A
TREATISE
TENDING
TO
MITIGATION
towardes
Catholicke-Subiectes
in
England
.
WHERIN
IS
DECLARED
,
That
it
is
not
impossible
for
Subiects
of
different
Religion
,
(
especially
Catholickes
and
Protestantes
)
to
liue
togeather
in
dutifull
obedience
and
subiection
,
vnder
the
gouernment
of
his
Maiesty
of
Great
Britany
.
AGAINST
The
seditious
wrytings
of
THOMAS
MORTON
Minister
,
&
some
others
to
the
contrary
.
Whose
two
false
and
slaunderous
groundes
,
pretended
to
be
drawne
from
Catholicke
doctrine
&
practice
,
concerning
REBELLION
and
EQVIVOCATION
,
are
ouerthrowne
,
and
cast
vpon
himselfe
.
Dedicated
to
the
learned
Schoole-Deuines
,
Cyuill
and
Canon
Lawyers
of
the
two
Vniuersities
of
England
.
By
P.
R.
Prou.
26.
Vers.
20.
Susurrone
subtracto
,
iurgia
conquiescunt
.
The
make-bate
being
remoued
,
brawles
do
cease
.
Permissu
Superiorum
.
1607.
THE
SVMME
OF
ALL
THAT
IS
HANDLED
IN
THIS
TREATISE
.
1.
IN
the
Preface
and
first
six
Chapters
,
is
discussed
all
that
belongeth
to
the
first
imputation
about
Disobedience
or
Rebellion
,
either
out
of
the
Catholicke
or
Protestant
doctrine
,
vse
,
practice
,
or
consequence
therof
:
with
what
is
obiected
,
or
answered
on
both
partes
.
2.
IN
the
other
7.
Chapters
,
is
treated
the
Question
of
Equiuocation
,
how
it
began
,
what
origen
,
causes
,
vse
,
or
necessity
it
hath
,
or
may
haue
;
what
circumstances
for
lawfulnes
,
what
restraintes
,
or
limites
:
and
finally
,
what
practice
among
all
sortes
of
men
in
certaine
cases
,
euen
with
those
that
most
impugne
the
same
.
3.
Vpon
all
which
is
inferred
the
principall
conclusion
;
that
these
two
pretended
obstacles
do
not
let
,
but
that
Catholicke
and
Protestant
English
Subiectes
may
liue
togeather
in
vnion
of
dutifull
obedience
vnder
his
Maiesty
,
to
his
,
and
their
both
safety
and
comfortes
,
if
seditious
make-bates
be
remoued
.
THE
EPISTLE
DEDICATORY
.
To
the
learned
Schole-Deuines
and
Lawiers
of
both
faculties
in
the
Vniuersities
of
England
.
IT
was
no
part
of
my
purpose
(
learned
Countrey-men
)
when
I
tooke
this
Treatise
first
in
hand
,
either
to
wade
so
farre
therin
,
as
now
I
haue
byn
compelled
;
or
yet
to
prefix
any
other
Epistle
Dedicatory
before
the
same
,
then
the
large
common
Preface
it selfe
that
doth
ensue
,
which
may
partly
appeare
by
the
argument
therof
,
as
namely
also
and
principally
,
by
that
which
we
haue
set
downe
in
the
third
Chapter
of
this
Treatise
:
for
that
taking
in
hand
,
but
to
point
,
as
it
were
,
at
the
exorbitant
number
of
some
monstrous
,
and
malitious
lyes
,
and
slaunders
cast
abroad
this
last
yeare
in
a
certayne
small
contemptible
,
but
wicked
and
hatefull
libell
,
vnder
the
tytle
of
A
discouery
of
Romish
doctrine
in
the
case
of
Conspiracy
and
Rebellion
by
T.
M.
I
thought
it
sufficient
to
that
purpose
to
shew
not
only
the
cankred
vntruthes
of
those
most
false
&
virulent
calumniations
;
but
the
many
inōueniences
2.
Which
point
hauing
to
my
iudgment
sufficiently
performed
,
I
saw
a
farre
greater
booke
published
from
the
same
Author
stuffed
with
Marchandize
of
like
marke
,
but
yet
imbracing
more
matter
,
to
wit
,
n
t
only
the
former
argument
,
or
inuectiue
of
heynous
Rebellion
;
but
(
to
vse
the
writers
wordes
)
of
heathenish
,
hellish
,
and
execrable
Equiuocation
,
chargin
Catholicke
people
so
deeply
and
desperatly
in
them
both
,
as
t●at
in
these
two
respects
,
they
are
not
only
in
his
censure
insociable
,
&
intractable
,
but
also
insufferable
in
any
Protestant
common
wealth
:
whervpon
I
was
enforced
as
well
to
reassume
againe
that
which
before
I
had
done
and
layd
aside
,
vpon
certayn
causes
whi●h
afterwards
are
vttered
;
as
also
to
dilate
my selfe
much
further
,
for
defence
of
equity
and
truth
,
and
for
the
repressing
somwhat
this
violent
rayling
〈◊〉
and
3.
And
to
say
a
word
or
two
of
the
reasons
that
moued
me
to
present
this
worke
to
yow
the
learned
of
our
English
Vniuersities
in
the
foresayd
sciences
of
Schoole
-
Deuinity
and
Lawe
,
both
Canon
&
Ciuill
,
wherof
the
first
is
,
that
the
question
of
Equiuocation
(
wherof
our
chiefe
contention
is
)
being
a
matter
handled
in
these
three
facultyes
,
(
though
vpon
different
occasions
)
yow
can
far
better
〈◊〉
therof
then
4.
My
second
reason
was
,
for
that
forreine
Vniuersities
,
and
learned
men
therof
,
vnde
standing
such
a
booke
to
haue
byn
set
forth
by
an
English
Vniuersity
man
,
and
not
without
direction
(
as
he
saith
)
from
his
Superiors
,
wherin
all
vse
of
Equiuocation
or
Amphybology
in
any
case
whatsoeuer
is
condemned
as
vnlawfull
,
impious
execrable
,
hellish
,
heathenish
,
the
black-art
,
and
other
such
tearmes
,
without
respect
or
regard
,
that
in
all
other
Vniuersityes
in
Catholicke
Countreyes
throughout
the
world
,
in
all
Courtes
and
Tribunalls
,
and
in
all
learned
Authors
&
professors
of
the
foresaid
three
faculties
,
for
many
ages
,
some
vse
therof
hath
byn
taught
and
allowed
:
diuers
learned
(
I
say
)
haue
wondred
therat
and
laughed
also
,
especially
being
aduertised
that
this
doctrine
of
Equiuocation
is
ascribed
,
as
a
new
thing
to
the
Iesuits
,
wheras
many
ages
before
their
name
was
heard
of
in
the
world
this
doctrine
was
known
,
taught
,
and
held
.
Wherfore
these
strangers
are
wont
to
demaund
,
whether
there
be
any
learned
men
indeed
in
these
three
facultyes
now
in
our
Vniuersities
,
and
whether
any
be
studyed
in
Schoole-Deuinity
and
the
Lawes
,
either
Ciuill
or
Canon
;
for
if
there
be
,
it
seemes
impossible
to
them
that
such
a
booke
should
be
suffered
to
come
forth
so
full
of
ignorance
as
this
is
.
For
(
say
they
)
if
they
had
read
or
looked
ouer
but
these
heads
in
the
said
sciences
,
to
wit
,
of
the
nature
of
truth
and
lyinge
of
the
lawfullnes
of
dissimulation
in
certaine
cases
both
in
wordes
&
works
,
as
namely
,
in
stratagemes
of
war
,
of
the
lawfulnes
of
couering
some
truth
vpon
iust
occasion
in
the
Canon
law
out
of
S.
Augustine
,
of
〈◊〉
malus
and
Dolus
〈◊〉
or
S.
Hierome
,
and
other
Fathers
;
of
the
cases
wherin
a
man
may
sweare
,
or
not
sweare
lawfully
,
or
not
be
bound
to
keep
his
oath
;
of
the
question
whether
God
can
deceiue
,
or
any
man
else
by
his
spirit
,
of
the
limitations
of
an
accuser
and
defendant
;
of
the
obligation
of
a
witnes
to
vtter
,
deny
or
dissemble
the
truth
;
of
the
office
of
a
Iudge
,
Aduocate
,
or
Solicitour
in
accusation
or
defence
of
any
body
;
of
the
cases
wherin
secresy
is
necessarily
to
be
obserued
by
all
lawfull
meanes
,
both
in
&
out
of
confession
,
and
diuers
other
such
like
heades
of
doctrine
,
as
occurre
daylie
in
all
the
foresaid
three
faculties
,
and
in
the
common
vse
of
mans
life
;
these
learned
men
affirme
,
that
it
is
impossible
for
our
Vniuersity-Doctors
to
haue
read
and
weighed
them
,
but
they
must
confesse
the
lawfulnes
of
Equiuocation
in
diuers
cases
,
and
that
it
may
be
without
lying
(
which
is
lawfull
in
no
case
,
nor
for
any
cause
whatsoeuer
.
)
Wherof
they
inferre
that
either
their
sciences
are
not
studyed
in
our
Vniuersites
,
or
that
the
students
profit
little
in
them
,
or
that
the
worst
learned
of
all
are
suffered
to
write
bookes
:
which
thing
for
that
it
appertayneth
to
the
disgrace
of
your
so
famous
Schooles
;
I
thought
it
one
sufficient
cause
amongst
the
rest
,
to
dedicate
this
Answere
vnto
yow
.
5.
My
third
reason
was
to
moue
yow
by
this
occasion
,
to
consider
more
attentiuely
what
manner
of
men
they
be
for
the
most
part
,
that
write
in
England
at
this
day
;
how
shallow
in
the
matters
they
take
vpon
them
to
make
bookes
of
;
but
especially
to
wish
yow
,
that
when
any
booke
commeth
forth
,
yow
would
but
examine
the
truth
of
the
citations
which
are
alleadged
by
them
,
for
this
only
would
be
sufficient
to
informe
and
satisfie
yow
where
the
truth
is
.
And
so
I
desire
no
more
but
your
attention
in
this
one
point
,
for
the
decision
of
the
controuersie
betweene
me
and
Thomas
Morton
:
for
if
yow
find
him
to
haue
dealt
sincerly
in
alleaging
his
Authors
,
I
am
content
he
haue
the
victory
,
though
he
haue
behaued
himself
otherwise
neuer
so
weakly
.
For
triall
of
which
point
,
I
remit
my self
to
that
,
which
I
haue
handled
afterward
more
plentifully
and
perticularly
in
the
2.
6.
and
12.
Chapters
of
purpose
.
6.
But
yet
for
that
since
the
writing
of
the
ensuing
Preface
,
I
haue
read
and
pervsed
two
Epistles
of
his
last
booke
intituled
,
A
full
satisfaction
,
the
one
to
the
Kings
Maiesty
,
the
other
to
the
seduced
brethren
,
as
scornfully
he
calleth
the
Catholickes
,
which
Epistles
haue
as
much
gaule
in
them
as
the
mans
dispitefull
stomake
could
vtter
,
I
shall
pray
yow
to
haue
patience
with
me
,
if
I
runne
ouer
briefly
certaine
notes
out
of
the
said
Epistles
,
wherby
yow
may
partly
take
notice
of
the
mans
talent
in
writing
,
but
especially
in
raylinge
,
vntill
yow
come
vnto
a
more
full
view
therof
in
the
sequele
of
this
our
Answere
that
doth
ensue
.
7.
Thus
then
he
beginneth
with
his
Maiesty
within
some
halfe
dosen
lines
after
the
entrance
of
his
Epistle
.
which
though
naked
was
neuer
ashamed
,
hath
charged
me
to
manifest
my self
vnto
your
Highnes
,
and
togeather
with
my
Aduersarye
to
appeale
vnto
your
incomparable
wisdome
,
which
I
doe
in
so
constant
assurance
of
an
vpright
conscience
as
that
I
shal
willingly
remit
that
iust
aduantage
,
which
the
difference
of
comparison
both
betweene
a
legitimate
or
conformable
subiect
,
and
a
person
suspiciously
degenerate
,
as
also
betweene
a
Minister
of
simple
truth
,
and
a
professed
Equiuocator
doth
offer
vnto
me
.
Heere
yow
see
him
vaunt
of
sundry
points
;
as
first
of
his
naked
innocency
,
which
we
haue
afterwards
to
his
greater
shame
,
so
cloathed
with
the
foule
ragges
of
his
lying
and
most
deceiptfull
dealing
,
as
she
may
no
more
be
called
a
naked
,
but
rather
a
clouted
innocency
,
if
innocency
at
all
,
and
not
rather
malicious
nocencie
,
intending
to
wound
and
iniury
the
iust
,
and
such
as
are
faultles
and
innocent
in
deed
.
8
Secondly
he
appealeth
to
his
Maiestyes
incomparable
wisdome
,
as
yow
see
,
in
the
constant
assurance
of
an
vpright
conscience
;
but
we
haue
shewed
throughout
this
whole
worke
,
that
nothing
is
further
of
from
this
fellow
,
then
any
conscience
at
all
:
for
that
we
haue
taken
him
in
so
many
wilfull
falsifications
and
corruptions
(
wherin
he
could
not
but
know
that
he
did
lye
and
falsify
;
)
as
besides
all
other
examples
layd
forth
in
sundry
seuerall
partes
of
this
Answere
,
I
haue
byn
forced
to
make
a
speciall
Chapter
therof
,
which
is
the
sixt
of
this
ensuring
worke
,
where
as
also
in
the
4.
Paragraph
of
the
2.
Chapter
and
els
where
,
the
Reader
shall
fynd
such
store
of
testimonyes
against
the
vprightnes
of
this
mans
conscience
,
as
I
dare
assure
my selfe
,
he
will
leese
,
with
indifferent
men
,
the
constant
assurance
of
honesty
,
howsoeuer
in
his
owne
opinion
he
may
hold
the
same
assurance
for
other
matters
.
9.
Thirdly
he
saith
to
his
Maiesty
he
doth
willingly
remit
that
iust
aduantage
which
the
difference
of
a
legitimate
and
conformable
subiect
,
and
a
person
suspiciously
degenerate
doth
offer
vnto
him
:
wherin
what
he
would
say
I
do
rather
ghesse
by
discourse
,
then
vnderstand
by
the
sense
of
his
wordes
.
For
I
imagine
that
the
Minister
would
suspiciously
degenerate
,
and
no
legitimate
,
and
conformable
subiect
,
which
whither
it
tendeth
,
and
towardes
what
gate
of
Atheisme
,
or
Herodianisme
,
euery
man
that
hath
Iudgement
and
conscience
in
deed
will
easily
discerne
.
10.
But
of
all
the
rest
,
the
fourth
point
is
the
most
ridiculous
,
wherin
he
intituleth
himselfe
,
A
minister
of
simple
truth
,
and
his
aduersary
A
professed
Equiuocator
,
wheras
I
haue
shewed
in
the
7.
and
12.
Chapters
of
this
Answere
,
first
,
that
such
as
grant
the
lawfulnes
of
Equiuocation
in
some
limited
cases
,
are
farre
more
seuere
&
rigorous
against
al
kynd
of
lying
in
the
least
things
that
may
be
(
as
appeareth
by
their
knowne
,
and
confessed
doctrine
by
vs
set
downe
,
)
then
are
their
aduersaryes
in
the
greatest
;
yea
highest
kind
or
degree
of
that
sinne
,
I
meane
of
lying
:
and
in
the
second
,
besides
the
multiplicy
of
conuictions
,
wherby
I
haue
made
demonstration
of
this
mans
falsity
euery
where
,
I
haue
shewed
in
the
foresaid
12.
Chapter
,
that
he
(
this
Minister
to
wit
of
simple
truth
)
as
also
his
fellowes
11.
For
not
many
lynes
after
the
former
passage
,
by
occasion
of
certayne
wordes
of
him
that
first
answered
him
about
a
march
of
apes
;
he
taketh
vpon
him
to
set
forth
a
certayne
march
of
Soldiers
comming
against
his
Maiesty
and
other
Protestant
Princes
from
the
7.
hills
of
Babilon
,
to
wit
Rome
,
saying
thus
:
May
it
Goliah
:
Allen
,
the
example
of
Eliah
in
calling
,
if
it
were
possible
,
for
fyre
from
heauen
to
consume
the
Messengers
of
Kings
:
Reynolds
the
example
of
Iabel
to
knock
Generaels
on
the
head
:
Bellarmine
the
example
of
Iehoida
,
and
other
Priestes
for
murthering
of
opposite
Queenes
:
Sanders
,
the
example
of
Mattathias
,
who
fought
against
King
Antiochus
:
Simancha
the
example
of
Heathenish
Scythians
,
who
murthered
their
naturall
King
Scyles
:
Boucher
the
example
of
Sampson
,
to
kill
,
if
they
can
,
a
thousand
of
his
supposed
Philisthians
with
the
iaw
bone
of
an
Asse
.
12.
So
he
.
And
doth
not
the
man
deserue
to
haue
a
iawe-bone
of
an
Asse
for
his
dinner
,
that
hath
so
laboured
to
lay
togeather
these
impertinent
examples
,
without
head
or
foote
,
ground
or
proofe
,
purpose
or
coherence
,
truth
or
similitude
with
the
matter
in
hand
?
For
where
doth
he
fynd
these
marchinges
against
his
Maiesty
?
why
had
not
he
cyted
some
place
or
testimony
wherby
might
appeare
this
to
be
true
that
he
obiecteth
heere
to
these
men
against
his
Highnes
?
Nay
if
his
Maiesty
will
remember
marchinges
against
him
indeed
,
not
imaginations
in
the
ayre
as
these
are
,
he
will
consider
what
manner
of
men
they
haue
byn
,
either
Protestants
or
Catholickes
that
haue
marched
and
machinated
against
him
and
his
,
for
more
then
40.
yeares
togeather
,
while
he
was
in
Scotland
;
what
royall
bloud
was
shed
of
his
neerest
and
dearest
in
kynred
;
what
violence
vsed
and
practised
vpon
his
owne
person
,
and
parents
;
who
were
the
Authors
,
incensers
,
fyre-brands
,
&
bellowes
of
these
England
,
Rome
,
and
els
where
,
prayed
hartely
for
the
good
successe
of
his
Maiesties
said
parents
,
and
for
his
in
theirs
:
this
(
I
say
)
was
a
true
and
reall
march
in
deed
,
&
that
other
imaginary
,
which
our
Minister
to
make
vs
odious
hath
heere
deuised
.
13.
And
to
speake
one
word
more
of
this
matter
,
for
that
it
is
of
much
importance
,
and
the
truth
therof
notorious
to
the
world
:
When
vpon
the
yeare
of
Christ
1586.
fourteene
principall
and
zealous
yong
14.
And
when
before
that
againe
,
vpon
the
yeare
1581.
fourteene
learned
priests
and
Iesuites
,
were
arraigned
&
condemned
vpon
pretence
that
their
comming
into
England
was
for
some
designement
against
the
State
;
was
not
the
greatest
,
and
most
odious
part
of
their
arraignment
(
and
most
amplyfied
by
the
Attorney
Popham
at
that
time
)
for
that
they
were
deuout
to
the
Queene
of
Scotland
,
and
her
tytle
,
and
prayed
for
supposed
Philisthines
by
the
iaw-bone
of
an
asse
?
The
asse
in
deed
we
haue
found
,
but
the
iaw-bone
as
yet
we
see
not
.
15.
But
let
vs
heare
him
go
forward
in
vaunting
to
his
Maiesty
of
his
goodly
workes
.
After
the
reply
is
finished
(
saith
he
)
there
is
presented
to
your
Princely
,
and
most
religious
iudgement
,
A
confutation
of
the
reasons
of
two
of
their
more
then
vnreasonable
positions
;
as
namely
of
haynous
Rebellions
,
and
execrable
Equiuocations
:
both
which
are
refelled
(
I
hope
)
sufficiently
by
the
testimonyes
of
their
owne
most
principall
Doctors
;
A
course
which
I
professe
in
all
disputes
;
knowing
that
by
no
better
wisdome
may
this
new
Babylon
be
confounded
,
then
wherwith
God
wrought
the
destruction
of
the
old
,
euen
[
*
](A09111-e1550-b)
*
Gen.
11.
7.
&
9.
The
diuision
of
their
tongues
.
So
he
.
16.
And
yow
must
know
,
that
this
diuision
of
our
tongues
is
nothing
els
but
that
he
alleageth
some
tymes
different
opinions
out
of
some
of
our
Schoole-Doctors
(
which
our
men
do
for
him
,
he
hauing
nothing
heerin
of
his
owne
industry
)
in
matters
that
be
disputable
,
and
not
determined
by
the
〈◊〉
.
And
is
not
this
a
great
point
,
for
so
great
a
Rabbyn
to
bragge
of
,
as
of
a
course
which
he
〈◊〉
in
all
his
disputes
?
How
doth
foolish
vanity
discouer
it selfe
in
all
these
mens
wordes
&
actions
?
And
yet
let
the
Reader
note
attentiuely
that
notwithstanding
this
bragge
,
he
hath
no
one
Catholicke
Author
in
all
this
controuersy
about
Equiuocation
,
that
absolutly
denyeth
the
thing
,
or
17.
Wherfore
to
say
as
he
doth
that
our
execrable
Equiuocations
are
sufficiently
refelled
by
him
with
the
testimonyes
of
our
most
principall
Doctors
is
as
true
,
as
that
he
is
a
Minister
of
simple
truth
,
and
naked
innocency
,
and
of
constant
assurance
of
an
vpright
conscience
:
all
which
are
ridiculous
most
or
least
principall
with
him
in
his
opinion
,
or
that
calleth
Equiuocations
,
vsed
with
due
circumstances
or
limitations
,
execrable
,
or
vnlawfull
,
or
not
necassary
in
some
cases
;
nor
hath
he
any
one
sentence
,
or
testimony
of
theirs
to
the
contrary
,
as
after
is
made
euident
.
And
consequently
this
course
of
Tho.
Morton
in
all
his
disputes
,
is
a
lying
course
,
a
vaunting
course
,
a
ridiculous
course
.
And
as
for
his
disputes
,
I
do
shew
him
after
to
be
so
sylly
a
disputer
,
as
that
he
knoweth
not
how
to
make
a
true
syllogisme
,
and
therfore
am
forced
to
send
him
backe
againe
to
Cambridge
to
reforme
his
Logicke
,
or
to
learne
more
:
about
which
point
I
remit
the
Reader
to
that
which
is
handled
in
the
11.
Chapter
and
els
where
of
this
Treatise
.
18.
Next
after
this
he
layeth
before
his
Maiesty
a
certayne
obseruation
about
Popes
names
,
as
ful
fraught
with
malice
,
and
deceiptfulnes
,
as
the
former
with
vanity
;
and
he
layeth
the
obseruation
vpon
Polydor
Virgil
,
though
cyting
no
place
for
it
.
Polydore
obserueth
(
saith
he
)
that
the
Popes
a
long
tyme
in
their
election
had
their
names
changed
by
Antiphrasis
,
videl.
the
Elected
,
if
〈◊〉
were
by
naturall
disposition
fearefull
,
was
named
Leo
,
if
cruell
,
Clement
,
if
vnciuill
,
Vrbanus
,
if
wicked
,
Pius
;
if
couetous
,
Bonifacius
;
if
in
all
〈◊〉
intollerable
,
Innocentius
:
And
with
this
he
thinketh
to
haue
layd
downe
an
obseruation
of
importance
.
But
why
had
he
not
adioyned
also
,
that
if
he
were
careles
of
his
flocke
,
then
Gregory
must
be
his
name
,
which
importeth
a
vigilant
pastor
?
19.
But
now
let
the
iudicious
Reader
obserue
the
malice
,
and
falshood
of
this
obseruation
,
and
therby
iudge
,
whether
the
Author
therof
be
a
Minister
of
simple
Leo
,
Clemens
,
Vrbanus
,
Pius
,
Bonifacius
,
Innocentius
,
and
Gregory
,
were
chosen
by
the
Popes
that
tooke
them
for
the
great
reuerence
,
and
estimation
they
had
of
certayne
excellent
men
of
that
name
that
went
before
them
;
as
also
for
the
good
abodement
of
their
future
gouernment
,
and
to
be
styrred
vp
the
more
by
the
memory
of
those
names
to
the
vertues
signified
by
them
;
but
especially
for
the
honor
and
imitation
of
the
first
Popes
that
bare
those
names
.
As
for
example
of
S.
Leo
the
first
,
who
how
excellent
a
man
he
was
,
both
for
learning
and
sanctity
,
appeareth
by
the
acknowledgment
of
the
Protestants
themselues
.
M.
Iewell
making
this
Apostrophe
vnto
him
in
his
chalenge
,
O
Leo
,
O
〈◊〉
,
O
Paul
,
O
Christ
!
20.
The
like
may
be
said
of
S.
Clement
the
first
and
next
Pope
after
S.
Peter
;
and
the
same
of
S.
Vrbanus
Pope
and
Martyr
,
in
the
second
age
after
the
Apostles
:
and
the
like
of
Pius
the
first
Pope
and
Martyr
,
in
the
first
age
after
the
said
Apostles
;
and
no
lesse
of
S.
Bonifacius
the
first
that
liued
in
the
beginning
of
the
fourth
age
,
and
a
little
before
him
againe
in
the
same
age
S.
Innocentius
the
first
,
so
highly
commended
by
S.
Augustine
for
a
great
Saint
:
and
after
him
againe
S.
Gregory
the
Great
,
and
first
Pope
of
that
name
most
admirable
both
to
those
of
his
time
and
all
posterity
for
many
excellent
vertues
,
who
though
lyuing
some
ages
after
all
the
former
;
yet
haue
there
byn
13.
Popes
after
him
,
that
for
reuerence
of
his
vertues
haue
taken
his
name
,
and
ten
of
S.
Leo
,
7.
of
S.
Clement
,
6.
of
S.
Vrbanus
,
4.
of
S.
Pius
,
7.
of
S.
Bonifacius
,
and
8.
of
S.
Innocentius
,
wherof
none
had
that
name
by
〈◊〉
,
but
all
by
choise
after
they
were
elected
Popes
,
for
the
causes
now
touched
.
Which
being
so
,
it
is
euident
what
a
wicked
lost
conscience
this
Minister
hath
,
to
auouch
vnto
a
King
,
and
by
him
to
all
others
,
so
manifest
,
and
malitious
a
calumniation
.
21.
But
he
goeth
further
yet
in
folly
to
magnify
his
owne
learning
and
to
compare
the
same
with
no
lesse
then
Aristotle
.
〈◊〉
haue
so
framed
this
dispute
(
saith
he
)
that
it
may
seeme
,
I
hope
,
to
be
like
Aristotles
bookes
of
naturall
Philosophy
,
so
published
,
as
not
published
,
&c.
And
his
reason
is
.
For
that
as
he
saith
,
he
alwayes
putteth
downe
the
clause
of
ment
all
reseruation
in
Latin
:
which
yet
is
not
true
,
as
the
Reader
wil
see
by
pervsing
this
booke
,
he
hauing
to
my
remembrance
set
downe
the
same
in
Latyn
but
once
only
throughout
all
his
booke
,
and
that
in
fower
words
in
his
second
page
,
the
said
reseruation
being
mentioned
in
English
,
more
perhaps
then
forty
tymes
,
nor
were
it
of
any
importance
if
it
were
alwayes
put
downe
in
Latyn
.
For
that
any
man
lightly
whether
he
vnderstand
Latyn
,
or
no
,
if
he
see
or
heare
the
precedence
both
of
question
and
answere
,
will
easily
ghesse
what
the
reseruation
is
,
if
he
suspect
any
to
be
at
all
,
as
if
a
man
doe
heare
or
reade
the
premisses
of
a
syllogisme
in
English
,
he
will
easely
ghesse
at
the
conclusion
,
though
it
be
in
Latin
;
yea
if
he
be
of
any
meane
capacity
,
he
will
gather
the
inference
himselfe
by
naturall
discourse
.
Wherfore
this
of
Aristotles
books
was
brought
in
only
by
the
vayne
Minister
to
compare
them
with
his
bookes
,
or
,
as
he
calleth
them
,
his
disputes
,
so
published
(
forsooth
)
as
not
published
,
for
that
he
imagineth
that
the
common
capacity
of
men
cannot
reach
vnto
the
depth
therof
,
he
wadeth
so
profoundly
in
his
owne
folly
.
But
yow
will
see
afterwardes
that
so
published
,
as
not
published
,
but
that
they
are
not
worthy
indeed
the
publishing
and
much
lesse
the
readinge
,
wherin
they
doe
differ
much
from
those
of
Aristotle
.
22.
It
followeth
in
his
said
Epistle
to
his
Maiesty
:
For
that
this
doctrine
of
Equiuocation
(
saith
he
)
acknowledged
by
your
admirable
wisdome
to
be
in
religion
most
〈◊〉
and
detestable
,
in
politike
State
most
pernicious
and
intollerable
,
and
in
euery
actor
most
banefull
to
the
soule
of
man
;
it
may
please
your
Excellent
Maiesty
to
prouide
in
this
behalse
for
your
faithfull
and
religious
Subiectes
,
that
they
neuer
be
so
intoxicated
with
this
Antichristian
spirite
,
as
either
to
deceyue
,
or
be
deceyued
therby
,
&c.
Would
God
it
might
please
his
Highnes
in
his
admirable
wisedome
to
pervse
ouer
but
two
,
or
three
Chapters
of
this
Treatise
about
Equiuocation
,
and
the
reasons
of
the
lawfulnes
and
necessity
therof
in
some
cases
,
togeather
with
the
grosse
,
monstrous
,
sacrilegious
,
and
detestable
licence
of
lying
,
taken
vp
,
and
vied
by
the
impugners
of
lawfull
Equiuocation
,
and
especially
Ministers
,
that
most
talke
,
and
make
profession
of
simple
truth
;
I
do
not
doubt
,
but
his
Excellent
Maiesty
out
of
his
Christian
piety
would
prouide
in
this
behalfe
,
for
his
faithfull
and
religious
Subiectes
that
they
should
not
be
so
much
deceyued
by
〈◊〉
,
as
they
are
,
nor
intoxicated
with
their
Antichristian
lying
spirite
,
to
their
eternal
perdition
.
And
this
is
so
much
as
I
haue
thought
good
to
reply
in
this
place
concerning
his
Epistle
to
his
Maiesty
.
23.
As
for
the
other
which
scornfully
he
directeth
to
the
deceyued
brethren
,
it
is
so
short
,
fond
&
ydle
a
thing
,
that
it
deserueth
no
answere
at
all
,
the
principall
point
,
whervpon
he
standeth
therin
,
being
this
,
that
Catholicke
people
are
seduced
by
their
priestes
,
who
will
be
Doctors
(
saith
he
out
of
S.
Paul
to
Timothy
)
and
yet
vnderstand
not
what
they
say
,
nor
wherof
they
affirme
.
But
whether
this
description
of
fond
presumptuous
Doctors
touched
by
S.
Paul
do
agree
rather
to
Protestant-Ministers
,
or
to
Catholicke
priestes
,
will
appeare
in
great
part
by
reading
ouer
this
booke
,
especially
the
5.
8.
and
10.
Chapters
,
if
by
Thomas
Mortons
errors
and
ignorances
,
a
scantling
may
be
taken
of
the
rest
.
But
now
let
vs
〈◊〉
how
he
doth
go
about
to
proue
that
our
priests
are
such
bad
Doctors
,
as
S.
Paul
speaketh
of
.
24.
His
chiefe
proofe
consisteth
in
a
certayne
comparing
of
them
with
those
Iewish
priestes
of
the
old
law
in
Christes
tyme
,
who
taught
the
souldiers
that
watched
at
the
Sepulcher
of
our
Sauiour
,
to
say
,
that
whilest
they
were
sleeping
,
his
disciples
came
&
stole
him
away
;
Common
sense
(
saith
he
)
might
haue
replyed
,
how
could
yow
tell
,
what
was
done
,
when
yow
were
all
a
sleepe
?
But
myndes
enthralled
in
the
opinion
of
a
neuer-erring
priesthood
(
which
confirmed
that
〈◊〉
)
could
not
possibly
but
erre
with
their
priestes
;
such
(
alas
)
is
the
case
of
all
them
,
&c.
Do
yow
see
how
substantially
he
hath
proued
this
matter
?
Let
vs
examine
the
particulers
:
〈◊〉
the
story
,
then
the
inference
.
25.
About
the
story
,
S.
Mathew
recounteth
in
the
28.
chapter
of
his
Ghospell
,
how
Christ
our
Sauiour
being
raysed
miraculously
from
death
to
lyse
,
with
a
great
and
dreadfull
earthquake
,
and
discent
of
an
Angels
,
so
as
the
souldiers
that
kept
the
sepulcher
were
astonished
,
and
almost
dead
for
feare
,
some
of
them
ranne
and
told
the
chiefe
priests
therof
,
who
making
a
consultation
with
the
Elders
,
deuised
this
shift
to
giue
them
store
of
money
and
to
bid
them
say
,
that
in
the
night
when
they
were
a
sleepe
his
disciples
came
and
stole
him
away
,
and
so
they
did
.
And
S.
Mathew
addeth
,
that
this
false
brute
ranne
currant
among
the
Iewes
,
euen
vntill
that
tyme
,
wherin
he
wrote
his
Ghospell
.
This
is
the
narration
,
what
hath
now
Thom.
Morton
to
say
to
this
against
vs
,
for
therunto
is
all
his
dryfte
.
First
he
saith
as
yow
haue
heard
that
this
deuise
was
improbable
,
and
against
common
sense
it selfe
.
Common
sense
(
saith
he
)
might
haue
replyed
(
to
the
souldiers
)
what
could
yow
tell
what
was
done
when
yow
were
all
a
sleepe
?
Se
heere
the
sharpenes
of
Tho.
Mortons
wit
,
aboue
that
of
the
Priests
,
Scribes
,
and
Pharisies
.
But
what
if
one
of
the
souldiers
had
replyed
to
him
thus
:
We
saw
it
not
,
when
we
were
a
sleepe
,
but
afterward
when
we
were
awakened
,
we
perceyued
that
he
was
stolne
away
.
What
reioynder
would
our
minister
make
?
As
for
example
if
Tho.
Morton
were
walking
with
a
communion-booke
vnder
his
arme
through
a
feild
,
and
wearyed
should
ly
downe
to
sleepe
with
his
booke
by
his
syde
,
and
at
his
awaking
should
see
his
booke
gone
,
were
it
against
common
sense
for
him
to
say
,
that
his
booke
was
stolne
from
him
while
he
was
a
sleepe
?
Or
is
not
this
an
assertion
fit
for
one
of
those
Doctors
wherof
S.
Paul
talketh
,
that
vnderstand
not
what
they
say
,
or
wherof
they
affirme
.
But
this
will
better
yet
appeare
by
the
second
point
which
is
his
inference
.
Wherfore
we
must
a
litle
also
examine
that
.
26.
But
〈◊〉
(
saith
he
)
〈◊〉
in
the
opinion
of
a
neuer-erring
priesthood
(
which
confirmed
that
answere
)
could
not
possibly
but
erre
with
their
priestes
,
such
(
alas
,
is
the
case
of
all
them
,
&c.
The
malitious
man
would
deface
Christian
priesthood
by
the
Iewish
priesthood
,
and
our
Priests
by
theirs
:
but
consider
how
farre
he
runneth
from
the
marke
in
both
:
Myndes
enthralled
(
saith
he
)
in
the
opinion
of
a
neuer-erring
priesthood
,
which
confirmed
this
answere
:
Did
the
Priest-hood
of
Iury
confirme
this
Answere
?
Who
saith
so
?
We
read
that
the
Priests
with
the
Elders
did
deuise
this
answer
,
and
they
knew
they
did
euill
,
and
lye
therin
,
and
so
did
the
souldiers
also
that
published
the
same
.
But
this
was
a
matter
of
fact
,
not
a
determination
of
faith
.
Neyther
among
the
Iewes
nor
Christians
was
there
euer
opinion
that
Priests
,
or
Priesthood
could
not
erre
in
matters
of
fact
,
lyfe
,
or
their
maners
.
How
then
is
this
to
the
purpose
?
Or
doth
not
this
also
proue
him
to
be
one
of
those
forenamed
Doctors
,
that
vnderstand
not
what
they
say
,
or
wherof
they
affirme
?
How
much
more
modesty
and
piety
had
it
byn
in
Thom.
Morton
to
haue
followed
the
example
of
Christ
and
his
Apostles
,
who
though
persecuted
by
those
Priests
;
yet
both
thought
and
spake
reuerently
of
the
Priesthood
.
27.
S.
Iohn
the
Euangelist
setting
downe
the
speach
of
wicked
Cayphas
the
High-Priest
about
the
death
of
that
it
was
necessary
for
one
to
dye
for
the
people
;
addeth
presently
:
that
Cayphas
spake
not
this
of
himselfe
,
but
prophesyed
as
being
High-Priest
of
that
yeare
.
S.
Paul
I
did
not
know
brethren
(
saith
he
)
that
he
was
Chiefe-Priest
for
it
is
writen
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
not
speake
〈◊〉
of
the
Prince
of
thy
〈◊〉
And
when
the
said
Apostle
doth
afterwards
handle
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Hebrewes
this
Iewish
Priesthood
,
as
a
figure
of
that
of
Christ
our
Sauiour
,
and
of
the
new
〈◊〉
he
speaketh
very
honorably
therof
,
saying
:
That
〈◊〉
Chief-Priest
taken
out
from
men
,
is
appointed
for
men
in
those
things
that
belong
to
to
God
,
to
offer
giftes
,
and
sacrifices
for
〈◊〉
,
&c.
But
Christ
himselfe
most
honorably
of
all
other
gaue
to
his
disciples
,
and
to
the
people
this
aduertisement
:
Vpon
the
Chayre
of
Moyses
haue
sitten
Scribes
and
Pharisies
;
all
things
therfore
whatsoeuer
they
shall
say
vnto
yow
,
obserue
,
and
do
them
,
but
do
not
according
to
their
workes
.
28.
And
if
vnto
the
ancient
Aaronicall
Priest-hood
of
the
old
Testament
,
so
much
honour
,
so
much
credit
,
so
much
obedience
was
to
be
performed
(
which
yet
was
not
so
sanctifyed
by
the
diuine
person
of
Christ
himselfe
,
nor
yet
so
adorned
with
the
promise
of
his
infallible
assistance
,
as
ours
of
the
new
Testament
is
,
according
to
the
Order
of
Melchisedech
)
what
impiety
is
this
in
Thomas
Morton
to
go
about
to
discredit
the
one
by
the
other
?
yea
to
ascribe
the
lying
of
the
Iewish
souldyers
and
their
talking
against
common
sense
(
as
he
will
haue
it
)
vnto
their
enthralled
opinion
of
a
neuer-erring
Priest-hood
?
Is
not
this
sensles
?
Had
these
souldyers
an
opinion
perhaps
that
their
Priests
could
not
sinne
?
Or
did
they
hold
this
for
〈◊〉
point
of
doctrine
,
determined
vnto
them
out
of
Moyses
chayre
?
Or
if
te
y
did
not
,
how
is
this
their
fact
attributed
by
Thomas
Morton
vnto
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
?
29.
But
he
goeth
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
all
our
errors
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
the
same
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
for
〈◊〉
wherof
that
God
in
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
〈◊〉
lyes
and
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
examples
the
deliuery
of
〈◊〉
soule
out
〈◊〉
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
The
donation
of
Constantine
;
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
our
Lady
;
the
〈◊〉
of
a
〈◊〉
by
S.
〈◊〉
;
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
Christians
amongst
the
Indians
&c.
But
heere
now
Thomas
〈◊〉
,
if
he
would
shew
〈◊〉
a
man
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
iudgment
indeed
,
&
to
deale
really
and
not
by
calumniatio
,
should
proue
three
thinges
.
First
that
all
these
positions
are
held
by
vs
as
he
setteth
them
downe
:
Secondly
that
they
are
all
false
indeed
as
we
hold
them
:
and
thirdly
,
that
therfore
we
erre
in
them
,
for
that
we
belieue
our
Priest-hood
cannot
erre
;
so
as
the
causality
of
these
errors
must
fall
vpon
the
enthralled
opinion
of
our
neuer-erring
Priest-hood
.
30.
Of
which
three
pointes
he
proueth
neuer
a
one
,
nor
goeth
about
to
proue
it
:
and
we
deny
them
all
in
the
sense
that
he
obiecteth
them
:
For
as
for
Traians
soule
,
no
learned
Catholicke
man
doth
hold
it
,
either
for
true
or
likly
:
and
it
is
at
large
refuted
by
Baronius
a
Catholicke
writer
.
Constantines
donation
is
a
S.
Iohn
Damascene
,
(
that
liued
in
the
East
Church
,
almost
mine
hundred
yeares
gone
,
and
expresly
recordeth
the
said
S.
Bernard
and
others
,
euery
man
may
easily
see
,
as
also
consider
this
one
reason
amongst
the
rest
;
that
if
the
sacred
body
of
that
Blessed
Virgin
,
Mother
of
God
,
had
byn
left
any
where
vpon
earth
,
as
other
Saintes
bodyes
were
,
ther
would
haue
remayned
at
least
some
memory
,
some
testimony
therof
,
or
some
deuotion
to
the
place
.
31.
And
for
so
much
as
by
Gods
holy
prouidence
so
great
concourse
hath
byn
made
euer
vnto
the
bodyes
of
S.
Peter
,
S.
Paul
,
and
other
of
the
Apostles
,
Martyres
and
Saintes
of
God
,
in
different
places
,
though
neuer
so
remote
,
it
is
more
then
probable
,
that
some
would
haue
byn
made
likewise
vnto
this
sacred
body
of
our
Blessed
Lady
:
but
the
malice
of
these
people
is
such
to
the
holy
memory
of
this
blessed
virgin
vpon
earth
,
and
their
precipitation
to
〈◊〉
so
hasty
and
inconsiderate
,
as
whatsoeuer
they
see
not
with
their
eyes
,
they
deny
as
absolutly
false
.
For
what
certainty
when
he
extended
his
hand
to
miracles
,
that
he
would
be
with
but
vnto
the
end
of
the
world
?
How
then
doth
this
arrogant-sylly-gras-hopper
insult
here
in
fauour
of
Infidels
,
and
disgrace
of
Christians
,
calling
them
,
lying
miracles
amongst
the
Indians
?
Hath
he
perchance
euer
byn
there
?
Hath
he
aduentured
his
life
to
gaine
those
soules
vnto
Christ
,
that
dyed
for
them
,
as
others
haue
donne
?
Hath
he
suffered
hunger
and
thirst
,
could
and
heates
,
persecution
and
affliction
with
losse
of
his
bloud
for
gayning
of
those
poore
Indian
〈◊〉
,
as
others
haue
suffered
,
and
〈◊〉
dayly
?
Noe.
He
hath
done
nothing
of
this
,
but
contrary
wise
stood
a
farre
of
in
England
,
hath
attended
to
good
cheare
and
ease
,
procured
benefices
and
fauour
of
the
State
,
and
now
vpon
the
suddaine
is
become
an
aduocate
for
the
Indian
Pagans
,
to
scorne
at
the
Christian
miracles
wrought
by
Gods
power
among
them
,
though
testified
by
neuer
so
great
and
graue
Authority
vnto
vs
.
And
is
not
this
a
pious
man
thinke
yow
.
32.
As
for
S.
Francis
louse
,
I
neuer
heard
of
that
scorne
before
,
and
I
meruaile
in
what
part
of
our
Theologicall
of
our
neuer-erring
Priest-hood
.
For
soe
he
must
,
if
he
talke
to
the
purpose
.
And
when
he
will
or
can
doe
this
,
euery
man
seeth
.
In
the
meane
space
,
I
leaue
it
to
that
glorious
Saint
now
in
heauen
,
where
no
lise
be
,
to
answere
the
contumely
,
if
he
thinke
good
,
either
vpon
earth
or
else
where
.
Sure
I
am
that
I
haue
reade
of
strange
euentes
in
some
vpon
lesse
pride
and
in
solency
vsed
towardes
the
Seruautes
of
God
then
this
.
The
examples
most
knowne
are
of
Herods
lise
,
that
deuoured
him
;
and
if
we
belieue
Doctor
Bolsacke
the
Phisitian
of
Geneua
,
Iohn
Caluin
dyed
of
the
like
disease
.
God
defend
all
good
men
,
and
T.
M.
also
from
like
chastisement
,
and
cure
〈◊〉
rage
of
his
contumelious
&
blasphemous
tonge
,
whilest
he
hath
time
of
〈◊〉
.
33.
And
now
for
that
this
Epistle
groweth
ouer
longe
,
and
we
shall
haue
large
occasions
afterwàrdes
to
〈◊〉
open
this
mans
defects
in
these
behalfes
,
we
shall
goe
no
further
in
examining
of
matters
heere
,
but
passe
to
the
treatise
it self
designed
to
procure
(
if
it
be
possible
)
some
Mitigation
of
affliction
&
persecution
towards
Catholicke
Subiects
,
drawne
into
publique
hatred
,
exulceration
and
exceration
by
such
diuellish
Sycophancy
and
odious
Calumniations
,
as
this
fellow
and
his
like
haue
cast
forth
against
them
,
without
al
ground
,
but
of
malice
&
hatred
,
as
by
his
accusations
and
our
answeres
,
I
doubt
not
,
yow
wil
manifestly
perceiue
.
I
beseech
Christ
Iesus
our
Sauiour
to
turne
all
to
his
greater
glory
,
&
then
happy
are
our
suffrings
:
&
so
to
his
holy
prouidence
&
protection
I
commit
the
whole
.
Your
louing
Countreyman
,
that
wisheth
your
best
good
.
P.
R.
A
TABLE
Of
the
particular
Contentes
,
Chapters
,
and
Paragraphes
of
the
ensuing
TREATISE
.
THE
Preface
to
all
true
harted
Englishmen
,
that
loue
the
honour
;
safety
,
and
best
good
of
their
Nation
,
Prince
and
Countrey
;
of
the
present
diuision
and
disagreement
about
matters
of
religion
in
England
,
and
of
so
many
importune
exasperations
vsed
by
diuers
sortes
of
men
,
to
encrease
the
same
:
and
namely
by
this
Minister
Th.
Morton
his
iniurious
libell
.
|
Pag.
1.
|
That
the
maine
Proposition
insinuated
and
vrged
by
T.
M.
That
Catholickes
are
not
tolerable
in
a
Protestant
Common
welth
in
respect
of
Rebellion
and
Conspiracies
is
vntrue
,
indiscreet
,
and
pernicious
;
and
falleth
rather
vpon
Protestant-subiects
then
Catholiks
.
Chap.
I.
|
pag.
31
|
Ten
Reasons
or
rather
Calumniations
brought
by
T.
M.
for
maintenance
of
〈◊〉
former
Proposition
:
That
Catholike
people
are
intolerable
in
a
Protestant
Gouernment
,
in
respect
of
〈◊〉
,
conspiracies
and
rebellion
,
〈◊〉
,
and
returned
vpon
himselfe
and
his
,
Chap.
II.
|
p.
52.
|
How
this
Treatise
was
layed
aside
by
〈◊〉
of
the
Author
and
some
other
causes
:
And
why
it
was
taken
in
hand
againe
vpon
the
sight
of
a
Cath.
Answere
,
and
a
new
Reply
of
T.
M.
〈◊〉
to
his
Maiefly
;
with
the
Authors
iudgement
of
them
both
.
Chap.
III.
|
pag.
89.
|
What
the
〈◊〉
Thomas
Morton
doth
in
this
Reply
and
full
satisfaction
answere
,
concerning
the
former
point
of
Charge
against
Protestants
for
Rebellion
,
Conspiracies
,
and
disobedience
;
the
effect
wherof
is
drawne
to
three
principall
Questions
.
Chap.
IIII.
|
pag.
103.
|
|
The
first
Question
about
Heretickes
&
heresy
,
§
.
1.
|
pag.
105.
|
|
The
second
Question
about
seditious
doctrine
,
para
.
2.
|
p.
112.
|
|
The
third
Question
concerning
practice
of
〈◊〉
.
§
.
3
|
p.
122.
|
A
briefe
Censure
is
giuen
of
a
new
Treatise
set
forth
by
T.
M.
〈◊〉
;
A
Confutation
of
the
Popes
〈◊〉
as
supreme
head
of
rebellion
,
&c.
annexed
to
his
former
iustification
of
Protestant-Princes
for
matters
of
〈◊〉
.
Chap.
V.
|
pag.
139.
|
The
second
Part
of
this
Chapter
conteyning
three
particular
kindes
of
proofes
,
alleaged
by
T.
M.
against
the
Popes
supremacy
to
witt
:
Out
of
the
new
and
old
Testament
,
&
from
Reason
it selfe
.
|
pag.
159.
|
A
brief
view
of
certaine
notorious
;
false
and
fraudulent
dealings
vsed
by
T.
M.
in
this
his
short
seuerall
Treatise
against
the
Popes
Supremacy
:
As
also
sundry
examples
of
the
like
proceeding
in
the
former
part
of
hisdeceytfull
Reply
.
Chap.
VI.
pag.
189.
|
The
second
part
of
this
Chapter
representing
some
of
the
falsifications
which
are
〈◊〉
in
the
former
Part
of
M.
Mortons
reply
;
which
came
to
our
hands
after
our
Answere
made
before
in
our
second
Chapter
against
his
ten
Reasons
.
|
pag.
218.
|
The
third
Part
of
this
Chapter
conteyning
a
Controuersy
,
Whether
Caluin
fauoured
Arianisme
,
or
no
;
with
diuers
〈◊〉
of
.
T.
Morton
about
the
same
.
|
pag.
244.
|
Of
the
second
Generall
Point
of
Calumniation
set
forth
against
Catholickes
by
T.
Morton
concerning
Equiuocation
,
which
is
reduced
to
certaine
particular
Considerations
for
better
discussion
therof
,
Chap.
VII
.
|
pag.
273.
|
The
substance
of
the
Cause
is
entred
into
;
and
it
is
discussed
,
What
〈◊〉
,
what
〈◊〉
,
what
falsity
,
and
lying
is
:
and
some
other
pointes
〈◊〉
this
effect
,
Chap.
VIII
.
pag.
307.
|
|
The
second
Part
of
this
Chapter
,
Whether
a
mixt
Proposition
partly
vttered
;
and
partly
reserued
in
mynd
,
may
be
a
true
Logicall
Proposition
and
Enunciation
,
§
.
1.
|
pag.
321.
|
|
The
third
Part
of
this
Chapter
,
Whether
the
former
mixt
Proposition
,
partly
vttered
,
and
partly
reserued
,
be
〈◊〉
or
noe
?
§
.
2.
|
pag.
335.
|
The
truth
before
set
〈◊〉
is
further
debated
and
proued
by
the
assertions
of
Schoole-Doctors
,
Deuines
,
Lawyers
,
both
Canon
and
Ciuill
,
Reasons
,
Practice
of
the
Aduersaryes
,
and
by
the
very
instinct
of
nature
it
〈◊〉
,
Chap.
IX
.
|
pag.
348.
|
|
The
first
Point
about
Schoole-Deuines
,
Doctors
and
Lawyers
,
§
.
1.
|
pag.
349.
|
|
The
second
Point
touching
Scriptures
and
Fathers
;
for
〈◊〉
and
reserued
Propositions
,
§
.
2.
|
pag.
358.
|
The
third
Point
concerning
other
Scriptures
alleaged
,
and
pretended
to
be
answered
by
T.
Morton
;
§
.
3.
|
pag.
369
,
|
|
The
fourth
and
last
Point
of
this
Chapter
,
about
Scriptures
and
Fathers
,
that
defended
Equiuocation
from
the
name
and
nature
of
deceipt
and
〈◊〉
with
some
other
〈◊〉
out
of
common
Reason
.
&c.
§
.
4.
|
pag.
396.
|
Of
certaine
particular
cases
,
and
occasions
,
wherin
it
may
be
lawfull
to
vse
the
manner
of
Equiuocation
or
Amphibology
before
set
downe
,
either
in
speach
or
〈◊〉
,
with
the
〈◊〉
therof
,
Chap.
X.
|
pag.
406.
|
|
The
first
case
about
the
Secret
of
Confession
§
.
1.
|
pag.
407.
|
|
The
second
case
about
Secretes
of
the
Commonwelth
§
.
2.
|
p.
〈◊〉
.
|
|
The
third
case
about
any
Party
accused
or
〈◊〉
in
Question
,
§
.
3.
|
pag.
414.
|
|
The
argumentes
and
groundes
of
this
Common
〈◊〉
,
§.
4.
pag.
420.
|
|
The
fourth
case
about
Witnesses
,
§.
5.
|
425.
|
|
The
〈◊〉
case
about
〈◊〉
in
swearing
,
§
.
6.
|
pag.
427.
|
|
Diuers
other
cases
in
particular
,
§
.
7.
|
pag.
430.
|
The
argumentes
and
Reasons
of
T.
Mortons
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
examined
and
answered
:
and
his
notorious
errors
,
follyes
,
and
falsifications
therin
discouered
,
Chap.
XI
.
|
pag.
439.
|
|
His
first
argument
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
definition
of
aly
,
§
.
1.
|
pag.
442.
|
|
His
second
Argument
from
the
〈◊〉
of
Equiuocation
,
§
.
2.
|
pag.
444.
|
|
His
third
Argument
from
the
description
of
lying
,
§
.
3.
|
p.
447.
|
|
His
fourth
Argument
is
taken
●
specie
,
or
from
a
particular
kind
of
lying
,
which
is
periury
,
§
.
4.
|
pag.
449.
|
His
fifth
Argument
,
Truth
God
,
lying
the
Diuell
,
parag.
5.
|
pag.
453.
|
|
His
six
Argument
intituled
,
from
examples
of
dissimulation
condemned
by
Scriptures
,
Fathers
,
Pagans
,
&c.
§
.
6.
|
pag.
457.
|
|
His
example
of
Pagan
wryters
out
of
Cicero
.
§
.
7.
|
pag.
462.
|
|
His
〈◊〉
Argument
taken
from
a
signe
,
an
Interpreter
,
a
coyne
,
and
Giges-ring
,
§
.
8.
|
pag.
466.
|
|
Of
his
second
Conclusion
and
proofes
therof
,
para
.
9.
|
p.
468.
|
Of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
Equiuocation
,
the
one
〈◊〉
and
lawfull
;
the
other
〈◊〉
and
sinfull
:
And
that
Catholickes
only
vse
the
first
in
〈◊〉
cases
,
and
with
circumstances
and
limitations
:
But
T.
〈◊〉
and
his
followes
〈◊〉
the
first
,
do
vse
〈◊〉
the
second
,
which
is
false
and
lying
〈◊〉
.
Chap.
XII
.
|
pag.
483.
|
|
The
〈◊〉
of
〈◊〉
in
some
Protestant
〈◊〉
Bishops
,
§
.
1.
|
pag.
490.
|
Six
argumentes
of
M.
Iewell
Superintendent
of
〈◊〉
his
〈◊〉
in
this
case
.
§
.
2.
|
pag.
493.
|
Six
examples
of
M.
〈◊〉
particular
Equiuocation
,
§.
3.
pag.
504.
|
|
The
vse
of
Equiuocating
in
English
Protestantes-Ministers
,
§
.
4.
|
pag.
517.
|
|
The
vse
of
Equiuocation
in
Laymen
&
Knightes
,
§
.
5.
|
p.
529.
|
|
The
Conclusion
of
the
whole
〈◊〉
,
with
a
briefe
exhortation
〈◊〉
Catholickes
not
to
vse
the
liberty
of
Equiuocation
,
〈◊〉
in
〈◊〉
cases
,
but
where
some
〈◊〉
occasion
induceth
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
|
|
A
Table
of
the
particular
matters
〈◊〉
in
the
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
|
TO
ALL
TRVE-HARTED
ENGLISH-MEN
,
That
loue
the
honour
,
safety
,
and
best
good
of
their
Nation
,
Prince
,
and
Countrey
.
THE
PREFACE
.
OF
THE
PRESENT
DIVISION
AND
DISAGREEMENT
About
matters
of
Religion
in
England
,
and
of
many
importune
exasperations
vsed
by
diuers
sortes
of
men
,
to
encrease
the
same
:
and
namely
by
this
Minister
T.
M.
his
iniurious
Libell
.
I
DOE
not
see
(
deare
Countreymen
)
why
I
may
not
iustly
(
our
tymes
&
circumstances
therof
considered
)
begin
these
my
first
lynes
of
Preface
with
those
wordes
of
Complaint
and
Admiration
of
the
Poet
Lucan
,
wherby
in
few
verses
he
comprehended
and
laid
forth
the
rufull
state
of
the
rented
Common-welth
and
Romane
Empire
by
ciuill
warres
,
saying
:
Bella
per
[
*
](A09111-e5890-b)
*
Anglicanos
.
Aemathios
plusquam
ciuilia
campos
Iusque
datum
sceleri
[
*
](A09111-e5910-b)
*
Flemus
.
canimus
:
populumque
potentem
,
In
sua
victrici
conuersum
viscera
dextra
.
2.
For
if
heere
we
change
but
Thessalian
fieldes
into
English
land
,
and
the
Poets
singing
,
into
our
weeping
and
wailing
,
all
the
rest
agreeth
most
aptly
,
if
our
diuision
be
not
more
rufull
and
lamentable
then
that
of
the
Romanes
.
For
first
our
wars
may
truly
be
said
to
be
plus
quam
ciuilia
,
more
then
3.
Neither
is
this
warre
ended
only
in
wordes
,
or
in
bare
debate
of
mindes
,
iudgements
,
willes
and
affections
,
but
it
breaketh
forth
also
into
workes
,
and
hostile
actions
,
to
the
sight
and
admiration
of
all
the
worlde
,
no
aduersary
Camps
or
armies
standing
more
watchfull
and
distrustfull
one
of
an
other
,
or
vsing
more
stratagems
of
discouery
,
spiery
,
preuention
or
impugnation
,
the
one
against
the
other
,
then
we
among
our selues
;
wherof
our
continuall
searches
,
priuy
intelligences
,
bloudy
and
desperate
conspiracies
,
apprehensions
,
imprisonments
,
tortures
,
arraignementes
,
condemnations
and
executions
are
most
loath
some
and
lamentable
witnesses
.
4
And
as
for
Ius
datum
sceleri
,
neuer
could
Euery
Kingdome
deuided
in
it selfe
shall
5.
And
that
which
most
encreaseth
the
feeling
of
this
misery
is
,
that
no
man
endeauoreth
to
mollify
matters
,
but
all
to
exasperate
;
no
man
applieth
lenitiues
,
but
all
corrosiues
;
no
man
powreth
in
wyne
or
oyle
into
the
wound
,
but
all
salte
and
vinegar
;
no
man
byndeth
6.
And
to
this
effect
haue
we
heard
and
seene
many
speeches
and
sermons
made
,
sundry
Bookes
and
pamphlets
cast
abroad
or
set
forth
in
print
,
some
before
the
late
cruell
and
hatefull
7.
Of
the
former
sorte
of
bookes
and
pamphlets
Thomas
Hamond
,
intituled
:
The
late
Commotion
of
certeine
Papists
in
Hereford
Shire
,
about
the
buriall
of
one
Alice
Wellington
Recusant
,
after
the
Popish
manner
,
in
the
towne
of
Alens-moore
,
two
miles
from
Hereford
&c.
Which
thing
though
it
were
but
the
fact
of
a
few
poore
countrey
people
Catholickly
affected
(
as
most
are
knowne
to
be
in
those
partes
)
to
bury
the
said
8.
To
which
end
were
brought
into
this
booke
and
published
in
print
not
only
the
Bishop
of
London
his
sermon
at
Paules
Crosse
vpon
the
fifth
of
August
then
past
,
wherein
he
auowed
his
Maiesties
protestation
against
Catholickes
L.
Chancellour
in
the
Star-chamber
vnto
the
Lordes
,
Iudges
,
and
communalty
there
present
ready
to
departe
into
their
countryes
,
was
deliuered
as
from
the
Kings
owne
mouth
,
all
tending
to
the
same
end
of
afflicting
,
and
disgracing
the
said
people
,
and
depriuing
them
of
all
hope
of
any
tolerance
,
yea
[
*
](A09111-e6300-b)
*
Auant
false
and
lying
Varlets
(
saith
one
)
your
wordes
are
vaine
,
and
your
hopes
are
more
vaine
.
scoffing
most
bitterly
and
contemptuously
at
their
folly
,
for
conceauing
any
such
vaine
hopes
,
and
inioyning
the
most
seuere
order
for
descrying
,
searching
,
apprehending
,
imprisoning
,
and
punishing
them
,
which
euer
lightly
was
heard
of
,
as
though
they
had
〈◊〉
the
only
or
most
grieuous
male
factors
within
the
Realme
,
and
this
only
for
their
Religion
.
9.
Soone
after
vpon
the
backe
of
this
,
came
forth
S.
Edward
Cooke
his
Maiestyes
Attorneyes
Fifth
Part
of
Reportes
:
which
though
in
the
entrance
,
and
fore-front
it
promised
more
calme
and
mild
proceeding
(
and
so
it
performeth
in
phrase
and
style
of
writing
)
yet
was
the
drift
and
ending
therof
no
lesse
stinging
,
then
the
Scorpions
tayle
it self
,
against
all
sortes
of
Catholicks
and
their
Religion
.
And
to
say
somewhat
of
it
in
this
place
,
his
argument
or
subiect
was
new
and
strange
,
taking
vpon
him
to
proue
out
of
the
old
and
ancient
common
lawes
of
10.
Let
the
histories
of
our
Christian
English
Kings
euen
from
the
first
conuerted
Ethelbert
,
vnto
King
Henry
the
eight
be
examined
whether
this
be
so
or
not
,
and
whether
a
thousand
monuments
of
theirs
(
in
almost
a
thousand
yeares
)
doe
not
testify
them
all
to
haue
byn
of
contrary
iudgment
,
practice
,
sense
,
and
beliefe
(
in
the
controuersy
proposed
)
to
that
which
M.
Attorney
by
a
few
pieces
of
lawes
distractedly
alleadged
,
woulde
haue
men
to
thinke
.
Or
if
he
delight
(
as
I
take
him
to
be
learned
)
to
haue
this
argument
more
discussed
(
for
it
is
both
ample
and
important
)
let
him
[
*
](A09111-e6470-b)
*
Now
I
heare
it
is
answered
.
confutation
of
his
whole
drifte
,
and
narration
in
those
his
Reportes
,
but
principally
in
the
ouerthrowing
of
his
iniurious
conclusion
,
wherby
he
would
inferre
,
that
whosoeuer
did
not
belieue
and
acknowledge
the
said
late
Queenes
Ecclesiasticall
feminine
authority
,
power
,
and
iurisdiction
in
spirituall
matters
,
was
and
is
a
traitor
by
the
iudgment
of
the
ancient
common
lawes
of
England
,
receaued
,
helde
,
and
practised
euen
vnder
Catholicke
Kinges
and
Princes
of
former
times
.
11.
Vnto
which
vntrue
and
improbable
paradox
,
he
addeth
another
no
lesse
stinging
,
nor
better
founded
then
the
former
,
which
is
that
for
the
foremost
eleuen
yeares
of
Queene
Elizabeths
raigne
,
vntill
she
was
excommunicated
by
Pius
Quintus
:
No
sorte
of
people
of
what
perswasion
soeuer
in
Religion
,
(
which
is
euidently
false
,
both
in
many
Puritanes
and
more
Catholicks
that
refused
openly
in
that
time
)
and
then
:
That
vpon
that
occasion
Catholicks
first
began
to
refuse
(
which
in
like
manner
is
false
,
both
for
that
they
refused
before
,
and
this
occasion
was
altogeather
impertinent
to
their
refusall
)
and
thirdly
most
iniuriously
of
all
,
he
would
further
seeme
to
inferre
,
that
such
as
refuse
now
,
may
in
like
manner
be
presumed
to
doe
it
vpon
the
same
vndutifull
minde
towardes
his
Maiesty
.
All
which
points
doe
tend
to
the
exasperation
and
exulceration
which
euery
one
seeth
,
and
comming
from
a
man
of
his
place
,
roome
,
and
neerenes
in
office
about
his
Maiesty
,
could
not
but
make
deepe
impression
,
and
giue
perhaps
a
great
push
to
the
lamentable
precipitation
of
those
vnfortunate
Gentlemen
that
soone
after
ensued
.
12.
Which
being
hapned
,
came
forth
presently
this
other
odious
pamphlet
of
T.
M.
his
deuised
discouery
(
wherunto
now
I
am
forced
in
particuler
to
answere
)
it
being
in
it self
no
lesse
slaunderous
and
iniurious
,
then
the
fact
of
the
conspirators
was
wicked
and
grieuous
to
all
Catholickes
.
The
booke
beareth
this
title
:
An
But
he
that
shall
weigh
it
well
,
shall
finde
it
a
more
exacte
discouery
of
English
Ministeriall
malice
,
in
case
of
sycophancy
and
calumniation
;
the
Authour
endeauoring
to
ascribe
that
to
publicke
and
generall
doctrine
,
which
proceeded
from
priuate
and
particuler
passion
,
as
also
to
drawe
the
temerity
of
a
few
,
to
the
hatred
and
condemnation
of
the
whole
.
Of
which
iniquity
we
shall
haue
occasion
to
speake
more
afterward
in
due
place
.
13.
Soone
after
this
pamphlet
appeared
many
more
,
tending
all
for
the
most
part
to
the
same
end
of
exulceration
,
or
driuing
rather
to
plaine
desperation
,
euery
one
adding
affliction
to
affliction
,
and
heaping
hatred
and
enuy
vpon
them
that
detested
&
bewailed
the
transgression
happened
,
no
lesse
,
but
much
more
then
these
insolent
insultors
themselues
.
Of
this
kinde
I
might
name
sundry
that
my self
haue
seene
(
though
being
out
of
England
I
may
presume
to
haue
seene
the
least
part
of
such
as
haue
byn
published
and
set
forth
〈◊〉
this
fact
fell
out
)
as
namely
one
intituled
:
A
Discourse
of
the
late
intended
Treason
;
wherin
the
discourser
beginneth
with
this
foundation
:
That
all
English
,
both
at
home
and
abroad
,
were
so
to
vse
his
owne
wordes
,
no
〈◊〉
grudge
,
no
inward
whispering
of
discontentment
did
any
way
appeare
.
Which
assertion
if
you
consider
it
well
,
and
compare
it
with
our
domesticall
differences
in
Religion
,
and
variety
of
punishments
laied
vpon
diuers
sortes
of
men
at
that
time
(
euen
before
this
fact
fell
out
)
for
the
same
,
will
seeme
a
very
great
hyperbolicall
exaggeration
,
and
ouerlashing
:
for
that
the
penalties
of
Recusancy
and
other
like
molestations
were
as
rife
then
as
at
any
other
time
before
,
&
complaintes
of
Catholickes
in
diuers
countreys
no
lesse
pittifull
.
14.
Another
like
Treatise
followed
this
,
intituled
:
A
true
reporte
of
the
imprisonment
,
arraignment
,
and
execution
of
the
Which
so
raileth
vpon
Catholicks
,
and
Catholicke
Religion
from
the
very
beginning
to
the
end
therof
,
as
if
none
of
them
had
byn
free
from
the
fact
attempted
,
or
that
their
common
doctrine
had
publickly
allowed
the
same
;
whereunto
this
seditious
libell
of
the
minister
T.
M.
which
now
I
am
to
confute
endeauoreth
to
beare
false
witnes
.
I
will
pretermit
two
other
most
virulent
and
spitefull
Treatises
intituled
:
Pagano-Papismus
,
and
The
picture
of
a
Papist
;
in
which
the
Religion
damnable
heresies
,
which
notwithstanding
were
condemned
by
the
same
Religion
and
Church
in
former
ages
,
and
consequently
this
censure
sauoureth
more
of
fury
then
of
reason
.
15.
But
to
leaue
of
the
recitall
of
any
more
bookes
or
pamphlets
to
this
effect
,
there
hath
appeared
further
a
matter
of
far
greater
importance
,
which
is
a
Catalogue
of
new
lawes
suggested
in
this
Parlament
against
the
said
Catholickes
,
wherin
besides
the
former
heape
of
penall
statutes
made
to
this
affliction
in
precedent
times
,
diuers
new
are
proposed
for
an
addition
and
aggrauation
of
their
Calamities
,
far
more
rigorous
(
if
they
[
*
](A09111-e6740-b)
*
Now
they
are
passed
.
passe
)
then
the
former
;
which
being
considered
by
forreine
people
doe
make
the
state
of
English
Catholickes
vnder
Protestant
gouernement
to
seeme
vnto
them
much
more
miserable
and
intolerable
,
then
that
of
the
Iewes
vnder
any
sorte
of
Christian
Princes
,
or
that
of
the
Grecians
,
or
other
Christians
vnder
the
Turke
,
or
Persian
;
or
that
of
bondsubiectes
vnder
the
Polonians
,
Swecians
,
Moscouians
,
and
other
such
Nations
:
so
as
all
this
tendeth
as
yow
see
(
and
as
before
we
haue
noted
)
to
more
desperate
disunion
of
mindes
and
exasperation
of
hartes
.
16.
Only
I
must
confesse
,
that
in
two
mens
writings
I
finde
more
moderation
,
then
in
any
of
the
rest
;
who
yet
being
more
interessed
in
the
late
grieuous
designed
delict
,
then
any
of
the
other
that
write
therof
,
had
most
cause
to
be
prouoked
against
the
delinquents
The
first
is
his
Maiesties
speach
both
in
his
Proclamation
,
and
Court
of
Parlament
.
In
the
former
he
professeth
to
distinguish
betweene
all
others
,
calling
themselues
Catholicks
,
&
the
Authors
of
detestable
treason
,
and
And
in
the
second
,
his
Maiesty
speaking
in
Parlament
,
distinguished
betweene
different
sortes
of
Catholicks
,
allowing
to
the
one
sort
both
the
opinion
of
loyalty
and
possibility
of
saluation
,
detesting
in
that
point
(
to
vse
his
Highnes
wordes
)
the
cruelty
of
the
Puritanes
,
and
thinking
it
worthy
of
fier
,
that
will
admit
no
saluation
to
any
Papist
:
Which
is
an
argument
of
his
Princely
moderate
meaning
,
not
to
condemne
the
whole
for
a
part
:
though
in
our
sense
the
distinction
vsed
by
his
Maiesty
in
that
place
of
some
Catholicks
that
holde
some
pointes
of
our
Religion
,
and
of
others
that
holde
all
,
cannot
stand
.
For
that
we
accompt
them
not
for
Catholicks
at
all
(
nor
may
wee
)
that
holde
not
all
,
but
a
part
,
for
that
Catholicum
is
secundum
S.
Augustine
noteth
,
and
consequently
he
that
belieueth
a
part
only
or
any
one
iote
lesse
then
the
whole
,
cannot
be
in
our
sense
,
nor
in
that
of
S.
Augustine
,
a
true
Catholicke
.
17.
And
surely
though
his
Maiesty
in
this
place
,
out
of
the
preiudicate
persuasions
of
others
,
and
〈◊〉
suggested
informations
,
seeme
to
be
persuaded
that
no
Catholicks
of
this
condition
that
belieue
and
imbrace
the
whole
,
can
euer
proue
either
good
Christians
,
or
faithfull
subiects
:
yet
is
our
hope
and
constant
praier
to
almighty
God
,
that
he
will
in
time
so
illustrate
that
excellent
vnderstanding
of
his
Highnes
,
as
the
same
will
see
and
discerne
betweene
these
absolute
and
perfect
Catholicks
that
yeeld
themselues
wholy
in
obsequium
18.
The
second
example
of
some
moderation
before
mentioned
,
(
or
at
least
wise
meant
)
was
my
L.
of
Salisburies
answere
Certeine
scandalous
papers
,
as
he
called
them
;
which
though
being
written
in
the
time
and
occasion
they
were
,
the
answerer
wanteth
not
his
stinges
that
pearce
euen
to
the
quicke
:
yet
supposing
the
pretended
iniury
offered
by
that
fond
menacing
letter
,
and
the
condition
of
men
in
his
place
and
dignity
,
not
accustomed
to
beare
or
dissemble
prouocations
of
that
kind
,
all
may
be
called
moderate
that
is
not
extreme
:
though
for
the
letter
it self
(
if
any
such
were
)
I
presume
so
much
of
his
Lordships
wisedome
and
prudence
,
as
he
could
hardly
deeme
or
suspect
any
Catholicke
to
be
so
mad
,
as
to
write
such
a
franticke
commination
,
but
rather
that
it
came
from
the
forge
of
some
such
other
,
as
togeather
with
the
blowe
to
be
giuen
therby
to
all
Catholickes
,
had
furthermore
a
desire
to
drawe
forth
from
his
L.
the
answere
,
therby
to
see
and
try
his
style
,
and
to
that
end
gaue
him
so
vrging
an
occasion
,
as
by
his
friendes
is
thought
that
in
the
conueniency
of
reason
and
honour
,
he
coulde
not
well
omit
to
accept
therof
as
he
did
,
and
performed
the
enterprise
in
such
manner
,
as
might
be
expected
at
his
L.
handes
;
to
wit
,
as
himself
writeth
of
his
Maiesties
speach
in
the
Parlament
,
Euery
line
declaring
the
workeman
.
19.
Only
I
may
not
let
passe
to
note
by
the
way
,
that
in
two
points
of
〈◊〉
,
touched
by
him
of
the
Popes
authority
,
concerning
Princes
and
the
lawfulnes
of
Equiuocation
in
certaine
cases
,
as
they
are
matters
not
apperteining
that
he
hath
byn
a
long
time
sory
,
that
some
cleere
explication
of
the
Papall
authority
hath
not
byn
made
by
some
publicke
and
definitiue
sentence
orthodoxall
&c.
He
addeth
further
this
reason
of
his
desire
:
That
not
only
those
Princes
which
acknowledge
this
Superiority
might
be
secured
from
feares
and
iealosies
of
continuall
treasons
and
bloudy
Assassinates
against
their
persons
,
but
those
Kings
also
which
doe
not
approue
the
same
,
&
yet
would
faine
reserue
a
charitable
opinion
of
their
subiectes
,
might
know
how
farre
to
repose
themselues
in
their
fidelity
in
ciuill
obedience
,
howsoeuer
they
see
them
deuided
from
them
in
point
of
conscience
&c.
20.
To
the
former
clause
touching
his
L.
desire
to
haue
the
matter
defined
and
declared
,
his
Deuine
might
easely
haue
informed
him
,
that
among
Catholicke
people
the
matter
is
cleare
,
and
sufficiently
defined
,
and
declared
in
all
pointes
wherin
there
may
be
any
doubt
concerning
this
affaire
.
As
for
21.
So
when
Christ
our
Sauiour
came
to
found
his
common-wealth
of
Christians
in
farre
more
perfection
then
other
states
had
byn
established
before
,
subiecting
temporall
thinges
to
spirituall
,
according
to
the
degree
of
their
natures
,
endes
,
and
eminencies
,
and
appointing
a
supreme
vniuersall
Gouernour
in
the
one
,
with
a
generall
charge
to
looke
to
all
his
sheepe
,
without
exception
of
great
or
small
,
people
or
potentates
:
vpon
these
suppositions
(
I
say
)
all
Catholicke
learned
men
do
ground
,
and
〈◊〉
euer
grounded
,
that
in
Christian
common-wealthes
,
not
only
the
foresaid
ordinary
authority
is
left
,
which
euery
other
state
and
Kingdome
had
by
God
and
nature
to
preserue
and
protect
themselues
in
the
cases
before
laid
downe
;
but
further
also
for
more
sure
,
and
orderly
proceeding
therin
,
that
the
supreme
care
,
iudgment
,
direction
and
censure
of
this
matter
was
left
principally
by
Christ
our
Sauiour
vnto
the
said
supreme
Gouernour
,
and
Pastour
of
his
Church
and
common-wealth
.
And
in
this
there
is
no
difference
in
opinion
or
beliefe
betweene
any
sorte
of
Catholickes
whatsoeuer
(
so
they
be
Catholickes
)
though
in
particular
cases
,
diuersity
of
persons
,
time
,
place
,
cause
,
and
other
circumstances
,
may
moue
some
diuersity
of
opinions
.
And
thus
much
of
the
first
question
.
22.
The
second
may
be
about
the
manner
S.
Peter
and
his
Successours
directly
and
immediatly
in
spirituall
matters
,
by
that
commission
three
times
repeated
in
S.
Iohn
.
Pasce
oues
meas
;
which
wordes
include
,
according
to
Catholicke
exposition
,
not
only
authority
to
feed
,
but
to
gouerne
also
,
direct
,
restraine
,
cure
,
represse
,
and
correct
,
when
need
is
,
as
we
see
it
doth
appertaine
to
a
temporall
sheepheardes
office
:
so
whether
with
this
commission
in
spirituall
affaires
,
our
Sauiour
gaue
also
immediatly
and
directly
,
the
charge
and
ouersight
of
temporalities
in
like
manner
,
or
rather
indirectly
and
by
a
certaine
consequence
:
that
is
to
say
,
that
when
the
gouernment
of
spirituall
affaires
,
to
wit
,
of
soules
to
their
eternall
blisse
and
saluation
is
so
letted
,
or
impugned
by
any
temporall
gouernours
,
as
the
said
spirituall
commission
cannot
be
executed
without
redresse
or
remedy
;
in
such
cases
,
and
not
otherwise
,
the
said
supreme
pastour
to
haue
authority
to
proceed
also
against
the
said
temporall
Gouernours
,
for
defence
and
preseruation
of
his
spirituall
charge
.
Of
which
question
the
Canonistes
doe
commonly
defend
the
first
part
,
but
Catholicke
Deuines
for
the
most
part
the
second
:
but
both
partes
fully
agree
,
that
there
is
such
an
Authority
lefte
by
Christ
in
his
Church
,
for
remedy
of
vrgent
cases
,
for
that
otherwise
he
should
not
haue
sufficiently
prouided
for
the
necessity
therof
.
So
as
this
difference
of
the
manner
maketh
no
difference
at
all
in
the
thing
it selfe
.
23.
The
third
question
may
be
about
the
of
continuall
treasons
,
and
bloudy
assassinates
may
iustly
be
remoued
.
For
that
this
authority
doth
not
only
not
allow
any
such
wicked
,
or
vnlawfull
attemptes
of
priuate
men
,
but
doth
also
expressely
and
publickly
condemne
the
same
and
the
doctrine
therof
,
as
may
appeare
not
only
by
the
condemnation
of
Wicklifs
wicked
article
,
in
the
Councell
of
Constance
,
wherin
he
affirmed
:
That
but
also
by
like
condemnation
of
Caluin
,
Beza
,
Ottoman
,
Bucchanan
,
Knox
,
Goodman
,
and
others
of
that
sect
,
who
hold
and
practice
in
effect
the
same
doctrine
of
Wickliffe
,
concerning
Princes
,
if
not
worse
,
as
shall
more
largely
and
particularly
be
declared
afterward
in
the
first
and
fourth
Chapters
of
this
Treatise
.
And
this
I
desire
may
satisfy
his
Lordship
for
the
present
,
vntill
we
come
to
the
foresaid
places
where
better
occasion
in
this
kind
will
be
offered
.
24.
As
for
the
second
point
touched
by
his
Lordship
about
the
doctrine
of
Equiuocation
,
strange
,
and
grosse
,
and
that
it
teareth
in
sunder
all
the
bandes
of
humane
conuersation
)
for
that
I
am
to
handle
this
matter
more
largely
and
particularly
in
the
ensuing
Chapters
of
this
booke
,
especially
from
the
fourth
forward
(
the
whole
bulke
of
our
aduersaries
calumniations
consisting
in
these
two
pointes
of
Rebellion
and
Equiuocation
)
I
will
heere
make
answere
to
his
Lordship
,
as
to
a
man
of
science
and
experience
,
that
I
maruaile
greatly
,
how
he
can
thinke
that
doctrine
to
be
strange
,
which
is
so
ordinary
and
vsually
to
be
seene
in
all
the
bookes
of
Catholicke
Deuines
for
the
space
of
these
three
or
foure
hundred
yeares
,
by
confession
of
his
owne
writers
:
how
also
he
can
tearme
it
grosse
,
that
the
greatest
wittes
of
Christendome
,
for
so
long
at
least
,
haue
held
for
learned
,
and
founded
not
only
vpon
euident
groundes
of
reason
,
nature
,
equity
,
and
iustice
in
diuers
cases
(
and
for
such
allowed
throughout
all
tribunales
of
Christendome
,
both
Ecclesiasticall
and
Ciuill
)
but
warranted
also
by
authority
of
many
expresse
examples
of
Holy
Scriptures
and
Fathers
,
and
in
some
cases
so
necessary
for
auoiding
the
sinne
of
lying
,
periury
,
discouering
of
secrettes
,
iniuring
our
neighbours
,
and
other
such
inconueniences
,
as
if
I
should
heere
set
downe
the
said
particular
cases
,
both
concerning
secrecy
or
safty
of
him
that
is
forced
to
equiuocate
(
as
afterward
I
shall
doe
in
conuenient
place
)
I
presume
his
That
it
teareth
in
sunder
all
the
bandes
of
humane
conuersation
,
especially
if
he
remember
,
that
we
doe
except
from
the
licence
of
Equiuocation
,
the
common
conuersation
of
men
in
contractes
,
bargaines
,
and
other
like
affaires
,
wherby
any
dammage
or
preiudice
may
grow
to
another
man
,
and
much
more
in
matters
appertaining
to
the
cleare
and
manifest
profession
of
our
faith
.
And
thus
much
for
this
place
,
the
refidue
afterward
.
25.
And
now
hauing
spoken
all
this
by
way
An
exact
discouery
of
〈◊〉
doctrine
in
case
of
conspiracy
&c.
which
we
haue
taken
in
hand
to
answere
in
this
place
,
and
to
shew
that
as
his
meaning
is
malicious
,
and
meanes
foolish
:
so
is
his
proposition
pernicious
,
and
argumentes
vaine
,
to
proue
the
same
,
wherin
I
remit
me
to
that
,
which
afterwardes
yow
shall
see
set
downe
.
THAT
THE
MAYNE
PROPOSITION
INSINVATED
AND
VRGED
BY
T.
M.
That
Catholickes
are
not
tolerable
in
a
Protestant
Common-wealth
in
respect
of
Rebellion
and
Conspiracies
,
Is
vntrue
,
indiscreet
and
pernicious
,
and
falleth
rather
vpon
the
Protestant-Subiect
,
then
the
Catholicke
.
CHAP.
I.
THe
whole
drift
of
the
Author
throughout
this
malignant
inuectiue
to
be
nothing
els
,
but
to
perswade
,
that
Protestantes
and
Catholickes
cannot
liue
togeather
in
Great
Britany
,
and
his
Catholicke
subiectes
(
for
thither
he
bendeth
all
his
battery
)
the
more
irreconciliable
and
remedilesse
he
placeth
the
ground
of
this
incompossibility
,
not
in
the
will
,
which
may
be
changed
,
but
in
the
iudgement
,
and
beliefe
of
Catholickes
;
to
wit
,
in
their
publicke
and
receiued
doctrine
,
which
doctrine
well
he
knoweth
not
to
lye
in
the
handes
of
particular
men
,
nor
of
particuler
Prouinces
,
to
change
or
alter
at
their
pleasure
(
as
Protestantes
may
,
and
doe
,
heere
taking
a
part
,
and
there
leauing
as
they
list
,
)
but
they
must
stand
firmely
,
and
vniuersally
to
the
whole
,
this
being
truely
Catholicum
as
ancient
Fathers
define
it
.
And
hence
it
is
,
that
T.
M.
inferreth
thus
:
It
is
taken
out
(
saith
he
)
of
the
expresse
dogmaticall
principles
of
their
Priests
and
Doctors
,
and
collected
from
their
owne
publicke
positions
&c.
which
how
true
or
false
it
is
,
shall
appeare
after
.
Now
let
vs
examine
some
other
circumstances
of
this
proposition
.
2.
First
then
,
I
say
and
auerre
,
that
this
his
maine
and
fundamentall
axiome
,
of
the
incompossibility
of
Catholicke
and
Protestant
people
togeather
,
vnder
the
Gouernement
of
his
Maiesty
of
Great
Britany
,
is
not
only
false
and
erroneous
in
it selfe
(
as
afterward
3.
Secondly
I
would
aske
,
what
he
will
doe
,
or
haue
to
be
done
with
so
great
a
multitude
of
people
,
as
in
all
his
Maiesties
Kingdomes
doe
loue
and
fauour
the
Religion
,
which
this
masked
Minister
impugneth
,
and
would
put
them
in
despaire
of
any
sufferance
or
tolerable
condition
vnder
his
Maiesties
gouernment
?
Will
he
haue
them
all
made
away
from
the
face
of
the
Earth
?
This
were
hard
,
except
Noe
his
floud
should
:
come
againe
,
or
some
other
equiualent
inundation
,
:
either
of
water
,
fyer
,
or
sword
.
And
for
the
later
,
though
some
thinke
he
could
wish
it
,
yet
who
knoweth
not
,
but
that
the
bowels
of
England
are
so
combyned
and
linked
togeather
at
this
day
in
this
point
,
as
hardly
can
the
sword
passe
the
one
,
but
it
must
:
wound
also
deeply
the
other
.
What
then
?
Will
he
haue
them
to
liue
in
perpetuall
torment
,
hatred
,
suspicions
,
iealosyes
,
auersions
,
detestations
,
&
deadly
hostilities
,
the
one
with
the
other
?
This
is
a
state
more
fit
for
hell
,
then
for
any
peaceable
and
Christian
common
wealth
,
nor
of
it selfe
is
it
durable
,
if
we
beleeue
either
reason
,
or
experience
of
former
times
.
For
we
know
what
Cicero
,
what
other
wise-men
among
the
4.
Wherfore
seing
this
dangerous
stickler
would
put
this
extreme
despaire
into
so
many
thousandes
of
his
Maiesties
subiectes
,
yow
〈◊〉
imagine
what
good
seruice
he
meaneth
to
do
him
therby
,
and
what
pay
he
deserueth
for
his
labour
.
Surely
if
a
great
rich
man
,
whose
wealth
lay
in
his
flocke
of
sheepe
,
had
neuer
so
faire
and
fawning
a
dog
,
following
neuer
so
diligently
his
trencher
,
and
playing
neuer
so
many
flattering
trickes
before
him
;
yet
if
togeather
with
:
this
,
he
had
that
other
currish
quality
also
,
as
to
woory
his
maisters
sheepe
,
disseuer
his
fold
,
disperse
his
flock
,
and
driue
them
into
flight
and
precipitation
;
it
is
5.
And
thus
much
of
the
malice
and
pernicious
sequele
of
this
assertion
:
let
vs
see
somewhat
now
also
of
the
folly
&
falsity
therof
.
To
which
effect
I
would
first
enquire
,
if
it
be
so
that
subiectes
of
different
Religions
are
not
comportable
togeather
,
vnder
a
Prince
that
is
of
one
of
those
Religions
for
so
must
the
question
be
proposed
if
we
will
handle
it
in
generall
)
then
how
doe
the
Iewes
&
Christians
liue
togeather
vnder
many
Christian
Princes
in
Germany
and
Italy
?
vnder
the
state
of
Venice
?
yea
vnder
the
Pope
himselfe
?
how
doe
Christians
and
Turkes
liue
togeather
vnder
the
Turkish
Emperour
of
Constantinople
,
as
also
vnder
the
Persian
without
persecution
for
their
Religion
?
how
did
Catholickes
and
Arrians
liue
so
many
yeares
togeather
vnder
Arrian
Kinges
and
Emperours
in
old
times
,
both
in
Spaine
and
els
〈◊〉
?
how
doe
Catholickes
and
Protestantes
liue
togeather
at
this
day
That
subiects
of
different
religion
,
may
not
liue
togeather
in
〈◊〉
peace
,
if
their
gouernours
will
permit
them
.
Now
if
he
can
alleadge
any
seuerall
weighty
causes
why
this
generall
assertion
holdeth
not
,
or
may
not
holde
in
the
particuler
case
of
English
Catholiks
and
Protestants
vnder
our
present
King
,
we
shall
discusse
them
also
,
and
see
how
much
they
weigh
.
6.
He
pretendeth
ten
seuerall
reasons
in
his
pamphlet
,
7.
And
as
for
Catholickes
,
the
Minister
in
all
his
For
that
we
hold
Protestants
for
hereticks
so
farre
forth
as
they
decline
and
differ
obstinately
from
the
receyued
doctrine
and
sense
of
the
Roman
Catholicke
Church
,
and
consequently
that
being
Hereticks
they
are
not
true
Christians
,
nor
can
haue
true
faith
in
any
one
article
of
Christian
beliefe
,
and
that
the
punishment
determined
by
the
ancient
Canon
lawes
,
which
are
many
and
grieuous
,
both
spirituall
&
temporall
,
do
,
or
may
therby
light
vpon
them
.
And
in
That
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
as
spirituall
head
of
the
vniuersall
Church
,
hath
power
aboue
temporall
Princes
,
and
may
procure
to
let
the
Election
and
succession
of
such
as
are
opposite
,
or
enemies
to
Catholicke
Religion
,
and
that
in
some
cases
he
may
dissolue
oathes
of
obedience
,
and
the
like
.
8.
And
further
yet
in
his
fifth
,
sixt
,
seauenth
,
and
9.
All
which
doctrines
(
for
this
is
the
summe
of
all
that
for
these
three
or
foure
later
hundred
yeares
,
these
positions
haue
byn
generally
receiued
by
all
the
vniuersall
Church
and
face
of
Christendome
;
so
as
being
established
so
many
hundred
yeares
before
Protestants
were
borne
or
named
in
the
world
,
they
could
not
be
made
or
inuented
against
them
in
particuler
;
but
only
are
drawne
vnto
them
at
this
time
by
the
malicious
application
of
this
Minister
,
to
make
the
diuorce
before
mencioned
betweene
our
Prince
and
vs
to
seeme
remedilesse
.
For
if
the
doctrine
approued
and
receyued
so
many
ages
before
this
difference
of
Religion
was
heard
of
,
shall
be
laid
vnto
vs
now
for
matter
of
vndutifulnes
(
with
which
doctrine
notwithstanding
our
Auncestors
liued
most
peaceably
and
duetifully
for
many
hundred
yeares
,
as
good
subiectes
vnder
his
Maiesties
〈◊〉
both
in
England
&
Scotland
)
what
fault
can
this
be
in
vs
now
,
or
what
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
it
in
the
Minister
to
obiect
it
against
vs
;
yea
to
make
a
criminall
accusation
therof
in
this
his
calumnious
libell
against
all
Catholikes
of
our
Countrey
whatsoeuer
?
10.
If
we
consider
their
doctrines
and
positions
,
togeather
with
their
practice
and
exercise
concerning
this
point
of
quiet
obedience
and
subiection
,
euen
from
these
later
times
of
Luther
,
Zuinglius
and
〈◊〉
beginninges
of
innouation
,
we
shall
find
an
Rebellious
doctrine
of
the
〈◊〉
Church
(
which
is
the
title
of
this
aduersaries
pamphlet
)
wee
should
set
downe
the
positions
and
practice
of
the
Geneuian
Church
and
Caluinian
sect
,
planted
and
directed
therby
,
we
should
easely
see
what
were
the
difference
,
as
the
whole
world
both
may
and
doth
.
For
that
concerning
their
positions
and
doctrine
that
touch
this
point
,
they
are
extant
in
their
owne
bookes
,
not
wronge
or
drawne
by
strained
inferences
,
as
our
Ministers
Calumniations
are
against
Catholicks
in
this
place
,
but
plainely
,
cleerely
,
and
Categorically
set
downe
by
their
owne
pen
,
testified
and
put
in
That
Princes
may
be
restrained
by
force
;
pursued
,
iudged
,
and
punished
by
the
people
;
excommunicated
,
depriued
,
deposed
,
and
cast
into
hell
by
the
Ministers
;
arraigned
,
condemned
and
put
to
death
by
the
inferiour
Magistrates
,
whensoeuer
in
their
opinion
he
becommeth
a
〈◊〉
,
or
opposite
to
the
ghospell
;
which
in
effect
falleth
out
to
be
so
often
as
these
head-strong
new
brethren
shall
mislike
of
his
or
her
gouernement
,
&
thinke
them
worthy
to
be
remoued
.
11.
And
if
to
the
testimony
of
our
English
Protestant
writers
in
this
point
any
be
desirous
to
haue
ad
ioined
the
suffrages
in
like
manner
of
externe
authors
of
the
same
Religion
,
concerning
the
same
article
,
about
the
lawfulnes
of
violent
vsage
towardes
Princes
,
in
cases
by
them
prescribed
;
let
them
read
Claudius
de
Sainctes
in
defence
and
praise
of
Pultrot
that
murdered
traiterously
the
famous
great
Duke
of
Guise
his
Maiesties
great
vncle
,
and
supreme
Generall
of
all
the
French
forces
;
as
also
the
discourse
of
the
French
famous
Minister
Suriau
otherwise
calling
himselfe
Rosier
in
his
Booke
of
Reasons
why
it
was
lawfull
for
any
of
his
〈◊〉
brethren
to
kill
(
as
he
saith
)
Charles
the
ninth
King
of
France
and
his
mother
,
if
they
would
not
obey
the
Caluinian
Ghospell
,
as
both
Launay
,
〈◊〉
matin
and
others
by
the
brethren
of
the
ghospell
;
yea
aboue
others
,
that
most
dangerous
firebrand
by
Orsinus
Hoto
man
and
the
rest
of
Geneua
,
allowed
also
by
〈◊〉
,
intitu
led
Vindiciaecontra
Tyrannos
:
The
reuenge
vpon
Tyrantes
conteyning
a
most
shameles
publique
approbation
of
all
desperate
,
of
all
villanous
attemptes
whatsoeuer
made
,
or
to
be
made
by
their
brethren
,
against
lawfull
Princes
,
vnder
the
name
of
Tyrantes
,
whensoeuer
it
might
seeme
to
be
done
in
fauour
of
their
ghospell
.
12.
So
as
now
after
all
this
manifest
assertiue
doctrine
of
theirs
,
knowne
and
confessed
in
the
world
,
and
practised
by
them
in
so
many
places
,
for
so
many
yeares
,
in
so
notorious
manner
,
as
no
man
can
deny
it
,
for
this
Minister
to
come
peeping
forth
with
certaine
poore
illations
&
strained
inferences
against
Catholiks
,
for
that
in
certaine
cases
they
acknowledge
power
to
remaine
in
the
head
of
the
Church
by
way
of
Canonicall
lawes
and
publique
iudgment
,
to
restraine
exorbitant
outragious
excesses
of
Princes
,
when
they
shall
fall
out
,
is
a
ridiculous
kind
of
byting
at
the
heele
,
while
the
other
do
strike
at
the
head
:
and
so
will
it
also
appeare
,
if
we
obserue
the
euentes
themselues
,
for
that
heere
in
this
place
our
Minister
(
for
example
)
〈◊〉
only
foure
factes
or
processes
of
Popes
,
to
wit
,
two
of
Gregories
the
seauenth
and
ninth
,
and
other
two
of
Pius
and
Sixtus
the
fifth
,
who
in
so
many
ages
haue
giuen
sentence
of
depriuation
against
Princes
:
wheras
if
we
consider
but
this
one
13.
But
if
we
should
come
now
from
doctrine
to
14.
And
the
like
I
might
relate
of
many
other
particuler
States
and
principalities
of
Germany
,
as
namely
that
of
the
Princes
and
Archbishops
Electors
of
Collen
,
Treuers
and
Mentz
with
all
the
State
Palatine
of
Rhene
,
the
Bishoppricke
and
Dukedome
of
Liege
,
and
other
partes
adioining
,
where
togeather
with
this
new
Ghospell
(
especially
now
deuided
into
different
sectes
of
Lutheranisme
,
Zuinglianisme
,
Caluinisme
,
Saxony
,
Denmarke
,
Norway
,
Sweueland
,
Polonia
,
〈◊〉
,
Sauoy
,
Grisons
,
and
other
partes
next
adhering
,
where
diuers
battailes
were
fought
,
Zuinglius
himselfe
being
present
as
the
chief
stirrer
in
those
of
the
Cantons
of
Zwitzerland
his
countrey
,
and
〈◊〉
therin
,
and
Caluin
Beza
,
Farellus
,
and
other
such
Ministers
being
the
principall
inciters
in
the
Rebellions
of
Geneua
,
and
neighbour
countries
,
against
the
Duke
of
Sauoy
,
and
other
Lordes
and
Princes
therof
,
as
is
apparant
by
their
owne
,
and
other
mens
bookes
of
the
same
part
and
faction
.
15.
Towardes
the
East
,
the
same
fire
of
sedition
passed
with
the
same
new
Protestant
Ghospell
,
to
Bemeland
Austria
,
Hungary
,
Siletia
,
Moldauia
and
other
bordering
Prouinces
,
where
more
or
lesse
it
hath
continued
till
our
time
,
wherin
we
see
by
lamentable
experience
,
that
they
haue
ioined
euen
with
the
Turke
himselfe
against
their
Soueraigne
Lord
and
Emperour
,
and
against
the
Christian
name
and
cause
,
in
despite
of
Catholicke
Religion
,
as
Boscaine
,
the
famous
Caluinian
Rebell
,
and
others
of
that
Religion
,
or
irreligion
rather
in
these
partes
,
for
some
yeares
now
haue
done
;
and
finally
haue
forced
the
said
Emperour
for
auoiding
the
fatall
ruine
of
Christendome
,
to
graunt
him
the
Princedome
of
Transiluania
during
his
life
,
which
God
for
his
so
great
wickednes
hath
soone
cut
of
.
16.
But
to
the
West
partes
of
the
world
,
to
wit
,
France
,
and
all
partes
and
parcels
of
that
〈◊〉
Kingdome
,
17.
From
hence
if
we
draw
neere
homeward
to
Flanders
,
England
and
Scotland
,
the
effectes
of
this
new
Ghospell
and
Ghospellers
are
yet
more
present
vnto
our
eyes
.
For
who
can
recount
the
thousandes
of
people
,
that
vpon
this
occasion
haue
lost
their
liues
both
temporall
and
eternall
as
may
be
feared
,
in
these
long
,
&
bloudy
warres
of
the
low
countries
,
begunne
first
,
Northumberland
,
Suffolke
,
Wiat
,
Courtney
,
Stafford
,
Fetherstone
,
William
Thomas
,
and
others
in
different
conspiracies
practiced
against
her
)
then
in
more
then
40.
yeares
was
done
against
her
Protestant
sister
by
her
Catholicke
subiectes
,
though
neuer
so
much
afflicted
,
iniured
and
persecuted
by
her
.
18.
But
of
all
other
countries
,
Scotland
may
be
an
Knox
,
Goodman
,
Mollocke
,
Douglasse
,
Meffan
,
and
others
began
to
raise
vp
her
subiectes
against
her
,
from
the
yeare
1557.
(
which
was
the
fourth
of
Queene
Maries
raigne
of
England
)
and
continued
the
same
in
most
spitefull
and
barbarous
manner
,
with
intolerable
insolency
,
both
of
wordes
and
actes
,
for
3.
or
4.
yeares
togeather
,
assisted
principally
by
the
helpes
,
aide
and
encouragement
of
Queene
Elizabeth
(
that
had
succeded
in
the
Crowne
of
England
)
vntill
through
griefe
,
sorrow
,
and
affliction
,
19.
And
thus
much
of
the
Queene
Regent
:
but
now
of
her
excellent
daughter
,
the
Queene
regnant
,
Mother
of
our
Soueraigne
,
had
they
any
greater
respect
vnto
her
notwithstanding
all
her
benignity
and
benefites
towardes
them
at
her
new
returne
out
of
France
,
when
she
pardoned
all
that
was
past
,
and
20.
This
Noble
Queene
after
long
deliberation
in
France
,
what
course
to
take
in
those
troublesome
times
,
when
the
spirit
of
the
new
Caluinian
Ghospell
had
raised
tumultes
,
conspiracies
,
warres
,
and
Rebellions
Iohn
Lesley
Bishop
of
Rosse
to
counsaile
her
not
to
trust
her
bastard-brother
Iames
Steward
Prior
of
S
Andrewes
,
that
had
byn
the
cheife
Author
of
all
the
former
broi
21.
When
vpon
the
yeare
1563.
which
was
two
That
they
would
no
longer
suffer
her
to
haue
the
gouerning
of
the
Realme
,
nor
to
abuse
them
,
as
hitherto
she
had
done
:
And
then
pulled
violently
from
her
,
her
Secretary
Dauid
,
which
stood
there
present
seruing
her
at
table
,
and
for
his
refuge
tooke
hold
of
her
gowne
,
which
they
cut
of
,
and
slew
him
with
22.
Nor
did
the
matter
cease
heere
,
but
rather
now
ascended
to
the
greatest
height
of
malicious
Treason
〈◊〉
euer
perhaps
hath
byn
vsed
against
any
crowned
Prince
in
the
world
,
for
that
these
Lordes
of
the
Congregation
,
as
they
called
themselues
,
that
is
to
say
,
Religious
Rebels
,
congregated
against
their
sworne
Prince
,
gathering
forces
togeather
,
laid
violent
handes
23.
And
thus
much
of
the
second
Queene
Mary
of
Scotland
brought
to
her
ruine
by
the
Euangelicall
obedience
of
these
new
Ghospellers
:
but
as
for
the
yong
Prince
her
Noble
sonne
,
whome
she
loued
most
dearely
aboue
all
earthly
creatures
,
and
neuer
was
permitted
so
much
as
to
embrace
,
or
see
him
more
afterward
,
what
passed
in
this
time
by
the
same
sorte
of
men
,
both
during
his
minority
and
afterward
,
what
contentions
,
〈◊〉
warres
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
what
murthers
,
what
conspircies
,
Rebellions
and
violences
were
vsed
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
in
his
sixt
Chapter
and
〈◊〉
booke
against
the
〈◊〉
doth
touch
many
〈◊〉
pointes
of
diuers
notorious
〈◊〉
,
and
violences
offered
by
them
and
their
〈◊〉
,
〈◊〉
the
Kinges
person
,
state
,
and
dignity
,
as
their
taking
his
authority
vpon
them
,
his
surpriz
and
restraint
at
Rutheuen
vpon
the
yeare
1582.
the
brethrens
allowing
and
authorizing
24.
The
〈◊〉
also
against
his
person
at
Striueling
vpon
the
yeare
1584.
and
many
railing
speaches
,
25.
Now
then
to
returne
againe
to
our
former
ponderation
set
downe
in
the
beginning
of
this
Chapter
,
let
euery
sage
and
prudent
Prince
consider
and
weigh
26.
And
if
we
compare
the
obiections
made
heere
against
vs
by
T.
M.
in
this
his
calumnious
pamphlet
(
as
in
the
sequent
Chapter
more
particulerly
you
shall
see
discussed
)
with
these
,
and
the
like
actions
of
their
people
;
they
are
very
trifles
and
streyninges
in
respect
of
these
other
.
As
for
example
Doleman
is
accused
to
write
,
that
:
The
common-wealth
hath
authority
to
choose
to
themselues
a
King
(
when
they
haue
none
)
and
to
limit
him
lawes
wherby
they
would
be
gouerned
.
And
that
of
Doctor
Stapleton
:
That
the
people
(
or
multitude
)
was
not
made
for
the
Princes
sake
,
but
the
Prince
for
the
people
:
That
Religion
is
is
to
be
had
in
consideration
,
in
choice
or
admittance
〈◊〉
a
King
,
where
choice
and
admittance
is
permitted
:
That
the
Pope
being
head
of
the
Catholicke
Church
may
in
some
cases
,
and
for
some
causes
dispense
in
oathes
:
That
he
may
censure
Princes
vpon
iust
causes
,
though
not
in
temporall
matters
but
indirectly
only
,
and
vpon
such
necessity
as
no
other
remedy
can
be
found
for
〈◊〉
of
the
spirituall
good
of
his
subiectes
:
That
euill
〈◊〉
declyning
into
Tyranny
may
be
repressed
,
but
not
by
priuate
men
,
or
popular
mutiny
.
27.
All
these
pointes
(
I
say
)
and
diuers
others
,
which
this
fellow
doth
so
greatly
exaggerate
and
odiously
amplify
against
vs
,
are
so
ouerrunne
by
them
both
in
Hungary
Austria
,
and
Transiluania
against
the
Emperour
:
and
of
like
men
in
Polonia
against
that
mild
and
most
iust
King
:
and
of
Lutherans
in
Suetia
,
of
Puritanes
,
Brownists
,
Protestantes
,
and
the
like
in
the
Low-countries
,
so
many
yeares
now
continued
against
their
true
and
natural
Prince
as
before
hath
byn
declared
;
which
maketh
another
manner
of
impression
and
force
of
consequence
,
if
it
be
well
pondered
,
then
doth
the
particuler
temerarious
fact
of
halfe
a
score
of
yong
Centlemen
put
in
despaire
by
apprehension
of
publique
persecution
,
without
demerit
of
the
persecuted
,
or
hope
of
remedy
for
the
same
,
though
this
also
be
inexcusable
;
but
the
difference
of
euils
,
is
worthy
of
consideration
,
especially
with
the
more
graue
and
prudent
sort
of
people
,
that
are
not
carried
away
with
passion
,
or
otherwise
misled
by
sinister
information
.
28.
And
thus
hauing
said
sufficiently
in
generall
about
the
first
and
chiefe
ground
of
our
Ministers
calumniation
,
concerning
Rebellion
and
Conspiracies
,
wherby
he
would
make
impossible
the
〈◊〉
,
and
mutuall
vnion
of
Catholicke
subiectes
with
Protestantes
,
we
shall
passe
on
to
his
second
pillar
of
impugnation
,
named
by
him
The
doctrine
of
Equiuocation
:
but
yet
first
we
thinke
it
expedient
to
examine
in
a
seuerall
Chapter
the
particuler
reasons
which
he
hath
framed
for
some
shew
of
proofe
to
this
his
seditious
assertion
.
TEN
REASONS
OR
RATHER
CALVMNIATIONS
BROVGHT
BY
T.
M.
For
maintenance
of
his
former
Proposition
:
That
Catholicke
people
are
intolerable
in
a
Protestant
gouernment
in
respect
of
disloyalty
,
conspiracies
and
Rebellion
,
Confuted
and
returned
vpon
himself
and
his
.
CHAP.
II.
ALbeit
that
which
we
haue
laid
forth
before
in
the
precedent
Chapter
,
for
the
ouerthrow
of
the
slanderous
&
iniurious
imputations
of
our
aduersary
,
about
Rebellion
and
conspiracies
,
be
sufficient
(
I
doubt
not
)
for
satisfaction
of
any
indifferent
and
dispassionate
minde
,
that
is
not
ouerborne
with
preiudice
;
yet
haue
I
thought
it
expedient
to
passe
somewhat
further
also
,
and
to
enter
the
list
with
him
for
improuing
his
particuler
reasons
,
on
which
he
would
seene
to
found
his
calumniations
,
wherin
as
nothing
is
so
absurd
or
false
(
according
to
the
Oratours
opinion
)
but
that
by
speech
and
smooth
discourse
it
may
be
made
in
some
eares
probable
,
at
leastwise
in
the
conceipt
of
him
that
speaketh
and
indeauoreth
to
deceaue
another
:
so
this
Minister
T.
M.
(
for
of
that
trade
he
is
held
now
to
be
)
hauing
designed
to
himself
an
argument
wherby
to
make
Catholickes
odious
,
and
gathered
togeather
for
that
end
diuers
shewes
or
shadowes
for
the
furniture
of
his
forsaid
found
assertion
,
that
Catholickes
are
not
tolerable
in
a
Protestant
State
,
he
intituleth
them
:
Pregnant
obseruations
directly
prouing
Remish
schooles
to
be
Seminaries
of
Rebellion
in
all
Protestantes
gouernment
:
Wheras
indeed
they
are
not
so
much
pregnant
obseruations
,
as
malignant
collections
and
inforced
inferences
vpon
false
groundes
.
Neither
do
they
at
all
either
directly
or
indirectly
proue
that
which
he
pretendeth
,
as
by
examination
shall
presently
appeare
,
if
it
may
please
the
Reader
to
hold
an
equall
and
indifferent
eare
in
the
meane
space
to
the
discussing
of
the
controuersy
.
2.
And
first
of
all
to
make
vp
a
competent
number
in
forme
of
a
decalogue
,
he
streineth
himself
much
to
bring
out
ten
different
reasons
,
and
in
deed
euery
man
The
first
Reason
.
§.
1.
THey
who
by
their
slanderous
doctrine
(
saith
he
)
doe
make
all
Protestants
by
their
common
censure
Heretickes
,
so
odious
,
as
vnworthy
of
any
ciuill
or
naturall
society
,
must
necessarily
be
iudged
seditious
&
intolerable
amongst
the
Protestants
:
But
the
Romish
Seminaries
and
Iesuites
doe
so
,
ergo
.
This
is
his
reason
and
manner
of
reasoning
,
and
in
this
sorte
goe
all
the
rest
,
ech
thing
with
his
ergo
,
that
yow
may
know
that
the
learned
man
hath
studied
Logicke
,
or
rather
sophistry
to
set
downe
all
in
forme
of
syllogisme
.
And
to
proue
his
propositions
or
premisses
in
4.
He
citeth
the
wordes
of
Andreas
Iurgiuicius
Canon
of
Cracouia
in
Polonia
,
affirming
that
Protestantes
doe
holde
no
one
article
of
the
Apostles
Creed
to
wit
rightly
to
haue
no
faith
,
no
Religion
,
no
Christ
.
Of
D.
Gifford
in
the
preface
to
the
said
booke
,
auouching
to
be
worse
and
more
wicked
then
the
Turkes
Alcaron
.
And
finally
of
Antonius
Posseuinus
who
wrote
a
booke
De
Atheismis
5.
Out
of
all
which
speeches
T.
M.
inferreth
the
generall
meaning
of
vs
Catholicks
to
be
:
That
all
humane
society
with
Protestantes
must
be
vtterly
dissolued
,
which
is
vtterly
false
and
a
meere
mistaking
.
For
these
speeches
proue
only
that
there
cà
be
no
society
〈◊〉
Catholickes
and
Protestants
in
their
doctrine
&
beliefe
,
but
not
in
life
,
manners
&
conuersation
,
which
is
the
point
in
question
:
so
as
T.
M.
inferreth
here
quid
pro
quo
.
And
if
he
will
heare
one
of
his
owne
brethren
hold
this
position
also
;
That
there
can
be
no
vnion
,
society
,
or
conformity
betweene
their
&
our
doctrine
pretended
by
some
,
William
Perkins
epistle
to
S.
William
Bowes
in
the
preface
of
his
reformed
or
rather
deformed
Catholicke
,
where
he
reprehendeth
the
new
brethren
of
France
,
and
some
also
in
England
,
for
giuing
hope
of
〈◊〉
,
Turke
,
and
Christian
Emperour
,
as
also
vnder
the
great
Kings
of
France
,
Polonia
and
other
Princes
.
Fondly
then
doth
T.
M.
inferre
the
incompossibility
of
cohabitation
&
conuersation
out
of
the
insociability
of
their
doctrine
and
Religion
.
6.
Now
as
for
the
hard
and
harsh
speeches
of
the
Authors
alleadged
,
though
vnto
many
they
may
seeme
somewhat
sharpe
exaggerations
;
yet
vnto
him
M.
William
Reinoldes
,
that
had
bvn
diuers
yeares
a
Protestant
and
Preacher
of
that
doctrine
,
after
long
study
to
proue
the
same
by
many
demonstrations
,
resolued
to
write
a
whole
booke
,
That
Caluinistes
belieue
no
one
article
of
the
Apostles
Creed
;
but
afterwardes
turned
the
same
into
that
other
worke
entituled
Caluino-Turcismus
,
M.
Sutcliffe
hath
made
himself
ridiculous
by
attempting
to
answere
the
same
.
7.
Those
wordes
also
of
M.
Wright
(
if
he
vsed
them
)
that
Hereticks
haue
no
faith
,
no
Religion
,
no
Christ
,
but
are
meere
infideles
,
doe
conteine
an
ancient
position
of
Catholicke
doctrine
,
deliuered
in
schooles
and
Fathers
writings
against
old
Heretickes
,
many
hundred
yeares
before
the
name
of
Protestantes
was
heard
of
in
the
world
;
so
that
this
cannot
be
of
malice
properly
against
them
.
The
famous
doctor
S.
Thomas
aboue
three
hundred
yeares
gone
,
hath
this
Question
in
his
Treatise
of
faith
:
Whether
he
that
〈◊〉
obstinatly
in
one
point
,
or
article
of
his
beliefe
,
doth
leese
his
whole
faith
in
all
the
rest
,
and
holdeth
yea
;
alleadging
for
the
same
inuincible
reasons
.
And
the
same
Doctor
in
like
manner
proposeth
another
question
,
to
wit
,
which
of
three
sinnes
belonging
to
infidelity
is
most
grieuous
,
Iudaisme
,
Paganisme
[
*
](A09111-e10690-b)
*
See
Tertull
.
li.
de
pudicitia
.
Cypr.
li.
4.
ep.
2.
Athan
.
ser.
2
contr.
Arrian
.
Aug.
li.
de
gratia
.
Hier.
con
.
lucifer
.
&c.
Fathers
doe
euery
where
aggrauate
the
heynousnes
of
this
sinne
aboue
all
other
sinnes
,
and
in
particuler
,
doe
deny
them
to
be
Christians
,
but
rather
to
be
Infideles
,
and
worse
then
Infideles
,
as
now
by
S.
Thomas
hath
byn
said
:
which
is
most
conforme
to
the
writinges
of
the
Apostles
themselues
and
Apostolicke
men
,
who
detested
this
sinne
in
the
highest
degree
,
as
might
largely
be
shewed
out
of
their
workes
,
euen
to
the
horror
of
the
Reader
,
if
this
place
did
beare
it
.
That
seuere
speach
of
S.
Paul
may
be
sufficient
for
all
the
rest
,
exhorting
his
disciple
Titus
to
auoide
an
hereticall
man
after
one
or
two
reprehensions
,
knowing
that
such
a
one
is
subuerted
,
and
sinneth
as
damned
by
his
owne
iudgment
.
Which
is
neuer
found
written
of
other
sortes
of
Infideles
.
8.
No
man
then
ought
to
be
offended
with
these
earnest
and
sharpe
speeches
,
where
heresy
or
the
presumption
therof
is
in
question
,
for
that
nothing
is
more
dreadfull
to
Catholicke
people
then
the
very
name
and
apprehension
of
heresy
;
howsoeuer
in
our
vnfortunate
daies
,
it
be
made
a
matter
of
dispute
only
,
or
table-talke
by
many
now
in
England
,
and
he
that
will
see
store
of
proofes
and
reasons
laied
togeather
by
the
foresaid
learned
man
M.
Reynoldes
to
proue
that
De
Caluino-Turcismo
,
but
two
speciall
large
Chapters
or
Treatises
of
this
very
matter
in
his
booke
De
iusta
Reipublicae
potestate
&c.
to
wit
the
4.
and
5.
and
he
will
rest
satisfied
.
9.
Nor
doe
Catholicke
writers
only
make
these
Protestations
against
Caluin
and
his
doctrine
,
but
many
of
the
most
learnedest
other
Protestants
of
these
daies
,
as
hath
byn
touched
.
One
most
famous
preacher
and
Protestant
writer
or
rather
Superintendent
in
Polonia
called
Francis
Stancarus
in
an
epistle
to
the
King
10.
Another
brother
and
Protestant-Preacher
no
lesse
zealous
then
he
in
Germany
named
Conradus
Schlusselburge
saith
of
him
&
his
〈◊〉
that
himself
hath
declared
&
proued
in
three
large
books
:
Hòs
de
nullo
ferè
Christianae
doctrinae
articulo
rectè
sentire
:
That
they
scarcely
belieue
aright
any
one
article
of
Christian
beliefe
,
which
is
the
self
same
that
the
forenamed
Catholicke
writer
Iurgiuicius
obiected
before
,
which
T.
M.
tooke
so
impatiently
as
yow
haue
heard
.
And
the
same
brother
in
one
of
his
said
bookes
affirmeth
:
Quod
Caluinistae
ipsum
filium
Dei
mendacij
arguunt
,
Deum
sua
omnipotentia
spoliant
,
sunt
abiurati
hostes
&
profligatissimi
falsatores
Testamenti
filij
Dei
:
That
Caluinists
doe
charge
the
Sonne
11.
And
another
famous
Doctor
of
the
same
new
Ghospell
and
spirit
,
saith
that
this
sect
of
Caluinists
&
their
doctrine
,
Sentina
quaedam
est
&c.
is
a
certeine
sinke
into
which
all
other
heresies
doe
flow
:
it
is
the
last
rage
of
the
diuell
,
which
he
in
his
fury
doth
exercise
against
Christ
and
his
Church
&c.
And
then
further
:
Qui
partes
eorum
sequitur
&c.
he
that
followeth
their
sect
,
is
a
manifest
and
sworne
enemy
of
God
,
and
hath
denied
his
faith
which
he
promised
to
Christ
in
his
baptisme
:
So
he
.
And
consider
now
whether
this
be
not
as
great
detestation
of
Caluins
doctrine
,
by
principal
learned
Protestants
,
as
T.
M.
hath
picked
out
of
Catholicks
wrested
wordes
before
recited
?
12.
But
yow
must
not
thinke
that
heere
is
an
end
for
there
would
be
no
end
,
if
I
should
prosecute
all
that
might
be
said
in
this
case
:
Tilmannus
Heshusius
a
Superintendent
of
the
Protestants
in
the
same
countrey
A
defence
of
the
Holy
Testament
of
Christ
against
the
blasphemous
confession
of
Caluinists
.
AEgidius
Hunnius
writing
a
booke
De
Caluino
Iudaizante
,
of
Caluin
playing
the
Iew
,
after
a
long
confutation
saith
thus
:
D●●●●um
satis
superque
iudico
&c.
we
haue
detected
I
suppose
sufficiently
,
and
more
then
sufficiently
that
Angell
of
darkenes
Iohn
Caluin
,
who
comming
forth
of
the
pit
of
hell
,
hath
partly
by
his
detestable
wickednes
in
wresting
Scriptures
,
partly
by
his
impious
pen
against
the
Holy
Maiesty
of
Christ
,
partly
13.
I
pretermit
many
others
,
as
that
of
Philippus
Nicolaus
a
Protestant-Minister
of
Tubinga
,
who
in
the
A
Discouery
(
and
this
I
write
for
our
discouerer
)
of
the
fundaments
of
the
Caluinian
Sect
,
and
how
they
agree
with
old
Arrians
and
Nestorians
:
Wherby
also
is
demonstrated
that
no
Christian
man
can
take
part
with
them
,
but
that
he
must
defend
Arrianisme
and
Nestorianisme
:
So
he
.
