CHAP.
1.
Quest.
1.
vers.
8.
Whether
the
Amalekite
lied
in
telling
vnto
Dauid
,
that
hee
slew
Saul
.
1.
THe
Hebrewes
doe
thinke
,
that
this
Amalekite
lied
vnto
Dauid
,
and
that
all
this
cunning
tale
was
but
deuised
,
to
insinuate
himself
vnto
Dauid
:
but
it
seemes
that
all
was
not
fained
,
as
that
he
tooke
the
crowne
from
Sauls
head
,
before
he
was
dead
,
beeing
fallen
to
the
ground
:
for
he
had
the
crowne
there
present
to
shew
.
2.
Some
doe
thinke
that
he
spake
the
truth
:
and
that
when
Saul
had
fallen
vpon
his
sword
,
this
Amalekite
also
at
Sauls
motion
,
fell
vpon
him
:
so
Iosephus
,
Genevens
.
Bor.
and
the
Chalde
interpreter
seemeth
to
be
of
the
same
opinion
,
reading
v.
15.
The
sinne
of
thy
slaughter
be
vpon
thine
owne
head
:
but
this
is
not
like
to
be
so
:
for
these
reasons
:
1.
Saul
fell
vpon
his
sword
,
1.
Sam.
31.5
.
but
here
he
is
said
to
leane
vpon
his
speare
,
that
is
,
thrust
himselfe
in
with
the
speare
.
2.
Sauls
armour-bearer
saw
Saul
dead
first
,
before
he
killed
himselfe
,
1.
Sam.
31.6
.
but
here
the
Amalekite
telleth
,
that
life
was
in
him
,
when
he
stood
ouer
him
to
make
an
end
of
him
.
3.
It
is
not
like
,
that
Saul
hauing
runne
vpon
his
sword
,
had
memorie
to
aske
him
so
many
questions
:
first
to
call
him
to
him
,
then
to
enquire
who
he
was
,
and
thirdly
to
make
his
request
to
him
.
4.
This
young
man
expected
a
reward
at
Dauids
hand
,
c.
4.10
.
and
therefore
it
is
probable
that
he
lied
:
for
a
flatterer
,
and
a
lier
,
for
the
most
part
,
goe
together
.
3.
Some
of
the
Hebrewes
thinke
,
that
this
young
man
was
Doegs
sonne
,
whom
they
suppose
to
be
Sauls
armour
bearer
,
and
that
he
before
he
killed
himselfe
,
gaue
Sauls
crowne
,
and
bracelet
to
his
sonne
:
But
this
young
man
was
an
Amalekite
,
Doeg
was
an
Edomite
,
therefore
this
supposall
hath
no
ground
.
4.
Therefore
the
more
probable
opinion
is
,
that
this
Amalekite
lied
vnto
Dauid
in
the
most
part
of
his
tale
:
yet
herein
he
may
be
thought
to
speake
as
it
fell
out
;
that
he
was
the
first
,
that
came
vpon
Saul
beeing
wounded
to
death
,
and
seeing
no
hope
of
life
in
him
,
rifled
him
,
and
tooke
away
his
crowne
and
bracelet
.
Osiand
.
It
will
be
obiected
,
that
if
he
had
not
killed
Saul
,
Dauids
sentence
had
beene
vniust
to
put
him
to
death
.
Ans.
the
confession
of
his
owne
mouth
was
sufficient
to
condemne
him
,
especially
seeing
he
bewraied
a
willing
and
resolued
mind
to
lay
his
hands
vpon
the
Lords
annointed
,
whether
he
did
it
or
no.
2.
Quest.
vers
.
9.
Of
these
words
,
Anguish
is
come
vpon
mee
.
1.
The
word
here
vsed
Shabatz
,
signifieth
a
garment
made
with
eies
or
hoales
like
net-worke
,
it
also
is
taken
for
greife
or
anguish
:
cornua
,
the
band
or
troupe
hath
ouertaken
me
:
but
the
words
following
shew
,
that
Saul
speaketh
of
himselfe
,
of
somewhat
that
had
befallen
him
:
because
he
saith
,
my
life
is
yet
whole
in
mee
.
2.
Some
referre
it
to
Sauls
garment
,
that
hindered
the
entering
of
his
speare
:
Iun.
but
the
next
verse
sheweth
,
that
Saul
hauing
runne
vpon
his
speare
or
sword
,
was
fallen
to
the
ground
,
and
not
like
to
liue
,
by
the
Amalekites
owne
confession
;
therefore
the
weapon
had
entered
to
the
purpose
:
and
againe
,
the
word
achaz
,
signifieth
properly
to
hold
,
possesse
,
or
apprehend
,
rather
then
to
let
or
hinder
.
3.
Therefore
the
vsuall
reading
is
to
be
preferred
,
Anguish
hath
caught
hold
of
me
,
apprehended
,
or
possessed
me
:
sic
C.S.L.A.P.
cum
caeter
.
the
anguish
of
the
wound
and
hole
,
which
the
speare
had
made
.
3.
Quest.
v.
10.
Of
these
words
:
Because
I
was
sure
he
could
not
liue
.
1.
Some
make
this
a
reason
of
the
words
following
;
because
he
was
sure
he
could
not
liue
after
he
was
fallen
,
he
tooke
the
crowne
,
&c.
B.G.
that
is
,
after
his
fall
,
which
is
a
perfect
period
,
breaketh
off
this
clause
from
the
words
following
.
2.
Therefore
the
meaning
is
,
that
when
he
sawe
Saul
to
be
fallen
vpon
his
sword
,
and
not
like
to
liue
,
that
the
Amalekite
was
perswaded
to
make
an
hand
of
him
,
Vatab.
and
so
the
rest
also
doe
ioyne
it
as
a
reason
of
the
former
words
,
I
came
vpon
him
,
and
slew
him
.
Iun.
C.S.L.
&c.
3.
Quest.
vers
.
12.
Why
Dauid
mourned
for
Saul
and
Ionathan
.
1.
Dauid
and
his
whole
band
wept
and
mourned
together
at
the
first
,
hearing
of
the
lamentable
ende
of
Saul
and
his
sonnes
,
v.
12.
but
afterward
Dauid
by
himselfe
mourned
more
,
when
he
vtt●red
that
song
of
lamentation
.
2.
Dauid
mourned
for
Ionathan
,
as
for
his
friend
,
and
a
good
man
;
and
for
Saul
,
because
though
he
were
an
enemie
to
Dauid
,
yet
he
was
a
valiant
defender
of
the
Israelites
against
their
enemies
,
and
whom
Dauid
had
twice
spared
himselfe
,
and
would
not
lay
his
hands
vpon
him
,
he
mourneth
to
see
how
he
came
to
this
miserable
end
.
3.
Many
benefits
came
vnto
Dauid
by
the
death
of
Saul
,
as
the
ende
of
that
cruell
hatred
and
persecution
,
and
the
accomplishment
of
Gods
promise
towards
Dauid
;
but
Dauid
in
this
his
lamentation
,
looketh
vnto
the
originall
of
this
calamitie
,
the
wrath
of
God
,
which
was
the
cause
of
his
mourning
.
4.
Dauid
gaue
God
thankes
,
that
had
iudged
his
rebuke
against
Nabal
,
but
here
he
reioyceth
not
for
Sauls
ouerthrowe
;
for
the
case
was
not
alike
,
neither
did
God
sustaine
any
dishonour
,
nor
the
commonwealth
any
losse
by
the
death
of
Nabal
,
as
both
are
hindred
by
the
lamentable
fall
of
Saul
.
Mar.
4.
Quest.
vers
.
15.
Whether
Dauid
did
iustly
in
commanding
the
Amalekite
to
be
put
to
death
.
1.
If
this
young
man
spake
the
truth
,
and
made
a
true
relation
,
he
was
worthily
slaine
;
both
in
respect
of
Saul
,
who
was
the
Lords
anointed
,
and
therefore
he
should
not
haue
laid
any
hand
vpon
him
:
in
respect
of
himselfe
,
he
was
a
Proselite
conuerted
to
the
faith
of
Israel
:
and
Dauids
person
also
considered
,
who
was
now
the
lawfull
Magistrate
.
2.
But
if
this
were
a
deuised
tale
,
which
he
telleth
,
his
condemnation
also
was
iust
,
for
he
was
iudged
by
his
owne
mouth
:
and
hereunto
agree
the
imperiall
lawes
:
confessionem
reorum
non
habendam
esse
pro
explorato
crimine
,
nisi
approbatio
alia
instruat
religionem
cognoscentis
:
that
the
confession
of
the
guiltie
should
not
be
held
for
a
sufficient
euidence
of
the
crime
,
vnlesse
some
other
proofe
doe
informe
the
conscience
of
the
examiner
.
But
this
confession
of
the
Amalekite
was
voluntarie
.
5.
Quest.
vers
.
17.
How
and
when
Dauid
bad
to
teach
the
children
of
Israel
to
shoote
,
&c.
1.
Some
thinke
that
this
verse
hath
no
reference
to
Dauids
song
that
followeth
,
but
doe
interpret
it
thus
,
that
Dauid
before
he
sung
this
song
had
exhorted
and
encouraged
his
tribe
,
to
learne
to
shoote
in
the
bow
:
Vatab.
Borr.
2.
Some
by
the
bow
,
vnderstand
this
mournefull
ditie
,
because
it
maketh
mention
of
the
bow
of
Ionathan
,
v.
22.
so
the
Latin
interpreter
:
vt
docerent
filios
Iudae
planctum
,
to
teach
the
children
of
Israel
to
mourne
.
3.
But
the
third
interpretation
is
the
best
,
that
these
words
are
not
properly
any
part
of
the
song
,
but
shew
the
end
,
why
Dauid
vttered
it
:
to
the
intent
,
that
this
song
beeing
vsed
and
frequented
in
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
it
should
serue
as
an
incitement
and
prouocation
to
the
tribe
of
Iudah
to
learne
to
be
skilfull
in
shooting
:
Iun.
seeing
that
Saul
and
Ionathan
were
now
ouercome
by
the
archers
and
shooters
among
the
Philistims
.
Borr.
4.
By
this
example
of
Dauid
,
who
in
the
middes
of
his
mourning
forgetteth
not
,
what
was
necessarie
for
the
good
of
the
Commonwealth
:
we
are
taught
,
not
to
be
so
ouercome
with
griefe
and
pensiuenes
,
as
to
forget
our
dutie
,
and
to
neglect
the
meanes
:
Mart.
as
Iaakob
saith
to
his
sonnes
,
when
they
were
readie
to
be
famished
,
and
looked
not
about
to
helpe
themselues
:
Why
gaze
yee
one
vpon
an
other
?
Why
criest
thou
?
speake
to
the
children
of
Israel
that
they
goe
forward
,
Exod.
14.15
.
5.
Further
,
in
that
Dauid
taught
them
the
vse
of
the
bow
,
it
is
euident
,
that
there
is
a
lawfull
vse
of
armour
and
weapons
,
and
the
seruants
of
God
may
defend
themselues
thereby
,
against
their
enemies
contrarie
to
the
phantasticall
opinion
of
the
Anab●●●●●ts
,
6.
Quest.
vers
.
17.
Of
the
booke
of
Iasher
.
1.
Concerning
the
name
of
this
booke
,
Iasher
signifieth
,
the
iust
or
righteous
:
so
called
as
some
thinke
of
the
persons
whereof
that
booke
intreated
,
namely
of
the
acts
of
the
Patriarchs
and
iust
men
.
Some
of
the
matter
,
because
it
contained
a
true
narration
of
such
things
as
were
written
therein
.
But
it
is
more
like
to
beare
the
name
of
Ieshurun
,
which
is
the
name
of
Israel
,
Deut.
32.15
.
and
the
Prophet
Isai
calleth
Israel
by
the
same
name
,
c.
44.
v.
2.
which
word
also
signifieth
,
the
righteous
people
:
this
booke
was
called
Iasher
,
because
it
was
as
a
publike
chronicle
and
record
of
Israel
:
Mus.
in
Iosu.
10.
2.
But
what
booke
this
was
,
it
is
further
questioned
:
the
Chalde
vnderstandeth
the
booke
of
the
lawe
,
which
was
called
Iashar
,
right
,
iust
,
because
it
prescribed
what
things
were
iust
.
Others
take
it
for
the
booke
of
Genesis
,
which
containeth
an
historie
of
the
acts
of
the
righteous
fathers
.
Vatab.
But
how
could
Dauids
song
be
recorded
in
that
booke
made
so
long
before
?
Others
thinke
it
was
some
booke
made
by
Nathan
or
Gad
,
wherein
this
song
was
written
:
but
there
was
a
book
called
Iashur
long
before
their
time
,
Iosh.
10.13
.
Therefore
it
is
more
probable
,
that
this
booke
of
Iasher
,
was
a
generall
Chronicle
of
the
acts
of
that
nation
,
which
was
continued
from
time
to
time
by
the
Prophets
,
which
is
now
wanting
,
as
many
such
historicall
bookes
are
.
Iun.
These
Chronicles
were
laid
vp
in
the
Temple
,
as
Iosephus
writeth
,
lib.
5.
c.
1.
Many
such
historicall
writings
are
mentioned
in
bookes
of
the
Kings
and
Chronicles
composed
by
the
Prophets
,
Nathan
,
Gad
,
Iddo
,
Semaias
,
Achias
the
Silonite
,
which
are
now
not
to
be
found
.
It
seemeth
that
after
Ezra
had
digested
the
holy
Scriptures
into
order
,
that
these
bookes
were
not
thought
so
necessarie
:
the
Lord
hath
yet
preserued
for
the
vse
and
benefit
of
his
Church
,
so
much
as
he
seeth
to
be
sufficient
for
the
instruction
of
the
people
in
the
knowledge
of
his
will
,
and
toward
the
attaining
of
euerlasting
life
.
Andr.
Mus.
3.
But
this
is
no
argument
to
prooue
any
imperfection
or
defect
in
the
Scriptures
,
as
though
they
contained
not
all
things
necessarie
to
saluation
:
because
some
bookes
of
the
Canonicall
Scripture
are
now
wanting
,
as
the
Romanists
vsually
obiect
.
Bellar.
de
verb.
dei
.
c.
4.
Contr.
Of
the
sufficiencie
of
the
Scriptures
.
Lib.
36.
de
civ
.
dei
.
c.
38.
Answ.
●
.
Augustine
giueth
this
reason
,
why
some
of
those
bookes
are
now
lost
:
because
they
did
write
some
things
,
tanquam
homines
historica
diligentia
,
as
men
by
an
historicall
diligence
:
other
things
,
tanquam
Prophetae
inspiratione
diuina
:
as
Prophets
by
diuine
inspiration
:
he
seeme●h
to
thinke
that
those
bookes
,
which
are
not
now
extant
,
were
no
part
of
the
canonicall
Scripture
:
but
this
exception
may
be
made
to
this
answer
,
that
many
of
our
Sauiours
sermons
and
sayings
,
are
also
now
wanting
,
Ioh.
20.30
.
which
all
if
they
were
now
extant
,
should
as
well
be
canonicall
,
as
those
which
are
written
.
2.
We
say
then
,
that
though
it
be
graunted
,
that
those
bookes
were
propheticall
,
and
consequently
canonicall
;
yet
that
par●
of
the
Scriptures
notwithstanding
is
sufficient
which
remaineth
:
for
most
of
those
bookes
belonged
vnto
matter
of
historie
,
rather
then
of
doctrine
,
and
therefore
the
Lord
thought
them
not
to
be
so
necessarie
▪
neither
in
them
was
contained
any
other
forme
of
religion
or
rule
of
doctrine
,
then
is
exp●essed
in
the
Scriptures
;
which
now
we
haue
:
notwithstanding
then
the
want
of
these
booke●
,
the
Scriptures
are
sufficient
●o
make
the
man
of
God
perfect
to
all
good
workes
,
2.
Tim.
3.16
.
7.
Quest.
vers
.
19.
Of
Dauids
Epitaph
or
fun●rall
song
.
1.
It
hath
beene
an
auncient
custom
both
among
the
heathen
,
and
the
people
of
God
,
to
vse
funerall
orations
in
commendation
of
the
dead
:
Ieremias
writ
his
lamentations
ouer
Ierusalem
〈◊〉
the
destruction
thereof
,
and
for
the
vntimely
death
of
Iosias
:
Hierome
seemeth
to
haue
beene
much
exercised
in
writing
of
Epitaphs
.
This
vse
was
taken
vp
among
the
Greekes
to
set
forth
the
praises
not
onely
of
men
,
but
of
women
departed
:
as
the
funerall
oration
of
Aspasi●
in
Plato
.
Suetonius
writeth
,
Iulius
Caesar
did
celebrate
the
publike
commendations
of
his
Grand-mother
Iulia.
Martyr
.
2.
〈◊〉
to
vse
funerall
orations
,
commendations
,
and
memorialls
of
the
dead
,
is
not
vnlawfull
,
so
that
these
rules
be
therein
obserued
.
1.
That
it
be
done
without
adulation
or
flatterie
,
that
such
be
not
commended
and
extolled
for
their
vertues
,
which
were
most
vile
and
vicious
men
.
2.
That
no
partialitie
be
shewed
,
in
commending
one
before
an
other
,
in
setting
forth
the
praise
of
a
rich
man
,
or
of
a
kinsman
,
and
not
of
a
poore
man
,
or
one
not
allyed
,
they
beeing
all
of
like
desert
;
which
is
the
greatest
exception
that
can
be
taken
to
funerall
sermons
,
in
mine
opinion
:
when
as
a
man
that
hath
ten
shillings
bequeathed
him
for
a
funerall
sermon
,
will
commend
such
an
one
,
and
an
other
of
as
good
example
of
life
,
wanteth
that
solemnitie
.
3.
It
must
be
done
without
superstition
;
they
must
not
imagine
,
that
the
dead
receiue
any
solace
,
benefit
,
or
releefe
,
by
such
funerall
solemnities
:
but
such
commendations
,
and
setting
forth
of
the
praise
of
the
dead
,
must
altogether
redound
,
and
be
referred
to
the
praise
of
God
,
and
to
the
vse
,
exhortation
,
and
comfort
of
the
liuing
.
4.
It
is
then
a
fond
collection
of
Bellarmine
,
ad
invandas
animas
defunctorum
,
to
releeue
the
soules
of
the
dead
:
for
,
1.
Saul
died
in
despaire
,
and
so
in
the
state
of
finall
impenitencie
:
and
such
in
their
owne
doctrine
are
not
to
be
prayed
for
.
2.
The
ende
of
this
song
is
expressed
:
it
was
to
be
sung
,
to
teach
them
to
shoote
,
to
stirre
them
vp
to
learne
feats
of
warre
,
vers.
17.
it
was
then
for
the
benefit
of
the
liuing
,
not
for
the
dead
.
3.
Dauid
tooke
it
to
belong
vnto
him
to
make
this
lamentable
epitaph
vpon
Saul
and
Ionathan
;
both
in
respect
of
his
alliance
,
beeing
Sauls
sonne
in
lawe
,
and
Ionathan
his
deere
friend
;
as
also
because
he
was
the
successor
in
the
kingdome
:
and
besides
,
Dauid
was
the
cheife
and
captaine
of
this
companie
,
to
whom
this
newes
was
brought
:
and
he
beeing
indued
with
a
propheticall
spirit
,
was
exercised
in
making
such
heauenly
songs
.
Mar.
8.
Quest.
v.
20.
How
Dauid
saith
,
Tell
it
not
in
Gath
,
seeing
it
was
there
knowne
alreadie
.
1.
Here
the
Imparatiue
moode
is
taken
for
the
Optatiue
▪
af●er
the
patheticall
manner
of
those
which
mourne
,
and
expresse
their
griefe
.
Bor.
2.
There
is
a
difference
betweene
the
will
and
desire
of
man
,
and
his
deliberation
and
election
,
betweene
wishing
and
choosing
:
for
a
man
may
many
times
in
his
v●hement
affection
wish
for
such
things
,
which
cannot
be
:
but
his
election
is
onely
set
vpon
those
thing●
which
are
possible
,
and
likely
to
be
obtained
:
so
that
Dauid
rather
detesteth
this
which
was
alreadie
done
,
then
forbiddeth
it
to
be
done
.
Mar.
9.
Quest.
vers
.
21.
Of
the
true
reading
thereof
.
1.
In
the
first
part
of
the
verse
,
the
vsuall
reading
is
,
or
fields
of
offerings
,
that
is
,
from
henceforth
beare
ye
no
f●ui●
,
whereof
they
should
bring
oblation●
to
the
Lord
;
the
word
t●rumah
signifieth
eleuations
,
because
they
vsed
to
lift
or
heane-vp
their
offerings
before
the
Lord
:
the
Sept.
read
agri
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
field●
of
first
fruits
:
but
Iun.
onely
referreth
it
vnto
the
hills
;
ô
agri
editi
,
O
yee
high
fields
▪
but
the
first
interpretation
better
agreeth
with
the
former
words
,
vpon
you
be
neither
d●●e
nor
raine
▪
and
the
coniunction
copulatiue
in
the
latter
reading
is
omitted
,
vshedee
,
and
fields
.
2.
In
the
latter
part
of
the
verse
,
the
common
reading
is
,
the
sheild
of
Saul
was
●●st
downe
,
as
though
he
had
not
beene
anointed
with
oyle
:
V.P.B.G.S.L.
Iunius
interpreteth
thus
,
by
the
consumption
or
destruction
of
him
,
that
was
anointed
with
oyle
:
th●
word
is
beli
,
which
both
signifieth
not
,
and
a
consumption
:
but
the
first
reading
is
f●tte●
,
according
vnto
the
most
vsuall
signification
of
the
word
.
3.
Some
referre
the
anointing
to
the
sheild
of
Saul
,
because
they
vsed
to
anoint
their
sheilds
before
battell
:
Vatab.
S●pt
.
but
wi●h
better
sense
is
it
applyed
to
Saul
,
that
he
was
ouerthrowne
,
as
any
●ther
common
souldier
,
as
though
he
had
not
beene
the
Lords
anointed
.
Mar.
Os●an●●
▪
10.
Quest.
vers.
21.
Whether
Dauids
curse
vp●n
the
mountaines
of
Gilbo●
tooke
effect
:
Vpon
you
be
no
dewe
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
this
is
onely
a
figur●tiue
speech
,
whereby
the
Prophet
Dauid
by
a
kind
of
Prosopopeia
,
that
is
,
a
faigning
of
●
person
to
exp●esse
his
griefe
,
imagineth
as
though
the
verie
heauens
and
earth
had
a
kind
of
sense
and
feeling
of
this
calamitie
,
the
one
withholding
the
dewe
and
raine
,
the
other
the
fruits
and
encrease
thereof
.
Borr.
2.
Some
other
thinke
that
Dauid
,
to
shew
the
detestation
of
the
very
place
,
where
this
slaughter
was
committed
,
doth
thus
speake
by
way
of
wishing
,
that
the
mountaines
of
Gilboa
,
might
be
stricken
with
b●rrennesse
.
Pellic.
3.
Iunius
thinketh
that
it
is
an
hyperbolicall
imprecation
in
cursing
the
place
,
as
Iob
doth
the
time
of
his
natiuitie
,
Iob.
3.
4.
Osiander
saith
it
is
a
figuratiue
speach
.
5.
But
I
rather
thinke
that
this
is
a
propheticall
curse
,
and
tooke
effect
accordingly
,
and
say
with
Pet.
Mart.
omnino
voluit
aeternum
extare
monumentum
tanti
mali
:
he
would
haue
an
eternall
monument
be
extant
of
so
great
calamitie
:
euen
as
our
Sauiour
cursed
the
fig-tree
in
the
Gospel
:
for
it
is
not
to
be
thought
,
that
this
speech
of
the
Prophet
was
in
vaine
.
Quest.
11.
Of
the
order
and
parts
of
Dauids
mournfull
song
.
It
consisteth
of
two
parts
.
1.
The
proposition
,
containing
the
summe
of
the
whole
song
,
and
the
cause
of
Dauids
mourning
,
which
is
the
ouerthrow
of
Saul
with
his
sonnes
,
v.
19.
which
beeing
as
the
foot
or
ground
of
this
mournfull
dirtie
,
is
againe
repeated
,
v.
25.
and
it
concludeth
the
sonet
,
v.
26.
2.
The
second
part
is
the
amplification
of
this
calamitie
,
which
is
two
waies
set
forth
:
first
by
a
patheticall
imprecation
,
consisting
of
a
double
vow
or
request
:
that
the
newes
might
goe
no
further
,
if
it
be
possible
,
v.
20.
and
laying
a
curse
vpon
the
very
place
,
v.
21.
secondly
,
by
an
euident
declaration
of
the
greatnesse
of
this
losse
:
which
is
described
,
1.
by
the
excellencie
of
their
persons
,
expressed
by
their
acts
and
vertues
,
v.
22.
their
mutuall
affection
one
to
the
other
,
a●d
their
valour
compared
in
swiftnesse
to
Eagles
,
in
strength
to
Lions
.
2.
by
the
effects
,
they
enriched
and
adorned
their
subiects
,
24.
3.
by
shewing
Ionathans
ardent
loue
towards
himselfe
,
he
also
bewailed
his
owne
priuate
losse
:
vers.
26.
Iun.
Quest.
12.
vers.
23.
Vpon
these
words
:
In
their
death
they
were
not
deuided
or
separated
.
1.
Hereby
Dauid
purgeth
Ionathan
,
who
was
suspected
,
as
though
he
had
conspired
with
Dauid
agains●
Saul
:
Dauid
●leareth
him
of
this
suspition
,
seeing
Ionathan
shewed
himselfe
so
louing
and
fait●full
to
Sa●l
,
that
as
he
liued
,
so
he
died
with
him
:
Mart.
2.
Though
Saul
sometime
conceiued
displeasure
against
Ionathan
,
yet
that
shewed
his
loue
rather
toward
him
,
because
he
was
iealous
of
Dauid
for
Ionathans
sake
,
fearing
least
he
should
depriue
his
sonne
of
the
succession
of
the
kingdom
.
Pellic.
3.
Further
,
Dauid
maketh
m●ntion
of
this
vniting
and
coniunction
of
Saul
and
Ionathan
in
their
death
,
to
set
forth
the
greatnesse
of
this
calamitie
,
whereby
two
such
valiant
men
were
together
ouerthrowne
,
whereas
the
fall
of
one
excellent
man
alone
is
grieuous
,
and
much
to
be
lamented
,
Mart.
4.
Herein
we
haue
an
example
of
perfit
and
true
freindship
,
which
is
not
broken
off
by
death
:
aduersitie
,
trouble
,
and
perill
of
death
,
is
a
true
touchstone
of
freindship
:
Ionathan
was
so
faithfull
in
his
loue
toward
his
father
,
that
he
would
not
leaue
him
in
death
.
Borr.
Quest.
13.
vers.
26.
Of
the
great
loue
betweene
Ionathan
and
Dauid
.
1.
Some
doe
vnderstand
these
words
,
thy
loue
to
mee
was
wonderfull
,
passing
the
loue
●f
woman
,
of
Dauids
loue
toward
Ionathan
,
that
Dauid
loued
him
bee●e●
,
then
he
did
his
owne
wiues
:
so
the
Chald.
Vatab.
Pellic.
Osiand
.
2.
But
it
is
bet●er
vnderstood
of
Ionathans
ardent
affection
toward
Dauid
,
which
surpassed
the
loue
of
women
:
Iun.
Mart.
and
this
to
be
the
sense
,
the
former
words
doe
shew
,
My
brother
Ionathan
,
verie
kind
hast
,
thou
beene
vnto
mee
:
hee
sp●●keth
of
the
kindnesse
of
Ionathan
toward
him
,
comparing
his
owne
loue
,
to
the
lo●e
of
a
brother
,
but
the
lou●
of
Ionathan
to
the
loue
of
women
:
Iuniu●
.
for
here
in
the
eminencie
of
Ionathans
loue
appeared
,
that
he
first
beganne
,
to
loue
Dauid
:
c.
18.
●
.
The
soule
of
Ionathan
was
knit
to
the
soule
of
Dauid
:
then
he
continued
his
doe
or
both
with
his
lab●●rs
great
displeasure
,
and
to
the
hinderance
of
his
succession
in
the
kingdome
,
●
The
loue
of
women
some
doe
vnderstand
passiu●ly
,
nor
that
loue
which
men
be●re
toward
them
,
Osiand
.
Pellic.
but
it
is
rather
taken
acti●ely
,
for
that
loue
which
●omen
doe
shew
toward
their
husband●
,
Vatab.
or
toward
their
children
,
as
the
Latine
translator
he●e
interpr●t●th
.
4.
Here
we
may
see
,
that
although
we
must
loue
euery
man
,
as
our
brother
,
yet
it
standeth
with
religion
to
shewe
more
ardent
affection
toward
some
,
then
toward
others
:
as
our
blessed
Sauiour
loued
Iohn
more
then
the
rest
of
the
Apostles
.
Osiand
.
Quest.
14.
vers.
26.
Of
Dauids
commendation
of
Saul
.
1.
Where
Dauid
saith
,
how
are
the
weapons
of
warre
destroied
,
thereby
vnderstanding
Saul
and
Ionathan
,
who
were
warlike
and
valiant
men
:
hee
commendeth
not
Saul
for
his
pietie
,
or
any
spirituall
grace
,
whereof
he
was
destitute
,
but
for
his
valour
and
fortitude
:
for
these
beeing
the
gifts
of
God
,
and
so
good
in
themselues
,
may
be
commended
euen
in
the
wicked
:
Mart.
2.
In
that
Dauid
passeth
ouer
Sauls
faults
in
silence
,
and
onely
toucheth
his
vertues
,
it
teacheth
vs
to
hate
the
errours
and
infimities
of
others
,
so
farre
as
with
a
good
conscience
we
may
:
Osiand
.
3.
This
was
an
honourable
and
worthie
commendation
of
Saul
,
both
beeing
from
the
mouth
of
so
excellent
a
man
as
Dauid
was
,
and
beside
,
one
vnto
whom
Saul
had
alwaies
beene
a
professed
enemie
.
And
the
testimonie
and
commendation
of
an
enemie
is
much
to
be
regarded
.
Caesar
,
when
he
saw
Pompey
his
enemies
head
,
is
said
to
haue
wept
:
and
Hannibal
in
that
great
slaughter
of
the
Romans
at
Cannas
,
sought
diligently
for
the
bodie
of
Paulus
Aemileus
the
Romane
Captaine
there
slaine
,
to
haue
giuen
it
honourable
buriall
.
But
Dauids
affection
toward
his
enemie
farre
exceedeth
them
,
who
giueth
such
an
honourable
testimonie
and
commendation
of
him
:
Mar.
Borr.
4.
Neither
was
this
a
poeticall
and
fained
lamentation
for
Saul
:
for
the
people
of
Israel
verily
and
in
deed
,
had
receiued
a
great
blow
by
Sauls
death
:
but
that
by
Gods
mercie
,
this
losse
was
restored
in
Dauid
:
Osiand
.
5.
It
were
much
to
be
wished
,
that
all
wanton
and
lasciuious
songs
were
laid
downe
in
these
daies
:
and
that
youth
would
exercise
themselues
in
such
sonnets
as
this
of
Dauid
,
which
doe
set
forth
the
worthie
acts
and
exploits
of
such
as
haue
defended
their
countrie
,
and
protected
the
Church
of
God
.
Pellic.
CHAP.
2.
1.
Quest.
vers
.
1.
How
and
to
what
end
Dauid
asketh
counsell
of
God
.
1.
IOsephus
thinketh
,
that
Dauid
enquired
of
God
by
some
Prophet
:
as
Gad
and
Nathan
were
with
him
.
But
it
is
like
rather
,
that
he
consulted
by
the
preist
,
namly
Abiathar
,
who
had
the
Ephod
and
followed
Dauid
:
1.
Sam.
23.9
.
where
Dauid
might
vse
the
ordinarie
meanes
,
he
would
not
runne
vnto
extraordinarie
:
Mar.
Borr.
Pellic.
2.
Dauid
,
though
he
had
a
promise
of
the
kingdome
,
yet
would
not
take
possion
thereof
,
though
Saul
were
dead
,
without
direction
from
God
:
as
Iaacob
did
not
make
an
escape
from
Laban
,
before
he
was
admonished
by
the
Lord
in
a
dreame
:
which
teacheth
vs
,
not
to
enterprise
,
or
take
any
thing
in
hand
,
without
the
warrant
of
Gods
word
,
and
prayer
.
Mar.
3.
Here
appeareth
the
vnlike
and
farre
different
course
,
which
Saul
and
Dauid
followed
:
for
he
resorted
vnto
Witches
,
but
Dauid
took
his
direction
from
God
.
Borr.
2.
Quest.
vers
.
1.
Why
Dauid
is
directed
to
goe
vnto
Hebron
.
1.
This
Citie
was
famous
in
diuerse
respects
:
both
for
the
antiquitie
,
it
was
built
seauen
yeares
before
Zoan
in
Egypt
,
Numb.
13.
thither
also
came
Ioshua
and
Caleb
,
when
they
were
sent
as
spies
to
search
the
land
:
it
was
one
of
the
Cities
of
refuge
,
which
belonged
vnto
the
Leuites
:
but
it
was
most
of
all
honoured
,
because
the
famous
Patriarks
Abraham
,
Isaac
,
and
Iacob
,
were
there
buried
,
to
whom
the
promises
concerning
the
land
of
Canaan
were
made
,
and
to
Iacob
especially
concerning
the
kingdome
to
be
established
in
Iudah
:
it
wa●
therefore
very
fit
,
that
in
that
place
David
should
be
initiated
king
:
Mar.
2.
Though
Ziklag
also
belonged
vnto
Iudah
,
yet
Dauid
thought
that
to
be
an
vnfit
place
,
both
because
it
was
in
the
vtmost
borders
of
Iudah
,
and
he
held
it
now
by
the
gift
and
graunt
of
the
King
of
the
Philistims
:
therefore
he
desireth
to
remooue
to
some
other
Citie
of
Iudah
,
more
inward
in
the
countrie
,
Pellic.
3.
He
taketh
with
him
his
two
wiues
,
that
as
they
had
beene
his
companions
in
his
troubles
,
so
they
should
partake
with
him
in
his
happie
estate
:
Bor.
herein
Dauid
also
was
a
type
of
Christ
,
who
maketh
them
partakers
of
his
glorie
with
him
,
which
did
follow
him
in
his
afflictions
:
as
he
saith
to
his
Apostles
,
Yee
are
they
,
which
haue
continued
with
mee
in
my
tentations
,
therefore
I
appoint
vnto
you
a
kingdome
,
as
my
Father
hath
appointed
vnto
mee
,
Luk.
22.28.29
.
3.
Q●est
.
vers
.
4.
Why
Dauid
is
againe
annointed
King
.
1.
This
was
done
both
for
Dauids
further
confirmation
,
that
by
this
second
annointing
he
might
be
strengthened
,
in
the
vndoubted
expectation
of
the
kingdome
:
for
such
is
our
weakenesse
,
that
it
needeth
to
be
continually
supported
.
Osiand
.
2.
This
also
was
an
other
reason
thereof
,
that
as
by
the
first
annointing
by
Samuel
,
Gods
electing
of
Dauid
was
made
manifest
,
so
by
this
second
anointing
by
the
men
of
Iudah
,
their
consent
and
approbation
might
be
had
.
Borr.
3.
Herein
also
Dauid
was
a
type
of
Christ
,
whose
spirituall
anointing
to
be
our
Messiah
,
was
often
testified
,
and
declared
vnto
the
Church
for
our
further
confirmation
:
as
by
the
predictions
of
the
old
Prophets
,
by
the
pointing
out
of
Iohn
,
by
Gods
own
voice
from
heauen
,
by
diuerse
signes
and
miracles
.
Mar.
4.
Quest.
vers
.
4.
Whether
the
men
of
Iudah
were
authors
of
Schisme
in
diuiding
themselues
from
Israel
.
1.
Though
they
are
said
to
be
the
men
of
Iudah
,
yet
there
ioyned
with
them
diuerse
out
of
the
other
tribes
of
Israel
,
which
vnderstood
that
it
was
the
will
of
God
that
Dauid
should
be
King
:
as
appeareth
,
1.
Chron.
12.
to
v.
22.
yet
are
they
called
the
men
of
Iudah
,
because
the
most
and
the
chiefe
were
of
that
tribe
:
Mar.
2.
Though
the
tribe
of
Iudah
apart
from
other
tribes
annointed
Dauid
King
,
yet
they
therein
,
as
dissenting
from
all
Israel
beside
,
did
not
make
any
rent
,
or
schisme
:
for
they
were
warranted
herein
,
5.
Quest.
vers
.
5.
Of
Dauids
kind
message
to
the
men
of
Iabesh
Gilead
.
1.
Some
thinke
,
that
this
fact
of
the
men
of
Iabesh
Gilead
was
discommended
vnto
Dauid
,
as
beeing
too
much
addicted
vnto
his
professed
enemie
:
Mar.
but
it
seemeth
rather
that
Dauid
made
enquirie
after
the
bodies
of
Saul
,
and
his
sonnes
,
to
haue
bestowed
vpon
them
honourable
buriall
,
and
by
that
occasion
hee
vnderstood
of
this
thankefull
seruice
,
which
the
men
of
Iabesh
Gilead
had
done
:
Iun.
2.
Dauid
in
commending
this
dutifull
regard
in
them
of
Saul
,
sheweth
himselfe
farre
vnlike
to
the
examples
of
those
heathen
Captaines
and
commanders
Sylla
,
Marius
,
Antonius
,
Octavius
,
who
sought
reuenge
vpon
those
,
who
had
taken
part
against
them
.
Mar.
3.
Dauid
wisheth
that
God
would
shew
againe
mercie
and
truth
vnto
them
:
Gods
mercie
and
goodnesse
is
seen
in
promising
reward
vnto
our
faithfull
seruice
,
and
his
truth
and
fidelitie
in
performing
:
there
is
then
no
desert
at
Gods
hands
,
but
he
crowneth
and
rewardeth
in
mercie
the
faithfulnesse
of
his
seruants
.
Borr.
4.
Dauid
also
promiseth
for
his
part
,
to
recompence
their
kindnesse
shewed
toward
their
Master
:
6.
Quest.
vers
.
8.
Of
Abners
making
of
Ishbosheth
King
.
1.
Abner
offended
three
waies
in
making
Ishbosheth
King
.
1.
Because
he
did
it
of
an
ambitious
mind
:
he
set
vp
one
that
was
simple
,
and
of
meane
parts
to
beare
the
name
of
a
King
,
but
Abner
ruled
all
:
as
Abner
,
not
Ishbosheth
is
said
to
haue
made
all
his
power
for
the
house
of
Saul
:
c.
3.6
.
And
that
Ishbosheth
was
but
a
meane
man
,
and
of
a
cowardly
nature
appeareth
:
for
he
went
not
to
battle
with
Saul
,
as
beeing
vnfit
and
vnapt
thereunto
:
wherein
his
age
can
yeild
him
no
excuse
,
he
beeing
now
40.
yeares
old
:
Borr.
2.
Abner
did
herein
against
his
conscience
,
beeing
not
ignorant
,
that
God
had
appointed
Dauid
to
be
King
,
as
he
himselfe
confesseth
,
c.
3.18
.
3.
A
third
fault
of
his
was
,
that
hee
maketh
Ishbosheth
King
,
whereas
Mephiboseth
the
sonne
of
Ionathan
the
eldest
sonne
of
Saul
,
was
now
liuing
:
Mart.
7.
Quest.
Why
Abner
brought
Ishbosheth
to
Mahanaim
.
1.
Some
translate
this
word
appellatiuely
,
for
the
Host
,
or
Campe
:
as
L.S.A.P.
but
it
is
rather
the
name
of
a
place
on
the
other
side
of
Iordan
,
so
first
called
by
Iacob
,
because
there
he
met
the
Lords
host
.
Gen.
32.
so
C.
Vat.
Iun.
2.
The
cause
why
he
fled
with
Ishbosheth
to
Mahanaim
,
was
as
Iosephus
thinketh
,
that
he
might
be
safe
from
the
Philistims
,
whose
countrie
was
on
this
side
of
Iordan
bordering
vpon
the
Sea
:
but
beside
this
,
two
other
reasons
may
be
yeelded
thereof
:
because
Abner
suspected
,
least
the
men
of
Iabesh
Gilead
,
whom
Dauid
had
entreated
so
kindly
should
fall
away
from
Ishbosheth
;
and
therefore
he
thought
it
the
best
course
,
that
the
king
should
reside
there
,
to
retaine
and
continue
their
affections
:
as
also
Mahanaim
being
in
the
Land
of
Bashan
,
a
fruitful
and
fertile
countrie
,
was
in
that
behalfe
verie
fit
to
be
the
Kings
Citie
.
Mar.
3.
That
part
of
Israel
is
also
described
,
ouer
the
which
Ishbosheth
raigned
:
Gilead
is
taken
for
all
the
countrie
beyond
Iordan
,
a
part
beeing
taken
for
the
whole
;
the
countrie
of
Ashur
was
the
furthest
toward
the
North
:
Iezrahel
containeth
the
middle
region
of
Ishachar
,
Zebulun
,
and
Nephtali
:
these
with
Ephraim
and
Beniamin
did
inhabit
in
al
the
breadth
of
the
land
between
Iordan
and
the
sea
:
so
in
a
manner
it
containeth
a
description
of
all
Israel
on
each
side
of
Iordan
,
Iudah
excepted
.
Iun.
8.
Quest.
vers
.
11.
Whether
Ishbosheth
raigned
onely
two
yeares
ouer
Israel
.
Whereas
Ishbosheth
is
said
to
haue
raigned
two
yeares
ouer
Israel
;
and
Dauid
seauen
yeares
in
Hebron
,
before
he
obtained
the
kingdome
ouer
all
Israel
,
it
seemeth
that
the
kingdome
of
Israel
lay
vacant
5.
yeares
:
to
reconcile
these
places
,
and
to
remooue
this
doubt
,
Pellic.
Borr.
But
this
is
more
vnlike
then
the
other
,
that
the
Israelites
hauing
no
head
,
beeing
well
enclined
to
Dauid
,
while
Ishbosheth
liued
,
would
withhold
their
consent
from
Dauid
fiue
yeares
after
his
death
.
3.
Therefore
the
best
exposition
is
,
not
that
Ishbosheth
raigned
onely
two
yeares
in
all
:
but
that
he
had
raigned
two
yeares
vntill
this
time
,
when
Abner
went
out
against
Ioab
,
as
it
followeth
v.
12.
R.
Levi.
Mart.
Iun.
As
Saul
is
said
to
haue
raigned
two
yeares
ouer
Israel
,
1.
Sam.
13.1
.
not
simply
,
but
after
a
sort
,
as
lawfull
King
he
raigned
no
longer
.
Quest.
9.
v.
12.
Why
Dauid
did
not
seeke
by
force
of
armes
to
recouer
the
kingdome
.
1.
Dauid
remembred
the
oath
which
he
had
made
to
Saul
,
at
that
time
,
when
he
had
cut
off
the
lap
of
his
garment
in
the
caue
,
that
he
would
not
destroie
the
seed
of
Saul
,
nor
abolish
his
name
:
1.
Sam.
24.22
.
and
therefore
he
would
not
attempt
any
violence
against
Sauls
house
.
Mar.
●
.
This
skirmish
was
begunne
by
Abner
:
who
,
as
Iosephus
writeth
,
was
angrie
with
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
for
making
Dauid
King
,
and
therefore
seeketh
to
be
reuenged
of
them
.
3.
Yet
Dauid
would
not
for
his
othes
sake
,
goe
against
his
brethren
himselfe
,
but
sendeth
Ioab
,
who
also
doth
protract
the
time
,
and
deferreth
to
fight
,
not
for
that
he
was
the
weaker
,
but
it
is
most
like
he
did
it
by
Dauids
direction
,
to
shew
how
vnwilling
he
was
to
haue
any
warre
with
them
.
Mar.
Quest.
10.
v.
14.
Of
Abners
words
to
Ioab
,
Let
the
young
men
arise
,
and
play
before
vs
.
1.
His
meaning
was
,
that
they
should
come
forth
and
trie
their
valure
one
in
hewing
and
cutting
an
other
,
and
so
shew
them
a
bloodie
play
:
Vatab.
Iun.
2.
This
was
like
to
the
sword
plaies
among
the
Romanes
,
L.
Florus
maketh
mention
how
Iunius
Brutus
did
exhibite
in
the
funerall
of
his
father
22.
couples
of
sword
players
:
which
he
intended
,
to
expiate
the
ghosts
of
the
dead
,
but
it
was
rather
to
please
the
deuill
.
This
kind
of
sauage
and
beastly
spectacles
Theodosius
the
Emperour
abhorred
,
and
would
not
behold
them
:
yea
Demonax
among
the
Athenians
,
when
the
people
consulted
about
the
shewing
of
these
sword
plaies
,
said
,
that
they
must
first
break
down
the
altar
of
Mercie
,
because
such
were
so
cruell
and
mercilesse
sights
.
3.
This
kind
of
sword
plaie
,
and
bloodie
spectacle
,
was
farre
worse
,
then
the
monomachie
,
or
single
cumbate
,
when
one
to
one
,
did
fight
hand
to
hand
for
the
victorie
:
Mar.
which
was
vnlawfull
,
as
hath
beene
shewed
before
in
part
,
vpon
the
16.
chap.
of
1.
of
Samuel
,
and
now
commeth
further
to
be
declared
.
Quest.
11.
v.
15.
Of
the
setting
forth
twelue
of
Beniamin
against
twelue
of
Dauids
seruants
.
1.
It
is
simply
vnlawfull
,
to
set
one
to
one
,
or
a
certaine
number
of
men
against
the
like
number
,
to
trie
it
by
dint
of
sword
,
and
shedding
of
blood
,
as
the
Romans
&
Albanes
,
did
put
the
triall
of
their
gouernement
vpon
the
aduenture
of
the
three
Horatij
on
the
one
side
,
and
the
three
Curiatij
on
the
other
.
1.
It
is
a
tempting
of
God
,
when
as
they
put
all
vpon
such
an
hazard
,
there
beeing
other
meanes
beside
for
the
triall
of
matters
.
2.
They
put
their
confidence
in
the
arme
of
flesh
trusting
vnto
their
owne
strength
▪
3.
Such
cumbates
are
against
charitie
,
one
seeking
an
others
life
.
4.
And
against
faith
all
such
actions
are
,
hauing
no
warrant
in
the
word
.
2.
Diuerse
causes
may
be
pretended
of
such
monomachies
,
and
single
cumbates
:
which
are
not
yet
sufficient
to
iustifie
them
or
make
them
lawfull
:
first
,
they
alleadge
,
that
when
it
can
not
otherwise
be
knowen
to
whom
the
right
belongeth
in
the
trialls
of
title
,
and
in
other
criminall
causes
,
who
is
guiltie
,
who
innocent
,
that
in
such
doubtfull
case
,
the
matter
may
be
decided
,
by
such
a
cumbate
.
Contra.
1.
There
are
fowre
waies
prescribed
in
Scripture
,
whereby
to
sift
out
the
truth
:
by
testimonie
of
witnes
,
by
euidence
of
writing
,
Ierem.
32.10
.
by
confession
,
Iosh.
7.
Achan
acknowledged
his
offence
:
or
by
the
oath
of
the
partie
,
Exod.
22.11
.
if
by
none
of
these
meanes
the
truth
can
come
to
light
,
the
partie
accused
is
to
be
freed
,
and
the
matter
left
vnto
the
iudgement
of
God
.
2.
This
were
to
tempt
God
,
to
shew
a
miracle
in
giuing
the
victorie
vnto
the
innocent
:
as
sometime
they
vsed
to
walke
vpon
an
boat
yron
barefoot
,
or
to
put
their
hand
into
scalding
water
for
the
triall
of
their
innocencie
.
3.
And
this
is
an
vncertaine
way
to
trie
out
the
truth
:
for
oftentimes
it
falleth
out
,
that
in
such
fights
the
innocent
partie
is
slaine
.
Secondly
,
an
other
cause
is
to
trie
their
manhood
,
and
make
ostentation
of
their
v●lou●
,
as
in
publike
turnaments
,
and
iustings
.
But
,
though
such
exercises
are
tolerable
,
which
are
kept
without
danger
of
life
,
as
the
running
at
tilt
,
and
such
like
,
yet
the
life
of
man
is
more
precious
in
the
sight
of
God
,
then
for
publike
ostentation
to
be
brought
into
apparant
perill
:
and
beside
,
such
challenges
are
against
charity
,
because
certainly
the
one
of
them
dieth
.
Fourthly
,
some
thinke
,
that
when
a
battell
is
pitched
,
it
were
better
that
a
few
men
should
trie
it
for
the
whole
campe
,
rather
then
there
should
be
a
generall
effusion
of
blood
.
Contra.
If
the
cause
of
such
warre
be
iust
(
as
without
a
iust
cause
no
warre
ought
to
be
enterprised
)
this
were
to
betray
the
goodnes
of
the
cause
,
in
committing
such
a
triall
.
And
further
,
the
meanes
should
be
neglected
,
which
God
offreth
,
which
is
by
a
iust
battell
,
to
decide
the
cause
.
Fiftly
,
if
the
Magistrate
beeing
corrupt
,
doe
giue
sentence
against
the
Innocent
to
die
,
vnlesse
he
will
trie
it
by
the
sword
with
his
aduersarie
,
in
this
case
also
some
giue
allowance
to
such
cumbates
.
Contra.
The
innocent
is
rather
with
patience
to
abide
euen
the
hardest
sentence
of
the
vniust
Magistrate
,
then
to
commit
sinne
in
the
killing
of
an
other
:
for
we
ought
rather
to
die
,
then
sinne
.
3.
It
will
now
on
the
other
side
be
obiected
,
1.
That
seeing
warre
is
lawfull
,
and
these
manomachies
are
but
a
kind
of
warre
,
they
are
as
lawfull
.
2.
Lots
were
lawfull
,
but
these
singular
cumbates
are
but
a
kind
of
lot
.
3.
Dauids
cumbate
with
Goliah
was
lawfull
.
Contra.
1.
There
is
great
difference
betweene
warre
,
and
a
monomachie
,
or
sole
fight
:
because
there
the
battell
is
ioyned
together
by
the
strength
and
helpe
of
many
,
one
companie
seconding
another
:
but
here
the
aduenture
lieth
vpon
a
few
:
and
in
Scripture
we
haue
presidents
of
the
one
,
but
not
of
the
other
.
2.
In
the
casting
of
lots
there
followeth
no
slaughter
,
as
in
this
case
,
therefore
they
are
vnlike
:
for
though
Ionas
were
taken
by
lot
,
yet
he
was
cast
ouer
board
by
his
owne
direction
hauing
a
propheticall
instinct
.
3.
The
like
is
to
be
answered
concerning
Dauid
,
that
he
tooke
that
enterprise
in
hand
by
the
extraordinarie
motion
of
Gods
spirit
.
4.
Yet
there
is
a
kind
of
Monomachie
that
is
commendable
in
a
Christian
,
which
is
the
spirituall
and
internall
cumbate
betweene
the
spirit
and
the
flesh
:
whereof
the
Apostle
speaketh
,
I
see
an
other
law
in
my
members
,
rebelling
against
the
law
of
my
minde
:
Rom.
7.22
.
Mar.
12.
Quest.
v.
17.
Who
they
were
which
were
slaine
in
this
skirmish
.
1.
The
24.
which
were
chosen
,
on
each
side
twelue
,
were
all
slaine
,
they
one
killed
an
other
,
there
was
not
one
left
:
which
may
seeme
the
more
strange
,
that
euery
one
of
them
,
assaulted
one
another
in
such
sort
,
as
that
all
of
them
fell
downe
wounded
:
which
sheweth
with
what
egernes
of
mind
this
fight
was
prosecuted
.
2.
But
afterward
,
these
champions
beeing
thus
slaine
,
the
other
armies
ioyned
,
and
Abners
men
were
put
to
the
worse
:
Ioseph
.
Quest.
13.
v.
16.
Of
the
name
of
the
place
,
called
chelcath
hazzurim
.
1.
Some
read
,
the
place
was
called
:
S.L.B.G.
but
in
the
originall
it
is
,
hee
called
,
that
is
,
euery
one
,
as
Iun.
or
he
which
first
gaue
the
name
:
Vatab.
2.
As
for
the
name
,
some
giue
the
interpretation
of
it
;
as
the
field
or
portion
of
the
strong
:
Iun.
Lat.
or
the
part
of
the
lyers
in
waite
:
Sep.
or
the
inheritance
of
the
killing
of
the
strong
.
C.
or
the
portion
or
field
of
the
sword
points
:
for
tzur
signifieth
both
strong
,
and
the
point
of
a
sword
:
and
chelkah
is
taken
for
the
part
or
portion
of
a
field
,
Gen.
33.19
.
Iun.
3.
But
s●eing
it
is
the
proper
name
of
a
place
,
the
originall
name
is
better
retained
:
euery
one
called
it
,
chelkath
hazzurim
:
so
read
Mont.
Pag.
B.G.
3.
This
name
then
was
taken
vp
,
as
a
monument
,
not
of
true
fortitude
,
but
of
cruell
rage
shewed
in
that
place
.
Mar.
14.
Quest.
v.
18.
Of
Asahels
swiftnesse
of
foote
.
1.
This
Asahel
was
brother
vnto
Ioab
,
and
Abishai
,
who
were
all
in
this
battell
,
and
he
is
numbred
among
Dauids
Worthies
,
1.
Chron.
11.
Mar.
he
is
said
to
be
swift
as
a
roe
,
by
a
kind
of
hyperbolicall
speech
:
as
Saul
and
Ionathan
are
said
to
be
swifter
then
Eagles
,
chap.
1.23
.
Iosephus
writeth
he
was
so
swift
,
that
he
did
not
onely
contend
with
men
,
but
with
horse
in
running
.
2.
Here
in
Asahel
we
see
that
saying
of
the
Preacher
verefied
,
That
the
race
is
not
to
the
swift
,
nor
the
battell
to
the
strong
:
15.
Quest.
v.
21.
Of
these
words
,
Take
thee
one
of
the
young
men
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
Abner
meaneth
,
if
Asahel
were
afraid
to
returne
alone
,
that
he
should
take
any
one
of
the
young
men
to
beare
him
companie
:
and
if
he
were
afraid
of
him
,
he
should
take
away
from
him
his
weapons
:
Chimh
.
whom
Vatablus
followeth
.
2.
Iosephus
thinketh
,
that
he
couenanteth
with
Asahel
,
so
that
he
would
depart
,
and
let
him
alone
,
that
he
should
take
any
young
mans
armour
in
the
host
,
and
so
goe
his
way
.
3.
But
the
meaning
is
thus
rather
;
that
he
would
haue
him
trie
his
manhood
,
with
any
other
souldier
of
the
host
,
and
not
with
him
,
least
he
might
after
repent
him
:
Mart.
and
so
he
giueth
him
leaue
to
encounter
with
any
of
his
souldiers
,
to
slay
him
,
and
take
his
spoyle
:
wherein
the
fashion
and
guise
of
captaines
is
seene
in
these
daies
,
that
make
small
account
of
the
life
of
their
common
souldiers
.
Osiand
.
16.
Quest.
v.
23.
Of
the
death
of
Asahel
.
1.
Abner
assaid
by
all
meanes
to
perswade
Asahel
to
desist
,
and
leaue
off
to
follow
him
:
for
he
was
afraid
of
Ioab
Asahels
brother
,
if
he
should
kill
Asahel
,
least
this
might
be
an
hindrance
vnto
the
peace
,
which
he
hoped
to
make
with
Ioab
:
Mar.
or
it
might
come
into
his
mind
,
as
afterward
,
chap.
3.18
.
that
the
kingdome
should
be
established
in
Dauid
,
and
that
Ioab
should
be
a
great
man
with
him
:
and
therefore
he
was
loath
to
offend
him
.
Borr.
2.
And
by
this
ruine
of
Asahel
,
we
see
it
pleaseth
not
God
,
that
euen
an
enemie
,
especially
offering
peace
and
reconciliation
,
should
be
too
eagerly
pursued
:
as
that
wise
saying
of
the
elder
Scipio
is
remembred
;
that
a
way
is
to
be
●●de
euen
to
an
enemie
,
when
he
flieth
.
Borrh.
17.
Quest.
v.
26.
Of
Abners
perswasion
to
Ioab
to
giue
ouer
.
The
Sunne
beeing
now
set
,
and
so
by
Gods
prouidence
the
opportunitie
of
further
prosecuting
the
battell
beeing
cut
off
:
and
beside
Abner
and
his
men
standing
vpon
their
gard
,
both
flocking
together
on
an
heape
,
and
taking
the
aduantage
of
the
place
vpon
an
hill
:
Iun.
then
Abner
beganne
to
mooue
Ioab
to
cease
pursuing
them
,
and
thereunto
he
vseth
three
reasons
.
The
first
is
from
humanitie
,
that
he
should
not
suffer
the
sword
to
deuoure
alwaies
:
for
warre
beeing
one
of
those
things
,
which
is
not
desired
for
it selfe
,
but
as
it
tendeth
to
peace
,
it
must
be
vsed
in
measure
:
such
things
as
are
to
be
desired
for
themselues
,
can
not
be
too
much
followed
,
as
vertue
,
honestie
;
but
those
things
which
are
desired
and
sought
to
some
other
ende
,
must
be
limited
and
confined
.
The
second
is
,
that
euen
such
victories
,
are
not
without
losse
,
and
griefe
,
euen
vnto
those
that
haue
the
better
:
as
the
Israelites
when
they
did
fight
against
Beniamin
,
though
they
ouercame
them
at
the
length
,
yet
they
were
twice
foyled
before
,
Iudg.
20.
Mart.
Beside
,
saying
,
it
will
be
bitternes
in
the
ende
,
he
sheweth
,
that
his
souldiers
beeing
in
despaire
of
victorie
,
if
they
were
still
vrged
and
pursued
,
might
in
the
bitternesse
of
their
heart
be
prouoked
,
and
so
seeke
to
reuenge
themselues
:
as
a
beare
rageth
,
beeing
robbed
of
her
whelps
.
Pellic.
His
third
reason
is
from
their
affinitie
,
because
they
were
brethren
.
The
Romane
Chronicles
make
mention
,
that
in
the
battell
betweene
Sylla
,
and
C●nna
,
and
Marius
,
one
brother
chanced
to
kill
an
other
;
and
after
he
perceiued
,
that
he
was
his
brother
,
he
drew
out
his
sword
,
and
killed
himselfe
.
It
is
therefore
a
forceable
perswasion
vnto
peace
,
because
they
are
brethren
.
Mart.
18.
Quest.
v.
27.
Of
Ioabs
answer
to
Abner
.
1.
Ioab
refuseth
not
to
be
aduertised
by
his
enemie
,
and
to
heare
reason
from
him
:
for
the
truth
is
to
be
receiued
at
whosoeuers
hand
.
Mar.
2.
Ioab
knowing
it
was
Dauids
minde
rather
to
obtaine
the
kingdome
by
peaceable
meanes
,
then
by
crueltie
and
bloodshed
,
was
content
to
giue
ouer
the
battell
vpon
this
occasion
,
for
this
time
:
for
the
warre
continued
still
after
this
,
betweene
the
house
of
Dauid
,
and
the
house
of
Saul
.
Borr.
Mar.
3.
Ioab
laieth
the
fault
vpon
Abner
,
protesting
in
the
name
of
God
,
that
if
Abner
had
not
first
prouoked
them
to
battell
,
they
had
giuen
ouer
in
the
morning
,
when
no
assault
was
yet
made
.
Mar.
Iun.
Osiand
.
19.
Quest.
v.
29.
Of
Bithron
,
through
the
which
Abner
passed
.
1.
Some
read
Bethoron
,
as
the
Latine
translatour
:
Pellic.
Borr.
Bish.
but
Bethoron
the
vpper
,
and
Bethoron
the
neather
,
were
both
on
this
side
of
Iordan
:
this
was
beyond
Iordan
.
Borr.
2.
The
most
read
Bithron
,
making
it
a
proper
name
:
Pag.
Montan.
Vatab.
Genev.
but
we
doe
not
read
,
that
all
that
countrey
beyond
Iordan
,
was
called
by
one
peculiar
and
proper
name
.
3.
I
rather
condescend
to
Iunius
,
that
it
is
here
rather
an
appellatiue
,
then
a
proper
name
,
and
signifieth
,
the
separate
or
diuided
countrey
:
for
so
Bether
,
signifieth
separation
:
as
Cant.
2.17
.
the
mountaines
of
Bether
,
that
is
,
of
separation
:
so
the
Septuag.
read
not
much
differing
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
whole
plaine
:
the
meaning
then
is
,
that
Abner
and
his
men
went
through
all
the
countrey
on
the
other
side
of
Iordan
,
which
was
diuided
from
the
rest
of
Israel
by
the
riuer
Iordan
,
till
he
came
to
Mahanaim
,
where
Ishbosheth
was
.
29.
Quest.
v.
31.
Of
the
lawfulnesse
of
warre
.
1.
In
that
Ioab
by
Dauids
authoritie
did
encounter
with
Abner
,
and
his
men
,
and
obtained
victorie
of
them
,
and
smote
of
Abner
and
his
men
,
360.
men
;
we
see
,
that
it
is
lawfull
▪
for
Christians
now
also
vpon
iust
occasion
to
wage
battell
,
as
may
appeare
by
these
reasons
,
and
places
of
Scripture
.
1.
Iohn
Baptist
,
when
the
souldiers
came
vnto
him
,
did
not
bid
them
renounce
their
calling
,
but
onely
saide
,
Doe
violence
to
no
man
,
neither
accuse
any
falsly
,
&c.
he
would
onely
haue
them
to
keepe
within
their
bounds
.
2.
Cornelius
the
Centurion
,
Act.
10.
pleased
God
in
that
calling
,
and
his
prayers
were
heard
,
and
almes
accepted
before
God
.
3.
God
gaue
diuerse
lawes
vnto
his
people
concerning
warre
:
as
Deut.
20.6.7
.
it
is
prescribed
,
who
should
be
exempted
and
freèd
from
battell
,
and
in
what
manner
they
should
behaue
themselues
in
battell
,
v.
10.
but
if
it
had
beene
vnlawfull
at
all
to
make
warre
,
it
would
rather
by
law
haue
been
altogether
prohibited
and
restrained
,
then
by
certaine
orders
and
rules
commended
.
4.
Warre
also
is
ascribed
vnto
God
,
as
Exod.
17.16
.
The
Lord
will
haue
warre
with
Amalek
:
and
Dauid
is
said
,
to
fight
the
battels
of
the
Lord
,
1.
Sam.
25.28
.
But
God
is
not
the
author
of
euill
.
2.
But
as
it
is
lawfull
to
wage
battell
,
so
yet
euerie
kind
of
warre
is
not
lawfull
.
These
conditions
then
therein
are
required
.
First
,
that
warre
is
not
to
be
attempted
without
the
authoritie
of
the
Magistrate
:
for
to
him
the
sword
is
committed
;
as
the
Apostle
saith
,
He
beareth
not
the
sword
for
naught
.
Rom.
13.4
.
therefore
it
is
not
lawfull
for
priuate
men
of
their
owne
head
to
beare
armes
:
but
in
case
of
extreame
necessitie
,
as
where
the
enemies
make
sodaine
inuasion
,
when
there
is
no
time
to
consult
with
the
Magistrate
:
who
yet
haue
the
secret
consent
and
authoritie
of
the
Magistrate
,
whose
will
is
,
that
his
subiects
should
be
preserued
from
wrong
.
Secondly
,
the
cause
of
warre
must
be
iust
and
honest
,
as
to
deliuer
the
oppressed
,
to
suppresse
the
enemies
of
God
,
to
recouer
things
wrongfully
taken
away
,
and
for
such
like
causes
.
Thirdly
,
it
must
be
enterprized
with
a
good
minde
;
not
to
seeke
reuenge
,
or
with
a
desire
to
the
spoile
of
the
enemies
,
or
to
grow
rich
by
warre
,
as
mercenarie
souldiers
for
no
other
cause
loue
warre
:
but
first
all
honest
meanes
must
be
vsed
for
peace
before
warre
be
attempted
;
and
then
the
other
conditions
concurring
,
they
must
proceede
to
battell
,
setting
before
them
chiefely
the
glorie
of
God
,
to
the
ende
they
may
liue
in
peace
.
3.
The
contrarie
obiections
of
the
Anabaptists
,
1.
Our
Sauiour
Christ
saith
,
Resist
not
euill
,
whosoeuer
will
smite
thee
on
the
right
cheek
,
turne
to
him
the
other
also
.
2.
Christ
said
to
Peter
,
Hee
that
smiteth
with
the
sword
,
shall
perrish
with
the
sword
.
3.
S.
Paul
findeth
fault
with
the
Corinthians
for
going
one
to
lawe
with
an
other
,
1.
Cor.
6.
much
lesse
is
it
lawfull
to
goe
to
warre
.
4.
Christ
in
the
parable
would
not
haue
the
tares
weeded
out
,
but
to
remaine
vntill
the
time
of
haruest
,
therefore
warre
is
not
to
bee
taken
in
hand
for
to
purge
the
euill
.
4.
Christ
saith
vnto
his
Apostles
,
My
peace
I
giue
vnto
you
:
Christs
kingdome
is
peaceable
,
of
the
which
the
Prophet
Isay
saith
,
they
shall
breake
their
swords
into
mattocks
,
and
their
speares
into
sythes
,
Isay.
2.4
.
How
is
this
Prophesie
verified
,
if
now
Christians
vnder
the
kingdome
of
Christ
should
defend
themselues
with
speares
and
swords
?
6.
The
warfare
of
a
Christian
is
now
spirituall
:
as
the
Apostle
sheweth
,
That
wee
wrestle
not
against
flesh
and
blood
,
but
against
principallities
and
powers
,
&c.
against
spirituall
wickednesses
:
and
therefore
he
would
haue
vs
put
on
the
armour
of
God
.
Such
are
their
reasons
,
which
are
thus
briefly
answered
.
Contr.
1.
Our
Sauiour
in
that
place
speaketh
not
of
the
authoritie
of
the
Magistrate
,
but
of
euery
priuate
mans
dutie
,
that
they
should
be
readie
to
suffer
wrong
,
if
they
see
it
make
more
for
the
glorie
of
God
,
and
the
winning
of
their
brother
:
for
otherwise
our
Sauiour
himselfe
did
not
keepe
it
according
to
the
letter
:
for
when
he
was
smitten
vpon
the
one
cheeke
,
he
did
not
turne
the
other
:
and
S.
Paul
beeing
smitten
vpon
the
face
,
Act.
23.
answered
againe
.
2.
S.
Peter
also
was
a
priuate
man
,
and
beside
,
he
vsed
the
sword
in
his
heat
,
with
a
reuengefull
minde
,
and
therefore
he
receiued
that
answer
.
3.
The
Apostle
doth
not
simply
forbid
to
goe
to
Lawe
;
but
two
things
he
findeth
fault
with
:
the
one
,
because
they
drewe
their
brethren
before
the
tribunall
of
heathen
Iudges
:
the
other
,
for
that
they
were
apt
vpon
euerie
occasion
to
goe
to
lawe
,
and
would
not
suffer
any
wrong
at
all
.
4.
In
that
parable
our
Sauiour
intreateth
not
of
the
dutie
either
of
Magistrate
or
Minister
:
but
sheweth
the
present
condition
of
the
Church
what
it
is
,
that
it
shall
neuer
be
without
tares
:
for
if
that
were
the
meaning
,
as
they
pretend
,
then
there
should
be
no
place
left
for
any
ciuill
punishment
,
or
Ecclesiasticall
censure
.
5.
Christ
indeede
left
peace
vnto
his
disciples
,
both
the
internall
peace
of
conscience
,
and
the
externall
also
to
them
,
which
are
his
true
followers
:
neither
betweene
Christian
Princes
and
kingdomes
,
which
truely
professe
the
Gospel
of
Christ
,
doth
there
vse
to
be
warre
:
If
Christians
then
were
such
as
by
their
profession
they
ought
to
be
,
that
prophesie
would
haue
his
effect
here
in
this
world
:
but
now
because
there
are
many
carnall
men
in
the
Church
,
which
mooue
debate
and
dissention
,
it
is
sufficient
for
vs
,
that
this
promise
of
peace
beeing
but
in
part
begun
here
,
be
respited
for
the
full
and
finall
accomplishment
thereof
vnto
the
next
life
.
6.
As
wee
are
Christians
indeede
,
so
our
aduersaries
are
spirituall
,
and
our
armour
spirituall
:
but
besides
,
wee
are
men
,
and
encumbered
with
the
affaires
and
businesse
of
this
world
,
and
haue
other
carnall
aduersaries
.
And
the
Apostle
speaketh
by
way
of
comparison
,
that
our
carnall
enemies
are
nothing
to
our
spi●ituall
,
and
th●refore
these
are
named
not
as
our
onely
enemies
,
but
as
the
cheife
.
ex
Mart.
21.
Quest.
v.
32.
At
what
time
Asahel
was
buried
.
1.
Iosephus
thinketh
,
that
Ioab
lodged
in
the
campe
all
that
night
,
and
the
next
day
after
they
had
buried
Asahel
,
and
the
rest
which
were
slaine
,
that
then
they
returned
to
Hebron
to
the
King
:
but
the
text
is
contrarie
,
that
Ioab
and
his
men
went
all
night
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
Ioab
buried
him
the
same
night
in
Bethlem
,
and
by
break
of
day
came
to
Hebron
:
whereby
it
may
appeare
,
that
the
iourney
was
short
,
and
the
distance
of
the
place
not
great
.
Pellic.
But
it
is
not
like
that
this
buriall
was
done
in
the
night
,
neither
that
Ioab
would
foreslack
the
time
to
carrie
newes
vnto
the
king
of
his
good
successe
.
3.
Therefore
it
is
more
like
,
that
Ioab
made
speed
going
all
night
till
he
came
to
Hebron
to
the
King
:
and
that
afterward
at
more
leisure
,
he
attended
the
funerall
and
buriall
of
his
brother
:
Mar.
for
it
is
no
rare
thing
in
Scripture
,
by
an
anticipation
of
the
historie
,
to
set
downe
that
as
done
at
the
same
time
,
which
was
notwithstanding
effected
afterward
.
Osiand
.
CHAP.
3.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
How
long
the
warre
continued
betweene
the
house
of
Dauid
,
and
the
house
of
Saul
.
1.
SOme
thinke
that
this
warre
continued
the
space
of
two
yeares
,
during
which
time
Ishbosheth
is
said
to
haue
raigned
ouer
Israel
,
c.
2.10
.
Genevens
.
But
it
is
shewed
before
,
quest.
8.
of
the
former
chapter
:
that
there
the
whole
time
is
not
set
downe
of
Ishbosheths
raigne
,
but
onely
how
long
he
had
raigned
till
that
businesse
fell
out
betweene
Ioab
and
Abner
:
which
beeing
the
beginning
of
the
warre
between
the
two
houses
,
continued
a
good
while
after
.
Ioseph
.
2.
Neither
was
there
any
generall
or
publike
warre
betweene
them
,
but
a
continuall
emulation
and
opposition
:
Pel.
neither
is
there
any
mention
made
of
any
other
battell
,
sauing
of
the
former
in
the
second
chapter
,
which
rather
was
a
skirmish
,
then
a
set
battell
.
Mart.
3.
Dauids
house
encreased
,
Sauls
decreased
,
as
this
chapter
sheweth
,
how
Abner
,
the
cheife
vpholder
of
Sauls
house
fell
away
from
Ishbosheth
.
And
hereby
is
signified
the
increase
of
the
kingdome
of
Christ
,
and
the
finall
decay
and
ruine
of
the
kingdome
of
Sathan
.
Mart.
2.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
Dauids
sonnes
borne
vnto
him
in
Hebron
.
1.
Gods
prouidence
herein
notably
appeared
,
that
Dauid
all
the
while
he
was
in
exile
had
no
children
,
but
now
beeing
setled
in
his
kingdome
,
he
hath
sonnes
borne
vnto
him
.
Mart.
2.
But
in
that
of
sixe
wiues
he
had
but
sixe
sonnes
,
this
may
bee
obserued
,
that
the
marriage
of
many
wiues
was
not
blessed
with
fruitfulnesse
:
Salomon
had
700.
wiues
,
and
300.
concubines
,
yet
but
one
sonne
Rehoboam
.
As
though
nature
it selfe
gaine
saied
such
mariages
,
as
beeing
contrarie
to
the
first
institution
in
the
creation
.
Pellic.
3.
Dauid
had
small
comfort
by
these
children
:
his
eldest
sonne
Ammon
committed
incest
,
and
was
slaine
by
Absalom
:
Absalom
rebelled
against
his
father
:
Adoniah
for
affecting
the
kingdome
was
put
to
death
by
Salomon
:
So
good
men
may
be
crossed
in
their
children
:
and
parents
to
whom
God
sendeth
children
,
must
therefore
pray
vnto
God
,
to
make
them
good
children
.
Mart.
3.
Quest.
v.
3.
Whether
it
were
lawfull
for
Dauid
to
take
to
wife
the
daughter
of
the
King
of
Geshur
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
Dauid
offended
God
in
this
mariage
,
and
therefore
he
was
punished
in
his
rebellious
sonne
Absolom
the
offspring
of
that
mariage
.
Borr.
2.
But
it
is
rather
to
be
thought
,
that
Dauid
herein
did
not
doe
any
vnlawfull
thing
:
for
they
were
onely
forbidden
to
ioyne
in
mariage
with
the
nations
of
the
Cananites
,
Hiuites
,
Iebuzites
,
Pherezites
,
and
the
rest
:
now
the
Geshurites
were
none
of
them
,
but
were
a
people
of
the
Amalekites
,
1.
Sam.
27.8
.
And
it
was
permitted
by
the
law
,
for
the
Israelites
to
haue
to
their
wiues
the
captiue
women
,
which
were
taken
in
battell
,
Deut.
21.13
.
though
such
kind
of
mariages
were
rather
tolerated
,
then
commanded
and
allowed
by
the
law
.
3.
So
it
seemeth
that
Dauid
tooke
this
Maacah
among
the
captiues
of
the
Geshurites
,
whome
he
inuaded
:
whome
it
is
like
he
had
taken
to
him
before
he
came
to
Hebron
:
but
yet
shee
was
not
then
accounted
among
his
wiues
,
as
beeing
not
yet
fully
purged
from
her
superstitious
Gentilisme
.
Mart.
4.
Quest.
v.
5.
Why
Eglah
is
onely
called
Dauids
wife
.
1.
Some
thinke
,
because
shee
was
but
of
base
parentage
,
and
was
not
by
any
other
thing
commended
,
then
that
shee
was
Dauids
wife
,
she
is
so
called
,
Vatab.
but
there
are
diuers
other
of
Dauids
wiues
also
,
as
Haggith
,
Abital
,
of
whome
no
honourable
mention
is
made
,
sauing
that
they
were
Dauids
wiues
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
this
Eglah
was
Michol
,
called
the
wife
of
Dauid
,
because
shee
was
chiefe
among
them
,
as
Rachel
was
Iaakobs
principall
wife
:
and
that
shee
was
barren
from
that
time
,
when
shee
mocked
Dauid
,
chap.
6.
but
she
might
notwithstanding
haue
had
a
child
before
.
Mar.
Pellic.
But
it
is
not
like
shee
was
Michol
,
seeing
shee
is
still
called
by
the
name
of
Eglah
,
1.
Chron.
3.
and
the
Scripture
euidently
sheweth
,
that
shee
had
no
child
till
the
day
of
her
death
.
3.
Some
are
of
opinion
,
that
this
Eglah
was
one
of
Sauls
wiues
:
but
it
was
not
lawfull
for
Dauid
to
marrie
his
father
in
lawes
wife
:
the
same
degrees
beeing
forbidden
as
well
of
affinitie
,
which
are
of
consanguinitie
.
4.
This
clause
then
,
his
wife
,
is
to
be
vnderstood
in
generall
,
that
euery
one
of
these
six
was
Dauids
wife
:
and
that
he
had
these
sonnes
in
Hebron
by
his
wiues
,
beside
those
which
he
had
by
his
concubines
,
1.
Chron.
3.9
.
Iun.
5.
Quest.
v.
7.
Whether
Abner
in
deed●
went
in
to
Rispah
,
or
were
accused
falsly
.
1.
The
Hebrewes
thinke
that
Abner
would
haue
had
her
to
wife
,
which
they
hold
to
haue
beene
a
thing
vnusuall
,
and
intolerable
,
that
any
should
marrie
her
,
that
had
beene
the
Kings
wife
:
Pellic.
and
therefore
Salomon
tooke
exception
to
his
brother
Adoniah
,
as
affecting
the
kingdome
,
because
he
desired
to
wife
Abishag
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
Abner
attempted
not
onely
to
haue
had
Rispah
for
his
concubine
,
but
that
he
did
in
deede
defloure
her
:
Mart.
which
Ishbosheth
both
tooke
to
be
a
disgrace
vnto
him
,
shee
hauing
beene
his
fathers
concubine
:
and
beside
,
it
bewraied
his
ambitious
minde
as
aspiring
to
the
kingdome
;
as
Absalom
lay
with
his
fathers
concubines
,
when
he
thought
to
depriue
his
father
of
his
kingdome
.
Borr.
3.
But
it
is
rather
like
,
that
this
was
a
false
surmise
,
and
suspition
,
without
any
ground
:
for
Abner
doth
afterward
instantly
denie
it
:
Iun.
Vatab.
which
may
also
appeare
by
his
great
stomacke
and
indignation
,
whose
conscience
would
haue
made
him
somewhat
to
relent
,
if
he
had
beene
iustly
charged
.
4.
Yet
Iosephus
is
here
deceiued
,
who
saith
this
Rispah
was
Ishbosheths
concubine
;
whereas
she
is
called
in
the
text
Sauls
concubine
.
6.
Quest.
v.
8.
Of
Abners
answer
in
generall
.
1.
Some
note
in
Abner
his
obstinacie
,
that
beeing
reprooued
for
sinne
,
could
not
endure
it
,
but
seeketh
to
worke
displeasure
against
him
,
that
did
admonish
him
:
sic
Mar.
Genevens
.
But
it
is
shewed
before
,
that
it
is
like
that
this
was
but
a
meere
suspition
of
Abner
.
2.
Yet
his
pride
and
ambition
appeareth
,
that
could
not
abide
one
contumelle
or
reproach
at
Ishbosheths
hand
:
that
neither
reuerence
to
the
kingdome
,
nor
yet
neerenes
in
blood
,
could
containe
him
in
his
dutie
,
but
he
must
breake
out
into
disloyaltie
.
Pellic.
3.
Beside
,
his
leuitie
and
inconstancie
is
manifest
,
that
vpon
so
small
an
occasion
turneth
from
Ishbosheth
,
to
take
part
with
Dauid
:
to
whom
he
seeketh
to
ioyne
,
not
of
conscience
,
because
he
was
the
Lords
annointed
;
but
of
displeasure
against
Ishbosheth
.
Such
an
inconstant
person
was
one
Ecebolus
,
calcate
me
sal
insipidum
:
tread
vpon
me
as
vnsauourie
salt
.
Mart.
7.
Quest.
v.
8.
Of
the
meaning
of
Abners
words
,
am
I
a
dogges
head
.
1.
Some
referre
it
to
Abner
himselfe
,
that
he
should
take
it
as
a
disgrace
,
and
dishonour
vnto
him
to
be
thus
rebuked
.
