A
SERMON
PREACHED
VPON
THE
Anniversary
of
the
GUNPOWDER-TREASON
.
LUK.
9.
Cap.
vers.
54.
But
when
Iames
and
Iohn
saw
this
,
they
said
,
Lord
,
wilt
thou
that
we
command
fire
to
come
from
Heaven
and
consume
them
even
as
Elias
did
?
I
Shall
not
need
to
strain
much
to
bring
my
Text
and
the
day
together
,
Here
is
fire
in
the
text
,
consuming
fire
,
like
that
whose
Antevorta
we
doe
this
day
commemorate
.
This
fire
called
for
by
the
Disciples
of
Christ
:
so
was
ours
too
;
by
Christs
Disciples
at
least
,
and
some
of
them
intitled
to
our
Great
Master
by
the
compellation
of
his
holy
name
of
IESUS
.
I
would
say
the
paralell
holds
thus
farre
,
but
that
the
persons
of
my
Text
,
however
Boanerges
,
sonnes
of
thunder
and
of
a
reproveable
spirit
,
yet
are
no
way
considerable
in
the
proportion
of
malice
with
the
persons
of
the
day
.
For
if
I
consider
the
cause
that
mov'd
Iames
and
Iohn
to
so
inconsiderate
a
wrath
,
it
beares
a
fair
excuse
:
The
men
of
Samaria
Quis
talia
fando
Temperet
?
It
had
been
the
greater
wonder
if
they
had
not
been
angry
.
But
now
if
we
should
levell
our
progresse
by
the
same
line
and
guesse
that
in
the
present
affaire
there
was
an
equall
cause
,
because
a
greater
fire
was
intended
,
wee
shall
too
much
betray
the
ingenuity
of
apparent
truth
,
and
the
blessing
of
this
Anniversary
.
They
had
not
halfe
such
a
case
for
an
excuse
to
a
farre
greater
malice
;
it
will
prove
they
had
none
at
all
,
and
therefore
their
malice
was
somuch
the
more
malicious
because
causelesse
and
totally
inexcusable
.
However
,
I
shall
endeavour
to
joyne
their
consideration
in
as
〈◊〉
a
paralell
as
I
can
;
which
if
it
be
not
exact
(
as
certainly
it
cannot
,
where
we
have
already
discovered
so
much
difference
in
degrees
of
malice
,
)
yet
by
laying
them
together
we
may
better
take
their
estimate
,
though
it
be
only
by
seeing
their
disproportion
.
The
words
as
they
lay
in
their
own
order
,
point
out
,
1.
The
persons
that
ask't
the
question
.
2.
The
cause
that
mov'd
them
.
3.
The
person
to
whom
they
propounded
it
;
4.
The
Question
it selfe
.
5.
And
the
precedent
they
urg'd
to
move
a
grant
,
drawn
from
a
very
fallible
Topick
,
a
singular
Example
,
in
a
speciall
and
different
case
.
The
persons
here
were
Christs
Disciples
;
and
so
they
are
in
our
case
,
design'd
to
us
by
that
glorious
Sir-name
of
Christianity
:
they
will
be
called
Catholiques
,
but
if
our
discovery
perhaps
rise
higher
,
and
that
the
See
Apostolique
prove
sometimes
guilty
of
so
reproveable
a
spirit
,
then
we
are
very
neer
to
a
paralell
of
the
persons
,
for
they
were
Disciples
of
Christ
,
&
Apostles
.
2.
The
cause
was
the
denying
of
toleration
of
abode
upon
the
grudge
of
an
old
schisme
,
Religion
was
made
the
instrument
.
That
which
should
have
taught
the
Apostles
to
be
charitable
,
and
the
Samaritans
hospitable
,
was
made
a
pretence
to
justify
the
unhospitablenesse
of
the
one
and
the
uncharitablenesse
of
the
other
.
Thus
farre
we
are
right
,
for
the
malice
of
this
present
Treason
,
stood
upon
the
same
base
.
3.
Although
neither
Side
much
doubted
of
the
lawfulnesse
of
their
proceedings
;
yet
S.
Iames
and
S.
Iohn
were
so
discreet
as
not
to
think
themselves
infallible
,
therefore
they
ask'd
their
Lord
:
so
did
the
persons
of
the
day
,
aske
the
question
too
,
but
not
of
Christ
,
for
he
was
not
in
all
their
thoughts
;
but
yet
they
ask'd
of
Christs
Delegates
,
who
therefore
should
have
given
their
answer
eodem
tripode
,
from
the
same
spirit
.
They
were
the
Fathers
Confessors
who
were
ask'd
.
4.
The
question
is
of
both
sides
concerning
a
consumptive
sacrifice
,
the
destruction
of
a
Towne
there
,
of
a
whole
Kingdome
here
,
but
differing
in
the
circumstance
of
place
whence
they
would
fetch
their
fire
.
The
Apostles
would
have
had
it
from
Heaven
,
but
these
men's
conversation
was
not
there
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
things
from
beneath
,
from
an
artificiall
hell
,
but
breath'd
from
the
naturall
and
proper
,
were
in
all
their
thoughts
.
5.
The
example
,
which
is
the
last
particular
,
I
feare
I
must
leave
quite
out
,
and
when
you
have
considered
all
,
perhaps
you
will
look
for
no
example
.
First
of
the
persons
;
they
were
Disciples
of
Christ
and
Apostles
.
[
But
when
Iames
and
Iohn
saw
this
,
]
When
first
I
considered
they
were
Apostles
,
I
wondered
they
should
be
so
intemperatly
angry
;
but
when
I
perceived
they
were
so
angry
,
I
wondred
not
that
they
sinned
.
Not
the
priviledge
of
an
Apostolicall
spirit
,
not
the
nature
of
Angels
,
not
the
condition
of
immortality
can
guard
from
the
danger
of
sinne
,
but
if
we
be
overrul'd
by
passion
,
we
almost
subject
our selves
to
its
necessity
.
It
was
not
therefore
without
reason
altogether
,
that
the
Stoicks
affirm'd
wisemen
to
be
void
of
passions
,
for
sure
I
am
,
the
inordination
of
any
passion
is
the
first
step
to
folly
.
And
although
of
them
,
as
of
waters
of
a
muddy
residence
wee
may
make
good
use
,
and
quench
our
thirst
,
if
wee
doe
not
trouble
them
,
yet
upon
any
ungentle
disturbance
we
drinke
down
mud
in
stead
of
a
cleere
streame
,
and
the
issues
of
sinne
and
sorrow
,
certaine
consequents
of
temerarious
or
inordinate
anger
.
And
therefore
when
the
Apostle
had
given
us
leave
to
be
angry
,
as
knowing
the
condition
of
human
nature
,
hee
quickly
enters
a
Caveat
that
we
sinne
not
;
hee
knew
sinne
was
very
likely
to
be
hand-maid
where
Anger
did
domineer
,
and
this
was
the
reason
why
S.
Iames
and
S.
Iohn
are
the
men
here
pointed
at
,
for
the
Scripture
notes
them
for
Boanerges
,
sonnes
of
thunder
,
men
of
an
angry
temper
,
&
quid
mirum
est
filios
tonitrui
fulgurâsse
voluisse
?
said
S.
Ambrose
.
But
there
was
more
in
it
then
thus
.
Their
spirits
of
themselves
hot
enough
,
yet
met
with
their
education
under
the
Law
,
(
whose
first
tradition
was
in
fire
and
thunder
,
whose
precepts
were
just
but
not
so
mercifull
;
)
and
this
inflam'd
their
distemper
to
the
height
of
a
revenge
.
It
is
the
Doctrine
of
S.
[
a
](A13414-e1000-b)
a
Epist.
ad
Algis
.
Hierome
and
[
b
](A13414-e1020-b)
b
〈◊〉
Lucam
.
Titus
Bostrensis
;
The
Law
had
beene
their
Schoole-master
,
and
taught
them
the
rules
of
justice
both
Punitive
and
Vindictive
:
But
Christ
was
the
first
that
taught
it
to
be
a
sinne
to
retaliate
evill
with
evill
,
it
was
a
Doctrine
they
could
not
read
in
the
killing
letter
of
the
Law
.
There
they
might
meete
with
precedents
of
revenge
and
anger
of
a
high
severity
,
an
eye
for
an
eye
,
and
a
tooth
for
a
tooth
,
and
let
him
be
cut
off
from
his
people
:
But
forgiving
injuries
,
praying
for
our
persecutors
,
loving
our
enemies
,
and
relieving
them
,
were
Doctrines
of
such
high
and
absolute
integrity
,
as
were
to
be
reserved
for
the
best
and
most
perfect
Law-giver
,
the
bringer
of
the
best
promises
,
to
which
the
most
perfect
actions
have
the
best
proportion
;
and
this
was
to
be
when
Shiloh
came
.
Now
then
the
spirit
of
Elias
is
out
of
date
,
—
Iam
ferrea
primum
Desinit
,
ac
toto
surgit
Gens
Aurea
Mundo
.
And
therefore
our
blessed
Master
reproveth
them
of
ignorance
,
not
of
the
Law
,
but
of
his
spirit
,
which
had
they
but
known
or
could
but
have
guessed
at
the
end
of
his
comming
,
they
had
not
been
such
Abecedarij
in
the
Schoole
of
Mercy
.
And
now
we
shall
not
need
to
look
farre
for
persons
,
Disciples
professing
at
least
in
Christs
schoole
,
yet
as
great
strangers
to
the
mercifull
spirit
of
our
Saviour
,
as
if
they
had
been
sonnes
of
the
Law
,
or
foster-brothers
to
Romulus
and
suck't
a
wolse
,
and
they
are
Romanists
too
;
this
daies
solemnity
presents
them
to
us
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
&
yet
were
that
wash'd
off
,
underneath
they
write
Christian
and
Iesuit
.
One
would
have
expected
that
such
men
,
set
forth
to
the
worlds
acceptance
with
so
mercifulla
cognomentum
,
should
have
put
a
hand
to
support
the
ruinous
fabrick
of
the
worlds
charity
,
and
not
have
pulled
the
frame
of
heaven
&
earth
about
our
eares
.
But
yet
—
Necredite
Teucri
!
Give
me
leave
first
to
make
an
Inquisition
after
this
Antichristian
pravity
,
and
try
who
is
of
our
side
,
and
who
loves
the
King
,
by
pointing
at
those
whose
Sermons
doe
blast
Loyalty
,
breathing
forth
Treason
,
flaughters
and
cruelty
,
the
greatest
imaginable
contrariety
to
the
spirit
and
Doctrine
of
our
Dear
Master
.
So
we
shall
quickly
finde
out
more
then
a
pareil
for
S.
Iames
and
S.
Iohn
the
Boanerges
of
my
Text.
It
is
an
act
of
faith
,
by
faith
to
conquer
the
enemies
of
God
and
Holy
Church
,
saith
Sanders
our
Country-man
.
Hitherto
nothing
but
well
;
If
Iames
and
Iohn
had
offered
to
doe
no
more
then
what
they
could
have
done
with
the
sword
of
the
spirit
and
the
shield
of
Faith
,
they
might
have
beene
inculpable
,
and
so
had
he
if
hee
had
said
no
more
;
but
the
blood
boyles
higher
,
the
manner
spoyles
all
.
For
it
is
not
well
done
unlesse
a
warlike
Captaine
be
appointed
by
Christs
Vicar
to
beare
a
Croisade
in
a
field
of
blood
.
And
if
the
other
Apostles
did
not
proceed
such
an
angry
way
as
Iames
&
Iohn
,
it
was
only
discretion
that
detain'd
For
so
they
might
,
and
it
were
no
way
unlawfull
for
them
to
beare
armes
to
propagate
Religion
,
had
they
not
wanted
an
opportunity
;
if
you
believe
the
same
author
:
for
fighting
is
proper
for
S.
Peter
and
his
Successors
,
therefore
because
Christ
gave
him
Commission
to
feed
his
Lambs
.
A
strange
reason
!
I
had
thought
Christ
would
have
his
Lambes
fed
with
the
sincere
milk
of
his
word
,
not
like
to
Canibals
,
solitisque
〈◊〉
Lac
potare
Getis
,
&
poculatingere
venis
,
To
mingle
blood
intheir
sacrifices
(
as
Herod
to
the
Galilaeans
)
and
quaffe
it
off
for
an
auspicium
to
the
propagation
of
the
Christian
faith
.
Me
thinks
here
is
already
too
much
clashing
of
armour
and
effusion
of
blood
for
a
Christian
cause
;
but
this
were
not
altogether
so
unchristian
like
,
if
the
sheepe
,
though
with
blood
,
yet
were
not
to
be
fed
with
the
blood
of
their
sheepheard
〈◊〉
,
I
meane
their
Princes
.
But
I
finde
many
such
Nutritij
in
the
Nurseries
of
Rome
,
driving
their
Lambes
from
their
folds
unlesse
they
will
be
taught
to
wory
the
Lion
.
Verb.
Tyrannus
.
Emanuel
Sà
,
in
his
Aphorismes
,
affirmes
it
lawful
to
kill
a
King
,
indeed
not
every
King
,
but
such
a
one
as
rules
with
Tyranny
,
and
not
then
,
unlesse
the
Pope
hath
sentene'd
him
to
death
,
but
then
he
may
;
though
he
be
his
lawfull
Prince
.
Not
the
necessitude
which
the
Law
of
nations
hath
put
betweene
Prince
and
people
,
not
the
obligation
of
the
oath
of
Allegeance
,
not
the
Sanctions
of
God
Almighty
himselfe
,
must
reverse
the
sentence
against
the
King
when
once
past
,
but
any
one
of
his
subjects
,
of
his
owne
sworne
subjects
,
may
kill
him
.
This
perfidious
treasonable
position
of
Sà
,
is
not
a
single
Testimony
.
For
1.
it
slipt
not
from
his
pen
Fathers
Confessors
of
the
Iesuits
Order
.
This
Doctrine
,
although
—
Titulo
res
digna
sepulchri
—
yet
is
nothing
if
compared
with
Mariana
.
For
1.
he
affirms
the
same
Doctrine
in
substance
.
2.
Then
Moores
of
Spaine
.
3.
Hee
addes
examples
of
Emanuel
Sà
affirm'd
)
but
it
is
sufficient
proofe
of
his
being
a
Tyrant
if
learned
men
,
though
but
few
,
and
those
seditious
too
doe
but
murmure
it
,
or
beginne
to
call
him
so
.
