Paragr.
I.
I
CANNOT
but
yeild
yow
harty
thankes
(
my
louing
friend
)
for
the
new
Booke
yow
sent
me
ouer
by
Gun●ar
,
at
his
last
passage
:
For
albeit
,
I
haue
determyned
with
my selfe
in
this
my
banishment
,
to
spend
my
tyme
in
other
studyes
,
more
profitable
,
then
in
contention
about
Controuersyes
:
yet
must
I
needs
accept
kyndly
of
your
good
will
,
in
making
me
partaker
of
your
newes
there
.
And
more
gladde
should
I
haue
beene
,
if
yow
had
aduertised
me
,
what
your
,
and
other
mens
opinion
,
was
of
the
Booke
in
your
parts
,
then
that
yow
request
me
to
write
our
mens
Iudgement
from
hence
.
And
yet
,
for
so
much
,
as
yow
requ●●●t
so
earnestly
at
my
handes
,
and
that
the
party
is
to
returne
presently
,
I
shall
say
somewhat
with
the
greatest
breuity
that
I
can
:
Albeit
I
do
not
doubt
,
but
that
the
partyes
,
that
are
principally
interessed
therin
,
will
answere
the
same
much
more
largely
.
II.
First
then
for
the
Authour
,
for
so
much
as
he
setteth
not
downe
his
Name
,
Discouery
of
Roman
Doctryne
,
and
practises
,
which
of
late
yow
haue
seene
answered
,
was
cast
forth
against
the
Catholickes
,
vnder
the
cyrred
name
of
T.
M.
with
direction
(
as
he
said
)
from
Superiours
,
III.
As
for
example
,
his
Highnes
great
iudgement
would
presently
haue
discouered
,
that
the
State
of
the
Question
,
Card.
all
Bellarmine
with
eleuen
seuerall
places
of
contradiction
to
himselfe
in
his
workes
,
whereas
,
in
the
true
nature
of
a
contradiction
or
contrariety
,
no
one
of
them
can
be
proued
,
or
mainteyned
,
as
euery
man
that
vnderstandeth
the
Latyn
tongue
,
and
will
but
looke
vpon
Bellarmine
himselfe
will
presently
fynd
.
IV.
Nay
some
of
them
are
so
palpable
,
as
euery
man
of
common
sense
,
euen
without
Latyn
,
or
learning
,
will
espy
the
same
:
as
namely
,
the
very
first
,
where
it
is
said
,
That
Card.
all
Bellarmine
writeth
in
his
fifth
Booke
of
Iustification
:
for
the
vncertainty
of
our
owne
proper
righteousnesse
,
and
for
auoyding
of
vayne
glory
,
it
is
most
sure
and
safe
to
repose
our
whole
confidence
in
the
alone
mercy
and
goodnes
of
God
.
Which
proposition
(
sayth
the
Apologie
)
is
directly
contrary
to
the
whole
discourse
and
currant
of
all
his
fyue
bookes
De
Iustificatione
.
But
euery
m●n
out
of
common
reason
,
will
〈◊〉
,
that
the
opposition
betweene
one
place
,
and
fiue
bookes
,
is
very
gen●●●
▪
and
vncertayne
to
the
Reader
.
He
should
haue
c●ted
some
one
or
two
,
or
more
places
,
out
of
those
fyue
bookes
,
which
in
true
sense
,
and
wordes
had
byn
contrary
to
the
former
place
,
to
the
end
that
iudgement
might
haue
byn
made
therof
:
and
this
in
credit
he
ought
to
haue
done
,
to
conuince
so
great
a
man
of
contradiction
to
himselfe
.
V.
Agayne
,
it
is
alleadged
for
a
manifest
contradiction
in
Bellarmine
,
for
that
in
one
place
he
saith
:
That
,
the
end
of
the
world
can
not
be
knowne
:
and
in
an
other
,
That
within
25.
dayes
after
Antichrists
death
,
the
world
shall
haue
an
end
.
But
what
man
is
so
simple
,
or
sil●y
,
that
will
not
presently
demaund
,
how
we
shall
know
the
certaynty
,
when
Antichrist
is
to
come
?
For
therupon
dependeth
the
whole
controuersy
.
VI.
In
like
manner
wheras
his
Ma.tie
is
knowne
to
be
a
Prince
of
most
honorable
respects
in
treaty
,
and
vsage
of
others
,
especially
men
of
honour
and
dignity
,
it
is
to
be
thought
,
that
he
would
neuer
haue
consented
,
if
he
had
but
seene
the
Booke
,
with
any
attention
,
that
those
phrases
of
contempt
,
not
only
against
the
Pope
(
at
least
as
a
temporall
Prince
)
but
neyther
against
the
Cardinall
,
calling
him
by
the
name
of
M.
Bellarmine
,
M.
Chauncelour
,
M.
Treasurer
,
M.
Duke
,
M.
Earle
,
M.
Archbishop
,
M.
Bancroft
,
which
I
assure
my selfe
,
his
Ma.tie
would
in
law
of
honour
condemne
,
if
any
externall
Subiect
or
Prince
,
should
vse
to
men
of
that
State
in
our
Countrey
,
though
he
were
of
different
Religion
.
Wherfore
I
rest
most
assured
,
that
this
proceeded
,
eyther
out
of
the
Ministers
lacke
of
modestie
,
or
charity
:
and
that
if
his
Ma.tie
had
had
the
perusall
of
the
Booke
,
before
it
came
forth
,
he
would
presently
haue
gyuen
a
dash
of
his
pen
ouer
it
,
with
effectuall
order
to
remedy
such
ouersightes
of
inciuility
.
VII
.
Furthermore
that
generall
assertiue
note
gyuen
against
Card.
all
Bellarmine
,
that
,
Whensoeuer
he
is
pressed
with
any
difficult
argument
of
his
Aduersary
,
he
careth
not
to
contradict
himselfe
,
so
he
may
declyne
therby
the
present
storme
,
I
can
hardly
belieue
that
his
Ma.tie
would
haue
passed
ouer
with
approbation
.
For
so
much
,
as
it
is
so
generall
,
as
I
said
,
and
would
require
an
induction
of
many
particuler
examples
,
to
inferre
the
same
;
wherof
no
one
is
heere
alledged
,
that
can
be
stood
vnto
,
and
proued
to
be
a
true
contradiction
in
deed
.
That
other
iniurious
and
stinging
conclusion
also
,
that
,
There
is
no
greater
difference
betweene
God
and
Belial
,
light
and
darknes
,
heauen
and
hell
,
then
there
is
betweene
the
doctrine
of
the
Scriptures
,
and
Card.
all
Bellarmines
workes
,
concerrning
the
dignity
of
temporall
Princes
,
I
can
not
imagine
that
the
equity
,
and
grauity
of
his
Ma.tie
would
euer
allow
of
it
,
being
apparantly
a
passionate
exaggeration
,
and
refuted
euery
where
by
Bellarmine
himselfe
,
VIII
.
This
then
remayneth
most
firme
in
my
persuasion
,
that
his
Ma.tie
had
nothing
to
do
with
the
Booke
,
but
only
,
perhaps
,
the
allowance
therof
in
generall
termes
,
before
it
was
published
:
and
this
yow
will
easely
see
by
the
substance
therof
,
which
consisteth
(
such
as
it
is
)
of
three
principall
poynts
or
partes
.
M.
Blackwell
the
Arch-priest
:
of
all
which
,
I
do
promise
yow
,
but
a
small
tast
,
as
I
said
;
for
I
haue
very
little
tyme
,
and
I
should
offer
iniury
to
others
,
to
whome
it
belongeth
to
make
a
more
full
answere
,
if
I
should
deteyne
my selfe
long
therin
.
IX
.
The
preamble
beginneth
with
,
The
monstrous
,
rare
,
nay
neuer-heard
of
treacherous
,
famous
,
and
infamous
attempt
,
plotted
within
these
few
yeares
heere
in
England
(
of
the
powder-treason
)
infinite
in
cruelty
,
singular
from
all
example
,
crying
loudly
for
vengeance
from
heauen
,
&c.
All
which
Eplthetes
for
due
detestation
of
so
rash
and
heynous
an
attempt
,
Catholicks
,
no
lesse
then
Protestants
,
do
willingly
admit
;
though
for
singularity
from
all
examples
,
if
we
respect
Speciem
,
&
non
Indi●●du●m
,
that
cannot
be
like
to
an
other
in
all
poynts
,
there
be
recounted
in
Historyes
,
many
attempts
of
the
same
kynd
,
and
some
also
by
Protestants
,
in
our
dayes
:
as
that
of
them
,
who
in
Antwerp
placed
a
whole
barke
of
powder
in
the
vaulted
great
street
of
that
Citty
,
where
the
Prince
of
Parma
,
with
his
nobility
,
was
to
passe
:
and
that
of
him
in
H●ge
▪
that
would
haue
blowne
vp
the
who●e
Counsell
of
Holland
,
vpon
priuate
reuenge
:
as
also
that
of
〈◊〉
in
Scotland
,
where
the
like
〈◊〉
of
powder
was
layd
for
the
cruell
murther
of
his
Ma.ties
Father
,
which
not
succeeding
,
his
death
was
achieued
by
an
other
,
no
lesse
bloudy
,
and
barbarous
,
violence
.
X.
But
why
(
I
pray
yow
)
is
this
wofull
attempt
of
those
vnfortunate
Gentlemen
,
The
equity
of
his
Ma.tie
to
be
such
,
as
he
professed
in
his
Proclamation
,
&
Parlament-speach
,
that
be
would
not
vse
other
Catholicks
the
worse
for
that
,
wherof
it
followeth
that
he
held
them
for
guytlesse
;
&
that
all
those
pressures
both
of
cosciences
&
externall
affliction
which
since
that
tyme
they
haue
suffered
,
and
do
at
this
present
,
were
designed
before
that
,
and
begunne
also
to
be
put
in
execution
(
as
indeed
they
were
)
and
that
the
powder-treason
was
not
a
cause
of
these
afflictions
,
but
an
effect
rather
:
XI
.
But
alas
,
is
there
no
end
of
exprobration
against
the
Innocent
for
the
Nocent
?
No
compassion
?
No
commiseration
?
If
the
clemency
of
his
Ma.tie
in
his
gratious
Proclamation
(
as
heere
is
confessed
)
gaue
security
,
that
,
notwithstanding
that
headlong
action
of
those
few
Catholycke
Gentlemen
,
None
of
the
profession
should
be
the
worse
vsed
for
that
cause
;
how
commeth
it
to
passe
,
that
so
many
aggrieuances
haue
byn
heaped
vpon
them
euer
since
,
and
are
daylie
,
both
by
infamous
libels
published
against
them
,
as
appeareth
by
the
former
T.
M.
his
slaunderous
Discouery
,
XII
.
And
now
I
pray
yow
let
vs
see
,
how
this
second
T.
M.
(
if
he
be
Authour
of
the
Booke
,
as
he
is
presumed
)
doth
speake
of
this
Oath
,
as
of
a
thing
of
no
pressure
&
preiudice
at
all
.
For
hauing
spoken
of
the
former
asseueration
of
his
Ma.tie
,
That
none
of
that
profession
should
be
worse
vsed
for
that
cause
,
he
adioyneth
presently
:
Only
(
saith
he
)
at
the
next
sitting
downe
againe
of
Parliament
a
forme
of
Oath
was
framed
to
be
taken
by
all
his
Ma.ties
Subiects
,
wherby
they
should
make
cleere
profession
of
their
Resolution
,
faithfully
to
persist
in
his
Ma.ties
Obedience
,
according
to
their
naturall
allegiance
:
To
the
end
,
that
heerby
his
Ma.tie
might
make
a
separation
of
his
Subiects
&c.
by
which
exception
of
(
Only
)
a
man
may
well
perceaue
,
that
this
Minister
maketh
litle
accompt
of
taking
,
or
not
taking
this
Oath
,
XIII
.
But
against
this
,
you
will
say
,
that
two
thinges
heere
are
alledged
,
and
auouched
in
his
Maiesties
behalfe
,
by
the
Authour
of
this
Pamphlet
:
the
one
,
that
,
He
intendeth
no
persecu●ion
against
Catholickes
for
conscience
cause
,
but
only
desireth
to
be
secured
of
them
for
Ciuill
Obedience
:
Which
if
it
be
so
,
I
see
not
,
but
that
the
matter
may
quickly
be
ended
:
for
that
I
presume
no
Catholicke
in
England
,
will
deny
to
sweare
all
cyuill
obedience
that
he
oweth
to
his
Maiesty
,
or
that
any
subiect
hath
euer
in
former
Catholicke
times
sworne
to
their
leige
Lords
or
Princes
,
or
do
in
other
countryes
at
this
day
.
The
other
is
,
That
very
many
(
sayth
he
)
of
his
Maiesties
subiects
that
were
Popishly
affected
,
as
well
Priests
as
Laycks
haue
freely
taken
the
same
Oath
,
wherby
they
both
gaue
his
Maiestie
occasion
to
thinke
the
better
of
their
fidelity
&
likewise
freed
them selues
of
that
heauy
slaunder
.
So
he
.
And
then
followeth
immediatly
that
his
Maiesty
punisheth
none
for
Conscience
cause
,
so
they
exhibite
Cyuill
Obedience
.
And
why
then
are
men
kept
in
prison
,
after
they
haue
taken
this
Oath
?
Why
are
M.
Blackwell
,
and
M.
Charnocke
deteyned
styll
by
the
L.
of
Canterbury
?
Why
are
Recusants
punished
,
&
fyned
for
Recusancy
,
though
they
take
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
?
Is
not
Recusancie
a
cause
of
Conscience
?
Do
you
see
how
these
things
do
hold
togeather
.
XIIII
.
To
returne
then
to
this
Booke
,
the
writer
saith
,
That
the
Dyuell
could
not
haue
deuised
a
more
malitious
tricke
,
for
interrupting
this
so
calme
and
clement
a
course
,
then
by
sending
hither
and
publishing
a
Breue
of
the
Pope
,
counter-maunding
all
them
of
his
profession
,
to
take
this
Oath
,
therby
sowing
new
seedes
of
iealousy
betweene
his
Maiesty
and
his
Popish
Subiects
.
&c.
But
what
was
the
calme
&
clement
course
before
,
all
men
know
.
For
first
men
were
vexed
,
spoyled
,
&
imprisoned
for
Recusancy
;
then
was
the
Oath
deuised
to
afflict
their
Consciences
:
and
in
these
afflictions
what
should
Catholicks
do
?
They
first
consulted
the
case
which
Learned
men
at
home
;
then
also
abroad
:
And
albeit
at
home
,
XV.
About
this
doubt
,
Catholickes
,
according
to
their
rule
of
Subordination
,
and
spirituall
Obedience
in
such
affayres
,
referring
the
matter
to
the
iudgment
and
consultation
of
their
Supreme
Pastour
,
whome
by
the
principles
of
their
Religion
they
belieue
,
that
our
Sauiour
giueth
assistance
,
for
the
direction
of
mens
soules
;
they
receyued
from
him
,
after
due
deliberation
,
this
answere
,
That
the
whole
Oath
,
as
it
lay
,
could
not
be
admitted
with
the
integritie
of
the
Catholicke
Faith
.
For
that
albeit
diuers
partes
therof
were
lawfull
,
to
wit
,
all
such
clauses
,
as
appertained
to
the
promise
of
Ciuill
and
Temporall
Obedience
:
yet
other
thinges
,
being
interlaced
and
mixt
therwith
,
which
do
detract
from
the
spirituall
Authoritie
of
their
said
highest
Pastour
(
at
leastwise
indirectly
)
the
whole
Oath
,
as
it
lieth
,
was
made
therby
vnlawfull
.
XVI
.
And
this
I
vnderstand
to
be
the
substance
of
the
Popes
Resolution
and
answere
,
though
all
these
particularityes
be
not
set
downe
in
his
Breues
,
but
onely
the
Oath
declared
to
be
vnlawfull
in
conscience
to
Catholicke
men
,
as
it
lyeth
,
without
distinction
.
And
what
malitious
tricke
of
the
Diuell
them
,
this
may
be
thought
,
where
sheepe
do
make
recourse
to
their
spirituall
Pastour
,
in
so
great
and
important
occasions
of
their
soules
,
as
these
are
,
I
see
not
.
Do
English
Catholickes
any
other
thing
in
this
,
then
that
which
all
English
Subiects
,
both
great
and
small
,
learned
and
vnlearned
haue
done
,
and
practised
from
our
first
Christian
Kinges
,
vntill
the
time
of
King
Henry
the
eight
,
vpon
the
point
of
a
thousand
yeares
?
Edward
Cookes
booke
of
Reportes
lately
set
forth
,
be
examined
;
whether
it
doth
not
shew
,
that
in
all
those
Ages
,
recourse
was
euer
made
to
the
Sea
Apostolicke
,
in
like
occasions
,
without
preiudice
of
Subiectes
temporall
dueties
to
their
temporall
Princes
.
XVII
.
No
one
English
Christian
King
(
though
they
were
many
)
did
euer
absolutly
deny
recourse
to
Rome
in
spirituall
things
(
notwithstanding
in
some
other
Cyuill
,
Spayne
,
France
,
Polonia
,
and
other
States
,
Common-wealthes
,
and
Potentates
,
do
not
thinke
it
any
disgrace
,
diminution
of
honour
,
perill
or
iniury
vnto
them
,
that
their
Subiects
,
for
matters
of
Conscience
,
do
make
recourse
to
the
Sea
Apostolicke
,
or
that
,
which
is
consequent
therof
,
the
said
Sea
,
or
generall
Pastour
do
interpose
his
iudgement
,
declaration
,
or
decision
in
such
affayres
.
XVIII
.
This
is
the
Catholicke
doctrine
and
practise
:
this
hath
bene
in
vse
throughout
Christendome
from
all
antiquity
,
&
no
where
more
then
in
our
Realmes
of
England
and
Scotland
,
as
hath
byn
said
.
In
this
beliefe
and
practice
,
a
malitious
tricke
of
the
diuell
,
dishonorable
and
preiudiciall
to
his
Ma.tie
,
his
Soueraignty
,
Crowne
,
dignity
and
security
,
as
heere
is
insinuated
,
it
must
needs
be
,
for
that
the
diuell
indeed
hath
made
some
change
in
other
men
,
and
matters
,
by
altering
of
opinions
and
apprehensions
.
For
the
Catholicks
are
the
same
that
they
were
wont
to
be
,
and
do
thinke
the
same
,
belieue
the
same
,
teach
the
same
,
and
practice
the
same
,
that
all
their
predecessors
haue
done
before
them
.
XIX
.
But
to
returne
to
the
Apologie
.
Two
mislikes
are
consequently
set
downe
,
after
the
former
wordes
:
The
first
,
that
the
Pope
did
mittere
falcem
in
alienam
messem
,
by
intermedling
betweene
his
Ma.tie
and
his
Subiects
,
especially
in
matters
that
meerely
and
only
concerne
cyuill
Obedience
.
The
other
,
that
he
refuted
not
particulerly
,
what
speciall
wordes
he
quarrelled
in
that
Oath
;
which
if
he
had
done
(
saith
the
Apologie
)
it
might
haue
byn
,
that
his
Ma.tie
for
the
Fatherly
care
he
hath
,
not
to
put
any
of
his
Subiects
to
a
needles
extremity
,
might
haue
byn
contented
,
in
some
sort
,
to
haue
reformed
,
or
interpreted
those
words
with
his
owne
Catholicks
,
and
so
had
they
byn
therby
fully
eased
in
that
busines
;
or
at
leastwise
,
some
appearance
or
shaddow
of
excuse
,
might
haue
byn
left
vnto
them
for
refusing
the
same
,
vpon
scrupulous
tendernesse
of
Conscience
,
&c.
Thus
writeth
he
.
Which
if
he
do
bona
fide
,
and
haue
besydes
any
inckling
or
insight
in
his
Ma.ties
meaning
indeed
that
way
,
for
the
ease
or
comfort
of
his
afflicted
Catholicke
people
;
I
doubt
not
,
but
that
full
satisfaction
may
be
gyuen
to
his
Royall
Highnes
,
in
these
two
poyntes
that
heere
are
set
downe
.
XX.
For
first
,
about
putting
the
Popes
hooke
in
another
mans
haruest
,
supposing
,
as
we
do
,
that
wee
treate
of
Catholicke
people
only
,
Spayne
,
France
,
Flanders
,
Italie
,
Germanie
,
Polonia
,
and
other
States
and
Kingdomes
;
for
that
they
are
no
lesse
appertayning
to
his
flocke
,
care
,
charge
,
and
haruest
,
then
the
rest
.
Neyther
doth
the
materiall
separation
of
our
Iland
,
separate
vs
from
the
vnion
of
one
body
,
nor
of
one
Obedience
to
one
&
the
selfe
same
general
Head
and
Pastour
,
no
more
,
then
it
doth
from
the
vnion
of
one
beliefe
,
and
of
one
number
and
forme
of
Sacraments
,
of
one
manner
of
seruice
,
and
other
like
poyntes
,
belonging
to
the
internall
and
externall
vnitie
of
Catholicke
Religion
.
XXI
.
But
the
Apologie
saith
,
His
medling
about
this
Oath
,
is
in
matters
,
that
meerly
and
only
concerne
Cyuill
Obedience
:
and
the
same
he
repeateth
in
dyuers
other
partes
and
passages
of
this
Booke
;
which
if
it
be
true
,
I
will
easely
graunt
that
his
Ma.tie
hath
cause
of
iust
mislike
.
But
if
this
proue
not
so
,
and
that
the
matters
refused
in
the
Oath
,
are
poyntes
appertayning
in
deed
to
Religion
,
then
I
hope
,
that
by
answering
fully
this
poynt
,
we
shall
satisfy
also
the
second
,
why
it
was
not
needfull
for
the
Pope
to
set
downe
any
particuler
confutation
in
his
Breues
,
but
only
to
say
(
as
he
doth
)
in
generall
,
that
,
The
integrity
of
Catholicke
Religion
permitteth
them
not
to
take
such
an
Oath
,
in
which
,
both
Cyuill
and
Ecclesiasticall
poynts
are
couched
,
and
conioyned
craftily
togeather
,
with
no
small
preiudice
of
the
said
Catholicke
Religion
.
XXII
.
And
how
then
shall
we
cleare
this
important
matter
,
Whether
there
be
any
pointes
in
this
Oath
belonging
to
religion
,
besydes
Cyuill
Obedience
?
Very
easily
:
by
foure
seuerall
,
and
distinct
wayes
.
The
first
wherof
shall
be
taken
from
the
playne
expresse
wordes
,
sense
,
and
drift
of
the
Oath
it selfe
:
That
besydes
the
acknowledgment
of
our
Soueraigne
to
be
true
King
,
and
rightfull
Lord
ouer
all
his
dominions
,
and
that
,
I
will
be
a
true
loyall
Subiect
vnto
him
,
and
other
such
like
clauses
,
wherat
no
man
sticketh
or
maketh
difficulty
;
the
said
Oath
conteyneth
further
,
that
,
I
must
sweare
in
like
manner
some
poyntes
concerning
the
limitation
of
the
Popes
authority
,
what
he
cannot
do
towards
his
Ma.tie
or
his
Successours
in
any
case
whatsoeuer
.
Which
question
being
brought
from
the
particuler
Hypothesis
,
to
the
generall
Thesis
,
concerning
all
Kings
(
for
the
like
reason
is
also
in
others
)
both
in
the
one
&
the
other
;
it
toucheth
a
poynt
of
doctryne
and
Catholicke
beliefe
,
concerning
the
sufficiency
of
Pastorall
authority
,
left
by
our
Sauiour
in
his
Church
vnto
S.
Peter
and
his
successours
,
for
redressing
of
all
inconueniences
that
may
fall
out
,
which
I
(
being
a
Catholicke
)
cannot
in
my
Conscience
for●weare
,
without
perill
of
euerlasting
damnation
.
And
this
is
one
way
of
cleering
the
question
.
XXIII
.
An
other
is
,
to
looke
vpon
the
Popes
wordes
in
his
Breues
,
wherby
will
appeare
,
what
his
meaning
was
of
the
contents
of
the
Oath
.
saith
he
)
how
yow
are
compelled
by
most
grieuous
punishments
set
before
yow
,
to
go
to
the
Churches
of
Heretickes
,
to
frequent
their
Assemblyes
,
to
be
present
at
their
Sermons
,
&c.
Wherby
we
are
moued
by
the
Zeale
of
our
Pastorall
Office
,
and
by
the
Paternall
sollicitude
which
we
haue
for
the
saluation
of
your
soules
,
to
warne
,
&
pray
yow
,
in
no
sorte
,
to
go
to
the
said
Churches
,
nor
to
heare
their
Sermons
,
nor
to
communicate
with
them
in
any
externall
rytes
,
least
yow
do
incurre
the
wrath
of
God
therby
.
For
that
,
it
is
not
lawfull
for
yow
to
do
these
things
without
detriment
of
Gods
seruice
,
and
of
your
owne
saluation
:
as
also
yow
may
not
,
without
most
euident
,
and
grieuous
iniury
of
Gods
honour
,
bynd
your selfe
with
the
Oath
,
which
in
like
manner
to
our
great
griefe
,
we
haue
heard
,
to
be
administred
vnto
yow
,
of
the
tenour
vnder
written
,
&c.
And
then
after
the
whole
forme
of
the
Oath
set
downe
,
he
writeth
thus
.
Which
things
being
so
,
it
ought
to
be
cleere
,
vnto
yow
,
by
the
wordes
themselues
,
that
such
an
Oath
can
not
be
taken
without
domage
to
the
Catholicke
fayth
,
and
health
of
your
soules
:
for
that
it
conte●eth
many
things
against
the
said
Catholike
saith
,
and
health
of
your
soules
.
XXIV
.
By
these
wordes
of
the
Breue
,
we
may
see
playnly
,
that
as
the
matter
of
going
Church
,
Assemblyes
,
and
Sermons
of
those
o●
a
contrary
Religion
,
are
forbidden
by
him
,
as
spirituall
matters
,
and
acts
of
a
fa●●
Religion
:
so
is
the
taking
of
the
Oath
,
not
in
regard
of
Temporall
&
Cyuil●
Obedience
to
his
Ma.tie
(
which
by
a
●ormer
Breue
his
predecessour
had
permitted
,
and
recommended
to
an
Catholicks
soone
after
his
Highnes
entrance
vnto
the
Crowne
;
but
for
the
admixture
of
other
causes
,
appertayning
to
some
poyntes
of
Religion
as
before
hath
byn●●●d
.
XXV
.
The
third
proofe
may
be
taken
out
of
the
ensuing
●etter
of
Card.
all
Bellarmine
,
who
hauing
diligently
considered
with
other
learned
men
,
of
the
nature
of
this
Oath
,
doth
therfore
hold
it
to
be
vnlawfull
,
for
that
it
is
so
compounded
by
artificiall
ioyning
togeather
of
Temporall
and
Spirituall
things
,
Cyuill
Obedience
,
and
forswearing
the
Popes
authority
,
No
man
can
professe
his
Cyail●
Subiection
,
and
detest
treason
and
conspiracy
(
by
this
Oath
:
)
but
he
must
be
forced
also
to
renounce
the
Primacy
of
the
Sea
Apostolicke
.
And
therfore
he
compareth
it
to
the
crafty
composition
,
and
commixture
of
Images
of
the
Emperour
Iulian
,
&
of
the
Paynim
Gods
,
so
coupled
and
combined
togeather
in
his
Imperiall
banner
,
as
dutifull
Subiects
that
were
Christians
,
&
desyred
to
performe
their
Temporall
duety
&
Cyuill
honour
to
their
Soueraigne
,
could
not
bow
downe
to
his
Picture
,
as
the
fashion
was
,
but
must
seeme
also
to
do
the
same
to
the
heathen
Idols
:
which
rather
then
they
would
do
,
they
were
content
to
suffer
cruell
death
.
So
as
in
this
case
such
as
denyed
to
obey
in
that
point
,
did
it
not
for
lacke
of
reuerence
,
and
loyall
affection
to
their
Emperour
,
as
odiously
it
was
obiected
and
amplified
against
them
:
but
by
reason
of
the
mixture
of
things
vnlawfull
,
with
those
that
were
lawfull
:
And
the
like
plainly
is
heere
in
this
case
,
where
Catholicks
are
wrongfully
accused
to
deny
their
acknowledgment
of
cyuill
Obedience
conteyned
in
this
Oath
,
for
that
they
refuse
to
take
the
same
:
wheras
their
refusall
is
not
for
this
,
but
for
other
clauses
pertayning
to
their
Religion
.
XXVI
.
Fourthly
then
,
for
a
more
full
,
and
fynall
cleering
of
this
matter
,
I
can
thinke
of
no
better
,
nor
more
forcible
meane
,
then
to
make
this
reall
offer
,
on
the
behalfe
of
euery
English
Catholicke
,
XXVII
.
Secondly
that
for
the
Pope
,
who
,
by
the
force
of
Catholicke
Religion
,
is
the
Supreme
Pastour
of
his
soule
,
he
hopeth
in
Gods
goodnes
,
that
he
will
neuer
attempt
any
thing
in
preiudice
of
his
Ma.tie
,
nor
will
he
euer
procure
,
of
his
part
,
that
he
do
:
but
rather
will
seeke
to
stay
,
or
let
the
same
,
as
much
as
shall
lye
in
his
power
;
praying
hartily
for
them
both
.
