Englands
view
.
A
SENTENCE
alleaged
without
application
to
some
purpose
,
is
to
handle
a
matter
without
conclusion
:
and
he
that
will
attribute
vnto
any
man
the
knowledge
of
the
essentiall
parts
,
grounds
,
or
pillars
of
any
science
,
must
make
apparant
proof
therof
:
otherwise
,
his
assertion
is
like
cloudes
and
winds
without
raine
,
or
like
an
arrow
shot
at
randon
.
Quòd
oportet
patrem-familias
vendacem
esse
,
non
emacem
,
is
a
worthie
sentence
to
be
duly
executed
of
al
good
housholders
,
or
fathers
of
families
,
especially
of
Princes
,
that
are
the
fathers
of
the
great
families
of
Common-weales
:
who
(
as
Iustinian
saith
)
are
to
prouide
carefully
for
the
two
seasons
,
namely
,
the
time
of
warre
when
armes
are
necessarie
,
and
the
time
of
peace
more
fitting
wholesome
lawes
:
in
both
which
,
it
cannot
properly
be
said
,
that
the
office
of
a
Prince
is
wholy
employed
about
the
gouernment
of
the
persons
of
men
,
and
of
things
conuenient
and
fit
for
the
maintenance
of
humane
societie
,
according
to
the
definition
of
the
heathens
:
but
rather
in
the
obseruation
of
Religion
towards
God
,
and
administration
of
Iustice
towards
man
:
the
one
teaching
vs
especially
of
the
life
to
come
;
&
the
other
,
how
we
should
liue
in
this
life
.
Religion
doth
knit
and
vnite
the
spirits
of
men
,
wherby
they
liue
obediently
in
vnitie
,
peace
,
and
concord
:
and
Iustice
is
as
a
measure
ordained
by
God
amongst
men
,
to
defend
the
feeble
from
the
mightie
.
Hence
proceedeth
,
that
the
causes
of
seditions
and
ciuill
warres
,
is
the
deniall
of
iustice
,
oppression
of
the
common-people
,
inequall
distribution
of
rewards
and
punishments
,
the
exceeding
riches
of
a
small
number
,
the
extreame
pouertie
of
many
,
the
ouer-great
idlenesse
of
the
subiect
,
and
the
not
punishing
of
offenders
:
which
bringeth
destruction
of
Common-weales
.
Religion
doth
teach
the
feare
of
God
,
which
maketh
a
good
man
,
and
is
indeed
the
beginning
of
a
Prince
.
For
sith
Princes
raigne
by
wisedome
,
and
that
the
feare
of
God
is
the
beginning
thereof
:
we
must
conclude
,
that
it
is
the
beginning
also
of
a
vertuous
and
wise
Prince
.
Now
,
as
Princes
raigne
by
God
,
so
must
they
be
directed
by
him
:
yea
they
raigne
best
and
longest
,
that
serue
him
best
and
most
.
Serue
him
they
cannot
but
according
to
his
will
;
and
his
will
is
not
known
,
but
by
his
word
and
lawe
:
which
made
the
Prophet
Dauid
to
meditate
therein
day
and
night
,
preferring
the
cause
of
faith
or
religion
before
temporall
commoditie
.
And
this
is
properly
the
first
and
chiefest
point
,
that
the
Prince
is
to
regard
:
whereunto
the
other
is
annexed
and
doth
depend
vpon
.
For
as
iustice
is
administred
and
prescribed
by
lawes
and
customs
:
so
reason
requireth
,
that
this
gradation
should
be
obserued
concerning
all
lawes
:
that
euen
as
the
wils
,
contracts
or
testaments
of
particular
men
cannot
derogate
the
ordinances
of
the
Magistrates
,
and
the
order
of
the
Magistrates
cannot
abolish
customs
,
nor
the
customes
can
abridge
the
generall
lawes
of
an
absolute
Prince
:
no
more
can
the
lawes
of
Princes
alter
or
chaunge
the
lawe
of
God
and
Nature
.
By
iustice
(
properly
called
Distributiue
)
is
the
harmonie
of
the
members
of
a
Common-weale
maintained
in
good
concord
:
howbeit
,
much
hindred
,
where
vsurie
is
tollerated
,
which
giueth
cause
of
discord
;
some
few
waxing
thereby
too
rich
,
and
many
extreame
poore
:
the
operations
of
effects
whereof
,
are
declared
by
me
vnder
certaine
Similies
or
Metaphors
in
the
Treatise
of
Saint
George
for
England
.
By
iustice
(
properly
called
Commutatiue
)
is
the
commerce
and
trafficke
with
other
nations
maintained
,
obseruing
a
kind
of
equalitie
,
which
is
requisite
in
euery
well
gouerned
Common-wealth
,
where
prouidence
and
pollicie
cause
the
Prince
(
the
Father
of
the
great
familie
)
to
sell
more
then
he
buyeth
,
or
else
the
wealth
and
treasure
of
his
realme
doth
decrease
,
and
it
were
his
expences
do
become
greater
,
or
surmount
his
incomes
and
reuenues
.
This
kind
of
equalitie
is
interrupted
and
ouerthrowne
by
the
merchandizing
exchange
,
as
in
the
Treatise
of
The
Canker
of
Englands
Common-wealth
is
declared
.
For
as
all
the
trade
and
trafficke
betweene
vs
and
other
nations
,
is
performed
by
three
simples
:
namely
,
Commodities
,
Money
,
and
Exchange
:
so
(
as
we
haue
proued
)
is
the
course
of
exchaunge
(
being
abused
)
become
predominant
and
ouerruling
the
course
of
money
and
Commodities
;
whereby
the
wealth
of
the
Realme
doth
decrease
.
And
this
wealth
cannot
properly
increase
but
two
manner
of
wayes
:
namely
,
by
bringing
of
money
and
bullion
into
the
Realme
,
or
any
other
things
which
are
not
bought
for
our
money
,
or
bartered
by
way
of
permutation
for
our
Commodities
:
and
by
buying
the
forraine
Commodities
better
cheape
then
we
sell
our
home
Commodities
.
And
so
may
the
father
of
the
great
familie
become
a
seller
and
not
a
buyer
,
as
is
before
alleaged
.
We
haue
hertofore
noted
the
propertie
of
money
to
be
:
That
plentie
of
mony
maketh
generally
things
deare
;
and
scarcitie
of
money
maketh
likewise
generally
things
good
cheape
:
whereas
things
are
also
particularly
deare
or
good
cheape
,
according
to
the
plentie
or
scarcitie
of
the
things
themselues
,
or
the
vse
of
them
.
According
to
which
plentie
or
scarcitie
of
money
aforesaid
,
things
generally
became
deare
or
cheape
:
whereunto
the
great
store
or
abundance
of
mony
and
bullion
,
which
of
late
yeares
is
come
from
the
West
Indies
into
Europe
,
hath
made
euery
thing
dearer
,
according
to
the
increase
of
money
:
which
like
vnto
an
Ocean
,
deuiding
her
course
into
seuerall
braunches
in
diuerse
countries
,
hath
caused
a
great
alteration
and
enhancing
of
the
price
of
euery
thing
:
and
most
especially
,
because
the
money
it selfe
was
altered
in
valuation
in
most
countries
.
So
that
the
measure
being
altered
and
made
lesser
by
denomination
,
there
went
more
number
to
make
vp
the
tale
,
and
of
necessitie
other
things
went
and
were
named
accordingly
in
price
.
For
money
must
alwayes
remaine
to
be
the
rule
and
square
to
set
a
price
vnto
euery
thing
,
and
is
therefore
called
Publica
mensura
,
the
publike
measure
:
whereby
the
price
of
all
things
is
set
to
maintaine
a
certaine
equalitie
in
buying
and
selling
,
to
the
end
that
all
things
may
equally
passe
by
trade
from
one
man
to
another
.
This
money
must
haue
his
standing
valuation
onely
by
publike
authoritie
of
the
Prince
:
to
whom
properly
belongeth
the
disposing
thereof
,
as
a
matter
annexed
to
his
Crown
and
dignitie
.
And
as
the
money
doth
set
a
price
to
the
naturall
riches
of
lands
:
so
doth
it
also
set
a
price
to
the
artificiall
riches
proceeding
of
the
lands
.
And
therfore
reason
requireth
a
certaine
equalitie
betweene
the
naturall
riches
and
the
artificiall
riches
.
That
plentie
of
money
maketh
things
deare
,
is
found
by
daily
experience
:
whether
it
be
in
bullion
of
gold
and
siluer
,
or
the
same
conuerted
into
mony
.
But
so
long
as
it
is
in
bullion
,
it
remaineth
in
nature
of
Commoditie
,
which
is
giuen
by
way
of
permutation
or
barter
in
exchange
for
other
Commodities
.
Plentie
or
scarcitie
of
Commodities
doth
also
alter
the
price
of
the
things
wanting
or
abounding
according
to
the
vse
thereof
,
which
is
grounded
vpon
estimation
by
consent
,
after
the
pleasure
and
sensualitie
of
man
.
The
Historie
of
the
West
Indies
maketh
mention
,
that
during
the
great
quantitie
or
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
that
was
found
about
fourscore
yeares
past
,
and
the
rarenesse
of
other
things
,
a
cloake
of
cloth
was
sold
in
Peru
for
a
thousand
duckets
,
a
paire
of
breeches
of
cloth
for
three
hundred
duckets
,
a
good
horse
foure
or
fiue
thousand
duckets
:
and
other
things
then
in
vse
and
rare
accordingly
.
The
Romaines
after
the
conquest
of
the
Persians
,
brought
such
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
to
Rome
,
that
the
price
of
lands
did
rise
aboue
two
thirds
.
And
on
the
contrarie
,
concerning
scarcitie
of
money
,
Grafton
in
his
Chronicle
of
England
hath
recorded
,
that
king
Edward
the
third
hauing
great
warres
with
Fraunce
and
Scotland
,
and
incorporating
the
money
into
his
handes
for
the
maintenance
thereof
,
caused
through
the
lacke
of
money
the
price
of
Commodities
so
to
fall
,
that
a
quarter
of
wheat
was
sold
for
two
shillings
,
a
fat
oxe
for
a
noble
,
a
sheepe
for
sixe
pence
,
and
other
things
after
the
rate
.
The
consideration
of
the
premises
,
maketh
the
two
Paradoxes
of
Maister
Malestroit
(
one
of
the
Officers
of
the
French
kings
Exchequer
)
to
be
most
Paradoxicall
,
that
is
to
say
,
farre
differing
from
the
vulgar
opinion
:
which
Paradoxes
(
vpon
complaint
of
the
people
of
the
dearth
of
things
in
Fraunce
)
he
presented
vnto
the
king
,
thereby
to
qualifie
the
cause
of
their
complaint
.
The
substance
whereof
I
haue
thought
most
expedient
to
set
downe
,
and
the
aunswer
also
which
Maister
Iohn
Bodine
the
greatest
Polititian
or
Common-wealths
man
of
Fraunce
,
hath
made
thereunto
:
together
with
my
explication
thereof
,
and
Replication
to
his
answer
;
whereby
the
truth
wil
appeare
,
and
how
things
are
to
be
considered
of
for
the
good
of
the
Common-weale
.
The
first
Paradox
.
To
complaine
of
the
generall
dearth
of
al
things
in
Fraunce
is
without
cause
,
seeing
that
there
is
nothing
growne
dearer
these
three
hundred
yeares
.
The
second
Paradox
.
There
is
much
to
be
lost
vpon
a
Crowne
,
or
any
other
mony
of
gold
and
siluer
,
albeit
one
do
giue
the
same
in
payment
at
the
price
he
did
receiue
the
same
.
Since
that
the
auncient
Permutation
(
saith
he
)
hath
bene
chaunged
in
buying
and
selling
,
and
that
the
first
riches
of
men
(
which
did
consist
of
cattel
)
was
transferred
to
the
gold
and
siluer
;
whereby
all
things
haue
receiued
their
estimation
,
and
haue
bene
praised
and
sold
for
:
it
followeth
,
that
those
mettals
are
the
right
iudges
of
the
good
cheap
or
dearth
of
al
things
▪
We
cannot
say
,
that
any
thing
is
now
dearer
,
then
it
was
three
hundred
yeares
ago
,
vnlesse
that
for
the
buying
thereof
we
must
now
giue
more
gold
or
siluer
,
then
we
did
then
▪
But
for
the
buying
of
al
things
,
we
do
not
giue
now
more
gold
or
siluer
,
then
we
did
then
,
saith
he
.
Therefore
,
since
that
time
nothing
is
growne
dearer
in
Fraunce
.
To
proue
this
he
doth
alleadge
,
that
during
the
raigne
of
king
Philip
de
Valois
in
the
yere
1328.
the
French
Crowne
of
the
Flower-de-luce
,
as
good
in
waight
and
finenesse
,
as
the
French
Crowne
of
the
Sunne
now
;
was
then
worth
but
twentie
sols
tournois
:
which
(
for
the
better
vnderstanding
)
being
valued
according
to
the
common
computation
of
ten
sols
for
a
shilling
starling
,
is
two
shillings
.
In
those
dayes
(
saith
he
)
the
French
elle
or
yard
of
veluet
was
woorth
foure
liuers
,
which
is
foure
crowns
or
8
shillings
starling
:
the
said
yard
of
veluet
doth
now
cost
ten
liuers
,
or
twentie
shillings
:
and
the
French
crowne
,
which
was
then
valued
at
two
shillings
,
is
now
valued
at
fiftie
sols
or
fiue
shillings
.
So
that
foure
crownes
do
make
the
said
20
shillings
;
yet
the
said
french
crownes
do
containe
no
more
in
gold
,
in
weight
,
or
in
finenesse
then
before
:
wherby
there
is
no
more
gold
giuen
in
substance
then
heretofore
,
and
consequently
the
veluet
is
not
now
dearer
then
it
was
then
.
During
the
raigne
of
king
Iohn
his
successor
,
in
the
yeare
1350
,
the
price
of
a
measure
of
wine
(
being
indifferently
taken
)
was
at
4
liuers
or
8
shillings
starling
.
And
in
his
time
were
the
golden
francks
coyned
and
valued
at
20
sols
or
2
shillings
,
and
so
4
franks
were
4
liuers
:
the
said
measure
of
wine
is
now
worth
12
liuers
or
24
shillings
,
and
the
said
franke
of
gold
is
valued
at
60
sols
or
6
shillings
:
so
that
foure
frankes
valued
now
at
three
times
the
value
,
will
pay
these
12
liuers
or
24
shillings
;
and
yet
the
said
frankes
do
not
now
containe
any
more
gold
in
substance
then
they
did
then
.
Proceeding
to
the
money
of
siluer
,
he
taketh
his
beginning
from
the
time
of
king
Saint
Lewis
,
who
began
his
raigne
anno
1227
,
and
caused
the
first
sols
to
be
coyned
woorth
12
deniers
tournois
:
which
were
(
as
hee
saith
)
of
fine
siluer
,
and
there
went
64
peeces
in
the
marke
.
The
sols
called
douzains
of
late
years
coyned
by
king
Henry
the
second
,
and
now
currant
,
are
of
three
ounces
and
one
half
fine
,
and
of
93½
peeces
to
the
marke
:
which
accompted
to
the
marke
fine
siluer
is
320
,
which
is
fiue
times
64
peeces
which
were
in
king
Lewis
his
time
.
So
that
one
of
those
sols
of
his
time
did
make
fiue
of
the
sols
made
now
:
and
consequently
the
twenty
sols
now
are
woorth
but
4
of
the
sols
then
;
and
the
25
liuers
,
5
liuers
;
the
hundred
liuers
,
twentie
;
and
so
more
or
lesse
accordingly
.
Now
when
we
pay
for
one
yard
of
veluet
10
liuers
or
20
shillings
starling
,
it
is
no
more
then
2
liuers
or
40
sols
,
which
is
two
shillings
starling
:
which
was
the
price
of
veluet
in
Saint
Lewis
his
time
.
The
elle
of
cloth
which
now
is
sold
for
100
sols
or
10
shillings
starling
,
is
no
more
then
twentie
sols
or
two
shillings
starling
in
those
dayes
.
The
Gentleman
that
hath
now
500
liuers
by
the
yeare
to
spend
,
hath
no
more
then
he
that
had
one
hundred
liuers
to
spend
in
those
dayes
.
In
the
like
manner
he
proceedeth
for
corne
,
wine
,
and
other
commodities
:
and
therupon
concludeth
,
that
the
dearth
of
all
things
is
but
imaginarie
,
and
that
it
is
a
vaine
opinion
of
men
without
any
substance
of
truth
,
that
things
shold
be
dearer
now
,
then
in
those
dayes
.
The
second
Paradox
.
There
is
much
to
be
lost
vpon
a
crowne
or
any
other
money
of
gold
and
siluer
:
albeit
,
one
do
giue
the
same
in
paiment
for
the
same
price
he
did
receiue
it
.
This
(
saith
Maister
Malestroit
)
is
an
old
and
common
error
rooted
in
the
iudgement
of
most
men
,
that
are
farre
from
the
mark
and
without
their
reckoning
,
as
he
will
manifest
by
the
same
termes
of
his
former
Paradox
.
In
the
aforesaid
time
of
king
Philip
de
Valois
,
the
French
crowne
aforesaid
was
woorth
but
20
sols
,
which
is
now
currant
for
fiftie
sols
at
the
least
.
The
Gentleman
that
had
fiftie
sols
rent
or
income
,
did
receiue
for
it
two
crownes
and
a
halfe
,
or
so
much
in
siluer
accordingly
:
for
which
two
crownes
and
a
halfe
,
he
had
halfe
a
yard
and
halfe
a
quarter
of
veluet
after
the
rate
of
4
liuers
the
yard
,
which
was
the
price
of
veluet
then
.
Now
for
this
50
sols
,
the
Gentleman
doth
receiue
but
one
crowne
,
or
so
much
of
siluer
money
:
and
for
that
one
crown
he
can
buy
now
but
one
quarter
of
a
yard
of
veluet
after
the
rate
of
ten
liuers
,
that
veluet
is
now
worth
;
wheras
before
he
had
halfe
a
yard
and
halfe
a
quarter
:
whereby
he
loseth
then
one
quarter
and
one
halfe
quarter
of
veluet
vpon
his
crowne
,
although
hee
haue
giuen
the
same
in
payment
for
50
sols
,
which
is
the
price
for
which
he
receiued
the
said
crowne
:
and
so
proceedeth
with
other
the
like
examples
.
Then
for
the
siluer
mony
,
the
gentleman
(
saith
hee
)
who
during
the
raigne
of
king
Lewis
had
16
liuers
of
rents
or
incomes
,
did
receiue
for
the
said
16
liuers
,
fiue
markes
of
fine
siluer
,
or
in
gold
accordingly
.
For
as
by
the
first
Paradox
is
declared
the
mark
of
fine
siluer
did
containe
64
peeces
or
sols
.
Now
for
the
paiment
of
this
rent
of
16
liuers
,
he
shall
receiue
320
peeces
or
sols
,
which
do
containe
but
one
marke
of
fine
siluer
:
which
is
but
the
fift
part
of
that
which
was
contained
in
the
16
liuers
of
king
Lewis
.
In
those
daies
16
elles
of
cloth
would
haue
bene
had
for
those
16
liuers
after
the
rate
of
20
sols
the
elle
,
as
good
cloth
&
better
then
that
which
doth
now
cost
100
sols
:
whereof
you
shall
haue
now
but
3
elles
⅕
for
your
16
liuers
:
so
that
you
shall
lose
12
elles
⅘
of
cloth
vpon
16
liuers
:
albeit
you
haue
giuen
in
payment
euery
liuer
for
20
sols
,
at
which
price
you
haue
receiued
the
same
:
which
he
doth
also
amplifie
with
other
examples
;
adding
therunto
further
:
that
if
any
man
would
obiect
&
say
,
I
care
not
what
the
crown
,
liuer
or
sols
is
woorth
,
so
as
I
hauing
one
hundred
liuers
of
rent
,
I
may
haue
one
hundred
liuers
payed
me
,
and
that
I
can
pay
out
againe
the
said
hundred
liuers
.
This
man
(
saith
he
)
must
then
make
proofe
,
that
he
can
now
haue
as
much
wares
for
two
sols
which
are
now
almost
all
of
copper
,
as
he
could
haue
had
in
times
past
for
two
sols
,
which
were
of
fine
siluer
:
and
in
doing
so
,
hee
should
make
a
third
Paradox
,
more
straunge
then
the
former
.
For
he
should
go
about
to
proue
euery
thing
to
be
become
better
cheap
:
which
cannot
be
proued
.
And
therefore
he
concludeth
still
with
the
former
first
Paradox
,
That
nothing
is
growne
deare
.
The
substance
and
intention
of
these
two
Paradoxes
is
(
saith
he
)
to
shew
,
that
the
king
and
his
subiects
do
now
buy
al
things
as
deare
,
as
in
times
past
:
for
that
they
must
giue
as
great
a
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
,
as
in
times
past
.
But
by
the
enhauncing
of
the
price
of
the
moneys
of
gold
,
from
whence
of
necessitie
proceedeth
the
embasing
of
the
siluer
monies
:
the
king
doth
not
receiue
in
payment
of
his
reuenues
,
such
a
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
,
as
his
predecessors
.
In
like
sort
,
Noblemen
and
Gentlemen
the
kings
subiects
that
haue
great
incoms
,
do
not
receiue
such
a
quantity
of
gold
and
siluer
as
in
times
past
:
but
are
paid
(
as
the
king
is
)
in
copper
,
in
lieu
of
gold
and
siluer
.
For
which
copper
,
according
to
the
second
Paradox
,
they
cannot
haue
so
much
wares
,
as
they
might
haue
for
the
like
quantitie
of
gold
&
siluer
.
So
that
the
losse
,
which
we
thinke
to
haue
by
the
growing
deare
of
all
things
,
commeth
not
by
giuing
more
:
but
by
receiuing
lesse
quantitie
of
fine
gold
and
siluer
,
then
we
were
wont
to
haue
.
Whereby
we
see
manifestly
,
that
the
more
we
do
enhance
the
price
of
mony
,
the
more
we
lose
:
for
thereby
commeth
the
great
dearth
of
all
things
now
,
which
bringeth
a
generall
pouertie
to
this
realme
.
The
famous
and
learned
Maister
Iohn
Bodine
making
answer
vnto
these
two
Paradoxes
,
first
sheweth
:
how
M.
Malestroit
hath
abused
himself
,
to
vse
the
example
of
veluet
to
proue
his
assertions
.
For
he
proueth
that
veluets
were
yet
vnknowne
in
France
during
the
raign
of
Philip
surnamed
the
Faire
.
And
that
although
he
should
admit
the
example
of
veluets
:
yet
it
were
no
consequence
for
all
other
things
,
which
were
not
so
deare
proportionably
.
And
concerning
the
price
of
wines
and
corne
,
he
doth
prooue
the
same
to
be
dearer
20
times
,
and
more
or
lesse
vpon
occasions
:
concluding
that
those
examples
are
also
vnfit
.
And
then
he
cometh
to
the
price
of
lands
,
which
cannot
increase
or
diminish
nor
be
altered
of
their
goodnesse
,
if
they
be
manured
.
Whereupon
he
taketh
occasion
to
shewe
the
fertilitie
of
France
:
and
that
certaine
Dukedoms
,
Earledomes
and
Baronnies
are
now
worth
of
reuenue
as
much
yearely
,
as
they
were
sold
for
in
times
past
.
The
lands
being
so
much
risen
in
price
:
he
sheweth
,
that
within
sixtie
yeares
all
things
are
growne
deare
tenne
times
the
price
comparing
it
to
any
mony
in
Fraunce
:
and
so
setteth
downe
the
causes
of
this
dearth
which
are
5
in
number
:
-
1
The
principal
&
almost
only
cause
:
The
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
nowe
extant
in
the
kingdome
,
more
then
in
times
past
.
-
2
The
Monopolies
.
-
3
The
want
of
things
,
caused
by
excessiue
trade
and
wast
thereof
.
-
4
The
pleasure
of
Princes
,
that
aduance
the
price
of
things
.
-
5
The
alteration
of
the
valuation
of
money
.
Concerning
the
first
and
principal
cause
,
he
saith
,
that
the
enhauncing
of
the
price
or
dearth
of
all
things
in
what
place
soeuer
:
proceedeth
of
the
abundance
of
that
which
giueth
price
and
estimation
vnto
things
:
and
herupon
doth
alledge
diuerse
examples
.
Plutarch
and
Plinie
do
witnesse
,
that
Paulus
Aemylius
after
the
conquest
of
Macedon
against
the
Persians
,
did
bring
such
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
to
Rome
;
that
the
people
was
freed
of
all
imposts
,
and
the
price
of
lands
aduaunced
vnto
two
third
partes
in
a
moment
.
The
Emperour
Augustus
brought
such
great
riches
from
Egipt
,
that
the
price
of
vsurie
did
decrease
,
and
the
lands
,
became
much
dearer
then
before
:
which
was
not
for
the
want
of
lands
,
which
cannot
increase
or
diminish
;
nor
for
the
Monopolies
,
which
can
take
no
place
in
this
case
:
but
it
was
the
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
,
which
abated
the
estimation
thereof
;
as
it
happened
at
Ierusalem
at
the
time
of
the
Queene
of
Candace
;
and
in
the
West
Indies
,
when
the
Spaniards
became
maisters
thereof
.
By
which
reason
the
Emperour
Tiberius
was
much
mistaken
,
to
cause
him
to
be
beheaded
,
that
would
haue
made
glasse
soft
and
malleable
;
fearing
that
gold
and
siluer
would
thereby
haue
lost
their
estimation
:
whereas
the
abundance
of
glasses
,
which
are
made
almost
of
all
stones
,
and
many
herbes
,
would
haue
diminished
the
reputation
thereof
;
as
it
falleth
out
with
all
other
things
.
Therefore
(
saith
he
)
we
are
to
shew
,
that
there
was
not
so
much
gold
and
siluer
in
times
past
three
hundred
years
ago
,
as
there
is
now
:
which
may
easily
be
known
.
For
if
there
be
mony
within
the
realme
,
it
cannot
be
so
wel
hidden
,
but
that
Princes
in
their
necessitie
and
occurrences
will
find
the
same
:
whereas
it
is
well
knowne
,
that
king
Iohn
in
his
great
necessitie
,
could
not
find
60
thousand
frankes
(
let
it
be
crownes
)
for
his
raunsome
;
but
did
remaine
a
prisoner
to
the
king
of
England
for
the
space
of
8
yeares
.
In
like
sort
,
the
king
of
Scots
being
prisoner
,
could
not
find
means
for
his
ransome
of
a
hundred
thousand
nobles
,
vntill
the
French
king
Charles
the
fift
payed
the
same
,
making
alliance
with
Robert
the
king
of
Scots
,
anno
1371.
