to
write
also
of
other
Mines
and
Minerals
contrarie
to
our
first
intention
,
but
briefely
,
as
followeth
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
III.
Of
Mines
and
Mineralls
.
THe
next
in
order
to
be
treated
of
are
Tin
Mines
,
which
are
but
few
in
number
in
all
countries
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
haue
many
Leade
Mines
,
containing
also
Siluer
.
The
Leade
Mines
of
England
are
scituated
in
diuers
places
of
the
kingdome
,
but
most
in
Darbishire
in
the
hills
of
Peake
,
Somersetshire
,
and
Wales
.
There
is
great
difference
in
the
Ore
,
as
hath
beene
noted
.
There
are
also
many
Lead
Mines
in
Richmondshire
vnder
the
countie
of
Yorke
,
where
I
went
to
view
them
,
anno
1606
,
about
Arkendale
,
and
the
new
Forest
,
hauing
prepared
a
long
Yron
boare
of
eighteene
foot
long
for
that
purpose
,
Iohn
Maillorie
knight
.
There
are
also
adioyning
vnto
it
certaine
other
hills
where
lead
Mines
are
,
as
Swailedale
,
where
my
lord
Wharton
hath
his
workes
,
also
Readhurst
,
Cocka
,
and
Fellind
being
East
from
Wyndecke
.
The
Mines
of
Arkendale
haue
neuer
been
wrought
to
any
purpose
.
There
is
but
three
smelting
cottages
which
do
feed
vpon
the
poore
people
and
inhabitants
thereabouts
,
which
at
their
leasure
seeke
for
Lead
Ore
vpon
sufferance
,
and
bring
the
same
to
the
melting
places
,
where
they
fell
the
same
for
20
or
24
ss
the
load
,
giuing
to
the
owners
three
or
foure
parts
in
ten
,
as
they
can
agree
,
and
one
tenth
to
the
Parson
or
Vicar
of
the
Parish
or
Chappell
.
A
loade
of
Ore
with
them
is
as
much
as
foure
or
fiue
horses
can
conueniently
carrie
,
which
by
computation
is
some
ten
hundreth
weight
,
and
is
also
deliuered
by
a
measure
called
Load
;
foure
of
these
Loads
will
make
a
Fother
of
Lead
of
twentie
hundreth
,
their
weight
being
120
ll
to
the
hundreth
London
weight
;
so
one
hundreth
of
Lead
Ore
maketh
but
30
ll
of
Lead
:
which
commeth
to
passe
for
that
their
manner
of
melting
is
by
foot-blast
and
small
furnaces
with
wood
and
charcoale
,
There
is
no
wood
to
be
had
,
but
within
two
miles
,
but
sea
coale
and
good
peate
is
neere
hand
,
which
may
serue
better
cheape
;
for
they
reckon
7
or
8
ss
for
the
charge
of
a
fother
for
the
melting
.
The
Lead
being
cast
into
small
Piggs
of
somewhat
more
than
one
hundreth
weight
,
are
brought
on
horse-backe
through
Richmond
to
Burroughbridge
,
being
about
thirtie
miles
distant
,
and
are
conueyed
by
water
to
Yorke
for
2
ss
the
hundreth
,
and
from
Yorke
to
Hull
for
other
two
shillings
;
so
that
a
Fother
of
Lead
with
all
charges
will
not
stand
in
three
pounds
:
and
there
is
a
neerer
way
by
Stockton
on
the
sea-side
(
about
twentie
and
fiue
miles
)
which
will
lessen
the
said
charges
.
Now
we
are
come
to
Yron
mines
,
England
hath
great
store
of
Yron
Mines
,
for
by
computation
there
are
aboue
eight
hundreth
furnaces
.
The
melting
of
it
by
flaming
sea
coale
or
Scots
coale
,
saueth
a
great
deale
of
charges
.
There
are
lately
found
more
Yron
Mines
in
Fraunce
,
which
Yron
being
made
into
bars
,
is
transported
into
Guinea
,
Binea
,
and
other
parts
vpon
the
coasts
of
Africa
,
where
it
hath
continually
beene
in
great
estimation
,
and
now
becommeth
so
aboundant
,
that
their
profit
is
but
small
of
those
voyages
;
and
so
it
falleth
out
at
this
present
for
the
price
of
Leade
.
The
Yron
stone
in
Wales
is
found
to
differ
from
the
Steele
stone
,
by
meanes
whereof
a
Germane
made
good
Steele
in
barres
,
Baesell
Brooke
for
the
making
of
Steele
did
hinder
the
proceedings
therein
:
and
Germane
Steele
is
best
,
vntill
of
late
that
a
Frenchman
(
shewing
the
imperfection
of
ordinarie
Steele
)
caused
his
maiestie
to
make
void
the
said
patent
,
and
to
grant
another
for
the
making
of
perfect
Steele
,
surpassing
in
goodnes
the
Steele
of
all
countries
.
So
we
find
,
that
our
Yron
is
best
for
the
casting
of
Ordnance
,
and
that
the
Sweaden
cast
Yron
Peeces
are
brittle
,
and
commonly
one
in
seuen
will
not
abide
the
triall
;
and
of
late
the
broken
peeces
of
ours
are
made
seruiceable
for
Yron
in
bars
to
be
cast
againe
.
Tera
d'
Vmbra
,
Antimonie
,
Salniter
,
Blacke
lead
,
Vitrioll
to
be
made
of
Copporas
:
to
say
nothing
of
such
things
as
are
made
of
Mettals
,
nor
of
Salt-peeter
,
which
is
plentifull
.
In
Scotland
and
Ireland
great
quantities
can
be
made
,
had
not
England
vndertaken
so
much
,
whereof
I
haue
set
downe
the
originall
,
progresse
,
and
continuance
concerning
those
workes
at
large
,
the
substance
whereof
followeth
in
briefe
.
Queene
Elizabeth
of
blessed
memorie
,
did
in
the
sixt
yeare
of
her
raigne
grant
by
Letters
Pattents
,
vnto
one
Cornelius
de
Vos
,
the
sole
making
of
Copperas
and
Allomes
within
the
Realme
of
England
,
which
was
assigned
by
him
to
Iames
Lord
Mountioy
,
and
being
renewed
for
twentie
one
yeares
,
was
confirmed
vnto
him
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
,
by
vertue
whereof
one
master
Lane
,
his
workemaster
,
made
great
quantitie
of
Copperas
in
Dorsetshire
,
and
the
Isle
of
Purbeke
,
and
some
Allome
and
Copperas
was
then
sold
at
30
ll
the
tun
,
now
vnder
three
pounds
.
Afterwards
about
the
yeare
1604
,
one
master
Atherton
beganne
to
practise
the
making
of
Allomes
in
Yorkeshire
,
about
Gisborough
,
with
whom
one
master
Bourchier
,
now
Sir
Iohn
Bourchier
Knight
,
did
ioyne
to
bring
it
to
some
perfection
(
in
hope
whereof
,
and
at
the
sute
of
the
said
Sir
Iohn
)
the
King
in
the
fourth
yeare
of
his
raigne
,
granted
certaine
conditionall
Letters
Patents
,
to
the
Lord
Sheffield
President
of
the
North
,
Sir
Thomas
Challoner
,
Sir
Dauid
Fowles
Knights
,
and
the
said
master
Bourchier
,
for
twentie
one
yeares
,
for
the
sole
making
of
Allomes
in
Yorkeshire
onely
,
where
(
in
building
of
seuen
houses
and
the
vtensills
for
working
and
charges
,
Now
from
the
Mines
of
Gold
,
being
fallen
to
Allome
and
Copperas
,
let
vs
end
with
the
Coale
pits
or
Coale
Mines
;
CHAP.
IIII.
Of
the
profitable
working
of
Mines
.
PHillip
the
second
,
late
King
of
Spaine
,
perceiuing
that
many
blind
Bayards
were
ouerbold
to
vndertake
the
working
of
his
Mines
of
Siluer
in
the
West-Indies
:
and
yet
considering
on
the
one
side
,
that
without
authoritie
and
priuiledge
they
could
not
bee
incouraged
thereunto
;
and
on
the
other
side
(
hauing
obtained
the
same
for
certaine
allotted
grounds
vnto
them
)
they
did
hinder
other
men
,
and
themselues
proceeded
not
;
did
very
aduisedly
make
all
his
Letters
Patents
(
as
wee
call
them
)
conditionall
with
a
Prouiso
,
The
next
consideration
concerning
Mines
,
Mettaline
and
Minerall
is
,
That
the
workes
in
the
beginning
be
not
choaked
or
suffocated
with
extreame
charges
and
expences
,
which
doth
discourage
the
vndertaker
and
all
others
,
whereby
the
works
are
giuen
ouer
,
or
meanes
are
deuised
to
charge
Princes
Coffers
with
them
.
For
it
is
true
,
That
things
doe
prosper
best
when
they
are
vnderpropped
by
authoritie
it selfe
;
which
to
doe
in
the
beginning
were
more
profitable
,
than
when
the
charges
and
expences
haue
ouerburthened
them
.
For
preuention
whereof
,
I
made
a
contract
for
the
Lead
Mines
in
the
North
parts
,
which
being
imitated
shall
cut
off
all
such
charges
as
commonly
the
parties
doe
runne
into
in
the
working
of
Mines
,
vpon
the
conceited
benefit
which
draweth
more
violently
than
the
Adamant
stone
.
For
as
the
Portugall
Antonio
Diaz
told
the
King
,
Todos
los
mineros
son
Ricos
,
porque
quando
no
lo
tienen
en
sustansia
,
tienen
lo
enel
animo
:
All
Miners
are
rich
,
for
when
they
haue
it
not
in
Substance
,
they
haue
it
in
the
Mind
.
The
obseruation
alreadie
noted
,
concerning
the
running
waters
about
Mines
,
must
not
be
forgotten
.
The
Contract
before
mentioned
was
in
this
manner
:
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
Nature
of
Gold
,
Siluer
▪
and
Copper
,
and
of
the
Moneys
made
thereof
.
FRom
the
transcendent
contemplatiue
studie
of
Philosophers
,
of
vapours
and
exhalations
,
to
the
Essence
of
Sulphur
and
Mercury
generated
into
Ores
of
Mettalls
,
Wee
haue
produced
,
Gold
,
Siluer
,
and
Copper
to
the
Mint
to
be
conuerted
into
Moneys
.
To
which
purpose
let
vs
now
examine
the
nature
of
them
,
and
(
by
inuersion
)
coyne
first
Copper
,
then
Siluer
,
and
so
come
to
Gold
,
according
to
the
beginning
of
coynes
made
by
the
ancient
Romanes
:
notwithstanding
standing
,
that
at
our
comming
to
the
Mint
we
saw
nothing
but
Gold
coyned
,
whereupon
we
do
remember
the
verses
which
were
made
at
their
first
coyning
of
Gold
.
Aera
dabunt
olim
melius
,
nunc
omen
in
Auro
est
:
Victaque
concessit
prisca
Moneta
nobis
.
Such
is
the
qualitie
of
fine
Gold
(
by
reason
of
the
equall
proportion
of
the
foure
Elements
therein
,
But
for
our
purpose
of
moneys
(
being
soft
,
and
onely
hardened
by
the
ayre
,
deafe
in
sound
,
and
ponderous
in
weight
)
it
requireth
to
make
Crowne
Gold
fit
for
moneys
and
workes
to
haue
some
allay
of
Siluer
and
Copper
mixt
,
which
is
1/12
part
:
howbeit
,
that
moneys
are
also
made
of
fine
gold
,
wherein
(
for
obseruation
sake
)
we
ascribe
halfe
a
graine
of
allay
in
twentie
and
foure
Carrats
.
It
hath
also
by
reason
of
his
hot
and
drie
qualitie
a
propertie
,
That
filling
a
cup
with
wine
to
the
brim
,
yet
you
may
put
ten
or
fifteene
peeces
of
Gold
coyned
into
it
by
little
and
little
,
without
spilling
,
as
it
were
apprehending
and
clasping
the
liquid
qualitie
of
the
wine
.
It
is
held
for
certaine
,
that
the
Salamanders
wooll
,
The
stuffe
called
Soda
Bariglia
,
or
Massacote
whereof
Glasses
are
made
(
which
stuffe
is
burnt
of
certain
sea
weeds
,
as
we
know
&
daily
may
see
in
the
Glasse-houses
)
is
not
subiect
to
fire
,
but
altogether
to
the
ayre
:
But
Gold
is
permanent
.
Here
now
ariseth
a
question
,
How
it
was
possible
that
Archimedes
Geometricall
triall
(
so
much
celebrated
by
Antiquitie
)
can
be
sure
,
seeing
Gold
hath
that
attractiue
power
to
retaine
so
manie
peeces
of
it
in
a
cup
of
wine
?
For
the
King
of
Aegypt
being
deceiued
of
his
Goldsmith
in
the
making
of
two
Diademes
or
Crownes
of
Gold
,
whereof
the
one
contained
much
Siluer
)
was
desirous
to
know
the
falshood
without
breaking
of
them
:
But
to
resolue
the
question
,
we
must
note
the
diuersitie
of
the
intentions
,
which
were
meere
contraries
;
for
the
one
had
an
intention
to
spill
,
and
the
other
to
keepe
it
from
spilling
,
whereas
also
between
the
operation
of
wine
and
water
there
may
be
a
difference
in
this
triall
.
Thus
much
concerning
the
nature
and
qualitie
of
fine
Gold
,
wherunto
Lead
commeth
neerest
for
ponderositie
of
weight
,
bignesse
of
volume
,
and
deafenesse
of
sound
,
as
fittest
for
protection
.
The
nature
and
qualitie
of
Siluer
is
like
vnto
the
Moone
,
The
weakest
goeth
to
the
wall
,
and
the
Allay
of
Copper
is
done
for
the
preseruation
of
Siluer
.
The
first
moneys
,
We
haue
alreadie
declared
the
true
deriuation
of
moneys
,
called
by
the
Romanes
Pecunia
,
of
Pecus
pecudis
,
not
Pecus
pecoris
;
for
they
coyning
first
Copper
moneys
(
and
as
it
should
seeme
,
the
wealth
of
man
consisting
most
in
cattell
,
as
in
the
time
of
Iob
)
caused
Oxen
,
Sheepe
,
and
the
like
cattell
to
bee
stamped
vpon
their
coynes
of
meere
Copper
,
whereof
their
Exchequer
was
called
Aerarium
,
Numa
Pompilius
was
ten
of
Copper
to
one
of
Siluer
,
and
ten
of
Siluer
to
one
of
Gold
,
which
now
by
the
aboundance
of
Copper
is
much
altered
,
notwithstanding
the
Copper
moneys
vsed
in
all
countries
in
some
reasonable
measure
.
But
in
Spaine
,
being
(
as
it
were
vnto
vs
)
the
fountaine
of
Siluer
and
Gold
,
there
it
is
vsed
immoderately
:
Necessitas
non
habet
legem
,
is
true
in
some
respects
.
The
Venetians
also
coyne
meere
Copper
moneys
,
In
France
they
haue
Mailles
,
petit
Deniers
,
Deniers
,
Doubles
,
The
necessitie
of
these
small
moneys
did
appeare
here
with
vs
in
England
,
where
euerie
Chandler
,
Tapster
,
Vintner
,
and
others
made
tokens
of
lead
and
brasse
for
halfe-pences
,
and
at
Bristoll
by
the
late
Queenes
authoritie
,
Ciuitas
Bristoll
:
these
went
currant
(
for
small
things
)
at
Bristoll
,
and
ten
miles
about
.
Hereupon
it
pleased
our
soueraigne
Lord
the
K.
to
approue
of
the
making
of
a
competent
quantitie
of
farthing
tokens
to
abolish
the
said
leaden
tokens
made
in
derogation
of
the
Kings
Prerogatiue
Royall
,
which
farthing
tokens
(
being
made
(
by
Engines
)
of
meere
copper
in
the
yeare
1613
,
with
certain
cautions
and
limitations
)
haue
on
the
one
side
two
scepters
crossing
vnder
one
diademe
in
remembrance
of
the
vnion
betweene
England
and
Scotland
,
and
on
the
other
side
the
harpe
for
Ireland
,
and
the
inscription
of
Iacobus
D.G.
Magnae
Britt
.
Fra.
&
Hiber
.
Rex
.
And
the
said
farthing
tokens
haue
not
onely
beene
found
very
commodious
and
necessarie
for
pettie
commutations
,
but
also
to
be
a
great
reliefe
of
the
poore
,
and
means
to
increase
charitie
,
without
which
many
of
them
had
perished
,
euerie
man
hauing
means
to
giue
almes
,
euen
the
mechanicall
poore
to
the
indigent
poore
.
The
Moneys
of
gold
were
but
made
when
the
Romanes
had
taken
great
wealth
from
all
Nations
,
CHAP.
VI.
Of
the
Officers
of
Mints
.
THere
are
diuers
Officers
in
all
Mintes
:
The
principall
Officer
is
the
Warden
of
the
Mint
;
next
is
the
Mint-master
:
the
one
to
looke
to
the
making
of
Moneys
compleat
,
according
to
the
Standards
,
and
the
other
with
his
workemen
(
called
Monyers
)
to
make
them
:
Then
there
is
the
Comptroller
to
keepe
the
Contrebookes
for
the
Prince
&
State
,
to
see
the
bullion
receiued
,
and
the
assayes
made
thereof
,
and
the
compleat
moneys
returned
for
the
same
,
weight
for
weight
,
paying
coynage
money
forthe
same
,
which
is
done
by
the
Warden
,
by
the
said
moneys
in
specie
,
as
they
were
coyned
at
the
first
.
There
are
commonly
two
Assay-masters
,
one
Grauer
,
and
his
deputie
;
one
that
keepeth
the
Yrons
to
deliuer
them
to
the
Monyers
,
or
the
Prouost
or
chiefe
of
them
,
to
see
them
euery
night
returned
againe
:
then
the
Sincker
,
Smith
,
Porter
,
and
the
like
in
their
places
;
all
these
haue
wages
for
themselues
,
or
allowances
yearely
from
the
Prince
or
State
.
The
Mint-master
and
the
Monyers
,
are
paied
for
euery
pound
weight
they
make
,
whereof
30
ll
weight
they
call
a
Iourney
.
The
Tellors
Office
is
but
vsed
in
England
,
The
Bullion
which
is
brought
in
,
or
forraine
coyne
either
,
is
alwayes
lockt
vp
in
great
chests
,
or
inclosed
places
vnder
three
keyes
,
namely
,
the
Wardens
,
the
Mint-masters
,
and
the
Comptrollers
:
at
the
dayes
of
Receits
which
are
obserued
in
the
Tower
of
London
,
Saturdayes
and
Mondayes
,
and
then
the
Officers
haue
their
dyet
in
the
place
,
the
one
halfe
at
the
Kings
charges
,
and
the
other
halfe
at
the
Mint-masters
charges
,
who
is
called
by
some
,
Master-worker
of
the
King
moneys
,
Vel
Magister
operarius
:
and
betweene
the
Warden
and
him
,
there
is
commonly
emulation
and
necessary
discord
;
like
vnto
that
which
Cato
vsed
amongst
the
seruants
of
his
family
,
which
hee
did
compare
to
the
stones
of
a
vault
,
which
by
striuing
doe
vphold
the
building
,
and
made
him
to
bee
more
quiet
and
regarded
.
Suppose
now
that
we
are
come
to
the
Mint
to
see
moneys
made
of
our
Ingots
of
Gold
and
Siluer
,
and
one
of
the
Assay-masters
commeth
vnto
me
and
saith
,
Sir
,
I
haue
read
that
all
things
are
gouerned
by
Number
,
Weight
,
and
Measure
;
What
say
you
to
finenesse
of
Gold
a●d
Siluer
?
I
do
aske
him
first
,
What
he
taketh
finenesse
to
be
?
he
doth
answere
me
,
That
it
is
a
Mysterie
,
and
that
the
studie
of
it
is
as
intricate
,
as
the
Transubstantiation
of
the
Papists
Sacrament
,
as
you
may
perceiue
(
saith
he
)
by
the
controuersie
betweene
the
Warden
of
the
Mint
,
and
the
Mint-master
,
concerning
the
Standards
of
the
sterling
moneys
of
Siluer
,
and
the
base
moneys
lately
made
for
the
Realme
of
Ireland
,
which
is
grounded
vpon
the
finenesse
of
the
bullion
reported
by
triall
of
the
subtle
Assay
,
whereunto
I
doe
reply
,
That
plaine
things
may
be
made
intricate
,
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
the
Assayes
of
Bullion
and
Moneys
.
COmming
to
the
Assay-house
,
there
we
found
diuers
gentlemen
desirous
to
see
the
manner
of
making
of
Assayes
of
Gold
and
Siluer
,
as
also
diuers
Gold-Smiths
which
brought
some
ingots
of
Gold
,
but
no
Siluer
at
all
,
and
here
we
were
all
courteously
welcome
,
and
our
discourse
was
interrupted
,
and
the
Assay-master
desired
me
to
haue
patience
vntil
his
businesse
were
ended
with
the
Gold-smiths
,
and
so
he
would
make
the
Assayes
of
our
Siluer
first
,
and
then
come
to
the
making
of
our
Gold
Assay
,
which
he
would
first
teast
before
he
should
put
some
proportion
of
it
to
the
triall
of
strong-water
.
The
little
furnaces
were
fired
,
and
the
Assay-master
tooke
foure
copples
or
teasts
,
which
are
made
of
Bone-ashes
,
&
he
did
put
them
in
the
furnace
quater
corner
wise
,
with
the
bottomes
vpwards
,
and
so
let
them
remaine
almost
an
houre
vntill
he
had
made
an
end
with
the
Gold-smiths
Assayes
,
to
the
end
they
should
be
throughly
drie
,
to
auoid
the
springing
of
the
Siluer
,
After
this
,
Now
let
vs
come
to
the
mysteries
of
the
Mints
beyond
the
seas
,
to
recompence
them
that
might
take
offence
for
discussing
the
premisses
;
and
let
vs
be
like
Nathaniel
,
in
whom
there
was
no
guile
,
Qui
vadit
planè
,
vadit
sanè
;
howbeit
discretion
is
requisite
.
The
assayes
beyond
the
seas
,
are
most
made
according
to
the
proportion
of
the
marke
,
which
is
eight
ounces
Troy
;
and
they
take
twentie
graines
to
make
their
assayes
by
,
which
is
correspondent
with
our
fifteene
graines
;
The
French
weight
called
penny
weight
,
is
also
eight
ounces
,
For
the
gold
likewise
they
doe
vse
the
same
weight
,
accounting
for
euery
denier
or
penny
weight
two
carrats
;
so
twentie
foure
carrats
for
twelue
deniers
or
ounces
,
and
consequently
eleuen
deniers
is
twentie
two
carrats
,
&c.
So
the
gold
marke
is
twentie
foure
carrats
,
They
vse
also
a
manner
of
speech
to
say
,
Twelue
shillings
to
the
marke
pound
,
In
the
making
of
coynes
of
gold
and
siluer
,
they
will
vse
many
times
to
make
peeces
of
fine
gold
and
courser
gold
;
as
the
Emperiall
Royall
and
the
halfe
Royall
,
the
one
twentie
three
carrats
3
½
grains
,
and
the
other
but
eighteene
carrats
,
or
the
Flanders
Crowne
of
22
carrats
.
In
Germanie
the
ducat
and
the
gold
guildren
,
which
for
workes
being
mixed
are
seruiceable
,
admitting
by
conniuence
the
melting
of
the
moneys
,
rather
than
for
want
of
it
Bullion
should
not
be
brought
to
their
Mints
,
therefore
they
also
take
little
for
the
coynage
,
because
it
should
sooner
come
vnto
them
than
vnto
other
Minters
,
where
the
coynage
or
seignoriage
is
great
:
and
albeit
the
same
bee
but
small
,
yet
will
they
find
meanes
to
make
other
Princes
to
pay
the
same
,
When
the
triall
of
the
Box
is
made
,
if
there
be
quantitie
of
coyne
to
auoid
the
multiplicitie
of
assayes
,
motion
is
made
to
the
Master
,
whether
by
one
marke
indifferently
taken
of
euerie
species
of
coyne
,
hee
will
be
concluded
for
the
whole
quantitie
of
the
worke
,
wherevnto
condiscending
,
the
markes
are
weighed
out
accordingly
,
and
the
peeces
are
told
,
and
the
assay
is
thereupon
made
,
The
Assay-masters
receiuing
Bullion
of
ten
or
eleuen
ounces
fine
,
make
their
assayes
with
fiue
parts
of
Lead
,
if
it
be
of
sixe
or
seuen
ounces
they
will
take
eight
parts
of
Lead
,
if
three
or
foure
ounces
,
Their
strong-water
called
Aqua
fortis
,
Aqua
Fort●
.
is
made
two
parts
calcined
Vitrioll
,
one
part
Salniter
,
and
halfe
a
part
of
Allome
calcined
and
distilled
as
the
manner
is
but
for
Gold
they
vse
Aqua
Regis
,
In
the
melting
of
Gold
,
Gold-smiths
are
appointed
to
worke
Gold
of
twentie
two
carrats
fine
,
but
the
triall
is
made
by
the
touch-stone
onely
,
To
refine
Gold
with
Cementation
without
Strong-water
,
which
is
costly
.
TAke
eight
pound
of
Flanders
Tiles
,
three
marke
Copperas
,
1
½
marke
,
Allome
,
¾
of
a
marke
of
Salt
,
and
two
ounces
Saltpeter
;
all
being
mingled
and
calcined
together
,
take
a
great
crusible
,
put
this
Cement
one
finger
thicke
in
the
bottome
,
then
lay
some
of
your
Gold
beaten
thin
(
or
if
it
be
golden
coyne
)
vpon
it
,
and
then
of
your
Cement
againe
vpon
that
,
and
thereupon
Gold
againe
,
which
the
Alcumists
call
Stratum
super
stratum
,
and
couer
your
crusible
with
tiles
leauing
a
little
hole
:
Lento
igne
,
and
afterwards
with
a
great
fire
let
it
stand
foure
,
fiue
,
or
more
houres
,
and
all
the
Allay
will
be
in
the
Cement
;
to
take
the
Siluer
out
of
the
Cement
,
take
foure
markes
Cement
,
and
three
marke
Potters
Lead
;
two
marke
of
Tiles
,
foure
ounces
of
Dodecum
,
foure
ounces
Saltpeter
,
and
doe
as
before
:
or
else
you
may
take
out
the
Siluer
by
quicksiluer
,
as
I
haue
declared
in
the
former
Chapters
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
the
weight
and
finesse
of
Moneys
,
and
their
seuerall
Standards
.
IT
is
now
twentie
yeares
compleate
since
Thomas
Lord
Knyuet
,
sir
Richard
Martin
,
and
diuers
other
Knights
and
Aldermen
of
the
citie
of
London
,
and
master
Iohn
Williams
his
maiesties
Goldsmith
,
and
my selfe
were
in
Commission
,
to
consider
of
the
Mint
affaires
of
the
Tower
of
London
,
and
of
the
causes
of
the
transportation
of
the
moneyes
of
the
realme
,
and
of
conuenient
remedies
to
preuent
the
same
.
The
causes
were
obserued
to
besix
,
whereof
the
Weight
was
the
first
;
next
the
Finesse
of
our
standard
;
then
the
Valuation
of
moneys
,
and
therein
the
proportion
betweene
Gold
and
Siluer
;
fourthly
the
abuse
of
Exchange
for
moneys
by
bills
,
wherein
all
the
former
were
included
:
for
we
all
did
set
downe
,
that
the
difference
of
Weight
,
Finesse
,
Valuation
,
and
Disproportion
aforesaid
,
Hereupon
conferring
the
pound
weight
Troy
of
12
ounces
with
the
marke
weight
of
eight
ounces
,
admitting
one
marke
and
a
halfe
for
the
said
pound
,
we
found
,
with
France
full
three
pennie
weight
,
ours
to
be
heauier
,
and
the
Low-countries
and
Germanie
2
½
pennie
weight
or
thereabouts
,
with
Scotland
foure
pennie
weight
and
nine
graines
,
and
alwaies
heauier
than
any
other
.
This
agreeth
with
an
instruction
declared
in
an
old
Booke
concerning
Mint
matters
in
the
time
of
King
Edward
3
,
where
it
is
demaunded
,
What
benefit
it
would
be
to
the
King
and
realme
,
And
it
is
there
thought
meet
,
that
(
for
information
of
Merchants
and
others
)
a
Kalender
should
be
made
and
published
,
There
hath
been
vsed
from
the
beginning
(
in
the
Mint
)
both
Troy
and
Tower
weight
,
Concerning
the
pound
weight
for
finesse
and
allay
,
let
vs
note
that
these
two
make
properly
the
pound
weight
,
as
being
distinguished
therein
:
for
if
it
be
one
pound
of
fine
siluer
,
it
weigheth
12
ounces
,
and
it
is
likewise
12
ounces
fine
:
The
like
is
for
the
Gold
,
whereof
the
said
pound
is
diuided
into
twelue
ounces
,
or
twentie
and
foure
carrats
,
being
two
carrats
for
one
ounce
,
and
euerie
carrat
is
diuided
with
vs
into
foure
graines
,
and
finesse
accordingly
.
From
this
generall
weight
of
the
pound
,
Concerning
the
finesse
of
the
moneys
of
other
countries
,
with
their
weight
and
number
of
peeces
in
the
Marke
of
eight
ounces
,
(
which
I
haue
reduced
to
the
pound
Troy
of
twelue
ounces
)
I
haue
here
made
a
plain
declaration
as
followeth
,
to
instruct
all
Merchants
and
Gold-smiths
therein
,
for
the
common
good
;
obseruing
that
some
men
(
not
ouer
wise
in
Mint
affaires
)
perceiuing
the
Marke
to
be
diuided
into
24
carrats
for
gold
,
Touching
the
seuerall
standards
of
money
in
other
countries
(
as
you
may
see
by
the
contents
of
the
said
declaration
,
whereby
a
man
shall
many
times
receiue
coynes
of
aboue
twentie
standards
in
one
hundreth
pounds
)
it
is
the
onely
fallacie
in
exchange
that
can
bee
,
whereby
no
merchant
is
able
to
know
whether
hee
haue
the
true
value
of
the
summe
to
be
paied
him
:
but
he
is
carried
with
the
streame
of
valuation
and
tolleration
of
money
to
goe
currant
,
as
in
the
next
Chapter
shall
be
declared
;
and
all
men
commonly
haue
a
regard
to
the
great
moneys
vsed
in
euerie
countrie
,
making
account
that
other
smaller
moneys
haue
their
true
valuation
thereafter
.
As
the
Philip
Dollers
of
ten
ounces
fine
,
The
Holland
Dollers
of
nine
ounces
fine
,
and
8
8/9
peeces
in
the
Marke
.
The
Spanish
Royall
of
eleuen
ounces
foure
pennie
weight
,
and
nine
peeces
the
Marke
.
The
Gueldres
and
Frizeland
Dollers
of
ten
ounces
foure
pennie
weight
,
and
9
●/2
peeces
.
The
Shillings
of
Zeland
of
sixe
ounces
fine
,
and
thirtie
and
eight
peeces
the
Marke
.
The
Golden
Royall
of
twentie
and
three
carrats
3
½
graines
fine
,
and
fortie
and
six
peeces
the
Marke
.
The
French
Crowne
of
twentie
and
two
carrats
fine
,
and
seuentie
and
two
peeces
in
the
Marke
.
The
golden
Rider
of
the
States
of
twentie
and
two
carrats
,
and
twentie
and
foure
in
the
Marke
.
The
Albertins
or
Ducats
of
Albertus
of
twentie
and
three
carrats
,
3
½
graines
fine
,
and
being
seuentie
peeces
in
the
Marke
,
or
thirtie
and
fiue
double
peeces
.
And
their
daily
new
coynes
which
they
make
of
seuerall
standards
which
requireth
a
vigilant
eye
:
but
we
haue
shunned
industrie
and
labour
,
which
is
the
cause
that
(
contrarie
to
my
first
intention
)
I
abreuiate
some
things
.
A
Declaration
of
the
coynes
of
gold
,
concerning
their
finesse
,
and
number
of
peeces
in
the
pound
weight
of
twelue
ounces
Troy
,
euerie
ounce
containing
twentie
pennie
weight
,
and
euerie
pennie
weight
twentie
and
foure
graines
in
weight
,
and
in
finesse
twentie
and
foure
carrats
,
and
euerie
carrat
foure
graines
;
calculated
for
the
forreine
coyne
vpon
the
marke
weight
of
eight
ounces
,
euerie
ounce
twentie
English
,
and
euerie
English
thirtie
and
two
azes
for
the
pound
weight
,
and
in
finesse
twentie
and
foure
carrats
,
and
euerie
carrat
twelue
graines
,
vnnecessarie
fractions
omitted
.
THe
imperiall
Royall
of
gold
alwaies
accounted
equall
with
the
English
Angell
in
finesse
,
and
in
weight
but
a
little
differing
of
twentie
and
three
carrats
,
three
graines
½
,
and
sixtie
and
nine
peeces
weighing
twelue
ounces
Troy
.
The
halfe
Royall
is
but
eighteene
carrats
in
finesse
,
and
105
⅓
peeces
to
the
pound
weight
.
The
Carolus
Guildren
being
⅔
parts
of
it
,
but
foureteene
carrats
fine
,
and
126
peeces
.
The
Rose
Noble
of
England
twentie
and
three
carrats
3
¾
graines
fine
,
and
46
¾
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
double
Royall
of
Austria
of
twentie
and
three
carrats
3
½
graines
fine
,
and
24
¾
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Nobles
of
Holland
,
Vtrech
and
Ouerrysel
twentie
and
three
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
fortie
and
eight
peeces
.
The
gold
Guildren
of
eighteene
carrats
,
three
graines
scarce
in
finesse
,
and
112
½
peeces
.
The
halfe
Noble
or
Hungarie
Ducat
,
twentie
and
three
carrats
,
3
⅙
graines
fine
,
and
113
½
peeces
.
The
Bishops
ducat
fine
twentie
and
three
carrats
½
,
and
105
peeces
to
the
pound
weight
.
The
Ducats
of
Italie
,
Venice
,
Turkie
,
and
Rome
twentie
and
three
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
106
½
peeces
:
other
Italian
ducats
,
and
the
ducats
of
Guelders
twentie
and
three
carrats
,
one
graine
,
and
106
½
peeces
.
The
Angell
of
England
of
Queene
Elizabeth
twentie
and
three
carrats
,
3
½
graines
,
and
seuentie
two
peeces
.
The
Soueraigne
of
the
said
Queene
,
twentie
and
two
carrats
fine
,
and
sixtie
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
old
Soueraignes
of
more
weight
,
twentie
and
two
carrats
fine
,
and
54
¾
peeces
.
The
halfe
Soueraigne
fine
but
twentie
carrats
,
and
120
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Angell
with
the
O.
is
but
23
carrats
fine
,
and
72
scarce
to
the
pound
.
The
Angell
with
three
Lions
22
carrat
fine
,
and
76
peeces
to
the
pound
weight
.
The
halfe
Noble
,
with
the
Lions
and
the
Noble
of
Bridges
23
carrats
,
and
88
½
peeces
.
The
Andrew
Guilder
fine
eighteene
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
one
graine
,
some
peeces
108.
The
Gulielmus
Gilder
fine
eighteene
carrats
,
one
graine
,
and
108
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Gold
Guilder
of
the
States
twentie
carrats
fine
,
and
120
¾
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Golden
Fleece
or
Toyson
d'
or
23
carrats
three
graines
¼
and
81
⅙
peeces
.
The
Phillips
Guildren
fine
fifteene
carrats
three
graines
,
and
111
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Ioannes
Guildren
fine
sixteene
carrats
,
and
109
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Nobles
of
Gaunt
and
Zealand
twentie
three
carrats
fine
,
and
fiftie
foure
peeces
.
The
halfe
Imperiall
Crowne
twentie
two
carrats
,
1
½
graines
,
and
107
½
peeces
.
The
Henricus
Noble
of
England
twentie
three
carrats
3
½
graines
,
and
53
¾
peeces
.
The
old
English
Crowne
somewhat
better
than
twentie
two
carrats
fine
,
and
100
½
peeces
.
The
Henry
Noble
of
France
twentie
two
carrats
fine
,
and
fiftie
one
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
halfe
Henry
Noble
fine
twentie
two
carrats
,
2
½
graines
,
and
108
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Floret
Crowne
of
France
twentie
three
carrats
,
3
graines
,
and
100
½
peeces
.
The
Charles
French
Crowne
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
graines
fine
,
and
100
½
peeces
.
The
Floret
of
France
standing
twentie
two
carrats
,
and
100
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
old
Golden
Lion
of
Flanders
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
79
¾
peeces
.
The
ducat
of
Castile
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
graines
fine
,
and
79
¾
peeces
likewise
.
The
Spanish
ducat
23
carrats
,
two
graines
fine
,
and
105
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Holland
ducat
twentie
three
carrats
,
two
grains
fine
,
and
105
peeces
likewise
.
The
double
ducat
of
Zealand
twentie
three
carrats
½
fine
,
and
52
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
ducats
of
Nauarre
,
Majorca
,
and
others
twentie
three
carrats
,
one
graine
,
and
52
½
peeces
.
The
Spanish
Pistolets
twentie
two
carrats
fine
,
and
108
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Milreys
ducat
of
Portugall
twentie
two
carrats
,
one
graine
fine
,
and
fortie
eight
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Contrefait
Milreys
is
but
twentie
one
carrat
fine
,
and
likewise
fortie
eight
peeces
.
The
Emanuel
ducat
of
Portugall
twentie
three
carrats
,
3
graines
,
and
105
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Emanuel
great
Crusate
of
Portugall
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
10
½
peeces
.
The
Ioannes
great
Crusate
is
but
twentie
two
carrats
,
three
graines
fine
,
and
10
½
peeces
.
The
ducat
,
with
the
short
Crosse
of
Portugall
twentie
two
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
105
peeces
.
The
ducat
,
with
the
long
Crosse
twentie
two
carrats
,
one
graine
fine
,
and
likewise
105
peeces
.
The
ducat
with
the
long
Crosse
of
Batenborgh
nineteene
carrats
fine
,
and
105
peeces
.
The
Pistolets
of
Italy
twentie
two
carrats
,
and
some
twentie
one
carrat
2
½
graines
,
and
108
peeces
.
The
Flemish
Ryder
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
graines
fine
,
and
105
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Guilders
and
Vrisland
Ryders
,
of
the
yeare
1583
fine
,
twentie
one
carrats
,
and
108
peeces
.
The
Ryder
of
Burgandie
twentie
three
carrats
½
fine
,
and
105
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
English
Salut
and
the
halfe
,
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
grains
,
and
108
peeces
.
The
Schuytken
or
Ship
of
Flanders
twentie
two
carrats
,
one
grain
fine
,
and
109
½
peeces
.
The
Ryder
of
Guilders
Of
fourteene
carrats
fine
,
and
114
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Phillip
Clincart
Of
fourteene
carrats
fine
,
and
114
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Ryder
of
Deuenter
,
Campen
,
and
Swoll
twelue
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
114
peeces
.
Dauid
guil.
-
Of
Trier
is
17
carrats
,
2
graines
and
114
peeces
to
the
pound
weight
.
-
Of
Vtrecht
16
carrats
fine
—
and
114
peeces
to
the
pound
weight
.
-
Of
the
Harpe
15
carrats
fine
—
and
114
peeces
to
the
pound
weight
.
The
Peter
of
Louaine
of
17
½
carrats
fine
,
and
likewise
114
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Clemmer
guilder
of
13
carrats
fine
and
114
peeces
.
The
Fredericke
of
Beyeren
guilder
fourteene
carrats
,
and
117
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Arnaldus
guilder
twelue
carrats
fine
,
and
138
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Postulat
of
Bourbon
12
½
carrats
fine
,
and
136
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Postulats
—
-
Of
Horne
—
10
½
Carrats
—
fine
,
&
156
peeces
to
the
pound
-
Of
Guliers
—
9
Carrats
3
graines
fine
,
&
156
peeces
to
the
pound
-
Of
Cleue
—
9
Carrats
½
graines
fine
,
&
156
peeces
to
the
pound
-
Of
Fran.
Friar
—
9
Carrats
—
fine
,
&
156
peeces
to
the
pound
-
Of
the
Dog
and
Cat
12
½
carrat
fine
,
and
136
½
peeces
.
The
nine
Stiuers
peeces
of
Batenborgh
and
Frise
,
seuen
carrats
,
one
graine
,
and
176
peeces
.
The
Gulielmus
ducat
of
Batenborgh
twentie
one
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
52
½
peeces
.
The
other
ducat
of
Stephanus
,
but
nineteene
carrats
½
graine
,
and
52
½
peeces
.
The
ducat
of
Nimeghen
with
Stephen
,
twentie
one
carrats
,
one
graine
,
and
52
½
peeces
.
The
new
ducats
of
Saint
Victor
Pancratius
,
Vict.
Batenborgh
,
W.
B.
Margarite
Toren
,
Petrus
Rechem
,
George
Rechem
,
twentie
one
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
106
½
peeces
.
-
The
ducats
Victor
H.
B.
20
½
Carrats
fine
and
all
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Water
ducats
and
the
½
20
½
Carrats
fine
and
all
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Marie
of
Batenborgh
20
½
Carrats
fine
and
all
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Ducat
with
the
Checker
20
Carrats
fine
and
all
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Ducat
of
Denmarke
20
Carrats
fine
and
all
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Pancratius
Alleb
.
H.
19
½
Carrats
fine
and
all
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Oswald
ducat
Cusa
—
19
½
Carrats
fine
and
all
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Ducat
of
Nimmeghen
1569
fine
,
eighteene
carrats
,
two
graines
,
and
108
peeces
.
New
angells
coyned
heretofore
—
-
Of
Thoren
-
22
Carrats
1
½
graines
And
all
72
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
Horne
—
22
Carrats
1
½
graines
And
all
72
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
Batenb
.
21
Carrats
3
graines
And
all
72
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
Viana
—
18
Carrats
3
graines
And
all
72
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
H.
M
—
17
Carrats
—
And
all
72
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Scots
Pistolet
ninteene
carrats
,
two
graines
½
fine
,
and
108
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Ryder
with
the
Loaues
fine
10
½
carrats
,
and
114
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Pistolets
,
Dilege
and
Legion
,
fine
,
eighteene
carrats
,
and
108
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
ducats
Ferdinand
of
Batenborgh
19
½
carrats
,
and
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
ducats
Ferdinand
and
Carolus
of
Horne
eighteene
carrats
,
and
106
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
double
ducat
of
Albertus
of
Austria
twentie
three
carrats
,
3
graines
fine
,
52
½
peeces
.
The
single
ducat
of
Albertus
of
Austria
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
78
¾
peeces
.
The
double
third
parts
of
the
said
double
ducats
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
70
½
peeces
.
The
single
third
part
of
the
said
ducat
twentie
three
carrats
,
three
graines
,
and
126
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Vnite
peece
,
called
Iacobus
of
England
twentie
two
carrats
,
and
thirtie
six
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Ryder
of
the
vnite
Low
Prouinces
also
twentie
two
carrats
,
and
36
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
halfe
Iacobus
and
Ryders
accordingly
in
finenesse
and
peeces
.
The
ducats
of
the
Estates
of
the
vnited
Prouinces
,
with
the
Letters
,
22
carrats
,
and
105
peeces
.
The
new
twentie
shilling
peeces
of
England
twentie
two
carrats
fine
,
and
39
⅗
peeces
.
The
halfe
and
fourth
part
of
it
accordingly
.
The
Scots
peece
of
the
Crosse
Daggers
twentie
two
carrats
fine
,
and
72
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Scots
Rider
of
twentie
two
carrats
,
and
some
of
the
finenesse
of
the
Scots
Pistolet
.
Note
,
that
here
are
set
down
many
Species
or
Peeces
of
gold
,
which
are
little
or
none
at
all
to
be
found
:
And
although
some
are
found
in
great
quantitie
;
yet
are
they
not
made
currant
in
the
vnited
Prouinces
,
by
their
last
valuation
of
the
one
&
twentith
day
of
Iuly
1622
hereafter
declared
.
The
like
is
in
the
Reconciled
Prouinces
vnder
the
Arch-Dutches
Isabella
Clara
Eugenia
of
Austria
,
as
also
in
Germanie
:
so
that
the
generall
knowledge
of
them
all
,
may
giue
to
euerie
man
better
satisfaction
.
And
the
like
must
be
vnderstood
of
the
Siluer
Coynes
of
all
Countreys
hereafter
declared
,
with
some
addition
of
meere
Copper
Coynes
.
And
whereas
the
Stiuer
is
the
fundamentall
Coyne
,
whereof
twentie
make
the
Guilder
,
it
is
to
be
obserued
,
That
sixteene
Copper
pence
are
reckoned
in
Holland
and
those
vnited
Prouinces
for
one
Stiuer
,
and
so
is
the
said
Stiuer
two
Groats
Flemmish
,
called
halfe
Stiuers
,
euerie
halfe
Stiuer
eight
pence
Hollandts
:
also
twentie
foure
Mites
is
a
Stiuer
in
the
other
Countreys
,
&c.
A
Declaration
of
the
coynes
of
Siluer
,
concerning
their
finesse
,
and
number
of
peeces
in
the
pound
weight
of
twelue
ounces
Troy
,
euerie
ounce
weighing
twentie
pennie
weight
,
and
euerie
pennie
weight
twentie
and
foure
graines
,
and
containing
likewise
in
finesse
twelue
ounces
,
euerie
ounce
twentie
pennie
weight
,
and
euerie
pennie
weight
twentie
and
foure
graines
;
calculated
for
the
forreine
coyne
vpon
the
marke
weight
of
eight
ounces
,
euerie
ounce
twentie
pennie
weight
,
and
euerie
pennie
weight
twentie
and
foure
graines
in
weight
,
and
likewise
in
finesse
twelue
ounces
twentie
pennie
weight
,
and
24
grains
,
vnnecessarie
fractions
omitted
,
as
neere
as
conueniently
could
be
computated
&c.
THe
Philip
Doller
tenne
ounces
fine
,
and
10
5/7
peeces
to
the
pound
weight
.
The
halfe
,
the
fourth
,
the
fifth
,
and
tenth
part
accordingly
,
that
is
to
say
,
all
of
ten
ounces
fine
,
and
peeces
21
3/7
,
42
6/7
,
53
4/7
,
and
107
1/7
to
the
pound
▪
The
twentieth
part
of
the
said
Doller
fiue
ounces
fine
,
and
107
¼
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
fortieth
part
of
the
said
Doller
,
fiue
ounces
fine
,
and
214
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Carolus
Gueldren
or
⅔
of
the
said
Doller
,
ten
ounces
fine
,
and
16
1¼
peeces
.
The
old
foure
Styuers
peece
with
the
Eagle
,
Charles
and
Philip
,
seuen
ounces
,
7
½
pennie
fine
,
and
sixtie
peeces
.
The
old
double
Styuer
seuen
ounces
,
7
½
pennie
weight
in
finesse
,
and
120
peeces
.
The
old
three
Styuers
peece
,
eleuen
ounces
,
three
pennie
weight
,
eighteene
graines
fine
,
and
120
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
siluer
Fleece
of
three
Styuers
,
ten
ounces
,
ten
pennie
weight
,
and
108
peeces
.
The
three
groot
or
Deniers
fine
,
fiue
ounces
,
ten
penie
weight
,
and
117
¾
peeces
.
The
old
Styuer
of
three
ounces
,
foureteene
pennie
weight
,
foure
graines
,
and
120
peeces
.
The
new
Styuer
following
,
three
ounces
,
thirteene
pennie
weight
,
eight
graines
,
and
120
peeces
.
The
17
Duyts
,
ten
ounces
,
ten
penie
weight
fine
,
and
147
peeces
.
The
halfe
Styuer
,
three
ounces
,
ten
pennie
weight
,
and
201
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
quarter
Styuer
Oort
,
one
ounce
,
17
½
pennie
weight
,
and
158
peeces
.
The
eight
part
Stiuer
Duyt
fine
,
one
ounce
,
foureteene
pennie
weight
,
and
474
peeces
.
The
Hollandts
pennie
fine
,
19
pennie
weight
,
and
518
peeces
.
The
Styuer
of
the
States
Vnited
,
4
ounces
fine
,
and
168
peeces
.
The
Styuer
of
Vtrecht
,
three
ounces
fine
,
and
167
peeces
.
The
nine
Duyts
pennie
of
Charles
and
Philip
,
foure
ounces
,
foureteene
pennie
weight
,
129
peeces
.
The
halfe
Ruyters
blanke
,
four
ounces
,
foureteene
pennie
weight
,
and
256
peeces
.
The
Brasse
pennie
and
the
halfe
,
foure
ounces
,
ten
pennie
weight
,
and
120
peeces
.
The
Spanish
Ryalls
fine
,
eleuen
ounces
,
3
½
pennie
weight
,
and
108
peeces
.
The
Saluator
and
Ryall
of
Venice
,
eleuen
ounces
,
ten
pennie
weight
,
and
96
peeces
.
The
Italian
Ryalls
of
nine
ounces
seuenteen
pennie
,
and
nine
ounces
14
pennie
,
and
nine
ounces
eleuen
pennie
,
peeces
108.
The
course
Romish
Ryalls
of
seuen
ounces
fine
,
and
108
peeces
.
The
eleuen
Duyts
of
Charles
Limb.
foure
ounces
,
fifteene
pennie
weight
,
and
120
peeces
.
The
11
Duyts
of
Holland
,
six
ounces
scarce
,
and
144
peeces
.
The
halfe
Ruyters
blank
of
Holland
,
3
ounces
fine
,
&
144
peeces
The
fiue
Groot
of
Flanders
,
and
double
Sassenars
,
ten
ounces
,
6
½
pennie
,
and
146
½
peeces
.
The
5
Groot
of
Gaunt
,
5
ounces
,
13
pennie
weight
,
and
145
peeces
The
17
Duyts
of
Lodouick
,
Liege
,
Philip
,
Guelders
,
Charles
,
Limborgh
,
Philip
of
Flaunders
,
two
standing
Lyons
,
nine
ounces
½
fine
,
and
145
peeces
.
The
17
Duyts
of
Sluce
,
9
ounces
,
5
penie
weight
,
and
148
peeces
.
The
double
Vierysers
fine
,
foure
ounces
,
ten
pennie
weight
,
and
138
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Snaphanen
coyned
for
three
Batts
,
seuen
ounces
,
7
½
pennie
weight
,
and
39
¾
peeces
.
The
Creuciat
of
Iohn
of
Cleaue
,
eight
ounces
,
seuen
penie
weight
fine
,
and
39
¾
peeces
.
The
fiue
Styuer
peece
of
Liege
,
seuen
ounces
,
eleuen
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
48
peeces
.
The
fiue
Styuer
peece
of
Gueldres
,
eight
ounces
,
1
½
pennie
weight
,
and
48
peeces
.
The
Snaphane
of
Nimegen
,
Deuenter
,
and
Cleaue
,
seuen
ounces
,
eleuen
pennie
weight
,
and
48
peeces
.
The
Shilling
M.
E.
●nd
fiue
Groots
Philip
of
Flanders
,
eleuen
ounces
,
three
pennie
,
and
135
peeces
.
The
other
fiue
Groot
of
Philip
of
Flanders
,
ten
ounces
,
foureteen
pennie
weight
,
foure
graines
,
and
135
peeces
.
The
fiue
Styuer
of
Cambray
,
Liege
,
Horne
,
six
ounces
,
6
½
pennie
weight
,
48
and
51
peeces
.
The
Shillings
of
Gueldres
,
Vtrecht
,
Freese
,
and
Zealand
,
1586
fine
six
ounces
,
and
57
peeces
.
The
Shilling
of
Bridges
,
1582
fine
,
fiue
ounces
,
and
57
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Shilling
of
Gaunt
1583
fine
,
seuen
ounces
,
seuen
penie
weight
,
and
54
peeces
.
The
Styuer
of
Gant
1583
fine
,
three
ounces
,
and
175
½
peeces
.
The
Styuers
of
Groeninghen
,
Cambray
,
and
Liege
,
fine
three
ounces
,
fiue
pennie
weight
,
and
135
peeces
.
The
eleuen
Duyts
of
Philip
and
Marie
,
eleuen
ounces
,
3
½
pennie
fine
,
and
270
peeces
.
The
Ferdinand
of
Tiroll
ten
ounces
,
7
½
pennie
weight
,
and
270
peeces
.
The
peeces
of
5
½
Groot
of
1520
,
and
Ma.
Flandres
nine
ounces
,
foureteene
pennie
weight
,
and
120
peeces
.
Dollers
The
Doller
of
the
States
nine
ounces
fine
,
and
12
1/64
peeces
to
the
pound
weight
.
The
Hollandts
Doller
nine
ounces
fine
,
and
13
⅓
peeces
to
the
ll.
The
Dollers
of
Gueldres
and
Vtrecht
nine
ounces
fine
,
and
fifteen
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Dollers
of
Zutphen
and
Gueldres
1586
fine
,
ten
ounces
,
foure
pennie
,
and
13
⅔
peeces
.
The
Hollandts
Doller
with
the
Crown
8
ounces
,
and
13
5/3
peeces
.
The
Rickx
Doller
Oncia
eleuen
ounces
,
fiue
pennie
weight
,
and
12
½
peeces
.
The
other
sorts
of
Rickx
Dollers
of
eleuen
ounces
,
and
eleuen
ounces
three
pennie
,
and
12
½
peeces
.
-
The
Poland
Doller
fine
,
seuen
ounces
,
fifteen
pennie
weight
,
and
13
½
peeces
.
-
The
Bohemia
Ne.
Op.
fine
,
seuen
ounces
,
fifteen
pennie
weight
,
and
13
½
peeces
.
-
The
Batenborgh
Dol.
fine
,
seuen
ounces
,
fifteen
pennie
weight
,
and
13
½
peeces
.
-
The
Bommell
Doller
.
fine
,
seuen
ounces
,
fifteen
pennie
weight
,
and
13
½
peeces
.
The
Polish
Guelder
of
sixtie
Creutzer
,
eleuen
ounces
,
3
½
pennie
fine
,
and
fifteene
peeces
.
The
Dollers
of
Brisgau
,
Tremone
ten
ounces
,
fifteene
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
fifteene
peeces
.
The
Dollers
of
Luneborgh
ten
ounces
,
sixteene
pennie
½
fine
,
and
fifteene
peeces
.
The
Basell
sixtie
Creutzer
,
Reynsborch
,
and
Ismensen
ten
ounces
,
13
½
pennie
,
and
fifteene
peeces
.
The
Doller
of
Riga
ten
ounces
,
2
½
pennie
weight
,
&
13
½
peeces
Teastons
.
-
Of
Mantua
,
Francis
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Ferrara
,
Hercules
and
Alphonsus
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Berne
,
Vincent
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Ottomanus
Berne
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Lucerne
,
Episcopus
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Milan
,
Lodouicus
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Milan
,
Galeacius
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Friborgh
,
Nicolas
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Sedun
,
Nicol.
dan
Adrian
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Solod
,
Vrsus
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Sauoye
,
Carolus
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
-
Of
Castile
—
fine
eleuen
ounces
,
5
⅙
pennie
weight
,
and
45
peeces
.
Teastons
.
-
Of
Portugall
Io.
V.L.
ten
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
fortie
and
two
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
France
Franciscus
ten
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
fortie
and
two
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
Lorayne
an.
1524.
&
29.
ten
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
fortie
and
two
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
Spaine
,
Ferdinand
ten
ounces
,
10
½
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
39
peeces
.
-
Of
Nauarre
,
Anna
ten
ounces
,
10
½
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
39
peeces
.
-
Of
Baden
,
Chrisostome
ten
ounces
,
10
½
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
39
peeces
.
-
Of
Sauoy
,
Carolus
ten
ounces
,
10
½
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
39
peeces
.
-
Of
Nauarre
,
Henricus
ten
ounces
,
10
½
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
39
peeces
.
-
Of
Monserat
,
George
and
Guill
.
ten
ounces
,
4
½
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
42
peeces
.
-
Of
Geneua
,
—
ten
ounces
,
4
½
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
42
peeces
.
The
Quarter
Crownes
.
-
Of
Fraunce
4
Escu
of
ten
ounces
,
6
⅔
pennie
fine
,
and
39
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
Lorayne
fine
nine
ounces
,
8
½
pennie
weight
,
and
39
peeces
to
the
pound
.
-
Of
Sauoy
Philip
,
ten
ounces
,
16
½
pennie
weight
,
and
39
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Rickx
Doller
of
late
Anno
1567
fine
ten
ounces
,
12
13
and
14
pennie
fine
,
and
12
½
peeces
.
The
peece
of
Cambray
1/10
of
a
Doller
sixe
ounces
,
ten
pennie
weight
,
and
123
peeces
.
The
38
Gustaue
of
Liege
ten
ounces
,
foure
pennie
weight
scarce
,
and
peeces
12
¾
.
The
Christopher
Doller
45
10
½
ounces
fine
,
and
12
¾
peeces
.
The
Doller
Guliel
.
Sweaden
10
½
ounces
fine
,
and
12
¾
peeces
.
The
Angell
of
Scrickelborgh
ten
ounces
,
7
½
pennie
weight
,
and
78
¾
peeces
.
The
ten
Creutzer
of
Salsborgh
,
Rauenborgh
,
Frise
,
and
Saxony
eight
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
,
and
64
½
peeces
.
The
three
Carolus
of
Frankford
,
Campidona
,
Reynsborch
,
Patauia
,
Ernestus
,
Otingus
,
Carolus
and
Salsborgh
nine
ounces
fine
,
and
78
¾
peeces
.
The
sixe
Creutzer
of
Insborgh
10
½
ounces
fine
,
and
124
½
peeces
.
The
Grosse
of
Salsborgh
foure
ounces
,
12
½
pennie
weight
,
and
39
peeces
.
-
Batsen
of
foure
Creutzers
fine
,
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
and
109
½
peeces
.
-
Of
Fribourgh
,
Colmograue
,
fine
,
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
and
109
½
peeces
.
-
Raynsbourgh
,
Taunte
,
fine
,
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
and
109
½
peeces
.
-
Cost
1530
,
Roy
,
and
fine
,
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
and
109
½
peeces
.
-
Schafhuysen
,
Bauiere
,
fine
,
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
and
109
½
peeces
.
-
Brandebourgh
,
Ottinge
.
fine
,
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
and
109
½
peeces
.
The
Ausb
.
Saxon
Grosse
,
and
Coniugsteyn
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
fine
,
and
108
peeces
.
The
Curiensis
grosse
,
Kempton
,
Bassau
,
and
Brisae
,
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pence
,
and
106
½
peeces
.
Of
Noiling
,
Ambass
.
Markegraue
,
George
and
Wormeser
,
foure
ounces
,
12
½
pennie
,
and
94
½
peeces
.
The
Grosse
of
Salsbourgh
,
sixe
ounces
2
½
pennie
weight
,
and
118
½
peeces
.
The
Grosse
of
Viena
,
sixe
ounces
,
foure
pennie
weight
,
and
132
peeces
.
Of
Ausbourgh
and
Reynsbourgh
,
six
ounces
4
½
pennie
fine
,
and
155
peeces
.
Of
Carinthia
,
Tauen
,
Basell
,
Shaf-huysen
,
Campido
and
Brisgraue
,
six
ounces
,
and
118
●/2
peeces
.
Nummi
dragme
,
sixe
ounces
fine
,
and
140
peeces
.
Nummi
dragme
,
sixe
ounces
,
2
1/●
pennie
fine
,
and
118
½
peeces
.
The
Gulielmus
of
Turinghia
,
sixe
ounces
,
fifteene
pennie
weight
,
and
129
peeces
.
The
Bohemia
Senube
and
the
halfe
,
5
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
fine
,
and
129
peeces
.
The
1
½
siluer
Grosse
,
three
ounces
7
½
pennie
weight
,
and
eightie
seuen
peeces
.
The
Kempter
½
Batts
,
foure
ounces
12
½
pennie
weight
,
192
½
peeces
.
The
Munichen
½
Batts
,
foure
ounces
,
●2
½
pennie
fine
,
and
186
peeces
.
The
Gulielmus
Lion
peece
,
two
ounces
,
fiue
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
150
,
and
179
peeces
.
Peeces
of
twelue
Creutzers
,
eight
ounces
,
7
½
pennie
weight
,
and
61
½
peeces
to
the
pound
.
Of
Viena
,
and
Bauiere
of
twelue
Creutzers
,
eight
ounces
,
7
½
pennie
fine
,
and
57
peeces
.
Of
twelue
Creutzers
tenne
ounces
,
tenne
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
61
½
peeces
.
Of
six
Creutzers
,
tenne
ounces
,
tenne
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
123
peeces
.
Of
three
Creutzers
,
fiue
ounces
,
ten
pennie
fine
,
and
136
1/●
peeces
.
Of
six
Creutzers
of
Viena
,
eight
ounces
,
7
½
pennie
fine
,
and
114
peeces
.
Of
three
Creutzers
of
Viena
,
foure
ounces
,
8
⅓
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
129
peeces
.
Of
three
Creutzers
of
Bauiere
,
foure
ounces
,
eight
penny
weight
,
and
375
peeces
.
Of
Ausbourgh
and
V●me
Creutzers
5
ounces
,
5
pennie
weight
,
and
peeces
384.
Albi
of
Coloigne
,
Mentz
,
and
Trier
,
5
½
ounces
fine
,
and
345
,
179
,
and
342
peeces
.
Albi
of
Norenbourgh
,
Frankford
,
Bambourgh
,
and
Palatin
Rhene
,
foure
ounces
,
eighteene
pennie
,
and
273
peeces
.
Bohemia
white
pennie
,
fiue
ounces
,
seuen
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
924
peeces
.
Bohemia
blacke
pennie
,
two
ounces
,
13
½
pennie
fine
,
and
990
peeces
.
Dupli
Maui
1/9
;
of
Gulielmus
Turinghia
,
two
ounces
,
fifteene
pennie
weight
,
and
440
peeces
.
Simpli
dupli
of
fiue
ounces
tenne
pennie
weight
,
and
882
peeces
.
