THE
FIRST
PART
.
Malynes
obiections
refuted
.
WHat
hope
can
we
haue
of
this
mans
Treatise
,
Internall
.
Externall
,
as
the
Efficient
and
End
.
Internall
,
as
the
Matter
and
Forme
.
All
agree
in
this
,
that
these
two
,
to
wit
,
the
Matter
and
Forme
of
things
,
doe
constitute
their
Essence
.
There
is
no
place
in
the
Essence
of
things
,
for
any
third
thing
.
Commodities
and
mony
,
are
the
Matter
of
trade
:
the
manner
of
buying
and
selling
,
is
the
Forme
of
trade
:
He
that
tradeth
the
Efficient
:
gaine
the
End
of
trade
.
So
that
the
Matter
and
Forme
of
trade
,
are
the
Essentiall
parts
of
trade
.
But
if
Malynes
would
make
Exchanging
of
monies
to
be
a
kinde
of
buy-and
selling
,
and
consequently
to
fall
within
the
Forme
of
trade
;
or
as
it
is
a
merchandise
to
be
the
Matter
of
trade
,
yet
here
's
no
third
thing
to
approue
his
Title
.
Yea
,
but
Malynes
will
haue
you
take
the
Head
of
this
his
little
fish
,
and
the
fin
or
tayle
of
his
great
Whale
,
and
put
them
both
together
:
and
then
he
will
giue
you
an
answer
past
peraduenture
.
Will
you
heare
what
he
sayes
?
Concerning
the
beeing
,
essence
or
Existence
of
things
,
he
wil
make
no
difference
betweene
naturall
things
,
and
things
artificiall
:
and
so
there
is
but
two
essentiall
parts
of
Materia
&
Forma
:
albeit
that
some
Philosophers
haue
established
three
beginnings
of
Naturall
things
,
Matter
,
Forme
,
and
Deprivation
.
The
Matter
hath
no
other
office
or
function
,
but
the
changing
from
one
forme
into
another
;
Deprivation
giving
an
inclination
thereunto
:
for
deprivation
is
an
Imperfection
so
conioyned
to
the
matter
,
that
without
her
,
if
shee
were
separated
,
nothing
would
bee
ingendered
:
and
therefore
in
Heaven
there
is
no
Deprivation
,
and
consequently
no
generation
,
ne
corruption
.
The
Forme
therefore
giveth
perfection
to
the
thing
and
beeing
also
,
and
without
her
,
the
Matter
is
more
imperfect
then
the
eye
is
without
the
faculty
of
seeing
,
or
the
eares
without
hearing
.
But
in
Artificials
,
the
beeing
hath
her
parts
,
as
Trafique
hath
three
,
namely
,
Commodities
,
Money
,
and
Exchange
:
so
other
things
may
consist
of
more
beeings
or
simples
,
wherein
the
termes
of
Art
are
not
excluded
.
COntra
principia
negantem
,
minimè
disputandum
:
For
although
some
Philosophers
say
,
that
Matter
,
Forme
,
and
Privation
,
are
the
Principles
of
Naturall
things
,
yet
what
is
that
to
their
Essence
?
Therefore
to
take
off
this
Pterygium
or
thicke
skin
from
Malynes
eyes
;
we
will
first
consider
the
Essence
of
things
,
and
then
their
Principles
.
For
the
Former
of
these
,
there
was
never
any
Philosopher
,
Heathen
or
Christian
,
nor
any
man
of
Divine
or
Humane
learning
,
that
ever
assign'd
any
other
parts
then
the
Matter
and
Forme
,
to
the
Essence
of
things
,
whether
Naturall
or
Artificiall
.
In
the
Former
,
we
may
take
for
an
instance
,
Man
,
that
Master-piece
of
Naturall
things
:
Homo
conslat
anima
&
copore
:
A
man
consists
of
soule
and
bodie
.
Now
the
Matter
of
a
Man
is
a
corporeall
substance
,
common
to
other
creatures
:
but
the
Forme
of
Man
is
his
rationall
soule
:
whereby
hee
differeth
from
them
all
.
To
whose
existence
no
third
thing
can
be
added
.
It
is
true
,
that
Body
,
Soule
,
and
Spirit
,
are
sometimes
put
together
in
the
Scripture
:
but
by
Spirit
is
there
meant
the
facultie
of
the
soule
.
Which
surely
that
learned
holy
Apostle
did
not
so
conioyne
without
a
mystery
.
For
the
word
Soule
in
the
holy
languages
,
sometimes
signifieth
the
Mortall
life
,
Immortall
soule
.
Now
as
it
signifieth
the
Mortall
life
,
it
is
common
to
all
other
creatures
as
well
as
Man
.
But
as
it
signifieth
the
Immortall
soule
,
it
is
propper
and
peculiar
to
Man
alone
.
So
that
by
the
Bodie
,
Soule
,
and
Spirit
,
the
Apostle
distributes
the
whole
Man
into
the
Body
,
and
the
Spirituall
soule
;
to
answere
that
which
hee
knew
the
Philosophers
called
the
Rationall
soule
.
There
is
also
alike
Entity
or
Essence
of
Matter
and
Forme
,
in
Artificiall
things
:
wherein
Malynes
no
lesse
grosly
erreth
.
The
Matter
of
an
House
,
is
stone
and
timber
:
the
Forme
of
it
,
is
the
fashion
or
proportion
after
which
it
is
built
.
To
which
no
third
thing
can
be
added
to
giue
vnto
it
being
.
And
thence
it
is
that
the
Logicians
say
,
that
Forma
dat
esse
rei
,
the
forme
giveth
to
the
thing
,
the
perfection
of
beeing
:
because
it
giueth
the
denomination
of
the
thing
.
For
a
Man
is
not
said
to
bee
a
Man
in
respect
of
his
matter
or
corporeall
substance
:
for
then
a
beast
should
bee
a
man
:
but
in
respect
of
his
Rationall
soule
,
whereby
hee
excelleth
all
other
creatures
.
An
House
is
not
an
house
in
respect
of
the
Matter
whereof
it
is
made
;
for
then
all
other
stone
&
timber
should
be
an
house
:
but
in
respect
of
the
Forme
of
it
,
whereby
it
is
knowne
to
bee
a
house
.
And
so
likewise
in
the
trafique
of
Merchants
,
which
is
also
an
Artificiall
thing
,
there
are
no
other
Essentiall
parts
,
then
the
Matter
and
Forme
of
Trade
.
The
Matter
as
I
shewed
before
,
is
merchandize
and
money
,
whether
exchanged
or
not
exchanged
:
the
Forme
is
buying
and
selling
,
and
as
we
say
,
chopping
and
changing
of
one
thing
for
another
:
which
in
one
word
is
called
Commerce
.
Without
which
there
would
bee
no
traffique
amongst
men
,
notwithstanding
the
materials
of
trade
.
And
thus
much
briefly
for
the
Essence
of
Naturall
and
Artificiall
things
.
Now
for
the
Principles
of
Naturall
things
,
which
Malynes
cannot
discerne
from
their
Essence
:
Some
Philosophers
say
there
is
but
One
,
as
the
Earth
,
as
doth
Hesiodus
in
his
Theogonia
&
others
.
Some
the
Water
,
as
Thales
Milesius
&
others
.
Some
the
Ayre
,
as
Anaximines
and
others
.
Some
the
Fire
,
as
Hippasius
Metapontinus
,
and
others
.
Other
Philosophers
say
there
are
Ten
,
as
the
Pythagoreans
,
who
reduced
the
whole
frame
of
Nature
into
Decada
or
Denaria
,
into
Ten
coniugations
of
Principles
.
All
which
Aristotle
reduceth
into
Matter
,
Forme
,
and
Privation
:
yet
so
as
he
excludeth
Privation
from
the
Being
of
naturall
things
:
for
thus
he
saith
,
[
*
](A07594-e14950-b)
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Arist.
in
Phys.
lib.
1.
cap.
Secundum
Pacium
.
9.
Pacii
Comment.
in
Phys.
Arist.
c.
8.
partic
.
20.
Idempartic
.
17.
Privation
is
not
Ens
or
Beeing
,
because
it
is
not
in
the
subiect
which
is
made
by
it
.
And
therefore
Pacius
vpon
Aristotle
thus
concludeth
:
Materia
&
forma
sunt
Principia
per
se
,
Privatio
vero
per
accidens
:
There
are
simply
but
two
principles
of
naturall
things
,
to
wit
,
Matter
and
Forme
;
but
after
a
sort
a
third
,
Privation
.
Because
saith
he
,
dupliciter
consideratur
forma
,
quà
abest
&
quà
adest
:
The
Forme
is
considered
two
wayes
,
as
it
is
Absent
,
and
there
's
the
Terminus
à
quo
:
and
as
it
is
Present
,
and
there
's
the
Terminus
ad
quem
:
which
Absence
is
nothing
else
but
Privation
.
This
cannot
so
well
be
vnderstood
of
those
that
that
are
not
acquainted
with
these
things
,
as
by
example
:
which
we
will
instance
first
,
in
some
Naturall
,
and
then
in
some
Artificiall
thing
.
The
Eye
is
a
Naturall
thing
,
the
Matter
whereof
is
an
Oculary
substance
:
the
Forme
is
Seeing
.
Blindnes
taketh
away
the
sight
of
the
Eye
,
and
is
therefore
called
Privation
of
the
sight
:
whereby
the
first
forme
of
seeing
is
changed
into
blindnes
.
A
Ship
is
an
Artificiall
thing
:
the
Matter
whereof
is
timber
and
iron
:
the
Forme
is
the
mould
and
proportion
of
the
Ship
.
Now
if
you
will
breake
vp
this
Ship
,
and
take
her
in
pieces
,
and
thereof
build
an
House
,
there
will
be
a
Privation
of
the
first
forme
,
and
a
mutation
thereof
into
a
second
,
to
wit
,
of
a
Ship
into
an
House
.
So
then
a
blinde
man
will
not
say
,
that
blindnes
is
any
part
of
seeing
:
and
hee
is
an
ill
Carpenter
that
cannot
know
a
House
from
a
Ship
:
and
as
ill
a
Sophister
is
Malynes
,
not
to
discerne
Privation
from
the
Essence
of
Naturall
or
Artificial
things
.
Which
he
might
haue
better
vnderstood
,
if
he
had
beene
able
to
consult
with
Aristotle
,
or
any
of
his
Interpreters
.
But
alas
,
how
should
hee
vnderstand
him
or
them
,
when
hee
cannot
so
much
as
translate
a
sentence
of
him
out
of
Latin
,
much
lesse
out
of
the
Originall
,
into
proper
or
significant
words
?
Witnesse
these
three
in
his
one
sentence
aboue
recited
,
Established
,
Beginnings
,
and
Deprivation
,
for
Assigned
or
Constituted
,
Principles
,
and
Privation
.
Wherein
a
smatterer
in
Art
,
could
not
haue
showne
himselfe
so
ignorant
.
These
are
this
Captaines
Colours
.
His
Postures
follow
,
I
feare
Impostures
.
This
for
one
,
That
the
Author
of
Free
trade
,
either
ignorantly
or
wilfully
hath
omitted
to
handle
the
predominant
part
of
Trade
,
namely
the
mystery
of
Exchange
.
MEndacem
oportet
esse
memorem
.
I
haue
these
forty
yeares
spent
much
time
and
charges
at
the
pleasure
of
great
Personages
:
and
nothing
did
encounter
me
but
ingratitude
.
A
Very
scandalous
aspersion
layd
vpon
the
Nobility
of
the
Kingdome
!
whole
Kingdome
?
The
Kingdome
of
England
would
haue
beene
more
sensible
of
the
like
losse
,
if
the
hostile
depredations
heretofore
made
,
had
not
supplyed
the
same
.
VOx
profectò
pecudis
non
hominis
!
To
speake
ingeniously
,
Merchants
cannot
enter
into
consideration
of
the
quantity
of
forraine
Commodities
imported
at
deare
rates
,
and
the
home
Commodities
exported
at
lesser
rates
respectiuely
in
former
times
:
by
the
disproportion
whereof
commeth
an
evident
ouer-ballancing
of
Commodities
.
Merchants
do
not
regard
whether
the
monies
of
a
Kingdome
are
vndervalued
in
exchange
,
by
the
inhansing
of
moneys
in
forraine
parts
,
whereby
our
monies
are
exported
,
when
the
exchange
doth
not
answer
the
true
value
by
bills
,
and
the
monies
of
other
Countries
cannot
be
imported
,
but
with
an
exceeding
losse
,
which
every
man
shunneth
.
True
it
is
,
that
they
obserue
within
the
Realme
to
keepe
the
price
of
money
at
a
stand
,
according
to
the
Kings
valuation
:
but
in
forraine
parts
they
run
with
the
streame
headlong
downe
with
other
Nations
,
without
consideration
of
their
owne
hinderance
.
Merchants
doe
not
know
the
waight
and
finenesse
of
monies
of
each
Countrey
,
and
the
proportions
observed
betweene
gold
and
silver
:
nor
the
difference
of
severall
standards
of
coyne
:
a
matter
so
necessary
for
them
to
know
,
to
make
thereby
profitable
returnes
of
the
provenue
of
our
home
Commodities
,
either
in
Money
,
Bullion
,
or
Wares
.
Finally
,
Merchants
seeking
their
Privatum
Commodum
,
take
notice
onely
of
what
is
prohibited
and
commanded
:
whereas
it
may
fall
out
also
,
that
to
require
their
opinion
for
the
reformation
of
some
abuses
,
they
may
bee
thought
many
times
as
vnfit
,
as
to
call
the
Vintners
to
the
consultation
of
lawes
to
be
made
against
Drunkards
.
A
Las
poore
man
,
to
the
iudicious
Merchants
,
be
knoweth
he
hath
giuen
cause
of
offence
,
to
haue
written
so
much
in
the
defence
of
Exchange
:
and
in
page
48.
that
hee
hath
made
himselfe
odious
to
his
owne
Nation
.
It
is
an
ill
bird
,
that
foules
his
owne
nest
.
And
surely
if
Malynes
had
learn't
any
good
maners
,
or
but
common
humanity
,
or
had
himselfe
ever
beene
Merchant
,
Moderne
or
Ancient
;
he
would
never
haue
abused
so
many
worthy
Persons
of
that
profession
;
of
ours
,
of
others
,
yea
of
his
owne
Nation
:
amongst
which
as
well
as
ours
,
that
I
may
giue
them
their
due
,
there
are
many
learned
and
expert
Merchants
,
that
are
asham'd
of
his
ignorance
and
folly
.
For
who
can
enter
into
consideration
of
the
quantitie
or
qualitie
of
Commodities
,
whether
natiue
or
forraine
,
exported
or
imported
,
deare
or
cheape
,
comparable
to
Merchants
?
And
if
the
Ballancing
or
ouer
Ballancing
of
trade
by
the
disproportion
therof
,
can
be
said
to
be
evident
to
any
,
surely
it
can
be
evident
to
none
more
then
to
expert
Merchants
.
Or
who
are
more
quicke-sighted
into
the
values
of
monies
,
both
domestick
and
forraine
,
gold
and
silver
,
waight
and
finenes
,
then
Merchants
;
whose
continuall
practice
it
is
,
to
pry
into
the
price
and
value
of
all
things
?
For
there
is
no
Merchant
of
any
experience
,
but
as
he
hath
one
eye
vpon
the
value
of
his
Commoditie
,
so
hath
hee
the
other
eye
vpon
the
money
,
both
Intrinsique
,
in
the
inward
value
or
finenes
,
and
Extrinsique
,
in
the
outward
denomination
or
account
as
it
is
currant
in
euery
Countrey
,
together
with
the
course
of
Exchange
,
whither
he
doth
direct
his
trade
.
Otherwise
,
if
the
money
rise
in
denomination
,
aboue
it
true
worth
in
valuation
,
and
the
Exchange
also
rise
accordingly
:
if
this
Merchant
doe
not
raise
the
price
of
his
Commodity
in
due
proportion
answerable
thereunto
;
he
shall
bee
sure
to
come
home
by
weeping
crosse
,
how
ever
hee
make
his
returne
,
whether
by
Exchange
;
or
in
Money
,
Bullion
,
or
Wares
.
And
is
it
not
lawfull
for
Merchants
to
seeke
their
Privatum
Commodum
in
the
exercise
of
their
calling
?
Is
not
gaine
the
end
of
trade
?
Is
not
the
publique
involved
in
the
private
,
and
the
private
in
the
publique
?
What
else
makes
a
Common-wealth
,
but
the
private-wealth
,
if
I
may
so
say
,
of
the
members
thereof
in
the
exercise
of
Commerce
amongst
themselues
,
and
with
forraine
Nations
?
And
by
your
leaue
Malynes
,
who
are
more
fit
then
Vintners
,
if
not
to
execute
,
yet
to
consult
of
lawes
against
Drunkards
;
or
Merchants
to
vnmaske
the
mysteries
of
Mounte-bankes
,
Iugglers
,
and
Imposters
of
trade
?
I
marvell
who
made
Malynes
a
Law-maker
for
Merchants
,
if
he
be
so
ignorant
of
their
profession
!
Hee
should
haue
beene
called
,
before
he
came
to
this
Councell
.
The
profession
of
a
Merchant
is
more
noble
,
then
to
be
so
disabled
and
disgrac't
by
such
a
fellow
as
Malynes
is
.
Merchants
are
of
high
account
in
all
parts
of
the
world
,
in
times
of
peace
,
and
in
times
of
warre
.
Merchants
are
wont
to
be
supported
of
Kings
and
Princes
,
cherished
of
Nobles
,
favoured
of
States-men
,
honoured
of
all
men
,
disgrac't
of
none
:
because
the
strength
of
Kingdomes
,
the
revenue
of
Princes
,
the
wealth
of
every
Common-wealth
,
hath
a
Correlation
with
this
Noble
Profession
.
Merchants
are
wont
to
make
it
their
glory
,
to
advance
their
fortunes
,
renowne
their
names
,
embellize
their
houses
,
beautifie
their
families
with
the
honour
of
this
faculty
:
and
to
perpetuate
the
same
vnto
posteritie
,
as
an
hereditary
title
of
honour
vnto
their
name
and
blood
.
And
this
is
it
,
that
hath
made
many
houses
and
families
of
Merchants
famous
in
forraine
parts
:
and
maketh
those
Common-wealths
flourish
,
where
there
is
such
a
Spring
,
such
an
Of-spring
.
For
where
the
father
doth
thus
ingenerate
his
sonne
,
and
the
sonne
doth
not
degenerate
from
his
father
,
there
the
Estate
is
kept
entire
,
in
it's
owne
stock
:
there
the
Spring
doth
not
spread
it selfe
into
stragling
streames
:
in
which
their
fame
is
lost
,
their
name
put
out
,
the
Estate
consum'd
in
ryot
:
and
this
is
a
Common
losse
vnto
our
Common-wealth
.
Merchants
I
say
,
besides
their
knowledge
of
Commodities
,
and
the
course
of
Exchanges
,
and
the
values
,
waight
,
and
finenes
of
monies
,
and
the
standards
of
severall
Countries
,
and
their
generall
iudgement
in
all
manner
of
trade
;
all
which
are
but
the
elements
of
merchandizing
,
and
a
kinde
of
inbred
knowledge
in
a
well-bred
Merchant
;
are
acquainted
with
the
Manners
,
Customes
,
Languages
,
Lawes
of
forraine
Nations
,
yea
with
the
Religion
,
Revenue
,
Strength
,
and
Policy
of
forrain
Princes
and
States
:
whence
it
is
,
that
the
States
and
States-men
,
Governours
,
Counsellers
,
and
Magistrates
of
Venice
,
Luca
,
Genoa
,
Florence
,
the
Vnited
Provinces
of
the
Low
Countries
,
and
many
other
well
governed
Common-wealths
,
are
by
education
Merchants
:
In
so
much
as
I
may
truely
say
,
and
I
hope
without
any
suspition
or
offence
,
there
's
none
more
fit
to
make
a
minister
for
a
King
,
then
an
expert
and
iudicious
Merchant
.
But
if
Malynes
hath
no
more
skill
of
Merchants
,
how
will
you
take
his
word
for
Merchandize
?
yes
,
he
will
shew
you
that
,
vnder
three
simples
,
simply
enough
I
warrant
you
:
thus
,
Commodities
,
moneyes
,
and
exchange
of
monies
may
be
aptly
compared
to
the
Bodie
,
Soule
,
and
Spirit
of
traffique
.
The
first
,
as
the
Body
,
vpheld
the
world
by
Commutation
and
bartering
,
vntill
money
was
devised
to
be
coyned
.
The
second
,
as
the
Soule
in
the
Body
,
did
infuse
life
to
traffique
by
the
meanes
of
equalitie
and
equity
,
preventing
advantage
betwene
Buyers
and
Sellers
.
The
third
,
as
the
Spirit
and
faculty
of
the
Soule
,
being
seated
every
where
,
corroberateth
the
vitall
Spirit
of
traffique
,
directing
and
controlling
by
iust
proportions
,
the
prises
and
values
of
Commodities
and
monies
.
VPheld
the
world
by
Commutation
:
Thomas
Mores
Vtopia
was
first
discovered
,
would
needs
in
all
haste
goe
dwell
there
,
because
there
was
such
a
flourishing
Common-wealth
without
money
.
And
to
speake
of
the
soule
,
without
the
spirit
,
or
faculties
of
the
soule
,
is
absurd
:
for
the
soule
and
the
faculties
of
the
soule
,
are
inseparable
.
But
before
there
was
any
Exchange
in
monies
,
trade
and
traffique
did
consist
in
money
and
merchandize
,
and
subsist
without
it
:
and
so
doe
the
trades
of
many
Countries
at
this
day
,
which
haue
no
exchange
for
monies
at
all
.
See
another
Simile
,
Even
as
money
is
the
square
and
rule
to
set
a
price
vnto
all
Commodities
,
and
therefore
called
Publia
mensura
:
even
so
is
the
exchange
of
money
by
bills
,
the
publique
measure
betweene
vs
and
forraine
Countries
,
according
to
which
all
Commodities
are
bought
and
sold
in
the
course
of
traffique
.
THe
Proposition
is
true
,
Publica
mensura
:
but
the
Reddition
is
false
,
that
the
Exchange
is
the
publique
measure
between
vs
and
forraine
Nations
,
whereby
Commodities
are
bought
and
sold
in
the
course
of
traffique
.
For
Merchants
,
as
I
haue
shewed
,
doe
vse
to
value
the
Commodities
of
every
Countrie
,
by
the
finenes
or
basenes
of
the
money
of
each
Countrey
,
and
by
their
observation
,
whether
the
same
Commodities
are
in
more
or
lesse
request
,
and
not
by
the
Exchange
.
For
it
is
not
the
rate
of
Exchange
,
whether
it
be
higher
or
lower
,
that
maketh
the
price
of
Comodities
deare
or
cheape
,
as
Malynes
would
here
inferre
;
but
it
is
the
plenty
or
scarcitie
of
of
Commodities
,
their
vse
or
Non-vse
,
that
maketh
them
rise
and
fall
in
price
.
Otherwise
if
Malynes
rule
were
true
,
that
the
prices
of
Commodities
should
perpetually
follow
the
rates
of
Exchange
;
then
Commodities
should
all
rise
and
fall
together
,
as
the
Exchange
riseth
or
falleth
.
But
Merchants
of
experience
know
,
that
commonly
one
Commodity
riseth
,
when
another
falleth
:
and
that
they
fall
and
rise
,
as
they
are
mor
or
lesse
in
request
and
vse
.
See
yet
another
dissimilitude
,
As
the
Elements
are
ioyned
by
Symbolization
,
the
ayre
to
the
fire
by
warmnes
,
the
water
to
the
ayre
by
moysture
,
the
earth
to
the
water
by
coldnes
:
so
is
Exchange
ioyned
to
Monies
,
and
Monies
to
Commodities
by
their
proper
qualities
and
effects
.
I
Would
there
were
a
Symbolum
or
affection
in
his
Elements
,
Du
Bartas
observed
sometimes
to
be
in
the
other
:
whereof
hee
thus
speaketh
,
La
terre
,
l'air
,
le
feu
,
se
tenoyent
dans
la
mer
:
Earth
,
aire
,
and
fire
,
were
with
the
waters
mixt
:
Water
,
fire
,
earth
,
within
the
aire
were
fixt
:
Aire
,
water
,
fire
,
about
the
earth
did
glide
:
Earth
,
fire
,
water
,
did
in
the
aire
reside
.