King
Saint
Lewis
was
in
the
like
predicament
being
prisoner
in
Egypt
.
And
the
auncient
histories
do
record
,
that
for
want
of
siluer
,
money
was
made
of
leather
with
a
naile
of
siluer
.
Wherby
appeareth
the
great
want
of
siluer
and
gold
in
Fraunce
in
those
daies
:
whereas
comming
to
our
age
,
we
shall
find
that
the
king
did
find
in
Paris
in
sixe
moneths
(
besides
the
incomes
and
reuenues
)
more
then
three
millions
4
hundred
thousand
pounds
;
which
after
10
pounds
for
the
pound
starling
,
is
340
thousand
pounds
starling
.
Herunto
he
hath
added
a
comparison
betweene
certain
reuenues
and
monies
giuen
in
mariage
with
Princes
and
their
kindred
in
those
dayes
;
with
the
like
done
by
Princes
of
late
yeares
:
and
how
Italie
(
through
peace
and
meanes
of
their
trafficke
)
had
drawne
all
the
gold
vnto
them
;
the
treasure
in
Europe
being
generally
increased
since
the
discouerie
of
the
West
Indies
.
For
it
is
incredible
(
saith
he
)
and
yet
true
,
that
since
the
yeare
1533
,
there
came
from
Peru
more
then
one
hundred
millions
of
gold
,
and
twise
as
much
in
siluer
.
Then
he
commeth
to
the
causes
of
the
increase
of
the
wealth
and
treasure
of
France
:
shewing
how
the
Spaniard
running
to
the
vttermost
corner
of
the
world
for
gold
,
siluer
,
and
spices
,
doth
come
vnto
them
for
their
corne
,
linnen
cloth
,
and
diuerse
other
commodities
.
On
the
other
side
,
how
the
English
man
,
Scot
,
the
people
of
Norway
,
Swaden
,
and
Denmarke
are
continually
digging
an
infinite
number
of
mynes
euen
to
the
very
center
of
the
earth
,
for
mettals
and
minerals
,
for
to
buy
their
wines
,
prunes
,
and
other
Commodities
;
and
most
especially
their
Manna
of
salt
,
which
God
sendeth
as
it
were
from
heauen
,
their
Climate
being
more
apt
thereunto
,
then
that
of
other
countries
:
which
causeth
the
Flemmings
to
come
with
their
emptie
vessels
,
to
buy
the
same
for
readie
mony
for
the
maintenance
of
their
trafficke
of
salt-fish
.
And
this
is
the
first
cause
.
The
second
is
the
increase
of
people
,
which
by
reason
of
the
ciuill
wars
which
ceassed
betweene
the
houses
of
Orleance
&
Burgundie
,
are
much
augmented
vntill
the
troubles
for
Religion
.
Whereas
the
warres
of
neighbor
countries
was
but
a
necessarie
purgation
of
the
ill
humors
of
the
bodie
of
their
Commonwealth
:
and
the
wars
at
home
had
before
that
time
wasted
the
countrey
,
ouerthrowne
husbandrie
,
and
spoiled
all
handiworke
:
the
Englishman
hauing
sacked
their
townes
,
burned
their
villages
,
murthered
and
robbed
the
most
part
of
their
people
,
and
gnawed
the
rest
to
the
bones
:
howbeit
,
within
these
100
years
,
the
towns
haue
bene
reedified
,
villages
new
builded
,
woods
increased
,
&
the
people
augmented
in
such
sort
,
that
colonies
of
Frenchmen
haue
bene
sent
into
other
countries
to
inhabite
them
:
and
the
Spaniard
being
negligent
and
lazie
,
is
for
the
most
part
in
Arragon
and
Nauarre
without
any
labourers
or
any
other
workmen
,
but
only
Frenchmen
which
are
more
seruiceable
and
actiue
.
Another
cause
of
the
riches
of
Fraunce
,
is
the
trade
had
since
their
king
Francis
the
first
,
with
the
Turke
and
Barbarian
:
&
the
Banke
of
Lyons
erected
in
his
time
,
brought
aboundance
of
gold
and
siluer
into
Fraunce
,
when
he
payed
8
vpon
the
hundred
for
money
,
and
his
successor
ten
,
afterwards
16
,
and
20
vpon
vrgent
necessitie
:
which
made
the
Florentines
,
Lugueses
,
Genowaies
,
Germaines
and
others
to
come
&
dwell
in
the
realme
.
By
which
meanes
also
the
rentes
leauied
vpon
the
citie
of
Paris
are
brought
to
amount
vnto
3
millions
,
and
three
hundred
and
fifty
thousand
pounds
tournois
yearely
.
And
the
citie
would
be
much
richer
,
if
there
were
a
house
as
at
Genes
,
called
the
house
of
S.
George
,
which
taketh
al
the
money
that
men
will
bring
,
after
the
rate
of
5
vpon
the
100
;
and
doth
deliuer
out
the
same
to
the
merchants
to
trafficke
therwith
,
after
two
and
three
vpon
the
hundred
:
like
as
the
great
Emperours
Antonie
and
Alexander
Seuerus
did
,
which
did
deliuer
mony
at
4
per
100.
And
Augustus
deliuered
mony
freely
without
interest
to
them
that
wold
giue
sureties
to
restore
double
the
value
,
if
they
did
not
pay
it
at
the
time
limited
.
By
these
means
their
subiects
got
much
,
and
Princes
were
not
driuen
to
borrow
,
or
to
pill
their
subiects
:
but
did
rather
diminish
their
imposts
.
And
so
he
concludeth
,
that
the
aboundance
of
gold
and
siluer
is
the
cause
partly
of
the
derth
of
things
.
The
second
cause
of
the
dearth
of
things
,
namely
the
Monopolies
,
he
doth
passe
ouer
as
a
matter
not
considerable
to
the
things
intreated
of
:
which
is
(
saith
he
)
when
merchants
,
artificers
or
laborers
do
assemble
themselues
to
set
a
price
vpon
the
Commodities
,
or
their
handiworke
with
the
augmenting
of
wages
.
For
the
preuenting
whereof
,
hee
commendeth
the
abolishing
of
their
fraternities
or
companies
procured
by
the
meanes
of
their
Chauncelor
.
The
third
cause
of
the
dearth
by
the
want
of
things
,
commeth
to
passe
by
the
excessiue
trade
of
the
things
,
and
by
the
wast
thereof
.
It
is
certaine
(
saith
he
)
that
we
haue
our
corne
and
wine
better
cheape
during
the
warres
with
the
Spaniard
and
Flēming
,
then
after
the
warres
when
the
trade
is
permitted
.
For
the
husbandman
being
driuen
to
sell
and
to
make
money
of
his
wares
,
and
the
gentleman
finding
the
same
perishable
,
when
the
merchant
dare
not
lade
his
ships
,
bringeth
downe
the
price
of
Commodities
,
and
maketh
the
people
to
liue
good
cheape
:
which
according
to
the
Prouerbe
(
Fraunce
can
neuer
be
famished
)
would
alwaies
continue
,
if
by
the
means
of
the
stranger
their
storehouses
were
not
emptied
.
The
Spaniard
doth
buy
and
transport
their
corn
before
it
is
ripe
,
because
his
countrey
(
except
Arragon
and
Granado
)
is
of
great
sterilitie
:
therfore
haue
the
corn
merchants
great
priuiledges
for
bringing
corne
vnto
them
,
and
are
onely
licensed
to
export
mony
for
the
same
.
From
the
Spaniard
(
saith
he
)
we
haue
but
their
oyles
and
spices
,
and
yet
the
best
drugges
come
vnto
vs
from
Turkie
and
Barbarie
.
From
Italie
we
haue
their
allumes
,
some
silkes
,
and
other
Commodities
.
Oyles
we
may
haue
within
our
dominions
of
Languedock
and
Prouence
more
then
we
do
need
:
and
there
are
as
good
silkes
made
with
vs
,
as
at
Florence
and
Genes.
Touching
allumes
,
if
we
would
cut
the
veines
of
the
Pireney
mountaines
,
we
should
find
an
infinite
number
of
allume
and
copresse
,
as
hath
bin
sufficiently
proued
:
whereas
France
doth
spend
farre
aboue
the
value
of
one
million
thereof
yearely
:
and
the
wast
of
things
is
incredible
.
The
fourth
cause
of
the
dearth
of
things
,
proceedeth
from
the
pleasure
of
Princes
,
which
do
impose
a
price
vnto
the
things
which
they
affect
.
For
it
is
a
generall
rule
in
state
matters
,
that
Princes
do
not
onely
giue
lawes
vnto
their
subiects
,
but
also
(
as
Plato
hath
noted
)
they
do
chaunge
by
their
example
the
maners
of
men
.
To
which
purpose
he
doth
vse
the
example
of
their
king
Francis
the
first
,
who
being
hurt
in
the
head
,
caused
his
haire
to
be
cut
off
:
wherin
the
people
did
presently
imitate
him
,
as
following
the
will
of
Princes
,
&
praising
that
which
they
do
commend
.
We
haue
seene
at
one
time
(
saith
he
)
three
great
Princes
striuing
(
as
it
were
)
who
should
haue
the
most
learned
men
and
best
artificers
:
namely
,
the
great
king
Francis
the
first
,
Henry
king
of
England
,
and
Pope
Paul
the
third
:
in
such
sort
,
that
the
king
of
England
could
neuer
haue
the
learned
and
reuerend
Beda
;
and
the
French
king
did
pay
72
thousand
crownes
for
a
Diamond
,
rather
then
king
Henry
should
haue
had
the
same
.
Presently
the
Nobilitie
and
the
people
did
giue
themselues
to
studie
and
to
buy
precious
stones
:
and
when
king
Henry
beganne
to
make
litle
account
of
the
stones
,
their
generall
estimation
and
price
was
abated
:
wherof
there
are
many
examples
in
like
sort
for
the
art
of
painting
.
The
Princes
of
the
East
and
Alexander
the
Great
had
brought
them
into
such
credite
,
that
a
picture
of
Venus
issuing
out
of
the
waters
which
Apelles
had
made
,
was
bought
for
60
thousand
crownes
;
Alexander
gaue
for
his
200
talents
,
that
is
36
thousand
pound
starling
.
Apelles
himselfe
made
no
difficultie
to
buy
a
picture
of
Protogenes
for
50
thousand
crownes
:
concluding
with
other
examples
,
that
the
pleasure
of
Princes
maketh
things
deare
as
aforesaid
.
And
so
returning
to
the
wast
or
consumption
of
things
,
wherein
their
example
is
also
imitated
,
he
doth
reprehend
the
cutting
of
silke
vpon
silke
,
or
any
other
stuffe
,
so
that
it
can
serue
but
once
for
one
person
:
which
caused
the
Turkes
to
call
vs
mad
men
.
And
further
he
findeth
fault
,
that
our
Lackies
and
seruants
are
apparelled
therwith
,
and
that
so
much
stuffe
is
put
into
the
apparell
,
disguising
with
new fangled
fashions
the
proportion
of
our
person
or
bodie
,
contrarie
to
the
ancient
modestie
:
when
as
the
fashion
of
the
apparell
will
many
times
cost
more
then
the
apparell
itselfe
.
To
this
is
linked
the
desire
of
costly
houshold
stuffe
,
and
daintie
and
delicate
fare
of
al
sorts
of
meate
and
drinke
;
whereof
he
alleaged
examples
,
which
are
better
concealed
then
spoken
of
:
for
they
bring
with
them
all
licentiousnesse
and
excesse
,
as
a
spring
of
vices
of
the
calamities
and
miseries
of
a
Common-wealth
.
If
any
man
shold
here
obiect
(
saith
he
)
that
if
things
did
still
become
dearer
,
partly
through
the
wast
,
and
partly
also
for
the
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
,
no
man
should
be
able
to
liue
because
of
the
dearth
:
it
is
true
.
But
the
warres
and
calamities
happening
to
a
Common-wealth
do
stay
the
course
hereof
:
as
we
may
see
,
that
the
Romaines
haue
liued
with
great
scarcitie
,
and
to
speake
properly
,
in
great
miserie
almost
fiue
hundred
yeares
,
when
they
had
but
copper
monies
of
a
pound
waight
,
and
without
stampe
,
vntill
king
Seruius
;
and
they
made
no
siluer
monies
but
485
yeares
after
the
foundation
of
Rome
;
and
62
yeares
after
,
they
made
monies
of
gold
.
And
here
he
taketh
occasion
to
compare
the
price
of
things
altered
during
the
gouernment
of
the
Romaines
,
and
the
lawes
made
by
them
for
the
suppressing
of
abuses
:
and
that
all
their
gold
and
siluer
came
vnto
them
in
a
hundred
and
twentie
yeares
by
the
spoiles
of
all
the
world
,
which
was
brought
to
Rome
by
the
Scipions
,
Paul
Aemylius
,
Marius
,
Sylla
,
Lucullus
,
Pompey
and
Caesar
,
especially
by
the
two
last
.
For
Pompey
did
conquer
so
much
land
,
as
made
the
reuenue
of
the
Empire
to
come
vnto
8
millions
and
one
halfe
of
crownes
.
Caesar
notwithstanding
all
his
expences
&
prodigalities
brought
to
the
treasurie
40
millions
of
crowns
:
hauing
giuen
at
one
time
vnto
Paul
Consull
900
thousand
crownes
for
to
hold
silence
,
and
vnto
Curion
Tribune
1500
thousand
crownes
to
take
his
part
.
Marke
Antonie
went
further
:
(
if
it
be
true
that
which
Plutarch
and
Appian
haue
written
)
for
he
gaue
vnto
his
armie
for
their
seruice
done
200
thousand
talents
,
being
120
millions
of
crownes
:
which
is
to
be
credited
,
seeing
that
the
Emperour
Adrian
for
to
haue
the
goodwill
of
40
legions
,
gaue
ten
millions
of
crownes
.
So
that
we
may
here
see
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
at
Rome
:
but
it
did
not
last
euer
,
for
in
lesse
then
300
yeares
,
the
Parths
,
Goths
,
Hercules
,
Hongers
and
other
cruel
nations
did
ouercome
the
Empire
&
all
Italy
,
and
ouercame
the
Romains
,
burned
their
citie
,
and
tooke
the
spoile
of
them
.
The
like
doth
happen
vnto
all
Commonweales
,
to
wax
and
increase
by
litle
and
litle
,
and
to
flourish
for
a
time
in
wealth
and
power
:
and
afterwards
to
grow
old
and
decline
,
vntill
they
be
vtterly
ruinated
and
destroyed
.
Comming
to
the
last
cause
of
the
dearth
of
things
by
the
alteration
of
mony
,
he
sheweth
how
Master
Malestroit
hath
mistaken
the
matter
in
the
monies
themselues
made
within
300
yeares
.
For
whereas
he
saith
,
that
S.
Lewis
caused
the
first
sols
to
be
coyned
worth
twelue
deniers
,
whereof
64
peeces
went
to
the
marke
;
and
that
in
Philip
de
Valois
his
time
,
the
crowne
of
the
Flower-de-luce
without
number
,
&
as
good
as
the
crowns
now
,
was
valued
but
20
sols
;
and
that
afterwards
king
Iohn
caused
the
franks
to
be
made
of
fine
gold
which
were
but
valued
20
sols
;
and
that
the
sols
of
siluer
of
that
time
was
worth
fiue
of
our
sols
:
he
doth
not
say
of
what
weight
or
finenesse
the
monies
were
in
those
daies
.
And
touching
the
last
point
he
doth
contradict
himselfe
:
for
he
doth
acknowledge
that
the
old
crown
weighing
three
penny
weight
,
is
no
more
worth
then
60
of
our
sols
:
so
that
the
auncient
sols
of
fine
siluer
can
be
worth
but
three
of
them
:
and
yet
the
frankes
of
gold
do
weigh
lesse
by
foure
graines
then
the
old
crowne
,
and
are
no
better
in
finenesse
then
the
other
.
And
by
the
proclamation
of
the
yeare
1561
,
the
old
crowne
is
valued
at
60
sols
,
and
the
franke
at
50
sols
:
which
if
his
proposition
were
true
,
and
that
it
were
fiue
sols
for
one
;
then
would
the
old
crowne
be
by
this
proportion
valued
at
100
sols
,
and
the
franke
at
90
sols
.
And
if
Master
Malestroit
(
saith
he
)
doth
take
his
comparison
of
the
alteration
of
monies
at
some
one
time
in
any
such
years
when
monies
haue
bene
embased
;
that
is
no
consequence
at
all
:
for
within
the
abouesaid
time
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
money
was
once
so
base
in
allay
,
that
one
of
our
sols
was
worth
5
of
those
which
were
then
.
And
then
he
sheweth
,
how
al
things
were
rated
for
their
customes
,
and
how
vsed
within
fiftie
or
sixtie
yeares
:
concluding
that
the
price
of
things
(
notwithstanding
his
former
allegation
)
is
not
altered
by
the
valuation
of
monies
.
But
wel
,
that
things
are
growne
deare
,
contrary
to
the
first
Paradoxe
of
Maister
Malestroit
:
and
that
was
the
first
point
which
he
was
to
proue
;
&
the
second
was
the
causes
of
this
dearth
,
as
we
haue
briefly
rehearsed
.
But
forasmuch
(
saith
he
)
as
some
great
personages
do
labour
by
words
and
writings
,
that
the
trade
should
be
cut
off
,
and
that
no
Commodities
shold
be
transported
out
of
the
realm
;
making
accompt
that
we
could
liue
peaceably
within
our selues
,
and
very
good
cheape
without
giuing
or
receiuing
any
thing
of
other
nations
:
he
doth
reprehend
them
,
and
sheweth
that
they
haue
need
of
the
straungers
,
and
most
especially
of
the
trafficke
with
them
.
Insomuch
that
although
they
could
liue
without
them
in
regard
of
Commodities
:
yet
charitie
and
humanity
willeth
vs
to
maintaine
friendship
with
our
neighbours
,
and
rather
to
giue
them
part
of
our
blessings
,
then
not
to
deale
or
to
communicate
with
them
.
Wherein
the
Romaines
were
much
to
blame
,
who
hauing
extended
their
power
from
the
West
vnto
the
East
,
did
refuse
to
take
vnder
their
gouernment
some
nations
,
because
there
was
nothing
to
be
had
of
them
:
whereas
the
greatest
gift
of
honor
that
God
giueth
vnto
man
,
is
to
giue
him
the
maiestie
to
commaund
,
and
to
do
iustice
especially
to
the
poore
not
being
instructed
.
But
if
this
lesson
doth
not
please
men
of
this
humour
,
God
hath
so
bestowed
and
deuided
his
graces
and
blessings
,
that
there
is
no
countrey
in
all
the
world
so
fruitfull
,
but
hath
neede
of
diuers
things
:
whereby
he
holdeth
all
the
subiects
of
his
Commonwealth
in
friendship
,
or
at
the
least
doth
hinder
them
to
make
long
warres
one
with
another
.
And
so
he
proceedeth
to
shew
some
remedies
to
the
causes
aforesaid
.
The
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
now
adaies
more
then
in
times
past
,
must
partly
excuse
the
dearth
of
things
:
(
saith
he
)
adding
further
touching
Monopolies
and
the
wast
of
things
,
that
in
vaine
are
good
lawes
made
if
they
be
not
executed
;
especially
if
the
king
do
not
cause
the
courtier
to
obserue
them
,
whom
the
common
people
doth
imitate
:
whereby
also
many
superfluous
things
might
be
auoided
,
and
not
brought
into
the
realme
;
as
is
done
by
Italians
with
perfumes
,
counterfeit
stones
,
and
such
trifles
.
Concerning
the
excessiue
trade
of
some
Commodities
,
he
declareth
,
that
as
the
things
transported
,
cause
the
like
to
grow
deare
by
the
exportation
:
so
the
things
imported
becom
the
better
cheape
.
Wherof
he
excepteth
the
trade
of
corne
,
which
is
to
be
gouerned
more
wisely
:
for
they
haue
had
intollerable
famines
for
want
of
such
a
due
care
as
Ioseph
had
in
Aegypt
.
The
meane
to
preuent
the
same
,
is
to
haue
many
publike
store-houses
in
seuerall
places
,
making
prouision
of
corne
yearely
,
by
selling
the
old
and
prouiding
new
in
place
.
Touching
the
opinion
of
those
,
that
would
haue
the
vines
taken
vp
,
and
corne
sowed
in
the
place
:
or
at
the
least
to
commaund
that
no
vines
should
be
planted
hereafter
:
the
husbandman
doth
with
reason
laugh
them
to
scorne
.
For
God
himselfe
did
so
direct
and
dispose
the
nature
of
the
ground
,
that
all
should
not
be
for
corne
,
or
all
wine
;
seeing
the
one
hath
need
of
a
fat
,
and
the
other
of
a
stonie
ground
.
And
if
the
vines
were
pulled
vp
,
wee
should
(
saith
hee
)
depriue
Fraunce
of
one
of
the
greatest
riches
of
the
land
.
But
there
is
a
meane
propounded
by
those
that
haue
vnderstanding
in
matters
of
imposts
,
which
would
very
much
enrich
the
realme
,
and
releeue
the
common-people
:
which
is
,
to
lay
part
of
the
ordinarie
charges
vpon
corn
,
wine
,
salt
,
wood
,
linnen
cloth
and
draperie
:
and
most
especially
vpon
wine
,
salt
,
and
corne
,
which
are
three
elements
whereupon
(
next
vnder
God
)
the
life
of
the
stranger
dependeth
,
and
which
can
neuer
faile
.
The
mines
of
the
North
and
of
the
Indies
are
exhausted
in
a
short
time
,
and
the
mettals
cannot
grow
againe
:
but
our
springs
of
corne
,
salt
&
wine
are
not
to
be
drawne
out
.
And
howsoeuer
the
season
of
the
yere
doth
hinder
them
to
come
to
perfection
:
yet
other
nations
do
not
regard
,
at
what
price
soeuer
they
buy
them
.
And
it
commeth
to
passe
many
times
,
that
salt
is
better
cheape
in
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Flaunders
,
then
in
Fraunce
:
neither
can
other
nations
take
offence
if
impositions
bee
layed
vpon
these
Commodities
:
for
they
haue
done
the
like
vpon
diuers
Commodities
of
their
owne
.
And
so
he
concludeth
,
that
by
these
meanes
there
would
be
the
lesse
transported
:
and
so
the
dearth
of
things
qualified
by
greater
store
remaining
within
the
land
.
Another
remedie
against
the
dearth
of
things
,
especially
of
victuals
,
is
to
restore
the
vse
of
fish
to
his
auncient
credite
:
by
meanes
whereof
,
beefe
,
mutton
,
foule
,
&
all
such
kind
of
flesh
would
become
better
cheape
:
shewing
to
this
purpose
the
commodious
situation
of
France
,
and
the
great
number
of
riuers
within
their
dominion
.
And
so
with
Galen
he
doth
preferre
fish
before
flesh
:
for
that
fish
is
more
wholesome
,
and
is
neuer
vnsound
,
as
the
porke
and
hare
,
nor
scuruie
as
the
sheepe
,
nor
lousie
as
the
bucke
,
neither
subiect
to
diuers
diseases
as
beasts
are
:
neither
hath
God
created
foure
hundred
seuerall
sorts
of
fishes
(
which
doe
not
cost
any
thing
to
feede
)
in
vaine
,
being
almost
all
fit
for
meate
:
whereas
there
is
not
40
sorts
of
beasts
and
fowle
,
fit
for
the
nourishment
of
man
:
but
to
eate
flesh
and
fish
together
is
very
vnwholesome
.
And
hereupon
he
sheweth
,
in
what
great
estimation
fish
was
in
times
past
:
and
that
the
principall
banquets
were
made
of
fish
;
as
that
of
Caligula
which
did
continue
sixe
moneths
,
who
made
all
the
Mediterrane
sea
to
be
fished
;
and
but
for
varietie
,
fowle
and
other
meates
were
vsed
with
it
.
The
coast
of
Picardie
where
the
sea
is
of
a
sandy
ground
,
(
saith
he
)
there
the
fish
is
flat
;
the
coast
of
Normandie
&
Guienne
which
is
stonie
,
bringeth
foorth
the
rockefish
;
and
the
coast
of
Brittaine
which
is
slimie
,
yeeldeth
the
round
fish
,
as
Lamprays
,
Congers
&
such
like
:
and
yet
man
knoweth
not
from
whence
at
one
season
doth
come
the
infinite
millions
of
Herrings
about
the
coasts
of
Fraunce
and
England
,
Pilcheards
about
Galisiea
,
and
Whales
and
other
fishes
in
new-found
land
and
other
seas
.
Commending
hereupon
our
custome
of
England
,
where
men
are
constrained
(
saith
he
)
to
obserue
fish-dayes
in
the
weeke
,
notwithstanding
the
great
plentie
of
beasts
and
fowles
.
The
only
meane
to
bring
this
to
passe
is
the
example
of
the
Prince
and
great
men
,
whom
the
people
will
imitate
▪
Adrian
a
Hollander
was
of
a
poore
scholer
made
Pope
,
by
meanes
of
the
Emperour
Charles
the
fift
his
disciple
:
and
because
he
did
loue
to
feed
vpon
hake-fish
,
presently
all
the
Courtiers
,
and
his
followers
to
please
him
did
the
like
,
and
the
people
also
:
so
that
nothing
was
dearer
at
Rome
then
hake
fish
.
The
example
therfore
is
of
great
efficacie
,
which
inferiour
men
do
follow
of
their
superiours
.
Then
he
cometh
to
the
last
point
,
which
may
hold
the
price
of
Commodities
in
a
certain
equalitie
:
namely
,
certaintie
and
equalitie
of
money
,
which
for
the
time
must
not
be
mutable
or
incertaine
:
for
if
it
were
,
no
man
could
make
an
estate
certain
:
the
contracts
wil
be
vncertaine
;
the
rents
,
charges
,
taxes
,
wages
,
pensions
,
penalties
,
customs
and
impositions
,
and
all
things
else
in
the
Commonwealth
wil
be
vncertaine
:
wheras
the
Prince
(
saith
he
)
must
be
the
warrant
of
the
monies
vnto
his
subiectes
,
and
is
to
haue
a
singular
care
to
auoide
embasing
and
counterfeiting
.
And
then
he
discourseth
of
some
auncient
monies
and
waights
vsed
by
other
nations
,
and
of
the
propertie
and
diuersitie
of
mettals
,
and
of
the
alteration
of
mony
in
Fraunce
,
together
with
their
finenesse
,
proportion
,
&
valuation
:
which
(
for
to
auoide
prolixitie
)
I
do
passe
ouer
,
albeit
I
meane
to
touch
in
part
hereafter
.
