A
DEFENCE
OF
THE
HONORAble
sentence
and
execution
of
the
Queene
of
Scots
:
EXEMPLED
WITH
Analogies
,
and
diuerse
presidents
of
Emperors
,
Kings
,
and
Popes
:
With
the
opinions
of
learned
men
in
the
point
,
and
diuerse
reasons
gathered
foorth
out
of
both
Lawes
Ciuill
and
Canon
,
Together
with
the
answere
to
certaine
obiections
made
by
the
fauourites
of
the
late
Scottish
Queene
.
Vlpians
Maxim
.
Juris
executio
nullam
habet
iniuriam
.
The
execution
of
Lawe
,
is
iniurious
to
no
man
.
AT
LONDON
,
Printed
by
Iohn
Windet
.
The
contents
of
the
booke
.
-
1
The
first
Chapter
conteining
an
Analogie
or
Resemblance
between
Ione
Queene
of
Naples
,
and
Marie
late
Queene
of
Scotlande
.
-
2
The
seconde
chapter
conteining
an
other
Analogie
or
Resemblance
betweene
the
Emperor
Licinius
and
the
said
queene
Mary
.
-
3
The
third
chapter
conteining
certaine
presidents
of
sundry
Emperors
&
kings
,
that
haue
in
some
case
put
other
princes
vnto
death
.
-
4
The
fourth
chapter
conteyning
the
actes
and
iudgementes
of
sundrie
Popes
,
which
haue
approued
the
death
of
some
Princes
.
-
5
The
fift
Chapter
conteining
a
confirmation
of
the
honorable
sentence
&
execution
past
against
the
late
Scottish
Queene
,
by
sundrie
reasons
and
authorities
gathered
foorth
of
the
Ciuill
and
Canon
lawe
.
-
6
The
sixt
chapter
conteining
seuerall
aunsweres
to
seuerall
obiections
lately
made
against
the
said
sentence
.
-
7
The
seuenth
chapter
,
wherein
is
prooued
that
in
two
especiall
cases
,
the
drawing
of
the
sworde
of
one
Prince
against
another
,
is
not
onely
lawfull
,
but
most
necessarie
.
-
8
The
conclusion
vpon
the
sum
of
the
saide
Chapters
.
AN
ANALOGIE
OR
resemblance
betweene
Ione
queene
of
Naples
and
Marie
queene
of
Scotland
.
IOne
queene
of
Naples
being
in
loue
with
the
duke
of
Tarent
,
Marie
Queene
of
Scotland
being
(
as
appeareth
by
the
Chronicles
of
Scotlande
and
her
owne
letters
)
in
loue
with
the
Earle
Bothwell
,
Author
.
de
nuptijs
Mariae
.
Bucchanan
.
in
historia
rerum
Sco●icarum
.
Hir
casket
of
letters
were
deliuered
to
the
Lordes
out
of
Edingburg
castle
by
Iames
Balford
one
of
the
conspiracie
against
the
king
.
See
the
detection
of
the
doings
of
Mary
Queen
of
Scots
&c.
and
the
inditement
of
Bothwell
&
other
like
printed
in
Scottish
.
caused
hir
husband
Henrie
Lorde
Darley
king
of
Scotland
,
(
whome
shee
made
small
account
of
long
time
before
)
to
be
strangled
,
and
the
house
where
he
lodged
called
Kirk
of
fielde
to
be
blowen
vp
with
gun
powder
,
the
tenth
of
Februarie
in
the
yeare
of
our
Lord
God
1567.
2
Jone
queene
of
Naples
did
presentlie
after
the
shamefull
slaughter
of
her
husbande
,
Marie
Queene
of
Scotlande
shortly
after
the
villanous
death
of
her
sayde
husband
,
190
191.
lib.
rerum
scoticarum
18.
was
publikely
married
at
Sterling
by
the
Bishop
of
Orkney
to
the
said
Earle
Bothwell
,
notwithstanding
that
he
had
then
two
wiues
aliue
,
Iane
Gorden
)
vpon
a
likely
adulterie
by
himselfe
committed
.
3
Ione
Queene
of
Naples
had
no
long
fruition
of
her
inordinate
lust
and
infamous
marriage
with
the
saide
Duke
of
Tarent
,
Marie
queene
of
Scotland
after
that
adulterous
marriage
had
with
Bothwell
,
4
Ione
Queene
of
Naples
raised
a
detestable
scisme
and
diuision
in
Italie
and
Fraunce
,
Marie
the
Scottish
queene
did
sow
the
seede
of
scisme
and
sedition
,
Ione
Queene
of
Naples
,
Antipope
Clement
,
a
Pope
of
her
owne
facture
&
fashion
,
to
vphold
and
defend
her
quarrell
against
Charles
forces
,
who
by
reason
that
he
was
Nephewe
of
Lewes
king
of
Hungary
,
sonne
(
according
to
some
writers
)
or
(
as
some
say
)
next
of
kinne
to
Andreas
or
Andrasius
her
first
husband
king
of
Naples
by
her
murdered
,
was
Competitor
with
her
in
the
said
kingdome
,
Marie
of
Scotland
sent
many
times
to
the
Popes
of
Rome
not
so
much
for
the
defence
of
her self
and
her
sonne
in
the
kingdome
of
Scotlande
,
If
euer
Prince
.
Iohn
Hameltons
letters
to
her
6.
Iulij
.
1571.
&
the
Duke
of
Aluas
message
sent
by
him
.
B.
Rose
.
letters
emploiment
by
her
in
Germani●
.
Father
Henr●e●
message
from
her
to
the
princes
combined
,
for
the
contribution
towards
the
inuasion
of
the
Realme
,
and
putting
her
in
actuall
possession
of
the
same
.
as
(
which
is
far
worse
)
to
the
bereauing
of
her
Maiestie
of
her
rightfull
crowne
and
dignitie
royall
,
partlie
in
that
with
her
priuitie
tenne
hundred
thousande
crownes
were
imploied
by
the
Pope
vppon
any
that
would
set
vp
in
England
the
Roman
Catholike
religion
,
and
aduance
her
to
the
Crowne
in
possession
,
partlie
in
that
shee
gaue
maintenance
to
her
Maiesties
knowen
Rebels
both
in
Flaunders
and
Scotland
,
partly
in
that
shee
practised
inuasion
by
forraine
forces
,
and
actuall
Rebellion
by
vnnaturall
Subiects
in
these
her
Maiesties
Realmes
of
Englande
and
Ireland
.
6
Ione
Queene
of
Naples
sent
also
at
that
time
,
Mary
of
Scotland
sent
many
times
to
king
Phillip
,
Osmond
Wilkinson
the
messenger
,
B.
Rose
the
procurer
,
the
Spanishe
Ambassad●ur
the
performer
of
men
&
money
for
the
rebellion
.
At
one
time
th
entrie
was
appointed
at
Harwich
in
Suffolk
inuasion
confessed
by
Throgmorton
.
Her
letters
to
Babington
.
Her
letters
to
the
Spanish
Ambassador
,
&
the
confession
of
Babington
and
his
confederates
,
and
the
confession
of
her
own
Secretaries
.
Father
Henries
message
betweene
her
and
the
Pope
and
the
combined
Princes
.
and
to
her
vncle
the
Duke
of
Cuise
,
and
other
princes
combined
to
bring
their
forces
,
not
to
preserue
her
in
her
possession
of
the
kingdome
of
Scotlande
,
but
to
the
inuasion
of
this
Realme
of
England
,
and
subduing
of
her
Maiestie
the
moste
lawefull
and
vndoubted
Queene
of
the
same
.
Ione
the
Neapolitan
Queene
in
regard
that
the
saide
Lewes
Duke
of
Aniow
,
Marie
the
Scottish
Queen
in
consideration
that
king
Phillip
shoulde
take
her
wholy
in
his
protection
,
Barnard
de
Mendoza
,
and
confessed
by
her
Secretaries
,
Naw
and
Curle
.
&
likewise
the
state
and
affaires
of
this
Countrie
,
promised
to
giue
&
graunt
to
him
by
her
last
will
and
testament
the
right
(
which
shee
pretended
to
haue
)
both
to
the
succession
of
the
crowne
of
England
,
and
also
of
Scotland
.
Ione
Queene
of
Naples
had
great
&
mightie
Princes
to
take
her
part
both
out
of
Fraunce
and
from
Prouince
,
but
both
shee
and
all
that
held
on
her
side
,
had
so
strange
a
fortune
and
desaster
,
as
it
is
wonderfull
,
for
the
Pope
by
her
meanes
exalted
was
deposed
,
the
said
Duke
of
Aniew
Generall
of
the
fielde
that
came
into
Ialie
(
as
Pandulphus
Collinut
us
writeth
)
with
fifty
thousand
men
and
(
as
Peter
Mexia
affirmeth
)
thirtie
thousand
of
them
hors-men
,
5.
so.
228.
Mexia
in
vita
Ven●elai
.
died
by
the
way
,
and
xvi
.
Barons
,
and
most
of
his
gallant
companie
with
him
,
and
the
remnant
that
suruiued
returned
home
with
more
shame
than
with
pride
they
came
foorth
,
begging
all
the
way
as
they
went
by
two
or
three
in
a
companie
(
as
Platina
witnesseth
)
and
the
Queene
her
her self
was
taken
prisoner
by
him
,
Marie
the
Scottish
Queen
which
had
in
Rome
at
seurall
times
three
Popes
,
in
Spaine
king
Phillip
,
in
Fraunce
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
in
England
and
Scotlande
,
Dukes
,
Earles
,
Lordes
,
Naw
,
Curle
,
and
all
the
conspirators
.
or
be
liked
of
her
,
and
she
became
all
that
while
prisoner
vnto
her
,
whose
Royall
person
she
continuallie
hoped
and
often
practized
to
haue
murdered
.
Last
of
al
,
Andreas
King
of
Naples
.
Marie
Queen
of
Scotland
although
by
fleeing
out
of
her
own
Realme
of
Scotland
into
Englande
,
According
to
the
Statute
of
association
by
Herselfe
subsigned
and
allowed
.
And
thus
shee
to
the
ioy
of
all
good
Christians
and
well
affected
English
,
hath
had
Gods
iudgement
in
her
accomplished
and
performed
,
that
did
not
onlie
kill
her
first
husband
,
King
of
Scotland
,
but
compassed
also
sundrie
times
the
death
of
her
Maiestie
Queene
of
England
,
and
consequentlie
was
like
to
bring
the
whole
Realme
in
danger
of
a
generall
massacre
and
present
destruction
,
had
not
the
eternall
and
Almightie
Lorde
of
his
vnspeakable
and
accustomed
goodnesse
by
a
myraculous
discouerie
preserued
the
same
.
The
second
Chapter
containing
a
second
Analogie
or
Resemblance
betweene
the
Emperor
Licinius
and
the
said
Marie
Queene
of
Scotland
.
A
second
president
much
resembling
the
case
in
question
,
is
offered
vnto
vs
from
our
countrieman
and
most
Christian
Emperor
Constantine
the
Great
,
who
commaunded
the
death
of
Licinius
the
Emperor
,
and
yet
this
act
was
neuer
controlled
by
any
writer
.
The
Historie
.
AFter
that
Constantine
had
taken
in
open
hostilitie
,
Licinius
consort
with
him
in
the
Empire
,
The
comparison
and
resemblance
betweene
these
two
cases
,
is
verie
like
.
First
Constantine
and
Licinius
were
both
chosen
Lordes
and
Princes
of
the
Empire
.
So
Elizabeth
Queene
of
England
and
Marie
Queene
of
Scotland
were
both
called
to
the
state
of
kinges
in
the
yle
of
Britanie
,
Licinius
notwithstanding
manie
princelie
benefites
receiued
at
the
Emperor
Constantins
hands
,
Marie
of
Scotland
,
albeit
shee
receaued
manie
great
fauours
at
the
hands
of
Queen
Elizabeth
in
sauing
both
her
honour
and
life
,
B.
Rose
Morgan
,
and
Mendoza
.
Licinius
would
alone
haue
bin
Lord
and
prince
of
the
Empire
by
the
remoue
of
Constantine
.
So
Marie
woulde
bee
the
onelie
Queene
of
Britanie
,
Licinius
vsurped
an
vniust
title
,
calling
himselfe
the
vniuersall
Emperor
.
So
did
Marie
of
Scotlande
giue
long
since
,
Licinius
came
not
willinglie
vnto
Constantine
,
but
by
force
of
armes
was
taken
at
Chrysopolis
a
Citie
within
the
prouince
of
Bithinia
,
and
brought
to
Constantine
.
Marie
of
Scotland
came
not
willinglie
into
the
lande
and
dominion
of
our
Soueraigne
Queen
Elizabeth
,
Licinius
had
his
life
once
pardoned
for
open
hostilitie
against
the
Emperor
Constantine
.
Marie
of
Scotlande
hath
had
her
life
spared
for
murdring
her
husband
&
also
for
hostilitie
and
treason
practised
against
Elizabeth
Queene
of
England
.
Licinius
although
pardoned
,
Marie
of
Scotland
,
Licinius
did
seeke
to
flee
away
from
the
place
whereunto
he
was
enioyned
.
Marie
of
Scotlande
did
manie
times
practise
the
like
in
England
.
Licinius
did
treat
with
diuers
princes
and
captaines
to
make
new
warres
against
Constantine
.
Marie
of
Scotland
did
not
onlie
practise
with
diuers
princes
,
Babington
,
Ballard
and
other
of
that
conspiracie
and
most
horrible
treason
.
but
also
did
conspire
and
contriue
with
euil
disposed
subiectes
to
England
the
chaunge
of
the
state
,
the
ouerthrowe
of
religion
,
the
death
of
her
Maiesties
sacred
person
,
the
massacre
of
the
nobilitie
,
and
an
vniuersal
desolation
of
the
whole
Realme
.
To
conclude
,
in
the
foresaid
places
.
Licinius
for
endangering
againe
Constantines
person
and
seeking
by
new
troubles
to
aspire
to
the
Empire
like
as
Maximinianus
before
had
done
,
was
by
the
appointment
of
Constantine
adiudged
to
die
,
Marie
of
Scotland
hath
giuen
far
greater
cause
to
our
Constantine
Elizabeth
Queen
of
England
to
fear
new
conspiracies
both
against
her
Maiestie
&
the
state
of
the
whole
realme
,
like
as
the
said
Marie
and
other
her
confederates
haue
manie
times
done
before
,
The
thirde
Chapter
conteining
certaine
presidentes
of
sundrie
Emperours
and
Kinges
which
haue
put
other
Princes
vnto
death
.
HOwbeit
wee
neede
not
farder
by
ensample
to
shewe
that
one
Prince
hath
put
another
vnto
death
,
yet
for
the
farther
warrant
,
and
quiet
of
princes
mindes
,
and
to
stoppe
the
euill
speeches
of
such
,
whose
heades
are
wholy
busied
in
Princes
matters
:
it
is
not
amisse
vnto
the
former
examples
to
adde
,
first
certaine
presidentes
of
Emperours
,
then
of
Kinges
,
and
lastly
for
those
euill
affected
sort
(
vnto
whome
the
actions
of
the
Pope
are
their
best
instructions
)
the
doings
and
iudgements
of
sundry
Popes
.
COnstantin
so
much
renowmed
in
the
church
of
God
,
and
that
amongest
other
his
princelie
vertues
,
for
his
singular
clemencie
,
and
care
in
religion
,
did
cause
to
bee
put
to
death
,
not
onely
the
Emperour
Licinius
as
before
,
but
also
Maximinianus
,
An other
like
example
is
that
of
Rhescuporis
,
Liuie
,
Thrasipolis
,
king
of
Thrasia
,
who
by
Tiberius
the
Emperour
was
put
to
death
.
An other
president
I
find
in
the
Emperor
Henry
the
seuenth
of
that
name
,
Peter
Mexia
in
the
life
of
Henrie
the
Emperour
.
summoned
him
to
appeare
,
and
finally
by
processe
of
iustice
gaue
sentence
of
death
against
him
depriuing
him
of
his
kingdome
of
Naples
,
Thus
farre
goeth
the
Historie
,
d
c
pasteralis
.
verum
est
quidem
,
si
ineodem
districtu
fuisset
inventus
delinquens
,
vel
ad
illum
de
more
remissus
,
Wherein
hee
doth
agree
very
well
with
the
ciuill
law
,
which
is
that
,
sortitur
quis
forum
,
tàm
ratione
delicti
,
quàm
ratione
domicilij
,
that
is
,
a
man
may
be
within
the
compasse
of
an
other
Princes
iurisdiction
and
prerogatiue
,
aswell
in
regarde
of
his
offence
committed
,
as
of
his
place
of
dwelling
:
the
discourse
whereof
,
more
at
large
hereafter
.
