THAT
SVCCESSION
TO
GOVERMENT
BY
NEERNES
OF
BLOOD
IS
NOT
by
law
of
nature
or
diuine
,
but
only
by
humane
and
positiue
lawes
of
euery
particuler
common
wealth
and
consequentely
may
vppon
iust
causes
be
altered
by
the
same
.
CAP.
I.
THE
examples
before
alleaged
(
said
the
ciuilian
lawyer
)
of
a
madd
or
furious
heyre
apparent
,
or
of
one
that
were
by
education
a
Turke
or
Moore
in
religion
,
or
by
nature
depriued
of
his
witt
,
or
senses
,
do
playnely
proue
that
propinquity
of
birth
or
blood
alone
,
without
other
circumstances
,
is
not
sufficient
to
be
preferred
to
a
crowne
:
for
that
no
reason
or
law
,
religion
or
wisdom
in
the
world
,
can
admitt
such
persons
to
the
gouerment
of
a
common
wealth
by
whom
,
no
good
,
but
distruction
may
be
expected
to
the
same
,
seing
that
gouerment
was
ordeyned
for
the
benefit
of
the
weale
publique
and
not
otherwise
.
And
albeit
some
one
or
two
in
thes
our
dayes
haue
affirmed
the
contrary
,
and
published
the
Hereof
it
doth
ensew
,
that
some
other
condicions
also
must
needs
be
requisit
,
for
comming
For
better
profe
wherof
,
it
is
first
of
al
,
to
be
supposed
,
that
albeit
sociability
or
inclination
But
now
that
sociability
in
mankind
,
or
inclination
to
liue
in
company
,
is
by
nature
,
and
consequently
ordeyned
by
God
,
for
the
common
benefit
of
al
:
is
an
easy
thing
,
to
proue
,
seing
that
al
ground
of
realmes
and
common
wealthes
dependeth
of
this
poynt
,
as
of
ther
first
principle
,
for
that
a
common
wealth
is
nothing
els
but
the
good
gouerment
,
of
a
multitude
gathered
together
,
to
liue
in
one
,
&
therfore
al
olde
philosophers
,
law
makers
,
and
wise
men
,
that
haue
treated
of
gouerment
or
common
wealthes
,
as
Plato
in
his
ten
most
excellent
bookes
,
which
he
wrot
of
this
matter
intituling
them
of
the
commou
wealth
,
and
Marcus
that
man
by
nature
is
sociable
,
and
inclined
to
liue
in
company
,
wherof
do
proceede
first
,
al
priuate
houses
,
then
villages
,
then
townes
,
then
cityes
,
then
kingdomes
,
&
common
wealthes
.
This
ground
&
principle
then
do
they
proue
Secondly
they
proue
the
same
,
by
that
the
Thirdly
not
only
Aristotle
but
Theophrastus
also
Plutarch
,
and
others
do
confirme
the
same
,
that
he
which
flieth
to
liue
in
society
is
ether
Deus
aut
Bellua
,
a
God
or
a
beft
:
for
that
ether
he
doth
it
because
he
hath
no
neede
,
of
any
which
is
proper
to
God
,
or
els
for
that
he
wil
do
good
to
none
,
and
feeleth
not
that
natural
instinct
,
which
man
hath
to
liue
in
conuersation
,
which
is
a
signe
rather
of
a
beast
then
of
a
man
.
Cicero
doth
add
an
other
reason
for
this
And
to
this
effect
,
of
vsing
frenship
,
loue
and
charity
the
one
towards
the
other
,
do
christian
mus
,
ei
adiutorium
,
simile
sibi
.
God
said
,
it
is
〈◊〉
good
that
man
should
be
alone
,
let
vs
〈◊〉
vnto
him
,
a
help
or
assistante
like
vnto
him selfe
,
of
which
wordes
is
deduced
that
as
〈◊〉
first
society
of
our
first
parents
,
was
of
God
,
&
〈◊〉
so
great
purpose
as
heere
is
set
downe
,
the
〈◊〉
to
be
holpen
by
the
other
:
so
al
other
societye
in
like
maner
which
grow
of
this
first
,
stand
vppon
the
same
ground
of
Gods
ordination
for
the
selfe
same
end
of
mans
vtility
.
And
I
haue
bin
the
longer
in
speaking
of
this
natural
instinct
to
society
,
for
that
it
is
the
first
fountaine
of
al
the
rest
,
that
enseweth
in
a
common
wealth
,
as
hath
bine
said
:
for
of
this
come
familyes
,
villages
,
townes
,
castles
,
cyties
,
and
common
wealthes
,
al
which
Aristotle
in
his
bookes
before
named
,
doth
proue
to
be
of
nature
,
for
that
this
first
inclination
to
liue
together
(
wherof
al
thos
other
things
do
spring
)
is
of
nature
,
as
hath
bin
declared
.
Out
of
this
,
is
the
second
poynt
before
mentioned
but
horror
and
confusion
,
as
for
example
,
wher-soeuer
a
multitude
is
gathered
together
,
Al
which
is
confitmed
also
by
the
consent
&
vse
of
al
nations
through-out
the
world
,
which
by
me
kings
do
raigne
,
and
that
autbority
is
not
but
of
God
and
therfore
he
which
resisteth
authority
resisteth
God
.
Which
is
to
be
vnderstood
of
authority
power
or
iutisdiction
in
it selfe
,
according
to
the
first
institution
,
as
also
when
it
is
lawfully
laid
vppon
any
person
,
for
otherwise
when
it
is
ether
wrongfully
taken
or
vniustly
vsed
,
it
may
be
resisted
in
diuers
cases
as
afterwards
more
in
particuler
shal
be
declared
,
for
then
it
is
not
law
ful
authority
.
Thes
two
poynts
then
are
of
nature
,
to
wit
,
the
common
wealth
,
and
gouerment
of
the
same
by
magistrates
,
but
what
kind
of
gouerment
ech
common
wealth
wil
haue
,
whether
Democratia
which
is
popular
gouerment
by
the
people
And
this
might
be
proued
also
by
infinit
The
like
might
be
said
of
Carthage
in
Africa
The
like
we
see
in
Europe
at
this
day
,
for
in
But
the
contrary
is
of
Castile
,
Aragon
,
Portugal
,
Barcelona
,
and
other
kingdomes
this
day
in
Spayne
,
which
were
first
earldomes
only
and
after
Dukedomes
,
and
then
kingdomes
,
and
England
also
was
first
a
monarchy
vnder
the
So
as
of
al
this
,
ther
can
be
no
doubt
,
but
that
the
common
wealth
hath
power
to
chuse
In
like
manner
,
is
it
euident
,
that
as
the
common
wealth
hath
this
authority
to
chuse
and
change
her
gouerment
,
so
hath
she
also
to
limite
the
same
with
what
lawes
and
conditions
she
pleaseth
,
wherof
ensueth
the
great
diuersity
of
authority
and
power
which
ech
And
now
if
we
respect
God
and
nature
,
as
wel
,
might
al
thes
gouerments
follow
one
law
,
as
so
different
,
for
that
neyther
God
not
nature
prescribeth
any
of
thes
particuler
formes
,
but
concurreth
with
any
that
the
common
wealth
it selfe
appoynteth
,
and
so
it
is
to
be
beleued
,
that
God
and
nature
concurred
as
wel
with
Italy
when
it
had
but
one
Prince
,
as
now
when
it
hath
so
many
,
and
the
like
with
Germany
and
the
like
also
with
Swizerland
,
which
once
was
one
common
wealth
only
vnder
the
dukes
and
Marqueses
of
Austria
and
now
are
deuided
into
thirtene
Cantons
or
common
wealthes
vnder
populer
Magestrates
of
their
owne
,
as
hath
bin
said
:
so
as
when
men
talke
of
a
natural
Prince
or
natural
successor
(
as
many
tymes
OF
THE
FORME
OF
MONARCHIES
AND
KINGDOMES
IN
PARTICVLER
,
AND
THE
DIF
ferent
lawes
,
wherby
they
are
to
be
obteyned
holden
and
gouerned
in
dyuers
countries
accordinge
as
eche
common
wealth
hath
chosen
&
established
.
CAP.
II.
AL
that
hitherto
hath
bin
spoken
,
hath
appertayned
to
al
princely
and
supreme
gouerment
in
general
,
but
now
for
that
our
matter
in
question
,
is
concerning
the
succession
to
a
kingdome
,
good
reason
that
we
should
reduce
our
speech
vnto
this
forme
of
gouerment
in
particuler
.
First
of
al
then
,
is
to
be
considered
,
that
of
al
an
seni
sit
Respub
:
tractanda
,
whether
an
old
man
ought
to
take
vppon
him
the
gouerment
of
a
common
wealth
or
no
:
wher
he
saith
that
,
regnum
inter
omnes
respub
:
consumatissima
&
prima
est
,
a
kingdome
is
the
most
perfect
common
wealth
,
among
al
other
,
&
the
very
first
:
that
is
to
say
,
the
most
perfect
for
that
it
hath
most
commodities
and
least
inconueniences
in
it
selft
,
of
any
other
gouerment
,
and
it
is
the
fitst
of
al
other
,
for
that
al
people
commonly
made
their
choise
at
the
begining
of
this
kind
of
gouerment
,
so
as
of
al
other
it
is
most
ancient
,
for
so
we
read
that
among
the
Sytians
,
Medes
,
and
Persians
The
Romans
also
began
with
kings
as
before
I
haue
noted
,
and
the
reason
of
this
is
,
for
that
as
our
Christian
doctors
do
gather
,
(
especially
S.
Hierome
and
S.
Chrisostome
)
this
kind
of
gouerment
resembleth
most
of
al
the
gouerment
Subiecti
estote
omni
humanae
creaturae
humane
creature
or
a
thing
created
by
man
,
for
that
by
mans
free
choise
this
particuler
forme
of
gouerment
(
as
al
other
also
)
is
appoynted
in
euery
common
wealth
,
as
before
hath
bin
declared
:
and
that
by
mans
election
and
consent
,
the
same
is
layd
vppon
some
particuler
man
or
woman
,
according
to
the
lawes
of
euery
countrey
,
al
which
maketh
it
rightly
to
be
called
both
a
humane
creature
,
and
yet
from
God
.
The
second
poynt
which
diuers
do
note
out
of
thes
wordes
,
is
,
that
S.
Peter
calleth
a
king
And
finally
the
excellency
of
this
gouerment
aboue
al
other
,
is
not
only
proued
by
the
perfection
therof
in
it selfe
,
as
for
that
it
is
most
ancient
simple
and
conforme
vnto
nature
,
&
most
resembling
the
gouerment
of
God
himselfe
,
as
hath
bin
said
,
but
by
the
effects
also
and
vtility
that
it
bringeth
vnto
the
subiects
,
with
farr
The
second
forme
,
which
is
called
Oligarchia
or
Aristocratia
(
for
that
a
few
and
those
presumed
to
be
the
best
,
are
ioyned
together
in
We
see
also
by
the
examples
of
Carthage
&
Rome
wher
gouerment
of
Aristocratia
,
tooke
place
,
that
the
diuision
and
factions
among
the
senators
of
Carthage
,
was
the
cause
why
ayde
and
succor
was
not
sent
to
Hanibal
,
their
Captaine
Euident
then
it
is
,
that
of
al
other
gouerments
the
monarchy
is
the
best
,
&
least
subiect
to
the
inconueuiences
that
other
gouerments
haue
,
and
if
the
prince
that
gouerneth
alone
&
hath
supreme
authority
to
himselfe
,
as
he
resembleth
God
in
this
poynte
of
sole
gouerment
,
For
this
consideration
they
assigned
to
him
first
ofal
,
the
assistance
and
direction
of
law
,
wherby
to
gouerne
,
which
law
Aristotle
saith
.
Est
mens
quaedam
nullo
perturbata
affectu
,
it
is
a
certayne
that
he
which
ioyneth
a
law
to
gouerne
with
the
Prince
,
ioyneth
God
to
the
Prince
,
but
he
that
ioyneth
to
the
Prince
his
affection
to
gouerne
,
ioyneth
a
beast
:
for
that
mens
affections
and
concupiscenses
are
common
also
to
beastes
:
so
that
a
Prince
ruling
by
law
is
more
then
a
man
,
or
a
man
deifyed
,
and
a
Prince
ruling
by
affections
,
is
lesse
then
a
man
,
or
a
man
brutified
.
In
an
other
place
also
the
same
philpsopher
sayeth
that
a
Prince
that
leaueth
law
and
ruleth
himselfe
&
others
by
his
owne
appetite
and
affections
,
of
al
creatures
is
the
worst
and
of
al
beasts
is
the
most
furious
and
dangerous
,
for
that
nothing
is
so
outragious
,
as
iniustice
armed
,
and
no
armor
is
so
strong
,
as
witt
and
authority
,
wherof
the
first
he
hath
in
that
he
is
a
man
,
and
the
other
in
that
he
is
a
Prince
.
For
this
cause
then
al
common
wealthes
haue
And
now
learne
ye
kinges
and
be
instructed
,
you
that
iudge
the
world
:
serue
God
in
feare
and
reioyse
in
him
with
trembling
,
embrace
ye
discipline
,
least
he
enter
into
wrath
,
and
so
ye
perish
from
the
way
of
righteousnes
.
Which
wordes
being
vttered
,
by
a
prophet
and
king
do
conteyne
diuers
poynts
of
much
consideration
,
for
this
purpose
:
as
first
,
that
kings
and
Prince
are
bound
to
learne
law
and
discipline
,
and
secondly
to
obserue
the
same
with
great
humility
and
feare
of
Gods
wrath
,
and
thirdly
that
if
they
do
not
,
they
shal
perish
from
the
way
of
righteousnes
,
as
though
the
greatest
plage
of
al
to
a
Prince
weare
to
lose
the
way
of
righteousnes
,
law
,
and
reason
in
his
gouerment
,
and
to
giue
himselfe
ouer
to
passion
,
and
his
owne
wil
whereby
they
are
suer
to
come
to
shipwrack
,
and
thus
much
of
the
first
helpe
.
The
second
help
that
common
wealthes
haue
giuen
to
their
kings
and
Princes
especially
From
like
authority
and
for
like
considerations
And
first
of
al
,
if
we
wil
consider
the
two
most
renoumed
and
allowed
states
of
al
the
world
I
meane
of
the
Romans
and
Grecians
,
we
shal
finde
that
both
of
them
began
with
kings
,
but
yet
with
far
different
lawes
and
restraints
,
about
their
authorityes
:
for
in
Rome
the
kings
that
succeded
Romulus
,
their
first
Numa
Pompilius
,
Tullius
Hostilsus
,
&
Tarqninus
Priscus
,
none
of
them
were
of
the
blood
royal
nor
of
kyn
the
one
to
the
other
,
no
nor
yet
Romans
borne
,
but
chosen
rather
from
among
straingers
,
for
their
vertue
and
valor
,
and
that
by
election
of
the
senate
and
consent
of
the
people
.
In
Greece
,
and
namely
among
the
lacedemonians
Iustitiae
fruendae
causae
apud
maiores
〈◊〉
&
i
se
Asia
&
in
Europe
bene
morati
regesolint
The
same
reason
yealdeth
the
same
philosopher
in
another
place
,
not
only
of
the
first
institution
of
kingdomes
,
but
also
of
the
chainge
therof
agayne
into
other
gouerments
,
when
thes
were
abused
.
Omnes
antiquae
gentes
regibus
〈◊〉
paruerunt
,
&c.
That
is
,
al
old
nations
did
liue
vnder
kingdomes
at
the
beginning
,
which
king
of
gouerment
first
they
gaue
vnto
the
most
iust
,
and
wisest
men
,
which
they
could
finde
,
and
also
after
for
loue
of
them
,
they
gaue
the
same
to
their
posterity
ot
next
in
kynne
,
as
now
also
it
remayneth
wher
kingly
gouerment
is
in
vse
:
but
other
countries
which
liked
not
that
forme
of
gouerment
,
and
haue
shaken
of
,
haue
done
it
not
that
they
wil
not
be
vnder
any
,
but
for
that
they
wil
not
be
euer
vnder
one
only
.
Thus
far
Cicero
,
and
he
speaketh
this
principally
in
deferice
of
his-owne
cornmō
wealth
Titus
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Seruius
Tullius
,
their
sixt
king
,
for
that
he
gaue
the
crowne
by
fraude
and
not
by
election
of
the
senate
,
and
special
approbation
of
the
people
,
as
he
should
haue
done
:
but
most
of
al
they
were
exasperated
by
the
proceeding
of
their
seuenth
kinge
named
Lucius
Tarquinas
,
surnamed
the
proud
,
who
for
that
(
as
Liuius
faith
)
he
neglected
And
thus
much
for
those
kingdomes
of
Italy
and
Greece
:
And
if
likewise
we
wil
looke
vppon
other
kingdomes
of
Europe
,
we
shal
see
that
he
shal
neuer
go
about
to
make
the
dignity
of
the
Emperor
peculiar
or
hereditary
to
his
family
,
but
leaue
it
vnto
the
seuen
electors
free
in
their
power
,
to
chuse
his
successor
,
according
to
the
law
made
by
the
pope
Gregory
the
fyfth
,
and
the
Emperor
Charles
the
fourth
in
this
behalfe
.
The
kingdomes
of
Polonia
&
Boemia
do
go
In
Spayne
,
France
,
and
Ingland
,
the
priuileges
of
kings
are
far
more
eminent
in
both
thes
points
,
for
that
both
their
authority
is
much
more
absolute
,
and
their
next
in
blood
do
ordinarily
succede
,
but
yet
in
different
manner
:
for
as
touching
authority
it
semeth
that
the
kings
of
Spayne
and
France
,
haue
greater
then
the
In
France
the
world
knoweth
,
how
women
,
Nether
did
it
auayle
,
that
the
two
kings
afore
said
alleaged
,
that
it
was
agaynst
reason
&
conscience
and
custome
of
al
nations
,
to
exclud
Dona
Isabella
Eugenia
Clara
,
infanta
of
Spayne
vnto
The
like
exclusion
is
made
agaynst
the
Prince
of
Lorayne
that
now
liueth
,
though
he
be
a
man
,
and
nephew
to
the
last
king
,
for
that
his
title
is
by
a
woman
,
to
wit
,
his
mother
,
that
was
yonger
sister
vnto
the
last
king
Henry
of
France
.
And
albeit
the
law
called
Salica
,
by
the
Frenchmen
,
by
vertue
wherof
they
pretend
to
By
al
which
we
see
that
diuers
kingdomes
,
haue
diuers
lawes
and
customes
in
the
matter
of
succession
,
and
that
it
is
not
enough
(
as
often
I
haue
said
)
for
a
man
to
alleage
bare
propinquity
of
blood
,
therby
to
preuaile
,
for
that
he
may
be
excluded
or
put
back
by
diuers
other
circumstances
,
and
for
sundry
other
reasons
which
afterward
we
shal
discusse
.
Yea
,
not
only
in
this
pointe
(
said
he
)
hath
the
common
wealth
authority
to
put
back
the
next
To
this
al
the
company
answered
,
that
they
had
neuer
much
thought
,
nor
made
reflexion
vppon
any
such
circumstance
,
and
therefore
that
it
could
not
be
but
a
pointe
of
much
nouelty
,
to
here
the
same
discussed
,
requesting
him
to
say
what
he
had
obserued
or
read
in
that
behalfe
.
I
am
content
(
said
he
)
but
yet
with
this
preface
,
Nay
further
,
I
am
of
opinion
,
that
whatsoeuer
This
is
my
opinion
in
this
behalf
for
true
al
mens
goodes
bodies
and
liues
,
are
the
Princes
at
their
pleasures
to
dispose
of
:
that
they
are
vnder
no
law
or
accompt-giuing
whatsoeuer
,
that
they
succed
by
nature
and
generation
only
,
and
not
by
any
authority
admission
or
approbation
of
the
common
wealth
,
and
that
consequently
no
merite
or
demerit
of
ther
persons
is
to
be
respected
,
nor
any
consideration
of
their
natures
or
qualities
,
to
wit
of
capacity
,
disposition
,
or
other
personal
circumstances
,
is
to
be
had
or
admitted
,
and
do
they
what
they
list
,
no
authority
is
ther
vnder
God
,
to
thasten
them
.
Al
thes
absurd
paradoxes
,
haue
some
men
of
our
dayes
vttered
in
flatery
of
Princes
,
and
namely
of
late
,
one
Belloy
a
French
man
(
as
before
Wherfore
to
auoyd
thes
two
extremes
,
I
shal
proue
vnto
you
,
the
meane
before
mentioned
,
Al
weare
content
with
this
resolution
,
and
so
departed
euery
man
,
to
his
loging
,
with
purpose
to
returne
the
next
morning
somwhat
more
early
then
their
accustomed
houre
to
the
end
the
matter
might
be
thoroughly
debated
.
OF
KINGS
LAWFVLLY
CHASTISED
BY
THEIR
COMMONWEALTHES
FOR
THEIR
misgouerment
,
and
of
the
good
and
prosperous
successe
that
God
commonly
hath
giuen
to
the
same
.
CAP.
III.
THE
company
was
no
soner
come
together
the
next
morning
,
but
they
were
al
at
the
ciuilian
lawyer
to
performe
his
promise
,
and
to
prosecute
the
matter
he
had
propounded
the
night
before
:
to
whom
he
answered
,
you
require
of
me
(
if
I
be
And
for
profe
of
both
the
poynts
ioyntely
And
first
king
Saul
though
he
were
elected
by
God
(
as
you
know
)
to
that
royal
throne
,
yet
was
he
slayne
by
the
Philistians
by
Gods
order
as
it
was
foretold
him
for
his
disobedience
&
not
fulfillinge
the
law
&
limites
prescribed
vnto
hym
.
Amon
was
lawful
king
also
&
that
by
natural
discent
&
succession
for
he
was
sonne
&
heyre
to
king
Manasses
whom
he
succeded
and
yet
was
he
slayne
by
his
owne
people
,
quia
non
ambulauit
in
via
Domini
.
for
that
he
walked
not
in
the
way
prescribed
vnto
him
by
God
:
and
vnto
thes
two
kings
so
depriued
,
God
gaue
two
successors
,
as
I
haue
named
,
the
〈◊〉
wherof
are
As
for
king
Dauid
,
it
shal
not
be
need-ful
to
Nicholas
Machauel
,
the
Florentyne
,
and
that
religion
and
piety
are
lett
s
ostentymes
to
politique
and
wise
gouerment
,
and
do
breake
or
weaken
the
high
spirits
of
magnanimous
men
,
to
take
in
hand
greate
enterprises
for
the
common
wealth
.
This
(
I
say
)
is
Asaph
,
Heman
and
other
principal
men
that
should
be
heades
of
the
quyre
.
He
appoynted
al
officers
needful
both
for
his
court
and
also
the
common
wealth
,
with
the
armes
of
the
crowne
,
which
was
a
Lyon
,
in
remembrance
of
the
Lyon
which
he
had
slayne
with
his
owne
handes
,
After
al
this
he
turned
him selfe
to
his
old
exercise
And
now
if
we
wil
,
leaue
the
Hebrues
and
returne
to
the
Romans
,
of
whom
we
spake
Numa
Pompilius
the
notablest
king
that
euer
they
had
,
who
prescribed
al
their
order
of
religion
and
manner
of
sacrifices
,
imitating
therin
and
in
diuers
other
poyntes
,
the
rites
and
ceremonyes
of
the
Iewes
,
as
Tertulian
and
other
fathers
Agayne
when
Tarquinius
the
proud
ther
seuenth
and
last
king
,
was
expelled
by
the
same
senate
,
for
his
euel
gouerment
,
and
the
whole
manner
of
gouerment
chainged
,
as
before
hath
Moreouer
when
Iulius
Caesar
vppon
particuler
ambition
had
broken
al
law
both
humane
and
diuine
,
and
taken
al
gouerment
in
to
his
owne
hands
alone
,
he
was
in
reuenge
hereof
,
Octauianus
Augustus
preferred
The
like
might
be
noted
of
the
noble
ranck
of
fiue
excellent
good
Emperors
,
to
wit
,
Nerua
,
Traian
Adrian
,
Antoninus
Pius
,
and
Marcus
Aurclius
,
〈◊〉
Nerua
,
an
Italian
,
a
man
of
excellent
vertue
,
by
whom
they
enjoyed
not
only
the
most
prosperous
tyme
of
his
gouerment
,
but
of
al
thos
other
fower
before
named
that
ensued
him
no
lessc
worthy
then
him selfe
.
Not
long
after
,
the
succession
of
thes
excellent
good
Emperors
,
ther
came
to
the
crowne
Antoninus
Heliogabolus
,
sonne
of
the
Emperor
Antoninus
Caracalla
,
and
nephew
to
the
most
famous
and
noble
Emperor
Septimius
Seuerus
that
dyed
in
Ingland
.
Which
youth
as
he
was
greatly
loued
and
honored
a
great
while
for
so
worthy
a
grand
father
:
so
afterwards
for
his
owne
most
beaftly
life
and
foule
actions
,
he
was
depriued
This
man
being
chastized
as
is
said
,
ther
was
preferred
to
the
Empire
in
his
roome
a
goodly
Alexander
Seuerus
,
sonne
to
Mamonea
which
was
sister
to
Heliogabolus
his
mother
,
and
being
admitted
by
common
consent
,
both
of
the
senate
people
Imight
name
,
diuers
other
such
examples
&
among
the
rest
that
of
Maxentius
,
who
being
And
yf
we
wil
come
lower
downe
,
&
neerer
home
,
we
haue
yet
an
other
example
,
more
markable
perhaps
then
al
the
rest
,
which
was
the
change
of
the
Empire
from
the
East
to
the
west
,
for
the
euel
gouerment
of
Constantin
the
It
were
to
long
to
runne
ouer
al
other
kingdomes
,
yet
some
I
shal
touch
in
such
poynts
as
are
most
notorious
.
The
two
famous
changes
that
haue
bin
made
Hugo
Capetus
,
that
endureth
vnto
this
day
,
wher
on
are
they
founded
,
but
vppon
the
iudicial
chastisment
and
deposition
of
two
euel
Princes
,
the
first
of
Childeric
the
third
lawful
king
of
France
,
who
after
tenn
yeares
that
he
had
reigned
was
deposed
,
by
Zaccharie
the
pope
at
the
request
of
the
whole
nobility
and
cleargie
of
France
,
or
rather
his
depriuation
was
by
them
,
and
confirmed
by
the
pope
,
to
whom
they
alleaged
this
reason
for
their
doing
in
that
behalfe
,
as
Girard
putteth
it
downe
in
both
his
French
Cronicles
,
I
meane
the
large
and
the
abbreuiation
,
to
wit
,
that
their
oth
to
Childeric
was
to
honor
serue
And
so
continued
this
race
of
Pepin
in
the
Le
gros
,
that
succeded
him
both
of
them
deposed
by
the
states
of
France
,
and
other
the
lyke
,
of
whom
I
shall
haue
occasion
to
speake
afterwards
,
to
an
other
purpose
.
But
now
if
you
please
,
let
vs
stepp
ouer
the
pirenie
mountaines
,
and
looke
into
Spayne
,
S.
Isiodorus
Arch bishop
of
Siuil
,
who
yet
in
the
said
councel
was
the
first
man
that
subscribed
After
the
entrance
of
the
moores
also
,
when
Spayne
was
reduced
agayne
,
to
the
order
&
gouerment
of
Spanish
kings
,
we
read
that
about
the
yeare
of
Christ
1282.
one
Don
Alonso
the
eleuenth
of
that
name
,
king
of
Castile
,
&
Leon
,
This
man
,
for
his
euel
gouerment
and
espetially
for
tyranny
vsed
towards
two
nephews
Don
Sancho
the
fourth
,
was
crowned
in
his
place
,
who
for
his
valiant
actes
,
was
suruamed
el
brauo
,
and
it
turned
to
great
commodity
of
the
common
wealth
.
The
same
common
wealth
of
Spayne
some
yeares
after
,
to
wit
abont
the
yeare
of
Christ
1368.
hauing
to
their
king
one
Don
Pedro
,
surnamed
Don
Alonso
the
twelfth
,
and
had
reygned
among
them
18.
yeares
,
yet
for
his
euel
gouerment
they
resolued
to
depose
him
,
and
so
sent
for
a
bastard
brother
of
his
,
named
Henry
that
liued
in
France
requesting
him
that
he
would
come
with
some
force
of
french
men
to
And
this
king
Henry
so
put
vp
in
his
place
was
called
king
Henry
the
second
of
this
name
and
proued
a
most
excellent
king
,
and
for
his
great
nobility
in
conuersation
,
and
prouesse
in
chiualry
,
was
called
by
excellency
,
El
cauallero
the
kinghtly
king
,
and
for
his
exceding
benignity
and
liberality
,
was
surnamed
also
,
el
dela
mercedes
,
which
is
to
say
,
the
king
that
gaue
many
giftes
,
or
the
liberal
franck
,
and
bounteful
king
,
which
was
a
great
change
from
the
other
surnamed
cruel
,
that
king
Peter
had
before
;
&
so
you
see
that
alwayes
I
gyue
you
a
good
king
in
place
of
the
bad
deposed
.
In
Portugal
also
before
I
goe
out
of
Spayne
,
Don
Sancho
the
second
,
surnamed
Capelo
,
fourth
king
of
Portugal
,
lawful
sonne
and
heyre
vnto
Don
Alonso
surnamed
el
Gardo
,
who
whas
third
king
of
Portugal
.
This
Don
Sancho
,
after
he
had
Don
Alonso
brother
to
the
said
king
Don
Sancho
,
who
was
at
that
tyme
,
Earle
of
bullen
in
Picardy
,
by
right
of
his
wife
,
and
so
the
Portugales
did
,
&
further
also
a
lytle
after
they
depriued
their
said
king
,
and
did
driue
him
out
of
his
realme
into
Castilla
,
wher
he
liued
al
the
rest
of
his
life
in
banishment
,
and
dyed
in
Toledo
without
euer
returning
,
and
this
decree
of
the
councel
and
Pope
at
Lyons
,
for
authorizing
Don
Alonso
,
the
third
which
in
this
〈◊〉
was
put
vp
,
against
his
brother
was
peaceably
&
prosperously
king
,
of
Portugal
,
al
the
dayes
〈◊〉
Don
〈◊〉
Fabricador
,
to
wit
the
great
buylder
,
for
that
〈◊〉
buylded
and
founded
aboue
forty
and
〈◊〉
great
townes
in
portugal
,
and
was
a
most
〈◊〉
Prince
and
his
ofspring
ruleth
in
Portugal
vnto
this
day
.
Infinite
other
examples
could
I
alleage
if
would
examyne
the
lyues
and
discentes
of
〈◊〉
and
other
kingdomes
with
their
Princes
,
and
namely
if
I
would
speake
of
the
Greeke
Emperors
,
Michael
Calaphates
,
for
that
he
had
troden
the
Crosse
of
Christ
vnder
his
feete
,
and
was
otherwise
also
a
wicked
man
,
as
also
the
Emperor
Nicephorus
Botoniates
,
for
his
dissolute
life
and
preferring
wicked
men
to
authority
,
and
the
like
,
wherof
I
might
name
many
,
but
it
would
be
to
longe
.
What
should
I
name
heere
,
the
deposition
What
should
I
name
the
depriuations
of
Henry
late
king
of
Suetia
,
who
being
lawful
And
a
litle
before
that
,
the
like
was
practised
also
in
Denmarke
agaynst
Cisternus
ther
lawful
But
it
shal
be
best
perhapps
to
ende
this
narration
But
in
the
end
as
I
haue
said
king
Henry
the
Edward
of
Carnaruan
from
that
howre
forward
.