But
for
so
much
,
as
the
Question
of
his
Authority
,
what
he
might
do
,
in
certayne
vrgent
cases
,
for
the
preseruation
of
any
Countrey
,
and
for
the
vniuersall
good
of
Gods
Church
,
is
a
matter
belonging
to
doctrine
&
Religion
,
he
cannot
with
safety
of
his
Conscience
sweare
vnto
the
Articles
and
branches
of
the
Oath
touching
that
poynt
.
XXVIII
.
Heere
then
wee
see
that
all
Ciuill
Obedience
,
then
meere
and
only
Ciuill
Obedience
,
as
heere
is
often
auouched
.
XXIX
.
And
now
,
for
so
much
as
it
is
said
heere
in
like
manner
,
That
very
many
of
his
Ma.ties
Subiects
,
that
were
Popishly
affected
,
as
well
Priests
as
Laycks
,
did
freely
take
the
same
Oath
(
which
he
calleth
A
blessed
successe
from
God
of
this
godly
and
wyse
intent
,
in
deuising
and
proposing
the
same
:
)
I
shall
be
forced
also
to
say
somwhat
of
this
matter
,
That
priests
and
Laycks
did
freely
take
the
same
;
no
man
,
I
thinke
,
will
deny
,
but
that
the
taking
of
this
Oath
is
proposed
by
the
Statute
it selfe
vnder
paine
of
the
losse
of
all
goods
and
lands
,
and
perpetuall
imprisonment
to
him
,
that
shall
refuse
it
:
which
is
the
very
same
freedome
,
both
willingly
and
hartily
,
and
as
he
belieueth
in
Conscience
.
Let
the
discreete
Reader
consider
what
coherence
there
is
in
their
tale
.
XXX
.
Secondly
,
as
for
that
multitude
of
Priests
,
&
Laycks
,
which
he
sayeth
,
Haue
freely
taken
this
Oath
;
as
their
freedome
was
that
,
which
now
I
haue
mentioned
,
and
a
principall
motiue
(
as
may
be
presumed
)
the
desyre
they
had
,
to
giue
his
Ma.tie
satisfaction
,
and
deliuer
themselues
,
and
others
so
much
as
lay
in
them
,
from
that
inference
of
disloyall
meaning
,
which
vpon
the
denyall
therof
,
some
do
vse
to
make
:
so
I
cannot
,
but
in
charity
assure
my self
,
that
they
being
Catholicks
tooke
the
said
Oath
(
for
so
much
as
concerneth
the
Popes
authority
in
dealing
with
temporall
Princes
)
in
some
such
lawfull
sense
,
XXXI
.
But
concerning
the
generall
Question
,
to
deny
simply
and
absolutely
,
That
the
Pope
is
supreme
Pastour
of
the
Catholicke
Church
,
hath
any
authoritie
left
him
by
Christ
,
eyther
directly
or
indirectly
,
with
cause
,
or
without
cause
,
in
neuer
so
great
a
necessity
,
or
for
neuer
so
great
and
publicke
an
vtility
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
to
proceed
against
any
Prince
whatsoeuer
temporally
,
for
his
restraint
or
amendment
,
or
to
permitt
other
Princes
to
doe
the
same
:
this
,
I
suppose
,
was
neuer
their
meaning
that
tooke
the
Oath
;
for
that
they
should
therby
contradict
the
generall
consent
of
all
Catholicke
Deuines
,
and
confesse
,
that
Gods
prouidence
,
for
the
conseruation
,
and
preseruation
of
his
Church
,
and
Kingdome
vpon
earth
,
had
bene
defectuous
,
for
that
he
should
haue
left
no
lawful
remedy
,
for
so
great
and
excessiue
an
euill
,
as
that
way
might
fail
out
.
XXXII
.
Wherefore
,
for
so
much
as
some
such
moderate
meaning
,
must
nedes
be
presumed
,
to
haue
bene
in
those
that
tooke
the
Oath
,
for
safeguard
of
their
Consciences
;
if
it
might
please
his
Maiesty
to
like
well
,
and
allow
of
this
moderation
,
and
fauourable
interpretation
,
as
all
●orreyne
Catholicke
Kings
and
Monarchs
doe
,
That
euery
one
shall
sweare
without
any
Equiuocation
,
or
mentall
reseruation
at
all
,
that
is
to
say
,
hartily
,
willingly
,
&
truely
vpon
the
true
faith
of
a
Christian.
Which
being
so
,
they
see
not
how
they
may
take
the
said
Oath
in
truth
of
Conscience
:
for
so
much
,
as
they
find
no
such
willingnes
in
their
harts
,
nor
can
they
induce
themselues
in
a
matter
so
neerly
concerning
the
Confession
of
their
faith
,
to
Equiuocate
or
sweare
in
any
other
sense
,
then
from
his
Maiesty
is
proposed
:
and
therefore
doe
thinke
it
lesse
hurt
to
deny
plainly
,
and
sincerely
to
sweare
,
then
by
swearing
,
neither
to
giue
satisfaction
to
God
,
nor
to
his
Maiesty
,
nor
to
themselues
,
nor
to
their
neighbours
.
And
so
much
of
this
point
.
XXXIII
.
There
followeth
an
other
,
which
is
the
third
,
about
this
matter
,
where
this
Apology
saieth
,
That
God
did
blesse
this
godly
deuise
and
intent
(
of
making
and
vrging
this
Oath
)
by
the
admittance
thereof
by
so
many
Priests
&
La●cks
:
&c.
Which
blessing
(
if
it
be
a
blessing
)
must
concerne
eyther
the
takers
,
or
the
exhibitours
,
or
both
.
But
for
the
takers
,
what
inward
blessing
of
comfort
in
conscience
they
may
haue
receaued
thereby
,
I
know
not
;
But
for
outward
blessing
,
I
see
small
,
for
they
remaine
,
either
in
prisons
,
or
vnder
pressures
still
,
as
hath
bene
said
.
But
for
others
of
the
same
Religion
that
cannot
frame
their
Consciences
to
take
the
said
Oath
,
and
yet
would
gladly
giue
his
Royall
Maiesty
contentment
&
satisfaction
,
Metus
cadens
in
constantem
virum
,
feare
that
may
terrify
euen
a
constant
man
,
excuse
in
this
behalfe
,
as
appeareth
by
the
example
of
the
auncient
Martyrs
,
who
were
forced
,
vnder
paine
of
damnation
,
to
stand
out
to
death
against
all
humaine
power
,
vexations
,
torments
,
and
highest
violence
,
rather
then
to
doe
,
say
,
or
sweare
any
thing
against
their
Conscience
.
To
all
these
men
then
,
which
are
thowsands
in
our
Countrey
,
that
neuer
thought
otherwise
then
to
be
good
Subiects
to
his
Maiesty
,
the
deuising
of
this
new
Oath
,
was
no
blessing
,
but
an
vnspeakeable
affliction
,
and
angariation
of
mynd
.
XXXIV
.
To
the
exhibitours
also
,
I
see
not
what
blessing
it
could
be
,
or
can
be
,
so
extremely
to
vex
other
men
without
any
profit
,
or
emolument
to
themselues
,
or
to
his
Maiestyes
seruice
,
XXXV
.
But
besides
all
this
,
is
the
grieuous
sinne
which
they
commit
,
who
force
,
&
presse
other
men
to
sweare
against
their
consciences
,
then
which
,
almost
nothing
can
be
imagined
more
heinous
:
for
it
is
to
thrust
men
headlong
(
especially
such
as
are
fearfull
)
into
the
very
precipitation
and
downfall
of
hell
it selfe
.
For
it
is
the
highest
degree
of
scandall
actiue
,
so
much
condemned
and
detested
in
Scriptures
,
XXXVI
.
Here
if
any
man
obiect
,
that
among
vs
also
men
are
vrged
to
take
Oathes
,
and
to
abiure
their
opinions
in
the
tribunalls
of
Inquisitions
,
and
the
like
;
and
consequently
in
this
Oath
they
may
be
forced
vnder
punishment
to
abiure
the
Popes
Temporall
Authority
in
dealing
with
Kings
:
I
answere
first
,
that
if
any
Hereticke
,
or
other
should
be
forced
to
abiure
his
opinions
,
with
repugnance
of
conscience
,
it
should
be
a
synne
to
the
inforcers
,
if
they
knew
it
,
or
suspected
it
.
Neyther
is
it
practised
or
permitted
●n
any
Catholicke
Court
,
that
euer
I
knew
.
But
yow
will
reply
,
that
if
he
doe
it
not
,
he
shall
be
punished
by
death
,
Ius
acquisitum
,
auncient
right
ouer
Hereticks
,
as
her
due
Subiects
,
for
that
by
their
Baptisme
,
they
were
made
her
Subiects
,
and
left
her
afterward
,
and
went
out
of
her
;
and
she
vseth
but
her
auncient
manner
of
proceeding
against
them
,
as
against
all
other
of
their
kynd
and
quality
from
the
beginning
.
But
the
Protestant
Church
of
England
hath
Nullum
Ius
acquisitum
vpon
Catholicks
,
that
were
in
possession
before
them
,
for
many
hundred
yeares
,
as
is
euident
.
Neyther
was
there
euer
any
such
Oath
exacted
at
their
hands
,
by
any
of
their
Kings
,
in
former
Catholicke
tymes
:
Neyther
is
there
,
by
any
Catholicke
forreyne
Monarch
,
now
liuing
vpon
earth
,
and
consequently
,
by
no
reason
or
right
at
all
,
can
English
Catholicke
men
,
be
eyther
forced
or
pressed
to
this
Oath
against
their
Conscience
,
or
be
punished
,
beaten
,
or
destroyed
,
if
for
their
Conscience
they
refuse
to
take
the
same
:
humbly
offering
notwithstanding
to
their
Soueraigne
,
to
giue
him
all
other
dutifull
satisfaction
,
for
their
Temporall
Obedience
and
Allegiance
,
which
of
loyall
Catholicke
Subiectes
may
be
exacted
.
And
this
shall
suffice
for
this
first
point
,
concerning
the
contents
and
nature
of
the
Oath
.
Now
shall
We
passe
to
say
somewhat
of
the
Breues
,
and
answere
made
thereunto
.
CONCERNING
THE
POPES
TWO
BREVES
,
AGAINST
The
receauing
of
the
Oath
.
Paragr.
II.
THE
summe
of
the
Popes
two
Breues
the
first
of
the
21.
of
September
,
Anno
1606.
the
second
of
the
21.
of
August
the
next
yeare
following
,
is
this
:
That
wheras
he
had
heard
,
that
the
Catholicks
of
England
,
were
very
sorely
pressed
with
a
new
deuised
Oath
,
against
their
Consciences
,
concerning
certayne
poyntes
,
appertayning
to
the
Authority
of
the
Sea
Apostolicke
,
II.
First
of
all
he
felleth
at
the
Popes
sorrow
for
Catholicks
afflictions
,
making
them
to
be
none
at
all
:
and
wheras
the
late
Q.
Elizabeth
is
not
so
much
as
named
in
eyther
of
these
Breues
,
this
man
will
needes
bring
her
in
perforce
,
and
iustifie
her
actions
against
Catholicke
people
,
therby
the
more
to
animate
his
Ma.tie
to
follow
her
example
,
setting
downe
this
notorious
fa●se
position
concerning
her
,
and
her
doings
,
That
according
to
his
owne
knowledge
,
her
Ma.tie
never
punished
any
Papist
for
Religion
.
Which
how
he
can
iustify
,
or
by
what
Equiuocation
mantayne
,
I
know
not
.
But
being
not
content
with
this
,
he
passeth
further
,
and
rageth
exceedingly
against
those
innocent
Priests
,
Students
,
and
others
,
that
only
for
the
profession
of
their
Religion
,
gaue
vp
their
lyues
vnder
her
,
as
by
their
inditements
,
and
arraignements
in
publike
record
doth
appeare
,
and
concludeth
finally
both
of
her
,
and
them
,
thus
:
This
Gracious
Princesse
was
as
free
from
persecution
,
Chronicle
in
the
death
of
M.
Mayne
anno
1577.
of
M.
M●●son
anno
1578.
Of
M.
Sh●rwood
anno
1578.
of
M.
〈◊〉
1581.
&c.
Apol.
Pag.
18.
as
these
hellish
Instruments
from
the
honour
of
Martyrdome
.
And
yet
further
,
very
profanely
:
Hauing
now
sacrificed
,
as
I
may
say
(
quoth
he
)
to
the
Manes
of
my
defunct
Soueraigne
,
as
well
for
the
discharge
of
my
particuler
duty
,
as
loue
of
verity
;
I
must
next
performe
my
duty
also
to
his
Ma.tie
present
,
&c.
III.
Wherunto
a
man
might
answere
,
that
if
he
performe
it
with
no
more
verity
to
his
present
Soueraigne
,
then
he
hath
done
to
his
defunct
Soueraigne
past
;
he
will
gayne
little
grace
(
I
suppose
)
with
his
Ma.tie
whom
I
hold
to
be
of
that
noble
nature
,
and
magnanimity
,
as
that
he
taketh
such
grosse-lying-flattery
,
father
for
iniury
,
then
obsequie
.
But
as
for
his
heathen
,
prophane
sacrificing
to
the
Manes
or
Hob-gob-lins
of
his
late
Lady
;
Q.
Elizabeth
,
which
are
knowne
by
most
men
,
to
haue
byn
,
eyther
wholy
different
,
or
most
opposite
to
these
,
lead
to
an
other
opposite
end
,
Quia
vnusquisque
recipiet
,
secundum
opera
sua
.
IV.
But
not
to
enter
into
these
melancholicke
matters
of
her
Manes
,
or
of
the
other
world
,
to
make
any
certayne
iudgement
therof
,
before
we
arryue
thither
:
I
will
only
speake
a
word
or
two
of
the
world
present
,
and
this
with
protestation
,
that
it
is
wholy
against
my
will
,
and
against
the
generall
inclination
(
as
I
take
it
)
of
all
Catholicke
people
,
who
would
in
charity
be
content
,
that
the
memory
of
her
actions
,
&
iniuryes
against
them
,
being
neuer
so
many
,
&
iniurious
,
were
buried
with
her
body
;
as
may
well
appeare
by
their
long
silence
therin
since
her
death
.
But
the
continuall
egging
of
the
aduersary
is
such
,
as
forceth
vs
to
say
somwhat
,
for
our
owne
defence
,
and
for
cleering
the
cause
,
and
men
,
by
her
so
eagerly
and
iniuriously
pursued
.
V.
This
Minister
then
,
as
in
part
you
haue
heard
,
maketh
her
,
The
most
myld
,
dol●e
,
patient
,
and
clement
Princesse
in
the
world
,
euen
vnto
Catholicks
,
whose
bloud
she
shed
so
aboundantly
,
both
at
home
,
&
abroad
,
during
all
the
time
of
her
raigne
:
nay
,
That
her
Ma.tie
neuer
punished
any
Papist
for
religion
:
And
,
That
she
was
most
free
from
all
persecution
:
That
she
neuer
medled
with
hard
punishment
of
any
Catholicke
,
nor
made
any
rigorous
lawes
against
them
before
the
excommunication
of
Pope
Pius
Quintus
,
that
was
in
the
eleuenth
yeare
of
her
raigne
:
to
call
euill
good
,
&
good
euill
.
VI.
Nor
is
he
alone
in
this
deuise
,
but
that
all
Ministers
commonly
,
and
Ministers
mates
of
later
dayes
haue
taken
vp
this
Common
place
,
to
celebrate
her
high
prayses
,
for
disgrace
of
Catholicks
.
And
one
among
the
rest
,
that
for
his
place
,
should
haue
more
equity
and
discretion
,
hath
declaymed
vpon
this
matter
in
publicke
Audience
more
then
once
,
especially
vpon
the
occasion
of
certayn
words
in
Pope
Clements
Breue
,
where
she
is
named
Misera
Foemina
,
a
miserable
woman
(
in
respect
no
doubt
of
the
myseries
of
her
soule
,
little
respected
by
her
:
)
vpon
which
words
the
Orator
triumpheth
thus
,
What
miserable
?
It
is
said
,
That
,
Miseria
constat
ex
duobus
contrariis
,
copia
&
inopia
,
copia
tribulationis
,
&
inopla
consolationis
,
Misery
consisteth
of
two
contraries
,
of
aboundance
,
and
penury
,
aboundance
of
tribulation
,
&
penury
of
consola●ion
.
And
then
he
sheweth
in
what
aboundance
of
consolations
Q.
Elizabeth
lyued
in
all
her
life
,
&
without
want
of
all
tribulations
:
which
if
it
were
true
;
yet
is
it
but
the
argument
which
the
worldlings
vsed
in
the
Psalme
,
to
proue
their
felicity
,
that
their
cellars
are
full
,
their
sheepe
fertile
,
theyr
kyne
fatt
,
they
suffer
no
losse
:
and
then
,
VII
.
And
as
for
his
definition
of
Miserie
,
by
Copia
and
Inopia
,
store
and
want
,
it
is
a
miserable
one
indeed
,
and
neuer
heard
of
before
,
I
thinke
,
to
come
from
any
mans
mouth
,
but
his
owne
:
it
being
ridiculous
in
Philosophy
,
and
fitt
to
be
applyed
to
any
thing
that
hath
either
store
or
want
:
As
a
wise
man
in
this
sort
may
be
defined
to
be
him
,
that
hath
store
of
witt
,
and
want
of
folly
;
and
a
foole
to
be
him
,
that
hath
store
of
follie
,
and
want
of
witt
;
and
so
a
rich
man
is
he
that
hath
store
of
riches
and
want
of
beggary
,
and
a
poore
man
is
he
,
that
hath
store
of
beggary
,
and
penury
of
riches
.
And
are
not
these
goodly
definitions
(
thinke
you
)
for
so
great
and
graue
a
man
to
produce
?
VIII
.
But
to
returne
to
the
matter
it selfe
of
Q.
Elizabeth
her
store
of
consolations
,
was
so
myraculously
protected
by
God
,
so
strengthened
and
fortified
,
as
she
did
beate
her
most
potent
enemy
,
did
sett
vp
a
King
in
his
kingdome
,
de●ended
nations
,
harboured
distressed
people
,
and
the
like
.
Supposing
all
this
were
true
,
that
she
had
such
temporall
felicity
in
this
lyfe
,
and
were
so
miraculously
protected
,
strengthened
,
and
fortifyed
by
God
as
heere
is
said
:
yea
and
that
it
were
euident
,
that
God
had
chosen
her
for
his
elected
seruant
(
which
yet
doth
not
appeare
)
and
gyuen
her
that
tytle
and
power
,
to
afflict
the
Catholicks
:
yet
had
that
byn
no
more
,
then
we
read
in
the
Scriptures
to
haue
byn
gyuen
to
dyuers
Pagan
Princes
,
and
namely
to
Nabuchodonosor
,
of
whom
Ieremy
the
prophet
testifyeth
in
sundry
places
of
his
Prophesy
,
That
God
chose
him
,
called
him
his
seruant
,
and
gaue
him
speciall
power
,
fauour
,
&
protection
to
afflict
his
people
.
I
haue
gyuen
all
these
Countryes
into
the
hands
of
Nabuchodonosor
King
of
Babylon
my
seruant
,
and
all
nations
shall
serue
him
,
&
yield
obedience
to
him
,
and
to
his
Sonne
,
and
Sonnes
some
:
And
what
soeuer
nation
shall
not
serue
him
,
&
bow
his
necke
vnder
his
yoke
,
I
will
visite
that
nation
with
the
sword
,
with
famyne
,
and
with
plague
,
till
I
haue
consumed
them
by
his
hand
.
And
agayne
in
an
other
place
:
I
will
choose
vnto
me
my
seruant
Nabuchodonosor
king
of
Babylon
,
&
will
bring
him
vpon
this
Land
,
and
vpon
all
the
inhabitants
therof
,
and
vpon
all
nations
round
about
&c.
And
yet
further
God
said
vnto
Ieremy
:
Thus
saith
the
Lord
of
Hostes
,
I
shall
take
vnto
me
my
seruant
Nabuchodonosor
,
and
shall
place
his
throne
vpon
these
stones
&c.
IX
.
By
all
which
is
euident
that
Syr
Edward
Cookes
argument
is
worth
nothing
:
so
miraculously
protected
Q.
Elizabeth
,
(
if
it
were
myraculous
,
)
so
strengthened
,
and
fortifyed
her
,
as
she
did
beate
her
most
potent
enemy
,
&
did
set
vp
an
other
King
in
his
Kingdome
(
〈◊〉
any
such
thing
were
:
)
yet
this
did
not
make
her
happie
.
As
neyther
it
did
Nabuchodonosor
,
of
whome
God
said
in
the
same
place
,
that
when
he
had
serued
his
turne
of
him
,
and
wrought
his
will
by
his
hand
,
and
people
,
for
the
purging
or
his
owne
elect
;
he
would
visit
vpon
him
also
,
and
his
Countrey
,
and
that
in
a
●arre
more
grieuous
sort
:
X.
And
the
like
.
I
doubt
not
,
may
be
said
of
Q.
Elizabeths
●licity
agains●
Catholicks
,
it
we
knew
all
,
that
in
the
last
day
or
iudgment
will
appeare
,
and
wherof
her
lamentable
end
may
gyue
great
presage
to
them
that
are
wise
.
For
that
for
a
woman
of
so
long
and
large
a
lyfe
,
as
hors
was
,
to
passe
hence
to
eternity
with
so
small
sense
or
〈◊〉
of
God
,
as
neuer
so
much
,
as
to
name
him
,
nor
to
suffer
[
*
](A09102-e5190-b)
*
Archb.
of
Can●erb
.
others
to
bring
in
any
speach
therof
,
as
they
attempted
to
do
,
is
so
pitti●ull
an
end
,
as
can
lightly
said
to
a
Christian
soule
:
The
story
or
which
vpshot
o●hers
,
I
haue
read
written
by
a
person
of
much
credit
that
was
present
at
all
her
last
sicknes
,
combats
,
and
death
,
and
relateth
all
that
passed
as
an
eye
witnesse
,
which
I
passe
ouer
for
breuity
and
modestyes
sake
;
but
it
will
remayne
to
posterity
,
as
a
dreadfull
patterne
of
a
miserable
end
,
after
a
lyfe
of
so
much
ioylitie
.
XI
.
And
thus
much
for
spirituall
infelicityes
,
reaching
to
the
next
world
,
and
lyfe
or
death
to
come
.
But
if
we
would
rest
our selues
only
vpon
vayne
&
brickle
felicityes
of
this
world
,
they
were
not
(
alas
)
so
great
in
Queene
Elizabeth
,
in
Capito
Libri
of
Q.
Elizabeths
lyfe
?
To
witt
,
the
publike
solemne
Statute
,
and
Act
of
Parliament
,
made
within
few
dayes
after
she
was
borne
,
vpon
the
28.
yeare
of
King
Henryes
raigne
,
and
yet
extant
in
Print
,
wherin
it
is
declared
,
not
only
by
the
iudgment
of
the
King
,
and
of
a●l
that
Parliament
,
but
by
the
iudiciall
sentence
also
of
Archbishop
Cranmer
,
to
be
vnlawfully
borne
,
and
that
her
mother
was
neuer
King
Henryes
lawfull
wyfe
:
wherupon
the
said
statute
vseth
these
wordes
:
That
it
was
against
all
honour
,
equity
,
and
good
conscience
,
that
the
said
Elizabeth
should
succeed
in
the
Imperiall
Crowne
of
England
.
And
could
there
be
any
greater
worldly
infelicity
thēthis
.
XII
.
I
let
passe
many
other
infelicities
,
which
happened
by
her
occasion
to
sundry
,
as
well
vnder
the
raigne
of
King
Edward
,
as
the
ruyne
of
the
Seymers
vpon
the
Admiralls
falling
in
loue
with
her
,
and
making
away
his
former
wife
Queene
Catherine
Parre
to
enioy
her
;
as
also
vnder
Queene
Marie
,
when
so
many
rebellions
of
Wiat
,
Courtney
,
Carewes
,
Stafford
,
&
others
,
were
made
for
her
.
But
her
owne
raigne
had
most
infelicities
for
her
,
if
they
were
well
considered
:
and
I
could
touch
many
,
but
modestie
forbiddeth
.
And
least
I
should
seeme
to
speak
out
of
reuenge
,
let
this
one
consideration
serue
for
all
;
That
after
all
her
afflicting
Catholicks
,
and
by
that
exercise
,
vpon
the
egging
of
others
,
more
then
of
her
owne
propension
,
she
was
drawne
into
continuall
suspitions
,
●eares
,
and
frights
of
her
mynd
and
spirit
,
euen
in
the
midst
or
all
these
sensuall
delights
,
&
contentments
(
admired
so
much
by
her
Attorney
)
which
draue
her
to
a
point
,
wherunto
by
nature
she
was
not
thought
much
inclyned
,
and
by
profession
and
protestations
,
she
most
condemned
in
others
,
to
wit
,
Cruelty
,
which
in
effect
was
such
,
out
of
the
fore said
feares
,
Agnus
Dei
,
That
she
persecuted
any
for
Religion
(
which
in
manner
this
Apologer
sticketh
not
to
auouch
)
nor
put
any
Priest
to
death
for
that
cause
in
deed
,
wheras
notwithstanding
she
shed
the
bloud
of
aboue
one
hundred
and
thirty
,
that
might
haue
had
their
lyues
euen
at
the
last
cast
,
if
in
this
one
point
of
Religion
they
would
haue
yielded
neuer
so
little
.
All
this
(
I
say
)
being
read
and
considered
,
seemeth
vnto
forreiners
a
strange
infelicity
both
of
body
and
soule
.
XIII
Especially
when
it
is
considered
to
what
perpetuall
iealosy
at
length
she
was
brought
vnto
,
of
all
sorts
of
people
,
Puritans
,
Papists
,
yea
of
her
owne
dearest
,
as
the
death
of
the
Earle
of
Essex
,
and
his
followers
,
doth
easily
declare
.
Neyther
was
there
any
weeke
lightly
,
but
that
she
had
some
new
feares
,
of
some
Priest
or
Iesuite
,
or
Catholicke
soldiours
sent
from
Flanders
,
France
,
or
Italy
to
kill
her
by
violence
,
others
from
Spayne
,
and
other
Countryes
to
poyson
her
,
or
at
at
least
,
her
[
*
](A09102-e5490-b)
*
The
fiction
of
Sq●ier
an.
1598.
Chaire
.
And
vponsuch
fancyes
,
men
must
be
made
away
for
greater
terrour
;
yea
Iewes
must
be
brought
in
also
in
this
kynd
of
pretended
poysoning
,
as
the
case
of
Doctor
Lopez
well
declareth
.
Q.
Marie
,
&
consequently
his
Ma.tie
had
enioyed
the
same
38.
yeares
at
least
,
before
he
came
vnto
it
after
her
death
,
who
of
all
other
lyuing
Creatures
,
is
knowne
most
hartily
to
haue
hated
that
yssue
&
succession
.
And
as
she
went
about
to
disinable
the
same
in
the
very
roote
&
fountayne
it selfe
,
by
seeking
the
disgrace
of
the
ofspring
,
by
dishonour
of
the
origen
:
so
neuer
ceased
she
afterward
to
continue
practises
against
them
both
,
vntill
she
had
wracked
the
one
,
and
brought
the
other
also
to
great
probability
therof
,
if
she
might
haue
lyued
to
her
will
,
or
haue
dyed
with
such
vse
of
senses
and
iudgment
,
as
might
haue
made
way
to
her
bad
affections
in
that
behalfe
.
XIV
.
Well
then
,
all
this
I
haue
beene
inforced
to
speake
vpon
this
occasion
:
first
to
represse
somwhat
therby
the
insultation
of
our
foresaid
Orator
,
in
calling
her
,
The
happy
Queene
,
the
blessed
Queene
,
whose
vnmatched
wisedome
,
and
vnconquered
prowesse
(
to
vse
his
words
)
crowned
her
the
peerlesse
wonder
of
her
sexe
.
All
which
tendeth
to
the
exprobration
of
Catholicks
,
for
hauing
had
so
happy
&
peerles
a
persecutour
;
and
to
the
insultation
also
ouer
the
Pope
,
for
calling
her
in
his
Breue
,
as
he
saith
,
Miseram
Foeminam
,
a
miserable
woman
:
which
how
true
or
false
it
is
,
I
leaue
to
the
prudent
Reader
out
of
the
former
discourse
,
about
her
byrth
,
youth
,
age
and
end
,
to
censure
.
XV.
Secondly
I
do
heerin
but
imitate
the
first
ancient
Fathers
,
that
wrote
for
defence
of
those
holy
Martyrs
,
that
dyed
for
Christian
Religion
in
the
Primitiue
Church
,
Iustinus
Martyr
,
Irenaeus
,
Tertullian
,
and
others
,
who
to
comfort
the
afflicted
,
and
to
honour
more
their
cause
,
did
put
them
in
mynd
what
manner
of
people
their
first
persecutours
were
;
as
namely
Nero
and
Domitian
,
what
lyfe
they
led
,
what
end
they
made
,
and
the
like
;
And
that
indeed
they
were
fit
instruments
,
to
be
the
first
,
in
such
a
worke
.
And
the
like
we
may
say
to
Catholicks
of
Q.