In
like
maner
Barnard
king
of
Italie
,
Lewes
Debonaire
king
of
Fraunce
and
Emperour
for
the
better
assurance
of
his
state
commaunded
to
be
put
to
death
.
So
likewise
Conradine
king
of
Sicelie
was
by
Manfredus
prisoned
:
Ione
Neapolitan
Queene
,
than
his
prisoner
,
¶
The
iiij
.
Chapter
conteining
the
Actes
and
iudgements
of
sundrie
Popes
,
which
haue
approued
the
death
of
some
princes
.
BVT
to
leaue
the
examples
of
kings
,
and
to
come
to
Popes
,
whose
acts
will
better
serue
to
satisfie
some
mens
humors
,
than
all
the
Presidentes
of
Kinges
and
Emperours
,
be
they
neuer
so
godlie
:
Sextus
Quintus
himselfe
,
now
Pope
of
Rome
,
although
he
be
one
of
the
chiefe
pillers
and
patrones
of
the
Scottishe
Queene
,
A
iudgement
of
Clement
of
putting
a
king
to
death
Colimutius
in
historia
Neapolitana
.
lib.
4.
pag.
186.
Henricus
Gildifingensit
in
historia
Austriaca
.
for
that
the
said
Clement
deliuered
for
law
in
Conradine
the
king
of
Sicelie
his
case
,
that
because
he
had
compassed
to
take
away
the
life
of
Charles
the
king
of
Naples
,
it
was
both
lawfull
and
expedient
for
the
saide
Charles
to
put
him
to
death
.
And
taking
with
vs
the
said
Popes
ground
and
maxime
,
that
Popes
cannot
erre
:
a
second
example
will
serue
of
an
other
Pope
called
Boniface
,
who
put
to
death
the
Pope
Celestine
,
whom
hee
had
in
prison
for
a
lesser
cause
a
great
deale
then
that
of
Conradine
,
And
because
the
Pope
in
creating
of
Cardinals
,
Cardinals
in
their
creation
Popes
felowes
.
Gigas
de
crimine
laesae
maiestatis
.
Iulius
clarus
receptarum
sententiarum
.
lib.
5.
calleth
them
the
Princes
of
this
worlde
,
and
his
brethren
part
of
his
body
,
making
therfore
the
crime
of
treason
,
called
crimen
laesae
maiestatis
to
lie
in
offence
done
to
their
persons
aswell
as
to
himself
,
as
is
by
Gigas
and
Iulius
Clarus
affirmed
:
I
thinke
the
iudgement
of
Pope
Vrban
the
sixt
,
may
be
conioyned
with
that
former
president
of
Boniface
the
viii
.
who
,
hauing
gotten
viii
.
Cardinals
in
prison
,
did
for
the
preseruation
of
his
owne
person
(
as
hee
did
pretend
)
cause
fiue
of
them
to
bee
put
in
sacks
and
being
therein
fast
bound
to
be
cast
into
the
sea
:
Collinutius
li.
5.
the
other
iii.
being
conuicted
at
Genua
in
open
iudgement
he
caused
to
be
beheaded
,
and
their
bodies
to
be
dried
in
an
ouen
,
and
to
bee
carried
with
their
three
purple
Hats
borne
vp
before
him
,
And
least
anie
Romane
Catholike
shoulde
thinke
that
it
is
an
vnchristian
part
to
put
a
christian
Queen
to
death
,
I
giue
him
the
same
Pope
Vrbans
action
for
his
instruction
,
who
when
the
sword
was
brought
al
blooddy
vnto
him
,
If
a
Pope
made
allowance
of
so
treacherous
a
murder
of
a
good
king
,
what
disalowance
is
there
to
bee
made
of
a
iust
and
honorable
sentence
giuen
of
a
tumultuous
Queene
.
And
yet
this
is
that
Pope
Vrbanus
minime
Vrbanus
,
Collinutius
li.
5.
Mexia
in
the
life
of
Vencelaus
.
(
as
Platina
saith
)
which
not
long
before
did
aduaunce
the
sayde
Charles
,
with
all
the
blessinges
and
aide
that
he
could
in
his
title
&
claim
against
the
said
Ione
to
the
kingdome
of
Naples
,
pronouncing
his
curse
against
her
,
as
a
scismatike
and
rebell
,
and
that
notwithstanding
,
he
afterwards
fell
as
fast
to
the
cursing
of
the
saide
Charles
,
These
fewe
examples
where
kinges
,
Emperours
and
Popes
,
haue
put
other
princes
of
like
condition
to
death
,
may
serue
in
case
of
the
Scottish
Queene
to
perswade
any
man
,
that
is
not
too
too
farre
distempered
in
his
iudgement
,
especiallye
seeing
the
practises
of
these
,
which
for
their
treasonable
demerites
,
were
put
to
death
,
are
far
inferior
to
this
her
most
horrible
and
treacherous
conspiracie
,
and
that
there
can
neuer
be
one
historie
,
or
example
showen
in
such
villanie
,
comparable
to
this
,
where
a
Queen
hath
had
so
many
times
her
honor
,
and
life
preserued
,
when
her
owne
subiects
were
in
armes
against
her
in
Scotlande
,
when
her
Nobilitie
for
the
murdering
of
the
king
her
husbande
,
craued
her
death
by
Iustice
in
England
,
&
when
the
nobility
and
commons
of
England
for
new
and
fresh
conspiracies
,
and
by
her
often
reiterated
against
the
Queenes
Maiestie
and
the
good
estate
of
the
land
,
haue
againe
,
and
againe
,
earnestly
requested
both
in
open
Parliaments
,
and
els
where
due
execution
of
iustice
against
her
.
A
confirmation
by
manie
reasons
gathered
out
of
the
Ciuill
and
Canon
lawe
,
of
the
honorable
sentence
and
execution
past
against
the
Scottish
Queene
.
BEfore
I
proceede
to
the
instifying
of
the
sayde
sentence
and
execution
,
I
thinke
it
not
amisse
,
here
to
set
downe
what
the
Lawes
of
England
haue
beene
in
these
Capitall
offences
,
not
only
from
the
Conquerors
time
,
but
from
the
beginning
of
any
Empire
or
principallity
within
this
Realme
:
&
searching
what
hath
beene
written
herein
,
I
finde
,
that
the
very
imagination
and
intent
of
treason
,
being
in
the
highest
degree
without
ouert
facte
,
hath
in
the
times
of
all
Kinges
,
and
in
all
persons
,
beene
losse
of
life
and
member
,
losse
of
goods
and
lands
,
and
perpetuall
corruption
of
bloud
:
which
Lawe
agreeth
verie
well
&
seemeth
to
haue
commencement
and
beginning
from
a
Ciuill
constitution
,
made
by
the
famous
Emperors
Arcadius
and
Honorius
in
the
yeare
of
our
Lorde
God
.
3
8
9.
The
effect
of
which
Lawe
,
for
the
matter
in
question
foloweth
:
Note
here
,
that
the
saide
wordes
bee
generall
and
suffer
no
exception
,
4.
C.
ad
L.
Iulian
maiestatis
.
which
also
is
in
the
verie
next
Constitution
precedent
by
three
other
Emperors
,
Valentinian
,
Valens
and
Gratian
confirmed
,
where
they
vse
these
wordes
,
In
sola
causa
laesae
maiestatis
omnibus
aequa
conditio
est
,
nulla
habita
,
militie
generis
vel
dignitatis
defensione
:
In
the
onelie
cause
of
treason
all
persons
are
of
egal
condition
,
debarred
from
all
defence
and
priuiledge
of
militarie
vertue
,
birth
,
or
dignitie
.
And
as
the
wordes
of
the
law
are
generall
including
all
persons
whosoeuer
,
so
is
the
selfesame
law
generall
,
because
it
receiueth
allowance
in
all
countries
,
and
in
Scotland
it selfe
,
where
the
ciuill
lawe
is
exercised
,
and
in
that
regard
may
be
called
Ius
Gentium
,
the
law
of
Nations
:
Quia
eo
iure
omnes
gentes
vtuntur
because
in
all
Nations
the
same
law
and
penaltie
for
treason
is
vsed
:
wherein
the
Scottish
Queene
coulde
not
pretend
ignorance
,
seeing
it
is
the
lawe
of
her
owne
countrie
,
and
the
law
of
all
the
worlde
,
and
seeing
she
confessed
her
presciencie
&
knowledge
thereof
,
as
also
of
the
statute
made
in
the
same
effect
,
the
seuen
and
twentieth
yeere
of
her
Maiesties
raigne
,
discouering
in
her
letters
to
Babington
,
that
if
her
conspiracies
were
knowne
to
her
Maiestie
,
it
were
sufficient
for
that
Queene
to
inclose
her
in
some
hole
,
foorth
of
which
she
should
not
escape
,
if
so
bee
shee
did
not
vse
her
worse
:
as
though
shee
had
said
the
hainousnesse
of
her
desert
and
penaltie
of
the
lawe
did
inflict
a
greater
punishment
on
her
,
than
being
kept
close
prisoner
,
which
shee
further
confesseth
in
plain
words
in
her
letter
to
Mendoza
the
Spanish
Ambassador
:
Let
this
be
kept
secret
,
forasmuch
as
if
it
come
to
bee
reuealed
,
it
shoulde
bee
in
France
the
losse
of
my
Dower
,
in
Scotland
a
cleare
breach
with
my
some
,
and
in
this
countrie
,
my
totall
ruine
and
destruction
.
And
the
said
statute
of
the
saide
xxvij
.
yeere
of
her
Maiesties
raigne
doth
not
alter
the
substance
of
the
offence
in
treason
,
or
make
it
more
greeuous
or
preiudiciall
than
it
was
before
:
but
for
as
much
as
her
Maiesties
life
(
whome
Almightie
God
preserue
to
the
end
of
all
time
)
was
sought
by
many
wicked
complots
of
desperate
miscreants
to
bee
taken
away
,
and
the
publike
peace
disturbed
:
the
bodie
of
the
whole
Realme
(
to
preuent
that
mischiefe
,
&
that
this
might
serue
as
an
other
warning
to
stay
their
furie
)
enacted
and
set
downe
a
more
honourable
proceeding
against
all
such
violent
Competitors
of
the
kingdome
,
than
there
was
before
therin
,
adding
rather
forme
than
substance
,
that
if
anie
such
villanies
were
attempted
,
it
might
both
in
the
matter
and
maner
haue
the
more
honourable
proceeding
.
Seeing
than
the
Scottish
Queene
is
both
by
generall
wordes
and
also
by
especiall
demonstration
within
the
compasse
of
the
lawe
,
it
remayneth
to
see
what
can
be
sayde
for
her
exemption
from
the
sayde
lawe
.
I
heare
that
principally
alleaged
for
an
excuse
,
that
she
was
an
absolute
Queene
,
and
therefore
in
her
person
not
to
be
impeached
,
as
though
it
were
to
bee
iustified
by
any
lawe
in
the
worlde
,
for
a
Queene
to
contriue
the
death
of
an
other
Queene
,
and
that
(
which
is
most
treacherous
)
in
her
owne
kingdome
.
Or
that
a
King
or
Queene
comming
foorth
of
her
owne
Realme
,
to
the
kingdome
and
dominion
of
an
other
King
or
Queene
,
may
there
doe
what
they
list
without
controlement
,
vnder
colour
of
their
kingly
prerogatiue
.
And
although
I
should
graunt
that
she
was
an
absolute
Queene
,
and
in
respect
thereof
,
had
diuers
priuiledges
incident
vnto
her
person
:
yet
in
this
case
all
priuiledges
that
goe
to
,
and
folowe
the
person
,
Quia
in
causa
laesae
maiestatis
(
saith
Baldus
)
priuilegiatus
non
potest
allegare
priuilegium
.
A
man
priuiledged
in
his
person
,
in
case
of
treason
,
cannot
alledge
his
priuiledge
.
And
this
is
a
most
general
lawe
and
all
persons
whosoeuer
are
subiect
to
the
same
,
Et
hoc
ius
perpetuum
est
,
C.
1.
Inst.
de
satisdat
.
tutor
.
Parag.
1.
saith
the
Text
:
that
is
,
this
law
is
generall
,
for
so
this
word
perpetuum
,
is
in
the
ciuill
law
in
sundrie
places
vsed
,
and
in
this
verie
place
it
it
is
so
by
the
learned
expounded
.
Neither
can
a
king
in
in
another
kingdome
challenge
any
such
prerogatiue
vnto
him
,
that
for
an
offence
giuen
in
the
highest
degree
he
may
not
ther
be
punished
.
For
euerie
king
out
of
his
own
kingdome
is
to
be
accounted
of
,
ratione
delicti-sortitur
forum
,
by
reason
of
his
offence
,
hee
is
now
become
of
another
princes
iurisdiction
and
prerogatiue
where
he
hath
offended
.
Insomuch
that
neither
our
friendes
which
are
confedered
with
vs
,
nor
Ambassadors
which
comming
from
great
&
mightie
Princes
are
resiant
amongst
vs
,
nor
the
kings
and
princes
themselues
that
carrie
so
great
a
maiestie
in
their
persons
can
challenge
any
immunitie
or
priuiledge
by
reason
of
their
confederacie
,
honor
,
or
dignitie
:
but
where
they
contract
,
&
where
they
offend
,
there
must
they
abide
the
order
of
lawe
&
condigne
punishment
.
For
of
our
friends
that
are
in
league
&
amity
with
vs
,
heare
what
the
law
saith
:
Si
sint
apud
nos
rei
ex
ciuitatibus
confederatis
in
eos
damnatos
animaduertimus
:
And
of
the
Ambassadors
,
Iulius
Paulus
,
who
for
his
excellent
skill
in
the
law
,
came
to
be
both
Praetor
&
Consul
in
Rome
,
writeth
in
this
maner
:
Saluius
Iulianus
the
chiefe
counsailer
to
Adrian
the
Emperor
writeth
thus
:
Si
legationis
tempore
quis
seruum
vel
aliam
rem
emerit
,
aut
ex
alia
causa
possidere
cepit
;
non
iniquè
cogetur
e●us
iudicium
accipere
:
aliter
enim
potestas
daretur
legatis
sub
hac
specie
res
alienas
domum
auferendi
:
That
is
,
Then
if
a
law
will
haue
an
Ambassadour
as
well
as
the
subiect
,
to
aunswere
vppon
any
contract
or
wrong
done
to
the
subiect
,
woulde
the
same
lawe
(
trow
you
)
allowe
the
practises
of
high
treason
in
an
Ambassador
against
the
common
peace
vnpunished
?
And
although
some
haue
written
that
Ambassadors
haue
had
their
liues
spared
them
in
cases
of
high
treason
:
yet
that
proueth
not
that
for
treason
they
might
not
by
law
haue
bin
executed
.
For
as
Theodatus
said
to
the
Ambassadors
of
Bizance
,
Vide
Iustinum
.
lib.
7.
in
the
case
of
adulterie
.
&
iure
,
legatum
occidere
pro
humanis
legibus
licet
:
than
were
it
lawfull
by
the
law
of
the
lande
to
put
such
an
Ambassadour
to
death
.
Wherfore
Conradus
Brunus
writing
both
grauely
&
learnedly
of
the
dignitie
&
immunitie
of
Ambassadors
doth
after
a
great
discourse
,
conclude
with
these
words
.
Ius
violandorum
legatorum
ijs
tantum
seruandum
esse
,
qui
honeste
in
legatione
versantūr
:
12.
C
&c
iuarum
nos
parag
.
verum
.
Ext.
de
priuilegiis
.
the
law
that
willeth
no
hands
to
be
laid
vpon
an
Ambassador
,
is
to
be
kept
with
them
only
that
doe
in
their
Embassie
behaue
themselues
honestlie
,
otherwise
,
in
vniuersum
priuilegium
amittit
,
qui
concessa
sibi
abutitur
potestate
:
for
euer
he
doth
lose
all
priuiledge
that
doth
abuse
his
commission
and
authoritie
.
Let
vs
goe
higher
from
the
Ambassadour
to
his
Maister
the
king
himselfe
.