But
what
shal
we
say
?
is
this
worthines
which
God
giueth
commonly
to
the
successors
at
thes
changes
,
perpetual
or
certayne
by
discent
?
no
truly
:
nor
the
example
of
one
Princes
punishment
maketh
an
other
to
beware
,
for
the
next
successor
after
this
noble
Edward
which
was
king
Richard
the
second
,
though
he
were
not
his
sonne
,
but
his
sonnes
sonne
,
to
wit
sonne
and
heyre
to
the
excellent
and
renounced
black
Prince
of
wales
,
this
Richard
(
I
say
)
forgetting
I
might
recon
also
in
this
number
of
Princes
But
after
this
man
agayne
,
ther
fel
an
other
And
this
may
be
sufficient
for
proofe
of
the
two
principal
poynts
,
which
you
required
to
be
discussed
in
the
beginning
of
this
spech
,
to
wit
,
that
lawful
Princes
haue
oftentymes
by
their
common
wealthes
bin
lawfully
deposed
,
for
misgouerment
,
and
that
God
hath
allowed
and
assisted
the
same
,
with
good
successe
vnto
the
weal
publique
,
and
if
this
be
so
,
or
might
be
so
,
in
kings
lawfully
set
in
possession
,
then
much
more
hath
the
said
common
wealth
power
&
authority
to
alter
the
succession
of
such
as
do
but
yet
pretend
to
that
dignity
,
if
ther
be
dew
reason
and
causes
for
the
same
,
which
is
the
head
poynt
that
first
we
began
to
treate
of
saide
the
Ciuilian
,
and
with
this
ended
his
speech
without
saying
any
more
.
WHER
IN
CONSISTETH
PRINCIPALLY
THE
LAVFVLNES
OF
PROCEEDING
AGAYNST
Princes
which
in
the
former
chapter
is
mentioned
:
what
interest
Princes
haue
in
their
subiect
's
goods
or
liues
,
how
othes
doth
binde
or
may
be
broken
by
subiects
towards
Princes
,
and
finally
the
difference
betwene
a
good
king
and
a
Tirant
.
CHAP.
IIII.
WHEN
the
Ciuilian
had
ended
his
de
facto
,
and
now
to
cal
thes
factes
in
question
,
were
to
embroyle
and
turne
vp-side-downe
al
the
states
of
Christen
.
dom
,
as
you
haue
wel
signified
,
but
yet
for
that
you
haue
added
this
word
lawfully
so
many
tymes
,
in
the
course
of
your
narration
,
I
would
you
tooke
the
payne
to
tel
vs
also
,
by
what
law
,
they
did
the
same
,
seing
that
Belloy
whom
you
haue
named
before
,
and
some
other
of
his
opinion
To
which
also
they
do
alleage
the
speech
of
wel
(
quoth
be
)
you
wil
haue
a
king
,
harken
then
to
this
that
I
wil
say
.
Hoc
erit
ius
regis
,
qui
imperaturus
est
vobis
,
this
shal
be
the
rlght
and
power
of
the
king
that
shal
rule
ouer
you
,
to
wit
,
he
shal
take
from
you
thus
far
the
Prophet
.
Out
of
al
which
discourse
and
spech
of
the
Prophet
,
thes
men
do
gather
,
that
a
king
is
nothing
so
restrayned
in
his
power
or
limited
to
law
as
you
haue
affirmed
,
but
rather
that
his
law
is
his
own
wil
,
as
by
thes
wordes
of
the
Prophet
may
appeare
,
and
much
lesse
may
the
common
wealth
chastice
or
depriue
him
for
exceding
the
limites
of
law
,
or
doing
his
wil
,
seing
that
here
in
this
place
,
God
doth
foretel
that
Princes
oftentymes
shal
commit
excesses
and
iniuries
,
and
yet
doth
he
not
therfore
wil
,
them
to
chasten
or
depose
them
,
for
the
same
but
rather
insinuateth
that
they
must
take
it
paciently
,
for
their
sinnes
,
and
cry
to
God
for
remedy
and
perseuer
therin
though
he
do
not
〈◊〉
the
first
harken
to
them
,
or
grant
their
redresse
,
hitherto
the
temporal
lawyer
.
Wherunto
answered
the
Ciuilian
,
that
he
confessed
that
Belloy
&
other
his
companions
that
wrote
in
flattery
of
Princes
in
thes
our
dayes
,
did
nor
only
affirme
thes
things
,
that
the
temporal
lawyer
had
alleaged
,
and
that
Princes
were
lawlesse
and
subiect
to
no
accompt
,
reason
,
or
correction
,
whatsoeuer
they
did
,
but
also
(
which
is
yet
more
absurd
and
pernicious
to
al
wealthes
)
that
al
goods
,
chattels
,
possessions
and
whatsoeuer
els
commodityes
temporal
,
of
the
common
wealth
,
are
properly
the
kings
,
and
that
their
subiects
haue
only
the
vse
therof
,
without
any
propriety
at
al
,
so
as
when
the
king
wil
,
he
may
take
it
from
them
by
right
,
without
iniustice
or
iniury
,
which
assertions
do
ouer
throw
wholy
the
very
nature
&
substance
of
a
common
wealth
,
it selfe
.
For
first
to
say
that
a
king
is
subiect
to
no
law
or
limitation
at
al
,
but
may
do
what
he
By
the
second
saying
also
,
that
al
temporalityes
are
properly
the
Princes
,
and
that
subiects
that
some
are
common
by
nature
to
al
men
,
as
the
ayer
the
sea
and
the
like
,
other
are
publique
to
al
of
one
citty
or
country
,
but
yet
not
common
to
al
in
general
,
as
riuers
portes
and
other
such
:
some
are
of
the
community
of
a
citty
or
common
wealth
,
but
yet
not
common
to
euery
parttculer
person
of
that
citty
,
as
common
rents
,
theators
,
the
publique
house
,
and
the
like
:
some
are
of
none
nor
properly
of
any
mans
goods
,
as
churches
and
sacred
things
,
&
some
are
proper
to
particuler
men
,
as
thos
which
euery
man
possesseth
of
his
owne
,
which
diuision
,
of
Iustinian
the
Emperor
and
his
most
learned
lawyers
is
not
good
,
if
the
Prince
be
Lord
proprietarie
of
al
:
nay
he
that
made
this
diuision
,
being
Emperor
,
did
great
iniury
also
to
himselfe
,
in
assigning
that
to
others
,
which
by
the
opinion
of
Belloy
and
his
fellowes
was
properly
&
truly
his
owne
,
in
that
he
was
Emperor
and
Lord
of
the
world
.
Besides
al
this
,
so
absurd
a
saying
is
this
,
as
it
Last
of
al
(
for
I
wil
not
ouerlode
you
with
And
hereby
also
we
may
gather
,
what
the
Prophet
Samuel
meant
,
when
he
threatned
iudgment
,
iustice
,
discipline
,
&
truth
we
see
not
only
Achab
and
Iezabel
.
Before
mentioned
greuiously
punished
,
but
many
other
kings
also
by
God
himselfe
,
as
Achaz
Manasses
,
Ioachim
,
and
the
like
,
which
had
not
bin
iustice
on
Gods
part
so
to
punish
them
if
it
had
bin
lawful
for
them
to
vse
that
manner
of
proceeding
towards
their
people
,
as
thes
good
instructors
of
Princes
in
our
dayes
,
most
fondly
and
wickedly
do
affirme
,
and
thus
much
for
that
place
.
But
to
the
first
point
which
you
asked
,
by
what
law
the
common
wealthes
that
are
mentioned
And
wheras
thes
men
saye
,
that
like
as
if
a
And
finally
(
which
is
the
cheefest
reason
of
al
,
&
the
very
ground
and
foundation
in
deede
of
al
kings
authority
among
christians
)
the
power
and
anthority
which
the
Prince
hath
from
the
common
wealth
is
in
very
truth
,
not
absolute
,
but
potestas
vicaria
or
deligata
,
as
we
Ciuilians
Nay
not
only
,
in
this
case
,
that
is
so
euident
,
Our
diuines
also
do
alledge
the
example
of
that
for
his
othes
sake
he
commaunded
it
to
be
performed
,
which
yet
no
man
wil
deny
,
but
that
it
had
bin
far
better
left
vnperformed
,
and
the
othe
better
broken
then
fulfilled
,
according
to
an
other
rule
of
the
law
,
which
sayeth
,
In
malis
promissis
fidem
non
expedit
obseruari
,
it
is
not
expedient
to
keepe
our
promise
in
things
euel
promised
.
And
finally
to
this
purpose
,
to
wit
,
to
determyne
how
many
wayes
an
oth
taken
may
be
lawfully
broken
,
or
not
kept
,
ther
is
a
whole
title
in
the
Cannon
law
,
conteyning
36.
chapters
,
wherin
are
set
downe
many
and
diuers
So
as
,
nothing
is
more
largely
handled
in
our
law
both
Ciuil
and
Canon
,
then
this
matter
of
promisses
,
and
othes
,
how
and
when
,
and
why
,
and
in
what
cases
,
they
hould
or
bynde
,
and
when
not
.
Al
which
to
apply
it
now
vnto
And
both
thes
cases
are
touched
in
the
depriuation
of
Childerike
the
last
king
of
France
,
of
the
first
lyne
of
Pharamond
which
was
recounted
in
the
former
chapter
,
for
that
as
Paulus
A
Enulius
,
Belforest
,
Girard
,
and
other
French
stories
do
testify
,
the
bishop
of
wirtsburg
,
that
Truth
it
is
,
that
the
French
haue
sworne
fidelity
to
defend
the
common
wealth
,
protect
the
church
of
christ
,
resist
the
wicked
,
aduance
the
good
and
the
like
:
and
if
he
do
this
,
then
the
French
are
redy
to
continew
ther
obedience
and
allegeance
vnto
him
:
but
if
he
be
apt
for
none
of
thes
things
,
nether
fit
,
ether
for
a
Captaine
in
ware
,
or
for
a
head
in
peace
,
and
if
nothing
els
may
be
expected
whiles
he
is
king
,
but
detriment
to
the
state
,
ignominy
to
the
nation
,
danger
to
christian
religion
,
and
distruction
to
the
weal
publique
:
then
it
is
law
ful
for
you
no
doubt
(
most
holy
father
)
to
deliuer
the
French
from
this
band
of
their
oth
,
&
to
testifie
that
no
promise
can
bynd
this
nation
in
particuler
,
to
that
which
may
be
hurtful
to
al
christendom
in
general
.
Thus
far
that
bishop
,
&
his
spech
was
allowed
&
Childerick
deposed
,
and
Pepin
made
king
in
his
place
as
the
world
knoweth
.
By
this
then
you
see
,
saic
the
Ciuilian
lawyer
,
And
heere
now
come
in
,
al
thos
considerations
which
old
philosophers
,
lawmakers
,
and
such
de
legibus
,
wher
he
sayeth
,
vt
populo
magistratus
,
ita
magistratui
presunt
leges
.
A
Caius
Calignla
,
is
iustly
detested
by
al
writers
,
who
said
vnto
one
as
Suetonius
reporteth
.
Memento
mihi
omnia
&
in
omnes
licere
,
remember
,
that
al
things
are
lawful
Take
this
sword
,
and
if
I
do
reigne
iustly
,
vse
it
for
me
,
and
if
not
,
then
vse
it
against
me
.
Which
in
effect
and
substance
are
the
very
same
wordes
which
our
christian
Princes
at
this
day
do
vse
at
their
entrance
and
coronations
,
when
they
promise
and
sweare
to
rule
iustly
,
and
according
to
the
lawes
statutes
,
and
ordinances
of
their
countrey
,
and
vppon
that
condicion
do
take
the
othes
of
their
subiects
obedience
,
protesting
ther
with-al
,
that
if
they
performe
not
this
,
that
then
their
subiects
are
free
as
before
from
al
allegeance
,
and
then
may
the
common
wealth
as
also
the
very
officers
themselues
of
such
a
king
,
vse
ther
sword
against
him
,
who
gaue
it
to
them
,
for
the
publique
good
,
if
neede
so
require
,
as
Traian
commaunded
.
It
was
truly
the
word
of
a
noble
Prince
True
ir
is
,
said
the
Ciuilian
,
wher
martial
authority
taketh
place
,
ther
no
question
of
right
auaileth
to
be
disputed
,
&
if
a
lavyver
or
any
other
man
els
,
be
in
feare
or
dainger
of
his
owne
life
,
he
wil
rather
giue
sentence
against
an
other
,
then
receaue
it
against
himselfe
,
but
we
talke
not
here
what
men
may
be
driuen
to
do
by
feare
or
force
of
euel
Princes
,
but
what
OF
THE
CORONATION
OF
PRINCES
AND
MANNER
OF
THEIR
ADMISSION
to
their
authority
and
the
othes
which
they
do
make
in
the
same
vnto
the
common
wealth
,
for
their
good
gouerment
.
CAP.
V.
DINNER
being
ended
,
the
Ciuilian
lawyer
began
to
prosecute
the
matter
And
in
euery
common
wealth
the
more
orderly
the
Prince
commeth
to
his
crowne
and
dignity
,
the
more
expresse
and
certaine
haue
bin
euer
thes
conditions
and
agrements
betweene
him
and
the
people
,
as
on
the
other
side
the
more
violently
the
Prince
getteth
his
authority
or
by
tyranny
and
disorder
,
as
thos
ancient
and
first
tyrantes
of
Assyria
to
wit
Nemrod
,
Belus
,
and
the
like
,
that
by
meere
force
and
But
in
al
good
and
wel
ordered
common
weathes
wher
matters
passe
by
reason
,
conscience
,
wisdom
and
consultation
,
and
espetially
since
christian
religion
hath
preuailed
,
&
giuen
perfection
to
that
natural
light
,
which
First
then
to
begin
with
the
East
or
Greeke
Emperors
of
Constantinople
as
the
most
anicient
among
other
,
for
that
after
the
Empire
once
translated
from
Rome
to
Constantinople
,
Nicephorus
Euagrius
&
others
.
And
not
only
this
,
but
diuers
other
conditions
also
,
doth
the
same
author
insinuate
,
that
this
Anastatius
promised
at
his
corouation
,
before
he
could
be
crowned
,
as
among
other
things
,
the
taking
away
of
certaine
tributs
and
impositions
,
the
giuing
of
offices
without
money
,
and
other
like
points
,
appertayning
to
reformation
and
good
gouerment
,
which
he
performed
for
a
tyme
,
in
the
beginning
of
his
gouerment
,
but
after
fel
into
the
heresies
of
the
Eutichians
,
&
banished
this
same
good
Patriach
Euphemius
,
that
had
crowned
him
,
&
he
thriued
therafter
,
for
that
he
was
slayne
by
a
thunder
bolt
from
heauen
,
after
he
had
reigned
7.
yeares
,
and
was
accompted
for
a
very
wicked
man
,
by
al
writers
,
for
that
he
had
broken
(
as
they
said
)
the
conditions
,
quas
graui
iuramento
scriptis
relato
confirmasset
.
That
is
to
say
,
the
conditions
which
he
had
confirmed
&
auowed
with
a
graue
oth
as
sayeth
Euagrius
.
The
like
,
I
read
about
300.
yeares
after
,
recorded
by
the
same
author
of
the
Emperor
And
if
we
passe
to
the
latine
&
west
empyre
which
about
this
very
tyme
was
restored
by
Zacharie
the
pope
,
and
by
the
whole
common
wealth
of
Rome
(
as
before
hath
bin
shewed
and
was
giuen
to
Charles
the
great
and
his
posterity
)
we
shal
fynd
that
this
point
is
more
setled
and
more
in-violably
kept
yet
in
this
empyre
,
them
in
the
other
,
for
albeit
that
this
empire
of
the
west
went
by
succession
for
the
most
part
at
the
begining
,
vntil
afterwards
it
was
appointed
by
Pope
Gregory
the
fifth
to
passe
by
the
election
of
certaine
Princes
in
Germanie
,
that
now
enioy
that
priueledge
to
be
electors
:
yet
shal
we
see
alwaies
,
that
they
euen
before
this
constitution
,
when
this
dignity
went
by
succession
,
were
neuer
admitted
to
the
same
,
without
this
circumstance
of
swearing
to
conditions
of
righteous
gouerment
:
the
forme
and
manner
of
which
admission
,
for
that
I
find
it
set
downe
more
perfectly
and
particulerly
in
the
coronation
of
Otho
the
first
,
then
of
any
other
Emperor
,
and
that
by
many
authors
,
and
that
this
Otho
was
sonne
and
heyre
vnto
the
famous
Emperor
Henry
the
first
of
that
name
,
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
surnamed
the
faulkner
,
for
This
Otho
then
sonne
(
as
I
haue
said
)
to
Henry
the
first
,
though
being
his
eldest
sonne
,
Behold
I
bring
you
heare
Otho
,
chosen
by
God
&
appointed
out
by
his
father
Henry
our
Lord
,
and
now
made
king
by
al
the
Princes
of
this
empire
,
if
this
election
please
you
,
do
you
signifie
the
same
by
boulding
vp
your
handes
to
heauen
.
Thus
far
are
the
wordes
of
the
historiographer
,
and
then
he
addeth
that
al
held
vp
their
handes
,
and
that
theruppon
the
said
archbishop
,
turned
ahout
to
the
aulter
wher
lay
al
the
oruaments
and
ensignes
of
the
empyre
,
as
the
sword
with
the
girdle
,
the
cloke
with
the
diuina
per
Episcopos
tibi
tradita
.
Which
is
,
take
vnto
thee
this
sword
wherby
thow
mayst
cast
out
and
driue
away
al
the
enimies
of
Christ
,
whether
they
be
barbarous
infidels
,
or
euel
christians
,
and
this
by
the
authority
of
God
deliuered
vnto
thee
by
vs
that
are
bishops
.
And
thus
he
did
with
al
other
ornaments
and
ensignes
,
telling
the
signification
and
obligation
of
euery
one
,
and
taking
the
Emperors
promise
to
performe
al.
And
after
al
,
the
historiographer
concludeth
After
this
,
about
60.
yeares
or
more
,
Pope
Gregory
the
5.
in
a
synode
holden
in
Rome
,
did
by
the
consent
of
Otho
the
third
Emperor
,
Moguntia
,
Colen
,
&
Treuires
,
&
three
temperal
Lords
,
to
wit
,
the
Duke
of
Saxony
,
the
Counte
Palatyne
of
First
of
al
then
he
writeth
,
that
after
any
man
Are
,
to
defend
the
christian
and
catholique
religion
,
to
defend
the
pope
and
church
of
Rome
,
whose
aduocat
he
is
,
to
minister
iustice
equally
to
al
,
to
follow
peace
,
to
kepe
and
obserue
al
lawes
rightes
and
priuileges
of
the
Empyre
,
not
to
alienate
or
engage
the
possessions
of
the
empyre
,
to
condemne
no
man
without
hearing
his
cause
,
but
to
suffer
the
course
of
law
to
haue
his
place
,
in
al
and
whatsoeuer
he
shal
do
otherwise
,
that
it
be
voyd
and
of
no
Validitie
at
al.
Vnto
al
thes
articles
,
he
sweareth
first
by
his
legates
&
then
he
giueth
a
coppy
of
his
othe
in
writing
to
euery
one
of
the
six
electors
,
and
after
this
he
goeth
to
the
cytie
of
Aquis-gran
to
be
crowned
in
the
great
church
,
wher
about
the
midle
of
the
masse
,
the
archbishop
of
Colen
goeth
vnto
him
in
the
presence
of
al
the
people
,
and
asketh
,
whether
he
be
redy
to
sweare
and
promise
to
obserue
the
catholick
religion
,
defend
the
church
,
minister
iustice
,
protect
the
widowes
and
fatherles
,
and
yeald
dutiful
honor
and
〈◊〉
to
the
pope
of
Rome
,
wherunto
he
answering
that
he
is
redy
to
do
al
this
,
the
Archbishop
leadeth
him
to
the
high
aulter
wher
he
sweareth
in
expresse
words
,
al
thes
articles
,
wwhich
being
done
,
the
said
archbishop
turning
himselfe
to
the
Princes
of
the
empyre
and
people
ther
present
doth
aske
them
,
whether
they
be
content
to
sweare
obedience
and
fealtie
vnto
him
,
who
answering
yea
,
he
is
annoynted
by
the
said
archbishop
before
the
aulter
,
and
then
do
come
the
other
two
Archbishops
of
Moguntia
and
Treueris
,
and
do
lead
him
into
the
vestery
,
wher
certaine
deacons
are
redy
to
apparrel
him
in
his
robes
,
and
do
set
him
in
a
chayre
,
vppon
whom
the
Archbishop
of
Colen
saith
certaine
prayers
,
and
then
deliuereth
him
that
he
wil
do
the
part
of
a
good
christian
and
Catholick
Emperor
.
Which
being
ended
he
is
brought
In
Polonia
,
which
being
first
a
Dukedome
was
made
a
kingdome
,
aboute
the
same
tyme
Wher
as
you
are
right
noble
Prince
to
receaue
at
our
handes
this
day
who
are
(
though
vnworthily
)
Thus
he
beginneth
,
and
after
this
,
he
declareth
vnto
him
for
what
end
he
is
made
king
,
what
the
obligation
of
that
place
and
dignity
byndeth
him
vnto
,
and
vnto
what
points
he
must
sweare
,
what
do
signifie
the
sword
,
the
ring
,
the
sceptor
,
and
the
crowne
that
he
is
to
receaue
,
and
at
the
deliuery
of
each
of
thes
things
he
maketh
both
a
short
exhortation
vnto
him
,
and
prayer
vnto
God
for
him
.
And
the
kings
oth
is
in
thes
words
.
Promitto
coram
After
this
oth
made
by
the
king
,
and
receaued
by
the
subiects
,
the
Lord
Martial
general
of
the
whole
kingdome
,
doth
aske
with
a
loud
voice
of
al
the
councellors
,
nobility
,
&
people
ther
present
,
whether
they
be
content
to
submit
themselues
vnto
,
this
king
or
no
Who
answering
yea
:
the
archbishop
doth
ende
the
residue
of
the
ceremonies
,
&
doth
place
him
in
the
royal
throne
,
wher
al
his
subiects
do
homage
vnto
him
,
and
this
for
Polonia
.
In
Spayne
I
do
find
,
that
the
manner
of
admitting
Ambrosio
Morales
,
the
most
learned
&
diligent
S.
Isidorus
Archbishop
of
Siuil
,
who
writing
his
history
of
spayne
dedicated
the
same
vnto
this
king
Sissinandus
,
and
speaketh
infinite
After
this
,
the
councel
confirmeth
the
title
of
Sissinandus
,
and
maketh
decrees
for
the
defence
therof
,
but
yet
insinuateth
what
points
he
was
bound
vnto
,
and
wherunto
he
had
sworne
when
they
said
vnto
him
,
Te
quoque
praesentem
We
do
require
you
,
that
are
our
present
king
,
and
al
other
our
Princes
that
shal
follow
But
in
the
next
two
yeares
after
the
ende
of
this
councel
,
king
Sissinandus
being
now
dead
and
one
Chintilla
made
king
in
his
place
,
ther
were
other
two
councels
gathered
in
Toledo
,
the
first
wherof
was
but
prouincial
,
and
the
second
national
,
and
they
are
named
by
the
names
of
the
fift
and
sixt
councels
of
Toledo
.
We
do
promulgate
with
one
hart
and
mouth
this
sentence
agreable
&
pleasing
vnto
God
,
and
do
decree
the
same
with
the
consent
and
deliberation
of
the
nobles
and
peeres
of
this
realme
,
that
whosoeuer
in
tyme
to
come
shal
be
aduanced
to
the
honor
and
preferment
of
this
kingdome
,
he
shal
not
be
placed
in
the
royal
seat
,
vntil
among
other
conditions
he
haue
promised
by
the
Sacrament
of
Thus
far
,
that
synod
or
councel
.
By
which
wordes
especially
thos
(
among
other
conditions
)
is
made
euident
,
that
thos
Princes
sweare
not
only
to
kepe
the
faith
,
but
also
such
other
conditions
of
good
gouerment
as
were
touched
before
in
the
fourth
councel
,
and
thes
things
were
determyned
while
their
king
Chintilla
was
present
in
Tolledo
,
as
Ambrosio
Morales
noteth
.
And
thus
much
of
Spayne
,
before
But
after
the
Moores
had
gayned
al
Spayne
Don
Pelayo
of
the
ancient
blood
of
the
Gotish
kings
,
who
was
also
fled
thither
and
miraculously
saued
from
the
enemyes
,
whom
they
chose
straight
waies
to
be
their
king
,
and
he
began
presently
the
recouery
of
Spayne
,
and
was
called
first
king
of
Asturias
,
and
afterward
of
Leon
,
and
after
his
successors
gatt
to
be
kings
also
of
Castilia
,
and
then
of
Toledo
,
and
then
of
Aragon
,
Barcelona
,
Valentia
,
Murcia
,
Cartagena
,
Iaen
,
Cordua
,
Granade
,
Siuil
,
Portugal
,
and
Nauarra
,
al
which
were
different
kingdomes
at
that
tyme
,
so
made
by
the
Moores
,
as
hath
bin
said
.
And
al
thes
kingdomes
were
gayned
againe
,
by
litle
and
litle
,
in
more
then
7.
hundred
yeares
space
,
which
were
lost
in
lesse
then
two
yeares
,
and
they
neuer
came
againe
in
deede
into
one
Monarchie
as
they
were
vnder
Don
Rodrigo
ther
last
king
that
lost
the
whole
,
vntil
the
yeare
of
our
Lord
1582.
when
Don
Philippe
now
king
of
Spayne
re-vnited
againe
vnto
that
crowne
the
kingdome
of
Portugal
which
was
the
last
peece
,
that
remayned
seperated
and
this
was
almost
900.
yeares
after
Spaine
was
first
lost
.
But
now
to
our
purpose
,
the
chronicler
of
Spayne
,
named
Ambrosio
Morales
doth
record
in
his
chronicle
a
certaine
law
,
written
in
the
Gotish
tonge
,
and
left
since
the
tyme
of
this
Don
Pelayo
the
first
king
,
after
the
vninersal
distruction
of
Spaine
,
and
the
title
of
the
law
is
this
.
Como
se
an
de
leuantar
Rey
en
Espn̄a
,
y
como
el
ha
de
Iurar
los
fueros
,
that
is
to
saye
,
how
men
And
then
he
putteth
the
articles
of
the
law
,
wherof
the
first
saith
thus
.
Before
al
thinges
it
is
established
for
a
law
,
liberty
,
and
priutledge
of
Spayne
,
that
the
king
is
to
be
placed
by
voius
and
consent
perpetually
,
and
this
to
the
intent
that
so
euel
king
may
enter
without
consent
of
the
people
,
seing
they
are
to
giue
to
him
,
that
which
with
ther
blood
and
laboures
they
haue
gayned
of
the
Moores
.
Thus
far
goeth
this
first
article
,
which
is
the
Don
Pelayo
,
the
succession
of
kings
descended
euer
by
propinquity
of
blood
,
and
yet
we
see
that
election
was
ioyned
therwithal
in
expresse
termes
.
The
second
part
of
the
law
conteyneth
the
manner
of
ceremonyes
vsed
in
those
old
dayes
at
the
admission
of
their
kings
,
which
is
expressed
in
thes
wordes
,
let
the
king
be
chosen
&
Real
,
Real
,
Real
.
Then
let
the
king
comaund
some
of
his
owne
money
to
be
cast
among
the
people
,
to
the
quantity
of
a
hundreth
shillings
,
and
to
the
end
he
may
giue
al
men
to
vnderstand
,
that
no
man
now
is
aboue
him
,
let
him self
tye
on
his
owne
sword
in
the
forme
of
a
crosse
,
&
let
no
knight
or
other
man
,
beare
a
sword
that
day
,
but
only
the
kinge
.
This
was
the
old
fashion
of
making
kings
in
spayne
,
which
in
effect
and
substance
remayneth
First
then
touching
the
acte
of
coronation
Girard
du
Hailan
secretarie
of
France
in
his
third
booke
of
the
affaires
and
state
of
that
Don
Pelayo
first
king
of
Spaine
,
after
the
Moores
,
for
that
they
were
lifted
vp
and
caried
a-bout
vppon
a
target
by
the
chiefe
subiects
ther
present
as
the
spaniards
were
.
But
as
touching
the
principal
point
of
that
action
which
is
the
substance
of
admitting
the
king
vnto
his
royal
authority
,
and
oth
by
him
made
of
gouerning
wel
and
iustly
,
and
of
the
reciprocal
oth
of
obedience
made
to
him
againe
by
his
subiects
,
it
was
not
much
different
from
that
which
now
is
,
as
shal
appeare
by
the
coronation
of
the
foresaid
Phillip
the
first
,
who
was
crowned
in
the
life
and
presence
of
his
father
,
king
Henry
,
after
the
fashion
then
vsed
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
1059.
and
it
was
in
manner
following
,
as
Nangis
and
Tillet
,
both
authores
King
Henry
the
first
of
this
name
,
seeing
himselfe
very
old
and
feeble
,
made
an
assembly
of
wher
bringing
in
his
yong
sonne
and
heire
Philip
that
was
but
9.
yeares
of
age
,
before
them
al
,
he
said
as
followeth
.
Hither
to
my
dere
frends
and
subiects
,
I
haue
Thus
said
the
king
,
and
then
hauing
asked
euery
one
of
the
assistance
in
particuler
for
his
consent
a
part
,
and
afterwards
the
whole
assembly
in
general
,
whether
they
would
sweare
obedience
to
him
or
no
,
and
fynding
al
to
promise
with
a
good
wil
,
he
passed
ouer
the
feast
of
the
assention
with
great
ioy
in
Paris
,
and
after
went
to
Rhemes
with
al
the
court
and
trayne
,
to
celebrate
the
coronation
vppon
the
feast
of
whit-sonday
.
Thus
far
are
the
wordes
of
William
de
Nangis
This
is
proued
also
most
manifestly
by
the
very
order
of
coronation
which
insueth
in
Belforest
,
taken
word
for
word
out
of
Tillet
,
in
In
the
yeare
of
grace
1059.
and
32.
of
the
reigne
of
king
Henry
the
first
of
this
name
of
France
,
and
in
the
4.
yeare
of
the
seat
and
bishoprick
of
Geruays
Archbishop
of
Rhemes
,
and
in
the
23.
day
of
May
being
whit-sonday
,
king
Phillip
the
first
was
apointed
by
the
said
Archbishop
Geruays
in
the
great
church
of
Rhemes
,
before
the
aulter
of
our
lady
,
with
the
order
&
ceremony
that
ensueth
.
The
masse
being
begonne
,
when
it
came
to
the
reading
of
the
Epistle
,
the
said
Lord
Archbishop
turning
about
to
Phillip
the
Prince
,
that
was
ther
present
,
declared
vnto
him
what
was
the
Catholique
fayth
,
and
asked
him
whether
he
did
beleue
it
,
&
whether
he
would
Ie
Philippe
par
le
grace
de
Dieu
prochain
d'estre
ordonné
Roy
de
France
,
promets
au
iour
de
mon
sacré
deuant
Dieu
&
ses
sanctes
.
&c.
That
is
in
Inglish
,
(
for
I
wil
not
repeate
al
the
oth
in
French
seing
it
is
some
what
long
)
.
I
Phillip
by
the
grace
of
God
,
neere
to
be
ordeyned
king
of
France
,
do
promisse
This
oth
was
read
by
the
king
,
holding
his
handes
betwene
the
handes
of
the
Archbishop
of
Rhemes
,
and
the
bishop
of
Syen
and
Bisanson
,
legats
of
the
pope
standing
by
,
with
a
very
great
number
of
other
bishops
of
the
realme
.
And
the
said
Archbishop
taking
the
crosse
of
S.
Remigius
in
his
hands
,
he
shewed
first
vnto
al
the
audience
,
the
ancient
authoritie
which
the
Archbishops
of
Rhems
had
euen
from
the
tyme
of
S.
Remigius
that
baptized
ther
first
christian
king
Clodoueus
,
to
annoint
&
crowne
the
kings
of
France
,
which
he
said
was
confirmed
vnto
them
by
priuiledge
of
the
pope
Hormisda
that
liued
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
516.
and
after
also
by
pope
Victor
,
and
this
being
done
,
he
Il
esleut
le
dit
Philippe
son
sils
,
en
,
&
pour
Roy
de
France
,
which
is
word
for
word
,
the
Archbishop
chose
the
said
Phillip
king
Henryes
sonne
,
in
and
for
king
of
France
,
which
the
legats
of
the
pope
presently
confirmed
,
and
al
the
bishops
Abbots
and
cleargie
,
with
the
nobility
&
people
in
ther
order
,
did
the
like
,
crying
out
three
tymes
in
thes
wordes
.