Mar.
2.
Some
haue
reference
vnto
Dauid
and
the
rest
of
Iudah
,
in
this
sense
that
Abner
should
be
counted
as
a
vile
person
at
their
hands
,
for
taking
part
with
the
house
of
Saul
.
Pellic.
3.
Others
haue
relation
to
Ishbosheth
,
as
though
he
should
thinke
him
no
better
then
to
be
ke●per
and
head
of
the
dogges
of
his
enemie
,
namely
Dauid
.
Vatab.
4.
Some
make
this
to
be
the
meaning
:
thinkest
thou
,
that
if
I
woul●
offer
my
seruice
to
Dauid
,
he
would
thinke
me
worthy
no
better
place
then
to
keepe
his
dogges
?
but
rather
he
would
aduance
me
,
and
haue
me
in
honour
.
Borr.
5.
But
the
better
sense
is
,
to
apply
it
to
the
thing
it selfe
,
and
the
occasion
offered
:
he
so
saith
,
because
he
was
accused
of
incontinencie
and
leacherie
,
and
therein
like
vnto
a
dog
,
and
so
euerie
way
a
vile
person
;
for
in
these
two
things
men
are
compared
to
doggs
:
for
intemperate
lust
;
as
Deut.
23.18
.
Thou
shalt
not
bring
the
hire
of
a
whoore
,
nor
the
price
of
a
dogge
into
the
house
of
God
:
and
for
vilenesse
,
as
Dauid
saith
to
Saul
;
after
whom
doest
thou
pursue
,
after
a
dead
dog
?
1.
Sam.
24.15
.
8.
Quest.
Of
these
words
,
v.
8.
Which
against
Iudah
doe
shewe
mercie
,
&c.
1.
Some
read
,
which
was
with
Iudah
?
with
an
interrogation
:
as
if
he
should
haue
said
,
haue
I
dealt
vnfaithfully
with
thee
,
or
fallen
away
from
thee
vnto
Iudah
?
Iun.
so
also
readeth
Montanus
:
quod
fuerim
Iuda
,
as
though
I
had
beene
with
Iudah
.
2.
The
Chalde
thus
interpreteth
,
as
though
I
had
beene
reiected
,
or
an
abiect
to
those
which
are
left
of
Iudah
:
but
here
diuerse
words
are
added
.
3.
I
preferre
the
vsuall
reading
,
am
I
a
doggs
head
,
which
against
Iudah
doe
shew
mercie
:
not
onely
because
of
the
consent
of
interpreters
,
for
so
the
most
doe
interpret
laiehudah
,
not
to
Iudah
,
or
from
Iudah
,
but
against
Iudah
.
P.V.B.G.L.
(
the
Septuag.
doth
omit
it
altogether
:
)
but
for
that
it
best
agreeth
with
the
whole
scope
of
Abners
speach
,
that
he
had
not
deliuered
Ishbosheth
into
the
hands
of
Dauid
,
as
followeth
afterward
.
9.
Quest.
v.
8.
Of
Abners
excuse
:
Thou
imputest
to
me
a
fault
concerning
this
woman
.
1.
Some
so
take
it
,
as
though
Abner
should
extenuate
this
fault
,
which
hee
had
committed
with
a
silly
woman
:
that
Ishbosheth
had
no
reason
in
respect
of
his
great
deserts
to
charge
him
with
so
small
an
offence
.
Mart.
But
it
is
not
like
that
Abner
would
haue
so
eleuated
this
offence
,
if
he
had
beene
guiltie
of
it
,
seeing
she
had
been
the
Kings
concubine
:
which
thing
was
odious
in
Israel
,
to
defile
the
kings
concubine
.
2.
Pellican
thus
turneth
the
words
,
as
though
the
emphasis
were
in
thou
;
as
if
he
should
haue
said
,
considering
I
am
the
onely
stay
and
vpholder
of
thy
kingdome
,
how
darest
thou
reprooue
me
?
3.
But
all
the
force
of
the
words
lyeth
in
the
accusation
it selfe
:
as
if
he
should
say
,
I
am
free
from
this
woman
,
and
haue
committed
no
such
thing
:
and
therefore
thou
doest
me
wrong
thus
to
charge
me
:
Iun.
Vat.
for
the
words
themselues
seeme
to
containe
a
deniall
of
the
fact
.
10.
Quest.
v.
12.
How
Abner
sent
messengers
for
himselfe
.
This
word
tactau
hath
diuerse
expositions
.
1.
Some
read
,
from
his
place
,
Chald.
2.
Some
,
propter
hoc
,
because
of
this
.
Iun.
3.
Some
,
he
sent
secretly
.
B.
4.
But
the
better
reading
is
,
he
sent
pro
se
,
or
loco
sui
,
for
himselfe
,
or
in
his
stead
:
so
V.L.A.G.M.
Iosephus
also
so
interpreteth
,
that
he
sent
messengers
in
his
stead
:
he
sent
not
this
message
or
embassage
in
the
name
of
Ishbosheth
,
or
of
the
state
of
Israel
,
but
in
his
own
name
:
Mart.
and
on
his
owne
behalfe
:
the
word
tachath
signifieth
pro
,
for
.
11.
Quest.
v.
13.
Whether
Dauid
did
well
in
vsing
the
helpe
of
Abner
,
and
making
a
couenant
with
him
.
1.
The
thing
which
Abner
now
went
about
was
not
vnlawfull
,
to
bring
the
kingdom
vnto
Dauid
,
to
whom
the
Lord
had
giuen
it
,
though
Abner
did
it
of
an
euill
minde
:
as
Rahab
did
not
euill
in
not
discouering
the
spies
,
and
so
betraying
the
citie
,
Ios.
2.
nor
the
men
of
Luz
,
in
shewing
the
way
into
the
citie
,
by
which
meanes
it
was
surprised
,
Iudg.
1.23
.
This
therefore
not
beeing
an
euill
act
of
it selfe
,
Dauid
might
therein
vse
Abner
.
And
so
,
that
which
is
done
by
an
other
not
without
sinne
,
the
seruants
of
God
may
make
vse
of
without
sinne
:
as
Iacob
vsed
the
benefit
of
Labans
oath
,
that
sware
by
his
gods
,
Gen.
31.
as
the
tenne
men
,
whom
Ismael
would
haue
slaine
with
the
rest
,
saued
their
liues
,
in
feeding
their
enemies
couetous
desire
,
alleadging
,
that
they
had
treasures
in
the
field
of
wheat
,
and
barley
,
oyle
,
and
honie
,
which
they
would
discouer
vnto
them
,
if
they
would
not
slay
them
.
Pet.
Mar.
12.
Quest.
v.
14.
Why
Dauid
sendeth
to
haue
his
wife
Michol
restored
vnto
him
.
The
reasons
,
which
mooued
Dauid
were
these
.
1.
In
respect
of
himselfe
,
because
she
was
his
first
wife
,
and
he
had
obtained
her
,
with
his
great
danger
;
for
an
hundred
foreskinnes
of
the
Philistims
:
he
gaue
200.
not
600.
as
Iosephus
,
1.
Sam.
18.27
.
though
Sauls
demaund
were
onely
for
an
hundred
.
2.
In
respect
of
Michol
,
to
deliuer
her
from
that
reproach
and
infamie
,
liuing
now
in
adulterie
:
for
Dauid
had
not
dismissed
her
.
The
Rabbines
thinke
,
that
Phaltiel
did
not
companie
at
all
with
her
:
but
that
is
not
like
,
seeing
he
was
so
vnwilling
to
part
with
her
,
v.
16.
But
Dauid
knew
that
Michol
was
forced
by
her
father
to
marrie
to
Phaltiel
,
not
of
her
own
mind
;
and
therein
therfore
hath
her
excused
.
3.
By
this
meanes
Dauid
maketh
triall
of
the
fidelitie
of
Abner
.
4.
It
was
a
meanes
to
make
a
way
to
the
kingdome
,
his
wife
beeing
now
returned
,
that
was
Sauls
daughter
.
Mar.
13.
Quest.
v.
17.
Of
Abners
perswasion
vnto
the
Elders
of
Israel
and
Beniamin
.
1.
First
,
he
presseth
them
,
that
it
was
their
owne
desire
to
haue
Dauid
to
be
their
King
:
hee
was
a
King
of
their
owne
choosing
,
and
one
in
whom
they
all
delighted
.
2.
He
reasoneth
à
facili
,
it
was
an
easie
matter
for
them
,
and
now
in
their
owne
power
to
doe
.
3.
He
vrgeth
the
authoritie
of
God
,
that
had
appointed
Dauid
;
the
Lord
hath
spoken
of
Dauid
:
who
here
like
an
hypocrite
,
maketh
the
word
of
God
to
serue
his
owne
turne
:
for
it
was
not
the
word
of
God
,
which
mooued
him
,
but
his
owne
malitious
heart
.
4.
He
perswadeth
them
,
ab
vtili
,
from
the
commoditie
,
which
should
grow
thereby
to
all
Israel
,
that
by
the
hand
of
Dauid
the
Lord
would
deliuer
them
from
their
enemies
.
Mar.
14.
Quest.
v.
20.
Whether
Dauid
did
well
in
making
Abner
a
feast
.
1.
Abner
did
not
content
himselfe
with
that
message
,
which
he
had
sent
before
,
because
things
are
better
dispatched
by
personall
presence
,
then
by
the
ministerie
and
mediation
of
others
:
and
because
he
would
certifie
Dauid
,
how
he
had
dealt
in
his
behalfe
with
all
the
Elders
of
Israel
,
and
how
he
had
preuailed
with
them
:
for
these
reasons
he
commeth
himselfe
in
person
to
Dauid
:
Iosep.
2.
But
Dauid
did
not
well
in
making
him
a
feast
:
both
because
he
had
not
first
consulted
with
God
,
but
followed
onely
humane
counsell
,
and
therefore
it
tooke
no
place
:
Pellic.
as
also
Abner
beeing
an
euill
disposed
man
it
was
not
meete
,
that
Dauid
should
haue
eaten
with
him
:
Mar.
This
feast
therefore
ended
afterward
with
mourning
:
teaching
vs
what
vncertaintie
there
is
in
these
earthly
ioyes
,
that
we
may
learne
to
vse
them
soberly
,
and
with
moderation
.
Borr.
15.
Quest.
v.
28.
Of
Ioabs
treacherous
killing
of
Abner
.
1.
When
Ioab
had
accused
Abner
to
the
King
,
that
he
went
but
about
to
vndermine
him
,
and
seeing
that
the
King
could
not
be
induced
to
deale
against
Abner
:
then
he
bethinketh
himselfe
to
take
a
course
to
be
reuenged
,
and
sendeth
for
him
backe
as
it
seemeth
in
the
Kings
name
,
and
so
thinketh
Iosephus
.
2.
The
causes
which
mooued
Ioab
to
kill
Abner
,
was
two
:
his
hatred
for
the
murder
of
his
brother
Asahel
;
and
his
enuie
,
least
Abner
might
haue
growne
too
great
in
the
Kings
fauour
,
and
so
obscured
him
.
Borr.
But
this
latter
was
the
greatest
motiue
,
as
afterward
vpon
the
like
cause
he
killed
Amasa
;
yet
he
pretendeth
the
other
,
the
death
of
his
brother
,
as
the
end
of
the
verse
sheweth
.
3.
Ioab
smiteth
Abner
in
the
same
place
,
where
he
had
smitten
Asahel
before
:
and
though
Ioab
herein
committed
that
which
was
both
vnworthy
himselfe
,
and
his
master
the
King
,
and
for
the
which
he
worthely
suffered
afterward
vnder
Salomon
:
yet
the
iudgement
of
God
was
iust
vpon
Abner
,
a
wicked
and
bloodie
man
:
and
the
Lord
turneth
it
to
the
great
good
of
Dauid
,
in
taking
out
of
the
way
a
new
reconciled
enemie
,
who
would
hardly
haue
prooued
faithfull
.
Mar.
16.
Quest.
Of
the
place
where
Ioab
killed
Abner
.
1.
The
most
read
,
that
he
tooke
him
into
the
middes
of
the
gate
:
L.V.P.M.
rather
within
the
gate
:
C.I.
or
aside
in
the
gate
:
B.G.S.
not
to
talke
with
him
in
an
open
and
publike
place
(
to
be
without
suspition
)
for
the
gate
was
the
place
of
iudgement
.
Mar.
But
he
rather
tooke
him
aside
,
and
apart
from
the
rest
,
to
talke
with
him
more
secretly
:
Ioseph
.
who
thinketh
also
,
that
his
brother
Abishai
was
by
:
which
is
not
vnlike
;
for
he
also
consented
,
v.
30.
2.
The
word
besheli
,
some
read
peaceablie
:
B.G.C.
some
craftely
:
L.P.S.V.
but
it
rather
signifieth
,
in
errour
,
or
vnawares
:
as
c.
6.7
.
it
is
said
that
God
smote
Vzzah
for
his
errour
.
Iun.
ghal
hashall
.
17.
Quest.
v.
29.
Of
the
fearefull
curse
,
and
execration
,
which
Dauid
layeth
vpon
Ioab
and
his
posteritie
.
Whereas
Dauid
accurseth
Ioab
and
his
posteritie
,
and
laieth
vpon
them
an
heauie
burthen
of
fiue
calamities
and
miseries
:
the
running
issue
,
the
leprosie
,
weaknes
,
and
faintnesse
to
goe
with
a
staffe
,
vntimely
death
by
the
sword
,
and
penurie
and
want
of
bread
:
wherein
Dauid
sheweth
himselfe
more
seuere
against
his
owne
seruant
and
kinsman
,
then
he
was
either
against
Saul
or
any
enemie
he
had
.
1.
Some
therefore
thinke
that
Dauid
did
curse
Ioab
of
impotencie
and
weaknesse
of
affection
,
beeing
in
anger
and
greefe
,
and
that
therefore
all
these
euills
did
fall
vpon
his
posteritie
:
for
they
say
,
that
Rehoboam
had
a
running
issue
,
Vzziah
was
a
leper
,
Asa
had
the
goute
,
Iosias
was
slaine
with
the
sword
,
and
Iehoiakim
wanted
bread
:
so
the
Rabbines
.
But
these
Kings
of
Dauids
line
were
thus
punished
for
their
own
sins
,
not
for
Dauids
.
Mar.
2.
Some
thinke
,
that
this
was
no
imprecation
,
but
a
prediction
by
the
spirit
of
God
of
such
euills
,
as
should
befall
Ioab
,
and
his
posteritie
:
but
the
forme
of
speach
and
the
manner
of
phrase
,
let
the
blood
fall
,
&c.
sheweth
it
to
be
a
verie
imprecation
,
and
malediction
.
3.
Some
doe
make
question
,
whether
this
curse
of
Dauid
beeing
vttered
in
his
heat
and
affection
,
did
afterward
take
place
,
or
no
:
Mar.
But
seeing
Dauid
was
a
Prophet
,
and
here
the
reason
is
giuen
of
this
iudgement
,
because
both
the
brethren
consented
to
kill
Abner
in
time
of
peace
,
because
he
killed
their
brother
in
battell
,
v.
30.
all
which
circumstances
doe
exaggerate
the
offence
:
it
is
not
to
be
doubted
,
but
that
this
curse
tooke
place
vpon
Ioab
and
his
familie
,
as
that
other
of
Dauid
vpon
the
mountaines
of
Gilboa
,
where
Saul
and
Ionathan
were
slaine
,
tooke
effect
,
2.
Sam.
1.21
.
and
the
leprosie
of
Naaman
,
by
the
Prophets
sentence
did
cleaue
vnto
Gehezi
.
And
that
this
Propheticall
curse
was
effectuall
,
it
seemeth
to
be
the
opinion
of
Iun.
and
Bor.
4.
It
beeing
then
resolued
vpon
,
that
Dauid
both
as
a
Prophet
accursed
Ioab
his
sinne
of
blood
so
deseruing
,
and
as
a
wise
man
,
that
it
might
appeare
to
all
Israel
that
Dauid
was
no
way
consenting
to
this
fact
:
yet
these
doubts
further
will
be
made
:
First
,
why
Dauid
laieth
this
curse
vpon
the
whole
familie
,
not
excepting
the
innocent
:
whereas
in
the
law
,
the
Lord
is
said
to
visit
the
iniquitie
of
the
fathers
vpon
the
children
,
to
the
third
and
fourth
generation
of
those
that
hate
him
.
Ans.
1.
This
condition
is
alwaies
included
in
such
propheticall
curses
,
though
it
be
not
expressed
.
2.
or
Dauid
might
foresee
,
that
there
should
be
alwaies
some
in
Ioabs
familie
,
whose
sinnes
might
be
worthie
of
those
plagues
:
3.
and
yet
in
temporall
chastisments
the
children
may
beare
the
iniquitie
of
the
fathers
,
without
any
impeachment
of
Gods
iustice
.
Secondly
,
it
will
be
obiected
,
why
Dauid
doth
pronounce
this
execration
rather
against
Ioab
,
then
against
Saul
,
which
put
the
Lords
Preists
to
the
sword
.
Ans.
Saul
was
the
Lords
anoynted
,
and
therefore
Dauid
was
no
more
to
curse
him
,
then
to
lay
violent
hands
vpon
him
:
againe
,
he
should
haue
seemed
to
doe
it
in
his
owne
cause
:
but
the
case
was
diuerse
here
:
for
Ioab
beeing
herein
but
a
priuate
person
killed
Abner
,
contrarie
to
the
Kings
faith
and
safe
conduct
giuen
him
:
and
did
by
this
meanes
,
as
much
as
in
him
lay
,
if
Dauid
had
not
caried
the
matter
wisely
,
hinder
the
establishment
of
Dauids
kingdome
.
Thirdly
,
but
why
did
not
Dauid
then
,
hauing
obtained
the
kingdome
,
himselfe
take
condigne
punishment
vpon
Ioab
.
Ans.
1.
Both
because
it
would
haue
weakned
his
gouernment
,
if
he
should
at
the
verie
first
haue
shewed
seueritie
toward
a
man
of
his
owne
kinred
,
and
which
had
deserued
so
well
of
him
:
and
Ioabs
sinne
was
not
yet
come
to
the
full
:
he
afterward
killed
Amasa
also
in
the
like
case
:
so
that
his
punishment
,
though
a
while
deferred
,
was
the
more
heauie
and
greeuous
when
it
came
,
Borrh.
18.
Quest.
v.
31.
Why
Dauid
commanded
Ioab
to
put
on
sackcloth
and
mourne
for
Abner
.
1.
Ioab
might
be
thought
to
reioyce
,
and
be
glad
,
that
Abner
was
ouerthrowen
,
and
therefore
he
might
seeme
a
very
vnmeete
man
to
celebrate
Abners
funerall
:
Dauid
therefore
,
in
forcing
them
thereunto
,
some
may
thinke
,
did
make
him
play
the
hypocrite
:
But
,
it
was
fit
and
requisite
,
that
Ioab
beeing
a
principall
man
vnder
Dauid
,
should
not
be
wanting
in
this
solemnitie
:
Dauid
then
requiring
him
thereunto
,
did
that
,
which
was
fit
:
if
Ioab
therein
dissembled
,
it
was
his
owne
fault
.
So
Princes
may
enioyne
their
subiects
to
come
to
the
exercises
of
religion
:
19.
Quest.
v.
33.
Of
these
words
:
Dyed
Abner
as
a
foole
dyeth
?
1.
Dauid
bewayleth
Abner
,
and
commendeth
him
as
a
valiant
man
,
but
not
for
any
vertue
or
goodnesse
in
him
:
for
the
wicked
may
haue
some
commendable
parts
,
which
are
not
to
be
depriued
of
their
due
praise
.
2.
The
meaning
then
of
Dauids
words
is
this
;
that
Abner
died
not
as
a
coward
,
that
is
taken
in
warre
,
and
lead
captiue
,
his
hands
beeing
bound
:
nor
as
a
malefactor
,
whose
feete
are
tied
with
fetters
.
Borr.
But
he
would
haue
shewed
his
valour
both
by
his
hands
,
and
feete
,
if
they
had
tried
with
him
with
open
fight
:
Iun.
whereas
now
they
killed
him
treacherously
;
as
a
man
beeing
neuer
so
valiant
,
may
be
circumvented
by
wicked
conspiratours
.
Genevens
.
20.
Quest.
v.
34.
Of
Dauid
and
the
peoples
weeping
and
lamenting
for
Abner
.
Dauid
lamenteth
,
and
fasteth
till
euen
,
to
shew
and
expresse
his
greefe
for
Abner
,
and
that
thereby
he
might
content
all
Israel
,
and
cleare
himselfe
as
not
beeing
accessarie
to
his
death
:
but
no
mention
is
here
made
of
any
prayers
made
for
Abner
:
yet
the
Romanists
dare
auouch
,
that
this
fasting
and
mourning
of
Dauid
was
for
the
releefe
of
Abners
soule
:
and
that
for
this
cause
the
Patriarks
desired
to
be
buried
in
the
land
of
Canaan
,
that
they
might
be
releeued
by
the
prayers
of
the
Church
:
hereof
also
it
is
,
Bellarm.
lib.
1.
de
purgator
.
c.
3.
Contra.
1.
It
is
euident
by
the
text
,
that
all
this
lamentation
of
Dauid
,
was
to
shew
his
griefe
,
that
there
was
a
great
man
fallen
in
Israel
,
v.
38.
neither
is
there
one
syllable
of
any
prayer
made
for
Abner
:
it
is
then
great
boldnesse
to
ground
that
error
vpon
Scripture
,
which
is
altogether
silent
in
that
behalfe
:
neither
were
there
any
sacrifices
in
the
lawe
(
there
beeing
so
many
diuerse
kinds
prescribed
)
appointed
for
the
dead
.
2.
Neither
was
that
any
cause
of
their
desire
to
be
buried
in
the
land
of
Canaan
:
but
onely
to
shew
their
hope
,
in
the
certaine
expectation
of
the
promises
of
God
:
and
to
be
a
monument
to
their
posteritie
,
that
the
Lord
would
bring
them
thither
:
for
otherwise
,
seeing
the
Israelites
continued
in
Egypt
almost
200.
yeares
after
Iacobs
buriall
in
Canaan
,
if
he
had
intended
to
be
helped
by
the
prayers
of
the
Church
,
he
should
haue
desired
to
haue
his
bones
kept
in
Egypt
,
&
then
caried
thence
at
their
departure
,
as
Ioseph
did
,
that
he
might
haue
had
the
benefit
of
the
Churches
prayers
,
which
yet
was
to
soiourne
there
.
3.
And
the
cause
is
euident
why
Dauid
ceaseth
to
pray
any
longer
for
the
infant
being
dead
,
because
he
knew
,
that
then
he
should
not
be
brought
to
life
againe
.
The
childs
soule
indeed
had
no
need
of
Dauids
prayers
,
no
more
had
the
soules
of
the
faithfull
departed
:
and
for
the
rest
,
that
died
in
their
sinne
,
they
receiued
their
iudgement
,
and
by
the
prayers
of
the
liuing
could
not
be
releeued
.
21.
Quest.
v.
39.
Of
the
meaning
of
Dauids
words
,
I
am
weake
,
and
the
sonnes
of
Zerviah
are
too
hard
for
mee
.
1.
Some
thinke
,
that
whereas
the
word
here
vsed
,
(
rach
)
signifieth
tender
,
that
Dauid
speaketh
of
his
clemencie
,
and
mercie
,
that
he
had
spared
Abner
,
and
shewed
him
fauour
,
but
the
sonnes
of
Zerviah
,
(
which
was
his
sister
,
by
whom
they
are
called
,
because
it
seemeth
their
father
was
but
obscure
)
were
hard
hearted
,
and
cruell
.
2.
Some
other
doe
make
this
the
sense
,
that
whereas
Dauids
kingdome
was
but
yet
weake
,
these
two
men
shewed
more
inhumanitie
and
inclemencie
,
then
was
for
the
safetie
of
his
kingdome
.
3.
But
it
is
euident
by
Dauids
words
,
that
he
hath
relation
to
himselfe
,
that
they
were
too
hard
for
him
:
it
was
not
in
his
power
to
punish
them
,
as
their
fact
deserued
,
and
therefore
he
committeth
the
reuenge
of
this
cause
vnto
God
.
22.
Quest.
v.
39.
Whether
Dauid
offended
in
deferring
and
forbearing
the
punishment
of
Ioab
.
1.
Some
are
of
opinion
,
that
Dauid
offended
herein
,
and
of
a
partiall
affection
spared
Ioab
,
whereas
he
ought
to
haue
beene
put
to
death
:
and
thus
they
doe
reason
.
1.
By
the
law
,
he
that
slaieth
a
man
presumptuously
,
is
to
be
taken
from
the
Altar
,
and
to
be
put
to
death
,
Exod.
21.14
.
his
punishment
is
not
to
be
deferred
or
suspended
.
2.
It
was
the
ruine
of
Eli
his
house
,
because
he
was
too
remisse
toward
his
children
.
3.
And
the
King
of
Israel
is
reprooued
,
because
he
let
Benhadad
goe
,
when
the
Lord
had
giuen
him
into
his
hands
.
Mart.
Contra.
1.
Neither
did
Dauid
pardon
Ioab
,
but
he
gaue
charge
vnto
Salomon
concerning
him
,
who
caused
him
to
be
slaine
at
the
Altar
:
and
that
law
commandeth
not
that
which
is
not
possible
,
or
not
in
the
Magistrates
power
to
performe
:
as
if
a
murderer
flie
the
countrie
,
and
so
be
out
of
the
Magistrates
power
,
he
doth
not
break
the
Law
,
in
not
putting
him
to
death
:
so
neither
doth
he
,
that
can
not
reach
the
malefactor
,
without
great
tumult
,
and
danger
to
the
common
wealth
,
but
watcheth
his
conuenient
time
to
doe
it
;
which
was
Dauids
case
here
.
2.
Eli
might
haue
corrected
his
sonnes
without
any
danger
,
so
could
not
Dauid
.
3.
And
so
was
Benhadad
deliuered
into
the
Kings
hand
,
who
beeing
a
forren
enemie
might
with
lesse
trouble
haue
beene
put
to
death
,
then
Ioab
a
domesticall
freind
,
and
much
fauoured
among
the
people
.
2.
The
better
opinion
then
is
,
that
Dauid
did
prudently
forbeare
to
punish
Ioab
:
not
so
much
because
he
was
his
kinsman
,
and
had
beene
faithfull
vnto
him
in
the
time
of
his
affliction
,
Pellic.
or
that
he
had
many
wayes
well
deserued
of
him
,
and
could
not
well
spare
his
seruice
:
Borrh.
but
for
that
they
were
too
hard
,
and
strong
for
him
.
And
it
seemeth
in
the
historie
of
Absalom
,
c.
18.19
.
that
Ioab
did
beare
greater
sway
among
the
souldiers
and
militarie
men
,
then
Dauid
himselfe
:
therefore
it
is
a
wise
mans
part
,
as
well
to
consider
,
what
may
be
done
,
as
ought
to
be
done
:
Iun.
This
then
was
in
Dauid
no
conniuence
or
winking
at
Ioabs
sinne
,
which
he
bare
in
mind
,
and
charged
his
sonne
to
see
iustice
executed
.
But
Dauid
prudently
deferred
the
punishment
onely
,
which
could
not
presently
without
great
daunger
be
inflicted
.
At
other
times
,
when
it
was
in
his
power
,
he
delaied
not
to
doe
iustice
;
as
vpon
the
Amalekite
,
that
said
he
had
killed
Saul
,
and
vpon
those
two
,
that
killed
Ishbosheth
.
The
like
example
we
read
of
Iacob
,
who
when
his
two
sonnes
Simeon
and
Levi
had
committed
that
shamefull
murder
vpon
the
Sichemites
,
did
not
proceed
against
them
,
being
then
a
Magistrate
in
his
owne
familie
:
but
deferred
the
censure
till
his
death
,
Gen.
49.5
.
for
both
his
children
being
stubburne
and
vnruly
were
too
strong
for
him
,
and
beside
there
was
then
no
time
,
to
make
a
stirre
in
his
owne
familie
,
they
beeing
round
about
beset
,
and
enuironed
of
their
enemies
.
23.
Quest.
v.
39.
Of
these
words
of
Dauid
,
The
Lord
reward
the
doer
of
euill
according
to
his
wickednesse
.
1.
Some
thinke
,
that
this
is
rather
a
prediction
of
Dauid
,
what
should
befall
the
wicked
,
then
an
imprecation
.
But
it
may
verie
well
be
a
prayer
also
,
which
Dauid
maketh
against
those
,
which
continue
in
their
sinne
without
repentance
.
Mar.
2.
Yet
it
may
seeme
strange
,
that
Dauid
prayeth
for
reuenge
vpon
Ioab
for
this
murder
,
seeing
he
himselfe
calleth
for
mercie
at
Gods
hand
,
for
the
like
sinne
committed
against
Vrias
:
wherefore
here
he
must
be
vnderstood
to
speake
of
those
,
which
were
impenitent
,
not
of
those
which
were
touched
with
a
feeling
of
their
sinnes
,
as
Dauid
was
,
when
as
a
testimonie
of
his
vnfained
repentance
he
endited
the
51.
Psalme
.
Borrh.
3.
But
concerning
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
these
three
things
are
to
be
considered
.
1.
That
God
neither
rendreth
to
good
workes
nor
euill
workes
in
this
world
,
according
to
the
rule
and
measure
of
equalitie
,
but
in
some
proportion
and
similitude
:
for
he
rewardeth
good
workes
more
liberally
,
then
they
are
worthie
of
;
and
euill
workes
he
recompenseth
with
lesse
punishment
then
they
deserue
.
2.
Good
workes
are
no
cause
of
their
reward
,
but
they
are
crowned
in
mercie
:
but
euill
workes
are
meritorious
causes
of
their
punishment
.
3.
Neither
doth
God
recompence
all
euill
doers
according
to
their
workes
,
but
such
onely
as
are
obstinate
and
impenitent
.
Mar.
CHAP.
5.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
How
all
the
tribes
of
Israel
came
to
Dauid
,
and
of
the
summe
of
their
embassage
.
ALl
the
multitude
came
not
,
but
the
Elders
only
and
cheife
in
the
name
of
the
rest
:
Mar.
or
rather
messengers
,
and
embassadours
from
all
the
tribes
:
Iun.
2.
They
vse
three
reasons
and
perswasions
,
which
mooued
them
to
affect
Dauid
for
their
king
:
first
,
he
was
of
their
kinred
,
of
their
bones
and
flesh
,
as
they
were
appointed
by
the
Law
,
to
make
a
king
from
among
their
brethren
,
Deut.
17.15
.
secondly
,
they
had
experience
of
his
valor
in
the
dayes
of
Saul
,
when
he
led
the
people
in
and
out
:
thirdly
,
the
Lord
had
elected
him
;
as
the
law
likewise
requireth
that
they
should
make
him
their
king
,
whom
the
Lord
should
choose
,
Deuter.
17.15
.
Borr.
The
Lord
had
said
vnto
him
by
Samuel
,
when
he
annointed
him
,
Thou
shal
feede
my
people
:
the
signe
went
not
without
the
word
:
though
in
that
place
for
breui●ie
s●ke
it
be
omitted
.
Iun.
2.
Quest.
How
they
made
a
covenan●
before
the
Lord
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
after
Shilo
was
destroyed
,
an
high
place
was
erected
in
Hebron
,
where
they
offered
sacrifices
vnto
God
:
Pellic.
where
Abraham
also
in
his
time
had
built
an
altar
:
and
therefore
they
are
said
ther●
to
make
a
couenant
before
the
Lord
:
Mart.
But
it
was
not
lawfull
:
for
any
sacrifice
ordinarily
to
be
offered
,
but
where
the
arke
was
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
th●
high
Priest
was
present
with
his
Vrim
and
Thummim
:
Borr.
Iosephus
also
saith
,
that
the
high
Priest
was
there
,
with
diuerse
other
Priests
and
Leuites
;
but
not
the
presence
of
the
Priests
onely
,
but
of
the
Arke
also
was
requisite
,
(
when
in
that
sense
they
w●re
said
to
be
before
the
Lord
)
which
was
yet
in
Abihadabs
house
:
Geneuens
.
3.
Some
thinke
it
is
so
said
,
because
God
is
present
in
the
assemblies
of
his
Saints
:
yea
where
two
or
three
are
gathered
together
in
his
name
:
Vatab.
4.
But
it
signifieth
more
then
so
,
that
they
tooke
the
Lord
solemnly
to
witnes
,
and
so
as
in
his
presence
,
and
by
his
name
,
made
this
solemne
league
and
couenant
:
Iun.
Geneuens
.
3.
Quest.
Of
the
number
of
those
,
which
came
to
Dauid
to
Hebron
.
1.
Though
the
number
be
not
here
expressed
,
it
is
at
large
set
downe
,
1.
Chron.
c.
12.
v.
23.
to
the
ende
of
the
Chapter
.
The
particular
numbers
out
of
euerie
tribe
that
came
to
Dauid
were
these
;
out
of
Iudah
,
6800.
out
of
Simeon
,
7100.
of
Leui
4600.
of
Beniamin
,
3000.
of
Ephraim
,
20800.
of
the
halfe
tribe
of
Manasseh
,
18000.
of
Issachar
,
200.
captaines
with
their
companies
,
the
number
whereof
is
not
set
downe
:
of
Zebulun
,
50000.
of
Nephtali
1000.
captaines
,
and
with
them
37000.
of
Dan
,
28000.
of
Asher
,
40000.
and
of
them
beyond
Iordan
an
120000.
The
whole
number
beeing
summed
together
,
maketh
about
300000.
2.
But
Iosephus
somewhat
differeth
in
his
account
;
for
the
odde
800.
yeares
of
Iudah
,
he
reckoneth
but
600.
for
the
odde
600.
of
Leui
,
he
writeth
700.
he
numbreth
of
Issachar
,
20000.
which
is
not
expressed
in
the
text
:
and
the
number
of
30000.
out
of
Nephtali
he
omitteth
:
from
them
beyond
Iordan
,
he
accounteth
but
22000.
who
made
120000.
3.
Of
all
these
the
most
backward
are
noted
to
haue
beene
of
Beniamin
:
for
of
that
tribe
came
the
smallest
number
,
but
3000.
for
they
yet
held
with
the
house
of
Saul
:
the
most
forward
were
they
of
Zebulun
,
as
it
appeareth
by
their
number
of
50000.
which
was
the
greatest
of
any
one
tribe
:
and
they
are
directly
mentioned
not
to
haue
bin
of
a
double
heart
.
4.
Quest.
Of
the
time
that
Dauid
raigned
ouer
Israel
.
v.
4.
The
whole
time
is
said
to
be
40.
yeares
:
whereof
he
raigned
7.
yeares
six
moneths
in
Hebron
,
and
33.
yeares
in
Ierusalem
:
which
make
in
all
40.
yeares
sixe
moneths
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
these
sixe
moneths
are
not
summed
,
because
so
long
the
kingdome
of
Dauid
was
intermitted
by
the
rebellion
and
sedition
of
Absalom
:
so
the
Hebrewes
.
2.
Others
thinke
that
the
33.
yeares
mentioned
were
but
32.
yeares
and
a
halfe
:
the
imperfect
yeare
beeing
counted
for
an
whole
and
perfect
yeare
:
Iun.
Pell
.
3.
But
it
is
more
like
,
that
to
make
the
number
of
40.
yeare
euen
,
the
odde
sixe
moneths
are
omitted
:
Borrh.
see
the
like
Iud.
20.46
.
where
there
are
said
to
be
slaine
of
Beniamin
,
25000.
men
,
in
which
number
one
hundred
is
omitted
:
for
v.
25.
they
are
said
to
be
1800.
This
place
Iunius
alleadgeth
for
his
opinion
,
that
to
make
a
round
and
euen
number
,
33.
yeares
are
put
for
32.
and
an
halfe
:
but
the
place
sheweth
rather
that
to
make
a
perfect
and
square
number
,
sometimes
the
odde
ouerplus
is
detracted
rather
,
then
added
.
5.
Quest.
v.
6.
Of
the
citie
Ierushalem
,
and
the
name
thereof
.
1.
Dauid
goeth
vnto
this
citie
purposing
to
make
in
the
head
city
of
the
kingdom
,
not
only
in
respect
of
the
situation
thereof
,
being
set
as
it
were
in
the
mids
of
the
tribes
,
but
he
by
the
direction
of
Gods
spirit
did
see
,
that
it
was
the
place
,
which
the
Lord
did
chuse
:
where
sometime
Melchisedec
dwelt
,
that
great
priest
of
the
most
high
God
,
&
there
was
the
mount
Moria
,
where
Abraham
would
haue
sacrificed
his
sonne
.
2.
Ierushalem
it
was
called
,
not
of
the
Greeke
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
which
signifieth
holy
:
neither
as
though
it
came
of
Iebus
,
and
shalem
,
and
for
the
better
sound
,
Ierushalem
,
as
Peter
Mar.
But
it
is
better
deriued
of
ijreh
,
he
will
be
seene
:
as
Abraham
saith
,
in
the
mount
will
the
Lord
be
seene
,
Gen.
22.
and
shalem
,
peace
:
so
Ierushalem
signifieth
the
vision
of
peace
:
see
Midras
in
Psal.
76.
3.
This
Citie
was
giuen
part
of
it
to
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
Iosh.
15.
part
to
the
tribe
of
Beniamin
,
Iosh.
19.
for
it
belonged
to
both
those
tribes
:
the
tribe
of
Iudah
tooke
this
citie
,
and
smote
it
with
the
edge
of
the
sword
,
Iudg.
1.8
.
but
the
Iebusites
were
not
thence
expelled
by
the
children
of
Beniamin
,
v.
21.
And
afterward
the
Iebusites
inhabited
there
still
,
for
it
was
a
citie
of
straungers
,
when
the
Leuite
went
that
way
with
his
concubine
,
Iud.
19.12
.
But
the
perfect
conquest
of
this
Citie
was
reserued
for
Dauid
,
who
therein
was
a
liuely
type
of
the
Messias
,
who
should
perfectly
triumph
ouer
our
spirituall
enemies
.
Mart.
6.
Quest.
Who
were
the
blind
and
lame
spoken
of
v.
6.
Except
thou
take
away
the
blind
and
the
lame
,
thou
shalt
not
come
hither
.
1.
The
Hebrewes
haue
here
a
fabulous
narration
of
two
images
,
one
of
Isaac
,
who
was
blind
,
and
the
other
of
Iacob
,
who
was
lame
,
by
whom
a
league
was
made
with
Abimelech
,
in
which
league
the
Iebusites
also
were
comprehended
:
so
that
in
effect
the
Iebusites
which
held
the
tower
of
Sion
,
say
thus
much
,
that
vnlesse
they
first
would
violate
that
couenant
,
they
were
not
to
come
vp
thither
:
But
this
conceit
hath
no
probabilitie
:
for
Abimelech
was
King
of
the
Philistims
,
not
of
the
Iebusites
:
therefore
the
league
rather
appertained
to
them
,
then
vnto
the
other
.
2.
Some
by
blind
&
lame
,
vnderstand
the
wicked
&
sinners
:
as
the
Chald.
●
.
Some
think
the
Iebusites
meane
their
blind
and
lame
images
:
Genevens
.
Mart.
but
it
is
vnlike
that
they
would
themselues
so
call
their
Idols
,
wherein
they
trusted
.
4.
Wherefore
the
meaning
rather
is
this
,
that
they
were
so
confident
vpon
the
strength
of
the
place
,
that
the
verie
blind
and
lame
were
able
to
defend
it
against
them
:
therefore
they
speake
this
in
derision
,
mocking
and
scorning
Dauid
,
that
he
should
not
be
able
to
ouercome
the
very
blind
and
lame
among
them
.
Vatab.
Iun.
Pellic.
Borrh.
7.
Quest.
v.
8.
Of
the
reward
which
Dauid
propoundeth
to
him
that
should
smite
the
blind
and
lame
.
1.
The
speach
is
here
somewhat
imperfect
,
what
shall
be
done
to
him
that
smiteth
them
:
but
it
is
supplied
1.
Chron.
11.6
.
that
he
should
be
the
chiefe
captaine
,
that
did
that
exploit
:
by
which
seruice
Ioab
obtained
to
be
the
cheife
captaine
.
2.
By
such
rewards
and
promises
,
the
minds
of
men
are
whetted
,
to
enterprise
such
difficult
workes
:
Indeed
,
8.
Quest.
v.
8.
Of
the
proverb
,
the
blind
and
lame
shall
not
come
into
that
house
.
1.
That
is
,
say
some
,
the
blind
and
lame
Idols
shall
not
come
into
the
Temple
:
Genevens
.
But
if
this
exploit
had
not
beene
,
Dauid
would
neuer
haue
suffered
Gods
house
to
be
defiled
with
Images
.
2.
Some
take
it
to
be
vsed
onely
as
a
Proverbe
,
when
any
thing
is
brought
to
passe
,
that
is
vnlikely
,
and
hard
to
be
done
.
Mar.
Pellic.
3.
But
it
is
euident
rather
,
that
Dauid
did
make
this
order
,
as
a
perpetuall
monument
of
this
victorie
,
that
neither
any
blind
or
lame
should
be
suffered
to
enter
into
his
pallace
,
called
the
citie
of
Dauid
:
as
none
that
mourned
in
sackcloth
were
admitted
into
the
King
of
the
Persians
pallace
:
9.
Quest.
v.
9.
Of
Millo
,
from
the
which
it
is
said
,
that
Dauid
built
.
1.
Some
take
it
for
the
towne
house
,
or
the
place
where
the
people
had
their
solemne
assemblies
:
and
it
was
so
called
Millo
,
of
filling
or
replenishing
.
Genev.
2.
Some
thinke
it
was
th●
deepe
ditch
or
valley
,
which
was
betweene
the
tower
of
Sion
,
and
the
citie
,
which
was
filled
with
water
:
R.
Ben
Gers.
but
Ierusalem
beeing
situate
in
a
drie
place
,
it
is
not
like
that
such
plentie
of
water
stood
alwaies
in
the
valley
.
Mart.
3.
Therefore
it
is
better
taken
for
the
rampire
or
fortresse
,
which
compassed
the
tower
of
Sion
round
about
,
beeing
enuironed
with
a
wall
:
Borrh.
Iun.
the
Septuag.
readeth
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
ab
extremitate
,
from
the
extremitie
:
the
Chalde
call
it
the
abstruction
,
that
is
,
the
antemural
or
rampier
.
It
was
not
the
proper
name
of
a
place
:
for
there
was
a
Millo
also
in
Shechem
,
which
was
the
tower
and
fortresse
thereof
,
Iudg.
9.6
.
and
49.
4.
Dauid
is
said
to
haue
built
round
about
from
the
fortresse
inward
,
because
Ioab
repaired
the
rest
of
the
citie
without
,
1.
Chron.
11.8
.
10.
Quest.
v.
12.
Of
these
words
,
Then
Dauid
knewe
,
that
the
Lord
had
established
him
King
.
1.
The
Rabbines
thinke
that
Dauid
tooke
this
extraordinarie
kindnesse
of
Hiram
the
King
of
Tyrus
to
be
a
signe
of
Gods
fauour
toward
him
,
and
that
the
Lord
had
established
him
king
.
2.
For
though
temporall
blessings
are
not
alwaies
a
signe
of
Gods
fauour
,
nor
vnto
all
:
as
namely
to
worldly
and
carnall
men
,
that
doe
not
acknowledge
God
the
author
of
th●m
:
and
therefore
it
is
said
,
that
the
Lord
filleth
their
bellies
with
his
hid
treasure
,
Psal.
17.14
.
for
they
are
snared
and
entangled
with
their
prosperitie
.
3.
Yet
God
reuealeth
to
his
children
,
when
prosperitie
is
sent
as
a
signe
of
his
fauour
,
and
when
aduersitie
is
inflicted
vpon
them
for
their
sinne
▪
and
indeede
simply
,
peace
and
prosperitie
is
alwaies
a
blessing
vpon
the
righteous
,
who
may
notwithstanding
in
their
high
estate
forget
themselues
,
shewe
a
token
of
thy
goodnes
toward
me
,
that
they
which
hate
me
may
see
it
and
be
ashamed
.
11.
Quest.
Of
Dauids
concubines
,
wiues
,
and
sonnes
.
ver.
13.
1.
A
concubine
differed
from
a
wife
in
these
three
things
:
First
,
the
wife
was
solemnly
espoused
,
so
was
not
the
other
:
the
wife
was
also
endowed
,
so
was
not
the
concubine
:
the
children
of
the
wife
were
legitimate
and
did
inherite
,
so
did
not
the
other
:
Mart.
2.
Dauid
h●d
in
all
eight
wiues
,
sixe
in
Hebron
,
and
two
afterwards
,
Bethsabe
and
Sulamith
,
and
tenne
concubines
,
c.
20.3
.
Herein
,
although
the
Rabbins
would
excuse
Dauid
for
his
multiplicitie
of
wiues
,
which
he
tooke
for
procreation
,
and
to
insinuate
himselfe
into
the
loue
of
his
people
,
whose
daughters
he
made
his
wiues
and
concubines
:
yet
therein
he
shewed
his
infirmitie
,
in
taking
him
many
wiues
contrarie
to
the
Law
,
Deut.
17.16
.
3.
Concerning
his
sonnes
,
they
are
somewhat
diuersly
rehearsed
here
,
and
1.
Chron.
c.
3.
and
c.
14.
both
in
name
and
number
,
Shammua
is
called
Shime●
,
1.
Chron.
3.5
.
Elishua
is
named
Elishamah
,
1.
Chron.
3.5
.
and
Eliada
Beeliada
,
1.
Chron.
14.3
.
And
here
are
but
eleuen
rehea●sed
,
in
the
other
places
two
more
are
named
,
Eliphalel
or
Elph●let
,
and
Nagah
.
11.
Quest.
v.
20.
Of
the
victorie
which
Dauid
had
against
the
Philistims
.
1.
Now
the
time
is
come
,
that
the
Philistims
should
receiue
condigne
punishment
that
had
so
insolently
behaued
themselues
,
when
Saul
and
Ionathan
were
slaine
.
And
God
so
disposeth
in
his
wise
prouidence
,
that
they
should
first
prouoke
Dauid
to
battell
:
he
beganne
not
with
them
,
least
he
might
haue
seemed
vnthankfull
,
seeing
he
had
found
harbour
and
entertainment
among
them
in
the
daies
of
Saul
.
Mart.
2.
The
Philistims
pitched
in
the
valley
of
Rephaim
,
which
was
not
farre
from
Ierusalem
,
Ioseph
.
and
belonged
to
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
Iosh.
15.8
.
Iun.
Some
take
it
to
be
the
same
place
,
which
is
here
called
Baal
Perazim
:
Pellic.
but
they
seeme
rather
to
be
two
diuers
places
:
and
that
the
Philistims
host
was
so
large
,
the
Phenicians
and
other
nations
assisting
them
,
as
Iosephus
saith
,
that
the
one
part
beeing
in
the
valley
,
the
other
reached
to
Baal
Perazim
:
Mart.
and
that
they
were
two
places
,
appeareth
1.
Chron.
14.11
.
for
the
Philistims
went
vp
from
the
valley
of
Rephaim
to
Baal
Perazim
.
3.
Dauid
,
as
before
the
battell
,
he
consulted
with
God
by
the
Priest
with
Vrim
and
Thummim
,
and
thereupon
went
to
the
fort
,
(
which
is
likely
to
haue
beene
the
tower
of
Sion
)
not
to
trust
to
the
defence
of
the
place
,
but
till
he
had
consulted
with
God
:
so
the
battell
being
finished
,
and
the
victorie
obtained
,
he
to
shew
his
thankfulnes
to
God
,
leaueth
a
monument
of
that
victorie
obtained
,
by
giuing
the
name
Baal
Perazim
to
the
place
,
which
signifieth
the
plain
of
diuision
,
or
breaking
asunder
:
because
Dauid
brake
in
vpon
them
,
euen
as
waters
in
a
great
ouerflowing
,
or
inundation
,
as
he
himselfe
saith
.
12.
Quest.
v.
21.
How
Dauid
serueth
the
images
of
the
Philistims
.
1.
The
word
translated
Idols
,
is
ghatzabehem
,
their
idols
,
or
images
:
which
word
properly
signifieth
griefe
or
terror
;
for
the
superstitious
adoration
of
images
bringeth
no
true
comfort
,
but
griefe
and
terror
to
those
that
worship
them
:
Iun.
Mart.
the
Chalde
readeth
,
their
errors
:
for
they
doe
greatly
erre
,
who
follow
after
vaine
Idols
.
2.
Dauid
taketh
them
:
the
Chal.
readeth
,
burned
them
:
so
also
Pag.
B.G.
but
the
word
nasa
,
signifieth
properly
,
to
take
:
yet
Dauid
tooke
them
away
,
not
with
an
intent
to
conuert
them
to
the
vse
of
the
Tabernacle
,
as
Pellic.
but
he
tooke
them
to
burne
them
:
as
is
euident
,
1.
Chron.
14.12
.
so
was
it
commanded
,
that
they
should
burne
their
grauen
images
with
fire
,
Deut.
7.5
.
As
Iacob
burned
them
vnder
an
oke
,
and
so
tooke
them
out
of
the
way
:
and
Moses
burned
the
golden
calfe
,
and
beat
it
to
pouder
,
that
the
occasion
of
offence
and
stumbling
might
vtterly
be
remooued
out
of
the
way
:
for
otherwise
we
read
,
that
they
which
preserued
or
erected
such
superstitious
monuments
,
put
a
stumbling
block
before
the
people
,
as
Micah
did
by
making
him
images
,
Iudg.
17.
Mar.
3.
The
superstition
also
of
the
Philistims
herein
shewed
it selfe
,
who
carried
their
Idols
with
them
into
their
campe
,
thinking
thereby
to
be
protected
:
therein
,
as
it
seemeth
imitating
the
Israelites
,
who
carried
the
Arke
into
the
host
,
1.
Sam.
4.
As
the
Pope-Catholikes
at
this
day
doe
vse
to
carrie
with
them
into
the
field
,
13.
Quest.
v.
24.
What
the
noise
was
in
the
toppe
of
the
mulberrie
trees
.
1.
Some
read
,
in
the
toppe
of
the
peare
trees
:
L.
some
in
the
toppe
of
the
trees
:
C.
in
the
wood
of
mourning
:
S.
but
baca
with
aleph
,
signifieth
a
mulberrie
tree
;
with
(
he
)
mourning
:
and
beside
,
it
should
haue
no
sense
to
say
,
when
thou
hearest
the
noise
of
one
going
in
the
toppes
of
mourning
.
2.
This
noise
some
thinke
was
procured
by
the
rushing
of
the
wind
,
some
by
the
Angels
,
which
is
most
like
,
for
it
was
extraordinarie
.
And
it
might
serue
,
as
well
to
terrifie
the
hearts
of
the
Philistims
,
who
did
flie
at
the
noise
of
a
leafe
shaken
,
beeing
stricken
with
a
great
feare
,
as
to
be
a
signe
of
the
presence
of
God
:
some
thinke
it
was
such
a
great
noise
,
as
that
the
Philistims
heard
not
the
approaching
of
Dauids
armie
:
but
the
speciall
vse
was
,
to
signifie
vnto
Dauid
,
that
the
Lord
was
present
to
deliuer
him
,
and
to
fight
for
him
against
the
Philistims
.
CHAP.
6.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Whether
this
historie
of
bringing
the
Arke
from
Abinadabs
house
be
transposed
.
WHereas
the
storie
is
rehearsed
,
1.
Chr.
13.
before
Dauid
had
the
former
battell
with
the
Philistims
:
1.
P.
Mart.
onely
propoundeth
this
doubt
,
and
saith
,
historia
videri
possit
nonnihil
perturbata
:
the
historie
seemes
to
be
put
somewhat
out
of
order
;
but
he
giueth
no
solution
of
this
question
.
2.
Certain
it
is
,
that
Dauid
parta
pace
,
hauing
obtained
peace
,
Osiand
.
deuictis
hostibus
,
and
his
enemies
ouercome
,
Pellic.
then
did
settle
himselfe
to
reforme
religion
:
and
therefore
the
historie
is
here
set
downe
in
the
right
order
of
time
,
howsoeuer
it
is
reported
in
the
Chronicles
.
3.
Therefore
the
best
answer
is
this
,
that
Dauid
had
assembled
together
the
cheife
of
Israel
twice
to
this
ende
,
and
consulted
with
them
to
bring
home
the
Arke
:
the
first
time
was
after
he
had
surprised
and
taken
the
fort
of
the
Iebusites
in
Ierusalem
:
which
purpose
and
consultation
of
Dauid
,
was
hindered
and
interrupted
by
the
inuasion
of
the
Philistims
;
then
after
Dauid
had
vanquished
them
,
he
called
them
againe
,
and
therefore
it
is
here
said
,
Dauid
gathered
together
againe
the
chosen
men
,
&c.
Pet.
Martyr
thinketh
,
they
had
beene
assembled
together
before
,
to
celebrate
the
inauguration
of
Dauids
raigne
,
but
rather
he
had
called
them
together
before
to
consult
about
the
Arke
:
Iun.
This
calling
together
twice
of
the
people
,
is
mentioned
1.
Chron.
13.1.5
.
4.
But
yet
this
doubt
remaineth
,
because
in
that
place
all
this
rehearsed
to
be
done
in
this
chapter
,
to
v.
10.
is
set
downe
before
Dauids
battell
with
the
Philistims
:
whereunto
this
answer
may
be
giuen
,
that
mention
beeing
made
there
of
that
consultation
,
which
Dauid
had
before
the
Philistims
battell
,
that
narration
is
finished
together
,
according
to
the
vse
of
Scripture
,
which
more
respecteth
the
coherence
of
argument
,
then
the
order
of
time
.
2.
Quest.
Of
Dauids
consulting
and
gathering
together
the
cheife
men
to
bring
againe
the
Arke
.
In
the
Chronicles
the
certaine
number
is
not
expressed
,
how
many
were
gathered
together
,
but
here
they
are
said
to
be
30.
thousand
:
As
here
the
bounds
and
limits
of
the
land
are
not
described
,
how
farre
and
from
whence
they
were
called
,
as
there
it
is
said
,
that
Dauid
gathered
them
together
,
from
Sichar
of
Egypt
vnto
the
entring
in
of
Hamath
,
that
is
,
from
the
South
bounds
of
the
land
to
the
North
:
Borr.
The
causes
of
this
great
assemblie
were
these
.
1.
Vt
solenni
pompa
,
&c.
that
with
solemne
pompe
,
and
due
deuotion
they
might
bring
the
Arke
:
Pellic.
2.
Vt
ad
manum
haberet
paratos
milites
,
that
he
might
haue
souldiers
readie
at
hand
,
if
the
enemie
should
haue
attempted
to
disturbe
them
:
Osiand
.
3.
Vt
pium
&
moderatum
Principem
decuit
,
&c.
as
it
became
a
moderate
and
godly
Prince
,
he
would
haue
the
consent
of
the
states
and
the
people
:
not
like
vnto
the
Pope
and
his
Cardinalls
,
and
the
Papall
prelacie
,
who
take
vpon
them
without
the
aduise
of
the
ciuill
state
,
to
innovate
and
change
matters
of
religion
of
their
owne
head
:
Mart.
4.
Rupertus
maketh
this
solemne
reducing
of
the
Arke
,
which
was
a
type
of
Christ
,
a
type
and
figure
of
the
solemne
preaching
and
publishing
of
the
resurrection
of
Christ
by
the
Apostles
through
the
world
.
5.
So
the
first
thoughts
and
counsell
of
Dauid
,
after
he
was
established
,
and
setled
in
his
kingdome
,
was
to
seeke
after
God
,
and
to
reforme
religion
.
But
in
Sauls
time
they
sought
not
the
to
Arke
of
God
,
1.
Chr.
13.3
.
for
Sauls
head
was
troubled
and
busied
about
the
succession
of
the
kingdome
,
and
the
pursuing
of
Dauid
:
and
in
stead
of
consulting
with
God
at
the
Arke
,
hee
went
vnto
Witches
,
which
was
his
ruine
.
Martyr
.
3.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
the
place
from
whence
they
brought
the
Arke
.
1.
The
word
is
mibaghale
,
which
some
read
,
de
viris
,
of
the
men
or
Lords
of
Iuda
:
Mont.
Pagn
.
whom
Osiander
followeth
.
2.
But
it
is
rather
the
name
of
the
citie
,
which
was
called
Kiriathiearim
,
or
Kiriathbaal
,
Ios.
15.60
.
or
Baalath
,
1.
Chron.
15.4
.
or
in
the
plurall
number
,
Baalim
,
as
it
is
here
translated
by
Iun.
and
Vatab.
3.
There
the
ark
rested
in
Kiriathiearim
when
it
returned
from
the
Philistims
,
1.
Sam.
7.1
.
which
was
at
the
least
40.
yeares
before
:
immediately
after
the
death
of
Eli
,
after
whome
succeeded
Samuel
and
Saul
,
who
gouerned
Israel
40.
yeares
,
Act.
13.21
.
4.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
Whereon
is
called
vpon
the
name
of
Iehouah
.
1.
Some
doe
referre
these
words
vnto
God
,
reading
thus
,
to
fetch
from
thence
the
Arke
of
God
,
whose
name
is
called
by
the
name
of
Iehovah
:
B.G.V.
but
it
seemeth
rather
to
be
a
description
of
the
Arke
,
shewing
the
excellencie
and
dignitie
of
it
,
that
there
the
Lord
was
called
vpon
,
and
from
thence
gaue
answer
,
and
shewed
there
euident
signes
of
his
presence
.
2.
Some
doe
vnderstand
it
of
the
Arke
,
that
it
was
called
by
the
name
of
Iehouah
:
so
Pellic.
Osiand
.
and
Pet.
Martyr
further
giueth
this
reason
:
that
the
Sacraments
doe
beare
the
name
of
the
things
,
which
they
signifie
:
as
the
name
of
the
altar
which
Moses
made
,
Exod.
17.
was
called
Iehouah
:
and
so
Gedeon
called
the
altar
which
he
made
,
Iehouah
shalam
,
Iehouah
peace
,
Iudg.
6.24
.
Borrh.
And
after
the
same
manner
must
the
words
of
our
Bless●d
Sauiour
be
vnderstood
,
this
is
my
bodie
:
the
Sacrament
is
called
by
the
name
of
the
thing
.
But
neither
of
these
two
places
are
fitly
alleadged
:
for
the
name
Iehouah
is
not
simply
giuen
vnto
these
altars
,
but
with
some
addition
:
the
first
is
called
by
Moses
,
Iehouah
missi
,
the
Lord
is
my
banner
:
the
other
by
Gedeon
is
named
Iehouah
Shalam
,
Iehouah
(
is
our
)
peace
.
Neither
are
the
words
so
to
be
read
here
.
3.
Therefore
the
better
reading
is
,
at
,
as
Iun.
or
vpon
the
which
(
as
Sep.
Lat.
)
namely
the
Arke
of
God
,
the
name
of
Iehouah
is
called
vpon
:
there
solemnly
the
name
of
Iehouah
was
invocated
:
so
also
read
Mont.
Pag.
the
word
kara
here
vsed
,
signifieth
not
onely
to
call
,
but
also
to
inuocate
,
and
call
vpon
,
as
Gen.
4.26
.
5.
Quest.
v.
2.
How
God
is
said
to
sit
betweene
the
Cherubims
.
1.
Tostatus
hath
this
conceit
,
that
the
Angel
which
spake
from
between
the
Cherubims
did
assume
a
certaine
aerie
bodie
,
which
rested
betweene
the
Cherubims
:
Vatab.
Borrh.
as
he
did
to
Moses
,
Numb.
7.89
.
4.
God
was
otherwise
there
present
then
he
is
in
the
whole
world
;
here
was
the
presence
of
his
grace
,
sicut
fidelibus
sacramentaliter
adest
,
as
he
is
present
to
the
faithfull
in
the
Sacraments
:
Pellic.
5.
As
God
is
said
to
dwell
betweene
the
Cherubims
:
so
Christ
is
not
elswhere
to
be
sought
then
in
his
Church
,
with
the
which
he
hath
promised
to
be
present
to
the
ende
of
the
world
.
Borr.
6.
Quest.
v.
3.
Why
they
put
the
Arke
of
God
vpon
a
newe
cart
.
1.
Pellican
thinketh
that
they
did
this
by
the
appointment
of
the
King
himselfe
,
or
of
the
high
Priest
.
But
it
appeareth
by
the
punishment
inflicted
afterward
vpon
Vzzah
,
that
it
was
his
negligence
cheifely
and
ouersight
so
to
carrie
the
arke
.
2.
They
did
thus
,
as
they
thought
for
the
more
honour
and
reuerence
to
the
Arke
,
but
it
prooued
otherwise
:
Borr.
whereby
we
see
that
many
things
may
be
done
of
a
good
intention
,
and
yet
not
acceptable
vnto
God
.
3.
It
seemeth
also
,
that
herein
they
followed
the
example
of
the
Philistims
,
who
put
the
Arke
into
a
newe
cart
:
but
they
should
rather
haue
looked
vnto
the
law
,
and
commandement
of
God
,
who
appointed
the
Leuites
to
carrie
it
vpon
their
shoulders
:
Mart.
4.
Like
vnto
these
are
the
Romanists
,
in
these
two
respects
.
1.
Because
as
these
imitated
the
Philistims
,
so
they
doe
borrow
many
of
their
rites
and
vsages
from
the
Iewes
,
or
Gentiles
.
2.
And
as
these
ease
their
owne
shoulders
,
and
cause
the
oxen
to
drawe
the
Arke
,
so
the
Popish
prelacie
doe
wind
their
necke
out
of
the
coller
,
and
lay
the
duties
belonging
vnto
them
vpon
others
:
as
preaching
vpon
their
chaplaines
,
their
gouernment
vpon
their
chancelors
and
officials
,
giuing
themselues
in
the
meane
time
to
their
pleasure
and
idlenes
:
Mart.
5.
Rupertus
by
the
Arke
carried
in
the
cart
or
charet
,
vnderstandeth
the
preaching
of
the
Gospel
,
borne
as
it
were
by
the
fowre
Euangelists
:
but
this
application
is
not
so
fit
,
seeing
this
carting
of
the
Arke
was
taken
in
euill
part
,
and
much
displeased
God
.
7.
Quest.
v.
4.
Whence
the
Arke
was
brought
,
and
by
whom
.
1.
It
was
brought
from
the
house
of
Abinadab
,
where
it
was
left
,
1.
Sam.
7.1
.
whose
house
was
in
the
hill
,
Iun.
Vatab.
rather
then
in
Gibeah
:
for
that
was
in
Beniamin
.
2.
These
two
sonnes
of
Abinadab
,
R.
Gerson
thinketh
not
to
haue
beene
Levites
:
but
Iosephus
opinion
is
more
probable
,
who
thinketh
that
Abinadab
was
a
Leuite
,
in
whose
house
the
Arke
had
staied
a
long
time
:
his
brother
:
whereas
it
is
euident
out
of
the
text
,
that
those
two
Vzzah
and
Ahio
were
Abinadabs
sonnes
.
v.
3.
4.
Ahio
went
before
,
and
Vzzah
went
behind
,
though
it
be
not
expressed
,
as
it
appeareth
afterward
by
Vzzahs
staying
of
the
Arke
with
his
hand
.
Iun.
8.
Quest.
v.
4.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
:
And
they
brought
it
out
of
the
house
of
Abinadab
,
which
is
in
the
hill
,
with
the
Arke
.
1.
Vatablus
readeth
,
and
they
brought
it
,
&c.
with
the
Arke
,
that
is
the
coffer
,
wherin
the
Philistims
had
put
their
presents
and
gifts
,
which
they
sent
with
the
Arke
,
1.
Sam.
6.8
.
they
brought
it
together
with
the
Arke
.
2.
Some
read
thus
:
they
brought
the
Arke
out
of
the
house
of
Abinadab
:
B.G.
but
here
some
thing
is
omitted
,
not
translated
;
as
it
,
and
with
.
3.
Some
referre
it
to
Abinadab
,
who
was
in
Gibeah
keeping
the
Arke
:
so
the
Latine
interpreter
expoundeth
,
with
the
Arke
,
that
is
,
keeping
it
.
4.
Osiander
thus
interpreteth
:
they
brought
it
,
that
is
,
the
new
cart
,
with
the
Arke
.
5.
The
meaning
is
rather
,
that
they
were
with
the
Ark
,
that
is
,
did
accompanie
it
,
Iun.
as
the
next
words
shew
,
Ahio
went
before
the
Arke
.
9.
Quest.
v.
5.
Of
Dauids
playing
vpon
instruments
of
Musicke
before
the
Lord
.
1.
The
instruments
of
Musicke
are
described
by
their
matter
;
they
were
made
of
firre
tree
,
some
take
it
for
cedar
,
some
for
boxe
:
the
word
is
berash
,
which
vsually
is
taken
for
the
firre
:
V.A.P.I.
which
is
an
fit
wood
to
make
instruments
of
,
as
is
vsed
to
this
day
;
the
diuerse
kinds
also
of
these
instruments
made
of
firre
are
named
,
as
Harpes
,
Psaltaries
,
Timbrels
.
2.
The
people
of
the
East
countrie
as
they
are
more
ardent
in
their
affections
,
so
they
are
more
affected
with
musicke
,
then
they
which
inhabit
toward
the
Northerne
parts
of
the
world
:
and
therefore
to
this
day
,
the
Christians
in
Syria
and
in
other
East
countries
,
doe
celebrate
the
festiuall
of
Christs
resurrection
with
harpes
and
other
instruments
,
with
singing
also
and
dauncing
.
And
by
the
Epistle
of
Plinie
to
Traiane
the
Emperor
,
it
seemeth
that
euen
from
the
Apostles
times
,
in
sacro
vsu
habuisse
Musicam
,
that
they
had
a
sacred
vse
of
Musicke
,
euen
from
the
Apostles
time
.
Mar.
3.
Beside
the
custome
of
the
countrie
,
the
pedagogie
and
condition
of
those
times
,
which
was
full
of
types
and
shadowes
,
did
commend
this
publike
vse
of
Musicke
in
religion
:
whereby
were
represented
,
those
cantiones
spirituales
,
spirituall
songs
,
and
hymnes
,
which
the
Apostle
speaketh
of
:
singing
and
making
melodie
vnto
the
Lord
in
your
hearts
,
Ephes.
5.13
.
Borrh.
4.
The
vse
of
these
instruments
was
,
that
thereby
mentes
arrigerentur
,
the
mindes
of
the
hearers
might
be
stirred
vp
to
the
praise
of
God
:
for
otherwise
God
is
not
delighted
with
sounds
.
Pellican
.
5.
And
thus
farre
Musicke
also
hath
now
a
commendable
vse
in
the
Church
of
God
:
si
vtamur
ad
ipsius
laudem
,
&c.
if
we
vse
it
to
Gods
praise
,
and
glorie
,
and
the
mind
and
heart
sing
together
with
the
voice
.
Osiander
.
10.
Quest.
v.
●
.
Of
the
o●casion
,
which
mooued
Vzzah
to
stay
the
Ark●
with
his
hand
.
1.
Because
this
was
a
memorable
accident
,
that
here
fell
out
,
the
place
is
noted
,
which
had
a
double
name
:
it
is
here
called
the
th●eshing
floore
of
Nachon
,
which
signifieth
prepared
,
as
Vatablus
translateth
,
arcam
paratam
,
a
threshing
floore
prepared
:
because
by
this
example
and
admonition
the
L●uites
were
as
prepared
:
but
1.
Chron.
13.
it
is
named
the
threshing
floore
of
Chidon
:
which
some
thinke
was
so
called
,
because
Ioshua
there
lift
vp
his
sh●ild
or
speare
,
which
is
so
called
chudon
,
Iosh.
8.18
.
ex
Martyr
.
But
it
seemeth
that
the
owner
of
this
threshing
floore
rather
had
these
two
names
,
Nachon
,
and
Chidon
,
as
Araunah
whose
threshing
floore
Dauid
bought
,
2.
Sam.
24.
was
also
called
Ornan
,
1.
Chron.
21.20
.
2.
The
oxen
,
which
drew
the
●art
,
some
read
exorbitabant
,
went
out
of
the
way
:
Ioseph
.
Lat.
Osiander
.
some
read
,
that
the
oxen
fainted
as
vnder
the
burthen
of
the
Ark
,
because
of
the
reuerence
,
and
holinesse
of
it
:
Vatab
:
out
of
a
certaine
Hebrew
writer
:
some
that
the
o●en
stumbled
or
kicked
.
P●lli●
.
But
the
word
is
better
translated
,
they
did
shake
it
:
B.G.
Iun.
like
to
cast
and
tumble
it
downe
:
so
the
word
samat
is
vsed
,
2.
King
.
9.33
.
where
Iehu
biddeth
them
tumble
,
or
cast
downe
Iezabel
.
3.
Thus
it
pleased
God
by
these
●umbe
beasts
to
admonish
them
of
their
error
:
as
the
Lord
reprooued
Balaam
by
opening
the
mouth
of
his
asse
.
Mar.
11.
Quest.
v.
7.
Why
the
Lord
smote
Vzzah
,
and
how
.
1.
Some
of
the
Rabbines
thinke
that
Vzzah
was
smitten
,
because
when
he
saw
the
Arke
declining
he
had
such
an
inward
thought
,
as
though
God
were
not
able
to
stay
it
:
but
no
such
thing
is
in
the
text
:
Petrus
Camest●r
gesseth
it
wa●
,
for
that
hee
had
companied
with
his
wife
the
night
before
:
which
concei●
riseth
of
their
prophane
and
base
opinion
of
marriage
,
which
the
Apostle
calleth
honourable
:
the
cause
is
euident
out
of
the
text
,
because
they
had
put
the
Arke
into
a
ca●t
,
where●s
it
was
to
be
caried
vpon
the
Leuites
shoulders
:
Mar.
and
because
beeing
no
Priest
,
he
touched
the
Arke
,
which
it
was
not
lawfull
for
the
Leuites
to
doe
:
Osiand
.
both
these
causes
are
rendered
of
this
iudgement
,
the
first
1.
Chron.
15.3.14
.
the
other
1.
Chron.
13.10
.
2.
How
Vzzah
was
smitten
,
it
is
not
expressed
:
some
thinke
he
was
striken
with
a
thunderbolt
:
Hierome
is
of
opinion
,
that
his
shoulder
and
arme
wa●
suddenly
withered
and
dried
vp
,
because
he
should
haue
borne
the
Arke
vpon
his
shoulder
:
Per●z
V●zah
,
the
rent
,
breach
,
or
diuision
of
Vzzah
.
3.
Vzzah
is
smitten
here
,
whereas
the
Philistims
were
not
punished
at
all
for
carting
the
Arke
:
for
they
knew
not
the
law
of
God
,
and
therefore
were
excused
by
their
ignorance
:
but
the
Israelites
,
if
they
transgressed
the
law
,
did
it
of
carelesse
negligence
and
forgetfulnesse
,
as
Vzzah
here
,
and
therefore
this
punishment
is
laid
vpon
him
:
Pellican
.
4.
And
Vzzah
is
smitten
rather
then
Ahio
,
not
as
Hierome
thinketh
,
if
hee
be
the
author
of
the
traditions
vpon
the
Chronicles
:
b●cause
Abinadab
had
Vzzah
carie
the
Arke
vpon
his
shoulders
,
and
he
refused
:
Mar.
But
though
Ahio
with
the
rest
of
the
Priests
and
Leuites
were
all
guiltie
of
the
first
fault
in
putting
the
Arke
into
a
cart
:
yet
this
fault
was
peculiar
to
Vzzah
,
in
that
he
presumed
to
touch
the
Arke
,
which
it
was
not
lawfull
for
the
Leuites
to
doe
,
Num.
4.11
.
and
therefore
he
was
smitten
▪
and
not
Ahio
.
Iun.
12.
Quest.
v.
7.
Of
th●
right
vse
,
which
is
to
be
made
of
this
iudgement
vpon
Vzzah
.
1.
The
Pope
grossely
abused
this
place
,
against
the
Emperour
,
who
hauing
made
some
constitutions
in
Germanie
concerning
r●ligion
,
and
namely
that
of
the
interim
,
was
threatned
by
the
Pope
with
the
vengeance
that
did
light
vpon
Vzzah
,
for
medling
with
things
that
appertained
not
vnto
him
.
But
therein
the
Emperour
did
no
more
then
other
godly
Kings
before
him
,
Salomon
,
Esechias
,
Iosias
,
and
those
Christian
Emperours
Constantine
,
Theodosius
,
Honorius
,
Arcadius
.
Mart.
2.
But
this
example
hath
this
application
rather
.
1.
It
condemneth
all
will-worship
and
humane
deuises
brought
into
the
seruice
and
worship
of
God
:
as
Nadab
and
Abihu
were
slaine
for
offering
with
strange
fire
.
2.
It
teacheth
v●
,
ne
in
alienam
functionèm
nos
ingreamus
,
that
we
intrude
not
our selues
into
an
others
function
:
as
Vzzia
the
King
was
smitten
with
leprosie
,
because
he
tooke
vpon
him
to
offer
incense
.
Osiander
.
3.
The
Arke
also
signifieth
the
Scripture
,
quae
non
est
illotis
manibus
tractanda
,
which
must
not
be
handled
with
vncleane
hands
.
Pellican
.
4.
It
sheweth
also
that
a
good
intention
,
declining
from
the
prescript
of
Gods
word
,
is
not
acceptable
to
the
Lord
:
Osiander
.
For
Vzzah
here
of
a
good
meaning
staied
the
Arke
with
his
hand
,
but
because
it
was
against
the
Law
,
it
displeased
the
Lord
.
13.
Quest.
Why
Dauid
was
displeased
.
1.
Whereas
the
words
in
the
originall
are
,
Dauid
was
angrie
:
or
anger
was
to
Dauid
:
some
take
it
,
that
Dauid
was
angrie
not
with
the
Lord
,
for
God
could
not
be
accused
of
iniustice
here
,
and
it
was
farre
from
Dauid
to
lay
any
such
imputation
vpon
God
:
but
he
was
angrie
with
the
negligence
of
the
Preists
,
and
his
owne
ouersight
,
in
such
an
apparant
transgression
of
the
Law
:
Mart.
2.
But
the
text
giuing
this
reason
,
because
the
Lord
hath
smitten
Vzzah
;
sheweth
that
this
indeed
was
the
cause
of
Dauids
greife
:
therefore
the
meaning
is
,
that
displicuit
Dauidi
,
it
displeased
Dauid
:
I.G.B.
or
Dauid
was
mooued
and
troubled
,
as
Samuel
was
mooued
,
when
the
Lord
had
cast
off
Saul
,
and
cried
vnto
the
Lord
all
night
,
1.
Sam.
15.11
.
where
the
same
phrase
is
vsed
.
3.
As
Dauid
was
mooued
and
troubled
,
so
it
is
said
,
Dauid
feared
the
Lord
that
day
:
which
both
sheweth
,
that
Dauid
setting
before
him
the
like
punishment
vpon
the
Philistims
first
,
then
vpon
the
Bethshemites
for
their
irreuerent
behauiour
toward
the
Arke
,
feared
the
like
punishment
himselfe
,
and
therefore
durst
goe
no
further
with
the
Arke
:
Mart.
And
beside
it
made
Dauid
more
carefull
afterward
,
nihil
tentare
praeter
doctrinam
legis
,
to
attempt
nothing
beside
the
doctrine
of
the
Law
.
Pellican
.
14.
Quest.
Whether
Dauid
did
well
in
going
no
further
with
the
Arke
.
1.
Some
think
that
Dauid
was
herein
ouerseene
;
and
though
he
were
an
holy
man
,
yet
he
was
not
without
his
faults
;
for
if
he
were
assured
that
it
was
the
Lords
will
to
bring
the
Arke
to
Ierusalem
,
he
should
not
haue
giuen
ouer
notwithstanding
this
crosse
successe
:
and
if
he
were
not
,
he
should
neuer
haue
begunne
,
and
taken
it
in
hand
:
Mart.
2.
To
the
same
purpose
Osiander
,
that
Dauid
exceeded
a
due
measure
in
this
his
feare
,
in
that
he
sendeth
away
the
Arke
from
him
:
as
many
now
a
dayes
,
because
they
thinke
themselues
vnworthie
to
receiue
the
Sacrament
,
do
along
time
forbeare
,
and
will
not
receiue
it
at
all
.
3.
But
Dauid
herein
rather
obeyed
,
as
it
seemed
to
him
the
Lords
will
,
which
hee
might
thinke
,
was
not
at
this
time
that
the
Arke
should
be
brought
to
his
house
,
as
was
declared
by
this
fact
:
Iun.
so
aguoscit
se
indignum
,
&c.
he
acknowledgeth
himselfe
vnworthy
,
with
whome
the
Arke
,
which
was
the
seat
of
God
,
should
remaine
and
dwell
.
Pellic.
15.
Quest.
v.
10.
Of
the
leauing
of
the
Arke
in
the
house
of
Obed
Edom
the
Gittite
.
1.
The
most
doe
thinke
,
that
this
Obed
Edom
is
called
a
Gethite
or
Gittite
,
because
he
had
sometime
soiourned
with
Dauid
,
or
vpon
some
other
occasion
in
Gath
a
citie
of
the
Philistims
:
Pellic.
Vatab.
and
it
might
be
he
fled
thither
,
when
Saul
put
the
Priests
to
death
:
Mart.
But
he
was
so
called
of
Gath
Rimman
,
one
of
the
cities
giuen
in
common
by
the
tribe
of
Manasses
,
and
of
Dan
to
the
Kohathites
the
Leuits
,
Iosh.
21.24
.
Iun.
2.
And
with
him
the
Arke
is
left
,
not
that
Dauid
forced
him
to
take
the
Arke
,
and
so
would
turne
the
daunger
vpon
an
other
,
which
he
feared
.
But
it
seemeth
rather
,
that
Obededom
dwelling
in
the
way
,
and
beeing
a
good
man
,
and
also
a
Leuite
,
that
he
was
willing
to
giue
entertainement
vnto
the
Arke
:
Osiand
.
Martyr
.
Rupertus
thinketh
that
Dauid
as
yet
knew
not
the
cause
,
why
the
Lord
smote
Vzzah
;
but
that
is
not
like
,
for
it
appeareth
by
Dauids
feare
,
saying
,
how
shall
the
Arke
of
the
Lord
come
vnto
me
,
that
he
knew
well
,
that
Vzzah
was
smitten
for
some
fault
committed
about
the
Arke
.
16.
Quest.
v.
12.
What
mooued
Dauid
to
bring
the
Arke
from
the
house
of
Obededom
.
1.
God
had
blessed
the
house
of
Obededom
and
all
that
he
had
,
because
of
the
presence
of
the
Arke
,
which
he
vsed
with
great
reuerence
:
no
such
thing
is
expressed
of
Abinadab
,
in
whose
house
the
Arke
was
many
yeares
,
either
because
it
is
omitted
in
Scripture
,
as
many
things
of
fact
are
:
or
it
may
be
the
Arke
was
not
with
like
reuerence
there
entertained
.
Mart.
2.
This
was
a
great
alteration
and
change
,
that
whereas
the
Lord
punished
before
,
he
now
blesseth
:
but
this
change
was
not
in
God
,
who
is
immutable
and
alwaie
the
same
,
but
in
them
that
carried
themselues
diuersely
towards
the
Lords
arke
:
Vzzah
was
punished
for
his
want
of
reuerence
,
Obededom
is
rewarded
for
his
obedience
.
