BABEL
,
OR
,
MONARCHOMACHIA
PROTESTANTIVM
.
NOT
manie
yeares
since
,
Count
Godomer
;
as
also
by
the
instigation
of
somè
whote-spoors
in
therpulpits
,
(
men
oft
of
more
feruor
,
then
iudgment
:
)
The
people
of
London
,
was
much
incensed
to
snarle
and
murmur
,
euen
at
the
verrie
name
of
Spayne
:
and
euerie
artificer
presumed
,
as
an
Aristarchus
,
to
censure
the
king
for
that
negotiation
,
as
for
an
error
of
state
,
wch
wear
like
to
cast
the
whole
:
bodie
of
the
kingdome
into
a
distemper
.
As
yf
the
kings
Zeale
to
the
realm
and
to
his
issew
,
had
bean
vnnaturallie
frozen
,
and
his
iudgment
had
fayled
hym
,
and
that
those
great
planets
of
the
counsel
,
had
also
lost
ther
light
and
erred
in
ther
course
.
Whearupon
I
was
vrged
,
by
diuers
of
my
good
frends
,
to
write
the
Apologie
of
that
action
,
and
proceading
:
bycause
somme
of
them
had
hard
me
,
deliuer
,
not
onelie
a
full
answer
to
all
the
objections
of
the
contrarie
faction
,
but
also
diuers
reasone
in
defenc
thereof
,
fownded
vpon
a
rock
and
growndwork
subiect
to
no
battrie
,
nor
vndermining
.
And
to
speak
trewlie
and
freelie
:
the
benefites
,
which
the
realme
may
reape
by
that
match
,
ar
so
maine
and
so
aduantagious
;
as
I
wish
yt
rather
doon
,
then
disputed
on
.
For
it
setleth
a
firme
peace
betwean
,
both
the
kingdmes
;
&
aliquid
amplius
then
they
apprehend
,
who
oppugn
yt
:
Traffick
shal
therby
be
establisthed
and
encreased
;
the
seas
,
by
a
concurrens
of
bothe
the
kings
,
may
be
purged
and
cleared
,
from
Turks
and
pyrates
.
The
kingdome
shal
also
be
again
stored
and
enriched
,
with
threasour
&
coyne
,
(
yf
it
be
locked
vp
infraquatuor
maria
,
and
not
stil
offred
to
that
Idol
of
Cambaia
.
)
The
crown
shal
be
disingaged
,
from
a
burdensome
weight
of
debts
,
and
consequentlie
the
subiects
ar
like
to
be
much
eased
of
contributions
and
taxes
.
And
is
the
renewing
and
confirmation
of
the
treaties
,
with
the
house
and
Princes
of
Burgondie
,
to
be
accompted
,
as
a
Cypher
?
or
is
it
nothing
to
haue
so
great
a
Monarch
,
as
the
king
of
Spayne
,
a
firme
allie
and
frend
,
whome
England
knoweth
,
what
it
is
to
haue
an
enemie
?
It
is
trew
,
that
England
was
neuer
so
full
of
moonie
,
as
it
was
by
spoyles
and
depredation
,
betwean
the
yeares
1576.
and
1590.
but
how
dearlie
had
that
prochase
bene
bought
,
yf
god
(
who
had
predetermined
,
to
dispose
the
crowne
of
England
,
to
her
issew
,
who
had
suffred
deathe
and
disgrace
for
his
glorie
,
)
had
not
mayd
the
wynds
,
and
sea
fight
for
England
.
Virginia
(
a
Colonie
now
,
to
be
tenderlie
regarded
)
shall
hearby
,
setle
her
staples
and
mart
,
with
more
securitie
:
and
aduanc
ther
traffick
,
both
by
a
fafer
passage
,
and
entercours
with
the
Ilands
.
But
aboue
all
arguments
,
nothing
mooueth
me
more
,
then
that
is
for
the
honor
,
Safetie
,
and
commoditie
of
Prince
Charles
(
the
darling
of
England
)
which
euerie
trew
Patriot
,
is
bownd
in
conscienc
,
to
further
and
aduance
.
But
so
we
shall
be
sayd
to
leaue
Holland
in
the
briars
,
(
an
old
and
assured
frend
,
and
of
powre
to
assist
the
realm
,
vpon
all
occasions
.
)
god
grand
the
prince
may
neuer
stand
in
nead
,
to
vse
them
:
and
remeniber
,
how
small
furthernas
,
nay
rather
how
great
hindrance
,
they
haue
bean
to
the
traffick
of
this
realme
:
and
what
great
losses
and
dammage
,
by
ther
meanes
our
merchants
haue
sustained
in
the
Indies
,
Moscouie
,
&
Groenland
.
In
ead
not
tell
yow
,
how
chargeabl
a
neighbour
,
they
wear
,
and
how
vnsure
a
frend
;
euer
preferring
france
;
and
for
England
,
cum
nemini
obtrudi
potest
,
i●ur
ad
me
.
And
not
with
standing
wise
men
may
easilie
discern
,
what
fauor
they
may
yet
reap
,
at
his
maiesties
hands
:
yf
they
deserue
not
the
contrarie
,
by
inconsiderate
courses
.
But
,
what
cawse
can
they
instlie
pretend
,
that
repyne
and
murmur
,
at
the
name
of
Spayne
?
They
obiecte
the
sin
,
the
curse
,
and
the
disparagement
,
to
match
with
a
Catholick
.
What
is
the
reason
for
that
barr
?
bycause
the
Iewes
might
not
be
tollerated
,
to
match
with
the
Ammorites
;
nor
religions
persons
,
with
the
prophane
.
That
opinion
taisteth
too
much
of
Iudaisme
and
the
Tabmud
,
the
barr
is
remooued
,
for
now
wear
vnder
the
law
of
grace
;
bothe
Iewes
and
gentiles
;
circumsision
and
vncircumcision
,
ar
all
vnited
to
Christ
by
faith
and
Charitie
,
and
incorporated
into
his
bodie
and
Church
.
The
Iewes
might
not
marrie
with
of
ther
trybes
,
for
the
promise
was
mayd
to
Abraham
and
his
sead
,
which
was
not
to
be
stayned
with
vnpure
blood
,
and
a
commixtion
of
paganisme
:
but
now
the
promise
is
alreadie
performed
,
and
the
iudicial
law
is
abrogated
.
Yea
,
but
that
showeth
,
that
god
disliketh
,
that
his
Children
,
should
be
defiled
with
the
mixture
of
a
superstitious
people
.
Trew
,
but
,
who
ar
the
superstitious
,
and
which
is
the
trew
religion
,
is
an
other
quaestion
.
Bothe
ar
Christians
,
both
ar
baptized
in
that
name
,
bothe
laye
hold
on
the
promises
,
testaments
and
the
gospell
,
bothe
saye
one
Pater
noster
,
and
one
Credo
;
both
reuerenc
the
4.
first
general
counsels
but
who
is
the
Catholick
,
is
filius
Christs
,
of
the
surer
syde
,
by
the
moother
Church
.
And
of
the
elder
howse
.
Besides
,
is
it
so
strainge
,
to
heare
that
a
protestant
should
match
with
a
Catholick
?
To
passe
ouer
Quene
Elizabeths
treatie
with
Monsieur
,
ded
not
Henrie
the
king
of
Nauarr
,
the
protector
of
the
reformed
churches
in
France
,
marrie
with
the
french
kings
sister
a
Catholick
,
in
regard
of
bonum
publicum
,
and
yet
the
Elders
and
consistorie
of
Geneua
,
ded
not
condemne
that
,
nor
reprooue
hym
for
that
.
Ded
not
the
same
king
afterward
,
match
his
sister
(
a
famous
protestant
,
)
with
the
Duke
of
Lorraine
,
(
one
of
the
Champians
of
the
Catholick
churche
?
Ded
not
Lewes
the
Prince
of
Conde
,
(
the
Archipiller
of
the
french
church
)
apprehend
with
great
applawse
,
the
overture
of
a
marriage
,
with
Marie
,
Quene
of
France
and
Scotland
,
which
certanlie
had
bean
performed
,
yf
the
Admiral
for
his
own
particular
,
had
not
layd
a
block
in
his
ways
.
But
aboue
all
others
,
it
is
memorable
,
and
worthie
to
be
remembred
,
what
a
bloodie
quarrel
it
was
mayd
,
that
king
Edward
the
sixt
,
(
the
first
protestant
king
in
England
,
might
not
marrie
Quene
marie
of
Scotland
,
(
who
was
euer
honored
and
esteamed
a
Catholik
)
,
and
yet
the
protector
would
haue
mayd
no
scruple
of
Conscienc
in
that
.
Caluinisme
and
Lutheranisme
,
ar
as
opposite
as
Antipodes
;
and
yet
they
haue
matched
oft
together
,
and
ther
Issews
ar
the
records
thereof
.
And
was
it
then
tollerable
in
the
reformed
churches
,
and
is
it
intollerable
with
Spayne
?
what
then
is
the
cawse
of
this
great
scrupulositie
and
feare
?
Is
it
for
the
state
of
the
kingdome
,
or
feare
of
alterations
?
The
husband
is
head
of
the
wyfe
,
and
tho
the
Infanta
wear
born
in
familia
Imperatrice
,
yet
ther
is
no
soverainetie
invested
in
her
,
she
can
maik
no
mutation
of
State
,
without
the
censent
of
the
state
.
And
yow
haue
the
les
cawse
to
distrust
that
,
hauing
a
president
before
of
king
Philip
,
who
being
king
of
England
,
yet
neither
could
nor
,
would
attempt
anie
alteration
.
And
yf
the
protestants
ar
sure
to
hould
ther
religion
;
it
is
inhumanitie
to
repyne
,
that
she
shall
be
suffred
to
enioye
hers
.
No
man
of
honor
wil
offend
a
ladie
of
such
honor
,
for
a
quarrel
to
her
sowle
,
to
her
faithe
,
and
her
worship
of
god
.
What
then
is
the
reason
,
why
this
match
is
so
distaist
full
?
Is
it
for
the
hate
and
odiousnes
of
the
name
and
qualities
of
a
Spanyard
?
surelie
,
ab
initio
non
fuit
sic
,
that
is
neither
an
ancient
quarrel
,
nor
a
naturall
impression
in
the
English
.
For
in
the
tyme
of
king
Edward
the
3.
Ther
was
a
firm
and
fixed
amitie
betwean
England
and
Portingal
,
and
of
Lancaster
ther
king
ar
discended
.
And
for
Castil
,
they
matched
Constance
the
Daughter
and
heyr
of
king
Peter
to
Iohn
of
Gaunt
,
by
whose
right
,
the
crown
appertained
to
hym
.
And
his
daughter
Catharin
married
with
Henry
the
third
king
of
Castil
:
and
therby
,
the
which
remaineth
in
the
Sauoye
records
,
resignation
of
that
crown
,
was
mayd
by
Iohn
of
Gannt
,
and
so
all
the
controuersie
was
ended
,
betwean
them
;
and
the
kings
of
Spaȳne
as
floorishing
brainches
of
the
tree
and
stock
of
Lancaster
haue
peacablie
possessed
that
kidgdome
.
So
as
Prince
Charles
shal
by
this
match
,
warme
his
bedd
with
his
own
blood
.
I
may
add
further
that
king
Henry
the
seuenth
,
married
his
sonn
,
to
king
Ferdinando
his
daughter
,
to
continew
the
succession
of
amitie
.
I
,
might
remember
,
the
treaties
of
1505.
betwean
k.
Henry
the
7.
and
king
Philip
,
for
the
preseruation
and
noorishment
of
that
league
and
frend
ship
.
And
how
much
,
and
how
tenderly
Charles
the
5.
embraced
and
esteamed
yt
,
well
appeareth
by
the
Treatie
arctioris
amicitiae
1543.
And
by
the
renoumed
treatie
of
Callice
,
(
the
greatest
honor
that
was
ewer
doon
.
to
the
crown
of
England
:
)
and
by
the
treatie
1507.
bewean
Maximilian
the
Emperor
,
Charles
king
of
Spayne
,
and
king
Henry
the
8.
by
the
treaties
for
entercourse
1515.
and
1520.
by
the
treatie
of
Cambray
1529.
and
by
that
famous
treatie
,
1542.
Thus
the
two
kings
and
kingdomes
still
renewed
,
and
noorished
mutuallie
,
and
warmelie
,
a
perfect
frendship
,
and
kind
correspondencie
:
till
the
schisme
of
Henry
the
8.
the
diuorce
,
disgrace
,
and
dishonor
of
Quene
Katharin
:
and
the
confederation
therupon
with
France
,
cooled
the
zealle
of
this
seruent
affection
.
So
as
ther
was
at
that
tyme
no
such
cawse
of
hatred
,
disfauor
or
vnkindnes
;
bewean
these
two
kingdomes
.
nor
anie
national
dislike
or
contention
:
which
first
,
brake
out
end
appeared
in
England
in
Quene
Maries
tyme
,
principallie
for
the
quarrel
of
a
new
religion
(
then
fiuee
yarres
old
.
)
For
ther
was
no
pretenc
but
onelie
that
to
maik
the
breach
,
which
Wyat
desired
.
Yet
this
is
not
the
trew
and
sole
motiue
of
the
grudg
:
ther
is
and
impostume
which
can
not
be
cured
,
till
it
be
lanched
.
The
hatred
and
remembranc
of
1588.
Manet
alta
mente
repostum
.
It
is
trew
,
Hinc
illae
lachrimae
.
But
let
vs
be
indifferent
,
look
vpon
the
wrongs
doone
to
them
,
aswel
as
ther
attemps
for
reueng
.
And
vnpartially
consider
who
gaue
the
cawse
,
and
forced
them
to
taik
armes
?
The
Moonie
intercepted
,
which
the
king
had
sent
to
the
Duke
of
Alua
:
the
Assistanc
of
the
princ
of
Oreng
,
by
Gilbert
,
Morgan
and
others
(
ther
seconds
)
:
the
first
voiage
of
Syr
Frances
Drake
:
the
inuasion
and
sacking
of
S.
Domingo
;
the
protection
of
Holland
,
by
the
Earl
of
Leicester
:
the
infinite
depredations
and
letters
of
mart
,
(
to
the
wnspeakable
dammage
of
Speyne
)
:
the
Philippicae
and
inuectiues
in
euerie
pulpit
:
ballets
and
libels
in
euerie
press
against
king
Philip
;
wear
such
prouocations
,
as
flesh
and
blood
,
nay
crownes
and
scepters
could
hardlie
disgest
.
I
speak
nothing
of
the
Portingal
vorage
,
of
the
surprize
of
Cales
,
nor
of
the
Iland
viage
:
and
can
anie
wise
man
imagin
,
that
the
king
of
Spayn
,
was
not
sensible
of
such
indignities
?
was
it
not
probable
,
that
he
would
send
a
futie
,
to
Kinsale
to
reuenge
that
?
Yet
for
all
,
this
hostilitie
,
when
his
maiestie
:
cam
to
the
crowne
:
how
frendly
and
quicklie
ded
the
king
of
Spayne
alter
his
course
,
and
send
the
high
Constable
of
Castil
,
as
the
doue
owt
of
the
Ark
,
to
see
yf
the
flood
of
mallice
wear
fallen
,
and
with
an
Oliue
brainch
in
his
hand
,
to
seak
for
peace
:
to
maik
an
Amnestia
,
and
perpetual
obliuion
of
all
vnkyndnes
past
:
to
couer
all
offences
,
to
burie
all
quarrels
,
and
to
reconcile
the
two
crownes
,
and
the
subiects
thereofs
.
And
surelie
Cursed
wil
he
be
,
who
shal
seak
to
violate
that
peace
;
and
vnder
the
coolor
of
religion
,
to
banish
peace
and
Charitie
(
the
badges
of
religion
.
)
a
malicions
Cayn
he
is
,
that
maiks
all
contentions
perpetuall
:
and
searsehe
can
he
be
holden
loyal
,
that
remembreth
onelie
the
sudes
and
quarrels
with
Scotland
,
and
not
what
,
and
how
dear
wnto
vs
it
is
now
,
and
so
should
be
euer
embraced
and
esteamed
.
Furthermore
,
the
Crown
of
England
,
shal
hearby
,
be
thus
more
,
beautified
and
magnified
.
But
staye
.
My
pen
shall
intrude
no
further
,
into
the
secret
Cabbienet
of
counsel
,
wthowrt
warrant
.
Bycause
I
kow
not
,
whether
it
be
agreable
to
the
kings
pleasure
:
or
whether
it
be
sit
,
to
be
discoursed
:
and
speciallie
bycause
I
hold
it
impossible
,
forme
to
satisfie
so
profownd
a
Iudg
,
withowthis
own
instructions
,
and
directions
.
For
I
consider
wel
,
how
vnsearchable
the
secrets
of
princes
art
,
which
lie
oft
in
abisso
,
and
ar
too
deape
to
be
sownded
by
euerie
shallow
discourser
.
And
I
remember
also
,
both
what
praying
and
preaching
,
was
vsed
,
against
the
match
of
Quene
Elizabeth
with
Monsieur
,
(
in
the
like
case
,
and
for
feare
of
alteration
,
and
afterclaps
)
:
and
yet
some
,
who
ded
then
most
impugn
it
,
vnder
pretenc
of
religion
:
ded
in
dead
,
least
of
all
other
counsellors
regard
religion
.
Syr
Philip
Sydnie
,
like
a
noble
and
wourthie
courtier
)
laboured
by
a
short
treatise
,
to
present
to
her
Maiesties
iudgment
,
the
vntfitnes
,
disproportion
,
and
inconuenience
of
that
match
,
bothe
to
her self
,
and
the
realme
:
but
he
ded
it
,
priuatelie
,
and
with
discreat
circum
spection
.
Stubs
,
like
a
professor
of
an
vnseasoned
zeal
)
took
the
question
in
hand
?
and
as
a
punishment
of
his
presumption
,
for
feited
his
hand
for
that
,
(
being
rather
published
,
to
incense
and
corrupt
the
people
,
then
to
aduise
and
inform
the
Quene
)
.
And
tho
some
of
the
greatest
and
wisest
consellors
,
ded
earnestlie
sollicit
,
and
seake
to
further
the
match
,
bycause
it
was
like
both
to
vnithe
the
kingdome
of
france
to
England
:
and
was
sure
,
that
the
possession
of
the
Netherlands
,
wold
also
be
offred
vnto
them
by
the
prince
of
Oreng
and
the
states
,
whearby
England
was
like
to
be
a
most
potent
Monarchie
:
yet
was
the
whole
bodie
of
the
kingdom
cast
into
much
distemper
,
onelie
which
bare
conceapts
and
iealosies
.
Some
vpon
partialitie
and
faction
:
some
for
distrust
of
the
practises
of
France
:
some
for
ther
own
or
ther
frends
,
sinister
ends
and
ambition
:
as
Iam
perswaded
,
euen
in
this
case
ther
ar
men
posseded
,
with
the
same
diseases
and
humors
.
And
yf
I
ded
not
wel
know
,
the
nature
of
the
multitude
,
(
a
beast
of
manie
heads
,
and
mad
braynes
:
I
should
wonder
,
how
they
durst
oppose
the
desseins
of
a
king
of
that
experienc
,
and
iudgment
,
who
haith
managed
this
busienes
,
with
so
great
warienes
,
caution
,
and
prudence
,
that
this
great
Coniunction
can
portend
no
other
effect
,
then
honor
,
confort
,
and
prosperitie
.
He
is
the
sittest
to
iudg
of
his
own
cawse
:
and
his
own
cawse
,
being
the
Commonwelths
cawse
;
yf
anie
priuate
Man
,
should
arrogate
to
hym self
,
either
more
wisedome
to
controll
his
proceding
;
or
an
opinion
of
more
affection
to
the
state
:
or
more
prouidenc
to
foresee
and
preuent
,
daingers
therby
:
I
see
not
which
waye
he
can
avoyde
,
not
to
fall
into
the
custodia
of
the
court
of
wards
,
till
he
come
to
hym self
again
.
But
to
leaue
this
matter
,
as
a
deliberatiue
,
which
requireth
a
Crassus
,
or
Antonius
;
I
will
come
to
that
which
,
gaue
the
occasion
,
of
this
treatise
.
Ther
met
at
a
merchants
howse
in
London
,
1.
Of
Catholiques
in
the
Realme
,
and
in
respect
of
Spayne
,
(
which
he
ignorantlie
called
an
ancient
enemie
.
)
2.
Whearupon
he
took
occasion
,
to
rage
and
raile
bitterlie
against
the
church
of
Roome
,
(
as
the
Seminarie
of
all
commotions
in
Europe
,
and
the
Contriuer
and
plotter
of
all
treason
in
England
.
3.
And
(
bycause
he
would
show
his
Rhetorick
in
the
ruff
;
and
omit
nothing
,
which
might
exasperate
the
companie
against
the
Catholicks
:
he
alledged
in
thunder
and
vehemencie
,
the
death
of
king
Edward
,
(
and
that
sillielie
:
)
the
manie
conspiracies
against
Quene
Elizabeth
:
and
speciallie
that
horrible
proiect
of
the
Gunpowder
treason
,
by
a
few
priuate
hotespurres
,
(
which
in
iustice
is
rather
to
be
buried
with
the
offendors
;
then
obiected
and
imputed
to
innocent
men
,
who
generallie
with
great
sorrow
abhorr
the
memorie
of
it
.
)
4.
Besides
he
vrged
,
that
princes
be
bothe
disquieted
,
and
endaingered
,
by
the
excommunicats
ans
and
bulls
of
popes
,
by
the
Catechismes
,
and
doctrine
of
the
Iesuits
.
And
that
the
subiects
of
England
,
ar
withdrawen
by
them
,
from
ther
obedienc
,
to
ther
prince
:
and
ar
so
full
of
treacheries
,
and
disloyalte
,
as
no
nation
can
be
paralleled
with
them
.
5.
Yow
may
think
also
,
that
he
forget
not
,
to
arm
hym self
with
the
authoritie
,
of
D.
Murtons
censure
,
(
for
which
I
think
he
ded
not
studie
much
)
We
may
now
aswel
expect
a
whyte
Aethiopian
,
as
a
loyal
subiect
of
that
religion
.
He
produced
a
book
entituled
.
A
discouerie
of
Romish
doctrine
,
in
the
case
of
conspiracie
and
Treason
.
Whearin
the
Author
playeth
his
maister
prize
,
against
the
professors
of
the
Catholick
religion
,
with
an
Hyperbole
of
criminal
accusations
,
and
scandalous
imputations
,
able
to
driue
men
into
dispayre
of
the
kings
grace
vnto
them
,
and
to
bread
in
his
maiesties
Royal
hart
,
a
diffidenc
of
them
.
6.
He
vrged
parson
whytes
,
vndiscreat
vntruth
,
and
vncharitabl
sentenc
,
that
all
ther
religion
is
full
of
doctrine
,
whence
procead
monsters
of
Conspiracies
against
the
state
,
and
that
they
teach
men
to
murther
the
king
,
and
blow
vp
the
parliement
.
And
that
since
Bells
tyme
,
ther
was
never
such
a
raue
nous
Idol
,
as
the
preasts
and
seminaries
.
7.
He
ded
not
omit
the
like
allegation
owt
of
Ormerode
,
the
picturemaker
,
who
vpon
erroneous
misconceauing
,
condemned
that
singuler
and
renoumed
Doctor
.
Allen
,
for
affirming
,
that
princes
might
be
slayne
by
ther
subiects
,
by
the
25.
Numeri
.
8.
And
so
he
concluded
all
,
with
that
Rhetoritall
sentenc
,
of
monsieur
Lewes
baylie
in
his
book
of
the
practise
of
Pietie
,
pag.
783.
which
he
produced
with
such
ostentation
,
as
if
it
wear
able
to
cast
all
the
learned
societie
of
the
fathers
,
into
a
fitt
,
of
a
quartane
.
Iesuits
and
preasts
(
saith
he
)
ar
sent
to
withdraw
subiects
from
ther
allegiance
,
to
mooue
inuasion
,
and
to
kill
king●
:
yf
they
be
Saints
,
who
be
Scithians
?
Who
ar
Canibals
▪
yf
they
be
Catholicks
?
Which
conclusion
,
for
the
art
,
and
the
witt
,
worthilie
deserueth
,
both
a
praemium
and
a
Plaudue
,
s●c
pueri
crepundia
gestant
.
After
this
,
delicate
oration
they
went
to
dinner
:
and
presentlie
after
dinner
,
the
minister
departed
in
great
haist
.
Therupon
all
the
companie
vehementlie
desyred
one
gentlman
of
ther
companie
,
(
who
ded
well
vnderstand
the
world
,
and
was
a
freeman
not
obliged
to
anie
religious
orders
,
but
as
films
Ecclesiae
)
to
deliuer
his
opinion
of
the
ministers
Inuectiue
.
Which
he
was
,
at
last
contented
,
at
ther
importunitie
,
and
for
the
satisfaction
of
ther
Conscienc
,
to
vndertaike
:
and
which
with
his
license
and
information
,
I
taik
vpon
me
,
as
his
Amanu●n●●s
and
secretarie
,
to
set
downe
,
and
deliuer
the
same
to
yow
.
After
a
long
pawse
,
quoth
he
;
(
lodius
accusat
Machos
,
Catalma
Cethegum
.
Is
not
this
ridiculus
?
who
can
endure
to
heare
a
Grace
hus
,
complain
against
sedicion
?
I
perceaue
by
the
premisses
,
that
the
protestants
set
this
down
,
as
a
Decree
against
Catholiks
,
and
labor
to
imprint
that
,
in
the
harts
of
the
people
,
as
a
perpetual
scandal
and
stayne
,
That
the
Catholik
religion
and
doctrine
,
is
daingerous
and
preiudicial
to
the
safetie
of
kingdomes
,
and
an
enemie
to
Sooueraintie
:
and
so
they
censure
it
,
as
neither
allowable
,
not
tollerable
in
a
wel
gouerned
monarchie
.
Now
this
being
a
matter
of
so
great
importanc
,
as
it
is
in
dead
to
be
esteamed
(
for
Querelam
Eccles●ae
,
quilibet
Catholicus
facit
suam
:
)
I
will
endeauor
therfor
,
to
fift
owt
the
truthe
,
and
what
is
therin
to
be
holden
,
for
an
infallible
conclusion
:
aswel
to
instifie
them
,
as
to
resolue
my self
in
that
poynte
,
which
haith
mayd
manie
good
and
vertuous
men
,
in
England
,
to
stagger
much
.
)
And
that
I
may
not
wander
in
my
discourse
,
nor
leaue
yow
in
a
laborinthe
:
I
wil
set
downe
,
the
trew
state
of
the
quaestion
,
to
be
argued
,
(
as
they
propownd
it
.
1.
First
,
whether
to
be
a
Catholick
,
who
professeth
dew
reuerence
,
to
the
church
of
Roome
)
and
to
be
a
trew
subiect
to
his
Prince
and
Contrie
,
be
incompatible
or
no
?
2.
Secondlie
yf
they
be
incompatible
,
whether
that
incompatibilitie
,
be
generallie
in
all
states
,
or
but
in
some
particular
states
,
and
kingdomes
?
whether
originallie
,
and
euer
,
or
but
at
some
tymes
onely
?
and
Whether
simpliciter
as
malum
in
se
,
or
acciden
,
tally
onelie
,
as
malum
prohibitum
,
vpon
consideratio
,
of
particuler
circumstances
,
and
enacted
by
particular
statutes
and
lawes
,
vpon
occasion
.
3.
And
Lastlie
,
Whether
I
uteranism
and
Caluinism
,
be
not
more
incompatible
with
loyaltie
,
more
opposite
,
and
almost
contradictorie
,
and
that
ab
origine
?
ffor
the
better
deciding
and
manifestation
of
these
high
poynts
:
I
wil
maik
my
first
discourse
,
vpon
the
last
Quaestion
:
and
wil
examin
,
whether
the
factions
and
tumults
,
which
haue
filled
all
the
kingdomes
of
Europe
,
with
blood
and
Calamitie
,
these
hundred
yearres
;
haue
sprung
from
the
opinions
,
practises
and
procurement
of
the
Catholiks
,
as
an
inseperable
propertie
alwaies
to
them
:
or
ells
rather
,
was
this
mischeafe
,
and
the
egg
of
this
Cockatrice
,
layd
first
at
wittenbergh
(
for
the
which
they
worthilie
of
late
celebrated
ther
Iubilee
,
)
hatched
at
Smalcald
,
and
fostered
and
Nourished
at
Geneua
.
And
this
poynt
,
I
will
argue
,
not
as
a
deuine
,
(
for
I
will
not
arrogate
so
much
to
my self
)
but
historicallie
,
sincearlie
,
and
legallie
:
as
one
that
desyres
,
to
defend
the
loyaltie
of
religious
and
innocent
men
,
rather
then
ther
opinions
,
and
assertions
,
which
they
can
best
mantaine
them selfs
,
and
which
so
manie
ages
haue
embraced
with
dew
reuerence
:
and
that
plainlie
,
and
with
integritie
,
and
truthe
(
which
is
euer
best
graced
,
with
her
own
beautie
,
and
neads
no
paynting
and
coolers
.
)
In
the
yeare
of
our
lard
1514.
The
whole
estate
of
the
church
,
enioyed
peace
,
and
The
peace
of
the
Church
1514
ther
ancient
priuiledges
:
all
princes
with
great
deuotion
wear
nurcing
fathers
and
protectors
thereof
.
No
storm
ded
shake
it
,
no
schisme
ded
break
the
vnitie
:
ther
was
harmonie
and
good
correspondenc
,
(
for
matters
of
religion
and
faithe
)
betwan
the
church
of
Roome
,
and
the
princes
and
common
welths
of
all
Christendome
:
and
till
that
tyme
,
thorough
owt
all
Europe
,
speciallie
in
England
from
S.
Augustines
comming
hither
:
this
quaestion
,
was
never
mayd
,
nor
proposed
either
in
the
schooles
,
or
courts
of
common
lawe
.
Anno
1515
Martin
Luther
,
an
Augustin
So
then
after
that
Luther
ded
fynd
,
populo
placere
quas
fecisset
fabulas
,
(
as
noueltie
is
euer
at
first
wel
entertained
in
the
world
,
and
that
the
people
applauded
his
actions
and
desseins
,
and
that
manie
of
the
best
wits
(
speciallie
those
,
that
wear
bred
and
framed
in
Erasmus
his
school
,
wear
inclined
to
second
hym
:
and
perceauing
also
,
that
some
of
the
greatest
Princ●s
in
Germaine
,
ded
geue
hym
both
hearing
and
harting
,
in
his
proceadings
:
The
vayne
glorie
thereof
,
raised
the
ambitious
conceipt
of
hym self
,
manie
straynes
hygher
then
he
was
in
dead
:
all
men
encooraging
hym
,
who
whear
ticled
with
new
fancies
and
conceipts
,
(
which
syde
alwaies
carrieth
most
voyces
:
)
for
natures
most
affected
to
leuitie
and
chainge
,
ar
best
pleased
with
innouations
.
Therupon
,
as
a
man
sick
in
his
spirits
,
and
of
a
fierie
disease
,
he
begonn
to
raue
,
and
defame
all
church
gouernement
.
He
abondaned
his
cloyster
,
cast
of
his
habit
,
and
renounced
all
obedienc
to
his
superiors
.
For
now
he
preacheth
against
the
In
this
humor
,
he
fed
hym self
,
with
great
hopes
,
to
conquer
the
world
with
the
sword
of
the
spirit
;
and
to
subdew
the
Pope
(
whome
he
was
the
first
that
affirmed
to
be
absolutelie
,
Antichrist
,
the
man
of
perdition
,
and
insignis
praestigiator
.
And
the
rather
bycause
now
1519.
Maximilian
the
emperor
was
latelie
dead
,
(
whose
power
,
and
wisedome
,
he
had
great
cawse
,
and
worthilie
,
to
feare
)
:
and
Charles
the
fifth
,
was
chosen
to
succead
hym
(
a
yong
Prince
not
twentie
yeares
of
age
)
whome
he
hoped
to
perswade
,
to
ruine
the
Papaltie
,
to
keap
his
court
at
Roome
,
and
maik
the
castl
of
St.
Angelo
subiect
to
his
commands
.
And
then
he
dreamed
,
that
he
might
easilie
reforme
the
church
and
cast
it
in
a
new
mould
.
Speciallie
being
assured
,
to
haue
the
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
old
Iohn
Frederic
the
elector
,
his
secret
frend
and
patron
:
who
for
his
riches
,
strenth
,
allianc
,
and
abilities
,
was
farr
superior
to
anie
Prince
in
the
empyre
.
What
followed
then
?
obserue
his
course
,
But
hear
he
stayed
not
,
he
proceaded
further
:
Against
the
He
took
vpon
hym
to
deface
and
And
so
it
appeareth
,
they
could
not
be
lawfullie
,
and
orderlie
suppressed
in
the
empyre
,
withwt
the
authoritie
of
the
empyre
.
But
as
he
ded
seak
to
abrogate
the
Canon
Lawes
;
so
he
ded
also
vilefie
,
and
abase
the
Ciuil
lawes
of
Germanie
,
as
shall
more
pertinentlie
appeare
hearafter
.
Furthermore
,
as
yf
it
weare
to
bring
in
Againsts
vniuersities
.
Barbarisme
,
and
to
pull
owt
the
eyes
of
the
Almains
,
that
they
might
not
see
his
follie
,
and
errors
:
he
endeauored
,
to
abandon
,
deface
,
and
ruine
all
vniuersities
.
Which
Oxford
and
Cambredg
wil
hardlie
beleaue
,
yf
I
could
not
produce
his
own
words
.
Libro
contra
Ambrosium
Catharinum
,
he
writes
thus
,
Vt
videatur
ad
Euangelium
funditus
extinguendum
,
nec
astutius
,
nec
efficacius
inuenisse
Satan
commentum
quam
erigendarum
vniuersitatum
.
Be
vniuersities
,
then
an
inuention
of
the
deuel
?
and
a
subtil
deuise
,
to
oppresse
the
gospell
Is
it
not
likelie
?
That
no
man
might
coolor
and
excuse
this
grosse
paradox
,
with
some
fayre
pretence
;
as
they
oft
labor
to
doe
:
read
his
opinion
,
libro
de
Abroganda
Missa
;
there
he
disswades
the
people
,
from
sending
ther
children
to
the
vniuersities
,
and
generallie
condemnes
them
all
by
these
words
Academias
,
per
Idolum
M●loch
figura●a●
puto
.
Vniuersities
,
resemble
the
Idol
Moloch
.
By
wat
reason
?
bycause
saith
he
,
Existo
enim
fumo
,
prodeunt
istae
locustae
,
quae
omnes
Cathedras
occupant
.
Would
he
then
haue
all
vniuersities
,
suppressed
,
onelie
bycause
therein
the
Catholick
religion
,
and
school
diuinitie
is
taught
?
no
in
dead
,
for
why
ded
he
shut
vp
the
schoole
doores
,
formanie
yeares
together
?
why
ded
he
neglect
the
teaching
and
education
of
yowth
,
in
his
own
religion
,
and
profession
?
why
ded
he
banish
Tullie
and
Aristotle
,
who
medl
with
no
religion
?
why
ded
Carolostad
go
to
the
plough
rather
,
then
he
would
read
a
lecture
more
.
Nay
to
conclude
,
his
fidus
Achates
,
Philip
Melancton
,
in
his
book
called
Didimus
saith
.
Equidem
sapient
em
virum
,
iudico
fuisse
wiclesum
Anglum
,
qui
omnium
primus
,
quod
ego
sciam
,
vidit
vnmersitates
,
fuisse
Sathanae
Synagegas
.
And
this
I
wonder
maister
Philip
Wold
so
generallie
affirme
,
and
aprooue
wiclefs
error
,
that
vniuersities
arr
the
Synagogue
of
satan
,
being
so
skilfull
an
artist
hym self
.
But
at
the
beginning
they
wear
all
vncertan
,
what
to
mantain
for
sownd
and
trew
doctrine
:
and
aboue
all
,
Melancthon
was
euer
an
Academick
,
and
never
long
constante
:
and
that
yow
may
see
,
by
this
,
that
libro
ad
waldenses
,
he
recanted
that
opinion
,
and
reuoked
his
error
;
which
Carolostade
,
never
ded
.
So
as
yow
may
,
perceaue
,
that
at
therfirst
rising
,
and
preaching
reformation
,
the
spirit
had
not
in
manie
yeares
fullie
illuminated
ther
vnder
standing
,
nor
directed
ther
iudgment
,
with
full
perfection
:
as
he
ded
the
prophets
,
and
the
apostles
,
and
S.
Paul
.
Hearby
it
appeareth
,
that
at
threblowes
,
Luther
laboured
to
cut
down
,
the
thre
great
Cedars
of
the
empyre
,
The
Cleargic
,
The
Canon
●awes
,
and
the
vniuersities
.
For
with
owt
vniuersities
,
the
cleargie
covvld
not
be
in
structed
:
nor
with
owt
Lawes
be
gouerned
:
and
so
being
necessarilie
chayned
together
,
he
could
not
break
the
link
with
owt
subuerting
all
for
he
ded
not
seak
a
reformation
of
them
,
but
a
totall
extirpation
and
destruction
,
as
appeared
by
the
Bushopricks
.
)
And
this
I
dare
affirme
,
that
all
the
Hundred
Grauamina
Germanie
,
presented
to
the
Emperor
Charles
,
at
Norembergh
:
ded
not
containes
,
articles
of
that
dainger
,
greauances
of
that
loss
,
and
such
an
oppression
of
the
state
,
as
these
thre
had
beane
.
And
yet
a
greater
mischeafe
,
followes
.
For
now
I
will
lay
down
his
positions
of
state
and
declare
to
the
world
a
prodigious
inciuilitie
,
and
his
arrogancie
,
disobedienc
,
and
presumption
,
towards
the
Emperor
,
and
the
Princes
of
Germanie
.
Desiryng
your
patienc
,
that
I
may
but
a
litl
digress
to
maik
his
spirit
more
plainlie
appeare
in
his
likenes
:
and
how
immodestlie
and
vnreuerentlie
he
ded
esteame
Regiam
Maiestatem
,
by
the
exampl
of
his
vsage
of
king
Of
k.
H.
8.
Henry
the
VIII
.
of
England
libro
cont●a
Regem
Angliae
.
He
calls
king
Henry
in
his
preface
,
An
enuious
madd
fool
,
ful
of
Dastardie
,
and
with
owt
one
vaine
of
princelie
blood
in
his
bodie
.
After
that
,
he
saith
,
He
is
a
Basilisk
,
to
whome
I
den●unc
damnation
.
And
pag.
335.
This
glorious
king
,
lyeth
stowtlie
like
a
king
.
(
Note
his
moralitie
,
for
which
he
is
famous
.
)
And
again
,
he
is
a
lijng
Scurra
,
couered
with
the
title
of
a
king
,
and
a
chosen
vessel
of
the
Deuel
.
And
pag.
338.
Thou
art
no
more
a
king
,
but
a
sacrilegious
theaf
.
And
most
sloouenlie
and
like
hymself
,
pag.
333.
Ius
mihi
erit
Maiestatem
tuam
stercore
conspergere
,
&c.
I
am
ashamed
,
to
procead
,
I
wil
omitt
infinite
,
and
these
ar
too
manie
:
which
it
wear
incredible
,
to
haue
bean
vttered
by
the
Elias
of
Almaing
,
but
that
both
his
own
books
ar
extant
,
and
S.
Thomas
Moor
,
(
the
most
famous
Chancelor
of
England
)
recapitulates
them
,
with
a
nomber
more
,
in
his
lattin
work
against
Luther
,
printed
at
Loouain
,
1566.
And
these
places
,
I
haue
selected
and
cited
:
not
onelie
bycause
they
touched
Henry
the
eight
,
as
he
was
a
king
(
and
at
that
tyme
,
one
of
the
most
mightie
and
Renoumed
Princes
in
Europe
:
)
but
bycause
also
,
therby
yow
might
discouer
the
modestie
and
Holie
disposition
of
Doctor
Martin
,
and
how
like
a
man
he
was
,
to
preach
and
persuade
obedienc
to
magistrates
Now
note
,
how
he
ded
behaue
hym self
,
to
the
princes
of
the
Empyre
:
and
whether
he
ded
geue
to
Caesar
(
his
soueraine
lord
)
that
which
is
Dew
to
Caesar
?
It
is
worthie
the
obseruation
,
to
see
his
religious
and
ciuil
respect
of
an
emperor
.
Libro
contra
duo
mandata
Casaris
,
he
writes
.
Turpe
quidem
est
Casarem
ac
Principes
,
manifestis
agere
mendacijs
.
It
is
,
a
shame
for
Caesar
,
and
the
Princes
,
to
lye
so
palpablie
,
and
in
the
same
book
,
and
with
the
same
spirit
,
saith
he
,
Deus
mihi
dedu
negotium
,
non
cum
hominibus
ratione
praeditis
:
sed
Germanicae
bestiae
debent
me
occidere
.
(
Meaning
,
that
the
Princes
,
the
Sauages
and
beasts
of
Germanie
,
should
murder
hym
.
)
But
he
showes
therin
,
yet
more
gall
and
bitternes
,
Oro
cunctos
pios
Chrisitanos
,
dignentur
simul
rogare
Deum
pro
eiusmods
ex●aecatis
Principibus
,
quibus
nos
ma
no
trae
su●
furore
corripuit
,
ne
vl●o
pacto
eos
s●quamur
,
vel
in
militiam
ire
,
vel
dare
aliquid
contra
Turcas
:
quod●quid●n
.
Turca
decies
prudentior
▪
probiorque
quam
sunt
Principes
nostri
;
quid
●alibus
fa●●●s
,
contra
Turcam
prospere
euen●at
,
qui
Deum
tam
al●etentant
,
&
blasphemant
?
Was
this
but
a
Peccadilio
,
Caesar
,
and
the
Princes
,
to
be
censured
with
such
scandalous
comparisons
,
and
reproches
?
but
this
is
not
all
,
in
libro
artic.
500.
in
articulo
367.
Quid
ergo
boni
,
in
rebus
diumis
,
vel
decernant
,
vel
constituant
,
tyranni
tam
impij
&
prophant
?
Before
they
wear
fooles
,
now
he
ma●ks
them
tyrants
:
and
then
he
goeth
a
degree
higher
still
.
For
libro
de
seculari
potestate
,
he
deliuers
his
opinion
of
all
princes
and
kings
in
general
,
and
how
they
ar
to
be
esteamed
:
Sc●re
debes
quod
ab
initio
mundi
,
raris●ma
auis
est
prudens
princeps
,
ac
multo
rarior
probus
,
sunt
communiter
,
maximè
faiui
,
&
nequis●imi
nebulones
in
t●rra
.
And
there
also
,
bycause
his
good
meaning
might
more
perspicuouslie
appear
,
he
interprets
hym self
planilie
.
Quis
nes●●t
,
Principes
esse
carnem
Ferinam
in
Caelo
?
As
yf
it
wear
,
as
great
a
dayntie
as
vennieson
,
to
Sciatis
boni
●omini
,
Deum
s●c
procurare
,
quod
subditi
,
nec
po●su●t
,
nec
debent
,
nec
volunt
,
ty●anniden●
vestram
ferre
diutius
.
Mark
that
debent
,
as
a
good
encooragement
to
the
Bowers
.
Who
can
mantaine
such
Paradoxes
,
or
that
they
proceaded
from
the
spirit
of
a
prophet
of
God
?
can
anie
Lutheran
iustifie
these
wild
propositions
,
or
coolor
them
with
tolerabl
glosses
?
Ded
euer
anie
prophets
,
Apostles
,
or
Martyes
,
vse
such
a
barbarous
libertie
of
speach
,
against
Nero
,
Dioclesian
,
Iulian
,
tho
the
greatest
persequutors
?
Ded
Elias
,
rage
so
madlie
against
Achab
,
and
Iesabel
?
S.
Paul
gaue
hym
a
better
exampl
,
who
vsed
Festus
with
more
reuerenc
a
great
deale
.
And
with
owt
dowbt
no
Christian
and
trew
zeal
can
be
so
irregular
,
so
rude
,
and
so
intemperately
passionate
.
To
geue
the
lye
to
Caesar
his
Soouerain
,
and
the
princes
,
was
a
personal
,
and
an
intollerable
contempt
,
yet
to
proclayme
hym
and
the
princes
,
to
be
Sauages
,
Babons
,
and
Fooles
;
Tyrants
;
blynd
buzzards
;
and
that
the
Turk
was
a
wiser
and
honester
man
,
then
they
;
was
a
more
horrible
,
scandalous
,
and
seditious
assertion
.
But
to
geue
owt
to
the
world
,
in
print
,
and
dogmaticallie
to
affirme
,
as
it
wear
in
skorn
and
hatred
of
Maiestie
and
royaltie
,
that
a
wise
and
good
prince
is
as
rarelie
fownd
as
a
black
swann
;
that
commonly
kings
and
princes
,
be
the
most
.
Dot●ing
fooles
,
and
reprobate
knaues
in
the
world
:
that
they
ar
a
damned
crew
,
as
yf
ther
weare
no
place
in
heauen
vouchsafed
for
kings
:
What
is
it
,
by
such
epithites
,
disgraces
,
and
execration
,
to
annichilate
and
abase
the
sacred
function
of
kings
?
to
taik
the
crown
from
ther
heads
?
to
expose
Regalitie
and
ther
progatiues
,
to
mallice
and
contempt
of
the
people
;
yf
this
be
not
?
But
it
may
be
,
he
ded
vse
more
ciuilitie
,
and
reuerenc
,
to
his
frends
of
the
howof
Saxonié
.
Surelie
for
Duke
Georg
,
of
Leipswig
,
he
calls
hym
,
the
Apostl
of
Satan
:
and
skorn
fullie
entitles
hym
,
Illustrissima
mclementia
vestra
.
And
for
his
,
respect
,
to
old
Iohn
Frederick
his
protector
;
it
appears
by
the
commission
,
giuen
by
the
Duke
,
to
Iohn
Plaumitz
(
a
noble
man
)
Hierome
Schurffius
(
a
lawyer
)
Philip
Melancthon
,
and
Erasmus
Hawbitz
;
to
maik
a
visitation
of
Saxonie
,
(
then
full
of
discorders
:
)
for
when
they
returned
ther
commission
,
together
with
the
acts
of
ther
visitation
,
Luther
in
contempt
of
them
,
T●otz
(
quoth
he
)
eis
visitato●ibus
.
An
why
?
onelie
for
ambition
.
How
appears
that
?
Nescio
qua
de
causa
,
proterierit
me
in
hoc
negotio
princeps
.
(
Lo.
in
serm.
Dommico
,
inuocauit
.
)
And
Lo.
contra
Ambrosium
●atharmum
,
saith
he
:
Silicet
mihi
decretales
Papae
,
Conciliorum
decreta
,
Leges
&
Mandata
Imperatoris
,
omniumque
principum
,
pro
libertate
Christiana
,
nedum
contemnere
,
sed
&
conculeare
:
vestras
ne
res
gestas
,
praeclarae
visitationis
,
legum
vice
acceptem
?
What
could
draw
from
hym
so
vayne
and
insolent
a
speach
,
but
ambition
?
He
maiks
small
reckoning
of
the
emperors
mandats
,
or
the
imperial
lawes
afwel
as
the
Canon
,
pro
libertate
Christiana
:
and
for
that
also
,
he
hym self
must
and
will
be
iudg
,
what
to
receaue
and
ratifie
;
neither
the
duke
,
nor
his
commissioners
mist
prescribe
rules
to
hym
.
I
will
alledg
onelie
one
place
,
(
locis
com
.
class.
4.
c.
30.
to
Spalatimus
.
Non
s●ram
quod
ais
,
non
passurum
principem
,
scribi
in
Moguntinum
,
nec
quod
publicam
pacem
perturbare
posset
:
potius
te
,
&
principem
ipsum
perdam
,
Si
enim
creatorieius
Papae
restiti
,
cur
cedam
creaturae●
&
post
.
Pul●hre
vero
,
non
turbandum
pacem
publicam
arbitraris
,
&
turbandum
pacem
aeternam
Dei
?
non
sic
Spalatine
,
non
sic
.
What
is
this
,
but
ambition
?
not
zeale
furelie
,
which
as
it
should
ever
haue
faith
for
a
schoolm
aister
,
so
it
haith
Charitie
for
a
guide
,
and
humilitie
for
a
witnes
,
whearof
heare
is
verrie
small
proofe
,
and
apparenc
.
)
And
by
the
opinion
of
Spalatinus
,
(
a
famous
Lutheran
)
and
of
his
Lord
(
the
Elector
of
Saxonie
)
yow
see
,
that
Luther
is
disswaded
and
conselled
,
from
writing
against
the
Archbushop
of
Ments
)
an
Elector
Likewise
;
bycause
it
could
not
,
but
disturb
and
break
the
peace
of
the
empyre
:
and
yet
is
it
to
be
noted
,
how
Luther
reiects
with
contempt
,
bothe
ther
opinions
:
as
yf
the
peace
of
God
,
and
the
peace
of
the
empyre
:
the
new
gospell
of
Luther
,
and
the
old
lawes
and
governement
of
the
empyre
,
wear
not
Compatible
.
Which
concludeh
the
Affirmatiue
of
the
Quaestion
,
now
to
be
prooued
.
For
the
present
,
I
wil
produce
owt
of
the
Cornucopia
of
Luther
,
no
more
of
his
irreligious
and
turbulent
Propositions
,
(
sufficient
arguments
,
both
of
his
vnquiet
spirit
and
seditious
doctrine
.
)
For
it
is
,
fitter
first
to
examin
these
exactlie
;
and
to
discern
,
how
wel
the
fruits
thereof
ded
realish
in
the
taist
of
the
people
,
and
what
effects
and
operation
they
wrought
.
After
that
the
wildbore
,
had
thus
violentlie
broken
down
,
the
pale
of
order
and
discipline
,
and
rooted
vp
the
vinyeard
:
and
that
the
vulgar
people
,
had
receaued
so
pleasing
a
new
gospel
,
that
they
wear
exempted
from
all
the
Canons
,
and
iniunctions
of
the
church
,
(
mayd
to
restraine
disorder
and
licentiousnes
:
)
that
trew
Christians
wear
freed
from
the
captiuitie
of
Babilon
,
and
all
constitutions
and
ceremonies
,
which
cuthralled
and
snared
the
conscience
:
that
ther
was
a
more
compendions
waye
fownd
to
heauen
,
by
faith
onelie
,
and
freedome
from
merits
,
and
the
heauie
burden
of
good
work
:
that
Roome
was
Babilon
,
Bushops
wear
seducers
,
religious
men
Idolatours
,
and
the
princes
wear
tyrants
,
who
protected
them
all
:
)
and
that
God
would
not
suffer
,
the
poor
commonaltie
longer
to
beare
so
heauie
a
yoke
,
and
subiection
,
vnder
such
oppressors
.
Vpon
these
seditious
principls
,
the
people
begonn
to
rise
,
and
committ
ryots
:
each
man
was
a
drom
to
an
other
,
each
man
ded
strike
an
alarum
,
to
root
owt
so
corrupt
a
cleargie
,
and
to
depose
so
vnworthie
princes
.
The
Bowres
Conradus
Wimpin
testifieth
)
onelie
,
in
that
one
circle
of
the
empyre
,
they
pilled
,
pulled
down
,
and
spoyled
neare
thre
hundred
,
monasteries
,
castles
,
and
forts
.
And
yet
these
reformers
,
pretended
,
that
they
took
armes
for
edification
;
is
it
not
licklie
?
But
for
want
of
victualis
and
other
necessaries
,
(
as
multitud
and
furie
,
arr
seldome
prouident
:
)
they
wear
forced
to
deuide
ther
campes
;
and
somme
of
them
marched
to
wards
the
Duchie
of
Wittenbergh
,
(
who
,
by
Truch●es
,
generall
of
the
league
of
Sweuia
,
wear
all
put
to
the
sword
,
or
to
flight
:
)
but
the
greatest
nomber
remained
in
Franconia
.
And
bycause
these
tumults
,
tended
so
directlie
,
to
a
deuastation
of
allstates
,
and
lawes
:
therfor
Iohn
(
Duke
of
Saxonie
)
who
had
before
tollerated
Muncer●
preaching
in
Alstadt
:
and
his
vncle
Duke
George
,
together
with
other
princes
,
ioyned
ther
forces
together
(
the
emperor
being
in
Spayne
)
:
and
at
frankhuisen
,
mayd
a
bloodie
execution
and
slaugh
terof
all
the
Paisants
in
the
camp
:
Whear
Muncer
and
Phifer
wear
taken
,
and
executed
;
and
aboue
a
hundred
thowsand
men
lost
ther
liues
,
in
these
tumults
and
rebellion
.
Yet
could
not
this
feare
full
warning
serue
,
to
coole
the
heate
,
of
those
zealous
warriers
;
for
in
Alsatia
,
they
mayd
a
new
vproare
:
whear
aboue
twentie
thowsand
of
them
wear
slayne
,
by
the
count
Palatine
,
and
Anthonie
Duke
of
●orram
.
And
after
that
,
an
other
multitud
put
them selfs
in
armes
,
at
Petersheim
(
in
the
territorie
of
wormes
:
)
who
wear
likewise
defeated
and
put
to
the
sword
.
To
conclude
,
no
part
of
the
bodie
of
the
empyre
,
was
cleare
from
that
plague
of
conspiratie
:
for
as
the
bowers
in
the
contrie
,
so
the
common
people
in
the
imperial
townes
,
conspired
together
to
reforme
religion
,
and
to
remoue
such
magistrates
,
as
supported
the
old
.
At
Erford
,
the
people
,
degraded
and
committed
all
ther
officers
.
At
Frank-fort
,
with
more
furie
,
they
spoyled
the
churches
,
banished
the
cleargie
,
and
placed
all
authoritie
and
gouernement
of
the
cittie
,
in
twentie
fowre
commoners
,
(
to
whome
they
gaue
all
command
and
rule●
:
they
created
all
new
magistrates
:
mayd
new
lawes
;
expelled
the
ancient
senators
and
the
whol
cleargie
,
(
not
withowt
terror
,
and
menaces
)
and
they
selected
and
sett
down
fourtie
seauen
articles
,
owt
of
Luthers
gospell
,
which
they
decreed
should
be
religioustie
obserued
and
obeyed
:
and
which
they
imparted
to
ther
fraternitie
at
Coolen
,
and
Mentz
,
(
wheare
thre
whole
dayes
,
the
people
stood
in
armes
together
,
locked
vp
the
gates
,
and
mayd
them selfs
lords
and
maisters
of
the
citties
)
.
And
the
same
spirit
like
wise
mooued
diuers
priuate
men
,
by
ther
own
meand
,
to
attempt
reformation
.
So
Frances
Sicking
,
a
Lutheran
,
owt
of
his
zeale
,
(
yet
some
geue
owt
,
that
he
was
incited
by
Bucer
and
Oecolampad
,
to
that
action
)
leuied
diuers
companies
,
inuaded
and
spoyled
the
territories
of
the
Bushop
of
Trier
;
took
by
assalt
a
strong
place
,
of
the
princes
possessions
,
and
marched
with
his
armie
to
the
verrie
walls
of
Trier
,
(
purposing
to
beseage
that
)
withowt
anie
iust
cawse
of
warr
,
or
particuler
quarrel
.
Whear
yf
he
had
preuayled
,
the
riches
of
that
place
,
and
some
others
depending
of
that
,
would
both
haue
encooraged
and
enabled
them
to
greater
attempts
.
But
he
was
forced
to
retyre
;
and
so
being
apprehended
,
he
and
his
complices
wear
iustlie
attainted
,
and
ther
lands
confiscated
.
And
to
maik
vp
the
totall
some
of
all
the
miseries
of
Germanie
,
in
full
measure
▪
this
inundation
of
furie
,
was
so
generall
,
that
they
mayd
all
church
goods
a
praye
and
bootie
,
broke
Down
Cathedral
churches
,
ransacked
all
monasteries
,
and
robbed
and
subuerted
both
Bushops
and
Bushopricks
,
as
Magdeburgh
(
the
seate
of
the
Primate
of
the
empyre
)
Bream
,
Lubeck
,
and
fourten
moe
(
such
is
the
furie
,
and
deformite
of
sedition
.
)
So
as
the
Imperiall
chamber
at
Spyres
,
was
long
afterward
much
disquieted
,
and
trowbled
,
with
Actions
,
complaynts
,
and
petitions
,
for
these
spoyles
:
And
Charles
the
Emperor
,
hymself
was
maruelloustie
perplexed
,
how
to
taik
order
for
a
cessation
of
these
disorders
;
how
to
staye
the
violent
course
and
torrent
of
these
reformers
;
and
how
reparation
and
satisfaction
,
might
be
mayd
.
And
therfor
he
ded
appoint
Commissioners
long
after
(
by
his
edict
1544.
)
to
enquire
of
bona
Ecclesiae
inuasa
;
for
before
he
could
not
,
hauing
had
his
hands
full
,
and
enough
to
doe
,
to
defend
,
hym self
.
All
which
things
,
arr
recorded
and
testified
by
Cochlaeus
,
(
whose
writings
wear
published
,
before
Luthers
death
,
and
yet
was
never
hither
to
challenged
for
anie
false
information
)
by
Pontanus
,
Surius
,
Hortensius
,
Montfort
,
Flor
,
Raemond
,
Sleydan
,
and
others
.
I
protest
and
profess
,
I
haue
vsed
sincearitie
,
in
reporting
and
citing
the
euidenc
I
had
from
so
manie
worthie
witnesses
:
and
as
the
Romans
vsed
to
say
,
at
ther
making
of
leagues
,
Ita
me
Iupiter
,
si
sciens
fallo
.
But
I
feare
,
yow
ar
tyred
,
with
hearing
I
know
heare
will
be
great
exceptions
Doctor
bilson
affirmeth
.
Thouching
these
excuses
,
or
rather
fables
;
yf
yow
fynd
them
all
sufficientlie
disprooued
:
I
leaue
it
to
yowr
iugment
,
how
to
censure
D.
Martin
,
and
his
Champions
.
First
examin
seriousslie
,
whether
Luther
,
Cochlaeus
in
his
Miscellanea
,
citeth
this
one
place
of
Luthers
lib.
1.
Exhortat
ad
pacem
.
In
seculari
regimine
,
nil
amplius
facitis
nisi
excoriatis
subdito●
,
ad
susimendam
pompam
vestram
,
donec
diutius
ferre
non
possunt
.
And
afterward
.
non
sunt
〈◊〉
boni
Domini
,
quisese
vobis
opponunt
:
●●●us
ipse
est
ad
visitandam
tyrannid●m
ves
ram
.
A
man
can
no
deuise
,
to
geue
the
people
better
harting
,
to
ronn
into
ryots
;
then
owt
of
the
puipit
,
to
tax
the
princes
for
so
cryng
a
sinn
,
as
tyrannie
:
and
to
maik
God
the
author
to
reueng
that
:
speciallie
being
not
bownd
in
conscienc
,
to
obey
anie
humain
lawes
.
But
D.
Whitacre
,
It
neuer
cam
into
Luther
mynd
,
to
pluck
in
peaces
the
authoritie
of
magistrates
,
which
he
ded
all
waies
defend
against
the
Anabaptists
:
and
(
as
D.
Bilson
affirmeth
,
Luther
ded
hold
,
that
the
Gospel
doth
not
barr
the
politick
lawes
of
anie
contrie
.
I
wonder
these
two
great
doctors
,
wold
affirm
this
so
confidentlie
;
knowing
first
,
that
though
in
some
places
of
his
books
(
to
bleare
the
eyes
of
the
world
)
he
had
perswaded
subiects
to
obedience
,
(
the
contrarie
wheareof
,
it
had
bean
too
grosse
an
error
to
mantaine
:
)
yet
that
his
practise
,
and
actions
wear
fullie
contradictorie
to
that
course
.
And
knowing
also
,
that
Luther
hym self
,
set
it
down
as
a
deuine
decree
l.
de
captiu
.
Babilon
.
c.
de
baptismo
.
Ab
omnibus
hominum
legibus
exempts
sumus
,
libertate
Christiana
nobis
per
baptismum
donata
.
Was
this
onelie
from
the
Canons
,
or
aswel
from
Municipall
lawes
?
I
know
your
Iewel
of
England
,
laboured
to
couer
the
deformitie
of
this
proposition
:
which
by
a
sleight
euasion
,
he
sought
to
avoyd
,
by
comparing
S.
Pauls
phrase
with
Luthers
,
Galat.
2.
Litl
to
the
purpose
.
But
it
was
more
fayrlie
and
conning
lie
shadowed
,
by
D.
whitacre
,
thus
(
loco
predicto
:
)
saith
he
.
By
fa●th
men
ar
free
,
not
that
,
they
may
not
obey
lawes
,
and
liue
ouelie
to
them selfs
:
but
that
they
may
vnderstand
,
there
consciences
and
mynds
ar
freed
,
from
making
the
lawes
of
men
to
be
religion
(
1.
to
bynd
the
conscienc
.
)
And
after
ward
he
saith
again
,
Mans
lawes
bynd
not
the
conscienc
,
for
then
they
should
bynd
in
all
places
alike
.
And
so
he
concludes
in
generall
,
The
magistrate
is
to
be
obeyed
for
conscienc
,
but
his
particular
lawes
bynd
not
the
conscienc
:
that
is
as
in
an
other
place
he
interprets
it
,
We
must
obey
humain
lawes
,
bycaus
they
arr
necessarie
for
peace
;
but
we
must
distinguish
them
from
deuine
,
which
ar
simplie
to
be
obeyed
,
withowt
defferenc
of
tyme
,
place
,
or
circumstanc
,
as
mans
lawes
ar.
Thus
he
defendeth
Luther
,
by
interpreting
his
words
:
and
his
interpretation
quite
overthrowes
bot
Luthers
meaning
and
words
.
For
so
we
ar
not
by
D.
withaker
exempted
from
obeying
mans
lawes
,
but
from
obeying
them
simpliciter
,
and
as
deuine
;
(
for
it
is
not
the
quaestion
,
which
lawes
bynd
most
;
secundum
magis
&
minus
,
Gods
lawes
or
mans
,
for
of
that
,
ther
can
be
no
quaestion
,
no
man
dowbts
it
.
But
whether
mans
lawes
bynd
the
Conscienc
at
all
;
and
whether
simplie
it
be
a
trew
proposition
ab
omnibus
hominum
●gib●s
exempti
sumus
?
And
yf
mans
lawes
doe
not
bynd
the
conscienc
;
why
ded
yow
think
preasts
bownd
in
conscienc
,
to
obey
the
paenal
lawes
of
England
,
or
to
be
put
to
death
,
for
not
obeying
?
But
it
is
best
and
playnest
dealing
to
maik
Luther
,
his
own
expositor
,
and
so
trie
yf
he
can
be
cleared
;
or
yf
he
prooue
not
worse
,
and
an
enemie
to
humain
lawes
.
For
in
the
same
book
,
cap.
de
Matrimonio
.
S●io
(
inquit
)
nullam
rempublicam
,
legibus
faeliciter
administrari
:
and
in
c.
de
sacris
Ordini
.
Turpe
enim
est
&
iniquiter
seruile
,
Christianum
hominem
qui
liber
est
,
alijsquam
caelestibus
,
&
diuinis
subiectum
esse
legibus
.
In
both
which
places
,
he
is
quite
contrarie
,
to
D.
whitacre
,
and
maiks
small
accounpt
of
the
statuts
of
common
welths
;
but
as
a
thing
seruile
,
to
be
subiect
and
tyet
to
obey
them
.
And
S.
Thomas
Moor
,
in
his
Latin
book
against
Luther
,
affirmes
that
Tindal
(
one
of
Luthers
principal
disciples
in
England
)
in
his
book
of
Obedienc
taught
the
same
lesson
:
and
he
citeth
a
place
from
whenc
it
seams
Tindal
deriued
his
opinion
.
Sc.
Dico
itaque
,
neque
Papa
,
neque
Episcopus
,
So
then
obserue
it
well
,
and
yow
shall
see
,
that
it
bothe
cam
into
Luthers
mynd
and
his
penn
,
to
pluck
in
peaces
,
the
authoritie
of
magistrates
and
lawes
.
And
the
words
of
Luther
litterallie
import
as
much
,
els
what
english
can
yow
maik
of
,
ab
omnibus
hominum
legibus
exempti
sumus
?
Is
it
against
the
Canon
law
onelie
?
the
words
omnibus
hominum
,
teach
yow
the
contrarie
;
is
it
to
prefer
Gods
lawe
,
and
religion
,
comparatiue
,
before
mans
?
the
word
(
Exempti
)
vsed
simplie
,
showes
the
contrarie
:
and
that
as
we
ar
freed
from
the
law
of
the
Pope
,
or
constitutions
of
Bushops
:
so
and
in
the
same
degree
,
we
ar
(
as
he
holds
)
exempted
from
all
mans
lawes
,
so
as
neque
vllus
hominum
,
haith
power
to
enact
one
sillable
,
wherto
he
shall
be
obliged
.
Again
,
yf
we
be
exempted
from
all
lawes
;
and
the
magistrate
but
by
lawe
,
can
clayme
no
obedienc
:
what
conclusion
,
can
yow
maik
to
defend
Luther
,
but
in
a
mood
and
figure
bad
enough
?
Furthermore
,
I
am
perswaded
all
men
of
vnder
standing
will
think
the
verrie
words
of
Luther
,
plainlie
,
and
in
the
litteral
sence
to
be
daingerous
;
yf
they
be
not
qualified
,
and
bettered
by
such
an
interpreter
,
as
D.
whitakers
.
And
the
plain
common
people
stand
not
to
waigh
words
,
but
taik
them
in
cortice
,
as
the
letter
imports
.
The
Bowers
could
not
wrest
and
straine
them
by
learning
,
and
maik
a
gloss
quite
contrarie
to
the
text
:
but
they
took
hold
of
that
exposition
,
which
was
best
agreable
to
ther
appetites
,
and
serued
most
fitlie
to
open
them
a
passage
to
libertie
,
(
wich
was
ther
end
and
scope
.
)
And
D.
Whitaker
hym self
,
seing
he
could
not
iustifie
the
words
,
sought
to
defend
the
meaning
therof
,
by
a
deuise
and
sence
of
his
own
making
,
which
he
inspireth
into
the
words
.
But
Luther
excellentlie
expresseth
his
own
meaning
libro
ad
nobilit
atem
Germanie
;
for
as
of
the
Imperial
chamber
at
Spyres
,
he
had
giuen
this
sentenc
,
Tribunal
Camerae
Imperialis
,
ecce
quàm
diabolica
est
meretrix
:
so
hear
he
saith
,
Ferunt
nulium
esse
pulchrius
regimen
,
quam
apud
Turcam
,
qui
tamen
neque
Canonicum
neque
ciuile
ius
habet
,
sed
solum
Alchoranum
.
At
nos
fateri
oportet
nusquam
esse
turpius
regimen
,
quam
apud
nos
per
ius
ciuile
&
Canonicum
.
Now
ballance
and
examin
this
wel
;
end
that
wil
determin
the
controuersie
;
we
accuse
Luther
,
that
he
would
abolish
all
lawes
,
and
that
men
should
be
ruled
onelie
by
the
gospell
,
and
that
vpon
such
his
doctrine
the
paisants
wear
incooraged
to
taik
armes
.
No
saith
maister
whitaker
,
it
was
not
Luthers
meaning
(
for
the
words
he
could
not
denie
)
to
abrogate
the
authoritie
of
lawes
;
but
his
meaning
was
they
ded
not
bynd
the
conscienc
.
Now
what
Luther
meant
,
appeared
by
seuerall
places
before
,
but
now
he
explayneth
all
,
and
leaues
no
dowbt
.
For
heare
he
reiecteth
all
lawes
both
ciuil
and
canon
,
and
setts
this
brand
of
infamie
vpon
them
,
nusquam
turpius
regimen
:
and
ioynes
both
the
lawes
sub
eodem
iugo
,
to
draw
after
the
Alchoran
,
and
come
short
of
that
:
and
so
he
reiecteth
and
disgraceth
the
positiue
and
politick
lawes
of
Germanie
.
For
who
would
obeye
lawes
worse
then
the
Alchoran
?
or
obey
magistrates
,
who
govern
by
them
,
worse
then
the
Bashawes
?
Now
seing
no
man
can
defend
Luthers
words
,
and
the
fruits
and
effects
thereof
(
the
conspiracie
of
the
Bowers
)
being
inexcusable
:
I
may
well
conclude
,
that
Luther
was
much
,
yf
not
most
to
blame
,
for
these
the
first
tumults
of
Germanie
.
But
I
will
yet
maik
that
,
a
litl
more
playne
,
by
the
testimonies
of
learned
writers
.
Hospinian
,
(
in
historia
Sacramentaria
:
)
Iutherus
(
haith
he
)
belli
Germanici
causa
non
leuis
.
O●
ander
centur.
16
p.
16.
Rustici
iuramento
confoederati
seditionem
excitarunt
,
contra
quosdam
proceres
Ecclesiasticos
.
Causam
pretendebant
quasi
Euangelij
doctrinamtueri
,
&c.
and
he
adds
this
,
that
ad
●utheri
iudicium
prouocauerunt
.
(
For
they
ded
altogether
build
vpon
his
grownds
,
and
writings
;
speciallie
the
bull
;
which
no
man
can
defend
by
law
;
how
soever
they
may
cloke
that
,
by
pretenc
of
the
gospell
.
)
How
Erasmus
in
Hyperaspite
,
condemnes
hym
for
that
,
his
words
declare
.
Populus
(
inquit
)
iste
Euangelicus
,
quos
tumultus
excitat
?
quoties
,
quam
leuibus
de
causis
procurrit
ad
arma
▪
nesuis
quidem
Ecclesiasticis
sat
is
obtemperans
,
nisi
dicant
blandia
auribus
.
And
in
an
other
place
.
Excussa
est
obedientia
Episcoporum
,
which
was
onely
Luthers
work
,
)
sed
ita
vt
ne
profanis
quidem
magistratibus
pareatur
.
And
Menno
Simonius
an
Anabaptist
,
libro
de
cruce
Christi
.
Quam
sangumolentas
seditiones
,
Luther
ani
,
ad
comprobandam
doctrinam
suam
,
annis
aliquot
proximis
excitarunt
.
Which
they
alledged
;
aswel
for
the
warr
of
the
Bowers
,
as
for
the
leaguers
of
Smalcald
,
both
which
he
occasioned
.
And
touching
that
obiection
,
that
Luther
ded
write
contra
rusticos
,
and
against
ther
vproares
:
and
preached
obedienc
,
perswaded
them
to
that
:
and
vehementlie
condemned
the
Anabaptists
;
it
is
trew
,
he
ded
so
.
But
it
was
onelie
a
fallacian
,
to
avoyd
the
scandal
:
for
when
he
see
,
they
wear
not
like
to
stand
and
mantain
ther
quarrel
,
he
left
them
in
the
briars
,
though
they
appealed
to
hym
:
and
bycause
at
that
tyme
,
he
was
much
condemned
,
as
a
medium
and
instrument
of
that
sedition
.
And
ther
for
he
reprooued
Pacimontan
(
a
principal
Anabaptist
)
for
diuulging
,
that
he
was
ther
frend
,
and
fauoured
ther
proceadings
:
and
reprehended
them
all
,
as
yf
they
had
transgressed
his
bull
(
ther
commission
)
in
committing
owtrages
against
secular
Princes
and
Magistrates
,
(
though
he
hym self
,
ded
most
seditiouslie
inuaigh
against
them
also
.
)
Neither
can
yow
think
iustlie
,
that
all
(
who
ded
rise
with
Muncer
and
caused
the
tumults
after
)
wear
onelie
Anabaptists
:
for
what
was
Frances
Sicking
,
and
his
fellowers
?
Lutherans
.
What
wear
those
of
Frankfort
,
Mentz
,
and
Coolen
,
Lutherans
.
The
Bowers
also
,
vsed
for
ther
defenc
,
Luthers
Homelies
,
and
sermons
:
they
wear
all
for
reformation
,
and
noueltie
:
all
against
the
Church
of
Roome
,
and
ther
own
Bushops
:
all
for
Libertie
:
and
ther
watchword
,
was
viuat
Euangelium
,
as
yf
it
had
bean
,
a
feald
fough
for
religion
,
and
the
Church
.
And
this
confirms
me
stronglie
against
Luthers
praesumptuons
intention
,
to
abrogate
all
lawes
;
bycause
he
took
vpon
hym
to
enact
new
lawes
in
disgrace
of
the
ou●d
,
as
yf
he
had
bean
the
head
of
the
Church
,
and
Christ
;
vicegerent
.
For
after
he
had
burned
the
Popes
Canons
,
and
abolished
the
Mass
:
he
mayd
a
new
form
of
the
Masse
hym self
;
and
ded
institute
new
ceremonies
propria
authoritate
▪
which
before
he
denied
that
the
Pope
could
doe
.
And
what
was
his
pretenc
?
Libro
de
formula
Missae
,
Coactus
sum
(
saith
he
)
propter
leues
&
fastidiosos
spiritus
,
sc.
his
own
fellowers
,
qui
sola
nouitate
gaudent
,
atque
statim
vt
nouitas
desijt
,
nauseantes
;
alios
Canones
,
aliamque
missandi
formulam
perscribere
.
Of
which
Erasmus
,
gaue
this
opinion
.
Interim
constitutiones
humanae
,
constitutionibus
humanis
(
imo
parum
humanis
)
mutantur
Titul
is
modo
mutatus
est
,
vocantur
enim
verbum
Dei
Luther
,
ded
chaing
and
maik
voyd
the
Constitutions
of
men
,
by
new
constitutions
of
his
own
,
(
which
had
litl
humanitie
in
them
.
)
The
title
onely
was
chainged
,
for
he
gaue
them
the
name
of
Gods
word
.
But
all
this
,
quo
warranto
,
was
it
doon
?
Is
it
tollerable
,
for
Luther
a
priuate
man
,
withowt
anie
euident
authoritie
,
or
express
commission
,
to
disanull
all
lawes
,
and
maik
a
Metamorphosis
of
the
world
,
at
his
pleasure
?
but
his
vocation
,
his
ministerial
power
,
his
iurisdiction
,
was
extraordinarie
:
he
was
sent
,
as
an
Elias
,
to
discover
and
confwnd
Antichrist
.
I
think
in
dead
he
was
sent
,
and
God
permitted
hym
to
visit
his
church
:
as
he
permitted
Satan
to
visit
holie
Iob.
That
so
by
haeresie
and
tyrannie
,
he
might
awake
the
world
,
reuiue
deuotion
,
and
be
a
mean
to
punish
sinn
,
and
purge
ill
humors
,
(
which
could
not
but
a
litl
infect
the
natural
bodies
of
the
visible
church
,
after
so
maine
hundred
yeares
,
of
peace
and
plentie
.
)
It
may
be
,
that
he
fownd
the
lights
in
the
church
burning
some
what
too
dimm
.
Yet
tho
he
ded
snuff
it
,
he
had
no
power
either
to
put
owt
the
candl
,
or
remooue
the
candlstick
.
For
haeresies
doe
oft
geue
fitt
occasions
,
to
stirr
vp
the
churchment
to
more
discipline
:
to
open
and
explain
the
senc
of
scripture
:
and
to
exercise
the
patienc
,
wisedome
,
and
pietie
of
the
Church
.
And
so
Luther
may
be
sayd
to
haue
preserued
religion
,
as
the
Romans
sayd
,
that
Anseres
seruabant
capitolium
.
But
of
Luther
,
and
Elias
,
his
vocation
and
Apostleship
;
I
shall
haue
occasion
much
fitter
,
to
discourse
hearafter
and
to
Canonise
hym
in
a
Calender
more
proper
for
his
holienes
:
being
now
desyrous
to
declare
the
Catastrophe
of
this
miserable
Tragedie
,
he
set
foorth
in
Germanie
,
rather
to
be
lamented
then
discoursed
.
The
former
attempts
,
wear
vndertaken
against
the
cleargie
,
and
the
princes
:
but
I
will
now
relate
,
an
enterprise
against
both
the
Empyre
,
and
the
Emperor
hym self
,
and
by
the
mightiest
princes
of
Almaine
whear
in
Luther
,
was
causa
sine
qua
non
.
Old
Iolm
Frederick
,
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
together
with
the
Lansgraue
of
Hessen
,
and
diuers
others
(
all
protectors
of
Luther
,
and
his
gospell
,
)
first
entred
into
a
league
at
Smalcald
,
(
a
town
in
Henssia
,
vpon
the
fronters
of
Saxonie
)
onelie
for
ther
own
defenc
,
and
the
maintenanc
of
ther
religion
and
liberties
,
(
for
bothe
of
these
ioyntly
ar
now
mayd
the
vsual
cloke
,
of
conspiracies
)
against
all
men
,
that
should
in
vade
,
and
seak
to
persequute
them
.
(
And
in
this
league
weare
comprehended
the
Duke
of
Wirtemberg
and
diuers
Imperiall
tovnes
.
)
The
which
league
,
was
again
renewed
at
Frankfort
;
and
confirmed
with
generall
and
solemn
protestation
,
(
whearupon
there
and
at
Auspurgh
the
name
of
Protestants
,
was
deriued
originallie
.
)
After
that
,
anno
1536.
fearing
least
the
Emperor
should
either
preuent
,
or
circumvent
them
,
they
prepared
to
come
into
the
feald
,
with
a
mightie
armie
whearof
the
yong
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
Iohn
Frederick
,
(
his
father
being
dead
)
and
the
Lansgraue
wear
ganeralls
:
who
resolued
by
armes
to
fynd
right
;
or
to
maik
right
.
The
Duke
of
Wirtemberg
assisted
them
.
The
Imperiall
towns
,
Auspurgh
,
Vlm
,
Strasburgh
,
and
Frankfort
sent
them
ayd
.
The
Count
Palatine
,
leuied
two
hundred
horse
for
them
,
(
but
wiselier
reuoked
them
,
being
on
the
waye
:
)
the
Duke
of
Brunswig
and
his
sonnes
,
the
Duke
of
Lunenburgh
,
the
yong
Marques
of
Baden
,
the
Princ
D'Anhald
,
the
Counts
of
Furstenbergh
and
Mansfeald
,
ioyned
with
them
,
in
person
and
power
.
So
as
the
armie
contayned
abowt
threskore
and
ten
thowsant
men
(
wheareof
ther
was
7700.
horse
,
)
and
112.
Cannons
and
feald
peaces
,
with
infinite
prouision
,
and
almost
the
hope
of
an
assured
victorie
.
The
eyes
of
all
princes
,
wear
fixed
vpon
this
action
:
and
all
Germanie
trembled
,
expecting
the
event
,
and
success
of
this
great
armie
,
(
prepared
to
swallow
vp
the
Emperor
,
who
had
onelie
king
Ferdinand
,
the
Duke
of
Bauier
,
and
the
Duke
of
Cleaue
,
assured
to
hym
:
)
(
for
tho
Duke
Maurice
ded
follow
,
the
Emperor
,
yet
was
he
sonn
in
law
to
the
Landsgraue
,
and
might
be
suspected
also
for
his
religion
.
)
I
will
not
tell
yow
,
a
tedious
tale
and
impertinent
,
the
event
was
this
.
The
emperor
(
for
all
this
huge
preparation
,
)
became
maister
of
the
feald
and
Conqueror
:
the
two
generalls
(
a
rare
accident
)
wear
bothe
taken
prisoners
,
and
ther
armie
defeated
.
The
Duk
of
Saxonie
(
an
honorable
man
)
and
much
pittied
,
had
his
lyfe
giuen
,
and
conniuenc
for
his
religion
.
but
his
impregnable
fort
of
Gotha
was
Demolished
,
The
like
mercie
for
his
leyfe
,
was
showed
to
the
Landsgraue
.