BVt
Malynes
hath
more
skill
in
Philomythy
then
Philosophy
:
East
India
Companies
Ship
the
Dragon
did
,
a
great
part
of
the
way
from
the
East
Indies
:
but
for
a
Ship
to
sayle
without
winde
,
it
is
impossible
.
For
that
's
Causa
sine
qua
non
,
as
the
Logicians
speake
.
Or
if
hee
had
well
vnderstood
the
name
of
the
thing
,
he
might
haue
given
a
better
guesse
at
the
nature
and
vse
thereof
:
according
to
that
of
the
Poet
,
Conveniunt
rebus
nomina
saepè
suis
:
For
the
Rudder
of
a
Shippe
is
therefore
called
Gubernaculum
à
Gubernando
,
because
it
governeth
and
guideth
the
Shippe
.
But
Velum
,
and
in
French
La
voile
the
sayle
,
is
derived
à
volando
,
of
flying
and
running
swiftly
.
For
a
Ship
sayling
with
a
great
gale
of
winde
,
is
sayd
to
fly
before
the
winde
.
And
thence
it
is
that
we
are
wont
to
say
,
Avis
volat
,
and
Navis
volat
:
the
Bird
flies
,
and
the
Shippe
sayles
:
the
one
being
a
proper
,
Het
Roer
van't
schip
is
so
called
,
à
Roeren
or
Rúeren
,
to
touch
or
stirre
a
thing
,
because
a
Ship
feeles
the
very
touch
of
the
Rudder
.
Which
phrase
hath
in
it
a
fine
insinuation
of
the
wondrous
volubility
and
facility
of
turning
about
that
huge
and
massie
bodie
of
the
Shippe
,
by
the
touch
or
stirring
of
so
small
an
instrument
as
is
the
Rudder
thereof
.
And
Stieren
in
Dutch
,
signifieth
to
guide
or
direct
a
Ship
,
and
Stierman
the
Pilot
of
a
Ship
:
none
of
them
to
sayle
a
Ship
.
But
God
keepe
our
Ship
of
traffique
from
all
such
Pilots
as
Malynes
is
,
least
it
come
on
ground
.
ANd
thus
Malynes
having
abused
the
termes
of
Art
,
which
indeed
it
is
not
possible
for
him
,
Par
of
Exchange
like
a
Parret
,
to
Clocks
,
and
Shippes
,
and
Dialls
,
and
Actiue
,
and
Passiue
,
and
what
hee
list
himselfe
;
the
rest
of
the
pages
of
his
preamble
,
and
of
other
passages
in
his
Pamphlet
,
hee
hath
stuft
with
immodest
termes
of
his
owne
Art
against
mee
.
But
knowing
that
I
could
not
touch
pitch
and
not
be
defiled
,
nor
reproue
a
scandalous
person
without
receiving
ill
language
,
I
shall
leaue
him
and
it
to
the
iudgement
of
the
wise
,
having
taken
it
for
my
direction
,
Not
to
answer
Malynes
in
his
foolishnes
.
In
the
next
place
,
Hee
concurreth
with
me
in
the
price
of
the
Reall
,
per
Cento
:
that
the
gaine
betweene
England
and
Holland
at
those
rates
is
15.
per
Cento
.
Yet
because
he
will
be
adverse
in
something
,
he
saith
,
The
15.
in
the
hundred
to
be
gotten
in
Holland
more
then
in
England
,
is
altogether
Imaginary
and
not
Reall
.
For
example
,
let
5.
of
these
Reals
of
8.
bee
bought
heere
for
22.
sh.
sterling
,
and
bee
transported
into
Holland
,
and
there
buy
Commodities
with
the
same
,
according
as
the
price
of
them
is
inhansed
there
;
no
man
maketh
any
doubt
,
but
that
the
sayd
Commodities
are
also
raysed
in
price
,
according
to
the
money
inhansed
.
So
that
the
gaine
becommeth
vncertaine
,
for
the
Commodities
may
be
sold
to
losse
.
IF
this
were
true
,
that
the
Commodities
in
Holland
were
raysed
in
price
according
to
the
value
of
the
money
;
Spices
,
Silkes
,
or
Linnen
cloath
,
which
are
the
principall
Commodities
of
the
Low
Countries
.
But
better
in
the
former
,
then
either
of
the
latter
:
because
Spices
,
are
knowne
by
their
sorts
:
Silkes
,
and
Linnens
,
by
their
goodnes
.
In
Spices
,
if
you
will
,
take
Cloues
for
an
instance
:
which
haue
gone
constantly
these
three
or
foure
yeares
last
past
at
11.
sh.
the
pound
waight
in
the
Low
Countries
,
and
at
6.
sh.
6.
d.
and
6.
sh.
8
here
at
London
.
Take
the
Medium
of
this
price
,
which
which
is
6.
sh.
7.
d.
and
that
brings
out
the
iust
rate
of
the
Exchange
at
33.
sh.
4.
d.
The
difference
of
time
and
waight
,
is
vsually
set
against
the
Custome
and
charges
.
So
then
whether
you
make
returne
of
those
5.
Reals
of
8.
whereof
Malynes
speaketh
,
in
Cloues
at
11.
sh.
the
pound
,
or
at
33.
sh.
4.
d.
by
Exchange
,
is
all
one
.
And
the
like
you
may
finde
in
the
rest
:
And
Malynes
also
as
false
in
the
rest
:
for
thus
he
goes
on
,
That
the
Merchants
trading
in
Spaine
,
which
cause
their
Reals
to
be
sent
from
Spaine
thither
,
or
doe
transport
them
from
the
Downes
,
rely
wholly
vpon
the
low
Exchange
,
whereby
they
are
inabled
to
deliuer
their
money
there
by
Exchange
at
an
vnder
value
,
in
giving
there
but
33.
sh.
4.
d.
and
vnder
,
to
haue
20.
sh.
sterling
paid
by
bill
of
Exchange
in
England
,
whereby
the
kingdome
maketh
good
vnto
them
the
sayd
15.
vpon
the
hundred
.
THen
by
Malynes
owne
confession
,
here
's
a
double
encouragement
for
the
carrying
away
of
the
Kings
Coyne
:
per
Cento
,
is
most
false
.
For
the
lower
the
rate
of
the
Exchange
is
abroad
,
whereby
you
would
remit
home
your
money
for
England
,
the
lesse
of
that
forraine
money
you
shall
pay
for
the
English
money
you
would
receiue
at
home
.
And
the
lesse
you
pay
of
the
forraigne
money
,
the
more
you
shall
receiue
of
your
owne
money
:
and
the
more
you
pay
abroad
,
the
lesse
you
shall
receiue
at
home
.
And
in
this
case
the
gaine
of
the
Subiects
is
the
gaine
of
the
Kingdome
and
contrariwise
.
So
that
indeed
,
the
losse
to
the
Kingdome
,
is
of
the
money
it selfe
that
is
carryed
out
,
as
I
haue
at
large
declared
in
my
tract
of
Trade
:
per
Cento
is
gained
by
them
that
carry
it
:
the
money
being
abroad
,
is
better
remitted
for
the
Kingdome
,
at
a
low
then
a
high
rate
:
the
prises
of
Commodities
being
answerable
to
the
rate
of
the
Exchange
,
alter
not
the
case
.
So
then
it
followeth
,
that
the
gaine
in
exportation
of
Reals
is
reall
,
but
Malynes
surmises
are
imaginarie
.
Will
you
heare
another
of
his
slurres
?
This
Reall
of
8.
was
valued
but
at
42.
stuyvers
,
when
the
Par
of
Exchange
was
made
to
be
33.
sh.
4.
d
in
the
yeare
1586.
when
Robert
Dudley
Earle
of
Leicester
,
went
to
take
the
gouernment
of
those
Countries
.
I
Thinke
Malynes
hath
told
this
tale
over
1586.
Queene
Elizabeth
,
into
the
Low
Countries
,
there
was
a
treatie
or
agreement
made
of
the
rates
of
their
and
our
monies
,
indifferently
betweene
either
Countrey
.
Then
was
it
agreed
vpon
,
that
the
English
shilling
should
goe
current
in
the
Low
Countries
at
10.
Stuyvers
,
which
making
20.
d.
Flemish
,
produceth
33.
sh.
4.
d.
for
20.
sh.
Sterling
.
But
that
this
33.
sh.
4.
d.
was
then
or
at
any
time
since
,
set
for
a
Par
of
Exchange
amongst
Merchants
,
I
might
produce
more
then
1586.
witnesses
against
him
.
For
all
the
Merchants
Bookes
of
his
owne
and
our
Nation
kept
there
and
here
,
which
are
the
Records
of
Merchants
affaires
will
testifie
,
that
neither
the
Exchange
in
the
yeare
1586.
nor
at
any
time
since
,
went
constantly
at
33.
sh.
4.
d.
but
sometimes
was
higher
,
sometimes
lower
then
that
rate
.
For
this
is
a
custome
amongst
Merchants
,
to
keepe
exactly
the
rates
of
Exchanges
,
for
all
places
every
weeke
throughout
the
yeare
,
from
time
to
time
:
not
only
as
one
or
other
of
them
is
a
taker
or
deliverer
of
money
continually
,
but
as
it
is
a
commendable
propertie
of
a
good
Merchant
,
to
advise
and
bee
advised
of
the
rates
of
all
Exchanges
in
all
places
,
from
time
to
time
.
So
that
this
is
Testimonium
omni
excepsione
maius
:
A
clowd
of
witnesses
against
Malynes
,
not
to
be
denyed
.
But
for
want
of
better
proofe
,
he
will
giue
you
a
precept
,
That
the
rule
is
infallible
,
when
the
Exchange
doth
answere
the
true
value
of
our
monies
according
to
their
intrinsique
waight
and
finenes
,
and
their
extrinsique
valuation
,
they
are
never
exported
,
because
the
gain
,
is
answered
by
exchange
,
which
is
the
cause
of
transportation
.
A
Lius
peccat
,
per
Cento
to
the
stranger
,
then
the
Exchange
by
his
owne
rule
must
bee
set
so
much
higher
to
answer
the
sayd
gaine
&
to
prevent
the
exportation
,
and
consequently
must
fall
vpon
the
English
who
is
the
common
taker
thereof
.
What
Malynes
comes
short
in
English
,
you
shall
have
in
good
Dutch
I
warrant
you
.
Nay
hee
will
fit
you
with
other
feates
of
Exchange
,
and
Exchangers
:
as
To
lay
their
money
with
gaine
in
any
place
of
the
world
where
Exchange
lieth
.
To
gaine
and
waxe
rich
,
and
never
meddle
with
any
Princes
Commodity
:
or
,
To
buy
any
Princes
Commodity
with
the
Subiects
money
,
and
not
one
penny
of
their
owne
,
&c.
IF
every
bird
had
her
owne
feather
,
Traffique
by
nature
admirable
,
by
art
amiable
,
stollen
out
of
Milles
his
Reply
.
His
great
comparison
of
Body
,
Soule
,
and
Spirit
,
enspired
out
of
Milles
his
Alphabet
and
Primer
.
And
in
this
place
,
here
's
no
lesse
then
20.
pieces
together
,
taken
out
of
an
old
Manuscript
,
Little
fish
,
and
his
Great
whale
,
for
Mysteries
in
Exchange
.
I
might
be
infinite
,
if
I
would
trace
Malynes
in
all
his
by-wayes
.
But
to
saue
that
labour
,
if
you
will
take
the
paines
to
compare
this
his
Little
fish
,
with
his
Great
whale
,
you
shall
finde
it
a
meere
Spawne
thereof
:
This
swimming
out
of
That
:
That
swallowing
vp
This
againe
:
and
both
,
nothing
else
but
a
Gallamalfrey
,
or
Dutch
Hotch-potch
of
other
mens
Cookeries
.
It
's
pitty
the
Presse
was
opprest
with
such
base
stuffe
:
or
the
same
suffered
to
bee
cast
in
the
face
of
the
world
:
much
more
to
bee
presented
to
the
King
,
to
such
a
King
!
The
Second
cause
saith
Malynes
,
of
the
want
of
money
in
England
,
is
the
superfluity
of
Plate
,
generally
in
private
mens
hands
.
Here
he
hath
omitted
to
note
the
great
quantitie
of
silver
consumed
in
the
making
of
silver
threed
,
spangles
,
purles
,
oaes
,
and
the
like
.
THe
causes
which
I
conceived
of
the
want
of
money
,
The
third
cause
saith
Malynes
,
of
the
want
of
money
in
England
,
is
the
consumption
of
forreine
Commodities
.
YOu
see
we
are
now
all
in
numbers
,
Ballance
of
Trade
.
Which
is
a
most
vniust
and
scandalous
aspersion
laid
on
so
worthy
a
Company
,
by
so
vnworthy
a
Person
.
For
there
are
no
Merchants
of
the
Kingdome
,
no
dispraise
to
any
,
that
doe
so
much
improue
the
price
of
the
Cloth
,
and
the
natiue
Commodities
abroad
;
or
dis-improue
the
forreine
,
and
sell
the
same
so
cheape
at
home
,
as
these
Merchants
doe
.
And
for
bringing
in
of
money
and
treasure
into
the
Kingdome
,
wherein
is
the
benefit
of
bringing
the
Trade
of
this
Kingdome
to
an
evener
Ballance
with
other
Countries
,
this
Company
therein
exceedeth
and
excelleth
all
other
Merchants
.
Which
trade
alone
hath
brought
in
aboue
200.
thousand
pounds
in
Gold
since
September
last
.
And
it
were
happie
for
the
Kingdome
,
that
if
all
the
other
Trades
thereof
were
brought
into
a
Ballance
,
they
could
produce
such
a
foot
of
Accompt
,
toward
the
advancement
of
the
Exportation
beyond
the
Importation
,
as
may
be
found
alone
in
the
Merchants-Adventurers
Trade
,
But
this
worthy
and
famous
Societie
,
needeth
not
my
testimony
,
nor
can
his
obloquy
detract
from
it
,
that
hath
alwaies
obtained
such
honourable
approbation
of
the
State
from
time
to
time
.
MAlynes
must
also
haue
a
fling
at
the
French
Company
,
Ballance
of
Trade
,
by
bringing
in
wines
too
deare
.
But
if
the
rate
of
the
Crowne
be
risen
from
64.
to
75.
souls
in
exchange
betweene
England
and
France
,
then
our
Merchants
that
deliver
their
mony
here
,
doe
receiue
so
much
the
more
there
,
whereby
they
may
afford
their
wines
the
better
cheape
.
And
if
the
wines
bee
bought
deare
,
and
our
Natiue
Commodities
sold
deare
,
what
doth
this
hinder
the
Ballance
of
trade
?
And
if
there
were
no
other
cause
of
dearnes
of
those
or
other
wines
,
or
other
forraine
Commodities
,
then
the
price
they
cost
abroad
,
or
the
vnder
valuation
of
our
Exchange
at
home
,
which
hee
so
much
talkes
of
here
and
elsewhere
,
and
is
nothing
else
but
a
meere
Petitio
principij
,
A
begging
of
the
question
,
without
any
truth
or
proofe
;
neither
Merchants
nor
Trades-men
could
iustly
complaine
of
the
dearenes
of
forraine
Commodities
.
THe
Levant
Company
also
hee
will
not
let
passe
without
some
censure
:
The
restraint
forsooth
of
Corints
maketh
no
Free
trade
.
You
may
see
by
this
,
what
freedome
of
trade
it
is
that
Malynes
meanes
.
He
would
faine
haue
Corints
come
in
againe
in
Flemish
bottoms
,
that
Strangers
might
bee
imployed
,
and
our
owne
Ships
and
Men
lie
by
the
walles
.
That
all
sorts
of
men
might
come
into
that
,
and
all
other
Companies
,
how
vnfit
soeuer
:
〈◊〉
such
men
let
in
,
as
would
let
in
the
Strangers
trade
with
them
.
The
trade
of
the
Levant
Company
is
managed
by
many
graue
,
expert
,
&
discreet
Merchants
,
into
whose
Society
those
that
are
of
quallity
,
may
bee
admitted
for
a
reasonable
consideration
.
The
fourth
cause
of
our
want
of
money
,
in
Malynes
account
,
is
the
great
want
of
our
East
India
stock
:
whereas
most
men
would
haue
expected
,
that
the
ready
monies
sent
in
Reals
of
Plate
to
make
the
employment
of
the
sayd
trade
,
should
rather
haue
been
mentioned
.
THis
Company
also
,
East
Indies
in
Reals
of
Plate
.
Wherein
the
East
India
Company
hath
againe
and
againe
,
satisfied
the
State
;
that
first
,
they
carry
away
none
of
the
monies
of
this
Kingdome
:
next
,
that
they
furnish
themselues
from
forraine
parts
,
of
all
that
they
send
out
:
and
lastly
,
that
they
keepe
themselves
within
the
compasse
of
his
Maiesties
gracious
grant
,
having
sent
out
much
lesse
,
even
of
forraine
money
then
they
might
,
and
had
need
to
haue
done
from
time
to
time
.
And
if
it
should
be
granted
,
that
some
of
that
money
which
is
brought
in
for
their
vse
,
might
also
be
brought
in
for
the
Kingdomes
vse
,
if
their
trade
were
not
:
yet
can
it
not
be
denyed
,
that
the
increase
of
the
stocke
of
the
Kingdome
by
that
trade
,
is
incomparably
a
farre
better
and
greater
meanes
to
bring
in
treasure
into
the
Kingdome
from
other
parts
of
Christendome
,
then
the
other
can
bee
imagined
to
hinder
the
same
.
And
whatsoever
is
now
carryed
out
by
the
English
,
would
be
carryed
out
by
the
Hollanders
,
if
this
trade
of
ours
were
not
.
Wherein
,
the
action
it selfe
,
and
the
disaffection
of
Malynes
and
others
of
his
minde
,
doe
seem
to
exact
from
me
a
word
or
two
of
the
benefites
,
that
may
arise
to
this
Kingdome
,
by
this
trade
.
Those
I
shall
reduce
in
a
word
,
either
to
such
as
concerne
the
Trade
,
or
such
as
concerne
the
Treasure
of
the
Kingdome
.
In
both
which
consists
the
happines
of
every
Common-wealth
.
Now
the
Trade
of
this
Kingdome
,
may
thereby
be
encreast
,
in
Stock
,
in
Strength
.
In
Stock
:
for
one
hundred
thousand
pounds
imployed
in
that
trade
,
and
returned
from
the
East
Indies
,
in
Spices
,
Callicoes
,
&
Indico
,
besides
the
hopes
of
the
Persian
trade
of
Rawe
Silks
,
will
yeeld
Fiue
hundred
thousand
pounds
to
this
Kingdome
,
in
encrease
of
Stocke
.
In
Strength
:
for
this
trade
will
yearely
imploy
not
so
little
as
Ten
thousand
tunnes
of
shipping
,
and
Three
thousand
Marriners
,
Carpenters
,
and
other
Artificers
,
in
the
First
Employment
out
and
home
:
and
almost
as
many
more
in
a
Second
Employment
after
they
are
come
home
;
by
way
of
transportation
of
these
Indian
Commodities
,
from
hence
into
all
parts
of
the
world
.
Which
is
an
excellent
meanes
to
advance
our
Navigation
,
and
to
employ
our
Multitudes
of
poore
.
The
Treasure
also
of
the
Kingdome
may
thereby
be
abundantly
encreast
,
both
in
respect
of
the
Revenue
of
The
King
,
and
of
The
Kingdome
.
Of
The
King
:
in
the
encrease
of
Customes
,
which
alwayes
encrease
with
trade
.
Of
The
Kingdome
:
in
the
encrease
of
treasure
,
which
is
not
as
some
think
caryed
out
,
but
rather
conveyed
in
through
the
channels
of
this
trade
.
For
first
,
the
Treasure
exported
from
hence
into
the
East
Indies
,
is
not
dig'd
out
of
any
Mynes
of
our
owne
,
but
is
purchased
from
forraine
parts
,
for
returne
of
such
East
India
Commodities
,
as
the
Kingdome
cannot
spend
,
and
are
therefore
exported
from
hence
into
other
parts
of
the
world
.
And
next
,
it
must
be
considered
,
that
if
One
hundred
thousand
pounds
stocke
sent
out
from
hence
,
purchaseth
Fiue
hundred
thousand
pounds
returnes
from
the
East
Indies
;
and
this
Kingdome
at
the
most
spendeth
but
one
fourth
part
thereof
:
all
the
residue
being
issued
out
,
must
needs
procure
the
Kingdome
so
much
ready
money
,
for
returne
thereof
as
the
value
of
the
goods
amounteth
to
;
or
at
least
,
such
other
necessary
commodities
for
the
Kingdomes
vse
,
in
stead
of
that
money
:
For
which
,
either
so
much
money
must
haue
gone
out
to
procure
the
same
,
or
so
much
lesse
money
must
haue
come
in
,
as
those
Commodities
would
amount
vnto
.
But
every
one
of
these
particulars
would
require
a
more
large
and
serious
discourse
,
then
the
limitation
of
my
pursuit
of
Malynes
will
permit
.
I
shall
therefore
leave
this
subiect
to
him
,
that
hath
already
so
worthily
laboured
therein
:
of
whom
,
I
shall
also
leaue
the
action
to
the
Royall
protection
of
his
Maiestie
,
to
tender
it
,
as
a
Elower
of
his
Regall
Crowne
and
dignity
.
The
rather
because
this
also
is
a
Flower
,
which
Openeth
with
the
Rising
of
the
Sunne
,
and
Shutteth
when
the
Sunne-setteth
.
It
is
subiect
,
as
all
great
Actions
are
,
to
Fraction
abroad
,
to
Faction
at
home
.
Both
and
either
are
evill
Engines
,
to
subvert
Companyes
,
yea
,
Kingdomes
also
.
But
when
the
Sunne
ariseth
in
his
glory
,
all
these
foggs
and
mists
will
vanish
away
.
His
Maiestie
vouchsafed
to
descend
,
from
his
throne
of
Maiestie
,
into
that
late
Colloquy
with
the
Dutch
:
And
with
the
indefessiue
paines
of
his
owne
Royall
Person
,
and
the
continuall
labour
of
the
Lords
,
hath
at
last
reconciled
all
the
differences
with
the
Dutch
:
much
more
will
He
not
suffer
any
discord
amongst
His
owne
.
All
which
Warres
and
Iarres
being
husht
and
over-blowne
,
and
the
trade
pursued
with
the
Grace
and
Favour
of
his
Maiesty
,
Good
order
and
government
in
the
Company
,
and
Vnfeigned
amitie
and
vnitie
one
with
another
;
there
cannot
but
be
great
hope
,
by
Gods
blessing
,
of
a
Glorious
harvest
,
from
so
Gracious
a
Seed-time
:
and
I
hope
,
that
those
that
haue
Sowen
in
teares
,
shall
in
due
time
Reape
in
Ioy
.
Si
Collidimur
frangimur
,
If
the
Potts
knock
,
they
will
quickly
cracke
:
It
was
then
taken
for
another
Meridian
;
but
it
may
serue
for
London
and
Amsterdam
,
and
the
East
Indies
also
.
But
Malynes
taketh
notice
of
Master
Mun's
Discourse
of
the
East
India
Trade
,
East
India
Company
is
very
profitable
and
necessary
:
That
the
gaine
of
the
Trade
is
very
good
:
That
thereby
the
encrease
of
the
stocke
of
the
Kingdome
is
very
great
:
That
the
same
is
a
meanes
to
bring
in
much
Treasure
:
and
yet
like
himselfe
,
kick's
downe
all
this
at
once
with
his
foote
,
concluding
with
this
abhominable
vntruth
,
That
the
vnder-valuation
of
our
monyes
in
Exchange
,
diverteth
the
same
,
and
that
the
losse
thereof
is
greater
to
this
Kingdome
,
then
all
the
monies
employed
to
the
East
Indies
commeth
vnto
.
So
that
this
man
you
see
,
can
Simul
sorbere
&
flare
,
he
can
be
with
them
,
and
against
them
,
and
all
with
a
breath
.
The
fifth
cause
of
the
want
of
money
,
in
Malynes
Arithmetique
,
is
the
Warres
of
Christendome
.