Nous
le
apprououns
,
nous
le
voulons
,
soit
fait
nostre
Roy
,
that
is
,
we
approue
his
election
,
we
wil
haue
him
,
let
him
be
made
our
king
,
&
presently
was
song
.
Te
Deum
laudamus
in
the
quyar
,
and
the
rest
of
the
ceremonies
of
anointing
and
coronation
were
done
,
according
to
the
ancient
order
of
this
solemnity
,
vsed
in
the
tyme
of
king
Phillips
predecessors
kings
of
France
.
Thus
far
do
French
stories
recount
the
old
&
ancient
manner
of
anointing
and
crowning
ther
kings
of
France
,
which
had
endured
as
I
haue
said
,
for
al
most
600.
yeares
that
is
to
say
,
from
Clodoueus
vnto
this
king
Phillip
the
first
,
who
was
crowned
in
France
7.
yeares
before
our
William
conquerer
(
who
also
was
present
at
this
coronation
,
&
had
the
third
place
among
This
man
among
other
royal
ceremonyes
ordeyned
the
offices
of
the
twelue
peeres
,
of
France
,
6.
Ecclesiastical
,
and
6.
temporal
,
who
are
they
which
euer
since
haue
had
the
chiefest
The
temporal
peeres
are
the
Duke
of
Burgundie
,
deane
of
the
order
,
who
in
this
day
of
But
to
say
a
word
or
two
more
of
Phillip
Augustus
before
I
passe
any
further
,
which
The
Archbishop
of
Rhemes
being
vested
in
I
do
promisse
and
auow
to
euery
one
of
you
and
to
euery
church
to
you
committed
,
that
I
wil
kepe
and
mainteyne
al
canonical
priuileges
law
and
iustice
〈◊〉
to
euery
man
to
the
vttermost
of
my
power
,
and
by
Gods
helpe
shal
defend
you
as
a
good
king
is
bound
to
doe
,
in
his
realme
.
This
being
done
the
king
did
sweare
and
make
his
oth
,
laying
his
handes
vppon
the
gospel
in
thes
wordes
following
.
Au
nom
de
Iesus
Christ
,
ie
iure
&
promets
au
peuple
christien
a
moy
suiect
ces
choses
,
&c.
Which
is
in
Inglish
:
In
the
name
of
Iesus
Christ
I
do
sweare
and
promise
to
al
Christian
people
subiect
vnto
me
thes
points
ensuning
:
first
to
〈◊〉
that
al
my
subiects
be
kept
in
the
vnion
of
the
church
,
and
I
wil
defend
them
from
al
excesse
,
rapine
,
extorsion
,
and
iniquity
,
secondly
I
wil
take
order
that
in
al
iudgments
iustice
shal
be
kept
,
with
equity
and
mercy
,
to
the
end
that
God
of
his
mercy
may
conserue
vnto
me
with
you
my
people
his
holy
grace
and
mercy
.
Thirdly
I
shal
endeuour
as
much
as
possibly
shal
lye
in
me
,
to
chase
and
driue
out
of
my
realme
and
al
my
dominions
,
al
such
as
the
church
hath
or
shal
declare
for
heretiques
,
as
God
shal
help
me
and
his
holy
gospels
.
Thus
swereth
the
king
,
and
then
kysseth
the
gospels
,
and
mediatly
is
song
.
Te
Deum
laudamus
,
and
after
that
are
said
many
particuler
prayers
by
the
Archbishop
,
and
then
is
the
king
vested
,
and
the
ring
,
scepter
,
crowne
,
and
other
kingly
ornaments
and
ensignes
are
brought
&
put
vppon
him
,
with
declaration
first
what
they
signifie
,
&
then
particuler
prayers
are
made
to
God
,
that
ther
signification
may
be
by
the
king
fulfilled
.
And
after
al
ended
the
Archbishop
with
the
Bishops
do
blesse
him
,
and
say
thes
wordes
God
which
reigneth
in
heauen
and
gouerneth
al
kingdomes
blesse
you
,
&c.
Be
you
stable
and
constant
,
and
hold
your
place
and
right
,
from
hence
forth
which
heere
is
committed
and
laid
vppon
you
by
the
authority
of
almighty
God
,
and
by
this
present
tradition
and
deliuery
which
we
the
bishops
and
other
seruants
of
God
do
make
vnto
you
of
the
same
,
and
remember
you
in
place
conuenient
,
to
beare
so
much
more
respect
&
reuerence
vnto
the
〈◊〉
.
by
how
much
neerer
then
other
men
you
haue
seene
〈◊〉
to
approch
to
Gods
aulter
,
to
the
end
that
Iesus
Christ
mediator
of
God
and
man
may
confirme
and
maynteyne
you
by
the
cleargie
and
people
,
in
this
your
royal
seat
and
throne
,
who
being
lord
of
Lords
and
king
of
kings
make
you
reigne
with
him
and
his
father
in
the
life
and
glory
euerlasting
.
Thus
saith
the
Archbishop
vnto
him
,
and
after
this
he
is
led
by
him
and
the
other
peares
,
vnto
the
seat
royal
,
wher
the
crowne
is
put
vppon
his
head
,
and
many
other
large
ceremoneies
vsed
which
may
be
read
in
the
author
afore
said
,
and
are
to
long
for
this
place
.
And
yet
haue
I
bin
the
larger
in
this
matter
of
France
,
for
that
I
do
not
thinke
it
to
be
improbable
which
this
author
and
others
do
note
,
to
wit
,
that
most
nations
round
about
haue
taken
their
particuler
formes
of
anoynting
and
crowning
their
kings
,
from
this
ancient
custome
of
France
,
Probable
then
I
say
it
is
,
that
albeit
the
substance
of
this
ceremony
of
anoynting
kings
be
much
elder
then
the
christian
kingdome
of
France
:
yet
is
this
particuler
and
maiestical
manner
of
doing
the
same
by
waye
of
coronation
,
the
most
ancient
in
France
aboue
al
other
kingdomes
round
about
,
especialy
if
it
began
with
ther
first
christian
king
Clodouaeus
not
ful
500.
yeares
after
Christ
,
as
french
authors
do
hold
.
At
what
tyme
also
they
recount
a
great
miracle
of
holy
oyle
sent
from
heauen
But
among
al
other
kingdomes
it
semeth
that
Ingland
hath
most
particularly
taken
this
custome
,
and
ceremony
from
France
,
not
only
for
the
reason
before
alleaged
that
diuers
of
our
Inglish
kings
haue
come
out
of
France
,
as
William
Conqueror
borne
in
Normandy
,
king
For
first
of
al
,
that
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
doth
ordinarily
do
thes
ceremony
in
Inland
as
the
Archbishop
of
Rhemes
doth
it
in
France
,
ther
is
no
doubte
,
&
with
the
same
solemnity
and
honor
,
according
to
the
condition
and
state
of
our
countrey
:
and
Polidor
Virgil
in
do
you
cal
to
your
remembrance
,
the
confession
,
which
you
made
and
laid
vppon
the
aulter
at
westminster
,
for
keping
&
defending
the
libertie
of
the
church
when
you
were
consecrated
and
annoynted
king
by
Thebaldus
our
predecessor
.
By
which
wordes
appereth
,
that
as
the
king
of
Ingland
was
consecrated
and
annoynted
in
thos
dayes
by
the
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
so
did
he
sweare
and
giue
vp
his
oth
also
in
writing
,
and
for
more
solemnity
and
obligation
,
layd
it
downe
or
rather
offered
it
vp
,
with
his
owne
handes
vppon
the
aulter
,
so
much
as
was
repuired
of
him
by
the
said
Archbishop
&
cleargie
,
for
the
special
safety
of
religion
,
and
theis
ecclesiastical
liberties
,
which
is
the
selfe
same
pointe
that
we
haue
sene
before
,
as
wel
in
the
oth
of
the
kings
of
France
,
as
also
of
Polonia
and
Spayne
,
and
of
the
Emperors
both
Grecian
and
German
.
The
very
like
admonition
in
effect
I
finde
made
by
an
other
Thomas
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
to
remember
the
oth
which
he
voluntarily
made
,
that
he
would
honor
&
defend
the
church
and
ministers
therof
.
Wherfore
he
desired
him
to
permit
and
suffer
the
church
to
enioy
the
priuileges
and
liberties
which
in
tyme
of
bis
predecessors
it
did
enioy
,
and
to
feare
that
king
which
reygneth
in
heaucn
,
and
by
whom
al
other
kings
do
reigne
morouer
he
desired
him
to
consider
his
promise
also
ro
al
the
realme
,
which
was
that
he
〈◊〉
preserue
vnto
euery
man
〈◊〉
and
title
,
so
far
as
in
him
lay
.
By
which
speech
of
the
Archbishop
the
king
was
so
tar
moued
,
as
he
would
heare
no
more
of
that
bil
of
the
layne
,
but
said
that
he
would
leaue
the
church
in
as
good
estate
,
or
better
then
he
found
it
,
and
so
he
did
,
but
yet
hereby
we
come
to
learne
,
what
oth
the
kings
of
Ingland
do
make
at
ther
coronations
touching
the
Church
and
cleargie
.
The
other
conditions
also
of
good
gouerment
,
That
he
wil
during
his
life
,
beare
reuerence
&
honor
vnto
almightie
God
,
and
to
his
Catholique
church
,
and
vnto
his
ministers
,
and
that
he
wil
administer
law
and
iustice
equally
to
al
,
and
take
away
al
vniust
lawes
.
Which
after
he
had
sworne
,
laying
his
handes
vppon
the
gospels
:
then
doth
the
Archbishop
(
turning
about
to
the
people
)
declare
what
the
king
hath
promised
and
sworne
,
and
by
the
mouthe
of
a
harold
at
armes
asketh
ther
consents
,
whether
they
be
content
to
submit
themselues
vnto
this
man
,
as
vnto
ther
king
or
no
,
vnder
the
conditions
proposed
,
wherunto
when
they
haue
yealded
themselues
,
then
beginneth
the
Archbishop
to
put
vppon
him
the
regal
ornaments
as
the
sword
,
the
ring
,
the
scepter
,
and
crowne
,
of
S.
Eduard
the
confessor
,
and
then
he
addeth
also
the
same
wordes
of
commission
and
exhottation
as
the
other
doth
,
to
wit
,
stand
and
hold
thy
place
and
kepe
thy
oth
,
and
therunto
adioyneth
a
great
commination
or
threat
,
on
the
behalfe
of
almightie
God
,
if
he
should
take
vppon
him
that
dignity
,
without
firme
purpose
to
obserue
the
things
which
this
day
he
hath
sworne
,
and
this
is
the
somme
of
the
Inglish
coronation
Which
you
may
read
also
by
piece
meale
in
Iohn
Stow
(
according
as
other
things
in
that
his
breefe
collection
are
set
downe
)
but
especially
whether
they
were
content
to
admit
him
for
ther
kinge
,
and
that
the
At
the
admission
also
of
king
Edward
the
that
first
the
peoples
consent
was
demaunded
very
solemly
in
S.
Iohns
feilde
by
London
,
the
29.
of
February
,
in
the
yeare
1460.
notwithstanding
that
king
Edward
had
proued
his
title
,
by
succession
before
in
the
parlament
holden
at
westminster
,
and
now
this
consent
of
the
people
S
Edwards
scepter
in
his
hand
,
and
then
the
people
were
asked
agayne
if
they
would
haue
him
king
,
and
they
cryed
yea
yea
,
thus
far
Iohn
Stow.
And
if
any
would
take
exception
against
thes
of
king
Henry
and
king
Edward
the
4.
bicause
they
entred
and
began
ther
reignes
vppon
the
depriuation
of
other
kings
then
lyuing
,
ther
are
yet
many
liuing
in
Ingland
that
haue
seene
the
seueral
coronations
of
king
Edward
the
6.
Q.
Mary
&
Q.
Elizsabeth
that
now
reigneth
,
&
can
witnes
that
at
al
and
euery
of
ther
coronations
,
the
consent
of
the
people
and
their
acceptation
of
thos
Princes
is
not
only
demanded
by
the
publique
cry
of
a
harolde
at
armes
,
which
standeth
on
both
the
sydes
of
the
high
scaffolde
or
stage
wheron
the
Prince
is
crowned
,
and
the
peoples
answere
expected
till
they
cry
yea
yea
:
but
also
that
the
said
Princes
gaue
there
,
their
corporal
othe
vpon
the
Euangelists
vnto
the
Bishop
that
crowned
them
,
to
vp
holde
&
maynteyne
the
faith
afornamed
,
with
the
liberties
and
priuileges
of
the
church
,
as
also
to
gouerne
by
iustice
and
law
,
as
hath
bin
said
:
which
othes
no
doubt
haue
bine
sworne
and
taken
most
solemnly
by
all
the
kings
and
Queenes
of
Ingland
,
from
,
the
dayes
of
king
Edward
the
Confessor
at
the
least
,
and
he
that
wil
see
more
poyntes
of
thes
othes
set
down
in
particuler
let
hym
reade
magna
carta
,
and
he
wil
be
satisfied
.
By
al
which
,
and
by
infinite
more
that
might
be
said
and
alleaged
in
this
matter
,
and
to
this
purpose
,
it
is
most
euident
,
(
said
the
Ciuilian
lawyer
)
that
this
agreement
,
bargayne
and
contract
betwene
the
king
and
his
common
wealth
,
that
only
succession
of
blood
,
is
the
,
thing
without
further
approbation
,
which
maketh
a
king
,
and
that
the
peoples
consent
to
him
that
is
next
by
birth
,
is
nothing
at
al
needful
,
be
he
what
he
wil
,
and
that
his
admission
.
inunction
or
coronation
is
only
a
matter
of
external
ceremony
,
without
any
effect
at
al
,
for
increase
or
confirmation
of
his
right
;
thes
(
I
say
)
are
vnlerned
,
fond
&
wicked
assertions
,
in
flatery
of
Princes
,
to
the
manifest
ruine
of
common
wealthes
and
peruerting
of
al
law
,
order
&
reason
,
which
assertions
albeit
they
haue
bin
sufficiently
(
as
I
suppose
)
refuted
before
,
yet
meane
I
to
stand
a
little
more
vppon
them
in
this
place
for
more
euident
demonstration
of
so
important
a
truth
,
as
also
to
see
&
examine
what
may
duly
be
attributed
to
bare
succession
alone
,
to
the
end
that
no
man
may
thinke
we
meane
to
improue
or
imbase
that
which
we
esteme
in
so
high
degree
,
and
thinke
that
the
best
and
surest
way
of
maynteyning
kingly
gouerment
in
the
world
:
is
to
haue
it
go
by
succesion
,
as
it
doth
at
this
day
in
Ingland
,
and
in
most
other
states
of
Europe
besides
,
though
yet
with
the
limitations
&
conditions
due
thervnto
,
wherof
I
shal
now
beginne
to
treat
more
in
particuler
,
but
after
some
little
pause
if
you
please
,
for
that
this
other
narration
hath
wel
wearied
me
.
WHAT
IS
DVE
TO
ONLY
SVCCESSION
BY
BIRTH
,
AND
WHAT
INTErest
or
right
an
heyre
apparent
hath
to
the
crowne
,
before
he
be
crowned
or
admitted
by
the
common
wealth
,
and
how
iustely
he
may
be
put
backe
yf
he
haue
not
the
other
partes
requisit
also
.
CHAP.
VI.
VERY
resonable
it
semed
to
al
the
whole
assembly
that
some
intermission
or
pause
should
be
admitted
,
as
the
Ciuilian
had
required
,
and
this
aswel
for
the
commodity
of
the
hearers
,
who
desired
to
confer
together
more
in
particuler
,
of
the
poyntes
alredy
discussed
,
as
also
of
the
speaker
,
who
whith
reason
affirmed
Wher-to
the
Ciuilian
answered
,
trew
it
is
,
that
they
are
so
,
and
more
plaine
and
〈◊〉
flatteries
then
euer
I
haue
read
vttered
by
any
man
to
any
prince
or
tyrant
what
soeuer
,
albeit
most
of
them
(
as
you
know
)
haue
not
fayled
to
find
as
shameles
flatterers
,
as
themselues
were
that
al
families
which
enioye
kingdomes
in
the
world
were
placed
therin
by
God
only
,
and
that
he
alone
can
change
the
same
,
which
if
he
refer
vnto
gods
vniuersal
prouidence
quae
attingit
à
fine
vsque
in
finem
fortiter
as
the
scripture
saith
,
and
whithout
which
a
sparrow
falleth
not
on
the
grownd
,
as
our
saviour
testifieth
,
The
second
proposition
of
Belloy
is
,
that
where
such
princes
be
once
placed
in
gouerment
,
and
the
law
of
succession
by
birth
established
,
there
the
princes
children
or
next
of
k
ynne
don
necessarily
succede
,
by
only
birth
,
whithout
any
new
choise
or
approbation
of
the
people
,
nobilitie
,
or
cleargie
,
or
of
the
whole
common
wealth
together
.
And
to
this
assertion
he
ioyneth
an
other
as
straing
as
this
,
which
is
,
that
a
king
neuer
dieth
for
that
whensoeuer
or
how-soeuer
he
ceaseth
by
any
meanes
to
gouerue
,
then
entreth
the
successor
by
birth
not
as
heyre
to
the
former
,
but
as
law-ful
gouernour
of
the
realme
whithout
any
admission
at
al
,
hauing
his
authority
only
,
by
the
condition
of
his
birth
and
not
by
adoption
or
choise
of
any
.
Which
two
propositions
albeit
they
haue
bin
sufficiently
refuted
,
by
that
which
hath
bin
spoken
in
the
last
two
chapters
going
before
,
yet
shal
I
now
agayne
conuince
more
amply
the
vntruth
therof
.
Other
two
propositions
he
addeth
,
which
pattly
haue
bin
touched
and
answered
before
,
and
yet
,
I
meane
to
repeat
them
agayne
in
this
place
for
that
they
appertayne
to
this
purpose
,
his
former
is
,
that
a
prince
once
entred
to
gouerment
,
and
so
placed
as
hath
bin
said
ys
vnder
no
law
or
restraincte
at
al
,
of
his
authority
,
but
that
himselfe
only
is
the
quick
and
liuing
law
,
and
that
no
limitation
can
be
giuen
vnto
him
by
any
power
vnder
heauen
,
except
it
be
by
his
owne
wil
,
and
that
no
nation
or
common
wealth
can
appoynt
or
prescribe
how
they
wil
obey
or
how
their
prince
shal
gouerne
them
,
but
must
leaue
his
authority
free
from
al
bandes
of
law
,
and
this
eyther
willingly
or
by
violence
,
is
to
be
procured
.
By
which
wordes
it
semeth
that
he
paynteth
out
a
perfect
paterne
of
a
tyranical
gouerment
,
which
how
it
may
further
the
king
of
Nauarres
pretence
,
in
the
case
he
standeth
in
presently
in
France
,
I
do
not
see
.
His
other
proposition
is
,
That
albeit
the
heyre
apparent
which
is
next
by
birth
to
any
crowne
,
should
be
neuer
so
impotent
,
or
vnfit
to
gouerne
,
as
if
(
for
examples
sake
)
he
should
be
depriued
of
his
senses
,
madd
,
furious
,
lunatique
,
a
foole
or
the
like
,
or
that
he
should
be
knowne
on
the
other
side
to
be
most
malicious
,
wicked
,
vitious
or
abhominable
,
or
should
degenerat
into
a
very
beast
,
yea
if
it
were
knowne
that
he
should
go
about
to
destroy
the
common
wealth
,
and
drowne
the
shipp
which
he
had
to
guide
,
yet
(
saith
this
man
)
he
must
be
sacred
and
holy
vnto
vs
,
and
admitted
whithout
condradiction
to
his
inheritance
,
which
God
&
nature
hath
laid
vppon
him
,
&
his
direction
restaint
or
punishment
must
only
be
remitted
to
God
alone
,
for
that
no
man
or
commun
wealth
,
may
reforme
or
restraine
him
.
Thus
saith
Belloy
,
which
I
doubt
not
wil
feme
vnto
you
rather
belly
and
base
doctrine
,
then
to
come
from
the
head
of
any
learned
or
discreet
man
,
that
regardeth
the
end
why
wealthes
and
kingdomes
and
al
gouerments
were
ordeyned
by
God
and
nature
,
and
not
the
flattering
or
adoring
of
any
one
miserable
man
that
shal
stand
ouer
them
to
distroy
the
whole
.
But
now
to
the
particuler
matter
that
we
are
to
treat
,
which
is
,
what
is
to
be
attributed
to
this
succession
or
propinquity
of
birth
alone
,
I
am
of
opinion
,
as
before
I
signified
,
that
albeit
ther
want
not
reasons
on
both
sides
among
learned
men
,
what
kinde
of
prouiding
Thes
and
diuers
other
are
the
commodities
So
that
in
very
deede
we
haue
here
both
out
Which
licence
or
liberty
is
indeed
,
the
only
And
this
is
and
hath
bin
the
custome
and
practice
of
al
kingdomes
and
wealthes
from
the
beginning
,
since
succession
hath
bin
established
among
them
,
as
afterwards
I
shal
demonstrate
vnto
you
by
great
store
of
euident
examples
and
presidentes
,
&
by
this
meanes
we
come
to
remedy
the
difficulties
and
inconueniences
of
both
kindes
of
making
our
kings
and
princes
,
which
are
election
,
and
succession
,
as
hath
bin
said
:
for
by
succession
we
do
remedy
the
inconueniences
and
dangers
before
mentioned
of
bare
election
,
to
wit
of
Now
then
to
answere
in
particuler
to
the
two
questions
made
at
the
beginning
of
this
To
the
second
question
I
answere
,
that
an
heyre
apparent
to
a
crowne
before
his
coronation
An other
example
is
ther
in
mariage
also
Wherfore
it
followeth
also
,
that
the
common
This
pointe
also
that
heyres
apparent
are
not
whether
they
wil
haue
such
a
manto
be
king
,
or
no
,
as
Againe
we
see
in
al
the
formes
and
different
manners
of
coronations
,
before
recited
,
that
after
the
prince
hath
sworne
diuers
times
to
gouerne
wel
and
iustly
,
then
do
the
subiects
take
other
othes
of
obedience
and
allegiance
and
not
before
,
which
argueth
that
before
they
were
not
bounde
vnto
him
by
allegeance
,
and
as
for
the
princes
of
Ingland
,
it
is
expresly
noted
by
Inglish
historiographers
in
ther
coronations
,
how
that
no
allegeance
is
dew
vnto
them
before
they
be
crowned
,
&
that
only
it
happened
to
Henry
the
fifth
,
among
al
other
kinges
Prince
Henry
after
he
had
finished
his
fathers
funetals
,
caused
a
parlament
to
be
gathered
at
Westminster
,
wher
whiles
consultation
was
had
,
according
to
the
ancient
custome
of
Ingland
,
about
creating
a
new
king
,
behold
vppon
the
sudden
certaine
of
the
nobility
of
ther
owne
free
willes
.
began
to
sweare
obedience
and
leyaltie
vnto
him
,
which
demonstration
of
loue
and
Good
wil
,
is
wel
knowne
,
that
is
was
neuer
shewed
to
any
Prince
before
,
vntil
he
was
declared
king
:
so
great
was
the
hope
that
men
had
of
the
towardlynes
of
this
Prince
Henry
,
euen
from
his
tender
age
,
thus
far
Polidor
in
his
story
of
Ingland
.
And
the
very
same
thing
expresseth
Iohn
Stow
also
in
his
chonicle
in
thes
wordes
.
To
this
noble
Prince
by
assent
of
the
parlament
al
the
states
of
the
realme
after
three
dayes
offred
to
do
fealtte
before
he
was
crowned
,
or
had
solemnized
hu
oth
wel
and
iustly
to
gouerne
the
common
wealth
,
which
offer
before
was
neuer
found
to
be
made
to
any
Irince
of
Ingland
,
thus
much
Stow.
in
whose
narration
as
also
in
that
of
Polidor
it
may
be
noted
:
that
king
Henry
the
fift
was
not
called
king
vntil
after
his
coronation
,
but
onlv
Prince
,
though
his
fathe
king
Henry
the
fourth
had
bin
dead
now
almost
a
month
before
,
and
oth
solemnized
wel
and
iustly
to
gouerne
the
realme
,
was
very
extraordinary
and
of
meere
good
wil.
that
this
was
neuer
donne
to
any
Prince
before
king
Henry
the
fift
,
al
which
pointes
do
demonstrate
,
that
it
is
the
coronation
and
admission
,
that
maketh
a
perfect
and
true
king
,
whatsoeuer
the
title
by
succession
be
otherwise
,
&
that
except
the
admission
of
the
common
wealth
be
ioyned
to
succession
,
it
is
not
sufficient
to
make
a
lawful
king
,
and
of
the
two
,
the
second
is
of
far
more
importance
,
to
wit
the
consent
and
admission
of
the
realme
,
then
nearnes
of
blood
by
succession
a-loue
.
This
I
might
proue
by
many
examples
in
Moreouer
you
shal
finde
,
if
you
looke
into
the
doings
of
Princes
in
al
ages
,
that
such
kings
as
were
most
politique
,
and
had
any
lest
doubt
Luys
lc
Cros
,
did
the
same
also
vnto
two
sonnes
of
his
:
first
And
for
this
very
same
cause
of
securitie
,
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
alwayes
the
prince
of
Spayne
is
sworne
and
admitted
by
the
realme
,
during
his
fathers
reigne
,
as
before
hath
bin
said
.
The
same
consideration
also
moued
king
Dauid
,
to
crowne
his
sonne
Salomon
in
And
for
more
ample
profe
heerof
and
fuller
HOW
THE
NEXT
IN
SVCCESSION
BY
PROPINQVITY
OF
BLOOD
,
HATH
OFTEN
tymes
bin
put
back
,
by
the
commonwealth
,
&
others
further
of
admitted
in
their
places
,
euen
in
those
kingdomes
where
succession
preuaileth
,
with
many
examples
of
the
kingdomes
of
Israel
,
and
Spayne
.
CAP.
VII
.
AT
the
next
meeting
the
Ciuilian
camein
very
pensiue
,
as
though
his
head
had
bin
ful
of
study
,
wherof
being
asked
the
reason
,
he
answered
,
that
he
had
reuolued
many
stories
since
his
departure
about
the
pointe
which
he
promised
to
treat
of
,
&
that
he
had
found
such
store
and
great
variety
of
matter
,
as
he
knew
Thus
(
I
say
)
it
may
be
,
that
some
man
would
reply
,
and
therfore
hauing
store
inough
of
plaine
and
euident
matter
,
which
hath
no
exception
,
for
that
it
hath
happened
in
setled
wealthes
,
&
those
〈◊〉
home
,
where
the
law
of
succession
is
receaued
and
established
,
to
wit
,
in
Spayne
,
France
,
and
Ingland
:
I
shal
retyre
my selfe
to
them
aloue
:
but
yet
putting
For
proofe
wherof
,
we
are
to
consider
,
that
albeit
he
made
Saule
a
trew
and
lawful
king
ouer
the
lewes
,
&
consequently
also
gaue
him
al
kingly
priuileges
benefites
and
prerogatiues
belonging
to
that
degree
and
state
,
wherof
one
Is
boseth
a
prince
of
40.
yeares
of
age
whom
Abner
the
general
And
if
you
say
heere
that
this
was
for
the
But
Dauid
being
placed
in
the
crowne
by
his
seede
should
regine
after
him
:
yea
and
that
for
euer
,
but
yet
Trew
it
is
,
that
the
scripture
recounteth
how
Adonias
Dauids
elder
sonne
,
that
was
of
rare
bewty
&
a
very
godly
yong
prince
,
seing
his
father
Herevppon
(
I
say
)
these
two
that
is
to
saye
,
Queene
Bersabee
&
Nathan
the
Propher
,
comming
quod
oculs
Vppon
these
reasons
and
persuasions
(
I
say
)
the
good
old
king
was
content
that
they
should
aderauit
rex
in
lectulo
suo
,
king
Dauid
adored
his
sonne
Salomon
thus
crowned
,
euen
from
his
bedd
,
al
which
no
doubt
thoughe
yt
may
seeme
to
haue
bin
wrought
by
humane
meanes
and
pollicy
,
yet
must
we
confesse
that
it
was
principally
by
the
special
instinct
of
God
himselfe
,
as
by
the
sequel
and
successe
we
see
,
so
that
hereby
also
we
are
taught
,
that
these
&
like
determinations
of
the
people
,
magistrates
,
Wherof
no
one
thing
can
giue
a
more
euident
Now
then
to
passe
on
further
,
and
to
begyn
with
the
kingdomes
of
Spayne
,
supposing
The
second
race
is
from
Don
Pelayo
that
was
chosen
first
king
of
Asturias
,
and
of
the
mountayne
Don
Sancho
may
or
king
of
Nauarra
Don
Fernando
,
surnamed
afterward
the
great
he
gaue
not
only
the
said
Earldome
of
Castilia
with
title
of
kingdome
,
but
by
mariynge
also
of
the
sister
of
Don
Dermudo
king
of
Leon
,
and
Asturias
,
he
ioyned
al
those
kingdomes
together
,
&
so
began
from
that
day
forward
the
third
race
of
the
kings
of
Don
Ferdinando
surnamed
the
Catholique
,
and
this
was
the
fourth
race
of
Spanish
kings
after
the
Romans
,
which
endureth
vntil
this
day
.
And
albeit
in
al
thes
foure
races
and
ranckes
Si
quis
talia
meditatus
fuerit
(
talking
of
pretending
to
be
king
)
quem
nec
electio
omnium
If
any
man
shal
imagin
(
said
thes
fathers
)
or
go
about
to
aspire
to
the
kingdome
,
whom
the
election
&
choise
of
al
the
〈◊〉
,
doth
not
make
perfect
,
not
the
nobility
of
the
Gotish
nation
,
doth
draw
to
the
height
of
this
dignity
:
let
him
be
depriued
of
al
Catholique
society
,
and
damned
by
the
curse
of
almighty
God
,
by
which
woords
is
insinuated
,
that
not
only
the
nobility
of
Gotish
blood
,
or
neernes
by
succession
was
required
for
the
making
of
ther
king
,
but
much
more
the
choise
or
admission
of
al
the
realme
,
wherin
this
councel
putteth
the
perfection
of
his
title
.
The
like
determination
was
made
in
an
other
councel
at
the
same
place
,
before
this
that
I
haue
alleaged
,
&
the
wordes
are
these
.
Nullus
Now
then
,
according
to
thes
ancient
decrees
,
albeit
in
the
second
race
of
Don
Pelayo
,
the
Don
Pelayo
died
in
the
yeare
of
our
Lord
737.
Don
Fauila
,
who
was
king
after
his
father
,
and
reigned
two
yeares
only
.
After
whos
death
,
none
of
his
children
were
admited
for
king
,
thoughe
he
left
diuers
,
as
al
writers
do
testifie
.
But
as
Don
Lucas
the
Bishop
of
Tuy
a
very
ancient
author
writeth
,
Aldefonsus
Catholicus
ab
vniuer
so
populo
Gothorum
Don
Alonso
surnamed
the
Catholique
,
was
chosen
to
be
king
by
al
voices
of
the
Gotish
nation
.
This
Don
Alonso
was
sonne
in
law
to
the
former
king
Fauila
,
as
Morales
sayeth
,
for
that
he
had
his
daughter
Erneenesenda
in
mariage
,
&
he
was
preferred
before
the
kings
owne
sonnes
,
only
for
that
they
were
yonge
&
vn-able
to
gouerne
,
as
the
said
historiographer
testifyeth
.