But
the
next
yeare
after
there
came
another
booke
forth
printed
in
the
same
Vniuersity
with
this
A
demonstration
out
of
the
Holy
Scriptures
,
that
Caluinists
and
Sacramentaries
are
not
Christians
,
but
rather
baptized
Iewes
and
Mahometanes
:
and
a
little
after
that
againe
Ioannes
Matthias
the
great
Preacher
in
Wittenberge
:
De
cauendo
Caluinistarum
fermento
,
how
to
auoid
the
leauen
of
the
Caluinists
;
and
then
Albertus
Grauerus
of
like
function
vpon
the
yeare
1598.
entituled
:
Bellum
Ioannis
Caluini
&
Iesu
Christi
:
The
warre
betweene
Iohn
Caluin
and
Iesus
Christ
;
and
al
this
written
,
set
forth
,
and
printed
by
chiefe
Protestant
brethren
:
which
if
the
inference
of
T.
M.
be
true
against
Catholickes
,
that
in
respect
of
the
difference
of
their
doctrine
,
and
for
that
they
holde
Caluinists
to
haue
no
true
faith
,
they
may
not
liue
togeather
vnder
one
Prince
:
then
must
it
follow
also
that
neither
these
Lutherans
and
Caluinian
Protestants
can
liue
togeather
:
and
the
very
same
ensueth
betweene
English
Protestants
&
Puritanes
,
vpon
the
difference
of
their
doctrine
and
belief
,
which
hath
no
lesse
opposition
in
deed
and
detestation
the
one
of
the
other
in
bitternes
of
speach
,
then
haue
the
Lutherane
Protestants
against
them
both
;
as
may
easily
be
demonstrated
out
of
their
owne
bookes
,
if
we
would
stand
vpon
it
.
And
this
shall
be
sufficient
for
the
refutation
of
his
first
medium
,
brought
forth
to
proue
that
Catholicks
and
Protestants
cannot
liue
togeather
in
one
common
wealth
,
for
that
the
one
side
accompteth
the
other
for
Hereticks
.
14.
But
the
second
medium
is
yet
more
childish
,
15.
But
we
answere
first
,
that
touching
the
former
part
to
wit
the
imputation
of
heresy
and
excommunication
to
the
Protestant
party
of
England
,
that
followeth
the
Sacramentary
doctrine
of
Caluin
and
Zuinglius
,
yow
haue
heard
now
immediately
before
,
how
that
imputation
is
laid
vpon
them
,
not
only
by
Catholickes
,
but
also
by
the
most
renowned
Protestant
writers
that
haue
byn
since
that
name
and
profession
began
.
And
if
we
would
alleadge
much
more
out
of
the
very
Father
of
Protestancy
it self
Martin
Luther
,
16.
Behold
heere
both
Heresy
and
excommunication
or
separation
from
the
Church
of
God
auerred
against
both
Zuinglians
and
Caluinists
,
by
him
that
was
their
chiefest
parent
and
Patriarch
:
and
in
other
places
of
his
workes
,
the
same
Luther
hath
many
more
particulers
to
this
purpose
,
as
namely
that
men
must
fly
the
bookes
and
doctrine
of
Zuinglius
and
his
followers
,
Non
secus
ac
tartarei
Daemonis
venenum
,
no
otherwise
They
are
not
to
be
held
in
the
number
of
Christians
,
for
that
they
teach
no
one
article
of
Christian
doctrine
without
corruption
,
and
are
seauen
times
worse
then
Papists
&c.
Wherby
is
euident
that
this
charge
of
Heresy
and
excommunication
proceedeth
not
against
Caluinists
from
vs
only
,
but
much
more
eagerly
from
their
owne
brethren
,
&
consequently
it
is
with
very
little
discretion
brought
in
by
the
Minister
T.
M.
against
vs
as
a
singuler
fault
of
ours
,
wherof
we
are
to
treat
more
afterward
in
some
occasions
that
will
be
offered
.
17.
But
now
as
for
the
penalties
conteyned
in
the
Canon
law
,
against
excommunicate
Heretickes
,
as
depriuation
of
dignities
,
losse
of
goods
,
infamy
,
imprisonment
,
Bulla
Caenae
Domini
euery
yeare
〈◊〉
on
Maundy-Thursday
doth
confirme
:
yet
commonly
are
they
not
held
for
subiect
to
the
other
externall
punishmentes
(
and
in
particuler
to
be
auoided
and
their
company
fled
)
vntill
by
a
lawfull
Iudge
he
or
they
be
denounced
,
conuicted
,
and
condemned
by
name
,
which
we
ascribe
not
to
the
Protestantes
of
England
,
and
therfore
this
charge
was
maliciously
deuised
by
this
Minister
against
vs
,
to
make
vs
odious
.
18.
Nay
we
goe
yet
further
for
pacifying
&
milding
matters
betweene
vs
,
that
we
doe
not
easily
condemne
or
hold
all
and
euery
sorte
of
Protestantes
,
Puritanes
,
or
the
like
sortes
different
at
this
day
in
our
countrey
from
the
Catholicks
,
for
absolute
Heretickes
,
but
excusing
them
rather
wherin
we
may
by
any
charitable
interpretation
,
doe
willingly
lay
hands
where
probably
S.
Augustine
,
affirming
to
his
friend
Honoratus
infected
with
the
Manichean
Heresy
,
that
there
is
a
great
difference
betweene
an
Hereticke
,
and
one
that
belieueth
Hereticks
,
and
is
deceaued
by
them
;
yow
shall
heare
his
owne
wordes
to
that
purpose
:
Si
mihi
(
Honorate
)
vnum
atque
idem
videretur
19.
If
it
had
seemed
to
me
(
friend
Honoratus
)
that
an
Hereticke
&
a
man
belieuing
Hereticks
had
byn
al
one
thing
,
I
should
haue
thought
it
better
to
hold
my
peace
in
this
cause
betweene
vs
,
rather
then
to
speake
or
write
any
thing
therin
:
but
now
seeing
there
is
such
great
difference
betweene
these
two
,
I
thought
So
S.
Augustine
.
And
hereby
openeth
to
vs
a
dore
to
thinke
charitably
of
many
Protestants
,
whome
though
we
hold
for
deceaued
;
yet
not
properly
in
S.
Augustines
meaning
for
Hereticks
.
20.
And
this
doctrine
teacheth
the
same
Doctor
in
other
places
against
the
Donatistes
,
saying
,
that
if
a
man
should
beleeue
the
heresy
of
Photinus
(
for
example
)
De
haeresibus
ad
Quod-vult-Deum
,
where
hauing
recounted
eighty
and
eight
Heresies
,
that
had
passed
before
his
time
vnto
the
Pelagians
,
that
were
the
last
,
he
concludeth
thus
:
There
may
be
yet
other
Heresies
besides
these
that
I
haue
in
this
our
worke
recounted
,
or
there
may
rise
vp
other
herafter
,
whereof
whosoeuer
shall
holde
any
one
,
he
shall
not
be
a
Christian
Catholicke
.
He
doth
not
say
he
shall
be
an
Hereticke
properly
,
but
no
Christian
Catholicke
,
which
though
it
be
sufficient
to
damnation
,
if
ignorance
excuse
him
not
;
yet
nothing
so
great
as
if
he
were
an
hereticke
,
for
that
as
before
we
haue
shewed
out
of
S.
Thomas
,
the
damnation
of
Iewes
and
Gentiles
is
much
more
tolerable
then
that
of
Heretickes
.
21.
And
all
these
limitations
and
charitable
moderations
we
doe
willingly
vse
to
calme
and
mitigate
matters
,
and
to
temper
that
intemperate
breaking
humour
of
this
make-bate
Minister
T.
M.
and
his
companions
that
would
put
all
in
combustion
and
desperate
conuulsion
.
And
so
much
of
this
first
reason
,
the
rest
we
shall
passe
ouer
with
greater
breuity
.
To
his
second
and
third
Reasons
.
§.
2.
HIs
second
reason
why
his
Maiesties
Catholicke
and
Protestant
subiects
may
not
liue
togeather
in
England
is
,
For
that
all
Popish
Priestes
(
faith
he
)
doe
attribute
a
double
prerogatiue
ouer
Kings
,
that
is
to
say
,
a
Democraticall
and
Monarchicall
Soueraigne
ciuill
power
,
the
first
to
the
people
,
the
second
to
the
Pope
:
And
for
proofe
of
the
first
,
concerning
the
people
,
he
alleadgeth
fower
seuerall
authorities
of
Catholicke
writers
,
but
so
corruptly
and
perfidiously
,
as
if
nothing
else
did
shew
his
talent
of
cogging
and
treacherous
dealing
,
this
were
sufficient
to
discouer
the
same
,
though
afterwardes
greater
store
will
occurre
:
we
shall
runne
ouer
briefly
all
these
fower
.
23.
First
he
saith
that
Doleman
in
his
Conference
about
succession
hath
these
wordes
:
The
Common-wealth
hath
authority
to
chuse
a
King
,
and
to
limit
him
lawes
at
their
pleasure
:
Which
if
it
were
truly
alleadged
as
it
lieth
in
the
Author
,
yet
heere
is
no
mention
of
the
people
,
or
of
Democraticall
state
,
but
only
of
the
Common-wealth
,
which
includeth
both
nobility
and
people
,
and
all
other
states
.
Secondly
Dolemans
wordes
are
not
of
chusing
a
King
,
but
of
chusing
a
forme
of
gouernement
be
it
Democraticall
,
Aristocraticall
or
Monarchicall
.
Let
vs
heare
the
Author
himself
speake
:
In
like
manner
(
saith
he
)
it
is
euident
,
that
as
the
Common-wealth
hath
this
authority
to
chuse
and
change
her
gouernement
(
as
hath
byn
proued
:
)
so
hath
it
also
to
limit
the
same
with
what
lawes
and
conditions
shee
pleaseth
,
wherof
ensueth
great
diuersity
of
authority
and
power
,
which
ech
one
of
the
former
gouernments
hath
So
he
.
Where
we
see
that
Doleman
speaketh
of
the
power
which
a
Common-wealth
hath
,
that
is
deuoid
of
any
certeine
gouernement
,
to
chuse
vnto
themselues
that
forme
that
best
liketh
them
,
with
the
limitations
they
thinke
most
expedient
:
and
so
we
see
in
England
,
France
,
Polonia
,
Germany
,
Venice
,
Genua
,
and
in
the
Empire
it self
different
formes
and
manners
of
gouernement
,
with
different
lawes
and
limitations
,
according
to
the
choice
and
liking
of
ech
nation
.
This
place
then
of
Doleman
is
corrupted
by
T.
M.
both
in
wordes
and
sense
,
for
he
neither
speaketh
nor
meaneth
as
the
false
Minister
auoucheth
him
,
of
giuing
Democraticall
power
to
the
people
ouer
Princes
established
.
24.
There
followeth
the
second
place
taken
out
of
De
iusta
abdicatione
&c.
though
it
be
well
knowne
that
D.
Bouchier
Author
of
that
booke
yet
liuing
in
Flanders
,
and
Canon
of
Tourney
was
neuer
Iesuite
in
his
life
;
but
all
must
be
ascribed
to
Iesuits
,
that
may
seeme
odious
:
This
French
Iesuite
(
saith
he
)
sheweth
a
reason
of
Dolemans
speach
,
saying
:
For
Maiesty
is
rather
seated
in
the
Kingdome
,
then
in
the
King
.
But
I
would
aske
the
poore
man
,
why
he
doth
alleadge
this
place
?
or
of
what
weight
it
is
,
or
D.
Bouchier
in
these
wordes
denieth
not
Maiesty
to
be
in
the
King
,
but
to
be
more
in
the
Kingdome
;
for
that
the
Kingdome
giueth
Maiesty
vnto
the
King
when
it
chuseth
him
,
and
not
the
King
properly
vnto
the
Kingdome
.
And
is
not
this
a
great
obiection
?
or
doth
this
proue
that
we
ascribe
Democraticall
soueraignity
ouer
Kings
vnto
the
people
?
One
of
his
owne
Ghospell-brethren
speaketh
more
roundly
and
roughly
to
the
matter
when
he
writeth
:
Populo
ius
est
vt
imperium
cui
velit
deferat
:
25.
His
third
place
is
out
of
D.
Stapleton
,
in
his
booke
called
Dydimus
,
where
he
saith
:
That
the
people
are
26.
His
fourth
and
last
place
is
out
of
M.
William
Reinoldes
in
his
booke
De
iusta
Reip.
auctoritate
&c.
whome
A
King
is
but
a
creature
of
mans
creation
.
where
yow
see
first
that
in
the
translation
he
addeth
but
,
and
mans
creation
of
himself
,
for
that
the
Latin
hath
no
such
but
,
nor
creation
,
but
constitution
.
Secondly
these
wordes
are
not
the
wordes
of
M.
Reinoldes
,
but
only
cited
by
him
out
of
S.
Peter
;
and
thirdly
they
are
alleadged
here
M.
Reinolds
purpose
therin
is
to
proue
,
that
albeit
earthly
principality
,
power
and
authority
Hinc
enim
est
&c.
hence
is
it
,
that
albeit
the
Apostle
doe
call
all
earthly
principality
a
humaine
creature
,
for
that
it
is
placed
in
certaine
men
(
from
the
beginning
)
by
suffrages
of
the
people
;
yet
election
of
Princes
doth
flow
from
the
law
of
nature
,
which
God
created
;
and
from
the
vse
of
reason
which
God
powred
into
man
,
and
which
is
a
little
beame
of
diuine
light
drawne
from
that
infinite
brightnes
of
almighty
God
;
therefore
doth
the
Apostle
S.
Paul
pronounce
that
There
is
no
power
but
from
God
,
and
that
he
which
resisteth
this
power
,
resisteth
God
himselfe
.
So
M.
Reinoldes
.
27.
And
now
let
the
indifferent
Reader
iudge
whether
M.
Reinoldes
hath
byn
calumniated
in
this
allegation
or
no
,
&
whether
this
Minister
is
led
by
any
rule
of
conscience
,
and
whether
these
be
such
pregnant
arguments
and
proofes
against
vs
as
he
promised
at
the
first
entrance
of
his
booke
.
And
for
the
matter
in
hand
,
he
promised
to
proue
,
as
yow
haue
heard
,
that
we
ascribed
popular
and
Democraticall
power
to
the
people
ouer
Kings
,
which
how
well
he
hath
performed
by
these
places
alleadged
yow
haue
seene
.
28.
Finally
to
stand
no
longer
vpon
this
,
whether
we
or
they
,
Catholicks
or
Protestantes
doe
attribute
more
to
popular
licence
,
against
Princes
(
when
they
giue
not
contentment
)
may
aboundantly
be
seene
in
that
we
haue
set
downe
before
,
and
will
ensue
afterward
,
both
of
their
doctrine
and
practises
in
like
occasions
.
And
so
much
of
this
first
charge
:
now
will
we
passe
to
the
second
.
29.
The
second
is
,
that
we
ascribe
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
power
and
souer
aignty
ouer
Kings
vnto
the
Pope
:
wherin
first
what
he
saith
of
ciuill
souer
aignty
is
a
meere
fiction
and
calumniation
of
his
owne
,
if
it
be
out
of
the
Popes
owne
temporall
Dominions
.
For
we
ascribe
no
such
vnto
him
ouer
other
Princes
or
their
subiects
,
but
that
authority
or
soueraignty
only
which
Catholicke
doctrine
ascribeth
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
as
Successor
to
S.
Peter
Prince
of
the
Apostles
,
&
spirituall
head
of
the
vniuersall
visible
Church
of
Christ
,
which
is
only
spirituall
,
&
for
spirituall
ends
,
to
wit
,
for
the
direction
and
saluation
of
soules
.
And
if
at
any
time
he
be
forced
to
passe
further
then
this
,
and
by
a
certeine
consequence
to
deale
in
some
temporall
affaires
also
;
it
must
be
only
indirectly
in
defence
or
conseruation
of
the
said
spirituall
,
that
is
to
say
,
when
the
said
spirituall
power
apperteining
to
soules
cannot
other
wise
be
defended
or
conserued
,
as
more
largely
hath
byn
treated
before
.
30.
This
then
is
the
summe
and
substance
of
Catholicke
doctrine
,
about
this
point
of
the
Popes
authority
,
which
from
the
beginning
of
Christianity
hath
byn
acknowledged
in
Gods
Church
,
and
in
no
place
more
then
in
England
,
where
it
hath
byn
both
held
&
practised
from
the
very
first
Christened
King
of
our
K.
Henry
the
8.
for
the
space
of
almost
a
thousand
yeares
,
without
interruption
,
as
largely
and
aboundantly
hath
byn
shewed
and
laied
forth
to
the
view
of
all
men
in
a
late
booke
written
in
answere
to
S.
Edward
Cookes
fifth
part
of
Reportes
;
and
this
with
great
honor
&
prosperity
of
the
Princes
therof
,
and
vnion
of
their
people
vnder
their
gouernment
,
and
without
such
odious
or
turbulent
inferences
,
as
now
are
made
therevpon
by
vnquiet
spirittes
,
that
would
set
at
warre
euen
mens
imaginations
in
the
ayer
,
therby
to
mainteine
disunion
,
discorde
,
and
diffidence
betweene
Princes
,
and
namely
betweene
our
present
noble
Soueraigne
and
his
Catholicke
subiects
.
31.
And
first
of
all
let
vs
heare
this
turbulent
T.
M.
how
vpon
the
enuy
of
this
authority
he
frameth
and
foundeth
all
his
ensuing
reasons
.
We
demaunde
(
saith
he
)
how
farre
these
pretended
powers
(
of
people
&
Pope
)
may
extende
,
and
heervpon
we
argue
.
To
which
I
answere
,
that
in
imagination
they
may
extend
so
farre
as
any
fantasticall
braine
shall
list
to
draw
them
;
but
in
the
true
meaning
of
Catholicke
reall
doctrine
,
they
can
extend
no
further
then
hath
byn
declared
.
And
as
for
the
popular
power
of
people
ouer
Princes
,
we
haue
now
refuted
the
calumniation
,
&
shewed
that
it
is
a
mere
fiction
of
his
owne
,
and
no
position
of
ours
;
and
that
his
Protestant
doctrine
doth
ascribe
much
more
licence
to
popular
tumult
,
then
the
Catholicke
without
comparison
:
and
for
that
of
the
Pope
,
I
haue
declared
how
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
to
be
of
his
owne
nature
in
spirituall
affaires
only
,
without
preiudice
of
ciuill
Princely
gouernement
at
all
,
and
so
the
practice
of
the
worlde
and
experience
of
so
many
Princes
,
great
States
and
Monarches
liuing
quietly
&
securely
vnder
the
same
authority
,
both
in
former
times
and
ours
most
euidently
doth
proue
and
confirme
.
32.
But
yet
let
vs
see
and
consider
how
falsely
and
calumniously
this
Make-bate
doth
herevpon
argue
in
his
third
reason
,
inferring
for
his
assumption
or
minor
proposition
thus
:
But
all
Popish
Priestes
vpon
this
pretended
Supremacy
and
prerogatiue
of
Pope
and
people
,
doe
vtterly
abolish
the
title
of
succession
in
all
Protestant
Princes
:
Ergo.
Wherin
to
shew
him
a
notable
liar
,
it
shall
be
sufficient
to
name
all
the
Protestant
Princes
,
that
haue
had
title
of
succession
in
our
countrey
(
for
therof
he
speaketh
principally
)
K.
Edward
the
sixt
,
Q.
Elizabeth
,
and
K.
Iames
that
now
raigneth
,
all
which
were
admitted
peaceably
to
their
Crownes
,
as
well
by
Priestes
as
Catholicke
people
,
who
notwithstanding
in
some
of
their
admissions
wanted
not
meanes
to
haue
wrought
disturbances
as
the
world
knoweth
:
so
as
if
one
instance
only
doth
truly
ouerthrow
any
general
proposition
;
how
much
more
doth
this
triple
instance
not
able
to
be
denied
,
ouerthrow
and
cast
to
the
ground
this
vniuersal
false
assertion
of
T.
M.
which
auerreth
:
That
all
Popish
Priests
〈◊〉
vtterly
abolish
the
Succession
of
all
Protestant
Princes
.
Will
he
not
be
ashamed
to
see
himself
conuinced
of
so
great
and
shameles
ouerlashing
?
33.
And
on
the
other
side
,
one
only
Catholicke
Princesse
being
to
succeed
in
this
time
,
to
wit
Q.
Mary
,
we
know
what
resistance
the
Protestants
made
both
by
bookes
,
sermons
,
Treatises
and
open
armes
;
and
Sweueland
,
Flanders
,
&
other
places
as
cannot
be
denied
.
34.
Wherfore
it
is
more
then
extraordinary
impudency
in
T.
M.
to
charge
vs
with
that
which
is
either
peculier
or
more
eminent
in
themselues
,
and
false
in
vs
:
and
what
or
how
farre
this
fellow
may
be
trusted
in
these
his
assertions
,
may
be
gathered
by
the
last
sentence
F.
Persons
(
in
his
Doleman
)
doth
pronounce
sentence
,
that
whosoeuer
shall
consent
to
the
succession
of
a
Protestant
Prince
is
a
most
grieuous
and
damnable
〈◊〉
.
And
is
it
so
in
deed
Syr
〈◊〉
?
and
will
yow
stand
to
it
,
and
leese
your
credit
if
this
be
falsely
or
calumniously
alleadged
?
then
if
yow
please
let
vs
heare
the
Authors
owne
wordes
.
35.
And
now
(
saith
he
)
to
apply
all
this
to
our
purpose
So
he
.
And
his
reason
is
,
for
that
he
should
sinne
against
his
owne
conscience
in
furthering
such
aKing
.
And
is
there
heere
any
word
peculiar
of
a
Protestant
Prince
,
or
of
his
succession
?
making
a
King
where
none
is
?
doth
it
not
speake
also
indifferently
of
all
sortes
of
Religion
,
of
what
side
soeuer
the
truth
be
?
How
then
can
this
malicious
cauilling
Minister
expect
to
be
trusted
hereafter
,
or
how
may
any
man
thinke
that
he
speaketh
or
writeth
out
of
conscience
,
seing
him
to
vse
such
grosse
shiftes
and
falshoodes
in
so
manifest
and
important
a
matter
?
It
is
no
marueyle
that
he
set
not
his
name
at
large
to
his
booke
,
as
not
desirous
to
haue
the
dew
praise
of
such
desert
.
To
the
rest
of
his
reasons
.
§.
3.
BVt
let
vs
passe
a
little
further
in
these
his
deuises
,
for
much
I
may
not
,
both
in
regarde
of
the
breuity
which
I
haue
designedvnto
my self
,
&
for
the
loathsomnes
I
take
of
such
vncharitable
railings
,
as
in
steed
of
reasons
he
casteth
forth
,
with
no
greater
authority
,
then
of
his
owne
assertion
,
or
rather
calumniation
.
37.
As
for
example
in
his
fourth
reason
he
subsumeth
in
his
minor
proposition
thus
:
But
all
Popish
Priests
〈◊〉
dissolue
the
oath
of
obedience
to
all
Protestant
Gouernours
.
And
in
the
fifth
:
But
all
Popish
Priestes
defend
violent
deposing
of
Kinges
and
Emperours
.
And
in
the
sixt
:
But
all
Popish
Priestes
are
guylty
of
intending
,
designing
,
or
practising
murther
of
Princes
.
And
in
the
seauenth
:
But
all
Popish
Priestes
doe
iustify
the
actes
of
treason
and
〈◊〉
parricides
.
And
yet
further
in
the
eight
:
But
all
Popish
Priestes
professe
Rebellion
,
as
soone
as
they
can
presume
of
their
strength
In
the
ninth
likewise
:
But
all
Popish
Priestes
are
guylty
of
〈◊〉
,
for
denying
or
violating
with
men
of
diuerse
Religion
.
And
lastly
in
histenth
:
But
all
Romish
Priestes
ex
officio
,
that
is
to
say
,
as
they
are
Priestes
,
must
and
doe
professe
such
seditious
〈◊〉
,
as
thereby
they
are
desperate
traitors
.
〈◊〉
.
38.
And
is
it
possible
for
any
tongue
(
though
borrowed
from
hell
it self
,
and
embrewed
with
neuer
so
virulent
or
serpentine
prison
)
to
vtter
more
precipitate
malice
then
this
?
His
propositions
yow
see
are
generall
in
all
these
assertions
,
to
wit
,
that
al
Catholicke
Priestes
are
guilty
in
all
these
accusations
,
and
the
nature
as
yow
know
of
a
generall
proposition
is
such
,
as
if
any
one
instance
may
be
giuen
to
the
contrary
,
it
ouerthroweth
the
whole
.
And
is
it
probable
(
thinke
Q.
Elizabeth
of
her
life
:
and
so
they
protested
at
their
deathes
.
39.
But
leauing
this
let
vs
come
to
examine
some
of
the
pointes
themselues
,
that
are
obiected
:
they
are
all
(
if
yow
consider
them
well
)
but
little
buddes
and
branches
deduced
from
one
,
and
the
selfe
same
roote
of
the
Popes
authority
,
and
consequently
but
minced-meates
made
out
in
different
seruices
,
by
the
cunning
cookery
of
T.
M.
to
feede
the
phantasies
of
such
as
hunger
after
variety
of
calumniations
against
the
Catholicke
doctrine
.
For
what
sreeing
subiectes
from
their
obedience
to
Princes
,
&
the
other
of
the
fifth
about
Deposing
Princes
,
or
that
of
the
sixt
and
seauenth
of
designing
their
deathes
,
and
of
iustifying
treasons
against
the
same
:
And
so
in
the
ninth
of
oathes
euacuated
,
which
was
handled
before
vnder
other
tearmes
in
the
fourth
reason
,
wherby
appeareth
,
that
this
mans
purpose
was
(
as
before
I
haue
noted
)
to
straine
matters
to
the
vttermost
,
and
to
set
out
as
many
shewes
of
inconueniences
,
dangers
and
damages
to
ensue
by
our
doctrine
of
Papall
authority
,
as
either
his
wit
could
deuise
,
or
his
malice
vtter
.
40.
And
yet
the
seely
fellow
did
not
consider
one
instance
vnanswerable
,
that
might
be
giuen
to
all
these
his
inuentions
,
which
is
the
experience
of
so
many
ages
,
both
in
England
,
&
other
Kingdoms
round
about
vs
,
wherin
the
Kings
and
Princes
haue
raigned
prosperously
(
and
doe
at
this
day
)
notwithstanding
this
doctrine
,
and
vse
of
the
Popes
power
;
&
this
not
only
Catholicke
Princes
,
but
diuers
Protestant
Potentates
in
like
manner
,
for
any
thing
that
Popes
haue
done
,
or
attempted
against
them
.
For
what
hath
any
Sea
Apostolicke
,
and
consequently
doth
depend
therof
?
what
against
diuers
other
particular
Princes
both
of
the
Empire
and
otherwise
,
who
haue
in
this
our
age
departed
from
the
obedience
of
that
Sea
?
how
many
hath
it
molested
,
censured
,
deposed
,
or
troubled
for
the
same
?
41.
And
that
which
is
most
of
all
to
our
purpose
at
this
time
,
what
manner
of
proceeding
hath
the
same
That
his
Maiesties
olde
guarde
was
to
be
remoued
and
another
placed
by
them
:
the
Pope
then
42.
Only
two
publicke
examples
to
my
remembrance
can
be
alleadged
of
any
Protestant
Princes
excommunicated
,
censured
,
or
molested
by
the
Sea
Apostolicke
since
Luther
began
his
breach
(
which
are
now
almost
an
hundred
yeares
)
notwithstanding
there
haue
Q.
Elizabeth
of
England
,
and
King
Henry
then
of
Nauarre
,
and
now
also
of
France
(
for
of
King
Henry
of
Enggland
I
make
no
mention
,
for
that
his
cause
was
not
43.
The
second
for
feare
least
he
comming
to
the
Crowne
of
France
in
that
disposition
wherein
then
he
44.
Wherfore
al
this
bitter
barking
of
this
Minister
T.
M.
about
excommunicating
,
depriuing
,
deposing
,
and
murthering
Princes
,
as
also
about
absoluing
of
subiectes
from
their
oathes
and
the
like
,
ceaseth
(
as
yow
see
)
by
a
little
good
correspondence
betweene
the
said
Princes
and
their
generall
Pastor
.
And
when
matters
passe
at
the
worst
,
and
are
in
most
exasperation
betweene
them
:
yet
is
it
not
the
tenth
part
of
perill
Sauoy
,
France
,
Switzerland
,
Germany
,
Bemeland
,
Austria
,
Poland
,
Sweueland
,
Denmark
,
Flanders
,
England
and
Scotland
,
and
some
other
places
wherof
we
haue
treated
more
largely
in
the
precedent
Chapter
;
there
would
be
no
comparison
at
all
.
Of
false
dealing
and
sleights
of
T.
M.
§.
4.
ANd
yet
further
yow
must
vnderstand
that
this
malicious
calumniator
proposing
vnto
himself
for
his
end
to
make
vs
hatefull
,
doth
not
only
encrease
,
multiply
,
and
exaggerate
matters
against
vs
by
all
art
of
sycophancy
,
as
making
some
things
to
seeme
odious
,
that
of
themselues
are
true
and
laudable
;
and
exaggerating
others
to
a
farre
higher
degree
,
then
wherin
they
were
spoken
,
or
are
to
be
vnderstood
,
inferring
also
generall
propositions
vpon
some
shewes
of
particuler
proofes
:
but
besides
all
this
,
he
passeth
also
further
,
&
obiecteth
often
times
against
vs
the
very
K.
Henry
of
France
for
this
only
crime
,
for
that
himselfe
being
a
Papist
,
yet
fauoured
the
Protestantes
,
and
especially
the
Prince
of
Nauarre
:
Wheras
it
is
knowne
that
besides
this
,
he
had
murthered
most
miserably
two
principall
peeres
&
Princes
of
his
Crowne
,
the
Duke
,
and
Cardinall
of
Guise
,
neerest
in
bloud
to
his
Maiesty
of
England
,
and
therby
broken
his
solemne
oath
made
but
a
little
before
in
presence
of
many
,
when
he
receaued
the
Bl.
Sacrament
to
the
contrary
.
And
how
then
was
his
only
crime
to
haue
fauoured
the
Protestants
,
as
this
Minister
auerreth
?
46.
And
againe
in
the
same
place
or
precedent
page
he
hath
these
wordes
:
Pope
Adrian
being
guilty
of
like
seditious
practice
against
the
Emperour
Henry
the
second
,
was
choked
with
a
fly
.
And
in
his
quotation
citeth
Nauclerus
for
it
,
Generatione
139.
which
should
be
39.
for
that
Nauclerus
hath
nothing
neere
so
many
Generations
in
that
King
Stephen
and
King
Henry
the
second
of
England
,
and
was
a
Holy
man
,
and
accompted
the
Apostle
of
Noruegia
for
conuerting
the
same
to
our
Christian
faith
,
before
he
was
Pope
,
and
all
Authors
doe
write
honorably
of
him
,
&
so
doth
Nauclerus
affirme
:
and
therefore
though
he
make
mention
of
such
a
fable
related
by
Vrspergensis
that
was
a
Schismatical
writer
in
those
dayes
(
who
also
doth
not
absolutely
auouch
it
,
but
with
this
temperament
vt
fertur
,
as
the
reporte
goeth
)
yet
doth
the
said
Nauclerus
reiect
the
same
as
false
,
and
confuteth
it
by
the
testimonies
of
al
other
writers
,
especially
of
Italy
,
that
liued
with
him
,
and
therby
knew
best
both
his
life
and
death
.
And
yet
all
this
notwithstanding
will
this
false
ladde
T.
M.
needes
set
downe
this
History
as
true
,
affirming
it
for
such
,
and
neuer
so
much
as
giuing
his
Reader
to
vnderstand
,
that
any
other
denied
the
same
,
or
that
the
only
Author
himself
of
this
fiction
doubted
therof
.
And
is
not
this
perfidious
dealing
?
or
can
any
man
excuse
him
from
falshood
and
malice
in
this
open
treachery
?
47.
Another
like
tricke
he
plaieth
some
few
pages
before
this
againe
,
citing
out
of
Doctor
Bouchiers
booke
,
De
iusta
abdicatione
these
wordes
:
〈◊〉
occidere
honestum
Any
man
may
lawfully
murder
a
Tyrant
,
which
I
defend
(
saith
he
)
by
common
consent
.
But
he
that
shall
read
the
place
in
the
Author
himself
,
shall
find
,
that
he
holdeth
the
very
contrary
,
to
wit
,
that
a
priuate
man
may
not
kill
a
Tyrant
,
that
is
not
first
iudged
and
declared
to
be
a
publicke
enemy
by
the
common-wealth
;
and
he
proueth
the
same
at
large
,
first
out
of
Scriptures
,
&
by
the
decree
of
the
General
Councell
of
Constance
,
his
wordes
be
these
:
Neque
verò
eo
iure
quod
ad
Regnum
habet
,
nisi
per
publicum
iudicium
,
spoliari
potest
&c.
Neither
can
a
Tyrant
be
depriued
of
that
right
,
which
he
hath
to
a
Kingdome
,
but
only
by
publicke
iudgment
;
yea
further
also
so
long
as
that
right
of
Kingdome
remaineth
,
his
person
must
be
held
for
sacred
,
wherof
ensueth
,
that
no
right
remaineth
to
any
priuate
man
against
his
life
:
&
albeit
any
priuate
man
should
bring
forth
neuer
so
many
priuate
iniuries
done
by
the
said
Tyrant
against
him
;
as
that
he
had
whipped
him
with
yron
rods
,
oppressed
him
,
afflicted
him
,
yet
in
this
case
must
he
haue
patience
,
according
to
the
admonition
of
S.
Peter
:
That
we
must
be
obedient
not
only
vnto
good
and
modest
Lordes
,
but
also
vnto
those
that
be
disorderly
,
and
that
this
is
grace
,
when
a
man
for
Godes
cause
doth
sustaine
and
beare
with
patience
iniuries
vniustly
done
vnto
him
&c.
48.
And
in
this
sense
(
saith
he
)
is
the
decree
of
the
Errorem
in
fide
esse
&c.
It
is
errour
in
faith
to
hold
(
as
Iohn
Wickcliffe
did
)
that
euery
Tyrant
may
be
slaine
meritoriously
by
any
Vassall
or
subiect
of
his
,
by
free
or
secret
treasons
&c.
Thus
writeth
that
author
,
holding
as
yow
see
,
that
no
Tyrant
whatsoeuer
,
though
he
be
neuer
so
great
a
Tyrant
,
may
be
touched
by
any
priuate
man
,
for
any
priuate
iniuries
,
though
neuer
so
great
,
nor
yet
for
publicke
,
though
neuer
so
manifest
,
except
he
be
first
publickly
condemned
by
the
common-wealth
;
which
is
another
manner
of
moderation
,
and
security
for
Princes
,
then
the
Protestant
doctrine
before
rehearsed
:
and
namely
that
of
Knox
,
vttered
in
the
name
of
Geneua
:
If
Princes
be
Tyrantes
against
God
and
his
truth
,
his
subiectes
are
freed
from
their
oathes
of
obedience
.
So
he
.
And
who
shall
be
Iudge
of
this
?
The
people
,
for
that
the
people
(
saith
he
)
are
bound
by
oath
to
God
to
reuenge
the
iniury
done
against
his
Maiesty
.
Let
Princes
thinke
well
of
this
,
and
let
the
Reader
consider
the
malicious
falshood
of
this
Minister
T.
M.
who
in
alleadging
that
little
sentence
before
mentioned
,
about
killing
of
a
Tyrant
,
stroke
out
the
wordes
of
most
importance
:
quem
hostem
Reipublicae
iudicauerit
;
whome
the
common-wealth
hath
iudged
for
a
publicke
enemy
;
and
adding
that
other
clause
,
which
I
say
by
common
consent
,
which
is
not
there
to
be
found
:
And
with
such
people
we
are
forced
to
deale
,
that
haue
no
conscience
at
all
in
cosenage
,
and
yet
they
cry
out
of
Equiuocation
against
vs
,
where
it
is
lawfull
to
be
vsed
;
making
no
scruple
at
all
themselues
to
ly
,
which
in
our
doctrine
is
alwaies
vnlawfull
for
any
cause
whatsoeuer
.
49.
But
will
yow
heare
a
case
or
two
more
out
of
the
Canon
law
,
how
dexterous
Syr
Thomas
is
in
corrupting
non
teneor
ei
soluere
:
If
I
haue
sworne
to
pay
money
to
any
man
that
is
excommunicated
,
I
am
not
bound
to
pay
it
,
adding
this
reason
:
Quia
〈◊〉
possumus
,
debemus
vexare
malos
vt
cessent
a
malo
;
We
ought
to
vex
euill
men
by
what
meanes
soeuer
we
may
,
to
the
end
they
may
cease
from
doing
euill
.
In
the
allegation
of
which
little
text
,
a
man
would
hardly
belieue
how
many
false
trickes
there
be
,
to
make
Catholicke
doctrine
to
seeme
odious
and
absurd
.
For
first
these
wordes
not
being
found
in
any
text
of
law
or
decision
of
any
Pope
or
Councell
,
but
only
in
the
glosse
or
commentary
,
they
make
not
any
ancient
or
moderne
decree
,
as
the
Minister
falsly
auoucheth
,
but
rather
shew
the
opinion
of
him
,
who
writeth
the
commentary
,
if
his
wordes
were
as
heere
they
are
alledged
.
50.
But
the
truth
is
,
that
the
wordes
of
the
glosse
conteine
only
a
certain
obiection
vpon
a
clause
of
a
Canon
,
concerning
promise
to
be
obserued
to
one
that
is
excommunicated
after
the
promise
was
made
;
But
what
will
you
say
,
if
I
haue
sworne
to
pay
money
to
any
person
,
or
haue
promised
the
same
vnder
some
forfeiture
,
and
in
the
meane
space
,
he
to
whome
I
made
the
promise
is
excommunicated
,
am
I
bound
to
pay
the
same
or
not
?
This
is
the
question
,
and
then
he
argueth
on
both
sides
:
and
first
for
the
negatiue
,
videtur
quod
non
,
it
seemeth
I
am
not
,
for
that
the
Canon
law
saith
Causa
.
23.
q.
6.
That
we
ought
to
afflicct
wicked
men
by
all
meanes
possible
,
to
the
end
they
ceasse
from
their
wickednes
.
So
he
,
alledging
diuers
other
argumentes
for
the
same
opinion
;
but
yet
afterwardes
comming
to
giue
his
owne
resolution
,
he
saith
thus
:
Verius
credo
,
quòd
licèt
ille
non
habeat
ius
petendi
,
tamen
debet
ei
solui
.
I
doe
belieue
the
truer
opinion
to
be
,
that
albeit
he
that
is
so
excommunicated
doe
leese
his
right
to
demaund
his
money
,
yet
is
the
other
bound
to
pay
him
.
And
for
this
he
citeth
diuers
lawes
and
reasons
therin
mentioned
,
as
namely
,
Extrau
.
de
Iu.
debitoris
,
&
extr.
de
sent.
excommunicationis
,
Si
verè
,
&
11.
q.
3.
Cum
excommunicato
.
51.
So
as
heere
our
Minister
not
of
ignorance
but
Plessy
Mornay
did
in
his
booke
against
the
masse
,
where
he
would
proue
that
Scotus
,
Durand
and
other
schoole-deuines
did
doubt
of
the
reall
presence
and
transubstantiation
,
for
that
hauing
proposed
the
question
,
they
began
to
argue
for
the
negatiue
part
,
saying
,
videtur
quod
non
,
though
afterwardes
they
resolued
the
contrary
,
&
solued
the
argument
.
And
the
very
like
doth
our
Minister
heere
,
calling
this
obiection
of
videtur
quod
non
,
not
only
a
resolution
but
an
ancient
Decree
.
Secondly
there
is
wilfull
deceipt
in
leauing
out
the
first
wordes
of
the
Author
,
Sed
quid
dices
,
si
iuraui
?
But
what
wil
yow
say
,
if
I
haue
sworne
?
which
doe
plainly
shew
that
it
is
but
an
obiection
.
Thirdly
that
he
alledgeth
the
reason
of
the
obiection
Quia
qualitercumque
possumus
&c.
for
the
reason
of
the
resolution
,
which
is
false
:
for
that
the
resolution
is
made
against
that
reason
.
Fourthly
the
true
resolution
of
the
Commentor
is
vtterly
concealed
,
and
a
contrary
determination
by
him
impugned
set
downe
,
and
this
not
as
a
priuate
opinion
,
but
as
an
ancient
decree
of
the
law
&
Canon
it self
.
Consider
I
pray
yow
how
many
fraudes
and
falshoodes
there
be
in
one
little
quotation
,
and
what
a
volume
I
should
be
inforced
to
make
,
if
I
would
examine
exactly
such
a
multitude
of
citations
as
he
quoteth
against
vs
,
but
yet
one
or
two
more
shall
I
produce
in
the
same
kinde
and
matter
.
52.
In
the
sixt
page
of
his
discouery
he
hath
this
grieuous
accusation
out
of
the
Canon
law
against
vs
:
Haeretici
Apud
Grat.
gloss
.
in
Decret.
li.
5.
ex
Decret.
Gregor.
9.
caus.
23.
q.
8.
cap.
Legi
.
Which
distracted
kind
of
quotation
,
seperating
the
first
and
last
wordes
,
that
should
haue
gone
togeather
,
seeme
to
import
that
he
scarce
read
the
bookes
themselues
,
but
cited
the
same
out
of
some
other
mans
notes
;
but
that
fault
were
easily
pardoned
if
he
vsed
no
greater
fraude
in
the
thing
it self
.
For
first
he
Englisheth
the
wordes
thus
:
Heretickes
may
not
be
termed
either
children
or
kindred
,
but
according
to
the
old
law
thy
hand
must
be
against
them
to
spil
their
bloud
:
And
then
in
the
margent
he
setteth
downe
this
speciall
printed
note
:
The
professed
bloudy
massacre
against
the
Protestantes
,
without
distinction
of
sex
or
kinred
.
And
what
can
be
more
odiously
vrged
than
this
?
Now
then
let
vs
see
how
many
false
trickes
and
shiftes
,
fit
for
a
Protestant-Minister
,
doely
lurking
in
this
short
citation
.
53.
First
of
all
is
to
be
considered
,
that
this
glosse
or
Commentary
of
the
Canon
law
,
which
heere
is
both
vntruly
cited
and
maliciously
applied
,
is
vpon
a
Canon
beginning
Si
quis
,
which
Canon
is
taken
out
of
S.
Augustine
was
present
,
as
a
cheife
Bishop
,
that
had
voice
in
that
Councell
,
and
the
decree
of
the
Canon
is
;
that
if
any
Bishop
should
institute
Heretickes
or
pagans
for
his
heires
,
whether
they
were
consanguinei
or
extranei
,
kinsmen
or
externes
,
ei
Anathema
dicatur
,
atque
eius
nomen
inter
Dei
sacerdotes
nullo
modo
recitetur
:
Let
him
be
accursed
,
&
let
not
his
name
be
remembred
any
way
among
the
Priestes
of
God
.
54.
This
is
the
seuerity
of
that
Canon
,
for
ground
wherof
another
precedent
Canon
setteth
downe
out
of
the
same
S.
Augustine
:
Quod
Haereticus
perseuer
ans
aeternaliter
August
.
l.
de
〈◊〉
Cath.
damnatur
&c.
That
an
Heretick
perseuering
in
his
Heresy
is
damned
eternally
,
neither
can
he
recieue
any
profit
by
baptisme
,
almes
,
martyrdome
,
nor
any
other
good
workes
.
So
hath
the
title
of
the
Canon
,
but
the
wordes
of
S.
Augustine
are
these
:
Firmissimè
tene
,
&
nullatenùs
dubites
&c.
Hold
for
most
certaine
and
no
wayes
doubt
,
but
that
euery
Hereticke
or
Schismaticke
shall
be
partaker
of
hel
fier
euerlastingly
,
togeather
with
the
diuell
and
his
angelles
,
except
before
the
end
of
his
life
he
be
restored
and
incorporated
againe
into
the
Catholicke
Church
;
neither
shall
baptisme
or
almes
neuer
so
aboundantly
bestowed
,
no
nor
death
it self
suffred
for
the
name
of
Christ
,
profit
him
any
thing
to
saluation
.
So
S.
Augustine
.
55.
Vpon
this
ground
then
that
Heretickes
out
of
the
Church
,
&
so
censured
as
heere
yow
haue
heard
,
though
they
be
neuer
so
neere
of
kin
,
may
not
be
made
heires
,
especially
by
Church-men
;
the
glosse
yeelding
a
reason
therof
,
hath
these
wordes
:
Quia
isti
Haeretici
iam
non
dicuntur
filij
vel
consanguinei
,
vnde
dicitur
in
lege
:
si
frater
tuus
,
&
amicus
tuus
,
&
vxor
tua
aeprauare
voluerit
veritatem
,
sit
manus
tua
super
illos
:
For
that
these
Heretickes
are
not
now
called
children
or
kinsfolke
,
therfore
,
as
such
,
they
cannot
be
made
Inheritours
by
Ecclesiasticall
men
;
wherupon
it
is
said
in
the
law
(
of
Deuteronomie
)
if
thy
brother
and
friend
or
wife
will
goe
about
to
depraue
the
truth
,
let
thy
hand
be
vpon
them
.
And
presently
he
citeth
to
the
same
effect
,
the
authority
of
S
Hierome
,
out
of
another
Canon
,
in
another
place
of
the
law
,
as
presently
we
shall
see
.
56.
So
as
first
heere
we
may
behold
that
T.
M.
hath
not
put
downe
this
his
quoted
glosse
as
it
is
found
in
the
true
glosse
it self
,
but
left
out
both
the
beginning
:
〈◊〉
isti
Haeretici
&c.
which
imported
somewhat
to
the
vnderstanding
of
his
meaning
;
as
also
he
left
out
the
reason
alledged
by
the
glosse
out
of
Gods
owne
wordes
in
Deuteronomy
,
to
wit
,
the
wilfull
corrupting
of
his
truth
.
And
thirdly
he
added
these
wordes
:
Vt
fundas
sanguinem
ipsorum
,
which
heere
(
as
yow
see
)
the
S.
Hierome
in
another
Canon
and
volume
of
the
law
,
where
〈◊〉
Holy
Father
,
excusing
to
his
friend
Riparius
a
Priest
,
his
earnest
zeale
and
desire
to
haue
Vigilantius
the
Hereticke
(
against
whome
he
had
written
)
punished
by
his
Bishop
,
alledgeth
diuers
examples
of
seuerity
in
like
cases
out
of
the
Scripture
,
as
of
Phinees
,
Elias
,
Symon
Cananeus
,
S.
Peter
,
S.
Paul
,
and
lastly
citeth
also
the
foresaid
wordes
of
Gods
ordinance
in
Deuteronomy
:
If
thy
brother
,
thy
wife
,
thy
friend
&c.
shall
goe
about
to
peruert
thee
from
Gods
true
worship
&c.
heare
him
not
,
nor
conceale
him
,
but
bring
him
forth
to
iudgment
,
and
let
thy
hand
be
vpon
him
first
,
and
then
after
the
hand
of
all
the
people
&c.
which
is
to
be
vnderstood
according
to
the
forme
of
law
appointed
afterward
in
the
17.
Chapter
:
That
he
be
orderly
brought
forth
to
iudgment
,
and
then
when
sentence
is
〈◊〉
against
him
,
he
which
heard
or
saw
him
commit
the
sinne
,
and
is
a
witnes
against
him
,
must
cast
the
first
stone
at
him
,
and
the
rest
must
follow
.
And
this
also
doth
the
ordinary
Commentary
or
glosse
of
Lyranus
and
others
vpon
those
textes
of
Scripture
declare
.
57.
And
now
let
the
iudicious
Reader
consider
how
many
corruptions
this
crafty
Minister
hath
vsed
to
bring
forth
to
his
purpose
,
this
one
little
distracted
text
,
for
proof
of
professed
bloudy
massacres
intended
by
vs
against
Protestantes
.
For
first
he
corrupteth
the
wordes
of
the
glosse
apparantly
,
and
that
in
diuers
pointes
,
leauing
out
that
which
the
glosse
saith
,
and
adding
that
which
the
glosse
hath
not
:
then
he
corrupteth
the
meaning
both
of
glosse
and
Canon
,
deprauing
S.
Augustine
meant
only
of
ciuill
punishment
against
Heretickes
,
to
wit
that
they
could
not
be
made
heires
to
Ecclesiasticall
men
.
Thirdly
he
peruerteth
in
like
manner
S.
Hieromes
intent
,
which
was
that
albeit
he
wished
that
Heretickes
should
be
punished
also
bodily
,
yet
by
order
and
forme
of
law
,
and
not
that
any
one
should
kill
another
,
&
much
lesse
by
bloudy
massacres
,
as
this
fellow
setteth
it
downe
in
his
marginall
note
.
And
lastly
he
presumeth
to
peruert
the
very
wordes
of
God
himself
in
the
law
,
by
translating
fundas
sanguinem
ipsorum
,
spill
their
bloud
,
insteed
of
shed
their
bloud
,
as
though
God
were
a
bloud-spiller
,
or
comaunded
the
same
to
be
done
vniustly
by
others
:
but
all
is
strained
by
the
Minister
to
make
vs
odious
,
wheras
himself
indeed
is
therby
made
ridiculous
.
And
for
that
I
haue
byn
somewhat
longer
in
this
example
then
I
had
purposed
,
as
also
for
that
by
this
one
(
if
it
were
but
one
)
yow
may
ghesse
of
al
the
rest
of
his
proceeding
,
I
wil
heere
cease
,
referring
the
rest
of
this
kinde
,
to
other
more
fit
places
and
occasions
afterwardes
.
58.
And
yet
truly
I
cannot
wel
pretermit
,
for
ending
this
Chapter
,
one
little
note
more
of
rare
singularity
in
this
man
aboue
others
,
which
I
scarce
euer
haue
obserued
in
any
one
of
his
fellowes
,
and
this
is
,
that
the
very
first
wordes
of
Scripture
alledged
by
him
in
the
first
page
of
his
booke
,
for
the
poesy
of
his
pamphlet
are
falsly
alleadged
,
corrupted
and
mangled
,
though
they
conteine
but
one
only
verse
of
Isay
the
Prophet
;
and
then
may
yow
imagine
,
what
liberty
he
will
take
to
himself
afterward
throughout
his
whole
discourse
.
His
sentence
or
poesy
is
this
:
Isay.
29.
vers.
9.
But
stay
your selues
and
wonder
,
they
are
blinde
and
make
yow
blinde
,
which
he
would
haue
to
be
vnderstood
of
vs
Catholickes
:
but
let
any
man
read
the
place
of
Isay
it self
,
and
he
shall
finde
no
such
matter
either
in
wordes
or
sense
,
but
only
the
word
wonder
,
to
wit
obstupescite
&
admiramini
,
fluctuate
&
vacillate
,
inebriamini
,
&
non
a
vino
,
mouemini
,
&
non
ab
ebrietate
:
And
according
to
this
are
the
Greek
and
Hebrew
textes
also
.
So
as
what
should
moue
T.
M.
to
set
downe
so
corruptly
the
very
first
sentence
of
his
booke
,
and
cite
the
Chapter
and
verse
wherin
his
fraude
may
be
descried
I
know
not
,
except
he
obserued
not
the
last
clause
of
the
Prophetes
precept
,
mouemini
,
&
non
ab
ebrietate
.
And
so
much
for
this
.
HOW
THIS
TREATISE
WAS
LAIED
ASIDE
By
sicknesse
of
the
Author
,
and
some
other
causes
.
And
why
it
was
taken
in
hand
againe
vpon
the
sight
of
a
Catholicke
Answere
,
and
a
new
Reply
of
T.
M.
dedicated
to
his
Maiesty
:
with
the
Authors
iudgment
of
them
both
.
CHAP.
III.
HAuing
written
hitherto
and
passed
thus
far-forth
in
examination
of
the
Ministers
opprobrious
libel
of
Discouery
,
I
was
partly
forced
by
grieuous
sicknesse
that
continued
for
some
moneths
,
&
partly
also
induced
(
for
that
I
vnderstood
that
another
Catholicke
man
had
answered
the
said
libell
)
to
lay
that
which
I
had
written
a
side
,
as
also
for
that
the
occasion
of
time
,
wherin
this
Treatise
was
begun
,
soone
after
the
detection
of
the
often
forenamed
powder-treason
,
seemed
in
great
part
to
be
past
,
and
hauing
once
laied
it
out
of
my
handes
,
had
no
great
will
afterward
to
goe
forward
theriwth
,
as
an
argument
of
loathsome
contention
,
against
most
odious
imputations
and
calumniations
:
but
yet
after
diuers
monethes
againe
,
seing
the
said
Catholicke
answere
to
appeare
(
which
before
I
had
not
viewed
)
togeather
with
a
large
Reply
to
the
same
by
the
Minister
that
first
made
and
deuised
the
libell
;
and
that
the
said
Minister
had
now
resolued
vpon
instance
of
the
said
Answerer
to
manifest
his
name
,
to
wit
of
Thomas
Morton
,
Thomas
Malmesbury
or
Montague
or
Monte-banke
,
or
any
such
like
sur-name
:
and
further
that
he
presumed
to
dedicate
the
same
vnto
the
Kinges
Maiesty
,
by
a
speciall
glosing
Epistle
,
full
of
fond
Ministeriall
malice
against
Catholickes
,
intituling
his
said
Reply
:
A
full
satisfaction
concerning
a
double
Romish
iniquity
,
heynous
Rebellion
,
and
more
then
heathenish
〈◊〉
.
And
further
that
he
had
encreased
his
said
worke
with
two
or
three
new
Treatises
,
partly
for
iustifying
of
Protestantes
in
the
case
of
Rebellion
,
and
partly
for
confuting
of
a
Treatise
written
in
defence
of
Equiuocation
,
I
was
moued
aswell
of
my self
,
as
by
others
exhortation
,
to
resume
the
thing
into
my
handes
againe
,
&
to
adioine
by
the
view
of
the
whole
that
which
was
wanting
to
the
full
confutation
of
this
Ministers
iniquity
,
in
laying
such
heinous
Rebellion
&
heathenish
Equiuocation
vnto
Catholickes
charge
,
who
of
all
men
liuing
are
most
free
from
iust
reprehension
in
them
both
:
and
the
Caluinian
sect
and
sectaries
conuinced
to
be
most
guilty
in
the
one
,
and
consciencelesse
in
the
other
,
as
the
iudicious
Reader
(
I
doubt
not
)
shall
see
euidently
proued
and
confirmed
in
that
which
is
to
ensue
.
2.
It
moued
me
also
not
a
little
to
goe
forward
somewhat
with
this
confutation
(
though
in
as
breiffe
manner
as
might
be
)
to
see
that
this
deuise
(
though
Thomas
Morton
in
his
proper
name
and
person
,
&
of
his
new
Reply
that
promiseth
full
satisfaction
in
all
;
it
seemed
necessary
that
I
should
goe
forward
to
finish
my
first
intent
,
and
to
examine
the
second
point
or
head
of
his
accusation
in
like
manner
,
apperteining
to
the
doctrine
of
Equiuocation
,
made
no
lesse
odious
now
by
continuall
clamours
of
sycophancy
,
then
the
other
of
Rebellion
it selfe
.
3.
One
other
circumstance
also
stirred
me
greatly
to
proceed
in
this
short
worke
,
which
was
,
that
togeather
with
these
bookes
sent
out
of
England
,
aduertisement
was
giuen
,
that
this
Minister
Thomas
Morton
was
Chaplain
to
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
,
who
being
head
of
the
spirituall
Court
of
Arches
,
which
is
,
or
ought
to
be
the
supreame
for
matters
of
conscience
in
England
,
4.
Now
then
to
the
point
it self
of
his
Reply
,
which
he
calleth
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
A
full
satisfaction
;
it
seemeth
to
me
as
full
as
pipes
and
hoggesheades
are
wont
to
be
heere
in
these
countreys
at
the
time
of
vintage
,
when
they
are
full
only
of
winde
and
aire
and
nothing
els
;
and
so
yow
shall
see
afterwardes
,
that
this
his
Reply
is
5.
But
heere
perhaps
some
will
say
,
that
this
seemeth
a
meruaile
vnto
them
,
for
that
this
man
pretendeth
to
deale
more
distinctly
and
exactly
then
others
,
for
that
he
setteth
downe
seuerally
,
plainly
,
and
cleerly
,
first
the
wordes
of
his
former
pamphlet
of
Discouery
,
By
a
threefold
euidence
from
a
Popish
.
-
1.
Definition
of
an
Heretick
.
-
2.
Explication
of
a
person
excommunicate
.
-
3.
Application
of
Romish
Censures
to
them
both
.
And
then
the
last
member
againe
is
proued
:
By
Popish
.
-
1.
Councelles
.
-
2.
Bulles
.
-
3.
Doctours
.
6.
And
is
not
this
plaine
and
cleere
saith
one
?
Yes
,
to
entertaine
Children
by
sound
of
wordes
,
or
pleasing
pictures
.
But
when
we
come
to
the
substance
,
&
find
that
neither
he
alledgeth
his
Aduersaries
speech
sincerely
,
nor
answeareth
truly
to
the
sense
,
but
either
dissembleth
the
same
,
or
runneth
a
side
,
or
confirmeth
his
said
aduersaries
argument
,
by
his
feeble
answers
,
what
importeth
this
ostentation
of
bare
and
ydle
sillables
?
7.
But
you
will
say
that
he
seemeth
to
haue
seene
and
read
much
of
our
moderne
Catholicke
Authors
,
and
to
alledge
them
more
abundantly
in
his
text
and
margent
then
commonly
other
writers
of
his
coat
&
calling
haue
hitherto
done
,
for
euery
where
almost
he
quoteth
Vasquez
,
Suarez
,
Tolet
,
Bellarmine
,
Cunerus
,
Azor
,
Alsonsus
de
Castro
,
Sayer
,
Gregorius
de
Valentia
,
Bannes
,
meum
Iob
?
and
he
signified
,
yea
,
but
it
was
to
bely
and
calumniate
him
;
and
so
hath
this
fellow
considered
of
our
Catholicke
authors
,
not
only
to
slaunder
them
what
he
may
,
but
manifestly
to
falsify
and
corrupt
them
in
many
places
both
in
wordes
,
meaning
and
whole
drift
of
their
discourses
,
as
in
part
yow
haue
seene
already
,
and
shall
more
largely
and
particulerly
vpon
iust
occasions
afterwardes
.
8.
Nor
hath
this
whole
Reply
of
his
,
though
bigge
in
bulke
,
any
substantial
point
almost
handled
therin
,
either
about
the
one
or
the
other
two
partes
of
his
subiect
proposed
,
to
wit
,
Rebellion
,
and
equiuocation
;
wherby
he
would
dissolue
all
friendly
combination
,
and
association
betweene
Catholick
and
Protestant
people
;
for
as
concerning
the
first
,
he
hath
no
more
in
effect
,
but
that
which
before
hath
byn
touched
in
his
ten
deuised
and
distended
Reasons
:
That
we
hold
Protestantes
for
Heretiques
excommunicate
,
and
subiect
to
all
the
penalties
of
Ecclesiasticall
Canons
made
by
the
Church
against
ancient
Heretiques
:
That
we
ascribe
power
to
the
Bishop
of
Rome
in
certaine
cases
,
to
censure
,
to
excommunicate
,
to
depriue
Princes
,
wherof
is
inferred
,
that
such
and
such
daungers
may
ensue
,
which
finally
is
nothing
els
,
but
may
,
so
as
the
question
being
De
futuris
contingentibus
,
of
Hungary
,
Poland
,
Suetia
and
other
places
,
doe
testify
not
only
to
our
ears
,
as
things
absent
,
but
as
present
also
to
our
eyes
,
&
then
must
I
inferre
,
that
where
we
haue
so
many
examples
of
so
manifest
experience
and
present
action
,
where
we
see
and
behold
and
feele
with
our
senses
what
passeth
,
and
what
hath
passed
,
and
what
is
like
to
ensue
daily
by
the
notorious
vnquiet
spirits
of
new
Ghospellers
,
vnder
any
Prince
whatsoeuer
that
contenteth
not
their
humours
.
What
shall
we
stand
wrangling
with
this
Minister
,
or
any
his
like
,
about
possibilities
or
coniecturall
probabilities
?
What
may
fall
out
in
time
against
his
Maiesty
,
for
example
,
Great
Britany
,
who
hath
byn
a
King
,
a
Protestant
King
,
almost
forty
yeares
,
and
neuer
receaued
hurt
or
disquietnes
from
any
Pope
,
though
diuers
haue
byn
in
that
Sea
within
the
compasse
of
this
time
,
and
many
other
Kinges
and
Princes
both
in
Denmark
,
Sueueland
and
Germany
for
more
yeares
without
molestation
receaued
or
offred
from
the
said
Sea
,
which
I
dare
auouch
no
Catholicke
Prince
,
King
or
Emperour
can
say
that
he
hath
passed
halfe
so
many
years
in
quiet
gouernment
ouer
Protestant
people
,
vnto
whome
their
doctrine
giueth
as
great
power
ouer
Princes
in
that
case
,
as
we
ascribe
to
Popes
and
farre
greater
;
wherin
I
remit
me
,
to
that
which
hath
byn
said
and
demonstrated
in
the
precedent
two
Chapters
.
9.
And
now
to
end
about
this
first
point
of
our
Ministers
Reply
,
that
wheras
in
his
former
libell
of
ten
reasons
,
intituled
,
A
discouery
of
popish
doctrine
&c.
He
set
downe
in
his
first
reason
,
for
proofe
of
our
insociability
with
protestantes
,
that
we
hold
them
for
excommunicate
Hereticks
,
&
subiect
to
all
the
penalties
belonging
to
such
men
,
wherof
one
among
the
rest
is
,
that
we
must
fly
them
,
and
auoid
their
conuersation
;
the
answerer
of
the
pamphlet
,
for
better
milding
and
pacifying
the
distempered
humour
of
this
enraged
Minister
,
told
him
that
English
Protestantes
were
10.
But
for
the
externall
punishments
,
as
debarring
from
conuersation
and
communication
with
them
,
losse
of
goodes
,
honours
,
and
dignities
,
depriuation
of
offices
,
inhability
to
inherit
,
note
of
infamy
,
incapacity
of
Christian
buriall
,
and
the
like
,
there
being
two
opinions
betweene
Catholicke
writers
,
the
one
more
large
and
mild
,
that
none
of
these
punishments
are
to
be
actually
incurred
,
but
after
particuler
denuntiation
and
sentence
giuen
by
a
Iudge
against
the
party
,
the
other
more
seuere
,
that
in
some
cases
,
the
notoriousnes
of
the
thing
may
be
so
great
,
as
in
some
part
they
may
therby
be
incurred
without
sentence
;
the
iust
&
moderate
answerer
(
for
so
he
intituleth
his
booke
,
and
in
this
point
sheweth
it
by
effectes
)
made
choice
rather
of
the
more
temperate
,
&
mild
opinion
;
which
in
like
manner
is
the
more
vniuersall
among
both
Canonistes
and
Catholicke
Deuines
,
he
thinking
it
sufficient
to
cite
only
to
that
purpose
,
as
in
his
answere
Lateran
,
Cunerus
,
Nauar
and
others
,
but
he
might
haue
cited
many
more
:
for
in
truth
Antoninus
p.
3.
tit.
25.
cap.
3.
Angelus
verbo
Excomunicat
.
8.
n.
3.
Sotus
.
4.
dist.
22.
q.
1.
art.
1.
Victor
in
summa
de
Sacram.
tract
.
de
excom.
Armilla
verbo
Excomunicat
.
nu.
50.
Rosel
.
excommunicat.
6.
nu.
44.
Siluest.
verb.
Excommunicat
.
5.
q.
3.
Caëtan
.
in
summa
.
Ledes
.
4.
dist.
q.
23.
art.
1.
and
diuers
others
.
11.
But
now
this
Minister
finding
that
some
Catholicke
Author
did
hold
the
other
opinion
in
like
manner
,
that
in
certaine
cases
some
of
the
forenamed
punishmentes
might
be
incurred
before
particular
denunciation
by
an
Ecclesiasticall
Iudge
,
triumpheth
greatly
,
as
though
he
had
taken
the
said
answerer
at
great
aduantage
,
and
found
plausible
matter
to
entertaine
cauillation
against
him
,
and
therupon
spendeth
diuers
Chapters
of
his
Reply
in
citing
some
of
those
Authors
to
his
purpose
,
without
telling
his
Reader
,
that
it
is
a
matter
in
dispute
or
question
among
Catholicke
writers
;
but
as
though
all
were
cleere
and
resolued
Panormitan
,
Bannes
,
and
others
,
but
the
Iesuite
also
Gregorie
de
Valentia
,
in
these
wordes
:
If
the
guilt
of
Heresy
be
so
notorious
(
saith
he
)
as
that
by
no
euasion
it
can
be
concealed
,
the
party
doth
incurre
the
penalty
,
thus
far
,
that
his
subiectes
may
deny
such
a
Lord
all
fealty
,
yea
before
the
sentence
of
iudgment
.
In
alledging
of
which
authority
,
though
but
short
,
as
you
see
,
he
vseth
the
same
fraud
which
commonly
yow
shall
find
in
all
the
rest
,
or
most
part
of
his
allegations
,
to
wit
,
that
somewhat
is
mangled
,
added
,
or
left
out
of
purpose
to
make
the
thing
sound
against
vs
,
as
heere
the
Latin
text
hath
,
Haeresis
siuè
Apostasiae
à
fide
,
of
Heresy
or
Apostasy
from
the
faith
,
and
then
paena
praedicta
incurritur
ex
parte
,
the
foresaid
punishment
is
in
part
incurred
:
and
lastly
,
Non
tamen
ita
,
vt
teneantur
(
subditi
)
Domino
Haeretico
aut
Apostatae
obsequium
negare
;
but
yet
that
subiectes
are
not
bound
to
deny
obedience
to
their
Lord
that
is
an
Hereticke
or
Apostata
;
all
with
moderations
our
Minister
cutteth
of
,
and
leaueth
out
,
to
the
effect
that
yow
may
imagine
.
But
for
that
of
these
trickes
we
shall
haue
afterward
occasion
to
treat
more
particulerly
,
I
will
intermit
the
same
now
,
&
returne
to
speake
a
word
or
two
more
,
of
the
foresaid
moderate
Answere
made
to
the
Ministers
slaunderous
discouery
,
soone
after
the
publication
therof
in
England
;
though
not
come
to
my
handes
in
many
monethes
after
.
12.
And
wheras
the
Answerer
both
in
regard
of
the
exasperation
of
times
then
running
,
and
to
performe
the
title
of
his
booke
,
which
is
,
A
iust
and
moderate
Answer
,
indeauoreth
euery
where
prudently
to
fly
the
occasion
of
more
offence
and
exulceration
,
and
to
worke
the
moderation
that
he
might
,
without
iniury
of
the
truth
(
for
this
seemeth
to
haue
byn
his
purpose
)
especially
in
affirming
,
that
no
Protestantes
are
held
by
vs
for
excommunicate
Heretickes
(
meaning
therby
,
denounced
by
name
,
as
before
hath
byn
decsared
:
)
this
other
stickler
and
stirrer
of
coles
will
needes
take
vpon
him
to
proue
at
large
,
that
Protestantes
are
esteemed
to
be
truly
Hereticks
,
excommunicate
,
and
subiect
to
all
the
Censures
of
the
Church
,
which
any
ancient
Hereticke
was
in
times
past
:
and
to
this
effect
he
bringeth
in
the
definition
of
an
Hereticke
,
set
downe
by
Catholicke
writers
,
the
explication
of
persons
excommunicate
,
and
the
application
of
Ecclesiasticall
Censures
against
them
both
,
which
he
proueth
by
three
meanes
,
to
wit
,
of
Generall
Councelles
,
Popes
Decrees
,
and
Doctors
iudgmentes
;
by
all
which
he
proueth
Protestantes
to
be
esteemed
Heretickes
,
&
held
for
guilty
of
all
the
paines
and
penalties
therof
,
both
internall
and
externall
,
spirituall
and
temporall
,
in
the
sight
,
sense
and
opinion
of
all
the
vniuersall
Catholicke
Church
,
for
many
ages
togeather
;
And
is
not
he
worthy
of
a
good
fee
thinke
yow
for
pleading
for
Protestantes
in
this
manner
?
13.
But
whatsoeuer
he
may
deserue
in
this
(
which
I
leaue
to
other
mens
iudgmentes
)
I
must
needes
say
,
that
in
two
or
three
other
pointes
,
he
hath
deserued
little
of
the
Protestant
cause
,
and
so
I
thinke
will
his
14.
Secondly
he
taketh
vpon
him
yet
more
fondly
in
the
second
part
of
this
his
Reply
,
to
make
a
publique
iustification
of
all
Protestantes
for
rebelling
against
their
Princes
,
in
any
countrey
whatsoeuer
,
but
more
particulerly
and
especially
in
England
,
&
therin
doth
so
iustify
Cranmer
,
Ridley
,
Syr
Tho.
Wyat
,
&
others
that
conspired
against
Q.
Mary
in
England
,
Knox
,
Buchanan
,
Goodman
,
and
like
Ministers
in
Scotland
,
turning
vpside
downe
that
State
against
their
Soueraignes
,
the
Rebellions
raised
in
Suetia
,
Polonia
,
Germany
,
Switzerland
,
France
,
and
other
countreys
,
as
his
iustification
is
a
more
plaine
condemnation
of
them
,
and
their
spirits
and
doctrine
in
that
behalfe
,
then
if
he
had
said
nothing
at
all
,
as
partly
shall
afterwardes
appeare
,
by
some
instances
that
we
shall
alledge
therof
.
15.
Thirdly
he
doth
with
as
little
discretion
bring
in
that
accusation
before
mentioned
of
hard
wordes
vsed
by
some
of
our
Authors
against
his
party
that
followeth
Caluins
doctrine
:
as
namely
;
That
they
belieue
no
one
article
truly
of
the
Christian
Creed
;
That
they
are
Heretickes
,
&
therin
far
worse
and
in
more
damnable
state
than
Turkes
,
Iewes
or
Infidelles
;
That
their
doctrine
leadeth
by
consequence
to
Turcisme
and
Infidelity
&c.
for
by
this
occasion
both
the
Author
of
the
moderate
Answere
hath
alledged
many
cleere
authorities
of
principall
Protestantes
themselues
,
that
are
of
the
same
opinion
,
and
we
haue
added
many
16.
Fourthly
I
can
as
little
commend
the
Ministers
wit
for
drawing
into
the
field
againe
a
new
disputation
,
and
speciall
Treatise
of
his
,
adioined
in
the
end
of
this
his
Reply
,
about
Equiuocation
or
doubtfull
speeches
,
sometimes
lawfull
to
be
vsed
for
good
and
pious
endes
,
and
for
auoiding
sinne
and
other
hurtes
both
spirituall
&
temporall
,
wherin
though
the
lawfulnes
and
necessity
therof
both
by
law
of
nature
,
diuine
and
humane
,
haue
byn
made
euident
,
vpon
diuers
occasions
in
England
these
later
yeares
,
since
this
17.
And
so
to
conclude
this
Chapter
,
concerning
my
iudgment
about
the
Answere
and
Reply
to
the
foresaid
Discouery
of
Rebellion
and
Equiuocation
,
I
must
needes
say
,
that
the
Answerer
hath
endeauored
to
effectuate
so
much
as
he
promised
in
the
title
of
his
booke
,
which
was
,
of
a
iust
and
moderate
Answere
,
and
in
performance
therof
,
hath
not
only
borne
on
matters
temperately
,
as
before
hath
byn
shewed
,
but
spared
also
his
Aduersary
in
many
pointes
,
and
namely
in
passing
ouer
his
allegations
without
note
or
check
,
hauing
not
perhaps
either
time
or
commodity
of
bookes
to
examine
the
same
,
or
perswading
himself
,
that
in
so
small
a
pamphlet
,
and
palpable
matter
,
a
of
a
full
satufaction
concerning
double
Romish
Iniquity
,
as
he
hath
scarce
satisfied
fully
or
meanly
any
one
argument
or
authority
alledged
by
his
aduersary
,
who
though
I
may
presume
he
will
best
declare
himself
by
his
Reioinder
to
this
Reply
,
if
he
thinke
him
worthy
of
so
much
labour
(
as
in
truth
I
doe
not
,
especially
at
this
time
,
when
so
grieuous
punishmentes
are
procured
in
England
by
him
&
his
like
for
such
as
doe
presume
to
answer
their
bookes
:
)
yet
meane
I
also
briefly
in
this
Treatise
,
by
some
examples
to
make
it
manifest
,
leauing
the
rest
to
himself
to
be
treated
,
and
refuted
by
him
more
largely
&
abundantly
,
when
he
shall
thinke
it
best
conuenient
;
my
purpose
being
only
to
lay
forth
in
general
the
iniuries
which
this
Minister
doth
offer
vnto
all
Catholick
people
,
by
slaundering
them
in
the
foresaid
two
odious
accusations
of
Rebellion
&
Equiuocation
,
wherof
hauing
treated
sufficiently
about
the
first
in
the
two
foregoing
Chapters
(
and
shall
doe
more
in
two
other
that
ensue
)
we
meane
by
Godes
help
to
passe
thence
to
the
other
generall
head
of
Equiuocation
,
&
to
handle
the
same
with
no
lesse
euidency
of
truth
,
equity
and
piety
of
Catholicke
doctrine
therin
,
then
hath
byn
declared
in
the
other
before
concerning
our
innocency
,
wherin
I
remit
me
willingly
to
the
indifferent
Readers
iudgment
&
censure
.
WHAT
THE
MINISTER
THOMAS
MORTON
DOTH
IN
THIS
REPLY
and
full
satisfaction
answere
CONCERNING
The
former
point
of
charge
against
Protestantes
,
for
Rebellion
,
Conspiracies
,
and
Disobedience
;
the
effect
wherof
is
drawne
to
three
principall
Questions
.
CHAP.
IIII.
ANd
now
after
iudgment
giuen
of
this
Ministers
Reply
in
generall
,
it
shall
be
needfull
that
we
descend
somewhat
to
particulars
for
proofe
therof
.
And
wheras
he
,
by
so
many
2.
Wherfore
to
reduce
all
that
before
hath
byn
said
by
him
,
or
his
Answerer
,
or
my self
,
concerning
the
charge
of
sedition
and
Rebellion
,
vnto
some
perspicuous
order
and
method
,
three
pointes
seeme
vnto
me
most
important
to
be
considered
in
this
matter
,
as
comprehending
the
summe
&
substance
of
all
that
hath
byn
said
,
answered
,
or
replied
vpon
.
The
first
concerning
Heresy
;
the
second
,
seditious
doctrine
tending
to
Rebellion
,
and
the
third
,
the
practice
and
exercise
therof
:
wherin
as
in
all
other
pointes
of
argument
,
&
discourse
,
when
the
obiection
and
solution
is
once
heard
,
and
well
considered
,
no
great
difficulty
remaineth
for
a
discreet
man
to
make
the
conclusion
,
and
to
settle
his
minde
therin
.
The
first
Question
about
Heretickes
and
Heresy
.
§.
1.
FIrst
then
there
hath
byn
a
great
contention
and
is
betweene
vs
,
as
in
the
second
Chapter
of
this
Treatise
you
haue
heard
,
about
the
name
,
nature
,
and
application
of
Heresy
and
Heretickes
;
this
Minister
maketh
it
a
principall
ground
in
the
very
beginning
of
his
first
discouery
,
why
Catholickes
and
English
Protestantes
may
not
liue
togeather
in
one
Common-wealth
,
without
continuall
feares
of
treason
to
be
practized
from
the
said
Catholicks
,
for
that
they
held
Protestantes
to
be
Heretickes
:
and
hereupon
doth
he
bring
in
that
long
list
and
rablement
of
losses
and
penalties
,
both
temporall
and
spirituall
adiudged
by
ancient
Councelles
,
and
Canons
Ecclesiasticall
,
to
be
incident
,
and
due
to
all
sortes
of
Heretickes
,
rising
vp
against
the
Church
from
the
beginning
:
whervnto
his
moderate
Answerer
giueth
that
moderate
satisfaction
,
which
in
the
precedent
Chapter
we
haue
signified
,
to
wit
,
that
concerning
the
execution
of
those
penalties
(
especially
the
externall
)
it
is
not
due
against
any
vntill
lawfull
and
iudiciall
denuntiation
haue
passed
;
and
that
forsomuch
as
apperteined
to
the
imputation
of
Heresy
vnto
them
that
are
of
Caluins
Religion
professed
in
England
,
not
only
Catholickes
,
but
diuers
sortes
also
of
the
most
renowned
Protestantes
did
stand
therin
most
resolutly
holding
them
to
be
true
and
properly
Heretickes
.
And
for
this
he
cited
many
instances
,
authorities
and
examples
;
and
we
haue
added
more
in
the
said
second
Chapter
that
goeth
before
.
4.
Now
then
it
is
to
be
considered
maturely
without
passion
or
heat
of
contention
,
whether
this
be
so
or
not
,
and
how
T.
M.
doth
answere
these
instances
of
his
first
aduersary
(
for
mine
hitherto
he
hath
not
seene
:
)
for
if
this
be
true
,
that
indeed
they
are
held
for
Heretickes
by
learned
and
graue
men
of
their
owne
profession
,
who
are
no
lesse
opposite
to
vs
then
they
;
then
falleth
first
the
ground
of
his
bitter
exclamation
against
vs
for
reputing
them
so
,
&
secondly
followeth
it
also
,
that
as
great
probabilities
of
treasons
and
conspiracies
may
be
suspected
from
those
of
the
other
sectes
,
that
hold
them
for
such
,
(
if
that
opinion
be
the
cause
of
treasons
)
as
Lutherans
,
Zuinglians
,
Puritans
,
and
S.
Augustine
before
alledged
is
to
be
held
in
memory
,
&
pondered
with
terrour
.
Firmissimè
tene
&
nullatenus
dubites
,
S.
Augustine
.
5.
The
first
proofe
then
which
the
Answerer
alledgeth
against
the
discouery
of
T.
M.
in
this
behalfe
,
is
the
authority
,
censure
and
iudgment
of
the
Deane
&
Colledge
of
the
famous
Lutheran
Vniuersity
in
Germany
,
named
Tubinga
,
set
downe
by
the
said
deane
and
Comon
Reader
of
that
Vniuersity
named
Philippus
Nicolaus
in
a
large
booke
with
this
title
:
Fundamentorum
6.
This
is
the
charge
.
What
doth
the
Minister
now
Reply
vpon
large
and
mature
deliberation
in
this
his
full
satisfaction
?
Yow
shall
heare
it
in
his
owne
wordes
:
7.
And
by
this
and
many
other
like
authorities
alledged
by
me
to
this
purpose
in
the
precedent
second
Chapter
,
is
euident
,
that
in
the
iudgment
and
conscience
of
all
Lutheran
Protestantes
whatsoeuer
,
not
only
in
the
spirit
of
opposition
and
contention
,
as
this
man
saith
,
but
in
their
calmest
spirit
(
if
euer
they
be
in
calme
)
all
Caluinistes
are
held
by
them
for
damnable
Heretickes
,
yea
,
deploratissimi
Haeretici
,
most
desperate
Franciscus
Stancarus
a
chief
Superintendent
in
Polonia
:
Alieni
ab
Ecclesia
Dei
,
&
satanae
membra
,
saith
Luther
himself
:
cut
of
from
the
Church
of
God
and
therby
made
true
members
of
Satan
;
which
censure
being
laied
vpon
them
by
men
of
their
owne
profession
is
a
very
considerable
point
to
be
marked
by
him
that
feareth
the
eternall
fire
before
mentioned
by
S.
Augustine
.
For
as
if
so
many
learned
Phisitians
should
tell
vs
that
we
were
in
a
dangerous
consumption
,
or
so
many
skilfull
Lawyers
should
admonish
vs
that
we
were
by
law
in
a
case
of
extreme
temporall
danger
of
death
,
we
would
looke
about
vs
:
so
much
more
ought
we
in
this
case
.
8.
I
passe
ouer
the
testimony
of
Conradus
before
mentioned
,
who
affirmeth
Caluinistes
to
belieue
and
teach
rightly
no
one
article
of
the
Creed
:
that
also
of
Heshusius
,
that
saith
,
their
association
is
a
most
blasphemous
&
sacrilegious
sect
:
that
of
Hunnius
,
it
is
most
damnable
and
the
right
way
to
hell
:
that
of
Schutzius
,
calling
it
the
sinke
of
all
wicked
Heresies
:
that
of
Modestus
,
that
maketh
Caluinists
as
badd
as
Iewes
and
Mahometanes
:
that
of
Matthias
,
Grauerus
,
and
others
,
that
affirme
all
Protestantes
that
follow
Caluins
doctrine
prosessed
enemies
of
Iesus
Christ
:
al
which
being
Ministers
,
and
zealous
professors
of
Luthers
new
Ghospell
,
cannot
be
imagined
by
Protestantes
to
haue
byn
so
much
abandoned
by
the
Holy
Ghost
,
as
to
giue
this
deliberate
Censure
of
their
brethren
in
profession
,
if
it
were
false
,
or
else
must
we
thinke
,
that
they
had
neuer
the
true
spirit
of
God
in
them
,
wherof
which
soeuer
our
Minister
granteth
,
he
is
in
the
brakes
:
And
thus
much
of
Lutherane
Protestantes
.
9.
Next
to
this
where
the
danger
without
comparison
Dangerous
positions
:
and
the
occasion
and
foundation
of
this
censure
and
iudgment
is
set
downe
of
late
very
cleerly
in
the
preface
to
the
answere
to
Syr
Edward
Cookes
Reports
,
where
is
shewed
why
(
supposing
the
groundes
of
both
Religions
and
differences
,
especially
in
the
origen
of
Ecclesiasticall
power
which
giueth
essence
to
the
true
Church
)
they
cannot
be
but
as
heathens
,
publicans
and
Infidelles
the
one
to
the
other
.
9.
Now
then
how
doe
yow
thinke
that
T.
M.
shifteth
of
this
charge
?
No
otherwise
then
the
former
,
by
granting
the
matter
;
but
inueigheth
against
the
men
:
This
writer
and
you
(
saith
he
)
may
ioine
fellowship
:
yow
dedicate
your
booke
to
the
King
,
he
to
the
Parliament
;
he
pretendeth
the
consent
of
a
thousand
;
yow
of
a
thousand
thousandes
;
he
for
all
his
consent
is
not
many
,
and
yow
(
for
ought
you
will
pretend
)
but
one
&c.
So
he
.
But
what
is
all
this
to
the
purpose
?
He
granteth
the
point
in
question
,
that
English
Protestantes
are
held
for
Heretickes
,
in
the
science
&
conscience
of
Puritanes
:
so
as
,
both
by
enemies
and
friendes
,
they
are
thought
to
be
in
an
euill
case
.
And
truly
this
is
much
plainer
dealing
in
confessing
a
truth
(
that
they
be
in
deed
at
such
debate
among
themselues
in
the
very
substance
and
essence
of
their
Religion
)
Neither
doe
we
acknowledge
the
names
of
Lutheranes
,
Caluinistes
,
Zuinglians
or
Puritanes
,
but
only
doe
call
our selues
Christians
&c.
We
say
further
,
that
the
Churches
of
Germany
,
France
and
England
agree
,
albeit
priuate
men
hold
priuate
opinions
.
10.
Thus
Deane
Sutcliffe
:
and
by
this
audacity
yow
may
know
the
Deane
,
for
that
no
man
els
I
thinke
could
without
blushing
haue
denied
the
notice
of
so
notorious
names
and
differences
,
or
so
boldly
haue
affirmed
that
all
the
Protestant
Churches
of
Geneua
,
France
and
England
did
agree
,
notwithstanding
that
priuate
men
held
priuate
opinions
;
so
as
belike
Churches
may
agree
without
men
,
to
wit
,
in
their
walles
and
windowes
:
but
these
are
escapes
fit
for
M.
Sutcliffe
,
and
so
to
him
I
leaue
them
.
11.
But
yet
the
moderate
Answerer
goeth
one
step
M.
Willet
in
his
printed
workes
,
and
admired
by
others
;
to
wit
,
M.
Hugh
Broughton
hauing
considered
well
of
our
ordinary
Protestantes
Anathema
Maranatha
to
the
same
,
&
to
diuers
Bishops
in
particuler
,
as
namely
to
M.
Whitgift
,
late
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
and
to
M.
Bilson
yet
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
affirming
further
that
their
Bible
,
after
their
translation
,
and
by
their
corrupt
notes
thervnto
,
is
made
worse
and
more
dangerous
then
the
Turkes
Alcaron
,
and
causeth
many
millions
to
run
to
eternall
flames
:
that
he
hath
found
the
text
of
the
old
Testament
only
,
peruerted
in
eight
hundred
and
eight
and
forty
seuerall
places
,
and
other
like
pointes
;
whervnto
I
finde
T.
M.
to
answere
nothing
in
effect
touching
the
matter
it self
in
question
,
either
by
deniall
of
the
thing
,
or
otherwise
,
but
only
ascribing
it
to
passion
and
lack
of
iudgment
in
him
,
which
the
other
perhaps
will
retourne
to
him
againe
.
But
let
vs
hear
our
Ministers
wordes
to
his
aduersary
.
12.
What
modesty
(
saith
he
)
can
this
be
in
you
to
obiect
vnto
vs
a
man
whome
you
know
to
be
sequestred
from
vs
,
rather
by
impotency
of
passion
,
then
by
any
difference
of
Religion
:
And
is
not
this
a
very
substantiall
answere
?
Is
not
this
a
full
satisfaction
,
according
to
the
title
of
his
booke
?
and
was
not
the
censure
of
the
Puritanes
cast
of
a
little
before
in
regard
of
like
passion
?
And
all
the
Lutheran
Protestantes
of
Tubinga
before
that
againe
vpon
pretence
in
the
spirit
of
contradiction
and
contention
?
What
triall
,
what
witnes
can
haue
place
if
this
kind
of
answering
may
be
admitted
?
But
it
is
sufficient
to
me
that
by
confession
of
our
Minister
himselfe
their
Religion
is
held
for
error
,
Heresy
,
and
infidelity
,
not
only
by
Catholickes
or
Papistes
,
as
they
call
them
,
but
also
by
Protestantes
themselues
,
both
Lutheranes
and
Puritanes
,
and
some
learned
also
of
their
owne
proper
sect
,
which
is
a
pittifull
confession
if
we
consider
of
it
well
,
and
no
lesse
dishonorable
&
preiudiciall
vnto
them
,
to
haue
the
name
of
Heretike
ascribed
&
laid
vpon
them
,
aswell
by
friendes
as
enemies
,
as
it
is
honourable
and
comfortable
vnto
vs
to
be
called
Catholickes
,
according
to
S.
Augustines
obseruation
,
The
second
Question
about
seditious
Doctrine
.
§.
2.
13.
ALl
our
contention
hitherto
in
this
point
hauing
byn
,
whether
truly
&
really
the
doctrine
of
Catholickes
or
Protestantes
be
more
peaceable
,
or
seditious
in
it self
,
or
more
dangerous
or
secure
to
Princes
,
concerning
the
obedience
or
Rebellion
of
their
subiectes
,
whatsoeuer
hath
byn
obiected
by
the
accusation
or
calumniation
of
our
Minister
,
in
his
former
discouery
against
Catholickes
,
hath
not
byn
any
direct
à
longè
,
to
Rebellion
;
though
the
visible
experience
of
so
many
great
Kingdomes
round
about
vs
,
lyuing
for
so
many
yeares
,
and
sometimes
ages
also
,
in
quiet
security
,
notwithstanding
this
doctrine
,
doth
conuince
this
to
be
a
calumniation
.
14.
But
our
Aduersaries
doe
not
onely
teach
this
,
That
euery
Christian
Common-wealth
vpon
mature
deliberation
and
with
generall
consent
hath
such
anthority
,
but
further
also
,
that
particular
men
and
Common
people
haue
the
same
,
and
are
not
only
taught
,
but
vrged
in
like
manner
,
&
exhorted
to
vse
it
,
when
soeuer
they
suppose
their
Prince
to
offer
them
iniury
or
hard
measure
,
especially
in
matters
of
Religion
;
wherof
the
moderate
Answerer
obiecteth
many
examples
and
proofes
against
T.
M.
taken
out
of
their
owne
bookes
,
wordes
and
wrytinges
,
as
also
by
the
testimonies
of
other
principall
Protestant-writers
,
wherevnto
though
T.
M.
would
make
a
shew
to
answere
somewhat
now
in
this
his
Reply
,
and
therupon
hath
framed
a
second
seuerall
part
of
his
booke
for
iustification
of
Protestantes
in
that
behalfe
:
yet
is
it
so
far
of
from
A
full
satisfaction
(
the
title
of
his
whole
worke
)
as
in
15.
And
indeed
what
other
answere
can
be
framed
to
most
plaine
assertions
out
of
their
owne
wordes
and
writinges
,
as
of
Caluin
,
Beza
,
Hottoman
,
and
so
many
other
French
Caluinistes
,
as
I
haue
mentioned
in
the
first
Chapter
of
this
Treatise
?
Goodman
also
,
Gilby
,
Whittingham
,
Knox
,
Buchanan
,
and
others
neerer
home
vnto
vs
?
All
the
forenamed
Collections
in
like
manner
of
him
that
is
now
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
of
Doctour
Sutcliffe
and
others
,
in
the
books
intituled
,
Dangerous
positions
,
Suruey
of
the
pretended
Disciplinary
Doctrine
,
and
the
like
,
wherin
their
positions
are
most
cleerly
set
downe
,
concerning
this
matter
.
And
albeit
this
Minister
T.
M.
in
his
Reply
,
doth
vse
all
the
art
possible
to
dissemble
the
same
,
by
telling
a
peece
of
his
Aduersaries
allegations
in
one
place
,
and
another
peece
in
another
,
altering
all
order
both
of
Chapters
matter
and
method
,
set
downe
by
the
Answerer
,
so
as
neuer
hare
when
she
would
sit
,
did
vse
more
turninges
and
windinges
for
couering
her selfe
(
which
the
Reader
may
obserue
euen
by
the
places
themselues
quoted
by
him
out
of
his
aduersaries
booke
:
)
yet
are
his
answerers
such
,
where
he
doth
answere
(
for
to
sundry
chiefe
points
he
saith
nothing
at
all
)
as
doe
easely
shew
that
in
substance
he
confesseth
all
and
cannot
deny
what
is
obiected
.
And
where
he
seeketh
to
deny
any
thing
,
there
he
intangleth
himself
more
then
if
flatly
he
confessed
the
same
.
Some
few
examples
I
shall
alledge
wherby
coniecture
may
be
made
of
the
rest
.
16.
The
Answerer
alledgeth
,
first
the
wordes
of
Dangerous
positions
hath
much
more
largely
,
both
of
this
Goodman
and
many
other
English
Protestantes
,
But
what
doe
yow
professe
to
proue
,
all
Protestantes
teach
positions
Rebellious
?
Proue
it
.
Heere
is
one
Goodman
,
who
in
his
publicke
book
doth
maintaine
him
:
I
haue
no
other
meanes
to
auoid
these
straites
which
yow
obiect
,
by
the
example
of
one
,
to
conclude
all
Protestants
in
England
Rebellious
;
then
by
the
example
of
all
the
rest
to
answere
,
there
is
but
one
.
So
he
.
17.
And
this
is
his
full
satisfaction
and
faithfull
Reply
,
as
he
calleth
his
booke
;
but
how
poore
satisfaction
this
giueth
,
and
how
many
pointes
there
be
heere
of
no
faith
or
credit
at
all
,
is
quickly
seene
by
him
that
will
examine
them
.
For
first
how
doe
the
〈◊〉
alledged
agaist
this
Goodman
by
the
Moderate
Answerer
excuse
him
,
as
heere
is
said
,
seeing
the
wordes
he
alledgeth
against
him
out
of
his
owne
booke
are
intollerable
,
and
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
alledgeth
farre
worse
?
As
for
example
,
that
it
is
most
lawfull
to
kill
wicked
Kinges
when
they
fall
to
Tyranny
,
but
namely
Queenes
,
and
thervpon
that
Queene
Mary
ought
to
haue
byn
put
to
death
as
a
Tyrant
,
Monster
,
and
cruèll
beast
;
alledging
for
confirmation
therof
diuers
examples
out
of
Holy
Scripture
,
as
that
the
Subiectes
did
lawfully
kill
the
18.
Secondly
it
is
both
false
and
fond
to
affirme
that
the
moderate
Answerer
tooke
vpon
him
to
proue
either
that
all
Protestantes
in
these
our
dayes
,
doe
teach
such
Rebellious
positions
,
or
that
all
Protestantes
in
England
are
Rebellious
,
as
heere
is
affirmed
;
for
that
this
were
to
deale
as
iniuriously
with
them
,
as
they
and
he
doe
with
vs
,
by
imputing
this
last
Rebellious
fact
of
a
few
in
England
,
to
the
whole
sort
of
Catholickes
and
to
their
doctrine
.
It
was
sufficient
for
the
Answerers
purpose
to
shew
that
both
Goodman
and
many
others
,
principall
pillars
of
the
English
new
Ghospell
in
those
daies
,
did
hold
,
belieue
,
and
practice
those
positions
out
of
the
true
spirit
of
the
said
Ghospell
.
And
herevpon
thirdly
it
followeth
,
that
it
is
a
notorious
impudency
to
auouch
with
such
resolution
,
and
that
one
dram
of
drosse
(
as
he
saith
)
proueth
not
the
whole
masse
to
be
no
gold
.
For
who
knoweth
not
first
,
that
Whittingam
,
afterward
Deane
of
Durham
,
approued
and
made
a
preface
to
Goodmans
booke
,
commending
highly
the
said
doctrine
?
Gilby
also
another
of
that
primitiue
Geneuian
Church
,
who
is
thought
by
some
to
haue
byn
the
Author
of
the
famous
seditious
booke
,
intituled
,
Of
Obedience
(
he
should
haue
said
Of
Rebellion
saith
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
)
which
booke
approueth
and
commendeth
the
same
doctrine
most
highly
,
as
the
said
Lord
testifieth
at
large
,
by
setting
downe
their
positions
,
and
then
addeth
as
followeth
about
the
consent
of
others
.
19.
Goodman
(
saith
he
)
for
his
conclusion
is
most
earnest
with
all
English
subiectes
,
that
they
would
Sydrach
,
Mysaach
,
and
Abdenago
:
yet
they
shal
be
comforted
.
Wheras
if
they
will
not
,
in
seeking
to
saue
their
liues
,
they
shall
loose
them
;
they
shall
be
cast
out
of
the
fauour
of
God
;
their
consciences
shal
be
wounded
with
hell-like
tormentes
;
they
shall
despaire
and
seeke
to
hang
themselues
with
Iudas
;
to
murder
themselues
with
Franciscus
Spira
;
drowne
themselues
with
Iudge
Hales
;
or
els
fall
madde
with
Iustice
Morgan
&c.
At
Geneua
&c.
20.
This
doctrine
,
saith
Whittingham
,
was
approued
Antony
Gilby
,
Miles
Couerdale
,
Dauid
Whitehead
,
and
sundry
others
,
who
liking
the
said
doctrine
also
exceedingly
,
were
very
earnest
to
haue
the
same
printed
for
the
benefit
,
as
they
said
,
of
their
Brethren
in
England
.
Whittingham
made
a
preface
to
Goodmans
booke
,
wherin
he
greatly
commendeth
this
doctrine
,
and
writeth
thus
in
the
name
as
it
seemeth
of
all
his
fellowes
there
:
We
desire
that
yow
(
meaning
all
in
England
and
elswhere
)
that
loue
to
know
the
truth
and
follow
it
,
should
be
perswaded
in
this
truth
(
to
wit
of
deposing
Princes
that
follow
not
their
Ghospell
.
)
And
yet
further
:
Heere
thou
dost
heare
the
eternall
speaking
of
his
Minister
&c.
quickly
giue
eare
and
obey
&c.
And
againe
:
If
thou
wish
for
Christian
liberty
come
and
see
how
it
may
easely
be
had
&c.
From
Geneua
&c.
So
he
.
21.
Wherby
may
be
seene
that
there
was
more
then
one
dram
of
drosse
in
that
golden
masse
,
if
euery
one
of
these
first
Geneuian
Ghospellers
weighed
a
dram
;
and
by
this
may
be
seene
also
,
what
credit
may
be
giuen
to
these
Ministers
asseuerations
,
that
so
guilefully
doe
affirme
or
deny
what
maketh
for
their
purposes
,
without
scruple
of
lying
,
euen
then
when
they
speake
against
Equiuocation
.
For
it
was
impossible
,
but
that
T.
M.
knew
this
to
be
so
,
when
he
auouched
the
contrary
,
that
Goodman
was
alone
in
this
case
;
and
how
then
could
he
write
and
print
it
,
except
either
by
secret
Equiuocation
,
or
manifest
lying
?
22.
Nor
is
it
much
to
the
purpose
,
to
say
,
that
English
23.
For
proofe
wherof
the
moderate
answerer
citeth
diuers
like
Rebellious
assertions
,
set
downe
by
That
she
was
worse
and
lesse
tolerable
then
her
sister
Queene
Mary
,
and
not
to
be
obeied
in
her
procedinges
against
them
;
yea
openly
they
moued
diuers
Magistrates
to
take
armes
against
her
,
and
namely
in
the
marches
of
Wales
,
as
appeareth
yet
by
their
supplications
to
the
Gouernour
of
that
countrey
.
He
obiecteth
in
like
manner
the
publicke
positions
,
and
printed
doctrine
Buchanan
,
Knox
,
and
other
chiefe
Ministers
and
preachers
of
Scotland
,
about
the
very
same
times
,
who
publickly
Luther
,
Zuinglius
and
Caluin
,
he
sheweth
by
quoting
their
wordes
and
works
in
sundry
places
,
which
for
breuity
I
pretermit
.
24.
And
what
doth
T.M.
answere
to
all
this
thinke
yow
?
Yow
shall
heare
part
by
part
according
as
before
that
there
was
in
Scotland
an
act
of
Parliament
to
call
in
that
Cronicle
of
Buchanan
,
censuring
all
such
contemptes
and
innouations
,
and
then
citeth
in
the
margent
anno
1584.
A
full
satisfaction
trow
yow
?
What
if
the
Cronicle
of
Buchanan
were
called
in
,
that
recounted
with
approbation
and
insolent
triumph
the
attemptes
made
vpon
their
lawfull
Princes
,
by
incitation
of
this
doctrine
?
Doth
this
take
away
the
doctrine
it self
?
Or
doth
it
proue
that
those
first
Ghospellers
held
it
not
?
What
became
of
the
other
bookes
of
Knox
,
and
namely
his
Cronicle
(
for
he
wrote
also
a
Cronicle
of
the
same
matters
,
and
of
his
owne
actes
therin
,
as
Caesar
did
his
Commentaries
)
were
they
abolished
hereby
?
Or
doe
not
the
same
thinges
remaine
in
Holinshed
,
Hooker
,
Harison
,
Thyn
,
and
other
writers
aswell
English
as
Scottish
?
Or
doth
all
this
proue
that
this
was
not
their
doctrine
?
See
then
how
full
or
rather
fond
this
satisfaction
is
.
25.
As
for
the
iudgment
and
testimony
of
his
Maiesty
,
about
the
notes
of
English
Ministers
vpon
the
It
will
be
requisite
without
preiudice
to
the
most
learned
and
Religious
iudgment
of
his
Maiesty
to
satisfy
for
two
places
related
from
that
conference
&c.
And
then
he
passeth
on
to
discourse
at
large
of
the
meaning
of
those
places
,
and
vnder
the
colour
of
the
foresaid
honorable
preface
,
he
taketh
licence
to
dissent
from
his
Maiesty
,
signifying
in
effect
that
either
the
conference
was
not
well
related
,
or
his
Maiesty
mistooke
their
meaning
in
those
notes
;
and
yet
is
the
matter
cleere
by
his
owne
confession
,
that
their
said
notes
vpon
the
second
booke
of
Cronicles
,
and
15.
Chapter
vers.
16.
doe
not
only
allow
the
depofing
of
the
Queene
Maacha
by
her
sonne
King
Asa
,
for
Idolatry
,
but
further
doe
reprehend
him
also
sharply
for
that
he
had
not
put
her
to
death
by
fier
,
saying
thus
in
their
note
:
That
whether
she
were
Mother
or
Grandmother
,
yet
herin
the
King
shewed
that
he
lacked
zeale
;
for
she
ought
to
haue
byn
burnt
by
the
couenant
,
as
vers.
13.
appeareth
,
&
by
the
law
of
God
Deuteronomy
13.
but
he
gaue
place
to
foolish
pitty
,
and
would
also
seeme
after
a
sort
to
satisfy
the
law
.
So
they
in
their
note
.
26.
But
who
will
looke
vpon
the
two
textes
of
Scripture
by
them
heere
cited
,
shall
finde
no
mention
of
burning
,
but
only
of
putting
to
death
,
and
in
Deut.
of
stoning
only
.
But
how
doth
he
now
defend
this
note
of
our
English
Ministers
,
allowing
the
deposition
and
putting
to
death
of
Princes
?
Yow
shall
heare
his
shift
(
for
he
is
much
troubled
with
his
Maiesties
What
shall
we
say
then
?
(
saith
he
)
is
the
Soueraignty
of
Kinges
disabled
?
God
forbid
;
but
it
is
rather
established
therby
,
for
the
King
is
made
the
deposer
,
yea
euen
of
whosoeuer
.
Doe
yow
see
his
poore
flattering
shift
?
If
the
Queene
Maacha
might
be
deposed
according
to
their
note
,
and
that
ex
Augusto
Imperio
,
from
her
Imperiall
27.
So
then
for
so
much
as
English
Protestant-Ministers
that
made
these
notes
,
doe
authorize
by
this
place
of
Deut.
the
deposing
and
killing
of
that
Imperiall
Queene
;
his
Maiesties
censure
was
iudicious
,
&
true
,
that
therby
they
allowed
that
lawfull
Princes
might
be
in
certaines
cases
deposed
and
put
to
death
.
And
the
first
shift
of
T.
M.
in
this
place
is
ridiculous
,
wherby
he
would
seeme
to
make
secure
al
Kinges
from
danger
of
deposition
,
for
that
themselues
by
Godes
word
(
which
yet
he
proueth
not
)
must
be
the
deposers
,
and
then
he
presumeth
they
will
not
depose
themselues
;
but
for
Queenes
he
leaueth
them
to
shift
as
they
may
:
Which
doctrine
I
suppose
he
would
not
haue
set
forth
in
print
in
the
late
Queenes
daies
.
But
their
assertions
are
according
to
times
and
places
:
and
so
this
shall
be
sufficient
for
the
second
Question
.
The
third
Question
concerning
practice
of
Rebellion
.
§.
3.
28.
ANd
now
hauing
byn
longer
in
the
former
two
Questions
,
then
in
the
beginning
was
purposed
,
I
shall
endeauour
to
be
shorter
,
if
it
may
be
,
in
this
last
,
though
the
multitude
of
examples
,
partly
set
downe
by
vs
before
in
the
first
Chapter
of
this
Treatise
,
and
partly
to
be
read
in
Histories
and
obserued
by
experience
of
Protestantes
continuall
tumultuation
against
Catholicke
Princes
,
would
require
a
larger
discussion
,
then
both
the
other
two
Questions
put
togeather
:
albeit
on
the
other
side
againe
the
matters
are
so
cleere
as
they
need
no
discussion
at
all
,
but
only
narration
.
For
what
can
our
Minister
answere
in
reason
or
truth
,
to
all
that
multitude
of
instances
of
Protestantes
Rebellions
,
in
the
foresaid
first
Chapter
set
downe
,
and
for
the
most
part
obiected
before
(
as
now
I
perceiue
)
by
his
aduersary
,
the
moderate
Answerer
?
We
shall
briefly
runne
ouer
some
few
examples
.
29.
To
the
instances
in
England
of
continuall
conspiracies
After
the
proclamation
of
her
title
(
saith
he
)
shew
vs
what
Protestant
euer
resisted
?
what
Minister
of
the
Ghospell
in
all
that
fiery
triall
did
kindle
the
least
spark
of
sedition
among
her
people
?
In
which
wordes
is
to
be
obserued
,
first
that
he
saith
,
after
the
Proclamation
of
her
title
,
to
excuse
therby
the
Dukes
of
Northumberland
and
Suffolke
,
the
Marques
of
Northampton
,
and
others
that
tooke
armes
against
her
,
before
shee
was
proclaimed
in
Londen
,
though
in
Norfolke
she
had
proclaimed
her self
presently
vpon
the
death
of
her
brother
King
Edward
:
as
also
to
excuse
Cranmer
,
Ridley
,
Sandes
,
Latimer
,
Rogers
,
Iewell
,
and
other
Ministers
that
had
preached
most
bitterly
against
her
title
.
But
what
,
is
the
residue
true
,
that
heere
so
boldly
he
auoucheth
,
that
neuer
any
Protestant
resisted
,
nor
Minister
kindled
the
least
spark
of
sedition
among
her
people
after
her
title
proclaimed
?
Is
this
true
I
say
?
Is
this
iustifiable
(
for
he
calleth
this
Treatise
a
iustification
of
Protestantes
?
)
Is
this
any
way
to
be
mainteined
by
any
shew
or
shift
whatsoeuer
?
What
then
wil
he
say
to
the
new
conspiracy
and
iterated
Rebellion
Iohn
Grey
,
not
only
after
the
said
Queenes
title
proclaimed
,
but
after
she
was
in
possession
,
and
had
pardoned
them
both
of
their
former
Rebellion
?
What
will
he
say
to
the
Rebellion
of
Syr
Peter
Carew
,
Syr
Gawyn
Carew
,
Syr
Thomas
Denny
,
&
other
Protestant
Gentlemen
,
that
tooke
armes
in
Deuonshire
within
six
daies
(
saith
Stow
)
after
the
arraignement
of
the
Duke
of
Northumberland
?
What
wil
he
say
to
the
conspiracy
of
Syr
Iames
a
Croftes
&
others
in
Wales
,
discouered
(
saith
the
same
Syr
Thomas
Wyat
and
his
confederates
in
Kent
ensuing
about
the
same
time
?
Were
they
not
Protestantes
that
were
authors
therof
?
Or
was
not
Queene
Maries
title
yet
proclaimed
?
Will
our
Minister
face
out
this
?
What
will
he
say
to
the
conspiracies
ensuing
after
this
againe
,
from
Syr
Edward
Courtney
Earle
of
Deuonshire
,
Syr
Nicolas
Throckmorton
,
&
others
?
what
to
the
conspiracy
of
William
Thomas
,
who
hauing
determined
and
plotted
the
murder
of
the
said
Queene
,
and
conuicted
therof
,
professed
(
saith
Stow
)
at
his
death
at
Tyburne
,
that
he
died
for
his
countrey
?
30.
I
passe
ouer
other
conspiracies
and
Rebellions
,
as
that
of
Vdall
Throckmorton
,
Iohn
Daniel
,
Stanton
,
Cleber
,
the
three
Lincolnes
,
and
after
them
Thomas
Stafford
,
and
others
,
that
comming
out
of
France
with
instructions
of
the
brethren
of
Geneua
,
surprised
Scarborough
Castle
,
Shew
vs
what
Protestant
euer
resisted
?
&c.
31.
But
much
more
impudent
is
the
second
part
of
his
assertion
about
Ministers
,
saying
:
That
no
Minister
of
the
Ghospell
did
euer
kindle
the
least
spark
of
sedition
against
Queene
Mary
:
Wheras
his
aduersary
obiecteth
many
by
name
,
as
Cranmer
,
Ridley
,
Rogers
,
and
Iewel
before
mentioned
,
Syr
Iohn
Williams
&
others
.
32.
The
instances
also
that
we
haue
alledged
of
Goodman
,
Whittingham
,
Gilby
,
Couerdale
,
Witehead
,
&
sundry
others
testified
by
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
,
to
haue
taught
and
practized
sedition
against
the
said
Queene
in
those
daies
,
doe
they
not
conuince
this
Minister
Thomas
Morton
of
rare
&
singular
impudency
?
will
any
man
euer
belieue
him
hereafter
what
he
saith
or
affirmeth
,
denieth
or
shifteth
of
,
seing
him
to
auouch
so
manifest
vntruthes
,
as
these
are
,
with
so
shameles
asseueration
?
33.
But
yet
to
conuince
him
somewhat
more
,
I
think
good
to
set
downe
some
of
the
particuler
wordes
and
phrases
of
two
or
three
of
the
principall
forenamed
pillars
of
the
Protestant
primitiue
Church
in
Iohn
Knox
,
in
a
booke
written
&
printed
at
Geneua
1558.
which
was
the
last
of
her
raigne
;
wherin
after
he
had
said
,
That
is
is
not
birth
only
or
propinquity
of
bloud
that
〈◊〉
a
King
lawfull
to
raigne
aboue
the
people
professing
Iesus
Christ
&c.
He
goeth
forward
,
saying
thus
:
I
feare
not
to
affirme
Doe
yow
see
the
essence
of
his
doctrine
?
Doe
yow
heare
this
new
Prophet
declare
himself
cleerly
?
But
let
vs
giue
audience
to
another
of
like
vocation
and
spirit
.
34.
The
second
is
his
deere
brother
Christophor
Goodman
,
who
in
a
booke
of
his
printed
also
at
Geneua
the
How
Superiours
ought
to
be
obeyed
,
writeth
thus
:
I
know
yow
of
England
will
say
that
the
Crowne
is
not
entailed
to
heire-males
,
but
appertaineth
aswell
to
the
daughters
,
&
therfore
by
the
lawes
of
the
Realme
ye
could
doe
no
otherwise
then
admit
her
,
but
if
this
be
true
,
yet
miserable
is
the
answere
of
such
as
had
so
long
time
professed
the
Ghospell
,
and
the
liuely
word
of
God
.
For
So
he
.
And
behold
heere
now
whether
these
mens
worde
of
God
did
not
serue
them
to
all
turnes
,
euen
to
barre
lawfull
succession
,
to
depose
the
possessor
,
and
whatsoeuer
themselues
listed
.
35.
The
third
Doctor
of
this
learning
was
M.
Whittingham
,
Deane
afterwardes
(
for
his
good
merittes
)
of
Durham
,
who
made
a
preface
to
the
foresaid
booke
of
Goodman
,
allowing
and
commending
the
same
highly
,
as
a
thing
consulted
,
examined
&
approued
by
Caluin
,
and
the
rest
of
the
most
learned
Ghospellers
of
Geneua
,
M.
Christophor
Goodman
conferred
his
articles
and
cheif
propositions
of
his
booke
with
the
best
learned
in
these
partes
,
who
approuing
the
same
,
he
consented
to
enlarge
the
said
worke
,
and
so
to
print
it
as
a
token
of
his
duety
and
good
affection
towardes
the
Church
of
God
:
and
then
if
it
were
thought
good
in
the
iudgment
of
the
Godly
to
translate
the
same
into
other
languages
,
that
the
profit
therof
might
be
more
vniuersall
.
So
Whittingham
;
with
whom
concurred
in
iudgment
Whithead
,
Couerdale
,
The
boare
was
busy
wrooting
&
digging
in
the
earth
with
all
his
pigges
that
followed
him
,
but
they
sought
only
for
the
pleasant
fruites
that
they
winded
with
their
long
snowtes
,
and
for
their
owne
bellies
sake
&c.
This
monstrous
boare
for
all
this
,
must
needes
be
called
head
of
the
Church
vnder
paine
of
treason
,
displacing
Christ
our
only
head
,
who
alone
ought
to
haue
this
title
.
So
Gilby
.
And
for
that
all
this
was
spoken
,
written
,
and
printed
diuers
yeares
after
Q.
Mary
was
proclaimed
,
and
installed
Queene
,
and
all
tending
euidently
to
sedition
as
yow
see
;
(
besides
the
flat
deniall
both
of
King
,
and
Queenes
supremacy
)
it
conuinceth
plainly
that
which
our
Minister
T.
M.
before
denied
.
And
so
with
this
conuiction
in
the
sight
of
all
his
Brethren
we
leaue
him
.
But
yet
let
vs
heare
what
he
saith
to
some
other
particulers
before
by
vs
obiected
.
36.
To
that
then
of
Syr
Thomas
Wyat
,
the
Duke
of
〈◊〉
,
and
others
he
answereth
diuersly
.
First
the
History
relateth
(
saith
he
)
the
pretence
of
Wyat
thus
:
A
proclamation
against
the
Queenes
marriage
desiring
all
Englishmen
to
ioine
for
defence
of
the
Realme
&c.
then
that
in
Queene
Maries
oration
against
Wyat
,
there
is
not
to
be
fond
(
saith
he
,
)
any
scruple
concerning
the
cause
of
Religion
:
thirdly
that
no
Minister
of
the
Ghospell
was
brought
in
question
as
a
Commotioner
in
that
cause
:
Lastly
,
if
intent
might
answere
for
Protestantes
accused
in
that
name
;
then
is
it
plaine
,
that
it
was
not
Religion
:
If
for
Wyat
and
his
fellowes
;
it
is
plaine
it
was
not
against
the
Queene
or
State
,
but
for
both
.
So
he
.
In
all
which
different
clauses
of
his
answer
,
consider
if
any
one
be
in
it self
true
,
for
as
for
the
first
and
second
,
though
Wyat
pretendeth
in
his
proclamation
the
said
marriage
with
Spaine
to
be
the
chiefe
cause
;
yet
not
alone
,
but
that
the
Queene
and
Counsell
(
saith
Fox
)
would
37.
And
the
same
Fox
relateth
Queene
Maries
wordes
in
her
oration
thus
:
That
the
matter
of
the
marriage
is
but
a
Spanish
cloake
(
saith
shee
)
to
couer
their
protensed
purpose
against
our
Religion
.
So
as
in
these
two
pointes
the
Minister
lieth
openly
,
but
more
in
the
last
,
that
Wyats
attempt
was
not
against
Queene
Mary
or
the
state
,
but
for
both
,
for
that
Queene
Mary
in
the
same
oration
,
as
both
Fox
and
Holinshead
doe
iointly
relate
,
affirmed
Wyats
answere
to
haue
byn
to
Syr
Edward
Hastinges
,
and
Syr
Thomas
Corn-wallis
sent
from
her
vnto
them
,
which
he
also
at
his
arraignment
confessed
,
that
he
and
his
would
haue
the
gouernance
of
her
person
,
the
keeping
of
the
Tower
,
and
the
placing
of
her
Counsellours
.
And
as
for
the
other
point
,
whether
any
Ministers
were
called
in
question
as
Commotioners
in
that
attempt
,
importeth
little
,
for
so
much
as
no
man
can
doubt
but
that
the
Commotion
being
so
generall
and
for
Religion
,
as
Fox
affirmeth
,
all
Ministers
hartes
and
tongues
were
therin
in
secret
,
and
their
handes
in
like
manner
so
far
forth
38.
To
that
which
hath
byn
proposed
of
Scotland
,
both
by
the
moderate
Answerer
and
by
my self
also
in
my
first
Chapter
of
this
Treatise
,
of
so
great
and
intolerable
insolencies
vsed
in
Scotland
by
Protestant-Ministers
39.
Iames
Gibson
also
one
of
the
chief
Ministers
being
40.
To
the
examples
of
France
alledged
by
the
Answerer
of
infinite
rebellions
made
by
the
Protestants
,
41.
To
the
examples
of
Caluin
and
Beza
in
Geneua
,
That
when
a
King
vsurpeth
Gods
throne
he
looseth
hu
Royalty
.
And
againe
:
If
the
King
exalt
himself
to
Godes
throne
and
commaundeth
any
thing
contra
Deum
against
God
,
then
to
pull
him
downe
.
Moreouer
he
granteth
that
Caluin
vseth
this
phrase
;
That
when
a
King
doth
so
behaue
himself
,
we
must
spit
in
his
face
,
which
is
spoken
,
saith
our
Minister
,
comparatiuely
,
and
not
Rebelliously
:
He
expoundeth
also
those
wordes
of
Caluin
;
Abdicant
se
potestate
,
that
such
Kinges
are
bereaued
of
Thomas
Morton
euer
finde
in
any
Catholicke
writer
such
wordes
,
or
sense
in
preiudice
of
Princes
?
And
yet
the
fond
Minister
,
as
though
he
had
plaied
worthily
his
Master-prize
vaunteth
in
these
wordes
:
Thus
is
Caluin
iustified
concerning
his
doctrine
,
and
in
him
also
Beza
:
bycause
Beza
(
say
yow
)
his
Successour
in
place
succeeded
him
also
both
in
opinion
and
practice
.
True
Sir
:
they
are
both
iustified
in
your
manner
of
iustification
,
&
they
are
fit
iustified
Saints
for
your
Calendar
.
42.
And
hauing
said
thus
,
he
passeth
yet
further
,
adding
a
second
prouocation
about
practice
in
these
wordes
:
We
haue
heard
of
their
opinion
(
to
wit
of
Caluin
haue
yow
any
thing
to
except
against
their
practice
:
And
this
demaund
he
made
,
when
he
knew
and
had
seene
his
Aduersaries
many
and
most
grieuous
accusations
Caluin
and
Bezae
armed
the
subiectes
against
their
Prince
of
Geneua
,
and
(
as
Caluin
himself
,
Doctour
Sutcliffe
,
&
the
Bishop
of
Canterbury
be
witnesses
)
deposed
their
Soueraigne
from
his
temporall
right
,
and
euer
after
continued
in
that
state
of
Rebellion
;
They
celebrated
also
a
Councell
,
wherin
was
concluded
that
King
Francis
the
second
,
then
King
of
France
,
his
wife
the
Queene
,
his
Children
,
Queene
Mother
&c.
should
be
destroyed
:
And
his
quotations
for
these
thinges
are
:
Beza
l.
de
iure
Magistrat
;
Sutcliffe
answ.
to
suppl
.
and
Suruey
,
Caluin
in
epist.
Pet.
Far.
orat
.
cont.
Sectar
.
defens
.
Reg.
&
Relig.
&c.
All
which
being
seene
by
our
Minister
,
he
demandeth
haue
yow
any
thing
to
except
against
their
practice
?
As
though
there
were
nothing
at
all
,
not
only
not
to
be
accused
or
reprehended
in
them
,
but
not
so
much
as
to
be
excepted
against
:
And
is
not
this
notable
dissimulation
in
a
matter
so
cleere
and
euident
?
Who
can
belieue
this
Minister
at
his
word
herafter
?
But
let
vs
now
see
how
he
will
answere
the
matter
it self
obiected
,
and
then
will
yow
admire
his
impudency
much
more
.
43.
For
better
vnderstanding
wherof
yow
must
know
,
that
besides
al
that
which
is
alledged
for
proofe
of
this
accusation
out
of
Caluin
&
Farellus
their
owne
Lordes
,
and
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
his
booke
of
Dangerous
positions
,
Doctour
Sutcliffe
doth
of
purpose
,
and
at
large
proue
the
same
in
two
whole
Chapters
,
to
wit
the
second
and
third
of
his
Suruey
against
the
pretended
discipline
;
shewing
out
of
diuers
authors
,
and
namely
Franciscus
Boninardus
,
that
wrote
the
History
of
Geneua
Cardinall
Sadoletus
,
had
Ius
gladij
&
alias
ciuilis
iurisdictionis
partes
,
the
power
of
life
and
death
and
other
partes
of
ciuill
iurisdiction
;
and
that
this
Prince
and
Bishop
was
cast
out
by
the
people
vpon
the
preachinges
and
practises
of
Farellus
,
Caluin
,
and
other
Protestant
Ministers
:
Quo
eiecto
(
saith
Bodinus
,
)
Geneuates
Monarchiam
in
popularem
statum
commutârunt
:
who
being
cast
out
,
the
Geneuians
did
change
their
Monarchy
into
a
popular
State
.
