A
CHRONOLOGIE
OF
THE
PERSIAN
MONARCHIE
.
CHAP.
I.
CYRVS
tooke
Babylon
about
the
20th
yeare
of
his
reign
,
●un●cius
in
Chronol.
comm
.
lib.
2.
and
was
after
Emperour
of
that
Monarchy
|
Years
.
9
|
Moneths
.
|
2
Cambyses
his
sonne
,
called
,
Dan.
10.13
.
Prince
of
the
Kingdome
of
Persia
,
because
he
did
rule
at
home
,
as
Prorex
,
during
his
fathers
warlike
expeditions
abroad
.
Whiles
his
father
liued
,
he
hindred
the
worke
of
the
Temple
.
But
that
he
reigned
with
his
father
2
yeares
at
least
,
and
that
those
two
yeares
should
bepart
of
those
seuen
which
Herodotus
gives
him
,
cannot
be
proued
.
They
may
rather
be
part
of
those
nine
yeares
,
that
Sulpicius
Severus
,
or
of
those
more
that
Ctefias
and
Alexandrinus
ascribe
vnto
him
.
Hee
slew
his
Brother
,
and
not
long
after
dyed
of
a
wound
hee
gave
himselfe
by
chance
,
having
reigned
after
the
death
of
his
Father
|
Yeares
.
7
|
Moneths
.
5
|
3
Darius
Hystaspis
(
Cambyses
dying
without
issue
)
was
chosen
Emperour
by
the
7
Princes
of
Persia.
He
reigned
ouer
the
Monarchie
|
36
|
|
|
4
Xerxes
the
sonne
of
Darius
by
Atossa
the
daughter
of
Cyrus
,
succeeded
his
Father
in
the
Empire
.
Hee
had
an
elder
Brother
Artobarzanes
,
or
Artemenes
,
who
gave
way
to
Xerxes
his
younger
brother
.
This
X●rxes
was
Assuerus
the
mighty
Emperour
,
who
married
Ester
the
Iew.
He
reigned
after
the
decease
of
his
Father
,
and
two
yeares
together
with
his
Father
,
after
the
maner
of
the
Persians
,
as
Viceroy
|
20
|
and
aboue
somewhat
.
|
5
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
,
Nehemiah
his
Lord
and
Master
,
the
sonne
of
Xerxes
by
Queene
Ester
,
being
much
what
about
14
yeares
of
age
,
Clemens
Alexandrinus
joyne
them
with
Artaxerxes
yeares
,
and
so
giue
him
[
41.
]
|
41
|
|
6
Darius
Nothus
,
so
called
,
because
he
was
Artaxerxes
his
Bastard
,
succeeded
his
Father
.
Artaxerxes
had
a
young
sonne
called
Xerxes
,
who
,
some
fortnight
after
his
Fathers
death
was
slaine
,
and
deprived
of
his
life
and
right
by
Zogdianus
,
or
Secundanus
his
bastard
Brother
,
who
tooke
the
Crowne
,
but
held
it
not
aboue
7
Moneths
.
For
being
slaine
also
,
this
Darius
called
before
Ochus
,
a
bastard
also
,
tooke
the
Empire
,
and
was
called
Darius
,
and
held
it
(
some
give
Artaxerxes
his
Father
41
yeares
,
some
46
yeares
:
but
the
most
and
best
agree
vpon
40
yeares
.
)
This
Darius
Nothus
his
bastard
sonne
had
the
honour
to
have
the
holy
Citie
builded
and
finished
in
his
dayes
.
He
reigned
in
all
|
Yeares
.
19
|
Moneths
.
6
|
7
Artaxerxes
Mnemon
.
In
his
dayes
flourished
the
Prophet
Malachie
.
Cyrus
his
brother
,
called
Cyrus
the
younger
,
tooke
armes
against
him
with
the
losse
of
his
owne
life
.
Whose
expedition
is
described
by
that
famous
Xenophon
.
This
Artaxerxes
reigned
|
43
|
|
8
Ochus
,
called
Darius
Artaxerxes
Ochus
.
He
reigned
|
23
|
|
9
Arses
the
sonne
of
Ochus
was
slaine
by
Bagoas
an
Eunuch
,
Diodor.
Sicu●
.
lib.
17.
who
killed
first
Ochus
his
Father
.
Arses
reigned
|
3
|
|
Broughton
leaues
out
the
20
yeares
of
Ochus
,
and
makes
Ochus
and
Arses
to
be
but
one
man
:
and
thrusting
out
Arses
,
gives
vnto
Ochus
his
three
yeares
and
no
more
.
He
was
deceived
by
the
Florentine
Printer
of
Clemens
Alexandrinus
,
printing
for
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
or
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
for
20
,
|
Yeares
.
|
Moneths
.
|
10
Darius
Codomannes
his
sonne
succeeded
him
:
and
in
the
6
yeare
of
his
reigne
he
was
beaten
by
Alexander
Magnus
,
and
slaine
by
Bessus
Gouernour
of
Bactrya
,
one
of
Alexanders
Princes
and
Captaines
,
and
so
an
end
of
the
Persian
Monarchie
.
He
reigned
|
6
|
|
The
whole
time
of
the
Persian
Monarchy
was
a
matter
of
228
yeares
.
Cyrus
began
to
reigne
in
Persia
the
55
Olympiad
.
Darius
the
last
was
subdued
by
Alexander
the
112
Olympiad
.
So
betwixt
Cyrus
and
Darius
there
fell
in
57
Olympiads
,
&
each
Olympiad
had
the
terme
of
4
yeares
:
so
we
finde
228
compleat
yeares
,
onely
adding
the
imperfect
yeares
of
the
112
Olympiad
:
in
which
Olympiad
Darius
was
slaine
.
Some
petty
differences
there
are
about
small
matters
in
judicious
[
2
](A09268-e2080-b)
2
chiefely
about
some
pieces
of
yeares
.
Chronologers
,
(
chiefely
about
Cyrus
his
time
,
after
he
was
Emperour
:
for
some
giue
him
but
3
or
4
yeares
at
the
most
.
)
But
in
the
summe
of
the
matter
,
the
chiefest
agree
vpon
this
reckoning
,
and
giue
to
the
Persian
Monarchie
about
228
yeares
.
|
|
|
CHAP.
II.
An
Explanation
of
the
former
Kings
of
the
Persian
Monarchie
out
of
Daniel
.
Dan.
11.2
.
There
shall
stand
vp
yet
3.
Kings
in
P●rsia
:
and
the
4.
shall
be
far●e
richer
than
they
all
.
And
by
●is
strength
through
●is
rubes
,
he
shall
stirre
vp
all
against
the
Realme
of
G●aecia
.
SIth
the
former
voyce
shewes
this
was
in
the
f●rst
yeare
of
Darius
the
Mede
:
and
therefore
,
whereas
it
is
said
,
There
shall
stand
vp
[
yet
]
three
Kings
:
the
sense
is
,
That
from
,
or
after
Darius
the
Mede
there
shall
be
three
Kings
in
Per●ia
.
viz.
Cyrus
,
Cambyses
,
Darius
Hystaspis
;
and
then
the
fourth
is
plainly
Xerxes
,
as
appeares
by
that
of
his
gr●at
riches
,
and
his
huge
and
mighty
preparations
made
to
invade
Greece
.
Now
sith
't
is
as
cleere
as
day
,
that
the
fourth
was
Xerxes
,
the
other
3
can
be
no
other
than
Cyrus
,
Cambyses
and
Darius
Hystaspis
.
The
only
Objection
that
can
be
made
,
is
of
a
Magus
,
named
Smerdis
,
who
tooke
vpon
him
to
be
the
sonne
of
Cyrus
,
and
vsurped
the
Throne
after
Cambyses
,
Herod●t
.
in
Thaliâ
.
against
whom
he
conspired
.
But
the
answere
is
,
that
the
Holy
Ghost
doth
not
hold
him
worth
the
naming
,
and
hee
beares
no
place
in
the
holy
writ
amongst
the
Kings
of
Persia
:
whether
it
be
for
that
his
time
was
short
;
for
e●e
he
saw
7
moneth●
,
the
Nobles
conspired
against
him
,
and
suppressed
him
:
or
whether
he
being
a
conspirator
is
rather
to
be
called
a
Tyrant
than
a
King
.
't
is
out
of
question
the
Holy
Ghost
doth
passe
the
Magus
or
Sm●rdis
over
.
Some
doe
take
the
odde
moneths
,
that
this
Smerdis
vsurped
,
and
adde
them
to
the
time
of
Cambyses
;
and
so
giue
him
somewhat
a
longer
time
of
reigne
than
I
haue
done
:
but
so
small
a
difference
is
not
worth
the
speaking
of
.
2.
Chron.
36.
ᵃ
20
And
they
were
servants
to
him
and
to
his
ᵇ
sons
.
(
a
Nebuchadnezzar
.
ᵇ
His
son
Euilmerodach
:
2.
Reg.
25.27
.
His
nephew
Belshazzar
.
Dan.
5.1
.
)
And
all
nations
shall
feare
him
,
and
his
sonne
,
and
his
sonnes
son
,
vntill
the
time
of
his
Lord
come
,
when
many
nations
and
great
Kings
shall
serue
themselues
of
him
.
2.
Chron.
36.21
.
To
fulfill
the
Word
of
the
Lord
spoken
by
ᶜ
Ieremiah
,
untill
the
land
had
her
fill
of
Sabbaths
:
for
all
the
dayes
that
she
lay
desolate
she
kept
Sabbath
ᵈ
70
yeares
.
ᶜ
Ier.
25.11
.
And
this
whole
land
shall
be
desolate
,
and
an
astonishment
,
and
these
Nations
shall
serue
the
King
of
Babell
.
70.
yeares
.
and
Ier.
19.10
.
ᵈ
beginning
when
Iehoiaki●
or
Ieconiah
was
carried
away
captiue
,
ending
at
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
and
Darius
the
Mede
Kings
of
Persia.
That
they
began
at
Ieconiahs
captivity
,
is
proved
by
Ezek.
40.1
.
In
the
fiue
and
twentieth
yeare
of
our
being
in
captivity
,
in
the
beginning
of
the
yeare
,
in
the
10th
day
of
the
moneth
,
in
the
14th
yeare
after
the
Citie
was
smitten
.
&c.
Now
Ezekiel
,
for
the
most
part
,
reckons
the
yeare
from
the
first
of
Ieconiahs
captivity
.
As
Ezech.
1.2
.
And
more
plainely
out
of
Ieremiah
,
cap.
29.2.10
.
where
writing
to
those
that
were
carried
away
with
Ieconiah
,
he
tels
them
,
that
they
shall
be
70
yeares
in
captivity
from
the
time
of
their
carrying
away
;
as
may
appeare
,
if
the
Chapter
be
rightly
considered
of
.
2.
Chron.
36.22.23
.
But
in
the
first
yeare
of
ᶜ
Cyrus
King
of
Persia
,
&c.
Thus
saith
Cyrus
King
of
Persia.
ᶜ
Together
with
Darius
the
Mede
,
whom
Cyrus
had
of
his
owne
accord
admitted
into
the
governement
of
the
Empire
with
himselfe
,
as
Dan.
5.31
.
Darius
of
the
Medes
tooke
the
Kingdome
being
62.
yeares
old
.
and
,
Daniel
9.1
.
In
the
first
yeare
of
Darius
the
sonne
of
Ahash●erosh
of
the
seed
of
the
Medes
,
which
was
made
King
of
the
realm
of
the
Chaldeans
▪
For
Cyrus
,
led
with
ambition
,
went
about
warres
in
other
Countries
:
and
therfore
Darius
had
the
title
of
the
King
▪
though
Cyrus
were
King
in
●ffect
.
Ezra
.
1.1
.
Now
in
the
first
ᶠ
yeare
of
ᶠ
Cyrus
King
of
Persia
,
that
the
Word
of
the
Lord
by
the
mouth
of
Ieremiah
might
be
accomplished
,
the
Lord
stirred
vp
the
spirit
of
Cyrus
K.
of
Persia
,
and
he
made
a
proclamation
throughout
all
his
Kingdome
,
&c.
ᶠ
When
he
first
reigned
ouer
Babylon
:
for
otherwise
hee
reigned
30.
yeares
in
Persia
,
and
in
the
28th
.
of
his
reigne
of
Persia
was
this
captivity
of
the
Iewes
ended
.
Ezra
.
2.2
.
Which
came
with
ᵍ
Zerubbabel
,
to
wit
,
Ieshua
,
Nehemiah
,
&c.
ᵍ
Zerubbabel
was
chiefe
Captaine
.
Ieshua
or
Iehoshua
son
of
Iehozadak
high
Priest
,
Hag.
1.1
.
But
Nehemiah
a
man
of
great
authority
went
not
now
,
but
came
64.
or
54.
yeares
after
.
Ezra
.
3.1
.
And
when
the
7.
moneth
was
come
,
and
the
children
of
Israel
were
in
their
Cities
,
the
people
assembled
themselues
as
one
man
vnto
Ierusalem
.
From
the
first
day
of
the
7.
moneth
they
offered
burnt
offerings
.
ʰ
And
Cambyses
his
sonne
.
synecdochicè
.
Ezra
.
3.8
.
In
the
second
yeare
of
their
comming
vnto
the
house
of
God
in
Ierusalem
,
&c.
they
began
to
set
forward
the
worke
of
the
house
of
God
:
and
v.
9.
they
laid
the
foundation
.
Ezra
.
4.5
.
And
they
hired
counsellers
against
them
to
hinder
their
device
all
the
dayes
of
ˡ
Cyrus
K.
of
Persia
,
even
[
a
](A09268-e3530-b)
a
inclusivè
accipiendum
more
Heb.
vntill
the
reigne
of
Darius
K.
of
Persia.
ˡ
The
son
of
Hystaspes
,
the
third
King
from
Cyrus
,
who
either
for
to
curry
favour
with
the
people
,
or
for
the
loue
of
Atossa
,
Cyrus
his
daughter
(
whom
after
he
had
gotten
the
Kingdome
he
married
)
did
carefully
ratifie
euery
thing
that
Cyrus
had
done
,
that
hereby
he
might
establish
himselfe
;
and
therefore
in
his
time
also
those
crafty
vnderminers
of
the
Iewes
prosperity
did
preuaile
.
6
And
in
the
dayes
o●
ᵏ
Ahash●erosh
(
in
the
beginning
of
his
reigne
)
wrote
they
an
accusation
against
the
Inhabitants
of
Iudah
and
Ierusalem
.
ᵏ
That
is
of
Xerxes
called
Ahashuerosh
or
Assuerus
,
(
q.
d.
)
an
hereditary
Prince
,
both
because
he
was
borne
after
that
Darius
was
King
,
as
also
because
he
first
was
borne
of
A●ossa
Cyrus
his
daughter
,
and
so
seemed
by
subrogation
and
representation
to
succeed
his
[
b
](A09268-e3710-b)
b
vid.
Herod
.
principium
polym●iae
.
grandfather
Cyrus
.
7
And
in
the
dayes
of
ˡ
A●tash
ashte
(
Mithridate
Tabeël
,
and
the
rest
of
the
companions
,
&c.
)
wrote
vnto
the
King
,
for
the
staying
of
the
building
of
the
Temple
.
ˡ
Or
Artaxerxes
,
he
namely
that
was
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
Longimanus
,
the
sonne
of
Xerxes
by
Amestris
the
daughter
of
Otan
,
(
as
Herod
.
Polym●
.
)
whom
Ctesias
calleth
Amistris
,
or
Amystres
,
the
daughter
of
Onopha
;
That
is
to
say
,
by
Ester
the
daughter
of
Abi●hail
,
Ester
2.15
.
Ezra
.
5.24
.
Then
ᵐ
ceased
the
worke
of
the
house
of
God
,
which
was
at
Ierusalem
,
and
did
stay
vnto
the
second
yeare
of
ⁿ
Darius
King
of
Persia.
ᵐ
About
41.
yeares
,
for
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
reigned
40.
whereunto
must
be
added
the
first
yeare
of
Darius
.
ⁿ
Namely
,
Darius
Nothus
(
for
a
bastard
was
hee
)
who
before
hee
was
King
was
called
Ochus
.
Ezra
.
5.1
.
Then
Haggai
,
a
Prophet
,
and
Zechariah
the
sonne
of
Iddo
prophecied
vnto
the
Iewes
,
that
were
in
Iudah
and
Ierusalem
.
Haggai
.
1.1
.
●n
the
2.
yeare
of
King
Darius
,
in
the
6.
moneth
,
in
the
1.
day
of
the
moneth
,
came
the
Word
of
the
Lord
by
the
ministry
of
Haggai
the
Prophet
,
vnto
Zerubbabel
the
sonne
of
Shealtiel
,
a
Prince
of
Iudah
,
and
to
Iehoshua
,
the
sonne
of
Iehozadach
,
the
high
Priest
.
chap.
2.
In
the
7.
moneth
,
and
21.
day
of
the
moneth
,
came
the
Word
.
v.
4.
Who
is
left
a●ong
you
,
that
saw
this
house
in
her
first
glory
?
how
doe
you
see
it
now
?
Is
it
not
in
your
eyes
in
comparison
of
that
,
as
nothing
?
The
hands
of
Zerubbabel
haue
laid
the
foundation
of
this
house
,
and
his
hands
shall
also
fi●ish
it
,
&c.
In
the
8.
moneth
of
the
second
yeare
of
Darius
,
came
the
Word
of
the
Lord
vnto
Zechariah
,
the
sonne
of
Berechiah
,
the
●onne
of
Iddo
,
the
Prophet
.
And
v.
7.
In
the
eleventh
moneth
,
&c.
Zechar.
7.1
.
And
in
the
4.
yeare
of
King
Darius
,
the
Word
of
the
Lord
came
vnto
Zechariah
.
ᵒ
This
and
the
verses
following
are
spoken
by
way
of
preuention
,
to
comfort
the
Iewes
,
dismayed
at
the
consideration
of
the
meannesse
&
simplenes
of
this
house
,
in
comparison
of
that
which
Solomon
built
;
purposedly
done
by
the
Prophet
,
because
about
106.
yeares
before
this
time
,
the
very
like
griefe
possessed
the
hearts
of
good
men
.
Ezr.
3.12
.
Not
that
any
of
them
that
saw
the
first
Temple
were
now
alive
,
but
by
an
usuall
Hebrew
manner
of
speaking
;
Quasi
dicas
,
Say
that
any
of
them
were
now
alive
,
how
would
they
weepe
?
Yet
for
all
that
,
saith
the
Lord
,
Goe
ye
on
:
For
the
glory
of
the
second
house
shall
exceed
that
of
the
first
.
For
those
in
Ezr.
3.12
.
were
then
sayd
to
be
old
.
Ezra
.
6.10
.
That
they
may
offer
sweet
odo●●s
unto
the
God
of
heaven
,
&
pray
for
q
the
Kings
life
,
and
for
his
ʳ
sonnes
.
ᵖ
(
viz.
)
Darius
Nothus
which
made
this
decree
.
ʳ
Namely
Arsaca
,
afterwards
called
Artaxerxes
,
Cyrus
Artossa
and
Oxendrae
perhaps
,
if
he
were
borne
at
that
time
.
Now
this
the
King
did
more
earnestly
require
,
because
some
other
of
his
children
had
soone
dyed
.
Ctesias
.
Ezra
.
6.14
.
So
the
Elders
of
the
Iewes
builded
,
&
they
prospered
by
the
prophecying
of
Naggai
the
Prophet
,
and
Zechariah
the
sonne
of
Iddo
,
and
they
builded
and
finished
it
by
the
appointment
of
the
God
of
heaven
,
and
by
the
commandement
of
ˢ
Cyrus
,
and
ᵗ
Darius
,
and
ᵘ
Artashashte
Kings
of
Persia.
v.
15.
And
this
house
was
finished
in
the
3.
day
of
the
moneth
Adar
,
which
was
the
6.
year
of
the
reigne
of
K.
Darius
,
and
the
42.
after
their
returne
.
ˢ
(
viz.
)
Cyrus
the
great
,
who
first
gave
commandment
for
the
returne
.
ᵗ
(
viz.
)
Darius
Nothus
,
ᵛ
Or
Artaxerxes
,
namely
Artaxerxes
Mnemon
,
who
reigned
together
with
his
father
Darius
Nothus
.
And
therefore
it
is
,
that
Plutarch
gives
him
62.
yeares
reigne
.
because
from
the
beginning
he
was
made
Co-Emperour
with
his
father
,
by
reason
of
the
warres
against
Secundianus
and
other
chiefe
men
of
the
Kingdome
.
Ezra
.
6.23
.
And
they
kept
the
feast
of
unleavened
bread
7.
dayes
with
joy
for
the
Lord
had
made
them
glad
,
and
turned
the
heart
of
the
K.
of
ˣ
Ashur
unto
them
,
to
encourage
them
in
the
worke
of
the
house
of
God
,
even
the
God
of
Israël
.
ˣ
Darius
Nothus
,
who
dividing
his
Kingdome
with
his
sonne
Arsaca
or
Artaxerxes
,
committed
to
his
sons
charge
the
more
Southerne
parts
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
reserved
to
himselfe
such
Countries
as
lay
more
Northerly
,
as
more
befitting
his
age
&
experience
in
those
quarters
.
For
whilst
his
father
Artaxerxes
Longimanus
lived
,
he
was
made
Governour
of
Hyrcania
,
where
also
he
married
Parysatis
.
Now
the
Countries
subject
unto
the
Persian
King
,
are
bounded
within
the
two
Seas
Hyrcanum
&
Persicum
.
[
a
](A09268-e4840-b)
a
Plin.
lib
6.
cap
13.
All
that
tract
bounding
Northward
on
the
Caspian
or
Hyrcanian
Sea
is
called
Assyria
.
The
other
lying
Southward
toward
Mare
Rubrum
and
Sinus
Persicus
is
called
[
b
](A09268-e4900-b)
b
Herodot
.
in
Melpo●ene
.
Persia.
But
speciall
mention
is
made
here
of
the
King
of
Ashur
,
because
that
these
Iewes
,
which
went
with
Ezra
in
the
second
returne
from
captivity
,
did
come
out
of
those
high
&
Northerne
Countries
;
the
former
that
returned
under
Zerubbabel
,
out
of
the
Southerne
Countries
.
That
this
is
so
,
appeares
in
the
8.
Chapt.
Ezra
.
7.1
.
Now
after
these
things
,
in
the
ʸ
reigne
of
Arthashash●●
K.
of
Persia
,
was
Ezra
,
the
sonne
of
Seraj●h
,
&c.
And
●e
came
to
Ierusalem
(
with
o●her
of
the
Iewes
)
in
the
5.
moneth
:
which
was
the
7
z
year
of
the
K.
ver.
9.
For
upon
the
first
day
of
the
first
moneth
,
he
began
to
goe
up
from
Babel
:
and
on
the
first
day
of
the
fifth
moneth
,
came
●e
to
Ierusalem
,
according
to
the
good
hand
of
his
God
,
that
was
upon
him
.
Nehemiah
.
1.1
.
The
words
of
Nehemiah
,
the
sonne
of
Hacha●iah
,
in
the
moneth
ᵇ
Chisten
,
&c.
in
the
20.
yeare
,
&c.
v.
2.
came
Hanani
,
one
of
my
Brethren
,
&c.
v.
3.
And
they
said
to
me
,
The
residue
,
&c.
ʸ
(
i.
e.
)
Of
Artaxerxes
Muemon
,
when
after
his
fathers
decease
,
he
alone
ruled
the
Empire
.
ᶻ
After
he
began
to
reigne
alone
.
ᵃ
Artaxerxes
Muemon
,
Darius
,
saith
the
Geneva
.
ᵇ
The
third
moneth
of
the
yeare
,
according
to
the
Chaldean
calculation
,
which
Nehemiah
followes
.
Nehem.
2.1
.
Now
in
the
moneth
ᶜ
Nisa●
,
in
the
20.
yeare
of
K.
ᵈ
Artashashte
,
the
wine
●tood
before
him
,
and
I
took
up
the
cup
,
and
gave
it
to
the
King
.
ᶜ
The
7.
moneth
by
the
Chaldean
accompt
.
ᵈ
Artaxerxes
Muemon
.
Darius
Hystaspis
,
saith
the
Geneva
.
Nehem
5.14
.