The
Duke
of
Wittenbergh
(
for
two
hundred
thowsand
Duckets
,
)
and
the
Imperial
townes
,
vpon
ther
petition
and
submission
,
by
the
mediation
of
Angels
and
Duckets
,
sollicited
and
mayd
ther
peace
with
the
Emperor
.
And
so
by
the
prouidenc
of
God
,
and
prosperitie
of
Cesar
:
the
Empyre
was
preserued
,
and
keapt
in
statu
quo
prius
:
and
the
Electores
Ecclesiasticall
and
Prelates
,
wear
still
continued
,
and
ther
dignities
mantained
.
Tho
by
all
probabilities
,
it
may
well
be
coniectured
,
that
as
these
great
princes
had
in
ther
own
prouincies
,
extinguished
,
and
buried
,
the
title
,
state
,
and
Iurisdiction
of
Bushops
:
so
yf
they
had
wonn
the
glorie
of
the
daye
,
and
had
bean
conquerors
,
they
wold
haue
vsed
the
same
deformation
in
all
the
empyre
.
Yf
yow
ask
,
how
this
warr
of
the
D.
Bilson
,
in
his
book
of
the
difference
D
Bilsons
opinion
.
betwean
Christian
subiection
an
vnchristian
rebellion
,
to
palliat
the
falt
,
and
excuse
both
Luther
,
and
the
Confaederats
,
affirmeth
that
the
lawyers
of
Germanie
(
but
he
nameth
none
in
particular
)
ded
permit
Resistance
:
coninglie
insinwating
that
the
Lawes
ded
permitt
and
tollerate
the
protestants
to
resist
.
And
secondlie
,
that
the
States
of
Germanie
,
wear
not
absolutelie
subiect
to
the
Emperor
,
but
Conditionallie
.
And
therfor
he
concludes
with
a
quare
,
why
should
not
the
states
of
Germanie
,
enioye
the
same
liberties
,
and
securitie
ther
forefathers
ded
:
and
so
he
concludes
that
,
wheareof
no
man
mayd
quaestion
;
and
is
nothing
,
to
the
matter
in
question
.
The
Deuines
of
Magdeburg
,
held
Osi●●der
Centur
16.
this
opinion
.
That
yf
the
magistrate
passe
the
bownds
of
his
authoritie
,
and
command
things
wicked
and
vnlaw
full
he
may
well
be
resisted
,
and
not
obeyed
.
And
Sleydan
l.
19.
fol.
263.
saith
,
we
But
Philip
Melancthon
,
lib.
Consil
.
Hear
is
a
harmonie
of
fowre
parts
,
and
yet
all
to
mantain
Discords
,
and
impugn
the
magistrates
authoritie
:
and
they
containe
the
substanc
of
the
reasons
,
alledged
by
the
Duke
and
the
Landsgraue
,
both
when
the
league
was
first
mayd
at
Smalcald
;
and
afterward
,
when
they
proclaimed
war
against
the
Emperor
.
Now
yf
yow
examin
wel
these
seuerall
Doctors
opinions
,
yow
shall
fynd
therby
,
that
it
must
first
be
prooued
,
1.
That
Caesar
passed
the
bownds
of
his
authoritie
,
(
or
els
it
is
playne
they
passed
theirs
:
)
2.
Secondlie
that
he
commanded
things
wicked
and
vngodlie
,
and
against
gods
commandement
.
Thirdlie
that
he
went
abowt
to
Destroye
trew
religion
,
and
ther
libertie
;
and
all
these
must
be
doon
,
before
it
be
lawfull
to
taik
armes
and
resisthym
,
(
for
to
resist
onelie
,
is
ther
pretence
.
)
I
wil
first
demand
of
them
this
quaestion
.
When
Caesar
or
the
supreme
magistrate
,
commandeth
anie
thing
to
be
doone
,
(
which
is
not
apparentlie
,
against
the
lawes
of
the
Empyre
,
then
in
force
)
who
is
to
be
Censor
,
whether
Caesar
passeth
the
bownds
of
his
authoritie
?
and
whether
the
things
he
commandeth
be
impious
ar
no
?
They
answer
he
ded
absolutelie
seak
to
ouerthrow
ther
liberties
,
and
trew
religion
,
scilicet
,
Lutheranism
(
which
is
fownded
vpon
the
trew
preaching
of
the
word
,
and
administration
of
the
sacraments
.
)
This
surelie
is
not
a
sufficient
answer
,
ad
idem
and
to
my
question
:
and
yet
I
may
replie
,
that
it
is
,
and
haith
bean
an
old
and
vsual
stratagem
of
Satan
,
to
oppose
religion
against
religion
:
that
so
,
he
might
bring
in
Atheisme
,
and
leaue
vs
no
religion
.
Besides
they
maik
that
ther
principal
argument
,
(
the
presumption
,
of
the●
trew
religion
whearof
Caesar
at
wormes
,
mayd
the
greatest
quaestion
,
and
so
they
infer
ignotum
per
ignotius
.
Add
therfor
to
this
,
that
they
when
they
ded
:
presume
to
establish
a
new
religion
;
ded
passe
them selfs
,
the
bownds
of
ther
authoritie
.
The
world
might
iudge
Caesar
a
verrie
simpl
Prince
,
yf
he
wowld
either
haue
changed
his
religion
or
tollerated
theirs
,
vpon
the
bare
credit
,
of
Luthers
priuate
spirit
and
opinion
,
or
vpon
the
protestation
of
the
Confaederates
.
For
think
yow
them
competent
Iudges
of
the
Cleargie
;
or
to
decyde
what
should
be
receaued
in
the
Empyre
,
for
trew
religion
?
Can
religion
lawfullie
,
and
orderlie
be
changed
,
by
temporal
magistrates
onelie
?
and
when
neither
a
general
counsel
,
nor
a
national
councel
hath
decreed
it
,
nor
anie
Imperial
Dyet
,
haith
established
it
?
May
euer●ie
elector
or
prince
,
frame
for
his
prouinc
by
law
,
a
religion
of
a
new
Cutt
,
withowt
the
consent
of
the
Emperor
and
the
states
?
Geue
me
an
instanc
,
show
a
president
,
when
anie
such
innouation
was
mayd
in
the
Empyre
,
withowt
an
Imperial
Dyet
;
or
els
as
ther
taking
armes
was
withowt
Iustice
,
so
ther
quarrelis
withowt
lawfull
grownd
.
Further
more
,
was
it
lawfull
for
the
Confaederates
,
to
coyne
a
new
religion
and
taik
armes
for
the
defenc
of
that
:
and
was
it
not
more
lawfull
for
the
Emperor
to
fedenc
the
old
receaued
religion
,
and
to
reform
them
?
The
Rustiks
took
armes
vpon
the
same
pretenc
,
for
religion
and
libertie
:
and
yet
the
Confaederates
,
with
ther
own
forces
,
and
with
great
iustice
and
honor
ded
subdew
the
Bowers
.
Why
then
might
not
Caesar
compell
the
leaguers
to
exercise
the
religion
established
,
with
a
Quousquè
,
and
to
obey
the
lawes
not
a
brogated
,
and
keap
the
peac
of
the
common
welth
,
withowt
disturbance
?
For
the
degree
and
dignitie
of
the
persons
:
doth
not
maik
the
same
case
different
.
But
they
obiect
that
Caesar
intended
and
plotted
to
Destroye
them
,
and
ther
liberties
,
for
religion
;
and
ther
for
they
wear
forced
to
taik
armes
.
Weigh
this
well
and
yow
shal
see
it
wanteth
weight
.
It
was
surelie
inexcusable
for
Defendants
,
to
leuie
and
lead
an
armie
into
the
feald
against
Caesar
,
who
was
not
in
the
feald
against
them
,
nor
had
anie
forces
readie
a
long
tyme
after
.
They
marched
to
beseag
the
Emperor
,
and
ded
Driue
hym
to
fortifie
hym self
,
and
come
into
the
feald
with
a
handfull
of
men
;
and
then
with
great
furie
set
vpon
his
camp
,
who
had
much
a
doe
,
to
Defend
hym self
:
far
from
offending
them
.
But
the
Emperor
(
saith
D.
Bilson
)
is
not
to
be
obeyed
by
the
states
,
which
absolute
obedienc
,
for
they
ar
his
subiects
,
but
ex
conditione
.
So
then
he
maketh
Caesar
Emperor
,
but
ex
conditione
.
And
yf
maister
Bilson
meaneth
therby
to
charge
Caesar
(
as
the
Hollanders
ded
the
king
of
Spayne
,
)
with
the
oath
taken
at
his
coronation
,
to
obserue
ther
lawes
,
and
defend
ther
liberties
:
and
so
taik
that
for
a
condition
:
the
like
oath
is
taken
,
by
all
kings
and
princes
Successiue
,
as
wel
as
Electiue
And
yf
yow
haue
deuised
a
trick
to
vnking
them
,
when
yow
think
they
performe
not
punctuallie
,
each
article
of
ther
oaths
:
surelie
yow
then
may
be
iustlie
tearmed
a
most
learned
doctor
,
to
maik
nullities
.
And
yet
I
think
,
yf
anie
man
preach
this
doctrine
at
Powles
Crosle
,
he
haith
great
luck
,
yf
he
answer
not
for
it
,
at
Towre
hill
.
But
I
wil
leaue
skirmishes
,
and
come
to
the
maine
poynt
.
It
may
iustlie
be
affirmed
,
that
Caesar
ded
obserue
the
lawe
:
and
that
the
leaguers
ded
violate
both
the
lawes
,
and
liberties
of
Germanie
.
For
what
prince
so
euer
stands
rectus
in
Curia
,
and
haithe
the
ancient
lawes
to
back
and
warrant
hym
;
must
neads
be
iudged
to
hold
a
better
and
lawfull
plea
,
then
subiects
armed
against
ther
prince
with
priuat
opinions
onelie
,
nouelties
,
and
an
Alchoran
of
ther
own
making
.
But
at
that
tyme
,
by
lawe
,
Caesar
was
bownd
rather
to
banish
and
extirpate
Lutheranisme
,
then
to
tollerate
the
same
:
for
yt
is
manifest
,
that
he
was
obliged
by
the
oath
at
his
Coronation
,
expresslie
and
particularlie
,
to
defend
the
Pope
,
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
the
religion
thereof
.
This
is
a
matter
of
fact
,
and
can
not
be
contradicted
,
as
yowr
own
Coldastus
knoweth
and
acknowledgeth
.
Neither
was
yt
a
new
oath
:
for
the
same
in
effect
was
taken
,
by
Carolus
4.
Otho
3
Otho
1.
and
Carolus
Magnus
,
which
is
a
praescription
,
for
tyme
good
enough
,
and
for
reason
vndisputable
.
And
the
like
profession
,
yow
shall
fynd
to
be
mayd
,
by
the
ancient
reuerend
Emperors
,
Iustinian
,
Theodosius
,
Gratian
,
and
others
bothe
in
the
Code
,
and
Nouel
constitutions
.
So
then
how
could
the
Emperor
either
mantain
or
suffer
anie
other
religion
(
as
authentical
)
then
that
which
he
fownd
established
in
the
Empyre
,
allowed
by
all
his
predecessors
,
warranted
by
so
manie
councels
,
continued
so
manie
generations
,
racified
by
the
diets
,
and
confirmed
by
his
own
oath
.
Yet
bycause
D.
Bilson
averreth
,
that
it
was
consonant
to
the
opinion
of
the
lawyers
of
Germanie
:
examin
whether
,
the
Duke
of
Saxonie
and
the
Landsgraue
when
they
wear
taken
prisoners
,
vsed
anie
such
argument
,
for
ther
excuse
.
No
,
Syrabsolutelie
they
submitted
them selfs
,
and
craued
his
pardon
at
whose
pleasure
they
wear
,
to
stand
or
fall
:
to
die
or
liue
.
There
ill
case
,
could
not
maik
a
good
cawse
ill
:
but
ther
ill
cawse
,
mayd
ther
case
ill
and
stand
in
nead
of
commiseration
.
And
what
a
ridiculous
reason
had
it
bean
for
them
,
to
haue
pleaded
:
that
it
was
lawfull
for
subiects
by
the
sword
to
defend
ther
religion
.
For
yf
it
wear
lawfull
for
the
elector
of
Saxonie
to
taik
armes
of
defenc
of
Luthe
ranisme
,
bycause
he
was
persuaded
,
ther
was
no
other
veritie
,
no
other
religion
infallible
,
but
Luthers
:
why
might
not
the
Count
Palatine
(
with
the
same
pretext
)
taike
armes
for
Caluinism
;
and
a
Halbeistat
for
Epicurisme
,
and
a
Muncer
for
Anabaptisme
?
And
so
by
an
Anarchie
,
vnder
coolor
of
ther
liberties
,
and
the
prerogatine
of
conscience
,
rend
in
peaces
the
Empyre
,
and
open
the
ports
of
Germanie
to
let
in
the
Turck
.
But
to
stopp
the
mouthes
of
school
learned
ignorance
,
I
will
discouer
and
laye
Down
the
fowndation
of
this
great
quarrel
,
and
the
legall
order
and
reason
of
Caesars
procreading
.
Anno
1521.
The
Emperor
hauing
conferred
personallie
with
Luther
at
wormes
:
and
owt
of
his
speciall
grace
and
benignitie
,
hauing
required
the
Archbushop
of
Trier
,
and
the
Elector
of
Brandenburgh
,
to
treat
with
hym
,
and
perswade
Luther
to
conformitie
and
peace
:
and
perceauing
his
obstinacie
,
and
insolencie
,
refusing
to
submitt
hym self
:
and
finding
that
all
his
course
,
his
books
,
and
his
sermons
ded
tend
to
sedition
:
he
mayd
a
Decree
,
with
the
generall
consent
of
the
states
,
not
to
put
hym
to
death
(
such
was
his
mercie
:
)
but
to
banish
hym
owt
of
the
empyre
(
wheatin
he
showed
More
lenitie
,
then
prouidenc
.
)
In
which
imperium
in
imperio
quaerendum
esset
:
(
which
by
Bodines
leaue
,
I
will
maik
appear
to
be
an
error
.
)
But
after
this
Decree
,
the
Duke
of
Saxonie
ded
harbor
Luther
at
Alstat
(
a
town
of
his
own
in
Turingia
,
which
Luther
called
his
Pathmos
,
whear
he
composed
manie
reuelations
and
misteries
:
)
and
there
he
prouided
for
his
rest
and
securitie
,
and
in
the
interim
setled
and
planted
Lutheranism
in
all
his
dominions
)
(
notwithstanding
the
decree
:
and
entered
into
the
league
of
Smalcald
,
for
maintenanc
thereof
.
All
which
actions
,
that
yow
maȳ
vnder
stand
how
directlie
they
ar
against
lawe
,
and
Iustice
:
Let
Andrew
Gayle
deliuer
his
opinion
.
Libro
de
Pace
publica
cap.
10.
§
.
36.
Receptores
Bannitorum
,
perinde
puniantur
,
atque
Banniti
,
Domini
praediorum
tenentur
reos
exhibere
,
and
learned
Brunus
lib.
1.
de
haeres
.
c.
4.
In
excommunicatis
,
qui
bannitis
comparari
solent
,
vnica
receptio
noxia
est
.
Now
Luther
was
both
banished
,
and
excommunicated
.
And
Gayle
in
an
other
place
,
Qui
bannito
Commeatum
&
annonam
suppeditat
,
paena
receptorum
ordinaria
tenetur
.
Per
aduenture
,
yow
may
think
,
that
the
Duke
(
Luthers
Mecenas
)
was
not
tyed
with
in
this
tedder
:
these
lawes
wear
in
force
,
for
meaner
subiects
:
ther
for
that
learned
Gayle
,
shall
maik
his
own
comment
,
lib.
1.
c.
1.
§.
9.
de
Pace
publica
saith
he
,
Conditio
pacis
publicae
,
omnes
omnium
ordinum
status
Imperij
,
maiorum
&
minorum
gentium
;
cuiuscunque
dignitatis
personas
aequè
obligat
,
etsi
contra
Potentiores
sit
promulgata
.
So
as
the
greater
the
person
is
,
the
more
he
is
bownd
to
obey
the
lawe
.
But
the
Duke
not
obeying
the
law
,
and
kowing
that
Caesar
had
oft
written
ovt
of
Spayn
,
to
haue
the
edict
of
wormes
strictlie
executed
:
fearing
Cesars
indignation
,
intred
into
a
league
,
took
armes
,
and
so
ded
aggrauate
both
his
own
,
and
his
fathers
offenc
,
and
thought
them
vnpardonable
.
Yet
after
that
league
,
the
Emperors
Embassador
,
1529.
at
Spyres
,
offred
vnto
the
leaguers
most
aequall
and
moderate
articles
,
viz.
vtrinque
ab
omni
iniuria
,
&
damno
,
&
conuitijs
abstinerent
:
&
quod
transgressores
contrahaec
sint
proscribendi
.
Who
would
not
thing
this
a
reasonnable
offer
,
from
the
supreme
magistrate
,
to
the
inferiors
,
that
stood
in
dainger
of
lawe
?
the
Catholiques
could
never
hope
for
so
much
in
Q.
Elizabeths
tyme
.
Yet
was
this
refuled
and
reiected
.
Again
at
Auspurg
1530.
Caesar
verrie
graciouslie
entertained
the
Duke
,
and
receaued
his
petition
exhibited
,
with
as
much
fauor
and
indifferencie
,
as
he
might
with
his
honor
.
And
there
againe
he
reuiued
his
Embassadors
former
motion
,
that
no
more
innouations
should
be
mayd
:
nor
moe
books
to
be
by
them
published
:
but
that
all
things
,
should
stand
quietlie
and
peacable
,
till
17.
May
next
.
So
much
ded
he
yeald
,
to
them
,
for
desyre
of
peace
,
and
for
the
publick
good
of
Europe
(
the
Turk
hauing
so
latelie
before
beseaged
Vienna
,
and
taken
Rhodes
.
)
Not
with
standing
the
Duke
reiected
the
motion
,
and
much
displeased
the
Emperor
therby
:
(
who
plainlie
replied
,
that
yf
they
obeyed
not
,
they
should
repent
it
.
And
yet
againe
(
tho
thus
prouoked
rather
to
draw
his
sword
)
at
Spyres
,
he
ded
labor
by
perswasion
to
●reuayle
quietlie
with
them
(
but
thither
the
Duke
,
owt
of
I
ealousie
and
feare
,
would
not
come
at
all
)
tho
he
was
summoned
.
By
this
course
yow
may
iudg
how
vnwiling
Caesar
was
,
to
disturb
the
peace
of
the
●mpyre
,
or
to
enter
into
an
offensiue
warr
,
●eaking
to
winn
them
so
oft
,
and
so
graciou●lie
.
So
as
it
was
the
more
inexcusable
,
for
men
that
pretended
onelie
to
defend
●hem
selfs
:
to
reiect
peace
,
when
it
was
offred
:
and
then
to
offend
by
taking
armes
,
before
they
weare
offended
.
If
I
should
relate
the
mallice
and
contempt
they
showed
of
hym
?
yow
might
conceaue
,
that
they
could
never
haue
hoped
,
to
haue
fownd
a
spark
of
mercie
in
his
hart
,
towards
them
.
For
in
all
ther
publick
acts
and
letters
,
●hey
vouchsafed
to
geue
hym
no
other
ti●le
,
then
Charles
of
Gandt
,
vsurping
the
name
of
the
Emperor
:
wherby
they
renounced
all
obedienc
to
hym
,
and
deposed
hym
,
as
farr
as
laye
in
ther
power
(
which
was
an
indignitie
,
which
a
wise
prince
could
●ardlie
swallow
with
patienc
.
)
I
may
not
forget
,
how
the
Landsgraue
ingreat
brauerie
,
both
by
letters
and
messagers
,
assured
the
citties
and
Princes
of
ther
confederation
(
perhaps
therby
,
to
procure
a
larger
contribution
:
)
and
engaged
his
promise
,
that
with
in
thre
months
they
would
force
Charles
to
flie
owt
of
Germanie
,
and
abandon
the
empyre
.
How
then
ded
these
things
coheare
?
That
this
holie
league
was
mayd
onelie
se
defendendo
,
and
to
resist
,
for
ther
law
full
protection
:
and
yet
to
strike
the
first
blow
,
inuade
the
Emperor
,
offend
first
,
and
promise
to
expell
hym
owt
of
Germanie
;
before
he
offered
anie
token
of
hostilie
against
them
,
or
they
had
iust
and
euident
cawse
,
to
march
into
the
feald
.
And
long
before
that
,
they
sollicited
the
kings
of
France
,
England
,
and
Denmark
,
the
Hans
townes
,
and
Swisses
,
to
ioyn
with
them
in
league
against
hym
:
(
whome
they
dishonored
,
and
prouoked
,
with
most
infamous
libells
,
and
vnworthie
aspersions
.
)
France
(
tho
an
enemie
)
noblie
denied
them
.
Denmark
lingred
,
expecting
the
succes
:
king
Harrie
was
not
forwars
,
tho
Cromwel
diligentlie
sollicited
ther
cawse
,
and
promised
them
100.
thowsand
crownes
for
ther
ayd
.
And
at
that
tyme
D.
Thirlebie
Bushop
of
westminster
,
and
Syr
Philip
Hobbie
,
wear
the
kings
Embassadors
with
the
Emperor
;
and
wear
wituesses
and
spectators
of
the
whole
Tragedie
.
Lastlie
to
disprooue
these
there
proceadings
by
lawe
:
Remember
first
the
decree
at
Wormes
:
read
the
edict
of
Maximilian
the
1.
anno
1495.
and
1500.
the
words
ar
these
.
Consentientibus
stautum
&
ordinum
imperij
votis
,
necessarium
de
pace
publica
constitutionem
,
landifrieden
promu●garunt
:
quapacem
publicam
,
armata
manu
violantibus
,
p●na
proscriptionis
,
(
quam
bannum
imperiale
appellamus
)
irrogatur
:
Scil
vitae
,
necisque
.
And
to
explain
that
,
A.
Gayl
l.
1.
c.
14.
de
Pace
publica
.
Omnia
bella
(
in
quit
)
quae
in●●●su
summi
principis
Imperatoris
,
puta
,
vel
sine
eius
licentia
geritur
,
priuata
quadam
vindicia
,
in
iusta
sunt
.
And
afterward
,
cap.
5.
he
puts
bothe
Sleydan
,
Bilson
,
and
the
and
by
law
,
ouerthrowers
all
ther
foundations
.
In
crimen
lesae
maiestat
is
incidit
,
qui
bellum
in
imperio
sine
Caesaris
licentia
mouet
:
quia
vsurpat
sibi
ea
,
quae
sunt
solins
principis
,
&
mouere
bellum
ad
solum
imperatorem
pertinet
.
So
also
Goldastusl
.
1.
tit.
190.
cites
this
ancient
law
,
Nemo
intra
imperis
fines
,
suis
alienisueditionibus
,
militem
sollicito
,
nise
de
voluntate
ducis
isius
circuli
,
caeueatque
fide
iussione
statuum
,
nihil
se
,
in
Caesarem
,
principes
,
subditos
,
&
clientes
Impers
moliturum
.
And
in
tomo
2.
he
produceth
a
decree
of
Ludouicus
Pius
,
against
the
king
of
the
Romans
,
and
his
confaederates
,
guiltie
of
high
treason
,
for
attempting
against
the
Emperor
(
wherby
the
king
was
iudged
to
loose
his
head
.
)
The
like
ded
Henrie
the
first
,
against
Arnulphus
Duke
of
Bauier
,
who
had
rebelled
against
hym
.
And
Otho
the
1.
ded
asmuch
,
against
Ludolphus
king
of
the
Romans
.
I
will
conclude
all
with
one
exemble
,
late
,
memorable
,
and
to
our
purpose
.
Maximilian
the
1.
ded
forbed
all
subiects
of
the
empyre
,
to
geue
ayd
to
the
french
king
in
his
warrs
.
Emicho
,
Earl
of
Lingen
in
contempt
of
the
edict
,
went
into
France
,
and
tooke
paye
of
the
french
king
for
hym
and
his
companies
.
The
Emperor
being
aduertised
thereof
,
proclaymed
hym
traytor
,
gaue
the
spoyle
of
his
howse
,
and
confiscation
of
his
lands
to
the
princes
of
the
empire
,
irrecouerablie
.
Now
yf
Maximilian
,
might
thus
punish
Emicho
by
law
,
for
going
to
ayd
France
,
contrarie
to
his
proclamation
:
what
might
he
haue
downe
,
yf
he
had
taken
armes
against
hym self
,
(
as
the
confaederats
ded
against
Charles
.
)
And
for
the
Imperiall
townes
,
ther
fault
was
most
grosse
,
and
deserued
most
punishment
.
for
Ciuium
Imperalium
,
solum
Imperator
Dominus
est
,
non
magistratus
municipalis
.
And
touching
ther
liberties
,
ans
freedome
,
Gayle
sayd
trewlie
and
iudiciouslie
,
Germanicae
libertatis
iniqua
est
iactatio
,
against
the
Emperor
.
So
then
I
refer
it
to
the
Iudgment
,
of
anie
vnpartial
Iudg
,
whether
the
action
,
and
proceading
,
of
these
two
noble
and
greate
persons
,
for
ther
religion
,
and
defenc
of
Lutheranisme
,
weare
warrantable
by
lawe
,
or
no
:
and
speciallie
,
being
directlie
against
the
Emperor
,
and
the
religion
established
in
the
Empyre
.
And
concerning
Luther
hym self
:
bycause
he
was
the
primum
mobile
,
of
all
these
motions
,
in
that
Orbe
:
and
the
malus
genius
,
that
inspired
the
people
and
conducted
and
directed
all
;
and
for
the
defenc
of
whose
doctrine
,
all
these
swords
wear
drawen
:
cann
yow
think
,
yf
the
Princes
wear
faultie
,
that
he
is
free
and
innocent
?
Yf
the
flock
ded
err
,
that
the
shephard
was
not
to
blame
?
I
omitt
to
charg
hym
with
small
falts
,
as
with
publishing
vntruthe
to
defame
Caesar
:
Wormaciam
ingressus
sum
,
etiam
cum
scirem
mihi
violatam
a
Caesare
,
fidem
publicam
.
A
fable
,
and
fiction
.
I
omitt
that
scandalous
sentenc
,
in
hatred
and
contempt
of
the
empyre
,
Nouum
imperium
erexit
Papa
,
transferens
id
à
Graecis
ad
Romanos
,
quod
inter
caetera
opera
Antichristi
,
vel
principale
,
vel
maximum
portentum
est
.
(
As
yf
the
empyre
,
wear
a
new
building
framed
by
Antichrist
,
and
the
sacred
Imperial
crown
,
wear
as
odious
and
irreligions
,
as
the
Turbant
of
Soliman
.
)
I
will
recapitulate
nothing
of
his
misdemeanors
which
,
I
haue
alledged
before
,
towards
the
Emperor
and
Princes
:
I
will
not
accuse
hym
for
vsurping
the
regalities
of
Caesar
,
and
for
making
and
publishing
politick
Lawes
De
communi
fisco
,
(
one
of
the
greatest
marks
of
sooueraintie
:
)
and
how
the
reuennues
of
the
church
should
be
employed
,
when
the
Abbeies
wear
pulled
downe
,
(
though
that
proiect
wear
as
good
,
as
an
exhortation
to
ruine
and
pull
them
downe
.
)
1.
Onelie
I
will
lay
to
his
charge
,
first
that
he
counselled
the
Princes
to
taik
armes
,
and
resist
Caesar
(
seing
the
extremitie
,
and
that
religion
could
not
be
otherwise
defended
.
)
The
which
Sleydan
hym self
confesseth
to
be
trew
,
and
ther
for
neads
no
other
proose
.
2.
Secondlie
,
his
endeauor
,
perswasion
,
and
conspiracie
,
to
suppresse
the
Ecclesiasticall
Electors
,
subuert
ther
estate
,
and
so
consequentlie
,
to
overthrow
the
Aurea
Bulla
(
which
is
a
fundamentall
lawe
in
the
empyre
:
)
was
directlie
either
an
action
of
treason
,
or
in
the
highest
degree
of
sedition
.
For
seing
the
thre
Ecclesiasticall
Electors
(
the
thre
Chancelors
of
the
Empyre
)
ar
immediatelie
subiect
to
the
Emperor
,
in
respect
of
ther
regalities
,
so
as
ther
is
no
appeal
from
them
to
the
Pope
,
but
to
the
Emperor
,
and
Spyres
:
Luther
contriuing
to
ruine
them
,
purposed
to
pull
the
fayrest
flowre
owt
of
the
imperial
crowne
.
Besides
he
could
not
suppresse
them
,
but
he
must
likewise
overthrow
with
them
,
all
the
grownds
of
ther
title
and
clayme
:
and
so
should
he
also
for
companie
,
abrogate
all
the
authoritie
of
the
temporall
Electors
,
(
who
haue
no
other
charter
to
plead
,
then
the
Ecclesiasticals
haue
:
)
and
so
should
maister
Whitakers
,
then
haue
sean
that
(
which
he
would
not
beleaue
that
Luther
had
rent
in
peaces
,
all
the
whole
state
,
lawes
,
and
maiestie
of
the
empyre
.
3.
And
now
I
will
end
with
an
intollerable
trespass
,
recited
by
Cochlaeus
in
Miscellaneis
.
Either
Luther
,
(
which
by
his
style
is
likest
)
or
a
Lutheran
(
which
is
aequiualent
)
thus
confidentlie
writeth
,
after
the
league
of
Smalcald
was
concluded
.
Atque
vt
ora
cis
obturem
,
ex
iure
ipsorum
seculari
:
Papa
&
Caesar
,
non
nati
,
sed
electi
sunt
principes
,
&
qui
possunt
deponi
,
id
quod
propter
eorum
male
facta
sepe
factum
est
,
&c.
And
shortly
after
,
an
non
sunt
in
memoria
hominum
,
reges
&
Caesares
,
etiam
hoc
modo
,
a
suis
subditis
expulsi
?
And
then
he
logicallie
inferreth
,
Hunc
ergo
exactorem
(
meaning
Caesar
)
hunc
Moab
,
Phalarim
,
Neronem
,
sedibu●
deturbare
,
summum
beneplacitum
est
Deo
.
May
not
I
now
iustlie
conclude
,
that
both
the
Doctor
and
the
Doctrin
ar
seditious
?
For
as
his
cawse
,
was
not
manifestlie
good
in
se
,
nor
quoad
nos
,
and
to
our
vnder
standing
(
and
surelie
it
is
requisite
that
so
great
an
innouation
,
should
be
evidentlie
demonstrated
,
)
before
it
be
receaued
and
publicklie
approoued
;
so
was
his
course
most
irregular
and
turbulent
,
neither
regarding
lawes
,
nor
reuerencing
and
obeying
princes
.
Now
yf
the
Ancients
and
statesmen
,
well
prouided
,
for
the
direction
and
managing
of
temporall
affayres
,
that
the
priuate
iudgment
of
Solon
Licurgus
,
or
Cato
is
but
held
as
opinion
,
till
by
parliement
it
be
enacted
for
a
law
:
à
fortiore
,
how
can
yow
hold
it
fitt
,
that
in
matters
touching
the
sowle
and
saluation
,
the
priuate
opinion
of
Luther
should
be
reuerenced
and
receaued
as
an
Oracle
,
before
it
be
decreed
either
by
Councel
or
Synode
?
And
therfor
,
by
the
lawe
of
nations
,
and
reason
of
state
,
Mecaenas
gaue
this
wise
counsel
to
Augustus
,
as
an
axiome
contra
Nouatores
,
as
Dyon
recordeth
.
Libro
52.
Eos
qui
in
Diuinis
aliquid
innouant
,
od●o
habe
&
coerce
:
non
deorum
solum
causa
(
quos
tamen
qui
contemnit
,
nec
sane
aliud
quidquam
magni
fecerit
:
sed
quia
noua
quaedam
numina
i●
tales
introducentes
,
multos
impellunt
ad
mutationes
rerum
.
Vnde
coniurationes
,
seditiones
,
conciliabula
,
(
res
profecto
minimum
conducibilis
principatui
.
)
And
surelie
by
such
innouation
ded
Luther
insinuate
hym self
into
the
fauor
of
the
princes
,
and
therby
cast
the
whole
empyre
into
such
conulsions
;
as
it
will
hardlie
ever
recouer
the
former
strenth
and
vigor
.
But
I
will
end
this
matter
fayrelie
,
and
condemn
hym
by
his
own
mouthe
,
and
by
the
sentenc
he
pronounced
hym self
in
the
like
case
,
against
the
Sacramentaries
and
Anabaptists
,
(
for
some
tymes
this
mad
doctor
,
had
lucida
internalla
,
and
could
discern
reason
.
)
tom
.
3.
Wittenber
.
fol.
488.
Enarrat
.
in
psal.
82.
saith
he
.
Neque
is
(
se
sectarius
)
in
quem
animaduertitur
,
per
magistratum
,
cogitur
ad
fidem
&c.
Sed
prohibetur
&
opprimitur
impia
doctrina
,
qua
illum
,
in
caeti●
existens
Christiano
,
contra
Deum
&
doctrinam
Christianam
blasphemat
,
in
summam
perniciem
Christianae
religionis
.
●at
alias
,
quouis
gentium
,
vbinon
sunt
Christiani
,
ibi
effundat
sup●entiam
suam
.
Nam
vt
sepe
dixt
,
qui
in
aliqua
ciuitate
viuere
Nam
tales
generales
articuli
,
recepti
in
tota
Ecclesia
satis
auditi
,
satis
sunt
approbati
.
satis
fir●ati
per
scripturam
,
per
miracula
,
per
sanguinem
martyrum
,
per
scripta
&
confessionem
totius
Eccles●ae
.
Nec
vl●o
modo
ferendus
est
vllus
sapien●ulus
,
qui
illos
reuocare
velit
in
dubium
&c.
&
pag.
489.
St
T.
Munceri
audaciae
,
&
Carolostadij
conatibus
cito
esset
itum
obuiam
,
tunc
cum
in
alienis
Ecclesi●s
&
domibus
,
clanculum
,
&
sine
vocatione
spargebant
sua
dogmata
,
minus
publicarum
calamitatum
vidissemus
.
Now
applie
these
,
to
his
own
course
,
and
his
own
doctrine
:
and
he
must
neads
perish
by
his
own
breath
;
and
by
his
own
verdit
against
his
antagonists
,
he
doth
draw
an
enditement
against
hym self
,
against
Muncer
,
against
the
Princes
,
and
against
all
those
that
taik
armes
for
religion
against
ther
soouerain
Lords
.
TITVLVS
SECVNDVS
OF
CALVINISM
.
I
Will
heare
leaue
Germanie
,
and
launch
For
the
description
of
the
lyfe
and
conversation
of
Caluin
;
of
his
nature
,
behauiour
,
delicacie
of
diet
,
and
physical
epicurisme
:
I
referr
yow
to
one
,
that
sat
long
by
hym
to
draw
his
picture
,
Viuis
coloribus
,
Doctor
Hierome
Bols●k
one
that
was
vsed
to
feale
his
pulse
,
and
know
his
humors
.
)
A
man
not
hyred
,
nor
corrupted
to
doe
that
(
as
some
withowt
producing
anie
proofe
haue
affirmed
,
and
●o
withowt
credit
may
as
well
be
reiected
.
)
Speciallie
considering
,
that
Frances
Baldwin
concurreth
with
hym
,
both
in
the
portraicture
and
coolors
:
who
was
a
famous
lawyer
,
one
that
liued
with
Caluin
,
and
knew
what
blood
was
noorished
in
euerie
vayne
of
his
bodie
.
The
like
was
doone
by
Florimond
de
Remond
,
a
gentlman
of
qualitie
,
Claudius
de
Saincts
,
and
diuers
others
who
haue
left
vs
the
liuelie
image
of
Caluin
,
and
of
fine
maister
Theodore
Beza
,
who
succeaded
hym
in
his
chayre
and
iurisdiction
,
like
a
vertuous
man
:
a
pastor
vsurping
an
other
mans
parish
,
and
the
husband
of
an
other
mans
wyfe
:
euer
further
in
loue
then
charitie
,
and
of
better
disposition
to
show
witt
,
then
pietie
.
And
as
I
will
not
medl
with
ther
vertues
and
liues
:
so
wil
I
leaue
to
the
more
learned
there
schoolpoynts
and
doctrine
,
intending
onelie
to
deliuer
ther
seditious
paradoxes
,
and
demonstrate
to
the
world
,
how
much
both
ther
r●fyned
discipline
and
doctrine
doth
derogate
from
Royaltie
,
and
the
soouerain
authoritie
of
kings
and
princes
:
and
how
much
it
is
more
fau●rable
to
democracie
and
popularitie
,
as
more
consonant
to
the
aduancement
of
there
confisiorie
and
eldorship
(
wherby
they
haue
wrought
much
confusion
,
sedition
and
mischeafe
.
)
I
will
beginn
with
Caluin
,
who
goeth
slilie
to
work
,
and
by
certan
degrees
;
and
not
so
bluntlie
,
and
rudelie
as
Luther
.
1.
First
he
labors
to
commend
Aristocratia
,
and
abase
Monarchies
:
(
onelie
and
secretlie
to
preferr
the
reputation
of
his
Consistorie
and
Sanhedrim
)
l.
4.
Cap.
20.
v.
10.
of
his
instit
.
non
id
quidem
per
se
sed
hominum
vit●o
And
what
is
his
reason
?
quia
raris●me
contingit
reges
sibt
moderari
:
deinde
tanto
a●umine
&
prudentia
instructos
esse
,
vt
vnusquisque
videat
quantum
satis
est
.
So
he
maiks
yt
,
daintie
,
to
fynd
a
wise
and
temperate
king
,
and
therfor
he
concludeth
,
facit
ergo
hominum
def●ctus
,
vt
●u●ius
●it
ac
magis
tollerabile
,
plures
tenere
guberna●ula
Sc.
the
defects
of
Princes
is
the
reason
,
that
I
hold
it
it
more
safe
,
and
more
tollerable
,
for
manie
ioyntlie
,
th●n
for
one
absolutelie
to
gouern
and
command
.
Atque
vt
libenter
fatear
,
nul●um
esse
gubernationis
genus
is●o
faelicius
.
For
when
manie
govern
,
one
supplies
the
defects
of
an
other
,
both
in
counsell
and
iustice
.
Thus
with
a
politick
reason
,
he
Doth
insinuate
hym self
into
the
harts
of
the
people
,
to
plaine
his
way
to
the
discipline
he
propounded
.
Yow
may
err
in
thinking
this
a
trifle
,
and
a
scoolpoint
:
for
he
applyed
it
to
a
further
end
.
After
the
Geueuians
had
eiected
ther
Bushop
,
who
had
the
supremacie
in
that
state
,
as
his
predecessors
had
long
enioyde
it
,
sinc
Frederic
the
first
:
then
as
Bodin
noteth
,
ther
Monarchie
was
chainged
into
a
popular
state
yet
gouerned
Aristocratice
:
)
and
therfor
Caluin
confirmeth
the
peopl
in
that
opinion
,
and
geueth
reasons
to
aprooue
that
act
,
which
was
the
first
fruits
of
the
gospel
in
that
cittie
.
2.
Hauing
giuen
this
blow
to
a
monarchie
,
(
he
forgets
he
was
born
at
Noyon
,
and
thinks
hym self
safe
at
Geneua
)
to
preuent
that
yow
might
not
obiect
,
that
Princes
haue
alwaies
graue
and
wise
counsellors
to
aduise
and
inspyre
them
;
and
yf
they
be
weak
them selfs
,
to
supplie
ther
defects
He
giueth
this
resolution
,
cap.
11.
v.
26.
vpon
Daniel
.
Kings
maick
choyce
of
such
men
for
ther
counsellors
,
as
can
best
fitt
ther
humors
,
and
accommodate
them
sells
to
serue
the
appetites
of
ther
king
,
scilicet
,
in
Creweltie
,
and
fallacians
.
So
he
maiks
them
rather
worse
then
better
,
by
hauing
counsellors
,
and
stayneth
the
honor
and
reputation
of
a
counsellor
with
a
bleamish
and
scandal
intollerable
,
as
yf
kings
wear
neither
better
nor
wiser
by
ther
counsell
tables
.
3.
But
yet
he
goeth
on
a
degree
further
,
for
before
he
gaue
the
precedenc
,
by
way
of
comparison
,
to
Aristocratia
,
but
now
he
both
discrediteth
and
disgraceth
Monarchies
and
Monarchs
.
cap.
2.
v.
39.
vpon
Daniel
.
They
ar
(
saith
he
)
owt
of
ther
wits
,
quite
voyd
of
sence
and
vnderstanding
,
who
desyre
to
liue
in
soouerain
Monarchies
.
For
ir
can
not
be
,
but
that
order
and
pollicie
shall
decay
,
whear
one
man
holds
,
so
large
an
extent
of
Dominion
.
4.
And
to
maik
this
bad
proposition
seame
good
,
cap
5.
v.
25.
Kings
(
saith
he
)
forget
they
ar
men
,
that
is
of
the
same
mould
,
that
others
arr.
They
ar
called
kings
and
Dukes
Dei
gratia
.
To
what
end
serue
these
words
?
to
show
by
ther
title
,
that
they
acknowledg
no
superior
.
And
yet
will
they
tread
vpon
God
with
ther
feate
,
vnder
that
cloke
.
So
it
is
but
an
abuse
and
disguisement
,
when
they
vaunt
that
they
raign
Dei
gratia
.
Is
not
this
excellent
doctrine
to
be
preached
in
a
Monarchie
?
and
a
fyne
Deskant
,
vpon
Deigratia
?
Yet
he
goeth
an
further
.
c.
5.
v.
21.
Kings
maik
ther
boast
that
they
raign
Deigratia
,
yet
they
dispise
the
Maiestie
of
God
.
Voila
,
quelle
est
la
rage
&
forcenerie
de
tous
Rois.
Hear
is
no
exception
but
a
generall
accusation
:
and
to
maik
that
good
,
he
addeth
this
strenth
to
it
,
It
is
common
and
ordinaire
to
all
kings
,
to
exclude
God
from
the
government
of
the
world
.
Consider
wel
that
Caluin
writt
this
,
not
as
a
Politician
but
as
a
Deuine
,
and
in
his
prime
and
maister
peace
,
his
institutions
:
he
deliuers
these
daingerous
positions
in
his
sermon
,
to
the
people
,
and
in
his
readings
vpon
Daniel
,
not
in
priuat
discourses
:
and
as
matters
of
discipline
and
doct●ine
to
be
generallie
beleaued
:
and
so
making
a
course
against
Nabugad
nezzar
,
he
run
;
the
wild
goose
chace
against
all
kings
,
and
that
rather
owt
of
Maman
,
then
owt
of
his
text
.
For
to
what
end
and
pupose
tend
these
speaches
so
scandalous
,
and
derogatoire
to
princes
?
certanlie
,
to
disgrace
scepters
and
sooueraines
,
both
for
follie
and
impietie
.
And
bycause
yow
shall
see
how
well
Caluin
and
Luther
doe
symbolise
in
this
poynt
,
that
they
speak
one
language
,
and
both
weare
like
coolors
,
and
the
same
fashion
.
I
will
deliuer
vnto
yow
how
Luthers
opinion
of
thes
poynts
,
agreeth
with
Caluins
,
These
knaues
,
of
the
nobilitie
,
tyrants
,
tom.
7.
fol.
441.
Nebulones
isti
ex
nobilitate
,
tyranni
,
&c.
qui
inducunt
animum
,
ideo
Deum
nobis
euangelium
dedisse
,
eosque
ex
carcere
ponti●icio
expediuisse
,
vt
possent
ipsi
auaritiae
suae
litare
.
And
in
epistolis
fol.
350.
Principem
esse
,
&
non
ex
aliqua
parte
latronem
esse
,
aut
non
,
aut
vix
possibile
est
,
a
Prince
can
not
be
,
but
a
robber
,
and
oppressor
,
&
tom.
3.
fol.
325.
Non
est
Principis
esse
Christianum
,
paucos
esse
Christianos
oportet
.
And
tom.
6.
fol.
143.
in
psalm
101.
Mirum
non
est
seculares
Reges
,
Dei
hostes
esse
,
eiusque
verbum
hostiliter
persequi
.
Hoc
●psis
à
natura
est
insitum
haec
eorum
proprietas
.
whear
it
is
worthie
to
be
obserued
,
latin
.
fol
459
in
psal
.
45.
Aulae
principum
,
verè
possunt
dici
,
sedes
&
thronus
diaboli
,
vbi
tot
sunt
diaboli
,
quot
ferè
aulici
.
For
such
as
the
king
is
,
such
is
the
court
like
to
be
:
and
yf
the
courts
be
the
thrones
,
kings
must
be
the
Deuels
.
Tom.
2.
fol
81.
De
seculari
magistratu
.
Principes
flagitiosissiminebulones
.
The
reason
he
giueth
,
is
this
.
Sunt
enim
Dei
lictore●
,
&
carnifices
,
quibus
ira
diuina
ad
puniendos
improbos
,
&
ad
conseruandam
externam
pacem
vtisolet
,
&
fol.
190.
Nullum
nequè
tus
,
nequè
fidem
,
nequè
veritatem
apud
principes
seculares
reperiri
licet
.
And
then
yf
kings
and
princes
haue
neither
honestie
,
truthe
nor
Iustice
,
Quid
ego
principes
doceam
.
&
huiusmodi
porcis
scribam
why
should
I
write
,
and
instruct
such
porck
tom
3
fol.
149.
Who
can
not
discern
how
these
two
holie
men
iumped
in
vnitie
,
as
led
with
the
same
spirit
;
(
ayming
bot-at
one
end
,
which
is
to
noorish
a
deadlie
feud
in
all
mens
mynds
,
against
kings
and
crownes
,
that
will
not
subscribe
,
to
ther
superintendencie
,
and
Caluins
Institutions
.
And
that
yow
might
more
euidentlie
discern
that
,
read
c.
6.
v.
25.
vpon
Daniel
.
Saith
he
Darias
by
his
exampl
will
condemn
all
those
▪
who
at
this
day
profess
them selfs
,
either
Catholik
kings
,
or
Christian
kings
,
or
defendors
of
the
faith
:
and
yet
not
onely
,
they
doe
deface
and
burie
altrew
pietie
and
religion
,
but
they
corrup
and
depraue
the
whole
worship
of
God
.
Hear
is
in
dead
work
,
for
the
Cowper
;
not
by
a
Marprelat
,
but
by
a
Marprince
.
The
most
Christian
king
must
be
again
new
Catechised
and
learn
a
new
Christian
Credo
Hear
is
a
new
portraicture
of
a
reformed
Catholik
,
drawen
for
the
instruction
of
the
most
Catholik
king
;
and
a
new
priuate
spirit
,
to
direct
the
Catholik
.
The
defendor
of
the
faith
,
bycaus
he
erreth
in
his
faith
;
not
hauing
a
sauing
and
iustifi●ng
faith
;
must
haue
a
new
faith
created
,
and
inspiret
into
hym
,
by
this
great
Prophet
And
so
by
this
new
model
,
all
the
old
religion
in
the
church
,
and
all
the
lawes
in
the
state
concerning
it
,
must
be
abolished
.
Thus
presumed
Caluin
,
to
reform
kings
and
government
,
and
to
build
a
new
ark
,
to
saue
and
preserue
the
world
,
from
an
inundation
of
impietie
,
ignoranc
,
and
irreligion
;
of
whome
I
may
trewlie
say
,
plus
quam
regnare
videtur
,
cui
ita
liceat
censuram
agere
regnantium
.
But
of
this
,
I
shall
more
pertinentlie
speak
in
the
appendix
.
In
the
interim
.
Can
a
man
sow
more
seditious
seads
,
yf
he
would
seak
to
Cantonize
a
kingdome
,
into
seuerall
circles
,
as
they
haue
doon
ther
french
church
?
Yet
shall
yow
heare
hym
preach
,
more
like
a
Swisser
;
and
Lutheranize
,
with
the
proper
spirit
of
Luther
.
cap.
6.
v.
3.
4
he
toucheth
kings
to
the
quick
;
and
describes
,
what
kynd
of
beasts
they
ar
,
at
this
tyme
.
Les
Rois
sont
presque
tous
hebetez
,
&
brutaux
:
aussi
semblablement
,
sont-ils
comme
les
cheuaux
,
&
les
asnes
de
bestes
brutes
.
And
he
giueth
this
reason
;
bycause
they
honor
and
preferr
most
,
ther
Bawdes
,
and
ther
vices
.
What
a
seditious
declamation
is
this
,
against
the
title
,
and
maiestie
of
Gods
anointed
?
Mark
the
age
,
and
tyme
,
when
Caluin
writ
this
book
:
and
note
in
that
age
what
renoumed
kings
,
France
had
:
Lewes
12.
Frances
the
1.
and
Henry
the
2.
what
maiestie
wisedom
and
magnificenc
wear
in
the
emperor
Maximilian
and
Charles
?
what
state
in
Henry
8.
of
England
,
what
hope
in
Edward
,
what
vertue
in
Marie
for
Scotland
,
Iames
the
5.
raigned
,
and
two
such
Maries
,
as
at
worthie
to
be
Canonized
.
And
for
Castill
and
Portugal
,
there
kings
never
floorished
more
,
for
government
,
greatnes
,
encreas
of
state
,
discoueries
of
a
new
world
,
peac
,
and
plentie
.
Then
what
was
his
meaning
,
to
affirm
that
almost
all
kings
wear
so
stupid
,
and
brutish
?
Surelie
to
bread
and
noorish
,
a
contempt
of
hings
;
and
to
induce
the
people
,
that
liue
in
free
states
,
to
despise
and
hate
them
;
and
conninglie
to
seduce
them
that
liue
in
kingdomes
,
to
be
sorie
for
ther
yoke
and
seruitude
:
to
shake
of
ther
fetters
,
and
purchase
ther
libertie
(
Speciallie
for
religion
)
.
for
at
that
he
aymed
most
(
the
propagation
of
his
doctrine
)
:
and
he
knew
,
well
,
that
in
popular
estates
he
might
preuayle
stronglier
,
and
with
bette
hope
of
success
,
for
all
his
religion
is
popularitie
,
and
pleasing
,
)
and
as
Swinglius
fownd
he
could
not
induce
Frances
the
first
,
to
applaude
hym
:
So
by
the
exampl
of
Henry
the
second
,
Caluin
ded
perceaue
that
kings
,
and
Deigratia
,
wear
blocks
in
his
waye
.
And
therfor
to
remooue
them
,
that
they
might
not
empeach
the
course
and
current
of
his
preachings
,
and
proceading
C.
6.
v.
22.
he
speaks
in
a
tune
full
of
sharpes
,
and
menaces
.
Abdicant
se
potestate
,
terreni
principes
,
dum
insurgunt
contra
Deum
:
imo
indigni
sunt
,
qui
cons●antur●●
hominum
numero
.
Potius
ergo
conspuere
oportet
,
in
illorum
capita
,
quam
il●is
parere
,
vbi
sic
proteruiunt
vt
vel●nt
sp●liare
Deum
●uo
●●re
.
What
a
learned
homelie
is
this
,
to
teach
subiects
obedienc
?
Ioyne
all
these
good
instructions
together
,
and
so
shall
yow
best
interpret
and
explain
one
by
an
other
.
D.
Bilson
in
his
book
of
Christian
subiection
,
taketh
paynes
to
expownd
and
wrest
Caluins
words
;
and
to
saue
his
credit
,
sets
the
berst
coolors
on
them
he
could
.
I.
Caluin
(
saith
he
)
in
this
place
,
Speaks
not
a
word
of
depriuing
princes
,
or
resisting
them
with
armes
:
but
onelie
showeth
,
that
Daniel
ded
rightlie
defend
hym self
,
for
not
obeying
the
kings
wicked
edict
,
ioyned
with
the
dishonor
of
god
Secondly
by
Abdicant
se
,
he
meanes
not
they
loos
ther
crownes
,
but
that
they
loose
ther
power
,
to
command
in
thes
things
:
but
in
lawfull
things
,
they
retain
ther
power
.
3.
For
the
phrase
conspuerè
,
it
seams
something
hard
;
yet
the
comparison
so
standing
as
he
maiks
it
(
whether
it
wear
better
,
to
contemn
ther
impious
edicts
,
or
to
obey
them
:
)
Caluin
vrgeth
it
in
vehement
wordes
.
And
this
is
farr
from
Rebellion
.
An
other
excuseth
it
,
that
it
was
spoken
comparatiue
,
not
rebelliouslie
:
that
is
yf
the
king
should
contradict
Gods
law
.
A
poor
shift
:
but
he
sets
not
down
,
who
should
be
iudg
of
that
,
betwean
God
and
the
king
.
And
so
it
is
nihil
ad
rem
.
I
answer
to
the
first
,
it
is
idle
and
impertinent
:
what
yf
he
vse
not
these
words
of
depriuation
and
resistanc
?
(
for
then
had
he
erred
too
palpablie
:
)
ar
therfor
the
other
words
he
vseth
,
excusable
?
For
Daniels
right
full
defenc
,
it
is
not
pertinent
to
the
quaestion
,
D.
Allen
mayd
.
Besides
what
,
was
Daniels
defenc
,
what
arms
took
he
?
All
with
owt
contemps
of
the
king
:
humilitie
prayer
,
and
patienc
.
Not
after
the
Geneua
fashion
so
brauelie
,
as
to
spitt
in
Nabugodonosors
face
;
nor
alledging
that
he
was
not
worthie
to
liue
emong
men
.
And
for
the
second
,
by
(
abdicantse
)
what
meanes
he
,
that
kings
doe
loose
?
not
ther
Crownes
,
but
onely
power
to
command
.
let
vs
speak
plaine
English
,
withowt
halting
.
Yow
confess
,
the
king
looseth
his
authoritie
and
soouerain
power
,
to
command
(
and
yow
add
obscurlie
in
thes
things
.
)
Yow
mean
,
in
matters
of
religion
,
for
so
it
is
to
be
vnderstood
,
tho
yow
cast
a
cloke
over
the
words
,
and
cover
the
matter
.
Then
I
,
desyre
to
know
,
what
is
a
kings
crown
withowt
power
to
command
?
He
that
teacheth
,
they
loose
ther
royall
power
,
dothe
he
not
mean
,
they
forfeit
it
?
and
yf
they
doe
forfeit
it
,
who
is
tho
challeng
and
taik
the
forfeiture
,
of
a
crown
?
but
by
such
lectures
,
doth
not
Caluin
stirr
vp
and
arme
against
the
king
his
trayterous
subiects
,
yf
they
reuolt
from
ther
obedienc
,
for
religion
?
Is
not
that
,
the
grownd
of
all
the
combustion
,
and
ciuill
warrs
in
France
?
Yea
,
but
in
other
things
lawful
,
(
yow
say
)
kings
retaine
ther
power
.
First
these
ar
maister
Bilsons
words
,
not
Caluins
:
for
they
contradict
Caluin
,
whose
proposition
is
indefinite
,
abdicant
se
potestate
,
they
loose
and
forfeit
all
ther
authoritie
and
power
:
absolutelie
,
not
after
a
sort
:
and
in
all
things
,
not
in
some
particuler
:
and
for
altogether
not
for
a
tyme
(
for
when
kings
ar
dispossessed
they
seldome
recouer
ther
hold
againe
.
)
Besides
,
what
court
,
or
what
magistrates
ar
fitt
to
heare
and
determin
whear
in
kings
may
loose
ther
power
,
and
whearin
not
?
and
to
decide
and
iudg
the
difference
,
betwean
these
vnlawful
matters
yow
speak
of
and
the
lawfull
:
tho
Caluins
words
import
no
restriction
,
at
all
The
which
doth
playnlie
appear
by
his
harsh
phrase
(
as
yow
tearm
it
)
of
spitting
in
ther
faces
:
that
is
,
as
yow
interpret
,
to
defye
them
to
ther
faces
,
to
contemn
them
,
and
ther
acts
.
But
this
yow
say
is
farr
from
rebellion
:
trew
,
and
yet
nothing
to
the
purpose
.
For
rebellion
is
but
one
species
of
Treason
,
and
therfor
tho
he
teach
not
rebellion
,
he
may
teach
treason
.
And
so
yow
help
hym
litl
.
Labor
to
extenuate
the
words
as
much
,
as
yow
can
:
and
yet
,
will
they
be
reallie
heynous
and
seditious
.
For
he
that
,
hould●th
a
king
is
not
worthie
to
be
or
liue
in
hominu●
numero
,
dothe
he
not
as
it
wear
eiect
and
excommunicate
hym
,
from
all
goverment
,
and
confyne
and
censure
hym
to
liue
with
beasts
as
Nabugodonosor
ded
.
Yf
yow
teach
,
that
insurgunt
contra
Deum
,
doe
yow
not
maik
hym
hatefull
for
his
impietie
?
But
to
conclude
,
this
yow
grand
in
effect
to
be
his
meaning
.
That
yf
the
king
threaten
Daniel
,
except
he
worship
the
Idolle
:
or
yf
the
king
of
France
seake
to
compell
his
subiects
,
to
obey
his
lawe
,
and
communicate
,
at
the
alter
of
the
church
:
then
abdicat
se
potestate
;
the
king
ought
to
loose
obedienc
:
subiects
ar
not
bownd
to
obey
hym
,
(
but
rather
to
spit
in
his
face
,
which
is
a
contempt
in
the
highest
degree
,
(
and
that
was
the
cawse
,
why
Doctor
Allen
ded
obiect
that
against
Caluin
,
as
seditious
doctrine
.
Besides
,
he
mayd
his
own
quarrel
,
Gods
quarrel
:
the
defenc
of
Caluinism
,
as
the
defenc
of
religion
:
and
so
embroyled
the
king
and
the
kingdome
,
in
perpetual
quarrell
,
for
his
doctrine
.
But
D.
Bilson
,
ded
knowe
,
or
might
haue
knowen
:
that
seditious
doctrines
,
wear
not
so
daintie
at
Geneua
.
For
in
hatred
of
the
thre
Q.
Maries
,
of
England
and
Scotland
,
he
set
abroach
and
defended
that
poyson
and
factious
doctrin
of
Gunocratia
:
and
by
his
inspiration
,
knox
and
Goodman
,
ded
publish
ther
books
,
against
ther
lawfull
princes
.
Besides
,
look
vpon
the
storie
of
Scotland
,
printed
by
Wautroller
.
p.
213.
and
yow
shall
fynd
,
that
knox
for
an
Apologie
of
his
practises
,
alledged
Caluins
authoritie
,
That
it
is
lawful
for
subiects
,
to
reform
religion
when
princes
wil
not
.
But
Caluins
opinion
of
that
poynt
,
may
be
more
manifestlie
prooued
,
by
the
practise
of
his
darling
maister
Beza
:
who
sowndlie
ded
vnderstand
his
doctrin
and
ded
brauelie
second
hym
in
all
his
platts
.
In
the
preface
to
the
new
testament
:
dedicated
to
Quene
Elizabeth
.
1564.
he
vsed
these
words
.
Quo
die
,
scilicet
(
19
december
.
)
ante
biennium
,
Galiica
nobilitas
,
(
illustrimo
Principe
Condaeo
Duce
,
)
tuis
,
&
illustrissimorum
quorundam
Germantae
principum
,
subsidijs
freta
:
non
procul
vrbe
Druidum
fortissime
praeliata
:
prima
restunendae
in
Gallijs
Christianae
religionis
fundamenta
,
sanguine
suo
,
faeliciter
consecrarunt
.
So
then
hear
is
bothe
resisting
with
armes
:
and
defijng
ther
king
,
in
the
face
of
his
armie
:
and
this
I
hope
maister
Bilson
,
will
confess
to
be
rebellion
.
And
this
act
,
which
others
would
shadow
,
Beza
iustifieth
so
boldlie
:
that
in
the
same
place
,
(
commending
the
good
seruices
at
Meaux
and
Orleans
,
and
that
famous
battel
of
Dreux
,
whearin
he
was
a
principal
,
not
an
accessorie
,
he
addeth
,
Id
quod
eo
liberius
testor
,
quod
istis
tum
Concilijs
,
tum
etiam
plerisque
rebus
,
quando
ita
Deo
visum
est
▪
interfui
.
To
that
place
,
(
obiected
to
the
Caluinists
,
as
an
argument
to
convinc
them
of
seditious
,
both
doctrine
and
practises
)
maister
Bilson
showeth
much
care
,
and
studie
,
to
answer
.
1.
That
batle
,
(
saith
he
which
Beza
speaketh
of
ar
Dreux
,
was
neither
against
the
lawes
,
nor
the
king
.
2.
They
took
not
armes
to
depriue
the
king
,
or
annoye
the
realme
,
but
to
saue
them selfe
,
from
the
oppression
of
one
,
that
abused
the
kings
yowth
.
3.
The
Duke
of
Guise
,
hating
the
nobles
of
France
(
hymself
being
a
strainger
,
)
and
to
tread
down
the
professors
of
religion
,
that
he
might
strenthen
hym self
,
to
taik
the
crown
,
yf
ought
should
fall
to
the
king
(
being
vnder
yeares
)
or
to
his
lyne
:
armed
hym self
to
the
feald
,
&c.
4.
The
nobles
of
France
,
perceauing
his
mallice
,
and
his
iniustice
,
with
priuate
violenc
to
murder
so
manie
innocents
:
gathered
forces
together
to
keape
ther
own
liues
,
from
the
furie
of
the
blood
sucker
.
And
in
that
case
,
yf
they
repell
force
,
what
haue
yow
to
saye
against
that
?
6.
For
the
kings
consent
,
he
was
yong
and
in
the
Guises
hands
;
therfor
his
consent
,
was
nothing
worth
(
that
a
subiect
should
doe
execution
by
the
sword
,
vpon
his
peopl
,
withowt
order
of
Iustice
.
)
The
king
had
neither
age
to
discern
it
,
nor
fredome
to
denie
it
,
nor
lawe
to
decree
it
.
5.
We
know
not
the
lawes
of
that
land
,
nor
the
circumstanc
of
these
warts
?
7.
Lastlie
.
Beza
,
saith
he
,
alloweth
,
and
exhorteth
obedienc
to
magistrates
.
Libro
confess
.
fidei
.
cap.
5.
§.
45.
in
these
words
.
Quod
autem
attinet
ad
priuatos
homines
,
tenere
illos
oportet
,
plurimum
mter
se
differre
,
iniuriam
inferre
,
&
pati
iniuriam
.
Iniuriam
pati
nostrum
est
,
sic
precipiente
Deo
,
cum
nobis
illam
viarcere
non
licet
,
ex
nostrae
vocationis
prascripto
,
&c.
neque
aliud
vllum
remedium
proponitur
priuatis
hominibus
tyranno
subicclis
,
prater
vitae
emendationem
,
preces
&
lachrimas
.
At
larg
,
I
seth
down
his
Apologie
for
Beza
,
and
the
reasons
:
bothe
by
canse
D.
Bilson
,
was
at
that
tyme
,
a
man
selected
and
chosen
to
be
the
champion
of
that
great
cawse
;
and
his
book
was
published
with
so
great
applause
,
as
yf
he
had
batred
down
the
seminaries
of
Room
and
Douay
.
Touching
the
first
poynt
,
he
is
confident
,
that
the
battell
of
Dreux
,
was
neither
against
the
law
,
nor
the
king
:
and
yet
in
the
5.
he
corrects
and
contradicts
hym self
,
confessing
that
he
knowes
not
the
lawes
of
the
land
,
nor
the
circumstanc
of
the
warr
.
So
yow
see
this
great
Doctor
had
a
conscienc
:
to
affirm
the
certantie
of
a
matter
,
whareof
he
had
not
scienc
.
And
so
I
might
leaue
hym
bett
,
with
his
own
weapon
.
But
was
that
battel
neither
against
law
,
nor
prince
?
assuredlie
against
bothe
,
as
yow
shall
fynd
by
the
lawes
of
Charles
the
VIII
.
1487.
and
of
Frances
the
first
1532.
and
of
Frances
the
2.
at
Fountainbleau
1560.
the
wich
lawes
,
I
shall
haue
occasion
more
fitlie
to
pleade
,
in
the
case
of
Rochel
and
Montauban
,
in
this
discours
.
But
how
doth
D.
Bilson
,
prooue
that
the
battel
of
Dreux
was
not
against
the
king
?
Bycause
,
the
1.
Duke
of
Guise
,
ded
cawse
that
battel
,
and
2.
armed
hym self
into
the
feald
,
in
hate
of
the
nobles
;
3.
hym self
being
a
strainger
:
and
4.
the
king
being
in
his
hands
?
It
seames
this
man
was
not
well
instructed
,
or
that
his
wise
patron
had
not
leasure
to
peruse
and
examin
it
:
he
tells
so
manie
vntruthes
together
.
First
it
is
certan
,
that
battel
was
not
in
king
Frances
his
tyme
,
but
in
the
raign
of
Charles
the
ninthe
;
and
after
the
death
of
king
Frances
,
all
men
know
,
(
that
wear
acquainted
with
the
proceadings
of
that
tyme
)
that
the
howse
of
Guise
ded
beare
no
swaye
in
the
court
:
the
Duke
was
mayd
a
strainger
to
the
state
,
his
wings
wear
clipt
;
the
Quene
moother
,
the
king
of
Nauar
,
and
the
constable
sat
at
the
stearne
and
guided
all
.
And
so
the
king
was
not
in
Guines
hands
(
as
he
surmised
)
.
And
in
that
batle
,
the
constable
was
the
cheafe
commander
;
he
and
the
Marshall
of
S.
Andrews
,
wear
the
king
liuetennants
,
and
had
the
kings
authoritie
and
sufficient
commission
to
warrant
ther
actions
.
The
Duke
of
Guise
led
the
Areargard
;
and
tho
it
was
his
fortune
to
stand
maister
of
the
feald
,
and
winn
the
glorie
of
the
daye
:
yet
had
he
not
anie
charge
at
that
batl
,
but
of
his
own
companies
.
And
so
he
fayleth
in
And
whear
he
saith
,
that
the
protestant
Princes
took
armes
,
onelie
to
saue
them selfs
from
ther
oppression
by
Mr.
de
Guise
?
it
is
a
blind
reason
,
for
a
cleare
cawse
.
For
yf
that
onelie
had
bean
ther
reason
:
when
they
see
the
Constable
,
marching
in
the
vauntgard
(
whome
none
of
them
could
accuse
to
haue
abused
the
kings
yowth
,
or
sought
ther
oppression
)
:
why
ded
they
not
then
,
laye
down
ther
armes
,
and
depart
the
feald
?
and
yf
it
had
bean
onelie
,
to
defend
them selfs
;
why
ded
they
not
staye
at
Orleans
,
or
somme
other
nests
of
rebellion
,
till
they
had
bean
assulted
;
rather
then
to
affront
and
assayle
the
kings
armie
?
Why
ded
they
sett
vpon
the
Constable
,
the
kings
Vicegerent
,
and
the
the
honor
of
the
Admirals
howse
,
(
and
the
Admirals
kinsman
and
great
frend
,
when
he
was
prisoner
at
Melun
for
his
religion
,
by
commandement
of
Henry
II.
)
Yf
ther
end
had
bean
only
to
saue
them selfs
,
from
the
Duke
of
Guise
;
why
ded
they
fight
with
the
Constable
?
No
,
this
is
,
bus
a
mask
;
for
Beza
hym selfs
,
playnlie
confesseth
,
that
the
feald
was
fought
,
for
this
end
,
with
ther
blood
to
restore
religion
.
And
wher
as
he
inveigheth
so
hotelie
,
against
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
that
he
was
a
strainger
in
France
:
it
seames
he
knew
not
,
that
the
Duke
was
discended
of
the
line
and
brainch
of
Charlemaigne
,
(
who
was
no
strainger
in
France
?
)
or
that
he
hym self
was
a
peare
of
France
:
that
he
was
coosen
German
to
the
Prince
of
Condie
;
or
that
his
moother
was
Anthonette
de
Bourbon
:
and
that
his
predecessors
,
had
long
enioyed
office
and
honor
,
in
the
court
of
France
.
Neither
peraduenture
had
he
hard
,
of
the
great
seruices
doone
by
hym
,
at
Rome
,
at
Mets
,
at
Verdun
,
at
Theonuille
,
and
Callice
(
when
all
France
was
in
Mourning
and
distress
,
after
the
Admiral
had
lost
S.
Quintins
.
(
But
that
dreame
,
that
the
Duke
of
Guise
aspyred
to
the
Crowne
,
(
yf
the
king
and
his
issew
fayle
:
)
is
to
be
pittied
rather
then
answered
:
a
fable
(
taken
owt
of
the
legend
of
Lorrain
,
)
and
the
other
libells
of
that
tyme
.
Weigh
and
examin
it
,
and
see
the
leuitie
of
follie
.
The
king
was
young
:
his
brothers
yonger
:
ther
moother
liuing
;
the
king
of
Nauar
,
ther
trustie
and
noble
frend
(
and
a
brasen
gate
,
betwean
Guise
and
the
crowne
:
)
and
the
nobilitie
of
France
,
as
he
saithe
,
mayd
an
association
against
the
howse
of
Guise
.
Then
was
it
not
likelie
?
Now
it
being
apparentlie
fals
,
that
the
kings
was
in
the
hands
,
and
power
of
the
Guises
,
I
com
to
the
proposition
,
that
the
king
had
neither
age
to
discern
it
,
nor
fredome
to
denie
it
,
nor
lawes
to
decree
it
:
it
resteth
to
examin
that
proposition
,
that
the
kings
consent
,
authorising
that
armie
at
Dreux
was
nothing
worth
,
bycause
he
was
not
of
age
,
nor
at
libertie
.
What
yf
the
king
had
not
age
,
to
discern
it
?
was
it
therfor
withowt
warrant
or
law
?
A
king
haith
two
bodies
:
his
bodie
Politick
,
as
it
never
dyeth
:
so
is
it
never
defectiue
of
authoritie
and
direction
.
The
acts
of
the
bodie
politick
,
be
not
abated
by
the
naturall
bodies
accesse
:
the
bodie
politick
is
not
disabled
to
rule
and
govern
by
the
nonage
of
the
naturall
,
see
26.
lib.
assis
.
placit.
24.
whear
by
iustice
Thorps
iudgment
,
the
gift
of
a
king
is
not
defeated
by
his
nonage
,
nor
shall
not
embleamish
the
bodie
.
In
the
book
of
ass.
see
the
case
,
tit
.
droyt
.
plac
24.
anno
6.
E.
3.
f.
91.
for
a
writt
of
right
brought
by
E.
III.
of
a
mannor
,
as
heyre
to
R.
I.
The
exception
of
nonage
against
the
king
was
not
admitted
.
For
yf
the
bodie
natural
die
;
yet
the
bodie
politick
(
which
magnisieth
the
natural
bodie
,
)
is
not
sayd
to
die
.
So
4.
Eliz.
for
leases
of
the
Duchy
mayd
by
E.
6.
all
the
Iudges
resolued
,
they
wear
good
,
tho
the
king
was
in
his
minoritie
.
For
the
bodie
politick
extolleth
the
naturall
,
and
altereth
the
qualitie
of
it
.
And
so
though
the
kings
bodie
natural
in
his
minoritie
can
not
discern
and
iudg
:
yet
that
disableth
not
a
king
,
that
the
acts
of
his
minoritie
,
ordered
by
his
counsell
,
and
by
the
Regent
,
should
be
of
no
validitie
.
Nay
,
your
own
Hottoman
,
in
his
Francogallia
,
will
teach
yow
an
other
lesson
,
(
tho
he
was
Bezaes
trustie
Achates
.
)
Resolume
;
would
anie
counsellor
like
it
well
,
yf
a
Catholick
in
England
should
affirme
,
(
as
he
might
more
trewlie
)
that
the
chainge
and
alteration
of
religion
by
king
Edward
VI.
was
not
warrantable
,
hauing
not
age
,
to
discern
it
;
nor
freedome
to
denie
it
,
(
being
in
the
hands
of
the
protector
and
Northumberland
:
nor
lawes
to
decree
it
,
(
till
by
his
vncls
authoritie
and
greatnes
,
new
lawes
wear
enacted
for
it
.
)
Yf
yow
approoue
not
this
:
why
doe
yow
disprooue
the
same
in
k.
Charles
IX
.
of
France
?
was
the
age
of
the
one
,
a
barr
in
law
,
and
not
the
others
?
or
was
the
one
,
an
absolute
king
,
and
not
the
other
?
or
was
k.
Edwards
consent
,
sufficient
to
authorise
his
vncls
doeings
in
spiritual
matters
:
and
was
k.
Charles
his
consent
nothing
worth
,
to
authorise
the
Constable
and
his
armie
,
to
pursew
,
his
rebells
?
Now
concerning
the
last
poynt
,
touching
Beza
his
opinion
:
I
must
turn
that
Canon
against
hym self
;
for
yf
Beza
sayd
trewlie
,
iniuriam
pati
nostrum
est
:
nobis
vim
viarcere
,
non
licet
:
yf
it
be
certan
,
nullum
remedium
proponitur
priuatis
hominibus
,
tyranno
subiectes
,
praeter
vitae
●mendationem
,
&c.
then
surelie
,
maister
Bilson
is
betrayed
by
hym
,
he
seaks
to
defend
:
and
Beza
betrayed
the
Admiral
and
Prince
of
Condie
,
to
draw
them
into
the
playnes
of
Dreux
against
the
king
,
to
fight
for
ther
religion
:
when
vim
viarcere
non
licet
.
I
will
not
stand
to
refell
that
opinion
and
error
of
D.
Bilson
,
that
the
Prince
of
Condie
ded
not
owe
simple
subiection
,
to
the
king
of
France
,
but
respectiue
homage
,
and
so
was
not
mearly
a
subiect
:
bycause
it
showeth
a
palpabl
ignoranc
of
the
lawes
and
customes
of
France
:
and
besides
that
could
not
excuse
the
Admiral
,
who
at
all
could
not
plead
anie
such
protection
,
or
alledg
anie
such
prerogatiue
.
For
yf
H.
2.
might
committ
hym
,
to
prison
lawfully
:
Charles
the
9.
as
lawfully
might
cut
of
his
head
.
But
forasmuch
as
Bezaes
sentenc
,
is
coninglie
vsed
,
and
cast
as
a
mist
to
bly●d
the
eyes
of
the
reader
:
I
will
disperse
the
mist
,
and
let
yow
see
what
kind
a
man
he
was
in
his
proper
humor
,
and
in
puris
naturalibus
.
Read
his
positions
,
and
Catechism
of
sedition
,
(
the
practise
of
his
pietie
)
the
book
called
,
Vindicie
contra
tyrannos
;
whear
he
acts
the
part
of
Iunius
Brutus
,
a
noble
Roman
,
(
but
the
suppressor
and
enemie
of
kings
.
)
First
(
pag.
15.
)
he
propownds
this
question
:
yf
subiects
be
bownd
to
obey
ther
kings
,
when
they
command
against
Gods
lawe
?
and
then
pag.
22.
he
resolueth
,
we
must
obey
kings
for
Gods
cawse
,
when
they
obey
God
.
And
pag.
24.
as
the
wassel
looseth
his
fief
,
(
his
lordship
)
yf
he
committ
fellonie
:
so
the
king
looseth
his
right
,
and
his
realm
also
.
And
aboue
all
other
,
this
is
notable
pag.
65.
a
conspiracie
is
good
or
ill
as
the
end
is
,
at
which
it
aymeth
.
which
is
a
most
wicked
Maxime
,
fitt
to
mantain
Rauillac
,
or
Poltrot
,
or
to
be
a
buckler
for
the
conspirators
of
Amboys
.
Yet
this
pag.
66.
goeth
a
degree
further
.
The
Magistrates
,
and
one
part
of
the
realm
,
maye
resist
the
king
being
an
Idolater
:
as
Lobna
reuolted
from
Ioram
,
for
forsaking
God
.
Doth
not
this
stronglie
patronise
the
battel
of
Dreux
?
doth
it
not
teach
subiects
,
to
rebell
,
and
to
plead
,
sic
dicit
Dominus
,
for
ther
defence
?
but
note
well
how
fynelie
,
he
fortifieth
this
axiome
.
pag.
132.
The
government
of
the
kingdome
,
is
not
giuen
to
the
king
alone
:
but
also
to
the
officers
of
the
Realme
.
And
again
,
pag.
103.
France
,
Spayn
,
and
England
,
ar
customarily
consecrated
,
and
as
it
wear
put
in
possession
of
ther
charge
,
by
the
states
,
peares
,
and
Lords
,
(
which
present
the
people
.
)
And
p.
199.
ther
is
a
stipulation
in
kingdomes
haereditarie
.
As
in
France
,
when
the
king
is
Crowned
.
The
Bushops
of
Beauuois
and
Laon
,
ask
the
people
,
yf
they
desyre
and
command
,
this
man
,
shall
be
king
.
And
what
then
?
surely
it
is
no
argument
that
the
people
,
choose
hym
.
It
is
an
acceptation
,
no
election
:
and
a
declaration
,
onely
of
ther
submission
,
obedienc
and
fidelitie
,
as
yow
may
euidentlie
perceaue
,
by
Frances
Rosselet
anno
1610.
the
ceremonies
,
at
the
coronation
.
When
was
ther
euer
an
assemblie
of
the
states
,
to
elect
,
or
consecrate
a
king
of
France
?
the
kings
,
never
count
the
tyme
of
ther
raign
,
from
the
day
of
ther
consecration
,
but
of
ther
entrance
:
and
Charles
the.
7.
(
Gaguin
and
Giles
can
witnes
,
)
was
nether
crowned
nor
sacred
in
eight
yeares
,
after
he
begonn
his
raigne
.
And
for
the
Peares
?
what
think
yow
,
that
they
ar
as
Ephori
.
No
they
ar
pares
inter
se
,
not
companions
to
the
king
.
They
ar
not
states
,
as
in
Holland
,
to
rule
and
direct
all
affayres
:
for
in
France
and
England
all
authoritie
depends
vpon
the
kings
;
and
yf
they
wear
his
consorts
,
they
wear
not
his
inferiors
.
What
is
the
state
,
but
the
authoritie
of
the
Prince
?
who
onelie
,
by
his
letters
patents
createth
the
pears
,
disposeth
all
Offices
,
giveth
all
honors
,
receaueth
all
homages
,
(
as
the
sole
fountain
,
from
whenc
springeth
nobilitie
and
authoritie
:
)
and
he
that
either
would
restraine
that
sooveraintie
,
or
communicate
it
with
others
;
maketh
no
differenc
of
the
Crown
of
a
kinst
,
and
the
la
Beretta
of
the
Duke
of
Venice
.
Manie
such
like
rules
,
and
positions
,
haith
he
published
fitt
introduction
,
for
Anarchie
,
and
mutinies
:
most
of
them
false
,
and
all
wicked
:
vayles
onelie
to
cover
the
face
and
name
of
treason
,
that
it
might
not
appear
,
in
his
proper
and
vglie
shape
.
I
might
heare
trauel
and
wearye
yow
,
with
as
Good
stuff
owt
of
the
book
de
iure
Magistratus
,
(
a
bird
of
the
same
nest
,
for
if
it
wear
not
Bezas
,
as
manie
think
,
It
was
Ottomans
his
Camerado
.
)
But
I
will
leaue
them
bothe
,
for
they
touch
the
string
of
sooveraintie
with
too
rough
a
hand
:
nay
rather
they
straine
to
breack
it
,
when
they
teach
so
grosse
treasons
,
that
the
states
ar
aboue
the
king
;
that
the
bodie
is
aboue
the
head
(
a
monstrous
doctrine
:
as
yf
anie
man
could
(
with
iudgment
)
maik
a
quaestion
,
whether
the
people
should
be
directed
and
commanded
by
the
maister
or
the
man
;
by
the
subiect
,
or
the
soouerain
:
by
the
Princ
of
Condie
and
the
Admiral
,
or
by
king
Charles
.
and
king
Philip
had
reason
to
cut
of
the
head
of
the
iustice
of
Aragon
:
and
to
teach
the
people
,
what
was
the
trew
meaning
,
of
nos
qui
podemos
tanto
,
come
vos
,
&c.