44.
And
finally
after
many
proofes
Doctour
Sutcliffe
I
doubt
not
but
that
I
may
presume
,
without
any
mans
iust
offence
,
to
speake
my
opinion
as
touching
the
deuinity
which
was
pretended
by
the
said
Ministers
of
Geneua
against
their
Bishop
;
for
indeed
I
doe
dislike
it
.
If
such
dealinges
were
simply
to
be
vrged
by
the
word
of
God
,
they
might
reach
further
then
would
be
conuenient
.
I
neuer
thought
it
agreable
to
deuinity
,
for
Ministers
to
cast
of
their
Rulers
at
their
owne
pleasures
;
one
of
them
writeth
thus
:
That
the
light
of
the
Ghospell
had
restored
to
the
Citty
that
principality
which
the
Bishop
had
before
;
But
all
the
learned
deuines
in
Germany
at
their
So
he
.
45.
And
now
by
this
large
discourse
,
yow
see
fully
his
minde
,
first
that
the
Bishop
of
Geneua
was
Lord
,
and
Prince
of
that
Citty
for
diuers
ages
,
confirmed
also
by
the
Emperour
:
secondly
that
he
was
vniustly
depriued
by
the
people
,
vpon
the
preaching
and
false
groundes
of
deuinity
of
Farellus
,
Caluin
,
Beza
,
and
other
Protestant
preachers
:
thirdly
we
see
the
reason
why
he
thinketh
thus
;
least
their
doctrine
might
reach
further
then
would
be
conuenient
,
and
be
dangerous
in
England
:
So
as
he
also
(
as
yow
see
)
doth
accommodate
his
doctrine
and
groundes
of
deuinity
,
to
the
commodity
of
his
cause
.
46.
But
now
let
vs
see
how
this
Minister
Sutcliffe
,
and
our
Minister
Morton
haue
agreed
togeather
,
vpon
a
farre
different
manner
of
answering
this
matter
at
this
time
,
and
yow
will
perceiue
therby
what
people
they
are
who
change
their
answeres
as
time
and
wether
walketh
.
For
after
that
Morton
had
read
all
this
in
Sutcliffe
,
&
yet
made
the
matter
so
strange
,
as
by
his
former
demaund
you
haue
heard
,
when
he
said
:
&
haue
yow
any
thing
to
except
against
their
practice
?
Now
heere
he
answereth
after
another
fashion
thus
:
The
booke
(
saith
he
)
of
Doctour
Sutcliffe
,
I
could
not
finde
,
and
I
needed
not
seeke
it
,
for
I
haue
conferred
with
the
Master
,
who
answered
me
,
that
the
booke
De
iure
Magistratus
he
neuer
thought
to
be
Beza
his
worke
,
and
concerning
the
State
of
Geneua
,
and
Bishop
therof
,
he
was
neuer
their
Prince
,
but
the
State
of
the
towne
was
a
free
State
of
it self
:
and
now
to
make
a
question
whether
I
should
belieue
him
,
or
yow
,
is
to
doubt
whether
he
that
hath
byn
at
Geneua
,
or
he
that
neuer
saw
it
can
better
report
the
state
therof
,
the
conclusion
will
be
that
yow
may
rather
proue
those
Bishops
to
haue
byn
iniuriously
ambitious
,
then
the
Citty
Rebellious
.
So
he
.
47.
This
is
his
faithfull
reply
and
full
satisfaction
,
according
to
the
title
of
his
booke
.
And
now
consider
good
Reader
what
honest
men
these
two
Ministers
are
,
that
so
contradict
the
one
the
other
,
and
that
Farellus
,
Caluin
and
others
,
they
chaunged
their
Monarchy
into
a
popular
State
,
and
that
himself
misliked
the
same
,
according
to
the
groundes
of
deuinity
;
and
how
then
doth
he
say
heere
to
his
fellow
Minister
Morton
,
that
the
Bishop
of
Geneua
was
neuer
there
Prince
,
and
that
the
state
of
the
towne
was
a
free
State
of
it self
?
Can
these
thinges
stand
togeather
?
Morton
saith
moreouer
he
could
not
finde
Sutcliffes
48.
It
were
ouer
long
to
looke
into
all
other
examples
obiected
by
the
moderate
answerer
,
how
they
ar
replied
vnto
by
T.
M.
As
for
example
the
known
reuoltes
and
Rebellions
of
Flanders
,
and
of
those
States
Duke
Charles
in
Sweueland
against
his
Nephew
the
King
of
Polonia
,
lawfull
Inheritour
of
those
States
,
enduring
vnto
these
daies
;
as
also
the
open
warres
of
Boscaine
,
and
his
fellowes
in
Hungary
against
the
Emperour
,
in
fauour
of
Protestant
Religion
,
and
of
the
Turke
himself
,
whose
Confederates
they
confesse
themselues
to
be
.
49.
Into
these
&
other
examples
as
I
said
,
time
will
not
permit
vs
to
enter
with
any
length
,
nor
will
it
be
to
any
purpose
;
for
that
we
shall
finde
them
as
sleightely
answered
or
shifted
of
,
as
the
rest
before
.
For
vnto
the
first
and
last
,
of
Flanders
and
Hungary
,
the
Minister
answereth
in
effect
nothing
at
all
;
and
I
meruaile
That
Buchanans
Chronicle
was
recalled
by
an
act
of
Parlament
.
50.
To
the
other
of
Germany
and
Luthers
seditious
proceedinges
both
in
wordes
,
writinges
and
deedes
,
wherin
it
is
obiected
among
many
other
thinges
that
he
censured
both
K.
Henry
of
England
,
and
many
other
Princes
with
intolerable
,
insolent
,
and
vile
speaches
,
affirming
them
vnworthy
of
all
gouerment
;
that
Protestantes
handes
must
be
imbrued
with
bloud
,
&
that
thervpon
ensued
most
bloudy
warres
throughout
Germany
and
almost
all
Christendome
besides
,
Munsters
Rebellions
also
in
the
same
countries
,
who
preached
,
that
Rebellion
against
Catholicke
Princes
for
Religion
was
to
be
called
The
warre
of
God
,
and
that
he
had
〈◊〉
commandement
from
God
to
that
effect
;
whervpon
ensued
the
slaughter
of
a
hundred
&
thirty
thousand
men
in
three
monethes
&c.
To
the
first
of
Luther
,
he
answereth
very
sagely
in
these
wordes
:
Luthers
literall
censure
of
wordes
will
be
partly
confessed
,
but
the
other
of
swordes
,
which
drew
bloud
can
neuer
be
proued
.
Yow
see
vpon
what
pointes
of
desperate
deniall
he
standeth
,
and
yow
may
remember
how
cleerly
the
matter
hath
byn
proued
before
,
and
what
is
extant
in
most
writers
of
our
time
about
the
same
.
51.
The
other
of
Munster
he
reiecteth
,
as
not
being
of
his
Religion
,
&
yet
no
man
can
deny
,
but
that
he
was
of
Luthers
schoole
,
and
spronge
out
of
the
first
seed
and
spirit
of
that
new
Ghospell
;
but
hard
it
is
to
discerne
who
be
brethren
,
and
who
be
not
,
when
it
standeth
for
their
commodity
to
acknowledge
or
deny
one
the
other
.
Heere
yow
see
he
denieth
Munster
,
&
acknowledgeth
Luther
to
be
of
their
Ghospell
and
fraternity
;
and
yet
no
man
doth
reiect
them
more
contemptuosly
,
or
condemneth
them
more
seriously
for
Heretikes
then
Luther
himselfe
,
as
before
out
of
his
owne
wordes
yow
haue
heard
.
To
the
stirres
in
Switzerland
raised
by
Zuinglius
,
who
was
slaine
also
in
the
feild
,
he
saith
in
like
manner
nothing
;
and
little
more
to
Denmarke
,
but
that
now
all
is
quiet
there
,
and
Lutherane
Religion
in
full
possession
,
but
he
telleth
vs
not
by
what
styrres
and
tumultes
the
same
was
brought
in
.
52.
To
that
of
Sueueland
,
and
the
open
Rebellion
of
those
Kingdomes
,
he
findeth
only
this
shift
to
put
of
the
matter
.
It
was
(
saith
he
)
the
demaund
of
the
whole
state
,
for
defence
of
their
countrey
priuiledges
,
liberties
,
and
fruition
of
Religion
;
can
any
Papist
call
this
Rebellion
?
No
truely
Syr
in
your
sense
,
who
doe
call
the
state
whatsoeuer
multitude
of
people
doth
rebell
against
their
Princes
,
for
the
liberty
of
your
Ghospel
,
for
so
yow
called
the
party
Protestant
of
Scotland
(
if
yow
remember
)
the
Lordes
of
the
Congregation
,
and
the
state
of
the
Realme
:
and
the
other
party
that
stood
with
the
Queene
,
was
called
a
faction
,
and
so
likewise
in
France
and
Flanders
,
Germany
and
Sueueland
,
those
that
tooke
exceptions
first
,
and
then
armes
against
their
Princes
,
are
called
the
State
,
or
States
,
vnited
Prouinces
,
those
of
the
Religion
,
and
by
other
like
titles
of
honour
:
and
the
other
part
or
rather
body
it selfe
,
hath
the
name
of
Enemies
,
Persecutors
,
Tyrantes
,
Papistes
,
and
other
odious
appellations
.
But
I
would
make
this
demaund
,
how
came
〈◊〉
particuler
men
to
be
States
,
&
to
be
called
the
Common-wealth
?
were
they
not
first
subiectes
?
And
did
they
not
first
withdraw
themselues
from
the
obedience
of
their
lawfull
Princes
,
by
sleightes
,
dissimulations
,
pretence
of
greiuances
,
liberty
of
Ghospell
,
and
the
like
deuises
,
vntill
at
last
they
fell
to
open
armes
?
May
not
any
number
of
rebells
make
themselues
a
state
in
this
sense
?
But
I
will
vrge
yow
no
further
,
for
that
I
well
see
yow
cannot
answere
,
&
to
driue
yow
beyond
the
wall
is
to
small
purpose
,
I
haue
compassion
of
yow
.
A
BRIEF
CENSVRE
IS
GIVEN
OF
A
NEW
TREATISE
set
forth
by
T.M.
INTITVLED
,
A
Confutation
of
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
as
supreme
head
of
Rebellion
&c.
Annexed
to
his
former
iustification
of
Protestant-Princes
,
for
matters
of
Rebellion
.
CHAP.
V.
THis
Minister
Thomas
Morton
not
content
,
after
the
pretended
confirmation
of
his
first
discouery
and
reasons
therof
,
to
haue
added
a
second
Treatise
,
conteyning
(
as
he
saith
)
A
Iustification
of
Protestantes
against
imputations
of
disobedience
and
Rebellion
against
temporall
Princes
,
either
in
doctrine
or
practice
(
both
which
you
haue
heard
now
how
substantially
he
hath
performed
)
he
thought
good
also
to
ad
a
third
Treatise
(
though
nothing
needfull
to
the
argument
in
hand
)
which
he
intituleth
,
A
confutation
of
the
principles
of
Romish
doctrine
in
two
pointes
,
first
,
concerning
the
Pope
supreame
head
of
Rebellion
,
and
secondly
,
the
impious
conceipt
of
Equiuocation
.
And
forasmuch
as
of
the
second
point
,
which
is
Equiuocation
,
we
are
to
treat
more
largly
in
the
ensuing
Chapters
,
and
that
the
first
seemed
to
me
impertinent
to
be
treated
againe
seuerally
in
this
place
,
the
substance
therof
hauing
byn
touched
sufficiently
,
forasmuch
as
belongeth
to
this
affaire
,
in
the
former
Chapters
,
especially
the
second
;
I
had
purposed
once
to
passe
it
ouer
without
any
answere
at
all
,
as
indeed
not
deseruing
any
,
it
being
only
2.
First
then
he
beginneth
the
very
first
lines
of
his
This
pretended
predominance
(
saith
he
)
of
the
Pope
in
temporall
causes
,
whether
directly
or
indirectly
considered
(
in
which
diuision
of
gouerning
the
Romish
schoole
is
at
this
day
extreamly
deuided
)
if
it
be
from
God
,
it
will
sure
plead
Scriptum
est
&c.
By
which
sole
entrance
yow
may
take
a
scantling
of
the
mans
discretion
;
for
it
cannot
be
denied
I
thinke
(
except
we
deny
the
Ghospell
)
but
that
Scriptum
est
was
pleaded
also
by
3.
Secondly
it
is
not
true
,
that
the
Romish
schole
is
so
extreamly
deuided
in
this
diuision
of
gouerning
directly
S.
Peter
and
his
Successours
,
whether
directly
,
togeather
with
the
spiritual
gouernment
ouer
soules
,
or
els
indirectly
and
by
a
certaine
consequence
,
when
the
said
spirituall
gouernment
is
letted
and
impugned
,
as
before
hath
byn
declared
.
In
which
difference
of
opinions
there
is
no
such
extremity
of
diuision
among
Catholickes
,
as
this
man
would
haue
men
thinke
:
for
that
all
doe
agree
in
the
substance
of
the
thing
it self
,
that
the
Pope
hath
this
authority
from
God
Iure
diuino
,
in
certaine
cases
,
whether
directly
or
indirectly
that
little
importeth
to
this
our
controuersy
with
the
Protestantes
,
who
deny
both
the
one
and
the
other
.
And
so
much
for
that
.
4.
The
next
sentence
or
obiection
after
the
former
preface
(
which
is
the
very
first
of
his
discourse
)
is
framed
by
him
,
but
yet
in
our
name
,
vnder
the
title
of
the
Romane
pretence
in
these
wordes
:
The
high
Priestes
in
the
old
Testament
(
saith
he
)
were
supreame
in
ciuill
causes
,
ergo
they
ought
to
be
so
also
in
the
new
:
for
which
he
citeth
,
one
Carerius
,
a
Lawier
,
that
wrote
of
late
in
Padua
De
ciuill
causes
,
he
putteth
in
of
his
owne
,
and
if
yow
marke
them
,
doe
marre
the
whole
market
:
for
that
Carerius
hath
them
not
either
in
wordes
or
sense
,
but
teacheth
the
plaine
contrary
in
all
his
discourse
,
to
wit
,
that
he
meaneth
in
matters
appertaining
to
Religion
and
Preisthood
,
and
not
of
temporall
principality
,
which
this
Author
granteth
to
haue
byn
greater
in
the
old
Testament
in
dealing
with
Ecclesiasticall
men
&
matters
,
then
in
the
new
;
&
to
that
effect
is
he
cited
presently
after
by
the
Minister
himself
,
contrary
to
that
which
heere
he
feigneth
him
to
say
.
But
let
vs
heare
the
wordes
of
Carerius
.
Tertiò
dico
(
saith
he
)
etiam
in
Testamento
veteri
fuisse
Pontificem
Rege
maiorem
:
quod
quidem
probatur
&c.
Thirdly
I
say
that
the
high
Priest
was
greater
also
in
the
old
Testament
then
the
King
,
which
is
proued
first
out
of
the
27.
Chapter
of
Numbers
,
where
it
is
appointed
by
God
,
that
Iosue
and
all
the
people
should
be
directed
by
the
word
of
the
high
Priest
Eleazar
,
saying
,
when
any
thing
is
to
be
done
,
let
Eleazar
the
high
Priest
consult
with
God
,
and
at
his
word
aswell
Iosue
,
as
all
the
children
Wherby
Carerius
inferreth
a
most
certaine
dignity
and
preheminence
of
the
Priestes
state
,
aboue
the
temporall
Prince
,
though
he
say
not
in
ciuill
causes
,
as
this
Minister
doth
bely
him
.
5.
And
wheras
Carerius
had
said
in
two
former
Answeres
,
first
that
in
the
old
Testament
,
Ecclesiasticall
and
secular
iurisdiction
were
not
so
distinct
,
but
that
both
might
be
in
some
cases
in
the
King
,
and
secondly
that
in
the
new
law
,
the
spirituall
power
was
more
eminent
then
in
the
old
;
he
commeth
thirdly
to
say
of
ciuill
power
,
except
the
Author
will
be
contrary
to
himself
.
And
therfore
that
clause
was
very
falsly
and
perfidiously
thrust
in
by
the
Minister
,
and
this
with
so
much
the
lesse
shame
,
for
that
in
the
end
of
the
same
Chapter
he
citeth
the
same
Author
to
the
That
in
the
old
law
the
Kingdome
was
the
substantiue
,
that
stood
of
it self
,
and
Preisthood
was
the
adiectiue
,
that
leaned
theron
,
but
contrary-wise
in
the
new
law
,
Preisthood
and
spirituall
iurisdiction
is
the
substantiue
or
principall
in
gouernment
,
and
temporall
principality
is
the
adiectiue
depending
therof
,
for
direction
,
and
assistance
,
the
one
both
by
nature
and
Godes
law
being
subordinate
to
the
other
,
to
wit
the
temporall
to
the
spirituall
.
And
thus
much
concerning
this
guile
by
flat
falshood
.
Now
to
a
tricke
or
two
of
other
sortes
of
shifting
by
him
vsed
for
deluding
the
Reader
.
6.
It
followeth
in
the
same
place
,
as
a
second
Romish
pretence
:
That
the
old
Testament
was
a
figure
of
the
new
in
Christ
,
and
therfore
that
in
the
new
,
the
spirituall
power
(
as
the
Popedome
,
saith
he
)
must
be
the
chiefe
or
substantiue
&c.
Which
short
sentence
he
patcheth
out
of
two
different
Authors
,
Salmeron
and
Carerius
,
part
of
one
,
&
In
this
obiection
(
saith
he
)
there
is
more
childhood
then
manhood
,
babish
grammer
,
then
sound
deuinity
.
So
he
.
And
will
you
heare
his
manhood
in
sound
deuinity
?
It
followeth
imediatly
.
The
old
Testament
indeed
(
saith
he
)
in
his
earthly
elementes
was
a
figure
of
this
spirituall
and
heauenly
;
but
of
the
truly
heauenly
,
the
day
of
that
eternall
sabboth
,
and
the
Celestiall
Hierusalem
,
the
Mother-Citty
of
the
Sainctes
of
God
.
Behold
his
manhood
in
sound
deuinity
.
S.
Paul
in
the
ninth
and
tenth
of
his
first
Epistle
to
Deuteronomy
:
Non
〈◊〉
os
boui
trituranti
,
thou
but
of
the
truly
heauenly
;
as
though
the
old
Testament
in
her
earthly
Elementes
had
〈◊〉
nothing
to
be
fulfilled
but
only
in
heauen
.
Is
this
sound
deuinity
?
Is
this
manhood
?
Nay
is
it
not
rather
babish
childhood
,
that
seemeth
not
to
know
the
very
first
Elementes
of
true
deuinity
?
7.
I
let
passe
the
shamelesse
corruption
which
he
vseth
in
translating
the
very
wordes
cited
by
him
out
of
Salmeron
,
for
proofe
of
his
obiection
,
made
in
our
behalfe
,
and
I
call
it
shamelesse
for
that
euery
child
which
vnderstandeth
Latin
,
may
see
the
Ministers
shift
therin
.
The
Authors
words
are
these
as
this
man
heere
recounteth
them
:
Et
hoc
Regnum
terrenum
〈◊〉
The
old
Testament
(
saith
he
)
was
a
figure
of
the
new
in
Christ
,
therfore
in
the
new
the
Popedome
is
the
substantiue
&c.
Heere
are
two
short
propositions
you
see
,
the
antecedent
and
consequent
,
&
both
framed
with
falshood
;
for
that
the
antecedent
set
downe
out
of
Salmeron
,
is
not
that
which
he
affirmeth
in
his
Latin
words
,
as
already
we
haue
shewed
,
though
otherwise
in
it self
the
proposition
be
true
;
nor
(
will
I
thinke
)
T.
M.
can
deny
,
but
that
the
old
Testament
was
a
figure
of
the
new
in
Christ
.
There
followeth
then
the
consequent
which
is
no
lesse
corruptly
childhood
and
babish
grammer
,
as
now
he
hath
done
.
But
indeed
the
true
consequence
that
may
be
made
vpon
the
Catholicke
Authors
wordes
,
which
hitherto
he
hath
alledged
,
is
only
this
;
that
forasmuch
as
the
Kingdome
and
gouernment
among
the
Iewes
euen
in
Ecclesiasticall
thinges
was
but
earthly
,
and
a
figure
or
shaddow
in
respect
of
that
which
was
to
be
ouer
soules
in
the
Christian
Church
,
it
followeth
that
this
in
respect
of
spirituality
,
was
to
be
much
more
eminent
then
the
other
,
as
the
thing
figured
,
then
the
figure
or
shaddow
it self
.
And
what
inconuenience
hath
this
doctrine
that
it
should
be
called
childhood
and
babish
grammer
.
8.
But
now
shall
yow
heare
a
new
strange
deuise
of
his
,
neuer
heard
of
(
I
thinke
)
in
the
world
before
,
&
such
a
manhood
in
sound
deuinity
,
that
sheweth
him
scarce
to
be
arriued
to
childhood
in
true
Theology
;
for
that
to
exalt
temporall
principality
of
a
Kingdome
and
depresse
Priesthood
,
he
seeketh
to
abase
the
High
Priesthood
of
Christ
himself
;
for
so
he
vaunteth
that
he
will
returne
the
foresaid
argument
vpon
the
Romish
.
Christ
(
saith
he
)
being
King
and
Priest
,
was
shaddowed
An
argument
demonstratiue
.
So
he
.
9.
Wherby
yow
may
see
,
first
how
good
a
Logitian
he
is
,
who
auoucheth
this
for
an
argument
demonstratiue
,
which
is
indeed
a
very
Elench
&
Sophisme
,
Dare
yow
(
saith
he
)
appeale
to
Logicke
?
this
is
the
art
of
all
artes
,
and
the
high
tribunall
of
reason
and
truth
it self
;
which
no
man
in
any
matter
,
whether
it
be
case
of
humanity
or
deuinity
,
can
iustly
refuse
:
which
is
so
ridiculous
a
simplicity
,
as
no
man
can
read
without
laughter
.
For
what
high
tribunall
(
I
pray
yow
)
hath
logicke
in
deuinity
?
Or
who
gaue
her
this
tribunall
?
was
there
no
deuinity
before
Logicke
was
inuented
by
the
Philosophers
?
Logicke
is
not
a
science
,
according
to
Aristotle
,
but
only
modus
sciendi
,
a
manner
or
meane
how
to
come
to
science
,
and
it
ministreth
not
matter
,
but
forme
of
argument
,
as
armour
to
the
Logitian
,
wherby
to
impugne
falshood
and
ignorance
in
euery
science
,
euen
as
the
Cutlers
shop
doth
yeeld
weapons
to
souldiers
that
goe
to
warre
,
and
yet
cannot
the
Cutlers
shop
be
iustly
called
the
high
tribunal
of
all
matters
belonging
to
Chieualry
and
feates
of
warfare
,
and
consequently
this
was
a
vaine
florish
&
ostentation
.
10.
But
now
to
returne
to
the
principall
point
,
we
haue
seene
that
this
argument
is
so
far
from
being
demonstratiue
,
as
it
is
no
argument
at
all
,
in
regard
of
the
Equiuocation
and
fallacy
therin
conteyned
.
Let
vs
then
consider
the
same
in
respect
of
the
matter
&
substance
it self
.
First
I
say
that
it
conteyneth
a
manifest
,
fond
and
impious
paradox
,
that
Christes
Kingdome
(
as
he
was
both
King
and
Priest
)
had
the
preheminence
Ergo
this
order
inherent
in
Christ
ought
to
be
held
as
conuenient
among
Christians
)
must
be
censured
by
the
same
censures
,
for
that
it
concludeth
a
generall
preheminence
and
excellency
of
Kingly
State
,
before
Priesthood
,
which
is
the
quite
opposite
assertion
to
that
which
all
ancient
Fathers
,
and
namely
S.
Chrysostome
out
of
all
their
common
sense
,
doth
maintaine
in
his
bookes
De
Sacerdotio
,
affirming
,
that
the
office
and
dignity
of
a
Priest
,
doth
so
far
exceed
that
of
a
King
,
as
gold
doth
siluer
,
heauen
earth
,
and
the
soule
the
body
:
Regno
Sacerdotium
(
saith
he
)
tanto
est
excellentius
,
quantum
carnis
&
Spiritus
interuallum
Sacerdotium
est
principatus
ipso
etiam
Regno
venerabilior
&
maior
:
Priesthood
is
a
Princedome
more
venerable
&
great
then
is
Kingly
authority
.
And
then
againe
:
Ne
mihi
narras
purpuram
&c.
doe
not
tell
me
of
purple
or
diademe
,
of
scepter
or
golden
apparell
of
Kinges
,
for
these
are
but
shaddowes
,
and
more
vaine
then
May-flowers
:
Si
vis
videre
discrimen
S.
Gregory
Nazienzen
spoken
to
The
law
of
Christ
(
saith
he
)
hath
made
yow
subiect
to
my
power
,
and
to
my
tribunall
,
for
wee
(
Bishops
)
haue
an
Empire
also
,
and
that
more
excellent
and
perfect
then
yours
,
except
yow
will
say
the
spirit
is
inferiour
to
the
flesh
,
and
heauenly
thinges
to
earthly
.
11.
So
he
.
And
much
more
to
this
effect
,
which
yow
may
read
cited
out
of
diuers
Fathers
,
in
a
booke
set
forth
this
last
yeare
,
in
answere
to
Syr
Edward
Cookes
Reportes
by
a
Catholicke
deuine
,
who
handleth
this
point
more
largely
and
particularly
in
the
second
and
fourth
Chapters
of
the
said
answere
.
And
this
is
sufficient
to
shew
the
inference
or
conclusion
of
T.
M.
to
be
false
,
touching
the
power
and
dignity
of
Priesthood
,
and
of
Kingly
principallity
among
men
.
Now
let
vs
returne
to
the
consideration
therof
in
Christ
himself
,
which
is
the
principall
question
,
though
in
effect
it
be
decided
by
that
which
now
wee
haue
shewed
,
for
that
the
dignity
and
preheminence
aboue
Kingly
dignity
,
of
Priesthood
in
man
,
which
the
foresaid
Fathers
doe
so
resolutly
affirme
,
inferreth
also
the
preheminence
of
Priesthood
in
Christ
,
for
somuch
as
from
that
descendeth
this
other
;
but
yet
I
thinke
it
not
amisse
to
handle
the
same
somewhat
more
distinctly
,
the
Ministers
paradox
therin
being
so
prophane
and
irreligious
as
hath
byn
said
.
12.
First
then
as
Christ
is
acknowledged
both
by
them
and
vs
to
haue
byn
both
Priest
and
King
,
according
as
he
was
prefigured
in
Melchisedech
,
who
had
both
these
dignities
in
himself
,
so
the
one
and
the
other
excellency
of
Priestly
and
Kingly
preheminence
,
were
in
him
according
as
he
was
man
,
and
vnder
his
Father
,
which
for
so
much
as
appertained
to
his
Priesthood
is
graunted
heere
by
T.
M.
and
the
matter
is
euident
in
itself
;
for
that
Christ
as
God
could
not
offer
Sacrifice
,
nor
make
intercession
to
his
Father
for
vs
(
which
are
the
chief
offices
of
Priesthood
)
for
that
this
belongeth
to
an
inferiour
,
according
to
that
saying
of
S.
Ambrose
:
Sacerdos
idem
&
hostia
Sacerdotium
,
tamen
humanae
S.
Augustine
also
talking
of
both
dignities
Sion
,
ergo
he
was
King
by
gift
and
appointement
of
his
Father
.
And
in
the
same
Psalme
God
the
Father
saith
vnto
him
:
Postula
à
me
&
dabo
tibi
S.
Paul
doth
prosecute
most
excellently
in
the
first
two
Chapters
of
his
Epistle
to
the
Hebrewes
;
and
there
can
be
no
doubt
in
this
matter
,
for
Christ
himself
speaketh
most
plainly
:
Data
est
mihi
omnis
S.
Paul
to
the
Philippians
:
Non
rapinam
13.
But
now
to
the
principall
proposition
Whether
Christ
his
Kingdome
had
the
preheminence
of
his
Priesthood
,
or
his
Priesthood
of
his
Kingdome
;
though
in
part
the
matter
be
made
cleere
by
that
which
is
already
spoken
;
yet
shal
we
adde
two
or
three
wordes
more
.
And
first
the
matter
is
manifest
by
the
narration
it self
in
Scripture
,
when
the
figure
of
his
Priesthood
and
Kingdome
is
declared
in
Genesis
,
in
the
person
of
Melchisedech
:
for
thus
Erat
enim
sacerdos
Dei
altissimi
:
For
he
was
the
Priest
of
the
most
high
God
,
as
who
should
say
,
that
otherwise
he
could
neuer
haue
offred
vp
in
sacrifice
that
bread
and
wine
(
the
highest
action
of
all
other
vpon
earth
)
as
King
,
except
he
had
byn
Priest
:
nor
yet
haue
blessed
Abraham
,
and
much
lesse
haue
taken
tithes
of
him
:
Which
point
S.
Paul
doth
ponder
very
deeply
and
seriously
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Hebrewes
,
repeating
often
14.
This
is
S.
Paules
contemplation
of
the
matter
,
who
in
his
said
Epistle
to
the
Hebrewes
,
laying
this
foundation
of
the
figure
of
Melchisedech
for
the
Priesthood
and
Kingdome
of
Christ
(
though
more
specially
as
yow
see
for
his
Priesthood
)
doth
presently
after
the
consideration
of
those
wordes
,
Filius
meus
es
tu
,
ego
hodie
genui
〈◊〉
;
thou
art
my
Sonne
,
I
haue
this
day
begotten
thee
(
wherby
he
proueth
Christ
to
haue
byn
not
the
adopted
but
natural
Sonne
of
God
)
after
this
,
I
say
,
he
doth
insist
,
for
demonstration
of
his
highest
〈◊〉
and
dignity
,
vpon
those
wordes
of
God
the
Father
for
his
Priesthood
:
Tu
es
facerdos
in
aeternum
secundum
ordinem
Melchisedech
:
Thou
art
a
Priest
foreuer
according
to
the
order
of
Melchisedech
;
out
of
which
wordes
of
highest
dignity
and
commission
,
S.
Paul
doth
make
many
inferences
,
as
that
in
the
second
Chapter
:
Nusquam
Behold
yow
Holy
brethren
who
are
partakers
of
this
our
heauenly
vocation
,
Consider
our
Apostle
and
High
Priest
of
this
our
confession
Iesus
.
And
in
the
fourth
Chapter
hauing
spoken
much
of
the
Sabboth
day
,
that
he
is
to
giue
vs
in
the
next
life
,
he
adioineth
this
exhortation
:
Habentes
ergo
Pontificem
magnum
&c.
we
hauing
therfore
a
great
high
Priest
that
hath
pearced
the
heauens
,
Iesus
the
Sonne
of
God
,
let
vs
hold
fast
our
confession
,
for
we
haue
not
a
Priest
that
cannot
take
compassion
of
our
infirmities
&c.
And
againe
in
the
fifth
Chapter
hauing
said
first
:
〈◊〉
Pontifex
&c.
Euery
High
Priest
chosen
out
of
men
,
is
appointed
for
men
in
those
thinges
that
appertaine
vnto
God
,
that
he
offer
giftes
and
Sacrifices
for
sin
&c.
after
this
(
I
say
)
S.
Paul
doth
immediatly
inferre
this
conclusion
about
the
supreame
honor
&
dignity
of
Christ
his
Priesthood
:
Nec
quisquam
sumit
sibi
honorem
&c.
Neither
may
any
man
take
the
honour
of
Priesthood
vnto
him
,
but
he
that
is
called
by
God
,
as
Aaron
was
,
and
so
Christ
(
though
he
were
the
true
Sonne
of
God
)
did
not
aduance
himself
to
this
honour
of
being
high
Priest
,
but
that
he
who
said
vnto
him
filius
meus
es
tu
,
thou
art
my
Sonne
,
said
vnto
him
also
tu
es
sacerdos
in
aeternum
,
thou
art
a
Priest
for
euer
,
appellatus
à
Deo
Pontifex
,
being
called
by
God
to
be
high
Priest
,
according
to
the
order
of
Melchisedech
,
of
whome
there
remaineth
to
vs
a
great
speech
to
vtter
,
and
such
a
one
as
needeth
exposition
,
wherof
yow
as
yet
for
your
weaknes
ar
not
capable
.
So
S.
Paul
.
15.
And
then
in
the
other
two
sequent
Chapters
to
wit
the
seauenth
and
eight
,
he
doth
prosecute
the
same
argument
of
the
high
dignity
of
Christes
Priesthood
Among
the
Iewes
(
saith
he
)
there
were
many
Priestes
made
,
for
that
they
were
letted
by
death
to
remaine
,
but
this
our
high
Priest
remaineth
for
euer
:
his
Priesthood
is
eternall
,
wherof
it
ensueth
that
he
can
for
euer
saue
vs
,
interposing
himself
with
God
for
vs
by
himself
,
and
euer
lyuing
to
make
intercession
for
vs
,
for
such
a
high
Priest
was
it
conuenient
that
we
should
haue
,
holy
,
innocent
,
vnspotted
,
seperated
from
sinners
,
and
more
excellent
then
the
heauens
themselues
.
And
againe
in
the
next
Chapter
:
Such
a
high
Priest
we
haue
,
as
sitteth
on
the
right
hand
of
the
seat
of
maiesty
in
heauen
,
and
there
he
is
Minister
of
the
Saintes
and
true
Tabernacle
.
16.
All
this
&
much
more
hath
S.
Paul
in
that
Epistle
of
the
eminency
of
Christes
Priesthood
,
therby
to
set
forth
the
most
admirable
excellency
of
his
power
and
glory
therby
giuen
him
from
his
Father
for
our
saluation
;
but
of
the
glory
of
his
temporal
Kingdome
S.
Chrysostome
,
S.
Gregory
Nazienzen
,
S.
Ambrose
and
others
,
great
cause
by
contemplation
of
this
supereminent
worthines
of
Christes
Priesthood
,
to
inferre
the
great
preheminence
in
generall
of
the
Christian
Priesthood
,
before
Kingly
dignity
of
earthly
principality
?
But
let
vs
yet
consider
one
reason
more
.
17.
The
office
of
high
Priesthood
,
as
partly
hath
appeared
by
that
we
haue
said
,
and
is
euident
by
the
discourse
of
S.
Paul
,
appointing
him
for
a
meanes
or
mediator
I
did
And
so
in
the
second
Psalme
,
after
he
had
said
,
I
am
made
King
by
him
vpon
his
holy
Hill
of
Sion
,
he
addeth
presently
to
shew
that
it
was
a
spirituall
Kingdome
:
Praedicans
praeceptum
eius
,
my
office
is
to
preach
his
commandement
,
and
many
other
authorities
may
be
alledged
to
proue
that
Christ
in
that
he
was
high
Priest
had
supreame
spirituall
Kingly
authority
in
like
manner
for
gouerning
of
soules
.
18.
But
now
for
the
temporall
Kingdome
of
Christ
in
this
life
,
to
wit
,
whether
besides
this
spirituall
and
[
*
](A09111-e24320-b)
*
D.
Tho.
l.
1.
de
reg.
Prin.
c.
11.
D.
Anton.
3.
par.
ti.
3.
cap.
2.
diuers
learned
men
both
of
old
and
our
time
doe
defend
;
the
other
affirming
that
albeit
Christ
togeather
with
his
high
Kingly
dignity
of
spirituall
power
,
was
Lord
also
consequently
ouer
our
bodies
,
&
shall
raigne
ouer
the
same
most
gloriously
for
all
eternity
in
the
life
to
come
;
yet
that
he
renounced
the
vse
of
all
that
Dominion
in
this
life
,
and
that
in
this
sense
,
he
fled
when
they
would
haue
made
him
King
,
and
refused
Pilate
,
My
Kingdome
is
not
of
this
world
,
confessing
himself
to
be
a
Be
mindfull
of
me
when
thou
shalt
come
into
thy
Kingdome
.
[
*
](A09111-e24440-b)
*
Ita
tenet
Abulensis
.
q.
30.
in
Math.
21.
generall
,
doe
concurre
also
the
Protestantes
of
our
age
,
that
Christ
tooke
vpon
him
no
temporall
Kingly
power
in
this
life
,
least
if
S.
Peter
his
Successour
;
which
yet
the
19.
Of
all
which
is
inferred
first
the
preheminence
20.
Secondly
is
inferred
,
that
the
reasons
heere
alledged
by
T.
M.
for
his
paradox
,
in
preferring
Christs
Christes
Kingdome
(
saith
he
)
had
the
preheminence
of
Priesthood
,
because
he
is
Priest
only
for
vs
,
but
he
is
King
ouer
vs
.
But
I
would
aske
him
,
Is
not
Christ
Priest
ouer
vs
aswel
as
for
vs
?
hath
he
not
a
spirituall
and
Priestly
iurisdiction
ouer
our
soules
?
doth
not
he
binde
and
loose
our
sinnes
?
doth
not
he
prescribe
vs
Sacramentes
?
appoint
vs
lawes
of
liuing
,
and
the
like
?
or
doe
not
these
actions
appertaine
vnto
him
as
high
Priest
ouer
his
Church
?
And
againe
I
would
aske
him
,
about
the
second
member
,
as
Christ
in
flesh
was
King
,
was
he
not
made
King
aswell
for
vs
,
that
is
for
our
good
,
as
ouer
vs
?
doth
not
this
man
know
that
the
difference
betweene
a
good
and
bad
gouernment
,
a
true
King
and
a
Tyrant
,
consisteth
in
this
,
that
the
one
raigneth
for
his
owne
good
,
the
other
for
the
good
of
his
subiects
?
What
impiety
were
it
to
affirme
this
defect
to
be
in
Christes
Kingly
gouernment
,
and
consequently
what
folly
is
it
to
bring
in
such
reasons
?
But
let
vs
see
what
he
saith
further
.
21.
Christ
(
saith
he
)
as
Priest
is
suppliant
to
his
Father
,
&
as
King
he
is
predominant
ouer
all
powers
and
principalities
,
equally
with
his
Father
:
But
now
wee
haue
shewed
before
that
there
be
two
partes
or
functions
of
Priesthood
,
the
one
towardes
God
,
to
be
suppliant
by
sacrifice
and
intercession
,
the
other
to
be
predominant
ouer
men
by
spirituall
gouernment
vpon
their
soules
,
S.
Chrysostome
doth
thinke
that
no
man
,
but
mad
or
furious
,
can
be
.
Equidem
(
saith
he
)
neminem
existere
talem
dixerim
,
nisi
si
quis
furiarum
aestu
percitus
sit
:
I
cannot
thinke
any
man
to
be
of
this
opinion
(
to
preferre
temporall
authority
before
spirituall
)
except
a
man
should
become
mad
with
the
rage
of
furies
.
And
so
to
S.
Chrysostome
I
leaue
our
Minister
to
be
charmed
from
these
kinde
of
Hereticall
furies
.
THE
SECOND
PART
OF
THIS
CHAPTER
,
CONTEYNING
Three
particular
kindes
of
proofes
,
alledged
by
T.
M.
against
the
Popes
Supremacy
,
to
wit
:
Of
the
new
,
and
old
Testament
,
and
from
reason
it self
.
ALl
this
that
hitherto
hath
byn
treated
by
our
Aduersary
,
hath
byn
by
way
,
as
it
were
,
of
preamble
or
preface
,
for
abasing
Priesthood
,
as
you
haue
seene
,
euen
in
Christ
himself
,
therby
to
subiect
the
same
in
Christians
to
temporall
authority
;
but
about
this
point
,
I
wish
the
Reader
to
looke
ouer
the
forenamed
two
Chapters
of
the
late
Answere
to
Syr
Edward
Cooke
(
I
meane
the
second
and
fourth
)
and
I
suppose
he
will
remaine
satisfied
in
the
preheminency
of
the
one
aboue
the
other
.
Now
notwithstanding
for
the
second
part
of
this
Chapter
we
shall
bring
into
a
short
view
the
principall
pointes
handled
by
T.
M.
in
this
his
confutation
of
the
Popes
Supremacy
.
And
albeit
you
may
easily
make
a
coniecture
of
what
substance
it
is
like
to
be
,
by
that
which
already
you
haue
seéne
discussed
;
yet
shall
we
descend
to
some
principall
particulars
,
for
that
he
reduceth
in
effect
all
his
proofes
to
three
chief
heades
:
the
first
concerning
the
state
of
the
Sinagogue
vnder
the
Iewes
,
the
second
of
the
Christian
Church
vnder
the
new
Testament
,
the
third
by
reason
common
to
them
both
.
From
the
State
of
the
old
Testament
.
§.
1.
23.
FOr
the
first
he
setteth
downe
as
argumentes
of
ours
,
for
licencing
Popes
to
kill
Princes
,
a
large
list
of
Kinges
and
Princes
deposed
,
murthered
,
or
molested
Romish
pretence
to
the
said
list
,
alledging
therin
fourteene
seuerall
examples
;
as
Saul
deposed
by
the
Prophet
Samuel
:
Roboam
by
the
Prophet
Achia
;
the
Queene
Athalia
by
the
chief
Priest
Iehoida
;
King
Antiochus
resisted
and
driuen
out
of
his
Dominion
ouer
Iury
by
the
Priest
Mathathias
and
the
Machabees
his
children
:
the
Priestes
of
Baal
,
and
other
Ministers
of
the
King
slaine
by
the
Prophets
Elias
&
Elizeus
:
the
great
Captaine
Holofernes
by
Iudith
:
King
Eglon
by
Ahod
:
Sisera
by
Iabel
:
Queene
Iezabel
by
Iehu
at
the
appointment
of
the
Prophet
Elizeus
,
with
seauenty
children
of
King
Achab
:
the
death
of
King
Achab
who
was
slaine
also
miserably
himself
by
Godes
appointment
,
&
the
Prophetes
prediction
:
King
Amon
slaine
by
his
owne
seruantes
24.
And
when
he
had
set
downe
all
this
ranke
of
these
vnfortunate
Princes
their
deathes
and
depositions
,
as
though
we
had
delighted
therin
or
proposed
all
that
heere
is
said
to
be
imitated
,
he
saith
:
Heere
we
heare
nothing
but
fighting
,
dispossessing
,
and
killing
of
Kinges
,
&
those
cheifly
by
Priestes
and
Prophetes
of
God
in
the
old
Testament
propounded
to
the
Prelates
of
the
new
,
to
teach
them
to
erect
their
Miters
aboue
Crownes
.
Doe
yow
see
the
malice
of
the
man
?
If
himself
hath
gathered
together
this
Catalogue
of
Princes
that
came
to
ill
endes
,
&
were
slaine
or
deposed
,
is
it
maruaile
though
he
heare
nothing
but
that
himself
liketh
to
lay
forth
?
25.
The
difference
and
comparison
of
Miters
and
Crownes
is
fond
and
ridiculous
,
and
brought
in
only
26.
And
as
for
this
whole
matter
of
the
examples
out
of
the
old
Testament
,
our
principall
question
being
only
as
before
we
haue
declared
:
Whether
God
hath
left
any
lawfull
meanes
for
restrayning
euill
Princes
,
in
certaine
cases
of
extreame
danger
,
and
whether
Priestes
also
and
Prelates
in
Christian
Religion
,
but
especially
the
highest
Priest
,
may
deale
therin
:
These
examples
are
fraudulently
heaped
and
hudled
togeather
by
T.
M.
as
though
all
were
equally
stood
vpon
by
Catholicke
writers
,
and
this
to
the
end
that
he
may
giue
himself
matter
to
answere
afterward
,
as
he
doth
by
distinguishing
that
all
doe
not
proue
the
self
same
thing
,
nor
were
equally
lawfull
,
nor
done
by
equall
authority
or
approbation
,
nor
appertaine
equally
to
the
matter
we
haue
in
hand
,
which
Catholicke
writers
also
doe
say
,
and
haue
taught
him
to
say
,
though
he
dissemble
it
,
wherof
we
may
read
both
Cunerus
,
Carerius
,
Salmeron
,
Barkleius
,
Reginaldus
and
Boucherus
,
here
by
him
cited
out
of
whome
he
hath
taken
the
most
part
of
that
he
writeth
in
this
affaire
.
27.
Wheras
then
we
must
confesse
with
the
Philosopher
and
with
reason
it self
,
that
Quidlibet
ex
quolibet
non
est
consequens
,
euery
thing
followeth
not
of
whatsoeuer
,
it
seemeth
that
two
pointes
only
of
any
moment
,
concerning
the
controuersy
in
hand
,
may
truly
28.
Secondly
may
be
noted
,
that
in
the
execution
of
Godes
iustice
&
designement
in
this
behalfe
,
he
vsed
29.
All
the
question
then
is
how
,
and
when
,
and
where
,
and
by
whome
,
and
for
what
causes
,
and
in
what
cases
,
&
with
what
circumstances
,
this
restraint
of
Princes
may
be
vsed
,
wherin
I
haue
shewed
aboundantly
before
,
that
the
moderation
prescribed
by
Catholickes
is
far
greater
,
without
comparison
,
then
is
that
of
the
Protestantes
,
whether
we
respect
either
their
doctrine
or
practice
,
of
which
both
kindes
we
De
Officio
Principis
Christiani
;
30.
But
the
other
Doctour
Barkley
,
taking
vpon
him
to
treat
the
same
matter
much
more
largely
,
directeth
his
pen
principally
against
the
bookes
of
certaine
Protestantes
of
our
time
,
as
Hottoman
,
Brute
,
Buchanan
,
and
others
before
mentioned
,
for
so
he
saith
in
his
preface
:
Freedome
of
France
(
to
wit
,
of
the
Protestantes
against
their
Kinges
and
Princes
,
)
that
other
also
of
Brutus
(
a
man
of
the
same
place
and
crew
)
intituled
,
The
reuenge
that
subiectes
ought
to
take
of
their
Princes
if
they
become
Tyrantes
;
the
third
of
Buchanan
,
(
schoole-maister
in
times
past
to
our
Kinges
Maiesty
)
intituled
,
A
Dialogue
of
the
right
of
Kingly
power
,
subiecting
the
same
to
the
people
,
yea
and
to
euery
priuate
person
therof
,
when
it
shall
seeme
vnto
him
necessary
for
the
common-wealth
,
or
expedient
for
Godes
glory
,
as
before
yow
haue
heard
.
Against
all
which
this
Doctour
Barkley
,
a
Catholicke
man
writeth
his
six
bookes
;
so
as
in
this
point
for
Princes
security
we
are
far
more
forward
then
Protestantes
.
31.
And
albeit
this
said
Doctour
doth
include
in
like
manner
Doctour
Boucher
a
French
Catholicke
De
iusta
abdicatione
,
against
the
late
King
Henry
the
third
of
France
;
yet
in
the
principall
point
;
whether
priuate
men
,
either
for
priuate
or
publicke
causes
,
may
vse
violence
against
their
lawful
Prince
,
not
lawfully
denounced
for
a
publique
enemy
by
the
whole
state
and
common-wealth
;
in
this
point
(
I
say
)
the
said
Boucher
is
absolutly
against
the
same
,
&
so
protesteth
and
proueth
it
by
diuers
argumentes
,
Hottoman
,
Brute
,
Bucchanan
,
Knox
,
Goodman
,
Gilby
,
Whittingham
and
the
like
:
among
whome
also
I
may
include
Iohn
Fox
,
who
in
his
history
of
Iohn
Husse
,
alloweth
that
proposition
of
his
;
Prelates
and
Princes
leese
their
authority
when
they
fall
into
mortall
sinne
;
as
the
Author
of
the
Warn-word
proueth
more
largely
out
of
Fox
himself
.
32.
And
thus
much
for
the
first
point
,
about
examples
drawne
from
the
times
of
the
old
Testament
,
out
of
which
,
little
can
be
vrged
to
the
proofe
or
disproofe
of
this
question
,
besides
the
two
generall
pointes
by
33.
And
albeit
God
did
some-times
vse
for
externall
guiding
and
direction
of
Priestes
and
Priestly
affaires
,
the
authority
of
good
Kinges
in
those
daies
,
especially
when
they
were
Prophetes
also
,
as
Dauid
&
Salomon
,
in
the
correcting
and
remouing
of
some
Priestes
;
yet
this
was
extraordinary
,
and
proueth
not
,
that
simply
and
absolutly
Kingly
dignity
and
authority
was
aboue
Priesthood
in
that
law
,
albeit
also
it
be
most
true
,
which
the
Authors
by
this
man
heere
alledged
Salmeron
,
Cunerus
,
Carerius
and
the
rest
doe
note
,
that
the
Priesthood
of
the
old
Testament
was
nothing
comparable
to
that
of
the
new
,
this
descending
directly
from
the
person
and
office
of
Christ
himself
,
and
indued
with
farre
higher
and
more
powerfull
spirituall
authority
for
guiding
of
soules
,
then
had
the
Priestes
of
the
old
law
,
which
was
but
a
figure
of
the
new
;
&
therfore
to
argue
from
that
to
this
,
is
a
plaine
fallacy
,
and
abusing
of
the
Reader
.
34.
Wherfore
leauing
this
of
the
comparison
betweene
Kinges
and
Priestes
,
of
the
old
and
new
Testament
,
I
will
end
this
first
point
,
with
the
very
same
conclusion
(
concerning
the
safty
of
Princes
from
violence
of
their
subiectes
)
which
our
Aduersary
himself
alledgeth
out
of
our
Catholicke
Author
Cunerus
We
are
taught
(
saith
he
)
from
the
example
of
the
people
of
God
,
as
your
Cunerus
teacheth
,
with
great
patience
to
endure
the
tyranny
of
mortall
Kinges
,
yea
when
wee
haue
power
to
resist
,
that
he
who
succeedeth
a
King
violently
murdered
of
any
,
though
of
Godly
zeale
;
yet
ought
he
to
reueng
his
Predecessours
death
by
the
death
of
the
malefactours
.
So
T.M.
And
now
followeth
that
of
the
Ghospell
Ex
ore
tuo
te
indico
serue
Cunerus
,
ours
?
how
then
doth
he
affirme
euery
where
,
that
our
doctrine
teacheth
killing
of
Princes
?
Let
him
shew
vs
any
of
his
Authors
,
that
euer
of
this
argument
hath
written
so
moderatly
.
35.
And
yet
further
I
must
aske
him
whether
he
will
stand
to
the
iudgment
of
this
our
Cunerus
,
when
he
commeth
to
the
point
indeed
,
How
incorrigible
Princes
in
some
cases
may
lawfully
be
restrained
,
as
also
depriued
by
the
Common-wealth
,
and
consent
of
the
supreame
Pastour
?
will
he
stand
to
this
(
I
say
)
or
rather
fleet
back
againe
to
the
doctrine
of
the
Scottish
,
Geneuian
,
French
,
&
Flemish
Ministers
,
when
the
King
should
mislike
him
,
and
especially
for
his
Religion
?
wherof
I
make
little
doubt
,
what
euer
he
saith
heere
,
finding
himself
and
his
at
good
ease
.
And
finally
I
would
aske
him
seriously
,
whether
he
would
haue
his
Maiesty
of
England
to
practice
that
excellent
rule
of
pollicy
which
he
so
highly
comendeth
out
of
our
〈◊〉
(
who
notwithstanding
saith
not
a
word
therof
by
way
of
rule
or
obseruation
,
but
only
affirmeth
that
Amasias
did
Out
of
the
new
Testament
.
§.
2.
36.
ANd
then
comming
to
the
second
part
,
he
beginneth
his
discourse
with
this
title
:
The
former
question
disputed
according
to
the
state
of
the
new
Testament
,
and
presently
in
our
manner
he
giueth
the
onset
with
this
proposition
:
The
Pope
hath
all
absolute
and
direct
power
and
dominion
temporall
ouer
all
Kinges
and
Kingdomes
of
the
world
&c.
And
for
proofe
therof
citeth
Carerius
and
Bozius
in
the
margent
,
and
beginneth
to
lay
forth
their
proofes
;
and
then
against
these
two
that
hold
the
opinion
of
Canonistes
(
wherof
before
we
haue
treated
,
to
wit
,
that
Christ
was
the
immediate
Lord
of
all
temporalties
,
and
consequently
also
is
his
substitute
)
he
opposeth
Franciscus
de
Victoria
,
Bellarmine
,
Sanders
,
and
others
that
hold
the
other
opinion
,
to
wit
that
the
Pope
hath
not
directly
,
but
indirectly
only
such
authority
to
deale
with
Princes
in
temporall
affaires
:
and
so
not
informing
his
Reader
that
these
are
different
opinions
of
the
manner
how
the
Pope
hath
this
authority
,
but
yet
that
both
do
agree
in
the
thing
it self
that
he
hath
it
;
he
playeth
pleasantly
vpon
the
matter
,
and
would
make
men
thinke
that
he
taketh
vs
at
great
aduantage
,
as
contrary
or
rather
contradictory
among
our selues
:
which
indeed
is
no
more
contradiction
,
then
if
two
Lawiers
agreeing
that
such
a
noble
man
,
had
such
an
office
or
authority
ouer
such
Whether
Hereticks
before
personall
denuntiation
,
and
sentence
giuen
,
be
subiect
to
externall
penalties
appointed
by
the
Canons
:
And
generally
he
runneth
to
this
shift
,
more
then
any
other
commonly
of
his
fellow-writers
which
I
haue
seene
in
these
our
dayes
,
to
wit
,
that
whersoeuer
he
findeth
any
difference
of
opinions
in
disputable
matters
betweene
our
Catholicke
writers
(
which
S.
Augustine
37.
It
were
ouer
long
to
examine
in
this
place
all
the
obiections
which
he
putteth
downe
on
our
behalfe
,
vnder
the
second
head
of
our
proofes
,
concerning
the
time
of
the
new
Testament
,
calling
them
Romish
pretences
,
and
the
fond
resolutions
he
giueth
vnto
S.
Peter
and
that
it
is
a
strange
art
to
make
a
sword
of
a
paire
of
keyes
,
which
seemeth
to
him
a
fine
iest
,
&
then
commeth
Neither
can
any
shew
me
one
Doctour
,
but
of
reasonable
antiquity
(
peto
vel
ex
millibus
vnum
)
who
by
keyes
vnderstand
ciuill
power
:
But
Syr
what
needeth
antiquity
of
Doctors
in
this
behalf
?
will
not
your
owne
moderne
Protestant
Doctors
graunt
,
that
when
the
keyes
of
any
Citty
,
Towne
,
or
Fort
are
giuen
to
a
Prince
,
ciuill
power
ouer
that
Fort
is
meant
therby
?
who
will
deny
this
?
38.
And
secondly
whereas
he
alleadgeth
Franciscus
à
Victoria
to
say
that
the
keyes
giuen
to
S
Peter
imported
spiritual
authority
of
remitting
and
reteyning
sinnes
,
ergo
no
way
temporall
,
is
a
fond
illation
:
for
that
albeit
Victoria
saith
that
those
keyes
did
principally
importe
spirituall
authority
;
yet
they
include
also
supreme
temporall
indirectly
,
when
the
defence
of
the
spirituall
doth
require
it
.
Whereupon
he
frameth
this
conclusion
in
the
same
place
:
Our
eight
proposition
is
(
saith
he
)
that
the
Pope
(
by
authority
of
the
foresaid
keyes
)
hath
most
ample
temporall
power
ouer
all
Princes
and
Kinges
,
and
the
Emperour
himself
,
in
order
to
a
spirituall
end
,
which
he
proueth
there
by
many
arguments
.
And
this
of
the
first
iest
about
swordes
to
be
made
of
keyes
.
39.
The
second
iest
also
is
as
wise
and
witty
as
this
former
,
that
when
we
found
the
same
temporall
sword
or
authority
of
S.
Peter
,
and
his
successours
vpon
the
words
of
Christ
:
Feed
my
sheep
,
he
doth
inferre
that
Princes
also
must
be
fed
,
and
dietted
corporally
at
the
Popes
discretion
,
and
other
such
toyes
,
he
not
vnderstanding
,
as
it
seemeth
,
or
rather
dissembling
the
force
of
Catholicke
argumentes
drawne
from
those
and
other
like
Scriptures
,
both
by
later
Doctors
,
and
ancient
Fathers
,
which
this
fellow
turneth
into
scofs
and
contempt
,
or
wicked
railing
,
for
that
presently
he
falleth
into
these
rages
:
O
arrogant
Glossers
!
O
impudent
Glosers
,
and
peruerters
of
the
sacred
Oracles
of
God
!
And
why
is
all
this
heat
of
exclamations
?
Forsooth
for
that
in
some
Popes
Bulles
(
though
corruptly
&
fraudulently
alledged
)
some
mention
is
made
of
the
great
authority
that
was
giuen
to
Elias
,
Elizeus
,
Ieremy
,
and
other
Prophetes
,
and
especially
to
Christ
himself
,
vpon
earth
to
plant
,
destroy
,
pull
vp
,
or
punish
where
need
should
be
;
and
that
this
authority
by
allusion
vnto
the
same
wordes
of
Scripture
,
is
applied
to
Christes
Successour
vpon
earth
,
&
affirmed
to
be
left
in
the
Christian
Church
,
to
be
vsed
when
need
shall
require
:
and
is
this
so
great
an
impiety
thinke
yow
?
40.
But
he
goeth
on
and
saith
:
That
next
to
this
he
will
examine
the
antiquity
of
pretended
Papall
power
from
the
Apostles
time
downward
,
and
then
produceth
this
assertion
of
ours
:
The
Priestes
(
saith
the
Romish
pretence
)
of
the
new
Testament
in
the
Priesthood
of
Christ
haue
more
authority
then
that
of
the
old
law
ouer
Kinges
to
depose
them
,
whervnto
he
adioyneth
presently
his
owne
spruse
Ministeriall
answere
in
these
wordes
:
This
is
not
probable
except
yow
can
shew
some
footinges
either
of
Christ
or
his
blessed
Apostles
,
or
their
Holy
Successours
in
the
purer
periods
of
times
.
And
is
not
this
answered
as
from
a
man
of
his
coat
?
Marke
the
phrase
Of
footings
in
purer
periods
,
I
will
for
footinges
in
this
matter
referre
him
to
the
large
demonstrations
which
out
of
Scriptures
,
Doctours
,
Fathers
,
Councelles
,
and
Ecclesiasticall
Histories
,
the
Authors
by
him
heere
often
alledged
Carerius
,
Bozius
,
Bellarmine
,
Sanders
,
Salmeron
,
and
others
doe
aboundantly
and
substancially
alledge
;
&
when
he
shall
haue
ouerthrowne
or
supplanted
those
footinges
of
theirs
,
which
they
〈◊〉
fix
throughout
all
periods
of
times
from
the
beginning
41.
And
as
for
the
succession
of
times
,
which
this
Author
T.
M.
pretendeth
to
bring
downe
from
the
Apostles
dayes
,
(
not
to
ours
)
but
for
a
thousand
yeares
only
after
Christ
,
wherin
he
saith
;
that
no
Pope
can
be
shewed
euer
to
haue
had
any
temporall
iurisdiction
ouer
any
Emperour
,
King
,
or
temporall
Prince
;
though
Catholickes
doe
hold
the
later
six
hundred
yeares
also
,
to
be
of
no
lesse
force
for
president
of
examples
in
the
Church
of
God
then
the
former
thousand
,
yet
are
the
instances
so
many
and
euident
,
which
may
be
alledged
against
his
former
prescription
of
the
said
thousand
yeares
,
as
doe
manifestly
conuince
him
of
folly
in
that
assertion
,
wherin
I
referre
me
to
the
collections
and
demonstrations
therof
by
the
foresaid
Authors
Carerius
,
Bozius
,
Bellarmine
,
Sanders
,
and
others
in
the
places
heere
quoted
in
the
margent
,
but
especially
to
the
three
that
are
not
Iesuites
,
&
to
the
first
for
all
,
to
wit
Carerius
,
that
Penia
,
Baronius
,
Bouius
,
Eugenius
,
Nardus
&
others
,
shewing
the
most
euident
right
,
which
the
Pope
had
,
and
hath
to
commaund
them
,
as
high
Pastor
of
the
Church
,
to
recall
certaine
ciuill
lawes
made
by
them
in
preiudice
of
the
said
Church
,
and
Ecclesiasticall
State
;
which
Commandement
we
[
*
](A09111-e26670-b)
*
Now
they
haue
obeyed
.
obey
,
they
being
knowne
to
be
so
good
and
sound
Catholickes
,
as
they
are
,
though
for
some
time
in
regard
of
some
temporall
respectes
they
haue
deferred
to
doe
the
same
.
42.
Many
more
pointes
might
be
examined
in
this
descent
of
his
throughout
periodes
of
times
;
but
it
would
be
ouerlong
,
and
my
intention
is
to
giue
a
tast
only
or
short
view
:
for
to
examine
the
places
cited
out
of
Fathers
of
diuers
ages
,
for
proofe
of
his
pretence
,
were
time
wholy
lost
.
For
that
in
effect
they
say
nothing
else
,
but
that
we
graunt
,
which
is
that
temporall
Princes
are
to
be
respected
and
obeyed
by
Ecclesiasticall
men
also
,
but
in
temporall
affaires
.
And
as
for
his
examples
of
some
English
Kings
that
seemed
not
to
respect
much
the
Popes
authority
in
some
occasions
,
which
he
hath
borrowed
out
of
Syr
Edward
Cookes
Reportes
,
he
may
see
the
answere
to
that
booke
,
and
so
I
thinke
remaine
satisfied
.
Wherefore
this
shall
suffice
for
the
second
head
of
argumentes
throughout
the
new
Testament
,
though
after
also
in
the
examination
of
some
falsifications
we
shall
haue
occasion
to
say
more
.
Argumentes
from
Reason
.
§.
3.
43.
WHerfore
to
passe
no
further
in
the
second
point
of
argumentes
vnder
the
new
Testament
,
we
shall
say
a
word
or
two
only
of
the
third
,
to
wit
of
proofes
affirmed
to
be
deduced
by
vs
from
force
of
reason
,
for
so
he
intituleth
them
;
to
wit
,
Popish
Argumentes
from
reason
.
And
to
the
end
you
may
see
his
talent
therin
,
wee
shal
examine
only
the
third
reason
in
this
place
which
he
declareth
in
these
wordes
:
Except
,
saith
the
Romish
pretence
,
there
were
a
way
of
deposing
Apostata
Princes
,
God
had
not
prouided
sufficiently
for
his
Church
;
Constitution
Extrauagant
of
Pope
Bonifacius
,
and
saith
;
This
obiection
is
in
your
Extrauagantes
,
and
so
it
may
be
called
,
because
it
rangeth
extra
,
that
is
without
the
bondes
of
Godes
ordinance
&c.
But
as
in
all
his
other
citations
generally
,
he
is
neuer
lightly
true
and
sincere
in
all
points
,
no
not
thrice
(
I
thinke
veryly
)
throughout
all
this
lying
booke
of
his
;
so
neither
heere
:
and
it
would
require
a
great
volume
alone
to
examine
only
some
part
of
his
leaues
about
this
point
of
his
shiftes
and
corruptions
;
they
are
so
many
,
and
thicke
and
craftily
hudled
vp
togeather
.
As
for
example
heere
,
first
this
sentence
is
not
in
the
Popes
Extrauagant
at
all
,
Iohn
Picard
,
which
addition
was
made
by
Petrus
Bertrandus
a
late
writer
.
Secondly
this
Commentary
saith
nothing
of
deposing
Apostata
Princes
,
but
only
affirming
the
foresaid
opinion
of
Canonistes
to
be
true
;
that
Christ
was
Lord
absolutly
in
this
life
ouer
all
,
not
only
in
spirituall
authority
,
but
in
temporall
also
;
he
inferreth
therby
Christ
should
not
haue
sufficiently
prouided
for
the
gouernment
of
his
Church
,
&
Kingdome
vpon
earth
,
Nisi
vnicum
post
se
talem
Vicarium
reliquisset
Apostata
Princes
And
thus
much
for
his
variety
of
corruptions
in
this
little
sentence
,
now
to
the
thing
it selfe
.
44.
The
reason
if
we
consider
it
without
passion
,
is
strong
and
weighty
,
and
founded
vpon
the
prouidence
,
wisedome
,
and
goodnes
of
almighty
God
,
who
hauing
prouided
diligently
,
and
admirably
for
the
preseruation
of
all
other
thinges
,
and
Communities
by
Plato
,
Aristotle
,
Cicero
,
&
others
that
wrote
of
Common-wealthes
in
those
dayes
,
and
did
45.
But
as
for
our
Catholicke
learned
men
,
both
Deuines
and
Lawiers
,
though
they
affirme
(
as
out
of
T.
M.
his
frequent
allegations
of
them
in
this
his
Treatise
is
euident
)
that
all
obedience
both
externall
and
internall
,
in
conscience
and
workes
,
is
by
Godes
ordinance
due
vnto
them
;
yet
that
in
such
publicke
perilles
of
the
Church
&
Common-wealth
as
before
are
mentioned
,
when
they
fal
out
,
Christ
our
Sauiour
hath
not
left
his
Church
wholy
remedilesse
,
but
rather
,
46.
This
,
I
say
,
is
Catholicke
doctrine
,
but
what
Protestants
doctrine
is
,
were
hard
to
set
downe
:
for
that
they
speake
therin
as
time
and
occasion
serueth
them
,
hauing
no
rule
or
Canon
at
all
wherto
they
are
bound
.
For
what
was
both
their
doctrine
and
practice
,
England
,
Scotland
,
Flanders
,
Geneua
and
France
,
is
euident
by
that
which
before
we
haue
alledged
in
the
first
&
fourth
Chapters
of
this
booke
:
now
this
man
telleth
vs
another
tale
for
the
time
present
,
but
what
he
would
say
or
doe
,
if
he
were
in
the
discontented
occasion
of
those
his
fellow-Authors
,
that
wrote
so
sharpely
and
violently
,
no
man
can
tell
:
but
let
vs
see
now
at
length
,
how
substantially
he
doth
satisfy
this
obiection
,
for
he
giueth
three
or
foure
seuerall
solutions
therunto
;
you
shall
heare
what
ones
they
are
.
47.
The
first
is
from
Godes
ordinance
(
saith
he
)
for
by
the
word
of
God
,
as
your
Cunerus
Deuinely
reasoneth
,
And
it
is
well
that
he
alloweth
this
Catholicke
writer
to
reason
deuinely
,
so
far
forth
as
he
may
seeme
to
make
for
him
,
though
in
truth
in
the
conclusion
of
his
discourse
,
Quod
si
haec
non
iuuent
(
saith
he
)
&
Superiorem
in
temporalibus
,
vti
Reges
,
Princeps
non
agnoscit
,
tunc
supremus
Ecclesiae
Pastor
interpellandus
occurrit
,
qui
bonis
&
aequis
subditorum
querelis
audit
is
,
plura
Deo
cooperante
ratione
&
auctoritate
praestare
poterit
quàm
vnquam
〈◊〉
armis
impetrabit
;
but
if
these
meanes
doe
not
help
,
saith
Cunerus
,
and
that
the
Prince
doe
acknowledge
no
Superiour
in
temporall
causes
,
as
Kinges
doe
not
,
then
is
the
Supreme
Pastor
of
the
Church
to
be
called
vpon
,
who
hauing
heard
the
iust
&
good
complaintes
of
the
Subiects
,
God
assisting
him
,
shall
be
able
to
effectuate
more
by
reason
and
authority
with
their
Prince
,
then
euer
the
people
themselues
should
haue
obteyned
by
force
of
armes
.
Thus
he
.
48.
And
now
,
will
T.
M.
allow
this
also
for
deuinely
spoken
?
If
he
doe
,
then
we
differ
not
in
opinion
:
If
he
doe
not
,
why
doth
he
so
often
,
and
continually
cull
out
,
and
cut
of
sentences
of
Authors
,
that
write
directly
against
him
,
as
this
Bishop
Cunerus
,
the
Lawier
Carerius
,
the
Deuine
Bozius
,
the
Iesuites
Bellarmine
,
Salmeron
,
Azor
,
and
others
?
And
yet
I
must
admonish
the
Reader
heere
againe
,
that
if
he
compare
the
text
it selfe
of
Cunerus
with
that
which
heere
T.
M.
setteth
downe
in
Latin
,
and
then
the
Latin
with
that
he
Englisheth
,
he
shall
find
such
mangling
vpon
mangling
,
by
cutting
of
,
leauing
out
,
&
altering
whole
sentences
,
as
he
will
see
that
this
man
can
scarce
deale
truly
in
any
thing
.
And
thus
much
for
his
first
answere
out
of
Cunerus
,
making
much
more
against
him
,
then
for
him
,
as
yow
haue
seene
.
49.
And
I
leaue
to
discusse
the
Authority
of
S.
Augustine
which
out
of
Cunerus
he
also
alleadgeth
(
for
otherwise
then
out
of
our
Authors
bookes
he
hath
little
or
50.
But
now
to
his
second
answere
to
the
former
that
Gods
prouidence
must
needes
haue
lef't
some
remedy
for
the
danger
that
may
occurre
by
euill
gouernment
of
Princes
&c.
The
second
is
(
saith
he
)
the
consideration
of
examples
of
the
primitiue
Church
,
when
for
the
space
of
three
hundred
yeares
it
was
in
grieuous
persecution
,
there
was
found
no
power
on
earth
to
restraine
that
earthly
power
,
was
therfore
God
wanting
to
his
Church
?
God
forbid
.
Nay
rather
he
was
not
wanting
,
for
it
is
written
:
Vertue
is
perfected
in
infirmity
.
As
gold
is
purged
in
the
fire
;
so
by
affliction
when
the
outward
man
suffereth
,
the
inward
man
is
renewed
,
and
when
I
am
weake
,
then
am
I
strong
.
So
he
.
And
doe
yow
see
how
patient
and
meeke
this
man
is
become
now
,
when
there
is
nothing
to
suffer
?
did
his
Protestant-Authors
before
mencioned
write
or
teach
this
doctrine
when
they
were
pressed
by
their
Catholicke
Princes
to
be
quiet
?
Or
if
this
should
be
Holland
,
Zeland
,
Frizeland
,
Hungary
,
Polonia
,
Zweueland
&
Transiluania
,
where
actually
Protestantes
are
in
armes
against
their
naturall
and
lawfull
Princes
,
would
it
be
receaued
as
currant
and
Euangelicall
?
Would
the
examples
of
primitiue
martyrs
,
when
there
was
scarce
any
temporall
common-wealth
extant
among
Christians
,
be
sufficient
to
prescribe
a
forme
of
patience
&
sufferance
to
these
men
?
Why
doe
they
not
then
put
it
in
practice
?
And
why
cease
they
not
,
according
to
this
mans
doctrine
from
so
notorious
tumultuations
against
their
lawfull
Princes
?
Why
is
not
this
doctrine
of
the
Scripture
of
perfecting
their
vertue
by
bearing
and
suffering
admitted
by
them
?
I
confesse
it
ought
to
be
soe
with
all
particuler
men
in
their
afflictions
,
oppressions
,
and
tribulations
,
and
so
teach
our
Doctors
,
as
before
yow
haue
heard
;
though
when
the
hurt
and
danger
concerneth
a
common
wealth
established
in
Christian
Religion
,
there
be
other
considerations
to
be
had
,
as
before
hath
byn
set
downe
.
51.
But
Protestantes
obserue
neither
the
one
,
nor
the
other
,
but
both
in
particuler
and
common
,
breake
forth
when
they
are
streyned
or
discontented
,
into
the
vttermost
violence
they
can
:
and
their
Doctores
are
ready
presently
to
defend
them
;
yea
and
to
goe
to
the
feild
with
them
if
need
be
against
their
Princes
,
as
experience
hath
taught
vs
both
in
Zwitzerland
,
Scotland
,
France
,
and
other
places
.
Wherfore
this
pretended
preaching
of
patience
and
sufferance
of
T.
M.
in
this
place
both
in
his
outward
and
inward
man
,
is
to
small
purpose
.
52.
Wherfore
his
third
answere
is
to
the
former
obiection
The
view
(
as
he
saith
)
of
our
Popish
principles
,
wherby
we
teach
,
that
the
Pope
may
not
be
iudged
by
any
person
vpon
earth
,
whether
secular
,
or
Ecclesiasticall
,
nor
by
a
General
Councel
,
though
he
should
doe
something
contrary
to
the
vniuersall
State
of
the
Church
,
neglect
the
Canons
,
spare
offenderes
,
oppresse
innocentes
and
the
like
:
For
which
he
citeth
both
Bellarmine
,
Carerius
and
Azor
:
and
then
addeth
,
that
no
not
he
should
carry
many
people
with
himselfe
to
hell
;
yet
no
mortall
creature
may
presume
to
say
,
why
doe
yow
so
.
Thus
he
.
53.
Whervnto
I
answere
first
,
that
all
which
Bellarmine
,
Carerius
,
Azorius
,
and
other
Catholicke
writers
doe
affirme
of
the
Popes
preheminency
of
authority
immediatly
vnder
Christ
,
so
as
he
hath
no
Superiour
Iudge
betweene
Christ
and
him
,
that
may
sit
in
iudgment
ouer
him
,
or
giue
sentence
vpon
him
for
matters
of
yll
life
,
tendeth
only
to
shew
,
that
as
he
receiueth
54.
Now
to
the
second
wherin
he
saith
,
that
one
of
our
Popes
,
placed
also
in
the
Calends
of
our
Martyrs
,
doth
affirme
that
though
a
Pope
should
carry
many
people
with
himselfe
to
hell
,
no
mortall
man
may
presume
to
say
,
why
doe
yow
so
?
I
doe
greatly
maruaile
with
what
conscience
,
or
if
not
conscience
,
with
what
forehead
at
least
these
men
can
write
and
print
,
and
reiterate
so
often
in
their
books
,
thinges
that
they
know
,
or
may
know
to
be
meerly
false
and
forged
!
Is
not
this
a
signe
of
obstinate
wilfulnes
,
and
that
neither
God
,
nor
truth
is
sought
for
by
them
,
but
only
to
maintaine
a
parte
or
faction
,
with
what
sleight
or
falshood
soeuer
?
I
find
this
very
obiection
set
forth
in
print
not
many
yeares
gone
by
〈◊〉
Francis
Hastings
in
his
Watch-word
and
Defence
therof
,
and
the
same
auouched
stoutly
after
him
for
a
time
by
Matthew
Sutcliffe
the
Minister
,
Aduocate
&
Proctor
of
that
defence
;
but
afterward
I
find
the
same
so
consuted
at
large
by
the
Warn-word
,
and
so
many
lies
,
falshoodes
,
and
euident
fraudes
discouered
therin
,
as
M.
Sutcliffe
in
his
Reply
intituled
A
full
and
round
answere
,
thought
good
roundly
to
let
this
passe
,
without
any
answere
at
all
,
which
I
can
find
in
his
said
booke
,
though
I
haue
vsed
some
diligence
in
search
therof
;
which
I
doe
adde
,
for
that
he
changeth
the
whole
order
of
answearing
from
the
method
of
his
Aduersary
,
to
the
end
not
to
be
found
,
&
so
answereth
nothing
in
order
or
place
,
as
it
is
set
downe
by
him
whome
he
pretendeth
to
answere
,
but
rather
taking
a
new
,
vast
and
wild
discourse
to
himselfe
,
snatcheth
heere
a
word
,
and
there
a
word
,
to
carpe
at
,
not
as
they
Three
Conuersions
of
England
,
and
may
doe
easely
all
that
is
written
by
Catholickes
,
if
carping
only
and
scolding
be
answering
.
55.
Wherfore
to
this
instance
heere
resumed
by
T.
M.
though
I
must
remit
him
,
or
rather
the
Reader
for
larger
satisfaction
to
the
said
Catholike
Treatise
,
intituled
The
Warn-word
;
yet
heere
breifly
I
am
to
tell
him
first
,
that
he
erreth
grossely
in
the
affirming
in
this
place
,
the
Author
of
this
Canon
cited
by
him
Si
Papa
,
to
haue
byn
a
Pope
,
for
that
the
said
Canon
was
gathered
by
Gratian
out
of
the
sayinges
of
S.
Boniface
martyr
,
as
in
the
title
of
the
said
Canon
is
expressed
,
which
Boniface
was
neuer
Pope
,
but
a
vertuous
learned
English
man
,
that
liued
aboue
850.
yeares
gone
,
The
Apostle
,
for
that
he
first
publickly
conuerted
that
nation
,
erected
that
Primate
sea
,
and
suffered
glorious
martyrdome
by
the
Gentils
for
the
faith
of
Christ
.
Wherfore
the
scoffe
of
T.
M.
calling
him
our
Pope
placed
in
the
Calendes
of
our
martyrs
,
besides
the
ignorance
,
tasteth
also
of
much
prophane
malice
and
impiety
.
56.
Secondly
I
say
that
these
wordes
of
his
are
corruptly
set
downe
,
as
euer
commonly
elswhere
,
and
that
both
in
Latin
and
English
.
In
Latin
,
for
that
he
leaueth
out
the
beginning
of
the
Canon
,
which
sheweth
the
〈◊〉
therof
,
whose
title
is
:
Damnatur
Apostolicus
qui
suae
&
fraternae
salutis
est
negligens
:
The
Pope
is
damned
which
is
negligent
in
the
affaire
of
his
owne
saluation
and
of
his
brethren
;
and
then
beginneth
the
Canon
Si
Papa
suae
&
fraternae
salutis
negligens
&c.
Shewing
that
albeit
the
Pope
haue
no
Superiour
Iudge
in
this
world
,
which
may
by
authority
checke
him
vnlesse
he
fall
into
heresy
;
yet
shall
his
damnation
be
greater
then
of
other
sinners
,
for
that
by
reason
of
his
high
dignity
,
he
draweth
more
after
him
to
perdition
,
then
any
other
.
Wherby
we
may
perceaue
that
this
Canon
was
not
written
to
flatter
the
Pope
,
as
Protestantes
would
haue
it
seeme
,
but
to
warne
him
rather
of
his
perill
,
togeather
with
his
high
authority
.
57.
After
this
the
better
to
couer
this
pious
meaning
of
S.
Boniface
T.
M.
alleadging
two
lines
of
the
same
in
Latin
,
he
cutteth
of
presently
a
third
line
,
that
immediatly
ensueth
,
to
wit
:
Cum
ipso
plagis
multis
in
aeternum
vapulatur
us
,
that
the
Pope
is
to
suffer
eternall
punishmentes
,
and
to
be
scourged
with
many
stripes
,
togeather
with
the
diuell
himselfe
,
if
by
his
euill
,
or
may
presume
to
controlle
him
,
which
is
a
malitious
falshood
.
And
lastly
he
leaueth
out
all
that
immediatly
followeth
conteyning
a
reason
of
all
that
is
said
:
Quia
cunctos
ipse
iudicaturus
,
à
nemine
est
iudicandus
,
nisi
deprehendatur
à
fide
deuius
&c.
For
that
wheras
he
is
Iudge
of
all
other
men
,
he
cannot
himselfe
be
Iudged
by
any
,
except
he
be
found
to
swarue
from
the
true
faith
.
Heere
then
is
nothing
but
fraudulent
citing
,
and
abusing
of
Authors
.
58.
But
now
thirdly
remaineth
the
greatest
corruption
&
abuse
of
all
in
his
English
translation
,
which
is
that
which
most
importeth
his
simple
Reader
that
looketh
not
into
the
Latin
,
and
this
is
,
that
he
translateth
the
former
sentence
of
the
Canon
thus
as
before
yow
haue
heard
:
Though
he
should
carry
many
people
with
him
to
hell
;
yet
no
mortall
creature
may
presume
to
say
why
doe
yow
so
?
But
in
the
Latin
neither
heere
,
nor
in
the
Canon
it selfe
is
there
any
such
interrogation
at
all
,
as
why
doe
yow
so
?
And
therfore
I
may
aske
T.
M.
why
doe
yow
ly
so
?
Or
why
doe
yow
delude
your
Reader
so
?
Or
why
do
yow
corrupt
your
Author
so
?
Or
why
doe
yow
translate
in
English
for
the
abusing
of
your
Reader
,
that
which
neither
your selfe
doe
set
downe
in
your
Latin
text
,
nor
the
Canon
it selfe
by
yow
cited
hath
it
at
all
?
Is
not
this
wilfull
,
and
malicious
fraude
?
Wherin
when
yow
shall
answere
me
directly
and
sincerly
,
it
shall
be
a
great
discharge
of
your
credit
with
those
,
who
in
the
meane
space
will
iustly
hold
yow
for
a
deceauer
.
59.
His
fourth
answere
to
the
former
argument
of
Gods
prouidence
,
is
the
difference
(
he
saith
)
of
Kings
for
that
the
Papall
power
(
saith
he
)
which
will
be
thought
spirituall
if
it
be
euill
,
may
be
the
bane
of
soules
;
the
power
of
Princes
is
but
corporall
,
therfore
feare
them
not
because
they
can
goe
no
further
then
the
body
.
Thus
he
.
And
did
euer
man
heare
so
wise
a
reason
?
And
cannot
euill
Kinges
and
Princes
be
the
cause
of
corrupting
soules
also
if
they
should
liue
wickedly
,
&
permit
or
induce
others
to
doe
the
same
?
And
what
if
they
should
be
of
an
euill
Religion
as
yow
will
say
Q.
Mary
,
and
K.
Henry
were
,
and
all
Kinges
vpward
for
many
hundred
yeares
togeather
,
who
by
Statutes
and
for
that
bodily
Tyranny
(
saith
he
)
worketh
in
the
Godly
patience
,
but
the
spirituall
Tyranny
doth
captiuate
the
inward
soule
.
This
now
is
as
good
as
the
former
,
and
is
a
difference
without
diuersity
,
so
farre
as
concerneth
our
affaire
,
that
a
man
may
with
patience
,
if
he
will
,
resist
both
the
one
and
the
other
.
And
euen
now
we
haue
seene
that
when
any
Pope
shal
decline
from
the
common
receaued
faith
of
Christendome
,
he
cannot
captiuate
other
men
,
but
is
deposed
himselfe
.
Wherfore
this
mans
conclusion
is
very
simple
,
saying
:
Therfore
heere
is
need
,
according
to
Gods
prouidence
,
of
power
to
depose
so
desperate
a
spirituall
euill
,
wherof
it
is
written
,
if
the
salte
want
his
saltenesse
,
it
is
good
for
nothing
,
but
to
be
cast
vpon
the
donghill
.
Marke
then
that
concerning
the
spirituall
,
that
God
hath
ordeined
eiiciatur
foras
,
let
it
be
cast
out
;
but
concerning
the
temporall
,
resiste
not
the
power
.
60.
Lo
heere
,
and
doe
not
these
men
find
Scriptures
for
all
purposes
?
This
fellow
hath
found
a
text
,
that
all
spirituall
power
,
when
it
misliketh
them
,
must
be
cast
to
the
donghill
,
and
no
temporall
must
be
resisted
;
and
yet
he
that
shall
read
the
first
place
by
him
alleadged
out
of
S.
Matthew
shall
find
that
the
lacke
of
saltenesse
is
expresly
meant
of
the
want
of
good
life
and
edification
,
especially
in
Priestes
and
Preachers
;
and
yet
is
it
no
precept
,
as
this
man
would
haue
it
,
to
cast
them
al
to
the
donghill
:
but
that
salte
leesing
his
taste
,
is
fit
for
nothing
but
to
that
vse
.
S.
Paul
in
like
manner
to
the
Romanes
doth
not
more
forbid
resisting
of
temporall
authority
,
then
of
spirituall
:
but
commaundeth
to
obey
both
the
one
and
the
other
;
which
this
man
applieth
only
to
temporall
,
which
he
would
haue
exalted
,
obeyed
,
and
respected
,
and
the
other
contemned
,
and
cast
to
the
donghill
.
Oh
that
he
had
byn
worthy
to
haue
byn
the
scholler
of
S.
Chrysostome
,
S.
Gregory
Nazianzen
,
or
S.
Ambrose
before
cited
,
who
so
highly
preferred
spirituall
authority
before
temporall
,
how
would
they
haue
rated
him
,
if
he
would
not
haue
byn
better
instructed
,
or
more
piously
affected
?
No
doubt
eiecissent
foras
,
they
would
haue
cast
him
forth
to
the
donghill
in
deed
,
and
there
haue
left
him
,
and
so
doe
we
in
this
matter
,
not
meaning
to
follow
him
any
further
,
except
he
reasoned
more
groundedly
,
or
dealt
more
sincerly
.
61.
Yet
in
one
word
to
answere
his
comparison
,
we
say
,
that
both
temporall
,
&
spirituall
Magistrates
may
doe
hurte
both
to
body
and
soule
:
for
as
the
temporall
may
preiudice
also
the
soule
,
as
now
hath
byn
said
;
so
may
the
spirituall
afflict
in
like
manner
the
body
,
as
Quia
corruptio
optimi
est
pessima
:
The
best
thinges
become
worst
,
when
they
are
peruerted
:
and
spirituall
diseases
,
especially
belonging
to
faith
,
be
more
pernicious
then
corporall
:
for
which
cause
God
had
so
much
care
to
prouide
for
the
preuention
therof
in
his
Christian
Church
,
for
the
conseruation
of
true
faith
,
by
the
authority
,
vnion
,
visibility
,
&
succession
of
the
said
Church
,
and
diligence
of
Doctores
,
Teachers
,
Synodes
,
Councels
,
and
other
meanes
therin
vsed
,
and
by
his
assistance
of
infallibility
to
the
head
therof
:
which
head
though
in
respect
of
his
eminent
authority
,
he
haue
no
Superiours
to
Iudge
or
chastise
him
,
except
in
case
of
heresy
,
as
hath
byn
said
;
yet
hath
he
many
and
effectuall
meanes
wherby
to
be
admonished
,
informed
,
stirred
vp
,
and
moued
:
so
as
he
being
but
one
in
the
world
,
and
furnished
with
these
helpes
,
bringeth
farre
lesse
danger
,
and
inconuenience
,
then
if
all
temporall
Princes
(
who
are
many
)
had
the
like
priuiledge
and
immunity
.
And
this
euery
reasonable
man
out
of
reason
it selfe
will
easily
see
&
consider
.
62.
As
also
this
other
point
of
no
small
or
meane
importance
,
to
wit
,
that
English
Protestantes
pretending
temporall
Princes
to
be
supreame
,
and
without
Iudge
or
Superiour
in
matters
of
Religion
,
as
well
as
ciuill
and
secular
,
they
incurre
a
farre
greater
inconuenience
therby
,
then
they
would
seeme
to
lay
vpon
vs
.
For
that
if
any
temporall
Prince
as
Supreame
in
both
causes
,
would
take
vpon
him
the
approbation
,
or
admission
of
any
sect
or
heresy
whatsoeuer
,
they
haue
no
remedy
at
all
according
to
the
principles
of
their
doctrine
;
wheras
we
say
,
the
Pope
in
this
case
may
and
must
be
deposed
by
force
of
his
subiectes
,
&
all
Christian
Princes
ioined
togeather
against
him
:
so
as
in
place
of
one
generall
Pope
,
which
in
this
case
is
vnder
authority
,
they
make
so
many
particuler
Popes
,
as
are
particuler
Kings
&
temporall
Princes
throughout
all
Christendome
,
that
are
absolute
,
and
consequently
without
all
remedy
for
offences
temporall
or
spirituall
in
manners
or
faith
.
63.
And
now
let
vs
imagine
what
variety
of
sectes
and
schismes
would
haue
byn
at
this
day
in
Christianity
,
if
for
a
thousand
and
six
hundred
yeares
,
which
Christian
Religion
hath
endured
,
this
doctrine
of
liberty
and
immunity
of
temporall
Princes
to
belieue
,
hold
,
and
defend
what
they
list
,
had
byn
receaued
and
practised
for
good
and
currant
vnto
this
time
.
From
which
singuler
inconuenience
,
danger
,
and
desperate
desolation
,
the
doctrine
&
beliefe
of
the
only
Bishop
of
Rome
his
Supreame
authority
,
and
exercise
therof
,
hath
chiefly
deliuered
vs
,
as
to
all
men
is
euident
.
And
this
only
reason
were
sufficient
in
all
reason
to
refute
this
mans
ydle
confutation
of
that
Supremacy
heere
pretended
;
which
confutation
standing
vpon
so
feeble
and
ridiculous
groundes
,
as
now
in
part
yow
haue
seene
,
&
supported
principally
by
certaine
new
shifts
,
and
iugglinges
scarcely
vsed
by
any
before
,
by
casting
out
shaddowes
of
our
Catholicke
Authors
sayinges
and
sentences
,
as
making
for
him
;
though
I
meane
to
passe
no
further
in
impugning
his
said
grondes
,
which
are
of
so
small
weight
as
yow
haue
seene
:
yet
doe
I
not
thinke
it
amisse
to
adde
another
seuerall
Chapter
for
better
discouering
of
the
said
iugglinges
vsed
by
him
in
this
short
Treatise
,
not
conteyning
much
aboue
twenty
〈◊〉
in
all
.
For
by
this
little
yow
may
gather
what
a
volume
might
be
framed
of
his
false
dealings
,
if
we
would
dwell
any
longer
therin
.
A
BRIEF
VIEW
OF
CERTAINE
NOTORIOVS
,
FALSE
AND
FRAVDVLENT
DEALINGS
,
VSED
BY
T.M.
In
this
his
short
seuerall
Treatise
against
the
Popes
Supremacy
:
As
also
sundry
examples
of
the
like
proceeding
in
the
former
Part
of
his
deceiptfull
Reply
.
CHAP.
VI.
IT
is
the
saying
both
of
Philosophers
and
Deuines
,
Bonum
nisi
bene
fiat
,
bonum
non
esse
,
A
good
thing
except
it
be
well
&
rightly
done
,
is
not
good
:
As
for
example
if
a
man
would
relieue
the
necessity
of
poore
and
distressed
people
with
almes
gotten
by
stealth
or
robbery
;
albeit
giuing
of
alms
of
it selfe
be
a
good
thing
;
yet
for
that
it
is
not
heere
lawfully
performed
,
in
this
case
it
is
not
good
nor
lawfull
:
So
M.
Thomas
the
Minister
of
simple
truth
)
though
it
should
proue
vtile
,
yet
not
honestum
;
that
is
,
for
his
gaine
,
but
not
for
his
credit
or
conscience
,
and
consequently
deserueth
rather
disgrace
then
estimation
,
euen
with
those
whome
most
he
desired
to
gratify
in
that
affaire
.
2.
For
demonstration
wherof
,
though
I
suppose
to
haue
said
sufficient
before
,
both
in
the
second
,
fourth
,
and
fifth
Chapters
by
occasion
of
matters
that
occurred
in
discussion
betweene
vs
;
yet
now
hauing
determined
with
my self
,
to
passe
on
no
further
in
the
particuler
refutation
of
this
his
Treatise
,
as
a
thing
not
worth
the
time
to
be
lost
therin
,
and
handled
far
better
by
diuers
of
his
owne
side
before
him
,
namely
by
M.
Iewell
,
M.
Horne
,
D.
Iohn
Reinoldes
,
M.
Bilson
and
some
others
in
so
constant
assurance
of
an
vpright
conscience
(
to
vse
his
owne
wordes
)
as
that
he
would
willingly
remit
that
iust
aduantage
against
his
aduersary
,
which
the
difference
betweene
a
Minister
of
simple
truth
,
and
a
professed
Equiuocator
did
offer
vnto
him
.
Now
then
let
vs
enter
to
the
examination
it self
.
3.
Wherin
only
the
Reader
is
to
be
aduertised
,
that
wheras
this
man
by
a
new
deuise
of
his
owne
,
doth
pretend
to
put
downe
the
sayings
of
our
Catholicke
A
course
(
saith
he
to
the
Kinges
Maiesty
)
which
I
professe
in
all
disputes
;
he
dealeth
so
perfidiously
therin
to
bring
them
to
debate
,
as
commonly
the
simple
fellow
committeth
three
seuerall
sortes
of
fraudes
and
falshood
in
most
of
his
allegations
.
First
in
corrupting
the
meaning
of
the
Authors
,
alledging
them
quite
against
their
owne
whole
drift
,
and
intended
discourse
,
and
conclusion
therof
.
Secondly
in
setting
downe
fraudulently
the
Latin
text
,
by
peecing
&
patching
their
sentences
togeather
that
stand
farre
a
sunder
in
the
Authors
themselues
,
&
by
dismembring
others
that
were
coherent
before
,
as
often
now
wee
haue
complained
.
Thirdly
in
translating
the
same
by
like
fraude
into
English
,
vsing
manifest
violence
to
the
wordes
and
sense
it selfe
,
to
get
therby
some
shew
of
aduantage
,
or
at
least
-
wise
to
say
somewhat
.
All
which
sortes
and
kindes
of
shifts
yow
shall
see
expressed
in
the
examples
that
are
to
ensue
.
4.
In
the
second
page
of
his
pretended
confutation
;
In
the
old
Testament
the
Iesuites
are
forced
to
allow
,
that
the
King
was
supreame
ouer
the
Priestes
in
spirituall
affaires
and
ordering
Priestes
.
For
proofe
wherof
he
citeth
in
the
margent
Salmeron
a
Iesuit
,
a
very
learned
man
,
that
hath
left
written
in
our
dayes
many
volumes
vpon
the
Ghospells
,
Epistles
of
S.
Paul
,
and
other
partes
of
Scriptures
,
and
was
one
of
the
first
ten
,
that
ioined
themselues
with
the
famous
holy
man
Ignatius
de
Loyola
,
for
the
beginning
of
that
Religious
order
;
in
which
citation
diuers
notable
corruptions
are
to
be
seene
.
First
,
for
But
now
against
this
sound
truth
by
me
hitherto
confirmed
,
I
know
that
many
thinges
may
be
obiected
,
which
we
are
diligently
to
confute
.
First
then
may
be
obiected
that
Kinges
in
the
old
Testament
did
sometimes
prescribe
vnto
Priestes
what
they
were
to
doe
in
sacred
thinges
,
as
also
did
put
some
negligent
Priestes
from
the
execution
of
their
office
.
To
which
is
answered
:
Vbi
id
euenisset
,
mirum
esse
non
debere
;
If
it
had
so
fallen
out
,
it
had
byn
no
maruaile
:
for
that
the
Synagogue
of
the
Iewes
,
albeit
it
conteined
some
iust
men
,
yet
was
it
called
rather
an
earthly
,
then
a
heauenly
Kingdome
,
S.
Augustine
doth
doubt
,
whether
in
the
old
Testament
,
the
Kingdome
of
heauen
was
euer
so
much
as
named
,
and
much
lesse
promised
for
reward
;
and
therfore
those
things
that
were
then
done
among
them
,
foreshewed
only
or
prefigured
diuine
thinges
that
were
to
succeed
vnder
the
new
Testament
,
the
other
being
not
diuine
but
humane
and
earthly
.
So
Salmeron
.
5.
Heere
then
are
sundry
important
corruptions
,
&
[
*
](A09111-e28820-b)
*
Disp.
12.
pag.
324.
&
325.
of
the
Scripture
it selfe
,
by
the
sacrifice
appointed
more
worthy
for
the
Priest
,
then
the
Prince
,
&
many
other
testimonies
,
as
that
he
must
take
the
law
&
interpretation
6.
The
second
corruption
is
in
the
wordes
,
as
they
ly
in
the
Latin
copy
,
&
as
they
are
by
me
before
mentioned
:
Vbi
id
euenisset
mirum
esse
non
debere
,
If
any
such
thing
had
fallen
out
,
as
was
obiected
,
to
wit
that
Kinges
S.
Augustines
iudgment
before
touched
,
which
serued
to
make
the
Authors
meaning
more
plaine
,
and
yet
left
no
signe
of
(
&c.
)
wherby
his
Reader
might
vnderstand
that
somewhat
was
omitted
,
but
〈◊〉
againe
presently
,
as
though
it
had
imediatly
followed
,
〈◊〉
cùm
populus
Dei
constet
corpore
Et
ad
spiritualia
significanda
constituebaiur
,
and
that
kinde
of
earthly
power
was
appointed
to
signify
the
spirituall
that
was
to
be
in
the
new
Testament
:
wherby
is
euidently
seene
that
Salmeron
vnderstood
not
by
carnalis
pars
and
regnum
terrenum
,
the
temporall
Kingdome
of
Iury
,
as
this
Minister
doth
insinuate
to
make
the
matter
odious
;
but
the
Ecclesiasticall
gouernment
of
the
Synagogue
vnder
the
old
law
,
in
respect
of
the
Ecclesiasticall
power
in
the
new
,
wherof
the
other
was
but
an
earthly
figure
or
signification
.
7.
But
now
the
third
corruption
,
&
most
egregious
of
all
,
is
in
his
English
translation
out
of
the
Latin
wordes
of
Salmeron
:
for
thus
he
translateth
them
in
our
In
the
Synagogue
of
the
Iewes
(
saith
Salmeron
)
was
a
State
rather
earthly
then
heauenly
;
so
that
in
that
people
(
which
was
as
in
the
body
of
a
man
,
consisting
of
body
and
soule
)
the
carnall
part
was
more
eminent
,
meaning
the
temporall
to
haue
byn
supreame
.
In
which
translation
are
many
seuerall
shifts
and
fraudes
.
For
wheras
Salmeron
saith
Synagoga
Iudeorum
dicebatur
potius
terrenum
quàm
caeleste
regnum
,
the
Synagogue
or
Ecclesiasticall
power
among
the
Iewes
was
called
rather
an
earthly
,
then
a
heauenly
Kingdome
;
he
translateth
it
,
the
Synagogue
of
the
Iewes
was
a
State
rather
earthly
,
then
heauenly
;
and
this
to
the
end
he
might
apply
the
word
of
earth
to
the
temporal
Prince
,
and
heauenly
to
the
Iudaicall
Priestes
,
which
is
quite
from
Salmerons
meaning
.
Secondly
those
other
wordes
of
Salmeron
being
Cùm
populus
Dei
constet
ex
corpore
&
in
that
people
(
to
wit
the
Iewes
)
the
carnall
part
was
the
more
eminent
,
meaning
(
saith
he
)
the
temporall
;
which
is
false
,
for
he
speaketh
expressely
of
the
Ecclesiasticall
power
among
the
Iewes
,
which
he
calleth
carnall
and
terrene
,
in
respect
of
the
spirituall
Ecclesiasticall
among
the
Christians
,
and
not
the
temporall
or
Kingly
power
vnder
the
old
Testament
,
as
this
man
to
make
vs
odious
to
temporall
Princes
,
as
debasing
their
authority
,
would
haue
it
thought
.
And
Salmerons
contraposition
or
antithesis
is
not
betweene
the
temporall
and
Ecclesiasticall
gouernment
among
the
Iewes
;
but
betweene
their
Ecclesiasticall
gouernment
and
ours
,
that
of
the
Synagogue
,
and
this
of
the
Christian
Church
,
wherof
the
one
he
saith
to
be
terrene
&
earthly
,
the
other
spirituall
and
heauenly
,
the
one
infirme
,
the
other
powerfull
ouer
soules
&c.
So
as
all
these
sortes
and
kindes
of
corruptions
being
seene
in
this
one
little
authority
,
yow
may
imagine
what
will
be
found
in
the
whole
booke
,
if
a
man
had
so
much
patience
and
time
to
leese
,
as
to
discusse
the
same
exactly
through
.
8.
A
little
after
this
againe
,
he
bringeth
in
an
example
M.
Morton
first
of
all
bringeth
in
Doctor
Barkley
dissenting
from
Doctor
Boucher
in
this
matter
,
about
the
deposition
of
this
King
,
the
one
holding
that
he
was
deposed
,
the
other
not
,
but
only
that
as
a
sicke
man
was
debarred
of
the
administration
.
Doctor
Bouchers
wordes
are
these
cited
by
D.
Barkley
:
Sic
Oziam
Azarias
Cùm
regni
administratione
priuatus
fuerit
,
wheras
he
was
depriued
of
the
administration
of
the
Kingdome
,
which
after
in
other
words
he
expressing
,
saith
,
Regnandi
authoritate
,
he
was
depriued
of
the
authority
Festinatò
expulerunt
&c.
Azarias
and
the
rest
of
the
Priestes
did
hastily
driue
him
out
of
the
Temple
,
and
he
himself
being
terrified
with
that
which
he
felt
to
be
the
punishment
of
God
,
made
hast
to
goe
forth
.
Wherfore
this
King
Ozias
remaining
a
leper
vnto
the
day
of
his
death
,
did
dwell
in
a
separate
howse
,
and
he
was
full
of
leprosy
,
for
the
which
he
was
cast
forth
of
the
howse
of
our
Lord
:
so
as
his
sonne
Ioathan
did
gouerne
the
howse
of
the
King
,
&
iudge
the
people
of
the
land
.
9.
Out
of
which
wordes
of
Scripture
as
also
out
of
the
Booke
of
Leuiticus
,
where
the
law
saith
,
That
whosoeuer
shal
be
spotted
with
leprosy
,
and
is
separated
at
the
apointment
of
the
Priest
,
shall
dwell
alone
without
the
tentes
,
Bellarmine
doth
gather
that
this
separation
of
King
Ozias
was
not
voluntary
but
by
prescript
order
of
the
said
high
Priest
Azarias
,
and
that
consequently
he
was
depriued
also
by
the
same
sentence
and
authority
,
of
his
gouernment
and
administration
of
the
Kingdome
;
against
which
T.
M.
bringeth
in
a
great
tempestuous
storme
of
wordes
,
and
warre
of
the
foresaid
Doctor
Barkley
Scottishman
,
against
Cardinall
Bellarmine
,
as
though
he
had
refuted
him
with
some
contumely
and
contempt
;
wheras
Doctor
Barkley
neither
nameth
nor
meaneth
Bellarmine
,
but
only
Boucher
vpon
his
wordes
before
recited
,
against
whome
he
being
,
according
to
his
custome
,
somewhat
vehement
in
speech
(
the
difference
in
substance
being
little
or
nothing
as
yow
haue
seene
)
T.
M.
endeauoreth
by
his
sleightes
to
increase
or
aggrauate
the
same
.
For
wheras
Doctor
Barkley
presuming
Boucher
to
vnderstand
by
those
his
wordes
De
regno
eiecit
,
that
Azarias
had
taken
from
K.
Ozias
the
name
and
right
of
Kingdome
,
saith
vnto
him
;
Magna
sanè
imprudentia
vel
impudentia
est
,
ea
scriptis
mandare
,
quae
manifestis
scripturae
testimoniis
redarguuntur
:
It
is
truly
a
great
imprudence
or
impudency
,
to
commit
those
thinges
to
writing
which
are
controlled
by
manifest
10.
Heere
then
yow
see
how
many
wilfull
corruptions
there
be
,
first
to
bring
in
Doctor
Barkley
rating
of
Cardinall
Bellarmine
with
magna
sanè
impudentia
est
&c.
Wheras
he
talketh
not
against
Bellarmine
at
all
,
nor
indeed
is
Bellarmines
manner
of
speech
contrary
to
that
D.
Boucher
of
Ieroboam
,
Ozias
,
Athalia
,
and
some
other
Princes
,
in
whose
punishment
God
vsed
Priestes
for
Doctor
Barkley
,
that
the
Church
hath
right
ouer
Christian
Kinges
&
Princes
,
nor
am
I
ignorant
what
manner
of
right
it
is
;
yet
doe
I
not
see
how
the
same
may
be
proued
by
such
impertinent
argumentes
;
nay
I
know
rather
that
it
cannot
be
so
proued
.
Which
wordes
going
but
very
few
lines
before
those
that
T.
M.
alledgeth
,
he
could
not
but
see
,
and
yet
left
them
out
,
and
then
beginneth
against
vs
his
English
text
thus
:
Your
owne
Doctor
calleth
this
your
assertion
most
false
,
and
contrary
to
the
direct
History
of
the
Byble
,
to
wit
,
that
Ozias
was
deposed
of
his
Kingdome
by
Azarias
the
high
Priest
.
11.
But
now
yow
haue
seene
that
howsoeuer
it
may
be
called
,
either
deposition
,
depriuation
,
restraint
,
sequestration
or
inhibition
;
certaine
it
is
,
that
he
was
separated
from
the
administration
of
the
gouernment
by
〈◊〉
the
high
Priest
,
and
whether
his
sonne
during
his
life
were
truly
King
or
only
regent
or
Gouernour
vnder
his
Father
,
or
whether
he
were
bound
to
consult
with
his
said
Father
in
his
greatest
affaires
,
&
take
his
approbation
and
commission
,
that
point
,
which
is
most
important
,
Doctor
Barkley
proueth
not
,
but
only
that
Ozias
notwithstanding
his
separation
was
called
King
during
his
life
,
which
letted
not
,
but
D.
Barkley
might
aswell
say
,
that
his
Maiesty
now
of
England
(
for
example
)
was
not
King
of
Scotland
,
whiles
his
Mother
the
Queene
liued
in
her
exile
,
which
yet
I
thinke
he
will
not
say
;
and
therfore
to
vse
the
wordes
impudentia
,
nequitia
,
and
falsissimum
in
a
matter
so
doubtfull
,
might
perhaps
haue
byn
omitted
;
but
much
more
ought
to
haue
byn
the
multiplicity
of
falsities
vsed
by
T.
M.
in
relating
the
same
,
&
namely
in
bringing
in
Cardinall
Bellarmine
with
such
ardent
desire
to
haue
him
contradicted
&
disgraced
,
as
he
not
only
applieth
to
him
that
which
was
spoken
against
another
,
but
reciting
also
two
lines
of
his
speech
,
besides
other
manglinges
,
shufleth
in
falsly
two
or
three
words
,
that
ouerthrow
the
whole
controuersy
,
to
wit
separatus
extra
Regnum
,
that
King
Ozias
was
separated
by
Azarias
the
Priest
forth
of
the
Kingdome
:
wheras
Bellarmine
hath
not
these
wordes
extra
Regnum
at
al
,
but
only
that
he
was
separated
from
the
Citty
extra
vrbem
in
domo
solitaria
forth
of
the
Citty
in
a
solitary
house
,
which
thing
the
Scripture
it self
before
related
doth
testify
;
wherby
yow
see
what
botching
there
is
to
bring
matters
to
his
purpose
;
and
yet
will
he
needs
stile
him self
The
Minister
of
simple
truth
.
12.
It
followeth
in
the
16.
page
thus
:
Your
deuise
(
saith
he
)
of
exemption
of
Priestes
(
from
the
iurisdiction
of
temporall
is
to
crude
to
be
disgested
by
any
reasonable
Deuine
,
for
(
as
your
Victoria
saith
)
Priestes
,
besides
that
they
are
Ministers
of
the
Church
,
they
are
likewise
members
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
a
King
is
aswell
a
King
of
the
Clergy
,
as
of
the
laity
,
therfore
the
Clergy
is
subiect
vnto
the
ciuill
authority
in
temporall
thinges
,
for
such
matter
is
not
ruled
by
any
power
spirituall
:
A
plaine
demonstration
.
So
he
.
And
I
say
the
same
,
that
indeed
it
is
a
plaine
demonstration
of
his
egregious
falshood
,
and
abusing
his
Reader
.
First
in
making
him
belieue
,
that
the
learned
man
Franciscus
de
Victoria
doth
fauour
him
or
his
in
this
matter
of
the
exemption
of
Priestes
,
wheras
in
this
very
place
heere
cited
by
T.
M.
his
first
proposition
Ecclesiastici
iure
sunt
exempti
&c.
I
doe
affirme
that
Ecclesiasticall
men
are
by
Law
exempted
,
and
freed
from
ciuill
power
,
so
as
they
may
not
be
conuented
before
a
secular
Iudge
,
either
in
criminall
or
ciuill
causes
,
&
the
contrary
doctrine
to
this
is
condemned
for
Hereticall
,
among
the
articles
of
Iohn
Wickliffe
in
the
Councell
of
Constance
.
So
he
.
And
now
see
whether
Victoria
make
for
him
or
no
,
or
whether
he
disgested
well
this
crude
doctrine
of
Priestes
exemption
,
as
this
Ministers
phrase
is
.
13.
Secondly
if
we
consider
,
either
the
English
translation
heere
set
downe
out
of
the
wordes
of
Victoria
,
Our
fourth
proposition
(
saith
Victoria
)
is
,
that
the
persons
of
Clergy
men
are
not
absolutly
,
and
in
all
thinges
exempted
from
ciuill
power
either
by
diuine
or
humane
lawe
;
which
is
euident
by
that
Clergy
men
are
bound
to
obey
the
temporall
lawes
of
the
Citty
,
or
Common-wealth
wherin
they
liue
,
in
those
thinges
that
doe
appertaine
to
the
temporall
gouernment
,
and
administration
therof
,
and
doe
not
let
or
hinder
Ecclesiasticall
gouernment
.
14.
These
are
the
wordes
of
Victoria
as
they
ly
togeather
in
him
,
and
then
after
some
argumentes
interposed
,
for
his
said
conclusion
,
he
addeth
also
this
proofe
:
That
for
so
much
as
Clergy
men
besides
this
,
that
they
are
Ministers
of
the
Church
,
are
Citizens
also
of
the
Common-wealth
,
they
are
bound
to
obey
the
temporall
lawes
of
that
Common-wealth
or
Prince
in
temporall
affaires
;
and
then
ensueth
the
last
reason
(
heere
set
downe
in
English
by
T.
M.
)
in
these
wordes
:
Moreouer
(
saith
Victoria
)
for
that
a
King
is
King
not
only
of
laymen
,
but
of
Clergy-men
also
,
therfore
aliquo
modo
subiiciuntur
ei
,
in
some
sort
they
are
subiect
vnto
him
:
Which
wordes
aliquo
modo
in
some
sorte
,
the
Minister
leaueth
out
;
and
then
it
followeth
immediatly
in
Victoria
:
And
for
that
Clergy-men
are
not
gouerned
in
temporall
matters
by
Ecclesiasticall
power
,
therfore
they
haue
their
temporall
Prince
,
vnto
whome
they
are
bound
to
yeeld
obedience
in
temporall
affaires
.
15.
And
this
is
all
that
Victoria
hath
in
this
matter
,
&
in
these
very
wordes
.
And
let
any
man
consider
the
patching
,
which
T.
M.
vseth
both
in
English
and
Latin
in
this
place
,
to
make
some
shew
for
his
fained
demonstration
out
of
Victoria
,
and
he
will
see
how
poore
and
miserable
a
man
he
is
,
and
how
miserable
a
cause
he
defendeth
.
And
in
particular
,
let
the
very
last
proposition
be
noted
which
he
citeth
,
and
Englisheth
as
out
of
Victoria
,
to
wit
,
the
Clergy
is
subiect
vnto
the
ciuill
authority
in
temporall
thinges
,
for
such
matter
is
not
ruled
by
any
power
spirituall
,
wherby
he
would
haue
his
Reader
to
imagine
,
that
no
spirituall
power
may
haue
authority
to
gouerne
temporall
matters
;
wheras
the
wordes
of
Clerici
quantum
ad
temporalia
non
administrantur
potestate
Ecclesiastica
,
that
Clergy
men
,
for
so
much
as
appertaineth
to
temporall
affaires
,
are
not
gouerned
by
Ecclesiasticall
power
,
but
by
the
temporall
which
there
beareth
rule
:
So
as
this
fellow
by
a
subtile
sleight
changing
the
nominatiue
case
from
Clerici
non
administrantur
to
temporalia
non
administrantur
,
frameth
his
plaine
demonstration
out
of
plaine
cosenage
and
forgery
.
And
is
this
naked
innocency
?
16.
From
the
page
18.
vnto
27.
he
handleth
togeather
many
sentences
and
authorities
of
ancient
Fathers
,
Cunerus
,
Tolosanus
,
and
especially
Barkleius
,
to
shew
that
the
Apostles
and
their
successours
,
and
those
Fathers
amongest
the
rest
,
did
not
take
armes
against
their
Princes
either
Infidels
or
Christians
,
but
did
rather
suffer
iniuries
,
then
seeke
by
force
to
reuenge
the
same
;
which
being
our
conclusion
in
like
manner
,
and
held
and
defended
by
Scotland
,
France
,
Flanders
,
&
other
places
,
yow
may
perceaue
how
corruptly
this
is
brought
in
against
vs
,
as
though
our
common
beliefe
and
exercise
were
the
contrary
,
&
this
may
be
called
falsification
and
sophistication
of
our
meaning
.
17.
But
yet
if
we
would
examine
the
particular
authorities
that
be
alledged
about
this
matter
,
though
nothing
making
against
vs
as
hath
byn
said
,
&
consider
how
many
false
shiftes
are
vsed
by
T.
M.
therin
;
yow
would
say
he
were
a
Doctor
in
deed
in
that
science
,
for
that
a
seuerall
Treatise
will
scarce
conteine
them
.
I
will
touch
only
two
for
examples
sake
.
He
citeth
Doctor
Barkley
,
bringing
in
the
authority
of
S.
Ambrose
,
that
he
resisted
not
by
force
his
Arrian
Emperour
,
Doctor
Barkley
doth
alledge
in
the
very
self
same
Allegatur
Imperatori
licere
omnia
&c.
It
is
alledged
that
it
is
lawfull
for
the
Emperour
to
doe
all
thinges
,
for
that
all
thinges
are
his
(
and
consequently
that
he
may
assigne
a
Church
to
the
Arrians
:
)
Wherto
I
answere
saith
S.
Ambrose
;
trouble
not
your selfe
O
Emperour
,
nor
thinke
that
yow
haue
Imperiall
right
ouer
those
thinges
that
are
diuine
;
doe
not
exalt
your selfe
,
but
if
yow
wil
raigne
long
,
be
subiect
to
God
,
for
it
is
written
Thus
Doctor
Barkley
out
of
S.
Ambrose
in
the
very
place
cited
by
T.
M.
which
he
thought
good
wholy
to
pretermit
,
and
cut
of
,
as
not
making
for
his
purpose
;
and
so
had
he
done
more
wisely
,
if
he
had
left
out
also
the
other
authority
of
Pope
Leo
,
which
he
reciteth
in
the
eight
place
of
authorities
,
out
of
ancient
Fathers
in
these
wordes
.
18.
The
eighth
Father
(
saith
he
)
is
Pope
Leo
,
writing
Yow
may
not
be
ignorant
that
your
Princely
power
is
giuen
vnto
yow
,
not
only
in
worldly
regiment
,
but
also
spirituall
,
for
the
preseruation
of
the
Church
:
as
if
he
said
not
only
in
cases
temporall
but
also
in
spirituall
,
so
far
as
it
belongeth
to
the
outward
preseruation
,
not
to
the
personall
administration
of
them
,
and
this
is
the
substance
of
our
English
oath
:
And
further
neither
doe
our
Kinges
of
England
chalenge
,
nor
subiectes
condescend
vnto
.
In
which
wordes
yow
see
two
thinges
are
conteined
,
first
what
authority
S.
Leo
the
Pope
aboue
eleuen
hundred
yeares
gone
ascribed
vnto
Leo
the
Emperour
in
matters
spirituall
and
Ecclesiasticall
.
The
second
,
by
this
mans
assertion
,
that
neither
our
Kinges
of
England
chaleng
,
nor
doe
the
subiectes
condescend
vnto
any
more
in
the
oath
of
the
Supremacy
that
is
proposed
vnto
them
;
which
if
it
be
so
,
I
see
no
cause
why
all
English
Catholickes
may
not
take
the
same
in
like
manner
,
so
far
forth
as
S.
Leo
alloweth
spiritual
authority
to
the
Emperour
of
his
time
.
Wherfore
it
behooueth
that
the
Reader
stand
attent
to
the
deciding
of
this
question
,
for
if
this
be
true
which
heere
he
saith
,
our
controuersy
about
the
Supremacy
is
at
an
end
.
19.
First
then
about
the
former
point
,
let
vs
consider
how
many
waies
T.
M.
hath
corrupted
the
foresaid
S.
Leo
,
partly
by
fraudulent
allegation
in
Latin
,
and
partly
by
false
translation
into
English
.
For
that
in
Latin
it
goeth
thus
,
as
himself
putteth
it
downe
in
the
margent
:
Debes
incunctanter
aduertere
,
Regiam
potestatem
non
solùm
ad
mundi
regimen
,
sed
maximè
ad
Ecclesiae
praesidium
esse
collatam
.
Yow
ought
(
ô
Emperour
)
resolutly
to
consider
,
that
your
Kingly
power
is
not
only
giuen
vnto
yow
for
gouernment
of
the
world
,
or
worldly
affaires
,
but
especially
for
defence
of
the
Church
:
and
then
doe
ensue
immediatly
these
other
wordes
also
in
S.
Leo
,
suppressed
fraudulently
by
the
Minister
,
for
that
they
explicate
the
meaning
of
the
Author
:
Vt
ausus
nefarios
comprimendo
,
&
quae
bene
sunt
statuta
as
namely
in
the
late
generall
Councell
of
Calcedon
)
and
restore
peace
where
matters
are
troubled
,
as
in
the
Citty
and
Sea
of
Alexandria
,
where
the
Patriarch
Proterius
being
slaine
and
murdered
by
the
conspiracy
of
the
Dioscorian
Heretickes
,
lately
condemned
in
the
said
Councell
,
all
thinges
are
in
most
violent
garboiles
,
which
require
your
imperiall
power
to
remedy
,
compose
,
and
compresse
the
same
.
20.
This
is
the
true
meaning
of
S.
Leo
his
speech
to
the
good
and
Religious
Emperour
of
the
same
name
,
as
appeareth
throughout
the
whole
Epistle
heere
cited
Is
it
not
euident
whome
your
Imperiall
piety
ought
to
assist
and
succour
,
and
whome
yow
ought
to
resist
and
represse
,
to
the
end
the
Church
of
Alexandria
,
that
hitherto
hath
byn
the
house
of
praier
,
become
not
a
den
of
theeues
?
Surely
it
is
most
manifest
that
by
this
late
barbarous
and
most
furious
cruelty
(
in
murdering
that
Patriarch
)
all
the
light
of
heauenly
Sacramentes
is
there
extinguished
;
Intercepta
est
21.
This
then
was
the
cause
and
occasion
wherin
the
holy
Pope
Leo
did
implore
the
helpe
and
secular
arme
of
Leo
the
Emperour
,
for
chastising
those
turbulent
Heretiks
,
to
which
effect
he
saith
that
his
Kingly
power
was
not
only
giuen
him
for
the
gouernment
of
the
world
,
but
also
for
the
defence
of
the
Church
,
which
our
Minister
doth
absurdly
translate
not
only
in
worldly
regiment
,
but
also
spirituall
for
the
preseruation
of
the
Church
,
turning
ad
into
in
,
and
praesidium
into
preseruation
;
and
then
maketh
the
commentary
which
before
we
haue
set
downe
:
As
if
he
had
said
(
quoth
he
)
not
only
in
causes
temporall
,
but
also
in
spirituall
,
so
far
as
it
belongeth
to
outward
preseruation
,
not
to
the
personall
administration
of
them
.