Touching
the
exportation
of
monyes
by
the
Warres
of
Christians
,
where
he
declareth
an
vrgent
instance
,
that
the
Riecks
Daller
is
raised
from
two
markes
Lubish
to
twentie
markes
Lubish
in
many
places
of
Germany
,
whereby
abundance
of
money
is
drawne
vnto
the
Mints
of
other
Countries
,
from
all
the
Mynes
and
parts
of
Christendome
;
herein
he
is
much
mistaken
;
for
when
monyes
are
inhansed
,
they
are
never
carryed
to
the
Mints
to
be
converted
into
other
Coine
.
OR
rather
Malynes
hath
need
of
an
Interpreter
,
Riecks
Daller
being
inhansed
to
twentie
marks
Lubish
,
is
carried
to
the
Mint
to
be
converted
into
other
Coyne
.
But
rather
that
the
Riecks
Daller
,
and
other
monyes
of
Germany
running
there
so
high
,
hath
drawne
over
abundance
of
our
money
,
which
hath
there
beene
converted
into
their
Coine
.
And
this
,
nor
he
,
nor
any
man
can
deny
.
And
that
the
Riecks
Daller
then
went
at
twentie
marks
Lubish
in
Silesia
,
Austria
,
and
Moravia
,
and
the
parts
adjacent
,
both
the
Souldiers
that
haue
received
them
so
in
pay
,
and
the
Merchants
both
English
and
Dutch
,
that
trade
in
the
Linnens
of
those
parts
,
will
abundantly
satisfie
any
man
that
doubteth
in
this
matter
.
In
so
much
as
it
hath
there
beene
observed
for
a
great
indiscretion
in
the
Boores
,
or
Countrey
people
of
those
parts
,
to
take
the
Riecks
Daller
at
so
excessiue
an
high
rate
in
payment
for
their
Linnens
,
and
not
to
raise
the
price
thereof
answerable
therevnto
.
Which
hath
beene
the
cause
that
the
Linnens
of
Germany
haue
these
two
or
three
yeares
last
,
come
thence
so
cheape
,
notwithstanding
the
Warres
,
which
naturally
are
wont
to
make
things
deare
:
because
they
haue
beene
bought
with
money
given
out
of
so
high
a
rate
,
and
the
Commoditie
not
raised
.
Which
quite
overthroweth
another
of
Malynes
fallacies
,
that
wheresoever
the
monyes
are
inhansed
,
There
the
Commodities
are
also
raised
according
to
the
money
inhansed
.
No
marvell
therefore
that
he
doth
invert
things
,
and
runneth
into
a
Labyrinth
,
without
distinction
betweene
the
thing
Actiue
and
Passiue
,
by
approving
money
to
be
the
rule
and
square
,
whereby
things
receiue
estimation
and
price
:
And
yet
commending
the
commutation
before
money
was
devised
to
be
coyned
.
Aristotle
saith
,
that
Action
and
Passion
are
meerely
Relatiues
,
and
that
they
differ
no
more
,
then
the
way
from
Thebes
to
Athens
,
and
from
Athens
to
Thebes
.
We
will
therefore
leaue
this
Merchant
to
walke
betweene
both
,
vntill
he
can
discerne
the
one
from
the
other
.
BY
Malynes
sentence
when
I
speake
of
money
and
merchandize
,
As
for
his
Quotation
of
Aristotle
,
he
vseth
him
,
as
others
whom
he
abuseth
:
and
vnderstandeth
Action
and
Passion
,
as
well
as
he
did
Matter
,
Forme
,
and
Privation
.
Alas
poore
man
,
how
should
he
vnderstand
Aristotle
,
that
hath
neither
wit
nor
art
?
For
if
it
should
bee
granted
that
Action
and
Passion
are
Relatiues
,
Litle
fish
.
p.
15.
The
exchange
of
monies
is
in
effect
like
the
instrument
that
striketh
the
clock
,
being
therein
the
thing
Actiue
:
&
commodities
and
monies
are
therin
become
things
passiue
.
ibid.
page
6.
doe's
that
prooue
money
to
bee
Actiue
,
and
commodities
Passiue
,
as
hee
here
inferreth
,
and
elsewhere
affirmeth
,
page
15
?
And
why
then
doth
he
in
another
place
say
,
that
the
Exchange
is
Actiue
,
and
Commodities
&
Money
are
Passiue
,
page
6.
But
that
in
truth
the
man
knowes
not
what
hee
sayes
?
Or
if
either
,
or
neither
of
them
were
Actiue
and
Passiue
,
what
is
that
to
the
thing
here
by
him
brought
in
question
,
whether
Cōmercium
be
Cōmutatio
mercium
or
not
:
A
change
of
wares
for
wares
,
or
money
for
wares
?
As
if
forsooth
hee
would
haue
no
difference
made
betweene
Money
and
Commodities
,
in
that
his
distinction
:
ignorantly
supposing
in
the
one
,
that
Aristotle
takes
Action
and
Passion
,
and
the
way
betweene
Thebes
and
Athens
to
be
one
and
the
same
thing
:
and
being
as
farre
wide
in
the
other
,
that
Money
and
Commodities
haue
in
them
the
affection
of
Relation
,
because
Action
and
Passion
are
Relatiues
.
I
will
therefore
shew
him
out
of
his
owne
Author
his
grosse
ignorance
in
both
.
Aristotle
disputing
in
his
Physicks
de
Agente
&
Patiente
,
saith
thus
:
[
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〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Arist
Phys.
lib.
3.
cap.
2.
In
Pacij
Comment.
in
Phys.
Arist.
l
1.
c.
2.
part.
10.
And
although
to
doe
and
to
suffer
were
the
same
,
yet
are
they
not
so
to
be
vnderstood
,
as
if
the
reason
of
their
Essence
were
one
and
the
the
same
,
as
is
of
the
garment
and
rayment
;
but
as
of
the
way
which
leadeth
from
Thebes
to
Athens
,
and
from
Athens
to
Thebes
.
Which
Pacius
would
haue
taught
Malynes
to
haue
vnderstood
,
thus
;
Atqui
facere
&
pati
,
vel
docere
&
discere
,
non
dicuntur
omninò
esse
idem
,
seu
habere
eandem
essentiam
&
definitionem
:
sed
dicuntur
aliquo
modo
esse
idem
,
sicut
adscensus
&
descensus
,
vel
profectio
Athenis
Thebas
,
&
Thebis
Athenas
,
dicuntur
esse
idem
,
quia
idem
est
spacium
,
sed
essentiae
ratio
non
est
eadem
.
But
to
doe
and
to
suffer
,
or
to
teach
and
to
learne
,
are
not
sayd
to
bee
altogether
the
same
,
or
to
haue
the
same
essence
and
definition
:
but
are
sayd
after
a
sort
to
be
the
same
,
as
ascending
and
descending
,
or
going
from
Athens
to
Thebes
,
and
from
Thebes
to
Athens
,
are
sayd
to
be
the
same
,
because
it
is
the
same
distance
,
but
in
respect
of
the
Essence
it
is
not
the
same
thing
.
Or
if
Malynes
will
not
beleeue
Pacius
,
let
him
heare
Aristotle
thus
expounding
himselfe
;
[
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*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
Phys.
lib.
3.
c.
2.
partic.
12.
And
that
I
may
speake
all
in
a
word
,
neither
is
the
act
of
teaching
and
learning
,
nor
is
Action
and
Passion
properly
the
same
:
But
the
motion
wherein
these
things
are
,
is
the
same
:
for
to
be
the
act
of
the
Agent
in
the
Patient
,
and
of
the
Patient
from
the
Agent
,
is
in
reason
different
.
And
therefore
if
Action
and
Passion
,
and
the
way
from
Athens
to
Thebes
,
and
from
Thebes
to
Athens
be
in
reason
different
,
then
it
must
needes
follow
,
that
Money
and
Commodities
by
Malynes
owne
comparison
,
and
in
common
sense
and
reason
,
are
different
also
.
Aristotle
will
also
tell
Malynes
,
Arist.
Categor
.
cap
7.
partic.
16.17
.
that
Money
and
Commodities
are
not
Relatiues
.
For
the
Philosopher
teacheth
,
that
[
*
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*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Relatiues
must
be
Reciprocall
or
of
mutuall
affection
,
the
one
not
subsisting
without
the
other
:
and
they
must
bee
both
at
once
,
or
both
together
in
nature
;
as
a
Servant
and
a
Master
,
or
a
Father
and
a
Son
:
for
a
man
cannot
be
sayd
to
bee
a
Master
,
but
in
respect
of
his
Servant
:
or
to
be
a
Servant
,
but
in
regard
of
his
Master
:
or
a
Father
,
but
in
reference
to
his
Son
:
or
a
Son
,
but
in
relation
to
his
Father
.
Now
Money
and
Commodities
are
not
Reciprocall
,
or
of
mutuall
affection
,
fot
Money
may
be
without
Commodities
,
and
Commodities
without
Money
.
Nor
were
they
together
in
nature
:
for
Commodities
were
in
nature
long
before
Money
was
invented
:
and
it
is
not
the
Matter
,
but
the
Forme
giveth
the
Denomination
of
the
thing
,
as
the
Logicians
speake
.
And
thus
I
haue
taken
this
paines
,
to
walke
a
little
betwixt
Thebes
and
Athens
,
to
shew
Malynes
the
way
to
either
:
least
when
hee
should
goe
to
Thebes
,
he
goe
with
his
Owles
to
Athens
.
BY
this
time
Malynes
is
come
to
Vsury
:
which
he
numbers
for
the
second
cause
of
the
decay
of
trade
.
Aut
accusari
,
aut
mori
:
Hee
must
Maligne
,
Turpe
est
Doctori
,
cùm
culpa
redarguit
ipsum
:
Quae
culpare
soles
,
ea
tu
ne
feceris
ipse
.
To
such
a
Criple
Doctor
't
is
a
shame
,
To
censure
halting
,
and
himselfe
goes
lame
.
Yet
for
all
that
,
he
will
perswade
you
,
he
hath
some
over-sight
in
Hebrew
.
For
thus
he
saith
,
If
the
Brokers
had
beene
Iewes
,
I
might
haue
bestowed
some
Hebrew
vpon
them
,
in
detestation
of
the
word
Neshech
,
which
is
nothing
else
but
a
kinde
of
byting
,
as
a
dogge
vseth
to
byte
and
gnaw
vpon
a
bone
:
otherwise
to
vse
many
languages
in
a
little
Treatise
of
Free
trade
,
may
seeme
impertinent
.
A
Las
poore
man
,
Little
Fish
and
his
Great
Whale
,
the
Reader
may
perceive
great
defect
,
and
many
of
his
sentences
Non-sense
.
Hee
is
beholding
to
the
Diuines
for
translating
Neshech
into
common
Characters
;
otherwise
hee
might
haue
saide
of
it
,
as
some
sayd
of
Greeke
in
Erasmus
time
,
Graecum
est
,
non
legitur
.
But
if
he
had
beene
but
a
smatterer
in
Hebrew
,
hee
might
better
haue
vnderstood
the
Notation
of
Neshech
,
which
is
commonly
taken
for
the
byting
or
sucking
of
a
Serpent
,
not
of
a
Dog
,
as
Rabbi
Bechai
observeth
:
Because
saith
hee
,
[
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*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Rab.
Bechai
in
Comment.
in
legem
fol.
113.
It
byteth
or
sucketh
like
a
Serpent
,
and
is
not
felt
.
Whereof
the
Glosse
saith
thus
:
Creditor
mordet
cùm
exigit
quod
non
dedit
:
Debitor
mordetur
,
cùm
reddit
quod
non
accepit
:
The
Creditor
is
sayd
to
byte
,
when
hee
exacteth
that
which
hee
delivered
not
:
And
the
Debtor
is
sayd
to
bee
bitten
,
when
hee
restoreth
that
which
he
received
not
.
Whence
it
is
,
I
thinke
,
that
our
word
Snake
,
by
a
Metathesis
of
the
letters
answereth
to
Neshech
.
But
as
for
Malynes
he
doth
neither
byte
,
not
is
bitten
of
this
Seprent
.
He
is
as
little
troubled
with
that
,
as
he
is
ouer-burthened
with
the
Hebrew
,
Greeke
,
and
Latine
tongues
,
and
the
knowledge
of
the
Arts.
That
cost
hee
'll
spare
,
because
to
vse
many
languages
in
a
little
Treatise
of
Free
trade
may
seeme
impertinent
.
Wherein
hee
seemes
to
checke
the
vse
of
tongues
in
discourse
of
Trade
:
Indeed
to
vse
them
as
Malynes
doth
,
is
to
abuse
them
:
for
sometimes
hee
translates
them
wrong
,
and
somtimes
denies
the
Author
of
them
the
honour
of
his
owne
.
Otherwise
the
vse
of
languages
is
both
lawfull
and
laudable
.
And
thence
it
is
that
Bodin
,
De
Republica
,
and
therein
also
of
Merchants
and
Merchandize
,
doth
so
oft
cite
Hebrew
,
Greeke
,
and
Latine
testimonies
.
The
like
doth
Grotius
that
learned
Netherlander
,
in
his
Mare
Liberum
,
his
Free
Sea
trade
,
M.
T.
Cicero
,
the
Master
of
Eloquence
,
ioyned
Latine
with
Greeke
:
neither
haue
I
done
that
in
Philosophy
onely
,
but
also
in
the
exercise
of
declaiming
:
and
the
same
I
thinke
fit
for
thee
to
doe
.
Besides
it
is
against
the
rule
of
Iustice
,
that
the
vse
of
Testimony
should
be
denyed
to
any
man
,
in
speech
or
writing
.
For
there
is
nothing
so
cleare
,
but
may
require
Testimony
,
either
for
confirmation
,
or
Ilustration
of
the
matter
,
to
which
it
is
applyed
:
And
the
want
of
Testimony
,
is
the
want
of
Authority
also
.
Humane
.
Divine
,
as
the
Holy
Scriptures
.
Humane
,
as
the
Law
it selfe
,
or
Illustrious
Sentences
.
The
Testimony
of
Law
,
is
of
the
Written
,
or
Not
written
Law
.
The
Testimony
of
Illustrious
Sentences
,
consists
in
Maxim's
,
Principles
,
Proverbs
,
and
the
Sayings
of
Wise
men
of
all
Nations
,
and
in
all
Languages
.
Now
you
cannot
do
an
Author
a
greater
honour
,
then
to
vse
his
owne
words
:
least
in
translating
of
him
into
another
tongue
,
you
translate
him
also
into
another
sense
,
as
Malynes
doth
Aristotle
.
I
know
it
is
growne
in
vse
in
this
Kingdome
,
to
cite
in
speech
and
writing
,
the
Translation
for
the
Originall
.
But
surely
it
is
more
common
,
then
commendable
.
Because
it
tends
to
the
losse
of
time
,
and
brings
no
benefit
to
the
Auditor
to
heare
a
double
translation
.
For
if
the
Text
be
Hebrew
,
and
it
bee
rendered
in
Greeke
;
or
Greeke
,
and
rendered
in
Latine
;
or
as
the
manner
is
,
to
cite
Latine
for
both
;
neither
the
Author
hath
any
honour
,
nor
the
Auditor
benefit
,
more
of
the
Latine
,
then
of
the
English
,
because
they
are
both
Translations
.
And
if
there
be
many
Auditors
that
vnderstand
not
the
Originall
,
so
are
there
not
a
few
,
that
vnderstand
not
the
Latine
Translation
also
.
Which
vse
of
the
Latine
Translation
,
hath
brought
out
of
vse
,
the
most
necessary
and
learned
Languages
.
Wherein
ther
's
not
an
Iota
in
the
Greeke
,
nor
a
Title
in
the
Hebrew
without
a
mystery
:
In
which
last
and
best
,
our
English
tongue
hath
as
great
a
part
,
as
any
other
Language
of
the
Christian
world
:
which
I
speake
for
the
honour
of
our
Language
,
and
the
encouragement
of
those
that
delight
in
Tongues
.
And
thus
much
briefly
for
Languages
,
and
for
defence
of
those
which
I
haue
vsed
for
divine
and
humane
testimony
,
which
in
Malynes
sentence
doe
seeme
Impertinent
.
THe
third
cause
of
the
decay
of
Trade
,
Litigious
Law-suits
.
To
the
Efficiency
whereof
,
Malynes
cannot
altogether
agree
,
but
rather
to
the
Remedie
.
But
I
shall
willingly
pardon
him
that
:
for
he
that
is
so
ignorant
in
the
Essentiall
causes
,
must
needs
be
nescious
in
the
Efficients
also
.
I
would
there
were
no
cause
,
for
their
sakes
whose
case
it
is
,
to
dispute
this
Causalitie
.
Whereby
many
of
his
Maiesties
louing
Subiects
are
deprived
,
some
of
their
liberties
,
I
had
almost
said
,
of
their
liues
,
many
of
their
livings
.
Wherein
I
doubt
not
,
but
the
graue
,
sage
,
and
learned
Iudges
,
the
Reverend
Fathers
of
the
Law
,
will
at
the
last
consider
,
and
consult
of
some
effectuall
meanes
,
for
shortning
of
the
time
of
Suits
,
and
lessning
of
the
charge
of
Law
.
Amongst
whom
,
double
honour
belongs
to
him
,
that
governes
so
well
,
and
labours
so
much
in
the
Word
and
Doctrine
.
Good
lucke
haue
thou
with
thine
honour
.
Ride
on
,
according
to
the
Word
of
Truth
,
and
moderation
of
Iustice
.
The
Spirit
of
Elijah
resteth
on
Elishah
:
Walke
in
his
Steps
,
who
liuing
honored
thee
;
and
dead
,
liueth
,
and
is
honored
in
thee
:
Sic
tibi
conting
at
viuere
,
sicquemori
.
Malynes
in
the
next
place
,
though
in
a
wrong
place
,
takes
occasion
to
speake
of
Annᵒ
1588.
And
denieth
that
the
Kingdome
was
then
in
such
great
distresse
,
to
be
termed
,
in
Articule
temporis
,
when
the
Merchants-Adventurers
supplied
a
Shippes
lading
of
Powder
and
Shot
from
Hamburgh
:
I
pray
God
grant
we
never
know
the
like
distresse
,
nor
ever
be
wanting
to
acknowledge
so
great
a
deliverance
.
Malynes
fourth
cause
,
this
Action
of
the
Fishing
hath
beene
in
continuall
agitation
aboue
thirtie
yeares
,
to
make
Busses
and
Fisher
Boates
,
but
the
Action
is
still
interrupted
,
because
other
Nations
doe
finde
too
great
favour
and
friends
here
,
to
divert
all
the
good
intentions
of
such
as
haue
imployed
their
time
and
good
meanes
therein
.
And
for
the
Merchants
,
hee
accuseth
the
Merchants-Adventurers
,
East-land
Merchants
,
and
the
Muscony
Company
,
to
haue
opposed
this
cause
at
the
Councell
board
.
And
as
if
hee
were
a
Clerke
of
the
Councell
,
takes
vpon
him
to
set
downe
ten
severall
articles
,
which
were
there
had
in
consultation
with
the
Lords
.
For
his
Scandalum
Magnatum
,
I
remit
that
,
to
his
former
reckoning
;
where
he
hath
more
then
enough
to
answere
.
And
for
his
accusation
of
those
worthy
Merchants
,
I
am
perswaded
that
,
there
are
none
of
all
his
Maiesties
Subiects
,
can
be
more
ready
and
willing
then
they
,
to
further
so
noble
a
designe
.
From
the
Fishing
,
hee
comes
to
the
Clothing
,
Dying
and
dressing
Proiect
:
and
sayes
thus
,
I
cannot
omit
to
obserue
the
Practises
which
were
vsed
by
combination
with
other
Nations
abroad
,
and
domestique
Intelligences
at
home
,
whereby
many
good
actions
are
overthrowne
,
to
the
generall
hurt
,
and
with
little
advancement
to
the
particular
.
HEre
Malynes
endevoureth
to
lay
a
Tacite
and
secret
aspersion
on
the
Merchants
Adventurers
:
Another
Digression
hee
makes
for
the
defence
of
his
grosse
error
committed
in
his
Canker
of
of
Englands
Common-wealth
:
That
other
Nations
might
take
vpon
them
to
make
our
Clothes
,
which
might
saith
hee
,
be
easily
remedied
,
by
selling
our
wolles
the
dearer
,
whereof
they
must
make
them
.
Can
there
bee
any
defence
for
such
a
defeisance
?
You
shall
heare
the
best
he
hath
,
In
the
latter
time
of
Queene
Elizabeth
of
blessed
memory
,
and
vntill
the
second
yeare
of
our
most
gracious
Lord
King
Iames
,
wolles
were
permitted
to
be
transported
by
the
Staplers
and
others
.
And
the
makers
of
cloth
beyond
the
Seas
,
must
needs
haue
them
to
cover
their
wolles
in
the
Indraping
,
which
is
now
prohibited
,
and
the
case
altered
.
HEre
you
see
the
defence
is
as
lame
as
the
Defendant
:
Malynes
!
Sic
tu
be
as
amicos
?
Wilt
thou
play
the
Ape
in
the
Apologue
,
&
kill
vs
with
kindnes
?
But
the
tree
cannot
be
better
knowne
then
by
the
fruit
;
nor
Malynes
,
then
by
this
marke
.
This
is
he
that
would
seeme
so
good
a
Subiect
to
our
King
and
Kingdome
,
to
dyet
vs
with
the
Fleece
,
and
to
feed
his
owne
Country
and
Nation
with
the
Flesh
and
Fat
:
to
confine
vs
to
the
Wolles
,
and
convey
our
Clothing
to
them
,
then
which
there
is
not
a
more
Royall
manufacture
in
all
the
world
.
There
could
not
haue
beene
devised
,
no
not
by
an
enemy
,
so
mischievous
a
proiect
,
as
to
bereaue
so
many
thousand
families
of
this
Kingdome
,
that
depend
on
the
making
of
cloath
,
of
such
an
excellent
living
and
liuely-hood
.
The
other
part
of
his
defence
,
is
as
false
,
as
the
former
is
faigned
.
For
to
affirme
,
That
the
Makers
of
cloth
beyond
the
Seas
,
cannot
make
their
cloth
without
our
English
woll
,
is
as
true
as
that
,
wherewith
the
State
hath
beene
so
much
abused
,
That
the
Dutch
could
not
subsist
without
our
English
cloth
.
That
the
latter
is
false
,
our
owne
ill
experience
can
tell
vs
:
That
the
former
is
foolish
;
all
Malynes
Countrymen
,
and
those
that
know
the
State
of
Dutch-land
,
will
witnes
against
him
.
But
because
hee
cannot
Excuse
,
hee
will
Accuse
:
First
Envy
,
For
looking
asquint
vpon
him
:
whereby
he
saith
,
he
hath
lost
one
Eye
,
in
his
reputation
with
his
owne
Countrymen
,
and
now
must
loose
the
other
Eye
with
our
Nation
,
like
Belisarius
mentioned
in
my
discourse
.
Indeed
in
blindnes
hee
may
resemble
Belisarius
,
but
in
nothing
else
:
more
like
hee
is
to
blinde
Bartelmeus
,
who
the
more
he
was
forbid
,
the
lesse
hee
held
his
peace
.
And
next
hee
accuseth
his
ill
luck
,
For
his
invention
of
farthing
tokens
:
for
which
he
saith
,
He
is
accused
to
bring
the
vse
of
copper
monies
into
the
Kingdome
.
But
he
mistakes
the
accusation
,
which
was
rather
,
that
if
not
himselfe
,
some
fowle
of
his
feather
,
might
be
vehemently
suspected
,
to
haue
brought
in
counterfait
copper
tokens
into
the
Kingdome
.
Which
whether
it
bee
right
or
wrong
,
I
cannot
tell
,
but
it
is
probable
,
that
the
tenth
part
of
the
copper
tokens
at
this
day
in
the
Kingdome
,
were
never
coyned
in
the
Kingdome
.
At
last
hee
is
return'd
from
these
long
digressions
,
to
the
thing
proposed
,
which
is
the
Cloth
trade
:
but
with
a
change
of
his
note
and
his
coate
too
.
For
now
hee
begin's
to
personate
others
.
Now
you
may
heare
a
song
of
foure
parts
:
but
set
by
a
very
ill
Musition
,
one
that
knowes
not
his
Gammuth
,
nor
can
proue
a
note
,
not
keepe
tune
or
time
.