I
See
Apostolike
,
to
which
they
are
vowed
leigemen
.
But
I
have
greater
reason
to
believe
them
Vnited
in
this
Doctrine
,
then
is
the
greatnesse
of
this
probability
.
For
1.
There
was
an
Apology
printed
in
Italy
,
permissu
superiorum
,
in
the
yeare
1610.
that
sayes
,
They
were
all
enemies
of
that
holy
Name
of
Iesus
that
condemned
Mariana
for
any
such
Doctrine
.
I
understand
not
why
,
but
sure
I
am
that
the
Iesuits
doe
or
did
thinke
his
Doctrine
innocent
:
for
in
their
Apology
put
forth
in
the
name
of
the
whole
Society
against
the
accusations
of
Anticoton
,
they
deny
that
the
Assasine
of
Henry
4.
I
meane
Ravaillac
,
was
mov'd
to
kill
the
King
by
reading
Moores
of
Spaine
had
more
disciples
then
Mariana
.
1.
Hee
sayes
it
himselfe
,
for
commending
the
young
Monke
that
killed
Henry
3.
he
sayes
,
he
did
it
having
beene
informed
by
severall
Divines
that
a
Tyrant
might
lawfully
be
killed
.
2.
The
thing
it selfe
speaks
it
,
for
his
book
was
highly
commended
by
[
a
](A13414-e1970-b)
a
Chauue
sauris
polit.
Gretser
&
[
b
](A13414-e1990-b)
b
Amphith
.
honoris
lib.
1.
cap.
12.
Bonarscius
both
for
stile
&
matter
,
higher
yet
by
Petrus
de
Onna
,
provinciall
of
Toledo
who
was
so
highly
pleased
with
it
,
hee
was
sorry
hee
wanted
[
c
](A13414-e2030-b)
c
Iterum
&
tertio
facturus
siper
otium
&
tempus
licuisset
.
leisure
to
read
it
the
second
and
third
time
over
,
and
with
this
censure
prefixed
was
licens'd
to
the
Presse
.
Further
yet
,
for
Steven
Hoyeda
Visitor
of
the
Iesuits
for
the
same
Province
approved
Claudius
Aquaviva
their
generall
,
with
these
approbations
and
other
solemne
Priviledges
it
was
Printed
at
[
a
](A13414-e2090-b)
a
By
Petrus
Rhodriques
.
1599.
Toledo
and
[
b
](A13414-e2110-b)
b
By
Balth.
Lippius
1605
Montz
;
and
lastly
inserted
into
the
Catalogues
of
the
Books
of
their
Order
by
Petrus
Ribadineira
.
What
negligence
is
sufficient
that
such
a
Doctrine
as
this
should
passe
so
great
supravisors
,
if
in
their
hearts
they
disavow
it
?
The
children
of
this
world
are
not
such
fooles
in
their
generations
.
The
Fathers
of
the
Society
cannot
but
know
how
apt
these
things
of
themselves
are
to
publike
mischiefe
,
how
invidious
to
the
Christian
world
,
how
scandalous
to
their
Order
;
and
yet
they
rather
excuse
then
condemne
Mariana
:
speaking
of
him
at
the
hardest
but
very
gently
,
as
if
his
only
fault
had
beene
his
speaking
a
truth
intempore
non
opportuno
,
something
out
of
season
,
or
as
if
they
were
forc'd
to
yeelde
to
the
current
of
the
times
,
and
durst
not
professe
openly
of
what
in
their
hearts
they
were
perswaded
.
I
speak
of
some
of
them
,
for
others
you
see
are
of
the
same
opinion
.
But
I
would
faine
learne
why
they
are
so
sedulous
and
carefull
to
procure
the
decrees
of
the
Rector
&
Deputies
of
Paris
,
Rescripts
of
the
Bishop
,
Revocation
of
Arrest
of
the
Parliament
which
had
been
against
them
,
and
all
to
acquit
the
Fathers
of
the
Society
from
these
scandalous
opinions
;
as
if
these
laborious
devices
could
make
what
they
have
said
and
done
,
to
be
unspoken
and
undone
,
or
could
change
their
opinions
from
what
indeed
they
are
,
whereas
they
never
went
ex
animo
to
refute
these
Theorems
,
never
spake
against
them
in
the
reall
and
serious
dialect
of
an
adversary
,
never
condemned
them
as
hereticall
,
but
what
they
have
done
they
have
been
sham'd
to
,
or
forc'd
upon
,
as
Pere
Coton
by
the
King
of
France
,
and
Servin
to
a
confutation
of
Mariana
,
(
from
which
he
desir'd
to
be
excused
,
and
after
the
Kings
death
,
writ
his
declaratory
letter
to
no
purpose
;
)
the
Apologists
of
Paris
by
the
outcryes
of
Christendome
against
them
;
and
when
it
is
done
,
done
so
coldly
in
their
reprehensions
with
a
greater
readinesse
to
excuse
all
,
then
condemne
any
,
I
say
these
things
to
a
considering
man
doe
increase
the
suspicion
if
at
least
that
may
be
called
suspicion
for
which
we
have
had
so
plain
testimonies
of
their
own
.
I
adde
this
more
,
to
put
the
businesse
past
all
question
,
that
when
some
things
of
this
nature
were
objected
to
them
by
Arnald
the
French
Kings
Advocate
,
they
were
so
farre
from
denying
them
or
excusing
them
,
that
they
maintained
them
in
spite
of
opposition
,
putting
forth
a
Book
intitled
Veritas
defensa
contra
actionem
Antonii
Arnaldi
.
What
the
things
were
for
which
they
stood
up
patrons
,
heare
themselves
speaking
,
Tum
enim
id
non
solum
potest
Papa
,
〈◊〉
etiam
debet
〈◊〉
ostendere
superiorem
illis
[
Principibus
.
]
〈◊〉
stomacham
tibi
commovet
,
facit
ut
〈◊〉
,
sed
oportet
〈◊〉
,
&
de
〈◊〉
fatiaris
tibi
nec
rationem
esse
,
nec
〈◊〉
.
Hard
words
these
!
The
Advocate
is
affirm'd
to
be
void
both
of
reason
and
honesty
for
denying
the
Popes
dominion
over
Kings
.
The
reason
followes
,
The
Pope
could
not
keep
them
to
their
duties
,
unlesse
he
kept
them
in
〈◊〉
with
threatning
them
the
losse
of
their
Kingdomes
.
But
this
is
but
the
least
part
of
it
.
If
the
subiects
had
been
but
disposed
as
they
should
have
been
,
there
was
no
time
but
it
might
have
been
profitable
to
have
exercised
the
sword
upon
the
persons
of
Kings
.
Let
them
construe
their
meaning
,
those
are
their
words
.
But
see
farther
.
The
damned
act
of
〈◊〉
Clement
the
Monk
upon
the
life
of
Henry
the
third
of
France
,
of
Iean
Chastel
and
Ravaillac
upon
Henry
the
fourth
,
are
notorious
in
the
Christian
world
,
and
yet
the
first
of
these
was
commended
by
[
*
](A13414-e2410-b)
*
Voyez
.
le
proces
de
Parliam
.
de
Paris
contre
le
perc
Guignard
prestre
Iesuit
.
F.
Guignard
in
a
discourse
of
purpose
,
&
by
Mariana
as
I
before
cited
him
.
The
second
had
two
Apologies
made
for
him
,
the
one
by
[
a
](A13414-e2440-b)
a
Vid.
cap.
3.
Constantinus
Veruna
,
the
[
b
](A13414-e2460-b)
b
Lugduni
de
iusta
abdicatione
Henr.
3.
1610.
other
without
a
name
indeed
,
but
with
the
marke
and
cognizance
of
the
Iesuits
order
,
and
the
last
was
publiquely
commended
in
a
Sermon
by
a
Monk
of
Colein
,
as
it
is
reported
by
the
excellent
Thuanus
.
Not
much
lesse
then
this
is
that
of
Baronius
,
just
I
am
sure
of
the
same
spirit
with
Iames
and
Iohn
,
for
he
calls
for
a
ruin
upon
the
Venetians
for
opposing
of
his
Holinesse
.
Arise
Peter
,
not
to
feed
these
wandring
sheep
,
but
to
destroy
them
,
throw
away
thy
Pastorall
staffe
and
take
thy
sword
.
I
confesse
here
is
some
more
ingenuity
,
to
oppose
Murdering
to
Feeding
then
to
make
them
all
one
,
as
Sanders
doth
,
but
yet
Farther
yet
.
Guignard
a
Iesuit
of
Clerimont
Colledge
in
Paris
was
executed
by
command
of
the
[
a
](A13414-e2670-b)
a
Expostul
.
Apologet
.
pro
Societ
.
Iesus
.
Lewes
Richeome
,
and
[
b
](A13414-e2690-b)
b
Amphith
.
honor
.
lib.
1.
Bonarscius
.
I
know
they
will
not
say
that
every
Iesuit
is
infallible
,
they
are
not
come
to
that
yet
,
it
is
plain
then
they
are
of
the
same
mind
with
Guignard
,
or
else
(
which
I
think
they
dare
not
say
)
the
Parliament
was
unjust
in
the
condemnation
of
him
,
but
if
they
doe
,
they
thus
proclaim
their
approbation
of
these
Doctrines
he
was
hanged
for
;
for
that
he
had
such
,
was
under
his
own
hand
,
by
his
own
confession
,
and
of
it selfe
evident
;
as
is
to
be
seen
in
the
Arrest
of
the
Parliament
against
him
.
Lastly
,
more
pertinent
to
the
day
is
the
fact
of
Garnet
,
who
because
a
Iesuit
could
have
done
nothing
for
which
he
should
not
have
found
an
Apologist
,
for
even
for
this
his
last
act
of
high
treason
he
was
Apologiz'd
for
,
by
[
a
](A13414-e2750-b)
a
Apol.
adv.
R.
Angliae
.
Bellarmine
,
[
b
](A13414-e2770-b)
b
Stigm
.
Miseric
.
Gretser
,
&
[
c
](A13414-e2790-b)
c
Apol.
pro
Garnetto
.
Eudamon
Johannes
.
Thus
farre
we
have
found
out
persons
fit
enough
to
match
any
malice
;
Boanerges
all
,
and
more
then
a
pareil
for
Iames
and
Iohn
:
but
I
shall
anon
discover
the
disease
to
be
more
Epidemicall
,
and
the
pest
of
a
more
Catholike
infection
,
and
yet
if
we
summe
up
our
accounts
,
we
shall
already
finde
the
doctrine
to
be
too
Catholike
.
For
we
have
already
met
with
Emanuel
Sá
a
Portugall
,
Mariana
&
Ribadineira
Spaniards
,
Bonarscius
a
bas
Almain
,
Gretser
a
German
,
Eudaemon
Iohannes
a
false
Greek
,
Guignard
,
Richeome
and
the
Apologists
for
Chastell
,
Frenchmen
,
Bellarmine
and
Baronius
,
Italians
,
Garnet
and
Sanders
,
English
.
The
Doctrine
you
see
they
would
fain
make
Catholike
,
now
if
it
prove
to
be
but
Apostolique
too
,
then
we
have
found
out
an
exact
parallel
for
Iames
and
Iohn
,
great
Disciples
and
Apostles
,
and
whether
or
no
the
See
Apostolique
may
not
sometime
be
of
a
fiery
and
consuming
spirit
,
we
have
so
strange
examples
,
even
in
our
own
home
,
that
wee
need
seek
no
farther
for
resolution
of
the
Quare
.
In
the
Bull
of
excommunication
put
forth
by
Pius
quintus
against
Q.
Elizabeth
of
blessed
memory
,
there
is
more
then
a
naked
incouragement
,
as
much
as
comes
to
a
Volumus
&
Iubemus
ut
adversus
Elizabetham
Angliae
Reginam
subditi
arma
capessant
.
Bone
Iesu
!
in
que
nos
reservasti
tempora
?
Here
is
a
command
to
turne
rebels
,
a
necessity
of
being
Traitors
.
Quid
co
infelicius
,
cui
iam
esse
malum
necesse
est
?
The
businesse
is
put
something
farther
home
by
Catena
and
Gabutius
,
who
writ
the
life
of
Pius
quintus
,
were
resident
at
Rome
,
one
of
them
an
advocate
in
the
Roman
Court
;
their
Bookes
both
printed
at
Rome
,
con
licenza
,
and
con
privilegio
.
And
now
hear
Pius
quintus
published
a
Bull
against
Q.
Elizabeth
,
declared
her
a
Heretique
,
and
deprived
her
of
her
Kingdome
,
absolv'd
her
subiects
from
their
oath
of
Allegeance
,
excommunicated
her
,
and
gave
power
to
any
one
to
rebell
against
her
&c.
This
was
but
the
first
step
,
he
therefore
thus
proceeds
,
He
procures
a
gentleman
of
Florence
to
move
her
subiects
to
a
rebellion
against
her
for
her
destruction
.
Farther
yet
,
he
thought
this
would
be
such
a
reall
benefit
to
Christendome
to
have
her
destroied
,
that
the
Pope
was
ready
to
aid
in
person
,
to
spend
the
whole
revenew
of
all
the
Chalices
and
crosses
of
the
Church
,
and
even
his
very
cloths
to
promote
so
pious
a
businesse
as
was
the
destruction
of
Q.
Elizabeth
.
The
witnesses
of
truth
usually
agree
in
one
.
The
same
story
is
told
by
[
b
](A13414-e3320-b)
b
De
vitâ
&
Giftis
Pii
5.
lib.
3.
cap.
9.
Antonius
Gabutius
,
and
some
more
circumstances
added
.
First
he
names
the
end
to
take
her
life
away
,
in
case
she
would
not
turn
,
Roman
Catholique
.
To
atchieve
this
,
because
no
Legat
could
come
into
England
,
nor
any
publique
messenger
from
the
See
Apostolique
he
imployed
a
Florentine
Merchant
to
〈◊〉
her
subiects
to
a
rebellion
for
her
perdition
.
Nothing
but
Sollevamento
,
Rebellion
,
Perdition
and
destruction
to
the
Queen
could
be
thought
upon
by
his
Holinesse
.