Elizabeth
,
that
she
being
the
strangest
woman
that
euer
was
borne
for
diuers
circumstances
,
now
partly
touched
,
and
the
first
absolutly
of
that
sexe
,
eyther
Christian
or
created
,
that
tooke
vpon
her
Supreme
power
in
Spirituall
and
Ecclesiasticall
matters
;
it
must
needes
be
some
comfort
to
Catholicke
people
,
that
God
chose
such
an
instrument
to
be
their
first
scourge
,
out
of
all
woman
kynd
.
XVI
.
And
lastly
,
for
that
this
Apologer
will
needs
take
vpon
him
,
to
sacrifice
to
her
Manes
:
I
thought
my selfe
obliged
to
offer
some
incense
in
like
manner
to
the
same
,
for
mitigating
the
euill
sent
,
which
that
notorious
vntrue
assertion
must
needs
import
,
to
the
senses
of
all
vnderstanding
Readers
:
That
,
Queene
Elizabeth
neuer
punished
any
Papist
for
Religion
,
Nor
made
any
rigorous
law
against
them
,
before
Pius
Quintus
his
Excommunication
,
nor
since
that
tyme
,
but
vpon
priuate
plots
,
machinations
,
&c.
For
cleare
confutation
wherof
,
I
remit
those
of
the
elder
sort
that
lyue
in
England
,
to
their
owne
eyes
,
eares
,
and
other
externall
senses
,
and
those
of
yonger
age
,
to
the
books
of
Statutes
,
of
Q.
Elizabeths
tyme
,
Iohn
Stowes
Chronicle
,
and
other
such
publicke
Records
.
And
so
much
of
this
poynt
.
XVII
.
Next
after
these
exaggerations
of
the
clemency
and
indulgence
of
Q.
Elizabeth
towards
Catholicks
,
this
Apologer
passeth
on
to
bestow
some
of
his
adulation
,
and
oleum
peccatoris
,
vpon
his
Ma.tie
in
like
manner
that
now
raigneth
,
telling
vs
,
That
his
kyndnes
and
benefits
bestowed
vpon
that
sort
of
people
,
haue
bene
farre
greater
then
those
of
Q.
Elizabeth
;
which
may
easily
be
,
as
,
by
that
,
which
hath
bene
touched
,
may
appeare
.
Yet
do
we
verily
perswade
our selues
,
that
if
his
Highnes
had
byn
left
to
himselfe
,
and
to
his
owne
Royall
nature
,
and
noble
disposition
in
this
poynt
(
as
[
*
](A09102-e5840-b)
*
See
Answer
.
to
Syr
Edward
Cooke
ca.
15.
Q.
Elizabeth
was
wont
to
say
of
her
disposition
in
religion
)
we
had
tasted
,
indeed
,
much
of
this
his
great
humanity
,
and
so
we
began
,
for
some
tyme
:
but
being
preuented
and
diuerted
by
the
subtile
workings
of
this
,
and
other
such
Ministers
,
as
desyred
to
draw
bloud
,
and
to
incite
his
Maiestie
against
vs
,
XVIII
.
And
I
do
name
this
Minister
(
T.
M.
the
yonger
)
in
the
first
place
among
the
rest
,
for
that
it
is
commonly
said
,
that
his
whole
exercise
is
Sycophancy
and
calumniation
against
men
of
our
profession
,
XIX
.
And
as
for
the
places
themselues
,
which
he
vseth
to
bring
forth
with
his
wet
finger
,
as
is
said
,
we
are
to
imagine
,
that
they
are
no
better
,
nor
more
fitly
applyed
,
then
such
as
he
hath
sett
forth
against
vs
in
this
booke
,
&
perhaps
somewhat
worse
,
for
that
he
might
probably
thinke
,
that
this
booke
would
be
examined
,
comming
forth
with
so
great
pretence
of
authority
,
as
it
doth
:
And
therfore
if
heere
yow
fynd
him
to
vse
calumniation
,
&
most
impertinent
citation
of
Authours
,
and
Authorityes
,
eyther
wholy
making
against
himselfe
,
or
nothing
for
his
purpose
,
or
against
vs
:
then
may
yow
thinke
what
liberty
he
will
take
to
himselfe
there
in
speach
,
where
no
man
is
like
to
contradict
him
,
but
all
applause
is
expected
from
the
standers
by
.
XX.
Let
vs
heare
,
if
yow
please
,
one
exaggeration
of
his
,
concerning
his
Ma.ties
myldnes
vnto
vs
,
and
our
ingratitude
in
abusing
the
same
to
pryde
.
His
Ma.ties
gouernment
(
saith
he
)
ouer
them
hath
so
far
exceeded
that
of
Q.
Elizabeth
,
in
mercy
and
clemency
,
as
the
Papists
themselues
grew
to
that
height
of
pryde
,
in
confidence
to
his
myldnes
,
as
they
did
directly
expect
,
and
assuredly
promise
to
themselues
liberty
of
Conscience
,
and
equality
with
vs
in
all
things
,
that
are
his
best
,
and
faithfull
Subiects
&c.
Do
you
see
what
a
height
of
pride
this
was
?
And
what
an
abuse
of
his
Maiesties
mercie
and
clemencie
,
to
expect
libertie
of
Conscience
?
Why
had
he
not
obiected
in
like
manner
,
XXI
.
And
surely
,
I
cannot
but
wonder
,
that
this
Minister
was
not
ashamed
to
call
this
the
height
of
pride
,
which
is
generally
found
in
all
Protestants
neuer
so
humble
:
yea
the
more
humble
,
and
vnderlings
they
are
,
the
more
earnest
are
they
both
in
bookes
,
speaches
,
and
preachings
,
to
proue
that
liberty
of
Conscience
is
most
conforme
to
Gods
law
,
and
that
wresting
,
or
forcing
of
Consciences
,
is
the
highest
Tyranny
,
that
can
be
exercised
vpon
man
.
And
this
we
may
see
first
,
in
all
M.
Fox
his
History
,
especially
during
the
time
of
the
three
King
Henries
,
4.
5.
and
6.
and
afterward
,
when
those
that
were
called
Lollards
,
and
Wickcliffians
,
who
as
M.
Fox
saith
,
were
indeed
good
Protestants
,
being
pressed
somewhat
about
their
Religion
,
did
continually
beate
vpon
this
argument
of
libertie
of
Conscience
,
and
when
they
obteyned
it
not
,
they
set
vp
publicke
schedles
vpon
the
Church
dores
of
London
,
and
made
those
famous
conspiracyes
of
killing
K.
Henry
the
5.
and
all
his
family
,
Walsingham
,
Stow
,
Fox
,
and
other
English
Historiographers
.
XXII
.
In
this
our
age
also
,
the
first
opposition
of
Protestant
Princes
in
Germanie
,
against
their
Emperour
Charles
the
5.
both
at
Smalcald
,
Austburgh
,
and
other
meetings
;
as
afterwards
also
the
fierce
and
perillous
warrs
by
the
Duke
of
Saxony
,
Marques
of
Brandeburge
,
and
other
Protestant
Princes
,
and
their
people
,
against
the
same
Emperour
,
begunne
in
the
very
same
yeare
that
our
K.
Henry
dyed
.
Alua
,
Commendador
Mayor
,
and
other
Gouernours
:
did
they
not
all
expresly
professe
,
that
their
principall
griefes
were
,
about
liberty
of
Conscience
restrayned
.
And
did
not
they
cyte
many
places
of
Scriptures
,
to
proue
the
equity
&
necessity
therof
?
And
do
not
all
Protestants
the
like
at
this
day
,
in
all
places
,
where
they
are
,
both
in
Polonia
,
Austria
,
Hungaria
,
Bohemia
,
Styria
,
and
els
where
?
And
how
then
is
Iordanis
conuersus
retrorsum
,
with
this
Minister
?
How
is
his
voyce
contrary
to
the
voyce
&
sense
of
all
the
rest
?
How
,
&
with
what
reason
,
may
he
call
it
the
height
of
pryde
in
English
Catholicks
,
to
haue
but
hope
therof
,
which
is
so
ordinary
a
doctrine
&
practice
of
all
his
brethren
in
forraine
nations
,
to
witt
,
for
vs
to
expect
liberty
of
Conscience
,
at
the
first
entrance
of
our
new
King
,
of
so
noble
,
and
royall
a
mynd
before
that
tyme
,
as
he
was
neuer
knowne
to
be
giuen
to
cruelty
,
or
persecution
in
his
former
raigne
?
The
Sonne
of
such
a
Mother
,
as
held
her selfe
much
beholden
to
English
Catholicks
?
And
himselfe
in
his
litle
Golden
[
*
](A09102-e6320-b)
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Booke
to
his
Sonne
the
Prince
,
had
confessed
that
he
had
euer
found
the
Catholicke
party
most
trusty
vnto
him
,
and
therupon
had
done
sundry
fauours
to
diuers
of
them
,
and
gyuen
no
small
hope
of
greater
vnto
others
?
XXIII
.
From
this
King
(
I
say
)
whom
they
so
much
loued
,
and
honoured
,
receyued
so
gladly
,
and
with
vniuersall
ioy
,
meant
to
serue
faithfully
;
&
trusted
that
as
he
had
vnited
the
two
Kingdomes
in
one
Obedience
by
his
Succession
:
what
height
of
pryde
may
it
be
called
?
May
it
not
rather
seeme
height
of
pryde
in
this
Minister
,
&
his
●ellowes
,
that
hauing
byn●
o●d
enemyes
,
and
alwayes
borne
a
hard
,
&
hate
u●●hand
,
and
tongue
against
his
Ma.tie
both
in
their
Sermons
,
Bookes
,
Speaches
,
all
the
tyme
of
the
late
Queenes
raigne
;
now
vpon
the
suddayne
sine
vllis
meri
is
praecede●●ious
,
will
needs
be
so
priuiledged
,
&
assume
vnto
themselues
such
a
confident
presumption
of
his
Ma.ties
speciall
fauour
,
as
to
suffer
no
man
to
stand
by
them
,
but
to
hold
it
for
height
of
pryde
in
vs
,
to
hope
●or
any
freedome
and
liberty
o●
our
Conscience
at
al●
?
What
is
height
of
pryde
and
so●l●
,
i●
this
be
not
?
XXIV
.
But
his
Ma.tie
is
wise
,
&
will
,
as
we
hope
,
according
to
his
prudence
,
in
tyme
,
looke
into
this
sort
o●men
,
and
manner
of
proceeding
.
And
to
returne
to
the
Apologer
,
he
reckoneth
vp
(
therby
to
exaggerate
the
more
our
ingratitude
)
the
particuler
fauours
his
Ma.tie
did
vnto
vs
,
at
his
first
entrance
,
as
,
That
he
did
honour
diuers
Catholicks
with
Knighthood
,
being
open
Recusants
:
That
,
he
gaue
audiece
indifferently
to
both
sydes
:
bestowed
equally
fauours
and
honours
vpon
both
professions
:
gaue
free
con●inuall
accesse
to
all
rankes
,
and
degrees
of
Papists
in
his
Court
and
company
:
freeing
Recusantes
from
their
ordinarie
payments
:
gaue
order
to
his
Iudges
with
his
owne
mouth
,
to
spare
execution
of
all
Priests
,
though
they
were
conuicted
:
gaue
libertie
by
his
gracious
Proclamation
to
all
Priests
not
taken
,
to
go
out
of
the
Countrey
by
such
a
day
,
and
all
Priestes
that
were
taken
,
were
sent
ouer
,
and
sett
at
liberty
:
and
many
other
gracious
fauours
&
benefittes
:
Which
(
saith
he
)
tyme
and
paper
would
fayle
me
if
I
would
make
enumeration
of
them
all
:
in
recounting
wherof
euery
scrape
of
my
pen
(
so
vse
his
words
)
would
serue
but
for
a
blott
of
the
Popes
ingratitude
,
and
iniustice
in
meating
his
Ma.tie
with
so
hard
a
measure
for
the
same
.
So
as
I
thinke
(
quoth
he
)
I
haue
sufficiently
wiped
of
the
teares
from
the
Popes
eyes
,
for
complayning
vpon
such
persecution
&c.
XXV
.
Thus
writeth
this
man
,
who
,
in
naming
the
Popes
ingratitude
,
must
much
more
include
ours
,
that
are
Catholicks
;
for
that
these
benefitts
,
such
as
they
were
,
appertayned
nothing
to
the
Pope
,
but
only
in
Christian
charity
,
as
a
common
spirituall
Father
and
Pastour
,
he
being
otherwise
a
stranger
vnto
vs
in
bloud
,
and
for
other
worldly
respects
.
And
as
for
Catholicks
,
they
accept
gratefully
,
XXVI
.
And
wheras
this
man
,
for
proofe
of
the
contrary
,
nameth
the
powder-treason
of
a
few
,
therby
to
discredite
the
whole
,
though
this
calumniation
haue
beene
answered
before
:
yet
now
I
ad
further
,
as
one
said
,
Distingue
tempora
,
&
scripturam
concordabis
,
If
there
had
bene
no
persecution
before
that
treason
,
this
might
haue
beene
assigned
for
some
probable
cause
of
the
subsequent
tribulations
:
but
all
England
knoweth
,
that
this
is
not
so
,
but
that
his
Ma.ties
sweete
&
myld
aspect
towards
Catholicks
at
his
first
entrance
,
was
soone
,
by
art
of
their
enemyes
,
auerted
long
before
the
conspiracy
fell
out
.
For
that
,
not
only
all
the
most
cruell
Statutes
and
penall
Lawes
made
by
Q.
Elizabeth
were
renewed
and
confirmed
before
this
,
XXVII
.
Nor
were
mens
goods
and
persons
only
afflicted
,
but
the
lyues
also
of
sundry
taken
away
for
cause
of
their
Religion
before
this
powder-treason
fell
out
:
which
desperate
treason
,
to
ascribe
as
an
effect
and
fruite
of
too
much
clemency
in
his
Ma.tie
(
as
this
Minister
doth
)
is
a
strange
assertion
,
XXVIII
.
But
to
proceed
a
litle
further
in
the
narration
of
some
poyntes
of
heauy
persecution
,
that
insued
soone
after
his
Ma.ties
being
in
England
,
much
before
the
powder-treason
was
attempted
:
Who
doth
not
know
what
afflictions
were
layd
vpon
Catholicks
,
euen
in
the
very
first
yeare
of
his
Ma.ties
raigne
,
especially
towards
the
end
therof
,
&
much
more
throughout
all
the
second
yeare
,
before
the
said
powder-treason
fell
out
.
For
then
not
only
in
the
Shires
and
Prouinces
abroad
:
but
euen
in
London
it
sel●e
,
and
in
the
eyes
of
the
Court
,
the
violence
,
and
insolency
of
continuall
searches
grew
to
be
such
,
as
was
intollerable
;
no
night
passing
commonly
,
XXIX
.
What
shall
I
speake
of
the
casting
into
prisons
,
&
condemnation
to
death
of
many
Catholicks
for
the
same
cause
,
in
euery
corner
lightly
of
the
Countrey
,
as
namely
in
London
of
M.
Hill
the
Priest
,
and
this
only
for
his
function
,
and
for
comming
into
England
against
the
Statutes
of
Queene
Elizabeth
to
the
contrary
?
Of
M.
Sugar
also
an
other
Priest
in
Warwicke
,
that
was
not
only
condemned
,
but
[
*
](A09102-e6900-b)
*
Anno
1604.
mense
August
.
executed
withall
rigour
in
that
Cittie
for
the
same
cause
,
and
a
lay
man
with
him
named
Robert
Grysold
,
for
receyuing
him
into
his
house
?
At
Oxford
also
foure
Priests
being
taken
at
that
tyme
whose
names
were
M.
Greene
,
Tichborne
,
Smith
,
and
Brisco
,
all
had
sentence
of
death
passed
vpon
them
;
though
after
many
afflictions
suffered
in
the
pryson
there
,
which
made
them
desyre
much
the
speedy
execution
of
the
sentence
gyuen
against
them
,
they
had
insteed
of
this
one
death
,
many
deathes
layd
vpon
them
,
by
sending
them
prisoners
to
the
Castle
of
Wisbich
,
where
they
receyued
such
cruell
vsage
both
in
their
diet
,
lodging
&
other
treatie
,
as
made
euen
dyuers
Protestants
to
take
compassion
of
them
.
And
why
was
all
this
,
but
for
their
Religion
?
XXX
.
I
let
passe
the
condemnation
to
death
of
a
poore
man
in
Oxford
named
Shitell
,
for
that
the
Priest
M.
Greene
had
fledde
into
his
house
,
when
he
was
pursued
by
the
searchers
,
through
which
condemnation
,
&
perpetuall
imprisonment
therupon
ensuing
,
were
brought
to
extreme
misery
&
calamity
,
his
poore
wyfe
and
children
,
most
lamentable
to
behold
,
or
heare
recounted
.
And
vpon
like
occasion
was
apprehended
,
imprisoned
,
condemned
,
&
executed
in
Yorke
,
about
the
same
tyme
,
an
other
Lay-man
named
Thomas
Wylborne
,
only
for
that
he
had
vsed
some
words
of
perswasion
to
a
certayne
woman
to
be
a
Catholicke
,
notwithstanding
the
prohibition
of
her
husband
,
who
followed
so
hoatly
the
matter
against
him
,
as
he
caused
him
to
be
put
to
death
.
M.
Hassells
,
was
found
in
her
house
.
The
apprehension
in
like
manner
,
&
condemning
to
death
of
M.
Edward
Tempest
Priest
and
Gentleman
in
London
at
the
same
tyme
.
I
passe
ouer
the
cruell
sentence
of
cutting
of
the
ears
,
of
so
ancient
&
venerable
a
Gentlemam
,
as
is
M.
Tho.
Pound
,
that
had
lyued
aboue
thirty
yeares
in
sundry
prisons
only
for
being
a
Catholicke
,
and
now
last
in
his
old
age
,
had
that
honour
from
God
,
as
to
be
sentenced
to
leese
his
eares
and
stand
on
the
Pillorie
in
dyuers
markets
,
for
complayning
of
hard
measure
,
&
iniust
execution
,
vsed
against
Catholicks
,
contrary
(
as
he
presumed
)
to
his
Ma.ties
intention
.
XXXI
.
And
fynally
I
passe
ouer
what
was
practised
in
Herefordshire
,
Lancashire
,
&
other
places
in
this
kynd
of
persecution
,
and
particulerly
concerning
the
new
angariation
and
pressure
,
then
first
brought
vp
,
that
men
should
be
bound
to
pay
for
their
wyues
,
that
were
Recusants
,
a
thing
neuer
before
exacted
in
the
former
Queenes
tyme
.
I
pretermit
also
to
mention
,
how
his
M.tie
before
this
,
had
reiected
the
common
,
&
humble
supplication
of
Catholicks
,
exhibited
in
writing
for
some
toleration
,
&
mitigation
of
the
calamityes
:
the
which
supplication
was
answered
with
contempt
&
insultation
by
a
Minister
,
and
put
in
print
.
His
Ma.tie
in
like
manner
had
gyuen
publike
audience
both
to
Protestants
&
Puritanes
for
three
dayes
togeather
,
concerning
the
differences
of
their
Religion
:
but
to
Catholicks
he
neuer
yealded
to
gyue
any
at
all
.
And
how
then
can
this
Apologer
talke
so
much
of
equality
vsed
in
all
fauours
?
How
can
he
say
,
that
there
was
no
persecution
before
the
powder-treason
?
XXXII
.
But
let
vs
go
forward
yet
somewhat
further
:
his
Maiestie
had
before
this
tyme
vpon
other
mens
importunity
,
confirmed
,
and
ratified
by
his
Letters
Patents
,
all
that
heape
of
Constitutions
,
and
Canons
,
(
being
in
number
aboue
an
hundred
&
fourty
)
which
the
BB.
of
London
&
Canterbury
,
had
deuised
,
&
set
forth
against
Catholicks
,
for
their
greater
vexation
,
&
affliction
.
Out
of
which
hath
flowed
since
a
huge
sea
of
molestations
and
exagitations
,
by
searchings
,
spoyles
citations
,
apprehensions
,
excommunications
,
and
other
violences
,
vpon
innocent
and
quiet
people
,
by
the
rauenous
hungry
Purseuants
of
those
Prelats
,
and
other
their
Catch-poles
,
without
respect
,
either
of
Iustice
,
or
hope
of
remedy
,
for
iniuryes
by
them
offered
.
There
had
passed
also
before
this
,
the
speach
of
the
L.
Chancelour
in
the
Star-Chamber
,
of
London
at
Paules-Crosse
,
both
of
them
tending
to
take
all
hope
from
Catholicks
of
any
least
fauour
,
that
might
be
expected
,
and
the
former
expresly
charging
the
Iudges
in
his
Ma.ties
name
,
to
vse
all
seuerity
in
seeking
out
and
punishing
them
.
Which
things
being
seene
,
and
●arre
worse
feared
,
yea
designed
also
and
threatned
,
as
those
Gentlemen
apprehended
it
,
(
especially
at
the
next
Parlament
)
cast
them
into
that
wofull
impatience
,
and
precipitation
,
which
the
euent
declared
.
XXXIII
.
All
this
then
which
the
Apologer
heere
telleth
vs
,
of
Catholicks
ingratitude
for
so
many
benefits
receyued
,
That
it
is
a
mayne
vntruth
(
to
vse
his
words
)
and
can
neuer
be
proued
,
that
any
persecution
hath
beene
in
his
said
Ma.ties
gouernment
,
or
that
any
were
,
or
are
put
to
death
or
punished
for
cause
of
Conscience
,
is
such
a
kynd
of
speach
,
as
if
it
were
told
in
the
Indies
,
many
thousand
myles
of
,
where
nothing
is
knowne
of
our
Countryes
affayres
,
might
perhaps
fynd
some
hearers
that
would
belieue
it
:
M.
Robert
Drury
,
and
now
againe
these
last
monethes
past
,
of
M.
Matthew
Flathers
,
&
M.
Geruis
Priestes
(
to
omit
others
)
that
dyed
expresly
for
refusing
this
late
deuised
Oath
,
since
the
powder-treason
,
cannot
,
I
thinke
,
be
answered
,
except
he
will
say
,
that
this
Oath
hath
no
matter
of
Conscience
in
it
for
a
Catholicke
man
to
receaue
:
the
contrary
wherof
we
haue
euidently
shewed
before
,
by
many
demonstrations
.
XXXIV
.
Wherfore
,
that
which
he
addeth
immediatly
,
insinuating
,
and
expresly
threatning
,
that
as
there
hath
beene
no
persecution
,
or
putting
to
death
before
(
which
is
not
true
as
I
haue
shewed
:
)
so
now
forsomuch
as
the
Pope
hath
interposed
his
Authority
,
there
may
chance
be
greater
persecution
,
and
more
aboundant
shedding
of
bloud
,
which
(
as
he
saith
)
must
light
vpon
the
Popes
head
,
for
this
his
prohibition
:
All
this
(
I
say
)
is
so
spoken
as
ech
man
may
see
,
whither
it
tendeth
:
to
witt
,
to
incyte
his
Ma.tie
by
such
deuises
,
to
ingulfe
himselfe
into
the
effusion
of
Catholickes
bloud
,
casting
on
the
pretence
,
and
veile
of
the
Popes
intermedling
,
as
cause
therof
:
which
is
an
ancient
Art
of
deceipt
,
to
giue
Non
causam
,
pro
causa
:
for
that
no
iniury
is
euer
offered
vnder
the
name
of
iniury
,
but
of
iustice
or
merit
.
And
our
Sauiour
was
crucified
as
a
deceyuer
of
the
people
,
S.
Paul
pursued
as
a
disturber
of
the
Weal-publicke
and
peace
.
And
no
suffering
is
so
honourable
,
as
that
which
commeth
with
a
dishonourable
title
:
so
as
English
Catholickes
must
not
be
dismaied
when
they
suffer
for
the
false
imputation
of
Ciuill
Disloyaltie
to
their
Temporall
Prince
,
being
witting
to
themselues
,
that
it
is
indeed
for
their
Religion
,
and
loyalty
to
God
,
their
eternall
Prince
,
and
supreme
King
.
And
this
only
shall
suffice
for
this
matter
.
For
if
Catholickes
further
affliction
be
determined
by
their
Aduersaries
,
and
permitted
by
God
,
pretences
will
not
want
how
to
do
it
.
The
prouerbe
is
already
knowne
,
Facile
inuenies
baculum
,
vt
canem
caedas
,
as
also
the
fable
of
Aesope
,
that
the
lambe
must
be
slayne
,
for
that
drinking
farre
beneath
the
well
,
he
was
pretended
not
withstanding
,
to
haue
troubled
the
fountaine
.
Catholicks
must
be
beaten
,
for
that
the
Pope
hath
resolued
a
case
of
Conscience
,
that
men
may
not
sweare
against
their
owne
Religion
.
All
be
to
the
glory
of
God
,
and
then
fynally
will
they
leese
nothing
therby
,
which
is
the
only
comfort
in
such
manner
of
sufferings
.
The
second
Part
of
this
Paragraph
.
ONE
other
poynt
only
is
handled
by
the
Apologer
in
this
Paragraph
,
which
is
a
large
insultation
against
the
Pope
,
for
that
he
sayth
in
his
Breue
,
That
the
Oath
cannot
be
taken
with
safety
of
the
Catholicke
faith
,
and
of
their
soules
health
;
since
it
conteyneth
many
things
,
that
are
playnly
,
&
directly
contrary
to
their
faith
and
saluation
.
And
albeit
the
word
(
directly
)
be
conueyed
in
heere
,
which
is
not
in
the
Popes
Breue
,
&
is
of
no
small
moment
,
as
all
Deuines
know
in
this
matter
,
and
therfore
ought
not
to
haue
byn
thrust
in
,
as
the
Popes
word
,
in
a
different
distinct
letter
:
yet
not
to
stand
vpon
that
,
but
vpon
more
grosser
poyntes
,
and
more
iniurious
,
he
presently
vseth
the
speach
,
which
is
reported
to
haue
byn
of
Auerroes
the
Mahometan
Philosopher
against
Moyses
Law-giuer
of
the
Iewes
,
Multa
dicit
,
sed
pauca
probat
,
he
saith
much
but
proueth
little
,
and
presently
passeth
to
this
insultation
,
How
the
naturall
allegiance
of
Subiects
to
their
Prince
,
can
be
directly
opposite
(
marke
how
he
serueth
himselfe
of
his
owne
word
shifted
into
the
text
)
to
the
faith
and
saluation
of
soules
,
is
farre
beyond
my
simple
reading
in
Deuinity
,
as
I
must
it
a
strange
and
new
assertion
to
proceed
out
of
the
mouth
of
that
pretended
generall
Pastour
of
Christian
soules
.
XXXVI
.
Heere
now
what
abuse
is
offered
to
the
words
and
meaning
of
the
Breue
,
euery
simple
Reader
will
see
,
without
any
explication
from
me
:
for
that
the
Pope
doth
not
prohibite
naturall
Obedience
in
things
lawfull
;
nor
doth
say
,
that
such
naturall
,
or
cyuill
Obedience
is
opposite
to
faith
or
saluation
of
soules
;
nor
that
the
Oath
is
vnlawfull
,
XXXVII
.
And
yet
doth
he
so
insist
in
it
,
and
so
dilateth
himselfe
vpon
this
false
surmised
principle
(
that
Cyuill
Obedience
is
denyed
)
as
though
all
his
Discourse
and
Treatise
depended
only
of
this
(
as
indeed
it
doth
,
)
and
therfore
he
entreth
into
the
confutation
therof
with
a
great
florish
of
Scriptures
,
Fathers
,
and
Councells
(
wherin
he
and
his
do
abound
,
when
they
say
the
same
that
we
do
,
but
otherwise
are
altogether
barren
)
as
though
in
earnest
we
did
deny
it
:
which
thing
neuer
so
much
as
passed
through
our
cogitations
,
but
do
hold
and
teach
that
Subiects
are
bound
to
obey
their
Temporall
Princes
in
all
things
lawfull
,
and
those
not
only
good
Princes
,
but
bad
also
:
and
not
only
out
of
feare
or
flattery
,
but
out
of
Conscience
,
as
the
Apostle
teacheth
propter
Conscientiam
,
XXXVIII
.
He
alledgeth
for
examples
out
of
the
Scriptures
,
Sidrach
,
Misach
,
and
Abdenago
,
were
most
trustie
vnto
King
Nabuchodonosor
in
temporall
affayres
,
and
so
much
esteemed
by
him
,
as
he
made
them
his
vniuersall
Gouernors
ouer
all
the
workes
of
the
Region
of
Babylon
,
saith
the
Scripture
:
and
yet
when
it
came
to
the
poynt
,
XXXIX
.
The
like
in
effect
did
the
ancienter
Iewes
do
with
King
Pharao
of
Egypt
;
for
that
albeit
in
temporall
affayres
they
obeyed
him
,
euen
in
that
tyme
when
he
oppressed
,
and
persecuted
them
most
:
yet
in
that
he
would
haue
had
them
stay
and
sacrifice
in
Egypt
,
and
not
follow
Moyses
their
Spirituall
Superiour
into
the
desert
(
notwithstanding
that
the
King
had
some
cause
perhaps
to
suspect
their
temporall
Allegiance
,
also
by
that
departure
,
they
being
a
potent
multitude
of
people
:
)
yet
would
they
not
obey
him
,
nor
do
as
he
would
haue
them
,
when
they
persuaded
themselues
that
God
would
haue
the
contrary
.
XL.
I
lett
passe
how
Daniel
and
his
fellowes
would
not
eate
the
meates
of
the
King
of
Babylon
,
XLI
.
And
much
more
do
make
against
him
,
S.