And
from
the
time
,
that
the
K.
gave
mee
charge
to
be
Governour
in
the
land
of
Iudah
:
from
the
20.
yeare
,
even
to
the
32.
yeare
,
that
is
,
12
years
,
I
and
my
Brethren
have
not
eaten
the
bread
of
the
Governour
.
Notwithstanding
the
Wall
was
finished
on
the
25.
day
of
Elul
,
in
ᵉ
52.
dayes
.
When
the
Wall
was
builded
,
ᵉ
That
is
,
the
Lockes
,
Gates
and
Barres
were
set
up
fifty
two
dayes
,
after
the
stone
wall
was
built
.
vers.
1.
Now
the
Citie
was
large
and
great
:
but
the
people
were
few
therein
:
and
the
houses
were
not
builded
.
And
ᶠ
Ieshua
begate
Ioiakim
,
Ioiakim
also
begate
Eliashib
,
and
Eliashib
begate
Ioiada
,
and
Io●ada
begate
Ionathan
,
and
Ionathan
begate
Iaddua
.
In
the
dayes
of
Eliashib
,
Ioiada
,
and
Iohanan
,
and
Iaddua
,
were
the
chiefe
Fathers
of
the
Levites
,
written
in
the
reigne
of
Dar●us
the
Persian
.
ᶠ
The
succession
of
the
hie
Priests
from
the
captivity
to
the
translation
of
the
Persian
Monarchy
to
Alexander
the
Great
,
whom
as
Ioseph
.
Antiq.
Iud.
lib.
11.
cap.
7.
&
8.
reports
Iaddua
did
meet
as
he
came
towards
Ierusalem
.
Now
none
ought
to
wonder
,
that
Nehemiah
should
record
this
;
for
from
the
beginning
of
Artaxerxes
Muemon
,
whom
Nehemiah
attended
,
untill
Alexander
Magnus
,
are
not
threescore
yeares
.
ᵍ
The
last
King
of
Persia
,
called
also
Codomannus
,
Him
Alexander
overthrew
.
Nehemiah
lived
till
the
time
of
Darius
the
Persian
.
Nehem.
12.22
.
Israelites
,
Ezr.
33.
not
long
after
their
returne
,
even
while
Cyrus
yet
reigned
,
could
not
be
built
by
Nehemiah
,
unlesse
we
say
that
Nehemiah
lived
above
200.
yeares
;
which
is
not
credible
:
For
so
many
yeares
at
least
were
betweene
Cyrus
and
Darius
the
last
,
whom
Alexander
overcame
.
CHAP.
III.
Doubts
removed
,
which
seemed
to
prove
the
Persian
Monarchy
much
shorter
than
the
former
accompt
.
Answer
1.
From
the
storie
of
Mordecay
,
who
,
they
say
,
was
carried
captive
with
Ieconiah
from
Ierusalem
.
THat
Mordecay
was
not
carried
captive
from
Ierusalem
with
Ieconiah
:
That
place
,
Ester
2.5
.
[
Who
was
carried
away
]
is
necessarily
to
be
referred
to
Kish
,
Mordecay's
great
grandfather
.
1
The
accent
Tipcha
proves
nothing
.
2
Nor
the
Conjunction
Copulative
[
&
]
And
bee
nourished
Hadassa
.
3
No
more
doth
the
history
or
narration
of
Kish
,
put
betweene
,
in
vers.
6.
4
If
Mordecay
,
named
,
Ester
2.2
were
the
same
that
is
mentioned
in
Ester
;
yet
it
followes
not
,
that
he
was
carried
captive
with
I●coniah
from
Ierusalem
:
For
Zerubbabel
himselfe
,
with
whom
he
is
mentioned
,
was
not
carried
captive
with
I●coniah
,
but
was
begotten
in
the
captivity
by
Pedajah
,
the
sonne
of
Salathiel
;
Arguments
to
prove
it
,
are
,
1
The
Pronoune
relative
must
be
referred
to
the
next
going
before
it
,
and
not
to
that
which
is
further
off
,
as
1.
Chron.
2.7
.
2
To
what
other
end
should
mention
be
made
of
Kish
,
unlesse
to
shew
by
his
carrying
away
captive
,
how
Mordecay
a
Iew
,
borne
of
him
,
became
citizen
of
Susa
?
Certainly
he
is
not
named
to
distinguish
him
from
the
other
Mordecay
,
which
is
one
rule
why
mens
fathers
and
grandfathers
are
named
in
Scripture
.
3
This
confirms
the
truth
of
Gods
promise
,
which
he
made
to
those
that
were
carryed
away
captive
with
Ieconiah
,
Ier.
24.6
.
That
they
should
returne
,
be
built
up
,
planted
,
and
not
rooted
out
,
&c.
And
therefore
were
commanded
to
marry
and
beget
children
.
Ier.
29.6
.
Whereby
it
appeares
that
the
promise
was
made
unto
their
posterity
also
.
The
performance
whereof
by
this
story
of
Ester
is
excellently
declared
.
4.
From
the
time
.
For
if
Mordecay
were
carried
away
captive
with
Ieconiah
,
then
was
he
above
a
hundred
yeares
old
in
the
12th
.
of
Assuer●s
,
according
to
Broughton
.
For
by
2
Kings
,
24.16
.
wee
may
iudge
him
to
bee
at
the
least
20·
yeares
old
,
when
hee
was
carried
Captiue
.
From
the
8th
.
of
Nebuchadnezzar
,
in
which
Ieconiah
was
captived
,
to
the
first
of
Cyrus
are
63.
yeares
.
From
the
first
of
Cyrus
,
to
the
12.
of
Assuerus
,
are
20.
yeares
.
All
make
103.
at
least
100.
At
which
age
Mordecay
was
altogether
unfit
to
performe
offices
and
services
in
Court
,
As
Barzillay
at
a
lesse
age
.
Answer
2.
ARGUM.
2.
Nehemiah
is
named
among
those
that
returned
in
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
from
Babylon
.
Ezra
.
2.
●
.
And
this
Nehemiah
lived
till
the
end
of
the
Persian
Monarchie
.
Nehem.
12.
therefore
(
saith
Mr
Broughton
)
the
Persian
Monarchie
cannot
be
held
to
stand
200
yeares
.
There
be
two
Nehemiahs
.
One
mentioned
,
Ezra
2.
Another
who
returned
in
the
20.
yeare
of
Artaxerxes
Mnemon
:
and
lived
till
the
reigne
of
Darius
the
Persian
.
Answer
3.
Ezra
is
called
son
of
Serajah
.
Ezra
.
7.1
.
Now
Serajah
was
slaine
before
the
destruction
of
Ierusalem
,
2.
King
.
25.21
.
Therefore
Ezra
must
needs
be
borne
at
that
time
:
who
also
lived
untill
the
later
times
of
the
Persian
Monarchy
:
therefore
either
the
Persian
Monarchie
must
endure
but
130
years
:
or
else
Ezra
must
live
above
200
,
which
is
not
likely
.
There
is
Ambiguity
in
the
word
Son
,
which
M.
Broughton
takes
properly
;
as
if
Ezra
had
beene
immediately
the
sonne
of
Serajah
:
whereas
indeed
he
was
so
Serajahs
sonne
,
as
the
Iewes
used
to
call
their
posteritie
,
even
to
the
fifth
descent
,
Sonnes
.
And
Zerubbabel
is
usually
called
the
son
of
Shealti●l
,
whereas
he
was
but
his
nephew
.
Answer
.
4.
Is
from
the
70
weekes
of
Daniel
,
which
they
say
doe
begin
at
the
1.
yeare
of
Cyrus
,
and
end
with
Christ
,
and
are
precisely
490
yeares
:
and
therefore
the
Persian
Monarchie
,
cannot
be
,
no
not
200
years
.
For
then
from
the
first
of
King
Cyrus
will
arise
more
then
490.
yeares
to
the
death
of
Christ
.
When
Daniels
70.
weekes
begin
,
is
uncertaine
.
Some
will
have
them
begin
in
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
:
some
in
the
second
of
Darius
▪
Nothus
:
others
in
the
twentieth
of
Artaxerxes
Mnemon
.
A
man
may
follow
his
judgement
:
for
neyther
the
one
nor
the
other
is
defined
in
the
Text
,
Dan.
9.25
.
but
is
absolutely
put
[
from
the
outgoing
of
the
Word
]
which
we
know
went
forth
in
three
Kings
reignes
.
But
for
the
end
and
period
of
them
,
it
must
necessarily
be
at
the
death
of
Christ
:
and
not
as
some
will
have
it
,
at
the
destruction
of
Ierusalem
by
the
Romanes
.
It
s
plain
,
Dan.
9.24
.
But
to
graunt
this
Proposition
true
,
though
uncertaine
,
that
Daniels
seventie
Weekes
begin
at
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
,
yet
doth
not
this
follow
thereupon
,
That
from
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
are
precisely
490.
years
:
for
Numbers
are
eyther
taken
,
Properly
,
when
they
note
that
which
naturally
they
signifie
:
Improperly
or
figuratively
,
when
they
signifie
eyther
more
or
lesse
,
in
regard
of
the
circumstance
of
the
matter
,
and
the
speakers
intention
.
So
is
Two
and
Three
taken
properly
,
Matth.
16.21
.
&
27.23
.
&
20.19
.
Improperly
,
Hos.
6.2
.
Seven
properly
,
1.
King
.
18.
Figuratively
,
Luc.
17.4
.
Matth.
18.22
.
Ten
properly
,
Exod.
34.28
.
figuratively
,
Numb.
14.22
.
Twelve
properly
,
Mat.
10.2
.
figuratively
,
Apoc.
7.
Thousands
,
figuratively
,
Dan.
7.10
.
So
that
often
in
Scriptures
Numbers
finite
are
put
for
infinite
,
certaine
for
uncertaine
,
perfect
for
imperfect
,
round
and
grosse
for
corrupt
.
For
the
land
rested
(
or
kept
Sabbath
)
all
the
dayes
of
her
desolation
,
to
fulfill
70
yeares
.
These
70.
yeares
begin
at
the
time
of
the
first
Captivitie
,
in
the
reigne
of
Ioakim
.
Now
from
this
time
till
the
eleventh
yeare
of
Zedekiah
,
when
hee
was
captived
&
the
Temple
and
Citie
burnt
,
the
Land
cannot
be
said
to
keepe
Sabbaths
,
because
the
Inhabitants
were
not
yet
carried
away
:
and
therefore
it
was
but
a
part
of
these
70.
years
that
she
rested
.
Not
precisely
.
Israel
dwelt
in
Heshbon
,
Aroër
,
and
Arnon
,
300.
yeares
.
For
reckon
from
their
first
inhabiting
of
those
Cities
,
and
we
find
it
but
260.
yeares
,
or
thereabouts
:
unlesse
we
adde
the
40
yeares
from
comming
up
out
of
Egypt
.
But
it
ought
to
be
understood
synecdochicè
and
figuratè
.
Three
yeares
and
a
halfe
,
&c.
Often
mention
is
made
of
three
years
and
a
halfe
,
of
42
moneths
,
(
which
make
so
many
yeares
)
of
1260.
dayes
,
which
also
make
so
many
years
:
In
all
which
we
must
needs
understand
a
certaine
number
to
be
put
for
an
uncertaine
,
that
is
,
for
the
whole
time
that
runnes
on
from
the
passion
of
Christ
till
the
end
of
the
World
.
Let
us
consider
the
drift
and
scope
of
the
Angels
speech
.
Daniel
he
understands
by
bookes
,
that
the
70.
yeares
of
Captivitie
were
now
even
at
an
end
:
Hereupon
hee
prayeth
that
God
would
bee
mercifull
to
the
people
and
holy
Citie
.
An
Angel
is
sent
to
him
,
and
talkes
unto
him
,
not
of
the
70.
yeares
of
Captivitie
to
be
ended
under
Cyrus
,
but
of
seventy
times
seven
yeares
,
of
most
glorious
deliverance
from
the
slavery
of
Hell
and
the
Divell
,
to
be
purchased
by
Christ
.
As
if
the
Angel
had
thus
said
:
Thou
Daniel
thinkest
of
70.
yeares
,
at
the
end
whereof
thy
people
is
to
have
a
deliverance
from
carnall
servitude
under
Babylon
,
and
a
restauration
of
an
earthly
Ierusalem
:
but
I
give
thee
to
understand
of
a
farre
more
glorious
liberty
and
freedom
from
Sathans
slaverie
,
to
be
purchased
by
Christ
for
thy
people
after
70.
times
7.
yeares
.
Doe
not
thou
thinke
of
70.
years
,
which
are
now
even
gone
and
past
,
but
of
70
times
7
yeares
,
which
when
they
are
come
to
end
,
thy
people
and
city
for
whom
thou
prayest
,
shal
obtain
this
great
blessing
.
Wherefore
this
is
spoken
in
allusion
to
the
70
yeares
of
Captivitie
,
to
shew
that
Gods
mercy
should
exceed
his
judgements
seventie
times
,
which
from
that
should
endure
seventy
times
seven
yeare
,
till
the
comming
of
Christ
,
and
afterwards
for
ever
.
It
is
therfore
a
propheticall
prediction
,
and
not
an
hystoricall
relation
:
and
the
circumscription
of
time
is
used
only
for
memory
sake
;
that
after
these
many
yeares
,
they
should
be
sure
to
obtain
such
a
deliverance
,
as
,
than
which
,
they
could
desire
nothing
more
.
Not
precisely
.
Gen.
15.13
.
Know
for
a
surety
that
thy
seed
shall
be
a
stranger
in
a
land
that
is
not
theirs
400.
yeres
,
and
they
shall
serve
them
.
For
from
the
time
that
God
spake
unto
Abraham
(
whence
the
yeares
must
necessarily
beginne
)
unto
the
comming
of
the
children
of
Israel
out
of
Egypt
,
are
430.
yeares
,
as
Moses
witnesses
,
Exo.
12.
If
we
say
that
they
begin
at
the
fift
yeare
of
Isaac
;
yet
from
the
time
that
God
spake
,
unto
that
,
are
about
twenty
yeares
.
From
that
to
the
departure
of
the
Israelites
,
From
Abraham
to
David
,
are
14.
Generations
:
from
David
to
the
captivity
of
Babylon
,
14.
Generations
:
from
the
Capt.
of
Babylon
unto
Christ
,
14.
Generations
.
whole
400.
Wherefore
,
from
the
time
that
God
spake
this
,
till
the
departure
from
Egypt
,
are
foure
hundred
synecdochicè
;
above
foure
hundred
precisely
.
What!
precisely
fourteene
in
all
?
No.
From
David
to
the
Captivity
of
Babylon
,
were
twenty
seven
,
as
Mr
Broughton
confesseth
.
In
the
other
two
were
indeed
fourteene
.
Full
and
whole
?
By
no
means
.
Mat.
12.14
.
So
shall
the
Son
of
Man
be
three
dayes
,
and
3.
nights
in
the
heart
of
the
earth
.
For
Christ
was
buried
on
the
Evening
of
the
sixt
day
,
the
same
day
he
dyed
.
The
seventh
day
he
rested
in
the
grave
,
upon
the
eight
day
early
he
rose
againe
.
So
that
he
was
but
two
whole
dayes
in
the
grave
,
and
scarce
that
neither
.
Now
the
Day
and
the
Night
make
one
Day
,
Gen.
1.
And
therfore
because
Christ
rested
in
the
Sepulchre
part
of
three
dayes
,
he
is
sayd
by
a
synecdoche
to
bee
three
dayes
and
three
nights
in
the
heart
of
the
Earth
.
If
the
Angel
had
sayd
,
The
seventy
yeares
of
your
Captivity
in
Babylon
:
But
after
80.
times
seventy
yeares
,
Christ
shal
be
slaine
,
and
so
you
shall
obtaine
a
more
glorious
freedome
;
Then
had
the
Angel
spoken
precisely
:
for
,
from
that
time
to
the
death
of
Christ
,
was
precisely
five
hundred
sixty
yeares
.
But
so
the
force
&
efficacy
of
the
Type
had
bin
obscured
.
To
which
the
Angel
would
allude
by
the
name
of
seventy
times
seven
yeares
.
Antiochus
his
persecution
continued
three
yeares
and
a
halfe
precisely
,
Dan.
7.
Now
Antiochus
was
a
Type
of
Satan
.
And
therefore
the
Time
,
times
,
and
halfe
a
Time
,
forty
two
moneths
,
1260.
dayes
,
all
making
up
the
same
number
of
yeares
,
are
uttered
by
S.
Iohn
,
Apoc.
11.12
,
13.
in
allusion
to
Antiochus
persecution
.
For
by
this
he
comforteth
the
Woman
,
that
is
,
the
Church
,
persecuted
by
the
Dragon
Satan
;
That
this
persecution
should
last
but
a
little
while
,
even
as
that
of
Antiochus
;
not
properly
,
but
figuratively
:
for
Satan
persecuteth
the
Church
unto
the
end
of
the
world
.
That
the
seventy
weekes
are
not
to
bee
understood
precisely
,
but
by
a
synecdoche
,
is
thus
proved
.
Seventy
weekes
are
determined
upon
thy
People
,
saith
Gabriel
,
Dan.
9.
ver.
24.
That
these
are
whole
and
full
so
many
,
is
proved
by
their
partition
.
For
there
are
seven
weekes
from
the
going
forth
of
the
Commandement
,
ver.
25.
and
sixty
three
weekes
when
the
street
and
wall
shall
be
builded
;
and
againe
,
after
threescore
and
two
weekes
,
Christ
shall
be
slaine
.
But
not
presently
after
those
sixty
nine
weekes
;
but
in
the
middle
of
the
last
weeke
.
ver.
27.
Where
it
is
sayd
,
And
he
shall
confirme
the
Covenant
with
money
for
one
weeke
:
and
in
the
Middle
of
the
weeke
he
shall
cause
the
sacrifice
and
oblation
to
cease
.
Then
thus
the
Reason
stands
:
If
Christ
dyed
in
the
middest
of
the
last
weeke
;
then
from
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
to
the
death
of
Christ
,
are
not
precisely
490.
yeare●
,
but
486.
and
a
halfe
.
The
reason
of
the
consequence
is
plaine
:
For
if
Christ
dyed
in
the
middest
of
the
last
weeke
,
i.e.
the
seventieth
week
,
then
to
the
death
of
Christ
from
Cyrus
the
first
,
are
but
sixty
nine
weeks
and
a
halfe
.
Now
sixty
nine
weekes
cum
dimidio
,
make
but
foure
hundred
eighty
six
yeares
cum
dimidio
;
whereas
seventy
whole
weekes
make
foure
hundred
ninety
yeares
.
But
Christ
dyed
in
the
middest
of
the
last
weeke
.
This
is
manifest
:
For
Christ
then
dyed
,
when
sacrifice
and
oblation
ceased
.
This
is
proved
by
the
ninth
and
tenth
to
the
Hebrewes
.
But
sacrifice
and
oblation
ceased
in
the
middest
of
the
last
weeke
.
This
Daniel
expressely
saith
,
Cap.
9.
ver.
27.
Therefore
from
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
to
the
death
of
Christ
,
are
not
foure
hundred
ninety
yeares
precisely
:
And
by
consequent
,
the
seventy
weekes
are
to
be
understood
figuratè
and
synecdochicè
:
not
praecisè
and
tropriè
.
Christ
was
baptized
about
three
yeares
and
a
halfe
before
he
dyed
,
and
then
(
saith
Funccius
)
was
sacrifice
&
oblation
abolished
out
of
the
place
.
Mat.
3.
ult.
This
is
my
beloved
son
in
whom
I
am
well
pleased
.
And
therefore
God
was
pleased
afterward
with
no
other
sacrifice
,
but
the
immaculate
Lambe
Christ
.
But
for
answere
:
So
God
was
onely
pleased
with
the
sacrifice
of
Christ
before
his
Baptisme
.
For
he
was
a
perpetuall
sacrifice
from
the
beginning
:
and
the
other
sacrifices
pleased
him
onely
as
Types
and
shadowes
of
Christs
sacrifice
of
himselfe
.
Secondly
,
Moses
sacrifices
and
such
Types
of
Christ
were
acceptable
unto
God
after
his
Baptisme
:
which
is
plaine
,
Matth.
8.3
.
where
Christ
after
his
Baptisme
bids
the
Leper
offer
the
gift
,
that
Moses
commanded
.
Which
was
,
Levit.
14.10
.
two
Lambes
and
an
Ewe
Lambe
,
for
a
trespasse
offering
and
a
burnt
offering
.
Answere
Object
.
The
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
must
be
translated
Dimidio
,
not
Medio
.
So
that
Christ
shall
be
said
to
abolish
sacrifice
and
offering
,
not
in
the
middle
of
the
Weeke
,
but
in
halfe
of
the
Weeke
:
and
this
halfe
must
be
the
last
halfe
,
and
not
the
first
.
Though
the
word
signifie
both
wayes
,
[
a
](A09268-e8960-b)
a
Exod
12.
Medio
noctis
Exod
24.16
.
dimidium
sangui●is
.
yet
here
it
must
be
translated
middle
,
not
halfe
:
1.
By
the
consent
of
the
Learned
:
2.
By
this
reason
out
of
the
Text.
Christ
is
here
said
,
to
Cause
to
cease
,
or
to
abolish
sacrifice
and
oblations
in
the
middest
of
the
70th.
.
weeke
.
Now
this
Action
is
not
actio
maneus
,
and
continuata
,
but
citò
transiens
.
For
it
is
meant
of
the
death
of
Christ
.
Vnlesse
therefore
wee
will
make
Christs
death
to
be
a
continued
action
,
and
say
,
that
Christ
dyed
in
the
halfe
of
the
Seventy
Seven
;
i.e.
his
crucifying
and
death
continued
for
the
space
of
3.
yeares
and
a
halfe
(
than
which
,
what
more
absurd
?
)
we
must
needs
grant
,
that
hee
dyed
in
the
middle
.
Had
it
beene
said
,
that
Christ
should
preach
the
Gospell
in
halfe
the
last
7.
it
had
beene
truly
;
because
it
was
a
continued
action
.
Not
only
in
this
last
weeke
,
but
in
some
of
the
former
is
this
Synecdoch●
to
be
understood
.
For
the
70.
weekes
are
divided
into
3.
parts
:
ver.
25.
Kno●
therefore
,
and
understand
,
that
from
the
going
forth
of
the
commandement
to
bring
againe
the
people
,
and
to
build
Ierusalem
shall
be
seven
Weeks
(
there
is
the
first
part
)
and
threescore
and
two
Weekes
,
(
there
is
the
second
)
and
the
Wall
,
and
the
Street
shall
be
built
againe
,
in
a
troublous
time
.
After
threescore
and
two
weekes
Christ
shall
be
slaine
.
v.
27.
And
he
shall
confirme
the
Cov●nant
for
many
one
Weeke
(
there
is
the
third
part
:
)
and
in
the
middest
of
the
Weeke
,
he
shall
abolish
sacrifice
and
oblation
.
The
Reason
is
this
then
:
Seaven
Weekes
are
said
to
passe
before
the
building
of
the
street
and
wall
;
above
49.
were
past
.
And
therefore
by
these
7.
Weekes
more
yeares
are
meant
▪
than
are
precisely
set
downe
.
The
Minor
is
proved
by
the
storie
of
Scripture
.
For
(
Ezr.
4
)
the
building
both
of
the
Temple
and
Citie
,
as
appeares
by
the
Letter
of
S●imshag
,
was
hindered
all
the
dayes
of
Cyrus
,
till
the
second
yeare
of
Darius
.
And
from
the
2.
yeare
of
Darius
,
along
unto
the
20.
of
Artaxerxes
,
who
succeeded
him
,
was
it
still
hindred
,
as
appeares
,
Nehem.
1.1
.
The
Wall
was
built
afterward
,
Cap.
4.6
.
The
Street
,
Cap.
7.
Whereby
it
is
manifest
,
if
wee
reckon
the
yeares
from
Cyrus
the
first
,
to
Artaxerxes
the
20.
that
the
Wall
and
Street
could
not
be
builded
in
the
first
7.
Weekes
.
Therefore
those
words
[
In
the
other
]
are
falsely
shuffled
into
the
Text.
Eusebius
,
Iunius
,
and
Tremellius
say
,
That
the
Temple
was
built
in
the
first
7.
Weeks
.
CHAP.
IV.
Observations
and
explanations
on
some
places
of
Ezra
,
and
Nehemiah
.