3.
Thus
the
Lord
honoureth
those
that
honour
him
,
and
his
seruants
for
his
sake
:
Laban
was
blessed
after
Iaacobs
comming
vnto
him
;
and
Potiphar
because
of
Ioseph
.
4.
Dauid
therefore
hearing
the
report
of
Obededoms
prosperitie
,
now
seeing
all
feare
of
danger
past
,
taketh
vnto
him
a
good
heart
,
&
resolueth
to
remooue
the
arke
:
Osiand
.
Likewise
though
God
be
not
to
be
serued
,
or
his
presence
to
be
desired
for
any
earthly
blessings
;
yet
the
Lord
propoundeth
such
temporall
rewards
to
stirre
vp
our
dulnes
:
and
Dauid
is
the
rather
mooued
in
this
behalfe
to
bring
the
Arke
home
vnto
him
,
that
these
outward
things
might
bee
testimonia
quaedam
voluntatis
Dei
,
&c.
certain
testimonies
of
the
will
of
God
toward
him
:
Mar.
But
the
cheife
reason
which
mooued
Dauid
to
remooue
the
Arke
,
was
because
nowe
hearing
of
Obededom
his
welfare
and
prosperitie
by
entertaining
the
Arke
,
nihil
mali
veritus
,
he
feared
no
further
euill
or
danger
:
Ioseph
.
l.
7.
c.
4.
17.
Quest.
v.
16.
Why
they
sacrificed
,
when
they
had
gone
sixe
paces
.
1.
The
Rabbines
thinke
,
that
they
sacrifice
now
at
six
paces
,
because
Vzzah
was
smitten
,
when
they
had
gone
six
paces
:
but
whether
that
were
so
or
not
,
as
soone
as
they
set
forward
and
perceiued
,
that
God
was
present
with
them
,
and
none
of
them
were
smitten
,
they
offered
sacrifice
in
signe
of
thanksgiuing
.
Pellican
.
2.
Some
of
the
Hebrewes
thinke
,
that
the
Leuites
felt
not
the
Arke
heauie
as
they
did
beare
it
,
and
therefore
beeing
mooued
with
this
miracle
they
sacrificed
:
but
it
is
dangerous
deuising
miracles
without
Scripture
.
3.
It
is
most
like
that
he
which
was
set
ouer
the
Levites
,
who
caried
the
Arke
by
turnes
,
appointed
them
their
stations
,
how
farre
the
parties
or
bearers
should
goe
before
they
rested
,
which
was
six
paces
:
therefore
it
is
said
,
1.
Chron.
15.26
.
when
the
Lord
eased
and
helped
the
Leuites
,
that
is
,
when
they
rested
them
,
at
the
appointment
of
Chenamah
,
who
was
set
ouer
them
,
1.
Chron.
15.22
.
then
they
offered
sacrifice
.
4.
And
,
they
offered
these
sacrifices
vpon
some
Altar
made
vpon
the
suddaine
,
either
of
earth
,
or
of
rough
stone
according
to
the
law
,
Exod.
20.24
.
Iun.
5.
The
cause
why
none
of
them
were
now
smitten
was
,
for
that
the
former
fault
and
ouersight
was
redressed
,
the
Leuites
now
did
beare
the
Arke
vpon
their
shoulders
according
to
the
Law
,
1.
Cor.
15.14
.
18.
Quest.
v.
13.
How
many
bullockes
and
fat
beasts
they
offered
.
Here
the
text
saith
they
offered
a
bullocke
and
a
fat
beast
,
that
is
,
but
one
:
but
1.
Chron.
15.26
.
it
is
said
they
offered
seauen
bullockes
,
and
seauen
rammes
.
1.
Some
to
reconcile
these
places
thinke
,
Genevens
.
annot
.
1.
Chron.
15.26
.
but
the
same
offering
is
spoken
of
in
both
places
,
because
the
same
occasion
is
touched
,
when
the
Leuites
rested
,
and
had
gone
six
paces
.
2.
Iunius
readeth
here
in
the
plurall
,
they
offered
bullockes
and
fat
beasts
:
and
so
it
may
agree
with
the
other
number
of
seauen
bullocks
,
and
seauen
rammes
:
but
seeing
the
words
are
here
put
in
the
singular
number
,
they
are
not
fitly
translated
in
the
plurall
,
there
beeing
no
such
necessitie
.
3.
I
approoue
rather
Osianders
solution
:
who
thinketh
that
there
were
certaine
stations
,
which
are
called
paces
,
at
the
end
of
six
of
them
the
Leuites
set
downe
the
Arke
,
and
others
carried
in
their
place
:
and
at
the
end
of
euery
six
of
these
stations
,
they
offered
a
bullocke
,
and
a
ramme
:
and
this
they
did
seauen
times
till
they
came
to
the
Citie
of
Dauid
:
So
in
all
at
these
seauen
seuerall
times
they
offered
seauen
bullockes
,
and
seauen
other
fat
beasts
,
that
is
rammes
;
for
at
euery
six
spaces
or
stations
ende
,
they
offered
a
bullocke
,
and
an
other
beast
.
19.
Quest.
v.
14.
Of
Dauids
daunsing
.
1.
It
was
the
custome
and
vse
of
the
seruants
of
God
,
when
they
would
shew
their
exceeding
ioy
,
to
expresse
the
same
with
their
outward
gesture
,
and
that
with
daunsing
:
as
Elias
,
when
the
raine
came
,
that
had
beene
restrained
three
yeare
and
six
monthes
,
vsitata
ratione
Deum
colere
:
worship
God
after
the
vsuall
,
and
ordinarie
manner
.
Mar.
20.
Quest.
v.
14.
Of
the
linen
Ephod
,
that
Dauid
was
girded
with
.
1.
Osiander
thinketh
,
that
Dauid
was
so
addicted
to
the
seruice
of
God
,
that
hee
put
on
a
preistly
garment
:
he
taketh
it
to
be
such
a
linen
Ephod
,
as
the
inferior
preists
vsed
to
weare
:
as
1.
Sam.
21.18
.
But
Dauid
hauing
beene
so
lately
taught
by
Vzzahs
presumption
,
who
beeing
but
a
Leuite
medled
with
the
preists
office
,
in
touching
the
Arke
,
would
not
aduenture
to
were
those
garments
which
were
peculiar
vnto
preists
.
2.
Neither
yet
was
it
a
meere
ciuill
garment
,
such
as
they
which
are
preists
or
Leuites
did
sometime
weare
,
honoris
causa
,
for
honour
sake
:
Borrh.
for
Dauid
as
it
were
abasing
and
humbling
himselfe
in
the
sight
of
God
,
as
he
saith
,
v.
22.
I
will
yet
be
more
vile
then
thus
,
did
lay
aside
in
all
likelihood
his
garments
of
honour
and
state
.
3.
I
thinke
it
therefore
more
probable
,
that
it
was
neither
a
preistly
garment
,
nor
yet
altogether
ciuill
or
prophane
:
but
such
as
vulgus
Deo
deuoturum
,
they
which
were
deuoted
vnto
God
,
though
they
were
neither
Leuites
,
nor
preists
,
did
vse
in
the
seruice
of
God
,
&
religious
actions
:
See
more
of
the
Ephod
,
1.
Sam.
c.
2.
qu.
5.
and
c.
22.
qu.
13.
So
Dauid
here
did
not
shew
himselfe
as
a
Preist
,
as
they
say
Charles
the
5.
in
his
solemne
inauguration
at
Bononia
did
put
on
a
linen
vesture
to
please
the
Papal
societie
,
as
though
he
were
consecrated
one
of
their
preists
:
but
he
put
it
on
not
onely
to
be
the
lighter
,
and
to
daunce
the
more
nimbly
,
Mart.
but
to
shew
his
deuotion
.
4.
Yet
did
he
not
strippe
himselfe
of
his
princely
robes
,
as
thinketh
Mart.
as
Saul
was
naked
before
the
Prophets
,
that
is
,
hauing
laid
aside
his
princely
robes
:
for
vnder
the
linen
Ephod
,
he
had
a
silke
cloake
or
robe
;
for
so
it
is
said
,
that
he
had
a
silke
robe
,
and
then
vpon
that
a
linen
Ephod
,
1.
Chron.
15.17
.
Some
doe
there
read
in
the
first
place
a
linen
garment
,
as
Vatab.
Genevens
.
but
the
word
is
butz
,
which
signifieth
silke
,
and
the
other
bar
,
linen
:
he
had
therefore
a
long
silke
robe
,
and
vpon
that
a
linen
Ephod
,
which
was
girt
vnto
him
,
and
kept
the
other
garment
cloase
from
flying
abroad
.
Osiand
.
annot
.
1.
Chron.
15.
21.
Quest.
v.
17.
Of
the
Tabernacle
where
Dauid
placed
the
Arke
.
1.
This
was
not
the
Tabernacle
,
which
Moses
had
made
,
where
the
Altar
of
burnt-offering
was
;
for
that
was
now
at
Gibeon
,
1.
Chron.
22.29
.
but
it
was
a
Tabernacle
,
which
Dauid
had
prepared
of
purpose
for
the
Arke
,
before
he
brought
it
thither
,
1.
Chron.
15.1
.
Mar.
Borrh.
2.
Peter
Martyr
doubteth
whether
the
great
Tabernacle
at
this
time
in
Gibeon
,
were
the
same
which
Moses
had
set
vp
200.
yeare
before
(
yea
400.
yeare
)
in
the
desert
:
but
it
is
euident
1.
Chron.
21.29
.
that
it
was
the
same
Tabernacle
,
which
Moses
had
made
in
the
wildernesse
:
which
might
notwithstanding
be
repaired
,
and
renewed
,
as
there
was
need
.
3.
Dauid
maketh
a
Tabernacle
for
the
Arke
,
rather
then
any
permanent
building
,
because
he
had
now
set
it
downe
in
his
mind
to
build
the
Lord
an
house
,
which
was
afterward
performed
by
Salomon
.
Mar.
22.
Quest.
v.
18.
Of
Dauids
blessing
the
people
.
1.
Though
it
be
not
like
,
that
Dauid
here
,
and
Salomon
who
blessed
the
people
also
at
the
consecration
of
the
Temple
,
vsed
that
forme
of
blessing
,
which
is
prescribed
,
Numb.
6.24
.
The
Lord
blesse
thee
,
and
keepe
thee
,
which
onely
was
appointed
for
the
Preists
to
vse
:
yet
Dauid
after
some
other
holy
manner
blessed
the
people
,
and
wished
well
vnto
them
.
2.
And
he
doth
not
onely
wish
well
vnto
them
in
words
,
but
performeth
the
same
also
vnto
them
in
deeds
;
making
a
feast
vnto
all
the
people
,
he
gaue
vnto
euery
one
,
a
cake
of
bread
,
and
a
peece
of
flesh
,
and
a
bottle
of
wine
:
Iosephus
omitteth
the
wine
,
and
speaketh
of
a
wafer
cake
,
beside
the
bread
,
that
should
be
giuen
vnto
euery
one
:
but
the
text
is
of
more
credit
with
vs
.
3.
Dauid
did
not
shew
such
bountie
when
he
was
confirmed
in
the
kingdome
by
the
people
,
c.
5.
to
shew
that
he
more
reioyced
in
the
true
worship
of
God
,
then
in
the
honour
of
his
kingdome
:
Mart.
4.
Dauid
here
executeth
part
of
the
preistly
,
part
of
the
princely
office
:
hee
blesseth
as
a
Preist
,
and
giueth
bountifully
to
the
people
as
a
King
.
So
Melchisedech
both
blessed
Abraham
,
and
brought
forth
bread
and
wine
vnto
him
:
herein
then
Dauid
was
a
type
and
figure
of
the
Messiah
,
both
king
and
preist
,
after
the
order
of
Melchisedech
.
Borrh.
23.
Quest.
v.
20.
Of
Michols
deriding
of
Dauid
.
1.
Michol
who
should
haue
met
the
King
her
husband
,
as
the
part
of
kind
and
dutifull
wiues
is
,
with
amiable
salutations
,
doth
at
the
very
first
shew
her
scornefull
heart
toward
him
.
Osiand
.
Iosephus
thinketh
that
she
commended
all
other
things
,
but
onely
findeth
fault
with
him
for
his
dauncing
:
but
the
text
maketh
mention
onely
of
her
words
of
reproach
,
not
of
any
commendation
at
all
:
It
seemeth
rather
,
that
she
which
scorned
him
before
in
her
heart
looking
out
at
a
window
,
v.
16.
could
not
containe
her selfe
,
but
must
needs
goe
forth
to
meete
him
to
tell
him
her
mind
.
Mart.
And
whereas
Dauid
came
to
blesse
his
house
,
she
through
her
foolishnes
turneth
his
blessing
into
a
curse
.
Borrh.
2.
She
is
called
the
daughter
of
Saul
,
because
indeed
herein
,
refert
ingenium
patris
,
she
did
shew
the
qualitie
of
her
father
.
Iun.
he
was
an
hypocrite
,
and
vaine
glorious
,
and
sought
onely
the
praise
of
men
:
whereas
Dauid
referreth
all
vnto
Gods
glorie
:
Pellican
.
yet
in
the
meane
time
shee
forgetteth
,
how
her
father
Saul
had
in
like
sort
behaued
himselfe
among
the
prophets
,
prophecying
naked
,
that
is
,
without
his
princely
robes
before
them
,
1.
Sam.
19.24
.
Mar.
3.
There
are
three
parts
of
Michols
scornefull
reprehension
,
1.
because
he
had
forgotten
himselfe
that
day
,
not
retaining
his
princely
dignitie
:
and
therefore
she
taunteth
him
with
an
ironicall
speach
:
how
glorious
was
the
King
of
Israel
this
day
?
2.
Because
he
had
vncouered
himselfe
in
the
eyes
of
the
handmaides
:
not
that
either
of
purpose
Dauid
shewed
his
bare
and
naked
bodie
in
dauncing
,
beeing
verie
bewtifull
,
as
some
thinke
:
or
that
his
bare
flesh
was
seene
,
vestibus
ex
tripudio
diffluentibus
,
his
garments
in
dauncing
flying
abroad
,
Osiander
,
so
also
Iosephus
:
but
for
that
he
had
shewed
light
behauiour
,
not
beseeming
the
grauitie
of
a
King
,
in
so
much
,
that
the
very
maides
scorned
him
,
and
made
iests
of
him
.
3.
Because
he
had
so
carried
himselfe
,
that
there
was
small
difference
betweene
him
,
and
a
foole
,
that
leapeth
and
daunceth
vp
and
downe
,
or
like
vnto
some
vile
person
,
that
will
be
hired
for
a
little
to
leape
and
skippe
to
mooue
sport
.
Mar.
4.
After
this
manner
deale
the
carnall
men
of
this
world
,
which
hold
the
zeale
of
Gods
seruants
to
be
but
foolishnesse
:
Borrh.
and
the
pompous
prelates
and
Abbots
of
the
Romanists
,
which
ride
vpon
their
mules
,
beeing
accompanied
and
attended
vpon
as
Princes
,
doe
vpon
the
like
ground
,
despise
the
pouertie
and
simplicitie
of
the
ministers
of
the
Gospel
:
Mart.
24.
Q●est
.
v.
23.
Of
Dauids
defence
and
answer
vnto
Michol
.
1.
Michol
at
once
committed
a
treble
fault
,
she
derided
Dauid
,
beeing
both
king
,
and
a
Prophet
,
and
her
husband
:
and
her
reproachfull
speech
redounded
to
the
dishonour
of
God
,
and
therefore
Dauid
iustified
that
which
he
had
done
:
Mar.
2.
Dauids
defence
consisteth
of
these
three
parts
:
for
as
Michol
had
obiected
three
things
,
vncomelines
in
not
behauing
himselfe
as
a
King
,
that
he
had
exposed
himselfe
to
the
scorne
of
the
maids
,
and
made
himselfe
equall
vnto
vile
and
base
fellowes
:
Dauid
answereth
vnto
euery
part
,
1.
He
did
this
before
the
Lord
,
before
whom
Kings
are
as
other
men
:
and
therefore
it
was
no
dishonour
vnto
him
,
so
to
abase
himselfe
in
the
presence
of
the
King
of
kings
.
2.
Remembring
the
mercie
which
he
had
receiued
of
the
Lord
,
in
preferring
him
before
Saul
and
his
house
,
hee
could
not
shew
himselfe
too
vile
and
low
in
his
owne
eyes
,
to
testifie
his
thankfulnesse
vnto
God
.
Osiander
.
3.
And
he
would
still
more
humble
himselfe
,
and
by
this
meanes
he
should
be
honoured
not
onely
of
the
maides
,
from
among
whom
he
afterward
tooke
wiues
and
concubines
:
Osiand
.
but
of
all
the
Israelites
,
whom
she
called
his
seruants
,
euen
with
them
,
ghimmam
,
which
beeing
in
the
masculine
,
must
be
referred
to
the
men
,
not
to
the
women
:
Iun.
yea
not
onely
of
Israel
,
but
of
all
other
nations
shall
I
be
had
in
honour
:
Pellican
.
according
to
that
saying
,
1.
Sam.
2.30
.
them
that
honour
mee
,
will
I
honour
.
Iun.
3.
Thus
our
Blessed
Sauiour
beeing
derided
and
scorned
vpon
the
crosse
,
was
more
exalted
in
his
glorious
resurrection
.
And
when
Theodosius
the
Emperour
laying
aside
his
Imperiall
maiestie
,
submitted
himselfe
to
publike
penance
,
though
hee
might
for
the
present
be
derided
,
yet
to
this
day
is
more
honoured
.
In
like
manner
the
seruants
of
God
,
that
are
despised
in
this
world
,
shall
receiue
honour
and
praise
of
God
,
in
that
day
,
in
despight
of
all
those
,
which
before
scorned
,
and
derided
them
.
25.
Quest.
v.
23.
Of
Michols
punishment
for
deriding
Dauid
,
she
had
no
child
vnto
the
day
of
her
death
.
1.
Some
Hebrewes
thinke
,
that
she
had
a
child
at
the
time
of
her
death
,
and
died
thereof
,
as
Rachel
did
,
and
as
the
wife
of
Phinehes
the
sonne
of
Heli
:
But
this
phrase
vntill
the
day
of
her
death
,
is
as
much
in
effect
as
neuer
,
and
it
putteth
in
a
perpetuall
barre
:
as
1.
Sam.
15.35
.
it
is
said
,
Samuel
came
no
more
to
see
Saul
,
till
the
day
of
his
death
,
that
is
,
neuer
.
2.
Some
thus
vnderstand
this
place
,
that
from
this
time
,
wherein
she
shewed
such
contempt
,
she
had
neuer
after
any
children
;
but
before
she
might
haue
:
for
they
suppose
that
this
Michol
is
the
same
,
which
is
called
Eglah
,
c.
3.5
.
whose
sonne
by
Dauid
was
Ithream
:
Borrh.
but
that
Eglah
and
Michol
were
not
the
same
,
as
is
shewed
before
,
cap.
3.
qu.
4.
3.
Iosephus
saith
,
that
Michol
had
fiue
sonnes
before
by
an
other
man
,
but
none
by
Dauid
:
but
those
fiue
sonnes
said
to
be
Michols
,
were
not
hers
but
her
sister
Merabs
:
who
,
and
not
Michol
,
was
married
to
Adriel
;
for
Michol
was
giuen
vnto
Phaltiel
:
therefore
where
it
is
said
,
the
fiue
sonnes
of
Michol
,
&c.
which
she
bare
to
Adriel
:
there
must
be
supplied
,
the
Sister
of
Michol
,
as
shall
be
shewed
in
that
place
.
4.
Therefore
it
is
better
vnderstood
according
to
the
vse
of
the
phrase
,
that
perpetuae
sterilitatis
opprobrio
affecta
est
,
shee
was
opprobrious
for
her
perpetuall
barrennes
:
Iun.
so
they
which
deride
the
Church
of
God
,
shall
be
for
euer
barren
and
fruitlesse
of
any
good
worke
.
CHAP.
7.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
How
Dauid
is
said
to
haue
rest
round
about
from
all
his
enemies
.
DAuid
had
many
battells
with
the
Moabites
and
Ammonites
,
and
with
other
forren
nations
,
as
is
expressed
c.
8.
c.
10.
and
in
other
places
.
1.
Therefore
some
doe
expound
these-words
of
the
peace
and
rest
,
which
Dauid
now
presently
enioyed
:
so
Osiander
saith
,
that
at
this
time
,
magna
tranquillitate
respublica
Israelitica
fruebatur
,
the
Commonwealth
of
Israel
enioyed
great
tranquillitie
.
2.
Some
doe
referre
it
to
Dauids
peaceable
possession
of
the
kingdome
,
wherein
he
was
now
established
without
any
resistance
.
Pellican
.
3.
But
D.
Chimhi
better
vnderstandeth
this
rest
,
from
those
warres
which
the
enemies
prouoked
Dauid
vnto
:
the
battels
which
Dauid
afterward
fought
,
he
rather
made
with
his
enemies
,
oblata
diuinitus
occasione
,
as
God
gaue
occasion
:
they
did
not
prouoke
him
.
Borrh.
Mart.
2.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
Dauids
purpose
to
build
God
an
house
.
1.
Dauid
knew
well
enough
,
that
God
dwelled
not
in
houses
made
with
hands
,
neither
that
any
Temple
could
be
made
to
comprehend
his
maiestie
:
yet
because
the
Arke
was
a
visible
symbole
of
Gods
presence
,
he
thought
,
that
the
reuerent
entertainment
thereof
tended
to
Gods
honour
.
2.
And
this
desire
of
Dauid
,
as
all
other
good
thoughts
and
purposes
proceeded
from
the
spirit
of
God
:
Pellican
.
onely
Dauids
ouersight
was
this
,
because
he
would
runne
before
the
Lords
commandement
.
Mart.
3.
Yet
this
worthie
lesson
is
learned
from
Dauid
,
that
men
should
not
be
more
addicted
to
the
setting
forth
of
their
owne
pompe
,
and
garnishing
of
their
owne
houses
,
and
in
the
meane
time
neglect
the
place
of
Gods
seruice
:
as
the
Prophet
Hagge
reprooueth
the
Iewes
,
because
they
themselues
dwelled
in
sicled
houses
,
3.
Quest.
v.
3.
How
Nathan
was
deceiued
in
approouing
Dauids
purpose
.
1.
D.
Chimhi
thinketh
,
that
Dauid
dealt
with
Nathan
,
as
the
Lords
Prophet
,
and
would
haue
him
aske
counsell
of
God
for
him
:
but
it
seemeth
rather
,
as
Lyranus
thinketh
,
that
he
consulted
priuately
with
him
,
as
his
friend
,
and
an
holy
man
:
for
otherwise
he
would
not
haue
giuen
him
this
present
answer
,
if
he
had
purposed
to
aske
counsell
of
God
for
him
.
2.
Therefore
Dauid
onely
in
familiar
manner
consulting
with
him
,
Nathan
maketh
him
an
answer
,
not
as
a
Prophet
,
but
as
one
giuing
priuate
aduise
:
for
the
Prophets
had
not
alwaies
the
spirit
of
prophesie
vpon
them
,
but
spake
sometime
as
priuate
men
:
as
Samuel
,
when
Eliab
Dauids
eldest
brother
came
before
him
,
thought
at
the
first
,
that
he
was
the
Lords
annointed
:
So
Elisha
said
,
when
the
Shunamite
lay
at
his
feete
,
beeing
grieued
for
the
death
of
her
sonne
,
The
Lord
hath
hid
it
from
me
,
and
hath
not
told
me
,
&c.
3.
Nathan
was
herein
deceiued
,
because
he
sawe
that
God
was
with
Dauid
,
that
therefore
he
could
not
be
deceiued
:
he
reasoneth
,
as
they
say
in
Schooles
,
à
dicto
secundum
quid
,
ad
simpliciter
,
because
God
was
with
him
at
this
time
,
and
prospered
him
in
some
things
,
therefore
he
was
with
him
in
all
.
Mart.
4.
This
teacheth
vs
,
that
we
should
not
ascribe
too
much
to
the
worthines
,
or
dignitie
of
any
,
as
though
they
could
not
erre
;
as
here
Nathan
seemeth
to
be
perswaded
of
Dauid
.
4.
Quest.
v.
5.
How
God
notwithstanding
Dauids
vow
,
will
not
haue
him
build
him
an
house
.
1.
Dauid
,
as
here
he
consulteth
with
Nathan
about
building
of
God
an
house
,
so
he
earnestly
vowed
the
same
:
as
Psal.
132.2
.
it
is
said
,
He
sware
vnto
the
Lord
,
and
vowed
to
the
mightie
God
of
Iacob
:
I
will
not
enter
into
the
Tabernacle
of
mine
house
,
&c.
nor
suffer
mine
eyes
to
sleepe
,
&c.
vntill
I
find
out
a
place
for
the
Lord
:
this
vow
some
thinke
,
that
Dauid
made
after
the
great
plague
,
when
he
offered
sacrifice
vnto
God
in
the
threshing
floore
of
Arauna
:
but
it
is
not
like
that
Dauid
would
make
such
a
vow
,
the
Lord
hauing
signified
what
his
will
was
therein
before
by
the
Prophet
Nathan
:
it
seemeth
therefore
,
that
at
this
time
he
bound
himselfe
by
that
vow
.
Mart.
2.
And
whereas
Dauid
voweth
,
that
hee
will
not
sleepe
nor
climbe
vp
into
his
bed
,
till
hee
had
found
out
a
place
for
the
Lords
house
;
the
meaning
is
not
,
that
Dauid
would
alwaies
thinke
of
it
,
and
haue
it
in
minde
;
for
otherwise
his
naturall
infirmitie
and
frailnesse
could
not
so
long
endure
without
sleepe
and
rest
:
Mart.
But
he
voweth
that
he
will
not
take
possession
of
his
new
habitation
,
and
dwelling
place
,
which
hee
had
made
,
vntill
he
had
found
out
an
house
for
the
Lord
:
Iun.
3.
But
notwithstanding
this
vow
,
the
Lord
forbiddeth
Dauid
to
goe
forward
in
this
purpose
:
he
therefore
reuoketh
and
reuerseth
his
vow
:
5.
Quest.
Wherefore
the
Lord
would
not
haue
Dauid
build
him
an
house
,
v.
6.
1.
The
first
reason
which
the
Lord
vseth
,
is
in
respect
of
himselfe
,
that
he
had
dwelt
in
no
house
since
he
brought
Israel
out
of
Egypt
,
and
yet
he
was
present
with
Israel
,
and
contented
himselfe
to
dwell
in
tents
;
he
was
all
this
while
notwithstanding
their
Almightie
God
:
therefore
in
respect
of
himselfe
,
there
was
no
cause
why
Dauid
should
be
so
carefull
to
make
God
an
house
.
2.
Againe
,
in
respect
of
Dauid
himselfe
there
was
iust
cause
,
seeing
there
were
many
Princes
and
Gouernours
before
him
,
vnto
whom
the
Lord
gaue
no
such
commandement
,
neither
was
he
angrie
with
them
for
not
building
the
Lord
an
house
:
Dauid
therefore
should
not
thinke
,
that
it
concerned
him
more
,
then
any
of
the
rest
,
which
went
before
him
.
3.
An
other
reason
is
yeelded
by
Salomon
,
1.
King
.
5.3
.
why
it
pleased
not
God
,
that
Dauid
should
build
him
an
house
,
because
he
had
warre
with
the
nations
round
about
,
and
therefore
he
had
no
leisure
nor
opportunitie
to
enterprise
such
a
great
worke
.
4.
And
beside
,
Dauid
himselfe
sheweth
that
the
Lord
forbad
him
to
build
him
an
house
,
because
he
was
a
man
of
warre
,
and
had
shed
blood
,
1.
Chron.
28.3
.
not
as
though
it
had
beene
vnlawfull
for
Dauid
to
fight
the
Lords
battels
,
or
that
he
had
beene
defiled
therewith
:
but
because
the
building
of
the
Temple
,
was
a
type
of
the
spirituall
building
of
the
Church
by
Christ
,
the
Prince
of
peace
,
it
was
requisite
,
that
the
Temple
should
be
built
by
peaceable
Salomon
,
that
the
figure
and
shadow
might
be
correspondent
to
the
bodie
.
5.
But
this
was
no
cause
,
as
the
Romanists
imagine
,
because
Dauid
by
shedding
of
blood
,
and
waging
of
battell
,
became
irregular
:
for
then
many
of
their
Popes
,
which
haue
beene
warriers
and
warlike
men
,
should
haue
beene
irregular
;
yea
,
and
many
of
the
founders
of
their
Abbyes
,
which
had
beene
murtherers
,
should
haue
much
more
incurred
the
same
censure
;
for
Dauids
warres
were
iust
,
but
they
killed
vniustly
.
Mar.
6.
But
in
that
God
would
not
suffer
Dauid
to
build
him
an
house
,
we
see
that
ceremonies
are
of
no
vertue
or
force
,
but
as
they
haue
their
strength
from
the
word
of
God
:
and
therefore
Ieremie
reprooueth
the
hypocrites
of
his
time
,
for
hauing
such
confidence
in
the
materiall
Temple
:
who
thought
whatsoeuer
sinnes
they
were
guiltie
of
,
that
they
were
deliuered
in
comming
to
the
Temple
,
Ierem.
7.10
.
Mart.
6.
Quest.
Whether
Dauids
desire
to
build
God
an
house
,
were
simply
in
it selfe
acceptable
.
1.
That
Dauid
did
well
therein
,
and
that
the
Lord
was
well
pleased
with
his
intent
and
purpose
,
Salomon
sheweth
,
1.
King
.
8.18
.
so
that
generally
in
it selfe
it
was
a
good
purpose
and
desire
:
but
yet
failed
herein
,
because
hee
had
no
particular
direction
from
Gods
word
to
doe
it
:
for
God
may
approoue
some
acts
,
which
notwithstanding
he
will
not
haue
done
at
all
times
and
seasons
.
2.
True
it
is
,
that
the
Lord
purposed
to
haue
an
house
built
,
as
is
euident
,
Deut.
12.11
.
but
the
circumstance
of
time
,
and
place
,
beeing
not
expressed
,
they
were
to
waite
for
further
direction
and
warrant
from
God
:
for
it
is
not
in
these
ceremoniall
precepts
,
as
in
morall
;
for
where
any
morall
precept
is
generally
propounded
,
it
must
be
executed
without
expecting
any
other
commandement
;
as
the
Apostle
saith
,
Philip.
4.8
.
Whatsoeuer
things
are
true
,
whatsoeur
things
are
honest
,
whatsoeuer
things
are
iust
,
&c.
thinke
of
these
things
:
but
ceremonies
and
sacraments
,
must
haue
a
particular
institution
from
God
:
of
which
kind
the
building
of
the
temple
was
.
3.
And
though
Dauid
here
be
inhibited
to
build
Gods
house
,
yet
the
Iewes
in
Haggies
time
were
worthely
reprooued
for
their
negligence
therein
:
not
that
God
is
contrarie
to
himselfe
,
in
forbidding
and
commanding
the
same
thing
:
but
the
reason
of
the
difference
is
,
because
Dauid
had
no
word
of
God
to
warrant
this
enterprise
:
but
the
Iewes
were
commanded
by
the
Prophets
,
and
so
had
the
word
of
God
,
which
they
stubburnely
disobeyed
.
7.
Quest.
v.
7.
Whether
these
words
are
well
translated
,
spake
I
one
word
with
any
of
the
tribes
?
1.
Most
of
the
Interpreters
so
translate
the
word
shibtez
,
tribes
,
as
S.L.C.V.
with
the
rest
.
2.
But
it
is
better
translated
by
a
Synecdoche
,
Iudges
,
or
gouernours
:
the
word
properly
signifieth
,
scepters
:
where
the
scepter
beeing
an
adiunct
of
the
gouernment
▪
is
taken
for
the
gouernours
themselues
:
Iun.
And
that
this
reading
is
best
,
these
reasons
may
show
:
because
it
is
so
expounded
,
1.
Chron.
17.6
.
where
this
place
is
rehearsed
thus
,
spake
I
one
word
to
any
of
the
Iudges
of
Israel
▪
&c.
2.
And
beside
,
the
words
following
here
confirme
the
same
sense
,
whom
I
commanded
to
feede
my
people
:
but
they
were
the
Iudges
,
not
the
tribes
,
whom
the
Lord
commanded
so
to
doe
.
3.
v.
11.
the
Lord
also
saith
,
since
the
time
that
I
commanded
Iudges
ouer
my
people
.
4.
And
there
is
great
affinitie
and
similitude
in
the
words
,
betweene
shibtee
,
and
shophtee
.
8.
Quest.
v.
8.
Why
the
Lord
maketh
mention
,
that
he
tooke
Dauid
from
the
sheepcoate
.
The
Lord
to
a
diuerse
end
remembreth
this
here
,
then
afterward
,
when
he
had
committed
that
sinne
in
the
matter
of
Vriah
:
where
the
Lord
rehearsing
the
benefits
which
he
had
done
for
him
,
as
how
he
had
anointed
him
King
ouer
Israel
,
and
deliuered
him
out
of
the
hand
of
Saul
,
c.
12.7
.
vpbraideth
Dauid
for
his
vnthankefulnesse
.
But
here
,
1.
the
Lord
by
putting
Dauid
in
mind
of
these
benefits
,
he
thereby
doth
incourage
him
,
not
to
thinke
that
this
inhibition
to
goe
forward
in
his
purpose
to
build
God
an
house
,
proceeded
from
any
disfauour
,
seeing
he
had
heaped
so
many
blessings
vpon
him
:
but
that
the
Lord
had
another
meaning
in
it
.
Mart.
Osiand
.
2.
And
beside
,
hereby
the
Lord
doth
stil
keepe
him
in
hope
,
that
he
will
haue
an
house
built
,
though
not
by
him
,
nor
at
that
time
.
Borrh.
3.
And
the
Lord
here
also
to
this
end
maketh
a
rehearsall
,
and
commemoration
of
these
benefits
,
therein
commending
and
setting
forth
Dauids
thankefulnesse
,
that
in
a
thankefull
remembrance
thereof
,
would
haue
erected
an
house
vnto
the
Lord
:
placet
Dauidis
institutum
&
gratitudo
;
Dauids
purpose
and
thankefulnesse
,
is
pleasing
vnto
God
.
4.
And
the
Lord
by
rehearsing
how
Dauid
was
called
to
the
place
of
gouernment
,
saith
thus
much
in
effect
vnto
him
:
reliquam
partem
officij
exequere
,
execute
the
other
part
of
thy
office
,
Iun.
thou
hast
other
matters
of
the
kingdome
wherein
thou
maiest
occupie
thy selfe
,
be
secure
for
this
.
5.
Fowre
benefits
the
Lord
rehearseth
,
which
he
had
done
for
Dauid
:
1.
his
exaltation
from
so
lowe
and
meane
an
estate
:
2.
Gods
continuall
assistance
,
as
when
hee
encountered
Goliah
,
went
against
the
Philistims
,
and
tooke
200.
of
their
foreskinnes
.
3.
God
destroied
all
his
enemies
,
as
Saul
,
Doeg
,
and
the
rest
.
4.
And
made
his
name
famous
,
and
renowned
all
abroad
.
And
therefore
as
God
had
hitherto
blessed
him
,
so
hee
would
not
leaue
him
:
hee
should
not
then
thinke
,
that
the
Lord
had
refused
him
in
this
worke
,
as
though
his
fauour
were
chaunged
toward
him
.
Mart.
9.
Quest.
v.
10.
How
the
Lord
is
said
to
plant
his
people
now
,
which
was
done
long
before
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
this
promise
for
Dauids
sake
was
peculiarly
made
to
Ierusalem
,
but
the
text
is
euident
,
that
the
Lord
intendeth
this
blessing
here
promised
to
all
the
people
of
Israel
.
2.
And
whereas
the
Lord
had
planted
them
before
in
the
land
of
Canaan
,
D.
Chimhi
vnderstandeth
this
promise
of
the
encrease
of
those
former
blessings
,
that
the
land
should
be
blessed
with
greater
fruitfulnes
,
and
the
kingdome
with
a
more
sure
estate
,
then
before
.
3.
This
planting
of
the
people
here
spoken
of
,
hath
relation
also
vnto
the
Temple
,
which
the
Lord
would
cause
to
be
built
in
a
sure
place
.
Osiand
.
4.
And
whereas
the
people
after
this
were
afflicted
of
the
Aramites
,
the
Assyrians
,
Egyptians
,
Chaldeans
,
by
whome
they
were
carried
into
captiuitie
:
this
promise
must
both
be
vnderstood
by
way
of
comparison
,
that
yet
they
endured
not
such
afflictions
and
captiuitie
,
as
in
Egypt
,
and
in
the
time
of
the
Iudges
.
And
these
promises
haue
a
condition
included
,
that
if
they
continued
in
obedience
,
and
kept
the
law
of
God
,
they
should
enioy
these
promises
;
otherwise
the
Lord
doth
not
so
bind
himselfe
,
as
to
stoppe
the
course
of
iustice
.
Mart.
5.
And
whereas
it
will
be
obiected
,
that
in
the
daies
of
Ehud
one
of
the
Iudges
,
the
land
had
rest
80.
yeares
,
which
may
be
compared
for
length
with
the
peaceable
yeares
vnder
Dauid
and
Salomon
:
10.
Quest.
v.
11.
How
the
Lord
is
said
to
make
Dauid
an
house
.
1.
The
Hebrew
phrase
,
to
make
an
house
,
is
to
giue
one
issue
and
posteritie
:
and
so
the
meaning
is
,
that
the
Lord
would
giue
vnto
Dauid
a
succeeding
posteritie
,
and
an
enduring
family
,
which
should
possesse
the
kingdome
after
him
.
Vatab.
2.
This
priuiledge
was
not
graunted
to
any
of
the
Iudges
,
nor
vnto
Saul
:
the
Kings
of
Israel
after
the
kingdome
was
diuided
,
had
some
of
them
a
succession
in
their
posteritie
,
but
it
continued
not
long
.
Among
the
Romane
Emperours
from
Iulius
Cesar
to
Antoninus
,
none
of
them
left
a
sonne
to
succeede
in
the
Empire
.
Vespasian
had
two
sonnes
,
Titus
,
and
Domitian
,
which
were
Emperours
after
him
,
but
they
could
not
leaue
it
to
their
sonnes
.
3.
The
Turkes
haue
had
a
succession
in
one
family
aboue
250.
yeares
,
but
it
is
by
parricide
and
crueltie
,
the
father
killeth
the
sonnes
,
one
brother
an
other
:
but
Dauids
kingdome
continued
400.
yeares
,
in
a
lawfull
gouernment
.
Mart.
11.
Quest.
v.
12.
What
seede
the
Lord
speaketh
of
,
when
he
saith
,
I
will
set
vp
thy
seede
after
thee
,
&c.
1.
Some
thinke
,
that
this
promise
of
the
perpetuitie
of
Dauids
kingdome
,
is
wholly
to
be
applied
v40●
the
Messiah
,
and
not
at
all
vnto
Salomon
.
As
Augustine
would
perswade
by
these
reasons
:
because
the
Lord
promiseth
that
his
kingdome
should
be
for
euer
,
2.
The
Iewes
doe
also
vnderstand
this
prophesie
of
the
Messiah
,
that
he
should
build
a
materiall
Temple
,
which
should
continue
for
euer
:
but
of
Christ
they
say
it
can
not
be
meant
,
for
he
built
no
Temple
.
Contra.
As
though
there
is
no
other
Temple
,
but
that
which
is
made
of
lime
and
stones
?
Christ
hath
built
vnto
the
Lord
a
spirituall
house
,
the
Catholike
Church
:
and
so
is
house
taken
in
Scripture
,
for
a
spirituall
building
:
as
when
the
Scripture
maketh
mention
of
the
house
of
Abraham
,
Isaak
,
and
Iacob
,
they
are
not
so
blind
and
absurd
,
as
to
vnderstand
it
of
an
externall
house
.
3.
Some
againe
mislike
,
that
this
should
at
all
be
applied
to
the
Messiah
,
obiecting
,
that
when
we
can
not
otherwise
interpret
a
place
,
we
runne
into
allegories
.
But
as
allegories
deuised
of
man
,
are
vncertaine
,
and
prooue
not
:
so
yet
such
allegories
as
are
warranted
by
the
Scripture
,
doe
make
euident
demonstration
:
as
that
of
Ionas
,
beeing
three
daies
in
the
bellie
of
the
Whale
:
and
that
allegorie
of
the
free
woman
,
and
bondwoman
,
Gal.
4.
So
likewise
this
place
the
Scripture
it selfe
interpreteth
of
Christ
,
as
Hebr.
1.5
.
I
will
be
his
father
,
and
he
shall
be
my
sonne
:
these
words
by
the
Apostle
ar●
properly
applied
vnto
Christ
.
4.
Wherefore
the
safer
way
,
is
both
to
reteine
an
historicall
sense
,
in
ascribing
vnto
Salomon
these
things
,
which
agree
vnto
him
:
and
vnto
Christ
,
that
which
cannot
be
giuen
vnto
any
mortall
man
:
as
that
his
kingdome
shall
be
for
euer
,
that
God
will
be
his
father
,
that
his
dominion
shall
be
to
the
endes
of
the
world
,
that
kings
shall
worship
him
,
Psal.
72.
5.
But
some
things
here
spoken
of
,
can
by
no
meanes
be
referred
vnto
Christ
:
as
these
words
,
v.
14.
If
he
sinne
,
I
will
chasten
him
with
the
rodde
of
men
:
which
some
notwithstanding
would
thus
apply
vnto
Christ
:
he
is
said
to
sinne
,
because
our
iniquities
were
laid
vpon
him
,
tanquam
ipse
iniquè
ègisset
,
as
though
he
had
done
euill
himselfe
:
Osiand
.
or
because
whatsoeuer
is
in
the
members
,
videri
possunt
aliquo
modo
pertinere
ad
caput
,
may
seeme
to
belong
to
the
head
:
Mart.
And
Salomon
they
say
was
not
thus
chastised
,
because
he
had
a
flourishing
kingdome
.
Contra.
1.
Though
Christ
bare
our
sinnes
,
and
tooke
vpon
him
our
transgressions
,
and
paid
the
punishment
thereof
,
euen
as
his
righte●usnesse
is
imputed
to
vs
:
yet
the
action
of
sinne
which
is
personall
,
can
no
wayes
be
imputed
vnto
Christ
;
as
to
say
he
in
any
sense
sinned
,
Borrh.
2.
The
beginning
and
former
part
in
deede
of
Salomons
kingdome
,
was
glorious
and
prosperous
:
but
the
Lord
raised
him
vp
enemies
in
the
end
of
his
dayes
,
so
that
he
was
chastised
then
with
the
roddes
of
men
:
as
Hadad
the
Edomite
,
and
R●zan
,
and
Ieroboam
,
1.
King
.
12.
3.
And
that
these
words
are
literally
and
historically
vnderstood
of
the
children
of
God
,
and
not
of
the
blessed
Messiah
,
is
euident
,
Psal.
89.31
.
If
they
breake
my
statut●s
,
and
keepe
not
my
commaundements
,
&c.
then
will
I
visit
their
transgression
with
the
rodde
,
&c.
yet
my
louing
kindnesse
,
will
I
not
take
from
him
.
12.
Quest.
v.
33.
How
Christs
kingdome
is
said
to
be
for
euer
.
But
the
Apostle
saith
,
that
Christ
shall
deliuer
vp
the
kingdome
vnto
his
father
,
when
he
hath
put
downe
all
rule
:
how
then
is
Christs
kingdome
said
to
be
for
euer
?
1.
This
must
be
vnderstood
,
of
the
oeconomicall
kingdome
of
Christ
,
which
is
committed
vnto
him
,
as
the
Messiah
;
as
in
subduing
the
enemies
of
his
Church
,
in
making
intercession
for
his
seruants
,
and
in
perfitting
his
members
:
this
kingdome
hee
shall
in
this
behalfe
resigne
vnto
God
:
for
when
his
mysticall
bodie
is
perfected
,
and
there
are
no
enemies
lest
to
be
subdued
and
conquered
,
there
shall
be
no
longer
any
vse
of
that
kingdome
:
Iun.
2.
Like
as
te●rene
kings
●re
appointed
to
punish
euill
doers
,
and
to
keepe
the
people
in
order
:
but
when
there
shall
be
no
more
●uill
,
nor
disorder
,
as
in
the
kingdome
of
God
,
there
shall
be
no
more
vse
of
any
such
kings
:
So
the
kingdome
of
Christ
in
respect
of
such
administ●a●ion
shall
cease
,
quoad
effectum
&
fructum
regnandi
,
non
habet
finem
:
but
in
regard
of
the
effect
and
f●ult
of
his
kingdome
it
shall
haue
no
ende
▪
Mart.
3.
Christ
then
as
he
is
God
,
shall
raigne
for
euer
with
his
father
:
and
his
humane
nature
shall
for
euer
possesse
that
glorie
and
maiestie
,
which
by
vertue
of
that
blessed
vnion
belongeth
〈◊〉
it
:
but
that
execution
and
administration
of
his
Mediatorship
,
in
perfitting
his
members
,
and
confounding
his
enemies
shall
cease
.
13.
Quest.
v.
17.
According
to
all
these
words
spake
Nathan
:
why
Nathan
was
s●nt
to
Dauid
,
h●
himselfe
beeing
a
Prophet
and
of
Nathans
faithfulnesse
.
1.
Though
Dauid
himselfe
were
a
great
Prophet
,
and
had
receiued
most
cleare
revelations
from
God
touching
the
Messiah
,
yet
it
pleased
God
to
direct
him
in
a
matter
of
lesse
moment
concerning
the
building
of
the
materiall
Temple
by
another
Prophet
;
which
the
Lord
doth
to
this
ende
,
to
shewe
what
coniunction
the
Lord
would
haue
betweene
the
members
of
his
Church
,
and
a
mutuall
vse
and
communication
of
their
gifts
:
as
S.
Paul
at
large
sheweth
by
that
similitude
of
the
members
of
the
body
,
how
one
ministreth
to
the
necessitie
of
an
other
,
1.
Cor.
12.
2.
And
Nathan
herein
sheweth
his
faithfulnesse
,
and
humilitie
,
that
though
he
had
otherwise
aduised
Dauid
before
,
yet
now
hauing
receiued
other
direction
from
God
,
he
reuerseth
his
former
sentence
:
the
like
did
Esaias
the
Prophet
,
who
hauing
first
told
Hezekiah
,
that
he
must
die
,
yet
beeing
so
commanded
of
God
,
brought
him
presently
a
contrarie
message
,
that
the
Lord
had
prolonged
his
dayes
15.
yeares
.
But
Ionas
was
much
grieued
,
and
had
rather
die
,
then
that
his
threats
against
Niniueh
should
not
haue
taken
place
.
3.
Dauids
prudencie
also
is
here
commended
,
who
,
as
many
carnall
men
would
haue
beene
readie
to
obiect
,
doth
not
charge
the
Prophet
with
mutabilitie
and
inconstancie
,
in
saying
,
and
vnsaying
:
But
knowing
that
this
alteration
came
of
God
,
hee
doth
as
willingly
heare
him
now
,
as
he
did
before
:
Mart.
14.
Quest.
v.
18.
How
Dauid
is
said
to
haue
sit
before
the
Lord
.
1.
Some
do
so
vnderstand
it
,
as
though
Dauid
did
sit
downe
and
rest
himselfe
before
the
Arke
:
which
they
would
haue
a
type
of
Christs
sitting
at
the
right
hand
of
God
:
Borr.
The
like
vse
they
had
in
time
past
,
not
to
bow
the
knee
b●tweene
the
Pasch
and
Pentecost
,
to
signifie
that
Christ
was
ascended
into
heauen
:
Mar.
but
this
was
somewhat
curious
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
this
gesture
betokened
a
quiet
minde
in
Dauid
,
and
prepared
for
attention
:
for
sometime
the
prostrating
or
standing
of
the
bodie
doth
disturbe
the
minde
:
Mart.
3.
Vatablus
thinketh
that
this
was
the
priuiledge
of
Kings
,
that
they
might
pray
before
the
Lord
sitting
.
4.
Pellican
noteth
,
that
the
gesture
of
the
bodie
in
prayer
is
indifferent
:
sometime
Dauid
praysed
God
dauncing
,
sometime
lying
in
his
bed
,
sometime
kneeling
:
there
by
shewing
,
that
it
is
the
spirit
which
prayeth
,
God
regardeth
not
the
position
and
site
of
the
bodie
.
5.
But
the
best
sense
here
is
,
that
Dauid
did
sit
,
that
is
,
remaine
before
God
,
Geneuens
.
Iun.
Osiand
.
for
he
continued
a
long
time
in
this
his
prayer
in
the
Tabernacle
before
the
Arke
:
for
concerning
the
gesture
of
his
bodie
,
Iosephus
thinketh
he
fell
downe
flatte
before
the
Arke
.
15.
Quest.
v.
19.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
This
is
the
Lawe
of
man
Lord
God
.
1.
Some
vnderstand
it
thus
,
this
is
the
lawe
of
man
,
that
is
,
this
is
the
cheife
happinesse
of
man
in
this
life
,
and
the
cheife
scope
that
euerie
one
aimeth
at
to
liue
in
prosperous
state
himselfe
,
and
to
prouide
also
for
his
posteritie
:
for
Dauid
had
said
immediately
before
,
thou
hast
spoken
of
thy
seruants
house
for
a
great
●hile
:
Bor.
But
Dauid
did
not
rest
in
these
temporall
blessings
,
he
looked
further
.
2.
Chimhi
by
law
,
vnderstandeth
condition
,
or
disposition
:
as
if
hee
should
haue
said
;
this
is
the
condition
of
great
men
in
this
world
,
to
haue
their
honour
and
prosperitie
setled
in
their
posteritie
:
and
so
he
expoundeth
it
by
that
place
,
1.
Chron.
17.17
.
Thou
hast
regarded
me
according
to
the
state
of
an
excellent
man
,
or
of
high
desire
:
so
also
Vatab.
But
as
is
shewed
before
,
Dauid
looked
higher
then
vnto
these
temporall
and
terrene
blessings
.
3.
R.
Salom.
readeth
it
with
an
interrogation
,
is
this
the
lawe
and
condition
of
man
,
that
thou
shouldest
so
much
respect
them
?
so
also
read
B.G.
doth
this
appertaine
to
man
?
and
they
make
this
the
sense
:
this
commeth
of
thy
free
mercie
,
not
of
any
worthinesse
in
man
:
Genevens
.
4.
Pellican
also
readeth
it
with
an
interrogation
,
expounding
it
thus
,
non
hoc
humanum
,
sed
diuinum
beneficium
:
this
is
no
humane
,
but
a
diuine
benefit
,
in
that
thou
hast
promised
,
that
all
nations
shall
be
blessed
in
my
seed
.
5.
Iunius
interpreteth
,
ratione
humana
,
after
the
manner
of
men
,
that
is
,
familiariter
mecum
agis
,
thou
dealest
familiarly
with
me
;
as
one
man
with
an
othe●
:
to
this
purpose
also
Sa.
6.
Rupertus
giueth
this
sense
,
this
is
the
Law
of
Adam
,
that
is
,
we
are
all
the
children
of
wrath
by
nature
,
not
worthy
to
be
thine
house
.
7.
But
these
words
are
much
better
referred
vnto
Christ
,
This
is
the
lawe
of
that
(
excellent
)
man
:
which
word
excellent
is
supplied
,
1.
Cor.
17.17
.
that
is
,
thou
grantest
me
these
things
,
not
for
any
merit
or
worthinesse
in
me
,
but
for
the
worthinesse
of
that
excellent
man
Christ
:
Mar.
And
Osiander
doth
make
this
place
an
euident
testimonie
of
Christ
,
both
God
and
man
,
not
putting
it
in
the
vocatiue
case
,
O
Iehouah
God
,
but
ioyning
all
these
words
together
by
apposition
,
this
is
the
lawe
of
that
man
Iehouah
God
:
in
this
is
the
condition
of
the
Messiah
,
both
man
and
God
;
but
the
word
Iehoui
is
taken
in
the
vocatiue
case
,
as
Gen.
15.8
.
yet
there
is
here
a
manifest
reference
to
Christ
:
the
word
is
haadam
,
of
that
man
,
the
article
is
put
too
,
to
note
some
excellent
and
singular
man
:
which
title
is
added
,
1.
Cor.
17.17
.
And
Daud
here
hath
manifest
reference
to
the
Messiah
,
because
he
speaketh
of
the
continuing
of
his
house
for
euer
,
v.
19.
the
next
words
also
following
,
v.
21.
for
thy
words
sake
,
Iunius
vnderstandeth
of
Christ
,
who
is
the
eternall
word
of
God
.
16.
Quest.
v.
21.
Gods
owne
will
the
cause
of
his
decree
,
According
to
thine
owne
heart
,
&c.
1.
Like
as
Gods
owne
gracious
purpose
,
not
any
respect
of
Dauids
worthinesse
,
was
the
cause
of
these
promises
made
vnto
him
concerning
the
Messiah
:
Osiander
.
So
the
Lord
in
the
election
and
predestination
of
his
Saints
vnto
life
,
respecteth
not
their
workes
,
but
according
to
his
owne
heart
,
and
voluntarie
decree
,
hee
ordaineth
them
vnto
life
:
this
place
then
directly
maketh
against
their
opinion
,
2.
But
it
will
be
obiected
,
that
God
ordained
none
to
be
saued
,
but
such
as
lead
a
godly
life
;
true
it
is
,
but
yet
the
foresight
of
their
good
workes
it
not
the
cause
of
their
election
vnto
life
,
but
an
effect
and
fruit
of
it
:
God
as
he
hath
appointed
the
end
,
so
likewise
he
hath
ordained
the
meanes
,
tending
to
that
ende
:
As
the
Apostle
saith
,
He
hath
chosen
vs
in
him
before
the
foundation
of
the
world
,
that
we
should
be
holy
,
Eph.
1.4
.
And
againe
,
We
are
his
workemanship
,
created
in
Christ
Iesus
vnto
good
workes
,
which
he
hath
ordained
that
we
should
walke
in
them
,
Ephes.
2.10
.
17.
Quest.
v.
13.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
Whose
Gods
went
and
redeemed
them
.
1.
Some
,
in
that
the
word
eelohim
,
gods
,
is
here
put
in
the
plurall
,
doe
vnderstand
it
in
respect
of
the
opinion
of
men
,
who
thinke
there
are
many
gods
:
according
to
that
saying
of
S.
Paul
,
there
are
many
gods
and
many
lords
,
1.
Cor.
8.
but
seeing
mention
is
here
made
of
that
singular
worke
of
the
redeeming
Israel
out
of
Egypt
,
it
must
be
referred
to
the
true
God
.
2.
Chimhi
thinketh
,
that
Dauid
thus
speaketh
of
God
in
the
plurall
for
more
honour
sake
:
but
this
custome
of
vsing
the
plurall
for
the
singular
for
more
honour
and
dignitie
sake
,
was
not
taken
vp
in
those
dayes
:
and
if
that
had
beene
the
reason
,
why
doth
the
Prophet
Dauid
afterward
throughout
his
prayer
,
vse
the
singular
number
speaking
vnto
God
?
3.
Some
by
gods
,
here
vnderstand
Moses
and
Aaron
,
which
went
to
redeeme
the
people
:
Chaldè
paraphrast
.
for
so
Magistrates
and
gouernours
,
are
sometime
in
Scripture
called
by
the
name
of
Gods
:
but
it
is
euident
,
that
the
Prophet
speaketh
here
of
God
himselfe
:
as
in
the
verse
following
,
Thou
hast
redeemed
vnto
thy selfe
thy
ptople
Israel
.
4.
Wherefore
this
rather
is
referred
to
God
himselfe
the
blessed
Trinitie
,
the
Father
,
Sonne
,
and
holy
Ghost
;
here
both
the
verbe
,
and
the
other
word
are
put
in
the
plurall
number
,
halehu
eelohim
,
the
gods
went
:
but
1.
Chron.
17.21
.
the
verbe
is
put
in
the
singular
,
haloch
,
and
eelohim
,
gods
,
in
the
plurall
:
This
pluralitie
of
persons
is
an
euident
demonstration
and
proofe
of
the
blessed
Trinitie
:
Mart.
whome
in
the
vnitie
of
essence
he
said
before
to
be
but
one
,
v.
22.
and
none
like
vnto
him
:
Osiand
.
18.
Quest.
In
what
sense
it
is
said
,
God
went
and
redeemed
them
to
himselfe
.
1.
God
beeing
in
himselfe
infinite
,
as
he
cannot
be
comprehended
and
contained
in
any
place
,
so
neither
doth
he
goe
from
place
to
place
.
But
God
is
said
to
goe
to
a
place
,
when
it
pleaseth
him
to
make
some
visible
demonstration
of
his
presence
,
as
he
did
by
those
wonderfull
and
fearefull
works
which
he
shewed
in
Egypt
,
when
he
deliuered
his
people
.
2.
This
also
may
most
fitly
bee
applyed
to
the
incarnation
of
the
Sonne
of
God
,
who
then
came
and
visited
vs
,
when
he
tooke
our
humane
nature
vpon
him
.
And
so
God
went
and
redeemed
his
people
,
which
was
the
worke
of
the
whole
Trinitie
,
the
Father
,
Sonne
,
and
holy
Ghost
.
3.
Yet
our
nature
was
assumed
onely
to
the
person
of
the
Sonne
,
not
to
the
person
of
the
Father
,
or
the
holy
Ghost
:
the
internall
workes
of
the
Trinitie
as
they
are
called
,
4.
Yet
the
Sonne
of
God
is
onely
said
to
be
incarnate
,
in
respect
of
the
worke
it selfe
:
but
if
the
action
of
his
incarnation
be
considered
,
therein
the
whole
Trinitie
concurred
:
for
God
gaue
his
Sonne
for
the
redemption
of
the
world
,
the
holy
Ghost
ouershadowed
Marie
,
when
Christ
was
conceiued
:
and
Christ
also
is
said
to
haue
giuen
himselfe
,
Galat.
2.10
.
So
Ioh.
10.36
.
the
father
is
said
to
sanctifie
Christ
:
and
,
Ioh.
17.19
.
he
saith
,
I
sanctifie
my selfe
:
likewise
,
Ioh.
2.13
.
Christ
saith
,
Destroy
this
temple
,
and
in
three
dayes
I
will
raise
it
vp
againe
:
and
the
father
also
is
said
to
raise
him
vp
,
Rom.
8.11
.
Then
in
the
action
of
the
incarnation
of
Christ
,
the
blessed
Trinitie
did
worke
,
but
opus
ipsum
,
the
worke
wrought
,
the
incarnation
it selfe
was
appropriated
to
the
person
of
the
Sonne
onely
:
Mart.
5.
Further
,
the
diuine
essence
or
nature
is
to
be
considered
two
wayes
,
either
absolutely
in
it selfe
,
as
it
is
common
vnto
the
three
persons
of
the
blessed
Trinitie
;
and
so
the
diuine
essence
was
not
incarnate
:
or
vt
est
determinata
in
vna
aliqua
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
as
it
is
determined
in
some
one
person
:
and
so
the
Sonne
of
God
,
that
person
onely
was
begotten
of
God
,
was
incarnate
and
became
man
for
vs
,
Marboch
.
in
Exod.
cap.
37.
6.
So
God
came
vnto
vs
men
to
redeeme
vs
:
for
we
should
neuer
haue
come
vnto
God
,
vnlesse
he
had
come
vnto
vs
first
:
Mart.
19.
Quest.
v.
13.
And
doe
for
you
great
things
:
to
whom
Dauid
speaketh
here
.
1.
The
vulgar
Latine
readeth
,
to
doe
for
them
great
things
:
but
the
word
is
lacham
,
for
you
.
2.
Pet.
Martyr
referreth
it
vnto
God
,
that
God
did
great
workes
for
himselfe
,
to
his
owne
glorie
:
but
the
Prophet
here
speaking
of
God
,
saith
ver.
24.
thou
hast
redeemed
,
leca
,
to
thy selfe
a
people
.
3.
Therefore
,
Dauid
here
by
a
certaine
Apostrophe
,
turneth
himselfe
vnto
the
people
:
to
doe
for
you
(
that
is
,
O
Israel
)
great
workes
:
as
it
appeareth
by
the
words
immediatly
following
,
and
terrible
for
thy
land
O
Lord
:
Iun.
Vatab.
And
whereas
it
will
be
obiected
,
that
Dauid
here
speaketh
alone
and
apart
vnto
God
,
and
therefore
turneth
him
not
vnto
Israel
:
Mart.
that
is
no
good
reason
:
for
so
Dauid
mourning
by
himselfe
ouer
Saul
and
Ionathan
,
yet
speaketh
vnto
Israel
,
chap.
1.14
.
O
noble
Israel
,
hee
is
slaine
vpon
thy
high
places
,
&c.
20.
Quest.
v.
23.
Of
the
meaning
of
those
words
:
Whom
thou
hast
redeemed
out
of
Egypt
,
the
nations
,
and
their
gods
.
1.
Some
doe
read
thus
,
to
doe
great
things
,
&c.
before
thy
people
,
whome
thou
hast
redeemed
out
of
Egypt
,
the
nations
and
their
gods
:
that
is
,
the
kinreds
and
tribes
of
Israel
,
and
their
iudges
,
which
in
Scripture
are
called
gods
:
Vatab.
2.
Martyr
vnderstandeth
it
indeede
,
that
God
was
deliuered
with
his
people
,
who
was
as
it
were
afflicted
and
did
suffer
with
them
.
3.
The
most
giue
this
sense
,
ioyning
it
with
the
next
clause
before
,
Whom
thou
hast
redeemed
from
the
Egyptians
,
both
(
from
)
the
nation
it selfe
,
and
their
gods
:
for
the
Lord
also
iudged
the
gods
of
Egypt
,
when
he
brought
out
his
people
,
Numb.
33.4
.
so
Borrh.
Pellic.
Osiand
.
Geneuens
.
4.
But
the
best
interpretation
is
thus
to
reade
,
by
supplying
a
word
,
(
in
casting
out
)
before
the
people
,
&c.
the
nations
and
their
gods
:
Iun.
Septuag.
for
this
word
is
supplyed
,
1.
Chron.
17.2
.
by
casting
out
from
the
face
of
thy
people
,
(
whom
thou
hast
redeemed
out
of
Egypt
)
the
nations
:
from
thence
the
word
legarosh
,
to
cast
out
,
must
be
borrowed
to
make
vp
the
sense
here
.
21.
Quest.
v.
26.
Of
Dauids
prayer
,
the
manner
,
matter
and
scope
thereof
.
1.
The
end
of
Dauids
prayer
,
which
he
propoundeth
,
and
setteth
before
his
eyes
,
is
the
glorie
of
God
;
let
thy
name
be
magnified
:
he
seeketh
nothing
else
,
but
the
exaltation
of
Gods
glorie
.
2.
The
reason
which
mooued
Dauid
to
pray
,
was
his
confident
and
sure
perswasion
of
the
goodnesse
and
mercie
of
God
toward
him
,
who
had
reuealed
vnto
Dauid
this
thing
,
which
he
prayeth
for
,
the
establishing
of
his
house
:
and
he
confesseth
God
both
to
be
able
to
doe
it
,
and
is
assured
he
also
will
doe
it
:
he
is
fully
perswaded
both
of
his
power
and
truth
,
saying
,
v.
28.
thou
art
God
,
and
thy
words
are
true
.
3.
Thirdly
,
the
thing
which
Dauid
prayed
for
,
is
,
that
the
house
of
thy
seruant
be
established
for
euer
:
v.
26.
Mart.
22.
Quest.
Why
Dauid
prayeth
so
earnestly
for
that
,
which
the
Lord
had
promised
to
doe
.
1.
Some
of
Gods
promises
are
conditionall
,
some
are
absolute
:
the
promise
made
to
Dauid
concerning
the
Messiah
,
which
should
come
of
his
seede
was
absolute
,
and
so
likewise
was
the
continuance
of
his
posteritie
vntill
the
Messiah
:
for
Gods
decree
herein
could
not
be
altered
:
but
the
promise
of
the
outward
prosperitie
of
his
seede
,
and
the
possessing
and
holding
of
the
kingdome
was
conditionall
,
so
his
sonnes
walked
in
obedience
before
God
:
therefore
Dauid
prayeth
that
such
grace
might
be
giuen
vnto
his
posteritie
,
as
that
they
might
haue
a
prosperous
gouernment
.
2.
Further
,
although
God
doe
certainely
purpose
to
giue
those
things
,
which
he
hath
promised
,
vult
tamen
interponi
media
,
yet
he
will
also
haue
the
meanes
vsed
:
as
our
Blessed
Sauiour
,
praying
,
Father
glorifie
thy
Sonne
,
did
not
doubt
of
his
glorification
:
but
it
became
him
for
our
example
,
to
shew
his
obedience
,
to
pray
for
the
effecting
of
his
fathers
will
,
whereof
hee
was
most
assured
:
and
so
Dauid
prayeth
here
.
Mart.
23.
Quest.
v.
29.
Why
Dauid
so
often
repeateth
the
same
thing
in
his
prayer
,
now
let
it
please
thee
to
blesse
the
house
.
1.
Dauid
vseth
no
vaine
repetitions
in
his
prayer
:
for
conceiuing
great
ioy
vpon
the
Lords
liberall
and
gracious
promise
toward
him
,
and
his
house
,
he
was
so
rauished
,
that
he
thought
he
could
not
sufficiently
expresse
his
affection
:
the
mind
of
those
which
are
deuoutly
affected
,
is
not
contented
,
semel
desiderata
postulâsse
,
we
once
to
aske
the
things
desired
.
Pellican
.
2.
But
it
will
be
obiected
,
that
our
Blessed
Sauiour
teacheth
his
Apostles
not
to
vse
vaine
repetitions
,
nor
many
words
in
their
prayers
:
to
this
it
may
be
answered
:
that
our
blessed
Sauiour
forbiddeth
such
vaine
&
tedious
repetitions
vpon
these
two
reasons
.
1.
That
they
be
not
like
to
the
Heathen
,
which
thinke
to
be
heard
for
their
much
babling
sake
;
men
must
not
thinke
to
be
heard
for
any
merite
in
their
prayers
,
but
of
Gods
mercie
.
2.
They
must
not
vse
such
repetitions
,
as
thinking
thereby
to
informe
God
of
their
necessities
,
and
as
it
were
to
beat
them
into
his
eares
:
for
as
our
blessed
Sauiour
there
saith
,
God
knoweth
before
we
aske
,
what
things
we
haue
neede
of
,
Mat.
6.
in
this
manner
to
vse
many
words
in
prayer
,
it
is
not
acceptable
vnto
God
.
3.
And
further
,
concerning
the
length
of
prayer
,
no
other
rule
can
be
giuen
,
then
to
looke
vnto
the
affection
,
and
intention
of
the
heart
:
CHAP.
8.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
What
is
meant
by
Metheg
Ammah
,
which
Dauid
tooke
out
of
the
hand
of
the
Philistims
.
1.
SOme
interpret
it
,
the
bridle
of
bondage
:
B.G.
metheg
signifieth
a
bridle
,
and
ammath
a
maid
seruant
,
that
is
in
bondage
:
Borrh.
but
the
Israelites
were
not
in
bondage
at
this
time
vnto
the
Philistims
.
2.
Some
read
,
the
bridle
of
tribute
:
L.
Pellic.
Rupert
.
but
this
we
refuse
for
the
same
reason
.
3.
The
Septuag.
thus
,
hee
tooke
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
separated
part
:
but
the
Hebrew
word
hath
no
such
signification
.
4.
Some
giue
this
sense
,
he
tooke
away
the
commoditie
of
the
riuer
:
Chal.
or
the
bridle
of
the
passage
of
water
:
Pagn
.
because
the
water
is
by
pipes
and
conduits
drawne
euerie
way
as
with
a
bridle
:
but
this
signification
agreeth
not
with
the
word
Ammah
.
5.
The
best
interpretation
is
,
to
vnderstand
it
of
the
taking
of
Gath
,
a
cheife
city
of
the
Philistims
,
as
may
appeare
by
comparing
this
place
with
1.
Chron.
18.1
.
But
the
reason
of
this
interpretation
is
diuersely
rendred
.
1.
Osiander
taketh
ammah
here
to
signifie
a
cubite
:
and
so
Dauid
tooke
away
the
bridle
of
the
arme
or
cubit
,
that
is
,
the
dominion
which
the
Philistims
had
ouer
Gath
,
and
the
townes
adioyning
.
2.
Pet.
Martyr
thus
applyeth
it
,
because
the
smaller
townes
are
as
daughters
,
and
the
great
citie
as
a
bridle
;
the
meaning
is
,
that
Dauid
tooke
Gath
,
which
was
as
a
bridle
to
the
rest
,
and
the
villages
hee
also
tooke
as
the
daughters
.
3.
But
Iunius
commeth
neerer
the
sense
,
taking
Ammah
here
for
the
proper
name
of
an
hill
among
the
Philistims
,
where
Gath
stood
:
of
which
word
Amma
,
and
Gor
,
or
Gerar
commeth
the
word
Amgar
,
the
name
of
an
hilly
tract
among
the
Philistims
,
whereof
Plinie
maketh
mention
,
lib.
5.
c.
13.
So
then
by
the
bridle
of
Ammah
,
is
vnderstood
Gath
,
the
cheife
citie
in
that
hilly
coast
of
the
Philistims
,
which
was
as
a
bridle
,
and
defence
,
and
fort
vnto
all
the
countrey
:
Ammah
is
found
also
to
be
the
proper
name
of
an
hill
,
cap.
2.24
.
6.
Here
spiritually
in
Dauids
victorie
is
shadowed
forth
the
spirituall
kingdome
of
Christ
,
by
the
power
whereof
,
the
bridle
of
sinne
and
Sathan
is
taken
away
,
that
they
shall
haue
no
more
dominion
ouer
the
seruants
of
God
.
2.
Quest.
v.
2.
He
smote
Moab
:
Wherefore
Dauid
smote
Moab
,
whose
land
the
Israelites
were
forbidden
to
meddle
with
when
they
came
out
of
Egypt
.
1.
The
Hebrewes
thinke
,
that
whereas
Dauid
when
he
was
pursued
of
Saul
,
had
left
his
father
and
mother
with
the
King
of
Moab
,
1.
Sam.
22.3
.
he
had
put
them
to
death
,
and
therefore
Dauid
taketh
this
reuenge
of
them
,
in
killing
two
parts
of
them
and
sauing
the
third
aliue
.
But
there
is
no
such
thing
euident
in
the
Scripture
:
and
therefore
small
credit
is
to
be
giuen
to
such
vncertaine
narrations
.
2.
The
Israelites
were
indeede
charged
not
to
meddle
with
the
Moabit●s
countrey
,
nor
to
prouoke
them
to
battell
:
For
,
1.
They
were
then
as
friends
to
Israell
;
but
now
by
many
wrongs
,
ius
fraternitatis
infregerant
,
they
had
broken
and
violated
that
brotherly
right
and
amitie
which
should
haue
beene
betweene
them
:
Pellic.
2.
The
Moabites
had
hired
Baalim
to
curse
Israel
,
and
did
not
releiue
them
with
bread
and
water
,
and
therefore
they
were
forbidden
to
make
any
peace
with
them
.
Deuter.
23.6
.
Afterward
in
the
time
of
the
Iudges
,
the
Moabites
oppressed
Israel
,
when
the
Lord
stirred
vp
Ehud
,
who
killed
Eglon
king
of
the
Moabites
,
Iudg.
3.
therefore
Dauid
had
iust
occasion
of
warre
against
them
:
Mart.
3.
Though
Dauid
had
receiued
some
kindnesse
at
the
hands
of
Moab
in
the
dayes
of
Saul
,
either
that
king
was
now
dead
,
or
Dauid
was
not
in
respect
of
priuate
friendship
,
to
spare
that
whole
wicked
nation
against
Gods
commaundement
:
Osiand
.
4.
And
that
commandement
was
giuen
to
the
Israelites
then
,
reseruata
subiugatione
ad
tempora
Dauidis
,
because
the
subduing
of
them
was
reserued
for
Dauids
times
:
Borrh.
5.
And
yet
although
Dauid
did
put
two
parts
of
the
inhabitants
to
the
sword
,
he
did
it
not
to
take
possession
of
their
countrey
,
or
distribute
their
lands
,
but
onely
made
them
tributarie
:
Mart.
3.
Quest.
v.
2.
How
Dauid
measured
Moab
with
a
coard
.
1.
The
most
thinke
that
it
is
not
literally
to
be
taken
,
as
though
Dauid
did
measure
them
with
a
line
or
coard
:
and
therefore
thinke
,
that
this
is
a
similitude
taken
from
the
measuring
of
ground
;
for
so
the
Hebrewes
did
diuide
their
inheritance
by
line
:
Osiand
.
or
from
carpenters
,
that
with
a
line
strike
their
timber
,
where
they
purpose
to
hewe
it
off
:
Borrh.
And
hereby
is
signified
,
that
Dauid
ordained
them
to
dest●uction
,
mensura
certissima
,
by
a
most
certaine
measure
and
number
:
Vatab.
and
hereby
also
is
shewed
into
what
subiection
and
seruitude
they
were
brought
,
as
conquerours
vse
to
diuide
the
land
which
they
ouercome
:
quae
per
mensurationum
funiculorum
adagij
mere
intelligitur
:
which
their
seruitude
is
vnderstood
by
this
adage
or
prouerb
of
measuring
by
roapes
:
Pellican
.
sic
eos
distribuit
ad
placitum
suum
,
he
doth
diuide
them
at
his
pleasure
,
as
he
which
measureth
ground
:
Rupert
.
2.
But
there
is
nothing
to
the
contrarie
,
why
it
may
not
literally
bee
interpreted
,
that
Dauid
did
indeede
measure
them
out
by
line
to
destruction
:
as
Iunius
interpreteth
,
he
measured
them
,
that
is
,
their
region
and
countrie
with
a
coard
.
1.
The
Scripture
is
to
be
taken
according
to
the
literall
sense
alwaies
,
where
there
is
no
inconuenience
to
the
contrarie
,
as
there
is
not
here
.
2.
Here
is
no
note
of
similitude
expressed
,
as
with
a
coard
.
3.
The
description
,
in
that
first
mention
is
made
of
a
coard
in
generall
,
then
it
is
subdiuided
into
two
coards
for
destruction
,
and
one
cord
to
saue
aliue
,
rather
giueth
that
it
must
be
taken
literally
.
4.
The
words
next
following
doe
approoue
this
sense
:
he
measured
them
with
a
cord
,
and
cast
them
downe
to
the
ground
:
that
is
,
he
diuided
the
region
into
three
parts
,
and
cast
downe
the
cities
and
townes
downe
to
the
ground
in
two
parts
,
and
put
the
inhabitants
to
the
sword
:
the
cities
in
two
parts
of
the
countrie
were
best
allotted
out
by
line
and
measure
:
and
so
the
people
together
with
their
cities
and
townes
were
measured
.
4.
Quest.
v.
3.
Of
Dauids
battell
with
Hadadezer
king
of
Zabah
,
and
the
occasion
thereof
.
1.
This
Hadadezer
called
in
the
Chronicles
Hadarezer
,
is
said
to
bee
king
of
Sabah
,
where
Iosephus
saith
the
people
called
Sapheni
inhabite
,
a
large
countrey
beyond
Taurus
betweene
the
two
Armenias
.
2.
This
Hadadezer
,
the
most
thinke
,
went
to
recouer
his
border
at
the
riuer
Euphrates
,
and
to
inuade
Iudea
:
so
Mart.
Vatab.
B.G.
with
the
rest
.
Iunius
thus
interpreteth
,
when
he
went
to
turne
backe
his
hand
towards
the
riuer
Euphrates
:
that
is
,
not
when
Hadadezer
,
but
when
Dauid
went
to
repell
the
forces
of
Hadadezer
,
who
was
to
passe
through
some
parts
of
Dauids
countrey
,
as
he
went
to
fight
against
Tai
the
King
of
Hamath
,
as
is
shewed
afterward
,
ver.
10.
Iun.
But
the
former
interpretation
seemeth
to
be
the
more
agreeable
,
by
comparing
this
place
with
that
1.
Chron.
18.3
.
where
it
is
thus
said
:
as
he
went
to
establish
his
hand
,
or
power
:
which
cannot
be
vnderstood
of
Dauid
,
for
the
border
or
bounds
of
his
kingdome
yet
extended
not
so
farre
:
Iunius
there
readeth
,
when
Dauid
went
,
ad
inijciendam
manum
suam
,
&c.
to
set
or
oppose
his
hand
toward
Euphrates
:
but
the
word
iatzab
,
signifieth
to
settle
,
to
establish
,
not
to
oppose
or
set
against
:
and
there
he
referreth
iado
,
his
hand
,
to
Dauid
,
whereas
here
he
vnderstandeth
it
of
Hadadezer
;
but
it
must
haue
the
same
sense
in
both
places
:
likewise
there
is
great
affinitie
betweene
the
word
Iashab
,
here
vsed
,
which
signifieth
to
constitute
,
or
place
,
and
iatzab
,
to
settle
,
establish
.
3.
It
seemeth
therefore
that
Hadadezer
rather
sought
to
inuade
Dauids
bounds
,
then
onely
to
passe
through
them
;
for
that
had
beene
no
iust
occasion
of
warre
:
and
by
this
occasion
,
that
prophesie
,
Genes.
15.18
.
was
fulfilled
,
that
the
Lord
would
giue
vnto
Abrahams
seede
that
land
,
euen
vnto
the
great
riuer
Euphrates
.
5.
Quest.
v.
4.
What
number
of
chariots
and
horses
Dauid
tooke
from
Hadadezer
.
There
is
mention
made
,
1.
Chron.
18.4
.
of
a
thousand
charets
,
and
seuen
thousand
horsemen
,
and
20.
thousand
footemen
:
but
here
the
number
is
a
thousand
,
seauen
hundred
horsemen
,
2.
Pet.
Martyr
thus
reconcileth
the
places
;
that
here
onely
the
principall
horsmen
are
spoken
of
,
which
were
1700.
in
the
other
place
the
whole
number
and
multitude
.
3.
But
the
best
solution
is
this
;
that
to
the
first
number
of
a
thousand
,
must
be
added
charrets
:
he
tooke
a
thousand
charrets
,
as
it
is
in
the
other
place
,
and
the
same
number
of
a
thousand
chariots
Iosephus
also
hath
:
And
by
700.
horsemen
,
here
wee
must
vnderstand
700.
companies
of
horsemen
,
which
euery
one
had
tenne
:
which
make
in
all
seauen
thousand
:
see
the
like
,
c.
10.18
.
where
it
is
said
that
Dauid
destroied
seuen
hundred
chariots
of
the
Aramites
:
but
1.
Chron.
19.18
.
they
are
said
to
bee
seuen
thousand
chariots
:
which
make
but
700.
companies
or
bandes
,
allowing
tenne
to
euery
companie
:
Iun.
6.
Quest.
v.
4.
Why
Dauid
houghed
some
of
the
chariot
horse
,
and
reserued
some
.
1.
It
is
said
that
Dauid
houghed
all
the
chariots
,
that
is
the
chariot
horses
,
sauing
an
hundred
:
this
Dauid
did
,
to
make
them
vnfit
altogether
for
the
seruice
of
warre
:
as
Ioshuah
did
the
like
by
the
Lords
direction
,
c.