All
which
paradoxes
,
it
wear
easie
to
refell
:
but
that
I
haue
vndertaken
onelie
,
to
discouer
,
not
to
combate
and
encounter
them
:
and
bycause
they
ar
learnedlie
and
religiouslie
confuted
all
readie
,
by
Barkla●e
,
Bauricau
,
and
Blackwood
.
Onelie
by
the
waye
,
I
must
informe
yow
;
that
they
deal
politicklie
and
conninglie
,
and
professe
not
openlie
and
bluntlie
,
to
haue
anie
liking
,
to
chainge
the
state
,
and
depose
,
or
ouerrule
kings
.
But
artificiallie
they
manage
all
.
First
to
bread
a
dislike
of
Monarchs
;
then
to
show
the
inconvenienc
,
to
depend
vpon
the
edicts
of
one
man
:
then
may
they
much
the
better
,
magnifie
the
authoritie
of
magistrates
,
by
whome
they
might
reforme
idolatrie
;
and
why
the
Creatures
of
a
king
suppresse
the
creator
of
ther
power
.
And
yet
,
be
sure
,
the
Consistories
and
elders
muh
rule
all
:
and
be
iudges
,
bothe
of
the
cleargie
,
lawes
counsell
,
and
king
.
They
be
the
Rabbins
,
that
owt
of
ther
Sanhedrim
,
must
govern
both
church
,
and
kingdome
,
by
the
Oracles
of
Geneua
.
I
may
not
forget
,
how
vureuerentlie
Eusebius
Philadelphus
,
(
Sc.
Mr.
T.
Beza
)
vsed
king
Charles
in
his
book
of
Reueille
matmattin
:
(
whear
vsuallie
he
calls
the
king
Tyrant
:
and
maiks
his
Anagramme
Chasscur
des●oyal
.
Read
his
rymes
,
and
scandalous
reproches
against
the
Q.
moother-Peruse
the
40.
Articles
recorded
in
that
book
,
for
the
better
aduancing
of
seditious
gouernment
.
As
art.
25.
that
all
cheafs
and
Generalls
,
must
obserue
ther
,
ecclesiastical
discipline
,
ordayned
by
the
Synodes
.
And
art.
40.
they
ar
bownd
neuer
to
disarme
,
so
long
as
religion
is
pursewed
,
(
persecuted
by
the
king
,
he
meaneth
.
)
So
much
patienc
,
haue
these
Saints
:
that
seaking
to
reforme
all
others
,
can
not
reforme
ther
own
affections
But
yf
yow
peruse
the
14.
and
15.
art
.
yow
shall
discern
the
brauerie
of
ther
irregular
passions
,
intending
therby
onelie
to
ouerthrow
the
king
,
and
the
familie
of
Valoys
.
These
wear
the
holie
articles
of
Bearn
1574.
coyned
with
his
stampe
,
and
communicated
at
Millun
to
all
ther
Moschees
,
that
they
might
he
more
stronglie
maik
warr
(
as
they
Sayd
)
against
ther
enemies
,
till
it
pleased
God
to
turn
the
hart
of
the
French
tyrant
.
Thus
,
ad
gustum
populi
,
principatus
exigitur
.
At
the
same
tyme
,
was
framed
,
and
dispersed
abroad
,
the
lyfe
of
Katharine
de
Medicis
,
Francogallia
,
the
Toxsan
of
Massacreurs
,
and
the
Legent
of
Lorraine
.
(
For
that
honor
the
howse
of
Guise
haith
long
had
:
that
no
man
professed
hym self
,
an
enemie
to
the
church
:
but
he
was
likewise
,
at
deadly
seud
with
them
.
)
Heare
I
might
taik
vp
;
and
stay
yow
no
longer
,
with
the
description
of
ther
vertues
and
loyaltie
:
but
that
I
desyre
to
present
vnto
yow
,
what
opinion
the
graue
and
learned
men
of
the
church
of
England
;
and
others
also
of
gread
iudgment
,
haue
dad
had
of
these
Euangelists
of
Geneua
.
1.
Doctor
Sutclif
,
in
his
answer
to
a
libel
supplicatorie
p.
194.
confesseth
that
the
protestants
of
the
french
church
,
taught
for
30.
yeares
violent
reformation
of
religion
,
by
the
nobilitie
,
people
,
and
priuate
persons
.
2.
And
in
an
other
place
,
Beza
(
saith
he
)
in
his
book
de
iure
Magistratus
,
dothe
arme
the
subiects
against
the
Prince
and
he
saith
,
that
book
overthroweth
in
effect
,
all
the
authoritie
of
Christian
kings
,
and
Magistrates
;
and
for
the
book
of
Vindinciae
contra
tyrannos
,
which
manie
affirm
to
be
Bezas
,
or
Ottomans
:
It
geues
power
(
saith
he
)
to
subiects
,
not
onelie
to
resist
but
to
kill
the
Prince
,
yf
he
impugn
gods
religion
.
3.
The
same
is
also
averred
,
by
the
late
Archbush
.
D.
Bancroft
,
(
in
his
book
of
the
Suruay
of
discipline
:
)
a
man
,
who
exactlie
had
learned
,
examined
,
and
obserued
ther
courses
,
and
positions
,
and
the
great
dainger
growing
to
the
state
,
by
the
ministers
either
Scotising
,
or
Geneuating
,
(
for
so
he
tearms
them
.
)
And
the
book
of
daingerous
positions
,
pag.
192.
dothe
demonstrate
also
the
same
.
To
these
I
may
add
the
iudgment
,
of
that
famous
Lawyer
,
Frances
Baldwin
,
(
who
had
familiarlie
conuersed
,
with
Caluin
at
Geneua
:
)
in
his
book
,
called
Responsio
altera
,
ad
Iohannem
Calumum
,
Paris
.
1562.
pag.
74.
Mirabar
,
quorsum
euaderet
inflammatus
tuus
quidam
apostolus
,
(
Sc.
m.
Theodore
)
qui
cum
hic
concionaretur
suis
auditoribus
,
commendabat
vehementer
,
extraordinarium
illud
exemplum
Leuitarum
,
sirictis
gladijs
per
casira
discurrentium
:
&
obuios
quosque
idololatras
,
trucidantium
.
Sed
nunc
audio
,
te
vix
contentum
esse
●alibus
Leu●is
▪
And
,
pag.
128.
I
euiora
(
saith
he
)
sunt
illa
,
cum
statuis
&
sepulchris
,
&
ossibus
principum
ac
martyrum
,
barbarum
bellum
indictum
videmus
:
cum
ciuitates
occupari
,
fana
spoliari
audimus
,
&c.
But
what
nead
I
labour
to
prooue
that
Beza
,
and
his
followers
,
haue
caused
all
these
vproars
,
and
commotions
in
France
:
when
he
hym
serf
Epistola
40.
Christophero
Thretio
,
confesseth
,
that
they
must
fight
it
owt
.
Ego
quidem
pacem
nullam
,
nisi
debellatis
hostibus
,
ausim
sperare
.
Yf
yow
ask
,
who
wear
these
enemies
?
he
answers
,
Cacolycorum
castra
trans
Ligerim
sunt
.
Therby
he
means
,
the
Catholiks
and
the
kings
armie
.
And
a
litl
before
,
ab
eo
tempore
.
nostri
(
copiss
foelicis●ime
instauratis
)
Tolo●anum
agrum
infestarum
;
Inde
ad
Rhodanum
vsque
progres●i
,
occupatis
aliquot
passim
oppidis
&
arcibus
,
in
quibus
praesidium
reliquerunt
.
So
they
spoyled
the
contrie
,
disturbed
the
peace
,
surprised
the
kings
townes
,
fortified
,
and
oppugned
the
kings
forces
:
and
yet
these
men
,
Beza
alloweth
,
and
encoorageth
.
Therby
yow
see
,
how
apt
this
holie
man
was
,
to
ruffle
in
the
world
.
But
this
seames
to
be
morbus
in
natus
in
the
Sacramentaries
;
and
that
malus
coruus
malum
ouum
:
for
Swinglius
(
the
grand
father
of
them
all
tom.
1.
art.
42.
Reges
(
saith
he
)
quando
perfidè
,
&
extra
regulam
Christi
egerint
,
possunt
cum
Deo
deponi
.
In
defenc
of
this
Principle
,
D.
Bilson
,
auswereth
;
first
more
wiselie
and
with
discreation
,
I
vndertaiknot
(
saith
he
)
to
defend
each
seuerall
mans
opinion
(
though
Swinglius
was
not
euerie
man
;
being
the
fownder
and
principall
author
of
that
sect
.
)
Secondlie
saith
he
,
they
may
be
deposed
,
when
they
aduanc
vngodlienes
,
as
Saul
was
.
Tirdlie
,
Swinglius
showeth
the
cawse
,
why
magistrates
may
be
displaced
:
but
he
geues
no
priuate
man
leaue
to
draw
the
sword
,
or
offer
violenc
,
to
anie
princ
,
(
though
a
tyrant
.
)
And
fourthlie
(
saith
he
)
Swinglius
speaketh
of
princes
elected
,
not
successiue
and
absolute
:
and
yet
he
speaks
of
them
also
in
that
article
,
but
allowes
no
force
to
be
vsed
against
them
.
Is
not
hear
two
contradictories
,
in
one
sentenc
?
Transeat
cum
reliquis
erroribus
.
But
answer
this
,
yf
they
may
be
deposed
as
Sawl
was
;
who
is
to
depose
them
hear
is
no
Samuell
,
nor
anie
prophet
.
May
the
people
?
no
saith
he
(
blushing
as
ashamed
of
the
grossnes
)
no
priuate
man
:
is
it
then
a
secret
reserued
to
the
Eldors
?
no
neither
.
Swinglius
hymself
,
deales
plainlier
,
and
art.
42.
and
43.
he
expresseth
his
own
meaning
.
Cum
suffragijs
,
&
consensu
totius
aut
maiori
partis
,
multitudinis
,
tyrannus
tollitur
fit
Deo
auspice
.
Hear
is
no
exception
,
electiue
and
successiue
,
ar
both
concluded
:
and
the
people
,
haue
the
sword
put
into
there
hands
.
And
to
maik
,
it
more
olaynne
;
see
his
epistl
Conrado
Sonnio
l.
4.
pag.
868.
Permittendum
est
Caesari
,
officium
debitum
(
but
conditionallie
)
si
modo
fidem
nobis
permittat
illibatam
.
Si
nos
illud
negligentes
patimur
,
negatae
religionis
rei
erimus
.
So
this
,
factious
minister
taiks
vpon
hym
to
determin
,
whether
and
vpon
what
tearmes
Caesar
shall
hold
his
place
,
or
be
deposed
.
Gentlie
,
they
will
obey
Caesar
,
yf
Caesar
will
be
aduised
and
directed
by
them
:
other
wise
what
is
ther
course
,
they
will
taik
with
hym
?
l.
4.
Epist.
fol.
196.
ad
Vlmenses
.
Monet
eos
,
vt
coram
auditoribus
suis
,
sensim
incipiant
detrahere
personam
imperio
Romano
.
Quomodo
,
stultum
sit
,
agnoscere
hoc
imperium
in
Germania
,
quod
non
agnoscitur
Romae
,
vnde
nomen
habet
?
Was
not
this
Caluins
course
,
for
Monarchies
?
the
verrie
same
.
But
hear
hym
further
.
Nimis
amantes
estis
rei
Romanae
;
quid
Germaniae
cum
Roma
?
sed
prudenter
&
paulatim
agenda
sunt
huiusmodi
,
atque
cum
paucis
,
quibus
credere
possis
,
quod
ardua
sunt
.
Note
,
how
this
Swiz
labours
to
vndermyne
the
empyre
,
and
blow
it
vp
with
his
breath
:
and
what
trayterous
and
seditious
counsell
,
he
geues
for
ther
libertie
.
Sensim
&
paulatim
,
not
openlie
and
grosslie
,
nor
all
at
once
:
&
coram
adiutoribus
;
it
is
doctrine
for
a
pulpit
,
a
sermon
to
the
people
(
who
ar
likest
to
applawd
it
.
)
And
how
?
incipiant
detrahere
personam
imperio
Romano
,
what
haue
they
to
doe
with
Roome
,
or
Roome
with
them
?
This
man
speaks
naturallie
in
his
own
language
,
and
by
hym
the
princes
of
Europe
may
see
,
what
they
ar
to
expect
of
these
reformers
,
when
they
ar
armed
with
power
.
Now
,
as
I
haue
declared
,
the
principles
,
and
Aphorismes
of
the
great
Triumuirat
of
the
french
Church
,
Swinglius
,
Caluin
,
and
Beza
;
the
tribunes
of
the
people
,
and
the
boute-feux
,
and
ringleaders
of
rebellion
,
(
whome
our
learned
Doctor
of
Oxf.
would
gladlie
haue
defended
.
)
So
it
shall
appeare
ex
effectis
,
that
Geneua
is
the
school
of
rebellion
,
and
the
seminarie
of
all
the
ciuil
warrs
in
France
.
Neither
wil
I
blott
ther
names
with
anie
false
aspersions
:
for
as
ther
practise
is
the
best
Commentarie
of
ther
positions
,
and
writings
:
so
it
is
the
best
tryal
of
ther
loyaltie
:
and
can
geue
in
best
euidenc
,
whether
they
be
(
as
they
wold
seame
to
be
)
good
Patriots
,
and
trew
subiects
.
First
therfor
,
call
to
mynd
,
both
ther
beginning
;
ther
proceading
;
and
ther
continuanc
,
to
this
tyme
.
And
in
all
these
,
thre
things
ar
speciallie
to
be
obserued
,
1.
ther
manie
conspiracies
,
2.
ther
manie
and
great
batles
against
the
king
and
his
officers
,
3.
and
the
horrible
owtrages
,
and
attempts
,
both
incomperable
for
crueltie
,
and
incredibl
for
disloyaltie
.
I
will
begin
with
Amboys
,
(
whear
they
At
the
assemblie
of
Nantes
1560.
Certan
of
the
Caluinists
conspired
to
Seaze
the
kings
person
,
and
surprise
the
court
:
and
to
apprehend
and
endite
the
two
principal
of
the
Guises
,
for
seaking
to
invade
and
posses
the
crown
,
to
ruine
the
princes
of
the
blood
,
and
to
suppresse
and
banish
religion
.
Which
was
whith
great
deliberation
concluded
in
Ianuarie
,
to
be
executed
at
Bloys
,
the
10.
of
March
after
.
The
cheafe
of
this
conspiracie
,
was
Godfrey
de
Barry
called
de
Renaudie
,
(
who
mayd
the
Prince
of
Condy
partaker
of
his
counsell
,
and
acquainted
with
ther
platt
;
which
he
disliked
not
,
yf
it
might
be
performed
by
form
of
lawe
.
)
This
was
straingelie
discouered
,
first
by
the
Cardinal
of
Lorrains
secretarie
;
and
after
by
the
aduertisement
of
Cardinal
Grauuellan
.
And
therupon
by
good
aduise
,
the
king
soodainlie
remooued
to
Amboyse
,
and
so
disapointed
the
conspirators
,
both
of
the
tyme
and
place
.
And
by
that
meanes
,
the
forces
leuied
and
appointed
for
that
seruice
,
wandred
vp
and
down
,
withowt
head
and
direction
:
and
so
the
Duke
of
Nemours
,
with
the
trowpes
he
had
,
apprehended
manie
of
them
,
and
emong
the
rest
,
the
Baron
of
Castelnau
:
and
Monsieur
de
Pardillan
,
slew
Renaudie
,
the
general
:
and
diuers
others
wear
executed
.
And
the
Duke
of
Guise
,
prouidentlie
took
order
for
the
safetie
of
the
king
and
the
court
:
and
so
assured
hym self
of
the
person
of
the
Prince
of
Conde
,
that
he
had
The
like
was
after
put
in
practise
,
against
The
conspiracie
of
Meaux
.
Charles
the
IX
.
at
Meaulx
,
1567.
the
which
the
king
happilie
escaped
,
by
the
ayd
and
noble
seruice
,
of
the
Duke
of
Nemours
and
the
Swissers
.
Ther
purpose
was
,
to
haue
possessed
them selfs
of
the
kings
person
,
and
of
the
Duke
of
Aniou
,
and
to
haue
slayne
the
Quene
moother
,
(
but
by
recouering
Paris
,
they
wear
all
saued
:
)
and
the
Cardinal
of
Lorrain
,
(
whome
they
principallie
desired
to
entrap
)
was
forced
to
flie
speadilie
,
and
secretlie
,
to
Reames
,
for
his
safegard
,
(
whear
not
long
after
he
Dyed
.
)
I
omitt
the
practises
,
at
S.
Germain
in
S.
Germain
.
Laye
,
against
bothe
the
king
,
and
Quene
moother
:
which
was
so
manifestlie
discouered
,
that
Mole
and
Coconas
lost
ther
heads
for
it
.
And
the
error
in
the
ill
managing
of
Further
more
,
to
informe
yow
of
ther
And
for
that
of
Moncontour
,
whear
the
Admiral
stood
alone
,
as
the
sole
Champion
of
the
Reformed
churches
the
Missa-Pulta
ded
testifie
,
what
ther
principal
quarrel
was
;
which
by
Bezaes
deuise
was
aduanced
,
as
a
Basilisk
,
to
beat
down
the
Royal
standard
of
France
,
and
the
Labarum
and
cross
of
Constantine
.
Touching
the
Owtrages
,
and
assassinates
committed
by
these
holie
fathers
,
and
ther
disciples
(
who
ar
sayd
,
to
be
so
innocent
,
for
blood
and
murder
.
)
Poltrot
shall
haue
the
first
place
in
the
Callender
,
(
for
killing
the
Duke
of
Guise
the
kings
Lieutenant
Generall
,
in
so
horrible
manner
.
)
who
confessed
before
the
Quene
Moother
,
that
Beza
had
Catechised
,
and
encooraged
hym
,
to
that
heroic
all
action
.
2.
Remember
also
how
the
protestants
,
in
Valentia
,
vsed
Seigneur
de
la
Motte-Gondrin
(
the
kings
Lieutenant
in
Daulphine
,
)
who
promised
them
not
to
bring
in
the
Gendarmerie
to
force
them
:
yf
they
would
liue
peacablie
with
the
Catholiques
.
But
they
assembled
ther
forces
,
surprised
and
hanged
hym
vp
in
cold
blood
,
both
in
contempt
of
the
king
,
and
skorn
of
his
office
.
(
A
villanie
not
tollerable
in
anie
common
welth
,
speciallie
,
when
such
tolleration
and
conniuenc
,
was
offred
,
and
with
so
much
fauor
.
3.
But
greater
and
more
inexcusable
,
was
the
enterprise
of
Simon
Maye
:
who
was
induced
by
the
same
spirit
,
and
owt
of
the
same
schoole
,
to
kill
the
Quene
moother
,
and
Henry
the
third
.
But
his
purpose
was
discouered
,
and
he
was
taken
,
and
executed
.
And
this
fact
,
can
not
be
excused
nor
shifted
of
by
anie
coolors
.
For
he
confessed
it
,
and
accused
,
Seigneur
de
la
Tour
,
and
Monsieur
d'Auantigny
(
two
gentlmen
of
good
parentage
,
and
byrds
of
one
feather
,
)
to
haue
bean
his
counsellors
,
and
abbettors
.
Who
both
wear
apprehended
:
and
yet
afterward
released
by
his
Maieste
.
(
not
willing
to
search
too
deape
,
into
that
wound
;
either
for
the
men
,
or
the
matter
.
)
4.
Yet
this
ded
not
satisfie
them
;
they
seazed
and
took
possession
of
the
kings
rents
,
and
reuennues
:
they
coyned
monie
:
they
surprised
the
cheaf
citties
of
the
realm
,
Orleans
,
Troyes
,
Poictiers
.
Tours
&c.
and
put
in
garrison
,
and
gouernors
,
of
ther
own
choosing
,
and
for
ther
own
ends
:
and
deliuered
one
of
the
keyes
of
France
,
into
the
custodie
,
and
government
of
forreiners
.
all
which
being
doon
,
with
owt
the
kings
commission
:
prooued
plainelie
,
that
they
vsurped
vpon
the
crown
,
the
cheafe
prerogatiues
of
sooueraintie
.
5.
Lastlie
and
most
tirannicallie
:
Nicolas
Froumenteau
(
a
minister
of
the
new
edition
)
confesseth
(
l.
des
finances
de
france
:
)
that
in
Daulphine
onelye
,
the
armie
of
the
Huguenots
,
killed
265.
preasts
112.
monks
and
friars
,
and
burnt
900.
townes
,
and
villages
.
And
yet
,
bothe
the
Caluinists
,
and
others
,
tell
such
a
pittiefull
tale
of
the
massacre
at
Vassy
,
by
the
Duke
of
Guise
:
as
yf
no
creweltie
had
ever
bean
comparable
to
that
:
which
how
small
a
matter
,
how
farr
from
the
liking
and
consent
of
the
Duke
it
was
;
when
yow
heare
it
declared
by
Monsieur
de
Chasteau
neuf
in
his
commentaries
,
yow
will
say
,
Parturiunt
montes
.
It
was
a
toye
,
and
trifle
in
respect
,
of
these
crewelties
,
or
of
that
at
Montbrison
,
that
of
Mornas
in
Daulphine
,
and
manie
other
places
.
I
will
not
tyre
yow
,
with
stories
and
discours
of
the
calamities
of
the
church
in
France
:
whear
those
that
iustly
deserued
,
and
vniustly
complayned
against
persecution
;
ded
persequute
ther
neighbors
most
vniustly
and
tyrannicallie
.
Let
the
But
per
adventure
,
yow
may
dreame
,
●hat
this
age
is
a
refynor
of
all
former
errors
●nd
transgressions
:
and
that
now
ther
is
more
ciuil
and
charitable
proceading
by
the
Huguenots
.
Ther
for
I
will
represent
breaflie
vnto
yow
,
the
trew
state
and
condition
,
of
the
reformed
churches
,
in
France
,
at
this
tyme
1621.
I
passe
over
,
the
infinit
trowbles
,
labor
,
and
charges
,
that
king
Lewes
was
forced
to
bear
and
endure
,
all
that
sommer
and
winter
:
I
omitt
the
garboyles
at
Toures
:
and
the
practise
of
the
Rochellers
,
to
put
in
6000.
men
into
Saumur
;
therby
to
cut
owt
sufficient
work
for
the
armie
therabowt
,
and
so
hinder
ther
march
to
Montauban
.
I
will
not
delate
,
nor
discourse
vpon
the
reuolt
and
disloyall
practises
at
Gergeau
(
who
stood
owt
,
against
the
Count
S.
Paul
,
governor
of
the
prouince
of
Orleans
:
as
Sancerre
ded
,
against
the
Prince
of
Conde
.
)
I
will
not
exaggerate
,
the
treacheries
and
conspiracies
of
Vatteuile
,
in
Normandie
(
plainelie
prooued
,
by
his
papers
and
instructions
intercepted
:
)
whearupon
the
Duke
of
Longueuille
,
was
constrayned
to
disarme
them
of
Deape
,
Roan
and
Caen
,
to
preuent
the
dainger
,
yf
they
should
ioyn
with
Vatteuil
.
But
I
will
beginn
with
S.
Iohn
d'Angely
;
which
held
owt
,
and
refused
submission
long
,
(
the
king
,
being
there
in
person
:
)
and
though
Monsieur
de
Soubize
was
sommoned
to
render
the
towne
,
or
stand
to
the
perill
and
attaint
of
treason
,
yet
they
ded
hold
owt
and
defend
it
,
so
long
as
there
remained
anie
hope
.
How
was
his
Maiestie
defyed
and
despised
,
at
Montauban
wheare
he
continued
at
the
seage
a
long
tyme
,
with
noble
,
and
most
expert
soldiers
,
not
with
owt
the
deathe
and
losse
,
of
manie
gallants
,
and
men
of
good
desert
and
seruice
(
specially
the
two
brothers
,
the
Duke
de
Mayn
,
and
Marquis
Villars
,
who
wear
generallie
lamented
.
)
Yet
the
Consuls
wold
not
yeald
,
the
commons
wear
obstinate
:
and
so
the
king
by
good
aduise
raised
the
seage
.
And
after
his
departure
,
the
Insolent
Burgers
,
led
(
as
in
a
triumphe
)
all
the
Cleargie
of
the
towne
,
with
skorn
full
indignities
.
And
the
Huguenots
in
Montpellier
and
Languedock
,
depriued
Monsieur
Chastillon
from
all
gouernemens
,
by
sentenc
of
the
consistorie
,
and
razed
36
churches
.
Now
as
these
reformers
vsurp
vpon
the
Royalties
of
the
king
:
so
ar
they
as
bold
with
the
inheritanc
of
priuate
Lords
,
when
it
may
serue
ther
turns
.
They
wold
not
suffer
,
the
Vicount
Lestrainge
,
to
enioye
his
lordship
of
Priuas
,
bycause
he
was
a
Catholik
:
and
they
put
hym
owt
of
his
own
castel
of
Lake
(
whereof
the
Marshall
Memorancie
put
hym
in
possession
,
)
and
gaue
it
to
Buson
(
one
of
ther
fraternitie
)
as
belonging
to
hym
:
tho
it
was
none
of
the
townes
of
Assuranc
,
comprised
in
the
list
at
Brewet
1598.
Neither
would
these
good
men
,
permitt
the
kings
Iustices
(
being
delegated
thether
,
to
compound
the
controuersies
)
either
to
heare
masse
,
or
haue
anie
vse
of
ther
religion
.
What
societie
,
what
common
welth
can
stand
and
continew
,
yf
this
Anarchie
stand
and
beare
such
swaye
?
Yf
by
pretenc
of
religion
,
they
may
disseise
the
right
owner
:
and
hold
what
they
can
compass
,
for
the
vse
and
assuranc
of
ther
confaederates
?
But
why
doe
they
ryot
,
and
rage
thus
?
what
cawse
haue
they
,
to
run
such
desperate
and
disobedient
courses
?
the
king
is
graciouslie
content
,
they
should
quietlie
and
safelie
vse
and
exercise
ther
own
religion
:
yet
this
contents
,
them
not
;
they
will
not
demean
them selfs
,
quietlie
nor
conuerse
peaceable
with
the
Catholiks
:
nor
obey
the
kings
lawes
,
in
temporall
affayres
.
yow
can
neither
dowbt
,
nor
be
ignorant
of
this
.
For
ded
not
the
king
assure
them
,
at
S.
Iohn
d'Angely
,
that
he
would
protect
all
of
the
reformed
religion
,
that
wold
obey
hym
,
and
obserue
his
edicts
?
ded
he
not
both
promise
and
perform
the
like
to
St
Malloret
,
deputie
of
the
assemblie
of
base
Guien
?
ded
he
not
the
like
,
to
the
Duke
of
Tremouille
(
sonn
in
law
,
to
Monsieur
de
Bouillon
)
who
cam
to
that
seage
,
tendred
his
seruice
,
and
protested
his
obedienc
to
his
maiestie
?
ded
not
the
king
committ
the
government
of
that
famous
Saumur
,
to
the
Count
de
Sault
,
granchild
of
the
Duc
Desdiguieres
:
tho
he
knew
hym
to
be
of
the
reformed
religion
?
Ded
he
not
long
before
1615.
answer
the
petitions
of
the
Huguenots
,
that
he
meant
not
by
his
oath
at
consecration
(
which
was
for
repressing
haeresies
)
to
comprehend
therin
,
his
subiects
of
the
reformed
religion
,
who
would
liue
vnder
his
lawes
,
obedienc
,
and
order
?
And
how
graciouslie
the
king
haith
delt
with
Rochel
,
and
how
willing
rather
to
regaine
and
reduce
,
then
to
destroye
it
:
appeared
wel
,
by
his
employing
of
Monsieur
Desdiguieres
,
to
perswade
them
to
obedienc
and
conformitie
:
who
accordinglie
ded
sollicit
them
by
letters
:
and
proposed
diuers
arti●les
,
which
he
thought
reasonable
,
but
the
deputies
Ch●las
,
and
Fauas
refused
them
.
What
could
a
king
doe
more
,
then
seak
to
winn
his
subiects
?
who
not
with
standing
,
published
a
long
and
friuolous
declaration
,
taxim
hym
for
vniust
persecution
,
by
the
counsel
and
enducement
of
the
enemies
of
the
state
,
and
ther
religion
.
To
disprooue
and
discouer
the
vanitie
thereof
;
I
will
deliuer
the
cawses
of
the
kings
proceadings
,
against
these
mal
contents
:
and
what
reason
he
had
,
by
armes
to
mantain
his
royal
authoritie
,
which
they
vniustlie
by
armes
,
sought
to
vsurpe
.
Ther
for
he
was
constrayned
at
Nyort
,
to
proclayme
Rochel
and
ther
adhaerents
,
rebels
against
hym
,
and
guiltie
of
treason
.
1.
For
first
it
appeared
by
the
Edict
of
Nants
art.
77.
that
king
Henry
the
fou●ht
,
discharged
the
protestants
,
from
holding
anie
assemblies
,
generall
or
prouincial
:
and
likewise
from
all
vnions
and
leagues
:
and
from
houlding
anie
councells
,
or
by
them
decreing
and
establishing
anie
acts
.
Also
art.
82.
he
ordered
,
that
they
should
forbeare
,
from
all
practises
and
intelligenc
,
with
in
or
withowt
the
realme
.
And
art.
32.
that
they
should
not
hold
anie
Synods
,
prouinciall
,
withowt
a
licenc
obtayned
by
the
king
.
All
which
they
promised
the
king
to
obserue
:
and
let
France
iudg
,
whether
they
hane
broken
ther
promise
or
no.
2.
Besides
they
intrude
vpon
the
state
,
and
both
taik
and
fortifie
places
of
assurance
,
withowt
the
kings
warrant
,
and
against
the
order
set
down
,
August
1612.
whearas
it
is
euident
,
it
depends
vpon
the
kings
fauor
and
goodnes
,
to
grant
and
assign
the
places
of
suretie
,
and
not
for
them selfs
,
to
choose
and
vsurp
them
.
3.
Add
to
that
,
ther
presumption
and
disobedienc
,
to
introduce
the
reformed
churches
,
of
Bearn
,
and
adioyn
them
to
France
,
by
an
act
of
vnion
both
spiritual
and
temporall
,
in
the
assemblie
at
Rochel
1617.
and
they
mayd
an
apologie
therof
,
promising
to
assist
Bearn
,
in
case
of
oppression
.
and
bownd
them selfs
by
oath
,
1.
to
obserue
and
execut
all
that
should
be
determined
in
that
assemblie
:
2.
and
to
employe
,
there
liues
and
goods
in
maintenanc
thereof
:
3.
and
not
to
reueal
the
propositions
,
aduises
,
and
resolution
of
the
assiftants
to
anie
person
what
soever
,
(
not
excepting
the
king
.
)
And
all
this
was
doon
contemptuouslie
,
knowing
that
the
king
had
sent
to
all
the
prouinces
,
and
ded
expresslie
for
bed
that
vnion
;
and
knowing
that
the
king
had
set
down
order
in
his
councel
to
the
contrarie
,
Besides
how
ded
they
vse
●egnard
,
whon
the
king
sent
commissioner
for
the
church
goods
in
Bearn
?
what
disorder
they
committed
at
Pau
,
against
hym
,
it
is
skarse
credible
.
4.
I
wil
passe
over
the
assemblie
they
mayd
at
Loudun
,
with
obstinate
disobedienc
:
I
will
only
note
and
show
yow
,
how
they
presume
to
encroach
,
vpon
the
kings
graces
and
fauors
to
them
,
withowt
,
order
or
dispensation
.
The
king
permitted
them
,
to
assemble
at
Grenoble
:
and
by
ther
own
authoritie
,
they
assembled
at
Nismes
.
The
king
suffered
them
to
assemble
at
Chastelleraut
,
or
Saumur
,
onelie
to
choose
ther
two
deputies
,
(
who
wear
to
remain
at
court
,
and
there
to
receaue
and
exhibit
,
all
ther
complaints
and
greuances
.
)
But
they
contrarilie
mayd
an
act
of
●nion
:
and
for
ther
assemblies
:
and
took
the
same
oath
,
which
the
leaguers
before
had
mayd
:
but
with
this
differenc
,
that
they
protested
ther
seruice
to
the
king
,
so
long
as
he
remained
Catholik
:
but
the
Huguenots
,
contrarily
,
(
le
souuerain
empire
de
Dieu
demeurant
tousiours
●n
son
entier
.
)
So
ther
seruice
was
reserued
to
God
;
but
none
to
the
king
,
was
expressed
.
And
they
showed
ther
mynds
most
playnlie
when
they
sent
to
the
camp
at
Sansay
,
to
ioyn
with
them
that
ded
oppose
,
the
kings
marriage
.
But
this
was
not
all
.
5.
They
established
in
each
prouinc
of
France
a
Councel
,
to
heare
of
the
affayres
,
orders
,
and
government
of
the
contrie
:
and
importunatelie
vrged
,
to
haue
counsellors
in
the
parliement
,
at
Paris
.
6.
I
will
add
yet
one
act
,
more
odious
,
and
of
more
presumption
,
and
treason
,
then
all
the
rest
:
which
was
mayd
at
the
assemblie
of
Rochel
,
1621.
whear
owt
of
ther
own
authoritie
,
they
deuided
the
prouinces
of
France
,
into
vij
.
Synodes
,
which
they
called
circles
,
and
added
Bearn
for
the
viij
.
And
therin
,
wear
orders
sett
down
for
governing
the
armie
:
and
a
general
,
and
officiers
for
each
circle
,
(
as
yf
they
meant
,
to
cantonize
France
.
)
And
they
decreed
,
art.
11.
that
no
treatie
,
nor
truce
should
be
mayd
withowt
ther
assemblie
:
art.
35.
that
the
general
assemblie
in
respect
of
ther
great
charge
,
should
arrest
the
kings
rents
,
and
moonie
dew
for
tayles
,
aydes
,
gabells
,
&c.
and
appoint
officers
for
collecting
the
same
.
art.
36.
that
they
should
seaze
,
and
let
to
farme
,
all
goods
Ecclesiastical
and
profits
of
churches
,
and
reuennues
of
personages
.
And
art.
41.
they
took
the
like
order
for
all
the
profits
of
the
Admiraltie
(
which
articles
wear
signed
,
by
the
President
Combart
.
)
And
all
this
,
is
pretended
to
be
iustice
,
and
not
disobedienc
;
and
as
fowle
as
the
fault
is
:
it
is
couered
with
the
fayre
shadow
,
of
Gloria
Patri
,
and
with
the
name
of
religion
.
And
surelie
,
it
was
wiselie
,
sa
yt
of
Tullie
,
Totius
in
iustitia
nulla
Capitalior
,
quam
corum
,
qui
cum
maximè
fallunt
,
id
tamen
agunt
,
vt
viri
boni
videantur
.
I
will
not
declare
the
opinion
of
the
Ciuilians
,
what
a
sect
is
,
and
which
ar
iustlie
called
conuenticles
,
and
congregations
,
against
the
prince
,
and
the
ancient
lawes
in
force
:
and
how
saction
and
Conspiracie
ar
defined
,
(
which
ar
practised
and
vsed
for
the
propagation
thereof
:
)
and
whether
they
be
within
the
compass
of
treason
or
no
?
I
refer
yow
to
Farmacius
parte
4.
to
Decius
l.
7
c.
7.
and
c.
20.
to
Bossius
,
and
to
Gigas
,
who
can
with
better
authoritie
resolue
yow
.
I
will
onely
alledg
the
municipal
lawes
of
France
,
(
which
heartofore
haue
bean
the
bridle
of
Iustice
,
to
curbe
and
break
such
vnrulie
colts
.
)
And
first
this
decree
was
mayd
by
king
lewes
11.
1477.
All
treaties
,
against
the
kings
person
,
or
his
estate
,
and
the
realme
:
wear
decreed
to
be
treason
.
To
the
same
effect
,
a
law
was
enacted
by
Charles
the
VIII
.
1487.
By
Frances
the
I.
1532.
By
Frances
the
II.
at
Fountainbleau
1560.
And
by
Henry
the
II.
1556.
all
men
wear
prohibited
to
bear
armes
,
or
to
entertain
anie
particuler
intelligences
,
or
to
hold
anie
counsells
,
or
assemblies
for
conferenc
,
but
in
town
howses
,
or
publik
places
.
By
Henry
III.
at
Bloys
1579.
an
inhibition
was
mayd
,
to
assemble
anie
trowpes
vnder
pretenc
of
particuler
quarrels
,
or
to
enter
into
anie
association
:
and
it
was
enacted
that
to
hold
intelligenc
;
or
maik
leagues
offensiue
;
or
to
haue
participation
within
,
or
withowt
France
:
or
to
leure
men
of
warr
withowt
the
kings
licenc
,
should
be
iudged
and
deamed
as
High
treason
,
and
the
offendores
to
be
holden
as
disturbers
of
the
state
.
All
which
lawes
ar
set
down
in
the
Code
of
Henry
the
III.
printed
at
Paris
1597.
And
all
lawyers
,
assirme
the
same
by
the
common
lawes
of
the
land
,
Frances
Rogueau
,
des
droicts
royaux
:
Bodin
de
repuclica
:
legrand
Coustumier
:
and
other
.
And
,
good
reason
.
For
as
withowt
order
,
ther
can
be
no
peace
:
so
withowt
Iustice
,
no
societie
:
and
Caluinists
differ
(
in
that
poynt
)
nothing
from
Anabaptists
,
yf
they
will
not
subiect
them selfs
,
to
the
obedienc
of
lawes
,
and
magistrates
:
(
who
as
king
Iosaphat
sayd
2.
Paralipum
.
19.
non
hominis
,
sed
Dei
exercent
iudicium
.
)
And
surelie
,
I
may
bodlie
affirme
,
that
Caluimsm
haith
cast
the
state
of
France
,
into
a
desperate
disease
,
and
such
as
requireth
an
Aesculapius
:
yf
neither
the
maiestie
,
nor
the
forces
of
a
king
(
the
eldest
sonn
of
the
church
:
)
nor
the
wisedom
of
his
Counsell
and
Parliements
:
nor
the
authoritie
of
the
,
estates
so
oft
assembled
:
nor
the
obedienc
dew
to
Iustice
;
nor
the
peace
and
safetie
of
the
kingdome
,
can
mooue
these
owt
lawes
of
Rochel
and
Montauban
,
and
the
rest
,
to
yeald
vp
to
the
king
them selfs
and
ther
armes
;
and
seak
for
that
royall
grace
and
pacification
;
which
all
his
other
dewtiefull
subiects
of
ther
own
tribe
,
doe
merciefullie
enioye
.
THE
3.
TIT.
OF
THE
REFORMED
CHVRCHES
IN
SCOTLAND
.
BVT
perauentur
,
yf
this
fierie
zeale
,
of
The
authors
and
actors
of
the
alterations
and
tumults
in
Scotland
,
wear
as
violent
as
whirlewynds
;
which
blow
down
all
that
stood
in
ther
waye
,
euen
the
crown
it self
,
and
royaltie
.
Iohn
knox
,
Goodman
Gilby
,
and
Dauid
Fergusson
(
a
learned
shoemaker
,
and
minister
of
Dundee
)
by
M.
Couerdale
,
Willox
,
Rous
,
Harriot
,
and
Mongommerie
:
Victrix
legio
,
and
Nouatores
strenui
.
All
of
them
Ministers
,
and
such
salt-peter
men
,
as
wear
fitt
for
fyre
workes
,
and
to
prepare
matter
for
powder
,
to
blow
vp
the
state
of
the
cleargie
of
anie
nation
.
And
by
these
rare
men
,
was
the
Church
of
Scotland
repayred
,
and
reformed
:
according
to
the
scantling
of
Geneua
,
and
the
Platforme
of
the
Elders
.
Knox
,
farr
vnlike
to
Nehemias
,
both
for
course
,
and
qualitie
:
yet
he
acted
his
part
,
how
properlie
,
and
piouslie
,
Langey
his
contrieman
can
tell
yow
,
who
ded
write
of
his
vertues
.
For
Buchanan
,
he
was
euer
a
rude
and
slouenlie
Swiz
,
of
a
presumptious
audacitie
,
and
factious
nature
.
he
was
one
of
them
that
in
Edinborough
,
in
the
tyme
of
king
Iames
the
fifth
,
ded
solemnlie
in
Lent
ear
the
Paschal
lamb
:
and
being
conuicted
for
that
Iudaisme
:
which
the
king
hym self
examined
:
his
partners
wear
condemned
and
burnt
for
that
haeresie
;
and
he
escaped
and
fled
over
into
other
contries
,
(
as
a
man
reserued
to
be
a
plague
to
his
owne
.
)
But
yf
yow
would
discerne
and
trie
ther
spirits
,
ther
peceablenes
,
ther
patienc
,
and
ther
sanctitie
read
there
Theoremes
,
and
by
the
maximes
of
ther
doctrine
,
yow
wil
fynd
them
extraordinarie
Doctors
,
and
skarselie
matchable
.
Knox
libro
,
ad
nobilitat
.
&
populum
Scot.
beginus
thus
to
instruct
them
.
Neque
promissum
,
neque
iuramentum
obligare
potest
populum
:
vt
obediat
,
&
auxilietur
tyrannis
contra
Deum
.
And
in
his
Historie
of
Scotland
,
pag.
372.
Princes
may
be
Deposed
by
the
people
,
yf
they
be
tyrants
against
God
,
and
his
truthe
:
and
ther
subiects
ar
free
from
ther
Oathes
and
obedienc
.
And
that
yow
may
not
think
,
that
onelie
,
knox
ded
hold
this
opinion
.
his
fellow
Good
man
also
,
in
his
book
of
obedienc
,
sings
the
same
note
owt
of
Exod.
17.
Toti
populo
(
saith
he
)
hoc
onus
incumbit
,
vt
animauertat
in
idolatram
quemcunquè
nemo
excipitur
,
siue
Rex
,
siue
Regina
,
siue
Imperator
.
This
is
his
Homelie
,
wherby
he
warranteth
the
people
to
punish
anie
Idolater
,
be
he
king
or
Quene
.
And
how
,
and
by
what
order
,
is
that
to
be
doone
?
This
is
Gods
commandement
,
to
the
people
,
vt
in
simili
defectione
,
rectores
suos
,
quia
Deo
ipsos
abducunt
,
a●fu●cas
abripiant
&
suspendan
.
Yf
the
gouernors
fall
from
God
,
or
with
draw
the
people
from
the
trew
worship
of
God
:
they
may
worthilie
draw
ther
kings
and
rulers
to
Tiburn
,
and
hang
them
vp
.
Buchanan
in
his
book
de
iure
regni
Scotiae
,
is
not
behind
them
in
such
graue
and
wholesom
counsels
.
For
he
saith
.
pag.
61.
The
people
is
aboue
the
king
,
and
of
greater
authoritie
:
they
haue
right
,
to
bestow
the
crown
at
ther
pleasur
:
they
may
arraign
ther
princes
,
and
depose
them
:
to
them
it
appertaines
to
maik
lawes
,
and
tho
princes
to
execute
them
.
These
be
the
Prouerbs
,
of
that
Salomon
of
Scotland
,
as
prowd
with
the
concept
of
his
own
iudgment
in
these
misteries
,
as
with
his
poetrie
and
ballets
.
This
was
a
man
welchosen
to
instruct
a
prince
:
but
better
to
infect
his
auditors
.
Yet
is
ther
one
aduise
of
knox
,
which
is
to
be
recorded
with
admiration
.
fol
372.
It
wear
good
,
that
rewards
wear
publicklie
appointed
by
the
peopl
for
such
as
kill
tyrants
,
as
well
as
for
those
that
kill
wolfs
.
Now
they
all
accoumpt
those
kings
tyrants
,
who
ar
professors
of
the
Catholick
religion
:
and
so
they
know
,
what
to
trust
to
,
yf
the
Knoxians
can
preuayle
.
But
yf
yow
will
yet
,
haue
a
litl
patienc
,
yow
shal
heare
a
most
prophan
dialogue
of
Buchanans
,
(
whearin
he
neither
showeth
diuinitie
,
nor
humanitie
.
)
They
hold
saith
he
)
kings
must
be
obeyed
good
or
bad
.
It
is
blasphemie
so
to
say
.
But
God
placeth
oft
euel
kings
,
to
punish
the
people
:
yea
,
and
so
d●th
he
oft
,
priuate
men
to
kill
them
.
But
1.
Timoth.
we
ar
commanded
to
pray
for
princes
:
yea
,
so
we
ar
also
to
pray
for
theau●s
.
But
Paul
commands
obedienc
to
kings
:
yea
,
Paul
ded
write
so
in
the
infancie
of
the
church
,
but
yf
he
liued
now
,
he
wold
say
otherwise
.
As
yf
this
tyme
,
ded
affoord
a
more
ripe
and
solide
iudgment
,
then
S.
Paul
could
apprehend
.
It
is
most
trew
,
that
great
high-Soaring
poeticall
witts
,
haue
ordinarilie
,
some
taint
and
touch
of
frensie
:
for
other
wise
he
would
never
haue
written
thus
madlie
,
vsteron
proteron
,
setting
the
Cart
before
the
horse
,
the
people
before
the
king
,
confusion
to
overrule
Order
,
and
Anarchie
before
a
Monarchie
.
Thus
the
people
is
armed
to
kill
tyrants
,
by
ther
doctrine
;
but
by
what
lawe
?
for
yf
they
doe
it
not
by
iustice
,
and
order
;
it
is
an
act
of
confusion
,
and
impietie
.
Yea
,
but
the
zeal
of
Gods
truth
,
and
the
light
of
the
gospell
,
be
the
sword
of
Gedeon
,
and
the
armes
of
Iudith
;
but
who
must
draw
and
direct
that
sword
?
the
people
,
and
euen
against
the
king
hym self
?
what
is
Anarchie
,
disloyaltie
,
and
sedition
;
yf
this
be
order
,
and
government
?
To
procead
.
what
nead
I
trowble
yow
further
:
see
the
book
of
daingerous
positions
who
giueth
this
sentenc
of
them
:
this
new
diuinitie
,
(
saith
he
)
is
not
holden
by
knox
and
Buchanan
alone
:
but
generallie
for
ought
I
can
perceaue
,
by
most
of
the
Cheaf
Consistorians
beyond
the
seas
.
That
is
by
Caluin
and
Beza
,
and
all
ther
brood
:
(
who
haue
bean
heartofore
abowt
1570.
so
much
reuerenced
and
esteamed
in
England
:
that
both
the
schooles
,
and
the
pulpits
,
ded
magnifie
them
,
as
Oracles
of
the
Church
:
for
whose
releaf
and
perseruation
,
publick
collections
,
and
prayers
wear
mayd
in
the
kindome
.
And
bycause
yow
shall
not
err
,
and
coniecture
,
that
these
books
and
opinions
wear
never
approoued
at
Geneua
:
remember
the
precedent
discourse
of
the
reformed
churches
in
France
:
and
call
to
mynd
that
maister
Whitingham
,
(
in
his
preface
to
the
book
of
obedienc
,
)
testifieth
that
the
same
was
allowed
,
and
commended
by
the
cheafe
deuines
of
that
cittie
(
1.
Geneua
.
)
And
Caluin
hym self
,
epist.
305.
to
knox
.
Doth
applawd
and
encourage
hym
to
procead
.
And
Bucchanans
works
,
ded
passe
as
current
in
Scotland
,
and
cum
priuilegio
;
till
(
long
after
the
impression
of
them
)
the
king
ded
prohibit
them
to
be
printed
,
or
published
.
So
as
yow
may
see
it
was
not
one
Goodman
,
nor
one
knox
;
that
taught
and
defended
these
impious
paradoxes
,
but
the
whole
congregation
of
Puritans
:
and
not
in
one
contrie
,
but
vniuersallie
:
and
not
latelie
or
newlie
,
but
originallie
,
and
as
ther
peculiar
and
proper
discipline
.
Nay
,
ther
holie
Geneua
bibles
prooue
it
:
to
be
so
:
whear
in
ther
notes
vpon
the
2.
Chron.
c.
15.
§.
16.
they
allow
,
the
Deposing
of
Quene
Macha
,
by
her
sonn
king
Asa
,
for
idolatrie
:
and
yet
reprehend
hym
,
for
want
of
zeal
,
that
he
put
her
not
to
Death
by
fyre
.
The
like
axiomes
,
ar
not
allowed
at
Doway
:
nor
the
like
notes
,
arr
fownd
in
the
Reames
testament
.
But
all
this
,
though
it
be
baed
enough
:
yet
ther
practise
and
the
execution
of
ther
decrees
is
worse
.
The
Bushop
of
Ross
,
Leslaeus
in
the.
10.
book
of
his
storie
.
Eo
(
in
quit
)
knoxij
prorupit
audacia
,
vt
publicè
pro
concione
nobiles
perstrinxerit
,
quod
Iesabelem
ex
medio
non
sustulerunt
.
Yet
these
weare
but
words
,
now
blowes
follow
.
He
and
thirtie
of
his
compaine
begon
ther
reformation
of
religion
,
by
surprising
the
castl
of
S.
Andrews
,
withowt
warrant
or
commission
:
)
and
murdering
the
Cardinal
Betun
,
1546.
The
Quene
regent
summoned
hym
to
appeare
,
and
answer
for
these
owtrages
;
he
refused
it
.
she
proclaymed
hym
traytor
:
he
contemned
it
.
then
she
sought
to
apprehend
,
and
restrain
hym
:
but
he
sollicited
the
burgesses
of
S.
Iohnston
,
and
Dundee
,
to
suppresse
the
frieries
,
to
pull
down
images
,
and
to
overthrow
the
Abbeis
of
Skone
,
and
S.
Andrews
,
which
they
effected
.
And
yet
they
left
not
so
for
they
keapt
the
feald
two
monthes
;
they
took
the
coyning
irons
into
ther
custodie
;
and
(
as
commanders
)
ded
what
they
thought
fitt
for
ther
purpose
,
withowt
resistance
.
And
this
ther
furious
disorder
,
ded
break
the
hart
of
that
noble
,
and
religious
Quene
Regent
.
But
stay
a
litle
:
I
will
relate
vnto
yow
a
A
parliemēt.
1560.
storie
,
of
the
greatest
and
most
disloyall
Barbarism
,
that
euer
was
committed
by
Christians
in
anie
nation
.
In
the
yeare
1560.
(
the
Quene
being
in
France
;
)
by
the
instigation
of
knox
,
they
enacted
this
as
,
a
perpetual
and
fundamentall
law
of
the
state
,
to
abolish
the
Catholick
religion
:
and
they
decreed
,
that
whosoever
defended
the
popes
authoritie
in
Scotland
should
be
banished
:
and
further
they
repealed
all
former
acts
,
of
the
ancient
kings
mayd
to
the
contrarie
.
But
by
whome
,
was
this
law
mayd
?
the
words
of
the
act
show
.
The
thre
estates
vnder
standing
,
that
the
iurisdiction
of
the
pope
,
hes
bean
contumelious
to
God
,
&c.
Quo
waranto
,
was
this
parliement
,
summoned
and
ratified
?
for
hear
is
showed
no
commission
,
from
the
Quene
,
expressing
anie
authoritie
giuen
to
them
for
that
end
:
nor
her
consent
is
produced
to
confirm
such
an
act
.
So
hear
is
a
parliement
of
the
thre
estates
,
withowt
a
king
:
and
disanulling
the
precedent
acts
of
all
former
kings
.
a
thing
incredible
,
in
a
kingdome
:
ther
soouerain
liuing
,
and
obeyed
as
king
.
and
to
maik
that
seame
good
by
order
of
law
,
which
of
it self
was
most
disorderlie
and
defectiue
:
they
procured
an
other
parliement
1567.
Earl
Murrie
being
regent
,
and
the
king
skarse
owt
of
his
cradle
)
to
confirme
the
validitie
of
that
parliement
1560.
and
therin
cap.
9.
was
an
oath
drawen
to
be
giuen
to
all
succeading
kings
,
to
mantain
that
religion
then
receaued
:
and
to
establish
the
confession
of
that
church
.
and
for
the
defects
of
this
second
parliement
;
I
forbear
to
vrg
them
,
they
ar
euident
.
Had
not
the
Quene
then
reason
,
to
send
the
french
forces
into
Scotland
:
to
bridle
such
vsurpers
,
and
so
seditious
practises
of
her
subiects
?
But
yet
a
greater
mischeaf
followes
.
By
the
Instigation
of
these
Caluinists
,
and
by
the
ambition
of
some
noble
men
.
The
Quenes
depriuation
.
They
depriued
the
Quene
from
her
government
;
and
dishonored
her
with
the
most
capitall
and
criminal
accusations
,
that
slander
and
mallice
could
deuise
:
and
cast
her
into
prison
not
whithowt
,
dainger
of
her
lyfe
.
All
which
was
furthered
by
Beza
,
(
the
Tibullus
of
Geneua
)
who
Epistola
78.
ad
Bucchanan
.
prouoked
them
to
it
,
calling
her
Medea
,
and
Athalia
:
and
nullum
illius
sceleribus
idoneum
nomen
inuenio
.
And
how
vn
merciefullie
he
pleaded
against
her
,
(
after
she
was
prisoner
in
England
,
)
for
the
hate
he
hed
beare
to
the
howse
of
Lorraine
:
it
appearith
by
his
book
of
Reueille-matin
.
And
tho
I
am
apter
to
burie
old
quarrels
,
them
to
renew
ther
memorie
:
yet
to
Iustifie
Innocencie
,
and
to
discouer
perfectlie
the
practises
of
Puritanisme
,
and
to
detect
the
iugling
and
craftie
conveyanc
of
these
conspirators
:
I
hold
it
necessarie
,
to
declare
exactlie
what
inducements
wear
pretended
,
for
so
heynous
an
offence
.
They
alledged
,
that
it
was
doon
for
the
zeal
to
iustice
,
for
the
honor
of
the
realme
,
for
the
satisfaction
of
forrein
nations
(
who
much
detested
so
crijng
sinns
as
Murder
,
and
adulterie
:
)
and
ther
for
they
wear
forced
,
to
keap
her
in
prison
,
till
she
could
cleare
her self
,
for
procuring
the
death
of
her
husband
;
and
purg
her self
,
of
that
intention
to
marrie
Bothwel
.
Touching
the
Murder
.
It
was
vnlike
to
For
the
murde
of
her
●usband
,
be
trew
:
for
her
sex
was
not
fitt
for
such
a
butcherie
:
and
a
royal
nature
,
could
not
harbour
such
a
dishonorable
treacherie
,
(
though
she
had
iust
cawse
of
offence
against
hym
.
)
And
yf
she
would
haue
vsed
means
to
put
hym
to
deathe
:
he
was
her
subiect
;
and
she
might
haue
doone
it
,
openlie
and
legallie
,
by
course
of
iustice
.
Bycause
he
was
of
the
Confederacie
,
to
kill
Dauid
her
secretarie
(
in
whose
bodie
his
dagger
was
fownd
.
)
And
further
the
E.
Murton
,
being
fled
into
England
for
that
offenc
;
withowt
the
Quenes
konwledg
,
and
allowanc
,
her
sayd
husband
reuoked
hym
.
But
they
obiect
,
that
Dowgleish
(
E.
Botwels
main
)
was
executed
for
it
.
trew
.
But
what
then
?
It
was
he
that
brought
a
box
of
letters
of
the
Quenes
to
Bothwell
,
which
he
receaued
(
to
carrie
to
his
maister
)
of
St
Iames
Balfour
at
Edinborow
:
and
by
the
intercepting
of
these
,
all
ther
packing
was
reuealed
.
Lyes
haue
ever
one
leg
short
,
to
maik
them
halt
.
1.
First
was
it
like
,
that
either
the
Quene
or
the
Earl
wold
repose
such
confidenc
in
Sr
Iames
,
and
so
great
secrets
?
knowing
hym
to
be
at
the
deuotion
of
the
contrarie
faction
?
2.
Or
was
it
like
,
that
she
would
send
them
at
all
,
hauing
giuen
commandement
in
the
letters
,
to
burn
them
:
which
she
might
haue
doone
at
home
,
withowt
sending
them
to
hym
?
3.
Besides
the
Quene
denied
the
letters
to
be
hers
,
(
tho
her
hand
was
counterfeited
)
as
some
tymes
before
it
had
bean
.
4.
Further
more
ther
was
neither
superscription
,
endorsement
,
seal
,
nor
date
of
them
:
so
as
they
wear
liker
to
be
copies
,
or
proiects
,
or
fictions
of
her
ennemies
.
5.
Add
also
,
that
he
(
who
deliuered
them
,
could
never
be
fownd
owt
,
to
discouer
the
pack
:
and
Dowgleish
who
was
accused
to
carrie
them
)
protested
at
his
deathe
;
that
he
never
knew
of
anie
such
letters
:
and
ther
for
to
stopp
his
mouth
,
he
was
executed
by
the
Lords
of
that
faction
,
owt
of
the
waye
.
6.
Lastlie
,
yf
the
Quene
had
sent
them
,
yet
was
ther
contained
in
these
fictions
,
no
expresse
proofe
of
anie
vnlawfull
act
,
or
attempt
,
or
practise
,
to
charge
her
with
:
And
yf
ther
had
bean
pregnant
proofs
,
that
she
had
endeauored
to
haue
her
husband
murdered
;
and
to
marrie
Bothwel
,
(
which
is
the
worst
of
the
case
:
)
doe
yow
taik
that
to
be
a
sufficient
and
lawfull
cawse
for
subiects
to
taik
armes
against
her
,
and
depose
her
?
Holie
king
Dauid
was
in
the
like
case
,
and
yet
for
his
trespasses
against
Vrias
,
and
Bersaba
,
he
ded
not
forfeit
his
crown
,
nor
endure
so
hard
a
censure
,
as
Quene
Marie
ded
.
S.
Iohn
Baptist
reprooued
Herod
for
his
adulterie
:
but
ded
neither
counsell
nor
exhort
the
peopl
to
depriue
hym
,
tho
he
was
an
I
dumean
,
and
an
vsurper
.
neither
was
Edward
the
IV.
threatned
deposing
,
for
keaping
an
other
mans
wyfe
:
nor
Henrie
the
eight
,
for
cutting
of
the
heads
of
so
manie
his
own
wiues
,
and
committing
as
great
sinns
spectante
populo
:
for
mihi
vindicia
,
is
Gods
prerogatiue
;
subiects
ar
not
competent
iudges
of
ther
soouerains
.
And
surehe
these
boute-feux
,
while
they
presume
to
punish
ther
kings
for
sinn
:
precipitate
them selfs
,
into
haeresie
,
(
euen
that
which
Wiclef
,
and
Muncer
haue
bean
,
by
general
counsells
condemned
for
.
)
Such
is
the
furie
of
vndiscreat
zeale
,
like
a
sword
in
a
madd
mans
hand
.
But
to
return
to
the
matter
,
what
probabilities
,
what
vehement
presumptions
,
ded
they
produce
against
her
?
1.
she
mourned
fayntlie
for
his
death
,
(
which
was
a
sign
she
was
wearie
of
his
lyfe
.
)
and
2.
again
,
she
acquited
Bothwel
for
his
death
,
and
ded
not
punish
hym
.
What
a
Nugipoliloquides
,
was
Bucchanan
?
must
princes
be
deposed
vpon
probabilities
?
or
wear
these
signes
,
anie
evidenc
matterial
?
for
her
mourning
,
and
the
funerals
;
the
bodie
was
embalmed
:
he
had
the
honor
to
be
enterred
,
besides
king
Iames
her
father
:
the
Lord
Traquare
,
Iustice
Clark
,
and
others
attended
the
corps
to
the
graue
:
most
of
the
Counsel
being
protestants
,
would
not
admitt
the
Catholique
ceremonies
:
neither
is
it
the
custome
in
Scotland
,
to
reseru
the
corps
40.
dayes
:
and
lastlie
,
it
was
not
decent
for
her
to
be
there
and
mourn
personallie
,
as
a
subiect
,
but
as
a
soouerain
and
yet
his
wyfe
:
and
that
she
performed
so
long
,
till
both
her
counsell
and
phisicions
dislwaded
her
,
(
as
Syr
Henrie
kiligrew
might
witnes
,
who
was
sent
from
England
,
to
condole
,
and
confort
her
.
What
could
be
required
more
of
a
wyfe
?
Now
touching
Earl
Bothwel
;
the
Iugling
And
touching
the
Murder
,
the
Lord
Harris
,
accused
Murrey
of
it
:
and
the
reason
was
,
bycause
at
Cragmillar
castel
,
he
,
Murton
,
and
Bothwel
,
consulted
,
conspired
,
and
determined
the
kings
death
:
and
ther
wear
indenturs
mayd
,
and
subscibed
for
the
effecting
of
it
.
And
that
yow
may
not
stagger
and
dowbt
of
this
.
Powrrie
,
Paris
,
and
Hay
wear
all
executed
for
the
murder
;
and
at
ther
death
,
they
ded
call
God
to
witnes
,
that
these
two
(
Murrey
and
Murtan
)
wear
the
principall
contriuers
of
that
assassinate
.
And
Iohn
Hepburn
,
Bothwels
seruant
,
ded
the
like
at
his
execution
,
for
the
same
fact
,
protesting
that
he
had
sean
ther
articles
and
writings
.
And
yet
is
it
mayd
more
manifest
by
this
,
and
ther
cryme
and
practise
more
odious
:
for
to
blind
the
world
,
first
they
took
armes
,
as
they
sayd
,
to
apprehend
Bothwel
;
and
after
they
sent
owt
shippes
to
pursew
hym
at
sea
Both
,
wear
fallacians
:
for
they
never
meant
it
.
for
yf
they
wold
haue
apprehended
hym
:
why
ded
they
dismiss
hym
?
and
why
ded
they
send
the
Lord
Graing
,
to
aduise
and
will
Botwell
to
depart
,
and
promised
that
none
should
follow
,
and
pursew
hym
?
and
so
in
dead
no
man
was
haistie
to
doe
it
,
(
tho
he
stayed
two
months
till
Murries
return
:
)
for
they
knew
,
that
by
taking
hym
,
they
should
be
bewrayed
them selfs
;
and
therfor
they
meant
to
betray
and
ouerreach
hym
;
and
offer
hym
vp
,
as
a
sacrifice
to
the
mallice
of
the
world
,
for
ther
own
purgation
.
So
then
these
two
Catelines
cawsed
the
king
to
be
slayne
,
and
vsed
Bothwels
assistanc
and
help
in
it
:
and
then
accused
bothwel
,
and
the
Quene
,
as
the
conspirers
and
contriuers
of
it
.
(
tho
till
her
emprisonment
,
she
ded
never
know
,
who
wear
the
accessaries
,
or
who
wear
the
Principals
.
)
Now
to
diue
to
the
bottome
and
deapth
of
the
cawse
.
The
E.
Murrie
never
loued
trewlie
the
Lord
Darlie
:
he
was
once
in
armes
and
in
the
feald
to
haue
kild
hym
;
and
therupon
fled
into
England
(
wherby
appeared
his
good
disposition
.
)
Also
he
perswaded
the
Lord
Darlie
,
to
haue
a
hand
,
in
killing
Dauie
the
Quenes
secretarie
:
at
which
tyme
,
they
set
a
pistol
to
the
Quenes
bellie
,
being
then
great
with
child
,
to
terrifie
her
(
whearby
she
might
haue
bean
in
dainger
to
miscarrie
.
)
After
ward
the
lord
Darlie
,
then
king
)
seing
his
own
dainger
,
craued
,
and
obtained
the
Quenes
gracious
pardon
:
and
yet
fearing
least
Murrey
might
misinform
the
Q.
against
hym
,
resolued
to
kil
Murrey
,
and
discouered
his
intention
to
the
Q.
abowt
it
,
who
would
not
suffer
nor
endure
to
hear
it
.
This
comming
to
Murries
knowledg
;
as
he
had
before
practised
to
estraing
the
Quene
from
her
husband
;
and
offerd
to
procure
and
sew
owt
her
diuorce
from
hym
(
which
she
vtterlie
condemned
:
)
so
now
he
resolued
to
haue
hym
mayd
awaye
,
(
and
yet
conninglie
before
the
murder
)
he
went
from
the
court
,
and
after
into
France
,
that
he
might
be
thought
innocent
,
in
the
matter
.
And
trewlie
all
thes
things
appeared
,
plainlie
to
the
Quenes
commissioners
,
who
hard
the
cawse
at
york
:
as
it
seamed
by
the
notes
of
Syr
Raphe
Sadlers
(
touching
that
busienes
:
which
I
haue
sean
:
)
but
it
was
mayd
afterward
as
cleare
as
the
sonn
,
by
the
execution
of
the
E.
of
Murton
.
Now
vpon
these
false
and
treacherous
fowndations
,
they
grownded
ther
disloyal
conspiracie
and
seditions
,
at
Ca●barie
hill
;
ther
slanderous
libells
:
ther
imprisoning
her
at
Lough
leuin
:
and
the
act
of
parliement
for
her
deposition
,
as
appeareth
by
the
words
of
the
statute
1567.
(
bycause
yf
she
liued
still
Quene
,
she
might
taik
reueng
of
her
wrongs
:
)
and
lastlie
the
resignation
of
her
crown
,
(
which
they
stowtlie
affirmed
at
york
,
to
haue
bean
voluntarie
,
and
of
her
own
seaking
.
)
But
whether
it
was
voluntarilie
resigned
,
and
by
her
own
election
:
ther
course
of
proceading
will
maik
it
manifest
.
For
first
(
when
they
had
conspired
,
that
she
should
be
forced
to
resign
,
or
to
loose
her
lyfe
)
they
drew
a
forme
of
resignation
,
fitt
for
ther
purpose
.
Then
Athol
,
Liddington
,
and
the
rest
,
sent
Sr
Robert
Meluin
,
to
signifie
her
dainger
:
and
to
persuade
her
to
yeald
,
to
ther
motions
for
the
resignation
.
and
subtillie
,
they
alledged
(
as
owt
of
ther
dewtie
,
and
welwishing
)
that
it
could
not
preiudice
her
being
extorted
.
Also
Syr
Nicholas
Throgmotton
,
arriued
at
the
same
tyme
in
Scotland
,
(
but
vpon
other
pretences
:
)
and
was
a
fitt
man
to
further
the
contriuing
of
that
busienes
,
(
and
what
wynd
soever
ded
blow
hym
thither
:
he
ded
his
work
,
like
a
conning
artificer
,
and
deserued
well
to
haue
bean
created
lord
Hurlie
.
)
Afther
thes
preparations
,
cam
the
lord
Lindsey
with
commission
from
the
counsell
,
(
whose
hand
had
bean
washed
before
in
Dauids
blood
:
)
and
with
stearn
and
grim
looks
,
tendered
the
writings
vnto
her
:
with
fearfull
threatning
,
yf
she
ded
refuse
them
▪
and
therupon
she
subscribed
them
being
a
prisoner
;
and
to
saue
her
lyfe
,
lost
her
crown
.
Call
yow
this
a
free
resignation
?
The
act
of
parliement
in
dead
calleth
it
so
(
1567
)
and
she
gaue
power
to
the
l.
Lindsey
and
Ruthen
,
(
as
her
dearest
frends
,
and
so
in
dead
they
wear
)
in
her
name
to
renoune
the
government
,
and
to
appoint
,
Murrey
the
Regent
,
(
which
he
had
long
,
and
earnestlie
gaped
for
.
)
and
in
Cap.
12.
they
decreed
she
should
remain
prisoner
till
her
tryall
:
and
Cap.
19.
her
enditement
was
drawen
most
scandalouslie
.
The
cawses
alledged
for
her
resignation
wear
these
.
First
she
was
wearied
:
then
,
she
was
notable
in
bodie
and
spirit
to
endure
the
paynes
:
and
that
she
might
in
her
lyfe
tyme
,
see
her
sonn
setled
in
the
gouernment
,
(
then
which
,
nothing
could
be
more
ioyous
to
her
.
)
and
it
is
trew
,
I
think
she
was
wearie
of
such
tyrannous
disloyaltie
:
but
in
the
flowre
of
her
age
,
ther
was
no
likelihood
either
of
her
disabilitie
to
gouern
;
or
of
her
weaknes
,
and
such
infirmities
,
as
that
she
could
not
endure
the
paynes
.
but
for
her
sonn
,
in
his
cradle
;
that
was
the
way
to
be
ridd
of
them
both
.
But
Domini
est
salus
,
euell●●
de
laqueo
p●des
suorum
.
And
to
conclude
after
the
Quene
straingelie
escaped
,
at
Hammilton
(
the
hous
of
a
noble
familie
,
and
well
affected
:
)
she
reuoked
all
,
and
protested
,
and
confessed
,
the
force
and
violenc
offred
to
her
:
so
as
ther
was
neither
formall
,
nor
orderlie
proc●●ding
in
procuring
it
.
besides
the
noble
earls
of
Hontlie
,
and
Arguyle
:
the
lo.
Harris
,
and
others
never
consented
to
it
.
and
in
that
parliement
,
ther
was
not
aboue
4.
Earls
,
6.
lords
,
one
Bushop
,
and
3.
Abbots
.
Could
not
religion
be
planted
in
Scotland
,
withowt
such
treasonabl
shifts
?
ded
yow
euer
read
of
such
impostors
,
or
men
of
so
large
conscience
,
to
maik
show
of
reforming
religion
,
and
to
abuse
the
world
with
the
name
of
pietie
?
The
Apostles
obeyed
Nero
,
(
a
tyrant
and
a
monster
:
)
and
suffred
death
,
rather
then
they
would
geue
exampl
of
disobedienc
.
Te
ancient
fathers
,
obeyed
Dio●letian
,
and
Iulian
(
tho
an
apostata
.
)
Elias
reprooued
Achab
;
but
ded
not
sollicit
the
people
to
commotion
.
D.
Bilson
,
alledgeth
manie
reasons
,
to
disprooue
such
conspiracies
,
(
as
directlie
contrarie
to
gods
words
,
vpon
anie
surmises
what
so
euer
,
all
which
yow
shall
see
hear
after
.
)
and
surelie
not
withowt
sound
reason
.
For
warr
mayd
by
a
subiect
against
his
king
,
is
vniust
though
the
cawse
be
iust
:
and
why
?
the
iustnes
of
the
cawse
can
not
geue
lawfull
power
.
A
iust
cawse
;
a
good
intention
:
power
and
iurisdiction
,
must
concurr
,
to
maik
such
publick
actions
warrantable
.
so
yf
a
king
hym self
taik
armes
,
for
an
vniust
cawse
:
though
his
intention
be
good
,
the
warr
is
bad
.
Yet
ar
not
subiects
warranted
properlie
to
taik
vpon
them
,
the
cognisance
and
iudgment
thereof
:
they
must
leaue
that
to
the
high
tribunal
of
heauen
,
and
to
the
kings
conscience
.
But
these
commotions
in
Scotland
,
wear
popular
tumults
,
and
conspiracies
against
ther
soouerain
:
and
had
no
good
cawse
,
nor
good
intention
:
and
no
authoritie
at
all
.
Now
bycause
I
am
vrged
to
discouer
the
trew
and
principal
motiues
,
that
induced
these
men
,
to
cast
them selfs
into
such
a
Goulf
:
as
they
must
either
neads
perish
:
or
runn
the
whole
state
vpon
a
rock
,
and
wrack
it
.
I
will
tell
yow
,
owt
of
Aesopes
fables
,
a
tale
,
to
diuert
,
and
refresh
yow
.
In
Affrica
ther
wear
two
great
forests
,
near
adioyning
.
in
the
one
a
Lyon
gouerned
the
beasts
,
in
the
other
a
Lyones
.
The
Lyon
(
being
rich
,
and
full
of
praye
and
booties
:
)
feared
least
the
Lyones
should
seak
a
forrein
mate
,
and
growe
of
greater
strenth
,
and
inuade
his
forest
:
and
therfor
called
a
councel
of
his
beasts
,
to
aduise
,
how
he
might
rest
quiet
and
assured
.
The
bull
(
presuming
of
his
strenth
,
and
vsed
to
gore
,
all
the
forren
wolfs
that
cam
in
his
walk
)
together
with
the
bore
,
and
the
beare
,
contemned
these
vayne
feares
.
An
old
Ape
,
that
liued
in
the
forest
,
and
was
vsed
to
counterfeit
,
perswaded
the
Lyon
to
fayne
kyndnes
,
For
great
harts
,
wear
soonest
wonn
with
fayr
semblance
.
Reignard
(
the
fox
)
disliked
not
that
:
but
knowing
that
the
Lyones
,
had
manie
hongrie
and
rauenous
wofs
,
and
wilie
foxes
abowt
her
:
aduised
the
Lyon
,
to
send
the
goat
,
(
a
graue
bearded
personage
,
)
to
visit
the
Lyones
,
and
renew
frendship
:
and
vnder
that
coolor
,
to
Deale
both
with
somme
of
the
wolfs
and
foxes
:
and
bread
in
them
a
iealousie
of
the
lyones
,
and
fear
of
her
creweltie
:
and
therfor
to
perswade
them
,
to
stand
vpon
ther
gard
,
and
maik
them selfs
a
free
state
,
and
so
liue
at
libertie
and
vnder
no
command
.
The
Goat
performed
the
seruice
wiselie
.
Now
emong
the
beasts
vnder
the
lyones
,
ther
was
a
Mongrel
in
greatest
fauor
:
he
hearing
the
motion
consulted
with
his
brethren
,
and
vndertook
the
busienes
;
but
sayd
he
,
we
haue
emong
vs
crewel
beasts
,
what
yf
they
shall
dislike
this
,
and
seak
to
deuowr
vs
?
fear
not
that
,
sayd
the
Goat
,
we
will
send
vow
mastifs
to
gard
and
defend
yow
.
Yea
,
but
sayd
the
Mongrel
,
what
shall
we
be
the
better
,
or
the
fuller
fedd
by
this
:
oh
sayd
the
Goat
,
all
the
pray
is
his
,
who
is
maister
of
the
feald
:
get
yow
the
Lambe
,
and
leaue
them
by
th'
eares
for
the
purtenance
.
Thearupon
,
the
Mongrel
,
with
the
wolfs
and
foxes
that
wear
his
frends
:
conspired
,
entraped
the
Lyones
:
and
drew
her
to
fall
into
a
deape
pitt
,
owt
of
which
she
neuer
recouered
.
Raignard
hearing
of
this
,
sent
vnto
the
Mongrell
,
to
gett
also
into
his
custodie
,
the
Lyones
whelp
:
and
so
he
should
be
sure
,
presentlie
to
rule
and
haue
all
;
for
I
haue
fownd
,
said
he
,
by
experienc
,
that
a
present
morsell
is
euer
sweatest
:
and
possession
is
the
cheaf
poynt
in
law
.
And
afterward
either
the
whelp
may
die
;
or
it
shall
liue
at
your
pleasure
and
dispose
.
This
is
the
fable
:
the
moral
I
leaue
,
til
I
can
haue
tyme
to
expownd
it
and
moother
Hubbars
,
tale
together
.
For
Heare
I
would
gladlie
end
,
this
description
of
the
Puritan
church
of
Scotland
,
the
beginning
,
and
the
progress
thereof
:
but
that
I
perceaue
,
yow
desyre
to
know
also
the
trew
cawse
of
this
fierie
distemper
,
and
the
incredible
contempt
of
all
authoritie
,
(
which
is
an
accident
inseparable
to
them
;
)
whenc
it
springeth
,
and
why
it
is
more
peculiar
and
proper
to
a
Caluinist
,
then
to
anie
other
sect
.
I
will
show
yow
breaflie
my
conceipt
.
Caluin
,
when
he
was
(
after
his
expulsion
)
inuited
home
againe
from
Strasburg
,
wheare
he
liued
with
Bucer
,
and
sucked
long
of
his
milk
:
by
the
perswasion
of
his
frends
,
he
was
content
to
return
to
Geneua
;
vpon
condition
that
he
might
establish
his
new
discipline
,
(
the
Idea
wheareof
he
had
apprehended
in
Germanie
.
)
So
by
general
consent
,
he
returned
:
and
shortlie
after
erected
his
consistorie
:
which
is
the
Quintessenc
of
Puritanism
,
the
Oligarchie
of
Elders
,
and
the
Inquisition
of
Geneua
.
A
strayne
of
pollicie
,
farr
aboue
Luthers
grosse
reach
.
For
so
he
ded
foresee
,
he
might
become
the
Dictator
of
the
church
at
home
,
and
abroad
:
at
Geneua
speciallie
,
to
censure
all
offendors
,
bridle
all
oppositions
,
and
perpetuallie
invest
the
eldors
(
by
that
authoritie
)
in
the
soouerantie
and
gouernment
,
bot
he
of
the
town
and
church
(
which
of
an
Episcopal
Hierarchie
,
they
mayd
now
a
perfect
oligarchie
.
)
And
that
it
might
be
receaued
abroad
with
more
reuerenc
,
and
be
obeyed
more
religiouslie
,
and
be
plausiblie
entertained
in
the
world
(
tho
it
wear
the
Idol
of
his
own
phantasie
.
)
They
set
it
down
as
a
mark
of
the
trew
Church
of
Christ
,
and
ioyned
it
,
in
aequal
rank
:
with
the
preaching
of
the
word
,
and
administration
of
the
sacraments
;
necessarilie
,
fundamentallie
,
and
inseparablie
.
So
then
this
great
Soldan
of
the
Lake
,
sending
his
Mammalucks
,
into
euerie
prouince
of
France
,
planted
the
first
reformed
churches
there
,
after
this
modele
of
Geneua
.
Therby
the
synodes
,
and
assemblies
of
France
,
impatronized
them selfs
vpon
the
principal
townes
in
the
kingdome
:
negotiated
with
the
nobilitie
and
commons
;
and
had
mutual
intelligenc
to
hether
.
And
making
ever
(
politick●ie
)
the
people
partakers
of
ther
eldership
,
and
share
authoritie
and
command
with
them
:
they
weare
sure
alwaies
of
perpetuall
and
strong
support
,
and
by
all
probabilitie
they
hoped
,
at
last
to
pul
down
the
huge
pillers
,
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
to
convert
all
into
Caluinism
,
and
set
vpp
ther
throne
,
ther
consistories
,
and
Sanhedrin
.
This
was
that
Medium
,
whearby
in
France
,
in
Scotland
,
in
the
Palatinate
,
the
puritans
mayd
them selfs
supreme
heads
,
iudges
,
directors
,
and
commandors
of
all
:
and
whearby
princes
,
and
nobles
ar
mayd
ther
wards
.
Hearupon
proceaded
such
violent
courses
,
such
intollerable
irregularities
:
such
indiscreat
zeale
,
as
I
haue
allreadie
declared
.
Ded
they
not
at
Rochel
refuse
to
speak
with
Monsieur
de
Bi●on
the
kings
●●baslador
directed
vnto
them
?
ded
they
not
so
tyre
Monsieur
Lanoue
with
ther
inciuilitie
,
that
he
was
content
to
forsake
them
?
And
in
the
articles
of
Bearn
,
artic.
25.
A●
cheafs
,
and
generalis
,
ar
entoyned
to
obseru
ther
Ecclesiasticall
disciplin
.
ordained
by
ther
Synodes
.
And
see
what
course
they
took
latelie
in
the
assemblie
at
Loudun
:
remember
how
they
of
Rochel
deuided
France
,
into
Circles
and
prouinces
,
appointing
generals
,
creating
officers
,
making
counsellors
,
(
as
yf
they
had
bean
the
12.
peares
of
France
:
)
and
shooting
owt
the
bolts
of
ther
excōmmunications
,
euen
against
ther
greatest
frends
,
(
yf
they
offend
them
:
)
wherby
Monsieur
Chastillon
,
had
cawse
to
discern
both
ther
insolencie
,
and
ther
indiscreation
,
of
late
,
vsed
against
hym
.