This
is
the
substance
and
answer
of
Maister
Bodine
vnto
these
Paradoxes
,
which
he
hath
dedicated
vnto
the
President
of
the
French
kings
Parliament
:
for
to
encourage
all
them
(
saith
he
)
that
wish
well
to
the
Common-wealth
,
to
continue
in
the
studie
of
so
good
a
subiect
;
to
the
end
that
Princes
which
haue
the
power
to
commaund
,
together
with
those
that
do
giue
them
counsell
,
may
be
more
resolued
in
those
things
,
for
the
honour
of
God
,
&
welfare
of
the
Common-wealth
:
when
they
shall
vnderstand
the
iust
complaints
and
griefes
of
the
poore
people
,
which
doe
feele
the
smart
,
but
cannot
for
the
most
part
iudge
of
the
causes
thereof
;
and
those
that
haue
some
iudgement
,
cannot
haue
audience
or
meanes
to
make
it
knowne
,
but
by
writings
vnto
those
that
can
easily
remedie
the
same
.
But
if
Maister
Bodine
had
according
to
his
wisedome
and
deepe
iudgment
in
other
matters
,
considered
of
these
two
Paradoxes
:
he
would
haue
made
a
direct
aunswer
thereunto
,
before
he
would
haue
proceeded
in
his
discourse
before
alleaged
.
The
first
Paradoxe
being
considered
of
with
the
second
,
will
shewe
a
manifest
contradiction
or
contrarietie
.
For
the
first
doth
consist
in
giuing
of
more
gold
and
siluer
for
Commodities
now
,
then
in
times
past
:
which
he
denyeth
.
And
the
second
,
in
receiuing
lesse
Commodities
for
the
gold
and
siluer
now
,
then
in
times
past
;
which
he
affirmeth
:
which
both
waies
is
to
be
taken
in
nature
of
Permutation
.
Now
if
we
do
not
giue
more
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
for
Commodities
then
in
times
past
:
how
can
we
receiue
lesse
Commodities
for
the
gold
and
siluer
,
and
thereby
receiue
a
losse
,
as
in
the
second
Paradoxe
is
alleaged
?
Again
,
if
we
do
receiue
lesse
quantitie
of
Commodities
for
gold
and
siluer
,
then
in
times
past
,
according
to
the
second
Paradoxe
,
whereby
we
sustaine
a
losse
:
how
can
the
first
Paradoxe
be
true
,
That
nothing
is
growne
deare
,
for
that
we
giue
no
more
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
for
Commodities
,
then
in
times
past
?
The
explanation
of
his
intention
touching
these
2
Paradoxes
,
is
more
absurd
considering
the
premisses
.
For
whereas
he
saith
,
that
the
king
and
his
subiects
do
now
buy
al
things
as
dere
as
in
times
past
,
by
giuing
as
great
a
quantitie
of
gold
or
siluer
for
it
:
it
followeth
,
that
the
king
and
other
his
subiects
do
receiue
the
like
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
proportionably
for
their
reuenues
,
and
not
a
payment
of
copper
in
lieu
of
gold
and
siluer
(
as
he
saith
)
considering
the
course
of
mony
is
all
alike
betweene
the
king
and
the
subiect
.
But
if
we
will
take
his
meaning
to
be
,
that
he
hath
excepted
the
Crowne
landes
and
incomes
of
the
king
,
and
the
reuenues
of
Noblemen
&
others
,
wherof
the
price
(
as
it
shold
seeme
)
is
not
altered
with
them
;
like
as
the
Crowne
lands
with
vs
,
which
are
at
the
auncient
rent
,
when
siluer
was
at
twenty
pence
an
ounce
,
which
ounce
is
now
esteemed
fiue
shillings
:
how
can
this
construction
be
admitted
,
considering
that
he
▪
doth
conclude
againe
in
generall
wordes
,
that
the
losse
which
we
thinke
to
haue
by
the
dearth
of
things
,
commeth
not
by
giuing
more
,
but
by
receiuing
lesse
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
,
then
we
were
wont
to
haue
?
which
is
by
enhauncing
the
price
of
money
(
saith
he
)
which
is
the
cause
of
the
dearth
of
all
things
now
,
and
bringeth
a
generall
pouertie
to
the
realme
.
A
conclusion
most
opposite
to
the
first
Paradoxe
.
And
whereas
he
saith
,
that
of
necessitie
the
embasing
of
the
siluer
monies
proceedeth
by
the
enhauncing
of
the
gold
:
the
word
Embasing
must
be
vnderstood
in
price
,
according
to
the
proportion
of
valuation
which
is
obserued
betweene
the
gold
and
siluer
:
which
in
those
daies
was
11
of
fine
siluer
to
one
of
fine
gold
.
But
the
siluer
is
not
embased
by
allay
or
copper
in
aduancing
the
price
of
gold
:
for
the
substance
remaineth
vnaltered
and
becommeth
only
abated
in
price
in
regard
of
the
gold
.
Now
if
Maister
Bodine
had
not
shewed
before
,
that
Malestroit
hath
mistaken
himselfe
in
the
setting
downe
of
the
enhauncing
of
money
in
price
,
and
the
embasing
by
allay
:
wherby
the
gold
monies
by
him
alleaged
to
be
risen
from
one
to
two
and
a
halfe
,
and
three
in
price
,
and
the
siluer
monies
from
one
to
5
:
we
might
haue
examined
this
proportion
betweene
gold
and
siluer
according
to
his
allegation
;
and
therby
made
knowne
,
that
he
had
mistaken
the
matter
as
well
in
the
alteration
of
monies
in
valuation
,
finenesse
,
and
waight
,
as
hee
did
the
whole
ground
of
his
Paradoxes
.
For
hauing
lost
the
line
,
wherewith
he
went
into
the
Labyrinth
of
monies
and
their
property
:
he
is
like
vnto
a
man
,
who
hauing
lost
his
way
amongst
the
woods
,
the
further
he
goeth
,
the
more
he
erreth
from
the
right
way
.
Maister
Malestroit
might
haue
declared
his
intention
in
two
words
,
if
he
had
had
the
true
ground
,
and
vnderstood
the
matter
he
went
about
:
by
prouing
onely
,
that
when
monies
do
alter
in
waight
,
or
in
finenesse
,
or
in
valuation
,
or
in
all
three
;
the
price
of
things
doth
alter
onely
by
denomination
,
if
the
valuation
be
made
accordingly
.
As
for
example
:
an
ounce
of
starling
siluer
was
deuided
heretofore
by
the
kings
of
England
in
20
peeces
,
and
so
valued
20
pence
,
euery
pennie
in
value
waighing
a
penny
waight
.
This
ounce
in
processe
of
time
(
as
we
haue
shewed
elsewhere
)
was
deuided
afterwards
into
30
peeces
,
then
40
peeces
,
45
peeces
,
and
now
60
peeces
:
so
that
a
pennie
waight
of
starling
siluer
is
now
three
pence
,
and
the
peece
is
only
altered
in
name
:
for
a
three
pennie
peece
waigheth
but
a
penny
waight
.
So
that
the
ounce
of
siluer
being
altered
onely
in
denomination
,
the
price
of
Commodities
must
needs
receiue
the
like
name
or
denomination
.
And
if
the
price
of
Commodities
were
not
risen
aboue
this
estimation
of
three
for
one
:
then
M.
Malestroit
might
haue
made
good
his
first
Paradoxe
:
howbeit
failed
in
his
second
Paradox
.
Again
,
let
vs
suppose
that
the
Queene
of
England
should
reduce
the
valuation
of
an
ounce
of
starling
siluer
vnto
20
pence
,
presently
the
price
of
things
would
be
altered
accordingly
:
and
that
,
for
which
we
giue
now
3
pence
,
should
but
beare
the
name
of
a
pennie
;
which
would
seeme
to
be
better
cheape
,
and
yet
would
not
be
so
in
effect
.
For
we
should
giue
still
the
quantitie
of
siluer
of
three
pence
,
albeit
the
name
thereof
were
altered
:
and
therefore
not
better
cheape
.
True
it
is
,
that
the
Queene
should
receiue
for
her
incomes
and
reuenues
of
Crown
lands
such
a
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
as
her
predecessours
did
in
times
past
:
and
Noblemen
and
others
in
like
sort
for
their
lands
,
and
officers
for
their
fees
being
after
the
old
rent
and
custome
.
But
this
reduction
wold
proue
very
preiudiciall
,
considering
that
other
Princes
haue
enhaunced
the
price
of
their
monies
,
which
doth
carie
a
shew
of
gaine
in
the
eyes
or
iudgement
of
most
men
,
which
are
thereupon
inclined
to
carie
money
vnto
them
:
albeit
,
the
price
of
the
Commodities
of
those
Princes
dominions
,
doth
not
onely
counteruaile
that
supposed
gaine
in
the
generall
course
of
trafficke
,
but
also
farre
surmount
the
same
.
But
the
money
with
vs
not
being
altered
in
waight
,
finenesse
or
valuation
within
these
fiftie
yeares
(
in
which
time
the
price
of
Commodities
is
so
much
altered
)
how
can
the
first
Paradoxe
take
any
place
?
And
if
his
second
Paradox
had
bene
of
a
true
ground
,
what
reason
hath
any
man
to
measure
things
present
with
the
things
of
former
ages
,
so
long
as
there
is
no
alteration
of
the
money
almost
within
the
age
of
any
man
?
For
if
aboue
fiftie
yeares
past
I
haue
receiued
an
angell
of
such
waight
and
finenesse
as
the
angels
now
adaies
,
for
ten
shillings
,
and
do
pay
out
the
same
againe
for
ten
shillings
;
there
can
be
no
losse
,
although
I
should
receiue
lesse
quantitie
of
Commodities
for
the
same
:
which
if
I
do
,
I
cannot
attribute
the
losse
thereof
vpon
my
angell
,
but
rather
to
the
dearth
of
Commodities
,
the
mony
not
hauing
bene
altered
within
my
time
.
King
Henry
the
8
in
the
beginning
of
his
raign
,
did
find
the
ounce
of
starling
siluer
to
be
valued
at
40
pence
,
&
the
price
of
Commodities
accordingly
,
the
money
being
in
weight
and
finenesse
according
to
the
auncient
standard
of
England
:
at
which
time
the
monies
of
other
countries
adiacent
was
not
so
much
aduaunced
in
price
.
For
an
angell
being
in
his
time
valued
at
6
shillings
8
pence
,
was
then
woorth
beyond
the
seas
9
shillings
7
pence
,
and
the
siluer
money
accordingly
.
Afterwards
towards
the
latter
end
of
his
raigne
vpon
especiall
occasion
,
he
caused
all
his
mony
to
be
embased
by
allay
of
copper
,
and
made
very
base
money
:
whereby
the
price
of
all
Commodities
was
aduaunced
.
So
that
the
money
(
being
altered
in
substance
)
was
the
cause
to
aduaunce
the
price
of
Commodities
:
albeit
that
afterwardes
when
(
to
her
Maiesties
great
honour
)
the
substance
of
mony
was
reduced
to
her
former
puritie
and
finenesse
,
had
not
the
like
effect
;
which
seemeth
to
contradict
our
matter
in
hand
.
But
we
must
note
here
,
that
there
is
a
coherence
to
be
considered
of
in
the
mony
betweene
the
weight
,
finenesse
,
and
valuation
;
whereby
if
generally
either
of
these
be
altered
,
all
things
do
alter
in
price
accordingly
:
but
if
it
be
altered
in
part
with
due
consideration
,
it
hath
not
the
like
effect
or
operation
.
King
Henry
did
alter
the
finenesse
of
the
mony
by
allay
of
copper
,
and
withall
did
aduaunce
the
valuation
of
an
ounce
of
siluer
from
40
pence
vnto
45
pence
,
and
the
gold
accordingly
;
accounting
one
of
fine
gold
to
11
of
fine
siluer
:
whereby
an
angell
was
worth
7
shillings
6
pence
.
The
money
being
brought
to
the
former
goodnesse
in
her
Maiesties
raign
,
would
haue
abated
the
price
of
other
things
accordingly
:
had
not
the
valuation
bene
altered
and
counteruailed
the
same
,
together
with
the
increase
of
money
.
For
this
ounce
of
siluer
aforesaid
was
valued
at
60
pence
,
and
that
which
before
did
beare
the
name
of
45
was
called
60
:
which
denomination
caused
al
other
things
to
remaine
at
the
old
price
,
whereunto
they
were
come
through
the
basenesse
of
the
money
before
that
time
.
Now
before
we
conclude
,
it
is
worthie
the
noting
,
that
when
in
this
kings
time
the
angel
was
woorth
vnder
the
Archduke
of
Burgundie
,
9
shillings
7
pence
;
the
King
did
send
vnto
the
Duchesse
(
whiles
her
husband
was
in
Germany
)
desiring
her
to
value
the
angell
at
10
shillings
Flemish
:
but
he
could
not
obtaine
the
same
.
Which
seemeth
very
strange
,
considering
that
the
aduancing
of
the
price
of
money
,
doth
cause
the
money
to
be
transported
to
the
places
where
it
is
aduaunced
:
whereby
all
the
angels
might
haue
bin
caried
into
her
dominion
.
But
she
like
a
wise
and
politicke
Duchesse
,
caused
the
matter
to
be
examined
and
considered
of
,
sending
men
skilfull
in
mint
causes
into
England
.
And
finding
that
the
golden
fleece
,
aliâs
Toison
d'or
,
was
the
money
then
most
currant
with
her
:
and
that
the
same
was
worth
both
in
regard
of
waight
&
finenesse
,
asmuch
as
the
angel
,
&
was
also
valued
at
9
shillings
7
pence
:
she
could
not
graunt
the
kings
requests
without
altering
also
her
money
,
vnlesse
shee
would
haue
suffered
the
English
merchants
to
bring
angels
vnto
her
for
10
shillings
,
and
to
carie
away
the
golden
fleeces
for
9
shillings
7
pence
to
be
conuerted
into
angels
,
to
the
great
losse
of
her
dominions
,
both
in
the
money
,
and
to
leaue
the
Commodities
of
her
country
vnuented
:
so
long
as
there
were
a
gaine
vpon
the
mony
,
which
abated
the
price
of
commodities
.
These
two
Paradoxes
being
thus
vnmasked
,
are
easily
conceiued
of
any
man
of
iudgement
to
be
far
from
the
truth
:
and
therefore
will
the
vnderstanding
thereof
be
accounted
a
matter
of
small
moment
,
as
all
things
else
are
when
they
be
known
;
like
vnto
the
egge
of
Columbus
,
who
hauing
discouered
the
West
Indies
,
and
hearing
some
say
at
a
dinner
,
that
if
he
had
not
done
it
,
another
might
and
wold
;
called
for
an
egge
,
and
willed
all
the
guests
one
after
another
to
set
it
vp
on
end
:
which
when
they
could
not
do
,
he
gently
bruising
the
one
end
of
it
did
make
it
flat
,
or
rather
by
swinging
did
breake
the
yolke
within
,
and
so
set
it
vp
:
shewing
how
easie
it
was
to
do
that
which
a
man
had
seene
done
before
him
.
Now
let
vs
examine
the
answer
of
Maister
Bodine
.
Maister
Malestroit
was
of
opinion
,
That
nothing
was
growne
dearer
in
three
hundred
yeares
,
as
is
before
shewed
.
But
Maister
Bodine
was
of
a
contrarie
opinion
,
and
sheweth
fiue
causes
of
the
dearth
of
things
,
as
we
haue
also
declared
.
Whereunto
for
a
generall
and
direct
answer
by
way
of
Replication
,
we
say
:
that
to
shew
the
alteration
of
the
price
of
things
and
the
causes
therof
,
is
of
small
moment
,
the
true
ground
of
the
matter
being
by
him
mistaken
.
Which
true
ground
must
be
by
making
a
comparison
of
the
enhauncing
of
the
price
of
the
Commodities
of
one
countrie
,
with
the
price
of
the
Commodities
of
other
countries
:
and
thereby
to
find
out
,
whether
things
are
grown
deare
with
vs
in
effect
;
and
whether
we
pay
more
proportionably
for
the
forraine
Commodities
within
the
aforesaid
time
of
three
hundred
yeares
,
then
we
doe
receiue
for
the
price
of
our
home
Commodities
.
For
if
we
do
now
pay
more
for
corne
,
wine
,
and
all
other
victuals
;
and
sell
our
Commodities
for
more
then
we
were
wont
to
do
proportionably
:
here
is
no
alteration
in
effect
,
but
in
name
onely
,
so
long
as
the
substance
of
the
money
is
not
altered
in
propertie
.
But
if
we
sell
our
Commodities
dearer
,
and
buy
our
victuals
dearer
then
heretofore
;
and
that
ouer
and
aboue
the
price
thereof
,
we
must
pay
farre
dearer
for
the
forraine
Commodities
,
then
proportionably
the
price
of
our
Commodities
is
risen
:
this
causeth
vs
to
be
aloser
in
particular
,
and
bringeth
by
an
ouer-ballancing
of
forraine
Commodities
with
our
home
Commodities
,
a
generall
losse
to
the
Common-wealth
:
which
to
supply
,
causeth
vs
to
make
vp
the
inequalitie
with
mony
,
which
is
the
treasure
of
the
realm
.
The
consideration
then
must
be
,
not
to
compare
things
within
themselues
in
the
Commonwealth
where
we
do
liue
;
but
betweene
vs
and
other
nations
with
whom
we
deale
,
either
by
way
of
permutation
of
Commodities
for
Commodities
,
or
Commodities
for
money
in
specie
,
or
by
exchange
.
So
that
we
must
examine
the
course
of
Commodities
,
Money
▪
and
Exchange
,
which
are
the
three
simples
,
vnder
the
which
all
the
trade
and
trafficke
is
performed
:
whereof
we
shall
intreate
,
when
we
shall
haue
examined
the
matters
by
him
alleaged
in
particular
.
The
fiue
causes
of
the
dearth
of
things
by
him
alleaged
,
are
to
be
distinguished
according
to
our
forme
▪
obseruation
.
For
the
first
&
last
cause
concerning
plentie
of
gold
and
siluer
,
and
the
alteration
of
the
valuation
of
money
,
may
be
causes
that
generally
things
are
deare
.
But
the
other
three
touching
Monopolies
,
the
want
and
wast
of
things
,
and
the
pleasure
of
Princes
;
can
but
make
things
particularly
deare
,
according
to
the
vse
thereof
:
wherein
the
time
maketh
also
now
and
then
an
alteration
vpon
occasion
;
as
when
armes
are
dearer
in
time
of
warre
,
then
in
time
of
peace
:
victuals
in
time
of
famine
:
wood
in
winter
,
and
water
in
desert
places
,
and
such
like
.
Seeing
then
that
plentie
of
money
maketh
not
onely
the
Commodities
of
a
countrie
deare
,
but
that
they
are
also
Nerui
bellorum
,
the
sinewes
of
warre
;
euery
Prince
is
to
haue
a
singular
care
for
the
preseruation
and
augmentation
therof
:
especially
those
Princes
that
haue
no
mines
of
gold
or
siluer
within
their
dominions
,
or
such
as
haue
had
them
,
and
are
now
without
them
.
The
gold
was
wont
to
come
much
out
of
the
mountaines
of
Boheme
,
and
riuers
of
Pannonia
and
Swaden
.
Out
of
Spaine
,
there
was
wont
to
come
both
out
of
the
riuers
and
monntaines
aboue
20
thousand
pound
weight
yearely
,
which
is
all
exhausted
:
then
it
came
from
the
West
Indies
,
first
from
Santo
Domingo
and
other
places
,
where
it
doth
also
cease
:
now
it
commeth
from
Peru
by
certaine
millions
,
which
will
also
take
an
end
.
The
siluer
is
brought
also
from
the
West
Indies
,
and
was
much
found
in
Germanie
:
but
is
now
in
many
places
drawne
out
.
The
most
noble
Kings
of
this
realm
haue
alwaies
had
a
singular
care
to
accumulate
treasure
;
deeming
therfore
,
that
it
was
neither
expedient
nor
conuenient
for
them
to
suffer
the
transportation
of
their
monies
or
bullion
out
of
the
same
:
as
by
diuers
acts
of
Parliament
may
be
seene
,
whereby
it
was
made
fellonie
for
the
space
of
many
yeares
continuing
.
William
the
Conqueror
caused
a
description
to
be
made
of
the
realme
,
and
the
land
to
be
measured
,
reseruing
so
much
thereof
,
as
he
thought
conuenient
for
the
Crowne
:
and
the
rest
he
deuided
amongst
his
Barons
and
knights
,
who
did
pay
him
therefore
a
certaine
summe
of
money
:
whereby
he
did
gather
a
treasure
.
Henry
the
second
succeeding
him
within
one
hundred
yeares
,
hauing
had
many
great
warres
,
and
ioyned
Ireland
to
the
Crowne
of
England
,
conquering
also
Scotland
,
and
reducing
Normandie
and
other
places
in
Fraunce
to
the
Crowne
;
and
hauing
raigned
35
yeares
,
had
neuer
cause
to
impose
any
tribute
,
subsidie
or
taxe
vpon
his
subiects
:
and
left
notwithstanding
behind
him
in
treasure
900
thousand
pounds
;
which
in
those
daies
was
not
only
a
great
matter
(
the
West
Indies
not
being
discouered
)
but
also
for
that
it
would
make
now
with
vs
27
hundred
thousand
pounds
,
the
ounce
of
siluer
being
esteemed
at
fiue
shillings
,
which
then
was
but
at
twentie
pence
.
Edward
the
third
made
many
good
lawes
to
keepe
the
treasure
within
the
realme
,
and
for
the
aduancement
of
his
home
Commodities
,
and
had
a
great
care
,
that
the
forraine
Commodities
,
should
not
ouer-ballaunce
his
home
Commodities
:
knowing
that
if
hee
payed
more
for
them
,
then
he
made
of
his
Commodities
,
the
difference
must
be
made
vp
and
ballanced
with
the
treasure
or
money
of
the
realme
.
For
hauing
brought
the
working
and
making
of
cloth
into
the
realme
,
he
did
deuise
by
all
meanes
to
find
vent
for
the
same
,
obseruing
a
due
course
for
to
preuent
the
transportation
of
his
money
:
and
that
the
true
value
of
his
money
might
be
answered
by
exchaunge
with
the
monies
of
other
countries
.
And
forasmuch
as
the
same
course
of
exchange
could
not
be
done
by
a
multitude
of
people
so
conueniently
,
(
the
most
part
being
ignorant
of
the
true
value
of
the
monies
of
other
countries
)
he
did
appoint
and
ordaine
an
Exchanger
,
who
did
make
exchaunges
with
all
men
for
forraine
parts
,
according
to
value
for
value
,
and
specie
for
specie
,
proceeding
in
all
things
most
orderly
,
as
may
appeare
also
by
that
:
a
sacke
of
wooll
containeth
13
Tods
according
to
the
Lunar
moneths
of
the
yeare
,
euery
Tod
4
nayles
for
the
4
weekes
to
the
moneth
,
and
so
52
weekes
in
the
yeare
:
euery
nayle
7
pounds
to
the
7
daies
of
the
weeke
,
and
so
28
dayes
for
the
moneth
,
as
28
pounds
for
a
Tod
:
and
in
all
364
pounds
for
so
many
dayes
of
the
yeare
.
Richard
the
second
hauing
an
especiall
regard
to
the
ouer-ballancing
of
forraine
Commodities
with
his
home
Commodities
,
caused
the
Statute
of
Employment
for
merchants
strangers
,
to
be
duly
executed
.
And
if
they
could
not
sell
their
Commodities
within
a
conuenient
time
,
they
were
to
transport
the
same
againe
:
and
if
they
made
not
their
returne
in
Commodities
,
they
might
deliuer
their
money
by
exchange
,
but
onely
to
the
Exchaunger
by
him
ordained
,
and
none
other
.
Henry
the
fift
confirming
the
former
statutes
,
caused
the
Staplers
to
bring
into
the
realme
in
returne
of
their
wools
a
great
part
in
bullion
,
and
the
Statute
of
Employment
to
be
duly
executed
.
And
the
like
was
done
by
other
kings
.
Henry
the
seuenth
,
in
the
3
yeare
of
his
raigne
,
made
an
Act
of
Parliament
for
explanation
of
the
former
Statutes
,
prohibiting
all
manner
of
exchaunge
or
rechaunge
within
his
realme
,
or
for
any
forraine
parts
:
and
that
no
person
should
make
any
exchange
without
the
kings
licence
,
or
of
his
exchanger
according
to
the
statute
of
Richard
the
second
.
For
in
his
time
the
Bankers
had
their
beginning
,
who
did
inuent
the
merchandizing
exchange
,
and
made
of
money
a
merchandize
:
whereby
they
found
the
means
to
ouer-rule
the
course
of
Commodities
,
and
to
aduance
the
price
of
their
Commodities
,
abating
the
price
of
others
.
But
this
prudent
and
politicke
king
,
hauing
his
coffers
stored
with
standing
treasure
,
did
(
for
the
furtherance
of
trafficke
,
and
for
to
aduance
the
price
of
his
Commodities
)
lend
great
summes
of
mony
freely
to
the
Merchants
.
And
whereas
other
nations
came
into
the
realme
to
buy
his
Commodities
,
which
he
knew
to
be
staple
Commodities
and
of
great
request
,
as
being
most
necessarie
for
the
vse
of
man
;
he
did
inhibite
them
the
buying
of
any
,
vnlesse
they
became
bound
in
Recognizance
not
to
carie
any
to
the
place
,
where
his
subiects
kept
their
Marts
:
and
did
so
qualifie
the
course
of
Commodities
,
money
and
exchange
,
as
he
left
an
incredible
wealth
and
treasure
in
those
dayes
,
when
the
West
Indies
were
but
newly
discouered
,
and
an
ounce
of
siluer
but
valued
at
40
pence
.
Henry
the
8
in
the
18
yeare
of
his
raigne
,
perceiuing
the
price
of
money
continually
to
rise
beyond
the
seas
,
after
remission
made
vnto
the
Archduke
of
Burgundie
,
and
no
reformation
ensuing
,
caused
the
angell
noble
to
be
valued
from
6
shillings
8
pence
,
vnto
seuen
shillings
6
pence
:
wherby
an
ounce
of
siluer
was
worth
fiue
and
fortie
pence
:
afterwards
requested
the
Duchesse
to
value
his
angell
at
a
higher
rate
,
as
is
before
shewed
,
which
was
cleane
contrarie
.
And
then
Cardinall
Wolsey
obtained
a
patent
to
alter
the
valuation
of
money
,
as
he
should
see
cause
from
time
to
time
.