THe
resolution
is
;
That
we
must
reade
on
:
Some
doe
question
,
whether
it
be
their
part
to
reade
on
in
the
Booke
of
Ezra
,
in
their
private
going
over
the
Scripture
:
sith
many
places
are
nothing
but
names
,
and
as
they
conceive
,
of
no
great
use
to
us
.
for
that
nothing
[
b
](A09268-e9480-b)
b
In
sacris
Libris
nihil
contemnatur
,
aut
obiter
praetereatur
:
etiamsi
nomina
recenseantur
.
Chrysost.
hom
.
21.
&
24.
super
Gen.
Et
in
Rom.
16.
Ser.
31.
is
to
be
contemned
in
these
holy
writings
;
no
nor
to
be
skipped
over
.
Say
it
be
but
the
repeating
,
and
cataloguing
onely
of
names
.
There
is
no
Booke
,
no
Chapter
,
no
line
in
the
Word
of
God
,
but
is
profitable
,
given
by
inspiration
of
God
,
and
written
for
our
learning
.
And
if
wee
understand
it
not
in
some
places
;
yet
those
places
have
in
them
an
immanent
power
to
edifie
:
though
as
yet
it
be
not
transient
,
conveighing
the
profit
of
it
to
us
,
till
in
some
measure
we
doe
understand
it
.
2.
The
way
to
come
to
the
understanding
of
them
,
is
,
not
to
passe
those
places
over
;
but
to
reade
them
.
And
when
we
are
busie
in
reading
places
which
we
conceive
not
,
[
c
](A09268-e9570-b)
c
Chrysost.
Serm.
3.
de
Lazaro
.
God
opens
the
heart
,
and
sends
us
in
,
the
interpretation
,
as
he
did
Philip
to
the
Eunuch
,
Act.
8.
3.
There
is
much
to
be
had
out
of
the
Genealogies
,
to
a
wise
,
and
diligent
Reader
.
Wee
learne
the
increase
,
or
decrease
of
the
Church
,
the
strange
holding
out
of
some
Families
,
as
the
Servants
of
Solomon
,
and
the
Gibeonites
,
called
in
these
Bookes
,
the
Nethinims
:
They
were
made
drawers
of
water
to
the
Temple
,
as
a
kind
of
punishment
.
God
made
this
crosse
,
a
mercie
.
Their
employment
so
neere
the
house
of
God
,
gave
them
fit
occasion
to
be
partakers
of
the
things
of
God
.
And
the
Lord
,
wee
see
,
did
wonderfully
honour
them
.
The
neerer
they
were
to
the
Church
,
the
neerer
to
God
.
In
a
word
,
hee
sees
little
,
that
sees
not
many
things
of
excellent
use
,
to
be
gathered
out
of
Chapters
full
of
names
.
4.
Say
,
that
as
yet
we
can
pick
nothing
out
of
some
such
Chapters
;
yet
must
we
not
step
over
them
in
our
course
of
reading
them
:
but
we
are
in
any
hand
to
take
them
along
in
our
reading
,
if
it
be
but
to
shew
our
obedience
to
God
in
reading
over
all
his
sacred
word
.
But
doth
not
Paul
,
Tim.
1.4
.
warne
Timothy
,
that
hee
should
not
give
heed
to
fables
,
and
endlesse
genealogies
,
which
minister
questions
,
rather
then
ediying
?
Resp.
He
doth
.
But
he
meanes
Genealogies
that
were
fabulous
,
not
such
as
doe
edifie
:
Now
all
the
Scripture
tends
to
edifying
.
Cajetan
notes
,
that
hee
meanes
by
endlesse
Genealogies
,
such
as
are
not
in
the
word
,
which
gender
questions
,
that
the
Scripture
doth
not
end
and
determine
.
[
d
](A09268-e9810-b)
d
August
.
contra
Adversarios
Le●gis
&
Prophet
.
lib.
2.
cap.
1.
tom.
6.
No
question
,
the
Apostle
finds
fault
with
such
fabulous
genealogies
,
as
in
those
dayes
were
too
common
among
the
Iewes
,
&
after
were
written
in
the
Books
of
Talmud
.
S.
Paul
[
e
](A09268-e9840-b)
e
Aquinas
in
1.
Tim.
1.4
.
1.
Tim.
4.7
.
cals
them
old
wives
tales
.
And
when
men
begin
to
be
giddy
,
and
to
be
sicke
of
foolish
pride
,
they
study
much
in
doting
pedegrees
.
Paul
to
Timothy
and
Titus
both
,
means
such
genealogies
as
do
move
&
not
end
questions
.
Which
minister
questions
(
saith
Paul
to
Timothy
)
not
which
end
questions
.
What
questions
?
foolish
questions
.
And
for
those
genealogies
which
had
any
pith
in
them
,
they
became
also
uncertaine
and
endlesse
,
when
Herod
had
burnt
up
the
Records
,
as
Iosephus
notes
.
Now
[
f
](A09268-e9970-b)
f
Chrysost.
Hom.
23.
in
Act.
Questionum
nullus
finis
.
of
such
questions
there
is
no
end
:
And
we
may
all
observe
,
that
to
bee
full
of
impertinent
questions
,
comes
from
a
weak
understanding
:
as
we
see
in
children
,
who
will
even
tire
one
with
babbling
questions
.
So
the
Apostles
in
their
ruder
time
,
before
the
passion
of
Christ
,
and
after
too
,
before
the
comming
downe
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
were
asking
questions
sometime
not
so
profitable
,
as
,
When
the
day
of
Iudgement
should
be
?
But
when
they
were
filled
with
the
gifts
of
the
holy
Ghost
,
Acts
2.
we
heare
no
more
of
such
questions
.
No
,
no
:
They
then
found
fault
with
such
curiosity
.
The
same
holy
Father
doth
observe
,
that
Thomas
,
Iudas
,
and
Peter
were
full
of
questions
.
But
Iohn
,
whom
Christ
loved
,
and
who
might
have
beene
most
bold
with
him
,
was
very
sparing
that
way
.
In
a
word
,
the
Genealogies
of
the
word
are
of
great
use
,
and
do
satisfie
the
doubts
of
men
,
and
not
move
questions
that
can
have
no
end
.
This
was
not
in
his
first
year
of
his
Kingdome
of
Persia
,
Now
in
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
King
of
Persia
,
that
the
Word
of
the
Lord
by
the
mouth
of
Ieremiah
might
be
fulfilled
:
the
Lord
stirred
up
the
spirit
of
Cyrus
King
of
Persia
,
that
he
made
proclamation
throughout
all
his
kingdome
.
but
of
his
Monarchy
,
when
he
had
conquered
Babylon
.
Now
how
long
he
reigned
after
his
Conquest
,
precisely
we
cannot
say
.
Dan.
10.1
.
we
read
of
The
third
year
of
Cyrus
,
and
some
Chronologers
think
he
lived
not
much
above
five
or
sixe
yeares
longer
.
T
is
sayd
,
The
Lord
stirred
up
the
spirit
of
Cyrus
.
There
be
that
say
,
that
,
Cyrus
was
converted
,
because
he
is
called
The
Lords
annoynted
,
and
his
Servant
.
But
Saul
was
the
annoynted
of
the
Lord
:
yet
none
of
the
best
men
,
or
of
the
best
Kings
:
Hee
that
doth
looke
over
the
stories
of
Cyrus
;
shall
find
that
hee
lived
and
dyed
a
meere
Heathen
.
And
the
Prophet
Isay
,
cap.
45.4
.
saith
in
the
name
of
God
,
That
Cyrus
had
not
knowne
him
.
And
therefore
,
it
was
in
respect
of
his
office
,
and
the
worke
the
Lord
did
designe
him
to
;
though
he
never
were
really
anoynted
with
oyle
,
as
Saul
and
David
were
.
I
say
,
in
regard
of
his
place
,
and
this
great
worke
of
the
Lord
in
his
hand
,
he
was
called
,
The
annoynted
of
the
Lord
.
Out
of
which
we
may
see
,
that
the
Lord
doth
many
times
doe
great
and
famous
matters
for
his
Church
,
by
the
hands
of
wicked
men
.
And
their
divinity
is
not
sound
,
who
hold
the
contrary
Tenet
.
It
was
the
mighty
worke
of
God
to
bring
this
wise
and
great
Prince
in
the
very
first
entrance
into
his
Monarchy
,
before
things
were
fully
setled
,
to
dismisse
so
great
&
so
[
g
](A09268-e10260-b)
g
In
respect
of
their
custome
&
Religion
.
united
a
people
,
as
the
Iewes
were
,
into
their
owne
Country
with
such
a
faire
and
ample
patent
as
hee
did
;
they
being
held
among
the
Barbarians
,
a
People
given
much
to
insurrection
:
But
God
must
and
will
have
his
wayes
take
place
.
There
is
no
resisting
of
his
will
by
any
:
The
will
of
men
must
goe
after
his
decree
.
Which
decrees
of
God
,
manifested
no
lesse
than
170.
yeares
before
,
did
not
leave
this
fact
of
Cyrus
contingent
,
but
made
it
necessary
.
They
write
,
that
he
was
made
to
see
the
Prophecy
of
Isaiah
,
where
he
finding
his
very
name
,
so
long
before
he
was
borne
,
was
thereby
moved
to
this
great
worke
.
That
might
bee
a
perswasion
:
but
the
cause
,
we
see
,
was
;
because
the
Lord
by
a
potent
worke
of
his
spirit
stirred
up
the
heart
of
Cyrus
to
send
forth
so
gracious
an
Edict
.
And
yet
we
must
not
thinke
,
that
this
his
being
made
acquainted
with
the
will
of
Gods
decrees
,
gave
to
this
his
Act
the
Nature
of
Obedience
;
Obedience
being
properly
an
act
of
ours
,
when
wee
doe
obey
the
will
of
Gods
command
;
he
by
it
imposing
on
us
and
requiring
of
us
,
the
worke
as
a
duty
.
In
the
first
of
Kings
11.
Ieroboam
had
it
cleered
to
him
,
that
Gods
will
was
,
hee
should
be
King
over
the
tenne
Tribes
:
yet
because
it
was
a
will
of
Gods
decree
,
not
of
his
command
,
as
of
a
duty
to
be
done
by
him
,
he
goes
among
Divines
for
an
intruder
,
and
an
usurper
,
in
and
for
that
fact
of
his
.
[
h
](A09268-e10350-b)
h
Vid.
23.9.5
.
cap.
45.
in
annot.
'T
is
Obedience
,
when
wee
obey
a
divine
precept
:
but
not
ever
when
wee
follow
a
divine
instinct
.
[
i
](A09268-e10390-b)
i
Davenant
.
in
Col.
1.
v.
2.
p.
15.16
.
'T
is
a
worke
belonging
immediately
and
onely
to
God
to
worke
effectually
on
the
Will
,
and
thus
to
stirre
up
the
heart
of
a
man
.
Kings
hearts
are
in
Gods
hands
.
This
shewes
us
,
Also
Cyrus
the
King
brought
forth
the
Vessels
of
the
house
of
the
Lord
:
which
Nebuchadnezzar
had
brought
forth
out
of
Ierusalem
,
and
had
put
them
in
the
house
of
his
God
.
that
nothing
that
is
once
appointed
by
God
in
his
worship
,
say
it
be
after
used
in
Idolatrous
worship
,
as
these
vessels
were
,
can
be
defiled
.
but
it
may
&
must
returne
to
'ts
ancient
use
:
and
bee
had
in
the
worship
of
God
againe
.
Whereas
wee
reade
,
2.
Kings
,
24.13
.
that
Nebuchadnezzar
did
cut
in
pieces
all
the
Vessels
of
gold
,
which
Solomon
K.
of
Israel
had
made
,
in
the
Temple
of
the
Lord
:
The
meaning
is
,
That
hee
did
[
k
](A09268-e10460-b)
k
Heb.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
truncavit
.
curtaile
,
as
it
were
,
the
Temple
.
Even
those
did
Cyrus
King
of
Persia
bring
forth
by
the
hand
of
Mithridath
the
Treasurer
:
and
numbred
them
unto
Shazbazzar
the
Prince
of
Iudah
.
For
't
is
plaine
,
hee
did
reserve
those
Vessels
whole
.
For
Belshazzar
did
after
drinke
in
them
,
Dan.
5.2
.
And
here
wee
finde
,
that
they
were
restored
,
and
brought
backe
to
the
house
of
God
againe
.
This
Shazbazzar
,
the
Prince
of
Iudah
was
Zerubbabel
,
called
so
in
Chaldaea
▪
Iunius
denies
it
:
but
our
English
Annotations
,
and
that
of
Deodat's
,
in
the
Italian
,
doe
with
more
likelihood
affirme
it
.
He
was
by
the
King
ordained
head
&
Conductor
of
those
of
his
Nation
,
who
would
be
willing
to
returne
.
Thus
God
kept
the
seignorie
,
and
the
chiefe
staffe
of
Authority
in
the
line
of
Iudah
.
No
length
nor
change
of
time
can
eate
out
,
and
breake
off
the
decrees
of
God
.
CHAP.
V.
This
Chapter
containes
a
list
of
such
as
returned
to
Ierusalem
,
Ezra
2.
at
the
first
going
up
;
and
chiefly
,
of
those
,
who
offered
presents
for
the
reedifying
of
the
Temple
of
the
Lord
.
IN
the
numbers
you
may
finde
some
differences
from
that
Catalogue
wee
have
,
Neh.
7.
As
for
example
:
Here
,
v.
5.
the
Sons
of
Arah
are
said
to
be
775.
There
,
v.
10.652
.
Reconcile
the
places
thus
:
775.
gave
their
names
in
Babylon
,
that
they
would
returne
:
only
652.
mentioned
in
Nehemiah
,
came
up
into
Iuda●a
;
the
rest
changing
their
mindes
,
or
dying
by
the
way
.
And
where
Nehemiah
hath
more
,
it
might
be
by
joyning
with
them
in
the
way
.
Question
is
made
,
whether
onely
they
of
Iudah
and
Benjamin
returned
?
The
[
a
](A09268-e10750-b)
a
Sanctius
in
Zachar.
8.
&
13.
§.
32.
Answere
that
is
made
,
I
thinke
,
is
sound
:
That
sith
in
Ezr.
2.
the
summe
of
the
Principals
of
the
whole
Bodie
,
that
returned
,
besides
their
followers
,
were
42360.
But
now
reckon
we
the
numbers
of
Iudah
and
Benjamin
by
the
pole
,
which
are
punctually
set
downe
,
Ezr.
2.
and
they
come
short
of
the
totall
summe
,
a
matter
of
12000.
Now
these
12000.
are
those
of
other
10.
Tribes
,
besides
Iudah
,
and
Benjamin
.
Wee
reade
,
that
so
many
went
over
of
other
Tribes
to
Rehoboam
,
that
,
(
as
't
is
said
)
His
Crowne
was
strengthened
by
them
.
and
many
of
Israel
came
over
to
Asa
:
and
in
Hezekiah's
dayes
,
sundry
of
Ashur
,
Zabulon
,
and
Manasse
joyned
themselves
with
Iudah
.
And
who
can
doubt
,
but
that
in
Captivity
,
being
Countrey-men
in
forreigne
parts
,
much
of
the
10.
Tribes
incorporated
themselves
into
the
two
Tribes
?
And
no
other
but
this
is
the
meaning
of
that
fift
ver.
of
the
first
chap.
of
Ez.
Then
rose
up
the
chiefe
of
the
Fathers
of
Iudah
and
Benjamin
,
with
all
them
whose
spirit
God
had
raised
to
goe
up
:
That
is
(
saith
Deodate
)
all
those
of
other
Tribes
;
according
as
wee
reade
,
1.
Chron.
9.3
.
In
Ierusalem
dwelt
of
the
children
of
Iudah
,
and
of
the
children
of
Benjamin
,
and
of
the
children
of
Ephraim
,
and
Manasse
,
who
,
no
question
,
in
the
Captivity
for
very
conscience
and
Religion
,
joyned
themselves
to
Iudah
.
By
Province
,
Now
these
are
the
children
of
the
Province
,
that
went
up
out
of
the
Captivity
.
our
English
Annotations
meanes
Iudaea
:
but
Iunius
,
and
Deodate
doe
seeme
to
mee
with
more
reason
,
to
understand
by
Province
,
Babylonia
,
that
is
,
saith
Iunius
,
those
who
inrolled
their
names
in
Babylonia
;
called
here
a
Province
,
saith
the
Italian
,
because
the
other
Israëlites
were
dispersed
in
sundry
other
provinces
.
Zerubbabel
was
son
of
[
*
](A09268-e11120-b)
*
Mat.
1.12
.
Salathiel
,
Which
came
up
with
Zerubbabel
,
Iesuah
,
and
Nehemiah
,
Serviah
,
Reelajob
,
Mordecay
,
Bilsha●
.
&c.
Of
Zerubbbael
.
borne
in
Babylon
,
and
accordingly
he
had
a
Babylonian
[
m
](A09268-e11180-b)
m
Chrysost.
Hom.
7.
in
Mat.
2.
name
.
He
was
a
Chiefe
in
the
first
yeare
of
Cyrus
:
and
we
find
in
sacred
Story
,
that
hee
lived
to
see
the
building
of
the
Temple
,
about
the
6.
yeare
of
[
n
](A09268-e11210-b)
n
Scaliger
de
emendat
.
temporum
,
lib.
6.
Darius
Nothus
.
Now
say
he
was
but
14.
[
o
](A09268-e11230-b)
o
Great
men
under
some
tutors
are
put
in
places
of
imployment
young
.
Asclepiades
held
,
men
began
about
that
age
to
be
wise
,
And
the
Civil
law
saith
,
that
men
at
14.
are
fit
for
action
,
Vid.
Tertul.
de
animâ
,
cap.
38.
Zach.
4.9
.
yeares
of
age
,
the
first
of
Cyrus
,
yet
to
Darius
Nothus
is
a
matter
of
100.
years
,
as
appeares
by
the
Chronologie
.
Hence
wee
see
,
that
the
Lord
gave
him
a
life
much
longer
than
ordinary
.
Wee
reade
nothing
when
hee
dyed
after
the
edifying
of
the
Temple
.
This
cleares
that
in
Zacharie
4.9
.
The
hands
of
Zerubbabel
have
laid
the
foundation
of
this
house
;
his
hands
also
shall
finish
it
.
The
very
phrase
doth
tell
us
,
that
the
Lord
did
draw
out
his
life
of
purpose
,
that
he
might
live
to
make
up
that
goodly
worke
.
Like
as
Moses
,
Deut.
ult
.
had
a
longer
life
than
usuall
given
him
,
that
he
might
bring
the
People
of
God
out
of
Egypt
.
In
that
place
of
Zechary
the
Lord
doth
promise
Zerubbabel
some
singular
matter
,
in
that
the
Prophet
affirmeth
,
that
the
hands
of
Zerubbabel
that
laid
the
foundation
,
the
same
hand
shall
finish
it
;
meaning
,
an
exceeding
long
life
.
Thus
we
see
how
God
doth
cause
some
to
live
to
be
wondrous
old
,
above
others
,
because
hee
hath
something
to
bee
done
by
them
.
Then
age
is
a
crowne
indeed
,
when
it
is
thus
found
in
the
wayes
of
Righteousnesse
.
Neither
hath
it
a
good
savour
,
for
men
to
say
of
an
old
Zerubbabel
when
he
is
going
hence
,
What
matter
is
it
to
heare
of
such
an
aged
man
dying
,
or
dead
?
What
?
doth
not
the
Lord
threaten
it
as
a
curse
,
that
he
will
take
away
?
whom
?
the
youth
?
No
,
the
prudent
and
the
ancient
,
Isa.
3.2
.
This
Nehemiah
was
not
Nehemiah
the
famous
,
[
p
](A09268-e11600-b)
p
Scal.
de
emend
.
lib.
6.
Wolph
.
in
●it
.
lib.
Nehem.
c.
12.
Dion
.
Carthus
.
in
Ezr.
2.
Artaxerxes
,
and
the
Persians
used
to
have
young
men
for
their
Gentlemen
about
them
.
But
this
Nehemiah
,
comming
up
the
first
yeare
of
King
Cyrus
,
must
needs
be
stricken
in
yeares
,
in
Artaxerxes
time
.
Hee
was
not
Mordecay
,
Esters
Mordecay
had
returned
with
Zerubbabel
,
he
would
not
have
dwelt
at
Susis
,
and
trayned
up
Ester
among
the
Heathen
,
but
rather
in
the
holy
Land
,
among
the
people
of
God
.
And
't
is
plaine
,
that
this
Mordecay
did
returne
into
Iudaea
,
Neh.
7.7
.
But
that
ever
Esters
Vncle
came
into
Iudaea
,
is
unlikely
.
Wee
must
know
,
that
it
was
a
common
thing
among
the
Iewes
,
to
have
more
names
than
one
,
or
two
.
Which
we
must
consider
,
lest
it
breed
mistakes
in
reading
the
Scriptures
.
[
*
](A09268-e11840-b)
*
Vers.
61.
And
the
children
of
the
Priests
,
the
children
of
Habaja●
,
the
children
of
Roz
,
the
children
of
Barzillai
,
which
tooke
a
wife
of
the
daughters
of
Barzillai
,
the
Gileadite
,
and
was
called
after
their
name
.
In
the
Captivity
,
the
Priests
being
in
a
strange
Land
,
were
not
to
offer
any
other
sacrifices
,
except
it
were
spirituall
sacrifices
of
praise
:
Whereupon
there
being
not
that
commodity
made
of
it
,
as
was
used
to
arise
out
of
their
slaine
sacrifices
;
some
Priests
,
who
had
married
themselves
into
the
Noble
Family
of
Barzillai
,
Vers.
62.
[
q
](A09268-e11920-b)
These
sought
their
Register
amongst
those
that
were
reckoned
by
Genealogie
:
but
they
were
not
found
,
therefore
they
were
,
as
polluted
,
[
r
](A09268-e11950-b)
put
from
the
Priesthood
.
tooke
scorne
to
be
in
the
Register
of
the
Priests
in
the
time
of
the
Captivity
of
Babylon
,
and
tooke
the
name
of
Barzillai
after
the
Family
of
their
wives
.
Now
after
the
returne
from
the
Captivity
,
the
Priesthood
growing
into
fame
,
gaine
,
and
request
againe
,
and
there
being
holy
things
to
eate
of
,
these
degenerate
Priests
would
faine
have
taken
place
among
the
Priests
of
the
Lord
;
but
the
Magistrate
would
not
suffer
them
:
because
,
when
time
was
,
they
did
scorne
the
Priesthood
,
the
Priesthood
should
now
scorne
them
.
A
iust
reward
of
God
and
man
for
such
proud
and
insolent
kind
of
people
.
'T
is
common
when
men
by
their
wit
goe
about
to
get
a
Name
,
that
they
lose
their
Name
.
After
the
flood
they
would
needs
build
a
tower
to
get
a
Name
to
themselves
,
and
not
to
God
:
and
it
is
their
reproach
to
this
day
.
And
this
was
all
the
use
that
those
Creatures
made
of
the
late
deluge
,
the
greatest
judgement
of
God
that
ever
was
.
Vers.
63.
And
the
Tirshatha
said
unto
them
,
that
they
should
not
eate
of
the
most
holy
things
,
till
there
stood
up
a
Priest
with
Vrim
[
s
](A09268-e12100-b)
&
Thummim
.
[
The
Tirshatha
]
It
is
a
name
of
office
,
viz.
The
Governour
or
Deputy
of
the
King
:
We
see
he
was
a
man
of
power
that
could
keep
those
great
men
from
the
Priesthood
,
and
forbid
them
to
eat
of
the
most
holy
things
.
By
Tirshatha
I
conceive
the
same
;
who
,
cap.
1.8
.
was
called
Shazbazzar
:
as
Daniel
was
called
Balshazzar
:
An
use
among
the
Chaldees
to
change
the
name
of
the
Iewes
.
Now
Shazbazzar
was
Z●robbabel
,
as
we
have
shewed
before
.
[
Till
there
arose
up
a
Priest
with
Vrim
and
Thummim
]
viz.
to
aske
the
Lords
advice
and
counsell
.
By
Priest
,
is
meant
the
high
Priest
,
for
he
had
the
Vrim
and
Thummim
,
and
none
but
he
.