Bonifacius
de
vitallinis
,
So
is
the
Queenes
Maiestie
in
her
gratious
Realme
,
a
sanctuarie
to
euerie
king
that
commeth
within
the
same
vnder
her
highnesse
protection
,
vntill
he
committeth
a
capitall
delict
and
offence
against
the
same
,
and
than
vpon
the
reason
of
the
foresaid
lawes
,
he
looseth
the
benefit
&
priuiledge
thereof
:
like
as
the
benefite
or
priuiledge
of
safeconduit
is
lost
,
when
after
the
safe
conduit
graunted
,
any
crime
is
committed
,
but
for
a
farder
confirmation
of
the
premisses
we
shall
speake
more
at
large
in
the
next
chapter
.
The
sixt
Chapter
,
containing
an
aunswere
to
certaine
obiections
latelie
made
by
certaine
fauorites
of
the
Queene
of
Scottes
.
FOR
asmuch
as
some
partiall
and
euill
affected
Aliens
,
and
some
hollow
and
dissembling
subiects
will
perhaps
in
this
honourable
and
iust
action
,
maligne
the
proceedings
of
the
whole
Parliament
,
and
the
sentence
and
execution
thereuppon
,
I
thinke
it
not
amisse
to
meet
with
some
of
the
best
of
their
Arguments
,
the
which
at
the
first
showe
might
seeme
to
crosse
or
controll
their
doings
.
The
first
obiection
.
The
first
obiection
is
,
That
Par
in
parem
non
habet
imperium
,
that
is
an
absolute
Prince
ouer
and
against
another
absolute
Prince
hath
no
iurisdiction
or
soueraintie
.
And
this
was
by
Prince
Conradine
a
Prince
more
skilfull
in
feats
of
warre
,
than
in
points
of
law
,
The
like
argument
doth
Matheus
Parisiensis
alledge
in
king
Iohns
case
,
The
Answeare
.
For
aunswere
,
it
may
then
trulie
and
iustlie
be
said
,
that
whatsoeuer
showe
this
argument
maketh
in
apparance
,
yet
it
is
nothing
at
all
in
substance
.
For
to
let
passe
that
(
which
is
much
doubted
of
by
many
)
whether
the
Scottish
Queene
were
,
at
the
time
of
the
sentence
giuen
,
Queene
of
Scotland
or
no
,
seeing
by
the
three
estates
of
Scotland
she
was
disabled
.
To
omit
also
that
shee
relinquished
long
time
before
all
her
right
,
title
and
interest
in
the
same
realme
(
if
she
had
any
)
to
the
Lord
Iemie
her
sonne
now
king
of
Scotland
.
To
passe
ouer
in
like
maner
how
euident
a
thing
it
is
,
and
most
notorious
,
that
the
kinges
of
Scots
haue
been
feudataries
and
done
homage
vnto
the
kings
of
England
,
malconib
.
Edward
.
1.
Richard
.
2.
and
haue
appeared
in
person
in
Parliament
at
Yorke
,
and
had
the
place
of
the
first
Peere
in
England
,
whereby
it
may
bee
inferred
that
the
Scottish
Queene
was
no
absolute
Queene
,
but
had
respect
&
was
inferior
to
the
crowne
of
England
:
if
we
should
graunt
them
all
this
,
for
dispution
sake
,
that
shee
was
still
Queene
of
Scotland
,
and
farder
,
that
she
was
an
absolute
Queen
,
what
than
?
what
can
they
infer
of
this
?
doth
equalitie
in
dignitie
giue
supreame
power
and
soueraintie
in
the
kindome
of
England
?
This
her
soueraintie
hath
vndoubtedly
a
necessarie
relation
to
her
owne
subiects
the
Scots
,
and
kingdome
of
Scotland
,
not
vnto
the
English
and
realme
of
England
:
&
albeit
I
do
graunt
here
for
argument
sake
more
than
may
doe
,
to
wit
,
that
she
was
still
a
Queene
in
dignitie
,
And
this
point
may
soone
be
tryed
by
sampling
the
same
in
an
other
Princesse
comming
into
anie
forreine
countrey
.
If
the
King
of
Spaine
should
come
into
Fraunce
,
although
perhaps
the
French
King
mought
take
him
for
his
brother
,
in
the
sence
of
the
Poet
(
fratrum
concordia
rara
)
yet
I
doubt
he
would
not
take
him
there
for
his
fellow
,
Omnisque
potestas
impatiens
consortis
erit
:
there
is
no
kingdome
that
will
abide
a
Copartner
.
Preses
(
saith
Paulus
)
in
suae
prouinciae
homines
tantùm
imperium
habet
,
&
hoc
dum
in
prouincia
est
,
nam
si
excesserit
priuatus
est
,
A
president
,
hath
souerainty
,
onely
vppon
the
subiectes
of
his
owne
prouince
,
and
that
whilest
he
is
within
his
prouince
,
but
if
he
goeth
forth
of
it
,
he
is
a
priuate
person
.
Vpon
the
conclusion
of
which
lawe
there
grew
amongest
the
learned
this
question
,
Neither
only
is
euery
one
in
his
owne
territorie
chiefe
and
greater
than
an
other
,
who
in
other
respects
notwithstanding
,
is
many
wayes
greater
than
himselfe
:
but
also
he
may
punish
there
such
a
person
greater
than
himself
,
offending
in
his
territorie
insomuch
that
an
Archbishop
by
a
Bishop
in
the
Bishops
own
territory
,
an
Emperor
by
a
king
,
in
a
kings
dominion
and
countrie
,
and
a
king
by
a
Magistrate
of
a
free
Citie
may
there
be
punished
for
his
offence
.
Neither
doth
the
rule
Par
in
parem
take
anie
place
in
that
case
,
and
so
in
the
case
of
an
Archbishoppe
Panormitan
and
Felin
expressely
set
downe
,
Anchoranus
addeth
farder
,
And
that
an
Emperour
may
be
in
like
manner
punished
by
an
other
Prince
,
in
whose
territorie
he
hath
offended
,
Ferdinandus
Vaskins
in
his
booke
of
princely
controuersies
doeth
affirme
in
these
wordes
:
Imperatorem
ab
alio
principe
in
cuius
territorio
deliquisset
,
puniri
posse
non
dubitauerim
.
And
that
a
Magistrate
in
like
maner
of
a
free
Citie
may
punish
a
king
offending
within
the
territorie
of
the
Citie
,
we
reade
examples
in
sundrye
histories
,
as
howe
Iustinian
a
king
,
And
the
reason
of
the
premisses
,
is
grounded
vpon
two
conclusions
of
the
lawe
.
The
one
is
that
the
Emperour
,
the
King
,
the
Archbishoppe
,
and
the
Bishoppe
,
are
out
of
their
owne
kingdomes
,
countryes
,
and
diocesse
,
but
as
priuate
persons
,
The
other
that
euerie
Prince
and
ruler
within
his
own
kingdome
and
rule
is
greater
than
any
other
,
although
hee
were
the
greatest
monarche
in
the
worlde
.
The
which
a
great
learned
man
called
Lapus
de
castello
,
in
plaine
words
most
apparantly
showeth
,
his
wordes
be
these
:
Againe
,
we
may
further
shew
in
this
case
that
although
shee
were
a
Queen
and
by
her
royall
prerogatiue
not
to
be
touched
,
yet
if
she
doth
deuest
herselfe
of
her
prerogatiue
or
make
herselfe
subiect
to
the
iurisdiction
of
another
,
than
can
she
not
claime
her
priuiledge
nor
exempt
her selfe
from
the
others
iurisdiction
.
For
as
Vlpian
praefectus
praetorio
to
Alexander
the
Emperor
,
saith
:
Est
receptum
eoque
iure
vtimur
,
Paulus
Castrensis
,
Iason
&
diuers
other
learned
men
do
note
that
there
are
two
kinds
of
submission
,
Expressa
&
tacita
:
expresse
commission
,
by
giuing
open
consent
:
secrete
submission
by
making
any
contract
or
committing
any
offence
:
&
so
within
their
territories
.
Vnus
Princeps
vel
Baro
potest
alium
principem
vel
Conbaronē
punire
.
One
Prince
or
Baron
may
punish
an
other
prince
or
Baron
.
Than
since
the
Scottish
Queene
in
her
Maiesties
Realme
against
her
Maiestie
,
not
of
ignorance
,
but
wittinglie
desirous
of
her
crowne
,
hath
offended
,
and
that
in
no
lesse
case
than
the
case
of
high
treason
,
by
her
treasonable
fact
:
shee
hath
yeelded
a
secrete
submission
to
the
iurisdiction
of
Englande
,
and
therefore
there
rightfullie
to
bee
punished
by
law
.
Wherfore
to
conclude
,
since
some
doubt
whether
shee
were
a
Queen
(
as
which
had
resigned
vp
and
thereby
had
no
kingdome
)
since
,
if
shee
were
a
Queene
in
dignitie
,
yet
in
soueraintie
she
was
no
Queene
,
but
a
priuate
person
comming
into
another
Princes
dominion
,
since
euerie
Prince
in
his
owne
kingdome
is
chiefest
,
and
other
there
are
inferiour
to
him
,
since
an
inferiour
person
may
punish
his
superiours
for
such
offences
they
commit
within
his
iurisdiction
,
since
a
Prince
by
offending
submitteth
himselfe
to
the
state
of
that
countrie
where
he
offendeth
,
and
may
haue
the
law
passe
against
him
for
it
:
This
obiection
of
Par
in
parem
little
serueth
their
purpose
,
as
which
is
to
bee
vnderstood
of
facts
committed
in
their
seueral
kingdoms
&
territories
.
For
than
may
not
the
queene
of
England
punish
her
for
ought
shee
hath
done
amisse
in
Scotland
,
because
they
are
in
this
case
Pares
,
that
is
,
of
egall
authoritie
,
but
for
her
demerites
in
England
(
where
they
are
not
Pares
)
but
the
Queene
of
Scots
inferiour
to
the
Queene
of
England
,
there
the
queene
of
England
reteineth
only
the
supreme
soueraintie
,
and
therefore
there
may
notwithstanding
the
said
obiection
,
lawfully
sentence
the
Scottish
queene
.
The
2.
Obiection
.
AN
other
obiection
is
made
thus
:
The
Scottish
queene
pursued
by
her
owne
subiects
fled
into
the
realme
of
England
as
a
suppliant
for
succour
,
and
therfore
of
common
curtesie
she
ought
to
be
well
entreated
there
,
nor
to
be
deteined
as
a
prisoner
,
or
if
she
were
deteined
yet
to
haue
the
libertie
to
be
put
vnto
her
raunsome
.
The
Aunswere
.
TO
this
may
be
answered
,
first
that
euerie
person
passing
through
or
resiaunt
in
another
kingdome
,
without
a
safe
conduct
or
pasport
being
not
in
amitie
or
league
with
the
other
is
a
lawfull
prisoner
in
the
same
.
And
therefore
in
all
the
leagues
that
we
make
with
the
house
of
Burgundie
or
kingdome
of
Fraunce
,
or
they
with
vs
,
there
is
an
expresse
article
or
capitulation
set
downe
,
vt
sit
amicitia
foedus
&
pax
,
&
vt
liceat
per
dulces
aquas
&c.
commeare
,
that
there
bee
an
amitie
,
league
,
and
peace
:
and
that
it
may
be
lawfull
for
the
subiects
to
passe
by
water
or
land
through
the
realme
freely
and
without
impeachment
.
Which
being
graunted
,
than
must
we
farther
in
this
case
consider
,
howe
that
vntill
the
last
yeare
there
neuer
was
Foedus
vel
pax
inita
,
any
league
or
peace
made
beween
Scotland
and
Englande
,
but
only
Cessatio
à
billo
,
an
abstinence
from
the
warres
,
whereby
the
Scottish
Queene
comming
into
England
could
not
challenge
any
libertie
or
freedome
within
that
kingdome
.
Than
the
law
standing
thus
that
no
man
Nisi
confederatus
retinet
sibi
libertatem
in
aliquo
regno
&c.
Againe
,
it
is
not
heere
to
be
past
ouer
in
silence
,
how
the
Queene
of
Scots
vsurped
the
stile
and
armes
of
the
crowne
of
England
,
a
thing
most
notorious
to
the
whole
worlde
.
Since
therefore
shee
was
a
Competitor
of
the
crowne
,
and
thirsted
after
the
crown
of
this
realm
in
possession
,
&
could
not
bee
reclaimed
from
the
same
,
although
by
her
Ambassadors
she
promised
diuers
times
to
doe
it
:
since
God
had
put
her
into
her
Maiesties
hands
,
well
might
her
Maiestie
take
and
keepe
her
vntill
she
had
perfourmed
her
promise
.
For
did
not
Tiberius
deteine
king
Cotys
?
did
not
Constantine
the
Emperor
,
doe
so
with
the
Emperor
Licinius
?
Dyd
not
Lewes
the
French
kyng
,
called
Lewes
the
Pitiefull
,
doe
the
like
vnto
Barnard
king
of
Italy
?
Doth
it
not
stand
with
the
law
of
nature
,
which
is
(
ius
immutabile
,
a
law
immutable
)
for
euerie
person
to
prouide
for
the
saftie
of
himselfe
,
and
all
that
are
committed
vnto
his
charge
?
And
if
we
should
graunt
her
,
that
she
came
in
as
a
suppliant
,
and
of
free
will
,
and
not
dryuen
in
by
tempest
,
when
she
meant
(
according
to
some
writers
)
to
haue
gone
into
Fraunce
:
what
if
she
came
hither
for
succour
?
(
as
it
may
be
when
she
saw
no
other
remedie
she
shewed
to
be
her
intent
)
is
it
not
as
great
or
more
reason
for
our
soueraigne
to
succour
her selfe
as
to
succour
her
?
For
if
the
Scottish
queene
thinketh
our
queene
bound
by
the
law
of
nations
,
to
take
her
after
this
maner
comming
into
her
protection
:
doth
not
the
law
of
nature
teache
our
queene
vnder
colour
of
protection
to
prouide
against
prodition
?
So
that
whiles
the
other
carried
alwayes
with
her
this
ambitious
minde
,
to
bereaue
the
queene
our
soueraigne
of
her
kingdome
of
England
,
if
she
had
been
set
at
liberty
,
had
she
not
been
far
more
enabled
to
accomplish
her
desseines
?
for
otherwise
to
what
intent
dyd
the
princes
and
her
allies
,
and
all
her
adherents
desire
,
and
thirst
so
much
her
enlargement
,
but
to
make
her
an
head
to
be
set
vp
in
time
of
inuasion
against
her
Maiestie
?
But
supposing
that
her
Maiestie
had
no
iust
cause
of
her
so
doing
and
her
deteyning
heere
,
had
beene
wholly
vnlawful
,
mought
she
therefore
seeke
to
take
away
the
life
from
the
queene
of
Englande
?
The
practise
of
so
many
horrible
treasons
,
may
not
be
shifted
with
this
so
vntrue
and
slight
pretence
,
nor
coloured
with
a
faire
showe
of
natures
lawe
:
for
so
many
seditious
vnnatural
and
vngodly
desseinmentes
most
repugnant
to
the
lawe
of
nature
,
and
contrarie
to
the
lawes
both
of
God
and
man
,
can
not
abide
any
such
shift
or
colour
.
The
3.
Obiection
.
THe
two
first
obiections
made
against
the
sayde
honorable
sentence
,
are
in
regarde
of
the
Queene
of
Scottes
person
:
But
the
two
obiections
following
,
doe
rather
tende
to
the
disalowance
of
the
lawe
,
whereupon
the
sentence
is
grounded
.
For
(
say
they
)
although
wee
should
graunt
that
one
king
may
sentence
an
other
king
delinquent
and
resident
within
his
kingdome
,
wee
thinke
it
not
conuenable
that
in
the
case
of
a
king
,
the
tryal
shoulde
be
by
the
municipall
and
statute
lawe
of
the
lande
,
but
only
by
the
common
and
generall
lawe
receiued
amongest
all
other
nations
.
Againe
since
the
lawe
of
Nations
(
as
they
say
)
punish
the
effect
and
not
the
affect
:
him
that
hath
committed
,
not
him
that
willeth
or
intendeth
treason
,
that
therefore
they
haue
delt
iniuriously
with
the
Scottish
queen
in
punishing
her
by
death
,
for
onely
willing
and
intending
treason
,
which
as
yet
had
not
the
intended
effect
.
The
aunswere
.
FOr
answere
to
the
first
of
these
two
obiections
.