In
the
22
yeare
of
his
raigne
,
the
king
being
informed
,
that
diuerse
nations
brought
abundance
of
forraine
Commodities
into
his
realme
,
and
fearing
an
ouerballancing
of
Commodities
(
for
that
those
nations
receiuing
readie
monie
for
their
Commodities
,
which
mony
they
euer
deliuered
by
exchange
vnto
other
Merchants
,
&
neuer
employed
the
same
on
the
Commodities
of
the
realme
;
wherby
his
Maiestie
was
hindred
in
his
Customes
,
and
the
Commodities
of
the
realme
lesse
vented
)
he
caused
a
Proclamation
to
be
made
according
to
the
former
statutes
,
That
no
person
should
make
any
exchange
contrarie
to
the
true
meaning
of
the
said
Statutes
,
vpon
paine
to
be
taken
the
kings
mortall
enemie
,
and
to
forfeit
all
that
he
might
forfeit
:
which
tooke
place
but
for
a
short
time
,
because
the
wars
brought
all
things
out
of
order
.
So
that
at
last
the
base
mony
was
coyned
,
which
being
done
without
any
order
,
brought
diuerse
inconueniences
to
the
realme
.
Edward
the
sixt
did
crie
downe
those
base
monies
of
his
father
,
and
caused
new
money
to
be
coyned
,
according
to
the
auncient
standard
of
the
realme
,
and
did
also
prohibite
very
seuerely
the
transportation
thereof
by
Proclamations
:
albeit
they
proued
fruitlesse
,
as
they
haue
done
in
her
Maiesties
time
.
By
this
briefe
collection
is
to
be
seene
,
the
great
care
these
noble
Princes
haue
had
,
to
the
end
they
should
not
find
themselues
and
their
kingdome
without
treasure
of
gold
&
siluer
,
drawne
by
meanes
of
their
Commodities
:
and
to
auoid
Not
to
fall
into
that
error
of
the
French
king
Charls
the
ninth
;
who
after
the
massacre
of
Paris
finding
the
treasure
of
his
realm
exhausted
,
and
his
subiects
wealth
to
consist
more
of
plate
then
of
readie
money
,
was
aduised
by
some
,
that
vnder
colour
of
the
suppressing
of
pride
,
it
were
good
to
take
a
course
to
prescribe
euery
man
,
what
store
of
plate
he
should
keepe
according
to
his
degree
and
qualitie
,
and
the
rest
to
bee
conuerted
into
money
.
Others
were
of
opinion
,
that
it
would
not
onely
breed
a
discontentment
vnto
his
subiects
,
but
a
derogation
and
dishonor
of
the
kings
reputation
;
seeing
that
the
estate
of
a
Prince
doth
as
much
consist
by
reputation
as
by
strength
:
wherefore
like
good
Polititians
did
aduise
the
king
to
embase
his
money
,
which
wold
cause
the
same
not
to
be
transported
,
and
the
plate
to
be
of
course
conuerted
into
mony
.
Which
was
done
accordingly
,
and
had
also
that
effect
:
sauing
that
where
they
thought
money
would
not
be
transported
,
they
found
themselues
deceiued
.
For
the
course
of
exchange
was
not
looked
into
by
them
,
which
did
cause
a
gaine
to
be
had
vpon
the
mony
,
and
so
long
as
the
gaine
remained
,
it
was
still
transported
:
whereby
at
last
he
lost
the
plate
of
the
realme
being
conuerted
into
money
,
as
well
as
he
had
lost
his
money
before
that
time
.
M.
Bodine
doth
shew
by
diuers
examples
,
that
there
was
not
so
much
siluer
&
gold
in
times
past
300
yeares
ago
,
as
there
is
now
,
he
might
wel
haue
said
in
100
yeares
and
lesse
:
howbeit
this
generall
examination
is
to
smal
purpose
.
For
euery
Commonwealth
is
to
make
a
particular
examination
,
whether
they
do
proportionably
participate
of
the
general
abundance
or
plentie
of
gold
and
siluer
found
now
adaies
,
and
not
by
comparing
the
same
vnto
the
quantitie
of
times
past
:
for
so
should
they
be
deceiued
.
And
we
neede
not
to
proue
,
that
there
is
now
more
gold
and
siluer
then
in
times
past
;
for
it
is
cleare
in
euery
mans
iudgement
.
And
euen
of
very
late
yeares
,
we
find
recorded
in
our
Chronicles
of
England
,
that
during
the
gouernment
of
the
most
victorious
king
Henry
the
eight
in
the
14
yeare
of
his
raigne
in
a
Parliament
then
holden
,
the
whole
substance
of
London
was
not
taken
to
be
worth
20
hundred
thousand
pounds
:
this
citie
being
the
head
of
the
realm
where
the
wealth
is
heaped
vp
,
as
the
corne
of
a
field
into
a
barne
.
And
in
the
yeare
following
,
vpon
the
demaund
of
a
subsidie
of
foure
shillings
of
the
pound
,
it
was
proued
that
the
same
demaund
(
amounting
to
800
thousand
pounds
)
was
more
then
all
the
readie
money
and
plate
of
the
realm
came
vnto
,
which
was
out
of
the
kings
hands
:
and
yet
did
amount
but
to
about
one
hundred
marke
a
parish
,
not
reckoning
so
many
parishes
as
Machiauell
hath
done
;
but
only
about
12
thousand
in
the
whole
realme
:
the
spatious
countrie
of
Fraunce
containing
but
27400
parishes
.
Which
readie
money
and
plate
of
the
realme
would
be
now
adaies
found
farre
differing
,
and
much
more
,
and
yet
not
proportionable
to
the
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
found
in
other
countries
:
and
as
we
may
see
,
that
Maister
Bodine
hath
noted
of
the
city
of
Paris
,
and
of
the
many
millions
which
haue
come
from
the
West
Indies
;
whereby
the
realme
should
be
stored
with
sufficient
treasure
and
wealth
.
For
as
he
called
their
salt
to
be
a
Manna
:
so
may
we
call
our
cloth
,
lead
&
tinne
,
which
be
our
staple
Commodities
most
necessarie
for
the
behoofe
of
man
.
And
therefore
ought
this
with
vs
to
be
the
first
cause
of
the
increase
of
the
wealth
of
the
realme
,
the
rather
for
that
in
the
second
cause
,
which
Maister
Bodine
noteth
to
be
The
increase
of
people
:
we
are
not
proportionably
inferiour
vnto
them
,
as
we
may
iudge
by
diuerse
causes
:
namely
,
First
,
for
the
mariage
of
the
Cleargie
.
Secondly
,
by
the
people
driuen
into
the
realme
for
Religion
by
the
wars
of
other
countries
.
Thirdly
,
the
seldome
plague
or
mortalitie
.
Fourthly
,
the
seldome
famine
.
Fiftly
,
the
small
warres
of
countries
adiacent
or
forraine
warres
,
hauing
had
no
ciuill
wars
at
home
.
And
sixtly
,
the
vntimely
mariages
of
both
men
and
women
now
adaies
.
Whereby
Colonies
might
be
spared
for
the
inhabiting
of
other
dominions
,
as
heretofore
was
once
taken
in
hand
.
The
third
cause
concerning
the
trade
for
Turkie
and
Barbarie
,
is
not
onely
common
with
vs
for
those
countries
:
but
also
with
diuers
other
countries
,
where
the
French
men
haue
no
trade
at
all
.
And
as
for
their
Bankes
of
money
,
they
would
rather
be
preiudicial
and
impouerish
the
realme
,
(
as
they
are
vsed
)
then
do
any
good
,
as
is
sufficiently
declared
in
our
Treatise
of
Exchanges
:
which
other
nations
will
find
in
time
,
and
most
especially
Princes
that
haue
occasion
to
vse
them
,
and
might
well
auoid
them
;
if
a
due
care
were
had
for
the
accumulating
of
a
standing
and
yet
a
running
treasure
within
such
bounds
,
as
would
stil
ebbe
and
flow
for
the
good
of
Princes
and
their
Commonwealth
.
Concerning
Monopolies
,
it
is
strange
that
Maister
Bodine
doth
with
such
breuitie
passe
ouer
them
,
shewing
onely
what
he
meaneth
thereby
according
to
the
Etimologie
,
true
sense
and
definition
of
the
word
:
when
merchants
,
artificers
,
or
labourers
do
assemble
themselues
to
set
a
price
vpon
Commodities
,
which
one
man
alone
may
also
count
when
he
buyeth
vp
all
,
that
is
to
be
had
of
one
kind
of
merchandize
,
to
the
end
he
alone
may
sell
the
same
at
his
pleasure
.
The
engrossing
,
forestalling
,
or
incorporating
of
any
Commodities
or
victuals
,
is
intollerable
in
any
Common-wealth
,
vnlesse
that
the
trade
of
those
Commodities
would
decay
,
if
a
kind
of
incorporation
were
not
vsed
.
For
when
the
common-people
do
buy
generally
things
deare
;
they
can
generally
also
sel
their
Commodities
dere
accordingly
:
but
when
some
particular
things
are
deare
,
they
cannot
do
so
.
Now
as
the
effects
of
al
Monopolies
is
to
make
the
price
of
Commodities
dere
:
so
must
the
price
of
things
in
this
regard
be
considered
betweene
our
home
Commodities
,
&
the
price
of
forrain
:
which
if
we
will
but
examine
within
the
compasse
of
50
years
,
that
our
monies
haue
bene
without
alteration
,
as
is
before
expressed
:
we
shall
easily
procure
the
great
error
or
malice
of
those
that
do
accuse
the
companie
of
Merchants
aduenturers
to
be
a
Monopoly
;
which
false
imputation
may
be
reproued
by
by
this
only
,
that
all
forrain
Commodities
are
dearer
then
our
home
Commodities
:
which
are
not
risen
in
price
accordingly
,
&
yet
of
late
years
are
for
the
most
part
amended
in
the
making
&
the
other
impaired
:
and
one
sort
of
cloth
is
sold
at
one
time
beyond
the
seas
by
2
,
3
,
4
,
or
more
pounds
differing
in
a
packe
one
from
another
:
neither
haue
the
merchants
aduenturers
the
trade
of
cloth
onely
in
their
own
hands
.
For
diuers
other
companies
of
merchants
are
priuiledged
,
and
do
transport
great
quantitie
of
clothes
into
forraine
parts
,
as
well
as
they
;
and
it
is
free
for
all
straungers
that
are
in
league
with
her
Maiestie
to
buy
cloth
&
to
transport
the
same
at
their
pleasure
.
Which
reasons
do
concerne
the
effects
of
Monopolie
.
Whereas
for
the
manner
of
their
trafficke
,
whereby
euery
man
tradeth
particularly
and
apart
with
his
owne
stocke
,
selleth
by
his
own
factor
or
seruant
,
with
diuers
other
reasons
:
we
will
referre
our selues
to
that
which
their
Secretarie
hath
written
of
late
,
in
defence
of
their
good
orders
and
constitutions
.
Concluding
,
that
as
their
trade
is
the
most
important
,
and
as
in
all
traffickes
the
vniuersall
doth
gouerne
the
particular
:
so
the
dissolution
of
that
societie
would
be
the
vndoing
of
al
the
trade
,
and
bring
a
great
confusion
to
the
Realme
.
For
albeit
,
that
some
would
haue
other
nations
to
come
and
buy
the
commodities
of
vs
within
the
realm
:
for
,
say
they
,
there
is
(
according
to
the
Prouerbe
)
twenty
in
the
hundred
difference
betweene
Will
you
buy
?
and
will
you
sell
?
these
men
haue
no
consideration
for
the
maintenance
of
nauigation
,
which
is
the
greatest
strength
of
the
realme
:
whose
defence
(
next
vnder
God
)
consisteth
most
in
ships
and
well
experienced
mariners
,
that
most
carefully
are
to
be
prouided
for
.
Whereas
also
the
transporting
of
our
cloth
to
certaine
places
,
doth
cause
other
nations
to
resort
thither
to
buy
them
:
which
may
be
more
properly
called
to
be
,
Will
you
sell
?
seeing
that
those
nations
doe
bring
their
owne
Commodities
vnto
our
merchants
to
the
places
by
them
appointed
,
which
is
in
effect
as
much
as
,
Will
you
buy
?
And
would
not
this
be
,
Wil
you
buy
?
if
in
a
dispersed
and
stragling
manner
our
cloth
were
caried
to
al
markets
be
yond
the
seas
in
seuerall
places
?
which
would
take
away
the
desire
of
buying
:
for
he
that
buyeth
,
doth
it
in
hope
of
sale
with
a
gain
to
the
places
where
he
intendeth
to
carrie
the
Commoditie
.
Which
Commoditie
,
if
hee
knoweth
to
be
extant
in
most
places
to
be
vented
;
will
quench
his
desire
of
buying
:
and
he
that
commeth
to
barter
other
Commodities
for
ours
,
hath
also
the
like
consideration
.
But
let
vs
admit
,
that
our
cloth
would
be
aduanced
in
price
,
when
men
shold
(
by
multitudes
)
runne
to
the
markets
,
or
into
the
countrey
in
all
places
to
buy
it
:
what
would
be
the
euent
of
it
?
It
would
not
onely
be
sold
beyond
the
seas
with
a
smaller
gaine
,
and
many
times
to
losse
:
(
wee
being
naturally
inclined
to
make
speedie
returnes
)
but
we
should
also
pay
dearer
for
the
forraine
Commodities
,
which
we
should
obtaine
by
way
of
permutation
,
or
for
the
billes
obligatorie
of
the
Merchants
to
whom
we
should
sell
our
cloth
.
And
if
our
merchants
were
cut
off
,
and
that
other
nations
should
buy
the
cloth
within
the
realme
,
and
so
aduaunce
the
price
therof
(
as
it
hapneth
most
commonly
in
Fraunce
and
Spaine
at
the
vintage
time
with
their
wines
and
raisins
)
then
forraine
Commodities
would
be
sold
dearer
vnto
vs
by
them
againe
.
For
the
small
gaine
had
vpon
our
home
Commodities
causeth
vs
,
and
would
cause
them
to
seeke
a
better
gaine
vpon
the
forraine
Commodities
,
to
the
generall
hurt
of
the
realme
,
and
to
the
exhausting
of
our
monies
which
(
to
ballance
the
matter
)
must
supply
the
same
.
So
that
the
enhauncing
of
the
price
of
cloth
in
this
manner
would
be
but
an
imaginarie
gaine
,
and
bring
in
the
end
an
exceeding
losse
to
the
generall
Commonwealth
:
whose
welfare
is
to
be
preferred
before
any
particular
Commodity
of
any
member
therof
.
And
it
were
to
be
wished
,
that
labourers
and
workmens
wages
were
augmented
,
although
our
cloth
should
cost
so
much
the
dearer
,
as
we
haue
noted
elsewhere
:
and
that
with
great
regard
the
poore
people
were
set
on
worke
,
and
(
by
way
of
corporation
)
their
handiworke
were
vented
;
which
(
without
incurring
the
compasse
of
Monopolie
)
is
very
commendable
in
all
Commonwealths
,
and
vsed
in
many
countries
.
Lastly
,
that
the
Statutes
concerning
the
maintenance
of
nauigation
were
duly
executed
.
The
third
cause
(
saith
Maister
Bodine
)
is
the
want
of
things
,
proceeding
of
the
excessiue
trade
of
things
,
or
by
the
wast
thereof
.
Touching
the
trade
of
any
particular
Commodities
of
the
realme
we
may
well
passe
ouer
,
as
he
doth
,
and
make
onely
our
stay
with
the
trade
for
corne
.
Which
if
it
were
guided
with
that
due
consideration
,
both
for
preseruation
and
transportation
,
as
is
requisite
;
would
make
plain
the
Prouerbe
(
Fraunce
cannot
be
famished
)
to
be
more
incident
and
proper
to
the
realme
of
England
,
then
to
the
realme
of
Fraunce
:
because
that
proportionably
we
haue
more
fertile
ground
for
corne
,
and
that
in
all
places
of
the
kingdome
,
then
Fraunce
hath
but
in
some
places
.
For
those
countries
where
the
vines
do
grow
,
are
vnapt
for
corne
,
and
must
haue
their
prouision
from
the
countries
adiacent
,
and
many
times
out
of
England
:
when
our
corne
is
thither
transported
,
being
with
vs
too
good
cheap
in
regard
of
their
wines
and
other
Commodities
.
The
comparison
wherof
being
made
,
and
the
goodnesse
of
our
corne
regarded
,
will
make
manifest
,
that
to
sell
our
wheate
for
thirtie
shillings
the
quarter
,
and
other
grains
after
the
rate
,
is
good
cheape
:
and
that
the
Prince
notwithstanding
may
impose
a
great
custome
or
licence
for
the
transportation
therof
,
which
transportation
might
be
done
moderately
,
and
according
to
the
quantitie
extant
,
and
for
so
much
therof
as
might
conueniently
be
spared
,
if
the
Magistrate
and
those
that
are
in
authoritie
had
the
rule
of
the
market
,
in
such
sort
as
the
Venetians
haue
;
who
by
the
means
of
the
Iustices
of
euery
prouince
,
do
know
little
more
or
lesse
the
quantity
of
corne
in
all
places
:
whereupon
certaine
substantiall
men
are
appointed
from
time
to
time
to
haue
a
consideration
of
the
quantitie
or
scarcitie
therof
;
which
quantitie
being
known
and
in
what
places
,
may
be
a
direction
to
those
that
are
in
authoritie
,
to
consider
what
the
realme
may
spare
,
hauing
a
regard
to
the
season
of
the
yeare
,
and
making
the
price
accordingly
.
And
when
the
price
of
corne
is
limited
and
made
knowne
in
writing
in
certaine
publike
places
on
euery
Monday
of
the
weeke
:
all
ingrossers
,
forestallers
or
others
,
that
buy
corne
to
sell
againe
,
are
preuented
,
because
that
the
price
thereof
is
not
in
their
owne
power
,
but
by
the
direction
of
those
honest
men
rated
at
all
times
according
to
the
quantitie
,
and
as
the
haruest
is
distant
,
or
at
hand
,
which
is
so
notified
vnto
all
men
,
as
aforesaid
.
Whereby
the
execution
of
the
law
for
the
making
of
the
loues
of
bread
is
duly
obserued
,
without
any
trouble
vnto
the
magistrate
.
For
the
baker
knoweth
how
to
make
his
loues
and
of
what
waight
,
deliuering
the
same
according
to
the
true
waight
by
those
men
appointed
,
vnto
any
man
that
doth
call
for
it
:
which
the
poore
doth
so
well
obserue
(
for
that
his
indigence
giueth
him
cause
)
that
without
troubling
any
officer
,
he
is
sure
to
haue
his
penni-worth
:
and
if
he
shold
find
it
wanting
of
his
waight
,
presently
with
the
assistance
of
an
Officer
,
(
as
it
were
)
the
Constable
,
he
doth
seaze
vpon
all
the
bakers
bread
then
extant
,
and
taketh
the
one
moitie
for
him
,
and
the
other
for
the
poore
of
the
Hospitals
.
And
who
would
buy
corne
to
sell
againe
,
being
debarred
not
to
sell
at
his
pleasure
or
with
gain
,
and
vncertaine
what
the
price
will
be
made
by
others
?
And
what
baker
is
he
that
would
make
his
loaues
of
a
lesser
waight
,
when
he
must
sell
them
by
waight
as
aforesaid
?
By
these
meanes
is
corne
brought
to
the
market
,
and
none
may
be
sold
but
in
the
market
,
and
the
Clerke
of
the
market
taketh
notice
therof
:
and
what
is
by
licence
transported
,
is
done
vpon
due
knowledge
,
and
without
defrauding
the
Prince
of
his
custome
.
To
haue
many
store-houses
in
seuerall
places
of
the
realme
in
the
principall
townes
,
is
most
conuenient
for
the
preseruation
of
corn
;
which
when
need
requireth
,
may
be
prouided
from
forrain
countries
,
when
the
vnseasonable
times
cause
vs
to
haue
scarcitie
or
want
therof
notwithstanding
all
the
industrie
and
care
of
man
.
Concerning
the
immoderate
vse
of
forraine
Commodities
in
wearing
and
wasting
,
by
cutting
and
putting
into
seuerall
strange
new fangled
fashions
,
we
doe
referre
the
examination
thereof
vnto
those
that
haue
authority
to
reprehend
men
of
their
actions
:
wishing
reformation
where
things
are
amisse
.
And
albeit
,
that
gay
and
sumptuous
apparell
is
a
demonstration
of
pride
,
yet
a
country
clowne
may
be
as
proude
in
a
frize
coat
,
as
a
gentleman
in
a
veluet
gown
.
For
pride
harboureth
in
the
mind
,
and
the
difference
is
onely
in
the
giuing
of
example
vnto
others
:
wherein
the
costly
and
gorgeous
apparell
giueth
offence
,
which
may
be
handled
hereafter
.
Concluding
therefore
this
point
with
Maister
Bodine
touching
allume
(
whereof
abundance
is
spent
with
vs
)
we
say
that
there
is
stuffe
sufficient
within
the
realme
,
whereof
to
make
it
exceeding
good
:
but
so
long
as
we
be
able
to
affoord
the
Romish
allume
for
24
shillings
the
hundred
,
and
other
sorts
accordingly
,
being
brought
into
English
ships
,
it
is
better
for
the
Common-wealth
to
bring
it
from
forraine
parts
,
then
to
make
it
within
the
realme
.
The
fourth
cause
of
the
dearth
of
things
,
being
The
pleasure
of
Princes
or
great
men
,
which
doth
giue
a
price
vnto
things
;
is
grounded
vpon
estimation
,
the
very
ground
of
the
value
of
all
temporall
things
:
which
things
in
regard
of
the
behoofe
of
man
,
are
seruing
for
food
,
houses
,
and
apparell
,
and
(
as
they
say
)
for
the
backe
and
belly
.
This
estimation
is
authorised
by
common
consent
almost
of
al
men
and
nations
:
and
therefore
of
such
efficacie
,
that
some
Politicians
haue
obserued
,
that
things
that
be
in
d
〈…〉
things
that
be
not
in
deed
,
b
〈…〉med
to
be
in
deede
,
make
n
〈…〉
rence
in
the
course
of
trafficke
.
〈…〉
rule
the
Bankers
,
haue
studie
〈…〉
〈…〉
might
be
made
apparant
,
if
I
we
〈…〉
solued
that
it
would
tend
to
the
g
〈…〉
of
the
Commonwealth
.
But
leauing
this
,
let
vs
consider
of
the
second
rule
obserued
by
Plato
,
That
as
the
Prince
is
,
so
are
the
subiects
,
who
by
imitation
follow
his
example
,
which
sooner
entreth
into
their
eyes
than
their
eares
:
and
the
greater
their
authoritie
is
,
the
more
affectionate
is
their
imitation
.
Alexander
cast
his
head
aside
,
and
all
the
Court
held
their
neckes
awry
:
Denis
was
purblind
,
and
his
Courtiers
stumbled
at
euery
steppe
,
and
iustled
each
other
as
if
they
had
bene
euill-fighted
:
and
so
of
other
Princes
,
whose
examples
haue
bene
contagious
to
their
subiects
.
Maister
Bodine
maketh
mention
of
three
great
Prin
〈…〉
〈…〉
ne
time
,
which
did
aduaunce
〈…〉
g
and
pretious
stones
.
Tou
〈…〉
〈…〉
arning
,
vnlesse
it
be
accom
〈…〉
with
the
knowledge
how
to
〈…〉
r
to
hauewealth
,
it
is
litle
accoun
〈…〉
whereas
a
lumpish
blocke-head
〈…〉
le
without
wit
or
wisedome
,
shall
be
much
made
of
,
onely
because
hee
hath
money
or
wealth
;
whereof
by
aduerse
fortune
or
casualtie
being
depriued
,
he
is
then
seene
in
his
owne
colour
,
and
laid
open
to
the
world
.
And
concerning
pearles
and
precious
stones
,
it
is
not
straunge
,
that
some
men
do
despise
and
account
them
as
glistering
toyes
&
trifles
,
considering
the
diuersitie
of
mens
opinions
,
which
made
the
auncient
Philosophers
to
say
:
That
the
world
was
gouerned
by
opinions
.
But
if
these
men
should
wel
consider
the
pure
creation
and
vertue
of
the
stones
,
they
would
iudge
otherwise
;
and
their
owne
opinion
(
opposite
to
most
men
)
would
condemne
their
errour
:
seeing
that
a
generall
estimation
doth
approue
the
value
of
things
,
especially
of
things
that
are
durable
.
Which
was
the
cause
that
when
Commodities
began
to
abound
in
the
world
,
all
mettals
(
as
being
fit
for
preseruation
)
were
esteemed
,
and
the
purest
mettall
most
.
The
holy
Scripture
doth
manifest
vnto
vs
,
in
what
estimation
precious
stones
,
gold
,
and
siluer
,
haue
bene
alwaies
from
the
beginning
:
and
to
what
holy
vses
they
haue
bene
employed
and
appropriated
,
especially
gold
and
siluer
.
Was
not
Iericho
destroyed
with
the
inhabitants
and
their
goods
by
Gods
commandement
,
as
things
execrable
:
and
would
not
God
haue
the
gold
and
other
mettals
preserued
,
and
to
be
consecrated
and
kept
in
his
treasurie
?
Was
it
not
gold
and
siluer
wherewith
his
temple
at
Ierusalem
was
adorned
and
beautified
?
But
why
should
I
enter
into
the
enumeration
of
examples
,
to
illustrate
and
proue
the
antiquitie
of
the
estimation
of
gold
,
siluer
,
and
precious
things
:
seeing
that
in
all
Common-weales
and
countries
,
that
onely
is
decent
and
of
estimation
,
which
the
custome
doth
allow
or
approoue
?
Hence
the
Prouerbe
took
beginning
,
Countries
fashion
,
countries
honour
:
which
maketh
the
Indian
and
Blacke-moore
to
dominiere
with
his
glistering
beades
,
brasse
rings
for
their
eares
and
armes
,
and
to
giue
vs
gold
and
siluer
for
them
.
Straunge
was
therefore
the
imagination
of
Sir
Thomas
Moore
in
his
conceipted
Commonwealth
of
Vtopia
:
where
he
fained
gold
to
be
in
such
contumelie
,
that
they
made
their
chamber-pots
and
other
vessels
that
serue
for
most
vile
vses
,
of
pure
gold
;
and
haue
the
same
in
euery
mans
priuate
house
.
And
their
chaines
,
fetters
and
gyues
wherein
they
tye
their
bondmen
,
were
all
of
gold
,
as
being
the
reprochfull
badge
of
infamous
persons
.
Their
gemmes
and
precious
stones
were
holden
for
toyes
for
yong
children
to
play
withall
.
And
to
proue
the
estimation
of
things
to
be
according
to
the
fashion
of
euery
countrie
,
and
to
giue
gold
his
due
commendation
,
we
will
vse
his
owne
pleasant
tale
,
in
manner
as
he
hath
set
downe
the
same
.
The
Ambassadours
of
the
next
countries
vnto
Vtopia
,
which
knew
the
maners
and
fashions
of
the
Vtopians
(
which
giue
no
honour
to
sumptuous
apparell
,
and
hold
gold
to
be
infamed
and
reprochfull
)
came
to
Amaurote
(
the
principall
citie
of
that
Ile
)
in
very
homely
and
simple
array
.