Such
is
the
violenc
and
furie
of
Caluinism
:
which
,
some
call
the
discipline
of
Gracchus
:
some
,
call
,
the
pollicie
of
the
church
;
some
more
properlie
,
the
school
of
faction
:
but
zeale
and
religion
,
no
man
calleth
it
,
but
them selfs
.
And
heare
it
comes
fitlie
to
my
mynd
,
that
in
the
conferenc
at
Hampton
court
;
a
Bushop
recited
to
his
maiestie
,
maister
Butlers
definition
of
a
Puritan
,
scil.
a
Puritan
is
a
Protestant
,
owt
of
his
witts
.
(
Which
,
was
not
so
merielie
;
as
trewlie
and
substantiallie
spoken
.
)
for
yf
yow
would
draw
his
pettigree
,
and
declare
his
originall
,
and
of
what
familie
he
discended
,
he
is
(
a
Protestant
:
)
ther
is
his
generation
.
Yf
,
bycause
he
comes
of
a
yonger
and
later
howse
,
yow
will
assign
hym
his
differenc
,
and
distinguish
hym
from
the
rest
of
his
sect
:
(
owt
of
his
witts
)
is
his
coonisanc
,
and
badg
.
Now
,
why
this
differenc
is
assigned
as
proper
to
a
Puritan
,
I
will
show
yow
the
reason
.
We
fynd
by
experienc
,
that
caeremonies
and
solemnitie
,
haue
ever
in
the
Church
stirred
vp
and
bred
a
reuerenc
and
deuotion
,
in
the
harts
of
the
vnlearned
:
and
doe
eleuate
the
sowles
of
the
godlie
,
from
mudd
and
earth
,
in
the
tyme
of
prayer
.
And
so
also
that
order
,
and
grauitie
of
Bushops
and
Prelates
wear
euer
wont
to
fynd
respect
and
estimation
,
with
the
people
.
Now
ask
a
Puritan
,
his
opinion
of
,
Surples
,
corner-cap
,
and
the
habit
of
a
minister
(
which
distinguish
them
from
the
laytie
:
)
he
calls
them
the
raggs
of
Antichrist
,
the
badges
of
superstition
.
For
the
Communion
book
;
he
calls
it
,
the
Portes
and
breuiarie
of
Satan
:
and
that
such
sett
prayers
,
extinguish
trew
zeale
.
The
Ecclesiasticall
courts
,
he
calleth
the
Synagogue
of
the
Deuel
,
and
the
excrements
of
a
corrupted
discipline
.
And
what
opinion
of
Bushops
,
haith
he
?
surelie
,
the
same
that
Luther
had
.
for
william
Ames
,
saith
,
Hunc
Episcoporum
ordinem
,
è
medio
tollendum
,
vel
denuo
Papam
reuocandum
ab
orco
.
And
the
like
opinion
the
English
at
Amstardam
hold
,
in
ther
book
called
confessio
fidei
anno
1607.
Read
the
censure
they
geue
of
the
Cleargie
and
ministers
of
England
;
whome
they
disgrace
to
be
a
multitud
,
of
forlorn
Atheists
,
soldiers
of
Antichrist
,
and
a
bastardlie
,
ministerie
,
pag.
16.
11.
and
14.
and
the
like
is
auouched
in
the
book
of
daingerous
positions
,
c.
12.
From
this
fountain
sprong
,
the
libels
of
Vdal
,
Penrie
,
Martin
Iunior
,
anie
work
for
cooper
,
supplication
to
the
President
of
wales
,
and
manie
moe
:
offensiue
to
the
Quene
,
and
trowble
some
to
the
state
.
The
spring
head
of
all
this
was
Caluin
;
who
Epist.
305.
acknowledged
magis
sibi
placere
,
reformationem
Scoticam
quam
Anglicanam
.
and
why
?
Epist.
126
ad
Cranmerum
.
Corruptelis
Papatus
,
audio
relictam
esse
congeriem
,
quae
non
obscuret
modo
sed
prope
modum
obruat
purum
&
genuinum
Dei
culium
.
Therupon
in
Quene
Maries
tyme
,
the
English
church
at
Geneua
was
Antagonist
to
the
English
church
at
Frankfort
(
by
whose
meanes
and
endeauors
,
the
authoritie
of
Bushops
,
was
then
defended
)
which
they
knew
to
be
the
onelie
way
to
suppress
,
Puritanism
.
so
yow
see
the
Puritans
ar
men
that
stand
vpon
ther
pantaples
;
and
poynts
of
honor
,
for
ther
disciplin
:
and
will
not
learn
of
ther
prelats
,
nor
be
subiect
to
ther
canons
and
iniunction
:
whearby
a
man
may
coniecture
they
ar
not
verrie
well
in
ther
witt
.
But
what
meant
maister
Butler
,
and
what
solid
reason
had
he
for
his
definition
?
Surelie
he
had
hard
of
the
garboyles
of
France
:
of
ther
horrible
desseins
in
Bohemia
:
and
of
ther
hurlie
Burlies
in
Scotland
:
he
had
reade
Basilicon
Doron
,
(
written
by
a
pen
,
sensibl
of
ther
discease
and
disorder
:
)
he
had
read
the
book
of
Philip
Nicholaus
,
de
regno
Christi
,
superintendent
and
cheaf
of
the
Lutherans
at
Wirtenberg
,
full
of
fearfull
predictions
of
the
powr
,
attempts
,
and
plats
,
to
aduanc
the
raigne
of
the
consistorians
.
He
had
bean
aduertised
of
the
sentenc
of
Iohn
Schuts
,
(
a
learned
Lutheran
,
who
described
them
to
be
men
,
that
in
brachio
seculari
confidunt
,
&
plerumque
sunt
homines
seditiosi
,
causamque
suam
ormata
manu
iueri
volunt
.
Libro
50.
causarum
.
He
had
hard
,
the
kings
opinion
of
them
,
in
monitoria
prefatione
ad
Imperatorem
,
thus
.
Ego
a
puritanis
,
non
solum
à
natiuitate
,
continue
vexatus
fui
,
verum
etiam
in
ipso
matris
vtero
,
propemodum
extinctus
,
antequam
in
lucem
editus
sum
.
And
doe
yow
think
he
ded
not
vnderstand
,
how
the
ministers
,
wear
in
feald
at
Starling
,
vnder
the
conduct
of
some
of
the
nobilitie
:
and
forced
the
king
most
presumptuouslie
,
to
yeald
his
person
to
them
;
and
how
they
put
a
new
gard
vnto
hym
,
and
remooued
the
old
.
And
that
the
ministers
Maister
Patrick
Galloway
,
Pollard
,
Carmichel
,
Andrew
Meluin
,
wear
the
trumpettors
that
sownded
the
Alarum
:
And
fled
into
England
afterward
for
it
.
yes
verelie
,
he
was
not
ignorant
thereof
:
nor
how
Iames
Gibson
,
called
the
king
Hieroboam
,
and
persequutor
,
and
threatned
his
extirpation
:
nor
how
scandalouslie
Lawson
opposed
and
affronted
the
king
:
nor
,
how
Pont
and
Baquanquel
,
by
open
proclamation
,
and
in
the
presenc
of
a
publick
notarie
,
wear
so
hardie
as
to
censure
hym
,
and
to
withdraw
the
harts
and
loue
of
the
people
from
hym
.
Yet
this
is
not
all
,
that
may
be
auerred
to
disanul
these
seditions
and
popular
consistories
:
they
ar
condemned
by
ther
half
brethren
(
the
Swinglians
,
which
is
a
thing
much
to
be
noted
.
Hear
the
voyce
of
Gualtherus
,
minister
of
Zurich
,
Tigurinus
,
how
bitter
a
sentenc
he
pronounceth
against
them
,
in
Comment.
in
1.
Corinth
.
cap.
5.
saith
he
,
Galli
habent
sua
seniorum
consistoria
,
penes
quos
,
est
omnis
potestas
,
&
iurisdictio
Ecclesiastica
:
&
in
quibus
omnium
bellorum
contra
regem
,
&
consilia
acta
,
&
subsidia
collecta
sunt
.
The
french
ministers
haue
ther
consistories
of
Eldors
in
whome
resteth
the
supremacie
in
all
cawses
Ecclesiasticall
:
and
by
these
both
all
counsells
and
resolutions
ar
taken
,
and
all
impositions
appoynted
,
to
mantain
the
warrs
against
the
king
.
And
what
estimation
,
Musculus
holds
them
worthie
of
;
appeareth
locis
commun
.
cap.
10.
tit
.
de
officijs
ministrorum
.
So
yow
see
,
neither
of
them
bowe
the
knees
,
to
this
Baal
,
nor
magnifie
Caluins
Idol
.
But
yf
yow
would
look
thorough
(
with
a
pearcing
eye
,
the
absurdities
of
the
Disciplinarians
;
read
Schulting
his
Hierarchica
Anacrisis
,
lib.
15.
cap.
19.
20.
and
22.
Whearby
yow
may
perceaue
how
all
kings
ar
mayd
subiect
to
ther
excommunications
,
(
the
trewlie
Brutum
fulmen
)
of
these
Eldors
,
and
what
confusion
it
breadeth
in
the
ciuil
state
,
(
which
learned
Hooker
,
wiselie
noted
:
)
and
gow
both
nobilitie
and
commons
must
assamble
at
the
summons
of
the
pastor
(
as
the
head
of
the
parish
,
the
President
of
the
Counsell
:
)
and
then
,
what
conclusions
they
determin
and
decree
,
arr
rules
,
and
of
sufficient
authoritie
,
to
bynd
the
Parish
to
obedienc
.
So
euerie
parson
,
is
a
demi-Pope
in
his
parish
:
the
elders
ar
suprem
magistrates
:
and
Caluin
,
really
Papa
and
cheaf
pastor
:
though
owt
of
his
humble
pryde
,
he
will
not
vouchsafe
to
be
,
nor
be
called
Doctor
.
Besides
maister
Butler
,
knew
:
that
wheare
Philautia
and
Phantasia
arr
conioyned
,
and
raign
as
matches
predominant
.
in
the
breyneand
bodie
:
ther
must
neads
be
a
hart
swelled
and
blown
vp
with
singularitie
,
and
with
a
conceipt
,
that
they
onelie
know
the
truthe
,
and
the
trew
worship
of
God
;
and
that
onelie
they
stand
in
grace
,
as
men
predestinated
to
glorieand
blesse
.
Vpon
this
dreame
,
they
contemne
all
others
for
ther
defects
and
imperfections
:
and
being
transported
with
strong
passions
,
and
inflamed
with
the
feruor
of
a
prowd
spirit
(
more
then
of
charitie
,
and
sober
zeale
:
)
they
ronn
into
desperate
actions
,
as
furies
that
regard
neither
Maiestie
,
iustice
,
or
gouernment
.
And
in
dead
ther
be
some
diseases
that
ronn
in
a
blood
,
and
arr
almost
hereditarie
to
some
of
ther
familie
(
as
frensie
oft
doth
:
)
which
leaueth
alwaies
a
taynt
and
a
spice
,
of
the
staggars
in
ther
vitall
spirits
,
as
yf
they
had
bean
bitten
with
a
mad
dogg
.
And
therfor
maister
Butler
knowing
the
sumptomata
of
ther
disease
:
might
with
skill
,
and
iudiciouslie
sett
it
down
as
an
Aphorism
,
That
a
Puritan
,
was
a
Protestant
owt
of
his
witts
.
And
so
I
leaue
hym
,
till
it
please
God
to
cure
or
convert
hym
,
speciallie
in
Scotland
.
TITVLVS
QVARTVS
,
TOVCHING
HOLLAND
,
AND
THE
VNITED
PROVINCES
.
WE
ar
now
to
arriue
,
by
course
,
at
Holland
,
and
Zelland
,
that
horrible
proof
of
disloyaltie
.
By
exampl
of
Holland
.
Akeldama
,
and
feald
of
blood
;
and
the
theater
of
tragical
and
lamentable
stories
.
Whear
I
will
rather
declare
,
then
delate
,
with
what
furie
the
Lutheran
faction
begonn
,
and
with
what
violenc
the
Caluinists
proceaded
;
and
with
what
calamitie
they
both
continued
,
(
for
as
yow
haue
hard
ther
axiomes
and
positions
before
at
large
:
so
the
practises
and
tyrannie
of
ther
followers
,
ar
hear
best
,
to
be
discouered
.
)
And
aboue
all
the
actions
of
ther
conspiracie
,
the
Vnion
of
Vtreght
,
was
the
most
capitall
and
infamours
.
A
deuise
,
(
according
to
the
rules
of
Iunius
Brutus
:
)
an
imitation
of
Swiz
,
and
the
Cantons
:
and
a
strong
argument
,
to
conuince
them
of
rebellion
,
(
though
they
euer
marched
vnder
the
name
,
of
Religion
,
and
bellum
sacrum
.
)
This
Vnion
was
mayd
by
the
states
1578.
First
they
of
Holland
,
Zelland
,
Frize
,
and
Gelders
,
ded
ioyn
,
Contra
omnem
vim
,
quae
sub
praetextu
nominis
Regij
,
aut
religionis
inferetur
.
After
that
,
the
contriuer
and
ringleader
of
all
,
the
Prince
of
Orenge
,
and
they
of
Anwarp
and
Gand
,
cam
with
into
the
league
,
and
subscribed
it
,
the
14.
Februarij
1579.
the
which
was
after
ward
again
confirmed
at
Haghe
,
20.
Iulij
1581.
and
the
scope
of
all
this
was
,
to
abandon
and
expell
ther
leage
lord
,
the
King
of
Spayne
;
and
to
depose
hym
from
his
own
dominion
and
inhaeritanc
.
Therfor
vpon
that
,
they
established
an
edict
,
que
le
Roy
d'Espaigne
est
descheu
,
de
la
Seigneurie
du
Pays-bas
.
And
to
maik
it
more
authenticall
,
they
deuised
a
forme
of
Abiuration
,
from
the
king
,
and
a
particuler
reuocation
and
dispensation
of
ther
former
promise
and
oath
of
obedience
,
in
these
words
.
I.
W.
N.
Swearanew
,
and
bynd
my self
,
to
the
prouinces
vnited
,
to
be
loyal
and
faithfull
to
them
,
and
to
ayd
them
against
the
King
of
Spayne
,
comme
vn
bon
vassal
du
Pays
.
And
when
they
had
taken
that
oath
,
they
broke
all
the
kings
seales
;
pulled
down
his
armes
;
seazed
and
entred
vpon
his
lands
;
rents
,
customes
,
and
all
other
haereditaments
,
and
took
the
same
into
ther
own
hands
.
And
as
absolute
lords
,
they
coyned
moonie
in
ther
own
names
,
placed
and
displaced
officers
of
the
state
,
banished
all
the
kings
counsellors
,
published
edicts
,
possessed
the
church
liuings
,
suppressed
Catholick
religion
,
beseaged
Amsterdam
,
and
vsed
all
the
marks
and
notes
of
sooueranitie
,
in
ther
own
names
.
Whearupon
Raald
,
a
counsellor
for
frizeland
,
hearing
this
new
oathe
,
which
was
generallie
tendered
to
all
men
:
vpon
the
horror
and
greaf
thereof
,
he
dyed
soodainelie
,
(
as
of
an
Apoplexie
.
)
The
reasons
,
they
gaue
,
why
the
king
of
Spayne
,
had
forfeited
his
title
and
right
,
wear
these
:
For
1.
suppressing
ther
religion
,
2.
for
oppressing
them
with
tyrannie
,
3.
for
abrogating
ther
priuiledges
,
and
for
holding
them
in
bondage
and
seruitude
:
for
such
a
magistrate
,
they
ar
not
bownd
to
obey
,
they
said
,
but
to
eiect
hym
as
a
Tyrant
.
An
example
and
president
of
daingerous
consequenc
,
and
which
deaplie
concerneth
all
princes
to
look
wel
to
.
For
yf
subiects
may
depose
ther
prince
:
and
maik
them selfs
iudges
,
when
he
shall
forfeit
his
crown
and
dignitie
(
which
praerogatiue
the
Rochellors
,
may
challenge
as
lawfullie
,
as
the
Hollanders
:
)
qui
stat
,
videat
ne
cadat
,
kings
had
nead
to
maik
ther
seat
sure
,
and
sit
fast
,
for
these
men
maik
it
,
but
a
slipperie
hold
.
And
in
dead
ambition
and
treason
,
can
neuer
fynd
a
fitter
cloake
for
ther
wearing
,
then
that
which
is
mayd
of
the
Holland
fashion
,
by
religion
.
Now
,
that
yow
may
the
better
iudg
of
singulare
commodum
,
and
priuatum
odium
.
And
as
the
peoples
natural
inclination
to
noueltie
,
ded
set
it
much
forward
;
so
ther
wanted
not
a
concurrenc
of
forreiners
,
who
serued
(
as
bellowes
to
blow
the
coles
,
both
owt
of
France
and
England
.
)
Charles
the
fifth
,
owt
of
his
wise
prouidenc
,
remembring
what
a
peace
of
work
Luther
had
cut
owt
for
hym
in
Germanie
;
and
with
what
dainger
,
charge
and
difficultie
he
overcame
it
:
Intended
for
the
quietnes
of
this
contrie
,
and
for
his
own
honor
and
interest
,
to
preuent
the
propagation
of
the
Martinists
,
and
other
new
sectaries
,
latelie
sprong
vp
in
these
contries
.
And
he
could
deuise
no
better
remedie
,
then
to
establish
the
Inquisition
there
.
(
which
he
ded
anno
1550.
)
Wheareof
Marie
Quene
of
Hongrie
then
regent
,
to
her
great
honor
,
procured
both
a
mitigation
,
and
an
explanation
.
But
he
resigning
all
the
gouernement
to
his
sonne
:
retyred
hym self
from
the
world
,
(
whearin
he
had
bean
long
tyred
,
)
and
in
a
most
memorable
manner
,
consecrated
the
last
act
of
his
lyfe
to
God
and
deuotion
.
Afterward
king
Philip
likewise
finding
,
The
Inquisition
.
1.
how
largelie
the
brainches
of
Anabaptism
,
Libertines
,
the
familie
of
Loue
,
and
others
,
ded
spread
abroad
,
and
grow
vp
with
Lutheranisme
,
in
Flanders
:
and
what
dainger
might
ensew
vpon
it
,
to
the
state
,
yf
no
good
order
wear
taken
to
preuent
a
further
ancrease
of
mischeafe
:
he
followed
his
fathers
counsell
,
and
at
large
renewed
,
the
commission
,
instruction
,
and
articles
for
the
sayd
Inquisition
,
anno
1555.
which
was
a
thing
most
fearfull
and
discontenting
to
the
inhabitants
of
the
Netherlands
:
who
alledged
that
in
regard
thereof
,
all
straingers
would
depart
the
contrie
,
and
by
consequence
all
traffick
would
decaye
,
(
which
is
the
gold
myne
,
and
maintenanc
of
these
prouinces
.
)
But
in
dead
,
they
knew
best
ther
own
disease
,
and
what
affliction
and
scourge
they
should
be
subiect
to
:
being
for
the
most
part
inclined
to
innouation
.
and
this
they
apprehended
,
as
the
first
cawse
of
ther
commotions
.
2.
Besides
an
other
prudent
and
politique
act
,
added
more
fewel
to
the
fyre
,
and
an
encrease
of
discontentment
:
which
was
the
erection
of
the
new
bushopricks
.
3.
Thirdlie
the
authoritie
and
power
of
the
Bushop
of
Arras
,
was
much
disdained
:
and
his
Cardinals
hat
mayd
hym
more
odious
,
as
a
man
too
supereminent
in
a
state
so
popular
:
and
the
greater
his
obligation
was
to
the
Pope
for
his
honor
,
the
more
was
the
mallice
of
the
nobilitie
,
and
the
hate
of
the
peopl
encreased
against
hym
.
4.
Furthermore
,
the
better
to
cloke
and
couer
ther
intentions
,
with
the
vayle
of
bonum
publicum
,
they
vrged
to
enioye
ther
ancient
liberties
and
freedome
:
and
that
no
strainger
might
beare
office
and
rule
emong
them
,
and
that
the
Spanyards
might
be
discharged
from
all
residenc
in
these
lands
.
5.
Lastlie
and
speciallie
,
they
desyred
toleration
,
and
libertie
of
conscienc
.
So
as
in
effect
,
the
names
of
religion
,
and
the
Commonwelth
,
wear
mayd
the
standard
bearers
of
all
these
commotions
.
Now
concerning
,
these
greauances
:
the
first
is
a
name
of
more
terror
,
then
in
dead
it
is
.
Not
so
fearfull
to
good
men
,
but
a
rack
to
offendors
;
deuised
vpon
necessitie
against
the
Moors
in
Spayne
:
and
continued
,
vpon
experienc
,
of
the
vse
and
benefit
of
it
:
and
tho
I
can
commend
no
sign
of
creweltie
,
yet
can
I
not
condemn
this
:
bycaus
,
it
addeth
nothing
to
the
punishment
of
heresie
,
(
more
then
the
law
before
inflicted
:
)
but
exacted
onelie
,
a
more
strict
and
seuear
execution
,
and
course
of
examination
,
by
the
inquisitors
:
it
showeth
a
more
care
of
the
gouernor
;
when
he
fyndeth
abuses
and
dainger
in
an
offendor
.
And
also
.
bycawse
it
was
the
sole
Antidot
,
whearby
onelie
Spayne
,
is
and
haith
bean
,
so
wel
and
so
long
preserued
,
from
the
infection
of
sects
,
and
the
contagion
and
tumults
,
which
innouation
vsuallie
ingendreth
(
whearwith
all
the
kingdomes
in
Europe
,
haue
bean
embroyled
.
)
And
the
Spanyards
them selfs
,
neuer
complayned
of
it
;
not
felt
it
ever
as
a
yoke
or
burden
vpon
them
(
who
ar
not
verrie
apt
,
to
beare
burdens
.
)
Neither
is
it
,
in
se
,
a
more
bloodie
law
,
or
a
more
fearfull
execution
of
iustice
,
then
the
consistorie
of
Geneua
,
and
the
seuear
commissions
and
proceading
of
some
other
contries
,
(
as
shall
hear
after
appeare
,
by
the
comparison
.
)
Besides
,
as
is
was
a
curse
,
zealouslie
at
first
propunded
:
the
execution
was
likewise
as
wiselie
afterward
suspended
.
So
as
the
iealousie
and
fear
of
an
act
,
more
then
the
action
,
drew
all
this
blood
.
And
for
the
second
,
it
was
a
politick
and
prudent
inuention
.
a
suaffle
,
to
bridl
sectaries
;
and
a
sicle
,
to
cut
down
the
weads
growing
vp
in
the
church
.
For
setting
in
each
prouinc
,
graue
and
learned
men
,
to
stand
as
watchment
and
sentinells
,
to
foresee
,
ne
quid
in
commodi
respublica
&
Ecclesia
patiantur
:
they
might
better
,
and
more
prouidentlie
,
with
ther
authoritie
either
preuent
,
or
cut
of
the
heads
of
that
Hydra
,
which
ded
then
spring
vp
with
much
terror
.
Neither
was
the
matter
and
motion
new
,
for
Philip
the
wise
Duke
of
Burgondie
,
had
long
before
desyred
,
byt
could
never
effect
it
:
knowing
it
to
be
a
thing
neadfull
,
bycause
at
that
tyme
,
almost
all
the
17.
lands
(
except
Arras
)
wear
vnder
the
diocese
of
Bushops
,
who
wera
straingers
,
and
the
subiect
of
forrein
princes
,
(
which
was
a
thing
not
conuenient
for
the
state
.
)
And
what
good
this
chaing
haith
wrought
,
experienc
perfectlie
and
daylie
showeth
.
for
now
euerie
diocese
is
more
carefullie
visited
:
and
the
Bushops
,
being
of
the
same
nation
and
language
:
as
they
haue
a
more
naturall
compasion
;
so
likewise
haue
they
more
knowledg
and
care
to
instruct
ther
contriement
,
and
to
wead
owt
the
disorders
and
abuses
growing
vp
emong
them
;
then
anie
strainger
,
would
or
could
haue
.
And
that
was
the
cawse
,
why
it
was
alowed
and
ratified
by
the
bull
of
PIVS
IV.
anno
1559.
Now
touching
Monsieur
d'Arras
:
albeyt
his
wisedome
and
experienc
in
affayres
both
of
the
church
,
and
the
state
,
was
sufficientlie
knowen
to
the
kings
:
yet
bycause
the
Prince
of
Oreng
,
and
the
Counts
of
Horn
,
and
Egmont
,
ded
ioyntlie
write
to
the
king
against
hym
:
his
Maiestie
(
tho
to
the
great
hinderance
of
his
seruice
,
)
was
content
to
remooue
hym
,
for
ther
satisfaction
and
contentment
:
and
when
he
was
called
awaye
,
neither
was
the
contrie
quieter
,
nor
they
ceased
from
practising
.
As
for
ther
liberties
and
franchises
,
ded
not
the
king
at
the
Ioyfull
entrie
,
confirm
them
all
?
then
how
,
and
when
ded
he
after
violate
them
?
was
it
for
preferring
the
Spanyards
?
there
wear
few
of
them
left
in
ahe
Netherlands
,
and
fewer
cum
imperio
.
Was
it
,
for
the
offices
of
state
?
the
king
distributed
all
the
gouernements
emong
them selfs
,
(
natiues
of
that
contrie
:
)
so
great
trust
and
confidence
,
he
reposed
in
them
.
He
mayd
the
Count
Egmond
Gouernor
of
Flanders
and
Artois
:
the
Prince
of
Oreng
,
Gouernor
of
Holland
,
Zelland
,
Vtreght
,
and
Burgondie
:
to
the
Count
Arenbergh
,
he
gaue
the
gouernement
of
westfrizeland
,
and
over
Isel
:
to
Count
Barlaymont
,
Namur
:
to
Count
Mansfeld
,
Luxemburg
,
and
Chinay
:
to
the
Marques
of
Berghen
Lile
and
Douay
.
So
as
the
nobilitie
,
could
not
iustlie
taik
offenc
,
nor
haue
expected
more
honor
and
command
,
then
was
fauorablie
,
giuen
them
.
And
for
the
further
assuranc
of
his
good
affection
to
them
,
he
left
his
sister
,
the
Dutches
of
Parma
,
Gouernor
general
:
a
woeman
,
of
a
peacable
spirit
,
and
who
was
like
to
bear
the
bridle
with
a
mild
and
gentle
hand
,
and
to
be
aduised
by
ther
counsells
.
So
then
,
what
was
the
original
of
these
commotions
;
All
was
actuallie
quiet
;
the
fyre
laye
couered
,
and
as
dead
vnder
the
Ashes
:
till
the
tyme
that
the
Baron
of
Brederode
,
deliuered
in
his
supplication
to
the
Dutches
,
with
demands
neither
reasonable
for
them
to
ask
,
nor
safe
for
her
to
grant
.
1.
In
the
mean
tyme
the
Martinis
encreased
ane
grew
strong
in
the
contrie
:
first
by
ther
matches
with
Germans
and
Lutherans
.
The
Earl
of
Culenbergh
married
one
:
Horn
matched
with
the
sister
of
Count
Harman
:
the
Prince
of
Oreng
,
by
his
moother
was
allied
to
Count
Solmes
;
and
his
wyfe
was
sister
,
to
Morrice
Duke
of
Saxonie
:
and
the
Graue
of
Scherenberg
maried
his
sister
.
2.
Then
,
Count
Ludowick
,
the
Princes
brother
,
a
soldier
,
a
man
of
a
great
spirit
,
and
a
Lutheran
was
a
powrfull
instrument
,
both
to
maik
a
partie
,
and
to
back
it
.
3.
Besides
Flaccius
Illiricus
(
whome
they
sent
for
from
Germanie
)
and
other
ministers
dispersed
in
all
corners
,
ded
incense
the
people
much
.
But
after
the
quick
siluer
of
Caluinisme
was
brought
in
,
the
fyre
ever
after
was
vnquenchable
.
Then
ded
the
flame
burst
owt
.
The
people
,
as
in
spight
of
all
lawes
,
begonn
to
mutine
,
broke
down
the
kings
arms
,
and
grew
so
wild
,
as
in
a
rage
,
they
pulled
down
image
,
sacked
the
churches
,
spoyled
the
monasteries
,
and
contemned
all
magistrates
,
that
soughr
to
appease
the
trowbles
.
So
as
the
Duches
of
Parma
,
fearing
ther
furie
,
and
distrusting
ther
violence
:
determined
to
retyre
,
yf
she
had
not
bean
diswaded
and
stayed
by
some
of
the
nobles
.
4.
And
yet
had
she
dailie
more
and
greater
cawse
of
dislike
,
and
distrust
:
by
the
priuate
conuenticles
,
preachings
,
and
insolencie
of
the
people
(
openlie
now
Lutheranising
:
)
and
speciallie
by
the
manie
secret
meatings
and
assemblies
of
the
nobilitie
,
whearof
she
complayned
much
.
)
For
she
ded
well
consider
,
that
as
the
people
could
work
no
noble
effects
withowt
a
head
:
so
the
nobles
wanted
forces
and
powre
to
compass
ther
desseins
,
withowt
the
assistanc
of
the
people
(
who
by
ther
inducements
,
appeared
now
in
ther
own
likenes
,
and
attempted
that
alteration
,
they
most
desyred
.
)
Heareof
the
Prince
was
the
cheafe
capten
,
tho
he
playd
least
in
sight
,
and
would
never
show
owt-wardlie
to
fauor
anie
chainge
of
religion
:
for
all
that
he
ded
practise
,
he
pretended
to
doe
for
the
commonwelth
and
the
general
good
.
He
was
assisted
by
the
Marques
of
Barghen
,
Montignie
,
and
Florenc
Montmorancie
Count
Horn
,
who
was
now
grown
a
perfect
malcontent
,
not
so
much
for
religion
:
as
for
his
own
perticular
respects
and
occasions
;
his
debt
;
the
reiecting
of
his
suit
for
the
gournment
of
Zutphen
;
and
aboue
all
,
the
execution
of
his
brother
Montigny
in
Spayn
.
By
meanes
of
these
noble
and
populer
persons
,
diuers
assemblies
wear
procured
(
as
the
nurces
,
that
fostered
the
conspiracies
.
)
First
at
Breda
,
whether
emong
others
Egmond
was
inuited
,
(
who
had
the
greatest
power
and
swaye
with
all
militarie
men
in
that
cont●ie
:
)
and
shortlie
after
,
as
the
fruict
and
effect
of
that
Assemblie
,
Brederode
deliuered
his
petition
to
the
Duches
for
the
religions
Vried
.
Afterward
they
had
meatings
,
at
S.
Trudon
,
at
Hoocstrat
and
at
Osterweal
.
Whearby
that
noble
Count
Egmond
was
vndoon
.
For
at
his
arrainment
,
he
was
charged
with
this
article
;
that
he
was
priuie
to
the
confaederation
and
agreement
,
at
these
assemblies
.
And
furthermore
,
that
fatallie
,
vpon
the
same
daye
,
that
the
petition
was
deliuered
by
Brederod
to
the
Duches
,
)
he
Oreng
,
and
Horn
,
cam
to
the
great
banquet
,
at
the
Count
Culenberghs
howse
in
Brussels
,
(
whear
300
of
the
confaederates
wear
.
)
and
that
they
dined
all
together
with
them
:
at
which
tyme
,
the
name
of
the
Geuses
was
first
giuen
,
and
mayd
knowen
.
and
that
afterward
he
sent
his
secretarie
Backersele
,
to
offer
his
ayd
,
to
those
of
that
crew
.
and
in
dead
,
he
confessed
hym self
at
Barr
;
that
he
offred
his
assistanc
,
to
hinder
the
Duke
of
Alua
his
comming
,
and
empeach
his
passage
:
and
that
he
ded
neither
dislike
,
nor
disswade
the
proceading
of
the
confaederates
.
And
of
the
same
articles
was
Count
Horn
endited
,
adding
this
further
,
as
a
particuler
charg
,
to
hym
,
that
he
threatned
to
leuie
50.
thowsand
Men
,
by
violenc
to
reskew
his
brother
,
and
reduce
hym
home
.
And
vpon
the
proof
of
these
accusations
,
they
weare
both
condemned
:
as
by
all
law
,
by
reason
of
state
,
for
exampls
sake
,
for
the
Regents
safetie
,
and
the
honor
What
Prince
could
endure
such
indignities
,
And
touching
the
companies
conducted
hither
owt
of
Spayn
(
against
which
the
Prince
had
taught
the
contrie
to
repyne
:
)
was
it
lawfull
for
the
Prince
to
bring
in
the
Reistres
,
and
for
his
brother
Count
Lodowick
,
to
bring
in
the
frenchmen
to
inuade
Heynault
:
and
was
it
not
tollerable
for
the
king
,
to
send
his
armie
,
to
defend
his
own
inheritance
?
was
it
lawfull
to
surprise
Mounts
by
force
,
and
was
it
not
more
lawfull
to
expel
them
by
force
?
and
seing
it
could
not
be
doon
withowt
force
,
surelie
yf
the
Duke
of
Alua
had
not
bean
so
neare
,
to
encounter
and
bear
dowen
ther
mallice
,
the
king
by
all
probabilitie
had
lost
his
footing
in
the
Netherlands
.
And
let
no
man
dreame
,
that
yf
the
Duke
had
not
comed
at
all
,
the
fyre
had
bean
more
easilie
quenched
,
and
the
people
less
prouoked
to
furie
.
For
these
confaederations
of
so
great
persons
,
ded
portend
the
generation
of
some
great
monster
;
and
the
manner
of
the
birth
,
and
first
appearanc
of
the
Geuses
,
by
the
encooragement
of
the
gouernors
of
the
state
,
ded
prognosticate
a
crewel
storme
,
to
all
men
of
vnderstanding
:
neither
wear
they
like
men
,
by
anie
bitt
in
a
woemans
hand
,
to
be
brideled
:
so
as
of
necessitie
,
the
king
was
,
to
send
Alua.
And
the
rather
,
bycaus
he
could
not
hut
know
,
that
M.
Chastillon
,
the
Admiral
The
Duke
of
Alua
,
could
becawse
of
none
of
these
disorders
precedent
,
(
the
lenitie
and
mildnes
,
of
the
merciefull
Regent
,
mayd
them
insolent
:
and
yet
the
verrie
name
of
the
Duke
before
he
gaue
anie
offenc
,
mayd
them
seak
to
forreyners
to
oppresse
hym
.
And
after
his
arriual
heare
,
who
can
blame
hym
,
yf
he
mayd
warr
with
rigour
;
perceauing
the
generall
impression
of
mallice
,
in
the
peopls
harts
against
hym
?
speciallie
being
aduertised
,
that
the
protestants
had
combined
in
the
passion
weak
to
kill
hym
,
at
the
monasterie
of
the
grean
vallie
,
in
the
forest
of
Sauue
near
Brussels
;
(
whether
he
vsed
to
go
manie
tymes
for
his
deuotion
.
)
It
was
well
knowen
,
that
Monsieur
Rifot
,
Carli
and
Villars
with
700.
horse
,
and
500.
foot
,
conspired
when
the
Duke
,
and
the
nobles
,
and
his
followers
wear
at
M●sse
in
the
church
;
to
beset
the
place
,
and
with
fyre
and
deuises
,
to
burn
both
men
,
church
,
and
Monasterie
,
good
and
bad
,
frends
and
enemies
:
(
the
which
,
the
two
Guidons
confessed
.
)
and
the
like
execution
,
was
intended
at
Brussels
against
the
Spanyards
,
as
Pettit
,
Mendoza
,
and
Michael
of
Isselt
testifie
.
Neither
ded
they
cease
ther
mallice
,
and
mischeafe
when
he
was
recalled
:
for
that
noble
and
wise
Duke
of
Arschot
,
aduertised
Don
Iohn
,
that
Oreng
endeauored
to
seaze
his
person
,
to
disposses
the
king
of
the
sooueraintie
:
and
to
establish
libertie
in
the
low
contries
.
I
ask
not
who
set
Ratclif
,
and
Gray
on
work
to
kill
hym
,
at
Namur
,
for
latet
anguis
in
herba
.
And
ded
not
the
Caluinists
,
as
fynelie
contriue
at
Antwarp
,
to
haue
blowen
vp
with
gunpowder
,
the
famous
Duke
of
Parma
:
as
he
was
to
pass
in
the
high
streat
,
with
the
state
of
the
whole
contrie
attending
hym
.
So
as
it
appeareth
,
as
coye
as
they
maik
it
,
they
ar
not
so
free
,
and
cleare
:
but
that
protestants
may
be
charged
,
with
treasons
assassinats
,
and
powder
plats
:
nay
more
;
to
be
the
first
inuentors
of
it
,
as
long
ago
in
Scotland
appeared
,
and
the
king
haith
good
cawse
to
remember
.
Now
for
the
authors
and
actors
of
this
Add
to
these
fauors
,
the
Emperors
furtheranc
of
his
match
,
with
the
Count
of
Burens
daughter
and
heyre
(
whearby
he
was
highlie
aduanced
:
)
and
speciallie
,
aboue
all
other
things
,
he
procured
Renatus
of
Challon
,
Prince
of
Oreng
,
to
maik
this
william
his
heyre
,
(
when
the
President
Schorus
was
wholie
against
hym
.
)
And
forget
not
the
honor
,
king
Philip
ded
hym
,
to
committ
so
manie
,
and
so
great
gouernements
,
to
his
charge
,
and
sidelitie
.
was
it
possible
,
that
anie
thing
could
corrupt
this
man
,
and
diuert
hym
from
thank
fullnes
,
and
allegiance
?
Ded
they
after
geue
hym
cawse
of
alienation
and
hatred
,
or
he
took
a
cawse
?
When
the
king
was
to
depart
into
Spayne
.
The
Prince
(
after
the
Death
of
his
first
wyfe
)
aspired
to
marrie
the
Daughter
of
Christierna
Duches
of
Lorrain
,
(
coosen
germain
to
the
King
.
)
And
therfor
he
laboured
to
haue
her
mayd
gouernor
of
these
prouinces
:
and
so
he
should
in
effect
by
that
allianc
,
swaye
the
whole
gouernment
,
(
for
which
he
had
gaped
long
:
and
was
a
competitor
for
it
,
with
the
Count
of
Egmond
.
)
But
the
king
,
preferring
the
Dutches
of
Parma
,
the
Prince
lost
bothe
his
hope
and
his
wyfe
:
and
therrupon
grew
his
hatred
both
to
Alua
,
and
Granuellan
,
by
whose
meanes
he
imagined
that
Parma
,
was
preferred
:
and
the
other
reiected
.
So
ambition
was
the
trew
internal
motiue
,
of
all
this
rancour
:
but
religion
was
mayd
the
owtward
cawse
,
and
the
mantel
to
hyde
it
.
Ambition
is
a
passion
,
that
can
not
rest
and
sleap
,
withowt
dreaming
of
a
reueng
:
and
therfor
he
first
married
in
the
howse
of
Saxonie
(
the
sanctuarie
of
Lutheranisme
;
)
he
incited
Brederode
:
he
set
a
pike
and
quarrel
betwean
Egmond
and
Granuellan
(
who
had
stood
his
best
frend
before
,
in
manie
matters
of
importance
:
)
he
studied
and
practised
to
hinder
the
comming
in
of
Alua
,
(
purposing
a
certan
reueng
,
for
a
supposal
of
that
he
ded
not
certanlie
know
.
)
He
neuer
after
showed
hym self
well
affected
to
the
kings
affaires
nor
content
with
anie
fauors
.
afterward
,
he
inuaded
Frize
,
directed
Lumay
to
posses
Bril
,
and
what
he
could
in
Holland
:
he
gaue
order
to
his
brother
Seherenbergh
to
maik
hym self
maister
of
Zuthphen
:
and
placed
Saras
gouernour
of
Flushing
,
that
the
world
might
see
the
error
of
Alua
,
in
neglesting
so
long
,
a
place
of
that
importance
.
)
So
as
I
may
well
seye
,
he
was
the
great
wheale
,
whearupon
all
the
state
was
mooued
and
turned
.
I
will
conclude
,
that
after
he
sought
to
be
reconciled
with
the
king
.
(
by
intercession
of
the
emperor
,
and
the
Duke
of
Bauier
,
)
and
could
not
compass
it
,
modo
&
forma
,
as
he
desired
:
he
grew
desperate
,
in
all
his
attempts
hauing
ill
succes
;
and
fownd
no
harbor
so
safe
for
hym
as
Holland
,
the
best
nurce
to
mantaine
his
decayed
estate
;
a
receptacle
of
all
religions
;
and
a
fortification
strong
enough
by
nature
and
art
,
wheare
he
might
safelier
write
Apologies
then
fight
;
encoorage
faction
,
and
plant
a
new
religion
,
(
wheareof
it
seameth
he
was
not
at
first
fullie
resolued
:
)
for
tho
when
he
was
at
court
,
he
went
to
Mass
:
yet
from
his
childhood
he
was
thought
to
haue
had
some
seads
of
Lutheranism
,
(
which
was
euer
after
his
being
in
France
,
transplanted
into
Caluinisme
,
yf
to
anie
certan
sect
.
)
And
these
,
and
all
his
courses
,
being
wel
discerned
at
last
,
by
the
states
of
Artois
and
Heynauld
(
anno
1579.
)
when
they
wear
reconciled
to
the
king
:
with
the
assent
of
the
most
honorabls
Duke
of
Arschot
,
(
who
neuer
much
affected
the
Prince
,
)
articulo
5.
they
ded
bynd
them selfs
,
to
prosequute
warr
against
Oreng
(
as
a
general
enemie
of
peace
)
and
to
fynd
at
ther
own
charge
,
eightene
thowsand
men
for
that
purpose
,
and
will
anie
man
imagin
:
that
so
noble
,
so
religious
,
so
valiant
men
,
(
peares
to
the
Prince
for
nobilitie
,
and
wisedome
,
)
either
could
err
in
ther
iudgments
of
hym
they
knew
so
well
,
and
(
who
had
acted
his
part
,
so
long
vpon
the
stage
,
in
the
face
of
them
all
:
)
or
would
haue
mayd
such
an
offer
,
yf
they
had
esteamed
hym
a
Good
patriot
or
his
cause
,
and
proceading
iust
and
warrantable
?
Now
touching
the
people
of
Holland
,
I
acknowledg
they
ar
a
people
verrie
industrious
?
and
skilfu●l
to
maik
vse
of
ther
labors
;
and
as
a
learned
censor
of
them
well
noted
,
nec
totam
libertatem
,
nec
totam
seruitutem
patiuntur
.
Frends
to
chainge
,
seldome
content
with
the
present
state
:
in
prosperitie
a
litl
insolent
;
most
addicted
to
traffick
and
ther
profite
;
and
iealious
of
anie
,
that
would
empeach
ther
gayn
or
libertie
.
And
the
Prince
being
well
acquainted
with
ther
nature
:
to
bread
and
fead
ther
iealousie
more
,
discouered
to
them
,
the
secret
counsell
and
combination
of
king
Henry
the
2.
of
France
,
and
the
Duke
of
Alba
,
to
suppresse
the
protestants
,
and
to
erect
the
,
17.
Prouinces
into
a
kingdome
.
(
the
which
he
sayd
that
king
discouered
vnto
hym
.
)
But
surelie
,
non
placet
commentum
:
(
it
is
not
like
the
Duke
of
Alua
would
discouer
his
maisters
greatest
secrets
,
to
an
enemie
so
latelie
reconciled
.
)
and
his
fiction
of
other
fables
;
maiks
it
more
probable
,
that
to
haue
bean
a
fable
also
.
For
he
gaue
owt
,
that
the
Emperor
and
the
king
affected
a
monarchie
ouer
all
Europe
:
which
yf
it
wear
but
a
coniecture
,
(
was
deuised
by
hym self
,
and
not
vpon
certan
intelligenc
vnderstood
:
)
and
vpon
knouledg
)
from
them selfs
it
could
not
be
;
for
the
Emperors
overtoyled
age
,
his
end
,
his
cours
and
the
harbor
of
a
religious
hows
he
be
took
hym self
,
into
;
convinc
the
contrarie
.
Yet
these
inventions
and
forgeries
,
serued
hym
to
good
purpose
,
bothe
to
terrifie
the
Hollanders
(
that
they
might
still
relie
vpon
hym
:
)
and
to
procure
,
the
distrust
and
mallice
of
forrein
nations
to
the
howse
of
Austria
.
And
with
such
baites
,
ded
he
long
both
entrap
and
feald
,
that
contrie
people
.
Now
yow
haue
hard
the
whole
charge
,
and
all
the
trespasses
obiected
to
the
king
,
(
both
generall
,
and
particuler
:
now
,
and
ab
Origine
;
)
and
the
actors
,
that
followed
the
busienes
,
and
what
exceptions
may
be
taken
iustlie
,
against
ther
estimation
,
integritie
,
and
testimonie
,
(
speciallie
in
ther
own
cawse
.
)
It
remaineth
therfor
now
,
to
examin
first
,
whether
the
king
stood
guiltie
of
these
crimes
,
of
Iniustice
and
Tirannie
.
For
yf
he
be
innocent
,
then
is
ther
vsurpation
I
will
maik
it
manifest
to
the
world
,
that
the
king
euer
desired
peace
;
and
with
great
care
sought
to
avoyd
,
the
desolation
of
his
people
,
and
contries
.
1.
And
to
maik
this
euident
.
It
may
please
yow
to
call
to
mynd
,
the
course
taken
,
by
that
excellent
,
and
most
loyall
Prince
the
Duke
of
Arschot
,
and
by
the
states
generall
at
the
Pacification
of
Gand
,
1574.
whearin
it
was
thought
requisite
,
to
decree
an
Amnestia
,
and
obliuion
of
all
things
past
,
on
both
sydes
:
and
to
taik
order
,
for
discharging
the
Spanyards
,
and
sending
them
home
.
And
notwithstanding
that
in
this
pacification
,
all
things
wear
referred
ad
arbitrium
ordinum
:
(
vsing
,
nor
mentioning
anie
reseruation
to
the
king
:
yet
Don
Iohn
ded
ratifie
it
,
and
procured
the
kings
consent
,
and
confirmation
of
all
,
as
appeareth
by
the
perpetual
edict
.
And
altough
this
pacification
was
agreed
vpon
,
by
all
the
rest
of
the
states
general
(
owt
of
a
zealous
affection
,
to
general
vnitie
:
)
yet
would
not
the
Prince
of
Oreng
,
nor
Holland
and
Zelland
subscribe
and
accept
it
.
And
they
disswaded
the
states
general
to
accept
Don
Iohn
for
gouernor
,
till
the
Spanyards
should
be
dismissed
at
a
tyme
limited
:
and
yet
would
not
they
dismisse
the
forren
forces
they
had
in
Holland
;
but
being
at
libertie
them selfs
,
would
tye
Don
Iohn
to
perform
his
promises
.
but
why
ded
the
Prince
and
Holland
,
refuse
to
subscribe
?
was
it
for
religion
?
no
for
in
these
articles
,
Holland
and
Zelland
wear
as
well
prouided
for
,
as
they
could
desyre
.
for
therin
was
this
article
,
vt
sola
in
ijs
prouincijs
,
Romana
religio
toleretur
&
exerceatur
,
excepta
Hollandia
&
Zellandia
.
tho
these
prouinces
,
never
esteamed
nor
respected
,
that
peace
,
nor
that
prouision
for
ther
indemnitie
.
and
for
the
Princes
person
and
safetie
,
his
own
guiltienes
,
and
his
precedent
offences
,
wear
buried
in
this
Amnestia
(
the
states
preuayled
more
for
hym
then
the
Emperor
could
.
)
What
then
caused
the
differenc
?
mallice
and
Ambition
,
blinded
and
transported
hym
.
for
all
men
may
see
,
the
king
desyred
peace
,
and
the
Prince
altogether
was
inclined
to
warr
(
tho
thearin
he
was
no
excellent
Hannibal
.
)
2.
And
that
appeared
more
playnlie
1575.
by
the
colloquie
of
Breda
,
whear
the
king
offred
reasonnable
conditions
:
and
the
Emperor
sent
the
Count
Swartzenburgh
,
to
induce
them
to
concord
and
vnitie
.
And
yet
would
the
Prince
listen
to
nothing
,
and
the
treatie
was
fruitles
.
the
cawse
is
worthie
to
be
knowen
.
At
that
tyme
,
they
of
3.
Yet
ded
the
king
,
show
,
still
how
great
his
patienc
,
and
mercie
was
:
and
how
farr
from
the
basenes
of
tyrannie
;
that
knowing
all
this
,
and
much
more
:
yet
would
he
not
proclayme
Oreng
a
traytor
,
till
1580.
when
his
mallice
appeared
to
be
irreconciliable
,
and
his
courses
desperate
:
and
after
they
had
finished
the
fabrick
of
that
vnion
of
Vtreght
;
abowt
fiftean
yeares
after
the
beginning
of
these
trowbles
.
4.
The
fourth
argument
,
to
prooue
the
kings
inclination
to
peace
,
and
his
detestation
of
tyrannie
,
taiks
away
all
quaestion
from
men
indifferent
.
When
the
Emperor
sollicited
the
treatie
The
persons
.
of
Coolen
1579.
and
mayd
choyce
of
most
honorable
persons
for
that
purpose
,
the
two
Princes
electors
,
the
Bushop
of
Wirtzburgh
;
the
Count
Swartzenburgh
,
and
Doctor
Lawenman
.
the
king
of
Spayne
was
as
forward
,
and
sent
thither
,
the
Duke
de
Terra
noua
.
and
the
Duke
of
Arschot
(
euer
readie
to
aduanc
peace
,
and
the
commun
welth
)
with
diuers
others
,
wear
commissioners
from
the
states
,
with
commission
signed
by
the
Archduke
Matthias
.
So
as
the
persons
,
on
all
sydes
,
wear
like
to
deale
with
integritie
and
iugment
.
Note
also
,
vpon
what
motiues
,
was
the
Now
obserue
how
this
was
performed
.
according
to
agreement
,
the
Emperors
commissioners
cam
to
Coolen
in
the
beginning
of
April
.
but
Dauus
pertur●at
omnia
,
the
states
sent
not
thers
till
the
4.
Maij
,
and
then
with
a
commission
insufficient
,
and
restrained
the
tyme
of
ther
treatie
to
six
weaks
,
and
no
longer
.
So
it
seamed
,
the
states
could
not
agree
a
long
tyme
of
ther
instructions
,
to
ther
agents
.
and
ther
for
the
Imperials
took
it
as
an
error
,
that
when
they
them selfs
could
not
in
manie
months
agree
of
that
;
they
would
notwith
standing
limit
ther
deputies
to
so
short
a
tyme
,
for
the
handling
of
a
busienes
so
weightie
and
intricate
,
as
this
was
:
and
whearim
so
manie
seueral
men
,
had
seueral
ends
.
Besides
in
the
articles
,
which
the
deputies
exhibited
,
they
propounded
extrema
,
non
media
,
contrarie
to
promise
.
furthermore
,
by
the
articles
and
media
of
peace
,
proposed
by
the
Duke
de
Terra
noua
,
all
seueritie
was
lenified
and
mitigated
,
for
the
case
of
religion
.
as
the
Emperors
commissioners
ded
testifie
by
these
words
.
Vt
nemo
iuste
conqueri
posset
,
regem
pretextu
religionis
,
vel
seuire
in
corporae
subditorum
,
vel
bona
eorum
confiscare
,
vel
conscient
t
is
vim
inferre
.
So
as
the
Imperials
finding
the
dallijng
and
de
layes
of
the
states
,
such
,
as
in
16.
weaks
,
they
could
get
no
answer
;
and
that
by
ther
letters
they
renewed
all
old
greafs
and
quarrels
:
they
broke
vp
the
treatie
,
and
departed
Hearupon
Bolduc
,
and
Valencen
receaued
and
incertained
the
articles
.
Ouer
Isel
,
and
Turnay
,
refused
them
not
.
Artois
and
Heynault
guided
with
the
bonus
genius
of
the
Church
;
and
Em.
Lalain
,
that
valiant
and
religious
Marques
of
Renty
,
together
with
Monsieur
de
Capre
,
Heze
,
Baize
and
the
rest
:
condemning
the
course
of
the
Prince
of
Oreng
,
offrerd
ther
obedienc
to
the
king
,
and
mayd
peace
with
the
Duke
of
Parma
.
In
this
interim
,
what
ded
they
of
Holland
?
they
wear
now
further
of
,
the
case
was
altered
.
They
published
discourses
against
the
treatie
;
they
studied
how
to
defend
ther
vsurpation
,
and
how
to
perfect
the
Frame
of
ther
vnion
;
and
how
to
increase
discord
and
diuision
emong
the
rest
.
(
whear
there
ministers
and
agents
,
fayled
not
to
serue
ther
tvrn
.
)
But
they
weare
principallie
busied
,
abowt
a
new
proiect
.
For
by
the
mediation
of
the
Prince
of
Oreng
,
and
the
counsel
and
assistanc
of
England
,
and
for
ther
better
abilitie
and
more
strenth
,
they
capitulated
with
Monsieur
the
Duke
of
Alleneon
1578.
whome
they
created
Duke
of
Brabant
,
and
Prince
absolut
of
the
Nether
lands
.
2.
Secondlie
,
touching
the
kings
tyrannie
.
Hear
is
ther
Clayme
,
and
the
foundation
of
ther
Vnion
,
and
of
ther
Dominion
,
and
sooueraintie
.
And
first
touching
the
exactions
and
tyrannie
,
and
seueritie
of
Gouernous
,
which
the
deputies
of
the
states
ded
aggrauate
so
much
at
Colen
.
Surelie
,
so
long
after
the
Duke
of
Alua
his
tyme
;
and
vnder
the
temperate
gouernement
of
the
Duke
of
Parma
:
and
after
so
oft
and
manie
offers
,
and
signification
of
the
kings
gracious
disposition
to
ease
ther
burdens
:
it
was
rather
to
be
iudged
as
a
Cauil
to
shift
of
peace
,
then
a
desire
to
beridd
of
warr
.
For
first
touching
these
greauous
exactions
,
they
complaine
so
of
,
v●delicet
,
of
the
Tenth
pennie
,
imposed
by
the
Duke
of
Alua.
It
is
necessaries
to
Draw
the
Curtens
,
whearwith
they
shadow
and
obscure
the
truthe
.
Necessitie
and
not
his
own
will
,
forced
Alua
,
to
exact
that
,
which
neither
he
would
haue
Doon
,
nor
the
king
haue
suffred
it
:
but
being
driuen
to
extremitie
,
for
setisfijng
the
soldiers
(
who
allwaies
grow
wild
withowt
paye
:
)
and
so
to
avoyd
a
greater
mischeafe
,
he
was
driuen
to
incurr
an
inconuenienc
.
Some
of
the
counsell
in
Englant
,
in
the
Quenes
name
,
seazed
in
Hampshyre
600000.
Duckets
,
(
sent
from
Spayne
to
paye
the
Armie
,
withowt
anie
charg
at
all
to
the
contrie
:
)
tho
she
had
giuen
a
passeport
,
for
the
safe
conduct
of
it
,
as
is
reported
.
Vpon
what
pretences
,
or
how
iustlie
,
I
wil
not
argue
,
(
hauing
beane
before
debated
at
larg
,
in
a
treatie
.
)
But
these
politique
men
who
conselled
her
,
to
extend
her
authoritie
,
for
staying
the
moonie
:
as
they
well
knew
it
was
none
of
hers
:
so
wear
they
also
sure
,
it
would
driue
the
Duke
of
Alua
into
such
strayts
,
that
he
would
be
compelled
to
commit
error
,
and
increase
the
hatred
of
his
gouernment
,
and
arme
the
peopls
furie
to
sedition
.
(
which
was
the
thing
they
most
aymed
at
.
)
Besides
the
king
of
Spayn
hauing
sent
the
Duke
de
Medina
,
(
a
man
of
a
milder
nature
)
to
succead
Alua
(
who
partlie
by
misfortun
,
partlie
by
his
stearnnes
,
partlie
by
some
errors
,
and
by
forren
princes
disfauor
,
was
grown
odious
)
he
brought
with
hym
,
200000.
Duckets
:
which
the
Zellāders
,
intercepted
vpon
the
seas
;
and
as
his
stewards
,
took
it
as
pure
Almes
into
ther
charge
,
to
disburse
it
withowt
accoumpt
.
So
hauing
lost
his
moonie
,
and
ships
:
lost
also
his
hart
to
staye
near
them
;
and
therfor
returned
back
to
Spayne
,
fullie
resolued
,
neuer
to
haue
further
dealing
,
with
such
sharking
Cormomorants
of
that
Nest
and
crew
.
And
so
was
Alua
further
both
plunged
,
and
perplexed
.
But
hearby
it
appeareth
,
that
it
was
neither
the
kings
pleasure
nor
purpose
,
(
who
furnished
hym
,
so
largelie
and
liberallie
as
was
intended
)
but
the
necessitie
of
his
present
wants
,
which
compelled
Alua
to
that
demand
,
and
exaction
.
And
so
it
was
rather
an
occasion
of
scandal
and
offenc
reflected
vpon
the
king
,
then
deserued
by
either
:
and
a
quarrel
rather
mayd
,
and
contriued
,
then
giuen
.
And
these
popular
orators
that
plead
so
earnestlie
for
the
ease
of
the
commons
:
and
seam
so
carefull
to
procure
the
exoneration
of
the
impositions
,
and
taxes
layd
vpon
the
people
:
why
doe
they
not
now
inueigh
asmuch
,
against
these
new
magnificos
of
Holland
?
who
ar
so
fart
from
laying
down
and
diminishing
these
subsidies
and
excis●s
,
that
they
haue
raised
and
augmented
them
in
duch
so●t
:
as
at
this
daye
,
no
common
welth
in
Christendome
groneth
vnder
the
like
burden
.
And
it
can
not
yet
be
forgotten
,
that
the
gend
to
ther
of
the
people
,
(
as
they
called
hym
.
)
the
Prince
of
Oreng
,
ded
propownd
and
labor
to
wrest
and
wring
from
them
of
Holland
,
the
Sixth
pennie
,
towards
his
Barneuelt
in
his
Apologie
,
confessed
:
that
he
fownd
1586.
the
order
of
the
gouernment
owt
of
all
Frame
,
manie
preachers
protestants
would
not
acknowledg
the
states
(
for
after
the
french
fashion
,
they
had
no
command
,
nor
discipline
:
)
the
commons
quite
opposite
:
the
towns
and
magistrates
wished
for
peace
;
the
expenses
of
the
state
,
exceaded
all
incoms
and
reuennues
by
twentie
six
millions
:
and
that
(
which
I
maik
this
note
for
)
west
frizeland
in
the
beginning
ded
contribute
skarse
,
Decies
octies
centena
millia
florenorum
;
and
now
they
ar
charged
,
to
paye
quadragies
centena
milua
librarum
,
&
duos
milliones
.
I
vse
his
own
words
bycause
I
will
not
be
challenged
for
mistaking
hym
.
Who
is
therfor
now
the
tyrant
and
the
exactor
?
tho
the
peopl
haue
chainged
ther
Lord
,
they
ar
not
eased
of
ther
oppression
:
and
wheare
before
they
complayned
they
had
one
,
now
ar
they
subiect
to
the
command
of
manie
tyrants
,
who
fleace
them
,
nay
vnskin
them
.
Alua
bett
them
,
with
whips
;
but
the
states
,
with
scorpions
.
Examin
ther
excises
,
and
impositions
,
how
they
ar
increased
,
vpon
meat
,
drink
,
fewel
,
men
,
servants
,
wages
:
besides
lones
and
beneuolences
.
Henry
Cuickius
chargeth
them
,
to
exact
the
fourth
part
of
ther
reuennues
,
that
ar
Hollanders
and
liue
owt
of
the
contrie
:
Si
in
prouincijs
nostris
,
venia
eorum
degunt
:
semissem
iubent
soluere
:
si
secus
bonis
exuunt
.
And
to
answer
that
inuectiue
,
against
the
Duke
of
Alua
his
Creweltie
(
which
was
so
much
obiected
at
Coolen
,
and
since
haith
bean
aggrauated
by
D.
Baudius
,
in
his
orations
:
)
call
to
mynd
what
occasions
wear
giuen
hym
:
by
the
opposition
of
the
Nassouians
:
by
the
warr
at
Mounts
:
by
the
practise
to
empeach
his
entranc
to
Brabant
:
and
by
contriuing
his
death
.
Yet
these
wear
venial
sinnes
.
But
,
when
he
fownd
the
nobilitie
,
so
farr
ingaged
in
the
conspiracie
with
the
Geuses
;
that
the
kings
authoritie
was
despised
,
the
religion
established
was
prophaned
and
derided
;
that
the
towns
in
Holland
,
and
Zelland
reuolted
;
H●●le●
,
Alcmar
,
and
the
rest
excluding
the
kings
authoritie
and
power
:
what
stranger
and
man
vnpartiall
,
would
not
think
;
when
the
blood
of
the
bodie
was
so
corrupted
,
that
it
is
not
fitt
both
to
vse
cauterism
,
and
violent
purgations
to
clense
it
.
for
violenc
is
never
necessarie
,
but
when
lenitiues
,
wil
not
remedie
and
work
a
cure
.
And
when
Alua
was
reuoked
:
remember
how
litl
,
the
peacapl
nature
of
the
Commendador
preuayled
with
so
rough
and
harsh
natures
,
who
was
forced
to
crie
owt
,
Dios
libera
nos
de
estos
estados
.
And
hear
I
pray
yow
read
the
opinion
of
Syr
Roger
Williams
,
a
soldier
of
good
note
,
who
had
serued
an
both
sydes
,
and
knew
the
natures
of
the
peopl
.
in
his
storie
,
of
these
warres
,
he
condemned
the
reuocation
of
Alua
as
an
error
:
bycause
nothing
but
rigor
,
could
reduce
these
violent
spirits
into
order
:
neither
can
anie
man
maik
them
obedient
,
but
he
that
can
pull
them
vpon
ther
knees
;
and
carrieth
the
sword
drawen
,
in
his
hand
,
allwaies
readie
vpon
such
inflammations
,
to
open
a
vayne
,
and
let
them
blood
:
though
I
conffess
a
gentle
hart
will
much
ever
relent
with
compassion
,
when
it
seeth
blood
shed
.
Concerning
the
breach
of
the
kings
Again
,
yf
he
had
broken
his
promise
:
manie
things
may
happen
after
his
oath
,
to
excuse
hym
from
periurie
.
or
tyrannie
.
for
by
law
,
euerie
absolute
pact
,
and
promise
doth
implie
tacitam
conditionem
,
to
procead
,
rebus
sic
stantibus
,
as
they
wear
at
the
oath
taken
.
But
what
yf
such
difficulties
followe
,
that
he
can
not
keap
his
promise
?
What
yf
that
which
was
then
promised
for
the
good
of
that
prouince
?
can
not
be
obserued
withowt
the
great
domage
of
that
prouince
,
and
of
all
Europe
?
As
the
cawse
,
so
the
case
must
be
altered
.
But
procead
further
,
yf
the
king
had
broken
his
oath
:
yet
wear
not
the
states
inabled
and
authorised
therby
,
to
choose
a
new
prince
in
his
stead
;
much
less
,
to
inuest
them selfs
.
for
in
the
articles
of
the
Ioy
full
entrie
,
this
is
a
clawse
,
vt
si
in
omnibus
,
aut
in
vno
quo●iam
articulo
,
pacta
ista
Dux
Brabantiae
violassct
:
denegare
ei
,
tantisper
subdus
possunt
,
consueta
seruitia
:
dum
id
reuocetur
,
vel
corrigatur
,
in
quo
controuersum
.
For
otherwise
,
withowt
that
dum
,
ill
disposed
subiects
,
should
continuallie
haue
the
aduantage
to
pick
quarrels
against
a
good
Prince
.
And
the
world
can
witnes
,
how
oft
the
king
haith
offred
to
the
Emperor
,
to
forrein
princes
,
and
to
the
states
generall
either
to
reuoke
,
or
amend
,
what
could
be
prooued
to
be
amisse
.
Besides
the
states
and
courts
of
Brabant
,
ar
more
properlie
to
decide
that
quaestion
,
then
Holland
,
(
who
can
clayme
those
priuiledges
,
but
by
participation
.
)
Add
also
,
that
the
states
of
Brabant
,
Flanders
,
Artois
,
Heynault
,
and
the
rest
haue
conformed
them selfs
,
like
dewtiefull
,
vertuous
,
and
noble
persons
,
to
obedienc
of
the
king
:
and
to
all
Lawes
,
and
gouernment
.
(
And
yf
Holland
could
learn
by
ther
examples
,
so
to
doe
,
the
quaestion
wear
then
ended
.
)
Furthermore
,
the
like
oath
all
kings
taik
at
ther
coronation
;
and
it
is
the
greatest
honor
to
them
religiouslie
to
performe
it
:
but
yf
they
break
it
,
what
then
?
shall
he
be
deposed
?
that
is
a
doctrine
onelie
sitt
for
the
schools
of
Conspiracie
.
Besides
ther
is
a
great
differenc
,
betwean
a
couenant
,
and
a
condition
,
in
the
common
lawe
:
and
yet
neither
of
them
tye
a
Prince
,
so
as
the
breach
implyeth
a
forfeiture
,
(
as
hear
after
appeareth
.
)
But
to
conclud
,
who
ded
first
,
create
and
grant
these
priuiledges
?
ded
not
the
Prince
,
ex
gratia
spectali
,
&
mero
motu
,
to
gratifie
good
subiects
?
how
vnthankful
subiects
then
ar
they
,
who
will
seak
to
depriue
ther
soouerain
Lord
;
yf
he
be
forced
to
break
a
clawse
,
or
an
article
,
or
a
couenant
,
vpon
vrgent
cawse
?
What
would
they
haue
obiected
,
to
Philip
Duke
of
Burgondie
,
and
of
the
Netherlands
,
who
resumed
into
his
And
the
like
he
ded
at
Machlen
,
(
which
he
determined
to
haue
razed
,
and
destroyed
:
)
yet
he
restored
them
to
ther
liberties
,
vpon
great
suite
,
and
vpon
such
conditions
,
as
he
thought
good
.
Neither
of
these
great
citties
,
obiected
to
the
Dukes
,
ther
breach
of
oath
,
at
ther
entrie
,
or
that
they
had
forfeited
ther
estates
:
they
wanted
the
cloke
of
Holland
,
and
such
a
conductor
as
Oreng
.
Yet
it
is
worthie
also
,
to
be
considered
,
why
the
Prince
vrgeth
so
much
the
kings
keaping
of
his
oath
:
and
yet
he
maiks
no
religion
to
perform
his
own
.
For
when
he
was
to
taik
vpon
hym
,
the
government
of
Brabant
,
he
took
his
oath
to
mantain
the
Catholick
illuminated
wi●h
the
truthe
,
simul
vinculis
omnibus
obediendi
legibus
&
Ecclesiae
solutus
est
:
he
that
once
haith
perfect
knowledg
of
the
gospel
,
is
absolued
from
oath
,
and
all
such
suares
.
Is
not
this
a
holie
gospel
,
and
a
blessed
lesson
.
But
yet
,
I
see
no
particularitie
alledged
,
wherby
it
may
appear
,
that
the
king
ded
break
his
oath
:
was
it
for
exactions
?
it
is
answered
.
was
it
.
for
bringing
in
the
Spanyards
?
it
was
tyme
,
and
necessitie
,
that
mayd
the
king
,
to
his
great
trowble
,
to
his
greater
charge
,
to
his
greatest
greafe
:
to
taik
armes
,
to
defend
the
Cleargie
,
to
defend
the
religion
of
his
ancestors
(
according
to
the
lawes
and
lawble
customes
of
these
prouinces
:
)
and
to
force
them
to
acknowledg
that
he
was
ther
Prince
.
Was
it
for
religion
?
In
dead
it
is
trew
,
ther
is
a
clawse
in
the
vnion
,
that
they
ar
therby
to
defend
them selfs
,
contra
omnem
vim
,
quae
sub
pretextu
religionis
aut
nominis
Regij
inferetur
.
At
first
,
the
Prince
,
Horn
,
and
Montigny
,
offred
to
Ioyn
with
the
people
,
against
the
Inqusition
:
they
assisted
comforted
,
and
encooraged
Brederode
:
they
desyred
and
vrged
the
Religions
Vried
,
and
published
books
to
defend
it
:
mayd
liberal
promises
to
be
content
with
the
vse
of
ther
own
religion
,
and
not
to
preiudice
nor
offend
the
Catholick
.
And
with
much
art
,
they
hid
and
dissembled
ther
intentions
,
the
better
to
draw
on
the
Catholicks
to
ioyn
with
them
,
for
the
general
good
of
the
state
.
For
by
that
deuise
,
they
wonn
manie
prelates
and
men
well
affected
in
religion
,
to
cooperate
with
them
,
for
the
furteranc
and
defence
of
the
Archduke
Matthias
,
with
ther
bodies
and
goods
:
and
still
vnder
the
fayre
names
of
liberties
and
religion
.
Now
that
religions
Vried
being
granted
,
it
was
a
supersedeas
to
the
inquisition
,
and
a
prohibition
of
all
violenc
,
and
seueritie
.
and
what
could
they
desyre
more
?
Besides
Holland
and
Zelland
,
ever
since
the
pacification
of
Gand
,
haue
bean
offendors
more
then
defendors
:
and
haue
enioyed
ther
Religion
,
liberties
,
&
denique
quid
non
?
so
as
they
had
no
iust
cawse
,
to
maik
this
vnion
and
conspiracie
,
(
speciallie
when
all
other
prouinces
submitted
them selfs
to
the
king
.
)
But
faction
and
haeresie
is
ever
humble
,
till
they
can
get
the
sword
of
power
and
authoritie
in
ther
hands
.
For
now
,
they
of
Holland
,
ar
in
Gloria
Patri
,
and
sing
an
other
tune
:
they
haue
expelled
all
the
Cleargie
,
seazed
ther
lands
and
liuings
:
emprisonned
,
those
that
wil
not
be
conformable
,
to
ther
Synodes
holden
at
Dort
1574.
and
at
Midlborough
.
1581.
they
haue
vsed
much
creweltie
both
in
drowning
and
executing
men
for
religion
:
but
no
toleration
they
will
permit
;
nor
more
fauor
,
then
to
the
Puritans
,
Anabaptists
,
an
semi-Arrians
,
emoug
them
.
And
for
the
matter
:
of
Religion
,
at
the
making
of
that
vnion
;
they
mayd
them selfs
cheaf
gouernors
of
religion
and
the
church
,
by
these
words
.
Quant
au
poinct
de
religion
,
ceux
de
Hollande
&
Zellande
s'y
comporteront
comme
bon
leur
semblera
:
&
les
autres
,
selon
le
placcard
de
l'
Archiduc
Matthias
.
So
then
,
by
this
,
belike
the
States
of
Holland
and
Zelland
ar
aduanced
to
be
head
of
the
church
in
those
prouinces
:
for
all
must
be
touching
Ecclesiasticall
matters
,
comme
bon
leur
semblera
.
They
ar
now
,
the
Regula
Lesbia
,
to
square
iudg
,
direct
,
gouern
,
and
order
all
:
and
what
religion
they
will
allowe
,
that
must
pass
for
currant
:
and
in
that
manner
,
and
for
so
long
tyme
,
as
they
please
.
Now
this
authoritie
being
in
the
states
generall
;
then
that
church
must
be
gouerned
by
manie
,
not
by
one
:
one
spiritual
bodie
by
manie
temporall
heads
,
and
most
of
them
artificers
,
(
merchants
of
Amsterdam
,
brewers
of
Delft
,
Staplers
of
Dort
,
seamen
of
Horn
,
&c.
)
An
anarchie
,
withowt
learning
:
and
(
which
is
pittie
)
a
forenoon
head
,
better
then
an
afternoon
:
too
manie
for
vnitie
,
too
ignorant
for
veritie
,
and
skarselie
able
too
determin
with
iudgment
,
whether
the
Gomarists
or
the
Armenians
,
should
be
Doctors
of
the
Chayre
.
And
that
appeared
well
,
by
ther
edict
published
at
Haghe
1614.
that
no
man
should
preach
,
Deum
aliquos
in
exitium
creasse
;
which
sentenc
was
afterward
retracted
,
bycaus
the
heads
of
the
church
had
erred
therin
,
(
for
they
admitt
not
the
ministers
,
as
in
France
,
to
sharewith
them
anie
part
of
ther
iurisdiction
.
)
Now
to
draw
,
to
an
end
:
yf
the
king
had
taken
armes
to
introduce
anie
new
religion
(
like
a
Mush-rump
growen
vp
in
a
night
)
and
to
compell
the
consciences
of
his
subiects
to
obeye
that
:
I
must
neads
saye
,
he
had
much
encroached
vpon
the
liberties
of
the
contries
,
and
had
incurred
iustlie
ther
mallice
.
And
I
can
not
but
saye
also
,
that
the
Hollanders
,
taking
armes
against
ther
soouerain
,
for
defenc
of
such
a
religion
,
and
innouation
:
can
neither
,
by
law
,
reason
,
not
religion
,
be
excused
and
defended
.
Now
yf
the
Hollanders
be
so
precise
in
vpholding
ther
religion
:
yf
the
Elders
of
Geneua
will
permitt
no
toleration
:
yf
the
french
church
insult
and
oppress
the
poor
humble
Catholicks
,
that
liue
emoug
them
:
yf
Romulus
by
his
law
enacted
,
Deosperigrinos
ne
colunto
:
yf
Numa
would
not
heare
And
yf
they
of
Holland
,
think
it
necessarie
for
the
peace
of
ther
state
:
is
not
the
case
a
like
for
hym
?
yf
for
ther
conscienc
sake
,
they
will
barr
owt
the
Catholick
and
ancient
religion
:
should
he
be
bard
for
his
conscienc
sake
,
to
taik
the
same
course
against
the
Caluinists
?
how
doe
ther
beginning
,
and
ther
proceadings
differ
?
and
how
doe
ther
profession
and
performanc
agre
?
for
at
first
they
mayd
that
a
cawse
of
ther
rebellion
that
the
king
would
force
ther
consciences
:
and
yet
they
will
not
now
permitt
the
same
freedome
,
to
those
that
liue
vnder
their
command
.
But
now
to
come
to
the
Mayne
poynt
.
they
Challeng
by
the
vnion
,
to
be
absolute
Lords
of
these
prouinces
:
and
haue
renounced
all
title
,
and
obedienc
to
the
king
of
Sayn
,
as
Earl
of
Holland
and
Zelland
.
I
ask
,
quo
titulo
ingressi
sunt
?
they
alledg
,
in
ther
letters
to
the
Emperor
1608.
this
grownd
work
.
Post
tractatum
pacis
Coloniae
,
qua
Hispani
potius
ad
opprimendam
,
quam
subleuandam
Belgium
vsi
sunt
:
Hispani
,
Mercurius
Gallob
.
libro
32.
tanta
tyrannide
,
in
prouincias
,
vrbes
,
ac
ciues
omnes
Belgij
,
procul●atis
omnibus
priuilegijs
grassabantur
:
vt
ad
conseruandam
,
quod
ei
imminebat
,
ab
extremo
exitio
patriam
:
pleraeque
Belgicae
prouinciae
,
quae
in
vnione
perstiterant
,
regem
eiurarunt
:
&
certam
quandam
,
ac
liberam
reipublicae
formam
constituerunt
.
It
a
pro
liberis
,
à
multis
regibus
accepti
.
per
32.
annos
.
Hear
is
the
fowndation
of
ther
free
state
:
and
the
reason
is
tyrannie
:
and
the
tyme
is
sayd
to
be
after
the
treatie
of
Coolen
,
(
tho
in
dead
this
vnion
,
was
mayd
before
.
)
Besides
in
the
same
place
:
they
vse
an
other
argument
:
that
the
king
of
Spayn
and
the
Archduke
,
acknowledg
them
,
as
free
prouinces
,
in
quas
ipsi
nihil
iuris
praetendant
;
cum
omnibus
,
generalibus
,
&
particularibus
renunciationibus
.
At
the
making
of
that
vnion
,
they
alledged
,
that
the
king
had
forfeited
his
estate
,
by
oppressing
them
with
tyrannie
,
by
infringing
ther
liberties
and
his
own
oath
,
and
for
suppressing
religion
.
And
at
Coolen
,
the
states
deputies
added
,
that
they
took
armes
,
not
onelie
for
religion
but
to
1.
auoyd
exactions
intollerable
,
2.
and
to
cast
of
the
yoke
of
too
seuere
gouernors
.
So
then
1.
religion
,
2.
tyrannie
,
3.
exaction
,
4.
abrogation
of
ther
priuiledges
,
and
the
kings
own
renunciation
of
his
title
:
arr
the
pillers
of
this
vnion
.
It
remaineth
therfor
,
after
hauing
mayd
a
breach
with
this
long
battrie
,
to
geue
the
assault
vpon
ther
title
:
and
discouer
how
seditious
the
positions
and
principles
of
that
religion
ar
,
which
imprinted
in
them
such
disloyaltie
to
vsurp
that
title
.
If
it
could
be
prooued
by
them
,
(
which
is
necessarie
first
to
be
:
)
that
the
king
ded
oppress
the
contrie
by
tyrannie
,
and
abrorating
ther
priuiledges
:
then
is
it
yet
a
question
of
importance
,
whether
therby
he
haith
lost
his
authoritie
ouer
his
subiects
?
and
yf
he
had
lost
it
,
by
what
law
haue
they
fownd
it
?
by
what
ciuil
order
or
president
,
ded
they
abiure
ther
obedience
?
Surelie
it
was
,
certam
quandam
ac
liberam
reipublicae
formam
constituere
.
That
was
ther
end
,
and
ther
presumption
:
but
it
was
neither
order
nor
cawse
.
Neither
is
the
kings
tyrannie
,
a
sufficient
warrant
for
ther
tyrannie
and
vsurpation
.
for
a
soouerain
can
not
loose
his
soouerainetie
:
it
doth
all
waies
carrie
with
it
a
nonobstante
,
to
difpenc
with
errors
and
irregularities
.
And
for
ther
priuiledges
,
which
the
king
never
intended
to
maik
voyd
,
(
and
so
they
build
vpon
a
false
grownd
,
which
will
fayle
them
:
)
yf
it
had
bean
so
great
an
offenc
,
for
the
king
to
abrogate
theirs
;
is
it
not
a
greater
offenc
for
subiects
,
to
vsurp
his
?
and
so
to
maik
them self
parties
and
iudges
,
and
by
ther
own
authoritie
to
punish
ther
prince
.
Which
is
an
insolencie
and
indignitie
incredible
to
all
posteritie
;
and
such
as
neither
the
Swizzes
,
nor
the
Amphictiones
(
the
confederate
cantons
of
Grecia
:
)
ded
ever
match
,
nor
come
neare
.
for
so
they
maik
,
regna
,
occupantium
ius
,
qui
potest
capere
,
capiat
.
A
pretenc
opposite
to
all
lawes
:
a
portall
to
let
in
confusion
.
but
yf
the
king
ded
loose
and
forfeit
all
his
authoritie
and
iurisdiction
:
yet
I
see
not
,
why
or
how
,
they
could
also
challeng
his
lands
,
and
priuate
inheritance
:
for
that
must
neads
discend
by
law
.
Besides
yf
the
king
could
forfeit
his
sooueraintie
,
how
can
he
forfeit
it
to
his
subiects
?
but
say
they
,
wear
now
no
subiects
;
we
haue
waued
and
renounced
the
same
.
and
is
that
inough
?