You
may
heare
the
very
voyce
of
the
Strangers
,
of
the
Staplers
,
of
the
Interlopers
,
and
of
the
Ports
;
all
in
one
Noyse
,
&
the
poor
Merchants
Adventurers
are
made
the
burden
of
the
song
.
I
am
sory
for
them
all
!
For
These
,
that
they
are
so
vniustly
accused
:
For
Those
,
that
their
complaint
is
so
much
abused
.
For
thus
Malynes
canteth
and
chaunteth
,
That
the
Merchants
Adventurers
having
ingrossed
into
their
hands
,
by
colour
of
their
last
Letters
Patents
,
the
sole
power
of
exporting
all
white
Clothes
,
coloured
Clothes
,
Kersies
,
Bayes
,
Sayes
,
Serges
,
Perpetuanaes
,
and
all
other
new
Draperies
,
into
Holland
,
Zealand
,
Brabant
,
and
other
parts
of
the
low
and
higher
Germany
,
hath
abated
the
trade
.
For
all
Merchants-Strangers
,
might
,
and
did
heretofore
export
white
Clothes
out
of
the
Kingdome
,
paying
double
Custome
,
which
now
they
may
not
.
THe
Divines
say
,
Consuetudo
peccandi
,
tollit
sensum
peccati
:
The
custome
of
sinning
,
taketh
away
the
sense
of
sinne
.
This
man
hath
vsed
himselfe
to
such
liberty
of
speech
,
that
now
he
dare's
say
any
thing
.
For
the
Merchants
Adventurers
,
vpon
whom
it
hath
pleased
his
Maiestie
out
of
His
singular
Grace
and
Favour
,
to
conferre
many
excellent
Priviledges
and
Immunities
,
in
their
last
Letters
Patents
:
yet
in
poynt
of
exportation
of
White
and
coloured
Clothes
,
Kersies
,
Bayes
,
Sayes
,
and
other
new
Draperies
of
the
Kingdom
,
there
is
no
more
power
given
them
in
these
latter
,
then
his
Maistie
and
his
Royall
Predecessors
haue
honoured
them
with
,
in
other
former
Letters
Patents
,
from
time
to
time
.
In
the
eight
yeare
of
Hen.
4.
the
trade
of
White
and
coloured
Clothes
,
Kersies
,
Bayes
,
Sayes
,
and
other
the
Natiue
Commodities
of
the
Kingdome
,
into
Holland
,
Zealand
,
Brabant
,
and
Flanders
,
was
entrusted
vnto
them
,
by
the
Kings
Letters
patents
,
to
bee
managed
vnder
government
.
In
the
first
yeare
of
Hen.
5.
the
sayd
Letters
Patents
were
approoved
and
confirmed
.
In
the
eight
yeare
of
Hen.
6.
the
former
Charters
,
with
the
consent
of
the
Lords
Spirituall
and
Temporall
in
Parliament
assembled
,
were
accepted
and
allowed
.
In
the
second
yeare
of
Edw.
4.
the
sayd
Letters
Patents
and
every
part
of
them
,
were
ratified
and
confirmed
.
In
the
first
yeare
of
Ric.
3.
the
sayd
Letters
Patents
were
approued
and
confirmed
.
In
the
twentith
yeare
of
Hen.
7.
the
sayd
Merchants
were
honoured
with
the
title
of
Merchants
Adventurers
,
&
had
power
to
keepe
their
Courts
,
and
hold
their
Marts
in
the
Towne
of
Calais
.
In
the
fourth
yeare
of
Hen.
8.
the
sayd
Letters
Patents
in
all
poynts
were
ratified
and
confirmed
.
In
the
first
yeare
of
Edw.
6.
all
the
former
Patents
were
recited
and
approued
.
In
the
first
yeare
of
Philip
and
Mary
,
the
sayd
Letters
Patents
were
examined
,
allowed
and
confirmed
.
In
the
second
yeare
of
Q.
Elizabeth
,
of
ever-living
memory
,
the
former
Patents
were
recited
,
approved
,
and
enlarged
.
In
the
sixt
yeare
of
her
raigne
,
their
former
Charters
were
reviewed
,
and
they
were
inscribed
by
the
name
of
Merchants
Adventurers
of
England
,
and
authorized
To
exercise
their
government
in
any
part
of
the
Kingdome
,
to
haue
a
Common
Seale
,
to
be
a
perpetuall
Succession
,
to
purchase
lands
in
the
name
of
the
Company
.
In
the
28.
yeare
of
her
raigne
,
their
Charters
were
againe
reviewed
and
confirmed
,
with
power
To
keepe
their
Courts
,
and
To
exercise
their
trade
as
amply
in
Germany
,
as
before
they
had
done
in
the
Low
Countries
:
And
straightly
forbad
,
vpon
paine
of
forfeitures
and
imprisonment
,
all
others
of
her
Subiects
not
free
of
the
sayd
fellowship
,
to
trade
into
any
of
their
said
Priviledged
places
.
In
the
second
yeare
of
the
happy
raigne
of
our
most
gracious
Soveraigne
Lord
The
Kings
Maiesty
,
the
former
Letters
Patents
,
Priviledges
,
and
Princely
grants
,
were
recented
,
revised
and
ratified
.
And
last
of
all
in
the
15.
yeare
of
His
Maiesty
,
the
sayd
Letters
Patents
were
againe
perused
and
approved
,
Whereby
it
is
manifest
that
the
Cloth
,
and
other
The
manufactures
of
this
Kingdome
,
traded
into
Germany
,
and
the
Low
Countries
;
haue
with
the
favour
of
the
State
,
bin
conferr'd
on
the
Merchants
Adventurers
,
not
only
by
their
last
Letters
Patens
,
but
by
many
other
former
grants
before
recited
.
Which
certainely
had
never
beene
so
long
continued
,
so
often
renewed
,
nor
they
so
much
cherished
,
had
not
the
trade
of
Clothing
bin
quickned
&
enlivened
,
by
the
prudent
ordering
of
the
Merchants
Adventurers
trade
from
time
to
time
.
And
these
things
I
haue
not
by
heare-say
or
relation
,
but
by
mine
owne
collection
,
and
observation
;
having
had
occasion
to
take
some
speciall
paines
in
the
perusall
of
these
particular
grants
,
for
the
service
of
the
State
.
And
whereas
Malynes
suggesteth
,
That
all
Merchants
Strangers
might
,
&
did
heretofore
export
white
Clothes
,
That
is
as
farre
from
truth
as
the
former
.
For
whereas
by
the
Statutes
of
the
3.
Hen.
7.
the
3.
of
Hen.
8.
and
the
20.
and
23.
of
the
same
King
,
it
is
enacted
,
that
no
white
Clothes
might
bee
transported
rough
,
aboue
40.
sh.
a
Cloth
in
the
time
of
Hen.
7.
and
4.
marks
,
and
4.
li.
a
Cloth
,
in
the
time
of
Hen.
8.
it
came
to
passe
,
by
the
discreet
carryage
of
the
Cloth-trade
in
the
Merchants
Adventurers
hands
,
that
the
trade
of
Cloth
thrived
so
fast
,
and
the
prises
of
Clothes
risse
so
much
,
that
few
or
no
Clothes
could
bee
shipped
out
by
any
,
whether
English
or
Stranger
,
but
by
a
Non
obstante
to
the
sayd
Statutes
:
whereupon
speciall
Licences
were
granted
from
the
State
,
as
Q.
Eliz.
free
licence
of
Thirty
Thousand
white
Clothes
a
yeare
,
to
the
Merchants
Adventurers
;
and
other
licences
to
the
Earle
of
Cumberland
,
and
others
.
But
when
any
question
arisse
vpon
any
of
them
,
they
were
restrained
to
the
Merchants
Adventurers
onely
.
If
Malynes
had
sayd
,
that
the
Merchants
Strangers
might
heretofore
export
White
and
coloured
Clothes
drest
,
Kersies
,
Bayes
,
Sayes
,
Perpetuanoes
,
and
other
the
New
Draperies
of
the
Kingdom
,
into
the
Merchants
Adventurers
priviledges
,
paying
Strangers
Custome
,
hee
had
sayd
true
:
And
so
they
either
doe
,
or
may
doe
now
;
and
perhaps
for
lesse
then
Strangers
Custome
also
.
And
therefore
the
Merchants
Adventurers
haue
not
the
sole
power
of
exporting
those
things
,
as
is
mis-inform'd
and
mis-affirmed
also
.
You
haue
heard
Malynes
plaine
song
,
will
you
heare
his
descant
?
The
Merchants
of
the
Staple
,
from
all
the
Staple
Ports
,
as
London
,
Westminster
,
Bristoll
,
Southhamton
,
Hull
,
Boiston
,
and
New
Castle
,
haue
heretofore
exported
either
Cloth
,
or
Woll
,
or
both
,
which
now
they
may
not
.
THe
Merchants
of
the
Staple
never
shipped
any
Clothes
at
any
time
as
Staplers
,
But
this
poynt
having
of
late
vpon
occasion
,
been
resumed
into
the
consideration
of
the
State
,
it
was
boldnes
for
Malynes
to
meddle
therewith
,
and
to
make
question
of
that
,
which
is
out
of
question
,
in
the
iudgement
of
all
indifferent
men
.
Or
will
you
heare
his
voluntary
?
All
other
Merchants
at
large
,
as
well
at
London
,
as
all
other
parts
of
the
Kingdome
,
haue
vsually
heretofore
exported
coloured
Clothes
,
Kersies
,
Bayes
,
Sayes
,
Serges
,
Perpetuanoes
,
&c.
which
now
they
may
not
.
So
that
all
the
trade
of
the
Merchants
of
the
Staple
,
of
the
Merchants
Strangers
,
and
of
all
other
English
Merchants
,
concerning
the
exportation
of
all
the
Commodities
made
of
woll
,
into
those
Countries
,
where
the
same
are
especially
to
bee
vented
,
is
in
the
power
of
the
Merchants
Adventurers
onely
:
and
it
is
come
to
be
managed
by
40.
or
50.
persons
of
that
Company
,
consisting
of
three
or
foure
Thousand
.
IF
there
be
three
or
foure
Thousand
of
the
Merchants-Adventurers
,
That
40.
or
50.
persons
manage
that
trade
,
when
there
is
at
this
day
more
traders
,
then
can
well
liue
one
by
another
.
And
that
the
trade
of
Coloured
Clothes
,
Kersies
,
Bayes
,
Sayes
,
Serges
,
Perpetuanoes
,
&c.
is
not
in
the
power
of
the
Merchants-Adventurers
onely
,
I
haue
already
declared
,
in
the
Section
going
before
.
But
he
that
can
talke
at
large
thus
in
grosse
,
can
doe
it
also
by
retayle
.
Thus
,
Nay
one
man
alone
,
hath
compassed
into
his
hands
the
whole
trade
of
coloured
Clothes
and
Kersies
for
these
parts
,
by
the
meanes
of
Exchanges
and
monies
taken
vp
at
Interest
.
THat
one
man
which
Malynes
out
of
malice
picks
and
points
at
,
Coloured
Cloth
,
but
not
in
Kersies
:
yet
so
,
as
there
are
very
many
others
of
the
Company
,
that
are
also
traders
in
Coloured
Cloth
,
as
well
as
hee
.
Malynes
may
barke
,
but
he
cannot
bite
.
It
is
not
Malynes
Malignitie
,
that
can
detract
any
thing
from
the
worth
of
so
worthy
a
Merchant
.
Who
,
because
he
comes
within
my
Circle
,
I
can
doe
no
lesse
,
then
deleat
and
blot
out
Malynes
Oblique
line
,
and
giue
him
his
Right
and
direct
line
:
that
is
,
that
hee
containes
himselfe
within
his
owne
Circle
,
his
Compasse
,
his
Course
,
his
Calling
,
with
great
iudgement
and
discretion
,
faire
and
Merchantlike
action
.
But
because
,
for
some
reasons
,
I
may
not
say
of
him
what
I
might
;
I
shall
wish
what
I
ought
,
that
wee
had
more
such
Merchants
,
no
more
such
Malynes
.
From
him
Malynes
turnes
himselfe
againe
toward
the
Merchants
Adventurers
,
and
vpbraideth
them
,
To
haue
borrowed
50.
or
60.
Thousand
pounds
at
vse
,
for
the
service
of
the
Company
,
and
thereby
engaged
the
trade
,
and
set
themselues
in
debt
.
TTantúmne
est
ab
re
tua
otij
;
tibi
,
aliena
vt
cures
,
eaque
nihil
quae
ad
te
attinent
.
This
small
number
to
mannage
so
great
a
trade
,
incourageth
the
Clothier
to
adventure
to
make
false
Cloth
,
because
it
is
impossible
,
that
so
few
Merchants
can
search
and
vifit
every
Cloth
,
as
it
ought
to
be
done
,
and
the
Clothiers
conscience
is
satisfied
,
for
hee
saith
,
that
the
falsest
Cloth
is
answerable
to
the
best
price
.
VTquisque
est
vir
optimus
,
ita
difficilime
esse
alios
Improbos
suspicatur
.
Many
other
things
hee
speaketh
at
Random
of
the
Clothiers
,
of
the
Ports
,
of
Chapmen
,
and
others
,
as
generally
he
doth
throughout
the
whole
scope
of
his
booke
,
which
deserue
not
repetition
,
much
lesse
the
honour
of
an
answer
;
and
concludeth
these
digressions
thus
,
Shall
this
be
proclaimed
a
free
trade
,
And
a
little
after
,
The
Merchant
Staplers
haue
observed
that
the
Merchants
Adventurers
haue
an
inevitable
opportunitie
of
combination
,
to
set
what
price
they
please
vpon
Cloth
to
the
Clothier
,
of
Woll
to
the
grower
,
and
of
all
Commodities
exported
and
imported
.
ASpis
à
vipera
venenum
mutuatur
:
Merchants
Adventurers
:
when
hee
and
they
are
both
their
profest
Adversaries
.
But
for
the
accusation
,
no
Subiects
,
I
dare
say
,
of
this
Kingdome
,
are
more
free
of
these
crimes
,
then
the
Merchants-Adventurers
:
neither
haue
they
any
opportunity
of
such
combination
,
as
is
most
vntruely
suggested
.
For
there
are
no
Merchants
of
the
Kingdom
,
that
doe
more
bid
,
and
out-bid
one
another
at
the
market
,
then
they
.
If
they
did
trade
as
some
Merchants
doe
,
in
a
ioynt
stock
,
there
might
be
some
suspition
of
it
:
but
where
there
are
so
many
buyers
,
as
are
continually
of
the
Merchants-Adventurers
,
every
man
in
that
case
is
nearest
to
himselfe
.
And
if
all
the
Orders
which
ever
they
made
,
since
they
had
the
honour
of
their
name
,
were
searched
out
,
and
sisted
over
;
there
would
not
be
found
a
syllable
in
them
of
that
sound
,
whereof
Malynes
maketh
such
a
noyse
.
For
the
Free
trade
whereof
hee
speaketh
,
and
whereby
hee
pointeth
at
my
Tract
of
trade
:
I
would
to
God
that
those
grievances
therein
mentioned
,
were
remooved
:
and
then
mauger
Malynes
or
any
other
,
if
any
be
of
his
minde
,
I
durst
proclaime
,
that
this
Kingdomes
trade
,
would
both
be
free
&
flourish
.
Wherin
neverthelesse
,
I
haue
dealt
freely
and
fairely
,
in
wishing
,
That
the
Kings
high
way
of
trade
,
vpon
such
reasonable
termes
as
might
concurre
with
the
wisdome
of
the
State
,
might
be
opened
vnto
all
men
.
But
I
perceiue
there
's
no
discourse
of
Free
trade
will
please
Malynes
,
and
others
of
his
minde
,
without
a
Par
of
Exchange
,
or
complaint
against
Companies
,
the
Merchants-Adventurers
especially
.
But
you
the
Merchants-Adventurers
,
who
worthily
haue
obtained
,
honour
of
his
Maiestie
,
favour
of
the
Nobility
,
fame
in
the
world
,
loue
of
Strangers
,
good
report
of
all
;
that
you
I
say
,
should
come
vnder
Malynes
pen
,
and
be
made
the
subiect
of
his
style
,
the
obiect
of
his
envie
,
is
such
a
disgrace
,
as
the
State
was
never
wont
to
let
you
suffer
,
or
the
honour
of
your
name
to
vndergoe
.
What
should
be
the
cause
of
this
mans
enuy
?
Is
his
eye
evill
,
because
the
gracious
eye
of
his
Maiestie
is
so
good
,
to
haue
beheld
your
famous
fellowship
with
His
own
aspect
?
For
his
Maiesty
looking
backe
vpon
some
former
and
later
experiments
made
vpon
this
trade
,
and
looking
forward
vpon
the
danger
and
inconvenience
of
Innovations
;
hath
as
his
Royall
Predecessors
ever
did
,
vouchsafed
his
Royall
grace
and
favour
to
These
Merchants
,
This
trade
.
Because
the
Cloth-trade
is
the
Dowry
of
the
Kingdome
,
the
great
Revenue
of
the
King
.
It
is
the
Axis
of
the
Common-wealth
,
whereon
all
the
other
trades
of
the
Kingdome
doe
seeme
to
turne
,
and
haue
their
revolution
.
And
therefore
it
hath
ever
beene
the
policy
of
State
,
to
entrust
this
trade
,
to
such
men
as
are
Probatae
fidei
,
of
approoved
credit
and
trust
,
wisely
to
manage
the
same
:
and
not
to
Novices
and
new-made
Merchants
,
by
whose
inexperience
the
trade
might
bee
subiect
to
bee
betrayed
into
the
hands
of
forraine
Nations
.
And
certainely
the
Common-wealth
would
lose
more
,
by
the
losse
of
one
expert
Merchant
discouraged
and
driven
out
,
then
it
could
hope
to
gaine
by
twenty
Novices
let
in
,
into
a
trade
which
they
doe
not
vnderstand
.
So
that
this
restraint
is
the
cause
of
this
enuy
:
which
is
in
nature
an
innate
and
inbred
thing
,
Nittimur
invetitum
semper
,
cupimusque
negata
:
Men
are
commonly
most
fond
of
that
,
which
they
are
most
forbid
.
Otherwise
I
am
as
confident
,
as
I
am
conscious
of
it
,
that
there
is
no
trade
of
this
Kingdom
,
giveth
so
little
allurement
to
those
that
are
without
,
or
so
small
encouragement
to
those
that
are
within
,
as
doth
the
Merchants-Adventurers
trade
at
this
day
.
Which
notwithstanding
,
I
hope
his
Royall
Maiestie
shall
ever
finde
in
them
,
that
loyall
resolution
,
which
heretofore
they
haue
shewne
,
to
cast
downe
themselues
and
their
trades
in
all
humility
,
at
his
Maiesties
feet
,
to
be
disposed
of
,
according
to
the
good
pleasure
of
his
Maiesties
high
wisdome
and
grace
.
And
yet
I
would
haue
no
man
thinke
,
that
I
would
seeme
hereby
to
take
vpon
mee
to
personate
them
,
or
meddle
in
their
matters
,
further
then
you
see
Malynes
hath
led
me
into
the
same
.
Wherein
I
must
vse
this
iust
defence
for
them
and
me
:
that
I
haue
neither
had
commission
from
them
,
nor
consulted
with
them
,
or
any
of
theirs
,
about
this
thing
,
or
any
thing
contained
herein
:
But
with
an
even
hand
and
heart
,
haue
without
partiality
,
Crassâ
Minervâ
,
according
to
the
plainenes
and
simplicity
of
mine
owne
poore
Genius
,
pursued
Malynes
from
point
to
point
.
Neither
doe
the
Merchants-Adventurers
of
all
others
stand
in
need
of
my
helpe
.
For
they
are
happy
in
enioying
him
,
who
for
his
learning
and
integrity
,
deserveth
praise
:
of
whom
,
if
I
say
,
that
hee
is
not
second
to
any
,
of
his
qualitie
,
in
this
Kingdome
,
I
shall
neither
flatter
him
,
nor
iniure
any
,
as
all
that
know
him
doe
know
,
and
will
acknowledge
.
To
him
therefore
I
shall
commend
this
theame
,
as
most
proper
to
his
person
and
office
:
who
for
his
parts
is
more
able
,
and
for
his
place
is
more
fit
then
my selfe
,
to
take
vpon
him
this
defence
,
if
there
bee
cause
.
It
is
true
,
I
am
a
brother
,
though
vnworthy
of
that
worthie
Society
:
and
so
I
am
of
other
Companies
also
:
and
so
also
am
I
a
member
,
though
one
of
the
least
,
of
the
great
Common-wealth
of
this
Kingdom
:
wherein
I
haue
learnt
to
preferre
,
that
publique
,
to
all
these
particular
obligations
.
Amicus
Plato
,
Amicus
Socrates
,
sed
magis
Amica
veritas
.
Those
Companies
,
and
that
course
of
trade
,
shall
be
my
discourse
of
Free
trade
,
which
shall
be
best
approved
of
the
State
,
and
wherein
the
honour
of
The
King
,
and
the
welfare
of
the
The
Kingdome
,
are
most
involved
.
BY
this
time
Malynes
is
come
to
Monopolies
:
the
discourse
whereof
,
Is
without
Ryme
or
Reason
,
because
his
pure
Par
of
Exchange
is
not
appendix't
to
it
.
And
indeed
there
is
some
reason
that
such
a
Par
as
hee
parret's
of
,
should
haue
had
some
place
assigned
it
amongst
Monopolies
.
For
I
'le
vndertake
,
that
there
is
not
any
worse
Monopoly
in
the
Kingdome
,
then
hee
would
make
of
this
,
If
hee
might
haue
his
will
.
For
other
Monopolists
would
be
sole
sellers
and
buyers
in
merchandize
,
hee
in
the
Exchange
.
But
if
you
doubt
of
his
iudgement
in
this
proiect
,
hee
will
produce
his
Monsieur
Bodin
,
to
approue
it
by
this
French
proverbe
,
I
l
entend
le
par
:
Celuy
qui
est
d'experience
,
entend
le
par:
Malynes
n'entend
pas
le
par:
Ergo
,
Malynes
n'est
point
d'experience
.
The
proposition
is
prooved
by
his
owne
Proverbe
:
the
Assumption
,
by
his
Proiect
,
as
the
event
will
manifest
.
But
now
you
talke
of
a
Sill●gisme
,
will
you
heare
Malynes
make
a
Paralogisme
?
Thus
,
Nothing
causeth
.
Merchants
to
export
more
money
out
of
the
Realme
then
they
bring
in
,
but
onely
the
bringing
in
of
more
Commodities
into
the
Realme
then
they
carryed
out
.
The
vnder-valuation
of
our
monies
,
causeth
no
more
Commodities
to
bee
brought
into
the
Realme
,
then
is
carryed
out
.
Ergo
,
the
vnder-valuation
of
our
monies
,
causeth
not
more
money
to
bee
carryed
out
of
the
Realme
,
then
is
brought
in
.
NEvè
negativis
rectè
concludere
scibis
:
Thus
you
see
this
Sophister
how
he
chops
Logicke
!
And
great
care
forsooth
hee
takes
,
that
it
breed
not
a
Dilemma
,
which
hee
vnderstands
as
well
as
he
doth
a
Syllogisme
.
For
a
Dilemma
is
that
,
which
convinceth
both
wayes
:
which
his
Paralogisme
doth
no
way
:
or
rather
convinceth
him
of
folly
.
For
his
argument
may
easily
be
retorted
vpon
hinselfe
:
thus
,
If
nothing
causeth
Merchants
to
export
more
mony
out
of
the
Realme
then
they
bring
in
,
but
onely
the
bringing
in
of
more
Commodities
into
the
Realme
then
they
carryed
out
,
then
it
is
not
for
want
of
a
Par
of
Exchange
.
But
the
the
first
is
true
,
by
his
owne
argument
:
and
therefore
the
second
.
Or
will
you
heare
of
a
hound
,
that
hath
a
better
sent
of
a
Syllogisme
then
Malynes
?
The
hound
having
lost
the
sent
,
coasts
the
Countrey
:
and
runnes
toward
the
East
,
and
backe
to
the
West
,
and
then
to
the
North
:
and
thus
recenteth
and
concludeth
,
Either
the
Deare
is
gone
East
,
or
West
,
or
North
,
or
South
.