Augustine
is
such
,
as
I
maruaile
much
,
that
he
would
cyte
the
same
,
but
that
somwhat
for
shew
must
be
alleadged
:
For
it
maketh
so
clearly
&
directly
against
him
,
as
if
it
had
beene
written
purposely
to
confute
him
in
this
our
case
.
But
let
vs
heare
what
it
is
.
Agreable
to
the
Scriptures
(
saith
he
)
did
the
Fathers
teach
.
Christian
souldiours
serued
that
vnbelieuing
Emperour
:
when
they
came
to
the
cause
of
Christ
,
they
would
acknowledge
no
Lord
,
but
him
that
is
in
heauen
:
when
he
would
haue
them
worship
Idolls
&
sacrifice
,
they
preferred
God
before
him
:
but
when
he
said
,
go
forth
to
fight
,
inuade
such
a
nation
,
they
presently
obeyed
:
they
distinguished
their
eternall
Lord
from
their
temporall
,
and
yet
were
they
subiect
euen
vnto
their
temporall
Lord
,
for
his
sake
,
that
was
their
eternall
Lord
and
Maister
.
Thus
he
.
XLII
.
And
can
any
thing
be
spoken
more
cleerly
for
vs
,
S.
Augustine
heere
appoynteth
vs
,
preferre
our
eternall
King
,
before
our
Temporall
.
XLIII
.
And
like
to
these
are
all
the
other
places
of
Fathers
cyted
by
him
,
who
distinguish
expresly
betweene
the
Temporall
honour
and
Allegiance
due
to
the
Emperour
,
and
the
other
of
our
Religion
,
&
Conscience
,
belonging
only
to
God
.
We
honour
the
Emperour
in
such
sorte
as
is
lawfull
for
vs
,
and
expedient
for
him
▪
as
a
man
second
after
God
,
and
as
hauing
receyued
from
God
,
whatsoeuer
he
is
,
and
only
lesse
then
God
.
And
will
not
the
Catholicks
of
England
vse
this
speach
also
vnto
their
King
?
Or
will
the
Apologer
himselfe
deny
that
Tertullian
heere
meant
nothing
els
,
but
in
temporall
affayres
,
for
much
as
the
Emperour
at
that
tyme
were
Heathen
&
Gentils
,
and
consequently
were
not
to
be
obeyed
in
any
poynt
against
Christian
faith
or
Religion
?
XLIV
.
The
like
playne
doctrine
haue
the
words
of
Iustinus
Martyr
to
the
Emperour
himselfe
,
cyted
heere
in
the
third
place
,
We
only
adore
God
,
and
in
all
other
things
wee
cheerfully
performe
seruice
to
yow
,
professing
yow
to
be
Emperours
,
and
Princes
of
men
.
And
do
not
all
English
Catholiks
say
the
same
at
this
day
,
that
in
all
other
things
,
that
concerne
not
God
&
his
Obedience
,
by
rule
of
Catholicke
Religion
,
they
offer
cheerfully
to
serue
his
Ma.tie
,
acknowledging
him
to
be
their
liege
Lord
and
King
,
&
inferiour
only
to
god
in
his
Temporall
Gouernment
?
And
how
then
are
these
,
and
such
other
places
brought
in
for
witnesse
,
as
though
they
had
somwhat
to
say
against
vs
?
XLV
.
The
other
two
sentences
,
in
like
manner
cyted
out
of
Optatus
,
S.
Ambrose
,
the
first
saying
:
That
ouer
the
Emperour
there
is
none
,
but
only
God
,
that
made
the
Emperour
.
And
the
other
,
That
teares
were
his
weapons
against
the
armes
,
&
souldiours
of
the
Emperours
:
That
he
neyther
ought
,
or
could
resist
:
Neyther
of
them
do
make
any
thing
against
vs
,
or
for
the
Apologer
,
euen
as
they
are
heere
nakedly
cyted
,
without
declaration
of
the
circumstances
:
for
that
in
temporall
affayres
the
King
or
Emperour
is
Supreme
,
next
vnder
God
.
And
when
the
Emperour
will
vse
secular
●orces
against
the
Priests
of
his
dominion
,
they
,
being
no
souldiours
,
must
fall
to
prayers
,
and
teares
,
which
are
Priestly
weapons
.
But
what
?
Did
S.
Ambrose
by
this
acknowledge
that
the
Emperour
had
higher
Authority
,
then
he
,
in
Church-matters
?
Or
that
if
he
had
offered
him
an
Oath
,
repugnant
to
his
Religion
,
or
Conscience
,
in
those
matters
he
would
haue
obeyed
,
or
acknowledged
his
Superiority
?
No
truly
.
For
in
three
seuerall
occasions
that
fell
out
,
he
flatly
denyed
the
same
,
which
this
Apologer
craftily
dissembleth
,
S.
Ambrose
resisted
the
Emperour
his
temporall
Soueraigne
.
and
saith
not
a
word
therof
.
XLVI
.
The
first
was
,
when
he
was
cited
by
Dalmatius
the
Iribune
,
bringing
with
him
a
publicke
Notarie
to
testifie
the
same
,
in
the
name
of
the
Emperour
Valentinian
the
yonger
,
to
come
and
conferre
,
or
dispute
with
the
hereticall
Bishop
Auxentius
,
in
the
presence
of
his
Ma.tie
and
other
of
his
Nobility
and
Counsell
,
which
poynt
S.
Ambrose
refused
vtterly
to
do
,
tellyng
the
Emperour
playnly
by
a
letter
,
written
vnto
him
;
That
in
matters
of
faith
and
Religion
Bishops
must
iudge
of
Emperours
,
and
not
Emperours
of
Bishops
.
And
dyuers
other
doctrines
,
by
this
occasion
,
he
taught
him
to
that
effect
,
as
is
to
be
seene
in
the
same
Epistle
.
XLVII
.
The
second
occasion
fell
out
the
very
next
yeare
after
in
Milane
,
S.
Ambrose
the
Bishop
refused
to
obey
.
And
when
the
Emperours
Officers
comming
with
armes
,
vrged
greatly
to
giue
possession
of
the
Church
,
he
fled
to
his
former
weapons
of
weeping
and
praying
:
Ego
Missam
facere
caepi
&c.
I
began
to
say
Masse
,
and
when
the
temporall
Magistrate
vrged
still
,
that
the
Emperour
vsed
but
his
owne
right
,
in
appoynting
that
Church
to
be
deliuered
,
S.
Ambrose
answered
,
Quae
diuina
sunt
,
Imperatoriae
Potestati
non
esse
subiecta
:
That
such
things
as
belonge
to
God
,
are
not
subiect
to
the
Imperiall
power
.
And
thus
answered
S.
Ambrose
about
the
gyuing
vp
of
a
materiall
Church
.
What
would
he
haue
said
in
greater
matters
.
XLVIII
.
The
third
occasion
was
,
when
the
Emperour
sent
his
Tribunes
,
and
other
Officers
to
require
certayne
Vessells
belonging
to
the
Church
to
be
deliuered
,
which
S.
Ambrose
constantly
denyed
to
do
,
saying
:
That
in
this
,
he
could
not
obey
:
And
further
adding
,
That
if
the
Emperour
did
loue
him selfe
,
he
should
abstayne
from
offering
such
iniury
vnto
Christ
.
And
in
another
place
,
handling
the
same
more
at
large
,
For
what
is
more
honourable
vnto
him
,
then
that
he
being
an
Emperour
,
be
called
a
Child
of
the
Church
,
for
that
a
good
Emperour
is
within
the
Church
,
but
not
aboue
the
Church
.
So
S.
Ambrose
.
What
would
he
haue
done
,
or
said
,
if
he
had
bene
pressed
with
an
Oath
against
his
Conscience
,
or
any
least
poynt
of
his
Religion
?
IL.
Neyther
doth
the
last
place
cyted
out
of
S.
Gregorie
the
Great
to
the
Emperour
Mauritius
make
any
thing
more
for
our
Apologers
purpose
of
taking
Oathes
against
Conscience
.
For
albeit
the
same
Father
do
greatly
complayne
in
dyuers
places
of
the
oppression
of
the
Church
by
the
Kingly
power
of
Mauritius
,
Quid
Nero
?
S.
Gregorie
did
greatly
mislike
,
S.
Gregorie
misliked
the
same
,
and
dealt
earnestly
with
the
Emperour
to
relinquish
it
,
or
to
suffer
it
to
be
so
moderated
,
as
it
might
stand
without
preiudice
of
Christian
liberty
:
wherunto
the
Emperour
at
length
yealded
,
and
so
S.
Gregorie
sent
the
same
abroad
vnto
diuers
Primates
and
Archbishoppes
of
sundry
Kingdomes
mencioned
by
him
,
but
corrected
first
and
reduced
by
himself
,
as
supreme
Pastour
,
to
a
reasonable
lawfulnes
,
and
temperate
moderation
:
to
witt
,
That
those
who
had
borne
offices
of
charge
in
the
Common
wealth
,
and
after
desyred
to
be
admitted
to
Religious
life
in
Monasteryes
,
should
not
be
receyued
,
vntill
they
had
gyuen
vp
their
full
accompts
,
&
had
obteyned
publicke
discharge
for
the
same
.
And
that
soldiours
which
demanded
the
like
admittance
,
should
be
exactly
tryed
,
and
not
admitted
vnto
Monassicall
habite
,
but
after
they
had
lyued
three
yeares
in
their
lay
apparell
,
vnder
probation
.
L.
This
determineth
S.
Gregorie
in
his
Epistle
,
Greg●ri●s
〈◊〉
Thessalo●consi
,
Vrbicio
Dirachitano
,
&c.
adding
further
in
the
same
Epistle
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
De
qua
re
,
Seren●inus
&
Christanissimus
Imperator
omnimdo
pl●ca●●r
:
About
which
matter
our
most
Clement
and
Christian
Emperour
is
wholy
pleased
and
content
.
So
as
in
this
S.
Gregorie
shewed
his
pastorall
care
and
power
,
in
limiting
and
moderating
the
Emperours
law
,
according
to
the
law
of
God
,
though
in
temporall
respectes
he
shewed
him
the
Obedience
,
that
was
due
vnto
him
.
But
what
is
this
vnto
our
Oath
?
May
we
thinke
that
S.
Gregory
,
that
would
not
passe
a
temporall
law
of
the
Emperour
,
without
reprehension
of
the
vnlawfulnes
therof
to
the
Emperour
himselfe
,
and
correction
thero●
in
the
publication
,
for
that
indirectly
it
did
intringe
the
liberty
of
Religious
life
,
when
men
were
called
therunto
,
that
he
would
not
haue
much
more
resisted
the
admission
of
an
Oath
,
about
such
affayres
,
if
it
had
beene
proposed
?
No
man
,
I
thinke
,
in
reason
can
imagine
the
contrary
.
LI.
The
last
thing
then
that
is
cited
without
purpose
by
this
Apologer
,
are
certayne
Councels
,
which
are
said
to
haue
submitted
thems●lues
to
Emperours
,
as
that
of
Arles
in
France
vnto
Charles
the
Great
their
King
for
that
in
the
last
wordes
of
the
said
Councell
,
the
Bishopps
there
gathered
togeather
presenting
the
same
to
the
same
Charles
write
thus
:
Hae
sub
breuitate
,
quae
emendatione
digna
perspeximus
,
beseeching
his
Clemency
if
any
thing
be
wanting
to
supply
it
by
his
wysedome
;
and
if
any
thing
be
otherwise
done
then
reason
requireth
,
it
be
amended
by
his
iudgement
;
and
if
any
thing
be
reasonably
censured
,
it
may
be
perfected
by
his
helpe
,
and
by
the
Clemency
of
Almighty
God
.
So
the
Councell
.
And
heerof
would
the
Apologer
inferre
that
this
Councell
of
Bishops
submitted
it selfe
to
the
Emperour
.
LII
.
But
I
would
aske
him
wherin
?
To
take
any
Oath
that
the
Emperour
Charles
should
propose
vnto
them
?
Wee
see
no
Oath
offered
,
nor
mentioned
,
and
so
nothing
heere
to
our
purpose
.
Wherin
then
,
or
why
are
they
said
to
haue
submitted
themselues
?
For
that
,
perhaps
,
it
is
said
in
the
Preface
of
the
Councell
,
that
they
were
gathered
togeather
by
order
,
and
commandement
of
the
said
Emperour
.
Surely
it
was
hard
,
that
so
many
Bishops
,
&
Archbishops
should
be
assembled
togeather
without
his
liking
,
and
Order
.
But
that
the
consent
,
direction
,
and
chiefe
Commission
for
the
same
,
came
from
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
may
easily
be
gathered
:
for
that
in
the
first
Councell
that
he
caused
to
be
celebrated
in
his
Dominions
,
LIII
.
And
wherin
then
?
Or
why
is
this
submission
made
?
For
approbation
of
matters
concerning
faith
?
No
,
for
that
yow
haue
heard
before
out
of
S.
Ambrose
,
that
therin
Emperours
are
not
iudges
of
Bishops
,
but
Bishops
of
Emperours
.
Wherin
then
,
or
why
is
this
submission
,
or
rather
remission
to
the
Emperour
,
and
his
iudgment
?
It
was
,
for
that
this
Councell
was
made
onely
for
reformation
of
manners
and
matters
,
at
the
religious
instance
of
the
good
Emperour
,
[
a
](A09102-e9230-b)
a
Can.
2.
Masses
and
Litanies
be
said
daylie
for
them
,
by
all
Bishops
,
Abbots
,
Monks
,
and
Priests
.
[
b
](A09102-e9250-b)
b
Can.
3.
That
Bishops
and
Priests
study
more
diligently
,
and
teach
the
people
,
both
by
lessons
and
preachings
:
[
c
](A09102-e9260-b)
c
Can.
4.
That
lay
men
may
not
put
out
Priests
of
their
benefices
,
without
the
sentence
of
the
Bishop
,
nor
that
they
take
money
of
them
for
collation
of
the
said
benefices
:
[
d
](A09102-e9270-b)
d
Can.
7.
&
8.
That
none
be
admitted
to
enter
into
the
Monasteryes
of
Virgins
,
eyther
to
say
Mass●
,
or
otherwise
,
but
such
as
be
o●
approued
vertue
:
[
e
](A09102-e9280-b)
e
Can.
13.
How
peace
is
to
be
held
betweene
Bishops
,
Earles
,
and
other
Great
men
,
especially
in
execution
of
Iustice
:
[
f
](A09102-e9290-b)
f
Can.
15.
&
16.
That
weightes
and
measures
be
iust
and
equall
,
and
that
none
worke
vpon
holy
dayes
:
[
g
](A09102-e9300-b)
g
Can.
20.
22.
23.
That
all
Tythes
be
payd
,
all
ancient
possessions
mantayned
to
the
Churches
:
That
no
secular
courtes
be
held
in
Churches
,
or
Church
porches
:
That
no
Earles
,
or
other
Great
men
do
●raudulently
buy
poore
mens
goodes
,
&c.
LIV.
These
then
were
the
pointes
of
Reformation
,
decreed
in
that
Councell
of
Arles
,
LV.
And
for
that
,
all
the
other
Authorityes
of
other
Councels
heere
cyted
,
do
tend
only
to
this
end
of
prouing
Temporall
Obedience
,
which
we
deny
not
,
but
do
offer
the
same
most
willingly
:
we
shall
not
stand
to
answere
or
examine
any
more
of
them
,
but
shall
●nd
this
Paragraph
,
with
laying
downe
the
insultation
of
this
Apologer
against
the
Pope
,
vpon
his
owne
voluntary
mistaking
the
Question
.
I
read
(
sayth
he
)
in
the
Scriptures
,
His
Kingdome
was
not
of
this
world
,
bidding
vs
to
giue
to
Cesar
that
which
was
Cesars
,
and
to
God
that
which
was
Gods
:
and
I
euer
held
it
for
an
infallible
Maxime
in
Deuinity
,
That
temporall
Obedience
to
a
temporall
Magistrate
,
did
nothing
repugne
to
matters
o●
faith
o●
saluation
of
soules
.
But
that
euer
Temporall
Obedience
was
against
faith
and
saluation
of
sou●es
,
as
in
this
Breue
is
alledged
,
was
neuer
before
heard
or
read
of
in
the
Christian
Church
;
and
therfore
,
I
would
haue
wished
the
Pope
,
be●ore
he
had
set
downe
this
Commandement
to
all
Papists
heere
,
That
since
in
him
is
the
Power
,
by
the
infallibility
of
his
spirit
,
to
make
new
Articles
of
faith
,
when
euer
it
shall
please
him
;
That
he
had
first
set
it
downe
for
an
Article
of
faith
,
before
he
had
commanded
all
Catholicks
to
belieue
,
and
obey
it
.
So
he
.
LVI
.
And
I
maruaile
,
that
a
man
professing
learning
,
would
euer
so
tryfle
,
or
rather
wrangle
,
and
wrongfully
charge
his
Aduersary
:
for
that
I
fynde
no
such
thing
in
the
Breue
at
all
,
as
that
Temporall
Obedience
is
against
faith
and
saluation
of
soules
:
nor
doth
the
Breue
forbid
it
:
to
make
new
Articles
of
Faith
:
nay
rather
it
is
the
full
consent
of
all
Catholicke
Deuines
,
that
the
Pope
,
and
all
the
Church
togeather
,
cannot
make
any
one
new
Article
of
beliefe
,
that
was
not
truth
before
,
though
they
may
explane
what
points
are
to
be
held
for
matters
of
faith
,
&
what
not
,
vpon
any
new
heresies
or
doubts
arising
:
Which
articles
so
declared
,
though
they
be
more
particulerly
,
and
perspicuously
knowne
now
for
points
of
faith
,
and
so
to
be
belieued
,
after
the
declaration
of
the
Church
then
before
:
yet
had
they
before
the
self
same
truth
in
themselues
,
that
now
they
haue
.
Nor
hath
the
said
Church
added
any
thing
to
them
,
but
this
declaration
only
.
making
new
Articles
of
faith
,
is
a
meere
calumniation
amongst
the
rest
.
LVII
.
There
followeth
his
conclusion
:
I
will
then
conclude
(
saith
he
)
my
answere
to
this
point
in
a
Dilemma
:
Eyther
it
is
lawfull
to
obey
the
Soueraigne
in
temporall
things
or
not
.
If
it
be
lawfull
,
as
I
neuer
heard
or
read
it
doubted
of
:
then
why
is
the
Pope
so
vniust
and
cruell
towards
his
owne
Catholicks
,
as
to
commaund
them
to
disobey
their
Soueraignes
lawfull
commandement
?
If
it
be
vnlawfull
,
why
hath
he
not
expressed
any
one
cause
or
reason
therof
?
But
this
Dilemma
is
easily
dissolued
,
or
rather
falleth
of
it self
,
both
his
pillers
being
but
broken
reeds
,
framed
out
of
false
suppositions
:
For
that
the
Pope
neyther
denyeth
it
,
LVIII
.
But
yet
he
goeth
forward
vpon
the
same
false
ground
to
buyld
more
accusations
against
the
Pope
,
saying
:
That
if
the
foundation
of
his
exhorting
Catholicks
to
beare
patiently
their
tribulations
,
be
false
(
as
this
Apologer
auoucheth
it
to
be
)
then
it
can
worke
no
other
effect
,
then
to
make
him
guylty
of
the
bloud
of
so
many
of
his
sheep
,
whome
he
doth
thus
willfully
cast
away
,
not
only
to
the
needles
losse
of
their
liues
,
and
ruyne
of
their
famylies
:
but
euen
to
the
laying
on
of
a
perpetuall
slander
vpon
all
Papists
.
As
it
no
zealous
Papist
could
be
a
true
Subiect
to
his
Prince
:
and
that
Religion
,
and
the
Temporall
Obedience
to
the
Cyuill
Magistrate
,
were
two
things
incompatible
and
repugnant
in
themselues
.
Thus
he
.
LIX
.
But
who
doth
not
see
that
these
be
all
iniurious
inferences
,
inforced
vpon
the
former
false
suppositions
,
to
witt
,
That
Catholicks
suffer
nothing
for
their
Conscience
,
That
there
is
no
persecution
at
all
in
England
,
That
there
is
nothing
exacted
by
this
last
oath
,
but
only
and
meerly
Cyuill
Obedience
,
and
that
in
this
,
the
Pope
exhorteth
them
to
disobey
the
Temporall
Prince
in
Temporall
dutyes
,
and
thereby
giueth
iust
occasion
to
the
Prince
to
vse
his
sword
against
them
,
and
consequently
that
he
is
cause
of
the
effusion
of
their
bloud
,
and
of
the
infamy
of
Catholicke
Religion
:
as
though
no
Catholicke
by
his
Religion
could
be
a
true
Subiect
to
his
Temporall
Prince
.
All
which
suppositions
being
vtterly
mistaken
,
and
not
true
,
the
more
often
they
are
repeated
,
the
more
exorbitant
seemeth
the
ouersight
of
the
wryter
.
And
in
my
opinion
,
the
very
same
might
haue
bene
obiected
vnto
S.
Cyprian
and
other
Fathers
of
the
Primitiue
Church
,
LX.
Neyther
is
it
sufficient
to
say
,
that
those
tymes
and
ours
are
different
,
for
that
the
things
then
demaunded
were
apparantly
vnlawfull
,
but
these
not
:
for
that
,
to
vs
that
are
Catholicks
,
these
things
are
as
vnlawfull
now
,
as
those
other
were
then
to
them
,
for
that
they
are
no
lesse
against
our
Consciences
in
matters
of
Religion
.
For
why
should
it
be
more
damnable
then
,
and
indispensable
to
deliuer
vp
a
Byble
,
or
new
Testament
,
for
examples
sake
,
when
the
Emperour
commaunded
it
,
then
now
to
sweare
an
Oath
against
our
Conscience
and
Religion
,
when
our
Temporall
Prince
exacteth
it
?
For
that
this
,
perhaps
,
is
called
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
?
Who
knoweth
not
,
that
the
fayrest
tytle
is
put
vpon
the
fowlest
matter
,
when
it
is
to
be
persuaded
or
exacted
?
And
he
that
shall
read
the
Historyes
of
that
tyme
,
and
of
those
auncient
afflictions
,
shall
see
that
Act
also
to
haue
beene
required
,
LXI
.
Well
then
,
to
draw
to
an
end
of
this
second
paragraph
about
the
two
Breues
of
Paulus
Quintus
,
two
things
more
writeth
this
Apologer
,
whereunto
I
must
in
like
manner
say
somewhat
.
The
first
is
,
That
Pope
Clemens
Octauus
sent
into
England
,
two
Breues
immediatly
before
the
late
Queenes
death
,
for
debarring
of
his
Maiestie
,
our
now
Soueraigne
,
of
the
Crowne
,
or
any
other
,
that
eyther
would
professe
,
or
any
way
tolerate
the
professours
of
our
Religion
,
contrary
(
saieth
he
)
to
his
manifold
vowes
,
and
protestations
,
simul
&
eodem
tempore
,
and
,
as
it
were
,
deliuered
,
vno
&
eodem
Spiritu
,
to
diuers
of
his
Maiestyes
Ministers
abroade
,
professing
all
kyndenes
,
and
shewing
all
forwardnes
to
aduance
him
to
this
Crowne
,
&c.
Wherein
still
I
fynde
the
same
veyne
of
exaggeration
,
and
calumniation
continued
by
the
Apologer
.
For
hauing
procured
some
knowledge
of
those
two
Breues
,
nor
immediatly
before
the
late
Queenes
death
,
but
the
one
diuers
yeares
before
shee
dyed
,
and
the
other
after
her
death
,
and
this
to
different
effects
.
For
in
the
first
,
the
Pope
being
consulted
,
what
Catholicks
were
bound
to
doe
in
conscience
,
for
admitting
a
new
Prince
after
the
Queene
should
be
dead
,
for
so
much
as
some
of
different
Religions
,
were
,
or
might
be
,
pretenders
;
he
determined
that
a
Catholicke
was
to
be
preferred
,
not
thinking
(
as
may
be
presumed
)
to
preiudice
therein
his
Maiesty
that
now
is
,
of
whome
,
vpon
the
relations
,
and
earnest
asseuerations
of
those
his
Maiestyes
Ministers
abroad
,
who
heere
are
mentioned
,
he
had
conceaued
firme
hope
,
that
his
Highnes
was
not
farre
from
being
a
Catholicke
,
or
at
least
wise
not
altogeather
so
alienate
from
that
Religion
,
or
professours
therof
,
as
reasonable
hope
might
not
be
conceaued
of
his
conuersion
:
though
in
regard
of
not
preiudicing
his
Tytle
in
England
,
the
said
Ministers
auouched
,
that
it
was
not
thought
expedient
at
that
tyme
to
make
declaration
therof
.
LXII
.
This
was
auerred
then
,
how
truly
or
falsly
I
know
not
.
But
many
letters
and
testifications
are
extant
hereof
,
which
were
the
cause
of
those
demonstrations
of
Clemens
Octauus
,
to
fauour
his
M.ties
Tytle
,
which
he
did
so
hartily
and
effectually
,
as
when
he
,
after
the
Queenes
death
,
vnderstood
that
he
was
called
for
into
England
,
he
wrote
presently
the
second
Breue
,
exhorting
all
Catholicks
to
receaue
and
obey
him
willingly
,
hoping
that
at
leastwise
they
should
be
permitted
to
liue
peaceably
vnder
him
.
And
this
is
the
very
truth
of
those
two
Breues
:
nor
was
there
in
the
former
any
one
word
against
his
Maiesty
then
of
Scotland
;
and
much
lesse
that
he
was
therin
called
the
Scottish
Hereticke
,
Syr
Edward
Cooke
hath
deuised
since
,
and
falsely
vttered
in
print
without
shame
or
conscience
.
Nor
was
there
any
such
wordes
,
as
heere
are
alleadged
,
against
any
that
would
but
tolerate
the
Professours
of
Protestants
Religion
:
nor
was
there
any
such
double
dealing
or
dissimulation
in
Pope
Clement
his
speaches
,
or
doings
,
concerning
his
Ma.
ty
as
heere
are
set
downe
.
But
the
truth
is
,
that
he
loued
his
person
most
hartily
,
and
alwaies
spake
honourably
of
him
,
treated
kindely
all
those
of
his
nation
,
that
said
they
came
from
him
,
or
any
wayes
belonged
vnto
him
:
and
often
tymes
vsed
more
liberality
that
way
,
vpon
diuers
occasions
,
then
is
conuenient
,
perhaps
,
for
me
to
vtter
heere
:
caused
speciall
prayer
to
be
made
for
his
Maiesty
,
wherof
,
I
suppose
,
his
Highnes
cannot
altogeather
be
ignorant
,
and
much
lesse
can
so
noble
a
nature
be
ingrate
for
the
same
,
which
assureth
me
,
that
those
things
vtterd
by
this
Apologer
,
so
farre
from
the
truth
,
could
not
be
conferred
with
his
Maiesty
,
but
vttered
by
the
Authour
therof
,
vpon
his
owne
splene
,
against
the
Pope
,
and
such
as
are
of
his
Religion
.
LXIII
.
The
second
and
last
point
affirmed
by
the
Apologer
in
this
Paragraph
,
Paulus
Quintus
was
iudged
to
be
farre
against
Deuinity
,
Policy
,
and
naturall
sense
,
by
sundry
Catholicks
,
not
of
the
simpler
sort
,
but
of
the
best
account
both
for
learning
and
experience
among
them
,
wherof
the
Archpriest
was
one
,
and
consequently
,
that
it
was
held
but
for
a
counterfaite
libell
,
deuised
in
hatred
of
the
Pope
.
&c.
All
this
(
I
say
)
hath
much
calumniation
in
it
,
and
litle
truth
.
For
albeit
some
might
doubt
,
perhaps
,
whether
it
came
immediatly
from
the
Pope
,
Ex
motu
proprio
,
or
only
from
the
Congregation
of
the
Inquisition
,
vpon
defectuous
information
of
the
State
of
the
question
in
England
(
of
which
doubt
,
notwithstanding
,
if
any
were
,
there
could
be
little
ground
:
)
yet
no
Catholicke
of
iudgement
or
piety
,
would
euer
passe
so
farre
,
as
to
iudge
it
contrary
to
Deuinity
,
Policy
,
or
naturall
sense
,
and
much
lesse
,
to
be
a
libell
deuised
in
hatred
of
the
Pope
.
These
are
but
deuises
of
the
Minister-Apologer
:
and
he
offereth
much
iniury
to
so
Reuerend
a
man
as
the
Archpriest
is
,
to
name
him
in
so
odious
a
matter
,
but
that
his
end
therin
is
well
knowne
.
And
if
there
were
any
such
doubt
,
or
might
be
before
,
of
the
lawfulnes
of
the
first
Breue
,
now
is
the
matter
cleered
by
the
second
;
and
so
all
men
see
thereby
,
what
is
the
sentence
of
the
Sea
Apostolicke
therein
,
which
is
sufficient
for
Catholicke
men
,
that
haue
learned
to
obey
,
and
to
submitt
their
iudgements
to
those
,
whome
God
hath
appointed
for
the
declaration
,
and
decision
of
such
doubts
.
And
thus
much
about
those
two
Breues
.
Now
let
vs
see
what
is
said
to
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
,
for
writing
to
M.
Blackwell
in
this
affaire
.
ABOVT
CARDINALL
BELLARMINES
LETTER
TO
Mr.
BLACKWELL
:
And
answere
giuen
thereunto
,
by
the
Apologer
.