So
when
Saul
murthered
the
Priests
of
the
Lord
,
Abtathar
fled
to
[
t
](A09268-e12320-b)
t
1.
Sam.
23
6.
David
with
the
Ephod
(
saith
the
text
)
that
is
,
with
the
Ephod
of
the
high
Priest
;
and
presently
David
began
to
enquire
by
the
Ephod
of
the
Lord
.
A
great
providence
of
God
for
the
comfort
of
his
poore
servant
David
!
And
hence
it
is
that
we
reade
,
that
the
Lord
answered
not
Saul
by
[
v
](A09268-e12410-b)
v
1.
Sam.
28.6
.
Vrim
and
Thummim
:
for
it
was
now
with
David
;
not
with
Saul
.
This
Vrim
&
Thummim
was
either
lost
or
burned
together
with
many
other
things
,
when
that
the
Chaldees
tooke
the
City
of
Ierusalem
,
&
was
never
found
againe
.
How
then
doth
he
here
say
,
Vntill
there
stand
up
a
Priest
with
Vrim
and
Thummim
?
1
It
may
be
that
Zerubbabel
did
not
know
but
that
Vrim
and
Thummim
might
by
the
providence
of
God
be
had
againe
.
2
Vntill
.
that
is
,
Never
.
An
usuall
Phrase
in
Scripture
,
(
q.
d.
)
You
shall
never
come
to
the
Priesthood
againe
,
except
God
shall
reveale
his
mind
to
be
otherwise
by
Vrim
and
Thummim
which
will
never
be
.
[
Vntill
]
is
thus
taken
in
the
word
in
many
places
.
1
No.
Was
it
not
a
great
decay
to
Religion
,
that
Vrim
and
Thummim
were
lost
?
Did
not
the
Church
now
want
a
rule
of
certainty
?
For
the
word
of
God
was
ever
the
lively
Oracle
,
the
Rule
of
Rules
,
that
was
the
sacred
Canon
,
now
the
Scripture
.
For
the
old
Testament
was
compleat
,
and
when
there
was
so
much
of
the
word
written
,
there
was
the
lesse
use
of
Vrim
&
Thummim
.
And
therefore
after
the
losse
of
Vrim
and
Thummim
,
the
Church
was
to
keepe
the
closer
to
the
Law
of
Moses
:
as
Malachy
,
who
lived
after
the
losse
of
Vrim
,
and
wrote
last
of
all
the
Prophets
,
Remember
the
Law
of
Moses
my
servant
,
which
I
commanded
unto
him
in
H●reb
,
for
all
Israel
,
with
the
statutes
and
judgements
.
2
For
ought
I
see
,
the
Vrim
and
Thummim
was
not
to
decide
matters
of
doctrine
,
but
events
and
facts
and
successes
in
warre
and
peace
,
as
we
see
in
David
often
.
vid.
Numb.
27.18
.
[
x
](A09268-e12820-b)
x
Ioseph
.
Antiq.
lib.
3.
cap.
9.
extraordinary
cases
:
In
things
ordinary
,
the
Prince
was
to
have
the
Law
before
hisface
,
Deut.
17.
Ios.
1.
but
in
extraordinary
Accidents
,
he
was
to
seeke
answer
from
God
by
the
Vrim
and
the
Thu●mim
of
the
Priest
.
3
The
Church
was
in
as
good
case
for
certainty
in
things
of
salvation
,
under
the
second
Temple
,
when
the
Vrim
and
Thummim
was
not
,
as
under
the
first
Temple
when
it
was
.
That
of
Rabbi
Talmud
in
Ion.
cap.
1.
fol.
21.
that
not
only
Vrim
and
Thummim
,
4
Besides
,
after
Vrim
and
Thummim
was
gone
they
had
some
Prophets
;
as
Haggai
,
Zechariah
,
and
Malachy
.
I
confesse
that
Prophets
by
office
and
commission
ended
in
Malachy
,
Yet
[
y
](A09268-e13050-b)
y
Drus.
2.
Pet.
1.21
.
there
be
that
hold
,
that
after
him
there
were
now
&
then
some
Prophets
only
by
the
Spirit
.
I
know
there
was
a
great
silence
of
Prophets
after
Malachy
,
to
prepare
the
people
for
to
expect
the
coming
of
that
great
Prophet
.
For
though
it
were
vox
populi
,
and
a
tradition
among
the
Priests
[
z
](A09268-e13100-b)
z
Iohn
.
1.20.21
.
&
7.40.41
.
and
Levites
,
that
the
great
Prophet
was
one
distinct
from
the
Christ
the
Messias
:
yet
I
doubt
not
,
but
the
Church
did
understand
Moses
the
great
Prophet
prophecyed
of
,
to
be
no
other
than
the
expected
Messias
:
And
therefore
the
dampe
that
was
of
Prophets
after
Malachy
,
turned
to
the
good
of
the
godly
.
It
taught
them
,
that
Christ
Iesus
was
now
at
hand
.
And
upon
his
comming
,
we
finde
that
the
Lord
stirred
up
two
Prophets
in
a
line
,
[
a
](A09268-e13190-b)
a
Maldonat
.
in
Ioh.
1.21
.
Zacharie
the
father
,
and
Iohn
the
Baptist
his
sonne
,
to
point
out
him
;
Prophets
by
grace
,
rather
than
by
office
.
And
so
I
may
say
,
that
the
want
of
Vrim
and
Thummim
did
teach
the
Church
,
that
they
were
shortly
now
to
expect
the
true
Vrim
and
Thummim
,
Christ
Iesus
,
the
high
Priest
of
their
profession
.
And
besides
,
it
should
have
taught
them
to
cleave
the
more
to
the
written
Oracles
of
God
.
This
,
Ieremy
seemes
to
mee
to
shew
in
the
losse
of
the
Arke
:
viz.
That
that
losse
should
be
no
losse
.
The
people
of
God
should
not
care
to
looke
after
the
Arke
any
more
:
but
set
their
hearts
on
the
true
Arke
Christ
Iesus
,
the
Arke
of
Arkes
.
This
then
the
Church
got
by
it
:
That
by
the
want
of
Vrim
they
learned
,
that
the
Ceremonies
were
in
going
,
and
the
Messias
in
comming
;
that
salvation
was
not
to
be
placed
in
the
ordinances
of
Moses
,
since
Vrim
and
Thummim
it selfe
was
utterly
gone
.
Lastly
,
wee
see
that
the
Church
did
stand
and
was
the
pillar
of
truth
without
Vrim
and
Thummim
.
The
[
b
](A09268-e13500-b)
b
Bellarm.
de
Rom.
Pontif.
lib.
3.
cap.
4
§.
quartà
probatur
.
Argument
is
loose
,
that
is
made
to
prove
the
infallibility
of
the
great
Bishop
of
Rome
from
the
Vrim
and
Thummim
of
the
high
Priest
:
For
beside
that
the
Argument
may
follow
from
the
[
c
](A09268-e13540-b)
c
Heb.
4.14
.
&
8.1
.
Leviticall
high
Priest
to
Christ
our
high
Priest
,
of
whom
that
high
Priest
was
a
Type
,
and
not
of
the
Pope
;
yet
we
see
that
the
Church
stood
to
the
word
,
when
there
was
no
Vrim
&
Thummim
,
from
the
taking
of
Ierusalem
to
the
comming
of
Christ
Iesus
;
for
in
that
interim
the
high
Priest
had
no
Vrim
and
Thummim
.
And
for
that
slender
voyce
called
Bath-col
,
mentioned
by
Tremelius
in
Act.
12.22
.
which
Henry
[
d
](A09268-e13750-b)
d
on
Exod.
28.30
.
Ainsworth
would
have
to
make
some
supply
for
the
defect
of
Vrim
;
it
hath
no
ground
:
and
is
to
be
turned
backe
to
the
foolish
Rabbins
from
whom
it
came
.
And
therefore
the
Law
and
the
Prophets
was
the
standard
,
and
not
the
Vrim
and
Thummim
.
I
doubt
not
but
the
people
had
by
some
meanes
perfect
notice
of
the
Revelation
made
to
the
Priest
,
and
they
were
absolutely
to
stand
to
the
Oracles
given
by
Vrim
and
Thummim
from
the
mouth
of
God
:
Yet
me
thinkes
,
't
is
hard
to
prove
that
the
Priest
did
use
it
for
matters
of
Religion
and
doctrine
,
and
not
onely
for
matters
of
fact
and
event
:
Next
,
that
the
Priest
had
answere
when
he
would
,
though
he
himselfe
were
never
so
wicked
:
or
lastly
,
That
the
sinnes
of
the
people
did
not
hinder
the
giving
of
the
Oracle
sometime
.
'T
is
enough
that
for
some
550.
yeares
the
high
Priest
was
destitute
of
Vrim
and
Thummim
;
and
yet
I
hope
the
Lord
did
not
leave
his
people
without
a
sure
and
certaine
rule
of
faith
and
direction
of
life
,
which
is
the
holy
Word
of
God
.
And
Malachy
doth
tell
us
,
that
though
the
Priests
lips
by
that
place
and
office
should
haue
preserved
knowledge
;
yet
often
they
did
not
:
And
though
,
while
Vrim
lasted
,
it
never
gave
any
false
or
fallacious
answers
;
yet
many
times
,
what
for
the
sinnes
of
the
Priest
,
and
what
for
the
sinnes
of
the
people
,
the
Lord
refused
to
give
any
answer
at
all
;
and
the
answers
that
were
given
,
were
rather
in
matters
of
[
e
](A09268-e14040-b)
e
Numb.
17.21
.
1.
Sam.
23.11
,
12.
&
30.7
,
8.
fact
than
of
doctrine
and
of
faith
.
The
argument
is
too
weake
,
that
the
Cardinall
doth
draw
from
the
Iewish
Church
,
to
prove
that
the
Pope
hath
the
deciding
Spirit
and
Voyce
in
matters
of
Faith
;
sith
from
the
destruction
of
Ierusalem
to
Messiah
the
Prince
(
a
space
of
some
550.
yeares
)
there
was
no
Oracle
by
Vrim
and
Thummim
,
no
[
f
](A09268-e14090-b)
f
Psal.
74.9
.
Wee
see
not
our
signes
:
there
is
no
more
any
Prophet
.
succession
of
Prophets
,
nor
but
a
few
Prophets
at
all
from
Malachy
till
Zachary
the
father
and
Iohn
Baptist
the
sonne
:
No
miracles
,
except
the
Poole
of
Bethesda
,
graunted
to
the
Iewes
to
strengthen
them
in
the
true
worship
of
God
under
the
persecution
of
Antiochus
,
till
the
dayes
of
Zachary
and
Iohn
Baptist
and
the
Lord
Iesus
.
And
yet
the
providence
of
God
did
not
leave
the
Church
for
all
that
time
without
sufficient
and
ample
meanes
of
their
salvation
.
In
a
word
,
the
losse
of
Vrim
and
Thummim
,
the
Arke
,
and
other
Ceremonials
,
taught
them
to
looke
off
from
the
shadowes
,
and
to
looke
for
the
Truth
,
the
Lord
Iesus
.
CHAP.
VI.
Chap.
4.
v.
5.
They
hired
counsellers
against
them
,
to
frustrate
their
purpose
all
the
dayes
of
Cyrus
K.
of
Persia
,
even
untill
the
reigne
of
Darius
K.
of
Persia.
Question
is
made
who
this
Darius
King
of
Persia
was
,
which
of
the
Darij
.
CYrus
after
the
Edict
made
in
behalfe
of
the
Iewes
,
was
called
abroad
to
the
warres
.
He
left
his
sonne
Cambyses
the
power
of
a
King
at
home
;
and
Cambyses
hindred
the
execution
of
his
fathers
Proclamation
.
1
Not
Darius
Medus
,
as
Ben-Gorion
saith
;
for
he
was
predecessor
to
Cyrus
.
Now
it
is
plaine
by
this
Text
,
that
our
Darius
succeeded
Cyrus
;
And
by
the
tenor
of
this
fourth
Chapter
we
find
that
the
building
was
letted
the
daies
of
Cyrus
,
Assuerus
,
Artaxerxes
,
even
untill
the
second
yeare
of
this
Darius
:
therefore
our
Darius
was
not
onely
after
Cyrus
,
but
after
Assuerus
and
Artaxerxes
also
.
2
Not
Darius
Hystaspis
,
as
[
a
](A09268-e14470-b)
a
Ioseph
.
antiq.
lib.
11.
cap.
3.
Iosephus
thought
:
For
,
Ezr.
4.6
,
7.
there
is
mention
of
Assuerus
and
Artaxerxes
,
who
went
betwixt
Cyrus
and
our
Darius
.
But
Darius
Hystaspis
was
the
immediate
successor
of
Cambyses
,
and
Cambyses
succeeded
Cyrus
his
father
:
therefore
our
Darius
cannot
be
Darius
Hystaspis
.
For
betwixt
Cyrus
and
our
Darius
,
Ezra
mentions
two
:
but
betwixt
Cyrus
and
Darius
Hystaspis
there
was
but
only
Cambyses
.
As
for
the
Magus
,
he
is
not
in
accompt
among
the
Kings
of
Persia
;
eyther
for
that
hee
was
a
tyrant
,
or
else
for
that
he
stood
but
seven
moneths
.
3
Therefore
this
our
Darius
was
Darius
Notbus
,
the
sonne
of
Axtaxerxes
Longimanus
,
named
Ezra
4.7
.
the
father
of
Artaxerxes
Mnemon
.
CHAP.
VII
.
HEre
are
sixe
generations
left
out
betwixt
Merajoth
and
that
Azariah
,
Chap.
7.
v.
3.
The
sonne
of
Amaziah
,
the
sonne
of
Azariah
,
the
sonne
of
Merajoth
.
who
was
the
Priest
,
as
it
is
1.
Chron.
6.
viz.
Amariah
,
Ahitub
,
Zadok
,
Ahimaaz
,
Azariah
,
Iothanan
.
These
were
omitted
here
for
brevitie
sake
,
because
hast
is
made
,
to
shew
onely
,
that
Ezra
came
from
Aaron
,
to
honour
Ezra
,
and
to
give
him
the
more
authority
.
And
likely
it
is
,
that
those
are
passed
over
who
were
borne
in
the
time
of
the
Babylonian
Captivitie
:
and
those
set
upon
record
here
,
as
though
they
had
been
the
verie
next
,
whose
memorie
was
fresh
and
most
famous
,
as
being
Priests
about
the
time
the
Temple
was
ruinated
.
Wee
may
say
,
That
he
doth
set
downe
by
name
the
Catalogue
of
those
his
Ancestors
only
,
who
flourished
during
the
standing
of
the
Temple
.
And
't
is
a
truth
,
that
Ezra
was
not
the
immediate
,
but
the
mediate
sonne
of
Serajah
:
and
so
Ezra
useth
the
word
Son
in
a
many
of
places
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Cap.
10.11
.
Now
therefore
make
confession
unto
the
Lord
God
of
your
Fathers
,
&
doe
his
pleasure
,
and
separate
your selues
from
the
people
of
the
land
,
and
from
the
strange
wiues
.
THe
question
is
,
Whether
in
case
a
man
marry
an
Amorite
,
now
an
infidell
;
he
be
to
put
her
away
by
vertue
of
this
Law
?
No
,
by
no
meanes
:
He
must
keepe
her
,
if
shee
will
stay
with
him
:
as
Paul
shewes
,
1.
Cor.
7.12
.
And
Peter
inferres
1.
Pet.
3.1
.
Where
hee
shewes
,
that
Christian
wives
must
by
their
conuersation
labour
to
winne
their
husbands
,
that
obey
not
the
Word
,
(
that
is
)
that
are
Heathens
.
Therefore
they
are
not
bound
to
part
a
beleeving
man
from
an
unbeleeving
wife
,
Cap.
9.1
.
Now
when
these
things
were
done
,
the
Princes
came
unto
me
,
saying
;
The
people
of
Israel
,
and
the
Priests
,
and
the
Levites
have
not
separated
themselves
from
the
people
of
the
land
,
doing
according
to
the
abominations
even
of
the
Canaanites
,
the
Hittites
,
the
Perizzites
,
the
Iebusites
,
the
Ammonites
,
the
Moabites
,
the
Egyptians
,
and
the
Amorites
,
ver.
2.
For
they
have
taken
of
their
daughters
for
themselues
,
and
for
their
sonnes
so
that
the
holy
seed
have
mingled
themselves
with
the
people
of
those
lands
;
yea
the
hand
of
the
Princes
and
Rulers
hath
beene
chiefe
in
this
trespasse
.
Cap.
10.44
.
All
these
had
taken
strange
wives
,
and
some
of
them
had
wives
,
by
whom
they
had
children
.
a
beleeving
wife
from
an
unbeleeving
and
infidell
husband
.
Wee
must
say
then
,
that
this
Law
in
[
h
](A09268-e15180-b)
h
Chytraeus
in
Levit.
18.28
.
qu.
●
.
c.
etiam
citantur
.
Ezra
was
a
part
of
Moses
policy
,
which
did
bind
them
then
,
but
not
us
now
.
Next
I
say
,
It
did
not
bind
them
simply
neither
:
but
in
case
such
wives
were
not
Proselytes
;
but
did
remaine
in
their
superstition
.
For
Salmon
did
marry
Rahab
a
convert
Canaanite
,
and
did
well
in
it
:
But
these
in
Ezra
did
persist
in
their
infidelity
and
superstition
.
And
if
Pharaohs
daughter
were
a
Proselyte
,
Solomon
did
not
sin
against
[
i
](A09268-e15280-b)
i
Piscator
1.
King
.
3.1
.
Solomons
first
wife
was
an
Egyptian
;
but
a
proselyte
.
1.
King
.
3.1
,
2
,
3.
è
verisimile
che
prima
la
faccile
an
marsirat
ne●la
vera
rel●gione
è
ren
unciare
alle
sue
Idololatrie
:
i.
e.
'T
is
like
hee
caused
her
to
be
instructed
in
the
true
religion
,
and
to
renounce
her
Idolatry
.
Deodat
.
Italian
.
Altra
mente
haualbe
peccato
contra
alla
Legge
.
Deut.
7.3.4
.
i.
e.
Else
hee
had
sinned
against
the
Law
.
Ibid.
La
quale
benchi
reguardi
principalmente
à
popoli
Cananei
male
detti
,
ha
puri
una
ragione
generale
del
periculo
de
esser
indotro
ad
Idololatria
.
i.
e.
Though
the
place
in
Deut.
7.6
.
be
chiefely
meant
of
the
Canaanites
;
yet
it
hath
a
generall
reason
from
the
danger
of
being
drawne
to
Idolatry
:
Deodat
.
ibid.
that
Law
of
Moses
then
:
much
lesse
was
hee
bound
to
put
her
away
.
He
is
deceived
,
The
Question
is
,
whether
in
case
a
man
marry
an
Amorite
,
now
an
Infidell
,
he
be
to
put
her
away
by
vertue
of
this
Law
?
who
writes
that
Solomon
did
not
ill
in
it
,
not
on
this
ground
,
because
she
was
a
Proselyte
;
but
because
shee
was
none
of
those
seven
cursed
Nations
,
named
,
Deut.
4.7
.
This
evasion
is
not
currant
:
For
though
those
seven
be
only
named
,
yet
other
the
like
are
meant
;
And
Ezra
9.1
.
the
Egyptians
are
set
downe
by
name
and
the
Moabite
:
Yet
Boaz
did
his
duty
in
marrying
of
Ruth
the
Moabitesse
,
shee
being
now
in
faith
and
religion
united
to
the
people
of
God
.
The
summe
is
:
that
it
was
a
Law
of
Moses
binding
during
the
time
of
his
policy
;
That
if
an
Israelite
should
marry
an
Infidell
,
remaining
an
Infidell
,
shee
was
to
be
put
away
,
and
it
seemes
her
children
too
:
which
Law
is
not
in
force
now
:
Christians
are
not
bound
to
it
;
but
doe
sinne
if
they
divorce
such
wives
(
very
Infidels
)
that
are
willing
to
live
with
their
Christian
husbands
.
CHAP.
IX
.
THis
shewes
that
Nehemiah
was
the
penner
of
this
Booke
.
The
words
of
Nehemiah
,
the
sonne
of
Hacheliah
,
&c.
And
therefore
it
is
a
mistake
in
[
k
](A09268-e15580-b)
k
Genebrard
.
lib.
2.
The
Engl.
Argument
on
the
Book
of
Nehemiah
.
those
,
who
make
Ezra
to
be
the
writer
of
this
Booke
of
Nehemiah
.
And
this
appeares
further
,
in
that
he
speaketh
often
of
himselfe
in
the
first
person
(
I
Nehemiah
)
and
not
in
the
third
person
.
For
though
some
,
that
are
makers
of
a
Booke
doe
sometimes
speake
of
themselves
in
the
third
person
(
as
Matthew
and
Iohn
doe
in
their
Gospels
,
and
Moses
in
his
history
)
[
Matthew
said
,
Iohn
said
,
Moses
spake
]
yet
he
that
is
not
the
author
of
a
Booke
never
speaks
of
himselfe
in
that
Booke
,
in
the
first
person
;
as
in
this
Booke
often
Nehemiah
doth
.
Neither
is
it
any
argument
that
Ezra
wrote
it
,
because
in
the
Hebrew
editions
,
it
is
called
Ezra
;
sith
the
Ebrewes
did
this
to
tell
up
the
iust
number
of
twenty
foure
Bookes
of
the
old
Testament
.
Both
the
Bookes
of
Samuell
stand
under
his
name
;
yet
Samuell
was
not
the
writer
of
all
,
but
part
was
written
by
[
l
](A09268-e15730-b)
l
Sixtus
Senensis
Bibl.
lib.
1.
Samuell
,
some
by
Nathan
,
and
some
by
Gad.
Vers.
6.
Both
I
and
my
Fathers
have
sinned
.
The
conclusion
is
cleare
,
That
we
ought
to
confesse
the
sins
of
our
fathers
:
but
first
,
[
m
](A09268-e15830-b)
m
Vid.
Fewerbornij
disputat
.
An
Deus
posteros
puniat
ob
Majorum
suorum
flagiti●
?
not
to
have
a
pardon
for
them
,
when
they
are
dead
and
gone
.
2
Nor
that
God
pardons
us
their
sins
,
The
[
n
](A09268-e15860-b)
n
Ezek.
18.
soule
onely
that
sinneth
,
that
shall
dye
.
No
guilt
necessarily
passeth
from
the
father
to
the
sonne
;
but
that
of
Adam
,
together
with
the
sinne
.
There
is
but
one
only
Originall
sinne
.
The
sonne
is
not
guilty
of
the
fathers
sinne
,
any
further
than
he
doth
make
it
his
owne
sinne
also
,
by
some
consent
;
either
affirmative
,
by
doing
or
liking
what
his
father
hath
done
in
point
of
sinne
;
being
glad
of
the
broth
wherein
the
abominable
thing
was
sodden
,
&
so
subscribes
to
it
,
by
a
tacite
and
interpretative
consent
:
Or
2
Negative
,
when
we
doe
not
dissent
.
A
childe
is
bound
to
humble
himselfe
for
his
fathers
sins
upward
,
as
farre
as
ordinarily
hee
may
come
to
the
certaine
knowledge
of
them
;
which
sometimes
is
,
to
the
third
and
fourth
generation
.
Now
if
he
bee
not
humble
and
take
them
to
heart
,
there
is
a
secret
consent
;
because
he
doth
not
by
this
act
of
humbling
shew
his
dissent
:
And
had
such
a
childe
the
occasions
and
tentations
his
forefathers
had
;
he
would
doe
as
they
did
.
And
thus
he
sets
his
fathers
sins
on
his
score
;
and
makes
them
his
owne
.
According
to
that
of
Daniel
to
Belshazzar
,
cap.
5.
ver.
22.
And
thou
his
son
,
O
Belshazzar
,
hast
not
humbled
thine
heart
,
though
thou
knewest
all
this
.
viz.
Nebuchadnezzars
sinne
and
punishment
.
In
the
Legall
Covenant
of
workes
,
the
guilt
,
together
with
the
fault
and
corruption
,
did
convey
it selfe
to
the
Posterity
.
Originall
sinne
descends
by
force
of
that
Covenant
:
And
that
Commination
to
visit
the
sins
of
the
Fathers
,
hath
an
eye
to
the
Covenant
of
the
Law
.