The
1/1●
of
one
siluer
grosse
,
or
duodena
,
three
ounces
3
⅔
penny
weight
,
and
874
½
peeces
.
Duplus
of
two
ounces
fine
,
and
324
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
sixe
grosse
of
Polonia
,
sixe
ounces
fine
,
and
13
7/8
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
Sigismond
of
Prussia
1534
,
10
ounces
,
11
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
69
peeces
.
The
other
with
the
Armes
of
Dansicke
,
10
ounces
½
pennie
fine
,
and
69
peeces
.
The
Sigismond
1532
,
and
1535
,
but
10
ounces
,
foure
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
69
peeces
.
The
foure
grosse
pennie
,
eight
ounces
fine
,
and
81
peeces
.
The
three
grosse
Prussia
alb.
10
ounces
,
10
½
pennie
fine
,
and
138
peeces
.
The
same
of
Melicin
1340
,
of
10
ounces
foure
pennie
,
and
10
pennie
fine
,
and
138
peeces
.
The
grosse
of
Prague
,
nine
ounces
12
½
pennie
fine
,
and
180
peeces
.
The
Ferdinand
of
Dansicke
,
5
ounces
fine
,
and
180
peeces
.
The
Wersbourgh
soli
of
Dans
and
Prussia
,
5
ounces
6
¼
pennie
,
and
157
½
peeces
.
The
two
Crosses
and
Har
,
foure
ounces
fine
,
and
180
peeces
.
The
Bre
1499
,
the
Key
and
Ioan
,
three
styuers
,
ten
ounces
,
foure
pennie
fine
,
and
156
peeces
.
The
eight
Shilling
of
Dansicke
1541
fine
,
ten
ounces
,
twelue
pennie
,
and
156
peeces
.
The
Deghen
of
Russia
,
Moscouia
,
and
de
Narde
,
eleuen
ounces
,
thirteene
pennie
weight
,
and
545
⅓
peeces
or
Dengen
.
The
marke
sticke
of
Lubecke
,
Ladie
Marie
tenne
ounces
16
⅔
pennie
,
and
twentie
seuen
peeces
.
The
three
Armes
of
Magenbourgh
,
fiue
ounces
8
⅓
pennie
,
and
twentie
seuen
peeces
.
The
other
peece
of
eleuen
ounces
,
3
½
pennie
weight
,
and
fiftie
one
peeces
.
The
Franks
of
France
,
three
to
one
Crowne
,
tenne
ounces
fine
,
and
26
¼
peeces
.
The
Turones
of
France
,
tenne
ounces
,
eighteene
pennie
weight
,
and
26
¼
peeces
.
The
French
two
soulz
,
and
foure
soulz
,
six
ounces
6
⅔
pennie
fine
,
and
117
peeces
.
The
double
H
and
of
one
Soulz
,
three
ounces
,
fifteene
pennie
fine
,
and
132
peeces
.
The
old
soulz
with
✚
,
foure
ounces
,
fiue
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
175
peeces
.
The
ordinarie
French
soulz
,
three
ounces
tenne
pennie
fine
,
and
147
peeces
.
The
late
French
soulz
,
three
ounces
6
½
pennie
fine
,
and
147
peeces
.
The
Lyarts
of
France
H.
three
ounces
fine
Scarce
.
The
Pettie
denier
,
Pa.
and
Pettie
denier
Tor.
one
ounce
½
,
and
270
,
and
337
½
peeces
.
Pettie
Maille
were
one
ounce
fine
,
and
450
peecs
,
and
now
all
Copper
.
The
shilling
of
England
of
Queene
Elizabeth
,
eleuen
ounces
,
two
pennie
fine
,
and
sixtie
peeces
.
The
English
groats
,
eleuen
ounces
,
two
pennie
weight
,
and
129
peeces
.
The
English
shilling
of
late
,
eleuen
ounces
fine
,
and
sixtie
two
peeces
to
the
pound
.
The
peece
of
nine
pence
,
called
siluer
Harpe
,
eleuen
ounces
fine
,
and
eightie
two
peeces
.
The
Base
Irish
Harpe
,
three
ounces
fine
,
and
eightie
two
peeces
.
The
Old
Harpe
,
nine
ounces
,
sixe
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
102
peeces
.
The
King
Henrie
base
groat
,
foure
ounces
,
two
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
peeces
.
The
English
sixe
pence
or
halfe
shilling
,
eleuen
ounces
fine
,
and
124
peeces
.
The
pennie
,
two
pence
,
and
halfe
pennie
acordingly
.
The
three
Ryall
peeces
of
Albertus
of
Austria
,
ten
ounces
,
fifteene
pennie
fine
,
and
fortie
peeces
.
The
single
Ryalls
,
the
halfe
,
and
the
fourth
parts
accordingly
.
The
double
Guilder
of
Albertus
,
tenne
ounces
,
15
pennie
weight
,
and
14
⅗
peeces
.
The
single
Guilder
,
the
halfe
and
quarters
of
the
same
finenes
,
and
peeces
accordingly
.
The
peeces
of
foure
,
two
,
and
one
Stiuer
since
1590.
The
peeces
of
eight
Ryalls
of
Spaine
,
of
eleuen
ounces
,
foure
pennie
weight
,
and
13
½
peeces
.
The
said
peeces
made
at
Mexico
in
the
Indies
,
eleuen
ounces
fine
,
and
13
⅔
peeces
.
The
Lion
Doller
of
the
Prince
of
Orange
,
of
nine
ounces
fine
,
and
thirteene
peeces
.
The
siluer
Ryder
of
Guilders
and
Frize-land
,
correspondent
with
the
States
Doller
of
nine
ounces
.
The
Dollers
of
Guelders
and
Vtrecht
,
tenne
ounces
,
tenne
and
twelue
pennie
fine
,
and
thirteene
peeces
.
The
great
siluer
Royall
of
the
States
correspondent
with
the
Phillip
Doller
.
The
1/20
part
of
the
said
great
Royall
,
with
the
Arrowes
accordingly
.
The
Doller
of
Zealand
,
with
the
Eagles
of
nine
ounces
fine
,
and
13
½
peeces
.
The
Edward
Doller
of
England
,
of
eleuen
ounces
two
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
11
¾
peeces
.
The
Doller
of
Scotland
with
the
crosse
Daggers
,
eleuen
ounces
,
two
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
11
¾
peeces
.
The
Marke
of
Scotland
eleuen
ounces
two
pennie
weight
fine
,
and
54
peeces
.
The
Doller
of
Frize-land
coyned
1601
,
of
nine
ounces
fine
,
and
13
½
peeces
.
Coynes
made
of
meere
Copper
.
THe
Ortgens
,
whereof
foure
make
one
Stiuer
,
and
two
the
halfe
Stiuer
.
The
Duyts
also
foure
make
one
Stiuer
.
The
Negenmannekens
,
the
eight
make
a
Stiuer
,
and
foure
the
halfe
Stiuer
.
The
three
Mites
,
whereof
eight
peeces
to
the
Stiuer
is
24
Mites
.
The
sixteene
pence
Hollandts
make
one
Stiuer
,
and
eight
the
halfe
Stiuer
.
For
other
Copper
Moneys
,
read
the
fifth
precedent
Chapter
of
Moneys
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
the
Valuation
of
Moneys
,
and
the
Proportion
betweene
Gold
and
Siluer
.
VAluation
of
Moneys
is
the
Spirit
which
giueth
life
vnto
coynes
,
for
without
it
,
weight
and
finenesse
are
in
the
nature
of
Bullion
or
Materialls
.
This
Valuation
is
twofold
:
The
Kings
or
Princes
Valuation
is
effected
three
manner
of
waies
,
The
Merchants
Valuation
is
also
effected
three
manner
of
waies
,
The
Kings
Valuation
is
deriued
or
drawne
from
the
verie
peece
or
peeces
made
out
of
the
pound
weight
of
twelue
ounces
,
or
the
marke
of
eight
ounces
,
which
the
Romans
did
call
Nummus
à
numerando
,
to
tell
or
reckon
by
.
The
Saxons
gaue
it
the
name
Pfemimg
,
or
Pennimick
in
Ducth
,
from
whence
the
word
pennie
is
deriued
:
for
they
cutt●ng
twentie
peeces
out
of
the
pound
Troy
of
twelue
ounces
,
made
twentie
pence
euerie
way
,
that
is
to
say
,
twentie
pence
in
weight
,
twentie
pence
in
value
;
But
beyond
the
seas
there
hath
been
great
inhancing
,
both
for
the
coynes
of
siluer
and
gold
,
as
wel
in
Fraunce
as
in
the
Low-countries
,
and
Germanie
,
to
Englands
incredible
losse
,
as
is
at
large
declared
in
our
[
*
](A06786-e78460-b)
*
The
Canker
of
Englands
Common-wealth
.
Treatise
of
Exchange
.
This
(
daily
)
inhauncing
beyond
the
seas
began
in
the
time
of
King
Henrie
the
eight
,
who
went
about
to
reforme
the
same
:
but
afterwards
finding
that
if
he
should
inhance
his
price
of
moneys
,
likewise
they
would
still
aduance
theirs
more
and
more
,
he
began
but
moderately
;
and
whereas
the
Angell
Noble
(
so
called
)
was
at
six
shillings
eight
pence
,
HENRIE
the
eight
,
by
the
grace
of
God
,
King
of
England
and
of
Fraunce
,
defendor
of
the
Faith
,
Lord
of
Ireland
,
to
the
most
reuerend
Father
in
God
,
our
most
trustie
and
most
entierly
beloued
Councellor
,
the
Lord
Thomas
,
Cardinall
of
Yorke
,
Archbishop
,
Legat
de
Leicester
of
the
See
Apostolicke
,
Primat
of
England
,
and
our
Chauncellor
of
the
same
,
greeting
.
For
as
much
as
coynes
of
moneys
,
as
well
of
gold
as
of
siluer
,
be
of
late
daies
raised
and
inhaunced
both
in
the
realme
of
France
,
Graftons
Chronicle
doth
record
that
all
was
to
no
purpose
,
for
the
inhauncing
might
on
both
sides
haue
run
ad
infinitum
.
Afterwards
in
the
two
and
twentieth
yeare
of
his
raigne
,
finding
that
Merchants
did
transport
still
the
moneys
,
or
made
them
ouer
by
exchange
,
and
made
no
imployment
vpon
the
commodities
of
the
realme
;
he
caused
a
Proclamation
to
be
made
according
to
an
old
statute
14
Richard
2
,
Hereupon
it
fell
out
,
that
lawlesse
necessitie
did
run
to
the
other
extreame
of
imbasing
the
moneys
by
allay
,
whereby
all
things
came
to
be
out
of
order
.
For
base
money
maketh
euerie
thing
deere
,
Philip
le
Bell.
And
Peter
the
fourth
King
of
Aragon
,
did
for
this
cause
confiscate
the
Islands
of
Maiorca
and
Minorca
,
now
kingdomes
in
the
Mediterranean
sea
,
whereas
the
policie
of
those
nations
which
do
vse
seuerall
standards
of
moneys
,
doth
preuent
the
same
,
because
that
promiscuously
they
make
and
coine
moneys
of
seuerall
standards
according
to
the
occasion
,
which
is
worthie
the
obseruation
:
☞
and
as
all
extreames
are
vicious
and
defectiue
,
so
doth
it
befall
those
countries
which
will
haue
no
base
money
at
all
,
and
are
made
a
prey
vnto
other
nations
by
the
exchange
for
moneys
,
which
must
be
maintained
withall
,
as
I
haue
made
and
shall
make
more
apparant
.
pro
cent
.
and
ought
to
be
almost
thirtie
eight
shillings
,
whereof
our
Mint
men
c●n
take
no
notice
,
much
lesse
our
Goldsmiths
and
Merchants
,
which
either
are
ignorant
,
or
wise
in
their
owne
conceits
;
and
it
is
a
hard
matter
to
find
in
one
man
that
which
belongeth
to
the
professions
of
many
,
and
when
it
is
found
to
imbrace
it
;
for
wisdome
draweth
backe
,
where
blind
Byard
is
audatious
.
For
mine
owne
part
,
although
it
were
to
be
wished
(
which
is
not
to
be
hoped
)
that
we
were
of
the
Scithians
mind
,
who
contemned
siluer
and
gold
as
much
as
other
men
do
admire
the
same
:
yet
seeing
money
is
by
the
iudgement
of
the
wisest
so
necessarie
to
the
common-wealth
,
that
it
seemeth
to
be
the
Sinowes
of
peace
,
and
(
as
it
were
)
the
Life
and
Breath
of
warfare
;
I
could
not
(
if
I
were
a
Law-giuer
with
Licurgus
)
banish
gold
and
siluer
as
the
causes
of
much
euil
,
and
bring
in
yron
in
place
,
vnlesse
I
might
be
persuaded
as
he
was
)
of
such
good
successe
against
vnrighteous
dealings
as
issued
thereby
,
but
rather
vse
the
pretious
mettalls
so
conueniently
as
I
might
,
and
supplie
the
defect
with
baser
coyne
,
whereunto
these
chiefe
mettals
of
gold
and
siluer
cannot
serue
without
great
losse
and
inconuenience
:
Or
else
I
would
by
the
course
of
exchange
for
moneys
,
preuent
all
and
abound
with
moneys
and
bullion
,
hauing
such
Staple
commodities
to
procure
the
same
withall
,
whereof
other
nations
are
destitute
.
Let
vs
now
therefore
enter
into
consideration
of
the
Merchants
Valuation
in
exchange
,
in
specie
by
a
low
exchange
,
and
the
commodities
of
the
realme
will
be
sold
accordingly
,
as
you
may
vnderstand
by
the
declaration
of
exchanges
in
our
third
part
of
this
booke
hereafter
.
This
Valuation
of
Merchants
hath
two
handmaides
beyond
the
seas
,
which
do
aduance
the
forreine
coyne
in
price
,
as
we
do
by
exchange
abate
the
same
.
For
Merchants
when
they
haue
occasion
to
vse
any
species
of
coynes
for
transportation
(
as
Dollers
for
the
East-countries
to
buy
corne
,
or
Royalls
of
plate
for
the
East-Indies
,
or
French
Crownes
for
Fraunce
)
will
giue
one
,
two
or
three
Styuers
or
Soulz
vpon
a
peece
to
haue
the
same
,
whereby
other
Merchants
buying
commodities
,
will
condition
to
make
their
paiment
in
such
coynes
accordingly
;
Motus
maior
expellit
minorem
.
Touching
the
Proportion
betweene
gold
and
siluer
in
valuation
;
albeit
some
are
of
opinion
,
That
the
same
is
not
much
materiall
in
the
course
of
trafficke
,
yet
experience
hath
shewed
vnto
vs
,
that
the
contrarie
must
be
beleeued
before
their
conceits
:
And
whereas
they
haue
made
obseruation
vpon
my
former
assertion
to
this
purpose
,
That
Spaine
holdeth
the
Proportion
of
twelue
to
one
,
and
Portugall
holdeth
but
ten
to
one
;
they
doe
not
marke
the
reason
added
therevnto
,
which
is
,
That
betweene
those
Kingdomes
there
are
no
commodities
to
establish
any
trafficke
.
So
that
exportation
of
siluer
for
gold
,
pro
cent
.
And
this
losse
of
siluer
farre
exceedeth
the
gold
in
value
,
because
in
quantitie
there
is
in
the
world
500
of
siluer
to
one
of
gold
:
The
Proportions
vsed
within
the
memorie
of
man
,
are
as
followeth
.
IN
the
Low-countries
they
did
reckon
two
Phillip
Dollers
,
for
the
Emperours
Royall
of
gold
,
whereby
one
marke
of
gold
did
counteruaile
eleuen
marke
of
siluer
,
being
eleuen
to
one
in
the
pound
accordingly
.
In
Spaine
one
marke
of
gold
was
valued
at
53
½
Pesos
,
euerie
Peso
450
Maluedeis
,
and
euerie
marke
of
Siluer
2250
Maluedeis
,
maketh
the
marke
of
gold
to
be
but
10
⅔
valued
by
siluer
:
but
the
Spanish
Pistolets
of
twentie
two
Carrats
fine
,
to
eleuen
Royalls
,
is
eleuen
of
siluer
to
one
of
gold
.
In
France
the
marke
of
gold
valued
at
seuentie
foure
Crownes
,
and
the
siluer
at
6
⅓
Crownes
,
maketh
the
proportion
11
11/19
parts
,
but
valuing
the
French
Crowne
at
three
Frankes
,
is
eleuen
to
one
.
In
England
the
Angel
at
ten
shillings
,
and
the
siluer
at
sixtie
shillings
the
pound
Troy
of
12
ounces
,
being
that
six
Angels
did
weigh
an
ounce
,
made
also
eleuen
to
one
.
In
Germany
one
marke
of
Siluer
,
at
8
½
Gold
guilders
,
maketh
11
⅔
for
1
;
but
the
valuation
of
moneys
being
altered
hath
also
altered
the
same
.
In
Rome
the
pound
of
siluer
at
108
Carlini
,
and
the
Ducat
of
gold
99
¼
is
12
to
1.
So
at
Millaine
the
Ducat
112
,
and
the
Teaston
28
is
but
9
⅓
for
1.
The
siluer
being
so
in
request
there
for
the
making
of
gold
and
siluer
threed
,
that
is
to
say
,
siluer
threed
guilt
and
white
.
Now
for
all
places
of
momentarie
trafficke
it
is
12
to
1
,
and
in
England
13
½
to
1
,
as
hath
beene
declared
.
The
valuation
of
forreine
coyne
of
gold
and
siluer
,
published
in
the
vnited
Low
Prouinces
on
the
21
day
of
Iulie
1622
,
with
the
orders
established
by
the
Estates
of
the
said
Countries
,
for
the
better
obseruation
of
the
said
valuation
,
which
neuer
the
lesse
are
continually
infringed
from
time
to
time
:
And
the
like
is
done
in
other
countries
;
so
that
to
obserue
our
owne
rule
according
to
Equalitie
and
Equitie
,
will
be
found
the
best
and
safest
course
of
Politicke
gouernment
.
|
|
Guilders
.
|
Stiuers
.
|
Flemish
.
|
|
The
great
golden
Ryder
of
the
vnited
Prouinces
.
|
11
|
6
or
|
37
s●
|
8
d
|
|
The
halfe
of
the
said
Ryder
|
5
|
13
|
18
|
10
|
|
The
double
Ducat
of
the
said
Prouinces
with
the
Letters
|
8
|
10
|
28
|
4
|
|
The
French
Crowne
|
3
|
18
|
13
|
0
|
|
The
Pistolet
of
Spaine
of
foure
Pistolets
|
15
|
8
|
51
|
4
|
|
The
double
Pistolet
of
Spaine
|
7
|
14
|
25
|
8
|
|
The
single
Pistolet
after
the
rate
|
3
|
17
|
12
|
10
|
|
The
Albertins
or
ducats
of
Albertus
of
Austria
|
5
|
13
|
18
|
10
|
|
The
double
Rose
Noble
of
England
|
18
|
12
|
62
|
0
|
The
Rose
Noble
of
Henricus
,
Edward
,
and
Queene
Elizabeth
|
9
|
6
|
31
|
0
|
|
The
Henricus
Noble
|
8
|
6
|
27
|
8
|
|
The
Flemish
Noble
old
and
new
of
the
vnited
Countries
|
8
|
0
|
26
|
8
|
|
The
old
Angell
of
England
|
6
|
4
|
20
|
8
|
|
The
new
Ryder
of
Guelders
and
Freeseland
|
3
|
13
|
12
|
2
|
|
The
gold
Guilder
of
those
Mints
|
3
|
2
|
10
|
4
|
All
which
coynes
are
to
bee
weighed
with
their
accustomed
weight
,
and
the
remedie
of
two
graines
and
no
more
,
with
some
little
aduantage
ouer
,
or
at
the
least
being
within
the
rest
of
the
ballance
:
Prouided
alwaies
,
that
the
coynes
of
their
due
finenesse
(
although
they
be
lighter
)
shall
be
currant
,
paying
for
euerie
graine
wanting
,
two
stiuers
.
Siluer
Coynes
.
|
|
Guilders
.
|
Stiuers
.
|
Flemish
.
|
|
|
|
|
ss.
|
d.
|
|
The
Lyon
Doller
of
the
Low
Prouinces
|
2
|
0
|
6
|
8
|
|
The
Rickx
Dollers
in
generall
|
2
|
10
|
8
|
4
|
|
The
Crosse
Doller
of
Albertus
|
2
|
7
|
7
|
10
|
|
The
Spanish
Ryalls
of
8
|
2
|
8
|
8
|
0
|
|
The
Doller
of
Zealand
and
Frise
with
the
Eagle
|
1
|
10
|
5
|
0
|
|
The
Floren
or
Guilder
of
Friseland
|
1
|
8
|
4
|
8
|
|
The
English
Shilling
,
and
of
great
Brittaine
|
0
|
10
½
|
1
|
9
|
|
The
Marke
peece
,
or
Thistle
of
Scotland
|
0
|
12
|
2
|
0
|
|
The
Harpe
of
Scotland
and
Ireland
|
0
|
8
|
1
|
4
|
And
if
any
of
the
said
peeces
be
found
to
want
of
their
weight
,
and
the
appointed
remedy
,
within
the
rest
of
the
ballance
,
or
some
little
aduantage
ouer
,
they
shall
be
currant
,
paying
(
for
euerie
graine
wanting
)
two
pence
Hollandts
,
whereof
16
make
one
stiuer
,
and
the
English
groats
are
made
bullion
,
or
shall
not
be
currant
.
Small
Moneys
for
ordinarie
payments
.
|
THe
Shillings
of
all
the
seuerall
Prouinces
respectiuely
,
and
of
the
Mints
of
Nimogen
,
Deuenter
,
Campen
and
Swoll
|
6
Stiuers
|
|
The
halfe
Shillings
after
the
rate
|
3
Stiuers
|
|
The
peeces
called
Flabs
of
Groninghen
4
stiuers
,
the
double
|
8
Stiuers
|
|
The
twintigst
part
of
the
great
siluer
Royall
|
2
½
Stiuers
|
|
The
double
and
single
stiuers
of
all
these
countries
|
2
&
1
Stiuer
|
2
The
Duyts
according
to
the
order
of
the
Prouinces
made
in
the
Prouinciall
Mints
,
and
none
other
,
are
as
yet
tollerated
for
a
Duyt
:
and
all
other
copper
moneys
of
the
Prouinciall
Mints
are
also
tollerated
to
be
paied
out
for
one
pennie
the
peece
,
the
16
whereof
make
one
Hollandts
Stiuer
and
not
aboue
;
whereas
we
do
intend
hereafter
to
prohibit
the
same
to
be
currant
for
any
price
,
because
wee
will
prouide
our selues
forthwith
with
so
much
copper
mony
as
the
commodiousnesse
shall
require
.
3
We
do
also
prohibit
from
henceforth
no
copper
moneys
to
be
brought
into
these
countries
aboue
two
stiuers
,
vpon
paine
often
stiuers
for
euerie
peece
to
be
forfeited
:
and
whosoeuer
shall
issue
any
copper
moneys
aboue
the
said
price
,
shall
incur
the
like
penaltie
of
ten
stiuers
for
euerie
peece
.
4
And
all
the
said
coynes
shall
be
currant
in
these
Prouinces
for
the
prices
aforesaid
,
declaring
all
other
peeces
for
bullion
,
5
Without
that
any
distinction
shall
be
made
,
whether
the
said
coynes
were
instantly
paied
from
forreine
parts
,
or
sent
from
some
one
Prouince
or
Towne
into
another
,
in
which
case
,
if
the
receiuer
thereof
will
be
freed
of
the
said
forfeiture
,
he
is
to
giue
notice
of
it
within
twentie
and
foure
houres
after
the
receipt
thereof
vnto
the
Magistrates
or
other
Officers
to
be
thereunto
appointed
,
to
the
end
they
may
proceed
therein
against
the
sender
of
the
said
coyne
,
as
it
shall
or
may
appertaine
.
6
Yet
shal
the
said
Receiuer
keepe
the
said
coyns
wholly
to
himselfe
,
if
the
said
moneys
be
sent
vnto
him
in
paiment
of
a
former
debt
,
and
neuerthelesse
haue
his
action
against
the
partie
for
so
much
as
they
shall
want
of
the
said
valuation
:
and
if
the
said
coynes
be
sent
for
any
debt
as
yet
not
due
,
or
to
be
made
,
the
said
Receiuer
shall
reserue
to
himselfe
so
much
as
the
forfeiture
commeth
vnto
,
and
the
remainder
shall
be
deliuered
to
the
said
Magistrate
or
Officer
.
7
The
Magistrats
in
places
also
where
all
such
moneys
are
sent
at
a
higher
rate
than
the
said
Proclamation
,
shal
be
bound
to
make
good
the
said
inhancing
vnto
the
Receiuer
to
whom
the
said
moneys
were
sent
;
yet
so
that
they
may
redemaund
the
same
of
the
Magistrate
of
the
place
from
whence
the
said
coynes
were
sent
,
who
shall
also
instantly
reembourse
the
same
and
haue
power
to
recouer
it
,
with
the
forfeitures
therunto
belonging
,
and
hereby
ordained
against
the
persons
and
goods
of
those
who
haue
sent
the
same
at
a
higher
price
.
8
All
which
shall
bee
obserued
also
from
the
one
Prouince
vnto
another
,
or
the
Counting-houses
of
the
generalitie
,
wherein
they
shall
be
ayding
and
assisting
each
other
,
to
maintaine
the
said
Proclamation
accordingly
.
9
And
We
do
intend
that
the
said
forfeitures
shall
be
imposed
as
well
vpon
the
receiuer
as
vpon
the
payer
,
euerie
one
to
the
full
,
vnlesse
one
of
the
parties
did
forthwith
denounce
the
same
to
the
Magistrates
,
in
which
case
(
whether
he
be
the
receiuer
or
payer
)
he
shall
be
quit
and
free
of
the
said
forfeiture
,
and
moreouer
enioy
the
one
third
part
of
the
offendors
forfeiture
.
10
Prohibiting
and
expressely
commanding
,
that
no
man
henceforth
shall
presume
to
buy
or
sell
any
wares
or
merchandises
,
or
deale
for
moneys
by
exchange
or
interest
,
nor
buy
new
or
old
rents
,
or
otherwise
deale
and
negotiate
than
according
to
the
said
price
and
valuation
of
moneys
of
this
Our
permission
and
Ordinance
,
vpon
forfeiture
of
the
said
summes
,
and
moreouer
quadruple
the
value
thereof
.
11
Our
intention
being
,
That
no
paiments
of
Imposts
,
Demesnes
or
Reuenues
of
Lands
,
Townes
,
Villages
,
contracts
of
Merchandises
,
Hires
,
Rents
,
interest
or
any
Debts
shall
be
paied
than
according
to
this
our
valuation
;
to
weete
,
euerie
Guelder
with
the
one
halfe
of
a
Lyon
Doller
,
and
one
pound
Flemish
with
three
Lyon
Dollers
,
or
with
other
coynes
of
gold
and
siluer
,
according
to
their
intrinsicke
value
,
as
the
said
Lyon
Doller
,
or
the
great
Golden
Royall
now
containeth
.
After
which
two
(
as
being
chiefe
and
standard
peeces
)
all
the
precedent
moneys
of
gold
and
siluer
are
valued
;
12
And
to
the
end
that
the
stabilitie
and
certainty
of
this
valuation
(
which
we
haue
taken
to
heart
and
in
singular
commendation
,
and
intend
further
to
care
for
)
may
take
the
better
effect
,
We
do
ordaine
,
that
instantly
vpon
the
publication
of
this
Proclamation
(
whereof
mention
is
made
in
the
latter
end
)
all
persons
being
in
any
office
,
Estates
and
Officers
high
and
low
,
ciuill
or
militarie
of
countries
,
towns
,
members
of
colledges
,
or
particular
Lords
within
the
said
vnited
prouinces
,
shal
take
their
solemne
oath
for
the
performance
of
the
said
ordinance
,
to
cause
the
same
to
be
maintained
and
obserued
for
so
much
as
any
maner
of
waies
may
concerne
their
offices
&
command
.
13
And
if
any
of
the
said
persons
should
perchaunce
be
found
forgetfull
,
and
to
haue
transgressed
the
aforesaid
points
in
the
paying
out
,
or
receiuing
of
coynes
not
permitted
by
this
Our
ordinance
;
likewise
of
clipped
,
washed
,
cracked
,
mended
,
nayled
,
or
otherwise
augmented
coynes
in
weight
,
or
giuing
them
in
payment
at
a
higher
price
than
this
Our
ordinance
;
We
do
order
and
establish
,
that
all
the
said
forfeitures
committed
,
and
to
be
committed
,
shall
(
respectiuely
)
be
paied
double
.
And
moreouer
,
if
they
issue
any
coynes
made
bullion
,
or
other
moneys
aboue
their
values
,
they
shall
be
depriued
of
their
offices
,
vpon
the
verification
of
the
fact
,
without
any
pardon
to
be
obtained
for
the
same
.
14
And
the
better
to
bring
this
ordinance
in
course
,
We
do
prohibite
all
Treasurors
,
Receiuers
,
Rent-gatherers
,
their
Deputies
or
Clarkes
,
and
all
other
persons
being
in
publicke
seruice
or
administration
to
pay
any
of
the
said
moneys
by
assignation
or
otherwise
,
but
to
returne
the
same
where
they
haue
beene
receiued
,
vpon
the
forfeitures
aforesaid
,
vnlesse
it
were
that
the
assignement
were
made
vpon
publicke
Counting-houses
or
Bankes
,
and
not
vpon
particular
persons
,
as
Fermers
,
Collectors
,
and
the
like
,
being
likewise
bound
by
the
same
oath
;
but
this
is
to
be
done
but
once
by
him
vpon
whom
this
ordinance
falleth
out
,
and
no
further
.
15
And
to
discouer
the
offences
which
they
might
do
in
their
payments
,
We
do
order
,
That
instantly
when
any
payments
are
made
,
they
shal
indorse
vpon
the
acquittances
and
discharges
of
their
payments
(
amounting
to
the
summe
of
one
hundred
Guilders
)
the
seuerall
species
of
gold
and
siluer
wherewith
they
haue
made
the
said
payments
,
and
the
price
according
to
which
they
haue
paied
the
same
,
with
mention
also
of
the
graines
which
are
wanting
and
payed
for
,
to
be
subscribed
by
him
that
hath
receiued
the
same
,
to
the
end
,
that
vpon
their
accounts
notice
may
be
taken
thereof
,
vpon
forfeiture
that
the
said
acquittances
or
discharges
shall
not
be
allowed
:
and
whosoeuer
doth
receiue
the
said
species
and
not
vnderwrite
the
same
,
shall
forfeit
the
fourth
part
so
by
him
receiued
.
16
Commaunding
the
Auditors
(
respectiuely
appointed
)
to
take
the
accounts
of
the
said
Accountants
to
gouerne
themselues
accordingly
,
and
not
to
allow
of
any
acquittances
or
discharges
than
is
aforesaid
,
but
by
the
said
acquittances
to
find
out
the
offendors
.
17
Moreouer
the
said
persons
are
bound
,
18
They
shall
also
for
those
to
whom
they
shall
pay
any
moneys
,
haue
in
readinesse
ballances
and
weights
in
their
places
where
they
keepe
their
Banks
,
vpon
forfeiture
of
halfe
a
Ryder
for
euerie
default
to
be
made
therein
.
19
And
all
the
said
countable
Officers
,
as
well
generall
as
particular
,
shall
be
bound
to
haue
this
our
ordinance
with
the
figures
alwaies
readie
vpon
their
Bankes
or
Counting-houses
,
as
also
a
proclamation
fit
to
be
affixed
in
print
,
declaring
the
Valuation
of
the
said
coynes
,
to
the
end
euerie
man
may
gouerne
himselfe
accordingly
,
vpon
forfeiture
of
fiue
Netherland
Ryders
,
to
be
paied
as
often
as
they
shall
be
found
without
them
in
their
said
Offices
or
Counting-houses
.
20
Prohibiting
all
Receiuers
,
Bankers
,
and
Exchangers
,
their
Deputies
and
Officers
,
together
with
all
Merchants
or
other
persons
of
what
qualitie
and
condition
so
euer
,
to
cull
out
any
coynes
,
to
separate
the
light
ones
for
to
be
issued
,
and
with
the
weightie
ones
'
to
make
a
benefite
,
vpon
forfeiture
of
twentie
and
fiue
Neatherland
Ryders
.
21
Prohibiting
also
that
none
of
the
coynes
of
Gold
and
Siluer
which
are
valued
by
this
Our
Proclamation
(
vnlesse
it
be
the
Spanish
Ryall
of
8
,
with
his
Proportions
)
shall
be
deliuered
into
any
Mint
to
be
molten
;
to
which
end
,
we
commaund
all
the
Mint-masters
of
these
Prouinces
,
that
they
do
not
receiue
any
of
the
said
coynes
for
to
melt
them
:
22
Prohibiting
also
the
importation
of
any
coynes
(
not
valued
by
these
presents
)
either
of
Gold
or
Siluer
to
be
brought
in
,
for
to
be
distributed
.
23
And
for
the
better
discouerie
of
the
said
first
authors
or
importers
of
prohibited
coyns
,
We
do
command
all
Our
Officers
to
do
their
vtmost
endeauours
to
inquire
of
those
with
whom
they
shal
find
any
of
the
said
coynes
of
whom
they
had
the
same
,
and
so
from
person
to
person
,
vntill
the
first
importers
,
causing
them
to
be
punished
as
aforesaid
,
vnles
some
can
name
his
first
author
,
wherwith
he
shal
be
cleered
of
the
said
forfeitures
:
and
if
he
do
voluntarily
accuse
his
author
,
he
shall
inioy
the
one
third
part
of
the
same
;
and
the
said
first
importer
shall
be
banished
out
of
all
the
said
Prouinces
.
24
If
any
Officers
shall
make
doubt
,
that
any
of
the
said
persons
haue
not
dealt
well
,
or
misbehaued
themselues
,
then
shall
they
(
with
the
Magistrate
)
haue
authoritie
to
put
them
to
their
oath
,
of
whom
they
haue
receiued
the
said
coynes
,
and
at
what
price
they
haue
receiued
and
paied
out
the
same
:
and
if
they
denie
to
declare
the
same
by
oath
,
hee
shall
be
taken
as
conuicted
of
the
said
trespas
,
according
to
this
ordinance
.
But
if
without
equiuocation
he
will
roundly
declare
the
trueth
,
wherby
the
fault
shall
appeare
,
he
shall
be
pardoned
of
the
forfeiture
,
and
also
enioy
one
third
part
of
the
offendors
penaltie
,
if
it
be
to
be
had
.
25
And
in
like
manner
they
may
,
and
We
do
authorise
them
by
these
presents
,
to
seize
and
open
coffers
,
trusses
,
and
the
letters
of
Messengers
,
where
they
haue
suspition
to
containe
any
coyne
.
Prouided
alwayes
that
the
said
opening
be
done
in
the
presence
of
him
to
whom
the
said
coffers
,
trusses
,
or
letters
were
directed
,
if
they
can
instantly
come
at
them
,
besides
some
one
of
the
Magistrates
where
the
said
seizure
is
made
;
to
the
end
that
thereby
the
name
may
bee
knowne
of
him
who
hath
sent
the
said
moneys
at
higher
prices
,
and
to
no
other
effect
.
26
All
which
penalties
and
forfeitures
shall
be
distributed
,
the
one
third
part
to
the
poore
of
the
towne
where
the
penaltie
falleth
;
the
other
third
part
to
the
accuser
,
and
the
other
third
to
the
officer
who
shall
challenge
the
execution
to
be
done
;
vnlesse
it
were
that
the
said
forfeitures
did
exceed
the
summe
of
fiue
thousand
Guilders
:
In
this
case
the
one
halfe
shall
bee
for
the
benefit
of
the
common
cause
,
and
the
other
halfe
to
be
diuided
proportionably
betweene
the
said
three
parties
.
And
to
the
end
the
accuser
herein
may
doe
his
vttermost
diligence
,
his
name
and
person
shall
be
concealed
so
long
as
possible
it
may
be
.
27
And
herein
we
vnderstand
,
that
not
onely
the
person
which
hath
committed
the
said
trespasses
shall
bee
subiect
to
answere
for
himselfe
,
but
also
for
them
of
his
family
:
The
Husband
for
his
wife
,
the
Parents
for
their
children
,
the
Masters
and
Mistresses
for
their
seruants
,
men
,
or
maides
,
vnlesse
it
were
the
said
seruants
had
done
the
same
without
their
priuitie
or
knowledge
.
28
And
to
the
end
that
this
our
present
ordinance
,
may
bee
kept
and
fully
accomplished
in
all
her
points
:
We
doe
order
and
command
all
the
officers
of
our
said
Prouinces
,
and
euerie
one
in
his
office
,
to
haue
an
especiall
care
and
regard
of
the
infringers
and
transgressors
of
this
our
ordinance
,
and
to
bring
them
before
the
Magistrates
of
their
iurisdiction
:
Without
that
the
said
forfeitures
be
any
wayes
diminished
,
vpon
penalty
to
be
deposed
of
their
offices
,
and
euer
after
to
be
disabled
to
serue
in
any
office
,
without
that
they
may
excuse
themselues
by
ignorance
,
or
by
a
generall
transgression
of
our
ordinance
;
which
excuse
shall
not
be
auaileable
vnto
them
,
but
our
intention
is
to
punish
them
for
their
negligence
and
sloth
.
29
We
doe
further
command
all
Magistrates
and
Iustices
,
that
setting
aside
all
other
businesses
and
affaires
,
they
doe
proceed
herein
summarily
,
onely
the
truth
of
the
fact
being
knowne
,
to
the
condemnation
of
the
transgressors
,
as
soone
as
by
two
witnesses
they
shall
bee
conuicted
:
And
●heerein
shall
the
testimonie
of
the
like
offender
be
admitted
,
and
their
sentences
shall
be
without
appeale
or
any
preiudice
.
30
We
will
and
command
,
That
whensoeuer
it
shall
manifestly
appeare
that
the
persons
haue
transgressed
,
and
are
found
vpon
the
fact
,
or
that
by
two
witnesses
the
same
can
be
prooued
against
them
,
the
offendor
shall
be
bound
to
deposite
the
said
forfeitures
,
before
he
shall
be
admitted
to
defend
himselfe
by
the
Law
,
whereunto
he
is
to
be
compelled
instantly
,
by
the
apprehension
of
his
person
and
otherwise
:
And
if
it
be
found
that
hee
is
not
able
to
pay
the
said
penalties
,
hee
shall
be
punished
by
corporall
punishment
as
the
cause
shall
require
.
31
The
Iudges
and
Magistrates
shall
haue
no
authoritie
to
diminish
or
moderate
their
decrees
and
sentences
concerning
the
said
penalties
,
vpon
forfeiture
to
pay
themselues
the
double
value
thereof
:
and
if
any
of
the
said
offendors
should
obtaine
of
the
higher
powers
any
fauour
or
abatement
,
yet
shall
they
bee
bound
to
satisfie
the
accuser
and
the
officer
for
their
said
part
proportionably
,
according
to
the
said
forfeitures
.
32
And
to
the
end
that
Our
ordinance
may
bee
better
obserued
,
We
doe
will
and
order
,
That
the
Councell
of
State
of
the
said
Prouinces
vnited
,
shall
call
before
them
the
Receiuer
Generall
of
the
said
Netherlands
,
the
Receiuer
of
the
Contributions
,
Confiscations
,
and
other
ordinarie
meanes
which
are
letten
to
ferme
,
or
to
be
collected
,
together
also
with
the
Commissaries
,
Clarkes
and
seruants
of
counting-houses
,
as
also
the
Commissioners
of
musters
,
ammonition
,
victualls
,
and
wagons
,
and
to
cause
them
solemnely
to
sweare
to
obserue
and
keepe
all
the
points
and
Articles
of
Our
said
ordinance
.
33
The
Councell
of
State
also
shall
appoint
Commissioners
for
musters
,
to
take
by
the
course
thereof
,
the
oath
of
all
Collonels
,
Masters
of
horse
,
Captaines
,
Lieutenants
,
Ancient-bearers
,
Serieants
,
Clarkes
and
Sollicitors
of
Companies
in
Our
seruice
millitarie
:
which
oath
being
taken
,
shall
forthwith
(
by
forme
of
Act
)
be
sent
vnto
the
Councell
of
State
.
34
Likewise
that
the
Councel
of
Admiraltie
,
the
Officer
of
Convoyes
,
Masters
of
Licents
,
their
Commissaries
,
Clarkes
and
seruants
,
and
others
that
are
accountable
,
shall
doe
the
like
.
35
We
doe
further
order
,
that
the
Committees
of
Our
Councell
,
the
Councel
Prouincial
,
or
of
Finances
of
euery
respectiue
Prouince
,
for
themselues
,
or
their
Committees
shall
call
before
them
all
accountable
Officers
,
as
well
Stewards
of
the
Demaynes
and
spirituall
liuings
,
Receiuers
of
the
ordina●ie
meanes
,
Collectors
of
toles
,
and
all
others
,
with
their
Clarkes
and
seruants
,
which
haue
the
managing
of
the
coynes
of
particular
Prouinces
.
Item
,
The
Registers
and
Secretaries
,
Aduocates
,
Procters
,
Warders
of
Colledges
,
courts
,
and
chamber
of
finances
to
take
the
aforesaid
oath
.
36
The
Committees
of
States
,
and
their
Deputies
or
Councell
Prouinciall
,
shall
haue
care
also
,
that
all
Townes
and
Villages
of
the
said
respectiue
Prouinces
,
shall
take
the
said
oath
before
them
that
are
accustomed
to
take
the
same
;
and
where
the
same
cannot
conueniently
be
done
,
the
said
Committees
of
States
,
their
Deputies
and
Prouinciall
Councell
,
shall
appoint
in
all
Townes
and
Villages
some
persons
to
take
the
said
oath
,
before
the
Borough-masters
,
Magistrates
,
Treasurers
and
Secretaries
of
the
said
Townes
and
places
:
also
the
Gouernours
of
the
East-India
Companie
,
and
all
other
Companies
alreadie
erected
,
or
which
hereafter
shall
be
erected
,
as
also
all
Treasurers
,
Receiuers
,
Rent-gatherers
,
and
their
Committees
,
or
Clarkes
of
Lords
,
Princes
,
Earles
,
Barons
and
other
of
higher
powers
:
Item
,
all
Deacons
of
Churches
,
Masters
of
the
Hospitalls
or
Orphants
,
Almoners
,
and
all
those
that
serue
in
Almes-houses
,
houses
of
correction
or
Colledges
,
and
their
seruants
.
Item
,
All
Bankers
of
moneys
,
their
Deputies
and
seruants
,
all
Masters
of
Corporations
or
Societies
,
Masters
of
handie-crafts-men
,
or
trades
,
such
as
liue
by
Rents
,
Merchants
in
Grosse
or
by
Retaile
,
Shop-keepers
,
Brewers
,
Wood-mongers
,
Herring-mongers
,
Cheese-mongers
,
Dyers
,
Beere-mongers
,
Inne-keepers
and
Tapsters
,
and
all
those
that
vse
any
trade
:
Item
,
all
Chamberlaines
and
Notaries
resorting
vnder
them
,
Collectors
of
small
duties
,
Fermers
,
Impost-master
,
and
of
consumptions
,
Tole-gatherers
,
gatherers
of
Poundage
,
Brokers
,
and
their
Committees
,
Clarkes
and
seruants
within
Townes
and
other
places
residing
respectiuely
vnder
them
.
And
further
all
those
that
the
Magistrate
of
euerie
towne
,
place
,
or
village
shall
hold
conuenient
or
iudge
to
be
necessarie
shall
take
the
said
oath
,
vpon
penaltie
(
in
case
of
refusall
)
to
pay
euerie
day
three
guilders
so
long
as
they
doe
not
performe
the
same
according
to
the
Proclamation
:
and
moreouer
to
lose
their
freedome
of
a
Citizen
,
&
of
their
trade
,
office
,
or
traffick
;
so
as
no
man
shall
be
admitted
vnto
his
office
,
trade
,
or
trafficke
to
exercise
the
same
,
vntill
he
haue
first
(
in
conformitie
of
Our
said
Proclamation
)
taken
the
said
oath
.
37
We
haue
also
concluded
and
thought
good
,
That
the
Councell
of
State
,
the
Councell
of
the
Admiraltie
,
the
Committees
or
Deputies
of
the
said
respectiue
Prouinces
,
and
all
Courts
of
Iustice
,
shall
promise
vnder
their
Signature
,
vpon
the
oath
they
tooke
at
the
entrance
of
their
office
,
to
keepe
all
the
said
points
and
Articles
,
none
excepted
:
And
the
said
Courts
of
Iustice
,
shall
(
in
forme
of
Act
)
send
the
said
oath
of
all
the
said
seuerall
persons
mentioned
in
the
former
Article
to
the
said
Lords
,
Estates
of
the
said
respectiue
Prouinces
,
or
in
their
absence
to
the
Committees
or
Deputies
of
States
,
within
fourteen
dayes
after
the
publication
hereof
:
which
Committees
or
Deputies
of
States
shall
within
other
14
dayes
after
that
send
the
same
vnto
the
Estates
Generall
,
to
know
thereby
that
this
Our
ordinance
is
receiued
,
and
the
obseruation
thereof
established
:
the
like
is
to
be
done
by
the
Councell
of
State
,
or
of
the
Admiraltie
and
their
Committees
or
Deputies
,
and
others
within
the
time
aforesaid
.
38
Ouer
and
aboue
all
the
aforesaid
oathes
,
to
be
done
respectiuely
by
euery
one
,
the
said
Prouinces
haue
mutually
promised
,
and
by
these
presents
do
promise
each
to
other
,
to
obserue
and
cause
to
be
obserued
the
said
Proclamation
in
all
and
euery
point
and
Article
,
without
any
alteration
to
be
done
therein
,
making
void
and
annihilating
from
hence
forward
all
particular
graunts
,
consents
,
ordinances
,
priuiledges
,
permission
or
commaund
,
which
(
contrarie
to
the
said
valuation
)
in
part
or
in
the
whole
,
by
any
of
the
said
Prouinces
,
Townes
,
Colledges
,
and
Magistrates
,
or
other
members
of
the
same
,
might
be
giuen
and
granted
,
being
opposite
to
the
common
good
and
welfare
of
the
countrey
.
39
Also
because
that
hereby
the
said
valuation
is
much
eased
,
for
the
multitude
of
coyne
,
whereby
it
is
apparant
,
that
many
coynes
of
Gold
and
Siluer
Bullion
shall
be
incident
in
these
Prouinces
,
to
the
end
Our
inhabitants
be
not
ouermuch
charged
with
the
same
,
but
with
the
least
grieuance
might
be
freed
thereof
;
Wee
will
and
command
the
Generalls
of
Mints
,
instantly
and
with
all
speed
,
to
take
care
that
in
all
townes
of
these
vnited
Prouinces
,
with
the
approbation
of
the
Magistrates
respectiuely
,
where
there
are
no
Bankes
of
Exchanges
,
nor
Exchangers
,
there
be
appointed
one
or
more
persons
of
credit
and
reputation
(
as
the
conueniencie
of
the
place
shall
require
)
to
be
Exchangers
:
and
in
places
where
such
persons
are
to
bee
found
as
are
fit
thereunto
,
that
the
Magistrates
shall
procure
them
,
and
giue
them
honest
recompence
,
and
to
furnish
them
with
conuenient
instructions
and
commissions
,
vnto
whom
or
into
the
Mints
,
euerie
man
hauing
Bullion
shall
deliuer
the
same
,
as
is
mentioned
in
the
Manualls
thereof
:
prohibiting
vnto
all
men
that
are
not
authorised
thereunto
,
not
to
meddle
with
any
exchanging
function
directly
nor
indirectly
,
vpon
forfeiture
of
fiftie
Netherland
Golden
Ryders
in
specie
for
the
first
time
,
and
double
the
second
time
,
besides
arbitrable
correction
:
the
one
third
part
to
the
benefit
of
the
officer
,
the
other
third
to
the
accuser
,
and
the
other
third
to
the
Exchangers
of
the
place
where
the
said
penalties
or
forfeiture
shall
happen
.
40
And
for
the
better
obseruation
of
this
present
ordinance
and
command
,
We
doe
order
and
command
,
That
the
same
shall
be
published
in
all
accustomed
places
where
Proclamations
are
made
,
euery
three
moneths
precisely
,
and
as
often
as
occasion
shall
require
to
bee
renued
and
published
;
requiring
therefore
the
States
of
euerie
respectiue
Prouince
,
and
their
Committees
or
Deputies
of
States
to
cause
the
said
publication
to
be
done
at
the
dayes
nominated
.
41
Finally
,
albeit
Wee
haue
caused
the
said
valuation
to
bee
●stablished
vpon
a
firme
and
sure
ground
,
without
limitation
thereof
to
any
time
certaine
:
neuerthelesse
to
accommodate
,
and
for
remarkeable
reasons
;
Wee
haue
condescended
and
tollerate
,
that
the
following
species
of
Gold
onely
and
none
other
,
shall
bee
issued
and
receiued
for
the
prices
hereafter
,
vntill
the
last
of
September
now
next
ensuing
.
42
Prouided
alwayes
,
That
all
sentences
pronounced
before
the
date
of
these
presents
,
for
the
payment
of
any
moneys
according
to
the
permission
of
that
time
,
shall
remaine
and
be
maintained
and
satisfied
according
to
the
tenor
thereof
;
without
that
by
the
said
valuation
or
following
tolleration
,
any
thing
to
the
contrarie
shall
be
innouated
or
abolished
.
43
Also
during
the
said
tolleration
,
no
coynes
to
bee
payed
for
lands
or
heritages
,
or
rents
vpon
Bills
,
or
paiments
vpon
Obligations
(
vntill
Ianuarie
last
)
shall
bee
drawne
against
the
will
of
the
partie
to
the
said
prices
of
tolleration
,
but
are
to
be
performed
according
to
this
present
valuation
.
44
Likewise
the
said
Bankes
of
Exchanges
,
shall
haue
no
power
to
take
in
payment
the
said
coynes
at
higher
prices
,
nor
to
issue
the
same
otherwise
than
the
said
finall
valuation
,
and
not
according
to
the
following
tolleration
,
which
(
as
vnnecessarie
)
are
here
omitted
,
the
time
being
expired
.
Obseruations
concerning
the
said
Proclamation
and
Ordinance
.
THat
the
manner
of
popular
gouernments
in
their
Proclamations
,
Placcarts
,
Edicts
,
and
Ordinances
doth
much
differ
from
the
Proclamations
which
are
made
in
Monarchies
where
Magistrates
and
Iudges
are
of
greater
reputation
and
dignitie
,
according
to
their
royall
Parlements
.
That
in
the
yeare
1594
,
all
mints
stood
still
for
one
whole
yeare
to
preuent
the
inhauncing
of
coyne
betweene
man
and
man
:
and
the
said
States
did
declare
,
that
it
was
not
in
their
power
to
reforme
the
same
,
so
long
as
the
seuenteen
Netherlands
were
diuided
;
euery
one
claiming
as
absolute
authority
as
the
other
,
as
members
of
one
bodie
.
And
that
now
they
haue
deuised
a
course
to
make
their
Proclamations
effectuall
within
the
vnited
Prouinces
,
to
their
great
benefit
,
if
we
will
consider
the
nature
of
the
former
valuation
of
coynes
made
by
Princes
and
Merchants
,
with
their
seuerall
branches
,
which
by
policie
are
made
inconstant
.
And
Germanie
,
Fraunce
,
and
other
countries
haue
not
as
yet
taken
any
course
in
their
moneys
,
answerable
thereunto
.
That
the
Lyon
Doller
,
and
the
great
golden
Royal
of
the
said
vnited
Prouinces
are
valued
and
made
the
standard
peeces
of
all
the
gold
and
siluer
coynes
made
currant
by
this
Proclamation
.
And
that
all
other
coynes
of
what
Kingdomes
or
States
soeuer
are
made
bullion
,
and
not
to
be
currant
within
the
said
Prouinces
.
That
siluer
coynes
shall
be
weighed
as
well
as
the
gold
,
whereby
a
more
certaintie
may
be
made
in
the
calculation
of
the
Par
for
exchanges
,
the
rather
for
that
their
species
are
far
lesse
in
number
,
and
the
proportion
betweene
gold
and
siluer
can
be
better
descerned
;
yet
without
the
rule
of
exchanges
by
bills
,
stil
great
aduantages
may
be
taken
by
one
nation
against
another
.
That
the
scope
of
this
Proclamation
is
to
set
their
Mints
on
worke
by
abolishing
all
the
seuerall
coynes
of
gold
and
siluer
of
all
kingdomes
not
valued
or
made
currant
thereby
,
The
like
consideration
is
to
be
had
for
the
valuation
of
moneys
of
other
countries
,
whereby
authoritie
will
rule
their
owne
,
and
not
according
to
the
rule
of
other
Nations
,
but
by
equalitie
and
equitie
,
which
no
N●tion
can
controll
or
contradict
.
Wherein
consider
we
likewise
the
standard
peeces
of
the
late
Arch-Duke
Albertus
of
Austria
for
the
vnited
Prouinces
,
declared
by
their
Proclamation
in
the
yeare
1611
,
and
we
shall
find
the
like
ground
and
foundation
to
their
aduantage
,
albeit
they
seeme
to
find
fault
with
the
disorderly
course
of
moneys
,
which
is
one
of
the
greatest
policies
in
State
affaires
.
The
said
Arch-Duke
made
(
as
now
the
States
haue
done
)
his
owne
coynes
of
Gold
and
Siluer
for
standard
peeces
,
Qui
vadit
plane
vadit
sane
,
taketh
not
alwaies
place
.
Lastly
,
that
the
Mints
of
certaine
Lords
are
called
Hedge
Mints
,
which
are
not
vnder
their
commaund
,
CHAP.
X.
Of
the
Lawes
and
Prohibitions
against
Vsurie
.
MAny
are
the
authors
which
haue
written
against
Vsurie
in
all
ages
,
euerie
man
according
to
his
profession
,
most
especially
the
Diuines
,
who
haue
the
word
of
God
for
their
warrant
,
wherein
also
the
auncient
Fathers
haue
been
verie
strict
to
construe
the
same
accordingly
,
According
to
the
definition
then
of
biting
Vsurie
,
we
are
to
proceed
in
this
discourse
,
after
that
we
haue
briefely
declared
the
Laws
and
Prohibitions
against
Vsurie
,
wherein
wee
must
begin
with
the
holie
Scripture
,
obseruing
these
places
.
God
saith
in
the
22
of
Exodus
,
If
thou
lend
Money
to
any
of
my
people
.
that
is
poore
by
thee
,
thou
shalt
not
be
an
Vsurer
vnto
him
,
neither
shalt
thou
oppresse
him
with
Vsurie
.
In
another
place
,
If
thy
brother
be
waxen
poore
and
fall
into
decay
with
thee
,
receiue
him
as
a
stranger
,
or
a
soiourner
,
and
let
him
liue
by
thee
,
and
thou
shalt
take
no
Vsurie
of
him
,
nor
yet
aduantage
;
but
shalt
feare
thy
God
,
that
thy
brother
may
liue
with
thee
.
Thou
shalt
not
lend
him
thy
money
vpon
Vsurie
,
or
lend
him
of
thy
food
to
haue
an
aduantage
by
it
.
Adde
vnto
this
the
places
noted
in
the
margine
,
and
so
let
vs
come
to
the
holie
ancient
fathers
.
Saint
Hierome
saieth
,
There
is
no
difference
betwixt
Vsurie
,
Fraud
,
and
violent
Robbing
.
Amb.
de
beno
mortis
.
Saint
Ambrose
likewise
saieth
,
If
any
man
take
Vsurie
he
doth
commit
extortion
,
rapin
and
pillage
,
and
shall
not
liue
the
life
;
as
who
should
say
,
he
shall
die
therefore
.
To
omit
many
other
of
the
said
ancient
fathers
,
Saint
Bernard
saieth
,
That
the
Vsuror
is
a
theefe
in
law
,
because
the
Ciuile
Law
telleth
him
before
hand
what
it
is
that
he
must
rob
from
others
,
as
who
should
say
,
such
Lawes
as
permit
Vsurors
are
lawfull
theeueries
.
Sextus
Decretalium
,
Gregorie
the
tenth
Bishop
of
Rome
of
that
name
,
saieth
,
We
(
being
desirous
to
stop
the
gulfe
or
whirlepooles
of
Vsurie
committed
,
which
doth
deuoure
soules
,
and
vtterly
wasteth
wealth
)
do
command
vpon
the
threatnings
of
Gods
curse
,
that
the
constitution
of
the
latter
Concile
set
forth
against
Vsurors
be
without
any
violation
at
all
,
fully
&
wholly
obserued
:
and
therupon
a
prohibition
is
made
,
That
no
Corporation
,
Colledge
,
or
Vniuersitie
shall
let
any
house
or
dwelling
place
to
any
stranger
Vsuror
.
The
Romanes
being
in
their
most
flourishing
estate
,
made
a
law
by
their
twelue
Tables
,
that
no
man
should
put
forth
money
vpon
Vsurie
,
but
after
one
in
the
hundreth
,
called
Faenus
vnciarium
,
whereas
before
that
time
,
rich
men
might
take
at
their
pleasure
.
Afterwards
it
was
ordained
at
the
intreating
of
the
Tribunes
to
take
an
ounce
and
a
halfe
,
and
that
was
thirtie
shillings
in
one
hundreth
pounds
:
after
that
it
came
to
foure
in
the
hundreth
,
called
Triens
:
and
last
of
all
to
six
in
the
hundreth
,
called
Semissis
.
And
yet
all
these
alterations
and
diuersities
of
suffering
in
Vsurie
notwithstanding
,
Tiberius
Caesar
to
remedie
this
euill
,
and
that
no
Vsurie
should
be
vsed
,
he
caused
a
maruellous
masse
of
money
to
be
laied
in
banke
,
to
the
summe
of
two
millions
and
an
halfe
of
Crownes
,
being
fiue
hundred
thousand
pounds
English
or
sterling
,
and
tooke
order
that
euery
man
should
haue
credit
for
three
yeares
without
paying
any
Vsurie
at
all
,
Cornelius
Tacitus
.
putting
in
suretie
for
the
double
value
of
that
he
borrowed
.
And
Cornelius
Tacitus
(
a
renowmed
Writer
)
saith
,
The
canker
of
Vsurie
is
an
old
venimous
sore
,
and
the
chiefest
head
and
cause
of
rebellion
and
variance
in
Countreys
and
Common-weales
;
and
therefore
it
was
altogether
banished
in
the
old
time
,
when
least
corruption
of
life
appeared
amongst
men
.
Lucullus
so
hated
the
excessiue
dealings
of
the
Vsurers
,
that
wheras
all
Asia
was
ouerwhelmed
with
Vsurie
,
he
cleered
the
same
vtterly
from
all
Vsurers
.
And
so
did
Cato
in
Cicilia
.
Anthoninus
Pius
,
Alexander
Seuerus
,
Claudius
Vespasian
,
Leo
,
Plato
the
Philosopher
warneth
among
other
things
,
So
did
diuers
Law-makers
banish
Vsurie
,
Sergius
Galba
in
Africa
,
being
gouernour
vnder
the
Emperour
Claudius
,
and
diuers
others
.
So
that
Vsurie
is
condemned
and
forbidden
by
the
holy
Scripture
,
the
Imperiall
Lawes
,
Ciuile
and
Canon
Lawes
,
ancient
Fathers
,
Decretals
,
learned
Philosophers
,
eloquent
Orators
,
Historiographers
,
and
Law-giuers
.
The
consideration
whereof
caused
me
(
some
yeares
since
)
to
write
a
small
[
*
](A06786-e82510-b)
*
Saint
George
for
England
.
Treatise
of
the
Operation
of
Vsurie
in
Kingdomes
,
States
,
and
Common-weales
;
shewing
(
although
allegorically
)
the
effects
of
it
,
with
the
six
members
of
euerie
Common-wealth
;
which
are
Clergie-men
,
Magistrates
,
Noblemen
,
Merchants
,
Artificers
,
and
Husband-men
,
by
ouerthrowing
the
harmonicall
gouernement
of
them
,
by
too
much
inriching
some
,
and
by
oppressing
and
impouerishing
some
others
,
bringing
the
instrument
out
of
tune
,
when
as
euerie
member
of
the
same
should
liue
contented
in
his
vocation
,
and
execute
his
charge
according
to
his
profession
,
whereby
all
things
should
be
gouerned
in
the
best
and
most
assured
manner
that
can
be
deuised
,
and
(
as
it
were
)
seeking
a
kind
of
certaintie
in
vncertainties
,
which
is
termed
(
Policie
:
)
For
all
worldly
and
transitorie
things
being
mutable
,
maketh
the
world
properly
to
consist
of
discord
and
dissention
,
a
verie
vncertaine
ground
to
build
vpon
,
and
yet
a
certaine
equalitie
and
concord
is
required
in
euerie
well
gouerned
Common-wealth
,
the
Prince
and
gouernour
hauing
the
disposing
both
of
the
one
and
the
other
:
Equalitie
,
concerning
trafficke
and
commerce
betwixt
his
dominions
and
other
countreys
;
and
Concord
amongst
the
members
of
a
Common-wealth
,
when
euerie
member
thereof
doth
liue
contentedly
and
proportionably
in
his
vocation
.
Both
these
are
confounded
by
intollerable
Vsurie
,
which
is
described
vnder
the
inuented
historie
of
Saint
George
,
The
pretence
of
the
Iewes
is
because
we
are
strangers
,
as
if
wee
were
all
Canaanites
,
or
some
of
the
seuen
Nations
which
were
as
well
to
bee
opprest
by
Vsurie
,
as
to
bee
rooted
out
by
Iosuah
:
but
these
men
cannot
alleage
any
thing
in
their
defence
,
but
greedie
lucre
.
(
*
dtridot
;
)
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
Vsurie
Politike
,
and
Moneys
deliuered
at
Interest
.