But
the
Anemolians
because
they
dwell
farre
thence
,
and
had
very
litle
acquaintance
with
them
,
hearing
that
they
were
all
apparelled
alike
,
and
that
very
rudely
and
homely
;
thinking
them
not
to
haue
the
things
which
they
did
not
weare
:
being
therefore
more
proud
then
wise
,
determined
in
the
gorgiousnesse
of
their
apparell
to
represent
very
gods
;
and
with
the
bright
shining
and
glistering
of
their
gay
clothing
,
to
dazle
the
eyes
of
the
silly
poore
Vtopians
.
So
there
came
in
foure
Ambassadors
,
with
a
hundred
seruants
,
all
apparelled
in
changeable
colours
,
the
most
of
them
in
silkes
:
the
Ambassadors
themselues
(
for
at
home
in
their
owne
countrie
they
were
Noblemen
)
in
cloth
of
gold
,
with
great
chaines
of
gold
,
with
gold
hanging
at
their
eares
,
with
gold
rings
vpon
their
fingers
,
with
brouches
and
aglets
of
gold
vpon
their
caps
,
which
glistered
full
of
pearles
and
precious
stones
:
to
be
short
,
trimmed
and
adorned
with
all
those
things
,
which
among
the
Vtopians
were
either
the
punishment
of
bondmen
,
or
the
reproch
of
infamed
persons
,
or
else
trifles
for
young
children
to
play
withall
.
Therefore
it
would
haue
done
a
man
good
at
his
heart
,
to
haue
seene
how
proudely
they
displayed
their
Peacockes
feathers
,
how
much
they
made
of
their
painted
sheathes
,
and
how
lustily
they
set
foorth
and
aduanced
themselues
;
when
they
compared
their
gallant
apparell
with
the
poore
rayment
of
the
Vtopians
:
for
all
the
people
were
swarmed
foorth
into
the
streetes
.
And
on
the
other
side
,
it
was
no
lesse
pleasure
to
consider
how
much
they
were
deceiued
,
and
how
farre
they
missed
of
their
purpose
,
being
contrarie
waies
taken
,
then
they
thought
they
should
haue
beene
.
For
to
the
eyes
of
all
the
Vtopians
(
except
very
few
,
which
had
bene
in
other
countries
for
some
reasonable
cause
)
all
that
gorgeousnesse
of
apparell
seemed
shamefull
and
reprochfull
.
Insomuch
that
they
most
reuerently
saluted
the
most
vile
and
most
abiect
of
them
for
Lords
,
iudging
them
by
their
wearing
of
golden
chaines
to
be
bondmen
:
yea
,
you
should
haue
seen
children
also
(
that
had
cast
away
their
pearles
and
precious
stones
,
when
they
saw
the
like
sticking
vpon
the
Ambassadors
cappes
)
digge
and
push
their
mothers
vnder
the
sides
,
saying
thus
to
them
:
Looke
mother
,
how
great
a
lubber
doth
yet
weare
pearles
and
precious
stones
,
as
though
hee
were
a
litle
child
still
.
But
the
mother
,
yea
and
that
also
in
good
earnest
:
Peace
sonne
(
saith
she
)
I
thinke
he
be
some
of
the
Ambassadours
fooles
.
Some
found
fault
at
their
golden
chaines
,
as
to
no
vse
or
purpose
,
being
so
small
and
weake
,
that
a
bondman
might
easily
breake
them
:
and
againe
so
wide
and
large
,
that
when
it
pleased
him
,
he
might
cast
them
off
,
and
runne
away
at
libertie
whither
he
would
.
But
when
the
Ambassadours
had
bene
there
a
day
or
two
,
and
saw
so
great
abundance
of
gold
so
lightly
esteemed
;
yea
in
no
lesse
reproch
,
than
it
was
with
them
in
honour
:
and
besides
that
,
more
gold
in
the
chaines
and
gyues
of
one
fugitiue
bondman
,
then
all
the
costly
ornaments
of
them
three
was
woorth
;
they
beganne
to
abate
their
courage
,
&
for
very
shame
laid
away
all
that
gorgeous
array
,
whereof
they
were
so
proud
.
Which
in
effect
is
as
much
as
to
accommodate
and
fashion
himselfe
to
the
manner
and
fashion
of
the
countrie
,
being
also
grounded
vpon
estimation
although
of
baser
things
:
which
is
to
preferre
earthen
and
glasse
vessels
,
wherein
they
eate
and
drinke
(
as
he
saith
)
before
gold
,
siluer
,
&
other
precious
things
.
But
if
all
the
wit
and
wisdome
of
man
were
as
yet
to
deuise
,
what
thing
would
be
fittest
to
set
a
price
vnto
all
other
things
,
and
to
be
as
a
iust
measure
and
proportion
betweene
man
and
man
in
the
trade
and
traffick
of
things
,
they
could
not
find
any
thing
more
proper
then
pure
gold
,
and
other
mettals
accordingly
.
The
foure
elements
haue
such
an
equall
proportion
in
gold
,
that
none
is
predominant
ouer
the
other
;
whereby
all
corruption
is
excluded
,
whether
you
take
the
same
according
to
the
qualities
of
hote
and
drie
,
cold
and
drie
,
hote
and
moist
,
and
cold
and
moist
with
Galen
:
or
according
to
the
substance
of
the
elements
drawne
into
salt
,
sulphure
,
and
mercurie
with
Paracelsus
.
For
it
neuer
wasteth
or
consumeth
by
fire
,
and
the
more
it
is
burned
,
the
purer
it
is
;
which
cannot
be
said
of
any
other
mettall
:
there
is
no
rust
or
scurfe
that
diminisheth
the
goodnesse
or
substance
thereof
:
it
abides
the
fretting
and
liquors
of
salt
and
vineger
without
damage
,
which
weareth
any
other
thing
:
it
needs
no
fire
ere
it
be
made
gold
,
for
it
is
gold
assoone
as
it
is
found
:
it
draweth
without
wooll
,
as
it
were
wooll
:
and
it
is
easily
spread
in
leaues
of
maruellous
thinnesse
:
you
may
adorne
or
guild
any
other
mettall
with
it
.
Neither
is
it
inferiour
vnto
any
other
mettall
to
make
vessell
and
curious
workes
:
it
defileth
not
the
thing
it
toucheth
as
siluer
doth
,
wherewith
you
may
draw
lines
:
it
resembleth
in
colour
the
celestiall
bodies
,
and
it
is
medicinable
and
bringeth
gladnesse
to
the
hart
of
man
:
it
is
fit
also
to
be
cut
or
deuided
into
many
peeces
to
make
mony
,
and
goeth
into
a
litle
roome
,
being
easie
and
〈…〉
table
to
auoide
the
combersome
〈…〉
age
of
Commodities
from
one
countrie
into
another
.
And
what
thing
can
be
inuented
or
deuised
,
that
for
this
purpose
hath
all
these
qualities
and
properties
?
With
great
reason
therefore
hath
gold
his
due
estimation
aboue
other
things
.
Also
such
things
wherein
the
art
of
man
is
illustrated
;
as
in
pictures
&
other
curious
works
,
are
worthie
of
great
commendation
,
and
to
be
preferred
before
many
other
things
that
man
doth
vse
,
for
to
liue
in
the
most
ciuille
maner
aboue
other
nations
which
liue
barbarously
.
In
all
which
,
the
generall
care
of
the
Prince
must
be
,
and
the
particular
regard
of
the
subiect
,
that
the
same
bee
done
for
the
good
of
the
Common-wealth
:
so
that
the
expences
thereof
do
not
surmount
the
incomes
or
reuenues
,
hauing
a
due
consideration
of
the
moderate
vse
of
forraine
Commodities
,
and
at
reasonable
rates
,
according
as
the
price
and
vtteranc
〈…〉
of
our
home
Commodities
,
both
〈…〉
victuals
and
other
wares
:
without
studying
how
to
liue
without
the
trafficke
and
commerce
with
other
nations
;
seeing
that
God
caused
Nature
to
bestow
and
distribute
her
benefits
,
or
his
blessings
to
seuerall
Climates
,
supplying
the
barrennesse
of
some
things
in
one
countrie
with
the
fruitfulnesse
and
store
of
other
countries
,
to
the
end
that
interchangeably
one
common
weale
should
liue
with
another
.
Concerning
the
last
cause
of
the
dearth
of
things
by
the
alteration
of
mony
,
wherein
Maister
Malestroit
had
a
certaine
good
purpose
if
he
could
haue
proued
the
same
to
haue
bene
in
France
:
Maister
Bodine
concludeth
that
the
price
of
things
is
not
altered
by
the
valuation
of
monies
in
sort
by
him
alleaged
,
and
yet
that
things
are
grown
deare
:
which
only
then
cometh
to
passe
by
one
cause
,
which
he
called
almost
the
only
cause
,
which
is
the
aundance
of
gold
&
siluer
of
late
yeares
running
with
vs
into
these
parts
of
the
world
.
For
the
other
causes
(
as
we
haue
noted
before
)
make
particularly
some
things
deare
,
but
not
generally
all
things
.
And
for
asmuch
as
we
haue
spoken
hereof
in
answer
of
the
Paradoxes
of
Maister
Malestroit
,
therefore
we
passe
ouer
it
:
and
come
to
the
examination
of
the
remedies
which
Maister
Bodine
alleadgeth
which
do
onely
tend
to
remedy
things
in
particular
,
being
well
considered
of
.
He
saith
,
that
the
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
now
a
daies
more
then
in
times
past
,
must
partly
excuse
the
dearth
of
things
:
which
being
so
,
it
followeth
,
that
this
is
not
to
be
taken
as
a
remedy
,
nor
yet
as
a
true
cause
of
the
dearth
of
things
;
for
what
coherence
is
there
to
alleage
a
matter
as
a
remedy
against
the
dearth
of
things
,
when
this
remedy
(
as
I
haue
shewed
before
)
is
the
only
cause
of
the
dearth
it selfe
(
as
he
saith
)
which
must
excuse
the
same
?
which
excuse
being
admitted
in
defence
thereof
:
doth
consequently
proue
,
that
things
are
not
growne
deare
to
our
hurt
in
particular
,
or
to
the
preiudice
of
the
Common
wealth
in
generall
,
because
that
hauing
more
gold
and
siluer
then
we
had
heretofore
,
we
are
made
able
to
giue
more
then
before
.
And
if
we
will
say
:
Take
away
the
cause
,
and
then
the
effect
will
cease
,
that
is
to
say
;
Take
away
or
diminish
the
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
,
and
then
things
will
become
better
cheape
:
this
wold
be
a
very
great
absurdity
.
For
as
he
is
a
foolish
Phisitian
,
that
cannot
cure
his
patients
disease
,
vnlesse
he
cast
him
in
another
sicknes
:
so
the
Prince
that
cannot
gouerne
his
subiects
but
by
taking
from
them
the
wealth
and
commodity
of
life
,
must
needs
graunt
that
he
knoweth
not
how
to
gouerne
men
.
A
prouident
and
wise
Prince
therefore
will
rather
conclude
thus
:
Are
things
growne
deare
,
through
the
abundance
of
gold
and
siluer
of
late
yeares
?
then
is
it
most
requisite
for
me
to
procure
to
participate
of
that
abundance
,
as
much
as
lieth
in
my
power
,
and
to
accumulate
treasure
for
me
and
my
subiects
by
importation
of
gold
and
siluer
,
and
preuention
of
the
transportation
of
any
:
the
rather
that
the
course
of
commodities
in
particular
hath
this
property
,
that
as
by
the
excessiue
exportation
of
some
things
,
the
like
things
do
grow
deare
:
so
by
the
ouerabundant
importation
of
other
commodities
things
do
become
better
cheape
.
Another
remedy
against
the
dearth
of
things
,
especially
victuals
is
to
restore
the
vse
of
fish
to
the
ancient
credit
and
estimation
:
and
hereupon
he
taketh
occasion
to
commend
our
custome
of
England
for
obseruing
fish-dayes
in
the
weeke
.
And
for
effecting
of
the
like
in
Fraunce
:
he
propoundeth
the
example
of
the
Prince
and
magistrate
whom
the
people
will
imitate
.
We
may
wish
that
both
the
one
and
the
other
were
duly
executed
or
obserued
,
whereby
fishing
would
be
better
maintained
,
and
most
especially
the
nauigation
:
and
flesh
would
in
some
seasons
of
the
yeare
be
vsed
more
commodiously
,
and
better
for
the
health
of
man
.
The
great
number
of
all
sorts
and
kinds
of
fish
according
to
the
obseruation
of
the
Romaines
(
noted
by
maister
Bodine
)
ought
to
moue
vs
thereunto
;
fish
being
so
pure
a
creature
,
that
were
it
not
,
that
we
see
the
same
subiect
vnto
diseases
,
it
wold
be
very
doubtfull
,
whether
the
same
amongst
other
creatures
was
cursed
for
mans
transgression
,
the
Scripture
speaking
only
that
the
earth
was
cursed
therefore
:
considering
also
the
Prouerbe
,
As
sound
as
a
fish
:
and
if
any
be
subiect
to
diseases
it
is
fish
of
riuers
or
of
standing
waters
and
fish-ponds
,
which
may
be
cured
by
strawing
much
parsley
into
the
water
.
And
because
that
flesh
and
fish
are
two
principall
things
for
the
food
of
man
,
and
that
our
purpose
is
not
to
omit
any
thing
,
that
incidently
may
be
handled
for
the
good
of
the
common-wealth
,
therefore
will
it
not
be
exorbitant
the
rule
of
our
methode
to
discourse
somewhat
thereof
.
The
best
season
of
the
yeare
to
eate
fish
is
from
September
vntill
March
,
if
we
will
regard
the
goodnesse
of
the
fish
:
howbeit
that
for
the
increase
of
beasts
,
we
are
commanded
with
great
reason
and
consideration
,
to
eate
most
fish
in
March
and
Aprill
,
when
he
loseth
his
taste
.
The
fresh
fish
of
riuers
is
of
more
digestion
,
and
better
for
sicke
persons
;
but
the
sea-fish
is
of
more
nourishment
.
All
fish
being
moist
and
cold
of
nature
,
is
qualified
by
the
addition
of
salt
:
and
being
eaten
with
much
bread
cannot
do
any
hurt
,
especially
vnto
cholericke
persons
,
with
whose
complexion
it
agreeth
best
.
And
whereas
all
other
creatures
do
first
decay
and
putrifie
in
the
belly
,
the
fish
doth
first
putrifie
in
the
head
:
for
no
other
reason
,
but
that
hauing
only
one
gut
,
the
meate
doth
easily
passe
the
same
,
without
digestion
or
corruption
;
which
by
staying
long
with
other
ereatures
causeth
putrifaction
:
an
argument
that
fish
is
more
healthfull
then
flesh
,
howbeit
that
(
through
the
continuall
vse
)
flesh
is
more
agreeable
with
our
nature
.
And
whereas
maister
Bodine
saith
that
it
is
vnknowne
vnto
man
,
from
whence
at
one
season
the
infinite
millions
of
herrings
do
come
:
we
are
of
another
opinion
.
For
the
Herring
(
against
the
nature
of
all
fish
,
which
goeth
against
the
water
and
tide
,
fearing
the
lifting
vp
of
his
scales
)
commeth
from
the
Northerne
seas
,
and
goeth
to
the
West
Ocean
to
enioy
the
temperature
of
the
aire
.
For
whereas
all
the
sommer
he
hath
taken
his
ease
and
pleasure
in
the
Northerne
seas
,
desirous
to
enioy
the
water
therof
,
as
being
sweeter
then
that
of
other
seas
:
he
returneth
in
winter
to
those
places
,
that
haue
bene
most
beaten
of
the
Sunne
,
being
hotter
and
deeper
,
as
also
lesse
troubled
with
the
winds
and
tempests
;
vnto
the
which
the
Northerne
seas
are
more
subiect
,
&
where
the
sands
are
thereby
eleuated
,
and
concurring
with
the
water
.
For
the
Herring
aboue
all
other
fishes
cannot
endure
the
cold
,
and
therfore
are
they
also
dead
as
soone
as
they
be
out
of
the
water
.
Aire
is
the
cause
of
putrification
,
which
those
that
haue
studied
to
preserue
flesh
long
without
salt
,
haue
found
by
experience
.
Salt
doth
bite
out
the
bloud
of
the
flesh
,
which
we
see
will
not
keepe
vnlesse
it
be
couered
with
brine
made
of
salt
:
yet
those
that
do
trauell
vnder
the
line
called
Aequinoctiall
,
do
keepe
fresh
mutton
,
veale
,
or
any
other
flesh
for
a
long
time
without
salt
;
for
they
presse
out
the
bloud
,
and
hauing
well
dried
the
same
with
linnen
clouts
,
they
put
it
into
their
barrels
of
meale
,
especially
meale
of
Rie
,
as
it
commeth
from
the
East
contries
,
and
so
they
do
closevp
the
same
,
that
no
aire
can
enter
:
which
is
an
easie
matter
,
and
their
meale
not
the
worse
for
to
be
vsed
.
Some
do
also
a
litle
perboile
their
flesh
,
and
keepe
it
close
stopped
in
vineger
:
but
that
is
not
so
sauory
to
be
eaten
.
The
knowledge
hereof
is
fit
for
Nauigators
.
But
for
the
good
of
all
the
inhabitants
of
a
Commonwealth
,
let
vs
commend
the
singular
care
of
those
Magistrats
which
(
to
preuent
all
corruption
and
diseases
of
euill
aire
and
corrupted
bloud
)
do
commaund
,
that
oxen
and
all
other
beasts
should
be
fasting
a
day
or
two
before
they
should
be
slaine
:
and
then
hanged
vp
for
the
like
time
,
or
more
,
as
the
season
of
the
yeare
will
permit
,
to
let
the
blod
runne
out
before
the
Butchers
may
sell
the
flesh
thereof
;
who
knowing
the
losse
of
waight
by
the
bleeding
,
and
that
it
doth
not
shew
so
well
,
are
hasty
to
sell
the
same
to
the
great
hurt
and
danger
of
the
health
of
man
.
This
care
of
the
Magistrate
therefore
tendeth
to
the
preseruation
of
the
health
of
the
subiect
.
And
to
this
purpose
we
do
not
hold
impertinent
to
commend
a
good
order
obserued
in
other
countries
,
for
keeping
of
their
cities
and
townes
cleane
without
hauing
so
many
scauengers
in
euery
parish
,
as
we
do
,
to
the
great
charge
of
the
inhabitants
.
For
whereas
the
cleansing
of
all
vaults
is
brought
to
certaine
places
and
vsed
for
dung
,
there
are
certaine
three
or
foure
scauengers
which
for
two
or
three
hundred
pounds
a
yeare
take
the
same
,
and
the
durt
of
the
streetes
to
farme
and
do
euery
one
of
them
keepe
twelue
or
more
horses
and
carts
to
cary
the
durt
away
:
which
by
scattering
straw
along
the
streetes
from
time
to
time
is
gathered
vp
,
and
so
caried
to
the
places
where
the
cleansing
of
the
vaults
is
mingled
with
it
,
which
maketh
good
dung
,
and
is
caried
all
the
countrey
ouer
;
preuenting
hereby
corruption
of
aire
,
&
bettering
their
grounds
for
increase
.
His
last
point
concerning
certainty
and
equality
of
money
,
which
may
hold
the
price
of
commodities
and
all
other
things
in
a
certaine
equality
by
a
due
course
of
exchange
,
is
a
matter
of
great
moment
,
as
we
haue
shewed
heretofore
:
which
maister
Bodine
holdeth
so
difficult
to
be
vnderstood
,
that
when
any
man
is
sayd
to
be
of
experience
,
and
to
vnderstand
matters
wherein
he
is
surpassing
others
;
that
hence
the
prouerbe
is
deriued
,
that
One
doth
vnderstand
his
Par
,
or
Equalitie
:
be
it
in
matter
of
exchange
or
monies
,
whereby
the
course
of
commodities
is
ruled
.
But
this
cannot
properly
be
taken
as
a
remedy
against
the
dearth
of
things
,
for
it
doth
keepe
a
due
equality
in
the
price
of
all
things
,
and
maketh
not
any
alteration
.
So
that
we
may
conclude
as
before
,
that
maister
Bodine
hauing
mistaken
the
true
ground
of
the
matter
he
intreated
of
:
the
remedies
by
him
propounded
are
also
incertaine
.
For
as
we
haue
said
before
,
we
are
not
in
this
regard
to
compare
things
within
themselues
in
the
Common-wealth
where
we
do
liue
:
but
betweene
vs
and
other
nations
with
whom
we
deale
or
traffike
,
either
by
way
of
permutation
of
commodities
for
commodities
,
or
commodities
for
money
in
specie
,
or
by
exchange
.
Therefore
let
vs
examine
the
course
of
commodities
,
money
and
exchange
:
whereby
the
wealth
of
a
Realme
may
increase
or
decrease
.
Riches
(
as
Aristotle
hath
defined
)
are
either
Naturall
or
Artificiall
.
And
Plato
(
before
he
did
reuoke
his
opinion
concerning
equalitie
,
when
he
willed
al
things
in
a
Commonwealth
to
be
common
,
whereby
euery
man
might
haue
enough
:
and
in
regard
of
these
words
Mine
and
Thine
,
wherby
the
propertie
of
things
is
distinguished
)
did
vse
to
say
:
That
there
was
no
man
that
did
gaine
,
but
another
was
a
loser
:
supposing
both
the
Naturall
and
Artificiall
riches
to
be
appertaining
and
proper
to
some
▪
that
were
owners
thereof
.
Wherein
he
did
note
a
kind
of
absurditie
at
that
time
,
in
regard
of
his
purpose
.
But
afterwards
hauing
had
a
due
consideration
of
far
greater
absurdities
that
wold
happen
,
if
(
to
auoide
strife
and
contention
)
goods
were
common
,
and
consequently
women
and
children
;
wherby
families
(
whereof
Commonweals
are
compounded
)
wold
be
dissolued
and
ouerthrowne
:
he
did
wisely
reuoke
his
former
opinion
,
holding
the
matter
to
be
impossible
and
incompatible
.
For
there
can
be
no
Common-wealth
without
a
priuate
wealth
;
whereby
these
two
words
,
Mine
and
Thine
,
were
restored
to
their
former
and
auncient
credite
:
which
all
good
housholders
or
fathers
of
families
are
to
consider
in
particular
,
&
the
Prince
as
the
father
of
the
great
familie
of
a
Commonwealth
in
generall
,
as
well
touching
the
Natural
riches
of
lands
,
as
of
the
Artificiall
riches
proceeding
of
the
same
,
and
to
make
and
moderate
his
charges
and
expences
accordingly
.
To
which
end
,
first
in
regard
of
Naturall
riches
,
the
knowledge
of
his
dominions
and
territories
is
requisite
to
be
considered
of
,
being
compared
with
other
Princes
dominions
,
which
oftentimes
are
accounted
to
be
more
spacious
then
they
bee
.
By
reason
whereof
,
we
haue
made
this
Geometricall
description
following
,
whereby
the
spaciousnesse
of
one
kingdome
or
countrey
,
may
be
compared
with
another
,
obseruing
onely
the
difference
of
the
number
.
A
Geometricall
Description
of
the
world
.
The
circumference
of
the
Globe
,
which
according
to
the
imaginarie
accompt
of
Ptolomy
,
containeth
360
Geometricall
degrees
of
15
leagues
euery
degree
,
maketh
in
the
whole
5400
leagues
,
which
we
do
reckon
after
one
thousand
measures
of
land
for
euery
league
of
foure
English
miles
,
or
60
miles
for
a
degree
.
The
Diameter
being
1718
2/11
leagues
,
making
the
superficies
both
of
water
and
land
9278
thousand
,
181
leagues
,
euery
league
being
4666⅔
measures
square
:
which
maketh
the
whole
globe
of
the
world
to
containe
43
millions
of
millions
,
298
millions
,
170
thousand
measures
of
land
and
water
:
whereof
the
water
being
deducted
,
accoumpting
aboue
two
third
parts
of
the
whole
,
and
the
other
third
for
the
earth
;
there
remaineth
(
not
accompting
fractions
and
vnnecessarie
numbers
)
nine
millions
of
millions
,
381
millions
,
627
thousand
measures
of
land
,
knowne
to
be
inhabited
:
wherof
followeth
a
particular
distribution
vpon
euery
kingdome
and
countrie
,
with
a
note
of
their
situation
.
Beginning
our
voyage
from
England
the
most
renowned
Iland
in
the
world
,
and
trauelling
all
the
world
ouer
(
which
by
water
may
be
compassed
in
one
yeare
and
a
halfe
)
as
may
be
seene
by
the
globe
set
foorth
at
the
charges
of
Maister
Sanderson
,
by
the
voyages
of
Sir
Francis
Drake
,
and
Sir
Thomas
Candish
knights
:
we
find
England
with
the
Ilands
adiacent
vnder
her
Maiesties
dominion
,
to
containe
34
millions
438
thousand
measures
of
land
,
after
the
computation
aforesaid
.
Ireland
the
Iland
which
lieth
most
West
of
those
that
be
of
any
fame
,
containeth
21
millions
785
thousand
measures
.
Scotland
being
adioyned
to
England
containeth
12
millions
250
thousand
measures
.
The
most
Westerne
countrey
of
Europe
is
Spaine
:
which
is
bounded
the
South
with
the
Mediterranean
sea
:
on
the
West
with
the
Atlanticke
:
on
the
North
with
the
Oceanus
Cantabricus
,
or
the
Spanish
seas
:
&
on
the
East
with
Fraunce
,
from
which
it
is
seuered
with
the
Pireney
hils
.