And
how
wel
this
fel
out
for
the
common
wealth
and
how
excellent
a
king
this
Don
Alonso
proued
,
Morales
sheweth
at
large
,
from
the
tenth
chapter
of
his
thirteenth
booke
vntil
the
17.
and
Sebastianus
Bishop
of
Salamança
,
the
great
.
To
this
famons
Don
Alonso
,
succeded
his
sonne
Don
Fruela
the
first
of
that
name
,
who
was
a
Don
Vimerano
,
a
Prince
of
excellent
partes
and
rarely
beloued
of
the
Spaniards
,
he
was
him selfe
put
downe
,
and
Dona
Munia
,
the
one
of
them
a
sonne
called
Don
Alonso
,
&
the
other
a
daughter
called
Dona
Ximea
:
yet
for
the
hatred
Don
Aurelio
brothers
sonne
to
Don
Alonso
the
catholique
,
was
Don
Silo
,
that
was
married
to
his
sister
Dona
Adosinda
daughter
to
Don
Fruela
for
his
euel
gouerment
were
put
back
.
But
Don
Silo
being
dead
without
issue
,
as
also
Don
Aurelio
was
before
him
,
and
the
Spaniards
anger
against
king
Fruela
being
now
wel
assuaged
,
they
admitted
to
the
kingdone
his
fore said
sonne
,
Don
Alonso
the
yonger
,
surnamed
afterward
the
chast
,
whom
now
twise
before
they
had
put
back
,
as
you
haue
seene
,
but
now
they
admitted
him
,
though
hisreigne
at
the
first
endured
very
litle
,
for
that
a
certayne
bastard
vncle
of
his
,
named
Don
Mauregato
by
help
of
Don
Alonso
the
chaste
that
yet
liued
,
and
had
bin
hidden
in
a
monastary
of
Galitia
,
during
the
tyme
of
the
tyrant
,
should
returne
agayne
to
gouerne
,
or
rather
that
his
cosen
Don
vermudo
sonne
to
his
vncle
,
the
Prince
Vimerano
(
whom
we
shewed
before
to
haue
byn
slayne
by
this
mans
father
king
Fruela
)
should
be
elected
in
his
place
.
And
the
realme
of
Spayne
determined
the
second
,
to
wit
,
that
Don
Vermudo
though
he
were
much
further
of
,
by
propiuquity
of
blood
,
and
with
in
ecclesiastical
order
also
(
for
that
he
had
bin
made
deacon
)
should
be
admitted
,
partly
for
that
he
was
iudged
for
the
more
valiant
and
able
Prince
,
then
the
other
,
who
seemed
to
be
made
more
acquainted
now
with
the
life
of
Don
Aurelio
and
Don
Silo
reigned
after
the
death
of
his
father
kinge
Fruela
,
and
secondly
agayne
other
six
yeares
,
during
the
reigne
of
the
tyrant
Mauregato
,
for
which
cause
,
they
estemed
the
other
to
be
fitter
,
as
also
for
the
different
memories
of
there
two
fathers
king
Fruela
and
prince
Vimerano
,
wherof
the
first
was
hateful
,
&
the
other
most
deare
,
as
before
hath
bin
declared
,
nether
do
any
of
the
foure
ancient
Bishops
historiographers
of
Spayne
,
to
wit
,
that
of
Toledo
,
Besa
,
Salamanca
or
Ture
,
that
liued
al
about
those
dayes
&
wrote
the
storie
,
reprehend
this
fact
of
the
realme
of
spaine
,
or
put
any
doubt
whether
it
were
lawful
or
no
for
the
causes
before
recited
.
Trew
it
is
,
that
after
three
yeares
reigne
,
this
king
Vermudo
being
weary
of
kingly
life
,
and
Don
Alonso
the
chast
,
and
himselfe
liued
after
a
priuate
life
for
diuers
yeares
,
but
this
Don
Alonso
who
now
the
fourth
tyme
,
had
bin
depriued
of
his
succession
,
as
you
haue
seene
,
deceaued
the
expectation
of
the
spaniards
,
that
accoumpted
him
a
monke
,
for
he
proued
the
most
valiant
and
excellent
king
that
euer
that
nation
had
,
both
for
his
vertue
,
valor
,
victories
,
against
the
moores
,
buylding
of
townes
,
castells
,
churches
,
Monasteries
,
and
other
such
workes
,
of
Christianity
,
as
Morales
recounteth
:
and
be
reigned
after
this
his
last
admission
,
one
and
fyftie
yeares
,
&
had
great
frendship
with
king
Charles
the
great
of
France
,
who
liued
in
the
same
tyme
with
hym
.
And
this
man
among
other
most
noble
exploites
so
tamed
the
Moores
of
his
country
,
as
during
his
dayes
,
he
neuer
paid
After
this
Don
Alonso
,
who
left
no
children
,
for
that
he
would
neuer
marry
,
but
liued
al
his
life
in
chastitye
,
ther
succeded
to
him
by
election
,
his
nephew
named
Don
Ramiro
sonne
to
the
former
said
king
Don
Vermudo
the
deacon
,
that
Muerto
el
Rey
Don
Alonso
el
casto
,
fue
eligido
por
los
〈◊〉
y
grandes
del
reyno
,
el
Rey
Don
Ramiro
primero
deste
nombre
,
hyio
del
Rey
Don
vermudo
el
diaeono
.
That
is
,
the
king
Don
Alonso
the
chast
being
dead
,
ther
was
chosen
king
by
the
Prelates
&
nobility
of
the
realme
,
Don
Ramiro
the
first
of
this
name
,
sonne
of
king
Vermudo
the
deacon
,
who
resigned
his
crowne
to
Don
Alonso
,
and
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
albeit
this
Don
Ramiro
was
next
in
blood
to
the
succession
,
after
the
death
of
his
vncle
Don
Alonso
without
children
,
yet
was
he
chosen
by
the
states
as
here
it
is
said
in
expresse
wordes
.
Moreouer
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
albeit
this
author
Ambrosio
Morales
and
other
spanish
writers
do
say
that
in
the
tyme
of
this
king
Ramiro
,
the
law
of
succession
by
propinquity
in
blood
was
so
reuiued
and
strongly
confirmed
,
that
as
the
kingdome
of
Spayne
was
made
as
Maiorasgo
As
for
example
,
after
foure
discents
from
this
man
,
which
were
Don
Ordonio
the
first
,
this
mans
sonne
,
and
Don
Alonso
the
third
,
Don
Garzia
and
Don
Ordonio
the
second
,
al
fower
kings
by
orderly
succession
,
it
happened
that
in
the
yeare
Don
Ordonio
the
second
,
dying
,
left
foure
sonnes
and
one
daughter
lawfully
begotten
,
and
yet
the
state
of
spayne
displaced
them
al
,
and
gaue
the
kingdome
to
ther
vncle
Don
Fruela
second
brother
to
there
father
Don
Ordonio
,
and
morales
sayeth
that
ther
appeareth
But
after
a
yeares
reigne
,
this
king
Fruelae
dyed
also
,
&
left
diuers
children
at
mans
estate
,
and
then
did
the
spaniards
as
much
agaynst
them
,
as
they
had
done
for
him
before
,
against
the
children
of
his
elder
brother
.
For
they
put
them
al
by
the
crowne
,
&
chose
for
their
king
,
Don
Alonso
the
fourth
which
was
eldest
sonne
Don
Ordonio
the
second
,
before
named
,
that
had
bin
last
king
sauing
one
,
and
this
man
also
(
I
meane
Don
Alonso
the
fourth
)
leauing
afterward
his
kingdome
and
betaking
him selfe
to
a
religious
habit
,
offered
to
the
common
wealth
of
spaine
,
his
eldest
sonne
lawfully
begotten
named
Don
Ordonio
to
be
there
king
,
but
they
refused
him
,
and
tooke
his
brother
(
I
meane
this
kings
brother
)
and
vncle
to
the
yong
Prince
,
Don
Ramiro
,
who
reigned
19.
yeares
,
and
was
a
most
excellent
king
,
and
gayned
Madrid
from
the
Moores
,
though
noted
of
crueltie
,
for
imprisoning
&
pulling
out
the
eyes
afterward
of
this
king
Don
Alonso
the
4.
and
al
his
children
and
nephewes
,
for
that
he
would
haue
left
his
habit
,
and
returned
to
be
king
againe
.
But
this
fact
,
my
author
Morales
excuseth
,
saying
that
it
was
requisire
for
peace
and
safty
of
the
realme
,
so
as
heere
you
see
two
most
manifest
alterations
of
lineal
succession
together
by
order
of
the
common
wealth
.
Furthermore
,
after
this
noble
king
Don
Ramiro
the
second
,
succeded
as
heyre
apparent
to
the
crowne
his
elder
sonne
,
Don
Ordonio
the
third
,
Don
Sancho
the
first
of
this
name
,
surnamed
el
Gordo
,
who
was
vncle
to
the
yong
el
succeder
en
el
regno
,
al
hermano
,
fue
por
la
racon
ordinaria
de
ser
el
enfante
,
Don
Vermudo
ninno
y
no
bastante
para
el
gouierno
y
difença
de
la
terra
.
Which
is
,
the
cause
why
the
kings
brother
and
not
his
sonne
succeded
in
the
crowne
,
was
for
the
ordinary
reason
(
so
often
before
alleaged
)
for
that
the
infant
or
yong
Prince
Vermudo
,
was
a
little
child
,
and
not
sufficient
for
gouerment
and
defence
of
the
countrey
.
Truth
it
is
,
that
after
this
Don
Sancho
had
reigned
,
and
his
sonne
and
heyre
named
Don
Ramiro
the
third
,
after
him
,
for
the
space
of
30.
yeares
in
all
,
then
was
this
youth
Don
Vermudo
Don
Alonso
,
the
5.
and
he
agayne
his
sonne
Don
Vermudo
the
third
,
who
marying
his
sister
Dona
Sancha
(
that
was
his
heire
)
vnto
Don
Fernando
,
first
earle
,
&
then
king
of
Castile
,
(
who
was
second
sonne
to
Don
Sancho
Mayor
king
of
Nauarr
as
before
hath
bin
said
)
he
ioyned
by
thes
meanes
the
kingdomes
of
Leon
and
Castile
together
,
which
were
seperat
before
,
Don
Pelayo
,
first
Christian
king
of
Spaine
,
after
the
entrance
of
the
Moores
,
which
had
endured
now
three
hundreth
yeares
,
and
the
blood
of
Nauarr
entred
as
you
see
,
and
so
continued
therin
vntil
the
entrance
of
those
of
Austria
,
as
before
hath
bin
said
,
which
was
almost
5.
hundreth
yeares
together
.
And
thus
much
I
thought
good
to
note
out
Notwithstanding
if
I
would
go
on
further
,
ther
would
not
want
diuers
euident
examples
Stephen
Garabay
an
other
chonicler
of
Spaine
,
doth
touch
in
the
continuation
of
this
story
,
wherof
for
examples
sake
only
I
wil
name
two
or
three
among
the
rest
.
And
first
about
the
yeare
of
Christ
1201.
ther
Dona
Blancha
his
neece
,
that
is
to
say
,
the
daughter
of
his
sister
Dame
Elinor
,
and
of
Don
Alonso
the
9.
of
that
name
king
and
Queene
of
spaine
,
which
Blancha
was
to
mary
the
Prince
of
France
,
named
Luys
,
sonne
&
heyre
to
king
Phillip
surnamed
Augustus
,
which
Luys
was
after-ward
This
lady
Blancha
was
neece
as
I
haue
said
,
vnto
king
Iohn
and
to
king
Richard
,
the
first
of
Ingland
,
for
that
her
mother
lady
Elenor
,
was
ther
sister
,
and
daughter
to
king
Henry
the
second
,
and
king
Iohn
made
this
mariage
,
ther
by
to
make
peace
with
the
French
,
and
was
content
to
giue
for
hir
dowrey
(
for
that
he
Dona
Berenguela
,
maried
to
the
Prince
of
Leon
,
and
excluded
both
Blanch
and
her
sonne
the
king
S.
Luys
of
France
,
agaynst
the
euident
right
of
succession
,
and
propinquity
of
This
hapned
then
,
and
I
do
note
by
the
way
,
that
this
Dona
Berenguela
second
daughter
of
Queene
Elenor
the
Inglish
woman
,
was
married
(
as
hath
bin
said
)
to
the
Prince
of
Leon
,
and
had
by
him
Don
Fernando
the
third
of
that
name
,
king
of
Castilia
,
surnamed
also
the
saint
,
so
as
the
two
daughters
of
an
Inglish
Queene
,
had
After
this
againe
,
about
threescore
yeares
the
Prince
of
Spayne
named
Don
Alonso
,
surnamed
de
la
cerda
,
for
that
he
was
borne
with
a
great
Don
Alonso
,
was
nephew
to
the
king
Fernando
the
saint
,
&
maried
with
the
daughter
of
sainct
Luys
king
of
France
,
named
also
Blantha
as
her
grand
mother
was
,
and
had
by
her
two
sonnes
called
Alonso
&
Hernando
de
la
cerda
as
the
Prince
their
father
was
named
,
which
father
of
thers
dying
before
the
king
,
the
grand
father
left
them
commended
to
the
realme
as
lawful
heyres
apparent
to
the
crowne
,
yet
for
that
a
certayne
vncle
of
thers
named
Don
Sancho
yonger
brother
to
their
father
which
Do
Sancho
was
surnamed
afterward
,
el
brauo
for
his
valor
and
was
a
great
warrier
,
and
more
like
to
manage
wel
the
matters
of
warr
then
they
:
he
was
madde
heyre
apparent
of
Spayne
and
they
put
back
in
ther
grand
fathers
tyme
,
and
by
his
and
the
realmes
consent
,
(
ther
father
as
I
haue
said
being
dead
)
and
this
was
done
in
a
general
parlament
holden
at
Segouia
,
in
the
yeare
1276.
and
Don
Sancho
was
made
king
in
the
yeare
1284.
and
the
two
Princes
put
into
prison
,
but
afterward
at
the
sure
of
there
vncle
king
Phillip
the
third
of
France
,
they
were
let
out
agayne
and
endued
with
certayne
landes
,
and
so
they
remaine
vnto
this
day
,
and
of
thes
do
come
the
Dukes
of
Medina
Celi
,
and
al
the
rest
of
the
house
of
Cerda
,
which
are
of
much
nobility
in
Spayne
at
this
tyme
,
and
king
Phillip
that
reyneth
cometh
of
Don
Sancho
the
yonger
brother
.
Not
long
after
this
agayne
,
when
Don
Pedro
surnamed
the
cruel
king
of
Castile
,
was
driuen
out
,
and
his
bastard
brother
Henry
the
second
set
vp
in
his
place
,
as
before
hath
bin
mentioned
:
the
Duke
of
Lancaster
Iohn
of
Gant
,
hauing
Dona
Constantia
the
said
king
peters
daughter
&
heyre
,
pretended
by
succession
the
said
crowne
of
Castile
,
as
in
deed
it
appertayned
vnto
him
;
but
yet
the
state
of
spaine
denied
it
flatly
,
and
defended
it
by
atmes
,
and
they
preuailed
against
Iohn
of
Gant
,
as
dyd
also
the
race
Don
Sancho
the
vncle
,
against
his
lawful
nephewes
,
as
hath
byn
shewed
,
and
that
of
Dona
Berenguela
against
her
elder
sister
,
al
which
races
do
reigne
vnto
this
day
,
&
thes
three
changes
of
the
trew
lyue
,
happened
with
in
two
ages
,
and
in
the
third
and
principal
discent
of
the
Spanish
kings
,
when
this
matter
of
succession
was
most
assuredly
and
perfectly
established
,
and
yet
who
wil
deny
but
that
the
kings
of
Spayne
who
hold
by
the
later
titles
at
this
day
,
be
true
and
lawful
kings
.
Well
,
one
example
wil
I
giue
you
more
out
of
the
kyngdom
of
Portugal
,
and
so
wil
I
make
an
ende
with
thes
countreyes
.
This
kinge
Henry
the
bastard
last
named
king
of
Spayne
,
had
a
sonne
that
succeded
him
in
the
crowne
of
Spayne
,
named
Iohn
the
first
,
who
married
the
daughter
and
heyre
named
Dona
Beatrix
,
of
king
Fernando
the
first
of
Portugal
,
but
yet
after
the
death
of
the
said
King
Fernando
,
the
states
of
Portugal
would
neuer
agree
to
admit
him
for
ther
king
,
for
not
subiecting
themselues
by
that
meanes
to
the
Castilians
,
and
for
that
cause
they
rather
tooke
for
ther
king
,
a
bastard
Don
Fernando
,
whos
name
was
Don
Iuan
,
a
youth
of
20.
yeares
old
who
had
bin
master
of
a
militare
order
in
Portugal
named
de
Auis
,
and
so
they
excluded
Dona
Beatrix
Queene
of
Castile
that
was
their
lawful
heyre
,
and
chose
this
yong
man
,
and
maried
him
afterwards
to
the
lady
Phillippe
daughter
of
Iohn
of
Gant
Duke
of
Lancaster
,
by
his
first
wife
blanch
,
Duchesse
and
heyre
of
Lancaster
,
in
whose
right
the
kings
of
Portugal
and
ther
discendents
do
pretend
vnto
this
day
a
cerrayne
interest
to
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
which
I
leaue
to
our
temporal
lawyer
,
to
discusse
but
heereby
we
see
what
an
ordinary
matter
it
hath
bin
in
Spayne
and
Portugal
,
to
alter
the
lyne
of
next
succession
,
vppon
any
reasonable
consideration
,
which
they
imagined
to
be
for
ther
weal
publique
,
and
the
like
we
shal
finde
in
France
&
Ingland
,
which
euen
now
I
wil
begin
to
treat
of
.
DIVERS
OTHER
EXAM'PLES
OVT
OF
THE
STATES
OF
FRANCE
AND
INGLAND
,
FOR
proofe
that
the
next
in
blood
are
some
tymes
put
backe
from
succession
,
and
how
God
had
approued
the
same
with
good
successe
.
CAP.
VIII
.
AS
concerning
the
state
of
France
,
I
haue
Hugo
Capetus
.
that
put
out
the
lyne
of
Pepin
,
in
the
yeare
988
so
as
they
Wherfore
as
I
did
before
in
the
spaniards
,
so
I
wil
heere
let
passe
the
first
ranke
of
al
of
the
french
kings
,
for
that
some
men
may
say
perhaps
,
that
the
common
wealth
and
law
of
Pepin
then
surnamed
,
le
brefe
,
or
the
litle
,
for
his
smale
stature
(
though
he
were
a
gyant
in
deeds
)
being
made
king
of
France
,
by
mere
Estant
Pepin
decedé
,
les
Francois
esleurent
Rois
,
Charles
&
Carlomon
,
ses
fils
,
ala
charge
,
qu'ils
partageroient
entre
eux
,
egalement
,
le
royaume
.
Which
is
,
king
Pipin
being
deade
,
the
french
men
chose
for
ther
kings
his
two
sonnes
,
Charles
and
Carlomon
,
with
condition
,
that
they
should
part
equally
betwene
them
,
the
realme
.
Wherin
is
to
be
noted
,
not
only
the
election
of
the
common
wealth
,
besides
succession
,
but
also
the
heauie
condition
laid
vppon
the
heyre
to
part
halfe
of
his
kingdome
with
his
yonger
brother
,
and
the
very
same
woords
hath
Eginard
an
ancient
French
writer
,
that
the
French
state
in
a
publique
assembly
,
did
chose
two
Princes
to
be
their
kings
,
with
expresse
condition
to
deuide
the
realme
equally
,
as
Francis
Belforest
citeth
his
wordes
,
which
two
French
authors
(
I
meane
Girard
and
Belforest
)
I
shal
vse
principally
hereafter
in
the
rest
of
my
citations
.
After
three
yeares
,
that
these
two
bretheren
had
reigned
together
,
king
Carlomon
the
yonger
died
,
and
left
many
sonnes
,
the
elder
wherof
that
the
Lords
ecclesiastical
&
temporal
of
France
swore
fidelitie
and
obedience
to
Charles
,
without
any
respect
or
regard
at
al
of
the
children
of
Carlomon
who
yet
by
right
of
succession
,
should
haue
bin
preferred
,
&
Paulus
Emilius
a
latine
writer
,
saith
,
proceres
regni
ad
Carolum
vltro
venientes
,
regem
eum
totius
Galliae
salutarunt
:
After
Charles
the
great
,
reigned
by
succession
de bonnaire
of
his
curtesye
,
who
entring
to
reigne
in
the
yeare
817.
with
great
applause
of
al
men
,
for
the
excedinge
grateful
memory
of
his
father
,
was
yet
afterward
at
the
poursuite
principally
of
his
owne
three
sonnes
,
by
his
first
wife
;
Lothair
,
pepin
,
and
Luys
)
deposed
;
first
in
a
councel
at
Lions
,
and
then
agayne
at
Compeigne
,
and
put
into
a
monastery
,
though
afterward
he
came
to
reigne
agayne
,
and
his
Gharles
le
chauue
,
for
that
he
was
bald
)
succeded
him
,
in
the
states
of
France
,
though
after
many
battels
against
his
eldest
brother
Lothaire
,
to
whom
by
succession
the
same
appertayned
.
After
Charles
the
balde
,
succeded
Luys
the
second
,
surnamed
le
begue
,
for
his
stuttering
,
who
was
not
eldest
,
but
third
sonne
,
vnto
his
father
,
for
the
second
dyed
before
his
father
,
Of
thes
two
bastard
kings
the
elder
named
Luys
reigned
but
foure
yeares
,
&
died
without
issue
,
the
second
that
is
Carlomon
liued
but
one
yeare
after
him
,
and
left
a
sonne
called
also
Luys
,
which
succeded
in
the
kingdome
by
the
name
of
Luys
the
fift
,
and
surnamed
Faineant
S.
Baudour
at
Chells
,
by
Partis
,
he
was
depriued
and
made
a
monke
in
the
Abbey
of
S.
Denys
,
wher
he
died
,
and
in
his
place
was
chosen
king
of
France
,
and
crowned
with
great
solemnitie
,
Gharles
the
4.
Emperor
of
Rome
surnamed
le
gros
,
for
that
he
was
fat
and
corpulent
,
grosse
Charles
was
for
his
euel
gouerment
,
by
them
deposed
and
depriued
,
not
only
of
the
kingdome
of
France
but
also
of
his
Empire
,
which
he
had
before
he
was
kinge
,
&
was
brought
into
such
miserable
penurie
,
as
diuers
write
,
that
he
perished
for
want
.
At
this
tyme
I
saye
the
states
of
France
would
not
yet
admitt
Charles
the
simple
(
though
hither
to
his
simplicity
did
not
appeare
,
but
he
seemed
a
goodly
Prince
)
but
rather
they
chose
for
king
one
Odo
Earle
of
Paris
and
Duke
of
Angiers
,
and
caused
him
to
be
crowned
.
But
yet
after
a
few
yeares
,
being
weary
of
this
mans
gouerment
,
and
moued
also
some
what
with
compassion
towards
the
youth
that
was
in
Ingland
,
they
resolued
to
depose
Odo
,
and
so
they
did
whiles
he
was
absent
in
Gascony
,
and
called
Charles
the
simple
out
of
Ingland
,
to
Paris
,
and
restored
him
to
the
kingdome
of
France
,
leauing
only
to
Odo
for
recompence
,
the
state
of
Aquitaine
,
with
title
of
a
Duke
:
wherwith
in
fine
,
he
contented
himselfe
,
seing
that
he
could
get
no
more
.
But
yet
his
posterity
by
vertue
of
this
election
,
pretended
euer
after
a
title
to
the
crowne
of
France
,
and
neuer
left
it
of
,
vntil
at
length
by
Hugo
Capetus
they
gat
it
,
for
Hugh
descended
of
this
king
and
Duke
Odo
.
This
king
Charles
then
surnamed
the
simple
,
an
Inglish
womans
sonne
,
as
you
haue
hard
,
being
thus
admitted
to
the
crowne
of
France
,
he
toke
to
wife
an
Inglish
woman
,
named
Elgina
or
Ogin
,
daughter
of
king
Edward
the
elder
,
by
whom
he
had
a
sonne
named
Lewys
,
and
himselfe
being
a
simple
man
,
as
hath
bin
saide
,
was
allured
to
go
to
the
castle
,
of
peronne
in
Picardie
,
wher
he
was
made
ptisoner
,
and
forced
to
resigne
his
kingdome
vnto
Rafe
But
this
new
king
Rafe
,
liued
but
three
yeares
after
,
and
then
the
states
of
France
considering
the
right
title
of
Luys
the
lawful
child
of
king
Charles
the
simple
,
which
Luys
was
commonly
called
now
in
France
by
the
name
of
d'Outremer
,
that
is
be-yond
the
sea
,
for
that
he
had
bin
brought
vp
in
Ingland
:
the
said
states
being
also
greatly
and
continually
sollicited
heerunto
by
the
Embassadors
of
king
Adelstan
of
Ingland
,
and
by
William
Duke
of
Normandie
,
surnamed
long
speer
,
great
grand
father
to
This
king
Luys
d'Outremer
left
two
sonnes
behind
him
,
the
eldest
was
called
Lothaire
the
Luys
the
5.
and
dying
without
issue
after
two
yeares
that
he
had
reygned
,
the
crowne
was
to
haue
gone
by
lyneal
succession
vnto
his
vncle
Charles
the
duke
of
Lorayne
,
seconnd
sonne
to
Luys
d'Outremer
,
as
is
euident
,
but
the
states
of
France
did
put
him
by
it
for
mislike
they
had
of
his
person
,
and
did
chose
Hugo
Capetus
Earle
of
Paris
,
and
so
ended
the
second
lyne
of
Pepin
and
of
Charles
the
great
,
and
entred
the
race
of
Hugo
Capetus
,
which
endurcth
vntil
this
day
,
and
the
French
stories
do
say
,
that
this
surname
And
in
this
respect
al
the
french
chroniclers
who
otherwise
are
most
earnest
defenders
of
ther
law
of
succession
,
do
iustifie
t●is
title
of
Hugo
Capetus
against
Charles
,
for
which
cause
Frances
Belforest
doth
alleadge
the
saying
of
William
Nangis
,
an
ancient
and
diligent
S.
Denys
in
France
,
who
defendeth
king
Capetus
in
these
words
.
We
may
not
graunt
in
any
case
that
Hugh
Capet
may
thus
much
Nangis
:
vppon
which
wordes
Belforest
saieth
as
followeth
,
I
haue
layd
before
you
the
wordes
and
censure
of
this
good
religious
man
for
that
they
seeme
to
me
to
touch
the
quick
,
for
in
very
truth
we
cannot
by
any
other
meanes
defend
the
title
of
Hugh
Capet
from
Vsurpation
and
fellonie
,
then
to
iustifie
his
comming
to
the
crowne
by
the
consent
and
wil
of
the
common
wealth
,
and
in
this
I
may
wel
excuse
me
from
inconstancie
and
contradiction
to
my selfe
,
that
haue
so
earnestly
defended
succession
before
,
for
he
that
wil
consider
how
and
with
what
conditions
I
defended
that
,
shal
easely
see
also
that
I
am
not
heere
contrary
to
the
same
,
thus
much
Belforest
.
I
Thinke
it
not
a
misse
also
to
put
downe
heer
some
part
of
the
oration
or
speech
which
the
Embassador
that
was
sent
at
that
tyme
,
Hugh
Capet
,
and
Charles
exclusion
,
did
vse
vnto
him
in
ther
names
,
which
spech
Girard
doth
recount
in
these
wordes
.
Euery
man
knoweth
(
Lord
Charles
)
that
the
succession
of
the
crowne
and
realme
of
Hugh
Capet
now
our
king
,
but
yet
the
very
same
lawes
which
do
giue
vnto
you
this
right
of
succession
,
do
iudge
you
also
vnworthy
of
the
same
,
for
that
you
haue
not
endeuored
hitherto
to
frame
your
life
and
manners
according
to
the
prescript
of
those
lawes
,
nor
according
to
the
vse
&
custome
of
your
coumtrey
of
France
,
but
rather
haue
allyed
your selfe
with
the
German
nation
,
our
old
enimies
,
and
haue
acquainted
your selfe
with
their
vile
and
base
manners
.
Wherfore
seing
you
haue
forsaken
&
abandoned
the
ancient
vertue
sweetnes
and
amitie
of
the
french
,
we
haue
also
abandoned
and
left
you
,
and
haue
chosen
Hugh
Capet
for
our
king
,
and
haue
put
you
back
,
and
this
without
any
scruple
or
preiudice
of
our
consciences
at
al
,
esteeming
it
far
better
and
more
iust
to
liue
vnder
Hugh
Capet
the
present
posessor
of
the
crowne
,
with
enioying
the
ancient
vse
of
our
lawes
,
customes
,
priuileges
and
liberties
,
then
vnder
you
the
inheritor
by
neernes
of
bloode
,
in
oppression
,
strange
customes
,
and
cruelty
For
euen
as
those
which
are
to
make
a
This
message
did
the
states
of
France
send
to
Charles
of
Lorayne
in
defence
of
their
doings
,
and
with
this
he
lost
his
succession
for
euer
,
and
afterwards
his
life
also
in
prison
,
and
the
French
men
thought
themselues
secure
in
conscience
as
you
see
,
for
doing
the
same
,
which
God
hath
also
since
seemed
to
confirme
,
with
the
succession
and
happy
successe
of
so
many
noble
and
most
christian
kings
as
haue
issued
out
of
this
line
of
Hugo
Capetus
vnto
this
day
.
And
this
spoken
now
of
the
second
lyne
of
France
,
I
take
to
be
sufficient
for
proofe
Hugh
Capet
,
(
which
are
about
17.
or
18.
kings
in
238.
yeares
)
we
shal
finde
that
not
some
few
,
but
the
most
part
of
them
did
both
enter
and
enioy
ther
crownes
and
dignities
contrary
to
the
law
of
lyneal
discent
,
and
of
next
succession
by
blood
.
Wherof
also
ther
would
not
want
diuers
examples
in
the
third
and
last
discent
,
since
Hugo
Capetus
tyme
,
if
we
would
passe
further
to
examine
the
stories
ther-of
.
For
not
to
go
further
downe
then
to
the
very
next
discent
after
Hugh
which
was
king
Robert
his
sonne
,
Girard
I
read
also
,
that
some
yeares
after
,
to
wit
in
le
Gros
,
for
his
sake
,
and
so
was
he
like
to
haue
bin
indeede
,
as
may
appeare
by
the
chronicle
The
like
doth
Phillip
Cominaeus
in
his
story
And
first
of
al
that
the
realme
of
Ingland
hath
had
as
great
varietie
,
changes
,
and
diuersitie
,
in
Aurelius
Ambrosius
.
Who
resisted
so
manfully
and
prudently
the
saxons
,
for
a
tyme
,
after
this
they
Scottish
,
Spanish
,
and
Italian
blood
,
so
that
Ingland
is
like
to
participate
with
al
their
neybours
round
about
them
,
&
I
for
my
part
do
feele
my selfe
much
of
the
French
opinion
before
alleaged
,
that
so
the
ship
be
wel
&
happely
guyded
,
I
esteeme
it
not
much
important
of
what
race
or
nation
the
pilote
be
,
but
now
to
our
purpose
.