11.6
.
It
was
not
lawfull
for
Dauid
to
take
them
all
to
his
owne
vse
,
because
the
king
is
directly
forbidden
to
multiplie
horses
,
Deut.
17.16
.
least
they
might
put
their
confidence
in
horses
:
neither
was
Dauid
to
destroy
them
all
,
because
they
were
not
Cherem
,
that
is
,
anathema
,
vowed
to
destruction
.
Dauid
therefore
taketh
a
course
betweene
both
,
neither
to
destroy
the
horse
,
nor
yet
to
reserue
them
for
his
owne
vse
,
but
to
hough
them
,
and
so
make
them
vnfit
for
warre
,
though
they
might
serue
for
other
workes
of
tillage
and
husbandrie
.
2.
Yet
Dauid
reserueth
an
100.
chariots
,
that
is
,
fowre
hundred
horse
:
for
foure
horse
went
to
a
chariot
,
as
the
Hebrewes
gather
out
of
that
place
,
1.
King
.
10.29
.
where
it
is
said
,
that
Salomon
gaue
600.
shekels
for
a
chariot
,
that
is
,
an
150.
shekels
for
an
horse
.
These
Dauid
might
reserue
for
his
owne
vse
;
for
in
respect
of
the
whole
seruice
of
the
kingdome
,
400.
horse
were
not
many
:
Mart.
7.
Quest.
v.
5.
Of
the
Aramites
that
came
to
aide
Hadadezer
against
Dauid
.
1.
Iosephus
thinketh
,
that
this
kings
name
was
Hadad
,
and
that
the
succeeding
kings
of
Damascus
were
called
by
that
name
;
as
the
kings
of
Egypt
were
called
by
the
name
of
Ptolomees
:
and
that
Benhadad
the
third
from
this
king
,
was
both
of
the
same
name
and
line
,
who
afflicted
Israel
vnder
the
raigne
of
Achab
:
thus
Iosephus
reporteth
out
of
Nicolaus
an
olde
historiographer
:
But
it
is
like
rather
,
that
the
title
and
name
of
Hadad
should
come
from
Hadadezer
the
king
of
Sabah
:
Borrh.
but
seeing
there
is
no
certaintie
either
of
the
one
,
or
of
the
other
out
of
the
text
,
wee
may
so
leaue
it
.
2.
This
King
of
Aram
or
Damascus
,
here
taking
part
with
Hadadezer
,
and
medling
with
a
matter
,
which
appertained
not
vnto
him
,
looseth
his
owne
libertie
:
which
example
should
teach
Princes
how
they
take
in
hand
any
vnlawfull
battell
:
Osiand
.
As
it
was
the
ruine
and
ouerthrowe
of
good
Iosias
,
when
he
went
against
the
King
of
Egypt
,
beeing
not
prouoked
.
3.
Here
now
is
fulfilled
the
prophesie
of
Baalim
,
That
there
should
rise
a
scepter
of
Israel
,
and
smite
the
coasts
of
Moab
,
and
destroy
all
the
sonnes
of
Seth
,
Numb.
24.17
.
These
Aramites
are
counted
among
the
sonnes
of
Seth
,
because
all
the
posteritie
and
offspring
of
Cham
perished
in
the
flood
:
Borrh.
8.
Quest.
v.
7.
How
farre
it
is
lawfull
to
reioyce
for
the
destruction
of
our
enemies
.
Thai
king
of
Hamath
,
who
had
continuall
warre
with
Hadadezer
,
whome
Dauid
had
discomfited
,
sendeth
his
sonne
Ioram
to
reioyce
with
him
,
because
his
mortall
enemie
was
vanquished
,
and
to
enter
into
league
of
amitie
and
friendship
with
him
.
It
is
here
then
to
bee
considered
,
how
farre
it
is
lawfull
to
reioyce
in
the
fall
of
an
enemie
.
1.
First
,
in
the
spirituall
fall
of
an
enemie
,
as
into
sinne
and
wickednesse
,
it
is
not
lawfull
to
reioyce
,
but
therein
we
ought
much
to
be
grieued
,
as
S.
Paul
bewayled
them
,
which
sinned
among
the
Corinthians
,
2.
Cor.
12.21
.
2.
In
other
temporall
calamities
,
some
thinke
it
is
not
lawfull
to
reioyce
ouer
the
ruine
of
our
enemies
,
as
long
as
the
will
of
God
is
not
reuealed
in
the
iust
punishment
of
such
:
but
when
God
hath
euidently
declared
his
will
in
the
iudging
of
such
,
then
they
hold
it
lawfull
to
reioyce
:
as
Moses
did
triumph
in
the
ouerthrowe
of
Pharaoh
,
and
of
the
Egyptians
in
the
red
Sea
.
3.
But
this
matter
must
otherwise
be
considered
of
:
for
when
God
doth
iudge
an
enemie
,
we
must
consider
,
whether
we
ioy
therein
in
respect
of
our
own
priuate
quarrell
,
or
as
it
concerneth
the
glorie
of
God
:
for
it
is
vnlawfull
for
vs
in
any
priuate
respect
to
insult
ouer
our
enemies
fall
:
as
the
wiseman
saith
in
the
Prouerbs
,
Be
not
glad
when
thyne
enemie
falleth
,
&c.
least
the
Lord
see
it
,
and
it
displease
him
:
4.
Yea
it
often
falleth
out
that
these
two
affections
of
griefe
and
ioy
together
may
concurre
in
Gods
seruants
:
that
their
naturall
compassion
may
be
mooued
to
shewe
their
sorrow
in
the
calamitie
and
ruine
of
their
foes
;
as
Dauid
mourned
for
Saul
:
and
yet
in
respect
of
Gods
glorie
,
and
the
truth
,
which
was
hindred
by
such
,
they
may
be
gladde
that
they
are
taken
out
of
the
way
:
as
Dauid
,
no
doubt
in
the
ouerthrowe
of
Saul
,
did
thankefully
and
humbly
acknowledge
Gods
mercifull
and
fatherly
prouidence
ouer
toward
him
.
9.
Quest.
v.
11.
Of
the
spoiles
of
the
Kings
,
which
Dauid
consecrated
vnto
God
.
1.
In
that
Dauid
consecrateth
vnto
God
the
rich
spoiles
of
his
enemies
,
as
the
golden
sheilds
,
which
belonged
to
Hadadezer
,
and
of
the
rest
,
as
of
Ammon
,
Moab
,
Aram
,
Amalech
,
the
Philistims
,
with
the
Edomites
,
together
with
the
vessels
of
gold
and
siluer
,
which
Thai
sent
him
,
it
sheweth
that
he
did
not
make
these
warres
of
a
couetous
mind
,
to
enrich
himselfe
,
but
to
prepare
ornaments
and
stuffe
for
the
Lords
house
.
2.
For
although
he
were
forbidden
himselfe
to
build
it
,
yet
he
might
prouide
matter
,
which
was
necessarie
for
the
worke
thereof
:
as
the
Israelites
did
bestowe
the
spoiles
of
Egypt
vppon
the
Sanctuarie
:
Mart.
3.
Which
sheweth
,
that
as
,
these
outward
spoiles
serued
to
adorne
the
materiall
temple
;
so
the
spirituall
spoile
of
the
heathen
,
the
inuention
of
artes
and
sciences
must
be
converted
to
the
setting
forth
of
the
truth
:
Borrh.
4.
Rupertus
well
applyeth
these
seuen
victories
of
Dauid
,
to
the
seauen
vialls
of
wrath
and
iudgements
,
which
Christ
should
bring
vppon
the
world
for
the
contempt
of
his
gospell
.
10.
Quest.
v.
13.
How
this
place
that
Dauid
slewe
of
Aramites
18.
thousand
is
reconciled
with
1.
Chron.
18.12
.
In
that
place
of
the
Chronicles
,
it
is
said
that
Abishai
slewe
of
the
Edomites
18.
thousand
:
and
in
the
title
of
the
60.
Psalme
,
mention
is
made
how
Ioab
slewe
of
the
Edomites
12.
thousand
in
the
valley
of
salt
:
here
are
three
great
differences
in
shew
:
both
in
the
persons
that
made
the
slaughter
,
one
text
saith
Dauid
did
it
,
an
other
Abishai
,
the
third
ascribeth
it
to
Ioab
:
and
in
the
persons
which
were
slaine
,
in
two
of
these
texts
they
are
named
to
be
Edomites
,
in
one
of
them
Aaramites
:
thirdly
,
the
number
differeth
:
one
place
speaketh
but
of
12.
thousand
,
the
other
two
of
18.
thousand
.
1.
Pellican
thinketh
that
Aram
may
be
taken
for
Ed●m
,
by
the
mistaking
of
one
letter
:
for
betweene
the
letter
Daleth
,
and
Rhesh
,
there
is
small
difference
:
but
we
must
not
so
easily
admit
an
error
in
the
originall
,
where
an
other
answer
may
bee
found
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
the
Aramites
and
Idumeans
did
ioyne
their
forces
together
,
and
therefore
they
are
called
in
one
place
Aramites
,
in
the
other
Edomites
:
Genev.
Borrh.
But
Dauids
slaughter
of
the
Aramites
is
touched
before
,
he
slew
of
them
22.
thousand
,
ver.
5.
3.
Pet.
Martyr
also
hath
the
like
solution
:
that
Dauid
by
his
captaines
Abishai
and
Ioab
,
made
ioynt
warre
with
the
Aramites
and
Edomites
:
whereof
Abishai
slew
sixe
thousand
,
and
Ioab
18.
thousand
:
this
answer
is
but
in
one
point
excepted
against
,
for
that
he
thinketh
that
in
this
number
of
18.
thousand
,
the
Aramites
are
comprehended
:
which
is
before
shewed
to
be
otherwise
.
4.
Thus
therefore
these
places
are
reconciled
:
1.
For
the
persons
,
Dauid
is
said
to
haue
smitten
them
,
because
he
did
it
by
his
captaines
Ioab
and
Abishai
.
2.
For
the
number
:
Abishai
first
slewe
6.
thousand
,
and
then
Ioab
renewing
the
battell
twelue
thousand
more
,
as
it
is
in
the
title
of
that
Psalme
:
so
that
both
the
brethren
together
put
to
the
sword
18.
thousand
.
3.
Concerning
the
persons
:
onely
the
Edomites
were
slaine
:
Dauid
returned
indeede
from
the
slaughter
of
the
Aramites
,
as
the
title
of
the
Psalme
sheweth
:
and
thus
the
verse
must
be
read
,
Dauid
got
him
a
name
when
he
returned
from
slaying
the
Aramites
,
in
the
valley
of
salt
;
(
smiting
)
eighteene
thousand
:
where
the
last
words
are
diuided
from
the
former
sentence
by
the
perfect
distinction
athnah
,
and
therefore
cannot
be
referred
to
the
Aramites
:
it
must
be
vnderstood
then
,
that
he
smote
18.
thousand
of
the
Edomites
:
as
it
followeth
in
the
next
verse
,
he
put
a
garrison
in
Edom
:
Iun.
11.
Quest.
Of
the
valley
of
salt
.
1.
The
most
do
take
this
for
the
lake
Asphal●is
,
the
salt
sea
,
where
sometime
stood
Sodome
and
Gomorrha
:
Borrh.
and
where
Abraham
fought
so
prosperously
:
Mart.
But
Abrahams
battell
was
before
the
destruction
of
Sodome
,
which
valley
was
then
fruitfull
,
as
the
Lords
owne
garden
,
Gen.
13.10
.
but
after
the
destruction
of
Sodom
it
became
a
most
filthie
lake
:
which
as
some
write
continually
smoaketh
,
and
sendeth
forth
a
sulphurous
and
stinking
smell
:
the
water
is
so
bi●●er
tha●
no
fish
can
liue
therin
,
and
the
ground
so
barren
,
that
no
grasse
groweth
thereon
,
as
is
more
at
large
shewed
elsewhere
:
2.
Therefore
this
was
an
other
valley
of
salt
in
the
land
of
Edom
:
as
is
euident
,
1.
Kin.
14.7
.
He
slew
of
Edom
in
the
valley
of
salt
ten
thousand
,
and
tooke
the
citie
Sela
,
or
Petra
,
&c.
so
called
of
the
rocke
.
This
Petra
is
the
cheife
citie
of
Arabia
,
vpon
which
Idumea
confineth
:
Iun.
3.
The
Latine
interpreter
addeth
further
,
and
at
Gebelem
about
23.
thousand
:
where
two
great
errours
are
committed
:
for
the
words
bege
,
melach
,
in
the
valley
of
salt
,
are
corrupted
and
turned
into
a
fained
proper
name
,
Gebele
:
and
the
number
of
23.
thousand
,
is
added
.
4.
Here
beginneth
the
prophesie
of
Isaac
for
the
preheminence
of
Iacob
ouer
Esau
to
take
place
:
that
the
Elder
should
serue
the
younger
;
for
the
Edomites
were
now
in
subiection
to
Israel
,
and
so
were
gouerned
by
a
viceroy
vntill
the
raigne
of
Iehosophat
,
1.
King
.
22.47
.
Iun.
12.
Quest.
v.
17.
How
Zadock
and
Ahimelech
are
said
to
be
Priests
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
these
two
,
Zadock
who
descended
of
Eleazar
,
1.
Chron.
6.8
.
and
Ahimelech
who
came
of
Ithamar
by
Eli
,
1.
Chron.
24.3
.
were
the
high
Priests
:
Pellican
.
Borrh.
But
that
is
not
like
:
for
by
the
lawe
there
was
to
be
but
one
high
Priest
:
Dauid
therefore
would
not
so
apparantly
trangresse
the
law
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
Ahimelech
is
the
same
who
else-where
is
called
Abiathar
,
and
that
Abiathar
the
father
was
also
called
Ahimelech
,
and
both
the
father
and
son
had
two
names
:
Sa.
3.
But
the
high
Priest
at
this
time
was
Abiathar
,
the
father
of
this
Ahimelech
,
who
was
remooued
from
his
office
by
Salomon
,
and
gaue
place
vnto
Zadocke
,
1.
King
.
2.26
.
But
because
there
was
contention
betweene
these
two
families
for
the
priesthood
,
Dauid
to
compound
this
controuersie
,
maketh
these
two
the
cheife
among
the
Priests
,
next
vnto
Abiathar
the
high
Priest
.
4.
Here
we
see
that
Dauid
hath
authoritie
to
set
the
priests
in
their
order
and
place
:
13.
Quest.
v.
18.
Who
were
the
Cerethites
and
Pelethites
.
1.
These
Cerethites
and
Pelethites
,
Iosephus
thinketh
to
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
keepers
of
the
kings
bodie
,
the
kings
guard
:
so
also
Mart.
Borr.
Pellic.
Geneuens
.
who
were
so
called
as
some
thinke
,
the
one
sort
of
charath
,
to
cut
out
,
because
they
were
the
Kings
executioners
:
the
other
of
palat
,
to
defend
,
because
they
kept
the
kings
person
:
Mart.
Paul
.
Burgens
.
2.
Some
giue
an
other
deriuation
of
carath
,
which
signifieth
to
strike
a
couenant
,
and
pala
,
excellent
,
so
called
because
they
were
worthie
and
excellent
men
.
3.
Chimhi
expoundeth
these
names
by
Vrim
and
Thummim
:
they
were
men
of
knowledge
and
integritie
:
and
as
some
thinke
Dauids
counsell
:
but
then
Benaias
being
a
man
of
warre
should
not
haue
beene
set
ouer
them
.
4.
Some
thinke
that
these
were
strangers
of
other
countries
,
as
the
Cerethites
were
Philistims
,
and
that
the
King
vsed
them
to
guard
his
person
,
as
now
the
Switzers
,
and
Heluetians
,
and
Scots
are
in
other
countries
appointed
for
the
Kings
guard
:
Sa.
But
it
is
not
like
,
that
Dauid
would
haue
strange
people
beeing
infidels
and
idolaters
,
so
neere
his
person
:
Mart.
5.
Vatablus
,
readeth
here
,
Creti
&
Pleti
,
the
Cretians
and
Pletians
;
but
he
sheweth
not
what
people
,
or
of
what
nation
they
were
.
In
the
Apostles
time
we
reade
of
Creetes
that
were
at
Ierusalem
,
Act.
2.11
.
for
then
the
Cretians
were
famous
:
But
in
Dauids
time
they
were
not
much
regarded
.
6.
Wherefore
these
Cerethites
and
Pelethites
,
were
proper
names
:
and
it
seemeth
they
were
garrison
souldiers
,
the
Cherethites
which
inhabited
Chereth
among
the
Philistims
after
Dauid
had
vanquished
them
:
for
the
Cherethites
were
counted
among
the
Philistims
,
1.
Sam.
30.14
.
I●●k
.
25.16
.
and
the
Pelethites
were
also
garrison
souldiers
among
the
Iaphlethites
,
whereof
mention
is
made
,
Iosh.
16.2
.
Iun.
and
the
Chalde
paraphrast
also
commeth
neere
this
interpretation
:
taking
the
Cherethites
for
archers
,
and
the
Pelethites
for
slingers
:
they
were
not
then
alwaies
attending
vpon
the
court
,
but
garrison
souldiers
employed
in
defense
of
the
land
,
and
giuing
their
attendance
by
their
course
vpon
the
king
,
as
may
be
gathered
,
c.
15.18
.
14.
Quest.
v.
18.
Whether
the
sonnes
of
Dauid
were
Priests
.
1.
The
Hebrewe
word
cohamin
,
the
Latine
interpreter
translateth
sacrerdotes
,
Priests
:
so
also
Montanus
:
but
it
is
not
like
that
Dauids
sonnes
beeing
of
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
tooke
vpon
them
the
Peiesthood
,
which
onely
belonged
vnto
Leui
:
the
kingdome
was
inuested
in
Iudah
,
and
the
priesthood
in
Leui
:
they
which
attempted
to
confound
these
offices
prospered
not
:
Vzziah
the
King
was
stricken
with
leprosie
,
because
he
would
haue
burned
incense
,
which
onely
belonged
to
the
Priests
:
And
the
Macchabes
beeing
Leuites
for
vsurping
vpon
the
kingdome
procured
much
woe
vnto
themselues
,
and
to
all
the
nation
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
they
were
discipuli
sacerdotum
,
schollers
of
the
Priests
,
and
brought
vp
vnder
them
,
and
therefore
are
called
Priests
:
as
the
schooles
of
the
Prophets
were
called
Prophets
:
ex
Pellic.
but
the
Schooles
of
the
Prophets
afterward
became
Prophets
,
as
Elisha
after
Elias
,
but
these
neuer
were
Priests
.
3.
Wherefore
they
are
better
taken
to
haue
beene
Princes
or
cheife
rulers
,
as
read
P.V.
Chald.
B.G.
for
cohen
sighifieth
a
cheife
or
principall
man
in
bearing
any
publike
office
sacred
or
ciuill
:
Borrh.
and
so
they
are
called
rishonim
,
head
or
cheife
men
about
Dauid
,
1.
Chron.
18.17
.
4.
But
this
aduancing
of
his
sonnes
so
soone
,
turned
afterward
to
Dauids
hurt
:
for
Absolom
by
this
meanes
aspired
to
the
kingdome
,
and
Adoniah
practised
against
Salomon
:
yet
Dauid
did
herein
the
part
of
a
prudent
Prince
;
to
acquaint
his
children
with
the
affaires
of
estate
,
Mart.
5.
Here
are
now
reckoned
vp
the
cheife
officers
about
Dauid
both
of
the
Ciuill
and
Ecclesiasticall
state
:
shewing
that
a
kingdome
cannot
consist
without
good
officers
and
gouernours
of
both
kinds
:
Borrh.
CHAP.
9.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Of
Dauids
kindnesse
in
remembring
Ionathans
posteritie
.
1.
DAuid
here
sheweth
himselfe
both
a
good
Prince
,
and
a
good
man
:
the
one
in
the
administration
of
iustice
mentioned
,
c.
8.15
.
the
other
here
in
performing
the
couenant
and
promise
made
to
Ionathan
:
one
may
be
a
good
man
,
and
yet
not
a
good
Prince
;
for
euerie
one
hath
not
the
gift
of
gouernement
,
but
it
is
not
possible
for
one
to
be
a
good
Prince
,
but
he
must
also
be
a
good
man
:
for
hee
that
is
euill
in
himselfe
,
cannot
be
good
to
others
:
as
S.
Paul
,
He
that
cannot
rule
his
owne
house
,
how
shall
he
take
care
for
the
Church
of
God
?
That
I
may
shewe
him
mercie
for
Ionath●n●
s●ke
,
rather
then
for
Saul
:
Martyr
.
2.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
Ziba
,
who
is
said
to
be
a
seruant
of
the
houshold
of
Saul
.
1.
This
Ziba
is
held
to
be
a
Canaanite
:
because
the
Hebrewes
could
but
serue
seauen
yeares
,
vnlesse
they
would
themselues
,
for
then
they
had
their
eares
boared
thorough
,
if
they
were
vnwilling
to
leaue
their
masters
se●uice
,
and
then
they
serued
till
the
50.
yeare
.
But
this
Ziba
had
beene
a
seruant
vnto
Saul
,
and
he
is
still
a
seruanr
vnto
that
family
at
this
time
,
which
was
seauen
yeares
after
Sauls
death
:
Mart.
Pellican
.
2.
But
he
was
a
seruant
of
better
sort
and
condition
then
ordinary
,
he
had
also
20.
seruants
vnder
him
,
v.
10.
There
were
three
degrees
of
seruants
,
ordinarij
,
vicarij
,
mediastini
,
the
ordinarie
seruants
,
the
seruants
for
supply
,
and
th●
seruants
alwaies
at
hand
:
these
last
were
put
to
the
vilest
and
basest
seruices
:
the
first
,
had
their
ordinarie
and
certaine
seruice
set
them
,
as
to
waite
in
the
chamber
,
to
be
cators
and
prouiders
,
to
attend
the
husbandrie
,
and
such
like
:
and
these
might
haue
seruants
vnder
them
,
who
were
seruants
in
respect
of
their
masters
,
and
they
were
masters
themselues
ouer
their
seruants
:
of
this
sort
of
seruants
was
Ziba
:
the
third
sort
of
seruants
,
which
w●re
called
vicarij
,
which
serued
for
supply
,
had
no
certaine
place
or
office
appointed
them
:
Martyr
.
3.
Quest.
v.
3.
Why
it
is
called
the
mercie
of
God
.
1.
Borrhaius
thinketh
it
is
called
the
mercie
of
God
,
because
in
shewing
mercie
we
are
like
vnto
God
.
2.
Some
doe
so
expound
it
,
such
mercie
as
shall
bee
pleasing
and
acceptable
vnto
God
:
Geneuens
.
3.
Some
by
the
mercie
of
God
vnderstand
great
mercie
,
as
such
things
which
are
excellent
are
said
to
bee
of
God
:
Vatab.
Osiand
.
4.
But
Dauid
in
this
speech
rather
hath
reference
to
the
league
and
couenant
made
between
them
in
the
name
of
God
,
and
now
therefore
according
to
the
same
will
performe
the
mercie
and
kindnes
,
which
they
Ionathan
and
Dauid
promised
each
to
other
:
Iun.
4.
Quest.
v.
7.
Of
the
kindnes
which
Dauid
shewed
to
Miphibosheth
.
1.
It
will
be
said
that
Dauid
in
restoring
vnto
Miphibosheth
the
lands
of
Saul
,
did
performe
no
great
matter
,
seeing
they
were
of
right
due
vnto
him
,
as
the
next
heire
:
to
this
R.
Salomon
answereth
,
that
it
was
in
the
power
of
the
King
,
to
take
from
whom
he
would
,
and
giue
vnto
another
,
at
his
will
and
pleasure
,
as
Samuel
describeth
the
office
of
a
King
,
1.
Sam.
8.12
.
Hee
will
take
your
feilds
and
your
vineyards
,
and
your
best
oliue
trees
,
and
giue
them
to
his
seruants
:
And
therefore
Dauid
did
shew
great
kindnes
,
in
giuing
these
lands
to
Miphibosheth
,
which
he
might
haue
bestowed
vpon
another
.
But
D.
Chimhi
herein
opposeth
himselfe
to
R.
Salomon
,
shewing
that
it
is
not
in
the
power
of
the
king
,
to
dispose
of
mens
grounds
and
possessions
at
his
pleasure
:
as
Ahab
,
though
a
wicked
king
,
yet
would
not
by
violence
take
away
Naboths
vineyard
:
the
fruits
of
their
lands
were
to
serue
the
kings
vse
,
they
were
thereof
to
giue
toward
the
prouision
of
his
house
,
but
their
possessions
simply
he
was
not
to
dispose
of
.
But
it
was
otherwise
in
this
case
:
for
Ishbosheth
hauing
rebelled
against
Dauid
the
lawfull
king
,
might
iustly
haue
beene
depriued
,
and
likewise
Miphibosheth
for
taking
part
with
him
,
as
is
most
like
,
Iun.
of
all
the
right
which
they
had
in
the
goods
and
possessions
of
Saul
:
and
therefore
Dauid
sheweth
herein
great
mercie
,
in
restoaring
of
them
vnto
Miphibosheth
.
Mart.
2.
It
will
further
be
obiected
,
that
Dauid
was
bound
to
doe
this
by
vertue
of
the
former
league
made
betweene
Ionathan
and
Dauid
:
and
therefore
he
was
in
a
manner
forced
to
shew
this
kindnesse
.
It
is
true
,
Dauid
was
tied
vnto
it
by
the
force
of
the
league
:
yet
Dauids
faithfulnesse
is
therein
no
whit
lesse
to
be
commended
,
that
was
so
mindfull
of
the
couenant
:
these
circumstances
specially
considered
:
as
1.
that
Ionathan
was
now
dead
,
and
could
not
challenge
Dauid
.
2.
The
house
of
Saul
had
resisted
him
,
and
put
him
to
much
trouble
,
which
might
haue
seemed
a
iust
cause
for
Dauid
to
haue
violated
that
league
.
3.
And
some
might
haue
pretended
policie
,
that
it
was
not
safe
to
aduance
the
house
and
familie
of
a
contrarie
faction
:
Dauid
notwithstanding
all
these
obiections
,
which
might
haue
bin
pretended
,
extendeth
his
kindnes
and
therein
sheweth
his
goodnes
and
faithfulnesse
.
3.
But
Dauid
promised
Ionathan
,
that
he
should
be
the
next
and
second
vnto
him
in
the
kingdome
:
1.
Sam.
23.17
.
he
therein
kept
not
his
promise
with
Ionathan
:
yes
,
Dauid
made
good
herein
that
promise
to
the
full
:
for
Miphibosheth
is
nourished
at
the
kings
table
,
as
one
of
the
kings
sonnes
:
who
were
cheifest
in
reputation
,
as
is
before
shewed
,
c.
8.18
.
and
Miphibosheth
was
counted
among
them
:
But
in
that
Miphibosheth
was
not
imployed
in
any
place
of
gouernment
,
it
was
not
Dauids
fault
,
but
because
hee
in
respect
of
his
lamenesse
was
not
fit
for
any
such
employment
.
Mart.
5.
Quest.
v.
8.
Why
Miphibosheth
calleth
himselfe
a
dead
dogge
.
1.
Miphibosheth
so
calleth
himselfe
,
as
vile
and
contemptible
in
diuerse
respects
.
1.
In
regard
of
his
familie
,
which
was
reiected
of
God
,
and
Dauid
chosen
to
be
king
in
the
place
of
Saul
:
Mar.
2.
And
herein
he
confesseth
and
acknowledgeth
,
the
trespasse
of
that
familie
against
Dauid
,
by
the
which
they
deserued
to
be
cast
off
and
despised
of
Dauid
,
as
a
dead
dogge
.
Pellican
.
3.
He
confesseth
himselfe
in
respect
of
his
person
,
to
be
as
an
abiect
and
forlorne
man
,
not
worthie
to
be
respected
of
Dauid
.
Osiander
.
2.
But
this
speach
must
not
be
vnderstood
as
simply
spoken
,
but
therein
there
is
both
an
hyperbole
,
in
that
by
way
of
amplification
,
to
set
forth
his
miserable
state
,
he
resembleth
himselfe
to
a
dead
dogge
:
it
is
also
spoken
by
way
of
comparison
in
respect
of
Dauid
,
and
of
his
princely
estate
,
hee
taketh
himselfe
to
be
but
as
a
dead
dogge
.
6.
Quest.
Whether
any
to
shew
their
humilitie
,
may
make
a
lie
of
themselues
.
It
may
seeme
that
Miphibosheth
did
more
abase
himselfe
then
he
needed
,
and
confessed
himselfe
to
be
that
,
which
he
was
not
,
which
giueth
occasion
of
this
question
:
which
may
thus
be
resolued
.
1.
It
is
not
lawfull
for
any
to
lie
of
himselfe
,
to
expresse
his
humilitie
:
for
S.
Pauls
rule
is
generall
,
that
we
must
not
doe
euill
for
good
to
come
thereof
:
neither
is
it
lawfull
to
make
a
lie
,
that
the
veritie
may
now
abound
thorough
my
lie
vnto
his
glorie
:
nay
it
is
not
lawfull
for
to
make
a
lie
for
Gods
cause
:
for
then
as
the
Apostle
saith
,
wee
should
be
found
to
be
false
witnesses
of
God
:
that
hee
was
more
foolish
then
any
man
:
yet
was
not
he
the
foolishest
among
men
.
1.
Some
here
answer
,
that
they
thus
spake
in
respect
of
their
own
weakenesse
,
confessing
they
had
no
strength
at
all
of
themselues
but
from
God
.
2.
It
may
further
be
added
,
that
they
thus
confessed
in
their
owne
opinion
,
who
thought
themselues
to
be
inferiour
vnto
all
.
3.
But
here
is
a
difference
to
be
made
betweene
a
generall
confession
of
the
weaknes
and
impotencie
of
our
nature
,
which
the
most
perfect
in
this
world
may
truely
ackowledge
,
and
a
particular
ackowledgement
of
some
actuall
sinne
,
which
no
man
is
to
confesse
of
himselfe
,
beeing
not
guiltie
thereof
:
as
S.
Paul
,
though
he
say
,
he
was
the
chiefest
sinner
,
yet
he
doth
not
make
himselfe
an
adulterer
,
Idolater
,
or
such
like
,
which
sinnes
he
was
free
from
.
4.
Saint
Paul
also
speaketh
by
way
of
comparison
with
those
which
were
called
,
that
none
of
them
had
so
persecuted
the
way
of
Christ
,
as
he
had
done
,
&
consequently
none
of
them
had
so
greatly
sinned
in
that
behalfe
;
so
also
the
Prophet
Agur
doth
acknowledge
his
ignorance
not
simply
,
but
in
respect
of
the
high
things
of
God
,
which
he
was
not
able
to
comprehend
.
Mar.
7.
Quest.
v.
10.
Whether
Miphibosheth
did
in
deed
eate
at
the
Kings
table
.
The
occasion
of
this
question
is
this
:
v.
10.
Dauid
saith
,
Thou
,
and
thy
sonnes
,
and
thy
seruants
,
shall
till
the
land
,
and
bring
in
,
that
thy
masters
sonne
may
haue
foode
to
eate
;
but
Miphibosheth
thy
masters
sonne
,
shall
eate
bread
alwaies
at
my
table
:
how
did
Ziba
prouide
food
for
Miphibosheth
,
seeing
he
fed
at
the
kings
table
in
Ierushalem
?
Againe
,
v.
11.
Ziba
saith
,
All
that
the
King
hath
commanded
,
&c.
so
shall
thy
seruant
doe
,
that
Miphibosheth
may
eate
at
my
table
,
as
one
of
the
Kings
sonnes
:
if
he
did
eate
at
Zibahs
table
;
how
was
he
fed
at
the
kings
table
?
1.
Some
answer
to
the
first
doubt
:
that
v.
10.
in
the
first
clause
,
by
his
masters
sonne
,
is
meant
Micah
Miphibosheths
sonne
,
who
is
mentioned
v.
12.
so
Iunius
:
but
seeing
Miphibosheth
is
afterward
said
,
to
be
his
masters
sonne
,
that
is
,
Sauls
nephew
,
it
is
likely
to
be
taken
in
the
same
sense
before
:
And
then
in
the
first
place
he
meaneth
not
Miphibosheths
person
,
but
his
familie
,
whereof
his
young
sonne
was
a
principall
part
:
that
though
Miphibosheth
himselfe
liued
at
Dauids
table
,
yet
his
familie
with
his
son
should
be
maintained
with
Ziba
.
Osiand
.
2.
In
the
other
place
,
v.
11.
some
read
,
at
thy
table
:
so
Lat.
Osiand
.
but
the
word
is
shulcani
,
at
my
table
,
2.
Some
so
take
it
,
as
though
Miphibosheth
was
fed
at
Zibahs
table
:
Pellican
:
but
that
is
contrarie
to
the
text
,
v.
13.
Miphibosheth
did
eate
bread
continually
at
the
kings
table
.
3.
Some
giue
this
sense
:
Miphibosheth
is
said
to
eate
at
the
kings
table
,
because
he
had
meate
sent
him
from
the
kings
table
:
Sa.
but
he
rather
sat
himselfe
at
the
kings
table
,
because
hee
dwelt
at
Ierushalem
,
where
the
kings
house
was
:
and
as
Dauid
in
Sauls
time
,
did
eate
at
his
table
:
so
Dauid
would
recompence
the
like
kindnesse
to
Miphibosheth
to
eate
at
his
table
.
4.
Some
giue
this
interpretation
:
that
Miphibosheth
may
eate
at
my
table
:
that
is
,
may
haue
all
things
at
commandement
,
as
one
of
the
kings
sonnes
,
as
if
he
sat
at
my
table
:
Genevens
.
but
the
phrase
is
taken
here
in
the
same
sense
,
as
it
is
before
,
v.
10.
where
Dauid
saith
that
Miphibosheth
should
indeed
eate
at
his
table
,
not
to
haue
all
things
at
commandement
in
the
kings
house
.
5.
There
remaine
three
other
interpretations
:
Iunius
maketh
them
the
words
of
Zibah
spoken
in
this
sense
,
Though
Miphibosheth
eating
at
my
table
,
should
be
as
one
of
the
Kings
sonnes
:
so
also
Peter
Martyr
:
that
is
,
if
it
had
pleased
the
King
,
that
Miphibosheth
had
beene
at
my
finding
.
I
would
haue
giuen
him
entertainment
as
one
of
the
Kings
sonnes
:
but
it
is
not
like
,
that
Zibah
would
haue
called
it
his
table
,
seeing
he
was
but
a
seruant
to
Miphibosheth
:
neither
would
hee
seeme
to
contradict
the
king
,
who
had
said
before
,
that
Miphibosheth
should
eate
at
his
table
:
and
to
what
end
should
Ziba
make
mention
of
the
Kings
sonnes
,
which
had
no
allowance
at
his
table
?
6.
Some
take
these
words
vttered
by
Zibah
,
but
in
the
kings
person
;
Miphibosheth
shall
eate
at
my
table
,
&c.
as
the
king
saith
.
B.
7.
But
Vatablus
better
taketh
these
words
as
spoken
by
Dauid
,
that
he
said
,
repeating
his
former
words
,
Miphibosheth
shall
eate
at
my
table
:
And
this
may
seeme
the
more
probable
,
because
the
former
clause
vttered
by
Zibah
,
endeth
with
the
perfect
distinction
athnah
.
CHAP.
10.
1.
Quest.
v.
2.
How
Dauid
shewed
kindnesse
to
the
King
of
Ammon
,
and
why
.
1.
DAuid
hauing
now
shewed
his
gratefull
mind
toward
some
at
home
,
beginneth
also
to
practise
the
like
abroad
,
and
sendeth
a
freindly
and
comfortable
message
to
the
king
of
Ammon
,
after
the
death
of
his
Father
:
Mar.
2.
Though
it
were
not
lawfull
to
enter
into
any
publike
league
with
the
Ammonites
,
which
is
directly
forbidden
,
Deut.
23.6
.
yet
priuate
amitie
might
be
reteined
:
and
Dauid
might
shew
his
thankfulnes
vnto
them
.
Osiand
.
3.
What
pleasure
Nahash
the
former
King
of
Ammon
shewed
to
Dauid
,
is
not
expressed
:
the
Hebrewes
thinke
that
this
was
the
kindnesse
,
that
after
the
King
of
Moab
had
put
to
death
Dauids
parents
,
the
rest
fled
vnto
the
King
of
Ammon
,
and
were
there
succoured
:
but
of
this
there
is
no
certaintie
:
it
is
like
that
Nahash
beeing
a
professed
aduersarie
to
Saul
,
whom
he
had
before
discomfited
,
when
he
besieged
Iabesh
Gilead
,
gaue
freindly
entertainment
in
the
daies
of
Saul
vnto
Dauid
,
4.
Now
whereas
Dauid
is
said
before
to
haue
subdued
the
Ammonites
,
c.
8.12
.
it
seemeth
,
it
is
set
down
there
by
anticipation
and
preuention
in
the
historie
:
for
if
Dauid
had
before
this
vanquished
the
Ammonites
,
Dauid
would
haue
sent
no
such
freindly
and
familiar
message
to
his
professed
enemie
.
Mart.
5.
Pellican
obserueth
,
that
the
euill
successe
which
Dauid
had
in
this
embassage
sheweth
,
that
God
was
not
pleased
with
Dauid
,
because
he
sought
the
freindship
of
an
heathen
king
.
But
things
are
not
to
be
measured
by
the
euent
.
It
was
not
amisse
for
Dauid
to
shew
his
kindnes
and
thankfulnesse
for
a
benefit
receiued
:
if
the
wicked
rewarded
him
euill
for
good
,
it
bewraieth
the
vilenes
of
their
nature
,
rather
then
the
vnlawfulnes
of
Dauids
act
.
Martyr
.
2.
Quest.
v.
3.
Of
the
euill
counsell
of
the
King
of
Ammons
Princes
and
Counsellers
.
1.
These
peruerse
men
,
which
perswaded
Hanun
the
King
,
that
Dauid
did
not
send
this
message
of
good
will
,
but
in
craft
and
cunning
,
measured
others
by
their
owne
foote
:
because
they
themselues
were
fraudulent
and
deceitfull
,
they
so
iudge
of
others
.
Pellican
.
And
beside
,
they
discouer
their
hatefull
mind
toward
the
people
of
God
:
that
as
their
forefathers
afforded
the
Israelites
their
brethren
,
no
releefe
in
the
desert
,
Deu.
24.5
.
beeing
descended
of
Lot
,
as
the
other
of
Abraham
,
who
called
Lot
his
brother
.
And
as
Nahash
their
king
required
of
the
men
of
Iabesh
Gilead
their
right
eies
:
so
they
still
bewraie
an
hatred
as
it
were
hereditarie
in
them
against
the
people
of
God
.
2.
They
challenge
them
vntruely
to
be
spies
,
as
Ioseph
did
sometime
his
brethren
:
but
that
was
onely
in
pretense
:
not
that
it
is
a
thing
in
it selfe
vnlawfull
to
be
a
spie
:
for
when
there
is
iust
battell
waged
,
it
is
lawfull
to
bee
a
spie
:
as
Moses
sent
Caleb
and
Ioshua
with
others
to
espie
and
search
out
the
land
of
Canaan
:
but
vnder
colour
of
amitie
and
freindship
to
spie
out
the
state
and
condition
of
others
,
is
a
thing
odious
.
Mar.
3.
Thus
it
pleased
God
,
that
by
this
meanes
the
prophecie
of
Balaam
should
take
place
,
that
a
scepter
should
rise
in
Israel
,
which
should
destroie
Moab
,
and
the
other
sonnes
of
Sheth
:
3.
Quest.
v.
4.
Of
the
despight
offered
by
the
Ammonites
to
Dauids
messengers
,
in
cutting
their
beards
and
garments
.
1.
In
that
they
offer
such
contumelie
and
disgrace
vnto
Dauids
Embassadors
,
therin
they
offended
against
the
law
of
nations
,
and
therefore
they
receiued
afterward
condigne
punishment
:
The
Romans
destroyed
Corinthus
a
famous
Citie
of
Grecia
,
because
they
vsed
their
Embassadors
contumeliously
in
words
.
2.
There
are
two
speciall
ornaments
of
the
bodie
,
one
is
naturall
,
namely
the
beard
,
the
other
artificiall
,
the
garments
,
which
couer
the
nakednes
:
in
both
these
the
King
of
Ammon
seeketh
the
disgrace
of
Dauids
seruants
.
3.
The
reason
whereof
may
be
this
:
the
Israelites
were
forbidden
to
cut
their
beards
,
Leuit.
19.27
.
as
a
signe
of
mourning
:
and
especiall
prouision
was
made
by
the
law
,
that
their
nakednesse
should
not
appeare
:
and
therefore
they
were
forbidden
to
make
any
Altar
with
staires
,
Exod.
20.26
.
the
more
then
to
despight
them
,
they
offer
them
this
ignominious
disgrace
in
despight
of
their
owne
law
.
Mar.
4.
Now
in
that
they
are
bidden
afterward
by
Dauid
to
stay
till
their
beards
were
growen
:
it
is
euident
,
that
the
vse
then
in
Israel
was
not
to
shaue
their
beards
:
for
then
they
might
haue
cut
away
the
other
part
also
:
howsoeuer
then
this
tricke
of
shauing
of
beards
be
superstitiously
vsed
among
the
Romanists
,
it
is
certaine
,
that
the
Israelites
custome
was
not
to
shaue
their
beards
:
Pellican
,
Osiander
.
The
heathen
indeede
had
a
fashion
to
cut
their
beards
:
as
Adriane
the
Emperour
is
noted
to
haue
beene
the
first
among
the
Romane
Emperours
that
did
spare
his
beard
,
and
suffered
it
to
grow
long
.
But
this
superstitious
vse
was
not
taken
vp
by
the
people
of
God
.
Mar.
4.
Quest.
v.
6.
From
whence
the
Ammonites
hired
their
souldiers
and
assistants
.
1.
Here
are
fowre
countries
named
,
whence
the
Ammonites
had
their
supplie
,
from
the
Aramites
of
Rechab
,
which
was
a
citie
at
the
foote
of
Libanus
the
vtmost
bound
of
Syria
toward
Palestina
,
whereof
mention
is
made
Numb.
13.22
.
from
the
Aramites
of
Zaba
:
from
the
King
of
Maacah
,
who
was
also
subiect
to
Hadadezer
king
of
Zabah
:
of
the
Maacahthites
read
3.14
.
And
from
the
men
of
Tab
,
as
Iun.
rather
then
Ishtob
,
making
it
all
one
name
,
as
the
rest
doe
reade
:
Tab
was
the
countrie
where
Iepthah
dwelt
,
Iudg.
11.3
.
Beside
they
had
some
helpe
from
Aram
Naharaim
,
1.
Chr.
19.6
.
2.
All
these
belonged
to
Aram
,
or
Syria
,
which
was
diuided
into
Syria
beyond
the
riuer
,
v.
16.
and
Syria
on
this
side
:
Borrh.
which
is
subdiuided
into
these
foure
regions
,
Camagena
,
Damascena
,
Coelosyria
,
Phoenicia
:
Mar.
which
are
here
called
by
other
names
.
3.
Some
things
are
here
omitted
,
which
are
mentioned
,
1.
Chron.
19.6
.
as
how
they
hired
these
soudiers
for
a
thousand
talents
of
siluer
:
and
that
beside
the
number
of
men
here
expressed
,
they
hired
32.
thousand
chariots
.
Iun.
4.
These
Ammonites
were
so
farre
from
reconciling
themselues
to
Dauid
,
and
making
amends
for
this
wrong
,
that
they
prouoked
Dauid
to
battell
,
and
came
as
farre
as
Medeba
,
1.
Chron.
19.7
.
a
citie
in
the
borders
of
Ammon
.
5.
Quest.
v.
12.
Of
Ioabs
courage
and
magnanimitie
against
the
enemies
of
Gods
people
.
Here
is
nothing
wanting
in
Ioab
which
is
requisite
in
a
good
Captaine
.
1.
He
vpon
the
present
vseth
most
diligent
care
,
and
prudent
aduise
in
diuiding
the
souldiers
,
and
committing
part
of
them
to
Abishai
his
brother
,
and
leading
part
of
them
himselfe
:
which
sheweth
what
an
excellent
thing
concord
is
,
as
among
Captaines
,
which
fight
terrene
battels
,
so
specially
among
Ministers
,
which
doe
fight
the
Lords
spirituall
battels
.
Osiand
.
2.
As
he
is
not
daunted
or
dismaied
himselfe
,
so
by
his
couragious
speach
hee
animateth
others
;
saying
,
let
vs
be
strong
and
valiant
for
our
people
,
&c.
like
as
Moses
setteth
downe
in
the
waging
of
battell
,
how
the
priest
should
encourage
the
people
:
Let
not
your
hearts
faint
,
neither
feare
,
or
be
amased
,
&c.
3.
Hee
sheweth
the
right
end
of
battell
,
to
fight
in
defence
of
the
Lords
people
,
and
to
maintaine
the
true
seruice
and
worship
of
God
.
Mar.
4.
Hee
doth
religiously
commit
the
euent
of
this
businesse
vnto
God
:
saying
,
Let
the
Lord
doe
that
which
is
good
in
his
eyes
:
non
potest
vox
duce
dignior
cogitari
:
a
more
worthie
speach
beseeming
a
Captaine
could
not
be
thought
,
then
this
was
here
vttered
by
Ioab
.
Pellic.
6.
Quest.
Whether
this
were
true
fortitude
in
Ioab
.
True
fortitude
consisteth
in
the
vndertaking
,
and
bearing
of
great
and
suddaine
dainger
in
a
good
cause
,
and
for
some
honest
and
commendable
end
:
wherein
diuerse
things
are
to
be
considered
.
1.
The
obiect
or
matter
,
wherein
true
fortitude
is
seene
:
which
is
not
in
those
euills
which
are
internall
,
as
in
auoiding
of
vices
and
sinnes
:
for
these
a
man
falleth
into
by
his
owne
default
:
nor
yet
is
it
properly
seene
in
such
daungers
,
which
are
involuntarie
,
as
in
sicknesse
,
shipwracke
,
and
such
like
:
though
to
beare
these
things
patiently
is
an
excellent
vertue
:
but
fortitude
is
exercised
chiefly
in
such
dangers
,
as
are
outwardly
incident
,
and
in
those
most
of
all
which
are
suddain
:
as
this
daunger
of
battell
,
wherein
Ioabs
fortitude
did
shew
it selfe
,
was
vnexpected
and
vnlooked
for
.
2.
The
end
of
fortitude
must
not
be
praise
,
vaine
glorie
,
profit
,
such
as
the
valiant
Heathen
propounded
to
themselues
,
who
shewed
their
valour
to
get
themselues
a
name
:
and
many
aduentured
themselues
because
of
those
rewards
which
were
promised
vnto
them
,
that
did
fight
for
their
countrie
:
but
the
end
of
this
vertue
,
is
some
honest
cause
,
as
to
defend
our
parents
or
countrie
,
to
deliuer
the
oppressed
,
especially
to
maintaine
true
religion
and
worship
of
God
.
Mart.
3.
There
are
diuerse
kinds
of
fortitude
.
1.
There
is
a
warlike
valour
,
which
commeth
by
skill
and
experience
in
militarie
affaires
.
2.
There
is
an
other
kind
which
riseth
of
confidence
,
which
a
man
hath
in
his
strength
.
3.
An
other
proceedeth
from
ignorance
of
the
greatnesse
of
the
danger
.
4.
Another
,
which
riseth
from
anger
,
or
rage
,
when
one
is
inflamed
to
reuenge
himselfe
:
but
all
these
are
farre
off
from
true
fortitude
:
which
is
a
vertue
not
giuen
by
nature
,
but
wrought
in
men
by
the
spirit
of
God
,
whereby
they
are
resolued
in
an
honest
cause
to
attempt
difficult
labour
,
and
endure
the
vtmost
dangers
:
so
that
there
are
two
offices
of
a
Christian
fortitude
,
ferre
,
&
aggredi
,
to
beare
and
suffer
,
and
to
attempt
or
enterprise
:
but
the
first
rather
,
wherein
the
fortitude
and
patience
of
the
Martyrs
was
tried
in
enduring
vnspeakable
and
intollerable
torments
for
the
name
of
God
.
6.
Although
Ioab
were
a
treacherous
and
bloodie
man
,
yet
he
might
haue
this
morall
vertue
at
this
time
,
as
many
common
graces
of
the
spirit
are
oft
to
be
found
in
the
wicked
.
Mart.
7.
Quest.
v.
18.
Of
the
number
of
chariots
and
horsemen
,
which
were
slaine
of
the
Aramites
.
Here
mention
is
made
of
seauen
hundreth
chariots
,
and
40.
thousand
horsemen
:
but
in
1.
Chron.
19.18
.
there
are
said
to
haue
beene
destroied
7.
thousand
chariots
,
and
40.
thousand
footemen
.
1.
Some
doe
thus
reconcile
the
places
,
that
the
principall
of
the
chariots
are
here
rehearsed
,
but
the
whole
number
there
;
and
that
the
horsemen
are
here
onely
spoken
of
,
there
the
footemen
.
Mart.
Bor.
Genev.
2.
Iunius
giueth
a
better
solution
of
the
first
doubt
:
that
the
number
of
700.
is
taken
for
so
many
troupes
or
bands
,
which
made
in
all
7000.
chariots
,
counting
ten
to
a
troupe
or
companie
.
3.
But
for
the
latter
doubt
,
Iunius
solution
seemeth
not
to
be
so
good
,
who
thus
readeth
,
7.
hundreth
chariots
(
and
40.
thousand
footemen
)
of
horsemen
:
referring
horsemen
,
not
to
the
40.
thousand
immediatly
going
before
,
but
to
the
7.
hundreth
chariots
first
mentioned
:
but
this
reading
seemeth
not
to
be
so
fit
,
both
because
the
words
are
not
so
distinguished
in
the
Hebrew
:
and
there
was
great
difference
betweene
the
chariots
and
horsemen
:
as
c.
18.4
.
Dauid
tooke
from
Hadarezer
,
a
thousand
chariots
,
and
7.
thousand
horsemen
,
and
20.
thousand
footemen
:
the
horsemen
,
then
can
not
be
referred
to
the
chariots
.
And
it
is
euident
that
the
Ammonites
hired
both
chariots
,
and
horsemen
,
1.
Chron.
19.6
.
there
were
then
both
chariots
,
horsemen
,
and
footmen
in
the
host
of
the
Aramites
:
here
the
chariots
and
horsemen
are
numbred
,
which
were
destroied
;
and
in
the
other
place
the
chariots
and
footemen
.
4.
But
whereas
the
Latine
translation
speaketh
of
58.
thousand
men
,
which
fled
before
Israel
,
v.
19.
there
is
no
such
thing
in
the
originall
:
so
that
therein
there
is
a
manifest
corruption
in
the
Latine
.
CHAP.
11.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
What
time
Kings
goe
forth
to
battell
in
.
1.
AFter
that
Ioab
had
smitten
the
Ammonites
,
and
they
were
fled
into
the
Citie
,
c.
10.14
.
hee
,
the
winter
season
,
as
it
seemeth
,
comming
on
,
seased
to
pursue
them
,
or
besiege
their
citie
,
which
was
Rabbah
,
afterward
called
Philadelphia
,
the
cheife
citie
of
that
nation
:
he
expecteth
the
next
spring
,
when
Dauid
sent
Ioab
againe
against
the
Ammonites
.
Pellic.
2.
The
time
,
which
in
those
countries
was
thought
meetest
for
warre
,
was
the
spring
tide
:
when
as
both
grasse
and
corne
beginneth
to
waxe
ripe
in
those
regions
:
and
so
they
might
haue
food
,
and
releefe
for
their
horse
,
and
their
whole
armies
.
Borr.
Osiand
.
Mar.
3.
Wherein
appeareth
a
great
difference
betweene
the
warres
of
these
times
,
and
those
:
for
now
this
age
is
so
fierce
,
that
euen
in
the
dead
time
of
winter
,
many
Princes
and
Captaines
will
not
forbeare
warre
:
As
Pope
Iulie
tooke
Mirandula
,
in
the
deepe
snow
:
Frauncis
king
of
Fraunce
was
taken
at
Ticinam
in
Februarie
:
Callis
was
sacked
in
Ianuarie
.
Mart.
Quest.
2.
Of
Dauids
adulterie
,
and
the
vse
which
is
to
be
made
thereof
.
1.
They
which
thinke
to
patronize
their
licentious
life
by
Dauids
fall
,
doe
therein
tempt
God
,
and
sinne
of
presumption
:
for
they
which
thus
reason
with
themselues
:
if
Dauid
committed
adulterie
,
why
may
not
we
likewise
:
might
they
not
as
well
inferre
,
Iudas
beeing
an
Apostle
betraied
his
master
,
and
Paul
persecuted
the
Church
,
therefore
it
is
lawfull
for
them
to
doe
so
likewise
.
2.
But
seeing
the
Scripture
condemneth
the
adulterie
of
Dauid
,
what
impudencie
is
it
for
any
thereby
to
seeke
defense
of
their
sinne
?
yea
the
heathen
by
the
light
of
nature
held
adulterie
to
be
a
most
grieuous
sinne
,
as
Pharaoh
king
of
Egypt
,
Gen.
12.
&
Abimelech
king
of
Gerar
,
Gen.
20.
So
Nebuchadnezzar
burnt
Achab
and
Zedechia
two
false
prophets
,
and
adulterers
with
fire
,
Ierem.
29.
3.
But
this
profitable
vse
may
be
made
of
Dauids
fall
,
that
sinne
is
not
altogether
extinguished
in
the
regenerate
,
they
oftentimes
feele
in
their
members
the
law
of
sin
rebelling
against
the
spirit
:
and
by
this
example
of
Dauids
sinne
,
who
by
his
repentance
found
forgiuenesse
,
we
learne
,
that
Gods
seruants
,
if
they
offend
of
infirmity
,
should
neuer
despaire
of
forgiuenes
.
And
herein
are
we
to
imitate
Dauid
,
not
in
his
sinnes
,
but
in
his
true
repentance
and
teares
after
he
had
sinned
.
Mart.
3.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
Dauids
idlenesse
and
securitie
,
vpon
these
words
,
Dauid
arose
from
his
bed
.
1.
The
beginning
of
Dauids
fall
proceeded
from
his
idlenes
and
securitie
;
he
rose
from
his
bed
,
wheron
he
vsed
to
rest
in
the
afternoone
:
which
as
the
Physitians
hold
to
be
vnwholesome
to
the
bodie
,
Osiand
.
so
was
it
a
signe
of
Dauids
great
security
,
who
gaue
himselfe
to
ease
and
rest
,
his
captaine
and
souldiers
beeing
occupied
in
dangerous
battells
abroad
:
Dauid
vsed
not
to
goe
forth
with
them
as
he
had
in
fore
time
.
Pellican
.
2.
There
are
diuerse
kinds
of
ease
:
some
doe
sequester
themselues
from
busines
to
giue
themselues
to
contemplation
,
as
our
blessed
Sauiour
preached
in
the
day
,
&
prayed
in
the
night
,
Luk.
21.
Some
keepe
an
holy
rest
from
sinne
:
But
there
is
beside
a
lasciuious
and
wanton
rest
,
or
idlenesse
,
which
is
the
mother
of
lust
:
as
one
of
the
sinnes
of
Sodome
was
aboundance
of
idlenesse
,
3.
But
as
idlenesse
is
hurtfull
to
al
,
so
it
beseemeth
not
the
person
of
Princes
,
who
though
they
neuer
plow
or
digge
,
yet
are
to
watch
ouer
the
people
to
see
them
wel
gouerned
,
and
to
prouide
for
them
good
lawes
.
And
as
in
Dauid
,
this
pleasant
ease
brought
forth
adulterie
:
so
the
idle
life
of
Monkes
,
feeding
and
pampering
their
bellies
,
was
the
cause
of
that
filthie
vncleannes
and
vile
corruption
,
which
were
detected
to
be
among
them
.
4.
Then
seeing
Sathan
is
so
vigilant
to
catch
euery
oppertunitie
to
supplant
vs
going
about
like
a
roaring
lion
,
as
S.
Peter
saith
,
seeking
whom
he
may
deuoure
:
we
ought
so
much
the
more
carefully
to
watch
ouer
our selues
,
that
we
may
escape
his
snares
.
Mart.
4.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
the
wandring
of
Dauids
eyes
,
vpon
these
words
,
Hee
saw
a
woman
washing
her selfe
.
1.
Dauids
curious
eyes
wandring
,
falling
vpon
such
a
pleasant
obiect
,
did
intangle
his
affection
,
and
enflame
his
desire
:
Dauid
at
this
time
had
forgotten
that
prayer
,
Psal.
119.37
.
Turne
away
mine
eyes
from
regarding
vanitie
;
Borrh.
first
,
seeing
her
he
committeth
adulterie
with
her
in
his
heart
,
then
he
resteth
not
till
hee
had
acted
his
vncleane
desire
.
Osiand
.
2.
This
sinne
of
Dauid
appeareth
the
greater
,
if
it
be
compared
with
Iosephs
continencie
:
Ioseph
was
young
,
and
a
single
man
,
and
was
entised
of
his
mistresse
,
yet
consenteth
not
:
Dauid
was
of
good
yeares
,
hauing
many
wiues
,
which
might
haue
contented
him
;
and
beside
he
was
a
soliciter
of
a
woman
one
of
his
subiects
,
whose
chastitie
he
ought
to
haue
defended
.
Mart.
3.
We
see
then
hereby
,
how
dangerous
a
thing
it
is
to
suffer
the
eyes
to
wander
:
Iob
therefore
made
a
couenant
with
his
eyes
,
not
to
looke
vpon
a
maide
:
Gregorie
hath
a
good
saying
,
qui
externo
oculo
abutuntur
,
digni
sunt
quibus
internus
oculus
offuscetur
,
they
which
abuse
the
outward
eye
,
are
worthie
to
haue
the
inward
eye
darkened
.
Ridiculous
then
and
vaine
is
their
pretext
,
who
thinke
,
that
while
they
gaze
and
looke
vpon
such
pleasing
obiects
,
se
illis
spectaculis
non
moueri
,
that
they
are
not
stirred
with
such
spectacles
and
sights
:
doe
they
thinke
them
wiser
&
stronger
then
Dauid
who
was
caught
by
his
sight
.
4.
And
herein
Dauids
offence
was
the
greater
,
in
respect
of
himselfe
,
who
by
his
place
should
haue
beene
a
keeper
and
maintainer
of
Gods
Lawe
,
and
in
regard
of
others
,
whome
he
offended
:
for
whereas
Saul
was
not
detected
of
adulterie
,
Dauids
euill
example
gaue
occasion
to
men
to
iustifie
Saul
in
respect
of
Dauid
,
and
so
to
call
in
question
the
equitie
of
Gods
iudgements
:
Mart.
5.
Quest.
v.
3.
Of
the
beawtie
of
Bathsheba
which
entangled
Dauid
.
1.
Though
Dauid
were
entised
by
this
pleasing
obiect
,
yet
therefore
is
not
beautie
and
fairenesse
of
it selfe
an
euill
thing
,
which
is
a
gift
and
worke
of
the
creator
:
for
beauty
is
defined
to
be
apta
coniunctio
membrorum
cum
suauitate
coloris
:
an
apt
ioyning
together
of
the
members
with
a
pleasant
colour
.
So
in
Scripture
vertuous
men
,
as
Ioseph
,
Dauid
;
and
women
,
as
Sarah
,
Rebekah
,
Rachel
,
are
set
forth
and
described
by
their
beautie
.
2.
But
this
gift
of
nature
or
rather
of
the
God
of
nature
,
is
made
an
occasion
of
stumbling
through
the
corruption
of
our
nature
;
as
the
light
of
the
Sunne
,
though
in
it selfe
it
be
comfortable
,
yet
is
offensiue
vnto
bleare
eyes
:
so
is
mans
corrupt
nature
affected
with
such
obiects
;
therefore
as
Phisicians
when
they
cut
or
launch
any
patient
,
will
haue
their
schollers
present
to
make
obseruation
thereof
for
their
own
practise
:
so
we
beholding
the
cure
which
God
made
vpon
Dauid
,
in
launching
this
his
spirituall
sore
,
should
teach
vs
to
beware
;
and
to
set
a
doore
before
our
eies
:
it
was
the
fall
of
the
old
world
,
when
the
sonnes
of
God
,
euen
they
which
came
of
the
righteous
race
,
gazed
vpon
the
daughters
of
men
,
and
saw
they
were
faire
,
and
so
were
seduced
:
Mart.
3.
As
the
beautie
of
the
bodie
entangleth
a
carnall
eye
;
so
the
Angels
that
fell
were
proud
of
their
spirituall
beautie
,
wherein
they
were
created
,
and
so
were
thorough
pride
cast
downe
from
heauen
:
Borrh.
6.
Quest.
v.
4.
Of
Bathsheba
her
willingnesse
in
consenting
vnto
Dauid
,
and
of
other
her
faults
.
1.
Some
think
that
it
was
great
boldnesse
in
her
to
wash
her selfe
abroad
in
open
view
:
whereas
it
had
beene
more
beseeming
her
womanly
modestie
,
to
haue
kept
her
within
her
doores
:
Mart.
But
it
is
more
like
that
Dauid
espied
her
washing
in
her
house
,
as
Iosephus
writeth
,
through
the
windowes
;
so
thinketh
Vata
.
Eman.
Sa.
for
seeing
she
washed
and
purified
her selfe
from
her
monthly
vncleannes
,
v.
4.
it
is
most
like
that
she
did
it
within
her
owne
house
.
2.
Pellican
noteth
this
for
a
fault
also
,
that
while
her
husband
was
watching
abrod
in
the
campe
,
she
at
home
abutitur
quiete
sua
,
abuseth
her
rest
,
and
giueth
her selfe
to
washing
and
●athing
;
when
as
it
had
beene
fitter
for
her
to
be
exercised
in
fasting
&
prayer
:
But
seeing
she
did
purifie
her selfe
from
her
vncleannes
,
this
washing
was
of
necessitie
rather
and
decencie
,
then
of
wantonnes
.
3.
But
herein
was
Bathsheba
her
great
fault
,
that
being
sent
for
to
come
vnto
the
King
,
so
easily
consenteth
:
which
shewed
either
some
euil
affection
toward
her
husband
,
from
whom
she
desired
to
be
diuorced
;
or
an
ambitious
desire
to
be
the
kings
wife
.
Much
vnlike
was
she
here
vnto
Susanna
,
who
did
rather
choose
to
die
,
then
to
commit
adulterie
.
Beside
,
in
that
she
sendeth
as
in
feare
to
Dauid
,
that
she
was
with
child
,
being
the
apter
to
conceiue
after
her
monthly
purifying
,
she
sheweth
an
vnwillingnes
and
griefe
that
it
was
so
,
and
bewrayeth
a
desire
to
haue
had
it
otherwise
.
And
such
is
the
mind
of
wanton
and
lewd
women
,
fructum
ventris
oderunt
,
they
hate
and
abhoore
the
fruit
of
the
womb
.
Mart.
7.
Quest.
v.
6.
Of
Dauids
practise
in
seeking
to
conceale
.
his
adulterie
.
1.
Dauid
beside
the
adulterie
which
he
had
committed
,
falleth
into
diuerse
other
faults
:
first
into
hardnesse
of
heart
,
that
neither
he
,
nor
yet
Bathsheba
doe
bethinke
themselues
what
they
had
done
,
neither
repent
them
of
their
sinne
,
but
onely
think
to
hide
and
colour
it
;
then
he
sheweth
the
right
guise
and
fashion
of
hypocrites
,
who
while
they
may
hide
their
sinnes
from
men
,
doe
not
reuerence
the
sight
of
God
;
further
,
intrudit
silium
suum
in
agros
Vriae
,
he
would
thrust
his
own
sonne
to
be
an
others
heire
,
and
so
abuse
Vriah
that
way
also
.
Mart.
2.
Dauid
goeth
on
in
this
deuise
:
first
he
enquireth
of
Vrias
of
Ioabs
welfare
,
and
how
the
warre
prospered
:
but
all
this
was
merus
praetextus
,
a
meere
pretext
or
pretense
:
for
Dauid
intended
an
other
thing
,
then
he
practiseth
with
Vrias
to
company
with
his
wife
,
and
sendeth
after
him
a
present
,
a
messe
from
his
owne
table
,
that
Vriah
might
thereby
be
cheared
vp
,
and
haue
a
greater
desire
to
his
wiues
companie
.
And
to
that
ende
Dauid
seeing
Vriah
to
refraine
the
first
night
,
watching
among
the
rest
at
the
Kings
doore
,
made
him
the
next
day
to
eate
and
drinke
,
and
to
be
drunken
that
his
lust
to
his
wife
might
be
enflamed
:
But
all
this
tooke
no
place
;
God
so
disposing
,
that
Dauids
sinne
should
come
to
light
:
for
there
is
no
counsell
against
God
,
but
his
purpose
shall
stand
:
Mart.
Borrh.
Osiand
.
8.
Quest.
v.
11.
Of
Vriah
his
answer
vnto
Dauid
.
1.
Vriah
giueth
this
reason
,
why
he
refused
at
this
time
to
lodge
in
his
own
house
,
because
the
Arke
,
and
the
host
of
Israel
,
and
his
Lord
Ioab
remained
in
tents
:
wherby
he
sheweth
by
his
example
,
that
in
time
of
common
warre
men
should
giue
themselues
to
prayer
and
fasting
,
not
to
ease
and
feasting
:
Borrh.
2.
The
Arke
of
God
they
vsed
to
carrie
with
them
into
the
campe
for
these
two
causes
,
both
that
it
might
be
an
euident
testimonie
of
Gods
presence
,
and
that
they
might
aske
counsel
of
God
at
the
Arke
,
as
occasion
serued
:
Mart.
3.
This
godly
speech
of
Vriah
might
haue
admonished
Dauid
,
that
it
was
much
more
vnseemely
for
him
to
follow
vnlawfull
lust
in
this
common
daunger
,
seeing
Vriah
abstained
from
that
which
was
lawfull
.
Pellic.
4.
But
it
pleased
God
to
leaue
Dauid
to
himselfe
,
and
to
suffer
him
to
fall
into
this
great
sinne
,
both
in
respect
of
himselfe
,
that
he
might
throughly
be
humbled
,
seeing
God
purposed
to
exalt
him
:
and
for
the
example
of
others
,
vt
de
statu
suo
Dauid
cadente
nemo
superbiat
,
that
no
man
should
be
bragge
of
his
estate
seeing
Dauid
did
fall
,
nor
yet
any
should
despaire
of
rising
againe
with
Dauid
.
Pellic.
9.
Quest.
Of
Dauids
letters
sent
to
Ioab
in
betraying
Vriah
:
and
Ioabs
readinesse
therein
.
1.
Dauid
is
yet
so
farre
from
seeing
his
sinne
,
that
he
addeth
one
wickednesse
to
an
other
:
his
idlenes
followeth
a
wanton
eie
,
his
wantonnes
is
accompanied
with
lust
,
which
bringeth
forth
adulterie
;
then
there
is
a
deuise
to
make
Vriah
the
father
of
an
adulterous
seede
:
to
this
Dauid
addeth
an
attempt
to
make
Vriah
drunke
:
this
not
taking
place
,
he
contriueth
his
death
,
and
that
in
betraying
him
into
the
hands
of
his
enemies
,
and
that
with
the
losse
of
many
beside
.
2.
Wherein
Dauid
for
this
one
act
exceedeth
the
violent
course
which
Achab
vsed
against
Naboth
:
hee
coueted
but
his
vineyard
,
Dauid
desireth
an
others
wife
:
Achab
wrought
this
onely
by
his
wicked
wife
Iezabel
,
but
Dauid
doth
this
himselfe
.
Martyr
.
3.
And
Vriah
his
innocencie
maketh
Dauids
sinne
more
grieuous
;
hee
which
all
his
life
before
hated
fraud
and
deceit
,
now
hateth
simplicitie
and
truth
:
hee
which
spared
his
cruell
enemie
Saul
before
,
now
pursueth
vnto
death
a
most
faithfull
friend
and
dutifull
subiect
.
And
further
,
he
maketh
Ioab
accessarie
to
his
sinne
:
who
though
his
sinne
was
the
lesse
,
because
the
Kings
authoritie
forced
him
,
yet
is
it
not
thereby
excused
:
It
might
be
Dauid
pretended
some
capitall
offence
to
haue
beene
committed
by
Vriah
:
yet
Ioab
was
not
ignorant
of
the
Lawe
,
that
none
were
to
bee
put
to
death
,
but
vnder
two
or
three
witnesses
:
hee
therefore
should
herein
haue
obeyed
God
,
rather
then
man
.
Mar.
10.
Quest.
v.
17.
Why
it
pleased
God
,
that
Vriah
in
this
manner
should
be
slaine
.
1.
In
that
God
suffred
a
iust
and
innocent
man
in
this
manner
to
be
cut
off
,
it
need
no
more
to
call
Gods
iustice
in
question
,
then
that
he
suffered
Iohn
Baptist
to
be
beheaded
,
Peter
and
Paul
to
be
slaine
:
Euerie
one
is
borne
to
die
,
for
death
is
the
stipend
or
wages
of
sinne
:
God
therefore
whose
counsells
are
most
secret
,
yet
most
iust
,
doth
for
some
causes
best
knowne
to
himselfe
,
giue
way
sometime
to
vnlawfull
attempts
.
2.
And
who
can
tell
,
whether
Vriah
had
not
some
sinnes
of
his
owne
,
for
the
which
he
is
chastised
;
as
in
attributing
too
much
to
his
wife
,
and
in
suffring
himselfe
to
be
mis-led
often
by
her
,
or
such
like
:
But
we
must
not
howsoeuer
it
is
,
complaine
of
the
Lords
proceeding
herein
as
vniust
.
Mart.
11.
Quest.
v.
20.
Of
Ioabs
answer
returned
vnto
Dauid
.
1.
In
Ioab
,
though
it
was
commendable
in
him
,
in
that
he
was
conuersant
in
the
sacred
histories
,
as
appeareth
by
the
instance
giuen
of
Abimelech
,
yet
in
beeing
so
seruiceable
to
the
vnlawfull
desire
of
the
king
,
he
sinned
diuersly
,
both
in
condemning
a
man
,
his
cause
beeing
vnheard
,
and
in
accomplishing
the
kings
desire
with
the
losse
of
many
beside
:
Osiand
.
2.
The
messenger
also
plaieth
his
part
to
picke
a
thank
,
who
staied
not
till
Dauid
should
obiect
as
Ioab
had
before
conceiued
:
but
presently
telleth
Dauid
of
the
death
of
Vriah
,
which
he
knew
would
be
acceptable
vnto
him
.
3.
Dauid
also
dissembleth
the
matter
,
to
the
intent
,
that
neither
this
cruell
commaundement
,
nor
Ioabs
fawning
obedience
should
be
discouered
to
the
messenger
.
Geneuens
.
12.
Quest.
v.
27.
Of
these
words
,
and
shee
became
his
wife
:
Whether
it
be
lawfull
to
marrie
her
,
with
whome
adulterie
formerly
was
committed
.
1.
Nothing
is
defined
directly
concerning
this
matter
in
the
Scripture
;
for
Leu.
18.
where
many
impediments
of
marriage
are
rehearsed
,
and
diuerse
prohibitions
of
marriage
;
yet
no
mention
is
made
of
this
barre
of
adulterie
going
before
:
but
the
reason
hereof
may
be
this
,
because
the
adulterer
and
adultresse
by
Moses
Law
were
to
be
stoned
vnto
death
:
and
so
there
could
be
no
question
of
this
matter
.
2.
But
it
hath
beene
decreed
by
many
Pontificiall
decrees
,
that
the
marriage
of
such
who
committed
adulterie
before
,
should
be
actually
void
,
as
is
extant
in
the
Extrauagant
in
diuerse
places
:
3.
Wherefore
the
best
resolution
is
this
,
that
such
mariages
are
indeed
altogether
vnfit
and
inconuenient
:
for
if
this
were
vsually
permitted
for
the
adulterer
and
adultresse
to
marie
together
,
it
would
giue
occasion
for
one
of
them
to
practise
against
the
life
of
an
other
:
yet
though
such
mariages
are
not
conuenient
,
and
may
with
good
cause
be
letted
and
preuented
,
and
such
by
the
Magistrate
may
be
punished
:
yet
such
marriages
beeing
consummate
,
are
not
for
any
such
pretense
to
be
dissolued
,
for
then
Dauids
mariage
had
beene
vnlawfull
:
Osiand
.
it
is
adulterie
following
after
,
not
going
before
,
that
breaketh
mariage
knot
;
see
more
of
this
question
,
Synop.
Cent.
3.
er.
96.
13.
Quest.
v.
27.
How
the
thing
which
Dauid
had
done
displeased
the
Lord
.
1.
In
that
it
is
said
this
fact
displeased
God
,
there
is
an
euident
distinction
and
difference
made
betweene
the
thing
and
the
person
:
for
Dauid
in
respect
of
his
election
was
beloued
of
God
:
but
this
thing
which
he
had
committed
,
namely
the
adulterie
with
Bathshebah
,
and
the
murther
of
Vriah
,
the
Lord
abhorred
:
neither
is
it
to
be
held
as
an
absurd
thing
,
that
one
in
respect
of
his
present
estate
should
bee
an
enemie
vnto
God
,
and
so
displeasing
vnto
him
,
and
yet
in
respect
of
his
election
beloued
of
God
:
God
setteth
forth
his
loue
toward
vs
,
seeing
that
while
we
were
yet
sinners
Christ
died
for
vs
.
2.
We
must
learne
herein
to
be
like
vnto
God
,
to
loue
the
persons
of
our
enemies
,
and
yet
to
hate
and
abhorre
their
vices
:
as
God
here
hateth
the
sinnes
of
Dauid
,
yet
loued
his
person
as
elected
vnto
life
:
Mart.
14.
Quest.
Of
the
greatnes
of
Dauids
sinne
of
adulterie
,
and
murther
.
1.
Concerning
adulterie
in
generall
,
it
is
a
most
grieuous
and
abominable
sinne
:
as
may
be
made
plaine
by
these
reasons
:
1.
It
is
against
the
lawe
of
the
creation
,
and
the
first
institution
of
marriage
:
that
hath
made
man
and
wife
but
one
flesh
,
which
is
diuided
by
adulterie
.
2.
The
effects
thereof
are
vile
and
abhominable
:
for
adulterie
bringeth
forth
oftentimes
murther
,
Thales
Milesius
held
periurie
not
to
be
worse
then
adulterie
.
6.
Yea
Chrysostome
maketh
adulterie
worse
then
idolatry
:
2.
And
Dauids
sinne
both
of
adulterie
and
murder
is
amplified
,
1.
in
respect
of
the
thing
or
obiect
,
which
was
not
siluer
or
gold
,
lands
or
possessions
,
but
the
chastitie
and
life
of
man
.
2.
The
person
against
whome
the
sinne
was
first
committed
was
god
,
whose
lawe
was
contemned
:
and
secondarily
the
persons
of
Vriah
and
his
wife
,
who
beeing
an
alone
woman
,
her
husband
beeing
gone
into
the
warre
,
ought
by
Dauid
to
haue
beene
protected
:
Vriah
himselfe
also
was
an
innocent
and
harmelesse
man
,
and
therefore
the
sinne
was
the
greater
.
4.
Dauids
person
also
beeing
considered
the
offence
was
the
heauier
,
who
was
a
Prophet
and
a
King
,
and
therefore
gaue
great
offence
by
this
euill
example
:
Borrh.
3.
The
Hebrewes
,
to
excuse
Dauids
sinne
,
haue
deuised
,
that
it
was
the
vse
,
that
they
which
went
to
battell
gaue
their
wiues
a
bill
of
separation
to
marrie
where
they
would
.
But
this
is
their
fiction
:
for
if
there
had
beene
any
such
vse
,
to
make
it
lawfull
to
marie
such
women
so
separated
by
bill
of
diuorce
,
what
needed
Dauid
so
to
haue
practised
against
Vriah
?
and
why
did
the
Prophet
afterward
reprooue
him
?
But
if
they
say
such
a
bill
was
but
to
take
place
after
the
husbands
death
,
then
was
it
superfluous
,
for
by
death
,
without
any
such
bill
,
the
marriage
was
fully
dissolued
:
Martyr
.
CHAP.
12.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Who
this
Nathan
the
Prophet
was
whome
the
Lord
sent
to
Dauid
.
DAuid
had
a
sonne
called
Nathan
,
c.
5.14
.
but
he
could
not
bee
Nathan
the
Prophet
,
Mar.
as
may
appeare
by
these
reasons
:
1.
Nathan
was
borne
vnto
Dauid
in
Ierusalem
:
and
therefore
in
respect
of
his
yeares
could
not
then
be
a
Prophet
,
when
Dauid
consulted
with
Nathan
about
the
building
of
God
an
house
,
which
was
in
the
beginning
of
his
raigne
in
Ierusalem
,
c.
7.
2.
Nathan
the
Prophet
is
here
sent
to
tell
Dauid
of
his
sinne
,
and
to
declare
the
iudgements
of
God
against
him
,
That
the
Lord
would
raise
vp
euill
against
him
euen
out
of
his
owne
house
:
Dauids
owne
sonne
had
not
beene
a
fit
messenger
of
such
hard
tydings
,
neither
would
his
speech
haue
beene
so
much
regarded
at
Dauids
hand
.
3.
Therefore
as
Dauid
had
Gad
the
Seer
to
aduise
him
before
,
so
now
he
hath
Nathan
the
Prophet
.
2.
Quest.
How
long
after
Dauids
adulterie
Nathan
was
sent
vnto
him
.
1.
It
is
euident
that
Dauid
slept
in
this
sinne
toward
10.
moneths
:
Mar.
for
the
child
conceiued
in
adulterie
was
born
presently
after
this
admonition
of
the
Prophet
:
after
so
long
a
time
Nathan
was
sent
vnto
him
,
not
as
some
thinke
,
as
watching
his
best
opportunitie
;
because
when
the
heate
of
mens
affections
is
allayed
,
it
is
the
fittest
dealing
with
them
,
for
the
more
one
is
grounded
by
continuance
in
his
sinne
,
the
more
hardly
is
he
brought
to
repentance
.
2.
Neither
is
it
like
,
that
Dauid
in
the
mean
time
was
otherwise
admonished
and
put
in
minde
of
his
sinne
,
as
by
reading
the
scriptures
,
and
by
remembring
himselfe
of
Vriah
his
words
vnto
him
:
Mart.
for
it
appeareth
by
Dauids
answer
to
Nathan
,
wherein
he
giueth
sentence
against
himselfe
,
that
Dauid
was
not
yet
awaked
from
his
sinne
.
3.
But
it
pleased
God
thus
long
to
deferre
the
Prophets
comming
vnto
him
,
that
herein
might
appeare
the
weakenesse
and
impotencie
of
our
nature
,
which
is
neuer
able
of
it selfe
to
rise
vnto
repentance
:
Osiand
.
4.
And
God
herein
also
manifesteth
his
loue
toward
his
elect
,
in
that
he
will
not
suffer
them
to
lie
downe
in
their
sinne
,
but
euer
calleth
them
home
in
time
:
Pellic.
3.
Quest.
Why
Nathan
speaketh
to
Dauid
in
a
parable
1.