It
is
trew
;
a
subiect
,
may
maik
hym self
ciuis
alienae
reipulicae
:
but
yf
he
stay
in
his
own
contrie
,
he
can
not
of
a
subiect
maik
hym self
no
subiect
;
(
for
tho
he
doe
rebell
as
the
Hollanders
ded
,
yet
he
is
a
subiect
:
)
but
it
is
admirable
,
how
of
a
subiect
he
should
become
a
sooueraine
:
that
is
scientia
scientiarum
,
a
supernatural
skill
aboue
my
capacitie
,
Yet
yf
the
kings
should
forfeit
his
earldome
of
Holland
;
it
is
not
to
them
,
but
to
the
cheaf
Lord
of
the
fee
,
that
is
to
the
Emperor
(
for
it
can
escheat
to
no
other
,
either
by
the
Imperial
or
municipal
lawes
.
)
Yf
yow
ask
me
the
reason
:
I
saye
it
is
manifest
,
that
Holland
was
erected
into
an
Earldome
,
by
the
Emperour
Carlous
Caluus
qui
cum
audiuit
,
Hollandiam
terram
Imperatoriam
,
a
Danis
spoliari
,
rogatu
Iohannis
Papae
,
principatum
eius
contulit
Theodorico
.
So
yf
it
be
not
in
the
king
of
Spayn
,
(
to
whome
it
is
lineallie
discended
from
Theodoric
:
)
then
may
the
Emperor
geue
a
new
inuestitur
thereof
,
as
a
fief
Imperial
,
to
whome
he
pleaseth
,
as
he
ded
to
Theodoric
.
(
for
it
is
a
phantastical
imagination
,
that
it
is
fallen
by
lapse
to
them
of
Holland
.
)
the
Emperor
taketh
no
notice
of
ther
Stateships
,
(
being
a
priuate
order
for
ther
better
government
.
)
But
yf
it
be
fallen
in
laps
,
it
is
rather
fallen
to
Oreng
and
the
nobilitie
,
(
who
can
Better
govern
)
then
to
tradesmen
,
and
mariners
.
And
yet
vndowbtedlie
to
none
of
them
,
except
they
plead
,
that
as
conquerors
they
wonn
yt
by
the
sword
,
and
so
they
will
hold
it
:
which
is
a
Tenure
,
neither
knowen
to
Litlton
,
nor
summe
Rurall
,
not
Ius
feudale
:
a
tenure
fitter
for
forosciuti
,
or
the
Hoords
of
Tartarians
,
then
a
commonwelth
of
Christians
.
A
certan
Hollander
,
in
his
third
defenc
,
of
the
vnited
prouinces
,
calleth
the
king
of
Spayn
,
Raptorem
,
&
haereticum
notorium
,
rudelie
and
vnciuillie
;
and
therupon
inferreth
,
An
non
potius
regem
Hispaniae
,
quia
haereticus
notorius
est
,
ex
suo
regno
omnibus
omnium
Euangelicorum
viribus
,
expellere
oporteret
?
either
this
man
was
much
distempered
,
or
his
religion
infected
hym
,
and
mayd
hym
a
Catelin
,
and
so
seditions
.
These
Ar
fearefull
paradoxes
,
and
such
as
all
princes
haue
interest
in
;
and
had
nead
to
haue
ther
swords
drawen
to
confute
:
yf
for
pretenc
of
religion
,
for
errors
in
gouernment
,
for
restraining
ther
priuiledges
,
for
punishing
sedition
and
ryots
:
subiects
may
thus
sit
in
iudgment
vpon
ther
princes
,
and
taike
armes
and
expell
them
owt
of
ther
territories
.
Thus
ded
ket
,
and
Iack
Straw
in
England
,
rise
for
bonum
publicum
:
the
Bowres
in
Germanie
,
and
Ziska
in
Bohemia
mayd
ther
insurrections
for
religion
:
and
so
euerie
Gracchus
,
may
taik
vpon
hym
the
reformation
of
the
church
and
the
state
.
Now
yf
they
obiect
,
ther
case
is
ill
fitted
with
a
comparison
,
bycause
manie
princes
in
32.
yeares
haue
acknowledged
and
vsed
them
as
a
free
State
.
Yf
they
hold
onelie
by
prescription
:
I
may
iustlie
saye
,
that
tyme
will
not
serue
ther
turne
:
except
they
can
therwith
plead
a
title
,
and
bona
fides
:
for
tyme
may
confirm
a
title
,
but
creates
none
.
and
the
opinion
of
forrein
princes
,
maiks
not
ther
bad
clayme
better
,
but
geueth
onelie
,
a
reputation
to
the
vsurper
:
and
in
so
bad
a
quarrel
,
brauelie
defended
,
not
the
cawse
,
but
the
success
:
not
ther
right
but
ther
prosperitie
haith
doon
them
honor
.
Besides
it
is
nor
trew
,
that
they
haue
bean
so
reputed
of
Princes
.
to
negotiate
with
princes
vnder
that
title
,
and
that
so
princes
confirm
ther
title
,
be
different
things
.
I
grand
that
they
offred
to
Quene
Elizabeth
the
sooueraintie
of
these
prouinces
,
and
laboured
that
she
would
entertain
them
:
but
the
counsel
(
speciallie
the
L.
Treasorer
,
)
ded
not
welcome
the
offer
.
both
in
regard
of
ther
title
,
for
nemo
potest
plus
euris
transferre
in
alium
,
quam
ipse
habet
:
they
could
not
geuer
her
that
,
which
was
not
ther
owne
:
and
in
respect
of
the
safetie
and
honor
of
the
Quene
,
who
could
not
hold
and
mantain
such
a
tile
,
withowt
the
censure
of
the
world
;
and
withowt
geuing
forrein
princes
,
and
her
own
people
a
president
against
her self
.
Although
for
her
own
priuate
ends
,
afterward
she
was
content
to
protect
them
:
and
he
who
furthered
most
that
protection
,
was
as
glad
so
clenlie
to
be
rid
of
the
sonn
:
as
the
Marques
of
Winchester
was
,
to
be
deliuered
of
the
father
.
And
therfor
,
the
Quenes
commissioners
at
Burborough
,
(
as
I
haue
hard
)
affirmed
trewlie
,
Auersata
est
Regina
delatam
sibi
saepius
illarum
regionum
summam
potestatem
.
Neither
was
Syr
Noel
Caron
,
in
Quene
Elizabeths
tyme
,
esteamed
as
an
Embassador
,
but
as
an
agent
.
But
to
ioyn
issew
with
them
:
yf
they
can
maik
good
ther
hold
and
Clayme
;
it
aduersus
rectores
&
admmistratores
regionum
,
3.
il●●citas
congregationes
populi
cogunt
,
●iues
commotionibus
turbant
,
&c.
This
compared
with
ther
dealing
against
Alua
,
Don
Iohn
,
and
the
Duke
of
Parma
:
with
ther
manie
meatings
,
at
Breda
and
Osterweal
;
with
ther
incensing
and
encooraging
the
Geuses
:
with
ther
defenc
of
Harland
,
and
Alcmar
:
is
as
good
as
a
comment
,
to
explayne
the
law
.
But
cap.
82.
Vi
b●●●a
sint
insta
,
requiritur
1.
iusta
causa
2.
recta
intentio
,
3.
personarum
idoneitas
,
4.
&
authoritas
principum
,
sine
qua
est
laesa
Maiestas
.
Now
yf
the
states
mark
that
sine
qua
;
they
may
hold
down
ther
heads
,
and
blush
.
for
,
in
all
ther
warres
,
they
neither
had
good
coolor
,
nor
iust
cawse
.
they
wear
secured
for
ther
religion
,
by
the
pacification
of
Gandt
,
by
the
perpetual
edict
,
by
the
articles
of
the
treatie
at
Coolen
,
and
by
enioying
all
withowt
disturbanc
:
and
yet
would
they
not
ioyn
with
the
states
generall
,
and
accept
the
same
.
Also
ther
was
not
recta
intentio
,
for
it
was
to
noorish
discord
.
they
pretended
euer
religion
,
and
the
peoples
safetie
;
but
the
Prince
perswaded
them
to
armes
and
the
vnion
,
not
for
the
loue
of
them
,
but
for
his
own
preseruation
.
Ambition
and
dispayre
wear
his
motiues
and
counsellors
:
and
reueng
,
and
dispossessing
the
king
wear
his
ends
.
And
he
was
the
more
disloyall
,
seing
he
being
a
person
of
honor
betrayed
the
trust
of
so
great
a
charg
reposed
in
hym
.
And
touching
that
sine
qua
;
it
was
a
warr
(
on
ther
parts
)
mayd
against
the
king
,
and
not
by
his
authoritie
:
and
not
onelie
his
sword
was
shaken
against
the
king
,
but
his
penn
and
Apologie
,
(
which
was
a
great
error
bycause
they
wear
not
aequallie
matched
,
and
of
one
degree
.
)
He
had
in
the
low
contries
,
neither
office
,
nor
command
,
but
vnder
the
wings
of
the
Aegle
,
or
authoritie
of
the
Lyon
.
And
he
held
all
his
Belgick
lands
in
fee
of
the
Duke
of
Burgondie
,
(
as
of
his
Leage
Lord
:
and
ded
homage
,
and
fealtie
for
the
same
,
and
he
knew
also
that
a
soouerain
,
geues
law
to
his
subiects
,
aswel
as
offices
,
and
haith
power
of
lyfe
and
death
:
and
as
a
learned
man
noted
,
Besides
,
Claudius
le
Brun
,
in
his
book
of
proces
ciuil
and
criminal
:
addeth
this
.
Whosoeuer
surpriseth
,
townes
Castles
,
and
forts
,
withowt
order
of
his
soouerain
(
as
the
Prince
ded
cawse
Count
Lumay
doe
in
Holland
;
and
Vorst
,
and
Barland
ded
Flushyng
.
)
Whearby
the
peace
of
the
contrie
is
broken
:
or
who
attempteth
against
the
lyfe
of
the
soouerains
liuetennant
,
it
is
treason
.
And
these
,
all
Europe
doe
hold
,
as
iudgments
,
decrees
of
reason
,
and
principles
of
state
which
ar
not
to
be
called
in
quaestion
.
and
yf
the
states
in
Holland
doe
not
obserue
,
hold
,
and
practise
the
same
:
they
can
never
expect
,
either
peace
,
order
,
or
obedienc
in
ther
contrie
.
So
as
it
is
manifest
,
that
the
Hollanders
,
in
the
beginning
ar
to
be
charged
with
sedition
,
and
in
the
progress
with
rebellion
and
treason
.
And
then
being
traytors
by
law
;
they
haue
admirable
luck
,
and
art
to
maik
them selfs
also
Lords
by
lawe
.
and
it
will
be
a
good
encooragement
,
to
ther
soldiers
;
yf
men
may
winn
dignities
by
offences
,
to
share
the
nownes
of
Holland
emong
them
,
or
to
induce
them
to
a
bellum
pyraticum
,
or
sociale
:
and
cantonize
that
prouinc
by
ther
own
example
.
They
haue
yet
one
euasion
,
(
which
is
rather
of
consequenc
,
then
of
substanc
to
prooue
ther
title
:
)
a
playster
they
think
to
salue
all
sores
:
that
the
Archduke
haith
renounced
his
right
:
and
the
king
ar
knowledgeth
them
to
be
now
,
liberas
prouincias
,
&
in
quas
ipse
nihiliuris
pretendat
.
though
it
is
no
aenigma
,
no
ridl
,
nor
such
an
argument
as
will
pose
a
lawyer
to
answer
it
.
yet
bycause
,
I
will
not
doe
hurt
,
whear
I
would
doe
good
,
I
leaue
it
to
the
consideration
of
that
honorable
,
and
learned
Chancelor
Peckins
:
who
can
best
in
a
fitt
tyme
,
satisfie
the
world
,
that
it
is
but
a
sharcrow
,
and
thunder
withowt
a
bolt
.
So
then
by
law
,
yow
haue
hard
in
what
state
they
stand
,
for
procuring
the
effusion
of
so
much
blood
,
and
breaking
the
peace
cum
priuilegie
,
and
the
generall
allowanc
of
the
church
of
England
.
Saith
he
shall
a
king
be
deposed
,
yf
he
break
his
promise
and
oath
,
at
his
coronation
?
in
anie
of
the
couenants
,
and
poynts
he
promiseth
?
He
answers
,
in
the
margent
,
the
breach
of
couenants
,
is
no
depriuation
.
And
he
geues
this
reason
.
The
people
may
not
break
with
ther
Princes
,
tho
ther
Princes
break
with
God
.
And
afterward
.
Subiects
can
not
depose
ther
Princes
,
to
whome
they
must
be
subiect
for
conscienc
sake
.
This
is
a
sermon
quite
contarie
to
the
Aphorisms
of
Holland
,
and
the
diuinitie
of
Rochel
:
and
yet
it
standeth
vpon
inuincible
reason
:
for
as
yow
may
not
by
Gods
lawe
,
depose
your
prince
,
so
yow
ar
for
bidden
to
taik
armes
against
hym
.
And
why
?
D.
Bilson
,
wil
satisfie
yow
.
For
(
saith
he
)
he
that
may
fight
may
bill
:
and
war
against
the
Prince
,
and
murdering
the
Prince
,
ar
of
consequenc
incuitabl
.
Afterward
he
addeth
this
,
(
to
stopp
the
mouth
,
of
such
a
Polipragmus
,
as
called
the
king
,
raptorem
,
&
haereticum
,
&
à
suo
repellendum
.
)
The
Apostles
obeyed
the
tyrants
,
that
commanded
all
things
against
religion
.
And
in
those
things
,
which
wear
cammanded
against
God
,
they
ded
submit
them selfs
with
meakenes
,
to
endure
the
Magistrates
pleasure
,
but
not
to
obey
his
will
.
Lastlie
and
most
to
the
purpose
,
he
concludeth
;
yf
the
lawes
of
the
land
appoynt
the
nobles
,
as
next
to
the
king
,
to
assist
hym
in
doeing
right
,
and
with
hold
hym
from
doeing
wrong
:
then
ar
they
licensed
by
mans
lawes
,
to
interpose
them selfs
:
but
in
no
case
to
depriue
the
Prince
,
whear
the
scepter
is
inherited
.
Now
it
is
certan
,
that
the
lawes
of
the
Netherlands
geue
no
such
authoritie
to
the
nobles
:
and
yf
they
ded
,
yet
in
no
case
to
to
depriue
ther
Prince
,
or
to
abiure
ther
obedienc
:
and
maik
that
as
a
bridg
to
pass
ouer
to
the
sooueraintie
.
And
bycause
some
of
good
accounpt
and
iudgment
,
haue
bean
led
into
that
error
,
that
the
Dukes
of
Burgondie
,
hold
not
full
power
,
and
sooraintie
in
the
Netherlands
:
I
will
send
them
to
schoole
,
to
all
lawyers
,
records
,
stories
,
and
(
that
which
is
most
infallible
)
to
the
practise
and
common
lawes
of
that
contrie
;
to
Bodin
;
and
to
that
ancient
and
honorable
Counsellor
,
the
Lord
Chancelor
Egerton
,
in
his
oration
for
the
post
nati
,
pag.
71.
The
Dukes
of
Burgondie
(
saith
he
)
wear
absolute
Princes
,
and
had
soouerain
power
in
ther
contries
.
and
king
Henry
the
S.
●ad
as
absolute
sooueraintie
,
when
his
style
was
Lord
of
Ireland
,
as
when
he
vas
king
.
for
the
difference
of
styles
marks
not
the
differenc
of
soouerantie
.
So
then
to
conclude
,
yf
this
warr
,
begonn
for
religion
,
was
against
all
the
rules
of
religion
:
I
may
dewlie
inferr
,
that
as
ther
vsurpation
is
withowt
warrant
either
of
law
or
the
gospell
,
they
continew
to
hould
it
withowt
conscienc
.
and
haue
no
other
title
but
force
,
and
the
canon
.
And
all
forrein
soldiers
that
doe
assist
them
(
knowing
the
iniustice
of
the
case
,
and
that
the
warr
is
so
vnlawfull
)
incurr
the
penaltie
of
mortal
sinn
,
and
dainger
of
damnation
:
and
may
as
iustlie
be
reprooued
,
as
king
Iosaphat
for
helping
and
assisting
Achab.
Look
to
the
end
,
for
it
is
certanly
fearefull
to
all
those
who
know
that
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
I
write
not
thus
much
,
as
an
enemie
to
the
contrie
,
(
I
hould
a
peareles
countie
,
for
the
goodlie
townes
,
welth
,
traffick
,
strenth
,
and
fertilitie
,
in
so
small
a
circuite
:
)
nor
for
anie
personall
quarrels
:
nor
for
anie
corruption
,
or
assentation
(
in
regard
of
the
match
with
Spayne
:
)
but
,
onelie
the
truth
of
the
storie
;
the
dainger
of
ther
president
,
and
the
cawse
of
religion
haue
induced
me
.
for
tho
I
remembred
,
the
dislike
had
of
ther
manner
of
gouernment
,
ther
dealing
with
the
Quenes
officers
,
and
of
ould
how
vnkyndlie
my
lo.
Willoughbie
had
bean
hearto
fore
vsed
by
them
,
as
his
Apologie
can
witnes
:
and
of
late
what
complaynts
our
merchant
adventurors
(
in
ther
books
)
had
mayd
for
ther
ill
vsage
at
Mosko
,
and
the
east
Indies
by
them
:
what
contempt
they
showed
,
when
the
dewtie
of
Size
Herrings
was
demanded
in
his
Maiesties
right
,
for
fishing
on
the
coast
of
Scotland
,
(
in
presuming
to
imprison
the
demander
.
)
and
manie
such
like
matters
.
yet
why
should
these
mooue
me
when
the
state
was
not
mooued
(
And
when
I
saye
the
state
,
I
mean
not
the
people
,
but
the
king
,
(
to
whome
Holland
is
and
was
most
bownd
,
for
2.
high
and
bynding
fauores
,
wihch
require
a
reciprocall
obligation
and
thankfullnes
on
ther
part
:
and
such
as
ought
to
bread
in
them
good
blood
and
ambites
and
respectfull
toungs
.
first
in
restoring
vnto
them
the
keyes
that
ded
open
and
lock
ther
provinc
;
(
not
for
anie
remuneration
.
but
restitution
of
a
part
of
his
dew
.
)
As
also
for
the
free
permission
of
ther
fishings
vpon
the
Englih
coast
:
whearin
they
haue
yearlie
employed
,
aboue
30.
thowsand
persons
,
set
to
work
by
it
,
and
aboue
4000.
Busses
,
Doggerbotes
,
galliots
,
and
pinks
,
to
ther
admirable
benefit
.
which
is
onelie
a
permission
of
grace
,
and
no
priuiledg
,
by
law
,
(
for
Grotius
may
withowt
contradiction
prooue
mare
liberum
,
as
the
kings
high
waye
is
for
euerie
mans
walk
.
But
he
can
not
prooue
,
that
fishings
vpon
an
other
Princes
coast
be
permitted
to
them
.
)
this
is
a
digression
(
to
a
good
end
.
)
And
therfor
I
will
return
to
the
matter
.
THE
V.
TITLE
.
OF
THE
TROWBLES
IN
BOHEMIA
AND
THE
PALATINATE
.
BOhemia
Onelie
now
resteth
,
as
a
stage
Parreus
,
Cracerus
,
and
the
schools
of
the
new
discipline
.
Parreus
in
his
Comment.
vpon
the
13.
Romans
.
teacheth
,
that
subditi
possunt
suos
Reges
deponere
,
quando
degenerant
in
tyrannos
,
aut
suos
subditos
cogunt
ad
Idololatriam
:
Scil.
Subiects
may
depriue
ther
Princes
,
when
they
degenerate
from
a
royal
gouernement
and
become
tyrants
;
of
yf
they
compel
ther
subiects
,
to
Idolatrize
.
(
And
his
meaning
is
:
yf
they
establish
the
Mass
,
and
the
sacrifice
of
the
Church
,
or
anie
other
religion
,
then
Caluinism
:
)
then
eiect
,
excommunicate
,
and
cast
them
owt
of
all
authoritie
.
so
terrible
a
sentenc
he
giueth
,
both
against
the
Emperor
,
France
,
Italie
and
Spayn
.
But
stay
,
this
is
but
his
first
peale
,
which
he
ded
ring
as
the
Toxsan
,
the
Alarum
bell
to
Bohemia
:
but
he
addeth
,
an
other
article
,
as
a
iust
cawse
of
depriuation
,
Quando
pretextu
religionis
,
quaerunt
propria
commoda
,
when
vnder
pretenc
of
religion
,
they
seak
to
maik
ther
own
profit
.
Which
had
bean
a
lectur
not
verrie
plausible
to
king
Henrie
the
8.
nor
in
Cromwel
,
or
the
protectors
eares
.
and
surelie
,
yf
a
man
should
ask
whether
Murrie
and
Murton
in
Scotland
,
whether
Oreng
and
Horn
in
the
Netherlands
;
whether
the
Admirall
and
the
Princ
of
Conde
in
France
;
whether
the
Protector
and
the
Duke
of
Northumberland
in
England
,
had
anie
politique
respects
,
anie
odd
ends
of
ambition
and
auarice
;
other
then
religion
:
yow
will
fynd
them
guiltie
,
and
subiect
to
this
censure
.
An other
cawse
he
assigneth
for
deposition
of
Princes
,
quando
grauant
conscientias
subditorum
.
And
after
ward
,
in
an
other
place
,
to
show
his
constancie
in
that
opinion
,
and
to
expownd
his
own
meaning
,
saith
he
subditi
,
aduersus
superiorem
magistratum
,
se
&
veram
religionem
,
possunt
etiam
armis
iure
defendere
:
si
aliter
in
conscientijs
incolumes
esse
nequeunt
,
with
which
I
think
ther
is
no
Counsellor
,
or
wise
man
,
but
would
be
iustlie
angrie
,
yf
it
should
be
thus
translated
.
the
Catholik
subiects
in
England
,
Scotland
,
Denmark
,
or
the
Palatinate
,
may
with
armes
,
by
law
defend
them selfs
against
ther
superiors
for
defenc
of
ther
religion
,
yf
they
can
not
other
wise
quietlie
enioy
the
freedome
of
ther
conscienc
.
For
it
is
not
enough
and
a
sufficient
replie
,
to
say
ther
religion
is
irreligious
;
bycause
that
is
the
question
.
And
in
his
commentaries
in
Iudices
.
Magistratus
minor
potest
occidere
maiorem
,
(
and
expresseth
his
meaning
in
that
Case
)
quod
tyranni
domestici
,
magis
sunt
reprimends
.
As
yf
a
man
should
saye
baylifs
,
sherifs
and
Constables
,
(
for
religion
)
may
kill
kings
and
counsellors
;
bycause
tyrants
with
in
our
doores
,
ar
most
to
be
feared
and
cut
of
,
(
vpon
the
former
conditions
before
alledged
.
)
But
was
Parreus
the
onelie
protector
of
these
paradoxes
,
and
the
onelie
Doctor
that
poysoned
the
Palatinate
with
this
infectious
doctrine
?
no
in
dead
.
Gracerus
his
pewfellow
taught
,
that
coercenda
gladio
est
Antichristi
malitia
.
and
in
cap.
13.
of
the
Apocal.
Benedictus
Aretius
,
laboureth
to
stirr
vp
the
people
,
to
hate
the
name
and
authoritie
both
of
the
empyre
and
Emperor
,
with
this
lecture
.
Draconem
(
ait
)
dedisse
imperio
potestatem
suam
.
the
deuel
errected
,
and
authorised
the
Empyre
.
why
?
In
Imperio
habitare
plenitudinem
diabolismi
.
for
in
the
Empyre
,
dwelleth
the
fullnes
of
the
Deuels
Impietie
.
But
these
opinions
I
nead
not
to
condemn
,
and
aggrauate
the
dainger
thereof
;
yf
it
be
trew
,
that
I
haue
hard
?
that
in
Powles
Churchyard
,
the
fyre
confuted
them
,
and
that
worthilie
.
And
yet
be
not
so
gross
,
as
to
imagin
that
onely
Parreus
,
Gracer
,
and
Aretius
taught
this
doctrine
:
for
it
is
the
practise
of
ther
churche
.
Doe
not
look
so
stearnlie
,
vpon
me
for
saying
so
:
bycause
I
will
iustifie
it
with
euident
proof
.
Ther
own
neighbors
,
and
ther
elder
brothers
;
they
haue
vsed
with
this
vnciuil
and
turbulent
inhumanitie
.
ask
Giesekenius
(
a
man
of
learning
,
and
accoumpt
emong
the
Lutherans
.
)
how
they
behaued
them selfs
at
Emden
(
a
Lutheran
state
.
)
he
showeth
first
ther
act
,
1.
Emdenses
illustrem
Dominum
suum
mota
seditione
,
fere
tota
ditione
pepulissent
.
The
subiects
of
Emden
had
almost
driuen
ther
Lord
owt
of
his
dominions
.
2.
Then
ther
force
and
violenc
,
Pactietiam
sunt
,
ne
illustrissimus
Comes
,
habeat
potestatem
,
vllius
religionis
nisi
Caluinisticae
exercitium
,
subditis
suis
,
concedere
Emdae
.
They
articled
with
hym
,
that
his
excellecie
should
not
haue
powre
to
grant
to
his
subiects
at
Emden
,
the
exercise
of
anie
religion
but
Caluinisme
.
3.
Lastlie
ther
grace
Some
curious
man
,
will
suppose
this
was
a
tumult
;
and
that
the
church
of
the
Palatinate
,
ded
not
warrant
anie
such
proceading
against
Lutherans
ther
brethren
.
then
mark
,
and
consider
this
.
Anno
1602.
ther
wear
20.
poynts
,
established
in
the
church
of
the
Palatinate
.
And
the
first
articl
was
totus
Lutheranismus
,
&
omnes
libri
eorume
●edio
tollentur
.
They
decreed
,
that
all
Lutheranism
,
and
ther
books
and
writings
should
be
prohibited
,
and
abolished
.
and
in
the
same
Synod
diuers
opinions
of
the
Lutherans
,
ar
recited
and
condemned
,
as
yow
may
see
by
Schulting
,
in
Hierarchica
Anacrisi
.
libro
15.
pag.
98.
whearof
certanlie
ther
is
great
reason
:
for
ther
is
an
impossibilitie
,
that
Lutherans
and
the
ministers
of
the
Palatinate
should
quietlie
liue
tother
,
in
one
Ecclesiasticall
government
;
they
ar
incompatible
,
in
respect
of
ther
discipline
,
ther
consistories
,
ther
elders
(
to
say
nothing
of
ther
doctrine
.
)
For
these
ar
the
barr
that
hold
owt
all
ciuil
societie
,
and
concurrenc
betwean
them
:
these
ar
the
cawse
,
why
they
eiected
the
Lutherans
owt
of
the
Palatinate
;
owt
of
Brandenburgh
;
and
owt
of
Emden
.
these
ar
the
cawse
,
why
the
Lutherans
wiselie
prouide
that
they
shall
haue
no
footing
in
Saxonie
,
Hamburgh
,
and
the
Hans
townes
.
And
these
wear
the
caws
,
why
that
great
Synode
of
Torgaw
,
(
convented
by
the
meanes
and
procurement
of
the
protestant
Princes
,
ded
testifie
,
that
Caluiniani
,
Christianas
Ecclefias
omnes
,
academias
,
regna
,
turbauerunt
ac
vastauerunt
.
And
yet
neither
ar
Caluinists
,
comprehended
vnder
the
peace
and
protection
of
the
Empyre
:
and
the
religions
vried
is
no
waye
permitted
to
them
.
As
appeareth
by
the
edict
of
Charles
the
5.
de
compositione
pacis
cum
protestantibus
anno
1532.
not
in
his
sentenc
de
confessione
Sueuica
1530.
nor
in
the
interim
1548.
nor
in
the
constitution
,
de
pace
publica
.
And
touching
the
acts
mayd
by
the
Emperor
Ferdinand
,
at
Passau
1552.
the
verrie
words
exclude
them
from
all
benefit
of
the
pacification
,
as
a
thing
not
intended
vnto
them
,
viz.
Intereatemporis
,
nec
nos
,
Electores
,
Principes
,
&c.
quempiam
ex
Augustanae
confessionis
statibus
,
propter
religionem
vicogere
,
bello
&c.
volumus
:
sedsuae
religioni
fideique
,
quietè
stare
,
cadereque
sinentes
.
And
he
declareth
and
explaneth
hym self
,
1555.
at
Auspurgh
.
Propter
Augustanae
religionem
confessionis
,
nullam
violentiam
Ecclesiastici
inferant
,
sed
liberum
eius
exercitium
permittant
,
vsque
ad
controuersae
religionis
compositionem
.
I
may
hear
fitlie
alledg
,
the
conclusion
and
agreement
of
the
states
of
the
confession
of
Auspurg
,
the
thre
Electors
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Princes
,
and
Citties
.
Postquam
Deo
it
a
permittente
,
praeter
nostram
Christianam
religionem
&
confessionem
,
haereses
sacramentariorum
Anabaptistarum
,
Osiandrinorum
,
&c.
irrepserunt
:
(
quae
omnes
à
pace
religionis
exclusae
sunt
,
)
volumus
vt
contra
illas
,
in
communi
mandata
edantur
,
vt
eiusinodi
haereses
eradicentur
,
and
this
was
enacted
1557.
so
it
is
most
playne
,
that
Caluinism
is
ther
iudged
an
heresie
(
by
the
protestant
Princes
them selfs
,
and
banished
the
Empyre
.
)
and
anno
1566.
Caesar
,
and
the
Princes
in
the
Dyet
,
decreto
publico
,
scripserunt
ad
Fredericum
Palatinum
,
vt
errorem
Caluini
deserat
:
nec
in
templis
&
scholis
doceri
permitteret
.
and
this
decree
was
intimated
to
Frederic
the
Elector
,
in
the
presenc
of
the
Bushopd
of
Ments
,
Trier
,
and
Coolen
:
and
of
Augustus
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
and
the
Embassadors
of
Ioachim
of
Brandenburgh
.
but
the
execution
was
differed
till
his
death
(
perhaps
to
saue
his
honor
.
)
yet
his
sonn
Lewes
obeyed
it
.
And
the
same
year
,
in
ther
replie
to
the
Emperor
;
the
same
Princes
,
ordered
,
permittere
se
nolle
,
vt
vlla
secta
,
cuiuscunque
nominis
,
in
Ecclesiis
illorum
,
ipsorum
voluntate
locum
inueniat
,
quodque
eodem
modo
,
&
non
minus
de
Swingliana
&
Caluiniana
opinione
sentiant
.
and
long
before
1555.
in
recessu
Imperij
,
the
same
was
decreed
.
So
yow
may
wel
infer
,
that
Caluinism
before
was
not
tollerable
in
Germanie
:
and
much
less
now
when
the
Bohemians
,
haue
mayd
it
intollerable
.
And
worthilie
,
they
ar
quite
exempted
from
the
protection
and
benefit
of
the
lawes
,
liberties
,
and
peace
of
the
empyre
;
who
ar
so
factious
and
busie
in
the
Empyre
,
both
to
extirpate
the
Lutherans
,
and
to
suppress
the
Catholicks
,
(
by
popular
furie
and
such
seditious
Aphorisms
as
Parraeus
and
the
puritans
of
the
Palatinate
hold
.
)
These
wear
the
fyrebrands
of
Bohemia
,
that
haue
seduced
the
people
;
set
Princes
at
Variance
;
and
the
kingdome
in
Combustion
.
Shall
I
nead
to
report
the
case
aright
?
no
for
the
originall
,
of
this
warr
in
Bohemia
,
and
the
progresse
;
the
stories
of
Mercurie
François
,
Mercurius
Gallobelgicus
,
and
diuers
others
relate
,
so
as
I
forbeare
to
touch
it
,
(
and
my
hart
greaueth
and
groneth
,
for
the
fatall
misfortune
of
some
,
that
had
interest
in
it
.
)
The
long
,
manie
and
secret
plats
and
practises
wear
discouered
after
the
batle
of
Prage
,
by
intercepting
the
papers
rolls
and
records
thereof
.
First
by
secreta
principis
Anhaltini
,
Cancellaria
,
printed
1621.
which
certanlie
was
no
inuention
and
fiction
,
(
as
the
Satirical
Catholicon
in
France
against
the
leaguers
was
:
)
but
a
serious
admonition
,
dull
,
playne
,
and
withowt
affectation
:
and
as
a
treatise
rather
to
deliuer
the
truthe
,
then
to
show
art
.
And
thereof
Lundorpius
(
an
historiographer
of
Frankfort
,
by
his
book
called
acta
publica
)
is
a
good
confirmation
,
who
setteth
,
down
the
letters
and
records
,
of
the
whole
proceading
for
a
tyme
.
and
Cogmandolo
,
in
an
other
litl
treatise
,
called
secreta
secretorum
;
is
a
fortification
of
the
truthe
and
credit
of
that
Chancerie
,
and
taketh
away
all
iealousie
and
suspicion
of
deuise
.
Vpon
this
rock
then
,
will
I
build
my
relation
.
This
great
vnion
,
ded
beginn
1608.
and
Afterward
they
admitted
Ioachim
Marquis
Hear
I
am
to
open
an
other
gate
,
and
to
pure
defence
,
or
to
offend
also
:
whether
onelie
to
resiste
,
or
to
offer
violenc
also
and
hostilitie
:
and
whether
for
religion
onelie
,
or
for
matters
of
state
and
religion
(
for
it
can
not
seam
probable
,
that
d'Anhalt
would
again
taik
armes
for
conscienc
,
having
bean
for
it
in
France
,
so
well
beaten
both
owt
of
his
honor
and
fortune
:
and
speciallie
Mansfeald
,
who
desperatelie
and
like
a
Cheualier
errant
,
braueth
the
world
with
his
running
camp
.
)
The
end
,
they
showed
openlie
to
ayme
most
at
,
was
the
defenc
of
ther
priuiledges
,
and
the
protection
of
ther
religion
.
but
this
was
not
the
full
drift
,
for
they
meant
to
offend
the
Catholiques
.
and
that
doth
well
appeare
pag.
121.
of
the
Cancellaria
:
whear
Achatius
a
Donau
writes
to
Anhalt
15.
Nou.
1619.
That
the
intention
of
Bethlem
and
the
correspondents
is
,
pied
à
pied
,
to
extirpate
the
Antichristian
Papaltie
,
And
tho
the
vnion
yt self
(
fownded
vpon
21.
articles
,
)
was
sayd
to
be
vndertaken
,
as
a
bukler
against
the
plats
and
proiects
of
the
Catholiques
;
yet
articulo
8.
they
confess
,
that
ther
intention
was
,
to
expell
papisme
;
to
preseru
them selfs
from
the
yoke
and
seruitude
of
Spayne
:
and
to
preuent
all
forrein
governement
.
And
Bethlem
Gabor
in
his
letter
to
the
Turk
saith
plainlie
,
that
he
must
now
labor
,
vt
rasa
pontificiorum
cohorse
medio
tollatur
.
So
then
,
this
is
assured
,
that
yf
they
can
preuayle
;
all
Catholicks
know
ther
doome
,
ther
suppression
,
and
oppression
.
But
this
is
not
all
;
though
it
be
euer
one
.
for
pag.
43.
Ecclesiasticorum
inuasio
,
is
set
Down
for
a
cawse
.
and
therfor
pag.
67.
we
must
say
they
,
earnestlie
labor
and
spare
no
cost
,
to
possess
our selfs
of
Augusta
Treuirorum
,
(
Trier
.
)
for
so
they
should
be
commanders
of
a
Prince
Electors
contrie
,
and
triumph
over
the
cleargie
.
Neither
yet
was
this
all
:
for
ambition
,
shooting
at
the
highest
and
fayrest
markes
,
took
order
for
her
maintenanc
pag.
131.
vt
aduersae
part
is
Prouinciae
inuadantur
,
to
inuade
ther
contries
,
that
should
taik
armes
against
them
.
But
ther
noblest
proiect
,
was
:
to
inuest
them selfs
in
Bohemia
and
Hungaria
.
Two
crownes
wear
goodlie
booties
,
and
temptations
fitt
for
high
spirits
.
and
why
ded
they
first
,
and
so
earnestlie
,
affect
Bohemia
?
The
reason
is
giuen
pag.
25.
for
therby
,
in
Collegio
electorum
,
compos
erit
votorum
duorum
,
he
should
haue
two
voyces
;
and
he
was
sure
of
the
consent
and
concurrenc
of
Brandenburghs
suffrage
.
And
ther
for
the
Count
Palatin
in
his
letter
,
to
the
Elector
of
Saxonie
,
saithe
.
The
cawse
why
he
ded
taik
vpon
hym
the
Administration
of
Bohemia
,
was
this
that
,
1ᵒ
therby
this
kindome
might
not
be
longer
restrayned
and
detayned
from
the
vse
and
exercise
of
ther
religion
;
and
2ᵒ
that
they
might
enioye
ther
priuiledges
,
and
not
be
mayd
hereditarie
:
or
fall
into
the
hands
of
Spayne
,
to
the
preiudice
of
the
Electors
.
and
3ᵒ
that
hearafter
the
election
of
king
of
the
Romans
might
be
in
the
power
and
Choyce
of
the
Protestant
Princes
,
by
the
pluralitie
of
voyces
.
(
So
he
thought
,
they
should
not
be
forced
to
hould
the
stirrop
;
while
the
Popes
wear
mounted
,
and
Papists
ded
gouern
all
in
the
Empyre
.
)
And
peraduenture
for
that
end
purposed
,
yf
they
could
:
to
hinder
that
Ferdinand
,
might
not
be
chosen
king
of
the
Romans
.
For
so
Anhalt
ded
write
to
Donau
,
in
May
1619.
that
it
wear
better
,
the
Turk
or
the
Deuel
should
be
chosen
and
preferred
to
wear
that
crown
,
then
Ferdinand
.
and
B.
Gabor
by
his
letters
certified
the
Turk
,
that
the
Pal.
and
Brandenburgh
wear
resolued
no
longer
to
endure
Ferdinand
:
and
that
all
these
Prouinces
,
who
weare
in
the
league
,
Sultano
,
&
tot●ationi
Mahumeticae
corde
&
animaomnia
officia
f●delissime
prastabunt
:
and
that
Ferdinand
shortlie
should
be
expelled
Germanie
to
seak
his
succor
in
Spayne
.
Is
not
this
a
holie
league
?
Be
not
the
ends
charitable
,
and
the
media
most
Christian
?
But
the
truthe
is
,
Ambition
was
Hongrie
:
they
consulted
who
should
haue
the
beares
skinn
,
before
the
beare
was
taken
:
they
conspired
to
share
emong
them
the
spoyle
of
the
Cleargie
of
Germanie
,
and
to
maik
a
praye
of
the
howse
of
Austria
.
For
by
the
rolls
of
ther
Chancerie
it
appeareth
,
that
they
intended
to
aduance
the
Palatine
,
to
Bahemia
,
Alsatia
,
and
a
part
of
Austria
:
and
to
enlarg
his
dominion
,
by
the
Bushoprick
of
Spyrts
,
and
a
part
of
Mentz
.
Bethlem
Gabor
,
should
be
assisted
to
keap
Hongrie
,
the
which
(
he
hauing
no
issew
)
might
also
happilie
fall
to
the
lott
of
the
Palatine
(
Too
manic
crownes
so
purchased
,
to
expect
anie
in
heauen
.
)
Onoltzbach
gaped
for
two
fatt
benefices
,
the
Bushopricks
of
Wirtzburgh
,
and
Bambergh
,
(
his
next
neighbers
)
and
therfor
it
was
agreed
that
there
should
be
the
Rendeuous
of
the
armie
.
The
Marques
of
Baden
,
thirsted
after
Brissack
;
and
to
be
inabled
,
to
continue
his
vniust
possession
of
the
vpper
Marchionate
;
and
to
owt
face
the
Count
Eberstein
(
who
had
endured
much
wroug
at
his
hands
.
)
Wirtzburg
was
a
mote
in
the
eye
of
Brandenburgh
,
it
laye
near
and
fitt
for
hym
:
and
therfor
his
dessein
was
to
haue
a
share
in
it
.
Anhalt
,
hoped
to
supplie
his
wants
,
by
a
part
of
the
spoyle
,
both
of
Ments
,
and
Bambergh
;
and
by
some
lands
and
lord
ships
,
which
wear
like
to
escheat
in
Bohemia
.
And
yf
the
Venetians
would
ioyn
in
this
Association
,
they
might
with
so
good
assistance
easilie
maik
them selfs
Lords
of
Istria
,
and
friuli
.
and
by
this
meanes
,
Oceanum
,
cum
Adriatico
,
sayd
they
,
posse
coniungi
.
A
great
conquest
surelie
:
and
it
showed
a
deuowring
stomach
,
that
could
swallow
so
great
morsells
,
and
sowell
digest
and
dispose
them
,
before
they
had
them
.
It
resteth
now
to
demurr
vpon
these
poynts
;
and
to
examin
,
what
Apologie
,
and
what
arguments
can
they
alledg
strong
enough
,
to
defend
a
proiect
,
and
a
conspiracie
,
so
pernicious
to
the
whole
state
of
Christendome
,
and
so
directlie
against
the
law
of
nations
,
and
the
peace
of
the
Empyre
.
All
the
pulpits
in
England
,
and
the
churches
And
yt
was
at
first
vndertaken
quietlie
,
withowt
anie
sedition
or
insurrections
in
the
state
.
And
was
for
defenc
onelie
of
ther
ancient
religion
,
(
withowt
anie
temporall
respects
:
)
and
confirmed
with
the
kings
oath
and
allowance
:
and
afterward
it
was
continned
in
reueng
of
Murder
,
and
actions
of
tyrannie
.
Now
consider
what
was
ther
scope
?
Monsieur
de
Villeroy
,
in
the
relation
of
his
seruices
maiks
it
euident
.
they
ded
not
seak
the
extirpation
of
the
king
of
Nauarr
,
but
his
reformation
:
and
yf
they
might
be
assured
of
his
religion
,
he
should
be
assured
of
ther
obedienc
.
But
this
vnion
runneth
a
wilder
race
.
It
is
not
onelie
a
new
religion
,
but
the
lands
of
the
old
religion
they
gape
after
:
and
the
affection
they
haue
to
the
latter
,
maiks
them
more
greadie
,
to
suppresse
the
former
.
And
yet
all
must
be
sayd
to
be
doore
for
religion
,
though
it
be
doone
most
irreligiouslie
,
hauing
neither
,
the
order
,
nor
the
media
,
nor
the
end
religious
.
how
could
it
then
succead
add
prosper
well
,
that
begonn
so
ill
and
how
could
it
beginn
worse
,
them
to
march
vnder
too
such
standards
,
as
ambition
and
auarice
.
And
therfor
most
wise
he
,
ded
that
excellent
Moreouer
,
plessen
confesseth
in
his
letters
And
it
was
mayd
the
more
odious
,
by
nominating
the
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
as
a
competitor
and
a
stale
;
to
maik
hym
suspected
to
the
Emperor
,
as
reum
affectati
imperij
:
knowing
that
he
had
refused
ther
offer
,
when
they
employed
Count
Slick
to
perswade
,
that
he
would
imbark
hym selfs
,
in
the
busienes
,
and
accept
the
crown
of
Bohemia
,
which
in
dead
they
never
intended
to
a
Lutheran
prince
.
An other
reason
,
doth
much
exaggerate
But
nothing
maiks
this
action
more
offensiue
,
(
in
sc●s
electoribus
,
)
ded
confederate
them selfs
with
straingers
:
and
dispose
of
the
succession
of
the
Empyre
,
withowt
the
warrant
of
the
Empyre
.
and
this
fawlt
is
dowbled
,
by
combining
with
Bethlem
Gabor
;
Christians
,
with
the
Turks
vassal
,
a
reprobate
,
a
monster
.
This
is
that
B.
Gabor
,
who
to
hold
hym self
in
the
Turks
grace
,
deliuered
vnto
hym
,
the
town
and
fort
of
Lipp
,
and
the
townes
of
Solimos
Tornadg
,
Margat
,
and
Arad
(
wel
fortified
)
in
Hungaria
.
This
is
he
,
who
treated
with
the
Hungars
,
1607.
to
deliuer
vp
Vaccia
(
a
town
Episcopall
)
into
the
Turks
hands
;
to
the
great
preiudice
of
religion
,
and
oppression
of
Christians
.
This
is
he
,
that
swore
alleagianc
to
Gabriel
Batthori
his
soouerain
Lord
,
and
Princ
of
Transil●ania
,
and
afterward
trayterouslie
murdered
hym
and
vsurped
his
state
.
This
is
he
who
mayd
a
league
with
the
Emperor
Matthias
1615.
not
to
attempt
anie
thing
against
the
liberties
and
peace
of
Hongrie
:
and
afterward
practised
with
the
rebells
of
that
state
,
invaded
the
kingdome
,
took
vpon
hym
the
crown
1620.
led
Andrew
Dockzy
the
kings
Liuetennant
(
catched
in
his
nett
by
frawd
)
prisonner
into
Transiluania
,
and
banished
all
the
state
Ecclesiasticall
(
that
he
might
fead
his
soldiers
with
the
spoyles
of
the
church
.
)
And
this
is
he
,
who
hauing
entered
Poson
,
prophaned
the
Cathedral
church
of
S.
Martin
,
placed
there
his
new
Chaplains
,
and
afterward
with
his
own
hand
certified
the
Turk
;
that
at
last
he
had
vndertaken
that
worthie
exployt
,
to
the
which
the
Turk
had
oft
incooraged
hym
:
and
that
most
of
the
nobles
of
Hongarie
,
wear
his
,
and
had
submitted
them selfs
to
hym
:
and
that
now
he
was
determined
for
the
cleargie
,
seing
they
gloried
to
shaue
ther
crownes
,
he
would
glorie
to
cutt
of
ther
heads
.
whearupon
in
Iun
afther
:
the
Turk
mayd
peace
with
Tartaria
,
and
promised
to
assist
Gabor
,
at
his
nead
with
40.
thowsand
Tartars
.
What
tare
vertues
can
be
expected
,
from
such
a
man
,
whose
anatomie
yf
it
wear
to
be
mayd
,
would
show
such
a
leaprousie
such
a
corruption
of
blood
,
and
so
loath
some
a
bodie
;
as
Europe
haith
not
oft
knowen
.
I
nead
no
other
reason
against
this
league
,
but
to
subscribe
his
name
,
(
as
a
principall
in
the
contract
)
whome
the
world
must
neads
iudg
vnlike
to
be
a
fitt
instrument
to
aduanc
the
Crosse
of
Christ
,
and
to
reforme
religion
.
Yet
this
was
the
man
vpon
whose
head
the
vnion
ded
agree
to
set
the
crown
of
Hongarie
;
and
to
carrie
the
practise
with
more
secrecie
,
they
intertaind
his
nearest
kinsman
at
Heydelbergh
;
vnder
the
gown
of
a
scholler
,
to
hyde
all
ther
intelligences
,
and
conduct
ther
busienes
.
Now
,
doe
I
wish
,
that
a
partiall
reader
,
The
Prouinces
abowt
the
Rhine
ar
waisted
,
disturbed
,
and
empouerished
by
the
soldiers
on
both
sydes
(
specially
worms
)
tillage●s
suspended
,
traffick
is
decayed
,
trades
ar
ceased
,
taxes
ar
imposed
,
new
fortifications
charge
the
contrie
,
men
ar
not
maisters
of
ther
own
goods
,
and
aboue
100.
thowsand
men
ar
accōppted
to
be
slayne
▪
thes
ar
the
fruits
of
ciuil
warres
;
which
ar
bitter
and
lovre
to
them
that
taist
them
,
(
as
I
pray
g●d
England
may
neuer
.
)
And
there
ar
the
fruit
of
Caluinisme
:
which
(
though
it
was
directlie
prohibited
by
the
law
,
and
tolerated
onelie
by
the
mercie
of
the
state
;
)
seaketh
now
,
to
suppresse
both
the
Emperor
and
the
states
,
withowt
anie
toleration
of
there
religions
,
an
vncharitable
requital
:
ans
withowt
the
seal
of
anie
religion
.
for
your
iustifi●ng
sole
faith
can
never
iustlie
(
withowt
yt
bring
charitie
in
her
bosome
:
)
and
the
trew
marks
of
Charitie
being
patienc
,
humilitie
,
and
zeal
conioyned
stronglie
in
a
link
:
your
litl
patienc
,
and
humilitie
,
convinc
your
zeal
to
be
counterfeit
,
and
your
faith
to
be
fruitles
.
for
charitie
would
not
direct
yow
,
to
inuade
the
Duke
of
Bauier
his
territories
,
yf
he
refused
to
stand
Neuther
:
charitie
ded
not
counsel
Anhalt
,
in
his
letters
to
Donau
1619.
to
haue
an
auaricious
eye
,
to
surprise
a
cittie
,
which
would
be
worth
vnto
them
32.
millions
.
Charitie
doth
not
vse
to
direct
Christians
to
sollicit
the
Turks
assistance
(
as
pag.
80.
Cancellariae
:
)
nor
to
set
down
such
plots
,
as
they
intended
p.
42.
and
32.
and
66.
Now
touching
the
lawes
of
the
Empyre
,
But
these
Minyeons
of
Geneua
,
bring
be
subiect
to
euerie
humane
creature
for
God
,
whether
to
a
king
as
excelling
,
or
to
rulers
.
His
counsell
and
yours
varie
much
for
he
willed
them
to
fear
God
,
and
honor
the
king
:
but
yow
direct
your
auditors
to
degrade
and
depose
the
king
.
S.
Paul
Rom.
13.
v.
1.
Let
euerie
sowl
be
subiect
to
higher
powers
,
for
ther
is
no
power
but
of
God
:
and
he
who
resisteth
that
power
,
resisteth
Gods
ordinanc
,
and
purchaseth
damnation
.
and
v.
5
not
of
necessitie
,
but
for
conscienc
sake
.
But
this
matter
,
neads
no
disputation
:
grace
and
pietie
can
best
decyde
it
.
TITVLVS
SEXTVS
.
AT
last
by
a
long
trauel
,
we
ar
retourned
But
yf
yow
look
back
to
the
tymes
past
,
and
call
to
mynd
,
what
spirit
raigned
in
them
,
during
anie
storme
,
or
tempests
:
yow
will
fynd
them
much
differing
from
them selfs
,
and
that
they
wear
not
allwaies
so
peacable
and
regular
,
(
as
now
they
ar
,
)
since
they
appeared
first
in
the
world
,
as
Antagonists
to
the
church
of
Roome
,
and
with
that
singularitie
,
and
title
of
Reformers
.
For
yf
maister
Fox
ded
trewlie
register
his
martyrs
,
and
yf
the
Wiclefists
and
Waldenses
wear
rightlie
inserted
in
Catalogo
testium
veritatis
;
then
may
yow
fynd
cawse
enough
to
dowbt
of
ther
humors
,
and
quiet
disposition
.
and
yf
yow
ask
my
reason
.
Bycaus
they
ded
hold
(
as
the
knoxians
yet
doe
in
Scotland
.
)
That
the
people
might
correct
Princes
,
yf
they
offend
:
contrarie
to
all
the
Theoremes
of
Catholicks
schooles
.
And
therfor
Philip
Melancton
,
in
his
comment
vpon
Aristotels
politicks
,
saith
,
Miras
tragedias
,
excitauit
Wiclefus
,
qui
contendit
eos
,
qui
non
habent
Spiritum
sanctum
,
amittere
dominium
.
And
in
his
book
,
de
iure
magistratus
,
Insanijt
Wiclefus
,
qui
sensit
impios
,
nullum
dominium
habere
.
As
yf
Princes
,
should
forfeit
ther
crownes
;
yf
they
lost
grace
,
and
Gods
fauor
.
And
Osiander
witnesseth
the
same
,
Centuria
9.
And
yet
maister
Fox
,
calleth
hym
,
stellam
matutinam
in
me
lio
nebulae
,
&
lunam
plenam
in
die
us
illis
.
A
morning
starr
,
in
the
midst
of
a
fogg
,
and
yet
the
full
moone
,
of
that
tyme
.
How
plausible
he
was
,
in
those
dayes
,
no
man
will
maik
a
Quere
,
that
can
Remember
,
how
Syr
Iohn
Oldcastel
(
Lord
Cobham
)
and
Syr
Roger
Acton
,
(
wiclefs
disciples
)
leuied
25.
thowsand
men
,
intending
to
destroye
the
monasteries
of
westminster
,
Powles
,
and
sainct
Albons
,
and
all
the
howses
of
friars
in
London
;
whearof
that
actiue
king
Henrie
the
fifth
,
being
aduertised
in
good
tyme
,
(
by
the
confession
of
some
of
ther
partakers
:
)
with
great
diligence
he
preuented
them
at
S.
Gyles
fealds
(
appointed
to
be
ther
Rendeuous
:
)
and
incountring
those
straglers
,
who
weare
there
attending
the
generals
comming
:
apprehended
,
condemned
,
and
executed
37.
of
the
principalls
,
for
exampl
and
terror
to
the
rest
.
And
he
aftherward
hunted
owt
and
fownd
Oldcastel
,
and
Acton
,
and
put
them
to
death
,
being
attainted
of
Treason
,
and
Haeresie
,
as
by
the
records
appeareth
.
All
which
maister
Fox
laboureth
to
extenuate
and
falsifie
,
and
disprooueth
them
as
calumniations
and
slaunders
.
but
with
no
success
;
as
yow
may
learn
by
Iohn
Stow
pag.
550.
and
by
Doctor
Hapsfealds
Ecclesiasticall
storie
,
latelie
published
by
a
worthie
man
of
our
nation
.
For
it
is
euident
that
1.
Henry
5.
the
Wiclefists
sett
schedulles
,
on
powles
Church
door
,
publishing
that
ther
was
a
hundred
thowsand
men
,
readie
to
ryse
against
such
as
wear
ennemies
to
ther
sect
.
And
in
a
synod
holden
at
London
,
for
diuers
poynts
of
doctrine
touching
the
Sacraments
,
Oldcastle
was
committed
to
the
towre
,
(
from
whence
he
broke
owt
.
)
and
afterward
one
Bennet
was
executed
,
partlie
for
harbouring
Oldcastle
,
partlie
for
seditious
libells
against
the
king
:
whearupon
,
(
as
also
for
some
practises
at
kenelworth
against
the
king
)
Oldcastl
was
endited
in
the
Parliement
,
before
the
Duke
of
Bedford
,
(
as
an
enemie
to
the
stathe
.
)
he
answered
them
with
contempt
,
accompting
it
as
a
trifle
to
be
iudged
by
them
,
(
belike
bycause
they
wear
sinners
:
and
bycause
(
he
sayd
)
he
had
no
iudg
emong
them
,
so
long
as
king
Richard
liued
.
And
at
his
deathe
,
he
spake
like
a
man
frantick
to
Syr
Thomas
Erpingham
;
that
yf
he
sawe
hym
rise
the
third
daye
,
he
wold
procure
quietnes
,
and
fauor
to
those
of
his
sect
.
And
surelie
yf
yow
look
into
Wiclefs
own
lyfe
tyme
;
yow
shall
fynd
it
no
maruel
,
yf
his
doctrine
ded
so
far
seduce
Old-cast
:
hauing
procured
therby
,
so
great
patrons
and
frends
in
the
court
,
at
his
first
rising
:
and
such
applause
in
the
vniuersitie
of
Oxford
(
the
place
best
able
to
iudg
of
his
learning
,
and
illumination
.
)
Iohn
of
Gand
,
Duke
of
Lancaster
,
ded
much
fauor
:
and
patronize
,
this
martyr
Wiclef
:
in
so
much
,
that
he
being
summoned
,
to
appeare
before
the
Bushop
of
London
:
the
Duke
ded
hym
so
much
greace
,
to
go
with
hym
thither
for
his
better
protection
,
assisted
with
Syr
Henrie
Petcie
(
the
Marshall
of
England
.
)
to
discountenanc
the
Bushop
,
to
encoorage
Wiclef
,
and
to
animate
and
encrease
his
fectaries
and
folloaeers
in
ther
course
.
And
it
was
worthie
the
noting
,
that
Religion
was
euen
then
vsed
,
as
a
fayre
vestement
,
to
couer
manie
fowle
practises
.
for
the
Duke
and
Wiclef
had
seueral
ends
.
the
Duke
graced
hym
,
bycause
he
was
so
generallie
plausible
:
the
better
to
ouerthrow
both
the
liberties
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Charters
of
London
:
bot
which
laye
as
blocks
in
his
waye
,
to
hinder
the
course
of
his
aspiring
desseins
.
And
this
appeared
playnelie
,
by
Ihon
Lattimor
(
an
Irish
friar
)
who
accused
the
Duke
of
manie
practises
,
speciallie
of
his
intention
to
vsurp
the
crown
.
(
which
mayd
hym
so
popular
.
)
But
Latimor
being
committed
by
the
Dukes
meanes
to
the
custodie
of
Syr
Iohn
Holland
,
in
the
night
before
he
should
come
to
his
answer
:
the
poor
man
,
was
strangled
by
Holland
and
Grean
.
But
to
come
nearer
,
to
the
present
age
.
In
Quene
Maries
tyme
,
examin
how
obedient
these
Reformers
wear
,
to
that
magnanimous
Quene
,
and
the
Crown
.
and
it
is
worthie
to
be
noted
:
that
in
fiue
yeares
,
(
the
too
short
tyme
of
her
raigne
:
)
she
had
defacto
,
more
open
and
violent
opposition
and
rebellion
by
her
own
sudiects
;
then
Quene
Elizabeth
had
in
45.
yeares
.
(
for
the
treasons
of
Preasts
,
and
religious
men
;
weare
but
skar
crowes
in
dead
;
fictions
,
mayd
faults
by
law
:
deuised
by
pollicie
,
and
mayd
offences
,
rather
then
being
so
of
them selfs
.
(
How
playne
was
her
gouernement
,
and
how
farr
from
triks
?
a
litl
seuear
(
to
which
●he
was
oft
forced
:
▪
for
thoughe
she
was
a
great
Iusticer
;
yet
withall
how
merciefull
she
was
,
appeared
manifestlie
by
her
gracious
compassion
to
the
Dutches
of
Sommerset
,
to
Syr
Iohn
Cheak
,
to
Syr
Edward
Mountagew
(
the
cheaf
Iustice
,
)
to
Syr
Roger
Cholmlie
,
to
the
Marques
of
Northampton
,
Syr
Henrie
Dudlie
,
Syr
Henrie
gates
,
the
Lord
Robert
Dudlie
,
(
who
stood
attainted
)
and
to
the
Duke
of
Suffolk
:
whome
all
she
knew
,
and
had
before
fownd
to
be
enemies
of
her
religion
,
and
no
frends
to
her
title
,
and
yet
she
released
them
all
owt
of
the
towre
,
whear
they
weare
prisonners
.
)
Notwithstanding
all
this
:
the
Protestants
wear
never
quiet
,
nor
suffred
her
to
be
quiet
.
Some
ded
libell
against
the
regiment
of
voemen
:
some
picked
quarrels
to
her
marriage
:
some
published
discourses
and
invectiues
against
her
religion
:
and
some
conspired
her
depriuation
,
to
aduance
her
successor
(
by
whose
aduancement
euerie
Caluinist
expected
a
golden
fleace
.
)
The
grownd
of
all
these
seditious
actions
,
was
the
religion
they
professed
(
then
nor
fullie
six
yeares
old
)
a
religion
of
more
libertie
,
more
pleasing
to
the
gallants
of
a
court
;
and
voyd
of
these
austerities
and
mortifications
,
which
the
ancient
Catholiques
obserued
with
reuerence
.
But
emong
manie
others
,
that
book
of
obedienc
,
prepared
most
the
vulgar
,
to
insurrections
and
mutinies
.
for
pag.
94.
he
affirmeth
,
that
Quene
Marie
deserued
to
be
put
to
Death
,
as
a
tyrant
and
monster
.
Ded
euer
anie
Catholich
write
so
?
or
ded
the
pen
of
anie
seminarie
man
blot
the
paper
with
so
barbarous
a
sentenc
?
Yet
knox
libro
,
appellat
.
ad
nobilitatem
&
popul
.
Scot.
ioyneth
hands
with
a
Goodman
,
and
backeth
his
opinion
.
Illud
(
inquit
)
audacler
affirmauerim
,
debuisse
nobiles
,
rectores
,
iudices
,
populumque
Angl●anum
non
modo
refistere
&
repuguare
Mariae
illi
Iesabeli
,
quam
vocant
reginam
suam
,
verum
etiam
de
ea
&
Sacerdotibus
eius
supplicium
sumere
.
and
these
,
yet
wear
not
all
.
Procead
Syr
Thomas
Wyat
,
is
worthielie
chronicled
for
his
:
rebellion
:
who
marched
as
a
Cyrus
,
ouer
Shooters
hill
with
his
armie
:
threatning
both
court
and
cittie
,
Prince
and
people
.
Yet
this
holie
Goodman
,
cap.
14
in
his
Obedienc
,
commends
hym
,
and
saith
,
he
ded
but
his
dewtie
:
and
that
it
was
the
dewtie
of
all
that
professed
the
gospell
,
to
haue
risen
with
hym
.
and
pag.
43.
He
affirmeth
,
that
it
is
lawfull
to
resist
the
superior
powers
,
and
vrgeth
all
states
to
taik
armes
against
her
.
But
whear
ded
Goodman
and
kno●
suck
this
sweat
doctrine
?
at
Geneua
,
(
the
school
of
Monarchomachia
whear
Buchanan
,
ded
learn
the
same
,
and
all
for
one
end
.
and
maister
Whitingham
in
his
preface
to
that
book
;
confesseth
that
it
was
approoued
to
be
a
good
and
godlie
treatise
,
by
the
principal
of
that
cittie
,
that
is
Caluin
and
Beza
.
And
albeyt
in
Qurne
Elizabeths
tyme
,
Goodman
is
said
to
haue
recalled
that
opinion
:
yet
it
was
neuer
publicklie
recalled
by
hym
,
and
disalowed
:
and
besides
it
showeth
in
Quene
Maries
tyme
,
vnder
the
cross
and
affliction
of
what
spirit
,
he
end
his
faction
weare
of
.
Yf
yow
dowbt
,
vpon
what
pretenc
wyat
ded
rise
,
(
bycause
some
maik
quaestion
thereof
:
)
surelie
it
was
partlie
for
religion
,
partlie
for
bonum
publicum
,
to
hinder
the
Quenes
marriage
:
(
for
both
ioyntlie
concurred
,
as
Stow
and
Hollinshead
agree
.
)
He
that
shall
presume
to
defend
,
that
it
was
not
for
religion
;
Quene
Marie
in
her
oration
at
the
Guildhall
in
London
,
doth
refell
hym
:
for
she
declared
,
that
she
had
sent
diuers
of
her
counsell
to
wyat
,
to
demand
the
pretences
of
his
insurrection
:
and
she
sayd
it
appeared
to
her
counsell
,
that
it
was
a
Spanish
Cloke
to
Couer
religion
.
It
is
trew
,
that
wyat
vrged
,
to
haue
the
Towr
deliuered
to
hym
:
and
to
haue
powr
to
nominate
and
choose
new
counsellors
:
and
that
he
would
not
trust
,
but
be
trusted
.
Wear
these
in
different
demands
af
a
subject
?
Or
regalities
fitt
to
be
offred
to
his
mercie
?
was
this
to
preseru
the
Quene
?
Surelie
Violenc
,
and
the
Sword
,
be
vnfitt
keapers
of
a
Prince
person
.
And
touching
Religion
,
Fox
hym self
saith
.
that
for
religion
they
conspired
emong
them selfs
,
and
mayd
wyat
ther
Cheafe
:
the
reason
was
,
that
by
forren
marriage
,
the
Quene
would
bring
a
seruitude
vpon
the
realme
,
and
establish
popish
religion
ther
in
.
Vow
vpon
these
premisses
,
mark
what
ensewed
.
William
Thomas
,
conspired
to
kill
the
Quene
:
and
at
his
execution
,
he
gloried
,
that
he
dyed
for
the
good
of
his
contrie
.
Doctor
Pendlton
preaching
at
Powles
Crosse
,
one
discharged
a
peace
against
hym
.
and
at
the
same
place
,
an
other
daye
:
one
threw
a
Dagger
at
maister
Bourn
(
being
in
the
pulpit
:
)
wheare
the
lord
Maier
could
skarselie
appease
the
tumult
:
so
as
the
lords
of
the
counsell
,
the
next
sonday
after
,
together
with
the
Garde
,
went
thither
to
preuent
,
or
to
punish
such
disorders
(
yf
anie
should
there
happen
againe
.
)
And
at
westminster
,
vpon
an
Easter
daye
,
a
desperare
fellow
,
wounded
a
preasts
as
he
was
saying
Masse
,
in
saint
Margerets
Church
.
So
great
was
the
distemperature
of
these
inflamed
puritans
;
who
complayne
so
much
against
the
persecution
of
that
tyme
,
and
yet
they
prouoked
it
:
and
hauing
no
powre
to
command
,
yet
had
they
no
humilitie
to
obeye
:
and
when
they
might
haue
liued
quiet
them selfs
,
yet
would
not
suffer
others
to
liue
quiet
,
in
whose
authoritie
it
laye
to
disquiet
them
.
But
I
will
mount
to
offences
a
degree
higher
.
William
Fetherston
(
a
counterfet
king
Edward
)
was
brought
vpon
the
stage
,
as
a
Parkin
Warbeck
,
to
disturb
both
the
Quene
and
the
state
.
What
strains
of
inuention
and
pollicie
;
wear
these
against
a
Prince
,
for
her
religion
?
but
hear
they
stay
not
.
for
One
Clebar
(
sometymes
a
Paedante
)
remaining
at
yakeslie
in
Northfolk
,
was
put
to
death
,
for
a
conspiracie
against
the
Quene
.
Vdal
,
Stanton
,
Peckam
,
and
Daniel
,
wear
committed
both
for
conspiracie
,
and
haeresie
,
and
for
attempting
to
robb
her
threasure
,
and
the
Exchecquor
,
(
for
which
they
had
there
dew
punishment
,
)
To
let
passe
the
treason
of
Dudlie
and
Ashton
(
who
wear
sett
on
,
and
stirred
vp
by
the
French
:
)
Syr
Peter
and
Gawin
Carse
,
(
great
protestants
)
together
with
Syr
Thomas
Dennie
,
took
armes
in
Deuonshyre
,
to
hinder
and
empeach
the
king
of
Spayne
his
arriual
in
England
:
possessed
them selfs
or
Excetor
Castl
:
and
afterward
perceauing
ther
own
weaknes
,
and
less
assistance
then
they
expected
;
they
fled
into
France
,
(
which
was
then
the
harbour
for
the
malcontents
of
his
nation
.
)
Thomas
Stafford
,
(
comming
well
instructed
from
Geneua
)
mayd
proclamations
publicklie
in
seueral
places
,
that
Quene
Marie
,
was
not
lawfull
Quene
,
and
vnworthie
to
be
Quene
.
and
so
abuse
the
people
,
he
gaue
owt
boldlie
and
falselie
,
that
twelf
of
the
strongest
houlds
in
England
,
and
best
fortified
,
wear
committed
to
the
custodie
and
command
of
the
Spanyards
,
(
to
maik
them
the
more
odious
;
whome
they
hated
onelie
for
ther
religion
and
power
,
and
no
other
particuler
quarrel
.
)
and
therfor
,
he
Bradford
,
Procter
,
and
Streatchlie
,
took
Skarborow
castle
(
a
fort
then
of
some
strenth
,
in
yorkskyre
,
to
hould
against
the
Spanyards
:
and
in
recompenc
,
of
so
great
a
seruice
,
they
worthilie
lost
ther
heads
.
Henrie
Duke
of
Suffolk
,
(
to
whome
Quene
Marie
had
once
before
giuen
his
lyfe
,
being
father
to
Ladie
Iane
,
a
priuie
counsellor
to
the
treasons
of
Northumberland
,
and
her
prisoner
in
the
towre
:
)
he
flijng
into
Leicestershyre
with
the
Lord
Gray
;
in
his
iournie
he
likewise
mayd
proclamations
against
the
Quenes
marriage
with
Spayn
(
for
that
was
then
the
greatest
obiect
of
the
Protestants
mallice
:
)
and
finding
his
disabilitie
,
to
leuie
a
commanding
armie
,
he
fled
,
and
lurked
in
corners
;
till
the
Earl
of
Huntingron
,
discouered
his
hole
,
apprehended
and
brought
hym
vp
to
the
towre
(
his
old
lodging
,
)
whear
he
mayd
an
vnfortunate
end
.
I
might
vrge
the
practises
of
Syr
Nicholas
Throgmorton
(
a
man
of
great
witt
and
pollicie
,
)
who
was
endited
of
high
treason
,
and
arraigned
at
Westminster
,
with
Arnold
,
Warner
,
and
Others
.
And
though
the
case
was
playne
,
the
Iurie
acquited
hym
,
but
to
ther
constand
trowble
.
Albeyt
he
had
cawse
to
thank
God
,
that
it
was
not
in
a
tyme
,
when
the
Aduocates
wear
so
skilfull
to
triumph
at
the
barr
vpon
calamities
,
and
willing
rather
that
the
prisonner
should
loose
his
head
,
then
they
would
loose
ther
Oration
,
and
the
glorie
of
the
daye
.
Thus
was
Quene
Marie
tossed
in
a
sea
of
trowbles
,
tantae
molis
erat
,
Romanam
Condere
gentem
.
But
some
haue
obiected
,
that
no
Ministers
,
had
a
hand
in
these
tumults
:
nor
wear
the
trompettors
of
sedition
,
at
that
tyme
.
yes
surelie
both
ther
heads
and
ther
hands
ded
cooperate
.
Doe
yow
taik
Goodman
and
Gilbie
to
haue
bean
no
ministers
?
Iewel
preached
at
Gloucester
,
against
the
Quens
proceadings
:
D.
Sands
walked
with
the
ragged
staff
,
and
being
vicechanlor
of
Cambredg
,
assisted
the
proclaymers
of
ladie
Iane.
Hooper
,
Rogers
,
and
Crowlie
wear
enrolled
as
frends
of
these
actions
:
and
diuers
others
who
in
Quene
Maries
tyme
,
after
wyats
fall
,
ded
forsake
the
realme
.
And
what
think
yow
of
the
two
Apostles
of
that
tyme
,
Cranmor
and
Ridlie
?
wear
not
they
instruments
of
the
Quenes
trowbles
?
A
great
Doctor
,
with
great
subtilitie
laboureth
to
excuse
Cranmor
and
Ridlie
,
that
they
committed
no
trespass
against
Q.
Marie
,
nor
in
her
tyme
.
Syr
though
the
tyme
,
doth
not
excuse
ther
offence
(
yf
it
had
bean
fullie
committed
in
kings
Edwards
dayes
)
being
actions
of
iniustice
,
and
against
the
rules
of
common
reason
and
conscienc
.
Yet
y
may
say
,
uon
bene
diuisa
sunt
haec
temporibus
.
D.
for
it
is
euident
,
that
Ridlies
sermon
was
after
king
Edwards
death
,
and
so
could
haue
no
shelter
vnder
his
authoritie
;
bycause
all
men
of
vnder-standing
know
that
the
raign
of
a
Prince
commenceth
not
at
the
tyme
of
his
coronation
,
but
actuallie
vpon
the
death
of
his
predecessor
.
Now
it
is
certan
,
that
the
Sondaye
after
king
Edward
dyed
,
D.
Ridlie
(
being
Bushop
of
London
,
)
sayling
with
the
wynd
in
his
sermon
at
Powles
crosse
,
(
like
an
Other
infamous
Shawe
)
magnifiet
and
defended
the
title
of
the
ladie
lane
,
to
the
crowne
of
this
realme
;
perswaded
the
people
to
accept
and
obeye
her
,
as
Quene
:
and
so
impugned
the
inuincible
right
of
both
king
Henries
Daughters
,
against
his
own
conscienc
and
knowledg
,
and
directlie
against
king
Henties
will
.
and
ther
:
for
he
was
iustlie
convicted
and
attainted
of
treason
.
As
for
Cranmor
,
he
was
a
counsellor
and
oracle
in
the
busienes
:
and
therfor
was
arraigned
and
condemned
,
with
the
Ladie
Iane
,
and
Guildeford
Dudlie
,
as
a
contriuer
and
principall
assistant
,
of
that
treasonnable
practise
,
to
disherit
bothe
the
Quenes
:
and
to
graft
the
princelie
roses
vpon
a
crabtree
stock
.
(
as
appeareth
by
the
records
in
the
kings
bench
.
)
and
I
may
trewlie
affirm
of
that
Proteus
,
that
in
all
his
actions
,
he
showed
hym self
ever
seruilie
plyable
to
anie
humor
of
the
kings
.
First
a
principall
instrument
of
the
diuorce
,
(
whearby
the
court
gates
wear
set
open
,
to
welcome
Ann
Boodein
.
)
then
afterward
,
to
serue
the
kings
appetite
,
he
and
Cromwel
wear
the
cheafactors
,
employed
for
her
condemnation
and
deathe
.
(
as
appeareth
,
by
the
statut
,
28.
H.
8.
c.
7.
whear
Cranmors
sentenc
is
recorded
iudiciallie
as
of
his
own
knowledg
convincing
her
of
that
fowle
fact
.
)
So
as
Quene
Elizabeths
frends
had
no
cawse
to
fauour
hym
,
either
for
dew
respect
of
her
,
or
of
her
father
:
or
for
kyndnes
to
her
moother
.
and
all
vnpartiall
men
will
condemn
hym
of
inexcusable
iniquitie
,
that
being
a
counsellor
of
strate
,
primate
and
Metropolitan
,
and
pretending
to
be
a
reformer
of
religion
;
he
would
betray
his
maister
(
whose
creature
he
was
)
would
frustrate
and
voyd
his
will
,
(
wheareof
he
was
cheaf
executor
:
)
would
subscribe
to
extinguish
and
root
owt
his
issew
,
his
two
daughters
,
two
Quenes
,
to
set
vp
Ladie
Iane
in
there
places
.
And
all
this
baselie
,
and
against
his
own
conscienc
:
and
all
to
pleas
a
subiect
,
all
for
feare
of
affliction
,
against
which
he
was
never
well
armed
(
as
appeared
by
his
so
manie
chainges
,
relapses
,
and
periuries
:
offences
,
which
I
leaue
to
God
,
as
faults
of
frayltie
and
batges
of
humain
weakenes
.
)
But
to
come
to
the
matter
.
All
these
aforesayd
being
overt
acts
,
and
treasons
in
se
,
and
simpliciter
,
and
by
the
common
lawes
of
the
realme
,
and
by
the
statut
of
25.
Edw.
3.
I
think
I
may
,
well
conclude
that
Caluinism
,
and
the
new
religion
,
ar
most
daingerous
to
princes
:
and
haue
bean
the
greatest
cawse
,
of
all
the
warrs
,
seditions
,
and
depopulation
in
Europeever
since
Luther
(
a
man
of
vnhappie
me
,
morie
.
)
And
yet
I
can
not
but
commend
that
religion
,
It
is
the
same
that
induced
them
of
Geneua
,
to
expell
ther
Bushop
and
Lord
:
the
same
that
mooued
them
of
Sweueland
,
to
depriue
ther
lawfull
king
:
the
same
that
procured
Holland
,
to
depose
ther
soouerain
:
the
same
that
sollicited
subiects
to
deposeth
'
Emperor
,
king
of
Bohemie
.
the
same
that
emprisoned
,
the
vertuous
martyr
,
and
Quene
of
Scotland
,
and
cast
her
into
that
calamitie
,
which
haunted
her
euen
tho
deathe
:
the
same
that
authorized
Rochel
,
and
Montauban
,
to
stand
at
defianc
against
ther
king
the
same
that
begot
so
manie
monstruous
conspiracies
against
Quene
Marie
of
England
,
(
as
yow
haue
hard
.
)
So
as
,
in
60.
yeares
,
mo
Princes
haue
bean
deposed
by
the
Protestants
for
ther
religion
:
then
had
bean
by
the
Popes
excommunication
,
or
the
attempt
and
meanes
of
Catholicks
in
600.
And
yet
foall
this
,
I
perceaue
all
these
action
,
haue
some
Champions
:
at
least
,
some
men
of
note
,
seak
to
excuse
them
.
as
,
when
we
obiect
Swedia
;
maister
T.
M.
defends
it
,
and
geues
reason
,
that
it
was
the
demand
of
the
whole
state
,
for
defenc
of
ther
priuiledges
and
liberties
,
and
fruition
of
religion
.
A
writ
is
brought
de
eiectione
firmae
,
against
Sigismond
king
of
Swecia
,
by
hys
own
subiects
;
the
king
is
eiected
therupon
:
and
T.
M.
allowes
it
,
bycause
it
was
the
demand
of
the
whole
state
,
&c.
Consider
better
,
first
doe
yow
talk
of
a
whole
state
,
and
maik
the
king
no
part
of
it
?
the
head
no
part
of
the
bodie
?
can
ther
be
a
monarchie
withowt
a
king
?
yow
harp
to
near
knoxes
tune
,
and
a
Scots
gig
.
The
whol
state
,
id
est
,
the
people
,
(
either
sollicited
or
disposed
to
aduanc
Duke
Charles
,
withowt
the
kings
consent
to
wear
his
crowne
)
ded
elect
Charles
ther
king
,
and
depriued
Sigismond
.
This
was
yow
say
for
defenc
of
ther
priuiledges
and
religion
.
So
then
yow
think
for
these
two
cawses
,
they
might
iustlie
depose
ther
king
:
and
so
the
kings
maistlie
knoweth
,
what
assurance
he
may
haue
of
you
,
and
what
a
sure
stake
yow
ar
for
kings
to
leane
on
.
can
yow
defend
this
fact
?
it
is
the
same
,
that
Holland
and
Bohemia
committed
?
then
against
whome
is
rebellion
,
against
the
people
or
the
king
?
The
law
is
playne
,
no
warr
can
be
mayd
,
withowt
the
authoritie
of
the
prince
,
sine
qua
est
laesa
maiestas
:
and
that
is
a
fundamental
law
in
euerie
monarchie
;
(
which
yow
turn
to
a
Democratie
by
leauing
the
bridle
in
the
Peopls
hand
.
)
Yf
yow
will
vouch
safe
to
hear
S.
Augustin
,
he
saith
l.
22.
cap.
75.
contra
Faustum
,
ordo
naturalis
,
mortalium
paci
accommodatus
hoc
poscit
,
vt
suscipiendi
belli
authoritas
atque
consilium
,
penes
Principem
sit
.
and
he
geues
a
reason
,
for
non
est
potestas
nisi
à
Deo
vel
iubente
vel
sinente
.
and
bycause
yow
think
they
ought
by
force
of
armes
to
resist
ther
king
,
for
religion
:
c.
76.
he
answereth
your
obiection
,
by
exampl
of
the
Apostles
,
Isti
sunt
resistendo
interfecti
sunt
,
vt
potiorem
esse
docerent
victoriam
,
pro
fide
veritatis
occidi
.
Iam
sure
yow
like
not
this
,
Occidi
,
for
few
perfect
Caluinists
,
prooue
perfect
martyrs
.
Valentius
,
degreed
to
banish
Eusebius
from
Samosata
;
the
people
resisted
,
but
Eusebius
appeaseth
the
sedition
,
disswaded
the
people
,
and
obeyed
the
decree
.
Theodoret
l.
4.
cap.
14.
Valentinian
,
sent
Calligonus
his
chamberlain
,
to
threaten
S.
Ambrose
,
and
terrifie
hym
,
from
his
opinions
,
by
the
name
of
deathe
and
torments
.
he
ded
answer
in
an
other
tune
,
Deus
permittat
tibi
,
vt
impleas
quod
minaris
.
Ego
patiar
,
quod
est
Episcopi
:
tu
facies
,
quod
Spadonis
.
Christ
hym self
,
resisted
not
:
but
commanded
Peter
tu
put
vp
his
sword
:
it
was
no
proper
weapon
to
defend
his
quarrel
.
Daniel
and
the
Children
of
Israel
,
Captiues
in
Babilon
:
when
the
king
commanded
them
to
Idololatrize
;
they
resisted
not
,
they
reuiled
not
,
they
ded
not
offer
to
spit
in
his
face
,
(
as
Caluin
brauelie
defended
they
might
.