But
hee
is
not
gone
East
,
nor
West
,
nor
North
:
Ergo
the
Deare
is
gone
South
.
BVt
we
are
not
so
well
as
to
bee
a
hunting
,
I
deny
,
and
proue
nothing
;
yet
to
the
Iudicious
it
will
appeare
,
that
my
deny
all
of
his
Par
of
Exchange
,
The
plentie
or
scarcitie
of
moneys
,
which
perpetually
doth
cause
the
Exchanges
to
rise
and
fall
:
and
which
doth
as
certainely
,
in
forraine
parts
where
monies
goe
vncertaine
,
rule
their
Values
or
denomination
,
as
the
plenty
or
scarcity
of
Commodities
doth
their
Price
.
It
is
true
,
the
name
of
a
thing
doth
not
alter
it
really
,
but
nominally
:
and
denomination
of
money
,
doth
alter
it
in
name
,
though
not
in
substance
.
The
cloth
doth
not
measure
the
yard
,
but
the
yard
the
cloth
:
but
the
greater
the
measure
is
,
the
fewer
yards
the
cloth
containeth
,
and
the
lesse
the
measure
,
the
more
yards
:
and
so
is
the
denomination
of
money
,
the
measure
thereof
to
him
that
receiveth
it
,
whereby
it
is
more
or
lesse
in
account
.
And
thus
Malynes
having
runne
himselfe
out
of
breath
,
And
as
this
may
be
done
by
authority
,
so
may
the
abouesayd
coursed
also
be
committed
vnder
the
colour
of
authority
,
by
the
Princes
grant
,
or
Letters
Patents
.
I
Marvell
what
's
the
difference
betwene
Authority
,
and
the
Princes
Letters
Patents
?
Princes
grant
,
or
Letters
Patents
,
The
colour
of
authority
?
But
something
he
will
say
,
though
nothing
to
the
purpose
:
and
rather
then
nothing
,
worse
then
nothing
.
For
first
hee
accuseth
The
Turkey
Merchants
,
of
finding
fault
with
his
Maiesties
preemption
of
Time
:
Allome
Mynes
:
and
there
findes
fault
himselfe
with
his
Maiesties
grant
,
That
it
maketh
that
Commodity
dearer
to
the
Subiect
,
and
better
cheape
to
the
transporter
or
Sranger
.
And
so
hee
is
posted
from
Monopoly
,
and
is
now
come
to
Want
of
government
in
trade
.
And
there
hee
findeth
fault
,
with
Too
many
distinctions
,
which
in
a
little
Treatise
,
may
seeme
superfluous
.
A
Litle
Treatise
of
Free
trade
,
of
a
few
weeks
meditation
,
may
bee
as
methodically
distributed
,
Great
Whale
of
[
*
](A07594-e27690-b)
*
Great
Whale
,
P.
8.
fiftie
yeares
breeding
and
observation
.
And
although
the
Treatise
be
little
,
yet
the
Subiect
matter
thereof
is
great
,
and
trencheth
deepe
:
and
I
dare
say
,
the
Method
is
according
to
Art
,
though
Malynes
knowe
it
not
.
For
in
all
Logicall
Distributions
,
and
Definitions
also
,
there
ought
to
bee
Affectio
reciprocationis
,
a
certaine
Reciprocall
affection
in
both
:
Illic
Partium
omnium
cum
Toto
:
hîc
Definitionis
cum
Definito
.
Of
all
the
Parts
with
the
Whole
,
in
the
one
:
of
the
Definition
with
the
thing
Defined
,
in
the
other
,
as
the
Logicians
speake
.
Definition
teacheth
what
a
thing
is
:
Distribution
,
how
manifold
it
is
.
This
is
like
the
Diameter
,
which
divideth
the
Circle
in
the
midst
:
That
the
Perimeter
,
which
comprehends
the
compasse
or
circumference
thereof
.
Without
true
Definition
,
and
exact
Distribution
,
that
worke
is
weake
and
imperfect
,
which
otherwise
seemeth
never
so
learned
.
Definition
is
sayd
to
be
Perfect
,
or
Imperfect
.
A
Perfect
Definition
consists
of
Essentiall
Causes
:
An
Imperfect
,
of
Other
Arguments
:
Description
.
Distribution
is
that
,
which
divideth
the
Whole
,
into
the
Parts
.
The
Whole
is
that
,
which
containeth
the
Parts
.
The
Part
is
that
,
which
is
contained
of
the
Whole
.
That
Distribution
is
most
exquisite
and
accurat
,
which
is
taken
of
Arguments
,
Most
Consentany
with
the
Whole
,
and
Most
Dissentany
in
the
Parts
.
Those
Arguments
,
are
Most
Consentany
with
the
Whole
,
when
the
Parts
are
Essentiall
to
the
whole
.
Those
which
are
Most
Dissentany
in
the
Parts
,
are
when
the
Parts
are
most
opposed
One
to
another
.
The
Parts
are
most
opposed
One
to
another
,
in
Contraries
onely
:
because
those
are
opposed
,
not
Many
to
many
,
or
One
to
many
,
but
onely
One
to
one
.
So
then
those
Distributions
are
most
Excellent
,
which
are
Dichotomies
or
of
two
parts
:
and
those
Dichotomies
best
,
which
are
of
Contraries
.
A
Dichotomy
may
be
perfect
,
in
Arguments
that
are
either
Divers
,
or
Opposite
,
or
Disparat
,
because
they
are
all
Dissentanies
:
but
it
is
most
Exquisit
,
when
't
is
most
Opposit
.
But
a
Distribution
into
Many
parts
,
can
neither
bee
Perfect
nor
Excellent
.
It
cannot
bee
Perfect
,
because
Many
parts
cannot
bee
truely
Consentany
with
the
Whole
,
nor
Dissentany
in
the
Parts
.
It
cannot
be
Excellent
,
because
Many
parts
cannot
be
sayd
to
be
Contrary
.
And
as
wee
must
labour
for
this
knowledge
,
so
on
the
other
side
wee
must
not
bee
so
curious
in
our
Distributions
,
that
in
striving
for
the
Method
we
lose
the
Matter
,
for
want
of
a
Dichotomy
.
For
Ramus
himselfe
,
that
famous
Logician
of
France
,
was
sometimes
forc't
to
distribute
,
Twise
two
parts
:
as
the
Causes
,
into
the
Efficient
and
Matter
,
the
Forme
and
End
.
And
his
Ort
Arguments
,
into
Coniugat
and
Notation
,
Distribution
and
Definition
.
Which
is
not
without
some
mystery
:
for
therein
I
am
perswaded
,
it
pleaseth
The
onely
wise
God
,
to
hide
something
from
wise
and
learned
men
,
that
They
may
know
,
that
They
doe
not
know
,
but
in
part
:
and
that
all
Perfection
of
knowledge
is
in
God
alone
.
As
a
good
Logician
of
our
time
saith
,
That
the
cause
,
why
men
cannot
dichotomize
some
things
,
is
,
O●●
defectum
Intellectus
:
for
want
of
vnderstanding
.
Divine
Philosopher
affirmeth
,
that
To
reduce
things
infinit
in
multitude
,
into
two
parts
,
is
very
difficult
,
but
Divine
.
And
Aristotle
,
Platoe's
Scholler
,
was
honoured
for
Dichotomizing
,
with
this
knowne
Distichon
,
Summus
Aristoteles
trutinando
Cacumina
rerum
,
In
duo
divisit
,
quicquid
in
Orbefuit
.
Aristotle
Prince
of
learning
in
his
time
,
Poizing
the
heads
of
things
with
skill
Divine
,
Did
part
them
all
in
twaine
,
distinct
in
sense
:
And
those
he
cal'd
,
Substance
and
Accidence
.
And
as
these
were
renowned
among
the
Heathen
,
so
is
Ramus
no
lesse
honoured
,
of
those
that
vnderstand
him
,
amongst
Christians
.
Who
was
so
admirable
in
all
the
Arts
,
and
aboue
all
the
rest
,
in
this
Logicall
skill
of
Dichotomizing
;
that
he
saith
of
himselfe
,
If
he
should
desire
,
a
Memoriae
Sacrum
,
A
monument
vpon
his
graue
,
hee
would
wish
it
of
the
Institution
of
the
Art
of
Logick
.
And
thus
much
briefly
in
defence
of
those
Definitions
and
Distributions
,
which
I
haue
vsed
in
my
little
Treatise
of
Free
trade
,
which
in
Malynes
sentence
doe
seeme
superfluous
.
All
the
rest
that
Malynes
saith
in
his
4.
Chapter
,
trencheth
no
way
vpon
any
thing
that
I
haue
sayd
,
notwithstanding
his
challenge
.
He
thinks
it
enough
to
set
my
Title
,
Of
want
of
Government
in
trade
,
over
this
Chapter
,
and
the
title
.
Of
Remedies
over
the
next
,
as
he
vseth
to
doe
the
names
of
his
bookes
,
which
like
Ianus
faces
looke
two
wayes
,
or
like
Watermen
,
that
looke
one
way
and
row
another
:
and
that
's
his
best
refutation
of
either
.
Onely
here
's
a
tale
or
two
of
his
owne
telling
,
worth
observing
:
the
one
of
himselfe
,
in
these
words
,
Insomuch
,
that
if
I
receiue
here
one
hundreth
Pieces
of
20.
shillings
,
I
can
send
90.
Pieces
to
pay
my
bill
of
Exchange
,
and
put
ten
Pecies
in
my
pocket
,
for
an
over-plus
and
gaine
.
SO
that
hereby
it
seemeth
,
Flemish
reckoning
,
of
his
owne
making
vp
,
between
a
Londoner
,
and
an
Amsterdamer
:
wherein
for
want
of
his
Par
of
Exchange
,
this
Kingdome
forsooth
,
was
deprived
of
a
thousand
pounds
at
a
clap
,
in
a
bargaine
of
a
thousand
pounds
employment
onely
.
This
is
Mirabile
dictu
!
more
strange
then
true
.
For
his
report
,
as
the
Poet
speaketh
of
Fame
,
is
Tàm
ficti
pravique
tenax
,
Amster
damer
made
a
contract
together
.
The
Londoner
sent
Clothes
to
Amsterdam
,
to
the
value
of
1000.
li.
The
Amsterdamer
sent
Silkes
to
London
,
for
1500.
li.
Flemish
.
The
Amsterdamer
saith
hee
,
desired
to
haue
his
mony
sent
him
ouer
in
Specie
,
and
so
got
15.
in
the
hundred
,
which
is
150.
li.
and
the
Kingdom
saith
he
,
lost
the
whole
1000.
li.
The
Londoner
saye's
Malynes
,
could
not
doe
the
like
,
because
the
moneys
were
inhansed
at
Amsterdam
,
15.
in
the
hundred
,
higher
then
at
London
.
So
that
the
Londoner
is
forced
to
receiue
his
1000.
li.
home
by
Exhange
at
a
lowe
rate
,
or
at
33.
sh.
4d
.
whereby
saith
Malynes
hee
doth
receiue
the
sayd
1000.
li.
with
no
gaine
at
all
.
This
tale
deserue's
the
title
of
Cuius
contrarium
:
for
't
is
nei-neither
true
,
in
Manner
,
nor
Matter
.
Not
in
the
Manner
,
for
first
he
propounds
such
a
rate
of
Exchange
,
as
was
never
knowne
betweene
Amsterdam
and
London
,
and
yet
reckons
the
Londoners
1500.
li
Flemish
,
at
33.4
d.
which
is
no
lesse
then
100.
li.
difference
in
1000.
li.
Nor
in
the
Matter
,
for
when
Malynes
tolde
this
tale
,
it
was
October
,
1622.
And
then
By
the
Royall
Intercession
of
his
Maiesty
,
the
States
had
decried
their
monies
in
the
Vnited
Provinces
,
Great
Whale
.
So
that
Vice
versâ
,
the
case
is
quite
altered
.
For
the
Londoner
brought
over
from
Amsterdam
his
1500.
li.
in
good
Iacobus
pieces
to
profit
:
But
Malynes
friend
the
Amsterdamer
as
is
reported
,
happened
vpon
an
ill
Exchange
from
London
:
For
hee
would
needs
change
his
1000.
li.
into
Spanish
Reals
,
and
ship
them
at
Saint
Katherins
,
and
the
Searcher
tooke
them
vp
at
Graues-end
.
And
if
Malynes
for
his
part
,
would
haue
beene
as
nimble
,
in
fetching
an
hundred
twenty
shillings
pieces
from
Amsterdam
,
he
might
now
,
as
well
haue
put
ten
Pieces
in
his
pocket
,
in
bringing
them
thence
,
as
hee
sometimes
seemed
to
doe
,
in
carrying
of
them
hence
:
and
more
safely
too
:
for
money
is
there
a
Merchandize
,
here
a
treasure
:
there
tollerated
to
bee
exported
,
here
prohibited
.
And
thus
Malynes
being
put
to
his
shifts
,
and
wanting
powder
and
shot
to
charge
,
or
discharge
any
longer
;
is
at
last
encountered
of
the
Remedies
:
Against
which
hee
is
forc't
to
mount
his
great
Ordinance
:
wot
you
what
it
is
,
a
Piece
of
wood
,
after
Malynes
block
,
painted
like
a
Brasse
Piece
:
and
yet
braue's
it
like
himselfe
,
and
promiseth
A
Remedy
of
great
facility
,
a
Remedie
that
comprehends
all
Remedies
:
No
lesse
I
can
tell
you
,
then
his
Engine
of
Exchange
.
His
Par
forsooth
,
pro
Pari
,
must
stand
him
in
stead
Ad
Omnia
quare
;
as
the
chiefe
Oare
in
his
boat
,
the
Key
of
his
work
,
his
onely
Antidote
.
But
this
his
Quare
,
must
not
passe
without
a
Quaere
:
For
,
Homine
Imperito
nunquàm
quicquam
Iniustius
:
THE
CIRCLE
OF
COMMERCE
.
The
Second
PART
.
Of
Exchanges
in
generall
:
and
therein
of
the
Ballance
of
the
Trade
of
this
Kingdome
,
with
forraigne
Countries
.
THere
are
certaine
Empericks
or
Quacksaluers
in
the
world
,
Butter
is
good
for
all
things
,
he
had
spoke
more
like
himselfe
,
and
you
might
better
haue
belieued
his
word
.
This
Par
of
Exchange
is
an
old
foil'd
proiect
of
his
,
The
Canker
of
Englands
Common-wealth
.
That
,
he
then
dedicated
to
that
worthy
and
noble
States-man
Sir
Robert
Cecill
,
then
Secretary
of
State
to
Qu.
Eliz.
wherein
if
there
had
been
any
thing
of
worth
,
he
could
neither
haue
presented
it
to
a
more
worthy
Statesman
,
nor
could
there
any
thing
haue
fallen
to
the
ground
,
that
might
either
haue
concern'd
the
Reuenue
of
the
Crowne
,
or
the
Common-good
of
this
Kingdom
.
But
this
proiect
being
then
found
of
no
worth
;
both
he
and
it
were
worthily
reiected
.
Which
might
haue
made
a
sober
man
to
haue
suspected
his
own
iudgement
,
or
at
least
for
borne
to
trouble
the
world
any
more
with
such
a
toy
.
But
he
,
as
if
he
were
still
in
trauell
with
a
monster
,
hath
fallen
a
fresh
againe
on
this
stale
stuffe
,
in
his
Pamphlet
,
misnamed
,
The
Maintenance
of
Trade
,
and
againe
in
his
Great
Whale
:
and
hath
dared
with
his
waxen
wings
to
sore
as
high
as
the
Sunne
,
to
present
the
same
trim'd
vp
in
a
turn'd
coat
,
to
no
lesse
then
the
Sacred
Person
of
the
King
.
Which
,
he
that
will
take
the
paines
to
compare
together
,
may
say
of
them
as
sometimes
the
Comisk
said
of
Menanders
Andria
and
Perinthia
;
Qui
vtramuis
rectè
nôrit
,
ambas
nouerit
▪
He
that
knowes
one
of
them
,
knowes
all
of
them
.
Onely
,
as
the
man
is
growne
more
crasie
,
so
are
these
latter
writings
stuffed
with
more
vanity
,
and
much
lesse
modesty
then
the
former
.
Therefore
wee
will
leaue
the
man
for
a
while
,
Exchange
.
Exchange
and
Permutation
,
and
Commutation
are
all
one
.
Exchange
is
a
kind
of
Commerce
exercised
in
mony
,
in
merchandize
,
in
both
,
in
either
;
of
one
man
with
another
,
of
one
Country
with
another
.
All
Exchanges
then
,
may
be
said
either
to
be
Personall
,
or
Prouinciall
.
Personall
,
which
respect
the
Exchange
of
mony
or
Merchandize
,
betweene
man
and
man
.
Prouinciall
,
which
respect
the
Exchange
of
mony
and
Merchandize
of
one
Kingdome
with
another
.
The
former
hath
relation
to
matter
of
Trade
:
The
latter
to
matter
of
of
State
.
In
the
one
consist's
the
gaine
or
losse
of
a
Merchant
:
In
the
other
the
gaine
or
losse
of
a
Kingdome
in
the
Ballance
of
Trade
.
All
Personall
Exchanges
may
be
considered
Largely
,
or
Strictly
.
Largely
,
With
mony
or
Without
Mony
.
With
mony
,
when
either
Merchandize
is
exchanged
For
mony
;
or
Mony
for
mony
.
The
former
of
these
is
called
Buying
and
Selling
:
because
mony
is
now
become
the
price
of
all
things
;
which
from
the
beginning
was
not
so
.
For
as
the
world
encreased
in
people
,
so
did
it
also
in
Commerce
and
trade
.
So
that
where
before
mony
was
inuented
,
there
was
an
Exchange
,
or
Permutation
in
moueable
and
mutable
things
onely
,
as
Corne
,
Wine
,
Oile
,
and
the
like
:
and
afterwards
in
immoueable
and
immutable
things
,
as
Houses
,
Lands
and
the
like
;
there
was
a
necessity
of
mony
,
to
value
such
things
with
mony
as
could
not
be
exchanged
.
And
so
by
degrees
all
things
came
to
bee
valued
with
money
,
and
mony
the
value
of
all
things
.
The
latter
,
Romans
Nnmularii
;
which
were
Bankers
or
Exchangers
of
mony
for
mony
with
gaine
.
Such
were
those
in
Christs
time
,
as
appeareth
by
the
Phrase
in
the
Originall
,
Great
Whale
;
The
Exchange
without
mony
,
is
properly
called
Commerce
;
Free
trade
.
Cap.
1.
p.
20.
which
as
I
haue
shewed
elswhere
,
is
Commutatio
mercium
,
an
Exchange
of
wares
for
wares
:
and
in
Merchants
termes
is
called
Trucking
or
Bartering
.
And
if
there
bee
any
mystery
in
merchandising
,
there
is
more
in
this
kinde
of
Exchanging
,
then
in
that
of
monies
:
for
the
Commodities
of
all
Countries
are
more
various
,
then
the
monies
:
and
the
waight
and
bulk
of
trade
consisteth
more
in
Commodities
then
in
monies
.
And
a
skilfull
Merchant
will
oft
preferre
a
barter
for
Commodity
,
before
a
sale
for
mony
:
because
hee
much
more
aduanceth
the
price
of
his
Commodity
:
in
which
skill
,
he
that
hath
most
skill
,
hath
most
aduantage
.
A
Common-wealth
also
may
subsist
with
the
trade
of
Commodities
without
mony
:
but
it
cannot
subsist
with
the
trade
of
mony
without
Commodities
.
Wherein
consisted
the
policy
of
Platoe's
Common-wealth
,
and
the
fine
conceit
of
Sr.
Tho.
Mores
Vtopia
,
so
much
honoured
in
the
world
.
And
thus
much
for
Personall
Exchanges
at
large
.
Personall
Exchanges
strictly
vnderstood
,
So
that
this
kind
of
Exchange
or
Permutation
,
the
Name
,
or
the
Thing
it selfe
.
The
Name
is
taken
,
either
from
the
Subiect
,
or
from
the
Adiunct
thereof
.
The
Subiect
is
the
place
,
and
therefore
it
's
called
in
Latine
Cambium
:
and
Cambire
is
quasi
cum-ire
,
or
conuenire
:
taken
from
the
place
,
where
Merchants
and
others
come
together
.
And
so
it
is
in
Spanish
and
Italian
called
Cambio
.
The
Adiunct
respecteth
,
either
the
Action
there
done
,
as
the
Exchanging
of
mony
;
or
the
Actors
,
the
Exchangers
thereof
.
And
thence
it
is
call'd
the
Exchange
or
Burse
.
The
latter
is
common
in
most
languages
,
deriued
of
the
Greek
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
signifying
the
Purse
or
Treasury
where
mony
is
to
be
sought
vpon
all
occasions
.
The
Name
and
forme
of
the
place
,
some
thinke
was
taken
from
the
Castle
in
Carthage
.
Whereof
Virgil
maketh
this
mention
;
Mercatíque
solum
,
facti
de
nomine
Byrsam
,
Taurino
quantùm
possent
circundare
tergo
.
A
peece
of
ground
both
long
and
wide
Was
bought
,
gir't
round
with
[
*
](A07594-e31360-b)
*
Dido
by
subtlety
obtained
of
K.
Iarbus
as
much
ground
as
she
could
compasse
with
a
Buls
hide
:
which
being
thought
to
be
little
,
was
easily
granted
.
But
she
caused
the
skinne
to
be
cut
in
small
peeces
,
and
stretcht
out
in
such
length
,
as
it
compa'st
22.
stadia
or
furlongs
of
that
measure
,
whereon
shee
built
Carthage
,
&
in
the
midst
thereof
a
Castle
,
which
she
called
Byrsa
,
from
the
name
of
the
Bulles
hide
:
and
by
a
Metonimy
,
a
Purse
.
Strabe
lib.
17.
a
Buls
hide
:
Whereon
a
Towre
rare
to
bee
seene
Was
buil't
,
cal'd
Burse
by
Dido
Queene
.
And
indeed
the
Burses
for
Merchants
assemblies
in
most
places
,
are
of
stately
Structure
;
as
is
our
Burse
of
London
:
the
modell
whereof
was
taken
from
the
Burse
of
Antwerpe
,
which
twaine
are
much
alike
,
and
excell
all
others
that
I
know
.
That
of
Amsterdam
resembleth
ours
:
but
ours
farre
exceedeth
that
in
extent
and
costly
architecture
:
and
was
worthily
named
of
Qu.
Elizabeth
The
Royall
Exchange
.
And
thus
much
of
the
Name
:
The
Thing
it selfe
followeth
.
Natural
Exchange
is
when
mony
is
exchanged
Value
for
Value
,
according
to
the
Intrinsique
or
inward
finenes
,
or
true
value
thereof
.
The
Intrinsique
value
or
finenes
of
monies
,
cannot
be
known
,
but
by
a
dissolution
&
melting
down
of
the
same
into
their
proper
bodies
:
&
by
a
separation
of
the
pure
from
the
impure
,
the
fine
siluer
or
gold
,
from
the
allay
or
copper
by
assay
.
In
which
Naturall
Exchange
,
there
is
no
rate
nor
price
to
be
admitted
for
the
deliuering
or
taking
of
mony
:
but
looke
how
much
fine
siluer
or
gold
you
receiue
in
one
place
,
iust
so
much
,
and
no
more
you
must
pay
or
deliuer
in
another
.
And
this
is
a
better
direction
,
then
limitation
of
Exchanges
.
For
the
finenes
of
monies
,
is
that
Cynosure
or
Center
,
whereunto
all
Exchanges
haue
their
naturall
propension
.
But
if
you
should
so
limit
or
restraine
Exchanges
,
that
no
man
should
take
or
deliuer
any
mony
,
but
according
to
the
iust
finenes
:
then
the
vse
of
Exchanges
in
all
places
would
bee
taken
away
.
For
then
there
would
be
no
aduantage
left
neither
to
him
that
deliuereth
,
nor
him
that
taketh
,
when
mony
must
bee
answered
with
mony
in
the
same
Intrinsique
value
.