22.
And
heere
now
he
sheweth
himself
intangled
,
not
only
about
the
assertion
of
Imperiall
power
in
S.
Leo
saith
it
is
giuen
ad
praesidium
Ecclesiae
,
to
the
defence
of
the
Church
,
which
proueth
nothing
at
all
for
him
,
but
against
him
rather
as
yow
see
,
and
much
more
in
the
explication
therof
,
to
wit
,
what
is
meant
by
this
authority
,
&
how
farre
it
strecheth
it self
:
wherin
truly
I
neuer
found
Protestant
yet
that
could
cleerly
set
downe
the
same
,
so
as
he
could
make
it
a
distinct
doctrine
from
ours
,
and
giue
it
that
limites
which
his
fellowes
would
agree
vnto
,
or
themselues
make
probable
.
23.
About
which
matter
M.
Morton
heere
as
yow
see
(
who
seemeth
no
small
man
amongest
them
,
and
his
booke
must
be
presumed
to
haue
come
forth
with
the
approbation
and
allowance
of
his
Lord
and
Maister
the
Archbishop
at
least
)
saith
as
yow
haue
heard
,
that
it
is
no
more
,
but
such
as
S.
Leo
allowed
in
the
Emperour
ad
Ecclesiae
praesidium
to
the
defence
of
the
Church
,
and
Church
matters
and
men
,
and
for
punishing
Heretickes
that
troubled
the
same
.
And
further
more
T.
That
this
Imperiall
&
Kingly
authority
in
spirituall
causes
reacheth
no
further
,
but
as
it
belongeth
to
outward
preseruation
,
not
to
the
personall
administration
of
them
.
And
doe
not
we
graunt
also
the
same
?
Or
doe
not
we
teach
that
temporall
Princes
power
ought
principally
,
as
S.
Leo
saith
,
to
extend
it self
to
the
defence
ad
preseruation
of
the
Church
?
In
this
then
we
agree
and
haue
no
difference
.
24.
There
followeth
in
T.
M.
his
assertion
heere
:
But
not
in
the
personall
administration
of
them
(
to
wit
of
spirituall
causes
,
&
this
now
is
a
shift
dissembling
the
which
is
in
whome
consisteth
the
supreame
power
,
to
treate
,
iudge
,
and
determine
in
spirituall
causes
;
which
this
man
flying
,
as
not
able
to
resolue
,
telleth
vs
only
,
that
he
cannot
personally
administer
the
same
;
which
yet
I
would
aske
him
why
?
For
as
a
Bishop
may
personally
performe
all
the
actions
,
that
he
hath
giuen
authority
to
inferiour
Priestes
to
doe
in
their
functions
,
and
a
temporall
Prince
may
execute
in
his
owne
person
,
if
he
list
,
any
inferiour
authority
that
he
hath
giuen
to
others
in
temporall
affaires
;
so
,
if
he
haue
supreame
authority
spirituall
also
,
why
may
he
not
in
like
manner
execute
the
same
by
himself
,
if
he
please
?
But
of
this
is
sufficiently
written
of
late
in
the
foresaid
booke
of
Answere
to
Syr
Edward
Cooke
,
where
also
is
shewed
,
To
be
head
therof
,
in
as
ample
manner
,
as
euer
the
Pope
was
,
or
could
be
held
before
him
,
ouer
That
he
had
originally
in
himself
by
his
Crowne
and
Scepter
all
Episcopall
authority
;
so
as
the
Bishops
and
Archbishops
had
no
other
power
,
or
spirituall
authority
then
was
deriued
from
him
:
&
to
Queene
as
great
authority
spirituall
and
Ecclesiasticall
ouer
the
Church
and
Clergy
of
England
,
as
euer
any
person
had
,
or
could
exercise
before
,
which
was
and
is
another
thing
then
this
25.
Wherfore
this
matter
being
of
so
great
importance
and
consequence
as
yow
see
,
I
doe
heere
take
hold
of
this
his
publicke
assertion
,
and
require
that
it
may
be
made
good
,
to
wit
,
that
this
is
the
substance
&
meaning
only
of
the
English
oath
,
and
that
neither
our
Kinges
of
England
doe
chalenge
more
,
nor
subiectes
required
to
condescend
to
more
then
to
grant
to
their
authority
for
outward
preseruation
,
or
ad
Ecclesiae
praesidium
,
as
S.
Leo
his
wordes
Published
by
authority
&c.
26.
And
for
conclusion
of
all
,
it
may
be
noted
that
there
hath
byn
not
only
lacke
of
truth
and
fidelity
in
S.
Leo
;
in
so
much
that
Iohn
Caluin
,
not
being
able
otherwise
to
answere
him
,
saith
,
that
he
was
tooto
desirous
of
glory
&
27.
But
yet
in
the
very
next
page
after
,
he
vseth
a
far
greater
immodesty
,
or
rather
perfidy
in
my
opinion
in
calumniation
of
Cardinall
Bellarmine
,
whome
he
abuseth
Ancient
generall
Councelles
(
saith
the
Romish
pretence
)
were
not
gathered
without
the
cost
of
good
and
Christian
Emperours
,
and
were
made
by
their
consentes
,
for
in
those
dayes
the
Popes
did
make
supplication
to
the
Emperour
,
that
by
his
authority
he
would
gather
Synods
,
but
after
those
times
all
causes
were
changed
,
because
the
Pope
who
is
head
in
spirituall
matters
cannot
be
subiect
in
temporall
.
Bellarm.
lib.
1.
de
Concil.
cap.
13.
§
.
Habemus
ergo
.
28.
And
hauing
alledged
this
resolution
of
Bellarmine
,
the
Minister
insulteth
ouer
him
in
these
words
:
Who
would
thinke
this
man
could
be
a
Papist
,
much
lesse
a
Iesuit
,
how
much
lesse
a
Cardinal
,
who
thus
disableth
the
title
of
the
Pope
,
granting
to
vs
in
these
wordes
:
after
these
times
(
that
is
after
six
hundred
yeares
)
the
truth
of
purer
antiquities
challenging
Popes
to
be
subiect
vnto
Christian
Emperours
?
And
yet
who
but
a
Papist
would
(
as
it
were
in
despite
of
antiquity
)
defend
the
degenerate
state
,
saying
,
after
those
times
Popes
might
not
be
subiect
in
temporall
matters
?
As
if
he
should
haue
said
:
Then
gratious
fauour
of
ancient
Christian
Emperours
,
then
sound
iudgment
of
ancient
reuerend
Fathers
,
then
deuout
subiection
of
ancient
holy
Popes
;
in
summe
then
ancient
purity
and
pure
antiquity
adieu
.
But
we
may
not
so
bastardly
reiect
the
depositum
and
doctrine
of
humble
subiection
,
which
we
haue
receaued
from
our
Fathers
of
the
first
six
hundred
yeares
;
and
not
so
only
,
but
which
(
as
your
Barkley
witnesseth
)
the
vniuersall
Christian
world
imbraced
,
with
common
consent
for
a
full
thousand
yeares
.
So
he
.
29.
And
doe
yow
see
how
this
Minister
triumpheth
?
Who
would
thinke
that
men
of
conscience
or
credit
could
make
such
ostentation
vpon
meere
lies
deuised
by
themselues
,
as
now
wee
shall
shew
all
this
bragge
to
be
?
And
as
for
D.
Barkley
alledged
in
the
last
lines
,
Doctor
Barkley
?
But
let
vs
passe
to
the
view
of
that
which
toucheth
Cardinall
Bellarmine
,
against
whome
all
this
tempest
is
raised
.
30.
First
then
we
shall
set
downe
his
wordes
in
Latin
according
as
T.
M.
citeth
him
in
his
margent
.
Tunc
Concilia
generalia
fiebant
(
saith
he
)
non
sine
Imperatorum
sumptibus
,
&
eo
tempore
Pontifex
subiiciebat
se
Imperatoribus
31.
And
heere
let
vs
consider
the
variety
of
sleightes
&
shifts
of
this
our
Minister
,
not
only
in
citing
Bellarmins
wordes
falsly
,
and
against
his
meaning
and
drift
in
Latin
,
wherof
we
shall
speake
presently
;
but
in
peruerting
this
Latin
that
he
hath
so
corruptly
set
and
were
made
by
their
consentes
,
which
is
not
in
the
Latin
:
and
then
he
cutteth
of
the
other
wordes
immediatly
ensuing
,
which
conteine
the
cause
;
to
wit
for
that
the
Popes
subiecting
themselues
in
those
dayes
touching
temporalities
vnto
the
Emperours
(
as
hauing
no
temporall
States
or
dominion
yet
of
their
owne
)
could
doe
nothing
without
them
,
and
therfore
did
make
supplication
to
the
said
Emperours
that
they
would
commaund
Synodes
to
be
gathered
:
which
T.
M.
translateth
that
they
would
gather
Synodes
,
as
though
Bellarmine
did
affirme
,
that
it
lay
in
the
Emperours
,
by
right
,
to
doe
it
:
but
after
those
times
omnes
causae
mutatae
sunt
,
all
causes
were
changed
,
but
he
should
haue
said
,
are
changed
,
as
Bellarmins
true
wordes
are
,
omnes
istae
causae
,
al
these
causes
are
changed
,
to
wit
foure
sortes
of
causes
,
which
he
setteth
downe
,
why
generall
Councells
could
not
be
well
gathered
in
those
dayes
without
the
Emperours
help
and
authority
,
which
wordes
are
guilefully
cut
of
by
this
deceauer
,
as
in
like
manner
the
last
wordes
put
downe
heere
by
himselfe
,
Pontifex
non
est
subiectus
in
temporalibus
,
are
falsly
translated
,
cannot
be
subiect
in
temporall
,
and
againe
afterward
,
Popes
might
not
be
subiect
in
temporall
matters
,
which
is
to
make
Bellarmine
contrary
to
himselfe
,
who
saith
a
little
before
that
the
Popes
did
subiect
themselues
for
many
years
,
wherby
is
proued
,
that
they
could
doe
it
;
but
Bellarmins
meaning
is
that
in
right
by
the
preheminence
of
their
spirituall
dignity
,
they
were
exempted
,
&
not
bound
therunto
.
32.
And
thus
much
now
for
the
corruptions
vsed
in
the
wordes
heere
set
downe
both
in
Latin
&
English
.
But
if
we
would
goe
to
Bellarmine
himself
and
see
his
whole
discourse
,
and
how
brokenly
and
persidiously
these
lines
are
cut
out
of
him
,
and
heere
patched
togeather
as
one
entier
context
contrary
to
his
drift
and
meaning
,
we
shall
meruaile
more
at
the
insolency
of
Thomas
Morton
,
triumphing
ouer
his
owne
We
S.
Athanasius
saying
:
Quando
So
Bellarmine
.
33.
And
heere
now
yow
see
,
that
Bellarmins
drift
is
wholy
against
M.
Mortons
assertion
:
for
that
he
denieth
Eusebius
,
Theodoretus
,
&
other
writers
,
it
was
necessary
to
haue
their
consent
and
approbation
in
so
publicke
an
action
,
as
34.
The
fourth
and
last
cause
was
(
saith
Bellarmine
)
for
that
in
those
dayes
,
albeit
the
Bishop
of
Rome
where
head
in
spirituall
matters
ouer
the
Emperours
themselues
;
yet
in
temporall
affaires
he
did
subiect
himself
vnto
them
,
as
hauing
no
temporal
State
of
his
owne
,
and
therfore
acknowledging
them
to
be
his
temporall
Lords
,
he
did
make
supplication
vnto
them
to
commaund
Synodes
to
be
gathered
by
their
authority
and
licence
:
At
post
illa
tempora
istae
omnes
causae
mutatae
sunt
;
but
since
those
dayes
all
these
foure
causes
are
changed
&
ipse
in
suis
Prouinciis
est
Princeps
Supremus
temporalis
,
sicut
sunt
Reges
&
Principes
alij
;
and
the
Pope
himself
now
in
his
temporall
Prouinces
is
supreme
temporall
Lord
also
,
as
other
Kings
&
Princes
are
,
which
was
brought
to
passe
by
Godes
prouidence
(
saith
Bellarmine
)
to
the
end
that
he
might
with
more
freedome
,
liberty
,
and
reputation
exercise
his
office
of
generall
Pastorship
.
35.
And
this
is
all
that
Bellarmine
hath
of
this
matter
.
And
now
may
we
consider
the
vanity
of
this
Mortons
triumph
ouer
him
before
,
and
how
falsly
he
dealeth
with
him
,
alledging
him
against
his
owne
drift
and
meaning
,
leauing
out
also
〈◊〉
foure
causes
by
me
recited
,
and
then
cutting
of
〈◊〉
the
particle
istae
,
these
causes
are
now
changed
,
which
includeth
reference
to
these
foure
,
aid
furthermore
speaking
indefinitely
,
as
though
all
causes
and
matters
were
now
changed
,
seeketh
therby
to
deceaue
his
Reader
,
and
to
extort
from
Bellarmine
,
that
confession
of
〈◊〉
on
his
side
which
he
neuer
meant
,
and
much
lesse
vttered
in
his
writings
.
What
dealing
,
what
conscience
,
what
truth
is
this
?
36.
In
the
very
next
page
after
he
talking
of
the
great
and
famous
contention
that
passed
betweene
Pope
Gregory
the
seauenth
called
Hildebrand
,
and
Henry
the
Otto
Frisingensis
,
with
this
ordinary
title
of
our
Otto
for
that
he
writeth
,
that
he
found
not
any
Emperour
actually
excommunicated
or
depriued
of
his
Kingdome
by
any
Pope
before
that
time
,
except
(
saith
he
)
that
may
be
esteemed
for
an
excommunication
which
was
done
to
Philippe
the
Emperour
by
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
almost
1400.
years
gone
,
when
for
a
short
time
,
he
was
Inter
paenitentes
collocatus
,
placed
by
the
said
Pope
among
those
that
did
pennance
,
as
that
also
of
the
Emperour
Theodosius
,
who
was
sequestred
from
entring
into
the
Church
by
S.
Ambrose
,
for
that
he
had
commanded
a
certaine
cruell
slaughter
to
be
committed
in
the
Citty
of
〈◊〉
:
both
which
exceptions
this
Minister
of
simple
truth
leaueth
out
of
purpose
,
which
is
no
simplicity
as
yow
see
,
but
yet
no
great
matter
with
him
in
respect
of
the
other
that
ensueth
,
which
is
,
that
he
alledgeth
this
Pope
Gregory
the
seauenth
for
it
,
wheras
he
condemneth
that
cause
of
the
Emperour
,
Henry
.
〈◊〉
(
saith
he
)
semper
in
Ecclesiastico
rigore
constantissimus
fuit
:
Hildebrand
was
euer
the
most
constant
in
〈◊〉
the
rigour
of
Ecclesiasticall
〈◊〉
Frisingensis
as
though
he
had
fauored
him
in
this
impious
assertion
.
Can
any
thing
be
more
fraudently
alledged
?
Is
this
the
assurance
〈◊〉
his
vpright
conscience
,
wherof
he
braggeth
to
his
Maiesty
?
37.
But
the
next
fraud
or
impudency
or
rather
impudent
impiety
is
that
which
ensueth
within
foure
Pope
Gregory
the
seauenth
(
saith
your
Chronographer
)
was
excommunicate
of
the
Bishops
of
Italy
,
for
that
he
had
defamed
the
Apostolicke
Sea
by
Symony
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
itall
crimes
,
&
then
citeth
for
proofe
her
of
Lambertus
Schafnaburg
.
anno
〈◊〉
.
As
if
this
our
Chronographer
had
related
this
as
a
thing
of
truth
,
or
that
it
were
approued
by
him
,
and
not
rather
as
a
slanderous
obiection
cast
out
by
his
Aduersaries
that
followed
the
part
of
Henry
the
Emperour
.
Let
any
man
read
the
place
,
and
yeare
heere
cited
,
and
if
he
be
a
modest
man
,
he
will
blush
at
such
shameles
dealing
.
For
that
no
Author
of
that
time
doth
more
earnestly
defend
the
cause
&
vertuous
life
of
Pope
Hildebrand
,
then
this
man
,
whose
wordes
are
:
Sed
apud
omnes
sanum
aliquid
sapientes
luce
clarius
constabat
falsa
esse
quae
dicebantur
:
Nam
&
Papa
tam
But
with
all
men
of
sound
wisedome
it
was
more
cleere
then
the
sunne
,
that
the
thinges
which
were
spoken
against
Pope
Hildebrand
were
false
,
for
that
the
Pope
did
lead
such
an
excellent
and
Apostolicke
life
,
as
the
sublimity
of
his
conuersation
did
admit
no
least
spot
of
wicked
rumour
against
him
,
he
liuing
in
that
great
Citty
and
open
concourse
of
men
,
it
could
not
haue
byn
hidden
,
if
he
had
committed
any
vnlawfull
thing
in
his
life
:
and
moreouer
the
signes
and
miracles
,
which
by
his
prayers
were
often
times
done
,
and
his
most
feruent
zeale
for
God
in
defence
of
Ecclesiasticall
lawes
,
did
sufficiently
defend
him
against
the
poisoned
tongues
of
his
detractours
.
And
againe
:
Hildebrandi
constantia
,
&
inuictus
aduersus
auaritiam
animus
omnia
excludebat
argumenta
humanae
fallaciae
:
the
constancy
of
Pope
Hildebrand
,
and
his
inuincible
minde
against
the
corruption
of
auarice
,
did
exclude
all
argumentes
of
humane
fallacy
and
deceipt
.
So
Lambertus
.
38.
And
now
let
the
Reader
consider
with
what
conscience
and
fidelity
T.
M.
hath
cited
him
for
condemnation
of
Pope
Hildebrand
.
He
relateth
indeed
,
what
certaine
Noble
men
,
Captaines
and
others
,
that
39.
If
an
enemy
would
discredit
both
Christ
and
Christian
Religion
,
and
say
your
owne
Euangelistes
doe
recount
foule
thinges
against
him
(
as
heere
this
Minister
saith
our
Historiographer
doth
of
Pope
Gregory
)
Thomas
Morton
out
of
Lambertus
and
Frisingensis
against
Pope
Hildebrand
,
who
is
by
them
both
most
highly
commended
as
yow
haue
heard
,
and
his
Aduersaries
condemned
?
Truly
,
if
any
man
can
shew
me
out
of
all
the
Catholicke
writers
that
be
extant
,
English
or
other
,
that
euer
any
one
of
them
vsed
this
shamefull
fraud
in
writing
,
where
no
excuse
can
free
them
from
malicious
and
witting
falshood
,
then
will
I
graunt
that
it
is
not
proper
to
the
Protestant
spirit
alone
.
Hitherto
I
must
confesse
that
I
neuer
found
it
in
any
,
and
if
I
should
,
though
it
were
but
once
,
I
should
hold
it
for
a
sufficient
argument
not
to
belieue
him
euer
after
.
And
this
shall
suffice
for
a
tast
only
of
M.
Mortons
manner
of
proceeding
.
For
that
to
prosecute
al
particulers
would
require
a
whole
volume
,
and
by
these
few
yow
may
ghesse
at
the
mans
vaine
and
spirit
in
writing
.
THE
SECOND
PART
OF
THIS
CHAPTER
,
REPRESENTING
Some
of
the
falsifications
which
are
vttered
in
the
former
Part
of
M.
Mortons
Reply
,
Which
came
to
our
handes
after
our
Answere
made
before
in
our
second
Chapter
against
his
ten
Reasons
.
ANd
now
albeit
these
false
and
fraudulent
dealings
laid
open
in
the
precedent
Part
of
this
Chapter
,
be
sufficient
or
rather
superaboundant
to
descry
this
Minister
and
his
naked
innocency
,
who
in
his
Epistle
to
his
Maiesty
,
as
before
hath
byn
touched
calleth
himself
A
Minister
of
simple
truth
and
vpright
conscience
;
yet
for
more
perfect
complement
of
the
same
,
I
haue
thought
good
to
adioine
also
a
second
Part
to
this
Chapter
,
and
therin
to
draw
to
light
some
number
of
his
notorious
vntruthes
,
corruptions
,
sleightes
,
falsifications
and
calumniations
vttered
in
the
former
Part
of
his
Reply
to
the
moderate
Reader
,
which
Part
not
comming
to
my
handes
vntill
I
had
made
the
answere
which
before
I
haue
set
downe
in
the
second
Chapter
of
this
Treatise
against
his
Discouery
,
I
could
not
conueniently
discusse
the
same
particularly
therin
:
but
now
by
that
which
heere
yow
shall
see
produced
,
you
may
easily
ghesse
how
worthy
a
peece
of
worke
it
is
,
and
what
credit
the
man
deserueth
that
made
it
.
And
albeit
the
breuity
purposed
by
me
in
this
place
,
permitteth
not
the
examine
of
al
,
or
of
the
greater
part
;
yet
verbum
sapienti
sat
est
,
the
discreet
Reader
by
a
few
examples
which
demonstrate
that
the
writer
wanteth
remorse
of
conscience
in
his
asseuerations
,
will
easily
see
how
farre
he
is
to
be
credited
in
all
his
writinges
.
Wherfore
to
the
examine
it self
.
41.
In
the
third
page
of
his
said
Reply
,
he
beginning
to
talke
of
the
nature
of
heresy
,
hath
these
wordes
:
Wee
may
not
be
ignorant
,
first
that
seeing
the
nature
of
heresy
is
such
,
that
it
is
a
vice
proper
to
the
minde
,
it
may
denominate
the
subiect
whatsoeuer
an
Hereticke
,
without
obstinacy
,
which
is
only
a
peruerse
〈◊〉
of
the
will
,
and
therfore
a
man
may
be
an
Hereticke
though
he
be
not
obstinate
:
And
for
proofe
of
Vasquez
Iesuita
,
whose
wordes
are
:
Malitia
huius
〈◊〉
intellectu
,
non
in
voluntate
consummatur
,
the
malice
of
this
sinne
of
deuide
our
tongues
,
&
to
make
our
writers
seeme
contrary
the
one
to
the
other
,
hath
fondly
slaundered
the
learned
man
Vasquez
in
this
place
,
by
making
him
seeme
to
be
patrone
of
this
his
absurd
doctrine
,
that
heresy
may
bewithout
obstinacy
;
wheras
Vasquez
in
the
very
same
disputation
heere
by
him
cited
,
expressely
doth
impugne
this
doctrine
and
establisheth
the
contrary
,
defining
heresy
thus
:
Haeresis
nihil
aliud
est
quàm
error
in
rebus
〈◊〉
cum
pertinacia
,
Heresy
is
42.
Which
another
learned
man
of
the
same
schoole
,
by
somewhat
a
more
ample
definition
declareth
thus
:
Heresy
(
saith
he
)
is
an
errour
contrary
to
the
Catholicke
faith
,
Valentia
in
2.
2.
qu.
〈◊〉
.
punct.
1
〈◊〉
.
4.
summa
par
2.
c.
1.
&
Doctores
omnes
4
d.
13.
&
D.
Tho.
2
,
2
art.
2.
Vide
etiam
Clar.
24.
q.
3.
Can.
dixit
Apostolus
,
&
Can.
Qui
in
Ecclesia
.
wherunto
a
man
that
hath
professed
the
said
faith
in
his
baptisme
,
doth
adhere
with
an
obstinate
minde
:
Which
definition
he
proueth
ex
communi
mente
Doctorum
by
the
common
consent
of
schoole
Doctors
.
And
finally
not
to
stand
vpon
a
thing
so
cleere
among
vs
S.
Thomas
for
decision
heerof
hath
these
wordes
:
De
ratione
Haeresis
sunt
duo
,
electio
priuatae
disciplinae
,
&
pertinacia
:
Two
thinges
are
of
the
essence
and
intrinsecall
nature
of
heresy
,
without
which
Heresy
cannot
be
,
the
one
the
choice
or
election
of
a
particuler
doctrine
,
discipline
,
or
opinion
,
contrary
to
the
doctrine
of
the
vniuersall
Church
;
the
other
pertinacy
or
obstinacy
in
defending
the
same
,
though
the
party
know
that
it
be
against
the
doctrine
of
the
Church
,
without
which
knowledge
and
obstinacy
there
can
be
no
Heresy
.
43.
This
is
our
Catholicke
doctrine
about
the
nature
of
Heresy
,
to
wit
,
that
it
cannot
be
without
obstinacy
,
which
is
so
common
and
triuiall
,
as
it
is
now
come
into
an
ordinary
prouerbe
,
to
say
:
Well
I
may
be
in
errour
,
but
Hereticke
I
will
neuer
be
,
for
that
I
will
hold
nothing
obstinatly
.
And
as
for
the
wordes
of
Vasquez
:
that
the
malice
of
Heresy
is
consummated
in
the
vnderstanding
,
and
not
in
the
will
;
if
our
Minister
had
read
the
other
wordes
immediatly
going
before
,
he
might
perhaps
haue
vnderstood
Vasquez
meaning
,
for
they
are
these
:
Vt
aliquis
sit
verè
reus
Haeresis
&c.
To
make
a
man
be
truly
guilty
of
Heresy
,
it
is
not
necessary
that
he
be
re
ipsa
,
indeed
,
knowing
that
opinion
which
he
defendeth
to
be
against
the
authority
of
the
said
vniuersall
Church
,
albeit
he
be
not
induced
to
this
belief
with
a
direct
will
to
impugne
the
Church
,
but
either
by
desire
of
glory
,
or
other
inducement
:
so
as
indeed
the
malice
of
this
sinne
is
consummated
in
the
vnderstanding
and
not
in
the
will
.
44.
This
is
the
discourse
and
doctrine
of
Vasquez
in
this
place
about
the
nature
and
essence
of
Heresy
,
wherin
he
doth
not
exclude
either
the
understanding
,
or
will
,
but
includeth
them
both
expressely
:
for
that
as
there
must
be
knowledge
,
which
appertaineth
to
the
minde
or
vnderstanding
,
so
must
there
be
choise
with
obstinacy
,
which
belongeth
to
the
will
and
affection
;
but
his
scholastical
consideration
is
,
in
which
of
these
two
powers
of
our
soule
this
sinne
of
Heresy
receaueth
her
consummation
.
For
better
explication
therof
,
let
vs
vse
this
example
:
If
a
man
should
hold
or
belieue
an
erroneous
proposition
contrary
to
the
doctrine
of
the
Catholicke
Church
,
as
for
example
,
that
there
were
but
one
nature
in
Christ
,
not
knowing
it
to
be
against
the
Catholicke
Church
,
it
were
for
then
this
knowledge
(
saith
Vasquez
)
that
it
is
against
the
Church
,
maketh
it
perfect
and
consummate
Heresy
,
albeit
the
matter
passe
not
to
a
further
act
of
will
,
to
wit
.
that
he
chooseth
expressely
to
contradict
the
authority
of
the
Church
therin
,
which
should
be
a
greater
sinne
,
but
yet
is
not
necessary
,
for
that
the
perfect
nature
of
Heresy
is
consummated
,
by
knowing
that
it
is
against
the
Church
;
and
for
that
this
notice
or
knowledge
belongeth
to
the
vnderstanding
,
therfore
Vasquez
holdeth
,
that
the
last
perfection
or
consummation
of
this
sinne
,
is
in
the
vnderstanding
,
and
not
in
the
will
,
not
meaning
to
exclude
therby
obstinacy
of
the
wil
(
as
ignorantly
T.M.
doth
,
when
he
saith
wee
may
not
be
ignorant
:
)
but
to
shew
in
what
power
of
the
minde
,
the
last
perfection
&
consummation
of
this
heinous
sinne
consisteth
,
to
wit
,
that
a
man
may
be
a
perfect
and
consummate
Hereticke
,
by
holding
obstinatly
any
opinion
against
the
doctrine
of
the
Church
,
after
wee
once
know
it
to
be
against
the
said
Churches
doctrine
,
though
we
haue
not
that
further
malice
also
of
expresse
will
,
and
purpose
,
to
contradict
therby
the
said
Church
,
but
only
we
hold
the
same
,
for
that
the
opinion
pleaseth
vs
,
or
is
profitable
,
or
honorable
to
vs
,
or
therby
to
contradict
another
,
or
some
such
like
inducement
,
according
S.
Augustine
to
Honoratus
:
Haereticus
est
qui
alicuius
temporalis
commodi
,
&
maximè
gloriae
principatusque
sui
gratia
,
falsas
ac
nouas
opiniones
,
vel
gignit
vel
sequitur
:
An
Hereticke
is
he
,
who
in
respect
of
some
temporall
commodity
,
but
especially
for
his
owne
glory
and
preheminence
,
doth
beget
or
follow
false
and
new
opinions
.
45.
The
same
S.
Augustine
also
against
the
Donatistes
istum
nondum
Haereticum
dico
(
saith
he
)
nisi
manifestata
sibi
doctrina
Catholicae
fidei
resistere
maluerit
&
illud
quod
tenebat
elegerit
.
I
doe
not
yet
say
that
this
man
is
an
〈◊〉
,
S.
Augustine
doth
euidently
declare
,
how
necessary
both
knowledge
&
will
are
vnto
Heresy
,
and
consequently
how
absurd
and
ridiculous
the
assertion
of
M.
Morton
is
,
that
Heresy
being
a
vice
proper
to
the
vnderstanding
,
may
denominate
the
subiect
whatsoeuer
an
Hereticke
,
without
obstinacy
of
will
.
For
〈◊〉
we
grant
with
all
Deuines
,
that
Heresy
is
in
the
vnderstanding
as
in
her
subiect
(
and
so
is
faith
also
that
is
her
opposite
)
and
further
that
her
last
perfection
and
consummation
is
from
the
foresaid
knowledge
in
the
vnderstanding
,
as
Vasquez
doth
explane
it
:
yet
doth
not
Vasquez
or
any
Deuine
els
exclude
the
necessity
of
pertinacity
also
,
and
election
in
the
will
,
&
consequently
both
his
wordes
and
meaning
haue
byn
euidently
falsified
,
and
calumniated
by
T.
M.
and
so
much
of
this
first
charge
,
wherby
yow
may
see
what
bookes
might
be
made
against
him
,
if
we
would
follow
his
steppes
in
all
his
fraudulent
traces
.
But
yet
let
vs
see
somewhat
more
in
this
very
leaf
and
page
.
46.
For
within
few
lines
after
he
beginneth
his
That
is
only
true
Religion
(
say
your
Romish
Doctors
)
which
is
taught
in
the
Romish
Church
,
&
therfore
whosoeuer
mainteineth
any
doctrine
condemned
in
that
Church
,
must
be
accompted
an
obstinate
Hereticke
.
And
in
the
by
only
true
Religion
(
a
corrupt
translation
of
Religionis
solaratio
)
be
applied
to
particuler
positions
and
articles
of
Religion
;
then
S.
August
.
in
Psa.
54.
in
verba
Psalm
.
In
multis
〈◊〉
mecum
,
&
Epist.
48.
we
grant
that
such
true
Religion
may
be
also
among
Hereticks
,
&
not
only
taught
in
the
Roman
Church
,
for
that
,
as
S.
Augustine
well
noteth
,
Heretickes
also
hold
many
articles
of
true
Catholicke
Religion
:
but
heere
the
corruption
and
falsification
goeth
yet
further
,
and
it
is
worthy
the
noting
,
for
that
Cunerus
hauing
〈◊〉
largely
against
the
insurrections
and
Rebellions
of
those
of
Holland
and
Zeland
for
cause
of
Religion
,
and
other
pretences
against
their
lawfull
King
,
taketh
vpon
him
in
his
thirteenth
Chapter
,
to
lay
downe
some
meanes
how
in
his
opinion
those
dissentions
may
be
compounded
,
giuing
this
title
to
the
said
Chapter
:
Quae
sit
vera
componendi
dissidij
〈◊〉
,
what
is
the
true
way
of
composing
this
dissention
,
and
then
after
some
discourse
setteth
downe
this
conclusion
:
Haec
igitur
in
Religione
concordiae
sola
est
ratio
,
vt
omnes
pio
ac
simplici
animo
,
purè
&
integrè
sic
sapiant
,
viuant
,
loquantur
,
ac
praedicent
,
47.
And
now
consider
yow
this
dealing
,
that
wheras
B.
Cunerus
saith
haec
est
in
Religione
cocordiae
sola
ratio
,
this
is
the
only
way
of
concord
in
Religion
,
this
man
alledgeth
it
in
his
margent
,
haec
est
Religionis
sola
ratio
,
this
is
the
only
way
of
Religion
,
as
though
concord
and
Religion
were
al
one
;
&
then
by
another
tricke
of
crafty
translation
in
his
English
text
that
is
only
true
Religion
,
as
though
true
Religion
and
the
way
or
meanes
to
come
to
true
Religion
were
not
different
;
and
then
for
all
the
rest
how
it
is
mangled
,
and
how
many
wordes
and
sentences
are
put
in
by
this
Minister
,
which
are
none
of
Cunerus
,
and
how
many
of
his
altered
,
and
put
out
,
is
easy
for
the
Reader
to
see
by
comparing
the
〈◊〉
o
Latin
textes
before
alleadged
and
therby
to
consider
how
facile
a
matter
it
is
for
this
fellow
to
deuide
our
tongues
:
A
course
(
saith
he
)
which
I
professe
in
all
disputes
,
when
he
deuideth
and
separateth
the
wordes
from
their
Authors
,
and
the
sense
from
the
wordes
,
and
the
whole
drift
from
them
both
:
a
very
fine
course
,
and
fit
for
a
man
of
his
profession
.
But
let
vs
proceed
.
48.
In
the
very
next
page
,
he
going
about
to
make
Alphonsus
de
Castro
:
He
that
vnderstanding
any
opinion
to
be
expressely
condemned
by
the
Church
,
shall
hold
the
same
,
is
to
be
accompted
an
obstinate
Hereticke
:
Wherupon
M.
Morton
playeth
his
pageant
thus
:
What
obstinate
?
It
may
be
,
some
doe
but
doubtingly
defend
it
,
what
will
yow
iudge
of
these
?
wherunto
he
answereth
out
of
Azor
:
If
he
doubt
therof
willingly
he
is
certainly
an
Hereticke
:
But
by
our
Ministers
leaue
Azor
addeth
more
;
Quoties
quis
voluntariè
&
pertinaciter
de
fide
dubitat
eò
ipso
est
49.
It
followeth
presently
in
the
same
text
of
T.
M.
But
it
may
be
(
saith
he
)
that
he
which
doubteth
is
ignorant
;
will
no
ignorance
excuse
him
?
wherunto
he
frameth
of
himself
this
answere
citing
Tolet
in
the
margent
,
affected
ignorance
doth
argue
him
an
obstinate
Hereticke
:
Which
if
yow
marke
,
doth
not
answere
the
demaund
,
for
he
demandeth
whether
no
ignorance
at
all
doth
excuse
him
,
&
he
answereth
that
affected
ignorance
doth
not
excuse
him
,
but
doth
rather
argue
him
an
Heretike
.
Now
those
that
be
learned
doe
know
,
that
there
be
diuers
sortes
of
ignorance
,
grosse
ignorance
,
in
that
attending
to
worldly
affaires
,
he
doth
not
care
to
informe
himself
,
but
he
is
ignorant
by
affected
ignorance
,
that
doth
purposely
fly
to
be
informed
;
so
as
heere
still
our
ignorant
Minister
either
ex
ignorantia
crassa
or
affectata
,
telleth
vs
quid
pro
quo
,
in
translating
affected
ignorance
,
for
grosse
ignorance
,
&
then
againe
in
Englishing
non
excusat
aliquem
a
pertinacia
,
doth
argue
him
an
obstinate
Hereticke
,
for
that
it
is
one
thing
to
argue
,
and
an
other
not
to
excuse
.
And
wheras
before
T.
M.
held
that
pertinacy
apperteined
not
at
all
to
the
nature
of
Heresy
,
here
contrary-wise
he
translateth
pertinacia
,
an
obstinate
Hereticke
,
making
it
to
signify
both
substantiue
,
and
adiectiue
,
substance
and
quality
.
But
yet
further
then
this
yow
must
note
that
in
citing
this
sentence
out
of
Tolet
he
cunningly
dissembleth
the
Authors
assertion
set
downe
cleerly
not
six
lines
before
these
wordes
:
pertinacia
necessaria
est
ad
constituendum
hominem
Haereticum
:
Pertinacy
is
necessary
to
make
a
man
an
Hereticke
,
being
the
quite
contrary
proposition
to
that
of
this
man
before
set
downe
in
the
first
example
of
his
corruptions
in
this
former
Part
of
his
Reply
.
50.
But
the
greatest
corruption
in
this
page
(
and
it
is
notable
indeed
)
is
of
the
wordes
sense
and
meaning
of
our
learned
Countreyman
Sayer
,
of
whome
T.
M.
writeth
thus
:
In
breif
our
Countreyman
vpon
this
case
of
conscience
saith
;
an
obstinate
Hereticke
is
aswell
he
that
is
presumed
so
to
be
,
as
he
that
is
manifest
,
and
againe
in
seeing
therfore
that
(
as
your
great
Casuist
hath
said
)
euery
one
presumed
to
be
an
Hereticke
,
is
taken
for
an
obstinate
,
who
can
be
free
from
your
censures
?
&c.
And
then
citeth
in
the
margent
these
wordes
of
Sayer
:
Contumax
51.
For
first
Sayer
hath
no
such
matter
at
all
concerning
obstinacy
in
Heresy
,
his
whole
purpose
being
only
to
declare
who
may
be
excommunicated
by
a
Iudge
for
contumacy
in
not
appearing
(
which
is
a
different
thing
from
obstinacy
or
pertinacy
)
and
this
whether
he
be
either
Hereticke
or
Catholicke
;
nay
he
speaketh
either
only
or
principally
of
Catholickes
,
who
doe
shew
contumacy
in
any
Court
or
tribunall
,
in
not
appearing
or
answering
,
according
as
they
are
cited
and
summoned
by
a
lawfull
Iudge
,
and
so
he
defineth
contumacy
in
these
wordes
:
Contumacia
(
saith
52.
Now
then
what
hath
all
this
to
doe
with
Contumax
Haereticus
tam
praesumptus
quàm
manifestus
?
Hath
Sayer
any
such
word
or
sentence
?
No
truly
,
or
shall
we
thinke
Thomas
Morton
to
be
so
simple
both
in
grammer
,
law
,
&
Deuinity
,
as
that
he
doth
not
know
what
difference
Thomas
Morton
will
not
confesse
this
ignorance
,
but
that
he
know
the
difference
of
the
wordes
,
and
of
their
significations
,
sense
,
and
applications
heere
vsed
by
the
Authors
,
then
must
he
confesse
wilfull
deceipt
in
vsing
one
for
the
other
,
and
much
more
in
twice
translating
the
wordes
contumax
Haereticus
in
this
one
page
,
for
an
obstinate
Hereticke
,
and
much
more
yet
in
foisting
in
the
word
Haereticus
,
which
Sayer
hath
not
;
and
most
of
all
in
making
his
Reader
belieue
that
contumax
,
praesumptus
and
manifestus
doth
signify
in
Sayer
one
that
vpon
presumption
only
is
iudged
to
be
as
obstinate
an
Hereticke
,
as
if
he
were
manifest
,
wherof
Sayer
neither
spake
nor
meant
;
but
in
a
quite
different
sense
(
not
appertaining
to
Heresy
at
all
)
saith
,
that
a
man
may
Minister
of
truth
this
is
,
and
of
what
naked
innocency
,
thus
perfidiously
to
delude
his
Reader
,
&
yet
to
come
forth
after
all
with
this
dissembled
Hypocrisy
:
Now
let
me
be
beholding
vnto
yow
(
saith
he
)
for
an
53.
And
this
now
is
only
in
one
sole
leafe
,
and
no
lesse
may
be
said
about
another
,
that
within
some
pages
Iohn
Caluin
from
the
imputation
of
Arrianisme
,
obiected
by
the
moderate
Answerer
,
not
only
out
of
our
Catholike
writers
,
but
from
cheif
Protestant
Authors
themselues
:
about
which
point
,
for
that
I
shall
be
inforced
to
make
a
particuler
Treatise
in
the
third
Part
of
this
Chapter
,
I
will
heere
let
the
most
Part
of
that
matter
passe
and
examine
only
a
peece
therof
,
to
wit
,
how
Caluin
doth
deny
the
Sonne
of
God
to
be
Deum
〈◊〉
Deo
,
lumen
de
lumine
,
God
of
God
,
and
light
of
light
,
as
the
first
generall
Councell
of
Neece
did
decree
against
the
Arrians
,
bycause
they
deny
not
the
Sonne
to
be
from
the
Father
but
they
deny
the
essence
of
the
Godhead
to
haue
any
generation
,
this
likewise
is
not
the
Part
of
common
modesty
,
to
blind-fold
your self
,
and
strike
yow
know
not
whome
.
54.
And
who
would
not
thinke
heere
vpon
this
asseueration
of
T.
M.
but
that
Cardinall
Bellarmine
were
contrary
to
himself
in
accusing
Caluin
,
and
yet
iustifying
his
doctrine
:
yow
shall
see
then
how
many
sleightes
heere
are
vsed
for
deceiuing
the
Reader
.
First
Bellarmine
Est
noua
quaedam
Haeresis
&c.
There
is
a
new
kinde
of
Heresy
sprung
vp
in
our
dayes
,
which
I
know
not
whether
it
consist
in
the
thing
it self
,
or
in
wordes
only
:
Genebrard
doth
of
purpose
confute
the
same
in
his
bookes
of
the
blessed
Trinity
,
calling
it
the
Heresy
of
Autotheans
,
that
is
to
say
,
of
such
as
doe
hold
Christ
to
be
God
of
himself
,
and
not
of
his
Father
,
and
both
he
and
Bishop
Lindan
and
Petrus
Canisius
doe
ascribe
the
same
vnto
Caluin
,
of
which
errour
doth
manifestly
follow
,
that
either
the
Sonne
is
not
distinguished
personally
from
the
Father
,
which
is
the
Heresy
of
Sabellius
,
or
that
he
is
distinguished
in
nature
,
which
goeth
neere
to
the
heresy
of
the
Manichies
.
So
Bellarmine
.
Who
as
yow
see
holdeth
the
proposition
to
be
Hereticall
,
that
Christ
is
God
of
himself
,
being
vnderstood
simply
as
the
ancient
Church
vnderstood
it
,
and
namely
the
Councell
of
Neece
,
when
they
set
downe
the
contrary
doctrine
as
true
and
necessary
to
saluation
,
to
belieue
that
Christ
is
God
of
God
,
and
light
of
light
.
55.
But
now
Caluin
and
Beza
,
(
as
also
M.
Willet
,
and
Doctor
Fulke
their
schollers
)
in
a
particuler
sense
(
saith
our
Minister
)
doe
deny
Christ
to
be
God
of
God
,
to
wit
,
that
the
essence
of
his
Godhead
hath
no
generation
,
though
as
he
is
Sonne
,
and
the
second
person
in
Trinity
,
he
is
by
generation
from
his
Father
;
which
doctrine
he
saith
our
Bellarmine
doth
hold
for
Catholicall
,
whose
words
he
alledgeth
in
the
margent
thus
:
56.
Restat
(
saith
he
)
vt
modum
loquendi
Caluini
qui
dicit
〈◊〉
à
se
habere
essentiam
simpliciter
esse
repudiandum
,
&
contrario
modo
loquendum
esse
demonstremus
&c.
It
remaineth
that
we
doe
demonstrate
Caluins
manner
of
speech
,
that
saith
the
Sonne
to
haue
his
essence
of
himself
,
is
simply
to
be
reiected
,
and
that
we
must
speake
in
a
quite
contrary
manner
,
to
wit
,
that
the
Sonne
hath
not
only
his
person
,
but
essence
also
from
the
Father
,
and
so
is
God
of
God
and
light
of
light
,
as
the
Councell
of
Neece
declared
;
and
this
he
proueth
by
foure
wayes
:
first
,
Quia
pugnat
cum
verbo
Dei
,
for
that
Caluins
manner
of
speech
is
opposite
to
the
word
of
God
&c.
Pugnat
secundò
cum
Conciliis
,
and
secondly
it
is
repugnant
to
the
manner
of
speech
of
ancient
Councells
,
as
the
Nicene
&
others
:
Pugnat
tertiò
cum
doctrina
Patrum
,
thirdly
it
is
contrary
to
the
doctrine
of
the
old
Fathers
:
fourthly
it
agreeth
with
the
speech
of
the
old
Arrians
,
and
other
such
proofes
,
which
Bellarmine
doth
prosecute
at
large
,
confirming
each
one
of
these
members
by
diuers
examples
and
instances
,
&
that
Caluin
spake
Heretically
in
fauour
of
the
Arrians
in
this
behalfe
.
57.
So
as
the
cosenage
heere
of
striking
out
(
hoc
)
out
of
Bellarmins
wordes
,
making
him
to
say
non
audeo
pronunciare
illos
in
errore
fuisse
,
insteed
of
illum
in
hoc
〈◊〉
fuisse
,
though
it
be
small
in
sound
of
words
:
yet
in
substance
is
it
much
:
for
that
therby
T.
M.
would
make
his
Reader
belieue
,
that
Bellarmine
cleereth
Caluin
and
Beza
from
all
sortes
of
errour
in
this
point
,
&
for
that
purpose
turneth
illum
into
illos
,
and
hoc
errore
,
into
errore
that
is
to
say
him
into
them
and
this
errour
into
any
errour
at
all
:
wheras
Bellarmine
though
in
one
sense
he
excuse
him
;
yet
absolutly
doth
he
condemne
him
,
as
yow
haue
heard
;
and
no
man
can
deny
but
that
his
Latin
wordes
were
heere
fraudulently
and
perfidiously
alledged
and
mangled
by
T.
M.
for
that
he
could
not
doe
it
but
wittingly
,
and
of
purpose
;
and
yet
forsooth
this
man
will
not
Equiuocate
,
as
he
saith
,
for
a
world
,
though
lye
he
will
manifestly
for
much
lesse
as
yow
see
.
And
so
much
of
this
vntill
we
come
to
examine
the
matter
more
largely
afterward
in
the
third
Part
of
this
Chapter
.
58.
And
heere
I
will
passe
ouer
many
thinges
that
an
honest
Friar
,
for
that
he
saith
,
that
a
King
when
59.
And
to
like
effect
he
citeth
a
discourse
,
though
most
brokenly
alledged
out
of
Bishop
Cunerus
,
writing
against
the
Rebells
of
Flanders
,
and
testifying
that
it
lieth
not
in
the
peoples
hand
to
reiect
their
Prince
at
their
pleasure
,
as
those
Protestant
subiectes
did
;
and
M.
Morton
,
as
though
he
had
achieued
some
great
victory
,
triumpheth
exceedingly
,
saying
:
That
forsomuch
as
Friars
in
our
Councells
haue
no
voice
,
but
only
Bishops
,
he
hath
brought
forth
a
Bishop
against
vs
,
whome
for
that
the
moderate
Answerer
had
named
a
little
before
,
this
man
scornfully
telleth
him
Caesarem
appellasti
,
ad
Caesarem
Minister
of
simple
truth
?
Is
this
for
a
man
that
somuch
abhorreth
Equiuocation
?
60.
I
let
passe
as
trifles
in
this
very
place
(
but
yet
such
as
shew
a
guilty
minde
and
meaning
,
)
that
he
Alexander
Carerius
,
a
Doctor
of
the
Canon
law
in
Padua
,
which
he
wrote
of
late
de
Potestate
Romani
〈◊〉
,
putteth
in
of
his
owne
contra
huius
temporis
Haereticos
against
the
Heretickes
of
this
time
,
which
are
not
in
the
title
of
that
booke
;
and
then
wheras
the
said
Author
naming
or
citing
many
other
writers
to
be
of
his
opinion
,
doth
say
nuperrimè
verò
Celsus
Mancinus
in
tract
.
de
Iuribus
Principatuum
&c.
and
last
of
all
Celsus
Mancinus
doth
hold
the
same
in
a
certaine
Treatise
of
the
rightes
of
principalities
;
this
man
to
frame
vnto
himself
some
matter
of
insultation
,
turneth
Carerius
citeth
another
called
Celsus
,
by
interpretation
high
or
lofty
,
and
therfore
insignes
him
with
verè
Celsus
,
as
truly
so
named
,
and
so
truly
he
may
be
if
we
iudge
him
by
the
loftines
of
his
stile
,
and
conclusion
.
So
he
.
And
doe
yow
see
this
folly
?
Or
will
yow
thinke
it
rather
folly
then
falshood
,
that
could
not
discerne
betweene
verò
and
verè
?
Or
not
be
able
to
iudge
by
the
contexture
of
Carerius
his
speech
it selfe
,
that
it
could
not
by
apt
construction
be
verè
if
he
had
lighted
vpon
Thomas
〈◊〉
is
out
of
his
owne
inuention
.
And
where
now
is
the
assurance
of
his
vpright
conscience
protested
to
his
Maiesty
in
his
Epistle
dedicatory
?
where
is
his
simplicity
in
Christ
Iesus
?
where
his
naked
innocency
?
Can
this
be
ignorance
?
can
this
be
done
but
of
purpose
,
and
consequently
by
a
guilty
conscience
?
what
may
the
hearer
belieue
of
all
he
saith
,
when
euery
where
he
is
found
intangled
with
such
foolish
treachery
?
But
let
vs
proceed
.
61.
There
followeth
within
two
leaues
after
a
heape
not
only
of
falshoodes
,
but
also
of
impudencies
.
The
Authors
of
the
doctrine
of
deposing
Kinges
in
case
of
Heresy
,
doe
professe
concerning
Popes
,
that
they
cannot
possibly
be
Heretickes
,
as
Popes
;
and
consequently
cannot
be
deposed
;
Not
saith
Bellarmine
,
by
any
power
Ecclesiasticall
or
temporall
,
no
not
by
all
Bishops
assembled
in
a
Councell
:
Not
,
saith
Carerius
though
he
should
doe
any
thing
preiudiciall
to
the
vniuersall
So
he
.
And
in
these
wordes
are
as
many
notorious
and
shamelesse
lies
,
as
there
are
assertions
,
and
Authors
named
by
him
for
the
same
.
62.
For
first
the
foure
writers
which
he
mentioneth
there
in
the
text
,
to
wit
,
Bellarmine
,
Carerius
Azorius
and
Gratian
,
doe
expressely
,
cleerly
,
and
resolutly
hold
the
contrary
to
that
he
affirmeth
out
of
them
,
for
that
they
teach
and
proue
by
many
argumentes
,
that
Popes
de
Pontific
.
cap.
30.
where
among
other
proofes
he
citeth
this
very
Canon
of
Gratian
heere
mentioned
by
T.
M.
saying
:
Haereticum
Papam
posse
iudicari
,
expressè
habetur
Canon
.
Si
Papadist
.
40.
It
is
expressely
determined
in
the
Canon
Si
Papa
,
that
a
Pope
falling
into
Heresy
may
be
iudged
,
and
deposed
by
the
Church
;
and
more
,
that
in
the
eight
generall
Councell
,
and
seauenth
Session
,
Pope
Honorius
was
deposed
for
Heresy
.
So
Bellarmine
.
And
the
same
doctrine
hold
the
other
two
cited
by
our
Minister
:
so
as
heere
be
foure
notorious
lies
togeather
,
that
by
no
shift
or
tergiuersation
can
be
auoided
,
for
that
T.
M.
could
not
but
manifestly
see
,
that
he
alledged
these
foure
Authors
quite
contrary
to
their
expresse
wordes
,
drift
and
meaning
,
what
then
will
yow
say
of
this
fellow
,
and
his
manner
of
writing
?
shall
he
be
credited
herafter
?
63.
But
yet
not
contented
with
this
he
citeth
other
foure
or
fiue
Authors
besides
in
the
margent
,
to
wit
Gregorius
de
Valentia
,
Salmeron
,
Canus
,
Stapleton
and
Costerus
,
all
which
in
the
very
places
by
him
cited
,
are
expressely
against
him
.
And
is
not
this
strange
dealing
?
Let
Canus
that
goeth
in
the
middest
,
speake
for
all
,
who
hauing
proued
first
at
large
the
opposite
Non
est
igitur
negandum
(
saith
he
)
quin
Summus
Pontifex
Haereticus
esse
possit
:
It
cannot
therfore
be
denied
,
Wherof
one
or
two
examples
may
be
giuen
,
but
none
at
all
,
that
euer
Pope
though
he
fell
into
Heresy
,
did
decree
the
same
for
the
whole
Church
;
by
which
last
wordes
of
Canus
is
discouered
the
ridiculous
fallacy
of
T.
M.
alledging
heere
out
of
our
foresaid
writers
,
that
Popes
cannot
possibly
be
Heretickes
,
as
Popes
,
and
consequently
cannot
be
64.
Consider
then
I
pray
yow
what
a
fellow
this
Minister
is
in
abusing
thus
so
many
Authors
so
manifestly
;
but
especially
doe
yow
note
the
impudency
of
his
conclusion
:
And
these
forenamed
Authors
(
saith
he
)
doe
auouch
for
confirmation
of
this
doctrine
,
the
vniuersall
consent
of
Romish
Deuines
and
Canonistes
for
the
space
of
an
hundred
years
.
So
he
.
But
I
would
aske
him
of
what
doctrine
?
that
Popes
cannot
be
Heretickes
,
or
be
deposed
for
the
same
?
yow
haue
heard
them
now
protest
the
contrary
,
and
yow
may
read
it
in
the
places
heere
cited
,
out
of
all
the
nine
seuerall
writers
before
mentioned
,
who
by
their
expresse
contrary
doctrine
doe
proue
Thomas
Morton
to
haue
made
nine
seuerall
lies
against
them
in
this
his
assertion
,
and
now
the
tenth
&
most
That
they
doe
auouch
for
confirmation
of
that
which
he
obiecteth
the
vniuersall
consent
of
Romish
Deuines
and
Canonistes
for
the
space
of
an
hundred
yeares
;
which
besides
the
manifest
falsity
therof
,
seene
in
their
owne
wordes
,
and
workes
heere
by
me
cited
,
it
conteineth
also
great
folly
,
and
simplicity
to
say
,
that
they
auouch
the
consent
of
Romish
Deuines
and
Canonistes
for
an
hundred
yeares
;
for
that
their
proofes
are
much
elder
,
and
Bellarmine
among
the
rest
,
for
deposition
of
Pops
doth
cite
the
eight
generall
Councell
vnvnder
Pope
Adrian
the
second
,
for
aboue
six
hundred
yeares
gone
,
and
the
Canon
Si
Papa
,
out
of
our
Countreyman
S.
Boniface
Archbishop
of
Mentz
&
Martyr
,
aboue
seauen
hundred
yeares
gone
,
and
collected
by
Gratian
,
and
confirmed
by
Popes
,
as
Part
of
the
Canon
law
aboue
foure
hundred
yeares
gone
:
So
as
to
say
that
now
they
auouch
Authors
of
an
hundred
yeares
old
against
that
which
for
so
many
hundred
yeares
before
was
held
&
established
,
is
mere
folly
or
rather
foolish
malice
.
65.
And
albeit
I
haue
not
yet
passed
ouer
the
first
halfe
of
the
first
Part
of
this
first
Treatise
of
his
,
and
in
Only
by
the
insolency
(
saith
he
)
of
Iesuites
all
such
hope
of
reconciliation
is
debarred
,
as
is
plaine
by
Bellarmine
;
for
wheras
that
most
graue
and
learned
Cassander
honoured
of
two
Emperours
for
his
singuler
learning
and
piety
,
did
teach
that
Emperours
should
endeauour
a
reconciliation
betwixt
bycause
(
saith
he
)
Protestants
hold
the
articles
of
the
Creed
,
&
are
true
members
of
the
Church
,
although
they
dissent
from
vs
in
some
particuler
opinions
;
the
grand
Iesuite
doth
answere
,
that
this
iudgment
of
Cassander
is
false
,
for
that
Catholickes
cannot
be
reconciled
with
Heretickes
,
Heretically
meaning
Protestantes
.
So
he
.
66.
But
heere
I
would
aske
him
why
he
had
not
vttered
also
that
which
immediatly
followeth
in
Bellarmine
,
that
Iohn
Caluin
had
written
a
booke
against
this
errour
of
Cassander
,
and
that
among
Catholicke
writers
Iohannes
à
Louanio
had
done
the
same
,
and
shewed
that
it
was
an
old
Heresy
of
Appelles
,
as
Eusebius
testifieth
,
&
of
other
Heretickes
afterward
vnder
Zeno
the
Emperours
,
named
Pacifiers
,
as
Euagrius
testifieth
,
Iohannes
à
Louanio
was
no
Iesuit
,
nor
Caluin
neither
.
67.
But
to
leaue
this
,
&
to
come
to
the
thing
it self
,
and
to
take
some
more
particuler
view
of
the
false
behauiour
of
Thomas
〈◊〉
in
citing
this
authority
:
It
is
strange
that
in
so
small
a
matter
,
he
would
shew
so
great
want
of
truth
,
or
true
meaning
as
heere
he
doth
.
For
first
,
to
pretermit
that
he
goeth
about
to
deceaue
his
Reader
,
by
the
opinion
of
grauity
and
learning
in
George
Cassander
of
Bruges
,
who
was
but
a
Grammarian
in
his
dayes
;
&
that
he
was
a
Catholicke
,
who
is
censured
for
an
Hereticke
primae
classis
in
the
Index
of
prohibited
bookes
,
and
not
only
for
Heresies
of
this
time
,
but
also
,
quod
dicit
spiritum
sanctum
minùs
aduocandum
,
&
adorandum
esse
;
for
that
he
saith
that
the
holy
Index
expurgatorius
testifieth
;
besides
all
this
(
I
say
)
he
corrupteth
manifestly
in
the
sentence
before
alledged
,
the
wordes
,
&
plaine
meaning
of
his
Author
,
to
wit
,
Tertius
error
(
saith
he
)
est
Georgij
Cassandri
in
libro
De
officio
pij
viri
,
vbi
docet
debere
Principes
inuenire
rationem
pacis
inter
Catholicos
,
Lutheranos
&c.
Sed
interim
dum
non
inueniunt
,
debere
〈◊〉
vnicuique
suam
fidem
,
modò
omnes
recipiant
Scripturam
&
Symbolum
68.
The
third
errour
is
of
George
Cassander
in
the
booke
Of
the
office
of
a
pious
man
where
he
teacheth
that
Princes
ought
to
seeke
out
some
meanes
of
peace
,
betwixt
Catholickes
,
Lutheranes
,
Caluinistes
,
and
other
sectes
of
our
time
,
but
in
the
meane
space
,
whiles
they
finde
no
such
meanes
,
they
ought
to
permit
euery
one
to
follow
his
owne
particuler
faith
,
so
as
all
doe
receaue
the
Scripture
,
and
common
Creed
of
the
Apostles
,
for
so
al
are
true
members
of
the
Church
,
albeit
they
disagree
among
themselues
in
particuler
doctrines
.
These
are
Bellarmins
wordes
.
Now
let
vs
see
how
they
are
mangled
by
M.
Morton
,
both
in
Latin
and
English
,
as
by
him
that
hath
the
notablest
talent
therin
,
notwithstanding
his
solemne
protestations
to
the
contrary
,
that
euer
I
read
in
my
life
.
69.
He
putteth
downe
first
the
Latin
wordes
in
his
margent
thus
:
Debent
Principes
inuenire
rationem
pacis
inter
Catholicos
,
Lutheranos
,
〈◊〉
;
qui
omnes
dum
Symbolum
tenent
Apostolicum
,
vera
sunt
membra
Ecclesiae
,
licèt
à
nobis
in
particularibus
dissentiant
.
Princes
ought
to
seeke
a
meanes
of
peace
betweene
Catholickes
,
Lutheranes
,
Caluinistes
;
all
which
,
for
so
much
as
they
hold
the
Apostolicke
Creed
,
are
true
members
of
the
Church
,
albeit
they
dissent
from
vs
in
some
particuler
opinions
.
And
heere
now
yow
see
first
to
be
omitted
cunningly
and
wilfully
by
this
crafty
Minister
the
wordes
of
much
moment
,
that
whiles
Princes
doe
not
finde
a
fit
meane
of
peace
,
they
ought
to
permit
all
to
liue
according
to
their
particuler
faith
,
which
sentence
of
his
graue
and
learned
Cassander
,
not
seeming
to
himself
allowable
in
our
English
State
,
or
to
his
owne
Brethren
the
English
Caluinistes
,
that
now
hauing
gotten
the
Catholickes
,
Lutherans
,
Caluinistes
,
and
other
sectes
of
our
time
,
though
in
wordes
they
doe
admit
both
Scripture
&
Apostolicall
Creed
,
yet
differing
in
sense
,
and
so
many
doctrines
as
they
doe
,
are
all
to
be
held
notwithstanding
for
true
members
of
one
,
and
the
selfe
same
Church
?
Can
any
thing
be
more
ridiculous
then
this
?
70.
Thirdly
he
doth
most
notably
cogge
in
thrusting
in
the
wordes
à
nobis
,
from
vs
,
which
are
not
in
the
originall
,
meaning
therby
to
make
Cassander
to
seeme
a
Catholicke
,
&
to
speake
in
the
behalf
of
Catholickes
,
which
is
plaine
cosenage
:
and
to
this
end
also
he
leaueth
out
dogmatibus
;
&
finally
yow
see
that
he
shapeth
euery
thing
to
his
owne
purpose
,
and
by
making
Cassander
,
as
a
Catholicke
,
seeme
to
wish
and
endeauour
this
vnion
,
and
Bellarmine
to
reiect
it
;
he
would
confirme
his
former
calumniation
,
that
only
by
the
insolency
of
Iesuites
all
such
hope
is
debarred
.
71.
And
thus
much
for
the
corruption
of
the
Latin
text
:
but
his
English
hath
other
corruptions
also
,
according
Catholicos
,
Lutheranos
,
Caluinistas
&c.
which
wordes
&
〈◊〉
comprehend
all
other
sects
of
our
time
,
as
Anabaptistes
,
Arrians
,
Trinitarians
,
Hussites
,
Picardians
and
the
like
,
he
translateth
them
(
I
say
,
)
Papistes
and
Protestantes
,
as
though
all
those
sectes
of
our
time
were
to
be
comprehended
vnder
the
name
of
Protestantes
of
the
English
faith
,
or
as
though
Cassander
if
he
were
a
Catholicke
,
as
heere
he
is
pretended
,
would
call
vs
〈◊〉
Thirdly
wheras
in
his
owne
Latin
heere
set
downe
he
saith
;
Qui
omnes
dum
Symbolum
〈◊〉
&c.
All
which
,
to
wit
Catholickes
,
Lutherans
,
Caluinistes
,
&
other
Sectaries
,
whiles
they
hold
the
Apostolicall
Creed
,
are
true
members
of
the
Church
,
he
doth
English
it
thus
,
because
Protestantes
hold
the
Articles
of
the
Creed
,
and
are
true
members
of
the
Church
,
excluding
Catholickes
from
belieuing
the
said
Articles
,
or
being
true
members
,
which
in
his
owne
Latin
(
and
that
of
Bellarmines
)
also
are
included
:
and
fourthly
is
the
corruption
before
mentioned
,
although
they
dissent
from
vs
in
some
particuler
opinions
;
which
in
Bellarmine
is
,
although
they
dissent
among
themselues
in
particuler
doctrines
:
and
finally
the
wordes
by
him
cited
of
Bellarmins
iudgment
,
which
he
controlleth
,
to
wit
,
falsa
est
haec
sententia
Cassandri
;
non
〈◊〉
enim
Catholici
reconciliari
cum
Haereticis
,
This
sentence
(
of
Cassander
)
may
easely
be
refelled
;
first
for
that
Catholickes
,
Lutherans
,
and
Caluinistes
(
for
example
)
can
not
so
be
reconciled
as
Cassander
appointeth
,
to
wit
,
by
admitting
only
the
wordes
of
the
Creed
,
for
that
we
differ
in
the
sense
,
and
sometimes
in
the
articles
themselues
,
as
in
that
descendit
ad
inferos
,
he
descended
into
hell
;
and
in
like
manner
,
we
agree
not
about
the
sense
of
those
other
articles
,
I
belieue
the
Catholicke
Church
and
Communion
of
Saintes
,
remission
of
sinnes
&c.
So
Bellarmine
.
All
which
this
fellow
omitteth
.
72.
And
so
you
see
there
is
no
truth
or
sincerity
with
him
in
any
thing
:
neither
can
these
escapes
be
ascribed
THE
THIRD
PART
OF
THIS
CHAPTER
,
CONTEYNING
A
CONTROVERSY
:
Whether
Caluin
did
fauour
Arrianisme
,
or
no
?
With
diuers
sleightes
of
Tho.
Morton
about
the
same
.
ANd
now
albeit
these
examples
before
rehearsed
,
doe
sufficiently
declare
the
mans
humour
against
whome
we
deale
,
who
professing
extraordinary
sincerity
in
all
pointes
,
performeth
the
same
scarcely
in
any
(
I
professe
,
saith
he
,
that
simplicity
in
Christ
,
as
neuer
either
in
word
,
or
writing
to
Equiuocate
:
)
yet
for
an
vpshot
of
this
Chapter
,
I
haue
thought
good
,
to
lay
forth
one
example
more
,
to
proue
worse
matter
then
Equiuocation
against
him
,
as
in
the
former
Partes
of
this
Chapter
we
haue
already
done
,
to
wit
,
plaine
falshood
,
and
faithles
dealing
.
But
heere
now
is
a
particuler
controuersy
fallen
out
,
by
occasion
of
certaine
sleightes
,
vsed
by
him
in
defence
of
Iohn
Caluin
,
against
the
imputation
of
Arrianisme
laid
vpon
him
,
not
only
by
our
doctors
,
but
much
more
by
sundry
learned
Protestant-writers
of
Germany
,
alledged
in
part
by
the
moderate
Answerer
in
this
place
,
and
shifted
of
sleightly
by
T.
M.
And
albeit
we
haue
treated
somewhat
of
this
matter
before
,
in
the
second
Chapter
of
this
booke
,
yet
the
thing
comming
againe
in
question
now
by
reason
of
certaine
corruptions
vsed
by
T.
M.
therabout
,
I
haue
thought
it
expedient
to
handle
the
same
more
largely
as
a
point
of
no
small
importance
,
which
by
the
sequele
yow
will
see
.
74.
First
then
T.
M.
taking
vpon
him
to
answere
the
obiection
of
his
Aduersary
,
That
Caluin
was
accused
of
Arrianisme
,
by
the
writinges
of
diuers
most
learned
Protestantes
of
the
Lutheran
and
other
sectes
in
Germany
,
&
hauing
giuen
this
feeble
answere
only
,
which
before
we
haue
touched
in
our
said
second
Chapter
,
and
is
heere
repeated
againe
,
That
it
is
not
much
to
be
regarded
,
what
those
Protestant-writers
in
the
spirit
of
opposition
and
contention
did
say
of
Caluin
:
especially
(
saith
he
)
seing
as
it
may
seeme
by
their
obiections
,
their
iudgment
hath
beene
depraued
by
your
maliguant
Doctors
.
75.
After
(
I
say
)
this
generall
,
but
simple
euasion
(
for
if
this
kinde
of
answering
may
be
admitted
,
that
thinges
are
spoken
or
written
out
of
the
spirit
of
Contradiction
,
what
may
not
be
answered
?
)
he
taketh
vpon
him
for
some
shew
of
probability
in
this
shift
to
set
downe
the
iustification
following
.
First
(
saith
he
)
That
the
Father
is
by
a
kind
of
excellency
God
,
wheras
both
the
speach
&
sense
is
most
orthodoxall
,
and
agreing
with
the
tenure
of
holy
writ
,
as
your
learned
Iesuites
confesse
:
for
the
wordes
of
our
Sauiour
are
plaine
Ioan.
14.
My
Father
is
greater
then
I
,
in
the
true
sense
,
Is
(
say
your
Iesuites
,
and
truly
)
the
Father
greater
,
not
in
substance
and
being
,
but
by
reason
of
birth
and
begetting
;
For
their
authority
they
produce
an
inquest
of
Fathers
to
free
Caluin
in
this
point
,
who
was
so
farre
from
Arrianisme
,
that
your
owne
Bellarmine
doth
acknowledge
that
Caluin
did
impugne
the
doctrine
of
the
Arrians
.
76.
This
is
his
defence
,
wherin
yow
shall
see
how
many
subtilties
,
and
shiftes
there
be
vsed
to
defend
Caluin
from
this
impiety
,
who
yet
,
as
will
appeare
,
is
not
defensible
in
this
respect
.
For
first
where
he
saith
,
That
our
Iesuites
doe
affirme
Iohn
Caluin
to
teach
Arrianisme
,
in
that
he
holdeth
that
the
Father
is
by
a
kind
of
excellency
God
,
citing
for
the
same
among
others
in
the
margent
both
Bellarmine
,
and
Gregorius
de
Valentia
,
his
first
corruption
therin
is
,
that
he
citeth
not
the
wordes
of
their
accusations
,
as
they
ly
in
the
Authors
,
Valentinus
Gentilis
(
the
Arrian
Hereticke
)
that
the
name
of
God
was
attributed
only
to
the
Father
by
a
certaine
excellency
.
And
the
same
obiecteth
[
*
](A09111-e38240-b)
*
Greg.
de
Valent.
l.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
vnit
.
&
trinit.
c.
9.
Gregory
de
Valentia
in
the
same
wordes
:
out
of
which
yow
see
,
that
T.
M.
leaueth
out
soli
,
to
the
Father
alone
,
wherin
consisteth
the
chiefest
force
of
the
charge
against
Caluin
:
this
then
is
the
first
tricke
.
The
second
is
,
that
he
would
make
his
Reader
belieue
,
that
for
this
only
speach
of
Caluin
our
Doctors
,
Bellarmine
,
Valentia
,
and
others
,
had
condemned
him
of
Arrianisme
,
wheras
they
not
only
for
this
,
but
for
many
other
wicked
speaches
,
as
blasphemous
as
this
,
doe
ascribe
that
crime
vnto
him
.
77.
As
for
example
,
for
that
he
writeth
Deum
Patrem
That
Christ
as
he
is
the
second
person
of
the
Trinity
,
cannot
properly
be
called
Creator
of
heauen
and
earth
,
and
consequently
not
God
,
nor
equall
to
his
Father
.
And
yet
further
,
Filium
Dei
subiectum
esse
Patri
etiam
ratione
diuinitatis
,
that
the
Sonne
of
God
is
subiect
to
his
Father
,
euen
according
to
his
diuine
nature
.
And
That
Christ
was
a
mediator
betweene
God
and
Angels
before
the
sinne
of
Adam
,
and
before
his
incarnation
,
and
that
also
according
to
his
diuinity
:
Out
of
which
for
that
a
mediator
must
needes
be
inferiour
to
him
,
to
whome
he
vseth
mediation
,
all
learned
men
inferre
that
Caluin
in
effect
taught
the
doctrine
of
Arrius
,
who
denied
the
equality
of
the
Sonne
with
the
Father
,
&
all
this
is
obiected
by
our
Doctors
in
the
places
quoted
by
T.
M.
himselfe
.
Wherby
it
is
manifest
that
he
did
not
of
ignorance
or
forgetfulnes
leaue
out
these
other
accusations
,
mentioning
only
the
first
,
but
of
plaine
deceipt
,
&
wilfull
falshood
,
for
that
he
thought
himselfe
to
haue
a
shift
for
answering
the
first
,
but
not
the
other
.
78.
Yet
Gregory
de
Valentia
goeth
some-what
further
,
of
the
vnity
of
consent
and
agreement
,
not
of
substance
:
wherupon
one
George
Blandrata
a
Trinitarian
,
founding
himselfe
(
saith
Valentia
)
did
in
a
certaine
publicke
disputation
against
the
Alba
Iulia
in
Transiluania
,
allow
and
confirme
this
Arrian
interpretation
of
Caluin
,
saying
:
We
doe
remit
our
hearers
to
only
Iohn
Caluin
in
this
behalfe
who
doth
euery
where
reprehend
the
old
writers
,
for
that
they
wrested
these
wordes
,
Ego
&
Pater
vnum
sumus
,
to
the
vnity
of
essence
or
substance
.
He
noteth
also
these
wordes
in
Caluin
,
Impropriam
esse
atque
duram
orationem
illam
Symboli
Niceni
,
Deus
de
Deo
:
that
,
that
speach
of
the
Creed
of
the
Councell
of
Nice
,
is
an
improper
and
hard
speech
,
God
of
God
:
Which
speech
notwithstanding
S.
Athanasius
did
greatly
vrge
(
saith
he
)
in
his
dayes
against
the
Arrians
,
wherof
we
haue
treated
somewhat
before
.
79.
Now
then
may
we
see
how
fraudulently
Thomas
Morton
hath
dealt
in
this
matter
,
by
putting
downe
slyly
one
reason
only
,
for
which
our
malignant
Doctors
(
as
he
calleth
them
)
doe
condemne
Caluin
for
Arrianisme
,
and
it
is
as
if
a
malefactour
being
condemned
for
many
crimes
,
his
Aduocate
would
giue
out
,
that
he
had
byn
accused
only
of
one
,
and
then
by
diminishing
that
also
make
it
none
,
and
so
proclaime
him
quit
in
all
.
But
for
so
much
as
he
calleth
our
said
Doctors
malignant
(
from
which
crime
I
dare
auouch
them
of
all
others
most
free
)
&
doth
say
,
That
the
iudgment
of
the
Lutheran
Doctors
,
alleadged
by
his
Aduersary
the
moderate
Answerer
against
him
(
namely
of
Doctor
Philippus
Nicolaus
,
and
of
the
Deane
and
vniuersity
of
Tubinga
,
who
condemned
Caluin
for
the
same
crime
of
Arrianisme
,
)
hath
byn
depraued
,
(
as
may
seeme
,
saith
he
,
by
their
obiections
)
by
our
said
malignant
Doctors
;
We
shall
heere
with
as
much
breuity
as
may
be
,
bring
forth
the
iudgment
of
another
renowned
Protestant-Doctor
,
concurring
with
the
foresaid
,
he
being
a
publike
Reader
of
Deuinity
in
another
famous
Vniuersity
of
Germany
,
namely
Wittenberg
,
where
Martyn
Luther
himselfe
once
held
the
chaire
,
as
Caluin
did
in
Geneua
;
and
this
Doctor
whose
name
is
AEgidius
Hunnius
in
a
Dauid
Pareus
a
principall
Caluinian
Doctor
,
setteth
downe
the
argument
of
his
booke
thus
,
in
the
This
booke
is
to
shew
(
saith
he
)
that
Iohn
Caluin
hath
most
detestably
presumed
to
corrupt
(
in
fauour
of
Iewes
and
Arrians
)
the
most
cleare
places
,
and
testimonies
of
Scripture
concerning
the
glorious
Trinity
,
deity
of
Christ
,
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
and
aboue
all
,
the
predictions
of
Prophetes
for
the
comming
of
the
Messias
,
his
natiuity
,
passion
,
ascension
,
&
sitting
at
the
right
hand
of
God
&c.
with
a
cleare
confutation
of
his
false
corruptions
therin
&c.
80.
This
is
the
title
and
argument
of
the
booke
,
which
he
doth
prosecute
for
almost
two
hundred
pages
togeather
,
deuiding
the
same
into
two
partes
,
the
first
wherin
he
sheweth
,
how
Iohn
Caluin
most
wickedly
,
and
maliciously
vnder
pretence
of
interpreting
the
Scripture
in
different
sense
from
the
ancient
Fathers
,
did
goe
about
couertly
to
weaken
,
infringe
,
or
take
from
the
Christians
all
the
strongest
argumentes
which
they
had
,
or
haue
out
of
the
Scriptures
for
the
Godhead
of
Christ
,
and
his
equality
and
consubstantiality
with
the
Father
.
And
in
the
second
Part
,
that
he
vseth
the
same
fraud
,
and
malice
by
ouerthrowing
all
the
predictions
,
&
foretellinges
of
Prophetes
about
Christ
as
he
was
man
.
Out
of
the
old
Testament
.
§.
1.
81.
ANd
for
the
first
Part
of
peruerting
Scriptures
,
D.
Hunnius
proueth
,
that
the
Pluit
Iehoua
a
Iehoua
(
saith
Hunnius
according
to
the
Hebrue
text
)
and
is
applied
by
Christian
writers
,
against
the
Iewes
for
Christes
diuinity
,
Caluin
most
insolently
reiecteth
the
same
saying
:
Quod
veteres
Christi
Diuinitatem
&c.
wheras
ancient
writers
endeauored
by
this
testimony
,
to
proue
the
Diuinity
of
Christ
,
it
is
but
a
weake
argument
,
and
in
my
iudgment
they
brabble
much
without
cause
,
that
so
sharpely
vrge
the
Iewes
with
this
place
.
82.
In
Genesis
also
Chap.
35.
where
Iacob
built
an
Altar
83.
But
that
which
much
more
importeth
,
Caluin
taketh
from
the
Christians
that
other
excellent
place
also
of
the
second
Psalme
,
wherin
is
proued
the
Diuinity
〈◊〉
me
us
es
tu
,
Ego
hodie
S.
Paul
himselfe
Act.
13.
and
the
Author
S.
Paules
)
and
all
ancient
Fathers
after
them
,
doe
alleage
these
wordes
for
proofe
of
Christes
diuinity
;
but
Caluin
doth
ouerthrow
it
by
interpreting
it
to
be
vnderstood
literally
of
Dauid
himselfe
,
as
Hunnius
at
large
proueth
,
The
ancient
Fathers
did
more
subtily
vse
this
place
of
Scripture
,
against
the
Sabellian
Heretickes
,
to
proue
the
eternall
Godhead
of
the
holy
Ghost
;
but
I
would
not
dare
to
vrge
Sabellius
with
this
testimony
to
proue
the
deity
of
the
said
holy
Ghost
.
And
againe
in
another
place
lib.
1.
Institut.
cap.
13.
sect.
15.
it
seemed
(
saith
he
)
a
plausible
thing
vnto
them
,
to
cite
out
of
Dauid
the
wordes
now
rehearsed
,
verbo
Domini
coeli
firmati
sunt
&c.
to
proue
that
the
Creation
of
the
world
was
no
lesse
the
worke
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
then
of
the
Sonne
the
second
person
in
Trinity
:
Sed
infirma
illa
ratio
fuit
,
So
Caluin
,
very
piously
as
yow
see
.
84.
From
this
Doctor
Hunnius
passeth
to
examine
The
simple
and
naturall
sense
of
this
place
(
saith
Caluin
)
is
that
Salomon
did
not
gouerne
Tyrannically
,
as
other
Kinges
,
but
with
right
and
equall
lawes
,
and
therfore
his
Kingly
seate
should
be
stable
for
euer
.
See
how
base
a
conceipt
this
man
had
of
diuine
thinges
:
but
yet
heare
him
further
,
for
in
another
place
he
writeth
thus
:
Faciendum
est
&c.
We
must
confesse
that
this
Psalme
was
made
of
Salomon
,
as
a
bridesong
of
his
marriage
with
the
King
of
Egypts
daughter
.
Doe
yow
see
the
prophanity
of
this
mans
spirit
?
But
yet
let
vs
produce
a
farre
greater
audacity
of
his
.
85.
The
Apostle
S.
Paul
in
the
4.
to
the
Ephesians
doth
S.
Paul
doth
vrge
,
as
a
point
of
singuler
moment
for
proofe
of
Christes
diuinity
.
But
what
saith
Caluin
?
yow
shall
heare
what
he
writeth
both
of
the
thing
,
and
of
his
Censure
of
S.
Paules
simplicity
,
in
so
applying
86.
After
this
the
said
Doctor
passeth
on
to
cite
that
Sanctus
,
Sanctus
,
Sanctus
,
Dominus
Wheras
ancient
writers
haue
vsed
this
testimony
of
Esay
,
when
they
would
proue
the
Trinity
of
persons
in
the
essence
of
one
God
,
I
doe
not
reiect
their
sentence
;
but
yet
if
I
should
haue
to
doe
with
Hereticks
,
I
would
rather
vse
more
strong
testimonies
,
ne
Haereticis
ridiculi
simus
,
least
we
be
ridiculous
vnto
Heretikes
,
and
in
truth
the
Prophet
by
this
triple
repetition
(
holy
,
holy
,
holy
)
doth
rather
note
a
restles
assiduity
,
or
continuance
of
Angelicall
melody
,
in
the
prayses
of
God
&c.
And
doe
yow
not
see
(
saith
Hunnius
,
)
how
this
arrogant
fellow
,
doth
[
*
](A09111-e40180-b)
*
Seni'em
&
venerandam
canitiem
petulanter
vellicat
.
saucely
pull
by
the
locks
old
venerable
antiquity
(
making
the
same
〈◊〉
)
and
how
he
instructeth
the
Arrians
to
illude
,
or
shifte
of
this
sacred
testimony
for
the
blessed
Trinity
?
Could
the
Arrians
doe
more
for
themselues
,
or
their
owne
cause
?
So
he
.
Shewing
also
the
like
boldnes
,
and
impiety
in
that
he
goeth
about
to
weaken
the
Authority
of
Michaeas
the
Prophet
,
vsed
by
all
ancient
Fathers
for
the
proofe
of
Christes
Godhead
,
This
is
the
simple
sense
and
meaning
of
the
Prophet
,
albeit
I
know
that
some
doe
more
obstinatly
contend
,
that
the
Prophet
speaketh
heere
of
the
eternall
essence
of
Christ
:
and
for
my
part
,
though
I
doe
willingly
acknowledge
,
that
the
diuinity
of
Christ
is
heere
proued
;
yet
for
that
we
shall
neuer
get
the
Iewes
to
confesse
it
,
I
would
rather
simply
take
the
wordes
of
the
Prophet
as
they
sound
.
So
he
.
And
note
heere
his
good
reason
(
saith
Hunnius
)
for
that
because
the
Iewes
will
not
be
brought
to
confesse
the
truth
of
this
text
,
Caluin
himself
will
dissemble
it
also
,
and
peruert
the
Scriptures
to
another
meaning
to
please
them
.
Is
not
this
wickedly
to
betray
the
cause
of
Christians
?
And
is
not
this
secretly
to
collude
with
the
aduersaries
?
Is
not
this
by
dissimulation
to
weaken
our
owne
forces
in
fauour
of
the
enemies
?
But
herof
yow
shall
see
more
in
that
which
ensueth
.
Out
of
the
new
Testament
.
§.
2.
87.
ANd
with
these
places
and
some
other
the
said
Doctor
endeth
his
discourse
for
corrupting
of
the
Scriptures
of
the
old
Testament
,
in
fauour
of
Iewes
and
Arrians
,
&
passeth
to
the
new
,
shewing
〈◊〉
no
lesse
to
fauour
them
both
therin
,
then
in
the
other
,
but
rather
much
more
.
And
first
he
alledgeth
S.
Iohns
Ghospel
before
mentioned
,
Ego
&
Pater
vnum
sumus
,
I
and
my
Father
Franciscus
,
Dauid
,
Blandrata
,
and
others
.
88.
And
so
in
like
manner
where
in
the
10.
and
14.
of
S.
Iohn
,
Christ
our
Sauiour
repeateth
oftentimes
Ego
〈◊〉
in
Patre
,
&
Pater
in
me
,
I
am
in
my
Father
,
and
habetur
&c.
Heere
is
not
any
speach
of
vnity
of
〈◊〉
betweene
the
Father
and
the
Sonne
,
but
only
of
the
manifestation
of
Gods
power
in
the
person
of
Christ
.
And
againe
in
another
place
:
Non
ad
diuinam
89.
And
finally
not
to
be
tedious
,
I
passe
ouer
many
other
examples
,
as
that
Ioan.
17.
in
Christes
speach
to
That
my
disciples
may
be
one
,
as
we
are
one
.
And
That
all
may
be
one
as
thou
Father
art
in
me
,
and
I
in
thee
,
which
ancient
Doctors
did
interpret
to
signify
the
naturall
vnity
of
Christ
in
Godhead
with
his
Father
.
But
what
saith
Caluin
?
Multi
ex
Patribus
(
saith
S.
Iohn
in
his
first
Epistle
:
Tres
sunt
qui
testimonium
dant
in
coelo
&c.
There
are
three
in
heauen
that
giue
testimony
,
the
Father
,
the
word
,
and
the
holy
Ghost
,
and
these
three
are
one
,
which
Catholike
Deuines
haue
euer
vnderstood
of
the
naturall
vnity
of
the
three
persons
in
the
blessed
Trinity
,
against
the
Arrians
.
But
what
saith
〈◊〉
on
their
side
?
Quod
dicit
tres
esse
vnum
,
ad
essentiam
non
refertur
,
sed
ad
consensum
potius
:
In
that
S.
Iohn
saith
these
three
to
be
one
,
is
not
referred
to
their
vnity
of
nature
and
essence
,
but
rather
to
the
vnity
of
their
will
,
or
consent
.
And
will
yow
say
now
that
Caluin
is
not
worthy
to
haue
his
fee
of
the
Arrians
?
Or
will
Thomas
Morton
say
still
that
our
malignant
Doctors
doe
wrongfully
accuse
him
?
Quis
non
videt
(
saith
Hunnius
)
diabolum
per
acutum
suum
instrumentum
Who
doth
not
see
that
the
diuell
by
this
sharpe
instrument
of
his
,
doth
goe
about
to
disarme
Christians
,
and
arme
the
enemies
of
the
blessed
Trinity
?
For
if
these
should
aske
vs
,
what
testimonies
we
haue
,
what
proofe
of
Christes
vnity
in
Godhead
with
his
Father
,
we
haue
none
left
,
Vniuersa
per
aleatoriam
istam
quiduis
eludendi
〈◊〉
è
manibus
〈◊〉
:
All
are
stroken
out
of
our
handes
by
this
dicing-deceipt
of
deluding
any
thing
that
is
in
Scripture
for
that
purpose
.
But
D.
Hunnius
goeth
forward
.
90.
The
like
Comment
maketh
Caluin
vpon
those
wordes
of
S.
Paul
to
the
Colossians
cap.
1.
where
the
Apostle
calleth
Christ
Imaginem
Dei
inuisibilis
,
the
image
Hebrewes
c.
1.
Qui
est
splendor
gloriae
,
&
expressa
imago
substantiae
illius
:
S.
Chrysostome
at
large
,
what
euasion
thinke
yow
will
Iohn
Caluin
teach
the
Arrians
heere
?
Yow
shall
heare
him
in
his
owne
wordes
:
Scio
(
saith
I
know
how
the
ancient
Fathers
are
wont
to
expound
these
wordes
,
for
that
they
hauing
combate
with
the
Arrians
,
doe
vrge
the
equality
,
and
consubstantiality
of
God
the
Sonne
with
his
Father
,
out
of
these
places
;
but
in
the
meane
space
they
hold
their
peace
in
that
which
is
the
principall
,
to
wit
,
how
God
the
Father
doth
exhibite
himselfe
to
be
knowne
to
vs
in
Christ
.
And
as
for
Chrysostome
,
who
placeth
all
his
ground
in
the
word
Image
,
while
he
striueth
to
proue
therby
that
a
creature
can
not
be
the
image
of
God
the
Creator
,
it
is
tooto
weak
&c.
So
he
.
91.
And
now
(
saith
Doctor
Hunnius
)
what
way
can
be
more
effectuall
then
this
to
ouerthrow
Christian
Religion
,
and
bring
in
Arrianisme
?
Or
what
place
or
text
of
Scripture
remaineth
now
in
force
against
the
Iewes
,
and
Arrians
for
defence
of
Christes
diuinity
,
if
Caluins
censure
be
admitted
against
all
those
that
haue
byn
cited
?
It
is
euident
(
saith
he
)
hoc
genus
eludendi
Scripturas
About
corrupting
and
eluding
of
Prophesyes
.
§.
3.
92.
ANd
this
is
now
for
the
first
Part
of
his
booke
Doctor
Hunnius
of
Caluins
wickednes
in
this
behalf
,
so
to
weaken
and
eneruate
the
testimonies
of
Scripture
that
make
for
Christ
,
vt
omnem
ad
probandum
vim
atque
valorem
amittant
penitus
,
saith
he
,
that
therby
they
wholy
loose
al
their
force
&
value
to
proue
any
thing
.
And
what
can
be
more
impious
&
perilous
then
this
?
93.
It
would
be
to
long
to
runne
ouer
the
Prophesies
by
him
alledged
as
peruerted
by
Caluin
,
though
it
were
with
the
same
breuity
that
we
haue
perused
the
testimonies
of
Scripture
before
mentioned
(
for
I
must
remember
that
all
must
goe
within
a
part
of
one
Chapter
:
)
yet
some
few
lines
I
must
bestow
therin
for
examples
sake
,
therby
to
leaue
a
ghesse
to
the
Reader
for
the
rest
which
I
must
omit
.
First
then
in
the
very
first
promise
of
all
made
Gen.
3.
for
comming
of
the
Messias
,
I
shall
put
emnity
betweene
thee
and
the
woman
,
and
betweene
thy
seed
and
her
seed
,
shee
shall
crush
thy
head
,
and
thou
shalt
lay
wait
at
her
heele
,
which
all
Christian
writers
from
the
beginning
,
yea
the
Apostles
and
Prophetes
before
them
,
did
vnderstand
of
the
emnity
to
be
betweene
the
diuell
and
Christ
the
womans
seed
;
but
this
doth
Caluin
wholy
euacuate
,
&
Doctor
Hunnius
)
the
first
foundation
of
all
Christian
faith
,
wherby
the
Fathers
of
the
old
Testament
did
sustaine
themselues
.
And
then
he
turneth
himself
to
S.
Paul
,
shewing
how
Caluin
Abraham
,
In
thy
seed
all
nations
shal
be
blessed
,
in
which
places
Caluin
(
saith
Hunnius
)
expressely
S.
Paul
to
the
Galat.
will
haue
it
vnderstood
seedes
in
the
plurall
number
,
and
not
seed
:
Miror
hominis
proiectam
confidentiam
:
Vbi
frons
〈◊〉
id
quod
affirmat
Paulus
:
&c.
I
doe
wonder
at
the
desperate
presumption
of
this
man
;
where
is
Caluins
forehead
,
in
denying
that
which
S.
Paul
doth
affirme
,
and
affirming
that
which
S
Paul
doth
so
earnestly
refute
?
94.
Then
passeth
he
to
another
prophesy
out
of
Ieremy
shall
create
a
new
thing
vpon
the
earth
,
a
woman
shall
inclose
a
man
,
which
being
vnderstood
by
all
ancient
writers
(
saith
Hunnius
)
of
the
blessed
virgin
Mary
,
and
her
sacred
fruit
of
the
wombe
,
that
in
respect
of
the
perfection
,
which
he
had
by
his
deity
,
euen
in
the
wombe
,
was
a
perfect
man
:
but
Caluin
scoffeth
therat
.
Christiani
(
saith
he
)
ferè
vno
consensu
&c.
Christians
almost
with
one
consent
haue
interpreted
this
Prophesy
of
Mary
the
virgin
,
and
they
were
moued
therunto
by
the
name
of
a
miracle
,
and
therupon
perhaps
they
snatched
too
greedily
at
those
thinges
that
might
seeme
to
make
for
the
mistery
of
our
saluation
,
saying
,
that
Christ
was
both
an
infant
and
a
man
,
for
that
he
was
full
of
diuine
fortitude
in
his
Mothers
wombe
,
albeit
according
to
his
flesh
he
did
grow
in
stature
,
in
wisedome
,
and
vertue
;
Meritò
hoc
ridetur
a
Iudaeis
,
but
redigent
faeminae
viros
in
angustias
,
saith
he
,
women
shall
driue
men
into
straightes
.
And
is
not
this
a
good
Iewish
Aduocate
?
Could
any
Infidell
speake
more
contemptuously
of
our
proofes
?
95.
From
this
he
steppeth
to
the
fourth
Prophesy
of
Aggeus
about
the
comming
of
Christ
;
Mouebo
omnes
gentes
,
This
Prophesy
(
saith
he
)
of
the
desired
of
all
Nations
may
be
vnderstood
two
wayes
:
first
that
all
Nations
shall
come
and
bring
with
them
whatsoeuer
precious
thinges
they
haue
:
Nam
Hebraei
desiderium
vocant
quicquid
habetur
in
precio
,
vt
〈◊〉
,
honores
&c.
For
that
the
Hebrewes
doe
call
desire
or
desired
,
whatsoeuer
is
much
esteemed
,
as
riches
,
honour
and
the
like
;
Sed
possumus
etiam
intelligere
de
Christo
&c.
But
yet
we
may
also
vuderstand
it
of
Christ
&c.
Sed
simplicior
sensus
est
ille
quem
iam
retuli
,
but
the
more
simple
,
plaine
,
or
naturall
sense
,
is
that
which
I
haue
now
related
,
that
Nations
shall
come
with
all
their
riches
&c.
And
heere
also
doth
not
Caluin
play
well
his
part
?
By
this
yow
may
know
him
in
all
the
rest
,
and
yet
shall
wee
set
downe
one
example
more
and
so
end
.
96.
And
this
shall
be
that
famous
and
most
excellent
Prophesy
of
Christes
Fore-runner
S.
Iohn
Baptist
most
S.
Matthew
,
S.
Marke
,
and
S.
Luke
,
at
large
doe
expound
to
haue
byn
vnderstood
of
S.
Iohn
Baptist
preaching
in
the
desert
of
Iury
and
warning
the
Iewes
to
prepare
the
way
of
the
Messias
:
all
which
this
miserable
man
,
in
fauour
of
the
Iewes
,
endeauoreth
to
elude
and
euacuate
,
applying
the
same
wholy
to
another
prophane
purpose
,
affirming
,
first
that
by
the
voice
of
a
Cryer
,
is
not
vnderstood
any
particuler
man
as
S.
Iohn
Baptist
,
but
all
Prophetes
in
generall
:
and
then
by
the
desert
,
he
vnderstandeth
not
that
desert
of
Iury
wherin
S.
Iohn
did
preach
,
but
metaphorically
the
desert
of
desolation
to
haue
byn
meant
by
Esay
,
when
the
people
were
in
the
captiuity
of
Babilon
;
and
thirdly
more
fully
to
ouerthrow
the
whole
Prophesy
,
he
asketh
this
question
:
Quos
compellat
ista
vox
,
an
fideles
?
minimè
.
Sed
Cyrum
,
Persas
&
Medos
.
To
whome
doth
this
voice
of
the
Cryer
in
the
desert
speake
,
vnto
faithfull
people
?
No
,
not
at
all
.
But
only
vnto
King
Cyrus
,
and
to
the
Persians
&
Medes
,
that
held
the
people
of
Israel
in
captiuity
.
So
he
.
And
how
greatly
then
were
deceaued
the
three
Euangelistes
before
mentioned
,
that
so
earnestly
set
forth
vnto
vs
the
comfort
of
this
Prophesy
,
fulfilled
in
S.
Iohn
Baptist
,
which
〈◊〉
now
hath
endeauored
to
take
from
vs
,
Doctor
Hunnius
inferreth
these
wordes
:
〈◊〉
piae
mentis
haec
legens
&
audiens
temperare
sibi
potest
&c.
What
man
of
pious
mind
that
shall
read
or
hear
these
thinges
,
can
so
ouer
rule
himself
,
as
not
to
hate
with
a
perfect
hatred
,
as
the
Prophet
speaketh
,
yea
and
detest
this
architect
of
Iewish
deceipts
,
that
is
not
affraide
to
hold
vp
his
finger
against
the
interpretations
of
the
Sacred
Euangelistes
themselues
.
So
he
.
97.
But
to
come
to
an
end
,
I
will
leaue
nineteene
or
twenty
more
Prophesies
vndiscussed
,
to
wit
three
that
remaine
of
this
first
point
about
the
comming
and
natiuity
Iohn
Caluin
with
metaphoricall
and
malicious
interpretations
weaken
,
elude
ouerthrow
,
&
take
from
vs
;
yea
though
the
Euangelistes
&
Apostles
themselues
haue
expressely
expounded
them
literally
to
appertaine
to
Christ
;
which
this
Doctor
Hunnius
doth
notably
&
substantially
proue
out
of
Caluins
owne
wordes
throughout
this
breif
,
but
iudicious
booke
of
his
,
making
many
exclamations
against
Caluins
impiety
therin
,
especially
in
one
place
,
where
seeing
the
man
endeauoreth
to
take
from
vs
that
whole
Psalme
,
Deus
Deus
meus
,
Doctor
Hunnius
(
I
say
)
vpon
98.
Wherfore
that
I
may
now
(
saith
he
)
retire
my self
,
I
doe
iudge
that
Angell
of
darknes
Iohn
Caluin
to
be
sufficiently
,
and
more
then
sufficiently
discouered
,
who
being
raised
from
the
pit
of
hell
,
to
the
peruerting
of
mankinde
,
hath
partly
by
his
detestable
desire
of
wresting
Scriptures
,
and
ouerthrowing
the
Bulwarkes
of
Christian
Religion
,
which
it
hath
against
Iewes
and
Arrians
;
partly
also
by
his
impious
pen
a
gainst
the
holy
and
sacred
Maiesty
of
Iesus
Nazarenus
now
exalted
in
heauen
;
partly
also
by
his
peruerse
doctrine
of
the
Sacrament
,
and
horrible
monstrous
paradoxes
of
his
absolute
predestination
;
By
all
these
meanes
(
I
say
)
he
hath
〈◊〉
in
these
our
later
dayes
,
no
small
part
of
the
light
and
sunne
of
Godes
truth
,
&
drawne
with
him
a
great
number
of
starres
,
as
the
Apocalips
saith
,
into
the
bottomeles
pit
of
eternall
damnation
.
God
euerlasting
out
of
his
mercy
,
signe
Iohn
Caluin
.
And
if
Doctor
〈◊〉
will
answere
any
thing
to
this
,
let
him
not
entertaine
himselfe
in
generall
speech
only
,
as
his
people
are
wont
to
doe
,
but
come
to
particulers
&c.
So
Hunnius
.
99.
And
now
M.
Morton
,
will
yow
say
that
all
this
also
,
which
Doctor
Hunnius
hath
brought
against
Caluin
about
furthering
of
Iudaisme
and
Arrianisme
is
out
of
the
spirit
only
of
opposition
and
contradiction
,
as
yow
shifted
of
the
Deane
and
Colledge
of
Tubinga
,
alledged
before
by
your
Aduersary
?
Will
yow
answere
in
like
manner
,
it
is
not
much
to
be
regarded
what
he
saith
,
seeing
he
bringeth
so
many
great
and
substantiall
proofes
for
the
same
out
of
M.
Caluins
confessed
workes
and
wrytinges
?
Or
will
yow
say
,
as
yow
said
before
,
that
their
iudgment
hath
byn
depraued
by
our
malignant
Doctors
?
seeing
that
yow
haue
heard
this
your
owne
Doctor
Hunnius
speake
in
his
owne
language
and
sense
so
resolutly
and
earnestly
against
Caluin
and
Caluinistes
?
If
you
dare
not
say
this
again
enow
,
then
was
it
but
a
shift
and
dissimulation
before
:
and
if
yow
should
say
it
againe
now
,
yow
would
be
laughed
at
by
all
men
.
And
though
yow
doe
not
;
yet
euery
wise
man
will
consider
,
with
what
truth
or
ground
yow
said
it
before
,
to
wit
,
for
a
meere
shift
,
not
vnderstanding
or
thinking
,
as
yow
speake
.
And
conforme
to
that
will
they
esteem
of
the
rest
,
which
yow
say
or
write
,
without
further
ground
of
reall
substance
,
but
only
that
yow
must
say
somewhat
,
and
that
it
serueth
for
your
purpose
to
speake
it
for
the
present
.
But
now
shall
we
returne
to
the
place
&
page
of
your
Reply
,
from
whence
we
went
forth
in
this
digression
about
Caluin
.
100.
Yow
complaine
in
the
said
place
,
as
before
hath
byn
shewed
,
of
the
charge
of
Arrianisme
laid
Caluin
,
by
our
Iesuites
,
as
yow
say
,
and
this
for
one
only
speech
of
his
where
he
saith
;
That
the
Father
is
by
a
kinde
of
excellency
God
,
which
yow
say
both
as
our
owne
learned
Iesuites
confesse
,
and
doe
produce
(
say
yow
)
for
their
authority
an
inquest
of
Fathers
to
free
Caluin
in
this
point
,
which
Fathers
vpon
those
wordes
of
S.
Iohns
Ghospell
,
my
Father
is
greate
then
I
,
doe
affirme
that
the
Father
is
greater
,
not
in
substance
and
being
,
but
by
reason
of
birth
and
begetting
,
for
which
yow
alledge
Cardinall
Tolet
&
Maldonate
,
both
Iesuites
,
in
their
commentaries
vpon
S.
Iohns
Ghospell
.
101.
But
this
Syr
by
your
leaue
,
supposing
al
were
so
,
My
Father
is
greater
then
I
to
be
vnderstood
also
in
a
certaine
sorte
as
Christ
was
God
,
and
the
second
person
in
Trinity
.
doth
not
free
Caluin
in
this
point
of
Arrianisme
:
for
that
he
is
otherwise
manifoldly
conuinced
,
as
now
yow
haue
heard
.
And
secondly
,
for
this
sole
point
or
sentence
heere
mentioned
,
albeit
the
two
forenamed
Iesuites
doe
cite
diuers
ancient
Fathers
,
that
doe
hold
those
wordes
of
Christ
,
My
Father
is
greater
then
I
,
are
true
,
not
only
in
respect
of
his
humanity
,
but
also
in
a
certaine
sort
,
as
he
is
God
,
to
wit
,
that
betweene
those
personall
relations
of
Father
and
Sonne
,
Begetter
and
Begotten
,
in
the
blessed
Trinity
,
there
ariseth
a
more
honourable
respect
out
of
the
former
,
then
of
the
later
;
yet
doth
not
this
make
that
in
the
Godhead
it self
,
the
Father
is
more
excellent
then
the
Sonne
,
or
that
by
excellency
he
is
God
,
or
that
the
name
of
God
by
a
certaine
excellency
doth
only
belong
vnto
him
,
as
Caluin
is
accused
to
say
,
which
in
all
sensible
construction
must
import
,
that
the
Sonne
is
inferiour
vnto
him
in
substance
of
Godhead
,
which
is
a
cheif
point
of
Arrianisine
wheron
the
old
Arrians
did
principally
stand
,
in
all
their
disputes
against
Catholickes
.
102.
And
wheras
T.
M.
for
his
last
defense
of
Caluin
saith
,
that
he
was
so
farre
of
from
Arrianisme
,
that
our
owne
Bellarmine
doth
acknowledge
that
Caluin
did
impugne
the
doctrine
of
the
Arrians
,
in
this
also
,
as
in
all
the
rest
,
he
vseth
great
fraud
.
For
first
Bellarmine
hath
not
this
affirmatiue
proposition
,
as
heere
is
set
downe
,
Caluin
did
impugne
the
doctrine
of
the
Arrians
;
but
only
he
confesseth
that
Caluin
and
other
Sectaries
,
who
out
of
their
wicked
doctrine
consenting
with
the
old
Arrians
haue
giuen
occasion
to
the
ofspring
of
new
Arrians
in
our
dayes
,
doe
notwithstanding
write
bookes
against
them
,
as
〈◊〉
did
;
which
thing
may
arise
vpon
diuers
occasions
,
concerning
either
their
persons
or
sect
.
Bellarmins
wordes
are
these
:
Albeit
Luther
,
Melanchthon
,
Caluin
and
their
〈◊〉
doe
〈◊〉
Arrius
for
an
Heretick
;
yet
can
they
not
deny
but
that
themselues
in
their
writinges
did
sow
the
seedes
of
this
errour
,
from
whence
afterwardes
sprong
vp
these
new
Arrians
,
which
they
themselues
impugne
:
So
as
Bellarmine
doth
not
speake
in
this
place
particularly
of
Caluins
impugning
all
the
doctrine
of
Arrians
,
as
heere
this
man
would
seeme
to
impose
vpon
him
,
citing
falsly
this
sentence
out
of
him
:
Arrianos
Caluinus
impugnauit
,
and
no
more
;
but
that
he
and
other
Sectaries
of
our
dayes
would
seeme
in
some
thinges
to
impugne
them
,
wheras
in
other
thinges
they
held
with
them
.
For
so
presently
in
the
very
next
wordes
doth
Bellarmine
expresly
declare
himself
,
where
hauing
reduced
the
Heresies
of
Arrius
to
two
heades
,
saith
,
that
the
former
sort
are
held
publickly
by
the
new
Arrians
of
our
dayes
,
wherof
the
seedes
were
sowne
by
Caluin
and
others
:
but
the
second
sort
are
held
expressely
by
Caluin
and
other
moderne
Sectaries
,
Alterum
〈◊〉
Arrianorum
docent
omnes
huius
temporis
Haeretici
saith
he
.
So
as
in
this
also
there
is
notable
fraudulent
dealing
of
T.
M.
as
yow
see
;
yea
nothing
almost
commeth
from
him
without
fraude
.
103.
But
as
for
this
bragge
of
his
&
his
fellows
that
Caluin
did
write
diuers
books
against
the
new
Arrians
,
and
Trinitarians
of
our
time
,
as
namely
against
Seruetus
,
Gentilis
,
Alciatus
,
Blandrata
and
others
,
Doctor
Hunnius
that
the
new
Arrians
&
Trinitarians
)
haue
proceeded
,
that
is
to
say
,
from
the
Caluinistes
&c.
And
wheras
(
saith
he
)
it
is
vaunted
that
Caluin
did
write
against
these
Heretickes
,
wee
deny
not
but
that
therin
he
did
well
,
albeit
in
truth
he
gaue
occasion
to
the
diuell
by
his
manner
of
dealing
,
to
raise
vp
no
small
104.
And
now
if
this
man
had
byn
a
Papist
,
great
exceptions
no
doubt
would
be
taken
against
him
;
but
being
a
brother
of
the
same
Ghospell
,
&
one
of
those
oath
,
promise
,
or
other
band
of
conscience
.
As
if
an
vniust
Iudge
or
Magistrate
should
aske
vs
things
that
are
without
his
iurisdiction
,
to
the
preiudice
of
our selues
,
or
of
others
,
as
by
enquiring
after
secretes
that
Thomas
Morton
hath
not
studied
them
,
but
Catholicke
writers
,
both
Deuines
,
Scholasticall
and
Positiue
,
as
also
Lawyers
both
Canon
and
ciuill
among
vs
doe
discusse
how
men
may
beare
themselues
therin
,
without
sin
or
offence
to
God
,
when
they
fall
out
,
and
this
with
more
seuerity
against
lying
,
then
any
Protestant
Author
is
seene
to
doe
,
as
in
the
sequent
Consideration
will
appeare
.
24.
And
heere
I
aske
Thomas
Morton
further
what
he
will
say
to
all
the
stratagems
in
warre
,
for
so
much
as
there
may
be
aswell
lying
in
factes
,
as
in
wordes
,
according
as
our
S.
Thomas
and
other
Deuines
doe
hold
;
how
will
T.
M.
excuse
these
stratagems
,
that
is
to
say
pollicies
,
deceiptes
,
and
dissimulations
of
enemies
in
warres
,
from
lies
?
Will
he
condemne
all
such
stratagems
as
sinfull
,
as
heathenish
,
as
hellish
,
as
impious
?
Why
then
doe
his
Protestant
Captaines
&
Leaders
vse
them
?
why
doe
his
Protestant
Ministers
that
liue
with
them
allow
therof
?
Nay
that
which
is
much
more
,
why
doth
S.
Augustine
approue
the
same
,
whose
sentence
is
:
Cùm
iustum
bellum
quis
susceperit
,
vtrum
aperta
pugna
vel
insidiis
vincat
nihil
ad
iustitiam
interest
:
When
a
man
taketh
25.
And
namely
what
will
he
say
to
the
fact
of
Iosue
a
scarre
of
infirmity
of
the
old
Testament
(
to
vse
his
owne
Ministeriall
or
rather
Manichean
phrase
)
and
thinke
to
escape
therby
?
But
against
this
is
the
expresse
order
,
and
commandment
of
God
himself
:
Pone
insidias
vrbi
post
eam
,
lay
an
ambush
behinde
the
Citty
,
ergo
stratagems
in
warre
though
they
conteine
deceiptes
,
dissimulations
,
and
Equiuocations
,
may
be
vsed
in
some
cases
,
and
that
lawfully
without
the
sinne
of
lying
.
26.
Another
example
most
manifest
is
in
the
fourth
27.
The
like
may
be
shewed
out
of
the
example
of
28.
And
thus
much
in
this
place
for
stratagemes
in
warre
:
but
for
other
examples
great
numbers
might
be
alledged
,
wherin
some
Equiuocations
must
needes
be
admitted
,
though
no
ly
;
as
that
of
the
Angell
appearing
Ex
magno
genere
tu
es
,
yow
are
of
a
great
stocke
indeed
;
which
yet
was
not
so
in
the
vnderstanding
of
the
speaker
,
and
consequently
heere
must
be
confessed
an
euident
Equiuocation
,
or
amphibology
of
speach
,
wherby
the
hearer
was
deceaued
.
And
not
vnlike
to
this
is
that
speech
of
our
Sauiour
,
when
standing
in
the
temple
,
he
vsed
to
the
Iewes
demanding
a
miracle
:
Doe
yow
dissolue
this
Temple
,
and
I
will
build
it
vp
againe
in
three
dayes
,
meaning
the
Temple
of
his
body
,
but
his
hearers
vnderstood
him
of
the
materiall
Temple
of
Hierusalem
,
and
so
to
their
sense
it
seemed
29.
I
pretermit
diuers
other
speeches
of
our
Sauiour
of
like
quality
,
as
that
when
he
said
to
his
brethren
:
30.
These
wordes
also
of
S.
Paul
to
the
Hebrewes
:
Melchisedech
King
of
Salem
&c.
which
was
without
Father
,
without
Mother
,
without
genealogy
,
neither
hauing
beginning
of
his
dayes
,
nor
end
of
his
life
,
must
needs
be
confessed
to
haue
an
Equiuocation
or
amphibology
in
them
,
and
somewhat
to
be
reserued
by
the
speaker
for
their
vnderstanding
:
for
as
they
lye
,
they
seeme
impossible
to
be
true
,
that
a
man
could
be
without
Father
,
Mother
,
genealogy
,
beginning
or
ending
,
&
yet
is
there
no
more
expressed
by
the
Apostle
,
but
his
meaning
was
that
nothing
is
set
downe
in
Scripture
of
those
particularities
.
31.
And
finally
the
same
Apostle
S.
Paul
,
seing
himself
pressed
at
a
certaine
time
in
iudgment
by
his
enemies
,
32.
But
now
to
passe
no
further
in
the
recitall
of
more
argumentes
to
this
purpose
,
we
may
conclude
with
that
common
doctrine
of
Schole-men
taken
S.
Augustine
and
other
Fathers
,
that
albeit
a
ly
is
lawfull
in
no
case
;
yet
often
may
it
be
lawfull
to
conceale
a
truth
,
for
that
he
handling
those
wordes
of
the
Psalme
,
Thou
shalt
destroy
all
those
which
speake
lyes
.
he
Nullus
sciat
verba
haec
&c.
Let
no
man
know
those
33.
Thus
far
the
Scripture
,
and
no
man
can
probably
imagine
but
that
in
this
recapitulation
made
by
Hieremy
vnto
the
Princes
,
of
so
long
a
conference
had
with
the
King
in
secret
,
but
that
for
couering
of
those
thinges
which
the
King
would
not
haue
to
be
vttered
,
and
the
Noble
men
were
greedy
to
know
,
in
such
a
dangerous
and
suspicious
time
of
seige
as
that
was
,
Hieremy
himself
being
held
for
more
then
half
a
traitour
to
his
countrey
,
for
that
he
perswaded
men
to
yeeld
themselues
to
the
common
enemy
;
no
doubt
(
I
say
)
but
that
in
so
strait
an
examination
as
they
would
make
about
that
matter
,
in
whose
power
his
life
and
death
(
as
the
Scripture
signifieth
)
did
ly
,
diuers
Equiuocations
of
speeches
must
necessaryly
be
vsed
by
him
,
though
alwaies
with
a
true
sense
in
his
meaning
,
which
is
the
difference
betweene
Equiuocation
and
lying
,
as
after
more
particulerly
shall
be
shewed
,
if
first
we
set
downe
one
other
consideration
for
better
declaring
the
difference
in
these
two
thinges
,
and
how
farre
those
are
from
approbation
of
lying
who
in
some
cases
doe
admit
Equiuocation
in
our
doctrine
.
The
fifth
Consideration
.
§.
5.
34.
IN
the
fifth
place
it
may
be
considered
about
this
matter
,
how
farre
the
teachers
or
allowers
of
35.
First
then
for
battery
of
this
wicked
slaunder
,
we
will
beginne
our
confutation
from
the
receaued
authority
of
the
famous
learned
doctor
S.
Thomas
of
Aquin
,
Whether
all
kind
of
lying
be
alwayes
a
sinne
,
and
consequently
vnlawfull
for
any
cause
?
And
he
holdeth
affirmatiuely
,
that
it
is
so
,
alleadging
many
proofes
and
reasons
for
the
same
.
And
the
very
same
seuerity
of
doctrine
in
that
point
doe
hold
all
other
Vasq.
disp
.
53.
〈◊〉
.
22.
Schoolemen
,
aswell
after
him
,
as
before
him
,
and
our
Minister
himselfe
citeth
Vasquez
the
Iesuite
late
Reader
of
Deuinity
in
Spaine
,
in
certaine
disputations
of
his
vpon
S.
Thomas
,
affirming
:
Mendacium
esse
malum
tam
:
intrinsecè
,
vt
bonum
reddi
nulla
ratione
posset
.
That
a
lye
is
so
intrinsecally
euill
of
his
owne
nature
,
as
that
by
no
meanes
it
may
be
made
good
or
lawfull
.
And
the
like
S.
Thomas
in
the
next
question
after
,
against
dissimulation
and
Hypocrisy
,
which
he
saith
to
be
a
kind
of
lye
in
fact
,
deceauing
a
man
by
exteriour
signes
or
actes
,
as
the
other
sort
of
lies
doth
by
wordes
:
against
both
which
kindes
or
sortes
of
lies
or
vntruthes
he
holdeth
this
conclusion
,
That
neither
of
them
in
any
case
is
dispensable
from
sinne
,
though
in
some
cases
one
may
be
a
lesse
sinne
then
another
;
and
if
this
be
so
,
how
then
can
Equiuocation
be
permitted
by
him
,
if
he
held
it
to
be
a
lye
,
as
our
Minister
would
haue
it
.
For
if
,
as
Vasquez
said
,
no
sort
of
ly
can
be
made
lawfull
by
any
circumstance
;
then
must
M.
Morton
grant
,
that
it
followeth
by
the
same
reason
,
that
either
Equiuocation
is
no
ly
,
or
els
that
Vasquez
the
Iesuite
,
and
his
fellowes
doe
not
allow
Equiuocation
in
any
case
whatsoeuer
,
&
consequently
that
Iesuites
are
falsely
accused
by
this
fellow
for
admitting
Equiuocation
.
But
let
vs
goe
forward
,
and
shew
his
folly
out
of
other
Authors
of
no
lesse
antiquity
.
36.
Before
S.
Thomas
,
the
Maister
of
the
Sentences
Peter
Lombard
,
in
his
third
booke
,
and
38.
and
39.
distinction
,
S.
Augustine
also
,
by
him
and
other
Schoolemen
alleadged
is
confirmed
:
yea
they
alleadge
eight
seuerall
kinds
,
sortes
,
or
degrees
of
lies
out
of
the
same
S.
Augustine
,
some
farre
lesse
then
others
,
but
yet
none
allowable
,
and
so
they
conclude
with
this
sentence
of
the
said
Doctor
:
Quisquis
verò
aliquod
genus
esse
mendacij
,
quod
peccatum
non
sit
,
putauerit
,
decipit
seipsum
〈◊〉
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
se
deceptorem
aliorum
arbitretur
.
Whosoeuer
shall
thinke
that
there
is
any
kind
of
lye
,
which
is
not
sinne
,
he
〈◊〉
deceaueth
himselfe
by
thinking
that
he
may
be
an
honest
deceauer
of
other
men
.
37.
This
is
the
doctrine
of
the
Maister
of
Sentences
,
for
foure
hundred
yeares
past
,
and
of
other
Schoole
Doctors
ensuing
after
him
,
vnto
our
time
,
wherin
yow
see
how
rigorous
they
are
in
condemning
lying
,
wheron
this
Minister
Thomas
Morton
either
by
chaunce
,
or
his
good
happe
stumbling
,
found
store
of
matter
to
wrangle
with
vs
in
this
controuersy
,
and
to
make
a
shew
of
some
reading
of
different
Authors
,
wherin
otherwise
he
must
haue
byn
very
briefe
and
dry
.
For
whatsoeuer
he
hath
of
ostentation
in
this
behalfe
against
Equiuocation
,
is
stolne
〈◊〉
of
the
said
Maister
of
Sentences
,
and
Fathers
by
him
alleadged
,
spoken
,
and
meant
by
them
against
lying
,
and
not
Equiuocation
.
And
is
not
this
a
goodly
manhood
trow
yow
?
deserueth
that
he
deuideth
our
tongues
,
&
turneth
our
owne
Authors
against
vs
:
what
a
ridiculous
toy
and
foolery
is
this
?
But
let
vs
see
yet
somewhat
further
.
38.
The
same
Schoole
Doctors
stay
not
heere
,
but
doe
passe
on
to
many
other
particularities
for
shewing
their
detestation
against
the
foresaid
kind
of
lying
,
for
fauouring
wherof
they
are
brought
into
question
by
this
Minister
.
As
for
example
,
wheras
they
write
that
God
is
omnipotent
,
and
can
doe
all
thinges
,
and
vse
his
creatures
to
what
end
and
vse
it
shall
please
him
;
yet
cannot
he
neither
by
his
ordinary
,
nor
absolute
power
,
either
by
himselfe
,
or
by
another
concurre
to
the
making
of
a
lye
fraudulently
to
deceaue
the
understanding
of
man
or
Angell
,
or
induce
another
so
to
deceaue
the
same
,
with
intention
indeed
of
deceipt
or
fallacy
.
Of
which
point
of
doctrine
the
said
Schoole-Doctors
S.
Thomas
his
second
Part
,
and
first
question
of
his
Summe
of
Deuinity
,
demaunding
this
doubt
:
Whether
any
kind
of
deceipt
or
falsity
by
any
meanes
,
mediatly
,
or
immediatly
,
may
proceed
from
God
;
which
they
hold
negatiuely
,
that
it
is
impossible
,
he
being
truth
it selfe
,
and
the
fountaine
of
all
truth
and
sincerity
in
others
.
S.
Augustine
also
holdeth
,
and
is
euident
by
many
places
of
Scripture
,
as
2.
Reg.
22.
where
to
deceaue
Achab
,
it
is
said
:
Dedit
Dominus
spiritum
mendacem
in
ore
omnium
Prophetarum
.
〈◊〉
,
Fathers
,
and
patrons
of
lying
.
But
let
vs
see
more
of
our
Schoole-Doctors
in
this
behalfe
.
39.
Our
learned
countreyman
also
Alexander
of
Hales
,
liuing
before
S.