But
now
in
the
Evangelicall
Covenant
of
grace
,
the
sinne
,
and
the
wrath
of
God
,
goes
no
further
than
the
very
persons
offending
:
Only
God
doth
sometimes
make
the
fathers
sinnes
an
occasion
,
never
a
cause
of
punishing
the
child
with
some
greater
measure
of
punishment
▪
should
personall
sins
in
the
guilt
,
descend
from
fathers
to
the
children
:
wee
should
have
more
Originall
sinnes
than
one
.
When
then
in
the
Word
they
[
o
](A09268-e15980-b)
o
Levit.
26.40
.
were
commanded
to
confesse
,
together
with
their
owne
sinnes
,
the
sinnes
of
their
forefathers
:
it
was
not
that
their
forefathers
sins
,
that
went
no
further
any
way
than
their
forefathers
persons
,
should
be
remitted
to
their
forefathers
being
dead
,
or
to
them
being
aliue
,
but
that
such
sinnes
,
which
they
themselues
had
also
in
their
owne
proper
persons
by
occasion
of
the
example
of
their
forefathers
committed
by
act
or
some
consent
,
might
be
forgiven
unto
them
.
So
Psal.
79.8
.
[
Remember
not
,
]
against
whom
?
Our
forefathers
?
No
:
But
,
Remember
not
[
agaist
us
former
[
p
](A09268-e16020-b)
p
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Iniquitates
praecedentium
.
Rainold
.
(
which
we
and
our
Fathers
have
committed
)
genev
.
●ote
.
[
Le.
iniquita
depassati
Ital.
]
i.
e.
de
nostri
maggiori
,
è
predecessoni
,
le
quali
no●
halliamo
,
seguitate
.
Deodat
.
iniquities
;
that
is
,
such
sinnes
as
wee
haue
committed
through
the
example
of
our
forefathers
,
at
least
haue
one
way
or
another
made
our
owne
.
The
Translation
reades
it
[
former
Iniquities
.
]
Word
for
word
it
is
in
the
originall
,
[
The
Iniquities
of
those
that
were
before
us
:
]
i.
e.
of
our
Ancestors
.
CHAP.
X.
Cap.
2.
v.
8.
And
a
letter
unto
Asaph
the
keeper
of
the
Kings
[
q
](A09268-e16210-b)
●orest
,
that
he
may
give
me
timber
to
make
beames
for
the
gates
of
the
Palace
,
which
appertaines
to
the
House
,
and
for
the
Wall
of
the
Citie
,
and
for
the
house
that
THat
is
;
[
*
](A09268-e16230-b)
*
I
shall
●●ter
into
.
For
the
house
that
he
himselfe
was
to
have
,
being
made
governour
by
the
King
.
It
appeares
by
Ezr.
6.15
.
and
Nohem
.
2.1
.
that
the
Temple
was
built
before
the
walls
of
the
Citie
.
The
wals
of
the
Citie
were
first
broken
downe
,
and
last
built
up
;
and
that
14.
yeares
after
the
Temple
.
And
one
reason
hereof
is
given
:
for
that
before
in
all
the
former
edicts
made
in
behalfe
of
the
Iewes
by
Cyrus
or
any
other
,
there
was
no
word
as
touching
the
reedifying
of
the
City
,
but
onely
to
build
againe
the
Temple
.
Paraeus
rather
is
in
the
truth
,
who
holds
,
that
Cyrus
did
by
edict
give
leave
to
build
the
Citie
:
Orat.
de
70.
hebdom
.
Dan.
but
by
reason
of
so
great
resistance
,
they
could
doe
little
or
nothing
to
the
Citie
.
And
therefore
Nehemiah
gets
Letters
Patents
to
build
the
Citie
,
and
the
wals
of
the
Citie
.
And
the
truth
is
;
That
the
Iewes
after
their
returne
,
grew
secure
and
carelesse
,
fell
to
[
r
](A09268-e16360-b)
r
Vid.
Calvin
.
in
Zach.
cap.
1.
v.
3.
marrying
strange
wives
,
and
other
disorders
,
till
the
Lord
stirred
up
the
spirit
and
zeale
of
our
Nehemiah
,
and
he
never
gave
over
till
hee
had
finished
the
worke
.
So
much
good
may
one
man
of
place
,
power
,
and
zeale
,
and
courage
doe
for
the
Church
.
Neither
was
the
Lord
wanting
to
him
in
his
blessed
enterprize
;
But
hee
sent
in
Haggai
and
Zachariah
,
a
paire
of
noble
Prophets
to
encourage
the
people
in
the
worke
of
the
Lord
:
Neither
will
the
Lord
be
wanting
to
any
of
us
in
things
that
are
good
,
if
we
be
not
wanting
to
him
and
our selves
.
As
if
hee
should
say
;
Vers.
11.
Should
such
a
man
as
I
flie
?
and
who
is
there
that
being
as
I
am
,
would
goe
into
the
Temple
to
save
his
life
?
I
will
not
go●
in
.
It
is
not
for
mee
that
haue
a
calling
from
God
to
doe
what
I
doe
,
which
calling
is
a
sufficient
testimonie
of
his
assistance
and
protection
,
for
feare
to
leave
the
worke
begun
,
and
so
to
discover
disobedience
and
diffidence
toward
God
.
Iunius
is
of
opinion
,
that
hee
being
a
stranger
,
(
i.
e.
)
not
a
Priest
,
was
not
by
law
to
goe
into
the
Temple
:
As
't
is
Numb.
3.38
.
But
I
rather
follow
Deodate
,
who
seemes
to
like
better
to
say
,
That
hee
would
not
flee
to
the
Temple
,
because
it
was
for
malefactors
,
who
used
to
take
sanctuarie
there
to
shift
for
their
lives
.
Exod.
21.14
.
1.
King
.
1.51
.
&
2.28
.
S●majah
,
who
perswaded
him
to
run
to
the
Temple
,
was
a
Priest
,
and
he
did
put
a
colour
of
retyred
Religion
on
it
too
.
So
that
even
Priests
were
found
ready
to
hinder
the
building
of
the
Wals.
But
Nehemiah
did
looke
to
God
and
not
to
Man
,
and
therefore
in
the
next
verse
he
saith
:
He
perceived
that
God
had
not
sent
him
,
for
that
he
went
about
to
draw
him
from
his
vocation
,
which
had
a
sure
foundation
.
Wee
must
not
suffer
,
no
not
Divines
themselves
,
to
turne
us
out
of
our
callings
,
places
,
and
duties
.
CHAP.
XI
.
Chap.
8.1
.
And
all
the
people
gathered
themselves
together
as
one
man
into
the
street
that
was
before
the
water-gate
:
and
they
spake
unto
Ezra
the
Scribe
,
to
bring
the
Booke
of
the
Law
of
Moses
,
which
the
Lord
had
commanded
to
Israel
.
HEre
we
see
how
forward
the
people
were
:
they
called
upon
Ezra
;
and
Ezra
thought
it
not
much
to
be
stirred
up
by
the
people
to
doe
his
duty
.
The
winde
of
Gods
spirit
bloweth
where
it
lifteth
,
and
sometimes
beginneth
with
the
common
people
.
The
duty
that
they
pressed
Ezra
unto
,
was
a
plaine
Text
,
Deut.
33.10
,
11.
where
God
commanded
in
the
feast
of
Tabernacles
,
that
the
Law
should
be
read
unto
the
people
.
Where
the
people
have
Scripture
for
it
,
they
must
say
to
Archippus
,
Doe
thy
dutie
.
Ver.
8.
So
they
read
in
the
Booke
in
the
Law
of
God
distinctly
,
and
gat●
t●e
sense
,
〈◊〉
caused
them
to
understand
the
reading
.
The
people
were
too
many
to
be
taught
by
one
:
and
therefore
they
made
sundry
companies
and
congregations
,
and
had
many
Doctors
of
the
Law
to
teach
them
.
Therefore
it
is
said
:
[
They
read
]
in
the
Book
.
And
having
read
,
they
gave
the
sense
,
and
made
the
people
to
understand
thereading
.
The
meaning
is
,
That
by
[
s
](A09268-e16800-b)
s
Nehem.
8.8
.
comparing
places
of
the
word
of
God
,
they
did
clearly
expound
to
them
the
meaning
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
i.
e.
●a●ant
intelligenciam
per
ipsam
Scripturam
,
They
g●ve
,
the
sense
by
the
Scripture
it selfe
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
testimoniis
,
by
co●fe●ring
of
places
.
Aug.
lib.
q.
83.
quaest.
69.
tom
.
4.
Bretewood
in
his
Enquiries
,
Chap.
9.
Reading
&
expounding
,
or
preaching
,
have
used
of
old
to
goe
together
.
So
in
the
case
of
Philip
and
the
Eunuch
.
And
Act.
13.15
.
After
the
lecture
of
the
Law
&
Prophets
,
the
Rulers
of
the
Synagogue
sent
unto
them
,
saying
:
Men
&
brethren
,
if
yee
have
any
word
of
exhortation
for
the
people
,
say
on
.
We
see
more
Scriptures
were
read
than
were
presently
expounded
:
yet
when
reading
of
the
word
was
,
there
used
to
be
expounding
of
some
portion
.
T
is
a
poore
conceit
to
say
,
That
before
the
Captivity
there
was
nothing
but
bare
reading
;
but
after
,
when
the
people
had
lost
much
of
their
Language
and
did
hardly
understand
the
Tongue
,
that
then
literall
expounding
came
in
by
learned
men
that
had
the
skill
of
the
Tongue
:
As
Schoolemasters
doe
,
when
they
construe
lessons
to
their
boyes
in
Grammar
Schooles
.
As
though
[
giving
of
the
sense
]
had
bin
nothing
but
a
grammaticall
interpretation
of
the
word
.
Preaching
is
ancienter
than
so
.
Noah
was
a
Preacher
of
righteousnesse
:
And
Acts
15.21
.
Moses
of
old
time
hath
in
every
City
them
that
preach
him
;
seing
he
is
read
in
the
Synagogue
every
Sabbath
day
.
Moses
of
old
,
(
i.
e.
)
from
the
first
time
,
Moses
and
the
Prophets
,
as
Acts
13.15
.
it
seemes
to
me
to
note
the
times
of
Moses
Law
before
the
Prophets
were
.
The
word
translated
Reading
,
is
[
u
](A09268-e17100-b)
u
Vid.
Pagnin
.
Ion.
3.4
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
doth
properly
signifie
an
Assembly
,
or
Convocation
:
and
here
the
Scripture
is
named
by
that
name
,
to
shew
us
,
That
the
holy
Scripture
ought
to
be
read
in
the
Congregation
and
Assembly
.
2.
Chron.
17.9
.
Iehosaphat
sent
Levites
and
Priests
,
who
taught
in
Iudah
,
and
had
the
Booke
of
the
Law
of
the
Lord
with
them
,
and
went
about
throughout
all
the
Cities
of
Iudah
,
and
taught
the
people
.
This
teaching
was
our
preaching
,
not
only
construing
the
words
to
the
people
;
for
in
those
dayes
the
commo●
people
had
not
lost
any
of
the
languag●
,
but
vnderstood
the
Hebrew
perfectly
.
Take
it
then
for
a
truth
,
That
before
and
after
the
Captivity
,
the
Church
of
the
Iewes
had
their
Teachers
who
did
expound
and
preach
unto
them
the
meaning
of
the
Scriptures
:
And
Ezra
with
the
rest
here
are
sayd
to
interpret
,
not
the
words
,
but
the
meaning
.
They
gave
the
sense
,
that
is
,
not
the
literall
sense
of
the
Hebrew
words
,
which
the
Iewes
understood
full
well
,
but
the
spirituall
sense
.
I
cannot
beleeve
that
the
Iewes
in
Captivity
lost
the
use
of
their
native
Tongue
;
and
I
thinke
it
not
credible
,
that
the
Iewes
in
the
space
of
seventy
years
should
so
forget
their
native
Tongue
,
they
being
a
people
so
scrupulous
as
they
were
,
to
haue
no
more
commerce
with
strangers
than
needs
must
.
And
lastly
Haggai
,
Zachary
and
Malachy
,
who
lived
and
wrote
after
the
Captivity
,
did
speake
and
write
to
the
people
in
the
pure
Hebrew
Language
:
Which
they
would
not
have
done
,
but
that
the
people
understood
the
Language
.
The
Hebrewes
were
in
Egypt
220.
in
Chaldea
but
70.
In
Egypt
they
were
held
to
greater
bondage
[
l
](A09268-e17250-b)
l
Daniel
stiles
the
Chaldaean
Monarchie
Golden
,
by
reason
of
the
kinde
and
free
usage
the
people
of
God
found
in
their
captivity
there
.
than
in
Babylon
;
yet
they
brought
with
them
the
purity
of
the
Language
out
of
Egypt
.
What
?
kept
it
220.
yeares
in
Egypt
and
not
70.
yeares
in
Babel
?
CHAP.
XII
.
That
is
,
Cap.
9.8
.
And
foundest
his
heart
,
(
i.
e.
Abrahams
)
faithfull
before
thee
,
and
madest
a
Covenant
with
him
.
hee
gave
him
a
faithfull
heart
first
,
and
then
finds
his
heart
faithfull
,
not
by
nature
,
but
by
grace
;
and
makes
a
Covenant
with
him
:
So
[
*
](A09268-e17400-b)
*
Epist.
107.
Augustine
▪
Pravenit
hominis
voluntatem
,
nec
eam
cujusquam
invenit
in
corde
,
sed
facit
.
God
doth
at
first
,
not
find
,
but
make
our
wills
and
hearts
good
.
So
Aquinas
,
[
y
](A09268-e17430-b)
y
Aquin.
1.2
.
q.
114.
art.
5.
ad
.
2.
Non
●●men
ita
quòd
priùs
dig●i
fuerint
,
sed
quia
ipse
per
grat
iam
eos
facit
dignos
:
qui
stolus
pote
facere
mundum
de
immundo
conceptum
semine
.
God
is
sayd
to
give
grace
to
the
worthy
:
not
that
they
are
worthy
before
hee
gives
them
grace
;
but
because
he
by
grace
maketh
them
worthy
:
who
onely
can
cleanse
that
which
is
uncleane
.
Hee
then
doth
abuse
plaine
places
of
Scripture
,
Vers.
20.
Thou
gavest
also
thy
good
spirit
to
instruct
them
.
who
doth
hold
,
that
the
spirit
teacheth
not
,
but
stirs
up
motions
to
learne
.
It
doth
both
.
It
followes
not
to
inferre
:
that
if
wee
say
,
the
Spirit
teacheth
,
we
must
grant
Anabaptisticall
Revelations
.
Did
wee
say
,
that
the
Spirit
did
teach
by
rote
,
without
the
booke
,
that
were
to
joyne
with
the
Anabaptists
:
but
to
hold
that
the
Spirit
teacheth
by
the
word
,
is
to
speake
with
the
Scripture
,
Ephes.
1.17
.
The
Spirit
is
called
the
Spirit
of
Revelation
in
the
knowledge
of
him
.
1.
Cor.
2.13
.
Which
things
also
wee
speake
,
not
in
the
words
which
mans
wisdome
teacheth
;
but
which
the
holy
Ghost
teacheth
.
That
men
pretend
the
Spirit
,
is
no
Argument
against
the
teaching
of
the
Spirit
:
for
men
doe
as
much
pretend
the
Church
,
and
doe
father
their
fancies
on
the
Church
.
As
for
inward
teaching
without
the
word
wee
leave
that
to
the
Anabaptists
,
and
to
the
Papist
,
who
doth
affixe
and
appropriate
an
infallible
teaching
to
the
private
spirit
of
the
Pope
▪
Which
spirit
,
the
Papist
in
the
Pope
,
and
the
Anabaptist
in
his
Enthusiast
,
make
the
Standard
of
all
truth
,
and
superior
to
the
word
.
But
to
say
that
the
Spirit
teacheth
in
and
by
the
word
,
by
[
z
](A09268-e17690-b)
z
vid.
Doughty
,
of
Divine
mysteries
:
p.
24.
Inspirations
(
saith
hee
)
examined
by
the
touch
of
sacred
writ
,
may
be
a
rule
:
but
I
meane
not
new
revelations
,
respectu
doctrinae
revelatae
,
but
new
,
enlightning
both
the
Organ
,
and
Object
.
enlightening
us
,
and
casting
a
cleering
light
on
the
word
also
,
is
that
which
here
we
reade
in
Nehemiah
,
and
hath
gone
for
good
and
sound
doctrine
,
till
of
late
it
hath
beene
otherwise
taught
without
ground
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Cap.
8
v.
9.
Then
Nehemiah
,
which
is
Tirshasha
,
and
Ezra
the
Priest
and
Scribe
.
TIrshasha
is
a
Persian
word
,
and
signifieth
a
man
in
high
Office
about
the
Prince
;
and
such
an
one
was
Nehemiah
.
Other
there
were
that
did
beare
the
like
office
:
as
Nehem.
7.70
.
't
is
said
;
The
Tirshasha
gave
to
the
Treasure
a
thousand
drams
of
gold
.
But
this
Tirshasha
is
some
other
officer
,
and
not
our
Nehemiah
.
Wee
see
the
great
goodnesse
of
God
,
who
did
preferre
to
great
place
and
favour
some
of
his
servants
,
about
Heathen
Princes
:
And
it
is
a
comfort
,
that
if
God
send
us
or
ours
into
the
Countries
or
Courts
of
Pagans
,
yet
hee
can
preferre
us
then
,
and
preserve
us
there
.
Nehemiah
is
very
great
,
and
holds
his
goodnesse
.
And
Daniel
with
the
rest
were
in
as
high
place
of
dignity
and
command
as
ever
they
could
have
beene
,
had
the
Court
and
Common-wealth
of
Israel
stood
.
Doubt
nothing
:
as
long
as
wee
follow
God
:
God
can
keepe
us
to
our
consciences
,
and
our
consciences
to
him
in
Babylon
it selfe
.
Let
us
teach
our
posterity
to
pray
and
beleeve
:
and
though
they
have
not
one
penny
in
their
purses
,
yet
faith
and
prayer
will
carrie
them
all
the
world
over
.
And
if
God
in
his
providence
make
them
great
in
a
land
of
Persians
,
in
the
houses
or
Courts
of
Pagans
;
faith
will
keepe
them
good
.
This
Feast
of
Boothes
,
Vers.
17.
And
all
the
Congregation
of
them
that
were
come
againe
out
of
the
Captivity
made
Boothes
,
and
sate
under
the
Boothes
.
For
since
the
time
of
Ioshuah
the
sonne
of
Nun
unto
this
day
,
had
not
the
children
of
Isra●el
done
so
:
and
there
was
very
great
joy
.
was
a
Feast
of
7.
dayes
:
and
it
had
these
uses
.
-
1
That
all
Generations
might
by
it
understand
,
that
when
Israël
came
out
of
Egypt
,
the
Lord
made
them
to
dwell
in
Booths
.
-
2
To
remember
their
misery
past
.
-
3
To
look
for
redemption
by
the
death
of
Christ
.
And
therefore
Zacharie
makes
the
signification
of
this
holy
feast
to
be
to
shew
us
,
That
the
memorie
of
Christ
redeeming
us
by
his
death
,
-
4
Of
thankfulnesse
for
their
fruits
;
it
being
kept
at
this
time
.
Vers.
18.
And
he
read
in
the
Booke
of
the
Law
of
God
every
day
,
from
the
first
day
unto
the
last
:
and
they
kept
the
feast
7.
dayes
:
and
on
the
8.
day
a
solemne
Assembly
according
to
the
manner
.
But
was
this
Feast
disused
since
Iosua's
time
?
What
?
for
a
matter
of
1000.
yeares
;
such
a
Feast
as
this
,
so
expressely
commanded
by
God
,
so
utterly
omitted
in
the
times
of
so
many
godly
Princes
and
Priests
?
I
thinke
not
;
rather
that
it
had
not
beene
kept
with
such
devotion
and
celebration
from
Iosuah
till
now
:
(
which
I
thinke
is
the
reason
why
mention
is
here
made
of
the
Feast
of
Booths
.
)
For
here
we
finde
,
v.
18.
That
all
the
7.
dayes
,
day
after
day
,
the
Booke
of
the
Law
of
God
was
read
,
and
they
had
Congregations
to
that
purpose
each
day
,
and
then
they
had
a
solemne
Assembly
on
the
8.
day
according
to
the
manner
.
By
which
word
we
see
,
that
the
manner
had
beene
to
have
a
solemne
assembly
on
the
8.
day
.
But
it
seemes
,
the
manner
had
not
beene
to
have
Assemblies
and
reading
from
the
first
day
to
the
last
day
;
no
not
from
Iosua's
time
,
as
it
was
now
:
So
that
in
Iosuah's
time
,
they
did
use
to
reade
the
Law
in
such
order
and
manner
,
as
they
did
now
.
In
Levit.
23.35.36
.
there
is
required
a
holy
Convocation
,
onely
the
first
day
and
the
last
8.
day
.
Did
they
more
now
in
this
Feast
,
than
the
very
Law
it selfe
required
?
If
they
did
,
they
must
have
warrant
from
the
Spirit
of
God
by
some
revelation
made
to
Nehemiah
,
Ezra
,
or
some
other
for
it
;
which
appeares
not
:
or
else
,
who
required
this
at
their
hands
,
to
doe
more
than
God
commanded
?
And
therefore
I
leave
I●nius
and
Deodate
in
this
,
and
doe
rather
thinke
,
that
in
the
Feast
of
Booths
,
by
the
very
Law
,
reading
of
the
Word
was
[
a
](A09268-e18340-b)
a
Deut.
31.11
.
required
all
the
dayes
,
though
that
the
first
&
last
were
dayes
of
restraint
,
more
solemne
Convocations
and
great
holy-dayes
,
in
which
they
might
doe
no
worke
,
as
they
might
in
the
interim
dayes
.
And
so
Iohn
3.7
.
the
last
is
called
the
great
day
of
the
Feast
.
I
thinke
there
had
beene
an
omission
of
(
such
)
reading
of
the
Law
,
viz.
day
after
day
,
which
was
required
by
the
institution
in
the
Law
,
&
had
beene
in
use
till
Iosuah's
time
,
but
was
discontinued
from
his
time
till
now
;
and
now
was
brought
into
use
againe
.
The
manner
had
beene
continued
to
reade
on
the
8.
day
,
the
solemne
day
:
but
now
it
was
done
every
day
of
the
Feast
of
Tabernacles
.
And
therefore
mention
is
made
of
the
solemnizing
of
this
Feast
of
Boothes
in
this
place
;
to
shew
that
there
was
a
great
reformation
of
a
disuse
,
which
crept
in
anon
upon
Iosuah's
dayes
,
and
had
continued
in
the
Church
in
very
godly
times
now
1000.
yeares
.
Wee
see
that
a
neglect
in
Divine
worship
may
continue
long
in
the
Church
,
in
the
times
of
the
best
men
.
2
Though
it
have
lasted
ever
so
long
,
yet
it
is
our
dutie
to
doe
what
we
can
to
set
it
right
againe
at
the
last
.
This
Feast
was
celebrated
in
Boothes
made
of
the
boughes
of
greene
trees
,
in
remembrance
of
Gods
favours
to
them
in
the
wildernesse
;
at
which
time
they
had
their
dwelling
in
Boothes
.
The
chiefe
sort
of
Trees
are
named
:
and
for
Palmes
,
't
is
observed
that
they
carried
them
in
their
hands
;
It
being
an
old
wont
,
that
branches
of
Palmes
were
carried
as
signes
of
[
b
](A09268-e18470-b)
b
Pausanias
in
Areadicis
.
Plutarch
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
l.
4.
c.
5.
victory
and
great
joy
.
Hereby
,
saith
Henry
A●sworth
on
Levit.
23.40
.
wee
may
see
the
reason
,
why
at
Christs
comming
to
Ierusal●m
(
though
at
another
time
of
the
yeare
)
the
people
and
children
strawed
the
way
with
branches
of
trees
,
and
tooke
branches
of
Palme-trees
,
and
went
forth
to
meet
him
,
and
cryed
Hosanna
:
Mat.
21.8.9
.
Io●
.
12.13
.
For
all
the
Legall
Feasts
(
saith
he
)
had
their
accomplishment
in
him
,
and
to
him
the
honour
and
solemnity
of
every
Feast
did
by
right
appertaine
.
So
he
.