IN
the
precedent
Chapter
you
may
perceiue
what
Lawes
and
prohibitions
are
made
against
Vsurie
:
and
neuerthelesse
the
practise
of
it
is
most
vsuall
in
many
Kingdomes
and
Common-weales
,
and
the
Lawes
are
also
made
accordingly
;
for
this
sinne
is
rather
in
the
conscience
,
than
in
the
act
,
and
therefore
there
is
no
penaltie
imposed
vpon
it
by
Gods
Law
.
True
it
is
that
the
Statute
Law
of
England
doth
tollerate
tenne
vpon
the
hundreth
,
and
so
doe
some
other
Lawes
twelue
and
more
:
But
the
intent
and
not
the
rigour
thereof
,
is
to
bee
weighed
for
the
cleering
of
iustice
;
and
the
preamble
of
the
said
Statute
Law
in
the
narratiue
part
saith
,
That
whereas
Vsurie
is
against
all
Diuine
and
Humane
Lawes
,
yet
tenne
vpon
the
hundreth
is
tollerated
to
be
taken
for
the
yeare
,
which
by
way
of
forfeiture
in
the
nature
of
a
punishment
may
be
sued
for
by
the
Law
:
but
if
there
bee
neuer
so
little
taken
aboue
the
said
rate
of
tenne
vpon
the
hundreth
for
the
yeare
,
the
principle
is
lost
and
treble
damages
.
The
word
Vsurie
was
not
so
odious
in
times
past
,
as
it
is
now
taken
by
the
abuse
of
Vsurie
Politike
,
Cato
de
Rustica
.
When
a
theefe
was
punished
to
pay
the
double
of
that
he
had
taken
,
the
Vsurer
was
alwayes
condemned
to
pay
foure
times
the
value
.
The
Lawes
therefore
are
made
according
to
the
alterations
of
times
,
nature
,
condition
,
and
disposition
of
the
people
,
and
simply
to
say
that
any
thing
taken
aboue
the
principall
is
Vsurie
,
is
wonderfull
strict
,
vnlesse
you
take
the
word
Vsurie
to
bee
Biting
,
because
the
same
is
neuer
hurtfull
but
where
it
biteth
;
and
the
matter
of
conscience
consisteth
in
the
not
getting
of
your
debtor
,
and
not
in
the
taking
of
much
or
little
interest
:
The
Vsurie
is
greater
therefore
to
take
but
two
or
three
vpon
the
hundreth
of
one
that
maketh
no
benefit
of
the
money
,
than
to
take
tenne
or
twelue
vpon
the
hundreth
of
a
Merchant
,
who
maketh
a
greater
gaine
thereby
,
according
to
the
holy
Scripture
,
Pecunia
non
potest
parere
alienas
negociari
miserias
;
fratrem
non
mor
debis
,
non
munera
super
innocentem
,
which
was
the
cause
that
by
the
Lawes
of
the
Romanes
,
he
that
took
Vsurie
of
the
poore
was
more
punished
than
he
that
tooke
,
nay
than
he
that
did
steale
from
the
rich
:
for
no
man
is
bound
by
law
or
otherwise
admonished
to
lend
money
vnto
those
that
haue
no
need
of
it
;
and
there
is
on
the
other
side
a
conscience
to
be
vsed
,
if
a
man
haue
gotten
well
by
another
mans
money
,
and
doth
pay
the
same
againe
without
any
interest
or
profit
.
Also
in
case
of
interest
taken
it
is
considerable
,
That
if
I
doe
lend
money
to
him
that
hath
neede
,
and
can
afterwards
prooue
that
for
want
of
that
money
I
haue
sustained
great
losse
,
or
if
my
debtor
doe
breake
day
with
me
when
I
looke
to
haue
it
at
the
time
appointed
,
and
so
am
endangered
to
my
neighbour
for
my
necessarie
payments
,
it
is
great
reason
that
my
debtor
beare
my
losse
,
rather
than
I
should
sustaine
harme
or
danger
for
my
good
will
.
And
this
is
defined
to
be
a
gaine
to
be
taken
,
Some
are
of
opinion
,
That
it
is
better
for
them
to
deliuer
their
money
by
exchange
,
and
that
therein
they
are
lesse
to
be
euill
thought
on
,
than
by
dealing
vpon
Vsurie
:
But
this
difference
consisteth
onely
in
the
name
;
for
they
haue
both
an
intention
of
gaine
vpon
money
,
and
doe
beare
an
aduenture
for
the
losse
of
their
moneys
:
whereas
the
one
is
bound
to
receiue
but
tenne
vpon
the
hundreth
at
the
most
,
The
Venetians
and
others
allow
no
Interest
at
all
,
but
approue
the
benefit
and
course
of
exchange
,
although
it
be
aboue
Interest
.
By
the
aforesaid
rules
,
Vsurie
is
weighed
straightly
in
regard
of
Charitie
,
albeit
it
may
fall
out
otherwise
that
the
borrower
hath
sinned
;
therefore
in
such
cases
circumstances
are
to
be
considered
,
and
then
iudgement
to
be
giuen
accordingly
.
If
I
deale
with
a
Merchant
that
maketh
gaine
of
my
money
with
his
trade
and
commerce
,
and
is
well
able
to
pay
mee
againe
,
being
chiefly
inriched
by
my
meanes
;
why
should
not
I
in
reason
haue
part
of
his
benefit
and
aduantage
,
when
by
my
goods
hee
is
growne
rich
?
Suppose
foure
men
are
become
parteners
,
two
doe
disburse
large
summes
of
money
,
and
the
other
imploy
their
labour
and
industrie
to
make
(
by
lawfull
trade
)
a
great
benefit
thereby
,
is
it
not
reason
that
the
other
two
(
although
they
were
idle
at
home
)
should
haue
part
of
the
benefit
?
You
will
say
,
you
hold
this
reasonable
,
for
it
is
not
Vsurie
at
all
:
but
these
two
men
take
tenne
in
the
hundreth
for
their
money
;
nay
,
then
you
reply
and
say
,
It
is
Vsurie
,
although
the
other
two
had
gotten
thirtie
in
the
hundreth
by
it
:
How
can
this
be
a
biting
Vsurie
?
Obiection
.
Answere
.
But
they
haue
not
borne
the
aduenture
of
the
Seas
,
but
conditioned
a
certaintie
;
the
answere
is
,
That
they
haue
not
onely
borne
the
aduenture
of
the
Seas
,
but
many
other
casualties
besides
,
and
in
trusting
them
that
had
no
meanes
of
their
owne
:
Well
therefore
say
you
,
I
will
not
deliuer
my
money
but
to
rich
men
;
herein
you
shew
no
charitie
,
and
may
be
deceiued
too
,
for
you
know
not
what
money
a
man
hath
in
his
purse
;
so
that
your
conscience
is
stil
the
surest
guide
to
direct
you
with
prudence
,
as
the
loadstone
doth
the
variation
of
the
Pole
.
So
much
for
particular
persons
.
Now
comming
to
examine
what
the
Kings
of
England
haue
done
concerning
Vsurie
,
wee
find
that
both
before
the
Conquest
and
after
,
Vsurie
hath
beene
banished
by
some
Kings
,
and
by
some
other
Kings
it
hath
beene
tollerated
,
according
to
the
times
and
occasions
.
King
Edgar
before
the
Conquest
,
did
vtterly
forbid
all
Vsurie
;
The
Law
of
Iustinian
the
Emperour
,
doth
therefore
moderate
the
course
of
Vsurie
,
which
is
much
to
bee
regarded
,
where
the
words
are
thus
,
as
followeth
.
Co●.
C.
de
Vsuris
.
Wee
haue
thought
necessarie
to
make
a
generall
Law
or
Statute
touching
the
quantitie
of
Vsurie
,
bringing
the
old
,
hard
,
and
most
grecuous
weight
of
the
same
,
to
a
certaine
moderate
stay
or
meane
rate
.
Therefore
We
command
those
Noble
men
that
are
Earles
,
or
their
betters
,
that
they
doe
not
make
any
stipulation
or
firme
bargaine
by
any
manner
of
contract
whatsoeuer
,
great
or
lesse
,
for
Vsurie
or
gaine
to
bee
had
aboue
foure
in
the
hundreth
.
Those
that
are
guardians
or
gouernours
ouer
handie-crafts
men
,
or
places
where
Artificers
doe
worke
,
or
else
doe
vse
any
lawfull
trade
of
merchandise
;
Wee
will
that
they
shall
moderate
their
stipulation
,
or
firme
promise
taken
in
any
bargaine
to
eight
in
the
hundreth
.
And
as
for
those
that
doe
aduenture
their
goods
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
put
out
their
substance
vpon
their
owne
hazard
;
such
may
lawfully
demand
by
firme
promise
to
receiue
twelue
in
the
hundreth
,
and
in
no
wise
to
take
aboue
that
rate
;
although
by
the
old
Romane
Statutes
it
hath
beene
lawfull
to
exceed
.
And
We
will
that
all
other
men
shall
take
onely
six
in
the
hundreth
aboue
the
principall
,
and
the
same
quantitie
of
excesse
in
no
wise
to
bee
enlarged
in
other
contracts
,
where
Vsurie
is
wont
to
bee
demanded
without
stipulation
or
couenant
made
:
neither
shall
it
be
lawfull
to
the
Iudge
to
increase
the
foresaid
taxation
or
rate
made
,
by
reason
of
the
Custome
vsed
in
any
Countrey
,
&c.
This
Imperiall
Ciuile
Law
,
hauing
a
regard
to
the
qualitie
of
persons
was
duely
obserued
,
albeit
the
lender
of
the
money
could
haue
taken
more
,
when
the
borrower
would
giue
it
to
serue
his
occasions
,
without
this
precise
obseruation
of
the
qualitie
of
persons
.
A
matter
considerable
now
adayes
since
the
West-Indies
haue
beene
discouered
,
whereby
the
currant
of
moneys
is
diuided
into
many
countreys
,
and
runneth
also
according
to
occasions
,
and
the
Policie
of
States
and
Merchants
.
In
the
Low-countries
it
is
lawfull
for
a
Merchant
to
take
twelue
vpon
the
hundreth
for
the
yeare
,
and
after
the
rate
for
the
longer
or
shorter
time
within
the
yeare
.
But
this
rate
may
not
be
exceeded
,
vnlesse
it
be
vpon
some
conditions
of
casualties
or
aduenture
.
The
Romanes
and
Grecians
made
a
difference
as
hath
beene
noted
,
according
to
the
law
of
Iustinian
.
But
the
taking
of
one
in
the
moneth
was
most
vsuall
,
because
Merchants
were
the
most
lenders
.
And
this
twelue
pro
centum
is
to
be
vnderstood
also
to
be
Interest
vpon
Interest
,
wherein
equitie
is
to
be
obserued
:
Polititians
or
states-men
are
to
haue
a
serious
consideration
of
the
operation
of
this
Vsurie
politicke
,
There
was
this
last
yeare
a
Tract
against
Vsurie
presented
to
the
high
Court
of
Parliament
of
England
,
First
it
is
alledged
,
that
by
reason
of
the
high
rate
of
Vsurie
,
Secondly
,
that
many
trades
themselues
are
decayed
thereby
,
because
they
cannot
affoord
so
great
a
gaine
as
ten
in
the
hundreth
;
whereas
if
the
rate
of
Vsurie
were
no
higher
than
in
other
countries
,
they
had
subsisted
and
flourished
still
,
and
perhaps
with
as
much
aduantage
to
the
publicke
,
as
those
that
do
bring
more
to
the
priuate
aduentures
,
which
ought
to
go
together
,
or
else
the
common
good
of
the
State
is
seldome
greatly
aduanced
.
Thirdly
,
that
by
this
disaduantage
betweene
six
and
ten
in
the
hundreth
,
other
nations
,
and
especially
our
industrious
neighbours
do
out
trade
and
vndersell
vs
,
for
they
almost
double
the
vse
allowed
,
which
we
cannot
by
paying
ten
in
the
hundreth
;
wherby
also
all
contributions
to
the
war
,
works
of
pietie
,
and
glorie
,
of
State
are
better
cheape
to
them
than
to
vs
;
as
also
the
buildings
of
ships
or
hiring
of
them
,
and
all
other
things
.
Fourthly
,
that
aboue
all
the
rest
,
it
maketh
the
land
it selfe
of
smal
value
,
causing
the
same
to
be
sold
so
good
cheape
,
that
men
doe
not
seeke
by
industrie
any
more
to
improue
them
,
which
is
plaine
both
by
example
and
demonstration
.
For
we
see
in
other
countries
,
where
the
vse
of
money
is
at
a
low
rate
,
lands
are
generally
sold
for
thirtie
,
fortie
,
and
some
for
fiftie
yeares
purchase
,
being
the
best
assurance
,
and
securest
inheritance
which
men
haue
,
and
therefore
bearing
still
a
rate
aboue
money
,
which
would
increase
if
the
rate
of
Vsurie
did
decrease
:
and
consequently
labourers
wages
and
other
dependances
thereupon
,
which
are
therein
more
amplie
declared
,
the
scope
of
all
tending
to
haue
a
moderation
in
the
price
of
Vsurie
.
The
obiections
are
few
in
number
.
First
,
The
long
continuance
of
ten
in
the
hundreth
and
things
are
well
enough
.
Secondly
,
That
sodaine
changes
are
dangerous
.
Thirdly
,
That
money
will
sodenly
be
called
in
,
and
the
borrowers
be
much
preiudiced
.
Fourthly
,
That
money
will
be
harder
to
come
by
,
and
commerce
much
hindered
.
And
lastly
,
That
Merchant
Strangers
money
now
going
here
at
vse
,
will
be
carried
away
againe
,
if
the
rate
of
Vsurie
should
be
called
downe
.
To
the
third
,
That
money
will
be
sodainely
called
in
.
It
may
be
made
or
enacted
,
that
the
borrower
shall
haue
two
yeares
time
for
the
payment
of
the
money
he
oweth
,
paying
the
Interest
,
and
obseruing
such
cautions
,
conditions
,
and
limitations
as
may
be
thought
conuenient
.
To
the
fourth
obiection
,
That
money
will
be
hard
to
be
borrowed
,
it
is
well
knowne
that
the
high
rate
of
vsurie
doth
not
increase
in
the
quantitie
of
money
(
whereof
hauing
plentie
)
causeth
commerce
to
flourish
,
and
if
money
at
interest
were
called
downe
,
what
will
Vsurers
doe
with
their
money
?
They
will
not
keepe
it
by
them
as
a
dead
stocke
,
for
either
they
must
imploy
it
in
trade
,
purchase
lands
,
or
lend
for
vse
at
such
a
rate
as
the
Law
will
tollerate
;
so
that
herein
can
be
no
hurt
.
To
the
last
and
weakest
obiection
,
concerning
the
money
of
other
Nations
deliuered
at
interest
here
,
it
is
demanded
,
Whether
it
bee
meete
to
haue
them
to
feed
vpon
the
Realme
,
and
in
processe
of
time
to
carrie
out
such
gaines
thereby
by
multiplication
of
interest
.
For
to
men
of
vnderstanding
in
casting
of
accounts
,
it
is
plainely
manifest
that
a
hundreth
pounds
managed
at
tenne
in
the
hundreth
,
But
to
apostrophate
this
discourse
,
and
to
remedie
the
matter
;
let
vs
but
procure
to
haue
plentie
of
money
really
in
specie
within
the
Realme
,
together
with
the
meanes
vsed
in
other
countreys
in
the
lieu
of
moneys
;
as
the
transferring
or
setting
ouer
of
Billes
betweene
man
and
man
,
the
paiments
by
assignement
in
Banke
without
handling
of
moneys
,
and
Letters
of
Credit
,
or
Billes
of
Exchanges
,
as
you
may
find
in
this
Booke
declared
.
For
plentie
of
money
will
not
onely
preuent
,
but
also
effect
the
benefits
intended
in
the
said
Treatise
,
making
Vsurie
to
decrease
in
price
,
Some
will
say
vnto
mee
,
considering
the
premisses
,
That
to
take
tenne
in
the
hundreth
of
a
rich
Merchant
indeed
,
or
of
any
other
that
buyeth
landes
,
or
maketh
gaine
by
the
money
,
is
no
biting
Vsurie
.
Herein
(
to
qualifie
the
contents
of
this
and
the
precedent
Chapter
)
I
note
two
considerations
for
that
purpose
;
albeit
that
it
seemeth
no
Comma
can
bee
made
(
as
it
were
)
from
the
highest
Climate
to
the
lowest
Center
in
regard
of
the
litterall
wordes
,
denounced
by
way
of
curse
against
Vsurie
:
For
if
on
the
one
side
,
you
will
take
all
Texts
of
Scripture
so
precisely
as
men
doe
,
without
construction
;
as
for
example
,
Giue
to
euerie
man
that
asketh
of
thee
,
Be
alwayes
glad
,
Pray
alwayes
,
and
the
like
;
and
on
the
other
side
,
so
little
regard
them
by
large
interpretations
in
taking
great
Vsurie
,
what
confusion
and
disorder
would
this
bring
to
the
Common-wealth
?
Therefore
to
answere
the
question
,
I
say
,
That
consideration
being
had
in
your
particular
,
and
the
partie
who
made
benefit
of
your
money
,
there
is
no
biting
Vsurie
committed
and
no
hurt
done
,
but
rather
mutuall
loue
increaseth
:
but
if
there
be
consideration
had
of
the
generall
,
there
is
biting
Vsurie
committed
,
and
euen
vpon
the
poore
and
mechanike
people
.
For
by
your
meanes
(
and
others
deliuering
moneys
at
Interest
)
is
the
same
incorporated
into
rich
mens
hands
,
whereby
the
meaner
sort
of
people
can
haue
none
to
serue
their
occasions
,
but
at
verie
excessiue
and
abominable
rates
,
and
that
vpon
pawne
also
:
For
your
deliuering
of
moneys
at
tenne
in
the
hundreth
and
vnder
,
doth
enable
them
to
take
intollerable
Vsurie
of
the
said
meanest
sort
of
people
,
as
shall
now
bee
declared
,
whereby
they
deuoure
them
;
so
that
in
all
Kingdomes
they
are
prouided
for
,
but
heere
;
and
vntill
that
bee
amended
,
your
taking
of
tenne
in
the
hundreth
in
nature
before
declared
,
is
a
biting
Vsurie
,
although
it
doe
not
belong
vnto
you
to
amend
the
same
,
but
that
Princes
and
Magistrates
are
to
prouide
for
it
.
For
this
is
a
biting
,
nay
a
verie
gnawing
to
the
bones
of
your
Christian
brother
with
whom
you
ought
to
deale
mercifully
.
As
there
are
three
sorts
of
dealings
amongst
men
,
that
is
,
CHAP.
XII
.
Of
Intollerable
Vsurie
,
and
Lombards
.
THE
apprehension
of
the
continuance
of
intollerable
Vsurie
in
England
,
is
able
to
stupifie
a
mans
senses
;
considering
the
same
is
so
abhorred
of
Heathens
,
Turkes
,
and
Barbarians
,
it
being
an
euident
token
that
our
hearts
are
more
than
sufficiently
frozen
ouer
with
the
insensible
y●e
of
vncharitablenesse
;
because
the
cruell
deuouring
thereof
may
bee
so
easily
preuented
,
And
then
Vsurie
Politike
will
not
be
biting
.
This
intollerable
Vsurie
is
effected
by
the
Brokers
selling
old
apparell
and
houshold
stuffe
,
which
doe
take
after
diuers
rates
,
but
all
of
them
excessiuely
,
they
being
the
fittest
instruments
to
receiue
and
buy
stollen
goods
,
whereby
all
theeues
are
incouraged
,
according
to
the
Prouerbe
,
If
there
were
no
receiuers
,
there
would
be
few
theeues
.
Most
of
these
Brokers
haue
their
money
masters
,
to
whom
they
pay
twentie
in
the
hundreth
,
or
15
at
the
least
;
for
some
of
these
money
masters
pay
themselues
ten
in
the
hundreth
vnto
others
,
so
that
one
thing
driueth
or
inforceth
another
.
Like
as
in
a
clocke
where
there
be
many
wheeles
,
the
first
wheele
being
stirred
driueth
the
next
,
and
that
the
third
,
and
so
forth
till
the
last
that
moueth
the
instrument
that
strikes
the
clocke
:
or
like
as
in
a
presse
going
in
at
a
straight
,
where
the
formost
is
driuen
by
him
that
is
next
him
,
and
the
next
by
him
that
followes
him
,
and
the
third
by
some
violent
and
strong
thing
that
driues
him
forward
,
which
is
the
first
and
principall
cause
of
putting
forward
all
the
rest
afore
him
;
if
hee
were
kept
backe
and
staied
,
all
they
that
goe
afore
would
stay
withall
.
This
is
therefore
called
causa
efficiens
;
and
so
is
Vsurie
Politike
,
vnlesse
the
biting
of
it
bee
hindered
as
shall
bee
declared
.
The
most
fauourable
extortion
by
Vsurie
vpon
pawnes
of
any
mooueable
thing
,
is
after
six
pence
for
20
shillings
for
one
moneth
of
28
dayes
,
which
is
aboue
thirtie
in
the
hundreth
by
the
yeare
,
and
two
pence
for
the
Bill
money
of
halfe
a
crowne
,
or
eight
pence
,
or
12
pence
for
the
Bill
money
of
●0
shillings
,
which
is
more
than
the
Interest
,
and
this
rate
wil
be
taken
if
it
be
for
one
weeke
that
the
pawne
be
redeemed
againe
;
for
the
intent
is
alwaies
taken
to
be
for
one
moneth
.
And
vnder
colour
of
the
Bill
money
,
there
is
for
registring
of
the
pawnes
likewise
exaction
made
since
there
was
a
register
appointed
,
who
doth
not
take
knowledge
of
the
twentith
part
of
the
pawnes
,
but
what
they
will
declare
.
Others
doe
take
eight
pence
for
the
moneth
or
weeke
,
with
the
like
allowance
for
Bill
money
and
registring
,
which
commeth
to
aboue
fiftie
in
the
hundreth
.
The
vsuall
rate
vpon
small
things
,
is
twelue
pence
for
the
weeke
or
moneth
as
aforesaid
,
and
this
is
sixtie
in
the
hundreth
,
and
with
Bill
money
aboue
eightie
;
nay
,
there
is
taken
the
shilling
pennie
by
the
weeke
of
the
Fish-wiues
and
other
women
selling
small
wares
vp
and
downe
streets
,
which
is
aboue
400
vpon
the
hundreth
by
the
yeare
,
besides
the
Bil
money
,
what
this
commeth
vnto
in
diuided
smal
sums
is
incredible
.
This
Bill
is
made
to
deceiue
the
Law
,
and
the
forme
of
it
is
;
Bought
of
Iohn
a
Stile
one
paire
of
stockings
,
one
shirt
,
one
band
,
and
a
hat
for
fiue
shillings
,
witnesse
my
hand
the
tenth
of
May
1622.
Io.
a
Stile
.
And
since
the
Register
was
made
,
much
is
pawned
without
making
of
any
Bills
:
and
not
conte●ted
with
this
horrible
extortion
,
they
will
let
out
for
gaine
many
of
these
pawnes
and
so
weare
them
out
,
or
at
last
take
the
forfeieure
of
them
,
being
sure
to
lend
about
the
third
and
fourth
p●rt
of
the
value
:
By
these
meanes
deuouring
and
consuming
the
poore
housholder
and
mechanicall
man
,
it
being
onely
the
remarkeable
sinne
of
oppression
by
exaction
noted
in
the
holy
Scripture
,
for
which
the
first
world
was
drowned
.
That
the
intollerable
Vsurie
committed
by
the
Lombards
might
be
preuented
.
That
the
pawnes
should
not
be
worne
or
vsed
,
but
safely
kept
,
to
be
by
them
restored
at
all
times
,
hauing
men
and
women
to
looke
vnto
them
.
That
the
vse
of
twentie
shillings
for
one
weeke
is
but
one
farthing
⅗
parts
towards
the
payment
of
ware-house
and
house
roome
,
keeping
of
the
pawnes
,
and
entertainement
of
seruants
wages
,
and
others
to
manage
the
same
.
That
almost
the
value
of
the
pawne
may
be
had
thereupon
,
if
the
borrower
will
desire
it
,
one
yeares
time
and
sixe
weekes
considered
,
with
the
charges
;
during
all
which
time
he
may
redeeme
the
same
,
and
pay
but
after
the
rate
.
But
after
the
expiration
of
that
time
,
then
the
pawnes
to
be
sold
in
a
publicke
outcrie
by
a
sworne
Officer
to
be
oppointed
by
the
Magistrate
:
and
what
soeuer
is
made
more
thereof
than
the
principall
money
borrowed
and
the
charges
,
to
be
restored
vnto
the
partie
,
or
him
that
bringeth
the
ticket
,
or
to
their
heires
,
or
within
two
yeares
to
the
Magistrates
,
if
no
man
claime
the
same
,
to
be
distributed
to
the
poore
.
That
stolne
goods
may
by
these
meanes
be
detected
,
and
theeuerie
decrease
,
and
mens
liues
preserued
for
the
good
of
the
Prince
and
Sta●e
.
I
hope
no
man
will
denie
,
but
this
is
a
commendable
course
taken
for
the
comfort
of
the
common
people
,
that
by
intollerable
Vsurie
they
be
not
destroyed
,
but
as
necessarie
membe●s
of
the
common
wealth
,
they
may
liue
in
their
vocation
and
profession
.
Surely
the
famous
citie
of
London
is
worthie
of
perpetuall
commendation
for
the
education
of
Orphanes
.
But
if
an
Orphane
come
to
be
an
housholder
,
and
liueth
honestly
by
his
handie
worke
and
labour
,
and
hath
therby
gotten
a
little
estate
of
thirtie
or
fortie
pound
in
some
yeares
,
and
then
being
visited
with
sickenesse
(
whereunto
all
men
are
subiect
)
he
is
constrained
to
pawne
his
goods
or
substance
vnto
these
vncharitable
people
;
what
a
miserable
and
pittifull
thing
it
is
to
see
his
poore
Familie
vndone
by
these
meanes
(
as
it
were
)
in
a
moment
,
loosing
that
which
with
great
care
,
labour
,
and
sweat
of
his
browes
he
hath
been
gathering
for
many
yeares
together
?
God
is
my
witnesse
,
that
the
consideration
hereof
hath
moued
my
soule
with
compassion
and
true
commiseration
which
implyeth
a
helping
hand
.
For
it
is
now
aboue
twentie
yeares
that
I
haue
moued
continually
those
that
are
in
authoritie
,
and
others
that
haue
beene
,
to
be
pleased
to
take
some
course
to
preuent
this
enormitie
.
Some
that
God
hath
called
,
either
void
of
charitie
,
or
seeking
Priuatum
commodum
,
haue
beene
remisse
to
further
the
same
,
and
for
as
much
as
I
am
(
in
a
manner
)
hopelesse
of
any
successe
,
and
that
it
behooueth
me
being
stricken
in
yeres
to
number
my
daies
,
I
thought
conuenient
to
publish
the
last
Proiect
and
offer
,
which
hath
beene
made
to
the
same
effe●t
two
manner
of
waies
,
wherein
I
haue
spent
time
,
labour
,
and
no
small
charges
in
hope
that
hereafter
it
may
do
good
to
the
publicke
,
First
,
that
authoritie
be
giuen
to
A.
B.
to
erect
Pawne-houses
in
all
conuenient
places
of
the
realmes
of
England
,
Ireland
,
and
the
dominions
of
Wales
,
for
and
during
the
terme
of
one
and
twentie
yeres
,
vpon
these
conditions
.
That
all
person
and
persons
shall
and
may
haue
at
all
conuenient
times
moneys
vpon
pawnes
,
of
or
vpon
all
moueable
goods
,
chattels
,
and
leases
,
or
any
thing
which
shall
be
agreed
vpon
,
after
the
rate
of
ten
vpon
the
hundreth
by
the
yeare
.
That
the
vndertakers
may
be
authorised
or
licenced
to
take
for
the
attendance
,
labour
and
paines
,
recompence
of
Officers
,
and
Seruants
wages
,
house-rent
,
and
all
other
charges
incident
thereunto
,
as
followeth
.
For
registring
and
keeping
of
all
pawnes
that
do
amount
to
fiftie
pounds
or
more
,
one
farthing
for
euerie
pound
by
the
moneth
.
For
all
pawnes
that
do
amount
to
ten
pounds
or
more
vntill
fiftie
pounds
,
for
euerie
pound
one
halfe
pennie
by
the
moneth
.
For
all
pawnes
that
do
not
amount
to
ten
pound
,
for
euerie
pound
one
pennie
by
the
moneth
.
For
euerie
bill
giuen
for
pawnes
vnder
ten
pounds
,
one
pennie
,
and
being
of
ten
pounds
or
aboue
,
whatsoeuer
it
commeth
vnto
,
but
two
pence
,
with
such
clauses
,
conditions
,
and
cautions
as
shall
be
requisite
for
the
securitie
of
the
said
vndertakers
,
and
agreeable
with
the
laws
of
the
realm
of
England
,
paying
vnto
the
Kings
maiestie
a
reasonable
summe
of
money
yearely
&c.
The
said
allowances
are
inferiour
to
the
moderation
of
the
Emperor
Iustinian
his
Lawes
,
and
will
be
found
verie
reasonable
,
considering
,
that
by
the
tolleration
of
Vsurie
politicke
,
men
can
deliuer
their
moneys
in
verie
great
summes
at
ten
in
the
hundreth
freely
,
and
without
such
trouble
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
Mons
pietatis
,
or
Banke
of
Charitie
.
THe
second
meane
to
suppresse
the
biting
vsurie
of
extortion
vpon
the
common
people
,
is
by
prouiding
a
course
,
that
they
may
haue
moneys
vpon
pawne
without
paying
any
interest
or
vsurie
for
the
loane
of
it
,
according
to
the
manner
of
Bridges
in
Flanders
;
which
is
more
pleasing
,
but
it
is
not
so
vniuersall
as
the
Pawne
houses
are
,
where
great
summes
are
to
be
had
to
accommodate
Merchants
and
all
men
,
to
preuent
the
generall
abuse
:
albeit
it
cannot
be
denyed
,
but
that
the
extortion
vpon
the
meaner
sort
of
people
is
more
haynous
and
detestable
;
which
was
the
cause
that
by
the
Lawes
of
the
Romans
,
he
that
tooke
vsurie
of
the
poore
was
more
punished
than
he
that
did
steale
from
the
rich
,
as
is
before
declared
.
In
Italie
there
are
Montes
pietatis
,
that
is
to
say
,
Mounts
or
Bankes
of
Charitie
,
places
where
great
summes
of
money
are
by
legacies
giuen
for
reliefe
of
the
poore
,
to
borrow
vpon
pawnes
,
and
to
pay
onely
after
three
or
foure
in
the
hundreth
at
the
most
to
maintaine
the
officers
,
and
to
beare
the
charges
of
such
an
erected
Mount
for
euer
.
But
the
manner
of
Bridges
,
as
aforesaid
,
may
be
thought
more
reasonable
,
paying
the
officers
out
of
the
contributions
,
which
by
their
means
may
be
much
increased
,
according
to
the
orders
which
are
hereafter
declared
;
Orders
to
be
obserued
for
the
gouernment
of
the
Mount
of
Charitie
,
consisting
of
two
houses
within
the
citie
of
London
and
the
suburbes
thereof
,
and
one
house
at
Westminster
;
where
all
men
may
borrow
moneys
in
small
summes
,
without
paying
any
vse
or
loane
for
the
same
,
vpon
pawne
to
be
deliuered
for
caution
or
securitie
of
the
said
moneys
,
according
to
the
manner
of
Bridges
in
Flanders
,
and
other
countries
.
1
IMprimis
,
That
all
men
of
what
qualitie
or
condition
soeuer
they
be
(
being
destitute
of
money
)
shall
haue
money
at
all
conuenient
times
without
paying
any
vse
or
loane
for
the
same
,
but
deliuering
onely
a
pawne
of
any
moueable
thing
,
so
it
be
not
aboue
fortie
shillings
at
any
one
time
,
vntill
a
competent
stock
be
raised
for
the
maintenance
of
the
said
Mount
of
Charitie
for
euer
.
2
Item
,
Whereas
the
said
stocke
is
raised
,
and
to
be
increased
by
meanes
of
charitable
and
conscionable
persons
(
which
either
do
freely
lend
moneys
without
taking
interest
for
the
same
,
or
do
freely
giue
in
money
and
yearely
contributions
,
according
to
their
vertuous
d●sposition
,
which
moneys
may
(
in
progresse
of
time
)
amount
to
a
notable
summe
)
the
Treasurer
generall
therefore
shall
be
a
man
sufficient
,
and
of
honest
behauiour
,
carefull
to
appoint
sworne
honest
men
(
vpon
sureties
)
to
collect
the
said
moneys
,
and
for
keeping
of
the
pawnes
,
with
their
Clarkes
and
other
attendants
:
and
the
Surueior
of
accounts
shall
be
a
man
diligent
and
skilfull
in
accounts
,
all
for
the
better
incouragement
of
the
said
charitable
giuers
and
free
lenders
,
for
the
aduancement
of
this
charitable
worke
.
3
Item
,
Whereas
the
like
House
called
Saint
George
,
was
heretofore
erected
at
Genoua
in
Italie
by
noble
Knights
bound
in
honour
to
see
the
people
relieued
from
oppression
,
biting
vsurie
and
extortion
,
which
by
all
vertuous
Knights
is
at
all
times
approued
and
commended
;
There
shall
be
kept
one
paire
of
tables
in
euerie
house
,
containing
the
names
of
such
honourable
persons
,
and
vertuous
Knights
'
as
shall
be
yearely
contributaries
(
by
quarterly
paiments
)
during
their
naturall
liues
,
or
lend
any
summe
of
money
(
gratis
)
for
a
time
,
together
with
the
names
of
such
well
disposed
persons
as
by
their
Wills
and
Testaments
doe
bequeath
any
summe
of
money
for
the
maintenance
of
this
pious
worke
,
in
perpetuall
remembrance
of
the
said
benefactors
.
4
Item
,
That
the
said
officers
shall
vse
their
best
indeauours
,
by
all
good
meanes
to
moue
all
well
disposed
and
charitable
persons
,
to
be
giuers
,
lenders
,
and
contributaries
for
the
increase
of
the
said
stocke
,
especially
when
men
are
visited
with
sickenesse
;
to
the
end
that
by
their
last
Wills
and
Testaments
,
they
may
be
mooued
to
further
this
godly
action
for
the
continuance
thereof
for
euer
.
5
Item
,
That
the
Lord
Maior
of
London
(
for
the
time
being
)
may
haue
yearely
inspection
of
the
collections
and
accounts
of
the
officers
of
the
said
Mount
of
Charitie
,
at
a
day
by
him
to
bee
appointed
,
to
see
the
due
execution
and
administration
of
the
stocke
aforesaid
.
6
Item
,
That
the
Clarkes
and
other
officers
in
place
,
shall
attend
the
said
houses
from
sixe
a
clocke
in
the
morning
,
vntill
eleuen
,
and
from
two
of
the
clocke
in
the
afternoone
,
vntill
seuen
,
beginning
(
yearely
)
from
the
fiue
and
twentith
day
of
March
,
vntill
the
last
of
September
;
and
afterwards
to
begin
but
at
seuen
of
the
clocke
in
the
forenoone
,
vpon
paine
to
be
displaced
.
7
Item
,
That
no
man
shall
offer
to
pawne
any
moueable
thing
,
hauing
life
,
or
being
subiect
to
manifest
corruption
,
or
pesterable
wares
of
great
bulke
;
but
onely
things
of
Wooll
,
Linnen
,
Silke
,
or
Flaxe
,
Hempe
,
or
Towe
,
and
such
like
,
or
Pewter
,
Yron
,
Brasse
,
or
any
other
matter
mettaline
or
minerall
;
or
of
Gold
,
Siluer
,
Copper
,
or
Precious
stones
.
8
Item
,
That
all
pawnes
which
shall
be
pawned
,
shall
bee
taken
as
sold
in
open
market
or
shop
vpon
the
conditions
following
,
with
the
consent
of
the
owner
or
lawfull
bringer
thereof
;
and
so
shall
not
bee
subiect
to
bee
recouered
of
the
said
officers
by
any
fraudulent
dealings
.
9
Item
,
That
e●erie
person
(
if
he
will
)
shall
receiue
the
three
parts
of
the
value
of
his
pawne
;
that
is
to
say
,
If
the
pawne
bee
worth
twentie
shillings
,
he
shall
haue
fifteene
shillings
,
and
so
after
the
rate
.
Prouided
it
doe
not
exceed
the
summe
of
fortie
shillings
at
any
time
,
as
abouesaid
.
10
Item
,
That
the
said
pawnes
shall
bee
safely
kept
,
for
the
time
that
the
same
shall
be
pawned
,
without
wilfull
detriment
or
hurt
,
be
it
for
one
moneth
,
two
,
three
,
or
more
moneths
,
not
exceeding
the
time
of
one
yeare
without
new
licence
had
for
the
same
.
11
Item
,
That
the
persons
which
doe
pawne
any
goods
as
aforesaid
,
either
being
owner
,
or
put
in
trust
to
pawne
the
same
,
shall
declare
their
names
to
be
entred
in
the
Iournals
,
and
other
Registers
,
and
bring
an
auoucher
(
if
there
be
cause
of
suspition
,
that
the
parties
are
felons
,
or
accessaries
of
felonie
)
in
which
regard
the
said
goods
shal
be
staied
for
24
houres
,
to
see
whether
any
person
do
claime
the
same
.
12
Item
,
That
euerie
person
which
doth
pawne
any
thing
,
shall
take
a
Ticket
containing
the
date
of
the
time
and
yeare
,
and
the
sum
of
money
lent
,
with
the
priuate
marke
of
euerie
house
,
thereby
to
redeeme
his
pawne
at
all
times
at
his
pleasure
.
13
Item
,
That
for
the
defraying
of
the
rent
of
conuenient
houses
,
recompence
of
officers
and
mens
wages
,
and
other
charges
incident
for
the
due
execution
of
the
premisses
,
euerie
person
borrowing
a
crowne
or
fiue
shillings
shall
giue
for
his
Bill
or
Ticket
one
farthing
,
and
for
tenne
shillings
one
halfe
pennie
,
and
for
twentie
shillings
one
pennie
monethly
,
and
for
a
greater
or
smaller
summe
accordingly
,
vntill
such
time
that
the
stocke
be
increased
to
such
a
competent
sum
as
may
counteruaile
the
said
charges
,
and
supply
the
necessarie
occasions
or
wants
of
the
borrowers
,
to
be
declared
hereafter
.
14
Item
,
That
all
pawnes
which
doe
lye
aboue
one
yeare
,
being
not
licensed
to
remaine
for
longer
time
,
shal
be
sold
by
a
publike
officer
in
open
outcrie
euerie
quarter
of
a
yeare
,
the
said
officers
to
be
appointed
and
sworn
by
the
Lord
Maior
of
London
,
for
the
time
being
,
or
by
two
Iustices
of
the
Peace
at
Westminster
,
and
the
surplusage
of
the
moneys
which
shall
be
made
more
of
the
said
pawnes
than
the
money
lent
thereupon
,
(
after
charges
deducted
)
shall
be
restored
to
the
owners
or
knowne
bringers
of
the
said
pawnes
,
or
to
their
heires
,
administrators
or
assignes
,
within
one
month
after
sale
made
of
them
,
(
vpon
demand
to
be
made
)
and
by
default
of
the
said
heires
,
administrators
or
assignes
,
to
be
deliuered
within
one
yeare
after
,
to
the
said
Lord
Maior
,
and
Iustices
of
the
Peace
,
and
to
be
distributed
(
by
their
wisedomes
)
to
the
poore
.
15
Item
,
It
shall
be
lawfull
vnto
the
said
officers
,
to
restore
to
the
right
owner
any
pawne
which
hath
beene
feloniously
taken
,
vpon
sufficient
proofe
made
,
if
notice
was
giuen
before
the
registring
thereof
;
and
if
notice
was
giuen
after
the
said
registring
or
pawning
,
then
to
restore
the
same
vpon
paiment
of
the
money
borrowed
thereupon
,
and
charges
.
16
Item
,
It
shall
be
lawfull
for
the
Treasurer
,
Generall
,
and
Surueyer
,
with
the
consent
of
the
Lord
Maior
of
London
,
or
two
Iustices
of
the
Peace
at
Westminster
vnder
their
hand
writing
(
when
the
said
stocke
is
increased
to
a
greater
summe
than
shall
be
needfull
for
the
maintenance
of
the
said
Mount
of
Charitie
)
to
giue
some
reliefe
vnto
such
prisoners
as
are
committed
for
debt
in
the
seuerall
prisons
of
their
jurisdiction
;
be
it
either
for
their
maintenance
there
,
or
(
after
they
haue
beene
one
yeare
in
prison
)
towardes
the
composition
which
they
shall
make
with
their
creditors
,
so
as
the
said
gift
doe
not
exceed
the
summe
of
tenne
pounds
,
towardes
euerie
hundreth
pound
which
the
said
prisoners
are
indebted
,
if
their
good
behauiour
and
likelyhood
to
doe
well
shall
deserue
the
same
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
Quod
gratis
accepimus
,
gratis
damus
.
CHAP.
XIIII
.
Of
the
true
Calculation
of
Moneys
deliuered
at
Interest
.
THE
Act
of
Parlement
concerning
Vsurie
,
made
in
the
thirteenth
yeare
of
Queene
Elizabeth
,
declaring
that
Vsurie
is
forbidden
,
and
contrarie
to
all
Diuine
and
Humane
Lawes
;
doth
by
way
of
tolleration
admit
,
that
whosoeuer
shall
deliuer
his
money
at
Interest
after
the
rate
of
tenne
in
the
hundreth
for
the
yeare
,
shall
onely
be
in
danger
to
lose
that
ten
in
the
hundreth
,
if
any
man
by
information
,
plaint
,
or
bill
will
sue
for
the
same
.
But
if
it
be
aboue
that
rate
;
the
deliuerer
of
the
money
shall
lose
the
principall
money
,
and
incurre
other
penalties
;
and
this
Statute
may
be
pleaded
in
Barre
,
and
is
to
bee
construed
against
him
directly
and
indirectly
.
Wherefore
all
men
deliuering
money
at
Interest
,
must
be
verie
carefull
how
they
make
their
contracts
,
because
many
mistakings
may
happen
,
for
that
all
Councell
learned
in
the
Lawes
are
not
good
Arithmeticians
in
the
calculation
of
this
ten
in
the
hundreth
,
which
is
the
ground
of
those
contracts
;
insomuch
that
by
the
strict
rules
of
the
said
Statute
,
the
contracts
being
found
vsurious
and
to
exceed
the
rate
,
are
not
onely
void
ipso
facto
,
but
the
principall
and
interest
is
also
lost
.
This
Statute
hath
relation
to
the
Act
made
by
King
Henrie
the
eight
,
and
the
words
be
in
effect
as
followeth
.
None
may
haue
,
receiue
,
accept
,
or
take
,
for
the
lending
or
forbearing
of
his
or
their
money
,
for
one
whole
yeare
,
or
for
a
longer
or
shorter
time
,
or
for
a
more
or
lesse
summe
,
aboue
the
rate
of
tenne
pound
pro
cent
.
yearely
.
37.
Hen.
8.
Forasmuch
as
some
men
,
In
like
manner
is
it
for
moneys
deliuered
out
for
a
longer
Time
;
as
for
example
,
one
deliuered
out
100
ll
for
foure
yeares
,
for
the
which
at
the
foure
yeares
end
hee
can
receiue
but
140
ll
;
but
if
hee
had
deliuered
out
100
ll
for
one
yeare
,
he
may
at
the
yeares
end
receiue
10
ll
for
Interest
,
and
continue
the
100
pounds
againe
for
the
second
yeare
by
a
new
agreement
,
and
then
receiue
another
tenne
pound
,
and
so
for
the
third
and
fourth
yeare
.
Now
whereas
by
reason
of
his
seuerall
agreements
according
to
the
time
,
he
hath
altered
the
propertie
of
Interest
money
,
and
receiued
10
ll
the
fi●st
yeare
,
he
may
put
out
againe
this
10
ll
as
his
owne
for
another
yeare
,
and
so
haue
Interest
thereof
twentie
shillings
,
whereby
hee
receiueth
11
ll
the
second
yeare
,
which
being
put
out
the
third
and
fourth
yeare
,
will
yeeld
him
accordingly
in
like
manner
for
the
10
ll
rec●iued
the
second
and
third
yeare
,
which
will
yeeld
him
after
the
same
manner
accordingly
:
so
that
hee
shall
haue
aboue
146
ll
being
thus
deliuered
out
,
the
bodie
of
his
summe
still
remaining
whole
,
and
being
only
distinguished
by
Time
which
maketh
the
difference
.
Againe
let
vs
suppose
that
the
100
ll
were
deliuered
out
from
the
beginning
of
foure
yeares
,
to
be
repaied
by
25
ll
a
yeare
and
the
Interest
,
it
followeth
proportionably
,
that
the
first
yeare
hee
is
to
receiue
27
ll
10
ss
,
the
second
yeare
30
ll
,
the
third
yeare
32
ll
,
10
ss
,
and
the
fourth
yeare
35
ll
,
which
maketh
all
but
125
ll
;
adde
to
this
the
Interest
of
25
ll
receiued
in
deduction
of
his
principall
three
yeares
before
the
Time
,
which
is
7
ll
10
ss
,
and
of
25
ll
more
in
like
manner
for
two
yeares
,
which
is
5
ll
,
and
of
25
ll
more
for
the
third
yeare
,
which
is
receiued
one
yeare
before
the
time
,
which
is
2
ll
,
10
ss
,
all
is
15
ll
,
which
together
with
the
125
ll
maketh
the
said
summe
of
140
ll.
But
when
moneys
are
repaied
in
this
manner
,
as
it
were
by
way
of
anticipation
,
then
the
bodie
of
your
summe
of
100
ll
is
diuided
,
and
still
time
and
interest
must
concur
,
for
the
interest
is
begotten
by
time
.
For
you
may
not
deliuer
out
300
ll
for
three
yeares
to
be
repayed
100
ll
yearely
,
and
receiue
the
first
yeare
130
ll
,
the
second
yeare
120
ll
,
and
the
third
yeare
110
ll:
but
you
must
receiue
the
first
yeare
110
ll
,
the
second
yere
120
ll
,
and
the
third
yeare
130
ll
,
because
you
haue
not
forborne
your
money
for
any
longer
time
proportionably
,
according
to
your
contract
and
agreement
.
And
the
propertie
of
the
interest
money
is
not
altered
effectually
,
according
to
the
law
,
for
10
pro
ce●●
.
for
a
yeare
is
the
Cubike
Root
which
doth
increase
and
decrease
both
waies
accordingly
.
Yet
some
will
say
,
And
as
there
is
more
gaine
when
money
is
deliuered
out
for
three
moneths
,
or
lesse
time
,
and
so
continued
from
time
to
time
within
the
yeare
than
when
money
is
deliuered
out
for
one
yeare
;
so
is
there
more
gaine
when
money
is
deliuered
out
for
one
yeare
,
and
continued
by
new
agrements
from
yeare
to
yeare
,
than
when
it
is
originally
deliuered
out
for
six
or
more
yeres
,
agreeing
with
the
rule
of
Geometricall
deliniation
,
and
Arithmeticall
proportion
.
And
the
rule
Quadrant
,
Benvenut●
Straccha
termed
those
which
we
call
Auditors
or
Accountants
Calculatores
,
which
in
deed
are
to
bee
very
iudicious
in
matter
of
account
,
as
skilful
in
the
accounting
,
able
by
positions
to
find
out
hidden
summes
:
for
it
falleth
out
many
times
in
Princes
accounts
,
that
summes
are
named
which
haue
relation
to
other
summes
,
and
must
by
suppositions
be
found
out
▪
and
can
be
done
as
they
say
Calculando
.
For
example
,
A
summe
of
money
is
deliuered
out
for
three
yeares
,
euerie
yeare
to
be
paied
,
whereof
the
first
summe
(
Posito
)
is
500
ll
,
and
the
fourth
or
last
summe
is
665
ll
,
●0
ss.
Betweene
these
two
you
are
to
find
two
summes
proportionable
:
multiplie
500
ll
within
it selfe
is
500000
;
with
this
multiplie
the
665
ll
10
ss
of
the
product
,
take
your
Cubike
Root
is
550
for
the
second
summe
;
now
to
find
your
third
summe
,
multiplie
665
10
with
550
is
●3200
.
Your
Quadrant
Root
is
Medium
betweene
2
and
4
being
605
,
and
so
you
haue
your
summe
,
and
the
interest
you
find
to
be
10
pro
cent
.
The
like
for
5
,
6
,
or
more
summes
which
by
Geomet●i●
is
yet
more
easie
.
CHAP.
XVI
.
Of
Vsurious
Contracts
.
I
Need
not
to
make
double
inculcation
against
Vsury
,
for
the
Ciuillians
haue
beene
so
precise
in
the
description
of
Vsurious
Contracts
,
Wilso●
de
Vsuris
.
which
Doctor
W●lson
hath
noted
,
that
it
is
hard
for
any
Merchant
to
escape
the
consure
of
being
an
Vsurer
,
albeit
not
in
danger
of
the
statute
;
which
is
verie
necessarie
for
all
Merchants
to
take
notice
of
.
But
he
concludeth
,
If
any
commoditie
be
sold
vnto
any
man
,
who
buyeth
the
same
by
meanes
of
a
broker
,
or
otherwise
,
to
make
a
shift
,
and
to
sel
the
same
instantly
to
make
money
of
,
to
supplie
his
occasions
,
losing
thereby
,
(
as
he
must
of
necessitie
)
the
seller
of
this
commoditie
is
an
Vsurer
.
In
this
case
,
if
it
be
proued
that
the
said
seller
doth
buy
,
or
causeth
the
said
commodities
to
be
bought
againe
directly
or
indirectly
,
the
statute
against
Vsurie
will
take
hold
of
him
,
and
that
verie
iustly
.
I
do
borrow
of
a
man
one
hundreth
pounds
for
three
moneths
,
promising
to
giue
his
wife
a
satin
gowne
,
or
an
ambling
gelding
,
hereupon
he
forbeareth
his
money
for
many
moneths
more
without
interest
,
it
is
Vsurie
.
I
do
bind
my
land
(
worth
twentie
pounds
by
the
yeare
)
to
a
man
for
one
hundreth
pounds
in
money
for
a
yeare
,
and
do
not
passe
it
by
bargaine
and
sale
,
if
the
creditor
do
take
the
reuenues
and
his
principall
,
it
is
Vsurie
.
Be
it
that
a
man
lendeth
an
hundreth
pounds
freely
,
and
hopeth
assuredly
to
haue
some
thankefull
recompence
at
the
yeares
end
,
this
is
Mentalis
Vsura
.
What
if
one
lend
money
in
hope
to
get
an
office
,
this
is
also
Vsurie
.
If
one
lend
a
man
money
for
a
certaine
time
,
because
the
same
man
should
speake
a
good
word
for
him
,
or
do
him
a
certaine
pleasure
,
it
is
a
ruled
case
that
for
so
much
as
a
couenant
is
past
,
it
is
vsurie
.
I
do
lend
you
one
hundreth
pounds
that
you
shall
do
as
much
for
me
when
I
shall
demand
it
of
you
,
this
is
vsurie
,
because
a
contract
is
simplie
made
without
any
addition
of
time
appointed
,
whereas
if
he
had
asked
so
much
at
the
yeares
end
,
then
it
had
beene
no
vsurie
but
permutation
,
when
one
good
turne
is
done
for
another
,
and
the
time
knowne
certaine
.
A
lord
doth
lend
his
tenants
money
,
with
this
condition
,
That
they
shall
plough
his
land
,
if
he
do
not
pay
them
for
their
labour
but
with
the
vse
,
it
is
vsurie
.
I
would
borrow
,
and
one
selleth
me
wares
for
more
than
they
be
worth
by
the
halfe
,
the
seller
is
an
vsurer
.
I
doe
sell
commodities
vnto
a
man
for
six
moneths
at
a
reasonable
price
,
and
afterwards
he
payeth
me
in
readie
money
,
deducting
the
interest
for
the
time
after
the
rate
of
ten
in
the
hundreth
,
this
is
Vsurie
.
The
father-in-law
do
lend
his
sonne
a
sum
of
Money
,
and
taketh
in
pawne
the
possessions
of
the
dower
,
and
conuerteth
the
fruits
thereof
to
himselfe
for
the
lone
of
Money
,
this
father-in-law
is
an
vsurer
.
He
that
buyeth
before
hand
Corne
,
Wine
,
or
Oyle
so
good
cheape
as
he
is
sure
not
to
be
a
loser
but
a
gainer
at
the
time
of
the
Haruest
,
the
same
man
is
an
vsurer
.
I
do
lend
one
hundreth
pounds
to
my
friend
for
ten
yeres
freely
,
not
to
pay
any
pennie
gaine
all
that
time
,
if
either
of
vs
do
die
:
but
if
we
both
liue
together
till
that
time
,
then
he
to
pay
me
after
twelue
pound
in
the
hundreth
for
ten
yeares
past
;
the
law
saieth
,
that
the
perill
which
may
happen
doth
not
excuse
me
from
sinne
,
but
I
am
an
vsurer
,
for
the
time
is
not
proper
.
A
Merchant
lendeth
to
a
Corporation
or
Companie
an
hundreth
pounds
,
which
corporation
had
a
grant
by
statute
,
that
whosoeuer
lendeth
such
a
summe
of
money
,
and
hath
a
child
of
one
yeare
,
shall
haue
for
his
child
(
if
it
do
liue
fifteene
yeares
of
age
)
500
ll
of
money
:
but
if
the
child
die
before
that
time
,
the
father
to
lose
his
principall
for
euer
.
The
law
saieth
,
If
I
lend
purposely
for
gaine
,
notwithstanding
the
perill
,
I
am
an
vsurer
.
I
knowe
an
honest
artificer
oweth
to
a
draper
fortie
pounds
to
be
payed
at
six
moneths
.
I
come
to
the
draper
and
shew
him
,
if
he
will
take
thirtie
pound
in
hand
,
I
will
pay
so
much
for
the
artificer
,
if
he
will
turne
the
debt
ouer
vnto
me
;
herein
I
am
an
vsurer
in
seeking
to
anticipate
the
payment
.
One
buyeth
a
pay
of
three
or
foure
hundreth
pounds
,
deliuering
fifteen
shillings
for
euery
twentie
shillings
,
here
is
a
cloaked
lending
vnder
the
colour
of
buying
,
and
therefore
vsurie
called
Palliata
,
for
he
did
hope
for
gaine
.
Vsura
Palliata
,
Vsura
Explicata
I
doe
buy
a
mans
Bill
of
one
hundreth
pounds
due
three
moneths
hence
,
and
giue
vnto
him
in
present
money
95
ll
;
here
,
although
a
bargaine
and
sale
seeme
in
shew
,
yet
it
is
a
lending
,
and
therefore
Vsurie
.
I
doe
bargaine
with
some
to
haue
so
many
Oxen
and
Kine
within
foure
moneths
,
to
haue
them
better
cheape
paying
the
money
before
hand
;
this
is
Vsurie
if
the
parties
had
not
Oxen
or
Kine
at
the
Time
.
I
doe
buy
certaine
Geldings
,
to
haue
them
deliuered
at
a
certaine
Faire
,
for
lesse
than
they
were
worth
;
I
am
therein
a
Vsurer
,
if
I
bee
sure
that
they
will
be
more
worth
at
the
time
of
the
deliuerie
.
I
doe
deliuer
old
Wheat
to
receiue
new
;
if
I
doe
deliuer
the
same
for
gaine
,
and
assure
my selfe
of
benefit
,
I
am
an
Vsurer
.
I
doe
feare
the
fall
of
money
,
and
therefore
doe
deliuer
my
money
to
another
man
,
to
haue
as
much
at
sixe
moneths
after
,
according
as
the
money
was
then
currant
when
I
paied
it
;
this
is
Vsurie
.
I
seeke
an
office
,
which
I
cannot
haue
except
I
doe
pay
a
certaine
summe
of
money
;
to
auoid
this
paiment
,
I
doe
lend
for
two
,
three
,
or
foure
yeares
,
a
grosse
summe
,
because
I
will
not
pay
the
said
money
,
in
so
doing
is
Vsurie
.
I
doe
pawne
an
house
with
an
orchard
for
certaine
money
,
the
creditor
hath
the
benefit
of
my
ground
and
house
,
hee
is
an
Vsurer
.
A
Gentleman
hath
a
Mannor
stocked
with
thirtie
milch
kine
,
and
700
sheepe
,
valued
at
300
markes
or
thereabouts
,
as
they
are
then
to
be
bought
and
sold
;
this
Mannor
he
would
let
out
with
the
stocke
for
tenne
yeares
,
to
receiue
the
old
rent
of
his
Mannor
,
and
thirtie
pounds
yearely
besides
for
his
stocke
,
and
at
the
tenne
yeares
end
,
either
to
haue
at
his
owne
choice
his
cattell
of
like
goodnesse
and
value
as
hee
did
let
them
out
,
or
else
200
ll
in
money
.
Here
there
is
first
a
lending
,
because
the
Farmour
hath
propertie
in
the
cattell
,
and
may
alter
them
as
hee
list
for
his
best
auaile
,
paying
his
yearely
rent
for
them
,
and
restoring
so
good
cattell
at
the
tenne
yeares
end
as
he
before
receiued
.
Againe
,
he
must
answere
the
cattell
at
the
ten
yeares
end
,
and
pay
rent
yearely
for
tenne
yeares
,
although
the
cattell
die
all
the
verie
first
yeare
.
So
that
this
Gentleman
(
seeking
his
certaine
gaine
and
principall
to
be
safely
returned
vnto
him
)
is
an
Vsurer
colourably
.
Lastly
,
to
deliuer
money
by
exchange
vpon
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
intending
any
gaine
thereby
any
manner
of
wayes
,
is
Vsurie
,
and
all
the
premisses
are
vsurious
acts
,
although
many
not
in
danger
of
the
Statute
.
Now
diuers
Merchants
and
others
will
say
,
That
then
there
is
no
dealings
betweene
man
and
man
,
and
all
Trafficke
and
Commerce
is
ouerthrowne
:
For
(
say
they
)
here
is
nothing
excepted
,
wherein
any
man
can
deale
,
and
all
other
Nations
doe
continually
maintaine
their
Negotiation
and
Trafficke
,
by
deliuering
moneys
at
Interest
and
by
Exchange
,
and
will
not
bee
ruled
by
our
particular
direction
in
the
course
of
Trafficke
:
hereupon
let
vs
also
note
what
lawfull
contracts
are
,
before
we
conclude
.
CHAP.
XVI
.
Of
lawfull
Bargaines
and
Contracts
.
WEE
haue
alreadie
noted
where
a
man
may
take
a
benefit
for
his
money
two
manner
of
wayes
,
which
is
ex
damno
habito
,
where
he
hath
sustained
a
losse
,
or
ex
lucro
cessante
,
where
his
benefit
or
profit
hath
been
taken
away
or
preuented
for
the
want
of
his
money
,
which
hee
might
haue
bestowed
in
some
wares
to
furnish
his
shop
at
conuenient
time
,
and
in
both
these
the
partie
is
not
Actiue
but
Passiue
.
I
doe
buy
land
of
my
friend
for
a
certaine
summe
of
money
,
and
of
like
value
to
the
land
,
with
this
condition
,
if
he
bring
me
the
money
againe
at
any
time
,
he
shall
haue
his
land
againe
;
I
being
lawfull
owner
of
this
land
by
bargaine
and
sale
,
may
safely
inioy
the
fruits
and
rents
of
the
same
lands
without
any
suspition
of
Vsurie
.
Another
commeth
to
me
and
would
borrow
a
thousand
pound
in
Gold
,
and
as
much
Plate
for
a
shew
to
declare
and
set
forth
his
wealth
the
more
to
the
world
when
it
is
seene
in
his
shop
;
in
this
case
I
may
take
Vsurie
.
An
Apothecarie
lendeth
to
the
Physician
an
hundreth
pound
by
the
yeare
freely
,
because
he
shall
send
his
Bills
of
Receits
to
him
and
to
none
other
,
this
is
no
Vsurie
.
I
doe
buy
Timber
,
Bricke
,
or
Stone
of
a
man
to
deliuer
the
same
at
such
a
place
,
at
such
a
time
,
and
to
pay
him
for
the
same
,
I
doe
borrow
so
much
vpon
Vsurie
,
if
the
said
man
doe
not
performe
with
me
,
in
deliuering
the
said
Timber
,
Bricke
or
Stone
,
yet
is
hee
bound
to
pay
me
that
Vsurie
truely
.
A
Corporation
taketh
a
hundreth
pound
of
a
man
,
to
pay
him
eight
in
the
hundreth
during
his
life
,
this
is
no
Vsurie
,
and
so
for
all
annuities
during
life
,
for
the
principall
is
neuer
to
bee
restored
againe
.
A
mightier
man
than
my selfe
,
withholdeth
through
force
a
portion
of
land
from
me
,
I
am
loth
to
trie
the
law
with
him
,
because
hee
hath
the
law
in
his
hand
;
and
I
offer
to
lend
him
fiue
hundred
pounds
for
a
yeare
or
two
freely
,
so
that
I
may
haue
mine
owne
without
further
trouble
or
vexation
:
this
is
no
Vsurie
because
I
receiue
but
mine
owne
quietly
.
I
doe
borrow
an
hundreth
pounds
for
a
yeare
,
promising
at
the
yeares
end
to
lend
another
hundreth
pound
for
it
,
for
the
same
time
;
this
is
Permutation
.
I
take
the
perill
vpon
mee
of
the
carriage
of
a
great
masse
of
money
;
I
may
lawfully
take
portage
money
for
my
paines
,
and
this
is
no
Vsurie
.
I
am
suretie
for
one
,
and
pay
the
debt
,
Ext.
side
iuss●r
c.
1.
&
2.
paying
Vsurie
for
the
same
money
;
the
principall
debtor
for
whom
I
was
bound
,
is
bound
to
pay
vnto
me
the
Vsurie
,
and
the
payment
vnto
me
is
no
Vsurie
,
for
I
receiue
but
mine
owne
.