Thomas
,
and
as
some
say
was
his
Maister
,
being
held
for
one
of
the
most
learned
of
all
Schoole-men
that
euer
were
before
or
after
him
,
doth
handle
diuers
questions
very
learnedly
and
piously
about
Why
theft
and
man-slaughter
may
be
lawfully
permitted
in
some
cases
and
lying
neuer
.
Also
how
it
commeth
to
passe
,
that
the
least
degree
of
lying
that
is
to
wit
an
officious
,
or
〈◊〉
,
which
in
ordinary
imperfect
men
is
only
a
venial
sinne
,
may
come
to
be
in
men
of
perfection
a
mortall
and
damnable
sinne
,
concluding
thus
:
Quod
sicut
de
Adam
dicitur
,
quòd
ratione
status
sui
peccauit
mortaliter
,
ita
&
iste
ratione
status
in
hoc
genere
peccat
mortaliter
.
As
it
is
said
of
Adam
,
that
by
reason
of
his
high
state
of
innocency
he
sinned
mortally
(
in
eating
an
apple
by
disobedience
)
so
this
man
professing
perfection
of
life
in
a
religious
state
,
by
any
sort
of
voluntary
lying
,
sinneth
mortally
;
for
which
he
alleadgeth
diuers
authorities
S.
Augustine
,
as
namely
this
;
Sanctus
vir
&c.
A
holy
man
that
doth
perfectly
cleaue
to
God
,
which
is
truth
it selfe
,
is
forbidden
either
purposely
,
or
rashly
to
vtter
vntruth
,
and
for
that
the
Scripture
saith
,
He
that
lieth
killeth
his
owne
soule
,
and
againe
,
Thou
shalt
destroy
all
those
that
speake
lies
,
perfect
men
doe
fly
with
all
care
these
kindes
also
of
least
lies
in
such
sort
,
as
no
mans
life
may
be
defended
therby
,
least
they
hurt
their
owne
soules
,
while
they
goe
about
to
profit
another
mans
flesh
.
40.
Againe
the
said
Father
in
another
place
:
Tam
sibi
clausum
deputat
ad
subueniendum
hominem
per
mendacium
,
S
Augustine
,
that
as
it
41.
Well
then
this
seuerity
of
doctrine
is
taught
by
our
Catholicke
Deuines
,
against
the
sinne
of
simple
lying
.
But
if
we
talke
of
lying
in
an
oath
,
which
is
periury
,
euery
man
may
imagine
how
much
more
earnestly
the
same
is
detested
by
them
,
in
so
much
as
the
famous
Doctor
Nauarre
before
mentioned
,
who
is
held
42.
Well
now
all
this
being
so
,
will
our
Minister
still
stand
in
his
obstinate
calumniation
,
that
we
are
louers
of
lies
,
patrons
of
periury
,
defenders
&
allowers
of
falshood
,
Doctors
of
deceauing
,
and
the
like
?
will
he
still
defend
,
that
there
is
nothing
but
lying
in
Rome
?
and
that
the
Sea
Apostolike
graunteth
out
full
priuiledge
of
lying
,
as
before
yow
haue
heard
him
auouch
?
how
then
if
I
shew
that
all
this
,
and
much
more
against
lying
which
yow
haue
heard
out
of
the
Schoole-men
,
and
ancient
Fathers
,
is
not
only
allowed
&
admitted
by
the
Sea
of
Rome
,
but
translated
also
by
the
Popes
therof
into
the
corps
of
43.
For
there
he
shall
find
set
downe
out
of
S.
Augustine
,
and
Canonized
,
the
foresaid
distinction
of
eight
sortes
or
degrees
of
lying
,
with
a
reprobation
of
them
S.
Augustine
:
And
so
Gratian
that
alleadgeth
him
aboue
foure
hundred
yeares
gone
;
and
so
all
the
Popes
that
haue
Canonized
this
saying
of
his
,
&
determined
it
for
Canonicall
law
euer
since
to
our
dayes
.
And
with
what
impudency
then
saith
this
Minister
,
from
whence
shall
a
man
except
priuiledge
of
lying
,
then
from
that
place
,
where
(
as
your
owne
learned
Bishop
saith
)
there
is
nothing
but
there
is
nothing
but
lying
,
as
in
another
place
shall
be
shewed
;
and
if
he
did
,
yet
the
thing
it selfe
is
euidently
proued
to
be
false
by
this
,
that
we
haue
alleadged
out
of
the
Popes
Canons
,
affirming
all
sortes
of
lies
whatsoeuer
to
be
indispensable
.
Let
any
man
then
belieue
these
fellowes
that
will
be
deceaued
.
44.
But
the
Popes
Canons
goe
yet
further
,
and
doe
decree
,
&
determine
out
of
the
authority
of
the
same
S.
Augustine
and
other
Fathers
,
sundry
pointes
of
greater
perfection
against
the
sinne
of
lying
,
as
this
for
example
:
Quod
non
licet
alicui
humilitatis
causa
mentiri
:
It
is
not
lawfull
for
any
man
to
lye
out
of
humility
,
saying
lesse
of
a
mans
selfe
then
truth
permitteth
.
And
45.
And
as
for
periury
which
is
a
lye
confirmed
with
an
oath
,
the
said
Canons
are
so
seuere
,
as
they
doe
not
only
detest
the
same
,
both
in
him
that
forsweareth
,
&
in
him
that
induceth
another
therunto
,
but
doe
also
appoint
greiuous
penitentiall
punishmentes
for
the
same
.
As
for
example
:
Qui
compulsus
à
Domino
sciens
peierat
(
saith
one
Canon
)
vtrique
sunt
periuri
,
&
Dominus
&
miles
:
Dominus
quia
praecepit
,
miles
quia
plus
Dominum
,
quàm
animam
dilexit
:
si
liber
est
quadragint
a
dies
in
pane
&
aqua
paeniteat
,
&
septem
sequentes
annos
.
If
any
man
compelled
by
his
Lord
,
shall
w●ittingly
forsweare
himselfe
,
both
of
them
are
periured
,
as
well
the
Lord
as
the
seruant
:
the
Lord
for
commanding
,
and
the
seruant
,
for
that
he
hath
loued
his
Lord
more
then
his
owne
soule
:
let
him
doe
pennance
by
fasting
in
bread
and
water
fourty
dayes
,
and
seauen
yeares
afterward
.
Et
nunquam
sit
S.
Anselme
doth
cite
this
punishment
out
of
the
penitentiall
decrees
of
our
ancient
Theodorus
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
wherby
it
apperteineth
the
more
to
my
Lord
that
now
is
of
that
Sea
,
to
looke
to
this
his
Chaplaine
,
or
miles
Morton
,
and
finding
him
guilty
of
lying
against
his
owne
often
oathes
and
solemne
protestations
,
as
we
haue
discouered
him
in
this
our
answere
,
to
cast
some
little
aspersion
at
least
of
penitentiall
satisfactions
vpon
him
.
And
if
forty
dayes
in
bread
&
water
may
seeme
to
much
,
let
him
fast
some
fower
with
contrition
,
and
that
perhaps
may
doe
him
more
good
then
any
bookes
or
writing
against
him
.
But
to
retourne
to
Gratian.
He
reciteth
diuers
other
Canons
out
of
sundry
ancient
Councels
,
Fathers
,
and
Popes
decrees
,
as
out
of
S.
Augustine
:
Homicidam
vincit
,
qui
sciens
ad
periurium
hominem
prouocat
,
he
passeth
a
murderer
in
wickednes
,
that
wittingly
doth
prouoke
another
man
to
periury
:
and
the
reason
heerof
is
added
in
the
Canon
;
for
that
a
murderer
killeth
but
the
body
,
this
the
soule
;
nay
two
soules
,
both
his
that
forsweareth
,
&
his
owne
that
prouoketh
.
So
that
Canon
;
which
me
thinketh
were
seriously
to
be
considered
,
by
them
that
force
others
to
sweare
against
their
consciences
,
knowing
or
presuming
probably
that
the
swearers
consciences
are
opposite
to
that
which
they
are
forced
to
sweare
:
and
consequently
,
according
to
this
rule
of
S.
Augustine
doe
murther
eternally
both
their
owne
soules
,
and
those
of
them
that
doe
vrge
them
therunto
.
Neither
shall
it
be
needfull
to
adde
any
more
in
this
place
seing
the
said
Canons
are
extant
to
be
read
and
seene
by
al
,
and
allowed
,
authorized
,
and
set
forth
for
sacred
and
authenticall
by
all
Popes
whatsoeuer
.
46.
My
conclusion
therfore
vpon
this
fifth
consideration
is
,
that
for
so
much
as
Romish
Catholicke
doctrine
S.
Augustine
&
all
other
Doctors
,
he
that
lieth
thinking
that
he
doth
not
lye
,
lieth
not
at
all
,
quia
non
〈◊〉
linguam
ream
,
nisi
THE
SVBSTANCE
OF
THE
CAVSE
IS
ENTERED
INTO
;
And
it
is
discussed
,
What
Equiuocation
,
what
truth
,
what
falsity
,
and
lying
is
:
And
some
other
points
to
this
effect
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
ANd
forasmuch
as
all
the
Considerations
laid
forth
in
the
former
Chapter
,
haue
byn
set
downe
only
by
way
of
preamble
,
for
better
vnderstanding
the
true
state
of
the
controuersy
;
it
shall
be
now
expedient
,
that
we
draw
neere
to
the
substance
of
the
matter
and
yssue
it self
,
especially
being
called
therunto
by
the
〈◊〉
prouocation
of
our
Aduersary
,
who
hauing
made
that
vainglorious
entrance
to
his
Treatise
of
confutation
,
which
before
we
touched
;
to
wit
,
I
am
now
to
encounter
this
new-bred-hydra
and
vgly
monster
&c.
And
I
shall
proue
this
Equiuocation
and
approbation
therof
to
be
lying
,
and
that
no
one
Iota
in
all
Scripture
,
no
one
example
in
all
antiquity
,
no
one
shaddow
of
reason
in
the
naturall
wit
of
man
,
can
be
brought
for
any
proofe
or
colour
therof
:
After
these
bragges
(
I
say
)
he
passeth
to
another
solemne
vaunt
saying
:
Now
must
we
come
into
the
listes
of
this
conflict
,
and
enter
vpon
our
Equiuocatour
to
conuince
him
a
grosse
lier
,
wherby
yow
see
his
great
confidence
in
the
cause
,
which
I
cannot
ascribe
to
any
thing
,
more
then
to
ignorance
.
For
if
he
had
vnderstood
well
,
or
weighed
the
points
before
laid
downe
,
or
these
other
which
presently
we
are
to
adioine
,
I
doe
not
see
how
he
could
haue
spoken
so
confidently
in
so
bad
a
cause
.
2.
For
what
?
will
he
hold
that
all
kind
of
Equiuocation
is
lying
?
If
he
doe
,
he
forgetteth
himself
,
for
he
granted
in
the
very
next
precedent
page
,
that
one
sort
of
Equiuocation
(
which
afterward
we
shall
proue
to
be
the
only
)
is
no
ly
.
For
that
hauing
set
downe
,
as
it
were
,
for
a
principle
or
foundation
of
all
his
Treatise
,
that
he
hath
none
whome
he
is
bound
to
vtter
or
discouer
:
the
other
kind
is
verball
,
when
one
word
(
he
should
haue
said
also
speach
)
shall
import
two
or
more
significations
,
as
if
a
man
should
say
yow
goe
to
fast
,
or
yow
may
not
ly
in
my
house
,
the
word
fast
,
may
signify
either
fasting
or
hasty
going
,
and
lying
may
signify
either
remaining
,
or
telling
vntruth
.
And
the
like
example
may
be
taken
out
of
Aristotle
himself
,
I
am
afraid
of
a
I
feare
the
Dogge
&c.
3.
Now
then
these
two
sortes
of
Equiuocations
being
set
downe
,
T.
M.
is
forced
presently
to
grant
,
that
the
later
sort
,
whether
it
be
in
word
or
speech
,
is
no
ly
of
it self
;
for
who
would
say
,
that
a
man
lyeth
in
vsing
the
different
significations
of
any
word
or
speach
?
Who
will
affirme
that
he
saith
an
vntruth
,
if
I
feare
the
dogge
,
meaning
the
dangerous
influence
of
that
celestiall
signe
,
or
of
those
Canicular-dayes
:
so
as
now
by
his
owne
confession
,
(
for
in
effect
he
confesseth
it
in
this
place
,
and
can
doe
no
other
)
this
second
part
or
member
of
Equiuocation
,
is
no
ly
;
notwithstanding
perhaps
the
hearer
should
be
deceaued
,
&
vnderstand
the
speaker
to
meane
of
a
domesticall
dogge
,
when
he
meaneth
the
celestiall
.
And
of
this
more
examples
shal
be
giuen
afterwardes
out
of
the
Scripture
it self
.
4.
But
heere
is
to
be
noted
that
〈◊〉
,
whome
M.
Morton
stileth
by
the
title
of
Oracle
of
all
Logitians
,
setteh
downe
three
sortes
or
degrees
of
Equiuocation
:
the
first
in
word
or
speach
,
when
it
hath
diuers
significations
:
the
second
in
custome
of
phrase
:
the
third
in
composition
of
single
partes
togeather
.
Of
the
first
he
giueth
the
example
before
mentioned
of
a
dogge
,
that
hath
different
significations
,
of
the
second
,
though
he
name
no
example
,
yet
this
may
be
one
,
if
I
should
say
:
I
esteeme
him
a
wise
man
that
can
hold
his
peace
,
5.
Of
the
third
sort
he
alleadgeth
many
examples
,
and
among
other
this
:
Possibile
est
sedentem
ambulare
,
&
non
scribentem
scribere
:
That
one
sitting
may
walke
,
and
one
not
writing
may
write
,
in
which
sentences
the
wordes
being
taken
separatly
and
a
part
out
of
composition
,
they
haue
but
simple
and
plaine
significations
,
but
being
compounded
in
this
manner
as
they
ly
,
haue
manifest
Equiuocation
and
amphibology
in
them
,
by
reason
of
composition
.
For
if
wee
vnderstand
that
a
man
sitting
,
while
he
sitteth
,
can
walke
,
or
while
he
writeth
not
,
can
write
,
which
is
,
as
Logitians
say
,
in
sensu
composito
,
it
is
not
possible
:
but
if
we
vnderstand
it
in
sensu
diuiso
that
he
that
sitteth
now
may
walke
afterward
,
or
he
that
writeth
not
now
,
hath
power
to
write
afterward
,
no
man
will
deny
it
;
and
yet
are
neither
of
those
thinges
falsities
or
lies
but
only
Equiuocall
or
amphibologicall
propositions
,
that
may
be
true
in
diuers
senses
,
and
yet
deceaue
the
Reader
or
hearer
if
he
stand
not
attent
.
6.
But
now
whether
T.
M.
will
admit
our
former
reserued
proposition
,
which
is
partly
〈◊〉
and
partly
verball
,
vnder
any
of
these
three
sortes
of
Logicall
Equiuocations
,
I
know
not
:
but
if
he
doe
,
then
must
that
〈◊〉
such
Equiuocation
is
a
grosse
lye
:
and
if
he
doe
not
,
then
must
he
acknowledge
his
Oracle
of
Logitians
to
haue
erred
grossely
in
making
an
insufficient
diuision
,
which
comprehendeth
not
all
the
partes
of
the
thing
deuided
.
For
if
the
said
mixt
proposition
be
an
Equiuocation
,
then
must
it
haue
place
amongest
some
of
these
three
kindes
,
or
els
the
diuision
should
be
insufficient
:
Quia
latius
pateret
diuisum
,
quàm
〈◊〉
diuidentes
.
7.
But
howsoeuer
this
be
,
yet
M.
Morton
who
euery
where
pretendeth
great
skill
in
Logicke
,
and
therin
also
to
be
a
cunning
Aristotelian
,
calling
the
first
(
as
yow
haue
heard
)
the
art
of
artes
,
and
high
tribunall
of
reason
,
and
the
second
the
Oracle
,
shewing
also
some
disdaine
,
when
his
Aduersary
doth
but
so
much
as
name
Logicke
M.
Morton
,
taking
vpon
him
to
set
downe
the
definition
of
Equiuocation
,
therby
to
impugne
our
foresaid
mentall
proposition
,
saith
thus
:
Equiuocation
in
word
or
speech
(
saith
the
Oracle
of
all
Logitians
)
is
when
one
word
,
or
one
speach
doth
equally
signify
diuers
thinges
,
as
when
one
shall
say
,
I
am
afraid
of
a
dogge
&c.
which
how
wisely
he
applieth
to
his
purpose
to
ouerthrow
our
proposition
therby
,
&
to
proue
it
no
proposition
at
all
,
shall
afterward
appeare
;
now
only
is
to
be
noted
that
these
wordes
are
not
the
wordes
of
Aristotle
in
defining
,
but
in
deuiding
Equiuocation
,
and
the
very
first
therof
to
wit
,
Equiuocation
is
&c.
are
fisted
in
by
Morton
himself
,
as
also
the
Greek
therof
set
downe
by
him
for
ostentations
sake
in
his
margent
,
for
that
Aristotle
there
making
a
diuision
of
three
sortes
of
Equiuocation
before
mentioned
,
There
are
three
sortes
or
manners
of
speach
according
to
Equiuocation
,
and
amphibology
,
the
one
,
when
a
speach
or
word
doth
principally
signify
many
thinges
,
as
an
Eagle
,
or
Dogge
&c.
so
as
heere
besides
the
sleight
or
falshood
which
is
familiar
vnto
our
aduersary
,
he
is
conuinced
either
to
haue
abused
greatly
his
Oracle
,
in
making
him
to
erre
grossely
in
setting
downe
a
diuision
of
three
partes
of
Equiuocation
,
wheras
there
is
but
one
,
or
in
defining
the
whole
by
a
part
only
,
as
before
hath
byn
declared
,
wherof
would
follow
that
his
definition
non
conuertitur
cum
definito
,
the
greatest
absurdity
that
in
Logicke
can
be
committed
.
Or
lastly
(
which
I
easiest
belieue
)
that
he
vnderstood
not
Aristotle
,
though
he
would
make
a
florish
therof
,
&
so
following
the
bat
in
flying
hastily
without
light
,
hath
broken
his
head
on
the
walles
before
he
was
a
ware
.
8.
But
to
returne
to
consider
somewhat
further
of
the
nature
of
Equiuocation
,
yow
will
aske
me
(
perhaps
)
what
is
the
proper
definition
of
Equiuocation
,
and
how
is
the
former
mixt
proposition
partly
mentall
and
partly
verbal
,
truly
called
Equiuocal
or
Equiuocation
,
for
so
much
as
it
seemeth
by
that
which
hitherto
hath
byn
said
,
that
of
the
double
kind
set
downe
in
the
beginning
,
to
wit
mentall
and
verball
,
the
second
only
may
properly
be
called
Equiuocation
,
that
is
to
say
,
when
a
speach
or
word
fignifieth
diuers
thinges
equally
,
which
I
grant
also
to
be
true
,
if
wee
consider
the
proper
nature
of
Equiuocation
treated
by
Aristotle
,
and
his
particuler
〈◊〉
and
reasons
which
he
had
in
treating
therof
,
which
endes
by
his
Expositours
are
said
to
be
two
.
9.
The
first
as
it
serueth
to
discerne
captious
and
sophisticall
sillogismes
,
from
demonstratiue
and
dialecticall
;
to
which
end
he
alledgeth
six
seuerall
kindes
ction
of
the
dead
,
wherof
we
shall
haue
better
occasion
to
set
downe
afterward
many
examples
,
which
no
wayes
can
be
auoided
from
vntruth
,
but
only
by
some
kind
of
mentall
reseruation
in
the
speaker
;
though
Thomas
Morton
striue
and
struggle
neuer
so
much
to
fly
the
same
:
but
the
more
he
struggleth
,
the
more
he
intangleth
himself
like
a
fox
in
a
net
.
12.
His
second
conclusion
also
(
for
two
only
he
maketh
conteining
the
whole
subiect
of
his
〈◊〉
reatise
)
Our
second
conclusion
is
this
,
that
euery
Equiuocation
,
whether
it
be
mentall
or
verball
,
if
it
be
vttered
in
an
oath
,
though
it
be
no
ly
,
yet
is
it
an
abhominable
prophanation
of
that
sacred
institution
of
God
;
and
I
would
aske
him
why
?
for
that
whatsoeuer
may
be
truly
said
may
be
truly
sworne
also
,
and
without
prophanation
,
so
it
be
done
with
wicked
men
shall
not
rise
in
iudgment
?
And
for
verball
Equiuocation
,
I
would
demaund
him
,
whether
a
man
may
not
sweare
that
which
Christ
our
Sauiour
saith
and
affirmeth
to
be
true
,
as
for
example
,
Elias
iam
venit
.
S.
Iohn
Baptist
,
Ipse
est
Elias
,
S.
Iohn
was
the
one
and
not
the
other
.
And
againe
that
saying
of
our
Sauiour
,
Dissolue
this
Temple
,
and
in
three
dayes
I
will
raise
it
vp
againe
,
the
word
Temple
hath
an
euident
verball
Equiuocation
,
for
it
signifieth
both
the
materiall
Temple
,
and
13.
But
there
be
many
more
examples
as
euident
as
this
,
as
,
Et
ego
si
exaltatus
fuero
à
terra
omnia
traham
ad
meipsum
;
non
est
ad
mortem
,
this
sicknes
it
not
to
death
;
and
yet
he
died
,
and
consequently
there
was
a
further
sense
reserued
.
And
in
the
same
place
,
Lazarus
amicus
noster
dormit
,
our
friend
Lazarus
sleepeth
;
the
word
dormit
signifieth
Equiuocally
either
to
sleep
or
be
dead
,
Christ
vnderstood
of
the
second
,
his
Disciples
of
the
first
:
&
will
yow
say
that
he
did
abuse
or
deceaue
them
,
or
vse
prophane
speach
in
this
Equiuocation
?
And
yet
further
the
same
Equiuocation
our
Sauiour
vseth
in
dog
ge
before
mentioned
.
10.
Now
then
wheras
our
proposition
before
mentioned
with
mentall
reseruation
,
tendeth
not
directly
to
any
of
these
two
purposes
intended
by
Aristotle
;
and
further
hath
no
doubtfull
sense
of
speach
or
wordes
by
nature
of
the
wordes
themselues
,
or
their
double
or
doubtfull
significations
,
but
only
that
it
vttereth
not
all
the
whole
sense
of
the
speaker
;
it
cannot
properly
11.
But
now
to
inferre
herof
as
T.
M.
doth
in
his
first
〈◊〉
of
this
his
wise
dispute
,
that
euery
such
〈◊〉
by
mentall
reseruation
is
a
grosse
ly
,
Non
resurgunt
impij
in
iudicio
:
Wicked
men
doe
not
rise
againe
in
iugdment
:
if
the
Prophet
reserued
not
somewhat
in
his
mind
vnuttered
,
for
the
complement
of
this
speach
,
as
namely
that
they
shall
not
rise
to
glory
,
as
S.
Paul
expoundeth
I
belieue
the
resurrection
spirit
or
life
in
ner
,
〈◊〉
the
〈◊〉
of
maruaile
of
that
she
saw
;
And
againe
the
same
holy
Ghost
talking
of
the
immensity
of
Salomons
wealth
,
said
:
Tantamque
copiam
praebuit
argenti
in
Hierusalem
,
quasi
lapidum
,
and
Salomon
made
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
as
stones
in
Hierusalem
,
may
a
man
sweare
this
without
vntruth
or
prophanation
?
what
say
yow
M.
Morton
?
may
a
man
swear
this
in
your
Lordes
Court
of
the
Arches
?
&
the
same
I
demaund
of
those
last
wordes
of
S.
Iohns
Ghospell
;
There
are
many
other
thinges
which
Iesus
did
,
which
if
they
should
be
particularly
written
,
I
doe
not
thinke
that
the
world
it selfe
would
hold
the
bookes
that
should
be
written
therof
.
18.
How
can
this
be
true
M.
Morton
in
plaine
and
literail
sense
,
and
without
some
amphibology
or
Equiuocation
?
and
yet
I
thinke
yow
will
not
say
it
is
a
lye
,
being
part
of
the
Ghospell
,
or
that
it
may
not
be
sworne
without
abhominable
prophanation
.
How
then
will
yow
,
or
can
yow
defend
it
?
Truly
by
no
other
way
,
but
by
the
licence
of
a
Rhetoricall
figure
called
that
euery
verball
Equiuocation
is
an
abominable
prophanation
.
And
so
much
of
this
second
kind
of
Equiuocation
,
which
yow
see
how
lawfull
and
vsuall
it
is
,
euen
in
the
Scriptures
themselues
,
and
in
the
speaches
of
our
Sauiour
which
is
truth
it self
;
wherby
hauing
repressed
somewhat
the
insolency
and
ignorance
of
this
our
vaunting
Minister
,
we
shall
retourne
now
againe
to
the
first
kind
of
Equiuocation
by
mentall
reseruation
,
about
which
is
our
principall
controuersy
.
And
for
that
our
Minister
affirmeth
two
pointes
about
the
same
,
the
first
,
that
it
is
no
proposition
at
all
according
to
the
true
nature
of
a
proposition
;
and
〈◊〉
second
that
it
is
vntrue
morally
,
&
a
grosse
ly
:
we
shall
handle
and
discusse
these
two
pointes
seuerally
in
the
two
Paragraphes
that
doe
ensue
.
14.
In
these
other
wordes
in
like
manner
,
Hoc
est
corpus
meum
(
about
which
there
is
so
great
a
doe
now
throughout
Christendome
)
the
Protestantes
for
defending
their
opinion
about
the
Sacrament
,
must
needes
grant
a
verball
Equiuocation
,
trope
,
figure
,
&
amphibology
,
wherby
they
haue
a
double
sense
,
and
one
far
different
from
that
naturall
plaine
and
common
signification
,
which
all
Catholicks
hold
throughout
hoc
est
cor
pus
〈◊〉
whether
they
conteine
Equiuocation
or
not
.
the
world
,
which
is
the
sense
or
senses
which
they
&
theirs
doe
frame
of
these
wordes
,
wherby
doth
follow
in
their
sense
and
interpretation
that
they
are
Equiuocall
,
according
to
the
definition
of
Aristotle
;
and
yet
did
Christ
vse
them
in
a
more
sacred
institution
of
the
Sacrament
,
then
was
that
of
an
oath
;
and
yet
I
thinke
the
impiety
of
Thomas
Morton
will
not
reach
so
farre
,
as
to
condemne
Christ
of
an
abhominable
prophanation
in
that
his
sacred
institution
;
and
consequently
he
may
see
that
his
second
generall
conclusion
was
but
an
inconsiderate
,
bold
,
vnlearned
,
and
vntrue
assertion
.
15.
And
thus
much
of
this
second
kind
of
verball
Equiuocation
,
set
downe
and
censured
by
T.
M.
which
indeed
is
only
true
and
proper
Equiuocation
,
as
before
hath
byn
noted
(
for
that
mentall
in
rigour
is
none
)
and
agreeth
only
to
the
definition
of
Equiuocation
,
deliuered
not
only
by
Philosophers
,
but
Orators
also
,
Cum
pluribus
rebus
aut
etiam
hominibus
(
saith
vt
Gallus
&c.
When
one
name
agreeth
to
many
thinges
or
men
,
it
is
called
Equiuocation
,
as
the
word
Gallus
signifieth
both
a
French
man
,
or
a
Cocke
,
&
some
other
thinges
;
by
which
definition
as
also
by
these
other
descriptions
alledged
out
of
Aristotle
before
,
is
euidently
seene
that
the
first
kind
of
Equiuocation
by
mentall
reseruation
,
cannot
properly
be
called
Equiuocation
but
AMPHIBOLOGIA
,
ambiguity
of
speach
,
which
stretcheth
larger
then
doth
Equiuocation
,
and
is
Genus
vnto
it
,
as
Quintilian
in
the
same
place
affirmeth
;
and
that
the
second
kind
,
which
consisteth
principally
in
the
diuersity
of
significations
in
wordes
or
speach
(
such
as
before
we
haue
alledged
out
of
our
Sauiours
speaches
)
is
properly
Equiuocation
,
&
consequently
he
an
Equiuocatour
in
this
kind
,
which
Thomas
Morton
saith
,
that
his
soule
doth
so
much
abhorre
and
detest
.
16.
I
might
moreouer
to
this
purpose
for
further
battering
of
this
fond
conclusion
of
Thomas
Morton
,
alledge
the
vse
of
all
Rhetoricall
tropes
,
and
figures
,
and
aske
him
whether
,
as
they
may
lawfully
be
vsed
in
speach
,
so
likewise
in
an
oath
?
As
for
examples
when
Christ
our
Sauiour
calleth
Heretickes
&
euill
Pastors
lupos
rapaces
,
rauening
wolues
,
which
is
a
trope
called
a
Metaphor
,
may
a
man
sweare
it
is
true
?
for
that
in
nature
they
are
men
and
no
wolues
.
And
so
likewise
S.
Paul
wrote
to
the
Corinthians
vsing
a
figure
called
EIRONEIA
:
Iam
saturati
estis
,
iam
diuites
facti
estis
,
sine
nobis
regnatis
&c.
Now
yow
are
full
,
now
yow
are
rich
,
now
yow
raigne
without
vs
,
you
are
wise
,
we
are
fooles
,
yow
are
strong
,
wee
are
infirme
,
yow
S.
Paul
haue
sworne
this
which
he
writeth
without
an
abhominable
prophanation
of
that
sacred
institution
of
an
oath
?
I
thinke
he
might
,
for
that
often
he
was
accustomed
to
sweare
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
call
God
to
witnes
,
that
he
spake
the
truth
,
and
yet
heere
he
cannot
be
presumed
to
thinke
as
he
spake
,
or
as
the
wordes
literally
doe
import
:
where
then
is
Thomas
Morton
in
this
his
conclusion
?
17.
Againe
I
would
demaund
of
him
whether
a
man
might
sweare
,
without
prophanation
,
that
speach
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
concerning
the
Queene
of
Saba
,
when
THE
SECOND
PART
OF
THIS
CHAPTER
,
Whether
a
mixt
proposition
,
partly
vttered
,
and
partly
reserued
in
mind
,
may
be
a
true
Logicall
Proposition
,
and
Enunciation
.
§.
1.
HAuing
shewed
hitherto
aswell
what
Equiuocation
and
amphibology
is
;
as
also
that
all
Equiuocation
is
not
lying
,
or
rather
that
none
is
properly
or
can
be
lying
so
long
as
it
remaineth
within
the
nature
of
Equiuocation
(
which
yet
afterward
shall
better
be
discussed
)
and
moreouer
that
simple
&
verball
Equiuocation
either
in
wordes
or
speach
,
may
be
lawfully
vsed
by
any
good
man
,
to
a
good
end
;
yea
&
sworne
also
with
due
circumstances
,
if
need
〈◊〉
without
periury
or
prophanation
;
and
that
our
Sauiour
Christ
vpon
sundry
occasions
did
vse
the
same
:
Now
we
must
restraine
our
talke
to
the
former
part
of
ambiguity
,
or
supposed
Equiuocation
only
,
which
is
by
mentall
reseruation
,
to
wit
(
not
to
depart
from
our
aduersaries
example
)
I
am
no
Priest
,
so
as
I
am
bound
to
tell
it
to
yow
;
the
first
part
therof
being
vttered
,
and
the
later
reserued
in
mind
,
which
so
much
displeaseth
M.
Morton
as
he
would
annihilate
the
same
,
saying
first
,
that
it
is
not
a
hidden
truth
,
but
a
grosse
ly
,
as
before
yow
haue
heard
in
his
first
proposition
,
and
then
,
that
it
is
no
〈◊〉
at
all
,
if
we
respect
the
lawes
of
Logicke
,
which
he
vttering
in
the
vehement
heate
of
his
spirit
,
hath
these
wordes
:
Consult
(
saith
he
)
with
the
Ancient
logitians
,
So
he
.
And
we
must
consider
of
this
last
point
first
,
and
afterward
of
the
rest
;
for
they
are
all
pregnant
as
yow
see
.
20.
And
first
to
beginne
with
Thomas
Mortons
soule
,
I
know
not
what
it
doth
,
or
may
detest
in
Equiuocation
,
but
only
perhaps
the
bare
name
,
therby
to
seeme
to
contradict
vs
,
seing
it
is
so
frequent
in
Scripture
,
as
soule
of
his
detesteth
not
lying
,
as
by
manifold
examples
hath
appeared
,
and
consequently
it
were
sinne
to
admit
him
for
an
Fquiuocator
,
for
he
would
infame
the
lawfull
vse
therof
;
for
that
Equiuocation
can
not
stand
with
lying
,
as
in
the
ensuing
Paragraph
shall
manifestly
be
proued
.
21.
Secondly
is
to
be
considered
in
these
his
wordes
the
large
scope
which
he
giueth
vs
,
to
proue
from
the
beginning
of
the
world
,
in
the
whole
Current
of
so
many
thousand
generations
of
mankind
,
that
any
Logitian
held
our
mixt
proposition
for
a
proposition
&c.
Wherin
I
would
aske
him
first
,
what
he
meaneth
by
the
Cnrrent
of
so
many
thousand
generations
of
mankind
,
or
how
many
thousandes
he
thinketh
them
to
be
since
Logicke
was
first
inuented
,
or
brought
into
arte
,
which
before
Aristotles
time
was
either
Thomas
Morton
haue
past
from
that
time
to
ours
?
S.
Matthew
in
the
beginning
of
his
Ghospell
recounting
the
whole
current
of
generations
that
had
runne
from
Abraham
vnto
Christ
,
which
Thomas
Morton
?
Is
not
this
a
very
childish
ouerlashing
?
22.
But
there
followeth
another
simplicity
much
more
notorious
:
Consult
(
saith
he
)
from
the
beginning
of
the
world
,
till
within
the
compasse
of
these
late
foure
hundred
yeares
,
and
lesse
,
that
euer
any
Logitian
,
whether
Infidell
,
or
belieue
did
allow
your
mixt
proposition
,
or
thinke
it
a
proposition
,
and
I
will
be
an
Equiuocater
;
By
which
wordes
yow
see
that
he
excepteth
against
the
Iudgment
of
all
the
Logitians
that
haue
liued
within
the
compasse
of
these
last
foure
hundred
yeares
for
triall
,
whether
this
sort
of
mixt
proposition
be
a
true
Iawfull
proposition
or
no
,
according
to
the
rules
of
Logicke
;
which
if
yow
consider
it
well
,
is
one
of
the
most
solemne
fooleries
that
euer
man
of
learning
could
vtter
.
For
if
he
had
excepted
only
against
them
,
and
their
iudgment
in
genere
moris
that
is
to
say
,
for
triall
,
whether
the
proposition
before
mentioned
be
true
morally
,
or
in
morall
truth
,
as
it
is
opposite
to
lying
;
though
it
had
byn
presumption
to
preferre
therin
his
owne
weake
iudgment
before
so
many
great
and
learned
Deuines
,
and
Philosophers
as
haue
liued
,
and
written
in
the
time
by
him
assigned
:
yet
had
it
byn
lesse
maruaile
,
as
Albertus
Magnus
,
S.
Thomas
of
Aquin
,
and
so
many
others
of
that
ranke
know
logicke
?
Or
to
omit
externe
writers
,
did
our
famous
Countreymen
,
Alexander
of
Hales
,
Scotus
,
Burley
,
Middleton
,
Occham
and
others
know
Logicke
?
If
they
did
,
why
doth
Thomus
Morton
except
against
them
all
in
this
science
?
If
they
did
not
,
how
did
they
write
so
many
large
and
learned
Treatises
therof
?
And
for
proofe
I
referre
him
to
the
last
named
William
Occham
his
famous
Logicke
intituled
:
Summa
totius
Logicae
Magistri
Gulielmi
Occhami
Anglici
,
Logicorum
argutissimi
&c.
And
he
shall
find
therin
more
Logicke
then
he
vnderstandeth
,
and
more
iudgment
then
he
can
conceaue
.
23.
But
to
leaue
this
,
and
to
examine
the
matter
about
this
proposition
out
of
his
Oracle
of
Logitians
M.
Mortons
speach
)
I
haue
a
Priest
at
home
,
or
I
haue
no
Priest
at
home
,
the
one
is
a
proposition
affirmatiue
,
the
other
negatiue
,
of
which
sort
of
propositions
Aristotle
according
to
the
matter
,
or
subiect
he
handleth
,
assigneth
diuers
diuisions
,
as
heere
in
this
place
,
he
first
deuideth
it
into
Vniuersall
,
Particular
,
and
Indefinite
;
and
then
againe
into
Syllogisticall
,
Demonstratiue
,
and
Dialecticall
,
and
in
his
Topickes
Morall
,
Naturall
&
Rationall
;
but
for
so
much
as
appertaineth
to
our
matter
in
hand
,
it
shall
be
sufficient
to
note
this
diuision
following
,
that
some
propositions
24.
And
now
that
this
mentall
proposition
,
is
a
true
proposition
in
the
nature
of
a
proposition
(
though
not
altogeather
such
as
Aristotle
treateth
of
in
ordine
ad
〈◊〉
,
in
order
to
make
a
sillogisme
,
as
after
shall
be
declared
)
is
euident
;
for
that
it
affirmeth
or
denieth
,
consenteth
or
dissenteth
to
somewhat
in
the
mind
:
M.
Morton
will
not
stand
with
vs
,
though
we
confesse
as
I
haue
said
,
that
Aristotles
end
and
purpose
being
in
his
Logicke
to
teach
vs
to
dispute
by
discourse
of
Enthimemes
and
Sillogismes
,
for
attaining
of
sciences
,
he
had
no
vse
of
these
mental
propositions
,
as
neither
of
propositions
by
signes
,
or
mixt
of
diuers
sortes
;
but
only
nameth
the
other
two
that
consist
in
voice
or
writing
,
as
only
making
for
his
purpose
.
But
yet
we
must
not
imagine
that
he
denied
the
other
,
which
are
cleerly
proued
out
of
nature
,
reason
,
and
vse
of
humaine
life
and
conuersation
.
25.
Wherfore
the
second
member
of
this
our
diuision
is
,
that
besides
the
foresaid
inward
mentall
propositions
,
there
are
externall
also
vttered
in
diuers
Thomas
Morton
&c.
And
then
his
voice
fayling
him
〈◊〉
call
for
a
pen
,
and
write
a
thousand
&c.
and
then
a
palsey
taking
also
his
hand
he
should
point
towards
an
Angell
of
gold
,
shewing
by
signes
that
he
meant
a
thousand
such
golden
angels
,
I
doubt
not
,
but
in
this
case
Sir
Thomas
being
a
clerke
would
say
in
conscience
(
and
so
he
might
in
iustice
)
that
all
this
were
but
one
Thomas
Morton
a
thousand
angels
of
gold
,
though
it
were
vttered
by
him
in
three
seuerall
sortes
of
propositions
,
vocall
,
literall
&
by
signes
,
as
hath
byn
shewed
.
26.
And
if
〈◊〉
be
graunted
(
as
needes
it
must
)
then
why
should
he
cry
out
,
as
he
doth
,
against
that
other
mixt
proposition
,
that
is
partly
mentall
,
and
partly
vocall
?
why
should
he
deny
it
to
be
a
true
proposition
?
If
he
answere
for
that
Aristotle
did
not
handle
any
such
mixt
reserued
propositions
,
he
saith
nothing
.
For
that
Aristotles
purpose
being
(
as
is
said
)
to
treate
of
propositions
in
order
only
to
Sillogismes
,
and
argument
,
it
was
wholy
from
his
purpose
to
handle
any
,
but
such
as
serued
to
that
end
,
and
so
Aristotle
handled
no
sort
of
mixt
propositions
at
all
,
either
reserued
or
not
reserued
:
and
yet
yow
see
by
the
former
example
of
him
that
bequeathed
in
his
Testament
partly
in
one
,
and
partly
in
another
,
that
in
the
common
vse
,
trade
,
and
conuersation
of
mans
life
(
wherof
wee
treate
)
there
may
bee
vse
therof
,
as
in
like
manner
,
there
is
of
am
no
Priest
,
with
reseruation
of
the
other
part
,
so
as
I
am
bound
to
vtter
the
same
to
yow
,
can
be
no
true
logical
proposition
:
for
that
according
to
Aristotle
,
Euery
proposition
is
enunciatiue
,
that
is
to
say
,
it
is
ordained
for
signification
to
expresse
some
thing
,
but
no
mentall
or
inward
conceipt
of
the
mind
is
ordained
by
God
(
saith
he
)
as
a
signe
to
expresse
,
or
signify
as
wordes
,
and
writinges
doe
&c.
27.
Wherto
I
answere
,
graunting
that
euery
proposition
must
be
Enuntiatiue
,
that
is
to
say
(
as
before
hath
byn
out
of
Aristotle
declared
)
it
must
affirme
or
deny
this
is
so
,
ergo
the
other
is
,
or
is
not
so
.
And
to
the
first
of
these
three
inward
operations
of
the
mind
and
vnderstanding
,
doe
answere
outwardly
three
externall
effectes
,
as
to
the
animal
rationale
mortale
&c.
all
which
is
nothing
els
but
simple
apprehension
of
the
thing
,
without
diuision
,
composition
or
discourse
.
To
the
second
operation
doe
answere
composition
and
diuision
,
to
wit
affirmations
and
negations
:
and
to
the
third
Enthimemes
and
Sillogismes
,
that
by
discourse
doe
inferre
one
thing
of
another
;
so
as
in
our
mind
there
passeth
no
lesse
then
in
our
outward
speach
,
voice
,
writing
or
signes
,
but
rather
more
,
for
that
as
Aristotle
before
saith
,
these
outward
actions
,
are
but
signes
of
that
which
28.
But
our
Minister
will
insist
that
it
is
not
enuntiatiue
or
significant
to
the
hearer
:
Wherto
I
answere
,
They
〈◊〉
heare
〈◊〉
their
〈◊〉
,
and
shall
not
vnderstand
&c.
Meaning
principally
of
the
29.
And
so
now
to
apply
all
this
to
our
owne
purpose
in
hand
,
this
proposition
wherof
part
is
vttered
in
voice
,
and
part
reserued
in
mind
,
being
but
one
simple
proposition
,
denying
,
that
I
am
a
〈◊〉
,
with
obligation
to
vtter
the
same
,
is
truly
enuntiatiue
of
it selfe
,
though
the
hearer
vnderstand
not
all
,
but
one
part
therof
only
,
and
consequently
it
is
truly
and
properly
a
proposition
,
euen
according
to
the
rules
of
Logicke
,
for
that
Aristotles
definition
agreeth
therunto
which
our
Minister
before
so
confidently
denied
.
30.
But
now
heere
lastly
he
may
seeme
perhaps
to
make
some
doubt
whether
this
mixt
proposition
partly
vttered
,
and
partly
reserued
be
one
〈◊〉
proposition
,
or
no
,
wherof
yet
in
reason
there
can
be
no
doubt
;
for
that
heere
is
but
only
one
single
enunciation
in
Pater
meus
〈◊〉
me
according
to
the
sense
and
meaning
that
Arrius
had
,
I
should
incurre
,
Heresy
and
be
damned
for
this
proposition
,
but
not
〈◊〉
the
former
part
,
for
that
they
are
wordes
of
Scripture
,
nor
for
the
later
alone
that
are
reserued
,
for
that
they
affirme
or
deny
nothing
of
themselues
,
as
hauing
no
verbe
;
and
therfore
they
〈◊〉
condemne
me
as
part
of
the
former
,
and
consequently
all
maketh
but
one
single
proposition
.
For
that
for
the
first
operation
of
our
mind
only
,
which
is
simple
apprehension
without
affirmation
,
or
negation
,
God
condemneth
no
man
,
there
being
no
consent
at
all
therin
,
and
consequently
no
merit
nor
demerit
,
but
only
in
the
second
and
third
operations
before
specified
.
31.
And
to
this
effect
that
the
two
partes
of
these
and
like
propositions
,
the
one
partly
vttered
and
partly
reserued
doe
make
but
one
single
and
simple
proposition
,
we
might
alleage
many
other
proofes
,
both
by
reasons
,
and
examples
.
By
reasons
,
for
that
they
answere
I
am
no
such
Priest
,
as
I
meane
,
and
finally
that
they
haue
but
one
subiectum
,
one
copula
,
and
one
praedicatum
(
Logitians
know
what
I
meane
:
)
for
the
subiectum
wherof
all
is
affirmed
is
I
,
the
copula
that
ioineth
togeather
is
the
verbe
am
,
and
all
the
rest
is
the
praedicatum
,
wherfore
it
cannot
be
diuers
but
one
only
proposition
.
32.
By
examples
the
same
may
be
confirmed
diuers
wayes
,
I
meane
both
by
prophane
,
and
diuine
.
As
first
,
if
one
should
make
an
interrogation
,
&
the
other
answere
,
all
in
effect
is
but
one
proposition
:
as
if
one
should
say
to
a
seruant
,
Is
your
maister
at
home
?
And
〈◊〉
answere
,
no
it
were
in
effect
but
one
only
proposition
equiualent
to
this
,
my
maister
is
not
at
home
;
yea
though
the
one
part
were
vttered
in
signes
only
and
the
other
in
voice
,
or
writing
;
as
if
the
seruant
should
answere
only
by
a
shrugge
of
the
shoulders
,
or
by
〈◊〉
:
king
his
head
,
as
in
Italy
they
are
wont
,
to
expresse
a
negatiue
.
33.
But
this
is
somwhat
more
perspicuous
if
the
answere
be
ambiguous
,
as
when
Cicero
was
demanded
by
his
aduersary
in
the
cause
of
Clodius
slaine
by
Milo
,
whome
he
defended
,
what
time
of
the
day
Clodius
was
slaine
,
to
wit
before
noone
or
after
,
thinking
therby
to
intrappe
Milo
,
Tully
answered
serò
,
which
word
signifying
both
towardes
the
Euening
as
also
to
late
,
Cicero
to
late
,
hauing
deserued
to
haue
byn
slaine
sooner
,
so
as
this
only
word
serò
conteineth
the
force
of
a
whole
proposition
in
the
sense
of
the
speaker
,
though
not
of
the
hearer
.
34.
And
the
like
answere
was
that
of
the
same
Orator
to
a
base
fellow
that
hauing
byn
a
cooke
came
that
he
also
would
of
right
fauour
him
;
but
that
he
would
shew
him
fauour
due
to
ae
cooke
with
a
messe
of
pottage
,
and
yet
did
not
this
reserued
sense
make
it
two
propositions
but
one
.
35.
And
finally
I
might
alleadge
all
the
examples
that
Orators
doe
vse
and
prescribe
vnder
the
figure
called
by
Cicero
,
Reticentia
,
and
by
the
Grecians
APOSIÓPESIS
,
as
Quid
plura
?
What
shall
I
say
more
,
or
what
shall
I
complaine
more
?
which
verbes
say
,
complaine
,
or
the
like
were
reserued
in
mind
by
the
speaker
,
and
yet
is
it
but
one
proposition
;
so
that
of
Virgil
,
Quos
Ego
;
sed
motos
praestat
&c.
Whome
I
,
if
I
had
36.
But
if
we
would
alleadge
all
the
diuine
that
might
be
cited
out
of
the
Scriptures
,
there
would
be
Impij
non
resurgent
in
iudicio
,
wicked
men
S.
Paul
to
the
Corinthians
saying
:
Omnes
resurgemus
,
sed
non
omnes
immutabimur
:
We
I
belieue
the
resurrection
of
the
dead
,
wherof
is
inferred
that
those
wordes
vttered
,
with
the
other
reserued
,
made
but
one
only
simple
and
single
proposition
.
37.
In
like
manner
when
our
Sauiour
said
to
those
negligent
virgins
that
came
to
late
,
Non
noui
vos
,
I
enunciation
negatiue
.
And
to
deny
that
this
was
a
true
enunciatiue
proposition
,
for
that
one
part
was
reserued
in
the
mind
,
and
another
vttered
,
is
against
all
truth
and
reason
,
as
now
we
haue
declared
,
and
might
further
by
infinite
examples
,
but
that
a
few
doe
shew
the
force
of
the
rest
,
and
diuers
of
these
examples
out
of
Scriptures
will
come
more
fitly
to
haue
their
place
in
the
sequent
Paragraphe
.
38.
Wherfore
to
end
that
which
now
we
haue
in
hand
,
wee
see
with
what
confident
ignorance
,
or
ignorant
Thomas
Morton
did
so
resolutly
before
tell
,
and
promise
vs
,
that
if
throughout
so
many
thousand
generations
of
mankind
any
Logitian
whether
infidell
,
or
belieuer
did
allow
a
mixt
proposition
partly
mentall
,
and
partly
verball
,
he
would
against
the
detestation
of
his
owne
soule
to
the
contrary
,
be
an
Equiuocator
:
which
if
it
be
now
proued
a
simple
Hypocrisy
,
then
may
that
sinfull
soule
of
his
begin
rather
to
detest
lying
then
Equiuocating
,
which
may
stand
with
truth
,
as
now
more
largely
we
are
to
〈◊〉
THE
THIRD
PART
OF
THIS
CHAPTER
,
Whether
the
former
mixt
proposition
partly
vttered
,
and
partly
reserued
be
a
ly
,
or
no
?
§.
2.
NOw
come
we
to
the
chiefe
point
of
this
controuersy
to
discusse
whether
the
foresaid
reserued
proposition
be
truly
,
and
properly
a
lye
,
or
no.
Hitherto
we
haue
handled
that
which
lesse
imported
,
whether
it
be
properly
Equiuocation
,
and
properly
a
true
and
logicall
proposition
,
and
therin
discouered
the
small
substance
and
vaine
cauillations
of
our
Aduersary
:
but
now
we
must
examine
that
which
is
of
chiefe
importance
,
whether
it
be
a
ly
,
periury
,
deceipt
,
falshood
;
and
finally
whether
it
be
sinne
or
no
,
to
vse
the
same
in
any
case
,
or
for
any
cause
whatsoeuer
,
for
that
our
Aduersary
Thomas
Morton
his
conclusion
is
both
arrogant
,
and
vniuersall
,
as
before
yow
haue
heard
.
Our
first
conclusion
(
saith
he
)
is
,
that
euery
Equiuocation
by
mentall
reseruation
is
not
a
hidden
truth
,
but
a
grosse
ly
:
Now
with
what
rigour
and
seuerity
our
Catholike
doctrine
doth
condemne
and
detest
lying
,
euen
in
the
least
degree
therof
,
we
haue
declared
partly
in
the
former
Chapter
,
and
for
clearing
the
matter
more
in
this
place
,
it
will
be
necessary
to
set
downe
briefly
both
the
definitions
of
truth
,
falsity
,
lying
,
periury
,
deceipt
,
and
the
like
,
&
then
to
consider
,
whether
our
former
proposition
doe
incurre
any
of
the
foresaid
imputations
,
or
no
?
40.
And
first
of
all
this
word
Truth
is
defined
in
different
manner
by
diuers
Philosophers
,
as
also
ancient
S.
Augustine
,
S.
Anselme
,
S.
Hilary
and
others
,
who
haue
written
of
this
matter
.
And
S.
Augustine
in
diuers
places
of
his
workes
,
and
namely
in
De
soliloquiis
,
&
de
vera
religione
.
S.
Anselme
also
hath
written
a
speciall
booke
De
ueritate
,
and
it
is
a
question
,
as
yow
know
,
that
Pilate
proposed
vnto
our
Sauiour
in
his
iudgment
,
but
had
so
little
care
of
the
S.
Thomas
gathereth
out
of
the
said
S.
Thomas
interpreteth
,
saying
,
that
Veritas
principaliter
est
in
intellectu
,
secundariò
verò
in
rebus
:
Truth
consisteth
principally
in
the
mind
and
vnderstanding
,
and
secondarily
in
the
thinges
themselues
,
for
which
cause
he
approueth
wel
this
other
definition
set
downe
by
a
Philosopher
,
Veritas
est
adaequatio
rei
,
&
intellectus
;
Truth
is
an
equalling
of
the
thing
it selfe
with
mans
vnderstanding
,
that
is
to
say
,
when
a
man
vnderstandeth
a
thing
as
it
is
in
it selfe
,
and
the
thing
in
it self
is
in
deed
as
it
is
vnderstood
,
then
is
it
truth
,
and
when
this
is
not
obserued
riseth
falsity
.
41.
For
better
vnderstanding
wherof
we
must
consider
Contrariorum
eadem
est
disciplina
,
the
selfe
42.
The
first
sort
or
kind
of
truth
is
when
that
which
is
spoken
is
conforme
to
the
thing
it selfe
,
though
not
to
the
mind
of
the
speaker
;
as
if
one
should
say
my
Father
is
dead
,
if
he
be
dead
,
though
the
speaker
thinke
not
so
,
then
is
this
speach
conforme
to
the
thing
,
and
it
is
truth
in
this
first
kind
.
43.
The
second
sort
of
truth
is
,
when
our
speach
is
conforme
to
our
vnderstanding
,
though
not
to
the
thing
it selfe
;
as
If
I
thinking
that
my
Father
is
dead
,
should
say
so
,
though
he
be
not
dead
in
deed
,
yet
is
it
truth
in
respect
of
my
vnderstanding
,
though
in
respect
of
the
thing
it selfe
it
be
not
so
;
and
in
this
sort
:
may
a
man
speake
false
without
a
ly
.
44.
The
third
sort
is
when
our
speach
agreeth
both
with
the
one
,
and
the
other
,
and
is
conforme
both
to
our
vnderstanding
and
the
thing
it selfe
;
as
when
I
say
,
that
my
Father
is
dead
,
and
do
thinke
so
,
and
it
is
so
in
deed
;
and
this
is
the
most
perfect
kind
of
truth
in
speach
,
when
there
is
an
adequation
of
the
speakers
vnderstanding
with
the
thing
spoken
,
as
the
former
definition
prescribed
.
45.
And
in
contrary
manner
,
there
are
three
sortes
S.
Augustine
saith
,
Non
facit
linguam
ream
nisi
mens
rea
,
Nothing
46.
And
this
same
distinction
of
truth
and
falsity
is
ser
downe
by
S.
Anselme
in
other
wordes
,
thus
:
Sicut
est
veritas
triplex
,
rei
,
cognitionis
,
&
signationis
,
sic
etiam
est
falsitas
Theologicall
Summe
in
his
sixteene
question
of
falsity
,
and
first
member
.
47.
And
heerby
it
appeareth
that
mendacium
,
a
ly
,
is
a
particuler
species
or
kind
of
falsity
,
in
so
much
as
euery
speach
that
is
false
,
is
no
ly
,
but
only
that
which
hath
the
essentiall
point
before
mentioned
of
dissenting
from
the
mind
and
vnderstanding
of
the
speaker
.
For
if
I
thinking
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
that
my
Father
is
dead
,
should
say
so
,
though
he
were
not
dead
,
yet
I
make
no
lye
,
but
only
materially
,
which
may
be
without
any
sinne
at
all
,
and
hereupon
are
there
diuers
definitions
,
and
descriptions
set
downe
by
Doctors
,
and
holy
Fathers
of
lyes
,
and
lying
:
first
S.
Augustine
defineth
thus
a
lye
:
Mendacium
est
falsa
vocis
significatio
,
cum
intentione
Thomas
Morton
doth
interprete
,
that
by
the
word
vox
,
as
the
most
vsuall
and
principall
signe
,
S.
Augnstine
doth
meane
all
kindes
of
signes
,
or
signification
whatsoeuer
,
either
by
word
,
writing
,
signes
,
or
actions
:
for
that
a
man
may
lye
also
in
factes
,
as
he
proueth
out
of
the
Philosopher
,
in
his
Moralles
,
and
S.
Ambrose
wordes
are
S.
Augustine
,
doe
Schoole-Doctors
frame
diuers
definitions
S.
Augustine
:
Mentiri
est
contra
mentem
ire
,
to
lye
is
to
goe
against
a
mans
owne
mind
and
vnderstanding
:
and
then
againe
of
himselfe
:
Mentiri
est
loqui
S.
Augustine
,
nor
be
a
deceauer
,
but
deceaued
:
so
as
48.
And
as
for
the
other
clause
cum
〈◊〉
fallendi
,
with
intention
to
deceaue
,
S.
Thomas
doth
note
that
it
is
S.
Augustine
is
to
be
seene
in
his
second
booke
De
doctrina
Christiana
,
and
S.
Thomas
in
the
second
Part
of
his
Summe
,
where
he
handleth
this
matter
at
large
.
49.
And
now
the
nature
of
a
lye
being
thus
defined
,
S.
Augustine
,
and
Schoolemen
after
him
into
three
kinds
or
sortes
;
The:
one
made
out
of
maglignity
to
doe
some
hurt
,
and
no
good
,
and
it
is
called
a
pernicious
lye
;
the
second
to
doe
:
some
man
good
,
and
no
man
hurt
,
and
it
is
called
an
officious
lye
;
the
third
that
meaneth
neither
hurt
nor
good
,
but
is
made
in
iest
,
and
is
only
a
merry
lye
.
And
albeit
one
of
these
kinds
be
much
more
grieuous
then
the
other
,
as
namely
the
first
,
which
of
his
owne
nature
is
a
mortall
sinne
,
&
the
other
two
often
veniall
;
yet
are
all
three
euer
sinnes
,
and
neuer
willingly
to
be
committted
,
or
permitted
in
speach
or
oath
for
any
respect
whatsoeuer
,
nor
for
any
mans
good
temporall
or
spirituall
,
according
to
the
receaued
sentence
of
the
said
Doctors
,
as
in
the
former
Chapter
hath
byn
declared
.
50.
Wherfore
to
passe
on
;
An
oath
is
when
any
thing
is
affirmed
with
calling
God
to
witnes
therunto
,
truth
,
iustice
and
necessity
,
which
latter
includeth
due
circumspection
and
reuerence
.
51.
Now
then
to
apply
all
this
to
our
present
purpose
,
about
the
former
proposition
,
I
am
no
Priest
reseruing
So
as
I
am
bound
to
vtter
it
vnto
yow
:
Schoole-Deuines
doe
easely
shew
that
such
a
proposition
,
according
to
the
definitions
before
set
downe
,
of
truth
,
falsity
,
deceipt
,
lying
,
and
periury
may
be
in
certaine
cases
,
and
with
due
circumstances
truly
auouched
,
and
sworne
without
incurring
any
sinne
at
all
;
and
I
say
in
some
cases
,
and
with
due
circumstances
,
for
that
hereupon
dependeth
much
the
lawfulnes
of
the
thing
.
For
that
if
a
Priest
(
for
example
)
should
be
asked
this
question
by
his
lawful
Superiour
or
Iudge
,
to
whome
the
conusans
of
the
thing
demaunded
,
did
lawfully
appertaine
,
and
that
the
said
Iudge
demaunded
lawfully
,
that
is
say
,
according
to
:
order
of
law
and
iustice
;
then
were
he
bound
vnder
paine
of
mortall
sinne
to
answere
truly
and
directly
,
:
although
it
were
with
euident
daunger
of
his
owne
Of
this
see
S.
〈◊〉
.
2.
2.
q.
69.
Siluest.
verbo
accusatio
cap.
13.
&
verbo
confessio
cri
minis
q.
1
Sotus
l.
〈◊〉
.
de
iust
.
q.
6
art.
1.
&
2.
Gabr.
in
4.
dist.
15.
q.
6
art.
2.
life
,
or
of
others
.
And
this
is
the
common
sentence
,
and
iudgement
of
all
Catholicke
Schoole
Doctors
without
exception
,
vnles
sometimes
the
smalnesse
of
the
matter
it selfe
should
in
some
cases
make
it
veniall
,
but
of
his
owne
nature
it
is
damnable
,
because
it
is
against
the
Maiesty
of
almighty
God
,
whose
substitute
euery
lawfull
Magistrate
and
Iudge
is
,
and
against
publicke
iustice
and
the
common
good
of
each
State
and
Kingdome
,
as
also
against
charity
towards
our
neighbour
,
and
obligation
vnto
truth
it selfe
.
Wherby
it
followeth
,
that
albeit
a
mans
present
life
or
death
stood
vpon
it
,
and
that
by
denying
a
truth
52.
But
on
the
other
side
,
if
the
Iudge
be
not
lawful
[
*
](A09111-e51440-b)
*
This
doe
hold
all
the
foresaid
Authors
and
others
related
by
Petr
Nau.
l.
2.
de
restit
.
cap.
4.
part.
2.
answere
,
as
though
he
were
alone
,
and
no
man
by
;
for
that
he
hath
no
necessary
reference
to
him
at
all
,
nor
to
his
demaundes
,
questions
,
or
speach
,
but
that
he
may
frame
to
him selfe
any
proposition
that
is
true
in
it selfe
,
and
in
his
owne
sense
&
meaning
,
though
the
other
that
heareth
vnderstand
it
in
a
different
sense
and
meaning
,
&
be
therby
deceaued
.
53.
Neither
is
this
to
deceaue
another
,
but
to
permit
him
that
offreth
me
iniury
,
and
is
no
Superiour
of
S.
Augustine
)
praetereà
cogitare
debet
in
his
rebus
,
nisi
vt
bellum
iustum
suscipiat
,
quod
cùm
susceperit
,
vtrum
aperta
pugna
vel
ex
〈◊〉
vicerit
,
nihil
ad
〈◊〉
interest
.
A
〈◊〉
man
in
warre
ought
to
thinke
〈◊〉
nothing
,
but
that
the
warre
be
iust
,
that
he
taketh
[
*
](A09111-e51540-b)
*
See
Henriq
.
quodl.
15.
q.
16.
Adrian
.
in
4.
de
restit
.
all
Deuines
doe
inferre
,
that
such
dissimulations
&
stratagemes
are
lawfull
in
iust
warre
,
which
yet
S.
Thomas
doth
limite
out
of
S.
Ambrose
to
be
true
,
when
the
parties
haue
not
giuen
their
word
and
promise
to
the
Victor
.
relect.
de
iure
belli
.
nu.
37.
and
others
.
contrary
:
but
yet
both
he
,
and
all
other
Deuines
doe
hold
that
these
stratagemes
are
no
lies
.
54.
This
same
point
also
,
that
it
is
lawfull
in
this
sense
to
deceaue
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
permit
another
man
to
be
deceaued
by
our
speach
or
doinges
,
so
we
vtter
Thomas
〈◊〉
will
not
goe
about
to
bring
our
Sauiours
said
speaches
within
the
compasse
of
this
clause
of
the
〈◊〉
of
a
lye
,
cum
mentione
fallendi
&c.
55.
Wherfore
to
returne
to
the
application
of
both
clauses
of
this
definition
of
lying
to
our
proposition
,
I
say
,
that
neither
of
them
doe
agree
therunto
,
and
much
lesse
both
.
Not
the
former
,
for
that
the
speach
that
I
am
no
Priest
,
in
the
sense
that
I
speake
it
,
which
may
be
any
that
pleaseth
me
,
or
that
I
list
to
〈◊〉
to
my selfe
,
seing
I
haue
no
obligation
to
respect
any
thing
what
the
demaunder
speaketh
or
asketh
,
for
so
much
as
he
demaundeth
me
against
law
and
equity
,
so
as
I
may
meane
that
I
am
no
Priest
,
such
as
I
should
be
,
such
as
I
desire
to
be
,
such
as
is
worthy
of
so
great
an
office
,
and
sacred
a
〈◊〉
,
such
as
he
ought
to
be
that
occupieth
the
place
of
God
in
gouerning
of
soules
,
I
am
no
Priest
subiect
to
the
demaunder
,
or
obliged
to
answere
his
demaundes
,
or
the
like
:
and
as
if
I
were
alone
I
might
make
to
my selfe
this
proposition
,
I
am
no
such
Priest
,
and
it
were
true
,
and
not
false
,
for
that
it
agreeth
as
well
with
my
meaning
,
as
with
the
thing
it selfe
:
so
also
now
is
it
truly
meant
and
spoken
in
my
sense
,
though
not
in
the
hearers
,
and
consequently
the
definition
of
truth
before
mentioned
agreeth
therunto
,
for
that
there
is
heere
adaequatio
rei
&
intellectus
,
an
agreement
betweene
the
thing
,
and
the
speakers
vnderstanding
,
and
so
much
for
the
first
clause
of
this
definition
of
lying
.
For
as
touching
examples
to
proue
the
verity
of
like
speaches
out
of
holy
Scripture
they
shall
be
alleadged
more
aboundantly
afterward
.
56.
The
second
clause
also
which
is
intentio
fallendi
,
intention
to
deceaue
,
is
easely
excluded
from
this
our
S.
Augustine
to
this
purpose
alleadged
,
and
auerred
by
S.
Thomas
and
other
Schoolemen
,
August
.
in
Psal.
5.
v.
perdes
omnes
&c.
&
li.
22.
contra
Faust.
c.
33.
&
36.
&
quaest.
26.
in
Genes.
Grat.
caus.
22.
q.
2.
and
related
into
the
Canon
law
it selfe
by
Gratian
,
to
wit
:
Aliud
est
celare
veritatem
,
aliud
falsum
dicere
:
It
is
one
thing
to
conceale
a
truth
,
another
to
speake
an
vntruth
.
And
againe
:
Manifestum
est
(
saith
the
same
Father
)
non
esse
culpandum
aliquando
verum
tacere
:
It
is
manifest
,
that
it
is
not
reprehensible
sometimes
to
conceale
the
truth
.
And
yet
further
speaking
of
the
fact
of
Abraham
,
that
desired
his
wife
to
say
she
was
his
sister
,
veritatem
(
saith
he
)
voluit
celari
,
non
mendacium
dici
,
his
meaning
was
to
haue
the
truth
hidden
(
to
S.
Thomas
determineth
the
matter
It
is
not
lawfull
(
saith
he
)
to
make
a
ly
for
deliuering
another
man
from
any
kind
of
perill
or
hurt
whatsoeuer
,
but
to
conceale
prudently
a
truth
by
some
dissimulation
is
lawfull
,
as
S.
Augustine
in
his
booke
against
lying
doth
testify
.
So
S.
Thomas
.
57.
Now
then
in
this
our
Case
we
doe
affirme
,
that
there
is
no
ly
or
vntruth
auouched
at
all
,
but
only
a
concealing
of
that
truth-which
I
am
not
bound
to
vtter
vnto
him
,
that
demaundeth
it
vniustly
.
For
as
if
Avraham
had
byn
demaunded
,
whether
Sarai
were
his
〈◊〉
,
he
might
for
concealing
that
truth
which
he
would
not
haue
knowne
,
haue
answered
yea
,
&
this
truly
,
&
without
a
ly
,
according
to
S.
Augustine
,
though
in
another
sense
then
the
demaunder
meant
:
So
in
our
case
,
for
that
I
deny
my
selse
only
to
be
a
Priest
in
that
sense
,
which
in
my
vnderstanding
&
meaning
is
true
,
and
I
affirme
nothing
false
,
or
that
is
not
so
,
but
only
doe
conceale
some
certaine
truth
which
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
I
am
not
bound
to
vtter
to
him
that
demandeth
,
for
that
I
am
not
his
subiect
in
this
cause
,
nor
he
my
lawfull
iudge
;
nor
if
he
were
,
yet
doth
he
not
lawfully
demaund
me
,
for
that
the
matter
in
right
appertaineth
not
to
his
iurisdiction
,
as
hath
byn
said
:
in
this
case
(
I
say
)
my
answere
is
lawfull
and
allowable
by
all
the
Catholike
Deuines
,
Lawiers
,
and
Canonistes
that
write
of
like
cases
,
as
after
in
a
seuerall
Chapter
shall
more
particularly
be
declared
.
58.
There
remaineth
then
only
in
this
place
to
be
considered
whether
I
in
this
case
doe
deceaue
or
no
,
or
haue
intention
to
deceaue
according
to
the
second
Lazarus
sleepeth
,
and
they
If
he
sleepe
he
is
safe
,
Christ
deceiued
them
not
,
but
they
themselues
vpon
his
doubtfull
wordes
.
And
when
the
Iewes
were
deceiued
with
those
other
word
s
of
Christ
,
Dissolue
this
Temple
and
I
will
build
it
vp
againe
in
three
dayes
,
the
Sonne
S.
Augustine
in
another
place
saith
fallendi
cupiditas
,
a
desire
of
deceiuing
,
but
rather
euadendi
desiderium
,
a
desire
to
escape
,
and
defend
himselfe
.
And
therfore
,
as
if
he
should
goe
to
one
of
himselfe
without
necessity
,
and
tell
him
that
he
is
no
Priest
,
he
being
a
Priest
,
might
be
argued
of
lying
,
for
that
his
principall
intent
may
be
supposed
to
haue
byn
cupiditas
fallendi
,
an
appetite
of
deceiuing
;
so
heere
the
thing
being
euident
that
primaria
respondent
is
intentio
,
the
first
and
principall
intention
of
the
answerer
is
not
to
hurt
or
impugne
others
,
but
to
defend
and
couer
himselfe
vnlawfully
pressed
,
as
he
presumeth
,
that
his
defence
is
by
speaking
a
truth
in
his
owne
meaning
(
which
meaning
and
vnderstanding
of
the
speaker
is
the
chiefe
rule
and
measure
of
truth
,
as
before
yow
haue
heard
:
)
it
followeth
euidently
,
that
it
can
be
no
ly
,
nor
deception
on
his
part
,
though
by
his
manner
of
answering
they
deceiue
themselues
,
which
is
not
to
be
imputed
to
any
fault
of
his
.
And
thus
much
of
this
matter
in
this
place
;
the
rest
shall
be
more
fully
explaned
in
the
Chapter
that
ensueth
.
THE
TRVTH
BEFORE
SET
DOWNE
IS
FVRTHER
DEBATED
and
proued
by
the
assertion
of
Schoole-Doctors
,
Deuines
,
Lawiers
,
both
Canon
and
Ciuill
,
Reasons
,
Practice
of
the
Aduersaries
;
and
by
the
very
instinct
of
nature
itself
.
CHAP.
IX
.
THat
which
briefly
hath
byn
auouched
in
the
later
end
of
the
precedent
Chapter
,
about
the
lawfulnes
of
the
former
proposition
,
might
be
greatly
enlarged
many
waies
,
if
we
would
stand
theron
,
or
handle
the
same
to
the
satisfaction
of
learned
men
;
but
for
that
the
compasse
of
this
short
Treatise
beareth
it
not
,
and
I
must
haue
a
care
aswell
of
the
capacity
of
the
vulgar
Reader
as
of
the
more
learned
:
I
shall
only
adde
to
that
which
hath
byn
said
,
some
few
more
perticulars
,
in
sundry
kindes
of
proofe
,
fit
for
the
confirmation
of
our
purpose
;
and
in
the
ensuing
Chapter
lay
forth
some
speciall
and
principall
cases
,
wherin
the
said
ambiguous
Proposition
or
Equiuocation
may
be
vsed
,
wherby
I
doubt
not
but
that
the
whole
controuersy
will
remaine
cleere
and
manifest
.
The
first
Point
about
Schoole-Deuines
,
Doctors
and
Lawiers
.
§.
1.
2.
YOw
haue
heard
in
the
precedent
Chapter
,
how
Thomas
Morton
challenging
vs
to
proue
out
of
Logitians
,
that
our
former
reserued
proposition
,
I
am
no
Priest
,
with
obligation
to
tell
it
vnto
yow
,
is
a
true
Logicall
proposition
;
he
excepted
presently
against
all
Logitians
for
these
last
foure
hundred
years
,
wherin
Logicke
most
florished
,
and
yet
he
calleth
it
,
a
new-bred-hydra
(
to
wit
of
foure
hundred
yeares
old
by
his
owne
confession
,
)
and
addeth
further
,
Mark
what
scope
I
yeeld
vnto
yow
:
which
if
yow
marke
it
well
,
is
a
very
markable
point
indeed
,
for
that
after
Aristotle
(
by
whose
rules
the
said
proposition
is
proued
)
he
can
shew
I
suppose
so
large
a
scope
,
is
a
large
folly
in
my
opinion
.
3.
And
the
same
I
say
of
Deuines
,
which
haue
written
within
the
said
foure
hundred
yeares
,
commonly
called
Schoole-Deuines
and
Schoole-Doctors
,
against
whome
he
excepteth
in
like
manner
,
notwithstanding
they
be
those
to
whome
it
belongeth
principally
to
discusse
,
examine
,
and
determine
this
matter
,
as
afterwardes
shall
be
shewed
.
And
yet
as
though
he
had
made
no
such
exception
,
but
admitted
all
kind
of
writers
throughout
all
times
in
this
matter
,
he
maketh
this
new
ridiculous
vaunt
:
Shew
vs
(
saith
he
)
for
your
mentall
reseruation
,
but
one
Father
,
whether
Greeke
or
Latin
,
one
Pope
whether
Catholicke
or
Antichristian
,
one
Author
whether
learned
or
vnlearned
,
who
did
euer
so
fancy
&c.
4.
Wherunto
I
may
answere
,
that
if
the
maker
of
this
vaunt
had
had
but
one
dram
of
discretion
,
he
would
neuer
haue
set
downe
so
many
ones
,
to
confound
himself
:
for
that
presently
we
shall
shew
so
many
Fathers
,
Greeke
and
Latin
to
haue
allowed
of
the
foresaid
speech
,
as
had
occasions
to
handle
such
Scriptures
,
as
conteine
like
propositions
;
and
so
many
Popes
to
haue
approued
the
same
,
as
haue
allowed
the
said
Fathers
sentences
,
or
haue
liued
since
the
collecting
of
the
Canon
Lawes
,
wherin
the
said
Fathers
haue
byn
of
this
fancy
(
if
it
be
a
fancy
)
as
haue
byn
consulted
in
cases
of
most
moment
,
that
comprehend
this
controuersy
.
So
as
for
this
Minister
to
except
against
foure
hundred
yeares
togeather
(
which
in
effect
conteineth
a
graunt
of
all
the
learned
of
that
time
)
and
yet
to
challeng
one
Father
,
one
Pope
,
one
Author
learned
or
vnlearned
,
sheweth
a
broken
phantasy
of
an
ydle
braine
indeed
.
5.
But
now
to
lay
before
the
Readers
eyes
some
brief
consideration
what
is
reiected
in
the
exclusion
of
these
last
foure
hundred
yeares
,
about
our
point
in
controuersy
,
it
is
to
be
noted
,
that
the
science
of
Deuinity
,
called
by
the
Greeks
Theology
,
for
that
it
is
properly
&
immediatly
about
God
,
&
matter
belonging
vnto
God
,
hath
growne
from
time
to
time
,
according
to
the
growth
of
mankind
and
to
the
most
ordinate
and
excellent
prouidence
of
almighty
God
,
as
S.
Paul
diuinely
〈◊〉
in
diuers
partes
of
his
Epistles
,
which
we
shall
heere
indeauour
to
declare
by
this
particuler
deduction
,
that
from
the
beginning
of
the
world
vnto
the
deluge
,
there
passing
aboue
a
thousand
and
six
:
hundred
yeares
,
to
wit
more
then
from
Christ
to
this
time
,
set
downe
in
Scripture
vnder
the
liues
only
of
ten
men
,
there
was
no
other
Theology
in
all
that
time
,
but
only
by
speech
and
tradition
,
of
Father
to
sonne
,
freind
to
friend
,
maister
to
scholler
,
&
predecessour
to
successour
:
and
from
this
againe
vnto
the
time
of
Abraham
,
which
was
vpon
the
point
of
three
hundred
:
yeares
,
the
same
was
obserued
:
and
from
him
to
Moyses
,
6.
But
Moyses
hauing
written
the
fiue
first
bookes
of
the
Bible
,
commonly
called
the
Pentateuch
so
many
ages
after
the
beginning
of
the
world
,
and
sundry
other
holy
men
diuers
bookes
and
Treatises
after
him
againe
,
vntill
the
comming
of
Christ
;
albeit
the
science
and
study
of
Deuinity
was
much
enlarged
therby
;
yet
was
it
barren
in
a
certaine
sort
,
in
respect
of
that
:
which
ensued
after
vnder
Christ
,
in
the
writinges
of
the
Apostles
and
Apostolicke
men
,
and
large
Commentaries
and
expositions
written
theron
by
succeeding
Christian
ages
,
which
in
time
growing
to
be
so
many
and
great
volumes
,
partly
of
the
said
expositions
and
explanations
of
Scriptures
,
partly
of
Treatises
,
bookes
,
and
dogmaticall
discourses
,
partly
of
Ecclesiasticall
Histories
,
partly
of
discussions
and
determinations
7.
These
thinges
(
I
say
)
growing
at
length
to
so
great
a
bulke
,
&
manifold
multitude
of
bookes
,
Treatises
,
tomes
,
and
volumes
,
as
many
men
had
not
time
to
read
them
ouer
,
and
much
lesse
leasure
and
iudgement
to
digest
or
conceaue
them
,
with
that
distinction
,
order
and
perspicuity
,
which
was
necessary
;
it
pleased
almighty
God
,
out
of
his
continuall
prouidence
,
for
his
said
Church
,
to
inspire
certaine
men
〈◊〉
foure
hundred
years
past
,
to
reduce
the
said
vast
corpes
of
Deuinity
,
to
a
cleare
methode
,
by
drawing
8.
The
first
and
principall
Authors
of
this
method
,
or
methodicall
study
is
accounted
to
be
Petrus
Lombardus
Bishop
of
Paris
,
aboue
foure
hundred
&
fifty
yeares
Maister
of
the
sentences
,
and
many
learned
men
in
ensuing
times
wrote
Commentaries
theron
,
enlarging
with
great
variety
of
matter
,
the
said
method
which
he
had
inuented
.
Others
also
made
seuerall
Summes
of
Theology
,
different
in
name
,
but
in
effect
to
the
same
imitation
,
wherof
may
be
accounted
one
of
the
first
,
our
often
named
learned
Countreyman
Alexander
of
Hales
in
Suffolke
,
and
after
him
S.
Thomas
of
Aquine
,
vpon
whome
many
other
learned
men
,
since
that
time
haue
,
and
doe
vnto
this
day
write
large
Commentaries
.
Diuers
also
considering
that
this
methodicall
study
hath
two
partes
,
the
one
speculatiue
,
which
is
handled
principally
by
the
exercise
9.
And
about
the
very
same
time
,
or
little
before
,
it
came
to
passe
by
the
like
prouidence
of
almighty
God
,
that
the
same
method
was
thought
vpon
,
for
reducing
the
Decrees
and
Constitutions
of
Councels
,
Fathers
,
Bishops
,
and
Popes
,
apperteyning
to
Ecclesiasticall
gouernment
(
which
grew
now
to
be
many
)
vnto
like
general
heades
,
bookes
,
causes
,
questions
and
Chapters
,
〈◊〉
more
facility
of
comprehending
and
remembring
the
same
,
the
cheif
Author
therof
being
S.
Benedicts
Order
:
which
laborious
and
methodicall
compilation
approued
by
Popes
at
that
time
,
and
from
time
to
time
afterwards
,
and
expounded
by
the
writinges
and
Commentaries
of
many
skilfull
men
in
that
science
,
is
called
the
〈◊〉
10.
For
he
that
will
cast
his
eyes
vpon
the
face
of
Christendome
,
for
these
last
foure
hundred
yeares
,
&
consider
with
himselfe
that
in
all
these
ages
,
the
most
eminent
renowned
men
for
learning
,
conscience
,
and
vertue
in
all
those
three
sciences
,
or
faculties
now
11.
And
to
name
some
few
examples
;
who
were
accompted
more
learned
Schoole
-
Deuines
in
their
daies
in
France
,
Germany
,
and
Flanders
,
then
the
forenamed
Petrus
Iohn
Gerson
Chancellour
of
that
Vniuersity
?
Petrus
Paludanus
Patriarch
afterward
of
Hierusalem
?
Henricus
de
Gandauo
Archdeacon
of
Tornay
?
Gabriel
Biel
a
very
Religious
learned
man
?
Adrianus
that
was
Maister
to
the
Emperour
Charles
the
fift
,
and
after
that
Cardinal
and
Gouernour
of
Spaine
for
Philip
the
first
,
&
finally
Pope
by
the
name
of
Adrian
the
sixt
?
I
might
name
also
Iansenius
Bishop
of
Gaunt
in
these
dayes
,
and
others
of
our
times
,
but
of
these
their
learned
works
are
extant
,
and
vpon
diuers
occasions
they
fauour
&
defend
the
lawfulnes
of
Equiuocation
in
sundry
cases
,
as
in
the
next
Chapter
shall
be
more
particulerly
declared
.
12.
In
Italy
&
Sicily
also
many
might
be
named
both
for
Schoole
-
Deuinity
,
Canon
,
and
Ciuill
law
,
but
I
Pope
Innocentius
,
S.
Thomas
of
Aquin
,
Cardinal
Caietan
,
Astonsis
in
his
Summe
written
almost
three
hundred
yeares
since
,
Angelus
de
Clauatio
,
famous
Siluester
,
Cosmus
Filiarcus
Chanon
of
Florence
,
Abbot
and
Archbishop
Panormitan
,
Bartolus
&
Baldus
most
famous
Lawiers
.
13.
But
of
the
Spanish
Nation
many
more
,
as
Didacus
Couarruuias
President
or
Chancellour
of
Spaine
,
Martinus
Dominicus
Sotus
Confessour
to
the
Emperour
Charles
the
fifth
,
Cardinal
Tolet
,
Emanuel
Roderiquez
,
Ludouicus
Lopez
,
Antonius
de
Corduba
,
Petrus
Nauarra
,
Dominicus
Bannes
publicke
Reader
of
Deuinity
in
Salamanca
,
Michael
Salon
Doctor
and
Professour
of
the
Deuinity-Chaire
in
Valentia
,
Petrus
de
Arragon
publicke
Professour
of
the
same
science
in
the
foresaid
Vniuersity
of
Salamanca
,
Gregorius
de
Valentia
,
and
Ioannes
Azorius
publicke
Readers
in
Rome
,
all
renowned
men
for
learning
,
science
,
&
conscience
,
and
through
whose
hands
great
matters
haue
passed
for
direction
of
iustice
and
equity
both
in
foro
fori
,
and
foro
poli
,
as
Schoolemen
speake
,
both
for
diuine
and
humane
proceedinges
;
and
yet
doe
none
of
all
these
condemne
or
deny
absolutly
the
vse
of
Equiuocation
in
certaine
cases
,
but
doe
rather
approue
and
confirme
the
same
,
I
meane
both
lawiers
and
deuines
,
when
they
treat
vpon
these
heades
following
,
de
seruando
secreto
,
of
concealing
secretes
,
both
knowne
in
the
Sacrament
of
Confession
and
otherwise
:
de
mendacio
of
lying
:
de
iureiurandis
,
of
swearing
:
de
fraterna
correptione
&
restituenda
fama
,
of
brotherly
admonition
and
restitution
of
another
mans
fame
wrongfully
14.
Neither
are
these
Authors
to
be
accompted
as
single
and
separate
from
the
rest
of
the
learned
men
of
their
ages
in
this
point
which
we
handle
,
but
rather
are
conioined
wholy
with
them
,
both
in
iudgment
and
practice
;
so
as
what
these
men
did
define
to
be
lawful
,
that
did
others
in
like
manner
both
mainteine
&
put
in
vre
in
iust
occasions
,
especially
if
they
were
of
the
self
same
order
and
ranke
:
So
as
when
for
example
wee
cite
Siluester
,
Dominicus
Sotus
Caiëtan
,
Paludanus
,
Lopez
and
Bannes
,
of
the
order
of
S.
Dominick
to
haue
taught
this
doctrine
without
reprehension
of
others
of
the
same
order
,
we
may
inferre
probably
that
all
or
most
learned
men
of
that
Order
throughout
Christendome
are
of
the
same
opinion
.
And
the
like
we
may
inferre
of
those
of
S.
Francis
order
in
respect
of
Angelus
de
Clauatio
,
Astensis
,
Antonius
de
Corduba
,
here
cited
.
And
the
same
of
S.
Augustines
order
,
by
Petrus
de
Aragon
and
Michael
Salon
.
And
of
the
most
ancient
and
venerable
Order
of
S.
Benedict
conteyning
many
thousandes
of
learned
men
,
by
that
which
Abbot
Panormitan
,
and
Gregorius
Sayer
our
learned
Countreyman
Cardinal
Tolet
,
Gregorius
de
Valentia
,
Emanuel
Sà
,
Francisius
Suarez
,
Ioannes
Azorius
,
Ludouicus
Molina
and
others
.
So
as
by
these
few
witnesses
we
may
take
a
notice
of
the
whole
body
and
corpes
of
learned
men
throughout
Christendome
;
for
that
Lawiers
also
both
Ciuill
and
Canon
,
that
haue
written
of
the
foresaid
heades
haue
conformed
themselues
to
the
same
doctrine
,
as
lawfull
in
equity
and
conscience
.
And
if
any
haue
dissented
,
it
hath
byn
in
particuler
cases
only
,
as
before
in
the
seauenth
Chapter
and
third
Consideration
hath
byn
noted
.
15.
As
for
example
Ioannes
Genesius
Sepulueda
Historiographer
of
Charles
the
fifth
Emperour
,
whose
authority
Thomas
Morton
doth
often
times
alledge
against
16.
Wherfore
to
end
this
Paragraph
about
the
Consideration
of
Schoole
-
Deuines
and
Lawiers
,
it
shall
be
sufficient
to
haue
named
these
few
,
and
though
I
had
purposed
once
to
haue
set
downe
in
particuler
the
seuerall
places
of
their
workes
,
where
they
handle
this
matter
,
and
shew
their
opinions
in
approbation
therof
;
yet
finally
not
to
trouble
the
Reader
with
so
many
quotations
,
I
iudged
it
best
to
deferre
these
vnto
the
next
Chapter
,
where
I
meane
to
lay
forth
some
particuler
cases
in
which
their
seuerall
sentences
are
to
be
alledged
,
and
so
we
shall
passe
on
now
to
the
other
pointes
of
his
Chapter
that
doe
remaine
:
only
aduertising
by
the
way
,
that
if
our
few
English
Ministers
that
doe
contradict
this
common
receaued
doctrine
(
for
I
doe
not
thinke
all
to
be
so
rash
or
sensles
)
should
be
put
in
a
paire
of
ballance
,
for
learning
,
piety
,
and
discretion
,
with
these
Authors
here
named
,
and
that
a
man
were
to
aduenture
his
soule
with
one
party
,
I
doe
not
doubt
,
but
that
the
discreet
Reader
will
easely
see
where
it
were
reason
to
make
his
chose
.
And
so
much
of
this
.
THE
SECOND
POINT
touching
Scriptures
and
Fathers
,
For
mixt
and
reserued
propositions
.
§.
2.
17.
ANd
first
of
all
I
haue
thought
best
for
more
breuity
,
to
ioine
Scriptures
and
Fathers
togeather
,
in
this
Point
of
mixt
and
reserued
Propositions
,
for
that
the
exposition
of
the
〈◊〉
going
with
the
text
of
Scripture
,
doth
euidently
shew
both
their
senses
therin
,
and
conioine
both
their
testimonies
.
For
if
we
can
shew
that
the
holy
Ghost
in
Scriptures
doth
vse
such
doubtfull
and
ambiguous
propositions
as
is
that
,
I
am
no
Priest
,
with
some
mentall
reseruation
,
equall
vnto
this
of
ours
,
with
obligation
to
reueale
&c.
)
and
that
by
ordinary
sound
and
signification
of
the
wordes
vttered
,
the
hearer
may
be
deceaued
,
and
take
it
in
one
sense
,
and
the
speaker
by
the
part
reserued
in
his
mind
may
truly
vnderstand
it
in
another
,
and
that
the
ancient
Fathers
doe
by
their
expositions
confirme
the
same
,
then
doe
we
proue
directly
our
purpose
,
both
out
of
Scriptures
and
out
of
Fathers
in
like
manner
,
notwithstanding
Thomas
Mortons
vaine
assertion
,
that
not
one
Iota
in
all
Scriptures
,
not
one
example
in
all
Catholicke
antiquity
&c.
And
albeit
I
haue
shewed
diuers
examples
already
in
the
two
precedent
Chapters
,
that
doe
conuince
most
euidently
that
which
we
are
to
proue
;
yet
for
that
we
haue
not
vrged
before
the
exposition
of
Fathers
vpon
those
places
,
we
meane
heere
out
of
the
aboundance
that
we
haue
,
to
adioine
sundry
other
testimonies
,
to
the
end
the
matter
may
remaine
vndoubted
.
18.
And
we
shall
begin
with
an
example
so
cleere
,
as
it
shall
be
like
to
that
of
ours
in
all
pointes
,
if
we
chang
only
the
names
of
the
persons
,
and
conditions
of
〈◊〉
that
spake
and
heard
.
As
that
example
of
S.
Iohn
〈◊〉
,
who
being
examined
and
demaunded
by
them
that
were
sent
vnto
him
from
the
Iewes
,
whether
he
were
a
Prophet
or
no
,
he
denied
it
.
Propheta
es
tu
?
Et
respondit
non
:
Are
yow
a
Prophet
?
and
he
answered
no
;
and
yet
he
meant
not
absolutly
to
deny
himself
S.
Mathewes
Ghospell
is
cleare
,
Quid
〈◊〉
videre
?
Prophetam
?
etiam
dico
vobis
&
plus
quàm
Prophetam
:
S.
Lukes
Ghospell
addeth
,
〈◊〉
inter
natos
multerum
Propheta
Iohanne
Baptista
Iohn
Baptist.
19.
Heere
then
yow
see
a
proposition
vttered
by
the
holy
Ghost
,
that
of
it self
is
ambiguous
and
of
a
doubtfull
sense
,
and
according
to
the
ordinary
sound
and
sense
of
the
wordes
vttered
,
seemeth
false
,
no
lesse
then
our
proposition
I
am
no
Priest
.
For
as
this
may
be
refuted
by
them
that
know
me
to
be
a
Priest
,
and
as
Thomas
Morton
still
vrgeth
(
though
fondly
,
)
is
contrary
to
my
knowledge
and
conscience
,
that
know
my self
to
be
a
Priest
:
so
heer
S.
Iohns
deniall
,
that
he
is
a
Prophet
,
may
be
refuted
by
Scripture
,
and
must
needes
be
contrary
to
his
owne
knowledge
&
conscience
also
,
20.
But
now
what
this
reseruation
was
,
is
not
so
cleere
among
ancient
Fathers
,
though
all
doe
agree
that
there
was
some
,
&
consequently
doe
stand
with
vs
against
Morton
,
that
some
such
reseruation
may
be
S.
Chrisostome
,
S.
Cyrill
,
Origen
,
Theophilactus
,
Euthimius
,
Apollinarius
,
and
other
Greek
writers
doe
thinke
this
〈◊〉
to
haue
byn
in
S.
Iohns
speech
,
that
he
was
not
that
great
Prophet
promised
in
Deutronomy
to
come
at
the
time
of
the
Messias
,
of
whome
Moyses
said
:
Thy
Lord
shall
raise
vp
vnto
thee
a
Prophet
out
of
thy
owne
Nation
,
and
among
thy
owne
Brethren
,
as
he
hath
raised
me
,
and
him
shalt
thou
heare
,
meaning
of
Christ
S.
Iohns
meaning
to
be
,
I
am
not
that
eminent
and
singuler
Prophet
mentioned
by
Moyses
,
which
indeed
as
hath
byn
said
was
Christ
himself
.
21.
But
other
Fathers
,
as
S.
Augustine
and
S.
Gregory
doe
vnderstand
another
reseruation
to
haue
byn
in
S.
Iohns
S.
Iohn
to
haue
byn
that
he
was
no
Prophet
,
by
ordinary
office
to
foretell
Christ
as
other
Prophets
did
;
but
only
that
he
was
a
Prophet
in
spirit
and
vertue
,
to
shew
Christ
present
:
So
as
heere
are
diuers
reseruations
discouered
by
these
Fathers
,
which
doe
make
the
proposition
true
,
that
otherwise
would
be
false
,
and
consequently
all
these
Fathers
doe
agree
,
Thomas
Morton
for
grosse
lying
.
22.
And
albeit
I
meane
to
make
a
seuerall
Chapter
afterward
of
his
wise
argumentes
that
he
alledgeth
to
proue
his
purpose
;
yet
will
I
not
pretermit
in
this
place
,
to
touch
one
solemne
foolery
of
his
vsed
to
conuince
(
as
he
saith
)
the
former
answere
I
am
no
Priest
,
with
the
referuation
,
to
tell
yow
,
of
a
manifest
ly
.
And
to
performe
this
,
he
will
needes
leaue
for
a
time
the
Schoole
of
Aristotle
,
and
his
forme
of
disputing
,
and
fall
to
Socraticall
demaundes
and
interrogations
.
Suffer
no
?
Answ.
It
doth
signify
directly
I
am
no
Priest
.
Quest.
And
yet
Lo
heere
the
victory
of
Thomas
Morton
,
which
he
might
take
against
S.
Iohn
Baptist
,
for
denying
himself
to
be
a
Prophet
,
asmuch
as
against
an
English
Priest
,
for
answering
in
such
a
case
,
I
am
no
Priest
.
23.
For
let
vs
suppose
it
had
byn
as
punishable
in
Iury
to
haue
byn
a
Prophet
in
S.
Iohns
time
,
as
it
is
now
to
be
a
Priest
in
England
,
and
that
he
had
byn
demaunded
,
as
he
was
by
those
Priestes
and
Scribes
,
whether
he
were
a
Prophet
or
no
,
&
he
answering
no
,
I
would
argue
by
interrogations
,
as
Morton
doth
,
what
signification
hath
this
word
no
?
And
then
S.
Iohn
must
answere
,
as
Thomas
Morton
answereth
for
him
I
am
no
Prophet
,
which
had
byn
a
direct
ly
in
Mortons
doctrine
,
for
that
his
tongue
denieth
the
thing
which
his
conscience
S.
Iohn
,
or
wil
he
haue
me
to
tell
him
his
errour
,
to
deliuer
S.
Iohn
and
our
Priest
also
from
his
calumniation
?
Let
him
know
then
,
that
this
negatiue
no
,
when
he
saith
,
I
am
no
Priest
,
doth
not
fall
only
vpon
the
wordes
vttered
,
according
to
the
sense
of
the
hearer
;
but
vpon
the
whole
proposition
,
as
it
is
in
the
speakers
mind
,
and
meaning
:
so
as
when
being
asked
whether
I
be
a
Priest
,
I
answere
no
,
the
word
no
serueth
to
my
signification
,
that
I
am
no
such
Priest
,
as
I
am
bound
to
vtter
.
And
so
in
S.
Iohns
answere
,
he
being
demaunded
whether
24.
I
might
〈◊〉
heere
to
this
effect
and
purpose
,
that
ambiguous
and
equiuocall
answere
of
the
said
S.
Iohn
about
Elias
,
Elias
es
tu
?
(
said
the
Pharises
)
he
answered
S.
Iohns
negation
was
true
in
his
reserued
sense
,
to
wit
that
he
was
not
Elias
in
person
,
as
the
demaunders
tooke
him
to
be
,
and
Christes
wordes
also
were
true
in
his
reserued
sense
,
to
wit
,
that
he
was
Elias
in
spirit
,
though
not
in
person
,
without
which
two
reseruations
,
neither
of
their
speeches
can
be
verified
,
&
with
them
they
are
made
doubtfull
,
ambiguous
,
and
equiuocall
to
the
hearer
,
but
not
false
.
So
as
now
in
one
and
the
self
same
thing
,
we
haue
both
Christ
and
S.
Iohn
Baptist
,
for
manifest
witnesses
of
amphibology
and
Equiuocation
;
&
consequently
it
is
likely
that
the
thing
is
not
so
hellish
,
heathenish
,
heinous
and
monstrous
,
as
Morton
maketh
it
;
nor
is
25.
The
next
place
shall
be
out
of
our
Sauiours
wordes
to
the
Pharises
in
S.
Iohns
Ghospell
,
where
he
Ego
non
iudico
quemquam
,
I
doe
not
iudge
any
man
,
which
proposition
without
some
reseruation
cannot
stand
,
for
that
it
should
be
contrary
to
many
other
places
of
Scripture
,
as
that
Pater
omne
iudicium
dedit
filio
,
S.
Peter
auoucheth
S.
Paul
confirmeth
aswell
to
26.
So
as
if
we
take
this
proposition
as
it
lieth
written
without
any
mentall
reseruation
,
it
is
false
.
For
if
any
man
should
aske
of
me
whether
Iesus
Christ
be
our
iudge
or
no
,
if
I
should
answere
no
,
I
should
speake
S.
Augustine
,
S.
Bede
,
and
Rupertus
in
their
explication
of
this
place
,
doe
affirme
,
that
the
reseruation
was
secundum
carnem
according
to
the
flesh
;
so
as
the
whole
proposition
was
,
I
doe
iudge
no
man
according
to
flesh
and
bloud
,
as
yow
Pharises
doe
,
for
that
the
wordes
of
Christ
immediatly
going
before
were
these
to
the
Pharises
;
Yow
iudge
according
to
the
flesh
,
but
I
iudge
no
man
;
but
other
Greeke
Fathers
S.
Chrysostome
,
Leontius
,
Theophilact
and
Et
si
iudico
ego
,
iudicium
27.
Wherfore
these
Fathers
doe
propose
another
mentall
reseruation
of
Christ
in
this
matter
to
wit
in
hac
vita
in
this
life
,
meaning
that
albeit
he
hath
full
authority
God
hath
not
sent
his
Sonne
into
the
world
to
iudge
the
world
,
but
that
the
world
should
be
saued
by
him
.
And
yet
other
Greeke
writers
as
S.
Gregory
Nazienzen
and
Elias
Cretensis
say
,
the
reseruation
to
haue
byn
,
as
Christ
was
;
man
only
,
and
of
himself
he
had
not
power
to
iudge
,
but
from
his
Father
,
according
to
that
his
saying
;
All
power
is
giuen
me
in
heauen
&
in
earth
where
he
acknowledgeth
28.
But
let
vs
see
some
more
examples
:
when
our
Sauiour
was
called
to
raise
from
death
the
Prince
or
Archsinagoge
his
daughter
,
as
in
S.
Mathew
,
S.
Marke
&
S.
Lukes
Ghospell
is
recorded
,
and
he
comming
to
the
I
am
no
Priest
.
For
if
our
Sauiour
had
byn
asked
,
Is
this
maid
dead
?
and
he
had
answered
no
:
this
word
no
in
the
force
of
Thomas
Mortons
Socraticall
argumentation
must
needes
be
the
negatiue
of
that
which
is
demaunded
,
and
so
,
to
vse
his
words
,
directly
to
haue
signified
〈◊〉
she
was
not
dead
,
which
had
byn
directly
false
,
if
it
had
not
byn
extended
to
a
further
reserued
meaning
of
Christ
according
to
our
doctrine
,
and
therby
the
said
answere
made
true
.
29.
Which
mentall
reseruation
in
our
Sauiour
,
according
to
S.
Augustines
explication
,
and
of
other
expositours
was
,
that
albeit
she
was
dead
in
their
sight
,
and
vnto
humane
power
:
yet
vnto
him
,
and
vnto
his
diuine
power
and
will
to
raise
her
againe
,
shee
was
not
dead
,
but
only
in
a
sleep
.
Verum
dixit
Dominus
,
(
saith
S.
Augustine
)
non
est
mortua
puella
,
sed
dormit
;
sed
illi
,
à
quo
poterat
S.
Augustine
defendeth
that
she
was
not
dead
in
respect
of
his
power
and
will
to
raise
her
againe
:
euen
so
our
no
to
that
demaund
,
whether
I
be
a
Priest
or
no
,
falleth
not
only
vpon
the
wordes
vttered
or
question
of
the
demaunder
(
for
so
it
should
be
false
)
but
vpon
the
whole
proposition
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
and
so
it
is
true
.
30.
I
might
alleadge
almost
innumerable
places
to
this
effect
,
as
that
of
Christ
in
S.
Iohns
Ghospell
〈◊〉
of
the
eating
of
his
flesh
:
If
any
shall
at
of
this
bread
,
he
shall
liue
foreuer
.
And
againe
a
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
He
that
eateth
my
flesh
,
and
drinketh
my
bloud
hath
life
euerlasting
:
and
yet
S.
Paul
saith
to
the
contrary
,
whosoeuer
shall
eat
this
bread
or
drinke
the
cup
of
our
Lord
vnworthily
,
shall
be
guilty
of
the
body
and
bloud
of
our
Lord
;
And
further
,
he
that
eateth
and
drinketh
vnworthily
,
doth
eat
and
drinke
his
owne
iudgment
,
or
condemnation
,
for
that
he
discerneth
not
the
body
〈◊〉
our
Lord
By
which
wordes
of
S.
Paul
,
it
is
made
manifest
,
first
,
that
the
former
wordes
of
Christ
cannot
absolutly
be
true
,
without
some
mentall
reseruation
or
restriction
in
his
vnderstanding
,
for
that
all
eaters
of
his
flesh
,
&
drinkers
of
his
bloud
haue
not
life
euerlasting
therby
,
but
some
rather
damnation
;
&
secondly
is
discouered
,
what
this
reseruation
was
,
to
wit
dignè
,
worthily
:
as
if
he
had
said
he
that
shall
eat
:
worthily
my
flesh
and
drinke
worthily
my
bloud
,
shall
haue
life
euerlasting
therby
,
which
yet
Christ
vttered
not
but
reserued
the
same
in
his
mind
,
as
yow
see
,
and
therby
left
the
proposition
ambiguous
and
equiuocall
.
31.
And
in
very
like
manner
those
other
speeches
of
our
Sauiour
,
If
yow
shall
aske
any
thing
of
my
Father
in
my
name
,
he
will
giue
it
to
yow
:
and
yet
we
see
by
experience
,
that
many
doe
aske
and
receaue
not
,
wherfore
somewhat
is
reserued
in
Christes
mind
and
meaning
;
which
reseruation
S.
Iames
vttereth
in
these
wordes
:
He
that
shall
belieue
and
be
baptized
shal
be
saued
,
the
reseruation
is
,
if
he
belieue
according
to
:
S.
Mathewes
Ghospell
,
and
S.
Iohn
in
Ioel
:
Whosoeuer
shall
call
vpon
the
name
of
our
Lord
,
shall
be
saued
,
are
expounded
by
Christ
himself
,
when
he
saith
:
Not
euery
one
that
saith
,
Lord
,
Lord
,
shall
enter
into
heauen
,
but
he
that
doth
the
will
of
my
Father
,
that
is
in
heauen
;
which
reseruation
was
not
vttered
,
but
kept
in
mind
by
the
Prophet
.
And
all
these
being
mixt
propositions
,
partly
of
wordes
vttered
,
and
partly
of
further
hidden
sense
reserued
,
making
the
part
that
is
vttered
doubtfull
,
ambiguous
,
and
equiuocall
,
as
you
see
;
they
doe
all
determine
our
controuersy
most
cleerly
,
and
confound
Mortons
vanity
most
apparently
,
that
saith
,
and
auoucheth
No
one
Iota
to
be
found
in
all
Scripture
,
no
one
example
in
all
antiquity
,
for
the
iust
proofe
or
colour
of
any
such
Equiuocation
or
mixt
proposition
.
32.
I
should
vtterly
weary
my
Reader
,
if
I
would
follow
all
,
or
the
greatest
Part
of
that
which
may
be
sayed
in
this
behalfe
,
for
that
alwaies
commonly
all
Prophecies
that
are
minatory
and
doe
threaten
punishment
,
haue
still
some
secret-reseruation
,
if
they
repent
not
:
as
that
of
Isay
to
King
Ezechias
:
Haec
dicit
Dominus
,
shall
not
Ezechias
liue
any
longer
?
&
he
had
answered
no
,
vpon
what
had
fallen
the
negatiue
no
?
If
only
vpon
the
wordes
vttered
,
it
had
byn
false
,
for
he
liued
longer
,
but
if
vpon
that
togeather
with
the
reseruation
in
the
meaning
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
it
was
true
.
And
the
like
may
be
said
of
the
Prophecy
of
Ionas
:
Adhuc
quadraginta
dies
,
&
Niniue
subuerietur
;
There
remaine
but
fourty
dayes
before
Niniue
shall
be
destroyed
,
&
so
infinite
other
places
.
Wherfore
in
this
Th.
〈◊〉
was
greatly
ouerseene
in
making
of
confident
a
chaleng
,
as
before
yow
haue
heard
.
THE
THIRD
POINT
OF
THIS
CHAPTER
CONCERNING
Other
Scriptures
alleadged
,
And
pretended
to
be
answered
by
Thomas
Morton
.
§.
3.
33.
BVt
now
we
must
come
to
a
greater
conflict
,
which
is
to
examine
how
our
aduersary
hath
answered
certaine
examples
out
of
Scripture
,
alleadged
as
he
saith
,
(
for
I
haue
not
yet
seene
the
writing
it selfe
)
by
a
Catholicke
Treatise
in
written-hand
intercepted
,
wherby
the
lawfulnes
of
this
kind
of
Equiuocation
is
auouched
,
&
by
his
answere
to
those
that
are
cited
by
himselfe
,
we
may
imagine
what
he
will
be
able
to
say
to
these
other
which
haue
byn
here
produced
by
vs
,
and
innumerable
others
that
might
be
alleadged
.
Examples
out
of
the
old
Testament
.
First
then
out
of
the
old
Testament
,
he
produceth
two
examples
only
,
the
one
of
Iacob
,
that
told
his
Father
S.
Ambrose
,
S.
Augustine
and
others
doe
piously
deny
)
or
els
that
he
had
some
reserued
further
sense
in
his
mind
,
wherby
his
said
speach
might
be
verified
,
and
consequently
his
proposition
be
ambiguous
,
and
Equiuocall
.
34.
But
herunto
T.M.
answereth
first
,
that
Cardinall
Caëtan
,
and
diuers
other
learned
men
doe
hold
,
that
Iacob
is
inexcusable
from
some
sort
of
〈◊〉
in
this
his
speach
;
and
for
this
he
alleadgeth
the
testimony
of
Pererius
a
Iesuite
in
his
Commentaries
vpon
Genesis
;
whether
Iacob
did
ly
,
or
sinne
at
all
in
this
speach
,
saith
,
that
the
said
Caïétan
with
some
other
moderne
writers
doe
hold
,
that
it
may
be
graunted
that
the
said
The
common
sentence
of
Deuines
(
saith
he
)
is
declared
,
and
defended
,
which
doth
excuse
and
free
Iacob
from
all
manner
of
lying
in
his
foresaid
speach
,
and
then
beginning
with
S.
Augustine
,
who
35.
And
then
a
little
after
in
the
same
Chapter
talking
of
such
misterious
speaches
,
that
seeme
to
say
one
thing
,
and
yet
doe
meane
another
,
he
saith
thus
:
In
a
mysterious
speach
true
thinges
,
and
not
false
are
spoken
,
for
that
true
thinges
and
not
false
are
signified
either
by
the
word
,
or
fact
that
hath
a
mystery
in
it
,
for
that
in
deed
those
thinges
are
spoken
which
are
mysteriously
signified
by
the
speach
,
but
they
seeme
to
be
lies
,
for
that
all
men
vnderstand
not
those
things
that
are
truly
signified
by
the
speach
,
but
rather
those
thinges
that
are
false
are
thought
to
be
spoken
.
So
S.
Augustine
.
Wherby
is
euident
,
what
he
meaneth
by
a
mysterious
speach
,
to
wit
,
when
one
sense
is
gathered
by
the
wordes
,
&
another
sense
truly
signified
,
which
the
naturall
signification
of
the
wordes
doe
not
beare
,
and
therby
a
mysterious
proposition
must
be
called
also
Equiuocall
in
the
sense
that
now
wee
handle
,
and
consequently
also
S.
Augustine
must
needes
be
graunted
to
admit
this
kind
of
Equiuocation
without
lying
,
36.
And
with
S.
Augustine
doe
concurre
in
this
defence
of
holy
Iacob
both
S.
Hierome
,
S.
Chrysostome
,
S.
Gregory
,
Theodoret
,
S.
Ambrose
,
S.
Isidorus
,
S.
Bede
;
and
of
later
writers
,
Rupertus
,
Gratian
,
Alexander
Halensis
,
Petrus
Lombardus
,
S.
Thomas
and
almost
infinite
others
;
so
as
for
Th.
Morton
to
creepe
out
now
vnder
the
shaddow
of
Caïētan
,
and
two
or
three
other
moderne
Authors
more
,
against
the
whole
streme
,
and
torrent
of
so
many
ancient
Fathers
,
and
Catholike
Deuines
,
is
a
ridiculous
euasion
,
and
worthy
of
Thomas
Mortons
defence
,
and
full
satisfaction
.
37.
His
second
example
out
of
the
old
Testament
,
is
parte
q.
139.
in
my
seauenth
Chapter
and
fourth
Consideration
therof
,
which
this
Minister
the
better
not
to
be
vnderstood
relateth
only
in
these
few
obscure
wordes
,
Such
Equiuocation
(
saith
he
)
did
the
Prophet
Ieremy
vse
.
Ier.
38.
when
he
tooke
aduise
of
the
King
.
This
relation
is
briefe
,
abrupt
,
and
darke
as
yow
see
,
but
we
haue
declared
the
matter
with
the
abhominable
prophanation
,
as
Thomas
Morton
would
haue
it
.
38.
This
is
the
force
of
the
argument
:
what
answereth
he
therunto
?
First
,
he
saith
,
that
our
owne
ancient
expositor
Lyranus
in
his
Commentary
,
holdeth
that
Ieremy
did
not
ly
,
but
what
of
this
?
So
we
say
also
,
for
that
otherwise
,
we
should
graunt
the
Prophet
to
haue
sinned
,
and
Equiuocation
to
be
lying
,
both
which
we
vtterly
deny
.
Secondly
then
he
leauing
quickly
this
first
hold
,
steepeth
to
another
,
more
liked
in
that
his
relation
to
the
Princes
of
Sedechias
,
if
we
iudge
(
saith
he
)
the
outward
speach
of
Ieremy
,
was
false
;
yet
is
it
not
written
for
our
imitation
&c.
And
to
this
he
applieth
the
words
S.
Paul
to
the
Corinthians
:
Let
him
that
standeth
take
〈◊〉
least
he
fall
,
that
is
to
say
into
lying
,
as
Ieremy
did
:
and
herwith
also
he
giueth
a
generall
note
out
of
S.
August
.
that
all
examples
of
the
old
Testament
,
wherin
there
may
be
any
scarres
of
infirmities
,
(
to
vse
the
wordes
of
T.
M.
)
are
not
to
be
imitated
,
which
is
true
in
S.
Augustines
meaning
,
who
alleadgeth
the
example
of
Lot
,
in
prostitution
of
his
daughters
,
and
of
Dauid
that
swore
rashly
that
he
would
kill
Naball
,
&
the
like
:
but
it
was
farre
from
S.
Augustines
meaning
hereby
to
touch
any
such
holy
Prophet
,
Patriarch
,
or
Saint
,
as
Ieremy
was
,
or
to
condemne
them
of
voluntary
lying
:
therfore
here
Thomas
Morton
sheweth
lesse
piety
then
folly
in
shifting
of
thus
this
place
of
Scripture
.
39.
And
if
it
were
a
scarre
of
infirmity
in
Hieremy
,
to
couer
sometimes
a
truth
by
Equiuocation
,
or
amphibology
of
some
speach
for
a
good
and
necessary
end
;
Out
of
the
new
Testament
.
40.
THe
first
place
which
he
taketh
vpon
him
to
S.
Iohns
Ghospell
:
All
thinges
whatsoeuer
I
heard
of
my
Father
,
haue
I
made
knowne
vnto
yow
;
&
yet
in
the
very
next
ensuing
that
he
had
many
thinges
to
say
vnto
them
,
but
that
they
were
not
able
to
beare
them
away
then
;
Wherof
is
inferred
that
Christes
former
speach
had
some
mentall
restriction
,
or
reseruation
in
it
,
as
that
he
had
told
them
all
that
he
had
receaued
from
his
Father
,
that
is
to
say
,
all
whatsoeuer
he
thought
conuenient
for
them
to
heare
at
that
time
,
or
〈◊〉
fit
to
beare
away
,
or
to
make
their
profit
by
,
or
the
like
,
which
yet
was
not
expressed
in
wordes
in
the
former
proposition
,
but
reserued
in
Christes
meaning
,
&
consequently
that
proposition
was
mixt
,
and
Equiuocall
in
sense
by
this
mentall
reseruation
;
what
will
Thomas
Morton
say
to
this
?
For
if
a
Iesuite
should
come
to
him
,
and
relate
him
some
case
from
another
,
with
this
asseueration
in
the
end
,
that
he
had
told
him
all
whatsoeuer
he
had
heard
from
the
other
,
and
yet
the
next
M.
Morton
imagine
at
least
,
that
that
〈◊〉
did
Equiuocate
without
a
ly
,
and
so
consequently
lying
&
Equiuocation
should
be
two
distinct
things
.
41.
Well
then
now
I
expect
what
he
will
answere
to
this
speach
of
Christ
,
whome
he
will
not
grant
I
am
sure
to
haue
Equiuocated
,
least
he
speake
against
himselfe
and
authorize
therby
Equiuocation
,
nor
dareth
he
(
I
presume
)
〈◊〉
say
,
that
he
lied
,
least
he
cast
vpon
him
so
soule
a
scarre
of
infirmirty
:
I
expect
(
I
say
)
to
see
how
he
will
shift
of
this
matter
,
for
that
the
case
seemeth
to
be
very
like
,
or
rather
the
same
in
both
examples
,
setting
a
side
the
maine
difference
of
the
persons
.
Yow
shall
heare
what
full
satisfaction
he
wil
I
answere
(
saith
he
)
with
S.
Augustine
,
now
mans
infirmity
playeth
her
part
,
but
know
yow
that
no
man
learneth
of
Chastity
to
be
adulterous
,
or
of
godlines
to
be
〈◊〉
,
and
shall
we
learne
of
truth
to
be
liars
,
and
periurious
?
God
forbid
.
Thus
he
out
of
S.
Augustine
as
he
pretendeth
,
but
in
deed
so
brokenly
&
corruptly
alleadged
,
if
yow
looke
vpon
the
place
it selfe
,
as
it
may
scarsely
be
called
S.
Augustines
speach
.
But
as
for
the
sense
it
appertaineth
nothing
to
our
purpose
,
for
S.
Augustine
saith
,
we
my
not
learne
of
the
truth
to
be
liars
,
as
the
Priscillianistes
indeauoured
to
doe
by
confirming
the
vnlawfulnes
of
lying
out
of
the
wordes
of
Christ
,
which
we
doe
not
,
nor
doe
we
affirme
that
our
Sauiour
when
he
said
,
All
thinges
whatsoeuer
I
haue
heard
of
my
Father
I
haue
made
knowne
vnto
yow
,
did
ly
,
or
vtter
any
falsity
at
all
,
but
reserued
somewhat
in
his
mind
not
vttered
,
which
ioined
with
his
wordes
made
the
proposition
most
true
,
and
how
then
is
the
sentence
of
S.
Augustine
brought
in
against
vs
for
an
answere
to
the
difficulty
proposed
?
By
this
〈◊〉
yow
may
see
what
full
satisfaction
he
is
like
●o
giue
to
these
places
of
Scripture
.
But
let
vs
heare
the
rest
.
42.
Touching
this
text
(
saith
he
)
your
owne
Bishop
43.
Doe
yow
see
what
an
inference
he
maketh
,
that
because
Iansenius
doth
shew
the
way
how
to
seeke
out
the
reseruation
,
or
concealed
sense
in
such
ambiguous
propositions
,
therfore
there
is
no
such
mentall
reseruation
,
or
concealed
sense
at
all
?
Can
the
Reader
tolerate
Ergo
there
is
some
such
hidden
sense
,
more
then
is
expressed
in
the
wordes
,
which
we
call
reseruation
,
wherby
the
hearer
may
conceaue
a
wrong
sense
if
he
hit
not
vpon
the
said
true
reseruation
,
which
being
not
manifest
to
euery
one
,
but
rather
a
contrary
sense
appearing
in
the
words
vttered
,
maketh
the
proposition
ambiguous
,
doubtful
and
Equiuocall
;
for
that
it
may
haue
diuers
senses
,
one
44.
Nor
is
the
matter
so
easy
to
euery
man
to
find
this
out
by
consideration
of
circumstances
,
as
Thomas
Morton
would
haue
men
to
thinke
,
that
there
is
no
doubt
or
difficulty
at
all
:
for
as
in
the
places
before
alleadged
yow
haue
heard
sundry
Fathers
of
sundry
opinions
,
and
iudgmentes
about
the
points
that
were
reserued
by
our
Sauiour
:
so
heere
in
this
place
vpon
those
wordes
,
Omnia
quaecunque
&c.
all
thinges
whatsoeuer
I
haue
heard
of
my
Father
&c.
diuers
Authors
as
Leontius
.
and
others
make
the
reseruation
to
be
this
,
whatsoeuer
I
heard
of
my
Father
,
with
order
to
tell
yow
,
that
I
haue
vtterd
vnto
yow
;
but
S.
Chrysostome
,
Theophilact
,
Euthimius
,
and
other
Greeke
writers
expound
it
thus
,
that
whatsoeuer
I
heard
of
my
Father
conuenient
for
yow
to
know
,
that
I
haue
reuealed
vnto
yow
.
S.
Augustine
,
and
S.
Bede
except
such
thinges
as
were
reserued
for
the
holy
Ghost
to
reueale
,
and
vtter
vnto
them
,
as
in
the
precedent
Chapter
he
promised
:
so
as
albeit
here
diuers
yow
may
perceaue
that
not
that
infallible
verity
,
but
your
owne
infirmity
and
vanity
hath
deceaued
yow
in
so
peruerting
the
truth
,
to
patronize
a
ly
.
Would
yow
not
thinke
that
the
man
had
spoken
somewhat
to
the
purpose
,
that
thus
concludeth
?
Surely
not
a
iote
more
then
yow
haue
heard
,
wherin
he
hath
confirmed
euidently
our
part
,
and
ouerthrowne
his
owne
;
and
yet
he
braggeth
like
a
Conquerour
,
as
yow
see
:
but
let
vs
leaue
him
in
his
vanity
,
and
passe
to
a
second
place
,
or
example
alleadged
.
45.
The
second
place
is
taken
out
of
the
Ghospell
of
S.
Marke
,
where
our
Sauiour
speaking
of
the
day
of
S.
Matthew
,
who
hath
Nemo
scit
nisi
solus
Pater
,
No
man
knoweth
therof
but
only
the
Father
:
&
yet
doth
the
whole
course
of
Scripture
runne
to
the
contrary
,
shewing
that
Christ
must
be
Iudge
in
S.
Paul
saith
also
expressely
to
the
Colossians
,
that
all
the
treasures
of
wisedome
,
and
knowledge
were
hidden
in
Christ
,
ergo
it
is
euident
that
the
former
proposition
of
Christ
had
some
reseruation
of
mind
in
it
,
for
that
otherwise
it
had
byn
false
.
And
for
more
perspicuities
sake
,
let
vs
frame
the
case
more
plaine
:
If
those
disciples
to
whome
our
Sauiour
spake
those
words
,
had
demaunded
him
,
if
he
knew
any
thing
of
the
day
of
Iudgment
,
and
he
had
answered
,
no
,
what
would
that
no
haue
signified
according
to
Thomas
Mortons
〈◊〉
argumentation
?