But
what
if
these
did
it
onely
to
testifie
their
joy
and
exultation
?
it
being
a
custome
in
all
nations
to
shew
their
joy
with
boughes
:
And
they
being
to
entertaine
Christ
,
a
King
,
did
it
with
garments
and
boughes
;
such
things
as
came
next
to
hand
.
Besides
,
the
boughes
in
the
Feast
of
the
Iewes
,
were
more
for
their
remembrance
of
dwelling
in
Boothes
in
the
wildernesse
,
than
for
joy
.
Againe
,
this
was
not
at
the
Feast
of
Tabernacles
and
Boothes
,
that
Christ
came
to
Ierusalem
;
and
were
it
not
better
to
say
,
That
these
Iewes
old
and
young
did
what
they
did
by
some
instinct
from
heaven
,
than
onely
to
imitate
a
custome
of
a
Feast
performed
at
another
time
of
the
yeare
,
that
all
might
understand
that
which
David
had
prophecyed
of
the
Messias
to
come
,
was
now
fulfilled
in
Christ
?
For
certaine
,
neither
humane
counsaile
,
nor
imitation
of
a
custome
,
but
onely
a
divine
inspirement
could
make
infants
to
doe
as
here
in
Matthew
we
read
that
they
did
.
CHAP.
XIIII
.
CHAP.
XV.
BY
sonne
is
here
meant
the
Nephew
of
Iojada
,
Cap.
13.28
.
And
one
of
the
sons
of
Iehojada
,
the
sonne
of
Eliash●b
the
high
Priest
,
was
the
sonne
in
law
of
Sanballat
the
Horonite
:
but
I
chased
him
from
mee
.
the
brother
of
Iaddua
the
high
Priest
:
his
name
was
Manasses
an
Apostata
:
he
did
marry
the
daughter
of
Sanballat
the
Horonite
,
i.
e.
a
Moabite
[
*
](A09268-e18950-b)
*
Esai
.
15.5
.
Ier.
48.3
.
of
Horonajim
:
And
because
he
could
not
continue
in
the
Priesthood
by
reason
he
had
a
strange
wife
;
hee
was
minded
to
turne
away
his
wife
,
that
he
might
not
be
turned
out
of
his
Office
.
Now
to
keepe
him
to
his
wife
,
Sanballat
undertooke
to
build
a
Temple
,
every
way
as
stately
and
as
goodly
as
that
at
Ierusalem
:
and
,
that
it
might
have
the
more
honour
,
on
Mount
[
c
](A09268-e19000-b)
c
Iudg.
9.7
.
Ioseph
.
lib.
11.
cap.
ult.
Antiq.
Gerazim
,
hard
by
the
City
Sichem
,
and
that
Manasses
should
be
chiefe
Priest
of
the
Temple
.
Which
Sanballat
,
having
first
got
leave
of
Alexander
,
did
performe
;
and
from
this
beginning
came
that
famous
schisme
as
touching
the
place
where
sacrifices
were
to
be
offered
,
betwixt
the
Samaritanes
and
the
Iewes
.
Mount
Moriah
,
and
set
his
Name
there
,
it
was
unlawfull
to
sacrifice
any
where
but
there
.
And
though
before
,
Abraham
and
Iacob
and
others
did
please
God
with
the
high
places
;
yet
afterwards
,
the
Kings
of
Israel
are
shent
for
that
they
did
not
demolish
the
high
places
.
Yet
stil
for
other
kinds
of
Worship
which
were
not
tyed
to
one
place
,
as
sacrifices
were
,
the
Iewes
and
[
d
](A09268-e19150-b)
d
Luc.
6.12
.
Rainold
.
praelect.
186.
Christ
himselfe
(
the
policy
of
the
Iewes
being
not
buried
)
did
use
many
times
to
goe
up
to
a
mountaine
,
an
high
place
to
pray
.
But
sacrifices
,
they
were
only
at
Ierusalem
;
and
whereas
the
Samaritanes
did
pretend
the
Fathers
,
meaning
by
[
Fathers
]
Iacob
,
and
perhaps
Abraham
too
;
yet
it
was
but
a
pretence
;
For
they
came
not
of
Iacob
but
of
the
[
e
](A09268-e19220-b)
e
2.
King
.
17.
race
of
the
Assyrians
:
neither
was
the
Temple
on
Mount
Gerazim
ancienterthan
the
time
of
this
Manasses
.
And
this
Manasses
marrying
the
daughter
of
Sanballat
the
Moabite
,
a
great
man
in
place
and
power
,
bred
this
schisme
.
Iacob
did
set
up
an
Altar
neere
Sichem
;
[
e
](A09268-e19340-b)
e
A
me
&
à
vobis
recedant
,
qui
dicunt
,
Nolumus
esse
meliores
quàm
Paties
nostri
.
Bern.
ep.
93.
Chrysost.
1.
Cor.
2.
Hom.
8.
in
Morali
.
They
use
to
brag
most
of
antiquity
that
have
least
cause
,
and
have
no
better
arguments
for
themselves
than
to
follow
their
false
and
foolish
Ancestors
.
The
last
cleeres
all
the
rest
:
[
*
](A09268-e19350-b)
*
Remember
me
,
O
my
God
,
for
good
.
Cap.
5.19
.
Think
upon
me
,
my
God
,
for
good
,
according
to
all
that
I
have
done
for
this
people
.
Cap.
13.15
.
Remember
me
O
my
God
concerning
this
,
&
wipe
not
out
my
good
deeds
that
I
haue
done
for
the
house
of
my
God
,
and
for
the
officers
thereof
.
He
produceth
his
good
deeds
as
testimonies
of
his
sincerity
,
and
of
that
willing
mind
that
was
in
him
to
doe
God
service
:
which
will
of
his
notwithstanding
came
from
God
,
not
from
himselfe
.
He
prayes
the
Lord
not
to
charge
his
sinne
upon
him
committed
in
other
matters
:
and
in
the
good
hee
did
,
hee
begs
of
God
that
he
would
regard
onely
his
sincerity
,
and
thinke
upon
him
in
mercy
.
Hee
brags
not
,
but
prayes
;
Vers.
22.
Remember
me
,
O
my
God
,
concerning
this
also
;
and
spare
mee
according
to
the
greatnesse
of
thy
mercy
.
produceth
the
good
which
through
the
grace
of
God
hee
had
done
,
yet
claimes
nothing
as
due
in
justice
,
but
sues
to
God
to
remember
him
in
mercy
&
goodnesse
.
No
thought
of
merit
,
where
the
suite
is
,
to
be
spared
according
to
the
greatnesse
of
Gods
mercy
.
CHAP.
XVI
.
An
Appendix
.
SAint
[
f
](A09268-e19500-b)
f
De
Civit.
Dei
:
lib.
18.
cap.
48.
Cyril
.
lib.
5.
in
Genesin
.
Ambros.
l.
3.
cap.
10.
Augustine
by
the
later
house
understands
the
Church
of
the
Christians
,
The
glory
of
the
later
house
shall
be
greater
than
the
former
,
saith
the
Lord
of
Hosts
:
and
in
this
place
I
will
give
peace
,
saith
the
Lord
of
Hosts
.
whereof
the
later
house
was
a
Type
:
but
this
needs
not
;
sith
it
holds
true
in
the
history
and
the
letter
.
For
the
later
Temple
built
by
Zerubbabel
did
come
to
greater
glory
,
than
ever
that
had
which
was
built
by
Solomon
.
As
for
the
opinion
of
[
g
](A09268-e19570-b)
g
Lib.
15.
cap.
14.
Iosephus
,
that
Herod
did
demolish
Zerubbabels
,
and
build
another
in
the
place
of
it
;
it
is
exploded
:
And
the
truth
is
;
That
[
h
](A09268-e19610-b)
h
Sanct.
in
Hag.
c.
2.10
.
Herod
did
not
build
a
new
,
but
beautifie
the
old
.
In
outward
glory
the
former
Temple
did
excell
the
last
beyond
comparison
.
Besides
the
excessive
deale
of
gold
that
was
in
the
former
,
1
The
Cloud
,
an
Embleme
of
Gods
presence
.
2
Fire
,
which
consumed
the
sacrifice
.
3
Vrim
&
Thummim
.
Though
[
i
](A09268-e19740-b)
i
Antiq.
lib.
3.
cap.
9.
Iosephus
say
it
lasted
till
200.
yeares
before
his
time
:
but
he
is
out
in
this
.
4
The
Arke
.
5
The
succession
of
Prophets
,
which
went
on
under
the
former
house
without
any
great
interruption
.
Some
little
pause
there
was
sometimes
:
but
God
used
to
stir
up
Prophet
upon
Prophet
.
In
the
Captivity
,
Ezekiel
prophecyed
till
about
the
14.
yeare
of
that
Captivity
when
the
Citie
was
smitten
:
[
k
](A09268-e19840-b)
k
These
were
but
few
:
and
they
were
rather
writing
than
preaching
Prophets
.
Daniel
,
Haggai
,
Zacharie
,
who
were
whiles
the
Temple
was
in
building
;
Malachie
,
when
it
was
new
built
:
As
we
see
by
his
reproving
of
that
sinne
in
corrupting
the
holy
seed
,
by
marrying
stranger●
.
(
[
*
](A09268-e19870-b)
*
Bibl.
sanct.
1.1
.
Sixt●s
Senē●is
cannot
prove
his
opinion
,
who
placeth
him
as
low
as
about
500.
yeares
afore
Christ
,
)
&
therefore
Malachy
doth
close
up
all
▪
by
referring
the
Church
to
the
written
Law
.
Signes
and
miracles
did
weare
out
,
and
prophecies
were
no
more
.
Now
this
great
eclypse
was
to
tell
the
Church
,
that
the
great
Prophet
was
to
be
expected
,
Besides
those
that
were
burnt
,
many
of
the
things
of
the
Temple
were
carried
away
in
the
first
deportation
under
Io●akim
;
many
in
the
second
under
Ieconiah
,
and
the
cleane
riddance
was
made
in
the
third
under
Zedekiah
.
And
I
will
give
peace
,
meaning
inward
spirituall
peace
;
Peace
in
heaven
,
Christ
Iesus
being
our
peace
.
Though
this
second
Temple
was
built
by
Zerubbabel
;
yet
it
was
called
commonly
Solomons
Temple
.
I
am
sure
that
a
Porch
was
usually
called
Solomons
Porch
:
Solomons
Porch
:
or
rather
(
sith
question
may
be
made
of
the
truth
of
that
storie
in
Iosephus
)
because
it
was
by
Zerubbabel
built
in
the
very
same
place
,
CHAP.
XVII
.
But
Daniel
had
determined
in
his
heart
,
that
he
would
not
defile
himselfe
with
the
Kings
meat
:
nor
with
the
wine
which
he
dranke
.
Because
,
Ananias
,
Mishael
and
Azari●s
saw
.
But
did
not
Daniel
afterwards
eate
?
He
did
,
when
he
was
in
his
greatnes
,
and
could
command
what
sort
of
dyet
he
himselfe
pleased
;
such
as
neither
in
nature
nor
use
was
against
the
Leviticall
Law
of
God
.
The
Iewes
were
not
bound
to
the
Iudiciall
Law
indeed
;
but
onely
within
the
Kingdomes
of
Israel
:
For
Daniel
and
Mordecay
were
great
Officers
and
Magistrates
in
forraine
parts
;
and
no
question
,
they
did
minister
justice
according
to
the
nationall
lawes
and
customes
of
those
Countries
,
and
not
according
to
the
Leviticall
and
Iudiciall
Lawes
of
Moses
:
But
yet
the
Iewes
were
most
strictly
tyed
all
the
world
over
to
an
exact
observation
of
the
Ceremoniall
and
Leviticall
Lawes
of
God
:
and
therefore
Daniel
,
though
out
of
his
Countrey
,
durst
not
eate
,
lest
he
should
defile
himselfe
by
transgressing
the
Ceremoniall
Law
.
[
*
](A09268-e20690-b)
*
Cap.
2.46
,
47.
Then
the
King
Nebuchadnezzar
fell
upon
his
face
,
and
bowed
hims●lfe
unto
Daniel
,
and
commanded
that
they
should
offer
meat
offerings
and
sweet
●dours
unto
him
.
Also
the
King
answered
Daniel
,
and
said
;
Of
a
truth
it
is
,
that
your
God
is
a
God
of
Gods
and
a
Lord
of
Kings
,
and
a
revealer
of
secrets
,
seeing
thou
couldest
reveal●
this
secret
.
Nebuchadnezzar
being
amazed
with
the
worke
of
Daniel
,
went
about
,
in
his
person
and
by
his
command
to
make
a
god
of
him
.
Had
he
onely
bowed
to
him
in
reverence
,
in
that
affection
which
may
well
bee
towards
a
Prophet
of
the
Lord
,
(
as
Alexander
did
to
the
high
[
k
](A09268-e20770-b)
k
Ioseph
.
antiq.
l.
11.
cap.
8.
Gen.
13.29.41
.
2.
Sam.
10.
Priest
,
and
is
indeed
lawfull
to
be
done
,
)
Daniel
might
have
accepted
it
:
But
the
King
went
too
too
far
;
and
that
act
of
his
to
command
meat
offerings
&
sweet
odours
to
be
offered
to
him
,
was
flagrant
Idolatry
:
and
therefore
it
could
not
stand
with
the
piety
of
Daniel
,
who
would
not
so
much
as
eat
of
the
Kings
meat
,
to
give
the
least
entertainment
to
any
such
Idolatry
.
And
though
it
be
not
expressed
in
so
many
words
,
yet
it
is
plaine
enough
;
that
Daniel
did
reprove
this
fact
of
the
King
,
and
thereupon
was
nothing
done
.
And
the
words
themselves
in
Nebuchadnezzars
reply
give
us
this
meaning
.
The
King
answered
unto
Daniel
(
saith
the
text
)
:
therefore
Daniel
had
spoken
his
[
l
](A09268-e20840-b)
l
Lyran.
Peter
.
Sanctius
ad
locum
Tremel
.
Deodat
.
è
●ostris
.
Gal.
4.14
.
Acts.
10.25
.
&
14.13
.
&
28.6
.
mind
to
the
King
,
though
the
words
bee
left
out
(
Of
a
truth
it
is
,
that
your
God
is
a
God
of
Gods
)
This
shewes
,
that
Daniel
had
enformed
,
that
there
was
but
One
only
God
,
and
that
Divine
worship
was
due
to
that
One
God
onely
.
Wee
may
receive
Prophets
and
Preachers
as
Angels
:
but
we
must
not
receive
them
as
Gods
.
Dan.
4.53
.
The
same
houre
was
the
thing
fulfilled
upon
Nebuchad●ezzar
:
and
he
was
driven
from
men
,
and
did
eat
grasse
as
Oxen
:
and
his
body
was
wet
with
the
dew
of
heaven
,
till
his
haires
were
growne
like
feathers
,
and
his
●ailes
like
birds
clawes
.
Some
have
sayd
that
Nebuchadnezzar
was
metamorphosed
into
a
very
beast
:
but
it
is
the
truer
opinion
to
say
,
that
his
malady
was
in
mind
not
in
body
.
God
stroke
him
with
a
kind
of
melancholy
madnesse
:
Insomuch
that
he
lost
all
judgement
,
sense
,
and
use
of
reason
;
living
and
doing
like
a
beast
of
the
field
.
His
life
was
a
wild
kind
of
life
,
out
of
the
communion
of
men
.
And
they
may
as
well
say
,
he
was
turned
into
an
Eagle
,
because
it
is
sayd
,
that
his
haires
were
growne
like
Eagles
,
as
to
affirme
that
he
was
changed
into
an
Oxe
,
because
he
is
sayd
to
eate
grasse
like
Oxen.
The
conclusion
would
as
well
be
,
that
he
was
converted
into
Oxen
;
because
as
our
Translation
reads
it
according
to
the
originall
,
it
is
not
sayd
[
as
an
oxe
]
but
[
as
the
oxen
]
in
the
plurall
number
.
Pride
hath
beene
punished
with
the
heaviest
hand
of
God
:
The
Angels
through
Pride
lost
their
habitation
,
and
are
now
in
Hell
.
It
was
Pride
that
made
of
an
Angell
a
Devill
,
turned
them
out
of
Heaven
into
Hell
.
Adam
through
Pride
lost
himselfe
,
and
all
his
posterity
,
as
farre
as
lay
in
him
,
was
cast
out
and
kept
out
of
Paradise
;
and
was
the
cause
of
all
the
sinnes
and
sorrowes
,
that
have
beene
,
are
,
or
shall
be
in
the
world
.
Nebuchadnezzar
a
mighty
Monarch
,
for
his
Pride
made
for
seven
yeares
a
wilde
man
,
lost
the
use
of
reason
and
lived
like
a
beast
:
and
't
is
worse
to
be
like
a
beast
than
to
be
a
beast
(
saith
the
Philosopher
.
)
And
Herod
another
King
,
as
proud
as
he
,
for
his
very
pride
in
admitting
only
of
the
Acclamation
(
It
is
the
voyce
of
God
,
and
not
of
man
)
he
did
not
procure
it
:
behold
he
is
,
for
suffering
divine
honour
to
be
given
to
him
,
&
affecting
to
be
a
lowzie
God
,
eaten
up
of
wormes
.
The
God
of
glory
hath
ever
resisted
the
proud
afarre
off
:
whatever
hee
gives
to
any
,
hee
will
not
give
his
glory
to
another
.
When
Satan
came
once
to
looke
after
divine
honour
,
Avoide
Satan
.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
A
chiefe
sinne
,
Then
I
contended
with
the
Nobles
of
Iudah
,
and
said
unto
them
.
What
evill
thing
is
this
that
yee
doe
,
and
prophane
the
Sabbath
?
for
which
the
children
of
Iudah
were
carried
into
Captivity
,
was
,
as
ye
see
,
because
their
fathers
had
prophaned
the
Sabbath
;
Gods
judgements
ever
following
this
sinne
,
as
the
shadow
doth
the
body
.
And
see
!
the
hand
of
God
was
scarce
off
them
;
but
this
people
are
madde
after
their
profits
,
and
doe
abuse
the
Sabbath
as
bad
,
if
not
worse
than
ever
.
So
,
almost
impossible
it
is
for
a
man
to
cast
out
of
his
heart
and
life
,
sins
that
bring
in
profit
▪
which
,
Vers.
18.
Did
not
your
Fathers
th●e
?
and
did
not
our
God
bring
all
this
evill
upon
us
and
upon
this
Citie
?
yet
yee
bring
more
wrath
upon
Israel
,
by
prophaning
the
Sabbath
.
Nehemiah
comming
with
authority
from
the
great
King
,
as
a
Lord
Deputy
,
makes
use
of
his
Commission
to
redresse
.
This
was
so
grand
an
affront
to
the
Ordinances
of
God
;
suffer
this
,
and
suffer
all
:
and
therefore
we
find
him
here
round
with
them
.
And
he
workes
upon
them
first
with
words
,
and
if
that
would
not
doe
,
then
he
threatens
blowes
;
and
found
successe
.
Here
we
see
,
that
as
Nehemiah
a
Civill
Magistrate
;
Vers.
19.
And
it
came
to
passe
,
that
when
the
gates
of
Ierusalem
began
to
be
darke
before
the
Sabba●h
,
I
commanded
,
that
the
gates
should
be
shut
,
and
charged
,
that
they
should
not
be
opened
till
after
the
Sabbath
.
And
some
of
my
servants
set
I
at
the
gates
,
that
there
should
no
burden
be
brought
in
on
the
Sabbath
day
.
so
Civill
Magistrates
now
may
and
must
take
strict
courses
for
the
setling
and
keeping
in
order
of
the
Service
of
God
.
They
doe
them
the
greatest
wrong
,
who
would
turne
them
over
to
the
second
Table
.
The
Kings
of
Israel
were
most
curious
of
all
in
matters
of
Gods
worship
:
and
can
we
find
,
that
ever
they
went
or
sent
to
Ierusalem
to
know
the
pleasure
of
the
high
Priest
?
And
in
their
steps
did
the
Kings
of
Christendome
tread
for
many
Ages
:
Begin
with
Constantine
and
downe
to
Charles
the
Great
,
and
some
yeares
after
.
The
Emperours
have
ever
tooke
it
,
and
used
it
,
as
the
chiefest
flower
in
their
Crowne
,
and
the
principall
Verbe
in
the
Office
;
to
carry
the
sway
in
disposing
of
the
things
belonging
to
the
managing
of
the
worship
of
God
;
Vers.
20.
So
the
Merchants
and
sellers
of
all
kind
of
ware
lodged
without
Ierusalem
once
or
twice
.
Vers.
21.
Then
I
testified
against
them
,
and
said
unto
them
:
Why
lodge
yee
about
the
Wall
?
If
yee
doe
so
againe
,
I
will
lay
hands
on
you
.
From
that
time
forth
came
they
no
more
on
the
Sabbath
.
And
that
without
once
looking
after
any
power
in
or
from
the
Bishop
of
Rome
.
The
matter
wee
looke
after
is
,
That
by
this
of
Nehemiah
wee
see
,
that
it
was
not
held
by
him
a
lawfull
thing
for
them
then
to
worke
;
or
for
him
to
suffer
them
to
worke
on
the
Sabbath
in
times
of
harvest
.
Their
treading
of
wine-presses
doth
evince
,
that
the
time
was
harvest
time
;
in
that
the
worke
was
an
harvest
worke
.
A
custome
they
had
got
to
keepe
a
shambles
,
a
faire
on
that
day
,
and
to
labour
at
their
harvest
.
Nehemiah
saw
that
Religion
would
soone
die
,
if
thus
they
might
goe
on
.
And
therefore
he
gave
not
over
,
till
hee
had
made
them
give
over
.
Authority
in
the
hands
of
a
resolute
man
is
of
great
force
and
use
.
As
touching
harvest-worke
,
in
my
minde
,
the
question
were
at
an
end
,
if
we
did
but
distinguish
betwixt
ordinary
and
usuall
Cases
;
(
and
then
,
as
wee
have
most
reason
to
serve
God
in
harvest
,
and
most
need
of
rest
,
wee
and
our
people
,
when
we
use
to
labour
most
;
common
understanding
will
grant
,
that
then
there
lies
a
probition
against
labour
.
)
And
extraordinary
and
unusuall
occasions
.
And
so
who
doubts
,
but
it
is
lawfull
then
to
labour
?
Indeed
when
the
case
stands
in
aequilibrio
;
and
one
is
as
like
as
the
other
;
and
no
man
can
say
,
but
the
pretious
fruits
of
the
earth
are
as
like
to
be
saved
as
spoyled
:
here
my
opinion
is
,
That
wee
are
to
put
the
matter
into
the
hands
of
God
.
But
when
the
case
stands
so
,
that
either
wee
must
worke
,
or
there
is
a
morall
certainty
,
that
the
fruits
of
the
harvest
will
receive
a
sensible
hurt
,
to
the
prejudice
of
our
life
or
livelihood
;
here
I
conceive
it
to
be
a
dutie
to
worke
:
Here
,
I
say
,
wee
breake
the
Sabbath
,
except
wee
breake
it
.
Christ
saith
,
That
the
Priests
labouring
in
the
Temple
,
[
m
](A09268-e21490-b)
m
Marc.
2.27
Vid.
Maldonat
.
and
yet
were
guiltlesse
.
How
so
?
profane
and
yet
guiltlesse
?
Because
those
their
Temple-workes
(
had
it
not
beene
on
such
occasions
)
would
have
beene
a
profanation
of
the
Sabbath
.
The
sense
of
a
Law
,
is
the
Law
:
and
in
the
sense
of
the
Law
,
the
labour
of
the
Priests
was
an
hallowing
of
the
Sabbath
:
But
in
the
meere
Letter
;
(
which
the
Pharisees
,
with
whom
Christ
did
dispute
,
did
follow
)
it
was
,
to
see
to
,
a
profanation
of
the
Sabbath
:
but
in
the
true
meaning
they
did
sanctifie
,
and
not
profane
it
.
Right
so
:
In
case
of
necessity
,
wee
profane
the
Sabbath
,
except
wee
profane
it
:
wee
perish
,
except
wee
perish
.
For
necessity
herein
hath
no
law
:
and
it
doth
adde
a
new
relation
to
the
worke
wee
doe
;
no
new
Ens
,
but
a
Modus
Entis
.