Iosephus
thinketh
this
to
be
the
reason
thereof
,
because
Nathan
beeing
a
prudent
man
,
considered
that
Princes
were
headstrong
,
dum
affectibus
suis
rapiuntur
,
while
they
are
carried
with
their
affections
,
and
therefore
he
concealeth
at
first
the
threatening
of
iudgement
:
but
Nathan
had
experience
of
Dauids
mild
nature
,
specially
in
matters
to
God-ward
,
and
therefore
this
was
not
the
cause
.
2.
But
Nathan
speaketh
in
parable
,
1.
both
to
keepe
a
meane
and
measure
in
his
reprehension
,
that
it
should
not
be
too
sharpe
:
Mar.
2.
Non
invadit
durius
,
quia
praenouerat
conuertendum
:
hee
doth
not
set
vpon
him
roughly
,
because
he
knewe
that
he
should
be
conuerted
:
Pellic.
3.
And
by
this
kind
of
couert
speech
,
Dauid
is
brought
to
giue
sentence
against
himselfe
.
3.
Some
thinke
that
Nathan
spake
this
vnto
Dauid
in
the
hearing
and
presence
of
his
captaines
and
Princes
:
but
it
is
more
like
that
Nathan
did
admonish
him
priuately
the
more
easily
to
winne
him
:
Mar.
4.
And
Nathan
reuealing
vnto
Dauid
his
sinne
in
particular
,
as
though
he
had
bin
therein
of
his
counsell
,
receiued
this
direction
(
no
doubt
)
from
the
Lord
.
5.
Though
Dauid
himselfe
were
a
Prophet
,
yet
a
Prophet
is
sent
vnto
him
,
tanquam
medicus
ad
medicum
,
sed
sanus
ad
aegrotum
:
as
one
Physitian
to
an
other
,
but
the
sound
to
the
sicke
,
as
Chrysostome
saith
.
4.
Quest.
v.
4.
Of
the
stranger
that
came
to
the
rich
man
.
1.
Rupertus
by
this
stranger
,
vnderstandeth
the
deuill
,
who
came
vnto
this
rich
man
Dauid
,
who
would
not
be
entertained
,
with
any
of
Dauids
owne
wiues
,
whom
Dauid
might
lawfully
vse
,
but
stirreth
him
vp
to
desire
strange
flesh
.
2.
Some
more
fitly
by
this
stranger
,
would
haue
concupiscence
vnderstood
,
which
should
haue
but
a
strangers
entertainement
with
vs
,
not
be
as
an
in-dweller
:
Mart.
Osiand
.
3.
But
it
is
not
necessarie
to
presse
euery
part
of
a
parable
,
it
is
sufficient
if
it
hold
in
that
,
wherein
the
application
consisteth
:
as
the
purpose
of
the
prophet
here
is
to
lay
open
the
wrong
which
Dauid
had
done
,
in
taking
his
neighbours
only
wife
,
himselfe
hauing
many
.
5.
Quest.
v.
5.
Whether
the
sentence
of
death
pronounced
by
Dauid
,
were
according
to
the
Lawe
.
The
Lawe
of
Moses
against
theft
was
,
that
the
theife
should
restore
fiue
oxen
for
one
,
and
fowre
sheepe
for
one
,
Exod.
22.1
.
but
here
Dauid
giueth
sentence
of
death
against
the
oppressor
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
Dauid
thus
speaketh
onely
to
exaggerate
the
offence
,
not
as
meaning
he
should
die
:
like
as
a
Iudge
may
say
to
shewe
the
greatnesse
of
the
male-factors
offence
,
that
he
is
worthy
of
a
thousand
deaths
:
but
it
appeareth
by
Nathans
answer
afterward
vnto
Dauid
vpon
his
repentance
,
v.
13.
thou
shalt
not
die
,
that
Dauids
meaning
was
,
that
such
an
offender
indeede
was
worthie
to
die
:
and
so
Iosephus
also
vnderstandeth
it
.
2.
Some
answer
that
it
was
in
the
Iudges
power
to
adde
to
the
punishment
,
or
take
from
it
pro
ratione
circumstantiarum
,
according
to
the
circumstances
:
Martyr
:
which
may
indeede
bee
safely
affirmed
in
punishments
of
the
same
nature
and
kind
:
as
in
pecuniarie
mulcts
,
and
corporall
castigations
:
but
to
change
the
kind
of
the
punishment
,
as
to
inflict
death
vpon
the
malefactour
,
where
the
lawe
imposed
not
the
penaltie
of
death
,
might
seeme
an
open
and
apparant
transgression
of
the
lawe
.
3.
Therefore
the
best
answer
is
,
that
euen
by
Moses
law
,
some
kind
of
theft
might
be
censured
with
death
;
as
he
that
did
breake
thorough
an
house
,
he
might
be
slaine
,
Exod.
22.3
.
this
theft
then
beeing
ioyned
with
rapine
and
violence
;
and
beeing
a
theft
of
wantonnesse
,
not
of
necessitie
,
as
when
one
stealeth
to
satisfie
his
hunger
,
might
iustly
receiue
the
sentence
of
death
.
4.
And
beside
Dauid
adiudgeth
,
that
he
should
restore
foure
fold
,
according
to
the
Law
,
Exod.
22.1
.
but
some
vnderstandeth
dubble
fourefold
,
that
is
eightfold
,
because
the
word
arbaghtaim
,
fowrefold
,
is
put
in
the
duall
number
:
so
Vatab.
Pellican
.
b●t
that
is
no
good
reason
:
the
like
word
shobhghathaim
,
seauenfold
,
is
likewise
put
in
the
duall
number
,
Isay.
30.26
.
and
yet
signifieth
there
onely
seauenfold
,
not
twice
seauenfold
:
Iun.
Indeed
,
it
is
probable
,
that
the
Iudge
might
award
restitution
in
a
greater
proportion
then
fourefold
,
according
to
the
qualitie
of
the
sinne
:
as
Prov.
6.30
.
The
theefe
,
if
he
be
found
,
shall
restore
seauenfold
:
though
some
by
seauenfold
in
that
place
,
vnderstand
often
:
Iun.
that
the
theefe
as
often
as
he
is
found
,
should
make
restitution
.
But
in
this
place
there
is
no
necessitie
so
to
vnderstand
the
word
,
specially
seeing
the
punishment
was
aggrauated
by
the
sentence
of
death
.
6.
Quest.
How
God
gaue
Dauids
Lords
wiues
into
his
bosome
.
1.
By
his
Lords
wiues
,
to
vnderstand
women
,
which
were
Gods
creatures
,
and
so
by
the
Lord
,
God
himselfe
,
is
a
coact
and
forced
exposition
.
2.
Some
by
wiues
,
vnderstand
concubines
;
and
so
the
Hebrewes
thinke
that
here
Michol
and
Rizpah
are
vnderstood
,
the
one
Saul●
daughter
,
the
other
Sauls
concubine
,
which
Dauid
had
:
so
also
Pellic.
Genevens
.
3.
Osiander
thus
expoundeth
,
that
Dauid
had
libertie
to
take
any
of
Sauls
wiues
or
concubines
,
as
he
desired
,
though
he
did
it
not
:
but
it
was
not
lawfull
for
him
to
marrie
any
of
his
father
in
lawes
wiues
:
for
as
it
was
vnlawfull
to
marrie
the
father
or
mother
in
law
,
so
also
the
husband
or
wife
of
the
father
or
mother
in
law
:
for
there
is
the
same
degree
of
distance
.
4.
Pet.
Martyr
by
his
Lords
wiues
,
vnderstandeth
women
vnder
Sauls
subiection
:
but
so
any
man
might
haue
taken
Sauls
wiues
,
for
all
had
beene
subiect
to
Saul
:
it
had
beene
no
great
priuiledge
to
Dauid
.
5.
Some
make
this
the
meaning
,
that
God
deliuered
into
Dauids
bosome
,
that
is
,
into
his
power
and
subiection
,
Sauls
wiues
as
the
dearest
things
which
belonged
vnto
him
:
Iun.
not
to
marrie
them
,
but
to
handle
them
at
his
pleasure
:
but
the
phrase
,
to
deliuer
into
the
bosome
,
signifieth
some
present
fruition
,
rather
then
a
powerfull
subiection
of
his
Lords
wiues
:
I
preferre
then
the
second
exposition
before
,
that
Dauid
had
his
Lords
wiues
,
women
,
or
concubines
:
for
so
Dauids
wiues
,
v.
11.
are
called
,
c.
16.21
.
both
because
Michol
his
wife
was
Sauls
daughter
,
and
some
of
his
concubines
also
Dauid
might
haue
.
7.
Quest.
Whether
the
Lord
doe
here
vpbraid
Dauid
with
the
benefits
bestowed
vpon
him
.
Whereas
Saint
Iames
saith
,
God
giueth
to
all
men
liberally
,
and
reproacheth
no
man
,
c.
1.5
.
and
yet
the
Lord
seemeth
here
to
vpbraid
Dauid
with
the
benefits
receiued
:
1.
Some
answer
,
that
the
Apostle
speaketh
onely
of
prayer
,
that
though
one
should
aske
a
thousand
times
of
God
,
he
doth
not
put
them
by
,
as
men
vse
to
say
to
importunate
suitors
,
that
they
had
that
or
this
graunted
them
before
:
but
this
doth
not
fully
satisfie
,
for
the
Lord
neither
in
prayer
,
or
otherwise
,
is
an
vpbraider
of
his
benefites
.
2.
But
the
Apostles
meaning
is
,
that
God
vseth
not
to
cast
any
in
the
teeth
,
as
men
vse
to
doe
,
to
shame
them
,
and
reproach
them
;
God
vseth
a
commemoration
of
his
benefits
to
an
other
end
,
to
stirre
men
vp
to
thankefulnesse
,
and
by
the
consideration
thereof
,
to
bring
them
to
repentance
:
to
the
which
end
the
Lord
putteth
Dauid
in
mind
here
of
the
benefits
which
he
had
conferred
vpon
him
.
Mart.
8.
Quest.
v.
10.
How
the
sword
is
threatned
not
to
depart
from
Dauids
house
for
euer
.
1.
Some
doe
extend
this
time
,
vnto
the
comming
of
the
Messiah
,
that
the
sword
should
not
depart
from
Dauids
house
vntill
then
;
but
this
seemeth
to
be
against
that
rule
of
Gods
iustice
,
who
threatneth
to
visite
the
iniquitie
of
the
father
vpon
the
children
,
onely
to
the
third
and
fourth
generation
.
2.
Some
doe
vnderstand
this
prophecie
of
Dauids
posteritie
,
which
succeeded
in
the
kingdome
,
vntill
the
captiuitie
of
Babylon
:
for
they
were
continually
scourged
with
the
sword
of
the
Assyrians
,
Chaldeans
,
and
other
nations
:
but
this
threatning
is
rather
to
be
referred
to
the
domesticall
bloodie
contentions
,
that
should
fall
out
in
Dauids
house
among
themselues
.
3.
This
prediction
therefore
was
fulfilled
in
Dauids
house
,
al
Dauids
life
long
:
Abshalom
killed
Ammon
,
Ioab
Abshalom
,
who
did
rebell
against
his
father
:
and
Salomon
put
Adoniah
to
death
:
so
it
came
to
passe
according
to
Nathans
words
,
that
the
sword
did
not
depart
from
his
house
for
euer
,
that
is
,
during
his
life
:
for
so
is
the
word
gholam
sometime
taken
:
as
,
Gen.
43.9
.
Iudah
saith
to
his
father
,
If
I
bring
him
not
vnto
thee
,
&c.
let
mee
beare
the
blame
for
euer
:
that
is
,
as
long
as
I
liue
.
Mar.
9.
Quest.
v.
11.
How
the
Lord
is
said
to
haue
giuen
Dauids
wiues
,
that
is
,
concubines
to
Abshalom
.
1.
This
is
said
to
be
Gods
act
,
not
that
the
Lord
is
the
author
or
worker
of
any
sinne
:
but
in
these
respects
.
1.
Not
onely
because
God
did
permit
Abshalom
so
to
doe
,
Osiand
.
neither
did
hinder
him
,
but
withdrew
his
grace
from
him
.
2.
But
further
,
because
God
had
an
ouerruling
hand
,
directing
and
disposing
this
act
of
Abshaloms
to
such
end
,
as
the
Lord
intended
.
3.
And
this
fact
in
Abshalom
,
must
be
considered
partly
as
a
sinne
,
partly
as
a
punishment
of
sinne
:
in
which
respect
God
had
an
hand
in
it
,
as
it
serued
for
the
chastisement
of
Dauid
.
4.
Beside
,
in
euery
act
there
are
two
things
to
be
considered
,
actio
,
&
defectus
,
the
action
,
and
defect
:
the
naturall
power
of
acting
or
effecting
any
thing
,
is
of
God
;
the
defect
,
is
from
man
.
Mart.
2.
But
although
God
concurred
here
as
a
iust
Iudge
in
the
fact
of
Abshalom
,
yet
he
is
no
whit
therein
excused
:
for
he
respected
not
Gods
will
or
counsell
therein
;
but
of
a
rebellious
and
despightfull
mind
,
did
it
to
disgrace
his
father
:
as
Iudas
,
though
Christ
were
deliuered
ouer
according
to
the
decree
and
determination
of
God
,
yet
was
lead
of
a
couetous
and
treacherous
mind
to
doe
it
,
and
his
sinne
was
not
any
way
qualified
or
lessened
thereby
.
10.
Quest.
v.
13.
Of
Dauids
confession
of
his
sinne
.
1.
There
is
great
difference
between
the
confession
of
the
righteous
,
and
of
hypocrites
.
1.
In
respect
of
the
condition
of
their
persons
:
the
one
are
beloued
of
God
,
by
the
grace
of
election
,
the
other
are
reiected
.
2.
In
regard
of
the
end
,
the
one
confesseth
vnto
saluation
,
but
the
other
vnto
destruction
;
such
was
the
confession
of
Iudas
.
3.
The
manner
of
their
confession
is
diuerse
,
the
one
in
their
repentance
ha●h
hope
of
forgiuenes
:
the
other
are
driuen
to
confesse
of
a
seruile
feare
without
any
hope
,
as
Caine
and
Iudas
.
Borrh.
2.
Though
Dauids
contrition
be
short
,
yet
was
it
effectuall
,
and
it
proceeded
from
a
right
contrite
heart
:
Saul
in
many
words
confessed
his
sinne
to
Samuel
,
yet
it
was
but
in
hypocrisie
.
3.
Dauid
saith
he
had
sinned
vnto
God
,
because
he
had
no
superiour
Iudge
in
the
earth
,
that
could
call
him
to
account
.
Mart.
11.
Quest.
v.
14.
How
Dauids
sinne
beeing
remitted
,
yet
some
punishment
is
inflicted
vpon
him
.
1.
The
Romanists
vpon
this
example
,
doe
ground
that
assertion
of
theirs
,
that
the
sinne
beeing
remitted
,
the
punishment
may
still
remaine
:
which
they
make
the
ground
of
their
purgatorie-paines
,
where
for
a
while
they
,
whose
sinnes
are
pardoned
,
do
yet
indure
some
torment
.
2.
But
this
doctrine
hath
no
warrant
from
Gods
word
:
for
where
God
once
remitteth
sinnes
,
he
remembreth
them
no
more
:
they
shall
not
be
mentioned
,
Esech.
18.22
.
but
if
the
punishment
of
sinne
should
remaine
,
there
a
remembrance
of
sinne
is
also
reuiued
:
wherefore
together
with
the
sinne
,
paena
vltionis
,
the
punishment
of
reuenge
is
remitted
:
those
penalties
which
remaine
,
are
for
the
example
of
others
,
and
the
further
admonition
of
the
parties
themselues
:
non
sunt
paen●
irati
,
sed
amantis
Dei
,
they
are
the
chastisements
,
not
of
an
angrie
,
but
a
louing
God
.
Mar.
12.
Quest.
Of
the
diuerse
punishments
of
adulterie
.
The
punishment
which
is
imposed
vpon
Adulterie
,
is
either
diuine
or
humane
:
and
this
is
either
Ciuill
,
or
Ecclesiasticall
:
which
shall
be
breifly
shewed
in
their
order
.
1.
The
Diuine
censure
,
is
either
that
which
is
grounded
vpon
the
law
of
nature
,
or
declared
more
euidently
in
the
Scripture
.
By
the
first
law
of
nature
euen
the
Gentiles
and
others
before
the
law
written
,
iudged
adulterie
worthie
of
death
:
as
Abimelech
decreed
,
that
whosoeuer
touched
Isaak
or
his
wife
should
die
the
death
,
Gen.
26.11
.
Potiphar
adiudged
Ioseph
for
the
like
suspicion
,
though
most
false
,
vnto
the
place
&
prison
of
capitall
offenders
,
Gen.
39.
Iudah
gaue
sentence
that
Thamar
who
had
plaied
the
whoore
,
beeing
promised
,
and
so
espoused
to
Selah
,
to
be
burned
.
By
the
positiue
and
written
law
of
Moses
,
the
adulterer
and
adulteresse
were
to
die
,
though
the
one
were
not
actually
maried
,
but
onely
betrothed
,
Deut.
22.23
.
2.
Humane
Ciuill
lawes
were
of
diuerse
sorts
;
some
were
corporall
in
the
chastisment
of
the
bodie
without
death
.
The
Egyptians
,
as
witnesseth
Diodorus
Siculus
,
did
cut
off
the
nose
of
the
adulteresse
,
and
did
beate
the
adulterer
with
many
stripes
almost
to
death
.
Zalenius
among
the
Locrensians
made
a
law
,
that
the
adulterer
should
loose
both
his
eyes
:
and
it
so
falling
out
,
that
his
sonne
was
taken
in
adulterie
,
he
to
satisfie
the
law
,
caused
one
of
his
sonnes
eyes
to
be
put
out
,
and
one
of
his
owne
:
as
Aelianus
testifieth
,
lib.
13.
Among
the
Germanes
(
witnesse
Cornelius
Tacitus
)
the
adulteresse
was
stript
naked
,
her
haire
beeing
cut
off
,
and
her
husband
beat
her
vp
and
down
with
a
staffe
.
The
people
called
Laciadae
,
as
Suidas
,
or
Placiadae
,
did
punish
the
adulterer
about
his
priuie
parts
.
Some
punished
adulterie
with
publike
shame
,
and
infamie
,
as
Plutarke
writeth
how
the
people
Gortinei
would
bring
them
forth
into
publike
view
,
Augustus
Caesar
,
called
lex
Iulia
,
thus
prouided
against
those
which
committed
adulterie
.
1.
The
adulterer
and
adulteresse
were
both
held
as
infamous
persons
,
the
adulteresse
straight
after
she
was
deprehended
in
the
fact
,
the
adulterer
after
he
was
publikely
condemned
.
2.
They
lost
the
dowrie
and
marriage
gift
.
3.
The
accuser
in
this
case
could
not
be
agreed
with
for
money
,
as
in
other
capitall
crimes
.
4.
The
woman
could
not
accuse
the
husband
of
adulterie
,
but
the
husband
the
wife
,
or
her
father
,
or
her
brethren
.
5.
It
was
not
lawfull
for
the
man
to
kepe
his
wife
conuicted
of
adulterie
,
but
he
was
held
as
a
bawde
to
his
own
wife
:
neither
was
it
lawfull
for
any
to
marrie
her
.
6.
By
this
law
,
they
were
punished
which
did
but
sollicite
others
to
adulterie
.
7.
The
souldiers
which
committed
adulterie
,
were
discharged
from
their
coulors
.
Beside
this
ignominie
and
shame
among
the
Romans
such
incurred
,
the
adulteresse
was
brought
forth
publikely
in
her
husbands
gowne
:
and
sometime
such
were
condemned
to
the
brothelhouses
and
stewes
.
But
Theodosius
abolished
that
euill
vse
,
least
sinne
should
by
this
meanes
be
added
vnto
sinne
.
Some
haue
punished
adulterie
with
death
:
as
the
Arabians
,
as
Strabo
witnesseth
,
Further
,
Iulius
Caesar
put
one
to
death
for
playing
the
adulterer
with
a
certen
matrone
:
Opilius
Macrinus
vsed
to
burne
the
adulterer
and
adulteresse
together
:
Aurelianus
(
as
Vopiscus
testifieth
)
caused
a
souldier
,
which
had
defloured
his
hosts
wife
,
to
be
rent
in
sunder
by
the
toppes
of
trees
tied
to
his
bodie
.
Augustus
caused
Proclus
to
die
for
adulterie
:
Constantine
made
a
law
,
decreeing
capitall
punishment
vnto
adulterers
,
which
continued
vntill
the
time
of
Hierome
,
who
writeth
of
a
woman
suspected
of
adulterie
seauen
times
smitten
with
a
sword
.
Iustinian
after
mitigated
this
law
on
the
part
of
the
adulteresse
,
Tiberius
banished
the
adultresse
200.
miles
out
of
the
citie
,
the
adulterer
was
expelled
out
of
Italie
and
Africa
.
And
such
were
the
ciuill
punishments
inflicted
vpon
such
as
committed
adulterie
.
Mart.
3.
And
such
for
the
most
part
were
the
ciuill
ordinances
and
decrees
against
adulterie
,
as
we
haue
seene
:
the
Ecclesiasticall
censures
were
also
of
diuerse
sorts
.
1.
In
some
places
they
denied
the
peace
of
the
Church
to
adulterers
,
neuer
admitting
them
to
the
communion
:
some
recieued
such
,
but
after
a
long
time
of
penance
:
Cypriane
misliked
their
rigour
that
vtterly
denie
reconciliation
vnto
them
,
but
altogether
exclude
them
.
lib.
4.
epistol.
c.
2
2.
The
Ancyrane
synod
imposed
vpon
adulterers
seauen
yeares
penance
,
c.
14.
which
the
Eliberine
counsell
brought
to
fiue
yeares
.
3.
Ministers
and
Clergie
men
committing
adulterie
,
were
for
euer
remooued
from
their
ministerie
.
distinct.
81.
c.
11.12
.
4.
The
councell
of
Neocaesarea
decreed
,
that
if
a
Ministers
wife
fell
into
the
sinne
of
adulterie
,
hee
should
dismisse
her
,
or
else
leaue
his
Ministerie
:
and
by
the
Eliberine
councell
,
if
he
did
it
not
,
hee
was
denied
for
euer
the
communion
of
the
Church
.
5.
If
a
Lay-mans
wife
were
guiltie
of
adulterie
,
he
neuer
could
be
admitted
vnto
the
order
of
the
ministerie
by
the
Canons
.
6.
It
was
likewise
decreed
,
that
the
adulterer
should
not
be
suffered
to
marie
with
the
adulteresse
.
7.
Iustinians
constitution
thrusteth
the
woman
offending
into
a
monasterie
,
and
after
two
yeares
,
giueth
libertie
for
the
husband
to
take
her
out
:
but
it
punisheth
the
adulterer
with
death
.
And
such
for
the
most
part
also
were
Ecclesiasticall
Constitutions
against
Adulterie
.
13.
Quest.
What
may
iustly
be
excepted
against
in
the
former
constitutions
against
adulterie
.
1.
In
the
Ciuill
punishments
,
which
were
inflicted
among
the
Heathen
,
these
things
were
amisse
.
1.
They
punished
adulterie
with
death
,
leauing
other
greater
sinnes
vnpunished
;
as
their
Idolatrie
,
and
blasphemie
against
God
,
which
was
the
fountaine
and
very
beginning
of
all
vncleannes
.
2.
They
were
partiall
,
giuing
the
man
libertie
to
accuse
the
woman
,
but
the
woman
was
denied
that
priuiledge
to
accuse
the
man
.
3.
They
for
euer
seperated
the
adulterer
,
and
adulteresse
:
whereas
the
rule
of
charitie
and
Christian
religion
alloweth
reconciliation
vpon
repentance
.
2.
In
the
Ecclesiasticall
Canons
,
it
was
to
bee
misliked
:
1.
That
they
vtterly
denied
the
communion
in
some
places
vnto
adulterers
:
for
Dauid
hauing
repented
of
his
sinne
,
was
receiued
againe
to
the
peace
of
the
Church
.
2.
In
that
they
allowed
no
reconciliation
betweene
a
Clergie
man
and
his
adulterous
wife
:
for
why
should
lesse
mercie
be
shewed
and
practised
among
them
,
then
in
other
callings
and
degrees
?
3.
In
vtterly
making
vnlawfull
the
marriage
betweene
the
adulterer
,
and
adulteresse
:
indeed
,
if
they
contracted
marriage
,
the
former
wife
and
husband
liuing
,
it
was
not
fit
:
for
it
might
giue
occasion
of
suspition
,
that
they
might
practise
against
,
and
lie
in
waite
for
their
life
:
but
such
marriages
in
other
cases
beeing
consummate
,
are
not
to
be
dissolued
:
for
then
had
the
mariage
betweene
Dauid
and
Bathshebah
bin
vnlawfull
.
4.
The
greatest
fault
now
is
in
shewing
too
much
lenitie
to
adulterous
persons
:
they
should
for
a
time
bee
excluded
from
the
Church
,
with
the
incestuous
younge
man
among
the
Corinthians
,
till
they
are
sufficiently
humbled
,
and
vpon
their
teares
,
and
repentance
,
and
true
contrition
,
be
receiued
into
the
Church
againe
.
14.
Quest.
Whether
an
adulterous
woman
vpon
her
repentance
,
may
not
be
receiued
againe
of
her
husband
.
By
the
Iulian
law
they
were
forbidden
either
to
be
entertained
again
of
their
husbands
,
or
to
be
married
to
another
:
but
it
is
more
agreeable
to
Christianitie
,
that
there
should
be
reconciliation
betweene
the
innocent
and
offending
partie
,
vpon
her
true
repentance
.
And
the
constitution
of
Iustinian
was
more
equall
in
this
behalf
,
which
gaue
libertie
vnto
the
man
after
two
yeares
,
to
redeeme
his
wife
for
her
adulterie
condemned
to
a
monasterie
:
the
reasons
are
these
.
1.
Augustine
thus
reasoneth
:
Deus
est
imitandus
,
&c.
God
is
to
be
imitated
:
2.
Dauid
receiued
his
wife
Michol
,
beeing
maried
to
another
,
wherein
she
committed
manifest
adulterie
,
for
there
was
no
diuorce
before
betweene
Dauid
and
her
.
3.
Seeing
vpon
repentance
,
the
adulterous
woman
is
restored
vnto
the
kingdom
of
God
,
much
more
is
it
fit
she
should
returne
to
the
societie
of
her
husband
;
si
regno
caelorum
restituta
est
,
non
potest
toro
tuo
restitui
?
if
she
be
restored
to
the
kingdome
of
heauen
,
can
she
not
be
restored
to
thy
bed
?
2.
The
counsell
of
Arles
decreed
further
,
3.
But
where
the
partie
offending
hath
no
remorse
,
there
if
the
innocent
partie
should
admit
of
a
reconciliation
,
he
should
seeme
to
be
particeps
iniquitatis
,
partaker
of
the
sinne
,
as
the
said
Counsell
resolueth
.
15.
Quest.
Whether
a
man
ought
to
accuse
his
wife
beeing
dismissed
for
adulterie
.
1.
It
is
here
to
be
considered
,
whether
the
partie
offending
continue
in
the
sinne
of
adulterie
stil
;
for
in
this
case
,
after
priuate
admonition
by
freinds
,
taking
no
place
,
Christs
rule
then
is
to
be
followed
,
to
tell
it
to
the
Church
,
that
by
publike
authoritie
the
partie
may
be
reclaimed
and
amended
.
2.
Though
the
partie
be
penitent
,
yet
if
the
sinne
be
notorious
and
publike
,
and
the
innocent
partie
therein
should
seeme
,
by
silence
and
conniuence
to
boulster
out
the
others
sinne
:
or
if
there
be
an
adulterous
seede
,
which
is
like
to
be
taken
for
the
heire
of
the
familie
,
if
the
sinne
be
kept
secret
:
in
these
cases
the
Church
is
to
be
made
acquainted
,
for
the
preuenting
of
both
these
mischiefes
.
3.
Where
none
of
these
dangers
are
feared
,
it
is
better
for
the
innocent
partie
to
follow
Iosephs
example
,
who
thought
secretly
to
send
Marie
away
,
being
yet
ignorant
,
how
she
became
with
child
.
P.
Martyr
.
16.
Quest.
Whether
adulterie
be
a
more
grieuous
sinne
in
the
man
,
or
the
woman
.
1.
Some
doe
thus
obiect
,
to
shew
that
the
sinne
is
greater
on
the
womans
behalf
:
1.
Because
by
the
Iulian
law
among
the
Romans
,
it
was
lawfull
for
the
man
to
accuse
the
woman
of
adulterie
,
but
not
for
the
woman
to
accuse
the
man
:
and
before
that
law
it
was
lawfull
for
the
man
to
kill
his
wife
taken
in
adulterie
,
but
not
for
the
woman
to
doe
the
like
to
the
man
.
2.
It
was
lawfull
by
the
auncient
Romane
laws
for
the
man
to
diuorce
or
seperate
his
wife
,
but
not
for
the
wife
to
be
diuorced
from
her
husband
.
3.
By
the
law
of
Vespasian
,
as
Suetonius
writeth
,
the
woman
that
did
companie
with
a
seruant
,
became
her selfe
bound
,
but
the
like
seruitude
was
not
laid
vpon
the
man
offending
in
the
like
.
4.
In
Ecclesiasticus
,
cap.
7.27
.
and
in
other
places
of
that
booke
,
great
charge
is
giuen
vnto
parents
to
keepe
their
daughters
;
but
the
like
care
is
not
enioyned
for
their
sonnes
.
Contra.
These
arguments
may
easily
be
answered
.
1.
These
were
but
humane
laws
,
&
some
of
them
were
vniust
and
cruell
;
as
to
giue
libertie
to
men
to
slay
their
wiues
taken
in
adulterie
:
and
the
Romans
themselues
by
the
Iulian
law
abolished
that
cruell
custome
:
the
other
lawes
,
which
giue
preheminence
vnto
the
man
,
respected
the
politicke
state
,
which
was
more
hindered
,
by
the
adulterie
of
women
,
in
the
confusion
of
families
,
and
suborning
of
false
heires
:
in
which
respect
indeed
,
the
fault
is
greater
on
the
womans
side
.
2.
So
also
it
was
made
lawfull
by
some
Imperiall
lawes
,
for
the
women
to
seeke
diuorce
and
separation
from
their
husbands
:
as
appeareth
by
the
law
of
Theodosius
.
4.
Parents
also
are
there
charged
to
giue
vnto
their
sonnes
good
education
:
but
the
daughters
are
more
carefully
to
be
kept
,
because
by
their
fall
,
their
fathers
house
is
defiled
.
2.
Now
that
the
mans
offence
is
the
greater
,
it
may
be
thus
argued
.
1.
because
the
womans
sex
is
weaker
,
and
so
much
the
more
to
be
pitied
.
2.
The
man
is
the
head
of
the
woman
,
and
ought
to
giue
her
a
good
example
.
3.
The
marriage
faith
is
mutually
giuen
,
and
therefore
it
is
broken
on
the
mans
behalfe
as
well
as
the
womans
.
4.
Men
vsually
are
agents
and
entisers
of
women
,
and
they
are
entised
.
3.
Wherefore
the
best
resolution
is
this
,
that
in
respect
of
the
mutuall
bond
of
mariage
and
faith
of
each
giuen
to
other
,
the
offence
on
both
sides
is
equall
;
but
their
persons
considered
,
the
man
sinneth
more
,
because
he
is
the
head
.
And
in
regard
of
the
commonwealth
,
the
womans
fault
is
more
daungerous
,
in
the
confusion
of
families
,
and
in
obtruding
false
and
supposed
heires
.
Now
yet
the
causes
why
the
womans
offence
is
counted
more
odious
,
the
case
being
the
same
,
are
rendered
to
be
these
two
:
quia
viri
liberius
agunt
&
non
habent
peccata
latentia
vindictam
,
the
men
are
more
readie
&
free
to
accuse
their
wiues
:
women
are
not
so
forward
,
P.
Martyr
enclineth
here
,
Hexapl.
in
Exod.
qu.
8.9
.
vpon
the
seauenth
commandement
.
c.
20.
but
somewhat
of
the
same
question
shall
here
be
inserted
.
17.
Quest.
Whether
the
sinne
of
adulterie
ought
to
be
punished
by
death
.
1.
P.
Martyr
laboureth
by
these
reasons
,
to
prooue
the
affirmatiue
part
.
1.
Death
by
the
law
of
Moses
is
inflicted
vpon
the
adulterous
persons
,
Leuit.
20.10
.
the
adulterer
,
and
adulteresse
are
both
to
die
.
2.
The
order
of
the
commandements
sheweth
as
much
;
for
all
the
transgressions
of
the
first
table
,
as
idolatrie
,
blasphemie
,
violating
of
the
Sabbath
,
and
of
the
two
first
commandements
of
the
second
table
,
as
disobedience
to
parents
,
murther
,
were
punished
by
death
,
so
also
adulterie
:
then
at
the
eight
commandement
the
sword
staieth
,
so
likewise
neither
the
9.
or
10.
commandement
were
inforced
with
the
penaltie
of
death
.
3.
Seeing
adulterie
is
more
against
the
politike
state
,
then
theft
simply
,
it
should
rather
be
punished
by
death
,
then
the
other
:
for
who
had
not
rather
loose
part
of
his
goods
,
then
his
wife
her
honestie
?
many
intricate
questions
doe
arise
:
as
whether
by
diuorce
the
band
of
marriage
bee
dissolued
:
whether
it
be
lawfull
to
marrie
after
diuorce
:
whether
the
innocent
party
only
is
to
be
suffered
to
marrie
:
whether
the
parties
offending
ought
to
be
reconciled
.
5.
By
the
lenitie
of
punishment
adulteries
encrease
,
and
this
vice
groweth
to
be
publike
and
common
.
Contra.
1.
That
law
of
Moses
was
iudiciall
and
politike
:
it
specially
concerned
the
policie
and
state
of
that
commonwealth
,
as
shall
be
shewed
afterward
:
therefore
it
simply
bindeth
not
now
.
2.
Neither
doth
the
sword
beare
sway
now
vnder
the
Gospel
,
in
the
punishing
of
the
transgressions
of
all
the
former
commandements
vnto
the
seauenth
by
death
:
for
it
were
too
much
rigour
,
to
giue
sentence
of
death
for
euerie
breach
of
the
Sabbath
,
or
for
euerie
disobedience
to
Parents
:
neither
doth
the
sword
stay
at
the
8.
commaundement
:
for
some
kind
of
theft
by
the
lawe
of
God
is
iudged
worthie
of
death
,
as
followeth
presently
to
be
shewed
:
and
some
kind
of
false
witnesse
:
for
he
was
to
be
done
vnto
,
as
he
thought
to
doe
vnto
his
brother
,
Deut.
19.18
.
If
hee
were
a
false
witnesse
against
his
brothers
life
,
his
owne
life
should
be
payed
for
it
.
3.
Adulterie
is
more
against
the
commonwealth
,
then
simple
theft
:
but
not
then
euerie
kind
of
theft
.
And
there
are
fowre
kinds
of
theft
by
the
law
of
God
censured
by
the
sentence
of
death
.
1.
theft
of
men
,
Exod.
21.16
.
2.
theft
with
violence
,
as
breaking
into
an
house
,
Exod.
22.3
.
and
of
the
same
sort
is
all
kind
of
robberie
.
3.
sacriledge
,
the
stealing
of
things
consecrated
to
holy
things
;
which
was
Achans
case
,
Ios.
7.4
.
and
wanton
theft
,
when
one
stealeth
not
of
necessitie
to
satisfie
his
hunger
,
but
of
wantonnesse
:
as
he
which
hauing
many
sheepe
of
his
owne
,
tooke
his
poore
neighbours
onely
sheepe
,
2.
Sam.
12.3
.
Dauid
iudgeth
such
an
one
worthie
of
death
.
4.
Such
questions
are
not
superfluous
and
vnnecessarie
:
for
then
our
blessed
Sauiour
would
not
haue
medled
with
them
,
to
shew
in
what
cases
it
was
lawfull
for
a
man
to
dismisse
his
wife
,
and
marrie
another
,
Matth.
5.
and
19.
5.
It
is
not
for
that
adulterie
is
not
punished
by
death
,
but
because
either
straight
punishments
are
not
laid
vpon
adulterers
,
and
too
much
lenitie
is
shewed
,
that
this
sinne
so
ouerfloweth
in
the
world
.
2.
Now
on
the
contrarie
it
may
thus
be
reasoned
,
that
adulterie
is
not
now
necessarily
to
be
sentenced
by
death
.
1.
Moses
Iudicials
doe
not
now
necessarily
bind
,
but
in
regard
of
the
morall
equitie
of
them
:
P.
Martyr
saith
,
non
magis
not
astringere
ciuiles
leges
,
&c.
quàm
cermoniales
:
but
that
cannot
be
safely
affirmed
:
for
Moses
ceremonialls
are
absolutely
and
simply
abrogated
,
and
to
reuiue
them
,
were
to
violate
and
infringe
the
libertie
of
the
gospel
:
but
the
Iudicialls
are
left
indifferent
,
Christian
Magistrates
as
they
are
not
simply
bound
to
retaine
them
,
so
they
may
vse
them
as
they
see
it
to
bee
fitting
to
the
commonwealth
:
Now
that
this
was
one
of
the
Iudicialls
of
Moses
,
it
is
euident
by
this
:
because
it
was
peculiar
to
that
state
and
pollicie
,
that
the
tribes
and
families
should
be
distinguished
and
not
confounded
or
mixt
together
:
therefore
it
was
fit
that
adulterie
should
be
seuerely
punished
,
by
the
which
commeth
the
confusion
of
houses
,
corruption
of
blood
,
subornation
of
false
heires
.
2.
Other
iudiciall
and
penall
lawes
annexed
to
the
morall
precepts
,
are
not
nowe
in
force
:
as
to
put
to
death
euerie
one
that
violateth
the
Sabbaticall
rest
,
or
euery
one
that
is
stubburne
against
their
Parents
.
3.
By
Moses
lawe
onely
that
adulterie
was
punished
which
was
committed
with
an
other
wife
,
Leuit.
20.10
.
for
the
man
to
take
a
concubine
to
his
wife
,
or
one
wife
to
another
,
was
not
then
counted
adulterie
,
nor
yet
was
punished
by
death
;
for
then
it
would
follow
,
that
Abraham
,
Iacob
,
Dauid
,
with
others
vnder
the
law
that
had
many
wiues
,
or
some
concubines
beside
their
wiues
,
liued
in
adultery
,
which
is
no
waies
to
be
admitted
:
and
the
word
adulterium
,
properly
signifieth
,
alterius
adire
thorum
,
to
goe
vnto
an
others
bedde
.
But
now
seeing
Adulterie
is
either
simplex
,
simple
,
when
one
of
the
parties
is
married
,
or
duplex
adulterium
,
double
adulterie
,
when
both
parties
are
married
:
there
is
no
warrant
from
Moses
lawe
to
punish
single
adulterie
on
the
mans
behalfe
with
death
.
4.
Our
blessed
Sauiour
,
Ioh.
8.11
.
did
dismisse
the
adulterous
woman
,
not
giuing
direction
,
that
she
should
be
stoned
to
death
.
But
here
diuerse
answers
are
made
.
1.
That
because
they
came
to
tempt
Christ
,
either
to
accuse
him
of
too
much
seuerity
in
condemning
her
,
and
so
he
should
loose
the
fauour
of
the
people
,
who
commended
him
for
his
clemencie
:
or
as
a
transgressor
of
the
law
,
if
he
freed
her
:
he
doth
so
answer
the
Pharises
,
as
that
they
should
neither
way
haue
aduantage
against
him
.
2.
He
doth
not
condemne
her
,
because
he
medled
not
with
the
Magistrates
office
.
3.
He
sawe
her
penitent
,
and
therefore
absolueth
her
.
4.
He
was
no
witnesse
of
her
sinne
,
and
therefore
could
not
accuse
her
.
Mart.
Contr.
1.
Our
blessed
Sauiour
did
not
ambitiously
seeke
the
fauour
of
the
people
,
that
he
needed
in
that
behalfe
to
suspend
his
iudgment
concerning
the
rigour
of
Moses
lawe
:
they
could
haue
taken
no
exception
vnto
Christ
,
in
ratifying
of
Moses
law
,
if
it
had
pleased
him
,
that
the
rigour
thereof
should
haue
remained
still
:
therefore
that
was
not
the
cause
of
his
silence
therein
.
2.
Though
as
a
Magistrate
he
would
not
inflict
punishment
,
yet
as
a
teacher
hee
might
haue
giuen
direction
,
as
he
did
in
an
other
case
concerning
the
bill
of
diuorce
,
Matth.
19.
3.
The
inward
repentance
did
not
dispense
with
the
outward
punishment
,
which
was
for
the
example
of
others
.
4.
Christ
needed
not
in
this
case
to
bee
a
witnesse
:
for
there
were
other
witnesses
beside
,
that
said
she
was
taken
in
the
verie
deed
doing
:
yet
though
he
neither
tooke
vpon
him
to
be
witnes
,
accuser
,
or
iudge
in
this
case
,
our
Blessed
Sauiour
might
,
and
in
all
liklihood
would
haue
giuen
direction
to
take
a
course
according
to
Moses
law
,
if
his
will
had
beene
to
haue
that
obserued
as
a
perpetuall
lawe
.
5.
Wherefore
this
is
most
probable
,
that
although
our
blessed
Sauiour
by
this
his
silence
,
intended
not
altoge●her
to
abrogate
Moses
lawe
,
yet
it
pleased
him
well
it
should
not
be
so
rigorously
executed
,
when
he
said
,
let
him
that
is
among
you
without
sinne
cast
the
first
stone
at
her
.
let
him
that
is
without
sinne
,
&c.
iustitiae
vox
est
,
audiamus
etiam
mansuetudinis
vocem
,
&c.
let
vs
heare
also
the
voice
of
clemencie
,
neither
doe
I
condemne
thee
:
not
that
Christ
did
winke
at
sinne
,
sed
damnauit
,
non
hominem
sed
peccatum
,
he
condemned
,
not
the
partie
,
but
the
sinne
,
saying
,
Goe
,
sinne
no
more
.
6.
S.
Paul
also
,
whereas
the
lawe
of
Moses
decreeth
him
to
be
put
to
death
,
that
should
lie
with
his
fathers
wife
,
Leuit.
20.11
.
yet
maketh
no
mention
of
any
such
punishment
to
be
imposed
vpon
the
incestuous
young
man
,
that
had
taken
his
fathers
wife
,
1.
Cor.
5.
and
2.
Cor.
2.
If
it
be
answered
,
that
the
Christians
had
no
beleeuing
Magistrates
then
,
but
the
sword
was
in
the
hand
of
Pagans
;
yet
in
such
ciuill
punishments
,
it
was
the
Apostles
mind
,
that
they
should
submit
themselues
to
the
ciuil
power
:
for
he
was
the
Minister
of
God
,
to
take
vengeance
on
him
that
did
euill
,
Rom.
13.4
.
7.
Wherefore
it
is
euident
,
that
no
certen
punishment
is
appointed
vnder
the
Gospel
for
adulterie
:
but
that
it
is
free
for
euery
state
to
punish
it
either
by
death
,
or
by
some
other
grieuous
censure
,
according
to
the
qualitie
of
the
sinne
:
As
the
Egyptian
law
was
to
cut
off
their
noses
,
and
to
disfigure
them
;
the
Germanes
beate
them
with
cudgels
;
Tiberius
banished
them
.
By
these
or
any
like
courses
,
adulterie
may
be
sharply
enough
punished
:
only
the
fault
is
,
when
by
too
much
lenitie
and
conniuence
,
men
make
but
a
sport
of
this
sinne
.
18.
Quest.
v.
14.
Of
Nathans
words
to
Dauid
,
thou
shalt
not
die
.
1.
There
are
three
kinds
of
death
;
a
naturall
end
,
a
violent
death
,
and
euerlasting
death
in
the
next
world
:
from
these
two
last
,
Dauid
is
deliuered
;
that
neither
hee
should
die
eternally
,
nor
presently
by
the
sword
,
or
by
Gods
hand
,
as
he
had
cause
to
feare
:
Mart.
2.
Wherein
the
Lord
sheweth
him
me●cy
,
in
reuersing
the
sentence
which
he
had
giuen
against
himselfe
before
:
Borrh.
3.
And
thus
much
is
insinuated
,
that
he
should
not
die
for
this
,
but
others
of
his
hous●
,
as
his
child
,
in
whome
he
seemed
in
some
part
to
die
:
Mart.
and
though
he
should
not
die
,
yet
hee
was
to
endure
amariora
morte
,
things
more
bitter
then
death
:
Pellican
.
4.
And
here
appeareth
the
difference
of
the
law
,
which
in
Dauid
saith
,
he
was
the
child
of
death
:
and
of
the
Gospel
,
which
by
Nathan
saith
,
thou
shalt
〈◊〉
die
:
Borrh.
19.
Quest.
v.
14.
How
Dauid
is
said
to
haue
caused
the
enemies
of
God
to
blaspheme
.
1.
Some
vnderstand
it
of
the
peruerse
and
wicked
men
in
Israel
,
that
would
take
occasion
hereby
to
accuse
the
Lord
of
iniustice
,
for
preferring
Dauid
before
Saul
,
who
was
not
detected
of
●ny
such
sinne
of
adulterie
:
But
they
properly
could
not
be
said
to
be
the
enemies
of
God
;
he
meaneth
such
as
were
professed
aduersaries
.
2.
Pet.
Martyr
referreth
it
to
the
triumph
of
the
Ammonites
,
who
put
the
Israelites
to
flight
,
and
slewe
diuerse
of
them
together
with
Vriah
,
and
so
thereby
were
occasioned
to
insult
against
God
.
3.
Vatablus
expoundeth
it
thus
,
that
they
should
blaspheme
God
,
because
he
had
set
vp
a
wicked
man
to
be
king
.
4.
But
the
better
sense
is
,
to
vnderstand
it
of
the
generall
reproach
of
religion
:
that
the
Gentiles
seeing
Dauid
commit
such
sinnes
,
as
were
odious
among
them
,
should
thereby
take
occasion
to
condemne
the
religion
it selfe
as
false
,
and
not
him
to
be
true
God
,
whom
they
worshipped
.
Borrh.
20.
Quest.
v.
14.
Why
the
child
dieth
borne
in
adulterie
.
1.
The
children
may
temporally
and
corporally
be
punished
for
the
sinnes
of
their
parents
,
who
themselues
are
touched
when
they
see
the
miserie
of
their
children
:
Osiand
.
2.
But
none
shall
suffer
for
an
other
eternall
punishment
:
Mart.
3.
And
much
vnlike
are
Gods
iudgements
vnto
the
ciuill
lawes
of
men
:
for
here
the
child
is
not
to
suffer
for
the
parents
offence
:
with
God
it
is
otherwise
,
before
whome
none
is
innocent
.
Borrh.
4.
And
if
the
child
were
altogether
faultlesse
,
no
punishment
could
lie
vpon
him
:
but
seeing
the
infant
hath
originall
sinne
,
and
is
a
part
of
the
parents
,
God
may
most
iustly
in
his
secret
iudgement
hasten
that
ende
sooner
,
which
by
the
course
of
nature
euerie
one
is
subiect
vnto
:
Borrh.
5.
And
God
in
his
wisedome
did
take
away
this
child
,
because
hee
should
haue
liued
but
to
bee
a
shame
vnto
Dauid
.
Mart.
21.
Quest.
v.
16.
Why
Dauid
be
sought
the
Lord
for
the
child
,
whom
the
Prophet
said
should
die
.
Dauid
doth
not
herein
oppose
himselfe
to
Gods
will
.
1.
He
might
thinke
that
this
commination
was
conditionall
,
that
vpon
his
teares
and
repentance
,
the
Lord
might
reuerse
his
sentence
,
as
he
did
when
Hezekiah
was
sicke
,
and
when
Ionas
preached
against
the
Ninivites
.
2.
And
although
these
examples
followed
after
Dauids
time
,
yet
there
were
the
like
before
:
as
Dauid
might
remember
,
how
the
Lord
commaunded
Abraham
to
sacrifice
his
sonne
,
yet
it
pleased
him
otherwise
:
and
the
Lord
threatned
to
destroy
Israel
,
but
he
was
entreated
to
spare
them
at
the
intercession
of
Moses
,
Numb.
14.
3.
And
Dauid
herein
onely
shewed
his
naturall
affection
,
still
subordinating
his
prayer
to
the
will
of
God
:
as
Christ
did
to
shew
his
humane
condition
,
when
he
praied
that
the
cuppe
might
passe
from
him
.
4.
Hereby
also
Dauid
sheweth
his
confidence
,
how
sure
and
certen
he
was
,
that
the
Lord
had
pardoned
his
sinne
,
seeing
he
was
bold
to
make
intercession
for
his
son
.
Pel.
22.
Quest.
v.
18.
Vpon
what
seauenth
day
the
child
died
:
and
what
is
gathered
thereupon
.
1.
Borrhaius
saith
it
was
the
seuenth
day
of
his
sickenesse
,
which
is
a
criticall
day
:
for
then
the
sickenes
vsually
abateth
or
encreaseth
more
:
But
this
being
a
sicknes
sent
of
god
vpon
this
child
,
there
was
no
vse
of
any
such
naturall
obseruation
:
therfore
it
is
agreed
by
the
Hebrewes
,
that
it
was
th●
seau●nth
day
from
the
birth
of
the
chi●d
:
so
also
Iun.
Mart.
2.
Now
in
that
this
child
dying
vpon
th●
seauenth
day
was
not
circumcised
,
and
yet
Dauid
was
cheared
after
the
childs
death
,
a●
not
doubting
of
the
saluation
thereof
:
Dauid
was
not
then
of
that
minde
,
which
the
Romanists
are
of
now
,
to
thinke
his
child
damned
for
want
of
circumcision
,
as
they
hold
all
infants
dying
without
baptisme
to
be
excluded
heauen
:
But
,
gratia
non
est
alligata
symboli●
:
Gods
grace
is
not
●ied
vnto
the
signe
.
Mart.
Pellic.
3.
We
see
by
this
president
,
that
God
may
often
refuse
his
owne
seruants
in
temporall
things
;
for
Dauid
obtained
not
his
petition
here
.
Osiand
.
4.
And
in
that
this
child
liueth
not
,
but
Salomon
next
borne
liued
,
therein
is
shadowed
forth
the
old
man
,
which
must
die
in
the
members
of
Christ
,
and
the
newe
man
,
which
must
liue
vnto
God
,
Borrh.
23.
Quest.
v.
20.
Whether
Dauid
was
not
vncleane
,
and
his
house
,
by
the
dead
corps
of
the
childe
.
1.
Whereas
there
is
a
Law
,
Numb.
19.14
.
that
when
one
died
in
a
tent
,
all
that
came
into
the
tent
,
and
whatsoeuer
was
in
the
tent
,
should
be
vncleane
seuen
dayes
:
and
yet
Dauid
presently
after
the
death
of
the
infant
,
washed
himselfe
;
and
went
vp
into
the
house
of
God
:
the
places
are
thus
reconciled
;
that
Dauids
house
must
bee
supposed
to
be
verie
large
;
the
verie
place
where
the
child
died
was
vncleane
,
as
the
tent
was
wherein
any
died
:
but
it
is
like
,
that
Dauid
came
not
at
that
place
,
nor
neere
the
infant
:
All
his
house
could
not
thereby
be
made
vncleane
;
for
the
Arke
of
God
was
at
this
time
in
Dauids
house
,
in
a
Tabernacle
which
Dauid
had
prepared
for
it
.
Martyr
.
24.
Quest.
v.
23.
Why
Dauid
leaueth
weeping
,
the
child
beeing
dead
.
1.
One
reason
was
,
because
Gods
will
now
appeared
,
that
hee
would
not
retract
his
former
decree
concerning
the
death
of
the
child
:
Osiand
.
for
then
if
he
had
continued
praying
still
,
he
should
seeme
to
haue
spurned
against
Gods
will
.
2.
Though
Abraham
beleeued
that
God
could
haue
raised
vp
Izaak
from
the
dead
,
when
he
was
commaunded
to
sacrifice
him
:
4.
Some
doe
gather
a
third
reason
,
why
Dauid
stayeth
mourning
,
because
he
was
perswaded
the
child
was
well
:
for
he
saith
,
he
should
goe
vnto
him
:
but
of
his
owne
saluation
he
doubted
not
:
the
rest
of
our
writers
doe
interpret
this
phrase
generally
,
of
beeing
dead
:
as
likewise
that
which
the
counterfeit
Samuel
said
to
Saul
,
to
morrow
thou
and
thy
sonnes
shall
be
with
me
.
5.
But
why
doth
not
Dauid
mourne
for
this
infant
,
and
yet
made
such
lamentation
for
Saul
,
Ionathan
,
Abner
,
Absalom
?
Dauid
mourned
for
some
of
them
,
because
the
commonwealth
sustained
great
losse
by
them
;
and
for
others
,
because
they
died
in
their
sinnes
,
as
Absalom
:
here
is
no
such
cause
in
respect
of
the
one
,
or
the
other
.
Mart.
6.
This
example
of
Dauid
in
praying
for
the
liuing
child
,
but
ceasing
to
pray
for
him
beeing
dead
,
euidently
conuinceth
the
errour
of
the
Romanists
,
Borrh.
Mart.
25.
Quest.
v.
24.
How
Dauid
comforted
Bathsheba
,
now
called
his
wife
.
1.
Bathsheba
was
in
heauinesse
,
not
onely
for
the
death
of
the
child
,
but
because
of
the
sinne
which
they
had
committed
;
and
therefore
Dauid
did
his
part
to
comfort
her
:
Osiand
.
2.
The
Hebrewes
thinke
,
that
Bathsheba
refused
to
companie
with
Dauid
,
least
that
child
might
haue
died
as
the
former
did
,
and
therefore
Dauid
told
her
,
that
this
child
was
borne
vnto
the
kingdome
,
and
that
the
Messiah
should
come
of
him
:
whereupon
she
required
Dauid
to
sweare
vnto
her
that
he
should
be
king
.
But
as
it
is
certaine
,
that
Dauid
did
sweare
vnto
her
for
this
matter
,
1.
King
.
1.30
.
so
it
is
vncertaine
,
whether
it
was
at
this
time
:
her
name
indeede
signifieth
,
the
daughter
of
an
oath
:
but
she
was
so
called
before
this
oath
was
made
vnto
her
by
Dauid
.
3.
The
speciall
comfort
that
Dauid
ministred
vnto
her
,
was
in
declaring
vnto
her
,
how
God
had
forgiuen
them
their
sinne
:
Mart.
4.
This
also
is
to
be
noted
,
that
whereas
at
the
birth
of
the
first
child
conceiued
in
adulterie
,
she
was
called
the
wife
of
Vriah
,
v.
15.
now
the
Lord
hauing
forgiuen
their
sinne
,
and
ratified
the
mariage
,
she
is
called
Dauids
wife
.
Pellic.
26.
Quest.
v.
24.
Of
Salomons
name
,
who
gaue
it
him
,
and
why
.
1.
Here
Dauid
is
said
to
call
his
name
Salomon
;
but
,
1.
Chron.
22.9
.
the
Lord
is
said
also
to
haue
giuen
him
that
name
:
so
Dauid
gaue
it
by
direction
from
God
,
by
the
hand
,
that
is
,
ministerie
of
his
Prophet
Nathan
:
by
whom
also
the
Lord
sent
and
called
him
by
an
other
name
,
Iedidiah
,
that
is
,
beloued
of
God
.
Some
vnderstand
,
that
Dauid
sent
the
child
by
Nathans
hand
,
that
is
,
committed
the
education
of
him
to
the
Prophet
:
Osiand
.
But
it
is
euident
,
Prou.
31.
in
the
title
,
that
Salomon
in
his
infancie
and
childhood
,
was
brought
vp
vnder
his
mother
Bathshebah
,
and
he
was
yet
too
young
to
be
committed
to
any
other
.
2.
And
here
it
is
to
be
obserued
,
that
the
Lord
vseth
the
ministerie
of
Nathan
,
as
before
in
sending
an
heauy
message
to
Dauid
,
so
now
in
bringing
comfortable
newes
:
as
Isaias
to
Hezekiah
was
a
messenger
both
to
tell
him
of
death
,
and
againe
of
the
prolonging
of
his
dayes
,
least
there
might
be
thought
some
difference
and
variance
betweene
the
Prophets
,
if
the
Lord
should
haue
vsed
any
other
messengers
then
them
.
Mart.
3.
And
in
that
Salomon
is
called
Iedidiah
,
beloued
of
God
,
it
may
be
an
argument
of
his
eternall
saluation
:
that
he
was
not
a
reprobate
or
cast-away
,
but
was
renewed
againe
after
his
fall
by
repentance
.
4.
These
two
names
,
Salomon
and
Iedidiah
,
signifie
the
one
peace
,
which
Israel
enioyed
vnder
Salomons
raigne
,
and
the
loue
of
God
toward
Salomon
:
this
latter
more
was
giuen
him
,
baghabur
iehouah
,
for
the
Lord
,
that
is
,
for
Christs
sake
,
in
whom
he
was
acceptable
vnto
God
;
Iun.
and
of
whome
he
was
a
liuely
type
,
both
in
respect
of
the
spirituall
peace
of
Christs
kingdome
,
and
he
was
indeede
the
onely
beloued
sonne
of
God
.
Borrh.
27.
Quest.
v.
27.
What
citie
of
waters
it
was
that
Ioab
had
taken
.
1.
Ioab
continued
almost
a
yeare
in
besieging
the
citie
of
Rabbah
,
which
was
the
cheife
citie
of
the
kingdome
:
for
it
was
no
maruell
,
that
God
gaue
him
no
better
successe
abroad
,
Dauid
hauing
so
displeased
him
by
his
sinne
at
home
:
and
Dauid
also
beeing
lulled
asleepe
,
and
giuing
himselfe
to
pleasure
,
had
no
care
to
set
forward
that
publike
businesse
.
Mart.
2.
This
citie
of
the
kingdome
called
afterward
the
citie
of
waters
,
as
some
thinke
,
was
an
other
citie
beside
:
Emman
.
Sa.
but
it
is
euident
,
v.
29.
that
it
was
the
same
citie
.
3.
Some
thinke
that
the
citie
consisted
of
diuerse
parts
,
whereof
one
that
was
environed
with
water
,
and
so
stronger
then
the
rest
,
was
held
by
the
king
,
which
Ioab
had
now
taken
:
Borrh.
Vatab.
Osiand
.
as
the
citie
Syracuse
had
foure
parts
,
like
fowre
little
cities
:
one
was
called
Insula
,
the
Island
,
an
other
Acrodina
,
the
third
Tychia
,
the
fourth
Neapolis
:
Mart.
But
though
Ioab
had
taken
some
part
,
as
it
might
be
the
base
townes
or
suburbs
:
yet
it
is
euident
that
he
had
not
taken
the
cheife
part
,
for
afterward
Dauid
came
and
besieged
Rabbah
,
and
tooke
it
,
where
the
king
was
,
whose
crowne
he
tooke
to
himselfe
.
4.
Therefore
Iunius
interpretation
here
is
more
fit
:
that
he
tooke
the
citie
of
waters
,
that
is
,
by
a
certaine
figure
called
hypallage
,
the
waters
of
the
citie
:
and
so
Iosephus
saith
,
praecisis
aquae
ductibus
,
the
conduits
of
water
beeing
cut
off
,
the
citie
was
in
great
distresse
,
pinched
both
with
hunger
and
thirst
:
so
that
it
was
an
easie
matter
now
to
take
it
.
5.
Ioab
as
he
was
a
companion
of
Dauid
in
all
his
afflictions
,
so
now
he
is
studious
of
Dauids
honour
,
and
would
not
haue
this
victorie
ascribed
vnto
himselfe
.
Pellican
.
28.
Quest.
v.
30.
Of
the
King
of
Ammons
crowne
which
Dauid
tooke
from
his
head
.
1.
It
seemeth
that
it
was
the
vse
of
Kings
in
those
dayes
,
to
weare
their
crownes
in
battell
,
as
Saul
had
his
crowne
with
him
,
when
he
was
slaine
in
battell
,
which
the
Amalekite
tooke
and
brought
to
Dauid
:
And
so
here
the
kings
crowne
was
taken
from
him
,
and
set
vpon
Dauids
head
.
2.
It
was
a
verie
massie
crowne
,
it
waighed
a
talent
of
gold
:
which
Budeus
valueth
at
7700.
French
crownes
of
gold
:
Munster
at
18000.
French
crownes
:
Osiander
at
1●594
.
Rhene
peices
of
gold
:
but
this
estimation
is
too
great
;
the
ordinary
talent
beeing
set
but
at
60.
pound
waight
of
gold
.
Iun.
3.
It
was
too
massie
to
bee
worne
vpon
any
ones
head
:
for
there
was
as
much
gold
in
it
,
as
went
to
the
making
of
the
golden
candlesticke
in
the
Sanctuarie
,
Exod.
25.
therefore
some
thinke
that
there
was
a
load
stone
in
the
crowne
,
and
so
it
was
drawne
vp
with
yron
,
and
hung
in
the
aire
:
but
this
is
a
meere
deuise
.
Hierome
taketh
here
the
word
molcham
,
which
is
translated
their
king
,
for
their
idol
Milchom
,
for
so
they
vsed
to
set
crownes
vpon
their
gods
heads
:
but
the
word
is
molcham
,
their
king
,
not
milchom
,
which
was
the
name
of
the
idoll
:
this
massie
crowne
therefore
was
not
vsually
worne
,
but
it
was
a
crowne
of
estate
,
which
was
onely
set
vpon
the
heads
of
their
kings
at
their
coronation
,
and
other
solemne
times
.
4.
Now
Dauid
conuerted
this
crowne
to
his
priuate
vse
,
and
yet
transgresseth
not
that
commandement
,
whereby
they
were
charged
not
to
bring
into
their
houses
the
things
consecrated
to
idols
,
Deut.
7.25
.
not
because
Dauid
tooke
it
not
himselfe
,
but
it
was
brought
vnto
him
by
an
other
,
which
is
R.
Chimhi
his
conceit
:
for
if
it
were
not
lawefull
to
take
it
himselfe
,
neither
was
it
lawefull
to
receiue
it
at
an
others
hands
:
But
that
charge
was
onely
concerning
the
idolatrous
implements
of
the
Cananites
,
which
they
were
not
to
meddle
with
:
the
spoiles
of
other
nations
they
might
take
,
so
that
they
purged
them
with
water
or
fire
:
and
so
they
conuerted
to
their
vse
the
spoile
of
the
Madianites
,
Numb.
31.23
.
Lyran.
Mart.
5.
This
falleth
out
iust
vpon
this
vnciuill
King
,
that
as
hee
had
cut
the
beards
and
garments
of
Dauids
messengers
,
so
he
is
spoyled
of
his
princely
robes
,
and
his
head
is
left
naked
without
a
crowne
.
Borrh.
29.
Quest.
v.
31.
Of
Dauids
casting
the
Ammonites
into
the
tile-kill
.
1.
The
most
doe
so
translate
the
word
bemalchen
,
into
the
tile
furnace
:
as
Pagnin
.
Vatab.
Mart.
Osiand
.
Pellic.
Latin
.
B.
G.
And
some
vnderstand
it
for
the
streetes
,
where
the
houses
were
couered
with
tiles
;
some
for
the
furnace
it selfe
:
but
then
they
for
malchen
,
must
reade
malbhen
,
chaunging
the
letter
cheth
,
into
the
letter
beth
;
deriuing
the
word
of
laban
,
which
signifieth
a
bricke
,
or
tile
:
but
it
is
verie
dangerous
to
make
any
such
innouation
and
chaunge
in
the
wordes
of
the
Text.
2.
Montanus
maketh
it
a
proper
name
,
Malchon
,
which
Iunius
expoundeth
,
the
fornace
of
Molech
their
Idol
;
which
is
most
like
:
that
herein
the
iustice
of
God
might
appeare
,
that
as
they
consecrated
their
sonnes
thorough
the
fierie
fornace
vnto
Molech
their
idol
,
so
they
themselues
are
iustly
throwen
into
it
.
30.
Quest.
v.
31.
Of
Dauids
austeritie
in
putting
the
Ammonites
vnder
sawes
,
and
vnder
harrowes
,
whether
hee
therein
did
well
.
1.
We
shall
find
that
the
seruants
of
God
imployed
to
fight
his
battels
,
did
shew
the
like
examples
of
seueritie
vpon
the
enemies
of
God
.
The
Israelites
cut
off
Adonibezeks
thumbes
of
his
hands
and
feete
,
Iud.
1.
Gedeon
did
teare
the
men
of
Succoth
with
briers
and
thornes
,
Iudg.
8.16
.
And
yet
herein
they
offended
not
,
neither
are
reprehended
in
Scripture
.
2.
So
Dauid
in
this
place
did
execute
the
will
and
commandement
of
God
vpon
this
idolatrous
people
,
and
therefore
therein
he
sinned
not
.
3.
They
are
cruell
,
which
without
cause
doe
shew
seueritie
,
and
delight
in
blood
:
but
this
sharpe
course
,
which
Dauid
followeth
belongeth
vnto
iustice
:
the
Ammonites
were
guiltie
of
most
grieuous
trespasses
:
1.
Beside
the
old
grudge
which
they
had
against
the
people
of
God
,
in
not
releeuing
them
in
the
wildernesse
,
when
they
came
out
of
Egypt
.
2.
They
had
broken
and
violated
the
law
of
nations
,
in
abusing
Dauids
messengers
.
3.
They
had
taken
occasion
by
the
slaughter
of
Vriah
,
and
others
,
to
blaspheme
,
and
insult
against
God
.
4.
They
had
disturbed
all
the
nations
round
about
,
stirring
them
vp
,
and
hiring
them
to
ioyne
with
them
against
Dauid
,
c.
10.
5.
Beside
,
they
were
most
cruell
and
vile
idolaters
,
sacrificing
their
owne
children
to
their
abominable
Idol
Molech
;
therefore
they
were
thus
worthely
punished
.
Mart.
4.
Iosephus
thinketh
,
that
thus
he
serued
euery
one
,
as
well
in
this
citie
,
as
in
others
:
but
that
appeareth
to
be
otherwise
,
c.
17.27
.
for
Shabi
an
other
sonne
of
Nahash
out
of
Rabbah
of
the
Ammonites
succoured
Dauid
,
when
he
was
pursued
of
Absalon
:
therefore
it
is
like
he
thus
serued
the
principall
,
which
had
beene
ringleaders
in
this
mischiefe
.
Osiand
.
5.
Herein
Dauid
also
was
a
type
of
the
Messiah
,
which
should
be
reuenged
to
the
full
of
the
contemners
of
his
word
.
Borr.
CHAP.
13.
1.
Quest.
Of
the
chasticements
which
were
laied
vpon
Dauid
for
his
former
offences
.
1.
AS
Nathan
had
before
told
Dauid
of
two
grieuous
crosses
,
that
the
sword
should
not
depart
from
his
house
,
and
that
his
owne
concubines
should
be
defiled
by
another
,
as
he
had
committed
two
grieuous
sinnes
of
murther
,
and
adulterie
,
so
Gods
iustice
which
sleepeth
not
beginneth
now
to
shew
it selfe
:
three
great
calamities
follow
one
in
the
necke
of
another
;
the
deflouring
of
Thamar
by
Amnon
,
and
his
slaughter
by
Absalom
,
the
defiling
of
Dauids
concubines
by
Absalom
,
and
his
vnnaturall
rebellion
against
his
father
.
Borrh.
2.
And
in
this
first
punishment
,
Dauid
is
paied
home
by
the
law
of
retalion
:
as
he
killed
Vriah
,
hauing
first
committed
adulterie
with
his
wife
,
and
betraied
Vriah
into
his
enemies
hand
:
so
here
his
daughter
is
rauished
,
his
sonne
Amnon
slaine
,
and
that
also
in
the
same
manner
by
the
treacherie
of
his
brother
.
3.
Thus
in
Dauids
familie
,
who
was
a
worshipper
of
God
,
those
foule
enormities
breake
forth
,
which
sheweth
,
that
the
Church
of
God
is
not
perfect
here
in
earth
,
but
many
offences
may
be
raised
euen
among
the
people
of
God
:
whereby
appeareth
the
errour
of
the
old
Novatians
,
and
Donatists
,
and
of
the
new
Brownists
(
so
called
)
which
doe
seperate
themselues
from
the
Church
of
God
,
because
of
the
imperfections
thereof
.
Mart.
2.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
Amnons
vnlawfull
loue
of
his
sister
Thamar
.
Among
other
vncleane
acts
none
are
more
odious
,
then
incestuous
copulations
,
when
within
the
degrees
forbidden
any
dishonest
act
is
attempted
:
which
incestuous
coniunctions
either
by
marriage
or
otherwise
,
are
restrained
for
diuerse
reasons
.
1.
One
is
for
the
reuerence
which
is
to
be
yeelded
vnto
our
kinred
,
not
to
come
neare
them
to
vncouer
their
shame
:
as
Valerius
Maximus
writeth
,
that
it
was
vnlawfull
,
for
the
father
and
his
daughter
to
wash
themselues
one
in
the
sight
of
another
.
2.
Againe
,
by
this
restraint
and
prohibition
,
the
families
are
kept
chast
:
whereas
if
such
commixtions
betweene
kindered
were
permitted
,
euery
house
would
be
defiled
.
3.
By
this
meanes
loue
is
encreased
by
marriage
with
straunge
families
:
whereas
,
if
mariage
were
lawfull
in
the
same
kinred
,
many
loues
would
bee
swallowed
vp
together
,
both
the
naturall
and
matrimoniall
loue
.
4.
Yea
we
see
that
such
coniunctions
are
against
the
law
of
nature
:
for
euen
the
more
ciuill
nations
among
the
heathen
,
abhorred
to
come
neare
their
owne
kinred
.
5.
But
aboue
all
,
the
law
of
God
ought
to
take
place
,
which
most
straightly
forbiddeth
such
incestuous
mariages
,
Leuit.
28.20
.
and
though
the
lawes
of
men
should
be
silent
herein
,
the
iudgement
of
God
will
ouertake
such
:
as
is
manifest
here
in
the
example
of
Amnon
.
So
in
the
Romane
Histories
,
Claudius
that
defiled
his
sister
,
was
slaine
of
Milo
:
and
Domitiane
the
Emperour
guiltie
of
the
like
fault
,
was
also
slaine
.
6.
Thus
Dauid
is
chastened
in
the
deflouring
of
his
daughter
,
and
in
the
slaughter
of
his
sonne
:
wherein
the
Lord
doth
iudge
him
not
onely
for
the
adulterie
and
murther
,
which
he
had
committed
,
but
for
his
rash
marriage
,
which
hee
made
with
Maacah
the
mother
of
Absalom
,
the
daughter
of
an
idolatrous
king
.
c.
3.3
.
Mart.
3.
Quest.
v.
2.
Of
Amnons
impotent
affections
,
and
of
his
loue-sickenesse
.
1.
There
were
two
reasons
of
Amnons
pining
away
,
because
two
waies
was
his
desire
hindered
:
Thamar
was
his
sister
,
and
therefore
he
could
not
marrie
her
;
and
she
was
a
virgin
,
and
most
surely
kept
:
Osiand
.
2.
His
affection
thus
languishing
,
his
bodie
was
distempered
:
for
the
affections
are
in
the
grossest
and
basest
part
of
the
mind
,
which
hath
greatest
affinitie
with
the
bodie
;
and
thereof
it
is
,
that
the
vehemencie
of
the
affections
bringeth
the
bodie
into
weakenesses
,
and
diseases
.
3.
It
is
written
that
Seleucus
,
when
his
sonne
Antiochus
was
in
loue
with
his
stepmother
his
fathers
wife
,
&
pined
away
for
loue
,
by
the
perswasion
of
the
Phisitian
Erasistratus
,
his
father
was
content
to
part
with
his
wife
,
and
giue
her
vnto
his
sonne
,
rather
then
he
should
languish
vnto
death
:
But
Amnon
could
not
expect
for
the
like
at
his
fathers
hand
,
beeing
a
man
that
feared
God
.
4.
The
Heathen
say
,
there
are
three
remedies
against
inordinate
loue
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
hunger
and
abstinence
;
time
,
that
men
should
not
hastily
giue
way
vnto
their
affections
,
but
doe
all
with
mature
deliberation
:
and
the
third
is
an
halter
:
such
was
their
doctrine
,
that
ended
with
despaire
:
but
Amnon
here
neglected
indeed
the
right
meanes
,
namely
these
,
first
in
time
to
haue
resisted
his
affections
,
and
not
to
haue
giuen
way
vnto
them
:
Pellican
.
secondly
,
to
haue
giuen
himselfe
to
abstinence
and
some
honest
exercises
,
which
might
haue
occupied
his
mind
:
then
by
some
lawfull
matrimoniall
loue
,
to
haue
ouercome
his
vnlawfull
lust
,
and
to
haue
praied
vnto
God
for
grace
.
Mar.
4.
Quest.
v.
5.
Of
Ionadabs
wicked
counsell
.
1.
Ionadab
is
called
here
Amnons
freind
:
but
indeed
he
was
his
foe
:
for
a
true
friend
will
neither
giue
dishonest
counsell
,
nor
yet
do
any
dishonest
thing
for
his
freind
.
Bor.
2.
He
is
also
called
cacham
,
a
wise
and
prudent
man
:
but
it
was
carnall
,
not
spirituall
wisedome
:
such
a
wise
man
,
as
the
Prophet
speaketh
of
,
they
are
wise
to
doe
euill
,
but
to
doe
well
,
they
haue
no
knowledge
:
Ierem.
4.22
.
3.
For
in
wise
counsell
two
things
must
be
considered
,
that
both
the
end
of
a
mans
counsell
be
good
,
and
that
the
meanes
thereunto
tending
are
also
honest
and
lawfull
:
but
Ionadabs
counsell
failed
in
both
.
Mart.
4.
Such
flattering
counsellers
abound
in
Princes
courts
,
who
are
readie
for
their
owne
aduancement
to
serue
the
humors
of
great
men
,
and
by
their
craftie
heads
doe
deuise
how
to
compasse
their
desire
:
Pellican
.
5.
Quest.
v.
12.
Of
Thamars
reasons
and
perswasions
to
Amnon
.
1.
First
shee
alleadgeth
,
that
it
was
and
vnusuall
crime
in
Israel
,
which
he
offered
,
either
to
corrupt
a
virgin
,
or
to
commit
fornication
out
of
mariage
,
much
more
for
one
to
corrupt
his
sister
.
Pellican
.
2.
Thou
she
sheweth
the
inconuenience
in
respect
of
himselfe
▪
hee
should
be
counted
as
one
of
the
fooles
of
Israel
,
as
a
lewd
and
wicked
person
:
Genevens
.
and
a●
a
man
vnmeete
to
succeed
his
father
in
the
kingdome
beeing
his
eldest
sonne
;
Mart.
3.
In
respect
of
her selfe
,
it
would
be
a
perpetuall
shame
vnto
her
:
she
could
not
hide
or
conceale
that
lewdnesse
,
if
she
should
be
with
child
by
him
.
Osiander
.
4.
Then
from
entreating
,
she
falleth
to
aduise
and
counsell
him
;
that
he
would
speake
vnto
her
father
,
to
giue
her
vnto
him
,
But
all
these
reasons
would
not
content
or
satisfie
his
wicked
mind
:
he
still
proceeded
in
his
vile
purpose
to
haue
his
will
of
her
.
5.
Now
whereas
the
law
was
,
that
the
virgin
which
was
forced
in
the
towne
should
crie
out
,
Deut.
22.24
.
it
is
like
that
Thamar
cried
out
,
but
none
would
come
to
deliuer
her
;
or
that
Amnon
kept
her
from
crying
.
Some
thinke
that
she
held
her
peace
,
because
she
would
not
bring
her
brother
to
shame
,
or
vpon
hope
of
marriage
:
but
hope
of
marriage
she
could
haue
none
,
because
it
was
against
the
Law
,
and
shee
was
more
to
respect
her
owne
fame
,
and
honest
name
,
then
her
brothers
.
6.
Quest.
v.
23.
Why
Thamar
saith
,
hee
will
not
denie
me
vnto
thee
,
seeing
it
was
against
the
Law
.
1.
Lyranus
with
some
others
is
of
opinion
,
that
Thamar
was
not
Dauids
daughter
by
Maacah
,
but
that
she
was
with
child
by
another
,
when
Dauid
tooke
her
captiue
in
battell
,
and
so
Thamar
beeing
neither
Amnons
sister
by
father
or
mother
,
might
be
Amnons
wife
.
But
this
is
not
like
,
for
Amnon
called
her
his
sister
,
v.
6.
and
it
seemeth
that
Thamar
was
borne
after
Absalom
;
as
the
phrase
giueth
,
when
Absalom
had
a
sister
:
or
,
when
to
Absalom
was
a
sister
,
v.
1.
Iun.
D.
Chimhi
thinketh
also
,
that
Thamar
was
Dauids
daughter
:
but
conceiued
by
him
before
she
was
conuerted
to
the
faith
of
Israel
.
2.
Pellican
giueth
this
exposition
:
that
Thamar
secretly
vnderstood
this
condition
,
si
fieri
posset
,
if
it
might
be
,
Dauid
would
not
denie
her
to
him
:
if
it
could
not
be
done
by
marriage
,
much
more
vnlawfull
was
it
out
of
mariage
.
3.
But
it
is
more
like
,
that
by
this
meanes
,
she
did
dilationem
quaerere
,
seeke
delaies
onely
,
and
to
gaine
time
:
Iun.
vt
conatum
adolescentis
eluderet
,
to
put
off
the
young
mans
purpose
.
Osiand
.
Mart.
For
if
she
might
haue
beene
Amnons
wife
,
hee
needed
not
to
haue
languished
after
her
,
and
haue
vsed
such
indirect
meanes
:
and
he
should
haue
married
her
after
,
or
paied
her
dowrie
:
neither
of
which
was
done
.
Mar.
7.
Quest.
Whether
this
degree
of
consanguinitie
,
or
any
oth●r
might
haue
beene
dispensed
with
.
By
occasion
of
these
words
of
Thamar
to
Amnon
,
which
sound
as
though
Dauid
might
haue
giuen
Thamar
to
Amnon
to
wife
,
occasion
i●
ministred
briefly
to
consider
,
whether
any
of
the
forbidden
degrees
may
be
dispensed
with
.
1.
The
Popes
Canonists
,
and
Canonicall
Diuines
doe
hold
,
2.
But
this
is
a
most
grosse
opinion
:
1.
All
these
prohibitions
are
morall
and
natuturall
:
for
the
Cananites
were
cast
out
for
such
abominations
,
who
were
not
bound
to
Moses
Iudicialls
.
2.
The
necessitie
of
those
times
dispensed
with
those
first
marriages
,
when
there
were
no
other
to
marrie
with
:
and
God
in
respect
of
that
necessitie
gaue
a
relaxation
,
saying
,
increase
and
multiplie
.
3.
The
facts
of
the
fathers
cannot
be
excused
from
all
imperfection
:
yet
it
was
Iaacobs
intent
to
marri●
but
one
,
Laban
by
his
subtiltie
imposed
the
other
vpon
him
.
4.
These
were
the
sinnes
of
the
Heathen
.