Would
it
not
haue
directly
signified
(
as
his
words
be
)
that
he
had
not
knowne
therof
in
deed
?
and
would
not
his
hearers
haue
taken
it
so
?
and
yet
had
it
byn
false
,
and
they
deceaued
.
Why
?
For
that
he
had
some
further
reseruation
in
his
mind
,
wheron
that
(
no
)
did
reflect
,
which
his
wordes
did
not
vtter
.
46.
Well
then
compare
Thomas
Mortons
case
which
he
obiecteth
against
vs
and
is
this
:
A
Catholicke
hauing
a
Priest
in
his
house
,
and
demaunded
whether
he
know
where
such
a
Priest
is
,
he
answereth
no
,
reseruing
in
his
mind
a
further
true
meaning
,
wheron
that
no
in
his
intention
doth
fall
,
to
wit
,
that
he
knoweth
it
not
so
,
as
it
is
conuenient
to
vtter
it
vnto
them
that
Syr
Thomas
cryeth
out
,
that
this
not
a
hidden
truth
but
a
grosse
ly
.
But
I
would
aske
him
why
?
And
further
intreate
him
,
to
set
downe
the
difference
betweene
these
two
answers
of
Christ
,
and
a
Catholike
in
the
manner
of
speach
,
and
nature
of
a
reserued
proposition
.
47.
If
he
would
say
that
there
is
no
reseruation
in
our
Sauiours
speach
,
but
that
the
sense
is
cleare
according
to
the
wordes
as
they
sound
,
it
would
be
ridiculous
,
both
in
regard
of
the
opposite
authorities
before
alleadged
out
of
Scriptures
;
as
also
of
the
great
variety
of
expositions
,
which
the
ancient
Fathers
did
leaue
vnto
vs
,
for
finding
out
the
true
reseruation
.
And
first
of
all
condemning
for
Heretikes
,
as
S.
Damascene
S.
Hierome
vpon
this
place
,
and
S.
Ambrose
in
his
bookes
de
fide
:
S.
Matthewes
Ghospell
,
where
Christ
vseth
the
same
speach
,
the
word
neque
filius
,
neither
the
Sonne
knoweth
,
is
not
read
either
in
Greek
or
Latin
,
&
yet
was
it
found
in
diuers
Copies
of
both
languages
in
old
time
,
as
may
appeare
by
Origen
,
and
S.
Chrysostome
in
Greeke
,
and
S.
Hilary
,
and
S.
Augustine
in
Latin
,
who
did
read
it
in
their
dayes
in
their
Copies
of
S.
Mathews
Ghospell
,
as
we
doe
now
in
S.
Marke
,
and
therupon
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
indeauoured
ech
one
to
find
out
Christes
hidden
meaning
,
and
mentall
reseruation
therin
.
48.
As
for
example
Origen
&
S.
Epiphanius
doe
thinke
S.
Chrysostome
seeme
in
one
place
altogeather
to
mislike
this
interpretation
.
Other
Fathers
in
great
number
doe
thinke
Christs
meaning
and
reseruation
Atha
.
ser.
4.
〈◊〉
Aria
Am.
〈◊〉
.
5.
de
fide
4.
8
Naz.
Orat.
4.
〈◊〉
Theo.
Cyr.
l.
〈◊〉
.
de
thesau
cap.
4.
Theod.
An.
cont.
Cyr.
to
haue
byn
,
that
he
knew
not
of
the
certaine
day
of
Iudgment
,
as
he
was
man
,
that
is
to
say
,
by
vertue
of
his
humanity
alone
,
without
his
diuinity
,
for
though
as
he
was
man
and
God
he
knew
it
;
yet
not
by
force
or
power
of
his
humanity
.
And
of
this
opinion
are
S
Athanasius
,
S.
Ambrose
,
S.
Gregory
Nazianzen
,
S.
Cyril
,
Theodoret
and
others
.
49.
Many
Fathers
also
,
yea
the
greatest
number
of
all
,
haue
an
other
exposition
expressing
the
very
same
reseruation
in
Christes
wordes
,
which
we
talked
of
in
Aug.
l.
8.
q.
6.
&
l.
〈◊〉
.
de
trin.
c.
1.
&
l.
de
Gen.
contr.
Manicheos
c.
23.
Chrys.
hom
78.
S.
Greg.
li.
8.
Regist.
cap.
42.
our
former
proposition
,
affirming
that
Christes
meaning
was
,
when
he
said
he
knew
not
the
day
of
Iudgment
,
that
he
knew
it
not
so
,
as
he
might
discouer
it
vnto
them
,
or
make
them
know
it
.
And
so
doth
hold
S.
Augustine
in
many
places
of
his
workes
,
S.
Chrysostome
also
in
his
homilies
vpon
S.
Mathew
and
S.
Marke
,
S.
Gregory
in
his
Register
,
S.
Hierome
and
S.
Bede
in
their
exposition
vpon
this
place
,
with
whome
doe
concurre
Theophilact
,
and
diuers
others
.
50.
Now
then
we
haue
heere
,
that
there
are
three
or
foure
sortes
of
reseruations
at
least
,
sought
out
by
the
foresaid
circumstances
touched
in
the
former
example
,
al
which
doe
proue
vnto
vs
,
that
in
the
proposition
of
Christ
,
the
Sonne
of
man
knoweth
not
of
the
day
or
houre
of
Iudgment
,
is
an
amphibologicall
and
Equiuocall
mixt
proposition
,
conteyning
a
mentall
reseruation
of
our
Sauiour
,
not
expressed
in
his
wordes
,
which
ouerthroweth
and
vtterly
vndoeth
Th.
Mortons
whole
Augustine
,
Ambrose
,
Chrysostome
,
Basil
and
Theophilact
doe
expound
it
so
,
as
lastly
hath
byn
said
,
that
Christ
knew
not
the
day
of
Iudgment
to
vtter
it
to
his
disciples
,
wherunto
he
answereth
thus
.
51.
It
will
not
(
saith
he
)
be
pertinent
to
oppose
the
other
exposition
of
Fathers
,
who
as
your
Maldonate
saith
,
were
many
,
expounding
this
text
thus
,
that
Christ
as
he
was
man
knew
not
the
day
and
houre
.
This
is
his
first
struggle
,
and
if
it
be
impertinent
,
as
himselfe
confesseth
,
why
doth
he
alleadge
it
,
but
for
lacke
of
better
defence
,
and
that
it
is
impertinent
in
deed
,
is
euident
;
for
that
this
exposition
of
some
Fathers
alleadged
by
him
,
doth
rather
proue
that
there
were
diuers
reseruations
in
Christes
wordes
,
then
that
there
was
none
at
all
,
which
he
should
proue
.
Wherfore
it
falleth
out
to
Thomas
Morton
in
this
case
,
as
when
playing
a
bad
game
at
Tables
that
is
past
recouery
,
he
should
say
,
this
game
is
lost
which
way
soeuer
I
play
it
,
and
yet
will
I
play
it
out
with
what
shame
soeuer
,
rather
then
giue
it
vp
.
Let
vs
see
then
what
play
he
maketh
.
52.
He
followeth
on
immediatly
after
his
former
But
the
question
is
(
saith
he
)
whether
the
former
exposition
of
S.
Augustine
and
others
doth
imply
any
mentall
Equiuocation
,
and
because
Garnet
at
his
arraignment
did
select
only
S.
Augustine
of
all
the
Fathers
,
we
will
appeale
to
S.
Augustine
for
answere
to
them
all
,
by
whose
testimony
it
doth
appeare
,
that
when
our
Sauiour
said
,
I
know
not
the
day
,
signifying
vt
dicam
vobis
,
to
tell
vnto
yow
,
this
clause
wherby
he
meant
to
conceale
the
time
,
was
not
concealed
from
them
,
who
though
they
were
by
the
sense
of
the
speach
held
in
ignorance
not
to
know
the
day
;
yet
were
they
not
ignorant
of
the
sense
of
the
speach
,
which
was
,
I
may
not
let
yow
know
it
.
So
he
.
And
doe
yow
vnderstand
him
?
or
doth
he
not
labour
asmuch
to
hold
yow
in
ignorance
of
his
meaning
,
as
Christ
did
his
Disciples
of
the
day
of
iudgment
;
but
let
vs
draw
him
out
of
this
affected
darkenes
.
53.
First
he
saith
the
question
is
,
(
and
he
saith
well
)
whether
the
former
exposition
of
S.
Augustine
,
&
other
Fathers
doe
imply
any
mentall
Equiuocation
or
rather
mentall
reseruation
,
which
maketh
Equiuocation
or
doubtfulnes
of
meaning
;
and
I
see
not
how
Christ
knoweth
not
of
the
day
of
Iudgment
is
false
,
without
some
reseruation
,
but
with
the
reseruation
gathered
vpon
S.
Augustines
exposition
,
to
wit
,
that
he
knew
it
not
to
make
them
know
it
,
that
is
to
say
,
to
vtter
it
vnto
them
,
it
is
true
,
ergo
S.
Augustines
exposition
doth
imply
and
declare
vnto
vs
a
manifest
mentall
reseruation
,
and
consequently
also
an
Equiuocation
.
For
that
as
before
we
haue
defined
the
matter
,
Equiuocation
or
amphibology
in
this
our
controuersy
,
is
nothing
els
,
but
when
a
speach
is
partly
vttered
in
wordes
,
and
partly
reserued
in
mind
,
by
which
reseruation
the
sense
of
the
proposition
may
be
diuers
.
54.
Secondly
wheras
Thomas
Morton
saith
,
that
Father
Garnet
at
his
arraignment
did
select
only
S.
Augustine
,
of
all
other
Fathers
to
depend
vpon
,
concerning
the
former
exposition
of
Christes
wordes
,
and
therfore
that
he
also
will
appeale
to
S.
Augustine
for
answere
to
them
all
,
it
is
a
shift
,
therby
to
auoid
the
authority
of
all
the
other
Fathers
,
both
in
this
and
the
other
expositions
before
mentioned
,
all
which
doe
conclude
against
him
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
that
there
is
a
mentall
reseruation
in
Christes
wordes
,
without
which
vnderstood
,
Father
Garnet
so
select
S.
Augustines
authority
at
his
arraignment
to
stand
vpon
,
as
that
he
left
any
way
the
other
Fathers
,
but
being
pressed
to
be
briefe
,
he
named
him
for
all
,
and
no
small
maruaile
it
is
that
at
such
an
arraignment
he
had
leysure
,
or
list
to
name
any
Father
,
or
other
proofe
at
all
,
knowing
how
vnequally
the
same
would
be
heard
after
the
hydeous
clamours
of
so
many
Ministers
out
of
bookes
,
speeches
,
&
pulpittes
against
that
doctrine
:
but
sure
I
am
,
that
if
Henry
Garnet
,
and
Thomas
Morton
had
met
togeather
at
any
equall
barre
out
of
arraignment
,
to
plead
and
dispute
this
matter
,
there
would
haue
byn
as
little
cause
for
Thomas
to
haue
triumphed
of
that
disputation
,
as
there
is
like
to
be
now
of
this
his
writing
;
and
therfore
he
might
haue
spared
him
heere
if
he
had
pleased
.
55.
But
his
third
act
of
manhood
in
his
defence
is
most
notorious
,
where
hauing
fled
all
other
Fathers
,
as
yow
see
,
to
sticke
to
S.
Augustine
,
he
bringeth
in
S.
Augustine
wholy
against
himselfe
,
as
now
yow
shall
see
,
though
he
endeauour
by
some
,
obscure
words
to
dazle
the
sense
of
his
hearer
.
For
in
the
words
of
Saint
Augustine
by
him
alleadged
he
saith
thus
:
Nescientem
se
esse
S.
Augustine
alleadgeth
that
place
of
S.
Paul
to
the
Corinthians
:
neque
enim
iudicaui
me
scire
aliquid
inter
vos
,
nisi
Iesum
S.
Paul
saith
he
knew
no
more
of
that
thing
,
for
that
he
thought
it
not
time
to
vtter
vnto
them
any
more
:
which
is
so
plaine
for
our
purpose
,
as
Thomas
Morton
would
neuer
haue
alleadged
it
,
but
vpon
plaine
despaire
of
the
game
lost
in
deed
.
For
what
is
more
conforme
then
this
to
our
answere
obiected
by
him
,
I
am
no
Priest
to
vtter
it
vnto
yow
:
I
know
not
where
such
a
Priest
is
,
that
is
,
I
make
yow
not
to
know
it
by
concealing
the
same
,
for
that
I
am
not
bound
,
nor
is
it
expedient
to
vtter
it
.
56.
Now
then
heere
yow
see
Thomas
Morton
in
the
dust
,
as
one
fighting
against
himselfe
.
For
to
cauill
,
&
quarrell
,
as
he
doth
afterward
,
that
the
Apostles
are
to
be
presumed
to
haue
vnderstood
this
reserued
meaning
,
aswell
as
S.
Augustine
,
S.
Ambrose
,
and
other
Fathers
57.
And
lastly
where
he
concludeth
the
whole
matter
Genesius
?
He
will
tell
that
this
sense
(
of
this
text
of
Scripture
)
which
yow
conceale
,
is
not
only
contrary
to
the
sentence
of
all
Fathers
,
but
also
against
all
common
sense
.
And
is
this
possible
?
Will
Sepulueda
deny
all
those
Fathers
alleadged
by
me
before
for
our
interpretation
to
be
Fathers
?
will
he
say
that
their
exposition
is
contrary
to
all
common
sense
?
Doth
not
Genesius
himselfe
in
the
very
Chapter
heere
cited
alleadge
both
S.
Hierome
and
S.
Augustine
for
this
interpretation
,
and
alloweth
the
same
?
What
shameles
dealing
then
is
this
of
our
Minister
to
charge
Genesius
with
such
folly
or
impiety
which
he
neuer
thought
of
?
For
Genesius
denieth
not
either
the
sense
,
or
interpretation
of
the
place
,
and
much
lesse
saith
,
that
it
is
contrary
to
the
sentence
of
the
Fathers
,
and
least
of
all
to
common
sense
,
but
denieth
only
the
application
therof
for
vse
and
practice
to
certaine
cases
,
wherin
he
admitteth
not
Equiuocation
,
and
saith
,
that
vpon
this
interpretation
,
to
bring
in
such
a
new
law
were
greatly
inconuenient
(
wherin
afterward
notwithstanding
we
shall
shew
him
to
haue
byn
greatly
deceaued
)
and
his
Latin
wordes
are
:
Contra
non
modò
veterum
&
grauissimorum
doctorum
,
sed
communem
hominem
sensum
,
quasi
legem
inducere
:
to
bringe
in
,
as
it
were
,
a
law
not
only
against
the
iudgment
of
ancient
,
and
most
graue
Schoole
-
Doctors
(
for
of
them
only
he
speaketh
in
that
place
)
but
also
against
the
common
sense
or
opinion
of
men
.
This
is
Genesius
his
speach
,
wherin
though
his
iudgment
〈◊〉
reiected
by
other
Schoolmen
as
singuler
and
paradoxicall
in
this
point
,
as
after
shall
be
declared
;
yet
is
he
egregiously
abused
by
Morton
,
who
first
maketh
him
58.
The
third
place
alleadged
,
and
pretended
to
be
answered
by
this
man
,
is
that
of
S.
Lukes
Ghospell
,
when
our
Sauiour
drawing
towardes
the
Castell
of
Ipse
se
finxit
longius
ire
,
saith
the
text
;
himself
feigned
that
he
would
goe
further
:
wherupon
they
forced
him
to
stay
with
them
,
and
he
feigned
to
goe
surther
;
nor
may
it
without
impiety
be
called
〈◊〉
ly
,
of
what
sort
soeuer
,
as
S.
Augustine
expresly
doth
Thomas
〈◊〉
deliuer
himselfe
from
this
labyrinth
?
He
hathno
probable
escape
at
all
,
as
yow
shall
see
in
the
sequent
point
about
feigning
or
deceauing
,
for
that
this
place
doth
more
properly
appertaine
to
that
matter
and
subiect
,
this
being
no
〈◊〉
proposition
,
but
rather
a
dissimulation
,
or
fiction
in
act
,
as
is
presumed
,
as
that
our
Sauiour
went
further
then
the
place
,
or
made
shew
that
he
would
doe
so
,
or
the
like
,
and
consequently
we
shall
differre
the
larger
declaration
of
this
place
vnto
the
ensuing
point
or
paragraphe
,
which
is
the
fourth
and
last
of
this
Chapter
.
59.
The
fourth
and
last
place
then
,
which
our
Minister
hath
alleadged
out
of
the
foresaid
Catholicke
Treatise
of
Equiuocation
,
with
pretence
to
answere
S.
Iohns
Ghospell
,
who
exhorting
him
to
goe
vp
to
Ierusalem
to
celebrate
the
feast
of
Tabernacles
,
and
therby
to
be
knowne
to
the
world
,
he
answered
with
shewing
first
a
great
difference
betweene
his
state
and
theirs
,
and
how
the
world
hated
him
,
but
not
them
,
and
why
,
and
then
said
,
goe
yow
vp
to
this
festiuall
day
,
I
doe
not
goe
vp
to
this
feast
,
for
that
my
time
is
not
yet
accomplished
;
but
yet
after
they
being
gone
vp
,
he
ascended
also
.
Out
of
which
speach
and
fact
is
gathered
,
that
Christ
when
he
said
to
his
brethren
,
I
doe
not
ascend
,
or
will
not
ascend
to
this
feast
,
he
had
some
further
mentall
reseruation
,
which
his
brethren
vnderstood
not
,
for
that
otherwise
they
would
not
haue
gone
vp
without
him
,
so
as
heere
is
a
plaine
Equiuocall
proposition
,
that
hath
one
meaning
according
to
the
wordes
in
the
hearers
vnderstanding
,
and
another
in
the
sense
of
the
speaker
,
wherby
the
hearers
were
deceaued
:
and
yet
was
this
no
ly
.
What
then
will
Thomas
Morton
say
to
this
?
Yow
shall
see
him
bestirre
himselfe
for
some
euasion
,
but
with
as
good
successe
as
the
good-wife
that
was
early
vp
,
&
neuer
the
neare
,
which
example
I
vse
to
temperate
somewhat
his
intemperate
Ministeriall
speach
of
louing
and
imbracing
queanes
in
the
very
beginning
of
his
answere
:
for
thus
he
writeth
:
60
Yow
haue
(
saith
he
)
bestowed
many
lines
in
I
will
not
goe
vp
,
in
the
Greeke
are
,
I
will
not
goe
vp
yet
:
But
your
Helena
the
Latin
vulgar
text
must
be
imbraced
&c.
Doe
yow
see
what
manner
of
accusation
he
bringeth
in
against
vs
,
and
in
what
light
&
lasciuious
wordes
,
in
so
graue
and
sacred
a
subiect
as
is
the
text
of
holy
writ
?
Hath
he
no
honester
comparisons
to
bring
in
then
the
blind
loue
of
Thais
,
and
embracing
of
Helena
?
yow
may
iudge
of
the
mans
spirit
by
his
wordes
.
61.
But
what
doth
he
accuse
vs
of
in
effect
?
forsooth
that
we
haue
left
the
〈◊〉
text
,
which
hath
'
〈◊〉
nondum
,
not
yet
,
&
doe
follow
the
vulgar
Latin
,
which
hath
only
'
ou
,
that
is
non
,
not
,
the
difference
of
which
word
maketh
a
maine
diuersity
in
the
matter
if
yow
marke
it
well
,
for
if
the
true
text
be
nondum
,
I
will
not
yet
goe
vp
,
then
is
there
no
doubt
or
difficulty
at
all
of
the
sense
,
for
that
Christ
had
said
plainly
that
he
would
not
goe
vp
then
,
and
so
his
going
vp
afterward
had
byn
no
contradiction
any
way
to
his
former
speach
of
not
going
vp
,
as
heere
our
Maldonate
cited
by
Morton
doth
confesse
:
but
on
the
other
side
if
the
matter
were
so
plaine
by
reading
nondum
in
the
Greeke
,
why
doe
the
ancient
Fathers
labour
so
much
to
find
out
the
secret
meaning
,
and
reserued
sense
of
our
Sauiour
in
S.
Augustine
and
S.
Bede
after
much
search
,
doe
thinke
his
meaning
to
haue
byn
,
that
he
would
not
ascend
to
that
feast
with
a
humane
spirit
,
to
procure
worldly
honour
,
name
or
fame
,
as
his
brethren
exhorted
him
by
making
himselfe
knowne
,
and
admired
to
the
world
by
working
of
miracles
&c.
Strabus
&
other
expositours
doe
interpret
,
that
he
would
not
ascend
to
suffer
,
or
exhibite
his
passion
in
Ierusalem
at
this
feast
of
tabernacles
,
but
reserue
it
for
the
pasch
,
or
feast
of
Easter
,
according
to
the
appointment
of
his
Father
,
and
to
this
effect
said
,
tempus
meum
nondum
aduenit
,
my
time
is
not
yet
come
.
Eucherius
in
his
questions
vpon
this
〈◊〉
,
thinketh
that
our
Sauiour
meant
that
he
would
not
ascend
vp
to
the
first
day
of
the
feast
,
(
which
was
properly
called
the
festiuall
day
,
)
but
some
day
after
,
for
it
lasted
seauen
dayes
,
as
appeareth
Exod.
25.
Leuit.
23.
Deut.
16.
And
this
exposition
is
approued
in
like
manner
both
by
S.
Cyril
,
S.
Augustine
and
Ammonius
and
others
in
respect
of
those
wordes
of
the
Euangelist
vers.
14.
Iam
autem
die
festo
mediante
ascendit
Iesus
in
templum
;
Christ
ascended
to
the
Temple
the
feast
being
halfe
ended
:
albeit
this
being
spoken
of
his
going
vp
to
the
Temple
,
other
thinke
that
he
went
vp
to
the
citty
after
his
brethren
,
before
the
first
day
,
but
not
into
the
Temple
to
celebrate
the
feast
.
62.
Wherfore
seing
these
and
other
Fathers
doe
labour
so
much
to
find
out
the
meaning
of
Christ
in
Th.
Morton
,
that
very
many
Greeke
copies
had
it
so
in
former
times
,
&
haue
it
at
this
day
;
neither
doth
our
vulgar
translation
deny
or
dissemble
the
same
,
for
albeit
it
haue
non
,
&
not
nondum
;
yet
doth
it
expresly
signify
in
the
margent
,
that
diuers
manuscriptes
haue
nondum
,
and
so
doth
set
it
downe
for
varia
lectio
,
yea
the
Rhemes
English
Testament
it self
doth
expresse
that
translation
also
in
the
margent
,
I
will
not
goe
vp
yet
:
so
as
Mortons
scoffe
of
our
Thais
and
Helena
is
a
meere
calumniation
as
yow
see
,
and
worthy
of
a
man
of
his
profession
.
63.
Nor
doe
we
reiect
the
Greeke
text
any
where
,
when
with
more
probability
of
truth
it
may
be
admitted
,
as
heere
in
this
place
they
are
our
expositours
&
not
his
,
that
haue
taught
him
to
talke
of
'
óupoo
,
nondum
to
wit
,
Iansenius
,
Tolet
and
Maldonate
.
And
the
two
Thomas
Morton
translateth
,
I
will
not
ascend
in
the
future
,
which
the
Greeke
hath
not
.
And
againe
diuers
Greeke
textes
haue
not
at
all
these
wordes
,
I
doe
not
ascend
to
this
feast
,
according
to
Maldonate
and
Tolet
,
and
diuers
other
Greeke
textes
haue
the
word
nyn
(
nunc
)
added
,
that
is
,
I
will
not
ascend
now
,
both
which
notwithstanding
are
reiected
by
the
Protestants
themselues
:
all
which
being
so
,
yow
may
consider
of
the
wise
speach
of
T.
M.
in
this
place
:
We
will
not
(
saith
he
)
so
strictly
chalenge
our
right
in
this
equity
approued
by
all
antiquity
,
which
is
,
that
as
in
discerning
pure
water
,
rather
to
examine
it
by
the
fountaine
then
the
riuer
,
so
we
iudge
of
the
truth
of
textes
by
the
〈◊〉
rather
then
the
translation
64.
And
doe
yow
so
Sir
?
And
doe
we
contradict
this
?
Your
very
next
immediate
wordes
doe
cleare
vs
from
this
your
calumniation
,
for
it
followeth
in
your
speach
:
Your
Latin
text
(
say
yow
)
doth
sufficiently
betoken
the
same
sense
of
the
Greeke
,
(
not
yet
)
and
so
doe
two
of
the
principall
Doctors
of
your
Church
,
Tolet
,
and
Iansenius
paraphrase
.
And
is
it
so
?
how
then
are
we
so
blinded
with
the
loue
of
our
Thais
,
as
rather
to
snatch
at
any
meaning
,
then
take
that
which
is
meant
?
how
say
yow
that
our
Helena
,
the
Latin
translation
,
is
imbraced
by
vs
before
the
Greeke
,
if
our
Latin
doe
not
only
betoken
the
same
sense
of
the
Greeke
,
as
heere
yow
confesse
,
but
setteth
it
downe
so
as
varia
lectio
in
the
margent
,
as
before
hath
byn
shewed
;
yea
and
that
two
of
our
principall
Doctors
doe
follow
the
same
in
their
paraphrases
?
Is
not
this
to
accuse
and
defend
,
affirme
and
deny
,
and
to
speake
contraries
with
one
and
the
same
breath
?
65.
But
to
drawe
to
an
end
,
and
conclude
the
principall
point
of
this
controuersy
,
yow
see
how
Thomas
Morton
seeketh
to
auoid
the
force
of
this
place
,
where
Christ
denied
that
he
would
goe
vp
to
the
festiuall
day
,
and
yet
afterward
went
vp
,
by
this
only
euasion
,
that
very
many
Greeke
copies
haue
the
word
nondum
:
and
for
this
he
alleadgeth
the
testimony
of
our
Maldonate
in
his
Commentary
vpon
that
place
.
But
what
?
did
Maldonate
say
,
that
all
Greeke
copies
had
it
so
?
or
óupoo
,
nondum
was
not
in
the
old
copy
in
S.
Hieromes
time
,
and
before
,
when
our
vulgar
Latin
translation
was
set
forth
.
First
,
for
that
it
is
like
that
the
said
Latin
translation
would
aswell
haue
expressed
it
,
as
betoken
it
,
to
vse
Mortons
owne
phrase
,
and
put
it
in
the
margent
,
especially
for
so
much
as
the
sense
,
and
difficulty
of
Christes
meaning
,
should
haue
byn
made
〈◊〉
easy
therby
.
Secondly
for
that
diuers
Greeke
Fathers
as
Cyril
,
Euthymius
,
and
others
doe
not
read
'
oupoo
but
'
ou
,
non
and
not
nondum
,
which
is
a
token
that
those
Greeke
textes
of
the
Ghospell
,
which
they
vsed
in
their
dayes
had
it
as
our
Latin
hath
now
.
Thirdly
for
that
Beda
,
Strabus
,
Rupertus
and
all
other
Latin
Authors
whatsoeuer
,
not
any
one
excepted
in
Maldonats
iudgment
doe
read
non
and
not
nondum
,
who
notwithstanding
did
conferre
with
the
Greeke
Copies
of
their
time
,
and
especially
S.
Hierome
most
learned
in
all
languages
,
who
is
held
for
the
principall
Author
of
this
our
Latin
vulgar
translation
.
66.
Fourthly
all
the
Ancient
Fathers
before
named
both
Greeke
and
Latin
,
that
laboured
to
find
out
the
true
meaning
of
Christ
in
this
his
doubtfull
speach
,
S.
Hierome
that
Porphyrius
the
Apostata
in
his
most
spitefull
inuectiues
against
our
Sauiour
,
did
obiect
this
as
a
principall
contra
Pel.
place
to
discredit
him
withal
,
that
he
saying
he
would
not
goe
vp
to
that
feast
,
did
notwithstanding
goe
vp
afterward
,
which
he
being
a
most
learned
Grecian
,
and
vsing
all
the
Greeke
textes
of
that
time
,
for
his
Origen
,
Ammonius
,
Dionysius
Alexandrinus
and
others
,
all
within
three
hundred
yeares
after
Christ
,
who
no
doubt
would
haue
answered
Porphyrius
as
Thomas
Morton
doth
now
answere
vs
,
with
'
óupoo
,
if
there
had
byn
any
such
thing
in
the
Greeke
text
in
their
dayes
.
67.
And
finally
if
Christ
our
Sauiour
had
answered
his
brethren
,
I
will
not
yet
goe
vp
,
they
would
haue
asked
him
againe
,
when
he
would
go
,
&
would
haue
stayed
for
him
,
and
of
likelyhood
would
not
haue
departed
without
him
;
All
which
reasons
,
and
considerations
Thomas
Morton
passeth
ouer
and
dissembleth
,
&
is
full
glad
that
he
hath
a
hole
to
slipp
out
any
way
.
And
yet
to
shew
one
point
of
manhood
in
this
his
flight
,
he
taketh
vpon
him
to
answere
one
of
these
six
What
shall
we
then
say
(
saith
he
)
to
the
other
expositions
obiected
?
Only
this
;
that
whatsoeuer
exposition
they
vnderstand
,
they
did
thinke
that
the
same
was
as
well
vnderstood
of
the
Apostles
as
of
themselues
.
Heere
be
two
pointes
insinuated
,
if
you
consider
them
attentyuely
,
the
first
,
that
the
ancient
Fathers
did
suppose
,
that
whatsoeuer
Christs
meaning
was
in
these
wordes
to
his
brethren
(
whom
Mortö
calleth
heere
the
Apostles
)
they
did
(
the
said
kinsmen
of
our
Sauiour
)
vnderstand
the
same
aswell
then
,
to
wit
before
the
ghospell
was
written
,
and
before
the
holy
ghost
was
giuen
,
as
the
said
Christian
Fathers
and
learned
Doctors
did
afterward
by
the
learning
,
and
light
they
had
from
the
spirit
and
tradition
of
the
Church
:
which
proposition
if
he
were
put
to
proue
in
the
presence
of
learned
men
,
I
doubt
not
but
that
he
would
quickly
be
in
a
poore
and
pittifull
plight
.
68.
The
second
thing
which
by
this
his
answere
he
would
haue
vs
vnderstand
is
,
that
if
these
brethren
or
kinsmen
of
Christ
,
did
any
way
conceaue
our
Sauiours
meaning
,
then
was
there
no
reseruation
at
all
,
for
that
as
he
saith
,
our
ioyned
reseruation
is
alwayes
supposed
to
be
a
clause
concealed
,
and
not
vnderstood
.
But
this
is
a
greater
foolery
then
the
first
,
for
that
there
may
be
a
reseruation
in
the
speakers
mynd
,
though
vnderstood
to
some
of
the
heares
.
As
for
example
in
our
proposition
being
demaunded
,
whether
I
be
a
priest
,
and
I
say
no
,
reseruing
to
my selfe
,
as
often
before
hath
byn
declared
,
that
I
am
no
such
,
or
such
priest
,
as
I
ought
to
vtter
Therfore
〈◊〉
all
these
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
there
〈◊〉
not
the
least
haire
of
your
fox
〈◊〉
of
〈◊〉
:
Scriptures
forsake
you
,
or
rather
you
them
,
now
will
you
haue
recourse
vnto
Fathers
?
69.
But
whether
Scriptures
haue
forsaken
him
,
or
vs
in
this
conflict
,
or
whether
the
Fathers
expositions
haue
stood
with
his
,
or
our
cause
,
the
reader
I
suppose
hath
sufficiently
seene
:
nor
is
it
needfull
for
vs
,
to
make
any
further
recourse
vnto
Fathers
,
hauing
shewed
them
to
stand
fully
for
vs
in
allowing
reserued
mixt
propositions
,
which
of
necessity
do
make
ambiguity
,
and
equiuocation
euen
in
Christes
owne
speaches
,
as
hath
bene
declared
:
Which
if
Mortons
vncircumcised
mouth
will
call
also
fox-tayles
we
may
well
be
contented
to
beare
such
a
Ministeriall
scoffe
in
so
good
a
cause
and
company
.
And
finally
what
this
man
esteemeth
of
holy
Fathers
when
they
make
against
him
,
is
easely
seene
by
that
he
saith
in
the
next
Chapter
after
,
where
hauing
cyted
out
of
the
former
Catholicke
Treatise
,
the
saying
of
S.
Gregorie
the
that
if
an
Author
must
be
sought
for
a
lye
,
it
was
most
likely
he
should
be
a
Pope
,
he
maketh
this
conclusion
:
I
dare
boldly
conclude
(
saith
he
)
that
though
S.
Gregorie
,
or
a
thousand
of
Saincts
;
yea
〈◊〉
celestiall
Gabriel
,
or
any
Angell
from
heauen
should
teach
,
and
authorize
such
a
Doctrine
as
this
,
we
may
from
the
word
of
God
pronounce
him
Anathema
.
So
he
.
70.
And
he
concludeth
boldly
in
deed
,
but
who
more
bold
then
blynd
Bayard
(
as
the
prouerbe
saith
)
he
may
as
well
pronounce
Anathema
and
curse
,
not
only
vpon
Saincts
and
Angels
,
but
vpon
the
Sonne
of
God
himselfe
,
as
by
this
time
his
discreete
Reader
hath
seene
and
considered
.
And
can
there
be
any
more
blind
boldnes
then
this
?
Is
he
not
ashamed
of
this
so
shamefull
ouersight
?
doth
he
not
remember
what
he
not
one
iota
in
all
Scripture
,
not
one
example
in
all
antiquity
,
not
one
shaddow
of
reason
in
all
the
wit
of
man
can
be
brought
for
any
colour
of
Equiuocation
?
I
wil
not
pretermitt
his
very
last
wordes
immediatly
following
,
wherwith
he
concludeth
his
twelueth
Chapter
,
for
that
that
we
haue
wrested
your
weapons
out
of
your
handes
(
by
answering
Scriptures
and
Fathers
as
before
he
hath
answered
)
it
wil
be
easie
to
pearce
you
euen
with
〈◊〉
,
the
bluntest
kind
of
arguments
that
are
:
And
then
he
followeth
on
in
the
next
Chapter
to
pearce
vs
with
signes
,
coynes
,
Giges
ringes
,
and
other
like
toyes
:
but
we
,
as
you
haue
seene
haue
pearced
him
in
the
meane
pace
with
substantiall
arguments
of
truth
her selfe
,
out
of
both
Scriptures
and
Fathers
,
and
shall
do
yet
more
in
the
ensuing
paragraph
,
leauing
him
now
to
his
similitudes
,
signes
,
coynes
,
Giges
ringes
,
and
other
such
like
iugling
wordes
,
and
instruments
fitt
for
a
man
of
his
disposition
.
THE
FOVRTH
AND
LAST
POINT
OF
THIS
CHAPTER
About
Scriptures
,
and
Fathers
That
defended
Equiuocation
from
the
name
and
nature
of
Deceipt
and
fallacy
:
WITH
Some
other
proofes
out
of
common
Reason
&c.
§.
4.
71.
I
May
be
very
breifin
this
,
for
that
I
haue
handled
the
same
argument
in
the
later
end
of
the
former
Chapter
,
and
in
this
I
haue
byn
longer
then
S.
Augustines
defynition
before
set
downe
,
two
thinges
are
to
be
required
to
a
ly
,
first
to
vtter
that
with
is
false
and
disagreeing
from
the
vnderstanding
of
the
speaker
;
the
other
that
there
be
intention
to
deceaue
;
the
first
,
of
falsitie
,
hath
byn
largly
proued
not
to
be
found
in
our
reserued
proposition
,
I
am
no
priest
,
for
that
the
speaker
hath
a
true
meaning
in
his
sense
:
Now
must
we
handle
the
second
about
deceit
,
of
which
we
haue
said
〈◊〉
,
that
neither
this
clause
of
the
definition
of
lying
is
found
in
the
said
proposition
,
for
that
the
Answerers
first
&
principall
intent
is
not
to
deceaue
the
demaunder
to
his
hurt
,
but
to
deliuer
himselfe
by
concealing
a
truth
only
,
which
truth
he
is
not
bound
to
vtter
,
&
this
in
effect
is
to
permit
the
other
to
be
deceaued
,
and
not
properly
to
deceaue
,
or
to
haue
intention
or
cupidity
of
deceauing
,
as
S.
Augustines
wordes
are
.
72.
And
for
that
I
promised
in
the
former
paragraph
S.
Lukes
Ghospell
,
when
he
went
with
his
two
disciples
to
the
Castle
of
Emaus
,
which
by
the
Euangelist
it
set
downe
in
these
words
:
Iesus
autem
finxit
se
longiùs
ire
,
Ie
Thomas
Morton
himself
.
73.
Est
mendacium
(
saith
he
)
secundum
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
nem
&c.
Aly
according
to
S.
Augustines
definition
,
is
a
false
signification
,
with
a
will
to
deceaue
;
wherfore
as
it
is
no
lye
or
fallacy
at
all
,
when
a
man
speaketh
that
which
in
his
owne
sense
is
true
,
though
it
be
false
in
the
sense
which
the
hearer
conceiueth
,
so
that
the
speaker
doe
not
vtter
those
ambiguous
words
with
intention
to
deceaue
another
,
but
only
to
conceale
S.
Paul
in
a
certaine
manner
,
did
feigne
himself
to
be
an
obseruer
of
the
Iewish
Law
,
when
he
did
circumcise
Tymothy
,
and
did
beare
himself
as
a
Iew
with
74.
This
is
the
discourse
of
this
learned
Bishop
,
for
defending
our
Sauiours
deed
from
reprehensible
fiction
and
dissimulation
;
to
wit
,
that
his
first
and
principall
intention
was
not
(
as
neither
that
of
S.
Paul
)
to
deceaue
his
hearers
,
albeit
that
did
follow
consequently
vpon
their
facts
,
that
is
to
say
,
that
the
other
were
deceaued
.
And
the
very
same
falleth
out
in
our
case
,
S.
Augustine
,
and
all
other
Deuynes
iudgment
.
And
to
75.
It
remayneth
then
most
certain
among
deuynes
,
S.
Augustine
in
the
definition
of
lying
,
animus
fallendi
,
intention
to
deceaue
,
doth
not
include
〈◊〉
,
when
one
permitteth
another
to
be
deceaued
;
nor
yet
the
clause
set
downe
by
diuers
Authors
in
the
definition
76.
And
for
proof
of
this
doe
our
deuynes
cite
many
places
,
and
examples
out
of
holy
writ
,
besides
those
already
alledged
,
wherby
is
shewed
,
that
Almighty
God
,
of
whome
otherwise
all
Catholicks
hold
,
as
an
article
of
faith
,
that
he
is
not
able
by
any
power
of
his
Veruntamen
propter
dolos
posuisti
eis
;
Thou
hast
giuen
77.
Yea
oftentimes
God
goeth
so
farre
in
this
permission
,
and
the
Scripture
〈◊〉
the
same
in
such
effectuall
wordes
,
as
it
may
seeme
at
the
first
sight
,
that
God
doth
not
only
permit
men
to
be
blynded
,
and
mistake
,
&
be
deceaued
;
but
rather
that
he
doth
it
actiuely
&
positiuely
himself
,
to
which
effect
sound
those
wordes
of
the
Gospell
:
Tenebantar
oculi
〈◊〉
,
ne
eum
〈◊〉
;
There
eyes
were
held
to
the
end
they
should
not
know
him
.
And
that
of
Iob
speaking
of
Almighty
God
,
Qui
immutat
cor
Principum
〈◊〉
terrae
,
&
78.
And
the
very
same
is
to
be
vnderstood
in
many
other
places
of
Scripture
,
as
that
of
Isay
;
Quare
errare
〈◊〉
nos
Domine
de
viis
tuis
?
why
hast
thou
made
vs
:
(
o
Lord
)
to
erre
from
thy
wayes
?
And
that
of
Ezechiel
,
S.
Paul
to
the
Romans
,
speaking
of
the
old
heathen
Philosophers
;
Tradidit
illos
Deus
in
reprobum
sensum
,
vt
faciant
ea
quae
non
〈◊〉
:
God
hath
deliuered
them
ouer
into
a
reprobate
sense
,
that
they
may
doe
these
thinges
that
are
not
conuenient
.
All
which
places
,
according
to
the
interpretations
of
holy
[
*
](A09111-e61660-b)
*
See
S.
Hier.
epist.
ad
Helio
.
quaest.
10.
S.
Gregor.
li.
13.
moral
.
cap.
16.
Fathers
,
and
Doctors
of
the
Catholicke
Church
(
which
were
ouer
long
to
recite
in
this
place
)
are
to
be
vnderstood
that
God
doth
permit
men
to
be
deceaued
,
and
to
be
deliuered
ouer
into
a
reprobate
sense
for
their
sinnes
,
and
so
,
as
a
great
Deuine
of
our
time
doth
obserue
,
it
is
not
only
S.
Paul
,
concerning
the
old
Philosophers
,
saying
,
propter
quod
tradidit
illos
Deus
in
reprobum
sensum
,
for
which
God
deliuered
them
ouer
into
a
reprobate
for
which
,
saith
this
deuine
?
S.
Paul
himself
doth
expound
it
,
when
he
saith
a
little
before
,
Quia
cùm
〈◊〉
Deum
,
non
sicut
Deum
glorificauerunt
,
for
that
wheras
they
knew
him
to
be
God
,
they
did
not
glorifie
him
as
God
:
this
then
(
saith
79.
Out
of
which
obseruation
is
made
euident
,
that
the
more
fault
the
party
deceaued
is
in
,
the
more
iustly
he
is
permitted
to
be
blynded
,
&
deceaued
,
and
if
it
be
lawfull
for
a
good
end
to
suffer
any
to
erre
or
be
deceaued
so
we
vtter
no
ly
or
falshood
of
our
part
,
but
rather
speake
a
truth
in
our
owne
meaning
(
as
out
of
the
former
Doctrine
of
Iansenius
,
which
is
the
common
Doctrine
of
all
Catholickes
,
and
out
of
diuers
sayinges
of
Christ
himself
,
and
his
Apostles
hath
byn
declared
:
)
how
much
more
is
it
lawful
for
a
mans
owne
necessary
defense
to
vse
the
same
;
when
iuiustice
,
violence
,
or
iniury
is
offred
as
before
hath
byn
declared
?
80.
And
truly
this
matter
is
so
cleer
euen
by
the
instinct
of
nature
it self
,
that
God
hath
left
some
refuge
in
reason
for
a
man
to
declyne
lawfully
such
an
assault
,
when
it
falleth
vpon
him
,
as
to
deny
this
,
is
to
deny
common
sense
and
feeling
of
all
men
.
For
who
is
there
of
any
meane
wit
or
capacitie
,
that
being
asked
of
a
secret
which
he
would
not
vtter
,
and
pressed
so
as
he
must
either
incurre
great
inconuenience
by
vttering
,
or
make
a
lye
by
denying
(
which
lye
euery
good
mynd
by
nature
hateth
,
as
both
Aristotle
and
S.
Augustine
doe
confesse
:
)
who
is
there
(
I
say
)
that
naturally
doth
not
seeke
out
some
euasion
,
by
answering
81.
And
I
would
in
this
point
aske
my
Aduersary
Thomas
Morton
this
case
,
that
if
a
great
man
in
England
whose
fauour
he
much
desireth
and
esteemeth
,
and
yet
would
be
loth
to
lend
him
money
for
that
he
knew
him
to
spend
much
,
and
not
to
hold
payment
of
his
debtes
to
be
necessary
to
saluation
,
if
:
this
great
man
(
I
say
)
demanded
him
whether
he
had
fyue
hundred
poundes
to
lend
him
,
&
supposing
that
Pliny
,
Solinus
,
Cicero
,
and
many
other
Authors
doe
recount
of
them
,
as
the
Hare
and
Fox
,
by
leaps
,
turninges
,
and
82.
And
for
somuch
as
the
vse
of
reason
and
wit
is
the
cheif
armour
and
weapon
of
mankynde
,
there
can
be
no
doubt
,
but
that
a
man
may
euen
by
Law
of
nature
it self
,
extend
the
same
to
all
wayes
of
defence
:
that
may
be
,
without
offence
of
Gods
law
,
and
therfore
seeing
that
we
haue
shewed
before
,
that
doubfull
or
amphibologicall
speech
that
hath
a
true
meaning
in
the
speakers
vnderstanding
and
is
vsed
by
him
not
to
deceaue
or
hurt
,
but
to
defend
himself
,
is
noly
,
or
:
falshood
at
all
,
and
consequently
is
lawfull
;
it
cannot
be
reprehensible
in
iust
occasions
to
vse
the
same
.
And
I
say
in
iust
occasions
,
according
to
the
explications
therof
before
set
downe
,
which
afterwards
in
like
83.
Now
then
to
retourne
to
our
example
of
Thomas
Morton
and
his
fyue
hundred
pounds
,
I
do
not
doubt
but
that
he
would
answere
the
Noble
man
,
that
he
had
them
not
,
though
they
lay
in
his
chest
,
vnderstanding
by
force
of
equiuocation
(
though
neuer
somuch
detested
by
his
soule
as
he
saith
)
that
he
had
them
not
to
lend
him
,
or
not
in
his
purse
,
or
not
so
,
as
he
could
spare
them
,
or
some
other
like
reseruation
,
which
we
say
that
without
a
lye
he
might
vse
.
And
I
doubt
not
but
that
either
with
a
lye
or
without
a
ly
he
would
practice
it
,
if
I
be
not
deceaued
in
my
opinion
of
his
wisdome
,
and
conscience
in
that
behalf
.
84.
The
like
case
might
be
proposed
of
his
wyfe
(
if
he
haue
any
)
or
of
any
other
married
woman
who
being
demaunded
by
her
iealous
husband
,
whether
M.
Morton
counsell
her
to
doe
in
this
case
,
if
yow
〈◊〉
her
Ghostly
Father
?
to
ly
you
may
not
aduise
her
,
according
to
S.
Augustine
before
recited
;
no
not
for
the
sauing
of
her
owne
life
,
or
of
any
other
:
to
destroy
or
disgrace
herself
by
her
owne
confession
,
when
the
cryme
is
secret
,
nor
any
witnes
or
other
proofes
extant
,
were
hard
to
counsell
her
,
and
against
equity
:
if
then
without
making
a
ly
she
might
escape
and
deliuer
her self
by
vsing
some
equiuocation
of
words
,
will
you
call
it
heathenish
,
〈◊〉
,
&
a
monstrous
hydra
?
But
I
do
hope
by
this
time
that
yow
are
somwhat
calmed
in
your
former
heates
against
this
doctrine
,
and
therfore
I
will
vrge
no
further
your
outragious
tearmes
against
the
same
,
but
nowe
shall
passe
to
set
downe
the
particuler
cases
,
wherin
our
Doctors
do
hold
that
some
equiuocation
or
amphibologie
of
words
may
be
lawfully
vsed
without
ly
or
other
offence
.
OF
CERTAINE
PARTICVLER
CASES
,
AND
OCCASIONS
,
Wherin
it
may
be
lawfull
to
vse
the
manner
of
Equiuocation
,
or
Amphybology
before
set
downe
,
either
in
speach
or
oath
:
With
the
reasons
therof
.
CHAP.
X.
HYtherto
haue
we
treated
of
Amphibologie
,
and
Equiuocation
in
generall
,
to
wit
,
what
their
nature
is
,
how
different
from
lying
,
&
consequently
that
in
some
causes
,
and
occurrent
occasions
they
may
be
lawfull
,
and
vsed
by
good
men
without
sinne
,
or
offence
,
and
so
haue
byn
by
〈◊〉
&
holy
persons
,
yea
often
by
the
holy
Ghost
himselfe
,
as
before
largely
hath
byn
declared
.
Now
then
for
more
perspicuitie
it
remayneth
that
we
lay
forth
breifely
some
particuler
,
and
principall
cases
,
wherin
the
said
vse
of
Amphibologie
or
Equiuocation
by
learned
Catholick
Deuynes
is
admitted
and
allowed
;
which
we
shall
do
with
the
greatest
breuitie
,
and
perspicuity
that
we
may
,
considering
the
great
variety
of
Authors
,
matters
,
and
opinions
,
that
vpon
such
Cases
doe
arise
:
the
seueral
explication
wherof
would
require
a
great
volume
.
But
it
shall
be
sufficient
for
the
iudicious
Reader
to
vnderstand
,
that
as
in
all
other
humaine
,
and
morall
matters
,
there
may
be
and
is
commonly
difference
of
opinions
,
how
this
or
that
ought
to
be
done
or
practised
,
though
they
agree
in
the
Doctrine
:
so
heere
also
when
and
how
,
and
in
what
wordes
,
and
what
forme
os
speach
a
man
may
iustlie
vse
Amphibologie
or
Equiuocation
,
for
couering
of
Secrets
that
are
not
conuenient
to
be
vttered
,
all
doe
not
agree
,
but
haue
their
different
iudgements
,
though
in
the
principall
they
doe
all
concurre
that
in
some
cases
the
said
Amphibologie
or
equiuocation
may
be
lawfully
vsed
without
lying
,
or
other
sinne
:
of
which
Cases
we
shall
heere
recite
some
principall
.
The
first
case
about
the
secret
of
Confession
.
§.
1.
2.
THE
first
and
most
generall
case
,
wherein
[
*
](A09111-e62140-b)
*
D
Thom.
in
4.
d.
21.
q.
3.
&
2.
2.
q.
70.
art.
1.
ad
2.
Caiet.
ibi
.
in
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
ib.
concl
.
5.
Arag
.
ib.
in
solut.
ad
arg.
2.
S.
T.
Palu.
4.
d.
21.
q.
3.
ar.
1
〈◊〉
.
1.
&
ar.
3.
concl
.
1
Scot.
ibi
.
2.
all
Schole
Doctors
without
exception
do
agree
that
such
Equiuocation
may
be
vsed
,
is
in
matters
appertayning
to
the
seale
of
Sacramentall
Confession
,
to
wit
,
if
a
Confessour
or
Priest
that
hath
heard
an
other
mans
confession
,
should
be
demaunded
whether
such
a
one
had
confessed
such
a
syn
vnto
him
or
not
,
though
no
wayes
,
nor
vpon
any
consideration
whatsoeuer
he
may
tell
a
lie
,
according
to
our
former
Doctrine
;
yet
may
he
not
only
say
,
nescio
,
I
know
nothing
,
but
answere
directly
,
that
he
hath
not
confessed
any
such
thing
vnto
him
,
albeit
he
had
so
done
;
and
that
the
said
Confessour
may
not
say
,
but
sweare
also
this
answere
of
his
,
vnderstanding
&
reseruing
in
his
mynd
,
that
the
penitent
hath
not
confessed
the
same
vnto
him
so
as
he
may
vtter
it
.
The
reason
of
which
answer
,
de
ista
qu.
concl
.
1.
&
2.
Ant.
p.
2.
ti.
l.
c.
19.
§.
7.
in
fi.
Sot
.
li.
5
de
iust
.
q.
7
ar.
1.
ad
1.
&
in
rel
.
de
tegen
.
secreto
.
albeit
diuers
Authors
do
diuersly
explicate
,
as
that
this
was
confessed
to
him
,
not
as
to
man
,
but
vnto
God
,
or
as
to
Gods
substitute
in
the
tribunall
of
Confession
,
and
the
like
:
wherin
I
remit
the
Reader
to
Dominicus
Sotus
,
a
learned
Deuine
,
and
to
Doctor
Nauar
no
lesse
renowned
lawyer
,
who
handle
the
matter
at
large
in
seueral
Treatises
;
yet
both
they
,
and
all
other
Deuines
and
lawyers
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
do
hold
that
in
this
case
[
*
](A09111-e62480-b)
*
lib.
5.
c.
66.
Tolet
)
were
to
be
suffered
by
him
,
yet
might
he
not
vtter
the
same
.
And
further
if
the
Case
should
fall
out
that
he
could
not
confesse
his
owne
sinnes
,
without
giuing
some
particuler
,
and
personall
suspicion
of
the
other
vnto
his
confessour
,
he
were
bound
vnder
sinne
to
pretermit
his
owne
confession
,
vntill
he
found
another
Confessour
,
vnto
whome
without
this
perill
he
might
be
confessed
.
3.
Which
sacred
and
inuiolable
seale
of
this
Sacramentall
secrecy
being
considered
,
and
that
Amphibologicall
and
Equiuocall
speach
with
a
true
reseruation
of
mynd
is
no
lye
at
all
,
as
in
the
precedent
Chapters
hath
byn
largely
proued
,
it
is
inferred
that
a
Confessour
in
this
case
,
is
not
only
allowed
to
vse
the
same
prudently
,
when
need
is
,
for
couering
of
the
said
secrecy
,
but
is
bound
also
in
conscience
thervnto
,
vnder
greiuous
sinne
,
when
by
no
other
meanes
of
silence
,
diuersion
,
or
euasion
the
said
secrecy
can
be
concealed
.
4.
And
in
this
al
Schole-Deuines
whatsoeuer
do
agree
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
and
namely
all
those
whome
before
we
haue
mentioned
in
the
precedent
Chapter
,
and
first
point
therof
;
and
among
other
M.
Mortons
Genesius
in
like
manner
is
with
vs
,
&
against
him
,
whom
he
hath
picked
out
as
singular
and
single
among
all
Catholicke
writers
in
this
behalfe
,
denying
the
lawfulnes
of
Equiuocation
in
sundry
other
Cases
,
but
in
this
granting
and
auouching
the
same
with
great
asseueration
of
the
Church
)
as
by
no
denyall
of
sinnes
so
knowne
in
confession
(
so
it
be
prudently
done
,
and
vpon
compulsion
)
can
there
be
either
periury
,
or
lying
,
both
in
regard
of
the
Maiesty
5.
One
only
Case
there
is
,
wherin
all
the
said
Deuines
agree
that
a
Confessor
may
vtter
any
Cryme
Vnus
est
solus
casus
(
saith
Tolet
)
in
quo
Confessarius
potest
alteri
manifestare
peccatum
Confessionis
.
&c.
One
only
case
there
is
,
in
which
the
Confessor
S.
Thomas
,
&
other
Schoole
Deuines
,
with
the
concurrence
,
and
consent
&
qui
〈◊〉
casu
reuelat
,
grauissimè
peccat
〈◊〉
(
saith
Tolet
:
)
and
whosoeuer
in
any
other
case
And
if
further
(
saith
he
)
any
wicked
Iudge
should
compell
him
to
reueale
the
same
vnder
an
oath
,
he
may
〈◊〉
,
that
he
knoweth
no
such
sinne
,
though
he
know
it
indeed
,
but
yet
knoweth
it
not
so
as
he
may
reueale
it
.
And
this
is
the
common
Doctryne
of
all
,
disputed
more
at
large
by
the
Reuerend
and
learned
man
Dominicus
Sotus
the
Emperour
Charles
his
Confessor
,
in
a
speciall
Treatise
called
,
[
*
](A09111-e62740-b)
*
〈◊〉
omnis
vtriusque
sexus
de
〈◊〉
.
&
rem
ssione
.
Relectio
de
tegendo
〈◊〉
:
A
Relection
about
couering
secrets
;
wherin
he
sheweth
how
farre
a
man
may
disclose
them
,
and
what
obligation
he
hath
of
conscience
to
conceale
them
,
in
euery
sorte
or
kind
.
And
thus
much
breifly
for
this
first
case
.
The
second
case
about
Secretes
of
the
Common
welth
.
§.
2.
6.
THE
second
Case
that
for
obligation
of
secrecy
commeth
next
to
this
first
,
though
in
a
different
degree
,
is
,
when
Magistrates
,
and
such
as
haue
gouernement
in
the
Common
wealth
,
as
Senatours
,
Councellours
,
Gouernours
Secretaries
,
Notaries
,
and
〈◊〉
like
,
and
con
equently
do
know
the
secrets
therof
,
〈◊〉
pressed
to
vtter
them
,
which
they
may
not
do
in
matters
of
moment
,
and
that
may
turne
to
the
preiudice
of
the
said
〈◊〉
wealth
,
or
of
any
particuler
man
,
if
the
businesse
be
of
great
weight
,
and
handled
secretly
by
the
Common
wealth
,
for
any
cause
or
peril
whatsoeuer
;
yea
though
their
liues
should
go
therin
,
for
that
they
are
more
bound
by
reason
of
their
offices
to
the
reseruation
of
publicke
secrets
,
both
by
law
of
nature
,
humane
&
diuine
,
then
priuate
men
are
:
though
as
Dominicus
Sotus
in
his
foresaid
booke
.
De
tegendo
Secreto
vt
merita
causae
prodat
,
to
vtter
the
merites
or
secrets
of
the
cause
,
debet
potius
gladio
succumbere
,
quam
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
He
ought
rather
to
suffer
himselfe
to
be
slayne
by
the
sword
,
then
to
breake
his
faith
by
vttering
that
secret
:
but
much
greater
,
&
more
greiuous
sinne
it
should
be
to
vtter
the
same
for
money
or
bribery
,
hatred
,
malice
,
or
other
like
cause
.
Et
idem
crediderim
(
saith
he
)
de
Scribis
,
quorum
fidei
causae
graues
committuntur
:
and
the
same
I
would
thinke
of
Notaryes
,
Scribes
,
or
Secretaries
,
to
whose
faith
weightie
matters
are
committed
.
7.
And
finally
the
said
Author
hauing
handled
in
the
first
part
of
his
said
learned
booke
,
the
great
obligation
that
man
hath
by
law
,
both
of
faith
,
iustice
,
equitie
,
and
charitie
to
conceale
secrets
,
he
putteth
these
degrees
therof
:
In
primo
gradu
(
saith
he
)
est
secretum
8.
Wherfore
seing
the
obligation
not
only
of
concealing
to
know
the
same
,
with
this
or
like
true
reseruation
of
mynd
,
so
as
they
are
bound
,
or
may
vtter
the
same
vnto
him
,
that
vnlawfully
demaundeth
.
&c.
9.
And
for
that
this
case
as
hath
byn
said
,
is
for
the
most
parte
included
,
&
handled
againe
in
that
which
ensueth
,
we
shall
heere
treate
the
same
no
further
,
nor
cite
more
Authors
about
the
determination
therof
,
for
that
those
arguments
and
authorities
that
determine
the
one
,
do
decyde
also
the
other
.
The
third
case
about
any
Party
accused
or
called
in
Question
.
§.
3.
10.
THE
third
Case
considerable
in
this
place
,
is
de
Reo
,
of
the
partie
accused
,
or
called
in
question
in
iudgement
,
what
or
how
he
is
bound
to
answere
vnto
crymes
laid
against
him
,
or
to
interrogatoryes
proposed
.
About
which
point
,
first
all
the
foresaid
[
*
](A09111-e63090-b)
*
See
D.
〈◊〉
.
2.
2
q.
69
in
corp
〈◊〉
.
i.
id
.
〈◊〉
2.
ration
.
Set.
de
tegen
secr.
〈◊〉
2
q.
2.
&
latius
〈◊〉
.
7.
q.
1.
&
2
&
5.
lib.
de
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
6
art.
2.
〈◊〉
.
2.
Cordu
.
lib.
1
q.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
du
3
Nau
〈◊〉
.
25.
Sum
lat
n.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
scip
in
d
ca.
interverb
.
n.
725.
Et
reuera
ita
tenet
&
n.
814.
&
nu.
822.
Couar
.
in
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
23.
n.
5
Ga.
br.
in
4
d
15
g.
6
a.
2
con.
6
R
sel.
v.
〈◊〉
.
paragr.
1.
Palud
.
in
4.
d.
19.
q.
4.
n.
7.
Henriq
.
guodl
.
1
q.
33.
ex
Iuri
〈◊〉
.
Grego
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
7.
tit.
29.
l.
4.
At
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
quod
dicitur
〈◊〉
q
2
〈◊〉
inl
.
Marcel
lus
.
ff.
de
actionib
.
rerum
amotatum
〈◊〉
.
de
paenitentib
.
parag.
7.
〈◊〉
.
19.
Roder.
Suar.
l.
〈◊〉
.
ti
.
12.
de
las
iuras
.
lib.
2
〈◊〉
um
.
Ant.
Gom.
to
.
3.
var.
re
sol
c.
12
n.
15
Bernat
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
6.
118.
〈◊〉
.
in
sum
.
lib.
1
6.
14.
nu.
35
Schoole-Deuine
,
lawyers
,
and
others
do
agree
with
one
consent
,
that
euery
such
partie
is
bound
vnder
paine
of
mortall
sinne
,
to
answere
directly
,
truly
,
and
plainly
,
according
to
the
mind
,
and
intention
of
the
demaunder
,
and
not
to
his
owne
,
and
to
confesse
the
truth
without
art
,
euasion
,
Equiuocation
,
or
other
shift
or
declination
,
when
soeuer
the
demaunder
is
his
lawfull
Iudge
in
that
matter
,
and
proceedeth
lawfully
,
that
is
to
say
,
according
to
forme
of
lawe
,
and
equitie
therin
.
And
if
the
said
accused
,
or
defendant
either
by
wilfull
holding
his
peace
,
or
by
denying
the
truth
,
or
by
deluding
the
Iudge
do
refuge
to
do
this
,
he
sinneth
greuously
therin
.
Neither
may
his
ghostly
Father
absolue
him
in
confession
from
this
,
or
any
other
sinnes
,
vntill
he
yeeld
to
performe
his
dutie
in
this
behalfe
,
though
it
should
be
to
the
euident
perill
,
and
losse
of
his
life
by
confessing
the
Cryme
.
And
this
do
the
foresaid
Authors
S.
Thomas
,
and
others
proue
cleerly
,
first
out
of
the
Scriptures
,
as
where
it
is
said
Eccles.
4.
Pro
anima
tua
ne
confundaris
dicere
verum
,
be
not
ashamed
to
speake
the
truth
though
thy
life
lye
theron
,
(
which
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
when
a
lawfull
Iudge
or
Superiour
doth
lawfully
demaund
it
:
)
and
Iosue
also
Cap.
7.
when
by
Gods
direction
he
〈◊〉
Achan
the
sonne
of
Charmi
,
about
the
thinges
he
had
〈◊〉
,
vsed
this
phrase
,
Dagloriam
Deo
,
&
confitere
,
giue
the
glory
to
God
,
&
confesse
the
truth
,
wherby
is
inferred
that
he
taketh
Gods
glory
from
him
,
and
:
sinneth
grieuously
that
refuseth
to
consesse
the
truth
to
a
lawfull
Magistrate
,
proceeding
lawfully
against
him
,
for
that
the
Magistrate
is
in
the
place
of
Almighty
God
,
and
he
that
resisteth
him
in
his
lawfull
office
,
resisteth
Gods
power
and
ordination
,
&
incurreth
damnation
therby
,
as
S.
Paul
Rom.
〈◊〉
.
auoucheth
.
And
for
so
much
as
the
inquiring
out
,
and
punishing
of
malefactors
is
one
of
the
chiefe
,
and
principall
partes
of
the
Magistrates
office
,
for
conseruation
of
the
Common
wealth
,
both
temporall
and
spirituall
,
to
resiste
,
deceaue
,
delude
,
or
contemne
the
Iudge
,
or
Magistrates
authority
in
this
so
principall
a
point
therof
,
must
needs
be
a
great
and
grieuous
mortall
sinne
,
except
as
some
Doctors
do
note
,
the
smalnes
or
lightnes
of
the
matter
obiected
should
be
such
as
might
mitigate
the
greiuousnes
of
the
same
.
And
this
is
the
seuerity
of
Catholicke
Doctrine
for
answering
directly
,
obediently
,
and
truly
to
lawfull
Iudges
proceeding
lawfully
.
11.
But
now
when
the
Iudge
is
not
lawfull
,
or
not
competent
at
least
in
that
cause
,
or
proceedeth
not
lawfully
;
then
all
these
foresaid
obligations
do
cease
in
the
defendant
.
As
for
example
,
if
in
France
,
Spayne
,
or
Italy
,
a
great
man
that
is
no
Iudge
,
nor
hath
authority
from
the
Prince
,
Prelate
,
or
common
wealth
,
should
take
vpon
him
to
examine
any
party
of
crymes
without
commission
,
or
other
power
,
or
being
a
lay
Iudge
should
examine
priests
of
Ecclesiasticall
matters
,
who
both
by
diuine
and
humane
law
according
to
Catholicke
Doctrine
are
exempted
from
lay
mens
iurisdiction
,
(
as
largely
hath
byn
proued
of
late
in
an
Answere
against
Sir
Edward
Cookes
fifth
Part
of
Reportes
,
S.
Thomas
,
but
yet
so
,
as
he
do
not
lye
,
Potest
vel
per
appellationem
(
saith
he
)
vel
aliter
licitè
subterfugere
;
mendacium
tamen
dicere
non
licet
.
He
may
either
by
appellation
,
or
otherwise
lawfully
seeke
some
euasion
;
but
yet
so
as
he
vtter
no
lye
.
12.
And
hitherto
now
in
this
point
all
the
former
Authors
do
agree
without
discrepancy
,
that
the
defendant
being
thus
vninstly
pressed
,
may
vse
all
lawfull
meanes
to
auoyd
the
iniury
offered
him
:
and
Dominicus
Sotus
that
is
the
most
scrupulous
in
this
matter
,
13.
And
thus
farre
also
doth
concurre
Genesius
Sepulueda
,
whome
Thomas
Morton
hath
chosen
out
for
some
helpe
in
this
matter
;
who
though
in
some
particuler
pointes
,
he
dissent
from
the
rest
,
as
presently
shall
be
shewed
;
yet
in
this
he
agreeth
.
For
thus
he
writeth
:
〈◊〉
Theologi
ac
Iurisperiti
consentiunt
,
neque
reum
in
sua
,
nec
Both
Deuines
and
lawyers
do
generally
agree
in
this
point
,
that
neither
the
defendant
in
his
owne
cause
,
nor
a
witnes
in
another
mans
,
being
examined
of
a
secret
cryme
,
is
bound
to
confesse
or
testifye
the
truth
,
no
,
though
they
haue
taken
an
oath
first
to
vtter
the
truth
.
So
he
of
the
Generall
eōsent
14.
But
now
in
particuler
what
manner
,
or
forme
of
wordes
may
be
vsed
by
the
defendant
for
auoyding
the
iniury
offred
him
,
and
deluding
the
vniust
Iudge
,
is
not
so
generally
agreed
of
among
all
men
.
For
this
S.
Iohn
could
truly
haue
denyed
himself
to
be
a
Prophet
,
nor
Christ
himselfe
to
be
our
Iudge
in
the
sense
they
did
;
for
that
they
were
truly
both
Prophet
and
Iudge
in
their
meaning
,
and
yet
did
they
〈◊〉
Sotus
also
,
though
he
go
further
,
and
do
confesse
that
the
defendant
in
such
a
Case
being
iniustly
pressed
by
the
〈◊〉
,
may
lawfully
answere
,
nescio
,
I
know
nothing
therof
;
yet
dareth
he
not
,
as
he
saith
to
allow
that
he
may
say
absolutly
non
feci
,
I
haue
not
done
it
,
as
the
priest
may
say
of
matters
confessed
vnto
him
non
audiui
,
I
haue
not
heard
any
such
thing
,
for
that
in
his
iudgement
,
as
also
in
that
of
Sepulueda
there
is
a
great
difference
in
the
cases
,
which
though
in
some
respectes
it
be
graunted
15.
To
begin
then
with
the
Authors
of
this
common
opinion
,
that
the
defendant
may
say
,
I
haue
not
done
it
,
vnderstanding
,
so
as
by
right
and
law
I
am
bound
to
vtter
it
vnto
yow
;
first
of
all
the
famous
Doctor
Nauar
that
was
schoolfellow
with
Sepulueda
and
liued
togeather
with
Sotus
,
discusseth
the
matter
at
large
in
diuers
partes
of
his
workes
;
but
especially
in
a
particuler
large
Commentary
vpon
a
Canon
of
the
law
,
taken
out
of
S
Gregories
wordes
that
beginneth
,
Humanae
aures
,
where
he
proueth
that
the
said
defendant
being
so
pressed
vniustly
to
answere
,
when
he
hath
no
other
way
lefte
to
defend
himselfe
,
may
truly
,
and
without
any
lye
at
all
,
say
,
he
did
it
not
,
with
the
foresaid
reseruation
of
mynd
,
that
he
did
it
not
in
some
such
sense
,
as
in
his
owne
meaning
,
and
in
the
eares
of
Almighty
God
,
is
true
;
though
the
vniust
Iudge
taking
it
in
another
sense
,
be
deceaued
therby
,
which
falleth
out
iustly
vnto
him
,
for
that
he
proceedeth
iniustly
against
law
.
And
the
said
Doctor
proueth
this
his
assertion
by
many
arguments
taken
both
out
of
Scriptures
,
Canon
law
,
and
reason
it selfe
,
maruailling
at
the
scrupulosity
of
Sotus
in
this
behalfe
,
and
alleadging
S.
Hierome
,
S.
Gregory
,
and
S.
Thomas
haue
in
effect
expressed
the
same
;
but
more
clearly
Scotus
,
Richardus
,
Henricus
Gandauensis
,
Paludanus
,
〈◊〉
,
Io.
Maior
,
Siluester
,
Angelus
de
Perusio
,
Ioannes
ab
Anania
,
whose
places
he
cyteth
out
of
their
workes
,
&
addeth
the
Ordinary
Glosse
,
ab
omnibus
nostris
recepta
,
receyued
(
saith
he
)
by
all
our
Canonists
in
cap.
Ne
quis
22.
quaest.
2.
in
locis
infra
q.
2.
nu.
10.
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
citat
is
:
This
writeth
that
renowned
Doctor
Nauar
,
who
was
held
for
no
lesse
scrupulous
,
tender
and
timerous
of
Conscience
,
then
any
other
writer
commonly
in
his
dayes
,
as
his
austere
manner
of
life
did
well
testifie
.
And
after
him
haue
written
and
defended
the
same
opinion
,
the
most
learned
men
for
Scholasticall
Deuinity
in
our
age
,
as
[
a
](A09111-e64040-b)
a
Lib.
3.
c.
58.
instruct
.
Franciscus
Toletus
,
[
b
](A09111-e64080-b)
b
coment
.
in
2.
2.
q.
69.
art.
2.
Michael
Salon
,
[
c
](A09111-e64100-b)
c
Ibidem
.
Dominicus
〈◊〉
,
[
d
](A09111-e64120-b)
d
〈◊〉
.
3.
disput.
5.
q.
13.
〈◊〉
.
3.
Gregorius
de
〈◊〉
,
[
e
](A09111-e64140-b)
e
lib.
11.
inst
moral
.
〈◊〉
.
4.
Ioannes
Azorius
,
[
f
](A09111-e64160-b)
f
li.
12.
c.
17.
Clau.
reg.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
[
g
](A09111-e64180-b)
g
Relatus
à
Bannes
Franciseus
〈◊〉
,
[
h
](A09111-e64200-b)
h
li.
8.
de
matrim.
disput
25.
nu.
15.
Tho.
Sanchez
,
all
publicke
Readers
of
Deuinity
,
and
others
,
which
for
breuities
sake
I
do
omit
,
and
shall
passe
to
set
downe
breifly
the
proofes
of
this
their
opinion
.
The
argumentes
and
groundes
of
this
common
opinion
.
§.
4.
16.
〈◊〉
first
is
taken
out
of
that
we
haue
set
downe
before
about
the
nature
,
&
definition
of
truth
and
lying
,
that
whensoeuer
any
speach
,
is
conforme
in
a
true
sense
to
the
meaning
of
the
speaker
it
is
true
,
and
not
a
lye
;
though
the
hearer
should
vnderstand
it
otherwise
,
especially
when
there
is
no
obligation
at
all
of
satisfiying
the
said
hearer
,
or
demaunder
as
heere
is
presumed
not
to
be
,
and
consequently
saith
Valentia
,
a
man
may
vtter
any
true
proposition
to
I
haue
not
stolne
,
though
he
reserued
the
other
pointes
in
his
mynd
vnuttered
.
It
were
true
(
I
say
)
in
it selfe
,
and
in
the
sight
and
eares
of
Almighty
God
,
and
consequently
no
lye
,
whatsoeuer
the
vniust
Iudges
do
conceaue
therof
,
whose
presence
,
or
demaundes
in
this
case
are
nothing
to
be
respected
,
but
that
the
defendant
may
answere
and
speake
as
though
he
(
the
said
Iudge
)
or
other
hearers
that
haue
no
authority
to
examin
him
were
not
there
,
so
he
vtter
no
falsity
in
it selfe
.
17.
And
for
confirmation
of
this
is
alleadged
the
Authority
of
S.
〈◊〉
in
his
booke
contra
〈◊〉
,
Li.
contr.
〈◊〉
,
cap.
10.
cyted
by
me
before
,
about
the
nature
of
a
mysterious
speach
,
that
vttereth
one
thing
in
wordes
,
an
another
in
sense
,
and
yet
is
〈◊〉
by
S.
Augustine
to
be
no
lye
.
Quae
significantur
(
saith
he
)
vtique
〈◊〉
dicuntur
.
&c.
Those
thinges
that
are
signifyed
in
a
mysterious
speach
are
indeed
truly
spoken
,
but
they
are
thought
to
be
lyes
,
for
that
not
the
true
thinges
which
are
signifyed
by
that
speach
are
vnderstood
to
be
spoken
,
but
those
that
are
false
.
So
S.
Augustine
,
wherby
is
euident
that
in
his
iudgement
the
nature
of
a
lie
consisteth
not
in
that
it
be
held
for
a
lye
by
others
,
or
that
the
hearer
be
deceaued
,
but
only
that
it
agree
not
with
the
iudgement
,
and
meaning
of
the
speaker
,
as
before
hath
byn
discussed
.
18.
But
the
authority
of
S.
Greg.
vrged
by
Doctor
〈◊〉
superficie
tenus
discrepent
,
quando
in
cordis
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
concordent
?
&c.
What
importeth
it
,
if
our
wordes
in
outward
shew
do
seeme
to
disagree
from
the
rectitude
of
truth
in
mans
iudgement
,
if
in
the
hinge
of
our
hart
,
our
said
wordes
be
compact
togeather
,
and
agree
therunto
?
Mans
eares
do
iudge
of
our
wordes
as
they
sound
outwardly
,
but
Gods
iudgement
is
according
as
he
seeth
them
come
truly
from
our
hart
:
he
knoweth
that
albeit
mans
will
,
and
intention
may
be
declared
or
vttered
in
sundry
formes
of
wordes
;
yet
that
we
ought
not
so
much
to
consider
wordes
as
the
said
will
,
and
intention
of
the
speaker
.
So
S.
Gregory
:
wherby
he
sheweth
euidently
,
that
God
considereth
the
hart
,
and
intention
of
the
speaker
,
and
that
when
he
hath
a
true
sense
,
and
meaning
in
the
intention
of
his
harte
,
though
the
same
wordes
seeme
false
vnto
man
,
yet
is
it
no
lye
in
it selfe
,
or
in
the
eares
of
almighty
God
,
who
iudgeth
thinges
as
they
be
in
themselues
,
and
not
as
they
are
taken
by
man
.
19.
An other
foundation
of
the
lawfulnes
of
this
doctryne
,
Bannes
,
Salon
,
Azorius
,
and
others
,
and
it
was
touched
I
do
not
iudge
any
man
:
I
do
not
ascend
to
this
feast
:
The
sonne
of
man
knoweth
not
the
day
,
and
houre
of
Iudgement
,
and
the
like
:
which
speaches
though
in
outward
shew
of
wordes
they
seeme
false
;
yet
are
they
verified
by
the
supplement
of
certayne
reserued
clauses
not
depending
vpon
euery
mans
priuate
imagination
and
will
,
but
such
as
may
be
gathered
and
truly
applyed
according
to
the
said
circumstances
of
tyme
,
place
,
persons
,
&c.
as
clauses
agreable
therevnto
.
20.
As
heere
,
when
the
defendant
that
is
guylty
saith
,
non
feci
,
non
vidi
,
non
occidi
,
&c.
I
haue
not
done
it
,
I
haue
not
seene
him
,
I
haue
not
killed
him
;
if
we
consider
only
these
bare
wordes
,
and
the
iudges
demaunde
to
whome
it
seemeth
the
defendant
maketh
these
answers
(
though
indeed
he
doth
not
but
speaketh
as
if
the
other
were
not
present
at
all
)
they
are
vntruthes
,
he
hauing
done
it
:
but
if
we
consider
the
circumstances
first
of
the
person
,
that
is
iniuriously
demaunded
,
and
therby
is
not
bound
to
answere
at
all
to
the
others
intention
,
but
to
his
owne
;
and
secondly
the
Iudge
that
presseth
,
and
demaundeth
vnlawfully
,
and
therby
deserueth
to
be
deluded
;
and
thirdly
the
tyme
and
place
of
iudgement
,
wherin
the
defendant
contrary
to
law
is
vrged
,
eyther
to
accuse
him selfe
,
or
to
escape
by
hauing
some
other
meaning
in
his
wordes
,
then
is
set
downe
:
these
circumstances
,
I
say
,
do
easely
defend
the
said
speach
from
the
nature
of
a
lye
,
agreable
to
the
matter
,
tyme
and
circumstances
,
shewing
that
somewhat
is
necessarily
vnderstood
,
or
reserued
in
mynde
,
which
maketh
the
said
proposition
to
be
true
in
the
speakers
meaning
,
as
hath
byn
shewed
by
many
examples
of
Scriptures
,
and
Fathers
in
the
foregoing
Chapters
.
21.
Wherfore
all
these
Authours
do
conclude
,
that
in
22.
Neyther
is
this
to
deny
a
truth
,
or
to
lye
,
but
to
conceale
some
truth
,
which
the
defendant
is
not
bound
to
vtter
at
that
tyme
,
and
to
that
man
,
and
to
vtter
another
,
which
is
different
from
that
.
As
for
example
he
denyeth
not
,
that
he
hath
done
the
thing
that
he
is
demaunded
,
but
not
being
bound
to
answere
to
that
demaund
,
he
saith
,
that
he
hath
not
done
it
in
this
or
that
maner
,
which
is
a
truth
not
demaunded
:
neyther
is
this
to
lye
,
for
that
a
lye
is
when
the
:
speaker
vttereth
a
thing
which
he
knoweth
to
be
23.
Nor
is
this
doctryne
preiudicial
to
the
common
conuersation
of
mans
lyfe
,
as
Sepulueda
&
some
other
haue
obiected
,
for
that
this
manner
of
Equiuocation
as
Valentia
,
Sayer
,
and
other
learned
men
haue
noted
,
is
The
fourth
case
about
Witnesses
.
§.
5.
24.
IN
the
fourth
place
ensueth
the
consideration
of
witnesses
,
who
do
testify
in
another
mans
cause
,
as
the
defendant
doth
in
his
owne
;
and
consequently
D.
Tho.
2.
2.
q.
70.
art.
1.
〈◊〉
.
Salon
.
Petrus
de
Aragon
,
Bannes
in
〈◊〉
locum
.
Halens
.
part
.
3.
q.
43.
memb.
1.
S.
Antonin
.
p.
2.
tit.
1.
c.
19.
Sotus
l.
1.
de
iustitia
cap.
7.
&
alij
.
many
thinges
of
those
which
before
we
haue
touched
concerning
the
said
defendant
,
do
appertaine
also
to
witnesses
.
For
first
the
common
opinion
and
consent
of
Deuines
is
,
that
when
any
man
is
called
to
beare
witnesse
against
another
,
before
a
lawful
Iudge
,
who
proceedeth
rightfully
,
and
according
to
forme
of
law
doth
demaund
the
truth
of
him
,
he
is
bound
to
vtter
the
same
sincerely
,
and
wholy
vnder
payne
of
mortall
sinne
,
for
the
same
reasons
which
we
haue
alleadged
before
,
concerning
the
defendant
;
to
wit
,
that
the
Iudge
being
in
the
place
of
almighty
God
,
&
of
the
Common
wealth
,
&
demaunding
him
iustly
,
he
is
bound
by
the
law
of
Iustice
,
subordination
,
and
obedience
,
to
reueale
vnto
him
the
sincere
truth
of
all
that
he
is
demaunded
,
and
knoweth
in
that
behalfe
.
25.
Yea
&
further
then
this
,
he
doth
not
only
sinne
mortally
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
in
denying
,
or
concealing
the
truth
or
any
parte
therof
necessary
to
be
vttered
:
but
is
also
bound
in
conscience
to
make
restitution
to
the
partie
endamaged
by
his
concealment
of
all
those
losses
either
in
fame
,
estimation
,
goods
or
otherwise
which
he
hath
suffered
,
and
might
haue
auoyded
,
if
the
other
had
confessed
the
truth
.
So
hold
Syluester
,
Nauar
,
Sotus
,
Salon
,
Bannes
,
Valentia
,
and
commonly
all
T.
Morton
what
his
Deuinity
doth
define
,
and
prescribe
in
this
case
,
and
what
his
Authors
haue
written
therof
for
the
practice
;
yea
what
the
practice
it self
is
there
daily
with
him
,
in
all
mens
sight
:
which
point
I
thinke
rather
expedient
to
leaue
to
euery
mans
particuler
knowledge
,
and
conscience
,
to
thinke
&
consider
,
then
here
to
set
downe
,
what
fruites
their
new
Ghospell
hath
brought
forth
in
this
matter
about
vnconscionable
witnesses
.
26.
But
on
the
other
side
our
Doctors
say
,
that
when
the
Iudge
is
not
lawfull
,
or
that
he
enquireth
of
secretes
,
which
appertayne
not
to
his
iurisdiction
,
nor
that
forme
of
law
doth
permit
him
so
to
enquire
,
then
the
same
Authors
are
of
opinion
,
that
he
may
refuse
to
answere
,
for
that
the
Iudge
hath
no
Authority
to
demaund
him
;
yea
although
first
he
hath
sworne
to
answere
directly
,
for
that
,
that
oath
did
presuppose
that
he
should
answere
directly
to
that
which
the
other
should
iustly
demaund
of
him
,
and
therfore
in
this
case
he
may
vse
the
same
kinds
of
refuge
,
which
before
haue
byn
touched
in
the
case
of
the
defendant
,
that
is
to
say
,
he
may
hold
his
peace
,
The
fifth
case
about
Equiuocation
in
swearing
.
§.
6.
27.
THE
fifth
case
that
we
meane
to
handle
at
this
tyme
is
about
Equiuocation
in
swearing
,
which
act
of
swearing
comprehending
as
before
we
haue
said
a
calling
of
God
to
witnes
in
that
we
affirme
,
as
it
is
honourable
to
God
when
it
is
done
Truth
,
Iustice
,
and
Reuerence
:
so
is
it
a
greiuous
sinne
when
any
of
those
points
do
want
,
and
especially
when
truth
,
and
iustice
fayleth
therin
,
it
is
the
heynous
sinne
,
&
cryme
of
periury
,
so
greatly
detested
in
Catholicke
Doctrine
as
before
hath
byn
declared
in
the
seauenth
and
eight
Chapters
.
Now
only
is
to
be
considered
,
whether
Amphibologie
or
Equiuocation
may
be
vsed
in
an
oath
,
or
no
,
and
how
farre
without
deceipt
,
and
whether
he
that
sweareth
,
be
alwayes
bound
to
sweare
to
the
intention
of
him
to
whom
the
Oath
is
made
,
or
that
sometimes
,
and
in
some
cases
,
he
may
without
falshood
,
or
periury
,
sweare
to
his
owne
true
intention
,
keeping
the
same
secret
from
him
that
exacteth
the
oath
.
28.
About
which
point
they
do
determine
first
,
that
who
soeuer
offreth
himself
voluntarily
to
sweare
,
that
is
to
say
,
of
his
owne
free
-
will
and
choise
,
he
is
bound
vnder
payne
of
mortall
sinne
to
sweare
truly
,
and
directly
[
*
](A09111-e64990-b)
*
See
about
this
matter
Alex.
Halen
.
p.
3.
q.
31.
m.
〈◊〉
.
Nauar.
in
man
ca.
12
nu
8.
Sot
.
lib.
8.
de
Iust.
q.
〈◊〉
.
art.
7.
D.
Tho.
2.
2.
q.
〈◊〉
.
art.
7.
ad
4.
Caie
.
&
Aragon
ibi
.
Sylu.
v.
Iuramen
.
3.
q.
2.
Cos.
Philiar
.
de
offic.
Sacerd.
p.
2
lib.
〈◊〉
.
c.
14.
Pedrazza
in
explic.
2.
praecepti
§
〈◊〉
.
Tolet.
insum
.
li.
4.
ca.
21.
&
others
.
according
to
the
intention
&
meaning
of
him
to
whome
he
sweareth
:
the
reason
wherof
is
,
for
that
he
swearing
freely
,
and
without
compulsion
,
is
bound
to
vtter
the
truth
,
and
to
follow
the
common
vse
of
swearing
,
which
is
to
sweare
to
the
intention
of
him
that
exacteth
the
oath
.
And
the
same
they
determine
,
when
any
man
is
called
,
and
commanded
to
sweare
by
his
lawfull
Iudge
,
and
Superiour
,
and
in
a
lawfull
cause
:
and
he
that
doth
otherwise
,
though
it
were
to
the
sauing
of
his
owne
,
or
another
mans
life
,
doth
commit
periury
.
29.
But
if
the
Iudge
that
exacteth
the
oath
be
not
a
lawfull
Iudge
,
or
proceedeth
not
lawfully
in
exacting
the
same
,
then
hath
he
that
sweareth
,
no
obligation
to
sweare
to
his
intention
at
all
,
but
may
sweare
to
his
owne
,
so
he
make
no
lye
,
but
haue
some
true
meaning
and
sense
in
his
oath
,
according
to
the
circumstances
of
the
place
,
tymes
,
matters
,
and
persons
before
mentioned
.
Of
which
point
I
thinke
good
to
alleadge
heere
the
wordes
of
a
great
Schoole-Deuine
,
that
hath
written
in
our
age
,
called
by
Morton
the
Great
Moralist
,
who
proposing
diuers
rules
concerning
the
subiect
of
taking
an
oath
,
setteth
downe
his
second
rule
thus
:
Secunda
regula
(
faith
he
)
est
,
si
〈◊〉
à
Iudice
The
second
rule
is
that
if
the
defendant
should
be
demaunded
an
oath
by
the
Iudge
about
a
secret
cryme
committed
by
him
,
and
this
contrary
or
besides
the
order
of
law
,
he
may
with
a
secure
conscience
answere
,
30.
So
he
in
this
and
all
other
like
cases
:
about
which
this
general
foundation
is
held
by
the
foresaid
Deuines
;
and
related
by
our
Countreyman
Sayer
in
his
Cases
of
conscience
in
these
wordes
.
Interrogatus
à
Iudice
incompetente
.
&c.
He
that
is
examined
by
an
incompetent
Iudge
,
or
if
he
be
competent
and
lawfull
,
yet
doth
he
not
proceed
lawfully
,
&
according
to
forme
S.
Thomas
well
noteth
the
formall
,
and
essentiall
reason
of
a
lye
consisteth
not
in
the
intention
of
the
speaker
,
to
leaue
the
hearer
deceaued
,
for
that
otherwise
he
should
lye
whosoeuer
should
vse
doubtfull
and
equiuocall
wordes
to
hide
a
truth
(
which
both
S.
Thomas
,
S.
Augustine
and
other
Deuines
do
deny
)
but
it
consisteth
in
this
,
that
a
thing
is
otherwise
spoken
then
is
in
the
mynd
of
the
speaker
,
vnde
mentiri
,
est
contra
montem
ire
,
to
ly
,
is
to
go
against
a
mans
owne
mynd
,
as
[
*
](A09111-e65410-b)
*
Supra
cap.
8.
before
hath
sufficiently
byn
declared
.
Thus
Sayer
.
Diuers
other
Cases
in
particuler
.
§.
7.
31.
AND
now
in
the
last
place
shall
we
lay
togeather
some
few
seuerall
cases
,
which
vpon
these
and
like
rules
,
reasons
,
and
principles
,
〈◊〉
do
resolue
.
And
the
first
shal
be
that
case
,
which
our
Minister
Morton
so
often
proposeth
,
and
odiously
doth
exagerate
about
Couentry
,
saying
:
That
our
English
Equiuocators
do
teach
,
that
if
a
man
come
from
So
propoundeth
he
the
case
,
as
he
pretendeth
out
of
the
Catholike
treatise
of
Equiuocation
,
which
hitherto
I
haue
not
seene
,
and
consequently
cannot
affirme
how
truly
or
falsely
the
same
is
related
:
but
he
hauing
so
vttered
the
said
case
,
doth
in
opposition
〈◊〉
cyte
the
forsaid
Iesuite
Azor
his
sentece
against
we
do
willingly
grant
the
example
of
him
who
coming
to
the
gates
of
a
Citty
,
and
being
asked
whether
he
came
from
a
certayne
place
,
which
by
errour
is
thought
to
be
infected
with
the
plague
,
and
is
not
;
tuto
citra
〈◊〉
iurare
potest
,
se
ex
eo
loco
non
venire
,
he
may
securely
sweare
without
lying
,
that
he
cometh
not
from
that
place
;
so
as
,
he
vnderstand
that
he
cometh
not
from
any
place
infected
with
plague
,
nor
that
himselfe
is
infected
.
This
is
Azor
his
iudgement
and
resolution
.
And
before
him
this
case
was
so
resolued
by
Doctor
Syluester
,
Nauar
,
Tolet
,
Roderiquez
,
Cosmus
Philiarchus
,
and
diuers
other
learned
men
,
as
after
him
also
by
our
often-named
Countreyman
Gregorius
Sayer
:
and
the
reason
of
the
lawfulnes
of
this
answere
is
,
for
that
the
answerer
being
sure
,
that
either
the
place
is
not
infected
Tolet
in
Instruct.
Sacer.
c.
21
lib.
4.
Roder
in
sum
map
.
〈◊〉
.
ca.
〈◊〉
.
concl
.
:
4.
Cosmus
Phil.
p.
2.
lib.
3.
c.
14.
Sayer
lib.
5.
c.
4.
nu.
22.
from
whence
he
came
,
or
that
himselfe
hath
brought
no
infection
about
him
(
for
otherwise
he
should
be
periured
)
it
were
great
iniury
vnto
him
to
be
stayed
at
the
Gate
without
cause
,
and
therfore
for
declyning
this
iniury
and
〈◊〉
,
it
is
lawfull
for
him
to
answere
to
the
finall
end
,
and
intention
of
the
keeper
,
and
of
the
Cittie
or
Common-wealth
(
whose
intention
only
is
to
exclude
infected
people
)
and
not
to
their
immediate
words
about
the
particuler
place
.
32.
And
now
all
this
being
so
,
consider
〈◊〉
pray
yow
,
the
shamelesse
forhead
of
this
deceauing
Minister
,
in
cyting
Azor
quite
against
himselfe
,
and
his
owne
sense
and
meaning
,
and
tying
his
wordes
togeather
that
were
spoken
separatly
to
another
end
:
&
yet
as
though
he
had
played
no
such
iuggling
tricke
,
but
had
gotten
some
victorie
ouer
vs
,
heare
his
insolent
speach
about
this
answere
sett
downe
by
so
many
learned
men
as
you
haue
heard
named
:
An
answere
(
saith
he
)
so
grossely
false
,
that
a
Iesuite
of
high
esteeme
in
your
Church
(
to
witt
Azor
)
writing
against
this
spirituall
iuggling
of
his
subtilelying-brethren
doth
confesse
,
that
if
this
kind
of
answere
concerning
a
place
infected
with
the
plague
,
&c.
be
not
false
,
then
there
is
no
speach
so
false
,
but
it
may
be
freed
from
falshood
,
by
whom
your
Equiuocators
(
saith
he
)
may
learne
that
if
the
man
yow
fancied
came
not
from
a
place
infected
with
bodily
pestilence
,
yet
this
your
Equiuocating
proceedeth
from
myndes
spiritually
infected
with
the
contagion
of
pestilent
lying
.
So
he
.
33.
And
I
do
willingly
remit
my selfe
to
the
indifferent
Reader
,
where
this
contagion
of
pestiling
lying
raigneth
,
either
in
these
graue
learned
men
,
that
haue
decyded
this
question
without
lying
,
&
against
lying
,
or
in
Morton
,
that
hath
multiplied
so
many
lyes
togeather
in
this
place
,
as
is
a
shame
to
number
them
?
For
besides
all
that
I
haue
noted
already
,
he
corrupteth
also
heere
the
very
text
of
Azor
,
which
himself
alleageth
in
his
margent
,
by
translating
it
falsely
into
English
,
wheras
Azor
saith
in
the
Case
proposed
,
Sivenit
If
he
come
from
a
place
infected
,
which
altereth
the
whole
case
.
For
if
either
the
place
,
or
himselfe
be
infected
,
he
cannot
sweare
without
periury
as
hath
byn
sayd
.
Secondly
he
saith
that
Azor
the
Iesuite
doth
write
against
the
spirituall
iuggling
of
his
〈◊〉
-
lying-brethren
,
and
yet
are
neyther
the
principall
Authors
of
this
answere
and
resolution
Iesuites
,
as
by
their
names
you
haue
heard
,
nor
writeth
Azor
against
them
,
but
with
them
,
and
for
them
in
this
case
,
conforming
his
iudgement
as
yow
see
,
to
theirs
,
that
a
man
coming
from
such
a
place
,
may
iustly
sweare
in
the
forme
that
byn
said
.
Nor
is
their
answere
〈◊〉
as
the
minister
slandereth
,
but
plaine
,
&
reall
dealing
,
yeelding
their
resolution
togeather
with
the
reason
therof
,
as
hath
byn
declared
.
And
all
the
iuggling
is
on
Mortons
syde
,
who
declaming
against
lying
,
doth
nothing
but
lye
:
and
yet
finaly
concludeth
most
ridiculously
his
speach
thus
:
Therfore
be
yow
exhorted
for
the
loue
of
God
,
who
is
truth
,
to
recant
your
doctrine
of
Equiuocating
,
the
Metropolis
of
lyes
.
Wherunto
my
answere
is
,
that
in
my
opinion
Thomas
Morton
is
well
worthy
to
be
Metropolitane
of
that
Metropolis
.
For
if
euer
man
honest
Dominicus
Sotus
in
these
wordes
.
34.
Behold
(
saith
he
)
one
Doctor
among
you
so
The
subtile
Doctor
,
who
doth
conclude
all
your
Equiuocators
for
liars
,
saying
;
to
say
that
I
did
not
that
which
I
know
I
haue
done
,
although
I
speake
it
with
this
limitation
,
or
reseruation
of
mynd
,
vt
tibi
significem
,
it
is
not
Equiuocation
but
a
lye
.
And
then
he
quoteth
Sotus
in
his
bookes
Deiure
iustitia
,
Subtile
Doctor
,
according
to
the
phrase
of
Catholicke
Schooles
,
euery
Child
knoweth
to
be
meant
Ioannes
Scotus
&
not
Dominicus
Sotus
which
liued
more
then
200.
yeares
after
the
other
,
and
was
of
the
Order
of
S.
Dominicke
,
the
other
being
of
S.
Francis
;
so
Sotus
doth
conclude
all
Equiuocators
for
lyars
,
which
is
an
other
incredible
impudency
in
him
to
affirme
,
for
that
Sotus
in
this
very
booke
,
question
,
and
article
by
him
cited
doth
teach
&
proue
largely
the
playne
contrary
,
to
witt
,
that
to
Equiuocate
is
lawfull
in
diuers
cases
,
to
which
effect
we
haue
cited
him
before
,
when
he
saith
in
generall
:
Possunt
&
debent
sic
contra
ius
〈◊〉
quacunque
vti
amphibologia
.
They
which
are
vnlawfully
required
to
speake
or
sweare
as
we
haue
declared
,
may
and
ought
to
vse
any
kynd
of
Amphibologie
,
or
Equiuocation
.
35.
This
is
his
generall
assertion
,
but
afterward
in
particuler
he
putteth
many
examples
to
proue
the
same
.
And
first
he
setteth
downe
this
proposition
,
dum
testis
de
alieno
actu
interrogatur
,
potest
ritè
respondere
se
nesoire
;
when
a
witnesse
is
(
vnlawfully
)
demaunded
of
an
other
mans
action
which
he
knoweth
,
he
may
iustly
answere
he
knoweth
nothing
.
The
reason
wherof
he
saith
is
this
;
Quia
oratio
illa
nescio
,
recipere
hunc
sensum
citra
mendacium
potest
,
nescio
,
vt
tibi
modò
dicam
:
for
that
the
answere
I
know
nothing
therof
,
may
without
falsity
admit
this
sense
,
I
know
it
not
to
tell
it
yow
at
this
time
,
sicut
filius
hominis
nescit
〈◊〉
iudicij
,
vt
dicat
,
as
Christ
knew
not
the
36.
In
his
booke
detegendo
secreto
,
his
third
member
,
and
third
question
,
he
repeateth
againe
the
very
same
conclusion
heere
mencioned
,
that
a
witnes
being
vniustly
I
know
nothing
therof
?
To
which
he
giueth
this
answere
:
Respondetur
quod
iure
possum
respondere
nescio
,
quia
iure
intelligitur
nescio
,
vt
dicam
,
aut
nescio
eo
modo
quo
iure
debeam
dicere
.
I
affirme
(
saith
he
)
that
I
may
rightly
answere
,
I
know
nothing
therof
,
for
that
by
law
it
is
vnderstood
that
I
know
it
not
to
tell
it
,
or
I
know
it
not
in
such
manner
,
as
by
law
I
ought
to
vtter
the
same
.
And
presently
he
refuteth
Tho.
Mortons
Doctor
Genesius
Sepulueda
,
that
calleth
this
pulchrum
commentum
,
a
faire
glosse
,
and
putting
him
in
number
of
iuniores
quidam
,
certayne
yonger
fellowes
,
that
would
reprehend
that
which
they
vnderstood
not
,
saith
:
Hi
aut
non
capiunt
,
aut
dissimulant
vim
argumenti
:
these
(
yonglings
)
either
do
not
vnderstand
,
or
do
dissemble
the
force
of
the
argument
for
this
our
doctrine
.
And
this
note
giuen
to
〈◊〉
Mortons
Doctor
〈◊〉
by
so
graue
a
man
as
Sotus
was
,
may
easely
wype
out
his
authority
about
this
matter
of
Equiuocation
,
if
in
some
thinges
he
dissent
from
the
rest
,
that
were
far
more
learned
Deuines
then
himself
:
about
whome
notwithstanding
I
cannot
but
meruaile
why
〈◊〉
Morton
,
in
cyting
him
,
doth
adorne
him
with
this
〈◊〉
tytle
your
Deuine
of
〈◊〉
,
for
so
much
as
we
read
not
,
that
euer
he
was
at
Colen
,
but
was
borne
at
Corduba
in
Spayne
,
and
there
dyed
,
though
for
many
yeares
he
liued
in
Italy
:
but
whether
he
did
euer
looke
vpon
Colen
or
no
I
know
not
,
&
consequently
I
would
gladly
know
Thomas
Mortons
mysterie
〈◊〉
naming
him
so
confidently
our
Deuine
of
Colen
.
But
whatsoeuer
his
mysterie
might
be
in
this
,
sure
it
is
,
that
his
Myserie
was
and
is
apparant
in
being
taken
in
so
many
liues
,
about
Sotus
and
Azor
,
as
heere
he
hath
byn
.
37.
And
now
for
that
we
haue
byn
ouer
long
in
this
one
example
,
drawne
out
by
the
multiplicity
of
〈◊〉
manifold
vntruthes
,
we
shall
breifly
touch
an
example
or
two
more
and
so
make
an
end
.
A
wyfe
being
demaunded
by
her
husband
,
that
is
no
competent
Iudge
,
and
compelled
to
sweare
,
whether
she
be
an
adulteresse
,
or
no
,
may
lawfully
sweare
,
if
the
sinne
that
I
am
bound
to
reueale
it
vnto
yow
,
and
therby
auoid
the
danger
that
otherwise
she
were
like
to
incurre
.
In
which
resolution
,
though
Sotus
do
somwhat
differ
from
the
rest
,
as
also
about
the
answere
of
a
defendant
in
his
owne
act
,
whether
he
may
say
absolutly
,
he
hath
not
done
it
,
or
no
,
as
before
in
the
third
Case
hath
byn
debated
;
yet
doth
Doctor
Nauarre
at
large
proue
that
she
may
answere
truly
so
,
as
a
priest
may
answere
also
in
matters
of
Confession
by
Sotus
owne
rule
,
though
the
Cases
be
different
in
other
pointes
.
And
with
[
a
](A09111-e66890-b)
a
Nauar
com
.
in
〈◊〉
.
humanae
aures
.
q.
2.
nu.
9.
Nauar
do
concurre
in
this
[
b
](A09111-e66910-b)
b
v.
iuram
.
q.
2.
Syluester
,
[
c
](A09111-e66930-b)
c
p.
1.
c.
42.
Lopez
[
d
](A09111-e66950-b)
d
de
offiic
.
p.
2.
li.
3.
cap.
14.
Cosmus
Philiarchus
[
e
](A09111-e66970-b)
e
v.
〈◊〉
.
4.
distin.
1.
Angelus
de
Clauatio
[
f
](A09111-e66990-b)
f
in
expli.
praecep.
2.
§.
3.
Pedrazza
,
[
g
](A09111-e67010-b)
g
li.
4.
〈◊〉
.
c.
21.
notab
.
2.
Tolet
[
h
](A09111-e67030-b)
h
li.
10.
instit.
c.
4.
Azor
,
and
others
.
38.
An other
Case
is
that
a
man
hauing
borrowed
an
hundred
pondes
of
another
,
and
payd
him
againe
,
but
being
not
able
to
proue
the
said
payment
in
iudgment
,
and
therupon
forced
by
the
Iudges
to
sweare
that
he
will
pay
an
hundred
poundes
by
such
a
day
,
he
is
not
〈◊〉
if
he
pay
him
not
,
or
haue
no
intention
to
pay
him
:
for
that
in
his
oath
,
Soluam
,
I
will
pay
him
,
is
vnderstood
by
law
,
and
by
the
very
circumstance
of
the
thing
it selfe
,
that
I
will
pay
him
:
so
much
as
I
owe
him
,
for
that
this
also
must
be
presumed
to
haue
byn
the
true
intention
of
the
Iudge
,
according
to
right
and
law
,
though
otherwise
by
his
externall
actuall
iudgement
he
bound
him
to
pay
it
absolutly
.
39.
Many
more
such
like
cases
and
examples
might
be
added
,
but
it
were
ouer
long
.
The
substance
of
Schoole-doctrine
in
this
poynt
,
&
of
Canon-lawers
is
,
That
when
a
man
is
offered
iniury
,
or
iniustly
vrged
to
vtter
a
secret
,
that
without
his
hurt
or
losse
,
or
publicke
damage
he
may
not
do
;
then
is
it
lawfull
for
him
without
lying
or
periury
,
to
answere
eyther
in
THE
ARGVMENTS
AND
REASONS
OF
THO.
MORTONS
BOOKE
are
examined
,
and
answered
:
AND
His
notorious
errors
,
follyes
,
and
falsifications
therin
discouered
.
CHAP.
XI
.
ALBEIT
whatsoeuer
hath
hitherto
byn
said
,
and
written
by
vs
about
this
subiect
of
Equiuocation
,
hath
byn
in
reprofe
of
Thomas
Mortons
reasons
and
arguments
against
the
same
;
yet
haue
I
not
thought
it
amisse
in
this
place
,
to
looke
ouer
his
booke
againe
,
and
to
bring
againe
into
the
Readers
sight
by
way
as
it
were
of
methodicall
repetition
,
whatsoeuer
substance
he
pretendeth
to
haue
in
this
affaire
:
which
though
it
be
so
small
that
it
is
scarce
worth
the
repetition
;
yet
may
the
reuiew
therof
make
some
impression
,
what
〈◊〉
of
people
they
are
,
that
take
vpon
them
to
write
bookes
at
this
day
in
England
against
Catholiekes
,
and
to
be
Maisters
and
directors
of
others
,
that
are
so
ignorant
,
and
farre
out
of
the
way
themselues
.
2.
First
then
to
pretermit
the
〈◊〉
exaggerations
,
vsed
by
him
in
the
beginning
of
this
booke
,
which
vpon
some
occasions
I
haue
touched
before
,
intituling
Against
more
then
heathnish
Equiuocation
,
and
in
another
place
,
Against
the
doctrine
of
sacrilegious
Equiuocation
:
and
yet
futther
,
Against
the
impious
conceipt
of
Equiuocation
;
Against
the
wicked
doctrine
of
Equiuocation
,
against
the
new-bred-hydra
,
and
vggly
monster
;
a
peece
of
the
black
art
,
the
mystery
of
iniquity
,
and
the
like
:
we
shall
briefly
go
to
the
substance
of
the
matter
,
for
now
already
yow
haue
seene
how
vaine
,
and
childish
these
That
no
iota
in
all
Scripture
,
no
one
èxample
in
all
antiquity
,
no
one
reason
in
all
the
naturall
wit
of
man
is
to
be
found
for
profe
,
or
colour
of
any
lvwfull
vse
of
Equiuocation
.
Yow
haue
seene
(
I
say
)
how
light
and
vaine
these
wordes
of
his
are
,
and
haue
pittyed
(
I
thinke
)
the
poore
mans
ouersight
in
vttering
them
,
forasmuch
as
so
many
Scriptures
,
so
many
Fathers
,
so
many
Doctors
,
and
graue
learned
men
,
both
in
Law
and
Deuinity
,
so
many
euident
reasons
and
arguments
,
haue
byn
alleadged
for
the
iust
vse
therof
,
in
due
occasions
,
tymes
,
matters
,
and
places
,
as
no
modesty
can
maintayne
the
former
fond
and
childish
vaunts
to
the
contrary
.
3.
To
hasten
then
to
the
matter
,
I
am
first
to
admonish
the
reader
,
that
wheras
this
Minister
doth
take
vpon
him
to
confute
a
certaine
Catholicke
manuscript
Treatise
,
made
in
defence
of
Equiuocation
,
and
intercepted
(
as
it
seemeth
)
by
them
,
I
could
neuer
yet
come
to
the
sight
therof
,
and
therfore
must
be
forced
to
admitt
,
what
he
saith
out
of
it
,
without
controlment
,
heere
a
peece
,
&
there
a
peece
;
though
there
be
diuers
coniectures
,
〈◊〉
he
,
as
in
other
matters
,
so
in
this
,
dealeth
very
vnfaithfully
:
partly
for
that
such
peeces
as
heere
are
alleadged
,
do
not
seeme
well
to
hang
togeather
,
or
to
haue
any
due
connexion
:
and
partly
also
for
that
I
hauing
taken
Thomas
Morton
in
so
many
falsifications
,
of
thinges
alleadged
by
him
,
as
before
yow
haue
seene
,
and
that
the
law
saith
,
Whosoeuer
is
once
euill
,
is
presumed
to
be
euill
still
,
vntill
he
proue
the
contrary
:
I
must
in
a
manner
assure
my selfe
,
that
the
minister
hath
vsed
notable
legter-de
mains
,
in
citing
the
sentences
,
and
textes
of
this
Catholicke
Treatise
,
which
I
haue
hope
to
see
ere
it
belong
,
and
if
it
come
in
time
,
I
may
chance
by
some
appendix
,
to
giue
yow
more
notice
of
the
particulers
.
4.
This
then
presupposed
,
we
come
to
the
〈◊〉
pointes
of
his
whole
Treatise
,
which
〈◊〉
as
yow
haue
heard
of
two
conclusions
.
The
first
,
that
euery
Equiuocation
by
a
mentall
reseruation
,
is
not
a
hidden
truth
but
a
grosse
lye
:
The
second
,
that
euery
Equiuocation
whether
mentall
or
verball
,
if
it
be
vsed
in
an
oath
,
though
it
be
no
lye
,
yet
is
it
an
abhominable
prophanation
of
that
sacred
institution
of
God
&c.
And
for
proofe
of
these
two
conclusions
,
he
alleadgeth
seuerall
argumentes
,
which
heere
we
shall
discusse
in
order
,
to
wit
,
seauen
for
the
first
,
and
foure
for
the
later
.
His
argumentes
for
the
first
are
these
.
1.
The
definition
of
a
lye
.
2.
The
definition
of
Equiuocation
.
3.
The
description
of
lying
.
4.
The
nature
of
periury
.
5.
Truth
God
,
lying
the
Diuell
.
6.
Scriptures
Fathers
Pagans
.
7.
Signe
,
interpretations
,
coyne
,
Giges
ring
.
And
for
the
second
conclusion
he
bringeth
4.
argumentes
.
1.
The
forme
of
an
oath
.
2.
The
end
of
an
oath
.
3.
A
minore
from
the
lesse
to
the
more
.
4.
A
paribus
,
or
from
thinges
equall
.
And
now
shall
you
see
one
by
one
,
how
equally
vaine
,
and
of
no
force
all
these
argumentes
be
.
The
first
argument
from
the
definition
of
a
lye
.
§.
1.
5.
NOw
must
we
come
(
saith
he
)
into
the
listes
So
he
.
6.
And
I
haue
thought
good
to
lett
him
play
his
parte
somwhat
largely
in
this
first
argument
,
to
the
end
you
may
know
him
the
better
in
the
rest
.
You
see
how
he
entereth
with
menacing
wordes
,
and
then
how
he
maketh
a
sillogisme
,
&
when
he
should
proue
his
Minor
proposition
,
that
wee
deny
,
to
witt
,
that
euery
one
that
〈◊〉
Equiuocation
doth
vse
a
signification
of
speach
directly
against
his
conscience
,
he
saith
,
that
we
do
not
only
confesse
,
but
professe
the
same
.
And
how
doth
he
proue
this
?
Forsooth
for
that
we
hold
that
a
Catholicke
being
examined
whether
he
haue
a
priest
in
his
house
,
he
may
answere
no
,
though
he
know
he
be
there
.
But
now
this
simple
fellow
doth
know
before
this
time
,
if
he
hath
read
that
which
in
the
precedent
Chapters
we
haue
written
,
that
the
〈◊〉
,
no
,
in
this
answere
doth
not
fal
only
vpon
those
wordes
vttered
,
but
vpon
my
whole
meaning
,
and
reserued
proposition
,
and
consequently
doth
not
signifye
,
that
I
know
no
priest
to
be
there
,
but
,
that
I
do
not
know
him
so
to
be
there
as
I
am
bound
to
vtter
him
,
as
S.
Iohns
,
no
,
to
the
Pharisies
did
not
signify
that
he
was
no
Prophet
at
all
,
but
that
he
was
no
such
Prophet
as
they
imagined
.
7.
〈◊〉
it
is
great
folly
for
him
heere
to
say
,
that
we
both
confesse
and
professe
,
that
when
we
vse
〈◊〉
speach
in
a
reserued
proposition
,
we
speake
against
our
knowledge
,
&
conscience
.
For
we
speake
as
we
thinke
,
and
as
we
thinke
truly
both
in
our
meaning
and
in
the
sight
of
God
,
though
the
hearer
by
his
owne
default
,
as
proceeding
vniustly
,
be
permitted
to
be
deceaued
:
so
as
,
when
I
say
,
I
haue
no
priest
in
my
house
reseruing
in
mynd
this
other
clause
,
which
I
ought
and
am
bound
to
vtter
vnto
yow
,
is
a
true
proposition
,
and
truly
meant
by
me
,
and
not
contrary
,
but
conforme
to
my
knowledge
,
&
conscience
:
which
being
vnderstood
,
all
the
daubing
with
morter
which
the
minister
Morton
bringeth
in
heere
out
of
our
owne
Authors
(
for
other
(
poore
man
)
he
hath
none
)
to
〈◊〉
vp
his
contradiction
withall
,
dissolueth
of
it selfe
,
and
falleth
to
the
ground
,
as
meere
daubing
in
deed
.
For
first
we
graunt
the
definition
of
lying
,
alledged
out
of
the
Maister
of
〈◊〉
,
which
is
:
Lying
is
when
a
man
speaketh
any
thing
,
contrary
to
that
which
he
thinketh
in
his
mynd
:
for
in
this
proposition
of
ours
I
thinke
as
I
speake
,
for
I
thinke
and
know
that
I
haue
no
priest
in
my
house
,
which
I
ought
to
discouer
.
Secondly
wee
admit
also
the
definition
of
S.
Thomas
of
Aquin
:
A
lye
is
when
a
man
will
signify
in
outward
wordes
,
another
thing
then
that
which
he
hath
in
his
mynd
,
which
in
our
case
we
do
not
.
We
admit
also
the
saying
of
S.
Augustine
heere
alleadged
,
that
the
former
property
of
periurie
is
to
sweare
that
,
which
I
thinke
is
false
.
8.
And
now
Thomas
Morton
hauing
alleadged
these
authorityes
out
of
our
owne
Doctors
,
as
yow
see
,
and
making
nothing
for
him
,
but
altogeather
for
vs
,
he
passeth
on
to
vrge
vs
with
his
wise
〈◊〉
interrogatoryes
,
wherof
we
haue
made
mention
[
*
](A09111-e67780-b)
*
Supra
Cap.
9.
Pag.
51.
before
,
and
maketh
this
preface
thervnto
.
9.
Now
must
we
examine
(
saith
he
)
whether
that
we
haue
not
by
this
proofe
so
intrapped
the
Fox
Equiuocator
,
that
he
cannot
find
any
hole
wherby
to
escape
.
Suffer
me
Socratically
to
debate
this
point
with
you
&
answere
me
frendly
to
these
demaundes
&c.
Which
childish
trifling
,
for
that
we
haue
answered
sufficiently
before
,
we
shall
say
no
more
in
this
place
.
And
this
is
all
he
hath
of
any
substance
in
this
argument
.
His
second
argument
from
the
definition
of
Equiuocation
.
§.
2.
10.
INTO
this
argument
also
he
entreth
with
like
vaunt
,
as
〈◊〉
the
former
;
That
if
euer
〈◊〉
Logitian
,
whether
Infidel
,
or
belieuer
did
allow
a
mixt
proposition
partly
mentall
,
and
partly
verball
,
I
will
(
saith
he
)
which
my
soule
vtterly
detesteth
,
be
an
Equiuocator
But
to
this
folly
hath
byn
answered
sufficiently
before
in
the
eight
Chapter
,
where
his
grosse
ouersight
is
discouered
in
this
childish
vaunt
.
〈◊〉
he
goeth
forward
saying
:
But
I
must
not
now
expect
impossibilities
from
you
,
to
try
what
you
would
proue
,
but
shew
heerin
what
I
can
disproue
.
Your
proposition
,
I
am
no
priest
,
mixed
with
your
mentall
reseruation
,
to
reueale
it
vnto
yow
,
if
it
be
true
,
it
is
either
in
his
simple
signification
,
or
by
vertue
of
〈◊〉
:
but
it
is
true
in
his
simple
signification
:
This
yow
graunt
.
Neither
can
it
be
true
by
vertue
of
Equiuocation
:
This
I
proue
.
11.
Well
Syr
,
we
shall
see
presently
your
proofe
for
this
second
point
,
but
in
the
meane
space
we
deny
the
former
,
which
yow
say
we
grant
,
but
do
alleadge
I
am
no
priest
bound
to
reueale
it
vnto
yow
,
or
no
priest
subiect
vnto
your
iurisdiction
,
is
not
a
true
proposition
in
his
owne
simple
signification
?
For
it
signifyeth
to
me
simply
,
and
plainly
,
that
I
am
not
a
priest
subiect
to
seculer
mens
examination
,
according
to
Canonicall
and
Ecclesiasticall
lawes
:
how
then
do
we
grant
that
the
proposition
is
not
true
,
in
his
simple
signification
,
or
where
is
that
grant
registred
?
Is
not
this
great
simplicity
,
to
presume
a
grant
and
to
plead
that
grant
in
print
,
wheras
the
thing
is
euidently
denyed
?
Who
would
argue
thus
but
Thomas
Morton
?
But
let
vs
see
your
proofe
in
the
second
,
seeing
yow
faile
so
much
in
the
first
.
.
Equiuocation
say
yow
)
in
word
or
speach
,
according
Arist
Elench.
li.
1.
cap.
4.
to
Aristotle
the
Oracle
of
Logitians
,
is
when
one
word
or
one
speach
,
doth
equally
signifie
diuers
things
,
as
when
one
shall
say
,
I
am
afraid
of
a
dogge
,
this
word
dogge
hath
a
triple
signification
,
&c.
This
hath
byn
examined
before
in
the
seauenth
Chapter
,
where
it
is
shewed
,
how
yow
abuse
Aristotle
in
this
place
,
by
making
him
to
define
Equiuocation
in
generall
by
a
part
;
that
is
to
say
the
definition
of
one
,
among
three
manners
or
degrees
of
Equiuocation
there
by
him
set
downe
,
wherby
also
yow
destroy
vnawares
your
owne
cause
:
for
that
if
this
be
the
definition
of
Equiuocation
in
generall
,
then
cannot
our
reserued
proposition
haue
any
equiuocation
in
it
at
all
,
for
that
the
wordes
and
speech
haue
no
double
,
but
simple
signification
of
themselues
,
and
consequently
yow
do
accuse
vs
vniustly
of
equiuocating
,
in
vsing
this
answere
,
wherof
also
your self
say
presently
after
:
But
your
mixt
and
patched
proposition
is
not
one
word
or
speach
,
signifying
equally
diuers
things
,
but
contrarily
diuers
partes
of
speach
,
one
in
the
mynd
,
and
another
in
the
mouth
,
which
whosoeuer
shall
call
equiuocall
,
may
13.
And
now
(
good
Syr
)
what
will
yow
proue
by
all
this
?
That
our
mixt
reserued
propositions
are
not
ambiguous
,
doubtfull
,
and
equiuocall
?
And
why
then
(
I
pray
yow
)
do
yow
call
vs
Equiuocators
?
yea
hellish
heathnish
Equiuocators
for
vsing
the
same
?
Who
is
like
rather
to
be
bitten
of
the
highest
dogg
,
eyther
we
or
yow
that
cannot
tell
what
yow
say
or
proue
,
eyther
for
yow
,
or
against
your selfe
?
We
haue
stood
hithertoto
defend
those
mixt
propositions
against
your
imputations
of
hellish
,
heathenish
,
impious
,
and
sacrilegious
Equiuocations
;
and
now
yow
take
vpon
yow
to
proue
,
that
they
are
not
equiuocall
at
all
,
and
that
they
are
bitten
with
the
highest
dogg
,
that
say
so
:
and
yow
are
〈◊〉
earnestly
sett
to
proue
it
,
as
yow
dare
aduenture
to
corrupt
Aristotles
owne
text
,
to
make
some
shew
therof
,
not
only
in
choice
of
the
definition
before
mentioned
;
but
in
the
very
wordes
also
of
his
Greeke
text
one
word
,
nor
one
speach
as
yow
say
,
but
diuers
partes
of
speach
,
wheras
Aristotle
hath
neyther
of
these
ones
in
his
text
,
as
the
Greeke
wordes
alleadged
in
the
margent
do
shew
,
but
are
foisted
in
by
Morton
to
ouerthrow
himselfe
.
And
is
not
this
like
to
be
the
bytting
of
a
doggish
influence
indeed
?