A
Prince
may
bee
tried
by
the
municipall
and
statute
lawe
of
the
lande
,
where
he
offendeth
,
the
which
appeareth
by
one
of
the
most
auncient
interpreters
of
the
Ciuill
law
Albericus
de
Rosate
,
and
that
in
the
case
of
a
king
sentenced
for
high
treason
,
Nonne
vnusquisque
delinquens
iudicabitur
secundùm
leges
loci
in
quo
deliquit
?
Respondeo
,
verum
est
,
si
de
intentione
legislatoris
fuit
,
factum
ipsum
afficere
&
omnem
personam
quae
incideret
in
ipsum
factum
,
Nam
non
plus
extenditur
lex
quàm
fuit
de
intentione
legislatoris
:
That
is
to
say
,
Is
not
this
agreed
for
law
,
that
euerie
delinquent
or
offendor
against
the
law
,
shal
be
adiudged
according
to
the
lawes
of
the
place
where
he
committed
his
delict
or
offence
?
That
is
true
,
(
saith
hee
)
if
it
were
the
minde
and
meaning
of
the
maker
of
the
lawe
,
to
punish
that
offence
,
and
euerie
person
that
shoulde
fall
within
the
compasse
of
the
sayde
offence
,
for
the
lawe
is
neuer
extended
farder
than
the
intention
of
the
lawe
maker
.
And
was
not
the
intention
of
the
makers
of
the
statute
lawe
,
made
the
27
of
her
Maiesties
raigne
,
most
euident
after
so
many
seditious
desseignments
and
most
wicked
plots
laide
both
for
the
indaungering
of
her
highnesse
most
royall
person
,
and
also
for
the
ruine
of
the
common
weale
,
to
deuise
a
speedie
remedie
for
such
an
apparant
mischiefe
?
Did
not
the
wicked
attempts
of
Throgmorton
and
Parie
,
and
the
continuall
practise
of
fugitiues
beyonde
the
seas
,
and
traiterous
subiectes
at
home
,
make
it
as
cleare
as
the
sunne
in
the
eye
and
heart
of
euerie
good
subiect
,
howe
necessarie
it
was
to
prouide
speedie
remedie
herein
?
Did
not
(
vpon
these
respectes
,
and
to
meete
with
these
and
such
like
mischiefes
)
the
whole
Realme
assembled
in
Parliament
enact
thus
:
That
if
anie
open
invasion
or
rebellion
should
be
made
,
in
,
or
within
her
maiesties
Realme
,
or
dominions
,
or
any
acte
attempted
tending
to
the
hurt
of
her
Maiesties
most
royall
person
,
by
or
for
any
person
that
should
or
might
pretende
anye
title
to
the
crowne
of
this
Realme
,
after
her
Maiesties
decease
,
or
if
any
thing
should
be
compassed
or
imagined
tending
to
the
hurt
of
her
Maiesties
royall
person
,
by
anye
person
or
with
the
preuitie
of
any
person
,
that
shall
or
may
pretend
title
to
the
crowne
of
this
Realme
:
that
then
,
such
person
whatsoeuer
should
be
within
the
compasse
of
that
lawe
.
Wherefore
by
that
lawe
(
as
may
bee
gathered
both
by
the
preamble
and
body
of
the
act
)
the
saide
two
great
daungers
were
sought
to
be
prouided
for
,
her
Maiesties
preseruation
and
the
common
peace
of
th
ole
realm
.
You
will
say
it
tended
onely
to
subiectes
.
To
that
I
aunswere
,
it
had
beene
then
a
needelesse
lawe
,
for
those
attemptes
by
subiectes
by
the
common
lawes
of
this
Realme
,
and
so
agnized
by
the
statute
of
25.
Ed.
3.
de
proditionibus
,
were
high
treason
before
,
and
therefore
there
needed
no
new
lawe
for
them
.
For
whom
was
this
lawe
then
especially
made
?
It
plainely
appeareth
by
that
which
is
before
alleadged
,
that
it
especially
respecteth
all
those
persons
whomsoeuer
,
that
should
or
might
pretende
title
to
the
imperiall
crowne
of
this
Realme
.
And
did
not
Marie
of
Scotlande
at
,
(
and
long
time
before
)
the
making
of
that
act
,
pretende
title
to
the
crowne
of
this
Realme
,
not
onely
to
haue
it
after
her
Maiesties
decease
,
but
foorthwith
to
be
put
in
actuall
possession
?
And
did
not
the
saide
Marie
after
the
making
of
the
saide
statute
by
her
subscription
and
letters
,
specially
addressed
from
her
to
the
Queenes
most
excellent
Maiestie
,
allow
and
giue
her
assent
to
the
same
?
Neuerthelesse
after
the
making
of
this
acte
,
and
her
sayde
consent
giuen
therunto
,
the
monstrous
conspiracie
of
Babington
,
by
her
priuie
consent
,
and
promise
of
rewarde
for
the
murdering
of
her
Maiesties
sacred
person
,
and
atcheiuing
the
crowne
and
diademe
in
full
possession
,
was
practised
and
miraculously
discouered
.
Which
I
neede
not
heere
particularly
to
deduce
,
since
there
was
a
most
honorable
sentence
giuen
thereof
by
the
most
part
,
and
the
most
auncientest
of
the
nobilitie
,
since
their
proceedinges
were
declared
to
the
whole
body
of
the
Realme
assembled
in
Parliament
,
&
of
them
receiued
all
allowance
:
since
both
the
houses
often
sued
vnto
her
Maiesty
,
that
according
to
lawe
,
iustice
might
be
administred
and
since
her
highnesse
at
the
great
intreatie
of
her
subiects
,
suffered
the
sentence
by
Proclamation
to
be
published
,
it
plainly
appeareth
that
the
intention
of
the
lawe
makers
,
was
,
that
the
lawe
should
reach
vnto
the
Queene
of
Scots
,
and
to
euerie
other
person
whosoeuer
being
a
Competitour
of
the
kingdome
.
Wherefore
it
is
manifest
,
that
although
this
is
statute
law
,
yet
since
it
was
the
minde
and
intent
of
the
makers
that
this
lawe
shoulde
reache
to
the
Queene
of
Scots
,
that
by
offending
she
is
made
subiect
vnto
it
.
Neither
is
the
statute
lawe
heerein
repugnant
in
substance
to
the
lawe
of
Nations
,
howbeit
,
there
bee
some
difference
in
some
matter
of
circumstaunce
:
but
the
same
agreeth
with
the
lawes
both
ciuill
,
&
of
Nations
in
substance
,
which
generally
do
inflict
the
penaltie
of
death
vpon
euery
one
,
that
is
a
worker
of
treason
.
Besides
,
if
the
statute
lawes
of
England
wil
bind
the
king
himself
for
any
matter
within
his
realme
when
the
intention
of
the
makers
of
the
law
is
such
(
as
it
is
verie
plaine
and
cleere
without
all
controuersie
,
that
it
doth
)
shall
not
a
statute
law
bind
the
queene
of
Scots
,
especially
for
mattter
perpetrated
within
the
realme
.
And
as
touching
the
said
statute
of
the
27.
shee
could
not
pretend
ignorance
,
for
that
she
had
vnderstanding
of
it
:
nor
alledge
a
mislike
therof
,
for
that
by
her
voluntarie
subscription
,
she
had
approued
it
:
nor
except
against
the
seueritie
of
the
law
,
because
it
is
agreeable
both
to
the
ciuill
law
of
the
Romanes
,
&
also
to
the
law
&
custome
of
her
owne
countrie
:
and
therefore
it
may
be
said
to
her
,
Non
potest
quis
improbare
quod
ipse
approbauit
,
a
man
may
not
bee
contrary
to
himselfe
in
disalowing
that
which
himselfe
hath
allowed
.
Also
Patere
legem
.
quam
ipse
tuleris
,
suffer
the
same
lawe
which
you
haue
made
your selfe
.
Shee
meant
death
to
the
queene
of
Englands
person
,
let
her
not
therefore
mislike
if
the
queene
of
England
doth
minister
the
like
measure
to
her
person
:
for
as
it
hath
been
neere
fifteene
hundred
yeeres
agoe
trulie
written
:
Non
est
lex
aequior
vlla
,
Quàm
necis
artifices
arte
perire
sua
.
No
iuster
law
can
reason
craue
Then
seeking
death
,
the
same
to
haue
.
Also
it
is
a
rule
of
the
ciuill
law
grounded
vpon
the
law
of
nature
:
Id
debet
cuique
placere
in
sua
persona
quod
placuerit
in
aliena
,
that
euerie
man
ought
to
like
that
in
his
own
person
,
which
he
would
haue
done
in
the
person
of
another
:
neither
doth
the
priuiledge
of
dignity
in
the
person
alter
the
nature
and
qualitie
of
the
offence
in
case
of
treason
,
howsoeuer
it
doth
in
other
cases
,
as
before
I
haue
sundrie
wayes
confirmed
.
The
4.
obiection
.
THE
fourth
obiection
made
against
the
sentence
and
excution
of
the
Scottish
queene
is
another
exception
taken
against
the
law
of
the
lande
,
because
in
the
case
of
treason
it
punisheth
as
seuerelie
the
intent
as
the
deede
,
the
minde
in
conspiring
as
the
hand
in
executing
:
for
thus
they
reason
.
It
is
both
against
the
lawe
of
nations
and
the
law
of
nature
,
howsoeuer
it
bee
according
to
the
lawe
of
your
lande
to
put
a
queene
to
death
for
a
bare
and
naked
intent
,
an
imagined
treason
,
be
it
neuer
so
haynous
,
when
there
followeth
no
hurt
.
For
when
her
desseines
,
neither
did
nor
could
hurt
the
Queene
of
England
,
as
neuer
hauing
their
intended
effect
:
what
reason
is
it
to
punishe
a
fancie
and
feare
of
treason
with
so
great
a
punishment
as
death
?
The
Aunswere
.
TO
this
,
I
make
this
aunswere
,
that
the
lawe
of
England
,
heerein
inflicteth
none
other
punishement
for
treason
,
than
the
ciuill
law
and
law
of
nations
throughout
the
whole
world
,
commandeth
,
vseth
,
and
practiseth
.
The
ciuill
law
hath
these
wordes
,
Eadem
seueritate
voluntatem
sceleru
quae
effectum
puniri
iura
voluerunt
:
Againe
,
not
onlie
in
the
case
of
high
treason
,
but
also
in
omnibus
atrocioribus
delictis
punitur
affectus
,
licet
non
sequatur
effectus
,
in
al
criminal
offences
of
the
highest
degree
,
the
affect
is
punished
,
although
no
effect
follow
.
And
this
lawe
hath
not
only
been
so
obserued
generally
in
all
nations
aboue
twelue
hundred
yeeres
past
:
but
there
was
many
hundred
yeeres
before
Christes
time
,
in
casu
perduellionis
,
in
the
case
of
treason
committed
against
the
state
,
the
like
law
called
(
lex
12
tabularum
)
established
,
sed
sic
iura
voluerunt
,
the
lawes
were
so
before
their
time
.
But
to
say
that
there
ought
,
in
offences
of
the
highest
degree
no
punishment
to
ensue
,
vnles
the
act
were
consummate
:
were
most
against
law
,
for
two
speciall
causes
.
The
one
for
that
such
hope
of
impunitie
would
encourage
malefactors
to
practise
most
daungerous
and
audacious
attempts
against
kinges
and
common
weales
.
Secondly
if
they
stay
to
punish
till
the
fact
be
done
,
the
losse
will
be
irrecuperable
:
and
the
offence
,
as
this
case
is
in
a
competitor
(
though
most
haynous
)
dispunishable
.
For
in
this
case
in
question
,
the
death
of
her
Maiestie
(
whom
God
euer
preserue
)
being
taken
away
,
all
commissions
and
magistracies
for
iudicial
places
should
cease
:
so
that
this
being
contriued
by
a
competitor
to
the
kingdome
,
(
as
the
Queen
of
Scots
by
open
and
expresse
accord
hath
often
declared
herselfe
)
the
same
offence
by
the
accesse
or
taking
vpon
her
the
crowne
and
dignitie
should
by
lawe
be
purged
and
the
competitor
cleared
.
For
king
Henrie
the
sixt
,
after
the
ouerthrowe
giuen
him
by
king
Edwarde
the
fourth
,
was
by
act
of
Parliament
disabled
from
his
crowne
and
dignitie
.
And
yet
afterwardes
,
the
saide
king
in
his
redemption
helde
Parliament
,
and
in
the
same
the
question
did
growe
,
whether
there
needed
any
reuersall
of
the
saide
former
acte
made
against
the
sayde
king
.
It
was
resolued
that
no
reuersall
was
needfull
,
but
ipso
facto
that
the
sayd
king
Henrie
the
vj.
tooke
vpon
him
the
royall
dignity
to
be
king
,
whether
it
were
de
iure
or
de
facto
that
all
the
fame
was
voyde
.
The
like
came
in
question
in
the
first
yeare
of
king
Henrie
the
vij
.
at
the
first
Parliament
,
by
him
holden
:
and
receiued
the
same
resolution
.
For
the
place
doth
so
dignifie
the
person
,
that
all
steine
of
former
actes
,
is
cleane
washed
awaye
:
and
so
the
Queene
of
Scottes
,
if
shee
might
haue
brought
her
practises
to
execution
ment
,
(
as
these
pleaders
or
rather
plodders
,
about
delictum
consummatum
mean
)
to
haue
escaped
vnpunished
.
Seeing
than
the
lawe
of
England
in
case
of
treason
,
is
no
other
than
Lex
per
omnes
gentes
diffusa
,
the
lawe
spredde
abroade
through
out
all
Nations
,
by
the
which
generally
all
the
Nations
of
the
worlde
are
gouerned
,
kinges
obeyed
,
offences
punished
:
I
thinke
it
appeareth
to
anie
indifferent
Reader
,
vnto
howe
broken
a
staffe
they
leane
,
that
cite
the
lawe
of
Nations
against
vs
.
And
whereas
they
adde
farder
that
the
lawe
of
Nature
maketh
for
the
Scottish
Queene
in
this
behalfe
:
I
take
that
obiection
farther
out
of
square
than
the
other
.
Of
this
lawe
Tullie
writeth
very
grauely
in
his
booke
of
common
wealth
in
this
wise
:
Nowe
is
this
Recta
ratio
to
practise
a
Princesse
death
,
And
what
is
more
disagreeable
to
reason
,
than
that
the
Prince
should
not
punish
the
intent
of
a
Traitour
,
vntill
hee
had
murdered
the
prince
,
and
brought
his
wicked
purpose
to
effect
?
Is
there
any
thing
more
absurde
and
vnconsonant
to
reason
,
than
for
a
kinge
still
to
spare
the
Conspirator
till
the
Conspirator
hath
made
away
the
king
?
Neither
is
this
naturae
congruens
,
For
Florentinus
saith
,
Further
is
added
by
Tullie
:
Sempiternall
,
Now
had
the
Scottish
queene
this
warrant
from
nature
?
and
did
nature
teach
her
to
kill
her
Protector
?
Or
if
her
nature
did
so
instruct
her
,
is
this
the
conscience
of
all
other
?
and
are
these
the
defires
of
good
mens
heartes
?
hath
this
been
the
practise
of
natures
lawe
,
which
hath
been
from
euerlasting
,
and
is
alway
to
continue
?
Nay
since
the
lawe
of
Nature
is
imprinted
in
the
hart
of
man
,
and
there
sheweth
what
he
should
will
,
or
what
he
should
intende
:
whosoeuer
doth
not
so
will
and
so
intend
to
doe
,
as
this
law
commaundeth
,
he
is
not
to
be
accounted
an
obseruer
but
a
breaker
of
the
lawe
.
And
therefore
for
them
to
appeale
to
the
lawe
of
Nature
,
for
excuse
of
their
euill
purpose
or
dooing
,
is
eyther
to
make
Nature
repugnant
to
her selfe
,
or
to
giue
sentence
against
them
for
their
euill
intente
.
Wherefore
as
these
properties
of
the
Lawe
of
Nature
nothing
make
for
the
Scottish
Queen
,
but
are
wholely
abhorrent
from
her
endeuours
:
(
for
who
dare
say
that
such
her
complots
are
approueable
by
nature
)
so
they
are
a
great
warrant
to
her
Maiestie
,
when
there
is
no
meanes
left
to
saue
both
,
than
by
the
others
death
to
prouide
for
the
safetie
of
her
owne
person
and
her
Realme
.
For
this
Nature
teacheth
,
and
the
conscience
within
,
better
than
a
thousande
witnesses
doeth
warrant
,
this
hath
beene
the
guise
of
all
Nations
,
other
Princes
haue
doone
it
before
,
and
they
that
doe
come
after
will
doe
the
same
.