I
meane
to
passe
ouer
the
first
and
ancient
rancks
of
kings
,
as
wel
of
the
British
&
Roman
,
as
also
of
the
Saxon
races
,
vntil
king
Egbert
the
This
man
Egbert
being
a
yong
gentleman
rex
creatur
:
that
he
was
created
or
chosen
king
,
by
consent
and
voyce
of
al
men
,
though
yet
he
were
not
next
by
propinquity
of
blood
royal
,
as
is
most
euident
,
and
yet
he
proued
the
most
excellent
king
that
euer
the
saxons
had
before
or
perhapps
after
,
and
his
election
happened
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
8.
hundreth
and
two
,
when
King
Pepin
the
first
of
This
king
Egbert
or
Egbrich
as
others
do
write
him
,
left
a
lawful
sonne
behind
him
named
Elthel
wolfe
or
Adeluulfe
,
or
Edolph
,
(
for
al
is
one
)
who
succeded
him
in
the
kingdome
,
and
was
as
worthy
a
man
as
his
father
,
and
this
Adeluulfe
agayne
,
had
foure
lawful
sonnes
,
who
al
in
their
turnes
succeded
by
iust
and
lawful
order
in
the
crowne
,
to
wit
Ethelbald
,
Ethelbert
,
Ethelred
,
and
Alfred
,
for
that
none
of
the
former
three
had
any
children
,
and
al
the
later
three
were
most
excellent
princes
,
especially
Alfred
or
Alured
,
the
last
of
al
foure
,
whose
acts
are
wonderful
,
and
who
among
other
his
reuoumed
This
king
Edward
dying
left
two
sonnes
,
lawfully
begotten
of
his
wife
,
Edgina
,
the
one
named
Prince
Edmund
,
and
the
other
Eldred
,
&
a
third
illegitimate
whose
name
was
Adelstan
,
whom
he
had
by
a
concubine
.
But
yet
for
that
this
man
was
estemed
to
be
of
more
valor
then
the
other
,
he
was
preferred
to
the
crowne
,
His
coronation
was
celebrated
in
the
market
place
,
vppon
a
stage
,
erected
on
high
that
the
king
might
better
be
seene
of
the
multitude
,
he
was
a
Prince
of
worthy
memorie
,
valiant
and
wife
,
in
al
his
acts
.
&
brought
this
land
into
one
perfect
monarchie
,
for
he
expelled
vtterly
the
danes
,
and
quieted
the
welchme
.
Thus
much
Stow
,
of
the
successe
of
chusing
this
king
bastard
to
reigne
.
To
whose
acts
might
be
added
that
he
conquered
Scotland
and
brought
Constantine
their
king
to
do
him
homage
,
and
restored
Luys
d'Outremer
,
his
sisters
sonne
to
the
kingdome
of
France
,
as
before
hath
bin
signified
.
This
man
dying
without
issue
,
his
lawful
brother
Edmond
,
put
back
before
,
was
admitted
Eldred
succeded
Edmond
his
brother
for
that
his
sonnes
Edwin
,
and
Edgar
,
were
thought
to
yong
to
take
so
great
a
charge
vppon
them
.
This
Eldred
though
he
entred
as
you
see
against
the
right
of
the
nephewes
,
yet
saith
Polidor
and
Stow
,
that
he
had
al
mens
good
will
,
and
was
crowned
as
his
brother
had
bin
,
at
kingston
,
by
Odo
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
reigned
9.
yeares
with
great
good
wil
and
praise
of
al
men
.
He
dyed
at
last
without
issue
,
and
so
his
elder
nephew
Edwin
was
admitted
to
the
crowne
,
but
yet
after
foure
yeares
he
was
deposed
agayne
,
for
his
leude
and
vitious
life
,
and
his
yonger
brother
Edgar
admitted
in
his
place
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
959.
This
king
Edgar
that
entred
by
deposition
of
his
brother
,
was
one
of
the
rarest
princes
,
that
After
this
so
shameful
murther
of
king
This
Etheldred
had
two
wiues
,
the
first
Ethelgina
an
Inglish
woman
,
by
whom
he
had
prince
Edmund
surnamed
Ironside
,
for
his
great
The
second
wife
of
Etheldred
was
called
Emma
,
sister
to
Richard
Duke
of
Normandie
,
who
After
the
death
also
of
king
Etheldred
,
Queene
Fmma
was
maried
to
the
Dane
king
Canutus
the
first
of
that
name
,
surnamed
the
great
,
that
was
king
of
Ingland
after
Etheldred
,
&
Edmond
Ironside
his
sonne
,
and
to
him
she
bare
a
sonne
named
Hardicanutus
,
who
reigned
also
in
Ingland
,
before
king
Edward
the
Confessor
.
New
then
to
come
to
our
purpose
,
he
that
wil
consider
the
passing
of
the
crowne
of
Ingland
,
King
Eltheldred
seing
himselfe
to
weake
for
Sweno
the
king
of
Danes
,
that
was
entred
the
land
,
fled
with
his
wife
Emma
and
her
two
children
Edward
and
Alerud
,
vnto
her
brother
Duke
Richard
of
Normandie
,
&
ther
remayned
vntil
the
death
of
Sweno
,
and
he
being
dead
,
Etheldred
returned
into
Ingland
,
made
a
certayne
agrement
and
diuision
of
the
realme
,
betweene
him
&
Canutus
the
sonne
of
Sweno
,
and
so
dyed
,
leauing
his
eldest
sonne
Edmond
Ironside
,
to
succed
him
,
who
soone
after
dying
also
,
left
the
whole
realme
to
the
said
Canutus
,
and
that
by
playne
couenant
as
Canutus
pretended
,
that
the
longest
liuer
should
haue
al
:
wheruppon
the
said
Canutus
tooke
the
two
children
of
king
Edmond
Ironside
named
Edmond
and
Edward
,
and
sent
them
ouer
into
Sweueland
(
which
at
that
tyme
was
subiect
also
Etheldred
and
his
sonne
Edmond
being
But
this
notwithstanding
,
Alerud
being
slayne
,
Edgar
,
Margaret
,
&
Christian
,
but
yet
was
not
this
good
king
Edward
so
scrupulous
,
as
to
giue
ouer
his
kingdome
to
any
of
them
,
or
to
doubt
of
the
right
of
his
owne
title
,
which
he
had
by
election
of
the
common
wealth
,
against
the
order
of
succession
.
This
king
Edward
being
dead
without
issue
,
Polidor
saith
that
the
states
made
a
great
consultation
,
whom
they
should
make
king
,
and
first
of
al
it
semeth
they
excluded
him
,
that
was
only
next
by
propinquity
in
blood
,
which
was
Edgar
Adelin
,
sonne
to
the
said
prince
Edward
the
outlaw
now
departed
,
and
nephew
to
king
Edmond
Ironside
,
and
the
reason
of
this
exclusion
is
alleaged
by
Polidor
in
thes
wordes
,
is
puet
id
aetatis
nondum
regno
gubernando
maturus
But
in
the
meane
space
,
William
Duke
of
Constantinus
Afer
,
wrote
a
booke
of
his
miracles
)
being
informed
by
Duke
William
of
the
iustnes
of
his
pretence
,
did
send
him
his
benediction
and
a
precious
ring
of
gold
,
with
a
hallowed
banner
,
by
which
he
gott
the
victory
,
thus
writeth
Girard
,
in
his
French
chronicles
,
and
Antoninus
Archbishop
of
Florence
surnamed
Sainct
,
writing
of
this
matter
in
his
And
al
this
is
before
the
conquest
,
but
if
we
should
passe
any
further
downe
,
we
should
finde
more
examples
then
before
.
For
first
the
By
like
meanes
gat
Henry
his
yonger
brother
But
this
king
Henry
dying
,
left
a
daughter
To
this
Henry
succeded
by
order
his
eldest
sonne
then
liuing
,
named
Richard
,
and
surnamed
Iean
sens
terre
,
as
if
you
would
saye
Sir
Iohn
lacke-land
:
this
man
I
say
,
was
after
the
death
of
his
brother
,
admitted
and
crowned
by
the
states
of
Ingland
,
and
Arthur
Duke
of
Britaine
,
sonne
and
heyre
to
Geffery
(
that
was
elder
brother
to
Iohn
)
was
against
the
ordinarie
course
of
succession
excluded
.
And
albeit
this
Arthur
did
seeke
to
remedy
the
Some
yeares
after
,
when
the
Barons
and
states
of
Ingland
misliked
vtterly
the
gouerment
Moreouer
you
know
that
from
this
king
And
with
this
also
I
meane
to
conclude
and
end
this
discourse
in
like
manner
,
affirming
that
as
on
the
one
side
propinquity
of
bloode
is
Thus
said
the
Ciuilian
,
and
being
called
vppon
and
drawne
to
a
new
matter
by
the
question
that
ensueth
,
he
made
his
last
discourse
&
conclusion
of
the
whole
matter
,
in
manner
following
.
WHAT
ARE
THE
PRINCIPAL
POINTS
WHICH
A
COMMON-WEALTH
OVGHT
to
respect
in
admitting
or
excluding
of
any
prince
,
that
pretendeth
to
succeede
:
wherin
is
handlid
largely
also
of
the
diuersitie
of
religions
and
other
such
causes
.
CAP.
IX
.
AFTER
the
Ciuilian
had
alleaged
al
thes
examples
of
succession
altered
or
reiected
by
publique
authoritie
of
common
wealthes
,
and
of
the
allowance
and
approbation
&
good
successe
which
for
the
most
part
god
semeth
to
haue
giuen
vnto
the
same
,
one
of
the
company
brake
forth
and
said
,
that
this
poynt
appeared
so
euident
vnto
him
,
as
no
doubt
in
the
world
could
be
made
therof
,
I
meane
,
whether
this
thing
in
it selfe
be
lawful
or
no
,
to
alter
sometymes
the
course
of
succession
,
seing
that
al
wealthes
of
Christendome
,
had
donne
it
To
this
answered
the
Ciuilian
,
that
according
to
their
law
,
both
ciuil
and
canon
(
which
thing
also
he
affirmed
to
be
founded
in
great
reason
)
it
is
a
matter
most
certayne
,
that
he
who
is
iudge
and
hath
to
giue
the
sentence
in
the
thing
,
it selfe
,
is
also
to
iudge
of
the
cause
,
for
therof
is
he
called
iudge
,
and
if
he
haue
authority
in
the
one
,
good
reason
he
should
also
haue
power
to
discerne
the
other
,
so
as
,
if
we
Open
iniustice
I
cal
(
said
he
)
when
not
the
Thus
the
Ciuilian
discoursed
,
and
the
whole
company
seemed
to
like
very
wel
therof
,
for
that
they
said
his
opinion
appeared
both
prudent
and
pious
,
and
by
this
occasion
it
came
also
Heerunto
the
Ciuilian
answered
,
that
he
wel
saw
the
fitnes
and
importance
of
the
matter
,
and
therefore
that
he
was
content
to
speak
a
word
or
two
more
therof
,
notwithstanding
that
much
had
bin
said
alredy
therin
,
to
witt
,
in
al
those
pointès
which
had
bin
disputed
about
the
end
of
gouerment
,
and
why
it
was
appoynted
,
which
ende
(
said
he
)
seing
it
is
(
as
largely
hath
bin
proued
before
)
to
defend
,
preserue
,
and
benifite
the
common
wealth
,
heer
hence
,
that
is
,
And
on
the
contrary
side
,
he
that
is
least
like
to
do
this
,
deserueth
least
to
be
preferred
,
and
heer
(
quoth
he
)
you
see
doth
enter
also
that
consideration
mentioned
by
you
before
,
which
diuers
wealthes
had
in
putting
back
oftentymes
children
&
impotent
people
(
though
otherwise
next
in
blood
)
from
succession
,
and
pteferring
more
able
men
though
further
of
by
discent
,
for
that
they
were
more
like
to
defend
well
ther
realme
and
subiects
then
the
others
were
.
But
to
proceede
(
said
he
)
more
distinctly
and
more
perspicuously
in
this
matter
,
I
would
haue
you
cal
to
mynde
one
point
among
others
which
I
alleaged
before
,
out
of
Girard
the
french
author
,
to
wit
,
that
the
king
of
france
in
his
coronation
This
diuision
semeth
to
me
very
good
and
fitt
(
quoth
he
)
and
to
comprehend
al
that
a
wealpublique
hath
neede
of
,
for
her
happy
state
and
felicity
,
both
in
soule
and
body
,
and
for
her
end
,
both
supernatural
and
natural
.
For
by
the
first
which
is
religion
,
her
subiects
do
attayne
vnto
their
end
spiritual
&
supernatural
,
which
is
the
saluation
of
their
soules
,
&
by
the
second
and
third
,
which
are
iustice
and
defence
,
they
enioy
their
felicity
temporal
,
which
is
to
liue
in
peace
among
them selues
,
and
safety
from
their
enimyes
,
for
which
cause
it
seemeth
that
these
are
the
three
points
which
most
are
to
be
regarded
in
euery
Prince
,
that
commeth
to
gouerment
,
and
much
more
in
him
that
is
not
yet
admitted
therunto
,
but
offreth
himselfe
to
the
common
wealth
for
the
same
purpose
.
And
for
that
the
later
two
of
thes
three
points
To
this
light
I
say
,
came
the
heathens
euen
by
the
instinct
and
direction
of
nature
,
whereof
insued
that
ther
was
neuer
yet
pagan
Philosopher
that
wrote
of
framing
a
good
common
wealth
as
Socrates
,
Plato
,
Plutarch
,
Cicero
,
and
others
,
nether
lawmaker
among
them
that
left
ordinances
for
the
same
purpose
,
as
Deucalion
,
Minos
,
Zaleucus
,
Licurgus
,
Solon
,
Ion
,
Numa
,
or
the
like
,
which
besides
the
temporal
ende
of
directing
thinges
wel
for
the
body
,
had
not
especial
care
also
,
of
matters
apperteyning
to
the
mynde
,
to
wit
,
of
nourishing
,
honoring
,
and
rewarding
of
vertue
,
and
for
restrayning
and
punishing
of
vice
,
and
wickednes
,
wherby
is
euident
that
their
end
and
butt
was
to
make
their
cytizens
good
and
vertuous
,
which
was
a
higher
end
,
then
to
haue
a
bare
consideration
of
temporal
and
bodily
benifits
only
,
as
many
gouernours
of
our
dayes
(
though
Christians
in
name
)
seeme
to
haue
,
who
pretend
no
higher
end
in
ther
gouerment
then
bodily
wealth
,
and
a
certayne
temporal
king
of
peace
and
iustice
among
ther
subiects
,
which
diuers
beasts
also
do
reach
vnto
,
in
ther
congregations
and
common
But
nature
taught
man
a
far
higher
odoratusque
est
Dominus
odorem
This
men
vsed
in
those
dayes
,
and
this
they
were
taught
by
law
of
nature
,
I
meane
both
to
honor
God
aboue
al
things
,
and
to
honor
him
by
this
particuler
way
of
sacrifices
,
which
is
proued
also
euidently
by
that
which
at
this
day
is
founde
and
seene
in
the
Indians
,
wher
neuer
any
notice
of
Moyses
law
came
,
and
yet
no
nation
hath
euer
bin
found
among
them
,
that
acknowlegeth
not
some
kinde
of
God
,
and
offereth
not
some
kinde
of
sacrifise
vnto
him
.
And
albeit
in
the
particuler
meanes
of
honoring
this
God
,
as
also
in
distinguishing
betweene
false
Gods
and
the
true
God
,
thes
people
of
the
Indias
haue
fallen
into
most
grosse
&
infinite
errors
,
as
also
the
gentiles
of
Europe
,
Asia
,
&
Africa
did
,
by
the
craft
&
subtilty
of
the
diuel
,
which
abusing
their
ignorance
,
did
thrust
him selfe
into
the
place
of
God
,
and
deriued
&
drew
those
sacrifises
and
supreme
honors
vnto
himselfe
,
which
were
dew
to
God
alone
,
yet
is
it
euident
heerby
(
and
this
is
sufficient
for
our
purpose
)
that
by
God
&
nature
,
the
highest
and
chiefest
end
of
euery
common
wealth
,
is
And
this
respect
and
reuerence
towards
religion
And
Plutarch
writing
against
a
certaine
Atheist
If
you
trauaile
far
countries
,
you
may
chance
〈◊〉
find
some
cities
,
without
lerning
,
without
kings
,
without
riches
,
without
money
,
but
a
citty
without
temples
,
and
without
Gods
and
sacrifises
,
no
man
yet
hath
euer
seene
.
And
finally
Aristotle
in
his
politiques
hauing
numbred
diuers
things
,
necessary
to
a
common
wealth
,
addeth
Al
this
I
haue
alleaged
to
confute
euen
by
the
principles
of
nature
herselfe
,
the
absurd
The
title
in
the
Ciuil
law
is
:
iuramentum
quod
Praestatur
,
ijs
qui
administrationes
accipiunt
,
the
oth
which
is
giuen
to
them
that
receaue
gouerments
,
and
then
the
oth
beginneth
thus
.
Iuro
per
Deum
omnipotentem
&
filium
eius
vnigenitā
I
do
sweare
by
almightie
God
,
and
by
his
holy
sonne
our
Lord
Iesus
Christ
,
and
by
the
holy
ghost
,
and
by
the
holy
glorious
mother
of
God
,
the
perpetual
virgin
Marie
,
and
by
the
foure
holy
ghospells
which
I
do
hold
in
my
hand
,
&
by
the
holy
archangels
S.
Michel
and
S.
Gabriel
,
that
I
wil
kepe
a
pure
conscience
,
&
performe
true
seruice
vnto
the
sacred
persons
of
our
Lords
and
princes
Iustinian
and
Theodosia
his
wife
,
in
al
occasions
of
this
gouerment
,
by
their
benignity
committed
vnto
me
.
Moreouer
I
do
sweare
that
I
am
communicant
and
member
of
the
most
holy
Catholique
and
Apostolique
church
of
God
,
and
that
I
shal
neuer
at
any
tyme
heerafter
be
contrary
to
the
same
,
nor
suffer
any
other
to
be
,
as
much
as
shallye
in
my
possibilitie
to
let
.
And
if
I
should
break
this
oth
or
not
obserue
any
poynt
therof
,
I
am
content
to
receaue
any
punisment
both
in
this
world
as
also
in
the
world
to
comme
,
in
that
last
and
most
terrible
iudgment
of
our
great
Lord
and
saueour
Iesus
Christ
,
and
to
haue
my
part
with
Iudas
,
as
also
with
the
leptosye
of
Giezi
and
with
the
feare
and
trembling
of
damned
Cain
:
and
besides
al
this
I
shal
be
subiect
to
al
punishments
that
are
ordeyned
in
the
lawes
of
their
Maiestyes
,
concerning
this
affaire
.
This
oth
did
al
the
gouernours
of
christian
countryes
take
in
old
tyme
,
when
christian
Emperors
did
florish
,
and
it
hath
remayned
for
a
law
and
president
euer
since
to
al
posterity
.
And
if
we
ioyne
this
with
the
other
othes
before
set
downe
in
the
fift
chapter
,
which
Emperors
and
kings
did
make
themselues
(
vnto
their
ecclesiastical
Prelates
,
at
their
first
admission
)
about
this
point
:
we
should
see
nothing
was
so
much
respected
in
admission
of
a
prince
,
or
Gouernor
(
nor
ought
to
be
)
as
religion
,
for
that
(
as
I
haue
said
before
)
this
is
the
chiefest
,
greatest
,
&
highest
ende
,
of
euery
common
wealth
,
entended
both
by
God
and
nature
,
to
assist
their
subiects
to
the
atteyning
of
their
supernatural
ende
,
by
honoring
and
seruing
God
in
this
life
,
and
by
liuing
vertuously
,
for
that
otherwise
God
should
draw
no
other
srute
or
commodity
out
of
humane
common
wealthes
,
then
of
an
assembly
of
brutish
creatures
,
maynteyned
only
and
gouerned
for
to
eate
drink
and
liue
in
peace
,
as
before
hath
bin
declared
.
But
the
end
of
man
being
far
higher
then
this
:
it
followeth
that
what-soeuer
prince
of
Heerof
it
insueth
also
that
nothing
in
the
You
do
remember
that
before
I
compared
an
heyre
apparent
vnto
a
spouse
,
betrothed
only
and
not
yet
marryed
,
to
the
common
But
you
may
say
perhaps
,
that
sainct
This
doctrine
(
which
is
common
among
all
diuines
)
is
founded
vppon
that
discourse
of
S.
Paule
to
the
Romans
and
Corinthians
,
against
such
christians
as
being
inuited
to
the
Quiae
non
ex
fide
,
for
that
he
eateth
not
according
to
his
faith
or
beleefe
,
but
rather
contrary
,
for
that
he
beleuing
it
to
be
euel
and
vnlawful
,
doth
notwithstanding
eate
the
same
,
and
heere
vppon
S.
Paul
inferreth
this
vniuersal
proposition
,
Omne
autem
quod
non
est
ex
fide
peccatum
est
,
al
that
is
not
of
fayth
or
according
to
a
mans
And
now
to
apply
al
this
to
our
purpose
for
Ingland
,
and
for
the
matter
we
haue
in
hand
,
I
And
thus
much
now
for
matter
of
conscience
,
but
if
we
consider
reason
of
state
also
,
and
And
therfore
to
conclude
at
length
,
al
this
tedious
speech
(
wherwith
I
feare
me
I
haue
FINIS
.
OF
THE
DIVERS
BOOKES
AND
TREATISES
THAT
HAVE
BIN
WRITTEN
heretofore
about
the
titles
of
such
as
pretend
to
the
crowne
of
Ingland
,
and
what
they
do
conteyne
in
fauour
or
disfauour
of
sundry
pretendors
.
CAP.
I.
ACCORDING
to
the
variety
of
mens
iudgments
and
affections
in
this
behalfe
,
so
said
the
lawyer
,
that
diuers
had
written
diuersly
in
sundry
bookes
&
treatises
that
had
come
to
light
,
&
went
among
men
from
hand
to
hand
though
al
were
not
printed
.
And
first
of
al
he
said
,
that
not
long
after
her
maiesties
comming
to
the
crowne
,
ther
appeered
a
certayne
booke
written
in
the
fauour
of
the
house
of
Suffolke
,
and
especially
of
the
children
of
the
Earle
of
Hartford
by
the
Lady
Catherin
Gray
,
which
booke
offended
highly
the
Queene
and
The
bent
and
butt
of
this
book
,
was
(
as
I
haue
said
)
to
preferr
the
title
of
the
Lady
Catherin
The
second
reason
is
,
for
that
ther
is
giuen
authority
to
king
Henry
the
eight
by
two
seueral
Against
this
booke
were
wryten
two
other
soone
after
,
the
first
by
one
Morgan
a
diuine
(
if
against
the
monstruous
gouerment
of
women
.
Of
al
which
three
pointes
,
for
that
the
second
that
conserneth
the
tytle
,
is
that
which
properly
appertayneth
to
out
purpose
,
and
for
that
the
same
is
handled
agayne
and
more
largely
in
the
second
booke
set
out
not
longe
after
by
Ihon
lesley
lord
bishope
of
Rosse
in
Scotland
,
who
at
that
tyme
was
Embassador
for
the
saide
Queene
of
Scottes
in
Ingland
,
and
handled
the
same
matter
more
abundantly
which
M.
Morgan
had
donne
before
hym
,
I
shal
saye
no
more
of
this
booke
of
M.
Morgan
;
but
shal
passe
ouer
to
that
of
the
bishope
,
which
in
this
point
of
succession
conteyneth
also
what
soeuer
the
other
hath
,
so
as
by
declaring
the
contentes
of
the
one
we
shal
come
also
to
see
what
is
in
the
other
.
The
intent
then
of
this
book
of
the
bishope
of
Rosse
,
is
to
refute
the
other
booke
of
Hales
and
Bacon
,
and
that
especially
in
the
two
points
before
mentioned
,
which
they
alleaged
for
their
principles
,
to
witt
,
about
forrayne
birth
,
and
king
Henries
testament
.
And
against
the
first
of
these
two
pointes
the
bishop
alleageth
The
other
principle
also
concerning
king
Henryes
testament
,
the
bishop
impugneth
,
first
And
finally
the
said
bishop
concludeth
that
the
line
of
Scotland
is
the
next
euery
way
,
both
in
respect
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
and
also
of
York
,
for
that
they
are
next
heyres
to
K.
Henry
the
eight
,
who
by
his
father
was
heyre
to
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
and
by
his
mother
to
the
house
of
york
.
But
after
these
three
bookes
,
was
written
a
And
secondly
he
is
against
bothe
Morgan
&
the
Bishop
of
Rosse
also
in
diuers
important
points
,
and
in
the
very
principal
of
al
,
for
that
this
man
(
I
meane
Highington
)
maketh
the
king
of
Spayne
to
be
the
next
and
most
righful
pretender
by
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
for
proofe
wherof
he
holdeth
first
that
king
Henry
the
7.
had
no
title
in
deede
to
the
crowne
by
Lancaster
;
but
only
by
the
house
of
York
,
that
is
to
saye
;
by
his
marriage
of
Queene
Elizabeth
elder
daughter
to
king
Edward
the
fourth
,
for
that
albeit
himselfe
were
discended
by
his
mother
from
Iohn
of
Gaunt
duke
of
Lancaster
,
yet
this
was
but
by
his
third
wife
Catherin
Swynford
,
and
that
the
true
heyres
of
Blanch
his
first
wife
duches
and
heyre
of
Lancaster
(
to
whom
sayth
he
apperteyned
only
the
succession
after
the
death
of
king
Henry
the
sixth
,
and
his
sonne
,
with
whom
ended
the
line
male
of
that
house
)
remayned
only
in
Portugal
by
the
mariage
of
Lady
Phillip
,
daughter
of
the
foresaid
Blanch
,
to
kinge
Ihon
the
first
of
Portugal
,
&
that
for
as
much
as
king
Phillip
of
Spaine
saith
this
man
,
hath
now
succeded
to
al
the
righte
of
the
kings
of
Portugal
,
to
him
appertayneth
also
,
the
only
right
succession
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
and
that
al
the
other
discendents
of
king
Henry
the
7.
are
to
pretend
only
by
the
title
of
Yorke
,
I
meane
aswel
the
line
of
Scotland
as
also
of
Suffolk
and
Huntington
,
for
that
in
the
house
of
Lancaster
king
Phillip
is
euidently
before
them
al.
Thus
holdeth
Heghington
,
alleaginge
diuers
stories
arguments
and
probabilities
for
the
same
,
&
then
adioyneth
two
other
propositions
,
which
do
importe
most
of
al
,
to
wit
,
that
the
title
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
was
far
better
,
then
that
of
York
,
not
for
that
Edmond
Crokback
first
founder
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
who
was
sonne
to
king
Henry
the
third
and
brother
to
king
Edward
the
first
,
was
eldest
to
the
said
Edward
and
iniuriously
put
back
for
his
deformity
in
body
,
as
both
the
said
bishop
of
Rosse
and
George
Lylly
,
do
falsly
These
poyntes
toucheth
Highinton
thoughe
diuers
other
he
leaue
vntouched
,
which
are
of
much
importance
for
the
resolusion
,
as
whether
after
the
lyne
extinguished
of
kinge
Henry
the
4.
which
was
the
eldest
sonne
of
Ihon
of
Gant
,
ther
should
haue
entered
the
line
of
lady
Philippe
the
eldest
daughter
lawfully
begotten
of
Blanch
first
wyfe
of
Ihon
of
Gant
,
or
More
then
these
fower
bookes
,
I
have
not
Thus
sayth
that
book
,
and
he
alleageth
many
reasons
for
the
same
,
as
it
hath
bin
told
me
(
for
as
I
said
I
neuer
came
to
haue
a
viewe
of
the
whole
booke
)
but
diuers
of
his
arguments
I
haue
seene
laid
together
,
which
I
shal
afterwards
in
place
conuenient
alleage
vnto
you
,
with
the
answers
censures
and
replies
that
the
contrary
parties
do
make
therunto
.
Diuers
other
papers
notes
and
memories
I
haue
seene
also
(
said
he
)
as
wel
touching
the
succession
of
those
whom
I
haue
named
as
of
others
,
for
that
Syr
Richard
Shelly
who
dyed
some
yeares
a
gone
in
Venice
,
by
the
name
of
Lord
And
by
the
way
also
I
had
almost
forgotten
And
to
the
end
they
may
be
vnderstoode
the
better
,
as
also
the
clearnes
and
pretentions
of
al
the
rest
that
haue
interest
in
this
affayre
,
I
shal
first
of
al
for
a
beginning
and
foundation
to
al
the
rest
that
shal
or
may
be
spoken
heerafter
,
set
downe
by
way
of
historical
narration
,
al
the
discents
of
our
Inglish
kings
and
pretenders
that
maye
important
to
this
our
purpose
,
from
the
conquest
vnto
our
tyme
,
which
being
compared
with
the
tree
it selfe
of
genealogies
that
shal
be
added
in
the
end
of
this
conference
,
wil
make
the
matter
more
playne
and
pleasant
to
the
reader
.
OF
THE
SVCCESSION
OF
THE
CROWNE
OF
INGLAND
FROM
THE
CONQVEST
VNTO
the
tyme
of
king
Edward
the
third
,
with
the
beginning
of
three
principallinages
of
the
English
blood
royal
,
dispersed
into
the
houses
of
Britanie
Lancaster
and
Yorke
.
CAP.
II.
NO
man
is
ignorant
said
the
lawyer
how
This
king
William
according
to
Polidor
The
Conquerors
daughters
were
first
Cecilie
that
was
a
Nonne
,
and
the
second
Constantia
that
was
marryed
to
Alayn
,
surnamed
fergant
duke
of
Britanie
,
and
the
third
was
Adela
or
Alis
marryed
to
Stephen
countie
Palatine
of
Bloys
,
Champagne
,
and
Chartres
in
France
,
and
the
other
two
Polidor
saith
,
dyed
before
they
were
marryed
,
and
so
their
names
were
not
recorded
.
These
are
the
children
of
king
William
the
Conqueror
,
among
whom
after
his
death
ther
And
whereas
this
Duke
Robert
had
a
The
second
sonne
of
the
Conqueror
named
Richard
,
dyed
as
before
hath
bin
sayde
,
in
his
fathers
tyme
,
and
left
no
issue
at
al
,
as
did
neither
the
third
sonne
,
William
Rufus
,
though
he
reigned
13.
yeares
after
his
father
the
Conqueror
,
in
This
Kinge
Rufus
came
to
the
crowne
principally
by
the
help
and
fauour
of
Lanfrancus
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
who
greatly
repented
himselfe
afterward
of
the
error
which
in
that
point
he
had
committed
,
vppon
hope
of
his
good
gouerment
which
proued
extreeme
euel
.
But
this
king
William
Rufus
being
slayne
afterward
by
the
error
of
a
crosbow
,
in
newforest
as
is
wel
knowne
,
and
this
at
such
tyme
as
the
foresaid
duke
Robert
his
elder
brother
(
to
whom
the
crowne
by
succession
apparteyned
)
was
absent
in
the
warr
of
the
holy
land
,
wher
(
according
as
most
authors
do
writ
)
he
was
chosen
king
of
Hierusalem
,
but
refused
it
vppon
hope
of
the
kingdome
of
Ingland
.