A
man
by
Testament
granteth
a
Legacie
,
and
willeth
his
sonne
to
pay
the
Legacie
,
and
so
much
(
Nomine
poenae
)
for
non
paying
it
:
the
Law
saith
,
The
Testator
may
charge
his
Executors
or
heire
vnder
a
penaltie
to
pay
his
Legacie
,
and
the
same
is
no
Vsurie
:
But
if
the
Testator
should
say
thus
;
I
will
that
my
sonne
or
Executor
shall
pay
for
euerie
moneth
that
they
are
behind
hand
so
much
,
and
so
from
moneth
to
moneth
till
it
be
payed
;
This
is
Vsurie
say
the
Lawyers
,
because
the
time
is
mentioned
and
peined
:
wherein
Baldus
is
absolute
.
The
conclusion
of
all
the
premisses
is
most
in
things
Passiue
;
and
buying
and
selling
is
left
onely
betweene
men
with
certaine
cautions
.
Sayling
thus
dangerously
betweene
the
two
rockes
of
Sylla
and
Charibdis
,
with
the
great
tempest
about
Vsurie
,
looking
that
the
bright
and
fortunate
Starres
of
Castor
and
Pollux
should
appeare
to
bring
a
calme
in
detestation
of
all
Vsurie
:
Loe
an
vniuersall
and
perpetuall
Princely
contract
of
Commerce
is
brought
forth
,
grounded
vpon
Trafficke
and
Vsurie
;
yet
with
a
religious
care
to
preuent
the
biting
Vsurie
vpon
the
poore
and
honest
housholder
,
and
to
bee
a
meanes
to
maintaine
peace
through
all
the
whole
world
in
matter
of
Trafficke
and
Commerce
:
notwithstanding
the
seuerall
and
particular
quarrells
and
differences
betweene
Princes
,
which
is
verie
considerable
and
admirable
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XVII
.
Of
the
Vniuersall
and
Perpetuall
Princely
Contract
of
Commerce
.
THE
particulars
of
this
Princely
contract
of
Commerce
(
being
compiled
by
certaine
Politicians
of
diuers
Nations
)
was
exhibited
vnto
the
Kings
most
excellent
Maiestie
,
in
the
yeare
1608
,
by
a
priuate
Gentleman
in
the
Dutch
tongue
,
and
commanded
to
bee
deliuered
vnto
mee
to
translate
the
same
into
English
;
but
I
found
the
originalls
to
be
in
Latine
and
Italian
,
and
partly
in
French
,
as
it
had
been
propounded
in
diuers
countreys
vnto
other
Princes
which
had
subscribed
thereunto
,
intending
to
haue
kept
a
copie
of
it
;
but
on
the
sudden
being
depriued
thereof
,
I
did
instantly
set
downe
the
substance
following
of
it
,
to
the
admiration
of
the
Gentleman
,
and
contentment
of
some
of
(
then
)
my
honourable
friends
.
And
because
it
is
not
like
that
it
should
come
to
any
vniuersall
conclusion
,
I
haue
thought
conuenient
to
make
the
same
publike
,
manifesting
thereby
that
Vsurie
Politike
is
like
to
continue
in
all
countreys
:
to
the
end
we
may
therefore
preuent
biting
Vsurie
vpon
the
poore
,
by
the
charitable
meanes
of
Pawne-houses
,
or
Mounts
of
Charitie
as
aforesaid
.
Substance
of
the
sole
,
vniuersall
and
perpetuall
Contract
of
Commerce
,
or
vnited
societie
of
Knight-hood
to
be
made
betweene
all
Princes
,
and
one
priuate
person
;
for
the
surer
maintaining
of
Peace
amongst
Christians
,
and
increase
of
Trafficke
and
Trade
thorough
all
the
world
,
grounded
vpon
jus
gentium
,
by
the
Articles
following
.
THE
contract
or
couenant
to
bee
made
with
seuen
qualities
of
persons
,
Emperours
,
Kings
,
Princes
,
Arch-Dukes
,
Earles
,
Knights
and
Gentlemen
,
amongst
which
some
Merchants
are
comprised
,
in
all
not
exceeding
the
number
of
one
hundreth
persons
,
with
the
poore
to
bee
reckoned
for
one
,
as
being
so
many
Stakes
;
wherein
Seig●ories
,
Common-weales
,
Societies
and
Orders
shall
be
accounted
for
one
also
.
Euerie
stake
to
be
from
fiue
and
twentie
thousand
crownes
of
fiue
shillings
sterling
,
vntill
one
hundreth
thousand
crownes
a
stake
;
wherein
Emperors
and
Kings
may
not
exceed
three
hundreth
thousand
crownes
;
Dukes
,
Earles
,
and
Common-weales
two
hundreth
thousand
crownes
a
person
.
No
man
to
be
ad●aunced
to
this
societie
but
for
his
deserts
,
or
wealth
,
or
for
both
,
wherein
but
one
of
the
kinred
to
succeed
the
father
,
or
the
neerest
of
consanguinitie
by
default
of
sonnes
.
The
persons
in
euerie
kingdome
(
besides
the
Prince
)
to
be
two
or
three
of
the
noblest
or
greatest
in
gouernment
,
euerie
one
a
stake
,
and
the
Master
of
counting
houses
for
a
stake
seruing
gratis
,
or
some
other
Merchant
.
These
houses
of
Exchanges
to
be
in
all
places
of
peace
or
securitie
,
and
all
other
places
,
as
it
were
dangerous
to
be
gouerned
and
serued
by
correspondencies
,
which
may
be
in
number
seuen
or
nine
to
one
stake
,
and
so
augment
the
stocke
by
their
credit
and
meanes
accordingly
,
receiuing
a
proportionable
gaine
of
the
benefit
procured
by
their
imployment
,
without
any
other
vse
or
consideration
for
their
moneys
.
The
moneys
deliuered
to
this
societie
for
the
stocke
to
remaine
for
euer
by
way
of
donation
,
only
the
reuenue
yerely
from
time
to
time
to
be
paied
to
the
parties
,
their
heires
,
or
next
of
the
bloud
,
or
to
the
lawfull
assigne
,
or
by
default
(
after
a
time
)
to
the
poore
.
The
persons
aduanced
by
deserts
and
without
money
brought
in
,
shall
for
their
stake
,
or
so
much
as
is
wanting
(
within
the
time
limited
)
allow
ten
in
the
hundreth
,
vntill
the
same
is
raised
by
the
gaine
;
which
is
offered
by
foure
or
fiue
yeares
reuenue
to
be
done
,
or
by
deduction
of
six
and
one
fourth
part
per
annum
.
No
man
for
any
criminall
offence
shall
(
by
way
of
forfeiture
)
lose
his
stake
,
or
for
any
misdemeanor
hinder
his
posteritie
to
enioy
the
reuenue
thereof
,
but
lose
his
voice
(
wherein
euerie
man
is
equall
.
)
And
moreouer
,
for
so
much
as
the
societie
may
be
hindered
thereby
,
defalcation
(
by
suspence
of
paiment
)
shall
be
made
,
vntill
reparation
made
thereof
vnto
the
said
societie
at
their
pleasure
.
No
Executor
,
Administrator
,
Surueyor
,
Curator
,
or
other
persons
or
assigns
are
to
meddle
with
the
premisses
:
but
for
want
of
issue
or
ob
intestato
falling
vpon
children
vnder
yeares
,
or
women
,
to
take
the
accounts
and
reuenues
according
to
the
rate
of
others
,
without
any
other
account
to
be
made
.
All
controuersies
arising
betweene
them
of
the
societie
for
matter
of
trafficke
,
to
be
decided
by
the
Master
of
Counting
Houses
,
with
their
Counsell
of
Assistance
to
bee
appointed
vnto
them
,
without
any
appellation
or
remoue
to
any
other
court
or
iurisdiction
whatsoeuer
.
The
preseruation
and
assurance
of
the
stocke
and
credit
,
is
by
the
authoritie
and
confirmation
of
Princes
and
Common-weales
;
who
(
notwithstanding
particular
differences
)
are
generally
inclined
to
maintaine
trafficke
,
as
the
Soule
of
their
wealth
and
estates
,
so
that
the
said
authoritie
(
because
of
the
protection
thereof
,
by
the
law
of
nations
)
shall
be
corroborated
for
the
defence
thereof
,
by
their
association
vnder
their
hands
and
seales
,
in
vnitie
of
couenant
(
with
one
priuate
person
of
the
qualitie
hereafter
declared
)
in
seuen
tongues
,
whereof
euerie
prince
in
his
owne
language
for
subscription
is
once
to
haue
precedencie
,
and
after
that
without
any
ceremoniall
or
politicke
obseruation
to
be
vsed
indifferently
.
To
which
end
,
the
said
Princes
and
Potentates
are
to
renounce
all
lawes
,
priuiledges
,
exceptions
,
or
immunities
,
of
what
high
nature
or
dignitie
soeuer
to
the
contrarie
,
and
to
make
approbation
of
this
contract
,
by
their
Parlements
,
or
highest
Court
of
iurisdiction
,
in
the
best
manner
that
can
be
deuised
.
Euerie
person
of
this
societie
to
be
free
and
exempted
of
all
Impositions
,
Taxes
,
Customes
,
Subsidies
,
lending
of
moneys
any
maner
of
waies
,
or
any
charges
;
as
also
masters
of
the
counting
houses
,
which
shall
not
be
permitted
to
exercise
any
trafficke
or
trade
particular
,
but
must
wholy
employ
themselues
to
this
businesse
,
with
such
allowance
and
order
as
is
prescribed
vnto
them
.
All
worldly
things
being
subiect
to
mutabilitie
,
euen
the
greatnesse
and
superioritie
of
Princes
,
which
may
happen
to
be
deposed
for
a
time
,
and
afterwards
to
be
restored
againe
;
It
is
prouided
,
that
of
the
gaines
of
the
three
parts
allotted
vnto
them
for
three
stakes
in
this
couenant
,
the
two
shall
remaine
to
the
Crowne
,
and
the
third
to
the
Prince
,
vntill
he
be
restored
againe
or
dead
,
which
is
onely
to
take
place
in
all
hereditarie
kingdomes
.
The
said
societie
therefore
not
to
purchase
any
land
for
the
generalitie
,
to
endanger
Princes
estates
,
but
onely
for
their
particular
,
as
occasion
serueth
.
Modells
or
Medalia
to
be
worne
by
the
said
hundreth
persons
of
the
societie
,
and
the
Masters
of
counting
houses
,
onely
with
emendation
and
augmentation
of
their
armes
,
and
by
their
successors
,
vpon
true
register
and
acknowledgement
to
be
made
and
kept
thereof
.
The
said
Modells
to
containe
on
the
one
side
,
the
world
concatenated
together
vnder
a
Crowne
Imperiall
,
assisted
with
the
personages
of
Prosperitie
,
Honour
,
and
Mercie
,
enuironed
round
about
with
two
inclosed
hands
and
armes
of
Faith
and
Credit
;
and
on
the
other
side
the
like
with
a
Crosse
and
Inscription
,
He
doth
crowne
his
owne
workes
in
vs
.
All
which
persons
shall
be
made
noble
Knights
of
this
order
accordingly
,
with
certaine
other
additions
,
as
shall
be
thought
conuenient
,
As
by
Faith
and
Credit
it
shall
subsist
,
or
the
like
.
The
aforesaid
stocke
and
credit
to
be
emploied
by
the
said
Masters
of
counting
houses
,
and
assistants
in
fiue
seuerall
matters
,
by
Exchange
,
Banke
,
Mount
of
Charitie
,
Mensa
argentaria
,
and
Houses
of
Vendition
without
any
aduenture
or
losse
,
according
to
an
instruction
,
shewing
the
benefit
and
commodiousnesse
which
will
arise
thereby
vnto
all
estates
,
for
the
preseruation
and
augmentation
of
Honour
and
Wealth
of
the
rich
,
reliefe
of
the
poore
,
and
welfare
of
the
commons
in
generall
,
hauing
some
gratuities
bestowed
vpon
them
.
The
priuate
person
(
with
whom
all
the
aforesaid
parties
are
to
couenant
)
is
to
be
generall
Master
of
all
the
counting
houses
,
and
onely
to
keepe
a
generall
booke
of
account
,
without
any
administration
of
the
stocke
,
or
to
meddle
in
any
trade
of
merchandise
,
but
to
haue
the
honour
of
knighthood
,
with
a
large
allowance
of
charges
,
expences
had
and
to
be
had
for
to
entertaine
all
the
parties
and
correspondencies
which
might
resort
to
the
places
of
his
habitation
:
to
which
purpose
he
must
be
prouided
of
a
stately
house
,
with
all
conuenient
things
necessarie
,
and
many
seruants
,
messengers
,
and
posts
,
with
the
gaines
of
one
hundreth
thousand
crownes
,
that
he
doth
furnish
by
many
allowances
and
other
meanes
,
to
the
satisfaction
of
all
the
parties
,
according
to
a
particular
agreement
,
wherein
the
vnited
Low
Prouinces
are
named
the
chiefe
place
or
Rendevous
of
this
negotiation
or
intended
contract
,
whereunto
diuers
countries
haue
condescended
.
The
authors
of
this
proiect
(
vnder
the
said
priuate
name
)
do
desire
for
the
aduancement
hereof
permission
to
execute
the
same
,
safgarde
,
to
be
protected
from
all
iniuries
,
and
to
repaire
all
dammages
which
might
be
done
vnto
them
in
hostile
or
peaceable
manner
,
freedome
of
all
taxes
,
and
assurance
for
their
persons
and
goods
according
to
an
instruction
.
To
which
end
the
Master
generall
of
the
said
counting
houses
(
if
breach
be
made
by
any
one
of
the
parties
in
any
article
of
this
couenant
)
is
to
receiue
the
complaint
,
and
to
consult
with
his
counsell
of
assistance
,
and
so
to
giue
notice
thereof
vnto
the
next
neighbour
,
Prince
,
or
State
of
this
societie
,
to
see
the
same
redressed
or
amended
.
If
that
Prince
do
denie
to
be
ayding
,
or
be
forgetfull
therein
,
he
shall
be
accessarie
,
and
iudged
as
guiltie
as
the
first
offendor
;
whereas
on
the
contrarie
,
the
forfeiture
of
the
reuenues
of
this
first
offendor
for
the
time
shall
be
his
.
And
the
society
may
remoue
their
counting
houses
,
or
change
them
into
correspondencies
,
if
other
Princes
and
States
should
also
proue
to
be
negligent
,
and
(
without
respect
had
to
their
priuate
gaine
)
abandon
so
good
an
action
,
losing
their
title
or
reuenue
,
violating
the
law
of
nations
,
wherewith
(
no
doubt
)
most
Princes
shall
find
themselues
agreeued
,
and
these
Princes
or
persons
transgressors
will
find
the
worse
,
and
endanger
their
estates
,
to
their
great
dishonour
through
all
the
world
,
and
disturbance
of
other
neighbour
Princes
.
For
the
better
aduancement
hereof
,
there
is
a
place
reserued
for
reward
of
two
vnknowne
persons
,
which
by
their
industrie
,
labour
,
and
science
shall
be
thought
worthie
thereof
,
one
bearing
the
name
of
it
.
This
princely
contract
requireth
a
serious
consideration
.
The
Stocke
or
Capitall
is
2
½
Millions
,
or
2500
thousand
pounds
sterling
,
or
ten
millions
Flemish
,
which
(
increased
by
nine
hundreth
correspondencies
)
will
make
the
stocke
to
be
twenty
and
fiue
millions
,
o●
one
hundreth
millions
Flemish
.
It
being
verie
probable
that
through
all
the
world
there
lyeth
so
much
money
dead
without
any
vse
or
employment
.
The
calculation
of
tenne
vpon
the
hundreth
by
the
yeare
,
doubleth
yearely
;
so
that
he
who
by
gift
employeth
one
hundreth
pounds
,
is
to
haue
for
it
one
hundreth
pounds
yearely
for
euer
:
and
this
is
supposed
to
be
gotten
by
fiue
seuerall
means
,
viz.
by
Cambium
,
Banke
,
Mons
Pietatis
,
M●nsa
Argentaria
,
and
Domus
Commutationis
,
whereof
you
may
find
the
particulars
in
this
Booke
.
The
proceeding
of
this
matter
of
great
consequence
hath
beene
interrupted
by
Monsieur
Olden
Barneuelt
lately
executed
at
the
Hague
in
Holland
,
the
sequell
hereof
time
will
discouer
,
and
we
may
say
with
the
Poet
,
Quid
non
mortalia
Pectora
cogunt
&c.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
Of
Moneys
deliuered
vpon
Liues
,
Annuities
,
and
Pensions
.
HAuing
intreated
of
Moneys
deliuered
at
interest
without
casualtie
,
and
so
termed
Vsurie
by
reason
of
the
contract
of
benefit
without
aduenture
:
it
is
conuenient
to
handle
of
Moneys
deliuered
vpon
Liues
,
when
Merchants
do
giue
twelue
vpon
the
hundreth
without
pawne
,
called
beyond
the
seas
after
the
pennie
8
:
the
moitie
whereof
with
pawne
is
six
vpon
the
hundreth
,
or
double
eight
,
according
to
the
pennie
16
,
as
aforesaid
.
The
pennie
8
is
12
½
,
for
eight
times
12
½
maketh
one
hundreth
:
so
the
pennie
16
which
is
vsed
for
rents
vpon
houses
or
lands
is
6
¼
,
according
to
which
pennie
8
vpon
one
life
or
double
for
one
yeare
(
so
they
all
liue
)
is
equal
vpon
eight
liues
.
This
is
much
vsed
in
diuers
cities
beyond
the
seas
,
to
draw
moneys
into
their
hands
.
As
for
example
.
One
hundreth
pounds
is
deliuered
to
haue
two
hundreth
pounds
for
it
at
the
yeares
end
vpon
eight
liues
,
if
they
all
liue
,
you
haue
two
hundreth
pounds
to
buy
a
perpetuall
rent
;
or
sometimes
as
it
hath
beene
,
to
giue
twentie
per
100
for
the
yeare
,
and
so
from
yeare
to
yeare
,
and
dying
the
principall
is
theirs
.
One
hundreth
pounds
for
eight
liues
(
by
equalitie
decreasing
the
pennie
8
)
is
12
ll
10
ss
,
for
two
liues
,
11
ll
2
ss
,
for
three
liues
10
ll
,
for
foure
liues
9
ll
1
ss
9
pence
,
is
6
ll
5
ss
for
eight
liues
.
|
The
Citie
of
Amsterdam
was
wont
to
giue
good
consideration
,
and
did
obserue
this
order
vpon
a
hundreth
Guelders
for
eight
liues
gaue
|
16
|
13
|
4
|
|
Of
nine
liues
|
19
|
1
|
0
|
|
Vpon
tenne
liues
they
gaue
|
22
|
4
|
5
|
|
Vpon
eleuen
liues
|
26
|
13
|
4
|
|
Vpon
twelue
liues
|
33
|
6
|
8
|
|
Vpon
seuen
liues
|
14
|
6
|
4
|
|
Vpon
six
liues
|
13
|
6
|
8
|
Here
you
are
to
remember
the
obseruations
of
Assurors
,
whether
the
persons
be
young
or
old
,
sober
in
their
diet
and
behauiour
,
much
trauelling
abroad
or
staying
at
home
,
subiect
to
sickenesse
,
and
the
like
considerations
.
Moneys
deliuered
vpon
annuities
for
rents
,
seeme
more
reasonable
than
pensions
vpon
liues
,
because
you
beare
onely
the
aduenture
of
the
decay
of
houses
or
destruction
of
them
in
time
of
warre
;
and
much
more
should
bee
giuen
without
pawne
,
than
with
pawne
or
morgage
.
It
is
commodious
for
a
man
,
hauing
wast
grounds
and
intending
to
build
vpon
them
,
to
take
much
money
vpon
rent
after
6
¼
pro
cent
.
which
many
Cities
giue
continually
to
increase
their
wealth
and
inhabitants
.
And
because
the
valuation
of
their
money
doth
often
alter
and
is
inhaunced
,
whereby
all
things
become
dearer
,
in
specie
.
the
parties
are
aduised
to
haue
their
rents
paied
in
specie
,
in
Crownes
,
Dollers
,
Ducats
to
bee
paied
as
formerly
they
were
currant
;
the
dangers
in
times
of
warres
causeth
rents
to
decrease
,
for
the
ancient
rent
is
alwayes
first
to
bee
paied
,
although
all
others
bee
losers
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XIX
.
Of
the
Denomination
and
Diuision
of
Moneys
of
diuers
Countreys
.
THE
Denomination
,
Diuision
,
and
Subdiuision
of
the
moneys
of
all
Countreys
,
is
most
necessarie
for
Merchants
and
all
others
to
be
knowne
;
because
without
it
,
they
sayle
in
the
course
of
Trafficke
without
Compasse
,
abandoned
at
all
vncertainties
and
dangers
to
haue
true
equalitie
and
equitie
obserued
in
their
buyings
and
sellings
,
and
that
more
especially
if
the
course
of
exchanges
be
neglected
,
as
shall
be
declared
hereafter
.
Some
of
these
moneys
are
imaginarie
,
and
some
are
substantiall
or
reall
in
specie
,
and
yet
not
concurring
in
price
or
value
.
The
ordinarie
Golden
coynes
are
the
vnite
peeces
of
22
shillings
,
the
halfe
of
eleuen
shillings
,
and
the
crownes
or
quarters
of
fiue
shillings
sixe
pence
,
and
the
⅛
part
two
shillings
nine
pence
,
and
the
fiue
peeces
coyned
at
foure
shillings
,
making
twentie
two
shillings
,
with
the
Rose
and
the
Thistle
.
The
Laureat
King
Iames
,
of
twentie
two
carrats
fine
of
twentie
shillings
,
and
the
halfe
peece
.
In
Germanie
they
make
all
their
moneys
by
the
account
of
Batsen
,
euerie
Batts
foure
Creutzers
,
coyning
peeces
of
three
,
sixe
,
The
ancient
Romans
called
an
ounce
a
guelder
,
and
the
eight
ounces
made
one
mark
,
and
12
ounces
or
guelders
were
reckoned
for
one
pound
;
and
there
were
coyned
peeces
called
Nummi
Dragmi
,
alias
,
Grosleyn
,
is
the
eight
part
of
a
doller
;
Angelicies
was
the
⅙
of
a
doller
,
making
three
Batses
or
twelue
Creutzers
,
called
Schriekenborgers
.
The
said
Angelici
were
Tribute
penies
,
which
being
allayd
and
made
worse
,
did
obtaine
the
name
of
Bats
,
as
it
were
seeking
of
a
benefit
,
which
since
haue
bin
more
imbased
,
and
therefore
deserue
that
name
of
Batses
:
they
are
called
in
Thuringia
,
Gulielmi
,
and
in
Bohemia
Bohemici
,
in
regard
of
the
said
tribute
,
whereof
they
haue
also
12
peeces
diuidedly
for
12
pence
,
which
pennie
is
all
Germanie
ouer
two
Hellers
by
way
of
account
.
The
doller
was
first
made
vpon
sixtie
and
fiue
Creutzers
,
which
(
in
those
coynes
so
imbased
)
are
answered
by
72
Creutzers
:
And
in
oth●●
cities
of
Germanie
they
reckon
as
followeth
vpon
diuers
coynes
,
〈◊〉
made
,
and
some
imaginarie
.
At
Augusta
they
haue
small
moneys
,
Grosses
of
three
Batses
,
At
Frankford
they
diuide
their
Florens
of
sixtie
Creutzers
,
At
Norenbourgh
in
like
manner
,
and
the
Creutzer
is
foure
pence
,
At
Strasborough
they
vse
Blapharts
,
Grosses
,
At
Bohemia
,
as
in
Germanie
;
and
the
Bohemici
,
CHAP.
XX.
Of
Merchants
Accounts
kept
by
Debitor
and
Creditor
.
THE
manner
of
keeping
accounts
by
Debitor
and
Creditor
,
was
first
deuised
in
Italy
vpon
verie
good
considerations
.
There
is
great
affinitie
betweene
Faith
,
Trust
,
and
Confidence
;
in
Diuinitie
Trust
and
Confidence
are
two
handmaides
vnto
Faith
,
euen
as
Faith
is
the
hand
whereby
wee
apprehend
Gods
mercies
,
to
repose
our
trust
in
him
,
and
to
bee
confident
thereof
.
But
in
Humane
actions
the
word
Trust
is
more
proper
,
which
implieth
a
credit
or
beliefe
which
wee
giue
or
repose
vpon
others
,
or
others
do
attribute
and
giue
vnto
vs
.
Hence
proceedeth
the
Italian
speech
,
Star
dal
Credere
,
grounded
vpon
that
maxime
of
the
Ciuile
Law
,
Omnis
homo
bonus
,
donec
contrarium
probetur
;
wherevpon
a
man
negotiating
in
this
world
must
trust
and
bee
trusted
:
he
that
is
trusted
with
any
goods
,
moneys
,
or
other
mooueable
things
,
is
therefore
called
a
Debitor
or
Debtor
vnto
the
partie
that
doth
trust
him
therewith
,
and
he
calleth
that
partie
his
Creditor
,
because
hee
gaue
him
credit
for
the
same
;
whereby
Debitor
and
Creditor
concurreth
betweene
partie
and
partie
.
Suppose
now
,
that
a
young
man
being
of
age
to
manage
his
owne
,
is
desirous
to
deale
in
the
world
in
trafficke
and
trade
by
buying
and
selling
of
commodities
,
or
to
let
out
his
money
at
vse
,
or
by
exchange
,
for
other
countreys
(
vnto
which
three
actions
wee
still
obserue
our
method
,
as
being
the
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
,
as
often
hath
beene
declared
:
)
and
thereupon
he
endeuoureth
to
keepe
a
true
account
of
all
his
proceedings
and
negotiation
,
by
way
of
this
manner
of
account
by
Debitor
and
Creditor
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
haue
still
a
Creditor
vnto
a
Debitor
,
and
a
Debitor
vnto
a
Creditor
,
which
must
reciprocally
answere
each
other
.
Now
considering
of
his
meanes
for
the
effecting
hereof
,
he
findeth
that
he
hath
one
hundreth
Clothes
,
two
hundreth
Kersies
,
or
any
other
commodities
left
him
by
his
father
or
friends
,
and
moreouer
some
thousand
pounds
in
readie
money
,
and
fiue
hundreth
pounds
in
debts
owing
by
seuerall
persons
,
payable
at
some
time
to
come
,
besides
some
hundreth
pounds
yearely
in
Lands
or
Leases
:
out
of
all
these
he
maketh
a
Stocke
or
Capitall
,
which
he
doth
enter
into
a
Book●
called
a
Iournall
,
The
Spaniard
doth
call
this
Booke
El
Libro
grande
,
and
the
Iournall
he
calleth
Manuall
,
being
of
a
farre
lesser
volume
,
commonly
but
one
third
part
of
the
other
,
being
manuable
,
and
vnto
this
they
keepe
a
Borrador
or
Memorial
,
wherein
all
things
are
first
entred
,
But
in
the
Iournall
and
Leidger
Booke
,
there
may
not
be
any
alteration
of
cyphers
,
blotting
(
nor
places
left
in
blanke
in
the
Iournall
)
but
one
parcell
without
intermission
must
follow
another
,
otherwise
the
bookes
are
of
no
credit
in
law
,
or
before
any
Magistrat
;
whereas
otherwise
much
credit
is
giuen
to
bookes
well
and
orderly
kept
,
for
the
deciding
and
determination
of
many
controue●sies
which
happen
between
Merchants
and
Merchants
,
and
their
Factors
,
which
is
the
cause
that
I
could
not
omit
to
write
thereof
,
as
a
branch
of
the
Law-Merchant
,
to
the
end
that
such
Iudges
,
and
others
that
are
vnacquainted
with
the
manner
of
it
,
may
be
enlightned
in
their
proceedings
,
which
(
in
matters
of
this
nature
)
may
come
before
them
to
be
determined
.
The
manner
how
he
doth
enter
them
in
the
Iournall
is
as
followeth
.
WHerein
obserue
,
that
euerie
Debitor
must
haue
a
Creditor
,
and
so
on
the
contrarie
euerie
Creditor
his
Debitor
,
and
alwaies
the
left
side
of
your
Leidger
Booke
being
open
is
the
Debitors
side
,
and
the
right
side
of
the
said
booke
towards
your
right
hand
is
the
Creditors
side
,
Will
.
Sommers
.
and
that
euerie
Creditor
may
haue
his
Debitor
.
It
seemeth
that
William
Sommers
(
being
a
Iester
to
King
Henrie
the
eight
)
had
some
insight
in
this
manner
of
Account
:
for
when
the
King
told
him
,
that
he
had
deliuered
a
good
summe
of
money
vnto
a
gentleman
a
follower
of
his
,
Sommers
answered
,
That
for
doing
so
,
he
had
noted
in
his
Booke
,
that
the
King
was
a
foole
,
giuing
his
reason
for
it
,
Because
the
gentleman
would
neuer
returne
backe
againe
,
and
that
the
King
was
cosined
:
but
the
King
asked
of
Sommers
.
What
he
would
do
,
in
case
the
gentleman
did
returne
with
the
money
?
whereupon
Sommers
answered
,
Then
I
wil
put
him
in
my
booke
for
a
foole
,
and
put
you
out
,
Sic
nugae
seria
ducunt
.
To
returne
to
our
young
Merchant
,
by
this
time
he
hath
taken
an
Inuentorie
of
his
estate
,
and
caused
his
Clothes
and
Kersies
to
be
valued
,
and
findeth
that
the
hundreth
clothes
are
worth
some
1200
ll
one
with
another
,
and
his
two
hundreth
Kersies
of
Deuonshire
400
ll:
hereupon
entring
the
yere
,
moneth
,
and
day
in
the
Iournall
,
he
maketh
Debitor
and
Creditor
as
aforesaid
.
Magazin
or
Warehouse
oweth
vnto
Capitall
or
Stocke
1600
ll
for
one
hundreth
white
Clothes
of
the
markes
following
,
Cash
oweth
vnto
Capitall
or
Stocke
(
you
need
not
to
say
of
me
A.B.
)
the
summe
of
1000
ll
,
for
so
much
readie
money
which
I
find
this
day
in
Cash
,
proceeding
of
&c.
and
this
summe
is
likewise
drawne
out
&c.
B.
M.
Mercer
oweth
vnto
Capitall
300
ll
,
which
he
owed
by
bill
vnto
my
father
deceased
,
payable
in
two
payments
,
namely
&c.
summe
300
ll.
N.W.
Merchant
oweth
vnto
Capitall
200
ll
for
so
much
owing
by
him
vnto
my
father
deceased
,
which
is
payable
the
25
of
March
next
,
by
bond
&c.
The
Manor
of
Latham
in
Lancashire
oweth
vnto
Capitall
1500
ll
,
The
lease
of
the
house
called
the
Golden
Lyon
scituate
in
Cheapside
in
London
,
oweth
vnto
Capitall
200
ll
,
Plate
and
houshold
stuffe
oweth
vnto
Capitall
200
ll
,
Here
you
see
that
this
young
Merchant
hath
an
estate
of
5000
ll
to
begin
the
world
withall
,
consisting
of
the
aforesaid
seuen
parcels
.
This
Merchant
now
employeth
his
money
and
buyeth
some
other
commodities
to
be
sent
beyond
the
seas
:
namely
,
one
hundreth
peeces
of
Perpetuanoes
,
which
cost
him
readie
money
fiftie
shillings
the
peece
;
more
,
twentie
fother
of
Lead
,
at
ten
pound
the
fother
;
fiftie
peeces
of
Bayes
of
diuers
sorts
,
cost
him
two
hundreth
and
twentie
pounds
;
and
twentie
Redding
mingled
colour
clothes
,
amounting
in
all
to
870
ll
,
The
Merchant
beginneth
to
ship
his
commodities
,
and
sendeth
his
hundreth
white
clothes
for
Hamborough
to
a
Factor
,
or
his
seruant
,
and
payeth
the
kings
Custome
,
and
all
charges
concerning
the
same
:
and
now
he
frameth
an
account
of
those
clothes
,
intituling
the
same
voyage
to
Hamborough
,
For
Seuill
in
Spaine
he
sendeth
the
hundreth
peeces
of
Perpetuanoes
which
he
bought
,
in
toto
.
For
Lixborne
in
Portugall
he
sendeth
two
hundreth
peeces
of
Deuonshire
Kersies
,
And
hereupon
hee
armeth
two
accounts
vnder
the
name
of
voyage
into
Spaine
,
or
voyage
to
Lixborne
,
or
some
other
such
name
of
the
said
commodities
,
as
euerie
man
thinketh
good
:
so
these
voyages
are
Debitor
for
the
commodities
,
customes
and
charges
therof
,
and
the
Magazin
is
discharged
,
and
made
Creditor
as
abouesaid
;
This
Merchant
,
not
willing
to
beare
so
great
an
aduenture
of
sixe
hundreth
pounds
,
or
seuen
hundreth
pounds
in
one
Ship
,
doth
cause
himselfe
to
be
assured
of
three
hundreth
pounds
in
euerie
Ship
,
B.
M.
the
Mercer
doth
pay
more
two
hundreth
pounds
,
whereof
Cash
is
made
Debitor
,
and
B.
M.
is
made
Creditor
,
and
discharged
of
the
3
hundreth
pounds
he
did
owe
,
Now
the
two
hundreth
pounds
which
N.
W.
oweth
,
are
due
,
The
Merchants
estate
standeth
now
thus
,
Suppose
now
that
the
Ships
of
the
Companie
of
Merchant
aduenturers
are
come
from
Hamborough
,
Moreouer
,
your
Factor
hath
set
ouer
some
of
those
Merchants
Billes
of
debt
for
forraine
commodities
,
and
hath
taken
in
paiment
two
Cases
of
Veluets
,
You
haue
now
sold
your
two
cases
of
Veluets
,
the
one
for
readie
money
,
and
the
other
at
sixe
and
sixe
moneths
dayes
of
paiment
,
to
W.W.
Mercer
,
amounting
to
fiue
hundreth
and
twentie
pounds
,
whom
you
haue
made
Debitor
for
the
same
,
and
your
veluets
Creditor
,
and
for
the
other
you
haue
made
Cash
Debitor
for
foure
hundreth
ninetie
pounds
,
which
you
haue
receiued
,
and
likewise
your
Veluets
Creditor
for
the
same
summe
;
so
in
both
,
one
thousand
and
ten
pounds
:
and
casting
vp
your
charges
,
Customes
,
and
Impositions
of
your
Veluets
,
you
find
them
to
amount
vnto
80
ll
,
and
for
this
summe
you
make
Veluets
Debitor
,
and
Cash
Creditor
:
so
your
Veluets
did
cost
with
all
the
said
charges
920
ll
,
and
they
were
sold
for
1010
ll
;
so
there
is
90
ll
aduanced
by
the
said
Veluets
,
whereof
to
cleare
this
account
,
you
make
Veluet
Debitor
,
and
Profit
and
Losse
Creditor
,
as
aforesaid
.
Hauing
now
money
in
Cash
,
you
make
ouer
300
ll
for
Amsterdam
by
exchange
,
with
condition
and
order
to
your
Factor
,
That
from
time
to
time
as
the
mony
groweth
due
,
hee
shall
make
it
ouer
againe
by
exchange
vnto
you
at
double
Vsance
,
which
is
two
moneths
,
as
you
made
it
ouer
vnto
him
:
some
now
in
this
case
wil
arme
an
account
of
exchanges
;
but
it
is
better
to
make
the
factor
of
Amsterdam
debitor
for
it
,
and
cash
creditor
.
Ships
are
now
arriued
from
Saint
Lucar
in
Spaine
,
and
your
Factor
of
Seuill
hath
sold
your
Perpetuanoes
,
Bayes
,
and
Lead
,
The
Ships
of
Lixborne
are
also
arriued
,
and
bring
in
returne
of
your
Kerseys
and
Reading
clothes
,
fortie
chests
of
Sugar
of
the
three
sorts
,
Pancla
,
Mascauado
,
and
Blanco
,
or
white
,
with
aduice
that
the
commodities
are
sold
at
a
reasonable
rate
,
for
by
the
account
it
appeareth
that
the
nett
Prouenu
of
it
commeth
to
1204
thousand
800
Reys
,
The
yeare
is
now
almost
expired
,
and
euerie
prouident
Merchant
doth
commonly
make
vp
his
Account
,
and
draweth
a
ballance
of
his
booke
,
and
this
Merchant
findeth
to
haue
receiued
of
his
Mannor
of
Latham
,
The
400
ll
made
ouer
from
Hamborough
are
receiued
,
and
Cash
is
Debitor
for
it
,
and
the
parties
that
payed
the
same
,
are
made
Creditor
,
and
discharged
.
Now
by
the
Account
of
Profit
and
Losse
,
there
appeareth
to
be
gotten
911
ll
cleare
,
|
1900
ll
|
for
the
said
lands
,
|
|
420
|
Owing
by
two
parcels
at
interest
,
by
C.D.
&
N.W.
Merchants
.
|
|
520
|
Owing
for
Veluets
sold
to
,
&c.
|
|
300
|
Owing
for
Tabacco
sold
to
,
&c.
|
|
820
|
Owing
for
Sugars
sold
to
,
&c.
|
|
1000
|
Owing
by
the
Factor
of
Amsterdam
,
&c.
|
|
180
|
Owing
by
the
Factor
of
Hamborough
,
&c.
|
|
61
|
Owing
by
the
Factor
of
Seuill
,
&c.
|
|
203
|
Owing
by
the
Factor
of
Lixborne
,
&c.
|
|
507
|
Readie
money
in
Cash
.
|
|
5911
ll.
|
|
Thus
it
appeareth
,
that
this
Merchant
hath
augmented
his
Capitall
or
Stocke
nine
hundreth
and
eleuen
pounds
,
Publica
Mensura
,
or
a
right
Iudge
to
set
a
price
vnto
euerie
thing
,
so
may
you
by
the
measure
thereof
(
truely
entred
in
the
Cash
Booke
)
find
out
many
doubts
,
questions
,
and
vncertaineties
in
Accounts
.
For
the
moneys
being
proceeding
from
the
originalls
of
commodities
or
exchanges
,
and
the
persons
with
whom
you
deale
therein
,
giueth
you
light
and
direction
to
discusse
these
differencies
;
and
therefore
it
may
well
be
compared
to
the
measure
of
Hercules
foot
,
whereby
the
whole
Symetricall
proportion
of
all
his
bodie
was
found
out
.
But
now
me
thinkes
I
heare
one
say
,
You
haue
briefely
shewed
vs
the
manner
of
Accounts
by
Debitor
and
Creditor
,
with
the
application
of
it
to
a
Merchants
negotiation
for
Commodities
and
Money
,
and
also
by
deliuering
money
by
Exchange
,
and
how
Money
is
gotten
by
Commodities
,
and
by
letting
the
same
at
Interest
;
But
I
cannot
vnderstand
how
a
Merchant
getteth
money
by
Exchange
of
money
by
bills
of
Exchanges
.
Hereunto
I
answere
,
That
it
was
omitted
of
purpose
,
because
it
should
not
obscure
the
former
demonstration
,
otherwise
the
matter
is
of
such
importance
,
that
whosoeuer
dealeth
without
consideration
of
it
,
is
like
to
a
blind
man
groping
in
the
dark
,
and
yet
may
hit
the
egge
.
For
(
according
to
the
price
of
Exchange
)
all
the
commodities
of
the
realme
which
are
exported
,
and
all
the
forreine
commodities
imported
,
are
sold.
Know
ye
therefore
,
|
|
ll
|
ss
|
d
|
|
525
|
0
|
0
|
|
500
ll
are
made
ouer
at
thirtie
foure
shillings
ten
pence
,
is
Flemish
|
870
|
16
|
8
|
|
300
ll
at
thirtie
foure
shillings
six
pence
,
is
|
517
|
10
|
0
|
|
200
ll
made
ouer
at
thirtie
foure
shillings
eight
pence
,
is
Flemish
|
346
|
13
|
4
|
|
1000
ll
at
seuerall
prices
one
with
another
,
at
thirtie
fiue
shillings
|
1750
|
0
|
0
|
|
So
the
2300
ll
sterling
paid
at
Amsterdam
,
is
Flem.
|
4010
|
0
|
0
|
These
moneys
haue
beene
made
ouer
,
or
returned
againe
by
Exchange
at
seuerall
prices
,
and
the
account
cleered
,
as
followeth
.
|
|
ll
|
ss
|
d
|
|
300
ll
were
made
ouer
from
Amsterdam
,
at
thirtie
foure
shillings
two
pence
,
is
|
512
|
10
|
0
|
|
500
ll
were
made
ouer
at
thirtie
three
shillings
six
pence
for
the
pound
sterling
|
837
|
10
|
0
|
|
500
ll
at
thirtie
three
shillings
nine
pence
,
paied
at
Amsterdam
for
the
pound
|
843
|
15
|
0
|
|
500
ll
at
thirtie
three
shillings
eight
pence
in
like
manner
,
is
|
841
|
13
|
4
|
|
The
Factor
taketh
for
his
sallarie
,
and
paied
to
Brokers
|
21
|
4
|
8
|
|
And
maketh
ouer
500
ll
more
,
and
gaue
thirtie
three
shillings
ten
pence
for
the
pound
|
845
|
16
|
8
|
|
More
at
the
same
price
of
thirtie
three
shillings
ten
pence
,
he
made
ouer
the
iust
remainder
in
his
hands
,
being
107
ll
10
ss
4
d
,
and
sendeth
a
particular
bill
of
Exchange
of
63
ll
11
ss
for
it
|
107
|
10
|
4
|
|
|
4010
|
0
|
0
|
Another
obiection
is
made
,
How
shall
a
man
do
that
hath
no
stock
,
The
answere
is
manifest
,
all
is
grounded
vpon
trust
.
The
Bankers
therefore
that
deale
for
millions
of
pounds
,
If
the
treasure
of
Princes
were
disposed
by
this
manner
of
Account
,
they
should
receiue
many
benefits
and
aduantages
.
First
,
they
should
not
be
in
wants
as
they
commonly
are
,
Secondly
,
they
should
not
be
deceiued
as
they
are
by
their
Auditors
accounts
,
by
way
of
charge
and
discharge
,
made
sometimes
many
yeares
after
,
when
commonly
officers
are
much
indebted
vnto
them
,
and
yet
call
for
money
continually
,
which
afterwards
(
before
the
account
made
)
is
consumed
by
extraordinarie
allowances
,
which
are
easily
procured
,
when
their
moneys
are
out
of
their
coffers
;
so
that
vpon
the
matter
,
they
might
pay
that
with
one
pennie
which
now
doth
cost
them
three
pence
,
whereof
the
late
warres
in
Ireland
giue
vs
a
sufficient
instance
.
Lastly
,
the
charges
and
expences
of
officers
would
be
much
diminished
,
and
Princes
would
content
their
followers
and
subiects
with
better
pay
.
Worthie
of
perpetuall
remembrance
is
that
noble
Prince
King
Henrie
the
seuenth
,
Quietus
est
passe
the
great
Seale
of
England
.
And
the
said
King
was
pleased
many
times
to
enter
into
particular
examination
of
some
of
the
Accounts
,
whereby
he
did
strike
a
terror
into
the
hearts
of
the
officers
;
so
that
they
became
more
carefull
,
and
durst
not
commit
any
fraud
or
deceit
by
combination
or
tolleration
,
but
his
treasure
was
duely
administred
and
preserued
.
This
Signature
of
the
Kings
in
the
said
booke
,
is
extant
to
be
seene
in
his
Maiesties
Exchequer
.
de
claro
vnto
him
.
Whereupon
,
by
rooting
out
of
corruption
,
deposing
of
needlesse
officers
,
profitable
emptions
of
things
necessarie
,
and
by
wise
disposing
of
them
,
he
brought
(
è
contrario
)
three
parts
of
euerie
crowne
vnto
his
coffers
,
and
did
in
progresse
of
time
accumulate
a
verie
great
treasure
:
and
yet
did
he
increase
officers
fees
,
according
to
the
alteration
of
time
,
which
(
by
accidentall
causes
)
had
made
euerie
thing
deerer
.
In
this
place
may
be
expected
a
declaration
of
the
seuerall
coynes
,
or
calculation
of
moneys
,
wherein
the
Bookes
of
Merchants
Accounts
are
kept
beyond
the
Seas
:
But
because
the
same
is
founded
vpon
the
seuerall
exchanges
betweene
Countrey
and
Countreys
,
I
haue
thought
good
to
referre
the
same
in
the
proper
place
of
exchanges
hereafter
following
,
and
to
conclude
this
Second
Part
of
Lex
Mercatoria
,
with
that
notable
question
made
by
the
Ciuilians
;
Benuenuto
Straccha
,
the
Booke
of
the
Banke
was
kept
publikely
,
and
the
other
(
as
it
were
)
secret
to
himselfe
:
so
that
the
Creditors
of
the
one
are
to
bee
distinguished
from
the
other
,
as
being
two
negotiations
,
and
to
bee
dealt
therein
according
to
their
seuerall
natures
,
and
the
meanes
thereof
extant
,
with
such
considerations
as
may
bee
incident
thereunto
.
To
declare
my
owne
opinion
,
I
say
,
That
the
Canon
and
Ciuile
Law
,
making
no
distinction
in
the
payment
of
the
Testators
Debts
,
betweene
moneys
owing
for
wares
or
for
interest
;
there
ought
not
to
be
any
difference
in
the
nature
of
the
debts
,
in
regard
of
the
Bookes
of
Accounts
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
The
End
of
the
Second
Part.
THE
THIRD
PART
OF
LEX
MERCATORIA
,
OR
THE
Ancient
Law-Merchant
;
concerning
Exchanges
for
Moneys
by
Billes
of
Exchanges
,
compared
to
the
Spirit
or
Facultie
of
the
Soule
of
TRAFFICKE
and
COMMERCE
.
HAVING
(
in
the
First
and
Second
Part
of
this
Booke
)
intreated
of
the
Bodie
and
Soule
of
Trafficke
,
namely
,
Commodities
and
Moneys
.
Let
vs
now
handle
the
predominant
part
of
the
course
of
Trafficke
,
which
is
the
Exchange
for
moneys
,
by
Bils
of
Exchanges
for
forrain
parts
,
compared
to
the
Spirit
or
Facultie
of
the
Soule
.
For
as
moneys
do
infuse
life
to
commodities
by
the
meanes
of
Equalitie
and
Equitie
,
preuenting
aduantage
betweene
Buyers
and
Sellers
:
so
Exchange
for
moneys
by
Bills
of
Exchanges
(
being
seated
euerie
where
)
corroborateth
the
Vitall
Spirit
of
Trafficke
,
directing
and
controlling
(
by
iust
proportions
)
the
prices
and
values
of
commodities
and
money
,
as
shall
be
declared
.
Many
men
cannot
well
discerne
the
distinction
of
the
Spirit
in
sundrie
matters
,
because
man
(
consisting
of
Bodie
and
Soule
(
that
)
which
belongeth
to
the
Spirit
)
is
comprized
vnder
the
name
Soule
:
but
if
they
be
willing
to
vnderstand
the
necessarie
distinction
heereof
,
reason
in
the
Theoricke
Part
,
will
demonstrate
the
same
in
the
Practike
Part
of
this
discourse
of
Exchanges
.
Saint
Paul
in
the
later
end
of
his
second
Epistle
to
the
Thessalonians
,
wished
a
sanctification
to
their
spirits
and
soules
,
The
Phylosophers
haue
made
this
distinction
by
their
Chimicall
obseruation
:
and
such
as
place
the
Soule
in
the
bloud
(
dispersed
through
all
the
veynes
of
the
bodie
)
do
also
place
the
Will
of
man
in
the
spirit
,
residing
in
the
heart
of
man
,
which
the
Anatomists
demonstrateth
to
be
a
little
concauitie
,
where
the
drops
of
the
vitall
bloud
are
placed
in
the
heart
,
which
are
feared
vp
,
and
the
place
is
shrunke
in
bodies
which
haue
been
poisoned
.
To
make
application
of
this
comparison
betweene
the
Soule
and
Spirit
,
CHAP.
I.
Of
the
Beginning
of
the
Exchange
for
Moneys
,
by
Bills
of
Exchanges
.
THE
Exchange
for
moneys
is
of
great
antiquitie
:
for
(
as
we
haue
declared
)
the
first
Siluer
moneys
coyned
by
the
Romanes
is
almost
1900
yeares
since
.
And
euen
as
money
was
inuented
to
bee
made
of
the
best
mettalls
,
to
auoid
the
troublesome
carriage
of
commodities
vp
and
downe
,
and
from
one
countrey
into
another
:
So
(
vpon
the
like
consideration
)
when
other
nations
(
imitating
the
Romanes
)
did
coyne
moneys
,
Here
now
let
vs
obserue
foure
manner
of
Exchanges
which
haue
beene
vsed
,
and
in
some
countreys
are
yet
continued
,
albeit
some
of
them
are
abrogated
in
England
,
commonly
called
Cambio
Commune
,
Cambio
Reall
,
Cambio
Sicco
,
and
Cambio
Fictitio
,
which
denomination
may
be
admitted
.
The
first
manner
of
Exchange
,
called
Cambio
Commune
,
Cambio
Commune
.
is
properly
that
Exchange
which
the
said
Collibistae
,
or
common
Exchangers
did
vse
by
the
authoritie
of
Princes
and
Common-weales
,
for
the
lawfull
and
currant
moneys
of
their
Kingdomes
and
Territories
;
which
was
found
to
be
verie
expedient
and
necessarie
,
and
was
established
to
preuent
the
exportation
of
money
from
one
countrie
into
another
countrie
:
and
these
Exchangers
did
deliuer
in
all
countries
the
Money
in
one
specie
,
for
the
Moneys
in
other
species
by
them
receiued
,
as
aforesaid
.
The
Kings
of
England
did
constitute
these
Exchangers
,
in
specie
,
by
Bills
of
Exchanges
beyond
the
seas
.
And
afterwards
the
said
Exchanges
were
made
without
naming
the
species
,
but
according
to
the
value
of
the
seuerall
coynes
,
Cambio
Reall
.
and
this
was
called
Cambium
Regis
,
or
Royall
Exchange
,
which
caused
Queene
Elizabeth
to
name
the
Burse
in
London
accordingly
.
This
office
appeareth
to
haue
been
in
the
eleuenth
yere
of
the
said
King
Edw.
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
made
at
Acton
Burnel
,
since
which
time
the
succeeding
Kings
and
Queenes
haue
continued
the
same
by
sixteene
seuerall
Letters
Patents
.
And
whereas
it
seemed
that
the
said
two
Exchangers
could
not
execute
their
offices
conueniently
being
asunder
;
it
fell
out
,
that
in
Henrie
the
sixth
his
time
,
a
Law
was
made
,
by
which
both
offices
were
put
into
one
mans
hand
,
and
so
continued
many
yeares
,
vntill
the
time
of
King
Henrie
the
eight
,
Cambio
sicco
,
and
Cambio
fictitio
.
Cambio
sicco
This
Cambio
sicco
,
alias
called
drie
Exchange
,
is
in
this
manner
:
A
Merchant
hath
occasion
to
vse
,
Verbi
gratia
,
one
hundreth
pounds
,
which
they
will
deliuer
him
in
London
,
to
be
paied
vnto
their
Factor
at
Stoad
:
but
hauing
there
no
Factor
of
his
owne
,
the
said
Merchant
is
contented
to
make
his
Bill
of
Exchange
vpon
the
Bankers
Factor
,
payable
to
him
the
said
Factor
,
with
order
and
aduice
,
that
when
the
said
Bill
shall
be
due
,
he
shall
charge
him
by
Exchange
againe
,
and
take
vp
the
Money
there
,
and
hee
will
pay
the
same
with
the
rechange
and
charges
of
Factoridge
and
Brokeridge
:
wherein
they
will
be
sure
to
make
him
pay
verie
great
vse
or
interest
,
of
fifteene
or
twentie
in
the
hundreth
for
the
taking
vp
of
this
Money
,
and
to
make
it
more
drier
Exchange
,
they
will
be
contented
to
take
no
Bill
at
all
,
but
the
Merchants
promise
to
pay
it
as
other
men
doe
at
the
same
time
,
dealing
in
Exchange
for
the
said
place
of
Stoad
,
and
in
like
maner
for
other
places
.
Cambio
fictitio
.
Cambio
fictitio
is
yet
more
pernitious
,
and
performed
in
this
manner
:
A
Merchant
(
to
keepe
his
credit
)
being
driuen
to
buy
goods
for
a
shift
,
when
Money
is
not
to
be
had
,
and
he
will
not
be
beholden
vnto
others
,
comming
vnto
them
(
as
hauing
store
of
commodities
at
all
times
)
they
faine
that
they
haue
need
of
Money
,
and
must
sell
their
commodities
for
readie
Money
;
Prouided
alwaies
(
say
they
with
louing
protestations
)
we
will
pleasure
you
thus
far
,
looke
what
the
goods
come
vnto
,
we
will
take
it
vp
for
you
by
Exchange
for
Venice
,
Lyons
,
or
some
other
place
,
so
as
you
will
pay
vs
for
Exchange
,
Rechange
,
or
any
other
incident
charges
:
wherunto
the
merchant
agreeing
,
then
shall
he
be
sure
to
pay
soundly
for
the
vse
of
the
Money
,
and
loose
exceedingly
vpon
the
wares
.
These
two
biting
manner
of
Exchanges
being
discouered
,
were
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
prohibited
in
the
third
and
fourth
yeare
of
King
Henrie
the
seuenth
:
afterwards
(
as
is
noted
)
the
Exchange
being
discontinued
in
the
time
of
King
Henrie
the
eight
,
it
happened
that
the
former
abuses
came
to
bee
rife
againe
in
the
raigne
of
King
Edward
the
sixth
,
In
the
beginning
of
the
raigne
of
Queene
Elizabeth
,
CHAP.
II.
Of
the
true
calculation
of
Moneys
in
exchange
by
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
according
to
Par
pro
pari
.
These
Exchanges
do
much
differ
in
the
name
and
proportion
between
the
gold
and
siluer
obserued
in
most
countries
;
so
that
we
are
to
examine
and
compare
our
weight
aforesaid
,
with
the
weight
of
other
countries
,
and
the
finesse
of
the
sterling
standard
with
the
finesse
of
the
seuerall
standards
of
the
coynes
of
other
countries
:
and
if
we
differ
not
with
them
in
the
proportion
betweene
the
gold
and
siluer
,
Publica
Mensura
,
or
the
publike
measures
within
the
Realme
betweene
man
and
man
:
This
Exchange
is
properly
made
by
Bills
,
But
to
come
first
to
the
particulars
concerning
weight
,
wee
are
to
know
,
that
in
all
places
beyond
the
Seas
,
Concerning
the
finenesse
of
moneys
to
be
calculated
in
Exchange
,
the
same
is
knowne
by
weight
,
To
vnderstand
the
premisses
,
let
vs
suppose
that
a
Merchant
stranger
commeth
into
the
Realm
,
and
bringeth
with
him
many
vnknowne
and
strange
coynes
,
to
haue
the
coyne
of
the
Realme
for
it
,
according
to
value
for
value
by
weight
and
finenes
,
and
that
the
said
Merchant
(
hauing
weighed
the
said
coynes
)
hath
a
sufficient
knowledge
of
the
quantitie
of
fine
Siluer
and
Gold
which
is
contained
in
the
said
weight
,
But
so
long
as
the
calculation
remaineth
vpon
weight
and
finenes
,
without
respect
had
to
the
valuation
;
Concerning
the
proportion
betweene
the
Gold
and
Siluer
in
the
said
Exchanges
wee
are
to
obserue
.
That
when
the
proportion
betweene
the
Gold
and
Siluer
was
12
to
one
,
or
one
pound
of
Siluer
to
an
ounce
of
Gold
(
which
is
now
13
½
to
one
;
)
then
the
ensuing
calculation
in
Exchange
was
true
,
namely
,
to
account
eight
Carrats
of
fine
Gold
,
or
foure
ounces
of
fine
Siluer
for
twentie
shillings
sterling
,
reseruing
in
the
said
rate
a
reasonable
gaine
for
the
Merchants
towards
their
gaines
and
charges
.
But
now
that
the
said
proportion
is
altered
,
and
that
thirteene
ounces
and
⅓
part
,
or
foure
pennie
weight
is
appointed
to
be
giuen
for
one
ounce
;
of
necessitie
it
followeth
that
the
Siluer
is
vnderualued
,
and
the
Gold
aduanced
:
so
that
in
matter
of
Exchange
there
ariseth
a
twofold
consideration
,
the
one
to
bee
established
in
Par
,
according
to
the
Gold
coynes
,
and
the
other
after
the
Siluer
coynes
.
And
this
measure
of
Exchange
betweene
vs
and
forraine
Nations
is
verie
tender
and
delicate
;
yet
Merchants
occasions
in
the
course
of
trafficke
,
doe
exceed
the
said
limitation
vpon
plentie
or
scarsitie
of
money
,
and
the
many
deliuerers
or
takers
vp
of
the
said
moneys
according
thereunto
,
which
is
proper
to
confirme
the
mutabilitie
of
Exchanging
aboue
the
said
Par
,
but
neuer
vnder
the
same
:
for
it
is
like
vnto
the
Needle
of
the
Compasse
,
which
hath
beene
touched
vpon
the
fixed
North
Starre
.
Some
Merchants
are
so
farre
wide
from
the
knowledge
of
the
value
of
coynes
,
and
the
Exchanges
made
thereupon
,
that
they
are
of
opinion
,
That
there
can
be
no
certaine
Rate
or
Par
of
Exchange
set
to
answere
iustly
the
value
of
the
coynes
of
forraine
parts
,
by
reason
of
the
diuersitie
and
disproportion
of
the
coynes
of
Gold
and
Siluer
,
and
their
intrinsicall
and
extrinsicall
values
.
But
these
Merchants
are
to
vnderstand
,
that
the
moneys
of
all
Countreys
haue
a
proportionable
valuation
relatiue
within
themselues
,
according
to
their
seuerall
standards
for
weight
and
finenesse
,
onely
the
smaller
and
baser
coyne
haue
some
little
knowne
aduantage
,
which
may
bee
considered
of
in
Exchange
,
CHAP.
III.
Of
the
Denomination
of
the
Imaginarie
Moneys
of
all
Places
,
whereupon
Exchanges
are
made
by
Bills
.
THE
Denomination
of
moneys
,
which
wee
call
Imaginarie
,
is
because
there
is
not
any
peculiar
or
proper
money
to
be
found
in
Specie
,
wherevpon
the
Exchanges
are
grounded
,
as
it
was
in
times
past
in
many
places
,
where
some
moneys
were
the
cause
to
ground
the
price
of
Exchange
vpon
:
as
our
Angell
Noble
,
being
coyned
for
sixe
shillings
and
eight
pence
sterling
,
whereupon
Exchanges
haue
beene
made
,
as
now
is
done
vpon
twentie
shillings
,
and
so
might
the
new
peeces
of
our
Soueraigne
King
Iames
Laureat
,
be
taken
.
But
it
is
more
proper
to
make
Exchanges
vpon
the
siluer
coynes
;
for
the
price
of
commodities
is
most
ruled
thereby
in
all
places
,
which
by
the
quantitie
is
fiue
hundreth
to
one
.
Hence
did
proceed
the
cause
that
when
our
Gold
in
the
yeare
1611
,
In
like
manner
do
we
call
the
moneys
of
other
Countreys
,
wherevpon
Exchanges
are
made
to
be
Imaginarie
,
as
the
Dollers
in
Germanie
,
the
Crownes
in
France
,
the
Ducats
in
Italy
and
other
places
,
which
by
the
great
diuersitie
you
may
vnderstand
as
followeth
:
together
with
The
Calculations
of
Merchants
Accounts
,
whereupon
their
Bookes
of
Account
are
kept
,
according
to
their
Imaginarie
Moneys
.
In
Artois
,
Henalt
,
Some
do
reckon
by
pounds
Parasis
,
which
are
but
twentie
pence
,
In
Germanie
,
in
the
yeare
1520
,
in
specie
at
double
the
price
;
neuerthelesse
they
do
continue
to
buy
and
sel
all
that
great
quantitie
of
corne
which
is
brought
from
the
East
countries
,
Poland
,
and
other
places
,
by
the
said
gold
guilder
of
twentie
eight
stiuers
.
Their
doller
was
coyned
at
sixtie
fiue
Creutzers
,
since
risen
to
seuentie
two
Creutzers
,
At
Augusta
the
Exchange
is
made
vpon
the
said
doller
of
sixtie
fiue
Creutzers
,
at
three
weeks
,
or
foureteene
daies
sight
after
the
bill
presented
.
At
Frankford
they
reckon
by
the
guilder
of
sixtie
Creutzers
,
At
Norenborough
their
Exchang●
〈◊〉
made
vpon
the
said
doller
of
sixtie
fiue
Creutzers
,
and
many
times
vpon
the
Florin
of
sixtie
Creutzers
,
which
they
also
diuide
into
twentie
shillings
,
and
euerie
shilling
twelue
pence
,
to
keepe
their
accounts
by
.
For
Bohemia
,
At
Vienna
they
reckon
by
guilders
or
florins
of
eight
shillings
,
of
thirtie
pence
to
the
shilling
,
&
two
Heller
to
the
penie
,
and
Exchange
is
made
thereupon
.
At
Bauiera
by
guilders
of
seuen
shillings
,
of
thirtie
pence
,
In
Hungarie
by
guilders
of
ten
shillings
,
of
thirtie
pence
,
and
by
florins
of
twentie
shillings
,
and
twelue
pence
to
the
shilling
,
and
Exchanges
are
made
vpon
their
ducat
.
At
Breslo
and
Leypsich
they
reckon
by
markes
of
thirtie
and
two
grosses
,
of
twelue
heller
to
the
grosse
,
At
Colloigne
by
dollers
of
seuentie
two
creutzers
,
for
Accounts
and
Exchanges
.
In
Pomerania
they
reckon
by
markes
of
sixteen
shillings
snudens
,
and
the
Exchange
is
vpon
the
rickx
doller
of
thirtie
and
two
shillings
of
two
snudens
.
In
Denmarke
vpon
markes
of
sixteene
shillings
;
Exchange
vpon
the
doller
.