More
yet
;
for
when
the
Duke
of
Alva
had
feiz'd
upon
the
English
Merchants
goods
which
were
at
Antwerp
,
the
Pope
took
the
occasion
,
instigated
the
King
of
Spain
to
aid
the
pious
attempts
of
those
who
conspir'd
against
the
Queen
:
they
are
the
words
of
Gabatius
.
This
rebellion
was
intended
to
be
;
under
Norfolk
,
Viro
Catholico
,
a
Roman
Catholique
,
Gabutius
notes
it
,
for
fear
some
Heretik
might
be
suspected
of
the
designe
,
and
so
the
Catholiques
loofe
the
glory
of
the
action
.
However
Pius
quintus
intended
to
use
the
utmost
and
most
extreme
remedies
to
cure
her
heresy
,
&
all
means
to
increase
and
strengthen
the
rebellion
.
I
durst
not
have
thought
so
much
of
his
Halinesse
,
if
his
own
had
not
said
it
;
but
if
this
be
not
worse
then
the
fiery
spirit
which
our
blessed
Saviour
reproved
in
Iames
and
Iohn
,
I
know
not
what
is
.
I
have
nothing
to
doe
to
specify
the
spirit
of
Paulus
quintus
in
the
Venetian
cause
;
this
only
,
Baronius
propounded
the
example
of
Gregory
the
seaventh
I
shall
not
need
to
instance
in
the
effects
which
this
Bull
produc'd
;
the
Treason
of
Watson
&
Cleark
;
two
English
Seminaries
are
sufficiently
known
,
it
was
as
a
Praeludium
or
warning
peice
to
the
great
Fougade
,
the
discharge
of
the
Powder
Treason
;
Briefly
,
the
case
was
so
,
that
after
the
Publication
of
the
Bull
of
Pius
quintus
,
these
Catholiques
in
England
durst
not
be
good
Subjects
till
F.
Parsons
and
Campian
got
a
dispensation
that
they
might
for
a
while
doe
it
,
and
rebus
sic
stantibus
with
a
safe
conscience
professe
a
generall
obedience
in
causes
Temporall
:
and
after
the
Bull
of
Clement
a
great
many
of
them
were
not
good
subjects
,
and
if
the
rest
had
not
taken
to
themselves
the
Priviledge
which
the
Pope
Ravenna
,
either
to
doe
as
the
Pope
bid
them
,
or
to
pretend
a
reason
why
they
would
not
:
we
may
say
as
Creswell
in
defence
Cardinall
Allen
;
certainly
we
might
have
had
more
bloudy
tragedies
in
England
,
if
the
moderation
of
some
more
discreetly
temperd
had
not
been
interposed
.
However
it
is
no
thank
to
his
Holinesse
,
his
spirit
blew
high
enough
.
But
I
will
open
this
secret
no
farther
,
if
I
may
have
but
leave
to
instance
once
more
.
If
I
mistake
Sixtus
Quintus
who
sometimes
pronounced
a
speech
in
full
Consistory
,
in
which
hee
compares
the
assasinat
of
Iaques
Clement
upon
Henry
the
third
,
to
the
exploits
of
Eleazar
&
Iudith
,
where
after
having
aggravated
the
faults
of
the
murdred
King
,
concluded
him
to
have
diedimpenitent
,
denyed
him
the
solemnities
of
Masse
,
Dirge
and
Requiem
,
for
his
soule
,
at
last
he
ends
with
a
prayer
,
that
God
would
finish
what
in
this
(
bloudy
)
manner
had
been
begun
.
I
will
not
aggravate
the
foulenesse
of
the
thing
by
any
circumstances
(
though
I
cannot
but
wonder
that
his
Holinesse
should
say
a
prayer
of
so
much
abhomination
.
)
it
is
of
it selfe
too
bad
.
If
his
Holinesse
be
wrong'd
in
the
businesse
I
have
Boucher
,
Decreil
,
and
Ancelein
;
let
them
answer
it
,
I
wash
my
hands
of
the
accusation
,
and
only
consider
the
danger
of
such
Doctrines
,
if
set
forth
with
so
great
authority
and
practis'd
by
so
uncontroulable
〈◊〉
If
the
Disciples
of
Christ
,
if
Apostles
,
if
the
See
Apostolique
,
if
the
fathers
Confessors
prove
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
,
I
'le
no
more
wonder
if
the
people
call
for
fire
to
consume
us
,
but
rather
wonder
if
they
doe
not
.
And
indeed
although
it
be
no
rare
or
unusuall
thing
for
a
Papist
to
be
de
facto
loyall
and
duteous
to
his
Prince
,
yet
it
is
a
wonder
that
he
is
so
since
such
Doctrines
have
beene
taught
by
so
great
Masters
,
and
at
the
best
hee
depends
but
upon
the
Popes
pleasure
for
his
Loyalty
,
which
upon
what
security
it
rests
,
you
may
easily
guesse
from
the
antecedents
.
Thus
much
for
consideration
of
the
persons
who
ask'd
the
Question
;
they
were
Christs
Disciples
,
they
were
Iames
and
Iohn
.
But
when
Iames
and
Iohn
[
saw
this
]
Our
next
inquiry
shall
be
of
the
cause
of
this
their
angry
Question
.
This
we
must
learne
from
the
fore-going
story
.
Christ
was
going
to
the
feast
at
Ierusalem
,
and
passing
through
a
Village
of
Samaria
ask'd
lodging
The
present
case
of
the
Disciples
and
the
same
spirit
which
,
for
the
same
〈◊〉
cause
,
is
takenup
by
the
persons
of
the
day
,
proves
all
this
true
;
with
whom
fire
and
fagot
is
esteem'd
the
best
argument
to
convince
the
understanding
,
and
the
Inquisitors
of
hereticall
pravity
,
the
best
Doctors
and
subtlest
1
Then
there
was
no
cause
at
all
given
them
by
us
;
none
put
to
death
for
being
a
Roman
Catholique
This
hath
beene
the
constant
attestation
of
our
Princes
and
State
since
the
first
Lawes
made
against
Recusants
&
the
thing
it selfe
will
bear
them
record
.
From
primo
of
Elizabeth
to
undecimo
,
the
Papists
made
no
scruple
of
comming
to
our
Churches
,
Recusancy
was
not
then
so
much
as
a
Chrysome
,
not
an
Embrio
.
But
when
Pius
quintus
sent
forth
his
Breves
of
Excommunication
and
Deposition
of
the
Queen
,
then
first
they
forbore
to
pray
with
us
,
or
to
have
any
religious
communion
.
This
although
every
where
knowne
,
yet
being
a
matter
of
fact
and
so
as
likely
to
be
denied
by
others
as
affirmed
by
us
without
good
evidence
,
see
it
therefore
affirmed
expresly
by
an
Act
of
Parliament
in
Decimo
tertio
of
Elizabeth
,
which
specifies
this
as
one
inconvenience
and
ill
consequence
of
the
Bull.
[
Whereby
〈◊〉
grown
great
〈◊〉
and
bolonesse
in
many
,
not
only
to
〈◊〉
and
absent
themselves
from
〈◊〉
service
,
now
most
〈◊〉
set
forth
and
used
within
this
Realme
,
but
also
have
thought
themselves
discharged
of
all
〈◊〉
&
c.
]
Not
only
Recusancy
,
but
likewise
disobedience
;
therefore
both
Recusancy
and
disobedience
.
Two
yeares
therefore
after
this
Bull
,
this
Statute
was
made
if
it
was
possible
to
nullify
the
effects
of
it
,
to
hinder
its
execution
,
and
if
it
might
be
,
by
this
meanes
to
keep
them
,
as
they
had
been
before
,
in
Communion
with
the
Church
of
England
,
and
obedience
to
her
Majesty
.
This
was
the
first
Statute
that
concerned
them
in
speciall
,
but
yet
their
Religion
was
not
medled
with
;
For
this
Statute
against
execution
of
the
Popes
Bulls
was
no
more
than
what
had
been
established
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
in
the
16th
yeare
of
Richard
the
second
,
by
which
it
was
made
〈◊〉
to
purchase
Bulls
from
Rome
,
and
the
delinquents
in
this
kinde
with
all
their
[
〈◊〉
,
fautors
,
〈◊〉
,
and
maintainers
to
be
referred
to
the
Kings
Councell
for
farther
punishment
.
]
There
was
indeed
this
severity
expressed
in
the
Act
of
130
of
the
Queene
,
that
the
putting
them
in
Execution
should
be
Capitall
;
and
yet
this
severity
was
no
more
then
what
was
inflicted
upon
the
Bishop
of
Ely
in
Edward
the
thirds
time
,
for
publishing
of
a
Bull
against
the
Earle
of
Chester
without
the
Kings
leave
,
and
on
the
Bishop
of
Carlile
,
in
the
time
of
Henry
the
fourth
,
for
the
like
offence
.
Thus
farre
our
Lawes
are
innocent
.
But
when
this
Statute
did
not
take
the
good
effect
for
which
it
was
intended
,
neither
keeping
them
in
their
ancient
Communion
nor
obedience
,
but
for
all
this
,
Mayne
,
Campian
,
and
many
others
,
came
as
the
Popes
Emissaries
for
execution
of
the
Bull
,
the
State
proceeded
to
a
farther
severity
,
making
Lawes
against
Recusancy
,
against
Seditious
and
Trayterous
Bookes
,
and
against
the
residence
of
Romish
Priests
in
England
,
making
the
first
fineable
with
a
pecuniary
mulct
,
the
two
later
,
Capitall
,
as
being
made
of
a
Treasonable
nature
.
Of
these
in
order
.
1
The
mulct
which
was
imposed
for
Recusancy
,
was
not
soul
mony
,
or
paid
for
Religion
;
and
that
for
these
reasons
.
1.
Because
it
is
plaine
Religion
did
not
make
them
absent
themselves
from
our
Churches
,
unlesse
they
had
changed
their
Religion
since
the
Bull
came
over
.
For
if
Religion
could
consist
with
their
Communion
with
us
before
the
Bull
(
as
it
's
plain
it
did
)
then
why
not
after
the
Bull
,
unlesse
it
be
part
of
their
Religion
to
obey
the
Pope
,
rather
then
to
obey
God
commanding
us
to
obey
our
Prince
?
2.
Their
Recusancy
was
an
apparent
mischiefeto
our
Kingdome
,
and
it
was
the
prevention
or
diversion
of
this
that
was
the
only
or
speciall
end
of
these
Lawes
.
The
mischiefe
is
apparent
these
two
waies
.
1.
Because
by
their
Recusancy
they
gave
attestation
that
they
held
the
Bull
to
be
valid
;
for
else
why
should
they
after
the
Bull
deny
their
Communion
,
which
before
they
did
not
?
Either
they
must
think
the
Queen
for
a
just
cause
,
and
by
a
just
power
excommunicate
,
or
why
did
they
separate
from
her
Communion
?
Now
if
the
Queen
by
vertue
of
the
Bull
was
excommunicate
,
why
should
they
stop
here
?
She
was
by
the
same
deposed
,
they
absolved
from
all
Allegeance
to
her
,
and
commanded
to
take
arms
against
her
.
I
confesse
it
is
no
good
argument
of
it selfe
,
to
say
,
The
Pope
might
excommunicate
the
Queen
,
therefore
depose
her
from
her
Kingdome
;
But
this
concludes
with
them
sufficiently
,
with
whom
excommunication
not
only
drives
from
Spiritualls
,
but
deprives
of
Temporalls
,
and
is
not
to
mend
our
lives
but
to
take
them
away
;
I
speak
how
it
is
in
the
case
of
Princes
,
(
and
I
shall
anon
prove
it
)
for
they
being
publike
persons
from
whose
Deposition
more
may
be
gotten
,
are
like
to
suffer
more
,
ut
ex
tunc
ipse
(
〈◊〉
)
vasallos
ab
ejus
fidelitate
denuntiet
absolutos
,
&
terr
am
exponat
Catholic
is
occupandam
,
as
they
are
taught
by
Pope
Innocent
the
third
,
in
the
eight
Later
an
Councell
:
such
is
their
Excommunication
for
matter
of
Heresy
,
as
was
this
pretended
in
the
Queenes
case
,
so
that
in
respect
of
them
the
danger
was
apparent
.
2
It
is
plaine
that
Recusancy
and
disobedience
came
actually
hand
in
hand
;
I
say
not
that
one
was
the
issue
of
the
other
,
but
that
they
were
coetaneous
,
for
the
same
persons
that
moved
them
to
Recusancy
by
vertue
of
the
Bull
,
moved
them
to
the
execution
of
it
per
omnia
.
Now
see
whither
this
would
tend
!
They
by
Recusancy
were
better
able
to
judge
of
their
forces
in
England
,
and
what
party
they
were
able
to
make
for
execution
of
the
Bull
,
whilest
by
that
as
by
a
discriminative
cognisance
they
were
pointed
at
,
as
Abettors
of
the
Catholike
cause
.
Thus
farre
they
suffered
not
for
their
Religion
or
conscience
,
unlesse
it
were
against
their
conscience
to
be
good
subjects
,
and
then
it
was
not
Religion
,
at
least
not
Christian
,
that
was
inconsistent
with
their
Loyalty
,
&
so
hitherto
in
respect
of
us
,
their
machination
was
altogether
causelesse
.
2.
For
the
second
(
of
which
sometimes
they
accuse
our
laws
)
I
mean
the
writing
&
publishing
of
Seditious
&
Trayterous
Books
,
I
shall
not
need
to
say
any
When
certaine
Sycophants
told
Philip
of
Macedon
,
that
some
of
his
discontented
Subjects
called
him
Tyrant
,
his
answer
was
,
Rudes
sunt
Macedones
,
&
scapham
vocant
scapham
.
I
wish
these
men
who
object
this
,
had
the
same
ingenuity
,
and
would
acknowledge
that
the
rudenesle
of
a
Macedonian
tel-troth
is
no
apparent
calumny
.
And
truly
,
as
the
case
then
stood
,
it
was
no
worse
.
For
consider
that
the
statute
against
Priests
was
not
made
till
sixteen
years
after
the
Bull
of
Pius
quintus
,
and
after
much
evidence
both
by
the
confession
of
some
Priests
themselves
,
and
divers
Lay-persons
,
that
at
least
,
many
of
them
came
into
England
with
this
errand
,
that
they
might
instigate
the
Queenes
liege
people
to
the
Execution
of
it
.
This
is
very
plaine
in
the
case
of
Mayne
the
lesuit
,
and
M.