Paragr.
III.
THE
last
Part
of
this
Apology
concerneth
a
letter
written
by
Cardinall
Bellarmine
in
Rome
,
vnto
George
Blackwell
Arch-priest
in
England
:
Of
Allegiance
,
there
were
found
diuers
poynts
combined
togeather
,
some
appertayning
manifestly
to
Ciuill
Allegiance
,
wherat
no
man
made
scruple
,
some
other
seeming
to
include
other
matters
,
contrary
to
some
part
of
the
Catholicke
faith
,
at
least
in
the
common
sense
as
they
ly
;
there
arose
a
doubt
whether
the
said
Oath
might
be
taken
simply
and
wholy
,
by
a
Catholicke
man
,
as
it
is
there
proposed
without
any
further
distinction
,
or
explication
thereof
.
Wherupon
some
learned
men
at
home
being
different
in
opinions
,
II.
In
the
meane
space
it
happened
,
that
M.
Blackwell
being
taken
,
was
committed
to
prison
,
and
soone
after
,
as
he
had
byn
of
opinion
before
,
that
the
said
Oath
might
be
taken
as
it
lay
in
a
certayne
sense
;
so
it
being
offred
vnto
him
,
he
tooke
it
himselfe
.
Which
thing
being
noysed
abroad
,
and
the
fact
generally
misliked
by
all
sortes
of
Catholicke
people
in
other
Realmes
,
as
offensiue
,
and
scandalous
in
regard
of
his
place
,
and
person
,
so
much
respected
by
them
:
Cardinall
Bellarmine
,
as
hauing
had
some
old
acquaintance
with
him
in
former
yeares
,
as
it
may
seeme
,
resolued
out
of
his
particuler
loue
,
&
zeale
to
the
Common
cause
of
Religion
,
and
speciall
affection
to
his
person
,
to
write
a
letter
vnto
him
,
therby
to
let
him
know
what
reportes
,
and
iudgment
there
was
made
of
his
fact
,
throughout
those
partes
of
Christendome
where
he
remayned
,
III.
This
Letter
was
written
vpon
the
28.
day
of
September
1607.
and
it
was
subscribed
thus
in
Latyn
;
Admodum
R.
dae
Dom.
is
Vae
.
Frater
&
seruus
in
Christo.
Robertus
Card.
Bellarminus
.
Which
our
Apologer
translateth
,
Your
very
Reuerend
Brother
:
wheras
the
word
very
Reuerend
in
the
letter
,
Card.
Bellarmine
,
which
the
interpreter
knew
well
inough
,
but
that
wanting
other
matter
,
would
take
occasion
of
cauilling
by
a
wilfull
mistaking
of
his
owne
,
as
often
he
doth
throughout
this
Answere
to
Bellarmine
,
as
in
part
will
appeare
by
the
few
notes
which
heere
I
am
to
set
downe
,
leauing
the
morefull
Answere
to
the
Cardinall
himselfe
,
or
some
other
by
his
appoyntment
,
which
I
doubt
not
,
but
will
yield
very
ample
satisfaction
in
that
behalfe
.
For
that
,
in
truth
,
I
fynd
,
that
great
aduantage
is
gyuen
vnto
him
,
for
the
defence
of
his
said
Epistle
,
and
that
the
exceptions
taken
there
against
it
,
be
very
weake
and
light
,
and
as
easy
to
be
dissolued
by
him
,
and
his
penne
,
as
a
thin
mist
by
the
beames
of
the
sunne
.
IIII.
As
for
example
,
the
first
exception
is
(
which
no
doubt
were
great
,
Cardinall
Bellarmine
is
)
that
he
hath
mistaken
the
whole
State
of
the
Question
,
in
his
writing
to
M.
Blackwell
,
going
about
to
impugne
only
the
old
Oath
of
Supremacy
,
Of
Allegiance
:
but
this
is
most
cleerly
refuted
by
the
very
first
lynes
almost
of
the
letter
it self
.
For
that
telling
M.
Blackwell
,
how
sory
he
was
vpon
the
report
,
that
he
had
taken
illicitum
Iuramentum
,
an
vnlafull
Oath
,
he
expoundeth
presently
,
what
Oath
he
meaneth
,
saying
:
Not
therfore
(
deare
Brother
)
is
that
Oath
lawfull
,
for
that
it
is
offered
somwhat
tempered
&
modifyed
,
&c.
Which
is
euidently
meant
of
the
new
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
not
only
tempered
with
diuers
lawfull
clauses
of
Ciuill
Obedience
,
as
hath
byn
shewed
,
but
interlaced
also
with
other
members
,
that
reach
to
Religion
:
wheras
the
old
Oath
of
Supremacie
,
hath
no
such
mixture
,
but
is
playnly
,
and
simply
set
downe
,
for
absolute
excluding
the
Popes
Supremacie
in
causes
Ecclesiasticall
,
and
for
making
the
King
supreme
Head
of
the
Church
in
the
same
causes
:
all
which
is
most
euident
by
the
Statutes
made
about
the
same
,
from
the
25
yeare
of
King
Henry
the
8.
vnto
the
end
of
the
raigne
of
King
Edward
the
sixt
.
V.
Only
I
do
heere
note
by
the
way
,
do
vtterly
testifie
,
and
declare
in
my
Conscience
,
that
the
Kings
Highnes
is
the
only
Supreme
Gouernour
,
as
well
in
all
causes
spirituall
as
temporall
,
wheras
in
the
Statute
of
26.
of
K.
Henry
the
8.
Be
it
enacted
by
this
present
Parlament
,
that
the
King
our
Soueraigne
,
his
heirs
and
successors
,
shal
be
taken
,
accepted
,
and
reputed
the
only
Supreme
Head
in
earth
of
the
Church
of
England
,
called
Ecclesia
Anglicana
,
and
shall
haue
,
&
inioy
,
annexed
,
and
vnited
to
the
Imperiall
Crowne
of
this
Realme
,
as
well
the
tytle
and
style
therof
,
as
all
honours
,
digni●yes
,
authorityes
,
annuityes
,
profitis
,
and
commodityes
to
the
said
Dignity
of
Supreme
Head
of
the
said
Church
,
belonging
&c.
VI.
And
further
,
wheras
two
yeares
after
,
an
Oath
was
deuised
for
confirmation
heerof
in
Parlament
,
the
wordes
of
the
Oath
are
sett
downe
:
That
he
shall
sweare
to
renounce
vtterly
,
and
relinquish
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
and
his
Authority
,
power
,
and
iurisdiction
&c.
And
that
from
hence
forth
,
he
shall
accept
,
repute
,
and
take
the
Kings
M.tie
to
be
the
only
Supreme
Head
in
earth
of
the
Church
of
England
&c.
And
that
the
refusers
of
this
Oath
,
shall
be
reputed
traytors
and
suffer
the
paynes
of
death
&c.
And
in
other
Statutes
it
is
decreed
,
that
it
shall
be
treason
to
deny
this
title
of
headship
to
the
King
.
And
by
like
Decree
of
Parlament
,
it
is
declared
vnder
King
Edward
,
For
so
much
as
all
Authority
of
Iurisdiction
spirituall
,
and
temporall
is
deryued
,
&
deduced
from
the
Kings
M.tie
as
Supreme
Head
of
these
Churches
,
&
Realmes
of
England
and
Ireland
&c.
VII
.
This
was
wont
to
be
the
doctryne
of
Supremacy
in
the
tymes
of
King
Henry
,
and
King
Edward
,
and
it
was
death
to
deny
this
tytle
,
or
not
to
sweare
the
same
:
now
our
Apologer
thinketh
it
not
good
to
giue
it
any
longer
to
his
Ma.tie
that
now
is
,
but
calleth
him
only
Supreme
Gouernour
,
which
is
a
new
deuise
taken
from
Iohn
Reynolds
,
&
other
his
fellowes
,
who
aboue
twenty
yeares
gone
,
being
pressed
by
his
Aduersary
M.
Hart
,
about
calling
Q.
Elizabeth
,
Head
of
the
Church
,
he
denyeth
flatly
,
that
they
called
her
so
,
but
only
Supreme
Gouernesse
,
which
I
had
thought
they
had
done
in
regard
of
her
sex
,
that
is
not
permitted
to
speake
in
the
Church
.
But
now
I
perceaue
they
haue
passed
the
same
also
ouer
to
his
M.tie
not
permitting
him
to
inherite
the
tytles
,
eyther
of
King
Edward
,
or
King
Henry
;
which
misliketh
not
vs
at
all
,
for
that
so
farre
they
may
passe
heerin
,
as
we
may
come
to
agree
.
For
if
they
will
vnderstand
by
supreme
Gouernour
,
the
temporall
Princes
Supreme
Authority
ouer
all
persons
of
his
dominions
,
both
Ecclesiasticall
,
and
Temporall
,
in
temporall
matters
,
excepting
only
Spirituall
(
wherin
as
yow
haue
heard
a
litle
before
S.
Ambrose
told
the
Christian
Emperours
of
his
tyme
,
that
being
Lay-men
,
they
could
not
rightly
meddle
:
)
I
see
no
great
difficulty
,
which
in
this
affayre
would
remayne
betweene
vs
.
VIII
.
To
returne
then
to
the
Charge
of
ouersight
,
and
grosse
mistaking
(
to
vse
the
Apologers
words
)
layd
by
him
to
Cardinal
Bellarmine
,
for
impugning
the
ancienter
Oath
of
Supremacy
,
insteed
of
this
later
called
,
Of
Allegiance
,
&
Of
giuing
the
child
a
wrong
name
(
as
he
saith
,
)
I
see
not
by
what
least
colour
,
or
shew
of
reason
,
it
may
stand
against
him
.
For
besydes
that
which
we
haue
said
before
,
of
the
temperament
,
&
modification
mentioned
by
him
to
be
craftily
couched
in
this
later
Oath
,
which
by
his
letter
he
refuteth
(
I
meane
of
lawfull
,
and
vnlawfull
clauses
)
which
must
needes
be
vnderstood
of
the
second
Oath
;
he
adioyneth
presently
the
confutation
of
those
modifications
,
saying
:
For
yow
know
that
those
kind
of
modifications
,
are
nothing
els
,
but
sleightes
&
subtilityes
of
Sathan
,
that
the
Catholicke
faith
,
touching
the
Primacy
of
the
Sea
Apostolicke
,
might
eyther
secretly
,
or
openly
be
shott
at
.
Lo
heere
he
mentioneth
both
the
Oathes
,
the
one
which
shooteth
secretly
at
the
Primacy
of
the
Sea
Apostolicke
(
which
is
the
later
Of
Allegiance
)
&
the
other
that
impugneth
it
openly
,
which
is
the
first
of
the
Supremacy
.
And
as
he
nameth
the
second
in
the
first
place
,
so
doth
he
principally
prosecute
the
same
,
&
proueth
the
vnlawfulnes
therof
,
mentioning
the
other
but
only
as
by
the
way
,
for
that
it
is
as
Totum
ad
Partem
to
the
former
,
as
a
man
can
hardly
speake
of
particuler
members
of
a
body
,
without
naming
also
the
said
body
(
as
when
S.
Iames
inuegheth
against
the
tonge
,
That
it
inflameth
the
whole
body
:
)
so
Card.
all
Bellarmine
could
hardly
reproue
the
particuler
branches
of
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
tending
against
sundry
parts
of
the
Popes
Primacie
,
without
mentioning
the
generall
Oath
of
Supremacy
,
though
it
were
not
his
purpose
chiefly
to
impugne
that
,
but
the
other
.
Which
later
Oath
,
albeit
the
Apologer
sticketh
not
to
say
,
that
it
toucheth
not
any
part
of
the
Popes
Spirituall
Supremacy
:
yet
in
the
very
next
period
,
he
contradicteth
&
ouerthroweth
himselfe
therin
.
For
so
much
,
as
deuiding
the
said
Oath
of
Allegiance
into
14.
IX
.
As
for
example
,
And
that
the
Iniustice
(
saith
he
)
as
well
as
the
error
of
Bellarmine
his
grosse
mistaking
in
this
poynt
,
may
yet
be
more
cleerly
discouered
;
I
haue
thought
good
to
insert
heere
immediatly
the
contrary
conclusions
to
all
the
poynts
and
Articles
,
wherof
this
other
late
Oath
doth
consist
,
wherby
it
may
appeare
,
what
vnreasonable
and
rebellious
poynts
he
would
dryue
his
Ma.ties
Subiects
vnto
,
by
refusing
the
whole
body
of
that
Oath
,
as
it
is
conceaued
.
For
he
that
shall
refuse
to
take
this
Oath
,
must
of
necessity
hold
these
propositions
following
:
First
that
our
Soueraign●
Lord
King
Iames
is
not
the
lawfull
King
of
this
Kingdome
,
and
of
all
other
his
Ma.ties
Dominions
.
Secondly
that
the
Pope
by
his
owne
authority
may
depose
,
&c.
But
who
doth
not
see
what
a
simple
fallacy
this
is
,
which
the
Logicians
do
call
A
composito
ad
diuisa
,
from
denying
of
a
compound
,
to
inferre
the
denyall
of
all
the
parcels
therin
conteyned
.
As
if
some
would
say
,
that
Plato
was
a
man
borne
in
Greece
,
of
an
excellent
wit
,
skilfull
in
the
Greeke
language
,
most
excellent
of
all
other
Philosophers
,
and
would
require
this
to
be
confirmed
by
an
Oath
,
some
Platonist
,
perhaps
,
would
be
content
to
sweare
it
:
but
if
some
Stoicke
,
or
Peripateticke
,
or
Professour
of
some
other
Sect
in
Philosophy
,
should
refuse
the
said
Oath
,
in
respect
of
the
last
clause
,
might
a
man
inferre
against
him
in
all
the
other
clauses
also
,
Ergò
he
denyeth
Plato
to
be
a
Man
?
He
denyeth
him
to
be
borne
in
Greece
,
he
denyeth
him
to
be
of
an
excellent
wit
,
he
denyeth
him
to
be
skilfull
in
the
Greeke
tongue
,
&c.
Were
not
this
a
bad
kynd
of
arguing
?
X.
So
in
like
manner
,
if
an
Arrian
,
or
Pelagian
Prince
,
should
exact
an
Oath
at
his
Subiects
hands
,
XI
.
And
that
the
world
(
saith
he
)
may
yet
further
see
,
Oath
of
Allegiance
,
decreed
a
thousand
yeares
agone
,
which
a
famons
Councell
then
,
togeather
with
diuers
other
Councels
,
were
so
farre
from
condemning
(
as
the
Pope
now
hath
done
this
Oath
)
as
I
haue
thought
good
to
set
downe
their
owne
wordes
heere
in
that
purpose
;
wherby
it
may
appeare
,
that
his
Ma.tie
craueth
nothing
now
of
his
Subiects
in
this
Oath
,
which
was
not
expresly
,
and
carefully
commanded
them
by
the
Councels
to
be
obeyed
,
without
exception
of
persons
.
Nay
not
in
the
very
particuler
poynt
of
Equiuocation
,
which
his
Ma.tie
in
this
Oath
is
so
carefull
to
haue
eschewed
:
but
yow
shall
heere
see
the
said
Councels
in
their
Decrees
,
as
carefull
to
prouide
for
the
eschewing
of
the
same
;
XII
.
And
I
haue
alledged
his
discourse
at
large
,
to
the
end
yow
may
better
see
his
fraudulent
manner
of
proceeding
.
He
saith
,
That
the
example
of
this
Oath
is
taken
from
an
Oath
of
Allegiance
decreed
a
thousand
yeares
agone
in
the
Councels
of
Toledo
,
but
especially
the
fourth
,
Euery
point
of
that
Action
to
haue
agreeance
with
the
offering
of
this
Oath
.
XIII
.
True
it
is
that
those
Councels
of
Toledo
,
vpon
certayne
occasions
,
which
presently
we
shall
declare
,
do
recommend
much
to
the
subiects
of
Spayne
,
both
Gothes
and
Spaniards
;
that
they
do
obserue
their
Oath
of
fidelity
made
vnto
their
Kings
,
XIV
.
The
cause
of
the
treatie
of
this
matter
in
the
4.
Councell
of
Toledo
,
was
,
for
that
one
Sisenandus
a
Noble
man
of
the
bloud
of
the
Gothes
,
and
a
great
Captaine
,
taking
opportunitie
of
the
euill
life
of
his
King
S●intila
,
whome
he
had
serued
,
did
by
some
violence
(
as
most
of
the
[
*
](A09102-e12090-b)
*
See
Rode
.
Tolet.
lib.
2.
dereb
.
His.
c.
19.
Santius
par.
2.
hist.
Hisp.
c.
27.
loan
.
Vasaus
in
Chron.
His.
num.
631.
Spanish
Historiographers
write
,
though
confirmed
afterward
by
the
Common-wealth
,
and
proued
a
very
good
King
)
and
,
as
Paulus
Aemilius
in
his
French
Historie
recordeth
,
by
helpe
of
Dagobert
King
of
France
,
put
out
the
said
Suintila
:
and
fearing
lest
the
same
people
that
had
made
defection
to
him
,
might
by
the
same
meanes
fall
from
him
againe
,
he
procured
in
the
third
yeare
of
his
raigne
,
this
fourth
Councell
of
Toledo
,
to
be
celebrated
of
70.
Prelates
,
as
some
say
,
and
as
others
,
of
68.
hoping
by
their
meanes
,
that
his
safety
in
the
Crowne
should
be
confirmed
.
Wherupon
it
is
set
downe
,
in
the
Preface
of
the
said
Councell
,
that
comming
into
the
same
,
accompanyed
with
many
noble
and
honorable
persons
of
his
trayne
;
exhorted
the
Synod
to
be
myndfull
of
the
Fathers
Decrees
,
for
confirmation
of
Ecclesiasticall
rytes
&c.
Wherupon
after
seauenty
and
three
Decrees
made
,
about
Ecclesiasticall
matters
,
which
whosoeuer
will
read
,
shall
fynd
them
wholy
against
the
Protestants
,
XV.
And
then
next
to
this
,
Lett
him
be
accursed
(
say
they
)
in
the
sight
of
God
the
Father
,
and
of
his
Angels
,
and
cast
out
from
the
Catholicke
Church
,
which
by
his
periury
he
hath
profaned
;
and
let
him
be
separated
from
all
Society
of
Christians
,
togeather
with
all
his
associates
in
such
attemptes
.
And
this
curse
they
do
renew
and
repeat
diuers
tymes
in
that
Canon
;
Vt
haec
tremenda
,
&
toties
iterata
sententia
,
nullum
ex
nobis
praesenti
atque
aeterno
condemnet
iudicio
;
that
this
dreadfull
and
often
iterated
sentence
of
excommunication
,
do
not
condemne
any
of
vs
with
iudgement
present
,
and
euerlasting
also
,
if
we
incurre
the
same
.
XVI
.
This
then
was
the
great
care
which
those
ancient
Fathers
(
wherof
the
holy
and
learned
man
S.
Isidorus
,
XVII
.
But
to
go
forward
,
and
speake
a
word
or
two
more
of
this
Councell
of
Toledo
.
After
those
70.
Fathers
had
taken
this
order
for
the
temporall
safetie
of
their
Prince
,
and
Gothish
Nation
(
for
that
was
a
principall
point
that
none
should
be
admitted
to
the
Crowne
,
but
of
that
race
)
they
turne
their
speach
to
the
present
King
Sisenandus
,
We
with
due
humility
,
do
require
at
your
hands
also
that
are
our
present
King
,
and
at
the
hands
of
those
that
shall
ensue
in
future
tymes
,
that
yow
be
moderate
and
myld
towards
your
subiects
,
and
do
rule
your
people
committed
vnto
yow
by
God
,
in
iustice
and
piety
;
and
do
yield
to
Christ
,
the
giuer
of
all
your
power
,
good
correspondence
by
raigning
ouer
them
,
in
humility
of
harte
,
and
indeauour
of
good
workes
&c.
And
we
do
promulgate
here
against
all
Kings
to
come
this
sentence
;
Vt
si
quis
ex
eis
,
contra
reuerentiam
legum
,
superba
dominatione
,
&
fastu
Regio
in
flagitiis
crudelissimam
potestatem
in
populis
exercuerit
,
Anathematis
sententia
à
Christo
Domino
condemnetur
.
&c.
That
if
any
of
them
shall
against
the
reuerence
of
the
lawes
,
by
proud
domination
,
and
Kingly
haughtines
,
exercise
wickednes
,
and
cruell
power
vpon
the
people
committed
to
their
charge
,
let
him
be
condemned
of
Christ
,
by
the
sentence
of
curse
;
and
let
him
haue
his
separation
,
and
iudgment
from
God
himselfe
.
XVIII
.
After
this
,
for
better
establishment
of
the
said
present
King
Sisenandus
,
S.
Isidorus
,
then
liuing
,
and
writing
the
History
of
Spayne
,
dedicated
to
this
King
Sisenandus
,
doth
speake
much
good
of
the
[
*
](A09102-e12560-b)
*
Se
Chro.
Vasaei
nu.
631.
former
parte
of
the
other
King
his
life
and
raigne
.
And
fynally
some
fyue
yeares
after
this
agayne
in
the
sixt
Councell
of
Toledo
,
being
gathered
togeather
in
the
same
Church
of
S.
Leocadia
,
the
said
Bishops
,
togeather
with
the
Nobility
,
did
make
this
law
,
and
prescribed
this
forme
of
Oath
to
all
Kings
of
that
nation
,
Vt
quisquis
succedentium
,
XIX
.
So
as
,
all
this
is
against
the
Apologer
:
for
that
in
these
Councells
no
particuler
forme
of
any
Oath
was
set
downe
,
or
exhibited
at
all
to
Subiects
,
that
we
can
read
of
,
but
only
in
generall
,
it
is
commanded
,
That
all
do
keepe
their
Oath
of
Allegiance
sworne
to
their
Princes
,
at
their
first
entrance
,
or
afterward
.
Which
thing
,
no
Pope
did
euer
forbid
,
and
all
English
Catholicks
at
this
day
do
offer
willingly
to
performe
the
same
to
this
Ma.tie
;
and
consequently
,
all
that
ostentation
made
by
the
Minister
before
,
That
this
Oath
is
no
new
inuention
:
That
it
doth
take
the
example
from
an
Oath
of
Allegiance
decreed
a
thousand
yeares
gone
,
by
a
famous
Councell
:
That
the
Councel
prouided
in
particuler
for
the
poynts
of
Equiuocation
:
That
almost
euery
poynt
of
that
action
hath
agreeance
with
this
of
ours
,
sauing
only
in
this
,
that
the
Councell
was
carefull
,
&
straite
in
commanding
the
taking
of
the
same
,
and
Pope
Paulus
carefull
and
strayt
in
the
prohibition
&c.
XX.
All
this
,
I
say
,
falleth
by
it selfe
to
the
ground
:
for
so
much
,
as
neyther
that
Councell
commanded
the
taking
of
any
Oath
,
nor
prescribed
any
forme
to
Subiects
,
nor
Pope
Paulus
prohibiteth
this
,
so
farre
as
it
concerneth
Temporall
,
and
Ciuill
Obedience
,
as
hath
byn
declared
.
And
whatsoeuer
the
Apologer
cyteth
more
out
of
these
Councels
,
the
meanest
Reader
,
by
looking
vpon
it
,
will
easely
espy
,
that
it
maketh
nothing
at
all
for
him
,
or
against
vs
,
and
consequently
the
entring
into
the
narration
of
this
mater
,
with
so
great
ostentation
,
as
,
That
the
world
may
see
,
that
it
proceeded
not
of
any
new
inuention
,
but
is
warranted
by
the
word
of
God
,
authorized
by
so
auncient
a
Councell
,
and
the
like
:
All
this
(
I
say
)
was
needles
;
for
so
much
,
as
nothing
is
found
in
this
Councell
that
agreeth
with
our
case
,
but
only
the
naming
and
recommending
of
an
Oath
of
fidelity
,
wherin
we
also
fully
agree
and
consent
with
our
Aduersary
.
The
second
Part
of
this
Paragraph
.
NOw
then
to
come
to
the
particuler
Answere
of
our
Apologer
to
the
Card.lls
Letter
,
XXII
.
Page
57.
of
his
Apology
he
writeth
thus
:
That
some
of
such
Priests
,
and
Iesuits
,
as
were
the
greatest
traytors
,
and
fomentors
of
the
greatest
conspiracyes
,
against
her
late
Maiesty
,
gaue
vp
F.
Robert
Bellarmyne
,
for
one
of
their
greatest
authorities
,
and
Oracles
.
And
for
proofe
he
citeth
in
the
margent
Campian
and
Hart
:
See
the
Conference
in
the
Tower
.
By
which
I
discouer
a
greater
abuse
then
I
could
haue
imagined
,
would
euer
haue
come
from
a
man
carefull
of
his
credit
:
for
I
haue
seene
and
perused
the
Conference
of
Mr.
D.
Iohn
Reynolds
with
M.
Iohn
Hart
in
the
Tower
,
vpon
the
yeare
1583.
two
yeares
after
the
death
of
F.
Campian
,
and
there
it
appeareth
indeed
that
the
said
M.
Hart
alleadgeth
diuers
tymes
the
opinions
and
proofes
of
F.
Robert
Bellarmyne
,
then
publick
Reader
of
Controuersies
in
Rome
,
but
alwayes
about
matters
of
Deuinity
and
Controuersies
,
and
neuer
about
Treasons
or
Conspiracyes
.
And
as
for
F.
Campian
,
he
is
neuer
read
to
mention
him
,
eyther
in
the
one
or
the
other
.
Consider
then
the
deceitfull
equiuocation
here
vsed
,
that
for
so
much
,
as
M.
Hart
alleadged
F.
Robert
Bellarmine
sometymes
in
matters
of
Controuersie
in
that
conference
,
therefore
both
he
&
F.
Campian
alleadged
him
for
an
Author
and
Oracle
of
Conspiracy
against
the
Queene
.
And
how
can
these
things
be
defended
with
any
shew
or
probability
of
truth
?
XXIII
.
Page
60.
he
frameth
a
great
reprehension
against
the
Card.ll
for
that
in
his
letter
he
saith
,
that
this
Oath
is
not
therfore
lawfull
,
for
that
it
is
offered
as
tempered
and
modified
.
Whereupon
the
Apologer
plyeth
,
and
insulteth
,
as
though
the
Card.ll
had
reprehended
the
temperate
speech
therin
vsed
,
adding
,
That
in
Luther
and
others
of
the
Protestant
writers
,
we
mislike
their
bold
&
free
speaking
,
as
comming
from
the
diuells
instinct
.
And
now
if
we
speake
(
saith
he
)
moderately
,
and
temperately
,
it
must
be
tearmed
the
diuells
craft
,
and
therfore
we
may
iustly
complaine
with
Christ
,
That
when
we
mourne
,
they
will
not
lament
,
and
when
we
pype
they
will
not
dance
.
And
neyther
Iohn
Baptist
his
seuerity
,
nor
Christ
his
meeknes
can
please
them
,
who
buyld
but
to
their
owne
Monarchy
,
vpon
the
ground
of
their
owne
Traditions
,
and
not
to
Christ
,
&c.
Thus
he
,
and
much
more
exprobration
to
this
effect
,
that
we
mislike
the
temperate
style
and
speach
vsed
in
this
Oath
of
Allegiance
.
But
all
is
quite
mistaken
,
and
the
Apologer
hath
iust
cause
to
blush
at
this
error
,
if
it
were
error
and
not
wilfull
mistaking
.
For
that
Bellarmyne
doth
not
say
,
that
this
Oath
is
temperate
in
wordes
,
but
tempered
in
matter
,
aliquo
modo
temperatum
&
modificatum
:
in
a
certayne
sort
tempered
and
modified
by
the
offerers
,
in
setting
downe
some
clauses
lawfull
,
touching
Cyuill
Obedience
,
and
adioyning
others
vnlawfull
,
that
concerne
Conscience
,
and
Religion
.
Which
meaning
of
Bellarmyne
is
euident
by
the
example
,
which
he
alleadgeth
,
of
the
Ensignes
of
the
Emperour
Iulian
,
out
of
S.
Gregory
Nazianzen
,
to
wit
;
That
the
images
of
Pagan
Gods
were
mingled
,
and
combined
togeather
with
the
Emperours
picture
,
&
therby
so
tempered
,
and
modified
,
as
a
man
could
not
adore
the
one
,
Monarchy
,
and
not
to
Christ
.
Is
this
a
token
of
want
of
better
matter
,
or
no
?
XXIV
.
Page
62.
the
Apologer
hauing
said
with
great
vehemency
of
asseueration
,
That
heauen
and
earth
are
no
further
asunder
,
then
the
profession
of
a
Temporall
Obedience
,
to
a
Temporall
King
,
is
different
from
any
thing
belonging
to
the
Catholicke
faith
,
or
Supremacy
of
S.
Peter
(
which
we
graunt
also
,
if
it
be
meere
Temporall
Obedience
without
mixture
of
other
clauses
:
)
As
for
the
Catholicke
Religion
(
saith
he
)
can
there
be
one
word
found
in
all
this
Oath
,
tending
to
matter
of
Religion
?
The
second
thus
:
Doth
he
that
taketh
it
,
promise
to
belieue
,
or
not
to
belieue
any
article
of
Religion
?
Wherunto
I
answere
first
to
the
first
,
and
then
to
the
second
.