For
as
it
is
the
goodnes
of
a
Commodity
that
directeth
the
price
;
yet
that
price
is
greater
or
lesse
,
according
to
the
vse
of
the
thing
,
or
the
iudgement
of
the
buyer
and
seller
:
euen
so
,
it
is
the
finenes
of
mony
,
that
directeth
the
price
or
value
of
the
Exchange
,
yet
that
price
is
greater
or
lesse
according
to
the
occasions
of
both
parties
contracting
for
the
same
:
which
cannot
be
done
in
the
Naturall
Exchange
,
because
it
admitteth
no
aduantage
to
either
.
The
Politique
Exchange
,
is
when
mony
is
exchanged
value
for
value
,
Natural
Exchange
,
such
is
the
extrinsique
value
to
the
Politique
Exchange
.
Wherein
Merchants
are
wont
to
reckon
the
certaine
value
of
mony
in
finenes
,
at
an
vncertaine
valuation
,
in
denomination
and
accompt
:
sometimes
at
a
higher
,
sometimes
at
a
lower
rate
.
Which
is
therefore
in
Merchants
termes
,
called
the
price
,
or
course
,
or
rate
of
the
Exchange
.
And
this
valuation
is
thus
vncertaine
,
because
it
is
greater
or
lesse
,
according
to
the
circumstances
of
time
,
and
place
,
and
persons
.
Of
time
,
when
money
is
taken
by
Exchange
for
longer
or
shorter
time
.
Of
place
,
where
mony
is
more
plentifull
or
scarse
.
Of
persons
,
when
the
party
taking
mony
,
is
of
greater
or
lesse
credit
,
or
hath
more
or
lesse
need
thereof
.
In
all
these
respects
,
the
rates
of
monies
deliuered
and
taken
by
Exchange
,
are
alwayes
more
or
lesse
.
For
as
it
is
a
common
thing
amongst
men
to
sell
one
&
the
same
commodity
,
to
diuers
men
at
diuers
prises
:
so
is
it
also
in
Exchange
,
when
one
and
the
same
finenes
of
mony
,
is
answered
by
a
different
value
in
denomination
or
accompt
.
Neither
is
there
any
certainty
of
gaine
to
the
deliuerer
of
mony
in
the
first
Exchange
,
although
he
seem
to
haue
some
aduantage
in
the
price
thereof
aboue
the
value
of
fine
siluer
;
nor
of
losse
to
the
taker
,
though
hee
seeme
to
haue
some
disaduantage
in
the
price
thereof
vnder
the
value
of
fine
siluer
:
because
the
deliuerer
may
perhaps
be
subiect
to
remit
his
mony
backe
,
in
the
second
or
forrain
Exchange
,
as
much
vnder
the
value
of
fine
siluer
,
as
he
had
before
aboue
the
value
in
the
first
Exchange
:
And
it
may
fall
out
also
,
that
the
taker
may
gaine
by
the
rising
of
the
Exchange
abroad
;
that
,
which
hee
seemed
to
lose
by
the
falling
thereof
at
home
.
And
if
it
happen
that
the
mony
deliuered
in
the
first
Exchange
,
bee
not
remitted
in
the
second
Exchange
,
but
otherwise
employed
in
trade
;
that
alter's
not
the
case
,
by
Malynes
owne
rule
;
which
is
,
That
commodities
are
bought
and
sold
according
to
the
publike
measure
of
the
Exchange
.
So
that
in
these
Exchanges
,
there
is
no
certainty
of
gaine
or
losse
to
the
parties
taking
or
deliuering
of
mony
,
vntill
the
time
be
run
out
,
and
the
returne
come
backe
,
from
those
parts
and
places
,
whether
the
mony
was
first
deliuered
by
Exchange
:
during
which
time
,
the
manifold
occurrents
which
are
contigent
to
trade
,
may
vary
the
gaine
or
losse
to
either
party
.
But
because
Malynes
would
make
the
world
beleeue
,
Politique
Exchange
,
is
an
excellent
policy
of
trade
,
I
might
say
of
State
:
and
concerneth
both
The
King
and
Kingdome
.
It
concerneth
The
King
:
when
by
the
benefit
of
the
Exchange
,
his
Maiesties
affaires
of
State
and
high
consequence
,
may
bee
furnished
with
monies
in
forraine
parts
,
vpon
all
occasions
,
without
the
exportation
of
any
of
his
owne
treasure
.
It
concerne's
The
Kingdome
:
both
in
respect
of
Noble-men
,
and
Trades-men
.
Of
Noble-men
:
when
by
the
benefit
of
Exchange
,
yong
Noble-men
and
Gentlemen
may
be
supplied
with
monies
in
their
trauels
,
without
the
danger
&
inconuenience
of
carrying
ouer
mony
,
which
without
the
Exchange
could
not
be
auoided
.
Of
Trades-men
:
and
that
principally
in
respect
of
Merchants
and
Clothiers
.
Of
Merchants
,
Old
and
Yong.
Of
Old
Merchants
:
whose
meanes
although
good
,
yet
through
the
deadnes
of
times
&
trades
,
a
good
mans
estate
may
be
out
of
his
hands
in
debts
and
wares
:
which
may
be
supplied
by
the
benefit
of
Exchange
.
Of
Yong
Merchants
:
who
hauing
little
meanes
,
and
lesse
credit
with
the
vsurer
without
a
surety
,
whom
euery
Yong
man
,
nor
Old
neither
,
hath
at
command
,
may
supply
themselues
vpon
their
owne
credits
with
great
summes
of
mony
by
Exchange
:
the
least
part
whereof
,
they
could
not
haue
had
without
a
surety
at
interest
.
Which
is
a
singular
benefit
to
Yong
Merchants
,
and
tendeth
to
a
very
great
inlargement
of
trade
.
Of
Clothiers
:
for
when
the
Cloth-markets
are
dead
,
and
when
the
Clothier
cannot
sell
his
Cloth
,
and
the
Merchant
hath
not
mony
to
buy
his
Cloth
;
the
Exchange
becometh
a
succoure
,
and
supply
to
both
.
When
thereby
,
vpon
a
sudden
,
the
Merchant
can
finnish
himselfe
with
mony
,
and
take
off
the
Cloth
from
the
Clothiers
hand
,
to
the
comfort
of
the
Clothier
,
&
the
poore
people
that
depend
on
him
,
and
to
the
great
quickning
of
the
Cloth-trade
:
which
is
highly
to
be
tendered
in
this
Common-wealth
.
And
thus
much
briefly
for
the
Vse
of
this
Politique
Exchange
:
Little
Fish
,
and
in
his
Great
Whale
,
where
the
same
is
suck't
in
againe
;
would
perswade
the
world
,
that
there
is
a
great
vnderualuation
of
our
monies
in
Exchange
,
to
those
of
Germany
and
the
Low
Countries
.
Which
is
the
foundation
and
maine
piller
to
support
his
Par
,
&
perillous
proiect
:
so
if
you
take
that
away
,
all
falle's
to
the
ground
.
In
An.
1586.
he
saith
,
the
Reall
of
8.
was
set
in
the
Low
Countries
at
[
a
](A07594-e32630-b)
a
Pag.
12.
42.
Stuyuers
,
and
the
Exchange
at
[
a
](A07594-e32670-b)
a
Pag.
12.
33.
s.
4.
d.
Flemish
for
our
20.
s.
Sterling
:
and
the
Riecks
Daller
went
then
in
Germany
at
[
b
](A07594-e32730-b)
b
Pag.
32.
32.
shillings
Lups
,
and
the
Exchange
at
[
c
](A07594-e32770-b)
c
Pag.
33.
24.
s.
9.
d
,
Hamburgh
mony
for
our
20.
shillings
Sterling
.
The
Reall
saith
he
,
is
now
raised
in
the
Low
Countries
to
[
d
](A07594-e32830-b)
d
Pag.
13.
51.
Stuyuers
:
and
the
Riecks
Daller
in
Germany
to
[
e
](A07594-e32880-b)
e
Pag.
34.
54.
Shillings
Lups
.
Whereby
Malynes
would
inferre
,
that
by
how
much
these
monies
are
inhansed
aboue
those
ancient
values
,
which
is
not
so
little
as
20.
in
the
hundred
,
by
so
much
our
monies
are
vnderualued
in
Exchange
vnto
those
parts
:
and
by
so
much
our
natiue
Commodities
are
sold
in
forraine
parts
too
cheape
,
and
the
forraine
brought
in
as
much
too
deare
:
and
to
be
the
cause
also
of
the
exportation
of
our
mony
;
and
the
hinderance
of
the
importation
of
forraine
Coine
into
this
Kingdome
.
These
are
fearefull
effects
;
if
wee
may
giue
credit
to
Malynes
Report
.
And
this
I
take
to
bee
the
substance
of
Malynes
supposition
.
Whereunto
I
answer
,
that
first
denomination
of
monies
,
doe
alter
their
names
onely
,
not
their
true
values
.
Riecks
Daller
when
it
goeth
at
54
shillings
Lups
,
then
when
it
goeth
at
32
shillings
Lups
.
And
next
,
that
as
the
mony
hath
been
raised
in
Germany
and
the
Low
Countries
,
from
that
it
was
in
An.
1586.
so
likewise
hath
the
Exchange
there
rissen
since
that
time
accordingly
:
which
being
opposed
to
the
rising
of
the
mony
,
maketh
the
one
equiualent
to
the
other
.
Wherein
Malynes
error
is
so
grosse
,
that
I
wonder
,
how
any
man
of
vnderstanding
could
be
deceiued
therewith
:
for
hee
reduceth
the
inhansed
dutch
mony
into
English
mony
,
at
the
low
rate
of
Exchange
:
whereas
he
should
haue
taken
aswell
,
the
inhansed
rate
of
Exchange
,
as
the
inhansed
mony
;
and
then
the
difference
had
been
none
at
all
.
This
may
be
made
more
perspicuous
by
a
familiar
example
.
Low
Countries
,
and
maketh
ouer
100.
l.
Sterling
to
beare
his
charges
there
.
The
mony
he
deliuers
by
Exchange
in
London
for
Amsterdam
,
after
the
rate
of
33
sh.
4
d.
vzance
.
At
which
rate
he
is
to
receiue
at
Amsterdam
L
1●6
.
13.4
.
Flemish
for
his
100
l.
deliuered
at
London
.
This
L
1●6
.
13.4
.
Flemish
is
paid
him
in
Amsterdam
in
Hollands
Dallers
,
at
2
Guilders
or
40
Stuyuers
the
Daller
,
which
amounteth
to
iust
500
Dallers
.
So
then
these
500
Dallers
,
and
that
L
166.13.4
.
Flemish
,
are
both
equal
in
value
to
this
100
l.
Sterling
.
It
falleth
out
that
this
Gentleman
is
otherwise
supplied
of
mony
in
the
Low
Countries
for
his
●●pence
;
so
that
being
againe
to
returne
for
England
,
he
is
to
remit
his
mony
backe
againe
by
Exchange
for
London
.
And
by
this
time
the
Hollands
Daller
is
risen
from
2
Guilders
to
42
Stuyuers
the
Daller
:
so
that
now
his
L
166.13.4
.
Flemish
is
in
denomination
come
to
be
175
l.
Flemish
:
but
withall
the
Exchange
is
also
risen
to
35.
shillings
Flemish
.
Now
the
question
is
,
what
this
Gentleman
shall
gaine
by
the
rising
of
the
mony
thus
vpon
his
hand
in
Holland
?
Surely
that
which
the
Dutch-men
say
,
is
Goet
in
de
ooge
,
quaet
in
de
buydel
;
and
we
say
,
that
you
may
put
it
in
your
eye
,
and
not
see
the
worse
,
which
is
iust
nothing
at
all
.
For
his
125
pounds
Flemish
,
being
to
be
deliuered
by
Exchange
for
London
at
35.
shillings
,
that
is
,
to
receiue
20.
shillings
Sterling
at
London
for
35.
shillings
Flemish
deliuered
at
Amsterdam
;
is
all
one
,
as
to
haue
deliuered
his
L
166.13.4
.
at
33.
shillings
4
pence
:
and
both
of
them
produce
only
his
100
l.
Sterling
againe
,
and
not
a
peny
more
.
But
if
this
Gentlemen
would
learne
of
Malynes
to
reckon
without
his
hoste
;
that
is
,
to
reckon
his
Flemish
mony
risen
high
,
at
his
low
Exchange
,
he
might
haue
deceiued
himselfe
,
as
Malynes
deceiueth
others
,
with
his
Flemish
reckoning
.
Or
if
it
had
been
lawfull
for
this
Gentleman
,
to
haue
sent
ouer
his
100.
l.
in
Spanish
Reals
,
when
the
Reall
of
8.
went
at
51.
Stuyuers
at
Amsterdam
,
and
to
haue
had
the
lucke
of
a
low
Exchange
from
thence
,
to
haue
deliuered
his
mony
backe
,
which
is
very
rare
,
when
the
Species
run
high
;
he
might
haue
got
25.
in
the
hundred
as
they
did
that
carried
Reals
thither
last
yeere
:
as
I
haue
elsewere
shewed
vpon
the
like
occasion
.
Otherwise
,
when
the
Species
run
high
,
And
this
is
all
the
Mystery
that
is
in
this
deepe
speculation
of
Exchange
,
Great
Whale
,
Know
yee
therefore
,
that
the
benefit
or
profit
of
Exchange
is
neuer
known
directly
,
but
by
the
rechange
thereof
.
But
because
this
Rechange
is
vncertaine
,
King
of
Spaines
mony
is
so
soone
recented
and
felt
of
all
the
Exchanges
in
all
places
round
about
.
For
his
monies
that
are
yeerely
disposed
,
for
payment
of
his
Soldiers
in
the
Low
Countries
,
whether
Exchanged
with
the
Genoaises
,
or
transported
in
Specie
,
are
first
felt
in
the
Exchange
of
Antwerpe
,
and
afterwards
in
all
the
other
Exchanges
,
as
of
London
,
Paris
,
Lions
,
Roan
,
Amsterdam
,
Delft
,
Middelburgh
,
Hamburgh
,
Venice
,
and
elswhere
wher
Exchanges
are
in
vse
:
which
for
that
cause
,
commonly
follow
the
Exchange
of
Antwerpe
.
And
therefore
as
all
other
Naturall
things
must
haue
their
course
,
so
also
must
Exchanges
,
and
will
no
more
endure
a
forst
Par
to
be
put
vpon
them
,
then
the
market
will
endure
to
haue
the
prises
of
all
things
prefixed
or
set
.
But
yet
to
come
a
little
closer
to
Malynes
:
Low
Countries
,
and
the
rate
of
the
Exchange
as
it
goeth
at
this
day
,
and
bring
Malynes
Tenet
to
this
touchstone
.
And
amongst
other
Species
,
because
we
haue
had
so
much
dispute
about
the
Spanish
Reals
,
and
that
these
are
all
one
in
Intrinsique
value
or
finenes
,
with
our
mony
:
that
is
,
a
leauen
ounces
two
peny
waight
fine
.
Low
Countries
by
a
Placcaet
or
Proclamation
,
published
the
21.
Iuly
.
1622.
at
2
Guilders
8
Stuyuers
,
or
8
shillings
Flemish
the
piece
.
Now
4
⅜
Reals
of
8
are
equall
to
our
20
shillings
Sterling
in
the
Vnited
Prouinces
,
in
Extrinsique
and
Intrinsique
value
:
and
both
are
equall
to
35
shillings
Flemish
,
which
is
the
present
rate
of
the
Exchange
.
Peny
waight
,
and
25
⅜
Ases
or
Graines
:
and
20
shillings
Sterling
waieth
77.
English
,
and
16
Ases
:
which
is
but
9
⅜
Ases
difference
in
35
shillings
Flemish
,
which
is
not
a
peny
Sterling
in
the
whole
.
Againe
,
4
⅜
Reals
of
8
at
2
Guilders
8
Stuyuers
the
Reall
of
8
,
produce
iust
35
shillings
Flemish
:
And
20
shillings
Sterling
at
10
⅜
Stuyuers
for
euery
Shilling
,
as
they
are
also
set
by
the
said
Proclamation
,
produce
the
very
same
value
.
So
then
our
English
siluer
mony
,
and
the
Spanish
Reals
,
and
the
value
of
both
in
the
Low
Countries
,
and
the
rate
of
the
Exchange
,
doe
all
agree
.
Wher
's
the
vnderualuation
then
that
Malynes
maketh
all
this
stirre
about
?
Iacobus
peece
,
and
the
Great
golden
Rider
are
of
one
finenes
.
Now
this
Golden
Rider
by
the
Proclamation
aforesaid
is
set
at
11
Guilders
6
Stuyuers
,
which
is
37
sh.
&
8.
d.
Flemish
:
And
the
Iacobus
peeces
proclaimed
for
Bullion
.
Iacobus
peece
and
the
Double
Rider
being
of
one
finenes
,
and
the
Iacobus
peece
proclaimed
Bullion
,
ought
there
to
be
valued
vnder
the
Rider
,
so
much
as
is
the
coynage
of
the
Rider
:
But
the
Iacobus
peeces
being
now
so
much
sought
after
there
,
to
be
brought
ouer
hither
;
the
price
of
them
is
raised
4
d.
Flemish
aboue
the
Rider
,
viz.
to
38
sh.
Flemish
,
and
yet
abundance
of
them
are
still
brought
ouer
by
Dutch
and
English
:
or
els
our
complaint
of
want
of
mony
had
been
farre
greater
in
this
Kingdome
.
What
vse
is
there
then
of
Malynes
Par
?
Low
Countries
,
and
by
a
secret
conueyance
would
conferre
the
same
vpon
the
Stranger
;
which
would
all
fall
vpon
the
Cloth
Trade
of
this
Kingdome
.
For
all
men
know
,
that
in
England
the
Stranger
is
commonly
the
Deliuerer
of
mony
,
and
the
English
the
Taker
.
Because
the
English
commonly
taketh
mony
at
home
,
either
to
draw
home
his
meanes
from
forraine
parts
,
or
els
to
inlarge
his
trade
.
And
the
Stranger
is
the
Deliuerer
of
mony
here
,
because
when
he
hath
sold
his
forraine
Commodities
here
,
he
is
to
remit
his
mony
home
by
Exchange
.
But
in
forraine
parts
,
the
English
is
commonly
the
Deliuerer
,
and
the
Stranger
the
Taker
:
because
the
proceed
of
the
Cloth
and
other
the
natiue
Commodities
of
the
Kingdome
sold
in
forreine
parts
,
administreth
continuall
occasion
to
the
English
,
of
Deliuering
of
mony
for
returne
thereof
.
By
meanes
whereof
,
this
great
losse
would
falle
vpon
the
English
,
both
in
England
and
Beyond
the
Seas
,
and
become
so
much
gaine
to
the
Dutch.
For
the
higher
the
Exchange
is
in
England
,
the
more
losse
it
is
to
the
Taker
,
and
the
more
gaine
to
the
Deliuerer
:
because
the
Taker
must
giue
to
the
Deliuerer
,
so
much
more
Flemish
mony
abroad
,
for
the
English
mony
hee
taketh
vp
by
Exchange
at
home
,
as
the
rate
or
price
of
the
Exchange
is
raised
.
And
the
higher
the
Exchange
is
in
Dutch-land
,
the
more
losse
to
the
Deliuerer
,
and
gaine
to
the
Taker
by
the
same
reason
:
because
the
Deliuerer
must
there
giue
to
the
Taker
,
so
much
more
Flemish
mony
,
as
the
Exchange
is
rissen
,
for
the
English
mony
he
is
to
receiue
at
home
.
As
for
Example
:
suppose
the
Exchange
goe
from
London
to
Amsterdam
at
35
sh.
Flemish
,
for
euery
20
shillings
Sterling
:
then
if
I
take
vp
100.
l.
Sterling
of
a
Dutch
Merchant
in
London
,
I
must
pay
him
or
his
Assignes
175.
l.
Flemish
at
a
Moneths
time
in
Amsterdam
.
Or
if
I
am
at
Amsterdam
,
and
will
there
deliuer
100.
l.
Sterling
for
London
,
and
the
Exchange
from
thence
for
London
,
goe
at
34.
shillings
9
pence
Flemish
,
for
euery
20.
shillings
Sterling
:
then
if
I
deliuer
there
173
pounds
15
shillings
Flemish
,
I
shall
receiue
100
pounds
Sterling
,
at
a
moneths
time
in
London
.
But
if
the
price
or
rate
of
the
Exchange
should
be
raised
in
London
,
from
35
shillings
to
40
shillings
Flemish
,
for
euery
20
shillings
Sterling
;
which
is
much
lesse
then
the
suggested
difference
before
mentioned
,
then
I
must
pay
in
Amsterdam
200
pounds
Flemish
for
100
pounds
Sterling
receiued
in
London
.
Or
if
I
be
a
deliuerer
of
mony
at
Amsterdam
;
where
I
shal
be
sure
to
finde
the
Exchange
to
rise
in
proportion
to
the
Exchange
at
London
,
as
Malynes
himselfe
confesseth
,
That
the
price
of
the
Exchange
will
alter
there
accordingly
,
then
I
must
deliuer
198
pounds
15
shillings
Flemish
,
at
39
shillings
9
pence
,
to
receiue
100.
pounds
Sterling
at
a
moneths
time
in
London
.
Whereby
my
losse
will
be
in
proportion
to
the
other
,
with
the
difference
of
time
.
If
this
be
the
Inconuenience
,
what
will
bee
the
euent
?
English
Merchant
,
his
whole
estate
beyond
the
Seas
,
for
his
ready
vse
and
imployment
thereof
in
England
vpon
all
occasions
.
Which
is
the
cause
,
that
the
English
Merchants
which
trade
into
Germany
and
the
Low
Countries
,
doe
buy
their
cloth
with
Ready
Mony
,
when
other
Merchants
that
haue
not
this
benefit
of
the
Exchange
,
are
faine
to
Take
time
of
the
Clothiers
,
to
pay
them
at
the
returne
of
their
Estate
in
Wares
.
So
that
if
there
should
be
a
stop
in
the
Course
of
the
Exchange
,
then
either
the
English
Merchant
will
forbeare
to
take
vp
mony
by
Exchange
;
or
els
hee
will
looke
to
recouer
the
losse
of
the
Exchange
,
vpon
his
Cloth
.
If
he
forbeare
to
take
vp
mony
by
Exchange
,
then
he
can
neither
buy
so
much
cloth
,
nor
giue
ready
mony
for
the
same
as
he
was
wont
.
Wherby
will
follow
a
stand
in
Black-well-Hall
,
which
is
wont
much
to
be
refreshed
by
the
ready
vse
of
the
Exchange
.
And
if
the
English
wil
not
take
,
the
Stranger
cannot
deliuer
:
and
if
he
cannot
deliuer
,
of
necessity
he
must
be
thrust
vpon
the
Transportation
of
Mony
,
more
then
euer
he
was
before
:
and
then
the
remedy
will
be
far
worse
then
the
disease
.
And
if
the
English
Merchant
must
needs
recouer
the
losse
of
the
Exchange
vpon
the
Cloth
;
it
must
either
be
done
in
the
buying
of
it
at
home
,
or
selling
of
it
abroad
.
But
it
cannot
be
done
in
the
sale
of
the
Cloth
abroad
:
for
the
Cloth-trade
grones
already
vnder
the
present
burthen
that
lye's
vpon
it
,
which
presseth
it
downe
so
sore
,
that
it
cannot
recouer
it selfe
:
whereof
there
are
2.
principall
witnesses
,
the
Quantity
,
and
the
Price
of
Cloth
,
both
diminished
.
Therefore
of
necessity
,
this
losse
must
bee
expected
of
the
Clothier
:
which
would
be
a
matter
of
grieuous
consequence
,
as
the
termes
of
trade
now
stand
.
But
will
you
heare
Malynes
Prolepsis
or
anticipation
of
these
obiections
?
-
1
Some
make
doubt
,
that
the
price
of
Exchange
being
risen
,
-
2
Others
say
,
that
those
Merchants
which
haue
sold
their
Clothes
beyond
the
Seas
,
shall
receiue
a
losse
in
the
making
ouer
their
mony
from
thence
.
-
3
Others
say
,
that
they
shall
not
bee
able
to
vent
their
Cloth
,
according
to
the
high
Exchange
,
especially
now
the
same
is
out
of
request
:
and
would
haue
the
matter
of
reformation
deferred
vntill
another
time
.