The
accounts
in
Barbarie
are
kept
,
and
commodities
are
sold
by
a
ducat
of
ten
ounces
to
the
ducat
,
and
8
eights
to
the
ounce
,
valued
at
twelue
pence
sterling
.
In
Poland
their
accounts
are
made
by
markes
,
and
the
Exchanges
vpon
the
doller
,
In
Russia
they
haue
small
coynes
of
eleuen
ounces
fifteene
pennie
weight
fine
,
called
Dengen
,
whereof
three
hundreth
and
twentie
peeces
weigh
but
a
marke
of
eight
ounces
.
They
Exchange
vpon
the
doller
of
Germanie
:
but
for
London
vpon
their
roble
,
which
is
double
ducat
,
At
Millaine
,
they
keepe
their
Accounts
by
ducat
imperial
,
At
Venice
they
account
by
pounds
Flemish
,
di
Banes
of
tenne
ducats
of
twentie
and
foure
grosse
,
which
they
diuide
in
twentie
shillings
and
twelue
pence
,
also
by
the
ducat
of
one
hundreth
twentie
and
foure
shillings
,
called
Ducato
di
Banco
,
or
currant
,
and
thereupon
Exchanges
are
made
.
At
Florence
they
account
by
crownes
of
twentie
shillings
,
Scripto
in
banco
.
and
twelue
pence
to
the
shilling
,
or
by
a
ducat
called
Largo
,
or
scripto
in
banco
for
Exchanges
.
Florin
is
twentie
and
foure
Quatrinij
.
At
Genoa
,
At
Verona
the
Exchange
is
made
vpon
the
Ducat
of
ninetie
three
shillings
,
and
they
make
their
accounts
by
twentie
shillings
,
At
Luca
Exchanges
are
made
for
diuers
places
in
Italie
;
and
for
Lyons
vpon
the
ducat
.
At
Naples
,
they
account
by
ducats
,
taries
,
and
graines
,
In
Calabria
,
Puglia
,
Exchanges
are
made
vpon
the
said
ducat
of
ten
carlini
.
At
Ancona
exchange
is
made
vpon
the
ducat
of
twentie
and
one
grosse
,
which
is
in
specie
twentie
and
three
grosse
,
At
Bolognia
they
account
by
Piastra
or
pound
of
twentie
Bolognesi
:
the
Exchange
is
vpon
the
ducat
of
foure
Piastri
.
At
Palermo
in
Sisilia
the
ducat
is
thirteene
tarie
,
of
two
carlini
the
tarie
.
The
fiue
royals
of
Spaine
are
sixe
tarie
,
At
Lyons
in
Fraunce
,
all
their
accounts
by
an
edict
made
in
the
yeare
1577
are
to
be
kept
in
French
crownes
of
sixtie
soulz
,
or
three
pounds
tournoys
,
and
their
Exchanges
are
made
thereupon
,
in
specie
,
which
is
altogether
imaginarie
,
yet
respecting
value
or
Par.
At
Paris
,
Roan
,
&c.
their
Accounts
and
Exchanges
vpon
the
said
crowne
.
de
Peso
or
D'oro
.
In
Castile
,
their
Exchanges
are
also
made
vpon
the
ducat
of
three
hundreth
seuentie
and
fiue
Maluedies
,
which
they
call
in
the
Bill
of
Exchange
Ducados
d'oro
,
or
de
peso
,
to
be
paied
out
of
the
banke
,
is
better
by
six
or
eight
pro
milliar
.
At
Alexandria
in
Aegypt
,
they
account
by
ducats
.
There
is
ducat
de
Pargo
making
three
ducats
of
Venice
,
de
Pargo
.
also
Italian
ducats
of
thirtie
and
fiue
maids
,
and
the
Venice
ducat
is
better
,
and
maketh
fortie
maids
.
At
London
all
Exchanges
are
made
vpon
the
pound
sterling
of
twentie
shillings
,
and
twelue
pence
to
the
shilling
,
for
Germanie
,
CHAP.
IIII.
Of
the
Times
of
Payment
of
Moneys
by
Exchange
,
and
the
Termes
of
Art
vsed
therein
.
THE
discrepance
of
Time
for
the
payment
of
moneys
by
Exchange
,
hath
a
regard
to
the
distance
of
the
place
or
places
where
the
money
is
to
bee
payed
:
wherein
we
may
consider
three
kindes
of
diuersities
,
called
by
the
Termes
of
Art
in
matter
of
Exchange
;
at
Sight
,
Vsance
,
and
double
Vsance
,
or
treble
.
The
taking
and
deliuering
money
at
Sight
,
The
second
Time
of
payment
called
Vsance
,
Medina
del
Campo
,
by
three
Ferias
in
the
yeare
;
at
Lyons
by
foure
payments
yearely
,
and
at
Frankford
twice
euerie
yeare
,
&c.
The
difference
of
the
times
of
payment
,
doe
alter
the
price
of
Exchanges
according
to
the
Time
,
commonly
after
twelue
,
fifteene
,
or
twentie
in
the
hundreth
by
the
yeare
:
So
betweene
the
pound
sterling
Exchanged
for
the
Low-countries
at
Sight
and
Vsance
,
is
betweene
foure
and
fiue
pence
,
and
double
Vsance
and
Vsance
,
sixe
or
seuen
pence
,
which
ordinarily
was
accounted
to
bee
but
foure
pence
after
10
pro
100.
But
for
the
Faires
and
Marts
it
is
verie
vncertaine
,
because
the
payments
are
all
at
one
Time
,
and
the
neerer
the
Faires
are
at
hand
,
Vsance
from
London
to
and
from
Middleborough
,
Amsterdam
,
Antuerpe
,
Bridges
,
and
other
places
in
the
Low-countreys
,
is
one
moneths
Time
from
the
date
of
the
Bill
of
Exchange
;
and
double
Vsance
is
two
moneths
.
Vsance
for
Hamborough
is
two
moneths
,
and
for
Venice
three
moneths
.
Vsance
from
Antuerp
to
Rome
,
is
two
moneths
;
and
from
Lyons
to
Rome
one
moneth
.
Vsance
from
Antuerp
to
Venice
is
two
moneths
,
to
bee
payed
in
Banke
.
Vsance
at
Florence
is
two
moneths
;
and
from
Florence
to
London
three
moneths
.
Vsance
from
Genoa
to
Rome
and
Naples
,
is
ten
dayes
Sight
;
and
for
Palermo
and
Antuerp
is
two
moneths
by
ordinarie
obseruation
,
and
so
is
Luca
:
From
Naples
to
Antuerp
is
two
monethes
;
and
the
like
for
Palermo
.
Vsance
for
Roan
and
Paris
is
one
moneth
,
but
commonly
at
three
weekes
Sight
.
From
Antuerp
and
London
to
Seuill
is
two
moneths
.
Castile
payments
are
in
three
Bankes
,
and
Ferias
de
Villalon
,
Medina
del
Campo
and
Medina
del
Rio
Sicco
;
but
many
times
prolonged
by
the
King
of
Spaine
.
Vsance
from
Lixborne
to
London
and
Antuerp
is
two
moneths
,
which
Merchants
are
to
know
,
because
the
Bills
of
Exchanges
doe
not
declare
the
same
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
the
Nature
of
Bills
of
Exchanges
.
THE
Nature
of
a
Bill
of
Exchange
,
is
so
noble
and
excelling
all
other
dealings
betweene
Merchants
,
that
the
proceedings
therein
are
extraordinarie
and
singular
,
and
not
subiect
to
any
prescription
by
Law
or
otherwise
;
but
meerely
subsisting
of
a
reuerend
Custome
vsed
and
solemnized
concerning
the
same
.
For
the
better
declaration
whereof
,
let
vs
set
downe
the
forme
of
a
Bill
of
Exchange
from
London
to
Amsterdam
,
and
from
Amsterdam
to
London
againe
,
viz.
Laus
Deo
;
Adi
20
August
1622
,
in
London
—
500
ll
,
34
ss
6
d.
AT
Vsance
pay
by
this
my
first
Bill
of
Exchange
vnto
A.
B.
the
summe
of
fiue
hundreth
pounds
sterling
,
at
thirtie
foure
shillings
and
sixe
pence
Flemish
,
for
euerie
pound
sterling
Currant
money
in
merchandise
,
for
the
value
hereof
receiued
by
me
of
C.D.
and
put
it
to
account
,
as
per
aduice
,
A
Dio
,
&c.
G.M.
On
the
Backeside
is
endorse
:
To
my
louing
friend
,
Master
W.C.
Merchant
at
Amsterdam
,
Pa.
This
is
the
forme
of
a
Bill
of
Exchange
for
moneys
deliuered
and
taken
vp
at
London
for
Amsterdam
:
the
second
Bill
doth
differ
in
the
addition
of
these
words
onely
,
At
Venice
not
hauing
payed
by
my
first
Bill
,
pay
by
this
my
second
Bill
,
and
so
in
the
third
Bill
:
For
there
are
commonly
three
Bils
made
,
as
aforesaid
.
Laus
Deo
;
Adj
20
of
September
1622
in
Amsterdam
—
100
ll
at
33
ss
6
d.
AT
Vsance
pay
this
my
first
Bill
of
Exchange
vnto
W.
M.
the
summe
of
one
hundreth
pounds
lawfull
money
of
England
;
for
the
value
here
by
me
receiued
of
D.
H.
make
him
good
payment
and
put
it
to
your
account
:
God
keepe
you
.
Subscribed
.
W.C.
On
the
Backeside
is
endorsed
:
To
my
louing
friend
,
Master
G.M.
Merchant
at
London
,
Pa.
1
This
is
the
forme
of
a
Bill
of
Exchange
for
moneys
,
taken
vp
at
Amsterdam
to
be
payed
in
London
,
wherein
the
Time
of
payment
may
bee
made
at
Sight
,
or
so
many
dayes
after
Sight
,
or
at
double
Vsance
,
according
to
the
agreement
:
or
the
Bill
may
bee
directed
to
my
seruant
,
or
to
himselfe
or
any
other
:
or
it
may
say
,
Put
it
to
the
account
of
such
a
man
.
But
the
best
is
to
referre
it
to
the
Letter
of
Aduice
,
and
where
the
first
Bill
is
noted
Pa.
the
second
must
be
2a.
and
the
third
3a.
You
may
not
say
in
the
Bill
,
It
may
please
you
to
pay
,
or
I
pray
you
to
pay
(
although
it
were
to
your
Master
;
)
for
the
Bill
(
of
his
high
Nature
)
doth
carrie
with
it
a
Command
without
respect
of
persons
,
and
most
men
will
not
vse
the
words
(
Make
him
good
Payment
)
but
the
fewer
words
the
more
formall
;
neither
is
there
any
witnesse
vnto
it
,
nor
any
seale
,
but
a
small
peece
of
paper
of
some
two
fingers
broad
:
and
the
Letter
of
Aduice
doth
declare
for
whose
account
,
or
to
what
intent
or
purpose
the
said
money
is
taken
vp
;
which
Letter
of
Aduice
,
doth
accompanie
the
Bill
of
Exchange
with
the
like
inscription
,
with
the
words
De
aduiso
.
Also
for
moneys
here
deliuered
(
where
the
ground
of
Exchange
is
of
the
twentie
shillings
whereupon
the
Exchange
is
made
)
you
may
not
expresse
what
the
sterling
money
maketh
in
Flemish
money
;
not
so
much
for
that
by
miscasting
you
might
make
your selfe
lyable
,
as
for
that
it
is
not
mannerly
to
cast
vp
another
mans
account
:
neither
may
you
make
a
Bill
of
Exchange
payable
to
the
bearer
or
bringer
thereof
(
as
you
make
your
Bills
Obligatorie
beyond
the
Seas
)
to
auoid
the
inconuenience
which
might
happen
in
derogation
of
the
noblenesse
of
the
said
Bill
of
Exchange
,
2
The
Bankers
and
diuers
Italians
haue
a
custome
,
Pagate
come
si
dice
,
that
is
to
say
,
Pay
as
it
is
said
;
and
this
goeth
as
currant
amongst
Merchants
as
any
other
Bill
made
by
the
parties
owne
hand
,
and
all
proceedings
thereupon
are
done
accordingly
.
3
They
haue
also
an
ordinarie
custome
to
transferre
and
put
ouer
their
Bills
of
Exchanges
before
they
are
made
,
vnto
any
other
person
,
as
for
example
.
One
in
Antuerpe
doth
deliuer
by
Exchange
fiue
hundreth
pounds
sterling
,
to
be
paied
here
in
London
vnto
another
Merchant
there
,
who
is
to
make
him
a
Bill
of
Exchange
for
the
same
:
afterwards
within
two
or
three
daies
this
deliuerer
of
money
hath
occasion
to
take
vp
fiue
hundreth
pounds
for
London
,
and
hauing
taken
the
same
of
another
Merchant
,
he
is
to
make
him
also
a
Bill
of
Exchange
for
this
money
,
as
the
other
Merchant
was
to
make
him
for
the
fiue
hundreth
pounds
which
he
did
deliuer
him
by
Exchange
for
London
,
as
aforesaid
.
Hereupon
he
knowing
the
name
of
the
partie
in
London
to
whom
the
other
mans
money
was
to
be
made
payable
,
caused
the
Bill
of
Exchange
to
be
made
payable
to
the
said
partie
,
as
he
should
haue
done
with
his
owne
proper
Bill
of
Exchange
;
and
whereas
the
value
should
be
mentioned
to
be
receiued
of
the
second
man
,
that
did
deliuer
him
the
money
,
he
causeth
both
of
them
to
be
named
in
the
Bill
,
and
sometimes
three
or
foure
are
named
in
the
said
Bill
(
if
it
be
so
often
rechanged
)
by
saying
,
For
the
value
receiued
of
such
a
man
for
such
a
man
and
such
a
man
,
vpon
the
account
of
such
a
man
.
This
is
good
at
all
assaies
,
for
the
reuerence
which
is
borne
to
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
and
by
these
meanes
there
is
charges
and
factoridge
saued
between
the
parties
:
besides
the
commodiousnesse
,
that
one
man
doth
writ
and
send
this
Bill
of
Exchange
for
all
those
that
did
change
and
rechange
there
the
said
money
,
which
is
not
done
all
in
one
summe
,
and
with
one
Bill
of
Exchange
;
but
the
summe
may
be
made
vp
by
many
Bills
of
Exchange
payable
all
to
that
man
,
although
it
be
by
diuers
persons
:
such
and
the
like
courses
are
dayly
vsed
and
practised
beyond
the
seas
without
interruption
in
matter
of
Exchange
,
which
may
seeme
to
be
intricate
.
This
course
of
dealing
is
altogether
strange
to
the
common
laws
of
England
,
and
cannot
be
determined
thereby
.
For
whereas
(
with
the
aduice
of
Merchants
)
some
matters
vpon
Bills
of
Exchanges
haue
beene
tried
vpon
an
Action
of
Assumpsit
,
here
is
neither
consideration
nor
Assumpsit
to
be
proued
,
vnlesse
the
Bill
had
beene
accepted
,
wherein
are
many
obseruations
.
To
make
this
more
apparant
therefore
,
let
vs
illustrate
this
by
example
.
Peter
deliuereth
fiue
hundreth
pounds
to
Iohn
,
who
is
to
giue
the
Bill
of
Exchange
for
it
;
Peter
taketh
vp
fiue
hundreth
pounds
of
William
,
and
may
giue
him
the
said
Bill
of
Iohn
for
it
;
William
taketh
vp
fiue
hundreth
pounds
of
Nicholas
,
and
may
deliuer
Iohn
and
Peters
Bill
for
it
;
Nicholas
taketh
vp
fiue
hundreth
pounds
of
Francis
,
&
doth
giue
him
the
Bill
of
Iohn
,
making
mention
of
Peter
and
William
.
Here
are
foure
takers
vp
of
money
,
and
but
effectually
one
deliuerer
of
money
,
which
is
Francis
:
for
albeit
that
Peter
was
the
first
deliuerer
of
the
fiue
hundreth
pounds
,
he
became
a
taker
againe
of
the
said
money
,
receiuing
the
same
of
William
;
so
that
gradatim
,
Iohn
is
the
first
taker
vp
of
the
said
fiue
hundreth
pounds
,
Peter
is
the
second
taker
vp
,
William
is
the
third
taker
vp
,
and
Nicholas
is
the
fourth
taker
vp
of
the
said
fiue
hundreth
pounds
of
Francis
.
To
this
Francis
is
the
Bill
of
Exchange
giuen
,
payable
to
his
friend
,
factor
,
or
seruant
in
the
place
for
which
the
money
was
taken
vp
.
But
the
said
Bill
is
made
by
Iohn
the
first
taker
vp
of
the
said
money
,
declaring
that
the
value
of
it
was
receiued
of
Peter
for
William
and
for
Nicholas
vpon
the
account
of
Francis
,
which
is
the
last
deliuerer
of
the
money
:
which
Bill
being
payed
,
all
the
parties
in
this
Exchange
are
satisfied
and
paied
;
and
this
is
done
with
great
facilitie
.
4
There
is
also
a
custome
,
that
moneys
are
taken
by
Exchange
for
a
certaine
place
,
by
men
who
are
not
generally
knowne
,
and
therefore
must
vse
the
credit
of
another
man
,
as
a
third
person
in
the
Exchange
.
If
this
man
do
subscribe
his
name
to
the
third
or
second
Bill
of
Exchange
,
it
is
sufficient
,
and
will
be
duely
performed
accordingly
.
5
It
is
also
ordinarie
,
that
a
master
to
draw
money
from
his
seruant
into
his
owne
hands
,
or
a
merchant
in
the
like
case
from
his
factor
,
will
make
a
Bill
of
Exchange
payable
to
some
other
person
,
and
say
in
the
Bill
of
Exchange
,
For
the
value
receiued
of
such
a
one
,
naming
a
friend
of
his
,
as
he
taketh
the
said
person
to
be
;
if
the
seruant
or
factor
do
accept
this
Bill
,
he
will
be
made
to
pay
it
;
and
if
this
person
whose
name
hath
beene
vsed
will
deale
vniustly
,
the
master
or
merchant
shall
be
remedilesse
,
vnlesse
he
haue
some
collaterall
writing
for
the
same
,
because
the
Bill
of
Exchange
must
be
maintained
.
6
Againe
if
a
knowne
seruant
do
take
vp
moneys
beyond
the
seas
,
vpon
his
master
,
and
giue
his
Bill
of
Exchange
for
it
vpon
the
said
master
,
the
master
is
liable
to
pay
the
same
,
although
he
did
not
accept
the
Bill
of
Exchange
;
for
it
is
vnderstood
,
that
by
his
credit
(
and
not
by
the
seruants
credit
)
the
money
hath
beene
taken
vp
;
so
that
vntill
he
make
a
publicke
declaration
,
denouncing
his
seruant
to
the
Brokers
of
Exchanges
and
otherwise
,
the
master
is
to
pay
all
by
the
Custome
of
Merchants
to
be
kept
inuiolable
.
7
There
is
also
a
custome
,
that
a
master
vnto
his
seruant
,
or
one
friend
vnto
another
,
will
send
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
with
the
names
in
blanke
,
from
one
countrie
into
another
,
as
from
Hamborough
to
Embden
,
or
from
Antuerpe
to
Amsterdam
,
and
from
thence
to
Dansicke
:
and
at
Amsterdam
the
names
are
put
in
to
whom
to
be
payed
,
and
of
whom
receiued
;
and
this
dependeth
vpon
the
credit
of
him
that
made
the
Bill
of
Exchange
,
and
this
is
also
accomplished
verie
orderly
.
8
Againe
a
Merchant
may
take
by
Exchange
(
in
another
mans
name
,
or
in
his
owne
name
and
another
mans
name
together
)
money
to
be
paied
in
any
place
where
Exchange
is
vsed
,
and
subscribe
his
name
,
and
that
mans
name
,
or
that
mans
name
alone
:
and
this
man
(
whose
name
is
vsed
)
is
liable
and
answerable
to
the
said
Exchange
,
if
it
be
proued
that
it
was
done
,
or
the
like
vsed
to
be
done
by
that
other
partie
with
his
consent
or
priuitie
,
for
to
auoid
inconueniences
in
the
course
of
Exchanges
.
9
Nay
this
goeth
yet
further
to
be
considered
of
in
equitie
and
so
adiudged
,
that
if
a
man
do
take
vp
money
for
any
place
by
Exchange
posito
,
from
London
to
Middleborough
,
and
there
the
money
is
payed
,
and
taken
vp
againe
by
Exchange
for
Antuerpe
,
and
there
it
is
also
paied
by
money
taken
vp
for
Amsterdam
,
and
at
Amsterdam
it
is
paied
,
for
the
said
money
was
taken
vp
there
againe
for
Middleborough
,
and
at
Middleborough
it
was
againe
returned
and
taken
vp
for
London
in
one
or
more
summes
running
in
account
betweene
all
these
parties
dealing
therein
;
but
here
at
London
it
is
not
paied
,
but
goeth
backe
againe
to
Middleborough
by
Protest
,
and
there
the
taker
vp
of
it
becommeth
insoluent
.
Now
if
it
be
proued
that
those
moneys
were
originally
taken
vp
in
London
by
the
credit
of
that
first
taker
,
which
hath
beene
a
principall
cause
of
the
continuance
of
it
by
Exchange
,
this
man
of
London
is
to
be
charged
with
it
as
well
as
the
taker
vp
of
the
moneys
beyond
the
seas
.
Thus
may
we
see
how
tender
and
noble
a
Bill
of
Exchange
is
of
nature
,
which
by
the
proceeding
thereupon
will
be
made
more
apparant
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
VI.
Of
the
Non-acceptation
of
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
and
Customes
obserued
concerning
the
same
.
THis
high
nature
of
a
Bill
of
Exchange
,
requireth
such
precisenesse
of
proceedings
to
see
the
performance
thereof
,
that
euerie
man
ought
to
be
verie
vigilant
to
obserue
the
same
:
and
therefore
as
soone
as
a
Merchant
receiueth
a
Bill
of
Exchange
,
whether
it
be
payable
at
Sight
,
Vsance
,
or
double
Vsance
,
he
is
to
present
the
said
Bill
of
Exchange
to
the
partie
vpon
whom
it
is
directed
,
to
know
whether
he
will
accept
the
same
,
which
if
he
do
,
or
promise
(
by
writing
vnder
it
the
word
Accepted
,
A.
B.
)
then
the
partie
is
to
pay
it
at
the
time
contained
in
the
Bill
:
but
if
the
said
partie
be
not
resolued
to
accept
the
same
,
then
after
twentie
and
foure
houres
past
,
it
is
conuenient
to
present
him
the
said
Bill
with
a
Notarie
to
make
intimation
of
it
vnto
him
,
and
to
know
whether
he
will
accept
the
same
,
as
you
did
before
:
if
he
denie
to
accept
it
,
then
the
Notarie
doth
Protest
against
him
in
words
,
that
the
Merchant
doth
intend
to
recouer
all
dammages
which
he
,
or
the
deliuerer
of
the
money
beyond
the
seas
,
or
himselfe
for
others
might
or
shall
sustaine
thereby
,
whereunto
the
partie
needeth
not
to
make
any
replie
:
but
if
he
doe
,
and
withall
desire
the
Notarie
to
declare
the
same
in
the
Notariall
Act
or
Protest
which
he
maketh
for
the
Non-acceptation
;
then
the
Notarie
is
to
put
it
down
in
writing
accordingly
,
and
to
deliuer
the
same
to
the
Merchant
to
be
sent
beyond
the
seas
with
all
expedition
,
because
the
deliuerer
of
the
money
there
may
take
notice
of
it
,
and
secure
himselfe
of
the
partie
,
if
there
be
cause
,
and
in
the
sending
of
this
Protest
of
Intimation
.
The
opportunitie
of
the
first
Post
is
to
be
obserued
to
send
the
same
by
.
If
the
partie
vnto
whom
the
Bill
of
Exchange
is
directed
bee
absent
or
will
not
be
found
,
the
Notarie
may
proceed
neuerthelesse
,
Before
the
time
of
the
payment
of
the
said
Bill
,
Accepted
by
mee
A.
B.
for
the
Honor
of
the
Bill
.
If
this
man
at
the
time
,
doth
pay
the
said
Bill
of
Exchange
,
If
a
Bill
of
Exchange
be
accepted
,
and
neuerthelesse
not
payed
,
But
if
this
Bill
were
accepted
here
,
There
must
be
great
regard
had
of
the
Letter
of
Aduice
,
Nicholas
,
Nicholas
seeketh
William
,
William
seeketh
Peter
,
and
Peter
seeketh
Iohn
,
the
first
taker
of
the
money
of
him
.
Suppose
Iohn
is
broken
,
then
hee
goeth
to
Peter
;
If
Peter
broken
,
then
to
William
;
if
William
broken
,
then
to
Nicholas
;
if
Nicholas
broken
,
then
all
is
lost
.
So
that
all
of
them
are
answerable
to
this
Bill
,
as
abouesaid
.
These
twelue
obseruations
,
are
to
be
kept
and
maintained
by
the
Custome
of
Merchants
,
concerning
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
as
carefully
and
seriously
as
the
Romanes
did
their
Law
of
twelue
Tables
so
much
celebrated
by
them
.
There
happened
of
late
a
case
worthy
the
consideration
for
matter
of
Exchange
:
CHAP.
VII
.
Of
Notaries
,
Intimations
,
and
Protests
.
THE
Intimations
of
Notaries
well
and
orderly
made
,
may
be
called
to
be
true
Probation
of
the
Originalls
in
the
Courts
of
Law
and
Equitie
,
whereby
the
better
foundation
may
bee
laid
in
all
litigious
causes
,
which
take
their
feeling
beginning
of
a
wrong
done
,
If
moneys
payable
vpon
the
forfeiture
of
a
bond
,
Et
si
desint
vires
,
tamen
est
laudanda
voluntas
.
Concerning
Intimations
and
Protests
to
be
made
vpon
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
for
the
non-acceptation
of
payment
;
it
is
to
be
noted
,
This
Protest
being
made
,
If
a
Bill
of
Exchange
(
by
contrarie
wind
,
or
other
occasions
)
be
so
long
vpon
the
way
,
that
the
Vsance
,
or
the
time
limited
by
the
Bill
be
expired
,
and
being
presented
to
the
partie
for
the
payment
,
he
will
not
pay
the
same
,
then
the
Notarie
doth
make
the
Protest
,
both
for
the
non-acceptation
,
and
for
the
non-payment
,
reciting
the
Bill
of
Exchange
verbatim
.
And
moreouer
he
calleth
vnto
him
some
sworne
Broker
of
Exchange
,
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
Reciprocall
and
double
Exchanges
.
These
Exchanges
are
either
Positiue
between
the
parties
,
or
Accidentall
.
The
Positiue
Exchanges
haue
a
certaine
price
agreed
vpon
betweene
both
parties
,
A.
B.
of
London
hath
a
continuall
trade
of
Hamshire
Kersies
for
Venice
by
the
way
of
Germanie
,
and
maketh
his
returne
altogether
by
Exchange
:
C.D.
of
London
also
hath
on
the
other
side
a
continuall
trade
for
Redding
and
Kentish
colour
Clothes
for
Antuerpe
,
where
hauing
made
money
of
his
clothes
,
he
causeth
the
same
to
be
made
ouer
by
Exchange
for
Venice
,
to
be
imployed
there
in
Organsine
silke
,
or
other
commodities
to
be
sent
for
London
.
These
two
Merchants
(
considering
each
others
trade
,
and
the
aduenture
of
deliuering
their
moneys
by
Exchange
to
others
beyond
the
seas
,
wherein
they
must
trust
their
Factors
or
Seruants
,
or
they
must
take
vp
the
moneys
by
Exchange
themselues
with
some
disaduantage
)
do
make
an
agreement
and
contract
of
Exchange
betwene
them
,
That
A.
B.
shall
cause
from
time
to
time
for
and
during
the
terme
of
one
yeare
(
all
the
moneys
which
he
shall
haue
at
Venice
)
to
be
deliuered
to
the
Factor
of
C.D.
at
Venice
:
and
the
said
C.D.
shall
cause
in
like
manner
all
the
moneys
which
he
hath
at
Antuerpe
to
be
deliuered
to
the
Factor
of
A.B.
at
Antuerpe
,
who
maketh
ouer
this
money
vnto
him
by
Exchange
,
either
directly
for
London
,
or
for
some
other
place
,
as
Amsterdam
or
Hamborough
,
and
so
from
thence
for
London
,
The
Accidentall
Reciprocall
Exchanges
on
the
contrarie
are
vncertaine
in
their
price
,
A.
B.
calleth
vnto
him
a
Broker
of
Exchanges
,
and
telleth
him
,
that
he
hath
occasion
to
take
vp
one
thousand
ducats
for
Venice
,
and
that
he
is
to
make
ouer
the
said
money
for
Antuerpe
,
and
will
know
the
price
for
both
places
:
the
Broker
answereth
,
that
he
will
effect
the
same
,
and
that
the
price
of
Venice
is
fiftie
and
six
pence
for
the
ducat
,
and
for
Antuerpe
thirtie
and
three
shillings
Flemish
for
the
pound
sterling
:
and
presently
after
he
commeth
to
A.B.
the
Merchant
againe
,
and
telleth
him
,
that
C.D.
the
Merchant
is
contented
to
deliuer
him
the
thousand
ducats
for
Venice
,
and
to
take
vp
the
same
for
him
againe
for
Antuerpe
either
at
the
same
prices
,
or
thereabouts
.
These
thousand
ducats
at
fiftie
six
pence
do
amount
to
two
hundreth
thirtie
and
three
pounds
six
shillings
and
eight
pence
sterling
,
for
which
C.
D.
giueth
Bills
of
Exchanges
for
Antuerpe
to
be
paied
there
at
Vsance
,
which
is
one
moneths
time
from
the
date
of
the
Bills
after
the
rate
of
thirtie
three
shillings
Flemish
for
twenty
shillings
,
or
one
pound
sterling
:
and
A.B.
giueth
his
Bills
of
Exchanges
Reciprocally
to
C.
D.
for
the
thousand
ducats
to
be
paied
at
Venice
at
Vsance
,
which
is
three
moneths
after
the
date
of
the
said
Bills
:
and
here
is
no
money
paied
on
either
side
at
London
,
and
yet
the
Bills
of
Exchanges
say
the
vsuall
words
(
for
the
value
receiued
of
each
other
)
according
to
their
agreement
,
and
both
parties
send
their
Bills
of
Exchanges
for
the
aforesaid
places
.
Not
long
after
,
it
falleth
out
,
that
the
Bill
of
Exchange
that
C.
D.
gaue
for
Antuerpe
commeth
backe
againe
by
Protest
for
the
non-acceptation
,
and
not
long
after
that
,
another
Protest
for
the
non-payment
of
the
said
Bill
.
Hereupon
A.B.
commeth
or
sendeth
to
C.
D.
for
to
haue
satisfaction
for
this
Bill
of
Exchange
deliuered
him
for
Antuerpe
,
and
C.
D.
giueth
him
full
satisfaction
of
it
,
with
the
rechange
and
charges
according
to
the
said
customes
,
if
he
be
a
substantiall
man
of
credit
and
reputation
:
for
although
the
said
C.
D.
was
the
first
deliuerer
of
the
money
vnto
A.
B.
by
the
thousand
ducats
for
Venice
,
and
might
alleage
that
hee
receiued
no
money
of
him
,
but
a
Bill
of
Exchange
for
Venice
,
whereof
hee
had
no
aduice
whether
it
were
accepted
or
not
;
yet
such
is
the
precise
and
commendable
Custome
vsed
in
Exchanges
,
that
hee
may
not
stand
vpon
any
euasions
or
allegations
,
which
might
interrupt
the
said
course
without
manifest
discredit
vnto
him
,
vnlesse
there
were
cause
of
doubt
that
the
Bills
of
Exchanges
of
A.
B.
should
not
bee
accomplished
at
Venice
;
neither
may
A.
B.
(
without
discredit
)
countermand
the
payment
of
the
thousand
Ducats
at
Venice
,
vnlesse
there
were
iust
cause
to
call
the
credit
of
C.
D.
in
question
.
For
the
manner
of
these
Exchanges
are
vsuall
in
all
the
places
of
great
Exchanges
,
as
Lyons
,
Bizanson
,
Madrill
and
Venice
,
where
the
most
standing
Bankes
are
,
and
where
they
doe
get
money
ingeniously
by
the
calculation
vpon
their
payments
at
the
Faires
or
Markets
,
by
intermissiue
times
either
twice
or
thrice
within
the
yeare
;
in
regard
whereof
,
and
to
auoid
this
obseruation
in
that
strictnesse
,
they
haue
vsed
to
say
in
their
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
Per
la
Valuta
Cambiata
,
for
the
value
exchanged
with
such
a
one
,
Many
Merchants
trafficking
onely
in
Exchanges
become
good
obseruers
,
and
as
ingenious
as
the
Bankers
themselues
,
according
to
the
Adage
Fabricando
fabri
fimus
,
whereby
they
know
the
variation
of
their
Compasse
,
and
the
points
to
direct
their
course
by
,
obseruing
the
Accidentall
causes
of
great
payments
of
moneys
to
be
made
in
some
places
,
and
of
imployment
to
be
made
vpon
commodities
in
some
other
places
,
or
the
scarcitie
of
money
for
some
places
,
and
the
plentie
for
other
places
,
or
the
generalitie
of
both
,
calling
it
as
the
Spaniards
say
La
placa
e●●a
larga
lo
estrecha
,
The
exchange
or
place
is
streight
or
plentious
;
so
that
those
Merchants
(
running
with
the
streame
)
can
make
their
Exchanges
beneficiall
vnto
themselues
,
and
that
without
Stocke
or
Capitall
of
their
owne
;
but
meerely
by
taking
vp
money
for
one
place
,
and
deliuering
the
same
for
another
place
,
at
an
vndervalue
in
the
price
of
Exchange
:
sending
many
times
the
moneys
in
specie
,
which
haue
beene
taken
vp
by
Exchange
,
when
the
same
doth
yeeld
more
than
the
price
at
which
they
tooke
vp
the
same
;
as
in
our
precedent
Treatise
hath
beene
declared
more
amplie
.
This
orderly
course
of
payment
or
satisfaction
to
be
made
for
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
doth
admit
no
rescounter
or
stoppage
,
but
voluntarie
,
Voluntas
est
mensura
actionum
,
For
the
better
explanation
of
Exchanges
for
moneys
,
taken
vp
for
one
place
,
and
deliuered
againe
for
another
place
,
let
vs
obserue
this
example
.
|
Tenne
thousand
Ducats
were
taken
vp
at
Antuerp
for
Venice
,
at
Vsance
of
two
moneths
at
seuerall
prices
of
113
½
pence
,
114
pence
,
and
115
½
pence
for
the
Ducat
,
being
the
Medium
or
one
with
another
at
115
pence
,
made
Flemish
money
|
R.
4791
|
13
|
4
|
These
R.
4791
—
13
—
4
,
|
2875
ll
|
0
ss
|
0
d
|
|
These
R.
2875
sterling
being
receiued
,
and
Factoridge
,
Brokeridge
,
and
port
of
letters
deducted
,
remained
2860
ll
,
which
were
made
ouer
for
Antuerp
againe
at
seuerall
prices
,
and
the
Medium
was
34
ss
2
½
d.
|
4894
ll
|
15
|
10
|
|
The
tenne
thousand
Ducats
at
Venice
were
taken
vp
for
Frankford
,
at
130
Florins
of
65
Creutzers
,
for
100
Ducats
,
wherunto
Factoridge
and
Brokeridge
added
,
it
amounted
to
13130
Dollers
or
Florins
of
sixtie
fiue
Creutzers
,
and
with
Brokeridge
and
Factoridge
at
Frankford
was
Florins
|
13260
Flo.
|
0
ss
|
0
d
|
|
The
4894
—
15
—
10
Flemish
,
receiued
in
Antuerp
,
were
made
ouer
for
Madrill
in
Spaine
at
diuers
prices
,
whereof
the
Medium
was
106
pence
for
a
Ducat
of
375
Maluedeis
to
bee
payed
in
Banke
at
foure
moneths
time
,
with
fiue
vpon
the
thousand
,
and
made
Ducats
|
11132
Duc.
|
12
ss
|
6
d
|
|
These
11132
Ducats
,
twelue
shillings
six
pence
of
a
Ducat
,
were
made
ouer
from
Madrill
to
Lixborne
in
Portugall
,
and
deducting
Factoridge
and
Brokeridge
there
remained
11010
Ducats
of
440
Reas
for
euerie
Ducat
of
375
Maluedeis
,
or
11
Ryalls
,
is
4844
U
620
Vlas
and
Ducats
|
12111
Duc.
|
11
ss
|
0
d
|
|
These
12111
Ducats
or
Crusats
of
Lixborne
made
ouer
to
Antuerp
,
Factoridge
and
Brokeridge
deducted
,
remained
11990
Ducats
,
at
98
pence
Flemish
euerie
Ducat
or
Crusat
,
was
Flemish
|
R.
4895
|
18
|
4
|
|
The
13260
Florins
of
Frankford
,
taken
vp
for
Antuerp
at
81
pence
|
R.
4530
|
10
|
0
|
|
|
R.
365
|
8
|
4
|
|
These
moneys
payed
Brokeridge
and
Factoridge
for
Venice
,
and
deliuered
for
London
,
and
for
Madrill
38
—
2
—
4
,
which
must
be
deducted
|
R.
38
|
2
|
4
|
|
So
there
was
aduanced
by
industrie
with
other
mens
moneys
|
R.
327
|
6
|
0
|
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
the
Feats
of
Bankers
performed
by
Exchanges
.
WEE
haue
in
the
First
Part
of
this
Booke
made
a
description
of
Bankes
and
Bankers
,
in
regard
of
the
payments
and
Exchanges
made
in
Bankes
,
for
commodities
bought
and
sold
;
and
hauing
in
the
precedent
Chapters
declared
the
foure
manner
of
Exchanges
,
and
the
merchandizing
Exchange
by
denomination
of
it
,
to
be
the
canker
of
Englands
Common-wealth
;
let
vs
now
intreat
of
the
Feats
of
Bankers
.
Some
men
of
iudgement
haue
found
my
writing
to
be
inuectiue
and
patheticall
against
Bankers
,
wherein
they
are
not
mistaken
.
Philip
de
valois
did
the
like
,
and
indited
them
as
Couseners
of
the
Common-wealth
;
for
it
was
found
that
in
a
short
time
,
Bodin
de
Rep.
with
twentie
foure
thousand
pounds
sterling
,
they
had
accumulated
and
gotten
aboue
two
millions
foure
hundreth
thousand
pounds
.
Others
(
which
through
enuie
,
malice
,
or
other
passions
,
haue
the
eyes
of
their
iudgement
blinded
)
haue
censured
my
writing
to
be
Apologeticall
;
for
the
erection
of
a
Banke
,
vnder
the
colour
of
the
restauration
of
the
auncient
Office
of
the
Kings
Exchanger
;
which
how
absurd
it
is
,
let
the
wise
iudge
by
the
difference
betweene
a
Banker
and
a
Generall
Exchanger
.
But
because
it
is
difficult
to
please
mens
humours
in
the
reformation
of
abuses
,
which
either
for
gaine
some
would
haue
to
continue
,
or
others
through
ignorance
doth
not
vnderstand
:
Therfore
is
there
another
meanes
propounded
,
as
you
see
by
this
discourse
.
Now
comming
to
the
Feats
of
Bankers
,
it
is
not
since
yeasterday
that
the
same
haue
beene
obserued
,
much
lesse
by
mee
inuented
:
but
in
the
yeare
1576
,
the
wise
and
famous
Councell
of
Queene
Elizabeth
caused
the
same
to
be
examined
by
discreet
persons
,
who
did
make
report
thereof
,
albeit
they
missed
of
the
remedie
,
and
they
did
distinguish
the
manner
of
Exchange
to
be
threefold
.
viz.
For
the
Bankers
priuate
gaine
and
benefit
.
TO
lay
their
money
with
gaine
in
any
place
of
the
world
where
any
Exchange
lyeth
.
To
gaine
and
waxe
rich
,
and
neuer
meddle
with
any
Princes
commodities
.
To
buy
any
Princes
commoditie
,
and
neuer
bring
pennie
or
pennieworth
into
the
Realme
,
but
doe
it
with
the
subiects
money
.
To
grow
rich
and
liue
without
aduenture
at
the
Seas
or
trauaile
.
To
doe
great
feats
,
hauing
credit
,
and
yet
to
be
nought
worth
.
To
vnderstand
whether
in
coniecture
their
money
imployed
on
Exchange
,
or
buying
of
wares
,
will
be
more
profit
.
To
know
certainely
whether
,
and
what
the
Merchants
gaine
vpon
their
wares
they
sell
and
buy
.
To
liue
and
increase
vpon
euerie
Princes
subiects
that
continually
take
vp
money
by
Exchange
,
and
whether
they
gaine
or
no.
☞
To
wind
out
euerie
Princes
treasure
out
of
his
Realme
,
whose
subiects
bring
in
more
wares
than
they
carrie
out
of
the
Realme
.
To
make
the
Staple
of
money
run
thither
,
where
the
rich
Prince
will
haue
it
to
be
brought
,
and
pay
for
it
.
To
vnfurnish
the
poore
Prince
of
his
prouision
of
money
,
that
keepes
his
wares
vpon
interest
money
,
if
the
enimie
will
seeke
it
.
To
furnish
their
need
of
money
that
tarrie
the
selling
of
their
wares
in
any
contract
,
vntill
they
make
them
come
to
their
price
.
To
take
vp
money
to
engrosse
any
commoditie
,
either
new
come
or
whereof
they
haue
some
store
,
to
bring
the
whole
trade
of
that
commoditie
into
their
owne
hands
to
sell
both
at
their
pleasure
.
For
the
aduancing
of
one
Common-wealth
,
aboue
all
other
Common-weales
.
TO
hide
their
carrying
away
of
any
Princes
money
.
To
fetch
away
any
Princes
fine
money
,
with
his
owne
or
any
other
Princes
base
money
.
To
take
vp
Princes
base
money
,
and
to
turne
into
his
fine
money
;
and
to
pay
the
deliuerer
with
his
owne
and
gaine
too
.
To
get
vpon
credit
into
their
hands
for
a
time
all
the
Merchants
money
that
will
be
deliuered
;
and
pay
them
with
their
owne
,
and
gaine
too
.
To
vndoe
Realmes
and
Princes
that
looke
not
to
their
Common-wealth
,
To
get
readie
money
to
buy
any
thing
that
is
offered
cheape
.
To
compasse
readie
money
to
get
any
offered
bargaine
out
of
anothers
hands
,
and
so
by
outbidding
the
other
,
oftentimes
to
raise
the
wares
.
For
the
destruction
of
a
Common-wealth
.
TO
get
a
part
and
sometimes
all
his
gaines
,
that
imployeth
money
taken
vp
by
Exchanges
in
wares
,
and
so
make
others
trauell
for
their
gaine
.
To
keepe
Princes
for
hauing
any
Customes
,
Subsidies
,
or
Taxes
vpon
their
money
,
as
they
imploy
it
not
.
To
value
iustly
any
wares
they
carrie
into
any
countrie
,
by
setting
them
at
that
value
,
as
the
money
that
bought
them
was
then
at
by
Exchange
in
the
countrie
whither
they
be
carried
.
For
the
better
explanation
of
the
premisses
,
let
vs
remember
the
description
of
a
Banke
heretofore
declared
,
Some
men
are
of
opinion
,
that
the
price
of
Exchanges
are
made
by
an
indifferent
course
,
because
the
Bankers
at
the
time
of
the
payments
of
Exchanges
in
the
principall
places
(
as
Lyons
in
France
,
Madrill
and
other
places
in
Spaine
,
Florence
and
Genoa
in
Italie
,
Bizanson
,
and
other
places
elsewhere
)
haue
a
meeting
,
and
by
certaine
tickets
in
writing
euerie
man
doth
deliuer
his
opinion
,
what
the
price
of
Exchange
ought
to
be
for
all
places
then
exchanging
for
the
next
Faire
,
or
time
of
payment
.
And
according
to
the
same
the
calculation
is
cast
vp
by
the
Medium
,
that
is
to
say
,
Primum
mobile
of
Exchanges
,
Primum
mobile
of
Exchanges
.
which
is
the
cause
of
inequalitie
so
much
abused
from
the
true
Exchange
of
par
pro
pari
,
and
neuerthelesse
admitted
to
be
high
and
low
vpon
iust
occasion
aboue
the
same
,
as
money
is
plentifull
or
scarce
,
or
the
takers
of
it
many
or
few
.
To
this
purpose
,
let
vs
remember
,
that
about
seuentie
yeares
past
,
betwene
this
realme
and
the
Low-countries
,
many
of
their
coynes
(
although
much
differing
in
standards
)
did
in
the
pound
or
marke
weight
,
and
in
the
verie
peece
and
price
answere
the
coynes
of
the
kingdome
,
and
did
containe
as
much
fine
gold
and
siluer
as
ours
,
As
for
example
.
|
|
|
ss
|
|
ss
|
|
|
23
car.
3
½
The
angell
at
|
10
|
The
Emperors
royall
at
|
10
|
22
car
.
fine
.
|
|
22
car
.
The
French
crowne
|
6
|
The
Flemish
crowne
|
6
|
|
|
|
ss
|
|
ss
|
|
|
11
oun.
2
pennie
weight
.
|
Ed.
crown
of
siluer
|
5
|
The
Philip
doller
|
5
|
10
ounces
fine
.
|
|
English
shilling
|
1
|
Flemish
six
stiuers
|
1
|
|
Ten
groats
siluer
with
the
Emperors
florin
foure
pence
.
|
3
|
All
these
coynes
are
not
answered
in
standard
for
weight
and
finenesse
,
but
are
altered
and
inhanced
by
valuation
to
double
and
more
,
as
you
may
find
by
the
valuations
heretofore
declared
:
by
meanes
whereof
inequalitie
crept
in
by
the
rising
and
falling
of
the
price
of
Exchange
,
wherin
our
Merchants
haue
followed
the
aduice
of
others
,
and
lost
the
rule
of
Exchange
,
This
may
be
illustrated
by
a
similitude
;
for
concerning
the
sale
of
our
commodities
,
we
do
as
much
in
effect
,
as
if
some
Draper
did
sell
his
cloth
at
a
certaine
price
the
yard
,
and
suffered
the
buyer
to
measure
out
the
same
by
the
buyers
owne
false
yard
:
or
like
a
Grocer
that
selleth
out
his
pepper
by
the
pound
at
a
price
agreed
vpon
,
and
is
contented
that
the
buyer
shall
weigh
it
out
by
a
weight
which
(
vnknowne
vnto
him
)
is
false
,
and
so
loseth
vnawares
,
or
getteth
lesse
than
he
made
account
of
,
because
the
fraud
vsed
in
the
weight
and
measure
is
vnknowne
vnto
him
.
Euen
so
is
the
cunning
course
of
Exchange
vnknowne
vnto
vs
,
and
so
are
our
moneys
exported
,
and
hindered
to
be
imported
againe
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
X.
Of
the
true
reformation
of
Exchanges
.
AS
of
all
things
and
in
all
humane
actions
,
the
beginning
,
progresse
,
continuance
,
and
termination
or
end
is
to
be
obserued
,
for
the
better
iudgement
:
so
by
comparing
them
often
to
their
principle
&
originall
,
not
onely
the
disgression
of
it
is
made
apparant
,
but
also
the
longer
continuance
in
the
same
estate
,
is
thereby
procured
to
reduce
them
againe
to
their
first
integritie
and
goodnesse
.
For
there
was
neuer
any
thing
by
the
wit
of
man
so
well
deuised
,
or
so
sure
established
,
which
in
continuance
of
time
hath
not
beene
corrupted
:
so
that
the
matter
of
Exchange
being
made
a
merchandise
,
requireth
this
consideration
for
the
reducing
thereof
to
his
first
principle
and
foundation
,
which
is
the
intrinsique
value
of
coynes
of
countrie
and
countries
according
to
weight
and
finenesse
,
albeit
the
price
thereof
in
Exchange
doth
rise
and
fall
according
to
scarcitie
or
plentie
of
money
,
proceeding
of
the
few
or
many
deliuerers
and
takers
thereof
in
the
course
of
trafficke
,
not
by
commodities
only
,
but
also
by
Exchanges
deuised
vpon
moneys
,
in
nature
of
merchandise
.
Herein
are
the
three
essentiall
parts
of
trafficke
(
so
often
named
)
to
be
considered
iointly
and
diuidedly
for
the
good
and
welfare
of
common-weales
,
For
to
speake
ingeniously
,
Merchants
cannot
enter
into
consideration
of
the
quantitie
of
forreine
commodities
imported
at
deere
rates
,
and
the
natiue
commodities
at
lesser
rates
exported
,
respectiuely
of
former
times
;
by
the
disportation
whereof
,
commeth
an
euident
ouerballancing
of
commodities
.
Merchants
do
not
regard
whether
the
moneys
of
a
kingdome
are
vnderualued
in
Exchange
by
the
inhauncing
of
forreine
coyne
in
other
countries
,
whereby
our
moneys
are
exported
,
and
forreine
coyne
or
bullion
cannot
be
imported
but
at
an
exceeding
losse
.
Lastly
Merchants
do
not
know
the
weight
and
finenesse
of
the
moneys
of
each
countrie
,
and
the
proportions
obserued
betweene
gold
and
siluer
,
nor
the
seuerall
differences
of
standards
of
moneys
of
gold
and
siluer
,
a
matter
so
necessarie
for
them
to
know
,
to
driue
a
profitable
trade
,
as
by
this
booke
they
may
now
vnderstand
for
the
common
good
.
Princes
and
Gouernours
therefore
are
to
direct
them
according
to
the
lawes
,
wherin
the
Law-Merchant
must
be
the
true
guide
and
directer
.
This
direction
must
as
well
be
established
vpon
the
coyne
of
other
nations
,
as
vpon
the
moneys
of
the
kingdome
,
because
the
payments
of
Bills
of
Exchanges
beyond
the
seas
are
made
by
seuerall
coynes
vpon
the
valuation
made
thereof
,
at
the
pleasure
of
Princes
,
wherby
sometimes
the
moneys
of
the
realme
are
not
proportionably
valued
according
to
the
moneys
of
other
countries
,
which
are
therby
diuerted
also
to
be
imported
vnto
vs
:
For
example
,
let
vs
take
the
valuation
aforesaid
made
in
the
vnited
Prouinces
during
the
gouernment
of
the
Earle
of
Leicester
,
at
which
time
the
Royall
of
eight
was
valued
at
fortie
and
two
stiuers
,
and
the
Rickx
Doller
of
the
Empire
and
also
their
owne
Doller
at
fortie
and
fiue
stiuers
,
and
the
English
shilling
(
at
twelue
pence
here
)
being
there
valued
at
ten
stiuers
made
twentie
shillings
sterling
,
to
be
by
Exchange
thirtie
three
shillings
and
foure
pence
,
as
a
Par
pro
pari
,
or
value
for
value
.
The
like
for
Hamborough
at
twentie
foure
shillings
and
nine
pence
,
as
hath
beene
noted
.
Now
fiue
Royalls
of
eight
which
is
at
fortie
two
stiuers
thirtie
fiue
shillings
,
are
valued
at
fortie
two
shillings
and
six
pence
,
that
is
to
say
,
at
fiftie
one
stiuers
,
and
yet
the
Exchange
is
taken
still
at
the
said
rate
,
according
to
which
calculation
the
said
Royall
of
eight
is
by
vs
receiued
at
fiue
shillings
and
two
pence
,
which
is
but
foure
shillings
2
½
pence
,
or
thereabouts
.
The
difference
is
fifteene
vpon
the
hundreth
in
lesse
than
two
moneths
time
:
adde
hereunto
the
ten
in
the
hundreth
to
be
had
by
the
said
Royalls
of
eight
,
that
the
same
are
better
in
weight
and
finenesse
than
our
six
pence
sterling
,
which
is
taken
to
answere
the
said
Royall
by
a
common
calculation
,
by
reason
whereof
there
will
be
giuen
so
much
in
his
maiesties
mint
,
or
thereabouts
,
that
is
to
say
,
foure
shillings
and
fiue
pence
,
or
at
the
least
foure
shillings
and
foure
pence
½
,
after
the
rate
of
fiue
shillings
sterling
,
for
an
ounce
of
that
standard
;
so
together
is
twentie
fiue
vpon
the
hundreth
benefit
,
Who
will
procure
licence
in
Spaine
to
bring
Realls
into
England
to
sell
them
here
at
tenne
in
the
hundreth
gaine
,
which
is
lesse
than
the
Exchange
from
thence
will
yeeld
,
when
he
may
haue
for
the
same
25
in
the
100
in
Holland
?
A
matter
whereby
Merchants
are
easily
induced
to
diuert
the
said
Royalls
from
the
realme
to
those
and
other
countries
,
and
by
the
common
vnderstanding
to
remedie
the
same
,
it
is
thought
there
is
no
meanes
to
meete
with
forreine
nations
in
the
inhancing
of
moneys
,
but
wee
must
doe
the
like
,
albeit
experience
hath
shewed
long
since
that
this
is
not
effectuall
nor
any
true
remedie
.
Now
if
we
will
consider
things
according
to
the
rule
aforesaid
,
it
will
plainely
appeare
that
the
said
fifteene
vpon
the
hundred
gaine
,
more
than
in
England
,
are
but
imaginarie
,
if
the
Exchange
for
moneys
were
reformed
:
for
let
fiue
of
these
Royalls
of
eight
bee
bought
in
England
for
twentie
two
shillings
,
and
be
transported
into
Holland
,
and
there
buy
commodities
with
the
same
(
which
is
according
as
the
price
of
them
is
inhanced
,
for
as
the
money
riseth
in
price
,
so
doth
the
price
of
commodities
)
it
may
fall
out
the
said
Merchants
should
become
losers
by
the
commodities
,
so
that
the
same
cannot
be
termed
Causa
mouens
:
But
the
Spanish
Merchants
,
which
cause
their
Royalls
to
be
sent
into
Holland
or
Zealand
,
from
Spaine
or
from
the
Downes
,
relye
wholly
vpon
the
Low-Exchange
,
whereby
they
are
inabled
to
deliuer
there
their
money
by
Exchange
at
an
vndervalue
,
at
thirtie
three
shillings
foure
pence
Flemish
and
vnder
,
for
our
twentie
shillings
sterling
,
whereby
the
Kingdome
maketh
good
vnto
them
the
said
fifteen
vpon
the
hundreth
,
consisting
betweene
the
price
of
fortie
two
stiuers
,
and
fiftie
one
stiuers
,
which
is
almost
eighteene
pro
hundreth
.
If
the
Royall
went
but
for
fiftie
stiuers
according
to
the
valuation
,
so
that
if
the
Exchange
were
made
accordingly
,
which
would
be
aboue
thirtie
seuen
shillings
six
pence
,
this
gaine
would
not
be
at
all
,
and
moneys
would
be
imported
vnto
vs
,
and
not
exported
.
For
the
rule
is
infallable
,
These
Dollers
haue
since
beene
imitated
and
made
by
the
States
of
the
Vnited
Prouinces
in
their
seuerall
Mints
,
altering
onely
the
Armes
of
the
seuerall
Prouinces
;
as
also
by
the
Arch-Duke
Albertus
in
the
reconciled
Low
Prouinces
,
and
the
price
of
them
at
Hamborough
,
Stoad
and
other
places
was
but
aduanced
to
one
stiuer
or
shilling
Lubish
more
,
that
is
to
say
,
at
thirtie
three
shillings
Lubish
went
,
the
same
went
in
the
Low-countreys
for
fortie
fiue
stiuers
,
which
made
the
diuersitie
of
the
said
Par
of
Exchanges
of
thirtie
three
shillings
foure
pence
for
the
Low-countreys
,
and
twentie
foure
shillings
nine
pence
for
Hamborough
,
Absic
ignorantia
.
The
moneys
in
Christendome
,
which
haue
their
ebbing
and
flowing
doe
shew
their
operation
vpon
commodities
,
Aristotle
,
Seneca
,
or
Cicero
,
who
were
but
in
the
infancie
of
Trade
.
And
Ciuilians
can
tell
vs
that
Commercium
,
is
quasi
Commutatio
Mercium
,
but
went
no
further
in
this
iust
and
princely
studie
of
State
affaires
,
to
augment
,
by
all
lawfull
meanes
of
Ius
gentium
,
the
wealth
of
their
Kingdomes
and
Territories
;
as
also
to
preuent
the
diminution
thereof
,
by
the
carrying
away
of
their
moneys
and
treasure
.
True
it
is
that
the
Statute
Lawes
of
England
haue
had
a
care
heereof
,
but
the
remedies
haue
beene
hitherto
defectiue
,
by
mistaking
the
Efficient
cause
thereof
:
which
remedies
may
be
distinguished
three
manner
of
wayes
.
1
First
the
Statute
of
imployment
for
Merchant
strangers
,
2
The
lodging
of
Merchants
strangers
with
free
hoasts
,
who
had
an
inspection
in
their
negotiations
for
commodities
and
moneys
.
3
The
keeping
of
Staples
for
Woolls
,
Woolfels
,
and
other
commodities
beyond
the
Seas
,
with
their
Correctors
and
Brokers
to
register
Merchant
strangers
dealings
.
4
To
cause
Denizens
to
pay
strangers
Customes
inwards
and
outwards
.
5
The
sundry
treaties
and
conferences
with
the
Commissioners
of
other
Princes
,
about
Merchandise
,
Moneys
,
and
Exchanges
.
6
The
seuere
Proclamations
for
the
obseruation
of
the
Statutes
made
for
and
concerning
the
same
,
and
the
Articles
of
Entercourse
.
7
The
prohibition
to
export
commodities
,
but
at
great
Ports
.
8
The
prohibition
for
strangers
to
sell
wares
by
retaile
.
9
The
prohibition
for
English
Merchants
to
ship
goods
in
strange
Bottomes
.
10
The
transportation
of
money
made
Felonie
by
Act
of
Parlement
.
11
The
attendance
of
Searchers
,
Waiters
,
and
other
Officers
.
12
The
strict
information
in
the
Exchequer
and
other
Courts
.
13
The
swearing
of
the
Masters
of
Ships
,
for
exportation
of
moneyes
.
14
The
reformation
of
the
ouerheauinesse
of
our
pound
weight
Troy
in
the
Tower
.
15
The
ouerrichnesse
of
our
sterling
standard
of
moneys
.
16
The
alteration
of
the
proportion
betweene
Gold
and
Siluer
.
17
The
making
of
more
prices
out
of
the
pound
Troy
by
the
Sheyre
.
18
The
inhauncing
of
Siluer
and
Gold
Coynes
in
price
.
19
The
imbasing
of
moneys
by
Allay
or
Copper
.
20
The
vse
of
many
standards
of
money
,
and
reduced
to
two
againe
.
21
The
increasing
of
coynage
money
to
hinder
the
exportation
.
22
The
prohibition
to
cull
out
heauy
peeces
to
melt
or
transport
.
23
The
banishing
of
light
Spanish
money
,
and
Gold
to
bee
molten
.
24
The
giuing
more
for
Bullion
in
the
Mint
.
25
The
prohibition
for
Goldsmiths
to
buy
Gold
or
Bullion
.
26
The
making
of
the
principall
forraine
Coyne
currant
in
England
.
27
The
binding
of
Merchants
to
bring
in
Bullion
.
28
The
prohibition
to
pay
Gold
vnto
Merchant
strangers
.
29
The
prohibition
to
take
gaines
vpon
Coynes
.
30
The
Bullion
in
the
Mint
to
be
deliuered
by
weight
,
to
restore
by
tale
.
31
The
inhauncing
of
Gold
and
vndervaluing
of
Siluer
.
32
The
punishment
of
transporters
in
the
Starre-chamber
by
Fines
.
33
34
Money
deliuered
to
Sir
Thomas
Gresham
Knight
,
out
of
the
Exchequer
,
to
rule
the
course
of
Exchanges
by
Bills
.
35
The
Office
of
the
Kings
Royall
Exchanger
,
neuer
put
in
practise
since
the
merchandising
Exchange
beganne
,
erected
by
King
Edward
the
first
in
the
eleuenth
yeare
of
his
raigne
,
by
an
Act
made
at
Acton
Burnell
,
as
aforesaid
.
Heere
wee
are
to
obserue
the
Statute
of
employment
to
bee
defectiue
,
when
Merchants
(
both
English
and
strangers
)
haue
an
abilitie
giuen
them
by
Exchange
to
take
vp
money
here
,
and
to
deliuer
a
Bill
of
Exchange
for
it
payable
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
can
send
ouer
the
money
in
specie
and
bee
a
great
gainer
thereby
:
insomuch
that
if
I
receiue
here
one
hundreth
peeces
of
twentie
shillings
,
I
can
send
nintie
peeces
to
pay
my
Bill
of
Exchange
,
and
put
ten
peeces
in
my
pocket
for
an
ouerplus
and
gaine
.
The
like
may
bee
done
by
making
ouer
money
from
beyond
the
seas
to
be
payed
here
by
Exchange
,
which
being
receiued
,
I
can
transport
with
15
vpon
the
hundreth
gaines
in
two
moneths
and
lesse
,
and
aduance
a
hundreth
vpon
the
hundreth
in
one
yeare
,
which
exceedeth
all
the
benefit
to
be
made
by
commodities
,
wherewith
I
need
not
to
intermeddle
,
neither
can
the
said
statute
be
any
helpe
herein
to
remedie
the
same
.
This
gaine
ariseth
by
the
vnderualuation
of
our
moneys
,
in
regard
of
the
inhancing
and
ouerualuation
of
forreine
coynes
,
so
that
the
cause
is
extrinsique
,
and
comprised
vnder
the
said
Exchange
of
money
,
and
not
intrinsique
in
the
weight
and
finenes
of
moneys
,
which
are
considered
in
the
course
of
true
Exchange
betweene
vs
and
forreine
nations
:
and
thereupon
it
followeth
,
that
neither
difference
of
weight
,
finenesse
of
standard
,
proportion
betweene
gold
and
siluer
,
or
their
proper
valuation
of
moneys
can
be
any
true
cause
of
the
exportation
of
our
moneys
,
so
long
as
a
due
course
is
held
in
the
Exchange
which
is
grounded
thereupon
.