And
as
the
will
that
willeth
treason
is
therfore
culpable
,
because
it
so
willeth
:
so
is
it
likewise
punishable
if
it
bee
knowne
.
But
in
this
case
of
the
Scottish
Queene
,
there
was
not
onely
treason
in
her
will
,
and
in
her
secrete
intent
,
(
a
thing
much
repugnant
to
the
good
instinct
of
Nature
)
but
also
her
intent
was
communicated
vnto
other
,
concluded
on
with
other
.
And
howbeit
shee
failed
of
her
mayne
purpose
,
which
was
to
haue
her
Maiestie
killed
,
the
lande
ouerrunned
,
and
her selfe
to
be
possessed
of
the
crowne
:
yet
she
had
her
forth
in
many
her
desseinmentes
,
as
the
rebellion
in
the
North
,
the
confederacie
of
forrein
Princes
to
inuade
the
land
,
the
coniuration
of
natural
English
,
most
vnnaturally
to
destroy
their
own
Soueraine
,
and
many
other
.
Wherefore
since
the
will
and
intent
in
haynous
faultes
,
by
Ciuill
lawe
is
to
be
punished
by
death
,
and
nature
likewise
reproueth
and
punisheth
euerie
vniust
thought
,
since
the
other
did
still
wil
and
ingeminate
her
treasons
,
and
still
would
if
shee
could
bring
it
to
effect
,
since
in
this
her
case
,
there
is
not
onely
her
will
to
desire
treason
,
but
her
approuement
to
allowe
,
and
promise
to
rewarde
the
same
,
accompanied
with
many
other
seditious
deseignes
:
who
can
say
that
so
to
will
,
deserueth
not
death
,
although
the
will
lacketh
both
force
and
forth
,
and
bringeth
not
all
that
is
conspired
to
effect
.
That
in
two
especiall
cases
,
the
drawing
of
the
sworde
of
one
Prince
against
an
other
,
is
not
only
lawfull
,
but
necessarie
.
ALthough
the
persons
of
Princes
are
most
sacred
,
and
the
maiestie
of
an
absolute
king
very
reuerende
,
as
beeing
the
Lordes
annoynted
,
aduaunced
by
him
to
their
imperiall
crownes
and
dignities
,
in
such
sort
as
it
behoueth
euerie
man
reuerently
to
speake
of
them
,
and
in
al
dutifull
sort
to
demeane
themselues
towardes
them
:
yet
since
there
be
euil
Princes
aswell
as
good
,
such
which
haue
made
themselues
vnworthy
to
rule
,
whome
God
hath
thrust
from
their
crowne
:
it
is
not
amisse
for
the
contentment
of
other
,
(
if
so
be
there
be
anye
so
euill
,
that
is
therewith
discontented
)
to
prooue
vnto
them
,
howe
lawefull
it
is
in
these
two
cases
,
for
one
absolute
Prince
to
drawe
his
sworde
against
an
other
.
And
that
is
,
first
,
where
the
royall
person
of
a
Prince
,
is
by
another
Princes
means
endaungered
of
life
:
that
then
and
in
this
case
,
he
may
redeeme
his
own
life
and
safetie
,
by
the
death
and
destruction
of
that
other
.
Secondly
,
where
not
the
life
of
the
Prince
,
but
the
disturbance
of
the
publike
weale
,
the
subuersion
of
the
state
is
intended
and
sought
for
,
and
likely
without
this
last
remedie
to
ensue
:
In
this
case
to
saue
his
countrey
,
and
people
,
whom
God
hath
commited
to
his
charge
,
a
Prince
may
lawfully
sentence
the
abfolutest
Monarche
in
the
worlde
.
For
the
first
,
I
take
it
aswell
by
the
learned
in
the
lawe
of
God
as
by
those
of
the
lawe
Ciuill
allowed
of
,
that
Charitas
incipit
à
se
,
charitie
or
loue
beginneth
at
it selfe
:
vnto
which
accordeth
that
which
Florentinus
writeth
quod
quisque
ob
tutelam
corporis
sui
facit
,
hoc
iure
fecisse
existimatur
.
The
which
being
graunted
,
And
doe
not
Princes
sinne
in
compassing
the
death
of
other
innocent
and
harmelesse
princes
?
May
then
Princes
punish
treasonable
facts
,
and
will
they
suffer
them
vnpunished
,
when
they
are
againe
and
againe
attempted
,
and
likely
to
effect
their
intended
purpose
?
if
they
doe
thus
suffer
,
they
doe
not
hinder
but
further
treason
:
&
are
in
a
sort
guiltie
(
if
after
they
miscarrie
)
of
their
owne
death
.
For
if
they
had
punished
them
for
the
first
attempts
,
they
had
freed
themselues
from
the
danger
of
the
second
:
but
by
winking
at
,
and
pardoning
the
first
,
they
themselues
are
in
cause
of
their
after
misfortune
.
Which
if
it
should
follow
,
that
an
ouer
mercifull
Prince
should
bee
murdered
by
his
Competitor
whom
he
spared
:
whether
had
it
been
better
in
it selfe
,
or
more
allowable
by
the
lawes
of
God
&
man
that
a
wicked
Prince
which
had
often
practised
,
and
at
length
hath
compassed
the
death
of
another
,
shoulde
first
himselfe
haue
been
put
to
death
,
than
that
an
innocent
&
harmlesse
Prince
should
by
the
villanous
practise
of
that
other
,
be
traiterouslie
slain
?
Surely
iustice
&
vengeaunce
will
soone
make
aunsweare
,
and
teach
vs
what
aunswere
in
this
case
we
should
make
.
For
what
is
more
absurde
,
than
that
the
Prince
should
stay
from
taking
away
the
Conspirator
till
the
Conspirator
hath
taken
away
the
Prince
?
Or
who
is
there
that
should
think
that
the
law
in
this
case
doth
not
account
euen
in
a
Prince
,
voluntatem
pro
facto
,
the
verie
intention
,
for
the
act
,
where
post
factum
,
that
is
,
after
the
deede
done
,
and
the
prince
slain
,
there
is
neither
lawe
nor
magistrate
remaining
.
Neither
is
this
without
many
notable
presidents
:
In
like
maner
all
the
Doctors
of
the
law
in
both
the
kingdomes
of
Naples
and
Sicelie
beeing
asked
their
iudgement
by
king
Charles
aforesaid
,
Neither
was
this
the
iudgement
of
the
lawyers
alone
,
Collinutius
.
li.
4.
The
articles
of
treason
laid
to
king
Conradines
charge
,
&
comprehended
in
the
sentence
.
Note
the
verie
same
case
of
sentence
against
the
Scottish
queene
,
as
was
against
Conradine
.
the
life
of
Conradine
is
Charles
death
,
and
the
death
of
Charles
,
is
the
life
of
Conradine
.
whereupon
there
ensued
a
solemne
sentence
against
the
saide
Conradine
in
these
wordes
,
Quia
Conradinus
ecclesiae
pacem
perturbauit
,
Regium
nomen
falsò
sibi
adsumpsit
&
regi
mortem
intentauit
:
morte
damnamus
,
bicause
Conradine
hath
troubled
the
peace
of
the
Church
,
and
vniustly
hath
taken
on
him
the
name
and
title
of
the
king
and
conspired
his
death
:
wee
condemne
him
to
die
.
The
like
cause
moued
the
vertuous
and
mercifull
Emperour
Constantine
the
Great
,
Nay
what
prince
would
not
commend
&
wish
that
his
were
such
a
people
,
that
in
so
extreame
&
desperate
a
case
,
would
for
the
safetie
of
their
Soueraigne
,
labour
what
they
coulde
,
in
an
orderlie
proceeding
the
death
of
another
?
For
since
they
haue
but
one
head
vnto
whom
they
are
sworne
;
since
they
haue
but
one
annointed
whom
God
hath
set
ouer
them
:
whosoeuer
he
bee
that
seeketh
by
treacherie
to
bereaue
their
Soueraigne
of
his
life
,
or
by
open
force
to
trouble
their
estate
;
though
he
be
a
prince
and
annointed
of
the
Lord
,
yet
vnto
them
he
is
no
prince
,
nor
giuen
of
God
to
rule
ouer
them
;
but
a
stranger
,
and
(
as
he
by
his
own
desseines
hath
made
himselfe
)
an
enemie
.
Wherefore
since
no
good
prince
will
accept
him
as
his
fellow
&
equal
,
that
is
the
secret
contriuer
of
another
princes
death
;
since
necessitie
enforceth
,
and
the
miserable
estate
of
princes
otherwise
requireth
,
that
,
which
nature
teacheth
,
reason
vrgeth
;
God
alloweth
;
the
presidents
of
princes
,
the
aduise
of
popes
;
the
censure
of
lawyers
,
the
authoritie
of
the
lawe
(
which
is
the
most
egall
iudge
)
farther
confirmeth
and
approueth
:
Let
no
man
thinke
straunge
that
one
prince
may
redeeme
his
saftie
by
the
death
of
an
other
,
Pereat
Adonia
,
&
viuat
Salomon
.
The
second
case
.
AND
touching
the
second
point
,
S.
Austin
to
Boniface
,
and
is
canonized
in
the
decrees
,
So
in
this
sence
the
saide
lawe
hath
beene
in
the
like
case
of
princes
,
Ioh.
de
lignano
reporteth
,
and
not
without
great
reason
:
for
else
to
saue
one
particular
person
for
pitie
sake
,
For
Salomon
(
vnto
whome
for
wisedome
no
Prince
was
euer
comparable
)
when
he
considered
what
was
intended
by
his
brother
Adonia
,
(
who
yet
thirsted
and
longed
for
his
crowne
)
making
a
conscience
to
endaunger
the
life
of
his
subiectes
,
the
which
assuredly
had
followed
,
if
either
Adonia
,
So
did
the
vertuous
and
most
mercifull
Empērour
Constantine
,
So
did
king
Henrie
the
5.
after
his
glorious
victorie
ouer
the
French
at
Egincourt
,
And
therefore
least
a
prince
might
seeme
to
honour
one
aboue
the
safetie
of
his
people
,
and
to
leese
the
heartes
of
his
loyall
subiectes
,
by
not
hauing
care
of
them
,
and
their
posteritie
;
least
the
massacring
of
them
be
reputed
his
fault
,
and
God
require
their
bloud
at
his
hand
;
least
by
his
conniuencie
he
should
embolden
the
hearts
of
the
wicked
,
and
cause
his
subiectes
to
take
part
with
the
enemie
:
hee
may
well
conclude
as
in
the
like
case
did
Cicero
,
Natura
me
clementem
,
sed
patria
seuerum
fecit
,
Pereat
Absolon
&
viuat
Israel
.
The
Conclusion
.
WHerefore
let
all
the
world
witnesse
,
and
the
consciences
of
good
men
,
which
without
all
partiall
affection
in
the
singlenes
of
their
hearts
,
follow
&
fauour
a
truth
,
what
the
Prince
and
people
of
England
for
the
glory
of
God
,
and
furtherance
of
his
truth
,
for
the
safegard
of
her
Maiestie
and
preseruation
of
their
estate
,
either
could
or
should
haue
done
rather
than
this
;
by
the
death
of
one
troublesome
,
and
treason-working
person
,
to
haue
redeemed
the
quiet
and
safetie
of
themselues
.
For
since
shee
hath
taken
on
her
the
armes
and
title
of
the
crowne
of
England
,
and
refused
to
repeale
her
doings
being
thereunto
sollicited
:
since
she
hath
been
the
ruin
of
many
worshipfull
houses
,
and
cause
of
the
destruction
of
some
of
the
Nobilitie
.
Since
she
incited
the
rebels
of
the
North
to
leauie
open
warre
against
her
Maiestie
;
and
releeued
them
being
fled
,
by
her
friends
in
Scotland
;
&
afterward
by
the
Pope
,
who
through
her
procurement
sent
to
their
reliefe
in
Flaunders
,
12000.
crownes
:
Nay
since
,
not
content
with
al
this
,
she
hath
laboured
by
her
letters
and
ministers
,
sundry
forreine
princes
to
inuade
this
realme
:
&
the
pope
&
Spanish
king
,
with
sundry
combined
&
confedered
,
haue
a
long
time
intended
,
in
part
haue
practised
,
and
are
now
in
some
readinesse
to
performe
the
same
.
Since
her
feed
seruaunt
Morgan
practised
with
Parrie
to
murder
our
Soueraigne
,
&
shee
after
shee
knew
it
,
yet
fauoured
&
maintained
him
still
.
Since
by
her
priuitie
consent
and
direction
,
Babington
with
his
companie
woulde
haue
killed
her
Maiestie
,
&
she
promised
to
reward
their
doings
in
them
,
or
if
they
miscaried
in
their
posteritie
.
Let
kings
&
princes
&
all
nations
of
the
earth
witnes
,
whether
euer
so
many
,
so
monstrous
,
so
horrible
treasons
were
committed
by
a
prince
,
a
woman
,
and
that
against
the
Lords
annointed
,
in
her
owne
realme
and
if
they
were
,
yet
that
euer
they
escaped
vnpunished
.
And
heere
although
so
many
impieties
do
call
for
vengeance
and
commaunde
by
Gods
lawe
euery
Magistrate
to
iustice
so
high
a
trespasser
:
yet
,
see
,
vpon
pitie
rather
than
pollicie
;
hoping
for
amendment
,
rather
than
looking
for
a
newe
conspiracie
;
not
harkening
to
the
manifold
requestes
of
her
humble
,
loyall
,
and
most
louing
subiectes
,
her
maiestie
continued
her
a
troublesome
Ionas
in
the
shippe
of
Englande
still
:
yet
notwithstanding
after
,
since
the
gracelesse
mindes
of
malecontented
subiects
,
could
not
so
be
satisfied
,
nor
her
Maiesties
great
clemency
could
worke
in
them
a
conscience
of
their
dutie
,
but
like
nettles
the
gentler
they
were
handled
,
the
more
they
stinged
.
Since
after
her
condempnation
published
,
the
Scottish
Queenes
fauorits
,
yet
againe
and
againe
,
practised
the
death
of
her
Maiestie
:
Since
the
Pope
for
her
sake
hath
cursed
our
soueraine
and
his
seedes
men
teach
,
that
the
Queene
is
no
Queene
,
if
the
Pope
depose
her
:
Since
they
haue
encouraged
her
euill
minded
subiectes
,
to
moue
rebellion
,
&
like
vipers
brood
to
gnaw
out
the
wombe
of
our
common
mother
:
Since
her
fauourites
concluded
at
home
,
that
which
was
consulted
abroad
,
&
is
of
late
confessed
by
them
,
to
inuade
our
Realmes
,
ouerrun
the
lande
,
spoyle
the
Cities
,
massacre
the
subiectes
,
destroy
her
Maiestie
,
and
together
with
religion
to
make
a
change
of
the
gouernment
that
is
now
amongst
vs
,
nay
to
subiect
vs
all
,
our
goods
,
lands
,
liberties
,
children
,
posteritie
,
to
the
slauerie
and
tyranny
of
the
Spanish
and
forraine
power
.
Since
the
whole
Realme
assembled
in
Parliament
made
their
many
and
humble
petitions
vnto
her
Maiestie
,
as
specially
interressed
in
the
matter
being
the
bodie
of
the
same
common
wealth
,
wherof
her
Maiestie
is
the
head
,
by
taking
away
one
to
deliuer
them
all
from
their
present
feares
&
future
daungers
.
Sithens
her
Maiestie
was
moued
by
remembrance
of
her
oth
,
than
solemnely
taken
when
she
was
inuested
in
her
crown
to
distribute
iustice
equally
to
all
,
and
to
defende
her
Realme
,
&
people
,
crowne
,
and
dignitie
,
from
the
pestilent
vnderminers
&
subuerters
of
the
same
;
sithens
the
matter
grew
so
daungerous
,
&
came
to
that
extremitie
,
that
either
her
Maiesty
must
iustice
&
sentence
the
Scottish
Queene
,
or
must
hazarde
the
losse
of
her
life
,
the
disturbance
of
the
common
peace
,
the
conquest
of
her
countrey
,
the
losse
of
the
loue
&
heartes
of
her
subiectes
,
without
which
no
Prince
can
well
gouerne
,
or
kingdome
stande
.