-
1
The
first
Obiection
is
answered
before
,
that
the
Taker
is
ruled
by
the
Deliuerer
,
who
will
not
giue
his
mony
by
Exchange
,
vnder
the
true
value
,
according
to
the
Proclamation
to
be
made
:
and
the
Deliuerer
being
the
Merchant
stranger
here
,
will
sooner
bee
thrust
vpon
the
Statute
of
Employment
;
for
by
the
exportation
of
mony
he
shall
haue
no
gaine
:
whereas
some
of
the
discreeter
sort
,
would
not
haue
the
Statute
too
strictly
pressed
vpon
the
stranger
,
because
the
trade
should
not
be
driuen
into
their
hands
.
-
2
To
the
second
,
the
Proclamation
limiting
a
time
for
execution
,
giueth
Merchants
ability
to
recouer
their
monies
,
or
to
sell
their
bils
of
debt
for
mony
,
or
to
buy
Commodities
for
them
,
as
the
manner
is
.
-
3
To
the
third
,
experience
maketh
a
full
answere
to
both
,
that
there
did
want
no
Takers
,
when
the
late
inhancing
of
mony
at
Hamburgh
,
caused
the
Exchange
to
rise
from
vnder
28.
shillings
to
aboue
35.
shillings
;
which
is
more
then
the
present
alteration
will
be
:
and
Wooll
was
at
33.
shillings
the
todde
,
which
is
now
fallen
vnder
20.
shillings
.
So
that
the
vent
of
our
Cloth
was
not
hindred
,
when
it
was
sold
dearer
by
one
full
third
:
but
there
was
aboue
80.
thousand
Clothes
sold
yeerely
,
where
there
is
not
sold
now
40.
thousand
Clothes
.
All
which
obiections
and
answeres
,
To
his
first
answer
therefore
I
say
,
Alth.
Dicaeolog
.
l.
1.
cap.
64.
that
it
is
no
more
true
,
that
the
Taker
is
ruled
by
the
Deliuerer
;
then
that
the
Deliuerer
is
ruled
by
the
Taker
.
Which
Taking
and
Deliuering
,
as
it
is
A
voluntary
Contract
,
made
by
the
mutuall
consent
of
both
parties
;
so
are
both
alike
free
to
Take
and
Deliuer
at
their
owne
pleasure
,
as
in
all
other
contracts
and
bargains
of
buying
and
selling
.
And
trade
hath
in
it
such
a
kinde
of
naturall
liberty
in
the
course
and
vse
thereof
,
as
it
will
not
indure
to
be
fors't
by
any
.
If
you
attempt
it
,
it
is
a
thousand
to
one
,
that
you
leaue
it
not
worse
then
you
found
it
.
And
therefore
Bodin
saith
excellently
,
Estenim
libertas
naturalis
huiusmodi
,
vt
voluntas
benè
à
natura
informata
,
imperium
alterius
post
Deum
Immortalem
reiiciat
.
Naturall
liberty
is
such
a
thing
,
as
the
will
being
by
nature
rightly
informed
,
will
not
endure
the
command
of
any
,
but
of
God
alone
.
Which
must
be
vnderstood
of
naturall
liberty
in
the
vse
of
things
indifferent
;
and
not
of
Regall
authority
in
the
exercise
of
gouernment
.
And
hence
it
is
gone
into
a
Prouerbe
,
Quoà
natura
dedit
,
tollere
nemo
potest
.
That
which
nature
giueth
,
no
man
can
take
away
.
Iustice
is
said
to
be
Distributiue
or
Commutatiue
.
Distributiue
Iustice
is
so
called
à
Distribuendo
,
because
it
giueth
euery
man
his
owne
,
by
a
Geometricall
proportion
,
as
the
Ciuilians
speake
:
that
is
,
with
respect
to
the
quality
of
the
Person
,
not
the
Thing
.
Commutatiue
Iustice
à
Commutando
,
because
cause
it
giueth
to
euery
man
his
own
,
by
an
Arithmeticall
proportion
:
that
is
,
with
respect
to
the
equality
of
the
Thing
,
not
the
Person
.
This
last
is
placed
in
Commerce
and
Contracts
,
because
by
the
rule
of
Iustice
there
ought
to
be
an
equality
in
buying
and
selling
:
wherein
Par
est
vtriúsque
conditio
,
as
the
Ciuilians
also
speake
,
the
Buyer
and
the
Seller
,
he
that
Letteth
,
and
hee
that
Taketh
,
ought
to
bee
vpon
equall
termes
.
And
therefore
you
breake
this
law
Malynes
,
when
you
w●●l
haue
the
Taker
of
mony
ruled
by
the
Deliuerer
.
Malynes
addeth
,
That
the
Merchant
Stranger
will
be
sooner
thrust
vpon
the
Statute
of
Employment
,
for
by
the
exportation
of
mony
he
shall
haue
no
gaine
:
how
quickly
Malynes
hath
forgot
his
owne
practice
,
which
he
spake
of
but
ere
while
,
in
putting
10
Iacobus
peeces
in
his
pocket
,
by
sending
ouer
90
Peeces
to
Amsterdam
!
And
surely
those
discreet
persons
,
that
finde
fault
with
the
strangers
employments
here
in
this
Kingdom
,
are
none
of
Caesars
friends
,
nor
friends
to
Caesars
subiects
.
To
the
second
I
reply
,
that
Malynes
taketh
care
onely
for
the
present
,
[
*
](A07594-e36840-b)
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
1.
Cor.
15.32
.
Ede
,
bibe
,
dormi
,
post
mortem
nulla
voluptas
.
*
Let
vs
eate
and
drinke
,
for
to
morrow
we
shall
die
.
For
by
this
limitation
of
the
Proclamation
,
the
English
Merchants
should
once
escape
this
losse
of
20.
in
the
hundred
,
and
euer
after
pay
it
to
the
Dutch.
The
Ephramites
were
knowne
by
the
pronouncing
of
Sibboleth
,
and
so
may
Malynes
by
his
Language
,
bee
knowne
what
Countriman
hee
is
.
To
the
3.
Par
of
Exchange
:
for
it
is
a
plaine
Dispar
,
a
different
case
.
For
those
that
then
tooke
mony
for
Hamburgh
,
the
Takers
gained
and
the
Deliuerers
lost
:
because
the
Exchange
risse
faster
at
Hamburgh
,
by
reason
of
the
raising
of
the
monies
there
,
then
it
did
at
●●ndon
.
Which
if
Malynes
be
ignorant
of
,
he
was
surely
a
sleepe
in
his
Great
Whales
belly
at
that
time
.
But
in
Malynes
case
,
the
Deliuerers
will
get
,
and
the
Takers
must
lose
:
because
his
rate
of
the
Exchange
at
home
must
be
higher
,
then
the
forraine
Exchange
;
Headdeth
,
This
is
the
profit
of
this
and
the
like
Proiects
!
These
are
ill
seeds
sowne
in
a
fertile
soyle
!
These
are
like
Cadmus
serpents
teeth
sowne
in
the
Earth
,
Qui
praemonetur
,
praemunitur
:
A
man
fore-warn'd
is
halfe
arm'd
.
And
I
hope
we
shall
euer
be
warn'd
by
those
harmes
,
not
to
disturbe
trade
for
any
guilded
probability
,
nor
innouate
the
same
,
without
euident
vtility
.
And
thus
it
appeareth
,
that
as
Malynes
obiections
are
faigned
,
so
are
his
answeres
also
.
Such
is
his
Par
,
and
such
is
his
Person
.
I
shall
therefore
leaue
him
and
it
,
to
the
wisdome
of
the
State
:
to
which
I
doubt
not
,
it
is
as
cleere
as
the
Sunne
,
that
there
is
no
such
Cause
as
Malynes
pretendeth
,
and
therfore
no
need
of
any
such
Remedy
:
That
his
Proiect
is
dangerous
and
damnable
:
and
not
so
difficult
to
be
discern'd
,
as
perillous
to
bee
put
in
practice
.
ANd
thus
much
of
the
Personall
Exchange
betweene
man
and
man
,
in
mony
,
in
merchandize
:
Prouinciall
Exchange
betweene
Country
and
Country
in
the
Ballance
of
trade
.
Such
as
is
the
Personall
Exchange
betweene
party
,
and
party
:
Such
is
the
Prouinciall
Exchange
betweene
Country
and
Country
.
That
,
respecteth
the
gaine
of
one
Man
with
another
:
This
,
the
gaine
of
one
Kingdome
with
another
:
That
,
concerneth
the
Subiect
;
This
,
the
Soueraigue
.
The
Prouinciall
Exchange
,
is
that
generall
permutation
before
noted
,
which
one
Country
maketh
with
another
,
in
mony
,
in
Merchandize
,
in
all
kind
of
Commerce
.
And
therefore
it
may
well
bee
sad
to
bee
the
Periphery
or
Circumference
of
the
Circle
of
Commerce
;
and
The
Ballance
of
trade
,
the
very
Center
of
this
Circle
.
For
as
in
the
Personall
Exchange
betweene
man
and
man
,
the
gaine
or
losse
of
such
Exchanging
cannot
bee
knowne
,
but
by
the
returne
of
the
mony
exchanged
:
that
is
,
till
that
mony
bee
come
backe
in
Exchange
,
which
was
at
first
deliuered
,
as
is
before
declared
:
So
also
in
the
Prouinciall
Exchange
betweene
Country
and
Country
,
the
gaine
or
losse
which
one
Kingdome
maketh
vpon
another
,
cannot
bee
knowne
vntill
the
Returnes
thereof
bee
made
:
that
is
,
till
the
forraine
Commodities
bee
brought
in
,
for
the
Natiue
Commodities
issued
and
carried
out
;
and
both
cast
into
the
Ballance
of
Trade
,
to
bee
waighed
and
tried
one
against
the
other
.
For
as
a
paire
of
Scales
or
Ballance
,
is
an
Inuention
to
shew
vs
the
waight
of
things
,
whereby
we
may
discerne
the
heauy
from
the
light
,
and
how
one
thing
differeth
from
another
in
the
Scale
of
waight
:
So
is
also
this
Ballance
of
Trade
,
an
excellent
and
politique
Inuention
,
to
shew
vs
the
difference
of
waight
in
the
Commerce
of
one
Kingdome
with
another
:
that
is
,
whether
the
Natiue
Commodities
exported
,
and
all
the
forraine
Commodities
Imported
,
doe
ballance
or
ouerballance
one
another
in
the
Scale
of
Commerce
.
If
the
Natiue
Commodities
exported
doe
waigh
downe
and
exceed
in
value
the
forraine
Commodities
imported
;
it
is
a
rule
that
neuer
faile's
,
that
then
the
Kingdome
growe's
rich
,
and
prosper's
in
estate
and
stocke
:
because
the
ouerplus
thereof
must
needs
come
in
,
in
treasure
.
But
if
the
Forraine
Commodities
imported
,
doe
exceed
in
value
the
Natiue
Commodities
exported
;
it
is
a
manifest
signe
that
then
trade
decayeth
,
and
the
stocke
of
the
Kingdome
wasteth
apace
:
because
the
ouerplus
must
needs
goe
out
in
treasure
.
As
for
example
:
If
this
Kingdome
send
out
Clothes
and
other
the
Natiue
Commodities
thereof
into
forrain
parts
,
which
are
there
sold
for
one
thousand
pounds
of
our
mony
in
value
;
and
receiue
backe
againe
in
returne
,
the
forraine
Commodities
of
other
Kingdomes
to
the
value
of
eight
hundred
pounds
,
for
the
thousand
pounds
sent
out
,
it
is
manifest
that
the
other
two
hundred
pounds
,
being
also
due
to
this
Kingdome
,
must
needs
come
in
,
in
treasure
,
to
ballance
and
make
euen
the
thousand
pounds
at
first
sent
out
.
Which
of
necessity
,
must
either
come
in
,
in
mony
or
merchandize
:
if
not
in
mony
,
then
in
merchandize
:
if
not
in
merchandize
,
then
in
mony
:
and
consequently
the
more
come's
in
,
in
mony
,
the
lesse
in
merchandize
:
and
the
lesse
in
merchandize
the
more
in
mony
.
But
if
this
Kingdome
shall
receiue
in
,
twelue
hundred
pounds
in
value
of
the
forraine
Commodities
of
other
Kingdomes
,
for
the
thousand
pounds
sent
out
,
then
it
is
manifest
,
that
this
Kingdome
spendeth
more
of
the
forraine
,
then
other
Kingdomes
doe
spend
of
our
Natiue
Commodities
,
by
two
hundred
pounds
in
the
value
of
one
thousand
pounds
:
whereby
this
Kingdome
is
become
so
much
in
debt
to
those
forraine
Kingdomes
:
which
of
necessity
must
goe
out
from
hence
in
treasure
,
to
satisfie
that
which
was
brought
in
,
more
then
that
which
was
carried
out
.
And
this
experiment
is
therefore
called
The
Ballance
of
Trade
.
Which
you
may
yet
more
illustrate
,
if
you
consider
the
Forme
,
and
the
End
thereof
.
In
the
One
,
there
's
a
Quo
modo
:
In
the
Other
,
there
's
a
Cui
bono
.
How
it
may
bee
done
,
in
the
One
:
Why
it
may
be
done
,
in
the
Other
.
There
's
a
benefit
in
both
,
and
both
within
the
Circle
of
Commerce
.
Wee
will
therefore
consider
this
Forme
,
first
Comparatiuè
,
Ballance
of
Trade
.
The
Comparison
shall
bee
of
two
precedent
Formes
which
I
haue
found
out
.
Whereby
it
may
appeare
,
that
this
Ballance
of
the
Kingdomes
trade
is
no
conceit
or
Nouelty
,
but
hath
been
the
wisdome
and
policy
euen
of
elder
times
;
to
make
a
priuy
search
and
strict
enquiry
,
by
this
kinde
of
scrutiny
,
into
the
state
of
times
and
trades
.
The
former
of
these
Precedents
,
shal
be
an
ancient
Ballance
of
Trade
,
which
is
said
to
bee
found
vpon
Record
in
the
Exchequer
in
the
eight
and
twentieth
yeere
of
Edward
the
third
,
|
|
li.
|
sh.
|
d.
|
One
and
thirty
thousand
six
hundred
fifty
one
sacks
and
a
halfe
of
Wooll
at
six
pounds
value
each
sack
,
amount
to
L
189909.00.00
|
195982.
|
01.
|
08
|
Three
thousand
thirty
six
hundred
sixty
fiue
Fels
,
at
forty
shillings
value
each
hundred
of
six
score
,
amount
to
L
006073.01.08
|
Whereof
the
Custome
amount's
to
,
|
081624.
|
01.
|
01
|
Fourteen
Last
,
seuenteen
dicker
&
fiue
hydes
of
leather
,
after
six
pounds
value
the
last
.
|
000089.
|
05.
|
00
|
Whereof
the
Custome
amount's
to
,
|
000006.
|
17.
|
06
|
Foure
thousand
seuen
hundred
seuenty
foure
Clothes
and
a
halfe
,
after
forty
shillings
value
the
Cloth
,
is
,
L
9549.00.0
|
016266.
|
18.
|
04
|
Eight
thousand
sixty
one
peeces
&
a
halfe
of
worsted
,
after
sixteen
shillings
eight
pence
value
the
peece
.
L
6717.18.4
|
Whereof
the
Custome
amount's
to
,
|
000215.
|
13.
|
07
|
Summa
of
the
Out-carried
Commodities
in
value
&
Custom
amounteth
to
|
294184.
|
17.
|
02
|
|
|
li.
|
sh.
|
d.
|
One
thousand
eight
hundred
thirty
two
Clothes
,
after
six
pounds
value
the
cloth
|
010992.
|
00.
|
00
|
Whereof
the
Custome
amount's
to
|
000091.
|
12.
|
00
|
Three
hundred
ninety
seuen
quintals
and
three
quarters
of
waxe
,
after
forty
shillings
value
the
hundred
or
quintall
|
000795.
|
10.
|
00
|
Whereof
the
Custome
is
|
000019.
|
17.
|
05
|
One
thousand
eight
hundred
twenty
nine
Tunnes
and
a
halfe
of
Wine
,
after
forty
shillings
value
the
Tun
,
amoū'ts
to
|
003659.
|
00.
|
00
|
Whereof
the
Custome
is
|
000182.
|
19.
|
00
|
Linnen
Cloth
,
Mercery
,
and
Grocery
wares
,
&
all
other
manner
of
merchandize
|
022943.
|
06.
|
10
|
Whereof
the
Custome
is
,
|
000285.
|
18.
|
03
|
Somma
of
the
In-brought
Commodities
in
value
and
Custome
is
|
038970.
|
03.
|
06
|
Somma
of
the
In-plusage
of
the
Out-carried
aboue
the
In-brought
Commodities
amountch
to
|
255214.
|
13.
|
08
|
The
other
shall
be
of
a
Ballance
of
trade
of
fresher
memory
,
The
Earle
of
Middlesex
,
Lord
Treasurer
of
England
.
It
was
made
in
this
forme
.
viz.
Merchandize
Exported
from
Christmas
An.
1612.
to
Christmas
An.
1613.
|
|
li.
|
sh.
|
d.
|
Custome
of
the
Port
of
London
|
061322.
|
16.
|
07
|
Custome
of
the
Out-Ports
|
025471.
|
19.
|
07
|
Wrappers
being
the
tenth
Cloth
,
Bay
,
and
Cotton
|
007000.
|
00.
|
00
|
Fish
of
our
owne
fishing
,
and
freed
from
Custome
by
statute
|
007000.
|
00.
|
00
|
Forraine
Goods
Imported
and
Exported
again
,
free
of
Custome
by
Priuy
Seale
|
003737.
|
04.
|
05
|
The
Totall
of
the
Custome
.
|
104532.
|
00.
|
07
|
The
which
is
the
twentieth
part
of
Goods
Exported
:
and
being
multiplied
by
twenty
,
produceth
the
value
of
all
the
Exportations
to
be
|
2090640.
|
11.
|
08
|
The
Custome
of
these
Goods
amounts
to
|
0086794.
|
16.
|
02
|
The
Impost
paid
Out-wards
|
0010000.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Merchants
Gaines
,
fraight
,
and
other
petty
Charges
here
and
abroad
|
0300000.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Totall
of
all
the
Exportations
.
|
2487435.
|
07.
|
10
|
Merchandize
Imported
from
Christmas
An.
1612.
to
Christmas
An.
1613.
|
|
li.
|
sh.
|
d.
|
Custome
of
the
Port
of
London
|
048250.
|
01.
|
09
|
Custome
of
the
Out-ports
|
013030.
|
09.
|
09
|
Custome
of
the
Silks
|
015477.
|
00.
|
00
|
Custome
of
Venice
Go●d
and
Siluer
|
000700.
|
00.
|
00
|
Custome
of
French
Wines
|
002000.
|
00.
|
00
|
Custome
of
Spanish
Wines
|
001200.
|
00.
|
00
|
Allowance
of
5.
per
Cento
|
004000.
|
00.
|
00
|
To
bee
added
for
the
vnderrating
of
Silkes
one
third
part
of
that
they
cost
,
valued
at
12000.
pounds
.
|
004000.
|
00.
|
00
|
To
bee
added
for
the
vnderrating
of
Wines
,
two
third
parts
of
that
they
cost
|
006400.
|
00.
|
00
|
To
be
added
for
the
vnderrating
of
Linnen
and
other
Merchandize
,
one
third
per
Cento
for
36000.
pounds
.
|
012000.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Totall
of
the
Custome
.
|
107057.
|
11.
|
06
|
The
which
is
the
twentieth
part
of
the
Goods
Imported
,
and
being
multiplied
by
twenty
,
produceth
the
value
of
all
the
Importations
to
be
|
2141151.
|
10.
|
00
|
The
totall
of
all
the
Exportations
,
is
|
2487435.
|
07.
|
10
|
The
totall
of
all
the
Importations
,
is
|
2141151.
|
10.
|
00
|
So
there
remaines
more
caried
out
,
then
is
brought
in
this
yeere
,
the
Summe
of
|
0346283.
|
17.
|
10
|
In
the
Comparison
of
Those
ancient
,
Golden
age
:
the
Later
,
like
the
Siluer
age
:
but
the
Present
time
,
is
like
the
Iron
age
.
And
therefore
wee
will
passe
from
this
Comparatiue
,
to
the
Positiue
forme
of
our
Ballance
,
to
bring
to
the
Scale
,
the
state
of
the
present
time
and
trade
.
Wherein
,
because
the
other
Formes
are
different
,
Tot
sensus
quot
capita
,
as
many
mindes
as
men
;
euery
man
abounding
in
his
owne
sense
;
so
long
there
will
be
some
dispute
about
any
Forme
:
it
will
not
bee
impertinent
,
to
speake
a
word
of
Caution
,
and
then
of
the
Constitution
,
of
this
Forme
of
ours
.
In
which
Caution
,
although
his
Maiesties
Records
,
and
bookes
of
Customes
,
are
the
best
▪
and
readiest
direction
,
to
leade
vs
to
the
value
of
the
trade
of
the
Kingdome
,
by
the
Customes
of
the
Kingdome
:
yet
because
there
are
some
things
of
speciall
consideration
,
which
cannot
be
discerned
by
the
Customes
:
wee
will
therefore
consider
such
things
as
are
therein
obuious
vnto
vs
,
in
point
of
Exportation
,
and
Importation
.
And
first
of
either
A
part
:
and
then
of
both
together
.
In
our
Exportations
,
wee
are
to
reckon
our
forraine
Commodities
imported
,
Also
the
Fishing
trades
,
whether
within
his
Maiesties
Dominions
or
without
,
exercised
by
his
Maiesties
Subiects
,
are
not
to
be
discerned
by
the
Customes
,
because
the
same
is
freed
thereof
by
Statute
:
which
must
neuerthelesse
be
brought
into
the
Scale
of
Exportation
,
by
the
discreet
collection
and
obseruation
of
Iudicious
Merchants
,
as
part
of
the
Kingdomes
stock
.
Also
the
Custome
and
petty
charges
,
the
fraight
and
Merchants
gaine
,
must
bee
reasonably
valued
and
cast
into
the
Scale
of
Exportation
:
because
those
are
a
part
of
the
stock
of
the
Kingdome
:
for
if
that
mony
were
not
laid
out
in
charges
,
it
would
bee
imployed
in
the
Natiue
Commodities
,
to
the
encrease
of
the
Kingdomes
stock
.
In
our
Importations
,
wee
must
consider
,
Cloth
,
Tinne
,
Lead
,
and
the
like
,
are
of
great
Bulk
and
Massie
,
and
not
easie
to
be
stollen
out
:
but
the
forraine
Commodities
are
of
small
bulke
,
little
in
quantity
,
great
in
value
:
as
Iewels
,
Cloth
of
Gold
and
Tissue
,
Venice
Gold
and
Siluer
thred
,
Silkes
wrought
and
vnwrought
,
Cambricks
and
Lawnes
,
fine
Holland
Cloth
,
Cuchanel
,
Tobacco
,
and
the
like
:
which
as
they
are
easie
to
be
pocketed
and
conueyed
,
so
are
they
very
rich
to
be
valued
:
and
this
one
consideration
alone
,
may
turne
the
Scale
of
Importation
much
against
vs
,
in
the
Ballance
of
Trade
.
Also
whereas
in
the
Importation
,
the
Customes
doe
not
lead
a
man
so
neere
to
the
value
of
the
goods
,
as
in
the
Exportation
:
so
that
thereby
you
can
neither
know
,
what
the
goods
imported
cost
with
charges
abroad
,
nor
what
the
same
are
worth
at
home
:
there
must
bee
due
consideration
had
,
of
the
one
and
the
other
in
the
Ballance
of
Trade
.
For
if
a
Commodity
cost
100.
pounds
sterling
at
Amsterdam
,
and
is
there
paid
for
,
by
the
Cloth
of
this
Kingdome
,
and
will
yeeld
but
90.
pounds
in
England
,
and
perhaps
is
rated
in
the
Custome
but
at
60.
pounds
;
yet
the
Importation
in
the
Ballance
of
Trade
,
is
to
be
charged
with
the
value
of
the
Goods
as
they
cost
with
charges
,
and
not
as
they
are
worth
to
be
sold
,
much
lesse
as
they
are
rated
in
the
Customes
:
because
that
which
they
cost
more
then
they
are
worth
,
and
more
then
at
which
they
are
rated
in
the
Customes
,
is
also
part
of
the
Stock
of
the
Kingdome
.
And
lastly
In
both
,
in
the
Exportations
I
say
,
and
Importations
.