Tregion
who
were
executed
The
state
could
not
certainly
know
what
would
be
the
issue
,
but
yet
could
not
but
think
it
likely
to
produce
more
and
worse
consequences
for
the
future
.
This
was
the
highest
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
of
the
severity
of
this
state
against
them
,
now
first
I
shall
briefly
shew
that
this
proscription
which
was
the
highest
penalty
,
was
for
just
cause
as
the
case
then
stood
,
and
deserved
on
their
part
.
2.
It
was
but
reasonable
,
in
case
they
obeyed
not
the
proscription
,
their
stay
should
be
made
Treason
.
1.
Because
the
Priests
did
generally
preach
the
Popes
power
either
directly
over
temporalls
,
or
else
in
order
to
spiritualls
,
of
which
the
Pope
being
judge
it
would
come
to
the
same
issue
,
and
this
was
dangerous
to
the
peace
of
the
Kingdome
,
and
intrenched
too
much
upon
the
Regalty
.
In
particular
,
the
case
of
bringing
from
the
See
of
Rome
,
and
publishing
of
Bulls
,
was
by
the
Lords
of
the
Parliament
in
the
sixteenth
year
of
Richard
the
second
,
judg'd
to
be
[
cleerely
in
〈◊〉
of
the
Kings
Crown
and
of
his
Regalty
,
as
it
is
well
known
and
hath
been
of
a
long
time
known
,
]
and
therefore
they
protested
[
together
and
every
one
〈◊〉
by
himselfe
,
that
they
would
be
with
the
same
Crown
and
Regalty
inthese
cases
specially
,
and
in
all
other
cases
which
shall
be
attempted
against
the
same
Crown
and
Regalty
in
all
points
with
all
their
power
,
]
I
hope
then
if
the
State
in
the
time
of
Queen
Elizabeth
having
farre
greater
reason
then
ever
,
shall
judge
that
these
Bulles
,
the
publishing
of
them
,
the
Preaching
of
their
validity
,
and
reconciling
by
vertue
of
them
her
Subjects
to
the
See
of
Rome
,
be
derogatory
to
her
Crown
and
Regalty
,
I
see
no
reason
She
should
be
frighted
from
her
just
defence
with
the
bugbear
of
pretended
Religion
,
for
if
it
was
not
against
Religion
then
,
why
is
it
now
?
I
confesse
there
is
a
reason
for
it
,
to
wit
,
because
now
the
Popes
power
is
an
Article
of
Faith
(
as
I
shall
shew
anon
)
but
then
it
was
not
with
them
,
any
more
then
now
it
is
with
us
:
but
whether
this
will
convince
any
man
of
reason
I
leave
it
to
himselfe
to
consider
.
But
one
thing
is
observeable
in
that
Act
of
Parliament
of
Richard
the
second
,
I
meane
this
clause
[
as
it
is
well
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
been
of
a
long
time
knowne
.
]
The
Popes
incroachments
upon
the
State
of
England
had
been
an
old
sore
,
and
by
its
eld
almost
habituate
;
but
yet
it
grieved
them
neverthelesse
,
nor
was
the
lesse
a
fever
for
being
hecticall
:
but
so
it
is
that
I
am
confident
upon
very
good
grounds
,
it
may
be
made
as
apparent
as
the
noon
Sunne
,
for
these
600
years
and
upwards
,
that
the
Bishops
of
Rome
have
exercised
so
extream
and
continuall
Tyranny
and
exactions
in
this
Kingdome
,
that
our
condition
was
under
him
worse
then
the
State
of
the
Athenians
under
their
thirty
Tyrants
,
or
then
our
neighbors
are
now
under
their
Belgick
Tributes
.
So
many
greivances
of
the
people
,
expilations
of
the
Church
,
abuses
to
the
State
,
intrenchments
upon
the
Royalties
of
the
Crown
were
continued
,
that
it
was
a
great
blessing
of
Almighty
God
,
our
Kingdome
was
delivered
from
them
upon
so
easy
termes
,
which
Grosthead
Bishop
of
Lincolne
thought
would
never
be
done
,
but
in
Ore
gladii
cruentandi
:
and
now
to
have
all
these
mischiefes
returne
with
more
strength
upon
us
by
the
attempts
of
these
Priests
,
had
been
the
highest
point
of
indiscretion
and
sleepinesse
.
I
said
[
with
more
strength
]
because
what
anciently
at
the
highest
was
thought
but
a
priviledge
of
the
Church
began
now
to
be
an
Article
of
Faith
,
and
therefore
if
admitted
would
have
bound
stronger
and
without
all
possibility
of
redresse
.
And
now
if
after
all
this
any
man
should
doubt
of
the
justice
of
these
Lawes
against
the
Priests
obtruding
upon
the
State
the
Popes
power
,
I
only
referre
him
to
the
Parliament
of
Paris
,
where
let
him
hold
his
Plea
against
those
great
Sages
of
the
Law
,
for
their
just
censures
upon
Florentinus
Iacobus
,
Thomas
Iohn
Tanquerell
,
who
were
all
condemned
to
a
solemne
honorary
penance
and
satisfaction
to
the
State
,
and
not
without
extreme
difficulty
escaped
death
,
for
the
same
cause
.
But
this
is
hot
all
.
I
adde
.
Secondly
,
the
Pope
had
his
Agent
in
England
to
stirre
up
the
Subjects
to
rebell
against
the
Queene
,
as
I
proved
before
by
the
testimonies
of
Catena
and
〈◊〉
.
It
is
not
then
imaginable
that
he
should
so
poorely
intend
his
own
designes
,
to
imploy
one
on
purpose
,
and
he
but
a
Merchant
,
and
that
the
Priests
who
were
the
men
,
if
any
,
most
likely
to
doe
the
businesse
,
should
be
un-imployed
.
I
speak
not
of
the
argument
from
matter
of
fact
,
(
for
it
is
apparent
that
they
were
imployed
,
as
I
shewed
but
now
,
)
but
it
is
plain
also
that
they
must
have
been
imployed
,
if
we
had
had
no
other
argument
but
a
presumption
of
the
Popes
ordinary
discretion
.
Things
then
remaining
in
this
condition
what
security
could
the
Queen
or
State
have
without
the
absence
of
those
men
who
must
be
the
instruments
of
their
mischiefe
?
Thirdly
,
there
was
great
reason
those
men
might
be
banished
who
might
from
their
own
principles
plead
immunity
from
all
Lawes
,
and
subordination
to
the
Prince
.
But
that
so
these
Priests
might
,
I
only
bring
two
witnesses
,
leading
men
of
their
own
Side
.
Thus
Bellarmine
:
The
Pope
hath
exempted
all
Clerks
from
subiection
to
Princes
.
Emanuel
Sà
in
his
Aphorismes
,
〈◊〉
Clericus
.
I
must
not
dissemble
that
this
Aphorisme
however
it
passed
the
Presse
at
first
,
yet
in
the
Edition
of
Paris
it
was
left
out
.
The
cause
is
known
to
every
man
:
For
that
it
was
meerely
to
serve
their
ends
is
apparent
;
for
their
French
freedome
was
there
taken
from
them
,
they
durst
not
parler
tout
so
neere
the
Parliament
;
but
the
Aphorisme
is
to
this
day
retain'd
in
the
Editions
of
〈◊〉
and
Colein
.
If
this
be
their
Doctrine
,
as
it
is
plain
it
is
taught
by
these
leading
Authors
,
I
mean
Sà
and
Bellarmine
,
I
know
no
reason
but
it
may
be
very
just
and
most
convenient
to
deny
those
men
the
Country
from
whose
Lawes
they
plead
exemption
.
Secondly
,
it
was
but
reasonable
,
in
case
they
obeyed
not
the
proscription
,
their
disobedience
should
be
made
Capitall
.
For
if
they
did
not
obey
,
then
either
they
sinned
against
their
conscience
in
disobeying
their
lawfull
Prince
,
and
so
are
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
inexcusable
from
the
Lawes
penalty
,
which
may
be
extended
at
the
pleasure
of
the
Lawgiver
,
where
there
is
no
positive
injustice
in
the
disproportion
;
or
if
they
did
not
sinne
against
their
conscience
,
then
of
necessity
must
they
think
her
to
be
no
lawfull
Prince
or
not
their
lawfull
Prince
,
nor
they
her
Subjects
,
&
so
ipso
〈◊〉
are
guilty
of
high
Treason
,
&
their
execution
Treason
not
Religion
,
and
so
the
Principall
is
evicted
which
I
shall
beg
leave
to
expresse
in
S.
Cyprians
language
,
Non
erat
illa
fidei
Corona
,
sed
poena
〈◊〉
;
nec
〈◊〉
virtut
is
exitus
gloriosus
,
sed
desperation
is
〈◊〉
.
For
if
Valentius
banish
Eusebius
from
〈◊〉
,
and
Eusebius
obey
not
the
edict
,
if
Valentius
puts
Bosgrave
,
Iesuits
both
,
came
into
England
against
the
Law
,
they
were
apprehended
and
imprison'd
:
(
for
the
Lawes
without
just
Execution
were
of
no
force
for
the
Queenes
safety
;
)
but
when
these
men
had
acknowledg'd
the
Queenes
legitimate
power
,
and
put
in
their
security
for
their
due
obedience
,
they
obtain'd
their
pardon
and
their
liberty
.
The
same
proceedings
were
in
the
case
of
Horton
and
Rishton
,
all
which
I
hope
were
not
〈◊〉
from
their
Order
or
Religion
,
but
so
they
must
have
been
or
not
have
escap'd
death
,
in
case
that
their
Religion
had
been
made
Capitall
.
Lastly
,
this
Statute
extended
only
to
such
Priests
who
were
made
Priests
since
Primo
of
Elizabeth
,
&
were
born
in
England
.
It
was
not
Treason
for
a
French
Priest
to
be
in
England
,
but
yet
so
it
must
have
been
if
Religion
had
been
the
thing
they
aim'd
at
.
But
't
is
so
foule
a
Calumny
,
I
am
asham'd
to
stand
longer
to
efute
it
.
The
proceedings
of
the
Church
and
State
of
England
were
just
,
honourable
and
religious
,
full
of
mercy
and
discretion
,
and
unlesse
it
were
that
as
C.
Fimbria
complain'd
of
Q.
Scaevola
,
we
did
not
open
our
breasts
wide
enough
to
receive
the
danger
,
there
is
no
cause
imaginable
,
I
mean
on
our
parts
,
to
move
them
to
so
damned
a
conspiracy
,
or
indeed
to
any
just
complaint
.
Secondly
,
if
these
were
not
the
causes
(
as
they
would
faine
abuse
the
world
into
a
perswasion
that
they
were
,
)
what
was
?
I
shall
tell
you
,
if
you
will
give
me
leave
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
to
derive
it
from
its
very
head
,
and
then
I
will
leave
it
to
you
to
judge
whether
or
no
my
Augury
failes
me
.
First
,
I
guesse
that
the
Traitors
were
encouraged
and
primarily
mov'd
to
this
Treason
from
the
preuailing
opinion
which
is
most
generally
receiv'd
on
that
side
of
the
lawfulnesse
of
deposing
Princes
that
are
Hereticall
.
I
say
generally
receiv'd
,
and
I
shall
make
my
words
good
,
or
else
the
blame
shall
lay
on
themselves
for
deceiving
me
when
they
declare
their
own
mindes
.
I
instance
first
in
the
Fathers
of
the
Society
.
[
a
](A13414-e5910-b)
a
Necullaeis
injuria
fiet
si
〈◊〉
.
Lib.
5.
de
Rom.
〈◊〉
.
cap
7.
Exipsa
vi
juris
&
ante
〈◊〉
sententiam
fupremi
Pastoris
ac
Iudicis
〈◊〉
sum
prolatam
.
Lugduni
impres
.
1593.
p.
106.
n.
157.
Amphith
honor
.
p.
117.
Sedheus
Arnalde
à
〈◊〉
institutione
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
posse
intercidere
causam
quae
regem
cogat
abire
regno
?
Non
〈◊〉
?
Bellarmine
teacheth
that
Kings
have
no
wrong
done
them
if
they
be
deprived
of
their
Kingdomes
when
they
prove
Heretiques
.
Creswell
in
his
Philopater
goes
farther
,
saying
,
that
if
his
Heresy
be
manifest
he
is
deposed
without
any
explicite
judiciall
sentence
of
the
Pope
,
the
Law
it selfe
hath
passed
the
sentence
of
deposition
.
And
therefore
Bonarscius
is
very
angry
at
Arnald
the
French
Kings
Advocate
for
affirming
that
Religion
could
be
no
just
cause
to
depose
a
lawfull
Prince
,
If
hee
had
beene
brought
up
in
their
Schooles
hee
might
have
learnt
another
lesson
;
papa
Potest
mutare
regna
This
Doctrine
is
not
the
private
opinion
of
these
Doctors
,
but
est
certa
,
definita
,
atque
,
indubitata
virorum
clarissimorum
sententia
,
saith
F.
Creswell
,
I
suppose
Eudaemon
Iohannes
is
very
angry
with
Sr
Edward
Cooke
for
saying
it
is
the
Doctrine
of
the
Iesuits
.
Doe
they
then
deny
it
?
No
surely
,
Non
est
Iesuitarum
propria
,
it
is
not
theirs
alone
,
sed
ut
Garnettus
respondit
,
totius
Ecclesiae
,
&
quidem
ab
antiquissimis
temporibus
consensione
recepta
Doctrina
nostra
est
,
and
there
hee
reckons
up
seven
and
twenty
famous
Authors
of
the
same
opinion
.
Creswell
in
his
Philopater
sayes
as
much
,
if
not
more
:
Hinc
etiam
infert
Vniversa
Theologorum
&
Iuris
consultorum
Ecclesiasticorum
Schola
&
est
certum
e
〈◊〉
,
all
very
famous
and
very
leading
Authors
.
You
see
it
is
good
Divinity
amongst
them
,
and
I
have
made
it
good
that
it
is
a
generall
opinion
received
by
all
their
Side
if
you
will
believe
themselves
and
now
let
us
see
if
it
will
passe
for
good
Law
as
well
as
good
Divinity
.
It
is
not
for
nothing
that
the
Church
of
France
protests
against
some
of
their
received
Canons
;
if
they
did
not
I
know
not
what
would
become
of
their
Princes
.