Sithens
the
like
sentence
and
execution
of
life
and
death
,
as
the
Scottish
Queene
hath
receiued
is
testified
,
confirmed
and
warranted
by
the
testimonies
,
reasons
,
&
examples
of
so
many
Emperours
,
Kinges
,
and
Popes
.
Since
no
lawe
will
saue
so
high
a
trespasser
,
but
the
law
of
Nations
,
of
Nature
,
and
of
euery
kingdome
and
countrey
would
inflict
death
on
so
great
offenders
.
Sithens
the
like
sentence
and
execution
haue
been
practised
and
put
in
vre
by
godly
and
Christian
Princes
,
and
that
vpon
consultation
disputation
and
resolution
of
the
cause
by
learned
men
of
the
lawe
.
Sithence
the
statute
lawe
of
euerie
kingdome
,
where
the
intent
of
the
lawe
makers
is
such
,
doth
binde
aswell
the
king
himselfe
as
euery
other
king
comming
within
&
offending
in
that
iurisdiction
.
Since
the
Queen
of
Scots
by
her
delict
&
manifold
offences
,
made
herself
so
fubiect
to
the
lawes
of
this
countrey
,
as
if
she
had
actually
consented
to
them
.
What
man
of
reason
,
in
whom
there
is
any
naturall
loue
to
his
countrie
or
apparance
of
an
honest
man
would
not
counsell
by
iustice
to
remoue
the
Scottish
queen
;
the
very
plague
&
calamity
of
our
countrie
,
the
very
ground-worke
&
chiefe
impulsiue
cause
of
all
these
treasons
&
conspiracies
;
the
hope
of
discontented
subiects
;
&
the
very
cause
,
for
whom
the
Pope
thundereth
&
keepeth
this
stir
,
for
whom
so
many
monsters
haue
aduentured
themselues
to
destroy
her
Maiestie
,
&
for
whose
sake
other
pretende
to
haue
iust
cause
offered
to
inuade
this
land
.
To
conclude
,
since
that
mercy
is
without
mercie
,
that
spareth
one
to
the
spoile
of
so
many
;
since
to
do
iustice
on
the
offender
cannot
be
but
honorable
,
&
God
is
well
pleased
in
the
punishment
of
the
wicked
;
since
there
was
no
hope
of
reconcilement
with
one
,
which
deadly
hated
,
and
was
still
aspiring
to
the
present
possession
of
the
kingdome
;
since
there
was
no
remedie
left
,
but
to
iustice
her
,
or
to
liue
in
continuall
feare
of
being
daily
murdered
,
many
attempting
since
her
sentence
published
to
destroy
her
Maiestie
:
Since
many
good
princes
haue
redeemed
their
safeties
with
the
death
of
other
,
and
there
is
no
iust
place
or
cause
left
to
her
of
complaint
,
that
is
so
dealt
with
,
as
shee
woulde
haue
dealt
with
other
.
Let
other
princes
and
people
of
the
earth
make
the
queene
of
Englands
case
,
their
case
&
the
state
of
England
,
the
state
of
their
countrie
:
than
I
doubt
not
but
as
England
hath
done
,
so
would
they
haue
done
:
and
as
England
is
right
sorie
,
that
such
treasons
were
committed
,
so
would
they
sorrow
,
if
they
escaped
vnpunished
.
FINIS
.
Errata
.
In
the
first
chapter
.
IN
the
3.
page
in
margine
,
examinution
,
for
examination
.
In
the
5.
pag.
maintenatce
,
for
maintenance
.
6.
pag.
in
marg.
letters
imploiment
,
for
,
letters
of
imploiment
.
Ibid.
Petrus
exea
,
for
Pe●●us
Mexia
.
8.
pag.
laly
,
for
Italie
.
In
the
2.
Analogie
,
First
pag.
by
any
writer
,
for
by
any
good
writer
.
Ibid.
in
margine
,
marentij
,
for
maxentij
.
2.
pag.
in
marg
colledge
for
collegue
.
6.
pag.
in
fine
,
to
England
,
for
of
England
.
In
the
3.
chapter
.
Sixt
pag.
that
than
postested
in
the
kingdome
,
for
,
that
than
were
possessed
in
the
kingdome
.
Ibid.
pag.
Conradine
king
,
for
Conrade
king
.
prisoned
,
for
,
poysoned
.
hee
bequeathed
,
for
,
who
bequeathed
.
Ione
Neapolitan
Queene
,
for
,
Ione
the
Neapolitan
Queene
.
In
the
4.
chapter
.
In
marg.
2.
pag.
of
putting
a
king
to
death
,
pro
,
for
putting
a
king
to
death
.
In
the
5.
chapter
,
second
pag.
presciencie
,
for
prescience
.
Ibidem
made
in
the
same
effect
,
for
,
to
the
same
effect
.
3.
pag.
than
being
kept
close
prisoner
,
for
,
than
this
to
bee
kept
a
close
prisoner
.
4.
pag.
an
offence
giuen
in
the
highest
degree
,
for
,
an
offence
committed
in
the
highest
degree
.
3.
pag.
therein
,
adding
.
without
comma
therein
.
in
the
time
of
Embassie
,
for
in
the
time
of
their
Embassie
.
In
the
6.
chapter
.
And
is
a
law
,
for
,
it
is
a
law
.
Fardinand
Vaskins
,
for
,
Vaskius
.
to
the
3.
obiection
,
her
priuie
consent
,
for
,
her
priuitie
,
consent
,
and
promise
.
to
the
4.
obiection
,
expresse
accord
,
for
,
expresse
action
.
In
the
7.
chapter
.
in
vita
Conradini
,
for
,
vita
Conradini
.
Anthony
Babingtons
letter
to
the
Queene
of
Scots
.
MOST
mighty
,
moste
excellent
,
my
dread
Soueraigne
Lady
and
Queene
,
vnto
whome
Onely
obedience
to
the
Queene
of
Scots
:
●rgo
not
to
the
Queene
of
England
.
onely
I
doo
owe
all
fidelity
and
obedience
.
It
may
please
your
gratious
Maiesty
to
admit
excuse
for
my
long
silence
and
discontinuance
from
your
duetifull
office
,
incepted
vpon
the
remoue
of
your
Royall
person
from
the
auncient
place
of
your
aboade
,
to
the
custodie
of
a
wicked
puritane
,
a
mortal
enemy
both
by
faith
and
faction
to
your
Maiesty
and
state
Catholike
,
I
held
the
hope
of
your
countreyes
The
weale
of
the
realme
to
depend
vpon
the
Queene
of
Scots
.
weale
(
depending
next
vnder
God
vpon
the
life
and
health
of
your
Maiestie
,
)
to
bee
desperate
,
and
thereupon
resolued
to
depart
the
land
,
determining
to
spend
the
remnant
of
my
life
in
such
solitary
sort
as
the
wretched
&
miserable
estate
of
my
countrey
did
require
,
only
He
expected
the
confusion
of
the
realme
.
expecting
according
to
the
iust
iudgement
of
God
the
deserued
confusion
thereof
(
which
the
Lord
of
his
mercy
sake
preuent
:
)
the
which
my
purpose
beeing
in
execution
and
standing
vpon
my
departure
,
there
was
addressed
vnto
me
from
the
parts
beyonde
the
seas
,
one
Ballard
the
traitor
commended
for
a
man
of
vertue
,
and
zealous
to
their
religion
&
the
Squeens
seruice
.
Ballard
a
man
of
vertue
and
learning
,
and
of
a
singular
zeale
to
the
Catholike
cause
,
and
your
Maiesties
seruice
,
the
man
enformed
mee
of
great
preparation
by
the
Christian
princes
your
Maiesties
Allies
for
the
deliuerance
of
our
countrey
,
Preparation
by
Christian
princes
her
maiest
.
allies
of
fortaine
inuasion
for
alteration
of
religion
.
from
the
extreame
and
miserable
estate
,
wherein
it
hath
so
long
remained
.
which
when
I
vnderstood
,
my
speciall
desire
was
,
to
aduise
by
what
meanes
I
mighte
with
the
hazard
of
my
life
and
my
freinds
generall
,
to
do
your
sacred
Maiestie
One
good
daies
seruice
.
one
good
dayes
seruice
.
Whereupon
moste
dreade
Soueraigne
,
according
to
the
greate
care
,
whiche
those
princes
haue
of
the
preseruation
and
safe
deliuerance
of
your
Maiest
.
sacred
person
,
I
aduised
of
meanes
&
considered
of
circumstances
according
to
the
weight
of
the
affaires
.
And
after
long
considerations
and
conference
had
with
so
many
of
your
wisest
and
most
trusty
,
The
consultation
.
as
with
safety
I
might
commend
the
secrecie
thereof
vnto
:
I
do
find
(
by
the
assistaunce
of
our
Lord
Iesus
)
assurance
of
good
effect
&
desired
fruit
of
our
trauel
.
These
things
are
first
to
be
aduised
in
this
great
&
honorable
action
vpon
the
issue
of
which
depends
not
onely
the
life
of
your
most
excellent
Ma.
(
which
GOD
long
preserue
to
our
most
inestimable
comfort
&
the
saluation
of
English
soules
,
Vpon
these
traiterous
actions
depended
1.
the
life
of
the
Sc.
Qu.
2.
thewealth
of
the
countrey
3.
restauration
of
faith
.
4.
redemption
from
heresy
.
&
the
life
of
vs
al
actors
heerin
)
but
also
the
wealth
of
our
countrey
far
then
our
liues
more
deere
vnto
vs
,
and
the
last
hope
euer
to
recouer
the
faith
of
our
forefathers
and
to
redeeme
our selues
from
the
seruitude
&
bondage
which
heresie
hath
imposed
vs
,
with
the
losse
of
a
1000
soules
.
First
assuring
of
inuasion
with
sufficient
strength
in
the
inuadors
partes
to
arriue
well
appointed
with
a
strong
part
at
euery
place
to
ioine
with
them
&
warrant
the
landing
,
the
deliuerance
of
your
Ma.
the
dispatch
of
the
vsurped
He
calleth
our
Queene
an
vsurped
competitor
.
competitor
,
for
the
These
desperate
practiscs
vndertaken
by
B.
effectuating
of
all
which
it
may
please
your
Excellency
to
rely
vpon
my
seruice
,
I
vow
and
I
protest
before
the
face
of
almighty
god
(
who
hath
miraculously
long
preserued
your
sacred
person
no
doubt
tosome
vniuersall
good
end
)
that
what
I
haue
saide
shall
bee
To
be
performed
or
to
dye
.
perfourmed
,
or
al
our
bodies
happily
lost
in
the
execution
thereof
,
Which
The
traitors
vowe
and
oth
taken
.
vow
all
the
cheif
actors
heerein
haue
taken
solemly
,
and
are
vpon
assurance
by
your
Maiesties
letters
vnto
me
to
receiue
the
blessed
sacrament
therupon
,
either
to
preuaile
in
the
Churches
behalf
and
your
Maiest
.
or
fortunately
to
die
for
the
honorable
cause
.
Now
forasmuch
as
the
delay
is
extreame
daungerous
,
it
may
please
your
Excellent
Ma.
by
your
wisdome
to
direct
vs
,
and
by
your
princelye
authority
to
enable
such
as
may
aduaunce
the
affairs
foreseeing
that
there
is
not
any
of
the
nobility
at
liberty
,
assured
to
your
Maiestie
in
this
desperate
seruice
(
except
vnknowne
to
vs
.
)
And
seeing
it
verye
necessarye
that
some
there
bee
to
become
heades
to
leade
the
multitude
,
euer
disposed
by
nature
in
this
lande
to
followe
some
noble
man
to
be
head
.
Nobilitye
,
considering
withall
it
doeth
not
onelye
make
the
commons
and
the
countrey
to
followe
,
without
contradiction
or
contention
,
which
is
euer
founde
in
equalitye
,
but
also
doth
adde
greate
courage
to
the
Addeth
courage
to
the
leaders
.
leaders
.
For
whiche
necessarye
regards
I
woulde
recommend
some
to
your
maiestie
,
as
fittest
in
my
knowledge
to
bee
your
Liuetenants
in
the
Weste
parts
,
in
the
Northe
parts
,
Southwales
and
Northwales
,
the
Counties
of
Lancaster
Derbie
and
Stafford
.
All
which
countreyes
by
parties
already
made
,
&
fidelity
taken
in
your
Maiesties
name
,
I
holde
vs
most
assured
and
of
vndoubted
fidelity
.
My selfe
with
10.
The
deliuery
of
the
Queene
of
Scots
.
gentlemen
and
an
hundred
followers
will
vndertake
the
deliuery
of
your
royall
person
from
the
hands
of
your
enemies
,
from
the
dispatch
of
the
vsurped
(
from
the
obedience
of
whome
,
by
the
execution
of
her
we
are
made
free
Our
Queenes
death
the
Catholiks
freedome
.
)
There
be
6.
noble
The
tragicall
execution
by
6
gentlemen
.
Gentlemen
al
my
priuat
freinds
who
for
the
zeale
they
beare
to
the
Catholique
cause
,
and
your
Maiesties
seruice
,
wil
vndertake
that
tragicall
execution
.
It
resteth
according
to
their
infinit
good
deserts
&
your
maiesties
bountie
their
honorable
attempt
may
be
honorably
Ambition
&
aspiring
hope
.
rewarded
in
them
(
if
they
escape
with
life
)
or
in
their
posteritie
,
and
that
so
much
I
may
be
able
by
your
Maiesties
authority
to
assure
them
.
Now
it
remaineth
onely
,
that
by
your
Maiesties
wisedome
it
be
reduced
into
The
S.
queen
to
prescribe
the
method
of
thesetraiterous
actions
.
method
,
that
your
happy
deliuerance
be
first
,
for
that
therevppon
dependeth
the
onelye
good
,
and
that
all
other
circumstances
so
concurre
that
the
vntimelie
fall
of
one
end
doe
not
ouerthrow
the
rest
.
Al
which
your
Maiesties
wonderfull
experience
and
wisedome
will
dispose
of
in
so
good
manner
,
as
I
doubt
not
through
Gods
assistance
all
shal
come
to
desired
effect
.
For
the
obteyning
of
which
euery
one
of
vs
shall
thinke
his
life
most
happilye
spent
.
Vpon
the
12.
day
of
this
moneth
I
wil
be
at
Leichfield
expecting
your
Maiesties
aunswere
&
letters
,
in
readinesse
to
execute
what
by
them
shal
be
commaunded
.
Your
Maiesties
most
faithfull
subiect
,
and
sworne
seruaunt
Anthony
Babinton
The
Queene
of
Scots
letter
to
Anthony
Babington
.
xij
.
Iuly
.
1586.
TRusty
and
welbeloued
.
According
to
the
zeale
and
entire
affection
which
I
haue
known
in
you
towards
the
Two
things
in
tended
.
1
rehgion
2
her
cause
.
common
cause
of
religion
and
Her
cause
1
for
her
deliuery
2
bringing
in
of
forraine
forces
3
the
murdring
of
the
Qu.
ma.
4
Rebellion
within
the
Realme
.
mine
:
hauing
alwayes
made
account
of
you
,
as
a
principall
and
right
worthy
member
to
be
imployed
both
in
the
one
and
the
other
:
It
hath
beene
no
lesse
consolation
vnto
me
,
to
vnderstand
your
estate
,
as
I
haue
doone
by
your
laste
,
and
to
haue
founde
meanes
to
renue
myne
intelligence
with
you
;
than
I
felt
greife
all
this
while
paste
,
to
bee
without
the
fame
.
I
pray
you
therefore
from
hence
forth
to
write
vnto
me
so
often
as
you
can
of
all
occurrances
which
you
may
iudge
in
any
wise
important
to
the
good
of
my
affaires
.
Wherunto
I
shall
not
faile
to
corresponde
with
all
the
care
&
diligence
that
shal
be
in
my
possibility
.
For
diuers
great
and
important
considerations
which
were
heere
too
long
to
be
deduced
,
I
cannot
but
greatly
praise
and
commend
your
common
desire
to
preuent
in
time
the
desseignment
of
our
enemies
for
the
extirpation
of
our
religion
out
of
this
realme
,
with
the
ruine
of
vs
all
.
For
I
haue
long
Pretenses
long
sithence
with
other
princes
for
alteration
of
religion
heere
.
ago
shewen
vnto
the
forraine
Catholike
princes
,
and
experience
doth
approue
it
,
the
longer
that
they
and
we
by
delay
of
execution
of
the
complotts
the
number
of
Papists
diminished
.
delay
to
put
helping
hand
on
the
matter
on
this
side
,
the
greater
leasure
haue
our
said
enemies
to
preuaile
and
winne
aduantage
ouer
the
said
princes
,
as
they
haue
done
against
the
king
of
Spaine
.