14.
Wherfore
to
conclude
,
this
argument
is
against
himselfe
,
who
vnderstandeth
not
the
state
of
his
owne
question
,
and
therfore
for
instruction
of
the
Reader
,
I
say
,
that
albeit
these
mixt
reserued
propositions
be
not
properly
equiuocall
,
in
the
sense
that
Aristotle
did
[
*
](A09111-e68310-b)
*
Cap
〈◊〉
.
before
we
haue
related
)
for
that
they
do
not
of
themselues
,
nor
their
owne
natures
,
signifye
equally
diuers
things
,
but
being
vnderstood
wholy
haue
a
single
and
simple
signification
in
the
mynd
,
and
vnderstanding
of
the
His
third
argument
from
the
description
of
lying
.
§.
3.
15.
YOW
haue
seene
his
first
argument
to
haue
byn
deduced
from
the
definition
of
a
lye
,
and
now
this
his
third
is
from
the
description
of
lying
:
what
great
difference
do
yow
imagine
there
may
be
betweene
lye
and
lying
;
why
had
he
not
drawne
one
argument
at
least
from
the
definition
of
truth
,
as
we
haue
done
diuers
before
against
him
?
But
let
vs
heare
S.
Augustine
)
but
that
he
lyeth
,
16.
And
my
answere
is
,
that
I
would
gladly
haue
this
great
disputer
to
proue
his
Minor
proposition
,
and
His
fourth
argument
is
taken
à
specie
,
or
from
a
particular
kind
of
lying
,
which
is
Periury
.
§.
4.
17.
THIS
man
as
yow
see
cannot
yet
get
out
of
lying
and
periury
,
and
by
naming
them
only
as
impugned
by
him
,
he
thinketh
to
credit
his
owne
cause
,
and
discredit
ours
,
wheras
in
deed
by
practising
eyther
one
or
both
in
this
his
very
impugnation
,
he
honoureth
our
cause
,
and
ouerthroweth
his
owne
.
Let
vs
heare
his
formall
argument
.
Maior
:
Periury
,
as
Iesuites
do
confesse
,
is
a
lye
made
in
an
oath
:
Minor
:
But
mentall
equiuocating
in
an
oath
is
periury
:
Ergo
,
Simply
in
it selfe
without
an
oath
it
is
a
ly
.
Heere
againe
I
would
desire
our
disputer
to
proue
his
Minor
proposition
,
that
euery
speach
mixt
with
a
mentall
reseruation
is
petiuryif
it
be
sworne
:
the
folly
and
impiety
of
which
assertion
is
sufficiently
detected
before
,
that
what
a
man
may
truly
say
,
he
may
truly
also
sweare
,
And
that
it
is
euident
,
that
many
such
mixt
and
reserued
propositions
were
vttered
by
Christ
,
and
his
Saintes
,
as
holy
Scripture
testifieth
,
and
we
haue
giuen
many
examples
in
the
ninth
Chapter
going
before
:
as
it
were
impiety
to
say
that
those
propositions
were
lyes
out
of
an
oath
;
so
were
it
Thomas
Morton
now
say
to
this
?
or
what
scrap
of
proofe
can
he
bring
for
his
Minor
proposition
,
that
euery
mentall
reserued
speach
or
other
equiuocall
proposition
is
periury
in
an
oath
?
He
alleadgeth
first
those
wordes
in
Exodus
;
Thou
shalt
not
beare
false
witnes
,
18.
But
hearken
further
,
for
he
will
bring
another
more
strange
then
this
.
Your
great
Moralist
Azor
(
saith
he
)
doth
condemne
all
Equiuocators
heerin
(
to
wit
for
mentall
Equiuocation
in
an
oath
)
as
periured
Thus
he
.
And
I
would
demaund
him
about
this
matter
,
whether
he
will
sweare
this
to
be
true
which
he
saith
of
Azor
?
For
if
Ministers
and
priests
go
Tho.
Morton
for
a
periured
lyar
in
deed
,
who
hath
so
perfidiously
belyed
Azor
in
this
place
,
and
that
in
so
many
points
.
For
first
Azor
handling
in
the
booke
and
Chapter
by
him
cyted
,
De
iureiurando
,
cui
videtur
veritas
aliquo
modo
deesse
:
Of
an
oath
which
may
seeme
in
some
sorte
to
want
truth
,
he
doth
put
downe
diuers
examples
(
8.
or
.
9.
at
least
)
wherin
the
swearer
may
sweare
truly
in
his
owne
sense
,
though
false
in
the
sense
of
him
that
exacteth
the
oath
,
all
which
are
so
many
plaine
approbations
of
swearing
Equiuocall
propositions
without
periury
,
and
so
many
publicke
contradictions
and
confutations
of
Tho.
Mortons
notorious
slaunder
auouched
heere
against
him
,
that
he
condemneth
al
Equiuocators
for
liers
.
Of
which
cases
heere
determined
by
Azor
against
Morton
,
the
first
is
,
Si
Sacerdosrogetur
&c.
If
a
priest
be
asked
any
thing
which
he
hath
heard
in
confession
,
he
may
answere
,
se
nihil
scire
,
nihil
audiuisse
,
that
he
knoweth
nothing
,
he
hath
heard
nothing
.
And
how
then
doth
this
great
Moralist
condemne
all
Equiuocators
herein
as
periured
lyars
?
Is
not
this
publicke
lying
in
Tho.
Morton
,
and
that
in
print
?
And
were
not
this
formall
periury
,
if
he
did
sweare
it
in
any
court
whatsoeuer
?
as
namely
in
his
Lords
Court
of
the
Arches
?
And
should
he
not
be
punished
in
that
Court
as
a
periured
person
,
if
it
were
proued
against
him
?
And
how
then
dareth
he
to
commit
the
same
so
publickly
without
blushing
?
But
let
vs
leaue
him
to
his
Lords
correction
in
this
behalfe
;
and
so
passe
on
to
an
other
point
.
19.
Secondly
then
,
not
only
the
sense
and
drifte
but
the
wordes
themselues
set
downe
by
T.
M.
out
of
Azor
Azor.
lib.
11.
c.
4.
§.
Primo
〈◊〉
are
most
fraudulently
and
falsely
alleadged
:
Quidam
putauit
(
saith
he
)
fas
esse
cuiquam
,
vt
vitam
suam
conseruet
,
hosti
iurare
,
tantummodo
eo
sensu
,
quem
mente
intus
concipit
,
possemus
enim
hac
ratione
quiduis
negare
,
&
nihil
non
absque
mendacio
dicere
.
Some
haue
thought
it
lawful
(
saith
he
)
to
euery
man
,
for
the
conseruation
of
his
life
,
to
sweare
to
his
enemy
only
in
that
sense
,
which
he
conceaueth
inwardly
in
his
owne
mynd
,
which
if
it
should
be
graunted
,
then
might
we
by
this
meanes
deny
any
thing
,
and
speake
what
we
will
without
a
lye
.
20.
These
are
〈◊〉
for
Azor
his
wordes
,
and
in
deed
the
most
of
them
are
in
Azor
,
but
not
togeather
as
they
lye
heere
,
but
some
in
one
place
,
and
some
in
another
,
spoken
to
〈◊〉
purposes
,
&
in
different
sense
from
that
T.
M.
alleadgeth
them
corruptly
in
this
place
.
And
for
proofe
heerof
,
and
of
the
egregious
Wherfore
we
do
willingly
grant
that
,
which
before
was
proposed
of
him
that
by
oath
doth
promise
vnto
a
these
,
a
tyrant
,
or
his
enemy
for
sauing
his
life
,
to
giue
him
a
certayne
quantity
of
money
,
which
yet
notwithstanding
in
his
〈◊〉
he
hath
no
purpose
to
do
,
swearing
with
this
reseruation
,
dabo
,
si
debeo
,
I
wil
giue
it
if
I
owe
it
.
Now
then
consider
good
reader
the
honesty
and
truth
of
Tho.
Morton
,
that
bringeth
in
Azor
to
condemne
that
as
lying
periury
which
he
doth
not
only
allow
,
as
truth
,
and
no
ly
,
but
proueth
also
the
lawfulnes
therof
by
many
examples
;
and
especially
by
this
of
him
that
sweareth
by
Equiuocation
,
which
example
Morton
bringeth
in
as
condemned
by
Azor
,
for
periurious
lying
:
what
will
yow
say
?
or
what
will
you
do
with
such
men
?
And
doe
yow
note
also
that
in
the
former
wordes
of
Azor
,
he
cutteth
of
Latroni
&
Tyranno
,
and
this
to
preueut
a
case
resolued
against
him
afterward
by
Cicero
,
praedonibus
&
piratis
,
to
theeues
and
pirates
periury
〈◊〉
not
committed
;
what
then
(
I
say
)
is
to
be
thought
,
or
said
,
or
done
with
such
men
?
Himselfe
setteth
downe
a
rule
out
of
Tully
in
his
Epistle
to
the
King
,
〈◊〉
such
as
are
taken
once
in
lying
may
neuer
after
be
credited
againe
,
which
he
applyeth
against
the
Catholickes
,
but
〈◊〉
iustly
it
ought
to
be
practised
in
him
,
and
his
fellowes
,
that
are
taken
at
euery
turne
in
such
notorious
wilfull
lying
,
is
euident
to
the
discreet
Reader
.
His
fifth
argument
,
Truth
God
,
lying
the
diuell
.
§.
5.
21.
IF
a
man
had
time
to
loose
in
discussing
this
two-membred
argument
,
it
might
be
some
recreation
to
see
the
disputers
folly
,
&
weaknes
in
that
he
taketh
in
hand
.
For
first
he
setteth
downe
the
wordes
of
S.
Paul
vnto
the
Hebrewes
,
That
it
is
impossible
Supra
Cap.
7.
for
God
to
lye
,
which
we
graunt
,
as
yow
know
,
and
haue
proued
it
largely
before
,
and
this
,
neque
de
〈◊〉
ordinaria
neque
absoluta
;
&
then
he
inferreth
out
of
that
,
that
it
is
as
vnlawfull
for
God
to
Equiuocate
,
for
that
otherwise
(
saith
he
)
the
elect
of
God
should
not
haue
any
strong
consolation
,
for
that
they
may
still
doubt
,
that
God
doth
Equiuocate
with
them
:
and
so
when
his
spirite
doth
witnes
to
the
spirites
of
his
elect
,
that
22.
Wherto
I
answere
first
,
that
hauing
set
downe
that
which
we
haue
before
,
about
the
different
nature
of
falsitie
and
Equiuocation
,
euery
child
will
laugh
at
Thomas
Mortons
inference
:
God
cannot
lye
,
or
vtter
a
false
proposition
,
Ergo
,
he
cannot
vtter
a
doubtfull
or
Equiuocall
proposition
,
that
may
haue
one
sense
in
the
hearers
vnderstanding
,
and
another
in
the
speakers
,
such
as
that
was
of
Christ
our
Sauiour
,
when
he
said
,
dissolue
this
temple
,
and
I
will
buyld
vp
the
same
againe
in
three
dayes
,
which
the
Pharisees
,
and
all
other
hearers
commonly
vnderstood
of
the
materiall
temple
,
wherin
he
stood
,
when
he
spake
the
wordes
,
but
they
were
deceyued
,
for
himselfe
meant
the
holy
temple
of
his
sacred
body
,
Ergo
,
in
this
he
did
Equiuocate
according
to
the
definition
of
Equiuocation
now
agreed
vpon
betweene
vs
:
yea
Aristotles
definition
also
agreeth
to
this
speach
of
Christ
,
for
that
the
word
temple
heere
doth
equally
signify
two
thinges
,
and
consequently
either
Morton
must
deny
Christ
to
be
God
,
or
affirme
that
God
can
Equiuocate
,
though
he
cannot
lye
.
And
the
many
examples
which
we
haue
alleadged
before
in
the
9.
Chapter
,
and
shall
do
afterward
in
this
,
to
the
next
argument
,
must
needes
put
this
Minister
in
a
sacke
&
stopp
his
mouth
in
this
behalfe
.
23.
His
second
inference
also
,
that
if
God
could
Equiuocate
,
the
consolation
of
the
elect
could
not
be
strong
,
is
ydle
in
like
manner
.
For
if
God
could
lye
,
this
inference
might
haue
place
,
but
an
Equiuocall
That
whosoeuer
calleth
vpon
the
name
of
our
Lord
shal
be
saued
:
and
the
hearer
on
the
other
side
seeth
all
heretickes
and
Sectaries
whatsoeuer
to
call
vpon
the
same
name
,
and
yet
shall
not
be
saued
;
yea
he
heareth
also
those
wordes
of
Christ
:
Not
euery
one
that
saith
vnto
me
Lord
,
Lord
,
shall
enter
into
the
Kingdome
of
heauen
,
&c.
Yet
is
he
bound
vnder
payn
of
Infidelity
to
belieue
that
the
former
generall
proposition
of
Ioel
the
Prophet
,
which
hath
a
further
reserued
mentall
meaning
then
in
wordes
is
vttered
,
is
true
and
infallible
,
and
consequently
he
must
seeke
out
the
true
reseruation
,
or
clause
not
expressed
,
whereby
the
whole
proposition
is
made
true
,
which
otherwise
,
as
it
lyeth
,
and
soundeth
,
is
false
;
for
that
to
speake
generally
without
reseruation
,
That
euery
one
that
calleth
vpon
the
name
of
God
,
shal
be
saued
,
cannot
vniuersally
be
true
,
for
so
much
as
the
contrary
therof
is
euident
,
that
many
who
call
vpon
that
name
,
are
not
saued
but
damned
.
And
almost
infinite
other
places
like
to
this
are
found
in
Scripture
,
as
he
that
belieueth
and
is
baptized
shal
be
saued
;
he
that
eateth
my
flesh
,
and
drinketh
my
bloud
,
hath
life
euerlasting
;
and
such
other
,
which
cannot
be
verifyed
in
the
generall
〈◊〉
of
the
words
,
without
some
reseruation
not
expressed
.
24.
And
as
for
that
he
would
not
haue
his
new
elect
Protestants
,
to
want
of
their
strong
consolation
,
or
to
stand
in
doubt
of
some
reseruation
(
as
he
saith
)
when
Gods
spirit
witnesseth
to
their
spirits
,
that
they
are
the
sonnes
of
God
,
&
that
they
shall
not
perish
(
which
reseruation
he
wickedly
calleth
A
clause
of
delusion
)
he
might
more
truly
terme
that
their
fond
presumption
,
delusion
,
wherby
they
will
needs
apply
vnto
themselues
that
thing
absolutly
,
which
God
speaketh
alwayes
with
due
reseruation
,
and
condition
,
as
now
hath
byn
shewed
in
the
examples
alleadged
,
that
not
euery
one
absolutly
shall
be
saued
,
that
calleth
vpon
the
name
of
our
Lord
,
or
belieueth
and
is
baptized
,
or
eateth
his
flesh
,
and
drinketh
his
bloud
,
but
they
only
that
call
vpon
his
name
rightfully
,
and
as
they
ought
to
do
,
and
as
Christ
himself
expoundeth
it
,
to
witt
they
that
call
vpon
him
,
and
ioyntly
doe
performe
the
will
of
his
Father
in
keeping
his
commandements
;
and
the
like
in
those
that
belieue
&
are
baptized
,
and
liue
well
,
and
those
that
eat
his
flesh
and
drinke
his
bloud
worthily
:
which
conditions
and
reseruations
must
necessarily
be
vnderstood
also
in
the
speach
of
that
spirit
that
speaketh
to
protestants
,
if
it
be
from
Matt
vlt.
〈◊〉
.
Ep.
〈◊〉
.
cap.
2.
3
,
4.
God
,
as
both
S.
Iohn
and
Christ
himselfe
expoundeth
,
and
this
is
not
blasphemy
as
Tho.
〈◊〉
imagineth
,
but
true
humility
,
for
here
the
doubtfulnes
is
not
of
the
assurance
of
Gods
promise
,
but
of
our
performance
,
that
is
to
say
,
whether
we
do
performe
〈◊〉
necessary
conditions
which
alwayes
are
to
be
vnderstood
in
Gods
promises
towards
vs
for
keeping
his
commandements
.
And
thus
much
of
the
first
part
of
his
argument
apperteyning
to
God
.
25.
But
now
for
the
other
parte
,
concerning
the
That
doctrine
cannot
be
true
,
which
stopped
a
mans
mouth
from
geuing
the
Dyuell
the
lye
.
MINOR
:
But
if
Equiuocation
be
admitted
,
all
mankind
is
silenced
from
geuing
the
〈◊〉
his
due
tytle
of
lyer
.
ERGO
Equiuocating
is
no
doctrine
of
truth
,
&c.
〈◊〉
for
proofe
of
his
Minor
,
he
alleadgeth
only
the
〈◊〉
of
Eue
in
paradise
,
demaunding
of
vs
,
whether
when
the
dyuell
said
to
her
:
Though
yow
eate
,
yow
shall
not
dye
,
she
might
haue
said
to
him
,
thou
lyest
For
if
we
deny
that
she
may
,
then
do
we
tye
her
tongue
from
calling
the
dyuell
a
lyer
,
and
if
we
grant
that
she
may
say
so
,
then
would
the
dyuell
escape
by
saying
to
her
,
that
he
did
not
lye
but
only
Equiuocate
.
26.
And
is
not
this
goodly
stuffe
?
fit
for
a
booke
?
fit
for
a
print
?
fit
for
a
Chaplyn
of
my
Lord
of
Canterbury
?
Are
these
things
suffred
to
passe
without
controlment
in
England
?
If
the
dyuell
be
father
of
lyes
,
and
consequently
of
them
that
do
lye
,
of
what
kynred
will
he
proue
to
be
〈◊〉
this
Minister
that
hath
byn
taken
now
with
so
many
notorious
witting
and
wilfull
lyes
as
before
hath
byn
shewed
?
which
how
they
are
Equiuocations
also
in
a
worser
sense
shall
be
shewed
in
the
chapter
following
,
and
consequently
that
T.
Morton
is
an
egregious
Equiuocator
in
that
sorte
and
kind
,
which
Sathan
himsefe
did
vse
to
deceaue
our
Grandame
Eue.
His
fixt
argument
intituled
,
from
examples
of
dissimulation
condemned
by
Scriptures
,
Fathers
,
Pagans
.
§.
6.
27.
HEERE
yow
see
how
he
tyeth
togeather
Scriptures
,
Fathers
,
and
Pagans
,
&
all
do
proue
indeed
his
purpose
alike
;
for
that
he
bringeth
nothing
to
the
purpose
out
of
any
of
them
.
And
first
yow
see
that
he
flyeth
the
word
Equiuocation
,
and
nameth
only
Dissimulation
,
Tho.
Morton
would
haue
it
,
to
wit
,
as
Dissimulation
importeth
S.
Augustine
himselfe
writing
contramendacium
,
against
lying
,
doth
confesse
that
in
a
good
sense
Christ
did
dissemble
,
when
he
said
:
〈◊〉
tetigit
,
who
touched
me
,
when
Lazarus
,
Vbi
Per
hoc
,
nescire
se
finxit
,
saith
S.
Augustine
:
Christ
by
this
kynde
of
speech
did
feigne
that
he
knew
not
.
And
againe
in
the
same
booke
,
neyther
that
which
Iacob
did
to
obtayne
caetera
huiusmodi
mendacia
iudicanda
sunt
,
neyther
other
such
like
dissimulations
as
these
are
,
may
be
iudged
for
lyes
:
Before
also
we
haue
heard
his
opinion
for
allowing
all
dissimulation
in
stratagems
,
so
the
war
be
iust
.
And
thus
much
for
the
tytle
of
his
argument
,
now
to
the
substance
.
28.
First
to
begine
with
his
examples
out
of
Scriptures
,
I
say
that
he
might
better
haue
said
Example
in
the
singuler
number
:
for
wheras
we
of
our
parte
haue
alleadged
so
many
,
and
so
great
variety
of
examples
in
our
former
discourse
to
the
contrary
,
he
(
poore
man
)
out
of
all
the
body
of
the
whole
Bible
,
hath
alleadged
but
one
,
and
that
nothing
to
his
purpose
,
as
presently
shall
appeare
.
His
example
is
out
of
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
,
where
it
is
recounted
how
Saint
Peter
for
defrauding
the
Community
of
that
An
Act
(
saith
T.
Morton
)
proper
to
the
infancy
of
the
Church
,
to
bring
their
substance
,
and
tender
it
to
the
Apostles
for
the
comon
good
of
the
Saints
.
By
which
words
if
he
allow
that
fact
,
as
a
forme
of
perfection
in
that
purity
and
integrity
of
the
Christian
Churches
begining
,
why
then
now
is
the
imitation
therof
in
religious
men
of
our
dayes
impugned
by
the
Protestants
?
And
if
by
the
word
infancy
he
meane
weaknes
or
imperfection
in
the
sense
of
S.
Paul
,
saying
:
Cùm
essem
paruulus
,
&c.
When
I
was
a
child
or
infant
,
I
speake
as
a
child
,
I
vnderstood
as
a
child
,
I
thought
as
a
child
:
but
when
I
came
to
the
yeares
of
a
man
,
I
cast
of
those
thinges
that
belonged
to
a
child
:
If
this
(
I
say
)
be
Thomas
Mortons
meaning
to
note
the
act
of
imperfection
,
the
ancient
[
*
](A09111-e70270-b)
*
Chrys.
〈◊〉
.
12.
in
Acta
Apostolorum
Hier.
epist.
8.
ad
Demet
.
August
.
ser.
27.
de
verbis
Apost.
Fulgentius
epist.
de
debito
coniugali
c.
8.
Grego
lib.
1.
epist.
33.
〈◊〉
.
Oecum
enius
Arator
,
Rabanus
,
Lyra
,
&
alij
in
hunc
locum
.
Fathers
do
stand
wholy
against
him
,
and
do
allow
it
rather
for
great
perfection
,
and
that
it
was
a
vow
of
voluntary
pouerty
to
liue
in
comon
,
which
those
first
Christians
had
made
by
counsell
of
the
Apostles
,
and
consequently
do
interprete
those
wordes
,
Nonne
manens
tibi
manebat
,
&c.
Did
it
not
remayne
in
your
power
to
giue
it
,
or
not
to
giue
it
?
to
haue
byn
meant
by
S.
Peter
before
their
vow
,
which
if
it
be
true
and
that
S.
Peter
did
giue
so
dreadfull
a
sentence
vpon
the
first
vow-breakers
of
voluntary
pouerty
,
euen
for
deteyning
somwhat
of
their
owne
,
how
much
may
Thomas
Morton
,
and
some
friends
of
his
feare
the
like
sentence
,
for
teaching
it
to
be
lawfull
to
take
away
that
from
a
Religious
community
,
which
themselues
neuer
gaue
.
29.
But
let
vs
come
to
the
application
of
this
example
against
Equiuocation
,
which
he
hath
chosen
to
The
woman
is
asked
(
saith
he
:
)
Sould
yow
the
land
for
so
much
?
Her
answere
is
;
yea
,
for
so
much
,
meaning
but
one
halfe
,
&
concealing
the
other
,
in
which
dissimulation
it
is
impossible
,
but
that
your
reserued
clause
must
haue
come
into
her
mynd
,
to
thinke
but
so
much
to
giue
in
common
,
or
to
signifye
vnto
yow
.
Thus
Thomas
S.
Peter
in
a
lawfull
cause
,
touching
her
owne
vow
&
promise
,
no
clause
os
reseruation
could
saue
her
speech
from
lying
,
as
our
Minister
doth
foolishly
imagine
.
30.
Wherfore
S.
Peter
as
most
lawfull
Iudge
and
gouernour
of
the
vniuersall
Church
vnder
Christ
,
&
the
holy
Ghost
in
him
,
did
worthily
punish
that
dissimulation
and
lying
both
in
her
and
her
husband
,
for
example
of
others
in
that
beginning
,
and
for
manifesting
the
great
and
special
assistance
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
that
assisted
him
,
and
should
be
in
his
Successors
to
the
worldes
end
in
that
their
gouernement
,
to
the
terror
of
wicked
men
that
should
impugne
it
,
or
otherwise
deserue
by
their
demerites
to
be
punished
by
the
same
.
And
thus
much
of
his
examples
out
of
Scriptures
,
which
is
but
one
as
yow
see
,
and
that
much
against
himselfe
and
his
owne
cause
if
I
be
not
deceaued
,
for
that
it
proueth
all
equiuocation
is
not
lawfull
,
as
〈◊〉
will
nedes
suppose
vs
to
hold
.
31.
In
the
Fathers
he
is
more
copious
,
for
he
hath
two
examples
,
but
of
as
small
moment
to
the
purpose
as
this
.
The
first
out
of
S.
Augustine
in
his
booke
against
S.
Augustines
resolution
is
,
that
which
S.
Augustine
saith
,
he
could
not
say
,
nescio
,
I
know
not
whether
he
be
dead
,
or
aliue
,
which
is
allowed
by
vs
in
some
Equiuocations
,
as
in
the
precedent
Chapter
hath
byn
said
.
But
to
this
I
answere
,
that
this
case
is
not
like
those
,
for
that
heere
is
no
〈◊〉
demand
,
no
force
,
no
compulsion
,
no
iniurie
offred
,
and
consequently
no
right
of
vsing
such
euasion
foriust
defence
,
for
so
much
as
this
is
in
common
conuersation
,
from
which
we
haue
exempted
before
the
vse
of
Equiuocations
,
albeit
we
haue
heard
also
out
of
the
same
S.
Augustine
himselfe
,
Aliud
est
mentiri
,
aliud
S.
Augustine
speaketh
against
the
first
,
and
so
do
we
,
and
consequently
this
example
proueth
nothing
.
32.
His
second
is
out
of
the
same
Father
in
another
nec
prodam
,
nec
mentiar
,
I
will
neither
bewray
him
,
neither
will
I
S.
Augugustine
greatly
commendeth
him
,
and
so
was
he
worthy
,
for
it
was
indeed
an
heroicall
act
.
And
if
therin
he
did
more
resolutly
then
he
was
bound
,
as
many
priests
in
England
haue
done
,
that
presently
vpon
their
apprehension
haue
confessed
themselues
to
be
priestes
,
it
inferreth
no
law
,
that
all
men
are
bound
to
do
the
like
.
For
as
the
lawe
it selfe
saith
:
Cuique
licet
de
iure
suo
cedere
:
It
is
lawfull
for
euery
man
to
yeeld
of
his
owne
right
what
he
please
,
as
S.
Paul
,
though
in
one
place
he
saith
,
that
it
is
lawfull
for
him
that
serueth
the
Altar
to
liue
by
the
Altar
,
and
that
he
which
soweth
spirituall
thinges
,
may
well
reape
temporall
:
yet
of
himselfe
he
saith
that
he
did
it
not
,
nor
would
do
it
,
and
that
he
would
rather
dye
then
loose
this
glory
,
to
wit
,
of
not
His
third
example
of
Pagan
writers
he
setteth
downe
in
these
wordes
out
of
Cicero
.
§.
7.
33.
THERE
was
a
man
(
saith
he
)
who
togeather
with
mine
other
prisoners
,
being
dismissed
34.
Thus
relateth
Morton
the
case
,
and
then
maketh
this
malicious
conclusion
against
vs
:
This
was
the
honestie
of
the
ancient
heathenish
Rome
,
which
must
ryse
vp
in
iudgement
against
this
present
Rome
to
condemne
it
,
which
hath
changed
that
faithfull
Roman
faith
,
in
fidem
Punicam
,
into
Carthaginian
faith
,
which
now
by
custome
of
speach
is
taken
for
perfidiousnes
it selfe
.
And
would
not
yow
thinke
that
Morton
did
hold
himselfe
very
free
from
this
perfidiousnes
,
that
obiecteth
the
same
so
freely
against
vs
?
And
not
only
against
vs
,
but
to
the
whole
Church
of
Rome
it selfe
,
and
to
the
vniuersall
Catholike
Religion
conioyned
therwith
?
Marke
then
the
deportment
of
this
man
in
this
one
poynt
,
and
if
yow
knew
him
not
before
learne
to
know
him
by
this
.
35.
First
then
I
would
haue
some
Grammer-scholler
Tullies
Offices
,
to
turne
to
the
places
heere
quoted
,
and
comparing
them
with
that
which
this
Minister
setteth
downe
in
English
,
consider
how
they
hange
togeather
,
and
how
he
picketh
out
one
sentence
in
one
place
,
&
another
in
another
,
&
leapeth
forth
and
backe
to
make
some
coherence
of
speach
,
contrary
to
the
Authors
order
,
sense
,
and
method
,
as
is
ridiculous
to
behold
,
and
fit
for
the
Cosening
mate
of
whom
he
talketh
in
his
text
.
And
secondly
after
this
,
is
to
be
noted
,
that
he
setteth
downe
the
narration
it selfe
of
ten
men
deliuered
vpon
their
oath
by
Hannibal
,
not
as
Cicero
doth
out
of
two
historio
graphers
Polybius
and
Accilius
,
and
in
particuler
against
the
faith
of
both
their
histories
,
and
Tullies
asseueration
,
which
saith
that
those
ten
were
dismissed
by
Hannibal
out
of
his
campe
,
post
Cannensem
pugnam
,
after
the
famous
battle
of
Canna
in
Apulia
,
Morton
ignorantly
saith
they
were
dismissed
out
of
the
prison
of
Carthage
,
wheras
they
of
all
liklihood
had
neuer
seene
Carthage
in
their
lyues
.
36.
But
the
most
notorious
Cosenage
is
,
that
he
peruerteth
all
Cicero
his
meaning
,
wordes
,
sense
,
and
discourse
in
this
matter
,
alleadging
them
quite
contrary
to
himselfe
,
as
before
yow
haue
heard
him
do
many
other
Authors
,
so
as
he
belyeth
and
corrupteth
them
37.
Est
autem
(
saith
he
)
ius
etiam
bellicum
fidesque
iurisiurandi
saepe
hosti
seruanda
,
quod
enim
ita
iuratum
est
,
vt
mens
conciperet
fieri
oportere
,
id
seruandum
est
:
quod
aliter
,
id
si
non
feceris
,
nullum
periurium
est
.
There
is
〈◊〉
a
law
of
armes
(
saith
he
)
and
a
faith
in
our
swearing
to
be
obserued
oftentymes
,
euen
vnto
our
enemy
,
for
that
which
is
so
sworne
by
vs
,
as
our
mynd
doth
conceaue
that
it
must
be
donne
,
that
is
to
be
obserued
:
but
if
it
be
otherwise
sworne
,
that
is
no
periury
,
if
he
performe
it
not
.
Behold
heere
the
very
same
distinction
which
Catholicke
Deuines
put
downe
of
swearing
according
If
yow
should
not
pay
the
price
or
ransome
vnto
publicke
theeues
,
which
was
agreed
betweene
yow
for
sauing
of
your
life
,
it
is
no
deceipt
,
no
though
yow
had
sworne
to
performe
it
,
for
that
periury
is
not
to
sweare
false
in
any
sorte
:
But
if
yow
sweare
a
thing
which
yow
determine
in
your
mynd
,
and
do
vtter
it
in
wordes
according
to
the
common
custome
of
speach
and
do
not
performe
it
,
this
is
periurie
.
For
well
and
fitly
to
the
purpose
saith
the
Poet
Euripides
,
I
haue
sworne
with
my
tongue
,
but
my
mynd
hath
not
sworne
.
So
he
.
38.
And
consider
now
heere
(
I
pray
yow
)
the
Punica
fides
of
our
Minister
against
our
Romane
faith
.
He
did
condemne
for
lyiug
all
such
Equiuocation
against
his
subtile
brethren
,
wheras
he
both
affirmeth
and
proueth
the
same
,
no
lesse
then
Cicero
doth
heere
in
this
place
,
as
before
hath
byn
shewed
.
Who
then
shall
ryse
in
Iudgment
against
Thomas
Morton
,
for
all
this
wilfull
lying
?
No
doubt
but
Sathan
himselfe
,
that
is
the
Father
of
lyers
in
this
life
,
and
shall
be
their
tormentor
in
the
next
.
And
so
much
about
his
sixt
argument
.
His
seauenth
argument
taken
from
a
signe
,
an
interpreter
,
a
coyne
,
and
Giges-ring
.
§.
8.
39.
AT
this
argument
I
presume
yow
laugh
before
yow
beginne
to
read
it
,
seing
it
is
only
of
comparisons
,
and
similitudes
:
yet
doth
he
enter
into
the
same
with
this
insulting
preface
.
Now
(
saith
he
)
that
we
haue
wrested
your
weapons
out
of
your
handes
it
will
be
easie
to
pearce
yow
,
euen
with
similitudes
,
the
bluntest
kind
of
argumentes
.
And
then
he
beginneth
to
lay
about
him
with
these
blunt
weapons
,
saying
out
of
his
first
comparison
or
similitude
of
signes
:
That
where
as
voyces
and
writinges
are
by
our
confession
signes
,
and
instrumentes
to
expresse
a
proposition
,
and
that
euery
signe
which
is
contrary
to
the
signification
is
a
lying
signe
,
as
an
Iuy-bush
at
a
Bakers
dore
is
a
lying
signe
,
ydols
in
visible
formes
are
lying
vanityes
,
miracles
not
proceeding
from
omnipotent
power
aboue
nature
,
are
lying
wonders
,
the
action
of
the
stage-player
lifting
vp
his
hand
to
heauen
,
and
looking
downe
with
〈◊〉
O
earth
,
is
a
lying
gesture
:
so
is
the
voyce
of
a
priest
,
that
saith
,
I
am
no
priest
,
a
lying
voyce
,
and
the
penne
that
defendeth
this
doctrine
,
a
lying
pen.
This
is
all
40.
His
second
,
third
and
fourth
similitudes
are
yet
more
blunt
.
For
in
the
scoend
he
saith
:
That
as
if
the
Pope
should
send
his
Nuntio
with
an
Interpreter
to
congratulate
our
King
,
wishing
him
all
health
,
&
reseruing
in
his
mynd
,
admodum
exiguam
very
small
health
:
and
in
the
the
third
;
That
as
clypping
and
impayring
So
he
.
41.
And
I
thinke
euery
man
would
condemne
me
of
folly
,
if
I
should
go
about
to
spend
tyme
or
more
words
in
confuting
so
vaine
,
and
ydle
conceipts
,
cast
out
only
to
entertayne
the
Reader
for
lacke
of
better
matter
,
without
ground
or
proofe
.
Wherfore
leauing
to
treat
of
these
his
blunt
weapons
any
further
,
and
of
this
first
conclusion
,
which
yow
see
how
bluntly
he
hath
proued
,
or
rather
improued
against
himselfe
;
we
shall
passe
to
his
second
conclusion
,
which
yet
is
more
improbable
,
and
absurd
then
the
first
,
as
by
treating
therof
wil
manifestly
appeare
.
Of
his
second
conclusion
and
proofes
therof
.
§.
9.
42.
HAVING
byn
longer
about
this
first
conclusion
of
T.
M.
then
was
intended
at
the
begining
,
we
shall
now
endeauour
to
be
much
breifer
about
the
second
.
Our
second
conclusion
(
saith
he
)
is
,
that
no
manner
of
Equiuocation
,
whether
ment
all
or
verball
,
can
be
vsed
in
an
oath
without
sacrilegious
prophanation
:
and
then
presently
,
as
it
were
,
forgetting
himselfe
what
he
had
We
deny
not
(
saith
he
)
but
ambiguous
wordes
may
somtymes
be
vsed
in
common
speach
,
for
so
we
read
of
Athanasius
,
who
flying
did
not
〈◊〉
passe
this
way
?
who
answered
,
yea
,
he
is
a
little
before
,
if
yow
make
hast
yow
may
ouertake
him
,
whervpon
the
persecutor
imagining
that
a
little
before
must
signify
some
other
ship
that
went
before
,
passed
by
and
pursued
a
butterfly
.
43.
This
is
his
narration
,
and
the
silly
disputer
(
for
in
that
name
he
seemeth
to
delight
)
hath
not
the
discretion
to
see
that
this
example
ouerthroweth
fully
his
former
proposition
.
For
if
it
were
lawfull
for
Saint
Athanasius
to
vse
this
Equiuocation
in
speach
and
fact
for
deluding
his
persecutors
;
then
had
it
bene
lawfull
also
to
sweare
the
same
without
sacrilegious
prophanation
,
if
they
had
vrged
him
vnto
it
.
For
as
all
Deuines
hold
,
that
which
may
lawfully
be
said
may
also
lawfully
be
sworne
,
what
will
T.
M.
answere
tò
this
?
what
will
he
answere
to
that
euasion
of
S.
Paul
mentioned
by
vs
before
,
when
for
escaping
the
hands
of
the
Iewes
,
that
pursued
him
in
iudgement
,
he
vsed
an
apparent
equiuocall
speach
,
saying
;
That
his
trouble
was
about
the
hope
and
resurrection
of
the
dead
.
Paul
knowing
(
saith
the
text
)
that
one
parte
of
them
that
pursued
him
were
of
the
Saduces
,
that
denyed
the
resurrection
of
the
dead
,
and
the
other
of
Pharises
that
held
the
contrary
,
he
cryed
out
in
the
iudgement-place
,
saying
:
De
spe
&
resurrectione
mortuorum
ego
iudicor
,
I
am
called
to
iudgement
about
the
hope
and
resurrection
of
the
dead
,
which
was
true
in
one
sense
,
but
false
in
another
;
wherby
the
Pharises
being
deceyued
,
tooke
his
parte
,
Et
facta
est
contentio
(
sayth
the
text
)
inter
Pharisaeos
&
Saducaeos
,
&
soluta
est
multitudo
,
and
vpon
this
equiuocall
speach
there
arose
a
dissention
betwene
the
Pharises
and
Saduces
,
one
interpreting
it
in
one
sense
,
and
another
in
another
,
and
so
the
people
departing
the
iudgement
brake
vp
.
And
what
will
Thomas
Morton
now
answere
to
this
?
did
S.
Paul
lye
in
this
Equiuocation
?
or
was
his
dissimulation
impious
,
for
that
one
part
was
deceaued
?
or
had
he
committed
〈◊〉
prophanation
if
he
had
sworne
it
?
I
demaund
him
also
of
that
equiuocall
oath
of
the
Patriarch
Ioseph
,
who
in
one
conference
with
his
brethren
,
did
twice
When
his
brethren
had
adored
him
,
&
he
knowing
them
to
be
his
brethren
,
spake
sharpely
vnto
them
as
to
strangers
,
saying
,
yow
are
spyes
sent
to
discouer
the
strength
of
this
land
,
I
sweare
by
the
health
of
King
Pharao
,
yow
shall
not
go
hence
,
&c.
And
againe
:
Per
salutem
Pharaonis
,
&c.
I
sweare
by
the
health
of
Pharao
that
yow
are
spyes
,
when
notwithstanding
he
knew
them
not
to
be
spyes
,
&
so
thought
of
them
in
his
mynd
.
And
will
T.
M.
say
,
that
this
was
a
lye
or
at
least
a
sacrilegious
prophanation
of
an
oath
?
But
I
must
go
yet
a
little
further
in
prosecution
of
this
folly
against
the
Minister
.
44.
What
then
will
he
say
to
all
those
former
examples
of
Equiuocall
propositions
,
which
I
haue
alleaged
out
of
holy
Scripture
,
out
of
the
new
Testamént
,
and
from
the
mouth
of
our
Sauiour
himselfe
,
especially
such
as
haue
verball
equiuocation
in
them
:
As
,
Dissolue
this
temple
,
and
I
will
build
it
vp
againe
in
three
Our
friend
Lazarus
sleepeth
And
againe
,
The
maid
is
not
deed
,
but
sleepeth
;
where
the
word
sleepeth
is
equiuocall
,
Thou
hast
not
yet
fifty
yeares
of
age
,
and
hast
thou
seene
Abraham
?
And
therupon
tooke
stones
to
cast
at
him
.
45.
And
the
very
like
example
is
of
our
Sauiours
Sychar
.
If
thow
knewest
the
gyfte
of
God
,
and
who
it
is
that
saith
to
thee
,
Giue
me
water
,
thou
wouldest
aske
of
him
,
and
he
would
giue
thee
liuing
water
,
where
the
word
water
being
equiuocall
,
signifieth
both
the
element
of
water
,
and
heauenly
grace
,
which
is
the
water
of
lyfe
euerlasting
:
which
Equiuocation
the
woman
not
That
he
which
shall
drinke
of
the
water
,
which
I
will
giue
him
,
shall
neuer
thirst
more
,
where
not
only
the
word
water
,
but
the
word
thirst
also
is
equiuocall
,
&
hath
two
different
senses
,
wherby
the
woman
deceaued
,
said
,
Giue
me
(
I
pray
)
of
this
water
that
I
may
thirst
no
more
,
nor
come
hither
to
draw
,
vnderstanding
still
of
materiall
water
.
46.
Now
I
would
demaund
,
that
for
so
much
as
all
these
speaches
were
manifestly
equiuocall
,
and
had
double
senses
,
and
significations
,
and
that
〈◊〉
ech
one
of
them
the
hearers
were
deceaued
,
conceauing
another
sense
then
that
which
Christ
mentally
reserued
to
himselfe
,
I
would
demaund
(
I
say
)
whether
notwithstanding
this
,
they
were
not
true
of
themselues
,
and
whether
Christ
might
not
as
well
sweare
them
as
speake
them
.
And
if
Thomas
Morton
will
haue
many
examples
togeather
,
wherin
Christ
our
Sauiour
after
his
manner
of
swearing
(
which
is
Amen
amen
dico
vobis
)
doth
sweare
or
auouch
by
oath
,
sundry
equiuocall
propositions
;
let
him
looke
vpon
the
later
parte
of
the
sixt
Chapter
of
S.
Iohn
;
where
Christ
doth
put
the
Antithesis
betwene
himselfe
and
Moyses
,
and
betwene
the
bread
that
Moyses
gaue
from
heauen
,
&
that
which
he
was
to
giue
,
being
his
owne
flesh
,
and
betwene
the
lyfe
that
Manna
gaue
,
and
that
which
his
flesh
was
to
giue
,
and
he
shall
fynd
many
equiuocall
propositions
,
both
verball
,
and
mentall
,
auouched
by
our
Sauiour
vnder
this
kind
of
oath
,
repeated
at
least
three
or
foure
tymes
in
that
matter
.
One
example
of
ech
kynd
shall
suffice
.
47.
When
he
saith
Amen
amen
dico
vobis
,
qui
credit
in
me
babet
vitam
aeternam
,
Truly
,
truly
,
I
say
vnto
yow
,
that
he
who
beleeueth
in
me
hath
lyfe
euerlasting
,
this
is
a
mentall
reserued
proposition
,
as
before
hath
byn
shewed
,
for
that
it
is
not
true
generally
that
euery
one
that
beleeueth
in
Christ
hath
lyfe
euerlasting
,
but
he
that
beleeueth
accordingly
,
which
was
reserued
in
Christs
mynd
;
and
then
the
wordes
immediatly
following
,
Ego
sum
panis
vitae
,
I
am
the
bread
of
lyfe
,
haue
a
Your
Fathers
did
eate
manna
in
the
deserte
and
are
dead
,
but
he
that
shall
eate
of
this
bread
,
shall
not
dye
.
Dying
heere
signifyeth
eyther
the
death
of
the
body
,
or
the
death
of
the
soule
,
and
Christ
meant
of
the
later
〈◊〉
the
Iewes
of
the
first
.
Nay
which
is
more
to
be
obserued
,
as
Euthymius
noteth
and
some
other
,
Christ
himselfe
without
explicating
his
owne
meaning
,
in
one
parte
of
the
sentence
,
meant
of
the
one
sorte
of
death
,
and
in
the
other
parte
,
of
the
other
.
For
where
he
saith
,
Your
Fathers
in
the
desert
did
eate
Manna
and
are
dead
,
he
meaneth
there
of
the
temporall
death
of
the
body
,
and
in
the
other
clause
of
the
Antithesis
,
But
he
that
shall
eate
of
this
bread
shall
not
dye
,
he
meant
of
the
eternall
death
of
the
soule
,
though
others
also
referre
it
to
the
eternall
lyfe
of
the
body
,
after
resurrection
.
48.
In
like
manner
that
sentence
of
our
Sauiour
to
the
yonge
man
in
S.
Matthwes
Ghospell
;
Dimitte
mortuos
sacrilegious
impiety
to
sweare
it
.
All
which
being
so
,
&
we
hauing
tantam
nubem
testium
,
as
S.
Paul
saith
,
so
great
a
cloud
of
witnesses
,
and
these
omni
exceptione
maiores
,
without
exception
for
their
credit
,
and
the
absurdity
and
folly
of
this
second
proposition
appearing
so
manifest
in
it selfe
,
as
it
doth
:
what
should
we
stand
to
examine
the
arguments
and
reasons
that
may
be
brought
for
it
by
so
fond
a
disputer
,
as
now
Tho.
Morton
is
proued
to
be
?
For
so
much
as
no
reason
can
serue
for
vpholding
a
paradox
so
ridiculous
as
this
is
,
euen
to
common
sense
.
And
yet
for
that
he
putteth
downe
foure
arguments
,
or
reasons
for
the
same
as
before
hath
byn
sayd
,
let
vs
see
breifly
what
they
are
.
49.
His
first
argument
for
this
conclusion
is
drawne
from
the
forme
of
an
oath
,
set
downe
by
vs
before
,
and
heere
againe
alleadged
by
him
out
of
Tolet
and
other
Authors
of
ours
(
for
of
his
owne
he
seemeth
to
haue
〈◊〉
:
)
That
an
oath
is
a
religious
inuocation
of
God
,
eyther
expresly
,
or
by
impluation
for
witnes
of
our
speach
,
and
the
wordes
〈◊〉
or
implicitè
are
added
,
for
that
when
we
sweare
by
creatures
we
sweare
by
them
in
respect
of
the
truth
of
God
that
is
in
them
,
and
so
by
God
himselfe
implicitè
.
50.
Now
then
out
of
this
principle
T.
M.
taketh
vpon
him
to
proue
this
proposition
;
That
whensoeuer
,
or
to
whom
〈◊〉
we
sweare
,
we
are
bound
in
conscience
to
answere
Tho.
Morton
will
proue
this
his
new
and
strange
Deuinity
.
His
syllogisme
is
this
in
his
owne
wordes
.
The
competency
of
God
(
saith
he
)
by
whome
we
51.
This
syllogisme
I
leaue
to
be
discussed
by
Cambridge
Logitians
,
where
I
heare
say
the
man
learned
his
logicke
(
if
he
haue
any
)
for
heere
he
sheweth
very
little
or
none
at
all
,
no
boy
being
among
vs
of
foure
monethes
standing
in
Logicke
or
Sophistry
which
will
not
hisse
at
this
argument
,
both
for
forme
and
matter
.
For
as
for
forme
,
it
is
toto
ridiculous
,
the
syllogisme
hauing
no
medium
terminum
,
at
all
,
nor
the
conclusion
any
coherence
with
the
premisses
nor
with
his
chiefest
purpose
that
he
would
proue
:
nay
,
which
is
most
absurde
,
wheras
according
to
Aristotle
(
whome
as
yow
haue
heard
T.
M.
tearmeth
the
Oracle
of
Logitians
)
a
good
Syllogisme
hath
only
three
terminos
,
wherof
the
one
is
called
Maior
extremus
,
the
other
Minor
Medius
terminus
;
this
syllogisme
Euery
man
is
a
liuing
Creature
:
Peter
is
a
man
;
Ergo
,
Peter
is
a
liuing
Creature
.
Heere
the
word
man
is
medius
terminus
,
and
so
repeated
in
the
Maior
and
Minor
proposition
;
Peter
,
and
lyuing
creature
are
the
two
extremes
,
wherof
is
framed
the
third
proposition
or
conclusion
by
connexion
of
the
said
extreemes
by
vertue
of
the
medius
terminus
that
hath
part
in
them
both
.
52.
But
now
Thomas
Mortons
syllogisme
hath
no
such
medius
terminus
,
nor
any
such
connexion
of
his
propositions
togeather
,
but
euery
one
of
them
hath
his
extremes
,
Euery
man
is
a
liuing
Creature
:
Euery
oxe
is
a
four-footed
beast
;
Ergo
,
Euery
Asse
hath
two
long
eares
.
Where
yow
see
that
there
be
six
termini
,
as
in
Tho.
Mortons
sillogisme
,
without
connexion
,
or
dependance
one
of
the
other
.
And
as
much
concludeth
this
as
that
.
And
now
compare
this
his
skill
(
I
pray
yow
)
with
that
bragg
of
his
in
the
beginning
of
this
his
Treatise
against
Equiuocation
,
when
he
said
to
his
aduersary
:
Dare
yow
appeale
to
Logicke
?
This
is
the
art
of
artes
,
and
the
high
tribunall
of
reason
and
truth
it selfe
,
which
no
man
in
any
matter
,
whether
it
be
case
of
humanity
,
or
Deuinity
,
can
iustly
refuse
,
who
would
not
thinke
but
that
the
man
were
very
skilfull
in
that
art
,
wherin
he
presumeth
to
giue
such
a
Censure
?
53.
But
now
let
vs
helpe
him
out
to
make
his
foresaid
syllogisme
in
forme
.
It
should
haue
gone
thus
,
if
he
would
haue
said
any
thing
in
true
forme
.
The
competency
of
God
by
whome
we
sweare
maketh
euery
one
competent
Iudges
to
whom
we
sweare
:
But
in
euery
oath
we
sweare
by
God
,
either
exprefly
or
implicatiuely
:
Ergo
in
euery
Oath
they
are
competent
Iudges
to
whom
we
sweare
.
And
then
by
an
other
inference
againe
he
might
That
the
competency
of
God
by
whom
we
sweare
maketh
euery
one
competent
Iudges
to
whom
we
sweare
,
that
is
to
say
,
for
so
much
as
God
by
whom
we
sweare
is
competent
Iudge
of
all
,
this
maketh
euery
one
to
whome
we
sweare
by
God
,
to
be
our
competent
and
lawfull
Iudge
,
which
is
most
absurd
,
euen
in
common
sense
.
For
that
a
man
may
sweare
(
for
example
)
to
a
theefe
or
murderer
by
God
,
for
sauing
of
his
life
,
as
also
to
a
common
queane
,
yea
,
and
to
the
dyuell
himselfe
,
and
yet
this
maketh
not
the
murderer
,
the
queane
,
or
the
diuell
to
be
his
competent
,
and
lawfull
Iudge
,
or
giueth
lawfull
iurisdiction
,
so
as
he
is
bound
to
answere
directly
to
whatsoeuer
they
demand
,
or
sweare
to
their
intention
if
he
should
be
compelled
by
them
.
And
the
like
in
other
such
examples
wherof
euery
man
may
frame
infinte
store
vnto
himself
,
at
his
pleasure
:
and
the
reason
of
this
is
,
that
albeit
in
euery
oath
God
be
lawfull
and
supreame
Iudge
,
to
discerne
whether
I
haue
a
true
meaning
of
mine
Oath
in
my
mynd
:
yet
this
doth
not
make
the
other
to
whome
I
sweare
my
lawfu●l
Iudge
,
except
otherwise
he
hath
iurisdiction
ouer
me
,
for
that
this
absurdity
,
among
infinite
others
would
follow
,
that
if
a
King
should
sweare
to
his
Kitchin-boy
by
God
,
he
should
therby
make
his
said
Kitchin-boy
his
lawfull
and
competent
Iudge
,
and
to
haue
Iurisdiction
ouer
him
,
both
to
examine
and
commaund
him
,
and
bynd
him
in
conscience
vnder
sinne
to
answere
him
directly
:
which
how
great
a
folly
and
absurdity
it
is
,
ech
man
that
hath
reason
will
easily
of
himselfe
consider
.
Wherfore
hauing
shewed
this
,
let
vs
now
heare
and
comtemplate
(
if
yow
please
)
how
Tho.
Mor.
himself
will
proue
his
said
Maior
proposition
,
for
it
is
like
he
will
doe
it
substantially
,
it
being
the
foundation
of
all
his
whole
drifte
.
54.
The
Maior
(
saith
he
)
is
true
,
for
that
our
Sauiour
in
auouching
truth
,
held
Pilate
a
competent
Iudge
,
though
he
did
not
proceed
〈◊〉
,
but
falsely
.
S.
Paul
in
his
cause
appealed
to
Cesars
tribunall-seate
,
who
was
a
Pagan
.
Iacob
did
couenant
with
Laban
an
Idolatour
:
and
the
maid
to
whom
S.
Peter
swore
,
was
competent
inough
to
heare
a
true
oath
,
if
he
had
bene
as
ready
to
sweare
truly
:
and
yet
neyther
the
mayd
,
nor
that
Iudge
did
proceed
iuridicè
,
for
she
was
no
lawfull
examiner
,
and
he
was
a
partiall
Iudge
.
So
he
.
And
this
is
his
wise
discourse
,
wherin
the
man
descryeth
himselfe
fully
what
is
in
him
,
and
that
in
truth
,
he
doth
not
vnderstand
the
very
termes
in
the
subiect
,
wherof
he
treateth
For
we
meane
by
a
competent
Iudge
,
or
hearer
,
and
so
do
all
Deuynes
and
Lawyers
,
that
vnderstand
what
they
speake
,
a
Iudge
that
hath
lawfull
Thomas
Morton
will
proue
it
:
and
yet
were
it
nothing
to
the
purpose
,
for
that
Christ
is
not
read
to
haue
sworne
to
Pilate
.
And
as
for
S.
Paules
appealing
to
Cesar
,
which
at
that
tyme
was
Nero
,
&
Iacobs
couenant
with
Laban
an
Idolatour
,
what
doth
it
make
to
our
purpose
,
for
that
heere
is
no
swearing
mentioned
,
nor
do
we
deny
,
but
that
an
Infidell
,
or
Pagan
may
be
a
lawfull
Iudge
ouer
faithfull
people
in
secular
causes
,
if
otherwise
they
haue
lawfull
temporall
iurisdiction
.
55.
But
of
all
other
iestes
,
is
most
pleasant
his
conceipt
of
the
Maid
,
to
whom
S.
Peter
swore
,
or
rather
forswore
his
maister
,
that
she
was
his
competent
Iudge
,
or
hearer
therin
,
if
he
had
byn
ready
to
sweare
truly
,
though
presently
he
contradicteth
himselfe
saying
,
that
she
was
no
lawful
examiner
,
which
is
false
,
if
she
were
a
competent
hearer
or
Iudge
,
which
he
seemeth
to
graunt
,
though
he
say
she
proceeded
not
iuridicè
,
that
is
according
to
forme
of
law
,
with
S.
Peter
in
his
examination
;
wherof
ensueth
that
she
had
lawfull
iurisdiction
ouer
him
,
though
the
execution
therof
were
not
iuridicall
:
&
can
any
thing
be
more
ridiculous
then
this
?
56.
And
yet
all
this
notwithstanding
hauing
set
downe
so
vaine
and
childish
a
discourse
as
this
is
,
he
assumeth
vnto
himselfe
the
person
of
a
very
graue
wise
man
against
vs
,
vsing
these
contemptuous
words
in
the
next
paragraph
ensuing
:
These
our
Equiuocators
do
by
their
new
subtilityes
foolefy
the
honest
simplicity
of
their
ancient
Schoole
,
the
two
eyes
wherof
Lombard
and
saw
〈◊〉
in
this
kind
of
swearing
an
horrible
prophanation
of
the
sacred
name
of
Almighty
God
.
Heere
yow
heare
him
talke
of
foolefying
,
let
vs
see
then
his
wisedome
.
First
I
aske
him
wherin
we
foolefy
the
simplicity
of
our
ancient
Schoole
.
He
alleadgeth
some
sentences
out
of
Peter
Lombard
,
as
also
out
of
some
others
,
to
shew
that
fraud
and
deceipt
is
not
to
be
vsed
in
an
oath
,
as
also
S.
Isidore
,
alleadged
by
Lombard
,
and
the
like
out
of
S.
Hierome
to
shew
that
fraud
,
deceipt
or
subtility
S.
Thomas
by
Thomas
Morton
alleadged
,
the
said
Doctors
wordes
are
:
That
if
a
Iudge
,
though
otherwise
lawfull
,
should
require
any
thing
which
by
order
of
law
he
cannot
,
the
party
accused
is
not
bound
to
answere
at
all
(
and
much
lesse
directly
to
his
meaning
)
meaning
)
but
may
either
by
appeale
,
or
other
meanes
,
deliuer
himselfe
by
euasion
,
though
he
may
not
speake
a
lye
.
So
S.
Thomas
.
And
what
wyse
man
doth
not
see
,
but
that
this
maketh
quite
against
Thomas
Morton
.
First
if
it
be
lawfull
vnto
the
defendant
not
to
answere
at
all
,
euen
to
a
competent
and
lawfull
Iudge
,
when
he
proceedeth
not
according
to
forme
of
law
,
then
much
lesse
is
he
bound
to
answere
or
sweare
directly
to
his
intention
in
that
case
,
but
may
vse
any
lawful
euasion
by
doubtfull
speach
or
otherwise
,
which
is
directly
against
our
aduersaryes
conclusion
,
so
little
doth
he
discerne
when
he
alleadgeth
authorityes
flatly
against
himselfe
.
57.
And
now
by
the
full
discussion
of
this
first
proofe
of
his
conclusion
,
we
may
imagin
what
might
be
said
,
if
with
like
diligence
we
would
examine
the
other
three
that
remayne
,
to
wit
from
the
end
of
an
oath
,
à
maiori
,
&
à
paribus
,
for
as
for
the
end
of
an
oath
,
T.
Morton
hath
egregiously
abused
both
in
this
and
other
places
,
the
Catholicke
manuscript
Treatise
against
which
he
writeth
,
by
setting
downe
certayne
palpable
absurdityes
,
which
is
impossible
to
be
there
in
the
manner
that
he
setteth
them
downe
.
And
for
that
I
fynd
him
to
belye
all
kind
of
Authors
commonly
,
which
he
cyteth
,
I
must
presume
the
same
of
this
vntill
we
fynd
the
contrary
by
viewing
the
Treatise
it selfe
which
I
shortly
hope
for
.
58.
But
now
to
his
third
argument
à
minore
:
That
Iesuiticall
〈◊〉
is
lesse
honest
then
the
doctrine
of
Infidels
and
Pagans
,
procedeth
of
lesse
wit
,
I
suppose
,
then
malice
,
Emanuel
Sà
the
Iesuite
:
Iurans
redire
in
carcerem
,
&c.
He
that
sweareth
to
returne
into
his
prison
(
except
he
were
iniustly
deteyned
)
is
bound
euen
with
the
perill
of
his
lyfe
to
returne
to
the
same
prison
,
yea
,
and
some
are
of
opinion
that
albeit
he
were
iniustly
imprisoned
,
yet
ought
he
to
returne
,
except
his
oath
were
released
by
the
Bishop
.
Marke
this
authority
,
whether
it
do
proue
the
doctrine
of
Iesuites
to
be
worse
then
that
of
Infidels
and
Pagans
:
the
ministers
malice
in
cyting
this
determination
of
Emanuel
Sà
Iesuite
alludeth
to
the
place
of
Cicero
before
mentioned
,
and
is
alleadged
by
him
immediatly
after
in
this
place
:
but
yow
haue
heard
that
Cicero
is
quite
against
him
;
and
fully
maketh
with
vs
,
first
that
a
man
Emanuel
Sà
.
59.
Secondly
,
that
if
he
be
iniustly
deteyned
,
&
made
prisoner
as
by
theeues
,
pyrates
,
tyrants
,
or
the
like
,
Cicero
saith
,
he
is
not
bound
to
returne
,
albeit
he
had
sworne
it
.
Sà
the
Iesuite
saith
,
that
some
are
of
opinion
,
that
he
ought
notwithstanding
to
returne
,
except
his
oath
be
dispensed
by
the
Bishop
.
Heere
then
we
agree
fully
with
Cicero
the
pagan
,
adding
also
some
further
restraint
as
yow
see
,
and
now
then
is
Morton
so
shameles
as
to
say
and
put
in
print
vpon
this
authority
of
Sà
,
that
Iesuiticall
doctrine
in
this
matter
,
is
lesse
honest
then
the
doctrine
of
Infidels
or
Pagans
?
Is
this
honesty
in
a
Minister
?
but
especially
in
him
,
that
professeth
himselfe
a
Minister
of
simple
truth
?
but
such
is
his
truth
,
and
such
is
his
simplicity
,
as
in
his
Ministry
.
Let
vs
draw
to
an
end
.
60.
His
last
argument
à
paribus
wherby
he
compareth
That
euery
yeare
brought
forth
a
newe
faith
.
And
this
may
be
seene
in
the
number
of
sects
,
that
haue
risen
in
this
age
from
Lutber
downward
,
which
are
come
to
be
so
many
in
effect
,
as
scarcely
they
can
be
numbred
,
and
a
hard
matter
it
is
to
bring
them
to
any
certainty
of
sentence
,
when
they
are
pressed
,
but
do
dissemble
,
Equiuocate
,
and
ly
with
such
facility
,
as
scarsely
any
thing
can
be
proued
against
them
,
wherof
among
many
others
before
mentioned
,
we
haue
had
a
good
example
of
Tho.
Morton
himselfe
in
this
and
the
precedent
Chapters
,
and
shall
haue
of
some
more
of
his
fellowes
in
the
next
.
61.
And
yet
as
though
he
were
a
great
,
and
sincere
louer
of
truth
,
he
entitleth
the
last
paragraph
of
his
Treatise
thus
:
This
our
Apostolicall
defence
of
Protestantes
I
will
conclude
with
the
protestations
of
the
Apostle
,
I
say
the
truth
,
&
lye
not
my
conscience
bearing
me
witnesse
&c.
And
againe
:
God
the
Father
of
our
Lord
Iesus
Christ
knoweth
that
I
lye
not
.
Timothy
:
I
speake
the
truth
and
ly
not
.
And
finally
to
the
Galathians
;
This
that
I
write
vnto
yow
,
behold
I
witnes
before
God
,
and
ly
not
.
62.
And
now
consider
heere
I
pray
yow
,
Thomas
Mortons
Apostolicall
defence
by
protestations
,
which
more
truly
perhaps
may
be
called
Apostaticall
,
for
that
he
who
shall
read
the
monstrous
multitude
of
his
malicious
and
wilfull
lyes
,
which
haue
bene
discouered
,
and
layd
open
through
out
his
booke
,
and
especially
in
the
second
,
sixt
,
and
this
Chapter
,
and
withall
heare
him
make
these
solemne
protestations
against
lying
,
must
needs
thinke
that
rather
the
spirite
of
Apostacy
then
Apostleship
doth
possesse
his
tongue
,
pen
,
and
harte
,
that
speaketh
,
writeth
,
and
protesteth
so
desperatly
,
and
directly
against
his
deedes
,
knowledge
and
Conscience
:
which
thing
that
yow
may
the
better
vnderstand
,
I
am
content
to
adioyne
also
this
next
ensuing
chapter
for
better
proofe
,
and
confirmation
therof
.
OF
TWO
SORTES
OF
EQVIVOCATION
.
The
one
true
and
lawfull
;
the
other
false
,
and
synfull
.
And
that
Catholickes
only
vse
the
first
in
certayne
cases
,
and
with
due
circumstances
,
and
limitations
:
But
T.
M.
and
his
fellowes
impugning
the
first
,
do
vse
ordinarily
the
second
,
which
is
false
&
lying
Equiuocation
indeed
.
CHAP.
XII
.
HITHERTO
we
haue
declared
,
and
made
manifest
(
as
I
suppose
)
that
all
Equiuocation
is
not
lying
,
both
for
that
the
definition
of
a
lye
agreeth
not
ther
vnto
,
&
for
that
Christ
himselfe
,
and
many
of
his
seruantes
both
in
the
old
and
new
Testament
haue
vpon
iust
occasions
vsed
the
same
,
and
the
common
consent
of
Catholicke
Deuynes
and
Lawyers
haue
allowed
,
and
confirmed
the
lawfulnes
therof
in
certain
Cases
,
with
due
and
iust
circumstances
,
and
considerations
.
2.
But
now
must
we
further
distinguish
the
same
into
two
different
sortes
or
kyndes
,
the
one
proper
,
according
to
the
true
nature
of
Equiuocation
before
defyned
,
which
though
it
may
seeme
to
haue
falsitie
in
it
,
and
somtymes
also
hath
in
deed
,
in
respect
of
the
wordes
only
or
vnderstanding
of
the
hearer
:
yet
alwayes
hath
it
truth
in
respect
of
the
speakers
meaning
.
The
other
sorte
is
improperly
called
Equiuocation
,
for
that
no
way
it
is
true
,
&
therfore
his
proper
name
in
deed
is
a
lye
,
though
after
a
large
&
improper
manner
,
it
may
be
called
also
Equiuocation
for
the
reason
which
after
we
shall
declare
.
3.
Now
then
both
of
those
kyndes
of
Equiuocation
4.
Wherfore
all
our
speach
in
this
place
shall
be
about
the
second
kynd
of
Equiuocation
,
which
is
false
and
lying
,
and
therby
also
euer
vnlawfull
;
which
5.
If
one
should
say
to
me
that
my
Father
is
dead
,
thinking
in
deed
that
he
is
dead
,
though
he
be
a
liue
,
it
were
a
materiall
lye
,
as
before
hath
byn
declared
,
for
that
in
deed
my
Father
is
not
dead
,
though
he
perhaps
that
made
the
lye
may
haue
said
it
without
sinne
,
for
that
he
thought
it
so
:
and
I
say
(
perhaps
)
for
that
in
some
case
ignorance
could
not
excuse
him
,
if
it
were
a
matter
wherof
he
were
bound
to
know
the
truth
,
&
might
with
diligence
haue
learned
the
same
.
But
if
he
should
say
,
my
Father
is
dead
,
knowing
in
deed
that
he
is
not
dead
,
and
meaning
to
deceiue
me
therby
,
this
is
a
formall
lye
and
alwayes
sinfull
,
either
veniall
or
mortall
,
according
to
the
importance
of
the
matter
,
wherin
the
lye
is
made
.
And
conforme
to
this
may
be
the
diuision
also
as
is
said
of
lying
Equiuocation
.
6.
Examples
of
the
first
may
be
these
,
and
other
like
:
An
Arian
deliuereth
to
the
people
those
wordes
of
Pater
meus
maior
me
est
,
My
Father
is
greater
then
I
,
vnderstanding
it
heretically
according
to
their
Thomas
Morton
and
his
fellowes
,
who
inueigh
bitterly
euery
where
against
true
and
lawfull
Equiuocation
,
do
vse
almost
at
euery
turne
.
7.
As
for
example
when
he
saith
,
No
one
iota
of
Scripture
,
no
one
example
in
all
antiquity
,
no
one
reason
in
the
naturall
wit
of
man
,
no
one
Author
Greeke
or
Latin
,
no
one
Father
,
no
any
Pope
Christian
or
Antichristian
,
doth
make
for
Equiuocation
as
we
defend
it
,
or
any
color
therof
:
neither
did
they
so
much
as
fancy
any
such
thing
.
Heere
is
first
seene
a
notorious
vntruth
of
the
assertion
it selfe
,
&
consequently
it
is
a
materiall
lye
,
and
materiall
Equiuocation
;
for
that
the
matter
deliuered
is
vntrue
,
and
secondly
it
is
most
probable
that
Th.
Morton
must
needs
know
it
to
be
a
lye
;
hauing
seene
so
many
Authors
&
reasons
alleadged
for
it
by
the
Catholicke
Treatise
,
which
he
pretendeth
to
confute
;
wherof
it
followeth
,
that
it
was
a
formall
lye
also
,
and
a
formall
lying
Equiuocation
in
the
highest
degree
of
deceipt
and
falshood
.
8.
And
so
in
like
manner
in
the
former
Chapter
when
he
alleadgeth
Azor
,
Dominicus
Sotus
,
and
Cicero
directly
against
their
owne
meaning
,
words
and
drifte
in
the
very
same
places
,
which
he
cyteth
,
and
taketh
words
out
of
them
for
his
pretended
purpose
,
he
could
not
but
see
,
and
know
that
it
was
a
lye
,
to
cyte
them
to
the
contrary
,
and
yet
he
thought
best
to
do
it
,
and
tell
his
Reader
that
they
were
of
a
contrary
opinion
:
this
then
is
formally
to
lye
and
equiuocate
in
the
worst
and
superlatiue
degree
of
false
Equiuocation
.
9.
About
which
poynt
the
Reader
may
be
remitted
to
the
second
Chapter
of
this
Treatise
,
and
last
paragraph
therof
,
where
he
shall
see
diuers
examples
laid
togeather
;
as
among
other
,
that
which
he
reporteth
of
the
death
of
our
English
Pope
Adrian
choaked
(
as
he
saith
)
with
a
flye
,
and
cyteth
Nauclerus
for
the
same
,
who
though
he
mention
,
yet
refuteth
expresly
that
fable
,
which
T.
M.
concealed
,
where
he
is
shewed
in
like
manner
to
corrupt
notably
a
passage
of
Doctor
Boucher
,
auouching
him
to
say
that
which
he
expresly
impugneth
about
the
killing
of
a
Tyrant
by
a
priuate
Tho.
Morton
himselfe
,
it
were
sufficient
to
proue
our
purpose
,
for
that
of
all
other
lightly
of
his
coate
,
he
profesleth
most
innocency
,
simplicity
,
and
sincerity
in
this
behalfe
,
and
by
this
doth
principally
proue
our
purpose
,
which
is
,
that
they
equiuocate
and
lye
,
both
wittingly
and
willingly
,
and
then
most
of
all
,
when
they
make
greatest
protestation
of
truth
.
10.
As
when
T.
M.
talketh
of
his
naked
innocency
in
his
epistle
to
the
Kings
Maiestie
,
of
〈◊〉
Equiuocation
from
his
soule
,
of
styling
himselfe
A
Minister
of
simple
truth
:
and
finally
his
vsurping
of
those
protestations
of
Saint
Paul
before
mentioned
,
That
in
all
things
he
spake
the
truth
,
and
lyed
not
,
which
Thomas
Morton
,
as
we
〈◊〉
haue
proued
before
,
could
not
choose
but
know
to
be
a
wilfull
lye
in
deed
,
hauing
seene
&
read
the
Authors
which
so
manifestly
he
belyeth
,
as
neuer
in
this
he
will
be
able
to
cleare
himselfe
.
And
herof
we
do
finally
inferre
that
he
and
his
do
equiuocate
in
the
worst
kind
,
which
by
vs
&
ours
is
neuer
vsed
:
and
so
while
he
declameth
against
lawfull
Equiuocation
,
and
practiseth
vnlawfull
,
he
sheweth
himselfe
a
playne
preuaricator
.
And
for
that
this
matter
is
of
so
great
importance
for
the
Reader
well
to
conceaue
in
these
dayes
of
controuersies
betwene
vs
,
I
meane
to
stay
my selfe
somewhat
in
this
Chapter
vpon
this
poynt
,
and
to
shew
that
indeed
it
is
a
substantiall
signe
,
distinctiue
betwene
all
Sectaries
&
vs
,
at
this
tyme
,
and
that
in
matters
of
controuersy
our
writers
shall
neuer
be
found
guylty
in
these
kyndes
of
false
lying
&
malicious
equiuocations
,
where
not
only
vntruth
is
vttered
,
but
it
is
wittingly
also
vttered
,
the
writer
knowing
that
he
writeth
vntruth
,
as
often
now
hath
bene
said
.
Which
manner
of
dealing
inferreth
two
points
;
the
one
that
such
a
writer
or
speaker
hath
no
conscience
that
vttereth
things
against
his
owne
knowledge
,
and
which
God
seeth
to
be
false
,
and
falsely
meant
in
his
harte
,
and
the
other
that
his
cause
hath
no
ground
of
substantiall
truth
,
which
cannot
be
defended
without
such
wilfull
lyes
.
11.
In
this
then
if
yow
please
let
vs
insist
a
while
,
and
let
Thomas
Morton
bringe
forth
any
Catholicke
Authors
whatsoeuer
,
that
wrote
against
Protestants
since
these
heresies
began
,
that
hath
bene
taken
in
this
impiety
,
I
meane
,
that
hath
set
downe
in
print
any
such
falsity
,
as
cannot
be
excused
eyther
by
ignorance
,
ouersight
,
negligence
,
error
of
print
,
translation
,
diuersity
of
editions
,
or
the
like
,
but
that
it
must
needs
be
presumed
that
he
knew
the
vntruth
,
and
yet
would
set
it
forth
:
of
this
kynd
(
I
say
)
let
him
shew
me
but
one
example
among
all
Catholicke
writers
of
our
tyme
,
and
I
will
in
my
conscience
greatly
mistrust
,
and
discredit
the
Author
,
whether
it
be
another
,
or
my selfe
:
But
if
he
shew
me
two
or
three
in
any
writer
of
this
kind
I
shal
neuer
be
able
to
beleeue
him
more
.
And
wheras
the
number
and
variety
of
Catholicke
writers
is
so
great
as
the
world
seeth
,
it
were
no
great
labour
to
shew
it
in
some
,
if
that
spirite
did
raigne
among
them
,
as
it
doth
in
Protestant
writers
,
out
of
whom
great
volumes
might
be
framed
of
this
one
point
,
if
a
man
would
imbrace
them
all
throughout
all
nations
:
But
I
meaning
to
speake
of
Englishmen
,
and
those
very
few
in
respect
of
the
multitude
,
and
not
hauing
al
their
workes
by
meat
this
present
,
am
forced
only
to
vse
some
few
notes
taken
heertofore
out
of
their
books
,
which
notwitstanding
shall
suffice
for
this
short
view
,
which
we
pretend
.
And
for
better
methode
&
memory
,
I
haue
thought
good
to
reduce
my
Notes
at
this
tyme
to
three
sortes
of
men
,
that
haue
writen
against
vs
.
First
Protestant
Bishops
;
then
Ministers
,
and
lastly
Lay-men
,
but
of
good
sorte
,
I
meane
,
Knightes
;
and
of
ech
one
of
these
shall
we
make
our
seuerall
Paragraphes
.
The
vse
of
Equiuocation
in
some
Protestant
English
Bishops
.
§.
1.
12.
AND
first
in
this
ranke
may
we
worthily
put
in
the
first
and
chiefe
place
,
M.
Iohn
Iewell
called
afterwards
Bishop
of
Salisburie
,
who
being
the
first
and
chiefest
man
that
in
the
beginning
of
Queene
Elizabethes
The
Iewell
and
prim-rose
of
that
Ghospell
,
had
primitias
spiritus
in
that
behalfe
,
for
cunning
and
artificial
deluding
of
others
by
these
kind
of
false
,
and
deceyuing
Equiuocations
,
as
both
by
his
wordes
,
workes
,
preachinges
,
and
protestations
,
extant
this
day
in
print
,
is
most
manifest
,
and
the
conuersion
of
many
men
,
from
Protestant
to
Catholicke
Religion
,
vpon
sight
and
consideration
therof
,
hath
euidently
couinced
,
wherof
heere
we
meane
to
giue
some
briefe
taste
for
examples
sake
.
13.
He
then
,
as
wel
in
his
Sermons
at
Paule
crosse
,
and
the
Court
,
set
forth
afterward
in
print
,
and
answered
as
well
by
Doctor
Harding
,
as
other
learned
men
of
the
Catholicke
party
,
did
make
such
a
generall
and
vniuersall
chalenge
against
all
Catholickes
whatsoeuer
,
for
proofe
of
28.
seuerall
articles
,
framed
out
by
himselfe
,
standinge
in
controuersy
betweene
vs
,
as
he
made
the
world
to
wonder
at
him
,
and
diuers
of
his
owne
side
that
were
more
learned
and
discreete
,
to
murmur
at
his
rashnes
therin
;
but
many
more
with
great
disdayne
to
condemne
his
hypocrisy
.
For
thus
he
began
.
14.
O
mercifull
God
,
who
would
thinke
there
O
Gregorie
,
O
Augustine
,
O
Hierome
,
O
Chrysostome
,
O
Leo
,
O
Dionyse
,
O
〈◊〉
,
O
Sixtus
,
O
Paul
,
O
Christ
!
if
we
be
deceaued
herein
yow
are
they
that
haue
deceyued
vs
:
yow
haue
taught
vs
these
schismes
&
diuisions
;
yow
haue
taught
vs
these
heresyes
.
&c.
and
that
yow
may
the
Papistes
)
they
stand
this
day
against
so
many
old
Fathers
,
so
many
Doctors
,
so
many
examples
of
the
primitiue
Church
,
so
manifest
Scriptures
,
and
yet
haue
they
herein
not
one
Father
,
not
one
Doctor
,
not
one
allowed
example
of
the
primitiue
Church
,
I
speake
not
this
in
vehemency
of
spirit
,
or
heate
of
talke
,
but
euen
as
before
God
by
way
of
simplicity
and
truth
,
least
any
of
yow
should
happily
be
deceaued
,
and
thinke
there
is
more
weight
in
the
other
side
,
then
in
conclusion
there
shal
be
found
,
and
therfore
once
againe
I
say
of
all
the
wordes
of
the
holy
Scriptures
,
of
all
the
examples
of
the
Primitiue
Church
,
of
all
the
old
Fathers
,
of
all
the
ancient
Doctors
in
these
causes
,
they
haue
not
one
.
Thus
in
that
Sermon
at
Paules
crosse
,
and
in
an
other
at
the
Court
of
the
same
subiect
,
which
was
the
occasion
and
beginning
of
all
the
Combat
that
ensued
afterwards
betweene
Catholicke
men
and
him
.
15.
And
in
another
Sermon
to
the
same
effect
he
vseth
this
speach
for
confirmation
of
his
former
protestation
.
Heere
(
saith
he
)
the
matter
it selfe
that
I
haue
now
in
hand
,
putteth
me
in
remembrance
of
certayne
thinges
that
I
vttered
vnto
yow
to
the
same
purpose
at
my
last
being
in
this
place
,
I
remember
I
layd
out
then
before
yow
a
number
of
thinges
,
that
are
now
in
Controuersy
,
whervnto
our
aduersaryes
will
not
yeeld
;
And
I
said
perhaps
boldly
as
it
might
then
seeme
to
some
man
,
but
as
I
my selfe
,
and
the
learned
of
our
Aduersaryes
themselues
do
well
know
,
sincerely
and
truly
,
that
none
of
them
all
that
stand
this
day
against
vs
,
are
able
or
[
*
](A09111-e75300-b)
*
Yet
afterwards
he
denyeth
diuers
Doctors
that
make
against
〈◊〉
.
shall
euer
be
able
to
proue
against
vs
,
any
one
of
all
these
pointes
,
either
by
Scriptures
,
or
by
example
of
the
primitiue
Church
,
or
by
the
old
Doctors
,
or
by
the
ancient
generall
Councells
&c.
16.
And
againe
.
Loth
I
am
to
trouble
yow
with
rehearsall
of
such
thinges
,
as
I
haue
spoken
before
,
and
yet
because
the
case
so
requireth
,
I
shall
desire
yow
,
that
haue
already
heard
me
,
to
beare
with
me
in
this
behalfe
,
better
it
were
to
trouble
your
eares
with
twice
hearing
of
one
thing
,
then
to
betray
the
truth
of
God
.
The
wordes
I
then
spake
,
as
neere
as
I
can
call
them
to
mynd
were
these
;
that
if
any
learned
man
of
all
our
Aduersaries
,
or
if
all
the
learned
men
that
be
aliue
be
able
to
bring
any
one
sufficient
sentence
out
of
any
old
Catholicke
Doctor
,
or
Father
out
of
any
one
old
Generall
Councell
,
out
of
the
holy
Scriptures
of
God
,
or
any
one
example
of
the
primitiue
Church
,
wherby
any
of
these
ensuing
articles
,
of
priuate
Masse
reall
presence
,
Primacy
of
the
Bishop
of
Rome
,
setting
vp
and
honoring
of
Images
,
Common
prayer
in
a
strange
language
,
offering
vp
Christ
in
sacrifice
&c.
may
be
proued
,
I
am
content
to
yeeld
and
subscribe
&c.
17.
And
againe
in
an
other
place
:
My
offer
was
this
in
my
sermon
at
the
Court
:
)
that
if
any
of
all
those
things
that
I
then
rehearsed
could
be
proued
by
your
side
,
by
any
sufficient
authority
,
either
of
Scriptures
,
Councels
,
or
by
any
one
allowed
example
&c.
I
would
yeald
:
now
it
standeth
vpon
yow
to
proue
but
one
example
to
the
contrary
.
but
two
Augustine
,
Ambrose
,
Chrysostome
,
Hierome
,
&c.
I
haue
offered
yow
oftentymes
bring
me
but
two
lines
of
your
side
,
18.
This
and
much
more
hath
he
to
this
effect
,
all
tending
to
shew
his
rare
confidence
in
the
Protestant
cause
,
which
he
defended
:
but
yet
that
he
did
not
speake
as
he
thought
,
in
these
matters
,
and
that
his
iudgement
did
not
concurre
with
his
tongue
and
pen
,
and
consequently
,
that
he
did
Equiuocate
in
this
worse
sorte
of
Equiuocation
,
many
argumentes
do
mightely
perswade
me
,
and
especially
these
halfe
dozen
that
follow
.
Sixt
argumentes
of
Maister
Iewell
his
hipocrysy
in
this
case
.
§.
2.
19.
FIRST
for
that
he
cannot
be
presumed
to
haue
beene
so
ignorant
,
but
that
how
soeuer
he
might
B.
Cranmer
,
Ridley
,
and
Latymer
,
vpon
the
16.
17.
and
18.
dayes
of
Aprill
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
1554.
in
which
disputation
,
M.
Iewell
as
Fox
saith
,
was
Notary
among
others
,
and
saw
so
many
most
euident
testimonyes
,
of
auncient
Fathers
,
both
Greeke
and
Latyn
alleadged
there
,
and
vrged
against
them
,
as
they
could
no
wayes
answere
,
or
handsomely
shifte
of
,
as
yow
may
see
in
Fox
himselfe
,
though
neuer
so
partially
related
,
but
much
more
orderly
&
fully
in
a
speciall
A
Reuiew
of
ten
publicke
disputations
,
about
Religion
,
vnder
the
raignes
of
K.
Edward
and
Queene
Marie
:
which
euidency
of
testimony
did
worke
so
greatly
with
M.
Iewell
himselfe
,
as
after
these
disputations
ended
,
he
subscribed
publikly
in
S.
Mary-Church
of
Oxford
to
the
Roman
Catholicke
doctrine
in
that
behalf
,
as
M.
Doctor
Harding
then
present
writeth
to
himfelfe
,
in
a
speciall
Epistle
prefixed
before
his
Reioynder
:
which
being
so
,
with
what
conscience
,
could
he
say
now
so
soone
after
;
Shew
me
one
only
Father
,
one
Doctor
,
one
place
,
one
sentence
,
two
lynes
and
the
like
?
for
so
much
as
lately
before
he
had
heard
and
registred
so
great
a
multitude
of
Fathers
sentences
,
that
are
yet
extant
in
those
disputations
;
wherfore
this
must
needs
be
Equiuocation
of
the
worst
kynde
,
which
could
not
be
true
,
neyther
in
the
meaninge
of
the
speaker
himselfe
.
20.
The
second
reason
is
,
that
M.
Iewell
could
not
be
Claudius
de
Sainctes
,
as
Bellarmin
and
others
about
that
matter
,
not
out
of
S.
Cyprian
,
S.
Hilary
,
both
Cyrills
,
S.
Ambrose
,
S.
Basil
,
three
Gregories
,
Saint
Chrysostome
,
S.
Hierome
,
and
others
downward
.
And
the
like
multitude
,
or
more
,
is
alleadged
for
the
Masse
or
dayly
sacrifice
of
the
Catholicke
Church
by
the
same
Author
.
And
further
no
man
can
deny
,
but
that
S.
Augustine
for
example
,
hath
many
large
discourses
,
treatises
,
or
Bookes
directly
tending
to
the
proofe
of
diuers
poynts
now
in
controuersie
,
betwene
Protestants
and
vs
,
as
De
cura
pro
mortuis
habenda
.
De
libero
arbitrio
.
De
fide
&
operibus
.
De
nuptiis
&
concupiscentia
,
&
many
others
,
where
he
doth
largely
,
and
of
purpose
impugne
diuers
Protestant
opinions
,
and
confirme
ours
both
about
the
valour
of
the
Masse
,
or
dayly
sacrifice
for
quicke
and
dead
,
merite
of
workes
and
the
like
,
not
only
approuing
,
but
prouing
also
the
same
by
great
variety
of
Scriptures
.
And
the
like
doth
S.
Hierome
against
Iouinian
and
Vigilantius
,
and
S.
Epiphanius
against
Aërius
,
and
other
heretickes
that
held
the
same
proposition
that
Protestants
do
now
.
All
which
authorityes
,
if
M.
Iewell
had
read
or
heard
of
them
(
as
may
be
presumed
he
had
)
how
then
could
he
say
with
any
conscience
at
all
,
Bring
me
one
Author
,
one
Father
,
one
Doctor
,
one
sentence
,
one
place
,
or
two
lines
,
and
the
like
,
which
he
could
not
do
without
notable
Equiuocation
as
yow
see
,
himselfe
knowing
that
he
spake
falsely
in
that
behalfe
.
21.
The
third
reason
is
that
M.
Iewell
could
not
M.
Iewell
beginneth
his
chalenge
,
as
yow
remember
:
O
Gregory
!
O
Augustine
!
O
Hierome
!
O
Chrysostome
!
O
Leo
!
O
Dionyse
!
&c.
Now
as
for
S.
Gregory
,
Caluin
Gregorius
homo
multis
erroribus
imbutus
,
Gregory
a
man
corrupted
with
many
errors
:
and
Martyn
Luther
the
Father
of
Protestants
writeth
of
him
:
Gregorius
admodum
leuiter
agnouit
S.
Gregories
famous
workes
and
writing
,
so
greatly
esteemed
by
learned
,
and
holy
men
,
he
saith
of
his
sermons
:
22.
And
as
for
S.
Augustine
,
who
is
the
second
in
ranke
of
his
Apostrophe
,
albeit
they
do
not
reiect
him
with
so
great
contempt
as
S.
Gregory
,
yet
when
he
maketh
against
Quisest
Augustinus
?
(
saith
Luther
against
King
Henry
of
England
)
quis
nos
coget
illi
credere
?
Who
is
Augustine
?
or
who
shall
compell
vs
to
beleeue
him
?
but
S.
Hierome
whome
next
M.
Iewell
Quinte
Hieronyme
(
saith
Luther
)
conculcamus
cum
tua
Bethlem
,
cuculla
,
&
deserto
:
Know
thou
Hierome
that
we
do
tread
thee
vnder
our
feete
with
thy
Bethlem
,
thy
hood
,
and
they
desert
.
And
againe
in
an
other
place
.
What
can
be
more
carnally
spoken
,
more
wickedly
,
sacrilegiously
,
and
blasphemously
,
then
that
of
Hierome
,
Virginitas
caelum
,
coniugium
terram
replet
?
Virginity
doth
fill
heauen
,
&
marriage
filleth
the
earth
.
And
yet
further
,
I
know
no
man
to
whom
I
am
so
much
an
enemy
as
to
Hierome
,
for
that
he
writeth
nothing
but
of
fasting
,
choise
of
meates
,
and
of
virginity
,
and
in
truth
Hierome
should
not
be
〈◊〉
among
the
Doctors
of
the
Church
for
that
he
was
an
hereticke
,
&c.
And
Caluin
saith
of
the
same
Doctor
;
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
natura
fuit
cauillator
:
Hierome
was
by
nature
a
wrangler
.
But
Beza
worse
then
all
,
calleth
him
blasphemous
,
wicked
,
and
impious
,
and
iniurious
to
the
Apostle
.
23.
Of
S.
〈◊〉
whom
M.
Iewell
calleth
vpon
S.
Leo
named
by
M.
Iewell
in
the
fifth
place
of
Fathers
,
it
is
easy
to
imagine
of
what
credit
he
was
among
them
,
seing
that
in
the
very
controuersy
of
the
Popes
Supremacy
heere
handled
by
him
,
both
Caluin
and
Beza
do
note
and
condemne
him
of
Ambition
,
for
taking
vpon
him
,
and
defending
that
authority
.
Constat
(
saith
Beza
)
M.
Iewell
,
I
would
aske
,
why
he
did
call
vpon
these
Fathers
so
earnestly
,
saying
,
If
we
be
deceaued
heerin
,
yow
are
they
that
haue
deceaued
vs
,
as
though
he
had
taught
nothing
but
that
they
taught
,
and
that
their
authority
had
byn
his
rule
,
as
their
aule
was
Paul
and
Christ
?
Nay
,
why
doth
he
himselfe
afterward
,
expressely
,
and
by
name
,
reiect
S.
Leo
in
some
of
these
very
articles
for
proofe
wherof
he
doth
here
call
vpon
him
?
And
namely
about
the
Popes
Supremacy
That
there
was
no
credit
to
be
giuen
vnto
him
,
&c.
Is
not
this
double
dealing
?
Is
not
this
pernicious
Equiuocation
on
one
side
to
call
vpon
him
&
on
the
other
to
reiect
him
?
24.
Nay
why
did
he
adde
further
,
O
Dionyse
,
O
Anacletus
,
O
Sixtus
,
as
though
he
had
followed
their
doctrine
also
,
or
admitted
their
authority
?
wheras
neither
himselfe
,
nor
other
Protestantes
are
knowne
to
admit
any
booke
or
worke
of
theirs
now
extant
,
but
to
reiect
,
and
rayle
against
them
all
.
Dionysius
Areopagita
,
(
saith
Luther
)
nihil
habet
solidae
eruditionis
.
Dionysius
Areopagita
Your
counterfeit
Anacletus
(
saith
M.
Iewell
to
Doctor
Harding
)
doth
not
clayme
all
the
Bishops
throughout
the
world
as
belonging
to
his
M.
Iewell
to
these
Fathers
,
O
Gregory
,
O
Augustine
,
O
Hierome
,
O
Chrysostome
,
O
Leo
,
O
Dionyse
,
&c.
if
we
be
deceaued
yow
haue
deceaued
vs
,
was
an
hypocriticall
Equiuocation
to
deceaue
the
hearer
,
contrary
to
the
knowledge
,
and
conscience
of
himselfe
,
that
vttered
the
wordes
,
for
he
could
not
be
ignorant
,
but
that
they
were
against
him
,
and
his
doctrine
,
for
that
otherwise
they
had
neuer
byn
so
reiected
and
discredited
by
him
,
and
his
.
25.
The
fourth
reason
is
,
for
that
the
said
ancient
M.
Iewell
,
and
from
whome
he
tooke
his
learning
and
spirite
,
did
in
sundry
of
the
Articles
heere
by
him
named
,
reiect
&
contemne
the
ancient
Fathers
as
contrary
vnto
them
,
and
their
doctrine
;
and
how
then
could
M.
Iewell
so
confidently
call
vpon
them
in
the
same
.
Let
any
man
read
Martin
Luther
in
his
booke
de
Captiuitate
Babylonica
,
about
the
Sacrifice
of
the
Masse
,
and
he
shall
fynd
,
that
he
reiecteth
all
the
Fathers
in
that
controuersy
.
Si
nihil
habetur
Dicta
Patrum
induxit
Rex
&c.
Thomisticall
asses
haue
nothing
to
bring
forth
,
but
a
multitude
of
men
.
And
then
he
goeth
forward
,
saying
:
That
if
a
thousand
Augustines
,
and
a
thousand
Cyprians
stand
against
him
in
this
matter
,
he
careth
not
.
And
fynally
in
another
booke
:
Non
moramur
,
si
clamitent
Papistae
,
Ecclesia
,
M.
Iewell
before
mencyoned
which
so
solemnly
he
made
in
the
Not
one
father
,
not
one
Doctor
&c.
and
then
addeth
for
more
asseueration
,
when
I
say
not
one
,
I
speake
not
in
vehemency
of
spirite
or
heate
of
talke
,
but
euen
as
before
God
,
by
the
way
of
simplicity
and
truth
.
For
if
M.
Iewell
did
know
that
this
his
maisters
and
elders
,
Luther
and
Caluin
were
forced
to
reiect
generally
all
the
Fathers
,
or
the
most
parte
of
them
,
for
that
they
were
against
him
for
the
sacrifice
of
the
Masse
;
then
was
it
notable
cosening
Equiuocation
to
sweare
&
protest
before
God
in
simplicity
,
that
no
one
did
make
for
vs
,
either
in
this
or
the
rest
of
the
articles
.
26.
The
fifth
reason
is
,
for
that
we
see
by
experience
M.
Iewell
,
and
being
as
it
were
his
schollers
,
and
participating
of
his
spirite
,
sense
,
and
meaning
,
began
presently
to
reiect
,
and
cast
of
the
Fathers
,
vpon
euery
occasion
,
wherin
they
were
pressed
,
by
their
authority
,
as
by
the
writings
of
Doctor
Calshill
,
Doctor
Humfrey
,
Fulke
,
Charke
,
Whitakers
,
and
others
is
euident
,
wherof
I
will
alleadge
only
one
example
out
of
the
last
named
,
in
steed
of
all
,
who
being
pressed
with
the
consent
of
Fathers
in
a
〈◊〉
controuersy
against
We
repose
no
such
confidence
in
the
Fathers
writinges
,
that
we
take
any
certain
proofe
of
Religion
from
them
,
because
we
place
all
our
Faith
and
Religion
,
not
in
humaine
,
but
in
So
Doctor
Whitakers
.
Where
yow
see
what
accompt
he
maketh
of
ancient
Fathers
,
and
Doctors
.
Patres
etiam
simul
〈◊〉
,
to
vse
his
owne
wordes
,
yea
all
Fathers
put
togeather
without
proofe
of
Scripture
to
Authorize
them
,
it
〈◊〉
nothing
(
saith
he
)
gayneth
nothing
,
it
conuinceth
nothing
.
So
as
if
M.
Iewell
had
dealt
plainly
he
might
only
haue
called
for
Scripture
at
our
hands
,
and
not
so
often
for
Fathers
,
knowing
by
all
probability
,
aswell
as
his
schollers
,
that
the
Fathers
were
at
least
in
many
controuersyes
against
him
;
and
what
Equiuocation
then
was
this
to
call
so
often
,
and
earnestly
for
ancient
Fathers
;
yea
some
one
place
or
sentence
,
some
two
lines
,
for
wynning
of
the
field
?
was
not
this
singuler
and
extraordinary
,
yea
hypocrisy
,
and
lying
Equiuocation
in
the
highest
degree
?
27.
The
sixt
reason
is
the
consideration
of
his
earnest
Now
it
standeth
vpon
yow
(
saith
he
)
to
proue
but
one
affirmatiue
against
me
,
and
so
to
require
my
promise
of
subscribing
.
And
againe
,
If
yow
of
your
parte
would
vouchsafe
to
bring
but
two
lynes
,
the
whole
matter
were
concluded
.
And
yet
further
,
Me
thinketh
both
reason
,
and
humanity
would
,
that
yow
should
answere
somewhat
,
especially
being
so
often
and
so
openly
required
,
&c.
Why
be
yow
so
loth
,
being
so
earnestly
required
to
shew
forth
but
one
Doctor
of
your
side
,
&c.
What
thinke
you
there
is
now
iudged
of
you
,
that
being
so
long
tyme
required
,
yet
cannot
be
wonne
to
bring
forth
one
sentence
in
your
defence
?
And
yet
againe
more
earnestly
.
I
protest
before
God
bring
me
but
one
sufficient
authority
in
the
matters
I
haue
required
,
and
afterward
I
will
gently
and
quietly
conferre
with
yow
further
at
your
pleasure
.
And
therfore
for
as
much
as
it
is
Gods
cause
,
if
yow
meane
simply
,
deale
simply
,
betray
not
your
right
,
if
yow
may
saue
it
with
one
word
:
the
people
must
needs
muse
at
your
silence
,
for
thinke
not
that
any
wise
man
will
be
so
much
your
friend
,
as
in
so
weighty
matters
he
will
be
satisfied
with
your
said
silence
,
&c.
And
not
content
with
this
,
he
concludeth
in
these
wordes
of
earnest
exhortation
.
Wherfore
heere
I
leaue
putting
yow
eft-somes
gently
in
remembrance
,
that
being
so
often
and
so
openly
desired
to
shew
forth
one
Doctor
,
&c.
Yow
haue
brought
nothing
,
and
that
if
yow
stand
so
still
it
must
needs
be
thought
yow
do
it
conscientia
imbecillitatis
,
for
that
there
was
nothing
to
be
brought
.
And
heere
once
againe
I
conclude
,
as
before
,
putting
yow
in
remembrance
that
this
long
tyme
I
haue
desired
yow
to
bring
forth
some
sufficient
Authority
for
proofe
of
your
party
.
Thus
farre
M.
Iewell
.
28.
And
would
yow
not
thinke
that
this
desire
,
this
intreaty
,
this
vrging
,
and
prouocation
did
proceed
from
a
great
confidence
in
his
cause
?
Truly
if
the
confidence
were
not
great
,
the
crafte
and
dissimulation
was
singuler
:
but
what
ensued
?
M.
Doctor
Harding
,
and
other
learned
men
lying
in
Flanders
being
moued
by
zeale
of
Religion
,
and
prouokd
by
these
insolent
eggings
,
began
soone
after
to
write
bookes
in
answere
of
these
challenges
,
and
to
lay
open
the
vntruthes
and
M.
Iewell
thought
it
best
to
procure
the
publike
prohibition
of
those
bookes
by
the
Magistrate
,
for
which
he
had
so
earnestly
called
before
,
wherupon
there
were
diligent
searches
made
to
find
out
the
same
,
both
in
the
vniuersities
,
townes
,
cittyes
,
&
portes
of
the
Realme
,
as
[
*
](A09111-e77510-b)
*
M.
William
Reynoldes
.
one
that
was
then
a
searcher
among
others
,
and
a
Protestant
preacher
in
Oxford
,
but
conuerted
afterward
by
these
very
reasons
,
and
by
the
vntruthes
found
in
M.
Iewell
bookes
,
doth
testifie
at
large
in
an
answere
of
his
written
to
M.
D.
Whitakers
,
whose
wordes
I
haue
thought
good
to
sett
downe
in
this
place
.
For
hauing
refuted
a
speach
of
M.
Whitakers
who
pretended
to
be
very
glad
that
the
Rhemes
English
Testament
was
abroad
in
many
mens
handes
,
M.
Reynolds
writeth
thus
:
With
like
phrase
(
saith
he
)
and
character
of
shamelesse
M.
Iewell
to
Doctor
Harding
,
saying
:
We
neuer
suppressed
any
of
your
bookes
,
M.
Harding
,
as
yow
know
,
but
are
very
well
content
to
see
them
so
common
,
that
as
now
children
may
play
with
them
in
the
streets
.
Thus
his
face
serued
him
co
write
then
,
when
in
the
selfe
same
Defence
,
he
by
leauing
out
suppressed
the
very
substance
of
that
booke
,
which
he
then
pretended
to
answere
,
and
when
by
helpe
of
his
fellow
Superintendent
,
and
other
friends
euery
corner
of
the
Realme
was
searched
for
those
bookes
,
when
the
portes
were
layd
for
them
,
Paules
Crosse
is
witnes
of
burning
many
of
them
,
the
Princesse
proclamation
was
procured
against
them
in
the
Vniuersityes
by
soueraigne
authority
,
Colledges
,
chambers
,
studyes
,
clossets
,
coffers
and
deskes
were
ransacked
for
them
,
when
not
only
children
were
forbid
to
play
with
them
,
but
ancient
men
,
and
students
of
Deuinity
were
imprisoned
for
hauing
of
them
,
so
that
all
this
can
be
nought
els
,
but
a
plaine
example
of
palpable
dissimulation
,
and
affected
lying
.
29.
So
this
learned
and
vertuous
man
,
who
was
so
moued
by
the
said
dissimulation
,
as
it
wrought
his
conuersion
,
and
detestation
of
that
doctrine
,
which
could
not
be
mainteyned
but
with
such
shiftes
,
and
cunning
lyings
as
afterward
more
largely
,
and
particulerly
yow
shall
heare
him
relate
of
himselfe
,
for
that
conforme
to
this
generall
entrance
by
singuler
hypocrisy
and
equiuocation
as
hath
beene
declared
,
M.
Iewell
behaued
himselfe
also
in
particuler
cases
that
did
occurre
,
making
no
〈◊〉
to
affirme
or
deny
any
thing
that
serued
for
his
purpose
,
though
in
his
conscience
he
knew
it
to
be
neuer
so
false
,
wherof
we
shall
heare
touch
some
few
examples
proportionable
to
the
〈◊〉
of
reasons
before
set
downe
,
if
not
more
;
in
which
is
to
be
remembred
by
the
Reader
,
that
all
the
forsaid
circumstances
must
be
obserued
,
to
witt
;
that
the
falshood
cannot
be
excused
by
any
probable
error
,
mistaking
,
or
ouersight
of
the
speaker
,
nor
by
any
default
of
the
Printer
,
edition
,
translation
,
or
the
like
,
but
that
it
must
needs
proceed
of
a
〈◊〉
will
to
deceyue
wittingly
,
as
before
hath
byn
said
.
And
with
this
preuention
,
and
admonition
shall
we
passe
to
the
examples
themselues
.
Six
Examples
of
Maister
Iewells
particuler
Equiuocation
.
§.
3.
30.
THE
first
example
then
shall
be
where
M.
Iewell
S.
Augustine
out
of
his
booke
[
*
](A09111-e77770-b)
*
Cap.
10.
M.
Iewel
〈◊〉
his
〈◊〉
at
S.
peters
in
Oxford
in
obe
Lent
.
de
〈◊〉
viduitatis
,
to
proue
the
same
in
these
wordes
:
Quapropter
non
possum
dicere
à
proposito
meliori
〈◊〉
si
nupserint
〈◊〉
adulteria
esse
non
coniugia
:
I
cannot
say
that
women
which
are
fallen
from
a
better
purpose
(
of
continency
)
if
they
marry
,
that
their
mariage
is
adultery
and
not
mariage
at
all
:
and
vpon
this
authority
so
alleadged
,
and
so
plainly
seeming
to
make
for
the
Protestants
doctrine
of
Votaries
mariages
,
yow
must
imagine
how
M.
Iewell
would
exult
,
and
make
the
Schollers
of
Oxford
thinke
that
he
had
said
much
for
his
purpose
;
but
he
that
shall
read
ouer
that
shorte
booke
de
〈◊〉
viduitatis
,
of
the
good
that
is
in
wyddowhood
,
written
to
Iuliana
a
religious
seruant
of
God
,
as
S.
Augustine
calleth
her
,
shall
fynd
that
the
whole
drifte
of
this
holy
Father
in
that
〈◊〉
,
is
directly
against
M.
Iewell
,
and
his
fellowes
,
prouing
by
many
arguments
,
that
〈◊〉
marriage
in
them
that
haue
made
a
simple
vow
of
Chastity
,
or
(
to
vse
S.
Austines
S.
Augustine
plainly
proue
,
that
the
slyding
backe
from
that
good
purpose
and
vow
is
damnable
,
not
for
that
the
mariage
doth
not
hold
,
but
S.
Paul
,
which
S.
Augustine
affirmeth
to
haue
byn
meant
to
this
purpose
.
31.
So
then
heere
is
great
wilfull
falsity
,
to
alleadge
S.
Augustine
as
though
he
fauoured
the
marriages
of
Votaries
,
whereas
throughout
this
whole
booke
he
doth
purposely
impugne
the
same
,
yea
that
which
is
more
,
in
the
very
next
immediate
wordes
that
follow
in
the
same
sentence
before
alleadged
by
M.
Iewell
S.
Augustines
expresse
wordes
do
ouerthrow
all
that
is
alleadged
for
Votaries
.
For
wheras
he
writeth
,
I
cannot
affirme
that
women
fallen
from
a
better
purpose
if
they
marry
,
that
their
marriages
are
adultery
,
and
not
marriage
,
it
followeth
immediately
:
Sed
plane
non
dubit
auerim
dicere
lapsus
&
ruinas
à
castitate
sanctiori
,
quae
vouetur
Deo
adulteriis
esse
peiores
:
but
I
do
not
doubt
at
all
to
affirme
(
saith
S.
Augustine
)
that
the
ruynes
,
and
fallinges
of
from
holyer
chastitie
,
which
is
vowed
to
God
,
are
worse
then
adultery
;
which
he
proueth
by
many
strong
reasons
,
and
arguments
.
And
now
let
the
Reader
consider
what
Equiuocation
this
might
be
in
M.
Iewell
,
and
whether
it
be
possible
to
imagine
that
he
was
so
occupyed
,
and
distracted
,
as
he
did
read
the
one
halfe
of
the
sentence
,
and
not
the
other
,
or
that
he
was
so
simple
as
he
did
not
vnderstand
,
what
was
the
whole
drifte
,
and
argument
of
S.
Augustine
in
that
booke
:
and
if
he
did
,
and
yet
alledged
him
to
the
contrary
,
yow
see
what
ensueth
.
And
thus
much
of
this
first
example
.
32.
The
second
example
is
taken
out
of
M.
Iewells
defence
of
the
Apologie
of
England
pag.
176.
where
taking
againe
in
hand
to
proue
that
priests
and
Votaryes
may
marry
(
for
he
was
very
frequent
and
copious
in
that
matter
,
it
importing
them
much
in
that
beginning
to
draw
priests
and
fryers
vnto
them
by
this
bayte
)
he
alleadgeth
an
example
of
a
certayne
noble
man
called
〈◊〉
of
Caesarea
in
Cappadocia
taken
out
of
Cassiodorus
At
that
tyme
they
say
that
Eupsychius
the
Bishop
of
Caesarea
dyed
in
martyrdome
,
hauing
marryed
a
wyfe
a
little
before
,
being
as
yet
in
manner
a
new
marryed
man
&c.
and
he
cyteth
for
this
in
the
margent
Cassiodorus
in
the
tripartite
historie
.
And
in
Patritius
Caesareae
in
Cappadocia
that
is
to
say
a
noble
man
,
or
Senators
sonne
of
Cesarea
in
Cappadocia
:
and
the
falsification
is
so
playne
to
him
that
shall
read
all
the
foresaid
Authors
,
and
places
by
him
cyted
,
as
no
modest
man
can
but
blush
to
see
M.
Iewell
alledge
,
and
vrge
this
forged
example
twice
33.
The
third
example
may
be
that
of
M
Iewels
slaunderous
S.
Gregory
to
conuert
our
nation
to
the
Christian
faith
,
which
Almighty
God
wrought
by
him
so
myraculously
,
as
both
the
said
S.
〈◊〉
and
S.
Bede
after
him
,
and
all
other
ancient
historiographers
,
as
Malmesbury
,
〈◊〉
,
and
the
rest
do
call
him
our
English
Apostle
,
of
whose
many
,
and
great
miracles
wrought
in
that
worke
,
not
only
the
said
Authors
,
but
S.
Gregory
himselfe
〈◊〉
Fox
himselfe
in
his
Acts
M.
Iewels
spirit
,
against
this
holy
man
,
for
that
he
planted
Catholicke
Romane
Religion
in
England
,
yet
writing
the
story
of
the
conuersion
of
Ethelbert
our
first
Christian
English
King
,
he
hath
these
words
at
length
.
When
the
King
had
well
considered
the
honest
conuersation
of
their
life
,
and
moued
with
their
miracles
wrought
through
Gods
hand
by
them
,
he
heard
them
more
gladly
,
and
lastly
by
their
wholsome
exhortations
,
and
example
of
Godly
life
,
he
was
by
them
conuerted
,
and
Christened
in
the
yeare
of
Christ
aboue
said
596.
and
the
six
and
thirtith
of
his
Reigne
.
So
Fox
.
Whervnto
I
may
add
a
testimony
of
much
greater
credit
,
out
of
S.
Bede
,
that
liued
neere
vnto
his
time
,
&
recordeth
the
very
Epitaph
remayning
in
his
dayes
written
vpon
S.
Augustines
tombe
in
these
wordes
.
34.
Heere
lyeth
Blessed
Augustine
the
first
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
,
who
was
sent
hither
,
by
S.
Gregory
Bishop
of
Rome
,
and
strengthened
of
God
by
working
of
miracles
,
who
conuerted
King
Ethelbert
,
and
his
Realme
from
the
worshipping
of
Idolls
to
the
faith
of
Christ
.
And
thus
much
of
the
sanctity
of
this
blessed
man
out
of
their
testimony
that
liued
with
him
,
or
not
long
after
him
.
But
now
what
writeth
M.
Iewell
of
him
,
and
with
what
truth
and
conscience
?
He
was
a
man
(
saith
he
)
as
it
was
iudged
by
them
that
saw
him
,
and
knew
him
,
neither
of
Apostolicke
spirite
,
nor
any
way
worthy
to
be
called
a
Saint
,
but
an
Hypocrite
,
a
super
stitious
man
cruell
,
bloody
,
and
proud
aboue
measure
,
and
for
proofe
of
all
this
,
he
cyteth
only
in
his
margent
〈◊〉
of
Monmouth
,
in
his
history
of
the
Britans
,
which
Ieffrey
dyed
in
the
dayes
of
King
Henry
the
2.
very
neere
600.
yeares
after
S.
Augustine
,
and
almost
500.
after
S.
Bede
,
and
writeth
no
such
thing
at
all
of
S.
Augustine
as
heere
is
set
downe
by
M.
Iewell
,
but
rather
much
in
his
commendacion
with
note
of
the
emulous
dealing
of
the
British
Bishops
against
him
,
for
the
hatred
they
bare
to
the
English
nation
,
and
their
conuersion
.
35.
So
as
heere
now
M.
Iewels
assertion
is
not
only
false
,
and
impious
against
so
venerable
a
man
as
Augustine
was
,
but
must
needs
be
also
against
his
owne
conscience
,
&
this
in
diuers
pointes
.
For
first
he
knew
that
there
was
no
Author
extant
that
wrote
in
his
dayes
,
saw
him
,
and
knew
him
,
but
only
S.
Gregory
,
who
writeth
〈◊〉
in
his
commendations
,
as
yow
haue
heard
.
Secondly
he
knew
that
S.
Bede
who
liued
in
the
very
next
age
after
him
,
and
all
other
English
Authors
succeeding
for
the
space
of
eyght
or
nine
hundred
yeares
,
till
our
time
,
did
highly
commend
him
in
their
workes
,
and
especially
the
forenamed
Malmesbury
&
Huntington
that
liued
with
Ieffrey
Moumouth
.
And
lastly
he
knew
that
this
only
witnes
,
the
said
Ieffrey
,
had
no
such
thing
.
And
what
then
will
yow
say
to
this
Equiuocation
?
may
not
M.
Mortons
Epithets
of
hellish
,
heathenish
,
impious
,
and
sacrilegious
,
haue
place
heere
?
36.
The
fourth
example
may
be
those
wordes
of
M.
Iewell
in
the
Apology
of
England
,
writing
against
the
Pope
.
Let
him
in
Gods
name
(
saith
he
)
call
to
mynd
,
let
him
remember
that
they
be
of
his
owne
Canonists
which
haue
taught
the
people
,
that
fornication
betwene
single
folke
is
not
synne
,
as
though
they
had
fetched
that
doctrine
from
〈◊〉
in
Terence
,
whose
words
are
:
It
is
no
synne
,
belieue
me
,
for
a
yong
man
to
haunt
harlotts
.
And
for
this
he
cyteth
in
his
margent
Io.
de
Magistris
li.
de
Temperantia
.
And
who
would
not
thinke
but
that
this
accusation
were
sure
,
for
so
much
as
it
is
so
opprobriously
vrged
and
insulted
vpon
?
But
now
I
pray
yow
considerthe
particulers
,
and
therwithal
what
a
conscience
this
man
had
.
37.
First
then
Io.
de
Magistris
was
Martinus
de
Magistris
,
not
a
Canonist
,
but
a
Schoole
-
deuine
,
that
wrote
a
Treatise
De
Temperantia
&
Luxuria
,
so
as
it
seemeth
M.
Iewell
will
not
confesse
,
or
else
meant
to
dazle
the
eyes
of
his
Reader
by
naming
Iohn
for
Martin
.
Secondly
this
Author
in
his
said
Treatise
,
as
the
fashion
of
Scholemen
is
,
propoundeth
this
question
:
Vtrum
simplex
fornicatio
sit
peccatum
mortale
;
whether
simple
fornication
be
a
mortall
synne
;
and
according
to
vse
of
Schooles
,
saith
:
Arguitur
quòd
non
.
It
is
argued
or
reasoned
for
the
negatiue
parte
thus
,
and
so
〈◊〉
downe
some
arguments
for
that
syde
by
way
of
obiections
,
which
afterward
he
solueth
,
and
cometh
to
conclude
absolutly
in
the
affirmatiue
parte
by
six
conclusions
,
that
simple
fornication
is
not
only
synne
,
but
mortall
synne
;
for
that
it
is
forbidden
by
Gods
law
,
and
excludeth
from
the
Kingdome
of
heauen
,
as
S.
Paul
affirmeth
.
And
now
Maister
Garnet
or
M.
South-well
,
or
any
other
Catholicke
man
accused
for
lawfull
Equiuocation
,
euer
haue
made
so
notorious
a
lye
against
their
owne
consciencies
?
Let
our
aduersaryes
bring
forth
but
two
examples
.
38.
The
fifth
example
shall
be
also
out
of
his
wordes
The
old
Councell
of
Carthage
(
saith
he
)
commaundeth
nothing
to
be
read
in
Christs
congregation
,
but
the
Canonicall
Scriptures
,
but
these
men
read
such
things
in
their
Churches
,
as
themselues
know
to
be
starke
lyes
,
and
fond
fables
.
So
he
.
But
now
let
vs
see
,
whether
it
be
more
probable
,
that
we
know
to
be
lyes
those
thinges
which
we
read
in
our
Churches
or
that
he
knew
to
be
a
lye
that
which
heere
he
relateth
and
printeth
in
his
booke
.
For
if
he
read
the
Canon
it selfe
which
he
mentioned
,
which
is
the
forty
and
seauenth
of
the
third
Councell
of
Carthage
,
wherin
Saint
Augustine
was
present
,
then
must
he
needs
know
that
he
lyeth
indeed
egregiously
,
for
that
the
Canon
beginneth
thus
:
Item
placuit
,
vt
praeter
Scripturas
Canonicas
nihil
in
Ecclesia
legatur
sub
nomine
diuinarum
Scripturarum
;
sunt
autem
Canonicae
Scripturae
,
Genesis
,
Exodus
&c.
〈◊〉
,
ludith
,
Hester
,
Machabaeorum
libri
duo
,
&c.
It
hath
seemed
good
to
this
Councell
,
that
nothing
be
read
in
the
Church
vnder
the
name
of
diuine
Scripture
,
but
only
such
as
be
Canonicall
Scriptures
in
deed
,
as
are
Genesis
,
Exodus
,
&c.
The
two
bookes
of
the
Machabees
,
Tobias
,
Iudith
,
Esther
,
and
the
rest
.
Wherby
we
see
that
in
alleadging
these
words
,
that
nothing
be
read
in
the
Church
but
Canonicall
Scriptures
,
is
guylfully
cut
of
the
other
clause
that
expounded
all
,
sub
nomine
diuinarum
Scripturarum
,
vnder
the
name
of
diuine
Scriptures
.
And
secondly
,
that
in
relating
which
are
diuine
Scriptures
,
the
bookes
of
the
Machabees
,
Tobie
,
Iudith
,
and
others
excluded
by
him
and
his
,
from
that
number
,
are
set
downe
for
Canonicall
.
And
thirdly
which
maketh
the
falfification
most
notoriously
wilfull
,
is
,
that
in
the
selfe
same
Canon
there
followeth
these
wordes
:
Liceat
etiam
legi
passiones
Martyrum
cùm
〈◊〉
dies
eorum
celebrantur
:
It
is
lawfull
also
to
read
in
the
Church
(
besides
Canonicall
Scriptures
)
the
passions
of
Martyrs
,
when
their
yearly
festiuall
dayes
are
celebrated
:
which
wordes
do
cleerly
decide
the
controuersy
,
and
proue
M.
Iewell
a
wilfull
lyer
,
and
that
he
did
know
that
he
did
lye
,
as
nothing
can
be
more
cleare
or
euident
.
And
besides
,
they
decyde
two
seuerall
controuersies
against
them
as
yow
see
,
the
first
,
that
the
books
of
Machabees
were
held
for
Canonicall
by
this
Councell
in
S.
Augustines
tyme
:
and
the
second
that
the
festiuall
dayes
of
Saincts
were
celebrated
〈◊〉
yeare
publikely
in
the
Church
,
and
the
histories
of
their
〈◊〉
read
in
those
dayes
.
39.
The
sixt
and
last
example
in
this
place
(
for
I
Pope
Leo
saith
M.
Iewell
in
the
Apologie
)
holdeth
,
that
vpon
one
daye
it
is
lawfull
to
haue
but
one
massem
one
Church
,
but
these
men
say
dayly
in
one
Church
commonly
ten
masses
20.
or
30.
yea
sometimes
more
.
So
M.
Iewell
.
But
he
that
shall
looke
vpon
the
place
it selfe
in
S.
Leo
,
shall
find
the
quite
contrary
decreed
,
and
sett
downe
by
that
holy
man
,
for
thus
he
writeth
vnto
the
Archbishop
or
Patriarch
of
Alexandria
:
Vt
in
omnibus
obseruantia
nostra
concordet
,
illud
quoque
vloumus
custodiri
,
&c.
That
our
vse
or
obseruance
may
agree
in
all
poynts
(
as
well
in
Alexandria
as
heere
)
we
will
haue
this
also
to
be
kept
,
that
when
any
more
solemne
sestiuity
shall
call
togeather
a
more
aboundant
meeting
of
people
,
and
that
the
multitude
of
the
faithfull
shall
be
so
great
as
the
Church
or
Chapell
cannot
hold
them
togeather
,
that
then
without
doubt
of
further
deliberation
,
the
oblation
of
the
sacrifice
be
iterated
,
or
celebrated
againe
,
least
otherwise
if
they
only
which
came
first
,
should
be
admitted
vnto
this
deuotion
,
they
which
came
afterward
might
seeme
to
be
excluded
,
wheras
it
is
conforme
both
to
piety
and
reason
,
that
so
often
as
the
presence
of
new
people
do
fill
the
Church
wherin
the
solemnity
is
exhibited
,
so
often
also
should
the
sacrifice
be
offred
,
for
that
otherwise
it
must
necessarily
fall
out
that
some
parte
of
the
people
should
be
depriued
of
their
deuotion
,
if
the
custome
of
saying
one
masse
only
being
reteyned
,
none
could
offer
sacrifice
but
such
as
came
in
the
first
parte
of
the
day
.
40.
These
are
the
wordes
of
S.
Leo
,
by
which
yow
see
that
he
doth
determine
&
decree
the
plaine
contrary
to
that
which
M.
Iewell
affirmeth
,
to
wit
that
as
〈◊〉
as
any
multitude
of
people
should
come
to
the
Church
;
so
often
the
sacrifice
of
the
masse
should
be
reiterated
for
their
deuotion
.
In
which
wordes
though
among
Catholiks
there
may
be
some
question
about
S.