Vnder
Spaine
we
reckon
the
eight
kingdoms
following
:
|
Castile
containing
|
31
,
886.
m.
|
|
Andaluzia
|
3
,
700.
m.
|
|
Granado
|
3
,
150.
m.
|
|
Nauarre
|
1
,
868.
m.
|
|
Portugal
|
12
,
600.
m.
|
|
Leon
gallicia
|
9
,
520.
m.
|
|
Arragon
|
16
,
760.
m.
|
|
Biscay
|
4
,
666.
m.
|
|
|
All
,
84
,
150.
m.
measures
of
land
.
|
Fraunce
,
which
is
bounded
on
the
West
with
the
Pirency
hilles
:
on
the
North
with
the
English
seas
:
on
the
East
with
Germanie
:
on
the
Southeast
with
the
Alpe
hilles
:
and
on
the
Southwest
with
the
Mediterranean
sea
:
containing
32
Prouinces
.
|
Normandie
|
2
,
022.
m.
|
|
Campagney
|
1
,
785.
m.
|
|
Xantogne
|
1
,
791.
m.
|
|
Poitou
|
2
,
644.
m.
|
|
Berry
|
1
,
437.
m.
|
|
Limogis
|
140.
m.
|
|
Picardie
|
1
,
307.
m.
|
|
Anjou
|
840.
m.
|
|
Calis
|
46.
m.
|
|
Bulleyn
|
135.
m.
|
|
Languedoc
|
2
,
240.
m.
|
|
Dauphiney
|
900.
m.
|
|
Burgundie
|
757.
m.
|
|
Prouence
|
1
,
178.
m.
|
|
Vermandois
|
116.
m.
|
And
Vienois
,
Lionois
,
Gascoine
,
France
,
Lorreyne
,
Britayne
,
Guien
,
Nivernois
,
Bourbon
,
Auverne
,
Velay
,
Pierigueux
,
Viemois
,
and
the
rest
:
|
Containing
all
91
,
350.
m.
measures
.
|
The
next
countrey
vnto
Fraunce
on
the
East
side
is
Germany
,
which
is
bounded
on
the
West
with
Fraunce
,
and
the
Low
countries
:
on
the
North
with
Denmarke
and
the
Danish
seas
:
on
the
East
with
Prussia
,
Poland
,
and
Hungarie
:
on
the
Southeast
with
Istria
and
Illiricum
:
and
the
South
with
the
Alpe
hils
and
with
Italie
.
Vnder
Saxonie
.
|
Saxonia
|
3
,
750.
m.
|
|
Misnia
|
3
,
360.
m.
|
|
Turingia
|
1
,
120.
m.
|
Vnder
Austria
.
|
Lusatia
|
2
,
614.
m.
|
|
Slesia
|
5
,
558.
m.
|
|
Bohemia
|
7
,
000.
m.
|
|
Austria
|
6
,
300.
m.
|
|
Morauia
|
4
,
200.
m.
|
|
Beyeren
|
3
,
360.
m.
|
|
Assia
|
3
,
947.
m.
|
|
Heluetia
|
12
,
585.
m.
|
|
Basle
and
Swetia
|
2
,
992.
m.
|
|
Wirtenbergh
|
1
,
270.
m.
|
|
Embden
|
244.
m.
|
|
Collen
|
214.
m.
|
|
Salsburie
|
1
,
089.
m.
|
|
Cleues
|
257.
m.
|
|
Gulich
|
357.
m.
|
|
Westphalia
|
2
,
450.
m.
|
|
Ofnab
|
357.
m.
|
|
Pomerania
|
3
,
360.
m.
|
|
Marquis
brandeburgh
|
6
,
293.
m.
|
|
Machalburgh
|
2
,
100.
m.
|
|
Franconia
|
6
,
440.
m.
|
|
Tiroll
|
3
,
360.
m.
|
|
Carinthea
|
1
,
634.
m.
|
|
Stiria
|
1
,
866.
m.
|
|
Count
Palatin
|
4
,
450.
m.
|
|
Oldeburg
&
Dulmar
|
462.
m.
|
|
Liege
|
571.
m.
|
|
Trier
,
Ments
,
Strasbourgh
,
Spiers
,
Wormes
:
together
|
4
,
324.
m.
|
|
|
All
,
97
,
884.
m.
measures
.
|
The
17
Prouinces
of
the
Low-countries
accompting
550
townes
,
and
12
thousand
villages
,
bounded
on
the
West
with
Germanie
and
Fraunce
consisting
of
4
Dukedomes
,
7
Earledomes
,
and
6
Seigniories
.
|
Brabant
|
1
,
502.
m.
|
|
Guildres
|
420.
m.
|
|
Luxenborgh
|
1
,
400.
m.
|
|
Limborgh
and
Walkenborgh
|
233.
m.
|
|
Flaunders
,
Lyle
,
and
Doway
|
1
,
559.
m.
|
|
Henault
|
1
,
050.
m.
|
|
Artois
|
722.
m.
|
|
Holland
|
572.
m.
|
|
Zealand
|
101.
m.
|
|
Ouerysle
|
840.
m.
|
|
Freezeland
|
464.
m.
|
|
Malnies
|
15.
m.
|
|
Namure
|
196.
m.
|
|
Vtricht
|
227.
m.
|
|
Grocninghen
|
250.
m.
|
|
Zutphen
|
357.
m.
|
|
Meiers
35
m.
and
other
places
of
the
Empire
.
|
141.
m.
|
|
|
All
,
10.
049.
m.
measures
.
|
Italie
,
which
lyeth
on
the
South-side
of
the
Alpes
and
Germanie
,
and
stretcheth
it self
out
in
length
towards
the
South
&
East
,
may
thus
be
described
:
Vnder
Spaine
.
|
Naples
|
14
,
700.
m.
|
|
Lombardie
|
2
,
100.
m.
|
Vnder
Venice
.
|
Treuisana
|
3
,
290.
m.
|
|
Verona
|
740.
m.
|
|
Frioul
|
1
,
400.
m.
|
|
Mantua
|
570.
m.
|
Vnder
Rome
.
|
Liguria
|
1
,
865.
m.
|
|
Romagnia
|
1520.
m.
|
|
Latium
|
570.
m.
|
|
Hetruria
|
642.
m.
|
|
Sauoy
|
2
,
520.
m.
|
|
Piamont
|
2
,
100.
m.
|
|
Tuscane
Florence
|
6
,
160.
m.
|
|
Siena
|
570.
m.
|
|
Marca
ancona
|
1
,
790.
m.
|
|
Parma
plaisance
|
2
,
015.
m.
|
|
Sicily
|
4
,
200.
m.
|
|
Cyprus
|
2
,
100.
m.
|
|
Candia
|
2
,
800.
m.
|
|
Corsica
|
1
,
680.
m.
|
|
Sardegnia
|
5
,
600.
m.
|
|
|
All
,
55
,
580.
m.
measures
.
|
|
Prusia
lying
on
the
East
&
North
corner
of
Germany
.
|
11
,
200.
m.
|
|
Poland
lying
on
the
East
side
of
Germanie
,
containeth
|
21
,
000.
m.
|
|
Russenia
|
10
,
500.
m.
|
|
Volhimia
|
6
,
300.
m.
|
|
Massouia
|
2
,
098.
m.
|
|
Liuonia
|
30
,
152.
m.
|
|
|
All
,
70
,
050.
m.
measures
.
|
Denmarke
lying
on
the
North
side
of
Germany
,
hauing
on
the
North
and
East
side
,
the
kingdome
of
Sweden
:
&
on
the
North
side
&
West
of
Sweden
,
lyeth
the
kingdome
of
Norway
,
containing
all
with
their
dominions
,
as
followeth
:
|
Denmarke
|
13
,
643.
m.
|
|
Norway
|
37
,
296.
m.
|
|
Sweden
|
64
,
000.
m.
|
|
Finland
|
8
,
392.
m.
|
|
Holsten
|
1
,
398.
m.
|
|
Ditmars
|
442.
m.
|
|
Gothia
|
23
,
334.
m.
|
|
|
All
,
148
,
505.
m.
measures
.
|
The
great
Monarchie
of
Russia
or
Moscouia
,
beginning
on
the
East
side
of
Sweden
extending
it self
from
Lapland
and
Finmarke
vnto
the
Caspian
sea
,
containeth
in
it
a
great
part
of
Europe
,
and
part
of
Asia
;
whereof
we
are
to
make
a
deuision
,
hauing
only
purposed
to
make
a
particular
description
of
Europe
.
That
part
which
is
vnder
Europe
containeth
302
,
957.
m.
measures
.
So
all
Europe
containeth
940
,
198.
thousand
measures
of
land
.
Hungarie
containing
21
,
000.
m.
Dalmatia
4
,
900.
m.
Transiluania
,
7000.
m.
with
whole
Turky
containing
527,100
.
m.
and
Moscouia
187,143
.
m.
Tartarie
containing
420,000
.
m.
Persia
560,000
.
m.
and
the
lands
of
Calicout
840,000
.
m.
maketh
all
Asia
to
containe
2567
▪
143.
m.
measures
.
|
Africa
&
all
Egypt
|
2240,000
.
m.
|
|
America
containeth
|
1674,286
.
m.
|
|
Noua
Spania
containeth
|
1960,000
.
m.
|
Summa
tot.
9
,
381
,
627.
m.
measures
,
the
whole
earth
of
1000.
measures
for
a
league
of
4
English
miles
.
The
territorie
of
Rome
after
the
foundation
of
Romulus
did
containe
but
18
thousand
iourneys
of
land
,
which
he
did
deuide
into
three
equall
parts
:
allotting
the
one
third
,
as
it
were
Ecclesiasticall
lands
,
for
the
defraying
of
the
sacrifices
:
the
other
third
to
the
common
wealth
,
as
it
were
Crowne
land
:
and
the
last
third
part
was
deuided
betweene
three
thousand
citizens
of
all
sorts
,
after
the
rate
of
two
iourneys
for
euery
one
.
William
the
conqueror
,
caused
(
after
the
conquest
)
a
description
to
be
made
of
the
Realme
of
England
,
and
the
land
to
be
measured
,
reseruing
for
the
Crowne
so
much
as
he
thought
conuenient
:
and
bestowing
the
rest
vpon
his
Barons
and
Knights
,
he
caused
an
imposition
or
taxe
to
be
made
of
sixe
shillings
vpon
euery
hide
of
land
,
being
twenty
acres
,
making
160
acres
to
be
a
Knights
fee
.
And
so
hauing
left
the
Dukedome
of
Normandy
vnto
Robert
his
eldest
sonne
,
did
thereby
maintaine
his
royall
estate
&
dignitie
.
The
Grecians
had
diuerse
meanes
to
maintaine
their
estate
:
but
the
Romaines
hauing
a
very
large
and
spatious
iurisdiction
,
had
most
means
by
conquest
and
tribute
of
other
nations
.
The
ordinary
meanes
that
Princes
haue
now
a
dayes
for
the
maintenance
of
their
royall
estates
or
dignities
,
may
be
comprehended
vnder
these
three
:
The
first
vpon
the
estimation
of
the
body
of
their
lands
and
dominions
of
all
immoueable
goods
,
according
to
their
value
by
a
computation
vpon
the
hundreth
,
or
a
proportion
of
the
fruits
thereof
:
which
is
comprehended
vnder
Natural
riches
.
The
second
vpon
the
things
which
are
consumed
proceeding
thereof
:
namely
of
victuals
,
as
of
flesh
,
fish
,
wine
,
beare
,
fruit
,
and
such
like
:
of
rents
,
as
of
houses
and
farms
,
liberties
and
franchises
,
manors
and
townes
:
of
fire
,
as
of
wood
and
coales
:
of
apparell
,
as
of
wollen
clothes
,
silkes
,
furs
,
flaxe
,
and
such
like
.
The
third
vpon
the
trade
and
trafficke
of
merchandise
,
and
vpon
the
persons
of
men
according
to
their
degree
and
quality
.
Which
meanes
are
increased
by
the
inhabiting
of
countries
and
multitude
of
people
:
which
causeth
Princes
to
study
to
make
their
countries
populous
,
and
to
increase
the
commerce
&
trafficke
,
by
the
gaines
whereof
,
the
wealth
is
increased
.
For
albeit
,
that
the
multitude
of
people
maketh
the
price
of
lands
to
rise
,
and
victuals
to
become
dearer
:
yet
the
Prince
and
the
subiects
meanes
of
maintenance
do
also
increase
,
and
one
doth
liue
by
another
,
alwayes
so
as
there
be
had
a
singular
care
to
set
poore
men
on
work
,
and
that
the
idle
droane
do
not
consume
the
sweete
honey
.
Hereupon
two
speciall
points
are
incidently
to
be
handled
,
namely
,
that
as
I
haue
made
a
commparison
of
country
and
countries
vnder
the
dominion
of
the
Princes
in
Europe
:
so
is
it
not
very
difficult
for
me
to
make
a
comparison
of
the
wealth
thereof
,
and
likewise
of
the
ordinary
meanes
which
these
Princes
do
vse
for
the
maintenance
of
their
estates
,
and
what
ordinary
charges
and
expences
they
do
sustaine
:
whereby
would
appeare
manifestly
,
that
England
is
able
to
hold
out
with
any
kingdome
in
Europe
.
But
fearing
the
reprehension
of
some
Apelles
(
this
being
a
matter
of
State
)
I
will
containe
my selfe
within
the
compasse
of
my
profession
.
The
second
part
is
to
declare
many
and
diuerse
extraordinary
meanes
,
which
Princes
haue
vsed
heretofore
,
and
might
vse
in
their
necessities
and
occurrences
.
But
this
would
proue
vnnecessary
,
considering
we
do
liue
vnder
so
gratious
a
Princesse
(
whom
God
long
preserue
to
raigne
ouer
vs
)
whose
most
royal
disposition
and
clemency
,
doth
rather
moderate
impositions
and
taxes
,
then
inuent
any
that
neuer
were
:
her
subiects
also
being
most
dutifully
obedient
,
and
thankfully
inclined
to
make
her
Maiestie
voluntarie
offers
of
subsidies
and
other
meanes
for
the
generall
defence
of
the
Realme
,
not
expecting
that
the
same
should
be
of
them
required
.
Yet
to
giue
some
glaunce
of
comparison
betweene
England
&
France
the
greatest
kingdome
of
Europe
:
let
vs
take
notice
of
the
obseruation
of
Polititians
,
which
affirme
England
properly
to
be
deuided
into
52
thousand
villages
or
hamlets
,
as
there
are
weekes
in
the
yeare
:
much
after
the
deuision
which
the
Athenians
made
of
their
land
in
365
parts
,
as
there
are
dayes
in
the
yeare
;
and
to
containe
(
as
they
say
)
2800
thousand
families
,
euery
family
6
persons
,
is
16800
thousand
persons
:
England
containing
by
our
computation
but
34
millions
438
thousand
measures
of
land
square
:
whereas
Fraunce
containing
91
millions
350
thousand
measures
of
land
,
is
but
esteemed
to
haue
4400
thousand
families
,
and
fiue
persons
to
euery
family
:
which
is
but
22000
thousand
persons
.
The
commodities
of
France
are
not
so
rich
and
of
estimation
,
as
the
commodities
of
England
:
much
lesse
the
commodities
of
Denmarke
,
Russia
,
Poland
,
and
other
great
countries
.
Wherefore
let
vs
now
examine
,
for
the
second
point
concerning
Artificiall
riches
,
the
goodnesse
of
our
commodities
.
Maister
Bodine
doth
call
(
Salt
)
to
be
their
manna
,
and
we
may
call
our
wools
to
be
the
Golden
fleece
,
which
we
shall
not
need
to
seeke
in
Colchos
,
but
here
in
England
,
in
regard
both
of
their
goodnesse
and
quantity
.
Great
was
the
losse
and
hinderance
which
the
Realme
receiued
by
the
licence
,
which
king
Edward
the
third
gaue
vnto
king
Iohn
of
Aragon
,
for
to
transport
into
Spaine
certaine
number
of
Cotswold
sheep
,
both
in
respect
of
wools
and
wooll
fels
.
For
we
see
what
great
quantity
of
wools
(
bettered
vnder
their
climate
)
doth
continually
come
from
diuerse
places
of
the
king
of
Spaines
dominions
,
into
Fraunce
and
the
Low-countries
:
especially
in
Flaunders
,
where
diuerse
fine
stuffes
are
made
,
and
brought
vnto
vs
and
other
nations
,
causing
a
decrease
of
the
custome
of
the
Prince
,
as
may
be
knowne
by
this
:
that
the
custome
of
wooll
in
this
king
Edward
his
time
came
to
aboue
threescore
and
fiue
thousand
pounds
yearely
,
the
ounce
of
siluer
being
valued
but
at
20
pence
:
which
would
make
now
200
thousand
pound
.
For
there
went
out
of
the
realm
at
the
least
a
hundred
thousand
sackes
of
wooll
,
whereof
were
made
300
thousand
clothes
at
the
least
:
whereas
there
is
now
computation
made
of
100000
clothes
yearly
,
or
somwhat
more
,
the
custome
being
35
thousand
pounds
.
Wherby
we
may
see
manifestly
,
that
there
is
a
great
ouer
ballancing
of
forreine
commodities
with
our
home
commodities
,
as
shall
be
made
more
apparant
.
It
is
wel
knowne
,
that
since
the
Statute
made
in
the
sixt
yeare
of
her
Maiesties
most
happy
raigne
,
all
sorts
of
white
clothes
,
haue
bin
amended
for
length
&
goodnesse
;
likewise
kerseys
,
bayes
,
cottons
,
Northerne
dozens
,
&
diuers
other
kinds
of
clothes
haue
bin
bettered
since
that
time
:
whereas
the
commodities
of
other
countries
haue
bene
made
worse
.
Howbeit
it
were
to
be
wished
,
that
with
vs
good
order
were
taken
for
the
continuance
thereof
:
as
also
that
clothiers
would
deuise
to
make
their
clothes
after
the
manner
of
Venice
,
as
it
were
in
hot-houses
;
sauing
thereby
a
great
part
of
their
oyle
for
the
making
of
other
clothes
,
which
is
now
wasted
and
spent
:
which
practise
is
of
late
put
in
vre
by
the
Flemmings
in
some
places
;
and
yet
can
they
not
sell
their
clothes
so
good
cheape
,
but
that
our
cloth
is
with
them
in
great
request
.
For
all
that
merchants
(
besides
other
great
charges
)
pay
vnto
them
aboue
20
shillings
custome
and
licence
for
euery
cloth
to
bring
them
thither
,
ouer
and
aboue
the
charges
and
custome
of
the
dominions
of
other
Princes
and
States
,
when
cloth
is
not
caried
directly
vnto
them
.
Comming
to
our
other
Commodities
of
lead
,
tinne
,
copper
,
iron
,
bel-mettall
,
and
other
minerals
,
we
shall
not
need
to
make
mention
of
gold
,
siluer
and
copper
,
because
our
mynes
do
not
yeeld
such
quantitie
thereof
as
in
other
countries
,
which
haue
a
better
temperature
of
climate
to
that
effect
.
Howbeit
,
greater
store
would
be
found
,
if
men
did
endeuour
to
find
the
same
:
as
for
any
thing
we
can
as
yet
learne
,
one
man
onely
hath
bestowed
extraordinarie
charges
therein
,
as
some
haue
done
for
the
copper
,
which
by
their
means
is
found
somewhat
plentifull
:
whereby
with
the
addition
of
the
Calamine
stone
,
many
manuall
things
are
now
made
within
the
realme
by
milles
and
otherwise
,
which
heretofore
were
brought
vnto
vs
.
And
now
let
vs
speake
of
the
particulars
,
as
of
lead
,
tinne
,
and
iron
.
Our
lead
(
whereof
we
haue
abundance
)
doth
exceed
in
goodnesse
that
of
Germany
and
other
countries
,
and
containeth
more
siluer
then
theirs
,
which
is
blacke
,
harder
and
vncleane
:
and
therefore
serueth
them
to
make
peeces
of
Ordinance
,
whereof
the
Duke
of
Brunswicke
hath
good
store
.
But
iron
is
farre
better
for
that
purpose
:
and
that
which
is
found
in
other
places
is
not
comparable
vnto
ours
,
neither
hath
any
Prince
the
like
.
Tinne
,
a
most
royall
Commodity
,
is
exceeding
in
goodnesse
all
other
Tinne
found
elsewhere
,
which
is
but
litle
,
as
it
is
not
very
abundant
with
vs
.
For
all
our
mynes
do
not
yeeld
aboue
10
or
12
hundred
thousand
pound
waight
yearely
at
the
most
;
which
in
regard
of
the
vse
thereof
,
is
and
hath
bene
sold
by
vs
very
good
cheape
,
especially
in
such
places
from
whence
wee
bring
very
corruptible
Commodities
of
wines
,
raisins
,
prunes
,
currans
&
such
like
:
giuing
them
this
&
the
like
staple
Commoditie
for
them
.
We
haue
noted
how
of
late
yeares
,
gold
,
siluer
,
copper
,
iron
,
and
lead
,
haue
bene
found
more
plentifully
then
in
times
past
:
but
we
cannot
say
so
of
Tinne
,
the
vse
thereof
in
Turky
and
other
places
being
considered
.
By
reason
whereof
,
if
heretofore
the
proportion
of
mettals
obserued
by
the
Germaines
and
other
nations
,
was
150
pound
waight
of
copper
to
one
pound
of
siluer
,
or
700
pound
of
iron
,
600
p.
of
lead
,
or
25
pounds
of
quicksiluer
,
and
but
one
hundred
p.
of
tin
:
much
more
ought
we
to
diminish
this
proportion●
,
considering
(
as
aforesaid
)
the
great
quantitie
of
al
other
mettals
found
in
diuerse
places
,
and
but
this
small
parcell
of
Tinne
of
that
rare
goodnesse
found
onely
in
England
:
where
aboue
80
years
past
,
the
price
thereof
was
about
forty
shillings
the
hundred
,
when
anounce
of
siluer
was
esteemed
forty
pence
,
and
when
the
best
veluet
was
sold
for
ten
shillings
the
yard
.
And
omitting
to
speake
of
saltpeter
,
coppresse
,
allume
,
and
such
like
minerals
(
whereof
wee
haue
great
store
)
let
vs
conclude
with
the
consideration
of
the
great
abundance
of
sea-coles
,
that
are
found
in
England
:
the
price
whereof
might
(
with
more
reason
)
be
farre
aduaunced
aboue
the
price
of
salt
The
Manna
of
Fraunce
:
seeing
that
(
as
Maister
Bodine
hath
noted
of
all
mines
)
the
mines
hereof
can
be
exhausted
,
and
so
cannot
salt
be
,
which
with
lesse
labor
doth
in
a
manner
raine
from
heauen
vnder
their
climate
:
the
rather
for
that
woods
are
not
onely
decreasing
with
vs
,
but
also
with
other
nations
that
shall
in
time
haue
as
much
neede
of
our
coales
,
as
we
of
their
salt
:
wherof
the
impost
in
Fraunce
amounteth
to
450
thousand
pound
starling
yearly
,
as
the
matter
is
handled
.
Safforne
and
cony
skins
are
two
commodities
exceeding
also
in
goodnesse
:
likewise
corne
,
beare
,
fels
,
tallow
,
hops
,
wood
,
hose
,
and
many
other
things
are
all
better
then
the
like
had
in
other
countries
;
and
so
might
leather
be
,
if
the
lawes
did
suffer
it
to
be
dressed
accordingly
.
For
albeit
that
the
difference
of
water
in
goodnesse
for
that
purpose
maketh
an
alteration
:
yet
they
might
be
qualified
and
made
seruiceable
to
that
effect
.
Our
waxe
is
also
better
then
that
of
Moscouia
and
the
East
countries
:
and
this
being
a
commodity
had
with
little
labour
,
and
without
the
vse
of
much
ground
,
and
of
late
yeares
aduanced
in
price
;
we
would
exhort
many
to
practise
the
hauing
thereof
,
in
regard
both
of
the
honny
and
waxe
,
the
rather
for
that
the
making
of
Bees
of
a
Heighfer
is
naturall
.
Whereupon
Plinie
hath
noted
,
that
the
flesh
of
oxen
is
conuerted
into
Bees
,
as
the
flesh
of
horses
into
waspes
,
that
of
man
into
lice
,
and
so
of
other
flesh
according
to
the
nature
thereof
:
but
I
will
not
affirme
,
that
the
flesh
of
a
Cuckow
is
conuerted
into
toads
,
as
some
do
report
.
Touching
the
price
of
our
commodities
,
which
certainly
may
be
known
as
of
tinne
,
lead
,
and
certaine
knowne
sorts
of
clothes
:
we
shall
find
,
that
when
an
ounce
of
siluer
was
valued
at
40
pence
,
tinne
was
worth
(
as
we
haue
sayd
)
about
40
shillings
the
hundreth
,
which
now
maketh
3
pound
,
and
the
price
thereof
in
regard
of
veluet
,
silkes
and
other
commodities
,
ought
now
to
be
5
pound
a
hundreth
all
circumstances
considered
.
Wooll
was
worth
10
shillings
the
tod
,
equivalent
with
the
best
yeard
of
veluet
:
colour
kentish
cloths
,
not
of
so
good
making
as
now
,
were
ordinarily
sold
for
8
and
9
pound
the
cloth
of
that
mony
which
is
now
12
pound
and
13
pound
10
shillings
:
calue
skins
5
shillings
the
dozen
:
Deuonshire
kersies
,
and
all
other
cloth
accordingly
.
At
which
time
the
bale
of
Venice
fustians
was
sold
for
18
pound
:
of
horne
fustians
15
pound
:
the
best
blacke
Sattine
6
shillings
the
yeard
:
colour
Damaske
and
Sattine
5
shillings
:
Bolonia
Sarcenet
20
pence
the
yeard
:
all
by
retaile
;
millian
fustians
18
and
19
shillings
the
peece
:
Messina
silke
8
shillings
the
pound
:
vnwatred
Chamblet
13
shillings
the
peece
,
and
all
other
Italian
wares
accordingly
;
which
(
although
they
are
now
more
vsed
then
in
those
dayes
)
cannot
counteruaile
the
difference
in
price
being
compared
together
,
because
that
the
making
thereof
in
Italy
and
France
is
also
much
more
increased
,
and
on
the
contrary
the
making
of
cloth
much
diminished
since
that
time
.
And
in
this
place
we
must
not
forget
to
mention
of
the
making
of
Venice
gold
thred
,
which
might
be
more
practised
and
made
in
England
then
it
is
,
to
set
poore
people
on
worke
,
and
so
be
had
farre
better
cheape
.
For
we
shall
find
that
whereas
the
pound
of
12
ounces
is
now
ordinarily
sold
for
3
pound
5
shillings
,
or
thereabouts
:
the
same
(
being
vntwisted
)
doth
not
containe
aboue
4½
ounces
,
or
5
ounces
at
the
most
of
guilded
siluer
,
which
may
be
worth
some
25
shillings
:
and
all
the
rest
goeth
towards
some
very
course
silke
and
the
workmanship
,
which
is
a
very
easie
spinning
.
To
say
nothing
of
the
Easterlings
wares
of
pitch
,
tar
,
wainscot
,
cables
,
flaxe
,
hempe
and
such
like
,
because
these
are
very
necessary
commodities
,
and
cannot
be
much
ouer-bought
;
we
are
onely
to
note
,
that
if
the
Statute
for
the
sowing
of
hempe
were
well
obserued
,
all
manner
of
cordage
might
be
made
within
the
Realme
,
and
thereby
be
had
better
cheape
of
others
.