And
there
is
not
the
greatest
toyle
in
the
world
;
but
in
this
sense
,
it
is
a
keeping
of
the
[
n
](A09268-e21550-b)
n
Vid.
Bound
.
lib.
1.
pag.
217.
Walae
.
de
4.
praecept
.
p.
129.
Sabbath
holy
.
For
the
Sabbath
was
made
for
man
(
i.
e.
)
not
onely
for
the
very
being
of
Man
;
but
for
his
wel-being
.
And
therefore
whatsoever
by
necessity
,
without
fraud
or
covin
,
is
to
be
done
on
that
day
for
the
comfort
of
man
,
that
now
is
turned
into
a
very
Sabbath-worke
.
I
binde
not
man
in
a
Mathematicall
manner
to
poynts
of
Physicall
necessity
.
And
therefore
,
if
it
stand
for
the
conveniencie
of
Man
,
and
there
were
nothing
to
the
[
o
](A09268-e21600-b)
o
When
thou
canst
not
doe
it
before
,
nor
well
deferre
it
after
the
Sabbath
.
So
Zauch
.
in
4.
praec
.
contrary
(
à
parte
ante
,
nor
à
parte
post
,
)
I
meane
,
that
it
might
not
have
beene
done
as
well
before
,
or
deferred
till
after
the
Sabbath
:
so
I
call
it
a
necessary
Worke.
Christ
cured
some
upon
the
[
p
](A09268-e21650-b)
p
Matth.
12.1
.
It
appeares
by
Luc.
6.1
.
that
it
was
the
7.
day
of
unleavened
bread
:
which
was
a
Ceremoniall
Sabbath
:
But
yet
by
Christs
justifying
of
them
from
the
Priests
profaning
the
weekely
Sabbath
guiltlessely
,
it
is
plaine
,
that
the
reason
of
both
sorts
of
Sabbaths
in
this
was
alike
.
Luk.
13.15
.
Sabbath
day
,
whose
life
lay
not
upon
it
,
but
that
they
might
have
stayed
till
the
morrow
:
And
the
Disciples
in
that
of
plucking
the
Eares
of
Corne
(
wherein
they
are
justified
by
Christ
)
were
not
in
that
extremity
,
but
they
might
have
put
it
off
,
till
they
came
to
Towne
:
and
therefore
they
were
to
doe
many
corporall
workes
on
the
Sabbath
,
and
were
yet
guiltlesse
;
nay
guilty
even
of
breaking
the
Sabbath
,
except
they
did
doe
them
.
And
as
the
Sabbath
was
made
for
man
;
so
for
the
creature
too
,
for
the
Oxe
,
the
Asse
,
&c.
And
therefore
when
the
creature
,
that
is
,
a
necessary
creature
,
is
in
danger
of
receiving
any
notorious
dammage
,
that
may
make
it
unserviceable
for
man
,
did
they
break
the
Sabbath
if
they
did
worke
to
save
it
?
No
,
The
Sabbath
was
broken
,
except
they
did
worke
:
Neither
is
it
any
thing
to
say
,
we
must
rather
let
our
hay
and
corne
fall
into
,
and
lye
in
the
suddes
,
and
accept
therein
the
chastisement
of
our
sinnes
.
What
?
and
perhaps
famish
?
And
must
wee
suffer
our
Oxe
to
sticke
in
the
mire
,
as
a
rod
from
God
?
What
?
not
lift
the
poore
Oxe
out
?
And
yet
a
man
that
is
rich
feeles
no
losse
in
an
Asse
or
a
sheepe
:
[
q
](A09268-e21760-b)
q
Iosh.
6.4
.
1.
King
.
20.29
.
Zanch.
in
4.
praec
.
Danae
.
eth.
Christ
.
lib.
2.
cap.
10.
Walae
.
in
4.
praecept
.
p.
115.
fight
and
[
r
](A09268-e21820-b)
r
2.
King
19.1
.
Thom.
●●
.
2
ae
.
q.
122.
art.
4.
flee
on
the
Sabbath
day
;
and
did
well
.
Then
wee
conclude
,
That
in
mercy
to
the
creature
,
(
to
preserve
it
)
in
mercy
to
our selves
,
(
to
preserve
that
which
doth
preserve
us
in
good
liking
)
and
in
both
(
to
shew
our
obedience
to
God
)
worke
at
any
bodily
worke
wee
must
on
the
Sabbath
;
and
are
free
.
Nehemiahs
case
lay
not
in
such
exigents
:
and
therefore
Nehemiah
did
like
himselfe
,
in
reproving
and
reforming
.
Nothing
is
to
be
concluded
against
what
I
have
said
,
out
of
that
in
Exodus
,
That
in
harvest
,
they
were
to
cease
on
the
seventh
day
.
I
have
read
an
answer
,
That
this
was
a
priviledge
of
that
Nation
,
that
they
had
a
Wri●
of
protection
against
all
Inundations
:
As
God
undertooke
for
them
during
their
Iourney
up
to
the
anniversary
Feasts
,
to
keepe
all
well
and
safe
at
home
the
while
;
So
the
promise
of
the
former
and
latter
raine
in
season
,
was
a
peculiar
to
the
Israelites
.
But
what
needes
this
,
sith
a
reconciliation
is
at
hand
;
that
this
prohibition
is
to
be
construed
with
the
exception
still
of
necessity
?
[
s
](A09268-e21930-b)
s
Tremel
.
in
Mark
.
2.1
.
Tremellius
,
a
Iew
by
nature
,
is
of
the
mind
,
that
by
very
Talmud
,
dangers
of
life
,
though
not
evident
,
were
cause
enough
for
a
Iew
to
worke
vpon
the
Sabbath
day
.
And
[
t
](A09268-e21960-b)
t
Lyra
in
Exod.
20.
Lyra
another
Christian
of
the
same
Nation
,
writing
on
the
very
words
of
the
Law
,
is
plaine
,
that
for
all
the
words
of
the
Law
,
it
was
lawfull
to
doe
those
workes
which
could
not
well
be
deferred
to
the
next
day
,
nor
done
the
day
before
.
He
saith
not
,
which
could
not
simply
bee
deferred
;
but
,
which
could
not
well
be
deferred
:
His
meaning
is
in
[
v
](A09268-e21980-b)
v
In
Casualibus
.
casualties
,
as
he
himselfe
cals
them
.
A
maine
observation
out
of
the
words
of
Nehemiah
is
,
touching
the
persons
with
whom
Nehemiah
is
sayd
here
to
contest
.
Our
last
and
best
Translation
reads
it
,
Nobles
:
I
have
read
,
that
it
were
fitter
to
translate
it
,
Freemen
.
And
this
is
,
to
beare
out
an
Opinion
,
that
even
among
the
Iewes
a
servant
did
not
sinne
in
working
on
the
Sabbath
day
,
in
case
his
Master
command
him
:
As
though
Nehemiah
had
contested
with
all
and
with
onely
Freemen
:
and
that
therefore
the
servants
were
in
no
blame
.
[
x
](A09268-e22050-b)
x
Manual
.
cap.
13.
n.
7.
Navarrus
to
helpe
this
his
Opinion
,
puts
in
two
Clauses
of
exception
:
One
is
,
That
the
servant
is
to
heare
one
Masse
:
the
other
;
that
the
Master
doe
not
enjoyne
him
worke
on
the
holy
day
in
contempt
:
If
hee
doe
,
then
the
servant
is
rather
to
dye
the
death
,
than
to
worke
at
his
Masters
command
.
CHAP.
XIX
.
A
word
of
the
Argument
,
and
then
more
at
large
of
the
proofe
of
the
Argument
.
Say
,
the
word
did
signifie
Masters
(
which
it
doth
not
;
)
yet
I
deny
the
Argument
:
He
contested
with
the
Masters
;
therefore
the
Masters
onely
were
in
fault
.
And
the
reason
why
I
deny
it
;
because
I
find
it
granted
,
that
the
servants
would
have
rested
with
thankes
,
if
they
had
not
beene
constrained
to
worke
.
What
needs
then
to
urge
the
servants
to
doe
that
,
which
of
themselves
they
would
faine
doe
?
The
Masters
were
chiefe
in
fault
:
therefore
hee
contests
with
them
.
The
Masters
had
in
their
power
to
reforme
all
:
therefore
Nehemiah
,
like
a
wise
and
just
Prince
deales
with
them
.
Hee
was
a
Magistrate
,
and
his
businesse
being
not
for
correction
of
what
was
done
,
but
for
reformation
,
that
they
might
doe
so
no
more
;
whom
in
reason
should
hee
speake
unto
,
but
the
Superiours
?
mend
them
,
mend
all
.
The
servants
would
come
in
of
themselves
:
if
they
would
not
,
the
Masters
had
power
to
force
them
to
it
whether
they
would
or
not
.
Mee
thinkes
then
,
it
is
an
argument
to
be
pitied
,
to
fall
from
the
penne
of
any
learned
man
,
and
from
this
to
conclude
,
That
the
Servants
did
not
sinne
,
because
in
that
sabbaticall
reformation
Nehemiah
did
contest
with
the
Masters
,
and
not
with
them
by
name
.
But
what
if
wee
prove
out
of
this
very
Chapter
,
That
Nehemiah
did
contest
with
all
,
Servants
and
all
?
Looke
but
into
the
15.
verse
,
and
there
wee
reade
,
that
Nehemiah
saw
some
treading
wine-presses
on
the
Sabbath
day
(
and
these
are
confessed
to
be
Servants
)
and
bringing
in
sheaves
,
and
lading
Asses
,
as
also
wine
,
grapes
,
and
figges
,
and
all
manner
of
burdens
which
they
brought
into
Ierusalem
on
the
Sabbath
day
.
All
these
,
or
the
most
of
these
,
I
am
sure
,
were
Servants
:
For
who
used
to
beare
burdens
,
but
the
Servants
?
And
were
not
these
in
fault
?
Else
,
why
did
Nehemiah
contest
with
them
?
Hee
was
to
deale
wisely
and
justly
.
The
Text
saith
,
That
hee
testified
against
them
:
and
therefore
not
onely
the
worke
was
done
by
them
;
but
a
[
y
](A09268-e22210-b)
y
There
was
not
only
Voluntas
facti
,
sed
peccati
.
sinne
was
committed
by
them
.
As
good
an
Argument
as
the
former
might
have
arose
to
inferre
,
That
onely
Servants
were
in
the
sinne
,
because
he
testified
againsts
the
Servants
,
and
not
the
Masters
by
name
.
But
the
thing
wee
looke
is
not
to
be
denied
:
and
that
is
,
Because
here
,
ver.
15.
Nehemiah
testified
against
the
Servants
that
did
beare
burdens
,
that
therefore
They
did
sinne
.
For
wee
have
it
confessed
,
that
they
would
not
have
troden
the
wine-presses
,
nor
carried
the
burdens
,
except
their
Masters
had
commanded
them
.
And
therefore
,
albeit
their
Masters
did
charge
them
to
doe
it
:
just
and
wise
Nehemiah
did
testifie
against
those
Servants
,
for
those
workes
on
the
Sabbath
day
;
which
workes
they
did
in
obedience
to
their
Masters
.
And
out
of
this
,
hee
that
hath
halfe
an
eye
may
see
,
that
the
Servants
did
sinne
.
Hee
did
look
besides
the
Booke
then
,
who
did
and
durst
write
,
That
Nehemiah
did
not
reprove
the
Servants
,
by
whose
employment
and
labour
these
things
were
done
:
For
,
the
Text
is
expresse
,
That
Nehemiah
did
testifie
first
against
them
;
The
Servants
that
did
tread
the
Presses
,
and
beare
the
Burdens
,
ver.
15.
and
then
the
Nobles
,
ver.
17.
Once
more
from
the
very
Text
in
hand
,
I
prove
That
Servants
,
as
servants
,
were
in
the
same
sinne
with
their
Masters
;
though
not
in
the
same
point
and
degree
of
sinning
.
I
say
in
the
sinne
as
sinne
,
to
shut
out
all
cavill
.
For
't
is
a
very
riddle
to
mee
in
a
matter
so
expresse
and
evident
,
a
servant
should
concurre
to
the
fact
,
and
not
to
the
fault
.
I
meane
so
farre
as
to
make
them
guilty
as
well
as
the
master
,
though
not
so
much
as
the
Master
.
Thus
I
argue
.
Those
,
whom
Nehemiah
did
contest
against
,
ver.
21.
were
in
a
sinne
(
else
hee
dealt
,
nor
justly
,
nor
wisely
to
contend
with
them
.
)
But
besides
the
Merchants
,
those
were
sellers
of
all
kinds
of
ware
:
I
thinke
,
the
most
of
them
,
I
am
sure
many
,
were
servants
.
For
who
be
they
that
in
all
trades
,
places
,
markets
,
faires
,
sell
?
What
?
Not
the
servants
as
well
as
the
Master
?
Therefore
they
did
sinne
.
Againe
,
Those
whom
Nehemiah
threatned
to
lay
hands
on
,
were
in
a
sinne
in
Nehemiah's
opinion
;
else
neither
his
wisedome
,
nor
justice
would
,
that
hee
should
lay
them
up
.
But
hee
sayd
,
hee
would
lay
hands
on
the
sellers
of
all
kinds
of
ware
,
who
lodged
about
the
Walls
of
Ierusalem
.
And
amongst
these
sellers
,
there
must
needs
be
many
servants
.
Neither
doth
Nehemiah
threaten
some
,
but
all
(
indefinitely
)
the
Sellers
:
for
sellers
of
all
kindes
of
ware
,
is
all
one
with
all
sellers
of
wares
.
The
termes
are
aequipollent
:
And
therefore
servants
were
in
fault
.
Now
how
poore
and
weake
this
kinde
of
disputing
is
,
wee
will
shew
out
of
Nehemiah
5.
v.
7.
There
Nehemiah
is
said
to
rebuke
the
[
z
](A09268-e22520-b)
z
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Nobles
and
[
a
](A09268-e22550-b)
a
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Rulers
,
for
that
they
did
exact
vsury
of
their
Brethren
.
The
word
englished
Nobles
is
by
the
Septuagint
(
who
being
Iewes
,
are
sayd
to
know
best
the
sense
of
their
owne
Language
)
I
say
,
the
word
is
by
them
translated
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
[
men
of
renowne
]
and
it
must
meane
such
,
because
in
order
they
are
before
Magistrates
.
Well
then
;
Can
any
man
once
imagine
,
that
men
of
fame
and
renowne
onely
did
put
their
money
to
hire
?
And
yet
we
see
Nehemiah
then
and
there
is
sayd
to
contest
with
the
Nobles
and
Rulers
onely
by
name
.
Is
it
not
now
a
simple
piece
of
Logicke
,
thus
to
argue
?
Nehemiah
contested
with
the
Nobles
and
Rulers
onely
for
Vsury
:
therefore
Vsury
was
a
finne
onely
in
Nobles
and
Rulers
;
or
that
none
were
Vsurers
then
but
the
Nobles
and
Rulers
.
Doe
but
read
Nehemiah
13.10
.
and
there
we
find
the
portions
of
the
Levites
had
not
beene
given
them
.
By
whom
?
By
the
[
b
](A09268-e22750-b)
b
Vatablus
in
locum
.
Israelites
:
They
,
to
save
their
purses
brought
in
nothing
.
Whom
doth
Nehemiah
reprove
?
The
words
bee
vers.
11.
that
hee
contended
with
the
[
c
](A09268-e22800-b)
c
i.
e
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Rulers
.
The
proper
sense
of
the
word
,
is
a
Ruler
in
Heb.
&
in
the
Chaldee
also
.
as
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Dan.
2.48
.
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Dan.
3.2
.
A
Governour
,
and
nothing
but
a
Governour
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Princep●
Magnus
:
A
Great
Prince
.
Pag●ine
.
Rulers
.
Did
none
refuse
to
pay
their
portions
but
the
Rulers
?
Yes
,
the
whole
body
of
the
people
:
The
corruption
was
generall
.
The
Levites
and
the
Singers
were
made
to
fight
so
low
,
that
they
were
fled
:
the
exigent
was
such
,
that
they
must
flye
or
famish
.
Which
could
not
have
beene
,
if
none
had
beene
delinquents
but
the
Rulers
.
Hee
that
runnes
may
read
this
to
be
so
,
vers.
12.
Then
brought
all
Iudah
(
viz.
after
Nehemiah
had
made
the
reformation
)
marke
,
[
All
Iudah
]
then
brought
the
tith
of
the
corne
:
And
therefore
all
Iudah
sinned
in
not
bringing
the
Portions
of
the
Levites
and
Singers
.
[
All
Iudah
.
]
Out
of
the
text
it selfe
I
prove
,
that
such
a
conclusion
as
this
holds
not
.
Nehemiah
reproved
the
Rulers
onely
;
therefore
the
Rulers
onely
were
in
transgression
:
For
the
words
,
as
they
lye
,
shew
us
that
all
Iudah
offended
:
And
yet
Nehemiah
cals
onely
the
Magistrates
to
coram
:
And
why
?
they
had
power
in
their
hands
to
reforme
this
in
all
.
So
here
he
contended
with
the
Nobles
.
I
say
then
,
as
the
truth
is
,
that
Nehemiah
dealt
onely
with
the
great
Ones
,
because
they
were
chiefe
in
the
sinne
to
suffer
it
;
and
it
was
in
their
power
and
place
to
reforme
it
:
That
so
he
and
they
joyning
together
to
bring
about
the
full
reformation
,
the
Lord
might
have
his
Sabbaths
againe
.
Having
cleered
,
as
I
take
it
,
the
weaknesse
of
the
Argument
,
wee
are
now
to
shew
,
that
the
proofe
is
of
no
force
.
CHAP.
XX.
IT
is
laid
in
the
sense
of
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
our
Translation
Englisheth
Nobles
,
and
that
rightly
.
The
Word
naturally
doth
signifie
a
Grandeè
,
a
Chiefe
as
head
over
the
rest
in
Power
,
or
Authority
,
or
both
.
One
that
with
his
Countenance
is
able
to
doe
much
upon
the
rest
,
whether
they
be
servants
or
not
.
No
man
hath
reason
to
say
the
contrary
,
sith
it
doth
radically
signifie
some
great
Men
,
whether
Magistrate
or
Magistrates
fellowe
.
The
Hebrew
word
which
indeed
doth
signifie
,
and
is
commonly
used
to
signifie
a
Freeman
,
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Which
is
up
and
downe
translated
a
Freeman
,
in
all
versions
that
I
know
.
But
our
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
comes
from
a
roote
,
which
signifies
[
d
](A09268-e23220-b)
d
Schindl
.
Penteglot
.
c
▪
ad
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
quòd
aulici
Proceres
olim
candidis
vestirentur
:
quod
de
Iosepho
legimus
.
Gen.
41.42
.
&
de
Mordochaeo
.
Est.
8.15
.
White
.
Because
States
used
to
be
clad
in
White
in
those
times
and
places
.
But
the
Septuagint
,
who
were
naturall
Iewes
render
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
properly
Freemen
.
The
thing
I
am
to
prove
then
,
is
.
That
the
S●ptuagint
understood
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Men
of
Quaelity
,
Neh.
4.
v.
14
,
19.
The
words
be
[
I
sayd
to
the
Nobles
and
Rulers
and
to
the
rest
of
the
People
.
]
The
word
translated
Nobles
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
and
so
rendred
it
must
be
.
For
reade
it
Freemen
,
and
what
a
poore
sense
doe
we
put
upon
the
holy
Text.
I
said
to
the
Freemen
,
and
Rulers
,
and
to
the
rest
of
the
People
.
What
,
Freemen
put
before
Rulers
.
Againe
,
Freemen
opposed
to
the
rest
of
the
People
.
Were
not
the
Commons
many
of
them
Freemen
now
?
Nay
.
The
word
People
is
so
farre
from
being
restrained
to
Meane
,
onely
Servants
;
that
Servants
are
rather
excluded
than
otherwise
:
not
meant
at
all
,
rather
than
onely
meant
.
Nehemiah
had
neither
need
,
nor
cause
to
speake
to
the
Servants
,
whose
Masters
had
power
over
them
,
to
bring
them
in
to
his
Will.
How
then
doth
the
Text
oppose
them
to
Freemen
,
and
make
them
as
two
severall
distinct
Branches
?
But
what
say
the
70
here
?
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
i.
e.
Honourable
Men.
And
therefore
the
70
themselves
tooke
Nobles
,
Honourable
,
to
be
the
meaning
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
like
wee
have
,
Neh.
5.7
.
Where
Nehemiah
dealt
in
the
matter
of
[
e
](A09268-e23610-b)
e
Not
that
Nobles
were
all
Vsurers
:
but
because
it
was
their
sinne
to
see
it
and
suffer
,
and
in
their
power
to
redresse
it
.
Neither
can
it
be
thought
that
all
the
Freemen
were
Vsurers
:
and
therefore
to
render
it
Freemen
cannot
hold
▪
Vsury
.
What
be
the
words
.
I
rebuked
,
saith
he
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
The
Nobles
and
Rulers
,
saith
our
Engglish
.
Me
thinkes
it
makes
the
holy
Ghost
to
speake
backeward
to
English
it
thus
.
I
rebuked
the
Freemen
and
Rulers
.
And
here
we
have
the
70
for
us
.
Againe
,
they
translate
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
honourable
.
A
third
place
we
finde
,
Neh.
6.17
.
The
Nobles
of
Iudah
sent
many
letters
to
Tobija
.
It
makes
a
kinde
of
Non-sense
of
it
to
reade
it
.
The
Freemen
of
Iudah
sent
many
letters
.
The
word
is
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
must
we
make
them
a
Popular
State
,
and
turne
their
Common-wealth
into
a
Democracy
,
that
Letters
must
be
written
in
the
name
of
every
Freeman
.
And
here
,
as
before
the
Septuagint
have
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
No
no
,
They
were
the
Nobles
that
wrote
,
whose
Letters
were
like
to
carry
some
stroke
with
Tobijah
.
And
can
it
sinke
into
any
Mans
head
,
that
all
or
most
of
the
Freemen
must
meet
many
times
,
to
write
many
letters
to
Tobijah
.
Thus
we
see
,
how
often
in
this
very
booke
of
Nehemiah
,
which
best
of
all
opens
it selfe
,
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
used
,
where
it
can
possibly
(
both
by
the
Scripture
and
by
the
Translation
of
the
70.
)
signifie
nothing
but
Nobles
.
And
were
not
the
Septuagint
Iewes
?
Did
not
they
best
know
how
to
give
the
right
meaning
of
their
owne
Language
?
Now
,
what
say
we
to
other
places
of
Scripture
!
We
reade
Esay
.
34.12
.
They
shall
call
the
Nobles
to
the
Kingdome
.
The
word
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Reade
the
word
Freemen
:
it
is
ridiculous
.
They
shall
call
the
Freemen
to
the
Kingdome
.
And
here
,
once
more
,
the
Septuagint
are
for
us
.
The
Greeke
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
i.
e.
Princes
,
great
officers
,
men
of
place
,
power
:
and
the
like
we
finde
,
Ier.
27.20
.
The
words
be
.
Nebuchadnezzar
carryed
away
with
King
Ieconiah
all
the
Nobles
.
The
originall
is
,
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
What
?
did
he
carry
away
all
the
Freemen
?
No
such
matter
.
He
left
all
the
Freemen
,
or
all
almost
behind
him
.
They
were
not
carried
away
in
the
deportation
of
Ieconiah
.
But
the
Nobles
hee
did
all
,
or
as
good
as
all
.
But
wee
must
consult
with
the
Septuagint
.
There
it
is
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Potentates
.
And
one
place
more
,
if
you
will
in
Ier.
39.6
.
Where
we
reade
,
That
after
Nebuchadnezzar
,
had
slaine
the
sons
of
King
Zedekiah
:
the
Text
saith
,
That
the
King
of
Babel
slew
all
the
Nobles
of
Iudah
.
The
Originall
hath
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
.
Translate
it
Freemen
,
and
there
is
as
little
truth
,
as
good
sense
in
it
.
For
he
did
not
then
kill
all
the
Freemen
of
Iudah
.
So
to
English
it
,
is
to
father
untruth's
upon
the
booke
of
God
.
We
must
not
leave
out
the
Septuagint
.
They
must
be
heard
by
all
meanes
.
And
how
doe
they
Greeke
it
here
?
Why
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
Princes
againe
.
By
all
these
places
we
see
how
little
truth
there
is
in
such
bold
assertions
as
these
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
doth
properly
signifie
Freemen
.