Among
the
Persians
the
sonnes
married
with
their
mothers
,
the
daughters
with
their
fathers
:
it
was
lawfull
among
the
Athenians
for
one
to
marrie
his
sister
.
Berosus
writeth
that
the
Gyants
of
the
old
world
refrained
not
such
marriages
.
Caracalla
said
to
his
mother
in
law
,
O
that
it
were
lawfull
:
the
impudent
woman
answered
;
si
libet
,
licet
,
imperator
dat
leges
,
non
accipit
:
if
you
li●t
,
it
is
lawfull
:
for
an
Emperor
giueth
laws
to
others
,
he
taketh
none
himselfe
:
ex
Martyr
.
8.
Quest.
v.
15.
Of
Amnons
hatred
of
his
sister
.
1.
Aristotle
in
his
Problemes
giueth
this
reason
why
inordinate
loue
is
many
times
turned
to
hatred
:
as
Potiphars
wife
,
when
she
could
not
haue
her
desire
hated
Ioseph
,
as
much
as
she
loued
him
:
and
Nero
after
hee
had
abused
his
owne
mother
,
so
hated
her
that
he
killed
her
.
The
reason
hereof
Philosophers
yeeld
to
be
this
:
because
the
bodie
is
much
altered
in
such
acts
of
raging
and
burning
lust
,
and
the
affection
is
chaunged
withall
.
But
if
the
reason
hereof
were
naturall
,
it
would
alwaies
haue
the
same
effect
:
yet
it
hath
not
:
for
after
that
Shechem
had
rauished
Dinah
Iacobs
daughter
,
he
loued
her
ardently
still
,
and
affected
her
mariage
.
2.
R.
Kimhi
,
and
R.
Solomon
,
thinke
●hat
this
was
the
cause
;
Thamar
had
hurt
Amnon
in
striuing
with
him
,
and
she
had
railed
vpon
him
,
calling
him
foole
,
and
giuing
him
such
other
opprobrious
termes
.
But
it
appeareth
by
Thamars
answer
,
that
there
was
no
cause
at
all
giuen
on
her
part
of
so
great
hatred
,
v.
16.
3.
P.
Martyr
thinketh
the
reason
thereof
proceeded
from
the
trouble
and
perplexitie
of
his
conscience
,
beeing
ashamed
of
that
which
hee
had
done
:
as
the
Apostle
saith
,
What
fruit
had
yee
in
those
things
,
whereof
yee
are
now
ashamed
?
Rom.
6.22
.
But
if
Amnon
had
had
any
remorse
,
or
feare
of
any
shame
before
God
,
or
men
,
he
would
neuer
for
his
owne
credite
sake
haue
thrust
her
out
in
such
disgrace
.
4.
But
one
reason
hereof
is
the
difference
betweene
inordinate
and
vnlawfull
lust
,
which
endeth
with
hatred
,
and
lawfull
loue
,
which
still
more
increaseth
:
and
such
are
the
baites
and
allurements
of
sinne
,
which
haue
a
pleasant
tast
at
the
first
,
but
in
the
end
bite
like
a
serpent
:
therefore
one
well-saith
,
voluptates
non
venientes
sed
abeuntes
contemplandas
:
that
pleasures
must
be
considered
not
as
they
come
,
but
as
they
go
.
Borrh.
5.
But
the
greatest
cause
of
all
is
,
Dominum
sic
instituisse
,
that
the
Lord
had
so
appointed
,
that
this
sinne
should
not
be
kept
secret
,
that
it
might
redound
to
the
chastisment
and
correction
of
Dauid
.
Pellic.
Mar.
9.
Quest.
v.
19.
Of
Thamars
lamentation
.
1.
She
sheweth
her
griefe
by
these
three
signes
:
she
put
ashes
on
her
head
,
rent
her
garments
,
and
laid
her
hands
on
her
head
:
which
was
a
signe
of
mourning
.
Ier.
2.37
.
2.
Some
read
,
she
rent
talarem
tunicam
,
her
side
garments
:
so
Ioseph
.
Lat.
Pellic.
but
beside
that
the
word
pass●n
signifieth
rather
,
variam
,
Vatab.
versicolarem
,
Iun.
polymitam
:
Mart.
a
garment
of
diuerse
peeces
or
colours
:
it
is
noted
v.
18.
to
haue
bin
a
peculiar
garment
to
Kings
daughters
:
so
was
not
a
long
and
side
garment
:
but
particoloured
garments
were
had
in
great
estimation
,
Iud.
5.30
.
therefore
Iacob
made
Ioseph
such
an
one
,
because
he
loued
him
:
Gen.
37.3
.
Genevens
.
3.
She
cried
out
as
she
went
,
not
forbearing
to
crie
out
of
her
brother
,
and
to
shew
what
he
had
done
,
as
some
thinke
,
Mart.
Pellic.
but
it
seemeth
rather
,
that
she
did
not
expresse
the
cause
of
her
griefe
:
Osiand
.
for
then
Absalom
needed
not
to
haue
said
vnto
her
afterwards
,
hath
Amnon
thy
brother
beene
with
thee
?
and
his
counsell
had
come
too
late
,
that
she
should
be
quiet
,
because
hee
was
her
brother
:
that
is
,
his
shame
would
be
the
shame
of
them
all
;
and
as
she
was
the
Kings
daughter
,
so
he
was
his
son
,
and
that
the
Eldest
:
and
therefore
hee
would
haue
respect
to
the
one
and
the
other
:
Iun.
if
she
had
blazed
his
name
alreadie
,
this
perswasion
of
her
brother
had
come
out
of
time
.
10.
Quest.
v.
21.
Of
these
words
,
Dauid
,
when
hee
heard
these
things
was
verie
wrath
:
whether
Dauid
sinned
not
in
sparing
his
sonne
.
1.
Some
doe
thinke
that
Dauid
did
purpose
to
punish
his
sonne
for
this
follie
,
or
villanie
rather
:
but
like
a
wise
man
he
deferred
it
,
watching
his
best
opportunitie
,
as
he
dealt
with
Ioab
and
Shemei
.
Osiander
.
But
it
seemeth
otherwise
,
that
Dauid
had
no
such
intendment
,
for
it
was
two
yeares
after
before
Absalon
was
reuenged
of
Amnon
.
2.
An
other
opinion
is
,
that
Amnon
might
repent
him
of
his
sinne
,
and
therefore
Dauid
pardoned
it
:
but
though
repentance
doe
make
reconciliation
betweene
God
,
and
the
offender
;
yet
they
which
publikely
transgresse
should
not
be
freed
from
the
punishment
,
which
is
afflicted
for
the
good
example
of
others
:
Mart.
3.
Some
thinke
,
that
it
was
not
death
to
force
a
maid
not
betroathed
:
for
that
law
Deut.
22.25
.
is
concerning
such
as
are
espoused
.
But
it
must
further
be
considered
,
that
she
was
his
sister
,
and
so
he
committed
incest
,
which
was
worthie
of
death
.
And
beside
,
it
was
death
for
a
virgin
to
play
the
whoare
in
her
fathers
house
,
Deut.
22.21
.
the
like
penaltie
also
lay
vpon
the
sonne
.
4.
Others
excuse
Dauid
,
because
this
matter
was
not
proceeded
iudicially
before
him
.
Thamar
accused
not
her
brother
vpon
Absaloms
aduise
,
and
therefore
Dauid
,
the
fact
beeing
not
prooued
iudicially
before
him
,
could
doe
nothing
.
Borrh.
In
this
case
Dauid
should
haue
sifted
out
the
matter
himselfe
:
otherwise
Heli
might
haue
bin
by
the
same
reason
excused
for
his
lenitie
toward
his
sonnes
.
5.
Pellican
addeth
further
,
that
Dauid
beeing
guiltie
of
the
like
sinne
himselfe
,
vsed
conniuence
toward
his
sonne
.
6.
But
Dauid
can
not
be
herein
excused
:
he
was
too
remisse
and
indulgent
toward
his
children
.
As
he
was
vnwilling
that
Absalon
should
be
slaine
after
he
was
entered
into
that
vnnaturall
and
rebellious
action
:
neither
did
he
punish
Adoniahs
aspiring
mind
,
that
while
his
father
yet
liued
,
would
haue
taken
vpon
him
to
be
King
.
And
herein
most
of
all
Gods
worke
is
to
be
considered
,
quod
Dauid
corrigere
noluit
Deus
punivit
,
God
punished
that
,
which
Dauid
would
not
correct
.
God
so
in
his
secret
wisedome
disposed
,
that
Dauid
should
let
Amnon
goe
vnpunished
,
that
the
other
iudgement
of
the
sword
threatned
against
Dauids
house
might
take
place
.
Mart.
11.
Quest.
v.
28.
Vpon
those
words
of
Absalon
,
smite
Amnon
,
kill
him
.
Why
the
Lord
suffered
a
sword
to
be
drawne
out
against
Dauids
familie
,
hauing
forgiuen
his
sinne
.
True
it
is
,
that
the
Lord
had
said
to
Dauid
by
his
Prophet
Nathan
,
that
the
Lord
had
put
away
his
sinne
,
hee
should
not
die
:
yet
some
chastisement
remained
still
,
quae
non
poenae
vim
,
sed
medicinae
obtinet
,
which
was
not
as
a
punishment
,
but
as
a
medicine
.
And
for
these
causes
doth
the
Lord
lay
afflictions
vpon
his
children
,
euen
after
the
remission
of
their
sinne
.
1.
Vt
sit
,
quod
nos
admoneat
nostrae
miseriae
,
&c.
that
we
may
haue
somewhat
alwaies
to
admonish
vs
of
our
miserie
.
2.
Vt
sit
materia
inuo●andi
Deum
,
that
we
may
still
haue
occasion
to
call
vpon
God
,
and
flie
vnto
him
in
our
afflictions
,
and
necessities
.
3.
That
the
members
of
Christ
may
be
conformable
vnto
the
head
:
For
if
we
suffer
with
him
,
we
shall
also
be
glorified
with
him
:
Rom.
8.17
.
So
the
Apostle
saith
,
I
fulfill
the
rest
of
the
afflictions
of
Christ
in
my
flesh
,
for
his
bodies
sake
,
which
is
the
Church
:
Coloss.
1.24
.
Not
that
any
thing
is
wanting
to
the
personall
sufferings
of
Christ
:
but
because
Christ
suffereth
together
in
his
members
,
they
are
called
the
afflictions
of
Christ
.
4.
But
here
we
must
take
heed
of
the
errour
of
the
Romanists
,
who
thinke
that
the
seruants
of
God
doe
satisfie
for
their
sinnes
by
their
afflictions
:
Borrh.
But
seeing
no
affliction
happeneth
vnto
Gods
children
,
which
is
not
deseruedly
imposed
vpon
them
for
their
sinne
,
thereby
they
cannot
satisfie
:
but
they
must
leaue
that
worke
for
him
,
who
was
without
sinne
,
and
therfore
vndeseruedly
suffred
in
himselfe
whatsoeuer
was
laid
vpon
him
,
for
our
sinnes
.
12.
Quest.
v.
29.
Whence
Dauids
sonnes
had
their
mules
which
came
of
the
mixture
of
diuerse
kinds
.
Whereas
they
are
forbidden
Leuit.
19.19
.
to
suffer
the
cattell
of
diuerse
kinds
to
engender
together
;
and
the
mules
come
of
coupling
of
the
horse
and
asse
,
so
that
this
should
seeme
to
be
against
the
law
.
1.
Some
answer
,
that
in
some
countries
the
mules
doe
engender
themselues
:
13.
Quest.
v.
31.
Of
Dauids
mourning
,
when
he
heard
of
the
death
of
his
sonnes
.
1.
Dauid
here
was
paied
home
in
the
same
kind
:
for
as
hee
tooke
delight
when
newes
was
brought
him
of
Vriahs
death
;
so
now
he
is
frighted
with
heauie
newes
,
and
the
report
is
worse
then
the
thing
,
that
all
the
Kings
sonnes
were
dead
.
Borrh.
Martyr
.
2.
And
as
his
seruants
also
,
when
they
heard
of
Vriahs
death
their
faithfull
fellow
seruant
,
sorrowed
not
,
so
now
also
vpon
this
report
,
they
stand
likewise
with
their
clothes
rent
.
Pellican
.
3.
Dauid
had
great
cause
of
greife
,
for
he
was
a
tender
man
ouer
his
children
:
and
where
he
hoped
to
find
comfort
,
they
are
an
occasion
to
him
of
greife
.
4.
Many
who
doe
prosper
in
their
affaires
abroad
,
haue
cause
of
greife
at
home
,
as
Dauid
here
hath
.
Augustus
Caesar
was
a
happie
Emperour
,
yet
he
had
domesticall
crosses
by
his
children
,
in
so
much
that
hee
desired
,
that
he
had
died
without
children
.
5.
Likewise
the
verie
manner
,
how
it
was
reported
,
his
children
were
killed
,
might
much
trouble
him
,
that
they
were
slaine
by
treacherie
,
which
brought
to
his
remembrance
his
owne
sinne
,
how
he
had
caused
faithfull
Vriah
to
be
betraied
in
battell
.
6.
Yet
notwithstanding
these
crosses
,
Dauid
was
in
the
fauour
of
God
;
which
sheweth
that
Gods
fauour
,
or
disfauour
is
not
to
be
measured
by
prosperitie
or
aduersitie
in
this
life
:
Mart.
7.
And
by
this
example
we
see
,
that
children
,
whom
their
parents
spare
to
correct
,
will
in
the
end
be
a
griefe
vnto
them
.
14.
Quest.
v.
32.
Of
Ionadabs
speach
to
Dauid
.
1.
This
wicked
man
,
whose
counsell
to
Amnon
brought
Dauid
and
his
sonnes
into
this
daunger
,
now
taketh
vpon
him
to
comfort
Dauid
:
Pellican
.
But
he
is
a
miserable
comforter
,
in
saying
that
Amnon
onely
was
dead
:
for
it
was
griefe
enough
to
the
King
,
to
haue
his
eldest
sonne
slaine
in
that
manner
;
and
Ionadab
sheweth
himselfe
no
changeling
:
for
he
bewraieth
his
carnall
securitie
,
that
was
not
touched
with
the
remembrance
of
his
sinne
,
beeing
himselfe
the
author
of
this
mischiefe
:
Osiand
.
It
is
also
maruell
,
that
he
gessing
so
right
at
the
matter
,
and
giuing
a
reason
,
why
Amnon
onely
was
slaine
,
as
if
he
were
acquainted
with
his
counsell
,
that
the
king
was
so
forgetfull
,
as
not
to
examine
and
sift
him
further
.
2.
Now
Ionadab
knew
this
by
coniecture
,
for
he
was
priuie
vnto
this
whole
matter
from
the
beginning
:
some
thinke
that
Absalon
had
this
thing
in
his
mouth
,
as
the
Hebrew
words
are
,
and
that
he
might
tell
Ionadab
so
much
.
Mar.
But
it
is
more
like
that
Absalon
kept
his
purpose
secret
,
as
Iosephus
saith
,
grave
odium
eius
in
pectore
celabat
,
he
concealed
in
his
breast
great
hatred
toward
him
:
therefore
it
is
no
good
reading
,
Absalon
had
so
reported
.
Genev.
nor
,
hee
had
determined
so
in
his
heart
.
B.
C.
or
,
hee
was
set
in
Absalons
hatred
:
L.
or
,
in
Absalons
rage
.
S.
for
the
words
are
,
ehi
ghal
pi
,
because
it
was
in
his
mouth
:
which
Vatablus
thus
expoundeth
,
at
the
commandement
of
Absalom
it
was
so
appointed
,
from
the
day
when
Amnon
forced
Thamar
.
But
Absalom
had
not
giuen
that
charge
and
commandement
to
his
seruants
so
long
before
,
but
vpon
the
present
.
Therefore
Iunius
reading
is
better
;
at
the
appointment
of
Absalôm
,
that
was
done
,
which
he
purposed
from
the
day
,
&c.
so
that
the
word
shimah
,
purpose
,
hath
relation
to
the
words
following
,
from
the
day
,
&c.
for
so
long
before
he
had
purposed
it
,
though
not
appointed
it
.
And
that
phrase
,
according
to
the
mouth
,
is
taken
in
thi●
sense
,
for
appointment
in
other
places
;
as
Numb.
3.16
.
15.
Quest.
v.
36.
Of
these
words
,
The
King
wept
exceeding
sore
:
how
that
the
children
of
God
are
not
without
their
passions
.
But
here
this
question
may
be
mooued
:
how
it
commeth
to
passe
,
that
many
among
the
heathen
in
the
like
calamitie
,
when
they
heard
of
the
death
of
their
children
,
were
not
mooued
,
and
yet
Dauid
here
sheweth
himselfe
full
of
passion
:
as
Horatius
Pulvillus
,
as
he
was
dedicating
a
temple
,
heard
of
the
death
of
his
sonne
,
yet
proceeded
in
the
dedication
:
Anaxagoras
hearing
the
like
of
his
sonne
,
made
onely
this
answer
,
scio
me
genuisse
mortalem
,
I
knew
I
begot
a
sonne
to
die
:
Paulus
Aemilius
when
his
sonnes
were
slaine
,
and
the
publike
businesse
went
well
forward
,
gaue
thankes
to
the
gods
that
he
had
his
prayer
,
that
the
calamitie
imminent
might
fall
vpon
his
familie
,
so
that
the
commonwealth
were
deliuered
.
The
reasons
of
this
difference
may
be
these
.
1.
The
heathen
did
thinke
that
these
calamities
fell
out
by
necessitie
of
nature
,
or
by
chance
,
and
they
looked
not
vnto
Gods
prouidence
,
neither
beleeued
any
thing
of
the
state
of
the
soule
after
this
life
:
and
therefore
as
naturall
men
,
only
considering
the
time
present
,
and
not
well
waighing
the
cause
of
all
these
calamities
,
which
is
our
sinns
,
they
seemed
not
to
be
mooued
.
But
it
is
otherwise
with
the
seruants
of
God
:
they
knowe
that
all
things
fall
out
by
Gods
prouidence
,
and
that
calamities
are
sent
by
him
as
punishments
of
sinne
,
and
this
is
the
cause
of
their
mourning
.
And
to
this
purpose
may
be
applyed
that
saying
of
Aristippus
,
who
beeing
in
danger
of
shipwracke
in
the
sea
,
and
much
afraid
,
wheras
an
other
rude
man
,
yet
hardie
,
feared
nothing
,
and
being
asked
why
he
was
so
fearfull
beeing
a
Philosopher
,
made
answer
;
non
debuisti
sollicitus
esse
tu
de
anima
nebulonis
,
ego
videbam
Aristippum
philosophum
periclitari
,
thou
hadst
no
reason
to
take
care
for
the
soule
of
a
knaue
,
but
I
knew
that
Aristippus
the
philosopher
was
in
danger
,
&c.
So
the
heathen
had
no
such
cause
to
be
mooued
:
for
they
knew
not
what
should
become
of
their
soules
,
neither
were
they
of
such
price
with
God
,
as
the
soules
of
his
seruants
,
whom
he
reserueth
for
a
better
life
.
2.
An
other
reason
of
this
vacuitie
of
passion
among
the
Heathen
,
was
that
receiued
opinion
of
the
Stoicks
,
who
held
that
there
should
be
in
a
wise
man
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
an
absence
of
all
passion
.
The
Peripatetikes
held
,
that
passions
and
affections
were
to
be
moderated
:
the
other
,
would
haue
them
to
bee
quite
rooted
out
:
But
this
were
to
blame
the
God
of
nature
,
who
created
man
with
passions
and
affections
,
and
whatsoeuer
God
made
,
was
good
:
and
the
affections
of
anger
,
zeale
,
desire
,
sorrow
,
with
the
rest
,
are
many
times
the
instruments
of
vertue
beeing
well
vsed
.
Indeede
the
holy
Martyrs
of
Christ
in
the
midds
of
their
torments
,
seemed
to
be
without
sense
of
griefe
,
not
as
though
they
were
without
any
feelling
or
passion
:
but
the
exceeding
great
ioy
which
they
had
in
the
contemplation
of
a
better
life
,
did
swallow
vp
all
their
other
affections
:
and
this
strength
in
them
was
extraordinarie
and
supernaturall
:
but
the
question
is
here
,
of
the
ordinarie
state
and
condition
of
the
faithfull
.
This
then
is
the
doctrine
of
Christian
religion
,
be
angrie
,
but
sinne
not
,
Eph.
4.26
.
that
men
should
vse
their
affections
,
but
yet
moderate
them
and
keepe
them
within
their
bounds
.
3.
And
concerning
the
patience
of
the
Gentiles
,
with
other
their
vertues
of
iustice
,
fortitude
,
temperance
;
they
were
but
speciosa
peccata
,
goodly
sinnes
,
because
they
were
without
faith
:
and
without
faith
it
is
not
possible
to
please
God
,
Heb.
11.6
.
So
that
we
doubt
not
,
but
that
Dauid
with
his
passionate
teares
,
which
proceeded
of
faith
,
was
more
accepted
of
God
,
then
the
vnpassionate
heathen
,
which
had
no
faith
.
Mart.
16.
Quest.
Of
the
passions
and
affections
,
that
were
in
our
blessed
Sauiour
.
1.
Our
blessed
Sauiour
as
he
was
perfect
God
,
and
so
without
passion
:
so
was
he
perfect
man
,
and
so
tooke
vpon
him
true
humane
affections
,
as
of
ioy
,
sorrow
,
anger
:
for
that
all
these
were
in
him
,
the
Gospel
doth
abundantly
testifie
:
otherwise
he
had
not
beene
a
perfect
man
:
as
Augustine
saith
,
neque
cum
verum
corpus
hominis
&
animam
habuit
,
habuit
falsum
affectum
humanum
,
neither
when
he
had
the
true
bodie
and
soule
of
a
man
,
had
he
false
affections
.
2.
Therefore
those
sayings
of
Hilarie
are
warily
to
be
read
,
and
considered
;
Christum
ad
patiendum
,
non
ad
dolendum
corpus
habuisse
,
that
Christ
had
a
bodie
to
suffer
,
not
to
grieue
:
and
the
crosse
of
Christ
the
speares
and
nailes
he
saith
,
impetum
passionis
fecisse
in
Christo
,
at
non
dolorem
,
did
force
passion
in
Christ
,
but
no
sense
or
griefe
;
as
when
a
man
smiteth
the
water
,
there
is
a
passion
and
suffering
in
it
,
but
no
sense
or
feeling
,
&c.
These
assertions
are
dangerous
,
and
against
the
Scripture
:
the
bodie
of
Christ
is
not
to
be
imagined
to
haue
such
stupiditie
,
as
things
without
life
and
sense
:
He
had
a
perfect
humane
soule
,
and
therefore
affection
also
and
sense
.
3.
But
there
is
great
difference
between
the
affections
which
Christ
had
,
and
ours
.
1.
in
respect
of
the
obiect
:
our
affections
doe
turne
into
sinne
,
but
Christs
were
neuer
occupied
in
any
sinfull
or
imperfect
act.
2.
All
Christs
affections
were
in
him
voluntarie
,
they
did
rise
in
him
when
he
pleased
to
shew
them
,
and
they
appeared
not
,
when
he
pleased
to
suppresse
them
;
but
in
vs
,
they
are
often
involuntarie
,
and
they
rise
whether
we
will
or
no.
3.
Our
affections
are
so
precipitate
,
that
may
times
they
ouerrule
reason
:
but
so
were
not
our
blessed
Sauiours
.
ex
Mart.
17.
Quest.
Why
holy
men
and
wom●n
vnder
the
olde
Testament
shewed
more
passion
then
now
.
In
the
newe
Testament
also
the
seruants
of
God
did
shew
their
passions
and
affections
,
as
the
woman
that
washed
Christs
feete
with
her
teares
,
and
Peter
wept
bitterly
:
but
these
examples
indeede
are
not
so
many
in
the
new
Testament
,
nor
in
such
manner
:
1.
One
reason
hereof
may
be
the
alteration
of
times
,
that
may
seeme
commendable
in
one
age
,
which
is
not
so
allowed
of
in
an
other
:
then
their
lamentations
were
solemne
and
publike
,
and
with
many
ceremonies
,
and
much
preparation
,
which
vsages
doe
not
beseeme
these
times
.
2.
But
it
may
better
be
answered
:
that
they
did
more
attend
the
terrene
promises
of
the
land
of
Canaan
,
and
the
good
successe
and
encrease
of
their
posteritie
,
though
they
had
also
a
sight
of
the
true
spirituall
rest
,
but
not
so
cleare
as
we
haue
:
therefore
they
sorrowed
more
for
the
losse
of
externall
things
.
But
now
because
wee
by
faith
are
nourished
into
a
more
lively
hope
of
the
things
to
come
,
we
ought
lesse
to
be
mooued
with
temporall
losses
and
crosses
.
Mart.
18.
Quest.
v.
39.
Of
Dauids
desire
to
Absalom
.
1.
Some
read
,
Dauid
ceased
to
goe
forth
after
Absolom
,
Vat.
Lat.
Pellic.
Montan.
as
though
Dauid
had
sought
him
or
pursued
him
by
strong
hand
:
Osiand
.
for
both
Absalom
was
gone
out
of
the
land
,
beeing
fledde
to
Talmai
,
king
of
Geshur
his
wiues
father
:
and
Dauids
affection
was
not
so
bent
against
him
,
who
afterward
when
he
had
rebelled
against
him
,
lamented
for
his
death
.
It
is
therefore
better
read
,
he
desired
to
goe
forth
vnto
him
,
that
is
,
to
see
him
.
Pag.
Iun.
B.
G.
2.
The
reason
is
adioyned
,
he
was
comforted
concerning
Amnon
,
1.
both
for
that
he
was
dead
,
and
could
not
be
restored
to
life
againe
:
Iun.
2.
and
he
considered
that
Amnon
died
iustly
for
his
sinne
:
Borrh.
3.
time
also
had
mitigated
and
allayed
his
griefe
:
Pelli●
.
4.
And
he
therein
considered
Gods
prouidence
,
by
the
which
all
things
are
disposed
,
and
nothing
falleth
out
by
chance
.
Mart.
CHAP.
14.
1.
Quest.
What
mooued
Ioab
to
take
this
course
in
this
chapter
prescribed
to
bring
againe
Absalom
.
1.
IOab
sawe
Dauids
affection
well
enclined
toward
Absalom
:
not
turned
against
Absalom
,
as
Osiand
.
for
the
last
verse
of
the
former
chapter
sheweth
that
Dauid
was
comforted
for
the
death
of
Amnon
,
and
longed
for
his
sonne
Absalom
:
Dauid
was
well
affected
toward
his
sonne
,
yet
would
not
yet
send
for
him
to
returne
,
because
by
the
lawe
of
God
,
he
that
killed
an
other
wifully
was
to
die
:
Ioab
beeing
a
cunning
courtier
,
and
obseruing
Dauids
minde
,
beganne
to
worke
with
him
in
this
cunning
manner
,
in
suborning
a
subtill
woman
to
speake
vnto
the
King
.
Mart.
2.
P.
Martyr
thinketh
that
Ioab
did
this
to
gratifie
Dauid
,
because
he
sawe
that
it
would
please
him
,
to
haue
his
sonne
returne
againe
;
and
his
reason
is
,
because
after
Absalom
was
returned
,
Ioab
came
not
at
him
for
two
yeares
,
neither
would
come
being
sent
for
,
till
Absalom
had
caused
his
field
of
barley
to
be
set
on
fire
.
But
it
is
euident
that
Ioab
did
it
to
pleasure
Absalom
,
as
appeareth
,
ver.
22.
where
Ioab
giueth
great
thankes
vnto
the
King
for
graunting
his
request
.
And
afterward
Ioabs
minde
might
somewhat
change
toward
Absolom
,
as
he
sawe
the
kings
minde
to
alter
;
and
because
the
king
would
not
haue
him
see
his
face
,
neither
would
Ioab
visit
him
:
and
courtiers
beside
are
forgetfull
of
their
friends
,
and
variable
.
At
this
time
it
is
like
Ioab
thinking
Absalom
like
to
succeede
in
the
kingdome
,
would
by
this
meanes
insinuate
himselfe
into
his
fauour
.
2.
Quest.
Why
Ioab
dealeth
couertly
by
parable
with
the
King
,
not
directly
.
Whereas
there
are
two
kind
of
examples
;
some
are
true
,
some
are
fained
:
the
fained
are
of
two
sorts
,
either
parables
or
fables
:
and
parables
sometime
are
vsed
for
illustration
onely
,
sometime
for
proofe
and
demonstration
;
this
parable
is
of
this
latter
sort
:
Borrh.
which
Ioab
here
putteth
into
the
womans
mouth
for
these
causes
.
1.
Parables
doe
mooue
much
,
and
leaue
a
vehement
impression
behind
them
.
2.
They
were
very
vsuall
in
those
dayes
.
3.
But
the
cheifest
reason
of
all
was
,
opus
erat
obliqua
petitione
in
causa
mala
:
in
an
euill
cause
it
was
necessarie
to
vse
an
oblique
and
indirect
petition
:
Osiand
.
for
it
would
haue
seemed
an
harsh
and
vnsauourie
petition
,
at
the
first
to
request
a
parricide
of
his
brother
to
be
restored
.
Antonius
Caracalla
after
he
had
killed
his
brother
Geta
,
would
haue
had
Papinian
the
lawyer
to
defend
the
fact
,
who
made
this
franke
answer
,
paricidia
facilius
committentur
,
quàm
defenduntur
,
that
parricides
are
more
easily
committed
then
defended
:
but
for
this
his
free
speach
hee
was
slaine
.
Mart.
4.
This
diligence
of
Ioab
in
bolstring
out
a
badde
cause
,
should
teach
vs
not
to
be
slacke
in
following
of
a
good
cause
.
Mart.
3.
Q●est
.
Of
the
woman
of
Tekoah
,
whom
Ioab
vsed
.
1.
This
Tekoah
some
thinke
to
haue
beene
a
citie
in
the
tribe
of
Asher
:
Bor.
Mar.
Pellic.
but
it
is
found
to
haue
beene
in
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
2.
Chron.
11.6
.
Iun.
Genev.
2.
The
Rabbines
thinke
that
this
towne
brought
forth
many
wittie
and
eloquent
men
and
women
,
out
of
which
place
came
the
Prophet
Amos
:
and
therefore
Ioab
made
choice
to
take
a
woman
from
this
place
.
3.
Pellican
thinketh
,
that
this
woman
indeed
,
did
truely
put
this
case
of
her
two
sonnes
,
which
killed
one
the
other
:
but
it
is
otherwise
expressed
in
the
text
,
v.
3.
that
Ioab
taught
her
what
she
should
say
.
4.
Ioab
therefore
maketh
choice
of
this
woman
,
whom
he
knew
to
be
of
a
subtile
wit
,
and
readie
speech
,
to
put
forth
this
parable
to
the
King
,
and
to
take
vpon
her
the
person
and
habite
of
a
mourner
:
which
part
was
fittest
to
be
played
by
a
woman
full
of
passion
,
and
so
able
to
mooue
compassion
.
4.
Quest.
Of
the
womans
speach
in
generall
.
1.
The
womans
parabolicall
narration
consisteth
of
two
parts
,
of
the
proposition
of
the
parable
,
to
v.
12.
then
the
reddition
,
and
accomodation
of
it
to
Absalom
,
v.
12.
to
v.
21.
Borrh.
2.
The
reasons
,
which
the
woman
vseth
to
perswade
compassion
,
are
specialy
three
;
taken
,
ab
honesto
,
vtili
,
facili
,
it
was
an
honest
thing
which
she
desired
,
profitable
,
and
easie
to
be
done
:
first
,
it
was
honest
,
both
by
the
lawe
of
nature
,
which
teacheth
a
man
to
defend
himselfe
,
and
to
repell
wrong
by
force
and
might
,
as
this
her
sonne
did
defend
himselfe
from
his
brothers
wrong
:
it
was
honest
by
the
written
lawe
,
which
appointed
cities
of
refuge
,
for
such
inuoluntatie
offenders
.
It
was
also
a
thing
profitable
to
her
house
,
that
her
sonne
should
liue
,
otherwise
her
sparke
should
be
put
out
,
if
both
her
sonnes
should
be
taken
way
.
And
it
was
an
easie
matter
for
the
King
to
determine
,
who
was
as
an
Angel
of
God
,
that
is
,
of
great
dexteritie
in
hearing
good
and
bad
.
3.
The
woman
alleadgeth
many
vnlike
things
in
her
parable
,
which
were
not
true
in
the
case
betweene
Amnon
and
Absalom
.
1.
One
of
these
supposed
sonnes
did
not
intend
an
others
death
,
but
they
fell
out
vpon
the
sudden
;
but
Absalom
had
purposed
Amnons
death
long
before
.
2.
one
of
these
inuaded
an
other
,
but
Amnon
did
not
assault
Absalom
.
3.
there
no
witnesses
were
present
,
here
all
the
Kings
sonnes
were
assembled
together
.
4.
the
cities
of
refuge
were
not
appointed
for
wilfull
murderers
,
such
as
Absalom
was
.
5.
she
pretended
that
if
her
other
sonne
died
,
all
hope
of
posteritie
should
be
cut
off
:
but
though
Absalom
should
neuer
returne
,
the
King
had
more
sonnes
.
Mart.
Thus
she
of
purpose
inserteth
into
this
her
oration
some
vnlike
things
,
least
the
King
should
at
the
first
perceiue
her
purpose
.
Osiand
.
5.
Quest.
v.
9.
What
the
woman
meaneth
,
when
she
saith
,
This
trespasse
be
vpon
me
,
and
my
fathers
house
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
she
cunningly
turneth
the
speach
and
curse
vpon
her selfe
,
which
she
meaneth
toward
the
King
:
that
if
he
did
not
helpe
in
this
case
,
and
deliuer
her
sonne
from
them
that
pursued
him
,
that
God
would
require
it
at
his
hand
:
Borrh.
Mart.
But
it
is
not
like
,
that
she
would
either
apertly
or
couertly
vse
any
such
commination
,
all
her
speach
beeing
petitionarie
.
2.
Therefore
this
rather
is
her
meaning
,
that
if
it
were
so
,
that
the
king
should
offend
in
redeeming
her
sonne
,
that
had
killed
his
brother
,
she
would
before
the
Lord
,
take
all
the
fault
vpon
her selfe
,
and
her
familie
:
the
King
and
his
throne
should
be
innocent
:
Iun.
Osiand
.
6.
Quest.
v.
11.
Why
the
woman
saith
to
the
King
,
Remember
the
Lord
thy
God
.
1.
The
Chalde
paraphrast
seemeth
to
giue
this
sense
,
that
he
would
remember
what
is
written
in
the
law
of
God
concerning
the
pursuit
of
blood
,
that
they
should
not
pursue
deadly
the
innocent
.
2.
Osiander
giueth
this
sense
,
remember
the
Lord
thy
God
,
to
imitaate
him
in
shewing
of
mercie
.
3.
But
it
appeareth
by
Dauids
immediate
answer
which
he
bindeth
with
an
oth
,
that
the
woman
for
her
better
assurance
did
couertly
desire
it
of
the
king
:
Iun.
Vat.
Mar.
4.
And
whereas
the
king
seemed
but
to
speake
of
one
reuenger
of
blood
,
ver.
10.
bring
him
to
me
that
speaketh
against
thee
:
she
desireth
a
more
generall
graunt
of
the
king
,
that
he
would
not
suffer
the
reuengers
of
blood
to
be
multiplied
:
that
not
onely
one
,
but
all
it
might
be
inhibited
by
the
King
.
Pel.
5.
The
King
by
this
oath
was
not
tied
to
graunt
her
request
following
for
Absalom
,
for
his
was
a
diuerse
case
from
this
here
propounded
by
the
woman
,
and
confirmed
by
Dauids
oath
.
6.
Neither
did
the
King
abase
himselfe
in
swearing
to
the
woman
to
confirme
his
promise
,
it
beeing
so
waightie
a
matter
:
seeing
that
God
did
so
much
condi●cend
to
Abraham
,
to
confirme
the
promises
made
vnto
him
,
by
swearing
by
himselfe
.
Mart.
7.
Quest.
v.
13.
Of
the
arguments
whereby
the
woman
seeketh
to
perswade
Dauid
.
1.
She
returneth
the
Kings
words
vpon
himselfe
,
that
seeing
hee
had
giuen
sentence
that
her
sonne
should
be
spared
,
he
should
be
found
faultie
himselfe
,
if
he
shewed
not
the
like
mercie
to
Absalom
.
Iun.
2.
Her
second
reason
is
,
v.
14.
taken
from
our
mortall
state
,
and
the
necessitie
of
death
;
seeing
such
is
our
condition
,
as
that
wee
must
all
needes
die
,
and
there
is
no
turning
againe
in
this
world
;
like
as
water
which
is
spilt
cannot
be
gathered
vp
againe
:
she
hereby
mooueth
compassion
,
that
Dauid
would
not
take
away
Absaloms
life
before
the
time
.
Mart.
3.
An
other
reason
in
the
same
verse
is
taken
from
Gods
prouidence
,
neither
hath
God
taken
away
his
life
,
&c.
that
is
,
God
hath
preserued
Absalom
aliue
,
and
hath
appointed
meanes
,
that
is
,
put
into
the
peoples
head
to
make
request
for
him
,
that
is
banished
:
Iun.
and
here
also
shee
hath
relation
to
the
cities
of
refuge
,
which
God
had
appointed
for
the
rescue
of
involuntarie
man-slayers
;
Mart.
and
secretly
shee
insinuateth
,
how
the
Lord
had
spared
Dauid
,
and
did
not
take
away
his
life
after
he
had
sinned
.
Osiand
.
4.
She
further
vrgeth
the
common
perill
and
danger
of
the
people
;
saying
,
v.
15.
the
people
haue
made
me
afraid
:
their
state
and
condition
is
to
be
feared
,
if
Absalom
the
hope
of
the
kingdome
returne
not
:
Vatablus
thus
interpreteth
,
the
people
terrified
me
,
and
told
me
,
that
if
I
should
directly
make
request
for
thy
sonne
,
thou
wouldest
be
angrie
,
and
this
is
the
cause
of
my
couert
speech
.
P.
Mar.
thus
;
the
people
thought
I
should
make
request
in
vaine
,
yet
I
was
bold
to
speake
.
Osiander
,
the
people
vrged
me
,
after
I
had
entreated
for
mine
owne
sonne
,
to
make
mention
of
Absalom
also
,
and
that
if
I
did
it
not
,
I
should
greatly
offend
.
But
the
first
sense
is
most
fit
,
for
so
the
application
of
the
parable
to
Absalom
shall
be
correspondent
to
that
,
which
shee
alleadged
for
her
sonne
,
that
if
he
died
,
her
sparke
should
bee
put
out
,
and
so
Absalom
was
the
hope
of
the
people
.
5.
Further
,
vers.
16.
shee
sheweth
the
inconuenience
that
would
followe
,
propounding
it
in
her
person
,
and
her
sonnes
:
that
as
they
should
be
cut
off
from
their
inheritance
,
for
her
sonne
beeing
slaine
,
she
should
not
liue
long
after
:
so
Absalom
beeing
in
exile
,
should
be
destroyed
from
the
inheritance
of
God
,
and
so
fall
away
to
idolatrie
:
Mart.
this
argument
Dauid
in
the
same
tearmes
had
vrged
against
Saul
,
1.
Sam.
26.19
.
They
haue
cast
me
out
this
day
from
abiding
in
the
inheritance
of
the
Lord
,
saying
,
goe
serue
others
gods
.
6.
Then
she
propoundeth
the
common
profit
,
the
word
of
my
Lord
the
King
shall
now
be
for
rest
:
that
is
,
ad
publicam
tranquilitatem
,
it
shall
be
for
the
common
tranquilitie
and
peace
.
7.
She
proceedeth
and
inserteth
the
commendation
of
the
King
,
comparing
him
to
an
Angel
,
both
in
vprightnesse
of
iudgement
,
and
in
dexteritie
of
iudging
:
Bor.
not
doubting
,
but
●hat
as
an
Angel
,
so
graciously
without
passion
he
would
heare
her
request
:
Osiand
.
and
be
constant
as
an
Angel
in
keeping
his
princely
promise
:
Pellican
.
and
that
as
he
had
giuen
sentence
on
her
side
in
her
priuate
cause
,
so
that
setting
aside
all
humane
affection
,
he
would
in
simili
causa
idem
iudicium
ferre
,
giue
the
same
iudgment
in
the
like
cause
concerning
his
sonne
Absalom
.
Iun.
8.
She
concludeth
with
the
cheifest
benediction
of
all
,
the
Lord
thy
God
shall
be
with
thee
:
when
thou
hast
performed
my
request
,
the
Lord
shal
prosper
thee
in
thy
gouernment
:
and
thy
kingdome
shall
flourish
,
and
God
shall
be
with
thee
in
all
thy
enterprises
.
Iun.
Mart.
8.
Quest.
v.
19.
Whether
the
woman
be
to
bee
blamed
for
reuealing
Ioabs
counsell
.
1.
Pellican
noteth
hereupon
how
dangerous
a
thing
it
is
to
commit
any
matter
of
secrecie
vnto
women
,
that
cannot
hold
:
because
this
woman
concealed
not
Ioabs
counsell
.
2.
But
the
woman
beeing
asked
and
straightly
charged
by
the
king
,
could
not
doe
otherwise
:
she
knewe
that
the
king
was
wise
,
euen
as
an
Angel
of
God
,
to
finde
it
out
if
shee
had
denied
it
:
and
so
shee
should
haue
beene
to
her
great
shame
found
to
be
a
lyar
.
Vatabl.
3.
And
it
may
seeme
not
improbable
,
that
she
and
Ioab
had
agreed
,
that
shee
should
in
the
ende
discouer
the
matter
:
for
Ioab
was
present
,
as
may
be
gathered
v.
21.
readie
to
second
the
womans
petition
,
as
he
should
see
cause
.
Mart.
4.
And
in
that
shee
maketh
Ioab
the
author
of
this
course
,
that
shee
should
change
her
speech
,
and
speake
parable-wise
,
their
opinion
is
confuted
,
which
thinke
the
woman
spake
as
the
thing
was
concerning
her
two
sonnes
:
for
here
shee
confesseth
,
that
she
was
taught
by
Ioab
to
change
her
forme
of
speach
.
Mart.
9.
Quest.
Whether
Dauid
did
well
in
sparing
Absalom
.
1.
Dauids
conniuence
herein
,
in
not
causing
Absalom
to
be
put
to
death
,
for
killing
his
brother
Amnon
,
neither
is
absolutely
to
be
condemned
,
as
transgressing
the
lawe
,
which
requireth
capitall
punishment
to
bee
laid
vpon
those
which
committed
wilfull
murder
:
to
the
which
opinion
P.
Martyr
enclineth
;
adding
further
,
non
de
suo
sed
de
Dei
iure
largitur
qui
homicidae
parcit
:
he
which
spareth
a
man-slayer
,
doth
not
giue
any
thing
of
his
owne
right
,
but
of
Gods
,
&c.
for
Dauid
did
what
hee
could
,
he
caused
him
to
liue
in
banishment
three
yeares
,
cap.
13.38
.
then
he
was
hardly
entreated
to
giue
him
leaue
to
returne
:
and
at
his
returne
he
would
not
suffer
him
to
see
his
face
for
two
yeares
more
,
v.
28.
Dauid
could
not
put
him
to
death
,
because
he
was
beloued
of
the
people
.
2.
Nor
yet
can
this
fact
of
Dauid
be
iustified
,
that
he
did
well
in
sparing
of
Absalom
,
and
not
punishing
of
him
:
the
example
of
Cain
,
who
killed
his
brother
Abel
,
and
yet
was
spared
by
his
father
Adam
,
is
nothing
like
:
for
God
gaue
speciall
dispensation
at
that
time
to
Caine
to
prolong
his
dayes
,
but
to
his
greater
confusion
:
and
beside
,
Cain
was
preserued
for
the
necessitie
of
procreation
in
those
dayes
:
there
is
not
the
like
reason
,
why
Absalom
should
be
spared
here
.
3.
Therefore
the
meane
way
is
best
,
neither
to
condemne
or
iustifie
this
fact
of
Dauid
,
as
seeming
to
impugne
the
lawe
of
Moses
,
nor
yet
to
justifie
it
:
excused
it
may
be
by
diuerse
circumstances
:
1.
there
were
no
accusers
or
reuengers
,
which
followed
this
crime
against
Absalom
.
2.
he
was
the
kings
sonne
and
desired
of
the
people
.
3.
he
considered
that
it
was
Gods
iustice
vpon
Amnon
.
4.
And
beside
,
here
was
Gods
secret
worke
in
so
disposing
,
that
Absalom
should
bee
reserued
for
a
greater
punishment
.
Borrh.
10.
Quest.
Why
Dauid
would
not
admit
Absalom
to
his
presence
.
1.
Dauid
would
not
at
the
first
suffer
Absalom
to
see
his
face
,
least
he
might
haue
bin
thought
scelus
homicidij
leuiter
aestimare
,
to
make
but
small
account
of
man-slaughter
:
Osiand
.
2.
And
by
seeing
Absalom
,
the
memorie
of
Amnons
death
might
bee
reviued
.
3.
It
is
like
also
that
it
would
haue
beene
an
offence
vnto
Amnons
friends
,
and
they
might
hereby
haue
beene
prouoked
to
seeke
reuenge
:
Mart.
4.
And
Dauid
did
it
to
this
ende
,
vt
melius
filios
in
officio
contineret
,
that
he
might
by
this
example
of
seueritie
the
better
containe
his
children
,
and
bring
them
to
doe
their
dutie
:
Osiand
.
5.
And
Dauid
thought
it
good
not
to
restore
Absalom
all
at
once
,
he
knew
him
to
be
of
an
insolent
nature
:
hee
would
haue
him
therefore
by
little
and
little
to
conceiue
more
hope
of
pardon
.
Pellic.
11.
Quest.
v.
25.
Of
Absaloms
beawtie
.
1.
Mention
is
made
here
of
Absaloms
beautie
to
shewe
his
pride
,
that
grewe
insolent
and
ambitious
in
respect
of
his
beautie
and
fauour
,
that
he
not
long
after
aspired
to
the
crowne
.
2.
Beautie
is
no
vertue
,
and
yet
it
is
in
it selfe
a
commendable
gift
of
nature
,
especially
if
it
be
accompanied
with
these
two
things
,
humanitie
and
chastitie
:
as
Ioseph
beeing
a
beautifull
person
excelled
in
both
these
,
he
was
courteous
toward
his
brethren
,
and
chast
to
his
mistris
:
But
both
of
them
were
wanting
in
Absolom
,
he
was
both
cruell
,
and
of
a
murderous
mind
,
and
verie
vnchast
,
that
hee
did
not
forbeare
his
fathers
concubines
.
3.
Beautie
and
comelinesse
is
not
alwaies
ioyned
with
vertue
:
Saul
was
a
comely
tall
person
,
yet
prooued
a
tyrant
:
Alcibiades
among
the
Athenians
was
a
comely
man
,
but
caused
many
tragedies
:
Isocrates
was
wont
to
say
of
such
,
that
had
beautie
but
no
vertue
:
that
they
had
navim
bonam
,
sed
gubernatorem
malum
,
a
good
ship
,
but
an
euill
gouernour
:
Chrysostome
compareth
them
to
faire
trees
in
the
wood
,
12.
Quest.
Of
Absalom
haire
.
v.
16.
1.
Some
thinke
that
Absalom
was
a
Nazarite
,
and
therefore
polled
not
his
haire
:
but
the
Nazarites
did
not
cut
their
haire
once
euery
yeare
as
Absalom
did
,
but
when
their
vow
was
at
an
end
.
It
is
like
as
D.
Kimhi
thinketh
,
that
he
had
a
pride
in
his
haire
,
and
did
glorie
in
it
.
2.
In
some
countries
the
vse
was
not
to
poll
their
haire
,
as
among
the
Lacedemonians
:
and
they
did
it
for
this
reason
,
if
they
were
comely
the
haire
would
adde
grace
vnto
them
,
if
they
were
deformed
it
would
make
them
terrible
to
their
enemies
.
But
among
the
Romans
they
as
much
abhorred
those
,
which
did
weare
long
haire
.
There
was
a
certaine
tree
,
whereon
the
young
men
and
virgins
did
hang
their
first
haire
,
which
they
consecrated
vnto
the
gods
:
Absalom
in
nourishing
his
haire
followed
therein
no
custome
,
but
did
it
onely
of
pride
.
2.
His
haire
waighed
200.
sicles
,
which
as
Iosephus
counteth
,
was
fiue
pound
:
but
some
Hebrews
better
value
the
pound
at
25.
sacred
sicles
,
that
is
,
so
many
halfe
ownces
:
this
was
esteemed
after
the
kings
,
that
is
,
the
ciuill
and
common
sicle
,
Iunius
.
which
is
held
to
be
but
two
drammes
,
that
is
a
quarter
of
an
ownce
.
Iosephus
is
here
in
an
errour
,
who
thinketh
hee
polled
his
head
,
at
euery
8.
monthes
end
,
whereas
the
text
saith
,
it
was
at
the
end
of
euery
yeare
:
and
it
being
too
heauie
for
him
,
weighing
200.
common
sicles
,
that
is
,
an
100.
halfe
ownces
,
and
50.
whole
ownces
,
which
maketh
about
4
l.
weight
,
counting
12.
ownces
and
an
halfe
to
the
pound
;
he
then
cut
it
off
.
But
if
the
sicle
contained
halfe
an
ownce
,
as
Montanus
thinketh
,
then
the
waight
of
his
haire
was
as
much
more
.
Some
thinke
,
that
it
was
sold
for
200.
sicles
,
not
that
it
waighed
so
much
:
Emm.
Sa.
But
the
valuation
of
it
,
at
such
a
reckoning
would
seeme
more
strange
,
then
the
weight
thereof
at
such
a
summe
.
In
Saul
and
Absalom
two
men
of
goodly
stature
,
but
of
badde
conditions
,
we
haue
the
right
description
of
hypocrites
,
who
beare
a
faire
shew
outwardly
,
but
within
are
corrupt
.
Borrh.
CHAP.
15.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
What
mooued
Abshalom
to
aspire
vnto
the
kingdome
,
and
when
.
1.
IOsephus
thinketh
,
that
he
beganne
to
attempt
this
after
foure
yeares
:
whereof
though
there
be
no
mention
in
the
text
,
yet
it
may
well
be
,
that
after
he
had
bin
kept
from
his
fathers
presence
two
yeares
,
and
had
beene
receiued
into
his
fauour
and
sight
,
and
so
continued
one
yeare
,
then
he
beganne
thus
to
practise
in
the
fourth
.
2.
And
seeing
Amnon
the
Eldest
was
now
slaine
,
and
Chileab
the
second
sonn●
was
dead
,
he
tooke
himselfe
to
be
the
next
heire
,
and
therefore
beginneth
betimes
,
to
preuent
the
conueying
of
the
kingdome
ouer
to
Salomon
,
which
now
might
beginne
to
be
surmised
and
talked
of
.
Mar.
3.
He
might
also
carrie
an
hatefull
mind
toward
his
father
,
and
so
purposed
vngraciously
with
himselfe
to
be
reuenged
of
him
.
His
mother
also
beeing
a
straunger
,
and
his
kindred
were
not
so
much
(
it
may
be
)
respected
,
and
therefore
he
also
sought
their
aduancement
.
4.
And
herein
God
had
a
secret
worke
,
that
Nathans
prophecie
might
take
place
,
that
the
sword
should
neuer
depart
from
Dauids
house
.
Further
,
herein
Dauid
was
a
type
and
figure
of
the
Messiah
,
against
whom
one
of
his
Apostles
lift
vp
his
heele
.
Borrh.
2.
Quest.
Of
Abshaloms
practises
whereby
he
seeketh
to
aspire
to
the
kingdome
.
1.
Hee
taketh
vpon
him
great
state
and
pompe
:
hee
prouideth
him
a
chariot
,
and
horses
,
which
was
a
thing
vnusuall
,
and
50.
men
.
And
by
this
glittering
shew
,
he
beginneth
to
be
aduanced
of
the
people
,
who
are
much
affected
with
nouelties
,
and
vnwonted
vsages
,
Mart.
It
was
maruell
,
that
his
father
perceiued
not
,
to
what
this
tended
,
but
hee
was
blinded
with
fatherly
loue
,
and
affection
toward
him
.
Osiand
.
2.
The
next
thing
whereby
he
insinuateth
himselfe
,
is
his
diligence
and
paines
:
he
would
rise
vp
earely
euery
morning
,
and
goe
and
stand
in
the
gate
:
ambitious
men
will
spare
no
trauaile
or
paines
to
atcheiue
their
purpose
:
which
may
teach
vs
to
be
diligent
in
following
of
good
causes
,
if
the
ambitious
are
so
diligent
and
studious
in
prosecuting
of
euill
.
3.
Then
followeth
his
flatterie
,
he
would
commend
euery
ones
cause
that
it
was
verie
good
:
and
would
giue
them
faire
promises
,
wishing
that
hee
were
set
to
be
a
Iudge
ouer
them
,
he
would
then
minister
iustice
vnto
euery
one
.
4.
He
slaundereth
also
his
Fathers
gouernment
,
and
accuseth
his
officers
of
negligence
and
iniustice
:
as
the
propertie
of
ambitious
men
is
,
to
dispraise
all
but
themselues
.
5.
Vnto
these
insinuations
he
addeth
a
fawning
kind
of
humanitie
and
courtesie
,
abasing
himselfe
to
kisse
euery
one
that
came
by
.
6.
And
by
these
meanes
,
it
is
said
he
stole
away
the
hearts
of
the
people
,
both
in
respect
of
Dauid
,
to
whom
they
were
bound
by
couenant
;
from
him
hee
stealeth
their
hearts
:
Mart.
and
in
respect
of
the
people
also
,
who
knew
not
Absaloms
purpose
herein
;
it
was
also
secret
,
and
as
theft
vnto
them
.
3.
Quest.
v.
7.
After
fourtie
yeares
:
from
what
time
these
yeares
must
be
counted
.
1.
Osiander
thinketh
,
those
yeares
to
take
beginning
from
Dauids
first
annoynting
by
Samuel
:
but
that
beeing
done
priuately
,
could
not
well
be
a
rule
of
the
publike
account
.
2.
Vatablus
(
so
also
Genevens
.
)
reckoneth
those
yeares
from
the
time
,
when
the
Israelites
asked
a
King
,
which
was
three
yeares
,
as
he
thinketh
,
before
Dauid
beganne
his
raigne
;
and
he
taketh
this
to
be
the
37.
yeare
of
Dauids
raigne
.
But
it
was
more
then
40.
yeares
from
thence
,
for
Samuel
and
Saul
gouerned
Israel
40.
yeeres
,
Act.
13.21
.
Neither
was
there
any
cause
why
the
yeares
of
Dauids
raigne
should
be
counted
from
thence
,
seeing
hee
was
no
way
accessarie
to
the
sinne
of
the
people
in
that
petition
.
3.
An
other
account
is
to
beginne
these
yeares
from
the
slaughter
of
the
preists
by
Saul
in
Nob
:
but
the
Scripture
vseth
not
to
put
the
yeares
of
two
kings
raignes
together
.
4.
Iosephus
for
fourtie
yeares
readeth
fowre
,
but
that
is
contrarie
to
the
text
.
5.
And
to
count
these
48.
yeares
as
runne
of
the
Iubile
,
is
without
ground
,
because
we
find
not
that
account
to
be
vsed
in
Scripture
.
6.
The
best
reckoning
then
of
these
yeares
,
is
to
count
them
from
the
beginning
of
Dauids
raigne
:
But
not
as
Pellican
thinketh
,
that
this
might
be
done
two
or
three
yeares
before
the
end
of
Dauids
raigne
,
for
so
few
yeares
(
he
thinkeeth
)
breake
no
great
square
in
such
a
summe
:
this
account
is
better
taken
precisely
and
exactly
,
that
this
fell
out
in
the
last
yeare
of
Dauids
raigne
:
for
all
the
rest
of
the
storie
which
followeth
to
chap.
21.
seemeth
to
haue
beene
done
in
a
veire
short
time
:
thus
therefore
the
yeares
may
be
diuided
;
two
yeares
Absalom
was
at
Ierusalem
before
he
sawe
his
fathers
face
,
and
three
yeares
before
that
in
exile
:
two
yeares
(
before
that
)
were
past
from
the
deflouring
of
Thamar
to
the
slaughter
of
Amnon
:
these
make
7.
in
all
,
and
it
is
thought
that
3.
or
4.
yeares
before
,
that
Dauid
committed
the
sinne
with
Bathsheba
in
the
59.
yeare
of
his
age
,
and
about
the
29.
yeare
of
Dauids
raigne
:
for
Dauid
raigned
40.
yeares
,
and
was
70.
yeares
old
when
he
died
:
so
that
the
59.
yeare
of
his
age
will
concurre
with
the
29.
yeare
of
his
raigne
.
And
it
is
held
of
the
Hebrewes
,
that
Salomon
was
but
a
11.
yeares
of
age
,
when
hee
beganne
his
raigne
.
Mart.
4.
Quest.
Why
Abshalom
maketh
choice
of
Hebr●n
to
beginne
his
conspiracie
in
.
1.
Iunius
thinketh
that
Abshalom
did
not
sacrifice
at
Hebron
,
but
onely
made
a
vow
solemnely
among
his
kinred
there
,
to
testifie
his
thankefulnesse
vnto
God
,
for
restoring
him
to
his
countrie
,
and
his
fathers
fauour
:
but
it
is
euident
in
that
he
saith
,
I
will
serue
the
Lord
,
v.
8.
that
it
was
a
religious
act
,
beside
a
solemne
feast
:
for
before
the
Temple
was
built
,
they
sacrificed
in
other
places
,
then
where
the
Tabernacle
was
:
Mart.
Osiand
.
especially
their
peace-offerings
:
Genevens
.
See
more
hereof
before
.
2.
Hee
maketh
choice
of
Hebron
beeing
a
famous
place
,
because
of
the
sepulchre
of
the
Patriarkes
there
,
and
there
Dauid
beganne
his
raigne
,
and
Absaloms
kinred
there
dwelt
of
the
tribe
of
Iudah
.
Mart.
3.
Thus
Abshalom
maketh
religion
a
clooke
of
his
rebellion
:
as
the
Pope
and
popelings
,
in
their
treacherous
plottes
pretend
religion
and
conscience
.
Borrh.
5.
Quest.
v.
10.
Of
Abshaloms
conspiracie
,
and
the
manner
thereof
.
1.
First
,
there
went
with
Abshalom
200.
men
:
these
were
inuited
to
Abshaloms
feast
,
but
knew
nothing
of
his
conspiracie
:
the
text
saith
,
they
went
in
their
simplicitie
.
These
were
in
no
fault
to
goe
with
Absalom
,
for
his
father
had
giuen
him
leaue
:
and
after
they
saw
,
what
Abshalom
intended
,
then
they
could
not
withdraw
themselues
,
sine
praesentissimo
vitae
periculo
,
without
most
present
daunger
of
their
life
.
Osiander
.
2.
But
before
this
Abshalom
had
sent
messengers
secretly
into
all
the
Tribes
,
to
feele
and
solicite
the
mindes
of
the
chiefest
men
,
and
to
appoint
to
meete
at
Hebron
.
3.
Then
he
sendeth
for
Achitophel
,
who
it
should
seeme
was
of
counsell
with
him
in
this
action
,
but
had
withdrawen
himselfe
into
his
owne
countrie
,
that
there
might
be
no
suspition
,
and
from
thence
came
to
Hebron
,
beeing
acquainted
with
the
whole
proiect
of
the
businesse
before
.
4.
But
it
is
most
to
bee
wondred
at
,
that
the
people
did
flocke
so
fast
to
Absalom
:
it
is
like
that
Achitophel
or
some
other
vsed
some
perswasion
to
the
people
,
shewing
the
imperfections
of
Dauids
life
,
and
gouernment
,
and
how
beside
the
adulterie
of
Bathsheba
,
and
murther
of
Vriah
,
he
had
suffered
Amnon
to
goe
vnpunished
for
his
incest
:
and
had
dealt
hardly
with
Abshalom
for
reuenging
his
sisters
wrong
.
By
such
perswasions
the
people
might
be
caried
,
being
of
themselues
desirous
of
noueltie
,
and
longing
to
see
a
change
.
Mart.
6.
Quest.
v.
17.
Why
the
King
fledde
from
Ierushalem
.
Dauid
hauing
armed
men
with
him
,
and
beeing
in
a
strong
citie
,
might
haue
remained
there
still
more
safely
,
yet
he
did
chuse
rather
to
flie
,
for
these
reasons
.
1.
He
would
spare
the
effusion
of
blood
;
for
he
said
,
least
hee
smite
the
citie
with
the
edge
of
the
sword
:
he
had
rather
hazard
his
owne
person
,
then
that
many
should
be
brought
into
danger
:
hee
knew
how
cruelly
ambitious
men
were
set
,
that
they
would
not
spare
,
nor
haue
any
compassion
,
till
they
had
accomplished
their
desire
.
Hereof
the
Ciuill
warres
of
Scilla
and
Marius
,
and
betweene
Augustus
,
Antonie
,
and
Lepidus
in
the
Romane
state
may
make
demonstration
:
Mart.
Antisthenes
was
wont
to
preferre
hangmen
and
executioners
before
Tyrants
,
for
they
did
but
put
malefactors
to
death
,
the
other
did
not
spare
the
innocent
.
2.
An
other
reason
of
his
departure
was
;
hee
beganne
to
consider
that
this
was
the
hand
of
God
vpon
him
,
according
as
Nathan
had
foretold
him
,
that
the
sword
should
not
depart
from
his
house
,
and
therefore
he
submitteth
himselfe
meekly
to
the
Lords
mercie
.
3.
And
by
his
departure
,
an
other
prediction
of
Nathan
tooke
effect
;
hee
left
his
concubines
behind
,
whom
Abshalom
defiled
.
4.
Dauid
with
all
his
people
went
on
foote
,
as
is
gathered
v.
17.
R.
Leviben
Gerson
thinketh
the
reason
thereof
was
,
that
he
might
not
be
discerned
,
going
as
a
common
souldier
:
but
rather
Dauid
did
it
to
shew
his
afflicted
estate
:
Mart.
And
Dauid
carying
himselfe
thus
humblie
in
this
calamitie
,
continued
not
long
therein
,
but
was
soone
restored
to
his
former
estate
.
Pellican
.
7.
Quest.
v.
19.
Who
Itthai
the
Gittite
was
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
this
Itthai
was
the
sonne
of
Achish
king
of
Gath
,
who
fauoured
Dauid
:
and
that
these
were
of
the
citie
Gath
of
the
Philistims
,
who
notwithstanding
were
faithfull
toward
Dauid
:
Osiand
.
But
it
is
not
like
,
that
Dauid
would
vse
the
helpe
of
the
vncircumcised
Philistims
.
2.
Vatablus
taketh
them
for
Philistims
conuerted
to
the
faith
of
Israel
:
and
that
Ittai
was
a
Proselyte
also
of
that
countrie
,
Pellic.
but
it
seemeth
by
their
late
comming
,
as
Dauid
saith
v.
20.
Thou
cammest
but
yesterday
,
that
they
were
no
Proselytes
,
they
had
not
beene
so
long
there
to
be
conuerted
.
3.
Iosephus
taketh
these
600.
that
came
with
Itthai
,
to
be
those
which
fled
from
Saul
to
Dauid
when
he
was
in
Ziglag
:
but
it
is
not
like
,
that
they
were
now
aliue
:
it
was
40.
yeares
before
this
time
.
4.
Wherefore
I
thinke
rather
with
Iunius
,
that
these
were
no
other
then
the
garison
souldiers
,
which
kept
Gath
,
which
Dauid
had
taken
not
long
before
from
the
Philistims
,
c.
8.1
.
and
Ittai
was
their
captaine
:
who
is
called
a
stranger
,
because
he
was
so
in
respect
of
his
habitation
:
Hee
was
one
of
Dauids
principall
captaines
to
whom
he
committed
the
third
part
of
his
armie
,
c.
18.2
.
5.
Now
Dauid
would
not
haue
Itthai
goe
with
him
,
because
he
was
lately
come
,
and
his
men
wearie
:
and
though
such
helpe
had
beene
necessarie
for
Dauid
,
yet
he
was
not
a
man
that
altogether
respected
his
owne
commoditie
:
and
he
trusted
in
Gods
defense
,
that
he
would
deliuer
him
.
Mart.
8.
Quest.
v.
25.
Why
Dauid
would
haue
the
Arke
carried
againe
into
the
citie
.
1.
Some
thinke
Dauid
sent
backe
the
Arke
,
because
the
peculiar
place
appointed
for
it
,
was
at
Ierusalem
from
whence
it
should
be
no
more
remooued
.
Borrh.
But
that
is
not
so
:
the
peculiar
place
for
the
Arke
was
not
yet
assigned
,
but
afterward
in
the
threshing
floore
of
Araunah
where
the
Angel
appeared
to
Dauid
.
And
before
this
in
Dauids
time
,
the
Arke
was
carried
to
battell
against
the
Ammonites
,
and
therefore
Vriah
said
to
Dauid
,
that
the
Arke
remained
in
the
field
,
because
it
was
in
the
campe
.
c.
11.11
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
Dauid
was
afraid
to
carrie
the
Arke
with
him
,
least
some
such
casualtie
might
befall
them
,
as
before
,
when
Vzzah
was
smitten
.
3.
Some
are
of
opinion
that
the
Preists
consulted
with
God
,
and
receiued
no
answer
,
and
therefore
Dauid
sendeth
backe
the
Arke
as
vnprofitable
:
but
that
is
not
like
.
4.
Others
iudge
this
to
be
the
reason
:
the
Preists
went
with
the
Arke
,
and
Dauid
remembring
what
the
preists
had
suffered
for
his
cause
before
at
Nob
,
would
not
haue
them
brought
into
the
like
daunger
now
,
and
therefore
sendeth
them
backe
with
the
Arke
.
5.
But
the
reason
is
set
downe
in
the
text
,
why
the
Arke
was
returned
to
Ierushalem
,
because
Dauid
thought
good
to
send
backe
the
Preists
,
who
attended
vpon
it
:
that
they
might
out
of
the
citie
giue
Dauid
intelligence
,
as
occasion
serued
.
v.
27.
6.
Thus
Dauid
,
though
he
knew
that
the
Arke
was
a
worthie
Sacrament
,
and
a
visible
testimonie
of
Gods
presence
,
and
well
remembred
,
what
great
things
the
Lord
had
wrought
by
the
Arke
:
how
the
waters
of
Iordan
were
diuided
before
it
,
the
walls
of
Iericho
fell
downe
:
yet
Dauid
was
contented
at
this
time
to
forbeare
the
presence
of
the
Arke
:
hauing
his
confidence
in
God
,
and
not
relying
altogether
vpon
the
externall
Sacrament
.
Contrarie
is
the
superstitious
practise
of
the
Pope
,
who
when
he
iourneieth
must
haue
the
consecrated
hoast
carried
vpon
a
white
palfrey
before
him
,
9.
Quest.
v.
27.
Why
Dauid
calleth
Zadock
rather
a
Seer
,
then
Abiathar
.
1.
The
Iewes
thinke
that
Zadock
was
here
appointed
in
Abiathars
place
,
and
therfore
to
him
onely
Dauid
giueth
the
name
of
a
Seer
:
and
further
,
here
they
haue
this
fable
,
that
Abiathar
consulted
with
God
first
,
because
he
was
the
chiefer
in
place
,
but
the
Lord
answered
him
not
:
and
that
then
Zadock
enquired
of
God
,
and
receiued
answer
,
and
vpon
this
occasion
Zadock
was
preferred
:
but
it
is
euident
that
Abiathar
was
not
remooued
from
the
Priesthood
vntill
Salomons
raigne
,
neither
was
it
now
a
time
for
Dauid
to
bestow
offices
.
2.
Pet.
Martyr
saith
,
videntem
vocat
,
quia
prior
aderat
,
he
calleth
him
a
Seer
,
because
he
was
there
first
:
but
the
name
Seer
is
taken
for
a
Prophet
:
as
Samuel
was
so
called
,
1.
Sam.
9.9
.
3.
The
reason
hereof
was
this
:
Abiathar
and
Zadock
had
their
times
to
serue
in
course
,
as
was
appointed
by
Samuel
and
Dauid
,
1.
Chron.
9.22
.
and
this
weeke
Zadock
serued
,
and
therefore
Dauid
calleth
him
Seer
.
And
thus
much
in
effect
he
saith
vnto
him
,
that
he
was
the
publike
Minister
to
giue
attendance
vpon
the
Arke
for
the
seruice
of
the
whole
Church
,
and
therefore
it
was
not
fit
,
that
he
should
onely
follow
the
King
,
priuata
conditione
fugientem
,
now
flying
away
,
as
in
a
priuate
state
and
condition
.
Iun.
And
further
,
Dauid
in
effect
saith
thus
much
vnto
him
:
Art
not
thou
a
Seer
which
doest
vse
to
aske
counsell
of
God
by
Vrim
and
Thummim
?
thou
maiest
stand
me
in
more
stead
in
returning
,
and
abiding
with
the
Arke
to
consult
with
God
for
me
,
then
to
be
with
me
still
here
.
Borrh.
10.
Quest.
v.
30.
Of
Dauids
going
barefoote
,
and
his
head
couered
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
Dauids
couering
his
head
,
was
a
signe
here
of
subiection
,
and
the
putting
off
his
shooes
of
resigning
the
kingdome
,
which
was
a
ceremonie
vsed
in
Israel
to
signifie
the
deliuering
ouer
of
the
possession
of
a
thing
.
Borrh.
But
Dauid
knewe
it
was
not
Gods
will
,
that
he
should
surrender
the
kingdome
to
Abshalom
,
it
was
apppointed
to
Salomon
.
2.
Therefore
these
were
onely
signes
of
Dauids
mourning
;
for
so
they
which
mourned
vsed
to
couer
their
heads
,
that
their
teares
should
not
be
seene
of
men
,
which
were
knowen
vnto
God
.
Mart.
3.
And
Dauid
is
here
a
liuely
type
of
our
Blessed
Sauiour
,
who
went
vp
the
mount
of
Oliues
heauie
vnto
death
,
as
Dauid
goeth
vp
weeping
here
.
Osiander
.
11.
Quest.
v.
34.
Of
Dauids
counsell
to
Chusai
,
say
vnto
Abshalom
,
I
will
be
thy
seruant
:
whether
Dauid
did
well
in
teaching
him
to
dissemble
.
1.
Some
are
of
opinion
,
that
whereas
there
are
three
kind
of
lyes
,
iocosum
,
officiosum
,
perniciosum
,
a
lie
in
iest
,
an
officious
,
and
a
pernicious
lie
:
the
two
first
they
hold
to
be
lawfull
:
and
that
to
make
a
charitable
lie
to
doe
good
to
some
,
and
not
to
hurt
others
,
is
not
vnlawfull
.
But
this
is
no
sound
opinion
:
for
euery
lie
with
what
pretense
so
euer
it
is
made
,
is
an
offence
:
because
we
doe
not
speake
the
truth
from
the
heart
:
and
S.
Pauls
rule
must
be
obserued
,
we
must
not
doe
euill
,
that
good
may
come
of
it
.
See
more
hereof
,
1.
Sam.
c.
21.
qu.
13.
qu.
14.
2.
Osiander
thinketh
that
this
dissembling
of
Chushai
was
an
officious
kind
of
lie
,
which
was
not
against
charitie
,
but
it
tended
to
preserue
the
life
of
the
King
,
and
the
state
,
and
therefore
neither
Dauid
therein
sinned
in
giuing
this
aduise
,
nor
Chushai
in
following
it
.
But
if
it
be
graunted
that
Chushai
here
made
a
lie
,
it
must
needes
follow
,
that
it
was
not
without
offence
.
3.
Pellican
resolueth
thus
,
that
Chushai
did
here
tell
no
lie
:
for
hee
had
done
indeed
faithfull
seruice
to
Abshalom
,
if
he
would
haue
beene
ruled
by
him
,
and
surceased
to
pursue
his
father
:
and
his
counsell
was
also
in
effect
profitable
to
him
:
for
it
was
better
that
Abshalom
was
slaine
,
then
he
should
haue
killed
his
father
.
But
it
is
euident
,
that
Chushai
had
no
such
intendment
to
profite
Absalom
by
his
counsell
,
but
to
ouerthrow
all
his
deuises
.
4.
Wherefore
either
with
Iunius
it
may
be
answered
,
that
Chushai
ambiguo
sermone
ludificatur
,
doth
with
ambiguous
speach
dally
with
Absalom
,
and
so
telleth
not
a
lie
:
See
c.
17.16.18
.
5.
Or
else
,
as
Pet.
Martyr
concludeth
,
Dauid
might
herein
haue
Gods
direction
,
and
then
hee
sinned
not
;
for
God
is
aboue
his
owne
law
:
as
Abraham
in
attempting
to
sacrifice
his
sonne
,
the
Israelites
in
taking
f●om
the
Egyptians
,
sinned
not
,
because
they
did
it
by
Gods
direction
.
So
if
it
be
graunted
,
that
Chushai
here
lied
and
dissembled
,
if
he
did
it
humano
impulsu
,
by
a
mans
meere
deuise
,
he
cannot
altogether
be
excused
.
But
if
it
were
by
Gods
direction
,
they
offended
not
:
as
it
may
be
gathered
by
this
,
both
because
presently
after
Dauids
prayer
,
that
God
would
turne
Achitophels
counsell
into
foolishnesse
,
Chushai
is
offred
vnto
him
,
as
the
man
,
by
whom
his
praier
should
be
effected
:
and
Dauid
speaketh
as
a
Prophet
confidently
,
that
by
this
means
Achitophels
counsell
should
be
brought
to
nought
.
It
seemeth
then
that
Dauid
herein
was
not
without
some
diuine
instinct
.
But
we
need
not
run
here
to
such
extraordinarie
instinct
to
seeke
defense
or
excuse
of
this
fact
:
the
former
solution
may
be
maintained
,
that
Chushai
did
not
tell
a
lie
;
nor
is
guiltie
of
vntruth
in
his
speach
,
but
onely
vsed
a
doubtfull
and
ambiguous
kind
of
speach
:
first
hee
saluted
Absalom
,
saying
,
God
saue
the
King
,
which
he
might
as
well
vnderstand
of
Dauid
,
as
of
Absalom
.
c.
16.
v.
16.
Againe
he
saith
,
whom
the
Lord
and
all
Israel
,
and
all
this
people
shall
choose
,
his
will
I
be
:
who
else
was
that
,
but
Dauid
?
And
further
he
addeth
,
as
I
serued
before
thy
father
,
so
will
I
be
before
thee
:
hee
professeth
in
effect
himselfe
still
Dauids
seruant
.
His
whole
course
of
speach
is
ambiguous
:
he
may
be
thought
somewhat
to
dissemble
,
which
in
it selfe
simply
is
not
vnlawfull
;
but
hee
is
not
conuinced
of
any
vntruth
.
CHAP.
16.
1.
Quest.
v.
3.
Of
Ziba
his
vnfaithfulnesse
to
his
master
Miphibosheth
.
1.
SAint
Paul
giueth
a
rule
vnto
seruants
,
not
to
serue
their
masters
with
eye-seruice
:
but
Ziba
herein
first
sheweth
his
vnfaithfull
seruice
:
for
in
his
masters
absence
he
accuseth
him
,
howsoeuer
beeing
present
,
he
might
seeme
to
please
his
masters
eye
.
2.
His
disobedience
also
appeared
,
that
beeing
bidden
to
saddle
his
masters
asse
to
meete
the
king
,
c.
19.26
.
hee
went
and
made
him
readie
for
himselfe
.
3.
Hee
goeth
about
to
robbe
his
master
,
and
seeketh
to
spoile
him
of
all
hee
had
.
4.
Hee
is
discontented
with
his
estate
,
lift
vp
in
pride
,
and
thinketh
scorne
any
longer
to
serue
Miphibosheth
,
thinking
this
a
fit
time
to
get
his
libertie
:
Mar.
5.
And
to
bring
this
about
he
plaieth
the
flatterer
,
both
presenting
the
King
with
gifts
,
and
seemeth
in
words
to
extenuate
his
gifts
,
as
not
worthie
to
be
offered
to
the
King
.
Osiand
.
7.
And
,
which
made
vp
the
full
measure
of
his
treacherie
;
whereas
a
good
seruant
should
haue
spoken
in
defence
of
his
master
,
he
most
vnfaithfully
,
and
treacherously
accuseth
him
vnto
Dauid
,
and
would
in
all
likelihood
,
haue
beene
contented
to
be
his
butcher
,
if
so
the
King
had
pleased
he
should
be
slaine
.
Mart.
2.
Quest.
Of
Dauids
rashnesse
in
giuing
vnto
Ziba
Miphibosheths
goods
and
lands
.
1.
Dauid
is
assaulted
in
this
Chapter
with
two
contrarie
temptations
,
of
flatterie
by
Ziba
,
of
rayling
by
Shemei
:
hee
ouercame
the
greater
,
and
was
ouercome
of
the
lesse
.
So
many
times
Gods
children
stand
out
in
great
temptations
,
and
giue
out
in
lesse
;
which
sheweth
their
humane
infirmitie
,
and
what
they
are
,
being
left
vnto
themselues
.
2.
But
there
is
great
difference
betweene
the
slippes
of
the
righteous
,
and
the
fall
of
the
wicked
:
for
these
are
caught
in
the
snare
of
temptation
,
and
cannot
wind
themselues
out
,
but
though
the
righteous
stumbleth
,
yet
hee
recouereth
himselfe
agine
;
as
Dauid
afterward
made
restitution
vnto
Miphibosheth
of
that
,
which
he
had
hastely
taken
from
him
.
2.
Dauid
sheweth
himselfe
verie
rash
in
precipitating
his
sentence
against
Miphibosheth
,
his
cause
beeing
vnheard
.
It
was
a
likely
tale
,
that
hee
told
of
Miphibosheth
,
who
was
the
onely
heire
left
of
Sauls
house
:
but
all
things
that
are
likely
,
are
not
true
.
3.
Beside
Dauid
here
sheweth
his
vnmindfulnesse
of
Ionathans
kindnesse
in
time
past
,
and
forgetteth
the
couenant
which
was
made
betweene
them
.
4.
By
this
we
see
,
how
daungerous
a
thing
it
is
for
a
Magistrate
to
receiue
gifts
,
which
blind
euen
the
eyes
of
the
wise
.
Osiand
.
5.
And
this
mutabilitie
in
Dauid
,
sheweth
how
vaine
and
vncertaine
a
thing
it
is
,
to
put
any
confidence
in
Princes
.
Mart.
3.
Quest.
v.
7.
Of
Sheme●
his
cursing
.
Hee
vttereth
many
vile
slanders
against
Dauid
:
1.
He
most
falsly
chargeth
him
with
the
blood
of
Sauls
house
,
whereas
Dauid
was
therein
most
innocent
:
for
Abner
and
Ishbosheth
were
slaine
against
his
will
;
and
the
warres
that
were
betweene
the
house
of
Dauid
,
and
the
house
of
Saul
,
were
procured
by
Abner
,
who
prouoked
Ioab
to
fight
,
2.
Sam.
2.
2.