Howbeit
the
entercourse
and
commerce
with
other
nations
,
requireth
that
euery
countrey
should
haue
their
peculiar
Commodities
;
whereof
we
are
to
consider
the
price
,
and
to
haue
a
care
not
to
ouer-buy
them
,
and
to
sell
our
home
Commodities
too
good
cheape
:
which
generally
may
be
said
for
all
commodities
,
and
particularly
for
Lawnes
,
Cambrickes
and
such
like
,
and
most
especially
when
claret
wine
was
sold
for
3
and
4
pound
the
tunne
:
prunes
5
shillings
the
hundreth
:
ciuill
oyle
12
pound
the
tunne
:
soape
of
Ciuill
20
shillings
the
hundreth
:
malmesey
5
pound
the
But
:
and
so
the
like
of
diuers
other
Commodities
,
if
we
do
consider
the
great
abundance
thereof
found
now
a
dayes
,
and
more
commodiously
and
directly
brought
vnto
vs
,
then
heretofore
;
as
Spices
,
Sugar
,
Currans
,
Raisins
,
Figs
,
and
such
like
are
.
By
all
which
commeth
a
notable
ouer-ballancing
of
forreine
Commodities
with
our
home
Commodities
in
nature
before
alleaged
,
which
doth
consistin
the
price
,
&
not
in
the
quantity
.
This
ouerballancing
is
knowne
by
the
increase
of
the
custome
of
the
goods
inwards
,
&
the
decrease
of
the
custome
of
the
goods
outwards
:
for
which
purpose
let
vs
obserue
,
what
the
custome
of
wooll
did
amount
in
king
Edward
the
third
his
time
,
as
aforesaid
.
Thus
finding
things
to
be
deare
,
and
the
price
thereof
hurtfull
to
the
Commonwealth
,
because
we
do
not
sell
our
home
Commodities
so
deare
proportionably
,
as
we
do
buy
the
forraine
commodities
:
we
may
see
that
we
are
become
buyers
&
not
sellers
,
as
the
good
father
of
the
familie
ought
to
be
,
as
is
aforesaid
.
Wherfore
let
vs
now
consider
of
the
causes
of
this
dearth
of
forraine
commodities
ouer
and
aboue
the
price
of
our
home
commodities
,
which
maketh
vs
to
giue
the
treasure
of
the
realm
to
boote
,
by
aduancing
the
price
of
the
one
,
and
abating
the
price
of
the
other
:
which
might
be
attributed
to
the
ignorance
of
permutation
of
commodities
for
commodities
,
if
money
did
not
rule
the
price
of
commodities
;
and
the
course
of
exchange
for
mony
,
did
not
ouer-rule
the
property
of
mony
:
wherfore
let
vs
note
the
causes
,
which
are
declared
in
the
treatise
of
the
Canker
of
Englands
Common
wealth
:
where
we
may
see
that
our
home
Commodities
are
abated
in
price
foure
manner
of
wayes
.
-
1
By
scarsitie
of
money
with
vs
,
which
maketh
things
good
cheape
.
-
2
By
the
gaine
sought
vpon
money
,
which
otherwise
would
be
sought
vpon
the
commodities
.
-
3
By
a
high
course
of
exchange
,
which
draweth
the
money
to
be
deliuered
in
nature
of
exchange
onely
,
or
by
a
low
price
of
exchange
,
which
is
the
efficient
cause
of
the
exportation
of
our
money
.
-
4
By
the
rash
sale
of
our
Commodities
by
such
as
haue
small
stockes
.
Forraine
Commodities
on
the
contrary
are
aduanced
in
price
foure
manner
of
wayes
.
-
1
Through
plenty
of
money
in
other
countries
,
which
maketh
things
deare
.
-
2
By
a
high
exchange
beyond
the
seas
,
which
yeeldeth
a
losse
;
and
by
a
low
exchange
which
causeth
few
takers
vp
of
money
,
and
driueth
men
to
make
returne
in
forraine
Commodities
.
-
3
By
the
aduancing
of
the
price
of
their
money
aboue
the
value
.
-
4
For
that
the
principall
Commodities
are
engrossed
into
rich
mens
hands
.
The
course
of
this
inequalitie
may
be
illustrated
by
the
comparison
.
Suppose
that
you
were
a
Lord
of
some
Iland
,
that
did
yeeld
great
store
of
corne
or
graine
,
and
also
great
quantitie
of
wools
:
and
another
were
Lord
of
another
Iland
,
that
did
yeeld
great
abundance
of
spices
,
and
sugar
,
and
great
quantitie
of
silke
and
silke
wares
,
being
things
seruing
either
for
the
belly
or
backe
.
Both
of
you
do
desire
to
liue
in
the
ciuillest
manner
that
you
can
deuise
or
imagine
,
and
which
is
pleasing
most
your
mind
:
and
(
wanting
the
vse
of
money
)
you
are
desirous
to
haue
some
of
his
spices
,
sugar
and
silkes
;
and
willing
to
giue
him
by
way
of
permutation
or
barter
,
corne
,
graine
,
or
wooll
for
them
:
whereupon
by
mutuall
conference
according
to
reason
,
both
of
you
do
agree
what
quantitie
of
each
Commoditie
,
one
will
deliuer
for
the
Commodities
of
the
other
;
and
that
chiefly
in
regard
of
the
vse
of
euery
mans
Commoditie
.
But
because
many
questions
do
arise
,
and
to
auoide
much
cariage
of
wares
vp
and
downe
for
the
transporting
from
Iland
to
Iland
;
you
agree
by
mutuall
consent
,
that
a
thing
of
mettall
(
because
it
goeth
in
least
roome
,
and
continueth
longest
without
perishing
,
and
is
caried
too
and
fro
with
the
least
charge
,
and
is
also
fittest
to
be
cut
and
deuided
in
most
peeces
without
losse
)
shall
be
deuised
to
be
coyned
,
as
the
meane
in
wares
to
exchange
all
wares
by
.
And
to
the
end
there
should
be
alwaies
neither
more
nor
lesse
wares
brought
into
your
Iland
,
then
were
equiualent
with
the
wares
of
your
Iland
(
and
this
thing
you
call
Money
,
which
is
now
a
measure
to
set
a
price
,
or
to
measure
euery
thing
by
)
it
commeth
to
passe
,
that
you
haue
more
then
sufficient
for
the
inhabitants
of
your
Iland
of
corne
,
wools
,
and
other
Commodities
,
which
in
this
regard
may
be
called
Superfluities
:
and
because
some
of
them
are
perishable
and
cannot
keepe
long
,
you
seeke
to
vtter
and
conuert
into
money
:
whereby
you
draw
great
store
of
money
into
your
Iland
.
Wherupon
some
of
your
inhabitants
(
perceiuing
the
same
to
be
the
measure
and
meane
to
commaund
and
obtaine
all
other
things
)
through
a
couetous
desire
do
practise
to
be
maisters
of
that
measure
:
so
that
no
man
can
come
by
it
,
but
with
their
consent
,
and
paying
well
for
it
:
and
in
so
doing
,
they
make
the
money
to
become
a
merchandise
,
and
heape
vp
much
wealth
to
themselues
,
&
bring
therby
a
dearth
also
of
all
things
within
your
Iland
.
For
when
one
taketh
a
hundred
pounds
,
to
pay
10
pounds
ouer
and
more
then
he
borroweth
,
that
man
in
vttering
of
his
ware
must
sell
accordingly
:
whereby
the
measure
between
you
is
become
falsified
.
The
lord
of
the
other
Iland
perceiuing
this
breach
doth
dissemble
the
matter
,
&
knowing
that
by
these
meanes
he
is
bereaued
of
a
great
part
of
his
readie
money
,
and
therewithall
,
that
the
Commodities
which
hee
was
wont
to
haue
of
you
,
are
become
dearer
;
and
that
on
the
contrarie
the
price
of
his
Commodities
is
abated
through
scarcitie
of
money
:
hee
deuiseth
a
course
to
draw
the
mony
out
of
your
Iland
,
and
to
aduance
the
price
of
his
Commodities
:
you
thereupon
make
a
law
,
that
no
readie
money
shall
be
transported
:
but
you
are
contented
to
admit
an
exchange
for
money
on
both
sides
,
grounded
vpon
the
waight
and
finenesse
of
his
mony
and
yours
,
and
according
to
the
valuation
to
nominate
the
same
;
and
thereby
to
make
returne
of
each
others
Commodities
,
which
exchange
in
nature
of
trade
you
suffer
to
rise
and
fall
in
price
according
to
plentie
and
scarcitie
of
money
.
By
meanes
whereof
,
he
hath
an
abilitie
giuen
him
to
compasse
the
rule
of
this
exchange
,
and
so
doth
abuse
the
same
both
waies
,
that
he
draweth
all
the
readie
money
out
of
your
Iland
,
and
doth
aduance
the
price
of
his
Commodities
,
which
he
thereby
selleth
the
dearer
vnto
you
.
You
do
also
sell
your
Commodities
dearer
,
but
you
do
not
make
a
proportionable
price
vnto
his
,
neither
a
due
returne
of
the
prouenue
of
your
Commodities
.
For
if
you
make
your
returne
by
exchange
of
money
by
bils
,
he
taketh
an
aduantage
thereby
in
the
price
of
exchange
,
by
ouer-valuing
his
money
,
and
vnder-valuing
yours
;
or
else
you
are
driuen
to
make
returne
in
his
Commodities
at
a
deare
rate
:
whereby
of
necessitie
he
doth
ouer-ballance
your
Ilands
commodities
with
his
,
and
doth
of
course
expell
your
readie
money
to
be
giuen
to
boote
with
your
Commodities
.
Where
is
now
become
that
equiualent
proportion
of
wares
for
wares
?
or
to
what
purpose
serueth
the
measure
of
money
,
betweene
you
and
him
?
do
not
the
inhabitants
of
your
Iland
pay
for
all
?
And
whence
commeth
al
this
?
was
not
vsurie
the
beginning
,
and
the
merchandizing
exchange
the
efficient
cause
of
all
?
which
being
taken
away
,
will
make
the
effectes
to
cease
:
and
what
might
be
done
ex
conuerso
,
we
leaue
to
the
consideration
of
the
wise
to
determine
what
may
stand
with
the
course
of
politicke
gouernment
.
And
to
their
iudgement
we
will
now
propound
three
meanes
for
the
aduancing
of
the
price
of
our
home
Commodities
by
increase
of
trade
,
besides
the
operation
of
plentie
of
mony
which
maketh
things
deare
:
whereof
we
shall
intreate
more
hereafter
.
The
first
is
,
to
giue
an
abilitie
vnto
Merchants
to
set
ouer
or
transport
their
bils
obligatorie
or
bonds
,
which
they
receiue
vpon
sale
made
of
their
Commodities
for
other
Commodities
.
For
whereas
they
sell
most
commonly
all
the
forraine
Commodities
payable
at
some
short
time
,
if
(
hauing
receiued
billes
or
bonds
for
their
wares
)
they
might
lawfully
set
them
ouer
for
other
Commodities
,
there
would
be
greater
quantities
of
our
Commodities
bought
from
time
to
time
.
To
which
end
the
statutes
of
Champertie
and
maintenance
might
be
qualified
,
and
the
billes
might
be
made
payable
to
the
partie
or
the
lawfull
bearer
or
bringer
thereof
,
as
is
vsed
in
other
countries
.
But
because
the
strictnesse
of
the
Common
lawe
of
the
realme
,
doth
require
a
greater
perfection
of
formall
deedes
,
then
the
Ciuill
lawe
of
other
countries
,
where
plaine
and
sincere
dealings
haue
hitherto
excluded
Non
est
factum
:
therfore
were
it
requisite
to
haue
one
generall
office
for
all
notaries
and
scriueners
,
as
there
is
in
other
countries
:
where
euery
act
,
bill
,
or
bond
should
be
registred
,
not
onely
by
the
notarie
or
scriuen
or
that
made
the
same
,
but
also
by
a
Prothonotarie
,
who
should
keepe
register
of
all
,
and
where
euery
thing
should
be
enrolled
vpon
a
penaltie
.
A
matter
in
reason
as
well
belonging
to
the
Chauncerie
,
as
the
recording
of
the
deedes
of
lands
,
Statutes
,
and
Recognizances
.
This
wold
greatly
ease
the
most
honourable
Court
of
Starre-chamber
of
many
sutes
,
which
daily
happen
for
forgeries
and
otherwise
,
and
disburden
also
the
Court
of
Common
lawes
of
the
like
.
And
finally
,
many
protractions
in
law
would
be
abrogated
,
that
now
are
vsed
to
the
hurt
both
of
the
partie
plaintife
and
defendant
.
The
second
is
,
that
the
citie
of
London
,
and
euery
principall
towne
of
a
shire
,
or
the
most
part
of
them
,
would
take
vpon
them
,
to
take
money
casually
at
the
hands
of
such
,
as
will
deliuer
the
same
vpon
the
aduenture
of
their
liues
:
as
at
Venice
,
where
a
man
for
the
summe
of
foure
or
fiue
hundred
pounds
once
giuen
,
shall
be
sure
to
haue
a
hundred
pound
a
yeare
during
his
life
:
whereby
a
great
stocke
might
be
raised
for
the
generall
good
of
all
parties
,
and
especially
to
set
poore
people
on
worke
,
and
(
by
incorporating
their
manufacture
and
handiworke
)
to
sell
the
same
afterwards
with
a
reasonable
gain
towards
their
aduenture
.
Besides
that
,
experience
hath
taught
in
all
places
where
the
like
is
vsed
,
that
the
citie
becommeth
alwaies
a
gainer
by
the
decease
of
the
parties
,
that
do
deliuer
money
in
this
nature
.
The
third
meane
to
aduaunce
the
price
of
our
home
Commodities
,
is
(
as
before
hath
bene
noted
)
the
example
of
great
personages
in
the
wearing
of
our
Commodities
,
whom
the
people
will
imitate
:
and
so
the
more
vsed
,
the
more
aduaunced
by
the
request
thereof
:
wherein
the
example
of
the
Prince
is
predominant
.
But
leauing
the
matter
of
Commodities
,
let
vs
come
to
intreate
of
monies
.
Money
(
as
we
haue
said
before
)
being
the
rule
and
square
to
set
a
price
vnto
euery
thing
,
as
being
the
publike
measure
to
maintaine
a
certaine
equalitie
in
buying
and
selling
;
must
therefore
haue
his
standing
valuation
onely
by
publike
authoritie
of
Princes
,
as
a
matter
annexed
to
their
Crownes
and
dignities
.
For
they
be
the
warrant
of
the
monies
vnto
their
subiects
.
And
to
the
end
that
this
measure
of
things
,
namely
money
,
should
not
be
falsified
,
by
making
the
same
generally
more
or
lesse
(
whereby
the
price
of
things
would
become
incertaine
,
if
priuate
men
be
suffered
to
haue
the
handling
thereof
)
therefore
are
Princes
so
carefull
to
obserue
a
certaintie
and
equalitie
of
the
price
of
money
from
time
to
time
.
Howbeit
,
that
the
due
regard
which
is
to
be
had
betweene
their
monies
,
and
the
monies
of
other
Princes
,
is
by
some
lesse
regarded
,
then
the
course
thereof
within
their
owne
dominions
being
of
lesse
importance
,
hauing
some
base
money
currant
with
the
good
.
The
price
of
money
becommeth
incertaine
in
particular
,
when
priuate
men
will
giue
or
receiue
any
money
in
specie
aboue
the
price
of
their
valuation
imposed
by
the
authoritie
of
the
Prince
:
whereby
euery
man
vndertaketh
to
aduaunce
still
the
price
according
as
he
seeth
occasion
to
aduance
his
gaine
by
the
necessitie
or
vse
of
another
man
,
that
hath
cause
to
employ
the
money
.
The
vse
hereof
is
in
many
countries
seuerely
prohibited
,
and
yet
another
way
in
a
manner
suffered
for
the
good
of
their
Commonweales
,
as
those
that
are
skilfull
in
mint
matters
,
do
very
well
know
.
The
price
of
mony
in
generall
becommeth
incertaine
,
when
vsury
is
tollerated
,
whereby
one
hundreth
pounds
are
esteemed
and
valued
(
in
regard
of
time
)
to
be
worth
one
hundreth
and
ten
pounds
,
and
in
some
other
countries
more
:
which
was
the
cause
that
commodities
were
sold
accordingly
,
when
dayes
were
first
giuen
for
the
payment
thereof
,
euery
man
supposing
that
he
could
make
so
much
of
his
money
which
did
proceede
of
his
commodities
.
This
course
being
tollerated
by
the
lawes
of
the
land
,
maketh
vs
to
forbeare
,
to
speake
hereof
sparingly
,
because
Pollicy
doth
thinke
that
therby
greater
euils
are
auoided
,
which
(
being
compared
to
the
operations
and
effects
of
vsury
written
allegorically
by
me
in
another
treatise
)
may
be
ballanced
in
the
iudgement
of
the
wise
.
Onely
to
the
end
that
(
through
ignorance
)
merchants
and
others
might
not
fall
within
the
compasse
of
the
Statute
of
vsury
,
we
haue
thought
good
to
giue
them
this
Caueat
,
and
to
make
them
to
vnderstand
the
true
sence
and
definition
of
the
branch
of
tolleration
of
that
Statute
:
the
rather
for
that
some
men
do
seeme
to
charge
the
makers
thereof
with
a
great
absurdity
.
For
say
they
,
the
Statute
giueth
ability
for
a
man
to
take
one
way
ten
pounds
ten
shillings
or
more
for
the
vse
of
one
hundreth
pounds
for
one
yeare
,
being
deliuered
out
for
two
yeares
:
and
another
way
he
cannot
take
ten
pounds
fiue
shillings
and
lesse
for
one
yeare
,
but
he
shall
be
within
the
compasse
of
the
Statute
.
But
if
they
had
a
due
consideration
,
that
Time
is
properly
the
Iudge
hereof
,
and
that
they
could
not
make
the
Statute
without
the
limitation
of
a
time
certaine
:
they
would
not
find
any
absurdity
therein
.
For
it
was
impossible
to
make
it
otherwise
more
certaine
.
The
words
of
the
Statute
be
in
effect
:
None
may
haue
,
receiue
,
accept
or
take
for
the
lending
or
forbearing
of
his
or
their
money
for
one
whole
yeare
,
or
for
a
longer
or
a
shorter
time
,
or
for
a
more
or
lesse
summe
aboue
the
rate
of
10
pound
pro
100
yearely
.
37.
H.
8.
And
this
Statute
to
be
most
strongly
&
strictly
construed
for
the
suppression
of
all
vsury
,
both
directly
and
indirectly
,
as
by
the
Statute
of
the
13.
of
her
most
excellent
Maiestie
.
To
make
it
euidently
appeare
,
that
of
necessity
(
Time
)
is
herein
Efficient
and
Actiue
,
and
the
rate
of
10
pro
100
Positiue
and
Passiue
.
Let
vs
suppose
that
you
do
deliuer
at
interest
one
hundreth
pounds
for
three
moneths
after
ten
vpon
the
hundreth
,
you
may
lawfully
receiue
at
the
three
moneths
end
two
pounds
ten
shillings
for
your
interest
,
and
continue
the
hundreth
pounds
againe
for
other
three
moneths
,
by
a
new
contract
or
agreement
:
and
then
receiue
againe
two
pounds
ten
shillings
,
continuing
in
this
manner
for
the
whole
yeare
by
foure
seuerall
agreements
:
whereby
you
do
receiue
three
parts
of
your
interest
at
seuerall
times
within
the
yeare
:
which
interest
you
may
put
out
also
to
vsury
,
and
so
take
aboue
10
pro
100
without
incurring
the
danger
of
the
Satute
,
because
your
agreements
haue
from
time
to
time
altered
the
property
of
the
interest
money
which
you
did
receiue
,
and
that
which
before
was
anothers
,
is
thereby
become
yours
,
and
thereof
you
may
lawfully
dispose
againe
.
But
if
you
do
deliuer
out
100
pounds
from
the
beginning
for
one
whole
yeare
,
then
you
can
haue
but
10
pounds
interest
for
the
same
at
the
yeares
end
with
your
principall
:
for
the
property
of
the
10
pounds
is
not
till
then
altered
by
your
agreement
.
Thus
is
it
with
money
deliuered
for
a
shorter
time
.
In
like
manner
is
it
for
money
deliuered
out
for
a
longer
time
,
as
for
example
.
One
deliuereth
out
an
100
pound
for
foure
yeares
,
for
the
which
at
the
foure
yeares
end
,
he
can
receiue
but
140
pound
:
but
if
he
do
deliuer
out
100
pounds
for
one
yeare
,
he
may
at
the
yeares
end
receiue
10
pounds
for
interest
,
and
continue
the
100
pounds
againe
for
the
second
yeare
by
a
new
agreement
:
and
then
receiue
another
10
pound
:
and
so
for
the
third
and
fourth
yeare
.
Now
whereas
by
reason
of
his
seuerall
agreements
according
to
the
time
he
hath
altered
the
property
of
the
interest
mony
and
receiued
10
pounds
the
first
yeare
,
he
may
put
out
againe
this
10
pound
as
his
owne
for
another
yeare
,
and
so
haue
interest
thereof
twenty
shillings
:
whereby
he
receiueth
11
pound
the
second
yeare
,
which
being
put
out
for
the
third
and
fourth
yeare
,
will
yeeld
him
accordingly
:
in
like
maner
for
the
10
pound
receiued
the
second
and
third
yeare
which
will
yeeld
him
after
the
same
maner
accordingly
.
So
that
he
shall
haue
aboue
146
pound
being
thus
deliuered
out
,
the
body
of
his
sum
still
remaining
whole
,
and
being
only
distinguished
by
time
which
maketh
the
difference
.
Againe
let
vs
suppose
,
that
the
100
pound
were
deliuered
out
from
the
beginning
for
foure
years
,
to
be
repaied
by
25
pound
a
yeare
and
the
interest
:
it
followeth
proportionably
that
the
first
yeare
he
is
to
receiue
27
pound
10
shillings
,
the
second
yeare
30
pound
,
the
third
yeare
32
pound
10
shillings
,
and
the
fourth
yeare
35
pound
,
which
maketh
all
but
125
pound
:
adde
vnto
this
the
interest
of
25
pound
receiued
,
in
deduction
of
his
principal
three
yeares
before
the
time
,
which
is
7
pound
10
shillings
,
and
of
25
pound
more
in
like
manner
for
2
yeares
which
is
5
pound
,
and
of
25
pound
more
for
one
yeare
,
which
is
2
pound
10
shillings
;
all
15
pound
:
which
together
maketh
the
140
pound
,
as
aforesayd
.
But
when
monies
are
repayed
in
this
maner
,
as
it
were
by
way
of
anticipation
,
then
the
body
of
your
summe
of
100
pound
is
deuided
:
and
still
time
and
vse
or
interest
must
concurre
.
For
you
may
not
deliuer
out
300
pound
for
3
yeares
to
be
repayed
by
100
pound
yearly
,
and
receiue
the
first
yeare
130
pound
,
the
second
yeare
120
pound
,
and
the
third
yeare
110
pound
:
but
you
must
receiue
the
first
yeare
but
110
pound
,
the
second
yeare
120
pound
,
and
the
third
yeare
130
pound
,
because
you
haue
not
forborne
your
mony
for
any
longer
time
proportionably
,
according
to
your
contract
and
agreement
.
And
the
property
of
the
interest
money
is
not
altered
effectually
according
to
the
law
:
for
10
pro
100
for
one
yeare
is
the
Cubicke
roote
which
doth
increase
&
decrease
both
wayes
proportionably
.
Yet
some
will
say
:
Suppose
that
I
haue
3000
pound
in
mony
to
deliuer
at
interest
,
are
not
my
3000
pounds
worth
300
pounds
at
the
years
end
?
and
may
not
I
lawfully
receiue
that
300
pounds
,
&
any
part
of
my
principall
,
&
continue
the
rest
for
one
other
yeare
,
and
so
do
the
like
for
more
yeares
?
Who
doubteth
thereof
?
So
that
you
do
make
new
contracts
or
agreements
from
yeare
to
yeare
,
wherby
the
property
of
the
interest
money
becommeth
effectually
altered
according
to
the
law
(
as
aforesaid
)
your
mony
from
the
beginning
being
deliuered
out
but
for
1
yeare
.
But
if
you
do
deliuer
your
3000
pound
from
the
beginning
by
one
sole
contract
or
agreement
for
sixe
yeares
,
to
be
repayed
yearely
,
and
receiue
550
pounds
the
first
yeare
,
that
is
to
say
,
300
pound
for
your
interest
and
250
pound
for
part
of
your
principall
:
then
do
you
incurre
the
danger
of
the
Statute
.
For
in
this
which
is
for
a
more
summe
and
a
longer
time
:
there
is
the
like
reason
,
as
there
is
with
a
lesse
summe
and
and
a
shorter
time
,
as
by
the
former
example
of
100
pound
is
declared
.
And
as
there
is
more
gaine
,
when
money
is
deliuered
out
for
three
moneths
or
lesse
time
,
and
so
continued
from
time
to
time
within
the
yeare
,
then
when
mony
is
deliuered
out
for
one
yeare
:
so
is
there
more
gaine
when
money
is
deliuered
out
for
one
yeare
,
and
continued
by
new
agreements
from
yeare
to
yeare
;
then
when
it
is
originally
deliuered
out
for
6
or
more
yeares
,
agreeing
with
the
rule
of
Geometriall
delineation
,
and
Arithmeticall
proportion
.
Wherefore
he
that
should
say
,
what
reason
haue
I
,
to
put
out
my
money
for
one
yeare
,
and
to
haue
but
10
pro
100
:
when
I
may
put
out
the
same
for
three
moneths
,
or
a
shorter
time
,
and
take
aboue
10
pro
100
?
speaketh
vnaduisedly
:
for
he
must
do
it
according
to
occasion
.
Reason
also
requireth
,
that
there
should
be
difference
betweene
mony
deliuered
out
for
one
yeare
,
and
money
deliuered
out
for
more
yeares
according
to
the
Statute
For
he
that
receiueth
his
interest
in
this
manner
,
as
aforesaid
,
hath
an
ability
giuen
him
to
put
out
that
interest
money
to
vse
also
vnto
another
:
whereby
he
hath
interest
vpon
interest
,
though
not
of
the
same
party
,
and
therefore
in
equity
is
not
to
take
it
of
two
parties
.
So
that
euery
man
must
take
heed
not
to
put
out
money
for
a
longer
time
,
and
for
seuerall
yeares
,
and
to
reckon
interest
thereof
as
if
he
had
(
from
the
beginning
)
deliuered
out
his
money
but
for
one
yeare
:
and
so
continued
from
yeare
to
yeare
,
reckoning
interest
vpon
interest
,
as
many
do
through
a
couetous
desire
in
daunger
of
the
branch
of
this
Statute
,
which
must
and
may
be
most
strongly
and
strictly
construed
against
them
,
both
directly
and
indirectly
,
as
aforesayd
.