That
the
Septuagint
,
who
were
Iewes
by
Nature
,
and
could
best
say
what
is
the
signification
of
the
words
in
their
owne
Language
,
doe
so
understand
it
.
Which
we
see
,
is
neither
so
,
nor
so
.
But
if
a
1000
Septuagints
had
said
that
Freemen
is
the
proper
and
naturall
signification
of
the
word
(
sith
wee
see
the
contrary
in
almost
all
the
places
of
the
Bible
where
the
Word
is
used
:
)
we
must
crave
pardon
,
if
we
be
hard
of
beliefe
in
the
point
.
But
doe
not
the
70
here
,
in
the
very
place
,
Nehemiah
13.17
.
translate
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
?
They
doe
.
Doth
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
naturally
and
Grammatically
signifie
Freemen
?
It
doth
.
And
did
not
the
70
know
what
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
meant
?
They
did
.
What
will
you
doe
now
?
No
hurt
done
.
I
meane
not
:
nor
need
to
disable
the
Version
of
the
70
(
as
a
great
[
f
](A09268-e24390-b)
f
Hie●onym
.
in
Isay.
10.
&
passim
.
▪
Hebrician
and
Divine
both
doth
.
Nor
am
I
about
to
say
,
That
the
Edition
that
we
now
have
,
is
so
vitiate
,
that
one
would
thinke
it
were
not
the
same
,
but
some
impostor
rather
.
)
Yet
[
g
](A09268-e24420-b)
g
De
Verbo
De●
lib.
2.
c.
6.
Bellarmine
is
so
bold
with
the
70.
T
is
enough
to
carry
it
on
our
side
,
that
in
so
many
places
(
as
above
)
the
70
themselves
construe
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
such
Greeke
words
as
never
can
signifie
a
Freeman
,
as
such
:
but
ever
A
man
of
Eminency
&
Port.
And
now
,
whereas
in
our
place
,
the
Septuagint
doe
translate
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
The
meaning
is
,
not
to
note
out
free
Men
simply
:
but
such
Freemen
as
were
also
Men
of
Note
and
Quality
above
the
rest
.
And
let
the
reason
of
this
Metaphoricall
use
of
the
word
be
.
Because
such
Men
should
be
of
a
free
and
generous
spirit
.
Or
else
.
Because
Rulers
were
taken
and
chosen
(
when
chosen
)
never
out
of
Servants
:
but
of
such
,
whose
houses
were
free
in
Israel
.
We
will
not
looke
after
other
Authors
:
but
(
to
leave
this
place
till
anon
)
prove
out
of
some
other
places
of
Scripture
,
That
the
70
cannot
still
meane
Freemen
,
when
they
doe
translate
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Which
they
doe
,
but
rare
and
seldome
.
To
begin
with
1
Kings
21.8
.
Where
we
find
,
That
Iezabel
wrote
Letters
in
Ahabs
name
to
the
Elders
,
and
to
the
Nobles
that
were
in
his
City
,
The
Hebrew
word
translated
by
our
English
Nobles
,
is
our
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
where
it
is
by
the
70
done
into
Greeke
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Now
by
the
very
Text
it
appeares
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
cannot
be
translated
a
Freeman
.
For
it
is
not
to
be
imagined
that
Iezabell
did
write
and
direct
her
Letters
to
the
Elders
and
Freemen
of
that
City
.
What
had
the
Freemen
to
doe
with
her
practise
?
She
had
a
bloudy
secret
in
hand
,
which
she
neyther
would
,
nor
need
to
impart
to
every
Freeman
.
But
the
Rulers
and
Nobles
,
they
were
the
men
,
that
were
onely
fit
to
be
entrusted
with
her
feat
,
and
able
to
satisfie
her
wicked
turne
.
Her
drift
was
to
put
off
the
matter
with
a
faire
colour
,
and
to
cover
it
from
the
eyes
of
the
Commons
.
Which
she
could
not
doe
nor
meant
to
doe
,
if
so
bee
shee
had
writen
to
the
Freemen
in
the
Kings
Name
.
Except
such
and
such
Freemen
that
were
fit
for
her
designe
,
were
not
to
be
made
acquainted
with
that
horrid
plot
?
What
?
writeth
that
to
the
Freemen
,
which
by
all
meanes
her
desire
was
to
secret
from
the
Freemen
.
And
she
might
well
thinke
,
That
all
the
Freemen
would
not
have
come
in
to
her
mind
to
massacre
a
man
and
his
family
,
for
nothing
but
his
conscience
.
And
therefore
I
take
it
a
clere
case
.
That
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
here
are
meant
Nobles
and
not
Freemen
.
And
yet
the
70.
have
it
in
the
Greeke
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Therefore
in
this
place
they
doe
not
thinke
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
signifies
Freemen
.
Nor
doe
they
by
their
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
intend
to
expresse
Freemen
(
quà
tales
)
but
great
men
.
And
the
same
is
also
proved
by
Eccles.
[
h
](A09268-e24920-b)
h
Eccl.
10.17
.
Vulgar
,
Nobiles
.
Vat
ab
.
Filius
Nobilium
.
So
Paguine
,
Tremel
.
Clarissimi
.
Piscator
.
Cuius
Rex
natus
est
viris
illustribus
His
Scholion
.
Heb.
Cuius
Rex
filius
Candidorum
est
.
Hebraei
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
candidos
seu
albos
intelligunt
viros
principes
,
claros
,
&
illusties
:
vel
quòd
gererent
candidas
vest●s
,
vel
quòd
nomine
●apientiae
,
&
virtutis
illustres
&
clari
essent
.
10.17
.
Blessed
(
saith
the
holy
Ghost
there
)
art
thou
Land
,
when
thy
King
is
the
sonne
of
Nobles
.
]
The
Hebrew
is
our
word
in
question
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
In
the
Septuagint
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
What
English
is
this
?
Blessed
is
the
Land
when
the
King
is
the
sonne
of
Freemen
.
A
wise
blessednesse
.
And
translations
agree
in
the
best
Linguists
,
to
give
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
such
words
in
Latine
,
as
can
beare
no
good
English
except
by
such
a
word
as
Nobles
,
Illustrious
,
Renowned
.
And
in
these
places
,
't
is
not
to
be
denyed
,
That
when
the
70.
translate
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
though
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
doe
in
the
Grammaticall
signification
of
it
properly
signifie
any
Freemen
as
Freemen
:
yet
)
the
70.
doe
by
it
understand
a
Potent
,
a
Man
of
place
,
and
accompt
.
As
it
is
plaine
and
proved
to
be
plaine
by
the
places
before
cited
,
which
are
all
the
places
I
know
,
(
except
this
in
Nehemiah
now
in
question
)
where
in
the
70.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
done
into
the
Greeke
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
And
the
reason
was
,
The
very
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
divers
ancient
Writers
is
taken
metaphorically
,
applied
to
the
mind
,
and
not
onely
for
civill
freedome
in
the
compound
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
in
the
abstract
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
meane
,
base
basenesse
.
See
plenty
of
instances
,
out
of
Greeke
Authors
,
in
Scapula
,
and
Stephanus
.
as
I
said
,
because
such
should
bee
of
a
free
and
noble
mind
.
And
doth
not
this
make
it
plaine
.
That
whenever
the
70.
are
to
translate
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
is
radically
and
properly
a
Freeman
as
a
Freeman
simply
,
as
opposite
to
a
Bondman
,
there
they
ever
use
to
translate
it
by
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
but
when
they
are
to
translate
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
usually
they
doe
give
it
a
word
in
Greeke
which
signifies
a
Gentleman
,
or
rather
one
a
size
above
a
Gentleman
.
And
in
these
few
places
where
they
put
it
into
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
as
in
those
places
I
have
set
downe
&
in
this
of
Nehemiah
)
the
scope
of
the
places
do
shew
,
that
they
meane
to
note
thereby
nothing
lesse
than
nakedly
a
Freeman
.
And
if
challenging
were
so
fit
among
Scholars
,
me
thinks
I
might
put
any
man
to
prove
,
That
in
any
place
where
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
used
in
the
Originall
,
or
where
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
made
by
the
70.
the
translation
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
that
then
and
there
in
any
one
place
it
must
yea
,
or
may
be
rendred
a
Freeman
,
Quatenùs
a
Freeman
contradistinct
to
a
servant
.
The
briefe
of
all
is
in
two
words
.
In
other
places
where
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
made
by
the
70.
the
translation
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
it
cannot
signifie
Freemen
:
and
therefore
it
doth
not
follow
that
it
must
here
,
in
our
place
of
Nehemiah
.
And
now
at
last
to
come
to
the
very
place
,
I
say
that
here
it
doth
not
signifie
a
Freeman
,
and
therefore
the
70.
who
being
Iewes
borne
knew
best
to
translate
their
owne
Language
,
do
not
here
(
translating
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
)
meane
thereby
a
Freeman
:
but
a
man
of
Note
and
Name
.
T
is
a
poore
piece
of
Learning
then
to
say
,
that
it
doth
properly
signifie
,
a
Freeman
,
when
there
is
no
one
place
in
all
the
Bible
,
where
it
must
,
say
I
?
nay
)
where
it
may
handsomely
be
translated
Freeman
.
And
for
this
place
I
dare
appeale
to
all
Interpreters
,
where
ever
any
did
translate
it
by
a
word
that
is
ever
used
in
any
Tongue
to
signifie
a
Freeman
.
Onely
excepted
this
questioned
translation
of
the
70.
now
in
hand
.
When
I
say
all
:
I
meane
all
[
i
](A09268-e25410-b)
i
Hieron
.
Optimates
.
Vulg.
Optimates
.
Beda
.
Optimates
.
Pagn
.
Optimates
.
Pagn
.
in
Thesauro
,
Magnate●
.
S.
hindl
.
Primates
.
Buxd.
Clarissimi
.
Tremel
.
Clarissimi
.
Interlin
Heroes
.
French
.
les
gouverneurs
.
Spanish
,
a
los
sennores
English
translat
.
Geneva
.
Rulers
.
last
,
Noble●
.
Ital
gli
huomini
,
Notabili
▪
I
have
seene
,
and
by
them
I
judge
the
same
of
all
the
rest
,
I
have
not
seene
.
Divers
words
they
have
:
but
all
the
wit
in
the
world
cannot
expresse
what
they
all
meane
in
a
more
full
formall
,
and
significant
terme
than
Noble
,
which
is
our
last
English
.
To
say
all
in
a
word
,
the
70.
translate
commonly
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
of
force
signify
Nobles
:
and
in
two
or
three
places
(
where
they
render
it
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
they
must
and
did
meane
Nobles
.
And
so
doe
the
circumstances
of
this
very
place
(
Nehe.
13.17
.
)
evince
it
to
be
understood
here
.
Consider
but
that
the
same
forme
and
manner
of
chiding
and
reproving
which
he
followes
here
,
he
used
before
,
Verse
.
11.
Where
he
saith
,
he
contended
with
the
Rulers
about
the
abuse
of
the
Levits
portion
.
But
there
the
men
reproved
were
great
men
.
For
the
word
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
is
there
in
the
70.
[
k
](A09268-e25620-b)
k
Vid
Arist.
polit.
l.
●
.
cap.
ult.
who
having
occasion
to
treate
of
some
Magistates
saith
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
that
is
nor
can
be
nothing
but
Rule●s
.
In
regard
of
their
place
of
office
,
he
cals
them
there
Rulers
.
In
regard
of
their
Birth
or
others
Titles
and
dignities
he
calls
them
here
(
Vers.
17.
)
Nobles
:
in
both
,
the
same
ranke
of
men
.
But
because
the
Septuagints
translation
of
the
word
in
this
place
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
by
some
made
such
a
matter
:
We
will
therefore
shew
,
it
is
not
for
nothing
,
that
we
af●firmed
the
70.
to
meane
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
A
man
of
a
free
and
noble
spirit
.
Consider
we
then
that
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
properly
&
originally
doth
signifie
Ingenuous
men
.
Now
an
ingenuous
man
is
defined
in
[
l
](A09268-e25710-b)
l
Institut.
Iuris
.
lib.
1.
tit
▪
4.
Law
to
bee
borne
not
made
a
Freeman
.
Yet
a
common
use
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
Scriptures
is
to
signifie
Princes
,
Potentates
,
Rulers
,
Nobles
.
The
70.
who
being
●ewes
best
knew
the
use
of
their
owne
mother
Tongue
,
do
[
m
](A09268-e25740-b)
m
Pro.
19.6
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
King
.
Psal.
118.9
.
&
47.10.83.12.113.7
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Princes
.
1.
Sam.
2.8
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Powers
.
Prov.
8.16
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Tyrants
or
Kings
.
The
word
tyrant
was
anciently
of
a
good
meaning
.
Scapula
.
often
translate
it
by
words
,
which
doe
and
in
very
grammaticall
etymology
must
signifie
Rulers
.
And
the
[
n
](A09268-e25800-b)
n
Beza
in
Luc.
22.25
.
Iansen
.
concordant
.
cap.
133.
learned
are
in
the
right
,
when
they
teach
us
,
That
Luke
(
22.25
)
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Benefactours
bountifull
doth
expresse
the
Hebrew
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
and
that
S.
Luke
doth
import
men
of
authority
and
place
.
Two
of
the
Ptolomej
Kings
of
Egypt
,
tooke
to
them
this
Title
to
be
called
Ptolomeus
Euergetes
.
And
why
?
But
because
Princes
and
Grandies
should
be
men
of
a
bountifull
mind
,
and
of
a
free
and
most
ingenuous
spirit
.
And
[
o
](A09268-e25910-b)
o
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Arist.
pol.
l.
3.
cap.
11.
Qui
magistratum
ambieb●̄t
Boni
dicebantur
,
quia
munus
non
ni●i
a
Bonis
administrari
vel
ambiri
fas
erat
Seneca
.
lib.
1.
ep.
3.
Sic.
qui
publica
curabant
Optimates
,
quia
non
nisi
Optimis
committi
debebant
publica
negotia
.
Aristotle
saith
,
That
Kings
were
created
from
their
Beneficence
.
And
gives
this
reason
.
For
that
good
men
are
highly
esteemed
for
their
vertue
.
As
then
the
Hebrew
and
Greeke
words
,
which
signifie
properly
ingenuous
,
free
,
munificent
,
are
used
for
Princes
as
common
as
may
bee
,
because
such
men
should
have
such
conditions
;
and
hee
wrongs
the
Text
,
that
shall
translate
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Ingenuous
:
may
I
not
in
like
manner
say
.
That
the
70.
in
our
place
useth
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
thematically
&
properly
signifies
Freeman
for
a
Nobleman
,
because
men
,
of
quality
such
,
should
be
endued
with
such
qualities
.
The
very
same
we
see
in
the
word
[
p
](A09268-e25990-b)
p
1
King
.
21.8
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
i.
e.
To
the
Elders
,
meaning
the
chiefe
Magistrates
and
Masters
of
the
City
,
&
passim
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
whose
immediate
and
literall
signification
is
an
elderly
man
,
a
Senior
.
Yet
how
often
in
the
old
Testament
is
it
used
to
signifie
a
Ruler
in
the
State
?
And
all
over
the
new
Testament
for
a
Ruler
and
Rector
in
the
Church
.
And
why
?
Because
men
are
not
usually
so
fit
to
be
put
in
place
in
either
,
till
they
come
to
some
yeares
.
The
reason
we
have
in
the
[
q
](A09268-e26030-b)
q
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Eth.
lib.
1.
c.
3.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Polit.
lib.
7.
cap.
9
▪
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ibid.
Philosopher
.
Because
a
man
is
not
fit
for
a
Councellour
in
the
state
,
till
he
be
of
some
good
experience
,
which
a
Iunior
cannot
have
:
Nor
in
the
Church
,
till
he
be
of
composed
manners
,
which
is
not
found
every
day
among
the
younger
sort
.
Old
in
time
and
old
in
manners
usually
goe
together
.
To
come
to
the
point
then
.
Sith
most
an
end
the
70.
doe
translate
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
words
expressing
Nobles
;
And
sith
in
those
few
places
,
where
the
70.
doe
make
use
of
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
Circumstances
of
the
place
doe
carry
it
,
That
simply
Freemen
as
Freemen
cannot
be
meant
;
but
Noblemen
,
because
they
should
be
men
of
free
mindes
(
as
the
words
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
▪
are
translated
in
like
sort
from
the
literall
sense
to
signifie
men
of
place
and
quality
;
)
And
sith
all
translations
I
thinke
,
I
am
sure
all
that
I
have
seene
,
doe
in
the
Nationall
and
learned
versions
and
translations
turne
it
by
words
expressing
Nobles
,
Lords
,
Worthies
,
Heroicall
persons
,
Potentates
,
Illustrious
and
the
like
;
Sith
I
say
all
these
proofes
meet
,
as
most
pregnant
to
evince
the
true
and
full
signification
of
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
be
Nobles
;
the
conclusion
is
ours
:
That
Nehemiah
did
contest
not
with
all
the
Freemen
;
but
with
the
Nobles
,
as
men
that
were
in
place
and
power
to
redresse
the
Prophanation
of
the
Sabbath
day
.
CHAP.
XXI
.
THe
Argument
to
prove
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
signify
Freemen
,
from
the
use
of
the
Chaldee
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
was
not
worth
the
printing
.
What
?
doth
not
that
Chaldee
come
by
etymology
from
the
Hebrew
word
,
and
doth
the
Chaldee
usually
signifie
Freemen
?
and
yet
doe
you
say
,
the
Argument
thence
is
of
no
force
?
No.
Of
none
at
all
.
For
to
passe
it
over
,
that
the
Chaldee
edition
is
but
a
Paraphrase
,
no
punctuall
Translation
;
neither
is
it
,
as
it
is
,
so
exact
;
(
so
saith
[
r
](A09268-e26220-b)
r
De
Verb.
Dei
li.
2.
cap.
3.
Bellarmine
)
neither
is
it
[
s
](A09268-e26240-b)
s
Aquila
is
thought
to
fl●rish
unde●
Adrian
the
Emperour
after
Christ
.
[
s
](A09268-e26270-b)
s
Onkelos
,
but
forty
yeares
before
the
birth
of
Christ
.
auncient
enough
to
cary
a
conclusion
for
the
use
of
a
word
(
for
in
so
many
hundred
of
yeares
as
the
Chaldee
is
later
then
Nehemiah
,
t
is
usuall
for
significations
of
words
to
change
;
T
is
Vse
rather
then
Grammar
that
brings
in
significations
of
words
.
(
[
t
](A09268-e26300-b)
t
Horat
in
arte
poëticâ
.
Vse
is
Norma
Loquendi
.
)
To
passe
over
all
this
,
what
if
the
Chaldee
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
be
used
to
signifie
Nobles
,
as
well
as
the
Hebrew
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
?
Where
is
all
this
boasting
then
?
Looke
but
in
Dan●el
7.9
.
(
and
Daniel
lived
about
the
dayes
of
Nehemiah
)
and
there
only
,
that
I
know
,
we
have
the
Chaldee
wo●d
.
It
is
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
it
signifies
and
is
translated
White
,
just
as
the
Hebrew
word
.
And
Nobles
using
to
apparell
themselves
in
white
,
thence
they
were
both
in
the
Chaldee
and
Hebrw
words
called
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Neither
doe
we
speake
at
randome
.
For
[
u
](A09268-e26400-b)
u
in
radice
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Schindler
,
(
as
great
a
Linguist
as
Christendome
hath
knowne
,
dispraise
to
none
)
doth
assure
us
,
That
the
Chaldee
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
doth
signifie
men
of
place
;
&
he
doth
expresse
the
meaning
of
the
Chaldee
by
three
Latine
words
,
Principes
,
Magnates
,
Primates
,
all
which
signifie
great
men
.
And
if
the
Chaldee
Paraphrase
may
be
heard
for
good
;
then
looke
Ier.
27.20
.
wherfore
our
Hebrew
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
which
we
translate
Nobles
of
Iudah
,
)
The
Chaldee
hath
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
is
,
The
Princes
.
Both
come
to
one
.
Therefore
the
Chaldee
himselfe
being
Iudge
,
the
Hebrew
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
is
not
Freemen
;
but
Princes
.
But
doth
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
Chaldee
properly
signifie
a
Freeman
?
It
doth
.
Is
it
not
derived
by
Etymology
from
the
Hebrew
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
?
I
thinke
so
;
I
grant
it
:
and
yet
all
this
comes
not
home
to
the
point
.
For
words
have
the
signification
from
the
common
use
,
and
the
Chaldee
comming
in
long
after
,
had
some
a●teration
from
the
grammaticall
signification
.
And
that
I
doe
not
onely
say
,
but
prove
.
For
because
the
Chaldee
doth
not
use
to
expresse
the
Hebrew
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
the
Chaldee
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
(
though
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
be
derived
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
)
but
to
shew
a
difference
,
the
Chaldee
paraphrase
is
constant
in
using
to
render
the
Hebrew
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
is
indeed
precisely
a
Freeman
,
by
the
Chaldee
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
was
in
the
Language
when
the
paraphrase
wrote
Freemen
.
As
Ez.
21.2
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
in
Hebrew
;
in
the
Chaldee
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
i.
e.
the
sonne
of
the
Freeman
.
Sith
then
the
Chaldee
doth
not
expresse
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
●ut
by
some
other
word
s●gnifying
Nobles
[
x
](A09268-e26880-b)
x
Chaldaeus
passim
pro
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
habet
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
●ilius
liberorum
.
So
Pagni●
.
in
Thes.
in
radice
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
but
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
he
doth
ever
use
to
translate
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
;
therefore
I
conclude
,
that
in
the
Iudgement
of
the
Chaldee
paraphrast
himselfe
,
our
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
doth
signifie
Nobles
,
and
not
Freemen
.
To
argue
from
the
signification
,
of
a
word
,
that
it
now
hath
to
prove
the
signification
it
had
400
,
or
500
yeares
agoe
,
is
of
no
force
;
sith
the
use
of
words
doe
come
and
goe
,
almost
as
fast
as
the
fashion
of
Clothes
.
As
it
follows
not
that
because
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
doth
signifie
a
Tyrant
now
,
that
therefore
it
doth
never
signifie
a
King
.
Times
doe
change
,
and
words
doe
alter
with
Time
,
both
in
pronunciation
and
signification
.
And
so
I
thinke
that
the
Chaldee
,
which
in
the
Paraphrast
his
dayes
did
signif●e
Freemen
long
before
,
when
it
came
first
out
of
the
Hebrew
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
did
signifie
Nobles
.
Howsoever
men
please
to
thinke
of
that
Conjecture
,
I
have
my
desire
in
that
the
Chaldee
himselfe
doth
not
translate
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
signifying
Freemen
;
though
radically
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
doth
derive
it selfe
from
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
But
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
they
doe
construe
by
words
signifying
Nobles
.
Say
then
that
Nehemiah
had
not
testified
against
the
Servants
,
which
the
Text
flatly
sayth
hee
did
,
and
say
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
did
signifie
Masters
,
which
we
have
proved
to
be
very
false
:
yet
thus
to
dispute
;
He
contested
with
the
Masters
,
Ergo
,
the
Masters
were
onely
in
the
sinne
:
And
,
The
Servants
did
not
sinne
,
because
not
contested
with
:
This
I
say
is
such
an
Enthymeme
,
that
a
Freshman
newly
come
from
turning
over
Brierwoods
Notes
,
can
tell
how
at
the
first
sight
with
reason
to
deny
the
Consequence
.
For
Nehemiah
did
reprove
the
Nobles
,
because
they
were
in
greatest
fault
to
suffer
it
.
And
in
their
hands
it
lay
much
to
reforme
it
.
And
Nehemiah
would
not
be
sayed
in
it
,
but
threatens
them
all
,
rich
and
poore
,
mighty
and
meane
,
bond
and
free
,
Master
and
Man
,
one
with
another
.
And
he
had
his
Will.
God
gave
him
good
successe
.
For
the
Text
saith
,
That
they
went
away
,
and
from
that
time
forth
,
they
came
no
more
on
the
Sabbath
day
.
And
what
a
mercy
were
it
,
if
the
Lord
would
be
pleased
so
to
order
the
hearts
,
pennes
,
and
tongues
of
the
Learned
,
that
from
henceforth
,
they
would
give
over
and
speake
,
and
write
no
more
against
the
Sabbath
Day
.
FINIS
.