Their
Lillies
may
be
to
day
,
and
to
morrow
be
cast
into
the
oven
,
if
the
Pope
either
call
their
Prince
〈◊〉
,
as
he
did
Henry
the
fourth
,
or
Tyrant
as
Henry
the
third
,
or
unprofitable
for
the
Church
or
Kingdome
,
as
he
did
King
Childeric
,
whom
Pope
〈◊〉
,
de
〈◊〉
did
depose
for
the
same
cause
,
and
inserted
his
act
into
the
body
of
the
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
est
auferri
〈◊〉
habent
,
]
and
this
Papa
Principem
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
propter
haeresim
,
]
&
so
another
may
be
chosen
like
the
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
in
Poland
,
just
as
if
the
King
were
dead
,
〈◊〉
per
haeresim
〈◊〉
civiliter
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
saith
Simancha
,
and
that
by
vertue
of
a
I
end
those
things
with
the
attestation
of
Bellarmine
,
But
I
fixe
not
here
,
onely
this
,
it
is
plain
that
this
proposition
is
no
friend
to
Loyalty
;
but
that
which
followes
is
absolutely
inconsistent
with
it
,
in
case
our
Prince
be
of
a
different
perswafion
in
matters
of
Religion
.
For
,
2
It
is
not
only
lawfull
to
depose
Princes
that
are
hereticall
,
but
it
is
necessary
,
and
the
Catholiks
are
bound
to
doe
it
sub
mortali
.
I
know
not
whether
it
be
so
generally
,
I
am
sure
it
is
as
confidently
taught
as
the
former
,
and
by
as
great
Doctors
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
erraret
si
admitteret
aliquem
3
He
that
saith
Subjects
may
and
are
bound
to
depose
their
Princes
,
and
to
drive
them
from
all
rule
over
Christians
,
if
they
be
able
,
meanes
something
more
:
For
what
if
the
Prince
resist
still
he
is
bound
to
depose
him
if
he
be
able
.
How
if
the
Prince
make
a
〈◊〉
The
Catholike
subject
must
doe
his
duty
neverthelesse
,
and
warre
too
,
if
he
be
able
.
He
that
〈◊〉
he
may
wage
a
warre
with
his
Prince
,
I
doubt
not
but
thinks
he
may
kill
him
;
and
if
the
fortune
of
the
warre
lights
so
upon
him
,
the
subject
cannot
be
blamed
,
for
doing
of
his
duty
.
It
is
plain
that
killing
a
Prince
is
a
certain
consequent
of
deposing
him
,
unlesse
the
Prince
be
bound
in
conscience
to
think
himselfe
a
Heretick
,
when
the
Pope
declares
him
so
,
and
be
likewise
bound
not
to
resist
,
and
besides
all
this
will
performe
these
his
obligations
,
and
as
certainly
think
himselfe
hereticall
,
and
as
really
give
over
his
Kingdome
quietly
,
as
he
is
bound
.
For
in
case
any
of
these
should
faile
,
there
can
be
but
very
sleder
assurance
of
his
life
.
I
would
be
loth
to
obtrude
upon
men
the
odious
consequences
of
their
opinions
,
or
to
make
any
thing
worse
which
is
capable
of
a
fairer
construction
;
but
I
crave
pardon
in
this
particular
,
the
life
of
Princes
is
sacred
,
and
is
not
to
be
violated
so
much
as
in
thought
,
or
by
the
most
remote
consequence
of
a
publike
doctrine
:
But
here
indeed
it
is
so
immediate
and
naturall
a
consequent
of
the
former
that
it
must
not
be
dissembled
.
But
what
shall
we
think
if
even
this
blasphemy
be
taught
in
terminis
?
See
this
too
.
In
the
yeare
1407.
when
the
Duke
of
Orleans
had
been
slaine
by
Iohn
of
Burgundy
,
and
the
fact
notorious
beyond
a
possibility
of
conccalement
,
he
thought
it
his
best
way
to
imploy
his
Chaplaine
to
justify
the
act
,
pretending
that
Orleans
was
a
Tyrant
.
This
stood
him
in
small
stead
;
for
by
the
procurement
of
Gerson
,
it
was
decreed
in
the
Councell
of
Constance
,
that
Tyranny
was
no
sufficient
cause
for
a
man
to
kill
a
Prince
.
But
yet
I
finde
that
even
this
decree
will
not
stand
Princes
in
much
stead
.
First
,
because
the
decree
runnes
[
ut
nemo
privatâ
Authoritate
&c.
]
but
if
the
Pope
commands
it
,
then
it
is
Iudicium
publicum
,
and
so
they
are
never
the
more
secure
for
all
this
.
Secondly
,
because
〈◊〉
tels
us
,
that
this
Decree
is
nothing
.
〈◊〉
id
decretum
(
Concilij
〈◊〉
)
Romano
Pontifici
Martino
Non
obstante
they
may
be
killed
by
any
man
;
for
so
it
is
determin'd
in
an
Apology
made
for
Chastel
,
Licitum
How
much
lesse
then
this
is
that
of
Bellarmine
?
publicum
〈◊〉
,
and
sufficient
to
sentence
a
Prince
and
convict
him
of
Heresy
or
Tyranny
.
That
opinion
which
makes
the
people
Iudge
is
very
rare
amongst
them
but
almost
generally
exploded
,
that
opinion
which
Image
of
both
Churches
.
makes
the
learned
to
be
their
Iudge
is
I
thinke
proper
to
Mariana
or
to
a
few
more
with
him
,
but
that
the
sentence
of
the
Pope
is
a
sufficient
conviction
of
him
,
and
a
compleate
〈◊〉
act
,
is
the
most
Catholique
opinion
on
that
Side
,
as
I
shall
shew
anon
.
Now
whether
the
Pope
,
or
learned
men
,
or
the
people
be
to
passe
this
sentence
upon
the
Prince
,
it
is
plaine
that
it
is
an
Vniversall
Doctrine
amongst
them
that
after
this
sentence
(
whosesoever
it
be
)
it
is
then
without
Question
lawfull
to
kill
him
,
and
the
most
that
ever
they
say
is
,
that
it
is
indeed
not
lawfull
to
kill
a
King
,
not
lawfull
for
a
private
man
,
of
his
owne
head
,
without
the
publike
sentence
of
his
Iudge
,
but
when
this
Iudge
(
whom
they
affirme
to
be
the
Pope
)
hath
passed
his
sentence
,
then
they
doubt
not
of
its
being
lawfull
.
That
I
say
true
I
appeale
to
[
a
](A13414-e7200-b)
a
Tom.
3.
disp.
5.
q.
S.
punct.
3.
Gregory
de
Valentia
,
[
a
](A13414-e7220-b)
a
In
sum
.
〈◊〉
.
5.
c.
6.
A
polog
ad
Tolet
,
[
a
](A13414-e7240-b)
a
R
Angl.
c.
13
Bellarmine
,
[
d
](A13414-e7260-b)
d
Defens
fidei
lib.
6
c.
4.
Suarez
,
[
e
](A13414-e7280-b)
e
in
13
cap.
ad
Rom.
disp.
5.
Salmeron
,
[
f
](A13414-e7300-b)
f
Quest
p.
in
c.
3.
〈◊〉
.
Serarius
,
[
g
](A13414-e7320-b)
g
De
iust
.
&
inre
.
〈◊〉
m.
4.
〈◊〉
.
3.
d.
6.
Molina
,
[
h
](A13414-e7340-b)
h
Aphoris
.
verb.
Tyran
.
nus
.
1.
Instit.
Moral
2.
p.
lib.
〈◊〉
Sà
,
[
i
](A13414-e7360-b)
i
1.
c.
5.
q
10.
〈◊〉
,
[
k
](A13414-e7380-b)
k
In
Hercul
.
Furent
.
Martinus
〈◊〉
,
[
l
](A13414-e7400-b)
l
de
Iustit
.
&
jure
.
c
9
dub
4
Lessius
,
[
m
](A13414-e7420-b)
m
Chauue
sauris
polit
Gretser
,
[
n
](A13414-e7440-b)
n
in
resp
ad
Aphoris
.
Calvinistarum
〈◊〉
,
[
o
](A13414-e7460-b)
o
Contr.
Calvinist
.
Aphcrism
.
c.
3.
ad
Aphor.
1.
〈◊〉
Heissius
,
[
p
](A13414-e7480-b)
p
In
expostul
.
ad
Henrici
.
〈◊〉
.
pro
Societate
〈◊〉
,
[
q
](A13414-e7500-b)
q
in
Apolog.
pro
Henrico
Garnetto
.
〈◊〉
Iohannes
,
[
r
](A13414-e7520-b)
r
Ad
annum
Mundi
.
2669.
n.
7.
Salianus
,
[
s
](A13414-e7540-b)
s
Tract.
29.
p.
2.
de
quinto
praecepro
Decal
.
n.
12.
Filliucius
,
[
t
](A13414-e7560-b)
t
tom.
3.
disp.
4.
q
8.
dub
.
3
Adam
Tanner
,
and
their
great
[
u
](A13414-e7580-b)
u
32
,
u.
opusc.
20.
&
lib.
1.
de
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
c.
6.
Thomas
Aquinas
.
All
these
and
many
more
that
I
have
seene
teach
the
lawfulnesse
of
killing
Kings
after
publike
sentence
,
and
then
to
beautify
the
matter
professe
that
they
deny
the
lawfulnesse
of
Regicidium
,
by
a
private
authority
.
For
if
the
Pope
sentence
him
then
he
is
no
longer
a
King
,
and
so
the
killing
of
him
is
not
Regicidium
,
and
if
any
man
doth
kill
him
after
such
sentence
,
then
he
kills
him
not
privatâ
Authoritate
,
or
〈◊〉
judicio
publico
,
which
is
all
they
affirm
to
be
unlawfull
.
And
thus
they
hope
to
stop
the
clamour
of
the
world
against
them
,
yet
to
have
their
opinions
stand
intire
,
the
way
to
their
owne
ends
fair
,
but
the
Prince
no
jot
the
more
secure
of
his
life
.
I
doe
them
no
wrong
,
I
appeale
to
the
Authors
themselves
,
thereI
will
be
tryed
.
For
that
either
the
People
,
or
that
a
Company
of
learned
men
,
or
to
be
sure
the
Pope
may
license
a
man
to
kill
the
King
,
they
speake
it
with
one
voyce
,
and
tongue
.
And
now
after
all
this
we
may
better
guesse
what
manner
of
counsell
or
Now
if
we
put
all
these
things
together
,
and
then
we
should
prove
to
be
〈◊〉
in
their
account
,
we
are
in
a
faire
case
both
Prince
and
people
,
if
wee
can
but
gusse
rightly
at
this
wee
shall
need
I
thinke
to
looke
no
further
why
fire
was
called
for
to
consume
both
our
King
and
Country
,
nor
why
we
may
feare
it
another
time
.
The
Author
of
the
Epistle
of
comfort
to
the
Catholiques
in
prison
printed
by
authority
in
the
year
of
the
Powder
Treason
,
is
very
earnest
to
perswade
his
Catholiques
not
to
come
to
our
Churches
or
communicate
with
us
in
any
part
of
our
divine
service
,
affrighting
them
with
the
strange
terriculamenta
of
halfe
Christians
,
Hypocrites
,
Denyers
of
Christ
,
in
case
they
joyn'd
with
us
in
our
Liturgy
.
Strange
affrightments
these
yet
not
much
more
then
what
is
But
if
wee
be
not
Heretiques
what
need
all
this
stirr
permissu
Superiorum
.
the
Counsell
of
Recusancy
was
unreasonable
,
dangerous
,
schismaticall
,
and
as
the
case
then
stood
,
very
imprudent
.
In
charity
to
their
discretion
wee
cannot
but
thinke
them
uncharitable
in
their
opinion
of
us
.
But
there
is
no
need
we
should
dispute
ourselves
into
a
conjecture
,
themselves
speake
out
and
plaine
enough
.
Heare
Ballarmine
under
the
visor
of
Tortus
,
in
his
Treatise
of
Vocation
of
Bishops
.
Therefore
as
Arrianisme
is
a
condemn'd
Heresy
,
&
the
Professors
thereof
be
Heretiques
,
sa
likewiseis
Protestantisme
a
condemn'd
Heresy
,
and
those
that
Professe
it
be
also
Heretiques
.
By
this
time
wee
see
too
plainly
that
the
state
of
Protestant
Princes
is
full
of
danger
where
these
men
have
to
doe
.
They
may
be
deposed
and
expelled
from
the
Government
of
their
Kingdomes
,
they
must
be
deposed
by
the
Catholiques
under
perill
of
their
soules
,
it
may
be
done
any
way
that
is
most
convenient
,
they
may
be
rebelled
against
,
fought
with
,
slaine
.
For
all
this
,
it
were
some
ease
,
if
here
we
might
fixe
a
〈◊〉
.
For
perhaps
these
Princes
might
put
in
a
〈◊〉
for
themselves
,
and
goe
neere
to
prove
themselves
to
be
no
Heretiques
.
All'sone
,
for
though
they
doe
,
yet
unlesse
they
can
perswade
his
Holinesse
not
to
judge
them
so
,
or
declare
them
Heretiques
,
all
is
to
no
purprse
,
for
to
him
they
must
stand
or
fall
.
Namiudicare
an
Rex
pertrahat
ad
haresim
〈◊〉
pertinet
ad
Pontificem
.
So
Bellarmine
They
need
not
stay
till
his
Heresy
be
of
it selfe
manifest
,
he
is
then
to
be
us'd
like
a
Heretique
when
by
the
rope
of
Rome
he
shall
be
judg'd
Hereticall
.
But
what
matter
is
it
if
the
Pope
be
judge
,
for
if
they
may
be
deposed
,
as
good
he
as
any
else
.
What
greivance
then
,
can
this
be
to
the
state
of
Princes
more
then
the
former
?
Yes
,
very
much
.
1.
Because
the
Pope
by
his
order
to
spiritualls
may
take
away
Kingdomes
upon
more
pretences
then
actuall
heresy
.
It
is
a
large
title
,
and
may
doe
any
thing
.
Bellarmine
Aquinas
.
The
Pope
(
saith
he
)
by
his
Spirituall
power
may
dispose
of
the
Temporalties
of
all
the
Christians
in
the
World
,
when
it
is
requisite
to
the
end
of
the
Spirituall
power
.