Of
his
two
daughters
that
lyued
to
be
maryed
and
had
issue
,
the
elder
named
Constance
Duke
Robert
of
Normandy
father
to
the
Conqueror
,
when
he
went
in
pilgrimage
vnto
the
holy
land
(
in
which
voyage
he
dyed
)
left
for
gouernour
of
Normandy
,
vnder
the
protection
of
king
Henry
the
first
of
france
,
duke
Alayne
the
first
of
Britanie
,
which
Allayn
had
issue
Conan
the
first
,
who
being
a
stirringe
prince
of
about
24.
yeares
old
when
duke
William
began
to
treat
of
passing
ouer
into
Ingland
,
he
shewed
himselfe
not
to
fauour
much
that
enterprise
,
which
duke
William
fearing
,
caused
him
to
be
poysoned
with
a
Now
then
to
come
to
the
second
daughter
of
king
William
the
Conqueror
,
or
rather
the
But
yet
howsoeuer
this
were
,
we
see
that
the
duke
of
Britany
,
that
liued
at
that
day
,
should
This
man
although
he
had
two
sonnes
namely
To
king
Stephen
who
left
no
issue
succeded
by
composition
after
much
warre
Henry
duke
This
king
Henry
the
second
as
Stow
reconteth
,
Cor
de
leon
,
who
reigned
after
his
father
,
by
the
name
of
Richard
the
Hys
fowerth
sonne
named
Geffrey
,
maried
This
duke
Arthur
left
behind
him
two
sisters
The
fift
sonne
of
king
Henry
the
second
was
named
Iohn
,
who
after
the
death
of
his
And
thus
much
of
the
sonnes
of
king
Henry
the
second
,
but
of
his
daughters
by
the
same
Of
the
marriage
of
the
eldest
daughter
of
these
foure
(
whose
name
was
Elenor
also
as
her
mothers
was
)
with
king
Alonso
the
9.
of
Castile
The
second
daughter
of
king
Alonso
the
9.
by
Queen
Elenor
,
was
named
Berenguela
,
and
Heerby
then
some
do
gather
,
that
as
the
first
Now
then
I
come
to
speak
of
king
Henry
the
third
who
was
sonne
to
this
king
Iohn
,
and
Besides
these
two
sonnes
,
king
Henry
the
I
shewed
before
in
this
chapter
,
that
Geffrey
And
for
that
it
may
serue
much
to
our
purpose
hereafter
,
to
vnderstand
wel
this
contiousie
The
foresaid
Arthur
the
second
of
that
name
,
duke
of
Britanie
,
and
sonne
of
Lady
Beatrix
that
was
daughter
(
as
hath
bin
said
)
to
king
Henry
the
third
of
Ingland
,
had
two
wiues
,
the
first
named
Beatrix
as
his
mother
was
,
and
by
this
he
had
two
sonnes
,
Iohn
that
succeded
him
in
the
state
,
by
the
name
of
duke
Iohn
the
third
,
and
Guye
that
dying
before
his
elder
brother
left
a
daughter
and
heyre
,
named
Ioan
,
and
surnamed
the
lame
,
for
that
she
halted
,
who
was
marryed
to
the
earle
of
Bloys
,
that
was
nephew
to
Phillip
of
Valois
,
king
of
France
,
for
that
he
was
borne
of
his
sister
.
But
besides
these
two
children
,
the
said
duke
Arthur
had
by
his
second
wife
,
named
Ioland
countesse
and
heyre
of
the
earldome
of
Monford
,
an
other
sonne
called
Iohn
Breno
,
who
in
the
right
of
his
mother
was
earle
of
Monford
,
And
afterward
when
duke
Iohn
the
third
came
to
die
without
issue
,
the
question
was
,
who
should
succede
him
in
his
dukedome
,
the
vncle
or
the
neece
,
that
is
to
saye
,
his
third
brother
Iohn
Breno
by
half
bloode
or
els
his
Neece
Ioan
the
lame
,
that
was
daughter
and
heyre
to
his
second
brother
Guye
of
whole
bloode
,
And
albeit
at
the
beginning
,
it
seemed
that
matters
went
against
Monford
,
for
that
himselfe
was
taken
prisoner
in
Nantes
,
and
carryed
captiue
to
Paris
where
he
dyed
in
prison
,
yet
his
sonne
Iohn
by
the
assistance
of
the
Inglish
This
duke
Iohn
the
fourth
of
the
house
of
This
Arthur
dying
without
issue
left
the
This
duke
Francis
had
a
daughter
and
heyre
named
Anna
,
marryed
first
to
Charles
the
eight
I
shewed
yon
before
how
king
Henry
the
third
had
two
sonnes
,
Edward
the
prince
,
that
And
albeit
some
writers
of
our
tyme
,
haue
affirmed
or
at
least
wise
much
inclined
to
fauour
The
first
reason
then
is
,
for
that
al
ancient
historiographers
of
Ingland
and
among
them
But
we
shal
neuer
reade
that
either
he
,
or
A
fift
reason
is
,
for
that
if
this
had
bin
so
,
And
therfore
lastly
the
matter
standeth
(
no
Ther
wanted
not
certayne
men
long
tyme
after
this
,
that
affirmed
this
Edmond
to
be
the
elder
sonne
to
king
Henry
the
third
,
and
to
haue
bin
depriued
of
his
inheritance
,
for
that
he
was
deformed
in
body
,
but
these
thinges
were
feyned
to
the
end
that
king
Henry
the
fourth
that
came
by
his
mothers
side
of
this
Edmond
,
might
seeme
to
haue
come
to
the
kingdome
by
right
,
whereas
in deed
he
gat
it
by
force
.
Thus
saith
Polidor
in
this
place
,
but
afterward
in
the
begining
of
the
life
of
the
said
K.
Henry
the
4.
he
sayeth
,
that
some
would
haue
had
king
Henry
to
haue
pretended
this
title
among
other
reasons
,
but
that
the
more
part
accompting
it
but
a
meare
fable
,
it
was
omitted
.
Now
then
it
being
cleere
that
of
these
two
sonnes
of
king
Henry
the
third
,
prince
Edward
was
the
elder
and
lawful
heyre
,
it
remayneth
only
that
we
set
downe
,
their
seueral
discents
vnto
the
tymes
of
king
Edward
the
third
,
and
his
children
,
in
whose
dayes
the
dissention
&
controuersie
betweene
these
royal
houses
of
Yorke
and
Lancaster
,
began
to
break
fourth
.
And
for
the
issue
of
Edward
that
was
king
after
his
father
,
by
the
name
of
king
Edward
Edmond
then
the
second
sonne
of
K.
Henry
the
third
,
being
made
county
palatine
of
Lancaster
,
OE
THE
SVCCESSION
OF
INGLISH
KINGES
FROM
KING
EDVARD
THE
THIRD
VNTO
OVR
dayes
,
with
the
particuler
causes
of
dissention
,
betweene
the
families
of
yorke
and
Lancaster
more
largly
declared
.
CAP.
III.
KING
Edward
the
third
surnamed
by
the
Al
these
fiue
dukes
,
being
great
princes
and
sonnes
of
one
king
,
left
issue
behinde
them
as
shal
be
declared
,
and
for
that
the
discendents
of
the
third
and
fourth
of
these
sonnes
,
to
wit
,
of
the
dukes
of
Lancaster
and
Yorke
,
came
afterward
to
striue
who
had
best
title
to
reigne
,
therof
it
came
,
that
the
controuersie
had
his
name
of
these
two
familes
,
which
for
more
distinction
sake
,
&
the
better
to
be
knowne
,
tooke
vppon
them
for
their
ensignes
a
rose
of
two
To
begyn
then
to
shew
the
issue
of
al
these
The
second
sonne
Leonel
,
dying
also
before
his
father
,
left
behind
him
one
only
daughter
And
nowe
it
followeth
in
order
that
we
should
speak
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
the
third
sonne
,
but
for
that
his
discent
is
great
,
I
shal
first
shew
the
discent
of
the
fifth
and
last
sonne
of
king
Edward
who
was
Thomas
of
Woodstock
duke
of
Glocester
and
earle
of
Buckingham
,
And
thus
hauing
brought
to
an
end
the
issue
of
three
sonnes
of
king
Edward
,
to
wit
of
the
first
second
&
fift
,
&
touched
also
,
some
what
of
the
fourth
,
ther
resteth
to
prosecute
more
fully
the
issues
&
discents
of
the
third
&
fourth
sonnes
,
to
wit
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
duke
of
Lancaster
,
and
of
Edmond
Langly
duke
of
Yorke
,
which
are
the
heades
of
these
two
noble
families
,
which
thing
I
shal
do
in
this
place
with
al
breuity
and
perspecuity
possible
,
begining
first
with
the
house
of
Lancaster
.
Iohn
of
Gaunt
third
sonne
of
king
Edward
First
then
(
as
I
haue
said
)
this
Iohn
of
Gaunt
marryed
Blanch
daughter
and
heyre
of
Henry
The
first
of
the
two
daughters
which
Iohn
of
Gaunt
had
by
Blanch
,
was
named
Phillip
,
The
second
daughter
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
by
And
this
is
al
the
issue
that
Iohn
of
Gaunt
had
by
lady
Blanch
his
first
wife
,
sauing
only
The
four
sonnes
were
first
Henry
that
reygned
after
him
by
the
name
of
Henry
the
fift
,
and
the
second
was
Thomas
duke
of
Clarence
,
the
third
was
Iohn
duke
of
Bedford
,
and
the
fourth
was
Humfrey
duke
of
Glocester
,
al
which
three
dukes
dyed
without
issue
or
were
slaine
in
warres
of
the
realme
,
so
as
only
king
Henry
the
fift
their
elder
brother
had
issue
one
sonne
named
Henry
also
,
that
was
king
,
and
reigned
40.
yeares
by
the
name
of
Henry
the
sixt
who
had
issue
prince
Edward
&
both
of
them
(
I
meane
both
father
&
sonne
)
were
murthered
by
order
or
permission
of
Edward
duke
of
Yorke
,
who
afterward
tooke
the
crowne
vppon
him
;
by
the
name
of
king
Edward
the
fourth
,
as
before
hath
bin
said
so
as
in
this
king
Henry
the
6.
and
his
sonne
prince
Edward
,
ended
all
the
blood
royal
male
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
by
Blanch
the
first
wife
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
,
and
the
inheritance
of
the
said
lady
Blanch
returned
by
right
of
succession
as
the
fauorers
of
the
howse
of
Portugal
affirme
though
others
deny
it
,
vnto
the
heyres
of
lady
Phillip
her
eldest
daughter
,
marryed
into
Portugal
,
whose
nephew
named
Alfonsus
the
fift
kinge
of
Portugal
liued
at
that
day
when
king
Henry
the
6.
and
his
heyre
were
made
away
,
and
this
much
of
Iohn
of
Gaunts
first
marriage
.
But
after
the
death
of
the
L.
Blanch
Iohn
of
Gaunt
marryed
the
Lady
Constance
,
daughter
This
lady
Catherin
as
Inglish
histories
do
note
,
was
borne
in
Henalt
in
Flanders
,
&
was
daughter
to
a
knight
of
that
country
called
Sir
Payne
de
Ruet
,
and
she
was
brought
vp
in
her
youth
in
the
duke
of
Lancasters
house
,
and
attended
vppon
his
first
wife
lady
Blanch
,
and
being
fayre
of
personage
,
grew
in
such
fauour
with
the
duke
,
as
in
the
tyme
of
his
second
wife
Constance
,
he
kept
this
Catherin
for
his
concubin
,
and
begat
vppon
her
fower
children
,
to
wit
,
three
sonnes
,
and
a
daughter
,
which
daughter
(
whose
name
was
Iane
)
was
marryed
to
Raph
earle
of
Westmerland
called
commonly
in
those
dayes
Daw
Raby
,
of
whom
descended
the
Earles
of
Westmerland
that
insued
.
His
three
sonnes
were
Iohn
,
Thomas
,
and
Henry
,
and
Iohn
was
first
earle
and
then
duke
of
Sommerset
,
Thomas
was
first
marques
Dorset
,
and
then
duke
of
Excester
,
Henry
was
Bishop
of
Winchester
and
after
Cardinal
.
And
after
Iohn
of
Gaunt
had
begotten
al
thes
4.
children
vppon
Catherin
,
he
marryed
her
to
a
knight
in
Ingland
named
Swinford
,
which
knight
lyued
not
many
yeares
after
,
&
Iohn
of
Gaunt
comming
home
to
Ingland
,
from
Aquitaine
,
wher
he
had
bin
for
diuers
yeares
,
and
seing
this
old
concubine
of
his
Catherine
,
to
be
now
a
widow
,
and
himselfe
also
without
a
wife
(
for
that
the
lady
Constance
was
dead
a
litle
before
)
for
the
loue
that
he
bore
to
the
children
which
he
had
begotten
of
her
he
determyned
to
marry
her
,
and
therby
the
rather
to
legitimate
her
children
,
though
himselfe
were
old
now
and
al
his
kyndred
vtterly
against
the
marriage
,
and
so
not
ful
two
yeares
before
his
death
,
to
wit
,
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
1396.
he
married
her
,
and
the
next
But
now
to
go
foreward
to
declare
the
issue
of
thes
three
sonnes
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
by
Catherine
Swinford
,
two
of
them
,
that
is
,
Thomas
Edmond
the
second
sonne
to
Iohn
earle
of
Somerset
,
was
first
earle
of
Mortaine
,
and
then
I
Touched
breefly
before
,
how
Edmond
Langley
duke
of
Yorke
fourth
sonne
of
king
This
Richard
had
issue
by
lady
Anne
Mortimer
a
sonne
named
Richard
,
who
succeded
his
vncle
Edward
duke
of
Yorke
in
the
same
duchy
,
and
afterward
finding
himselfe
strong
,
made
clayme
to
the
crowne
in
the
behalfe
of
Edward
the
eldest
of
these
three
brothers
,
which
afterward
was
king
,
had
issue
two
The
second
brother
George
duke
of
Clarence
had
issue
by
his
wife
lady
Isabel
heyre
to
the
earldomes
of
Warwick
and
Salisbury
,
one
sonne
named
Edward
earle
of
Warwick
,
who
was
put
to
death
afterward
in
his
youth
,
by
King
Henry
the
7.
and
left
no
issue
,
this
duke
George
had
also
one
daughter
named
Margaret
admitted
by
King
Henry
the
eight
(
at
what
tyme
he
sent
her
into
wales
with
the
princesse
Mary
)
to
be
coūresse
of
Salisbury
,
but
yet
marryed
very
meanely
to
a
knight
of
wales
,
named
Syr
Richard
Poole
,
by
whom
she
had
foure
Now
then
to
returne
to
the
first
sonne
of
the
countesse
of
Salisbury
named
Henry
,
that
was
Lord
Montague
,
and
put
to
death
both
he
and
his
mother
,
by
king
Henry
the
8.
this
man
I
say
,
left
two
daughters
,
Catherine
and
wenefred
,
Catherine
was
married
to
Sir
Francis
Hastings
earle
of
Huntington
,
by
which
The
third
brother
Richard
duke
of
Glocester
Only
then
it
remaineth
for
the
ending
of
this
chapter
,
to
explane
some-what
more
clearly
the
discent
of
king
Henry
the
7.
and
of
his
issue
.
for
better
vnderstanding
whereof
you
must
consider
,
that
king
Henry
the
7.
being
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
in
the
manner
that
you
haue
heard
,
and
marrying
Elizabeth
the
eldest
daughter
of
the
contrary
house
of
Yorke
,
did
seeme
to
ioyne
both
houses
together
,
&
make
an
end
of
that
bloody
controuersie
,
though
The
eldest
daughter
of
king
Henry
the
7.
named
Margaret
was
married
by
her
first
mariage
,
This
then
is
the
end
,
of
the
issue
of
Lady
Francis
,
first
of
the
two
daughters
of
Queene
Mary
of
France
by
Charles
Brandon
duke
of
Suffolk
,
for
albeit
the
said
lady
Francis
,
after
the
beheading
of
the
said
Henry
Lord
Gray
duke
of
Suffolk
her
first
husband
,
married
againe
one
Adrian
Stokes
her
seruant
,
&
had
a
sonne
by
him
,
yet
it
liued
not
,
but
dyed
very
soone
after
.
Now
then
to
speak
of
the
yonger
daughter
of
the
said
Frenche
Queene
and
duke
,
named
OF
THE
GREAT
AND
GENERALL
CONTROVERSIE
AND
CONTENTION
BETWEENE
the
two
houses
royal
of
Lancaster
and
York
,
and
which
of
them
may
seeme
to
haue
had
the
better
right
to
the
crowne
by
way
of
succession
.
CAP.
IIII.
AND
first
of
al
before
I
do
descend
to
treat
in
particuler
of
the
different
pretences
of
seueral
persons
and
families
,
that
haue
issued
out
of
these
two
royal
linages
of
Lancaster
and
Yorke
,
it
shal
perhaps
not
be
amisse
,
to
discusse
with
some
attention
,
what
is
,
or
hath
,
or
may
be
said
,
on
both
sides
for
the
general
controuersie
that
lyeth
betweene
them
,
yet
vndescided
in
many
mens
opinions
,
notwithstanding
their
hath
bin
so
much
sturr
about
the
same
,
&
not
only
writing
and
disputing
,
but
also
fighting
and
murthering
for
many
yeares
.
And
truly
if
we
looke
into
diuers
histories
recordes
First
therfore
,
the
defendors
of
the
house
of
Yorke
do
alleage
,
that
their
title
is
playne
and
For
the
better
vnderstanding
of
which
pretence
and
allegation
of
the
house
of
Yorke
Now
then
the
storie
being
this
,
the
question
is
first
,
whether
Richard
the
second
were
iustly
Concerning
which
points
many
things
are
alleaged
by
the
fauourers
of
both
families
,
and
And
touching
the
first
of
these
three
pointes
,
which
is
,
that
a
king
vppon
iust
causes
may
be
By
authority
also
you
haue
heard
it
proued
,
of
By
examples
in
like
manner
of
al
realmes
And
in
this
second
pointe
much
more
difference
Sed
Edmundo
Eboracensium
duei
,
eares
cum
this
matter
of
the
wicked
gouerment
of
king
Richard
,
did
principally
offend
his
vncle
Edmond
duke
of
Yorke
,
for
that
he
saw
the
king
now
to
peruert
al
law
and
equity
,
and
that
as
before
he
had
defiled
himselfe
with
parricide
,
that
is
,
with
the
murther
of
his
owne
Vncle
the
duke
of
Glocester
,
brother
to
this
Edmond
,
so
now
he
intangled
himselfe
also
with
rapine
,
in
that
he
tooke
by
violence
the
goods
and
inheritance
of
Iohn
ofGaunt
,
late
deceased
,
which
did
belong
to
Henry
duke
of
Lancaster
,
his
cosen
germaine
,
by
which
wordes
of
Polidor
as
also
for
that
the
duke
of
Lancaster
comming
out
of
Britayne
accompaned
only
with
three
Secondly
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
alleageth
for
the
iustifying
of
this
deposition
,
the
opinions
Thirdly
they
of
Lancaster
do
alleage
,
the
The
king
being
at
Bristow
with
Robert
de
Vere
duke
of
Ireland
,
&
Michael
de
la
Pole
Earle
of
Suffolke
,
deuised
how
to
take
away
the
duke
of
Glocester
,
the
earles
of
Arundel
,
Warwick
,
Darby
and
Notingham
,
and
others
whose
deathes
they
conspired
:
thus
sayeth
Stow.
And
soone
after
they
executed
the
most
par
of
their
deuises
,
for
that
Thomas
of
Woodstock
duke
of
Glocester
,
was
made
away
without
law
or
processe
,
the
earle
of
Arundel
also
was
put
to
death
,
and
Warwick
was
banished
,
and
so
was
also
Thomas
Arundel
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
by
like
injustice
,
and
the
like
was
done
to
Henry
duke
of
Hereford
,
and
after
of
Lancaster
,
and
among
other
insolences
he
suffred
Robert
Vere
to
dishonour
and
put
from
him
his
wife
,
a
noble
and
goodly
yong
Lady
(
as
Stow
sayeth
)
and
borne
of
Lady
Isabel
king
Richards
aunt
,
that
was
daughter
to
king
Edward
the
third
,
and
suffred
Vere
to
marry
an
other
openly
to
her
the
euel
parlament
,
he
would
needs
haue
al
authority
absolute
graunted
to
certaine
fauourits
of
his
,
which
Thomas
Walsingham
saith
,
were
not
aboue
6.
or
7.
to
determine
of
all
matters
with
al
ful
authority
,
as
if
they
only
had
bin
the
whole
realme
,
which
was
nothing
in
deede
but
to
take
al
authority
to
him selfe
only
,
and
Stow
in
his
chronicle
hath
these
wordes
following
.
This
parlameut
began
about
the
15.
of
September
in
the
yeare
1397.
at
the
beginning
wherof
,
Edward
Stafford
Bishop
of
Exceter
Lord
Chancellor
of
Ingland
made
a
proposition
or
sermon
,
in
which
he
affirmed
that
the
power
of
the
king
,
was
alone
,
and
perfit
of
it selfe
,
and
those
that
do
impeatch
it
were
worthy
to
suffer
paine
of
the
law
,
&c.
thus
saith
Stow
,
by
al
which
is
euident
,
how
exorbitant
and
contrary
to
al
law
and
equity
this
kinges
gouerment
was
.
Fourthly
and
lastly
,
those
of
Lancaster
do
alleage
for
iustifying
of
this
depriuation
,
that
But
now
if
we
wil
consider
the
manner
and
forme
of
this
act
,
they
of
Lancaster
do
affirme
And
if
any
man
wil
yet
obiect
and
saye
that
notwithstanding
al
this
their
was
violence
,
for
that
duke
Henry
was
armed
and
by
force
of
armes
brought
,
this
to
passe
,
they
of
Lancaster
do
answere
,
that
this
is
true
,
that
he
brought
the
matter
to
an
Roboam
for
the
sinnes
of
Salomon
his
father
,
An other
example
of
punishing
and
deposing
euel
Princes
by
force
,
they
do
alleage
out
of
the
first
booke
of
kings
,
wher
God
appointed
And
in
the
same
booke
of
kings
within
two
chapters
after
,
there
is
an
other
example
how
It
remayneth
then
that
we
passe
to
the
second
And
first
of
al
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
that
at
that
very
tyme
when
king
Richard
was
deposed
,
the
house
of
Yorke
had
no
pretence
or
little
at
al
to
the
crowne
,
for
that
Edmond
Mortimer
earle
of
march
,
nephew
to
the
lady
Phillip
,
was
then
aliue
,
with
his
sister
Anne
Mortymer
marryed
to
Richard
earle
of
Cambrige
,
by
which
Anne
the
howse
of
Yorke
did
after
make
their
clayme
,
but
could
not
do
so
yet
,
for
that
the
said
Edmond
her
brother
was
liuing
,
and
so
continued
many
yeares
after
,
as
appeareth
,
for
that
wee
reade
that
he
was
aliue
16.
yeares
after
this
,
to
witt
,
in
the
third
yeare
of
the
raigne
of
king
Henry
the
fift
when
his
said
brother
in
law
,
Richard
earle
of
Cambrigs
was
put
to
death
,
in
South-hampton
whom
this
Edmond
appeached
as
after
shal
be
shewed
,
and
that
this
Edmond
was
now
earle
of
March
when
king
Richard
was
deposed
,
and
not
his
father
Roger
(
as
Polidot
mistaketh
)
is
euident
,
by
that
that
the
said
So
that
the
question
now
is
,
whether
after
the
deposition
of
king
Richard
,
Edmond
Mortimer
Moreouer
it
is
alleaged
for
Henry
that
his
title
came
by
a
man
,
and
the
others
by
a
woman
,
Thus
say
those
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
but
now
these
of
Yorke
haue
a
great
argument
for
themselues
,
as
to
them
it
seemeth
,
which
is
,
that
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
1385.
and
9
yeare
To
which
obiection
those
of
Lancaster
do
answere
,
first
,
that
Polidor
doth
err
in
the
person
,
when
he
sayeth
that
Edmond
husband
of
lady
Philippe
was
declared
for
heyre
apparent
,
for
that
his
Edmond
Mortimer
that
married
lady
Philippe
,
dyed
peacably
in
Ireland
three
yeares
before
this
parlament
was
holden
,
to
witt
,
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
1382.
as
both
Hollings
The
cause
of
this
hatred
,
is
said
to
be
,
for
that
And
these
were
the
causes
,
say
the
fauorers
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
why
king
Richard
caused
this
acte
of
parlament
to
passe
in
fauour
of
Roger
Mortimer
,
&
in
preiudice
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
and
not
for
And
like
facilitie
founde
king
Henry
the
8.
to
get
the
consent
of
two
parlaments
,
to
giue
him
authority
to
appointe
what
successor
he
would
,
of
his
owne
kynred
,
by
which
authority
afterward
he
apointed
by
his
testament
(
as
in
an
other
place
shal
be
shewed
)
that
the
issue
of
his
yonger
sister
mary
,
should
be
preferred
before
the
issue
of
his
eldest
sister
Margaret
,
of
Scotland
.
A
like
declaration
was
that
also
,
of
king
About
this
tyme
(
sayeth
he
)
their
did
arise
a
great
and
doubtful
question
in
the
world
,
whether
An other
example
also
reporteth
Girard
,
and
thus
farr
Gerrard
historiographes
of
France
.
And
no
doubt
,
but
if
we
consider
examples
,
that
fell
out
euen
in
this
very
age
only
,
concerning
Don
Alonso
the
wise
,
eleuenth
king
of
that
name
,
and
of
al
his
realme
and
nobility
in
their
couites
or
parlament
of
Segouia
,
mentioned
before
by
the
Ciuilian
,
wherin
they
disinherited
the
children
of
the
prince
Don
Alonso
de
la
Cerda
that
dyed
(
as
our
prince
Edward
did
)
before
his
father
,
and
made
heyre
apparent
Don
Sancho
brauo
yonger
brother
to
the
said
Don
Alonso
,
and
vncle
to
his
children
,
the
two
yong
Cerdas
.
Which
sentence
standeth
euen
vnto
this
day
,
and
king
Phillip
enioyeth
the
crowne
of
Spaine
therby
and
the
dukes
of
Medina
Celi
and
their
race
that
are
discendentes
of
the
said
two
Cerdas
,
which
were
put
backe
,
are
subiects
by
that
sentence
,
and
not
soueraines
,
as
al
the
world
knoweth
.
The
like
controuersie
fel
out
but
very
litle
after
,
to
wit
in
the
tyme
of
king
Edward
the
Robert
earle
of
Artoys
a
man
famous
for
his
chiualry
,
had
two
children
,
Phillip
a
sonne
and
Maude
a
daughter
,
this
maude
was
marryed
to
Otho
earle
of
Burgundy
,
and
Phillip
le
Bel
king
of
France
,
as
chiefe
Lord
at
that
tyme
of
that
state
,
he
adiuged
it
to
Maude
,
as
to
the
next
in
blood
,
but
when
Robert
repyned
at
this
sentence
,
the
matter
was
referred
to
the
parlament
of
Paris
,
which
confirmed
the
sentence
of
king
Phillip
,
wher
vppon
Robert
making
his
way
with
Phillip
de
Valoys
that
soone
after
came
to
be
king
of
France
,
he
assisted
the
said
Phillip
earnestly
to
bring
him
to
the
crowne
,
against
king
Edward
of
Ingland
that
opposed
himselfe
therunto
,
and
by
this
hoped
that
king
Phillip
would
haue
reuoked
the
same
sentence
,
but
he
being
once
established
in
the
crowne
answered
,
that
a
sentence
of
such
importance
and
so
maturely
giuen
,
could
not
be
reuoked
.
Wheruppon
the
said
Robert
fled
to
the
king
of
Inglands
part
against
france
,
thus
far
Polidor
.
The
very
like
sentence
recounteth
the
same
And
not
long
before
this
againe
,
the
like
resolution
Isabel
the
second
daughter
of
Dauid
,
was
married
to
Robert
Bruse
,
Earle
of
Cleueland
in
Ingland
,
who
had
issue
by
her
this
Robert
Bruse
,
earle
of
Carick
,
the
other
competitor
.
Now
then
the
question
betweene
these
two
competitors
was
,
which
of
them
should
succeede
,
ether
Iohn
Balliol
that
was
nephew
to
the
elder
daughter
or
Robert
Bruse
that
was
sonne
to
the
yonger
daughter
,
&
so
one
degree
more
neere
to
the
stock
or
stemme
then
the
other
.
And
albeit
king
Edward
the
first
of
Ingland
,
whose
power
was
dreadful
at
that
day
in
Scotland
,
hauing
the
matter
referred
to
his
arbitrement
,
gaue
sentence
for
Iohn
Bailliol
,
and
Robert
Bruse
obeyed
for
the
tyme
,
in
respect
partly
of
feare
and
partly
of
his
oth
that
he
had
made
to
stand
to
that
iudgment
:
yet
was
that
sentence
held
to
be
vniust
in
Scotland
,
and
so
was
the
crowne
restored
afterward
to
Robert
Bruse
his
sonne
,
and
his
posterity
doth
hold
it
vnto
this
day
.
In
Ingland
also
it selfe
,
they
alleage
the
examples
And
wheras
those
of
the
house
of
Yorke
do
alleage
,
that
king
Richard
in
his
life
tyme
,
By
al
which
examples
,
that
fell
out
almost
within
one
age
in
diuers
nations
ouet
the
world
(
letting
passe
many
others
which
the
Ciuilian
touched
in
his
discourse
before
,
for
that
they
are
of
more
ancient
tymes
)
these
fauourers
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
do
inferr
,
that
the
right
of
the
vncle
before
the
nephew
,
was
no
new
or
straunge
matter
in
those
dayes
of
king
Edward
the
third
,
and
that
if
we
wil
deny
the
same
now
,
we
must
cal
in
question
the
succession
and
right
of
al
the
kingdomes
and
states
before
mentioned
,
of
Naples
,
Sicilie
,
Spayne
,
Britanie
,
Flanders
,
Scotland
,
&
Ingland
,
whose
kings
and
princes
do
euidently
hold
their
crownes
at
this
day
by
that
very
title
,
as
hath
bin
shewed
.
Moreouer
they
saye
,
that
touching
law
in
this
pointe
,
albeit
the
most
famous
Ciuil
lawyers
Touching
our
common
lawes
,
the
fauourers
The
second
pointe
which
they
affirme
is
,
Ranulfus
de
Granuilla
in
his
booke
of
the
lawes
and
customes
of
Ingland
,
which
he
wrote
in
the
tyme
of
king
Henry
the
second
,
and
Iudge
Fortescue
in
his
booke
of
the
prayse
of
Inglish
lawes
,
which
he
compiled
in
the
tyme
of
king
Henry
the
sixt
,
and
others
.
Wherof
these
men
do
inferr
,
that
seing
there
are
so
many
presidents
and
examples
alleaged
before
,
of
the
vncles
case
preferred
before
the
nephew
,
not
only
in
forayne
countryes
,
but
also
in
Ingland
,
for
this
cause
(
I
saye
)
they
do
affirme
,
that
our
common
lawes
,
cannot
but
fauour
also
this
title
,
and
consequently
must
needs
like
wel
of
the
interest
of
Lancaster
,
as
they
auouch
that
al
the
best
old
lawyers
did
in
those
tymes
:
&
for
example
they
do
record
two
by
name
,
of
the
most
famous
learned
men
which
those
ages
had
,
who
not
only
defended
the
said
title
of
Lancaster
in
de
laudibus
legum
Angliae
.
And
the
other
These
then
are
the
allegations
which
the
fauourers
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
do
lay
downe
But
yet
besides
these
,
they
do
add
also
these
Secondly
they
saye
,
that
the
house
of
Yorke
did
enter
only
by
violence
,
&
by
infinite
blood-shedd
,
and
by
wilful
murthering
not
only
of
Thirdly
they
alleage
,
that
king
Henry
the
sixt
put
downe
by
the
house
of
Yorke
,
was
a
good
Fourthly
they
alleage
that
the
housa
of
Lancaster
had
bin
in
possession
of
the
crowne
vppon
Fiftly
they
say
,
that
if
we
consider
the
fowre
king
Heuryes
that
haue
bin
of
the
house
of
One
thing
only
they
note
in
particuler
,
which
I
wil
not
omit
(
and
let
it
be
the
sixt
When
these
princes
now
had
brought
to
destruction
al
those
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
so
as
they
had
no
more
enimyes
vppon
whom
to
fill
and
satiat
their
crueltie
,
then
began
they
to
exercise
their
fiersnes
vppon
themselues
,
and
to
embrew
their
handes
with
their
owne
blood
,
thus
far
Polidor
.