And
in
the
meane
time
the
Catholiques
heere
remaining
exposed
to
all
kinde
of
persecution
and
crueltie
,
do
dayly
diminish
in
number
,
forces
,
meanes
,
&
power
.
So
as
if
remedie
bee
not
thereunto
hastelye
prouided
,
I
feare
not
a
little
,
but
that
they
shal
become
altogether
vnable
for
ener
to
arise
againe
,
and
to
receaue
any
aid
at
all
,
whensoeuer
it
were
offered
them
.
For
mine
owne
parte
I
pray
you
to
assure
our
principall
freindes
,
that
albeit
I
had
not
in
this
cause
anye
particular
interest
(
that
which
I
may
pretend
vnto
beeing
of
no
consideration
vnto
me
in
respect
of
the
publike
good
of
this
state
)
I
shal
be
alwayes
ready
and
moste
willing
to
imploye
therein
my
life
and
all
that
I
haue
,
or
may
euer
looke
for
in
this
worlde
.
Now
for
to
ground
substantially
this
enetrprise
,
and
to
bring
it
to
good
successe
,
you
muste
firste
examine
deepely
what
Forces
of
rebels
and
capteins
to
be
prepared
in
euery
shire
in
englad
forces
aswell
on
foote
as
on
horse
,
you
may
raise
amongest
you
all
,
and
what
captaines
you
shall
appoint
for
them
in
euery
shire
,
in
case
a
cheife
generall
cannot
bee
had
.
Of
what
townes
,
Ports
and
hauens
to
bee
assured
for
landing
.
Portes
,
and
hauens
you
maye
assure
your selues
of
,
aswell
in
the
North
,
Weste
,
as
Southe
,
to
receaue
Succour
from
France
,
Spaine
and
the
lowe
untr●yes
.
succour
.
from
the
Lowe
Countreyes
,
Spaine
,
and
France
What
●co
be
place
fittest
to
assemble
their
forces
place
you
esteeme
fittest
and
of
greatest
,
aduauntage
to
assemble
the
principall
company
of
your
forces
at
,
and
the
same
beeing
assembled
whiche
way
you
haue
to
march
.
What
What
forraine
forces
woulde
be
required
forren
forces
aswell
on
horse
as
foote
,
you
require
,
whiche
woulde
bee
compassed
conforme
to
the
proportion
of
yours
)
for
how
long
paie
&
what
What
prouision
for
munition
,
money
&c
munition
and
ports
the
fittest
for
their
landing
in
this
realme
,
from
the
three
foresaide
forren
Countreyes
.
What
prouision
of
money
and
armour
(
in
case
you
want
)
you
woulde
aske
.
By
what
meanes
doe
the
six
The
6.
gentlemens
proceeding
.
Gentlemen
deliberate
to
proceede
.
Her
owne
deliuerance
.
And
the
manner
also
of
my
getting
forth
of
this
holde
vpon
which
pointes
hauing
taken
amongest
you
(
who
are
the
principall
authours
,
and
also
as
few
in
number
as
you
can
)
the
best
resolution
,
my
aduife
is
that
you
imparte
the
same
with
all
diligence
,
to
Bernardino
de
Mendoza
,
To
impart
all
to
Bernardine
de
Mendoza
Ambassador
Leiger
for
the
king
of
Spayne
in
Fraunce
,
who
beside
the
experience
hee
hath
of
the
state
of
this
side
,
I
may
Her
assurance
of
the
spanishe
ambassadour
.
assure
you
will
imploye
himselfe
most
willinglye
.
I
shall
not
faile
to
write
vnto
him
of
the
matter
with
all
the
earnest
recommendations
that
I
can
,
as
I
shall
also
to
any
else
that
shal
be
needfull
.
But
you
must
make
choyse
for
managing
of
this
affaire
with
the
saide
Mendoza
and
others
out
of
the
realme
,
of
some
faithfull
and
verye
secreat
personage
,
vnto
whome
onelye
you
muste
commit
your selues
,
to
the
end
thinges
bee
kept
more
secreat
,
whiche
for
your
owne
securitye
I
commend
vnto
you
aboue
the
rest
.
If
your
Messenger
bring
you
backe
againe
sure
promise
and
sufficient
assurance
of
the
succour
which
you
demaunde
,
then
thereafter
(
but
no
sooner
for
that
it
were
in
vaine
)
take
diligent
order
that
all
these
of
your
partie
on
this
side
,
make
so
secretlye
as
they
can
,
prouision
of
armour
,
fitte
horse
and
ready
money
,
wherewith
to
hold
themselues
in
Readines
for
to
marche
readinesse
to
march
so
soone
,
as
it
shall
bee
signified
vnto
them
by
their
chiefe
and
principals
in
euery
shire
.
And
for
better
The
colour
in
prouiding
armour
and
horse
to
be
the
papists
defence
against
the
putitans
.
colouring
of
the
matter
(
referring
to
the
principals
the
knowledge
of
the
ground
of
the
enterprise
)
it
shal
be
inough
for
the
beginning
to
giue
out
to
the
reste
,
that
the
saide
prouisions
are
made
onelye
for
fortifiing
your selues
in
case
of
neede
againste
the
puritans
of
this
realme
.
The
principall
whereof
hauing
the
chiefe
forces
of
the
same
in
the
lowe
countreyes
,
haue
(
as
you
may
let
the
bruit
go
)
desseigned
to
A
slaunderous
rumor
of
a
massacre
.
ruine
and
ouerthrow
at
their
returne
home
,
the
whole
Catholikes
,
and
to
vsurpe
the
crowne
not
onely
against
mee
and
all
the
lawfull
pretenders
thereunto
:
but
against
their
owne
Queene
,
that
now
is
,
if
she
will
not
altogither
commit
her selfe
to
their
onelye
gouernment
.
The
same
pretexte
may
serue
to
founde
and
establish
amongest
you
all
an
A
wicked
association
association
and
consideration
generall
,
as
done
onely
for
your
owne
iust
preseruations
and
defence
aswell
in
the
religion
,
as
liues
,
lands
and
goods
against
the
attempts
of
the
saide
puritans
,
without
touching
directly
by
writing
any
thing
against
the
Queene
.
But
rather
An
old
pretence
of
rebels
to
pretend
one
thing
and
intend
another
.
shewing
your selues
willing
to
maintaine
her
and
her
lawfull
heirs
after
her
not
naming
me
.
The
affaires
beeing
thus
prepared
,
and
forces
in
readinesse
both
without
and
within
the
realme
,
then
shall
it
bee
time
to
set
the
The
6.
gentlemen
toexecute
the
desseignment
.
six
gentlemen
to
worke
,
taking
order
vpon
the
accomplishing
of
their
disseigne
,
I
may
be
suddainly
transported
out
of
this
place
,
and
that
al
your
forces
in
the
same
time
be
on
the
field
to
meete
mee
in
tarying
for
the
arriuall
of
forren
aide
,
which
then
must
be
hastened
with
al
diligence
.
Now
for
that
there
can
be
no
certaine
day
appoynted
of
the
accomplishing
of
the
said
gentlemens
desseignement
,
to
the
ende
that
others
may
be
in
readines
to
take
me
from
hence
I
would
that
the
saide
gentlemen
had
alwayes
about
them
,
or
at
the
least
at
court
,
Some
to
bee
furnished
with
speedy
horse
to
aduertise
the
desseigne
a
fower
stout
men
furnished
with
good
and
speedie
horses
,
for
so
soone
as
the
said
desseigne
shall
bee
executed
,
to
come
with
all
diligence
to
aduertise
thereof
those
that
shal
be
appointed
for
my
transporting
to
the
end
that
immediatly
thereafter
,
they
may
be
at
the
place
of
my
aboade
before
that
my
keper
can
haue
aduise
of
the
execution
of
the
sayde
desseigne
,
or
at
least
before
he
can
fortifie
hymselfe
within
the
house
,
or
carrye
mee
out
of
the
same
.
It
were
necessary
to
dispatch
two
or
three
of
the
saide
aduertisers
by
diuerse
wayes
,
to
the
ende
that
if
one
bee
stayed
,
the
other
may
come
through
:
and
at
the
same
instant
were
it
also
needfull
to
assaye
to
cut
of
the
postes
ordinarye
wayes
.
This
is
the
plotte
whiche
I
find
best
for
this
enterprise
,
and
the
order
wherby
you
should
conduct
the
same
for
our
common
securities
.
For
sturring
on
this
side
before
you
be
well
To
be
sure
of
forren
forces
before
the
rebellion
begin
heere
.
assured
of
sufficient
forren
forces
,
it
were
but
for
nothing
to
put
your selues
in
daunger
of
following
the
miserable
fortune
of
such
as
haue
hertofore
trauelled
in
like
occasions
.
And
to
take
mee
out
of
this
place
vnbeeing
before
Vpon
her
deliuery
to
set
her
in
the
middest
of
an
army
of
rebels
.
well
assured
to
sette
me
in
the
middest
of
a
good
army
,
or
in
some
very
good
strength
,
where
I
may
safelie
staie
on
the
assembly
of
your
forces
,
and
arriuall
of
the
saide
forren
succours
,
it
were
sufficient
cause
geuen
to
that
Queene
in
〈◊〉
catching
me
againe
,
to
inclose
mee
for
euer
in
some
hole
,
forth
of
the
which
I
should
neuer
escape
,
if
she
did
vse
mee
no
worse
,
and
to
pursue
with
all
extremitie
those
that
had
assisted
me
,
which
would
grieue
me
more
than
al
the
vnhap
which
might
befall
on
my selfe
.
And
therefore
must
I
needs
yet
once
againe
admonish
you
so
earnestly
as
I
can
,
to
looke
and
take
heede
most
carefully
and
vigilantly
to
compasse
and
assure
so
well
all
that
shall
be
necessarie
for
the
effectuating
of
the
saide
enterprise
,
She
referreth
the
managing
of
this
complot
to
the
domesticall
traitors
.
as
with
the
grace
of
God
you
may
bring
the
same
to
happie
ende
,
remitting
to
the
iudgment
of
our
principal
friends
on
this
side
with
whom
you
haue
to
deale
therein
to
ordein
or
conclude
vpon
this
present
(
which
shall
serue
you
onely
for
an
ouerture
and
proposition
)
as
you
shall
among
you
finde
best
.
And
to
your selfe
in
particular
I
referre
to
The
reward
promised
to
the
6.
gentlemen
.
assure
the
gentlemen
aboue
mentioned
of
all
that
shall
be
requisite
on
my
part
for
the
entire
execution
of
their
goodwill
,
I
leaue
also
to
your
common
The
rest
of
the
enterprise
referred
to
consideration
,
if
the
desseigne
were
not
done
.
resolutions
(
in
case
the
desseignment
doe
not
take
holde
as
may
happen
)
whether
you
will
or
not
pursue
my
transport
and
the
execution
of
the
rest
of
the
enterprise
.
But
if
the
mishappe
should
fall
out
,
that
you
should
not
come
by
me
being
set
in
the
Tower
of
London
,
or
in
anye
other
strength
with
great
gard
,
But
if
she
were
kept
in
the
tower
that
then
for
Gods
sake
the
rest
of
the
conspiracie
must
proceede
.
yet
notwithstanding
leaue
not
for
Gods
sake
to
proceede
in
the
rest
of
the
enterprise
,
for
I
shall
at
anie
time
die
most
contented
vnderstanding
of
your
deliuerie
foorth
of
the
Our
freedom
vnder
our
most
gratious
Qu.
she
calleth
a
seruitude
and
slauerie
.
seruitude
,
wherein
you
are
holden
as
slaues
.
I
shall
assaye
at
the
same
time
that
the
woorke
shal
be
in
hande
in
these
partes
,
to
make
the
Catholiques
of
She
would
raise
a
rebellion
in
Scotland
and
take
the
king
her
sonne
prisoner
.
Scotlande
to
arise
,
and
to
put
my
sonne
in
their
hands
to
the
effect
that
from
thence
our
enemies
here
may
not
preuaile
of
any
succour
.
I
woulde
also
that
some
A
rebellion
or
inuasion
in
lielande
.
stirring
in
Irelande
were
laboured
for
,
and
to
beginne
some
while
before
that
any
thing
were
doone
here
,
to
the
ende
that
the
alarum
might
be
giuen
thereby
on
the
But
the
blow
and
inuasion
to
come
by
the
king
of
Spains
forces
,
out
of
Flaunders
.
flatte
contrarie
side
that
the
stroke
should
come
from
.
Your
reasons
to
haue
some
generall
She
liked
to
haue
an
head
and
chiefe
staie
in
rebellion
.
heade
or
chiefe
me
thinkes
are
verye
pertinent
,
and
therefore
were
it
good
to
sounde
some
obscurely
for
that
purpose
.
From
ouer
sea
the
11The
Earle
of
Westmerland
a
man
of
that
faction
.
Earle
of
Westmerlande
may
bee
had
,
whose
house
and
name
may
doe
muche
,
you
knowe
,
in
the
North
partes
,
as
also
the
The
L.
Paget
to
returne
and
be
head
of
the
conspiracie
.
Lorde
Paget
of
good
abilitie
in
some
shieres
here
abouts
.
Both
the
one
and
the
other
may
bee
brought
home
secretly
:
amongest
whome
some
moe
of
the
principall
banished
may
returne
,
if
the
enterprise
be
once
resolute
.
The
sayde
Lord
Paget
is
nowe
in
Spaine
and
may
intreate
all
there
,
which
by
his
brother
Charles
Paget
.
Charles
you
will
commit
vnto
him
,
touching
this
affaire
.
Beware
that
none
of
your
messengers
,
whome
you
sende
forth
of
the
Realme
,
A
caueat
for
transporting
of
letters
.
carrie
ouer
any
letters
vpon
themselues
,
but
make
their
dispatch
be
conueied
eyther
after
or
before
them
by
some
other
:
take
good
heede
of
spies
and
A
caueat
of
false
brethren
and
especially
priestes
.
false
brethren
that
are
amongest
you
,
specially
by
some
Priests
that
are
alreadie
by
our
enemies
wrought
for
your
discouerie
.
And
in
anye
wise
neuer
keepe
anye
A
caueat
to
keepe
no
paper
that
may
doe
harme
.
paper
about
you
that
may
in
any
sorte
doe
harme
,
For
from
like
The
inconuenience
that
hath
happened
by
papers
.
errors
haue
come
the
onely
condemnation
of
all
suche
as
haue
suffered
heeretofore
,
against
whome
could
there
otherwise
haue
beene
nothing
prooued
.
Discouer
as
little
as
you
can
your
names
and
intentions
to
the
french
Ambassadour
now
leiger
in
London
,
for
although
he
be
as
I
vnderstand
a
very
honest
gentleman
and
of
a
good
conscience
and
religion
,
yet
feare
I
that
his
Maister
entertaineth
with
that
Queene
,
a
course
far
contrarye
to
our
desseignements
,
which
may
moue
him
to
crosse
vs
,
if
it
should
happen
he
should
haue
anye
particular
knowledge
thereof
,
All
this
while
past
I
haue
sued
to
change
&
remoue
from
this
house
and
for
aunswere
onely
the
castle
of
Dudleye
hath
beene
named
to
serue
the
tourne
,
so
as
by
apperance
within
the
end
of
this
sommer
,
I
may
go
thither
,
Wherefore
aduise
so
soone
as
I
shall
be
there
,
To
make
pronision
for
her
escape
when
she
shal
come
to
Dudley
castle
.
what
prouision
might
bee
had
aboute
that
part
19
for
my
escape
from
thence
.
If
I
staie
heere
,
there
is
for
that
purpose
one
of
these
20
three
meanes
following
to
be
looked
for
,
The
firste
that
at
one
certaine
daye
appointed
in
my
walking
abroade
on
horsebacke
on
the
moores
betwixt
this
and
Stafford
where
ordinarilye
you
knowe
very
fewe
people
do
passe
,
Shee
deuiseth
3
meanes
to
escape
.
The
1.
meane
to
escape
.
a
fifty
or
threescore
men
well
horsed
and
armed
may
come
to
take
me
there
,
as
they
may
easily
,
my
keeper
hauing
with
him
ordinarily
but
eighteene
or
twenty
horsemen
only
with
daggs
.