Hence
ariseth
the
facilitie
of
the
remedie
by
the
refo●mation
of
the
Exchange
,
in
causing
our
moneys
to
be
truely
answered
by
Exchange
,
according
to
the
verie
value
,
or
aboue
the
same
,
which
cutteth
off
the
said
gaine
had
by
the
exportation
of
moneys
,
and
causeth
also
(
in
effect
)
that
the
forreine
coynes
beyond
the
seas
are
not
taken
in
payment
aboue
their
values
,
although
they
be
receiued
at
a
higher
rate
,
because
the
commodities
of
the
realme
are
sold
according
to
the
price
of
Exchange
,
which
counteruaileth
the
same
according
to
their
inhauncing
of
coynes
,
or
imbasing
of
the
same
by
allay
or
copper
.
All
men
of
common
vnderstanding
,
when
they
do
heare
of
the
raising
of
moneys
beyond
the
seas
,
are
readie
to
say
,
We
must
do
the
like
.
For
they
conceaue
the
saying
of
Cato
,
Tu
quoque
fac
simile
,
sic
Ars
deluditur
Arte
,
to
be
a
proper
application
hereunto
.
But
they
do
not
enter
into
consideration
what
alterations
it
would
bring
to
the
State
,
and
that
the
matter
might
run
ad
infinitum
,
as
shall
be
declared
.
But
let
vs
suppose
,
that
this
will
be
a
sufficient
remedie
to
inhance
or
moneys
,
as
they
do
theirs
,
to
imbase
our
coynes
as
they
do
theirs
,
and
to
imitate
ouerualuation
of
gold
and
siluer
as
they
do
,
which
requireth
a
continuall
labour
,
charges
,
and
innouation
.
Is
it
not
an
excellent
thing
,
that
all
this
can
be
done
by
the
course
of
Exchange
with
great
facilitie
?
and
that
without
inhauncing
of
our
moneys
at
home
,
or
medling
with
the
weight
and
finenesse
of
the
sterling
standerd
;
this
is
to
be
done
onely
by
his
maiesties
proclamation
,
according
to
the
statut
of
Exchanges
,
Prohibiting
that
after
three
moneths
next
insuing
the
same
,
no
man
shall
make
any
Exchanges
by
Bills
or
otherwise
,
for
moneys
to
be
paied
in
forreine
parts
,
or
to
be
rechanged
towards
this
realme
,
vnder
the
true
Par
,
or
value
for
value
of
our
moneys
,
and
the
moneys
of
other
countries
in
weight
and
finenesse
,
but
at
the
said
rate
,
or
aboue
the
same
,
as
Merchants
can
agree
by
the
meanes
of
Brokers
,
or
amongst
themselues
,
For
the
Merchant
Stranger
being
here
the
deliuerer
of
money
generally
,
will
easily
be
induced
to
make
the
most
of
his
owne
,
receiuing
by
Exchange
more
for
our
moneys
beyond
the
seas
:
and
the
English
Merchant
(
being
the
taker
of
the
said
moneys
)
will
not
be
so
in●urious
to
the
State
,
as
to
giue
lesse
beyond
the
seas
than
the
value
of
our
money
in
Exchange
,
contrarie
to
the
said
proclamation
:
and
if
he
would
,
the
deliuerer
will
not
let
him
haue
it
.
Besides
that
the
takers
occasions
are
inforced
by
necessitie
,
and
he
can
be
no
looser
;
for
by
direction
,
he
will
sell
his
commodities
beyond
the
seas
accordingly
,
because
the
price
of
Exchange
doth
still
gouerne
the
sale
and
buying
of
commodities
,
as
aforesaid
.
English
Merchants
being
the
deliuerers
of
the
moneys
beyond
the
seas
,
and
the
price
of
Exchange
altering
there
accordingly
,
will
haue
the
like
consideration
,
and
the
Merchant
Stranger
will
prouoke
him
thereunto
:
and
if
there
be
no
takers
,
the
English
Merchant
may
bring
ouer
the
money
in
specie
,
wherein
he
shall
become
againer
.
The
course
is
agreeable
to
justice
and
the
law
of
nations
,
or
ius
gentium
,
and
will
not
hinder
the
Exchange
to
rise
and
fall
,
as
formerly
,
but
keepe
all
in
due
order
,
with
these
considerations
,
cautions
,
and
preuentions
as
shall
be
set
downe
to
preuent
all
inconueniencies
proceeding
by
the
inhauncing
of
moneys
,
which
fall
generally
vpon
all
men
in
the
endearing
of
things
,
The
statute
of
Imployment
must
also
be
obserued
,
to
make
the
remedie
more
compleate
,
with
a
Register
to
record
the
moneys
which
forreine
mariners
do
receiue
for
fraight
,
comming
from
Norway
and
other
places
,
making
aboue
one
hundreth
voyages
yearely
;
as
also
many
other
ships
bringing
corn
into
the
Northerne
and
Westerne
parts
of
the
real
me
,
and
exporting
moneys
for
it
.
1
Some
make
doubt
that
the
price
of
Exchange
being
risen
,
there
will
be
no
takers
of
money
,
and
then
the
deliuerer
is
more
thrust
vpon
the
exportation
of
moneys
.
2
Others
say
,
that
those
Merchants
which
haue
sold
their
cloth
beyond
the
seas
shall
receiue
a
losse
in
the
making
ouer
of
their
moneys
from
thence
,
by
deliuering
more
there
in
Exchange
than
now
they
do
.
3
Others
say
,
that
they
shall
not
be
able
to
vent
their
clothes
according
to
the
high
Exchange
,
especially
now
that
cloth
is
out
of
request
;
and
would
haue
the
matter
of
reformation
deferred
vntill
another
time
,
in
their
opinions
more
commodious
.
To
the
second
,
the
Proclamation
(
limiting
a
time
for
execution
)
giueth
Merchants
abilitie
to
recouer
their
moneys
,
or
to
sell
their
Bills
of
debts
for
money
,
or
to
buy
commodities
for
them
,
as
the
manner
is
.
To
the
third
,
experience
maketh
a
full
answere
to
both
,
that
there
did
not
want
takers
,
when
the
late
inhauncing
at
Hamborough
caused
the
Exchange
to
rise
from
vnder
twentie
and
eight
shillings
to
aboue
thirtie
and
fiue
shillings
,
which
is
more
than
the
present
alteration
will
be
:
and
Wooll
was
at
thirtie
and
three
shillings
the
Tod
,
which
is
now
fallen
vnder
twentie
shillings
;
so
that
the
vent
of
our
Cloth
was
not
hindered
,
when
it
was
sold
deerer
by
one
full
third
part
;
but
there
was
aboue
eightie
thousand
Clothes
sold
yearely
,
where
there
is
now
sold
but
fortie
thousand
Clothes
.
The
time
is
also
to
be
thought
more
conuenient
to
aduance
a
commoditie
,
being
vnderualued
,
than
to
do
it
when
the
price
is
high
:
for
this
plurisie
of
the
common-wealth
is
dangerous
,
and
admitteth
no
time
of
curing
,
like
the
fire
in
a
citie
,
which
permitteth
not
any
inquiries
to
examine
how
the
same
began
,
but
requireth
euerie
mans
help
to
quench
the
same
.
And
wheras
it
is
alledged
in
the
defence
of
the
inhancing
of
coine
,
This
opinion
is
without
consideration
of
the
alteration
of
Weights
and
Measures
betweene
vs
and
other
nations
,
that
is
Exchange
for
moneys
,
and
what
the
same
may
produce
to
the
losse
of
the
common-wealth
,
albeit
that
betweene
man
and
man
it
may
proue
alike
in
some
respects
.
To
make
this
euident
,
Suppose
two
Merchants
,
the
one
dwelling
in
London
,
and
the
other
dwelling
at
Amsterdam
,
doe
contract
together
,
that
the
Londoner
sending
Clothes
to
bee
sold
at
Amsterdam
,
the
Merchant
of
Amsterdam
sendeth
him
Veluets
and
Silkes
to
bee
sold
at
London
:
and
(
in
the
account
to
be
kept
betweene
them
)
they
agree
to
reckon
the
moneys
in
Exchange
but
at
thirtie
shillings
Flemish
,
for
twentie
shillings
sterling
,
and
so
make
returne
each
to
other
from
time
to
time
,
as
moneys
shall
bee
receiued
both
heere
and
beyond
the
seas
.
Whereupon
put
the
case
,
that
there
is
receiued
at
Amsterdam
one
thousand
and
fiue
hundreth
pounds
Flemish
for
Cloth
,
and
at
London
there
is
receiued
one
thousand
pounds
sterling
for
Veluets
and
Silkes
,
which
according
to
the
said
computation
is
all
one
in
effect
betweene
them
,
and
might
by
way
of
rescounter
answere
each
other
in
account
.
But
the
Merchant
of
Amsterdam
knowing
that
(
by
reason
of
the
inhauncing
of
the
moneys
there
)
he
can
make
a
great
gaine
to
haue
the
said
one
thousand
pounds
to
be
sent
vnto
him
in
specie
,
he
desireth
the
Londoner
to
send
vnto
him
this
one
thousand
pounds
sterling
in
siluer
or
gold
coynes
,
Royalls
of
eight
,
or
Rickx
dollers
,
whereby
he
shall
profit
fifteene
vpon
the
hundred
by
the
meanes
aforesaid
,
which
amounteth
to
one
hundreth
and
fiftie
pound
gaines
.
Now
the
Londoner
hauing
his
one
thousand
and
fiue
hundreth
pounds
Flemish
,
or
one
thousand
pounds
sterling
at
Amsterdam
,
cannot
do
the
like
,
because
the
money
by
the
said
inhauncing
is
receiued
there
aboue
the
value
,
so
that
his
money
must
be
deliuered
there
by
Exchange
at
thirtie
three
shillings
foure
pence
,
or
vnder
,
wherby
he
receiueth
here
the
said
1500
ll
Flemish
with
no
gaine
at
all
.
Thus
the
account
is
made
euen
betweene
them
:
but
by
these
meanes
the
kingdome
is
depriued
of
the
1000
ll
of
the
Merchants
money
sent
to
Amsterdam
,
which
doth
not
onely
procure
want
of
our
moneys
,
but
causeth
also
the
natiue
commodities
to
be
vndersold
,
and
the
forreine
commodities
to
be
aduanced
in
price
beyond
the
seas
by
plentie
of
money
there
,
and
hindreth
the
importation
of
bullion
.
To
preuent
this
,
the
question
is
now
,
Whether
it
be
better
and
more
expedient
to
raise
the
price
of
Exchange
,
or
the
valuation
of
our
moneys
?
Surely
all
men
of
iudgement
will
say
,
That
the
raising
of
Exchange
breedeth
not
that
alteration
which
the
inhauncing
of
moneys
doth
,
to
make
euerie
thing
deere
,
and
to
cause
landlords
and
creditors
to
loose
in
their
rents
and
contracts
.
And
Merchants
of
experience
do
know
,
that
wee
cannot
do
as
they
do
:
for
the
inhauncing
of
our
moneys
here
will
be
countermined
by
other
nations
,
who
still
will
vnderualue
them
in
Exchange
betweene
vs
,
vnlesse
it
be
preuented
by
our
owne
true
valuation
to
be
made
known
as
aforesaid
.
The
Author
of
this
Treatise
of
Free
trade
doth
say
,
That
it
is
not
the
rate
of
Exchanges
,
but
the
value
of
Moneys
,
heere
low
,
elsewhere
high
which
cause
their
exportation
,
nor
do
the
Exchanges
,
but
the
plentie
and
scarcitie
of
moneys
cause
their
values
,
which
is
meerely
Histeron
proteron
,
whereunto
I
haue
answered
heretofore
,
viz.
Deniall
,
Retorting
,
and
Distinction
.
Deniall
,
is
too
hostile
,
sauouring
more
of
obstinacie
than
of
Art
:
Retortion
,
is
more
wittie
than
profitable
:
but
Distinction
is
like
mature
remedies
,
compared
to
Purges
which
clense
and
feed
;
but
the
said
Authour
did
take
the
course
of
Deniall
,
and
proueth
nothing
touching
the
matter
in
question
.
Suppose
that
some
Merchants
strangers
doe
come
ouer
into
the
Realme
to
buy
a
packe
of
tenne
clothes
,
valued
at
80
ll
sterling
,
which
they
are
to
pay
in
gold
and
siluer
,
and
they
doe
not
know
the
weight
and
finenes
of
their
forraine
coyne
which
they
haue
brought
ouer
;
heereupon
to
content
both
parties
,
the
moneys
on
either
side
must
be
tried
by
the
subtle
assay
,
according
to
their
finenes
computated
vpon
the
pound
weight
of
twelue
ounces
Troy
,
and
then
(
by
weight
)
they
answere
each
other
accordingly
.
And
so
this
negotiation
is
(
in
effect
)
but
a
permutation
of
moneys
for
commodities
before
Exchange
was
inuented
.
Hetherto
we
haue
handled
of
the
reformation
of
Exchanges
,
for
places
where
the
Basis
of
Exchange
or
foundation
is
made
vpon
our
twentie
shillings
sterling
,
that
is
to
say
,
When
Merchants
beyond
the
Seas
(
deliuering
moneys
there
for
England
)
will
cause
the
Brokers
of
Exchanges
to
know
how
much
Flemish
or
Hamborough
money
Merchants
will
giue
there
,
to
haue
twentie
shillings
sterling
payed
in
England
,
euen
as
wee
doe
here
to
know
how
much
in
Flemish
money
or
other
coynes
a
Merchant
will
giue
for
the
said
twentie
shillings
here
,
Herein
let
vs
obserue
that
the
course
of
it
is
directly
opposite
;
for
whereas
in
the
one
we
doe
procure
to
haue
much
money
,
or
at
the
value
answered
by
Exchange
:
so
in
the
other
wee
may
doe
the
like
,
and
rather
procure
lesse
to
bee
giuen
in
Exchange
,
because
that
the
foundation
of
those
Exchanges
is
made
vpon
forraine
coyne
.
Neuerthelesse
consider
wee
,
that
when
foure
Testons
or
three
Franks
in
specie
were
calculated
for
the
said
Crowne
of
sixtie
soulz
in
Exchange
;
then
euerie
such
Teston
was
fifteene
soulz
by
valuation
,
and
euerie
such
Frank
was
twentie
soulz
.
But
since
that
time
the
said
peeces
of
Testons
are
made
currant
for
16
½
soulz
,
and
the
Franks
at
twentie
two
soulz
,
being
the
same
in
weight
and
finenesse
,
without
any
alteration
in
the
standard
called
,
Le
Pied
de
la
Monoye
,
but
onely
inhaunced
in
valuation
,
according
to
which
,
payments
are
made
in
siluer
coynes
.
Also
for
the
gold
coynes
,
as
French
Crownes
and
Pistolets
,
which
are
inhanced
at
times
vntill
72
soulz
'
from
60
soulz
,
wherupon
the
said
Crown
was
valued
at
six
shillings
sterling
;
Is
there
any
man
of
iudgement
that
will
giue
(
if
hee
can
choose
)
sixe
shillings
,
or
seuentie
two
pence
,
and
72
½
pence
,
for
the
said
French
Crowne
in
Exchange
,
when
the
Crowne
in
specie
is
paied
him
in
France
for
seuentie
fiue
soulz
?
The
like
consideration
are
we
to
haue
of
the
Dollers
of
Germanie
,
of
the
Polish
Guilders
or
Florins
,
and
all
other
coynes
inhaunced
aboue
the
Par
of
Exchanges
heretofore
calculated
amongst
Merchants
,
and
especially
with
the
admittance
of
Princes
.
The
operation
heereof
in
the
course
of
trafficke
,
is
of
verie
great
moment
,
more
than
in
times
past
,
when
the
difference
was
not
so
sensible
,
which
made
me
to
compare
the
same
vnto
the
serpent
Aspis
,
which
stingeth
men
in
such
sort
that
they
fall
into
a
pleasant
sleepe
vntill
they
die
;
which
is
meant
by
particular
persons
,
whose
estate
is
consumed
by
running
vpon
Exchanges
.
Or
like
vnto
the
crueltie
of
the
Planet
Saturne
,
which
maketh
his
spherecall
course
in
thirtie
yeares
,
with
great
operation
,
although
wee
doe
not
so
sensibly
perceiue
his
motion
,
which
is
meant
in
the
reuolution
of
State
affaires
in
progresse
and
continuance
of
time
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
Attachments
and
Arrest
.
THE
Common
Law
of
England
doth
not
vse
the
course
of
Attachments
,
as
is
vsed
by
the
Custome
of
the
Citie
of
London
,
which
was
borrowed
from
Merchants
actions
obserued
in
forraine
Countreys
,
and
was
thereupon
by
Custome
here
established
;
it
being
a
readie
way
whereby
men
may
secure
themselues
of
present
meanes
,
if
they
doubt
of
their
debtor
.
For
if
the
creditor
do
know
any
debts
or
goods
belonging
vnto
his
debtor
,
he
may
instantly
vpon
a
specialtie
to
be
exhibited
vnto
the
Magistrate
,
haue
authoritie
to
attach
the
said
debts
and
goods
in
the
hands
of
any
person
where
he
findeth
the
same
,
onely
Priuiledged
places
excepted
,
or
Ecclesiasticall
persons
in
most
places
.
To
this
Attachment
,
if
the
partie
doe
appeare
and
put
in
baile
,
either
by
himselfe
or
his
Atturney
;
then
the
Attachment
is
ipso
facto
,
void
,
and
declaration
being
put
in
,
dependeth
in
Court
vpon
the
said
baile
,
and
if
no
declaration
bee
put
in
the
next
Court
day
,
or
within
three
dayes
,
then
the
said
baile
is
likewise
discharged
by
the
said
Custome
;
albeit
this
is
not
so
duely
obserued
,
as
the
Customarie
Law
of
Merchants
requireth
.
But
if
the
partie
doe
not
appeare
,
and
the
Attachment
doe
proceed
three
Court
dayes
,
or
three
defaults
to
be
entred
,
then
for
the
fourth
default
judgement
or
sentence
is
giuen
,
that
hee
who
did
make
the
Attachment
shall
recouer
the
said
debt
and
goods
,
and
take
the
same
into
his
owne
possession
,
vpon
good
sureties
to
be
put
into
the
Court
,
to
answere
the
value
thereof
within
one
yeare
and
a
day
,
in
which
time
the
proprietarie
may
disreason
the
said
recouerie
,
by
disprouing
the
other
parties
surmises
or
allegations
,
prouing
that
the
specialtie
was
paied
whereupon
the
Attachment
was
grounded
.
For
the
Attachments
beyond
the
Seas
cannot
be
made
vpon
any
pretended
Action
,
but
must
bee
done
vpon
a
Bill
of
debt
,
and
many
times
the
Magistrates
will
sequester
the
goods
or
debts
into
their
owne
hands
,
to
auoid
incertainties
of
honest
dealings
.
Besides
,
Merchants
will
be
aduised
before
they
make
Attachments
,
because
both
the
Ciuile
Law
,
and
Customes
of
Merchants
doe
impose
great
damages
vpon
the
partie
,
if
hee
haue
made
his
Attachment
without
iust
cause
,
to
the
ouerthrow
of
the
other
parties
credit
.
And
moreouer
,
if
it
be
vpon
debts
appearing
by
specialties
or
Bills
Obligatorie
,
it
may
fall
out
that
the
said
debts
are
transferred
or
set
ouer
vnto
other
Merchants
,
according
to
the
Custome
heretofore
mentioned
,
whereby
the
propertie
is
altered
.
I
remember
a
case
of
mine
owne
,
that
happened
aboue
twentie
yeares
since
,
which
concurreth
with
the
matter
in
hand
:
A
Merchant
being
indebted
vnto
me
,
by
a
Bill
Obligatorie
the
summe
of
800
ll
,
payable
at
six
moneths
,
was
perswaded
by
a
friend
of
his
(
with
whom
I
had
some
differences
and
controuersies
of
accounts
)
to
suffer
an
Attachment
to
be
made
in
his
hands
of
the
said
moneys
,
by
the
Custome
of
London
,
vpon
promise
made
vnto
him
,
That
he
would
giue
him
long
dayes
of
payment
for
the
said
moneys
:
whereupon
my
Debtor
appeareth
to
the
said
Attachment
,
and
did
acknowledge
the
said
debt
of
800
ll
,
relying
vpon
the
long
dayes
of
paiment
,
and
he
that
made
the
Attachment
did
proceed
in
the
Law
,
and
had
judgement
thereupon
,
making
no
doubt
to
obtaine
execution
accordingly
.
Being
aduised
by
learned
councell
in
London
,
Fallere
fallentem
non
est
fraus
.
Here
the
Law
did
preuaile
against
Custome
:
but
in
another
like
matter
of
attachment
,
Custome
hath
preuailed
against
the
Law
.
One
being
indebted
vnto
another
the
summe
of
one
hundreth
pounds
payable
at
a
certaine
time
,
it
came
to
passe
that
the
Creditor
went
ouer
beyond
the
Seas
before
the
money
was
due
:
the
cautelous
Debtor
,
vpon
vntrue
surmise
to
defraud
the
Creditor
,
made
attachment
of
this
money
in
his
owne
hands
by
the
Custome
of
London
,
and
put
in
sureties
to
bee
answerable
for
it
for
one
yeare
and
a
day
,
according
to
the
manner
and
order
of
the
Court
,
in
which
time
the
said
Creditor
was
to
disreason
the
said
pretended
debt
;
but
the
Creditor
(
being
beyond
the
Seas
and
ignorant
of
these
proceedings
)
came
ouer
after
the
expiration
of
the
yeare
and
a
day
,
and
the
Debtor
had
judgement
vpon
the
said
attachment
,
and
execution
awarded
vnto
him
in
his
owne
hands
.
The
Creditor
being
now
come
ouer
,
demanded
his
money
,
the
other
denied
to
owe
him
any
;
in
briefe
the
Bill
was
put
in
suit
at
the
Common
Law
,
the
Debtor
did
plead
the
said
judgement
and
recouerie
in
London
,
and
by
that
practise
and
fraudulent
meanes
defeated
his
Creditor
:
and
being
done
by
Law
,
it
is
taken
to
be
no
cousenage
to
be
punished
by
the
Starre-chamber
or
other
Courts
,
onely
the
partie
is
A.K.
Touching
Citizens
or
Merchants
arrests
beyond
the
Seas
,
there
is
a
Custome
that
no
Officer
may
arrest
after
Sun
set
;
Fly
with
the
Owle
,
by
a
common
Prouerbe
:
and
it
is
hoped
by
the
said
Custome
that
the
Debtor
may
(
by
hauing
accesse
at
some
time
vnto
his
Creditor
)
compound
with
him
,
and
preserue
the
good
opinion
and
credit
wherein
hee
liueth
,
and
thereby
not
onely
haue
meanes
to
recouer
himselfe
,
but
also
be
an
occasion
to
gather
in
his
owne
debts
sooner
.
In
some
places
also
they
may
not
arrest
vpon
the
Sabbath
dayes
and
Holy-dayes
,
to
the
end
they
should
not
bee
depriued
of
Diuine
Seruice
towardes
God
,
and
comfort
of
their
soules
.
The
Officers
or
Serieants
may
not
arrest
any
man
vpon
the
Bursse
or
Royall
Exchange
,
although
the
partie
to
be
arrested
should
yeeld
thereunto
,
and
renounce
the
said
priuiledge
.
It
is
not
many
yeares
since
that
a
Merchant
of
Amsterdam
(
being
vpon
the
Exchange
at
Antuerp
)
had
notice
giuen
him
that
another
Merchant
had
giuen
order
,
that
vpon
his
going
from
the
Exchange
hee
should
bee
arrested
,
and
that
the
Officer
did
attend
him
,
being
neere
at
hand
;
whereupon
hee
perceiuing
the
said
Officer
,
called
him
vnto
him
,
and
said
,
Hee
would
obey
the
arrest
;
which
for
the
first
time
is
but
an
adiourning
or
citation
:
the
Officer
did
require
a
pledge
of
a
peece
of
coyne
in
token
thereof
(
as
the
manner
is
)
which
hee
gaue
him
.
Afterwards
this
Merchant
of
Amsterdam
(
being
otherwise
aduised
by
his
friends
)
did
disclaime
from
that
arrest
,
because
it
was
done
vpon
the
Exchange
,
and
claimed
the
said
priuiledge
:
insomuch
that
the
Magistrates
and
the
learned
Aduocates
on
both
sides
,
did
thereupon
assemble
in
the
Towne-house
,
as
it
were
the
Guild-hall
,
and
there
the
matter
was
debated
and
discussed
at
large
,
according
to
the
lawes
.
And
it
was
at
last
concluded
and
determined
,
that
the
said
Arrest
was
void
in
Law
:
for
the
renunciation
of
a
Priuiledge
by
any
particular
,
The
like
is
to
be
vnderstood
for
all
priuiledged
places
,
as
Churches
,
Chappels
,
Church-yards
,
and
other
places
of
iurisdictions
:
and
diuers
Cities
and
Towns
do
not
permit
any
man
to
be
arrested
vpon
forreine
pleas
for
debts
or
contracts
made
in
other
townes
,
places
,
or
countries
,
which
are
as
places
of
refuge
for
some
Merchants
,
as
the
towne
of
Middleborough
in
Zealand
,
The
Officers
or
Serieants
which
make
these
arrests
are
knowne
by
their
habite
,
Returning
to
speake
againe
of
Attachments
,
it
is
a
matter
of
great
consideration
with
vs
,
not
to
admit
any
to
be
done
either
in
London
,
or
any
other
citie
or
towne
corporate
,
CHAP.
XII
.
Of
Sequestrations
and
Executions
.
THe
magistrates
considering
,
that
abuses
may
be
committed
many
waies
by
attachments
,
do
commonly
vse
Sequestration
of
goods
by
deliuering
them
into
the
hands
of
a
third
person
,
or
taking
of
them
into
their
owne
custodie
or
power
,
for
by
these
meanes
also
are
many
attachments
preuented
,
which
men
would
do
,
if
the
disposing
of
the
goods
or
debts
did
come
into
their
owne
power
,
wherein
they
haue
a
care
not
to
feed
the
humour
of
contentious
persons
,
which
is
meerely
contrarie
to
the
course
of
trade
,
which
is
the
cause
that
in
the
execution
of
their
sentences
(
wherein
the
life
of
the
law
doth
consist
)
they
do
proceed
gradatim
,
In
the
said
countries
,
no
gentleman
or
man
of
qualitie
,
may
be
imprisoned
at
all
for
debts
,
his
estate
onely
is
liable
thereunto
,
and
yet
with
reseruation
of
such
necessarie
things
,
as
Honestie
,
Honour
,
Humanitie
,
and
Christianitie
doth
challenge
:
namely
,
the
souldiours
Person
,
his
Armes
,
his
Apparrell
,
Bed
,
and
Chamber
conueniently
and
necessarily
furnished
,
which
may
not
be
taken
for
debt
:
and
the
like
reseruation
is
made
to
euerie
other
man
of
qualitie
,
so
that
imprisonment
of
men
bodies
for
debt
(
according
to
the
common
practise
of
England
)
is
a
greater
burden
and
bondage
,
than
is
to
be
found
in
any
other
christian
or
heathen
countrie
.
And
for
asmuch
as
the
mischiefe
and
incoueniences
,
arising
to
the
King
and
Common-wealth
,
by
the
imprisoning
of
mens
bodies
for
debt
,
haue
beene
propounded
heretofore
in
Parlement
,
by
a
printed
remonstrance
which
(
like
vnto
a
Pamphlet
)
may
be
lost
,
whereby
good
matters
are
many
times
put
in
obliuion
,
I
haue
thought
conuenient
to
make
an
abstract
thereof
,
in
the
maner
,
as
the
said
reasons
are
laid
downe
,
to
be
inserted
in
this
booke
,
in
hope
of
some
releefe
vnto
decayed
Merchants
,
whose
estates
may
remaine
liable
to
answere
their
creditors
,
without
imprisoning
of
their
bodies
,
against
the
Law
of
God
,
the
Law
of
man
,
the
Rule
of
justice
,
the
Law
of
conscience
and
christian
charitie
and
against
the
Practise
of
other
countries
,
as
aforesaid
,
and
finally
against
the
creditors
owne
profit
.
The
Law
of
God
,
willeth
and
commaundeth
euerie
man
to
follow
a
vocation
to
doe
the
honour
,
By
the
Law
of
man
it
was
not
so
,
Ab
initio
:
for
by
the
Common
Laws
of
England
,
Magna
Char.
3.
H.
3.
and
14.
Ed.
3.
although
after
accountants
onely
were
to
be
imprisoned
vntill
they
paied
,
which
was
made
generall
against
all
debtors
by
the
statute
of
the
25.
Ed.
3.
cap.
17.
yet
prisoners
in
Execution
,
might
and
did
follow
their
vocation
and
affaires
,
by
baile
,
mainprise
or
baston
,
as
by
the
statute
of
1.
Rich.
2.
cap.
12.
and
from
that
time
forwards
,
were
prisoners
tied
vp
shorter
to
the
writ
of
Habeas
corpus
or
the
Kings
speciall
mandate
,
vpon
surmises
,
It
is
against
the
rule
of
Iustice
and
law
of
Nature
,
The
debtor
is
either
punished
for
guilt
or
cohersion
:
if
for
guilt
,
it
is
against
the
rule
of
Iustice
;
for
to
bee
found
a
debtor
in
the
Law
,
is
no
criminall
guilt
,
and
therefore
vniust
to
punish
him
criminally
:
If
for
cohersion
,
to
make
the
debtor
bring
forth
his
estate
to
the
payment
of
the
debt
;
it
is
also
against
the
rule
of
Iustice
to
enforce
a
man
by
punishment
to
doe
that
,
which
appeareth
not
to
be
in
his
power
,
or
whereof
the
Law
is
alreadie
certified
that
there
is
not
wherewithall
to
doe
,
according
to
the
purport
of
the
Capias
granted
against
the
bodie
by
the
Common
Law
.
It
is
also
against
the
rule
of
Iustice
to
thrust
all
kind
of
debtors
into
a
prison
together
in
a
heape
,
without
respect
to
the
different
qualities
of
men
,
to
more
or
lesse
guilt
of
fraud
or
obstinacie
,
or
whether
it
bee
an
honest
or
an
vsurious
debt
,
But
it
wil
be
said
that
imprisonment
is
no
punishment
,
for
prisoners
liue
at
ease
and
pleasure
,
&c.
according
to
the
recei●ed
opinion
:
but
the
miseries
and
afflictions
of
imprisonment
are
inexplicable
and
cannot
bee
conceiued
by
any
that
haue
not
felt
or
had
proofe
thereof
.
The
auncient
Romanes
construed
and
reputed
imprisonment
to
bee
a
guard
,
or
sa●e
keeping
of
slaues
and
bondmen
;
but
a
heauie
punishment
to
free
borne
men
:
and
it
is
recorded
that
the
Prophet
Micha
was
sent
to
prison
to
bee
fed
with
the
bread
of
affliction
.
For
imprisonment
is
a
corporall
punishment
,
By
misprision
or
ignorance
of
himselfe
or
his
Atturney
;
in
pleading
of
the
cause
by
carelesse
or
vnskilfull
Councellors
,
especially
when
false
things
are
cunningly
laid
,
or
true
things
vncertainly
laid
.
By
the
necessitie
of
the
defendant
,
wanting
meanes
to
pay
his
Atturney
or
Councell
,
and
by
combination
of
the
aduersarie
with
the
defendants
Atturney
,
Sollicitor
,
or
Councellor
,
or
with
the
witnesses
or
Iurors
,
for
loue
,
malice
,
or
ends
of
their
owne
.
By
periurie
of
witnesses
,
in
concealing
,
peruerting
,
and
misapplying
truth
,
or
deposing
vntruth
,
and
by
subornation
of
Witnesses
,
Iurors
,
or
Officers
in
the
impannelling
of
Iurors
,
and
corruption
of
the
Iudge
.
Also
by
fire
,
water
,
shipwracke
,
and
such
like
sudden
and
vnresistable
accidents
at
sea
;
or
at
land
,
by
robberie
of
Theeues
and
Pirats
.
By
vnprofitable
buyings
and
sellings
of
Lands
,
Leases
,
Merchandises
,
&c.
By
arrest
,
seizures
,
or
pretences
and
detriment
of
forraine
Princes
.
By
sudden
losse
of
friends
or
masters
,
on
whose
fauour
any
mans
estate
dependeth
:
also
by
errours
in
making
or
keeping
reckonings
and
accounts
,
or
by
losing
or
not
calling
for
Acquitances
,
Bils
,
Bonds
,
Releases
,
or
Ingagements
and
Assurances
,
for
Warranties
,
Annuities
,
Dowers
,
Ioynctures
,
Legacies
,
and
such
like
.
By
Vsurors
and
Vsurie
,
eating
vp
a
mans
estate
by
interest
and
forfeitures
,
and
by
a
multitude
of
other
meanes
,
whereby
no
man
is
secured
but
may
become
a
debtor
and
insoluent
.
And
this
Law
taketh
no
consideration
,
or
admits
no
information
hereof
,
but
in
Summo
Iure
,
Summu●
Iu●
.
giueth
the
whole
forfeiture
without
any
conscionable
respect
,
and
the
after
proceedings
are
sutable
:
for
after
judgement
,
though
the
debtor
by
his
goods
discharge
ninetie
and
nine
pounds
,
of
one
hundreth
pounds
principall
;
yet
the
bodie
is
subiect
to
be
imprisoned
,
till
he
pay
the
whole
forfeiture
of
two
hundreth
pounds
:
and
the
words
of
the
Statute
are
,
That
if
hee
haue
no
goods
nor
chattels
,
or
not
enough
to
satisfie
the
whole
,
his
bodie
shall
be
imprisoned
for
the
rest
,
till
he
make
payment
or
agreement
,
Marlebridge
Cap.
23
,
Anno
52
H.
3
,
&c.
So
euerie
way
it
is
in
the
absolute
will
and
power
of
the
creditor
,
to
cast
the
debtors
bodie
into
prison
;
when
in
all
conscience
and
equitie
,
if
he
haue
no
meanes
to
pay
,
he
ought
to
be
let
out
of
prison
,
or
not
to
be
imprisoned
at
all
,
because
the
debtors
bodie
can
giue
no
satisfaction
to
the
creditor
,
being
in
it selfe
considered
.
Some
prisoners
haue
meanes
and
are
willing
,
Some
haue
meanes
and
will
not
pay
,
of
fraud
and
obstinacie
;
but
of
these
there
is
hardly
found
one
in
a
hundred
:
for
if
that
were
so
,
the
creditor
(
who
searcheth
the
verie
reines
of
the
debtor
,
and
his
estate
)
will
rather
seise
and
recouer
the
prisoners
estate
,
than
cast
him
into
prison
,
where
if
he
die
he
loseth
all
.
Now
if
an
honest
man
may
innocently
fall
in
the
Law
,
by
such
a
multitude
of
accidents
,
practises
,
and
errours
of
others
,
and
by
doing
iust
and
friendly
offices
to
others
,
and
may
faile
also
in
his
estate
,
and
become
insoluent
by
so
many
wayes
,
casually
and
causelesly
in
himselfe
,
and
by
the
fault
and
errors
of
others
,
and
cannot
be
a
criminall
debtor
but
one
way
,
which
is
by
fraud
and
obstinacie
onely
(
of
which
scarce
one
example
is
to
bee
found
in
a
hundred
,
)
how
can
it
stand
with
any
charitie
or
conscience
to
neglect
and
passe
by
so
many
circumstances
,
and
to
fall
vpon
the
debtor
with
such
crueltie
,
by
laying
such
a
heape
of
miseries
vpon
him
,
his
wife
,
children
,
and
reputation
at
once
,
as
imprisonment
bringeth
?
It
is
true
that
the
ancient
Common
Lawes
of
England
,
are
verie
strict
in
this
point
of
maintaining
Pacts
and
Contracts
;
but
the
contracts
of
those
times
were
simple
,
But
it
will
be
said
,
that
the
Chancerie
doth
mitigate
the
hardnesse
and
rigour
of
the
Law
in
vsuries
for
forfeitures
,
and
that
wrong
judgements
may
be
reuersed
by
Attaint
,
Errors
,
Audita
Quaerela
,
&c.
The
answere
is
,
That
the
remedie
is
worse
than
the
disease
,
for
all
courses
of
reliefe
by
Law
in
Chancerie
,
are
hard
,
tedious
,
vncertaine
,
long
,
and
extreame
chargeable
;
and
it
is
a
lamentable
case
,
that
when
the
debtor
is
vniustly
or
vnconscionably
cast
in
the
Law
,
stript
of
his
estate
,
his
bodie
imprisoned
,
his
libertie
tied
vp
,
his
credit
destroyed
,
and
his
friends
banished
;
then
to
send
him
so
disabled
to
seeke
remedie
by
new
suits
in
Chancerie
,
which
are
chargeable
aboue
measure
:
and
with
the
same
extremitie
doth
the
Statute
of
Bankrupts
deale
with
the
poore
debtor
,
as
heretofore
hath
beene
declared
.
That
prisoners
are
compassed
with
a
multitude
of
ineffable
miseries
,
and
heauie
afflictions
,
and
therefore
some
cannot
choose
to
become
weake
in
faith
,
staggard
or
desperate
,
when
there
is
no
man
to
speake
a
word
of
comfort
in
due
season
,
appeareth
by
the
miserable
ends
of
many
desperate
persons
,
whereby
one
with
shame
and
distemperature
loseth
his
sense
and
dyes
,
another
for
pouertie
and
want
perished
,
one
with
feare
and
griefe
breakes
his
heart
outright
;
anothers
heart
that
cannot
breake
,
the
deuill
is
readie
to
teach
him
desperately
how
to
make
way
:
one
vncharitably
flies
from
his
keeper
,
another
desperately
aduentures
his
life
to
breake
prison
;
and
finally
many
are
carelesse
and
giuen
to
all
vices
.
For
faith
is
rightly
compared
to
a
Lampe
,
2
That
the
debtor
is
not
Volens
,
for
it
is
against
euerie
debtors
will
to
pay
vsurie
or
forfeiture
;
but
hee
is
pressed
thereunto
by
his
owne
necessitie
on
the
one
side
,
and
by
the
creditors
vncharitable
will
on
the
other
,
who
will
not
lend
but
for
vsurie
and
forfeiture
.
3
The
common
saying
(
volenti
non
fit
iniuria
)
is
a
false
position
,
else
it
is
lawfull
to
knocke
a
man
in
the
head
that
is
willing
to
die
,
which
is
absurd
;
for
the
will
or
consent
of
the
partie
vnto
an
act
that
is
in
it selfe
vniust
,
cannot
make
the
act
iust
,
nor
iustifie
the
actour
.
It
is
also
obiected
,
that
if
mens
bodies
may
not
be
imprisoned
,
how
shall
they
recouer
their
debts
?
Answere
,
vpon
the
debtors
estate
only
,
as
this
kingdome
did
heretofore
,
and
other
kingdomes
now
do
,
and
therefore
let
the
creditor
ground
his
trust
thereupon
,
and
trust
no
further
than
the
creditors
estate
,
for
thence
onely
can
he
haue
true
satisfaction
.
It
is
replyed
,
That
there
will
be
no
more
credit
giuen
if
mens
bodies
may
not
be
imprisoned
,
and
consequently
,
trade
and
comerce
wil
decay
.
Answer
;
honest
trade
,
honest
contracts
,
and
honest
trust
will
notwithstanding
be
as
plentifull
,
for
while
there
is
the
same
vse
,
necessitie
,
and
profit
by
commerce
,
there
must
needs
be
the
same
effect
:
True
it
is
,
that
vsurious
contracts
will
bee
more
relatiuely
made
to
euerie
mans
estate
,
credit
and
honestie
,
as
they
did
in
the
times
of
the
old
law
and
of
the
Gospel
,
and
yet
do
in
politicke
gouernments
.
It
is
against
the
creditors
owne
profit
,
The
consideration
hereof
maketh
the
debtor
to
retaine
in
his
hands
what
they
can
to
maintaine
themselues
,
their
wiues
and
children
,
and
to
keepe
them
from
perishing
,
which
maketh
also
against
the
crditors
profit
.
The
bodie
of
euerie
subiect
belongeth
to
the
king
,
It
is
therefore
in
christian
Charity
wished
,
and
in
all
Godly
Policie
desired
,
That
the
bodies
and
endeauours
of
all
debtors
,
may
be
free
from
imprisonment
,
and
the
creditors
recouerie
be
made
against
the
debtors
lands
and
goods
,
according
to
the
ancient
fundamentall
Laws
of
this
Kingdome
,
being
most
consonant
to
the
Law
of
God
,
to
christian
Charitie
,
to
the
rule
of
Iustice
and
to
godly
Policie
as
aforesaid
;
And
that
Interim
,
the
releife
of
prisoners
may
be
permitted
,
which
the
late
Queene
Elizabeth
granted
for
her
and
her
Successors
in
the
28.
yeare
of
her
Raigne
,
by
a
large
Commission
recorded
in
the
high
court
of
Chancerie
;
the
exemplification
whereof
was
by
all
prisoners
for
debt
humbly
desired
.
Many
other
reasons
are
alledged
in
the
said
remonstrance
inuectiue
against
vsurie
and
vsurors
,
which
I
haue
omitted
;
and
hereunto
let
vs
adde
certaine
obseruations
in
generall
concerning
executions
.
The
Law
is
said
to
be
a
mute
Magistrate
:
but
the
Magistrates
are
a
liuing
Law
.
THe
strength
of
the
Law
is
in
commanding
,
and
the
strength
of
commanding
is
in
the
constraining
or
executing
of
the
Law
,
which
belongeth
vnto
Iudges
and
Magistrates
.
The
consideration
hereof
did
produce
a
diuersitie
of
opinions
,
whether
Iudges
or
Magistrates
ought
to
be
for
a
time
or
terme
of
life
,
the
often
changing
of
them
being
according
to
the
custome
of
the
Romans
,
who
did
instigate
men
to
accuse
those
that
had
not
discharged
the
place
of
their
office
duely
,
The
Sherifes
and
many
other
Officers
which
put
in
euery
countie
the
writs
,
commandments
,
This
authoritie
and
seueritie
of
the
Iudges
therefore
doth
preuent
manie
mischiefes
,
putting
a
feare
in
the
hearts
of
the
offendors
of
the
law
by
the
rigour
thereof
,
which
in
criminall
cases
is
called
by
some
crueltie
.
But
the
mercifull
Iudge
is
more
to
be
blamed
in
these
cases
than
the
seuere
,
because
seueritie
maketh
men
to
be
obedient
vnto
the
lawes
,
whereas
too
much
lenitie
causeth
contempt
both
of
Lawes
and
Magistrates
.
Neuerthelesse
,
as
there
is
in
all
common-weales
two
principall
points
which
the
Magistrates
are
to
consider
,
namely
Law
and
Equitie
,
so
the
execution
of
law
is
to
be
considered
by
the
Magistrate
,
who
sometimes
being
too
seuere
,
may
do
more
hurt
to
the
common-wealth
than
good
;
seing
the
intention
of
those
that
made
the
law
,
Salus
populi
suprema
lex
esto
.
This
may
be
said
especially
in
regard
of
the
statute
Lawes
,
whereof
we
haue
the
example
of
Empson
and
Dudley
fresh
in
memorie
,
who
being
priuie
Councellors
to
king
Henrie
7
,
caused
the
penall
lawes
to
be
strictly
executed
against
his
subiects
,
whereby
the
king
gathered
much
treasure
with
the
losse
of
the
loue
of
his
subiects
,
which
was
much
displeasing
vnto
him
,
as
the
Chronicles
of
this
realme
haue
recorded
.
Because
there
is
nothing
so
effectuall
to
cause
the
prince
to
be
called
a
tyrant
than
this
course
of
strict
execution
of
lawes
,
which
hath
an
affinitie
with
the
saying
of
Nicholas
Machiauell
sometimes
Secretarie
to
the
great
Duke
of
Tuscanie
,
touching
the
condition
of
men
in
generall
.
It
is
miserable
that
we
cannot
do
all
things
;
More
miserable
to
do
that
which
we
would
do
;
and
most
miserable
to
do
that
which
we
can
do
.
Informers
neuerthelesse
are
necessarie
members
in
a
common-wealth
,
for
the
maintenance
of
lawes
,
which
otherwise
would
be
fruitlesse
,
or
made
as
it
is
said
by
some
,
propter
terrorem
;
for
preuention
whereof
,
it
is
verie
commendable
to
preserue
this
life
of
the
law
,
consisting
in
execution
:
which
was
the
cause
that
commissioners
haue
beene
heretofore
appointed
,
to
retaine
men
in
their
dueties
,
as
the
Nomophilats
in
Greece
,
the
Censurors
amongst
the
Romans
,
the
Ephores
at
Lacedemon
,
the
Areopagits
at
Athens
,
the
Visitors
in
Spaine
,
If
we
will
make
a
comparison
betweene
the
execution
of
Criminall
causes
,
and
ciuile
,
we
shall
in
a
manner
find
the
same
to
be
all
one
effectually
:
for
the
generall
manner
of
death
imposed
by
the
law
,
is
hanging
,
where
in
other
countries
they
haue
diuers
manners
of
executions
,
according
as
the
fact
is
haynous
.
Murder
(
being
a
great
offence
)
hath
in
all
ages
been
punished
with
death
,
but
stealing
of
goods
was
alwaies
taken
to
be
much
inferior
,
because
the
law
of
God
did
not
punish
the
same
by
death
,
as
is
now
vsed
;
and
yet
a
death
by
sudden
execution
,
is
better
than
a
lingering
death
by
famine
,
imprisonment
,
and
other
aduersities
,
before
remembred
.
The
effect
of
the
kings
Prerogatiue
Royall
(
to
be
mercifull
euen
when
law
hath
had
her
full
course
)
is
to
be
seen
rather
in
causes
ciuile
than
criminall
,
and
that
in
the
reliefe
of
poore
distressed
prisoners
and
others
:
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
Denization
and
Naturalization
of
Merchants
.
THE
manner
to
make
Merchant
strangers
,
Artificers●
or
Handie-crafts
men
to
be
Denizons
or
Naturalized
,
was
in
times
past
without
any
difference
:
and
they
did
enioy
the
like
libertie
and
priuiledges
,
and
were
most
commonly
made
by
his
Maiesties
Letters
Patents
vnder
the
Great
Seale
of
England
,
by
his
Highnesse
Prerogatiue
Royall
;
whereby
they
did
enioy
all
the
freedome
and
immunities
that
naturall
subiects
doe
enioy
,
and
were
so
reputed
and
taken
by
the
Lawes
of
the
Realme
,
vpon
their
oath
(
made
in
Chancerie
)
of
alleageance
to
the
King
and
the
Common-wealth
.
But
the
same
was
afterwardes
called
in
question
,
vpon
the
misdemeanors
of
some
forgetfull
persons
,
and
then
Denizons
were
made
to
pay
Customes
to
the
King
,
as
strangers
,
howbeit
they
might
buy
leases
,
lands
and
houses
as
English
borne
subiects
,
and
their
children
heere
borne
should
bee
free
,
and
pay
but
English
Custome
for
goods
imported
and
exported
,
and
may
become
freemen
of
London
,
and
buy
cloth
in
Blackewell
Hall
and
all
other
Markets
,
and
transport
the
same
where
it
pleased
them
,
albeit
the
Merchants
Aduenturers
haue
infringed
the
same
.
No
stranger
which
is
a
Mechanicall
person
,
is
much
inclined
to
be
a
naturall
subiect
by
Act
of
Parlement
,
because
of
the
charge
of
it
,
which
may
bee
about
30
ll:
albeit
foure
or
fiue
persons
may
ioyne
together
by
petition
to
the
Parlement
,
and
haue
one
Act
for
them
all
,
the
forme
whereof
is
commonly
as
heereafter
followeth
.
And
here
note
that
a
Merchant
is
in
no
danger
,
if
hee
be
neither
Denizon
nor
Naturalized
;
but
may
deale
,
trafficke
,
and
negotiate
at
his
pleasure
,
but
he
may
take
no
leases
nor
buy
lands
.
IN
most
humble
manner
,
beseech
your
most
excellent
Maiestie
,
your
humble
and
obedient
Orators
I.
L.
of
Florence
,
your
Maiesties
seruant
T.
M.
&c.
R.
B.
and
M.
Q.
That
whereas
the
said
I.
L.
the
son
of
A.
L.
and
L.
his
wife
strangers
,
were
borne
at
Florence
in
Italy
,
in
the
parts
beyond
the
Seas
:
and
whereas
,
&c.
And
whereas
M.
Q.
being
the
sonne
of
M.
Q.
and
C.
his
wife
borne
at
Bridges
in
Flanders
,
in
the
parts
beyond
the
Seas
in
lawfull
matrimonie
,
and
hath
(
for
the
most
part
)
these
twentie
yeares
remained
and
made
his
abode
in
London
,
within
your
Maiesties
Realme
of
England
,
during
which
time
,
hee
hath
demeaned
himselfe
faithfully
and
dutifully
towardes
your
Highnesse
,
and
your
Lawes
;
yet
for
that
both
he
and
the
rest
of
your
Maiesties
Orators
were
borne
in
the
parts
beyond
the
Seas
,
they
cannot
take
benefit
of
your
Maiesties
Lawes
,
Statutes
and
Customes
of
your
Highnesse
Realme
of
England
,
as
other
your
Maiesties
subiects
borne
within
this
Realme
,
to
their
great
preiudice
,
losse
and
hinderance
:
It
may
therefore
please
your
Highnesse
,
of
your
most
noble
and
aboundant
grace
,
that
it
may
be
ordained
,
enacted
and
established
by
your
Highnes
,
the
Lords
Spirituall
and
Temporall
,
and
the
Commons
of
this
present
Parlement
assembled
,
and
by
the
authoritie
of
the
same
,
That
your
Maiesties
most
humble
Petitioners
I.
L.
T.
M.
R.
B.
and
M.
Q.
and
euerie
of
them
shall
from
henceforth
bee
adiudged
,
reputed
and
taken
to
be
your
Highnesse
naturall
subiects
,
and
as
persons
naturally
and
lawfully
borne
within
this
your
Maiesties
Realme
of
England
;
and
also
that
they
and
euerie
of
them
,
shall
and
may
from
henceforth
by
the
same
authoritie
be
enabled
and
adiudged
able
to
all
intents
and
constructions
,
to
demaund
,
challenge
,
aske
,
haue
,
hold
and
enioy
landes
,
tenements
,
hereditaments
and
rents
,
as
heire
or
heires
to
any
of
their
auncestors
,
by
reason
of
any
descent
,
remaine
,
reuert
,
or
come
to
them
,
or
any
of
them
by
any
other
lawfull
conueiances
or
means
whatsoeuer
,
or
which
hereafter
shall
come
,
&c.
as
if
they
and
euerie
of
them
had
beene
your
Highnesse
naturall
subiects
borne
;
and
to
hold
and
inioy
to
them
,
and
euerie
of
them
ioyntly
and
seuerally
lands
,
tenements
and
hereditaments
,
or
rents
,
by
way
of
purchase
,
gift
,
graunt
,
or
otherwise
,
of
any
person
or
persons
to
all
constructions
and
purposes
,
as
though
they
and
euerie
of
them
had
beene
your
Highnesse
naturall
borne
subiects
:
and
also
that
they
and
euerie
of
them
from
henceforth
may
and
shall
bee
enabled
to
prosecute
,
maintaine
and
avow
,
iustifie
and
defend
all
manner
of
actions
,
suits
,
plaints
,
and
other
demands
whatsoeuer
,
as
liberally
,
frankely
,
fully
,
lawfully
,
surely
and
freely
,
as
if
they
and
any
of
them
had
beene
naturally
borne
within
your
Maiesties
Realme
of
England
,
and
as
any
other
person
or
persons
naturally
borne
within
the
same
,
may
in
any
wise
lawfully
doe
:
any
Act
,
Law
,
Statute
,
Prouiso
,
Custome
,
Ordinance
,
or
other
thing
whatsoeuer
,
had
,
made
,
ordained
,
or
done
to
the
contrarie
in
any
wise
notwithstanding
:
And
your
Petitioners
shall
daily
pray
for
your
Royall
Maiestie
long
in
honour
and
most
safetie
to
remaine
ouer
vs
.
This
Petition
in
nature
of
an
Act
of
Parlement
,
Le
Roy
le
Veult
:
And
if
it
be
an●
Act
which
the
King
will
not
passe
,
the
Clerke
of
the
Parlement
writeth
,
Le
Roy
S'aduiser'a
,
which
is
a
cleane
and
absolute
refusall
,
and
all
which
was
done
is
void
,
and
cannot
bee
reuiued
in
another
Parlement
without
to
begin
all
from
the
beginning
againe
.
So
much
for
England
.
In
France
all
strangers
that
are
not
borne
within
the
Kingdome
,
and
reside
or
dwell
in
the
same
,
But
when
a
stranger
taketh
letters
of
naturalization
,
then
may
hee
get
wealth
and
possessions
within
the
Realme
lawfully
and
freely
:
which
letters
of
naturalization
must
be
recorded
in
the
Chamber
of
Accounts
,
vpon
paine
of
a
penaltie
payed
to
the
King
,
and
his
lawfull
heires
shall
enioy
the
said
possessions
and
goods
;
so
as
hee
be
nature
of
the
Realme
,
or
any
other
to
whom
the
same
be
giuen
by
Will
or
Testament
,
so
as
he
also
be
naturalized
,
as
aforesaid
.
But
Monsieur
Papon
the
Ciuilian
saith
,
That
it
is
not
sufficient
for
one
to
enioy
the
same
,
to
bee
borne
within
the
Realme
,
but
it
must
be
also
of
a
woman
taken
in
marriage
within
the
Realme
:
and
heerevpon
alleageth
an
arrest
or
sentence
of
the
Parlement
of
Paris
,
whereby
a
cosin
of
a
stranger
deceased
,
was
preferred
before
the
sister
,
because
the
cosin
was
born
within
the
realme
,
and
dwelling
in
the
same
,
and
the
sister
did
not
dwell
within
the
Realme
,
and
was
borne
in
another
countrey
,
albeit
she
caused
her selfe
to
be
Naturalized
after
the
decease
of
her
brother
,
whereof
the
Court
had
no
regard
,
because
the
goods
by
succession
were
gotten
before
,
which
could
not
be
made
void
by
the
Kings
Letters
Pattents
.
Monsieur
Banquet
is
of
opinion
,
That
a
Frenchman
being
departed
the
Kingdome
,
for
to
dwell
in
another
countrey
,
that
his
goods
present
and
to
come
doe
appertaine
vnto
the
King
,
and
cannot
dispose
thereof
by
Will
or
Testament
,
as
it
hath
beene
proued
by
diuers
Decrees
of
Parlement
.
The
King
is
Lord
of
all
vacant
goods
,
and
therefore
wiues
and
children
are
to
take
Letters
of
Naturalization
to
purchase
their
quietnesse
.
And
if
any
stranger
borne
and
naturalized
,
should
bee
out
of
the
Kingdome
some
eight
or
ten
yeares
vpon
especiall
occasion
or
otherwise
,
hee
is
at
his
returne
to
take
new
Letters
of
Naturalization
,
or
a
confirmation
of
the
former
by
some
approbation
.
By
the
premisses
wee
see
,
that
the
Naturalizing
in
France
is
farre
more
compulsorie
for
Merchants
than
in
England
;
howbeit
that
in
both
Kingdomes
,
if
a
stranger
Naturalized
(
after
many
yeares
that
hee
hath
inhabited
the
same
)
bee
desirous
to
returne
to
his
father-land
or
natiue
countrey
,
he
may
surrender
his
Letters
Pattents
,
and
bee
discharged
of
his
oath
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XIIII
.
Of
the
determination
of
Sea-faring
causes
.
HAuing
now
hitherto
intreated
of
the
Customes
of
Merchants
,
with
their
Adiuncts
and
Accidents
,
and
therein
obserued
Time
,
Number
,
Weight
and
Measure
,
as
also
the
three
Simples
and
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
,
with
their
Effects
and
Properties
:
let
vs
now
consider
of
the
Manner
and
Methode
of
the
proceedings
therein
,
to
see
by
what
meanes
they
are
determined
and
executed
;
for
in
the
execution
consisteth
the
life
of
all
lawes
,
and
the
perfecting
of
mens
actions
which
aime
at
some
certaine
end
.
For
it
hath
beene
well
obserued
by
some
,
that
the
actions
of
a
wise
man
and
a
foole
differ
in
this
,
The
determination
of
all
causes
and
controuersies
,
especially
of
Merchants
affaires
is
done
and
executed
,
as
followeth
.
1
Concerning
Sea-faring
causes
which
are
determined
according
to
the
sea-lawes
alreadie
written
,
and
in
the
premisses
abridged
,
2
The
second
meane
to
end
controuersies
,
is
by
Arbitrators
chosen
and
elected
by
both
parties
to
end
their
differences
with
breuitie
and
expedition
to
auoid
suits
in
law
,
which
vnto
Merchants
are
inconuenient
.
3
The
third
meane
,
is
the
authoritie
of
Prior
and
Consulls
of
Merchants
for
the
Merchants
Courts
,
according
to
the
priuiledges
which
princes
haue
granted
vnto
them
for
the
aduancement
of
their
trafficke
,
and
maintenance
of
their
Customes
,
whereof
most
Iudges
are
either
ignorant
,
or
contented
to
determine
matters
accordingly
.
4
The
fourth
and
last
meane
,
to
determine
questions
and
differences
is
by
the
ciuile
or
imperiall
law
,
or
the
common
law
of
the
kingdome
or
jurisdiction
of
the
seuerall
dominions
of
princes
,
according
to
the
fundamentall
lawes
of
them
;
wherein
we
are
especially
to
obserue
,
That
the
Law-Merchant
is
predominant
and
ouerruling
for
all
nation
do
frame
and
direct
their
iudgement
thereafter
,
giuing
place
to
the
antiquitie
of
Merchants
Customes
,
which
maketh
properly
their
law
,
now
by
me
methodically
described
in
this
booke
,
which
alloweth
to
euerie
man
and
nation
his
proper
right
and
due
,
and
hureth
no
man
,
Touching
the
first
meane
to
determine
Sea-faring
causes
,
it
shall
not
be
needfull
to
speake
much
of
the
definition
of
an
Admirall
at
the
seas
,
Magnus
Dux
Classis
,
and
Drungarius
magnus
,
or
Admiratus
,
from
Amiras
,
a
word
vsed
by
the
Spaniard
to
See
,
or
Adelantado
,
as
going
before
the
rest
of
ships
;
also
by
the
Italians
L'amiraglio
,
or
Admiral
in
French
,
because
his
calling
is
known
to
all
.
But
let
vs
obserue
that
for
the
readier
obedience
to
the
great
Admiralls
of
the
seas
,
it
is
agreed
by
common
consent
of
all
nations
,
that
they
should
haue
(
in
regard
of
their
power
ouer
the
liues
of
men
)
a
soueraigne
iurisdiction
onely
proper
to
themselues
,
The
causes
to
be
determined
in
the
Admiraltie
Court
do
extend
verie
far
,
and
many
are
otherwise
decreed
or
determined
,
especially
by
the
Merchants
Courts
,
First
,
touching
the
reuealers
of
the
King
and
Countrey
their
secrets
ouer
Sea
,
especially
in
time
of
warre
.
Against
Pirats
,
their
assisters
or
abettors
,
Outreaders
or
Receiuers
.
Against
fortefiers
of
the
Kings
enemies
,
and
harmers
of
friends
.
Against
the
breakers
of
the
Admirals
arrests
and
attachments
.
Against
goods
forbidden
,
and
merchandise
not
Customed
and
yet
transported
.
Against
the
resisters
of
the
Admiralls
Officers
in
executing
his
precepts
.
Against
Forestallers
,
Regraters
,
and
dearthers
of
corne
and
victualls
,
&c.
Finally
against
transporters
of
Traitors
,
Rebells
,
manifest
transgressors
,
and
fugitiues
from
justice
,
or
casters
of
ballast
,
sand
,
or
any
other
thing
in
harbours
or
channells
,
extortioners
by
ships
and
boat-wrights
,
for
taking
away
the
boigh
from
the
anchor
,
cutters
of
cables
or
towes
,
false
weights
and
measures
by
sea
,
shedders
of
other
mens
blood
on
sea
,
or
in
any
port
,
or
lamed
by
misdemeanour
,
Customers
and
Water-bailifes
taking
more
custome
or
anchorage
than
they
ought
,
for
absenting
from
musterings
in
time
of
warre
,
for
all
transgressions
committed
by
sea-men
,
ferry-men
,
water-men
,
fishers
,
pilots
,
ship-wrights
,
prest
men
containing
the
Admiralls
authoritie
,
and
to
amerce
them
for
his
owne
benefit
;
the
goods
of
pirats
,
felons
,
capitall
offendors
,
their
receiuers
,
assisters
,
attainted
,
conuicted
,
condemned
,
and
outlawed
,
waife
and
stray
goods
,
wrecke
on
the
seas
,
and
cast
goods
,
Deodando
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
thing
,
whether
boat
or
ship
&c.
that
caused
the
death
of
a
man
,
or
whereby
a
man
did
perish
;
Lagon
,
Floatson
,
and
Ietson
before
declared
,
with
the
anchorages
,
beaconages
,
swine
,
sturgeon
,
and
whales
cast
on
shoare
,
&
all
fish
of
extraordinarie
greatnes
,
called
Regall
;
of
all
these
the
Admirall
hath
authoritie
to
deale
,
correct
,
and
punish
according
to
their
deserts
,
and
the
lawes
prouided
for
the
same
by
statutes
enacted
,
and
all
other
lawes
and
meanes
before
declared
.