To
the
first
,
that
if
it
be
graunted
,
that
power
,
and
authority
of
the
Pope
,
and
Sea
Apostolicke
left
by
Christ
,
for
gouerning
his
Church
in
all
occasions
&
necessityes
,
be
any
point
belonging
to
Religion
among
Catholicks
,
them
is
there
not
only
some
one
word
,
but
many
sentences
,
yea
ten
or
twelue
articles
,
or
branches
therin
,
tending
and
sounding
that
way
as
before
hath
bene
shewed
.
XXV
.
To
the
second
question
may
make
answere
euery
clause
in
effect
of
the
Oath
it self
.
As
for
example
the
very
first
:
I
A.
B.
doe
truly
,
and
sincerely
acknowledge
,
professe
,
testify
,
&
declare
in
my
Conscience
,
that
the
Pope
neither
of
himself
,
nor
by
any
authority
of
the
Sea
or
Church
of
Rome
,
hath
any
power
&
authority
to
&c.
doth
not
this
include
eyther
beliefe
,
or
vnbeliefe
?
Againe
:
I
doe
further
su
eare
,
that
I
doe
from
my
hart
abhorre
,
detest
,
&
abiure
,
as
imp●ous
,
&
hereticall
,
that
damnable
doctrine
,
&
position
,
That
Princes
which
be
excommunicated
,
and
depriued
by
the
Pope
,
may
be
deposed
&c.
Doth
not
heere
the
swearer
promise
,
not
to
belieue
that
doctrine
which
he
so
much
detesteth
?
How
then
doth
the
Apologer
so
grosly
forget
,
and
contradict
himself
,
euen
then
,
when
he
goeth
about
to
proue
contradictions
in
his
Aduersary
?
XXVI
.
It
followeth
consequently
in
the
Oath
:
And
I
doe
belieue
,
and
in
Conscience
am
resolued
,
That
neyther
the
Pope
,
nor
any
person
whatsoeuer
,
hath
power
to
absolue
me
from
this
Oath
,
or
any
part
therof
.
These
wordes
are
plaine
as
yow
see
.
And
what
will
the
Apologer
say
heere
?
Is
nothing
promised
in
those
wordes
to
be
belieued
,
or
not
to
be
belieued
?
XXVII
.
But
now
we
come
to
the
contradictions
of
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
,
wherof
the
Apologer
taketh
occasion
to
treate
,
for
that
the
Cardinall
affirmeth
in
one
part
of
his
letter
,
That
neyther
his
Maiesty
of
England
,
nor
any
Prince
else
,
hath
cause
to
feare
violence
from
the
Pope
;
for
that
it
was
neuer
heard
of
,
from
the
Churches
infancy
,
vntill
this
day
,
that
any
Pope
did
commaund
,
That
Princes
vpon
iust
causes
may
be
deposed
by
Popes
:
and
then
of
facts
,
That
diuers
Emperours
haue
bene
deposed
,
and
great
warres
raised
against
them
,
by
Popes
,
as
Bellarmyne
in
his
workes
doth
confesse
,
and
cannot
deny
,
and
consequently
doth
contradict
himself
.
But
surely
this
seemeth
to
me
a
very
simple
opposition
or
contradiction
.
For
who
doth
not
see
,
that
these
things
may
well
stand
togeather
,
are
not
opposite
,
and
may
be
both
true
;
That
Popes
vpon
iust
causes
,
haue
waged
warres
against
diuers
Princes
,
and
Potentates
;
and
yet
neuer
caused
any
to
be
vnlawfully
made
away
,
murthered
,
or
allowed
of
their
murthers
committed
by
others
.
For
,
may
not
we
say
iustly
,
that
warlike
Princes
are
no
murtherers
,
though
in
the
Acts
of
warres
themselues
,
many
haue
bene
slaine
,
by
their
authority
and
commandement
?
Or
may
not
we
deliuer
our
Iudges
of
England
,
from
the
cryme
of
murther
,
though
many
mens
deathes
haue
proceeded
from
them
,
by
way
of
Iustice
?
No
man
(
I
thinke
)
will
deny
it
.
XXVIII
.
And
so
if
some
Popes
haue
had
iust
warres
with
some
Princes
,
Kinges
or
Emperours
,
or
haue
persuaded
themselues
,
that
they
were
iust
,
in
respect
of
some
supposed
disorders
of
the
said
Princes
(
as
here
is
mentioned
the
warre
,
and
other
hostile
proceedings
of
Pope
Gregory
the
seauenth
against
the
Emperour
Henry
the
fourth
)
this
is
not
contrary
to
the
saying
of
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
,
That
no
Pope
euer
commaunded
any
Prince
to
be
murthered
,
or
allowed
therof
,
after
it
was
done
by
an
other
.
For
as
for
that
which
heere
is
affirmed
by
the
Apologer
,
That
the
Pope
was
inraged
at
the
Emperour
Henry
the
5.
for
giuing
buriall
to
his
Fathers
dead
corps
,
after
the
Pope
had
stirred
him
vp
against
his
Father
,
and
procured
his
ruyne
,
neyther
proueth
the
matter
,
nor
is
altogeather
true
,
as
heere
it
is
alleadged
.
Not
the
first
:
for
this
proueth
not
,
that
the
Pope
eyther
commaunded
or
procured
this
death
,
which
Bellarmyne
denyed
.
Not
the
second
:
for
that
the
two
Authours
by
him
cyted
in
his
margent
,
to
wit
,
Platina
and
Cuspinian
,
doe
not
auerre
the
same
.
For
in
Platina
I
finde
no
such
thing
at
all
;
and
Cuspinian
his
wordes
are
plaine
to
the
contrary
:
[
*
](A09102-e13730-b)
*
See
Naucler
.
part.
2.
gen.
37.
in
anno
1106.
&
Crantz
.
lib.
5.
Saxo.
cap.
24.
Otbert
,
except
the
dead
body
were
pulled
out
of
the
graue
againe
,
as
it
was
,
and
so
remayned
for
fiue
yeares
.
XXIX
.
And
againe
Cuspinian
writeth
,
That
the
report
was
,
that
Gregory
the
7.
did
before
his
death
absolue
the
Emperour
;
but
that
his
Sonne
Henry
the
5.
and
his
followers
neuer
left
to
sollicite
the
succeeding
Popes
vntill
he
was
excommunicated
againe
,
[
a
](A09102-e13820-b)
a
Vrspergensis
in
anno
1106.
Vrspergensis
,
who
then
liued
,
[
b
](A09102-e13840-b)
b
Crantz
.
in
Saxo.
lib.
5.
cap.
17.
Crantzius
,
[
c
](A09102-e13860-b)
c
Sigon
.
de
regno
Italiae
lib.
9.
in
anno
1105.
Sigonius
,
[
d
](A09102-e13880-b)
d
Nauclerus
part.
2.
gen.
37.
in
anno
1105.
&
alij
.
Nauclerus
,
and
others
.
And
why
then
is
this
so
vniustly
layed
vpon
the
Pope
?
What
Author
can
he
bring
for
it
,
that
auoucheth
the
same
?
Why
is
it
couertly
cast
in
,
as
though
this
matter
apperteyned
to
Gregory
the
seauenth
,
who
in
his
life
had
warres
with
Henry
the
fourth
,
but
yet
dyed
before
him
?
Heere
then
nothing
is
so
apparent
,
as
the
desire
to
say
much
against
Popes
,
with
neuer
so
litle
occasion
,
and
lesse
proofe
.
But
let
vs
go
forward
.
XXX
.
In
the
second
place
he
produceth
the
approbation
of
the
slaughter
of
the
late
King
of
France
by
Pope
Sixtus
in
his
speech
in
the
Consistory
:
But
no
record
of
credit
,
eyther
in
Rome
or
elswhere
,
can
be
found
to
testify
,
that
any
such
speech
euer
was
had
by
Pope
Sixtus
.
he
is
sure
therof
)
That
this
friar
,
which
killed
the
King
,
should
haue
bene
canonized
for
the
fact
,
if
some
Cardinalls
,
out
of
their
wisedome
,
had
not
resisted
the
same
.
No
such
thing
being
euer
so
much
as
imagined
,
or
consulted
of
,
as
many
doe
testify
who
were
then
in
Rome
.
So
as
nothing
is
more
common
here
,
then
bold
assertions
without
wittnesses
.
XXXI
.
And
the
like
may
be
said
to
his
third
example
of
the
late
Queene
of
England
,
against
whose
life
(
he
saith
)
that
so
many
practises
,
and
attempts
were
made
,
and
directly
i●ioyned
to
those
traytors
,
by
their
Confessours
,
and
playnly
authorized
by
the
Popes
allowance
.
directly
inioyned
,
and
plainly
authorized
,
what
answere
will
he
make
?
Yow
shall
heare
it
in
his
owne
wordes
,
for
he
hath
but
one
:
For
verification
(
saith
he
)
there
needeth
no
more
proofe
,
then
that
neuer
Pope
,
eyther
then
or
since
,
called
any
Church-man
in
question
,
formedling
in
those
treasonable
conspiracyes
.
And
needeth
no
more
(
Syr
)
but
this
,
That
no
Pope
hath
called
in
question
,
or
punished
any
Cleargy-man
for
such
like
attempts
?
What
i●
he
neuer
knew
of
any
such
attempt
?
What
if
he
neuer
heard
of
any
Clergy-man
to
be
accused
therof
,
except
such
as
were
put
to
death
by
the
Queene
her self
,
either
culpable
or
not
culpable
?
What
if
he
saw
some
such
ridiculous
false
deuises
,
made
against
some
Priests
to
make
their
whole
company
and
cause
odious
,
as
iustly
discredited
with
him
all
their
other
clamours
and
calumnious
accusations
in
that
behalfe
?
As
that
of
Squier
,
induced
(
as
was
sayed
)
by
Fa.
Walpole
in
Spaine
to
poyson
the
Queenes
chayre
,
XXXII
.
And
with
what
little
care
of
sincerity
.
or
of
punctuall
truth
,
all
these
things
are
here
,
and
elswhere
,
cast
out
at
randome
,
to
make
a
sound
and
noise
in
the
Readers
eares
,
That
whosoeuer
will
looke
vpon
his
Bookes
,
will
fynde
them
filled
with
no
other
Doctrine
then
this
.
And
will
any
man
thinke
it
probable
or
possible
that
so
many
bookes
as
Doctor
Sanders
hath
written
,
both
in
Latyn
and
English
,
and
of
so
different
arguments
concerning
Religion
,
haue
no
other
Doctrine
in
them
,
but
this
of
killing
,
and
murthering
of
Princes
?
And
that
other
assertion
also
,
that
ensueth
within
very
few
lines
after
,
against
Cardinall
Bellarmynes
whole
Workes
,
That
all
his
large
and
great
Volumes
are
filled
with
contradictions
,
wherof
we
are
to
treat
more
presently
.
Now
only
I
doe
note
the
facility
,
and
custome
of
ouerlashing
in
this
Apologer
.
XXXIII
.
To
conclude
then
about
Queene
Elizabeth
.
Albeit
Pius
Quintus
,
and
some
other
Popes
did
excommunicate
her
,
and
cut
her
of
from
the
body
of
the
Catholicke
Church
by
Ecclesiasticall
Censures
,
in
regard
of
her
persecuting
Catholicke
Religion
:
yet
did
I
neuer
know
it
hitherto
proued
,
that
any
Pope
procured
or
consented
to
any
priuate
violence
against
her
person
:
albeit
,
if
the
forealledged
Statute
of
the
28.
yeare
of
King
Henry
the
8.
be
true
,
wherin
it
is
determined
both
by
the
King
himself
,
his
Counsell
,
and
whole
Parlament
,
as
by
the
Archbishop
Cranmer
,
with
his
Doctors
,
in
his
Iudiciall
Seat
of
the
Arches
,
that
Lady
Elizabeth
was
not
legitimate
,
nor
that
her
mother
was
euer
King
Henryes
true
wife
(
which
once
being
true
,
could
neuer
afterward
by
any
humane
power
be
made
vntrue
,
or
amended
to
the
preiudice
of
a
third
,
rightly
by
due
succession
interessed
therin
:
)
&
if
,
Against
all
honour
,
equity
,
reason
,
and
good
conscience
,
that
the
said
La.
Elizabeth
,
should
at
any
tyme
possesse
the
said
Crowne
,
then
the
said
Popes
,
XXXIIII
.
This
then
being
so
,
and
nothing
proued
at
all
against
Popes
for
their
murthering
attempts
against
Princes
,
which
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
denyed
:
yet
this
Apologer
,
as
if
he
had
proued
much
against
him
,
in
this
point
of
contradicting
himself
,
he
writeth
thus
:
But
who
can
wonder
at
this
contradiction
of
himself
in
this
point
,
when
his
owne
great
Volumes
are
so
filled
with
contradictions
,
which
when
either
he
,
or
any
other
shall
euer
be
able
to
reconcile
,
I
will
then
belieue
that
he
may
easily
reconcile
this
impudent
strong
denyall
of
his
,
in
his
letter
,
of
any
Popes
medling
against
Kings
.
Wherin
is
to
be
noted
first
,
that
wheras
Card.ll
Bellarmine
doth
deny
any
Popes
murthering
of
Princes
,
An
impudent
strong
deniall
of
any
Popes
medling
against
Kings
,
as
though
medling
,
and
murthering
were
all
one
.
Is
not
this
good
dealing
?
Truely
if
the
Card.ll
had
denyed
,
that
euer
any
Pope
had
dealt
,
or
medled
against
any
King
,
or
Prince
,
vpon
any
occasion
whatsoeuer
,
it
had
beene
a
strong
denyall
indeed
:
but
for
so
much
,
as
he
saith
no
such
thing
,
I
maruaile
of
the
Apologers
proceeding
in
this
behalfe
,
for
with
the
word
impudent
I
will
not
meddle
.
But
let
vs
heare
him
yet
further
.
XXXV
.
And
that
I
may
not
seeme
(
saith
he
)
to
imitate
him
,
in
affirming
boldly
that
,
which
I
no
waies
can
proue
,
I
will
therefore
send
the
Reader
,
to
looke
for
wittnesses
of
his
contradictions
in
such
places
here
mentioned
in
his
owne
booke
.
Thus
he
,
very
confidently
,
as
you
see
,
And
verily
I
cannot
but
maruaile
,
that
he
knowing
how
many
men
of
learning
would
looke
vpon
the
places
themselues
,
(
for
I
vnderstand
now
also
that
the
book
is
out
in
latyn
)
would
not
be
ashamed
in
him self
,
to
suffer
their
iudgement
of
him
and
his
doings
in
this
behalfe
:
albeit
he
had
not
respected
the
Cardinals
answere
,
which
must
nedes
be
with
exceeding
aduantage
against
him
,
such
as
,
in
truth
,
I
am
ashamed
for
Countrey
sake
,
that
strangers
should
laugh
vs
to
scorne
for
such
manner
of
writing
.
For
if
I
doe
vnderstand
any
thing
,
and
that
myne
owne
eyes
,
and
iudgement
doe
not
deceaue
me
,
this
Apologer
will
remayne
vnder
,
in
all
&
euery
one
of
these
oppositions
,
no
one
of
them
being
defensible
in
the
nature
of
a
true
contradiction
,
Cardinall
Bellarmynes
great
volumes
of
Controuersies
,
will
not
only
,
not
be
proued
full
of
Contradictions
by
this
tast
here
giuen
,
as
is
pretended
:
but
will
rather
be
infinitly
iustifyed
;
that
in
so
many
great
Volumes
,
this
Author
hath
not
bene
able
to
picke
out
any
better
contradictions
then
these
.
Wherof
againe
,
I
must
say
and
auouch
,
that
no
one
seemeth
to
me
any
contradiction
at
all
,
if
they
be
well
examined
.
XXXVI
.
And
though
I
meane
not
to
discusse
them
all
in
this
place
,
nor
the
greater
part
of
them
,
they
being
eleuen
in
number
,
as
hath
bene
said
,
both
for
breuityes
sake
,
and
not
to
peruent
the
Cardinalls
owne
Answere
,
and
satisfaction
therin
(
which
I
doubt
not
but
will
be
very
sufficient
,
and
learned
:
)
yet
three
or
foure
I
shall
touch
only
,
for
examples
sake
,
thereby
to
giue
the
Reader
matter
to
make
coniecture
of
the
rest
.
This
then
he
beginneth
his
list
of
eleuen
contradictions
against
the
said
Cardinall
.
XXXVII
.
First
in
his
bookes
of
Iustification
(
saith
he
)
Bellarmyne
affirmeth
,
De
Iustificatione
,
wherin
the
same
is
conteyned
&c.
Of
this
〈◊〉
contradiction
we
haue
said
somewhat
before
,
to
wit
,
That
it
is
strange
,
that
fiue
whole
bookes
should
be
brought
in
,
as
contradictory
to
one
proposition
.
For
how
shall
the
Reader
try
the
truth
of
this
obiection
?
Shall
he
be
bound
to
read
all
Bellarmynes
fiue
bookes
,
to
see
whether
it
be
true
or
no
?
Had
it
not
bene
more
plaine
dealing
to
haue
alleadged
some
one
sentence
,
or
conclusion
contradictory
to
the
other
?
But
now
shall
we
shew
,
that
there
can
be
no
such
contradiction
betwixt
the
sentence
of
one
part
of
his
said
Booke
of
Iustification
,
&
the
whole
discourse
or
current
of
the
rest
:
for
that
Bellarmyne
doth
make
all
the
matter
cleere
,
by
soyling
three
seuerall
Questions
in
one
Chapter
,
which
is
the
seauenth
of
the
fifth
Booke
here
cyted
.
XXXVIII
.
The
three
Questions
are
these
,
almes-deeds
shall
giue
great
confidence
,
and
hope
to
the
doers
therof
in
the
sight
of
God
.
That
he
which
liueth
iustly
,
shall
haue
great
confidence
,
and
hope
,
and
shall
sleep
securely
.
And
S.
Paul
to
Timothy
saith
:
That
whosoeuer
shall
minister
well
,
shall
haue
great
confidence
,
&c.
And
I
omit
diuers
other
plaine
places
of
Scriptures
,
and
Fathers
there
alleadged
by
him
,
which
the
Reader
may
there
peruse
to
his
comfort
,
shewing
euidently
,
that
the
conscience
of
a
vertuous
life
,
and
good
workes
,
doth
giue
great
confidence
to
a
Christian
man
,
both
while
he
liueth
,
and
especially
when
he
commeth
to
dye
.
XXXIX
.
The
second
Question
is
,
whether
this
being
so
,
a
man
may
place
any
confidence
wittingly
in
his
owne
merits
,
or
vertuous
life
.
And
it
is
answered
,
That
he
may
;
so
it
be
with
due
circumstances
of
humility
,
for
auoyding
pride
,
and
presumption
.
For
that
a
man
feeling
the
effect
of
Gods
grace
in
himself
,
wherby
he
hath
bene
directed
to
liue
well
,
may
also
hope
,
that
God
will
crowne
his
gifts
in
him
,
as
S.
Augustines
wordes
are
.
And
many
examples
of
Scriptures
are
alleadged
there
by
Card.ll
Bellarmyne
of
sundry
holy
Saints
,
Prophets
and
Apostles
,
that
vpon
iust
occasion
mentioned
their
owne
merits
,
as
g●●ts
from
God
that
gaue
them
hope
and
confidence
of
his
mercifull
reward
:
and
namely
that
saying
of
S.
Paul
:
I
haue
fought
a
good
fight
,
I
haue
consummated
my
course
,
I
haue
kept
my
faith
,
&c.
and
then
addeth
,
Reposita
est
mihi
Corona
Iustitiae
,
A
crowne
of
Iustice
is
laid
vp
for
me
,
which
God
the
iust
Iudge
shall
restore
vnto
me
.
XL.
The
third
Question
is
(
supposing
the
sore
said
determinations
)
what
counsaile
were
to
be
giuen
:
Whether
it
be
good
to
put
confidence
in
a
mans
owne
merits
or
no
?
whereunto
Card.ll
Bellarmyne
answereth
,
in
the
words
set
downe
by
the
Apologer
,
That
for
the
vncertainty
of
our
owne
proper
Iustice
,
and
for
auoyding
the
perill
of
vaine
glory
,
the
surest
way
is
to
repose
all
our
confidence
in
the
only
mercy
and
benignity
of
God
;
Confidence
in
good
workes
,
by
soluing
the
foresaid
three
different
Questions
,
wherof
the
one
is
not
contrary
to
the
other
,
but
may
all
three
stand
togeather
.
And
how
then
is
it
likely
,
that
the
foresaid
proposition
,
of
reposing
our
Confidence
in
the
mercy
of
God
,
should
be
contradictory
,
as
this
man
saith
,
to
the
whole
discourse
and
current
of
all
his
fiue
Bookes
of
Iustification
?
Let
one
only
sentence
be
brought
forth
,
out
of
all
these
fiue
Bookes
that
is
truly
contradictory
,
and
I
shall
say
he
hath
reason
in
all
the
rest
of
his
ouerlashing
.
XLI
.
His
second
obiected
contradiction
is
as
good
as
this
,
[
a
](A09102-e15050-b)
a
Bellar.
de
amiss
.
grat
.
&
stat.
peccat
.
l.
2.
c.
13.
God
(
saieth
Bellarmine
)
doth
not
incline
a
man
to
euill
,
eyther
naturally
or
morally
:
and
presently
after
he
affirmeth
the
contrary
,
saying
:
[
b
](A09102-e15080-b)
b
Ibid.
paul●
post
.
That
God
doth
not
incline
to
euill
naturally
but
morally
.
But
this
is
a
plaine
fallacy
of
the
Apologer
,
for
that
the
word
morally
is
taken
heere
in
two
different
senses
,
which
himself
could
not
but
see
.
For
first
Card.ll
Bellarmyne
hauing
set
downe
the
former
proposition
,
That
God
doth
not
incline
a
man
to
euill
,
eyther
Physicè
vel
Moraliter
,
naturally
or
morally
,
he
expoundeth
what
is
vnderstood
by
ech
of
these
termes
,
to
witt
,
That
Naturall
or
Phisicall
concurrence
is
,
when
God
concurreth
to
the
substance
of
the
action
,
as
mouing
or
impelling
a
mans
will
:
but
Morall
concurrence
is
,
when
he
doth
commaund
or
ordayne
any
synne
to
be
done
.
As
for
example
,
If
a
great
man
should
concurre
to
the
murther
of
another
,
he
may
doe
it
in
two
manners
,
eyther
Naturally
or
Phisically
,
concurring
to
the
action
it self
of
poysoning
,
strangling
,
or
the
like
:
or
Morally
,
by
counselling
or
commaunding
the
same
to
be
done
,
which
is
properly
called
Morall
concurrence
.
And
by
none
of
these
two
wayes
,
God
doth
concurre
to
the
committing
of
a
synne
.
XLII
.
But
there
is
a
third
way
of
concurring
,
I
smaelites
,
Merchants
of
Galaad
,
gaue
occasion
of
his
selling
into
Egypt
;
so
as
he
was
herby
some
Occasionall
,
or
Morall
cause
of
this
lesser
synne
,
for
eschewing
the
greater
,
but
not
in
the
former
sense
of
Morall
concurrence
,
which
includeth
also
commandement
.
XLIII
.
This
Occasionall
concurrence
then
,
though
in
some
large
sense
,
it
may
be
called
also
Morall
:
yet
is
it
much
different
from
the
former
,
and
consequently
,
the
one
may
be
affirmed
,
and
the
other
denyed
,
without
any
contradiction
at
all
.
And
so
this
second
obseruation
against
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
,
is
wholy
impertinent
:
for
that
Contradictio
must
be
in
eodem
,
respectu
eiusdem
,
which
heere
is
not
verifyed
.
For
that
when
the
Cardinall
saith
in
the
first
place
,
That
God
doth
not
concurre
Morally
to
synne
,
he
meaneth
by
commaunding
or
counselling
the
same
:
&
when
in
the
later
place
,
he
graunteth
,
That
God
doth
concurre
somtymes
Morally
,
he
meaneth
by
giuing
occasion
only
for
this
synne
to
be
committed
,
rather
then
that
,
which
is
a
plaine
different
thing
.
XLIIII
.
And
of
the
same
quality
is
the
third
Contradiction
,
All
the
Fathers
teach
constantly
(
saith
Bellarmyne
)
that
Bishops
doe
succeed
the
Apostles
,
and
Priests
the
seauenty
disciples
.
And
then
in
another
part
of
his
workes
,
he
affirmeth
the
contrary
:
That
Bishops
doe
not
properly
succeed
the
Apostles
.
But
whosoeuer
shall
looke
vpon
the
places
here
quoted
,
That
Iudas
did
not
belieue
:
&
yet
in
an
other
place
,
That
Iudas
was
iust
,
and
certaynly
good
:
which
is
no
contradiction
at
all
,
if
we
respect
the
two
seuerall
tymes
,
wherof
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
doth
speake
,
S.
Iohns
Ghospell
,
by
the
interpretation
of
S.
Hierome
,
that
Iudas
at
the
beginning
was
good
,
and
did
belieue
;
and
then
by
other
words
of
Christ
in
the
same
Euangelist
,
vttered
a
good
while
after
the
Apostles
vocation
,
That
he
was
a
dyuell
.
and
belieued
not
.
And
who
but
our
Apologer
,
would
found
a
contradiction
against
so
learned
a
man
as
Bellarmyne
is
,
vpon
a
manifest
Equiuocation
of
tymes
,
wherby
he
may
no
lesse
argue
with
Bellarmyne
for
calling
S.
Paul
an
Apostle
and
persecutour
,
and
Nicolaus
an
elect
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
and
yet
an
Heretick
,
for
that
the
one
was
a
Persecutour
first
,
and
then
an
Apostle
,
and
the
other
first
a
chosen
Deacon
by
the
holy
Ghost
,
and
afterward
an
Hereticke
,
possessed
by
the
diuell
,
as
most
do
hould
.
XLV
.
But
I
should
doe
iniury
(
as
before
I
said
)
both
vnto
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
and
my self
,
if
I
should
goe
about
to
answere
these
supposed
contradictions
at
length
.
To
the
Cardinall
,
in
preuenting
him
,
that
will
doe
it
much
better
.
Vnto
my self
,
in
spending
tyme
in
a
needles
labour
,
for
so
much
as
euery
one
of
meane
iudgement
,
that
will
but
looke
vpon
the
bookes
,
and
places
themselues
heere
cyted
,
will
discouer
the
weaknes
of
these
obiections
,
and
that
they
haue
more
will
,
then
ability
to
disgrace
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
.
XLVI
.
After
the
obiecting
then
of
these
deuised
contradictions
,
our
Apologer
returneth
againe
to
exagitate
yet
further
the
foresaid
saying
of
Bellarmyne
,
or
doe
now
in
other
Kingdomes
round
about
him
,
who
admitt
the
same
Authority
and
haue
done
euen
from
the
beginning
of
their
Christianity
,
without
any
such
dangers
of
murther
incurred
therby
.
Wherupon
this
Apologer
maketh
a
large
new
excursion
,
numbering
vp
a
great
Catalogue
of
contentions
,
that
haue
fallen
out
,
betweene
some
Popes
and
Emperours
,
&
the
said
Emperours
receaued
hurtes
,
domages
,
and
dangers
therby
,
and
consequently
had
cause
to
feare
,
contrary
to
that
which
Bellarmyne
writeth
.
XLVII
.
And
in
this
enumeration
the
Apologer
bringeth
in
the
example
of
the
Emperour
Henry
the
4.
brought
to
doe
pennance
at
the
Castle
of
Canusium
,
to
lie
agroofe
(
as
his
word
is
)
on
his
belly
,
and
suffer
the
other
to
tread
on
his
necke
:
Of
the
Emperour
Philip
,
that
is
said
to
haue
bene
slaine
by
Otho
at
the
Popes
motion
;
and
that
in
respect
therof
,
Of
the
Emperour
Fredericke
the
second
,
excommunicated
,
and
depriued
by
Pope
Innocentius
the
fourth
,
who
in
Apulia
corrupted
one
to
giue
him
poyson
,
and
this
not
taking
effect
,
hyred
one
Manfredus
to
poyson
him
,
wherof
he
dyed
:
That
Pope
Alexander
the
third
wrote
to
the
Soldane
to
murther
the
Emperour
,
&
sent
him
his
picture
to
that
effect
:
That
Pope
Alexander
the
sixth
,
caused
the
brother
of
Baiazetes
the
Turkish
Emperour
,
named
Gemen
,
to
be
poysoned
at
his
brothers
request
,
and
had
two
hundred
thowsand
crownes
for
the
same
:
That
our
King
Henry
the
second
,
besides
his
going
barefooted
in
pilgrimage
,
was
whipped
vp
and
downe
the
Chapter-howse
,
like
a
schoole-boy
,
and
glad
to
escape
so
too
:
That
the
Father
of
the
moderne
King
of
France
,
was
depriued
by
the
Pope
of
the
Kingdome
of
Nauarre
,
and
himself
(
I
meane
this
King
of
France
)
forced
to
begge
so
submissiuely
the
relaxation
of
his
excommunication
,
as
he
was
content
to
suffer
his
Embassadour
to
be
whipped
at
Rome
for
pennance
.
XLVIII
.
All
these
examples
are
heaped
togeather
to
make
a
muster
of
witnesses
,
for
proofe
of
the
dangers
wherin
Princes
persons
are
,
or
may
be
,
by
acknowledging
the
Popes
Supreme
Authority
.