Secondly
they
do
shew
the
same
by
the
But
now
in
the
house
of
Yorke
these
men
endeuour
But
king
Henry
the
eight
that
succeded
them
,
passed
al
the
rest
in
crueltie
,
toward
his
Agayne
the
said
king
Henry
put
to
death
Edward
duke
of
Buckingham
,
high
constable
Moreouer
he
put
to
death
the
lady
〈◊〉
Plantagenet
,
Countesse
of
Salisbury
,
daughter
Lastly
they
do
note
,
(
and
I
may
not
omit
it
)
that
their
is
no
noble
house
standing
at
this
day
But
on
the
contrary
side
,
these
men
do
note
,
Iohn
Moubray
duke
of
Norfolke
the
first
confederat
of
the
house
of
Yorke
,
dyed
soone
Iohn
de
la
Poole
duke
of
Suffolke
,
that
married
the
sister
of
king
Edward
the
fourth
,
&
Richard
Neuel
earle
of
Salisbury
,
a
chiefe
Wherfore
they
do
conclude
,
that
for
al
these
reasons
,
&
many
more
that
might
be
alleaged
,
the
title
of
Lancaster
must
needes
seeme
the
better
title
,
which
they
do
confirme
by
the
general
consent
of
al
the
realme
,
at
king
Henry
the
seuenth
his
comming
in
to
recouer
the
crowne
from
the
house
of
Yorke
,
as
from
vsurpers
,
for
hauing
had
the
victory
against
king
Richard
,
they
crowned
him
presently
in
the
field
OF
FIVE
PRINCIPAL
HOVSES
OR
LINAGES
THAT
DOOR
MAY
PRETEND
TO
THE
CROWNE
of
Ingland
,
which
are
the
houses
of
Scotland
,
Suffolke
,
Clarence
Britanie
,
and
Portugal
,
and
first
of
al
,
of
the
house
of
Scotland
,
which
conteyneth
the
pretentions
of
the
king
of
Scottes
and
the
Lady
Arbella
.
CAP.
V.
HAVING
declared
in
the
former
chapter
,
so
much
as
apparteyneth
vnto
the
general
controuersie
betweene
the
two
principal
houses
and
royal
families
of
Lancaster
and
Yorke
,
it
remayneth
now
that
I
lay
before
you
the
particuler
chalenges
,
claymes
and
pretentions
,
which
diuers
houses
and
families
descended
(
for
the
most
part
)
of
those
two
,
haue
among
themselues
,
for
their
titles
to
the
same
.
Al
which
families
,
may
be
reduccd
to
three
or
fower
general
heades
.
For
that
some
do
pretende
by
the
house
of
Lancaster
alone
,
as
those
families
principally
that
do
descend
of
the
line
First
then
two
persons
are
knowne
to
be
of
The
second
person
that
may
pretend
in
this
house
,
is
the
lady
Arbella
,
descended
of
the
selfe
First
then
,
for
the
king
of
Scots
,
those
that
do
fauour
his
cause
,
(
wherof
I
confesse
that
I
haue
But
on
the
other
side
,
there
want
not
many
that
do
accompt
this
pretence
of
the
king
of
Scots
neither
good
nor
iust
,
nor
any
waye
expedient
And
first
of
al
,
as
concerning
his
title
,
by
neernes
of
succession
,
they
make
litle
accompt
therof
,
both
for
that
in
it selfe
(
they
saye
)
it
may
easily
be
ouerthrowne
,
and
proued
to
be
of
no
validitie
,
as
also
for
that
if
it
were
neuer
so
good
,
yet
might
it
for
other
considerations
be
reiected
,
and
made
frustrate
,
as
our
frend
the
Giuil
lawyer
,
hath
largely
&
learnedly
proued
these
dayes
;
in
our
hearing
.
To
begin
then
to
speake
first
of
the
king
of
Scots
title
by
〈◊〉
of
blood
these
men
do
affirme
that
albeit
there
be
not
alleaged
any
ba
stardy
in
his
discent
from
K.
Henry
the
seuenth
his
daughter
as
there
is
in
her
second
marriage
against
the
lady
〈◊〉
yet
are
there
other
reasons
enough
to
〈◊〉
and
ouerthrow
this
A
second
Argument
is
made
against
the
said
kings
succession
not
by
them
of
Lancaster
,
but
First
then
,
to
the
general
assertion
,
that
no
Secondly
they
saye
,
that
the
true
maxima
or
rule
against
the
inheritance
of
strangers
,
is
Thirdly
they
say
,
that
this
axiome
or
general
And
secondly
for
that
the
crowne
cannot
properly
be
called
an
inheritance
of
allegeance
or
within
allegeance
,
as
the
wordes
of
the
said
A
fourth
argument
is
made
against
the
king
of
Scotts
succession
,
by
al
the
other
competitors
And
these
are
the
reasons
proofes
&
arguments
,
which
diuers
men
do
alleage
against
the
right
of
succession
,
pretended
by
the
king
of
First
touching
the
publique
good
of
the
Inglish
common
wealth
,
by
the
vniting
of
both
realmes
of
Ingland
&
Scotland
together
,
these
men
do
saye
,
that
it
is
very
doubtful
and
disputable
whether
the
state
of
Ingland
shal
receaue
good
or
harme
therby
,
if
the
saide
vnion
could
be
brought
to
passe
.
First
for
that
the
state
and
And
seing
the
greatest
vtility
that
in
this
case
by
reason
and
probability
can
be
hoped
for
by
this
vnion
,
is
that
the
Scotish
nation
should
come
to
be
aduanced
in
Ingland
,
and
to
be
made
of
the
nobility
both
temporal
and
spiritual
,
&
of
the
priuy
councel
,
and
of
other
lyke
dignities
of
credit
and
confidence
(
for
otherwise
no
And
if
we
reade
,
that
the
whole
realme
of
Spayne
did
refuse
to
admitt
S.
Lewis
king
of
Agayne
we
heard
out
of
the
discourse
made
Don
Ferdinando
Don
Fernando
,
named
Iohn
,
then
to
admitt
the
true
inheretor
Beatrix
with
the
gouerment
of
the
Castilians
,
by
whom
yet
(
they
being
much
the
richer
people
)
the
Portugals
might
hope
to
reape
far
greater
vtility
then
Inglish
men
can
do
by
Scotland
,
considering
it
is
the
poorer
country
and
nation
.
And
this
is
that
in
effect
which
these
men
do
answere
in
this
behalfe
,
noting
also
by
the
way
,
that
the
Romans
themselues
with
al
their
power
,
could
neuer
bring
vnion
or
peace
betweene
thease
two
nations
of
Ingland
&
Scotlande
,
nor
hold
the
Scots
and
North-Irish
in
obedience
of
any
authority
residing
in
Ingland
,
and
so
in
the
end
they
were
enforced
to
cut
them
of
,
&
to
make
But
now
for
the
other
pointe
alleaged
by
the
fauourers
of
Scotland
,
about
establishment
of
true
religion
,
in
Ingland
,
by
entrance
of
this
king
of
Scots
,
these
other
men
do
hold
that
this
is
the
woorst
and
most
dangerous
pointe
of
al
Now
then
it
remayneth
,
that
we
come
to
Secondly
is
alleaged
in
her
behalfe
,
that
she
as
an
Inglish
woman
,
borne
in
Ingland
,
and
But
against
her
,
by
other
competitors
and
their
frendes
,
I
haue
hard
diuers
arguments
of
The
second
impediment
,
against
the
lady
A
third
argument
is
,
for
that
there
is
yet
liuing
Fourthlie
and
lastely
,
and
most
strongly
of
But
besides
this
,
the
same
men
do
alleage
dimers
An other
consideration
of
these
men
is
,
that
if
this
lady
,
should
be
aduanced
vnto
the
crowne
,
OF
THE
HOVSE
OF
SVFFOLK
CONTEYNING
THE
CLAYMES
OF
THE
COVNTESSE
OF
Darby
and
her
children
,
as
also
of
the
children
of
the
earle
of
Hartford
.
CAP.
VI.
IT
hath
appeared
by
the
genealogie
set
downe
before
in
the
third
chapter
,
and
oftentymes
mentioned
since
,
how
that
the
house
of
Suffolk
is
so
called
,
for
that
the
lady
Mary
second
daughter
of
king
Henry
the
seuenth
,
being
first
married
to
Lewis
the
12.
king
of
France
,
was
afterward
married
to
Charles
Brandon
duke
of
Suffolke
,
who
being
sent
ouer
to
condole
the
death
of
the
said
king
,
gat
the
good
will
to
marry
the
widow
Queene
,
though
the
common
fame
of
al
men
was
;
that
the
said
Charles
had
a
wife
lyuing
at
that
day
,
and
diuers
yeares
after
,
as
in
this
chapter
we
shal
examine
more
in
particuler
.
By
this
Chatles
Brandon
then
duke
of
Suffolk
,
this
Queene
Mary
of
France
had
two
The
lady
Francis
elder
daughter
of
the
And
the
lady
Iane
the
eldest
of
the
three
sisters
was
married
at
the
same
tyme
to
the
lord
Guylford
Dudley
,
fourth
sonne
to
Syr
Iohn
Dudley
duke
of
Northumberland
,
and
was
proclaymed
Queene
after
the
death
of
king
Edward
,
for
which
acte
al
three
of
them
,
to
wit
,
both
the
father
,
sonne
and
daughter
in
law
,
were
put
to
death
soone
after
.
But
the
L.
Catherin
the
second
daughter
,
The
second
daughter
of
duke
Charles
and
Fernande
Stanley
,
now
earle
of
Darby
,
William
and
Francis
Stanley
,
&
this
is
the
issue
of
the
house
of
Suffolk
,
to
wit
,
this
Countesse
of
Darby
,
with
her
children
,
and
these
other
of
the
earle
of
Hartford
,
of
al
whose
claymes
and
titles
with
their
impediments
,
I
shal
here
briefly
giue
accompt
and
reason
.
First
of
al
,
both
of
these
families
do
ioyne
together
in
this
one
pointe
,
to
exclude
the
house
of
Scotland
both
by
foraine
birth
,
and
by
the
foresaid
restament
of
king
Henry
authorized
by
two
parlaments
,
&
by
the
other
exclusions
which
in
each
of
the
titles
of
the
king
of
Scots
Secondly
they
do
affirme
,
that
the
said
children
Agayne
they
proue
the
illegitimation
of
these
Further-more
they
do
add
yet
an
other
bastardy
also
,
in
the
birth
of
lady
Catherin
her
These
then
are
three
waies
,
by
which
the
family
of
Darby
do
argue
the
issue
of
Hartford
to
be
illegitimate
,
but
the
other
two
houses
of
Scotland
and
Clarence
,
do
vrge
a
former
bastardy
also
that
is
common
to
them
both
,
to
But
now
the
frendes
of
Hartford
do
answere
But
as
for
the
third
illegitimation
,
of
the
contract
betweene
the
lady
Catherin
and
the
earle
of
Hartford
,
by
reason
of
a
precontract
made
betweene
the
said
lady
Catherin
and
the
earle
of
Penbroke
,
that
now
liueth
,
they
saye
and
affirme
,
that
precontract
to
haue
bin
dissolued
afterward
lawfully
and
iudicially
,
in
the
tyme
of
Queene
Mary
.
There
remayneth
then
only
the
fourth
obiectrō
,
about
the
secret
marriage
made
betweene
the
said
lady
Catherin
and
the
earle
of
Hartford
,
before
the
birth
of
their
eldest
sonne
,
now
called
L.
Beacham
,
which
to
say
the
truth
seemeth
And
this
now
is
for
the
first
begotten
of
And
this
is
the
somme
of
that
which
commonly
is
treated
,
about
these
two
families
of
the
house
of
Suffolk
,
to
wit
of
Hartford
and
OF
THE
HOVSES
OF
CLARENCE
AND
BRITANIE
,
WHICH
CONTEYNE
THE
CLAYMES
OF
the
earle
of
Huntington
,
with
the
Pooles
,
as
also
of
the
lady
Infanta
of
Spayne
,
and
others
of
those
families
.
CAP.
VII
.
HAVING
declared
the
claymes
,
rightes
and
pretences
,
which
the
two
noble
houses
of
Scotland
and
Suffolke
,
descended
of
the
two
daughters
of
king
Henry
the
seuenth
,
haue
or
may
haue
to
the
succession
of
Ingland
,
with
intention
afterward
to
handle
the
house
of
Portugal
a
part
,
which
pretendeth
to
comprehend
in
it selfe
the
whole
body
,
or
at
least
the
first
and
principal
branch
of
the
ancient
house
of
Lancaster
,
it
shal
not
be
amisse
,
perhaps
by
the
way
,
to
treate
in
this
one
chapter
,
so
much
as
appartayneth
to
the
two
seueral
houses
of
Clarence
and
Britanie
,
for
that
there
is
lesse
to
be
said
about
them
then
of
the
other
.
And
first
of
al
,
I
am
of
opinion
,
that
the
earle
of
Huntington
,
and
such
other
pretendors
as
The
faide
Margaret
countesse
of
Salisbury
had
a
yonger
sonne
also
,
named
Syr
Geffrey
Hereby
then
it
is
made
manifest
,
how
the
earle
of
Huntington
commeth
to
preteud
to
the
crowne
of
Ingland
,
by
the
house
of
York
only
,
which
is
no
other
in
deede
,
but
by
the
debarring
and
disabling
of
al
other
former
pretendors
,
First
then
,
the
contrary
houses
do
alleage
generally
against
al
this
house
of
Clarence
,
that
seing
their
clayme
is
founded
only
vppon
the
right
of
the
daughter
of
George
duke
of
Clarence
,
second
brother
to
K.
Edward
the
fourth
,
euident
it
is
,
that
so
long
as
any
lawful
issue
remayneth
of
any
elder
daughter
,
of
the
said
king
Edward
the
elder
brother
(
as
they
say
much
doth
and
cannot
be
denyed
)
no
clayme
or
pretence
of
the
yonger
brothers
daughter
,
can
be
admitted
,
and
so
by
standing
vppon
this
,
and
answering
to
the
obiections
alleaged
before
,
against
the
elder
houses
,
they
hold
this
matter
for
very
cleere
,
and
al
pretence
of
this
house
of
Clarence
vtterly
excluded
.
Secondly
the
same
opposite
houses
do
alleage
But
now
thirdly
entreth
in
also
against
the
Fourthly
they
proue
the
same
in
fauour
of
Syr
Geffrey
,
for
that
the
lady
Catherin
was
a
woman
,
and
Syr
Geffrey
a
man
,
whose
priuilege
is
so
great
in
a
matter
of
succession
(
as
also
hath
bin
touched
before
)
that
albeit
they
had
bin
in
equal
degree
,
and
that
Syr
Greffrey
were
not
a
degree
before
her
as
he
was
,
yet
seing
neither
of
them
nor
their
fathers
were
euer
in
possession
of
the
thing
pretended
,
Sir
Geffrey
should
be
preferred
,
as
hath
bin
shewed
before
by
some
presidents
,
and
shal
be
seene
afterward
in
the
case
of
Portugal
,
wherin
the
king
of
Spaine
that
now
is
was
preferred
to
the
crowne
,
for
that
respect
only
that
his
competitors
were
women
,
and
in
equal
degree
of
discent
with
him
;
and
he
a
man
.
And
the
very
like
allegation
of
propinquitie
,
I
haue
hard
produced
for
the
lady
Wenefred
wife
of
Syr
Thomas
Barrington
(
if
she
be
yet
a-liue
)
to
wit
,
that
she
is
before
the
earle
of
Huntington
and
his
brethren
,
by
this
reason
of
propinquitie
in
bloode
,
for
that
she
is
one
degree
neerer
,
to
the
stock
then
they
.
Fiftly
and
lastely
,
both
these
and
other
competitors
moderate
protestants
,
these
(
I
saye
)
do
vrge
this
exclusion
against
the
earle
of
Huntington
,
not
vppon
any
certaine
law
or
statute
,
extant
against
the
same
,
but
ab
aeqno
&
bono
,
as
men
are
wont
to
say
,
and
by
reason
of
state
,
shewing
infinite
inconueniences
hurts
damages
and
dangers
,
that
must
needes
ensew
,
not
only
to
the
state
present
of
religion
in
Ingland
,
but
also
to
the
whole
realme
and
body
politike
,
if
such
a
man
should
be
admitted
to
gouerne
.
And
this
consideration
of
state
in
their
opinion
is
a
more
forceable
argument
for
excluding
such
a
man
,
then
any
statute
or
particuler
law
against
him
could
be
,
for
that
this
comprehendeth
the
very
intention
,
meaning
,
and
drift
of
al
lawes
and
lawmakers
of
our
realme
,
whose
intensions
must
needes
be
presumed
to
haue
bin
in
al
tymes
,
to
haue
excluded
so
great
and
manifest
incoueniences
,
&
thus
say
they
.
But
now
,
those
that
are
of
the
Roman
religion
,
and
contrary
both
to
puritan
and
protetestant
do
vrge
a
great
deale
further
this
argument
,
against
the
earle
,
and
do
alleage
many
lawes
,
ordinances
,
decrees
,
and
statutes
both
of
the
Canon
and
imperial
lawes
,
as
also
out
of
the
old
lawes
of
Ingland
,
which
in
their
opinion
,
do
debarr
al
that
are
not
of
their
religion
,
and
consequently
,
they
would
hereby
exclude
both
the
one
and
the
other
of
these
pretendents
.
And
in
fine
they
do
conclude
,
that
seing
their
wanteth
not
also
some
of
their
owne
religion
(
called
by
them
the
Catholique
)
in
the
house
of
Clarence
,
they
haue
so
much
the
lesse
difficultie
to
exclude
the
earle
of
Huntingtons
person
for
his
religion
,
if
one
of
that
house
were
to
be
admitted
of
necessitie
.
And
this
is
so
much
as
seemeth
needful
to
be
spoken
at
this
tyme
and
in
this
place
,
of
this
house
of
Clarence
,
and
of
the
pretenders
therof
.
It
resteth
then
that
I
treate
something
also
of
the
house
of
Britanie
and
France
,
which
two
This
then
being
so
cleere
as
it
is
,
first
,
that
according
to
the
common
course
of
succession
in
Ingland
,
and
other
countries
,
and
according
to
the
course
of
all
common
law
,
the
Infanta
of
First
,
for
that
she
is
of
the
ancient
blood
Secondly
they
do
alleage
,
that
the
Infanta
of
Further
more
they
saye
that
when
Arthur
A
third
interest
also
the
same
men
do
deriue
But
after
this
againe
,
these
men
do
shew
,
how
that
the
said
Infanta
of
Spayne
,
doth
discende
By
this
third
coniunction
then
,
of
the
house
of
Britanie
with
the
blood
royal
of
Ingland
,
the
frendes
of
the
Infanta
do
argue
in
this
manner
,
that
seing
she
discendeth
of
the
sister
of
these
two
brothers
which
were
the
heades
of
the
two
opposite
houses
of
Lancaster
and
Yorke
,
and
considering
that
each
of
these
houses
hath
oftentymes
bin
attainted
,
&
excluded
from
the
succession
by
sondry
actes
of
parlament
,
and
at
this
present
are
opposite
,
and
at
contention
among
themselues
:
why
may
not
this
right
of
both
houses
(
say
these
men
)
by
way
of
composition
peace
and
comprimise
,
at
Agayne
they
saye
that
al
these
three
branches
of
the
lines
of
Inglish
kings
,
to
wit
by
the
lady
Constance
daughter
of
king
William
Conqueror
,
by
the
lady
Elenor
daughter
of
king
Henry
the
second
,
and
by
the
lady
Beatrix
daughter
of
king
Henry
the
third
,
it
is
euident
,
that
this
lady
the
infanta
of
Spaine
,
is
of
the
true
and
ancient
blood
royal
of
Ingland
,
and
that
diuers
wayes
she
may
haue
clayme
to
the
same
,
which
being
graunted
,
they
inferr
,
that
seing
matters
are
so
doubtful
at
this
day
,
about
the
next
lawful
succession
,
and
that
diuers
of
the
pretendores
are
excluded
,
some
for
bastardie
,
some
other
for
religion
,
some
for
vnaptnes
to
gouerne
,
and
some
for
other
causes
,
&
seing
the
common
wealth
hath
such
authoritie
to
dispose
in
this
affaire
,
as
before
the
Ciuil
lawyer
hath
declared
,
why
may
there
not
consideration
be
had
among
other
pretenders
,
of
this
noble
princesse
also
(
saie
these
men
)
especially
seing
she
is
vnmarried
and
may
therby
commodate
many
matters
,
and
salue
many
breaches
,
&
satisfie
many
hopes
,
and
giue
contentment
to
many
desires
,
as
the
world
knoweth
.
And
this
is
in
effect
as
much
as
I
haue
hard
nullum
tempus
occurrit
Regi
saith
our
law
.
And
as
for
collateral
lines
,
they
say
,
that
they
may
lawfully
be
admitted
to
enter
when
the
direct
lynes
do
eyther
fayle
or
are
to
be
excluded
,
for
other
iust
respects
,
as
in
our
case
they
hold
that
it
happeneth
.
And
as
for
the
second
pointe
of
forraine
birth
they
saye
there
hath
bin
sufficient
answered
,
before
in
treating
of
the
house
of
Scotland
,
that
in
rigor
it
is
no
barr
,
by
intention
of
any
Inglish
law
,
yet
whether
in
reason
of
state
&
politique
gouerment
,
it
may
be
a
iust
impediment
or
no
,
it
shal
after
be
handled
more
al
large
when
we
come
to
treat
of
the
house
of
Portugal
.
To
the
last
pointe
of
religion
they
answer
that
this
impediment
is
not
vniuersal
,
not
admitted
in
the
iudgment
of
al
men
,
but
only
of
those
Inglish
that
be
of
different
religion
from
her
.
But
to
some
others
(
and
those
many
as
these
men
do
weene
)
her
religion
wil
rather
be
a
motiue
to
fauour
her
title
then
to
hinder
the
same
,
so
that
on
this
ground
no
certaintie
can
be
buylded
,
and
this
is
as
much
as
I
haue
to
say
at
this
tyme
of
these
two
families
of
Clatence
and
Britanie
.
OF
THE
HOVSE
OF
PORTVGAL
WHICH
CONTEYNETH
THE
CLAYMES
AS
WEL
OF
the
king
and
prince
of
Spayne
to
the
succession
of
Ingland
,
as
also
of
the
dukes
of
Parma
and
Bragansa
by
the
house
of
Lancaster
.
CAP.
VIII
.
IT
hath
bin
oftentymes
spoken
before
vppon
occasions
offred
,
that
the
princes
of
the
house
of
Portugal
at
this
day
,
do
persuade
themselues
that
the
only
remaynder
of
the
house
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
was
duke
of
Lancaster
by
the
right
of
his
first
wife
lady
Blanch
,
and
had
by
her
only
one
sonne
,
as
also
one
daughter
,
of
whom
we
neede
heere
to
speake
,
for
that
the
other
hath
left
no
issue
now
liuing
.
The
sonne
was
king
Henry
the
fourth
,
who
had
issue
king
Henry
the
fift
,
and
he
agayne
Henry
the
sixt
,
in
whom
was
extinguished
al
the
succession
of
this
sonne
Henry
.
The
daughter
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
by
lady
Iohn
of
Gaunt
after
the
death
of
his
first
wife
lady
Blanch
,
dyd
marrye
againe
the
lady
The
only
difficultie
and
dissention
is
then
,
This
Iohn
then
earle
of
Somerset
had
issue
an
other
Iohn
,
which
was
made
duke
of
Somerset
But
to
this
the
princes
of
the
house
of
Portugal
do
reply
,
and
say
,
first
,
that
by
this
it
is
Secondly
touching
the
succession
and
right
to
the
kingdome
,
they
saye
,
that
Iohn
earle
of
Somerset
being
borne
out
of
Wedlock
,
and
in
adultery
,
for
that
his
father
had
an
other
wife
aliue
when
he
begatt
him
,
and
he
continuing
a
bastard
so
many
yeares
,
could
not
be
made
legitimate
afterward
by
parlament
to
that
effect
of
succession
to
the
crowne
,
and
to
depriue
Queene
Phillip
of
Portugal
,
and
her
children
borne
before
the
others
legitimation
,
from
their
right
and
succession
,
without
their
consents
,
for
that
Iohn
king
of
Portugal
,
did
marry
the
said
lady
Phillip
,
with
condition
to
enjoy
al
prerogatiues
that
at
that
day
were
due
vnto
her
,
and
that
at
the
tyme
when
Iohn
of
Gaunt
did
marry
the
said
lady
Catherine
Swinford
,
&
made
her
children
legitimate
by
act
of
parlament
(
which
was
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
1396.
and
1397.
)
the
said
lady
Phillip
Queene
of
Portugal
,
Nether
helpeth
it
any
thing
in
this
matter
,
the
matriage
of
Iohn
of
Gaunt
with
lady
Catherin
,
And
this
they
affirme
to
haue
bin
law
and
right
at
that
tyme
,
if
the
said
Queene
Phillip
&
earle
Iohn
had
bin
aliue
together
,
when
Henry
the
sixt
and
his
sonne
was
put
to
death
,
&
that
this
question
had
bin
then
moued
at
the
deathe
of
king
Henry
the
sixt
,
whether
of
the
two
,
to
wit
either
the
said
Queene
Phillip
or
her
yonger
brother
Iohn
earle
of
Somerset
by
the
fathers
But
now
say
these
men
,
the
case
standeth
at
this
present
somewhat
otherwise
,
and
more
for
the
aduantage
of
Queene
Phillippe
,
and
her
ofspring
,
for
when
king
Henry
the
sixt
,
&
his
sonne
were
extinguished
,
and
Edward
duke
of
Yorke
thrust
hym selfe
in
to
the
crowne
(
which
was
about
the
yeare
of
Christ
1471
)
the
foresaid
two
princes
,
lady
Phillip
and
earle
Iohn
,
were
both
dead
,
as
also
their
children
,
and
only
their
nephewes
were
aliue
,
that
is
to
saye
,
their
liued
in
Portugal
king
Alfonsus
the
fift
of
that
name
,
sonne
to
king
Edward
,
which
Edward
was
child
to
Queene
Phillip
,
and
the
death
of
king
Henry
the
sixt
of
Ingland
happened
in
the
38.
yeare
of
the
reigne
of
the
said
king
Alfonsus
:
and
in
Ingland
liued
at
the
same
tyme
,
lady
Margaret
Countesse
of
Richmond
,
mother
of
king
Henry
the
seuenthe
and
neece
of
the
foresaid
Iohn
earle
of
Somerset
,
to
wit
the
daughter
of
his
sonne
duke
Iohn
of
Somerset
,
so
as
these
two
competitors
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
that
is
to
say
,
king
Alfonsus
and
lady
Margaret
,
were
in
equal
degree
from
Iohn
of
Gaunt
,
as
also
from
king
Henry
the
sixt
,
sauing
that
king
Alfonsus
was
of
the
whole
blood
,
as
hath
bin
said
,
and
by
Queene
Phillip
that
was
legitimate
,
and
the
countesse
of
Richmond
was
but
of
the
halfe
blood
,
as
by
Iohn
earle
of
Somerset
,
that
was
a
bastard
legitimated
.
The
question
then
is
,
which
of
these
two
Prince
Iohn
of
Portugal
first
child
of
king
And
besides
all
this
,
they
do
adde
(
as
often
before
I
haue
mentioned
)
that
king
Alfonsus
was
of
the
whole
blood
vnto
al
the
three
king
Henries
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
&
the
countesse
of
Richmond
was
but
of
the
halfe
blood
:
and
for
more
strengthening
of
this
argument
,
they
do
say
further
,
that
besides
that
interest
or
right
to
the
crowne
,
which
king
Henry
the
fourth
(
that
was
the
first
king
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
)
had
by
his
father
Iohn
of
Gaunt
,
in
that
the
said
Iohn
was
third
sonne
of
king
Edward
the
third
,
the
said
king
Henry
had
diuers
other
interestes
also
which
came
of
himselfe
only
,
and
not
from
his
said
father
,
as
were
(
for
example
)
his
being
called
into
the
realme
by
general
voyce
of
al
the
people
:
his
right
gotten
by
armes
,
vppon
the
euil
gouerment
of
the
former
king
:
the
personal
resignation
and
deliuery
of
the
kingdome
by
solemne
instrument
made
vnto
him
,
by
king
Richard
:
his
election
also
by
parlament
,
&
coronation
by
the
realme
:
and
finally
the
quiet
possession
of
him
and
his
posteritie
,
for
almost
threescore
yeares
,
with
many
confirmations
of
the
whole
realme
,
by
diuers
acts
of
parlament
,
othes
,
and
other
assurances
,
as
the
world
knoweth
:
so
many
I
meane
,
and
so
autentical
,
as
could
possibly
be
deuised
or
giuen
:
and
besides
al
this
,
that
when
king
Richard
was
dead
,
he
was
next
in
degree
of
propinquitie
vnto
him
,
of
any
man
liuing
,
for
that
the
sonnes
of
Roger
Mortimer
,
were
two
degrees
further
of
then
he
,
as
hath
bin
shewed
before
.
Al
which
particuler
rightes
and
interestes
,
were
peculier
to
Henry
the
fourth
his
person
,
and
were
not
in
his
father
Iohn
of
Gaunt
,
and
therfore
cannot
possibly
discend
from
him
left
by
the
last
duke
of
Parma
,
lord
Ranutius
that
is
now
duke
of
Parma
,
and
lord
Edward
that
is
Cardinal
:
and
the
lady
Catherine
duchesse
of
Bragansa
that
yet
liueth
,
hath
issue
diuers
goodly
princes
,
as
the
lord
Theodosius
,
that
is
now
duke
of
Bragansa
,
and
three
yonger
brothers
,
to
wit
,
Edward
,
Alexander
and
Phillip
,
al
yong
princes
of
great
expectation
,
and
these
are
the
children
of
king
Emanuel
whose
particuler
successions
and
issues
,
I
shall
declare
somwhat
more
yet
in
particuler
.
Prince
Iohn
of
Portugall
afterward
king
,
by
The
second
sonne
,
and
fourth
childe
of
king
Emanuel
,
was
named
lord
Lewis
,
and
dyed
also
To
which
succession
,
did
pretende
fiue
princes
of
the
blood
royal
of
Portugal
,
besides
the
lady
Catherine
Queene
mother
of
France
,
who
And
for
that
this
matter
was
of
so
great
importance
The
prince
of
Parma
sent
thither
for
his
parte
one
Ferdinande
Farnese
,
bishop
of
Parma
.
The
Al
these
did
lay
forth
before
the
king
Cardinall
their
seueral
reasons
and
pretensions
to
the
succession
of
the
crowne
of
Portugal
,
for
the
fiue
persons
before
mentioned
,
whereof
two
were
quickly
excluded
,
to
wit
,
the
duke
of
Sauoy
for
that
his
mother
was
yonger
sister
to
king
Phillips
mother
,
and
himselfe
also
of
lesse
age
then
the
said
king
.
And
secondly
Don
Antonio
was
also
excluded
by
publike
and
iudicial
sentence
,
of
the
king
Cardinal
his
vncle
,
as
illegitimate
,
and
borne
out
of
lawful
wedloke
,
and
albeit
Don
Antonio
denyed
the
same
,
and
went
about
to
proue
hym selfe
legitimat
,
affirming
that
his
father
the
lord
Lewis
,
before
his
death
had
married
with
his
mother
in
secret
and
for
this
brought
forth
some
witnesses
,
as
namely
his
mothers
sister
with
her
husband
,
and
two
others
:
yet
the
king
Cardinal
affirmed
,
that
vppon
examination
he
had
found
them
to
be
suborned
which
he
said
was
euident
to
him
,
partly
for
that
they
agreed
not
in
their
speeches
,
and
partly
for
that
some
of
them
had
confessed
the
same
,
to
wit
,
that
they
were
suborned
,
whom
he
cast
into
prison
,
and
caused
them
to
be
punished
,
and
so
sitting
in
iudgement
,
Hierom
Franke
,
a
gentleman
of
Genua
,
who
wrote
ten
bookes
in
Italian
,
of
the
vnion
of
the
crowne
of
Portugal
to
the
crowne
of
Castilia
,
and
the
second
is
Ioanes
Antonius
Viperanus
a
Sicilian
as
I
take
him
,
who
wrote
one
booke
only
in
latine
,
de
obtenta
Portugallia
à
rege
Catholico
Phillippo
,
of
Portugal
gotte
by
king
Phillip
the
Catholike
,
both
these
bookes
(
I
say
)
out
of
whom
principally
I
haue
taken
the
pointes
which
heere
I
wil
touch
,
do
seuerally
set
downe
,
the
causes
following
,
why
the
king
Cardinal
did
reiect
the
pretence
of
Don
Antonio
before
al
other
First
,
for
that
he
had
byn
euer
so
taken
al
the
tyme
of
his
fathers
life
,
and
no
man
euer
dowted
therof
,
or
called
the
matter
in
question
,
vntil
now
that
himselfe
denyed
the
same
.