But
to
speake
properly
and
effectually
concerning
vsury
:
let
vs
not
only
dispute
de
lana
Caprina
,
but
seeke
to
qualifie
the
extreame
dealings
of
those
that
do
feede
vpon
the
sweate
and
labour
of
the
poore
,
by
taking
(
and
that
vpon
pawne
,
whereby
many
times
their
meanes
of
liuing
are
hindred
)
twelue
pence
for
the
lending
of
20
shillings
for
one
moneth
,
which
is
aboue
60
pro
100
:
nay
when
the
meere
poore
are
glad
to
pay
one
peny
for
the
vse
of
twelue
pence
for
a
weeke
,
which
is
aboue
400
pro
100
by
the
yeare
:
a
most
pernicious
and
damnable
dealing
,
not
to
be
suffered
amongst
Christians
.
For
the
reformation
whereof
,
if
there
were
in
some
places
the
vse
of
a
Lombard
,
where
they
might
find
reliefe
after
10
pro
100
,
especially
in
the
city
of
London
:
it
would
proue
a
matter
very
necessary
and
commendable
,
whereas
now
the
poore
artificer
doth
ordinarily
pay
(
besides
this
horrible
interest
)
vnder
the
colour
of
brokerige
or
bill
money
aboue
20
vpon
the
hundreth
:
which
in
small
summes
,
and
that
often
borowed
,
is
not
perceiued
to
amount
to
this
biting
vsury
.
And
to
this
effect
,
would
such
money
very
commodiously
be
employed
,
as
casually
would
be
deliuered
by
Gentlemen
and
others
that
would
purchase
an
annuitie
during
their
life
,
as
before
hath
bene
touched
.
Thus
much
concerning
vsury
,
which
altereth
the
certainty
of
the
price
of
money
in
effect
.
Now
let
vs
intreate
of
the
very
substance
of
the
moneys
consisting
of
matter
and
forme
.
Of
matter
as
in
regard
of
substance
,
we
know
that
Princes
haue
their
seuerall
Standards
both
for
gold
and
siluer
,
which
by
some
are
allayed
with
more
copper
(
commonly
called
Allay
)
then
with
others
:
whereas
the
onely
cause
that
moneys
are
counterfeited
and
falsified
commeth
by
the
commixture
of
the
three
mettals
,
gold
,
siluer
,
and
copper
.
And
omitting
to
speake
of
many
particular
Standards
of
Princes
,
hauing
handled
that
matter
heretofore
:
let
vs
note
the
opinion
of
Maister
Bodine
,
who
to
cut
off
all
counterfeiters
,
clippers
,
washers
,
cullers
and
falsifiers
of
monies
;
would
haue
the
mony
so
made
,
that
euery
simple
man
should
be
able
to
know
it
.
Concerning
the
proportion
betweene
the
gold
and
siluer
,
it
ought
to
be
,
as
it
is
(
by
his
saying
)
in
all
countries
12
to
1
,
whereunto
he
would
haue
made
the
waight
,
finenesse
and
valuation
answerable
.
As
for
example
touching
finenesse
,
if
we
made
the
monies
of
gold
to
be
23
carrats
,
then
the
Standard
for
the
siluer
(
after
two
carrats
of
gold
for
an
ounce
of
siluer
)
should
be
11
ounces
½
fine
;
and
the
peece
of
siluer
(
weighing
an
equall
waight
with
the
gold
)
should
be
valued
to
be
worth
the
twelft
part
,
or
the
gold
12
times
the
value
of
siluer
,
as
if
a
French
crowne
(
waighing
as
much
as
the
Ryall
of
Spaine
)
were
valued
at
sixe
shillings
the
Riall
being
sixe
pence
.
And
the
third
sort
of
monies
,
namely
,
small
monies
he
wold
haue
made
of
meere
copper
,
although
(
saith
he
)
it
were
better
(
if
it
were
possible
and
commodious
)
to
haue
no
other
money
,
then
of
gold
and
siluer
which
neuer
rusteth
as
copper
doth
:
the
price
of
copper
being
also
incertaine
and
differing
in
many
countries
.
During
the
Punicke
warres
,
one
pound
of
siluer
was
worth
840
pound
of
copper
:
afterwards
through
the
abundance
of
siluer
it
came
to
224
pound
of
copper
for
1
pound
of
siluer
:
&
so
is
it
taken
diuersly
in
diuers
countries
,
according
to
the
plenty
of
the
one
or
other
mettall
vpon
all
occasions
.
The
like
shall
we
find
touching
the
proportion
betweene
the
gold
and
siluer
,
which
with
vs
in
England
hath
continued
for
many
yeares
,
11
of
fine
siluer
to
one
of
fine
gold
,
or
11
of
Standard
siluer
to
1
of
crowne
gold
,
which
of
late
yeares
was
taken
according
to
our
Angell
and
Crowne
gold
,
supposing
that
other
nations
did
hold
these
proportions
following
.
The
Low-countries
where
they
reckon
two
Philip
Dollors
for
their
golden
Royall
or
our
Angell
made
11
to
1
;
if
the
tolleration
had
not
altered
the
valuation
of
their
monies
in
effect
;
the
Royall
being
valued
at
16
shillings
8
pence
Flemish
,
and
the
Dollor
50
stiuers
.
The
Pistolet
of
Spaine
of
22
Cariats
to
11
Ryals
of
plate
made
11
to
1
,
now
but
10
¾
:
but
the
ouer-valuation
maketh
greater
difference
.
The
French
crowne
to
three
Frankes
is
11
to
1
,
when
the
crowne
was
at
60
sols
,
which
is
now
currant
for
64
and
65
sols
:
besides
that
at
that
time
gold
was
by
valuation
at
74
crownes
the
Marke
of
8
ounces
,
and
siluer
6
crownes
⅓
,
which
is
11
13/19
for
one
.
In
Germany
one
Marke
of
siluer
at
8
½
Florins
D'or
is
11
⅔
for
one
.
At
Rome
108
Carlins
for
1
pound
of
siluer
and
99
¼
Duckats
,
the
gold
is
12
to
1.
But
by
valuation
or
tolleration
being
altered
in
all
places
,
they
hold
all
either
12
to
1
or
more
:
besides
that
in
most
places
their
waight
is
inferior
or
lesse
then
ours
.
King
Darius
did
taxe
13
of
siluer
for
one
of
gold
:
and
Plato
maketh
mention
of
12
to
1.
But
if
we
will
haue
a
due
consideration
of
the
great
quantity
of
siluer
which
commeth
from
the
West
Indies
yearly
,
&
proportionably
the
small
quantity
of
gold
,
&
that
for
guilding
gold
is
more
vsed
then
siluer
:
we
should
by
all
meanes
aduance
the
price
thereof
,
rather
then
to
abate
it
.
And
whereas
some
men
naturally
inclined
to
correct
Magnificat
,
seeme
to
find
fault
with
our
former
writing
for
saying
by
way
of
interrogation
,
that
if
a
man
should
receiue
beyond
the
seas
for
our
gold
after
12
for
1
,
we
holding
but
11
for
1
in
proportion
,
who
seeth
not
an
euident
gaine
of
1
in
11
,
if
the
siluer
monies
do
not
counteruaile
the
same
by
way
of
tolleration
,
being
receiued
far
aboue
their
value
beyond
the
seas
:
we
cannot
omit
to
answer
them
,
to
the
end
they
may
vnderstand
the
truth
.
Imagine
(
say
they
)
I
haue
an
ounce
of
gold
here
,
which
cost
me
11
ounces
of
siluer
.
Now
if
I
do
transport
this
ounce
beyond
the
seas
:
there
they
will
giue
me
12
ounces
of
siluer
in
money
for
it
.
But
if
I
do
bring
ouer
againe
that
money
,
here
I
shall
haue
but
11
ounces
for
it
,
because
there
is
no
more
siluer
in
substance
in
it
:
for
the
valuation
thereof
is
made
farre
aboue
the
value
or
é
conuerso
,
if
I
bring
ouer
12
ounces
of
their
siluer
monies
,
I
shall
haue
but
1
ounce
of
gold
for
it
,
or
11
ounces
of
our
siluer
,
ergo
,
there
is
no
gaine
.
These
arguments
are
grounded
by
surmise
,
and
drawne
of
necessity
,
as
if
we
must
needs
make
an
exchange
of
gold
for
siluer
,
or
siluer
for
gold
,
whereas
it
falleth
out
thus
.
One
bringeth
certaine
Commodities
from
beyond
the
seas
into
the
realme
for
to
be
vented
;
and
after
sale
made
,
he
doth
consider
how
to
make
returne
with
his
most
aduauntage
:
which
he
must
either
do
by
making
employment
vpon
the
Commodities
of
the
land
,
which
do
yeeld
him
so
litle
gaine
beyond
the
seas
(
being
sold
generally
too
good
cheape
)
as
he
will
buy
none
:
and
then
either
he
must
carie
away
the
monie
in
specie
,
or
deliuer
the
same
here
by
exchaunge
vnto
others
,
to
be
repayed
beyond
the
seas
.
Now
if
the
price
of
exchange
be
low
,
and
will
yeeld
him
not
so
much
gaine
as
the
money
will
do
,
being
caried
in
specie
,
their
money
must
be
transported
;
for
the
scope
of
merchants
is
Gaine
.
Whereupon
he
doth
consider
,
that
gold
is
more
portable
and
better
to
be
conueyed
,
especially
being
beyond
the
seas
taken
by
valuation
to
hold
in
proportion
to
the
siluer
12
to
1
:
which
he
enioyeth
in
the
payment
of
the
gold
,
and
not
in
receiuing
again
siluer
for
it
:
but
in
buying
more
Commodities
to
be
brought
vnto
vs
,
exchaunging
in
effect
from
time
to
time
their
Commodities
for
our
gold
,
as
also
for
our
siluer
.
A
matter
,
that
the
officers
of
the
mint
ought
to
looke
into
:
for
they
know
how
to
preuent
it
,
as
we
haue
set
downe
in
the
Treatise
of
Exchanges
.
Touching
those
that
would
haue
the
transportation
of
money
to
bee
made
fellonie
by
the
lawe
,
as
it
was
heretofore
,
thereby
to
hinder
the
exportation
;
they
are
not
well
aduised
,
considering
that
such
Statute
lawes
are
neglected
,
and
that
Informers
do
not
regard
to
sue
for
the
life
of
men
,
but
well
for
their
goods
vpon
such
penall
Statutes
,
if
the
money
it selfe
(
hauing
so
great
a
command
)
cannot
make
way
when
it
wil
depart
,
(
a
gaine
being
offered
)
which
draweth
more
forcibly
then
the
Adamant
stone
.
To
describe
the
course
of
the
sea
of
monies
(
which
like
an
Ocean
deuideth
her
branches
in
all
countries
)
were
very
difficult
:
but
we
may
well
obserue
,
that
the
greatest
part
of
the
siluer
which
commeth
from
the
West
Indies
,
is
transported
into
the
East
Indies
;
where
diuerse
nations
now
trafficking
for
spices
,
cause
the
price
therof
to
rise
in
those
countries
:
who
buying
deare
,
must
sell
accordingly
,
or
else
proue
to
be
small
gainers
,
as
the
sequell
of
that
trade
will
manifest
.
Gold
is
chiefly
exhausted
in
all
countries
by
the
trade
of
silkes
,
which
caused
the
Frenchmen
to
prohibite
the
bringing
in
of
any
into
France
,
where
diuers
stuffes
of
silke
,
as
veluets
,
satin
,
grograines
,
and
such
like
are
made
by
the
inhabitants
.
Touching
the
forme
of
monies
,
whereunder
wee
comprehend
the
stampe
or
figure
:
let
me
commend
vnto
you
the
auncient
making
of
monies
by
mils
or
engines
.
When
gold
and
siluer
began
much
to
abound
amongst
the
Greekes
,
Latines
,
Persians
,
and
Egyptians
,
the
vse
whereof
did
cease
,
vpon
the
declining
of
their
gouernments
:
when
gold
and
siluer
became
so
scarce
,
that
monies
were
made
so
thin
,
that
with
the
hammer
they
were
stamped
or
coyned
.
Great
are
the
Commodities
that
would
arise
thereby
to
the
Commonwealth
,
besides
the
charges
which
Princes
may
saue
,
and
the
facilitie
and
expedition
in
the
making
exactly
of
greater
quantities
of
money
,
fairer
and
rounder
,
more
certaine
in
waight
,
and
without
cracke
or
flaw
,
and
the
stamp
or
figure
of
longer
continuance
;
then
that
which
is
made
with
the
hammer
with
a
greater
noise
.
By
the
roundnes
and
fairenesse
is
clipping
preuented
,
which
in
peeces
proportionate
,
and
of
a
faire
impression
is
easily
discerned
.
By
the
certaintie
in
waight
,
when
peeces
of
one
sort
shall
waigh
one
as
much
as
the
other
,
are
Cullers
cut
off
,
which
are
vsed
to
cull
out
the
heauie
ones
for
their
vse
of
melting
or
transportation
,
and
to
pay
out
the
light
ones
especially
in
siluer
.
Counterfeiters
,
washers
and
falsifiers
of
money
,
will
be
sooner
detected
,
and
the
false
money
knowne
,
when
peeces
of
one
sort
,
shall
be
of
one
bignesse
and
thicknesse
,
and
of
one
sound
and
fairnesse
of
stampe
,
with
their
priuate
marke
for
the
time
:
the
thicknesse
will
be
seen
,
the
waight
will
be
found
,
and
the
sound
will
be
heard
by
comparing
one
peece
to
another
,
especially
when
the
rednesse
or
colour
of
the
money
doth
giue
suspition
that
the
same
is
counterfeited
.
For
there
is
great
difference
in
the
lumpe
of
mettals
of
equall
waight
,
as
we
may
partly
perceiue
,
and
is
exactly
found
by
the
last
triall
made
thereof
.
The
masse
or
lumpe
of
gold
to
the
lumpe
of
siluer
,
doth
differ
as
much
as
9
to
5
,
that
the
bodie
of
siluer
is
bigger
then
that
of
gold
,
which
is
1
⅘
.
Betweene
copper
and
siluer
,
is
as
much
difference
,
as
betweene
11
and
13.
Lead
to
siluer
,
as
from
15
to
14
:
but
that
will
not
ioyne
with
any
other
mettall
then
tinne
,
which
is
lighter
then
siluer
,
and
doth
differ
from
it
as
9
to
13
:
and
from
the
gold
,
as
7
to
18.
Iron
doth
differ
from
siluer
,
as
4
to
3
:
and
from
the
gold
as
6
to
9
,
that
the
bodie
of
gold
is
lesser
.
Quicksiluer
which
is
volatile
,
commeth
nearer
vnto
gold
,
and
doth
differ
as
3
to
4
,
the
fixing
wherof
is
difficult
.
Touching
the
scisell
which
commeth
by
the
making
of
monies
by
mils
or
engines
,
it
is
soone
made
and
conuerted
into
monies
,
and
may
be
lessened
by
good
casting
of
the
mettall
into
plates
proportionate
,
which
by
degrees
may
be
reformed
,
according
to
the
increase
of
the
quantitie
of
gold
and
siluer
.
To
which
end
it
will
not
be
amisse
to
exhort
and
require
all
Goldsmiths
and
others
,
to
be
vigilant
and
diligent
in
bringing
of
bullion
into
her
Maiesties
mint
,
where
they
may
haue
very
speedie
and
assured
payment
thereof
at
all
appointed
times
.
And
in
this
place
we
must
not
forget
,
that
care
may
be
had
,
that
the
Moniers
(
which
worke
by
the
hammer
)
may
be
prouided
for
their
lining
,
or
be
set
on
worke
by
the
milles
or
engines
.
Lastly
,
it
were
very
conuenient
&
commodious
,
as
also
good
for
the
poore
to
make
small
monies
of
copper
,
as
halfepence
and
farthings
,
which
might
be
called
Pledges
of
the
poore
,
and
would
increase
charitie
towards
them
.
Whereby
also
all
leaden
tokens
(
vsed
in
Tauernes
,
and
by
such
as
sell
small
wares
)
would
bee
taken
away
;
and
would
be
very
commodious
in
so
populous
a
kingdome
,
being
made
exactly
to
preuent
counterfeiting
:
which
generally
we
do
hold
so
difficult
to
be
done
,
as
is
the
counterfeiting
of
the
hand
of
an
excellent
writer
,
amongst
the
ordinarie
writings
of
most
men
.
And
the
making
thereof
can
breede
no
inconuenience
in
the
Commonwealth
in
the
prices
of
Commodities
,
wheras
some
Princes
do
vse
to
coyne
some
monies
for
to
remain
within
their
dominions
,
&
some
other
kind
of
monies
for
to
be
transported
into
other
countries
,
reaping
a
great
gaine
by
the
coynage
thereof
.
And
omitting
to
shew
the
important
causes
and
reasons
which
Princes
haue
,
to
maintaine
a
standing
treasure
:
we
do
not
hold
it
impertinent
to
reduce
to
memorie
,
that
which
is
recorded
of
the
treasure
of
Princes
in
times
past
to
awaken
care
in
others
.
The
greatest
meane
that
the
Romaines
had
to
saue
their
state
,
when
Hanniball
had
almost
brought
them
to
ruine
,
was
450
thousand
crownes
that
the
treasure
did
amount
vnto
,
which
was
gathered
by
the
redemption
of
slaues
,
and
neuer
touched
vntill
that
time
.
Pope
Iohn
the
22.
left
23
millions
of
gold
:
Sardanapalus
,
40
millions
of
crownes
:
Cirus
,
50
millions
:
the
Athenians
,
60
millions
:
Tiberius
the
Emperour
,
67
millions
:
Alexander
the
Great
found
in
the
treasurie
of
Darius
Occhus
the
Persian
king
,
80
millions
.
But
the
greatest
treasure
mentioned
in
the
Scripture
,
which
king
Dauid
left
,
was
120
millions
,
which
did
exceede
farre
the
treasure
recorded
of
the
Romaines
,
when
they
flourished
most
vnder
Traian
the
Emperour
:
which
is
74
thousand
talents
,
being
44
millions
400
thousand
crownes
.
To
say
nothing
of
the
siluer
and
gold
found
vpon
the
discouerie
of
the
West
Indies
,
and
the
ransomes
which
were
collected
,
when
Atabalippa
king
of
Peru
gaue
onely
for
his
raunsome
ten
millions
326
thousand
duckets
.
Let
vs
consider
what
great
treasures
Princes
might
haue
now
adaies
,
when
money
doth
abound
:
whereas
it
is
reported
,
that
king
Henry
the
7
of
England
,
left
in
bullion
after
his
decease
,
53
hundred
thousand
pounds
starling
in
those
daies
,
when
an
ounce
of
siluer
was
valued
but
40
pence
.
And
so
concluding
for
monies
,
let
vs
come
to
the
matter
of
exchaunge
,
which
is
the
third
and
last
meane
,
whereunder
the
trade
is
performed
.
But
because
my
Treatise
of
The
Canker
of
Englands
Commonwealth
doth
handle
that
matter
particularly
,
therefore
shall
it
suffice
to
make
mention
onely
of
the
Contents
thereof
.
As
money
doth
rule
the
course
of
Commodities
:
so
the
exchaunge
for
monies
with
vs
doth
not
onely
rule
both
the
course
of
money
and
Commodities
;
but
(
being
abused
by
the
merchandizing
thereof
)
is
become
predominant
,
and
doth
ouer-rule
the
course
of
them
both
to
Englands
great
and
incredible
losse
:
whereas
the
right
exchange
is
most
commendable
,
necessarie
and
conuenient
for
the
maintenance
and
traffick
of
entercourse
betwixt
merchant
and
merchant
,
or
countrie
and
countries
,
beeing
grounded
vpon
the
waight
,
finenesse
and
valuation
of
the
money
of
each
countrie
according
to
value
for
value
,
which
accordingly
should
be
kept
at
a
certaintie
,
as
a
measure
betwixt
vs
and
other
nations
.
For
we
haue
amply
declared
and
proued
,
that
when
the
exchange
doth
fall
or
rise
in
price
,
the
same
being
either
high
or
low
;
it
turneth
euery
way
to
the
losse
of
the
Realme
,
both
for
the
price
of
our
home
Commodities
,
and
the
transportation
of
our
monies
,
and
by
aduancing
the
price
of
forraine
Commodities
,
causing
an
ouer-ballancing
in
nature
before
alleaged
:
which
to
supply
,
draweth
or
expelleth
our
treasure
.
For
we
doe
(
in
effect
)
giue
the
same
to
boote
vnto
other
nations
with
our
home
Commodities
,
to
haue
their
Commodities
for
it
.
Some
men
of
iudgement
haue
found
my
writing
to
be
inuectiue
and
patheticall
against
Bankers
,
wherein
they
are
not
mistaken
.
For
the
vse
of
Bankes
is
incompatible
in
any
well
ordered
Commonwealth
,
as
time
will
manifest
more
and
more
daily
.
The
French
kings
,
Lewis
the
9
,
and
Philip
the
Faire
,
did
with
great
cause
confiscate
the
Bankers
goods
:
and
for
the
discouerie
of
their
debts
,
ordered
their
subiects
to
pay
onely
the
principall
money
vnto
their
Treasurers
.
Philip
de
Valois
did
the
like
,
and
indited
them
as
couseners
of
the
Common-wealth
.
For
it
was
found
,
that
in
a
short
time
with
24
thousand
pounds
starling
,
they
had
accumulated
and
gotten
aboue
2
millions
400
thousand
pounds
.
Others
which
(
through
enuie
,
malice
,
or
other
passions
,
haue
the
eyes
of
their
iudgment
blinded
)
haue
censured
my
writing
to
be
Apologeticall
for
the
erection
of
a
Banke
vnder
the
colour
of
the
restauration
of
the
office
of
the
auncient
Kings
Exchanger
:
which
,
how
absurd
it
is
,
let
the
wise
iudge
by
the
difference
betweene
a
Banker
,
and
a
generall
Exchanger
.
The
Banker
doth
draw
vnto
himselfe
all
the
monies
of
other
men
,
making
his
small
stocke
to
be
infinite
:
and
the
Exchanger
must
with
his
owne
stocke
supply
other
mens
occasions
;
for
no
man
is
commaunded
,
or
by
Pollicie
(
of
course
)
compelled
to
deliuer
money
vnto
him
.
The
Banker
doth
make
the
price
of
exchanges
with
the
correspondencie
of
others
Bankes
elsewhere
,
at
his
pleasure
or
most
aduantage
:
the
Exchanger
can
haue
no
correspondencie
with
other
Bankes
;
for
he
is
limited
how
to
deale
at
a
certaintie
in
price
by
exchange
,
and
therefore
must
haue
his
factors
or
seruants
at
his
owne
charges
in
the
places
of
trafficke
.
But
because
it
is
difficult
to
please
mens
humors
in
the
reformation
of
abuses
,
which
either
for
gaine
some
would
haue
to
continue
,
or
others
through
ignorance
do
not
vnderstand
;
therefore
is
there
another
meane
propounded
,
to
keepe
a
due
course
in
matter
of
exchange
without
an
Exchanger
:
By
a
Proscription
in
a
paire
of
tables
to
all
sworne
Brokers
,
how
to
make
the
price
of
exchanges
for
all
places
according
to
value
for
value
.
Which
wold
be
easie
and
in
effect
aequum
&
bonum
(
as
we
haue
declared
)
so
as
a
due
regard
be
had
of
the
circumstances
of
things
;
noting
alwaies
this
coherence
,
that
euen
as
plentie
of
money
maketh
with
vs
a
low
exchange
,
and
the
low
price
of
exchange
is
the
efficient
cause
of
the
transportation
of
our
monies
:
that
so
by
procuring
plentie
of
money
,
we
do
not
procure
therewithall
the
cause
of
exportation
,
and
hunt
(
as
it
were
)
after
our
owne
shadow
.
Some
others
haue
thought
this
matter
to
be
in
a
manner
incurable
,
or
impossible
to
be
effected
now
adaies
,
considering
the
great
trade
;
when
(
to
speake
truly
)
the
trade
of
our
Commodities
is
much
decayed
and
:
without
that
they
can
yeeld
or
giue
any
probable
reason
thereof
,
but
that
the
difficulties
and
sicknesse
of
the
Commonwealth
cannot
admit
it
,
as
who
should
say
:
It
is
better
to
let
a
sicke
bodie
languish
to
death
,
then
to
make
him
drinke
an
vnsauorie
potion
to
restore
him
to
health
.
For
mine
owne
part
,
I
haue
thought
it
my
dutie
in
regard
of
profession
,
to
publish
and
preferre
sincerely
(
according
to
my
small
talent
)
any
thing
which
may
make
for
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
▪
especially
it
being
agreeable
with
the
most
noble
and
auncient
lawes
of
the
Realme
:
wishing
that
other
men
indued
with
more
learning
,
and
adorned
with
excellent
vertues
,
would
be
alwaies
carefull
to
do
the
like
in
that
which
concerneth
their
profession
.
And
hereunto
I
haue
bene
the
more
encouraged
,
for
that
since
the
publishing
of
my
Treatise
aforesaid
,
and
by
meanes
of
my
priuate
aduice
vnto
diuers
,
(
without
boasting
or
arrogancie
be
it
spoken
)
there
hath
bene
a
better
course
taken
,
by
obseruing
the
nature
of
exchanges
;
whereby
great
store
of
siluer
bullion
and
some
gold
,
hath
bene
brought
into
the
Realme
for
the
generall
benefite
and
good
of
the
bringers
thereof
:
which
doth
put
me
in
hope
,
that
the
like
vigilancie
and
regard
will
be
had
by
diuers
,
in
the
sale
of
our
home
Commodities
,
and
the
buying
of
forraine
Commodities
beyond
the
seas
,
with
a
due
inspection
to
equitie
and
iustice
in
the
course
of
trafficke
:
which
recommendeth
vnto
vs
Prouidence
,
and
doth
not
altogether
exclude
Pollicie
,
especially
in
respect
of
the
gouernment
of
a
State
or
kingdome
,
in
studying
the
way
of
preseruation
and
augmentation
of
the
wealth
thereof
;
which
cannot
properly
be
done
,
but
by
these
meanes
.
For
the
same
cannot
decrease
,
but
by
the
transportation
of
our
money
and
treasure
,
and
by
selling
our
home
Commodities
too
good
cheape
,
and
paying
too
deare
for
the
forraine
Commodities
,
as
we
haue
noted
before
.
To
which
end
we
are
to
compare
the
prices
of
things
betwixt
vs
and
other
nations
with
whom
we
deale
:
and
not
to
shew
the
causes
of
the
dearth
of
things
with
Maister
Bodine
,
by
examining
the
prices
thereof
within
the
Common-wealth
where
we
do
liue
,
without
making
any
application
thereof
for
the
generall
good
of
the
realm
:
for
the
conseruation
wherof
,
prayers
and
meanes
are
requisite
at
all
times
.
Veritas
vnita
valet
.