The
words
are
plain
that
he
may
doe
it
for
his
own
ends
(
for
his
is
the
Spirituall
power
)
that
is
,
for
the
advancement
of
the
See
〈◊〉
,
and
thus
(
to
be
sure
)
he
did
actually
wish
Frederick
Barbarossa
,
Iohn
of
Navarre
,
the
Earle
of
Tholouse
,
and
our
own
King
Iohn
.
2.
The
Pope
pretends
to
a
power
that
to
avoid
the
probable
danger
of
the
increase
of
heresy
he
may
take
away
a
Territory
from
the
right
owner
,
as
is
reported
by
the
Cardinall
D'Ossat
,
and
this
is
soon
pretended
,
for
who
is
there
that
cannot
make
probabilities
,
especially
when
a
Kingdome
is
at
stake
?
3.
We
finde
examples
that
the
Pope
hath
excommunicate
Princes
,
and
declar'd
them
hereticks
when
all
the
heresy
hath
been
a
not
laying
their
crownes
at
the
feet
of
S.
Peter
.
The
case
of
Lewis
the
fourth
is
every
where
known
,
whom
Iohn
the
twenty
third
Excommunicated
.
Platina
tels
the
reason
.
He
called
himselfe
See
〈◊〉
If
this
be
no
heresy
,
nor
like
heresy
to
say
it
,
I
would
faine
learn
the
meaning
of
Baronius
concerning
the
book
of
Iohannes
de
Roa
,
who
sometimes
had
been
a
Iesuit
,
but
then
chang'd
his
order
,
and
it
was
sentenc'd
to
the
fire
before
it
had
escaped
the
presse
.
And
good
reason
,
Nihil
enim
tale
à
Patribus
societatis
didicit
.
Good
men
,
they
never
taught
him
any
such
doctrine
as
is
contained
in
that
pestilent
book
,
de
iuribus
principalibus
defendendis
&
moderandis
iustè
.
Now
if
this
be
heresy
or
like
it
,
to
preach
such
a
Doctrine
,
then
likely
it
will
be
judg'd
heresy
in
Princes
to
doe
so
,
that
is
,
to
hold
their
crownes
without
acknowledgment
of
subordination
to
S.
Peters
chaire
.
And
if
it
be
not
heresy
to
doe
so
,
it
is
in
their
account
as
bad
,
for
so
the
Iesuits
in
their
Veritas
defensa
against
the
Action
of
Arnald
the
Advocate
affirme
in
terminis
,
that
the
actions
of
some
Kings
of
France
against
the
Pope
in
defence
of
their
Regalties
,
were
but
examples
of
rebellion
,
and
spots
to
disgrace
the
purity
of
the
French
Lillies
.
5.
Put
case
the
Pope
should
chance
to
mistake
in
his
sentence
against
a
Prince
,
for
the
cause
of
heresy
,
yet
for
all
this
mistake
,
he
can
secure
any
man
to
take
away
the
Princes
life
or
Kingdome
.
His
Lawyers
will
be
his
security
for
this
point
.
For
although
in
this
case
,
the
deposition
of
the
Prince
should
be
,
and
be
acknowledged
to
be
against
Gods
law
,
the
Prince
being
neither
Tyrant
nor
heretick
,
yet
his
Holinesse
commanding
it
,
takes
away
the
unlawfulnesse
of
it
,
by
his
dispensation
.
So
D.
Marta
,
and
for
this
doctrine
he
Hostiensis
,
Felinus
,
Cratus
,
the
Abbat
,
the
Arch
bishop
of
Florence
,
Ancharanus
,
Iohannes
Andreas
,
Laurentius
de
Pinu
,
and
some
others
.
Indeed
his
Divines
deny
this
,
sed
contrarium
〈◊〉
observatur
,
Sixtus
quintus
,
all
which
dispensed
in
cases
acknowledged
to
be
expressely
against
Gods
law
.
6.
Lastly
.
How
if
the
Pope
should
lay
a
claime
to
all
the
Kingdomes
of
the
world
,
as
belonging
to
S.
Peters
patrimony
by
right
of
spirituall
preheminence
?
I
know
no
great
security
we
have
to
the
contrary
.
For
first
,
It
is
known
he
hath
claimed
the
Kingdome
of
England
,
as
feudatary
to
the
See
Apostolike
.
Which
when
I
considered
I
wondred
not
at
that
new
and
insolent
title
which
Mosconius
gives
his
Holinesse
of
Desensor
fidei
.
He
might
have
added
the
title
of
Rex
Catholicus
,
&
Christianisstmus
.
For
D.
Marta
in
his
treatise
of
Iurisdiction
,
which
he
dedicated
to
Paulus
quintus
,
hath
that
for
an
argument
why
he
dedicated
his
Book
to
him
,
because
,
for
sooth
the
Pope
is
the
only
Monarch
of
the
World
.
But
of
greater
authority
is
that
of
Thomas
Aquinas
affirming
,
For
these
reasons
I
think
it
is
true
enough
that
the
constituting
the
Pope
the
judge
of
Princes
in
the
matter
of
deposition
,
is
of
more
danger
then
the
thing
it selfe
.
The
summe
is
this
.
However
schisme
or
heresy
may
be
pretended
,
yet
it
is
but
during
the
Popes
pleasure
that
Kings
or
subjects
shall
remain
firme
in
their
mutuall
necessitude
.
For
if
our
Prince
bee
but
excommunicate
or
declar'd
heretick
,
then
to
be
a
good
subject
will
be
accounted
no
better
then
irreligion
and
Anti-Catholicisme
.
If
the
conclusion
be
too
hard
and
intolerable
then
so
are
the
Premises
,
and
yet
they
passe
for
good
Catholike
doctrine
among
themselves
.
But
if
truly
and
ex
animo
they
are
otherwise
affected
,
they
should
doe
well
to
unsay
what
hath
been
said
,
and
declare
themselves
by
publique
authority
against
such
doctrines
.
And
say
whether
or
no
their
determinations
shall
be
de
fide
?
If
they
be
,
then
all
those
famous
Catholique
Doctors
,
Thomas
Aquinas
,
Bellarmine
,
Creswell
,
Mariana
,
Emanuel
Sà
,
&c.
are
heretiques
,
and
their
Canons
teach
heresy
,
and
Many
of
their
Popes
to
be
condemn'd
as
hereticall
,
for
practising
and
teaching
deposition
of
Princes
by
an
authority
usurp't
against
,
and
in
prejudice
of
the
Christian
faith
.
But
if
their
answers
be
not
de
fide
,
then
they
had
as
good
say
nothing
,
for
the
danger
is
not
at
all
decreased
,
because
if
there
be
Doctors
on
both
sides
by
their
own
[
*
](A13414-e8780-b)
*
Charity
maintained
by
Cath.
cap.
7.
assertion
they
may
without
sinne
follow
either
,
but
yet
more
safely
if
they
follow
the
most
received
and
the
most
authorized
,
and
whether
this
rule
will
lead
them
,
I
will
be
judg'd
by
any
man
that
hath
considered
the
premises
.
Briefly
either
this
thing
must
remain
in
the
same
state
it
is
,
and
our
Princes
still
expos'd
to
so
extream
hazards
,
or
else
let
his
Holinesse
seat
himselfe
in
his
chaire
,
condemne
these
doctrines
,
vow
against
their
future
practise
,
limit
his
ordo
ad
spiritualia
,
containe
himselfe
within
the
limits
of
causes
directly
and
meerely
Ecclesiasticall
,
disclaime
all
power
,
so
much
as
indirect
over
Princes
temporalls
,
and
all
this
with
an
intent
to
oblige
all
Christendome
.
Which
when
I
see
done
,
I
shall
be
most
ready
to
believe
that
nothing
in
Popery
,
doth
either
directly
or
by
a
necessary
consequence
destroy
Loyalty
to
our
lawfull
Prince
,
but
not
till
then
,
having
so
much
evidence
to
the
contrary
.
Thus
much
was
occasion'd
by
consideration
of
the
cause
of
the
Disciples
Quaere
which
was
when
they
saw
this
,
that
their
L.
and
M.
for
his
difference
in
Religion
was
turned
forth
of
doores
,
which
when
they
saw
,
They
said
Lord
]
It
was
well
they
ask'd
at
all
,
and
would
not
too
hastily
act
what
they
too
suddenly
had
intended
,
but
it
was
better
that
they
ask'd
Christ
,
it
had
been
the
best
warrant
they
could
have
had
,
could
they
have
obtain'd
but
a
Magister
dixit
.
But
this
was
not
likely
,
it
was
too
strange
a
Question
to
aske
of
such
a
Mr.
A
Magistre
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
crudelitatis
?
Nothing
could
have
come
more
crosse
to
his
disposition
.
His
spirit
never
was
addicted
to
blood
,
unlesse
it
were
to
shed
his
owne
.
Hee
was
a
Prince
of
peace
and
set
forth
to
us
by
all
the
Symboles
of
peace
and
gentlenesse
,
as
of
a
sheepe
,
a
lambe
,
a
hen
,
a
gentle
twining
vine
,
the
healing
〈◊〉
.
and
is
it
likely
that
such
a
one
should
give
his
placet
to
the
utter
ruine
of
a
company
of
poore
Villagers
for
denying
him
a
nights
lodging
moved
thereto
by
the
foregoing
scandall
of
a
Schisme
?
Hee
knew
better
what
it
cost
to
redeem
aman
,
and
to
save
his
life
from
destruction
then
to
bee
so
hasty
for
his
ruine
.
And
if
the
Fathers
Confessors
who
were
to
answere
the
Question
of
the
day
had
but
reflected
upon
this
Gospell
,
they
might
have
informed
their
penitents
better
then
to
have
engaged
them
upon
such
Antichristian
,
and
Treasonable
practises
,
as
to
destroy
an
assembly
of
Christians
,
as
to
depose
or
kill
a
King
.
It
is
the
proper
cognisance
of
Mahumetanisme
,
by
fire
and
sword
to
maintain
their
cause
,
and
to
propagate
their
Religion
,
by
ruine
of
Princes
and
conquering
their
Kingdomes
.
But
it
is
the
excellency
of
Christianity
,
that
by
humility
and
obedience
it
made
Princes
tributary
to
our
Deare
Master
,
and
homagers
to
his
Kingdome
.
When
Valentinian
sent
Calligonus
his
Chamberlaine
to
S.
Ambrose
to
threaten
him
from
his
faith
,
his
answer
was
,
Deus
permittit
tibi
ut
impleas
quod
minaris
.
Ego
patiar
,
quod
est
Episcopi
,
〈◊〉
facies
quod
est
spadonis
.
He
did
not
stirre
up
the
numerous
people
of
his
Diocesse
to
rebell
against
the
Emperour
,
or
depose
him
,
imployed
no
agent
in
his
Court
to
undermine
his
security
,
nor
assasine
to
take
his
life
.
He
and
the
rest
of
those
good
Fathers
,
would
not
have
lost
their
possibility
of
being
Martyrs
,
for
the
world
,
unlesse
it
were
by
perswading
the
Emperours
to
the
Christian
faith
.
Wee
pray
for
all
our
Governours
,
that
they
might
have
long
life
,
a
secure
government
,
a
safe
house
,
strong
armies
,
good
subjects
,
quiet
world
.
So
〈◊〉
.
I
had
thought
that
the
Doctrine
and
example
of
our
B.
Saviour
,
the
practise
Apostolicall
and
primitive
,
had
beene
tyes
enough
to
keep
us
in
our
obedience
to
God
and
the
King
,
and
in
Christian
charity
to
all
,
but
I
finde
that
all
these
precepts
come
to
nothing
,
for
the
Apostles
and
primitive
Christians
did
not
actually
depose
Kings
,
nor
alter
states
,
nor
call
for
fire
to
consume
their
enemies
:
not
because
it
was
simply
unlawfull
so
to
doe
,
or
any
way
adverse
to
the
precepts
of
Christ
,
but
because
they
wanted
Power
.
So
Bellarmine
:
The
Church
gave
leave
that
the
faithfull
should
obey
Iulian
,
because
then
they
wanted
forces
.
And
F.
Creswell
is
very
confident
of
the
businesse
,
They
might
without
all
Question
have
appointed
to
themselves
other
Kings
and
Princes
,
if
the
Christians
had
beene
strong
enough
to
bring
their
intendments
to
passe
.
But
because
they
could
not
,
therefore
it
was
not
lawfull
for
them
to
goe
about
it
,
nor
is
it
for
us
in
the
same
case
,
especially
if
the
Prince
hath
quiet
possession
,
and
a
strong
guard
about
him
,
then
by
no
meanes
is
it
lawfull
for
a
single
man
by
then
by
no
meanes
is
it
lawfull
for
a
single
man
by
his
owne
authority
to
assault
his
Prince
that
rules
Tyrannically
.
So
Salmeron
.
But
who
sees
not
that
this
way
murder
may
be
lawfull
.
For
true
it
is
God
commanded
us
,
saying
,
Thou
shalt
not
kill
,
that
is
,
if
thou
art
not
able
to
lift
up
thy
hand
,
or
strike
a
stroake
;
thou
shalt
not
blaspheme
,
that
is
,
if
thou
beest
speechlesse
,
thou
must
be
obedient
to
thy
Prince
,
that
is
,
if
thou
canst
not
tell
how
to
helpe
it
.
Good
Doctrine
this
!
And
indeed
it
might
possibly
be
something
if
God
had
commanded
our
subordination
to
Princes
only
for
wrath
,
for
then
si
vires
〈◊〉
,
if
wee
can
defend
our selves
we
are
secure
,
wee
need
not
feare
his
wrath
,
but
when
he
addes
,
also
for
conscience
sake
,
I
cannot
sufficiently
wonder
that
any
man
should
obtrude
so
〈◊〉
,
so
illiterate
,
and
so
impious
an
interpretation
upon
the
Christian
world
,
under
the
Title
of
Catholique
Doctrine
.
Christ
when
he
was
betrayed
and
seized
upon
by
his
Murderers
could
have
commanded
twelve
Legions
of
Angels
for
his
Guard
,
Non
defuerunt
vires
;
and
in
all
humane
likelyhood
such
a
Satellitium
as
that
would
have
mov'd
them
to
a
beliefe
in
him
,
or
else
I
am
sure
,
might
have
destroyed
the
unbelievers
.
Shall
I
say
more
against
this
rude
〈◊〉
Then
thus
.