The
Clerke
of
the
Admirall
ought
to
be
very
skilfull
and
honest
,
and
is
to
haue
diuers
Registers
for
congees
,
safe-conducts
,
pasports
,
sea-briefes
,
without
which
no
ship
in
time
of
war
is
to
passe
,
Now
the
manner
of
proceeding
in
seafaring
causes
,
Velo
leuato
,
so
briefely
and
summarily
without
the
solemnitie
of
other
ordinarie
courts
and
iudgements
,
onely
looking
to
God
and
the
trueth
,
and
all
complaints
to
be
ended
instantly
,
especially
of
ship-wrecke
;
for
it
were
a
crueltie
to
vexe
so
miserable
persons
with
tedious
proceedings
:
whereupon
in
this
case
the
Iudges
may
proceede
to
execution
vpon
euerie
interlocutorie
,
and
make
restitution
presently
,
vpon
good
caution
to
be
giuen
to
satisfie
the
appellation
,
if
any
be
made
.
And
herein
there
is
a
further
priuiledge
to
them
:
for
whereas
by
the
common
rules
of
the
law
,
where
no
litiscontestation
is
past
,
or
as
we
say
,
bill
and
answere
depending
,
no
witnesse
should
be
receiued
,
nisi
ad
eternam
rei
memoriam
,
ac
aduersario
ad
id
citato
,
yet
in
shipwrecke
(
as
a
case
to
bee
commiserated
)
any
of
the
ship-broken-men
may
come
to
the
Iudge
of
that
part
where
the
wrecke
happens
,
and
by
witnesse
brought
with
him
may
make
proofe
.
And
as
this
is
an
extraordinarie
priuiledge
,
euen
so
may
merchants
ordinarily
,
and
masters
sailing
together
,
beare
witnesse
each
one
to
other
of
their
societie
within
the
ship
,
if
they
haue
neither
to
lose
or
gaine
therby
;
and
especially
mariners
for
or
against
the
master
when
the
voiage
is
ended
,
Iudicio
sisti
,
&
iudicatum
solui
be
kept
on
the
part
of
the
defendant
,
but
also
that
the
plaintife
or
pursuer
shall
find
caution
de
expensis
soluendis
,
if
he
faile
in
proofe
.
Likewise
if
the
partie
do
not
appeare
to
defend
himselfe
or
his
ship
after
three
citations
,
or
foure
at
the
most
,
called
quatuor
defaltae
,
hee
is
taken
for
contemptuous
:
the
Iudge
may
ordaine
the
Marshall
or
Officer
to
put
the
plaintife
in
possession
by
his
sentence
or
Primum
Decretum
:
Prouided
that
if
the
partie
appeare
within
the
yeare
,
and
pay
the
costs
and
expences
,
he
shall
be
admitted
and
heard
vpon
the
proprietie
:
and
in
like
manner
,
if
any
attachment
be
made
vpon
the
ship
or
goods
,
it
shall
vpon
caution
giuen
summarily
be
heard
and
determined
,
for
this
law
of
Admiraltie
intendeth
nothing
but
expedition
for
the
better
aduancement
of
Trafficke
and
Commerce
.
(
*
⁎
*
)
CHAP.
XV.
Of
Arbitrators
and
their
Awards
.
THE
second
meane
,
or
rather
ordinarie
course
to
end
the
questions
and
controuersies
arising
betweene
Merchants
,
is
by
way
of
Arbitrement
,
when
both
parties
do●
make
choise
of
honest
men
to
end
their
causes
,
which
is
voluntarie
and
in
their
owne
power
,
and
therefore
called
Arbitrium
,
or
free
will
,
whence
the
name
Arbitrator
is
deriued
:
and
these
men
(
by
some
called
Good
men
)
giue
their
judgements
by
awards
,
according
to
Equitie
and
Conscience
,
obseruing
the
Custome
of
Merchants
,
and
ought
to
be
void
of
all
partialitie
or
affection
more
nor
lesse
to
the
one
,
than
to
the
other
:
hauing
onely
care
that
right
may
take
place
according
to
the
truth
,
and
that
the
difference
may
bee
ended
with
breuitie
and
expedition
;
insomuch
that
he
may
not
be
called
an
Arbitrator
,
who
(
to
please
his
friend
)
maketh
delayes
and
propagateth
their
differences
,
but
he
is
rather
a
disturber
and
an
enemie
to
Iustice
and
Truth
:
and
therefore
the
manner
to
elect
Arbitrators
,
Others
put
their
names
in
seuerall
papers
,
and
cause
them
to
bee
mingled
and
drawne
by
way
of
lot
,
by
an
indifferent
person
,
which
course
may
be
thought
allowable
,
as
we
haue
noted
in
the
Chapter
of
the
diuiding
of
commodities
by
lots
.
Others
will
doe
the
same
by
nomination
of
them
,
and
drawing
of
the
longest
or
shortest
straw
,
or
by
any
other
extraordinarie
meanes
of
pointing
,
numbring
,
or
describing
,
all
tending
to
one
end
,
to
haue
indifferencie
,
and
that
partialitie
may
be
auoided
by
all
meanes
.
Consideration
must
be
had
also
,
whether
two
,
three
,
or
all
foure
shall
haue
authoritie
to
determine
the
cause
,
And
the
said
penaltie
or
forfeiture
by
assumpsit
may
be
recouered
by
Law
and
the
Merchants
Courts
,
as
well
as
the
forfeitures
vpon
Bonds
,
if
the
partie
doe
not
performe
the
sentence
or
award
,
if
the
award
be
lawfully
made
:
1
That
the
award
be
giuen
vp
in
writing
within
the
time
limited
,
by
the
bonds
of
Compromise
made
betweene
the
parties
.
2
That
there
bee
limited
or
appointed
by
the
award
,
some
reciprocall
act
to
be
done
by
each
partie
to
other
;
which
the
Law
requireth
to
be
Quid
pro
qu●
,
albeit
neuer
so
small
.
3
That
they
make
a
finall
end
,
and
doe
determine
vpon
all
the
points
or
differences
produced
before
them
by
specification
or
otherwise
,
if
they
be
required
so
to
doe
,
and
authorised
thereunto
.
4
That
they
doe
not
award
any
of
the
parties
to
doe
or
performe
any
vnlawfull
act
or
thing
prohibited
and
against
the
Law
.
5
That
they
doe
not
award
any
thing
,
whereby
any
matter
alreadie
determined
by
decree
in
Chancerie
,
or
judgement
at
the
Common
Law
,
or
any
sentence
judicially
giuen
in
the
cause
,
be
infringed
or
medled
withall
.
These
points
ought
to
be
obserued
for
the
reasons
following
:
For
touching
the
first
,
if
the
award
be
not
deliuered
vp
in
writing
vnder
the
Arbitrators
hands
and
seales
,
if
the
condition
of
the
Bond
doe
so
limit
the
same
:
then
haue
they
no
authoritie
to
doe
the
same
after
the
time
which
is
limited
vnto
them
,
by
the
consent
of
the
parties
.
For
the
second
point
,
reason
requireth
in
all
humane
actions
,
a
reciprocall
act
from
one
man
to
another
,
by
deed
of
performance
,
called
Quid
pro
quo
,
The
third
point
is
considerable
,
where
the
differences
are
by
both
parties
,
or
either
of
them
deliuered
in
Articles
in
writing
to
the
arbitrators
;
for
herein
it
is
not
sufficient
to
say
,
That
the
said
arbitrators
shall
haue
power
and
authoritie
to
determine
all
questions
,
differences
,
doubts
,
controuersies
,
matters
of
accounts
,
reckonings
,
or
any
other
vsuall
or
generall
words
,
from
the
beginning
of
the
world
vntill
the
date
of
the
bond
:
but
they
must
giue
their
award
vpon
euerie
particular
Article
,
and
vpon
all
of
them
.
The
fourth
point
,
That
the
Arbitrators
doe
not
award
any
thing
which
is
vnlawfull
,
is
to
be
vnderstood
of
all
things
which
are
euill
in
themselues
,
called
Malum
in
se
,
and
of
things
called
euill
because
they
are
(
vpon
some
respects
and
considerations
)
prohibited
,
and
therefore
termed
Malum
prohibitum
,
as
the
wearing
of
hats
at
all
times
,
transportation
of
corne
,
eating
of
flesh
in
Lent
,
and
the
like
;
wherein
there
is
a
further
consideration
which
requireth
a
distinction
.
As
for
example
,
an
Arbitrator
or
many
Arbitrators
doe
award
,
The
fifth
point
is
of
verie
great
consequence
,
to
bind
the
actions
of
men
to
the
obedience
of
the
Law
;
whereunto
such
reuerence
is
due
,
that
decrees
,
judgements
,
and
sentences
of
judiciall
Courts
of
Record
,
are
alwayes
of
a
higher
nature
than
Arbitrators
awards
.
Neuerthelesse
in
many
doubtful
questions
,
the
Ciuilians
themselues
(
after
long
and
curious
debates
)
doe
assigne
them
to
be
determined
by
Arbitrators
hauing
skill
and
knowledge
of
the
Customes
of
Merchants
,
which
alwaies
doe
intend
expedition
:
and
that
is
the
cause
wherefore
an
vmpire
chosen
vpon
arbitrable
matters
,
These
Merchants
are
to
take
the
aduice
of
the
Aduocate
,
Councell
and
Atturney
of
the
said
Prior
and
Consulls
in
matters
difficult
,
the
better
to
discerne
the
right
of
the
cause
to
make
their
report
more
compleat
,
for
the
sooner
ending
of
it
according
to
reason
and
right
,
by
the
true
affirmations
of
the
Merchants
,
and
not
by
fained
,
subtile
,
and
craftie
writings
,
which
oftentimes
do
darken
the
truth
,
vnder
the
colour
of
faire
phrases
declared
in
them
,
causing
protraction
and
delayes
.
Marcus
Tullius
Cicero
hath
truely
set
downe
the
difference
,
which
is
betweene
Iudges
of
the
Law
and
Arbi●rators
,
inclining
to
the
most
easie
and
lesse
chargeable
course
,
saying
,
The
one
is
seruile
,
the
other
is
noble
;
the
one
is
bound
to
the
Law
,
and
the
other
is
not
;
the
one
doth
consist
in
fact
,
the
other
in
justice
;
the
one
is
proper
to
the
Magistrates
,
the
other
is
reserued
to
the
Law
;
the
one
is
written
in
the
Law
,
the
other
is
without
the
Law
;
the
one
is
in
the
power
,
and
the
other
is
without
the
power
of
Magistrates
:
howbeit
it
is
not
forbidden
,
but
all
Iustices
of
Peace
may
compound
differences
,
and
their
authoritie
doth
inable
them
better
thereunto
.
And
in
this
regard
it
is
said
,
That
an
vmpire
doth
represent
the
Lord
Chancellors
authoritie
,
because
that
the
Commissioners
,
report
of
the
Masters
and
others
of
the
Chancerie
,
or
of
Merchants
,
is
the
ground
worke
whereupon
the
Lord
Chancellor
doth
deliuer
his
sentence
,
and
maketh
vp
his
decrees
.
And
the
said
Commissioners
haue
a
further
authoritie
and
power
than
Arbitrators
:
CHAP.
XVI
.
Of
the
Merchants
Courts
,
or
office
of
Prior
and
Consuls
.
THe
third
meane
to
end
and
determine
Merchants
questions
and
controuersies
happening
in
the
course
of
trafficke
,
is
the
Courts
of
Merchants
called
Prior
and
Consulls
,
or
Il
consolato
,
as
the
Italians
haue
called
the
same
.
And
here
we
may
say
a
Merchant
is
,
in
loco
propri●
,
as
the
fish
in
the
water
,
where
he
vnderstandeth
himselfe
by
the
custome
of
Merchants
,
according
to
which
they
are
determined
:
and
if
he
do
not
,
yet
as
euerie
man
is
taken
to
be
wise
in
his
profession
,
so
may
he
be
admitted
to
vnderstand
them
,
the
rather
when
he
shall
truely
peruse
and
ponder
the
contents
of
this
Booke
,
which
in
my
loue
to
Merchants
I
haue
compiled
,
as
aforesaid
.
The
Ciuilians
hauing
considered
of
this
Office
of
Prior
and
Consulls
established
in
many
places
of
France
,
Italie
,
and
Germanie
,
Benvenuto
Straccha
the
Ciuilian
maketh
a
treatise
,
Quomodo
procedendum
sit
in
causis
Mercatorum
,
of
the
manner
to
proceed
in
Merchants
affaires
,
wherein
are
many
vniuersall
things
propounded
which
are
easier
,
but
particular
things
are
commonly
more
truer
,
by
his
owne
obseruation
;
The
oath
taken
by
the
said
Prior
and
Consuls
to
obserue
the
Law-Merchant
is
subiect
to
punishment
,
if
they
be
perfidious
or
forsworn
,
as
well
as
the
oath
of
all
other
Iudges
.
And
writing
de
Consulibus
Mercatorum
,
he
saieth
,
That
a
Merchant
may
call
in
question
,
and
begin
his
plea
before
them
,
although
it
be
against
one
that
is
no
Merchant
,
if
the
cause
concerne
merchandising
;
and
the
plaintife
herein
bindeth
the
defendant
to
be
iudged
by
the
said
Prior
and
Consulls
,
be
he
either
a
Knight
or
Ecclesiasticall
person
,
or
a
stranger
not
resident
in
the
place
.
In
the
like
maner
all
Bankers
,
Shop-keepers
in
faires
and
markets
are
bound
to
their
iurisdiction
for
matter
of
money
and
Exchanges
,
or
for
merchandise
.
The
plaintife
may
in
other
places
(
where
the
defendant
doth
deale
or
negotiate
)
be
at
his
choice
to
begin
or
commence
his
suit
where
he
will
,
but
not
in
two
places
at
one
time
for
one
cause
,
wherein
sometimes
the
penaltie
is
by
him
respected
to
be
far
greater
in
one
place
than
in
another
.
Here
let
vs
remember
the
controuersie
betweene
two
brothers
which
was
aboue
fortie-yeares
since
,
called
Ioan
de
la
failia
,
and
Iaques
de
la
failia
,
who
went
to
law
in
Brabant
for
manie
thousand
pounds
;
and
afterwards
one
of
them
did
commence
suit
in
Flanders
being
another
iurisdiction
,
whereupon
he
was
compelled
to
pay
a
forfeiture
of
4000
ll
;
The
proceedings
before
the
said
Prior
and
Consulls
is
by
Libell
or
Petition
,
or
by
Declaration
;
wherein
let
vs
note
the
difference
set
downe
by
the
said
Ciuilians
.
They
are
to
proceed
summarily
in
all
their
actions
,
quod
nudo
pacto
promisisti
,
and
the
like
;
in
so
much
that
many
times
a
woman
is
admitted
to
be
a
procuratrix
,
contrarie
to
the
Ciuile
Law
:
The
paying
of
Customes
,
Impositions
,
Factoridge
,
Portage
,
Carriage
,
and
the
like
charges
are
much
to
be
respected
by
them
,
as
also
the
execution
of
Wills
and
Testaments
.
The
publication
of
witnesses
before
them
,
is
without
delay
;
and
no
more
witnesses
are
to
be
examined
after
the
time
of
few
daies
limited
,
is
expired
:
The
manner
of
this
summarie
proceeding
is
so
briefe
,
that
vpon
comming
of
the
parties
before
them
in
person
,
or
by
their
Atturnie
,
they
are
presently
to
nominate
their
place
of
residence
,
or
else
there
is
refusall
made
of
their
petition
or
demaund
;
then
there
is
but
one
delay
admitted
,
and
in
the
acknowledgement
of
bills
of
debt
or
obligations
there
is
admitted
but
one
default
:
after
which
the
bill
is
held
as
confessed
and
auileable
,
And
if
the
partie
adiourned
do
offer
suretie
,
yet
notwithstanding
he
shall
be
caused
to
garnish
,
and
lay
downe
caution
;
and
then
haue
power
to
call
his
suretie
;
so
that
the
sentence
or
iudgement
to
be
giuen
,
shall
be
against
the
principall
debtor
for
the
principall
summe
,
and
against
the
sureties
for
the
charges
,
dammage
,
and
interest
only
:
and
this
suretie
is
lyable
after
one
default
also
,
vnlesse
he
put
in
a
third
man
for
suretie
,
to
whom
also
but
one
default
can
be
allowed
.
How
be
it
that
●ll
delaies
are
left
to
the
discretion
of
the
Prior
and
Consuls
,
An
Edict
made
by
the
French
King
,
concerning
the
Court
and
Authoritie
of
the
Prior
and
Consulls
of
Roan
.
HENRIE
,
By
the
grace
of
GOD
,
King
of
France
;
To
all
manner
of
persons
of
what
estate
soeuer
,
greeting
.
As
We
haue
bin
heretofore
aduertised
,
that
Our
Citie
of
Roan
is
one
of
the
best
Cities
in
all
Our
Kingdomes
,
by
reason
of
the
scituation
and
aptnesse
for
all
commerce
and
trafficke
,
where
diuers
Merchants
(
as
well
of
this
Our
Realme
,
as
of
many
other
Nations
)
doe
vsually
hold
an
entercourse
of
buying
and
selling
:
for
the
continuance
and
propagation
of
which
Trade
,
there
hath
of
late
(
by
Our
Letters
missiue
)
beene
erected
and
established
in
the
same
Citie
,
a
Common
Place
for
Merchants
and
their
Factors
,
to
assemble
themselues
in
twice
euerie
day
at
the
houres
accustomed
,
to
dispatch
their
affaires
and
negotiations
in
such
manner
as
is
commonly
vsed
in
the
Change
at
Lyons
,
Be
it
therefore
knowne
to
all
men
,
That
We
(
through
our
ardent
zeale
and
desire
that
We
carrie
to
aduance
the
generall
good
of
Our
said
Citie
of
Roan
,
and
to
augment
the
common
benefit
and
ease
of
all
Merchants
negotiating
there
,
and
in
all
things
possible
to
gratifie
them
,
that
they
may
not
bee
distracted
and
drawne
from
their
affaires
and
businesses
into
sundrie
courts
and
jurisdictions
,
by
meanes
of
suites
and
variances
arising
at
any
time
about
their
trafficke
)
by
the
deliberate
aduice
of
Our
priuie
Councell
(
together
with
diuers
Noblemen
and
Princes
of
Our
blood
)
besides
other
great
and
honourable
personages
,
of
Our
owne
proper
motion
,
assured
knowledge
,
and
regall
authoritie
haue
approoued
and
confirmed
,
and
by
these
presents
doe
approue
and
confirme
the
making
and
establishing
of
the
said
Common
Place
in
that
Our
Citie
of
Roan
,
instantly
ratifying
the
same
in
all
points
with
the
Change
of
Lyons
,
and
Bourse
of
Thoulouze
.
Willing
and
ordaining
,
and
Our
pleasure
is
,
That
all
Merchants
,
Factors
,
and
all
others
of
what
Nation
soeuer
,
may
assemble
themselues
in
the
same
twice
euerie
day
at
the
houres
accustomed
,
and
in
their
meetings
shall
freely
vse
their
trafficke
,
and
passe
their
businesse
,
as
well
by
exchange
as
otherwise
,
not
onely
in
the
same
place
,
Furthermore
We
will
and
ordaine
,
That
the
Merchants
of
the
said
Towne
of
Roan
(
frequenting
the
same
place
)
shall
euerie
yeare
cause
a
societie
of
Merchants
to
bee
in
the
lodge
of
the
said
Bourse
,
or
in
any
other
place
in
the
said
Citie
,
and
at
such
time
as
they
shall
thinke
good
:
in
which
meeting
they
shall
chuse
out
of
the
said
number
,
three
officers
,
viz.
A
Prior
and
two
Consulls
to
remaine
●n
their
authoritie
for
one
yeare
,
and
so
yearely
to
bee
changed
,
and
there
new
to
bee
elected
according
to
the
ordinarie
forme
of
most
voyces
,
Moreouer
,
Wee
haue
permitted
and
doe
permit
Our
said
Prior
and
Consulls
to
take
vnto
them
20
of
the
said
Merchants
,
or
more
,
or
lesse
as
they
shall
thinke
reasonable
to
assist
them
in
their
proceeding
and
judgements
in
causes
of
Merchandise
,
Bills
of
Exchange
,
Likewise
We
giue
them
power
to
direct
the
same
processe
,
And
the
like
in
acts
of
Pawnes
and
Consignements
by
one
onely
fault
duely
proued
,
by
summoning
the
person
at
his
house
,
or
fixing
there
a
copie
of
the
commission
or
processe
in
all
places
where
it
is
lawfull
to
be
done
.
And
touching
other
matters
,
where
two
defaults
shall
be
made
or
summoned
in
person
,
they
shall
proceed
,
obserue
,
and
keepe
the
course
according
to
the
Kings
ordinances
.
And
for
all
matters
wherein
they
shall
giue
sentence
of
execution
according
to
their
knowledge
.
Wee
will
and
doe
permit
them
,
as
aforesaid
,
to
cause
the
execution
to
passe
in
all
places
of
Our
Court
of
Parlement
at
Roan
,
and
in
all
other
places
of
Our
Kingdome
where
need
shall
require
,
without
any
disturbance
or
let
to
be
done
by
any
of
Our
Iudges
,
Iustices
,
or
Officers
either
against
them
or
their
deputies
;
neither
shall
they
let
or
hinder
any
summons
or
arrest
,
exploit
or
assignement
to
be
done
before
them
.
And
to
giue
their
assistance
,
in
all
causes
appertaining
to
their
knowledge
touching
matter
of
trafficke
,
and
all
things
therunto
belonging
,
against
all
merchants
trading
in
Our
said
Citie
of
Roan
,
and
as
touching
their
Factors
,
dealers
and
intermedlers
,
of
what
qualitie
soeuer
they
be
(
sent
by
them
into
diuers
Countreys
,
Regions
,
and
Prouinces
,
as
well
within
as
without
Our
Kingdome
,
Countreys
and
dominions
vnder
Our
obeysance
,
for
the
cause
of
trafficke
,
merchandising
,
and
doing
of
businesse
,
and
all
other
things
thereunto
belonging
.
)
Wee
will
and
ordaine
,
Furthermore
Wee
haue
permitted
,
and
doe
giue
authoritie
to
the
said
Prior
and
Consulls
,
And
to
the
end
that
the
Merchants
may
assemble
themselues
,
as
well
to
consult
of
their
common
affaires
,
as
to
constitute
the
said
Councellor
and
Atturney
,
without
being
subiect
to
repaire
to
Vs
or
to
Our
Iudges
for
leaue
when
need
shall
require
;
Therefore
all
such
judgements
as
shall
passe
before
the
Prior
and
Consulls
,
being
sealed
with
their
Seales
,
and
signed
by
a
Register
by
them
appointed
,
be
it
by
imprisonment
,
sale
,
disposing
of
goods
or
otherwise
,
shall
be
held
for
reall
and
lawfull
,
being
past
in
manner
aforesaid
,
without
any
constraint
to
haue
Our
further
commission
or
liking
,
euen
according
as
was
permitted
by
Our
most
honourable
Our
Father
the
King
,
vnto
the
Merchants
of
Our
Citie
of
Lyons
by
his
letters
Patents
giuen
in
the
moneth
of
Februarie
,
And
to
the
end
that
all
such
appeales
as
shall
proceed
by
reason
of
the
iudgements
and
sentences
that
shall
be
giuen
and
declared
by
the
said
Prior
and
Consuls
,
may
be
speedily
and
without
delay
ended
in
our
said
court
,
Wee
haue
ordained
,
and
doe
ordaine
,
inioyne
,
and
commaund
all
Our
louing
and
tru●tie
Presidents
and
Councellors
(
holding
Our
said
court
of
Parliament
)
to
declare
to
the
said
Merchants
without
delay
one
day
in
euerie
weeke
,
such
as
they
shall
thinke
conuenient
,
to
heare
,
determine
,
and
dispatch
the
said
appellations
,
by
order
of
roll
for
that
purpose
ordained
.
And
as
Wee
are
informed
,
that
the
trade
of
Assurances
is
of
late
greatly
aduanced
by
the
Merchants
of
the
said
citie
of
Roan
,
(
a
worke
so
honourable
that
it
doth
euen
beautifie
and
greatly
aduance
the
trade
and
commerce
of
the
said
citie
,
)
Wee
(
to
the
end
those
said
pollicies
of
Assurances
,
and
all
other
writings
thereunto
belonging
may
receiue
full
vigour
)
haue
permitted
,
and
doe
permit
,
that
all
Merchants
frequenting
the
said
place
(
both
now
and
hereafter
to
come
)
to
assemble
themselues
at
all
times
when
it
shall
be
needfull
,
to
chuse
and
nominate
,
according
to
the
most
voices
,
one
Merchant
amongst
them
(
such
a
one
as
they
shall
thinke
meet
,
being
a
man
trustie
and
expert
in
the
knowledge
of
the
trade
of
Assurances
)
who
shall
make
and
register
the
said
pollicies
,
And
Wee
doe
commaund
and
giue
in
charge
to
all
persons
holding
Our
courts
of
Parliament
,
great
Consells
,
Admiralls
,
Vice-Admiralls
,
Stewards
,
and
their
deputies
,
and
to
all
other
Iudges
and
Officers
whom
it
shall
concerne
,
that
you
do
cause
to
be
read
,
proclaimed
,
and
registred
this
Our
present
Will
,
Declaration
,
Permission
,
and
Ordinance
,
and
the
same
to
be
obserued
and
kept
by
all
them
accordingly
,
that
the
Merchants
may
vse
and
inioy
the
force
and
benefit
thereof
,
plainely
and
peaceably
without
any
contradiction
.
Moreouer
Wee
doe
charge
and
commaund
Our
Atturney
generall
,
that
he
do
with
all
dilligence
cause
all
these
things
to
be
plainely
and
truely
executed
,
and
that
he
do
certifie
vs
of
his
diligence
so
done
;
for
such
is
Our
pleasure
,
for
that
of
Our
meere
motion
and
power
,
Wee
will
haue
it
done
,
and
that
notwithstanding
any
ordinance
,
customes
,
statutes
,
priuiledges
,
commandements
,
defenses
,
or
letters
to
the
contrarie
,
the
which
in
this
cause
without
doing
preiudice
to
other
causes
,
Wee
haue
made
void
,
and
doe
make
void
.
And
for
that
men
shall
haue
occasion
to
vse
this
Our
grant
in
diuers
places
,
Our
pleasure
is
that
credit
shal
be
giuen
to
all
such
copies
as
shal
be
made
by
any
Our
louing
and
trustie
Notaries
and
Serieants
,
Secretaries
,
or
vnder
,
in
ample
manner
as
to
the
originall
:
and
to
this
effect
,
We
do
giue
you
full
power
,
authoritie
,
and
especiall
charge
and
commission
,
by
these
presents
commaunding
all
Our
Iustices
,
Officers
,
and
subiects
,
to
obey
you
in
this
case
.
And
to
the
end
this
may
remaine
established
for
euer
(
Our
owne
right
in
all
other
causes
reserued
)
Wee
haue
hereunto
caused
Our
seale
to
be
put
.
Giuen
at
Paris
in
the
moneth
of
March
,
and
in
the
yeare
of
Our
Lord
1556
,
and
the
tenth
yeare
of
Our
raigne
:
signed
by
the
King
then
in
Councell
,
and
sealed
with
greene
waxe
,
with
red
and
greene
silke
lace
.
CHAP.
XVII
.
Of
the
Lawes
of
seuerall
Countries
,
whereby
the
Differences
and
Controuersies
of
Merchants
are
determined
.
THe
fourth
and
last
meane
to
end
the
Differences
and
Controuersies
happening
betweene
Merchants
and
others
in
the
course
of
trafficke
,
are
the
imperiall
Lawes
,
or
the
fundamentall
Lawes
of
kingdomes
and
common-weales
,
where
the
Merchants
court
of
Prior
and
Consulls
is
not
established
,
whereof
the
Merchants
ought
not
to
beignorant
;
so
that
in
the
description
of
them
,
it
is
conuenient
to
make
some
declaration
,
for
the
Merchants
satisfaction
,
appertaining
to
their
busines
and
negotation
.
All
lawes
are
tending
in
substance
to
the
vpholding
of
trueth
,
maintaining
of
justice
,
to
defend
the
feeble
from
the
mightie
,
What
you
will
haue
men
to
do
vnto
you
,
do
the
same
vnto
them
.
Which
Alexander
Seuerus
the
Emperor
,
did
expresse
thus
:
That
which
you
will
not
haue
done
vnto
thee
,
do
not
vnto
others
.
And
to
this
purpose
,
let
vs
note
three
sorts
of
lawes
,
namely
:
The
law
of
Nature
,
whose
vertue
is
alone
,
The
law
of
Nations
,
which
consisteth
of
customes
,
manners
,
The
Ciuile
law
,
which
is
an
abridgement
,
Out
of
these
was
the
common-law
of
England
made
,
whereof
we
are
now
first
to
intreate
,
and
therein
to
be
somewhat
prolixe
,
for
the
better
vnderstanding
of
Merchants
,
the
rather
because
the
lawes
do
binde
all
men
to
Knowledge
,
Obedience
,
Of
the
Common-Lawes
of
the
realme
of
England
.
THe
Common-Law
of
England
is
taken
three
manner
of
waies
,
viz.
1
As
the
Lawes
of
the
realme
,
disseuered
from
all
other
Lawes
;
2
The
Common-law
is
taken
as
the
Kings
court
of
Kings
Bench
,
or
Common
pleas
.
3
By
the
common-law
is
vnderstood
such
things
as
were
law
,
before
any
statute
made
in
that
point
that
is
in
question
,
whereby
that
point
was
holden
for
law
,
by
the
generall
and
particular
customes
and
maximes
of
the
realme
,
or
by
the
law
of
God
,
and
the
law
of
reason
,
whereunto
the
kings
of
England
at
their
coronation
,
do
take
a
solemne
oath
to
obserue
the
same
,
and
all
which
the
inhabitants
of
England
successiuely
euer
obserued
,
This
William
the
Conqueror
had
the
quiet
possession
of
this
land
,
and
caused
(
amongst
other
lawes
)
the
Dane
lawes
to
be
collected
,
which
ruled
in
Deuonshire
and
Cornewall
,
and
a
discreet
view
to
be
taken
of
sundrie
lawes
,
whereunto
he
did
adde
some
of
his
Norman
lawes
to
gouerne
the
people
of
the
land
,
now
called
England
;
in
so
much
,
that
concerning
the
antiquitie
of
the
laws
and
customes
aforesaid
,
they
were
long
before
vsed
by
the
Saxons
first
gouernment
,
ante
Christum
.
nay
by
the
Brittaines
themselues
,
which
was
one
thousand
one
hundred
ninetie
and
eight
yeares
before
the
birth
of
our
sauiour
Christ
,
being
now
in
continuance
aboue
two
thousand
and
eight
hundred
yeares
;
for
king
Alfred
caused
the
lawes
of
Marcia
to
be
translated
out
of
the
Brittaine
into
the
Saxon
tongue
:
and
after
that
we
find
that
king
Lucius
and
king
Alfred
caused
the
continuance
thereof
.
The
said
Common
Lawes
are
properly
to
bee
taken
to
consist
of
the
ancient
Maximes
of
the
said
Lawes
,
of
the
statute
Lawes
&
Booke
Cases
,
which
are
yearely
obseruations
vpon
manners
,
and
may
be
called
Responsa
Prudentum
,
comprehending
therin
the
Municipall
Lawes
,
Of
the
Common
Law
of
England
,
there
may
bee
made
an
Art
or
Science
.
Consider
we
,
that
Ars
est
causarum
consideratio
,
For
we
haue
our
finite
originalls
or
elements
,
acts
,
persons
,
things
,
and
their
adiuncts
,
and
concerning
them
,
finite
reasons
,
of
which
we
doe
compound
cases
infinite
;
yet
are
all
those
cases
decided
according
to
the
finite
reasons
of
the
finite
elements
.
So
hath
the
Phisitian
finite
simples
,
though
hee
doe
make
infinite
compounds
,
yet
are
they
all
proued
good
or
bad
to
that
whereunto
they
are
prepared
,
by
reasons
drawne
from
the
finite
simples
.
Now
by
the
elements
of
the
Law
,
Ex
facto
,
ius
oritur
,
which
is
long
and
tedious
.
The
pleading
of
generall
Issues
,
with
addition
of
the
words
,
Modo
&
forma
,
maketh
the
matter
difficult
many
times
,
when
the
jurie
conceiueth
that
this
meaneth
some
matter
of
Law
,
when
it
is
onely
matter
of
Fact
:
the
jurors
therefore
are
principally
to
looke
whether
the
Issue
and
Euidence
doe
concurre
,
which
they
ought
to
follow
.
True
it
is
there
is
sometimes
matter
of
Law
which
altereth
the
Case
,
when
there
must
be
proued
a
lawfull
consideration
of
Quid
pro
quo
,
There
is
a
Maxime
or
ground
of
the
Law
of
England
,
That
if
the
defendant
or
tenant
in
any
action
,
plead
a
plea
that
amounteth
not
to
the
generall
Issue
,
that
hee
shall
bee
compelled
to
take
the
generall
Issue
,
Mr.
Fortescue
saith
,
That
the
triall
of
twelue
men
is
more
indifferent
than
the
triall
before
a
Iudge
,
because
it
is
an
easie
matter
to
find
out
two
men
among
a
number
of
men
,
that
may
be
of
the
parties
acquaintance
,
so
void
of
charitie
and
conscience
,
which
for
dread
,
loue
,
or
profit
will
be
readie
to
gainsay
all
truth
:
and
to
this
purpose
he
alleageth
the
example
of
the
two
witnesses
against
Susanna
,
according
to
which
president
the
witnesses
are
to
bee
examined
asunder
,
and
not
in
the
hearing
of
one
another
,
as
is
now
accustomed
.
And
if
their
oath
touching
the
matter
of
Fact
were
recorded
briefly
,
the
Euidences
would
be
more
certaine
,
for
witnesses
would
be
more
carefull
,
vpon
which
the
oath
of
the
Iurie
dependeth
.
If
the
action
bee
locall
of
lands
or
houses
,
Decem
Tales
d●
circumstantibus
.
then
the
Sherifes
may
take
Decem
Tales
de
circumstantibus
,
and
empannell
them
,
that
is
,
To
take
other
persons
of
the
standers
by
,
which
is
done
before
the
Iudge
at
the
time
of
the
Triall
.
When
the
Iurie
haue
deliuered
vp
their
verdict
,
Neuerthelesse
there
are
three
meanes
to
dissolue
the
said
judgement
and
execution
,
namely
,
By
a
Writ
of
Attaint
,
a
Writ
of
Error
,
and
an
Audita
Quaerela
,
which
Writ
is
grounded
vpon
Equitie
by
Law
and
Conscience
.
The
Writ
of
Attaint
is
not
onely
tedious
and
thargeable
,
The
Writ
of
Error
is
more
easie
,
I'ay
failly
.
For
euerie
small
Error
,
if
it
were
but
false
Latine
,
would
ouerthrow
a
Cause
;
but
now
it
runneth
into
another
extreame
,
for
if
the
partie
grieued
speaketh
in
arrest
of
judgement
,
and
sheweth
some
materiall
Error
,
vpon
motion
made
,
the
aduerse
partie
may
haue
it
amended
as
often
as
Errors
are
opened
:
the
Record
therefore
ought
to
be
first
remoued
,
and
not
onely
by
transcript
be
put
into
another
Court
,
but
the
partie
is
to
plead
thereunto
,
in
nullo
est
erratum
,
and
then
the
danger
of
opening
Errors
is
past
,
if
there
be
no
trickes
vsed
in
amending
of
the
Records
vnder
hand
,
wherein
lyeth
a
Cerciorare
to
satisfie
the
Court
,
where
the
Record
is
brought
,
namely
,
from
the
Common
Pleas
to
the
Kings
Bench
Court
,
from
the
Kings
Bench
to
the
Exchequer
,
which
heretofore
was
done
in
Parlement
:
and
therefore
the
partie
grieued
and
in
prison
of
the
Kings
Bench
cannot
be
baileable
vpon
a
Writ
of
Error
after
judgement
and
execution
,
as
hee
is
vpon
a
judgement
of
the
Common
Pleas
,
in
the
Court
of
Kings
Bench
;
for
this
Court
of
Kings
Bench
,
in
regard
of
the
Pleas
of
the
Crowne
,
challengeth
some
prioritie
herein
.
Summum
ius
,
summa
iniuria
:
for
example
,
If
a
man
seized
of
lands
in
Fee
,
hath
issue
two
sonnes
,
the
eldest
sonne
goeth
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
because
a
common
voyce
is
that
hee
is
dead
,
the
yonger
brother
is
taken
for
heite
,
the
father
dyed
,
the
yonger
brother
entred
as
heire
,
and
alienateth
the
land
with
a
warrantie
,
and
died
without
any
heire
of
his
bodie
,
and
after
the
elder
brother
commeth
againe
and
claimeth
the
land
as
heire
to
his
father
:
in
this
case
by
the
Law
,
the
eldest
brother
shall
be
barred
by
the
warrantie
of
the
yonger
brother
.
Againe
,
parteners
cannot
sue
each
other
by
the
Law
:
The
Law
therefore
is
not
compleat
without
the
Courts
of
Chancerie
or
Equitie
,
for
the
imperfection
and
rigour
of
it
,
are
qualified
thereby
,
called
to
be
Aequum
&
Bonum
,
which
may
bee
considered
in
this
case
.
Two
strangers
ioyntly
did
deliuer
in
trust
vnto
a
widow
woman
a
round
summe
of
money
,
with
condition
not
to
deliuer
the
same
out
of
her
hands
,
but
when
they
both
should
demand
the
same
:
within
a
while
after
one
of
them
commeth
vnto
her
,
and
doth
assure
her
by
good
indices
and
probabilities
that
the
other
his
companion
is
dead
,
and
thereupon
doth
intreat
her
to
deliuer
him
the
money
;
which
shee
did
,
not
suspecting
any
fraud
,
so
the
partie
went
away
with
the
money
.
Afterwards
commeth
the
other
(
who
was
said
to
be
dead
)
and
demandeth
the
money
of
the
woman
,
and
vnderstanding
that
she
had
paied
the
same
vnto
the
other
,
was
much
offended
therewith
,
and
caused
her
to
be
adiourned
before
the
Iudge
:
The
woman
appearing
did
declare
the
matter
according
to
the
truth
,
shewing
how
the
other
had
deceiued
her
,
and
she
did
wholly
relie
vpon
the
integritie
and
justice
of
the
Iudge
.
Here
I
call
to
mind
the
question
which
no
Iudge
could
determine
:
A
couetous
Doctor
at
the
Ciuile
law
would
not
instruct
a
young
Student
,
vnlesse
he
did
pay
him
a
great
summe
of
money
,
whereunto
the
Student
did
condescend
,
conditionally
that
he
should
haue
the
first
cause
(
he
tooke
in
hand
)
to
go
on
his
side
:
whereupon
it
fell
out
,
that
the
cause
betweene
him
and
the
said
Doctor
was
the
first
cause
,
and
so
there
could
be
no
proceeding
therein
,
the
Student
pleading
the
condition
in
barre
.
The
court
of
Chauncerie
is
properly
called
a
court
of
Conscience
,
because
it
reasoneth
on
the
part
of
the
complainant
,
by
argument
taken
from
the
Law
of
Nature
before
mentioned
,
Quod
tibi
fieri
non
vis
,
alteri
ne
feceris
:
for
in
the
Chancerie
euerie
man
is
able
by
light
of
nature
to
foresee
the
end
of
his
cause
,
and
to
giue
himselfe
a
reason
thereof
,
and
is
therefore
termed
a
Cause
;
whereas
at
the
common-law
the
clyents
matter
is
termed
a
Case
,
The
Chauncerie
therefore
vpon
Bill
and
Answere
betweene
the
complainant
and
defendaunt
,
graunteth
an
Iniunction
to
stay
the
proceeding
in
the
courts
of
common-law
,
vntill
the
equitie
of
the
cause
be
examined
:
and
if
there
be
no
matter
of
equitie
found
,
The
rather
,
for
that
the
triall
of
an
Action
of
Account
at
the
common-law
is
tedious
.
There
are
fiue
manner
of
persons
accountable
by
the
law
,
namely
,
a
Steward
or
Bailife
,
a
Factor
or
Seruant
,
or
a
Receiuer
.
Vpon
an
Action
of
Accompt
the
generall
issue
to
be
pleaded
thereunto
is
Ne
vncques
Receiuer
pour
account
rendre
:
de
nouo
.
And
it
may
fall
out
,
that
then
they
will
ioine
other
issues
,
and
so
run
into
a
Labirinth
,
so
that
matters
of
account
are
properly
to
be
determined
of
the
Chauncerie
:
and
it
were
to
be
wished
,
that
therein
more
expedition
were
vsed
,
according
to
the
lawes
of
Arragon
,
which
concur
with
the
course
of
the
said
court
,
as
we
are
now
to
declare
;
leauing
all
other
cases
triable
by
the
common-law
,
according
to
their
proper
natures
,
as
the
triall
of
an
Action
Reall
,
which
is
done
with
solemnitie
,
and
the
like
,
to
abreuiate
things
.
Of
the
Lawes
of
the
Kingdome
of
Arragon
.
THe
Lawes
of
Arragon
being
peculiar
to
that
kingdome
,
haue
especiall
daies
or
times
limited
to
euerie
particular
proceedings
of
the
processe
,
whereby
the
same
is
diuided
into
tenne
(
as
it
were
)
termes
,
which
haue
euerie
one
their
proper
obseruations
,
which
the
complainant
must
obserue
,
and
prosecute
accordingly
with
expedition
,
as
followeth
.
-
1
When
the
partie
complainant
calleth
the
defendant
.
-
2
When
they
do
appeare
before
the
Iudge
.
-
3
The
defendant
may
alledge
certaine
exceptions
.
-
4
Due
answere
is
made
to
the
complainants
bill
.
-
5
The
examinations
of
the
parties
,
and
their
proceedings
.
-
6
Witnesses
are
produced
,
examined
,
and
publication
had
of
their
depositions
.
-
7
The
parties
doe
reason
of
the
depositions
,
and
the
matter
is
brought
to
hearing
.
-
8
When
the
Iudge
giueth
sentence
or
iudgement
.
-
9
When
execution
is
had
vpon
the
sentence
,
or
the
partie
appealeth
.
-
10
When
the
cause
departeth
out
of
that
Iudges
power
before
a
higher
authoritie
.
And
all
this
is
commonly
done
in
foure
moneths
,
1
Touching
the
first
time
,
the
Iudge
taketh
not
any
notice
therof
;
for
the
proces
is
granted
of
course
,
vnles
it
appeare
that
the
complainant
hath
beene
the
slaue
of
the
defendant
,
or
the
sonne
doe
commence
a
suit
against
the
father
,
or
the
seruant
against
his
master
,
wherin
(
vpon
good
consideration
)
licence
must
be
had
of
the
Iudge
.
2
The
second
,
That
they
must
appeare
before
the
Iudge
at
three
seuerall
times
of
tenne
daies
,
or
thirtie
daies
at
any
one
time
,
which
is
peremptorie
;
after
which
,
there
lyeth
a
contempt
against
the
partie
not
appearing
:
during
which
time
,
the
Iudge
doth
proceed
according
to
the
nature
of
the
action
,
and
the
Maximes
of
the
Law
,
which
are
compiled
together
to
iudge
by
,
and
serue
him
for
his
direction
;
but
in
extraordinarie
causes
his
conscience
leadeth
him
.
3
The
third
time
,
touching
exceptions
,
is
not
only
betweene
partie
and
partie
,
but
also
against
the
Iudge
for
insufficiencie
of
authoritie
giuen
him
,
if
the
cause
so
require
.
4
The
fourth
time
,
three
things
are
to
be
obserued
vpon
the
defendants
answere
.
1
Whether
he
denyed
all
,
or
did
confesse
part
or
all
.
2
Whether
it
be
requisit
that
the
Iudge
iudicially
heare
the
cause
,
or
else
(
according
to
the
defendants
answer
and
confession
)
iudge
him
to
pay
or
satisfie
the
matter
within
nine
daies
.
3
That
after
the
contestation
of
the
suit
,
there
be
no
matter
of
any
dilatorie
exceptions
alledged
to
hinder
the
proceedings
,
but
rather
peremptorie
exceptions
,
to
bring
the
matter
to
a
definatiue
sentence
.
5
The
fifth
time
,
foure
things
are
to
be
obserued
,
namely
,
1
The
complainant
must
sweare
,
that
he
is
perswaded
that
he
demandeth
a
iust
and
right
demand
;
and
the
defendant
likewise
,
that
he
defendeth
his
right
.
2
That
they
shall
speake
truth
to
that
which
shall
be
demanded
of
them
.
3
That
they
shall
not
require
(
without
iust
cause
)
any
time
of
prolongation
.
4
That
they
haue
not
,
nor
wil
attempt
to
corrupt
witnesses
.
6
The
sixth
time
,
vpon
the
contestation
and
interlocutorie
sentence
,
you
must
obserue
nine
things
.
1
That
the
witnesses
be
presented
in
presence
of
the
partie
against
whom
they
are
produced
.
2
That
they
bee
freemen
and
honest
,
and
not
hired
nor
corrupted
.
3
That
they
bee
sworne
,
and
the
producent
payeth
his
charges
.
4
You
may
inquire
of
the
partie
that
doth
produce
the
witnesses
,
as
also
of
the
witnesses
by
certaine
articles
,
what
may
appertaine
to
the
cause
,
in
regard
of
their
admittance
for
to
bee
sworne
,
because
their
deposition
is
the
ground
of
the
matter
.
5
That
the
plaintife
hauing
had
three
seuerall
times
to
produce
his
witnesses
,
shall
not
haue
any
other
time
to
examine
any
more
,
vnlesse
he
do
sweare
,
that
he
knoweth
not
what
the
former
witnesses
haue
deposed
,
and
the
Iudge
do
assent
thereunto
.
6
If
the
witnesses
haue
declared
any
thing
obscurely
,
they
may
declare
the
same
more
plainely
,
if
the
Iudge
do
desire
the
same
at
the
intreatie
of
the
partie
,
according
as
he
shall
direct
.
7
After
publication
of
the
witnesses
depositions
,
there
may
not
any
other
witnesses
be
deposed
vpon
the
said
interrogatories
,
or
any
matter
touching
the
same
.
8
That
the
witnesses
be
examined
of
the
time
,
of
the
place
,
and
of
the
case
it selfe
,
whether
they
haue
seene
or
heard
the
same
,
&
what
they
beleeue
or
know
thereof
,
or
of
the
report
they
haue
heard
.
9
That
(
to
auoid
charges
)
there
be
not
too
many
examined
.
The
obseruations
doe
minister
an
occasion
,
that
many
controuersies
are
ended
without
law
,
for
the
parties
are
not
sure
to
obserue
these
times
,
and
the
defendants
which
seeke
delaies
are
not
contented
with
so
short
a
time
of
pleading
:
the
complainant
also
may
know
whether
it
be
safe
for
him
to
take
his
oath
as
aforesaid
,
that
hee
is
in
conscience
persuaded
of
his
right
;
Omitting
now
to
speake
of
other
courts
of
equitie
,
and
calling
law
and
Equitie
to
bee
the
Common
Law
,
so
much
commended
aboue
the
Ciuile
Law
,
by
the
said
Mr.
Fortescue
,
sometimes
Lord
chiefe
Iustice
of
the
Kings
Bench
in
the
time
of
King
Henrie
the
sixth
,
who
hath
obserued
fiue
points
wherein
the
same
consisteth
;
let
vs
obserue
many
more
to
extoll
the
excellencie
of
the
said
Common
Law
,
as
followeth
summarily
.
1
First
,
because
of
the
antiquitie
thereof
,
2
Secondly
,
for
that
the
Kings
of
England
at
their
Coronation
doe
take
a
solemne
oath
,
to
cause
all
the
Customes
of
the
Realme
to
be
faithfully
obserued
according
to
the
former
institution
.
3
For
that
the
said
ancient
Customs
or
Maximes
therof
are
inexpugnable
,
and
doe
stand
of
their
owne
authoritie
as
Principles
,
which
need
no
reason
to
confirme
their
authoritie
,
as
the
Lawes
of
Solon
,
Draco
,
Carondas
,
Licurgus
,
Numa
Pompilius
,
and
the
Law
of
twelue
Tables
,
&c.
4
Because
all
differences
and
controuersies
,
which
happen
betweene
the
King
and
his
subiects
are
tried
and
determined
by
the
Law
;
and
if
it
be
done
in
Parlement
;
or
by
the
Iudges
,
it
is
still
according
to
the
Law
.
5
Because
the
King
personally
giueth
not
any
iudgement
,
especially
when
himselfe
is
a
partie
,
seeing
it
is
against
the
Law
of
Nature
to
be
both
judge
and
partie
.
6
For
that
notwithstanding
the
decease
of
the
Kings
of
England
from
time
to
time
,
the
Iudges
of
the
Courts
of
Record
,
that
is
to
say
of
the
Chancerie
,
of
the
Kings
Bench
,
of
the
Common
Pleas
,
which
doe
sit
as
Iudges
by
the
Kings
Letters
Pattents
doe
remaine
authorised
,
and
their
power
ended
not
immediately
with
the
King
;
howbeit
the
succeeding
Kings
doe
confirme
them
in
their
offices
,
whereby
all
seditions
are
preuented
during
the
inter
Regnum
.
7
For
that
with
indifferencie
,
without
regard
of
persons
,
it
commandeth
as
well
the
Nobilitie
and
other
persons
of
dignitie
by
way
of
vtlagare
or
outlaw
as
the
meanest
subiects
.
8
For
exercising
a
power
ouer
the
Iudges
,
which
are
not
to
judge
of
the
Law
,
but
by
the
Law
:
and
therefore
is
the
word
Iudicium
properly
attributed
to
their
determinations
;
euen
as
the
word
Decretum
is
vnderstood
of
the
ordinances
or
sentences
of
the
Magistrates
,
following
equitie
(
as
it
were
)
without
Law
.
For
there
is
the
like
proportion
betweene
the
Law
and
the
execution
thereof
,
called
Legis
Actio
,
as
there
is
betweene
Equitie
and
the
dutie
of
a
Magistrate
called
Iudicis
Officium
.
9
For
that
the
officers
thereof
are
authorised
according
to
the
qualitie
and
due
execution
of
it
,
by
a
proportionable
distribution
,
namely
,
The
Iudges
for
terme
of
life
,
and
officers
subalterne
changing
from
yeare
to
yeare
,
to
the
end
the
administration
of
justice
may
bee
more
indifferent
.
10
For
the
diuersitie
of
the
triall
thereof
in
seuerall
Courts
,
according
to
Law
and
Equitie
,
is
the
cause
of
an
agreeing
and
most
necessarie
discord
,
as
it
were
,
Concordi
Discordia
,
whereby
the
bodie
of
justice
is
supported
by
striuing
,
as
the
stones
vpholding
a
vault
,
as
Cato
saith
.
11
For
that
the
Iudges
in
criminall
causes
doe
change
from
time
to
time
their
circuits
,
and
inferiour
Iudges
of
the
Court
doe
execute
the
place
as
well
as
superiour
Iudges
,
whereby
partialitie
is
preuented
.
12
For
that
the
Law
tendeth
most
carefully
for
the
good
and
preseruation
of
life
and
goods
of
euerie
good
and
honest
man
;
seeing
that
euen
in
criminall
causes
,
it
hath
prouided
(
as
much
as
may
stand
with
justice
)
a
helpe
and
fauour
,
permitting
the
Iudges
to
order
the
pleading
of
offendors
and
to
instruct
them
to
auoid
mispleading
,
and
giuing
them
leaue
to
except
against
the
Iurors
,
which
they
dislike
.
13
For
that
it
doth
forbid
the
sale
of
offices
,
thereby
intending
due
administration
of
justice
;
for
where
offices
are
sold
(
as
it
were
)
by
the
Great
,
there
justice
is
commonly
solde
by
Retaile
.
14
Because
the
same
is
most
agreeable
with
the
nature
and
disposition
of
the
people
,
and
the
qualitie
of
the
countrey
,
which
by
reason
of
the
fertilitie
,
affordeth
verie
conuenient
meanes
for
the
triall
thereof
by
Iuries
of
twelue
men
,
the
nature
of
the
people
being
gentle
.
15
Because
men
are
to
reduce
the
state
or
issue
of
their
cause
vpon
one
peremptorie
exception
to
bee
tried
by
the
verdict
of
twelue
men
,
whereby
matters
are
determined
with
expedition
.
16
For
that
it
commandeth
not
any
thing
,
but
what
is
honest
,
reasonable
,
and
possible
in
it selfe
,
and
all
impossibilities
are
excluded
thereby
.
17
For
that
thereof
may
bee
made
an
Arte
or
Science
in
manner
before
declared
,
seeing
the
same
is
finite
in
her
Precepts
,
according
to
the
old
Maximes
or
Principles
,
whereunto
euerie
thing
being
reduced
and
explained
,
as
aforesaid
,
all
ambiguities
and
darke
sentences
would
be
taken
away
,
and
the
Iudges
should
easily
giue
a
cleare
vnderstanding
thereof
,
according
to
the
order
of
Solon
,
who
made
the
Arropagits
of
Athens
to
be
as
Guardians
of
the
Law
.
18
For
that
the
triall
thereof
by
a
Iurie
of
twelue
men
vpon
one
point
peremptorily
or
in
certaintie
is
briefe
and
substantiall
,
because
the
witnesses
which
are
produced
before
them
(
by
whose
euidence
the
state
of
the
cause
is
made
)
must
be
approued
by
the
verdict
of
twelue
men
,
as
aforesaid
.
19
For
that
the
matter
of
Fact
is
distinguished
from
the
matter
of
Law
,
and
is
accordingly
decided
either
by
the
Iurie
,
vpon
the
matter
of
Fact
,
or
by
the
Iudges
vpon
Demurrer
or
otherwise
vpon
the
matter
of
Law
.
20
For
the
indifferencie
of
the
triall
of
controuersies
and
questions
betweene
the
natiue
subiects
and
aliens
for
they
may
haue
their
trialls
Per
medietatem
linguae
,
that
is
to
say
,
halfe
the
Iurie
of
strangers
and
the
other
halfe
of
English
subiects
,
to
auoide
partialitie
.
21
For
that
the
Serieants
and
Councellors
at
the
Law
are
to
giue
counsell
,
and
to
helpe
the
poore
,
which
are
not
able
to
prosecute
Law
at
their
owne
charges
,
which
they
doe
in
forma
pauperis
by
direction
of
the
Lord
Chancellor
,
and
the
Lords
chiefe
Iustices
of
the
Kings
Bench
and
Common
Pleas.
22
Finally
,
the
Common
Law
is
excellent
for
hauing
fewer
faults
and
imperfections
,
than
any
other
Law
,
being
most
sufficient
to
vphold
the
common-wealth
in
quietnesse
.
Thus
the
Common
Law
of
England
,
hath
like
a
Queene
a
Predominant
power
,
from
whence
proceedeth
mutuall
loue
and
sure
amitie
from
the
Prince
to
the
subiects
;
and
from
the
subiects
againe
due
obedience
to
the
Prince
in
a
most
pleasant
harmonie
and
concord
,
deseruing
the
name
of
a
Law
receiued
,
published
and
recorded
,
without
any
reason
to
be
rendred
for
the
same
(
as
it
were
)
Lex
cum
Prologo
,
wherewith
Seneca
found
fault
when
he
said
Iubeat
lex
,
non
suadeat
.
And
as
the
Law
is
deriued
à
ligare
to
bind
,
so
is
the
whole
State
of
the
Common-wealth
bound
to
the
head
,
and
may
be
made
easier
in
practise
:
For
as
the
sa●d
Seneca
saith
,
Nil
est
quod
pertinax
opera
,
&
diligens
cura
,
non
expugnat
.
Of
the
Lawes
of
the
Kingdome
of
France
.
THe
Lawes
of
France
are
either
written
or
customarie
,
and
according
to
this
diuision
the
countrey
is
diuided
.
Acquitanie
,
and
a
part
of
Celtica
next
vnto
it
,
is
called
Pays
de
Droict
escript
,
because
the
Ciuile
Law
of
the
Romanes
●●
there
in
force
:
Vnder
the
Law
written
are
comprehended
,
-
The
Ciuile
Law
.
-
The
Kings
Edicts
and
Ordinances
made
by
aduice
either
of
the
priuie
Councell
,
or
of
the
three
estates
,
and
-
The
Arrests
or
Ordinances
of
the
Courts
of
Parlement
.
In
the
erections
of
their
vniuersities
of
Law
,
the
King
expresly
declareth
,
That
they
are
not
bound
to
the
Ciuile
Law
,
neither
receiue
it
for
further
vse
than
to
draw
instructions
of
good
gouernement
and
reason
from
it
,
as
appeareth
in
the
Charter
at
Orleans
,
by
Phillip
le
Bell
,
Anno
1312
,
wherein
hee
sheweth
that
this
Realme
is
gouerned
by
Custome
,
and
not
by
the
Ciuile
Law
;
except
in
some
Prouinces
,
which
the
Kings
haue
permitted
in
some
cases
so
to
doe
,
not
as
bound
,
but
as
willing
to
continue
the
Law
which
their
subiects
of
auncient
time
haue
vsed
.
So
that
the
Ciuile
Law
generally
is
not
in
force
,
but
onely
for
direction
and
forme
of
pleading
and
proceeding
in
the
order
of
the
processe
:
and
where
it
is
most
in
force
the
Courts
of
Parlement
haue
authoritie
to
construe
and
interprete
it
,
as
they
thinke
good
.
Of
all
the
written
Lawes
in
France
,
the
Ordinances
and
Edicts
of
the
King
are
most
in
force
;
insomuch
as
they
are
acknowledged
for
the
onely
Lawes
,
and
all
other
haue
their
life
from
them
,
and
are
so
farre
forth
auailable
as
they
are
strengthened
by
them
.
The
arrests
of
the
Courts
of
Parlement
are
of
great
authoritie
,
being
pronounced
in
the
name
of
the
King
,
and
are
as
Lawes
to
be
followed
in
all
cases
.
In
like
manner
their
Ordinances
are
to
be
followed
onely
during
the
time
that
the
King
prouideth
,
not
otherwise
,
and
in
their
owne
circuit
onely
;
for
they
haue
not
authoritie
to
make
Lawes
generall
and
perpetuall
.
The
Customes
which
diuers
Prouinces
claime
,
are
of
late
yeares
drawne
into
writings
and
published
in
print
,
for
the
more
easie
vnderstanding
of
them
,
and
the
auoiding
of
confusion
;
so
that
now
all
the
Lawes
of
France
may
be
said
to
be
written
Lawes
:
this
was
begun
in
the
time
of
Charles
the
seuenth
,
Anno
1453
,
and
ordered
also
in
the
time
of
Henrie
the
third
,
Anno
1579.
Personall
subsidies
are
taken
by
the
pole
,
whereof
Ecclesiasticall
men
,
Noblemen
,
and
Officers
of
the
King
,
Queene
,
and
children
are
exempted
.
Reall
or
patrimoniall
subsidies
are
leuied
by
lands
in
some
prouinces
,
as
Languedoc
and
Prouence
,
whereof
no
persons
are
exempted
.
Mixt
subsidies
are
leuied
of
the
yeomandrie
,
and
some
persons
of
meanes
.
The
greatest
imposition
is
vpon
Wines
,
now
fifteene
soulz
vpon
euerie
mewe
.
And
vpon
Salt
,
appointed
by
Philip
de
Valois
,
The
right
of
the
sea
belongeth
to
the
King
,
and
he
may
lay
impositions
thirtie
leagues
from
the
land
into
the
sea
,
if
no
other
soueraign
prince
be
not
within
that
precinct
.
There
are
eight
courts
of
Parlement
in
France
,
and
eight
chambers
of
account
.
-
At
Paris
erected
1302
by
Philip
le
Bell.
At
Paris
.
-
At
Tholouze
also
,
and
confirmed
by
Charles
the
7.
In
Britaigne
.
-
At
Grenoble
1453
by
Lewis
the
11.
At
Dion
.
-
At
Bourdeaux
1462
,
by
Lewis
the
11.
At
Monpellier
.
-
At
Aix
1501
,
by
Lewis
the
12.
In
Dolphine
.
-
At
Dion
1476
,
by
Lewis
the
11
,
for
Burgondie
.
In
Prouence
.
-
At
Roan
1449
,
by
Lewis
the
12
for
Normandie
.
At
Blois
.
-
At
Rheames
1553
,
by
H.
the
2
,
for
Britainie
.
At
Roan
.
Of
the
Salique
Law
of
France
.
IT
is
an
vsuall
receiued
opinion
,
that
Pharamond
was
the
author
of
this
law
:
others
thinke
it
was
so
called
of
the
Gaules
,
that
were
called
Salie
,
amongst
whom
that
law
was
established
;
for
the
auncient
Gaules
termed
all
their
lawes
either
Ripuarie
or
Salique
,
and
in
the
time
of
Charlemaine
they
were
called
Saliques
.
Neuerthelesse
it
is
thought
to
haue
beene
inuented
of
latter
time
,
as
by
Philip
le
Long
,
to
frustrate
the
daughters
of
Lewis
Huttin
,
or
else
to
haue
had
the
first
strength
from
an
vsuall
custome
of
all
Barbarians
,
which
was
neuer
to
suffer
the
females
to
inherit
the
crowne
:
and
so
being
begun
in
the
first
and
second
line
of
the
kings
,
it
hath
continued
in
the
third
,
and
by
custome
it
is
rather
confirmed
,
than
to
be
proued
to
be
a
law
at
any
time
ordained
,
hauing
beene
little
account
made
thereof
,
vntill
the
controuersies
betweene
Philip
le
Long
and
Endes
duke
of
Burgondie
,
who
claimed
it
for
his
neece
Iane
,
daughter
to
Lewis
Huttin
,
and
Philip
de
Valois
with
Edward
king
of
England
.
The
booke
of
the
Salique
lawes
is
but
a
collection
,
howbeit
,
there
is
no
example
euer
heard
of
,
that
any
woman
gouerned
.
Of
the
lawes
of
the
higher
and
low
Germanie
,
concurring
with
the
Ciuile
Law
and
the
Courts
of
Equitie
in
substance
.