He
maketh
Dauid
an
vsurper
,
as
though
he
had
inuaded
and
thrust
himselfe
to
raigne
in
Sauls
stead
;
whereas
Dauid
not
once
dreaming
of
a
kingdome
,
was
thereunto
called
by
the
Lord
,
and
anointed
by
Samuel
.
3.
He
iustifieth
wicked
Abshalom
,
saying
,
that
God
had
deliuered
Dauids
kingdome
into
his
hands
,
which
was
most
vntrue
;
Absalom
was
a
most
vniust
and
ambitious
man
,
and
thought
to
depriue
his
father
of
his
kingdome
.
4.
He
saith
that
Dauid
was
punished
for
his
wickednesse
,
which
was
true
,
but
not
for
those
things
whereof
Shemei
before
challenged
Dauid
.
4.
Quest.
v.
9.
Of
Abishai
his
inconsiderate
zeale
in
Dauids
cause
.
1.
Here
we
haue
two
men
,
one
speaketh
against
Dauid
,
the
other
defendeth
Dauid
:
both
speake
in
the
behalfe
of
their
kinsmen
:
the
one
hath
a
bad
cause
,
and
yet
handleth
it
cunningly
,
as
Shemei
:
the
other
had
a
good
cause
,
the
defence
of
the
king
,
but
he
handleth
it
not
well
:
both
of
them
are
lead
with
a
carnall
minde
to
seek
reuenge
.
2.
Abishai
is
here
carried
away
with
a
preposterous
zeale
,
as
often
the
children
of
God
are
:
So
Ionas
waighted
still
to
see
the
destruction
of
Niniueh
:
Iames
and
Iohn
,
Luk.
9.
would
haue
had
fire
come
downe
vpon
the
Samaritans
:
This
then
proceeded
not
from
any
diuine
or
religious
charitie
,
but
from
an
humane
affection
.
3.
He
calleth
Shemei
dogge
,
in
contempt
:
beeing
compared
with
the
king
,
he
was
no
better
then
a
dogges
head
,
that
is
,
a
vile
person
:
as
1.
Sam.
24.15
.
5.
Quest.
v.
11.
Why
Dauid
chargeth
his
seruants
not
to
meddle
with
Shemei
.
1.
Dauid
looketh
vnto
Gods
prouidence
,
who
had
so
disposed
to
trie
Dauids
patience
by
Shemei
his
rayling
tongue
.
2.
He
thus
reasoneth
by
way
of
comparison
:
he
had
endured
the
troubles
and
trialls
procured
by
his
son
,
who
sought
his
life
:
whereas
Shemei
was
a
stranger
vnto
him
,
and
did
but
raile
vpon
him
in
words
:
much
more
was
it
fit
he
should
beare
this
reproach
.
3.
He
sheweth
the
fruit
that
might
come
of
it
,
it
may
be
that
God
would
do
him
good
for
his
cursing
:
not
that
this
affliction
was
the
cause
of
his
reward
:
but
it
is
an
order
and
course
,
which
the
Lord
obserueth
to
raise
them
vp
,
whom
he
had
humbled
;
so
he
dealt
with
Ioseph
and
Iob.
4.
And
hee
speaketh
doubtfully
,
because
we
haue
no
certaintie
of
these
temporall
things
:
but
of
his
spirituall
state
,
his
euerlasting
saluation
Dauid
made
no
doubt
at
all
.
6.
Quest.
v.
10.
Whether
Dauid
did
well
in
bearing
Shemei
his
reproachfull
words
:
and
what
a
reproach
is
,
and
how
to
bee
borne
.
1.
A
reproach
is
offered
either
in
word
,
as
Shemei
reuiled
Dauid
,
or
in
deede
,
as
Abshalom
defiled
his
fathers
concubines
,
not
so
much
of
lust
,
as
to
disgrace
his
father
.
2.
Reproaches
,
some
are
meere
slaunders
,
as
those
were
,
which
Shemei
obiected
to
Dauid
:
some
are
true
,
as
when
one
obiecteth
such
crimes
as
are
true
,
but
after
a
reproachfull
manner
.
3.
Some
reproachfull
words
are
vttered
by
way
of
disgrace
,
and
they
are
sinne
:
some
onely
are
by
way
of
discipline
to
amend
and
correct
,
and
make
one
ashamed
of
his
sinne
:
as
when
Magistrates
rebuke
offenders
,
and
ministers
in
their
sermons
sharpely
reprooue
sinne
:
as
the
Prophet
Isay
called
the
cheife
of
Israel
,
Princes
of
Sodome
,
c.
1.10
.
and
S.
Paul
saith
,
O
yee
foolish
Galatians
:
and
such
kind
of
reproaches
are
not
sinne
.
2.
Reproachfull
and
reuiling
words
proceede
either
from
anger
and
desire
of
reuenge
,
as
here
in
Shemei
;
or
from
pride
,
as
in
Rabsake
against
Hezekiah
;
or
from
foolishnesse
,
as
Nabal
reuiled
Dauid
.
3.
How
we
are
to
behaue
our selues
in
bearing
of
reproaches
,
these
considerations
are
necessarie
:
1.
that
generally
we
must
followe
that
rule
of
Christ
;
if
one
smite
vs
on
the
one
cheeke
,
wee
should
turne
to
him
the
other
also
,
that
is
not
alwayes
to
doe
so
in
fact
,
for
Christ
beeing
smitten
vpon
one
cheeke
did
not
turne
the
other
:
but
our
heart
must
alwaies
be
prepared
for
Christs
sake
to
suffer
all
wrongs
in
word
,
and
in
deed
.
2.
Yet
there
is
a
time
when
a
foole
must
be
answered
in
his
foolishnesse
,
and
a
reuiler
must
not
bee
suffered
to
goe
away
without
a
rebuke
;
as
if
either
his
reproach
tend
to
the
hinderance
of
our
good
name
or
our
brothers
,
and
they
which
heare
it
,
are
by
our
silence
apt
to
beleeue
the
slander
;
and
if
a
discreet
reproofe
may
be
a
means
to
make
him
see
his
sinne
.
3.
And
there
is
a
time
,
when
a
foole
is
not
to
be
answeared
in
his
foolishnesse
,
least
we
be
like
him
;
4.
And
where
defence
is
needefull
,
it
is
not
onely
lawful
for
vs
priuately
to
rebuke
the
slaunderer
,
but
to
make
complaint
vnto
the
Magistrate
,
to
preserue
our
good
name
;
as
a
theife
of
our
goods
may
be
brought
before
the
Magistrate
,
so
much
more
he
that
stealeth
away
our
good
name
.
5.
And
as
concerning
Dauid
,
it
was
a
worthie
and
commendable
part
in
him
to
beare
Shemeis
slaunderous
speach
:
for
hee
was
innocent
,
he
therein
considered
the
Lords
purpose
to
trie
him
;
it
was
then
no
time
for
him
to
seeke
reuenge
:
he
had
opportunitie
offred
afterward
to
meete
with
this
reuiler
.
Mart.
7.
Quest.
v.
10.
How
the
Lord
is
said
to
haue
bidde
Shemei
curse
Dauid
,
and
how
sinne
standeth
with
the
will
of
God
,
and
whether
he
is
any
way
the
author
thereof
.
1.
First
,
that
God
is
no
way
the
author
of
sinne
,
by
these
and
such
like
reasons
it
is
made
plaine
.
1.
God
is
not
the
author
of
any
thing
,
whereby
a
man
is
made
worse
:
for
if
an
artificer
will
not
marre
his
owne
worke
,
much
lesse
God
;
but
by
sinne
man
becommeth
much
worse
.
2.
God
is
the
reuenger
of
sinne
,
therefore
not
the
author
.
3.
God
hateth
nothing
which
he
hath
made
,
but
he
hateth
sinne
.
4.
He
that
doth
or
procureth
sinne
is
a
sinner
:
but
God
cannot
without
horrible
blasphemie
be
said
to
be
a
sinner
.
5.
If
God
should
prouoke
vnto
sinne
,
we
should
make
him
a
dissembler
&
an
hypocrite
,
who
forbiddeth
one
thing
,
and
yet
doth
an
other
.
6.
The
Lord
saith
by
his
Prophet
Hosea
,
thy
destruction
is
of
thy selfe
,
then
sinne
also
the
cause
of
destruction
is
of
our selues
.
7.
Our
Sauiour
saith
,
that
when
the
deuill
speaketh
a
lie
,
he
speaketh
of
his
owne
,
sinne
then
is
peculiar
vnto
the
deuill
,
therefore
nor
to
God
.
8.
Christ
wept
ouer
Ierusalem
,
beeing
grieued
for
the
calamitie
that
should
befall
it
:
much
more
was
he
grieued
for
sinne
,
which
was
the
cause
thereof
:
then
is
he
not
the
author
of
sinne
.
9.
Tyrants
make
seuere
lawes
,
and
then
compell
men
to
breake
them
,
that
they
may
punish
them
:
So
God
should
be
a
tyrant
,
if
he
procured
or
made
men
sinne
and
transgresse
his
lawes
.
10.
If
God
were
the
author
of
sinne
,
he
could
not
be
the
Iudge
of
the
world
.
11.
If
God
any
wayes
should
stirre
vp
vnto
sinne
,
there
must
needs
be
two
contrarie
wills
in
God
,
one
whereby
he
willeth
sinne
to
be
;
the
other
,
whereby
he
disliketh
it
,
and
is
displeased
at
it
.
12.
The
wicked
should
be
in
no
fault
,
for
they
might
turne
all
the
blame
vpon
God
.
13.
Men
had
no
reason
to
be
grieued
for
their
sinne
,
but
to
reioyce
,
seeing
they
doe
that
which
God
is
the
author
of
:
if
he
were
the
author
or
worker
of
sinne
.
14.
If
God
would
haue
men
saued
,
then
hee
would
haue
them
also
vse
the
meanes
vnto
saluation
:
then
would
he
not
haue
them
sinne
,
which
doth
hinder
their
saluation
.
2.
Secondly
,
the
reasons
on
the
contrarie
,
that
God
may
be
charged
with
sinne
,
are
these
.
1.
The
Apostle
saith
,
Rom.
1.26
.
that
God
gaue
vp
the
Gentiles
to
vile
affections
.
2.
The
Lord
is
saide
to
haue
hardened
Pharaohs
heart
:
and
Isa.
6.10
.
to
make
the
eyes
of
the
Israelites
heauie
,
and
to
shut
their
eyes
.
3.
We
say
in
the
Lords
prayer
,
Lead
vs
not
into
temptation
.
4.
He
that
is
the
cause
of
the
cause
,
is
the
cause
of
the
effect
,
procured
by
that
cause
:
But
God
is
the
cause
and
creator
of
mans
will
and
affections
,
which
are
the
cause
of
sinne
:
he
may
seeme
then
to
be
the
cause
of
sinne
.
5.
The
Lord
said
to
the
spirit
,
that
offered
to
goe
&
be
a
false
spirit
in
the
mouthes
of
Ahabs
Prophets
,
goe
and
prosper
,
1.
King
.
22.
6.
Sinne
is
an
action
:
but
all
actions
proceed
from
God
,
the
first
moouer
and
beginner
:
for
in
him
we
liue
,
mooue
,
and
haue
our
beeing
,
Act.
17.
7.
The
Lord
saith
by
his
Prophet
Ezechiel
,
c.
14.8
.
If
the
Prophet
be
deceiued
when
he
hath
spoken
a
thing
,
I
the
Lord
haue
deceiued
him
,
&c.
so
Ieremie
saith
,
cap.
4.10
.
that
the
Lord
had
deceiued
his
people
:
so
Isay
saith
,
63.17
.
O
Lord
,
why
hast
thou
made
vs
erre
from
thy
wayes
?
8.
Psal.
105.25
.
Hee
turned
the
heart
(
of
the
Egyptians
)
to
hate
his
people
:
Iosh.
11.20
.
It
came
of
the
Lord
to
harden
their
hearts
,
that
they
should
come
against
Israel
in
battell
:
2.
Thess.
2.11
.
the
Apostle
saith
,
Hee
shall
send
them
strong
delusions
to
beleeue
lies
.
9.
As
God
willeth
the
end
,
so
also
hee
willeth
the
meanes
which
tend
vnto
that
ende
:
but
it
was
Gods
will
that
Christ
should
be
deliuered
vp
vnto
death
,
and
that
the
members
of
Christ
,
as
the
holy
Apostles
and
Martyrs
should
be
tried
:
thereof
it
was
Gods
will
also
that
Iudas
should
betray
Christ
,
and
that
the
tyrants
should
raise
persecution
against
his
Church
,
which
were
sinnefull
acts
.
10.
If
God
can
hinder
a
man
from
sinne
,
and
will
not
,
and
take
away
from
him
the
helpes
,
which
should
keepe
him
from
sinne
,
he
should
seeme
to
be
accessarie
vnto
it
:
as
if
we
see
a
man
readie
to
fall
into
a
pit
,
and
forwarne
him
not
of
it
;
or
take
from
one
a
staffe
whereon
he
leaneth
,
so
that
he
falleth
:
we
should
be
guiltie
of
his
hurt
:
so
it
should
seeme
to
be
betweene
God
and
man
;
if
he
should
withdraw
from
him
his
grace
,
whereby
he
might
stand
.
11.
Seeing
God
doth
bring
forth
substances
by
vnhonest
action
,
as
children
begotten
in
adulterie
;
why
may
he
not
as
well
produce
actions
,
per
malam
voluntatem
,
by
the
euill
inclination
and
will
of
man
?
12.
The
Apostles
say
in
their
prayer
,
that
Herod
and
Pilate
had
assembled
themselues
together
,
to
doe
whatsoeuer
thine
hand
and
counsell
had
determined
before
to
bee
done
:
By
these
and
such
like
places
of
Scripture
,
and
reasons
,
some
shew
may
be
made
that
God
hath
some
hand
in
the
sinfull
workes
of
men
.
3.
In
the
third
place
the
diuerse
opinions
must
be
touched
of
this
matter
.
1.
Some
doe
indeede
most
blasphemously
make
God
the
author
and
worker
of
euill
,
as
the
Libertines
:
which
blasphemie
is
to
be
abhorred
,
and
to
be
condemned
to
hell
with
the
authors
thereof
.
2.
There
are
that
vnderstand
these
places
of
Scripture
of
Gods
permission
onely
.
3.
Some
doe
thinke
that
God
is
an
agent
euen
in
euill
actions
,
which
as
they
proceede
from
man
are
euill
,
but
as
God
concurreth
it
is
iust
,
the
reason
whereof
if
we
cannot
comprehend
,
we
must
rest
in
the
iudgement
of
the
Scripture
:
this
opinion
shall
afterward
be
more
fully
declared
and
confirmed
.
4.
Further
,
it
must
be
considered
what
sinne
is
;
it
is
not
a
substance
,
nor
yet
any
subiect
or
habit
in
a
subiect
,
but
onely
a
defect
and
priuation
,
as
blindnes
is
of
the
sight
:
and
malum
esse
non
potest
nisi
in
bono
,
euill
cannot
be
but
in
that
which
is
good
,
as
blindnesse
is
in
the
sight
:
euill
is
of
two
sorts
,
it
is
either
culpa
,
the
fault
,
or
poena
,
the
punishment
:
the
fault
is
the
absence
or
priuation
of
some
vertue
or
grace
,
and
the
punishment
is
the
priuation
of
some
benefit
,
as
sickenesse
is
of
health
:
and
there
is
something
that
is
both
a
sinne
and
punishment
,
as
originall
sinne
.
5.
Now
more
fully
and
distinctly
to
determine
of
this
question
,
these
conclusions
following
shall
be
set
downe
.
1.
God
properly
is
not
the
cause
of
euill
,
nor
author
of
sinne
:
for
the
habite
neuer
of
it selfe
produceth
the
priuation
,
as
light
bringeth
not
forth
darkenesse
:
but
if
the
light
be
remooued
,
then
the
darkenesse
followeth
of
it selfe
.
But
like
as
the
Sunne
is
not
the
cause
of
darkenesse
;
but
the
Sunne
beeing
remooued
from
our
hemisphere
,
then
darkenesse
of
it selfe
succeedeth
:
so
when
God
taketh
away
his
grace
(
which
he
do●h
to
make
man
know
and
vnderstand
,
that
he
can
do
nothing
without
grace
)
then
followeth
darkenesse
and
ignorance
in
our
hearts
.
So
that
God
is
not
properly
the
cause
of
sinne
,
but
onely
remouens
,
the
remoouing
cause
:
So
that
there
neede
no
efficient
or
positiue
cause
to
be
made
of
sinne
,
as
the
Maniches
made
two
Princes
,
the
one
of
light
,
to
whom
they
ascribed
,
why
was
good
,
and
the
others
of
darkenesse
,
whom
they
made
the
beginning
of
euill
:
for
by
the
absence
of
light
and
grace
,
darknesse
and
euill
doe
succeede
of
themselues
by
the
corruption
of
our
nature
.
2.
Here
we
must
consider
of
a
threefold
action
of
God
.
1.
One
is
generall
in
the
works
of
his
prouidence
,
whereby
euerie
thing
is
preserued
and
maintained
in
it
kind
and
nature
:
for
in
him
we
mooue
,
we
liue
,
and
haue
our
beeing
.
2.
An
other
is
speciall
and
particular
,
whereby
he
worketh
all
good
things
in
his
Saints
.
3.
The
third
is
betweene
both
,
whereby
God
carrieth
an
ouer-ruling
hand
in
all
actions
,
making
all
things
good
and
bad
,
reasonable
and
vnreasonable
creatures
to
serue
vnto
his
glorie
,
and
to
be
instruments
of
his
will
.
And
thus
God
disposeth
euen
of
the
sinnefull
acts
of
men
,
that
thereby
his
will
is
effected
and
accomplished
,
and
yet
he
is
no
way
accessarie
to
their
sinne
:
so
that
in
the
same
act
,
God
and
mans
will
may
concurre
,
but
after
a
diuerse
manner
:
God
may
iustly
will
that
,
and
to
a
good
end
,
which
man
willeth
wickedly
and
vniustly
;
as
God
determined
the
death
of
Christ
for
the
redemption
of
mankind
,
but
Iudas
betrayed
him
of
a
wicked
mind
,
and
Sathan
prouoked
Iudas
as
an
enemie
vnto
God
and
the
truth
.
And
Augustine
further
sheweth
how
in
the
same
thing
God
willeth
and
man
willeth
,
3.
God
may
minister
an
occasion
which
of
it selfe
is
good
,
but
the
wicked
abusing
it
,
are
thereby
stirred
vp
to
doe
euill
:
as
when
Moses
and
Aaron
brought
a
message
vnto
Pharaoh
to
let
his
people
goe
:
Pharaoh
thereupon
was
incensed
to
oppresse
the
people
more
grieuously
:
so
God
might
be
said
to
harden
Pharaohs
heart
,
but
occasionaliter
,
and
accidentaliter
,
by
ministring
an
occasion
,
and
accidentally
onely
.
4.
The
Lord
also
permissiue
,
by
way
of
permission
,
may
be
said
to
haue
on
hand
euen
in
euill
actions
,
which
he
permitteth
to
be
done
;
which
his
permission
is
in
him
a
kind
of
will
:
for
if
he
permitted
or
suffered
any
thing
nolens
,
against
his
will
,
it
would
shew
an
impotencie
and
want
of
power
;
but
euen
in
Gods
permission
his
power
appeareth
:
so
permitting
euill
to
be
done
in
the
world
,
as
he
knoweth
how
to
make
it
serue
for
his
glorie
:
and
so
he
permitteth
sinne
,
as
that
he
so
disposeth
,
that
it
shall
not
rage
or
raigne
in
all
,
nor
in
all
times
,
nor
further
then
he
seeth
it
to
be
for
his
glorie
:
But
good
actions
the
Lord
willeth
after
an
other
sort
:
not
onely
permitting
them
to
bee
done
,
but
effecting
,
working
,
finishing
,
and
perfitting
in
vs
euery
good
worke
.
5.
Further
,
there
are
three
things
to
be
considered
in
sinne
:
1.
The
guilt
of
sinne
,
which
is
nothing
else
,
but
obligatio
ad
poenam
,
a
binding
and
tying
of
him
that
sinneth
vnto
punishment
:
and
this
is
an
act
of
Gods
iustice
,
who
after
one
hath
sinned
,
holdeth
him
guiltie
of
punishment
.
2.
Then
there
is
the
act
of
sinne
,
which
is
the
subiect
;
and
this
God
is
the
cause
of
,
who
giueth
power
to
mooue
,
to
will
to
doe
this
or
that
vnto
his
creatures
,
which
power
hee
restraineth
not
,
but
suffereth
euerie
thing
which
he
hath
made
,
and
enableth
it
also
to
exercise
the
naturall
properties
and
faculties
thereof
:
Thus
God
is
the
author
of
the
action
,
but
the
euilnes
of
the
action
proceedeth
from
mans
corrupt
nature
:
like
as
the
soule
and
life
in
the
body
,
is
the
cause
it
mooueth
,
but
the
lamenesse
of
the
legge
or
other
part
affected
,
is
the
cause
of
the
halting
thereof
:
So
God
as
an
vniuersall
agent
,
giueth
life
and
motion
to
his
creatures
,
as
the
soule
doth
to
the
bodie
,
but
the
abusing
and
deprauing
of
these
actions
,
ariseth
from
the
corruption
of
mans
nature
.
3.
There
is
in
sinne
the
punishment
to
be
considered
:
So
God
is
said
to
punish
sinne
with
sinne
,
as
the
Apostle
sheweth
how
the
Lord
gaue
ouer
the
Gentiles
to
a
reprobate
sense
;
and
to
vile
affections
as
a
punishment
of
their
Idolatrie
,
Rom.
1.
In
this
manner
,
as
hath
been
shewed
,
how
the
Lord
may
be
said
to
haue
to
do
with
sinne
:
but
he
is
no
way
the
author
thereof
,
or
properly
the
cause
:
And
that
is
no
imperfection
in
God
,
that
he
cannot
sinne
,
nor
will
sinne
,
but
it
is
his
perfection
:
who
beeing
perfect
goodnesse
it selfe
,
cannot
abide
any
thing
that
is
euill
:
for
if
he
should
will
sinne
to
bee
,
he
should
turne
men
from
himselfe
,
which
were
to
denie
himselfe
,
which
as
the
Apostle
saith
,
God
cannot
doe
;
God
cannot
denie
himselfe
,
2.
Tim.
2.13
.
This
th●n
is
the
summe
of
all
,
that
God
is
not
properly
the
cause
of
euill
,
but
1.
either
by
remouing
and
withholding
his
grace
.
2.
by
disposing
in
his
infinite
wisedome
and
power
,
euen
of
euill
actions
to
serue
his
glorie
.
3.
by
ministring
occasion
,
which
the
wicked
may
abuse
and
peruert
to
their
further
hardening
.
4.
in
permitting
things
to
be
done
,
as
farre
as
hee
seeth
expedient
for
the
vniuersall
good
.
5.
the
guilt
of
sinne
in
iustice
he
procureth
.
6.
the
generall
action
he
causeth
.
7.
as
it
is
a
punishment
,
he
inflicteth
it
,
&c.
7.
Now
according
to
these
conclusions
set
downe
,
the
former
reasons
which
seemed
to
make
God
accessarie
vnto
euill
,
may
thus
be
answered
.
1.
God
is
said
to
giue
vp
the
Gentiles
to
vile
affections
,
because
hee
left
them
to
themselues
,
and
iustly
depriued
them
of
his
grace
.
2.
God
hardened
Pharaohs
heart
,
and
blinded
the
Israelites
eyes
,
occasionaliter
,
by
ministring
the
occasion
,
which
they
abused
:
Gods
workes
were
an
occasion
of
Pharaohs
hardening
,
and
his
word
of
the
others
blinding
,
but
not
of
themselues
:
the
other
through
their
peruersnesse
tooke
occasion
to
doe
euill
,
where
none
was
giuen
,
and
turned
that
which
was
good
,
to
be
an
occasion
of
euill
.
3.
The
Lord
is
said
to
lead
into
temptation
,
because
the
deuill
,
who
is
the
tempter
,
can
doe
no
more
then
God
permitteth
:
God
tempteth
not
to
euill
,
as
hee
is
not
tempted
,
Iam.
1.
And
we
of
our selues
are
tempted
of
our
owne
concupiscence
:
therefore
our
Sauiour
saith
to
his
Apostles
,
watch
and
pray
,
least
yee
enter
into
temptation
,
Matth.
26.41
.
4.
God
is
the
creator
of
mans
will
,
but
not
of
his
corrupt
will
,
which
is
the
cause
of
sinne
,
and
not
his
will
simply
,
as
God
created
it
.
5.
When
God
saith
to
the
euill
spirit
,
goe
and
prosper
,
that
is
to
be
referred
to
the
ende
,
which
was
the
death
and
punishment
of
Ahab
:
but
the
meanes
which
was
by
beeing
a
lying
spirit
,
God
willed
not
nor
commaunded
to
be
done
,
but
hindred
not
the
doing
of
it
,
because
the
Lord
knewe
how
to
vse
it
to
his
glorie
.
6.
It
is
not
denied
,
but
that
the
subiect
of
sinne
,
which
is
the
action
in
generall
is
from
God
,
who
is
the
moouer
of
all
things
:
but
it
followeth
not
that
the
euilnesse
of
the
action
therefore
is
from
God
.
7.
God
is
said
to
deceiue
the
Prophet
and
people
,
not
in
respect
of
the
cause
thereof
,
which
proceeded
from
their
owne
corrupt
heart
:
but
in
regard
of
the
euent
,
because
God
vsed
that
seduction
for
their
punishment
.
8.
God
is
said
to
turne
their
hearts
to
hatred
,
because
the
prosperitie
of
the
Hebrewes
,
which
God
caused
,
gaue
occasion
of
enuie
and
hatred
to
the
Egyptians
:
the
hearts
of
the
Canaanites
were
hardened
,
non
emolliendo
,
because
God
mollified
them
not
.
And
so
God
gaue
them
which
beleeued
not
the
truth
,
strong
delusions
,
as
a
iust
iudge
punishing
their
hardnes
of
heart
and
vnbeleefe
,
with
blindnes
&
peruersnesse
.
9.
God
willeth
the
meanes
,
but
after
an
other
manner
:
his
will
is
,
that
persecutions
should
be
,
not
simply
,
but
as
they
tend
to
his
glorie
,
and
to
the
propagation
of
the
truth
.
10.
It
is
crueltie
in
man
,
if
he
suffer
one
to
fall
and
helpe
him
not
,
because
a
man
is
bound
in
charitie
to
doe
it
:
but
God
is
bound
to
none
:
many
graces
he
giues
vnto
the
wicked
,
which
they
abuse
:
he
is
not
bound
to
giue
all
,
he
may
doe
with
his
owne
,
as
it
pleaseth
him
.
11.
God
is
the
author
of
the
action
,
which
bringeth
forth
euill
;
but
not
of
the
euilnesse
of
the
action
.
12.
Concerning
the
death
and
suffering
of
Christ
,
God
willed
it
in
respect
of
the
ende
,
which
was
our
redemption
:
the
meane●
,
as
the
treacherie
of
Iudas
,
the
malice
of
the
Iewes
,
he
ordained
not
,
but
disposed
;
he
willed
not
,
but
vsed
them
.
8.
Quest.
How
Gods
prouidence
and
mans
will
may
stand
together
.
Here
are
two
errours
to
bee
taken
heed
of
in
two
extreames
:
Some
doe
so
hold
Gods
prouidence
,
as
that
they
exempt
some
thing●
from
it
:
some
on
the
contrarie
do
ascribe
all
things
to
the
diuine
prouidence
,
as
th●t
they
impose
a
necessitie
vpon
the
will
of
man
,
depriuing
the
same
of
the
naturall
libertie
and
freedome
thereof
.
1.
Of
the
first
opinion
was
Plato
,
affirming
that
there
are
many
things
in
the
world
which
God
is
no
wayes
the
cause
of
,
2.
Damascene
also
in
some
sort
impugneth
Gods
prouidence
,
when
hee
saith
,
that
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
that
onely
those
things
which
are
not
within
vs
,
not
the
things
within
vs
,
thou
vnderstandest
my
thoughts
long
before
.
He
hath
an
other
assertion
as
dangerous
,
That
the
election
of
things
to
be
done
is
in
vs
,
the
perfection
and
consummation
,
of
the
concurring
operation
of
God
:
whereas
the
Apostle
saith
,
that
God
worketh
in
vs
both
the
will
and
deede
,
of
his
good
pleasure
.
3.
But
that
distinction
of
Damasus
is
not
to
bee
misliked
,
whereby
he
diuideth
Gods
prouidence
into
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
his
good
pleasure
,
&
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
permission
and
concession
:
for
Gods
prouidence
is
seene
in
willing
and
acting
of
good
things
,
his
permission
in
suffering
euil
things
to
be
done
,
not
by
a
bare
permission
in
leauing
men
to
themselues
to
doe
altogether
what
they
list
,
but
in
vsing
them
and
ouerruling
them
.
This
concession
he
further
maketh
of
two
sorts
,
diuiding
it
into
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
oecomicall
or
disciplinarie
concession
,
in
leauing
his
children
sometime
to
themselues
,
for
their
further
instruction
:
there
is
an
other
concession
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
absolute
and
finall
,
whereby
he
suffreth
the
wicked
and
inccorrigible
finally
to
fall
without
recouerie
.
2.
In
the
other
extreame
are
they
which
so
hold
the
diuine
prouidence
,
as
that
they
bring
in
a
fatall
necessitie
:
But
God
constraineth
no
mans
will
:
for
if
it
be
forced
,
it
is
not
a
will
which
willeth
freely
.
But
here
there
is
a
threefold
libertie
of
the
will
to
be
considered
:
there
is
libertas
à
coactione
,
a
libertie
and
freedome
from
coaction
,
in
all
men
good
and
bad
:
libertas
à
peccato
,
a
libertie
from
sinne
,
that
is
,
from
the
dominion
thereof
,
when
the
will
is
regenerate
:
and
libertas
à
miseri●
,
a
liber●ie
and
immunitie
from
misery
,
which
shall
be
in
the
kingdome
of
God
,
when
we
are
glorified
.
But
a
libertie
à
necessitate
,
from
a
kind
of
necessitie
,
man
now
hath
not
:
he
cannot
choose
but
sinne
.
Adam
before
he
fell
had
this
libertie
also
:
for
it
was
in
his
power
not
to
haue
sinned
,
if
he
would
:
but
now
a
necessitie
of
bondage
and
corruption
is
laid
vpon
his
posteritie
:
but
yet
the
mind
of
naturall
men
worke
freely
in
respect
of
any
violence
,
constraint
,
or
coaction
.
9.
Quest.
v.
16.
Of
Cushai
his
salutation
to
Absalom
,
God
saue
the
King
:
whether
therein
he
did
well
.
1.
Some
to
excuse
this
fact
,
thinke
that
Cushai
,
saying
,
let
the
King
liue
:
that
hee
meant
eternall
life
,
wishing
that
Abshalom
might
take
such
a
course
,
as
might
not
hinder
his
saluation
:
but
the
meaning
of
this
phrase
,
in
saluting
of
their
kings
,
was
nothing
else
but
to
wish
them
prosperitie
:
as
the
Chalde
interpreter
readeth
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
Cushai
here
lied
euidently
,
m●ntitur
impissimo
tyranno
,
he
lied
vnto
this
wicked
tyrant
:
seeming
as
though
God
,
and
all
the
people
of
Israel
,
had
chosen
Abshalom
:
and
he
taketh
that
miscreant-companie
for
the
Church
of
God
:
Martyr
.
so
also
Iosephus
sheweth
how
he
vseth
two
reasons
for
his
dissimulation
:
one
,
because
God
had
chosen
Abshalom
king
,
the
other
the
kingdome
was
not
devolued
vnto
a
straunger
,
but
descended
vnto
the
sonne
.
But
seeing
that
Chushai
herein
followed
Dauids
direction
,
and
immediately
vpon
his
prayer
,
I
cannot
thinke
,
that
Dauid
would
be
the
author
of
such
palpable
flatt●rie
.
3.
Osiander
thinketh
it
was
mendacium
officiosum
,
an
officious
lie
,
which
was
no
sinne
:
but
euerie
lie
is
sinne
,
as
is
shewed
before
,
qu.
11.
c.
15.
4.
Therefore
as
I
there
resolued
with
Iunius
,
Chushai
rather
deludeth
Abshalom
with
ambiguous
speach
:
and
vseth
a
kind
of
ironia
:
Borrh.
speaking
by
the
contrarie
:
and
all
this
was
thus
disposed
,
diuina
prouidentia
,
by
the
diuine
prouidence
:
Chushai
cannot
be
excused
from
some
humane
infirmitie
in
this
his
dissimulation
,
yet
it
is
too
much
to
charge
him
with
lying
and
flatterie
:
for
he
sought
not
any
aduantage
to
himselfe
,
as
flatterers
do
,
but
only
the
safetie
and
preseruation
of
the
Lords
annointed
.
In
respect
whereof
,
excusandus
est
à
tanto
,
si
non
à
toto
,
he
may
be
excused
if
not
altogether
,
yet
from
so
great
a
sinne
:
Pellican
.
as
in
the
imputation
of
lying
and
flatterie
:
See
more
hereof
before
,
qu.
11.
c.
15.
10.
Quest.
v.
19.
Of
the
truth
of
Chushai
his
speach
,
as
I
serued
thy
father
,
so
will
I
be
before
thee
.
1.
True
it
is
,
that
when
good
Magistrates
are
remooued
,
and
worse
come
in
their
place
,
we
must
yeeld
obedience
vnto
them
in
all
lawfull
things
,
so
long
as
they
commaund
not
things
contrarie
to
the
word
of
God
.
As
the
Romans
were
obedient
to
Iulius
Caesar
,
after
he
had
spoiled
them
of
their
libertie
,
and
to
the
Emperor
Phocas
hauing
slaine
Mauritius
.
2.
But
the
case
is
diuerse
here
,
for
neither
was
Dauid
dead
,
and
therefore
Abshalom
was
an
vsurper
,
his
father
yet
liuing
:
and
other
Princes
haue
not
the
expresse
word
of
God
for
their
gouernment
,
as
Dauid
had
who
was
anointed
by
Samuel
;
and
therefore
the
people
here
were
to
obey
none
other
but
Dauid
.
3.
The
like
may
be
said
,
when
good
Ministers
are
expelled
,
&
alij
instituuntur
non
ita
boni
,
and
others
not
so
good
are
set
in
their
place
:
all
good
meanes
must
be
vsed
,
by
prayer
and
such
like
,
that
good
Ministers
be
not
cast
out
:
sed
si
alij
substituuntur
,
audiendi
sunt
,
but
if
others
be
substituted
in
their
place
,
they
must
be
heard
as
long
as
they
preach
the
truth
.
Mart.
11.
Quest.
v.
21.
Of
Achitophels
peruerse
counsell
to
Abshalom
to
goe
in
to
his
fathers
concubines
.
1.
Achitophel
giueth
counsell
contrarie
to
the
word
of
God
:
he
would
haue
Abshalom
lie
with
his
fathers
concubines
or
wiues
,
which
was
forbidden
by
Gods
law
:
but
he
respecteth
his
owne
profit
,
more
then
the
glorie
of
God
.
2.
For
this
was
his
pollicie
,
to
make
Abshalom
odious
to
his
father
,
that
there
might
be
no
hope
of
reconciliation
:
for
he
feared
,
least
if
that
Abshalom
should
be
receiued
to
his
fathers
fauour
,
all
they
that
tooke
his
part
,
should
goe
to
wracke
.
3.
This
was
very
probable
,
but
not
necessarie
:
for
though
Ruben
had
defiled
his
fathers
bed
,
yet
Iacob
did
not
vtterly
cast
him
off
from
beeing
counted
among
his
brethren
,
though
he
depriued
him
of
his
birthright
.
And
Dauid
notwithstanding
this
villanie
,
yet
altogether
withdrew
not
his
affection
from
his
sonne
,
as
appeareth
by
his
mourning
for
him
.
4.
The
Hebrewes
thinke
that
Achitophel
herein
did
reuenge
his
own
quarell
,
because
Dauid
had
committed
adulterie
with
Bathsheba
,
who
was
Achitophels
neece
by
his
sonne
Eliam
:
who
was
the
sonne
of
Achitophel
,
and
is
numbred
among
Dauids
worthies
,
c.
23.14
.
5.
This
Achitophel
was
such
another
craftie
man
,
and
wicked
counseller
to
Abshalom
,
as
Ionadab
before
was
to
Amnon
.
If
Dauids
house
were
not
void
of
such
flaterers
and
wicked
counsellers
,
it
is
no
maruell
,
if
they
abound
in
Princes
Coures
in
these
daies
.
6.
Abshalom
here
now
bewraieth
himselfe
by
this
abominable
act
,
that
he
was
not
reuenged
of
Amnon
so
much
for
his
incest
,
as
of
malice
and
spight
,
seeing
here
he
committeth
more
grieuous
incest
himselfe
:
Mart.
7.
But
this
fell
out
by
Gods
prouidence
,
as
the
Prophet
Nathan
had
told
Dauid
before
,
that
he
should
be
thus
corrected
for
his
sinne
of
adulterie
.
Borrh.
12.
Quest.
How
this
incest
of
Abshalom
might
stand
with
Gods
will
.
1.
It
is
certaine
,
that
all
things
which
are
foreseene
of
God
,
shall
necessarily
come
to
passe
,
&
praevideri
non
quia
futura
sunt
,
and
that
they
are
foreseene
,
not
because
they
shall
come
to
passe
,
but
therefore
they
shall
come
to
passe
,
because
they
are
foreseene
.
2.
It
also
followeth
that
nothing
falleth
out
by
chaunce
,
but
according
to
the
decree
and
foresight
of
God
.
3.
But
further
,
there
is
great
difference
betweene
the
ineuitable
necessitie
of
the
counsells
of
God
,
and
necessitie
which
is
by
compulsion
and
coaction
:
notwitstanding
God
foreseeth
the
sinnes
of
men
,
which
therefore
are
ineuitable
,
yet
they
commit
them
freely
and
willingly
,
as
Abshalom
did
this
incest
here
.
As
God
is
by
an
ineuitable
necessitie
good
,
and
Sathan
euill
:
the
one
can
not
be
otherwise
then
good
,
nor
the
other
then
euill
:
yet
God
is
freely
good
without
compulsion
,
and
so
is
Sathan
euill
:
Borrh.
13.
Quest.
v.
23.
Why
Achitophels
counsell
is
likened
to
the
Oracle
of
God
.
1.
Iunius
referreth
it
to
this
present
counsell
of
Achitophel
,
which
though
it
were
in
it selfe
most
horrible
and
wicked
,
yet
it
was
applauded
by
the
vngodly
,
as
most
sound
counsell
:
but
the
text
speaketh
not
onely
of
this
time
,
but
of
his
former
counsells
in
the
daies
of
Dauid
.
2.
So
that
Achitophels
counsell
is
not
so
called
onely
in
respect
of
that
authoritie
which
it
had
in
the
opinion
of
men
:
Osiand
.
3.
But
because
of
the
good
successe
,
which
his
counsell
vsed
to
haue
.
Genevens
.
And
this
counsell
,
which
he
giueth
now
,
though
it
were
wicked
,
yet
it
was
for
the
present
time
verie
perilous
and
pestilent
.
4.
His
counsell
was
so
esteemed
of
in
Dauids
time
also
:
but
with
this
difference
;
Dauid
approoued
of
his
counsell
,
as
hee
found
it
agreeable
to
Gods
word
:
but
Abshalom
and
his
companie
follow
it
howsoeuer
,
if
it
serued
their
turne
:
yet
this
is
an
hyperbolical
speach
,
comparatio
est
non
aequiparatio
,
it
is
a
comparison
onely
,
not
an
equalizing
of
his
counsell
vnto
the
oracle
of
God
,
vnlesse
it
were
in
the
opinion
of
carnall
and
worldly
wise
men
.
Mar.
5.
And
such
a
wise
man
was
Achitophel
,
carnally
or
worldly
,
not
religiouslly
wise
:
such
wisedome
as
may
be
and
is
giuen
many
times
to
wicked
men
.
Borrh.
CHAP.
17.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Of
Achitophels
peruers●
and
wicked
counsell
against
Dauid
.
1.
COunsell
of
it selfe
is
a
sacred
thing
,
and
commended
in
the
Scripture
;
and
as
it
is
of
necessarie
vse
in
all
affaires
,
so
specially
in
battell
,
which
must
be
enterprised
by
counsell
,
Prou.
24.6
.
But
here
it
is
abused
by
this
craftie
man
.
2.
Who
offendeth
three
waies
in
this
his
counsell
:
in
the
matter
,
which
is
consulted
of
,
the
means
,
and
the
end
.
1.
For
the
matter
,
there
are
two
things
,
that
doe
not
fall
vnder
consultation
;
either
such
as
are
certaine
and
necessarie
,
and
cannot
be
preuented
,
or
things
which
are
subiect
to
chaunce
,
and
haue
no
certaintie
at
all
:
but
of
such
things
counsell
is
taken
,
which
are
electiue
,
and
incident
into
humane
affaires
:
herein
then
first
Achitophels
counsell
faileth
,
because
he
giueth
counsell
in
a
thing
impossible
:
God
had
determined
,
that
Dauids
kingdome
should
be
established
.
2.
The
meanes
in
deliberation
should
be
honest
,
but
these
which
he
propoundeth
,
are
most
dishonest
.
3.
The
ende
also
is
vngodly
,
in
seeking
to
ouerthrow
the
Lords
Annointed
.
Mar.
3.
Now
the
speciall
cause
,
why
Achitophel
is
thus
bent
against
Dauid
,
was
for
that
hee
ambitiously
aspired
to
honour
and
riches
:
as
he
was
reputed
a
wise
counseller
,
so
now
he
taketh
vpon
him
to
be
the
Captaine
and
leader
of
Abshaloms
armie
,
that
he
might
every
way
grow
great
,
and
in
high
reputation
with
Abshalom
and
the
people
.
The
Hebrewes
giue
another
reason
of
his
hatred
against
Dauid
,
because
of
Bathsheba
,
which
is
touched
before
,
c.
16.
qu.
11.
2.
Quest.
v.
3.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
As
the
returning
of
all
,
(
is
)
the
man
,
whom
thou
seekest
.
1.
Some
read
thus
,
when
all
shall
returne
,
and
the
man
,
whom
thou
seekest
,
(
beeing
slaine
)
C.G.B.
but
there
these
words
,
beeing
slaine
are
added
,
which
are
not
in
the
text
.
2.
Some
thus
,
when
all
the
men
are
returned
vnto
thee
,
whom
thou
desirest
.
V.A.
But
there
is
a
distinction
,
at
hacol
,
all
,
which
sheweth
that
it
is
seuered
from
the
word
following
haish
,
the
man
:
which
word
hauing
an
article
prefixed
before
it
,
sheweth
some
speciall
man
.
3.
The
Latine
readeth
thus
,
I
will
bring
●ll
the
people
againe
,
as
one
man
vseth
to
returne
:
for
thou
seekest
one
man
:
for
here
in
the
former
clause
,
as
one
man
,
and
in
the
next
,
one
,
are
not
in
the
originall
.
4.
The
Septuag.
thus
,
like
as
(
the
spouse
)
returneth
(
to
)
her
husband
:
here
these
wordes
inclosed
(
the
spouse
)
and
(
to
)
are
not
found
in
the
text
.
5.
Some
giue
this
sense
,
and
when
euery
man
is
returned
,
(
which
is
the
thing
)
which
thou
seekest
.
Emman
.
Sa.
But
there
is
a
distinction
at
hachal
,
euery
,
or
all
;
which
sheweth
,
that
it
is
not
ioyned
in
construction
with
haish
,
man
,
as
the
substantiue
and
adiectiue
,
as
is
before
shewed
.
6.
Therefore
I
here
preferre
Iunius
reading
,
as
the
returning
of
all
,
(
is
)
the
man
,
whom
thou
seekest
:
that
is
,
when
thou
get
test
him
,
thou
shalt
in
a
manner
get
all
.
3.
Quest.
v.
7.
Of
Chushai
his
counsell
in
generall
.
1.
Chushai
verie
wisely
doth
not
discommend
Achitophels
counsell
in
generall
,
least
he
might
haue
beene
thought
to
speake
of
enuie
,
or
be
suspected
as
a
dissembler
:
but
he
doth
(
at
this
time
)
onely
take
exception
to
his
counsell
,
as
giuing
him
the
praise
of
a
wise
counseller
at
other
times
.
Mart.
Iun.
2.
Beside
Chushai
sheweth
his
modestie
,
not
preferring
himselfe
before
Achitophel
,
but
giuing
him
simply
the
prioritie
of
sound
counsell
and
aduise
:
onely
in
this
one
thing
,
and
at
this
time
hee
dissenteth
from
him
.
Osiand
.
3.
Chushai
verie
wisely
among
other
suggestions
,
which
were
improbable
,
mingleth
diuerse
things
which
are
true
,
as
v.
8.
that
his
father
was
a
valiant
man
,
and
expert
in
warre
,
and
of
great
courage
:
for
he
knew
,
without
the
inserting
of
some
things
euidently
true
,
hee
should
hardly
perswade
the
rest
.
Mart.
4.
Beside
Chushai
doth
cunningly
applie
himselfe
to
the
ambitious
and
insolent
young
mans
humor
,
insinuating
what
a
mightie
people
,
and
large
kingdome
he
had
,
from
Dan
to
Beersheba
,
and
so
Abshalom
allectus
laudibus
suis
,
beeing
allured
by
his
owne
praise
,
giueth
eare
vnto
Chushai
:
Pellic.
5.
Further
his
faithfulnesse
appeareth
toward
Dauid
:
for
the
end
of
Chushai
was
to
gaine
time
,
that
Dauid
should
not
be
set
vpon
of
a
suddaine
,
but
haue
respite
giuen
him
to
prouide
for
himselfe
,
and
to
be
better
prepared
.
Mart.
6.
He
is
warie
also
and
circumspect
:
for
though
his
counsell
were
approoued
,
yet
he
would
not
trust
Abshalom
;
hee
might
thinke
his
minde
might
alter
,
and
therefore
hee
sendeth
word
presently
vnto
Dauid
.
v.
15.
4.
Quest.
Of
the
seuerall
and
particular
points
of
Chushai
his
counsell
.
First
,
Chushai
doth
infringe
Achitophels
counsell
by
fiue
seuerall
arguments
.
1.
He
alleadgeth
that
Dauid
was
himselfe
a
valiant
man
,
and
the
rest
of
his
people
,
that
were
with
him
.
2.
And
beside
their
ordinarie
valour
,
beeing
thus
suddenly
assaulted
,
they
would
be
so
much
the
more
fierce
,
as
a
beare
robbed
of
his
whelpes
:
not
her
whelpes
,
as
B.G.L.S.
for
the
word
dobh
is
put
in
the
masculine
,
as
is
euident
by
the
participle
shacul
put
in
the
masculine
:
for
the
hee
beare
,
as
well
as
the
shee
doth
helpe
to
hatch
vp
their
young
,
and
both
doe
rage
,
when
their
whelpes
are
taken
away
:
Borrh.
3.
Thy
father
is
an
expert
warrier
,
and
a
warie
man
,
he
hath
his
watch
,
he
will
not
lodge
as
a
common
souldier
with
the
rest
,
but
will
withdraw
himselfe
.
4.
Hee
vrgeth
the
inconueniencie
of
the
place
,
hee
is
hid
in
some
caue
,
so
that
their
labour
should
be
frustrate
in
seeking
him
.
5.
Hee
sheweth
the
daunger
,
that
if
they
should
presently
ioyne
battell
in
the
night
,
if
but
a
few
of
Absalons
men
should
be
slaine
,
it
would
be
noised
,
that
al
his
forces
were
discomfited
.
Mar.
And
in
this
maner
Chushai
shewed
the
weaknesse
of
Achitophels
counsell
.
2.
Then
hee
commeth
to
giue
contrarie
aduise
:
in
euerie
point
opposing
himselfe
to
Achitophel
.
1.
Whereas
Achitophel
had
aduised
to
follow
after
Dauid
presently
that
night
,
Chushai
would
haue
some
further
time
taken
till
more
forces
might
be
gathered
together
.
2.
Achitophel
required
but
12.
thousand
;
Chushai
would
haue
all
the
people
gathered
together
,
as
the
sand
of
the
sea
in
multitude
.
3.
Achitophel
would
goe
himselfe
as
Captaine
of
the
armie
,
but
Chushai
perswadeth
Abshalom
to
goe
in
his
owne
person
.
4.
Achitophel
pretended
to
take
the
King
his
father
onely
,
v.
2.
but
Chushai
sheweth
a
course
to
be
taken
,
that
neither
hee
nor
any
one
of
his
men
should
be
left
:
Borrh.
5.
And
the
better
to
perswade
,
hee
sheweth
the
facilitie
of
this
enterprise
:
●ow
easily
they
shall
vanquish
him
,
either
in
the
field
,
by
falling
vpon
him
,
as
the
dew
in
multitude
,
or
if
he
get
himselfe
within
a
citie
,
they
will
pull
it
with
ropes
,
that
is
,
engines
of
warre
fastened
with
ropes
into
the
riuer
,
that
is
,
the
ditches
and
trenches
filled
with
water
,
which
enuironed
the
walled
townes
.
Mar.
5.
Quest.
v.
14.
Of
the
approbation
of
Chushai
his
counsell
before
Achitophels
.
1.
By
this
example
we
see
,
that
it
is
not
enough
to
haue
good
counsell
propounded
,
but
it
is
necessarie
to
haue
a
good
iudgement
to
discerne
of
counsells
which
is
the
best
:
Achitophel
gaue
here
most
daungerous
,
and
pernicious
counsell
,
but
Abshalom
was
blinded
,
that
he
saw
not
,
what
was
good
for
himselfe
.
Mar.
2.
It
is
therfore
called
the
good
counsell
of
Achitophel
,
not
that
it
was
simply
good
,
for
the
Lord
then
would
not
haue
destroyed
it
;
but
it
was
good
and
profitable
for
Abshalom
,
not
that
any
thing
indeed
is
good
and
profitable
,
which
is
not
honest
,
but
this
is
so
said
according
to
the
phrase
and
speach
of
men
,
which
vse
to
call
those
things
good
,
which
are
commodious
and
profitable
.
3.
This
came
of
God
,
that
Achitophels
counsel
should
be
reiected
:
so
that
Chushai
can
not
be
here
accused
,
mendacij
&
simulationis
improbae
,
of
lying
and
wicked
dissembling
,
it
beeing
by
Gods
direction
.
Borrh.
4.
And
the
end
is
shewed
,
why
the
Lord
destroied
the
counsell
of
Achitophel
,
that
Abshalom
might
be
punished
:
who
was
guiltie
of
two
horrible
sinnes
,
rebellion
and
parricide
intended
against
his
father
,
and
incest
in
the
highest
degree
:
therefore
he
was
worthily
punished
,
and
by
Chushai
his
counsell
,
hee
was
brought
into
that
battell
,
where
he
was
slaine
.
6.
Quest.
v.
15.
Whether
Chushai
did
well
to
discouer
the
counsell
of
Achitophel
.
1.
If
Chushai
were
not
sworne
to
keepe
secret
this
counsell
,
therein
there
was
no
offence
at
all
:
nay
he
had
sinned
,
if
hee
had
not
reuealed
it
,
seeing
the
king
and
the
commonwealth
were
now
in
great
daunger
:
otherwise
it
is
the
part
of
counsellers
to
be
faithfull
in
keeping
to
themselues
the
counsells
of
the
kingdome
:
2.
Yea
though
Chushai
had
taken
an
oath
to
be
secret
in
this
case
,
he
might
lawfully
breake
his
oath
:
seeing
it
was
an
vnlawfull
oath
against
the
glorie
of
God
,
and
tending
to
the
ruine
and
subuersion
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Mart.
7.
Quest.
Of
Gods
prouidence
in
deliuering
the
messengers
from
daunger
,
that
were
sent
to
Dauid
.
1.
The
Preists
within
the
citie
,
Zadok
and
Abiathar
could
not
themselues
goe
forth
of
the
citie
,
without
suspition
,
the
gates
beeing
kept
and
watched
,
but
they
sent
a
maid
with
the
message
vnto
their
sonnes
,
that
waited
in
the
field
,
of
whose
fidelitie
they
had
experience
:
so
Dauids
safetie
depended
here
vpon
the
faithfulnesse
of
a
maid
:
God
many
times
vseth
weake
meanes
to
deliuer
his
seruants
by
.
2.
This
matter
is
espied
by
a
young
man
,
not
(
as
Iosephus
saith
)
by
Abshaloms
horsemen
,
as
the
Deuill
neuer
wanteth
instruments
in
such
case●
to
worke
mischiefe
.
3.
But
by
Gods
prouidence
,
the
messengers
escaped
,
and
were
hid
in
a
drie
pit
,
where
it
seemeth
there
was
small
store
of
water
,
such
an
one
,
as
that
was
,
into
which
Iosephs
brethren
let
him
downe
:
which
beeing
couered
with
a
cloth
whereon
ground
corne
was
spread
,
by
the
wife
of
the
house
,
was
not
discerned
:
the
woman
making
a
present
excuse
(
as
that
sex
is
verie
ingenious
in
their
readie
inuentions
,
Osiand
.
)
that
they
were
gone
:
this
excuse
of
the
woman
,
was
like
vnto
that
of
the
midwiues
in
Egypt
,
Exod.
1.
and
of
Rahab
:
the
good
seruice
,
which
she
did
,
and
her
faithfull
heart
to
God
and
his
Anointed
,
doe
hide
her
womanly
infirmitie
therein
.
4.
Thus
,
although
that
God
had
certainely
determined
,
that
Dauids
kingdome
should
be
confirmed
,
and
the
Lord
had
promised
him
by
his
Prophet
Nathan
,
that
hee
should
not
die
:
yet
all
cautelous
meanes
,
and
circumspection
is
vsed
of
euery
side
,
that
Gods
decree
might
take
place
:
for
though
wee
be
sure
of
Gods
fauour
,
yet
the
meanes
must
not
be
neglected
.
8.
Quest.
v.
22.
How
Dauid
escaped
and
passed
ouer
Iordan
.
1.
Dauid
was
here
driuen
to
a
great
streight
,
who
beeing
wearied
with
the
trauaile
of
the
day
,
and
grieued
also
and
perplexed
in
mind
trauaileth
all
night
till
he
came
to
Iordan
,
and
was
passing
ouer
till
the
dawning
of
the
day
:
hee
was
not
farre
from
Baburim
,
Pellican
.
which
was
not
aboue
foure
or
fiue
miles
from
Ierushalem
,
for
it
was
but
two
miles
from
Anathoth
,
which
was
distant
some
three
miles
from
the
citie
,
Mas.
ex
Hieronym
.
when
the
messengers
came
to
him
:
so
that
hee
trauelled
all
night
,
and
that
with
great
speed
,
that
hee
might
come
to
Iordan
,
and
haue
time
to
passe
ouer
it
.
2.
But
Dauid
in
this
extremitie
findeth
great
comfort
,
that
God
so
strengthened
them
,
that
there
was
not
one
of
his
companie
missing
,
but
all
safly
went
ouer
Iordan
.
3.
Wherein
Dauid
was
an
euident
type
of
Christ
,
who
lost
not
any
of
those
which
were
committed
vnto
him
,
sauing
the
child
of
perdition
.
Mart.
This
Iordan
which
saued
Dauid
and
his
companie
going
and
returning
,
Borrhaius
also
maketh
a
type
of
baptisme
,
which
saueth
those
,
which
are
baptised
indeed
into
the
death
of
Christ
.
9.
Quest.
Of
Achitophels
desperate
end
.
1.
Achitophel
is
assaulted
with
two
violent
affections
at
once
,
feare
and
pride
:
for
if
Dauid
preuailed
,
which
thing
hee
foresaw
was
like
to
come
to
passe
,
his
counsell
beeing
reiected
,
then
he
feared
,
that
Dauid
would
be
reuenged
of
him
for
his
treacherie
:
for
he
measured
him
by
himselfe
:
if
Abshalom
had
the
better
,
yet
he
saw
hee
should
liue
in
disgrace
,
because
his
counsell
was
refused
:
and
so
hee
hangeth
himselfe
in
despaire
.
Mar.
2.
Thus
it
falleth
out
,
that
wicked
counsell
doth
cheifly
redound
to
the
hurt
of
the
author
thereof
.
Borrh.
3.
This
wicked
man
set
his
house
in
an
order
before
hee
died
,
but
he
hath
no
care
of
his
soule
:
all
his
minde
is
of
his
money
,
goods
,
lands
,
but
of
his
soule
he
is
carelesse
:
he
bethinketh
not
himselfe
what
should
become
of
that
,
as
many
other
worldly
men
doe
.
Mar.
4.
This
Achitophel
is
here
an
euident
type
and
forerunner
of
the
traytor
Iudas
,
who
by
his
treacherous
counsell
betraying
his
Master
hanged
himselfe
,
as
here
Achitophel
doth
,
that
betrayed
Dauid
;
the
like
ende
to
like
Counsellers
God
send
.
10.
Quest.
v.
25.
Of
Iithrah
the
father
of
Amasa
,
and
Nahash
.
1.
Iithrah
is
here
called
an
Israelite
,
but
1.
Chron.
2.17
.
he
is
said
to
be
an
Ismaelite
:
R.
Kimhi
thinketh
he
was
an
Israelite
by
nation
and
kinred
,
but
an
Ismaelite
by
habitation
:
so
also
Vatablus
:
but
he
was
an
Ismaelite
rather
by
nation
,
and
an
Israelite
in
habitation
:
Iun.
because
here
he
had
his
wife
,
and
here
were
his
children
.
2.
Nahash
some
take
for
Ishai
Dauids
father
,
who
had
two
daughters
,
Zeruiah
,
who
had
three
sonnes
,
Ioab
,
Abishai
,
and
Asahel
;
and
Abigail
the
mother
of
Amasa
:
and
R.
Kimhi
thinketh
he
was
called
Nahash
,
or
Nachash
,
which
signifieth
a
serpent
,
by
the
contrarie
,
because
he
was
without
any
venome
or
bitternesse
:
And
some
doe
further
shew
this
out
of
that
place
,
Isai.
14.29
.
Out
of
the
serpents
roote
shall
come
a
cockatrice
:
where
the
word
Nachash
is
put
:
which
they
expound
of
Hezekiah
,
that
was
descended
of
the
roote
of
Ishai
:
but
out
of
such
propheticall
predictions
,
where
all
things
are
vttered
in
parables
and
figuratiue
speaches
,
no
certaintie
of
historicall
names
can
be
gathered
.
Therefore
this
Nahash
seemeth
rather
to
be
the
name
of
a
woman
Abigails
mother
,
not
the
sister
of
Zeruiah
as
Osiander
;
but
the
wife
of
Ishai
.
Iun.
11.
Quest.
v.
27.
Of
Shebi
the
sonne
of
Nahash
that
came
to
succour
Dauid
,
who
hee
was
.
1.
R.
Salomon
thinketh
that
this
Shebi
was
the
same
,
who
before
was
called
Hanun
King
of
Ammon
,
who
so
despightfully
vsed
Dauids
messengers
,
who
after
the
victorie
was
preserued
,
and
became
a
Proselyte
of
the
Israelites
religion
:
but
that
is
not
like
,
because
after
the
first
discomfiture
,
Ioab
a
whole
yeare
laied
seige
to
Rabbah
,
which
businesse
they
needed
not
to
haue
beene
put
vnto
,
if
Hanun
had
yeelded
.
2.
R.
Dauid
Kimhi
thinketh
hee
was
an
Israelite
:
but
the
text
saith
,
that
he
was
of
Rabbath
of
the
children
of
Ammon
.
3.
Some
thinke
he
was
the
sonne
of
Hanun
:
but
the
text
saith
,
he
was
the
sonne
of
Nahash
:
and
if
he
had
beene
Hanuns
sonne
,
it
is
like
he
would
haue
rather
reuenged
his
fathers
quarrell
.
4.
Their
opinion
is
then
more
probable
,
that
thinke
this
Shebi
to
haue
beene
the
brother
of
Hanun
,
both
sonnes
to
Nahash
,
whom
Dauid
shewed
mercie
vnto
in
the
ouerthrow
of
Rabbah
:
and
hee
to
requite
Dauids
kindnesse
,
now
comforteth
him
:
Mart.
Borrh.
Osiand
.
Iosephus
calleth
him
Siphar
,
a
prince
of
the
Ammonites
countrie
.
12.
Quest.
v.
27.
Of
the
compassion
and
releefe
,
which
was
shewed
and
ministred
to
Dauid
.
1.
Dauid
is
persecuted
of
his
sonne
,
and
his
nephew
Amasa
his
sisters
sonne
is
the
Captaine
of
the
host
against
him
:
he
findeth
more
fauour
at
the
hands
of
strangers
,
euen
of
the
Ammonites
,
which
had
beene
his
enemies
,
then
of
his
owne
kinred
:
as
Christ
was
receiued
of
the
Samaritans
,
when
the
Iewes
reiected
him
.
Mart.
2.
Their
mercie
is
much
to
be
commended
in
these
three
respects
:
they
minister
releefe
vnto
Dauid
vnasked
,
they
come
of
themselues
,
Shebi
,
Machir
,
Barzillai
:
Mart.
and
they
succour
Dauid
in
great
extremitie
,
when
the
people
were
both
hungrie
and
thirstie
,
v.
29.
and
at
such
a
time
,
as
was
most
daungerous
,
the
conspiracie
against
Dauid
beeing
so
strong
.
3.
And
this
is
worthie
to
be
considered
,
that
such
a
victorious
and
rich
King
as
Dauid
was
,
now
hath
not
a
bed
to
lie
on
,
or
any
earthen
vessell
to
wash
his
hands
in
;
for
all
these
things
were
brought
him
:
which
is
a
mirrhor
for
Princes
to
see
the
vncertaintie
of
their
estate
,
and
how
soone
their
honour
may
be
laid
in
the
dust
.
4.
And
herein
Dauid
was
a
type
of
the
true
Dauid
,
who
in
the
dayes
of
his
flesh
was
hungrie
,
wearie
,
thirstie
,
and
ministred
vnto
by
others
:
Pellican
.
CHAP.
18.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Whence
Dauid
had
the
great
supplie
of
men
.
THey
come
vnto
him
partly
with
those
his
freinds
,
which
brought
him
victualls
,
c.
17.28
.
partly
the
tribes
of
Ruben
,
Gad
,
and
Manasses
,
which
inhabited
beyond
Iordan
came
flocking
vnto
Dauid
,
for
these
reasons
:
1.
They
abhorred
such
vnnaturall
disobedience
in
the
sonne
against
the
father
.
2.
They
were
more
remote
from
the
Court
,
and
loued
the
King
the
better
.
3.
And
beeing
farre
off
,
they
were
not
corrupted
and
entised
with
Abshaloms
flatterie
,
as
the
other
were
.
Pellican
.
2.
Quest.
v.
3.
Why
the
people
would
not
haue
Dauid
goe
with
them
in
person
.
1.
They
knew
that
Dauid
was
the
man
,
that
was
sought
for
,
as
Achitophel
had
said
before
,
that
they
would
smite
him
alone
,
c.
17.2
.
and
therefore
they
will
haue
him
stay
at
home
.
Pellican
.
2.
As
Hushai
had
giuen
counsell
,
that
Achitophel
should
goe
in
person
,
because
the
Lord
had
determined
to
bring
vpon
him
destruction
,
c.
11.14
.
so
it
falleth
out
by
Gods
direction
,
that
Dauid
should
not
goe
into
the
battell
,
that
hee
might
be
preserued
.
Borrh.
3.
When
they
should
perceiue
that
Dauid
was
not
present
,
they
would
not
pursue
the
rest
so
eagerly
,
nor
greatly
care
almost
for
the
victorie
:
Osiand
.
4.
And
Dauid
also
staying
at
home
,
might
assist
them
out
of
the
citie
with
his
counsell
,
Pell
.
and
prayer
,
Ch.
and
with
supply
of
the
battell
,
if
neede
were
.
Ioseph
.
3.
Quest.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
v.
3.
thou
art
as
tenne
thousand
of
vs
.
1.
Some
expound
it
thus
,
for
there
are
about
tenne
thousand
of
vs
:
Vatab.
but
beside
that
,
there
is
no
certaintie
of
the
number
,
which
Iosephus
thinketh
,
exceeded
not
fowre
thousand
:
in
this
sense
it
hath
small
coherence
with
the
words
before
going
,
though
halfe
of
vs
were
dead
,
they
would
not
passe
for
vs
.
2.
Some
of
the
Hebrewes
doe
thus
vnderstand
it
,
though
ten
thousand
such
as
we
should
be
slain
,
they
would
not
care
:
but
here
beside
that
these
words
should
be
slaine
,
are
not
in
the
text
,
this
in
effect
they
said
before
,
if
halfe
of
vs
should
be
dead
,
how
many
soeuer
they
were
.
3.
Others
thus
,
though
as
we
are
now
we
should
be
tenne
thousand
:
Iun.
that
is
,
ten
times
so
many
as
we
are
,
they
would
not
care
:
but
if
this
were
spoken
by
way
of
comparison
,
their
meaning
should
be
,
if
they
were
tenne
thousand
times
more
,
not
ten
times
more
.
4.
Therefore
I
preferre
the
vsuall
reading
,
bur
,
thou
art
as
tenne
thousand
of
vs
,
by
the
enterlacing
of
these
words
,
thou
art
:
for
beside
that
most
interpreters
consent
herein
,
the
Chald.
Septuag.
Latin
.
Pagnin
.
Pellic.
Borrh.
Osiand
.
it
best
agreeth
with
the
sense
,
and
answereth
to
the
other
part
of
the
comparison
,
they
care
not
for
vs
though
halfe
of
vs
be
killed
,
but
thou
art
the
man
,
more
worth
then
ten
thousand
of
vs
,
whom
they
seeke
for
:
as
also
the
conclusion
inferred
,
that
it
were
better
therefore
for
him
to
stay
in
the
citie
,
doth
more
fitly
depend
vpon
this
sense
:
as
also
the
peoples
speach
hath
herein
relation
vnto
Achitophels
,
who
had
said
before
,
c.
17.3
.
that
one
man
whom
they
sought
was
as
the
returning
of
all
the
people
.
5.
Now
they
say
,
Dauid
was
as
ten
thousand
;
1.
both
because
his
counsell
,
and
the
efficacie
of
his
prayers
would
stand
them
in
as
much
stead
as
ten
thousand
:
Pellic.
2.
and
in
respect
of
his
dignitie
and
excellencie
,
he
was
worthie
so
to
bee
esteemed
.
Borrh.
3.
as
also
in
respect
of
his
enemies
,
who
had
rather
haue
his
life
,
then
the
liues
of
tenne
thousand
:
Iun.
4.
and
the
commonwealth
should
sustaine
greater
losse
by
his
death
,
then
if
ten
thousand
of
them
were
slaine
.
Osiand
.
4.
Quest.
Why
Dauid
was
wished
to
stay
in
the
citie
.
1.
Iunius
readeth
,
If
thou
watch
for
our
sake
to
helpe
:
the
word
megher
,
hee
would
haue
deriued
from
ghur
,
to
watch
,
not
from
gher
,
a
citie
:
that
he
should
watch
his
time
to
helpe
them
if
neede
were
:
but
if
the
word
were
so
deriued
,
it
should
be
compounded
of
the
preposition
min
,
which
signifieth
from
,
which
would
make
a
contrarie
sense
;
as
Hosh.
7.4
.
f●om
watching
or
raising
,
as
though
hee
should
nowe
leaue
watching
.
2.
The
vsuall
reading
then
is
to
be
preferred
:
they
would
haue
him
helpe
them
out
of
the
citie
,
that
is
,
Mahanaim
,
whether
Dauid
was
come
,
chap.
17.24
.
from
thence
he
should
helpe
,
1.
by
his
prayer
,
Chald.
2.
by
his
counsell
and
aduise
:
Pellic.
Vatabl.
3.
by
rescuing
the
armie
if
they
should
be
put
to
flight
,
into
the
citie
:
Osiand
.
4.
and
by
renewing
the
battell
,
and
encouraging
the
soldiers
,
the
enemie
also
surmising
,
that
Dauid
stayed
behind
with
a
new
supply
.
Ioseph
.
lib.
7.
c.
9.
5.
Quest.
out
of
v.
3.
What
number
of
men
Dauid
had
in
his
armie
.
1.
Iosephus
thinketh
,
there
were
about
foure
thousand
of
them
,
and
not
aboue
:
but
that
is
not
like
,
because
Dauid
appointed
captaines
ouer
hundreds
,
and
ouer
thousands
;
and
beside
ranged
his
host
into
three
battells
,
v.
2.
this
sheweth
that
his
number
was
greater
then
of
foure
thousand
.
2.
Some
thinke
,
that
he
had
ten
thousand
or
thereabout
:
Vat.
as
it
may
appeare
by
his
reading
before
,
qu.
3.
but
it
seemeth
their
number
was
not
so
great
,
because
they
were
victualled
by
three
men
,
Sheba
,
Machir
,
and
Barzillai
,
c.
11.17.27
.
which
had
beene
enough
for
a
king
to
doe
.
3.
It
may
be
also
coniectured
,
that
they
were
20.
thousand
,
because
they
made
mention
of
the
halfe
part
of
them
before
,
and
now
giuing
this
instance
of
tenne
thousand
,
to
the
which
they
preferre
Dauid
,
it
may
be
supposed
that
to
be
the
halfe
part
;
sic
fere
Pellic.
But
this
opinion
is
refused
for
the
reason
before
alleadged
.
4.
Wherefore
,
as
their
number
is
like
not
to
haue
beene
so
small
as
of
foure
thousand
,
so
neither
is
it
probable
it
was
so
great
as
of
ten
or
twentie
thousand
:
I
therefore
take
the
middle
scantling
;
there
might
be
some
sixe
thousand
,
or
somewhat
more
,
but
vnder
ten
:
to
each
of
the
three
wings
two
thousand
or
thereabout
might
be
assigned
:
for
if
the
number
had
been
so
great
,
the
victorie
had
not
beene
so
glorious
:
and
Dauids
host
consisted
most
of
his
domesticall
followers
and
friends
,
and
therefore
they
are
called
his
seruants
,
v.
7.
6.
Quest.
v.
4.
In
what
place
Dauid
stood
,
when
he
sawe
the
people
goe
out
by
their
armies
.
1.
Some
thinke
,
that
Dauid
stood
before
the
gate
,
toward
the
high
way
:
Chald.
where
they
vse
to
sit
to
behold
the
commers
by
,
as
Lot
sate
at
the
gate
of
Sodom
,
Gen.
19.1
.
Vatab.
2.
Some
that
he
sate
neere
the
gate
:
Lat.
or
at
the
side
of
the
gate
:
S.B.G.
not
in
the
verie
gate
,
where
the
souldiers
were
to
goe
through
.
3.
But
the
words
are
el
iadh
,
ad
manum
,
in
the
hand
,
that
is
,
the
space
or
place
of
the
gate
:
for
so
is
the
word
taken
for
a
place
,
v.
18.
it
was
called
Absaloms
place
:
this
space
is
described
to
bee
betweene
the
two
gates
,
vers.
24.
Iun.
that
is
,
between
the
inward
and
the
outward
gate
.
Osiand
.
the
one
of
these
gates
was
in
the
wall
,
v.
24.
the
other
was
in
the
antemurall
,
or
before
the
wall
:
Pell
.
and
it
was
that
place
where
they
vsed
to
sit
in
iudgement
:
Genev.
as
Dauid
came
afterward
,
&
sat
in
the
gate
to
shew
himself
to
the
people
,
c.
19.8
Dauid
then
stood
in
the
entrance
or
wide
space
of
the
gate
,
while
the
people
passed
by
him
.
7.
Quest.
v.
5.
Why
Dauid
would
not
haue
Absalom
killed
.
Dauid
gaue
charge
to
the
captaines
to
spare
Absalom
.
1.
Because
his
owne
conscience
gaue
him
,
that
hee
was
raised
vp
as
an
instrument
of
Gods
iudgement
vpon
him
for
his
sinne
:
Pell
.
2.
He
feared
least
that
if
Absalom
should
be
cut
off
in
the
midst
of
his
rebellion
,
he
should
vtterly
perish
;
and
therefore
he
desired
that
he
might
haue
a
time
of
repentance
giuen
him
:
Osiand
.
3.
Dauid
herein
,
in
sparing
his
enemie
,
and
praying
for
him
that
persecuted
,
him
was
a
type
of
Christ
that
prayed
for
his
enemies
.
Borrh.
8.
Quest.
v.
6.
Of
the
wood
of
Ephraim
,
where
the
battell
was
pitched
.
1.
Some
think
it
was
called
the
wood
of
Ephraim
,
though
on
the
other
side
of
Iordan
where
the
Ephraimites
had
no
inheritance
,
because
it
was
right
ouer
against
the
tribe
of
Ephraim
,
only
diuided
by
the
riuer
Iordan
:
Pel.
Bor.
2.
The
Hebrewes
will
haue
it
so
called
,
because
the
Ephraimites
vsed
to
send
their
cattell
ouer
Iordan
,
&
feed
them
in
that
wood
,
which
was
not
denied
them
:
Vat.
Gen.
3.
But
it
is
more
probable
,
that
it
was
so
called
because
of
the
slaughter
of
the
Ephramites
there
made
by
Iephte
,
Iud.
12.
and
therefore
it
had
the
name
of
Ephraim
though
it
were
situate
in
the
tribe
of
Manasseh
.
Iun.
9.
Quest.
out
of
v.
8.
Of
the
great
slaughter
of
Absaloms
men
.
1.
They
were
not
only
destroyed
in
battell
,
but
fell
in
the
chase
as
they
fled
:
Ioseph
.
2.
And
the
wood
deuoured
them
,
while
they
ranne
among
the
trees
and
fell
vpon
the
stubs
:
Iun.
3.
And
tumbling
into
ditches
,
and
pits
,
and
caues
vnknowne
:
Pell
.
4.
The
wild
beasts
also
might
help
to
deuoure
and
consume
them
:
Ch.
who
are
by
a
metonymie
vnderstood
by
the
wood
.
Borr.
5.
And
whereas
twentie
thousand
fell
by
the
sword
,
ver.
7.
and
more
were
consumed
by
the
wood
then
by
the
sword
,
the
whole
number
in
all
exceeded
40.
thousand
.
Osiand
.
10.
Quest.
Of
Absaloms
hanging
by
the
haire
in
the
oake
.
v.
9.
1.
Wherein
Absalom
delighted
,
and
was
most
proud
of
,
therein
is
he
punished
:
he
is
hanged
by
the
haire
,
which
he
nourished
and
kept
long
of
purpose
to
glorie
in
it
,
c.
14.16
.
Gods
iustice
herein
appeareth
,
that
punisheth
a
man
wherein
he
sinneth
:
Osiand
.
2.
Euerie
creature
is
readie
to
take
reuenge
of
the
wicked
:
the
oake
taking
hold
aboue
,
and
the
mule
going
away
vnder
him
,
doe
both
conspire
to
punish
his
wickednesse
:
the
oake
had
boughs
winding
and
wrapping
one
within
an
other
,
like
vnto
a
bramble
or
bush
:
he
was
caught
by
the
haire
in
the
oake
,
as
Abrahams
ramme
by
the
hornes
in
the
bush
,
Gen.
22.13
.
where
the
same
word
seboch
is
vsed
,
with
a
litle
change
in
the
prints
.
3.
Absalom
hanged
aloft
betweene
heauen
and
earth
,
as
accursed
of
God
,
as
that
kind
of
death
was
accursed
by
the
law
of
God
:
the
like
shamefull
death
came
Achitophel
to
,
for
the
like
sinne
of
rebellion
and
disobedience
:
and
Iudas
afterward
,
of
whom
Achitophel
was
a
type
,
that
after
he
had
betrayed
Christ
,
hung
himselfe
.
Borrh.
11.
Quest.
Out
of
v.
11.
Of
the
reward
promised
by
Ioab
to
him
that
brought
tydings
of
Abshaloms
hanging
by
the
haire
.
1.
The
reward
promised
by
Ioab
to
the
souldier
,
was
not
50.
shekels
,
as
Iosephus
:
but
tenne
shekels
,
and
a
soldiers
girdle
,
which
was
a
signe
of
strength
and
valour
,
and
an
ornament
,
and
ensigne
of
honour
:
Osiand
.
2.
The
shekel
here
is
to
bee
valued
at
the
rate
of
the
common
and
vsuall
shekel
,
which
was
but
halfe
so
much
as
the
shekel
of
the
Sanctuarie
,
which
waighed
20.
gerahs
,
Exod.
30.13
.
the
gerah
waighed
16.
barry
cornes
,
the
common
shekel
then
waighed
10.
gerahs
,
that
is
,
an
160.
barley
corns
,
which
maketh
two
drachmaes
,
and
somewhat
more
,
that
is
,
a
quarter
of
an
ounce
,
the
fourth
part
of
a
doller
,
containing
an
ounce
of
siluer
,
about
14.
pence
sterling
.
Osiander
then
is
deceiued
,
that
here
iudgeth
the
shekel
to
be
in
value
and
weight
equall
to
the
doller
.
3.
Iosephus
also
is
here
in
an
errour
,
that
so
reporteth
this
storie
,
as
though
Ioab
should
haue
offred
the
soldier
these
shekels
to
go
,
and
thrust
Absalom
through
;
whereas
he
only
saith
,
it
was
in
me
,
or
with
me
,
that
is
,
in
my
power
to
haue
rewarded
thee
.
12.
Quest.
v.
13.
Of
the
souldiers
answer
to
Ioab
.
1.
Some
read
,
If
I
had
committed
a
trespasse
against
his
soule
:
because
the
affix
hath
the
letter
of
the
pronoune
,
which
signifieth
his
,
which
is
vaf
:
Osiand
.
but
it
retaineth
the
vowel
of
the
affix
of
the
first
person
,
which
is
chirik
,
which
is
more
to
bee
regarded
,
benopshi
:
therefore
it
is
rather
to
be
read
,
my
soule
.
2.
Which
Iunius
vnderstandeth
to
be
ex
meipso
,
of
my selfe
,
that
is
,
of
mine
owne
head
:
but
rather
hee
signifieth
,
that
it
should
haue
beene
with
the
danger
of
his
life
:
Vat.
B.
3.
The
third
word
sheker
,
is
not
generally
to
be
translated
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
S.
if
I
had
done
this
wickednesse
or
vniust
thing
,
but
it
signifieth
a
lie
:
A.P.
or
falsitie
:
C.
Iun.
both
in
that
he
should
haue
done
falsely
,
in
going
against
the
kings
commaundement
:
V.
as
also
in
denying
the
fact
afterward
,
&
so
telling
a
lie
:
Iun.
which
yet
he
could
not
haue
hidden
,
because
the
king
by
his
wisdome
would
haue
searched
it
out
.
4.
And
the
last
words
are
better
read
with
an
interrogation
,
wouldst
thou
haue
stroue
against
it
?
that
is
,
haue
opposed
thy selfe
against
the
kings
sentence
in
my
defence
?
I.V.
then
to
read
them
affirmatiuely
,
thou
wouldest
haue
stood
against
me
thy selfe
,
as
it
is
vsually
read
:
for
the
souldier
would
not
haue
so
vnmannerly
charged
his
generall
to
his
face
.
13.
Quest.
Why
Ioab
taketh
three
darts
.