It
is
false
that
the
Primitive
Christians
had
not
power
to
defend
themselves
against
their
Persecutors
,
Heare
S.
Cyprian
;
Nemo
nostrum
quando
apprehenditur
reluctatur
,
nec
se
adversus
iniustitiam
,
&
violentiam
vestram
quamvis
nimius
&
copiosus
noster
sit
Populus
,
ulciscitur
.
They
could
have
resisted
and
that
to
blood
,
but
they
had
not
so
learned
Christ
.
Prayers
and
teares
were
the
armes
of
Christians
,
and
then
they
had
a
defence
beyond
all
this
,
when
they
were
hard
put
to
it
,
Mori
potuerunt
,
a
submission
of
their
bodies
to
Martyrdome
was
their
last
refuge
.
Thus
S.
Agnes
,
Lucia
,
Agatha
,
Christina
,
Domitilla
sav'd
both
their
faith
and
chastity
,
non
armis
,
sedignibus
&
carnificis
manu
,
the
tormentors
last
cruelty
defended
them
from
all
succeeding
danger
.
I
will
not
yet
conclude
,
that
,
that
which
these
men
obtrude
for
Catholique
Doctrine
is
flat
and
direct
heresy
,
I
will
instance
but
once
more
and
then
I
shall
.
In
the
fourth
Councell
of
Toledo
which
was
assembled
when
the
usurping
and
Tyrannizing
Goths
did
domineere
in
Europe
,
the
most
whereof
were
Tyrants
,
Vsurpers
,
or
Arrians
;
the
Councell
decreed
that
if
any
man
did
violate
the
life
or
person
of
his
King
,
aut
potestate
Regni
exuerit
,
kill
him
or
depose
him
,
Anathema
sit
&c.
He
should
be
accursed
in
the
sight
of
God
and
his
Holy
Angels
,
and
together
withall
the
companions
of
his
iniquity
,
hee
should
be
separated
from
the
Catholique
Church
.
And
now
I
hope
I
may
say
that
these
men
who
either
practise
or
advise
such
practises
as
killing
or
deposing
Kings
,
areas
formally
condemn'd
for
heresy
,
and
anathematiz'd
,
as
ever
was
Manichee
or
Cataphrygian
.
I
know
not
,
but
perhaps
this
might
be
thought
of
when
the
〈◊〉
were
inscrib'd
heretiks
upon
the
publike
pillar
before
the
Louure
in
Paris
,
upon
their
banishment
:
however
,
let
them
answer
it
as
they
may
,
it
concernes
them
as
much
as
their
being
Catholiques
comes
to
,
Et
considerent
,
quia
quae
praedicant
tantoperè
verba
,
aut
ipsorum
summorum
Pontificum
sunt
suas
fimbrias
extendentium
,
〈◊〉
illorum
qui
eis
adulantur
,
as
said
Aeneas
Sylvius
,
but
at
I
instanc'd
in
these
things
to
shew
the
〈◊〉
between
the
spirit
of
our
B.
Saviour
who
answer'd
the
Question
of
the
text
,
and
the
Fathers
Confessors
of
whom
was
ask'd
the
Question
of
the
day
.
But
give
mee
leave
to
consider
them
not
only
as
mis-informing
their
penitents
,
but
as
concealing
their
intended
purpose
,
for
even
this
way
,
the
persons
Ob.
But
these
Fathers
Confessors
could
not
be
accused
by
vertue
of
these
generall
Lawes
,
as
being
exempt
by
vertue
of
speciall
case
,
for
they
received
notice
of
these
things
only
in
confession
,
the
seale
of
which
is
so
sacred
and
inviolable
,
that
he
is
sacrilegious
who
in
any
case
doth
breake
it
open
,
though
it
be
to
avoid
the
greatest
evill
that
can
happen
,
so
Bellarmine
,
to
save
the
lives
of
all
the
Kings
in
Christendome
,
A
considerable
matter
!
On
the
one
side
wee
are
threatned
by
sacriledge
,
on
the
other
by
danger
of
Princes
and
common-wealths
,
for
the
case
may
happen
,
that
either
the
Prince
and
whole
State
may
be
suffered
to
perish
bodily
and
ghostly
,
or
else
the
Priest
must
certainly
damne
himselfe
by
the
sacrilegious
breach
of
the
holy
Seale
of
confession
.
Give
me
leave
briefly
to
consider
it
,
and
,
both
for
the
acquittance
of
our
state
in
its
proceedings
against
these
Traytors
,
and
for
the
regulating
of
the
case
it selfe
,
to
say
these
two
things
.
1
This
present
Treason
was
not
revealed
to
these
Fathers
Confessors
in
formall
confession
.
2.
If
it
had
,
it
did
not
bind
to
secresy
in
the
present
case
.
Of
the
first
,
only
a
word
.
1
It
was
only
propounded
to
them
in
way
of
Question
or
consultation
(
like
this
in
the
text
)
as
appeared
Sr
Henry
Mountague
Recorder
of
London
to
Garnet
himselfe
.
It
could
not
therefore
be
a
formall
2
It
was
propounded
to
these
Fathers
Confessors
[
b
](A13414-e9720-b)
b
Cap
Sacerdos
.
3.
q.
n.
116.
Navarre
,
and
[
c
](A13414-e9740-b)
c
In
lucubrat
:
ad
Barrolum
.
in
L.
ut
Vim
.
n.
22
ff.
de
iuftitia
&
iure
Cardinall
Alban
confesse
it
to
be
most
commonly
received
.
3
It
was
not
only
not
repented
of
,
but
by
them
reputed
to
be
a
good
action
,
and
so
could
not
be
a
matter
of
confession
.
I
appeal
to
any
of
their
own
Manuals
and
penitentiary
bookes
.
It
is
culpable
say
they
.
I
am
sure
it
is
ridiculous
in
any
man
to
confesse
and
shrive
himselfe
of
a
good
action
,
and
that
this
was
such
in
their
opinion
,
it
's
plaine
,
by
that
impious
answer
of
Garnet
,
affirming
it
a
businesse
4
By
this
their
pretended
confession
they
endeavoured
to
acquire
new
complices
,
as
is
evident
in
the
proceedings
against
the
Traitors
.
They
were
therefore
bound
to
reveale
it
,
for
it
neither
was
nor
could
be
a
proper
and
formall
confession
.
That
this
is
the
common
opinion
of
their
own
Schooles
,
see
it
affirmed
by
Aegidius
〈◊〉
.
The
first
particular
then
is
plain
.
Here
neither
was
the
forme
of
confession
,
nor
yet
could
this
thing
be
a
matter
of
confession
,
therefore
supposing
the
seale
of
confession
to
be
sacredly
inviolable
in
all
cases
,
yet
they
were
highly
blameable
for
their
concealement
in
the
present
.
2
But
the
truth
of
the
second
particular
is
more
to
be
inquired
of
.
That
is
,
that
though
these
things
had
been
only
revealed
in
confession
,
and
this
confession
had
been
formall
and
direct
,
yet
they
were
bound
in
the
present
case
to
reveale
it
,
because
the
seale
of
confession
is
not
so
inviolable
,
as
that
in
no
case
it
is
to
be
broken
up
,
and
if
in
any
,
especially
it
may
be
opened
in
the
case
of
treason
.
I
never
knew
any
thing
cryed
up
with
so
generall
avoyce
upon
so
little
ground
,
as
is
the
Over
hallowed
seale
of
confession
.
True
it
is
that
an
ordinary
secret
committed
to
a
friend
in
civill
commerce
is
not
to
be
revealed
upon
every
cause
,
nor
upon
many
,
(
but
upon
some
it
may
as
they
all
confesse
.
)
If
thus
,
then
much
rather
is
this
to
be
observed
in
the
revelation
of
the
secrets
of
our
consciences
,
not
only
from
the
ordinary
tye
to
secrecy
,
but
likewise
least
sinnes
should
grow
more
frequent
,
if
so
great
a
remedy
of
them
be
made
so
odious
,
as
to
expose
us
to
a
publike
infancy
or
danger
of
the
law
.
The
Councell
therefore
that
first
introduc'd
this
obligation
was
very
prudent
and
reasonable
,
pleads
a
thousand
yeares
prescription
,
and
relies
upon
good
conveniences
.
This
is
all
that
ever
could
be
prov'd
of
it
(
as
may
appeare
anon
)
but
these
are
too
weak
a
base
,
to
build
so
great
a
structure
on
it
,
as
to
make
it
sacriledge
,
or
any
sinne
at
all
,
to
reveale
confessions
in
some
cases
.
1
For
first
,
if
because
it
is
delivered
as
a
secret
,
and
such
a
secret
,
it
is
the
more
closely
and
religiously
to
be
kept
;
it
is
true
,
but
concludes
no
more
,
but
that
it
must
be
a
greater
cause
that
must
authorize
a
publication
of
this
,
then
of
the
secrets
of
ordinary
commerce
between
friend
and
friend
.
2
If
the
licensing
of
publication
of
confession
be
a
way
to
make
confession
odious
,
and
therefore
that
it
may
not
be
publish'd
,
I
say
if
this
concludes
,
then
on
the
contrary
it
concludes
farre
more
strongly
,
that
therefore
in
some
cases
it
may
be
published
,
because
nothing
can
make
a
thing
more
odious
and
intolerable
,
then
if
it
be
made
a
cover
for
grand
impieties
,
so
as
to
engage
a
true
subject
,
quietly
&
Knowingly
to
see
his
Prince
murdred
.
3
If
it
be
discouragement
to
the
practise
of
confession
that
some
sinnes
revealed
in
it
must
be
published
though
with
perill
to
the
delinquents
same
&
life
,
then
it
will
be
a
farre
greater
discouragement
to
the
sinne
,
when
that
it
shall
by
an
universall
judgement
be
so
detested
,
that
its
concealement
may
not
be
permitted
,
though
it
be
with
the
hazard
of
discouraging
the
Holy
duty
of
confession
:
and
when
the
being
guilty
of
such
a
sinne
,
shall
reduce
men
into
such
streights
,
that
either
they
shall
want
the
benefit
of
absolution
,
or
submit
themselves
to
a
publike
satisfaction
,
and
so
even
in
this
particular
the
benefit
is
farre
greater
then
the
imaginary
inconvenience
.
The
conveniences
of
the
〈◊〉
force
no
more
then
that
it
is
convenient
to
be
observed
,
not
simply
and
absolutely
in
all
cases
necessary
.
And
perhaps
Suarez
the
great
patron
of
it
perceived
it
,
however
he
laies
the
burden
,
super
communi
consensu
Ecclesiae
,
Of
the
first
.
The
Church
of
England
,
which
observes
the
seale
of
confession
as
sacredly
as
reason
or
religion
it selfe
can
possibly
permit
,
yet
forbids
not
disclosure
in
case
of
Murder
or
Treason
,
but
in
these
particulars
leaves
us
intire
in
our
obedience
to
That
the
Church
of
England
gives
leave
in
some
cases
to
reveale
confessions
,
is
argument
enough
to
prove
that
the
Seale
is
not
founded
upon
the
consent
of
the
present
Catholike
Church
.
For
it
is
no
more
a
begging
of
the
Question
(
nor
apparently
so
much
)
to
say
,
the
Church
of
England
is
a
part
of
the
Catholike
Church
,
and
therefore
her
consent
is
required
to
make
a
thing
universall
,
then
to
say
,
the
Church
of
Rome
is
the
whole
Catholike
Church
,
therefore
her
consent
is
sufficient
to
make
a
thing
Catholike
.
But
I
shall
not
need
to
proceed
this
way
.
For
,
1
It
is
apparent
that
of
their
own
side
Altisidiorensis
largely
and
professedly
proves
the
lawfulnesse
of
publication
in
some
cases
as
is
to
be
seen
.
Lib.
4.
Summae
tract.
6.
cap.
3.
q.
7.
and
Garnet
himselfe
,
the
man
who
if
any
had
most
need
to
stand
in
defence
of
the
Seale
that
the
pretence
of
it
might
have
defended
him
,
yet
confessed
of
his
own
accord
,
Leges
quae
celare
There
are
many
cases
,
generally
confessed
amongst
themselves
,
in
which
the
seale
of
formall
and
(
as
they
love
to
speak
)
Sacramentall
confession
may
be
broken
open
.
I
instance
but
in
two
or
three
.
First
,
confession
may
be
reveal'd
to
clear
a
doubtfull
case
of
marriage
.
It
is
the
opinion
of
many
great
Suarez
de
Paz.
and
〈◊〉
,
and
the
case
of
the
Venetian
2
In
case
of
herely
the
seale
binds
not
,
by
their
own
generall
confession
.
It
is
a
rule
amongst
them
,
Haeresis
est
crimen
quod
non
confessio
celat
.
Now
I
would
fain
learn
why
Treason
is
not
as
revealeable
as
Heresy
?
Is
heresy
dangerous
to
soules
?
Then
surely
,
so
is
Treason
,
unlesse
it
be
none
,
or
a
very
small
crime
.
May
heresy
infect
others
?
So
may
Treason
,
as
it
did
in
the
present
.
It
may
then
as
well
be
revealed
as
heresy
.
Now
that
it
may
something
rather
,
I
have
these
reasons
.
1.
Because
it
is
not
so
certaine
that
such
an
opinion
is
heresy
as
that
such
a
〈◊〉
is
Treason
.
2.
Because
although
both
Treason
and
reall
heresy
be
damnable
and
dangerous
to
soules
,
yet
heresy
killes
no
Kings
as
treason
doth
.
I
confesse
that
heresy
may
,
and
doth
teach
it
,
but
then
it
degenerates
into
Treason
.
Now
if
some
heresy
may
be
Treason
,
then
that
Treason
is
heresy
,
&
so
a
case
of
Treason
may
occurre
,
in
which
from
their
own
confession
,
treason
is
revealeable
.
3
By
the
most
generall
voice
of
their
own
side
any
man
may
licence
his
confessor
to
reveale
his
confession
.
It
is
the
doctrine
of
Scotus
,
Durandus
,
Almain
,
Navarre
,
Medina
,
and
generally
of
all
the
Thomists
.
I
inferre
,
if
a
private
man
may
licence
his
Consessor
to
reveale
his
consession
,
then
the
seale
of
confession
is
not
founded
upon
any
divine
commandement
,
for
if
it
were
,
the
penitent
could
not
give
the
Priest
license
to
break
it
.