Ballance
of
Trade
,
if
either
the
Collections
be
imperfect
,
or
the
forme
of
the
Ballance
different
;
you
shall
neuer
knowe
whether
the
Kingdome
gaineth
or
loseth
,
by
the
cast
of
the
Scale
in
the
Ballance
of
Trade
.
Therefore
if
it
may
seeme
good
to
his
Maiesties
high
wisdome
,
to
grant
a
Commission
euery
yeare
to
some
of
his
Maiesties
principall
Fermers
of
his
Highnes
Customes
,
and
to
some
of
the
most
expert
&
iudicious
Merchants
of
the
City
of
London
,
and
elswhere
,
to
conferre
&
agree
vpon
a
constant
Forme
to
be
kept
euery
yeare
;
&
as
constantly
euery
year
to
take
a
Ballance
of
the
Trade
of
the
Kingdome
,
according
to
the
practice
of
other
Princes
and
Countries
;
it
will
proue
both
facile
and
familiar
vnto
them
,
and
an
excellent
Policy
of
State
vnto
the
King
&
Kingdom
,
in
the
course
of
trade
.
And
now
we
will
come
to
the
Positiue
Constitution
of
our
owne
Forme
,
to
bring
to
the
Ballance
,
The
Ballance
of
the
Trade
of
the
Kingdome
is
Debitor
,
for
all
the
Exportations
of
the
Merchandize
thereof
,
for
one
whole
yeare
,
from
Christmas
An.
1621.
to
Christmas
An.
1622.
as
followeth
.
|
|
li.
|
sh.
|
d.
|
Custome
of
the
Port
of
London
|
50406.
|
06.
|
04
|
Custome
of
the
Out-ports
|
26756.
|
18.
|
00
|
The
Custome
of
Wrappers
of
Clothes
,
Bayes
,
and
Cottons
,
free
of
Custume
,
being
the
tenth
part
of
50000.
pounds
,
which
is
the
Custome
of
them
all
.
|
05000.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Custome
of
the
Fish
of
our
owne
fishing
,
and
which
is
freed
from
Custome
by
Statute
,
by
computation
|
07000.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Custome
of
Goods
shipt
out
by
Certificate
:
viz.
of
forraine
goods
brought
in
,
and
for
want
of
vent
in
the
Kingdome
,
shipt
out
againe
:
which
are
freed
of
Custome
by
his
Maiesties
gracious
graunt
of
Priuy
Seale
|
08050.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Totall
of
all
the
Custome
is
|
97213.
|
04.
|
04
|
|
|
li.
|
sh.
|
d.
|
Which
Totall
being
multiplied
by
twenty
,
because
the
Custome
is
valued
by
twelue
pence
in
the
pound
,
produceth
the
value
of
all
the
Goods
Exported
to
amount
vnto
|
1944264.
|
07.
|
01
|
The
Net
Custome
of
which
value
,
at
twelue
pence
in
the
pound
,
the
Wrappers
,
Fish
,
and
Goods
shipt
out
by
certificate
deducted
,
is
the
2.
summes
first
before
mentioned
,
and
is
|
0077163.
|
04.
|
04
|
The
Impost
of
Bayes
,
Tinne
,
Lead
,
and
Pewter
,
which
onely
are
imposed
outwards
,
amounteth
to
|
0007370.
|
01.
|
05
|
The
Merchants
gaine
,
fraight
,
and
petty
charges
vpon
1944264.
li.
being
the
whole
value
of
the
Exportations
as
aboue
appeareth
,
at
15.
per
Cento
,
is
|
0291639.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Totall
Exportations
with
charges
,
Amount
to
|
2320436.
|
12.
|
10
|
The
Ballance
of
the
Trade
of
the
Kingdome
is
Creditor
,
for
all
the
Importations
of
the
merchandize
thereof
,
for
one
whole
yeare
,
from
Christmas
An.
1621.
to
Christmas
An.
1622.
as
followeth
.
|
|
li.
|
sh.
|
d.
|
The
Custome
of
the
Port
of
London
|
68280.
|
09.
|
01
|
The
Custome
of
the
Out-Ports
|
19579.
|
02.
|
06
|
The
Custome
of
Wines
of
all
sortes
,
all
other
Merchandize
heing
included
in
the
former
,
is
|
03200.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Custome
amounts
to
|
91059.
|
11.
|
07
|
One
third
part
thereof
to
be
added
,
for
the
vnderrating
of
Goods
in
Custome
,
to
that
they
are
worth
,
or
cost
,
is
|
30353.
|
03.
|
10
|
Also
the
allowance
of
5.
per
Cento
vpon
L
91059.
11.
7.
is
|
04552.
|
19.
|
07
|
The
Totall
Summe
amounts
to
|
125965.
|
15.
|
00
|
Which
totall
,
being
multiplied
by
20
produceth
the
value
of
all
the
Goods
Imported
,
to
amount
vnto
|
2519315.
|
00.
|
00
|
Fine
Goods
secretly
conueied
inwards
,
more
then
outwards
.
|
0100000.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Totall
Importations
amount
to
|
2619315.
|
00.
|
00
|
The
Totall
Exportations
|
2320436.
|
12.
|
10
|
The
Remainder
sheweth
,
that
there
is
more
imported
this
yeare
then
was
Exported
,
by
the
summe
of
|
0298878.
|
07.
|
02
|
So
then
wee
see
it
to
our
griefe
,
that
wee
are
fallen
into
a
great
Vnder-ballance
of
Trade
with
other
Nations
.
Wee
felt
it
before
in
sense
;
but
now
we
know
it
by
science
:
wee
found
it
before
in
operation
;
but
now
wee
see
it
in
speculation
:
Trade
alas
,
faile's
and
faint's
,
and
we
in
it
.
And
now
we
are
come
to
the
End
of
this
Ballance
of
Trade
,
Finis
est
Principium
in
Intentione
:
The
End
is
the
beginning
,
in
purpose
and
intent
.
A
Merchant
when
hee
will
informe
himselfe
how
his
Estate
standeth
,
is
said
to
take
a
Ballance
of
his
Estate
:
wherin
he
collecteth
and
considereth
all
his
Wares
,
and
Monyes
,
and
Debts
,
as
if
hee
would
cast
euery
thing
into
the
Scale
to
bee
tried
by
waight
:
Which
is
therefore
in
Merchants
and
Accomptants
termes
,
so
called
a
Ballance
of
Accompt
,
or
a
Ballance
of
Trade
.
And
to
what
End
doth
he
this
?
Surely
to
try
in
what
Estate
he
is
:
whether
he
goeth
forward
or
backward
,
whether
he
hath
got
or
lost
.
And
if
it
appeare
to
him
by
his
Ballance
,
that
his
Gaine
doth
not
answere
his
Expence
;
the
first
and
last
is
,
he
must
either
Gaine
more
,
or
Spend
lesse
,
or
els
looke
to
come
behind
hand
.
A
Father
or
Master
of
a
Family
,
doth
thus
also
consider
his
Estate
,
by
comparing
his
Expence
with
his
Reuenue
:
and
if
he
finde
,
that
his
Expence
exceedeth
his
Reuenue
;
either
he
must
Lessen
his
charge
,
or
els
Consume
his
Estate
.
The
Royall
Merchant
,
the
Regall
Father
of
that
great
family
of
a
Kingdome
,
if
Hee
will
know
the
Estate
of
his
Kingdome
,
Hee
will
compare
the
Gaine
thereof
with
the
Expence
;
that
is
,
the
Natiue
Commodities
issued
and
sent
out
,
with
the
Forraine
Commodities
receiued
in
:
and
if
it
appeare
that
the
Forraine
Commodities
doe
exceed
the
Natiue
:
either
he
must
increase
the
Natiue
,
or
Lessen
the
Forraine
,
or
else
looke
for
nothing
else
,
but
The
decay
of
Trade
:
and
therein
The
losse
of
his
Reuenue
,
and
Impouerishing
of
his
People
.
So
then
,
the
End
of
the
Ballance
of
Trade
,
may
be
said
either
to
be
Propior
,
or
Remotior
.
There
's
One
End
neerer
hand
;
There
's
Another
End
farther
off
.
One
End
of
it
is
,
to
finde
out
The
cause
of
the
Malady
:
The
other
,
to
present
a
Medicable
Remedy
,
for
the
decay
of
trade
.
Hic
labor
hoc
opus
erat
:
in
both
these
I
bestowed
my
former
time
and
paines
,
Little
tract
of
Trade
,
wherein
I
marshalled
those
Causes
and
Remedies
,
into
their
rancks
,
in
the
best
order
I
could
:
and
to
which
I
referre
those
,
that
desire
more
distinctly
to
vnderstand
the
same
,
lest
I
should
seem
to
Tautologize
,
after
Malynes
manner
,
in
vnnecessary
repetitions
.
For
as
all
those
Causes
doe
forcibly
conduce
vnto
the
Vnder-ballancing
of
Trade
:
so
also
the
remouing
of
them
,
must
needs
concurre
vnto
the
Remedy
thereof
:
and
you
may
safely
conclude
,
that
vntill
the
Kingdome
come
to
an
Ouer-ballance
of
Trade
,
the
causes
of
the
decay
of
Trade
cannot
be
taken
away
:
for
the
Decay
of
Trade
,
and
the
Ouer-ballance
of
Trade
,
cannot
stand
together
.
But
if
all
the
Causes
of
our
Vnder-ballance
of
Trade
,
Ouer-ballance
of
Forraine
Trade
:
The
other
keepe
's
backe
in
Vnder-ballance
our
Trade
.
The
one
causeth
an
Excesse
in
theirs
:
The
other
causeth
a
Defect
in
our
owne
.
In
the
one
,
ther
's
Too
much
:
in
the
other
,
ther
's
Too
little
:
would
God
there
were
a
good
Medium
in
both
.
What
's
the
fruit
of
these
things
?
The
Sunne
blusheth
to
see
,
the
ground
grones
to
carry
,
the
persons
of
sauage
cruell
blood-shedders
,
vnheard
of
monstruous
murtherers
of
these
times
:
who
seeme
to
striue
to
out-strip
Caiin
and
Iudas
'
sinnes
.
I
want
words
to
giue
them
titles
!
I
know
not
to
whom
to
liken
them
,
vales
to
him
whose
they
are
!
It
make's
me
afraid
of
Idlenes
and
Excesse
:
that
These
and
Those
,
are
all
of
one
breed
▪
He
that
's
Idle
,
is
fit
for
any
Euill
:
He
that
's
Prodigall
,
is
a
prey
to
the
Deuill
.
There
was
neuer
more
,
nor
more
excellent
Planters
and
Waterers
,
then
in
this
age
,
in
this
Iland
,
in
this
City
.
Our
Hemishphere
is
sprinkled
and
spangled
,
with
glistering
Starres
like
the
Firmament
in
a
cleere
night
.
If
St.
Hierome
so
long
a
gone
said
,
De
Hierosolymis
&
de
Britannia
eaqualiter
,
patet
aula
Coelestis
:
Heauen
is
as
wide
open
in
Britaine
,
as
in
Hierusalem
;
what
would
he
haue
said
,
if
he
had
seene
this
our
cleere
light
of
the
Gospell
at
this
day
in
this
Kingdome
?
Is
it
possible
then
,
that
such
match-lesse
desperate
deeds
of
darknesse
,
should
be
done
in
so
cleare
a
light
?
Is
it
not
a
wonder
,
that
the
Seed
being
so
good
,
the
Soile
so
fertile
,
the
Sowers
so
skillfull
,
that
the
Weeds
,
Such
weeds
should
come
vp
so
fast
?
No
wonder
at
all
!
Because
the
Enuious
man
come's
by
night
,
and
sowes
these
Tares
.
But
be
not
you
discouraged
yee
worthy
Workmen
:
The
Lord
of
the
haruest
,
will
haue
them
growe
together
vntill
the
haruest
.
Goe
on
therefore
,
sowe
the
Lords
seed
,
which
is
the
Immortall
seed
of
the
Word
of
God
.
Fight
the
Lords
battailes
:
bee
instant
in
season
,
and
out
of
season
:
cease
not
to
teach
,
to
refute
,
to
correct
,
to
instruct
:
and
pray
continually
,
that
this
great
Dragon
,
that
old
Serpent
,
which
is
come
downe
into
the
Earth
,
may
not
thus
deuoure
the
people
.
You
are
The
light
of
the
world
set
vpon
a
hill
:
Shine
forth
yee
glorious
Lights
:
keepe
on
your
course
:
breake
through
these
Clouds
:
let
no
Planet
obscure
you
:
let
no
Erring
Starre
deceiue
you
:
you
are
now
placed
in
this
lower
Orb
,
you
shall
one
day
be
fix't
in
an
higher
Region
,
where
your
Sunne
shall
bee
the
King
of
glory
:
your
King
the
Blessed
Trinity
:
your
Law
,
Charity
:
and
your
Time
,
Eternity
:
there
you
shall
shine
in
a
Paradice
of
glory
,
for
euer
and
euer
.
Ballance
of
Trade
.
It
shewe's
vs
our
Case
in
what
Estate
we
stand
:
It
shewe's
the
Causes
of
our
Decay
of
trade
:
It
represents
those
causes
in
Capitall
Characters
,
that
he
that
run's
may
reade
Excesse
and
Idlenes
.
Importations
lesse
,
and
our
Exportations
more
.
Our
Importations
may
be
lessened
,
by
a
restraint
of
such
superfluous
and
vnnecessary
things
,
as
either
we
haue
of
our
own
,
or
can
make
our
owne
,
as
may
best
concurre
with
the
Policy
of
Trade
,
and
the
Wisdome
of
the
State
,
to
which
as
it
become's
me
,
I
humbly
commend
the
same
.
Practice
.
Longum
Iter
per
praecepta
,
breue
per
Exemplum
.
Example
is
the
best
precept
.
Wee
are
sent
to
the
Belgicke
Pismire
to
learne
a
Precept
,
Belgicke
Grashopper
?
For
The
[
*
](A07594-e45340-b)
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Ex
multitudine
dicitur
.
Sic
Belgae
per
Mare
,
atque
in
omni
terra
multi
.
Arbch
Hebraicè
quasi
Herbae
:
quia
ex
gramine
locust
.
Belgae
veròberb●
&
radicib●●
modicè
vescuntur
.
Grashopper
hath
no
King
,
yet
they
march
out
,
all
in
Troupes
.
Wee
need
goe
no
further
then
the
Low
Countries
,
to
learne
this
Lesson
.
Although
,
the
Kingdome
of
Naples
,
the
Signory
of
Venice
,
the
Common-wealthes
of
Genoa
,
Florence
,
Milan
,
Marcelles
,
and
many
others
,
might
teach
vs
the
same
thing
;
yet
the
Low
Countries
doe
seeme
to
be
an
Epitome
of
all
the
Rest
.
Which
certainly
for
Policy
and
Industry
,
may
read
a
Lecture
to
all
the
other
people
of
the
world
.
There
you
shall
see
,
their
Gates
stand
wide
open
:
you
may
carry
out
as
much
mony
as
you
will
:
It
is
there
held
no
Paradoxe
,
to
let
mony
goe
out
,
and
yet
not
to
want
it
within
:
because
they
haue
an
Eie
to
the
Ballance
of
Trade
;
whereby
they
are
assured
,
that
although
it
may
goe
out
at
one
dore
,
yet
it
will
come
in
at
another
.
But
there
you
shall
see
no
Excesse
in
superfluous
consumptions
of
forraine
Commodities
.
No
Proiects
,
nor
Proiectors
,
but
for
the
Common-good
.
All
kind
of
Manufactures
inuented
,
that
will
fit
the
times
,
and
please
the
mindes
of
forrain
Nations
.
Their
own
Commodities
eased
of
charge
,
the
forraine
Imposed
.
Frugality
,
industry
,
policy
,
all
working
together
for
the
publike
.
All
kinde
of
Staples
,
of
Corne
,
of
Wine
,
of
Cloth
,
of
Fish
,
of
Silk
,
of
Spices
,
of
Flaxe
,
of
Hempe
,
of
what
not
?
And
all
these
,
not
to
breed
or
feed
home-bred
Consumption
,
but
to
maintaine
Trade
and
Forraine
Negotiation
.
For
indeed
their
whole
Country
is
nothing
els
,
but
a
Magazin
,
a
Staple
,
a
Receptacle
,
of
the
Comodities
of
all
other
Countries
.
And
this
is
a
liuing
Precept
,
a
Patterne
,
a
Forme
,
a
plat-forme
for
our
Imitation
,
for
the
encrease
of
our
Exportation
:
and
this
will
restore
our
ancient
Ballance
of
Trade
.
Or
if
it
be
too
far
for
vs
to
goe
to
them
to
learn
this
Precept
,
they
will
come
to
vs
.
Looke
vpon
Norwich
,
Colchester
,
Bocking
,
Canterbury
,
and
other
Cities
peopled
with
the
Dutch.
There
you
shall
see
at
Home
,
what
you
might
seeke
Abroad
.
There
you
shall
not
see
that
grosse
abuse
committed
,
and
so
much
complained
of
in
our
Old
and
New
Draperies
.
The
falsifying
whereof
hath
diminished
their
quantities
halfe
in
halfe
.
Which
as
it
tendeth
to
a
great
lessening
of
our
Exportations
:
so
cannot
the
same
possibly
be
recouered
,
without
reformation
of
this
abuse
in
the
Clothing
of
the
Kingdome
,
which
is
the
principall
trade
thereof
.
The
Remedy
come's
on
so
slow
,
that
it
is
to
be
feared
,
we
shall
need
a
Precept
also
,
from
some
of
those
of
Norwich
,
Colchester
,
or
Canterbury
,
to
helpe
vs
execute
the
Statute
for
Clothing
,
of
4.
of
the
King
.
As
for
the
difficulty
in
Perpetuanoes
,
the
Reformation
whereof
is
thought
to
want
a
new
Law
:
I
suppose
vnder
fauour
,
those
may
come
vnder
the
name
and
title
of
dozens
mentioned
in
that
old
Law
,
as
doe
Deuonshire
and
Hampshire
Kersies
,
which
are
either
double
or
single
dozens
,
and
so
are
Perpetuanes
also
.
And
it
were
better
to
haue
fewer
Lawes
,
with
better
Execution
;
then
more
Lawes
,
with
more
trouble
and
lesse
vse
.
From
this
Precept
,
Instruments
.
Materials
of
our
owne
growth
,
Materials
of
forraine
growth
,
none
are
wanting
.
Instruments
wee
haue
of
our
owne
Nation
,
Instruments
of
forraine
Nations
,
none
are
wanting
.
We
want
not
Meanes
,
if
our
Mindes
bee
not
wanting
:
wee
want
not
Action
,
if
we
wanted
not
Affection
:
but
alas
our
children
are
brought
to
the
birth
,
and
there
want's
strength
,
to
bring
them
forth
.
Or
rather
wee
haue
strength
,
and
doe
not
put
forth
our
strength
:
we
haue
meanes
and
vse
it
not
.
If
I
should
tell
you
,
that
there
is
ten
thousand
pounds
a
yeare
,
cast
away
in
the
streets
of
one
Citty
in
this
Kingdome
,
it
would
seeme
very
strange
!
But
he
that
will
consider
how
many
thousand
persons
there
are
in
London
,
that
giue
to
idle
poore
in
the
streets
,
and
what
one
man
commonly
giue
's
in
a
yeare
;
may
computate
at
least
twice
that
Summe
,
giuen
in
the
City
and
the
Suburbs
.
This
Summe
of
mony
thus
great
,
thus
giuen
,
is
not
onely
for
the
most
part
lost
,
but
it
make's
the
Citty
swarme
with
poore
,
with
idle
poore
:
who
as
long
as
they
can
liue
by
begging
,
will
neuer
fall
to
working
,
nor
liue
by
labour
.
I
speake
not
against
any
mans
charity
,
but
wish
from
my
heart
,
that
he
that
is
charitable
,
were
more
charitable
,
so
the
same
were
not
abused
,
or
at
least
were
better
vsed
,
for
the
publique
good
.
For
there
is
not
onely
the
losse
of
so
great
a
summe
,
but
of
the
exceeding
great
benefit
also
,
which
the
employment
thereof
,
in
our
Natiue
and
Forraine
Manufactures
,
would
purchase
to
the
publique
;
if
the
same
were
orderly
collected
,
and
prudently
ordered
,
for
the
Employment
of
the
poore
.
Wherein
I
know
not
how
to
wish
a
greater
glory
to
the
City
of
London
,
then
to
haue
the
honour
,
to
bee
the
Founder
of
so
worthy
a
worke
,
to
raise
a
Stocke
,
out
of
the
free
will
offrings
of
the
Citizens
,
and
wisely
to
dispose
thereof
for
the
poore's
employment
:
whereby
all
their
owne
poore
might
be
set
on
worke
;
&
an
excellent
patterne
of
piety
and
pitty
,
giuen
to
all
the
other
Cities
of
the
kingdom
,
to
pursue
so
noble
an
enterprize
by
their
good
example
.
And
it
need
not
be
thought
to
be
a
new
charge
to
the
City
,
for
we
see
the
thing
is
done
already
,
onely
it
is
not
so
well
done
:
wherein
my selfe
,
the
vnworthiest
of
all
her
Citizens
,
had
rather
,
if
I
were
worthy
,
be
the
first
,
then
the
last
,
to
further
so
happy
&
hopefull
a
worke
.
For
it
will
bring
to
God
,
glory
:
to
the
King
,
honour
:
to
the
Kingdome
,
treasure
:
to
the
Subiects
,
trade
:
to
the
poore
,
employment
:
and
proue
by
Gods
blessing
,
a
most
excellent
meanes
,
to
encrease
our
Exportations
,
and
to
recouer
our
Ballance
of
Trade
.
Without
the
Land
,
The
King
:
the
other
for
all
The
Kingdome
.
The
one
,
if
wee
will
,
is
our
owne
:
the
other
,
vnlesse
wee
will
not
,
may
bee
made
our
owne
.
For
the
Trade
of
Persia
,
His
Maiesty
to
vouchsafe
;
I
am
persuaded
it
would
proue
a
very
happy
Commerce
vnto
this
Kingdome
,
not
inferiour
vnto
any
forraine
Trade
.
It
promiseth
to
vent
our
Clothes
and
other
our
Natiue
Commodities
,
in
great
abundance
:
to
yeeld
returnes
of
these
Clothes
,
that
will
employ
multitudes
of
our
poore
:
to
spare
vs
the
treasure
that
now
wee
export
to
the
Indies
,
through
the
necessity
of
that
trade
:
to
employ
many
great
Ships
&
good
men
,
with
much
more
fafety
,
then
in
those
other
trads
:
to
furnish
the
other
parts
of
the
Indies
by
the
meanes
of
that
trade
,
without
other
supply
from
hence
:
to
purchase
the
rich
trade
of
the
Red
Sea
,
&
the
benefit
of
trading
there
from
Port
to
Port
in
the
Indian
commodities
;
which
in
it selfe
,
will
be
another
East
Indian
Trade
:
to
turne
the
Current
of
the
Trade
of
Persia
from
Turky
;
to
the
weakning
of
the
Turks
tyranny
ouer
the
Christian
world
:
Lastly
to
draw
the
employment
of
many
Millions
of
mony
into
this
Kingdome
for
the
Persian
silck
;
which
the
Venetians
,
Marcellians
,
and
other
Cities
and
Common-wealthes
of
the
Italians
,
French
,
and
Dutch
,
doe
now
employ
into
Turky
,
in
that
one
Commodity
onely
:
which
by
Gods
blessing
,
we
may
be
able
to
deliuer
them
as
cheape
from
hence
,
as
now
they
fetch
it
thence
:
with
more
contentment
also
to
them
,
and
more
glory
and
gaine
to
vs
,
in
the
atchieuement
of
so
high
and
noble
an
enterprize
.
And
these
are
but
two
or
three
clusters
,
for
a
taste
,
of
the
fruit
of
the
Land
:
This
Canaan
cannot
be
knowne
,
vntill
you
haue
past
ore
Iordan
:
the
perfection
of
it
consit's
in
the
fruition
thereof
.
And
this
is
also
another
meanes
no
lesse
excellent
,
to
enlarge
our
exportation
,
and
therin
also
to
helpe
the
cast
of
our
Scale
,
in
the
Ballance
of
Trade
.
Last
of
all
,
Ballance
of
Trade
.