)
but
refusing
his
command
,
they
layd
them selfs
at
his
feate
,
to
endure
his
pleasure
.
But
to
touch
yow
a
litl
,
nearer
.
I
nead
alledg
no
other
authors
then
your
own
,
either
to
condemn
wyat
,
or
the
subiects
of
Swetheland
.
Doctor
Bilson
holdeth
it
,
as
an
articl
of
offaith
,
that
Princes
ar
not
to
be
deposed
:
and
that
the
Apostles
endured
the
magistrates
pleasure
,
but
performed
not
his
command
.
and
how
much
he
condemned
,
warr
against
Princes
;
his
opinion
haith
taught
me
;
that
he
who
may
fight
may
kill
,
and
to
fight
with
the
Princ
and
murder
hym
,
be
of
ineuitable
consequenc
.
Besides
,
maister
Beza
,
some
tymes
(
when
he
was
not
transported
with
passion
)
affirmed
.
Nullum
remedium
proponitur
hominibus
tyranno
subiectis
,
preter
preces
&
lachrimas
.
Parson
whytes
own
argument
against
the
fathers
of
the
Catholick
religion
;
(
that
they
teach
nothing
but
treason
,
to
murder
Princes
,
and
to
disturb
states
:
)
I
must
reflect
vpon
them
,
that
either
defend
wyats
rebellion
,
or
the
fact
of
the
Swecians
.
What
nead
I
alledg
,
L.
Baylie
,
Ormerode
,
or
suke
like
men
:
dij
maiorum
gentium
:
all
your
greatest
Doctors
,
haue
wiselie
and
neadfullie
,
defended
that
position
for
50.
yeares
.
And
yf
it
wear
trew
,
iust
,
and
lawfull
in
the
raign
of
Quen
Elizabeth
:
I
see
no
reason
,
why
it
should
not
be
so
taken
in
Quene
Maries
case
?
for
the
differenc
of
Religion
,
doth
not
alter
the
authoritie
and
power
of
Iudisdiction
.
And
yf
Princes
should
forfeit
ther
authoritie
,
when
they
err
in
faith
.
Then
who
should
taik
the
forfeiture
thereof
?
and
who
should
be
iudg
whether
he
haith
forfeited
yt
?
I
know
yow
ar
not
so
gross
,
as
to
think
the
people
maye
,
(
that
is
an
opinion
generallie
reiected
:
)
nor
that
officers
share
authoritie
with
the
king
;
that
is
also
cast
owt
of
the
schools
.
Xiphilin
,
in
the
lyfe
of
M.
Antonius
,
saith
,
Solus
Deus
,
iudex
Principum
.
Belloy
,
in
his
Apologie
Cathol.
part
.
2.
Orationibus
pugnandum
,
armes
against
Princes
haue
no
warrant
.
Quis
est
iudex
,
si●●
ex
transgreditur
conditiones
regni
?
Solus
Deus
.
§.
21.
and
how
farr
we
ought
to
obey
princes
,
and
Quatenus
:
see
sainct
Augustin
serm.
de
verbis
Domini
in
Matth.
And
common
reason
will
and
may
teach
euerie
man
the
misterie
of
this
thesis
.
For
the
king
,
is
anima
corporis
,
spiritus
vitalis
,
caput
membrorum
,
vinculum
per
quod
cohaeret
respublica
:
sine
quo
nihil
respublica
ipsa
futura
,
nisi
onus
&
praeda
,
si
mens
illa
Imperij
detrahatur
.
This
was
Senecas
opinion
,
and
a
sownd
proposition
.
for
yf
the
sowle
offend
the
bodie
,
the
bodie
can
not
punish
it
withowt
participating
of
the
punishment
:
neither
is
it
a
proper
facultie
of
the
bodie
,
to
iudg
.
but
of
the
sowle
,
and
vnderstanding
.
Examin
,
what
the
law
meaneth
,
by
bodie
politick
;
and
yow
shall
better
discern
,
all
my
growndwork
.
It
is
a
dignitie
Royal
annexed
to
the
naturall
bodie
,
whearby
he
is
mayd
Lord
Paramount
,
and
is
not
surnamed
as
others
ar
,
but
stiled
by
the
name
of
the
bodie
politick
declaring
his
function
,
as
Iacobus
Rex
.
and
to
show
the
nature
,
qualitie
maiestie
and
prerogatiue
of
that
bodie
,
1.
It
can
not
hold
lands
in
ioyntennancie
,
(
nor
endure
a
partner
:
)
2.
it
can
not
be
seazed
to
vses
,
(
and
so
limited
:
)
3.
it
is
not
bownd
to
geue
liuerie
and
season
of
lands
,
(
nor
tyed
to
the
circumstances
of
a
naturall
bodie
:
)
4.
it
can
not
doe
homage
hauing
no
superior
:
5.
and
that
bodie
is
so
precious
,
as
the
imagination
onelie
to
compasse
his
death
is
treason
,
(
tho
ther
be
no
attempt
.
)
6.
and
that
bodie
vested
in
a
blood
,
ought
to
discend
:
and
tho
the
natural
bodie
be
attainted
of
fellonie
or
treason
before
,
yet
by
access
of
this
body
politick
,
he
may
taik
his
inheritanc
,
for
that
dignitie
purgeth
the
blood
,
as
it
ded
H.
7.
and
H.
4.
(
for
this
bodie
was
founded
withowt
letters
pattents
,
by
the
Common
lawes
,
and
for
the
defenc
of
the
people
.
)
And
yf
criminal
cawses
can
not
disable
the
discent
,
it
can
less
when
it
is
discended
.
for
the
crown
of
England
is
independant
(
for
his
iura
regalia
)
holden
of
no
Lord
,
but
the
lord
of
heauen
:
so
it
can
not
escheat
to
anie
being
holden
of
none
.
What
then
?
from
this
fowntain
is
all
authoritie
,
and
honor
deriued
.
Iudges
at
created
,
and
haue
ther
commission
to
iudg
from
the
king
,
for
criminal
and
ciuil
cawses
:
the
Constable
and
marshals
court
for
armes
and
honor
:
the
Chancerie
for
equitie
:
the
Checkor
,
for
reuennues
of
the
crown
.
So
to
conclude
,
the
king
giuing
,
and
appointing
all
iudges
,
who
in
his
realme
is
to
iudg
hym
?
or
to
censure
his
counsells
of
state
,
and
politike
temporall
actions
?
and
yf
be
he
iudg
,
they
ar
withowt
iudgment
,
that
attribute
it
to
the
states
;
but
they
err
most
that
arme
the
people
withe
that
authoritie
.
For
tho
I
know
what
a
parliement
means
;
and
what
power
it
woorthilie
carrieth
:
yet
as
it
is
euer
summoned
by
the
king
;
so
ther
acts
must
be
iudged
,
allowed
,
and
confirmed
by
the
king
,
before
they
be
lawes
.
In
the
senate
rests
consilium
:
but
in
the
king
is
the
powre
,
and
Maiestie
of
the
realme
,
and
he
is
iudg
to
allow
,
or
disallow
what
he
liketh
.
and
by
the
coniunction
of
these
,
Foskew
sayd
trewlie
,
no
state
is
berter
tempered
,
nor
more
temperatelie
gouerned
:
nor
by
more
excellent
municipall
lawes
,
then
England
is
.
So
to
conclude
,
what
reason
can
be
pretended
for
wyats
insurrection
against
his
soouerain
the
bodie
politick
.
was
it
for
matching
with
Spayne
?
that
was
no
stra●g
motion
,
for
her
father
had
once
before
de●seigned
to
match
her
in
that
familie
.
besides
the
conditions
wear
honorable
:
and
profitable
to
the
crowne
(
yf
God
should
bless
them
with
issew
:
)
the
person
most
noble
;
and
the
reasons
allowed
by
all
the
counsel
.
But
the
Quene
ded
not
obserue
the
lawes
of
the
realme
,
she
abrogated
the
statuts
of
1.
E.
6.
(
which
all
the
kingdome
approoued
:
)
and
the
word
of
God
by
Moyses
commandeth
,
that
Princes
should
obserue
the
lawes
.
and
those
Princes
dishonor
them selfs
,
who
doe
not
acknowledg
that
of
Theodosius
,
tantùm
tibi
licet
,
quantum
per
leges
licet
.
Well
,
aliud
ex
alio
malum
.
As
Moyses
prescribed
what
a
Prince
should
doe
,
so
Samuel
,
what
he
may
doe
:
Moyses
tould
hym
his
dewtie
,
Samuel
his
power
:
and
it
is
trew
,
and
a
Christian
profession
of
kings
,
legibus
se
subiectos
esse
profiteri
.
But
yow
must
consider
,
the
law
haith
two
properties
,
the
one
to
show
what
a
man
should
doe
:
the
other
to
punish
them
,
that
doe
it
not
.
To
the
first
the
king
is
subiect
;
but
tovching
the
second
,
for
criminal
cawses
;
I
know
no
court
,
aboue
the
kings
bench
,
nor
no
iudg
aboue
the
king
.
Moreouer
yf
Quene
Marie
shold
be
tyed
to
her
brothers
lawes
:
why
was
not
Quene
Elizabeth
to
hers
?
why
was
not
king
Edward
to
his
fathers
lawes
?
but
that
religion
of
Quene
Marie
was
corrupt
,
vnpure
and
superstitious
.
So
still
hear
is
philautia
and
presumption
,
yow
will
censure
your
iudg
;
and
yow
(
a
lay
man
)
wil
iudg
,
of
his
religion
.
that
is
the
Quaestion
yet
,
and
not
decided
by
anie
orderlie
Councels
,
or
Synodes
on
yowr
part
.
and
S.
Austen
,
libro
vbi
supra
,
Si
vir
nistus
sub
rege
sacrilego
militet
,
iuste
posset
illo
iubente
bellare
:
1.
ciuicae
pacis
ordinem
seruans
:
2.
cui
quod
iubetur
,
vel
non
esse
contra
Dei
praeceptum
certum
est
,
vel
vtrum
sit
,
certum
non
est
.
Tho
the
king
be
sacrilegious
,
yet
he
is
to
be
obeyed
;
and
how
1.
ciuicae
pacis
ordmem
seruans
,
(
that
is
the
course
;
and
that
is
the
end
,
for
indiuidua
bona
sunt
pax
&
libertas
;
which
is
to
be
noted
for
them
that
plead
so
stronglie
for
ther
liberties
:
)
secundo
,
yf
the
kings
commandements
be
not
directlie
against
Gods
words
,
yf
vel
non
esse
certum
est
;
vel
vtrum
sit
,
certum
non
est
.
Now
tho
all
Catholicks
,
knew
the
certum
est
,
in
ther
conscienc
:
yet
the
protestants
,
for
the
vtrum
sit
,
wear
vncertan
,
bycause
both
the
law
of
the
realme
,
the
general
counsels
,
the
whole
state
of
the
Churche
Militant
,
was
against
them
;
and
they
had
onelie
the
testimonie
of
priuate
spirits
,
to
oppose
against
publick
authoritie
.
But
,
what
yf
Quene
Marie
had
erred
in
some
superstitions
;
what
yf
the
present
king
ded
err
in
his
gouernement
,
in
his
courses
,
in
his
iudgment
,
or
in
matching
his
sonn
,
withowt
the
consent
of
the
realme
:
should
either
of
them
,
be
censured
or
excommunicated
by
the
ministers
:
or
depriued
,
or
committed
and
emprisoned
by
a
wyat
.
Salomon
,
ded
fall
into
greauous
sinnes
,
ad
profundum
Idololatriae
lapsus
atque
demersus
(
saith
S.
Austen
:
)
and
ded
directlie
against
Goods
commandement
,
(
to
keap
and
marrie
straing
voemen
of
the
gentiles
)
non
ingrediemini
ad
illas
:
besides
,
he
worshipped
Moloch
,
and
Astarthes
(
the
goddes
of
the
Sydomans
.
)
yet
neither
Preasts
,
nor
people
ded
rise
against
hym
,
or
depose
hym
:
they
left
it
to
the
proper
iudg
of
hings
,
who
in
his
wrathe
ded
appoynt
and
raise
vp
Hieroboam
to
ruine
his
sonn
:
and
yf
wyat
could
haue
showd
such
an
immediat
warrant
,
he
had
bean
excusable
.
Iulian
prooued
in
Apostata
:
yet
tho
the
Doctors
of
the
primatiue
Church
,
as
G.
Nazianzen
and
others
,
sharply
reprooued
,
and
detested
his
impietie
:
yet
they
never
perswaded
nor
taught
the
people
to
depriue
hym
.
He
that
proclaymed
the
prerogatiue
of
kings
,
vos
estis
d●
:
he
taught
the
world
,
that
as
Gods
haue
summum
imperium
;
so
the
people
ar
to
obey
,
and
therfor
called
subditi
,
for
ther
subiection
.
and
yow
neuer
hard
of
anie
but
Gyants
,
that
wear
fayned
to
fight
with
the
Gods
;
and
they
perished
,
for
all
ther
greatnes
:
for
that
hand
must
neads
wither
,
which
toucheth
Gods
anoynted
:
for
he
that
taiks
armes
against
hym
,
doth
prouoke
the
king
to
the
feald
:
and
when
the
flame
rageth
,
who
can
tell
whear
the
sparks
will
light
.
Some
limitations
ther
ar:
and
those
neadfull
.
For
I
ascribe
not
:
an
infinite
,
vnlimited
diuinitie
to
kings
,
nor
a
powr
to
tyrannize
,
and
liue
as
atheists
:
he
that
gaue
the
that
glorie
,
vos
estis
dij
:
ded
likewise
geue
them
,
this
caueat
that
for
iniquitie
and
impietie
,
transferam
regna
de
gente
in
gentem
.
He
is
the
Iudg
of
Princes
,
and
his
audit
is
dreadfull
;
and
to
that
we
must
leaue
them
.
FINIS
.
THE
SECOND
PART
.
HIERVSALEM
,
THAT
OBEDIENCE
,
AND
ORDER
,
BE
THE
EIRENARCHAE
OF
CATHOLIQVES
.
HAVING
allreadie
trewlie
,
deuotion
,
order
,
obedienc
,
and
the
humilitie
of
the
professors
thereof
.
What
they
weare
in
this
land
,
in
the
tyme
of
king
Lucius
,
and
the
Britons
,
I
shall
not
nead
to
expresle
:
but
refer
yow
,
to
the
ecclesiasticall
stories
of
that
tyme
:
which
euen
Fox
and
the
Centuries
doe
honor
:
labouring
rather
,
to
commend
them
,
as
members
of
ther
own
Churche
,
then
to
acknowledg
them
ours
.
For
the
tyme
of
the
Saxons
,
I
will
maik
no
relation
of
ther
vertues
,
and
how
amiablie
the
Church
and
common
welthe
ded
sping
vp
together
.
And
though
the
prelates
wear
highlie
reuerenced
,
and
ded
beare
great
swaye
in
the
state
,
yet
how
dewtiefullie
they
obeyed
ther
princes
:
Venerable
Beda
,
and
the
stories
of
that
tyme
.
M.
Lamberts
Archaionomia
,
the
old
Saxon
Lawes
,
and
the
monuments
yet
vpon
record
,
can
witnes
and
testifie
.
From
king
Edward
the
Confessor
,
Down
to
king
Henry
the
VIII
.
ther
is
no
man
so
blind
,
that
will
affirme
ther
was
anie
other
religion
,
professed
and
priuiledged
in
England
,
but
that
which
was
planted
heare
by
Gregorius
Magnus
;
who
as
D.
whitacher
noteth
l.
5.
contrae
Duraeum
,
pag.
394.
ded
vs
a
great
benefit
,
and
which
we
ar
euer
most
grate
fullie
to
remember
.
In
all
which
tyme
,
though
the
Cleargie
mayd
Canons
,
by
ther
own
authoritie
,
for
ther
ovn
particuler
gouernment
:
yet
the
kings
of
this
realme
,
ded
euer
fynt
them
obedient
,
and
readie
,
hymblie
and
dewtifullie
to
obey
them
,
and
to
affoord
ther
best
assistance
,
to
support
the
estate
Royal
(
euen
oft
when
they
weare
much
troden
vpon
,
and
heauilie
burdened
.
)
and
albeyt
sometymes
,
they
weare
forced
to
whote
contentions
,
for
external
matters
of
iurisdiction
,
and
ther
immunities
,
(
as
the
commons
and
Barons
weare
:
)
yet
they
neuer
passed
the
rules
of
order
and
obedienc
,
nor
stirred
vp
sedition
,
or
commotions
.
And
who
soeuer
shall
obiect
,
and
call
in
quaestion
,
the
opposition
of
some
prelates
vnder
Henrie
the
II.
King
Iohn
,
and
Henrie
the
III.
shall
neither
doe
great
honor
to
the
kings
,
nor
dishonor
to
the
Church-men
for
ther
zealous
defenc
of
ther
immunities
:
and
perhaps
he
may
reuiue
such
matters
,
as
wear
more
conuenient
,
to
be
buried
in
the
records
.
But
the
first
king
,
that
euer
gaue
effectuallie
cawse
in
this
kingdome
,
to
trie
in
the
face
of
the
world
,
the
admirable
patienc
,
Order
,
and
loyaltie
of
the
Catholiques
,
was
King
Henrie
the
VIII
.
(
flagelium
Dei
,
to
the
Church
of
England
,
and
yet
of
ther
own
religion
.
)
First
,
by
aceusing
the
Cleargie
,
to
be
fallen
into
the
danger
of
a
premunire
,
for
mantaining
Caridnal
Wolsies
legantine
power
:
Secondlie
by
the
statut
of
Supremacie
:
Thirdlie
by
the
Suppression
of
Abbeis
.
Which
wear
the
thre
first
breaches
;
wherby
he
threw
Down
,
the
foundation
,
strenth
,
and
glorie
of
the
Church
of
England
.
The
first
leuelled
the
waye
,
for
the
second
:
and
the
second
enabled
hym
with
power
and
authoritie
,
to
compasse
the
third
.
The
first
was
a
burden
,
the
second
a
bridle
,
and
the
third
a
terror
.
By
the
first
he
fownd
ther
weakenes
:
by
the
second
,
they
perceaued
his
greatnes
:
and
by
the
third
,
he
mayd
them
dispayre
,
of
anie
recouerie
or
reparation
of
ther
estate
.
by
the
first
onelie
the
Cleargie
smarted
:
the
second
laye
heauie
both
vpon
the
spirituall
,
and
temporall
:
by
the
third
,
the
whole
realme
was
again
in
a
sort
conquered
.
And
all
this
was
doon
,
to
be
reuenged
against
the
Pope
,
(
touching
his
marriage
)
to
abandon
his
iurisdiction
,
and
to
aduance
his
own
greatenes
,
and
royall
power
:
that
so
no
man
might
afterward
controll
his
action
,
or
restrain
his
appetites
(
which
lawleslie
rainged
,
in
hym
and
prooued
verrie
inordinate
.
)
And
ther
for
he
bard
owt
of
the
realme
,
all
forrein
power
:
and
at
home
,
he
subdewed
them
,
and
mayd
them
of
no
power
.
Such
is
the
imperious
nature
of
domination
in
irregular
mynds
,
which
hauing
once
broken
owt
of
his
circle
,
can
not
indure
limitation
and
bownds
,
but
must
and
will
rainge
at
libertie
,
in
the
wide
and
wild
feald
of
his
humors
;
and
not
being
able
to
geue
law
to
his
appetites
:
will
maik
lawes
as
champions
to
authorise
them
,
and
reason
(
as
a
parasite
)
to
glorifie
them
Now
to
examin
all
these
thre
.
The
first
The
premunite
.
was
a
quarrell
,
he
ded
pick
onlie
against
Cardinal
Woltie
;
and
yet
afterwards
sett
vpon
the
tentors
,
and
extended
against
the
whole
cleargie
.
Which
being
summoned
into
the
kings
bench
,
the
kings
learned
counsell
,
vrged
and
exaggerated
the
matter
,
so
vehamentlie
:
that
in
the
Conuocation
howse
,
they
concluded
to
submit
them selfs
,
to
his
pleasure
.
and
to
obtain
ther
pardon
,
and
recouer
his
fauor
,
they
wear
content
to
offer
and
present
vnto
hym
a
hundret
thowsand
pownds
:
wherevpon
ther
Pardon
was
signed
by
the
king
,
and
confirmed
by
parliement
.
and
by
a
deuise
there
,
they
wear
also
Drawen
,
to
acknowledg
hym
supreme
head
.
This
was
a
course
,
at
that
tyme
thought
neither
agreable
to
Iustice
,
nor
honor
:
for
Cardinal
Wolsie
,
had
the
kings
licens
vnder
his
hand
,
and
the
great
seale
of
England
,
sor
his
warrant
to
vse
the
legantine
power
,
and
afterward
by
reason
thereof
,
the
king
hym self
employed
hym
to
exercise
the
same
,
and
sit
with
Campegius
,
and
examin
the
matter
.
And
yf
the
diuorce
had
bean
allowed
:
ther
should
neuer
haue
bean
quaestion
mayd
,
of
the
legantine
powre
.
Touching
the
Supremacie
,
All
the
hings
The
supremacie
.
subiects
euer
acknowledged
,
that
the
crown
of
England
,
quoad
temporalia
,
is
independant
of
anie
other
power
,
but
that
great
and
Transcendent
Maiestie
,
who
proclamed
to
the
world
,
Per
me
reges
regnant
;
that
kings
knowing
,
who
will
taik
ther
audit
,
may
be
more
carefull
to
rule
with
Iustice
and
keape
ther
accoumpts
streight
;
and
subiects
,
knowing
there
tye
,
and
who
layd
vpon
ther
necks
this
suaue
iugum
,
and
withowt
encroachment
,
may
obeye
with
more
loyaltie
and
affection
.
The
Question
,
which
king
Harrie
mayd
(
first
of
all
kings
,
in
his
parliement
,
)
concerneth
his
power
and
iurisdiction
quoad
spiritualia
.
)
And
whether
that
new
and
highe
praerogatiue
,
wear
euer
properlie
and
essentiallie
inuested
in
the
crown
of
his
realme
heartofore
:
or
whether
it
wear
the
creation
of
a
new
right
by
parliement
,
iure
Coronae
or
the
establishment
of
an
old
.
And
hearupon
groweth
an
other
quaestion
(
now
both
in
England
,
and
other
kingdomes
so
much
debated
,
)
whether
the
Controuersie
for
Supremacie
in
spiritualibus
,
be
a
quaestion
onelie
proper
to
Religion
,
and
so
subiect
to
the
sentenc
and
censure
of
the
Church
onelie
(
as
emong
the
Romans
it
was
to
the
Collegium
Augurum
,
and
Pontifex
Max.
)
or
proper
to
Pollicie
and
the
state
onelie
,
and
so
subiect
,
to
the
iudgment
of
lawe
:
or
Mixt
,
and
a
participle
,
whear
of
either
of
them
may
hold
plea.
Of
both
these
,
I
shall
haue
fitter
both
Occasion
for
the
matter
;
and
Opportunitie
for
the
tyme
,
to
declare
my
poore
opinion
,
in
my
discourses
vpon
the
Ecclesiastical
Historie
.
And
for
the
suppression
of
the
Abbies
;
The
Supression
of
Abbies
.
the
Cleargie
(
by
that
fact
,
and
the
supremacie
,
)
stood
as
in
captiuitie
,
and
at
the
kings
pleasure
and
mercie
:
ther
possessions
wear
seazed
,
ther
goods
forfeited
,
ther
Churches
prophaned
and
sacked
.
And
the
augmentation
court
was
erected
,
vpon
the
spoyles
of
the
Churche
,
and
the
sale
of
ther
mooueables
,
vestiments
,
challices
,
bells
,
and
all
.
for
when
the
king
fownd
,
that
the
Cleargie
(
thorough
the
humilitie
of
ther
zeale
)
yealded
so
much
vnto
hym
:
he
never
thought
,
he
had
power
sufficient
,
till
he
had
more
then
enoughe
.
and
vpon
that
aduantage
,
his
conscienc
being
inlarged
;
broke
owt
of
those
ancient
bownds
which
the
lawes
of
the
Church
had
prescribed
to
hym
.
Therfor
anno
27.
he
appointed
Cromwel
and
Doctor
Leigh
,
to
visite
the
Abbies
;
and
by
vertue
of
the
kings
commission
(
which
had
then
a
chymical
powre
to
maik
sacriledge
,
vertue
)
they
took
owt
of
the
Monasteries
ther
cheafest
Iewels
,
plate
,
and
Reliques
,
to
the
kings
vse
.
and
dismissed
all
such
religious
persons
,
vnder
the
age
of
24.
yeares
,
as
desyred
to
walk
at
libertie
in
the
wyde
world
,
and
were
wearie
of
Cloysters
and
spiritual
exercises
.
Anno
28.
to
loose
no
tyme
:
all
small
religious
howses
of
or
vnder
200.
pownds
per
annum
,
with
all
ther
lands
and
haeteditaments
(
of
which
there
weare
376.
)
wear
giuen
to
the
king
by
parliement
:
and
these
wear
able
to
dispend
aboue
3200.
pownds
per
annum
,
of
old
rents
of
Assise
.
and
the
mooueables
of
these
howses
(
being
sovvld
at
vndervalew
)
amounted
to
aboue
,
100.
thowsand
pownds
.
The
religious
,
and
ther
dependants
,
wear
all
voyded
,
and
left
vnprouided
of
habitation
:
so
as
moe
,
then
ten
thowsand
persons
,
weare
turned
owt
of
ther
own
doores
,
to
seak
ther
fortunes
.
Which
mooued
the
common
people
to
much
compassion
:
to
see
them
forced
to
liue
by
almes
,
who
by
ther
bountiefull
hospitalitie
,
had
releaued
so
manie
.
Anno
30.
Battel
Abbie
in
Sussex
:
Martin
,
in
Surrie
:
Stratford
in
Essex
:
Lewes
in
Sussex
,
wear
suppressed
,
and
converted
to
the
kings
benefitt
and
vse
,
(
for
all
things
wear
doon
politiquelie
,
and
by
degrees
.
)
At
last
,
anno
32.
and
33.
generallie
all
other
monasteries
,
of
what
valew
soever
:
and
all
the
lands
of
S.
Iohns
of
Hierusalem
,
wear
giuen
to
the
king
,
and
the
corporation
of
the
knights
was
dissolued
,
and
to
satisfie
them
with
some
contentment
,
they
had
pensions
distributed
emong
them
,
of
2870.
pownds
,
during
ther
liues
.
So
hear
was
left
in
England
and
Ireland
,
no
care
of
the
general
good
of
the
Church
to
mantain
anie
succors
,
assistanc
,
or
fortification
of
Europe
against
the
Turk
;
nor
no
nurceries
of
deuotion
,
and
prayer
,
again
sinn
,
and
the
deuel
.
And
to
conclude
,
all
Chantries
,
Colledges
,
and
Hospitalls
for
the
releafe
of
the
poore
:
wear
offred
and
bestowed
vpon
the
king
,
and
left
to
his
order
and
disposing
,
anno
37.
The
valew
of
all
the
Church
lands
in
England
,
at
that
tyme
,
amounted
to
aboue
320180.
pownds
,
10.
per
annum
.
wheareof
the
king
took
into
his
own
possession
,
and
appropriated
to
the
crown
,
161100.
per
annum
.
The
which
was
so
great
a
bootie
,
that
an
offer
was
mayd
once
in
the
parliement
,
as
Howse
reporteth
,
in
preface
to
H.
8.
to
create
and
mantain
with
those
reuennues
,
fortie
Earles
,
60.
Barons
,
3000.
knights
,
and
40.
thowsand
soldiers
:
and
also
,
that
so
the
Commons
should
never
after
be
charged
,
with
anie
more
subsidies
or
impositions
.
The
like
motion
and
proiect
was
commended
lay
mans
parliement
,
in
the
tyme
of
king
Henrie
the
fourth
,
by
some
that
loued
Wiclef
better
then
the
Church
,
and
wear
better
frends
to
ther
lands
,
then
to
ther
Religion
.
but
Thomas
Arondel
Archbushops
of
Cantorburie
,
ded
stowtlie
and
vertuouslie
resist
ther
motion
;
and
preuayled
with
the
king
,
to
preuent
there
platts
,
and
the
mallice
of
auarice
.
The
Lutherans
in
England
,
ded
reuiue
,
and
set
on
foot
again
the
same
motion
,
by
ther
book
called
the
supplication
of
Beggars
:
which
was
opposed
by
the
supplication
of
Sowles
,
endited
by
the
vertuous
and
learned
penn
of
Syr
Thomas
Moor.
yet
at
last
,
they
fownd
a
patrone
,
an
vnworthie
Thomas
of
Cantorburie
,
to
geue
waye
to
ther
dēuises
,
and
to
fead
the
kings
humor
.
and
so
,
he
who
should
haue
bean
the
cheafe
protector
and
intercessor
for
the
Cleargie
,
prooued
the
Cheafe
Cateline
that
betrayed
the
Church
,
and
conspired
ther
oppression
.
Add
to
this
,
the
kings
own
inclination
to
vayn-glorie
,
which
begot
his
auarice
:
whose
prodigal
expences
,
could
not
be
mantained
withowt
such
extraordinarie
support
.
And
think
yow
,
that
the
Lords
and
courtiers
disliked
the
proposition
?
no
,
they
knew
what
a
rich
praye
it
would
prooue
,
(
whearof
each
man
hoped
and
thirsted
,
to
haue
a
share
,
and
speciallie
maister
Cromwel
,
who
knew
no
better
ladder
to
climbe
to
greatnes
and
welth
,
then
by
an
innouation
so
full
of
spoyle
(
whearby
one
might
easilie
rise
,
by
the
fall
of
so
manie
:
)
who
being
a
man
of
experienc
,
and
bred
vp
in
a
forge
,
knew
the
better
which
way
to
hammer
and
frame
his
busienes
,
in
some
good
forme
,
that
the
king
might
vndertaike
the
action
,
and
stand
stowtlie
to
a
matter
of
his
domination
and
profitt
,
(
knowing
well
that
his
conscience
was
all
readie
buried
in
Ann
Boolens
tomb
.
)
And
tho
maik
:
he
waye
playner
,
and
remooue
all
blocks
:
the
thre
principall
Abbots
,
Glastenburie
,
Reading
,
and
Burie
,
thre
Barons
of
the
parliement
,
stowt
and
religious
men
,
and
likest
to
crosse
and
empeach
these
practises
:
wear
executed
for
denijng
the
supremacie
,
bothe
to
discoorage
the
Bushops
from
mediating
for
them
:
and
to
terrifie
the
rest
of
the
religious
,
that
they
might
not
withstand
the
king
,
who
was
now
armed
with
suffieient
powre
to
bring
them
vpon
ther
knees
(
all
forren
intercession
being
cut
of
.
)
But
quo
iure
,
quo
titulo
,
was
this
suppression
in
frank
Almoine
,
and
in
see
:
they
wear
possessed
of
them
by
the
donations
,
of
Saxon
,
English
,
and
Norman
kings
and
subiects
:
continued
legallie
by
prescription
,
established
by
law
,
and
confirmed
by
the
Charters
of
kings
:
and
so
they
held
ther
inheritanc
,
and
immunities
,
by
the
same
,
lawes
,
the
temporall
Lords
hold
ther
Baronnies
,
and
the
king
his
reuennues
.
What
nead
I
remember
the
Charters
of
the
realme
:
the
magna
charta
9.
H.
3.
or
the
confirmation
thereof
28.
Ed.
1.
whear
it
is
granted
,
that
the
Church
of
England
shall
be
free
,
and
haue
her
liberties
inuiolable
.
and
cap.
2.
iudgment
against
them
shall
be
held
for
naught
.
and
4.
Bushops
wear
authorised
to
excommunicate
those
,
that
shall
seak
to
vndoe
ther
charters
.
And
3.
E.
1.
the
Bushops
ded
accurse
those
,
that
attempted
to
spoyle
the
Church
,
or
by
force
and
craft
to
diminish
ther
liberties
or
the
charter
of
the
realme
;
and
all
those
that
either
should
maik
statutes
,
or
obserue
them
being
mayd
,
against
the
sayd
liberties
.
for
(
which
is
to
be
noted
)
by
one
and
the
same
Charter
,
both
the
Church
,
and
all
the
subiects
hold
ther
liberties
:
so
as
king
H.
8.
might
as
well
break
the
one
,
as
vndoe
the
other
:
and
yf
the
parliement
could
geue
powre
to
abrogate
the
one
,
that
is
a
president
to
dispence
with
the
other
.
But
in
Peterbo●ow
Ledgerbook
,
yow
shall
fynd
king
Iohns
grants
,
more
at
large
and
fullier
then
anie
printed
book
setteth
down
.
What
nead
I
remember
,
sententia
lata
super
confirmatione
cartarum
,
by
E.
1.
or
42.
Ed.
3.
cap.
8.
yf
anie
statut
be
mayd
contrarie
to
magna
charta
,
it
shall
be
voyd
.
Or
the
confirmation
of
all
these
,
1.
6.
7.
8.
of
R.
2.
and
4.
H.
4.
?
Which
all
wear
intended
,
to
preuent
tyrannie
,
to
secure
the
Church
then
being
,
visiblie
knowen
,
and
generallie
reuerenced
(
for
to
no
other
Church
they
wear
granted
:
nor
no
other
can
enioye
than
,
yf
the
king
so
please
.
)
But
to
return
,
to
the
suppression
.
The
lo.
Cromwel
,
and
the
obedienc
and
simplitie
of
these
poor
oppressed
men
.
And
is
not
this
a
likelie
tale
?
that
owt
of
ther
bowntie
,
voluntarilie
,
they
would
renounce
ther
liuings
,
and
turn
beggars
?
in
dead
to
so
gracious
a
Prince
it
was
no
maruel
.
I
ded
once
my self
vpon
Salesburie
playne
,
deliuer
my
purse
,
when
I
could
not
keape
it
:
and
commanded
ther
humanitie
,
tho
I
could
not
prai●e
ther
honestie
.
Now
yf
yow
please
to
examin
and
consider
Marcus
Crassus
robbed
the
temple
of
Hierusalem
:
and
note
his
end
and
disiaster
.
Ioseph
lib.
18.
c.
8.
Herod
opened
king
Dauids
sepulcher
,
and
took
the
spoyle
therof
:
and
what
miserie
afterward
ded
he
fall
into
?
Iosephus
lib.
16.
c.
11.
Vrraca
,
went
to
robb
the
chappel
of
S.
Isodore
in
Spayne
;
to
defraye
the
expenc
and
charge
of
his
warres
;
and
his
guttes
burst
owt
of
his
bellie
in
the
Churche
porche
.
Histoire
general
of
Spayn
,
part
.
4.
Leo
the
4.
Emperor
,
took
a
most
pretious
crown
owt
of
the
Church
of
S.
Sophia
in
Constantinople
,
which
was
dedicated
to
it
:
and
he
dyed
of
a
carbuncle
.
Sigonius
l.
1.
de
regno
Ital.
Gondericus
king
of
the
Vandals
,
when
he
took
Siuil
,
took
also
the
spoyles
of
the
Churches
,
and
seazed
vpon
the
riches
thereof
:
and
to
requite
hym
,
the
Deuel
Seazed
and
posseded
hym
.
Tarap●a
in
Honorio
.
What
nead
I
seak
moe
examples
of
terror
,
king
Hentie
is
dead
?
they
come
to
late
;
but
not
to
admonishe
others
.
What
punishment
,
had
Iulian
the
Apostata
,
emong
his
other
sinnes
,
for
his
Church-robbing
at
Antioche
?
Tripartite
lib.
6.
cap.
●1
what
misetie
fell
vpon
Heliodorus
for
the
like
?
2.
Macchab.
c.
3.
To
conclude
,
read
the
historie
of
Nicephorus
Phocas
(
a
parallel
to
Match
.
H.
8.
)
He
resumed
all
Donations
granted
to
Monasteries
and
Churches
;
and
see
what
afflictions
and
furies
haunted
hym
euer
after
.
and
therfor
his
successor
Basilius
,
abrogated
that
law
of
Phocas
for
the
suppressing
of
Monasteries
,
as
the
roote
of
all
the
calamities
,
that
happened
in
that
tyme
.
He
is
desperate
,
that
is
not
mooued
to
fear
(
by
such
examples
of
terror
)
to
tempt
God
,
with
the
like
attemps
.
I
will
not
applie
these
to
k.
H.
8.
tho
I
might
trewlie
affirme
,
that
wrastling
(
as
it
weare
)
with
God
and
his
Church
:
not
vnlike
Herod
,
he
liued
iealious
of
his
wiues
,
and
not
confident
of
his
frends
:
his
lusts
wear
mayd
his
torments
;
and
after
his
diuorce
from
his
first
and
lawfull
wyfe
,
as
in
reueng
of
his
lasciuiousnes
(
the
original
of
all
Englands
calamitie
:
)
no
wyfe
could
please
hym
long
:
few
of
them
could
get
a
protection
for
ther
heads
:
and
none
of
them
liued
secure
and
ioyefull
.
And
which
is
most
to
be
noted
,
as
yf
God
would
show
his
indignation
,
and
with
his
hand
write
vpon
the
wall
,
Mane
,
Thekel
,
Phares
,
as
his
iudgment
against
hym
:
all
his
hopefull
and
glorious
stemm
and
brainches
wear
quicklie
cutt
of
,
withowtanie
issew
,
and
that
pittiefullie
,
and
lamentablie
:
and
the
crown
and
scepter
was
translated
,
to
an
other
name
and
nation
,
quite
contrarie
to
his
intention
,
and
the
proiects
both
of
his
will
and
statute
.
And
for
his
actions
,
God
suffred
hym
as
a
bling
man
to
err
in
his
ends
,
and
wander
in
his
course
:
all
this
great
purchase
was
neither
employed
to
the
honor
of
the
realme
,
nor
to
ease
the
subiects
,
nor
to
encrease
learning
,
nor
to
mantaine
soldiers
and
men
decayed
,
nor
to
releaue
the
poor
:
all
was
waisted
in
tiltings
,
triumphs
,
enriching
and
pleasing
his
mistrises
,
and
the
sollicitors
of
his
lusts
:
Boolein
,
and
prodigalitie
consumed
all
;
and
to
maik
an
end
,
he
can
bragg
of
no
other
monument
he
haith
left
to
record
his
memorie
,
but
the
same
which
he
left
,
who
boasted
of
burning
Dianas
temple
.
And
touching
his
agents
Wolsie
,
and
Cromwel
,
the
maister
,
and
the
seruant
:
the
instruments
,
and
moouers
of
this
greate
wheale
:
when
they
had
acted
ther
parts
;
they
whear
both
by
hym self
cast
of
the
stage
with
contempt
and
disgrace
,
and
not
withowt
a
brand
left
vpon
ther
names
and
families
.
What
course
would
the
Lutherans
in
Cermanie
,
the
Consistoriand
of
France
,
or
the
Puritans
of
Scotland
,
haue
taken
:
yf
they
had
bean
plunged
into
such
miseries
?
remember
ther
actions
,
and
ther
violenc
:
and
iudg
of
the
tree
by
the
fruite
;
and
then
c●mparatiuelie
look
vpon
the
Image
of
the
trew
Catholick
Church
,
and
mark
the
differenc
of
ther
visages
,
and
vertues
.
Though
these
Abbies
,
wear
almost
the
third
part
of
the
realme
:
men
of
vnderstanding
and
power
:
the
renennues
great
:
ther
tennants
,
manie
and
rich
:
greatlie
fauoured
of
the
people
for
ther
hospitalitie
and
howsekeaping
;
and
highlie
esteamed
both
of
the
nobilitie
and
gentrie
.
And
though
also
the
knights
of
S
Iohns
of
Hierusalem
,
wear
in
the
same
predicament
,
and
by
ther
fraternities
might
haue
procured
great
trowbles
and
tumults
,
and
the
rather
by
the
Popes
assistanc
,
and
the
Emperor
:
yet
to
show
to
the
world
,
what
they
wear
in
ther
own
likenes
and
proper
coolors
,
and
to
testifie
the
patienc
of
trew
Israelites
,
the
obedienc
of
trew
subiects
,
and
the
real
imitation
of
ther
maister
,
(
who
was
apter
to
shedd
his
own
blood
,
then
to
reuenge
his
wrongs
:
)
they
resolued
to
endure
Gods
punishment
,
and
the
kings
iniustice
and
rigor
,
and
armed
them selfs
into
the
feald
with
teares
and
prayers
,
and
took
vp
no
other
weapons
,
nor
mayd
no
insurrections
:
not
counterfeiting
,
as
Beza
in
words
preached
patienc
,
but
in
actions
showed
,
furie
,
violence
,
and
reueng
.
I
will
add
this
,
and
so
end
.
that
by
ther
suppression
,
to
manie
wear
enriched
and
the
gentrie
was
encreased
;
yet
the
rents
of
lands
weare
enhauced
,
enclosures
set
a
foot
,
depopulation
generallie
mayd
,
the
price
of
all
things
raised
and
the
Yeomanrie
decayed
infinitelie
which
heartofore
was
the
honor
,
and
strenth
of
the
kingdome
:
and
so
consequentlie
it
was
the
trew
reason
,
why
all
things
haue
continued
so
dear
in
this
land
,
(
whearin
maister
Stubs
ded
err
nota
litl
.
)
TITVLVS
SECVNDVS
.
HItherto
Schisme
raigned
;
but
the
second
plague
,
was
the
ruine
and
wrach
K.
Ew.
6.
of
the
Church
for
the
authoritie
and
name
of
king
Edward
was
vsed
,
to
break
down
,
and
forciblie
subuert
the
whole
Church
of
England
.
but
see
how
craftie
a
statesman
the
Deuel
is
:
though
the
way
to
Anarchie
and
confusion
was
layd
leuel
by
king
Henrie
,
(
who
was
onelie
fitt
for
such
a
work
,
in
regard
of
his
greatenes
,
and
crewell
imperiousnes
:
)
yet
he
lett
religion
stand
a
while
longer
,
knowing
well
that
all
could
not
be
effected
at
once
;
but
as
he
seduceth
Sowles
,
so
states
by
degrees
:
and
being
also
confident
,
that
the
forts
of
pietie
and
religion
being
razed
,
and
the
Church
being
brought
vnder
a
laye
supreme
head
;
he
might
by
a
second
hand
easilie
ouerthrow
religion
it self
.
King
Henrie
at
his
Deathe
,
appointed
by
his
will
sixtean
Executors
,
who
during
the
minoritie
of
his
sonne
,
should
be
his
aydors
and
counsellors
,
for
the
better
gouerning
the
realme
.
Emong
whome
One
,
and
who
mayd
hym self
the
Principal
,
was
the
lord
Edward
Seamor
Earl
of
Hartford
(
who
took
vpon
hym
,
being
the
kings
vncle
,
to
be
protector
:
)
and
that
was
as
good
as
a
dispensation
(
as
he
took
it
)
for
his
executor
ship
,
and
lifted
hym
too
manie
degrees
higher
then
his
fellowes
,
which
king
Henrie
neuer
intended
,
that
he
might
ouer-rule
the
rest
,
by
his
title
,
and
supereminencie
.
One
of
the
first
things
of
importance
,
he
contriued
and
compassed
,
was
innouation
,
and
the
establishing
of
a
new
religion
:
not
so
much
for
deuotion
,
as
bycaus
he
knew
that
nothing
could
quench
his
thirst
so
wel
as
a
chainge
,
and
bring
the
game
he
hunted
after
into
the
toyles
.
and
hearof
Cranmor
,
was
a
principal
worker
,
(
tho
he
was
but
a
few
moneths
before
,
of
king
Henries
religion
,
and
a
patrone
of
the
six
articles
.
)
The
better
,
both
to
perswade
the
people
,
and
geue
harting
and
strenth
to
ther
sect
:
Peter
Martyr
,
and
Bucer
wear
sent
for
owt
of
Germanie
,
(
vpon
whose
fame
,
and
learning
,
as
vpon
two
great
Arches
,
they
might
build
and
raise
ther
Churche
(
tho
)
bothe
wear
Apostates
.
By
Cranmor
,
Ridlie
,
Lattimor
,
and
these
two
Rabbins
,
was
the
new
Liturgie
framed
,
and
the
old
banished
;
these
wear
the
authors
of
the
first
Alteration
of
religion
,
(
which
so
manie
hundred
yeares
,
had
bean
heare
professed
and
continued
with
all
dew
reuerence
.
)
So
powrefull
was
the
Protector
,
(
by
vsing
the
king
name
,
a
child
then
but
of
9.
years
old
)
but
he
was
well
seconded
,
by
the
Duke
of
Northumberland
,
the
Admirall
,
and
the
Marques
of
Nortampton
(
all
affected
,
or
seaming
affected
,
to
the
chaing
of
religion
:
)
who
over-ruled
all
,
that
mayd
anie
show
of
opposition
,
or
dislike
of
ther
proceadings
.
Which
was
verrie
strainge
considering
,
there
wear
so
manie
wise
and
eminent
men
,
who
had
aequal
authoritie
with
them
both
,
as
Counsellors
and
executors
:
and
wear
most
different
in
religion
from
them
,
as
the
lord
Priuie
seale
,
the
lord
Saint
Iohn
of
Basing
,
Bushop
Tonstal
,
Syr
Antonie
Brown
,
and
(
thewise
sectetarie
,
)
Syr
W.
Paget
:
and
speciallie
that
noble
Chancelour
,
(
the
lord
Writheoslie
,
a
man
of
experienc
,
knowledg
,
and
prudenc
,
and
a
director
and
pattern
to
his
posteritie
,
to
be
preferred
before
anie
new
guides
.
)
but
to
content
and
please
hym
,
he
was
created
Earl
of
Sowth-Hampton
;
yet
neither
wonn
so
,
nor
contented
,
nor
safe
.
All
things
afterward
grew
to
confusion
,
ther
remained
no
face
,
and
skarse
the
name
of
Catholick
Church
in
England
.
and
tho
ther
wear
great
multitudes
of
men
well
affected
to
the
ould
religion
,
and
discontented
,
that
the
Church
was
driuen
into
the
wildernes
,
and
forced
to
lurk
in
corners
:
yet
ded
they
show
loyaltie
,
humilitie
,
and
peace
,
and
ded
not
taik
armes
and
disobey
that
shadow
of
the
king
.
But
what
mooued
the
realme
,
how
wear
men
inchanted
to
embrace
this
religion
,
and
applawd
the
authors
of
it
?
Noueltie
euer
pleaseth
daintie
stomachs
,
and
auarice
is
no
small
temptation
.
at
Syracusa
,
Dyonisius
the
tyrant
comming
into
the
temple
of
Apollo
,
(
full
of
sumptuous
and
goodlie
ornaments
:
)
and
seing
Aesculapius
appareled
with
clothe
of
hould
,
and
full
of
Iewels
,
hauing
a
long
whyte
siluer
beard
:
and
Apollo
(
the
father
,
)
carued
,
with
a
floorishing
yowthful
gould
beard
,
and
a
playne
cote
of
siluer
▪
he
gaue
order
,
to
shaue
both
Apollo
and
Aesculapius
.
for
it
was
indecorum
,
that
the
sonn
should
haue
a
graye
,
and
his
father
a
read
beard
;
and
also
vndecent
,
that
a
Phisicion
should
wear
so
rich
a
cote
:
so
he
ded
not
like
that
Apollo
,
should
be
drawen
so
gawdilie
,
and
like
a
Barbarossa
:
and
a
grauer
gown
(
he
sayd
)
would
become
a
God
better
,
(
for
gould
and
Iewels
wear
fitter
for
Princes
then
gods
,
fitter
for
pomp
then
perfection
.
The
Duke
of
Sommerset
ded
rightlie
imitate
Dionisius
.
for
seing
the
Church
rich
,
remembring
the
exampl
of
his
old
maister
,
and
hauinng
taisted
at
Aumesburie
how
sweat
a
Morsell
a
Priorie
is
:
he
thought
it
not
decorum
,
to
see
the
Cleargie
so
rich
,
there
wealth
was
not
suitable
to
ther
calling
:
ther
lands
wear
giuen
to
noorish
deuotion
,
not
to
choke
it
:
to
stirr
men
vp
to
prayer
,
not
to
ease
and
luxurie
;
and
therfor
he
would
shaue
and
share
with
them
.
Two
Bushops
howses
he
took
in
the
Strand
,
which
serued
hym
wel
to
build
Sommerset
howse
for
Quene
Ann.
He
procured
an
act
,
whearby
all
Colledges
,
Chantries
,
free
Chappels
,
Hospitals
and
fraternities
,
wear
suppressed
,
and
giuen
to
the
king
.
and
how
greadilie
he
intruded
into
the
Bushop
of
bathe
and
wells
his
howses
and
mannors
:
that
Churche
can
never
forget
.
(
and
yet
Bushop
Bourn
by
his
industrie
recouered
some
again
;
but
nothing
to
the
Spoyles
.
a
poor
releaf
,
rather
to
fead
then
to
fatt
a
Bushop
.
)
Yet
was
he
not
satisfied
.
for
shortlie
af
ther
,
contrarie
to
all
law
,
against
king
Henries
will
,
and
against
his
own
couenants
(
when
he
was
mayd
protector
)
he
committed
to
the
towr
,
the
Lord
Chancelor
:
he
deposed
Busbop
Tonstal
both
from
the
Counsel
,
and
his
bushoprick
(
as
too
statelie
a
Seigniorie
for
a
man
of
religion
,
and
too
daintie
a
bitt
to
be
swallowed
by
the
Churche
:
)
therfor
he
dissolued
yt
and
brought
it
within
the
survey
of
the
excheckor
,
and
he
never
prospered
after
.
It
was
directlie
against
the
law
.
1.
Edw.
3.
cap.
2.
that
the
lands
of
Bushops
should
be
seazed
into
the
kings
hands
:
and
that
his
father
by
the
aduise
of
euel
counsellors
commanded
them
to
be
seazed
withowt
cawse
,
but
hearafter
it
should
not
be
so
.
Yet
hear
he
set
not
downe
his
staff
.
he
committed
Gardiner
the
Bushop
of
Winchester
:
and
after
depriued
hym
.
He
dissolued
Stoke
Colledg
:
fleaced
all
Cathedrall
Churches
,
and
committed
infinite
sacriledge
(
wherto
the
Nonage
of
the
king
gaue
opportunitie
.
)
Neither
ded
he
hunt
after
his
praye
,
onelie
emong
the
Churche
liuing
:
for
yf
yow
look
in
the
Parliamant
rolls
,
of
that
tyme
,
yow
shall
fynd
that
(
with
a
wolfs
stomach
)
he
ded
seak
to
deuowre
,
that
most
ancient
and
honorable
Earldome
of
Oxford
.
In
all
this
glorie
;
he
was
cut
of
for
his
sinnes
;
and
arraigned
and
executed
for
acting
so
grosslie
,
the
part
of
a
Protector
.
And
though
he
was
badd
enoug
,
an
other
succeaded
much
worse
.
For
now
begon
the
tree
of
Dudlie
,
to
spread
owt
his
brainches
with
glorie
(
who
could
not
be
,
except
he
wear
great
:
)
now
was
the
tyme
for
his
common
welth
to
floorish
.
and
bycause
he
would
not
seam
to
doe
anie
thing
,
but
by
Iustice
:
he
begonn
1549.
to
wrastl
with
Sommerset
,
till
he
gaue
hym
a
fall
.
First
he
proclamed
hym
to
be
a
man
,
that
subuerted
all
lawes
;
and
that
he
broke
the
orders
of
H.
8.
appointed
for
his
sonns
good
:
that
he
keapt
a
Cabbienet
counsell
,
and
litl
esteamed
the
aduise
of
his
fellowes
:
that
he
took
vpon
hym
to
be
protector
,
expresslie
vpon
conditions
,
to
doe
nothing
in
the
kings
affayres
withowt
consent
of
the
executors
.
And
vpon
these
and
such
like
accusations
,
God
stirred
one
of
these
reformers
,
to
wrack
an
other
.
Now
as
that
showed
his
iustice
:
so
to
seame
religious
,
he
cawsed
the
book
of
common
prayer
,
1552.
to
be
first
published
;
for
that
religion
he
knew
would
best
serue
his
turn
,
(
who
was
all
readie
now
farr
engaged
in
the
plat
to
aduanc
his
own
howse
,
by
the
ruine
of
his
maisters
.
)
and
by
that
coolor
,
he
discerned
that
he
might
best
winn
the
Duke
of
suff
.
to
hym
.
And
bycaus
he
supposed
,
the
Lord
Threasorer
,
was
not
vnlike
to
cross
hym
:
he
took
order
at
the
counsel
table
(
whear
he
vsed
to
leaue
his
spectacles
,
yf
he
wear
soodainlie
cald
for
vp
to
the
king
)
to
maik
the
same
before
his
return
,
be
so
sweatlie
anoynted
and
perfumed
,
that
therby
he
lost
his
nose
,
and
skaped
nearlie
with
his
lyfe
,
(
and
yet
he
liued
to
requite
hym
.
)
and
for
his
better
strenth
while
king
Edward
was
sick
,
as
yf
all
had
bean
fixed
in
a
sphear
to
mooue
with
hym
,
he
cawsed
at
Durham
howse
his
sonn
to
be
married
to
ladie
Iane
:
the
Earle
of
Pembrocks
sonn
to
the
ladie
Katharin
:
and
the
Earl
of
Huntingtons
sonn
,
to
his
own
daughter
.
and
all
vpon
one
daye
,
all
to
serue
for
one
end
:
and
to
maik
it
impossible
for
anie
to
bayt
the
beare
,
hearafter
.
Then
was
king
Edward
mayd
away
,
by
his
means
:
and
that
potticarie
who
poysond
hym
,
for
the
horror
of
the
offenc
,
and
disquietnes
of
his
conscienc
,
drowned
hym self
.
and
the
landres
that
washed
his
shirt
,
lost
the
skinn
of
her
fingers
.
ther
be
some
yet
liuing
in
the
court
that
haue
sean
weaping
eyes
for
it
.
Yet
was
all
so
ouer
shadowed
with
the
name
of
religion
;
that
not
manie
could
discern
the
impietie
.
yf
yow
would
see
the
oration
,
he
mayd
to
the
Lords
(
when
he
was
to
depart
from
the
towr
to
go
,
towards
Cambredg
,
and
proplayme
his
daugther
in
law
Quene
:
)
yow
shall
see
how
Raignard
had
gotten
on
a
minister
cloke
,
and
mayd
that
is
cawse
,
which
he
was
furthest
from
.
Now
consider
thre
things
1.
for
the
men
:
wear
not
they
both
,
fitt
instruments
to
encrease
pietie
and
vertue
,
and
to
reforme
a
Church
?
wear
not
they
like
men
,
to
haue
bean
chosen
by
the
spirit
of
God
,
for
so
godlie
ends
?
and
like
to
be
labourers
in
the
haruest
of
Christ
?
wear
ther
pietie
,
zeale
,
and
charitie
such
,
as
became
them
well
,
and
wear
suitable
to
reformers
,
to
Iosias
,
and
Ezechias
?
No
,
nisi
hominus
edificauerit
ciuitatem
;
they
labor
in
vayne
:
he
will
geue
them
a
fall
,
whear
they
purposed
to
taike
ther
rising
.
2.
For
ther
ends
,
both
of
them
concurred
in
chainging
religion
;
both
of
them
lost
ther
heads
;
one
of
them
was
a
butcher
to
an
other
:
and
both
vnded
ther
own
famililies
,
and
hazarded
ther
frends
.
but
for
Dudlie
as
he
ded
ruine
the
king
,
so
he
endaingered
the
whole
realme
:
and
yet
his
end
was
a
demonstration
to
the
world
,
that
all
his
ayme
was
ambition
,
and
not
religion
(
for
either
he
dyed
a
Catholick
,
or
certanly
an
Atheist
.
)
And
as
his
ambition
,
so
Sommersets
auarice
,
was
not
withowt
his
plagues
.
for
his
weakenes
was
ouer
maistered
by
a
wyfe
:
his
eldest
sonn
,
was
disinherited
:
he
executed
his
own
brother
:
he
liued
to
see
the
loss
of
bullen
,
the
crown
and
the
realm
ingaged
in
debts
and
wants
;
confusion
and
commotions
within
the
realme
,
(
by
ther
ill
government
,
)
and
contempt
withowt
.
3.
Now
consider
te
patienc
of
the
Preasts
and
Prelates
,
vnder
these
Cormorants
:
they
suffred
all
withowt
resisting
,
or
rebelling
:
and
neuer
prouoked
the
nobilitie
to
taik
armes
,
hauing
bean
bredd
in
the
school
of
vertue
,
to
bear
ther
crosses
with
patienc
;
and
to
affect
rather
the
glorie
of
a
Martyr
,
then
the
sword
and
fortune
of
a
conqueror
.
And
so
I
leaue
them
,
till
hearafter
.
TITVLVS
TERTIVS
.
THe
last
and
greatest
tempest
,
which
shaked
the
verrie
fowndations
of
the
The
which
was
effected
,
quicklie
and
quietlie
,
sine
sanguine
&
sudore
,
and
as
M.
Camden
noteth
well
,
Christiano
orbe
mir
ante
.
And
surelie
,
it
was
a
strainge
alteration
.
bycause
the
Quene
(
during
her
sisters
lyfe
)
daylie
hard
Masse
,
&
ad
Romanae
religionis
it
is
not
possible
that
the
Quene
will
be
perswaded
,
Iam
a
Catholick
?
and
therupon
she
ded
sweare
and
protest
,
that
she
was
a
Catholick
.
And
it
aggreeth
well
with
the
Duke
of
Feria
his
letter
to
king
Philip
(
yet
extant
to
be
seane
;
)
whearin
he
certified
the
king
,
that
Q.
Elizabeth
ded
profess
and
assure
hym
,
that
she
beleaued
the
real
presenc
,
and
that
she
was
not
like
to
maik
anie
great
alteration
for
the
principall
poynts
of
religion
.
I
nead
not
relate
,
the
like
speaches
vsed
by
her
to
Monsieur
Lansack
;
seing
manie
honorable
persons
haue
affirmed
the
same
:
and
seing
her
external
profession
in
publick
,
and
her
priuate
chappell
ded
testifie
,
that
either
she
was
then
sincearlie
in
dead
,
or
would
be
taken
then
to
be
a
Catholick
.
And
that
was
the
cawse
,
which
mayd
the
world
maruell
more
,
at
her
great
and
soodain
chainge
of
religion
.
And
the
rather
,
bycause
at
her
coronation
,
she
was
orderlie
consecrated
,
and
anointed
at
a
Masse
,
by
the
Bushop
of
Carlisle
:
and
she
took
the
oath
then
,
to
mantain
the
Church
,
and
vphold
the
liberties
thereof
,
as
her
predecessors
had
doone
.
Which
,
withowt
aequiuocation
,
must
neads
be
intended
of
that
Church
then
being
in
esse
,
and
whearin
she
was
consecrated
,
and
took
that
oathe
:
and
not
of
the
Idea
of
a
new
Church
(
a
castle
in
the
Ayre
,
to
be
hearafter
erected
and
fownded
,
by
lier
authoritie
and
the
Parliement
.
)
But
how
euer
she
was
before
perswaded
;
she
was
now
altered
,
and
became
too
soodainlie
Retrograde
:
and
so
,
as
in
the
opinion
of
manie
prudent
and
great
persons
,
it
a
bated
much
the
glorie
of
her
wisedome
and
heroicall
spirit
:
and
gaue
the
world
occasion
to
suspect
that
all
her
former
actions
wear
counterfeit
and
camposed
for
her
securitie
to
temporize
:
and
to
misdowbt
,
that
she
was
not
innocent
and
cleare
,
of
these
great
not
capitall
crymes
layd
to
her
charge
(
for
which
,
she
had
stood
in
no
smal
dainger
.
)
Ant
to
speak
frelie
and
trewlie
my
opinion
,
she
was
a
Prince
of
great
Maiestie
and
magnificens
,
but
fitter
for
governement
,
then
deuotion
:
and
of
more
pollicie
then
religion
:
and
not
as
her
sister
was
,
the
same
in
a
storme
and
a
calme
;
a
Quene
and
a
subiect
,
nor
semper
eadem
.
But
how
,
and
by
what
means
,
ded
she
1.
First
the
long
sicknes
of
Q.
Marie
gaue
her
great
aduantage
,
and
tyme
both
to
deliberate
,
and
draw
her
plattformes
,
prepare
her
instruments
in
readienes
;
maik
choyce
of
her
means
,
and
resolue
of
the
fittest
counsellors
to
aduance
her
ends
.
2.
Secondlie
she
layd
her
honor
to
pawne
,
and
mayd
protestation
in
open
parliament
,
that
she
would
never
trowble
the
Roman
Catholiques
,
for
anie
differenc
in
religion
:
which
ded
geue
the
Cleargie
great
hope
,
of
some
more
indifferencie
,
and
tolerable
fauors
.
(
the
which
is
related
by
Hows
in
prefat.
of
Q.
Elizabeth
.
)
for
knowing
well
,
that
a
king
can
not
create
a
new
religion
as
D.
Bilson
sayd
trewlie
,
(
meaning
that
it
must
be
the
act
and
work
of
a
parliement
:
)
therfor
to
winn
the
Bushops
,
either
to
silenc
or
patienc
,
she
wiselie
vsed
that
peace
of
art
.
The
which
thing
was
well
noted
by
Monsieur
de
Mauuissier
(
who
was
long
french
Embassador
in
England
,
and
a
curious
searcher
and
obseruer
of
matters
of
that
nature
:
)
saith
he
(
lib.
2.
pag.
61.
in
Les
memoires
de
Monsieur
Mich
Castelnau
.
)
Quene
Elizabeth
purposing
to
chainge
religion
,
that
she
might
the
better
winn
the
Bushops
,
she
promised
to
follow
ther
aduises
in
all
things
,
and
therby
preuayled
not
a
litle
.
And
though
manie
fyne
sleights
wear
vsed
,
frownes
and
fauors
,
promises
and
threats
:
yet
notwithstanding
by
that
parliement
,
both
the
statuts
for
the
supremacie
,
and
the
abrogation
of
the
old
religion
,
wear
enacted
.
3.
Add
also
,
that
when
the
act
was
mayd
for
supremacie
,
(
which
must
ever
be
,
as
the
first
great
wheale
of
motion
:
)
bycause
,
by
king
Henries
law
,
Bushops
and
Barons
stood
in
dainger
(
for
Syr
Thomas
Moor
,
and
Bushop
Fisher
had
giuen
them
warning
to
look
to
ther
heads
.
)
therfor
now
,
in
this
new
edition
of
the
supremacie
,
first
the
words
of
supreme
head
wear
chainged
into
supreme
gouernor
;
(
which
qualification
of
the
words
being
aequiualent
,
was
vsed
but
as
a
mask
and
shadowe
,
to
bleare
the
eyes
of
the
people
.
)
and
secondlie
the
Barons
and
Lords
wear
exempted
from
the
rigour
of
the
Oath
,
to
winn
them
the
rather
to
consent
,
to
the
act
;
and
so
to
leaue
the
Bushops
in
the
briars
,
to
beare
the
brunt
of
the
storme
ensewing
.
4.
I
know
yow
will
admire
,
and
yow
maye
,
how
this
chainge
could
be
wrought
in
the
vpper
howse
,
by
most
voyces
;
considering
,
so
manie
Bushops
,
and
so
manie
Lords
well
affected
to
religion
,
had
ther
suffrages
there
.
Remember
first
,
that
king
Henrie
pulling
downe
the
Abbies
,
weakened
the
strenth
of
the
Cleargie
;
taking
away
by
that
meanes
,
twentie
fiue
voyces
of
Abbots
,
who
satt
there
as
Barons
of
Parliement
.
and
besides
,
Sinon
(
who
managed
that
busienes
)
showed
all
his
conning
therin
,
and
as
a
maister
of
his
art
.
For
the
noble
Earl
of
Arondel
,
(
abused
and
fed
with
a
vayne
hope
)
by
the
ayd
of
the
Duke
Northfolk
engrossed
into
his
hands
the
proxies
,
and
voyces
of
so
manie
Lords
,
to
be
disposed
at
his
pleasure
,
and
to
serue
and
further
the
Quenes
desyre
and
ends
,
that
the
Catholicks
wear
overswayed
and
born
downe
,
by
the
pluralitie
of
six
voyces
onelie
.
And
how
God
rewarded
these
two
great
Princes
,
(
the
instruments
of
that
seruice
:
)
the
world
may
iudg
,
by
ther
afflictions
as
spirits
that
haunted
them
.
(
tho
to
expiat
that
fault
,
the
religious
and
noble
,
Earl
Philip
,
suffred
the
martyrdome
of
a
languishing
sowl
.
)
A
strainge
,
and
memorable
mattet
it
was
,
to
haue
a
new
religion
introduced
,
and
no
Bushop
nor
religion
man
,
to
consecrate
and
aduance
it
with
one
voyce
.
for
the
vehement
oration
of
Abbot
Fecknam
aginst
it
,
is
fresh
yet
in
memorie
:
and
how
all
the
Bushops
,
obstinate
refragati
sunt
,
Camden
doth
witnes
.
and
that
noble
Lord
Montagew
(
sensible
of
the
scandall
thereof
)
opposed
it
withall
his
force
,
(
who
together
with
D.
Thurlebie
Bushop
of
Elie
,
had
so
latelie
bean
employed
,
at
Roome
abowt
it
,
)
and
vrged
that
the
world
would
disgrace
fullie
censure
such
a
soodain
chainge
and
innouation
;
proposing
also
the
daingers
which
weare
like
to
ensew
,
and
so
ded
by
excommunication
.
But
for
ther
better
assurance
,
to
preuayle
in
the
vpperhowse
,
and
more
stronglie
to
ouer-rule
the
Bushops
,
and
the
Abbots
:
the
Quene
created
diuers
new
lords
,
William
lord
Parr
,
Marquis
of
Northampton
(
a
good
speaker
,
and
a
wise
man
:
)
the
Earle
of
Hartford
,
the
Vicount
Bindon
,
the
lord
Saint
Iohn
of
Bletso
,
and
the
lord
Hunsdon
,
(
all
Protestants
and
men
fitt
to
build
a
new
Churche
.
)
And
to
be
better
armed
:
the
Catholick
partie
was
weakened
,
by
discharging
from
the
counsell
table
,
manie
of
the
old
counsellors
,
the
lord
Chancelor
,
the
lord
Priuie
seale
,
Secretarie
Boxall
,
and
Syr
Frances
Englefeald
.
and
in
ther
roomes
,
wear
placed
Syr
Nicholas
Bacon
,
the
Marques
of
Northampton
,
the
Earl
of
Bedford
,
Sr
A.
Caue
,
Syr
Frances
Knolls
,
Rogers
,
Parrie
,
and
secretarie
Cicil
,
(
all
fitt
men
,
to
beare
parts
in
that
Pageant
.
)
And
further
she
deposed
manie
of
the
old
Iudges
:
and
mayd
also
new
Iustices
of
peace
:
and
gaue
order
to
vse
all
warienes
,
in
the
election
of
knights
and
burgesses
:
that
they
might
likewise
maik
ther
partie
good
in
the
lower
howse
(
which
yow
would
wnder
to
heare
,
how
politicklie
it
was
performed
.
)
Furthermore
,
to
taik
all
scrupule
owt
of
the
heads
,
and
harts
of
the
people
,
and
that
they
might
conceaue
,
that
the
seruice
and
religion
still
continued
,
the
same
the
ould
was
(
but
transtated
into
Englishe
onelie
for
ther
better
edification
,
and
vnder
standing
:
)
they
directed
,
that
the
alteration
should
be
framed
as
near
to
the
old
,
as
they
might
well
doe
.
And
so
it
was
in
dead
,
verrie
politiclie
handled
.
For
they
bothe
admitted
and
continued
the
title
and
iurisdiction
of
Bushops
,
(
with
some
litl
grace
,
and
authoritie
:
)
and
they
permitted
the
vse
of
surplises
,
caeremonies
,
anthems
,
Organs
,
and
manie
prayers
in
the
forme
of
the
old
.
Whearby
the
Quene
,
was
the
better
able
to
excuse
her
fact
,
to
forrein
princes
,
for
this
great
chainge
,
as
she
ded
vse
the
same
for
her
reason
to
Secretarie
d'
Assonuile
,
who
was
sent
by
king
Philip
to
congratulate
her
aduancement
.
7.
And
touching
the
communion
book
,
it
was
composed
by
certan
commissioners
appointed
for
that
purpose
,
Parker
,
Grindal
,
Horn
,
Whytehead
,
May
,
Bill
,
and
Syr
Thomas
Smith
:
and
it
was
,
mayd
according
to
the
liturgie
of
the
straingers
of
Frankfort
(
1544.
)
all
of
them
of
Bucers
stamp
,
and
not
much
varijng
from
that
in
king
Edwards
tyme
.
The
which
Parr
,
Russel
,
Grey
of
Pytgo
,
and
Cicil
approoued
:
but
all
those
of
Geneua
vtterlie
disliked
,
(
not
knowing
the
Quenes
reasons
,
nor
regarding
them
.
)
8.
Lastlie
,
the
instrumentall
cawses
,
and
cheafe
artificers
for
building
this
new
work
,
wear
choyce
men
all
bothe
for
experience
and
pollicie
.
Syr
William
Cicill
,
(
mayd
second
Secretarie
in
king
Eduuards
dayes
,
in
an
age
whearin
a
man
might
learne
more
conning
,
them
vertue
.
)
a
wise
man
for
practise
,
and
one
that
knew
well
,
how
much
this
alteration
would
serue
his
turn
,
and
raise
his
fortune
.
and
at
that
tyme
he
was
hongrie
,
hauing
onelie
the
personage
of
Wimblton
,
and
certan
lands
abowt
Stamford
,
(
as
appeared
by
his
letter
,
to
the
lord
Marques
1560.
when
Syr
Robert
Cicil
was
borne
?
desiring
the
lord
.
Threasorers
furtherano
,
that
the
Quene
would
grant
hym
some
means
and
maintenanc
,
for
these
two
C.
C.
)
solike
to
be
famous
in
England
herafter
.
Syr
Nicholas
Bacon
,
was
an
others
;
his
brother
in
lawe
,
a
man
of
Deap
iudgment
,
of
more
knowledg
in
the
lawes
,
and
a
more
plausible
Orator
.
I
may
not
forget
the
Lord
Robert
(
who
solelie
to
posses
the
Quenes
fauor
,
by
a
trick
discarded
Syr
William
Pickering
,
then
a
fauorite
and
a
courtlie
gentlman
.
)
neither
can
I
omitt
Seigneur
Nicholas
Throgmorton
,
S.
Tho.
Smith
,
and
manie
others
:
who
wear
now
in
hope
to
fynd
that
,
which
they
had
long
gaped
for
;
such
offices
and
preferments
,
as
they
wear
like
to
loose
,
who
held
them
in
Quene
Maries
tyme
.
Better
Enginers
,
and
fitter
men
,
could
,
neither
haue
bean
wished
nor
fuwnd
,
then
all
these
wear
to
vndermine
and
cast
downe
,
the
Cleargie
,
and
the
old
Church
governement
.
who
possessing
wholie
the
eare
and
grace
of
the
Quene
,
satt
with
command
at
the
stearne
,
and
as
pylots
of
great
estimation
,
guided
the
course
both
of
the
Church
and
commonwelth
at
ther
pleasure
,
(
thoughe
manie
men
wondered
how
maister
secretarie
could
so
soone
,
forget
his
beads
,
and
his
breuiarie
whearwith
he
counterfeited
a
Catholick
,
and
wonn
Cardinal
Pool
to
stand
firmelie
his
frend
.
)
Notwithstanding
all
this
choyce
of
men
,
and
preparation
of
meanes
:
ther
courses
and
cownsells
,
gaue
occasion
of
more
trowbles
,
continual
feares
,
and
greater
hazards
and
daingers
to
the
Quene
the
realme
,
in
all
her
tyme
:
then
ever
anie
architects
of
innouation
committed
.
And
no
maruel
,
for
ludit
in
humanis
diuina
potentia
,
God
doth
skorn
and
frustrate
the
pollicies
and
shifts
of
men
,
that
haue
nothing
els
to
trust
to
but
shifts
:
and
he
will
euer
teach
the
wisest
,
to
see
ther
follies
;
and
(
a
litl
to
humble
them
,
)
those
that
ar
most
prouident
shall
by
ther
errors
learn
,
that
plus
est
in
arte
,
quam
in
artifice
.
For
now
the
Quene
,
(
by
this
act
of
Innouation
,
left
destitute
of
all
her
allies
and
confaederates
)
was
driuen
to
stand
vpon
her
own
gard
,
and
lie
open
to
all
stormes
:
hauing
France
an
enemie
,
and
Spayne
(
a
frend
skarse
contented
.
)
and
so
was
driuen
euen
at
first
,
to
ronne
vpon
a
rock
,
(
forced
to
assist
the
rebells
in
Scotland
against
ther
Soouerain
)
and
to
send
them
ayd
to
expell
the
french
,
employed
ther
for
ther
Quenes
seruice
.
It
mayde
,
yow
think
this
a
trifle
:
mark
the
rest
.
To
succor
the
Admirall
,
and
rebells
in
France
:
she
Inuaded
Normandie
,
and
took
possession
of
Newhauen
and
Deape
,
deliuered
to
her
by
the
Vidame
of
Chartres
.
was
this
a
glorie
?
the
disgrace
in
loosing
and
ill
defending
Newhauen
,
was
a
greater
bleamish
to
them
:
then
it
was
honor
to
haue
them
yealded
and
offred
to
the
Quenes
disposing
.
and
speciallie
,
seing
they
might
therby
either
haue
brought
Callice
home
againe
;
or
haue
locked
vp
the
gates
of
Roan
and
Paris
.
And
they
ded
neither
;
but
bring
home
the
great
plague
,
(
as
a
scourge
to
the
realme
for
that
offence
.
)
furthermore
,
for
the
securitie
of
the
realme
,
and
to
diuert
all
warres
from
home
,
they
wear
driuen
,
(
not
withowt
touch
of
the
Quenes
honor
)
to
kindl
the
fyre
,
in
all
other
adiacent
nations
;
and
then
to
publish
a
declaration
and
reason
of
ther
actions
(
as
yf
the
world
could
not
read
the
trew
cawses
of
actions
,
withowt
the
spectacles
of
those
ancient
Senators
.
)
Whearupon
they
ded
ayd
the
Princes
of
Orenge
against
king
Philip
,
(
vnder
pretenc
of
amitie
and
league
with
the
howse
of
Burgondie
,
and
the
kings
of
England
.
)
which
was
a
litl
to
grosse
for
so
excellent
witts
;
considering
that
the
amitie
was
contracted
with
no
subiects
nor
states
,
but
betwean
the
kings
of
E.
and
the
Dukes
of
Burgondie
wheareof
the
states
had
the
benefit
,
and
wear
partakers
but
not
authors
:
comprehended
in
the
treaties
,
but
not
treators
.
fayre
coolors
,
for
fowle
errors
.
And
why
?
for
so
she
gaue
a
president
against
her self
,
that
forrein
Princes
might
be
warranted
by
her
example
to
inuade
her
own
kingdomes
,
to
releaue
her
subiects
yf
they
should
rise
for
religion
,
and
to
learn
the
waye
to
Ireland
and
requite
her
.
And
,
the
showe
of
Religion
,
serued
them
fitlie
for
there
purpose
.
But
surelie
,
I
haue
hard
verrie
wise
men
much
condemn
the
course
.
Bor
though
England
ded
assist
there
neighbors
on
all
sides
,
vpon
the
reason
of
state
which
Polibius
prescribed
,
Vicininimium
crescentis
potentia
,
maturè
quacunque
ex
causa
deprimenda
,
(
which
is
an
axiome
,
that
is
oft
inconuenient
,
and
ofter
iniurious
,
and
sometymes
pernicious
:
)
Yet
the
counsell
of
Thucidides
,
was
more
proper
and
safer
,
Nullus
princeps
à
suis
subditis
iuste
puniendis
arcendus
est
:
&
qui
id
facit
,
parem
in
se
legem
statuit
,
ne
suos
&
ipse
puniat
delinquentes
.
And
heare
I
must
commend
hym
to
haue
said
this
wiselie
,
who
saith
all
things
wittielie
,
The
wisidome
of
the
latter
tymes
in
princes
fayres
,
is
rather
in
fine
deliueries
and
shifting
of
damgers
,
when
they
ar
near
:
then
solid
and
grownded
courses
to
keap
them
aloaf
.
The
grownd
of
all
these
trowbles
,
was
the
pretenc
of
Sinon
,
Viz.
Actum
esse
de
ea
,
si
pontificiam
authoritatem
,
in
quacumque
re
agnosceret
,
(
as
Camden
saith
:
)
the
Quene
wear
vndoone
yf
she
acknowledged
the
Popes
authoritie
.
Mark
his
reason
,
duos
namque
pontifices
matrem
illegitimè
nuptam
pronunciasse
.
and
by
that
argument
,
he
suggested
,
that
it
was
best
to
alter
religion
,
inuest
her self
in
the
sooueraintie
,
and
banish
the
Popes
bulls
(
from
grasing
in
this
kingdome
)
and
all
obedienc
to
that
sea
.
This
was
a
course
neither
at
home
,
nor
abroad
,
to
keap
daingers
aloofe
.
and
vndowbtedlie
,
yf
Henrie
the
2.
or
Frances
the
2.
of
France
had
liued
:
that
error
was
like
to
haue
wrapped
the
realme
,
into
ineuitable
perills
:
and
might
by
all
probabilitie
haue
serued
as
a
bridg
,
to
haue
let
the
Quene
of
Scots
passe
over
into
England
vnder
her
own
title
,
and
the
banner
of
the
Church
.
solliciting
for
her
better
warrant
the
renewing
of
the
bulls
of
Clement
the
7.
and
Paulus
4.
against
her
moothers
marriage
,
and
her
own
illegitimation
.
and
the
rather
this
might
haue
bean
doon
,
by
the
error
of
them
,
that
left
open
the
port
of
aduantage
:
hauing
not
repealed
in
England
the
act
of
her
illigitimation
,
as
Quene
Maries
counsell
wiselie
had
doone
before
.
But
now
at
lenth
,
to
returne
to
the
matters
proper
and
pertinent
,
to
the
quaestion
,
Iam
to
handle
.
The
Quene
before
her
coronation
,
put
all
the
bushops
to
silence
,
and
commanded
they
should
not
preache
.
and
after
the
parliement
,
all
those
that
refused
the
oath
(
being
called
before
the
Quenes
commissioners
,
)
wear
depriued
from
all
honors
liuings
,
or
employment
,
either
in
the
church
or
common
welth
:
and
wear
also
committed
to
prison
,
and
so
both
lost
ther
liberties
and
liuing
together
▪
Dignities
they
could
not
loose
,
(
as
appeared
by
B.
Bonners
case
,
whome
they
could
not
degrade
from
the
Dignitie
of
a
Bushop
,
though
he
ded
loose
London
.
)
There
wear
in
all
14.
Bushops
,
(
most
vertuous
and
learned
prelates
)
of
England
,
and
10.
of
Ireland
deposed
.
12.
Deanes
,
15.
maisters
of
Colledges
,
6.
Abbots
,
12.
Archdeacons
,
160.
preasts
,
together
with
maister
Shellie
,
Prior
of
S.
Iohns
of
Hierusalem
.
Now
touching
,
ther
Demeanor
,
and
the
course
of
ther
proceading
before
ther
Depriuation
.
These
B●shops
sitting
in
Parliement
at
Quene
Maries
Deathe
,
acknowledged
by
diuers
proclamations
,
Quene
Elizabeths
title
,
and
right
to
the
Crowne
.
And
the
Archbushop
of
york
,
D.