But
if
the
penitent
may
give
his
Confessor
leave
,
because
the
tye
of
secrecy
is
a
bond
in
which
the
Priest
stands
bound
to
the
penitent
,
&
he
giving
him
leave
,
remits
of
his
own
right
,
then
much
rather
may
a
whole
State
authorise
this
publication
,
for
what
ever
personall
right
a
private
4
Lastly
,
even
in
speciall
in
the
very
case
of
Treason
confessed
,
many
of
their
owne
doe
actually
practise
a
publication
,
when
either
they
are
loyall
of
themselves
,
or
dare
not
be
otherwise
.
I
instance
first
in
the
Church
of
France
.
For
this
See
Bodinus
,
who
reports
of
a
Norman
Gentleman
whom
his
Confessor
discovered
for
having
confessed
Histoire
de
la
paix
.
Nor
yet
is
France
singular
in
the
practise
of
publication
of
confessed
Treason
.
For
at
Rome
there
have
been
examples
of
the
like
,
I
meane
Thus
then
the
first
pretence
proves
a
nullity
,
&
either
our
Laws
are
just
in
commanding
publication
of
confession
in
case
of
Treason
,
or
themselves
very
culpable
in
teaching
&
practising
it
in
the
same
,
&
in
cases
of
lesse
moment
.
The
2d
is
like
the
first
for
it
is
extremly
vain
to
pretend
that
the
seale
of
confession
is
founded
upon
Catholike
tradition
.
Iudg
by
the
sequel
.
The
first
word
I
heare
of
concealing
confessions
〈◊〉
Church
about
Virbonae
conversationis
,
〈◊〉
,
secretum
,
a
good
man
and
a
keeper
of
secrets
,
for
indeed
he
was
bound
to
conceale
some
crimes
,
in
particular
those
which
an
Adulteresse
had
confessed
,
I
meane
concerning
her
Adultery
,
as
appeares
in
the
Canons
of
S.
Basil.
But
yet
this
Priest
who
was
so
tyed
to
a
religious
publish
many
of
them
in
the
Congregation
before
the
people
,
that
they
might
reprove
the
delinquent
and
discountenance
the
sinne
.
The
same
story
is
reported
by
Cassiodore
,
and
Niccphorus
from
the
same
Authour
.
The
lawfulnesse
and
practise
of
publication
in
some
cases
is
as
cleere
in
Origen
.
If
(
saith
he
)
the
Physician
of
thy
soule
perceives
thy
sinnes
to
be
such
as
to
need
so
harsh
a
remedy
as
to
have
them
published
before
the
assemblies
of
the
people
,
that
others
may
be
admonished
,
&
thou
the
better
cured
,
he
need
be
very
deliberate
,
and
skilfull
in
the
application
of
it
.
Hitherto
no
such
thing
as
an
Vniversall
tradition
for
the
pretended
inviolable
sacramentall
seale
,
for
Origen
plainly
,
and
by
them
confessedly
speakes
of
such
sins
as
first
were
privately
confessed
to
the
Priest
;
how
else
should
hee
deliberate
of
their
publication
?
but
yet
he
did
so
,
and
for
all
the
seale
of
confession
,
sometimes
opened
many
of
them
,
to
no
sewer
witnesses
then
a
whole
assembly
.
Thus
it
was
in
the
Greeke
Church
both
Law
and
Custome
.
But
now
if
we
look
into
the
Latine
Church
wee
shall
find
that
it
was
taken
up
from
example
of
the
Greeks
and
some
while
practis'd
,
that
some
particular
sinnes
should
be
published
in
the
Church
before
the
Congregation
,
But
when
the
Lay
piety
began
to
coole
,
and
the
zeale
of
some
Clergy
men
waxe
too
hot
,
they
would
needs
heighten
this
custome
of
publication
of
some
sinnes
to
a
Law
of
the
publishing
of
all
sinnes
.
This
being
judg'd
to
be
inconvenient
,
expressed
the
first
decree
for
the
seale
of
confession
in
the
Latin
Church
.
Now
see
how
it
is
utter'd
,
and
it
wil
sufficiently
informe
us
both
of
the
practise
and
the
opinion
which
Antiquitie
had
of
the
obligation
to
the
seale
.
Illam
contra
Apostolicam
regulam
praesumptionem
,
&c.
that
is
,
it
was
against
the
Apostolicall
ordinance
that
a
Law
should
enjoyn
that
the
Priest
should
reveale
all
those
sinnes
which
had
beene
told
him
in
confession
.
It
might
be
done
so
it
were
not
requir'd
and
exacted
,
and
yet
might
be
so
requir'd
,
so
it
were
not
a
publication
of
all
.
Non
enim
omnium
〈◊〉
sunt
peccata
;
saith
S.
Leo
,
some
sinnes
are
inconvenient
to
be
published
,
it
is
not
fit
the
world
should
know
all
,
therefore
,
some
they
might
,
or
else
hee
had
said
nothing
.
The
reason
which
he
gives
makes
the
businesse
somewhat
clearer
,
for
hee
derives
it
not
from
any
simple
necessity
of
the
thing
or
a
Divine
Right
,
but
least
men
out
of
inordinate
love
to
themselves
,
should
rather
refuse
to
be
wash't
then
buy
their
purity
with
so
much
shame
.
The
whole
Epistle
hath
many
things
in
it
excellently
to
the
same
purpose
.
I
say
no
more
,
the
Doctrine
and
practise
of
antiquity
is
sufficiently
evident
,
and
that
there
is
nothing
lesse
then
an
Vniversall
tradition
for
the
seale
of
confession
to
be
observed
in
all
cases
,
even
of
sins
of
the
highest
malignity
.
Thus
these
Fathers
Confessors
are
made
totally
inexcusable
by
concealing
a
Treason
which
was
not
revealed
to
them
in
a
formall
confession
,
and
had
been
likewise
culpable
though
it
had
,
there
being
as
I
have
showne
,
no
such
sacrednesse
of
the
Seale
as
to
be
inviolable
in
all
cases
whatsoever
.
I
have
now
done
with
the
severall
considerations
of
the
persons
to
whom
the
Question
was
propounded
,
they
were
the
Fathers
Confessors
in
the
day
,
but
it
was
Christ
the
Lord
in
my
text
.
The
Question
it selfe
followes
.
Shall
we
command
fire
to
come
from
heaven
and
consume
them
?
The
Question
was
concerning
the
fate
of
a
whole
Towne
of
Samaria
,
in
our
case
it
was
more
;
of
the
Fate
of
a
whole
Kingdome
.
It
had
been
well
if
such
a
Question
had
been
silenc'd
by
a
direct
negative
or
(
as
the
Iudges
of
the
Areopage
used
to
doe
)
put
off
ad
diem
longissimum
,
that
they
might
have
expected
the
answer
three
ages
after
.
De
morte
hominis
nulla
est
〈◊〉
longa
,
No
demurre
had
been
too
long
in
a
case
of
so
much
and
so
royall
blood
,
the
blood
of
a
King
,
of
a
Kings
Children
,
of
a
Kings
Kingdome
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
King
and
Kingdome
should
have
&
been
made
a
solemn
sacrifice
to
appease
their
solemn
deliberate
malice
.
I
said
deliberate
,
for
they
were
loth
to
be
malicious
without
good
advice
,
and
therefore
they
askt
their
question
,
worthy
of
an
Oracle
,
even
no
lesse
then
Delphick
,
where
an
evill
spirit
was
the
Numen
,
and
a
Witch
the
Prophet
.
For
the
Question
was
such
of
which
a
Christian
could
not
doubt
though
he
had
been
fearefully
scrupulous
in
his
resolutions
.
For
whoever
question'd
the
unlawfulnesse
of
murder
,
of
murdering
innocents
,
of
murdering
them
who
were
confessed
righteous
?
for
such
was
their
proposall
,
being
rather
willing
that
Catholiks
should
perish
with
those
whom
they
thought
,
hereticks
,
then
that
their
should
be
no
blood
spilt
.
But
to
the
question
:
it
was
fire
they
called
for
.
The
most
mercilesse
of
all
the
Elements
.
No
possibility
of
relenting
when
once
kindled
and
had
its
object
.
It
was
the
fittest
instrument
for
mercilesse
men
,
men
of
no
bowels
whose
malice
like
their
instrument
did
agere
ad
extremum
suarnm
virium
,
worke
to
the
highest
of
its
possibility
.
Secondly
,
It
was
fire
indeed
they
called
for
,
but
not
like
that
in
my
text
,
not
fire
from
heaven
,
They
might
have
called
as
long
and
as
loud
as
those
Priests
did
,
who
contested
with
Elisha
,
no
fire
would
have
come
from
heaven
to
have
consum'd
what
they
had
intended
for
a
sacrifice
.
Gods
〈◊〉
post
not
so
fast
as
ours
doe
.
Deus
non
est
sicnt
homo
.
Man
〈◊〉
often
when
God
blesseth
,
men
condemne
whom
God
acquits
,
and
therefore
they
were
loath
to
trust
God
with
their
cause
,
they
therefore
take
it
into
their
own
hands
.
And
certainly
if
to
their
Anathemas
they
adde
some
fagots
of
their
own
and
gunpowder
,
't
is
oddes
but
then
we
may
be
consum'd
indeed
,
and
so
did
they
,
their
fire
was
not
from
heaven
.
Lastly
,
it
was
a
fire
so
strange
,
that
it
had
no
example
.
The
Apostles
indeed
pleaded
a
mistaken
precedent
for
the
reasonablenesse
of
their
demand
,
they
desir'd
leave
to
doe
but
even
as
Elias
did
.
[
The
Greekes
only
retaine
this
clause
,
it
is
not
in
the
Bibles
of
the
church
of
Rome
]
and
really
these
Romano-barbari
could
never
pretend
to
any
precedent
for
an
act
so
barbarous
as
theirs
.
Adrimelech
indeed
kil'd
a
King
,
but
he
spar'd
the
people
,
Haman
would
have
killed
the
people
,
but
spared
the
King
,
but
that
both
King
and
people
,
Princes
and
Iudges
,
branch
,
and
rush
and
root
should
dye
at
once
(
as
if
Caligula's
were
actuated
and
all
England
upon
one
head
)
was
never
known
till
now
,
that
all
the
malice
in
the
world
met
in
this
as
in
a
center
.
The
Sicilian
〈◊〉
,
the
mattins
of
S.
Bartholomew
,
known
for
the
pittilesse
and
damn'd
massacres
,
were
but
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
the
dream
of
the
shadow
of
smoake
if
compar'd
with
this
great
fire
.
In
tam
occupato
saeculo
fabulas
Vulgaris
nequitia
non
invenit
.
This
was
a
busy
age
;
Herostratus
must
have
invented
a
more
sublim'd
malice
then
the
burning
of
one
Temple
,
or
not
have
been
so
much
as
spoke
of
since
the
discovery
of
the
Powder-Treason
.
But
I
must
make
more
hast
I
shall
not
else
clime
the
sublimity
of
this
impiety
.
Nero
was
sometimes
the
populare
odium
was
popularly
hated
,
and
deserv'd
it
too
,
for
he
slew
his
Master
,
and
his
wife
and
all
his
family
once
or
twice
over
,
opened
his
mothers
wombe
,
fired
the
Citty
,
laught
at
it
,
slandred
the
Christians
for
it
,
but
yet
all
these
were
but
principia
malorum
,
the
very
first
rudiments
of
evill
.
Adde
then
to
these
,
Herods
Master-piece
at
Ramah
as
it
was
deciphred
by
the
teares
and
sad
threnes
of
the
Matrons
in
an
Vniversall
mourning
for
the
losse
of
their
pretty
infants
,
yet
this
of
Herod
will
prove
but
an
infant
wickednesse
,
and
that
of
Nero
,
the
evill
but
of
one
citty
.
I
would
willingly
have
found
out
an
example
,
but
I
see
I
cannot
,
should
I
put
into
the
scale
the
extract
of
all
the
old
Tyrants
famous
in
Antique
stories
,
Bristonij
stabulum
Regis
,
Busiridis
aras
,
Antiphatae
mensas
&
Taurica
regna
Thoantis
,
Should
I
take
for
true
story
the
highest
cruelty
as
it
was
fancied
by
the
most
hieroglyphicall
Egyptian
,
this
alone
would
weigh
them
down
,
as
if
the
Alpes
were
put
in
scale
against
the
dust
of
a
ballance
.
For
had
this
accursed
Treason
Prosper'd
,
we
should
have
had
the
whole
Kingdome
mourne
for
the
inestimable
losse
of
its
chiefest
glory
,
its
life
,
its
present
joy
,
and
all
its
very
hopes
for
the
future
.
For
such
was
their
destind
malice
,
that
they
would
not
only
have
inflicted
so
cruell
a
blow
,
but
have
made
it
incurable
,
by
cutting
off
our
supplies
of
joy
,
the
whole
succession
of
the
line
Royall
.
Not
only
the
Vine
it selfe
but
all
the
Gemmulae
,
and
the
tender
Olive
branches
should
either
have
been
bent
to
their
intentions
,
and
made
to
grow
crooked
,
or
else
been
broken
.
And
now
after
such
a
sublimity
of
malice
,
I
will
not
instance
in
the
sacrilegious
ruine
of
the
neighbouring
Temples
which
needs
must
have
perished
in
the
flame
,
nor
in
the
disturbing
the
ashes
of
our
incomb'd
Kings
devouring
their
dead
ruines
like
Sepulchrall
dogs
,
these
are
but
minutes
,
in
respect
of
the
ruine
prepared
for
the
living
Temples
.
Stragem
sed
istam
non
tulit
Christus
cadentum
Principum
Let
us
then
returne
to
God
the
cup
of
thanks-giving
,
he
having
powred
forth
so
largely
to
us
of
the
cup
of
salvation
.
We
cannot
want
where
withall
to
fill
it
,
here
is
matter
enough
for
an
eternall
thankfulnesse
,
for
the
expressiou
of
which
a
short
life
is
too
little
,
but
let
us
here
begin
our
Hallelujahs
hoping
to
finish
them
hereafter
,
where
the
many
quires
of
Angels
will
fill
the
consort
.
Praise
the
Lord
ye
house
of
Levi
,
ye
that
fear
the
Lord
,
Praise
the
Lord
.
Praise
the
Lord
out
of
Sion
,
which
dwelleth
at
Hierusalem
.
FINIS
.