But
first
in
perusing
of
these
,
I
fynde
such
a
heape
indeed
of
exaggerations
,
additions
,
wrestings
,
and
other
vnsyncere
dealings
,
as
would
require
a
particuler
Booke
to
refute
them
at
large
.
And
the
very
last
here
mentioned
of
the
present
King
of
France
,
may
shew
what
credit
is
to
be
giuen
to
all
the
rest
,
to
witt
,
That
he
suffered
his
Embassadour
to
be
whipped
at
Rome
,
&
the
latin
Interpreter
turneth
it
,
Vt
Legatum
suum
Romae
virgis
caesum
passus
sit
:
as
though
he
had
bene
scourged
with
rodds
vpon
the
bare
flesh
,
or
whipped
vp
and
downe
Rome
;
wheras
so
many
hundreds
being
yet
aliue
that
saw
that
Ceremony
(
which
was
no
more
,
but
the
laying
on
,
or
touching
of
the
said
Embassadours
shoulder
with
a
long
white
wand
vpon
his
apparell
,
in
token
of
submitting
himself
to
Ecclesiasticall
discipline
)
it
maketh
them
both
to
wonder
,
and
laugh
at
such
monstrous
assertions
,
comming
out
in
print
:
and
with
the
same
estimation
of
punctuall
fidelity
doe
they
measure
other
things
here
auouched
.
IXL.
As
for
example
,
was
whipped
vp
and
downe
the
Chapter-house
,
&
glad
that
he
could
escape
so
too
,
for
which
he
cyteth
Houeden
,
and
this
he
insinuateth
to
be
,
S.
Thomas
,
was
whipped
like
a
school-boy
by
order
of
the
Pope
,
as
though
it
had
not
come
from
his
owne
free
choice
,
and
deuotion
.
L.
That
other
instance
of
the
Emperour
,
that
lay
agroofe
on
his
belly
(
which
I
suppose
he
meaneth
of
Fredericke
the
first
)
and
suffered
Pope
Alexander
the
third
to
tread
on
his
necke
,
is
a
great
exaggeration
,
and
refuted
,
as
fabulous
,
by
many
reasons
,
and
authorityes
of
Baronius
,
to
whome
I
remit
me
.
The
other
in
like
manner
of
Celestinus
the
Pope
,
that
should
with
his
foote
beate
of
the
Crown
from
the
head
of
Henry
the
sixt
Emperour
,
being
only
mentioned
first
of
all
others
by
Houeden
an
English
Authour
,
and
from
him
taken
by
Ranulph
of
Chester
,
no
other
writer
of
other
nations
,
eyther
present
at
his
Coronation
as
Godesridus
Viterbiensis
his
Secretary
,
or
others
afterward
as
[
a
](A09102-e16150-b)
a
In
vita
Celestini
Platina
,
[
b
](A09102-e16170-b)
b
part.
2.
gen.
40.
in
anno
1190.
Nauclerus
,
[
c
](A09102-e16190-b)
c
Tom.
2.
Ennead
.
li.
5
Sabellicus
,
[
d
](A09102-e16210-b)
d
in
anno
1190.
Blondus
,
[
e
](A09102-e16230-b)
e
Lib.
15.
in
Henrico
6.
Sigonius
,
[
f
](A09102-e16250-b)
f
Lib.
7.
Saxon
.
cap.
3.
&
alij
.
Crantzius
,
so
much
as
mentioning
the
same
,
though
yet
they
write
of
his
Coronation
,
LI.
That
also
of
the
Emperour
Philip
,
affirmed
to
be
slaine
by
Otho
his
opposite
Emperour
,
at
the
incitation
of
Pope
Innocentius
the
third
,
is
a
meere
slaunder
.
For
that
,
according
to
all
histories
,
not
Otho
the
Emperour
,
but
an
other
Otho
named
of
Witilispack
▪
a
priuate
man
&
one
of
his
owne
Court
,
vpon
a
priuate
grudge
,
did
slay
him
.
And
albeit
Vrspergensis
,
that
followed
the
faction
of
the
Emperours
against
the
Popes
,
doe
write
,
that
he
had
heard
related
by
some
the
speech
here
sett
downe
,
that
Innocentius
should
lay
,
That
he
would
take
the
Crowne
from
Philip
,
or
Philip
should
take
the
Myter
from
him
:
yet
he
saith
expresly
,
Quod
non
erat
credendum
,
that
it
was
not
to
be
belieued
.
And
yet
is
it
cyted
here
,
by
our
Apologer
,
as
an
vndoubted
truth
,
vpon
the
onely
authority
of
Vrspergensis
in
the
margent
.
LII
.
The
like
may
be
said
of
the
tale
of
Frederick
the
second
,
attempted
to
haue
bene
poysoned
,
first
in
Apulia
by
Pope
Innocentius
the
4.
and
afterward
effectuated
by
one
Mansredus
,
as
hyred
by
the
Pope
:
which
is
a
very
tale
in
deede
,
and
a
malicious
tale
.
For
that
he
which
shall
read
all
the
Authors
that
write
of
his
life
,
or
death
,
as
[
1
](A09102-e16470-b)
1
In
vita
Innoc●̄tij
4
Platina
(
whome
the
Protestants
hold
for
free
in
speaking
euill
of
diuers
Popes
)
[
2
](A09102-e16490-b)
2
Li.
2.
Decad.
lib.
7.
Blondus
,
[
3
](A09102-e16510-b)
3
Tomo
2.
Enne.
9.
l.
6.
non
longè
ante
finem
.
Sabellicus
,
[
4
](A09102-e16530-b)
4
Parte
2.
gen.
41.
an.
1247.
Nauclerus
,
[
5
](A09102-e16550-b)
5
Lib.
8.
ca.
18.
si●e
Saxoniae
.
Crantzius
,
[
6
](A09102-e16570-b)
6
In
fine
lib.
18.
Sigonius
,
&
others
,
shall
fynd
,
that
as
they
write
very
wicked
thinges
committed
by
him
in
his
life
:
so
talking
of
his
first
danger
in
Apulia
by
greuous
sicknes
,
they
make
for
the
most
part
no
mention
of
poyson
at
all
,
and
much
lesse
as
procured
by
the
Pope
Innocentius
,
praysed
[
*
](A09102-e16610-b)
*
Blond
.
vbi
supra
.
for
a
very
holy
man
,
and
to
haue
proceded
iustly
against
Fredericke
.
And
secondly
for
his
death
,
they
agree
all
,
that
it
was
not
by
poyson
,
but
by
stopping
his
breath
and
stifelyng
him
in
his
bed
with
a
pillow
,
by
Mansredus
his
owne
bastard
Sonne
,
to
whome
he
had
giuen
the
Princedome
of
Tarentum
,
for
feare
least
he
should
take
it
from
him
againe
,
and
bestow
it
vpon
Conradus
his
other
soone
.
But
that
the
Pope
was
priuy
to
this
,
or
hyred
him
to
doe
the
fact
,
as
our
Apologer
affirmeth
;
there
is
no
one
word
or
sillable
in
these
Authors
therof
.
LIII
.
But
you
will
say
,
that
he
cyteth
one
Petrus
de
Vineis
in
his
margent
,
Petrus
de
Vineis
,
which
Petrus
was
a
seruant
to
Fredericke
,
and
a
professed
enemy
to
the
Pope
,
and
wrote
so
partially
of
this
contention
,
as
Pope
Innocentius
himself
wrote
Libros
Apologeticos
(
as
Blondus
recordeth
)
Apologeticall
Bookes
to
coniute
the
lyes
of
this
Petrus
de
Vineis
in
his
life
tyme
:
Petrus
de
Vineis
:
Non
potuit
cauere
,
&c.
The
Emperour
could
not
auoyd
,
but
when
he
returned
into
Apulia
he
perished
with
poyson
,
the
37.
yeare
of
his
raigne
,
and
57.
of
his
age
,
on
the
very
same
day
that
he
was
made
Emperour
.
For
wheras
at
the
towne
of
Florenzola
in
Apulia
,
hauing
receaued
poyson
he
was
dangerously
sicke
,
and
at
length
,
by
diligence
of
Phisitions
,
had
ouercome
the
same
,
he
was
stifeled
by
Mansredus
his
bastard
sonne
,
begotten
of
a
noble
woman
his
Concubine
,
with
a
pillow
thrust
into
his
mouth
,
whether
it
were
,
that
Mansredus
did
it
,
as
corrupted
by
his
enemyes
,
or
by
the
Pope
,
or
for
that
he
did
aspire
to
the
Kingdome
of
Sicilia
.
So
he
.
LIV.
And
albeit
,
as
yow
see
,
he
saith
more
herin
against
the
Pope
,
then
any
of
the
other
Authours
before
mentioned
,
That
both
his
first
sicknes
was
by
poyson
,
of
the
Popes
procurement
,
and
his
murthering
afterward
by
hyring
of
Manfredus
to
poyson
him
againe
:
whereas
the
other
ascribeth
not
the
first
poysoning
to
the
Pope
(
if
he
were
poysoned
)
neyther
doth
so
much
as
mention
the
second
poyson
,
but
onely
the
stifeling
,
and
finally
leaueth
it
doubtfull
,
whether
the
same
proceeded
from
the
Emperours
enemyes
,
or
from
the
Pope
,
or
from
his
Sonnes
owne
ambition
,
and
emulation
against
his
brother
.
LV.
To
the
other
obiection
,
or
rather
calumniation
out
of
Paulus
Iouius
,
LVI
.
So
as
the
only
chiefe
accusation
,
[
a
](A09102-e17180-b)
a
In
vita
Alexand.
sexti
.
Onuphrius
Panuinus
writeth
that
he
dyed
in
Capua
of
a
bloudy
flux
without
any
mention
of
poyson
.
And
[
b
](A09102-e17210-b)
b
Ennead.
10.
lib.
9.
Sabellicus
before
him
againe
,
relateth
the
matter
doubtfully
saying
;
Fuerunt
qui
crederent
,
eum
veneno
sublatum
,
&c.
There
were
some
that
belieued
,
that
he
was
made
away
by
poyson
,
and
that
Alexander
the
Pope
was
not
ignorant
therof
;
for
that
he
was
so
alienate
in
mynde
from
the
French-men
,
that
he
was
loath
they
should
take
any
good
by
him
:
Thus
we
see
,
that
the
matter
is
but
doubtfully
and
suspiciously
related
only
,
and
the
French-men
being
angry
for
his
death
,
by
whome
they
hoped
great
matters
,
might
easily
brute
abroad
a
false
rumour
,
for
their
owne
defence
in
that
behalfe
.
LVII
.
But
as
for
the
two
hundred
thowsand
crownes
,
though
Iouius
doe
say
,
that
they
were
offered
by
Baiazet
,
as
also
Vestis
inconsutilis
Christi
,
The
garment
of
our
Sauiour
without
seame
:
yet
doth
he
not
say
,
that
they
were
receaued
,
eyther
the
one
,
or
the
other
.
So
as
whatsoeuer
euill
is
mentioned
of
any
Pope
,
our
Apologer
maketh
it
certayne
:
and
when
it
is
but
little
,
he
will
inlarge
it
to
make
it
more
:
and
when
it
is
spoken
doubtfully
,
he
will
affirme
it
for
a
certaynty
:
wherin
he
discouereth
his
owne
humour
against
Popes
,
and
therby
limiteth
the
Readers
faith
in
belieuing
him
;
though
we
do
not
take
vpon
vs
to
defend
the
liues
and
facts
of
all
particuler
Popes
,
but
their
faith
and
authority
;
being
forewarned
by
our
Sauiour
,
that
vpon
the
Chayre
of
Moyses
shall
fit
Scribes
and
Pharisyes
,
whome
we
must
obey
,
in
that
they
teach
,
and
not
follow
or
imitate
,
in
that
they
doe
.
And
this
shall
serue
for
this
point
:
Card.ll
Bellarmyne
,
I
doubt
not
,
will
be
more
large
.
If
a
man
would
go
about
to
discredit
Kingly
authority
,
by
all
the
misdeeds
of
particuler
Kings
that
haue
byn
registred
by
Historiographers
,
since
the
tyme
that
Popes
began
,
he
should
fynde
,
no
doubt
,
aboundant
matter
,
and
such
,
as
could
not
be
defended
by
any
probability
.
And
yet
doth
this
preiudicate
nothing
to
Princely
power
or
dignity
,
and
much
lesse
in
our
case
,
where
the
facts
themselues
obiected
,
are
eyther
exaggerated
,
increased
,
wrested
,
or
altogeather
falsifyed
.
The
third
Part
of
this
Paragraph
.
THERE
remayneth
the
last
part
of
this
impugnation
of
the
Cardinalls
letter
,
S.
Gregory
Nazianzen
,
in
placing
,
and
inserting
the
images
of
his
false
Gods
,
into
the
pictures
of
the
Emperour
,
in
his
Imperiall
banner
:
so
,
as
no
man
could
bow
downe
,
yet
this
(
saith
he
)
is
lame
,
both
of
feete
&
hands
,
and
euery
member
of
the
body
:
And
then
he
taketh
vpon
him
to
set
downe
at
length
the
diuersityes
that
may
be
picked
out
.
As
first
,
that
Iulian
was
an
Apostata
,
but
our
Soueraigne
is
a
Christian
:
he
changed
the
Religion
which
he
once
professed
,
but
our
King
not
:
he
became
an
Ethnicke
,
or
an
Atheist
,
our
King
is
not
ashamed
of
his
profession
:
Iulian
dealt
against
Christians
,
but
his
Ma.tie
dealeth
only
to
make
a
distinction
betweene
true
subiects
,
and
false-harted
traytours
.
And
so
he
goeth
forward
to
weary
his
Reader
with
many
more
like
diuersityes
,
which
must
needs
be
loathsome
to
euery
man
of
meane
iudgment
,
who
know
that
a
similitude
requireth
not
parity
in
all
poynts
(
for
then
it
should
be
idem
,
and
not
simile
)
but
only
in
the
poynt
wherin
the
comparison
is
made
,
as
heere
in
the
compounding
and
couching
togeather
of
lawfull
and
vnlawfull
things
in
the
Oath
,
as
the
other
did
in
his
banner
.
LIX
.
For
if
a
man
would
tryfle
,
as
our
Apologer
doth
,
and
seeke
out
differences
betweene
things
,
that
are
compared
togeather
,
as
like
in
some
certayne
poynts
,
Be
yow
wise
as
Serpents
,
and
simple
as
Doues
.
What
enemy
of
Christian
Religion
might
not
cauill
,
LX.
I
passe
ouer
many
other
like
similitudes
,
LXI
.
The
next
example
which
our
Apologer
seeketh
to
auoyd
or
euacuate
in
the
Cardinalls
letter
,
is
that
of
old
Eleazar
in
the
booke
of
Machabees
,
who
rather
then
he
would
do
a
thing
vnlawfull
,
and
against
his
owne
conscience
,
But
the
ground
fayling
,
(
saith
he
)
the
building
cannot
stand
.
But
this
is
an
escape
much
like
the
former
,
that
runneth
quite
from
the
matter
:
for
that
the
Cardinall
supposeth
a
Catholicke
conscience
in
him
to
whome
he
writeth
,
to
which
conscience
it
is
as
repugnant
to
sweare
any
thing
,
sounding
against
any
poynt
of
Catholicke
Religion
or
Doctrine
,
as
it
was
to
Eleazar
to
eate
swynes-flesh
,
against
the
law
of
Moyses
.
Which
supposition
being
made
,
and
that
in
the
Cardinalls
iudgment
,
this
Oath
conteyneth
diuers
clauses
preiudiciall
to
some
poynts
of
the
said
Catholice
beliefe
and
doctrine
concerning
the
authority
of
the
Sea
Apostolicke
,
and
that
the
taking
therof
would
not
only
be
hurtfull
to
the
taker
,
but
offensiue
also
,
and
scandalous
to
many
other
of
that
Religion
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
;
the
application
of
this
example
of
Eleazar
was
most
fit
and
effectuall
.
Let
vs
see
what
ensueth
of
the
rest
of
the
Authorityes
.
LXII
.
The
third
example
is
of
S.
Basill
surnamed
for
his
rare
learning
and
holinesse
,
The
great
,
who
being
most
earnestly
exhorted
(
as
Theodoret
recounteth
the
story
)
by
Modestus
the
deputy
of
Valens
the
Arrian
Emperour
,
[
*
](A09102-e17950-b)
*
Diuinorum
dogmatum
.
dyuine
doctrynes
,
should
be
corrupted
,
or
neglected
;
but
rather
,
that
for
the
defence
therof
,
all
kynd
of
torment
was
to
be
imbraced
.
Out
of
which
example
the
Cardinall
doth
gather
,
how
strict
and
wary
a
good
man
must
be
,
in
yealding
to
any
thing
neuer
so
litle
,
that
is
preiudicall
to
the
integrity
of
Catholicke
doctryne
:
and
it
seemeth
very
fit
to
the
purpose
,
and
the
cases
somwhat
like
.
LXIII
.
Yet
doth
our
Apologer
by
all
meanes
possible
seeke
to
wype
of
,
or
weaken
all
that
can
be
inferred
out
of
this
example
.
First
I
must
obserue
(
saith
he
)
that
if
the
Cardinall
would
leaue
a
common
and
ordinary
tricke
of
his
,
S.
Basils
speach
:
)
I
do
esteeme
greatly
the
Emperours
friendship
,
if
it
be
ioyned
with
piety
,
but
without
it
,
I
hold
it
for
pernicious
.
So
he
.
LXIV
.
And
do
these
words
last
adioyned
make
any
thing
at
all
for
our
Apologer
?
Or
rather
agree
they
not
fitly
to
the
purpose
of
the
Cardinals
exhortation
,
though
for
breuityes
sake
he
left
them
out
?
How
then
is
their
omission
brought
in
for
a
profe
of
A
common
&
ordinarie
tricke
of
the
Cardinals
,
in
all
his
citations
,
to
take
only
that
which
is
for
him
,
&
leaue
out
what
makes
against
him
?
How
is
this
against
him
?
Or
how
doth
this
shew
any
such
ordinary
tricke
of
falshood
in
the
Cardinal
,
not
in
one
or
two
,
but
in
all
his
citations
?
Doth
this
man
care
what
he
saith
?
This
then
is
one
shift
,
to
answere
this
Ancient
,
or
rather
Anticke
,
as
heere
he
is
made
.
Let
vs
see
an
other
.
LXV
.
His
second
is
by
taking
aduantage
of
translation
out
of
the
Greeke
,
S.
Basil
)
I
will
in
few
wordes
shew
the
Authous
drift
.
[
*
](A09102-e18190-b)
*
Theodoret
lib.
4.
cap.
19.
graecè
.
latinè
cap.
17.
Basil
was
then
Bishop
;
who
,
as
the
story
reporteth
,
was
the
light
of
the
world
.
Before
he
came
,
he
sent
his
Deputy
to
worke
it
,
that
S.
Basil
should
hold
fellowship
with
Eudoxius
(
which
Eudoxius
was
Bishop
of
Constantinople
and
the
principall
of
the
Arrian
faction
)
or
if
he
would
not
,
that
he
should
put
him
to
banishment
.
Now
when
the
Emperours
Deputy
came
to
Caesarea
,
tenui
exquisitione
dogmatis
,
promised
him
the
Emperours
fauour
,
and
himselfe
to
be
Mediatour
for
his
good
.
But
S.
Basil
answered
,
These
intising
speaches
were
fit
to
be
vsed
to
children
,
that
vse
to
gape
after
such
things
.
But
for
them
that
were
throughly
instructed
in
Gods
word
,
they
could
neuer
suffer
any
syllable
therof
to
be
corrupted
.
Nay
,
if
need
required
,
they
would
for
the
maintenance
therof
,
refuse
no
kind
of
death
.
In
deed
the
loue
of
the
Emperour
ought
to
be
greatly
esteemed
with
Piety
;
but
Piety
taken
away
,
it
was
pernicious
.
LXVI
.
This
is
the
truth
of
the
storie
(
saith
he
:
)
&
I
haue
layd
downe
at
length
his
declaration
,
to
the
end
that
his
sleightes
may
the
better
appeare
in
eluding
the
force
of
this
Answere
of
S.
Basil
,
as
though
he
had
said
only
,
that
no
syllable
of
Gods
word
was
to
be
suffered
to
be
corrupted
,
wheras
his
meaning
was
,
not
only
of
Gods
word
,
or
of
Scriptures
alone
,
but
,
Ne
vnam
quidem
syllabam
diuinorum
dogmatum
,
That
for
them
that
are
throughly
instructed
in
Gods
word
,
they
can
neuer
suffer
any
syllable
thereof
to
be
corrupted
,
he
should
haue
said
:
That
they
that
haue
beene
brought
vp
&
nourished
in
sacred
learning
,
cannot
suffer
any
one
syllable
of
dyuine
doctrynes
(
of
the
Church
)
to
be
violated
,
which
is
conforme
also
to
S.
Basils
purpose
in
hand
.
For
that
the
controuersy
,
which
he
and
other
Catholicke
Bishops
had
with
the
Arrian
Doctors
in
those
dayes
,
was
not
only
,
nor
immediatly
about
the
Scriptures
out
of
which
the
Arrians
alleadged
more
aboundantly
then
their
aduersaries
,
but
about
certayne
doctrynes
determined
by
the
Church
,
especially
by
the
Councell
of
Nice
,
as
namely
about
the
vse
of
the
wordes
and
doctrines
of
hom●sion
,
or
consubstantiality
,
hypostasis
,
substance
,
person
,
trinitie
,
and
other
the
like
;
and
whether
they
should
say
Gloria
Patriet
Filio
,
or
Gloria
Patri
cum
Filio
;
or
in
Filio
,
&
such
other
differences
,
which
vnto
the
Deputy
Modestus
,
seemed
but
small
matters
and
subtilityes
of
doctrine
,
but
to
S.
Basil
matters
of
great
moment
:
for
so
much
as
they
were
now
determined
by
the
Church
,
and
thereby
made
Diuina
dogmata
,
Diuyne
doctrines
,
though
they
were
not
all
expresly
found
in
Scriptures
.
So
as
this
sleight
in
translating
S.
Basils
answer
,
That
such
as
were
throughly
instructed
in
Gods
worde
could
neuer
suffer
any
syllable
therof
to
be
corrupted
(
as
though
he
had
meant
only
of
Scripturs
)
is
not
sincere
,
neyther
agreable
eyther
vnto
the
letter
of
the
Greeke
text
,
or
meaning
of
S.
Basill
.
LXVII
.
Let
vs
see
then
his
third
shift
,
That
albeit
Basil
and
the
Arch-priest
may
haue
some
comparison
;
yet
not
our
Orthodoxe
King
with
an
Arrian
Emperour
.
Basil
was
sollicited
to
become
an
Arrian
:
but
the
Arch-priest
,
not
once
touched
for
any
article
of
faith
.
And
so
he
goeth
forward
with
many
contrapositions
.
But
I
haue
spoken
sufficiently
before
of
the
weaknes
of
this
manner
of
argument
.
And
if
we
remoue
the
mentions
of
some
persons
,
that
may
be
offensiue
,
the
matters
themselues
will
easily
discouer
their
conformity
.
For
if
yow
had
demaunded
Modestus
the
Deputy
then
,
in
fauour
of
what
religion
would
he
haue
S.
Basil
to
conforme
himselfe
&
subscribe
;
he
would
haue
said
the
Orthodoxe
,
no
lesse
then
the
Iudges
of
England
do
now
,
that
require
this
Oath
:
And
yet
did
not
S.
Basil
thinke
so
.
Saint
Basils
,
and
from
Saint
Basils
to
ours
.
LXVIII
.
There
remayne
yet
3.
or
4.
other
examples
mentioned
by
the
Cardinall
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Archpriest
,
wherof
the
first
two
are
of
S.
Peter
,
and
Marcellinus
the
Pope
,
whose
fortitude
and
diligence
in
rysing
agayne
,
he
desyreth
him
to
imitate
,
if
perhaps
he
followed
their
infirmity
in
falling
.
The
other
two
,
are
of
S.
Gregorie
,
S.
Leo
,
two
holy
and
learned
Popes
,
and
for
that
cause
both
of
them
surnamed
the
Great
,
who
do
set
downe
in
dyuers
places
,
the
obligation
that
all
Catholicke
Christian
men
haue
,
to
hold
vnion
and
subordination
with
the
Sea
Apostolicke
.
Vnto
the
first
two
examples
,
as
there
is
litle
said
,
but
disparityes
only
sought
out
,
betweene
Peter
and
Marcellinus
,
and
the
story
also
of
Marcellinus
called
in
question
;
so
I
leaue
the
same
to
the
Cardinall
himselfe
to
treate
more
at
large
:
for
so
much
,
as
in
his
former
books
,
&
workes
,
he
hath
handled
the
same
sufficiently
;
as
also
the
third
obiection
,
made
against
S.
Gregorie
,
about
refusing
the
name
of
Vniuersall
Bishop
.
And
the
same
I
must
say
of
the
4.
also
,
S.
Leo
,
whome
the
Apologer
confesseth
to
be
truly
alledged
against
him
,
Iohn
Reynolds
his
booke
of
Conference
in
the
Tower
,
That
he
would
lift
her
vp
to
heauen
,
that
himselfe
might
go
vp
with
her
:
so
would
S.
Leo
lift
vp
S.
Peter
with
prayses
to
the
sky
,
that
he
being
his
heire
,
might
go
vp
also
,
and
be
exalted
with
him
.
LXIX
.
And
after
this
scorne
,
he
picketh
out
diuers
sentences
of
S.
Leo
his
works
,
That
our
Lord
did
take
S.
Peter
into
the
fellowship
of
indiuisible
vnity
;
which
S.
Leo
his
aduersaries
going
about
to
wrest
to
an
absurd
sense
,
to
wit
,
that
this
indiuisible
vnity
must
eyther
be
in
person
,
or
nature
with
Christ
,
D.
Harding
sheweth
playnly
by
S.
Leo
his
owne
words
,
sense
,
and
drift
,
that
he
meant
it
only
of
the
indiuisible
vnity
or
fellowship
of
the
high
name
of
Rocke
of
the
Church
,
which
Christ
our
Sauiour
the
chiefe
and
fundamentall
Rocke
imparted
to
none
,
but
to
S.
Peter
,
and
consequently
that
vnity
of
name
of
Rocke
was
indiuisible
betwene
them
:
which
if
eyther
M.
Iewell
,
or
M.
Reynolds
,
or
our
Apologer
would
haue
equally
considered
,
they
needed
not
to
go
about
to
disgrace
so
ancient
a
Father
with
so
meere
a
cauill
:
or
at
leastwise
it
being
once
answered
,
they
ought
not
to
haue
so
often
repeated
it
againe
,
without
some
new
matter
,
or
reason
for
the
same
,
or
impugnation
of
the
former
answere
.
LXX
.
But
I
will
not
trouble
yow
with
any
more
at
this
tyme
,
albeit
there
ensue
in
the
Apology
diuers
other
poynts
that
might
be
stood
vpon
,
not
for
that
they
conteyne
any
great
substance
of
matter
,
but
for
that
they
seeme
to
proceed
out
of
no
small
auersion
of
mynd
,
acerbity
,
and
gall
in
the
writer
,
against
all
sortes
of
Catholicke
people
:
which
CHRIST
IESVS
amend
and
mollify
,
and
giue
him
light
from
heauen
to
see
the
truth
,
that
he
so
bitterly
impugneth
.
LXXI
.
And
as
he
dealeth
with
S.
Leo
,
so
doth
he
much
more
in
the
same
kynd
with
D.
or
Sanders
,
and
Cardinall
Bellarmine
,
That
God
is
no
more
contrary
to
Belial
,
light
to
darknes
,
and
heauen
to
hell
,
then
Bellarmines
estimation
of
Kings
is
to
Gods
.
de
Laicis
,
and
he
shall
fynd
not
only
the
Authority
of
Princes
proued
to
be
from
God
,
by
many
Scriptures
,
Fathers
,
Councels
,
Reasons
,
and
other
Authorityes
of
Saints
,
against
Anabaptists
,
Atheists
,
and
other
miscreants
of
our
tyme
;
but
the
quality
also
,
and
excellent
power
of
the
said
Princely
Authority
so
exalted
both
for
making
of
lawes
,
iudging
,
condemning
,
waging
warre
,
and
like
actions
of
supreme
power
;
as
will
easily
refute
this
cauillation
.
LXXII
.
And
among
other
propositions
tending
to
that
effect
,
he
hath
this
in
the
beginning
of
his
eleuenth
Chapter
,
which
he
proueth
largely
,
and
of
purpose
throughout
the
same
;
not
only
,
That
Temporall
Princes
are
to
be
obeyed
out
of
Conscience
,
or
for
Conscience
sake
;
but
also
,
Quod
lex
Ciuilis
non
minùs
obligat
in
Conscientia
,
quàm
lex
Diuina
:
then
light
to
darknes
,
and
heauen
to
hell
?
But
especially
if
yow
consider
further
,
that
when
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
in
that
booke
,
commeth
to
treat
of
the
Authority
of
Temporall
Princes
in
matter
of
Religion
,
though
he
set
downe
this
Conclusion
,
That
,
Non
pertinet
ad
eos
Iudicium
de
Religione
,
The
authority
of
iudging
of
Religion
(
which
is
true
or
false
)
belongeth
not
vnto
them
,
but
vnto
Bishops
:
yet
,
Pertinet
ad
eos
defensio
Religionis
,
the
defence
and
protection
of
Religion
appertayneth
vnto
them
:
as
also
the
cyuill
gouernment
in
cyuill
matters
ouer
all
persons
,
as
well
Ecclesiasticall
as
Temporall
,
which
is
so
much
as
a
Catholicke
man
can
giue
to
Caesar
,
reseruing
to
God
that
which
is
Gods
.