THe
courts
of
Equitie
beyond
the
seas
,
after
bill
and
answere
,
replication
and
reioynder
,
and
sometimes
duplication
,
and
at
last
conclusion
,
with
the
examination
of
witnesses
in
serious
manner
;
The
whole
proceedings
are
deliuered
to
certaine
Doctors
or
learned
men
which
are
as
masters
of
the
Chancerie
,
or
belonging
to
certaine
Vniuersities
)
to
be
abreuiated
,
which
is
called
ad
rotulandum
,
who
doe
cut
off
all
superfluous
things
which
vpon
the
matter
are
confessed
on
both
sides
,
By
the
premisses
we
may
obserue
,
how
other
lawes
are
variable
,
and
subiect
to
alteration
,
and
that
the
Law-Merchant
is
constant
and
permanent
in
her
customes
,
which
therefore
are
not
to
be
infringed
,
but
seriously
to
be
maintained
by
all
the
foure
precedent
meanes
,
or
some
selected
course
of
execution
to
be
deuised
,
concurring
with
the
same
.
For
the
better
furtherance
wherof
,
and
more
exact
explanation
,
by
contraries
,
I
haue
for
a
Corrollarie
of
this
worke
added
hereunto
three
Paradoxes
alluding
to
the
said
three
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
,
which
will
illustrate
the
most
materiall
consideration
to
be
had
in
the
course
of
Trafficke
and
Trade
.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
Three
Paradoxes
alluding
to
the
three
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
.
HAuing
heretofore
published
a
Treatise
intituled
Englands
view
in
the
vnmasking
of
two
Paradoxes
,
which
had
beene
presented
vnto
the
French
King
Henrie
the
fourth
,
as
a
matter
of
great
consequence
,
and
considerable
in
the
gouernement
of
common-weales
;
and
finding
that
the
true
vnderstanding
of
them
(
with
a
third
Paradox
obserued
by
me
)
did
properly
allude
to
the
contents
of
this
booke
,
or
the
three
Essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
,
namely
Commodities
,
Money
,
and
Exchange
for
Money
,
I
did
resolue
to
handle
the
substance
of
them
for
a
Corrollarie
of
the
same
,
The
said
two
Paradoxes
presented
by
Monsieur
Malestroit
one
of
the
officers
of
the
Finances
or
Treasurie
in
France
,
were
as
followeth
,
saying
,
-
1
That
to
complaine
of
the
generall
dearth
of
all
things
in
France
was
without
cause
,
for
there
was
nothing
growne
deere
these
three
hundreth
yeares
.
-
2
That
there
is
much
to
be
lost
vpon
a
crowne
,
or
any
other
money
of
gold
and
siluer
,
albeit
one
do
giue
the
same
in
payment
at
the
price
he
did
receiue
the
same
.
The
third
Paradox
which
I
haue
added
hereunto
,
is
,
3
That
the
imaginarie
moneys
supposed
in
Exchanges
for
money
,
made
by
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
do
ouerrule
the
course
and
propertie
of
Reall
and
Substantiall
moneys
in
specie
.
Monsieur
Malestroit
saith
,
that
since
the
ancient
permutation
hath
beene
changed
in
buying
and
selling
,
and
that
the
first
riches
of
men
(
which
consisted
of
cattell
)
was
transferred
to
the
gold
and
siluer
,
whereby
all
things
haue
receiued
their
estimation
;
Wee
cannot
say
that
any
thing
is
deerer
than
it
was
three
hundred
yeares
ago
,
vnlesse
that
for
the
buying
thereof
wee
must
now
giue
more
Gold
and
Siluer
than
wee
did
then
:
But
for
the
buying
of
all
things
,
wee
doe
not
giue
now
more
Gold
or
Siluer
than
wee
did
then
;
therefore
(
saieth
he
)
nothing
is
growne
deerer
in
France
since
that
time
.
To
proue
this
,
he
doth
alledge
,
That
during
the
raigne
of
King
Philip
de
Valois
,
in
the
yere
1328
,
the
French
crown
of
the
flowerdeluce
(
as
good
in
weight
and
finenesse
as
the
French
crowne
of
the
Sunne
now
)
was
then
worth
but
twentie
soulz
tournois
,
commonly
accounted
to
be
two
shillings
sterling
.
In
those
daies
(
saieth
he
)
the
French
elle
or
yard
of
Veluet
was
worth
foure
liuers
,
which
is
foure
crownes
,
or
eight
shillings
sterling
:
the
said
elle
of
Veluet
doth
now
cost
ten
liuers
,
or
twentie
shillings
,
and
the
French
crowne
which
was
then
valued
at
two
shillings
,
is
now
valued
at
fiftie
soulz
,
or
fiue
shillings
;
so
that
foure
crownes
do
make
the
said
twentie
shillings
,
yet
the
said
French
crownes
doe
not
containe
more
gold
in
weight
or
finenesse
than
before
;
and
consequently
the
veluet
is
not
now
deerer
than
it
was
then
.
The
gentleman
that
hath
now
fiue
hundreth
liuers
by
the
yere
to
spend
,
hath
no
more
than
he
that
had
one
hundreth
liuers
to
spend
in
those
daies
:
and
in
like
manner
he
proceedeth
for
Corne
,
Wine
,
and
other
commodities
,
and
thereupon
concluded
,
That
the
dearth
of
all
things
,
is
but
imaginarie
,
and
a
vaine
opinion
to
conceiue
that
things
should
be
deerer
now
than
in
those
daies
.
The
second
Paradox
.
THere
is
much
to
be
lost
vpon
a
Crowne
,
or
any
other
money
,
although
the
same
be
giuen
in
paiment
at
the
price
it
was
receiued
.
This
(
saieth
Monsieur
Malestroit
)
is
an
old
and
common
error
,
rooted
in
the
iudgement
of
most
men
,
that
are
far
from
the
marke
and
without
their
reckoning
,
as
he
will
manifest
in
the
former
termes
.
In
the
aforesaid
time
of
King
Philip
de
Valois
,
the
French
crowne
aforesaid
was
worth
but
twentie
soulz
,
which
is
now
currant
for
fiftie
soulz
.
The
gentleman
that
had
fiftie
soulz
rent
or
income
,
did
receiue
for
it
two
crownes
and
ahalfe
,
or
so
much
in
siluer
accordingly
;
for
which
two
crownes
and
a
halfe
he
had
halfe
a
yard
and
halfe
a
quarter
of
veluet
,
after
the
rate
of
foure
liuers
the
yard
,
which
was
the
price
of
veluet
then
:
now
for
this
fiftie
soulz
the
gentleman
doth
receiue
but
one
crowne
,
or
so
much
of
siluer
money
,
and
for
that
one
crowne
now
he
can
buy
but
one
quarter
of
a
yard
of
veluet
after
the
rate
of
ten
liuers
that
veluet
is
now
worth
,
whereas
before
hee
had
halfe
a
yard
and
halfe
a
quarter
,
although
hee
haue
giuen
the
same
in
payment
for
fiftie
Sols
,
which
is
the
price
for
which
hee
receiued
the
said
Crowne
;
and
so
proceedeth
with
other
the
like
examples
in
the
buying
of
commodities
with
siluer
coyne
,
or
in
the
receiuing
of
rents
or
incomes
,
adding
further
thereunto
,
that
if
any
man
will
obiect
and
say
,
I
care
not
what
the
crowne
,
liuer
or
soulz
is
worth
,
so
as
I
hauing
a
hundreth
liuers
of
rent
paied
mee
,
and
that
I
can
pay
out
againe
the
said
hundreth
liuers
.
This
man
(
saith
hee
)
must
then
make
proofe
that
he
can
haue
now
as
much
ware
for
two
soulz
,
as
he
could
haue
had
in
times
past
for
two
soulz
which
were
of
fine
siluer
,
and
now
almost
of
copper
,
and
in
doing
so
hee
should
make
a
third
Paradox
more
strange
than
the
former
:
for
hee
should
goe
about
to
prooue
euerie
thing
to
bee
become
better
cheape
,
which
cannot
bee
prooued
.
The
substance
and
intention
of
these
two
Paradoxes
is
(
saith
hee
)
to
shew
that
the
King
and
his
subiects
doe
buy
all
things
as
deere
as
in
times
past
,
for
that
they
must
giue
as
great
a
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
as
in
times
past
:
but
by
the
inhauncing
of
the
price
of
the
moneys
of
gold
(
from
whence
of
necessitie
proceedeth
the
abating
of
the
siluer
moneys
;
Monsieur
Bodine
,
the
famous
and
learned
Politician
,
-
1
The
principall
and
almost
onely
cause
:
The
aboundance
of
gold
and
siluer
,
now
extant
in
the
Kingdome
more
than
in
times
past
.
-
2
The
Monopolies
.
-
3
The
Want
of
things
causeth
by
excessiue
Trade
and
wast
thereof
.
-
4
The
Pleasure
of
Princes
that
aduance
the
price
of
things
.
-
5
The
alteration
of
the
Valuation
of
Moneys
.
To
proue
the
first
case
and
principall
,
he
alleageth
diuers
examples
:
Plutarch
and
Plinie
doe
witnesse
,
Paulus
Aemilius
after
the
conquest
of
Macedon
against
the
Persians
,
did
bring
such
aboundance
of
gold
and
siluer
to
Rome
,
that
the
people
were
freed
of
all
Imposts
,
and
the
price
of
lands
aduanced
vnto
two
third
parts
suddenly
.
The
Emperour
Augustus
brought
such
great
treasure
from
Egypt
,
that
the
price
of
vsurie
did
decrease
,
and
lands
became
much
dearer
:
and
the
like
at
Ierusalem
by
the
comming
of
the
Queene
of
Candace
:
and
in
the
West
Indies
by
the
Spaniards
conquest
there
:
and
heereunto
hee
maketh
a
comparison
of
the
want
of
moneys
in
times
past
,
Concerning
the
second
cause
of
Monopolies
,
hee
doth
passe
ouer
the
same
as
a
matter
not
considerable
,
and
doth
limit
Monopolies
onely
to
the
combination
of
Merchants
and
Artificers
,
in
the
setting
of
a
price
to
commodities
,
or
their
handie
worke
by
augmenting
their
wages
.
Touching
the
third
cause
of
the
dearth
of
things
,
by
the
want
or
waste
of
them
,
hee
obserueth
some
especiall
things
;
that
corne
and
wine
are
better
cheape
during
the
time
of
warre
,
than
peace
:
because
the
Husbandman
is
driuen
to
sell
and
to
make
money
of
his
wares
,
and
the
Gentleman
finding
the
same
perishable
,
when
the
Merchant
dare
not
lade
his
ships
,
doth
abate
the
price
of
commodities
,
and
maketh
the
people
to
liue
good
cheape
;
which
according
to
the
Prouerbe
(
France
can
neuer
be
famished
)
would
alwaies
continue
,
Concerning
the
fourth
cause
of
the
pleasure
of
Princes
,
imposing
a
price
vpon
commodities
,
which
they
doe
affect
:
Plato
saith
,
That
it
is
a
generall
rule
in
State
matters
,
That
Princes
doe
not
only
giue
Lawes
vnto
their
subiects
,
but
also
by
their
example
they
do
change
the
manners
of
men
:
If
any
man
should
here
obiect
(
saith
Monsieur
Bodin
)
that
if
things
should
still
become
deerer
,
partly
through
the
waste
,
and
partly
for
the
aboundance
of
gold
and
siluer
,
no
man
should
be
able
to
liue
because
of
the
dearth
of
things
.
It
is
true
,
but
the
warres
and
calamities
happening
to
a
Common-wealth
,
doe
stay
the
course
of
it
,
as
wee
may
note
,
that
the
Romanes
haue
liued
with
scarsitie
,
and
to
speake
properly
in
want
and
miserie
almost
fiue
hundreth
yeares
,
when
they
had
but
copper
moneys
of
a
pound
weight
,
Scipions
,
Paul
Emilyus
,
Marius
,
Sylla
,
Lucullus
,
Pompey
,
and
Caesar
,
especially
by
the
two
last
:
for
Pompey
did
conquer
so
much
land
,
Marke
Anthonie
went
further
,
as
Plutarch
and
Appian
haue
written
,
for
he
gaue
vnto
his
armie
for
their
seruice
done
200
thousand
Talents
,
being
120
millions
of
Crownes
:
so
did
Adrian
the
Emperour
to
haue
the
good
will
of
fortie
Legions
giue
ten
millions
,
whereby
appeareth
great
aboundance
of
gold
and
siluer
to
haue
been
at
Rome
,
but
it
did
not
last
euer
:
for
in
lesse
than
three
hundreth
years
the
Parths
,
Goths
,
Hercules
,
Hongres
and
other
cruell
Nations
did
ouercome
the
Empire
and
all
Italy
,
and
ouercame
the
Romanes
,
burned
their
Citie
and
tooke
the
spoile
of
them
.
The
like
doth
happen
vnto
all
Common-weales
to
waxe
and
increase
by
little
and
little
,
and
to
flourish
for
a
time
in
wealth
and
power
,
Touching
the
last
cause
of
the
dearth
of
things
by
the
alteration
of
money
,
hee
sheweth
how
Monsieur
Malestroit
hath
mistaken
the
matter
in
the
monies
themselues
made
within
three
hundreth
yeares
.
For
whereas
he
saith
,
That
Saint
Lewis
caused
the
first
sols
to
be
coyned
,
worth
twelue
deniers
,
whereof
sixtie
foure
peeces
went
to
the
marke
weight
of
eight
ounces
;
and
that
in
Philip
de
Valois
his
time
,
the
Crowne
of
the
Flower
de
Luce
without
number
,
and
as
good
as
the
Crownes
now
,
was
valued
but
at
twentie
sols
,
and
that
afterwardes
King
Iohn
caused
the
Frankes
to
be
made
of
sine
gold
,
which
were
but
valued
twentie
sols
,
and
that
the
sols
of
siluer
was
worth
fiue
of
our
sols
:
he
doth
not
say
of
what
weight
and
finenesse
the
moneys
were
in
those
dayes
,
and
in
conclusion
hee
saith
,
That
the
price
of
things
is
not
altered
by
the
Valuation
of
moneys
.
But
if
Monsieur
Bodine
(
according
to
his
wisedome
and
deepe
iudgement
in
other
matters
)
had
duely
considered
of
these
two
Paradoxes
,
hee
would
haue
made
a
direct
answere
thereunto
before
he
would
haue
proceeded
in
his
former
discourse
.
The
first
Paradox
being
considered
with
the
second
,
will
shew
a
manifest
contradiction
or
contrarietie
:
Now
if
wee
doe
not
giue
more
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
for
commodities
than
in
times
past
;
how
can
we
receiue
lesse
commodities
for
the
gold
and
siluer
,
and
thereby
receiue
a
losse
,
as
in
the
second
Paradox
is
alleaged
?
Againe
,
if
we
doe
receiue
lesse
quantitie
of
commodities
for
gold
and
siluer
than
in
times
past
,
according
to
the
second
Paradox
,
whereby
we
sustaine
a
losse
;
how
can
the
first
Paradox
bee
true
,
That
nothing
is
growne
deere
,
for
that
wee
giue
no
more
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
than
in
times
past
,
commodities
and
moneys
lying
by
this
comparison
in
an
equall
ballance
?
But
let
vs
admit
,
that
Monsieur
Malestroit
had
an
intention
,
which
hee
might
haue
expressed
in
few
words
,
if
hee
had
the
true
ground
,
and
vnderstood
the
matter
hee
went
about
,
by
proouing
onely
that
when
moneys
doe
alter
in
weight
,
or
in
finenesse
,
or
in
valuation
,
Monsieur
Bodine
had
not
made
a
good
interpretation
of
the
said
Paradoxes
,
and
mistooke
the
true
ground
of
the
matter
in
question
touching
the
prices
of
commodities
,
which
hee
compared
within
themselues
in
the
Realme
of
France
,
whereas
the
comparison
ought
to
bee
of
the
inhauncing
of
the
price
of
the
commodities
of
one
countrey
,
with
the
price
of
the
commodities
of
other
countreys
,
and
thereby
find
out
,
whether
things
are
growne
deere
with
vs
or
with
them
in
effect
.
So
that
they
both
mistaking
their
grounds
,
we
haue
shewed
in
the
said
Treatise
,
That
they
(
hauing
lost
Ariadne
her
line
,
wherewith
they
entred
into
the
laborinth
of
moneys
and
their
properties
before
declared
)
are
like
vnto
a
man
who
hauing
lost
his
way
amongst
the
woods
,
the
further
hee
goeth
,
the
more
hee
erreth
from
the
right
way
.
To
intreate
therefore
of
commodities
and
money
,
in
the
course
of
trafficke
betweene
Kingdomes
and
Common-weales
is
not
sufficient
:
but
the
exchange
of
moneys
,
being
the
publike
measure
betweene
them
must
bee
regarded
,
as
the
principall
and
ouerruling
part
thereof
.
For
if
a
man
should
frame
a
silogisme
in
manner
following
,
he
shall
find
the
same
full
of
fallacies
and
misprision
,
nay
a
verie
Dilemma
.
Nothing
causeth
Merchants
to
export
more
money
out
of
the
Realme
than
they
bring
in
,
but
onely
the
bringing
in
of
more
commodities
into
the
Realme
than
they
carried
out
;
The
vnderualuation
of
our
moneys
,
causeth
no
more
commodities
to
be
brought
into
the
Realme
than
is
carried
out
;
We
do
also
find
,
that
in
the
yeare
1577
,
Monsieur
Garrault
one
of
the
French
Kings
Councell
did
exhibit
two
Paradoxes
concerning
moneys
,
which
may
(
in
regard
of
the
former
)
seeme
more
paradoxicall
or
strange
,
nor
only
to
the
vulgar
opinion
,
but
also
to
the
iudgement
of
the
wiser
.
The
first
is
an
assertion
,
That
moneys
haue
not
changed
their
values
.
The
other
,
That
by
the
inhancing
of
the
coine
,
or
the
price
of
moneys
,
the
price
of
commodities
becommeth
abated
and
good
cheape
;
and
that
by
the
reduction
and
abatement
of
moneys
euerie
thing
becommeth
deerer
.
And
for
as
much
,
saieth
he
,
that
the
matter
of
money
is
full
of
probleames
,
and
may
be
disputed
on
both
parts
,
his
desire
is
,
that
some
gentle
spirit
might
be
stirred
vp
to
discourse
of
the
reasons
which
may
be
alledged
.
Touching
the
first
,
That
the
value
of
moneys
is
not
changed
,
(
omitting
to
speake
of
the
Cicle
of
the
Hebrews
,
the
Staters
of
the
Persians
and
Greeks
,
&
the
As
or
Denier
of
the
Romans
,
)
he
saieth
,
That
K.
Lewis
11
did
reduce
the
disorder
of
moneys
vnto
their
former
estate
of
K.
saint
Lewis
,
when
the
Denier
of
gold
was
esteemed
(
in
weight
)
vnto
12
deniers
of
siluer
,
which
is
properly
to
be
called
the
proportion
between
the
gold
&
siluer
heretofore
noted
:
and
hereupon
he
sheweth
how
the
said
proportion
hath
bin
altered
;
yet
so
,
that
the
siluer
was
alwaies
made
correspondent
to
the
gold
,
and
when
the
gold
either
in
the
marke
weight
of
8
ounces
,
was
inhanced
,
&
consequently
in
the
peeces
or
coines
;
the
siluer
was
likewise
inhanced
proportionably
,
obseruing
the
said
12
to
1
,
or
sometimes
thereabouts
,
either
a
little
ouer
or
vnder
;
and
this
caused
him
to
say
,
That
moneys
had
not
changed
their
values
,
it
being
only
a
comparison
made
betweene
the
gold
&
siluer
,
which
is
by
weight
,
and
not
by
valuation
,
to
be
applied
vnto
euery
peece
of
coyne
,
especially
to
the
French
crowne
of
the
flouredeluce
or
sunne
;
and
the
piece
of
siluer
called
Douzaine
,
alluding
to
the
said
11
to
1
,
and
the
application
thereof
vnto
the
price
of
commodities
is
more
absurd
.
The
weight
of
12
of
siluer
to
1
of
gold
maketh
not
the
valuation
of
the
mark
weight
of
gold
and
siluer
,
much
lesse
the
valuation
of
the
pieces
coyned
of
the
said
marke
,
whereby
we
see
how
one
distinction
is
able
to
dispell
and
disperse
the
foggie
mysteries
of
deceitfull
fallacies
,
as
th●
Sunne
driues
away
the
winde
and
the
clouds
,
heretofore
by
me
obserued
.
Concerning
the
second
Paradox
,
he
saith
,
That
many
are
of
opinion
,
that
the
inhancing
and
augmentation
of
the
price
of
moneys
engendreth
a
deerenes
of
all
things
,
quia
su●
praeciarerum
:
And
that
euen
as
,
pro
imminutione
quae
in
aestimatione
solidi
forte
tractatur
,
omnium
quoque
praecia
rerum
decrescere
oportet
,
pari
ratione
,
si
quod
tractatur
incrementum
quoque
&
praecia
rerum
crescere
debent
,
Which
opinion
(
saieth
he
)
is
grounded
vpon
the
polliticke
rule
,
That
the
value
of
moneys
giueth
estimation
vnto
all
things
,
which
is
not
ordinarily
obserued
:
for
Princes
and
Magistrates
are
manie
times
constrained
to
endure
the
incommodities
of
the
time
,
by
their
prudence
and
vnderstanding
;
so
that
all
lawes
are
not
obserued
,
by
consequence
following
each
other
,
whereby
it
commeth
to
passe
,
that
the
price
of
wares
followeth
not
the
price
of
moneys
,
but
the
common
custome
;
for
money
was
made
to
no
other
end
,
but
to
maintaine
and
continue
the
trade
of
merchandise
,
by
meanes
whereof
the
commodities
and
necessaries
are
brought
from
one
place
to
another
to
auoid
the
ancient
painefull
and
troublesome
permutation
:
which
trafficke
is
two-fold
,
namely
,
within
the
realme
,
and
in
forreine
countries
:
within
the
realme
the
money
is
more
commodious
than
necessarie
,
but
for
the
straunger
most
necessarie
,
and
therefore
must
be
of
a
fine
substance
,
as
Gold
and
Siluer
,
to
bee
inclosed
in
a
small
roome
,
to
transport
great
matters
from
one
place
vnto
another
.
And
if
wee
will
meerely
consider
of
this
substance
and
effect
of
strange
negotiation
,
wee
shall
finde
nothing
but
a
masked
permutation
of
one
thing
for
some
certaine
quantitie
or
weight
of
Gold
or
Siluer
:
for
hee
that
trafficketh
in
forreine
countries
hath
not
such
regard
to
the
value
imposed
vpon
money
,
as
to
the
intrinsique
goodnes
which
giueth
the
value
,
Monsieur
Garrault
doth
declare
by
examples
of
veluets
and
other
commodities
,
and
therefore
he
is
of
opinion
,
that
moneys
inhaunced
should
be
reduced
againe
to
their
price
,
and
that
all
debts
made
before
that
time
should
be
satisfied
à
lequipollent
,
according
to
the
rate
,
vt
pecuniarum
vna
&
●adem
sit
semper
potestas
,
&
perpetua
estimatione
difficultatibus
permutationum
,
aequalitate
quantitatis
subueniat
&c.
That
the
imaginarie
moneys
in
exchaunge
doe
ouerrule
the
substantiall
moneys
in
specie
:
The
third
Paradox
.
For
the
Merchants
valuation
of
moneys
in
exchange
doth
ouerrule
the
Kings
valuation
of
moneys
within
the
realme
.
For
when
the
King
hath
valued
the
shilling
peece
at
twelue
pence
,
Merchants
vndervalue
the
same
in
exchange
at
11
½
d
,
and
11
d
,
not
only
in
the
price
of
exchange
,
but
also
receiuing
beyond
the
seas
the
inhanced
moneys
aboue
their
values
,
and
not
valuing
of
them
in
exchange
accordingly
,
as
before
hath
been
obserued
concerning
the
valuation
of
moneys
and
the
imaginarie
coines
,
or
rather
moneys
,
wherupon
exchanges
are
made
for
so
many
seuerall
places
.
The
late
Earle
of
Donfermelling
(
Lord
Chancellor
of
Scotland
)
did
propound
vnto
the
Kings
maiestie
in
the
yeare
1610
,
in
specie
fiue
soulz
;
aduising
therewithall
that
to
remedie
the
same
,
it
was
not
to
bee
done
by
inhauncing
of
our
gold
still
more
and
more
,
but
in
the
price
of
exchange
betweene
France
and
vs
,
otherwise
wee
should
vnderualue
too
much
the
siluer
of
the
Realme
to
our
exceeding
losse
,
shewing
withall
how
easily
this
might
bee
done
,
without
alteration
of
the
proportion
obserued
betweene
gold
and
siluer
for
most
places
.
But
the
contrarie
was
approued
,
and
Crowne
gold
was
more
inhaunced
to
sixtie
six
shillings
the
ounce
,
by
two
seuerall
Proclamations
,
in
specie
,
are
continually
exported
,
none
imported
but
diuerted
(
by
gaine
)
for
other
places
,
as
hath
beene
declared
.
All
which
commeth
to
passe
for
want
of
true
iudgement
and
experience
in
mint
affaires
,
with
the
consideration
of
the
said
Essentiall
parts
of
trafficke
so
often
mentioned
,
whereof
I
hope
(
that
in
generall
meetings
for
the
publicke
)
more
regard
will
be
had
,
to
the
end
it
bee
not
recorded
of
vs
,
as
it
hath
beene
of
some
Parlements
in
Fraunce
,
that
in
populi
republica
sententiae
numerantur
,
non
ponderantur
:
and
then
we
shall
be
said
to
vnderstand
the
Par
,
by
right
distinction
betweene
the
actiue
and
passiue
.
lib.
ca.
3.
Aristotle
saith
,
that
Action
and
Passion
are
meerely
Relatiues
,
and
that
they
differ
no
more
than
the
way
from
Thebes
to
Athens
,
and
from
Athens
to
Thebes
:
let
vs
discerne
therefore
the
one
from
the
other
,
and
we
shall
find
that
as
the
Liuer
(
Money
)
ministreth
spirits
to
the
Heart
(
Commodities
)
and
the
heart
to
the
Braine
(
Exchange
)
so
doth
the
Braine
(
Exchange
)
minister
to
the
whole
Microcosme
,
or
the
whole
Bodie
of
trafficke
.
Let
the
Heart
therefore
by
the
Liuer
,
receiue
his
tintured
Chylus
by
his
owne
Mouth
and
Stomach
,
and
the
Bloud
(
full
of
Spirits
)
shall
fill
all
the
Veines
,
and
supplie
the
want
of
moneys
,
the
easie
course
and
recourse
of
whose
Exchange
shal
bring
all
things
in
tune
,
&
serue
all
mens
turnes
.
For
euen
as
there
are
two
courses
obserued
of
the
Sun
,
Aristotle
,
Seneca
,
nor
Cicero
,
nor
any
other
Phylosopher
or
Orator
could
take
notice
in
the
infancie
of
trade
,
Exchange
not
being
then
inuented
;
neither
do
we
find
that
any
Temporall
or
Ciuile
Lawyer
hath
entred
into
this
important
studie
,
for
the
welfare
of
kingdomes
and
Common-weales
(
by
the
rule
of
Equalitie
and
Equitie
)
hitherto
.
To
conclude
therfore
this
Paradoxicall
discourse
,
I
cannot
omit
to
doe
the
same
,
with
another
Paradox
by
me
obserued
,
in
the
making
of
moneys
of
gold
and
siluer
,
namely
;
That
a
man
may
commixe
Bullion
to
make
a
certaine
standard
of
moneys
,
either
of
gold
and
siluer
,
That
is
to
say
,
I
will
melt
downe
eleuen
ounces
and
two
pennie
weight
of
fine
siluer
,
and
eighteene
pennie
weight
of
copper
,
both
one
pound
Troy
of
twelue
ounces
in
weight
,
making
the
sterling
standard
,
and
yet
my
moneys
made
thereof
shall
be
but
tenne
ounces
fine
.
In
like
manner
I
will
melt
downe
tenne
ounces
of
siluer
,
and
two
ounces
of
copper
and
more
to
make
a
standard
of
tenne
ounces
fine
,
and
yet
my
moneys
made
thereof
shall
be
eleuen
ounces
fine
,
or
sterling
.
To
vnderstand
this
mysterie
or
Paradox
,
wee
are
to
note
that
in
the
making
of
a
standard
of
moneys
,
three
things
must
concurre
and
haue
an
equalitie
proportioned
vpon
the
pound
weight
of
twelue
ounces
Troy
,
namely
,
Finenesse
,
Allay
,
and
Weight
of
the
peeces
made
out
of
a
pound
,
which
is
the
ground
worke
of
the
subtile
assay
;
according
to
which
all
Assaymasters
make
their
calculation
by
the
marke
of
eight
ounces
,
or
the
pound
of
twelue
ounces
,
making
one
marke
and
one
halfe
.
Suppose
now
that
(
as
in
ancient
time
of
King
Edward
the
third
)
one
pound
weight
being
diuided
into
twelue
ounces
,
euerie
ounce
was
diuided
into
twentie
peeces
,
or
is
now
diuided
into
sixtie
peeces
,
or
three
pound
making
sixtie
shillings
,
which
then
made
but
twentie
,
and
that
these
twentie
peeces
or
sixtie
shillings
were
diminished
by
the
sheyre
,
and
there
is
made
twentie
two
peeces
,
in
regard
of
the
twentie
or
sixtie
six
peeces
,
in
the
liew
of
sixtie
peeces
,
which
is
tenne
in
the
hundreth
that
the
said
peeces
are
lighter
than
before
,
considering
peece
by
peece
:
Now
an
Assaymaster
receiued
one
of
these
peeces
to
make
an
assay
thereof
in
manner
by
vs
declared
(
in
the
Second
Part
of
this
Booke
,
in
the
seuenth
Chapter
of
the
assayes
of
Bullion
and
Moneys
)
and
hauing
weighed
the
same
,
he
calculateth
how
many
of
these
peeces
doe
make
or
weigh
one
pound
,
and
hee
findeth
twentie
two
or
sixtie
six
peeces
or
thereabouts
,
because
of
the
vneuennesse
of
the
sheyre
,
which
being
tried
,
hee
maketh
report
of
the
finenesse
accordingly
:
so
that
wanting
in
regard
of
the
pound
,
tenne
in
the
hundreth
by
weight
,
there
must
needs
be
wanting
so
much
in
finenes
,
and
so
eleuen
ounces
molten
downe
,
is
found
to
be
but
tenne
ounces
fine
:
and
in
like
manner
,
&c.
All
which
in
matter
of
exchange
can
be
considered
of
and
preuented
as
it
shall
please
the
Kings
Maiestie
,
and
his
Highnesse
priuie
Councell
.
Primum
Mobile
of
mouing
.
This
motion
is
not
so
perceptible
in
the
maine
Ocean
Seas
,
as
visible
in
the
riuers
,
streames
,
and
branches
thereof
.
Euen
so
in
the
seas
of
exchanges
,
we
are
to
ascribe
the
first
motion
of
rising
and
falling
in
the
price
of
exchange
vnto
the
Bankers
,
albeit
the
operation
of
it
be
not
so
apparant
in
those
maine
exchanges
,
as
vpon
the
bankes
of
the
course
of
trafficke
by
commodities
and
moneys
(
subiect
to
inundation
)
in
the
particular
exchanges
of
some
countreys
,
which
runne
into
the
maine
ocean
of
exchanges
,
as
a
riuer
or
branch
of
the
same
.
As
this
ebbing
and
flowing
is
aggrauated
by
accidentall
causes
of
raine
,
snow
,
and
the
like
by
the
alteration
of
weather
:
so
doth
the
rising
and
falling
of
exchange
,
increase
and
decrease
by
the
alteratiof
State
affaires
betweene
contending
Princes
,
according
to
the
vse
of
moneys
.
And
euen
as
the
seas
are
girt
in
by
Gods
commandement
,
that
they
cannot
ouerflow
the
mayne
bankes
of
the
earth
;
so
the
course
of
the
rising
and
falling
of
exchange
in
price
,
may
bee
girt
in
by
the
Kings
commandement
,
This
Simile
putteth
me
in
mind
to
remember
the
Poeticall
fixion
of
the
serpent
Hidras
with
many
heads
,
whereof
one
being
cut
off
by
Hercules
,
forthwith
another
did
appeare
,
alluding
therein
to
the
riuer
Nilus
which
had
many
branches
,
whereof
the
one
being
stopt
in
one
place
,
caused
another
to
ouerflow
in
another
place
,
augmenting
Hercules
Labours
,
being
therein
like
vnskilfull
Phisitians
,
which
(
to
cure
a
disease
)
doe
many
times
cast
the
bodie
into
a
more
dangerous
sicknesse
:
whereas
the
learned
Physitian
will
find
an
easie
cure
,
knowing
the
efficient
cause
of
the
disease
,
without
which
conceited
remedies
are
but
meere
shifts
and
extremities
.
Aristophanus
hath
painted
forth
the
agonie
of
an
aged
man
,
altogether
shipwracked
by
vsurie
,
who
thinking
to
haue
found
out
the
way
to
be
eased
of
his
slauerie
,
did
propound
vnto
Socrates
this
demand
,
That
if
he
should
(
by
the
inchantment
of
a
witch
of
Thessalia
)
fetch
the
Moone
out
of
heauen
,
and
bring
it
away
,
and
afterwards
inclose
it
in
a
case
of
glasse
,
and
so
keepe
it
,
as
if
hee
would
keepe
a
flye
in
a
boxe
:
Socrates
demanding
,
what
good
that
would
do
him
?
he
answered
,
if
the
Moone
doe
neuer
rise
againe
,
I
being
constrained
to
pay
money
by
the
new
Moone
shall
be
freed
of
that
trouble
.
A
strange
shift
that
this
poore
man
was
driuen
vnto
(
apprehending
a
shadow
for
a
reason
)
to
plucke
by
violence
the
Moone
out
of
heauen
for
his
helpe
,
for
in
truth
the
witch
did
her
best
,
and
began
to
charme
the
Moone
,
which
when
the
vsuror
vnderstood
,
did
put
him
in
such
a
pelting
chafe
as
was
wonderfull
to
behold
;
for
accusing
this
poore
man
of
enchantment
,
at
last
hee
went
himselfe
to
another
witch
,
not
onely
to
keepe
the
Moone
from
comming
out
of
heauen
,
but
also
to
hasten
the
course
of
her
faster
,
to
recouer
his
vsurie
the
sooner
.
Good
God
what
a
trouble
was
the
Moone
put
vnto
betweene
these
two
witches
?
What
stormes
and
tempests
did
arise
?
What
horrible
wind
did
blow
?
What
great
raine
did
fall
?
What
floods
ensued
euerie
where
?
So
that
countreys
were
almost
drowned
,
and
vnder
water
in
many
places
.
The
morall
of
these
Metaphores
,
concurring
with
our
former
comparison
,
doth
not
onely
shew
vnto
vs
the
operation
and
coniunction
betweene
the
Moone
and
waters
,
but
also
the
folly
of
vaine
conceited
remedies
.
The
propounded
remedie
therefore
for
the
reformation
of
the
abuse
of
exchanges
,
is
grounded
vpon
the
rule
of
Equalitie
and
Equitie
,
whose
Antitheta
are
inequalitie
and
iniquitie
,
which
euerie
man
ought
to
suppresse
:
Equalitie
is
amiable
and
accompanied
with
ease
and
facilitie
,
but
inequalitie
is
hated
and
associated
with
trouble
and
difficultie
.
The
difference
whereof
is
like
vnto
this
Geometricall
Axiome
,
in
commendation
of
the
inuention
of
round
wheels
to
draw
and
carrie
loads
with
a
small
strength
,
Circulus
tangit
planum
vnico
puncto
:
For
if
the
wheeles
should
haue
beene
made
square
,
or
in
any
other
polyangle
and
proportion
,
fortie
horses
would
not
so
easily
draw
them
being
laden
,
as
two
doth
now
with
speed
and
ease
:
what
easier
thing
can
there
be
,
than
to
set
and
command
a
price
in
exchange
to
be
obserued
according
to
the
value
and
equalitie
of
moneys
domesticall
and
forraine
;
Let
the
practise
hereof
assure
vs
,
and
we
shall
not
need
to
seeke
the
golden
Fleece
in
Colchos
,
which
wee
haue
within
our
owne
Iland
of
Great
Britannia
;
our
feeble
pulses
will
be
felt
,
when
our
hammers
shall
beate
in
the
Mint
,
for
moneys
and
bullion
,
are
(
to
the
State
)
a
second
life
.
If
any
Hedgmint
(
for
so
doe
the
States
of
the
Vnited
Prouinces
of
the
Netherlands
call
the
Mints
of
pettie
Lords
,
I
haue
in
this
Chapter
thought
conuenient
to
remember
this
important
matter
againe
,
with
a
varietie
of
stile
to
reuiue
and
recreate
the
spirit
of
the
Reader
,
to
the
end
(
all
the
premisses
)
may
in
his
apprehension
and
conceit
giue
more
delight
and
pleasure
euen
to
naturall
mother
wit
,
whose
commendation
may
not
bee
omitted
.
CHAP.
XIX
.
The
due
commendation
of
naturall
Mother
Wit.
FOr
as
much
as
all
humane
actions
being
fallen
from
perfection
to
imperfection
,
are
to
ascend
againe
from
imperfection
to
some
measure
of
perfection
;
Naturall
Mother
Wit
casting
her
eyes
backe
,
Per
varios
casus
,
per
tot
discrimina
rerum
,
challengeth
the
precedencie
of
Art
by
way
of
Prosopopeia
,
by
her
ingenious
obseruation
of
number
,
weight
,
and
measure
,
vnder
which
she
hath
noted
,
that
all
substantiall
things
vnder
the
cope
of
Heauen
are
subiect
.
Who
will
denie
(
saieth
the
intellectuall
part
of
Wit
)
that
euen
as
forma
dat
esse
rei
,
so
I
caused
dame
Nature
to
performe
her
function
by
producing
spotted
lambs
,
when
I
ouercame
the
eie-sight
in
generation
,
Nascimur
Poetae
fimus
Oratores
.
But
now
Art
steppeth
in
,
Par
&
impar
.
This
foundation
was
laied
by
me
amongst
the
heathens
and
vnlearned
creatures
of
America
,
and
other
countries
,
to
demonstrate
numbers
by
fingers
and
toes
,
telling
two
,
three
,
foure
,
and
so
to
ten
,
then
ten
and
one
,
and
ten
and
two
,
and
so
forth
,
still
making
signes
as
they
speake
,
and
when
they
will
reckon
twentie
,
they
will
hold
downe
both
their
hands
to
their
feet
,
shewing
all
their
fingers
and
toes
,
and
as
the
number
is
greater
,
so
will
they
double
and
augment
the
signe
,
obseruing
the
same
by
a
little
bundle
of
stickes
laied
or
tied
together
,
and
separated
a
sunder
,
obseruing
thereby
their
paiments
and
promisses
,
according
to
Number
,
Weight
,
and
Measure
.
This
is
that
accounting
by
scores
yet
vsed
,
whereof
their
Arithmeticke
gaue
denomination
before
any
of
the
said
Arts
were
inuented
;
and
this
is
properly
to
be
attributed
vnto
me
ab
origine
.
For
I
haue
noted
,
that
in
things
created
and
ingendred
the
Elements
are
numbred
,
proportionated
,
and
weighed
,
which
is
the
cause
of
the
diuersitie
of
things
existant
of
Matter
,
Forme
,
and
Depriuation
,
whereof
euen
the
letters
(
to
describe
them
)
are
numbred
,
and
the
figures
of
the
leaues
of
herbes
and
plants
doe
declare
their
vertues
.
Vpon
this
ground
of
naturall
Arithmeticke
is
Geometrie
builded
:
You
that
are
passing
by
,
stay
and
pause
a
while
,
looke
vpon
Natural
Mother
Wit
,
that
hath
obserued
the
beginnings
,
progresse
,
continuance
,
and
end
of
all
things
,
wherein
I
do
supplie
and
disguise
many
defects
and
deformities
both
in
the
mind
and
bodie
of
man
:
and
when
there
is
found
by
me
abilitie
of
Nature
,
then
Art
giueth
facilitie
;
as
a
Maxime
in
Physicke
I
found
,
I
made
the
deafe
Musitian
of
Bridges
to
vnderstand
all
men
in
three
seuerall
languages
,
Verh●uen
.
An●o
1585.
only
by
obseruing
the
motion
of
the
lips
without
hearing
of
any
voice
or
sound
at
all
.
It
was
I
that
made
the
blind
man
in
Antuerpe
to
make
(
in
a
darke
place
)
rare
wooden
trumpets
of
excellent
sound
,
and
carued
images
of
his
owne
inuention
,
as
also
by
the
imitation
of
other
pictures
,
only
by
the
sense
of
feeling
:
and
vnto
mee
belongeth
the
inuention
of
spectacles
,
prospectiues
,
and
other
preseruatiues
of
sight
,
and
remedies
for
all
the
other
senses
.
It
was
I
,
that
(
by
orgaines
of
the
mouth
,
being
touched
by
a
sticke
held
vpon
the
virginalls
,
and
resting
vpon
the
teeth
)
caused
the
deafe
musitian
to
teach
mens
children
to
play
vpon
them
,
whereby
he
got
his
liuing
.
I
did
teach
the
maiden
to
sow
and
write
with
her
feet
,
when
both
her
hands
were
lame
and
impotent
.
And
vnto
others
I
did
shew
meanes
to
cure
lamenesse
,
giuing
strength
to
the
sinowes
,
onely
by
rubbing
and
conducting
the
bloud
into
the
veines
,
by
a
warme
hand
,
without
art
;
for
I
did
obserue
that
in
the
Microcosme
,
-
The
spittle
dissolued
into
water
,
and
powred
into
the
eare
cureth
deafenesse
,
taketh
away
itching
or
ebulition
of
the
blood
,
and
clenseth
inuetorated
wounds
and
scratchings
.
-
The
sweat
of
the
feet
by
smelling
cureth
the
palsie
.
-
The
eare
waxe
anointed
in
the
nostrils
,
comforteth
the
smelling
.
-
The
vrine
laid
on
with
browne
paper
,
asswageth
the
paine
of
the
gout
.
-
The
excrement
laid
on
,
qualifieth
the
immoderate
heate
of
the
bodie
.
-
The
pairing
of
the
nailes
taketh
away
the
drowsines
of
the
braine
.
-
The
fleagme
dissolued
openeth
the
conduit
pipes
:
The
coldnesse
of
the
hands
applied
to
the
head
taketh
away
the
dolour
of
the
brain
,
and
many
other
obseruations
may
be
vsed
in
liew
of
other
remedies
.
The
iudgement
which
Salomon
gaue
betweene
the
two
women
which
were
st●iuing
for
the
child
,
Alphonsus
King
of
Naples
(
vpon
a
deniall
that
a
father
made
who
would
not
acknowledge
his
sonne
because
of
some
priuate
quarrell
)
was
aduised
by
mee
to
commaund
the
sonne
to
bee
sold
for
a
slaue
,
and
then
nature
could
not
faile
to
shew
her
operation
:
which
in
like
manner
caused
Claudius
the
Emperour
to
command
a
malitious
mother
to
marrie
her
sonne
(
denied
by
her
)
who
rather
than
to
doe
the
same
,
did
acknowledge
and
confesse
him
to
be
her
sonne
.
Naturall
wit
made
the
Bees
to
discerne
the
naturall
flowers
from
the
artificiall
flower
,
although
the
same
was
made
of
wax
,
and
did
retaine
the
smell
and
sweetnesse
of
honie
.
And
I
haue
obserued
the
naturall
and
violent
passion
of
the
loue
of
parents
to
their
children
,
in
so
much
that
not
many
yeares
since
,
a
father
(
thinking
to
haue
beaten
his
sonne
)
receiued
a
mortall
wound
at
his
sonnes
hands
,
being
thrust
in
with
a
sword
through
his
bellie
,
did
not
cease
to
crie
vntill
death
,
that
his
sonne
should
flie
thereby
to
escape
the
punishment
of
justice
.
Infinit
are
my
experiments
in
Nature
,
before
Art
was
;
but
tell
me
Art
,
canst
thou
make
any
thing
but
of
things
alreadie
made
,
putting
a
distinct
determination
betweene
things
for
the
better
vnderstanding
?
whereunto
Art
replying
said
and
plainely
confessed
,
that
she
could
do
no
more
without
Mother
Wit
,
than
an
artizan
or
crafts-man
can
do
without
materialls
&
tooles
in
matter
of
his
profession
or
occupation
.
And
hereupon
did
Mother
Wit
conclude
not
onely
to
haue
the
precedencie
of
Art
,
but
also
to
be
able
to
controll
Art
without
either
Logicke
or
Rhetoricke
.
CHAP.
XX.
Of
the
Ancient
Gouernment
of
the
Staple
.
THE
precedent
short
commendation
of
Mother
Wit
,
ministreth
an
occasion
to
enter
into
a
retrograde
consideration
,
how
the
course
of
Trade
was
managed
heeretofore
;
remembring
in
this
particular
the
Prouerbiall
speech
,
Nil
nout
sub
Coelo
,
the
rather
for
that
so
many
good
Acts
of
Parlement
haue
beene
made
,
long
since
concerning
the
same
,
when
the
Staple
of
our
commodities
did
flourish
,
both
here
and
beyond
the
Seas
,
in
the
time
of
King
Edward
the
third
.
-
1
The
vnderualuation
of
our
moneys
by
Bills
of
Exchanges
,
and
the
ouerualuation
consequently
of
forraine
coyne
vnto
vs
,
which
is
the
Efficient
Cause
of
the
want
of
money
in
England
.
-
2
Vsurie
Politike
practised
by
many
,
and
abandoning
Trade
.
-
3
The
litigious
suits
in
Law
,
to
the
hindrance
of
Trade
.
-
4
The
neglect
of
the
fishing
Trade
,
preoccupied
by
other
Nations
.
-
5
The
endraping
of
Wooll
in
other
countreys
,
of
late
much
increased
.
-
6
The
policies
of
Merchants
of
seuerall
Societies
.
-
7
The
false
making
of
Cloth
and
other
manufactures
.
-
8
The
exportation
of
the
materialls
of
Woolls
,
Woolfels
,
&c.
-
9
The
warres
of
Christendome
,
Pirats
,
and
Bankerupts
.
-
10
The
immoderate
vse
of
forraine
commodities
within
the
Realme
.
But
before
we
come
to
this
examination
,
The
most
ancient
foundation
of
Merchants
and
merchandising
in
this
Kingdome
,
both
for
Trade
and
Gouernement
,
had
by
continuance
of
time
before
King
Henrie
the
third
,
did
obtaine
the
name
of
Staple
;
the
commodities
of
the
Realme
,
as
Woolls
,
Leather
,
Woolfells
,
fells
,
Lead
,
Tinne
,
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Clothes
,
and
other
commodities
were
called
Staple
Merchandise
:
The
Ports
from
whence
the
said
commodities
were
to
bee
transported
,
were
called
Staple
Ports
,
as
London
,
Westminster
,
Hull
,
Boyston
,
Bristoll
,
Southampton
,
New
Castle
,
and
other
places
:
The
places
of
residence
of
these
Merchants
,
both
within
this
land
and
beyond
the
seas
,
were
called
the
Staples
;
the
Lawes
and
Ordinances
made
by
the
said
Merchants
,
were
called
Staple
Lawes
:
vnder
their
gouernement
(
consisting
of
a
Maior
,
two
Constables
,
and
other
Officers
)
hath
the
trade
of
this
Kingdome
time
out
of
mind
flourished
,
to
the
great
inriching
of
the
Kings
and
Kingdomes
:
and
it
hath
beene
supported
and
assisted
by
the
wisedome
of
the
State
in
all
ages
,
as
may
appeare
by
the
seuerall
Acts
of
Parlement
made
for
that
purpose
in
the
times
of
Henrie
the
third
,
Edward
the
third
,
Richard
the
second
,
Henrie
the
fourth
,
Henrie
the
fifth
,
Henrie
the
sixth
,
and
King
Henrie
the
seuenth
.
So
that
comprehending
the
Merchants
aduenturers
Societie
with
them
,
which
began
in
the
said
time
of
King
Henrie
the
seuenth
,
it
is
aboue
foure
hundreth
yeares
standing
,
that
the
said
Societie
hath
beene
,
as
we
haue
noted
.
For
by
the
prouidence
of
all
those
Princes
,
the
Staple
Trade
was
from
time
to
time
established
,
and
especially
by
King
Edward
the
third
,
in
whose
raigne
a
great
number
of
memorable
Lawes
were
made
for
the
purpose
,
appointing
the
said
officers
and
their
fees
to
preuent
extortion
;
and
all
the
Kings
subiects
,
that
would
bring
their
goods
to
the
Staple
and
trade
,
At
these
Staples
were
the
Kings
Customes
duely
collected
,
and
by
the
officers
of
the
Staple
,
at
two
seuerall
times
,
paied
into
the
Kings
Exchequer
;
and
by
their
gouernment
were
many
inconueniencies
preuented
,
whereby
the
former
causes
of
the
decay
of
trade
,
were
either
moderated
or
reformed
,
namely
:
1
The
moneys
of
the
Realme
were
required
to
bee
answered
in
true
exchange
,
according
to
their
intrinsike
value
,
and
their
Doller
,
or
other
forraine
coyne
was
by
the
Maior
and
Constables
valued
accordingly
;
for
there
was
no
merchandising
exchange
vsed
,
neither
were
Bankers
knowne
:
and
when
there
wanted
money
in
the
kingdome
,
or
was
like
to
want
,
order
was
taken
by
them
to
import
Bullion
,
either
the
1/●
or
1/●
part
of
the
value
of
commodities
exported
:
The
debts
betweene
Merchants
were
transferred
or
set
ouer
by
bills
to
bee
registred
before
the
Maior
or
Constable
,
which
was
currant
without
the
strict
proceedings
of
our
Common
Law
.
And
the
like
may
be
done
now
by
a
Register
authorised
by
his
Maiesties
letters
Parents
.
2
In
those
dayes
vsurie
was
accounted
to
bee
an
abominable
thing
,
for
it
was
not
vsed
by
any
course
politike
:
but
seeing
it
is
now
so
generall
in
all
countreys
,
the
best
remedie
to
abate
the
same
in
price
,
is
to
procure
plentie
of
money
within
the
Realme
by
the
meanes
before
mentioned
,
which
will
bee
more
effectuall
of
course
,
than
any
law
that
will
be
deuised
for
the
moderation
thereof
.
3
To
auoide
the
litigious
suits
in
law
,
the
said
Maior
and
Constables
of
the
Staple
had
authoritie
to
determine
them
with
all
expedition
:
and
if
it
were
vpon
a
difference
betweene
a
Stapler
and
a
Merchant
stranger
,
there
were
two
Merchants
strangers
admitted
and
ioyned
with
the
Maior
or
Constables
to
determine
the
same
,
and
that
with
a
present
execution
without
delay
,
especially
vpon
a
Statute
Staple
acknowledged
before
the
Maior
or
Constable
,
as
aforesaid
.
4
The
fishing
Trade
was
not
preoccupied
by
forrain
nations
,
as
it
hath
beene
within
these
hundreth
yeares
,
as
hath
beene
noted
;
albeit
such
Ships
as
were
permitted
to
fish
in
the
Kings
Seas
and
dominions
,
payed
six
pence
for
euerie
tunne
burthen
,
which
is
now
eighteen
pence
,
and
this
trade
might
be
established
with
vs
,
notwithstanding
that
the
seuerall
Societies
of
the
Merchants
Aduenturers
,
Russia
,
and
Eastland
Merchants
,
are
of
opinion
that
England
cannot
maintaine
the
same
,
and
the
cloth
Trade
together
,
as
they
haue
certified
.
5
The
indraping
of
wooll
or
making
of
cloth
,
being
of
late
much
increased
beyond
the
Seas
,
and
lesse
cloth
made
with
vs
,
may
giue
the
better
meanes
to
establish
the
fishing
Trade
,
as
aforesaid
.
6
The
pollicies
of
Merchants
of
seuerall
countries
is
to
bee
met
withall
,
as
the
Staplers
did
in
times
past
,
looking
to
the
sales
both
of
woolls
,
and
all
other
Staple
commodities
,
and
the
prices
of
forraine
commodities
,
to
preuent
the
ouerballancing
in
price
of
the
said
forraine
wares
with
our
natiue
commodities
.
7
To
preuent
the
false
making
of
cloth
,
let
vs
obserue
that
at
these
Staples
,
Merchants
goods
were
alwaies
diligently
and
carefully
viewed
and
subscribed
,
by
the
Correctors
and
other
Officers
of
the
Staple
;
to
the
end
that
all
goods
exported
might
bee
answerable
in
goodnesse
to
their
expectation
vpon
the
view
required
:
whereby
this
Staple
Trade
continued
without
any
interruption
,
for
they
were
the
sole
Merchants
of
the
Realme
without
competitors
,
vntill
the
time
of
King
Henrie
the
fourth
;
at
which
time
certaine
Mariners
and
Mercers
of
London
,
vsing
to
barter
English
clothes
in
Holland
,
Zealand
,
Brabant
and
other
places
,
had
by
the
said
King
Henry
the
fourth
,
a
gouernour
set
ouer
them
onely
to
bee
a
iudge
to
heare
and
decide
their
controuersies
and
to
punish
their
misdemeanors
,
with
license
that
they
might
congregate
themselues
for
that
purpose
,
as
by
the
graunt
appeareth
.
This
licence
they
in
short
time
peruerted
,
to
the
great
disturbance
of
the
ancient
course
of
the
Staple
,
whereby
the
trade
of
the
Realme
greatly
declined
,
and
the
Kings
Customes
decreased
:
so
that
from
160
thousand
pounds
yearely
payed
out
of
the
Staple
,
the
Customes
came
short
of
120
thousand
pounds
.
The
fraternitie
of
Saint
Thomas
of
Becket
,
were
by
Act
of
Parlement
,
and
by
direction
vnder
the
Great
Scale
of
England
,
in
the
time
of
King
Henrie
the
sixth
,
prohibited
from
doing
any
act
that
might
preiudice
the
Staple
;
and
so
it
continued
vntill
the
two
and
twentieth
yeare
of
King
Henrie
the
seuenth
,
and
then
there
was
another
great
complaint
in
Parlement
against
the
said
fraternitie
,
for
decaying
of
trade
,
and
a
verie
strict
law
made
against
them
,
with
especiall
order
that
they
should
admit
any
of
the
Kings
liege
people
into
their
socitie
paying
vnto
them
ten
markes
,
which
vnder
pretence
of
some
priuiledges
hath
beene
interrupted
,
and
especially
by
his
Maiesties
Proclamation
,
in
the
fifteenth
yeare
of
his
Highnesse
happie
raigne
,
by
reason
of
the
controuersie
for
the
dressing
and
dying
of
cloth
:
neuerthelesse
in
all
their
graunts
,
exception
is
made
,
That
the
Staplers
should
not
be
preiudiced
,
which
in
the
wisedome
of
a
Parlement
will
be
found
most
necessarie
to
be
vnited
againe
,
to
make
a
free
trade
vnder
gouernment
.
8
The
exportation
of
the
materialls
for
cloth
,
as
woolls
,
Fullers
earth
,
woolfells
,
and
woodashes
,
is
prohibited
lately
by
his
Maiesties
Proclamation
,
with
good
orders
for
the
execution
thereof
,
according
as
heeretofore
was
done
by
the
Correctors
of
the
Staple
for
other
commodities
.
9
Touching
the
warres
of
Christendome
,
let
vs
obserue
that
King
Edward
the
third
,
had
also
great
wars
in
his
times
with
France
and
in
Ireland
;
and
neuerthelesse
he
did
receiue
a
verie
great
assistance
by
subsidies
of
fiftie
shillings
vpon
euerie
sacke
of
wooll
exported
for
,
and
during
the
time
of
sixe
yeares
,
which
amounted
to
1500
hundreth
thousand
pounds
,
when
one
ounce
of
siluer
was
valued
but
at
twentie
pence
,
which
would
now
amount
to
foure
millions
and
a
halfe
.
10
And
lastly
,
the
immoderate
vse
of
forraine
commodities
,
was
by
the
Maior
and
Constables
of
the
Staple
,
had
in
consideration
;
for
they
had
alwaies
an
especiall
care
to
the
inriching
of
the
Kingdome
,
because
the
prouident
care
of
the
King
did
put
them
in
mind
thereof
:
insomuch
that
when
the
said
King
became
forgetfull
therein
,
by
reason
of
the
warres
,
and
that
the
Kingdome
wanted
chaffer
,
wares
,
and
necessarie
prouisions
,
the
Parlement
did
absolutely
deny
to
giue
him
any
subsidie
,
as
appeareth
by
the
Chronicle
of
Grafton
,
in
the
one
and
fiftieth
yeare
of
his
raigne
:
so
that
by
the
premisses
things
haue
bin
(
in
some
measure
)
considered
of
,
when
least
disorder
in
trade
appeared
.
A
Conclusion
to
the
iudicious
Reader
.
THe
triuiall
vice
of
Enuie
is
said
to
be
the
mother
of
wickednesse
,
and
accounted
to
sit
in
an
im●ginarie
Theater
:
Her
Pallace
is
a
dim
and
hollow
vault
,
wherin
she
waxeth
pale
and
wan
,
as
hauing
the
consumption
of
the
liuer
;
looking
a
squint
,
as
borne
vnder
Saturne
;
neuer
resting
,
as
though
shee
were
an
arme
of
Ix●ns
wheele
;
engendred
and
hatched
by
the
vgly
Megara
of
Hell
,
that
feeds
and
crams
her
gorge
with
Dragons
,
and
fomes
out
againe
deadly
poyson
.
This
v●ce
hath
sent
forth
triple
headed
Cerberus
vnder
the
shadow
of
Zoilus
,
Momus
,
and
Mastix
,
Now
Mastix
riding
a
false
gallop
on
a
hackney
horse
(
being
full
fraighted
of
conceits
)
commeth
to
towne
,
and
maketh
two
exceptions
to
the
methode
and
contents
of
the
booke
:
first
he
will
not
allow
the
termes
of
Art
,
by
diuiding
of
the
same
according
to
the
three
essentiall
parts
of
Trafficke
:
next
he
will
not
haue
Merchants
secrets
laied
open
,
or
their
trades
divulged
.
To
the
first
,
concerning
the
being
,
essence
,
or
existance
of
things
,
he
will
make
no
difference
betweene
naturall
things
,
and
things
artificiall
,
and
so
there
is
but
two
essentiall
parts
of
Materia
&
forma
,
albeit
that
some
Philosophers
haue
established
three
beginnings
of
naturall
things
,
Matter
,
Forme
,
and
Depriuation
:
The
Matter
hath
no
other
office
or
function
,
but
the
changing
from
one
Forme
into
another
,
Depriuation
giuing
an
inclination
thereunto
;
for
Depriuation
is
an
imperfection
so
conioyned
to
the
Matter
,
that
without
her
,
if
she
were
seperated
,
nothing
would
be
ingendered
;
and
therefore
in
Heauen
there
is
no
Depriuation
,
and
consequently
no
generation
ne
corruption
.
The
Forme
therefore
giueth
perfection
to
the
thing
and
being
also
,
and
without
her
the
Matter
is
more
imperfect
than
the
eye
is
without
the
facultie
of
seeing
,
or
the
eares
without
hearing
.
But
in
artificialls
,
the
being
hath
her
parts
,
as
Trafficke
hath
three
,
namely
,
Commodities
,
Money
,
and
Exchange
:
so
other
things
may
consist
of
more
being
or
simples
,
wherein
the
termes
of
Art
are
not
excluded
,
neither
can
they
auoid
Mastix
his
enuie
.
To
the
second
,
the
whole
contents
of
this
Booke
manifesteth
to
all
judicious
Merchants
how
necessarie
the
knowledge
is
of
the
matter
therein
contained
,
to
maintaine
Equitie
and
Iustice
by
the
Law
of
Nations
;
and
that
there
is
no
particular
secret
of
any
Merchants
trade
reuealed
,
to
the
preiudice
of
any
man
or
nation
:
in
so
much
that
they
are
much
pleased
with
it
,
as
being
desirous
to
aduance
the
good
,
and
to
banish
the
euill
,
obseruing
that
vertue
maketh
a
stranger
grow
naturall
in
a
strange
countrie
,
and
the
vicious
becommeth
a
meere
stranger
in
his
owne
natiue
soile
.
Let
vertue
therefore
enioy
her
freedome
,
and
possesse
her
priuiledges
by
the
right
of
Law
,
and
all
the
people
shal
flourish
with
equitie
,
Iustice
shall
maintaine
Peace
;
Peace
shall
procure
Securitie
;
Securitie
shall
nourish
Wealth
,
and
Wealth
Felicitie
.
No
man
is
to
be
dismayed
at
his
small
tallent
,
or
to
grudge
at
anothers
greater
prosperitie
;
for
without
doubt
,
Nature
hath
by
her
secret
motion
denied
none
,
some
perfect
qualitie
to
supplie
that
want
,
which
in
himselfe
breeds
discontent
or
mislike
:
for
euen
as
the
fish
(
hauing
no
eares
)
hath
a
most
cleere
sight
;
so
though
want
of
dignitie
be
a
disgrace
to
some
,
though
want
of
coyne
discontent
diuers
:
and
though
lacke
of
wealth
impaires
the
credit
of
many
,
yet
nature
hath
supplied
that
outward
ornament
with
such
an
internall
reward
,
as
a
loyall
and
louing
heart
(
notwithstanding
many
hard
measures
)
will
with
constancie
spend
all
his
time
for
the
good
of
the
common-wealth
being
thereunto
imployed
.
This
worke
thus
at
length
happily
concluded
,
and
commended
to
the
kind
acceptation
of
all
gentle
and
well
disposed
minds
,
is
not
compiled
to
please
the
vaine
appetite
of
some
men
,
according
to
their
nice
opinion
,
but
is
referred
to
the
judiciall
and
affable
judgements
of
this
age
,
to
whom
I
shall
(
during
the
remainder
of
my
daies
)
alwaies
be
readie
to
supplie
any
thing
which
in
the
next
impression
may
be
desired
;
not
doubting
but
they
will
measure
it
by
the
iust
desert
,
and
censure
thereof
as
their
owne
kind
natures
haue
euer
beene
accustomed
.
Soli
Deo
gloria
.
FINIS
.