The
second
meane
to
come
at
midnight
or
soone
after
to
set
fire
in
the
barnes
and
stables
which
you
know
are
neere
to
the
house
,
The
second
.
and
whilest
my
Guardian
his
seruaunts
shall
runne
forth
to
the
fire
,
your
company
hauing
euery
one
a
marke
,
whereby
they
may
know
one
an
other
vnder
night
,
might
surprise
the
house
,
where
I
hope
with
the
fewe
seruaunts
I
haue
about
mee
,
to
giue
you
correspondency
.
And
the
third
,
some
that
bring
carts
hither
,
ordinarily
comming
early
in
the
morning
,
The
3
meane
.
the
carts
might
be
so
prepared
,
and
with
suche
cart-leaders
,
that
beeing
iust
in
the
middest
of
the
great
gate
,
the
carts
might
fall
downe
or
ouer
whelme
,
and
that
therupon
you
might
come
sodainly
with
your
followers
to
make
your selfe
Maister
of
the
house
,
and
carry
mee
away
,
so
you
might
doe
easily
before
that
any
number
of
souldiars
(
who
lodge
in
sundry
places
forth
of
this
place
,
some
half
a
mile
,
some
a
whole
mile
of
)
might
come
to
their
reliefe
.
Her
large
promise
of
reward
to
the
traitors
.
Whatsoeuer
issue
the
matter
take
,
I
do
and
will
think
my selfe
obliged
as
long
as
I
liue
towardes
you
for
the
offers
you
make
to
hazard
your selfe
as
you
doe
for
my
deliuery
:
And
by
any
meanes
that
euer
I
may
haue
I
shall
do
my
endeuour
to
recognize
by
effect
your
deserts
heerin
I
haue
commanded
a
more
ample
alphabet
to
be
made
for
you
,
which
herewith
you
shall
receaue
.
The
contents
of
a
letter
written
by
the
Scottish
Queene
to
Bernardin
de
Mendoza
20.
of
May
,
1586.
after
the
Popes
Calender
.
I
Finde
my selfe
greatly
troubled
what
course
to
take
To
take
a
new
course
for
an
other
course
before
.
a
newe
for
the
affaires
on
this
side
the
sea
:
Charles
Paget
hath
a
charge
from
me
to
imparte
vnto
you
certaine
an
ouerture
to
be
imparted
to
the
spanish
Ambassador
for
his
maister
by
C.
Paget
.
ouertures
in
my
behalfe
:
whereupon
I
pray
you
deliuer
him
freely
,
what
you
thinke
may
be
obteyned
thereof
from
the
king
your
maister
.
There
is
an
other
point
depending
thereof
,
which
I
haue
reserued
to
write
to
your
owne
selfe
for
to
bee
by
you
sent
vnto
the
king
your
maister
on
my
behalfe
,
no
man
else
,
if
it
be
possible
,
being
priuie
thereunto
,
that
is
,
that
considering
my
sonnes
great
obstinacie
in
heresie
,
and
foreseeing
hereupon
the
imminent
daunger
and
harme
like
to
ensue
to
the
catholike
church
,
hee
comming
to
the
succession
of
this
Realm
:
I
haue
resolued
with
my selfe
,
in
case
my
sayde
sonne
doe
not
reduce
himselfe
before
my
death
to
the
catholike
religion
(
as
I
must
tell
you
plainely
,
I
haue
small
hope
so
long
as
hee
shall
remaine
in
Scotlande
)
to
A
promise
to
giue
by
her
last
will
to
the
spanish
king
the
succession
of
the
crowne
of
England
.
giue
and
graunt
my
right
to
the
sayde
king
your
maister
in
the
succession
of
this
crowne
by
my
last
will
and
testament
,
praying
him
in
Note
the
consideration
.
consideration
hereof
from
this
time
forwarde
to
take
me
wholely
into
his
protection
,
likewise
the
state
and
affaires
of
this
countrey
,
the
which
for
discharge
of
my
conscience
,
I
can
not
thinke
I
can
put
into
the
handes
of
a
Prince
more
zealous
of
our
religion
and
able
in
all
respectes
to
reestablish
the
same
on
this
side
,
as
it
importes
all
the
rest
of
Christendome
.
Let
this
be
kept
secresie
required
for
3.
causes
1.
losse
of
dower
.
2.
breach
with
her
sonne
.
3.
her
totall
ruyne
.
secrete
for
as
much
as
if
it
come
to
be
reuealed
,
it
should
be
in
Fraunce
the
losse
of
my
dower
,
in
Scotlande
a
cleare
breach
with
my
sonne
,
and
in
this
countrey
my
totall
ruine
and
destruction
.
Thanke
on
my
behalfe
the
sayde
kinge
your
maister
for
the
fauour
and
liberalitie
extended
to
the
The
kinges
liberalitie
to
the
L.
Paget
and
his
brother
.
L.
Paget
and
his
brother
,
which
I
praye
him
most
earnestly
to
continue
,
and
to
gratifie
for
my
sake
with
some
pention
What
poore
Morgan
hath
endured
for
her
and
the
common
cause
poore
Morgan
,
who
hath
so
much
endured
not
onely
for
me
,
but
for
the
common
cause
.
I
recommende
likewise
vnto
you
,
Fulsambe
to
haue
some
supplie
.
Fulsambe
(
whome
you
knowe
)
to
helpe
him
to
some
supplie
,
aboue
the
entertainement
,
that
I
haue
alotted
him
,
according
to
the
small
meanes
I
haue
.
Points
out
of
Babingtons
letter
subscribed
by
Curle
.
13.
Sep.
1586.
Vpon
the
sight
and
perusall
of
the
copye
of
the
letter
written
by
Babington
to
the
Queenes
Maiestie
my
mistresse
,
I
doe
remember
well
that
the
clauses
heereafter
written
were
conteined
in
the
same
letter
dispatched
at
her
Maiesties
commaundement
by
me
Gilbert
Curle
23.
of
September
.
1586.
THere
was
addressed
vnto
me
from
the
partes
beyonde
the
seas
one
Ballard
a
man
of
vertue
and
learning
,
and
of
singuler
zeale
to
the
Catholike
cause
and
your
Maiesties
seruice
.
This
man
enformed
me
of
great
preparation
by
the
Christian
princes
your
Maiesties
alies
for
the
deliuerance
of
our
countrey
from
the
extreame
&
miserable
estate
,
wherein
it
hath
so
long
remayned
:
my
especiall
desire
was
to
aduise
by
what
meanes
with
the
hazard
of
my
life
&
my
freinds
in
generall
,
I
might
do
your
sacred
Maiestie
one
good
dayes
seruice
&c.
Afterwards
did
follow
.
THese
things
are
first
to
be
aduised
in
this
great
and
honourable
action
&c.
First
,
assuring
of
inuasion
:
Sufficient
strength
in
the
inuador
,
ports
to
arriue
at
,
appointed
with
a
strong
partye
to
ioyne
with
them
,
and
warrant
their
landing
.
The
deliuerance
of
her
Maiestie
.
The
dispatch
of
the
vsurped
competitor
.
For
the
effectuating
of
all
which
I
vowe
and
protest
&c.
that
what
I
haue
said
shal
be
performed
,
or
all
our
liues
happilye
lost
in
the
execution
thereof
,
which
vowe
all
the
chiefe
actors
haue
taken
solemnely
,
&c.
After
some
other
sentences
this
doth
follow
.
MY selfe
with
ten
Gentlemen
&
an
hundreth
our
followers
,
wil
vndertake
the
deliuerance
of
your
Royall
person
from
the
handes
of
your
enemies
,
for
the
dispatch
of
the
vsurper
,
from
the
obedience
of
whome
(
by
the
excommunication
of
her
)
we
are
made
free
:
there
be
six
noble
gentlemen
all
my
priuate
freindes
,
who
for
the
zeale
they
beare
to
the
Catholike
cause
,
and
your
Maiesties
seruice
,
will
vndertake
the
tragicall
execution
:
It
resteth
that
according
to
their
infinite
good
deserts
and
your
Maiestics
bountye
,
their
heroicall
attempt
may
bee
honorablye
rewarded
in
them
,
if
they
escape
with
life
,
or
in
their
posterity
,
and
that
so
much
I
may
be
able
by
your
Maiesties
authority
to
assure
them
.
&c.
By
me
Gylbert
Curle
,
23.
September
.
1586.
Nawes
affirmation
of
the
manner
of
the
Scottish
Queenes
writing
translated
,
out
of
her
ciphered
letters
,
6.
September
.
1586.
TOuching
the
letter
written
by
the
Queene
of
Scottes
my
Mistres
to
Babington
,
I
wrote
the
same
by
her
expresse
direction
and
commandement
,
as
I
haue
deposed
it
.
Touching
the
other
letters
(
as
alwaies
her
Maiesty
hath
accustomed
her selfe
sitting
at
table
,
and
Curle
and
I
before
her
)
her
Maiestie
commaunded
me
particularly
,
and
from
point
to
point
all
that
whiche
it
pleased
her
to
haue
written
,
and
vnder
her
I
did
draw
the
points
thereof
as
particularly
,
and
amply
as
may
be
.
After
I
shewed
and
reade
them
vnto
her
according
to
the
which
(
there
resting
no
more
but
the
disposition
of
the
matter
)
I
wrote
the
said
letters
:
and
shewed
them
vnto
her
,
&
deliuered
the
same
,
after
which
that
was
done
therwith
which
it
pleaseth
her
Maiestie
to
appoint
,
for
her
Maiestie
will
not
suffer
that
any
do
write
her
letters
of
secresie
,
or
importance
out
of
her
own
Cabonet
.
And
there
is
not
any
dispatche
sealed
,
but
that
she
is
present
at
it
:
And
she
doth
alwaies
peruse
all
the
letters
before
they
be
put
in
Cipher
and
translated
,
which
is
done
by
Curle
,
namely
of
the
letter
written
to
Babington
.
Pointes
out
of
the
Scottish
Queenes
letters
subscribed
by
Curle
23.
Septemb.
1586.
Certaine
principall
pointes
conteined
in
the
letter
written
from
the
Queene
of
Scottes
in
aunswere
to
a
letter
of
Babingtons
,
which
were
expressed
by
the
saide
Queene
in
these
kinde
of
sentences
hereafter
following
,
as
vpon
the
sight
and
perusall
of
the
coppie
of
the
letter
which
was
first
written
by
Nawe
in
French
by
the
Queenes
commandement
I
doe
acknowledge
to
haue
beene
so
written
.
NOwe
for
to
grounde
substantially
this
enterprise
,
and
to
bring
it
to
good
successe
,
you
must
first
examine
deepely
what
forces
as
wel
on
foote
as
on
horse
,
you
may
rayse
amongest
you
all
,
and
what
Captaines
you
shall
appoint
for
them
in
euerie
shire
,
in
case
a
chiefe
generall
cannot
be
had
.
Of
which
townes
,
portes
,
and
hauens
you
may
assure
your selfe
,
as
well
in
the
North
,
West
,
as
South
,
to
receaue
succors
from
the
Lowe
countreyes
,
Spaine
,
and
Fraunce
.
What
places
you
esteeme
fittest
and
of
greatest
aduantage
,
to
assemble
the
principall
companie
of
your
forces
and
the
same
beeing
assembled
,
which
way
you
haue
to
march
,
what
forrein
forces
you
require
,
for
howe
long
paie
,
&c.
what
prouision
of
money
,
in
case
you
want
would
you
aske
,
by
what
meanes
doe
the
vj.
gentlemen
deliberate
to
proceede
,
and
the
manner
also
of
my
getting
foorth
of
this
holde
.
In
an
other
part
of
the
same
letter
this
also
did
followe
.
IF
your
messenger
bring
you
backe
againe
sure
promise
and
sufficient
assurance
of
the
succour
you
demaunde
,
then
thereafter
,
(
but
no
sooner
,
for
that
it
were
in
vaine
)
take
diligent
order
that
all
those
on
your
party
on
this
side
make
so
secretly
as
they
can
,
prouision
of
armour
,
fit
horse
,
and
readie
money
,
wherewith
to
holde
themselues
in
readines
to
march
,
so
soone
as
it
shall
be
signified
vnto
them
by
their
chiefe
&
principales
in
euerie
shire
.
And
for
better
colouring
of
the
matter
reseruing
to
the
principall
the
knowledge
of
the
ground
of
the
enterprise
,
it
shal
be
enough
for
the
beginning
to
giue
out
to
the
rest
,
that
the
saide
prouisions
are
made
onely
for
fortifying
your selues
in
case
of
neede
against
the
puritans
of
this
Realme
.
In
an
other
part
of
this
same
letter
this
also
followeth
.
THe
affaires
beeing
thus
prepared
and
forces
in
readinesse
both
without
and
within
the
Realme
,
than
shall
it
bee
time
to
set
the
six
gentlemen
to
worke
,
taking
order
vpon
the
accomplishment
of
their
desseignement
,
I
may
bee
suddainly
transported
out
of
this
place
,
and
that
all
your
forces
in
the
same
time
be
in
the
fielde
to
meete
me
tarying
for
the
arriuall
of
forrain
aide
,
which
then
must
bee
hastened
with
all
diligence
.
Nowe
for
that
there
can
bee
no
certaine
day
appointed
for
the
accomplishing
of
the
saide
Gentlemens
desseignement
,
to
the
ende
they
may
be
in
readinesse
to
take
me
from
hence
:
I
woulde
that
the
said
gentlemen
had
alwayes
about
them
or
at
the
least
at
the
Courte
a
fower
stoute
men
,
furnished
with
good
and
speedy
horses
,
for
,
so
soone
as
the
said
desseigne
shall
bee
executed
,
to
come
with
al
diligence
to
aduertise
thereof
,
those
that
shal
be
appointed
for
my
transporting
,
to
the
ende
that
immediatly
thereafter
they
may
be
at
the
place
of
my
aboade
before
that
my
keeper
can
haue
aduise
of
the
execution
of
the
saide
desseignement
,
or
at
the
least
before
he
can
fortifie
himselfe
within
the
house
or
carry
mee
out
of
the
same
.
It
followeth
also
in
the
same
letter
.
This
is
the
plot
which
I
finde
best
for
this
enterprise
,
and
order
whereby
you
should
conduct
the
same
for
our
common
security
,
&c.
There
followeth
also
in
the
same
letter
.
I
shall
affaie
,
at
the
same
time
that
the
worke
shall
be
in
hand
in
these
parts
,
to
make
the
Catholiques
of
Scotland
to
arise
,
and
to
put
my
sonne
into
their
hands
,
to
the
effecte
that
from
thence
our
enemies
heere
may
not
preuaile
of
any
succour
.
I
would
also
that
some
sturring
in
Ireland
were
laboured
for
,
and
to
beginne
some
while
before
that
any
thing
were
done
heere
,
to
to
the
end
,
the
alarme
might
be
giuen
thereby
on
the
flat
contrary
side
that
the
blowe
should
come
from
.
Towards
the
ende
of
the
Letter
this
doth
followe
.
IF
I
staie
heere
,
there
is
for
that
purpose
but
one
of
these
three
meanes
following
.
The
first
that
on
a
certaine
day
appointed
in
my
walking
abroade
on
horseback
on
the
mores
betwixt
this
and
Stafford
,
&c.
a
fiftie
or
threescore
men
well
horsed
&
armed
may
come
to
take
me
there
&c.
The
seconde
meane
is
to
come
at
midnight
or
foone
after
to
set
fire
on
the
barnes
and
stables
which
you
knowe
are
neere
to
the
house
,
and
whilest
my
guardiant
seruaunts
shall
come
forth
to
the
fire
,
your
companye
might
surprise
the
house
&c.
And
the
thirde
,
some
that
bring
carts
hither
ordinarily
,
their
carts
might
bee
so
prepared
,
and
with
such
cart-leaders
that
beeing
iuste
in
the
middest
of
the
great
gate
,
the
carts
might
fall
downe
or
ouerwhelme
,
and
thereupon
you
might
come
suddainly
with
your
followers
,
and
make
your selues
maisters
of
the
house
and
carie
me
away
.
These
are
the
pointes
that
were
in
the
letter
written
in
the
Queenes
Maiestie
my
Mistresse
name
to
Babington
,
which
as
alreadie
I
haue
saide
and
written
,
was
first
written
in
French
by
Maister
Nawe
,
and
translated
into
English
and
ciphered
by
me
Gilbert
Curle
by
the
Queenes
commaundement
.
Septemb.
23.
1586.
Nawe
in
effect
is
contest
with
Curle
,
with
the
concurrency
of
Babington
and
Ballardes
confession
,
and
other
of
the
conspiracie
.