LXXIII
.
And
albeit
this
might
be
sufficient
to
shew
the
tooth
that
is
held
against
Cardinall
Bellarmine
,
and
the
ardent
appetite
these
Ministers
haue
to
disgrace
him
in
somewhat
:
yet
am
I
inforced
to
lay
forth
some
few
examples
more
,
wherby
,
as
in
a
cleere
glasse
,
the
indifferent
Reader
will
see
,
behold
,
and
wonder
also
,
at
the
manner
of
dealing
vsed
against
him
to
that
end
.
LXXIV
.
And
now
we
haue
already
seene
,
what
general
Conclusions
haue
bene
gathered
against
him
:
That
he
vseth
to
contradict
himselfe
wittingly
,
so
often
as
euer
he
is
pressed
with
any
hard
argument
by
his
Aduersary
:
That
his
common
tricke
is
to
tell
the
sentence
of
his
Authour
without
his
sense
:
That
he
seeketh
euery-where
to
debase
Kingly
authority
,
and
the
like
.
Which
generalityes
,
as
,
in
truth
and
reason
,
they
may
not
be
inferred
,
but
vpon
proofe
,
and
induction
of
many
particularyties
:
so
when
it
commeth
to
tryall
,
yow
haue
seene
not
so
much
,
as
any
one
particuler
sufficiently
proued
.
Now
shall
yow
heare
some
more
examples
of
calumnious
dealing
with
him
.
LXXV
.
Pag.
92.
the
Apologer
speaking
of
S.
Gregorie
the
Great
,
and
going
about
to
interpret
those
wordes
of
his
,
alleadged
by
the
Cardinall
,
where
he
calleth
▪
S.
Gregories
meaning
is
,
that
the
Sea
Apostolicke
of
Rome
is
head
only
in
matters
of
Cerimonyes
,
Which
sense
(
saith
he
)
if
yow
will
not
admit
,
giue
me
leaue
to
say
that
once
of
one
(
Gregorie
)
which
Bellarmyne
himselfe
saith
often
of
many
of
the
Fathers
,
Minùs
cautè
locutus
est
:
Gregorie
spake
not
so
aduisedly
:
And
the
latin
translation
hath
,
Quod
ille
de
multis
,
&
saepe
dicit
,
ex
omni
numero
Patrum
,
That
Bellarmyne
saith
it
often
,
&
of
many
,
and
of
all
sortes
of
Fathers
;
to
wit
,
that
they
spake
inconsideratly
:
and
yet
when
I
went
to
examyne
the
two
places
of
Bellarmynes
workes
,
cyted
by
our
Apologer
in
the
margent
,
I
found
a
strange
abuse
,
to
wit
,
no
such
thing
at
all
spoken
of
the
Fathers
,
but
only
of
one
Nicolaus
de
Lyra
,
made
a
Christian
of
a
Iew
,
not
much
aboue
two
hundred
yeares
past
,
who
seeming
by
some
words
of
his
,
to
hold
a
certayne
extrauagant
opinion
,
that
S.
Peter
,
&
S.
Paul
were
not
put
to
death
at
Rome
,
but
at
Hierusalem
,
S.
Hierome
,
and
then
addeth
,
Quanquam
minùs
cautè
locutus
est
&c:
Albeit
Lyranus
in
his
manner
of
speach
,
was
not
so
wary
,
as
he
might
haue
byn
,
in
giuing
suspicion
of
so
absurd
an
opinion
,
and
so
contrary
to
all
the
ancient
Fathers
.
Heere
then
yow
see
,
how
matters
are
strayned
.
That
which
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
speaketh
only
of
Nicolaus
Lyranus
vpon
so
iust
occasion
,
as
this
was
,
is
extended
by
our
Apologer
,
to
often
,
many
,
and
all
sortes
of
Fathers
.
Is
this
good
dealing
?
How
can
the
Apologer
defend
himself
in
this
place
,
from
willfull
exaggeration
,
and
voluntary
mistaking
?
In
the
other
place
cyted
by
him
lib.
2.
de
Christo
cap.
2.
there
is
no
such
matter
at
all
.
But
let
vs
see
some
other
like
examples
.
LXXVI
.
Pag
▪
108.
he
setteth
downe
this
generall
odious
proposition-out
of
Bellarmyne
:
That
Kings
are
rather
slaues
,
then
Lordes
.
And
may
a
man
thinke
this
to
be
true
or
likely
,
that
so
rude
a
proposition
should
come
from
Bellarmine
?
Looke
vpon
the
place
by
him
cyted
lib.
3.
de
Laicis
cap.
7.
&
yow
will
maruaile
extremly
at
this
manner
of
proceeding
.
For
that
in
this
very
place
,
yow
shall
fynd
that
the
Cardinall
doth
most
exalt
,
and
confirme
by
Scriptures
,
Fathers
,
and
other
arguments
,
the
dignity
and
authority
of
the
cyuill
Magistrate
among
Christians
.
And
in
the
next
precedent
Chapter
before
this
cyted
,
he
hath
this
begining
.
The
fourth
reason
,
saith
he
(
to
proue
the
lawfulnes
and
dignity
of
the
Cyuill
Magistrate
against
the
Anabaptists
)
is
from
the
efficient
cause
,
to
witt
,
God
the
Authour
therof
,
from
whom
it
is
certayne
,
that
Cyuill
power
proceedeth
,
as
S.
Augustine
proueth
throughout
his
whole
fourth
,
and
fifth
bookes
De
Ciuitate
Dei
,
By
me
Kings
do
raigne
&c.
LXXVII
.
So
Bellarmine
:
and
then
passing
to
the
next
Chapter
heere
cyted
,
which
is
the
seuenth
,
he
proueth
the
same
by
another
argument
,
which
is
.
That
in
the
state
of
Innocency
,
if
Adam
had
not
synned
,
wee
should
haue
had
Cyuil
subiection
and
gouernment
;
and
consequently
it
cannot
be
thought
to
be
euill
,
or
brought
in
by
sinne
,
or
for
the
punnishment
of
synne
,
as
the
Anabaptistes
affirmed
,
but
must
needs
be
of
God
,
&
from
God
.
True
it
is
(
saith
he
)
that
seruile
,
or
slauish
subiection
,
was
brought
in
after
the
fall
of
Adam
,
and
should
not
haue
byn
in
the
state
of
Innocency
,
but
cyuill
subiection
should
.
And
then
he
sheweth
the
differences
betweene
these
two
sortes
of
gouernment
,
and
subiections
,
to
witt
,
that
the
one
,
which
is
the
seruile
,
tendeth
wholy
to
the
vtility
and
emolument
of
him
that
gouerneth
,
and
nothing
to
them
that
are
gouerned
.
But
the
other
which
is
cyuill
and
politick
,
tendeth
principally
to
the
profit
of
them
that
are
gouerned
therby
.
So
as
if
there
be
any
seruitude
,
saith
Bellarmine
(
but
he
meaneth
not
slauish
)
in
this
Ciuill
principality
,
it
falleth
rather
vpon
him
,
that
gouerneth
the
people
to
their
owne
vtility
,
then
vpon
the
subiectes
that
receaue
the
said
vtility
therby
.
And
so
are
Bishops
called
the
seruantes
of
their
flockes
,
and
the
Pope
himselfe
,
The
Seruant
of
seruants
:
and
S.
Augustine
vpon
those
wordes
of
our
Sauiour
in
S.
Matthews
Ghospell
(
He
that
will
be
made
first
(
or
chiefe
)
among
you
,
must
be
the
seruant
of
all
the
rest
)
doth
proue
at
large
,
that
,
In
Ciuili
Principatu
,
magis
s●ruus
est
,
qui
praeest
,
quàm
qui
subest
:
In
a
Ciuill
Principality
,
he
is
more
a
seruant
that
gouerneth
to
other
mens
profit
,
then
he
that
obeyeth
,
to
his
owne
.
LXXVIII
.
This
is
all
that
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
hath
about
this
matter
:
wherin
he
doth
scarce
name
a
King
,
That
Bellarmyne
affirmeth
Kings
to
be
rather
slaues
then
Lordes
?
Who
would
not
be
ashamed
of
this
intemperate
accusation
?
LXXIX
.
And
now
there
remayne
eleuen
places
more
of
like
quality
,
alleadged
by
the
Apologer
out
of
Cardinall
Bellarmynes
workes
,
That
Kings
are
not
only
Subiects
to
Popes
,
to
Bishops
,
to
Priests
,
but
euen
to
Deacons
.
This
is
a
playne
cauill
:
for
the
fault
,
if
any
be
,
falleth
vpon
S.
Chrysostome
,
and
not
vpon
the
Cardinall
,
whose
wordes
are
these
:
S.
Chrysostome
in
his
eyghtie
and
three
Homilie
vpon
S.
Matthewes
.
ghospell
,
doth
subiect
Kings
and
Princes
(
in
Ecclesiasticall
matters
)
not
only
to
Bishops
,
but
also
to
Deacons
.
For
thus
he
speaketh
to
his
Deacon
:
Si
Dux
quispiam
,
si
Consul
,
si
is
qui
Diademate
ornatur
&c.
If
a
Duke
,
if
a
Consul
,
if
one
that
weareth
a
Crowne
,
commeth
to
the
Sacrament
vnworthily
,
restrayne
him
,
and
forbid
him
,
for
that
thou
hast
greater
power
then
he
.
What
fault
hath
Cardinall
Bellarmine
heere
in
alledging
the
words
,
and
iudgement
of
S.
Chrysostome
?
LXXX
.
The
third
place
is
,
That
an
Emperour
must
content
himself
to
drinke
,
not
only
after
a
Bishop
,
but
after
a
Bishops
Chaplin
.
But
these
wordes
are
not
found
in
Bellarmine
,
but
are
odiously
framed
by
the
Apologer
out
of
a
fact
of
S.
Martyn
Bishop
of
Tewers
in
France
,
related
by
auncient
Sulpitius
in
his
life
,
LXXXI
.
His
fourth
place
is
this
,
That
Kinges
haue
not
their
Authority
,
nor
office
from
God
,
nor
his
law
;
but
from
the
law
of
Nations
.
Good
God!
what
desyre
is
here
descried
of
calumniation
?
Let
any
man
read
the
two
places
here
quoted
,
and
he
will
blesse
himselfe
,
I
thinke
,
to
see
such
dealing
.
For
in
the
first
place
his
wordes
are
these
:
Principatus
saecularis
.
&c.
Secular
Princedome
is
instituted
by
man
,
&
is
of
the
law
of
Nations
;
but
Ecclesiasticall
Princedome
is
only
from
God
,
and
by
dyuine
law
,
which
he
meaneth
expresly
of
the
first
institution
of
those
Principalyties
,
or
Gouernmentes
:
for
that
at
the
beginning
God
did
not
immediatly
appoynt
these
particuler
and
different
formes
of
Temporall
gouernment
,
which
now
the
world
hath
,
some
of
Kinges
,
some
of
Dukes
,
some
of
Common-wealthes
,
but
appoynted
only
,
that
there
should
be
Gouernment
,
leauing
to
ech
nation
to
take
or
choose
what
they
would
.
But
the
Ecclesiasticall
Gouernment
by
Bishops
was
ordayned
immediatly
by
Christ
himselfe
,
for
which
cause
Bellarmine
saith
in
the
second
place
heere
alledged
:
That
Kingdomes
are
not
immediatly
instituted
from
God
,
but
mediatly
only
by
meanes
of
the
people
;
which
people
therfore
may
change
their
formes
of
gouernment
,
as
in
many
Countryes
we
see
that
they
haue
:
but
yet
when
any
forme
of
Gouernment
is
established
,
and
Gouernours
placed
therin
,
their
authority
and
power
is
from
God
,
and
to
be
obeyed
out
of
Conscience
,
vnder
payne
of
damnation
,
de
Laicis
vnto
the
13.
shall
fynd
store
of
assertions
&
proofes
to
that
effect
,
to
omitt
many
other
places
throughout
his
workes
.
So
as
the
former
proposition
,
That
Kings
haue
not
their
Authority
nor
office
from
God
nor
his
law
,
is
very
fraudulently
sett
downe
.
For
if
he
vnderstand
,
that
their
forme
of
Principality
and
Office
therin
,
is
not
immediatly
from
Gods
institution
,
but
by
meanes
of
humane
lawes
,
of
succession
,
election
,
or
the
like
;
it
is
true
.
But
if
he
meane
,
that
their
Authority
is
not
from
God
,
eyther
mediate
,
or
immediate
,
or
induceth
not
obligation
of
Conscience
in
obeying
them
,
as
it
seemeth
he
would
haue
his
Reader
to
thinke
;
it
is
most
false
.
And
the
Apologer
ought
not
to
haue
walked
in
these
obscurityes
,
if
he
had
meant
vprightly
.
LXXXII
.
I
am
weary
to
wade
any
further
in
these
obiections
,
and
yet
will
I
not
let
passe
to
note
three
more
,
though
most
briefly
,
and
almost
in
three
words
,
leauing
the
rest
to
be
examined
by
the
Reader
himselfe
.
The
first
is
,
That
Church-men
are
as
farre
aboue
Kings
,
as
the
soule
is
aboue
the
body
.
The
other
:
That
Obedience
due
to
the
Pope
,
is
for
Conscience
sake
.
The
third
:
That
Obedience
due
to
Kings
,
is
only
for
certayne
respects
of
order
and
policy
;
The
first
and
last
being
meere
calumniations
and
the
other
not
denyed
by
vs
.
For
as
for
the
first
,
though
the
words
heere
mentioned
be
not
in
Bellarmyne
:
yet
the
comparison
it self
of
Ecclesiasticall
and
Temporall
powers
in
the
Church
,
vnto
the
soule
,
and
body
,
is
the
comparison
of
S.
Gregorie
Nazianzen
related
only
by
Bellarmyne
,
S.
Chrisostome
in
like
manner
proueth
at
large
in
his
books
de
Sacerdotio
:
So
as
this
is
not
Bellarmynes
comparison
,
but
of
the
said
two
auncient
Fathers
,
and
consequently
Bellarmyne
is
not
here
reprehended
,
but
they
.
LXXXIII
.
The
other
two
places
,
if
they
be
two
,
and
not
one
,
but
made
two
for
multiplying
of
odious
matter
against
vs
,
haue
byn
so
fully
answered
by
vs
before
,
as
we
shall
need
to
say
no
more
heere
therof
.
For
as
Obedience
is
due
out
of
Conscience
vnto
the
Pope
,
&
other
Bishops
,
&
Spirituall
Gouernours
,
in
spirituall
Gouernments
,
That
not
for
Conscience
,
but
only
for
certayne
respects
&c.
For
that
treating
of
the
obligation
of
Obedience
to
temporall
lawes
,
in
temporall
affayres
,
his
second
proposition
is
;
Non
sunt
exempti
Clerici
ab
obedientia
legum
Ciuilium
:
Clergie-men
are
not
exempted
from
the
obedience
of
temporall
lawes
.
And
in
another
place
before
cyted
;
The
Conclusion
.
WHERFORE
to
draw
to
an
end
of
this
distastfull
argument
,
it
cannot
but
grieue
,
&
afflict
much
the
hartes
of
all
that
loue
eyther
Prince
or
Countrey
,
&
looke
into
the
naturall
sequels
of
like
proceedings
,
to
see
matters
runne
dayly
vnto
such
extremityes
as
they
do
,
&
that
by
such
instigators
,
as
are
both
both
lesse
carefull
to
foresee
the
hurts
both
priuate
&
publick
that
may
ensue
,
&
lesse
able
to
remedy
than
when
they
fall
out
.
The
principall
of
whom
(
being
the
first
&
chiefe
motors
)
besydes
the
generall
hatred
wherin
they
are
with
both
extremes
of
opposite
in
Religion
,
are
so
interessed
in
like
manner
by
the
spoyles
,
&
rapines
which
their
rauenous
Purseuants
daylie
bring
home
,
out
of
their
continuall
searches
,
and
ransacks
of
innocent
mens
houses
,
goodes
and
persons
,
as
litle
moderation
may
be
expected
from
them
.
LXXXV
.
Would
God
it
might
please
his
dyuine
Ma.tie
so
to
inlighten
and
illustrate
that
excellent
vnderstanding
of
our
Prince
and
Soueraigne
,
as
he
may
see
the
many
&
great
inconueniences
,
that
do
&
must
follow
vpon
so
violent
courses
as
these
men
for
their
owne
vtilitie
do
suggest
,
&
prosecute
.
Nothing
can
be
more
pittifull
,
then
to
see
a
Noble
House
diuided
in
itselfe
,
&
the
one
to
beate
,
hunt
,
&
pursue
the
other
,
&
this
to
be
their
continuall
exercise
,
especially
of
Children
,
vnder
the
sight
of
their
owne
Father
,
louing
them
all
,
and
desyring
to
be
beloued
.
Ah!
what
sollicitude
must
there
needs
be
in
that
Fathers
hart
!
And
were
it
not
a
great
synne
to
increase
the
same
,
by
casting
in
oyle
to
augment
the
flame
?
LXXXVI
.
Would
God
his
Ma.ties
eares
,
and
those
of
his
wise
Counsell
could
reach
into
these
partes
beyond
the
seas
,
and
to
all
forrayne
nations
of
Christendome
besydes
,
to
heare
what
is
said
,
what
is
written
,
what
is
discoursed
by
men
of
best
iudgment
in
this
behalfe
,
not
only
in
regard
of
iustice
and
piety
,
but
in
reason
also
of
State
and
Policie
;
no
man
being
of
so
simple
vnderstanding
,
but
that
he
must
see
,
that
so
notorious
differences
,
of
Subiects
for
Religion
,
pursued
with
such
hostility
among
themselues
,
must
weaken
greatly
their
forces
,
and
make
them
lesse
esteemed
both
of
friends
and
aduersaryes
.
So
as
,
besydes
internall
dangers
,
which
are
euer
consequent
vpon
such
inward
diuisions
,
if
forrayne
occasions
should
be
offred
vs
agayne
(
as
in
former
tymes
they
haue
beene
)
by
forrayne
warres
;
we
should
not
know
how
to
trust
the
one
the
other
.
LXXXVII
.
The
cryes
&
complayntes
of
these
afflictions
running
throughout
Christendome
,
do
giue
strange
admiration
vnto
men
,
and
do
worke
strong
effectes
both
in
iudgments
and
affections
:
Admiration
,
for
that
no
such
thing
was
euer
expected
vnder
his
Maiesties
gouernment
,
for
many
causes
:
strong
effectes
,
for
that
they
worke
great
alterations
both
in
the
one
,
and
the
other
:
In
iudgment
,
for
that
wise
men
fynd
not
any
reason
,
eyther
of
Religion
or
State
,
why
such
extremityes
should
be
pursued
,
with
such
rigour
at
the
instigation
of
partyes
interessed
,
to
the
euident
danger
of
so
great
and
honorable
Kingdomes
,
who
if
in
wills
they
were
vinted
,
as
they
are
in
one
Prince
and
Gouernour
;
their
forces
were
both
admirable
and
dreadfull
:
In
affections
,
for
that
the
compassion
which
naturally
doth
accompany
our
brethrens
afflictions
,
especially
for
a
cause
that
we
most
esteeme
and
loue
,
to
wit
,
our
Religion
;
must
needes
worke
the
contrary
effect
of
inward
auersion
,
both
in
Princes
&
people
abroad
,
notwithstanding
they
hold
externall
amity
,
and
friendship
for
the
tyme
.
LXXXVIII
.
I
let
passe
the
generall
obloquies
,
and
murmurations
that
are
to
be
heard
euery
where
,
almost
in
Christendome
,
vpon
this
manner
of
proceeding
,
and
much
more
the
publicke
and
priuate
complaints
,
outcryes
,
and
praiers
that
are
made
and
offered
daylie
to
heauen
,
throughout
all
Catholicke
Kingdomes
lightly
,
in
all
particuler
Congregations
,
Oratoryes
,
Chappels
,
&
meetings
of
zealous
men
,
that
pray
instantly
to
Almighty
God
for
some
remedy
of
these
oppressions
,
and
persecutions
of
English
Catholicks
,
sufficiently
(
as
they
thinke
)
declared
vnto
them
&
to
the
whole
world
by
the
very
printed
Catalogues
of
English
Statutes
extant
in
Print
against
them
,
for
profession
of
their
Religion
:
for
that
by
the
view
of
those
Statutes
,
they
do
easily
conceaue
,
what
enormous
effectes
,
do
,
and
must
follow
in
the
execution
therof
;
albeit
they
did
not
both
heare
&
see
daily
so
many
lamentable
presidents
&
spectacles
therin
.
LXXXIX
.
As
for
example
,
there
haue
not
passed
many
moneths
,
since
there
were
seene
some
threescore
Priests
more
or
lesse
(
to
omit
others
)
cast
into
banishment
about
one
tyme
,
&
wandring
vp
and
downe
,
throughout
Christendome
,
according
as
euery
man
had
occasion
,
or
necessity
for
their
mayntenance
,
gaue
a
lamentable
spectacle
to
all
nations
,
to
see
men
of
so
good
partes
,
amiable
aspects
,
sweet
behauiour
,
naturall
borne
subiects
of
the
Land
,
the
most
of
them
of
very
worshipfull
parentage
,
all
of
learned
education
,
cleere
and
deuoyd
of
any
suspition
of
crymes
that
could
be
obiected
vnto
them
(
for
otherwise
they
should
not
haue
bene
dismissed
)
in
the
flower
of
their
age
,
to
be
cast
out
of
their
natiue
soyle
,
for
professing
that
Religion
only
,
wherby
their
said
Countrey
was
first
made
Christian
,
&
so
continued
vnder
all
their
noble
Princes
,
Kings
,
Queenes
,
and
Soueraignes
,
Nobility
,
and
Communatly
,
from
the
beginning
of
their
Conuersion
,
vnto
this
our
age
.
XC
.
This
spectacle
(
I
say
)
presented
to
the
eyes
of
most
Nations
of
Europe
,
moued
men
not
a
litle
,
especially
hearing
them
protest
their
duetifull
affections
to
his
Ma.tie
and
Realme
in
all
Cyuill
&
Temporall
respects
,
without
seeking
of
any
preferments
,
dignityes
,
riches
,
or
other
emoluments
by
staying
at
home
;
but
only
the
rest
&
vse
of
their
owne
Consciences
in
matters
of
Religion
,
which
Protestants
in
many
other
Catholicke
Countryes
are
suffered
to
inioy
,
though
with
farre
lesser
reason
,
in
regard
of
the
ancient
right
&
possession
,
which
ech
part
pretendeth
for
the
vse
of
their
said
Religion
.
XCI
.
And
since
this
tyme
agayne
there
hath
beene
seene
very
lately
another
spectacle
,
not
much
vnlike
to
the
former
(
though
much
more
markable
)
to
wit
,
a
like
number
of
Noble
and
Gentlemen
,
with
their
followers
and
trayne
,
passing
in
very
good
sort
through
sundry
Countryes
,
being
lately
retyred
out
of
his
Ma.ties
Kingdome
of
Ireland
,
for
the
selfe
same
cause
of
their
Conscience
,
and
Religion
;
which
when
men
do
behold
,
and
heare
them
otherwise
to
speake
honourably
of
his
Ma.tie
&
the
State
,
ascribing
rather
their
afflictions
to
some
vnder
Magistrates
in
Ireland
,
and
Ministers
that
set
them
on
;
it
moueth
more
compassion
,
and
maketh
men
thinke
and
muse
,
what
may
be
the
end
of
all
this
,
and
whereunto
fynally
it
may
grow
?
Whether
the
like
may
not
be
expected
in
tyme
or
doubted
,
out
of
other
partes
also
of
his
Ma.ties
dominions
,
vpon
like
angariation
of
Consciences
:
which
points
seeme
to
be
of
no
small
consideration
,
and
consequence
to
wise
men
;
though
those
that
be
the
immediate
causes
therof
,
will
and
must
make
light
of
all
:
but
the
naturall
yssue
of
such
euentes
,
are
not
vnknowne
.
And
if
the
occasioners
therof
were
guylty
of
no
greater
fault
,
but
only
to
cast
his
Ma.tie
&
the
State
into
perpetuall
cares
about
the
same
(
his
Royall
nature
being
inclined
otherwise
to
sweetnes
,
peace
,
and
tranquillity
)
it
were
a
great
synne
in
them
,
and
scarce
sufferable
.
XCII
.
Nor
is
the
remedy
heere
attempted
by
our
Minister-Apologer
(
of
denying
all
,
and
saying
that
there
is
no
persecution
,
nor
hard
dealing
with
any
,
for
matters
of
Religion
,
no
not
in
the
late
Queenes
dayes
,
when
so
many
were
so
rackt
and
rented
for
the
same
)
any
remedy
at
all
;
but
rather
a
doubling
of
the
iniury
to
the
afflicted
,
with
encrease
of
exasperation
&
auersion
of
myndes
;
as
also
a
leesing
of
all
credit
with
others
that
heare
it
,
eyther
at
home
or
abroad
:
for
that
facts
contrary
to
wordes
,
do
preponderate
with
all
sober
men
,
and
preuaile
against
the
same
.
XCIII
.
And
truely
,
I
cannot
but
wonder
,
why
this
late
Apology
hath
beene
so
greedily
published
by
the
Apologer
,
both
in
English
and
Latyn
to
the
world
,
for
that
the
Popes
Breues
,
being
but
written
priuatly
to
the
Catholicks
of
England
,
for
informing
their
Consciences
in
a
matter
of
necessary
doctrine
about
the
lawfulnes
,
or
vnlawfulnes
of
taking
the
Oath
,
and
the
Letter
of
Cardinall
Bellarmyne
being
directed
only
to
a
priuate
friend
;
both
of
them
might
haue
remayned
also
priuate
,
if
this
attempt
had
not
byn
made
of
publishing
the
same
.
But
now
being
drawne
by
the
Apologer
into
the
Vniuersall
Theatre
of
the
world
,
besydes
,
that
diuers
will
hold
themselues
obliged
,
or
at
leastwyse
prouoked
to
answere
the
same
;
it
will
follow
also
,
that
the
vnlawfulnes
of
the
said
Oath
to
Catholicke
Consciences
will
more
be
seene
,
disputed
,
&
condemned
by
all
Vniuersityes
,
Schooles
,
Bookes
&
Treatises
of
particuler
learned
men
,
throughout
all
Countryes
of
Christendome
that
professe
Catholicke
Religion
.
Whervpon
also
the
vniust
violence
,
inforcing
men
to
sweare
the
same
Oath
,
vnder
so
rigorous
paynes
,
as
are
the
losse
both
of
goods
&
libertie
,
and
therwithall
to
sweare
in
like
manner
,
that
they
do
it
willingly
,
freely
,
and
without
coaction
:
will
be
censured
(
no
doubt
)
for
one
of
the
greatest
contradictions
in
it selfe
,
and
the
most
iniurious
manner
of
proceeding
with
Christian
men
,
that
euer
,
perhaps
was
heard
of
in
the
Christian
world
.
XCIII
.
And
this
now
occurred
to
me
(
deare
Syr
)
to
write
to
you
concerning
my
iudgment
vpon
this
matter
.
What
more
may
be
said
to
this
Apologie
,
when
it
shall
come
into
the
handes
of
learned
men
;
you
will
easily
ghesse
by
these
few
notes
,
that
I
haue
heere
laid
togeather
,
which
conteyne
but
little
in
respect
of
that
which
may
be
written
of
the
matters
heere
handled
.
God
of
his
endles
mercy
inclyne
the
hart
of
his
Maiesty
,
to
take
the
best
way
in
this
his
course
of
Royall
Gouernment
:
&
for
so
much
,
as
he
hath
byn
pleased
to
ioyne
so
many
Great
Kingdomes
vnder
his
only
Scepter
,
and
permitted
them
to
haue
so
great
differences
of
iudgements
in
matters
of
Religion
,
that
their
vnion
of
wills
,
at
least
,
in
dutifull
affections
,
may
be
so
combined
and
conserued
by
sweet
and
temperate
proceeding
towards
all
,
as
despayre
,
the
mother
of
headlong
precipitation
,
enter
not
.
The
Prouerbe
is
knowne
,
Qui
nimium
emungit
,
elicit
sanguinem
:
&
patientia
laesa
vertitur
in
furorem
.
I
neuer
heard
or
read
,
that
too
much
violence
towards
free
Subiects
euer
ended
well
,
especially
for
supposed
faultes
that
are
not
acknowledged
for
such
,
by
the
punished
:
&
consequently
no
hope
of
amendment
by
way
of
compulsion
.
Some
may
dissemble
for
feare
,
but
they
are
more
lost
in
their
affections
then
the
other
.
Some
reasonable
toleration
,
and
friendly
treatie
would
bynd
vp
woundes
from
bleeding
on
all
sydes
:
Exulceration
maketh
them
fester
more
greiuously
,
and
dangerously
.
To
Gods
holy
Prouidence
the
whole
is
to
be
committed
,
who
will
dispose
of
all
to
his
greater
glorie
,
siuè
in
vitam
,
siuè
in
mortem
.
And
to
him
also
I
committ
yow
,
with
my
hartiest
Commendations
,
&c.
This
10.
of
Iune
.
1608.
FINIS
.