Thus
passed
the
matter
in
the
case
of
Don
Antonio
,
who
if
he
had
bin
legitimate
,
no
doubt
,
but
by
al
right
he
should
haue
bin
preferred
before
al
the
other
pretenders
to
the
crowne
of
Portugal
,
and
must
be
at
this
day
,
towards
After
the
exclusions
of
these
two
pretenders
,
And
first
of
al
,
for
that
the
eldest
of
these
two
And
against
the
duchesse
of
Bragansa
he
alleaged
,
that
his
said
mother
was
the
elder
sister
,
and
for
that
cause
he
which
now
possessed
her
right
and
represented
her
person
,
was
to
be
preferred
before
the
said
lady
Catherine
duchesse
of
Bragansa
,
so
that
the
foundation
of
this
pretence
,
of
the
duke
of
Parma
was
,
that
he
was
nephew
to
the
lord
Edward
,
by
his
eldest
daughter
,
and
that
to
king
Emanuel
he
was
nephew
,
once
remoued
,
by
his
sonne
,
wheras
king
Phillip
was
nephew
but
by
his
daughter
only
,
and
that
the
lady
Catherine
of
he
was
of
the
right
discendant
lyne
of
K.
Iohn
,
and
the
Cardinal
was
but
of
the
collateral
or
transuersal
lyne
,
and
that
al
law
alloweth
that
the
right
lyne
shal
first
be
serued
and
preferred
,
before
the
collateral
shal
be
admitted
,
so
that
heerby
representation
is
nothing
furthered
.
This
exclusion
of
representation
,
did
greatly
further
and
aduance
the
pretence
of
king
Phillip
,
for
the
excluding
of
both
these
ladyes
,
and
Moreouer
the
lawyers
of
king
Phillipps
side
affirmed
,
that
he
was
neerer
also
in
propinquitie
of
blood
to
king
Sebastian
,
the
last
king
,
then
was
the
very
king
Cardinal
himselfe
,
&
much
more
than
any
of
the
other
two
pretenders
,
for
that
he
was
brother
to
the
said
king
Sebastians
These
reasons
alleaged
diuers
lawyers
in
the
behalfe
of
king
Phillip
,
and
those
not
only
Spaniards
but
also
of
diuers
other
countryes
&
nations
,
as
my
authors
before
named
do
anow
,
and
many
bookes
were
written
of
this
matter
,
And
I
haue
byn
the
longer
in
setting
downe
And
albeit
that
some
men
Wil
saye
,
that
this
matter
is
now
decided
,
which
of
these
princes
of
the
house
of
Portugal
hath
the
interest
to
Ingland
,
for
that
king
Phillip
being
now
preferred
in
the
succession
of
Portugal
,
entreth
also
therby
to
the
other
right
of
succession
of
Ingland
,
yet
others
will
say
no
,
for
that
the
lawes
of
succession
in
Portugal
and
Ingland
be
different
.
For
that
in
Ingland
representation
taketh
place
,
so
as
the
children
of
the
sonne
But
against
this
,
others
do
alleage
,
that
the
question
is
not
heer
,
by
what
law
this
pretence
of
the
blood
royal
of
Portugal
to
the
crowne
of
Ingland
,
is
to
be
tried
,
but
rather
who
is
the
true
and
next
heyre
and
successor
vnto
K.
Iohn
the
first
,
and
to
his
wife
Queene
lady
Phillippe
,
heyre
of
the
house
of
Lancaster
,
which
two
priuces
were
king
and
Queene
of
Portugal
,
&
their
true
heyre
at
this
day
hath
the
forenamed
pretence
,
to
the
crowne
of
Ingland
,
which
true
and
next
heyre
,
being
once
knowne
,
it
litle
importeth
by
what
law
he
pretendeth
his
said
right
to
Ingland
,
whether
by
that
of
Ingland
or
by
this
of
Portugal
,
or
by
bothe
,
thoughe
to
determine
this
first
and
chief
point
,
who
is
the
next
and
true
heyre
vnto
these
foresaid
king
&
Queene
of
Portugal
,
the
lawes
of
Portugal
must
needes
be
iudge
&
not
those
of
Ingland
,
and
so
,
seing
that
by
these
lawes
of
Portugal
,
the
king
of
Spayne
;
is
now
adiudged
for
next
heyre
,
to
the
said
princes
,
and
is
in
possession
of
their
inheritance
at
this
day
,
I
meane
of
the
crowne
of
Portugal
;
these
men
say
,
that
he
must
consequently
inherite
also
al
other
rightes
dignities
and
prerogatiues
belonging
to
the
foresaid
princes
,
or
to
their
posteritie
.
And
thus
you
see
now
how
great
diuersitie
of
arguments
and
obiections
,
are
and
may
be
alleaged
,
on
different
sides
,
about
this
affayre
,
wherby
also
is
made
manifest
,
how
doubtful
&
ambiguous
a
matter
this
pointe
of
Inglish
succession
,
is
,
seing
that
in
one
only
branch
of
the
pretenders
,
which
is
in
the
house
of
Portugal
alone
,
their
are
so
many
difficulties
,
as
heere
hath
byn
touched
.
But
now
the
common
obiection
against
al
This
is
the
speach
of
many
men
in
Ingland
,
and
abroad
at
this
day
,
wherunto
yet
some
Moreouer
they
saye
,
that
the
house
of
Clarence
and
Huntington
do
pretend
a
title
more
old
and
stale
at
this
day
,
then
this
of
Portugal
,
for
that
they
pretend
from
George
duke
of
Clarence
,
that
neuer
had
the
crowne
,
and
these
of
Portugal
pretend
to
be
next
heyre
to
king
Henry
the
sixt
,
that
did
weere
the
crowne
of
Ingland
,
for
40.
yeares
togeather
,
after
whose
death
,
if
king
Alfonsus
of
Portugal
(
who
was
then
old
&
wearied
with
euel
successe
of
warres
)
had
bin
so
able
to
preferr
and
follow
his
title
,
as
some
of
that
house
be
at
this
day
,
he
would
neuer
haue
suffered
the
house
of
York
to
haue
entred
,
nor
king
Henry
the
seuenth
to
haue
enioyed
it
after
them
,
by
the
title
of
Lancaster
,
which
title
yet
of
Lancaster
(
say
these
men
)
king
Henry
the
seuenth
could
not
haue
in
himselfe
any
way
,
whether
we
respect
Queene
Phillippe
,
or
Iohn
of
Somerset
,
for
by
Queene
Phillippe
,
they
of
Portugal
were
euidently
To
the
other
obiection
of
forraine
princes
&
To
this
said
one
of
the
companie
,
and
is
it
I
remember
wel
said
the
Lawyer
,
and
these
men
that
are
of
this
opinion
,
wil
say
to
this
,
that
it
was
but
a
populer
mutiney
without
reason
or
any
good
grounde
at
all
,
and
only
raysed
by
some
crafty
heades
,
that
misliked
the
religion
of
the
princes
that
were
to
enter
,
and
for
some
other
driftes
of
their
owne
,
but
not
of
any
sound
reason
or
argument
of
state
,
which
these
men
thinke
rather
to
be
of
their
side
,
&
in
good
sooth
they
alleage
so
many
argumentes
for
their
opinion
,
that
if
you
should
heare
them
,
you
would
say
it
weare
hard
to
iudge
which
opinion
had
most
truth
,
but
they
are
to
longe
for
this
place
and
so
(
said
he
I
shall
make
an
end
of
the
matter
that
I
haue
in
hand
and
leaue
this
pointe
,
for
others
to
discusse
.
With
this
the
whole
companye
fhewed
maruelous
WHETHER
IT
BE
BETTER
TO
BE
VNDER
A
FORRAINE
OR
HOMBORNE
PRINCE
.
and
whether
vnder
a
great
&
mightie
Monarch
,
or
vnder
a
litle
prince
or
King
.
CAP.
IX
.
THE
companye
being
gathered
together
the
next
day
,
and
shewing
much
desire
to
heare
the
pointe
discussed
about
forraine
gouerment
,
wherof
mention
had
bin
made
the
day
before
,
the
lawyer
began
to
say
,
that
for
so
much
,
as
they
would
needs
haue
him
to
enter
into
that
matter
,
which
of
it selfe
was
ful
of
preiudice
,
in
most
mens
eares
and
myndes
,
for
that
no
nation
commonly
could
abide
to
heare
of
being
vnder
strange
gouernours
and
gouerments
,
he
ment
to
acquite
himselfe
in
this
their
request
,
as
he
had
done
in
other
matters
before
which
was
to
lay
downe
only
the
opinions
and
reasons
of
other
men
,
that
had
disputed
this
affaire
on
both
sides
before
him
,
and
of
his
owne
to
affirme
or
deny
nothing
.
And
first
of
al
against
the
dominions
of
strangers
,
and
Forriners
he
said
,
that
he
might
discourse
without
end
,
and
fil
vp
whole
bookes
But
now
if
we
wil
consider
the
factes
that
haue
ensued
about
this
matter
,
and
how
much
So
as
this
matter
is
taught
vs
(
say
these
men
)
euen
by
nature
her selfe
,
that
strangers
gouerment
And
last
of
al
(
say
these
men
)
the
authoritie
of
holy
scripture
is
euident
,
in
this
behalfe
,
for
that
when
God
in
Deutronomie
,
did
fortell
by
But
yet
on
the
other
side
there
want
not
other
men
who
appeare
bothe
wise
dis
passionate
&
And
for
proofe
and
declaration
of
this
their
assertion
,
they
do
require
first
of
al
,
that
this
ordinarie
and
common
preiudice
against
strangers
or
strang
gouerments
,
be
laid
a
side
,
so
long
at
least
,
as
the
matter
is
in
disputation
,
and
that
only
the
true
effects
,
of
good
and
profitable
gouerment
may
be
considered
,
without
that
other
circumstance
,
whether
these
frutes
do
come
from
stranger
or
hom-borne
prince
,
which
effects
If
in
two
countryes
or
common
wealthes
,
Que
nobis
parsin
Dauid
,
vel
quae
haereditas
in
filio
Isai
,
what
part
haue
This
then
is
the
first
pointe
,
which
these
men
do
demaund
,
to
wit
,
that
we
consider
equally
and
according
to
reason
,
wisdome
,
and
truth
&
without
al
partial
affection
,
where
&
by
whom
and
by
what
gouerment
we
are
likest
to
receaue
,
and
enioy
the
good
and
happie
effects
a
boue
mentioned
,
of
prosperitie
to
the
subiect
:
for
that
without
al
doubt
(
say
they
)
that
gouerment
is
to
be
deemed
best
,
and
that
subiection
happiest
,
where
those
benifites
are
most
enioyed
,
let
the
prince
or
gouernour
be
of
what
nation
or
linage
soeuer
.
And
on
the
other
side
,
This
is
that
then
which
these
men
do
first
require
,
to
witt
that
al
fansie
and
fonde
opinion
And
this
being
so
,
these
men
come
to
treate
Of
al
these
three
wayes
then
euident
it
is
,
This
we
see
to
be
true
,
not
only
by
reason
of
But
where
the
people
vanquished
were
content
And
finally
their
gouerment
was
so
iust
,
considerat
,
sweete
and
modest
,
vppon
al
forrayne
nations
,
which
they
had
conquered
,
as
it
alured
diuers
nations
to
desire
to
be
vnder
them
,
and
to
be
ridd
of
their
owne
natural
kinges
,
as
of
the
subiectes
of
Antiochus
,
and
Methridates
kings
of
Asia
and
of
Pontus
,
we
do
reade
,
and
some
other
princes
also
therby
to
gratifie
their
subiects
,
did
nominate
the
Roman
Empire
,
for
their
successor
,
as
did
king
Attalus
king
of
Pergamus
,
and
Ptolomie
of
AEgypt
,
and
others
,
and
it
is
the
common
opinion
of
lerned
men
that
the
world
was
neuer
more
happelie
gouerned
,
then
vnder
the
Romans
,
and
yet
were
they
strangers
to
most
of
their
subiects
,
ouer
which
they
gouerned
,
and
vnto
whom
they
were
most
strangers
,
that
is
to
say
,
vnto
such
as
were
furthest
of
from
them
,
to
those
dyd
they
vse
alwayes
most
fauoures
,
and
gaue
them
most
priuileges
,
as
bothe
wisdome
and
reason
of
state
did
require
,
for
that
those
people
had
most
abillity
to
rise
against
them
,
and
to
rebell
,
so
as
this
circumstance
of
being
strangers
,
hurted
them
nothing
,
but
rather
profited
them
much
.
The
like
rule
of
pollicy
and
of
state
,
haue
al
What
shal
I
say
of
the
kingdomes
and
states
of
Naples
,
Sicilie
,
and
Millan
,
subiect
to
the
And
is
not
the
like
also
vsed
by
the
state
of
But
in
no
other
country
is
this
thing
more
For
before
,
for
many
hundreth
yeares
,
a
man
shal
read
nothing
almost
,
in
their
storyes
,
but
warr
,
sedition
,
and
blood
shed
among
themselues
,
and
this
either
,
one
state
whith
an
other
before
they
were
vnited
together
,
al
vnder
one
prince
,
or
els
with
the
kingdome
of
France
,
of
whom
in
those
dayes
they
depended
,
or
els
(
and
this
most
of
al
)
agaynst
their
owne
Princes
,
of
whom
some
haue
bin
so
fearce
and
cruel
vnto
them
,
as
they
haue
shed
infinite
quantity
of
their
blood
,
and
among
others
,
I
read
of
their
Counte
Luys
,
that
in
one
day
,
he
But
now
since
the
tyme
that
the
states
came
And
albeit
they
had
euer
commonly
a
strainger
But
now
since
their
reuolt
which
hath
indured
The
like
I
might
shew
for
this
matter
of
punishment
in
the
fore said
states
of
Italie
,
But
now
to
draw
neer
homward
,
if
we
wil
Sangue
freddo
,
as
the
Italian
sayth
,
that
is
to
say
,
in
tyme
of
peace
and
by
execution
of
iustice
,
at
the
Princes
appoyntment
,
these
noblemen
following
and
knyghts
by
name
,
were
put
to
death
,
with
in
the
space
of
one
fiue
yeares
in
king
Henry
the
fourth
his
dayes
.
The
duke
of
Excester
,
the
duke
of
Surrey
,
the
Archbis
hop
of
Yorke
,
the
earles
of
Salisbury
,
of
Glocester
,
of
Worcester
and
of
Huntington
,
The
earle
mowbray
earle
marshal
.
The
Baron
of
Kinderton
S.
Roger
Clarington
,
bastard
sonne
of
Edward
the
black
Prince
.
S.
Thomas
Blunr
,
S.
Barnard
Rocas
,
S.
Richard
Vernon
.
And
agayne
soone
aftervnder
king
Edward
the
fourth
,
in
almost
whith
in
as
litle
space
.
The
dukes
of
Somerset
,
and
of
Excester
,
The
earles
of
Deuonshire
,
of
Oxford
,
and
of
Keyns
.
The
Lord
Rosse
,
the
Lord
Molyns
,
S.
Thomas
Tudingham
,
S.
Phillip
Wentworth
,
S.
Thomas
fyndam
,
and
many
others
afterward
,
(
for
this
was
but
at
the
beginning
of
his
reigne
(
which
number
of
nobility
if
a
man
should
haue
seene
them
aliue
together
with
their
traynes
,
before
they
had
bin
put
downe
,
he
would
haue
said
they
had
bin
a
very
goodly
company
,
&
pitiful
that
so
many
of
our
owne
nobilitie
should
be
brought
by
our
own
Princes
to
such
confusion
.
But
yet
this
matter
may
seeme
perhapps
the
And
al
these
within
the
space
of
20
yeares
,
And
this
is
not
only
shewed
and
declared
Furiani
,
Visconti
,
Marcelli
,
Mirabelli
,
Castilioni
,
and
Sforzi
(
which
familie
last
of
al
preuayled
)
he
I
say
that
shal
remember
this
,
and
then
behold
the
present
state
with
the
quiet
peace
,
saftie
,
and
riches
wherin
they
now
liue
,
wil
easely
confesse
,
that
they
haue
changed
for
the
better
,
though
they
be
vnder
forraine
gouerment
,
and
thus
much
of
this
pointe
.
Their
remayneth
to
speake
a
woord
or
two
A
man
that
is
borne
in
the
citie
of
Genua
Antoninus
Pius
the
said
kinght
hath
this
discourse
ensuinge
.
Their
was
in
this
mans
gouerment
(
said
he
)
great
contentment
and
ioye
on
al
hands
,
great
peace
and
quietnes
,
and
very
great
iustice
,
and
truly
it
is
a
thing
woorthy
in
this
place
to
be
Thus
far
discourseth
that
learned
knight
,
&
no
doubt
but
that
his
discourse
and
consideration
is
founded
in
great
reason
,
and
he
that
wil
leaue
at
this
day
,
the
many
commodities
,
of
being
vnder
a
great
and
potent
Prince
,
(
if
it
lye
in
his
owne
hands
to
chuse
)
for
this
only
circumstance
that
he
is
not
borne
in
the
same
country
with
him
,
is
a
man
of
smale
judgment
and
capacitye
in
these
mens
opinion
,
and
measureth
matters
of
publique
vtility
,
with
a
false
waight
of
fond
affection
,
And
thus
much
may
be
sayd
of
the
first
waye
of
being
vnder
strangers
and
forayne
gouerment
,
which
is
that
,
which
vulgar
men
do
most
abhorre
and
inueigh
against
,
to
wit
,
to
be
vnder
a
forraine
Prince
,
that
liueth
absent
and
ruleth
by
his
gouernours
.
But
besides
this
,
their
is
an
other
manner
of
being
vnder
a
forraine
Prince
,
as
when
an
Sweno
,
Canutus
,
Haraldus
,
and
Hardicanutus
did
,
and
as
after
them
the
Norman
Princes
also
vsed
,
I
meane
not
only
William
Conqueror
,
himselfe
,
but
also
his
two
sonnes
William
Rufus
,
and
Henry
the
first
,
who
either
by
help
of
the
Normans
,
al
ready
in
Ingland
,
or
by
others
brought
in
by
them
afterward
,
wrought
their
wil
,
or
els
that
this
Prince
so
entring
haue
foraine
forces
,
so
at
hand
,
as
he
may
call
and
vse
them
when
he
wil
,
for
that
they
haue
no
sea
to
passe
,
which
is
the
case
of
the
king
of
Scotts
,
&
of
both
these
waies
these
men
do
giue
their
sentence
distinctly
.
For
as
concerning
the
former
way
,
when
a
Agayne
they
say
,
that
in
respect
of
the
state
present
of
Ingland
,
and
as
now
it
standeth
,
and
for
the
publique
good
not
only
of
the
common
For
first
of
al
the
greatest
incommodities
that
can
be
feared
of
a
domestical
Prince
,
are
,
pride
,
crueltie
,
partiality
,
pursuing
of
factions
,
and
particuler
hatred
,
extraordinary
aduansing
Agayne
they
say
,
that
the
woorst
&
greatest
incommodities
of
a
forraine
gouerment
,
that
To
conclude
then
,
these
men
are
of
opinion
,
that
of
al
these
three
manners
of
being
vnder
straingers
,
or
admitting
forraine
gouerments
,
this
third
kynde
〈◊〉
as
it
were
to
the
kinge
of
Scottes
case
,
is
to
be
only
feared
,
and
none
els
,
for
as
for
the
second
they
say
that
it
is
not
only
not
to
be
feared
,
or
abhorred
,
but
rather
much
to
be
desyred
,
for
that
of
al
other
sortes
,
it
hath
the
least
inconueniences
,
and
most
commodities
,
for
which
causes
,
we
read
As
for
the
first
manner
,
of
being
vnder
foraine
gouerment
,
as
a
member
or
prouince
of
an
other
bigger
kingdome
,
and
to
be
gouerned
by
a
deputie
,
viceroy
or
strange
gouernour
,
as
Ireland
,
Flanders
,
Naples
,
and
other
states
before
mentioned
be
,
with
certayne
and
stable
conditions
of
liberties
,
and
immunities
,
and
by
a
forme
of
gouerment
agreed
vppon
on
both
sides
,
these
men
do
confesse
also
,
that
their
may
be
arguments
,
reasons
,
and
probabilities
alleaged
on
both
sides
,
and
for
both
parties
;
but
yet
that
al
things
considered
and
the
inconueniences
,
hurtes
,
and
dangers
before
rehearsed
,
that
subiects
do
suffer
also
oftentymes
,
at
the
handes
of
their
owne
natural
Princes
,
these
men
are
of
opinion
,
for
the
causes
alredy
declared
,
that
the
profittes
are
more
and
far
greater
,
then
the
damages
or
dangers
of
this
kynde
of
forrayne
gouerment
are
,
and
so
they
do
answere
,
to
al
the
reasons
and
arguments
alleaged
in
the
beginning
of
this
chapter
,
against
〈◊〉
gouerment
,
that
either
they
are
to
be
vnderstood
and
verified
only
of
the
third
kinde
of
forraine
gouerment
before
declared
,
(
which
these
men
The
like
in
effect
they
do
answere
,
to
the
examples
To
the
obiection
out
of
Deutronomy
whet
OF
CERTAYNE
OTHER
SECONDARY
AND
COLLATERAL
LINES
AND
how
extreme
doubt-ful
all
these
pretences
be
,
and
which
of
al
these
pretendors
are
most
like
to
preuaile
in
the
end
,
&
to
get
the
crowne
of
Ingland
.
CAP.
X.
AFter
the
lawyer
had
ended
his
discourse
,
about
forraine
gouerment
,
he
seemed
to
be
somwhat
wearied
,
and
said
he
would
passe
no
further
in
this
affaire
,
for
that
he
had
nothing
els
to
saye
but
only
to
note
vnto
them
that
besides
these
principal
titlers
,
of
the
fiue
houses
mentioned
,
of
Scotland
,
Suffolke
,
Clarence
,
Britanie
and
Portugal
,
their
were
other
secondary
houses
and
lines
also
issued
out
of
the
houses
of
Lancaster
and
Yorke
,
as
also
of
Glocester
Buckingam
,
and
some
other
,
as
may
And
for
so
muche
as
their
is
such
variety
of
persons
pretendents
,
or
that
may
pretend
,
in
the
fiue
houses
alredy
named
,
as
before
hath
byn
declared
,
(
which
persons
at
least
do
make
some
dosen
more
or
lesse
)
and
that
besides
these
,
their
want
not
others
also
of
secondary
houses
,
as
is
euident
as
well
by
the
former
discourse
,
as
also
by
the
arbor
that
of
these
matters
is
to
be
seen
,
the
lawyer
turned
to
affirme
againe
,
that
the
euent
must
needes
be
excedinge
doubtful
,
who
shall
in
the
ende
preuaile
,
for
that
besides
the
multitude
before
named
of
pretenders
,
he
auouched
very
seriously
,
that
after
al
this
his
speech
,
he
could
not
well
resolue
with
him
Which
in
no
case
he
could
be
brought
to
do
for
a
longe
tyme
,
but
refused
the
same
vtterly
and
craued
pardon
,
and
yeilded
many
reasons
why
it
was
not
conuenient
,
&
might
be
odious
.
But
al
would
not
serue
to
acquiet
the
companye
,
which
with
all
earnest
importunitie
vrged
hym
to
satisfie
their
request
,
&
so
vppon
large
,
and
earnest
intreaty
,
he
was
content
in
the
ende
to
yeeld
to
this
only
,
that
he
would
lay
together
by
way
of
discourse
,
the
probabilities
of
euery
side
,
and
lastly
set
downe
in
two
or
three
propositions
,
or
rather
coniectures
,
his
priuate
ghesse
which
of
them
in
his
iudgment
was
likest
to
preuaile
.
First
then
he
began
to
say
,
that
the
probalities
It
is
wel
knowne
(
said
he
)
that
in
the
realme
These
three
bodies
then
(
quoth
he
)
do
comprehend
in
effect
al
the
force
of
Ingland
,
and
do
make
so
general
a
diuision
and
separation
,
through-out
the
whole
lande
,
in
the
hartes
&
myndes
of
their
frends
,
fauourers
,
&
followers
,
as
if
I
be
not
deceaued
,
no
one
thing
is
lyke
so
much
to
be
respected
,
in
each
pretender
,
for
his
aduancement
or
depression
,
as
his
religion
or
inclination
therin
,
by
them
that
must
assist
him
at
that
daye
,
and
are
of
different
religions
themselues
.
And
more
I
am
of
opinion
(
sayd
he
)
that
albeit
in
other
changes
heertofore
in
Ingland
,
as
in
the
entrance
of
king
Edward
and
Queene
A
chiefe
member
of
the
protestant
body
(
as
I
do
no
know
,
quothe
he
,
of
any
certaine
person
pretendent
,
to
whom
this
protestant
There
forrayne
frends
and
allies
,
are
of
good
number
,
especially
if
the
king
of
France
proceed
The
puritan
is
more
generally
fauoured
The
frendes
&
allies
of
the
puritan
abroade
,
are
the
same
,
that
are
of
the
Protestant
,
to
The
Puritan
parte
at
home
in
Ingland
,
is
The
third
body
of
religion
,
which
are
those
of
the
Roman
,
who
cal
themselues
Catholiques
,
And
for
that
in
so
great
and
populous
a
realme
and
large
a
gouerment
,
as
this
of
her
maiestie
hath
byn
,
there
cannot
want
to
be
many
of
these
kinde
of
discontented
men
,
asalso
for
that
naturally
many
are
desirous
of
changes
,
it
cannot
be
supposed
,
but
that
the
number
of
this
sorte
is
great
,
which
maketh
this
party
,
far
the
bigger
.
Moreouer
it
is
noted
,
that
the
much
dealing
with
these
men
,
or
rather
against
them
,
&
this
As
for
abroade
,
it
is
easie
to
consider
what
And
for
that
the
said
Lord
Hunsdon
,
and
An other
difference
also
in
the
ability
of
But
the
earle
of
Darby
on
the
other
side
,
is
very
strongly
&
honorably
allied
,
both
by
father
Besides
al
this
,
the
states
and
posfessions
of
the
two
forsaide
Lordes
,
are
far
different
,
for
As
for
their
religion
,
I
cannot
determyne
But
now
will
I
passe
to
speake
of
the
house
By
his
mothers
side
,
he
hath
only
the
Pooles
,
whose
power
as
it
is
not
great
,
so
what
it
By
his
owne
marriage
with
the
daughter
of
the
late
duke
of
Northumberland
,
and
sister
to
the
late
earles
of
Lecester
and
Warwicke
,
he
was
lyke
to
haue
drawne
a
very
great
&
strong
alliance
if
the
said
two
earles
had
liued
,
and
especially
,
S.
Phillip
Sidney
,
who
was
borne
of
the
other
sister
of
the
present
Countesse
of
Huntington
,
and
his
owne
sister
was
married
to
the
earle
of
Penbroke
that
now
is
,
&
himselfe
to
the
daughter
of
S.
Francis
Walsingham
cheefe
secretary
of
the
state
,
by
al
which
meanes
and
by
al
the
affection
and
power
of
the
party
puritan
,
and
much
of
the
protestant
,
this
earle
was
thought
to
be
in
very
great
forwardnes
.
But
now
these
great
pillers
being
fayled
,
and
no
issue
yet
remayning
by
the
said
Countesse
,
his
wife
,
no
man
can
assure
himselfe
what
the
successe
wil
be
,
especially
seing
that
of
the
three
bodyes
of
different
religions
,
before
described
,
it
is
thought
that
this
earle
hath
incurred
deeply
the
hatred
of
the
one
,
and
perhapps
some
ielousy
and
suspition
of
the
other
,
but
yet
others
do
say
(
and
no
doubt
but
that
it
is
a
matter
of
singular
importance
if
it
be
so
)
that
For
the
houses
of
Britanny
and
Portugal
,
I
The
lady
Infanta
of
Spayne
pretendent
of
In
lyke
neernes
of
blood
are
the
Duchesse
What
the
powers
and
possibilities
of
al
these
Thus
he
said
,
and
fayne
would
haue
left
of
heere
,
but
that
the
whole
company
opposed
themselues
with
great
vehemencie
,
against
it
,
and
sayde
,
that
he
must
needes
performe
his
promisse
,
made
at
the
beginning
of
this
speech
,
to
giue
his
censure
&
verdite
in
the
end
,
what
he
thought
would
be
the
successe
of
al
these
matters
,
wherunto
he
answered
,
that
seing
no
nay
would
serue
,
he
would
breifly
quit
himselfe
by
these
few
woordes
following
.
First
of
al
(
said
he
)
my
opinion
is
,
that
More-ouer
if
any
man
in
processe
of
tyme
,
would
forgoe
or
giue
ouer
his
title
(
as
it
is
to
These
are
my
reasons
and
coniectures
why
it
is
like
that
armes
wil
be
taken
at
the
beginning
in
Ingland
,
before
this
controuersie
can
be
decided
.
My
second
proposition
and
coniecture
is
,
First
,
for
that
the
pretenders
be
many
,
and
their
powers
and
frends
lying
in
diuers
and
different
partes
of
the
realme
,
and
if
their
were
but
two
,
then
were
it
more
probable
,
that
they
would
soone
come
to
a
battel
,
but
being
many
each
one
wil
feare
the
other
,
and
seke
to
sortifie
himselfe
where
his
owne
strength
lyeth
and
especially
towardes
the
portes
and
sea
side
,
for
receauing
of
succours
,
as
easely
may
be
done
,
by
reason
of
the
multitude
of
competitors
as
hath
bin
said
,
which
wil
cause
that
at
home
the
one
will
not
much
vrge
or
presse
the
other
,
at
the
beginning
,
but
euery
part
attend
rather
to
strenghthen
it selfe
for
the
tyme
.
My
third
&
last
coniecture
is
(
&
for
a
meere
My
reasons
for
the
former
part
,
about
the
In
Ingland
also
it selfe
if
any
partye
or
person
be
affected
that
way
,
he
would
thinke
heerby
to
haue
the
more
reason
,
and
if
any
be
against
straingers
,
some
such
moderation
as
this
would
take
away
much
of
this
auersion
,
as
also
of
arguments
agaynst
it
:
for
that
heerby
it
semeth
that
no
subiection
could
be
feared
to
any
forrayne
realme
,
but
rather
diuers
vtilities
to
the
realme
of
Inglande
,
as
these
men
pretende
by
the
reasons
before
alleaged
in
the
precedent
chapter
.
I
said
also
,
that
this
Lady
Infanta
,
or
some
other
by
her
title
and
her
fathers
good
wil
,
was
likest
of
all
straingers
to
beare
it
away
,
for
that
if
she
should
either
dye
or
be
married
in
any
other
countrye
,
or
otherwise
to
be
disposed
of
,
as
her
pretence
to
Ingland
should
be
disinabled
before
this
affayre
came
to
be
tried
,
then
may
her
said
father
and
she
if
they
list
,
cast
their
fore saide
interests
and
titles
(
as
diuers
men
thinke
they
would
)
vppon
some
other
Prince
of
their
owne
house
and
blood
,
as
for
example
,
either
vppon
some
of
the
families
of
Parma
or
Bragansa
before
mentioned
,
or
of
the
house
of
Austria
,
seing
their
wanteth
not
many
able
&
worthy
Princes
of
that
house
,
for
whom
there
would
be
the
same
reasons
and
considerations
,
to
persuade
their
admission
by
the
Inglish
,
that
haue
bin
alleaged
before
for
the
Infanta
,
&
the
same
〈◊〉
to
the
realme
,
and
motiues
to
Inglishmen
,
if
such
a
matter
should
come
in
cousultation
,
and
the
same
frends
and
forćes
would
not
want
abroad
to
assist
them
.
For
the
second
parte
of
my
coniecture
,
touching
I
do
name
also
in
this
second
pointe
,
the
children
FINIS
.