Heath
,
then
Chancellor
of
England
,
calling
together
the
nobilitie
and
commons
assembled
,
in
both
howses
:
by
a
graue
oration
exhorted
them
,
to
accept
and
obey
Quene
Elizabeth
:
and
by
the
best
course
he
could
,
endeauoured
to
dispose
and
setl
the
harts
of
subiects
to
loue
and
serue
her
.
And
all
the
Bushops
ioyntlie
,
ded
ther
homage
and
fealtie
to
her
Maiestie
in
dewtifull
manner
.
And
although
they
wear
not
ignoranc
of
her
determination
to
alter
the
course
of
religion
:
yet
ded
they
neuer
practise
,
neither
Scotising
nor
Geneuating
:
nor
neuer
incensed
the
people
and
Catholiks
against
her
:
nor
attempted
anie
violent
resistance
:
nor
sought
the
support
of
forrein
Princes
,
(
whome
they
knew
at
that
tyme
,
readie
vpon
so
fayre
pretence
to
haue
ayded
them
.
)
but
they
ded
so
respect
fullie
,
tender
both
the
Quenes
safetie
,
and
the
peace
of
the
realme
,
(
more
then
ther
own
liues
,
liberties
,
or
liuings
:
)
that
though
diuers
emong
them
,
mayd
a
quaestion
yf
it
wear
not
most
conuenient
for
the
good
of
the
Churche
,
to
procead
to
excommunication
against
her
(
to
which
her
case
laye
verrie
open
,
and
subiect
:
)
yet
the
most
voyces
disswaded
that
course
,
least
yf
they
should
vse
the
sentenc
and
censures
of
the
church
against
her
,
the
people
might
be
induced
to
taik
armes
for
the
protection
of
religion
.
and
therfor
they
ded
aduise
rather
to
referr
it
to
the
popes
determination
and
pleasure
,
then
to
talk
vpon
them
to
doe
yt
them selfs
,
(
though
they
thought
they
might
lawfullie
doe
yt
,
as
the
case
then
ded
stand
.
)
Ther
was
also
,
an
other
secret
frend
,
that
ded
much
fortifie
the
state
of
the
Quene
.
King
Philip
knowing
all
the
platts
of
France
,
and
ther
secret
intentions
,
and
wat
motions
they
mayd
at
Roome
,
and
vpon
what
tearmes
they
ded
stand
,
to
offend
England
:
albeyt
he
had
buried
all
offences
at
the
treatie
of
Cambray
,
yet
loath
to
see
France
growe
so
great
as
to
haue
footing
in
England
,
and
as
loath
that
Religion
should
loose
her
howld
and
honor
there
:
though
he
ded
wish
the
end
,
he
ded
not
like
the
meanes
:
and
therfor
he
employed
his
ministers
in
England
to
doe
good
offices
betwean
the
Quene
and
the
Cleargie
.
But
Alas
,
what
became
of
all
these
graue
prelates
?
Trewlie
nothwithstanding
all
ther
publick
disgraces
,
and
priuate
sufferings
:
they
ded
rather
choose
a
Durate
,
then
an
Armate
;
and
euer
professed
and
well
performed
,
Preces
&
Lachrimae
,
arm
a
nostra
.
Obserue
how
long
,
and
how
heauilie
ther
burden
lay
vpon
them
.
D.
Scott
Bushop
of
Chester
dyed
at
Loouain
in
exile
.
Goldwel
of
Asaph
,
at
Roome
.
Pate
of
worcester
,
subscribed
at
the
counsell
of
Trent
,
for
the
Cleargie
of
England
,
and
never
returned
.
D.
Oglethorp
of
Carlile
,
dyed
soodainlie
and
shortlie
after
his
depriuation
;
and
so
ded
learned
and
famous
Tonstal
,
die
a
personner
at
Lambeth
.
Bourn
of
wells
,
was
prisonner
to
Carie
deane
of
the
Chappel
:
Thirlebie
of
Elie
first
was
committed
to
the
towre
,
and
afterward
he
and
secretarie
Boxal
wear
sent
to
Lambeth
(
whear
they
ended
there
dayes
.
)
Abbot
Fecnam
,
Bushop
Watson
,
Bushop
Bonner
dyed
prisoners
:
and
Prior
she
l
lie
in
exile
.
This
was
the
Catastrophe
of
the
worthie
Prelates
of
England
,
a
tragedie
of
the
Downefall
of
the
whole
Cleargie
.
a
thing
incredible
to
posteritie
,
and
never
hard
of
in
former
ages
:
that
the
third
and
most
reuerend
state
of
the
realm
,
the
Cedars
of
Libanus
,
(
who
ever
sinc
king
Etheldred
,
floorished
as
the
Oaches
of
a
realme
)
should
be
all
at
once
cut
downe
,
cast
into
disgrace
,
and
prisons
,
or
exile
,
and
liue
withowt
releaf
or
comfort
as
men
forlorne
and
abiects
:
yet
neither
taynted
for
vice
:
nor
convinced
for
trespas
:
nor
accused
for
anie
treason
,
but
that
which
they
would
never
subscribe
to
aknowledg
treason
,
the
refusing
the
oath
of
supremacie
(
a
poynd
of
religion
to
them
,
and
which
touched
ther
sowles
to
the
quick
.
)
And
wear
they
depriued
for
that
?
then
surelie
had
the
ministers
of
Geneua
great
luck
to
escape
the
high
Commission
,
for
yow
shall
hear
ther
opinions
:
and
see
the
differenc
of
ther
spirits
.
1.
Gilbee
in
admonitione
ad
Anglos
,
calls
king
Henry
the
8.
libidinosum
monstrum
,
&
monstrosum
aprum
,
qui
Christi
locum
inuasit
,
&
Ecclesiae
Anglicanae
caput
dicivoluit
,
cum
tamen
omnis
religionis
expers
esset
.
This
monstruons
bore
,
must
neads
be
called
Head
of
the
Church
,
vnder
payn
of
Treason
,
displacing
Christ
our
onelie
head
,
who
alone
onght
to
haue
the
title
.
why
ded
he
call
hym
bore
?
Partlie
for
his
qualities
,
partlie
for
Ann
Boolens
sake
,
who
was
that
Helena
,
cuius
causa
peribat
Ilium
,
(
as
both
Melancthon
in
his
Chron.
and
G.
Bellay
in
his
Comment.
declare
.
)
2.
And
that
yow
may
know
,
what
an
haeresie
and
flatterie
of
kings
the
school
of
Geneua
,
censureth
the
Oath
of
supremacie
to
be
:
I
pray
yow
heare
the
Oracle
.
in
cap.
1.
Osee
&
in
cap.
9.
Amos
;
Et
hodie
(
in
quit
)
quam
multi
sunt
in
papatu
,
qui
regibus
accumulant
,
quicquid
possunt
iuris
&
potestatis
(
of
this
poynt
I
dare
avowe
Geneua
is
not
guiltie
:
)
ita
vt
ne
qua
fiat
disputatio
,
sed
potestas
haec
sit
penes
regem
vnum
,
vt
statuat
pro
suo
arbitrio
,
quicquid
voluerit
,
&
sine
controuersia
hoc
firmum
maneat
.
Qui
initio
tantopere
extulerunt
Henricum
regem
Angliae
,
certe
fuerunt
inconsiderati
homines
,
dederunt
illi
summam
rerum
omnium
potestatem
,
&
hoc
me
semper
grauiter
vulner
auit
:
erant
enim
blasphemi
,
cum
vocarunt
illum
summum
caput
Ecclesiae
sub
Christo
.
Ded
Syr
Thomas
Moor
,
or
Bushop
Fisher
say
more
?
nay
,
not
so
much
,
against
the
matter
:
nor
in
so
rude
and
violent
manner
.
such
was
the
violenc
of
king
Henrie
that
he
pressed
them
to
speact
,
and
yf
they
ded
speak
they
wear
in
dainger
of
law
?
yf
they
ded
not
speak
,
in
danger
of
his
wrathe
.
o
miserable
tyme
,
vbi
tacere
non
licet
,
quid
cuiquam
licet
?
3.
To
this
opinion
Luther
subscribeth
;
and
(
which
is
rare
)
they
both
C.
and
L.
accord
against
the
supremacie
of
Princes
,
in
cawses
Ecclesiastical
.
for
tom.
2.
fol.
259.
saith
Luther
,
quid
ad
not
mandatum
Principis
Electoris
Saxoniae
?
Princeps
,
secularis
est
mogistratus
quem
gladium
,
non
munus
predicandi
,
curae
habere
debet
.
as
yf
a
secular
magistrate
,
had
nothing
to
doe
,
with
Cleargie
busienes
.
And
tom
.
1.
Latin
,
he
expownds
hym self
fol.
540.
Non
est
regnum
aut
principum
,
etiam
veram
doctrinam
confirmare
,
sed
ei
subijci
▪
&
seruire
.
Which
is
quite
contrarie
to
the
acts
of
parliement
,
either
of
H.
8.
of
E.
6.
or
Quene
Elizabeth
.
4.
It
may
be
yow
will
Imagin
that
though
Luther
was
so
singuler
,
yet
the
Lutherans
arr
not
:
but
yow
ar
deceaued
,
and
that
yow
shall
fynd
,
by
ther
greatest
and
most
learned
Champion
.
M.
Chemnicius
,
epist.
ad
elector
.
Brandenburg
,
first
he
shouweth
,
that
it
is
not
conuenient
,
vt
punitionis
officium
contra
Caluinistas
,
interea
temporis
penitus
quiescat
,
(
which
is
to
be
noted
,
as
a
thing
,
he
much
regarded
.
)
and
shortlie
after
,
of
the
religion
,
and
the
Quene
of
England
,
he
giueth
this
sentence
;
that
1.
no
good
thing
is
further
to
be
expected
of
her
:
2.
that
she
vsed
the
Protestants
of
Germanie
hardly
:
3.
that
she
noorisheth
a
new
sect
risen
in
her
realm
of
Puritans
:
4.
and
lastlie
,
he
maiks
it
a
●east
that
she
being
a
woeman
,
haith
taken
vpon
her
,
to
be
maker
of
Ecclesiasticall
Lawes
,
&
quod
femineo
&
à
seculis
inaudito
fastu
,
se
Papissam
,
&
caput
Ecclesiae
fecit
,
these
ar
his
words
,
and
surelie
none
of
our
Bushops
depriued
,
could
saye
more
,
tho
more
manerlie
.
for
the
statut
,
consisting
of
two
brainches
,
the
one
they
defend
stowtlie
,
that
the
king
ought
not
to
haue
the
supremacie
:
in
the
other
they
disagree
emong
them selfs
.
5.
Cartwright
,
haith
written
manie
chapters
in
his
last
book
against
this
supremacie
:
who
yet
was
neuer
conuented
in
the
starchamber
,
nor
arraigned
for
yt
:
neither
was
forced
to
recant
his
writings
.
The
Puritans
ar
as
earnest
,
as
the
Catholicks
,
that
it
ought
not
to
rest
in
the
king
,
but
differenc
is
in
whome
the
power
should
rest
:
whether
by
a
monarchie
,
in
the
Pope
;
or
in
an
oligarchie
of
the
elders
.
The
English
Puritans
of
Amsterdam
in
ther
Confessio
fidei
,
1607.
pag.
50.
art.
2.
ded
resolue
that
vnicuique
Ecclesiae
particulari
,
est
par
as
plenum
ius
ac
potestas
exercendi
,
fruendi
,
&
exequendi
,
institutaomnia
,
quaecunque
Christus
Ecclesiae
suae
dedit
obseruandae
in
perpetuum
.
So
then
euerie
parish-preast
,
is
a
Pope
in
his
parish
,
and
haith
par
&
plenum
ius
:
and
whether
this
aduancement
of
the
Consistories
be
not
more
preiudicial
to
princes
,
then
the
Conclaue
:
more
subiect
to
mutinies
,
more
open
to
confusion
and
anarchie
,
I
referr
my self
to
learned
Hooker
.
6.
I
will
conclude
with
D.
whiracre
,
and
that
with
some
admiration
(
he
Doth
so
boldlie
affirm
a
matter
,
so
notoriousle
vntrew
pag.
4.
against
M.
W.
Raignolds
in
his
preface
.
)
The
title
saith
he
of
supreme
head
of
the
Church
,
haith
bean
misliked
,
by
diuers
godlie
learned
men
and
of
right
it
belongeth
to
the
sonne
of
god
:
and
therfor
neuer
ded
our
Church
,
geue
that
title
in
such
words
,
vnto
the
Prince
;
neither
ded
the
prince
euer
challeng
it
.
I
vnderstand
not
what
this
meaneth
:
for
yf
he
meane
plainlie
and
withowt
aequiuocating
,
then
certanlie
,
he
abuseth
his
reader
with
a
fable
.
yf
I
obiect
the
statut
of
26.
H.
8.
c.
1.
or
35.
H.
8.
c.
3.
I
know
he
will
say
,
it
was
not
our
Church
that
gaue
that
title
.
But
Syr
,
that
will
not
serue
yow
,
for
1.
E.
6.
cap.
12.
yf
anie
person
,
after
the
5.
of
March
next
,
shall
affirm
,
that
the
king
his
heyrs
or
successors
,
kings
of
this
realme
,
is
not
or
ought
not
to
be
supream
head
,
in
earth
of
the
Church
of
England
and
Ireland
,
immediatlie
vnder
God
:
it
shall
be
treason
,
for
the
third
affirmation
.
so
hear
is
the
act
of
your
own
Church
;
for
which
Gardiner
was
sent
to
the
towr
:
and
these
godlie
men
sc.
Gilbie
,
Caluin
,
Knox
,
Luther
who
so
much
misliked
it
in
king
Henrie
:
had
not
cawse
to
like
it
better
1.
Eliz.
when
it
was
chainged
into
supream
gouernor
,
for
the
one
had
as
much
powre
as
the
other
.
And
surelie
D.
Whit.
rather
shifteth
of
the
obiection
,
then
answereth
it
.
for
these
godlie
he
meaneth
,
wear
Caluin
,
Gilbie
,
the
Lutherans
,
and
his
ancient
frend
maister
Cartwight
(
who
all
condemned
the
vse
of
that
title
of
supreme
head
.
)
and
think
yow
that
he
ded
hym self
like
it
?
I
imagin
,
that
he
would
not
otherwis
haue
mayd
so
she
an
euasion
.
for
his
commendation
of
the
men
that
denied
it
:
his
own
reason
,
deriued
from
ther
words
,
(
that
it
belonged
onelie
ond
properlie
,
to
the
sonne
of
God
:
)
his
fable
,
that
neuer
ded
the
Prince
Challeng
that
title
,
)
show
fullie
the
Doctors
mynd
,
that
he
would
not
subscribe
voluntarilie
to
that
opinion
and
taik
the
oath
,
and
desyred
to
euade
.
But
what
euer
his
opinion
was
of
the
matter
;
he
commended
those
that
most
impugned
it
.
Now
to
return
to
the
Bushops
,
seing
the
supremacie
and
the
oath
,
was
the
main
and
the
mean
,
obiected
to
depriue
them
(
which
was
as
much
impugned
by
ther
own
half
brethren
,
Lutherans
and
Caluinists
,
as
by
the
Bushops
)
seing
Cartwright
,
pvas
tolerated
,
licensed
to
preache
,
not
restrained
nor
punished
for
his
opinions
:
and
seing
so
manie
,
and
so
eminent
men
,
concurred
with
the
Bushops
in
that
opinion
?
(
as
I
haue
showed
:
)
ther
was
and
is
some
reason
,
to
haue
expected
,
yf
not
a
more
merciefull
sentenc
,
yet
a
more
fauourable
execution
of
the
sentenc
and
seing
they
fownd
so
litl
fauor
and
releaf
:
it
doth
witnes
to
all
posteritie
,
ther
exceading
patienc
,
to
taik
vp
ther
cross
and
follow
ther
maister
.
For
not
withstanding
all
this
aduersitie
,
disgrace
,
wants
,
and
loss
of
libertie
,
the
magistrates
never
had
cawse
to
complayne
of
anie
inuectiues
or
libells
.
No
Reueilematin
,
no
homelies
of
sedition
wear
dispersed
:
no
Wyat
,
no
Oldcastel
appeared
in
the
feald
:
the
soldiers
and
knights
of
the
Rhodes
wear
not
detected
of
anie
conspiracie
:
the
Realme
was
not
disquieted
nor
embroyled
.
A
miraculous
patienc
,
by
a
supernatural
grace
:
they
ded
rather
choose
to
suffer
them selfs
,
then
the
realm
should
.
which
was
a
great
happienes
to
England
,
and
the
like
not
hard
of
,
(
vpon
so
great
a
mutation
of
state
:
)
and
which
was
neither
to
be
ascribed
to
the
pollicie
and
prouidenc
,
of
the
Chancelor
or
Secretarie
;
nor
anie
feare
of
punishment
,
which
might
be
inflicted
vpon
the
Bushops
(
for
they
could
fall
no
lower
,
being
all
readie
cast
down
to
the
grownd
:
and
they
,
that
could
hope
for
nothing
,
nead
not
feare
anie
thing
:
)
but
reallie
and
trewlie
,
it
was
to
be
imputed
to
the
nature
,
patienc
,
humilitie
,
and
obedienc
,
innated
in
religious
and
vertuous
men
who
ar
trewlie
Catholique
.
These
vertues
,
and
this
there
patience
,
showeth
well
the
nature
of
the
English
patients
that
suffer
,
and
beare
there
crosses
,
either
within
,
or
withowt
the
realme
.
withowt
the
realme
,
wear
and
arr
the
Seminaries
of
Preasts
,
religious
men
,
and
students
.
within
the
realme
,
ar
the
Recusants
,
who
daylie
,
taist
of
affliction
,
and
haue
not
a
light
or
small
burden
to
beare
.
who
all
suffer
for
ther
conscienc
;
and
secundum
magis
,
vel
minus
,
participate
of
the
miseries
,
incident
hear
to
Catholicks
.
Touching
the
Seminaries
:
when
the
ould
Cleargie
,
and
preasts
wear
some
Languishing
And
that
Seminarie
was
not
erected
against
lawe
;
for
the
statute
was
mayd
long
after
,
when
they
had
taken
deap
roote
:
and
then
was
it
too
late
,
either
to
transplant
them
home
,
or
by
threats
and
terror
to
prohibit
ther
proceadings
.
But
these
ar
sayd
to
be
,
schooles
and
harbours
to
noorish
such
men
,
as
ar
1.
base
and
fugitiues
:
2.
such
as
corrupt
the
land
with
false
doctrine
:
3.
and
such
as
ar
ministers
of
practises
,
to
disturb
the
kingdome
,
to
stirr
vp
rebellion
;
and
to
with
draw
the
subiects
from
ther
obedienc
.
And
ther
for
the
proclamation
1580.
and
other
statutes
wear
iustlie
mayd
against
them
.
But
how
doe
they
answer
it
?
In
dead
it
is
trew
,
that
great
Pronotharie
and
clark
of
the
execution
of
Iustice
,
obiected
so
And
touching
ther
being
fugitiues
;
they
answer
well
for
them selfs
,
that
they
deserue
not
properlie
such
a
title
.
for
they
liue
not
ther
as
owt
lawes
,
but
for
conscienc
sake
and
to
auoyd
the
rigour
of
the
new
lawes
,
opposite
to
the
doctrine
of
the
Churche
.
Secondlie
,
they
liue
not
there
,
for
faction
fugitiues
,
)
as
the
lawe
also
then
ded
iudg
them
,
)
yow
ded
so
welcome
them
home
,
with
the
titles
of
Lords
,
and
Bushops
:
that
I
perceaue
,
to
be
a
fugitiue
of
your
making
,
is
but
a
verball
obiection
,
and
not
a
reall
scandall
.
Besides
,
they
answer
trewlie
,
and
reasonablie
.
As
they
can
not
remain
in
England
,
withowt
dainger
and
offenc
of
lawe
:
so
when
they
come
over
hither
,
they
committ
treason
:
and
yf
they
returne
,
a
promoter
or
a
purseuant
will
show
them
the
waye
to
Newgate
,
(
except
they
renounc
,
ther
religion
,
which
yow
esteame
peraduenture
but
a
Peccadilio
.
)
and
that
is
euident
,
by
the
statut
25.
Elizab.
c.
2.
(
wherby
yong
men
that
returne
not
from
the
Seminaries
,
and
abiure
not
ther
religion
,
ar
mayd
guiltie
of
treason
.
)
and
they
,
who
send
them
releaf
and
exhibition
,
fall
into
the
dainger
of
a
Premunire
.
what
remedie
can
yow
teache
vs
,
against
this
Dilemma
?
Yf
they
might
fynd
grace
,
and
haue
the
happienes
to
be
freed
from
the
dainger
of
these
Lawes
,
and
(
which
they
humblie
craue
)
toleration
of
ther
consciences
and
religion
:
neither
Doway
,
nor
S.
Omers
,
could
hould
them
:
they
would
quicklie
show
ther
dewtiefull
affection
to
ther
Prince
,
ther
naturall
loue
to
ther
contrie
;
and
for
ther
parents
and
kindred
,
(
from
whome
they
ar
separated
to
ther
great
discomfort
)
they
should
playnlie
fynd
,
that
kyndenes
would
not
creape
,
when
it
may
safelie
go
.
They
corrupt
no●
the
Land
.
Now
touching
the
next
poynt
,
(
whear
with
they
ar
charged
,
)
for
corrupting
the
land
with
false
doctrine
.
First
,
in
this
accusation
,
as
yow
presuppose
Caluinism
and
your
religion
to
be
an
infallible
veritie
;
so
the
preasts
and
religious
heare
,
ar
as
confident
,
that
it
is
impietie
.
On
both
sydes
,
ther
ar
learned
,
and
vertuous
men
:
and
one
will
not
vayle
bonnet
to
the
other
.
how
then
should
the
quarrel
be
decided
?
or
shall
it
remain
perpetuall
,
and
a
skourge
to
the
world
?
The
Bushops
in
the
first
parliement
of
the
Quene
,
ded
vrge
and
offer
to
defend
the
principles
of
ther
religion
by
disputation
:
which
the
protestants
would
not
accept
,
[
*
](A09169-e29940-b)
*
Camden
.
nisi
Baconus
in
theologicis
parum
versatus
,
tanquam
iudex
praesideret
.
and
he
being
a
professor
of
the
common
lawes
,
why
he
should
be
chosen
moderator
of
such
a
Diuinitie
disputation
;
Cambredg
can
neither
geue
reason
,
nor
president
;
nay
rather
yf
yow
ask
ther
opinion
,
they
will
answer
,
Spectatum
admisi
,
&c.
for
it
is
a
tidiculous
Solaecism
.
Since
,
Father
Parsons
,
and
diuers
others
haue
mayd
the
same
challeng
,
desirous
to
bring
I
ruthe
to
the
Tryal
and
touchstone
,
in
solemn
and
publick
manner
.
And
let
no
man
obiect
,
the
colloquies
at
Poissy
,
Ratisbon
,
Wormes
,
Altenburg
,
Murbrun
,
&c.
which
wear
fruitles
,
bycause
formeles
:
they
ded
not
produce
the
effects
expected
,
bycause
they
erred
in
ther
course
of
proceading
;
and
I
confess
I
vnder
stand
not
,
the
misterie
why
the
protestants
in
England
now
draw
bach
,
seing
Iewel
in
the
beginning
was
so
forward
,
and
mayd
so
liberal
offerts
:
which
yf
anie
would
now
defend
,
it
would
quicklie
appear
,
which
religion
weare
counterfeit
,
and
which
currant
:
whether
doctrine
wear
solide
,
and
whether
not
.
speciallie
hauing
a
moderator
,
who
could
discouer
evasions
,
guid
the
disputers
;
and
iudiciouslie
determin
,
to
whome
the
prize
should
be
giuen
.
And
yf
perhaps
some
would
except
,
and
alledg
the
conferenc
betwean
M.
Hart
and
D.
Reignolds
:
betwean
Gode
and
Campion
,
which
wear
honored
and
diuulged
as
triumphes
:
and
that
these
ought
to
stand
as
sufficient
proofes
,
co
convinc
the
Catholicks
,
yf
the
truthe
so
well
sifted
by
disputation
,
may
satisfie
them
,
and
preuayle
.
I
answer
,
it
is
iniquissima
conditio
,
for
a
man
armed
,
to
sett
vpon
a
prisoner
,
to
insult
vpon
a
man
weakned
with
fetters
;
and
destitute
of
books
;
withowt
preparation
and
warning
:
and
(
which
is
worst
)
in
the
face
of
a
rack
and
torments
,
whear
Campion
had
bean
posed
with
crewel
quaestions
before
:
and
in
a
place
of
no
indifferencie
,
whear
they
may
sett
down
what
they
list
,
and
frame
a
combate
at
ther
pleasure
,
as
Roynolds
ded
.
And
whear
as
perhaps
for
politick
cawses
,
the
king
and
the
Lords
may
dislike
anie
publick
disputation
,
vpon
the
grownds
of
religion
:
yet
this
may
well
be
granted
,
(
and
the
french
kings
president
,
may
induce
it
.
)
The
preasts
and
fathers
,
offer
to
prooue
that
Iewel
(
the
mainster
Carpenter
of
that
Apologie
of
the
Churche
of
England
:
)
that
Luther
,
Caluin
,
Melancthon
,
and
the
later
Doctors
(
Colonells
of
the
new
plantation
,
)
haue
overcrowed
and
born
down
the
Catholicks
(
for
opinion
of
truthe
,
sinceritie
,
and
learning
)
onely
by
false
quotations
,
corruptions
,
falsifications
,
misrecitalls
:
and
that
both
of
scriptures
and
fathers
,
both
of
the
text
and
the
gloss
.
And
this
they
humblie
pray
and
hope
,
that
his
Maiestie
in
his
own
tyme
would
be
pleased
to
grant
;
bycause
these
be
heynous
offences
;
and
the
temple
of
veritie
can
not
be
builded
vpon
error
and
false
grownds
:
and
bycause
illusions
and
forgeries
,
be
stratagemata
satanae
:
that
at
least
he
would
permitt
the
triall
of
that
iust
accusation
;
and
so
aftherward
esteam
of
ther
integritie
,
as
they
shall
acquite
them selfs
.
Concerning
the
third
poynt
,
that
the
Preasts
ar
no
practisers
.
Seminaries
bread
such
preasts
,
as
ar
ministers
of
practises
,
and
stirr
the
people
to
rebellion
:
as
they
ar
charged
both
by
the
book
of
execution
of
iustice
,
and
by
the
proclamation
1580.
whearin
particularly
they
ar
accused
to
haue
bean
priuie
and
accessarie
,
to
the
counsells
and
proiects
of
the
king
of
Spayne
,
the
Pope
,
and
others
,
who
intended
and
combined
at
that
tyme
,
to
invade
England
,
to
depose
the
Quene
,
and
subdew
the
realme
.
I
must
freelie
answer
,
that
iealousie
is
trewlie
described
to
be
full
of
eyes
,
and
yet
all
pur-blind
:
fearefull
of
her
own
shadowe
,
euer
in
motu
trepidationis
,
and
contrarie
to
the
motions
,
of
other
starres
.
And
tho
they
wear
great
statesmen
,
ye
with
all
ther
Opticks
they
could
not
foresee
the
great
daingers
like
to
fall
vpon
them
,
till
they
wear
at
ther
doors
.
And
hauing
by
error
drawen
and
prouoked
them
;
yet
took
they
the
course
,
rather
to
continew
the
flame
,
then
quench
the
fyre
:
to
encreas
the
mallice
then
preuent
the
mischeaf
.
For
first
yf
anie
such
confaederation
had
bean
,
(
which
never
yet
could
be
discouered
,
nor
was
recorded
in
anie
historie
was
it
probable
,
that
so
great
and
so
wise
Princes
,
would
acquaint
the
poor
speculatiue
preasts
at
Reams
or
Douay
,
or
the
fathers
of
the
societie
,
with
ther
plats
and
intentions
?
is
it
credible
that
they
would
manage
matters
of
state
so
weakelie
?
yea
,
but
these
Princes
purposed
by
the
meanes
of
the
preasts
and
religious
,
to
prepare
a
partie
assistant
in
England
;
how
?
by
reconciling
the
people
to
the
Pope
,
that
they
might
ioyne
,
with
hym
and
the
king
of
Spaynes
armie
.
One
error
begets
an
other
:
for
preast
doe
not
reconcile
men
to
the
Pope
,
but
to
God
and
his
Churche
.
1.
And
yet
surelie
it
was
a
miracle
,
that
emong
so
manie
preasts
,
and
in
so
long
tyme
,
and
when
Spies
and
intelligencers
wear
employed
and
rewarded
;
neither
anie
such
preast
could
be
nominated
,
(
who
was
then
or
after
,
so
corrupted
or
induced
by
these
great
Princes
:
)
nor
anie
was
afterward
apprehended
or
discouered
,
for
anie
such
trespasse
.
and
which
is
most
to
be
marked
,
not
anie
subiect
was
called
in
quaestion
,
or
accused
for
entertaining
anie
preasts
to
that
end
.
then
how
phantastical
was
this
feare
?
what
an
imagination
of
Chimeraes
and
terrors
?
most
iniurious
,
to
touch
the
reputation
of
all
the
English
preasts
in
generall
,
and
by
statuts
and
proclamations
,
to
call
ther
names
and
ther
liues
in
quaestion
:
and
to
haue
no
su
sufficient
witnesses
to
accuse
them
.
no
euidenc
against
them
,
nothing
but
presumptions
and
probabilities
to
attaint
them
of
treason
.
the
lyfe
and
honor
of
subiects
,
wear
wont
to
be
esteamed
more
pretious
:
and
the
function
of
preasts
,
more
reuerenced
.
2.
I
may
also
add
this
:
that
when
the
king
of
Spaynes
armado
,
was
vnder
sayle
towards
England
,
not
a
preast
nor
Seminarie
man
was
fownd
in
it
.
And
though
in
the
proclamation
,
they
wear
traduced
to
be
men
suborned
for
preparation
and
making
the
way
leuel
for
ther
better
landing
:
yet
how
well
they
prepared
it
,
appeareth
by
this
,
that
neither
preast
nor
Catholick
,
wear
apprehended
and
attainted
for
anie
such
offenc
,
as
is
afore
sayd
.
3.
Besides
how
litl
affianc
the
king
of
Spayn
had
in
the
English
preasts
and
Catholicks
of
that
tyme
,
was
demonstrated
by
this
;
that
all
the
religious
English
at
Valladolid
and
Burgos
1589.
wear
fettered
and
committed
close
prisoners
,
when
the
armie
of
England
assaulted
Lisbone
,
and
invaded
Portingal
.
Furthermore
in
all
the
actuall
treasons
and
conspiracies
,
supposed
to
be
mayd
against
Q.
Elizabeth
:
ther
was
never
preast
,
or
monk
,
or
friar
touched
or
taynted
for
anie
of
them
.
For
certanlie
the
holie
altars
of
God
will
not
suffer
nor
indure
so
vngodlie
machinations
:
and
cloysters
,
bread
better
humors
,
eleuate
ther
sowles
from
the
world
.
they
think
not
of
Princes
but
in
ther
prayers
;
and
venite
ad
iudicium
sownding
ever
in
ther
eares
,
requires
a
continual
preparate
in
ther
harts
(
which
is
an
antidote
against
treason
.
)
And
that
I
think
the
cawse
,
why
in
the
45.
yeares
of
the
Quenes
raigne
as
I
haue
hard
,
ther
wear
onelie
2.
secular
preasts
convinced
and
attainted
for
actual
Treason
,
Ballard
(
for
knowing
and
concealing
the
attempts
of
A.
Babington
:
)
and
owld
parson
Plometree
(
for
saying
Mass
at
the
rising
in
the
Northe
,
for
I
never
hard
of
anie
other
treason
he
committed
.
)
yet
it
is
straing
to
see
,
what
a
malicious
extension
of
offences
they
make
,
what
inuectiues
wear
published
against
them
and
ther
vocation
:
what
sermons
,
proclamations
,
lawes
wear
mayd
in
thunder
and
●e●●or
against
these
poor
soldiers
of
the
Churche
militant
vnder
the
banner
of
Christ
?
and
what
crosses
and
sufferings
haue
they
not
endured
?
the
onelie
Colledg
of
Rheams
and
Douay
besides
all
other
religious
orders
,
can
best
testifie
the
rigor
,
who
smarted
most
by
it
;
sending
into
the
Haruest
of
the
Lord
aboue
100
labourers
,
who
all
suffred
for
res
mere
spirituales
,
for
being
preasts
,
and
doeing
the
office
,
and
for
no
other
treasons
,
(
as
hearafter
shall
be
explained
.
)
5.
But
,
fullie
to
cleare
and
purge
them
,
from
all
iust
scandall
and
calumniation
,
I
will
confirme
and
iustifie
ther
innocentie
,
and
ther
loyall
harts
to
Quene
Elizabeth
,
obsignatis
tabulis
.
Anno
27.
Elizab
it
was
mayd
fellonie
to
receaue
and
harbour
a
preast
,
and
treason
to
be
a
preast
.
and
the
act
ded
look
back
verrie
crewellie
to
1.
Elizab.
that
who
wear
mayd
preasts
since
,
should
be
branded
with
that
mark
.
The
which
lawes
wear
mayd
,
in
regard
of
Parries
treason
,
of
Frances
Throgmorton
,
of
Babington
and
his
complices
,
and
of
Fa.
Campion
,
and
the
peasts
with
hym
arraigned
:
vpon
the
conceipt
and
opinion
had
,
of
there
practises
and
combinations
,
for
restoring
religion
,
and
for
deliueranc
of
the
Quene
of
Scotts
:
all
which
wear
then
fresh
in
memorie
.
Whearupon
the
preasts
then
being
in
England
,
framed
a
supplication
by
common
consent
,
and
deliuered
the
same
to
the
Quene
at
Gren
wich
by
the
hands
of
maister
Shellie
(
for
the
which
secretarie
Walsingham
committed
hym
to
the
marshalsie
,
whear
he
dyed
:
bycause
the
counsell
wear
not
mayd
first
acquainted
with
yt
.
)
In
that
petition
,
first
they
renounced
and
condemned
Parrie
his
practises
;
then
they
declared
ther
opinion
in
these
words
.
1.
We
for
our
parts
vtterlie
denie
,
that
either
the
Pope
or
the
Cardinalls
,
haue
power
or
authoritie
,
to
command
or
licens
anie
man
to
consent
to
mortall
sinn
,
or
to
committ
or
intend
anie
fact
,
contra
ius
diuinum
.
2.
Who
soeuer
he
be
spirituall
or
temporall
,
that
deliuereth
or
mantaineth
so
apparent
sacriledg
;
we
renounc
hym
and
his
opinion
as
deuelish
.
3.
For
our
trew
purgation
we
protest
before
God
,
that
all
preasts
who
ever
conversed
with
vs
,
haue
acknowledged
your
Maiestie
ther
lawfull
Quene
,
tam
de
iure
,
quam
defacto
,
and
pray
for
yow
,
and
exhort
your
subiects
to
obey
yow
.
4.
They
preciselie
admonish
vs
,
that
it
is
haeresie
for
anie
subiect
,
to
lift
vp
his
hand
against
Gods
annoynted
.
And
so
by
this
supplication
,
they
answered
all
the
six
articles
,
which
wear
vsuallie
tendered
and
obiected
to
all
preasts
.
Then
how
doe
these
men
deserue
,
to
be
charged
for
defending
propositions
of
treason
?
or
corrupting
the
subiects
,
or
attempting
against
the
sacred
person
of
Gods
anointed
?
ded
those
ther
opinions
,
geue
anie
cawse
to
maik
such
seuear
lawes
against
them
?
or
to
continew
them
?
But
I
will
maik
ther
loyaltie
yet
appeare
more
plainlie
.
after
the
Gunpowder
Treason
,
(
the
name
and
memorie
wheareof
,
doth
yet
greaue
the
harts
of
all
good
Catholicks
.
)
first
the
Archpreast
,
ded
vtterlie
condemne
it
,
by
writing
,
as
a
most
detestable
and
irreligious
deuise
.
And
the
preast
them self
,
aswel
for
ther
own
purgation
,
and
to
clear
ther
vocation
and
societie
from
an
imputation
so
odious
;
as
also
to
testifie
and
approoue
ther
obedienc
,
and
loyaltie
:
they
exhibited
thre
petitions
.
One
to
his
Maiestie
:
an
other
to
the
Parliament
(
by
the
hand
of
Seigneur
Frances
Hastings
,
and
Syr
Richard
Kinghtlie
:
)
and
an
other
to
the
Earl
of
Salisburie
(
protestations
of
there
innocentie
,
and
testimonies
of
ther
fidelitie
and
dewtiefullnes
.
)
What
could
they
doe
more
,
or
what
could
be
desyred
more
of
them
?
therfor
his
Maiestie
,
in
his
proclamation
7.
Nou.
graciouslie
declared
his
good
opinion
and
assurance
of
the
Catholicks
in
these
words
.
Wear
,
sayd
he
,
by
good
experienc
,
so
wel
perswaded
of
the
loyaltie
of
diuers
subiects
,
of
the
Roman
religion
,
that
they
doe
,
as
much
abhorr
this
detestable
conspiracie
,
as
we
our selfs
.
and
good
reason
,
for
therby
all
should
haue
perished
togeter
,
of
both
religions
.
Which
induced
father
Garnet
,
(
who
was
there
confessor
)
to
protest
his
dislike
allwaies
of
it
,
and
to
repent
his
fault
sorrowfullie
,
(
which
was
onelie
in
concealing
it
;
and
which
he
conceaued
,
that
he
ought
not
to
reueal
;
knowing
it
onelie
by
ther
confessions
.
)
and
which
also
mooued
Syr
Euerard
Digbie
,
to
lament
his
ill
fortune
,
that
he
should
leaue
behind
hym
the
memorie
of
such
a
loath
some
stayne
:
tho
he
was
not
mayd
priuie
to
ther
drift
and
purpose
.
What
nead
I
say
more
?
how
farr
Preasts
and
Catholiques
ever
detested
sedition
and
treason
,
appeareth
by
the
treatise
of
that
learned
Bushop
,
D.
Christopherson
against
rebellion
.
and
would
yow
know
how
much
those
of
Rheames
condemned
treason
and
disobedienc
:
Read
pag.
301.
ther
notes
vpon
the
testament
latelie
printed
:
Subiects
wear
bownd
in
temporall
things
,
to
obey
the
heathen
being
lawfull
kings
,
and
to
be
subiect
to
them
euen
for
conscienc
,
to
keap
ther
temporall
lawes
,
to
pay
them
tribut
,
to
pray
for
them
,
and
to
doe
all
other
natur
all
dewties
.
And
yet
Doctor
Kellison
goeth
further
,
for
in
his
learned
Suruey
,
he
giueth
a
good
reason
for
it
.
Bycaus
(
saith
he
)
faith
is
not
necessarily
required
to
iurisdiction
,
neither
is
authoritie
lost
by
loss
of
faith
.
which
opinion
Waldensis
ded
long
since
defend
with
great
iudgment
against
that
monstruous
opinion
of
Wiclef
.
Nay
further
,
they
teach
obedienc
for
conscienc
sake
,
not
for
onelie
feare
of
punishment
,
and
penalties
of
the
law
(
for
lawes
ar
never
so
wel
obserued
,
as
when
they
ar
enacted
in
the
conscienc
of
the
people
:
)
he
that
obeyeth
for
pollicie
onelie
,
may
disobey
for
pollicie
,
which
varieth
vpon
occasions
,
and
so
doth
his
obedienc
with
it
.
7.
But
yf
yow
desyre
yet
to
be
better
assured
and
satisfied
:
I
will
show
yow
the
opinion
of
the
Bushops
,
and
prelates
of
Quene
Maries
tyme
.
The
new
deuised
six
articles
(
composed
by
D.
Hammon
)
wear
proposed
to
all
preasts
,
as
the
touchstone
to
trie
ther
loyaltie
.
1.
whether
the
bull
of
Pivs
V.
wear
a
sentenc
to
be
obeyed
?
2.
whether
Q.
Eliz.
wear
a
lawfull
.
Quene
,
not
withstanding
the
bull
.
3.
whether
the
Po●e
had
power
to
geue
authoritie
,
to
her
subiects
,
to
rebell
and
depose
her
,
&c.
Vpon
these
quaestions
,
Bushop
Watson
,
Abbot
Fecknam
,
D.
Iohn
Harpesfeald
,
D.
Nicholas
Harpesfeald
and
others
,
wear
curiouslie
examined
.
Some
of
them
answered
they
never
see
the
bull
:
but
all
of
them
professed
ther
obedienc
notwithstanding
the
bull
,
et
vt
verae
reginae
obediendum
.
And
fullie
Nichol.
Harpesfeld
resolued
them
,
ego
regalem
eius
authoritatem
in
omnibus
rebus
causisque
ciuilibus
&
temporalibus
agnosco
.
the
which
Goldastus
(
tom.
3.
de
Monarchia
S.
Imperi●
Rom.
)
doth
report
.
8.
But
to
conclude
,
with
a
demonstratiue
argument
:
against
which
I
know
no
iust
exception
or
opposition
yow
would
know
,
how
Princes
can
be
assured
of
Catholicks
,
and
how
farr
they
may
repose
confidenc
in
them
!
and
whether
ther
religion
tyeth
so
ther
consciences
to
dew
obedienc
,
that
merciefull
and
good
Princes
may
rest
secured
,
they
will
neither
reuolt
from
ther
allegianc
,
nor
attempt
against
ther
persons
,
nor
mooue
the
people
to
seditious
practises
.
S.
Thomas
lib.
de
regimine
princip.
cap.
6.
negat
posse
tirannum
à
quoquam
priuata
authoritate
interfici
.
(
quite
contrarie
,
to
the
rules
of
Parreus
and
knox
.
)
and
so
doth
D.
Gerson
,
(
the
learned
Chancelor
of
Paris
)
determin
and
define
.
And
touching
the
Canon
law
.
Decret.
2.
part
.
caus.
23.
q.
8.
de
Episcop
.
it
doth
decree
,
de
Episcopis
vero
,
vel
quibus
licet
Clericis
:
quod
nec
sua
authoritate
,
nec
authoritate
Romani
pontificis
,
arma
accipere
valeant
,
facile
probatur
.
And
yet
bycause
there
maye
be
Cauils
and
obiections
drawen
vpon
some
words
of
the
Canons
,
to
maike
dowbt
of
the
truthe
and
certantie
of
this
opinion
:
the
Canon
lawes
of
England
doe
explain
it
fullie
.
for
in
the
Prouincial
constitutions
,
in
the
Councel
at
Oxford
holden
by
Stephen
of
Canturbury
.
1228.
anno
8.
H.
3.
an
excommunication
is
decreed
against
all
those
,
qui
pacem
&
tranquillitatem
Domini
regis
&
regni
perturbant
.
And
to
voyd
all
quaestions
,
the
generall
Councel
of
Constance
,
sess.
15.
concluded
,
that
is
an
error
in
faith
,
to
hould
that
subiects
maye
kill
ther
Princ
being
a
tyrant
.
the
words
ar
these
.
Nuper
accepit
sancta
Synodus
quod
nonnullae
assertiones
erroneae
dogmatizataesunt
,
reipublicae
statum
euertere
cupientes
,
&c.
scil.
vt
quilibet
tyrannus
,
potest
&
debet
licitè
&
meritorie
occidi
,
per
quemcunque
vasallum
suum
&
subiectum
,
etiam
per
clanculares
insidi●s
,
non
obstante
quocunque
iuramento
,
nec
expectata
sententia
&
mandato
indicis
,
&c.
And
therupon
,
the
councel
decreed
,
eam
esse
doctrinam
erroneam
in
fide
&
moribus
:
and
then
condemneth
it
,
and
enacteth
,
Quicunque
pertinaciter
doctrinam
hanc
perniciosissimam
asserentes
;
sunt
haeretici
;
&
tanquam
tales
iuxta
Canonum
sanctiones
sunt
puniendi
.
The
which
act
,
after
the
parricide
of
Henry
the
III.
the
parliement
of
Paris
published
,
both
to
condemn
such
infernall
practises
,
and
to
show
how
sacred
the
Church
holdeth
the
persons
of
Princes
.
So
now
yow
haue
sean
(
as
in
a
glass
)
the
face
,
and
integritie
of
the
Catholiks
,
and
how
they
ar
tyed
,
to
obedienc
of
magistrates
:
yow
see
the
dogmaticall
principles
of
ther
religion
,
touching
ther
loyaltie
.
yf
yow
will
iudg
of
them
,
by
ther
doctrine
,
yow
see
the
basis
vpon
which
they
build
:
yf
by
ther
proceadings
,
ther
petitions
,
ther
protestations
,
and
publick
profession
acquite
them
:
yf
by
ther
course
of
lyfe
,
ther
frequent
confessions
,
and
continuall
prayers
,
show
ther
innocentie
.
and
to
speak
confidentlie
all
Princes
,
ar
more
secure
,
and
haue
a
more
and
better
tye
and
obligation
of
Catholiks
;
then
of
anie
Caluinists
or
Lutherans
what
soever
.
And
yf
he
who
writ
that
Pamphlet
of
Romish
doctrine
,
in
case
of
Conspiracie
and
rebellion
,
and
marked
vpon
euerie
leaf
,
Romish
positions
and
practises
of
rebellion
:
will
read
this
plain
rec●mination
,
and
relation
(
mayd
to
recompenc
his
trauel
:
)
he
shall
fynd
,
how
false
and
scandalous
these
Chimaeraes
,
and
fictions
weare
:
and
how
iniurious
to
all
preasts
and
religious
,
to
call
ther
names
and
reputation
therby
in
quaestion
,
vbi
de
capite
fiunt
comitia
.
But
Coolors
will
best
appeare
,
when
they
ar
compared
therfor
examin
yf
anie
sectaries
overmatch
this
fidelitie
?
and
geue
so
good
assuranc
to
Princes
,
to
leane
and
relie
vpon
ther
loyaltie
.
Philip
Melancthon
,
in
his
epitome
of
Moral
philosophie
,
saith
,
Violare
leges
ciuiles
,
seu
edicta
magistratuum
ciuilium
est
peccatum
mortale
▪
(
thus
farr
he
agreeth
with
the
Churche
,
which
taught
hym
that
lesson
:
)
and
therfor
he
addeth
,
sciamus
conscientiam
fieri
ream
,
si
non
obt●mperemus
,
&
consider
a
quantum
est
hoc
vinculum
obedientiae
,
&
publicae
tranquillitatis
?
in
dead
ther
can
be
required
,
no
greater
or
stronger
a
tie
,
and
so
simplie
ar
all
Catholicks
tyed
.
but
hauing
mayd
vp
this
hedg
,
to
keap
owt
disorder
:
he
leaues
a
gap
open
,
to
bread
new
trowbles
,
and
break
all
bonds
.
for
saith
he
,
debet
autem
haec
sententia
de
magistratuum
edictis
prudenter
intelligi
,
scilicet
de
ijs
edictis
quae
non
iubent
facere
,
contra
mandatum
Dei
.
For
then
all
is
,
naught
,
as
before
he
showed
ex
libro
consil.
Euangel.
that
inferior
magistrates
may
alter
religion
,
and
ouerthrouu
Idolatrie
.
and
so
hear
is
neither
left
anie
tye
;
nor
yet
anie
instruction
,
how
to
be
able
to
iudg
whether
and
when
the
Prince
doth
idolatrize
or
doe
contramandatum
Dei
.
But
yf
the
iustices
of
peace
,
and
Constables
be
perswaded
,
in
ther
conscienc
,
that
the
Prince
erreth
in
his
then
at
they
authorised
by
Melancthon
,
both
to
iudg
and
geue
law
to
the
Prince
and
not
to
obey
hym
.
2.
Luther
,
prescribeth
that
men
should
obey
municipal
lawes
,
(
as
I
haue
cited
,
tom
.
3.
Witteb
before
in
the
first
title
:
)
but
yf
yow
obiect
to
hym
,
ne
excitetur
tumulius
contra
Episcopos
:
then
he
falleth
into
Melancthons
gap
,
an
ideo
negligetur
verbum
Dei
,
&
peribit
populus
?
3.
And
this
,
his
backed
with
a
generall
consent
of
the
more
precise
protestants
,
that
subiects
may
by
armes
mantain
ther
religion
.
what
to
resist
and
defend
onelie
:
yea
and
to
offend
also
,
as
appeareth
by
Danaeus
l.
6.
polit.
c.
3.
and
by
P.
Martyr
in
cap.
11.
Iudic.
and
in
locis
com
.
and
Althusius
polit.
c.
35.
pag.
37.
maketh
thre
iust
cawses
of
warr
,
1.
iustitiae
denegatio
,
2.
purae
religioni●
defensio
.
3.
repetitio
rerum
ablatarum
.
4.
It
may
be
thought
I
choose
owt
,
the
worst
of
ther
opinions
,
and
misreport
them
:
therfor
I
will
cleare
my self
,
sufficientlie
.
Doctor
Swinglius
,
teacheth
,
dum
flagitiosi
loco
non
mouentur
,
totus
populus
à
Deo
punitur
.
So
he
warrants
them
to
depose
Princes
.
The
famous
minister
Sureau
(
called
Rosieres
,
who
was
after
emprisoned
at
Paris
)
writ
a
book
to
prooue
,
that
it
was
lawfull
,
to
kill
Charles
the
9.
and
the
Quene
moother
,
yf
they
would
not
obey
the
gospell
,
(
id
est
Caluinisme
)
so
witnesseth
Belforest
l.
6.
c.
103.
In
the
confession
of
the
french
Church
art.
39.
they
saie
,
affirmamus
parendum
esse
legibus
,
soluendatributa
,
subiectionis
iugum
tolerandum
,
etiamsi
infideles
fuerint
magistratus
.
but
what
fellowes
?
that
which
corrupts
all
,
dummodo
,
Dei
summum
imperium
integrum
maneat
.
Now
,
bycause
in
this
dummodo
,
maye
lurk
an
aequiuocation
:
it
is
explained
in
the
Synod
of
Bearn
,
1572.
Dei
imperium
dicitur
manere
illibatum
,
cum
rea
exterminata
Catholica
religione
,
solam
veram
&
puram
extollit
.
God
is
trewlie
worshipped
,
obeyed
,
and
serued
,
when
the
Catholick
religion
is
banished
,
and
onelie
the
truth
is
professed
(
which
is
in
effect
all
one
,
as
tho
say
when
Caluinism
is
established
:
)
for
they
concluded
all
men
enemies
that
ar
not
of
that
profession
,
as
Poplonnier
restifieth
l.
34.
This
is
the
doctrine
of
ther
Synodes
:
and
in
ther
publick
Apologies
the
same
lesson
is
read
.
in
Com●●ent
.
de
statu
relig.
part.
2.
l.
12
c.
1
▪
the
warr
,
which
subiects
maike
against
there
Prince
,
is
defended
.
and
fol.
349.
yf
the
kaing
mantain
his
own
religion
against
them
,
what
then
?
Rex
à
populo
potest
exauthorari
,
per
ordinum
in
regem
authoritatem
and
again
,
nec
omnes
regni
partes
in
solidum
committuntur
regi
,
sed
tantum
superior
regni
dignitas
:
cuius
tamen
suo
modo
&
certis
conditionibus
,
inferiores
magistratus
,
sunt
participes
,
maximè
officiarij
coronae
.
all
states
and
members
of
the
realm
,
ar
not
committed
to
the
king
,
but
the
cheaf
and
prime
dignitie
of
state
:
wheareof
,
in
some
measure
,
and
condition
,
inferior
magistrates
doe
participate
,
speciallie
the
officer
of
the
crown
.
but
this
is
a
gross
paradox
,
not
worth
the
skanning
.
yet
that
which
followeth
is
not
better
.
In
populi
iuramento
,
tacita
aut
expressa
est
conditio
semper
,
se
obtemperaturum
regibus
,
quamdiu
iusto
imperio
rem
gererent
.
They
haue
one
evasion
or
an
other
,
shifts
to
cussen
the
law
.
obiect
,
that
subiects
ar
bownd
dy
ther
oath
,
to
obey
ther
Prince
:
he
answers
it
with
a
quamdiu
.
So
long
as
the
king
serues
God
,
we
will
serue
hym
,
then
that
must
be
a
clawse
in
the
oath
of
allegianc
,
yf
a
Caluinist
taik
it
.
and
I
will
satisfie
yow
,
why
I
say
so
.
The
Prince
of
Condie
,
1577.
gaue
this
as
a
rule
:
Promissum
illud
Euangelicorum
,
de
armis
contra
regem
non
ferendis
,
&
de
abiurata
religione
,
factum
est
,
contra
Deum
,
&
bonos
mores
,
&c.
&
tale
promisium
seruare
non
tenentur
.
the
Gospellers
of
France
,
ar
not
tyed
to
performe
ther
oath
and
promise
(
scilicet
not
to
beare
armes
against
ther
king
,
or
to
abiure
religion
:
)
for
it
was
,
both
against
God
,
and
good
manners
.
Poplonnier
l.
41.
And
this
he
learned
of
Caluin
,
l.
4.
c.
13.
§
21.
Institut.
Quibuscunque
huius
Euangelij
lux
affu●get
,
&c.
ab
omnibus
laqueis
&
iuramentis
absoluitur
.
That
man
who
is
so
happie
,
as
to
see
the
sonn
shyne
of
the
Geneus
gospel
(
huius
Euangelij
▪
)
he
is
absolued
and
discharged
from
the
dainger
of
all
oaths
,
and
snares
to
enthrall
the
conscience
.
A
maruellous
priuiledg
;
and
such
a
priuiledg
the
Prince
of
Oreng
had
,
as
appeareth
by
his
aduises
to
Monsieur
,
in
his
letters
intercepted
and
published
,
as
Surius
declareth
anno
1581.
And
doe
yow
imagin
,
that
these
beams
of
the
sonn
,
ded
never
shine
in
England
?
maister
Dudlie
Fenner
,
who
iumpeth
right
with
the
Apostles
of
Geneua
,
lib.
5.
cap.
13.
of
an
euel
Prince
,
he
giueth
this
fearfull
sentence
.
Hunc
tollant
vel
pacificè
,
vel
cum
bello
:
vel
regnt
Ephort
,
vel
omnium
ordinum
connentus
.
So
,
tollant
,
is
decreed
,
the
king
must
be
pull
down
:
but
by
whome
?
by
Regni
Ephort
.
who
ar
they
;
bycause
it
concerneth
the
crowne
,
ask
the
kings
atturnie
,
or
the
Clark
of
the
Crowne
,
whether
they
acknowledg
anie
such
officer
:
and
I
am
perswaded
,
they
will
read
hym
a
lecture
,
against
scientia
inflat
,
which
will
teach
hym
discreation
.
but
,
go
on
.
When
maister
William
Raynolds
,
obiected
the
tumults
,
and
sedition
of
the
gospellars
in
France
D.
Whitacre
,
in
his
preface
,
answereth
hym
thus
.
As
though
it
wear
sufficient
for
ther
condemnation
,
that
they
resisted
:
so
then
,
he
thinketh
that
not
sufficient
,
or
bycause
he
speaks
not
categoricè
,
taik
it
onelie
as
the
doubt
of
a
Doctor
.
)
And
ded
not
admitt
what
violenc
was
offred
to
Gods
truthe
,
or
them selfs
:
contrarie
to
oath
,
promise
,
edicts
,
or
law
:
(
whearby
they
wear
warranted
to
doe
what
they
ded
.
)
Then
the
Huguenots
of
France
,
in
D.
Whitacres
opinion
,
wear
warranted
,
to
resist
the
king
,
to
assault
his
townes
,
to
fight
with
his
officers
,
and
to
doe
all
acts
of
rebellion
.
examin
the
warrant
;
the
law
was
against
them
,
the
edicts
of
the
king
wear
against
them
(
for
the
admiral
was
proclaimed
traytor
)
and
the
court
parliement
ded
verifie
the
edicts
.
But
he
addeth
,
they
wear
cleared
from
the
crime
of
rebellion
,
by
iust
defenc
of
ther
doeing
,
and
by
edict
,
of
Princes
.
hear
be
two
bucklers
,
ther
Apologies
ar
the
first
:
the
kings
proclamation
the
second
.
Doe
not
yow
imagin
that
he
is
much
driuen
to
his
shifts
,
that
fights
with
so
weak
weapons
.
yf
an
apologie
wear
sufficient
to
clear
a
man
who
would
be
condemned
?
Scotland
had
a
Bucchanan
;
France
an
Hottoman
;
Holland
,
Oreng
,
(
who
generallie
,
sought
to
excuse
hym self
,
and
the
contrie
,
and
lay
all
the
burden
on
the
kings
back
.
)
yet
an
apologie
,
serued
not
.
And
for
edicts
,
they
wear
proclamations
of
the
kings
mercie
,
edicts
of
pacification
:
not
to
warrant
that
which
the
Huguenots
ded
,
but
to
pardon
them
.
and
so
that
Doctor
so
esteamed
for
his
diuinitie
;
erreth
much
in
matters
of
humanitie
and
defenc
of
his
brethren
.
and
speciallie
yf
he
lead
them
to
Melancthons
gapp
,
to
resist
,
to
oppugne
princes
,
or
to
defend
ther
opinions
with
the
sword
(
which
S.
Peter
ded
not
teach
,
1.
Epist.
c.
2.
v.
19.
c.
4.
v.
15.
16.
c.
5.
v.
9.
)
But
hear
,
I
must
maik
a
stand
:
for
seing
Who
accuseth
D.
Allen
,
for
teaching
D.
Allen
.
men
to
murder
princes
;
and
that
in
his
Apologie
of
the
Seminaries
,
he
citeth
.
25.
of
Numeri
,
that
subiects
may
taik
ther
soouerains
and
hang
them
vp
.
(
a
thing
so
impious
,
that
it
never
cam
into
a
religious
hart
.
)
For
they
ar
much
deceaued
that
think
it
a
propertie
of
Catholicks
;
(
as
this
man
and
P.
white
doe
,
)
but
that
it
is
not
proprium
quarto
modo
,
omni
,
soli
,
&
semper
,
it
is
all
readie
plainelie
and
demonstratiuelie
prooued
.
but
I
will
show
,
maister
Orm.
the
picture
of
a
minister
of
Geneua
of
the
first
edition
,
that
whotelie
defends
the
same
,
yow
accuse
D.
Allen
for
.
Goodman
l.
de
obedientia
,
saith
he
,
factum
illud
,
quod
memoratur
,
Num.
25.
perpetuum
est
exemplum
in
omnem
aeternitatem
,
&
certa
denunciatio
populi
,
vt
in
simili
defectione
à
cultu
Dei
,
rectores
suos
qui
a
Deo
ipso
abducunt
,
ad
furcas
abripient
&
suspendant
.
Et
quanquam
posset
videri
haec
magna
confusio
,
vt
populus
sibi
tantum
assumat
:
tamen
cum
magistratus
officio
suo
fungi
desinit
,
populus
ita
considerandus
est
,
ac
si
careret
omni
magistratu
,
&
tum
Deus
ipse
gl●dium
in
populi
manus
tradit
:
&
Deus
ipse
,
eff●c●tur
imme●iate
eorum
caput
.
As
now
,
yow
imputed
to
D.
Allen
,
the
citing
of
that
text
in
Num.
to
be
a
position
and
principl
of
Papists
,
to
depose
and
murder
Princes
:
I
show
a
Caluinist
,
that
affirmes
the
same
,
and
overmatcheth
hym
.
Iam
sumus
ergo
pares
.
but
yet
is
ther
odds
:
for
D.
Allens
words
,
and
scope
differ
from
Goodmans
.
Goodman
warrants
the
peopl
to
execut
ther
Princ
;
geues
them
reasons
,
showes
the
way
,
and
to
confirm
them
maiks
it
Gods
act
.
D.
Allen
,
complayning
against
the
rigour
and
seueritie
of
the
lawes
of
E.
showes
,
they
ar
not
to
obey
and
perform
them
,
but
stirrs
not
vp
the
peopl
to
rebell
:
he
showes
what
resistanc
may
be
warranted
,
but
incites
not
to
resist
.
I
will
cite
his
own
words
.
cap.
5.
●ro
Catholica
religione
certaere
,
praeclarum
:
sed
modo
▪
&
tempore
.
Vt
conscientiae
lex
sacra
,
supremi
pastoris
sententia
dirigant
.
So
then
he
recites
Deuter.
13.
and
Num.
25.
and
infers
.
Illud
autem
in
omnibus
ijs
exemplis
notandum
,
populum
,
non
sua
voluntate
&
impetu
ad
has
Caedes
,
sed
à
prophetis
&
Sacerdotibus
commonefacti
:
id
quod
omni
posteritati
sequutur
examplo
est
,
ne
aliâs
priuato
odio
,
superbia
,
&c.
in
errores
ruamus
,
&
imbrobitatem
nostram
religionis
velo
,
tegamus
.
So
hear
is
more
discreation
,
and
more
dewtie
,
then
ad
furcas
abripere
:
more
order
and
governement
,
then
suspendere
,
(
as
in
furie
:
)
more
religion
,
then
to
teach
that
God
ded
authorise
the
peopl
to
so
desperate
actions
.
Doctor
Sutclif
,
in
his
book
called
Turcopapismus
F.
Parsons
.
obiected
,
this
against
Fa.
Parsons
.
Lopez
à
personio
Iesuita
,
&
Hispanis
quibusdam
,
ad
reginam
interficiendam
magna
pecunia
conductus
,
nisi
vigilantia
Essexij
scelus
deprehensum
.
I
will
tell
the
Doctor
,
such
an
other
tale
,
to
maik
hym
amends
.
Peter
Pannie
a
Cooper
,
was
reported
to
haue
bean
hyred
by
Mauaraeus
rector
of
Douay
,
prouincial
of
the
Iesuits
,
to
kill
Count
Morrice
:
and
vpon
examination
of
the
matter
it
was
found
a
fable
,
as
this
is
,
which
the
Doctor
deliuereth
so
confidentlie
.
for
in
that
action
of
Lopez
,
ther
was
no
man
accused
,
but
Portingals
and
Spanyeards
:
and
in
the
examinations
which
I
haue
sean
and
read
(
whearin
all
the
circumstances
ar
declared
)
all
the
aydors
,
moouers
,
and
actors
ar
nominated
:
there
is
not
one
word
of
Fa.
Parson
.
And
when
maister
Egerton
,
ded
in
the
Guildhall
,
most
largelie
and
eloquentlie
vrg
all
he
could
,
against
Lopez
;
not
a
word
was
spoken
of
F.
Parsons
(
which
he
would
not
haue
omitted
,
yf
ther
had
bean
cawse
.
)
and
all
men
knew
,
that
knew
hym
,
that
he
was
not
a
like
man
,
to
venture
his
reputation
,
in
a
forrein
bottom
,
subiect
to
so
manie
leaks
,
and
so
much
dainger
as
that
was
.
and
therfor
this
was
a
scandalous
fiction
.
But
the
Threason
of
Parrie
,
is
low
dlie
Besides
at
Lyons
,
when
he
cam
to
Fa.
Creighton
(
a
Iesuit
)
after
his
confession
,
he
opened
to
hym
his
intentions
,
(
belike
perswading
hym self
,
that
the
good
father
would
byte
,
at
such
a
bate
.
But
Fa.
Creighton
vertuoushe
resolued
hym
,
quod
omnino
non
liceret
,
it
was
against
Gods
lawe
:
and
by
diuers
reasons
disswaded
hym
.
and
thus
much
he
hym self
confessed
to
the
Quene
:
Hollinshead
in
his
chron.
wituesseth
it
;
and
few
men
that
ar
of
experienc
abowt
London
but
know
and
acknowledg
it
.
So
ther
is
a
discharg
both
,
to
the
fathers
,
and
preasts
,
for
Parries
treason
.
Now
touching
the
Popes
letter
;
yow
must
vnderstand
,
that
this
counterfeit
,
had
bean
long
vsed
in
Italie
,
as
a
spie
.
and
fynding
vpon
his
return
,
so
litl
encooragement
at
Lyons
,
by
the
fathers
:
he
trauelled
to
Paris
.
whear
he
sought
to
insinuate
hym
felf
into
D.
Allen
and
Fa.
Parsons
,
(
who
wear
there
with
the
Lord
Paget
:
)
But
not
fynding
such
entertainment
at
ther
hands
,
as
he
expected
;
he
was
brought
by
means
to
the
Nuncio
,
to
whome
he
deliuereth
a
letter
,
written
by
hym self
in
Italian
and
directed
to
the
Pope
.
1.
Whearin
first
he
confessed
the
wrongs
,
he
had
doone
to
Catholicks
.
2.
That
he
was
going
into
England
,
to
maik
some
satisfaction
by
his
seruices
;
and
3.
desiring
his
bsnediction
and
approbation
(
withowt
specifi●ng
anie
particularitie
,
he
meant
to
performe
there
.
)
which
letter
is
yet
extant
,
at
Room
,
vpon
record
.
and
to
this
letter
,
Card.
Como
answered
:
and
vpon
this
is
all
the
triumph
.
The
letter
of
C.
Como
.
is
common
:
examin
it
,
and
see
yf
either
ther
be
anie
particuler
seruices
intimated
,
or
anie
seditious
directions
giuen
from
the
Pope
,
more
then
an
encooragement
in
genere
,
to
an
offer
in
genere
.
What
then
can
yow
reasonablie
infer
vpon
this
to
disgrace
Catholicks
:
yow
may
inferr
,
that
the
Popeshowed
a
fatherlie
affection
to
England
,
that
would
vouchsafe
to
write
to
Parrie
,
(
promising
to
doe
some
good
seruice
.
)
but
by
that
letter
,
yow
can
not
infer
that
he
exhorted
,
or
encooraged
Parry
to
anie
treasonabl
act
;
speciallie
considering
,
that
such
actions
be
notoriouslie
condemned
by
the
sea
Apostolick
,
Councels
,
fathers
,
and
schoolmen
.
But
it
was
Parries
deuise
,
to
procure
that
letter
to
serue
his
turn
in
England
,
and
to
vse
the
Popes
name
,
both
to
abuse
the
Catholicks
,
and
deceaue
the
Quene
.
when
he
departed
secretlie
from
Paris
,
withowt
an
Adieu
to
F.
Parsons
,
(
with
whome
he
was
not
wel
pleased
,
for
being
ill
regarded
)
he
writ
to
the
Lord
Burlie
,
for
a
passport
,
that
he
might
come
over
,
and
impart
to
the
Quene
great
matters
.
he
was
admitted
;
the
Quene
hard
hym
:
and
he
informed
,
that
the
Iesuits
mooued
hym
to
kill
her
.
yet
in
the
Parliement
howse
,
he
defended
boldlie
Catholicks
,
and
religion
,
(
for
which
the
howse
,
committed
hym
to
the
towre
:
not
knowing
that
the
Quene
was
priue
to
his
purposes
,
and
that
her
intention
was
therby
to
geue
hym
reputation
,
and
credit
with
the
Preasts
and
fathers
.
for
now
he
had
continuall
accesss
to
the
Quene
,
he
hoped
to
be
maister
of
S.
Katharins
)
was
in
great
fauour
with
the
lo.
Threasorer
;
and
was
employed
to
discouer
the
plats
and
intentions
of
forreiners
:
and
at
home
to
betray
the
Catholicks
:
and
particulerly
the
Lord
Lattimor
,
(
whome
the
Threasorer
,
studied
to
haue
caught
in
Parries
nett
.
)
But
he
that
was
trew
to
no
man
,
prooued
false
to
hym self
,
and
was
taken
in
his
own
snare
:
(
hauing
met
with
witts
overreaching
his
:
)
and
perished
so
worthilie
,
as
I
may
trewlie
conclude
,
quis
paena
eius
mouebitur
,
qui
id
commiserit
,
pro
quo
,
nemo
misereri
,
misericors
potest
?
Yet
this
was
,
generallie
iudged
the
more
Fa.
Walpool
,
and
Squire
.
probable
,
that
the
Pope
and
the
papists
ded
employe
Parrie
:
bycause
Fa.
Richard
Walpool
,
was
accused
to
haue
encooraged
Squire
,
to
the
like
attempt
.
and
surelie
vpon
examination
,
it
will
haue
the
like
success
.
This
Squire
,
and
one
Rolls
1596.
wear
taken
prisoners
(
in
a
pinnace
of
Syr
Franc.
Drakes
,
by
Don
Pedro
Tellio
)
and
brought
to
Siuil
;
whear
Fa.
Parsons
procured
for
them
,
both
libertie
and
apparrel
,
(
though
they
professed
them selfs
to
be
protestants
:
)
and
so
they
wear
sent
away
,
when
they
cam
to
S.
Lucars
,
by
indiscreation
,
they
fell
into
the
inquisition
,
(
an
argument
sufficient
to
witnes
ther
religion
,
)
and
so
they
wear
brought
back
to
Siuil
:
whear
Fa.
Walpool
ded
them
much
fauor
,
set
them
at
libertie
,
engaged
his
credit
for
ther
foorth
comming
,
and
placed
Rolls
in
the
Iesuits
Coll.
and
Squire
in
a
monasterie
.
1597.
til
they
both
secretlie
fled
away
,
and
left
father
Walpool
in
the
briars
,
to
answer
for
them
.
And
afterward
,
they
sent
letters
,
to
excuse
there
soodain
departure
to
Fa.
Walpol
,
(
which
letter
he
ded
showe
for
his
discharg
.
Now
then
weigh
well
,
all
circumstances
:
and
examin
the
enditement
.
Squire
is
accused
that
Fa.
Walpool
,
prouoked
,
and
instructed
hym
to
poyson
the
Quene
:
and
preached
to
hym
at
his
departur
,
to
perswade
and
confirme
hym
.
Is
not
this
probable
?
1.
they
fled
secretlie
awaye
,
withowt
his
knowledg
,
(
and
that
was
generallie
knowen
to
be
trew
)
Squire
was
a
man
,
who
ever
professed
hym self
a
protestant
,
and
so
dyed
.
3.
a
man
,
that
at
his
arrainment
and
death
,
denied
it
.
(
And
tho
being
vpon
the
rack
5.
tymes
,
the
torture
compelled
hym
,
to
accuse
hym self
;
yet
an
argument
from
the
rack
,
is
not
a
sufficient
euidenc
,
being
after
denied
.
)
4.
a
man
,
that
had
wyfe
and
children
in
England
:
and
not
like
withowt
some
great
and
present
temptation
,
to
be
drawen
into
suca
a
plat
:
and
Fa.
Walpool
,
was
as
vnlike
and
vnfitt
,
either
to
promise
or
perform
anie
recompenc
of
valew
.
5.
then
what
should
be
the
motiue
?
his
religion
,
would
not
perswade
hym
;
for
he
regarded
no
merite
.
Rewards
hear
weare
none
,
and
withowt
some
end
,
he
would
not
cast
away
hym self
.
6.
Besides
Fa.
Walpool
as
he
was
not
like
,
to
trust
a
protestant
,
with
a
matter
of
that
weight
,
and
secrecie
:
so
neither
was
he
of
that
credit
,
nor
authoritie
,
that
he
durst
doe
it
withowt
the
licenc
of
his
superiors
(
Fa.
Parsons
.
and
Fa.
Creswel
,
being
his
ancients
.
6.
Besides
examin
,
how
it
was
proued
.
by
his
own
confession
?
it
was
extorted
,
and
by
the
same
breath
denied
.
by
Stallenge
his
testimonie
?
he
had
it
but
by
hearsay
.
a
weak
proof
.
and
how
was
this
to
be
performed
?
by
poison
deliuered
to
hym
in
Spayne
.
a
straing
secret
,
which
his
fellow
Rolls
never
knew
of
who
returned
with
hym
.
and
how
was
it
to
be
doon
?
the
sadl
vpon
the
hors
back
was
to
be
poisond
.
Hear
was
art
.
how
could
the
Quene
be
poisoned
with
it
so
,
and
he
scape
that
is
sayd
to
hauesqueased
it
vpon
the
sadl
?
or
yf
it
wear
squeazed
(
as
they
tearmed
it
)
how
could
part
be
reserued
,
to
poison
the
Earl
of
Essex
?
and
speciallie
how
could
it
be
doone
,
that
the
groomes
of
the
stable
,
and
the
querries
(
who
ordinarily
attend
the
horse
for
the
Quene
)
could
not
discern
it
?
but
to
conclude
,
was
euer
anie
man
hard
of
that
took
hurt
by
that
poyson
?
or
was
sick
of
it
?
no
,
no
,
then
surelie
seing
he
denied
it
,
seing
ther
was
no
probabilitie
,
and
speciallie
seing
ther
was
no
witnesses
to
prooue
it
,
I
can
not
esteame
it
,
as
a
stayn
,
to
be
iustly
imputed
to
the
Iesuits
.
But
all
these
,
and
such
like
deuises
,
passed
as
currant
,
in
England
(
vpon
a
false
supposition
)
that
Mariana
a
Iesuite
,
and
the
fathers
ded
mantain
that
vngodlie
position
,
of
murdering
and
deposing
Princes
for
religion
.
1.
Touching
Mariana
:
it
was
a
personall
The
Iesuits
.
fault
,
Marianas
proper
opinion
;
yet
was
he
not
resolut
in
that
opinion
,
but
handled
it
problematice
;
he
inclineth
to
the
worst
part
,
but
absolutelie
affirms
it
not
.
his
words
ar
,
falli
possum
vt
humanus
,
siquis
meliora
attulerit
gratias
agam
.
2.
Secondlie
his
quaestion
was
not
,
for
killing
of
kings
,
but
for
killing
tyrants
(
which
is
to
be
noted
as
a
great
differenc
.
)
3.
Againe
,
his
whole
order
disauows
his
position
,
and
categorice
determin
the
contrarie
.
Card.
Tolet
in
his
summa
.
l.
5.
cap.
6.
decreeth
that
it
is
not
lawfull
,
to
attempt
against
the
lyfe
of
a
Prince
,
tho
he
abuse
his
power
:
and
that
it
is
haeresie
to
mantain
the
contrarie
.
So
also
holdeth
.
Greg.
de
Valentia
part.
2.
q.
64.
and
of
the
same
opinion
is
Card.
Bellarmin
.
cap.
13.
of
his
Apologie
.
and
Salmeron
,
tom
.
expownding
the
13.
C.
Rom.
(
wheare
he
referreth
the
fact
of
Aod
,
against
king
Aeglon
,
to
Gods
expresse
commandement
.
)
I
may
alledg
,
the
authoritie
of
learned
Lessius
,
de
iustitia
&
iure
,
l.
2.
c.
9.
dub
.
4.
Serrarius
in
c.
13.
Iud.
Azor
in
his
Institut.
Becanus
in
his
answer
to
the
9.
Aphorism
.
Gretser
in
his
Vespertilio
,
Haeretico
politicus
,
who
confuteth
Marianaes
grounds
.
and
so
doth
L.
Richeome
in
his
Apologie
.
4.
What
nead
I
say
more
?
yet
to
put
all
owt
of
dowbt
,
this
opinion
of
Martiana
,
was
condemned
both
by
a
prouincial
congregation
of
the
same
societie
holden
at
Paris
.
1606.
and
the
condemnation
was
ratified
,
by
Claudius
Aquauiua
,
general
of
the
order
.
5.
And
bycause
,
no
man
shall
dowbt
whether
it
be
a
droctrin
so
generall
receaued
in
the
Church
:
anno
1413.
by
the
declaration
of
the
Doctors
of
Sorbonna
the
same
is
averred
;
as
also
renewed
,
1606
that
it
is
an
vnlawfull
and
vngodlie
position
.
6.
And
lastlie
,
the
doctrine
of
Mariana
,
was
iustlie
condemned
by
the
court
Parliament
of
Paris
,
the
seame
year
.
And
that
yow
may
not
stumble
at
Simancas
words
:
yow
must
know
he
was
a
lawyer
no
deuine
:
and
yf
yow
read
Heisius
ad
Aphorismos
,
yow
shall
perceaue
that
both
he
and
Becanus
,
ar
not
guiltie
of
this
error
.
see
pag.
85.
and
91.
And
all
this
standeth
and
concordeth
,
with
the
agreement
of
Gods
ancient
Church
.
for
Ireneus
l.
5.
c.
14.
setteth
it
down
emong
heresies
,
to
think
that
kings
ar
giuen
to
men
casuallie
;
and
not
by
prouidenc
,
and
appointement
of
God
:
quia
omnis
petestas
a
Deo
.
And
S.
Ambrose
contra
Auxentium
.
ait
,
lachrymae
meae
,
arma
mea
,
aliter
nec
debeo
,
nec
possum
resistere
.
Nauar
,
Cunerus
,
and
all
that
I
haue
sean
(
and
I
haue
curiouslie
searched
for
it
)
agree
in
one
sentenc
.
and
the
reason
I
am
so
curious
in
this
;
was
not
onelie
to
satisfie
my
own
conscience
;
but
diuers
good
and
vertuous
protestants
in
England
my
frends
,
who
wear
much
offended
that
a
Thesis
so
scandolous
,
should
be
protected
by
the
learned
fathers
,
of
the
societie
,
as
was
giuen
owt
.
Ther
remaineth
yet
certan
staines
in
the
C.
Mayne
.
Cote
of
Preasts
,
and
fathers
,
which
ar
honestlie
to
be
taken
owt
.
I
haue
hard
it
much
vrged
,
that
the
greatest
argument
for
the
rigour
against
preasts
;
was
necessitie
to
free
the
state
from
dainger
,
bycause
they
wear
the
likest
men
,
to
bread
it
.
and
that
was
speciallie
discerned
as
they
sayd
by
the
comming
in
of
C.
Mayne
,
(
who
corrupted
maister
Tregion
,
and
diuers
others
,
and
with
drew
them
from
ther
obedienc
.
)
Bycause
it
is
a
matter
(
which
concerneth
all
preasts
:
)
it
is
necessarie
to
examin
it
with
deliberation
.
Cuthbert
Mayn
was
indited
at
Launston
1577.
that
he
had
,
and
obtained
from
Roome
,
a
bull
,
and
instrument
for
absolution
,
and
that
maister
Tregion
,
knowing
hym
to
haue
obtained
the
same
20.
April
,
after
ded
ayd
and
mantaine
hym
,
and
was
reconciled
These
wear
the
accusations
,
and
iudg
of
them
.
1.
First
for
his
reconciling
,
Mayn
answered
,
that
they
wear
deceaued
,
preasts
ded
vse
to
reconcile
men
onelie
to
God
:
neither
by
reconciliation
,
was
euer
anie
man
withdrawen
from
his
remporal
obedienc
,
by
anie
consequenc
,
but
rather
had
a
greater
obligation
.
2.
And
touching
his
being
at
Room
,
and
procuring
this
bull
of
the
Pope
:
he
sayd
he
was
never
at
Room
▪
nor
sought
to
obtain
from
thenc
,
anie
Bull
at
all
for
absoluing
anie
man
.
3.
Moreover
,
that
it
was
copie
of
a
bull
printed
which
he
bought
at
Douay
,
onelie
to
pe●ule
and
see
the
manner
of
it
.
4.
But
that
,
which
is
most
to
be
noted
,
is
:
that
it
was
printed
at
Douay
;
and
by
the
enditement
,
he
was
accused
that
1.
Octob.
1597.
he
ded
obtain
from
Room
the
afore
sayd
instrument
.
for
the
law
intended
,
that
the
trespassor
should
obtain
immediatlie
from
,
the
Pope
,
not
a
copie
,
but
the
instrument
it self
.
and
that
it
should
contain
some
matter
preiudiciall
to
the
Quenes
person
,
or
the
quiet
and
good
of
the
state
,
or
to
seduce
and
corrupt
the
subiects
(
for
it
is
not
to
be
imagined
,
that
the
parliement
would
maik
that
treason
,
by
which
no
hurt
nor
dainger
can
ensew
to
the
state
.
)
5.