〈◊〉
his
meaning
,
to
wit
,
whether
he
meant
of
more
then
one
chiefe
or
solemne
masse
,
to
be
said
in
one
Church
or
Chappell
,
or
that
one
and
the
selfe
same
Priest
in
such
cases
might
reiterate
his
owne
masse
and
sacrifice
,
if
there
were
no
other
Priest
present
,
as
Strabo
and
Dur
and
do
interpret
him
:
yet
in
this
controuersie
there
can
be
no
doubt
or
question
,
but
that
he
saith
the
quite
contradictory
to
that
which
M.
Iewell
affirmeth
that
Pope
Leo
saith
,
that
it
is
not
lawfull
to
say
vpon
one
day
mere
then
one
masse
in
one
Church
;
wheras
S.
〈◊〉
saith
,
it
is
both
lawfull
,
expedient
,
and
necessary
to
be
done
.
What
Equiuocation
then
call
yow
this
in
M.
Iewell
?
And
furthermore
S.
Leo
in
this
place
as
supreme
Bishopp
,
prescribeth
and
giueth
order
in
Ecclesiasticall
rites
as
yow
see
,
to
Dioscorus
Patriarch
of
Alexandria
,
for
offering
and
iterating
the
sacrifice
of
the
Masse
,
wherby
is
euident
,
that
in
these
two
articles
at
the
least
of
Supremacy
&
the
Masse
(
which
are
of
the
first
and
principall
that
M.
Iewell
setteth
downe
)
S.
Leo
was
against
him
,
and
flatly
for
vs
:
so
as
it
may
please
him
now
to
leaue
out
of
his
Apostrophe
,
O
Leo
!
if
we
be
deceaued
,
your
haue
deceaued
vs
,
&c.
And
this
for
the
first
case
.
41.
The
second
case
may
be
that
of
M.
Iewell
in
the
defence
of
the
Apologie
pag
131.
where
talking
of
the
most
excellent
man
Pope
Celestinus
that
sarte
in
the
Sea
before
Leo
,
he
saith
of
him
thus
:
Pope
Celestinus
was
a
Nestorian
heretike
;
but
cyteth
no
Author
at
all
for
it
,
and
the
assertion
is
so
strange
,
and
so
contrary
not
only
to
truth
and
reason
,
but
also
probability
,
as
of
no
man
M.
Iewell
,
who
careth
not
what
he
saith
?
42.
The
third
Case
is
somwhat
more
pleasant
,
though
no
lesse
malicious
,
for
wheras
it
had
byn
obiected
vnto
M.
Iewell
for
the
〈◊〉
of
S.
Peter
,
in
feeding
&
gouerning
,
that
Christ
had
said
to
him
alone
:
M.
Iewell
to
〈◊〉
this
priuiledge
,
alledgeth
S.
Markes
〈◊〉
,
quoted
in
the
margent
:
Quod
vni
dico
omnibus
dico
:
What
I
say
to
one
,
I
say
to
all
,
therby
inferring
that
the
foresaid
wordes
of
Christ
to
S.
Peter
,
as
a
so
the
other
,
Thou
art
Peter
or
a
rocke
,
and
vpon
this
rocke
will
I
buyld
my
Chruch
,
and
other
such
like
speaches
,
were
equally
meant
also
of
the
rest
,
wheras
in
deed
,
Christ
neuer
vsed
these
wordes
,
Quod
vni
dico
omnibus
dico
noris
it
to
be
〈◊〉
S.
Marks
Ghospell
a
large
Sermon
about
the
day
of
Iudgement
,
and
the
terror
therof
,
and
exhorted
all
sortes
of
people
to
be
watchfull
,
extended
the
same
also
vnto
those
that
were
absent
or
should
liue
in
succeeding
ages
saying
:
Quod
vobis
dico
,
omnibus
dico
,
vigilate
.
M.
Iewell
leaueth
out
of
purpose
,
to
couer
and
conceale
the
meaning
of
our
Sauiour
,
and
addeth
of
himselfe
,
quod
vni
dico
,
which
our
Sauiour
hath
not
.
And
thirdly
he
peruerteth
wholy
the
meaning
of
Christ
,
which
was
to
perswade
attention
,
and
watchfulnes
about
the
day
of
Iudgement
,
and
applyeth
it
against
the
preheminence
of
S.
Peter
his
Authority
,
which
he
well
knew
to
be
farre
from
our
Sauiours
meaning
.
And
moreouer
there
ensueth
an
other
most
grosse
absurditie
,
which
is
that
our
Sauiour
speaking
to
all
&
euery
one
of
them
that
were
present
,
when
he
saith
,
vigilate
be
watchfull
,
it
followeth
(
I
say
)
that
in
M.
Iewels
sense
,
and
application
of
his
wordes
,
euery
one
to
whome
the
word
vigilate
apperteyneth
,
which
are
all
sortes
and
sexes
of
people
both
there
〈◊〉
and
absent
should
haue
as
great
spirituall
authority
ouer
the
Church
of
God
,
as
S.
Peter
;
quia
quod
vni
dico
,
omnibus
dico
,
whatsoeuer
I
say
to
only
Peter
,
to
wit
,
that
he
must
feede
,
that
he
is
the
rocke
,
and
the
like
,
I
say
to
all
men
.
And
now
let
any
indifferent
man
consider
with
what
conscience
M.
Iewell
could
feigne
Christ
to
say
as
he
alledgeth
.
S.
Marke
which
he
cyteth
,
or
had
not
.
If
not
,
it
was
great
negligence
,
the
matter
,
and
subiect
being
so
weighty
as
it
was
:
and
if
he
did
and
yet
alledged
it
quite
otherwise
then
there
it
is
found
,
what
shall
we
say
of
this
〈◊〉
dealing
.
What
of
such
lying
,
and
perfidious
Equiuocation
?
who
in
this
can
excuse
or
defend
him
for
a
man
of
any
conscience
at
all
.
43.
And
yet
was
he
(
forsooth
)
the
Father
and
chiefe
maister
of
all
〈◊〉
Caluinian
doctrine
in
England
,
which
was
first
established
by
Queene
Elizabeth
at
her
entring
(
for
that
Zuinglianisme
had
bene
only
admitted
in
King
Edwardes
dayes
)
&
he
was
not
only
held
for
the
chiefe
preacher
and
teacher
therof
;
but
for
the
publicke
Champion
also
to
defend
it
,
and
therfore
as
the
doctrine
was
false
;
so
must
he
haue
a
more
speciall
eminent
gift
of
cunning
and
falshood
to
beare
it
out
,
then
other
men
,
for
that
others
were
to
take
〈◊〉
eius
,
of
his
fulnesse
in
that
science
.
And
albeit
he
had
diuers
brethren
also
at
that
time
,
that
did
participate
with
him
of
that
spirite
in
their
writings
,
as
M.
Horne
Bishop
of
Winchester
by
name
,
and
some
others
;
yet
were
they
esteemed
farre
inferior
to
M.
Iewell
in
this
Doctor
Stapleton
gathered
out
of
one
worke
of
the
said
M.
Horne
written
against
Doctor
Fecknam
about
the
oath
of
the
supremacy
,
yow
shall
fynd
as
many
,
and
grosse
lyes
,
as
any
lightly
,
of
M.
Iewell
,
but
not
so
sleightly
〈◊〉
,
nor
smoothly
faced
out
.
44.
As
for
example
where
he
auoucheth
flatly
that
the
conuersion
of
our
King
〈◊〉
of
Britanie
and
of
his
whole
Realme
,
&
establishing
therof
was
done
without
any
knowledge
or
consent
of
Pope
Eleutherius
is
so
grosse
alye
,
as
it
is
refutable
by
all
historyes
from
that
tyme
to
ours
;
yea
by
Iohn
Fox
&
Bale
themselues
,
who
were
greatest
enemyes
to
all
Popes
:
So
as
this
matter
was
not
handsomely
carryed
.
And
againe
in
the
same
worke
M.
Horne
pretending
to
alledge
some
temporall
lawyers
to
his
purpose
against
the
Popes
Ecclesiasticall
That
the
king
〈◊〉
Supreme
in
his
Kingdome
,
and
saffereth
no
equall
or
superior
;
and
other
such
pointes
which
are
not
denyed
when
speach
is
of
temporall
men
and
affayres
,
and
he
leaueth
out
diuers
other
passages
in
the
very
same
Author
,
and
place
,
which
he
cyteth
expresly
,
affirming
that
in
spirituall
,
affayres
the
Pope
&
Bishops
are
to
Iudge
,
&
not
temporall
men
,
which
is
the
very
decision
of
the
Controuersie
.
45.
And
in
this
kind
I
might
alledge
an
excefsiue
multitude
,
both
out
of
the
one
,
&
the
other
Bishops
workes
,
but
that
the
repetition
therof
would
be
ouer
tedious
;
albeit
it
fell
not
out
,
without
Gods
speciall
prouidence
in
that
beginning
,
that
so
notorious
falsityes
should
be
vttered
and
published
to
the
world
by
these
chiefe
ring-leaders
:
for
that
sundry
principall
Protestants
,
that
were
curious
to
read
these
books
in
that
〈◊〉
entrance
of
heresye
,
were
conuerted
&
made
Catholicke
by
this
speciall
and
principall
motiue
,
that
they
〈◊〉
so
many
notorious
and
inexcusable
vntruthes
vttered
by
these
principall
men
in
their
writinges
at
that
day
:
wherof
I
my selfe
knew
sundry
,
&
in
some
other
place
haue
named
three
;
one
in
the
vniuersity
of
〈◊〉
,
M.
William
〈◊〉
,
a
learned
and
zealous
preacher
of
the
Protestant
doctrine
:
the
other
in
the
court
,
Syr
Thomas
Copley
(
made
afterward
Lord
by
the
King
of
France
)
a
great
follower
of
my
Lord
of
〈◊〉
,
and
feruent
in
the
new
profession
,
as
being
extraordinarily
well
seene
for
a
man
of
his
calling
in
controuersies
himself
:
the
third
in
London
M.
Doctor
Stephens
Secretary
to
M.
Iewell
and
well
seene
at
that
time
in
Deuinity
and
the
learned
tongues
:
all
which
made
change
of
their
Religion
,
though
to
their
great
temporal
losses
vpon
the
great
auersion
they
tooke
at
the
discouery
of
the
wilfull
falshood
of
these
chiefe
teachers
of
new
Religion
,
whervpon
the
first
of
the
aboue
named
three
,
maketh
this
marginall
note
in
a
booke
of
his
written
against
M.
Doctor
Whitaker
:
The
incredible
lying
(
saith
he
)
and
falsisication
vsed
by
the
〈◊〉
writers
of
our
time
,
are
a
great
motiue
to
the
Catholicke
〈◊〉
.
And
then
in
the
text
he
declareth
the
matter
further
in
these
wordes
.
46.
I
know
many
(
saith
he
)
who
hauing
byn
brought
〈◊〉
not
in
Catholike
Religion
,
but
in
heresie
with
M.
〈◊〉
and
continuing
a
long
tyme
in
the
same
,
and
〈◊〉
it
with
all
their
hartes
;
yet
comming
afterwards
to
better
iudgement
through
the
grace
of
God
,
vpon
consideration
of
such
lying
writers
,
as
〈◊〉
Whitakers
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
wit
,
Maister
〈◊〉
,
Maister
Horne
,
&c.
haue
byn
so
altered
,
as
they
haue
detested
his
ghospell
,
euen
to
hel
gates
,
of
which
number
I
confesse
my selfe
to
be
one
.
So
he
.
47.
And
surely
if
we
consider
the
speciall
learning
and
vertu
of
this
man
,
and
how
he
had
read
exactly
all
writhers
that
could
be
gotten
of
the
Protestants
side
of
what
sort
or
sect
soeuer
,
as
by
his
writings
doth
well
appeare
,
as
also
with
what
singuler
patience
,
humility
,
and
contentement
of
mynd
he
lyued
for
many
yeares
after
in
voluntary
banishment
,
and
pouerty
for
loue
of
the
Catholicke
Religion
,
wheras
by
accommodating
himselfe
to
the
current
of
the
tyme
,
he
might
haue
receyued
great
preferment
in
his
country
,
and
was
in
the
way
towards
them
when
he
lefte
the
same
;
he
will
say
,
that
this
motiue
of
lying
Equiuocation
in
Protestant
writers
,
had
made
deepe
and
strong
impression
in
him
in
deed
.
And
thus
much
for
the
Bishops
:
now
let
vs
looke
into
the
like
spirite
of
Ministers
in
this
behalfe
.
The
vse
of
Equiuocating
in
English
Protestant-Ministers
.
§.
4.
48.
AS
for
this
sort
of
men
,
though
it
might
be
sufficient
which
before
we
haue
noted
and
set
downe
out
of
the
writings
of
this
one
Minister
T.
M.
for
proofe
of
our
〈◊〉
;
yet
to
shew
the
conformity
of
spirit
in
others
also
of
the
same
profession
,
&
coate
;
we
shall
briefly
heere
alledge
some
few
more
examples
,
and
those
of
the
chiefest
English
Ministers
(
for
to
talke
of
forraine
were
infinite
)
that
haue
writen
against
Catholike
Religion
in
these
our
dayes
.
49.
And
with
whom
in
this
poynt
may
we
better
Iohn
Fox
himselfe
(
not
vnfitly
called
by
some
,
the
Father
of
lyes
)
in
his
huge
Volume
of
Acts
and
Monuments
,
who
,
as
he
was
one
of
the
first
that
tooke
vpon
him
,
in
our
language
to
set
abroad
the
prayses
of
that
Protestant
Church
by
way
of
history
,
so
did
he
by
deedes
leaue
a
document
what
liberty
the
writers
of
that
profession
do
take
vnto
themselues
in
this
kynd
of
Equiuocation
,
that
auoucheth
falsities
,
well
knowne
to
be
such
to
the
vtterer
.
For
that
not
only
throughout
his
whole
worke
doth
he
vse
the
same
vpon
euery
occasion
;
but
euen
in
the
very
first
lynes
,
and
tytle
also
of
his
booke
,
promising
to
set
downe
,
The
continuance
,
and
succession
of
his
said
Church
,
from
the
beginning
to
our
dayes
:
but
indeede
neuer
meant
to
performe
any
parte
therof
,
as
well
knowing
that
he
could
not
,
as
by
a
special
Treatise
hath
byn
these
years
50.
And
finally
the
same
Author
in
the
end
of
the
third
parte
of
the
said
worke
,
doth
in
one
Chapter
conuince
him
of
aboue
an
hundred
and
twenty
wilfull
lyes
vttered
by
him
in
lesse
then
three
leaues
in
his
said
Acts
and
Monuments
,
and
those
such
,
as
no
wayes
they
may
be
excused
,
eyther
by
ignorance
,
error
,
or
other
such
circumstance
,
which
before
we
haue
touched
,
but
must
needs
proceed
of
voluntary
fraud
and
malice
,
himselfe
knowing
,
that
it
was
false
which
he
related
.
One
only
example
will
I
cyte
heere
out
of
all
the
said
120.
lyes
,
wherby
yow
may
make
a
ghesse
of
all
the
rest
.
51.
The
Papists
do
teach
(
[
*
](A09111-e80860-b)
*
Fox
pag.
22.
nu.
35.
saith
he
)
most
wickedly
,
and
horribly
,
saying
,
〈◊〉
Christ
suffred
for
Originall
synne
,
or
synnes
going
before
baptisme
,
but
the
actuall
synnes
which
follow
after
baeptisme
must
be
done
away
by
mans
merits
.
And
this
assertion
of
ours
he
putteth
downe
in
a
different
letter
,
as
though
they
were
our
owne
very
wordes
,
and
sense
,
which
is
most
false
,
for
that
we
hold
them
neyther
in
wordes
nor
sense
,
so
as
the
are
rather
two
wicked
,
and
horrible
lyes
of
his
,
then
any
wicked
,
or
horrible
doctrine
of
ours
.
52.
For
first
we
say
not
,
That
Christ
suffered
only
for
Originall
synne
,
but
for
all
synnes
,
both
originall
&
actuall
,
S.
Thomas
his
wordes
are
cleere
for
our
common
doctrinè
in
that
behalf
,
part.
3.
q.
1.
art.
4.
Certum
est
,
&c.
It
is
certayne
(
saith
he
)
that
Christ
came
into
the
world
to
blot
out
not
only
originall
sinne
,
but
all
sinnes
,
&c.
And
this
is
the
common
doctrine
of
all
Deuynes
amongst
vs
.
The
second
poynt
also
,
That
actuall
sinnes
after
baptisme
cannot
be
done
away
by
mans
merit
,
but
by
the
merits
of
Christ
,
and
by
the
grace
,
and
vertue
of
his
said
passion
,
is
no
lesse
euident
in
all
our
writings
,
as
you
may
see
in
S.
Thomas
for
all
1.
2.
q.
114.
art.
7.
where
he
saith
:
Nullus
potest
mereri
sibi
reparationem
post
lapsum
,
&c.
That
no
man
can
merite
his
rysing
againe
after
synne
,
but
that
it
must
needs
proceede
of
the
only
grace
of
God
,
and
merite
of
Christ
.
And
the
same
teacheth
the
Councel
of
Trent
sess.
6.
cap.
14.
&
16.
&c.
So
as
these
are
two
not
orious
lyes
,
in
re
grauissima
,
in
a
matter
of
most
moment
,
as
yow
see
,
and
cannot
be
imputed
to
error
,
or
ignorance
with
any
probability
.
And
of
the
same
kynd
are
the
other
hundred
and
odde
,
which
before
we
haue
mentioned
,
and
are
vttered
,
as
hath
byn
said
,
within
the
compasse
of
three
leaues
and
therby
we
may
take
a
scantling
of
Iohn
Fox
his
Consciencie
in
this
kind
of
lying
equiuocation
when
it
may
make
for
his
aduantage
.
And
this
shall
suffice
for
the
first
example
.
53.
The
second
example
shall
be
out
of
an
other
Iohn
Fox
,
to
〈◊〉
,
Doctor
Calfhill
of
Christs
Church
in
Oxford
,
who
was
a
speciall
great
defender
of
M.
Iewells
chalenge
in
those
dayes
of
the
primitiue
English
Protestant
Church
,
to
wit
,
That
no
one
Doctor
,
no
one
Father
,
no
one
Councel
,
no
one
Anthority
could
be
brought
for
our
doctrine
,
&c.
But
when
a
litle
after
there
were
certaine
ordinarie
〈◊〉
appointed
euery
Saturday
in
a
seuerall
isle
of
the
said
Colledg-Church
,
for
triall
of
Controuersies
,
and
for
some
〈◊〉
of
the
Protestants
confidence
therin
,
those
may
remember
that
liued
in
the
vniuersity
at
that
tyme
,
that
M.
Bristow
,
and
some
other
〈◊〉
students
in
Deuinity
,
repayring
thither
to
dispute
,
forced
M.
Calfhill
that
was
the
moderator
,
to
deny
or
〈◊〉
to
shifte
of
so
many
Fathers
,
Doctors
and
other
ancient
authorities
,
as
most
men
langhed
to
heare
it
:
and
his
owne
friends
were
ashamed
at
the
matter
.
And
when
a
litle
after
he
wrote
a
very
irreligious
,
and
prophane
answere
to
a
certaine
Catholike
Treatise
writen
by
M.
Martiall
of
the
Holy
Crosse
of
Christ
;
he
was
oftentymes
dryuen
to
the
same
follies
,
eyther
of
open
reiecting
,
or
ridiculous
shifting
of
the
same
Fathers
:
As
for
example
when
S.
Ambrose
writing
That
a
Church
cannot
stand
without
a
Crosse
,
no
more
then
a
shippe
without
a
mast
,
&c.
He
answereth
that
it
cannot
stand
without
a
〈◊〉
beame
,
or
crosse
〈◊〉
,
or
one
piece
of
tymber
shut
into
another
:
And
do
yow
imagine
that
he
did
think
as
he
said
?
54.
Againe
in
the
same
booke
where
it
is
obiected
S.
Athanasius
words
against
the
Gentils
,
That
infinite
miracles
were
wrought
by
the
signe
of
the
Crosse
,
as
casting
out
dyuels
,
and
the
like
:
yea
,
and
that
S.
Athanasius
did
prouoke
the
Gentils
to
come
and
make
proofe
therof
and
Christians
to
vse
the
same
,
saying
:
Vtatur
signo
,
vt
illi
dicunt
ridiculè
,
Crucis
&c.
Let
him
vse
against
all
inchauntments
the
signe
of
the
Crosse
which
Pagans
call
ridiculous
,
and
he
shall
see
the
Diuels
to
be
put
to
flight
by
〈◊〉
,
southsaying
to
cease
,
Magicke
and
poysoning
destroyed
,
&c.
So
〈◊〉
Athanasius
:
Whervnto
Calfhill
answereth
thus
:
If
yow
gather
(
saith
he
)
that
the
vse
of
the
Crosse
is
commendable
,
because
of
myracles
done
;
by
the
same
reason
the
〈◊〉
and
thiefe
may
defend
and
maintayne
their
vnlawfull
doinges
,
because
as
great
or
greater
miracles
be
wrought
by
them
.
So
he
.
And
do
yow
not
thinke
that
he
knew
himselfe
heere
to
lye
,
and
egregiously
to
Equiuocate
in
the
worst
sense
?
And
yet
〈◊〉
wheras
the
ancient
Father
S.
Cyrill
writing
against
Iulian
the
Apostata
,
that
obiected
to
Christians
the
vse
of
making
the
signe
of
the
Crosse
vpon
their
forheades
,
and
setting
vp
the
same
vpon
their
doores
,
answered
:
That
such
speach
of
the
Apostata
proceeded
of
wicked
thoughtes
and
sauoured
so
extreme
ignorance
,
and
that
the
said
Salutare
signum
,
healthfull
signe
of
the
Crosse
(
so
are
his
reuerend
wordes
)
was
made
by
the
Christians
in
remembrance
of
Christes
benefites
,
exhibited
in
his
sacred
〈◊〉
,
&c.
M.
〈◊〉
teacheth
his
hearer
,
that
this
was
spoken
by
S.
Cyrill
,
to
excuse
the
Christians
and
couer
their
fault
,
as
though
in
deed
S.
Cyrill
had
bene
of
the
same
mynd
55.
The
third
example
we
shall
take
out
of
the
writings
Meridith
Hanmer
,
and
M.
William
Charke
,
Ministers
,
who
being
charged
with
a
certayne
pernicious
doctrine
〈◊〉
Martyn
Luther
whom
they
earnestly
defended
,
and
not
being
other
wise
able
to
escape
,
vsed
both
of
them
a
notorious
Equiuocation
in
this
kynd
of
lying
:
The
doctrine
of
Luther
was
this
,
That
if
any
cannot
,
or
will
not
proue
by
order
of
lawe
the
insufficiency
of
her
husband
,
let
her
request
at
his
hands
a
diuorce
,
or
els
by
his
consent
let
her
priuily
lye
with
his
brother
,
or
with
some
other
man
.
And
this
doctrine
being
obiected
56.
But
two
things
do
conuince
this
of
a
notable
wilfull
vntruth
.
The
first
for
that
the
tyme
and
yeare
being
considered
wherin
Luther
wrote
this
Sermon
,
it
appeareth
euidently
that
he
had
left
long
before
the
Catholicke
vnion
:
though
yet
himselfe
said
in
this
place
,
that
he
remayned
still
with
some
feare
and
dread
of
Antichrist
,
which
he
meant
in
respect
that
it
was
yet
doubtfull
vnto
him
,
whether
the
Protection
of
the
Duke
of
Saxonie
would
be
sufficient
for
his
defence
,
against
the
Pope
,
Emperour
,
and
other
Catholicke
Princes
that
sought
to
haue
him
punished
:
but
when
in
Processe
of
time
he
perceyued
in
deed
that
he
was
secure
,
then
he
said
he
would
giue
other
counsell
.
Consilium
William
Charke
breaketh
of
,
and
leaueth
out
the
wordes
of
Luther
that
immediatly
follow
,
and
do
solue
the
case
,
which
are
these
:
Talique
marito
,
qui
adeò
mulierem
deludat
dolis
,
vehementius
[
*
](A09111-e81760-b)
*
Lanificium
is
heer
much
more
modestly
translated
,
then
Luthers
meaning
seemeth
to
beare
.
lanificium
,
immissa
manu
,
conuellerem
,
&c.
That
laying
my
handes
vpon
the
lockes
of
such
a
husband
,
that
should
so
craftily
deceyue
a
woman
,
I
would
vehemently
shake
or
pull
him
by
the
lockes
.
So
he
.
And
what
will
yow
say
now
of
the
craftie
Equiuocation
of
these
two
Ministers
?
which
of
them
had
least
conscience
,
either
he
that
knowing
it
to
be
so
,
yet
denyed
that
Luther
had
any
such
wordes
,
or
the
other
that
confessing
the
wordes
,
wittingly
peruerted
the
sense
,
by
cutting
of
that
which
should
make
all
cleare
?
57.
And
I
might
cyte
also
an
other
like
deceiptfull
Equiuocation
of
William
Charke
,
not
farre
from
the
S.
Augustine
,
saying
:
Concupiscentia
S.
Augustine
,
forgeth
a
place
of
the
same
Doctor
to
the
contrarie
,
thus
:
S.
Augustines
place
(
saith
he
)
is
expounded
by
himselfe
afterward
,
where
he
saith
,
Concupiscence
is
not
so
forgiuen
in
baptisme
,
that
it
is
not
sinne
;
but
that
it
is
not
imputed
as
sinne
:
and
cyteth
for
his
proofe
the
same
booke
of
S.
Augustine
De
nuptiis
&
concupiscentia
.
Cap.
23.
&
25.
But
if
yow
looke
vpon
the
places
,
yow
shall
fynd
that
the
Minister
hath
heere
of
his
owne
foysted
in
the
chiefe
word
,
that
maketh
or
marreth
all
,
to
wit
,
peccatum
,
sinne
,
for
that
S.
Augustines
wordes
are
these
:
Ad
haec
respondetur
,
dimitti
concupiscentiam
carnis
in
baptismo
,
non
vt
non
sit
:
sed
vt
in
peccatum
non
imputetur
,
quamuis
reatu
suo
iam
soluto
,
maret
tamen
,
&c.
To
this
is
answered
(
saith
S.
Augustine
)
that
the
Concupiscence
of
the
flesh
is
forgiuen
in
baptisme
,
not
so
that
it
is
not
:
(
or
remayneth
not
)
but
that
it
is
not
imputed
vnto
sinne
,
it
remayneth
still
though
the
guylt
therof
be
taken
away
.
So
he
.
And
was
not
this
a
subtile
Equiuocation
to
make
in
a
trice
S.
Augustine
to
be
contrary
to
himselfe
.
58.
The
fourth
example
shall
be
of
an
other
Minister
William
Perkins
,
who
though
he
wrote
since
the
other
,
yet
in
diuer
,
points
hath
he
out-gone
them
,
as
well
in
this
of
false
Equiuocation
,
as
in
the
deepe
humour
of
phantasy
,
by
which
he
hath
writen
and
published
many
bookes
with
strange
tytles
,
some
of
them
conteyning
matter
,
that
neyther
he
,
nor
his
reader
(
I
〈◊〉
say
)
do
vnderstand
,
as
namely
about
the
Concatenation
or
tying
together
of
causes
of
mans
prodestination
or
reprobation
,
and
the
like
:
but
among
other
his
pretiest
fancy
was
,
to
write
a
booke
calling
it
,
Areformed
Catholicke
,
which
was
in
deed
that
which
by
Logitians
is
tearmed
Implicatioin
adiecto
,
An
implicancy
or
contradiction
of
the
one
word
to
the
other
,
for
that
he
which
is
a
Catholicke
(
if
we
speake
of
〈◊〉
belonging
to
doctrine
and
beliefe
,
and
not
to
manners
)
cannot
be
reformed
,
the
essence
of
Catholicke
Religion
consisting
in
this
,
that
all
and
euery
point
of
the
receyued
Christian
faith
be
belieued
and
nothing
more
,
or
lesse
,
so
as
if
any
point
must
be
added
,
taken
away
,
altered
or
reformed
,
it
is
not
Catholicke
,
and
consequently
A
reformed
Catholicke
in
matters
of
faith
must
needs
be
A
deformed
Catholicke
,
such
a
Perkins
A
reformed
Catholicke
,
when
the
belieuer
chooseth
to
belieue
,
or
leaue
what
points
do
please
him
best
:
which
choise
we
say
,
is
properly
heresy
,
for
that
an
Hereticke
is
a
Chooser
,
as
the
Greeke
word
importeth
:
and
this
heresy
or
choice
in
matters
of
beliefe
doth
Perkins
professe
to
teach
his
hearer
,
saying
:
That
he
will
shew
them
how
neare
they
may
come
vnto
the
Romane
faith
,
and
yet
not
iumpe
with
it
,
which
is
a
doctrine
common
to
all
hereticks
,
and
heresies
that
euer
were
,
for
that
all
haue
agreed
with
the
Catholicke
faith
in
some
points
,
for
that
otherwise
it
should
be
Apostacy
and
not
heresy
if
they
denyed
all
:
yea
the
Turkes
and
Mores
at
this
day
do
hold
some
points
of
Christian
Religion
with
the
Catholickes
;
but
for
that
neither
they
nor
heretickes
do
hold
all
,
therfore
they
are
no
true
Catholickes
,
but
such
Reformed
Catholickes
as
William
Perkins
would
teach
his
disciples
to
be
,
to
wit
,
properly
Heretikes
by
their
choise
of
religion
.
59.
And
to
the
end
we
may
see
not
only
the
mans
Whore
of
Babylon
,
and
by
this
one
example
,
let
the
reader
iudge
,
whether
he
be
not
a
fit
Chaplyn
for
that
honest
woman
,
iflying
,
cosenage
,
and
calumniation
be
propertyes
of
her
profession
.
For
that
hauing
spent
many
impertinent
wordes
to
shew
that
the
impieties
prophesied
by
S.
Iohn
of
the
said
Whore
of
Babylon
,
and
Saincts
of
60.
This
exposition
(
saith
he
)
of
the
Apocalips
besydes
the
Authority
of
the
text
,
hath
also
the
fauour
and
defence
of
ancient
and
learned
men
:
Bernard
saith
,
They
are
the
Ministers
of
Christ
,
but
they
serue
Antichrist
.
And
the
beast
spoken
of
in
the
Apocalips
to
which
a
mouth
is
giuen
to
speake
blasphemies
,
and
to
make
warre
with
the
Saints
of
God
,
is
now
gotten
into
Peters
Chaire
as
a
lyon
prepared
to
his
pray
.
It
wil
be
said
,
that
Bernard
speaketh
these
later
wordes
of
one
that
came
to
the
Popedome
by
intrusion
,
or
vsurpation
.
It
is
true
in
deed
,
but
wherfore
was
he
an
vsurper
.
He
rendreth
a
reason
therof
in
the
same
place
:
bycause
the
Antipope
called
Innocentius
,
was
chosen
by
the
Kings
of
Alemaine
,
France
,
England
,
Scotland
,
Spaine
,
Hierusalem
,
with
consent
of
the
whole
Clergy
and
people
in
these
nations
,
and
the
other
was
not
.
And
thus
Bernard
hath
giuen
his
verdict
,
that
not
only
this
vsurper
,
but
all
the
Popes
for
this
many
yeares
are
the
beast
in
the
Apocalips
,
because
now
they
are
only
chosen
by
the
Colledg
of
Cardinals
,
&c.
Thus
he
.
61.
And
now
how
many
〈◊〉
decepts
,
and
falsities
there
be
in
this
litle
narration
is
easie
for
any
man
to
see
,
admyre
,
and
detest
that
will
but
looke
vpon
the
places
of
S.
Bernard
by
himselfe
quoted
.
For
in
They
are
the
Ministers
of
Christ
,
but
do
serue
Antichrist
,
he
speaketh
against
the
vices
of
the
Clergy
,
especially
of
France
where
he
liued
in
his
dayes
.
And
that
it
is
not
meant
particulerly
of
the
pope
,
S.
Bernardes
owne
words
do
shew
in
that
ve
y
place
,
saying
:
They
will
be
and
are
Prelates
of
Churches
,
Deanes
,
Archdeacons
,
Bishopps
,
&
Archbishopps
:
so
as
this
is
falsely
brought
in
to
proue
any
speciall
thing
against
Rome
,
or
the
Pope
,
and
much
more
wickedly
alledged
to
proue
Perkins
his
exposition
of
the
Apocalips
,
against
Christian
Rome
to
be
true
in
S.
Bernardes
sense
,
which
he
neuer
thought
of
,
or
by
any
least
cogitation
admitted
,
as
by
the
whole
course
of
his
writings
to
the
contrary
is
euident
:
no
man
more
extolling
the
dignity
of
the
Pope
,
and
Sea
of
Rome
,
then
he
,
euen
then
,
when
most
he
reprehendeth
euill
lyfe
and
manners
.
62.
But
the
other
that
followeth
is
much
more
fraudulenty
alledged
:
For
if
S.
Bernard
complained
greatly
that
in
his
tyme
one
Petrus
Leonis
,
an
vsurper
and
Antipope
,
being
chosen
by
the
〈◊〉
lesse
number
of
Cardinals
voyces
,
did
by
violence
notwithstanding
thrust
himselfe
into
the
Chaire
of
Peter
,
and
playe
therin
the
parte
of
Antichrist
,
what
was
this
in
preiudice
of
the
true
Pope
Innocentius
the
second
,
whome
Saint
Bernard
doth
call
Christs
Vicar
,
and
highly
commendeth
him
as
lawfully
chosen
by
the
maior
part
of
the
Colledge
of
Cardinals
,
and
exhorteth
all
Christian
Kings
to
obey
and
follow
him
,
as
their
high
and
true
lawfull
vniuersall
pastor
?
So
as
heere
〈◊〉
Perkins
maketh
a
notorious
lye
in
saying
,
that
Innocentius
by
S.
Bernards
iudgement
was
an
Antipope
,
wheras
he
proued
him
expresly
in
the
places
heere
alleadged
to
be
the
true
Pope
and
Vicar
of
Christ
,
and
Petrus
〈◊〉
to
be
the
Antipope
.
Numquid
(
saith
he
)
non
omnes
Principes
cognouerunt
,
quia
ipse
est
verè
Dei
electus
?
Francorum
,
Anglorum
,
Hispanorum
,
&
postremò
63.
Secondly
he
lyeth
much
more
apparantly
,
when
he
saith
,
that
Innocentius
was
chosen
by
the
said
Kings
of
Alemaine
,
France
,
England
,
&c.
wheras
S.
Bernard
saith
not
that
he
was
chosen
by
them
,
but
that
he
was
accepted
,
followed
,
&
obeyed
by
them
,
as
true
Pope
after
his
election
:
Alemaniae
(
saith
he
)
Angliae
,
Franciae
,
Scotiae
,
〈◊〉
(
he
doth
not
say
they
choose
him
)
as
children
to
their
Father
,
and
as
members
to
their
head
.
64.
Thirdly
,
Perkins
lyeth
most
desperately
of
all
in
his
last
conclusion
,
〈◊〉
:
And
thus
Bernard
hath
giuen
his
verdict
,
that
not
only
this
vsurper
,
but
that
all
the
Popes
for
〈◊〉
many
yeares
are
the
beast
in
the
〈◊〉
,
because
now
they
are
only
chosen
by
the
Colledge
of
Cardinals
.
This
(
I
say
)
is
a
notorious
lye
;
for
that
S.
Bernard
giueth
no
such
verdict
,
but
alloweth
well
the
election
of
Innocentius
by
the
said
Cardinals
,
saying
:
Meritò
autem
illum
〈◊〉
Ecclesia
,
The
vse
of
Equiuocation
in
Lay-men
and
Knightes
.
§.
5.
65.
OF
this
sorte
of
men
I
will
alledge
only
three
in
this
place
that
in
these
later
dayes
haue
written
against
Catholicke
Religion
;
but
yet
such
as
are
more
eminent
among
the
rest
,
they
being
Knightes
all
three
,
whose
honorable
condition
,
&
state
of
calling
,
ought
to
haue
obliged
them
to
defence
of
truth
,
and
that
also
by
true
meanes
,
and
not
by
sleightes
of
this
worst
kynde
of
Equiuocation
,
as
heer
yow
shall
see
them
doe
.
The
first
is
Sir
Francis
Hastings
that
wrote
the
iniurious
Watchword
some
yeares
past
,
against
Catholickes
:
The
second
is
Sir
Philip
Mornay
,
Lord
of
Plessis
,
that
hath
written
many
workes
much
respected
by
those
of
his
partiality
in
Religion
.
The
third
is
Syr
Edward
Cooke
late
Attorney
of
his
Maiesty
,
now
a
Iudge
,
and
writer
against
Catholicks
.
And
albeit
the
second
be
a
French-man
borne
,
yet
for
that
he
hath
liued
much
in
England
,
and
wrote
some
of
his
bookes
there
,
and
all
or
most
parte
of
them
are
〈◊〉
to
be
in
the
English
language
,
I
may
well
accompanie
him
with
English
Knightes
in
this
behalfe
.
66.
For
the
first
then
which
is
Syr
Francis
,
I
may
be
67.
In
his
defence
of
the
Watch-word
pag.
74.
he
treating
against
the
abuse
of
pardons
,
auoucheth
out
of
sundry
Chronicles
,
as
he
saith
,
the
storie
of
the
poysoning
of
King
Iohn
by
a
Monke
named
Symon
,
and
this
vpon
dispensation
first
obteyned
of
his
Abbot
to
do
the
fact
without
sinne
,
which
historie
being
taken
by
him
out
of
Iohn
Fox
his
Actes
and
Monumentes
,
who
affirmeth
that
most
of
the
ancient
Historiographers
King
Iohn
,
or
within
two
hundred
yeares
after
,
no
one
did
euer
affirme
the
same
,
but
rather
the
quite
contrarie
,
setting
downe
other
particuler
causes
&
occasions
of
King
Iohns
death
.
And
further
they
could
not
but
know
,
and
haue
read
Iohn
Stowes
Chronicle
printed
anno
.
1592.
who
hauing
made
diligent
search
about
this
matter
,
out
of
all
authors
of
antiquity
,
could
fynd
no
such
thing
:
and
so
he
testifyeth
in
these
wordes
.
Thus
(
saith
he
)
haue
I
set
downe
the
life
and
death
(
though
much
abbreuiated
)
of
King
Iohn
,
according
to
the
writinges
of
Roger
〈◊〉
,
Roger
Houeden
,
Rad.
Niger
,
Rad.
Cogshall
,
Matthew
Paris
,
and
others
,
who
all
lyued
when
the
King
raigned
,
and
wrote
for
that
tyme
what
they
saw
or
heard
credibly
reported
&c.
68.
Now
then
if
this
Chronicle
of
Stow
was
out
,
and
in
euery
mans
hand
some
yeares
before
Syr
Francis
wrote
his
Watchword
,
and
that
hereby
is
euident
according
to
all
ancient
writers
,
that
the
foresaid
poysoning
of
King
Iohn
by
a
monke
,
was
neither
written
,
nor
reported
by
any
in
those
dayes
;
with
what
Conscience
could
〈◊〉
Francis
and
Fox
alledge
the
〈◊〉
againe
〈◊〉
a
truth
?
Was
not
heere
wilfull
deceipt
,
nay
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
will
and
desire
of
deceauing
?
69.
The
same
is
layed
against
Syr
Francis
in
cyting
of
sundry
others
as
namely
the
Authority
of
S.
Hierome
,
S.
Hierome
)
instar
tonitruireboat
Amen
,
The
S.
Hierome
spake
,
nor
vpon
what
occasion
,
nor
to
whome
,
and
secondly
he
doth
conceale
the
wordes
'
that
immediatly
went
before
&
followed
after
,
for
that
they
made
al
against
him
.
For
first
S.
Hierome
spake
of
the
Church
of
Rome
in
particuler
,
where
the
latin
tongue
being
in
vse
so
commonly
in
his
dayes
,
that
it
was
,
as
it
were
,
their
naturall
language
,
no
maruaile
though
the
common
people
could
sound
out
Amen
,
they
vnderstanding
for
the
most
parte
the
latin
tongue
:
for
we
see
also
that
in
other
Catholicke
Countryes
where
the
latin
tongue
is
not
so
commonly
in
vse
,
the
common
people
by
vse
and
practice
can
,
and
do
with
common
voyce
sound
out
Amen
in
Letanies
,
and
other
partes
of
latin
seruice
;
wherfore
this
circumstance
was
fraudulently
concealed
.
70.
As
that
other
was
in
like
manner
,
that
S.
Hierome
wrote
these
wordes
vnto
two
vowed
virgins
,
Paula
,
and
Eustochium
,
to
whom
he
dedicated
his
said
second
booke
of
his
Commentaries
vpon
the
Epistle
to
the
Galathians
,
commending
vnto
them
the
faith
and
deuotion
of
the
Church
of
Rome
aboue
other
Churches
,
and
yeelding
a
reason
why
the
Apostle
S.
Paul
did
so
highly
commend
the
Roman
Christians
in
his
time
,
both
for
their
faith
and
obedience
,
saying
of
the
first
:
I
do
giue
thankes
to
my
God
by
Iesus
Christ
for
yow
all
,
sor
that
your
faith
is
divulged
throughout
the
whole
world
:
and
in
the
end
of
the
same
Epistle
,
he
saith
of
their
obedience
in
liuing
according
to
their
faith
:
Your
obedience
is
divulged
into
euery
place
of
the
world
,
wherfore
I
take
ioy
in
yow
,
&c.
Vpon
which
testimony
of
the
Apostle
S.
Hierome
writeth
thus
:
Romanae
plebis
laudatur
〈◊〉
,
&c.
The
faith
of
the
Roman
people
is
praysed
by
the
Apostle
,
for
in
what
other
place
of
the
world
is
there
such
continuall
concourse
vnto
Churches
,
and
vnto
the
Sepulchers
of
Martyrs
as
in
Rome
?
In
what
place
do
they
so
sound
out
the
word
Amen
,
to
the
likenesse
of
a
certayne
heauenly
thunder
?
Not
for
that
the
Romanes
haue
any
other
faith
,
but
that
which
all
Christian
Churches
haue
,
but
only
that
there
is
greater
deuotion
in
them
,
and
greater
simplicity
to
beleeue
.
71.
These
are
S.
Hieroms
wordes
,
which
if
Syr
Francis
had
set
downe
wholy
and
simply
as
the
lye
in
him
,
he
saw
how
they
would
make
against
him
in
diuers
poynts
,
and
therfore
he
willingly
and
wittingly
cut
of
both
the
beginning
and
ending
,
as
yow
haue
heard
,
&
applied
the
midst
to
a
wrong
sense
,
neuer
thought
of
by
the
Author
himselfe
.
And
the
same
is
proued
S.
Augustine
pag.
18.
of
S.
Bede
,
and
Arnobius
pag.
34.
S.
Chrysostome
pag.
52.
all
to
one
end
corruptly
and
fraudulently
alleadged
for
some
shew
of
proofe
that
publike
seruice
ought
to
be
in
vulgar
tongues
only
:
which
yet
being
truly
examined
make
72.
As
concerning
the
second
Knight
Syr
Philip
Mornay
Monsieur
Peron
then
Bishop
of
Eureux
,
and
now
Cardinall
made
publike
offer
to
proue
aboue
fiue
hundred
such
wilfull
falsifications
to
be
in
that
booke
,
requesting
also
,
by
humble
suite
,
his
Maiesty
of
France
to
command
publike
triall
with
his
presence
,
as
at
length
it
was
effectuated
in
the
presence
of
the
King
and
great
parte
of
his
〈◊〉
,
and
other
learned
men
on
both
73.
In
this
Conference
of
tryall
,
fiue
hundred
wilfull
falsifications
being
obiected
,
as
I
said
,
to
this
Knight
,
and
when
the
tyme
grew
neere
,
three
score
〈◊〉
exhibited
vnto
him
by
the
said
Bishop
out
of
which
to
make
his
choise
for
the
first
dayes
tryall
,
the
Syr
Philip
Mornay
choise
19.
of
those
,
which
he
thought
himselfe
best
able
to
defend
or
excuse
,
and
of
this
number
also
he
placed
in
the
first
ranke
such
as
seemed
to
him
to
be
of
least
enormity
,
wherof
notwithstanding
,
the
straitnes
of
tyme
permitting
only
9.
to
be
handled
,
he
was
conuinced
publikely
in
all
,
and
euery
one
of
them
,
and
had
sentence
geuen
against
him
,
by
the
Iudges
,
as
well
Protestants
chosen
of
his
side
,
as
the
other
that
were
of
the
Bishops
Religion
:
the
summe
wherof
I
shall
briefly
touch
in
this
place
.
74.
The
first
was
that
he
had
falsified
the
Schole-Doctor
Ioannes
Scotus
,
alleadging
him
as
though
he
had
doubted
of
the
Reall-presence
,
for
that
hauing
proposed
the
question
,
whether
Christ
were
really
in
the
Sacrament
,
vnder
the
formes
of
bread
and
wyne
,
he
did
according
to
the
fashion
of
Scholes
,
make
arguments
to
the
contrary
,
saying
:
Videtur
quòd
non
,
it
seemeth
that
he
is
not
so
there
,
for
these
and
these
reasons
,
which
afterwards
he
solueth
and
holdeth
the
contrary
position
for
true
,
and
Catholike
,
to
wit
,
that
Christs
body
is
really
there
,
wherupon
the
sentence
of
the
Iudges
was
,
that
Monsieur
Plessis
in
this
matter
had
taken
the
obiection
of
Scotus
for
his
resolution
.
75.
The
second
falsification
wherof
he
was
conuinced
was
that
he
had
alledged
Bishop
Durandus
an
other
Scholasticall
Author
very
fraudulently
about
S.
Chrysostome
in
S.
Hierome
about
praying
to
Saints
.
The
sixth
out
of
S.
Cyrill
about
honouring
the
holy
Crosse.
The
seauenth
out
of
the
Code
or
Imperiall
lawes
about
painting
or
keruing
the
signe
of
the
said
Crosse.
The
eight
out
of
S.
Bernard
about
honouring
our
blessed
Lady
.
The
ninth
and
last
of
an
authority
of
Theodorete
about
Images
.
76.
All
which
places
being
diligently
examined
,
and
Syr
Philipp
Mornay
suffred
to
say
,
and
alledge
what
he
could
for
his
defence
or
euasion
,
he
was
conuinced
manifestly
by
the
said
Bishop
of
Eureux
,
and
sentenced
by
all
the
Iudges
to
haue
committed
falfification
,
and
vntrue
dealing
in
them
all
.
And
the
like
would
the
said
Bishop
haue
shewed
,
&
declared
in
all
the
rest
to
the
number
of
fiue
hundred
,
if
the
said
Mornay
could
haue
byn
brought
to
haue
continued
the
combat
,
which
he
would
not
,
as
yow
may
see
in
the
said
publike
Acts
printed
in
French
vpon
the
yeare
1601.
77.
Our
last
example
then
shall
be
of
S.
Edward
Cooke
that
for
the
first
ten
yeares
of
Queene
Elizabeths
raigne
no
one
person
of
what
religion
,
or
sect
so
euer
did
refuse
to
go
to
the
Protestants
Church
and
seruice
;
which
the
Answerer
confuteth
so
clearly
,
and
by
so
many
witnesses
,
as
a
man
would
haue
thought
that
the
matter
would
neuer
haue
byn
mencioned
more
for
very
shame
;
and
yet
now
(
they
say
)
that
the
Attorney
being
made
a
Iudge
,
hath
not
only
repeated
the
same
,
but
auouched
it
also
againe
with
such
asseueration
in
his
foresaid
Charge
,
as
if
it
had
neuer
byn
controlled
,
or
proued
false
.
78.
Nay
further
they
write
,
that
he
adioyned
with
like
asseueration
diuers
other
things
no
lesse
apparantly
false
then
this
:
as
for
example
,
that
Pope
Pius
Quintus
before
he
proceeded
to
any
Ecclesiasticall
Censure
against
Q
Elizabeth
,
wrote
vnto
her
a
letter
,
offering
to
allow
and
ratifie
the
English
Seruice
,
Bible
,
and
Communion-booke
,
as
now
it
is
in
vse
in
that
Kingdome
,
if
she
would
accept
it
as
from
him
,
which
she
refusing
to
do
,
he
did
excommunicate
her
;
by
which
tale
he
acquitteth
notwithstanding
Catholicks
(
if
Lord
Cooke
did
so
earnestly
auouch
this
matter
,
as
he
pawned
therin
not
only
his
credit
&
honesty
bv
expresse
termes
of
protestation
:
but
euen
his
faith
also
to
God
and
man
:
A
great
aduenture
no
doubt
.
And
for
that
I
assure
my selfe
〈◊〉
the
greater
parte
of
the
auditory
being
discreet
men
,
did
imagine
it
to
be
quite
false
,
as
I
,
and
others
in
effect
do
know
it
to
be
;
it
must
needs
be
a
great
blemish
to
my
Lordes
credit
at
the
beginning
of
his
Iudgeship
,
that
in
other
thinges
also
he
be
not
belieued
.
79.
But
I
vnderstand
that
the
booke
of
this
speach
,
80.
My
speach
at
this
time
shall
be
only
about
that
which
passed
in
his
booke
of
Reportes
,
while
he
was
Attorney
,
and
which
hath
byn
disputed
these
monethes
past
betweene
him
,
and
a
Catholicke
Deuine
of
our
partie
,
in
his
answere
to
the
said
Reportes
,
which
answere
is
in
England
.
And
albeit
therby
may
easely
be
seene
the
talent
which
M.
Attorney
had
while
he
was
Attorney
in
this
kynd
of
worst
Equiuocation
(
notwithstanding
his
often
declamations
against
the
other
sorte
,
that
with
due
circumstances
we
haue
proued
to
be
lawfull
:
)
yet
will
I
heere
adioyne
one
example
more
,
but
such
a
one
as
is
worth
the
noting
,
&
bearing
away
.
And
it
is
this
.
81.
That
wheras
in
answering
of
dyuers
lawes
,
〈◊〉
and
ordinances
which
the
Attorney
alledged
out
of
the
raignes
of
sundry
ancient
Kinges
,
to
proue
that
they
did
exercise
spirituall
authority
,
and
iurisdiction
,
the
Deuine
somtymes
not
hauing
the
law-bookes
by
him
,
out
of
which
the
said
lawes
or
authorityes
were
cyted
,
supposing
the
allegations
to
be
ordinarily
true
(
for
who
would
suspect
lawyers
to
be
To
confirme
(
saith
he
)
those
that
hold
the
truth
,
and
to
satisfie
such
as
being
not
instructed
know
not
the
ancient
,
and
moderne
lawes
,
&c.
these
few
demonstratiue
proofes
shall
serue
.
82.
And
then
beginneth
he
with
the
said
Charter
M.
Attorney
is
in
those
his
writinges
,
and
protestations
,
which
after
we
shall
more
largely
consider
of
.
Thus
then
beginneth
the
Charter
.
83
Kenulphus
Rex
&c.
per
literas
suas
patentes
,
consilio
,
&
consensu
Episcoporum
,
&
Senatorum
gentis
suae
,
largitus
fuit
Thus
goeth
the
Charter
as
M.
Attorney
alleageth
it
,
which
in
English
is
as
followeth
.
84.
King
Kenulphus
,
&c.
by
his
letters
patentes
with
the
counsell
,
and
consent
of
the
Bishops
,
and
Counsellours
of
his
nation
,
did
giue
to
the
〈◊〉
of
Abindon
in
Barkshire
,
and
to
one
Ruchinus
Abbot
of
that
Monastery
,
a
certayne
portion
of
his
land
,
to
wit
,
fifteene
Mansians
,
in
a
place
called
by
the
country-men
Culnam
,
with
all
profittes
,
and
commodityes
great
and
small
,
appertayning
thervnto
for
euerlasting
inheritance
.
And
that
the
foresaid
Ruchinus
,
&c.
should
be
quiet
from
all
right
of
the
Bishop
for
euer
;
so
as
the
inhabitantes
of
that
place
,
shall
not
be
depressed
for
the
tyme
to
come
by
the
yoke
of
any
Bishop
,
or
his
officers
,
but
that
in
all
euentes
of
thinges
and
controuersyes
of
causes
,
they
shall
be
subiect
to
the
decree
of
the
Abbot
of
the
said
Monastery
:
so
as
,
&c.
And
then
M.
Attorney
continue
his
speach
thus
:
This
Charter
was
pleaded
in
1.
H.
7.
and
vouched
by
Stanford
,
as
at
large
appeareth
;
which
Charter
graunted
aboue
.
850.
yeares
sithence
,
was
after
confirmed
per
Eduinum
Britaniae
Anglorum
Regem
&
Monarcham
anno
Domini
.
955.
by
which
appeareth
,
that
the
King
by
this
Charter
,
made
in
Parliament
,
(
for
it
appeareth
to
be
made
by
the
Counsell
,
and
consent
of
his
Bishops
,
&
Senators
of
his
Kingdome
,
which
were
assembled
in
[
*
](A09111-e84720-b)
*
This
is
false
.
Parlament
)
did
discharge
and
exempt
the
said
Abbot
from
the
Iurisdiction
of
the
Bishop
&c.
And
by
the
same
Charter
did
grant
to
the
same
Abbot
Ecclesiasticall
iurisdiction
within
his
said
Abbey
:
which
Ecclesiasticall
Iurisdiction
being
[
*
](A09111-e84740-b)
*
This
also
is
false
.
deriued
from
the
Crowne
,
continued
vntill
the
dissolution
of
the
said
Abbey
in
the
raigne
of
King
Henry
the
eight
.
So
he
.
85.
And
by
this
yow
may
see
what
an
important
conclusion
he
doth
inferre
of
the
Kinges
supreme
iurisdiction
in
spirituall
affayres
at
that
time
.
Whervnto
the
Deuine
comming
to
answere
,
and
supposing
that
M.
Attorney
would
not
falsity
or
belye
his
Authors
,
that
he
had
cyted
truly
the
very
wordes
,
and
textes
of
the
lawes
,
resolutions
,
iudgmentes
,
and
actes
of
Parlament
,
all
publicke
,
and
in
print
,
without
any
inference
,
argument
,
or
amplification
,
quoting
particularly
the
bookes
,
yeares
,
leaues
,
Chapters
,
and
other
such
like
certayne
references
,
as
euery
man
at
his
pleasure
may
see
and
read
them
,
&c.
The
answerer
I
say
)
hearing
this
formall
protestation
,
and
supposing
besides
that
the
man
would
haue
some
respect
to
his
credit
and
honour
in
this
behalfe
,
granting
all
as
it
lay
,
answered
the
same
,
as
yow
may
see
in
his
booke
:
but
now
vpon
better
search
,
it
falleth
out
,
that
this
whole
〈◊〉
was
falsely
alledged
by
M.
Attorney
in
the
very
point
of
the
principall
controuersy
in
hand
about
the
Kinges
spiritual
Iurisdiction
,
for
that
whatsoeuer
the
Charter
did
ascribe
expresly
to
the
Pope
,
&
his
Authority
,
the
Attorney
suppressing
the
true
wordes
,
relateth
it
,
as
proceeding
from
the
King
,
&
temporall
authority
of
his
Crowne
.
For
proofe
wherof
I
shall
set
downe
the
very
wordes
of
my
learned
friends
letter
out
of
England
about
this
point
,
after
view
taken
of
the
law-bookes
themselues
,
and
then
let
any
man
say
how
farre
M
Attorney
is
to
be
credited
in
any
thing
he
writeth
,
or
speaketh
against
Catholickes
.
86.
As
concerning
(
saith
he
)
the
Charter
of
King
M.
Attorney
hath
egregiously
abused
his
Reader
in
that
and
other
points
.
For
the
Case
standeth
thus
.
That
in
the
first
yeare
of
King
Henry
the
7.
Humphrey
Stafford
was
attainted
by
Act
of
Parlament
of
high
〈◊〉
,
and
tooke
Sanctuary
first
in
Colchester
in
Essex
,
&
after
fled
to
Culnam
,
and
tooke
Sanctuary
in
the
Abbey
of
Abindon
,
and
being
taken
from
thence
brought
vnto
the
Tower
of
London
,
&
from
thence
brought
vnto
the
Kings-bench
,
he
pleaded
,
that
he
was
drawne
by
force
out
of
the
said
Sanctuary
of
Culnam
,
and
prayed
his
Counsell
to
plead
that
poynt
,
which
by
all
the
Iudges
of
both
benches
was
graunted
vnto
him
.
And
so
they
pleaded
in
this
manner
87.
Idem
Humphridus
per
Consilium
suum
dixit
,
quod
Kenulphus
Rex
Merciorum
,
per
litteras
suas
patentes
,
consilio
&
consensu
Episcoporum
&
Senatorum
gentis
suae
largitus
fuit
Monasterio
de
Abindon
,
ac
cuidam
Ruchino
tunc
Abbati
Monasterij
illius
,
quandam
ruris
sui
portionem
,
id
est
,
quindecim
Mansias
in
loco
qui
a
ruricolis
tunc
nuncupabatur
Culnam
,
cum
omnibus
vtilitatibus
ad
〈◊〉
pertinentibus
,
tam
in
magnis
quàm
in
modicis
rebus
in
aeternam
haereditatem
.
Et
quod
praedictus
Ruchinus
ab
omni
Regis
obstaculo
,
&
Episcopali
iure
in
sempiternum
esset
quietus
,
vt
inhabitatores
eius
nullius
Regis
aut
ministrorum
suorum
,
Episcopiue
,
aut
suorum
Officialium
iugo
inde
deprimerentur
,
sed
in
cunctis
rerum
euentibus
,
&
discussionibus
causarum
Abbatis
Monasterij
praedicti
decreto
subijcerentur
.
〈◊〉
quod
,
&c.
And
heere
ceaseth
M.
Attorney
leauing
out
as
yow
see
in
his
recitall
,
the
wordes
that
go
before
,
ab
omni
Regis
obstaculo
,
&c.
that
the
monastery
should
be
free
from
all
obstacle
of
the
King
,
as
also
these
wordes
,
vt
inhabitatores
eius
nullius
Regis
,
aut
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
deprimantur
,
that
the
inhabitants
be
not
opprest
with
any
yoke
of
any
King
or
his
ministers
.
wherby
is
euident
that
the
King
in
his
Charter
did
for
his
part
giue
exemptions
from
temporall
&
royall
power
:
but
especially
the
fraude
is
seen
by
cutting
of
the
wordes
that
do
ensue
,
which
decyde
the
whole
controuersy
,
which
are
these
:
Et
etiam
allegauit
vltra
quod
Leo
tunc
Papa
concessit
dicto
Abbati
dictas
〈◊〉
,
&
〈◊〉
.
Et
quod
Eduinus
tunc
Britaniae
Anglorum
Rex
,
&
Monarchus
concessit
,
quod
praefatum
Monasterium
omnis
terrenae
seruitutis
esset
liberum
,
quae
〈◊〉
praedecessoribus
suis
Catholicis
,
videlicet
à
dicto
Sancto
Leone
Papa
&
dicto
Rege
Kenulpho
&c.
Et
quod
virtute
litter
arum
&
bullarum
praedictarum
,
&
tempore
Humphrey
Stafford
by
his
Counsell
alledged
furthet
for
himselfe
,
that
Pope
Leo
had
graunted
vnto
the
said
Abbot
the
said
immunityes
and
priuiledges
,
&
that
K.
Edwin
then
King
&
monarch
ouer
all
the
English
in
Britany
had
graunted
that
the
said
Monastery
should
be
free
from
all
earthly
seruitude
,
which
by
his
Catholike
predecessors
,
to
wit
,
the
said
holy
Pope
〈◊〉
,
&
the
said
King
Kenulphus
,
was
graunted
;
and
that
at
the
tyme
of
the
making
of
the
foresaid
letters
patentes
and
Bulles
,
the
said
village
or
towne
of
Culnam
was
a
Sanctuary
,
and
priuiledged
place
by
vertue
of
the
said
patents
and
Bulles
.
88.
This
is
word
for
word
the
very
plea
of
Humphrey
Stafford
for
the
Sanctuary
of
the
Monastery
of
Abindon
,
as
it
was
pleaded
by
his
learned
Counsell
in
law
,
euen
as
it
is
recorded
in
the
reportes
of
the
yeares
of
Corone
,
placito
129.
doth
accordingly
sett
downe
the
same
case
,
with
mencyoning
of
the
Bulles
of
Pope
〈◊〉
for
the
said
immunities
and
priuiledges
.
But
all
the
Protestant
editions
in
the
tyme
of
the
late
Queene
〈◊〉
-
wert
haue
committed
a
notable
tricke
of
falsification
in
leauing
out
altogeathcr
these
markable
wordes
:
That
Leo
then
Pope
did
graunt
the
said
immunityes
,
and
priuiledges
,
and
also
those
wordes
of
King
Edwyn
,
which
of
his
Catholike
〈◊〉
S.
Leo
&
King
Kenulphus
were
granted
,
&c.
And
againe
,
By
force
of
the
letters
,
and
Bulles
aforesaid
the
said
village
of
Culnam
was
a
Sanctuary
,
and
place
priuiledged
.
89.
And
hereby
allois
euident
that
the
King
did
not
by
his
Charter
in
Parliament
(
for
it
appeareth
to
be
made
by
the
Counsell
and
consent
of
his
Bishops
and
Senators
&
not
by
Parlament
,
as
M.
Attorney
doth
misreport
it
)
neyther
was
there
any
Parlament
held
at
that
tyme
in
the
land
,
or
many
hundred
yeares
after
(
for
as
it
appeareth
by
Holinsheds
Cronicle
pag.
34.
90.
Thus
farre
my
friend
out
of
England
.
And
by
this
now
yow
may
see
how
well
M.
Attorney
hath
obserued
his
foresaid
protestation
,
that
he
had
cyted
the
very
wordes
,
and
textes
of
the
lawes
,
without
any
inference
,
argument
,
or
amplification
at
all
.
And
this
being
my
friends
aduertisement
from
England
,
with
like
obseruation
of
many
other
places
cyted
by
M.
Attorney
,
with
like
fidelity
,
I
thought
good
to
produce
this
one
amongst
many
(
being
the
first
in
order
)
for
a
taste
in
this
place
,
reseruing
the
rest
to
a
fitter
,
or
at
leastwise
to
a
second
Edition
of
the
foresaid
answere
of
the
Catholicke
Deuyne
,
where
euery
thing
may
be
referred
to
his
due
place
.
And
with
this
will
I
end
both
this
Chapter
and
the
whole
Booke
.
THE
CONCLVSION
OF
THE
WHOLE
WORKE
,
With
a
briefe
exhortation
vnto
Catholickes
,
not
to
use
the
liberty
of
Equiuocation
,
euen
in
lawfull
cases
,
but
where
some
urgent
occasion
induceth
them
therunto
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
AND
now
,
gentle
reader
,
hauing
brought
this
Treatise
to
an
end
,
and
iustified
(
as
I
hope
)
our
Catholicke
doctrine
in
the
eyes
and
Iudgments
of
all
indifferent
men
,
from
the
two
odious
imputations
of
Rebellion
and
Equiuocation
,
iniuriouslie
cast
vpon
the
same
by
the
malice
of
Thomas
Morton
;
there
remayneth
nothing
,
but
that
I
conclude
this
our
small
labour
,
with
an
exhortation
to
all
Catholicke
people
,
not
only
to
abstayne
from
the
first
,
which
is
vtterly
vnlawfull
(
I
meane
the
attempting
of
any
thing
contrary
to
their
loyall
dutyes
in
subiection
,
be
their
pressures
neuer
so
great
:
)
but
also
from
the
practice
,
and
frequent
vse
of
the
second
,
though
in
some
cases
most
lawfull
as
abundantly
hath
byn
〈◊〉
;
except
some
vrgent
occasion
,
or
obligation
,
either
of
defence
of
2.
And
the
reasons
of
this
my
wish
and
counsell
are
re
ipsa
,
in
very
deed
;
but
in
opinion
likewise
,
and
estimation
of
others
,
in
so
much
as
the
word
of
a
Catholicke
man
ought
to
weigh
more
then
the
oath
of
an
other
,
and
the
oath
,
or
promise
of
a
Catholicke
,
more
then
any
band
,
or
obligation
of
an
other
,
which
for
the
most
parte
I
doubt
not
,
but
is
so
already
taken
in
England
.
For
that
albeit
by
this
doctrine
before
declared
about
Equiuocation
,
men
do
know
that
Catholickes
in
certayne
cases
may
vse
the
same
:
yet
know
they
also
that
the
said
cases
are
straitly
limited
with
many
exceptions
,
and
that
in
common
conuersation
,
as
in
buying
selling
,
traffique
,
and
the
like
,
Equiuocation
may
not
be
[
*
](A09111-e85610-b)
*
See
of
these
thinges
before
&
namely
Cap.
7.
Consid.
1.
vsed
to
the
〈◊〉
,
or
preiudice
of
any
man
:
and
that
in
Iudgments
and
tribunals
,
where
most
vse
therof
doth
fall
out
,
all
lawyers
,
Iudges
and
Magistrates
do
know
in
Catholicke
Countryes
,
wherin
the
〈◊〉
may
vse
Equiuocation
,
&
wherin
not
,
and
consequently
truth
&
Iustice
can
suffer
no
wrong
therby
.
And
moreouer
they
know
,
as
before
hath
byn
said
,
that
the
obligation
of
a
Catholicke
man
,
is
so
great
to
auoyde
all
kynd
of
lyes
,
whether
veniall
,
or
mortall
,
as
for
the
gayning
of
a
world
no
one
is
wittingly
and
willingly
to
be
committed
:
which
accompt
I
doubt
whether
men
of
other
sectes
and
Religion
do
make
or
noe
.
So
as
though
already
I
perswade
my self
,
that
Catholicke
people
stand
in
good
conceipt
with
all
sortes
of
men
,
for
their
truth
in
concionable
and
vpright
dealing
;
euen
with
those
which
endeauour
most
in
this
point
to
slaunder
them
:
yet
would
I
wish
the
same
to
be
confirmed
more
daylie
by
factes
in
respect
of
this
new
calumniation
raysed
against
them
of
the
liberty
of
Equiuocation
.
And
this
of
the
first
reason
.
3.
My
other
reason
is
,
as
before
hath
byn
insinuated
,
in
regard
of
the
tyme
present
,
which
being
a
tyme
of
tryall
&
persecution
,
requireth
at
Catholickes
hands
,
a
more
perfect
Confession
of
their
faith
,
and
of
all
matters
belonging
thervnto
,
then
at
other
tymes
.
And
albeit
in
the
former
Treatise
among
the
Cases
reserued
,
wherin
Equiuocation
may
not
be
vsed
,
confession
of
faith
be
expresly
and
in
the
first
place
excepted
,
so
as
therin
no
doublenes
or
doubtfulnes
may
be
vsed
:
yet
no
man
can
deny
but
many
factes
and
cases
may
fall
out
,
concerning
matters
of
Religion
not
tending
to
confession
(
〈◊〉
in
tyme
of
persecution
)
wherin
a
man
may
or
perhaps
also
must
by
obligation
,
if
otherwise
he
cannot
auoyd
the
wrong
&
violence
that
That
he
gaue
counsell
of
himselfe
,
but
no
precept
of
our
Lord
.
And
for
that
this
whole
Treatise
of
Equiuocation
hath
proceeded
vpon
that
question
so
often
before
repeated
,
Whether
a
Priest
being
taken
,
may
deny
himselfe
to
be
a
Priest
,
or
no
,
I
shall
〈◊〉
downe
dyuers
circumstances
,
and
considerations
of
the
Case
,
wherby
also
shal
be
made
more
playne
,
what
my
meaning
is
in
this
behalfe
.
4.
When
a
Priest
commeth
first
into
England
with
full
intent
and
resolution
to
offer
his
life
if
there
be
need
,
for
the
confession
of
Catholicke
Religion
,
and
is
taken
afterward
,
&
brought
before
the
Magistrate
,
either
he
is
taken
in
some
mans
house
,
of
whose
ouerthrow
[
*
](A09111-e85710-b)
*
Supra
cap.
7.
8.
9.
10.
before
at
large
hath
byn
declared
.
But
if
this
priest
should
be
taken
in
the
port
,
as
he
entreth
,
or
soone
after
in
the
high
way
or
otherwise
,
and
brought
before
a
Magistrate
,
so
as
his
confessing
himselfe
to
be
a
priest
could
not
preiudice
any
other
,
and
presupposing
that
he
is
vnlawfully
demaunded
that
question
,
against
law
,
reason
,
and
religion
,
heere
is
he
at
his
owne
liberty
to
deny
or
confesse
himselfe
to
be
a
priest
,
and
no
man
can
absolutly
determine
,
what
were
best
for
him
to
answere
,
but
the
spirite
of
God
that
speaketh
within
him
,
to
whome
Christ
hath
promised
to
imparte
such
wisedome
,
S.
Athanasius
,
and
other
ancient
S.
Paul
,
when
he
fled
,
and
escaped
out
of
a
5.
And
this
is
so
much
as
in
this
matter
I
had
to
aduertise
Catholickes
in
the
Conclusion
of
this
my
answere
,
not
meaning
to
discend
into
further
perticulers
of
actions
&
obligations
that
may
fall
out
,
which
heere
are
hard
to
be
determined
;
but
only
by
the
present
circumstances
of
the
tyme
,
place
,
and
matter
in
hand
,
with
regard
and
respect
vnto
the
two
principall
vertues
that
must
gouerne
vs
in
these
afayres
,
to
witt
,
Truth
,
and
Iustice
.
Truth
,
that
all
6.
And
wheras
my
Aduersary
Thomas
Morton
,
doth
conclude
the
very
last
lynes
of
his
booke
with
a
fynall
Charge
againe
renewed
of
our
Antichristian
doctrines
of
lying
,
and
treason
,
and
threatning
vs
for
the
same
,
not
fancyed
fyre
of
Purgatory
(
saith
he
)
as
for
wood
and
strawe
,
but
vnquenchable
hell-fyre
,
as
for
pitch
,
and
tarre
,
sulphur
,
and
pouder
;
we
shall
more
charitably
conclude
with
him
,
wishing
that
his
offences
of
malice
,
〈◊〉
,
and
deceipt
discouered
by
vs
in
this
our
Answere
,
may
be
wood
and
straw
,
and
that
the
fyre
prepared
by
Gods
Iustice
for
punishing
the
same
may
be
a
purging
fyre
,
and
not
a
consuming
〈◊〉
,
or
rather
a
consuming
fyre
,
and
not
an
vnconsuming
fyre
,
as
that
is
of
hell
,
which
he
threatneth
to
vs
,
but
in
deed
purchaseth
to
himselfe
,
by
the
course
he
hitherto
holdeth
.
7.
And
to
this
wish
and
prayer
for
him
,
I
doubt
not
but
to
drawe
not
only
all
good
,
and
pious
Catholicks
that
vse
it
〈◊〉
for
their
enemyes
,
and
persecutors
,
but
the
very
Iesuites
also
,
against
whome
he
rageth
most
bitterly
,
euen
in
the
next
precedent
lynes
before
his
said
conclusion
,
calling
them
the
Theologicall
Alchimists
of
our
tyme
,
that
can
extract
aurum
ex
carbone
,
and
the
Monopolists
of
all
〈◊〉
in
whome
notwithstanding
he
saith
,
no
art
to
be
singuler
,
but
that
of
Equiuocation
,
and
other
such
like
intertaynments
of
his
vnciuill
Vrbanity
,
wherby
he
would
seeme
to
his
Reader
pleasant
and
ingenious
;
but
in
deed
maketh
himself
ridiculous
.
For
that
all
men
know
now
,
or
at
least
wise
his
Reader
will
by
this
our
Answere
,
that
the
doctrine
of
Equiuocation
in
certayne
Cases
,
and
with
due
circumstances
,
is
not
Alchimy
of
the
Iesuites
,
but
the
ignorance
of
Morton
,
and
his
fellowes
,
who
ascribe
that
vnto
them
,
as
the
chife
Authors
,
which
was
in
vse
many
hundred
years
before
they
were
in
the
world
.
And
as
for
the
Monopolie
of
artes
,
if
he
vnderstand
therby
,
their
teaching
aboue
others
of
liberall
Artes
,
and
sciences
in
their
schooles
throughout
Christendome
,
it
is
true
in
a
certayne
sorte
,
that
this
kynd
of
Monopolie
,
or
preeminent
labour
may
be
granted
vnto
their
endeauours
of
their
Godly
instruction
&
institution
of
youth
.
And
happy
had
it
beene
for
Tho.
Morton
,
if
he
had
beene
brought
vp
vnder
that
Monopoly
,
for
it
is
like
he
would
haue
had
,
if
not
more
grace
,
yet
more
witt
at
least
and
vnderstanding
,
then
to
haue
obiected
vnto
them
,
as
heere
he
doth
,
that
no
art
is
singuler
in
them
but
that
of
Equiuocation
,
wheras
the
doctrine
of
Equiuocation
,
as
Catholickes
hold
it
,
and
we
before
expounded
it
,
is
no
art
,
but
a
sound
position
in
Deuinity
,
belonging
to
the
direction
of
a
good
Conscience
,
against
lying
,
wherof
Morton
and
his
fellowes
haue
so
learned
the
art
,
and
8.
For
proofe
of
all
this
I
referre
my selfe
to
that
which
hath
byn
set
downe
in
the
former
Chapters
,
and
especially
in
the
sixt
,
and
so
will
heere
shut
vp
all
this
Treatise
,
adding
only
some
few
lynes
of
aduise
and
admonition
,
as
wel
vnto
myne
Aduersary
,
as
also
vnto
them
whome
he
by
his
iniurious
and
slaunderous
sycophancy
,
hath
sought
to
draw
into
hatred
and
danger
of
the
State
;
and
so
to
him
I
say
,
let
him
remember
what
the
Iustice
of
God
doth
menace
,
and
threaten
vnto
false
accusers
of
their
brethren
,
as
haue
wrongfully
traduced
so
many
innocent
persons
,
as
this
fellow
hath
,
both
in
his
Epistle
to
the
King
,
and
Preface
to
the
Reader
,
and
throughout
all
his
virulent
to
be
a
Minister
of
simple
truth
,
naked
innocency
,
and
to
hate
all
lying
and
equiuocating
euen
from
his
very
soule
.
But
these
things
we
haue
sufficiently
I
suppose
layd
open
before
throughout
this
worke
,
and
haue
shewed
him
(
if
I
be
not
deceyued
)
to
be
one
of
the
foulest
,
and
most
frequent
lyers
,
that
euer
(
perhaps
)
set
pen
to
paper
in
these
our
dayes
.
9.
And
now
at
this
very
instant
hauing
written
hitherto
,
cometh
to
my
handes
the
Catholicke
Treatise
A
full
satisfaction
in
the
tytle
of
his
booke
;
of
which
Treatise
not
hauing
byn
able
to
procure
the
sight
vntill
this
tyme
I
fynd
so
much
occasion
of
new
matter
giuen
therby
against
the
shifting
falshood
of
this
Minister
,
as
I
might
dilate
my selfe
to
the
making
of
a
newe
Treatise
,
if
I
would
pursue
the
particulers
of
his
said
deceipts
and
abuses
therin
offred
.
For
wheras
he
professeth
A
full
answere
,
and
satisfaction
,
as
hath
by
r
said
,
which
importeth
as
much
,
as
that
he
would
answere
it
wholy
and
truly
to
the
full
satisfaction
of
euery
indifferent
Reader
,
he
is
so
farre
of
from
performing
that
,
as
he
hath
not
touched
,
or
so
much
as
mencyoned
the
tenth
part
therof
in
his
answere
,
albeit
the
whole
〈◊〉
it selfe
be
not
large
,
nor
conteyneth
aboue
8.
or
9.
sheetes
of
written
paper
:
nay
he
doth
not
so
much
as
name
or
mencion
diuers
whole
Chapters
therin
,
and
those
which
he
doth
touch
,
he
doth
it
with
such
art
and
subtility
,
skipping
hither
,
and
thither
,
forth
and
backe
,
at
length
,
and
crosse-wise
,
taking
heere
a
sentence
,
and
there
an
other
,
as
though
his
principall
care
had
byn
not
to
be
vnderstood
,
or
at
leastwise
not
to
be
found
out
where
he
walketh
,
wherof
I
shall
giue
heere
some
short
tast
,
or
note
,
as
it
were
,
with
the
finger
,
wherby
the
rest
may
be
coniectured
.
Stand
attent
then
gentle
Reader
,
and
marke
his
manner
of
answering
.
10.
First
then
to
begin
his
confutation
pag.
48.
he
11.
And
now
consider
prudent
Reader
what
manner
of
full
satisfaction
this
is
,
that
in
so
little
a
Treatise
leaueth
out
so
principall
partes
vnanswered
,
as
that
of
12.
And
by
this
yow
may
take
some
scantling
of
Thomas
Mortons
worth
,
what
it
is
,
without
〈◊〉
entrance
into
particulers
of
this
Treatise
,
which
are
ouer
long
for
this
place
.
If
he
reply
,
we
may
then
perhaps
examine
the
matter
more
largely
.
Now
I
will
conclude
with
him
only
with
that
admonition
before
mentioned
,
that
he
consider
how
odious
a
matter
it
is
,
both
in
the
sight
of
God
and
man
,
to
be
so
publicke
a
calumniator
of
his
brethren
,
as
he
hath
shewed
himself
to
be
.
13.
And
as
for
the
Catholickes
against
whom
his
calumniations
for
what
is
more
light
and
momentary
then
the
darts
of
wicked
tongues
,
that
passe
with
the
wynd
?
)
doth
worke
notwithstanding
(
being
patiently
borne
)
an
eternall
weight
of
glory
in
heauen
:
Whervnto
almighty
God
bring
vs
all
,
and
our
enemyes
also
,
if
it
be
his
holy
wil.
Faultes
escaped
in
the
Printing
.
|
Page
|
Line
|
fault
|
Correction
.
|
|
25.
|
20.
|
my
|
his
.
|
|
74.
|
13.
|
prison
|
poyson
:
|
|
82.
|
1.
|
Reipublicae
|
Respublica
.
|
|
168.
|
4.
|
our
manner
|
our
name
.
|
|
225.
|
18.
|
assert
|
assent
.
|
|
252.
|
15.
|
Faciendum
|
Fatendum
.
|
|
276.
|
30.
|
dele
|
way
.
|
|
311.
|
28.
|
fisted
|
foisted
.
|
|
317.
|
28.
|
adde
|
dicitur
.
|
|
385.
|
32.
|
hominem
|
hominum
.
|
|
396.
|
in
titulo
|
lege
|
defend
.
|
|
414.
|
25.
|
refuge
|
refuse
.
|
|
436.
|
16.
|
liues
|
lyes
.
|
|
445.
|
4.
|
is
true
|
is
not
true
.
|
|
486.
|
16.
|
abe
|
to
be
.
|
|
497.
|
29.
|
aule
|
rule
.
|
Other
lesser
faultes
,
it
may
please
the
gentle
Reader
himselfe
of
courtesy
to
correct
.
A
TABLE
OF
THE
PARTICVLAR
MATTERS
CONTEYNED
IN
THIS
BOOKE
.
A
|
ADRIAN
the
fourth
Pope
,
an
Englishman
by
byrth
,
cap.
2.
nu
46.
Egregiously
abused
by
Thom.
Morton
,
ibid.
|
|
Adultery
when
and
how
it
may
be
concealed
by
〈◊〉
.
cap.
20.
nu.
37.
|
Alexander
Halensis
his
rigour
against
lying
.
cap.
7.
nu.
40.
|
S.
Ambrose
abused
and
his
text
imbezeled
by
T.M.
cap.
6.
n.
17.
|
|
Amphibology
how
it
differeth
from
Equiuocation
.
cap.
8.
n.
10.
|
|
Ananias
and
Saphyra
their
fact
discussed
.
cap.
11.
n.
28.
&
29.
|
S.
Anselme
his
distinction
betwene
Truth
and
Falsity
,
cap.
8.
num.
46.
|
Approuers
of
Equiuocation
in
certaine
cases
,
who
they
be
?
cap.
7.
n.
12
&
cap.
10.
num.
15.
Their
qualities
and
holynesse
of
lyfe
.
ibid
n.
16.
&
17.
&
cap.
9.
n.
11.
12.
13.
&
deinceps
.
|
Archbishop
of
Canterbury
〈◊〉
testimony
of
the
Primitiue
English
Geneuians
,
cap.
1.
n.
19.
|
|
Archisynagoges
daughter
raised
by
Christ
,
cap.
9.
〈◊〉
.
28.
|
|
Aristotle
his
definition
of
Equiuocation
,
ca.
8.
n.
4.
5.
6.
&
7.
|
Aristotle
Thomas
Mortons
Oracle
of
Logitians
,
cap.
8.
n.
6.
Abused
by
him
afterward
,
ibid.
n.
5.
6.
7.
&
deinceps
in
aliis
.
locis
.
|
|
Arrianisme
whether
fauoured
by
Caluin
or
noe
,
cap.
6.
part.
3.
per
totum
.
|
|
Diuers
Arrian
speaches
vsed
by
Caluin
,
ibidem
nu.
77.
|
S.
Augustines
definition
of
Catholicum
,
Prefat.
n.
16.
|
|
His
moderation
about
Hereticks
,
and
their
belieuers
,
cap.
2.
n.
18.
|
|
His
seuere
sentence
against
them
ibidem
nu.
54.
|
|
His
explication
about
heresy
consummated
in
the
understanding
and
not
in
the
will
,
cap.
6.
n.
45.
|
His
definition
of
Truth
,
cap.
8.
nu.
40.
Item
of
a
lye
,
ibid.
n.
47.
His
authority
alleadged
by
F.
Garnet
at
his
arraignement
for
the
lawfullnes
of
Equiuocation
,
cap.
9.
n.
52.
&
54.
|
|
His
further
authority
for
Equiuocation
,
cap.
10.
n.
17.
|
|
His
case
about
a
sickeman
,
cap.
11.
n.
31.
|
Abused
notably
by
M.
Iewell
,
cap.
12.
n.
30.
&
31.
&
34.
|
Authors
discourse
against
Cathol.
without
name
or
truth
of
argument
,
Prefat.
n.
13.
14.
&
15.
|
|
Azor
the
Iesuite
falsified
and
corrupted
by
Thom.
Morton
.
cap.
6.
n.
48.
&
cap.
11.
n.
18.
|
|
His
discours
about
Equiuocation
in
an
oath
.
cap.
10.
n.
29.
|
B
|
D.
BARKELEY
his
writings
against
Protestants
cap.
5.
nu.
30.
|
Bellarmine
notably
abused
by
the
Minister
Morton
.
cap.
6.
n.
27.
28.
&
71.
&
alibi
〈◊〉
.
|
S.
〈◊〉
abused
by
Perkins
cap.
12.
n.
61.
62.
&
63.
|
Betulia
deliuered
by
the
〈◊〉
of
Iudith
,
cap.
7.
n.
27.
|
|
Bishop
of
〈◊〉
somtymes
temporal
Lord
also
of
that
Citty
.
cap.
4.
n.
43.
|
Bookes
writen
by
Protestants
without
name
of
Author
or
truth
,
Prefat.
n.
13.
14.
&
15.
|
S.
Boniface
an
Englishman
,
Author
of
the
Canon
Si
Papa
.
cap.
5.
n.
55.
|
|
Falsified
and
abused
by
Tho.
Morton
,
ibid.
43.
|
D.
Boucher
calumniated
and
abused
by
T.
Morton
,
cap.
2.
n.
24.
&
47.
|
|
Buckanan
&
Knox
their
wicked
doctrine
&
reuell
in
Scotland
,
cap.
4.
n.
24.
|
C
|
CALVIN
whether
he
denyed
Christ
to
be
God
of
God
,
cap.
6.
n.
53.
|
His
manner
of
speach
therin
condemned
by
Bellarmine
,
ibidem
,
n.
56.
76.
&
77.
|
Whether
he
fauoured
Arrianisme
,
or
noe
?
cap.
6.
part.
3.
〈◊〉
totum
.
|
Diuers
Arrian
speaches
vsed
by
him
,
ibidem
n
77.
|
|
His
inuectiue
against
the
Ancient
Fathers
,
cap.
12.
n.
23.
|
Caluinian
doctrine
about
obedience
to
Princes
,
cap.
1.
n.
10.
11.
12.
&
postea
.
|
|
The
pactice
therof
by
Protestants
,
ibidem
.
|
|
Carerius
a
Lawyer
abused
egregiously
by
Th.
Morton
.
cap.
5.
n.
5.
6.
7.
&
cap.
6.
n.
90.
|
|
Cassander
the
hereticke
his
doctrine
confuted
,
cap.
6.
n.
67.
|
|
Cases
particuler
of
Equiuocation
,
cap.
20.
per
totum
.
|
|
Catholicks
tolerable
in
a
Protestant
state
,
cap.
1.
per
totum
.
|
|
Cause
of
setting
forth
this
present
booke
.
cap.
3.
per
totum
.
|
Celestinus
Pope
abused
by
M.
Iewell
,
cap.
12.
n.
41.
|
|
Censure
of
Thomas
Mortons
writings
,
cap.
3.
n.
17.
|
Charge
of
the
Lord
Cook
against
Catholicks
at
Norwich
,
cap.
12.
n.
79.
&
80.
|
|
Charge
of
heresy
against
Protestants
by
their
owne
side
,
cap.
4.
n.
11.
|
Charke
and
Hanmer
their
Equiuocations
,
cap.
12.
n.
55.
&
56.
&
deinceps
.
Their
Bookes
against
F.
Campian
,
ibidem
.
|
Charter
of
K.
Kenulphus
falsified
by
the
Lord
Cooke
,
cap.
12.
n.
81.
82.
&
deinceps
.
|
|
Choyse
or
election
maketh
heresy
,
cap.
2.
n.
20.
|
|
Christ
his
temporall
Kingdome
,
cap.
5.
n.
18.
|
|
Christ
how
he
is
our
Iudge
,
and
how
not
,
cap.
8.
n.
26.
|
How
he
did
feigne
to
go
further
then
the
castle
of
Emaus
,
cap.
9.
n.
n.
98.
72.
&
73.
|
His
denyall
to
ascend
to
the
festiuall
day
,
ibid.
n.
59.
|
|
Cicero
his
doubtfull
answers
,
cap.
9.
n.
33.
&
34.
|
Commotion
of
Wales
anno
1605.
and
for
what
cause
,
Pref.
n.
7.
&
8.
|
|
Comparison
betwene
the
disobedience
of
Catholickes
and
Protestants
,
cap.
r.
n.
27.
|
|
Conference
betwene
two
shamelesse
Ministers
.
cap.
4.
n.
47.
|
|
Confession
and
the
secret
therof
,
cap.
10.
n.
2.
&
3.
|
Equiuocation
lawfull
for
not
reuealing
matters
heard
in
Confession
,
ibidem
.
|
|
Consent
of
Emperours
necessary
for
gathering
of
Councels
in
oldtyme
,
&
why
,
cap.
6.
n.
33.
|
Contention
about
the
expulsion
of
K.
Ozias
of
Israell
,
cap.
6.
n.
8.
9.
10.
&
11.
|
Contumacy
defined
by
Sayer
the
Benedictine
,
cap.
6.
nu.
51.
|
|
Couentry
case
about
the
plague
cap.
10.
n.
31.
|
B.
Cunerus
abused
by
Thomas
Morton
,
cap.
6.
n.
47.
59.
|
D
|
DAVID
Q.
Maries
Secrecary
of
Scotland
murdered
,
cap.
1.
n.
21.
|
|
Definition
of
Contumacy
,
c.
6.
n.
6
|
Definition
of
Truth
by
S.
Augustine
,
cap.
8.
n.
40.
|
|
Item
of
a
lye
,
ibidem
nu.
47.
|
|
Deposition
of
Princes
by
the
liuely
word
of
God
,
cap.
4.
n.
34
|
|
Deuinity
deducted
from
age
to
age
,
cap.
9.
n.
5.
|
Increase
therof
,
ibidem
nu
.
6.
Schoole-Deuinity
&
positiue
their
beginninges
,
ibid.
nu.
7.
|
Deuinity
speculatiue
and
morall
.
ibid.
n.
8.
|
|
Difference
of
contumacy
and
pertinacy
,
cap.
6.
n.
52.
|
|
Disagreement
betwene
Protestants
&
Caluinists
,
cap.
2.
n.
13.
|
Dignity
of
Priesthood
aboue
Regalty
,
cap.
5.
n.
4.
5.
&
deinceps
n.
10.
11.
&
12.
|
Discourse
against
Catholicks
without
name
of
Author
or
truth
.
Prefat
,
n.
13.
|
|
Disobedience
compared
betwene
Catholicks
and
Protestants
,
cap.
1.
n.
27.
|
Disputation
of
Plessis
Mornay
with
the
Bishop
of
Eureux
,
cap.
12.
n.
53.
&
54.
|
|
Dissimulation
when
it
is
lawfull
and
when
not
,
cap.
11.
n.
17.
|
Doctrine
and
practice
of
rebellion
whether
more
in
Catholickes
than
Protestants
,
cap.
1.
n.
7.
8.
9.
&
deinceps
.
|
Dolman
author
of
the
Succession
egregiously
abused
by
Th.
Morton
,
cap.
2
n.
23.
34.
&
35.
|
E
|
ECCLESIASTICALL
Supremacy
in
temporall
causes
,
how
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
c.
6.
n.
22.
|
Syr
Edward
Cooke
his
booke
of
reportes
against
Catholicks
,
Pref.
n.
9.
&
10.
|
|
His
Paradox
of
English
Kings
,
ibidem
.
|
His
false
and
odious
assertions
against
Catholicks
,
Ibid.
n.
11.
|
His
Equiuocations
,
ca.
12.
n.
77.
vsque
ad
finem
capitis
.
|
His
notable
fiction
against
Pius
Quintus
,
ibid
n.
78.
|
His
Charge
against
Catholicks
at
Norwich
,
ibid.
n.
79.
|
|
Emperours
consent
necessary
for
gathering
of
Conncells
in
old
tyme
,
and
why
,
cap.
6.
n.
33.
|
England
her
pittifull
state
at
this
day
Prefat.
n.
2.
|
|
Equity
of
Catholike
doctrine
tryed
by
the
effects
,
cap.
4.
n.
13.
|
|
Equiuocation
&
the
doctrine
therof
,
how
and
when
it
is
lawfull
,
cap.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
&
12.
per
totum
.
|
How
the
same
is
defended
,
ibi
.
cap.
7.
n.
2.
3.
4.
|
The
vse
therof
receyued
for
400.
yeares
.
ibid.
n.
8.
9.
10.
11.
&
deinceps
.
|
The
necessity
therof
in
certain
cases
,
ibid.
n.
20.
21.
&
deinceps
.
|
Equiuocation
vsed
by
S.
Paul
,
cap.
7.
n.
51
,
&
alibi
in
diuersis
locis
.
|
|
Equiuocation
what
it
is
,
cap.
8.
per
totum
.
|
|
Equiuocation
of
two
sorts
.
ibi
.
num.
2.
|
The
definition
therof
by
Aristotle
,
ibid.
n.
5.
6.
&
7.
|
How
it
differeth
from
Amphibology
,
ibid.
n.
10.
|
|
Equiuocation
mentall
&
verball
,
cap.
8.
n.
3.
&
12.
|
Equiuocation
defended
by
all
foraine
Cath.
writers
,
cap.
9
n.
11.
12.
13.
&
deinceps
.
&
cap.
10.
n.
15.
|
|
Equiuocation
by
reason
and
instinct
of
nature
,
cap.
9.
n.
81.
|
|
Equiuocation
preiudiciall
to
common
conuersation
,
cap.
10.
num
23.
|
|
Equiuocation
in
an
oath
,
how
and
when
it
is
lawfull
,
cap.
10.
n.
29.
&
30.
|
|
Equiuocation
in
Protestantes
starke
lying
,
cap.
12.
per
totum
.
|
|
Equiuocall
and
ambiguous
speaches
of
our
Sauiour
,
cap.
8.
n.
13.
&
14.
&
cap.
9.
n.
26.
27.
28.
&
61.
|
|
Examples
of
false
dealing
of
Thomas
Morton
,
cap.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
&
12.
per
totum
.
|
|
Exasperations
in
England
what
they
cause
.
Prefat.
per
totam
.
|
|
The
inconueniences
that
ensue
therby
,
ibidem
.
|
Exemption
of
Clergy-men
&
Th.
Mortons
notorious
false
dealing
therin
,
cap.
6.
n.
13.
14.
15.
&
deinceps
.
|
|
Experience
of
tyme
a
good
proofe
,
cap.
7.
n.
9.
|
Extrauagant
of
Pope
〈◊〉
the
eight
falsified
by
Th.
Morton
,
cap
,
6.
n.
43.
|
F
MY
FATHER
is
Greater
then
I
,
how
ancient
Fathers
do
vnderstand
the
same
,
cap.
6.
n.
100.
&
101.
|
|
Footinges
of
Protestants
in
periodes
of
antiquity
,
c.
5.
n.
40.
|
Fox
his
huge
volume
of
Actes
and
Monumentes
.
cap.
12.
n.
48.
|
How
he
is
called
the
Father
of
lyes
,
Ibid.
The
same
confuted
,
Ibid.
n.
50.
&
52.
|
Syr
Francis
Hastinges
his
Equiuocations
,
cap.
12.
n.
66.
67.
68.
&
deinceps
.
|
His
willfull
vntruth
about
the
poysoning
of
K.
Iohn
.
Ibid.
His
abuse
of
S.
Hierome
,
Ibid.
n.
69.
|
Fraud
and
Fallacy
what
they
be
,
cap.
8.
n.
48.
49.
&
deinceps
.
|
Fraud
and
deceipt
of
Thomas
Morton
in
alleaging
all
sortes
of
Authors
,
cap.
2.
n.
23.
&
24.
&
cap.
5.
nu.
5.
6.
7.
&
49.
&
53.
&
per
totum
Caput
Sextum
,
&
deinceps
per
totum
librum
.
|
G
F.
GARNET
his
alleadging
S.
Augustine
for
the
lawfulnes
of
Equiuocation
,
at
his
arraignment
,
cap.
9.
n.
52.
&
54.
|
Genesius
Sepulueda
his
opinion
of
Equiuocation
,
cap.
9.
n.
57.
Abused
notably
by
Tho.
Morton
.
Ibidem
.
|
|
Giges-ringe
one
of
Thomas
Mortons
signes
,
cap.
11.
n.
39.
|
Gilby
the
Minister
his
doctrine
and
immodest
speach
of
K.
Henry
the
8.
cap.
4.
n.
35.
|
〈◊〉
Cassander
what
he
was
and
his
doctrine
.
cap.
6.
n.
69.
The
same
condemned
by
English
Protestantes
.
Ibid.
n.
69.
&
70.
|
|
God
cannot
deceaue
or
cooperate
to
an
vntruth
,
cap.
7.
n.
38.
|
|
God
how
he
permitteth
men
to
be
deceyued
,
cap.
8.
n.
54.
&
cap.
9.
n.
77.
|
|
Gods
Ordination
oftentymes
ioyned
with
his
permissión
,
cap.
9.
n.
78.
|
|
Goodman
,
and
other
English
Protestantes
of
Geneua
their
doctrine
,
cap.
4.
n.
16.
17.
&
34.
|
Gratian
Collector
of
the
Canon-law
,
cap.
9.
n.
9.
|
|
Gratians
text
corrupted
and
falfifyed
by
Thomas
,
Morton
,
cap.
2.
n.
49.
&
52.
|
S.
Gregory
his
authority
for
the
lawfulnes
of
Equiuocation
,
cap.
10.
n.
18.
|
Gregory
de
Valentia
his
Charge
against
Caluin
for
Arrianisme
,
cap.
6.
n.
78.
|
|
His
authority
for
Equiuocation
,
cap.
10.
n.
16.
|
H
HAMMOND
his
booke
of
the
Commotion
of
Papistes
in
Herefordshire
an.
1605.
Pref.
n.
7.
|
|
Hanmer
and
Charke
their
bookes
against
F.
Campian
,
cap.
12.
n.
55.
|
Their
Equiuocations
.
Ibidem
.
n.
56.
&
57.
&
deinceps
.
|
Hanniballs
ten
prisoners
their
case
set
downe
by
Cicero
,
cap.
11.
n.
33.
|
|
Heape
of
falsityes
togeather
committed
by
Thomas
Morton
.
cap.
5.
n.
57.
&
58.
|
Henry
the
fourth
Emperour
his
submission
to
Pope
Hildebrand
at
Canusium
,
cap.
6.
n.
38.
|
K.
Henry
the
8.
of
England
his
Supremacy
impugned
by
diuers
Protestantes
,
cap.
4.
n.
35.
|
Heresy
what
it
is
,
cap.
2.
n.
19.
Who
is
an
hereticke
,
Ib.
n.
20.
|
|
Heresy
consummated
in
the
vnderstanding
and
not
in
the
will
,
cap.
6.
n.
44.
|
|
Heresy
cannot
be
decreed
in
the
Cath.
Church
by
Popes
,
as
Popes
.
cap.
6.
n.
63.
|
M.
Horne
his
Equiuocations
.
cap.
12.
n.
43.
|
D.
Hunnius
his
booke
against
Caluin
,
cap.
6.
n.
78.
80.
His
protestation
and
prayer
against
Caluinistes
,
Ibid.
n.
98.
|
His
opinion
about
〈◊〉
wryting
against
Arrians
,
Ibid.
n.
103.
|
I
IACOB
whether
he
lyed
or
noe
in
saying
he
was
Esau
,
cap.
9.
n.
34.
|
B.
Iansenius
his
discourse
about
the
feigning
of
our
Sauiour
to
goe
further
then
Emaus
,
cap.
9.
nu.
73.
|
|
Iewell
Bishop
of
Salisbury
his
notable
lying-Equiuocation
,
cap.
12.
nu.
12.
13.
14.
&
deinceps
.
|
His
abusing
&
rayling
against
S.
Augustine
,
Ibid.
n.
30.
31.
&
34.
His
Apostrophe
in
his
sermon
at
Paules
Crosse
,
Ibid.
n.
12.
|
|
Impiety
of
Porphyrius
the
Apostata
,
cap.
9.
n.
66.
|
|
Incertainty
of
Saluation
dependeth
on
our
partes
,
cap.
11.
n.
24.
|
|
Inconueniences
of
exasperation
and
despayre
,
cap.
1.
nu.
3.
|
Insolencies
vsed
towardes
K.
〈◊〉
of
England
by
Protetestant-Ministers
in
Scotland
,
cap.
1.
n.
24.
|
|
Insurrections
against
lawfull
Princes
by
New-Ghospellers
in
our
dayes
,
cap.
1.
n.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
&
deinceps
.
|
|
Intention
to
deceyue
,
a
principall
clause
in
a
lye
,
cap.
8.
nu.
47.
&
56.
|
S.
Iohn
Baptist
his
mentall
Reseruation
,
cap.
9.
n.
18.
19.
20.
&
21.
|
|
His
answere
compared
to
the
answere
of
a
priest
in
England
,
cap.
9.
n.
23.
&
24.
|
Iohn
Caluin
whether
he
fauoured
〈◊〉
or
no
?
cap.
6.
part.
3.
per
totum
.
His
diuers
Arrian
speaches
,
Ibid.
n.
77.
|
Whether
he
denyed
Christ
to
be
God
of
God
,
Ibid.
n.
53.
|
His
manner
of
speach
condemned
by
Bellarmine
,
Ibid.
n.
56.
76.
&
77.
|
|
His
extreeme
pride
and
impiety
,
cap.
6.
n.
97.
|
|
Whether
,
and
how
he
impugned
the
Arrians
,
cap.
6.
n.
102.
|
|
Iosue
his
stratageme
in
taking
the
Citty
of
Hay
by
Gods
appointment
,
cap.
7.
n.
25.
|
|
Ironicall
speach
a
kind
of
Equiuocation
,
cap.
8.
n.
16.
|
K
KING
Kenulphus
his
charter
for
Abindon-Monastery
notably
falsified
by
the
Lord
Cooke
,
cap.
12.
n.
81.
82.
&
deinceps
.
|
|
Keyes
how
they
may
signify
authority
both
temporall
and
spirituall
,
cap.
5.
n.
37.
|
King
Iames
of
Great-Brittany
his
speach
in
his
Proclamation
&
Court
of
Parlament
,
Prefat.
n.
16.
|
|
His
moderation
therin
.
ibidem
.
|
|
His
affliction
and
molestation
by
Protestants
in
Scotland
,
cap.
1.
n.
23.
24.
&
25.
|
|
His
iudgement
of
English
ministers
notes
vpon
the
Bible
,
cap.
4.
n.
25.
|
|
Kingly
power
or
Priesthood
in
Christ
whether
greater
,
cap.
5.
n.
10.
11.
12.
13.
&
14.
|
|
Knox
his
pestilent
and
wicked
doctrine
against
the
soueraignty
of
Princes
.
cap.
2.
n.
48.
|
|
His
Reuel
and
cruelty
in
Scotland
against
Catholicks
.
cap.
4.
n.
24.
&
33.
|
L
|
LAMBERTVS
Scasnaburgensis
abused
by
Thomas
Morton
,
cap.
6.
n.
37.
|
S.
Leo
notably
corrupted
by
Thomas
Morton
,
cap.
6.
n.
19.
20.
&
21.
|
Lord
of
Salisbury
his
booke
and
answere
to
a
threatning
letter
sent
him
anno
1605.
Pref.
n.
18.
&
19.
|
The
scope
therof
,
ibid.
n.
20.
21.
22.
&
23.
|
How
he
was
deceyued
by
his
Deuyne
,
ibid.
n.
20.
&
21.
|
|
Luthers
wicked
opinion
of
the
ancient
Fathers
when
they
make
against
him
,
cap.
12.
n.
21.
22.
&
23.
|
|
Lying
and
dissimulation
how
different
from
Equiuocation
.
cap.
7.
n.
34.
|
S.
Thomas
his
seuerity
against
lying
,
ibid.
n.
35.
|
Item
of
the
Maister
of
Sentences
ibid.
n.
36.
|
Lying
defined
by
S.
Augustine
,
cap.
8.
n.
47.
|
|
The
essence
therof
,
ibidem
.
|
Item
by
S.
Thomas
of
〈◊〉
,
ibid.
n.
56.
&
57.
|
M
MARTINVS
de
Magistris
abused
by
M.
Iewell
,
cap.
12.
n.
36.
|
Mentall
reseruation
proued
in
S.
Iohn
Baptiste
his
answere
,
cap.
9.
n.
18.
&
19.
|
Ancient
Fathers
their
expositions
for
the
same
,
ibid.
nu
.
20.
&
21.
|
Mentall
reseruation
in
diuers
speaches
of
our
Sauiour
.
cap.
8.
n.
13.
14.
&
cap.
9.
n.
26.
27.
28.
&
44.
&
58.
59.
61.
&
cap.
11.
num.
45.
|
|
Metropolitan
of
lying
Metropolis
,
cap.
10.
n.
33.
|
|
Miters
how
they
be
aboue
Crownes
,
cap.
5.
n.
25.
|
Murder
of
the
Lord
Darley
K.
of
Scotland
by
Protestants
,
cap.
1.
n.
21.
|
Murder
of
Dauid
Secretary
to
the
Q.
of
Scotland
,
cap.
1.
n.
Ibid.
|
Mysterious
speaches
how
they
be
Equiuocall
,
cap.
9.
n.
35.
|
N
|
NATVRE
of
heresy
and
pertinacy
,
c.
6.
n.
41.
|
|
Necessity
of
Equiuocation
in
some
cases
,
cap.
7.
n.
20.
21.
22.
&
deinceps
.
|
|
Necessity
not
required
to
perfection
in
many
thinges
,
cap.
7.
nu.
5.
|
O
|
OATH
what
it
is
,
cap.
8.
num.
50.
|
|
Oath
of
Supremacy
in
England
and
T.
M.
his
iudgment
therof
,
cap.
6.
n.
24.
|
|
Obedience
to
Princes
and
doctrine
therof
deliuered
by
Caluinistes
,
cap.
1.
n.
10.
|
|
Obstinacy
necessary
to
make
heresy
,
and
why
?
cap.
6
n.
43.
|
Offers
,
and
kind
Offices
of
the
Sea
of
Rome
,
towards
K.
Iames
of
Great
Brittany
,
cap.
2.
n.
41.
|
|
Old-Testament
a
figure
of
the
new
,
cap.
5.
num.
6.
|
|
Opinion
of
Catholickes
for
restrayning
of
euill
Princes
,
cap.
5.
n.
45.
|
|
Opinion
of
forraine
wryters
for
the
lawfulnesse
of
Equiuocation
,
cap.
10.
num.
15.
|
|
Oracle
of
Logitians
,
cap.
8.
num.
6.
|
|
Orders
of
Religious
men
that
defend
Equiuocation
,
cap.
9.
num.
14.
|
Otho
Frisingensis
abused
by
T.
Morton
,
cap.
8.
num.
36.
|
|
Ozias
King
of
Israell
his
expulsion
,
and
contention
therabout
,
cap.
6.
n.
8.
9.
10.
&
11.
|
P
|
PARLAMENTES
their
first
beginning
in
England
,
cap.
12.
num.
89.
|
|
Perfection
requireth
not
necessity
in
many
thinges
,
c.
7.
n.
5.
|
|
Perkins
the
Minister
his
equiuocations
,
cap
,
12.
n.
58.
59.
60.
&
deinceps
.
|
His
falsifying
of
S.
Bernard
,
ibid.
n.
60.
61.
&
62.
|
Plessis
Mornay
his
Equiuocations
,
cap.
12.
n.
72.
73.
&c.
|
His
disputation
with
the
Bishop
of
Eureux
in
France
,
ibid.
n.
74.
75.
|
|
His
falsifying
of
Authors
,
ibid.
|
|
Ponderations
about
the
vncertainty
of
Protestants
doctrine
,
cap.
6
part
.
3.
§.
4.
per
totum
.
|
|
Popes
may
and
must
be
deposed
for
heresy
.
cap.
5.
n.
53.
&
cap.
6.
n.
62.
&
63.
|
|
Pope
lesse
dangerous
without
Superior
,
then
many
Princes
,
cap.
5.
n.
61.
|
|
Pope
Pius
Quintus
abused
by
the
Lord
Cooke
,
cap.
12.
n.
78.
|
Pope
Hildebrand
slaundered
by
Th.
M.
cap.
6.
n.
33.
&
34.
|
The
Emperours
submission
vnto
him
at
Canusium
,
ibidem
.
|
|
Porphyrius
the
Apostata
his
impiety
,
cap.
9.
n.
66.
|
|
Princes
how
they
must
deposed
by
the
liuely
word
of
God
,
cap.
4.
n.
34.
|
Prior
Iames
of
Scotland
made
Earle
of
Murrey
,
and
Lord
Protector
of
that
Kingdome
,
cap.
1.
n.
20.
&
21.
|
|
Priesthood
&
the
dignity
therof
greater
then
Regalty
,
cap.
5.
n.
32.
&
33.
|
Two
principall
points
therof
,
ibid.
n.
17.
|
|
Priesthood
and
Kingly
power
in
Christ
whether
greater
on
earth
,
cap.
5.
n.
10.
11.
12.
13.
&
14.
|
|
Proofes
for
the
lawfullnes
of
Equiuocation
,
cap.
9.
per
totum
.
|
Prophesyes
corrupted
and
eluded
by
Iohn
Caluin
,
c.
6.
part
:
3.
§.
3.
per
totum
.
|
Propositions
reserued
,
how
they
be
equiuocall
,
and
how
not
,
cap.
11.
n.
14.
|
Protestants
their
bookes
and
writinges
against
Caluinistes
,
cap.
2.
n.
12.
13.
&
deinceps
.
|
|
Protestant-Princes
many
of
them
neuer
molested
by
the
Pope
.
cap.
2.
n.
40.
&
cap.
3.
n.
8.
|
|
Protestant-People
more
perillous
then
Popes
.
cap.
2.
n.
44.
|
|
Protestantes
in
what
cases
they
may
be
subiect
to
the
penaltyes
of
heresyes
;
cap.
3.
n.
9.
|
|
Protestants
charged
with
heresie
by
men
of
their
owne
profession
,
cap.
3
n.
12.
&
cap.
4.
n.
5.
6.
7.
8.
&
9.
|
|
Protestants
footings
in
periods
of
Antiquity
,
cap.
5.
n.
40.
|
|
Puritans
condemned
by
Protestants
and
Protestants
by
them
,
cap.
4.
n.
9.
|
Q
|
QVEENE
Maries
of
Scotland
mother
&
daughter
their
afflictions
by
Protestants
cap
1.
n.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
&
23.
|
Queene
Mary
of
England
her
gouernment
impugned
by
Protestants
,
cap.
4.
n.
28.
29.
&
30.
|
The
conspiracy
of
Syr
Thom.
Wiat
against
her
,
ibid.
n.
37.
|
Queene
Elizabeth
her
gouernment
contradicted
by
some
Protestants
at
the
beginning
.
cap.
4.
n.
25.
|
|
Quality
and
holynesse
of
such
men
as
haue
admitted
the
vse
of
equiuocation
for
lawfull
,
cap.
7.
n.
16.
&
17.
|
R
|
REBELLION
&
doctrine
of
Protestants
about
the
practice
therof
,
cap.
1.
n.
6.
|
Rebellions
against
Q.
Marie
of
England
how
they
be
answered
by
Tho.
Morton
,
cap.
4.
n.
29.
30.
31.
&
32.
|
|
Rebellions
in
Flaunders
and
Germany
by
Protestants
against
their
lawfull
Princes
,
cap.
4.
n.
48.
50.
51.
&
52.
|
|
Reseruations
mentall
in
Christes
speach
,
cap.
8.
n.
13.
&
14.
&
cap.
9.
n.
26.
27.
28.
&
44.
|
|
Circumstances
necessary
to
find
out
mentall
reseruations
,
ibidem
.
|
|
Reseruations
mentall
in
Saint
Iohn
Baptist
,
ibidem
nu.
18.
19.
&
20.
|
M.
Reynoldes
boke
of
Caluino-Turcismus
.
cap.
2.
n.
6.
|
His
collection
of
moderne
heresyes
,
ibid.
n.
8.
|
Abused
by
Th.
Morton
,
〈◊〉
num.
27.
|
|
Royardus
the
Franciscan
abused
by
Th.
Morton
,
cap.
7.
n.
59.
|
S
|
SSACRIFICE
of
Christians
ceased
in
Alexandria
,
cap.
6.
n.
20.
|
|
Salmeron
the
Iesuite
egregiously
abused
by
Tho.
Morton
,
cap.
5.
n.
7.
&
cap.
6.
n.
4.
|
|
Sayer
the
Benedictine
falsified
and
corrupted
by
.
Th.
Morton
cap.
6.
n.
50.
&
51.
|
|
His
Discourse
about
Equiuocation
in
an
oath
.
cap.
10.
n.
30.
|
|
Scarres
of
infirmity
in
Tho.
Morton
,
cap.
9.
n.
39.
|
|
Scottish-Ministers
their
absurd
positions
&
doctrine
.
c.
4.
n.
23.
|
|
Secretary
Dauid
barbarously
murdered
in
Scotland
,
cap.
1.
num.
21.
|
|
Secret
of
confession
,
cap.
10.
n.
2.
3.
&
4.
|
Secretes
of
the
Common-welth
,
ibidem
.
n.
6.
&
7.
|
How
Equiuocation
may
be
lawfull
in
defense
therof
,
ibid.
n.
8.
|
Sheep
byters
not
tolerable
in
a
Common-welth
,
cap.
1.
n.
4.
|
|
Sociabylity
in
doctrine
with
Protestants
not
sufferable
.
cap.
2.
n.
5.
|
|
Sotus
the
Deuyne
abused
and
falsified
by
Th.
Morton
,
cap.
10.
nu.
34.
35.
&
36.
|
D.
〈◊〉
abused
by
Tho.
M.
cap.
2.
n
25.
|
|
Stratageme
of
Iosue
in
taking
the
Citty
of
Hay
,
cap.
7.
n.
25.
|
Also
of
Eliseus
the
Prophet
,
ibidem
,
n.
26.
|
Of
Iudith
in
〈◊〉
Holofernes
ibid.
n
27.
|
|
Supremacy
impugned
by
diuers
Protestants
in
the
beginning
and
why
?
cap.
4.
n.
36.
|
|
Sutcliffe
Deane
of
Excester
and
his
notable
shifting
,
cap.
4.
n.
9.
&
10.
|
His
testimony
of
Protestants
doctrine
for
deposing
of
Princes
,
ibid.
n.
44.
|
His
full
and
round
Answere
to
the
Three
Conuersions
of
England
,
how
vaine
and
impertinent
,
cap.
5.
n.
54.
|
T
|
S.
THOMAS
of
Aquin
his
seuere
sentence
against
lying
,
cap.
7.
n.
35.
Alledged
by
T.
M.
against
himselfe
,
cap.
11.
num.
56.
|
Syr
Thomas
Wiat
his
pretence
against
Queene
Mary
,
cap.
4.
num.
37.
|
Thomas
Morton
his
booke
against
Romish
doctrine
,
Pref.
nu.
12.
|
|
His
maine
drift
and
seditious
scope
therin
,
cap.
1.
nu
1.
2.
3.
&
deinceps
.
|
The
same
confuted
,
Ibid.
&
alibi
sapè
.
|
|
His
reasons
against
the
disloyalty
of
Catholickes
confuted
,
cap.
2.
per
totum
.
|
His
egregious
abusing
of
all
sortes
of
Authors
,
sacred
and
prophane
,
cap.
2.
nu.
23.
24.
&
28.
&
cap.
5.
num.
5.
6.
7.
&
nu.
49.
&
per
totum
librum
deinceps
.
A
Catalogue
of
his
corruptions
cap.
2.
n.
57.
&
cap.
5.
nu.
57.
|
|
His
lending
and
borrowing
of
the
Lord
Cooke
,
cap.
3.
n.
2.
|
His
fond
florishes
,
Ibidem
.
n.
5.
&
per
totum
librum
.
|
|
His
bad
protectorshippe
of
Protestantes
,
cap.
3.
nu.
13.
|
|
His
silly
deuise
of
flattery
about
the
deposition
of
Kinges
,
cap.
4.
nu.
26
,
&
27.
|
Thomas
Morton
not
able
to
defend
his
Religion
from
heresy
against
his
owne
Protestant
brethren
,
cap.
4.
num.
12.
His
Treatise
of
the
Popes
Supremacy
as
head
of
Rebellion
,
confuted
,
cap.
5.
per
totum
.
|
|
His
great
hypocrisy
,
cap.
5.
num.
50.
&
vbique
deinceps
.
|
His
impudency
,
Ibid.
num.
58.
|
His
impertinent
Reasons
confuted
,
cap.
2.
per
totum
.
&
cap.
5.
num.
59.
|
|
His
conceipt
of
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
in
England
,
cap.
6.
n.
24.
&
25.
|
|
His
notable
abuse
of
●ardinall
Bellarmine
,
cap.
6.
n.
27.
&
28.
|
Item
the
like
of
Cardinall
Tolet
,
Ibid.
nu.
49.
&
alibi
.
|
|
His
ten
lyes
at
a
clap
,
c.
6.
n.
64.
|
|
His
Oracle
of
Logitians
,
cap.
8.
num.
6.
|
|
His
detestation
of
Equiuocation
,
but
not
of
lying
,
cap.
8.
num.
20.
|
|
His
Socraticall
demaundes
,
ca.
9.
num.
22.
|
|
His
scarres
of
infirmity
,
cap.
9.
num.
39.
|
His
Wanton
and
lasciuious
speaches
,
Ibid.
num.
60.
|
His
abuse
of
Doctor
Genesius
Sepulueda
,
cap.
9.
num.
57.
|
|
His
Couentry-case
about
the
plague
.
cap.
10.
nu.
31.
|
His
egregious
impudency
and
abuse
of
authors
〈◊〉
.
Ib.
nu
.
32.
&
33.
|
His
lying
Metropolis
,
Ib.
n.
33.
|
|
His
booke
against
Equiuocation
examined
and
answered
,
cap.
II.
per
totum
.
|
|
How
he
impugneth
himselfe
,
Ibidem
.
num.
13.
|
His
abusing
of
Azor
,
cap.
II.
n.
18.
&
19.
|
|
His
Punica
fides
about
falsification
,
cap.
II.
nu.
36.
|
His
egregious
Cosenage
,
Ibid.
num.
38.
|
|
His
absurd
syllogismes
,
cap.
II.
num.
50.
|
|
His
Apostolical
defense
against
lying
,
cap.
II.
num.
61.
&
62.
|
Truth
defined
by
S.
Augustine
cap.
8.
nu.
40.
Three
sortes
or
degrees
therof
.
Ibid.
nu.
41.
|
|
Tumultes
against
lawful
Princes
practized
by
Protestantes
,
cap.
1.
num.
13.
14.
15.
&
deinceps
.
|
|
Tumultes
in
Scotland
,
cap.
1.
n.
20.
21.
22.
23.
&
24.
|
|
Tyranny
and
Tyrantes
of
two
sortes
,
cap.
5.
nu.
47.
|
V
VALENTIA
the
Iesuite
his
Charge
against
Caluin
for
Arrianisme
,
cap.
6.
n.
78.
His
authority
for
the
lawfulnes
of
Equiuocation
,
c.
10.
n.
16.
|
Vanity
of
Thomas
Mortons
vaunt
of
Truth
,
cap.
6.
n.
2.
|
Vasquez
his
discours
about
pertinacy
,
cap.
6.
n.
43.
|
Venetians
their
disagreement
with
Pope
Paulus
Quintus
.
cap.
5.
num.
41.
|
|
Vncertainty
in
Protestantes
doctrine
,
Cap.
5.
nu.
46.
|
Vse
of
Equiuocation
receyued
by
Cath.
Doctors
for
400.
yeares
,
cap.
7.
nu.
8.
|
W
|
WHITTINGHAM
deane
of
Durham
his
doctrine
,
cap.
4.
num.
35.
|
D.
Whitaker
his
absurd
answere
to
Doctor
Sanders
,
about
the
authority
of
Ancient
Fathers
,
cap.
12.
num.
26.
|
|
Wiat
his
practice
and
conspiracy
against
Q.
Mary
of
England
,
cap.
4.
nu.
35.
|
M.
William
Reynoldes
his
booke
of
Caluino-Turcismus
,
c.
2.
n.
6.
|
His
collection
of
moderne
heresyes
,
Ibid.
num.
8.
|
Abused
by
Tho.
Morton
,
Ibid.
num.
27.
|
|
Witnesses
how
,
and
when
they
are
obliged
to
speake
the
truth
,
cap.
10.
nu.
25.
&
26.
|
Y
YESTWERT
the
Printer
his
falsification
in
printing
the
Charter
of
K.
Kenulphus
,
cap.
12.
nu.
88.
|
Z
ZVINGLIVS
the
chiefe
styrrer
of
Rebellion
in
the
Cantons
of
Zuitzerland
,
c.
1.
num.
14.
Slaine
.
Ibid.
|
Zuinglianisme
impugned
by
Luther
,
cap.
2.
nu.
15.
&
16.
|
FINIS
.
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