But
what
bull
was
this
?
that
maketh
the
matter
cleare
.
it
was
a
bull
,
concerning
the
Iubilie
,
which
by
the
Pope
is
granted
of
course
,
and
not
at
the
suit
of
anie
priuate
person
,
and
for
all
contries
not
for
anie
one
,
and
once
in
25.
yeares
.
and
that
bull
ded
continue
in
force
,
butone
yeare
:
which
yeare
was
ended
1575.
(
and
so
the
date
of
the
instrument
was
expyred
,
before
he
bought
it
:
much
more
,
1.
Octob.
1597.
when
he
was
endited
.
so
yow
see
par●u●
iunt
montes
Yet
bycause
he
had
the
bull
,
tefused
to
come
to
the
Church
,
and
obey
the
Quenes
proceadings
,
iudg
Manhood
tould
the
iurie
,
whear
manifest
proofs
can
not
be
had
,
persumptions
must
be
allowed
;
and
therupon
the
iurie
fownd
hym
guiltie
.
(
though
the
enditement
contained
altogether
matter
insufficient
,
and
impossible
,
and
neither
answearable
,
to
the
words
,
nor
senc
of
the
statut
.
)
For
in
this
bull
,
ther
wear
neither
words
nor
matter
,
to
withdraw
or
seduce
anie
subiect
from
dew
obedienc
:
neither
was
ther
anie
thing
preiudicial
to
the
Q.
to
be
executed
.
Notwithstanding
maister
Tregion
lay
long
in
prison
,
emong
fellons
,
in
a
dongeon
noysom
for
smells
,
toads
,
&c.
fed
with
bread
and
water
:
and
was
afterward
condemned
in
the
premunire
,
and
his
lands
seazed
by
writ
from
the
excheckor
:
and
the
date
of
the
writ
vhas
before
the
iudgment
giuen
,
(
as
yf
they
knew
it
should
be
so
.
)
he
was
prisoner
16.
yeares
;
an
ancient
gentlmen
,
and
honorablie
allied
:
and
his
lands
1000.
pownds
of
old
rent
.
)
and
tho
it
was
entayled
:
yet
the
knight
marshall
fownd
means
to
avoyd
it
who
had
begged
his
lands
of
the
Quene
.
And
all
this
was
,
but
for
religion
:
and
vpon
false
accusation
of
one
Twigs
a
parish
Clack
,
who
affirmed
that
he
had
speach
with
Mayn
at
Christenmas
1575.
and
at
that
tyme
was
Mayn
at
Douay
.
But
to
go
forward
ex
pede
Herculem
by
this
iudg
of
the
rest
.
(
which
is
so
much
obiected
.
)
Touching
the
rising
in
the
North
,
and
The
Bull
of
Pius
V.
the
attempts
of
Babington
and
his
complices
:
they
wear
mixt
actions
,
not
for
religion
onelie
,
or
state
onelie
,
but
for
bothe
:
and
not
procured
by
the
suite
and
sollicitation
of
religious
men
,
but
owt
of
ther
ownzeal
,
and
compassion
of
the
Quene
of
Scotland
,
whome
the
Earles
accoumpted
,
nearest
allied
to
the
crowne
.
)
And
such
actions
,
ar
not
comprehended
within
the
compass
of
the
Question
I
am
to
cleare
and
discusse
.
1.
But
concerning
the
bull
of
PIVS
V.
Preasts
wear
not
to
ask
the
reason
of
the
Popes
doeings
.
yet
yow
may
fynd
some
of
the
reasons
specified
in
the
bull
.
)
diuers
haue
ascribed
it
,
partlie
to
the
soodain
reuolt
of
England
from
the
Church
;
partlie
to
the
prouocations
mayd
by
the
ministers
there
,
(
who
in
euerie
pulpit
whotelie
and
slanderouslie
proclaymed
the
Pope
Antichrist
,
and
the
man
of
perdition
:
)
and
some
haue
attributed
it
,
to
minsinformation
of
the
Quenes
case
,
and
the
Catholicks
.
But
I
am
sure
,
manie
graue
men
wear
sorie
,
that
it
was
either
procured
,
or
defended
.
2.
And
C.
Allen
witnesseth
,
multos
illud
factum
agre
tulisse
,
(
as
before
,
yow
see
,
Bushop
Watson
,
and
the
rest
ded
)
and
he
wished
,
that
it
had
bean
Dei
iudicio
reseruatum
.
3.
And
Fa.
Parsons
,
and
Campion
,
sollicited
the
mitigation
thereof
,
(
as
appeared
at
his
arrainment
)
that
it
might
not
bynd
the
consciences
of
subiects
,
to
disobey
the
Quene
.
Whearupon
Gregorie
the
13.
declared
(
withowt
anie
limitation
or
restraint
)
that
subiects
ought
to
performe
all
dewties
to
Quene
Elizabeth
,
notwithstanding
the
censure
.
4.
Lastlie
,
yow
may
probablie
coniecture
,
that
the
Popes
ar
not
lightlie
induced
to
vse
so
extream
courses
:
seing
they
neither
sought
,
by
such
censures
,
to
disturb
the
peace
of
k.
Ed.
6.
of
the
kings
of
Scotland
,
Denmark
,
Sweden
;
the
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
or
Marques
of
Brandenburg
.
Neither
doth
it
at
all
,
touch
the
Catholicks
,
nor
the
present
state
(
for
actio
moritur
cum
persona
:
)
which
is
the
thing
most
concerning
vs
.
The
greatest
blott
is
:
that
ther
wear
The
preasts
.
more
treasons
by
the
preasts
committed
in
Q.
Eliz.
tyme
,
then
euer
wear
in
anie
age
,
by
protestants
.
and
that
is
no
quaestion
disputable
,
bycaus
it
is
manifestè
verum
;
near
200.
preasts
and
religious
haue
bean
executed
for
that
offenc
.
In
dead
Norton
,
D.
Hammon
,
and
Topclif
affirm
that
it
is
trew
:
but
bycaus
Catholicks
denieit
,
let
vs
examin
,
whether
it
be
a
trew
Thesis
,
no
preasts
wear
executed
for
religion
but
for
Treason
.
1.
And
to
,
determin
that
the
better
:
enquire
what
be
the
acts
for
which
they
ar
condemned
,
to
be
a
preast
,
to
come
ouer
into
England
,
to
refuse
the
vath
,
to
say
mass
.
10
absolue
and
●econcile
,
to
preach
,
and
minister
Sacraments
,
and
to
bebred
vp
in
the
Seminaries
Ar
these
matters
of
State
,
and
not
of
conscience
?
temporall
and
not
spiritual
?
crimes
of
treason
,
and
not
religion
.
Ther
must
then
be
a
new
lexicon
de
verborum
significationibus
:
for
els
in
forrein
contries
,
they
will
exclayme
,
bycause
it
toucheth
them
all
(
by
participation
)
both
in
conscienc
and
c●edit
,
who
ar
preasts
,
and
fynd
ther
function
and
profession
so
tainted
.
2.
Th●n
consider
and
defyne
what
is
treason
.
The
best
definition
thereof
is
the
statut
25.
Ed
3.
(
which
was
mayd
according
to
the
common
lawes
of
England
.
)
how
know
yow
that
?
maister
Ploydons
opinion
directeth
me
.
In
that
act
,
the
Question
was
,
what
was
treason
by
the
common
law
:
now
saith
he
.
it
is
a
principle
in
the
exposition
of
a
statut
,
that
yf
the
preambl
showeth
anie
dowbt
to
be
before
,
either
in
common
law
,
or
some
statut
,
and
afterward
doth
enact
,
that
thus
it
shall
be
:
in
that
case
it
must
be
taken
,
that
the
lawe
doubted
of
,
was
so
before
For
ab
expositors
of
dowbts
,
they
would
not
ordaine
it
otherwise
,
then
the
law
was
.
Now
it
appeareth
,
by
that
statute
,
scilicet
,
by
the
common
lawes
of
England
,
and
by
I.
Stanford
,
in
the
pleas
of
the
crown
.
1.
that
Treason
must
ever
be
an
action
,
not
an
opinion
,
nor
a
profession
(
for
a
man
can
not
properlie
be
called
Traytor
,
till
he
committ
an
act
,
that
geues
hym
iusthe
that
denomination
.
)
For
Oldcastel
was
condemned
a
Traytor
for
his
act
in
one
court
:
an
heretick
for
his
opinion
,
in
an
other
court
;
and
so
wear
Cranmor
and
Ridlie
for
ther
actions
.
2.
yt
must
be
the
act
of
a
subiect
,
against
his
soouerain
.
Now
what
hurt
,
had
euer
king
H.
7.
or
his
progenitors
,
by
anie
subiect
,
who
was
a
preast
,
sayd
mass
&c.
or
can
yow
show
,
that
anie
real
treason
by
preasts
was
committed
▪
or
intended
against
the
late
Quene
?
ded
they
euer
procure
sedition
,
or
stirr
rebellion
actuallie
?
3.
and
that
was
neadful
to
be
prooued
;
for
Treason
must
be
for
offences
in
the
highest
degree
:
bycause
the
punishment
extends
it self
,
to
all
his
posteritie
(
that
offends
so
,
)
to
the
ruine
of
his
familie
,
and
to
terrifie
others
.
3.
So
then
by
the
common
lawes
,
it
is
not
treason
.
But
D.
H.
elench
was
,
quatenus
he
is
a
preast
,
he
is
not
a
traytor
:
but
quatenus
,
he
doth
the
office
of
a
preast
,
in
England
.
Subtilissima
subtilitas
:
and
yet
bycaus
false
,
it
preuails
not
.
For
the
function
it self
is
mayd
treason
:
and
therfor
the
act
looketh
back
to
1.
Eliz.
(
to
maik
all
preasts
traytors
,
that
had
ther
orders
sinc
that
tyme
.
)
4.
Besides
by
the
prouiso
of
the
act
25.
and
27.
Eliz.
yf
anie
preasts
(
committed
)
shall
submitt
them selfs
to
the
Quenes
lawes
,
and
taik
the
oath
;
they
shall
be
freed
from
the
penaltie
of
this
act
:
and
so
they
shall
not
be
iudged
traytors
,
yf
they
renounc
ther
religion
.
as
Bell
,
Io.
Nicholls
and
others
ded
.
wherby
it
is
playn
they
ar
not
traytors
simpliciter
but
secundum
quid
:
not
for
fact
but
opinion
,
and
to
be
enlarged
vpon
condition
.
and
seing
it
is
in
ther
powre
to
maik
them self
in
instanti
no
traytors
;
It
appeareth
,
ther
offenc
is
not
properlie
treason
:
for
yf
it
wear
so
by
25.
E.
3.
ther
acknowledgment
onelie
and
conformitie
,
and
repentanc
,
neither
could
not
would
haue
discharged
them
from
the
Iustice
of
the
law
.
5.
Exampls
wil
maik
the
case
playner
.
Wilm
Anderson
,
a
Seminarie
Preast
was
executed
,
(
45.
Eliz.
)
for
being
in
England
contrarie
to
the
statut
.
so
was
M.
Barckworth
.
anno
1600.
that
was
ther
treason
.
Tho.
Pormort
.
35.
Eliz.
was
attainded
,
for
being
a
preast
residing
in
England
,
and
reconciling
:
and
Barwis
was
executed
for
being
reconciled
.
that
was
ther
treason
:
both
spiritual
matters
.
yow
may
as
well
call
Mithridate
,
poyson
;
black
,
whyte
:
vertue
vice
,
as
to
call
religion
treason
.
but
the
law
haith
so
called
it
.
A
new
name
alters
not
the
operation
of
an
old
vertue
:
the
caws
of
the
death
,
maiks
the
martyrdome
,
not
the
name
.
And
surelie
this
act
of
generall
diffidenc
,
encreased
more
discontent
.
But
what
ded
force
the
state
to
vse
such
violent
and
extraordinarie
remedies
what
ded
bread
such
intricate
trowbles
?
the
extraordinary
chaing
of
religion
ded
cast
them
into
this
laborinth
,
bred
these
discontents
,
procured
all
these
enemies
;
and
forced
the
counsellors
,
so
to
punish
preasts
.
2.
(
as
Camden
noteth
)
the
opinion
of
the
Quenes
illegitimation
,
abroad
.
3.
the
iealouslie
had
,
of
the
Quene
of
Scots
;
(
whome
they
dowbted
most
for
her
religion
,
allianc
in
France
,
fauor
of
the
Pope
,
and
her
proximitie
and
near
kynred
to
the
crown
:
4.
the
bull
of
PIVS
V.
And
5.
the
dowbt
of
the
howse
of
Guise
,
in
the
behalf
of
ther
neace
.
and
6.
lastlie
the
offenc
of
the
k.
of
Spayn
,
for
ayding
Oreng
,
and
intercepting
his
moonie
.
these
wear
the
cawses
,
that
induced
the
State
,
to
prepare
,
arme
,
and
vse
means
to
preuent
all
mallice
and
mischeafe
.
And
knowing
,
how
strong
a
wall
England
haith
for
her
protection
:
and
yet
with
in
them selfs
,
what
a
partie
,
religion
had
both
in
E.
and
Ireland
:
and
no
men
wear
so
like
,
as
preasts
,
to
stirr
vp
all
the
humors
in
the
bodie
of
the
realmes
:
therfor
to
keap
then
owt
,
to
expell
them
,
and
to
curb
them
yf
they
came
in
tey
wear
driuen
to
vse
this
pollicie
,
to
maik
yt
treason
,
to
be
a
preast
,
or
to
mantain
a
preast
.
And
as
this
was
mayd
law
,
by
that
glorious
Prince
(
who
neaded
such
a
deuise
:
)
so
it
may
be
abrogated
,
by
hym
that
neadeth
it
not
.
It
remaineth
,
that
I
show
yow
,
what
The
Recusants
ar
such
,
as
by
the
new
lawes
,
ar
men
marked
owt
,
that
refuse
for
ther
conscience
,
to
frequent
the
ordinarie
prayers
,
sermons
,
and
communion
,
appointed
by
the
Church
of
England
.
this
is
all
ther
offenc
;
and
the
sole
trew
cawse
,
they
the
law
doth
take
notice
of
them
,
and
that
fault
,
bycause
it
showeth
onelie
that
they
ar
not
conformable
to
the
Quenes
iniunctions
,
and
the
Canons
of
that
Church
:
and
doth
not
conuinc
them
of
anie
disloyall
affection
to
the
Quene
,
and
the
state
:
ther
for
they
ar
subiect
to
a
pecuniarie
mulct
,
which
the
Scots
men
name
verrie
properlie
and
significantlie
(
Saule
moonie
.
)
They
haue
allwaies
bean
,
and
yet
arr
,
persons
of
good
qualitie
,
manie
of
noble
parentage
;
most
of
vnder
standing
:
few
of
the
meaner
sort
:
and
all
,
men
of
vertue
and
pietie
,
who
haue
learned
,
what
accoumpt
is
to
be
mayd
of
conscience
.
And
of
this
sort
of
subiects
,
diuers
haue
bean
euer
since
the
first
alteration
.
It
was
an
information
of
more
mallice
,
then
truth
(
by
that
profownd
Casuist
and
Reporter
of
the
lawes
:
)
that
from
1ᵒ
Elizab.
No
person
ded
refuse
to
come
to
the
Church
(
to
publick
and
vsuall
prayers
)
till
the
bull
of
Pius
5.
was
published
.
As
yf
that
bull
had
bean
the
sole
meane
,
to
induce
recusants
,
to
disobey
the
Quenes
lawes
;
and
so
to
maik
disloyaltie
and
disobedience
,
the
Original
of
recusancie
.
I
know
,
he
could
not
be
ignorant
,
that
all
puritans
,
refused
to
come
to
Church
,
or
to
communicate
:
and
wear
best
content
to
walk
in
the
Church
,
till
sermon
begonn
;
so
much
they
ded
dislike
the
liturgie
of
England
.
)
Besides
he
forgot
,
how
manie
Bushops
,
and
preasts
,
wear
then
knowen
and
professed
recusants
:
and
how
manie
noble
men
,
and
gentlmen
of
accoumpt
,
ded
forbeare
to
show
them selfs
members
of
that
Church
.
I
maruel
how
he
could
conceaue
,
that
onelie
Leuites
and
Prelates
,
wear
left
to
pray
and
serue
God
;
for
a
people
,
who
showed
no
religion
nor
constancie
,
to
wards
Gods
worship
in
tenn
yeares
?
No
Sr
England
had
manie
worthie
men
at
that
tyme
,
who
never
bowed
ther
knee
,
to
Nabugodonosors
statua
;
as
Lanhearn
,
Grafton
,
Dinglie
,
Ashbie
,
and
manie
other
places
can
witnes
.
and
the
author
of
the
execution
of
Iustice
,
giueth
better
testimonie
thereof
;
and
vseth
it
as
an
argument
of
the
Quenes
rare
clemencie
,
and
her
confidence
of
ther
loyaltie
.
further
more
,
yf
yow
look
curiouslie
and
iudiciouslie
into
it
,
that
bull
ded
not
concern
ther
going
to
the
Church
and
seruing
God
:
but
touching
the
Quenes
being
lawfull
Quene
,
and
seruing
her
,
(
after
the
excommunications
.
)
Now
How
these
noble
gentlmen
,
and
others
succeading
,
wear
vsed
and
oppressed
:
to
what
reproaches
they
wear
subiect
,
by
the
basest
skoome
of
men
:
it
is
a
lamentable
storie
,
and
would
mooue
a
hart
of
flint
.
It
was
not
affliction
enough
,
to
authorise
purseuants
to
search
ther
howses
:
and
Promoters
to
informe
against
them
:
but
they
must
also
haue
a
Felton
,
surue
yor
of
ther
lands
,
and
estates
:
What
losses
ded
they
sustain
,
by
the
leases
of
the
third
part
of
ther
lands
?
what
loss
of
goods
,
by
rapine
?
what
spoyle
of
woods
?
what
bribes
wear
they
forced
to
geue
,
gratiam
emendicando
?
I
nead
not
repeat
them
:
I
haue
sean
some
part
of
the
proceading
.
For
ther
committing
to
W●sbich
,
Banhurie
,
Elie
,
the
Fleat
,
York
,
or
Ludlow
:
though
they
ded
suffer
ther
restraint
patientlie
:
yet
I
must
neads
pittie
them
,
bycause
ther
they
lost
ther
libertie
,
hazarded
health
,
wear
forced
to
neglect
ther
state
:
wear
detained
from
ther
wiues
and
children
:
and
mayd
subiect
to
the
contempt
of
the
world
.
And
touching
ther
being
Disarmed
:
yt
was
more
disgrace
then
loss
:
it
prooued
they
wear
distrusted
,
which
was
a
course
rather
to
prouoke
,
then
reclayme
them
.
But
for
ther
twentie
pownds
a
month
,
payd
into
the
excheckor
:
that
ded
lie
heauie
,
and
mayd
the
meaner
sort
grone
(
though
I
know
by
the
lo
B.
the
rigor
and
extremitie
,
was
a
litl
qualified
.
)
Compare
these
with
the
Puritans
recusants
(
who
will
beare
no
such
burdens
:
)
yow
shall
fynd
in
the
Catholicks
,
more
vertue
,
and
less
insolencie
:
more
humilitie
and
less
dainger
to
the
state
.
Compare
them
,
with
the
recusants
of
France
:
and
yow
will
think
our
gentlmen
preasts
,
and
ther
ministers
Capitains
:
our
Catholicks
vnwilling
to
offend
,
theyrs
vnwilling
to
obeye
:
they
defend
ther
faith
with
ther
swords
,
and
resist
the
magistrate
;
ours
endure
,
and
s●io
,
cui
credidi
,
is
ther
comfort
;
and
bycause
they
haue
no
Bezaes
,
no
Knoxes
,
no
Synodes
,
no
boutefeus
,
they
can
not
show
yow
a
Mountauban
,
or
a
Mountpellier
,
nor
anie
other
place
of
assuranc
and
retrayt
,
but
the
Fleat
,
or
the
Gatehows
.
And
yet
neither
in
these
plotts
and
treasons
,
supposed
to
haue
bean
against
her
person
in
Quene
Elizabeths
tyme
;
nor
in
that
inuinc●bl
armado
1588.
nor
in
that
inuisible
armie
(
the
skarcrowe
of
London
)
1599.
nor
in
the
warrs
of
Ireland
(
whearin
the
Quene
,
required
ayd
of
her
subiects
:
)
no
men
,
ded
show
them selfs
more
forward
,
to
doe
her
maiestie
seruice
:
nor
performed
more
readilie
and
franklie
what
was
imposed
vpon
them
:
nor
behaued
them selfs
,
with
more
dewtie
,
and
less
dainger
.
The
reason
is
playne
;
they
that
refuse
to
go
to
Protestant
Churches
,
in
respect
of
ther
conscienc
:
will
far
more
refuse
for
conscience
sake
,
to
committ
treason
(
a
sinn
of
so
highe
degree
:
)
and
surelie
they
that
regard
so
litl
ther
own
bodies
,
for
safetie
and
saluation
of
ther
sowles
;
will
never
attempt
or
consent
to
anie
desperate
act
,
against
the
kings
person
,
or
the
state
of
ther
contrie
:
and
by
such
greauous
and
crijng
sinnes
,
hazard
the
destruction
of
both
bodie
and
sowle
.
Now
yf
yow
will
compare
the
greauances
Charles
the
5.
at
Worms
1521.
decreed
against
Luther
,
onelie
Exile
,
and
Fyre
for
his
books
.
Anno
1526.
at
Machlin
,
he
set
down
this
penaltie
against
Hereticks
,
or
those
that
disputed
of
controuerses
of
religion
,
or
that
keapt
books
prohibited
:
for
the
first
offenc
40.
shillings
:
for
the
second
4.
pownds
:
and
for
the
third
8.
pownds
,
and
perpetual
banishment
(
as
a
proper
remedie
to
remooue
them
from
infecting
others
.
)
Anno
1529.
yf
at
a
tyme
limited
,
they
ded
not
repent
ther
errors
,
nor
disclayme
then
,
he
adiudged
Viris
ignem
,
mulieribus
fossam
(
as
the
Canons
ancientlie
prescribed
,
and
as
Calum
hym self
vsed
Seruetus
.
)
Anno
1531.
he
confirmed
the
former
acts
,
adding
that
these
who
keapt
such
books
,
and
defaced
and
puld
downe
images
(
male
animo
,
)
should
loose
ther
goods
.
and
yet
he
vsed
some
limitation
.
and
for
heresie
,
yf
he
wear
worth
6.
l.
and
be
conuicted
of
it
,
the
delinquent
should
pay
.
3.
And
to
avoyd
all
quaestions
,
1555.
he
interpreted
and
explayned
hym self
,
for
the
penaltie
of
thes
lawes
,
with
the
aduise
of
Viglius
.
to
taik
away
all
occasions
that
might
hinder
traffick
:
he
limited
that
the
penaltie
against
those
that
wear
receauors
or
abettors
of
such
men
;
should
not
extende
to
inkeapers
,
victuallers
,
marchants
or
mariners
.
and
yf
the
accusors
ded
slander
anie
iniuriouslie
,
they
should
be
punished
for
example
sake
.
this
though
it
wear
generallie
enacted
,
yet
it
was
both
intended
,
and
accordinglie
more
seuearly
executed
against
Anabaptists
and
Libertines
(
the
greatest
plages
of
a
state
.
)
After
ward
king
Philip
1555.
set
down
instructions
,
rules
,
and
orders
,
direct
(
this
court
properlie
erected
for
heresie
,
and
to
preuent
secret
conuenticles
the
moothers
of
sedition
:
)
and
these
regia
mandata
exquisitorum
,
I
refer
yow
to
see
in
the
storie
of
Vander
Hare
.
Whearin
the
king
addeth
no
new
amerciements
,
nor
deuiseth
anie
new
seueritie
:
for
as
he
answered
Montigny
,
he
purposed
not
to
bring
in
the
Inquisition
of
Spayne
,
but
to
reuiue
his
fathers
lawes
:
nor
to
create
anie
new
offences
,
but
such
as
wear
of
old
censured
for
offences
both
in
the
Churche
and
state
.
And
yet
this
proceading
ded
work
ill
effects
:
bred
in
the
Catholicks
a
commiseration
of
ther
contriemen
,
and
a
greater
obstinacie
in
the
protestants
.
Now
look
vpon
E.
match
and
compare
To
acknowledg
the
Popes
suprematie
in
spiritualibus
,
is
Treason
.
To
be
reconciled
,
is
Treason
.
To
refuse
the
oath
of
supremacie
,
is
for
the
first
offenc
premunire
,
for
the
second
,
Treason
.
For
preasts
to
come
over
into
E.
is
Treason
.
(
1585.
or
yf
they
stay
in
E.
40.
dayes
after
the
parliement
:
or
yf
they
wear
mayd
preasts
sinc
1.
Elizab.
To
harbour
a
preasts
is
fellonie
.
Yf
yong
students
continue
beyond
the
seas
,
and
return
not
,
and
abiure
ther
religion
,
and
show
them selfs
conformable
:
it
is
Treason
.
To
bring
in
an
agnus
Dei
,
beads
,
or
crosses
,
is
premanire
.
To
bring
a
bull
from
Roome
;
or
anie
sentenc
of
excommunication
,
which
toucheth
the
Quene
;
is
Treason
.
To
absolue
or
reconcile
anie
man
,
is
Treason
.
He
that
commeth
not
to
Churche
vpon
each
sonday
,
was
to
pay
12.
d.
and
be
further
censured
:
but
afterward
he
that
refused
to
hear
ther
prayers
,
and
communicate
,
(
27.
Eliz.
)
is
to
pay
for
euerie
month
20.
pownds
:
and
he
that
can
not
pay
it
,
his
bodie
shall
fyne
for
it
in
prison
.
To
depart
owt
of
the
realm
withowt
the
Quenes
licens
,
and
not
to
return
within
6.
months
after
the
proclamation
,
is
an
offenc
so
great
;
that
the
offendor
shall
forfeit
his
goods
,
and
his
lands
during
his
lyfe
.
To
hear
mass
▪
is
an
offenc
fyned
at
a
100.
marks
.
Yf
a
man
suffer
his
sonn
or
his
seruants
(
being
not
a
merchant
)
to
go
beyond
seas
:
he
shall
forfeit
100.
l.
Ther
ar
manie
mo
:
but
these
ar
too
manie
.
now
,
whether
of
these
,
ar
whipped
with
the
greatest
scourge
?
whether
of
these
lawes
ar
most
seuear
,
and
haue
most
nead
of
mitigation
?
the
name
onelie
of
Treason
,
is
terrible
,
and
overgoeth
far
the
rigor
of
the
most
rigourous
and
capitall
lawes
of
the
Inquisition
:
and
when
I
haue
named
that
,
I
sleightlie
pass
ouer
the
loss
of
goods
,
emprisonment
,
reproaches
,
chaynes
and
fetters
,
exile
,
aggrauation
of
offences
,
(
which
would
haue
appeased
the
wrathe
of
Minos
or
Rhadamanthus
.
)
But
the
rigour
of
the
execution
of
these
lawes
,
is
most
to
be
noted
.
The
towre
,
was
full
of
such
patients
;
and
new
prisons
erected
to
entertain
them
:
and
how
they
wear
at
that
tyme
vsed
;
yow
may
best
know
by
the
exampl
of
dealing
with
maister
Tregion
at
Lanson
,
of
maister
Rigby
;
of
maister
Christophor
watson
,
who
perished
at
york
,
with
the
infection
of
the
prison
,
as
18.
other
prisoners
for
religion
ded
,
1581.
Add
to
this
,
the
strict
examination
of
Iustices
;
the
proceading
of
the
high
commissioners
(
the
inquisitors
in
E.
)
the
Harpies
,
at
visitations
;
the
promoters
in
temporall
courts
informing
against
them
:
purseuants
searching
the
howses
of
men
but
suspected
:
and
how
much
they
wear
noted
,
that
affoorded
anie
charitie
or
almes
to
such
persons
.
And
surelie
it
is
a
thing
I
maruelat
,
that
so
great
and
wise
counsellors
would
not
remember
that
note
of
Tacitus
as
a
stayne
of
gouernment
;
that
●o●
esse
delatores
in
republica
,
was
a
certan
sumptome
of
a
diseased
state
.
I
can
not
forget
,
tho
I
would
Racks
and
torments
,
(
the
examino●s
of
Fa
Campion
,
and
Fa.
Sowthwel
,
and
manie
others
:
)
but
satius
est
pertransire
calamitat●m
publi●am
.
Therfor
I
may
iustlie
affirme
,
that
the
Catholicks
in
England
,
ded
endure
greater
torture
by
the
lawes
of
the
realm
:
then
the
Geuses
ded
by
the
Inqu●sition
,
and
had
therfor
nead
of
more
commiseration
,
(
speciallie
when
pu●itans
,
Anabaptists
,
Arrians
,
nor
Atheists
wear
so
curiously
searched
for
,
nor
so
terriblie
afflicted
.
But
the
great
cross
Crosslet
,
is
this
,
exceading
all
punishment
,
that
they
generallie
gaue
owt
in
proclamations
1591.
and
in
the
book
of
execution
of
iustice
:
that
no
man
was
punished
for
religion
,
no
mans
conscienc
was
examined
for
his
faith
.
A
politick
deuise
,
to
blind
the
world
with
show
of
humanitie
,
and
to
preserue
the
opinion
of
the
Quenes
mercie
vnstayned
with
anie
aspersion
of
creweltie
:
so
they
abuse
the
credulitie
of
forrein
states
,
to
aggrauate
the
offences
of
preasts
and
prisoners
.
But
was
no
man
punished
for
religion
in
Q
Eliz.
tyme
?
1.
ther
was
a
general
pardon
1581.
whearin
,
a
strict
caution
and
prouiso
was
.
that
the
benefit
thereof
should
not
be
extended
to
anie
person
in
prison
,
or
recusant
,
for
matter
of
religion
(
and
yet
all
malefactors
,
had
ther
part
in
the
pardon
.
)
and
was
this
no
punishment
,
nor
partialitie
?
2.
the
Recusants
pay
20.
li.
pownds
a
month
,
in
regard
of
ther
religion
:
is
this
no
punishment
?
is
not
this
properly
called
Sawl
moonie
?
The
Turk
layeth
not
such
a
tribut
,
vpon
the
conscienc
of
Christians
,
nor
Christians
vpon
the
Iewes
.
3.
the
old
prelates
and
Cleargie
all
dyed
in
prison
,
or
in
exile
,
for
ther
religion
:
and
yet
no
man
is
punished
,
either
in
goods
,
or
bodie
,
or
libertie
.
What
contradictions
ar
these
?
and
how
palpable
.
The
Ladie
Morlie
La.
Brown
,
and
La.
Guildeford
.
1575.
Hollinshead
recordeth
,
as
a
matter
to
be
noted
,
that
thresuch
ho.
persons
,
wear
committed
to
prison
onelie
for
hearing
Mass
.
and
was
this
no
punishment
?
leases
wear
mayd
of
two
parts
of
diuers
of
ther
lands
:
and
was
that
no
punishment
?
But
to
conclude
,
the
loyaltie
of
these
Recusants
might
appeare
to
the
king
plainlie
,
by
ther
petition
to
his
maiestie
1604.
and
manie
tymes
after
:
and
euer
by
ther
obedienc
.
and
in
Q.
Eliz.
tyme
,
by
ther
protestation
1588.
mayd
at
Ely
whear
they
wear
keapt
prisoners
:
by
the
offers
they
mayd
to
the
Lord
North
(
Liuetennant
there
)
by
the
iustification
of
them
by
the
letters
of
the
Lords
of
the
counsel
,
(
and
by
ther
submission
sent
to
the
Lords
not
withstanding
all
excommunications
.
)
and
so
the
Irish
Recusants
ioyning
ther
forces
with
the
Quenes
.
1600.
at
Kinsal
,
showed
them selfs
subiects
àbsolutè
and
not
ex
conditione
.
Now
it
is
tyme
to
draw
to
a
conclusion
,
whether
to
be
a
protestant
and
a
loyal
subiect
,
be
not
more
in
compatible
,
and
more
improbable
;
then
to
be
a
Catholick
and
loyal
?
It
is
in
this
discourse
,
largelie
demonstrated
,
both
by
ther
first
generation
in
Germanie
and
Geneua
:
by
ther
progresse
in
France
,
by
ther
proceading
in
Holland
,
and
by
ther
sedition
in
Scotland
.
The
scope
and
end
of
them
all
was
,
to
sett
vp
the
doctrine
of
Luther
and
Caluin
,
to
ruine
the
Church
,
and
aduanc
the
desseins
of
ambition
(
oft
intermingled
with
these
fayre
showes
of
Reformation
.
)
Now
as
yow
can
never
plant
anie
new
sect
withowt
,
faction
,
conuenticles
,
associations
:
so
to
faction
and
schisme
,
sedition
is
an
accident
inseparable
;
for
therupon
all
magistrates
and
lawes
ar
resisted
,
and
that
with
violenc
(
for
no
war
is
so
passionate
,
as
the
wars
of
conscienc
.
)
Remember
the
natiuitie
of
Lutheranisme
,
the
Huguenots
,
and
Geuses
:
and
how
well
they
wear
mantained
by
the
sword
,
euen
from
ther
Cradle
:
so
as
they
grew
to
that
height
of
presumption
,
that
either
they
would
vnking
ther
soouerains
,
and
create
them selfs
Lords
,
as
in
Holland
:
or
by
tyring
and
terrifijng
ther
Princes
with
armes
and
tumults
,
force
them
to
pacification
,
as
in
France
:
or
absolutelie
depose
ther
Princes
,
(
when
they
became
maisters
and
commanders
of
the
state
)
as
Scotland
can
wel
remember
,
and
haith
cawse
.
So
likewise
on
the
contrarie
part
,
consider
exactlie
;
whether
it
be
so
impossible
(
as
some
by
ther
books
haue
misinformed
the
world
,
for
a
Preast
or
a
Roman
Catholick
to
be
a
good
subiect
,
which
question
concerneth
vs
most
.
Yf
yow
look
back
to
former
ages
yow
shall
fynd
that
from
the
Saxons
,
to
king
E.
6.
To
be
a
Catholick
,
was
never
taken
as
a
barr
to
loyaltie
;
neither
was
ther
euer
anie
opposition
fownd
in
the
essenc
and
nature
of
loyaltie
,
and
the
grownds
of
the
Catholick
faithe
,
And
good
reason
;
for
that
religion
,
which
most
aymeth
at
mortification
of
the
bodie
,
and
best
armeth
hym
to
combate
with
sinn
:
and
disposeth
best
the
consciences
of
men
,
to
peace
and
dew
obedienc
;
and
is
aprooued
by
experienc
of
all
ages
,
least
to
embroyle
and
endainger
a
state
with
practises
,
and
treasons
:
must
neads
(
of
all
indifferent
men
)
be
esteamed
more
consonant
and
agreable
,
to
allegianc
and
fidelitie
,
then
that
wild
and
popular
doctrine
of
the
consistorians
;
which
(
owt
of
presumption
and
licensiousnes
)
will
be
confined
into
no
circle
of
order
;
but
euer
contemning
lawe
,
will
dominer
and
rule
as
transcendents
,
and
taik
vpon
them
the
iurisdiction
both
of
preasts
and
kings
in
a
kingdome
.
2.
Secondlie
no
man
can
denie
,
but
that
Spayne
,
Italie
,
France
,
he
Empyre
,
and
Poland
,
accompt
hym
the
best
affected
subiect
,
and
least
daingerous
to
the
state
,
who
is
most
deuoted
to
Catholick
religion
.
And
then
yf
to
be
a
Catholick
ded
bread
and
ingender
anie
ill
blood
in
the
bodie
,
or
secret
infection
of
disloyaltie
,
and
so
wear
in
regard
of
the
state
,
malum
in
se
,
and
naturallie
;
then
vpon
the
generall
tryall
of
nations
,
in
so
manie
ages
,
it
would
haue
bean
discouered
and
detected
,
for
that
imperfection
.
which
it
never
haith
bean
charged
withall
,
neither
in
all
these
forren
contries
;
nor
heartofore
at
anie
tyme
in
England
.
Therfor
,
seing
it
is
not
malum
in
se
and
simpliciter
,
(
as
T.
M.
and
parson
Whyte
,
haue
in
ther
books
scandalouslie
slandered
that
religion
,
and
the
Preasts
and
professors
thereof
:
)
seing
,
it
can
not
be
verified
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
neither
genarallie
of
the
profession
(
as
Calyinism
may
iustlie
,
yf
the
Lutherans
say
trewlie
;
)
nor
particularlie
of
the
persons
professing
it
:
nor
originallie
and
ordinarilie
in
precedent
ages
,
neither
for
doctrin
or
exampl
,
they
can
be
taxed
:
I
may
iustlie
infer
,
they
ar
acquited
.
And
surelie
it
was
an
error
both
vnciuil
and
vndiscreat
,
to
maik
ther
proposition
so
general
,
and
therby
to
maik
the
whole
Churche
so
odious
to
the
people
,
and
so
much
suspected
to
the
king
:
for
we
acknowledg
,
that
there
ar
of
ther
sect
,
verrie
manie
calm
,
and
moral
men
,
boni
viri
,
boni
ciues
,
of
sociable
nature
,
and
not
apt
to
blow
the
coles
of
sedition
,
of
persecution
.
And
so
also
the
autho
of
the
execution
of
Iustice
,
ded
geue
a
good
testimonie
,
of
the
loue
and
loyaltie
of
diuers
worthie
and
noble
Catholicks
to
Q
Elizab.
(
euen
when
they
had
greatest
cawse
to
the
contrarie
,
when
oppressions
and
contempt
might
haue
prouoked
flesh
and
blood
to
mutinies
.
)
and
though
each
man
wisheth
the
propagation
,
and
aduancement
of
his
own
religion
:
yet
in
the
means
to
procure
it
,
and
in
the
course
to
seak
,
and
in
the
manner
and
order
of
proceading
to
fynd
it
,
this
treatise
heith
prooued
,
that
ther
is
great
oddes
and
differenc
betwean
them
.
as
the
confession
and
supplication
of
the
preasts
;
the
patienc
,
and
obedienc
of
recusants
;
the
pietie
and
doctrine
of
the
Seminaries
haue
sufficientlie
prooued
.
3.
Now
let
vs
compare
,
and
parallel
them
(
to
maik
it
more
playne
.
)
The
Catholicks
generallie
both
in
France
,
Germanie
,
and
England
,
ar
the
patients
,
the
Protestants
ar
the
agents
.
1.
The
one
stand
as
defendors
,
the
other
as
inuadors
.
2.
Preasts
songht
to
keap
that
de
iure
they
had
,
Ministers
to
get
that
they
had
not
,
for
haeresie
being
a
separation
from
the
bodie
,
could
not
enioye
the
liberties
,
or
benefit
of
the
Church
,
til
it
was
mayd
no
heresie
.
)
3.
The
Preasts
wear
possessors
:
the
ministers
disseisors
,
and
iniurious
.
4.
The
Catholicks
obey
ex
conscientia
,
and
absolute
:
the
protestants
conditionaliter
and
with
a
quatenus
,
and
onelie
for
pollicie
and
gouernement
.
5.
Preasts
ar
punished
,
not
for
anie
iniustice
inhaerent
,
but
by
imputation
onelie
,
and
not
for
trespasses
,
but
for
opinions
.
not
for
that
which
is
,
defacto
,
but
to
preuent
fiendum
(
yf
Priscian
will
pardon
me
.
)
But
Caluinists
,
ar
guiltie
both
of
action
,
vsurpation
,
and
treasons
reallie
,
as
this
last
year
Lescun
(
president
of
the
assemblies
at
Rochel
,
)
Haute-Fontain
,
Chaumier
(
preacher
of
Saumur
suffred
in
France
.
and
P.
Gombault
,
(
all
for
real
treasons
.
)
And
Bischarcy
in
Polland
,
for
attempting
to
kill
the
king
,
whome
he
wounted
greauouslie
(
as
he
went
to
the
Church
.
)
6.
And
there
practises
,
and
ther
spirites
differ
as
much
:
foras
.
7.
They
obiect
,
the
positions
of
some
priuate
and
disauowed
persons
,
and
words
onelie
:
the
Catholicks
obiect
ther
rebellions
in
dead
,
ther
battels
,
ther
real
conspiracies
,
at
Amboys
,
and
in
the
wayle
of
Charmentras
near
Meaux
,
to
surprize
the
king
.
8
They
reforme
per
populum
and
tumults
:
the
Catholicks
by
order
,
law
and
superiors
.
9.
They
charg
the
Catholiks
,
with
treasons
newlie
enacted
,
strayned
,
and
vpon
suspicion
:
contrarilie
they
ar
condemned
by
ancient
lawes
,
currant
in
all
Ghristendom
by
consent
,
and
by
all
ciuil
and
municipal
lawes
.
10.
The
Catholicks
seak
not
to
hinder
succession
of
kings
that
ar
protestants
:
as
knox
holdeth
null
is
Pa●ista
in
regno
utherano
aut
Calumiano
,
in
regis
principis
aut
aliam
quam
cunque
dignitatem
euehi
potest
.
11.
The
Catholicks
prefer
a
Monarchie
:
Caluin
,
Wolfius
&
Swinglius
,
an
Aristocracie
.
12.
Yet
the
Catholicks
,
and
our
English
protestants
agree
in
this
(
as
in
manie
other
weightie
matters
)
that
princes
ar
not
to
be
deposed
:
but
the
Caluinists
hold
the
contrarie
.
and
therfor
maister
T.
M.
by
●
.
sownd
propositions
;
condemneth
,
both
the
practise
of
the
Hollanders
,
Bohemians
,
Sweuelanders
,
Parraeus
,
&c.
and
that
iudiciously
.
1.
in
his
6.
reason
.
they
who
suggest
a
doctrine
,
of
forcible
deposing
Princes
,
ar
manifestly
rebellious
.
2.
in
cap.
4.
they
that
vpon
anie
pretenc
,
denie
the
right
of
election
or
succession
of
Princes
,
ar
seditious
(
for
tho
he
saith
is
of
protestant
princes
,
I
taik
it
he
meaneth
a●l
,
and
generallie
,
or
els
h●s
gap
it
to
wyde
and
partiall
.
)
3.
when
the
king
is
established
in
his
throne
,
who
seduceth
the
harts
of
subiects
,
and
withdrawes
ther
obedienc
,
ar
traytors
.
applie
these
well
,
and
commend
maister
T.
M.
for
his
playne
dealing
with
Holland
,
and
ther
fellowes
.
But
I
perceaue
they
will
obiect
that
the
state
of
England
,
euer
since
.
13.
Eliz.
vpon
iealousie
and
distrust
had
of
Catholicks
:
armed
ther
magistrates
with
seuear
lawes
,
against
them
(
as
the
most
capitall
enemies
of
the
crown
:
)
and
therfor
haue
branded
the
Preasts
,
with
the
bleamish
of
treason
,
(
as
a
character
inseparable
,
and
a
stayn
never
to
be
taken
owt
.
)
From
whenc
proceadeth
it
,
that
to
be
a
preast
,
should
be
reputed
as
a
poyson
to
corrupt
obedienc
?
surelie
vpon
certan
new
lawes
,
mayd
in
the
tyme
of
Q.
Elizabeth
:
whearby
that
is
made
malum
prohibitum
,
which
before
was
neuer
iudged
in
England
,
to
be
malum
in
s●
:
and
that
vocation
was
mayd
Treason
;
which
was
wont
to
sit
in
the
chayre
of
gouernement
,
and
by
whose
oracles
and
decrees
,
the
people
was
directed
,
bothe
in
Chancerie
,
Rolls
,
and
all
Ecclesiasticall
courts
.
I
haue
before
reuealed
ther
reasons
:
and
puld
of
all
visards
,
which
hyde
the
face
of
truth
.
After
the
supremacie
was
enacted
,
and
the
Oath
commanded
:
the
next
care
was
;
to
compell
men
to
the
exercise
of
the
religion
then
established
.
but
the
seminaries
being
erected
,
the
societie
of
Iesus
encreasing
,
and
preasts
being
often
sent
ouer
into
England
;
then
begonn
fyre
and
sword
to
rage
:
the
acts
of
13.
of
25.
of
27.
the
proclamations
of
1580.
and
1591.
wear
published
against
the
preasts
and
fathers
.
and
no
man
is
so
blynd
,
but
may
discern
,
the
occasion
of
this
rigour
,
was
for
religion
(
being
for
hearing
mass
,
and
confessions
,
which
ar
the
foundation
and
pillers
of
religion
:
and
yet
I
confess
the
iealousies
,
fears
,
and
suspicious
of
the
tyme
set
for
ward
these
seuear
courses
.
for
thes
prouident
Counsellors
,
ded
think
it
necessarie
by
the
horror
of
lawes
,
to
maik
the
seminaries
of
no
vse
by
barring
owt
of
the
realme
the
Seadsmen
.
for
tho
they
ded
obserue
how
far
the
zeal
of
the
Church
,
had
transported
the
preasts
,
that
they
preferred
the
Triumph
of
Truth
before
ther
liues
:
yet
by
all
wordlie
coniectures
they
probablie
conceaued
,
that
the
name
of
Treason
(
as
a
Medusaes
head
)
would
haue
amazed
and
terrified
them
:
1.
bycause
it
stayned
them
all
with
a
most
reproachfull
blott
:
2.
and
speciallie
,
bycause
they
tought
it
depriued
and
robbed
them
of
the
crown
and
glorie
of
martyrdome
,
the
trophees
of
religion
.
3.
besides
they
supposed
,
that
the
loss
of
ther
liues
(
in
so
infamous
manner
)
the
bleamish
and
hazard
of
ther
frends
,
and
the
punishment
of
ther
partakers
and
abettors
,
would
haue
vtterlie
discooraged
them
,
from
resorting
anie
more
to
England
.
But
this
deuise
ded
not
prosper
,
it
prooued
quite
contrarie
;
ex
cineribus
Phoenix
,
religion
encreased
by
persecution
owt
of
the
ashes
of
martyrs
:
so
these
politick
lawes
wrought
not
the
effect
,
they
wear
enacted
for
,
and
yet
wear
verrie
offensiue
to
all
forrein
princes
,
as
leges
Draconis
,
and
phalarismus
,
(
for
these
ar
euer
held
to
be
most
godlie
lawes
,
that
ar
least
sanguinarie
,
and
yet
mantain
.
Now
forasmuch
,
as
vpon
worldlie
respects
,
1.
It
was
euer
held
against
the
wisedome
and
pollicie
of
this
realme
,
to
fetter
them selfs
with
too
manie
shacles
of
treason
and
dainger
.
and
therfor
as
25.
Edw.
3.
at
the
petitions
of
the
subiects
,
the
king
ded
declare
and
determin
,
what
should
be
taken
and
iudged
for
a
case
of
treason
,
by
the
common
lawes
of
the
realme
.
so
1.
Henry
the
4.
c.
10.
it
was
confirmed
and
established
,
that
nothing
hearafter
should
be
deamed
treason
,
otherwise
then
was
expressed
by
E.
3.
And
albeyt
diuers
actions
wear
strayned
,
vp
to
be
treason
for
a
tyme
(
which
wear
not
within
the
list
of
25.
E.
3.
)
as
H.
6.
the
taking
and
surprising
of
persons
and
goods
in
Wales
,
(
so
to
stand
for
the
space
of
7.
yeares
onelie
.
)
and
8.
H.
6.
burning
of
howses
:
and
22.
H.
8.
poysoning
,
&c.
which
of
ther
own
nature
,
and
simplie
wear
not
treason
,
(
and
therfor
had
a
limitation
of
tyme
annexed
to
them
.
yet
prudently
all
such
former
acts
wear
repealed
and
mayd
voyd
1.
E.
6.
for
a
more
indifferent
and
merciefull
proceading
with
subiects
;
that
the
remedie
might
not
be
more
daingerous
then
the
disease
;
and
that
the
Lillies
and
roses
of
the
crown
,
might
not
be
dyed
with
innocent
blood
.
For
both
in
the
tyme
of
Ciuil
warrs
,
and
now
(
while
this
great
controuersie
of
religion
dependeth
in
England
vndecided
)
such
statutes
open
the
gate
,
to
let
in
ruine
,
desolation
,
and
confiscation
bothe
into
the
prisons
of
preasts
,
and
into
the
castles
of
the
nobilitie
and
gentrie
:
as
appeared
by
the
exampls
,
and
daingers
of
Arondel
,
Northumberland
,
Arden
,
Sommerfeld
,
and
diuers
others
:
ane
what
ded
happen
to
them
,
maye
endainger
all
.
2.
It
will
be
a
thing
incredible
to
posteritie
,
that
so
wise
a
nation
would
maik
that
to
be
treason
,
by
parliement
:
which
so
generallie
,
so
perpetuallie
,
ane
so
ancientlie
haith
bean
honoured
end
approoued
,
by
all
lawes
.
was
not
preasthood
vsed
and
exercised
by
the
patriachs
,
vnder
the
law
of
nature
?
established
by
Moyses
,
and
the
law
of
God
?
continued
yet
in
Christ
,
and
his
Churches
,
and
never
repealed
by
anie
new
decree
,
vnder
grace
and
the
gospel
?
and
yf
which
is
impossible
,
)
the
Church
erreth
in
that
poynt
of
preasthood
,
all
ages
,
all
fathers
:
all
counsels
,
all
nations
,
haue
liued
(
as
blindmen
)
in
darknes
and
a
chaos
,
till
Luther
dispersed
the
mist
:
is
it
not
likelie
?
Religion
and
preasthood
,
wear
like
Hippocrates
twins
,
born
and
bred
,
laughing
and
weaping
beginning
and
ending
together
.
for
in
Moyses
law
,
the
preast
,
wear
the
inquisitors
,
inspectores
omnium
,
iudices
controuersiarum
,
punitores
damnatorum
:
as
Iosephus
l.
2.
contra
Appion
,
sets
Down
.
yf
anie
difficultie
arise
,
venies
ad
Socerdotes
,
17.
Deuter
.
and
in
c.
44.
Ezech.
Sacerdotes
populum
meum
docebunt
,
quid
intersit
inter
Sanctum
&
prophanum
,
and
so
Philo.
l.
3.
de
vita
Moysis
,
Iosaphat
2.
paral
.
and
the
Sanhedrim
it self
doth
witnes
it
.
the
reason
of
these
remaineth
yet
in
the
tyme
of
the
gospel
,
and
ther
for
by
the
lawes
of
England
,
such
reuerenc
was
euer
showed
to
religious
men
:
that
yf
a
bond
man
ded
enter
into
a
cloyster
,
the
law
held
it
more
reasonable
,
that
the
king
should
loose
his
interest
in
the
bodie
,
then
to
be
taken
owt
of
his
order
.
the
like
was
iudged
:
yf
the
kings
wards
should
enter
into
religion
:
besides
an
alien
can
hold
no
lands
in
E.
yet
yf
he
be
a
preast
he
may
be
a
bushop
hear
,
and
enioy
his
temporalties
,
as
Lanfranc
,
and
Anselm
wear
(
who
wear
never
dennisons
.
)
Besides
the
state
reposed
so
great
trust
in
them
,
that
they
wear
,
maisters
of
the
Rolls
,
Six
Clarks
,
nay
oft
,
Chancellors
and
Threasorers
of
the
realm
.
And
therfor
it
was
a
course
of
Summum
ius
,
by
new
lawes
,
to
punish
men
for
an
ancient
vocation
,
and
so
generallie
receaued
(
speciallie
when
the
storme
is
overblowen
.
)
3.
Besides
,
in
Germanie
,
Charles
V.
punished
Luther
by
Exile
:
and
in
Scotland
by
Baratre
,
banishment
they
punish
haeresie
.
so
they
ded
wiselie
distinguish
Haeresie
and
Treason
,
as
seuerall
offences
,
by
seuerall
punishments
.
4.
Add
also
,
that
yf
yow
preiudice
it
so
farr
,
to
be
a
preast
or
religious
man
,
as
to
think
it
opposite
to
religion
:
then
both
ther
fault
and
ther
punishment
had
bean
more
properlie
marshalled
in
the
rank
of
Heresies
,
then
of
treasons
.
So
ded
Caluin
deal
with
Seruetus
at
Geneua
:
so
ded
the
Bushop
of
London
latelie
with
Leggat
the
Arrian
.
for
Haeresie
,
is
most
properlie
to
be
iudged
by
the
Church
,
as
appeareth
in
the
preface
of
the
statut
,
24.
H.
8.
C.
11.
that
by
the
lawes
and
customes
of
this
realme
,
and
by
the
goodnes
of
the
Princes
,
the
knowledg
of
Testaments
,
matrimonie
&c.
of
ould
appartained
to
the
spiritual
iurisdiction
.
and
all
Canons
for
heresie
wear
mayd
and
iudged
by
the
Cleargie
,
as
by
25.
H.
8.
C.
19.
and
by
Linwoods
constitutions
appeared
;
and
by
the
act
32.
H.
8.
whearby
preasts
wear
mayd
iudges
to
enquire
of
the
6.
articles
.
and
the
two
iurisdiction
be
distinct
as
D.
Ridlie
prooueth
;
and
no
prohibition
can
lie
in
the
courts
at
westminster
for
matters
of
heresie
.
Therfor
these
great
and
politick
men
,
to
avoyd
infinite
disputs
for
religion
;
and
to
insinuate
to
the
Q.
there
rare
,
prouidenc
,
and
preseruation
of
her
,
and
the
preuenting
of
manie
daingers
,
(
to
vphold
ther
credit
dailie
with
her
,
and
show
how
much
she
neaded
them
)
they
ded
think
it
best
,
to
accuse
them
for
treason
.
And
yet
ther
was
an
other
cawse
also
,
for
ther
was
no
Canon
in
esse
,
to
maik
them
haeretikes
.
For
yf
yow
wil
maik
papists
,
to
be
a
sect
:
it
is
so
old
a
sect
,
as
it
will
trowble
the
best
Doctor
,
to
fynd
directly
anie
other
beginning
,
them
from
S.
Peter
:
(
of
whose
sect
and
fowld
all
the
fathers
desired
to
be
.
)
5.
Lastlie
and
principallie
,
seing
that
as
Sayles
so
Lawes
,
ar
to
be
turned
;
and
as
occasion
tyme
,
circumstanc
,
and
reason
of
state
shall
direct
,
either
to
be
altered
,
or
reuoked
.
and
seing
also
,
as
the
case
,
so
the
caws
of
Quene
Elizabeth
,
and
his
maiestie
ar
farr
different
(
for
the
king
haith
no
Competitor
;
no
reason
for
such
iealousies
and
fears
as
Q.
Eliz.
was
subiect
to
:
he
holdeth
amitie
and
good
correspondenc
,
with
these
forren
princes
the
Q.
dowbted
;
the
roses
grow
not
vp
now
emong
thornes
,
as
heartofore
.
)
and
Therfor
his
Maiestie
may
be
pleased
,
to
grant
that
owt
of
grace
to
his
subiects
,
which
other
Princes
haue
permitted
to
ther
subiects
,
for
occasions
of
state
.
and
to
stopp
and
stay
a
litl
the
passionate
humors
of
those
that
ar
aduersaries
to
that
grace
:
I
humhlie
offer
these
few
considerations
,
to
qualifie
and
cool
the
heat
of
vndiscreat
zeal
,
and
a
supposition
of
incompatibilitie
.
For
I
dowbte
noting
on
his
maiesties
behalf
,
who
haith
bean
euer
constantly
disposed
to
mercie
,
(
if
ther
had
bean
no
crooked
instruments
to
hinder
it
.
)
he
who
at
first
,
tould
vs
,
My
m●nd
was
euer
free
from
persecution
,
or
thralling
my
subiects
,
in
matters
of
conscienc
.
he
,
who
in
writing
told
the
world
,
Fate
or
me
non
libenter
suspendere
Presbyterum
,
pro
sola
religione
,
aut
celebratione
Missae
.
he
,
who
iudged
that
it
can
no
way
becom
a
man
,
to
pronounc
lightlie
,
sentenc
in
so
ould
controuersie
:
what
preast
or
religious
man
could
appeal
to
a
better
iudg
?
or
expect
a
iudgment
of
more
compassion
.
he
that
sent
to
Franc
to
mediate
for
the
peace
of
straingers
:
who
can
dowbte
,
but
he
will
as
gracioustie
deal
with
his
own
:
for
charitie
beginus
with
it self
,
and
tho
they
differ
in
religion
,
they
agree
in
obedienc
:
ther
bodies
ar
at
the
kings
command
,
and
sowles
he
wil
lean
to
God
:
put
them
to
be
tryed
on
all
actions
,
and
seruices
,
he
will
fynd
cawse
to
trust
them
.
who
would
not
them
burie
a
quaestion
or
2.
in
silenc
,
to
saue
the
liues
of
subiects
,
and
to
be
assured
of
loyaltie
?
for
the
greatest
offenc
is
verbal
,
but
the
hart
is
reallie
loyal
.
If
the
rules
of
ciuil
societie
,
and
moral
conversation
,
may
beare
anie
swaye
:
then
I
dowbt
not
,
but
mercie
,
and
grace
will
ever
sit
in
the
highest
place
of
the
throne
,
and
becom
it
best
.
1.
For
is
maiestie
owt
of
his
wisedome
non
coercet
,
sed
prouocat
violentia
.
and
too
heanie
a
hand
vpon
those
,
that
the
law
casteth
down
:
showet
a
will
rather
to
oppresse
the
offendor
,
then
cure
the
offence
.
It
is
the
greatest
honor
to
a
king
that
his
mercie
is
more
then
his
iustice
;
and
that
his
benches
and
courts
can
witnes
compassion
.
for
he
that
setts
open
the
prison
doors
,
(
in
so
wise
,
and
gracious
manner
:
)
meaneth
not
to
conquer
the
harts
and
consciences
of
his
subiects
by
torments
,
but
winn
them
,
by
mercie
and
vertue
.
2.
If
yow
respect
the
ancient
Aphorisms
of
state
:
It
haith
bean
ever
in
such
cases
the
wisedom
of
the
greatest
princes
,
punire
raro
.
It
was
ascribed
,
as
a
title
of
honor
,
to
Aug.
Caesar
,
nunquam
ciuilem
sanguinem
fudisse
.
And
great
reason
,
for
clemencie
is
a
vertue
royal
,
sometymes
of
as
great
pollicie
as
pietie
:
bycause
yt
begets
loue
,
and
loue
breads
loyaltie
:
commands
the
verrie
sowl
,
and
layetha
the
bodie
at
his
feat
.
A
kings
mercie
kindleth
fyre
and
zeal
in
the
harts
of
subiects
;
pittie
and
toleration
,
as
they
maik
the
obligation
of
the
offendors
greater
;
so
it
maiks
them
repent
to
haue
offended
hym
,
who
haith
so
obliged
them
.
the
reason
is
infallible
in
all
noble
spirits
,
fidelem
si
putaueris
,
facies
:
who
eueraccoumpt
,
that
the
greatest
disgrace
,
is
to
be
distrusted
.
3.
It
haith
bean
a
common
rule
,
and
seldome
fayles
,
being
so
trew
,
malus
custos
diuturnitatis
metus
.
and
therfor
Tacitus
,
could
not
describe
the
tyrannie
of
Tiberius
,
but
he
must
declare
the
morks
,
and
properties
thereof
,
vbi
delatorum
authoritas
magna
,
lesoe
maiestatis
crimen
frequens
obijcitur
,
ac
boni
cuiusque
viri
inuadendi
,
vel
tollendi
pretextus
est
,
and
he
addeth
frequens
accusatio
,
&
in
quouis
crimine
adiuncta
,
de
laesa
maiestate
principis
.
Nothing
showeth
more
euidentlie
,
that
authoritie
inclineth
to
tirannte
;
then
the
multitud
of
promoters
,
continual
informations
,
and
the
name
of
treason
mayd
as
a
liuerie
to
put
vpon
all
offences
:
and
it
fitteth
well
both
the
case
of
preasts
,
and
of
ther
entertainors
.
Seneca
(
who
liued
vnder
a
Tyrant
)
fownd
by
experience
,
that
frequens
vindicta
paucorum
odium
reprimit
,
omnium
irritat
.
and
is
not
that
an
error
?
but
it
is
a
greater
error
to
punish
,
all
crimes
,
with
the
penaltie
of
treason
.
Vltima
supplicia
supplicijs
vltimis
ponat
;
vt
nemo
pereat
,
nisi
quem
perire
etiam
pereuntis
intersit
.
The
speach
of
Abnar
,
to
Ioab
.
2.
regum
.
c.
2.
may
not
be
forgotten
,
Num
vsque
ad
inter
necionem
huius
mucro
deseuiet
?
an
ignoras
quod
periculosa
est
desperatio
?
vsque
quo
non
dicis
populo
,
vt
omittat
,
persequi
fratres
suos
?
it
is
both
good
counsell
,
and
good
exampl
.
Germanicus
is
noted
to
haue
weapt
,
when
he
see
the
slanghter
of
the
soldiers
of
the
legions
,
that
mutined
;
non
medicinam
illud
,
sed
cladem
appellans
.
And
doe
yow
think
that
pittie
dyed
with
Germanicus
,
or
that
there
wear
not
manie
,
and
great
persons
,
mooued
with
the
butcherie
in
England
of
some
preasts
?
it
is
the
propertie
of
commiseration
,
to
be
touched
rather
with
the
calamitie
it
seeth
,
then
to
examin
the
cawse
,
it
seeth
not
.
4.
I
must
plead
this
,
as
an
argument
,
(
by
exampl
of
a
pagan
Prince
)
for
compassion
.
Marcus
Aurelius
,
(
tho
the
law
was
strict
at
Room
,
Deos
perigrinos
ne
colunto
:
)
yet
he
permitted
toleration
to
Christians
,
as
Tertullian
in
Apol.
c.
5.
Theodosius
and
Gratian
,
(
the
most
Christian
Emperors
)
wear
content
,
to
tolerate
the
Arrians
,
(
enemies
reallie
of
Christ
.
)
and
Iosephus
noteth
of
Onias
Megalita
,
the
same
permission
,
to
continew
brother
hood
for
the
peace
of
the
state
l.
14.
c.
13.
Antiq.
The
Venetians
suffer
the
Iewes
to
liue
emong
them
,
as
the
king
of
Spayn
ded
the
Moores
,
(
till
necessitie
forced
hym
to
expell
them
.
)
How
much
more
reasonable
is
it
to
tollerate
Catholick
religion
,
the
moother
of
the
new
religion
:
and
the
law
maker
and
iudg
heartofore
of
all
religions
.
5.
It
is
a
fals
proposition
,
and
proceaded
from
gall
and
Splean
,
that
Catholicks
ar
vnsociable
:
that
they
can
not
liue
with
protestants
in
one
common
welth
;
withowt
iarrs
and
tumults
:
and
lasthe
(
which
is
giuen
owt
,
onelie
to
bread
an
exulceration
in
the
harts
of
the
people
)
it
is
not
tolerable
in
a
Christian
and
wel
gouerned
common
welth
,
to
grant
toleration
to
papists
.
Touching
the
first
poynt
,
the
better
and
more
charitable
sort
of
protestants
,
will
not
endure
to
hear
so
gross
a
paradox
,
which
day
lie
is
before
ther
eyes
prooued
false
.
for
the
Recusants
in
E.
liue
emong
yow
,
both
peaceablie
and
neighborlie
,
and
withowt
scandall
.
yow
buy
and
sell
with
them
:
they
performe
all
the
offices
of
neighborhood
,
they
denie
no
temporall
dewties
,
neither
tithes
to
ministers
(
tho
for
sacraments
.
)
nor
dewtie
to
magistrates
,
nor
societie
euen
with
puritans
.
and
it
is
a
fals
Surmise
,
that
Catholicks
hold
Protestants
,
as
haeretiques
and
excommunicate
(
a
skarcrowe
,
to
keap
them
a
sonder
,
and
noorish
diuision
,
as
yf
ther
wear
a
natural
antipathia
betwean
them
)
But
these
Doctors
,
(
who
playe
therin
the
Boutefeus
,
)
remember
not
,
that
the
Catholicks
,
deseru
more
respect
,
and
fauor
,
by
the
law
of
Senioritie
(
as
the
right
heyrs
of
the
Church
,
disinherited
of
ther
patrimonie
.
)
The
old
Church
ded
leaue
them
ther
priuiledges
,
and
honor
:
she
erected
ther
Cathedral
Churches
for
our
preasts
,
she
endowed
ther
colledges
for
our
professors
,
she
builded
ther
alters
for
our
sacrifices
.
Most
of
ther
ancients
haue
ther
baptism
from
her
the
Bibles
,
Cread
,
and
ceremonies
:
and
surelie
it
requireth
some
better
respect
,
for
yf
they
had
not
left
them
,
yow
could
not
haue
fownd
them
,
and
they
hope
,
they
shall
not
fynd
charitie
buried
in
England
:
the
contention
is
not
general
,
and
personal
,
but
for
opinions
:
so
yf
yow
force
them
not
to
be
insociabl
by
scandals
and
prouocations
,
yow
can
not
fynd
them
vnsociable
;
tho
they
meat
not
at
Church
,
they
may
meat
at
market
.
Hitherto
they
haue
liued
emong
yow
,
and
withowt
iust
complaint
,
and
should
they
be
worse
respected
,
yf
the
king
be
pleased
to
show
them
mercie
?
remember
,
that
chacun
à
son
tour
;
forget
not
,
that
sinc
k.
H.
8.
religion
haith
had
his
chainges
;
and
what
God
pleaseth
to
determin
,
man
must
obey
:
they
that
ar
now
in
Gloria
Patri
,
may
be
hearafter
Sicut
erat
in
principio
.
The
Pure
Caluinists
will
not
endure
Bushops
,
therfor
further
not
oppression
,
least
yow
fynd
suppression
when
yow
look
not
for
it
.
Continew
amitie
;
and
forget
not
,
that
the
bonds
of
religious
vnitie
ar
so
to
be
strenthned
,
as
the
bonds
of
humain
societie
be
not
dissolued
.
I
dowbt
to
mutiners
,
yf
the
king
please
:
for
reason
of
state
is
a
kings
priuiledg
,
which
may
dispenc
with
ciuil
ordinarie
courses
,
for
his
own
safetie
,
and
preseruation
of
the
realm
.
and
he
deserues
not
to
be
respected
as
a
subiect
,
that
will
seak
to
bynd
the
hands
of
his
Princ
,
and
bar
his
beneuolenc
.
6.
And
touching
the
last
poynt
,
that
religion
will
not
permittanie
such
toleration
.
I
know
and
acknowledg
,
ther
ar
manie
reuerend
,
learned
,
and
good
men
(
protestants
in
E.
)
who
ar
verrie
charitable
,
nor
enemies
to
ther
persons
,
tho
to
ther
profession
:
with
whome
frendlie
and
safelie
they
may
conuerse
,
withowt
offenc
:
for
how
can
ther
be
offenc
,
where
ther
is
discreation
?
But
heartofore
most
,
of
the
ancient
protestants
ded
defend
,
and
desyre
this
toleration
(
whearat
now
mallice
doth
so
snarle
.
Vrbanus
Regius
,
locis
Theol.
Deus
non
docet
comburere
errantes
ouiculas
,
sed
sanare
infirmas
,
pascere
macilentas
.
The
same
is
Luthers
opinion
and
assertion
art.
33.
de
non
comburendis
haereticis
.
The
same
Musculus
teaceth
loc.
com
.
de
haeres
.
and
Osiander
,
Epitom
.
Centur.
7.
the
same
Acontius
mantaineth
lib.
Stratagem
.
Satanae
.
Dominus
,
non
permittit
haereticorum
supplicia
,
(
&
definite
declarauit
magistratus
non
esse
idoneos
iudices
dogmatum
,
&
interdixit
illis
talis
iurisdiction
is
vsum
.
)
And
to
omitt
Castalio
,
Chytraeus
in
his
Chron.
Anno
1593.
showeth
how
much
the
Protestants
of
Swecia
desyred
toleration
.
And
D.
Fulk
l.
de
successione
Ecclesiae
.
reprooues
the
king
of
Spayn
for
too
much
austeritie
and
seueritie
in
that
poynt
.
Hispaniarum
Rex
vnicus
est
,
tam
alienus
à
nobis
,
vt
nec
foueat
,
nec
palam
coire
Ecclesias
permittat
in
ditionibus
suis
.
Caluin
ded
once
hold
the
same
opinion
.
and
yow
your selfs
,
generallie
and
continuallie
obiect
,
the
Creweltie
of
Quene
Maries
bonefyres
:
and
yf
yow
so
dislike
it
then
,
why
doe
yow
like
it
now
?
but
it
is
now
against
the
law
:
and
was
it
not
so
then
,
prohibited
by
law
?
but
yet
we
clayme
nothing
by
law
,
but
appeal
to
grace
.
It
is
trew
,
that
rigour
to
Catholicks
,
is
the
way
to
bread
Atheists
,
when
they
ar
barred
from
all
exercise
of
ther
own
religion
they
ar
not
easilie
drawen
to
an
other
,
and
so
they
cast
away
all
religion
.
and
that
was
the
reason
,
why
(
these
wise
protestants
,
)
M.
Lanoue
,
in
his
discourses
,
perswaded
princes
to
grant
toleration
:
why
Cassander
,
Sturmius
,
held
that
opinion
:
why
Belloy
,
in
his
Apol.
and
Melancthon
consented
to
the
like
:
why
at
first
,
the
Geuses
in
the
low
contries
ded
so
vrgentlie
sollicit
the
Religions
Vried
,
and
by
so
manie
books
:
and
why
Erasmus
,
libro
de
sarcienda
amabili
concordia
Eccl●siae
,
donec
Synodus
,
laboured
to
prooue
the
necessitie
of
it
.
7.
I
will
geue
yow
examples
;
for
matters
of
fact
,
mooue
more
,
and
ar
subiect
to
less
dispute
.
At
Hieusalem
,
in
the
tyme
of
our
Sauior
Christ
,
ther
wear
two
sects
much
differing
in
religion
,
and
yet
ded
liue
sociablie
together
,
and
withowt
offenc
either
to
the
Church
or
the
state
.
The
Pharisei
,
and
Sadducei
.
and
they
wear
not
men
,
of
one
religion
,
and
differing
onelie
in
rites
,
and
orders
:
but
they
wear
of
opposite
religions
.
No
man
will
dowbt
,
but
that
the
Sadduces
wear
haereticks
,
for
they
denied
the
resurrection
,
and
the
immortalitie
of
the
sowle
(
an
articl
of
our
beleafe
,
and
the
foundation
,
both
of
faith
and
hope
.
)
that
ther
was
opposition
betwean
them
and
the
Pharisees
,
it
is
euident
,
by
cap.
5.
Acts
,
exsurgens
Pontifex
&
omnes
sadducei
qui
cum
eo
errant
,
&c.
and
c.
23.
Sciens
Paulus
,
quod
vna
pars
esset
sadduceorum
,
altera
phariseorum
,
exclamauit
,
&c.
yow
may
then
conclude
,
they
wear
opposites
,
and
ded
contradict
one
an
other
.
The
Sadduces
mantained
the
templ
of
Garisim
,
and
agreed
with
the
Samaritans
,
and
sacrifised
there
(
contrarie
to
the
law
,
and
to
the
preiudice
of
the
templ
at
Hierusalem
.
)
The
people
fellowed
the
Pharises
,
the
scribes
and
Elders
applauded
the
Sadducees
:
and
both
wear
heresies
(
as
Sigonius
de
repub
.
Hebrea
p
,
538.
and
Epiphanius
l.
5.
c.
11.
doe
testifie
:
)
and
all
the
cittie
was
deuided
into
these
two
sects
,
in
the
tyme
of
Herodes
Antipas
,
(
as
Iosephus
saith
,
lib.
18.
antiquit.
)
and
yet
ded
they
liue
,
quietlie
withowt
discord
,
riots
,
or
tumults
.
8.
To
come
home
to
these
tymes
:
in
Swizzerland
,
(
tho
Swinglius
was
violent
,
owtragious
,
seditious
,
and
by
armes
sought
to
compell
,
the
fiue
pages
to
the
religion
of
Barn
and
Zurich
;
)
yet
by
agreement
,
all
is
pacified
;
they
hould
ther
priuate
Churches
in
ther
particular
townes
,
and
yet
mantain
the
liberties
,
the
Common-welth
of
the
Cantons
,
all
contributions
,
confaederations
,
traffick
and
societie
.
To
pass
ouer
Swecia
:
that
famous
kingdom
of
Poland
,
and
the
Empyre
of
Mosko
,
haue
thought
it
neadfull
,
to
suffer
the
Religions
Vried
,
in
ther
dominions
:
both
to
taik
away
all
domestical
quarrels
,
and
by
a
general
vnitie
(
as
a
brasen
wall
)
to
fortifie
them selfs
against
the
Turk
.
and
shall
England
degenerate
so
farr
from
ther
ancient
glorie
and
vertue
,
as
to
show
more
barbarism
then
Mosko
or
more
vnnaturalnes
then
Poland
?
(
who
reserue
the
blood
of
ther
neighborts
to
be
shed
with
honor
in
the
feald
against
the
common
enemie
,
rather
then
by
tyrannie
to
weaken
the
bodie
.
)
Germanie
also
may
be
an
exampl
that
toleration
is
expedient
,
and
that
it
is
both
possible
and
faisibl
,
that
two
different
religious
may
liue
together
in
peace
.
call
to
mynd
,
how
quietlie
the
Catolicks
haue
suffred
and
conuersed
with
Lutherans
,
these
100.
yeares
,
and
withowt
anie
tumults
.
And
surelie
Charles
the
V.
and
Ferdinand
,
as
they
wear
great
and
wise
Princes
,
so
wear
they
prouident
and
merciefull
:
ther
grownd
was
the
same
,
the
kings
Maiestie
stands
vpon
,
Salus
populi
suprema
lex
esto
.
And
therfor
they
ordered
that
caueret
vtraque
pars
ne
in
suis
dominijs
,
quenquam
ad
suae
religionis
professionem
cogat
,
aut
reuocet
,
aut
depellat
,
contra
ipsius
consc●entiam
,
à
religione
quam
profitetur
.
So
saith
Dresserus
;
and
afterward
,
confidentlie
(
against
those
,
that
ar
so
preciselie
scrupulous
)
nec
hic
metuo
eorum
reprehensionem
,
qui
putant
,
non
nisi
vnam
religionem
tolerandam
.
For
conscienc
can
not
be
compelled
,
it
may
be
perswaded
.
9.
How
oft
and
how
merciefullie
ded
the
french
kings
,
grant
ther
edicts
of
pacification
.
And
to
what
conditions
,
wear
they
content
to
discend
,
onelie
to
preserue
lyfe
,
and
avoyd
bloodshed
of
ther
people
.
Look
vpon
the
ould
articles
of
peace
,
granted
for
the
libertie
of
conscienc
,
set
down
by
Laual
.
l.
3.
fol.
141.
and
by
Pig
.
l.
6.
c.
7.
Poplonnier
l.
18.
a
general
freedom
,
to
preach
in
all
parts
of
Franc
:
to
reuoke
the
condemnation
of
the
admiral
:
to
licens
them
,
to
hold
ther
forts
,
as
pledges
for
ther
assuranc
:
and
that
the
king
should
pay
the
Germans
,
ther
wages
,
who
cam
to
ayd
the
protestants
,
&c.
The
present
king
Lewes
,
in
Oct.
last
.
1622.
was
content
to
let
Maiestie
discend
,
to
article
with
his
subiects
;
onelie
for
pax
publica
,
and
bonum
publicum
.
He
granted
,
1.
that
the
edict
of
Nantes
should
continew
,
as
yt
ded
in
his
fathers
tyme
2.
that
the
exercise
of
Catholick
religion
,
should
be
reestablished
in
all
places
,
whear
it
had
bean
interrupted
:
and
the
like
was
agreed
for
these
of
the
reformed
religion
,
(
except
onelie
Nerac
.
)
3.
the
Caluinists
to
be
discharged
of
all
iudgments
against
them
for
matters
of
religion
,
no
iudges
nor
the
kings
counsel
to
proceade
or
pursew
them
,
but
to
grant
them
an
vlterius
non
vult
prosequi
.
4.
all
prisoners
to
be
set
at
libertie
.
Rochel
and
Montauban
to
stand
as
townes
of
suretie
:
with
manie
other
articles
;
wheareof
the
Catholicks
of
England
,
would
be
glad
,
yf
they
ded
but
participat
a
share
of
such
grace
.
to
ther
is
some
differene
:
for
in
E.
they
pray
for
it
,
in
France
they
wrested
it
:
princes
intercede
for
vs
,
arms
for
them
.
10.
Now
to
conclude
all
,
seing
the
Turk
permitteth
Christians
to
liue
freelie
in
his
dominions
;
seing
the
President
and
exampl
of
the
greatest
Princes
,
in
Europe
,
doth
set
yt
forward
:
the
Preasts
and
recusants
hope
they
shall
not
fare
worse
,
bycause
of
ther
patienc
and
obedienc
,
(
which
deserueth
more
.
)
Ther
ambition
is
to
be
accoumpted
good
subiects
to
the
king
,
and
seruants
to
God
:
all
ther
platts
and
warrs
ar
against
sinn
,
and
the
world
:
and
ther
onely
suite
is
hanc
animam
concede
mihi
,
●ua
caetera
sunto
.
And
to
whome
shall
his
maiestie
doe
this
grace
?
to
men
that
grone
vnder
the
cross
of
Christ
:
to
men
that
euer
prayed
,
as
by
his
great
grandfather
he
was
right
heyre
to
the
roses
vnited
,
so
he
might
liue
to
inherite
the
kingdomes
vnited
.
to
which
title
no
man
better
knoweth
then
hym self
,
who
haue
bean
the
greatest
hinderers
,
and
who
the
most
assured
frends
(
not
onelie
in
his
vertuous
moothers
tyme
)
but
euer
sinc.
He
knoweth
who
employed
Beal
in
forrein
vniuersities
,
to
aduanc
the
howse
of
Sussolk
:
how
Hales
ded
sweat
by
law
and
litl
art
to
set
forward
that
title
:
what
a
volum
S.
N.
B.
ded
write
to
maik
a
royal
nest
for
the
Phaenix
:
he
knoweth
likewise
,
who
wear
the
trew
Champions
of
his
clayme
,
Sr
A.
Brown
,
the
wise
and
nobl
author
of
the
book
against
the
E.
of
Leicester
:
and
that
Aiax
(
whome
no
man
euer
durst
encounter
therin
)
maister
Ploydon
.
all
Catholicks
,
all
welwillers
.
Who
now
hope
,
that
ther
ancient
,
and
tryed
fidelitie
shall
so
mooue
the
king
,
that
he
will
refresh
and
eas
them
(
as
he
may
with
his
breath
;
)
that
they
may
fynd
the
warmenes
and
comfort
of
the
sonn
shyne
at
last
,
in
England
:
and
that
he
will
grant
ther
humbl
supplication
,
subscribed
with
the
seruices
of
so
manie
worthie
man
,
presented
by
men
of
Pietie
,
religion
and
obedienc
:
and
signed
with
the
blood
of
his
royal
moother
.
So
as
he
cam
to
the
crown
with
peace
and
applause
:
he
shall
end
the
catastrophe
of
his
dayes
,
with
the
general
plaudite
of
the
whole
world
.
and
this
wil
follow
(
as
the
fruit
end
effect
:
)
peace
within
,
and
honor
withowt
:
loue
at
home
,
respect
abroad
:
and
so
maik
a
concord
of
discords
,
an
vnion
of
diuisions
,
and
a
religious
contention
an
both
sydes
;
for
deuotion
and
good
lyfe
,
for
peacable
conuersation
,
obedience
to
magistrates
,
excellencie
of
learning
:
who
shall
doe
most
good
in
the
state
,
and
deserue
the
prize
.
And
such
an
Vtropia
,
onelie
can
he
make
England
;
who
shall
deserue
the
Oliue
brainches
for
mercie
and
peace
,
and
the
laurel
for
wisedome
,
gouernment
,
and
constancie
(
the
crowne
of
all
.
)
FINIS
.