1.
The
Hebrews
think
that
Ioab
did
this
,
because
he
had
thrice
dissembled
with
Dauid
,
with
the
Elders
of
Israel
,
and
with
the
200.
whom
he
had
seduced
,
c.
15.11
.
2.
But
it
is
more
likely
,
that
Ioab
did
remember
how
thrice
he
had
broken
his
faith
,
after
he
had
reconciled
him
to
his
father
.
Pel.
first
,
when
he
plaied
those
pranks
in
burning
Ioabs
corne
while
he
dwelt
in
Ierusalem
:
and
afterward
when
he
stole
away
the
hearts
of
the
people
,
and
accused
his
fathers
gouernment
,
after
he
was
admitted
to
his
presence
:
and
thirdly
,
when
he
rebelled
,
making
his
father
to
beleeue
,
that
hee
went
to
Hebron
to
pay
his
vow
.
3.
Or
rather
this
might
be
,
because
Absalom
had
committed
three
great
sinnes
,
murther
against
Amnon
,
rebellion
against
his
father
,
and
incest
in
lying
with
his
wiues
:
Osian
.
4.
Or
because
Absalom
had
three
kinds
of
death
;
he
was
thrust
through
of
Ioab
,
and
afterward
killed
of
his
men
,
and
lastly
ouerwhelmed
with
stones
.
5.
But
these
coniectures
need
not
:
for
he
took
three
darts
to
make
sure
work
,
that
he
might
throughly
dispatch
him
.
14.
Quest.
Whether
Ioab
sinned
in
killing
Absalom
contra●y
to
Dauids
charge
.
1.
Some
think
that
Ioab
&
the
yong
men
sinned
in
killing
Absalom
,
because
the
king
had
otherwise
charged
them
:
Osiand
.
2.
But
I
rather
encline
to
their
opinion
,
which
commend
in
this
act
the
faithfulnesse
,
iustice
,
and
wisedome
of
Ioab
,
and
vpon
these
reasons
.
1.
Ioab
had
good
experience
of
Absalom
alreadie
,
whome
he
had
twice
reconciled
to
his
father
,
and
still
broke
his
faith
,
and
therefore
had
no
hope
of
his
amendement
.
2.
He
had
Gods
warrant
,
beeing
now
a
cheife
Iusticiarie
in
the
battell
,
to
put
to
death
a
murderer
not
onely
of
Amnon
,
but
by
whose
meanes
twentie
thousand
of
the
Lords
people
were
slaine
,
beeing
now
offered
of
God
into
his
hands
:
neither
needed
any
witnesses
to
conuince
him
,
the
euidence
of
the
fact
shewing
it self
:
Pellic.
3.
He
knowing
that
Absalom
would
be
still
a
dangerous
man
to
the
whole
state
,
thinketh
it
best
to
take
him
out
of
the
way
,
preferring
the
safetie
of
the
whole
commonwealth
,
before
the
priuate
affection
of
the
king
.
4.
And
that
Ioab
herein
offended
not
appeareth
,
both
for
that
Dauid
neither
expostulated
with
him
after
the
battell
,
neither
when
he
accused
Ioab
to
Salomon
for
the
murther
of
Abner
and
Amasa
,
made
he
any
mention
of
the
killing
of
Absalom
.
Bor.
15.
Quest.
Out
of
the
17.
v.
of
Abshaloms
manner
of
death
.
1.
Absalom
beside
the
smiting
through
with
darts
,
was
also
stoned
by
Gods
iust
iudgement
,
by
whose
lawe
,
they
which
were
disobedient
to
their
fathers
and
mothers
were
stoned
to
death
:
Osiand
.
2.
This
was
also
a
iust
punishment
of
Absaloms
pride
,
that
as
he
had
beene
too
much
giuen
to
ambitious
ostentation
while
hee
liued
,
and
to
that
ende
had
reared
vp
a
pillar
to
be
a
monument
of
his
fame
vnto
posteritie
,
now
in
stead
of
that
pillar
,
he
shrowded
vnder
an
heape
of
stones
:
Pellic.
3.
So
was
the
king
of
Hai
serued
,
there
was
laid
vpon
him
beeing
dead
an
heape
of
stones
,
Iosh.
8.29
.
and
the
fiue
Kings
whom
Ioshua
ouercame
,
Iosh.
10.27
.
16.
Quest.
Of
Absaloms
children
,
v.
18.
1.
Some
thinke
,
that
whereas
it
is
said
before
,
c.
14.27
.
that
Absalom
had
three
sonnes
and
a
daughter
,
that
all
his
children
were
now
dead
:
sic
Geneuens
.
but
it
is
not
necessarie
to
thinke
,
that
all
of
them
were
taken
away
,
but
onely
his
sonnes
,
as
the
words
of
the
text
are
,
for
he
said
,
I
haue
no
sonne
,
&c.
2.
Iosephus
is
of
opinion
,
that
his
sonnes
were
not
dead
alreadie
,
but
he
prouided
,
if
they
should
chance
to
die
without
issue
,
that
by
this
pillar
he
should
be
remembred
:
but
the
text
is
plaine
,
that
they
were
dead
at
this
time
,
as
the
Chalde
well
expresseth
,
non
est
mihi
filius
superstes
,
&c.
I
haue
no
sonne
left
.
3.
God
therefore
had
now
depriued
him
of
his
three
sonnes
mentioned
before
,
c.
14.
Iun.
he
that
was
so
vnnaturall
to
his
father
,
was
not
worthie
to
haue
any
children
.
Pellic.
17.
Quest.
v.
21.
Of
the
Cushite
whom
Ioab
sent
with
the
newes
vnto
Dauid
.
1.
Some
read
Cushai
,
as
though
he
were
the
same
with
that
Cushai
before
mentioned
,
which
was
Dauids
friend
:
Osiand
.
but
there
is
great
difference
in
the
names
:
that
is
Cushai
,
with
pathah
,
this
Cushi
,
with
chirieh
,
and
that
Cushai
was
yet
a
follower
of
Absalom
,
and
was
not
returned
to
Dauid
.
2.
The
most
take
it
for
a
proper
name
,
that
he
was
called
Cushi
;
Montan.
Pag.
with
others
.
3.
But
he
was
rather
a
Cushite
,
that
is
,
an
Aethiopian
,
as
the
word
is
taken
,
Ierem.
13.23
.
and
in
diuerse
others
places
:
and
therefore
he
is
afterward
called
the
Kings
seruant
,
v.
29.
for
that
cursed
posteritie
of
Cham
,
became
seruants
to
Sems
seede
according
●o
Noahs
prophesie
,
Gen.
9.
sic
Iun.
Pellic.
Borrh.
some
thinke
he
might
be
so
called
of
his
colour
,
and
yet
an
Israelite
born
,
Vat.
but
the
other
is
more
probable
.
18.
Quest.
v.
29.
Whether
Ahimaaz
knewe
not
of
Absaloms
death
.
It
is
without
question
,
that
Ahimaaz
was
not
ignorant
of
Absaloms
death
:
for
Ioab
had
yeilded
that
as
a
reason
,
v.
20.
why
he
would
not
send
him
with
the
message
to
the
King
,
because
the
kings
son
was
dead
.
But
Ahimaaz
of
purpose
concealed
it
for
these
reasons
.
1.
Because
as
before
he
had
brought
heauie
newes
to
Dauid
,
c.
17.20
.
so
now
he
desireth
to
bring
good
newes
.
Bor.
2.
He
would
not
all
at
once
tell
the
king
of
his
death
,
least
he
might
haue
bin
oppressed
with
grief
,
but
leaues
him
in
suspence
,
that
he
might
by
little
and
little
digest
his
sonnes
death
.
3.
Ahimaaz
did
it
also
in
respect
of
himselfe
;
for
he
knew
that
as
the
euil
tidings
is
not
welcome
,
so
neither
is
the
messenger
thereof
accepted
;
like
as
the
patient
doth
loath
the
very
cup
out
of
the
which
he
drinketh
his
bitter
potion
.
4.
By
this
then
we
are
taught
these
points
of
good
discretion
:
first
,
that
we
put
off
the
relation
of
euill
newes
to
others
,
where
we
are
not
vrged
by
necessitie
:
secondly
,
that
when
we
doe
tell
hard
newes
,
we
should
doe
it
by
degrees
:
for
many
vpon
the
sudden
report
of
heauie
things
haue
presently
died
.
Osiand
.
19.
Quest.
v.
33.
Why
Dauid
mourneth
for
Absalom
.
1.
Dauids
naturall
affection
,
which
he
could
not
hide
,
did
mooue
him
thus
to
take
on
for
his
sonne
;
as
also
the
consideration
of
Gods
iust
iudgment
against
him
for
his
sinne
:
Genev.
2.
As
also
Dauid
therin
saw
the
accomplishment
of
Nathans
prophesie
against
his
house
for
his
owne
sinne
:
which
was
the
cause
of
these
great
calamities
:
Bor.
Pell
.
3.
He
considered
that
Absalom
died
in
his
sinne
without
repentance
,
and
therefore
he
mourneth
not
so
much
for
Absaloms
corporal
death
,
as
for
the
perill
and
danger
of
the
saluation
of
his
soule
.
Osiand
.
20.
Quest.
v.
33.
Why
Dauid
wished
to
die
for
Absalom
.
1.
He
feared
least
his
sonne
dying
in
his
sinne
without
repentance
,
died
out
of
the
fauour
of
God
:
his
owne
death
he
feared
not
,
beeing
assured
that
he
should
die
in
Gods
fauour
,
and
therefore
he
desired
by
his
corporall
death
,
that
he
had
redeemed
his
sonnes
life
,
that
he
might
haue
liued
to
repent
him
:
Osiand
.
2.
He
wished
to
die
rather
then
to
liue
to
see
the
miserie
and
calamitie
,
which
he
foresawe
by
Nathans
prophesie
,
was
like
to
fall
vpon
his
familie
and
posteritie
:
Pellic.
3.
He
was
herein
a
type
and
figure
of
Christ
,
who
offered
himselfe
to
death
for
those
which
persecuted
him
:
Bor.
4.
The
Hebrewes
vainely
here
imagine
,
that
Absalom
by
Dauids
teares
and
prayers
was
deliuered
from
hell
,
and
taken
into
paradise
:
but
no
mention
is
here
made
of
Dauids
prayers
at
all
:
Pellic.
which
he
would
not
haue
omitted
,
if
he
had
thought
that
prayers
were
auaileable
for
the
dead
:
Osiand
.
nay
he
had
shewed
the
contrarie
,
when
he
left
praying
for
the
child
,
after
he
knew
it
was
dead
.
CHAP.
20.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
What
mooued
Shebah
to
entise
Israel
to
leaue
Dauid
.
1.
THe
former
contention
betweene
Israel
and
Iudah
ministred
occasion
thereof
,
because
they
of
Iudah
challenged
the
king
to
be
peculiar
to
themselues
,
and
therefore
Shebah
saith
,
as
from
their
mouth
,
and
in
their
words
,
wee
haue
no
part
in
Dauid
,
as
they
would
beare
vs
in
hand
.
Vatab.
2.
The
old
and
inveterate
hatred
and
enuie
betweene
Sauls
house
,
of
the
which
it
seemeth
this
Shebah
was
,
and
Iudah
,
did
stir
him
vp
to
this
mischiefe
.
Borrh.
3.
As
also
his
owne
ambition
,
thinking
,
if
they
could
shake
off
Dauids
yoke
,
to
be
King
himselfe
in
his
stead
:
Osiander
.
4.
As
also
the
people
grew
wearie
of
the
Kingly
gouernment
,
and
sought
for
libertie
.
Pellican
.
2.
Quest.
v.
3.
Of
the
shutting
vp
of
Dauids
Concubines
.
1.
Dauid
inflicteth
a
treble
punishment
vpon
them
,
for
yeelding
to
the
incestuous
lust
of
Abshalom
;
for
they
should
rather
haue
died
,
then
condescended
vnto
him
:
first
they
are
sequestred
and
shut
vp
from
all
company
,
that
none
should
come
at
them
least
beeing
seene
abroad
,
the
memorie
of
that
vncleane
fact
should
haue
beene
thereby
reuiued
.
Borrh.
Secondly
,
Dauid
doth
forbeare
their
companie
,
because
it
was
not
fit
,
after
they
were
defiled
by
his
sonne
,
that
they
should
haue
accesse
to
him
.
2.
Some
thinke
,
that
because
it
is
added
,
in
widowhood
for
life
,
that
they
continued
in
widowes
estate
onely
during
the
life
of
Dauid
:
Vatabl.
and
so
hee
distinguisheth
,
betweene
viduitatem
vitae
,
widowhood
of
life
,
and
viduitatem
mortis
,
widowhood
of
death
,
that
is
,
after
the
husbands
death
:
so
also
the
Chalde
,
they
were
called
widdowes
,
viri
superstitis
,
of
the
husband
yet
suruiuing
.
But
it
is
euident
rather
by
the
text
,
that
they
were
thus
enclosed
and
sequestred
vnto
the
day
of
their
death
.
Iun.
3.
Yet
Dauid
nourished
and
kept
them
with
all
things
necessarie
,
because
he
considered
,
that
they
were
forced
thereunto
:
Osiand
.
Ioseph
.
But
yet
Dauid
should
as
well
or
rather
haue
punished
those
,
which
were
either
causes
,
or
consenters
to
this
disgrace
:
of
which
number
.
Amasa
was
one
,
who
beeing
then
a
cheife
man
about
Abshalom
,
was
contented
he
should
follow
Achitophels
wicked
counsell
,
and
was
himselfe
a
beholder
of
it
.
Pellican
.
3.
Quest.
Issuing
out
of
the
former
,
Whether
perpetuall
widdowhood
or
virginitie
may
be
inflicted
,
or
enioyned
.
1.
That
a
man
is
not
bound
to
render
the
matrimoniall
debt
,
where
the
faith
of
wedlocke
is
broken
,
by
any
adulterous
or
incestuous
act
,
it
is
cleare
by
the
example
of
Iacob
,
who
is
thought
not
to
haue
companied
with
Billah
after
Ruben
had
committed
incest
with
her
:
for
Iacob
saith
his
bed
was
defiled
,
Gen.
49.3
.
Borrh.
So
also
Dauid
vpon
iust
cause
refrained
from
the
companie
of
those
concubines
.
2.
But
it
is
an
harder
question
,
whether
the
husband
or
the
Magistrate
may
enioyne
vnto
the
offending
wife
perpetuall
widdowhood
after
the
husbands
death
:
which
I
rather
encline
to
thinke
ought
not
to
be
for
these
reasons
.
1.
Because
the
husband
hath
no
longer
power
ouer
his
wife
,
then
while
he
liueth
;
as
the
Apostle
sheweth
,
Rom.
7.2
.
If
the
man
be
dead
,
shee
is
deliuered
from
the
power
of
the
man
.
2.
Againe
,
this
were
to
denie
vnto
the
weake
partie
the
remedie
against
fornication
,
which
is
marriage
,
and
so
they
might
be
occasioned
to
liue
in
sinne
still
:
and
therefore
the
Apostle
alloweth
euery
woman
to
haue
her
husband
,
1.
Cor.
7.
c.
3.
It
is
against
nature
to
inhibite
the
procreation
of
children
,
in
restraining
women
from
marriage
apt
for
procreation
:
these
two
latter
reasons
are
vrged
by
the
law
of
Iustinian
,
made
on
the
behalfe
of
widdowes
,
not
to
be
enioyned
widdowhood
:
3.
Herein
the
Ciuill
law
seemeth
to
be
more
equall
,
then
the
Canons
,
which
decree
thus
:
Adultera
non
nubat
,
etiamsi
mortuus
fuerit
vir
eius
,
&c.
the
adulteresse
shall
not
marrie
no
not
when
her
husband
is
dead
,
but
doe
penance
all
the
daies
of
her
life
:
Caus.
32.
qu.
7.
c.
22.
likewise
,
if
a
man
had
lien
with
his
wiues
sister
,
they
did
both
permanere
sine
spe
coniugij
,
continue
without
hope
of
marriage
:
Ibid.
c.
23.
so
was
it
also
decreed
in
the
Triburian
counsell
,
that
if
one
lay
with
his
mother
in
law
,
neuter
ad
coniugium
peruenire
potest
:
neither
of
them
can
come
to
marriage
:
Ibid.
c.
29.
But
the
Apostle
enioyned
no
such
thing
to
the
incestuous
young
man
,
that
had
taken
his
fathers
wife
,
1.
Cor.
5.1
.
but
onely
tooke
a
course
that
he
should
be
brought
to
repentance
.
Likewise
the
imperiall
constitution
ordained
,
that
,
if
a
man
gaue
a
legacie
to
his
wife
,
vpon
condition
she
should
not
marrie
,
that
she
would
enioy
the
gift
,
although
she
did
marrie
:
and
in
the
same
imperiall
constitution
,
the
Iulian
law
is
repealed
,
that
gaue
the
widow
libertie
to
marrie
againe
,
taking
an
oath
,
that
she
did
it
for
procreation
sake
:
the
law
saith
,
tale
iuramentum
conquiescat
,
&
lex
Iulia
cedat
,
&c.
such
an
oath
shall
cease
,
and
the
Iulian
law
giue
place
:
and
libertie
is
there
giuen
,
for
the
widdow
without
taking
such
oath
,
to
betake
her
to
second
marriage
.
4.
But
the
example
of
Iepthah
is
vrged
,
that
according
to
the
opinion
of
the
most
and
best
Interpreters
,
did
consecrate
his
daughter
to
perpetuall
virginitie
:
to
the
which
it
is
answered
,
first
that
Iepthah
in
so
doing
shewed
himselfe
ignorant
of
the
law
,
which
alloweth
the
redemption
both
of
male
and
female
for
money
,
Leuit.
27.4
.
and
therefore
Iepthah
saying
he
could
not
goe
backe
,
declareth
his
ignorance
of
the
lawe
in
that
point
:
secondly
,
Iepthahs
daughter
herein
consented
to
her
father
,
to
become
a
votarie
and
perpetuall
virgin
vnto
God
,
so
that
it
was
voluntarie
in
her
,
and
not
compulsiue
.
5.
And
touching
this
example
of
Dauid
,
in
sequestring
his
concubines
during
their
life
:
these
considerations
are
to
be
weighed
.
1.
That
men
had
greater
power
then
ouer
their
wiues
then
now
:
for
Moses
,
as
our
Sauiour
saith
,
for
the
hardnesse
of
heart
allowed
them
to
make
a
bill
of
diuorcement
.
2.
There
is
a
difference
betweene
a
wife
and
a
concubine
:
that
may
be
enioyned
a
concubine
,
which
is
not
to
be
imposed
vpon
a
wife
:
the
one
beeing
as
free
,
the
other
bound
.
3.
This
was
a
particular
and
speciall
case
concerning
the
King
:
these
concubines
offended
two
wayes
,
both
in
committing
incest
,
and
in
violating
the
Maiestie
of
the
King
:
for
both
which
they
were
worthie
of
death
:
wherein
though
Dauid
shewed
them
clemencie
,
yet
it
was
fit
that
otherwise
an
example
should
be
made
of
them
.
4.
The
women
themselues
were
ashamed
to
be
seene
abroad
,
but
it
seemeth
were
contented
to
lead
a
priuate
life
,
and
so
to
be
sequestred
from
the
world
during
their
life
.
4.
Quest.
v.
6.
Whom
Dauid
meaneth
(
speaking
to
Abishai
)
by
thy
Lords
seruants
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
Dauid
calleth
Amasa
,
Abishai
his
Lord
,
because
he
was
assigned
now
to
be
the
Captaine
of
the
host
,
as
Vriah
calleth
Ioab
his
Lord
,
c.
11.11
.
Iun.
But
,
although
Dauid
had
purposed
to
preferre
Amasa
to
Ioabs
place
,
yet
now
seeing
Amasa
to
be
slacke
,
and
so
suspecting
his
fidelitie
,
Dauid
had
no
reason
to
giue
him
such
honour
:
neither
was
Ioab
yet
actually
displaced
,
for
the
souldiers
yet
are
called
Ioabs
men
,
v.
7.
2.
Rather
Dauid
vnderstandeth
Ioab
the
Captaine
of
the
host
:
Genev.
but
that
is
not
so
like
,
for
he
was
Abishai
his
brother
:
and
at
that
time
Abishai
had
the
charge
of
the
armie
,
and
therefore
in
that
behalfe
Ioab
can
not
be
said
to
be
his
Lord
.
3.
Therefore
Dauid
rather
meaneth
himselfe
,
that
Abishai
should
take
his
seruants
,
Osiand
.
which
are
before
,
c.
19.41
.
called
Dauids
men
.
5.
Quest.
v.
8.
How
Ioab
commeth
to
be
mentioned
,
that
went
not
out
with
the
host
.
1.
Iosephus
is
deceiued
,
who
saith
that
Dauid
spake
vnto
Ioab
,
when
he
saw
that
Amasa
came
not
:
for
it
is
euident
by
the
text
,
v.
6.
that
Dauid
spake
to
Abishai
,
because
he
had
taken
a
displeasure
against
Ioab
,
and
purposed
to
remooue
him
.
2.
Therfore
it
is
like
,
that
Ioab
,
though
Dauid
bid
him
not
,
did
voluntarily
goe
with
his
brother
to
assist
him
,
partly
for
loue
vnto
his
people
and
to
the
King
,
whom
he
saw
to
be
in
present
daunger
by
this
rebellion
of
Shebah
,
Pellican
.
partly
,
that
hee
might
insinuate
himselfe
by
his
diligence
into
the
Kings
fauour
,
to
retaine
his
place
still
.
Osiander
.
6.
Quest.
v.
8.
Why
Ioabs
sword
was
loose
in
the
sheath
.
1.
Iosephus
thinketh
that
Ioabs
sword
beeing
loose
in
the
scabberd
fell
to
the
ground
,
and
hee
tooke
it
vp
,
as
thinking
nothing
,
and
so
smote
Amasa
:
but
if
it
had
beene
so
,
Amasa
seeing
him
take
vp
his
sword
,
might
haue
doubted
somewhat
,
whereas
now
he
tooke
no
heed
to
the
sword
,
v.
10.
2.
Some
read
,
that
this
was
the
vse
at
other
times
,
that
as
Ioab
went
,
his
sword
fell
out
,
Genevens
.
but
that
is
not
like
:
for
then
it
would
haue
beene
a
great
let
vnto
Ioab
in
his
marching
.
3.
Therefore
it
seemeth
by
the
text
,
that
Ioab
at
this
time
onely
did
so
hang
his
sword
,
that
when
hee
would
it
might
of
it selfe
fall
out
,
that
he
might
draw
it
forth
readily
and
with
ease
,
and
without
noise
.
Iun.
Vatab.
Osiand
.
7.
Quest.
v.
10.
Of
the
murther
of
Amasa
.
1.
Though
this
iudgement
of
God
was
iust
vpon
Amasa
,
because
hee
had
ioyned
with
Absh●lom
rebelliously
against
his
father
:
yet
Ioab
therein
committed
a
most
hainous
sinne
.
Pellican
.
2.
These
three
circumstances
exaggerate
Ioabs
sinne
:
first
,
the
time
considered
,
now
they
were
in
pursuite
of
the
common
enemie
,
but
between
them
there
was
freindship
and
peace
:
secondly
,
in
regard
of
their
persons
:
Amasa
and
Ioab
were
sisters
sonnes
,
and
Amasa
had
beene
sent
forth
about
the
kings
affaires
:
Borr.
thirdly
,
in
respect
of
Ioabs
affection
:
it
was
his
ambition
,
that
mooued
him
before
to
kill
Abner
,
and
now
Amasa
after
the
same
treacherous
manner
,
who
,
he
feared
,
were
like
to
thrust
him
out
of
office
.
Osiand
.
8.
Quest.
v.
11.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
Whosoeuer
is
well
affected
toward
Ioab
,
&c.
let
him
goe
after
Ioab
.
1.
Some
vnderstand
these
words
of
Amasa
,
and
make
this
to
be
the
sense
,
behold
him
,
that
would
be
vnto
Dauid
for
Ioab
:
Lat.
that
is
,
which
sought
to
displace
Ioab
,
and
to
be
preferred
before
him
.
Pellican
.
But
the
words
will
not
beare
this
sence
:
for
the
text
is
,
hee
which
is
well
affected
,
or
well
pleased
in
Ioab
:
chaphetz
:
which
could
not
be
said
of
Amasa
,
that
hated
Ioab
:
againe
,
the
other
word
is
,
after
,
not
for
Ioab
:
acharee
.
2.
Some
make
this
young
man
,
that
stood
by
Amasa
,
to
insult
ouer
him
,
and
to
wish
that
whosoeuer
sought
to
vndermine
Ioab
,
and
put
him
beside
his
office
should
be
serued
as
Amasa
was
:
Osiand
.
neither
can
this
sense
be
admitted
for
the
former
reasons
.
3.
Therefore
the
true
meaning
is
:
that
this
young
man
beeing
appointed
by
Ioab
,
as
it
is
like
,
to
stand
by
Amasa
,
Genevens
.
by
this
reason
perswaded
the
people
,
to
goe
after
Ioab
,
as
they
fauoured
him
,
and
wished
well
to
Dauid
,
and
not
to
stand
gazing
there
;
Vatab.
Iun.
And
therefore
when
he
saw
the
people
to
stand
still
for
all
this
,
he
remooued
Amasa
out
of
the
way
,
as
it
followeth
in
the
next
verse
.
9.
Quest.
v.
14.
Of
the
Citie
Abel
and
Bethmaacah
.
1.
Some
take
these
to
be
two
cities
,
but
yet
neere
together
,
Borrh.
Genevens
.
2.
Some
take
Bethmaacah
to
be
the
name
of
the
countrie
or
region
where
Abel
was
situate
,
Osiand
.
3.
But
they
seeme
rather
both
to
be
names
of
one
citie
,
as
may
appeare
by
these
reasons
.
1.
In
the
next
verse
it
is
called
Abel
Bethmaacah
,
without
any
thing
comming
betweene
.
2.
It
is
named
Abelmaim
,
1.
Chron.
●6
.
4
.
which
somewhat
resembleth
this
name
Abelmaacah
.
3.
This
was
a
towne
of
Manasseh
,
and
Maacah
was
the
wife
of
Machir
of
Manasseh
,
1.
Chron.
7.16
.
so
it
seemeth
,
that
it
was
called
after
her
name
,
for
distinction
sake
from
other
cities
hight
also
Abel
:
Iun.
4.
Iosephus
is
of
●he
same
opinion
,
who
calleth
it
by
one
name
,
Abelmachra
.
10.
Quest.
v.
14.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
and
all
Beerim
.
1.
Some
take
Beerim
to
be
a
region
in
the
vpper
or
higher
Galile
,
where
Abel
was
situate
.
Borrh.
2.
Some
take
it
to
be
the
name
of
certaine
places
which
Shebah
went
thorough
,
Vatab.
Chald.
Genevens
.
3.
Some
thinke
,
that
though
it
be
last
named
,
yet
Shebah
went
first
thorough
these
places
in
Beniamin
before
he
came
to
Abel
.
3.
But
hee
meaneth
rather
the
inhabitants
of
the
citie
Berath
,
which
was
in
Beniamin
,
Iosh.
18.25
.
Iun.
and
this
sense
is
confirmed
by
the
next
words
following
,
who
gathered
together
and
followed
him
:
that
is
,
the
Bercans
,
beeing
of
his
tribe
,
and
it
may
be
of
the
same
citie
,
did
take
part
with
him
.
11.
Quest.
v.
15.
Of
these
words
,
hee
cast
vp
a
banke
.
1.
Iunius
readeth
in
the
cleane
contrarie
sense
:
strauit
aggerem
,
hee
laied
flat
the
banke
:
the
word
is
shaphach
,
which
signifieth
to
poure
out
,
or
vulad
:
and
so
when
the
ground
was
made
plaine
,
they
came
to
batter
the
wall
.
2.
But
I
preferre
the
common
reading
:
effuderunt
aggerem
,
and
of
the
Chald.
acervârunt
aggerem
,
they
●ast
vp
,
or
heaped
vp
a
banke
:
so
A.P.V.C.
and
my
reasons
are
these
.
1.
Because
of
the
words
following
;
it
,
1.
the
citie
stood
entrenched
,
or
with
a
trench
or
rampire
:
which
was
the
rampire
or
banke
,
which
they
had
raised
against
it
.
2.
The
same
phrase
which
the
Septuagint
here
vse
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
they
cast
vp
a
trench
,
is
taken
in
the
same
sense
,
Luk.
19.43
.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
they
shall
cast
vp
a
trench
against
thee
.
3.
Because
this
was
the
manner
of
besieging
cities
,
to
cast
vp
mounts
against
them
:
and
from
their
mounts
to
cast
engines
with
ropes
,
whereof
mention
is
made
,
c.
17.13
.
to
shake
the
walls
:
which
course
it
is
like
Ioab
tooke
here
;
because
they
beganne
to
shake
and
pull
downe
the
wall
,
as
the
end
of
the
verse
sheweth
.
12.
Quest.
v.
15.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
it
stood
with
a
rampire
.
1.
Some
doe
read
,
in
the
plurall
number
,
they
stood
vpon
the
rampire
,
and
vnderstand
it
of
the
people
of
the
citie
,
that
they
stood
vpon
the
bulwork
or
rampire
to
defend
it
:
Pag.
Geneuens
.
But
it
seemeth
by
the
treatie
of
the
women
,
that
th●
citizens
did
not
vse
any
force
against
Ioab
,
but
expected
that
conditions
of
peace
should
haue
bin
first
propounded
them
,
and
the
rampire
or
bulworke
beeing
without
the
wall
:
for
so
the
word
signifieth
praemunitionem
,
a
premunition
or
bulwork
before
:
how
could
the
people
leaue
the
wall
to
keepe
the
bulwork
?
for
i●
is
like
(
and
so
thinke●h
Iosephus
)
that
the
citie
gates
were
shut
against
Ioab
.
2.
Some
vnderstand
it
of
Ioabs
men
,
that
they
stood
in
the
trench
,
and
came
neere
to
assaile
the
wall
:
Osiand
.
But
the
word
is
both
in
the
singular
number
,
and
of
the
feminine
gender
,
and
so
can
not
agree
to
the
men
or
people
.
3.
Some
applie
it
to
the
woman
,
that
she
stood
vpon
the
rampire
or
wall
,
and
from
thence
spake
to
Ioab
:
Vatab.
but
it
is
not
like
that
the
woman
stood
there
,
before
Ioabs
men
beganne
to
batter
the
wall
,
as
the
next
words
shew
they
did
.
4.
Therefore
,
it
is
most
fitly
referred
to
the
citie
,
not
that
it
did
stand
alone
with
a
wall
,
without
a
rampire
,
as
Iun.
for
the
word
eheel
signifieth
not
a
wall
,
but
the
rampire
or
bulworke
before
the
wall
:
as
Isai.
26.1
.
Lament.
2.8
.
But
the
citie
stood
now
entrenched
,
and
enuironed
with
this
trench
or
rampire
:
as
the
Septuag.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
:
and
the
Latine
giueth
this
sense
well
,
obsessa
est
vrbs
,
the
Citie
beganne
thus
to
be
assaulted
.
13.
Quest.
v.
18.
Of
these
words
,
They
spake
in
the
beginning
,
saying
,
aske
of
Abel
.
1.
Some
thus
expound
it
:
in
this
citie
of
Abel
haue
beene
in
times
past
excellent
men
for
wisedome
,
whom
they
were
wont
to
resort
vnto
for
counsell
:
wilt
thou
then
destroi●
such
a
famous
citi●
?
Osiand
.
But
this
is
not
so
fit
:
it
is
better
referred
to
the
oblation
of
peace
,
first
to
be
made
when
a
citie
was
besieged
according
to
the
lawe
,
Deut.
20.10
.
and
therefore
the
woman
saith
in
the
next
verse
,
I
am
one
of
those
that
are
peaceable
,
that
is
,
which
will
not
refuse
the
offer
and
order
of
peace
.
2.
Some
read
thus
,
they
spake
in
old
time
,
saying
,
aske
of
Abel
,
Genevens
.
It
was
said
in
the
old
Proverb
,
Lat.
and
the
Chalde
thus
expoundeth
,
Remember
what
is
written
in
the
law
,
that
they
vsed
of
old
time
,
to
aske
a
citie
,
&c.
to
the
same
effect
Pellic.
Borrh.
but
seeing
there
is
particular
mention
made
of
Abel
,
it
seemeth
that
no
such
proverb
is
here
insinuated
,
though
reference
be
had
to
the
law
.
3.
Therefore
,
they
which
thus
spake
in
the
beginning
(
as
the
word
signifieth
,
and
as
the
Septuag.
read
)
rather
then
of
old
,
were
the
Citizens
of
Abel
,
that
thus
communed
and
consulted
among
themselues
,
that
Ioab
would
first
offer
vnto
the
citie
peace
,
to
see
if
it
would
be
accepted
.
Iun.
14.
Quest.
v.
23.
Of
Ioabs
restitution
to
his
office
.
1.
It
is
neither
like
,
that
Ioab
was
absolutely
restored
vnto
his
place
,
which
Dauid
had
promised
to
Amasa
,
because
of
his
valiant
exploits
,
Pellican
.
for
Dauid
did
altogether
mislike
him
for
those
two
bloodie
murthers
of
Abner
and
Amasa
.
2.
Neither
yet
as
Iun.
did
he
improbè
recuperare
,
wickedly
recouer
his
place
of
gouernment
against
Dauids
mind
altogether
:
for
Dauid
could
not
spare
him
.
3.
But
Dauid
was
content
hee
should
retaine
his
place
,
because
his
seruice
was
so
necessarie
:
not
clearing
him
of
his
due
deserued
punishment
,
but
onely
deferred
it
.
Osiand
.
CHAP.
21.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Of
the
time
when
this
famine
was
sent
vpon
the
land
.
1.
THe
generall
opinion
is
,
that
this
famine
followed
immediately
after
those
ciuill
warres
ended
with
Absalom
and
Sheba
:
bella
fame
excipiuntur
,
the
warres
ended
with
famine
:
Borrh.
so
also
Pellican
,
with
others
:
but
that
this
cannot
be
,
is
euident
by
that
place
.
c.
15.7
.
where
Absaloms
rebellion
falleth
out
toward
the
end
of
the
fortieth
yeare
:
which
must
be
vnderstood
of
the
raigne
of
Dauid
,
as
hath
been
shewed
in
that
place
:
for
Dauid
raigned
but
40.
yeares
in
all
:
but
by
this
account
,
if
the
three
yeares
famine
followed
after
Absaloms
rebellion
,
Dauid
must
haue
raigned
43.
yeares
and
aboue
.
2.
This
is
the
onely
doubt
,
how
all
these
things
set
downe
in
this
booke
from
c.
15.
to
c.
21.
could
fall
out
in
so
short
a
time
,
in
the
ende
of
the
fortieth
yeare
of
Dauids
raigne
:
But
this
may
easily
bee
answered
:
for
Absaloms
rebellion
continued
not
long
,
and
immediately
vpon
that
followed
the
rebellion
of
Shebah
:
so
that
all
these
things
might
very
well
fall
out
in
the
compasse
of
not
many
moneths
.
3.
So
then
the
more
probable
opinion
is
,
that
these
stories
of
the
three
yeares
famine
,
c.
21.
and
of
numbring
the
people
,
c.
24.
are
transposed
;
as
the
like
is
apparant
in
the
3.
last
chapters
of
the
booke
of
the
Iudges
;
the
order
of
time
then
is
not
obserued
,
in
the
setting
downe
of
these
histories
:
for
the
Scripture
rather
respecteth
the
coherence
of
the
matter
and
argument
,
then
the
consequence
of
time
:
sic
fere
Iunius
.
2.
Quest.
v.
1.
How
Dauid
sought
the
face
of
Iehouah
.
1.
The
Chalde
paraphrast
by
the
face
,
vnderstandeth
the
mercies
of
the
Lord
,
because
mercie
and
clemencie
sheweth
it selfe
in
the
face
.
2.
Some
doe
read
,
that
Dauid
sought
the
Lord
:
Vatab.
Geneuens
.
but
to
seeke
the
face
of
the
Lord
,
is
somewhat
more
then
to
seeke
the
Lord
.
3.
Some
,
he
consulted
with
the
oracle
of
God
:
Latin
.
expressing
the
sense
in
part
,
but
not
wholly
:
for
beside
that
he
receiued
answer
from
the
oracle
of
God
,
he
went
to
the
place
of
his
presence
.
4.
Iosephus
thinketh
that
Dauid
consulted
with
God
by
the
Prophets
,
and
by
them
receiued
an
answer
.
5.
But
it
is
rather
to
be
vnderstood
not
of
that
extraordinarie
reuelation
by
Prophets
,
but
of
the
ordinarie
meanes
,
which
was
prescribed
to
aske
counsell
by
,
which
was
by
the
high
Priest
,
who
gaue
iudgement
by
his
Vrim
;
as
the
Lord
himselfe
appointeth
,
Numb.
27.21
.
Iun.
Osiand
.
3.
Quest.
Wherefore
this
famine
was
sent
,
and
of
the
causes
thereof
.
1.
Although
this
famine
was
caused
by
drought
,
as
is
euident
,
v.
10.
that
Rizpah
tooke
this
as
a
signe
,
that
the
wrath
of
God
was
appeased
,
when
the
raine
fell
:
yet
Dauid
considereth
an
other
ouerruling
cause
,
the
prouidence
of
God
,
and
therefore
he
resorteth
vnto
him
by
prayer
:
so
faithfull
men
doe
see
further
into
the
cause
of
Gods
iudgements
,
then
naturall
and
worldly
wise
men
commonly
doe
:
Borrh.
2.
The
cause
which
procured
this
punishment
,
was
for
the
great
iniustice
and
crueltie
shewed
vpon
the
Gibeonites
,
whom
Saul
oppressed
contrarie
to
the
oath
made
vnto
them
by
Ioshua
,
Iosh.
9.
3.
Beside
,
herein
God
punished
the
people
also
for
their
sinne
:
they
for
their
thrice
rebelling
against
Dauid
their
lawfull
gouernour
,
once
vnder
Ishbosheth
,
againe
vnder
Absalom
,
thirdly
in
conspiring
with
Shebah
,
suffer
three
years
famine
:
Pellic.
and
by
this
meanes
also
the
Lord
taketh
occasion
to
cut
off
the
posteritie
of
Saul
,
least
they
might
still
haue
practised
against
Dauids
house
and
kingdome
,
which
the
Lord
had
promised
should
continue
:
Borrh.
5.
So
then
by
this
example
we
see
that
famine
is
sent
as
a
iust
punishment
of
sinne
:
as
in
Germanie
for
gluttonie
,
and
drunkennesse
;
in
Italie
for
filthie
and
vncleane
lust
:
as
also
that
sometime
for
the
sinne
of
one
wicked
man
,
many
temporally
are
punished
.
Osiand
.
4.
Quest.
v.
1.
Why
,
and
at
what
time
Saul
slew
the
Gibeonites
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
he
slewe
them
of
malice
against
the
Priests
,
when
they
were
put
to
the
sword
in
Nob
;
because
the
Gibeonites
were
seruants
to
the
Tabarnacle
,
for
the
cleauing
of
wood
and
drawing
of
water
;
but
he
is
said
to
doe
it
of
zeale
,
vers.
5.
therefore
not
of
malice
,
and
consequently
not
then
,
nor
at
that
time
:
Iun.
2.
Some
thinke
,
that
he
did
it
of
zeale
to
the
Israelites
,
to
conuay
vnto
them
the
inheritance
,
lands
,
and
possessions
of
the
Gibeonites
,
that
they
might
haue
more
commodious
dwelling
:
Vatab.
Osiand
.
but
this
had
beene
rather
of
a
couetous
minde
,
then
of
zeale
.
3.
Some
thinke
that
his
zeale
was
herein
,
because
they
had
in
Ioshuahs
time
consened
and
deceiued
the
Elders
of
Israel
,
therefore
he
would
be
reuenged
of
them
now
:
Borr.
But
it
is
not
like
,
that
after
so
long
a
time
he
would
punish
them
for
that
error
which
Ioshuah
and
the
Elders
of
Israel
then
pardoned
;
when
it
was
first
committed
,
and
fresh
in
memorie
.
4.
Therefore
it
is
more
probable
,
that
when
Saul
of
zeale
did
expell
sorcerers
and
witches
out
of
Israel
,
that
vnder
that
pretence
,
because
the
Gentiles
and
Cananites
were
giuen
to
such
deuillish
studies
,
he
also
sought
to
root
out
the
Gibeonites
,
who
were
a
remnant
of
the
Cananites
and
Amorites
:
especially
for
that
they
were
charged
to
root
out
the
Cananites
from
among
them
:
Iun.
5.
By
the
which
we
learne
,
that
zeale
without
knowledge
,
and
a
good
intention
without
warrant
from
Gods
word
,
is
not
acceptable
vnto
God
.
Borrh.
5.
Quest.
v.
2.
How
the
Gibeonites
are
said
to
be
a
remnant
of
the
Amorites
.
These
Gibeonites
were
properly
Hiuites
,
Iosh.
9.7
.
but
here
they
are
called
Amorites
.
wickednesse
of
the
Amorites
is
not
yet
full
:
where
the
rest
of
the
Cananites
are
vnderstood
by
the
Amorites
,
as
the
more
principall
part
:
Mercer
.
So
also
Ezech.
16.2
.
the
Prophet
saith
,
thy
kinred
is
of
the
land
of
Canaan
,
thy
father
was
an
Amorite
,
thy
mother
an
Hittite
:
by
the
which
it
is
euident
,
that
the
seuerall
nations
of
the
Cananites
were
mixed
together
,
and
ioyned
in
affinitie
,
and
the
Amorite
as
the
predominant
.
And
further
,
it
seemeth
that
the
Amorites
and
Hivites
did
more
specially
commerce
and
conuerse
together
;
as
Iacob
speaking
of
Shechem
,
saith
he
got
it
out
of
the
hand
of
the
Amorite
,
Gen.
48.22
.
whereas
pecularly
it
did
belong
to
Hemor
,
who
was
an
Hiuite
,
Gen.
34.2
.
as
there
the
Hiuite
is
named
to
be
an
Amorite
,
so
also
in
this
place
.
6.
Quest.
v.
3.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
That
yee
may
blesse
.
1.
The
most
read
in
the
second
person
,
that
ye
may
blesse
,
C.S.L.P.B.G.
but
the
word
,
if
it
be
taken
in
the
preter
tense
,
must
needes
bee
of
the
third
person
,
barachu
,
that
they
may
blesse
:
and
so
Iun.
readeth
,
expounding
it
of
Dauids
consulting
with
himselfe
:
But
because
it
is
euident
by
the
answer
which
the
Gibeonites
make
immediately
,
v.
4.
that
all
this
which
Dauid
saith
belongeth
to
the
question
:
I
subscribe
rather
to
Montanus
reading
,
who
turneth
in
the
first
future
or
imparatiue
,
saying
,
blesse
yee
.
2.
Which
blessing
is
vnderstood
occasionaliter
,
that
by
their
occasion
beeing
contented
and
satisfied
,
God
may
shew
himselfe
appeased
:
Iun.
as
also
,
because
the
prayers
and
desires
of
the
afflicted
are
verie
auayleable
both
wayes
,
either
by
way
of
complaint
,
Exod.
23.17
.
or
by
way
of
blessing
,
the
blessing
of
him
that
was
readie
to
perish
came
vpon
me
,
Iob
29.13
.
Osiand
.
And
in
that
the
Gibeonites
which
were
Gentiles
,
here
blesse
and
pray
for
Israel
,
it
is
an
euident
type
of
the
calling
of
the
Gentiles
:
Pellican
.
and
that
the
Lord
would
be
entreated
by
the
beleeuing
Gentiles
,
to
receiue
the
Iewes
againe
in
the
end
of
the
world
to
grace
and
fauour
.
Borrh.
7.
Quest.
v.
6.
How
it
standeth
with
Gods
iustice
to
punish
Sauls
sonne●
for
their
fathers
sinne
.
1.
Not
onely
Saul
,
but
Sauls
house
is
said
to
bee
bloodie
,
vers.
1.
therefore
seeing
euen
Sauls
posteritie
did
beare
the
like
bloodie
minde
,
as
it
appeared
in
their
taking
part
with
Ishbosheth
:
for
the
which
cause
Mephibosheth
confessed
they
were
all
worthie
to
die
,
c.
19.29
.
it
was
iust
that
they
,
not
so
much
for
their
fathers
sinne
,
as
their
owne
should
be
punished
:
as
the
Lord
threateneth
to
visit
the
iniquitie
of
the
fathers
vpon
the
children
,
vnto
the
third
and
fourth
generation
,
Exod.
34.7
.
2.
Further
,
in
temporall
chasticements
it
is
not
vniust
with
God
to
punish
the
sinnes
of
the
parents
in
the
children
:
both
because
euerie
man
hath
sufficient
matter
in
himselfe
in
respect
both
of
his
originall
and
actuall
sinnes
for
Gods
temporall
iudgements
to
worke
vpon
:
and
for
that
by
the
example
of
such
corrections
vpon
the
posteritie
of
the
wicked
other
receiue
admonition
,
to
take
heede
least
by
their
sinne
they
bring
the
curse
of
God
vpon
them
,
and
their
seede
:
Osiand
.
3.
And
this
was
beside
a
peculiar
case
in
the
Gibeonites
,
that
as
Saul
had
wasted
their
generation
,
so
hi●
posteritie
should
be
consumed
and
wasted
:
Osiand
.
and
to
this
ende
it
was
fit
that
some
should
be
made
an
example
,
that
the
Gibeonites
might
liue
in
more
safetie
and
securitie
afterward
.
Pellic.
8.
Quest.
v.
6.
Of
these
words
,
O
elect
of
Iehouah
.
1.
The
most
doe
vnderstand
them
of
Saul
:
in
Gibeah
of
Saul
the
chosen
of
the
Lord
,
who
they
say
is
so
called
,
because
hee
was
sometime
chosen
and
elected
of
God
for
their
king
:
Vatab.
Osiand
.
Lat.
Genevens
.
But
it
seemeth
improperly
to
be
referred
to
Saul
,
for
these
two
reasons
:
both
because
the
Lord
had
giuen
sentence
of
Saul
:
that
he
had
taken
away
his
mercie
from
him
,
as
he
would
not
take
it
from
Salomon
,
and
that
he
had
put
him
away
before
him
,
c.
7.15
.
As
also
in
this
place
,
Saul
and
his
house
are
charged
to
be
bloody
,
v.
1.
and
this
title
cannot
agree
to
him
,
to
be
chosen
of
God
,
and
yet
he
and
his
posteritie
to
stand
vnder
Gods
curse
.
2.
Therefore
it
is
more
pertinently
applyed
to
Dauid
,
and
so
is
it
to
be
reade
in
the
vocatiue
case
,
O
thou
elect
of
God
:
Iun.
for
Dauid
was
elect
of
God
,
both
in
respect
of
the
kingdome
,
in
his
owne
person
,
who
was
chosen
and
Saul
refused
;
and
in
his
posteritie
,
with
whom
the
kingdome
is
promised
to
remaine
for
euer
:
as
also
in
respect
of
the
Messiah
,
of
whom
Dauid
was
a
figure
,
and
in
him
eternally
elected
.
9.
Quest.
v.
8.
Of
these
words
,
He
tooke
the
fiue
sonnes
of
Michol
whom
she
bare
to
Adriel
the
sonne
of
Barzillai
,
&c.
It
is
certaine
,
that
not
Michol
,
but
her
sister
Merab
the
elder
daughter
of
Saul
was
married
to
this
Adriel
,
1.
Sam.
18.19
.
Michol
was
giuen
to
Phaltiel
,
1.
Sam.
25.44
.
neither
had
Michol
any
child
at
all
to
her
dying
day
,
2.
Sam.
6.23
.
Pellic.
Borrh.
But
because
she
is
said
to
beare
them
to
Adriel
,
which
phrase
signifieth
alwaies
in
Scripture
to
bring
forth
,
not
to
bring
vp
,
this
interpretation
cannot
be
admitted
.
3.
Therefore
the
best
solution
is
,
that
here
must
be
supplyed
,
the
word
sister
,
to
read
it
thus
,
and
the
fiue
sonnes
of
the
sister
of
Michol
:
for
it
it
is
vsuall
for
such
words
of
agnation
,
as
of
sister
,
brother
,
sonne
,
to
be
ecclipsed
in
the
curt
Hebrew
speach
,
as
v.
19.
of
this
chapter
Elhanah
is
said
to
haue
slaine
Goliah
the
Gittite
,
where
the
word
brother
is
to
be
supplyed
:
he
slew
Lahmi
the
brother
of
Goliah
,
1.
Chron.
20.1
.
Iun.
so
Ierem.
32.7
.
Hananeel
is
called
Ieremiahs
vnckles
sonne
,
but
v.
12.
his
vncle
,
where
sonne
must
bee
supplyed
.
10.
Quest.
v.
9.
Of
the
time
when
these
seuen
sonnes
of
Sauls
house
were
hanged
.
1.
It
is
agreed
,
that
according
to
the
text
,
that
they
were
put
to
death
in
the
beginning
of
haruest
,
in
the
barley
haruest
,
which
was
the
first
,
Vatab.
which
fell
out
in
the
moneth
Abib
or
Nisan
:
Genev.
which
was
about
the
time
of
the
Pasch
,
when
they
first
put
the
sicle
into
the
corne
,
Deut
16.9
.
Iun.
2.
But
how
long
their
bodies
there
hanged
,
is
vncertain
:
there
are
some
that
think
their
bodies
there
continued
from
Monah
vnto
September
,
which
was
the
vsuall
moneth
for
raine
;
ex
Borrh.
But
it
is
not
like
that
their
bodies
continued
so
long
vnburied
,
for
these
two
reasons
:
1.
Because
after
iustice
was
executed
vpon
them
,
the
wrath
of
God
was
appeased
,
and
therefore
the
Lord
not
long
after
by
sending
raine
,
declared
that
he
was
satisfied
.
2.
Againe
,
it
is
like
,
seeing
that
this
was
an
extraordinarie
president
,
that
it
had
an
extraordinarie
effect
:
and
that
therefore
God
did
extraordinarily
send
raine
,
before
the
vsuall
time
,
to
testifie
how
well
he
was
pleased
with
this
course
of
iustice
which
Dauid
had
taken
.
3.
They
were
then
hanged
vpon
an
hill
,
to
be
a
spectacle
to
all
to
take
heede
how
they
shed
innocent
blood
:
Borrh.
And
they
hung
in
the
sight
of
all
the
labourers
and
workemen
in
the
field
(
it
beeing
now
haruest
time
)
to
shew
that
God
would
not
suffer
crueltie
and
oppression
to
goe
vnpunished
.
Osiand
.
11.
Quest.
v.
10.
Why
Rizpah
tooke
sackecloath
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
she
put
on
the
sackecloath
to
shew
her
mourning
,
and
to
entreate
the
Lord
by
her
supplications
and
prayers
:
Pellic.
But
the
phrase
,
that
she
spread
it
for
her
vpon
the
rocke
,
sheweth
that
shee
did
not
vse
it
as
a
garment
vpon
her
owne
flesh
.
2.
Others
thinke
that
she
spread
it
vpon
the
corpses
of
her
sonnes
,
and
so
kept
the
birds
and
beasts
from
them
:
Borrh.
but
it
is
said
she
spread
it
vpon
the
rocke
,
not
vpon
the
bodies
:
and
it
seemeth
by
the
words
following
,
vntill
water
dropped
vpon
them
from
heauen
,
that
the
bodies
lay
in
the
open
ayre
.
3.
Therefore
it
is
more
like
,
that
she
of
the
sackecloath
spread
her
a
tent
in
the
rocke
next
adioyning
,
to
defend
her
from
heate
,
and
to
testifie
withall
her
mourning
,
and
the
better
night
and
day
to
watch
the
corpes
.
Vatab.
Osiand
.
12.
Quest.
v.
10.
Whether
it
were
not
against
the
law
that
the
bodies
of
Rizpahs
sonnes
hang
so
long
vnburied
.
It
is
written
,
Deut.
21.23
.
that
the
bodies
of
those
which
were
hanged
should
not
tarie
there
all
night
,
but
be
buried
the
same
day
.
1.
Some
giue
this
solution
,
that
this
lawe
did
onely
bind
the
Hebrewes
,
and
not
the
Gibeonites
:
Osiand
.
but
that
is
not
like
,
sic
Pellican
.
Borrh.
Iun.
13.
Quest.
v.
16.
Of
Harapha
the
father
of
Ishibenob
.
1.
The
most
thinke
,
and
so
read
,
that
Harapha
was
the
proper
name
of
the
gyant
,
father
vnto
those
fowre
gyants
here
named
:
Ar.
Pag.
Lat.
2.
But
it
seemeth
rather
to
be
a
common
name
,
signifying
a
gyant
,
as
the
Chald.
and
Sept.
sic
Iun.
Vatab.
as
Deut.
2.20
.
the
Zamzummims
are
called
Rephaim
Gyants
.
3.
There
was
then
yet
remaining
a
generation
of
those
gyants
,
and
men
of
great
stature
,
that
were
before
the
flood
:
as
Plinie
also
writeth
,
that
in
his
time
he
sawe
a
man
called
Gabbara
,
brought
out
of
Arabia
,
vnder
the
Empire
of
Claudius
,
who
was
9.
foot
and
nine
inches
high
:
he
hath
also
a
stranger
report
of
a
man
found
in
Creta
,
in
the
opening
of
a
monument
by
an
earthquake
,
that
was
46.
cubites
long
:
ex
Borrh.
And
as
some
men
exceede
in
stature
,
so
others
haue
beene
found
as
little
,
as
Borrh.
in
the
same
place
maketh
mention
of
a
perfit
man
,
that
was
but
a
cubite
,
that
is
,
halfe
a
yard
high
,
that
was
carried
about
in
a
parrets
cage
.
4.
But
let
it
be
further
obserued
,
that
these
gyants
for
the
most
part
,
were
found
among
the
vncircumcised
nations
,
that
were
enemies
to
Gods
people
,
both
that
God
might
shew
his
power
in
beating
downe
the
pride
of
such
as
vaunted
themselues
in
their
owne
strength
,
and
that
his
owne
people
should
not
haue
any
confidence
in
flesh
and
blood
.
5.
Beside
herein
Dauid
was
a
type
of
Christ
,
who
encountred
with
the
spirituall
gyants
,
the
principallities
and
powers
of
darkenes
.
Borr.
14.
Quest.
v.
18.
Of
the
place
Ghob
,
where
the
Philistims
fought
.
1.
Some
doe
corruptly
read
Nob
,
for
Ghob
:
Sept.
Vatab.
Osiand
.
but
seeing
in
the
next
verse
,
they
doe
retaine
the
name
Ghob
,
they
had
no
reason
to
change
it
here
.
2.
Some
thinke
,
that
this
place
had
two
names
,
that
it
was
called
both
Ghob
,
Gezer
:
Pellic.
Bor.
Genev.
and
therefore
is
this
battell
said
to
haue
been
in
Gezer
,
1.
Chr.
20.4
.
3.
But
it
is
more
like
,
that
this
place
called
Ghob
,
was
neere
vnto
Gezer
,
and
therefore
,
in
that
place
it
is
said
,
the
battell
was
in
Gezer
.
Iun.
15.
Qu●st
.
v.
19.
Whether
Elhanan
killed
Goliah
.
1.
Some
think
,
that
this
Goliah
was
an
other
gyant
of
the
same
name
,
that
the
gyant
was
whom
Dauid
killed
:
Osiand
.
but
it
appeareth
1.
Chron.
20.4
.
that
his
name
was
not
Goliah
,
but
Lahmi
.
2.
Some
vnderstand
it
of
Dauid
,
that
he
killed
Goliah
:
so
the
Chalde
paraphrast
.
and
the
Latine
interpreter
seemeth
somewhat
to
fauour
that
fansie
reading
for
Elhanan
,
Adeodatus
,
that
is
,
one
giuen
of
God
,
that
it
might
bee
applyed
to
Dauid
:
but
this
cannot
be
so
;
16.
Quest.
v.
22.
How
these
giants
are
said
to
haue
beene
slaine
by
the
hand
of
Dauid
.
1.
Some
vnderstand
it
of
Dauids
beeing
present
in
the
battell
,
and
so
that
which
was
done
by
his
seruants
is
said
to
be
done
by
him
:
as
the
exploit
of
the
souldiers
is
ascribed
to
the
captaine
:
Osiand
.
But
this
interpretation
cannot
stand
,
because
before
this
,
ver.
17.
in
a
battell
with
the
Philistims
,
when
Dauid
was
in
daunger
,
it
was
agreed
,
that
he
should
goe
no
more
to
battell
.
2.
Therefore
all
these
gyants
must
be
here
comprehended
,
that
are
here
named
,
and
so
also
Goliah
,
though
not
now
slaine
,
yet
here
named
,
who
was
indeed
slaine
by
the
hand
of
Dauid
.
CHAP.
22.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Of
the
song
of
Dauid
in
generall
.
1.
THis
Psalme
which
Dauid
here
singeth
vnto
God
after
all
his
great
deliuerances
,
is
inserted
also
into
the
booke
of
the
Psalmes
,
and
is
in
number
the
eighteenth
,
sauing
that
this
difference
there
is
,
th●se
words
are
prefixed
in
the
18.
Psalme
:
I
will
loue
thee
dearely
,
O
Lord
my
strength
,
v.
1.
which
are
omitted
here
,
Osiand
.
2.
And
as
Dauid
was
a
type
of
Christ
,
so
many
things
in
this
Psalme
are
to
bee
vnderstood
of
Christ
:
for
here
he
prophesieth
of
the
passion
,
resurrection
,
ascension
of
Christ
,
of
the
reiection
of
the
Iewes
,
and
the
calling
of
the
Gentiles
:
as
the
Apostle
,
Rom.
15.9
.
alleadgeth
the
49.
vers.
of
this
Psalme
,
I
will
praise
thee
among
the
nations
,
&c.
to
proue
the
vocation
of
the
Gentiles
:
Osiand
.
3.
But
there
may
be
a
double
errour
committed
in
the
interpretation
of
this
Psalme
:
if
either
all
be
historically
applied
to
Dauid
,
or
all
mystically
vnderstood
of
Christ
:
therefore
what
is
historically
set
downe
,
must
be
historically
applyed
to
Dauid
,
and
what
is
figuratiuely
vttered
,
must
bee
also
figuratiuely
expounded
of
the
Messiah
.
Borrh.
2.
Quest.
v.
1.
Of
these
words
,
and
out
of
the
hand
of
Saul
.
1.
Some
read
thus
,
out
of
the
hands
of
mine
enemies
,
as
out
of
the
hand
of
Saul
:
Iun.
But
seeing
he
maketh
mention
of
all
his
enemies
,
out
of
the
hand
of
all
mine
enemies
:
Saul
cannot
bee
brought
in
as
an
●●stance
,
for
he
was
not
all
his
enemies
.
2.
Therefore
the
vsuall
reading
is
better
,
and
out
of
the
hand
of
Saul
:
who
is
specially
named
,
because
he
was
his
most
speciall
aduersarie
:
both
because
that
persecution
was
of
all
other
the
most
dangerous
:
Borrh.
It
continued
longest
:
Pellican
.
yea
and
Sauls
posteritie
also
afterward
ceased
not
to
oppugne
Dauid
:
Osiand
.
So
the
Scripture
vseth
of
speciall
persons
and
matters
to
make
special
and
particular
mention
:
as
1.
King
.
11.1
.
Salomon
loued
many
strange
women
,
and
the
daughter
of
Pharaoh
:
he
more
specially
loued
her
.
Borrh.
3.
Quest.
v.
2.
How
Dauid
calleth
Iehouah
his
rocke
.
1.
As
a
rocke
is
both
a
sure
defence
from
outward
assaults
,
as
beeing
a
place
hard
to
come
vnto
:
Pellican
.
as
also
it
is
a
firme
foundation
to
build
vpon
:
Borrh.
so
in
both
these
respects
,
God
is
Dauids
and
euery
faithfull
mans
rocke
,
both
in
preseruation
from
dangers
and
temptations
,
and
in
giuing
perseuerance
and
strength
to
continue
.
2.
And
this
hath
a
speciall
reference
to
Christ
,
who
is
the
rocke
and
foundation
of
his
Church
,
vpon
whom
we
are
builded
by
faith
:
Borrh.
3.
Christ
is
so
this
rocke
,
as
he
is
onely
this
rocke
,
as
v.
32.
who
is
the
rocke
beside
our
God
?
then
is
it
bl●sphemie
to
make
Peter
(
or
any
other
Apostle
)
the
rocke
of
the
Church
,
as
the
Romanists
doe
.
4.
Quest.
v.
6.
Of
the
sorrowes
of
the
graue
or
hell
,
which
Dauid
as
a
type
of
Christ
suffered
.
1.
Some
read
,
the
bandes
or
ropes
,
for
chebel
signifieth
both
:
Ar.
Sep.
Lat.
but
in
the
plurall
number
,
cheblee
,
rather
signifieth
sorrowes
,
as
of
a
woman
that
travelleth
,
and
cannot
bring
forth
,
Hos.
13.12
.
so
also
the
Chal.
and
so
it
is
taken
here
:
Iun.
2.
Some
here
translate
sheol
,
hell
,
A.L.
Osiand
.
Pellic.
so
also
the
Septuag.
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
the
roapes
or
bands
of
hell
:
and
they
referre
it
first
to
Dauid
,
credebam
me
ob
peccata
mea
inferno
proximum
:
I
thought
sometime
that
in
respect
of
my
sinnes
I
was
neere
to
hell
:
Pellic.
Secondly
,
to
Christ
,
as
prefigured
in
Dauid
,
vt
is
peccatum
&
maledictum
factus
propter
nos
inferni
dolores
&
cruciatum
senserit
,
declarat
haec
eius
vox
,
deus
,
deus
,
&c.
how
hee
beeing
made
sinne
and
a
curse
for
vs
,
did
feele
the
sorrowes
and
torment
of
hell
,
that
voice
of
his
declareth
,
my
God
,
my
God
,
why
hast
thou
forsaken
me
?
Pellic.
So
also
Osiander
,
videbar
captus
in
laqueis
inferni
,
&
quasi
in
infernum
detrudendus
,
&
ihi
retin●ndus
,
eo
quod
totius
orbis
scelera
mihi
essent
imposita
,
&c.
I
seemed
as
taken
in
the
snares
of
hell
,
and
as
like
to
be
thrust
downe
to
hell
,
and
to
be
held
there
,
because
the
sinnes
of
the
whole
world
were
layd
vpon
me
.
3.
But
though
this
is
a
true
and
honourabl●
confession
of
the
sufferings
of
Christ
,
that
he
suffered
euen
the
sorrowes
of
hell
for
vs
,
such
as
could
be
suffered
without
sinne
and
indignitie
to
his
person
,
yet
this
seemeth
not
to
bee
the
proper
meaning
of
these
words
:
which
are
rather
to
be
read
thus
,
the
sorrowes
of
the
graue
:
Iun.
Geneuens
.
as
the
next
words
doe
shewe
,
the
snares
of
death
preuented
me
:
so
then
by
the
sorrows
of
the
graue
,
he
meaneth
,
mortall
and
deadly
daunger
,
that
threatened
destruction
to
him
.
5.
Quest.
v.
7.
Out
of
what
Temple
Dauid
was
heard
.
1.
Some
doe
vnderstand
it
of
the
externall
Tabernacle
or
Temple
,
vnto
the
which
they
turned
them
when
they
prayed
,
and
where
God
promised
visibly
to
be
present
:
Osiand
.
But
it
seemeth
that
Dauid
meant
not
so
:
for
most
his
time
the
Tabernacle
and
Arke
were
a
sunder
:
which
of
them
then
should
he
call
the
Temple
of
God
?
And
beside
Dauid
did
know
that
Gods
presence
was
not
tyed
to
the
Tabernacle
or
Arke
:
as
it
may
appeare
by
his
sending
backe
of
the
Arke
to
Ierushalem
when
hee
fledde
away
from
Abshalom
,
chap.
15.25
.
2.
Some
therefore
by
this
Temple
vnderstand
Christ
,
who
calleth
himselfe
the
temple
,
Ioh.
2.
in
which
temple
whosoeuer
prayeth
to
God
,
is
heard
:
Borrh.
But
Dauid
herein
is
a
type
of
Christ
,
who
prayed
vnto
his
father
both
before
and
vpon
the
crosse
,
that
the
Lord
also
heard
him
out
of
his
temple
.
And
that
this
may
be
fitly
applyed
to
Christ
,
both
the
words
before
going
doe
shew
,
that
make
mention
of
his
suffrings
,
ver.
6.3
.
Therefore
the
fittest
interpretation
is
by
the
Temple
to
vnderstand
,
the
habitation
of
Gods
glorie
,
the
highest
heauens
:
as
Salomon
saith
in
his
prayer
;
then
heare
thou
in
heauen
,
the
place
of
thy
habitation
:
1.
King
.
8.30
.
Pellican
.
6.
Quest.
v.
8.
The
earth
trembled
and
quaked
,
&c.
1.
Some
doe
metaphorically
interpret
these
words
:
by
the
earth
,
vnderstanding
earthly
minded
men
,
that
doe
tremble
and
shake
at
Gods
iudg●ments
,
Borr.
2.
Some
refer
it
to
the
passion
of
Christ
,
when
the
earth
quaked
,
&
the
Sun
withdrew
his
light
:
Osiand
.
But
neither
of
these
expositions
are
so
fit
:
not
the
first
,
because
the
rest
of
the
description
that
follweth
;
as
of
the
lightning
,
v.
19.
of
the
Cherubs
,
v.
11.
of
the
discouering
of
the
channels
of
the
Sea
,
v.
16.
can
not
receiue
that
metaphoricall
sense
:
nor
the
second
,
for
although
that
some
of
these
fearefull
signes
were
seene
,
in
the
passion
of
Christ
,
yet
no●
the
rest
.
3.
Therefore
Dauids
purpose
is
to
set
forth
Gods
power
,
by
these
his
fearefull
workes
,
of
the
earthquake
,
thunder
,
lightning
,
tempest
,
which
are
euident
demonstrations
of
Gods
presence
in
the
world
,
that
he
is
alway
readie
to
defend
his
Church
:
Iun.
wherein
also
he
alludeth
vnto
the
like
workes
done
formerly
;
as
in
Egypt
,
when
the
Lord
brought
his
plagues
vpon
them
:
in
mount
Sinai
,
when
the
law
was
giuen
;
in
the
red
Sea
,
where
the
bottome
was
discouered
:
and
when
the
Lord
thundred
,
and
shot
his
arrowes
from
heauen
vpon
the
enemies
of
Ioshuah
,
Iosh.
10.
Osiand
.
7.
Quest.
v.
21.
How
Dauid
saith
,
the
Lord
rewarded
him
according
to
his
righteousnesse
.
1.
If
it
be
vnderstood
of
Dauid
in
his
owne
person
,
he
hath
relation
either
to
the
goodnesse
of
his
cause
,
which
God
had
respect
vnto
:
Iun.
or
he
speaketh
comparatiuely
,
that
he
was
innocent
in
respect
of
his
enemies
,
which
persecuted
him
:
as
Dauid
saith
vnto
Saul
,
vnderstand
and
see
,
that
there
is
n●ither
euill
,
nor
wickednesse
in
me
,
neither
haue
I
sinned
against
thee
,
1.
Sam.
24.4
.
Genevens
.
Borrh.
Pellican
.
2.
And
here
is
to
be
considered
,
that
in
the
faithfull
,
there
is
a
double
righteousnesse
:
there
is
a
perfect
righteousnesse
,
which
is
Christs
,
imputed
vnto
them
by
faith
,
whereby
they
are
iustified
;
and
an
imperfect
righteousnesse
,
which
is
their
obedience
,
the
fruits
of
their
faith
:
and
hereby
they
are
not
iustified
,
but
thereby
they
testifie
and
shew
forth
their
faith
.
Borrh.
3.
And
this
their
righteousnesse
God
rewardeth
not
of
merit
or
desert
,
for
it
is
imperfect
,
but
of
fauour
,
accepting
their
will
for
the
deed
.
Borrh.
4.
But
if
we
take
Dauid
to
speake
here
figuratiuely
of
Christ
:
he
was
indeed
perfectly
obedient
,
and
in
him
was
no
sinne
,
and
his
righteousnesse
was
truely
meritorious
.
Osiand
.
8.
Quest.
v.
24.
I
was
also
perfect
toward
him
.
1.
There
is
also
a
double
kind
of
perfection
:
one
absolute
&
perfect
,
which
is
onely
in
Christ
,
&
imputed
by
faith
vnto
his
members
:
&
by
this
perfection
only
are
we
here
perfect
in
Gods
sight
:
there
is
an
other
perfection
,
which
is
imperfect
,
which
in
some
measure
and
degree
is
communicated
to
the
members
of
Christ
:
and
this
also
is
of
two
sorts
;
it
is
either
begun
here
in
this
life
,
or
perfected
&
finished
in
the
next
:
now
while
we
here
liue
there
are
none
perfect
without
their
blemishes
and
infirmities
,
which
notwithstanding
the
Lord
for
Christ
his
sake
imputeth
not
to
his
members
.
Let
v●
a●
many
as
are
perfect
,
be
thus
minded
:
S.
Paul
denieth
,
that
he
hath
the
one
kind
of
perfection
,
but
he
confesseth
the
other
.
3.
Dauid
therefore
here
saith
he
is
perfect
or
vpright
,
in
regard
of
his
desire
and
endeauour
,
still
striuing
vnto
perfection
:
Pellican
.
as
our
Sauiour
saith
,
be
perfect
as
your
heauenly
father
is
perfect
,
Matth.
5.
9.
Quest.
v.
27.
Of
these
words
,
With
the
peruerse
thou
wilt
wrestle
out
,
or
shew
thy selfe
peruerse
.
1.
There
is
a
double
kind
of
peruersenesse
,
which
is
either
in
doctrine
,
when
one
speaketh
and
reacheth
peruerse
things
:
so
is
it
taken
,
Act.
20.30
.
or
in
life
,
when
men
walke
peruersly
and
frowardly
,
contrarie
to
the
will
and
commandement
of
God
.
Bor.
2.
With
such
also
will
the
Lord
walke
accordingly
:
the
most
read
,
thou
wilt
shew
thy selfe
peruerse
or
froward
:
A.P.G.V.
with
others
.
But
this
interpretation
seemeth
to
be
somewhat
harsh
:
1.
Because
the
word
properly
signifieth
,
taken
in
that
sense
,
●erversum
te
facies
,
thou
wilt
make
thy selfe
p●ruerse
:
which
cannot
be
ascribed
vnto
God
.
2.
For
that
,
whereas
in
the
other
three
clauses
,
the
same
word
is
repeated
:
with
the
mercifull
thou
will
shew
thy selfe
mercifull
,
with
the
perfect
and
pure
,
thou
wilt
shew
thy selfe
perfect
and
pure
:
here
the
word
is
chaunged
:
whereas
the
peruerse
is
called
ghikkesh
,
he
saith
not
in
the
same
word
●ith
gakkesh
,
he
will
shew
himselfe
peruerse
,
but
tithaph
of
pathal
,
which
signifieth
to
wrestle
.
3.
Therfore
that
sense
of
the
word
is
more
fit
,
that
God
will
wrestle
with
them
,
alwaies
crosse
and
oppose
himselfe
against
them
,
as
Leu.
26.28
.
till
he
haue
ouercome
and
vanquished
them
in
their
owne
frowardnes
.
Iun.
4.
But
the
Lord
indeede
dealeth
not
peruersly
or
frowardly
,
but
he
so
seemeth
vnto
the
wicked
,
who
accuse
the
Lord
of
iniustice
against
them
,
when
he
punisheth
them
according
to
their
deserts
:
And
Gods
peruerse
and
crosse
dealing
with
them
,
is
nothing
else
,
but
the
not
beeing
mercifull
vnto
them
,
or
deliuering
them
out
of
their
troubles
:
Mart.
6.
Such
crosnes
and
and
peruersenesse
,
the
wicked
imagine
to
be
in
God
,
when
he
layeth
his
iudgements
vpon
them
for
their
sinnes
,
when
they
expected
good
things
:
as
when
vnse●sonable
weather
is
sent
,
as
winter
weather
in
the
time
of
summer
and
haruest
:
whereas
the
peruersenesse
and
frowardnes
of
men
causeth
such
peruersenes
,
as
the
wicked
take
it
,
to
appeare
in
Gods
workes
.
Osiand
.
10.
Quest.
v.
27.
Of
the
difference
,
betweene
Gods
shewing
of
himselfe
pure
with
the
pure
,
and
froward
with
the
froward
.
1.
Whereas
Dauid
saith
,
with
the
pure
thou
wilt
shew
thy selfe
pure
,
we
must
not
thus
think
,
that
first
man
is
pure
,
and
then
the
Lord
sheweth
himselfe
to
be
so
toward
man
:
for
the
beginning
of
our
purenesse
and
goodnesse
is
from
God
:
as
our
Blessed
Sauiour
saith
to
his
Disciples
,
Yee
haue
not
chosen
mee
,
but
I
haue
chosen
you
:
and
the
Apostle
saith
,
not
that
we
loued
him
,
but
that
hee
loued
vs
:
therefore
first
God
maketh
vs
pure
,
and
putteth
his
spirit
into
vs
.
This
saying
therefore
must
be
vnderstood
,
not
of
our
first
election
and
vocation
,
which
followeth
thereupon
,
but
of
the
fruites
of
our
regeneration
,
and
sanctification
:
that
after
our
hearts
are
purified
by
faith
,
and
so
we
bring
forth
the
pure
and
acceptable
workes
and
fruits
of
faith
,
the
Lord
in
mercie
crowneth
and
rewardeth
them
.
2.
Yet
the
goodnesse
of
our
workes
is
not
the
cause
,
that
the
Lord
sheweth
himselfe
pure
and
mercifull
:
but
it
is
the
condition
,
which
the
Lord
requireth
,
and
an
order
,
which
God
hath
set
,
that
his
children
should
shew
their
obedience
,
before
they
haue
their
reward
.
3.
But
in
peruerse
workes
this
difference
is
not
obserued
:
for
the
wicked
haue
the
prioritie
,
they
first
shew
their
frowardnes
,
before
they
feele
Gods
iustice
:
and
the
reason
of
the
difference
is
this
,
because
the
euilnes
and
peruersnes
of
man
is
from
his
owne
corruption
,
but
the
beginning
of
goodnes
is
from
God
.
4.
Againe
,
these
sayings
must
be
so
vnderstood
,
not
that
God
presently
rewardeth
the
obedience
of
his
seruants
,
or
punisheth
the
peruersenesse
of
the
wicked
:
both
the
one
may
a
long
time
be
afflicted
,
and
the
other
prosper
in
this
world
:
but
the
Lord
in
his
due
time
will
performe
both
the
one
and
the
other
,
either
in
this
world
,
or
in
the
next
.
Mart.
11.
Quest.
v.
34.
How
Dauids
feete
were
made
like
hindes
feete
.
1.
By
this
phrase
is
expressed
the
nimblenesse
and
speedine●
,
which
Dauid
vsed
in
the
pursuite
of
his
enemies
:
for
two
thing●
are
requisite
in
warre
;
courage
against
the
enemie
,
and
expedition
.
And
therefore
the
Gadites
that
went
to
Dauid
,
are
said
to
haue
had
the
faces
of
lyons
,
and
were
like
the
roes
in
the
mountaines
for
swiftnes
:
Mart.
2.
And
here
Dauid
remembreth
how
after
he
escaped
from
his
enemies
,
from
Saul
,
and
Absalom
,
as
the
hind
,
that
is
in
chace
from
the
hunters
:
wherein
Dauid
was
a
liuely
type
of
our
Blessed
Sauiour
,
who
was
often
sought
for
of
his
enemies
,
and
went
away
thorough
the
middes
of
them
vntill
the
time
came
,
that
was
appointed
for
him
to
be
deliuered
vp
into
the
hands
of
sinners
.
Borrh.
3.
Hereby
also
is
expressed
the
singular
dexteritie
,
which
Dauid
had
,
ad
difficilia
quaecunque
aggredienda
,
to
set
vpon
and
attempt
any
hard
matter
.
Pellican
.
12.
Quest.
v.
35.
How
a
bowe
of
brasse
was
broken
with
his
armes
.
1.
The
Latine
interpreter
readeth
,
thou
makest
mine
armes
as
a
bowe
of
steele
:
some
thus
,
that
mine
armes
are
able
to
bend
a
bow
of
steele
:
Osiand
.
but
the
better
reading
is
,
that
a
bowe
of
brasse
is
broken
with
mine
armes
:
that
is
,
that
I
am
able
to
break
the
yron
bowes
of
mine
enemies
:
Borrh.
to
ouercome
their
power
,
which
seemed
inuincible
.
Pellican
.
2.
By
this
it
may
be
gathered
,
that
if
God
did
teach
Dauids
hands
to
fight
,
that
he
was
able
to
breake
a
bow
of
steele
,
that
it
is
lawfull
to
wage
iust
battell
:
and
that
the
militarie
discipline
is
commendable
:
Mar.
3.
But
whereas
hee
addeth
further
,
v.
36.
Thou
hast
giuen
mee
the
sheild
of
saluation
,
it
sheweth
,
that
it
is
not
enough
for
the
Lord
to
endue
one
with
strength
,
vnlesse
hee
giue
good
successe
,
protect
,
and
defend
him
,
and
giue
him
the
right
vse
of
his
strength
:
Mart.
13.
Quest.
v.
42.
Why
the
Gentiles
were
not
heard
,
praying
vnto
God
.
1.
Because
their
prayer
is
without
faith
and
repentance
,
therefore
it
is
not
accepted
:
Mart.
2.
And
they
pray
not
of
loue
,
as
the
faithfull
doe
,
but
for
feare
of
the
iudgements
of
God
,
that
lie
vpon
them
,
Osiand
.
3.
They
inuocated
God
,
but
not
purely
,
beeing
worshippers
of
Idols
:
therefore
the
Lord
would
not
heare
them
.
As
the
Romanists
doe
call
vpon
Saints
,
and
so
make
not
God
onely
their
confidence
.
Mart.
4.
And
this
difference
also
there
is
betweene
the
prayers
of
the
faithfull
and
vnfaithfull
:
the
one
as
they
are
perswaded
of
Gods
power
,
so
they
also
are
assured
of
his
loue
:
but
the
other
,
though
they
confesse
Gods
power
,
yet
they
doe
not
trust
vnto
his
mercie
.
Borrh.
So
the
prayers
of
such
are
not
accepted
,
neither
doe
enter
into
Gods
presence
:
as
the
Lord
saith
,
Prov.
1.28
.
They
shall
call
vpon
mee
,
but
I
will
not
answer
:
So
the
Lord
dealt
with
Saul
,
refusing
to
giue
him
any
answer
at
all
.
14.
Quest.
v.
45.
How
the
straungers
were
in
subiection
to
Dauid
.
1.
The
word
here
vsed
,
cachash
,
signifieth
to
lie
:
the
nations
whom
Dauid
subdued
,
did
dissemblingly
,
and
against
their
wills
submit
themselues
vnto
him
:
they
fained
most
readie
and
willing
obedience
,
but
it
was
in
outward
shew
,
their
heart
was
not
toward
him
:
Iun.
Pellic.
this
to
be
the
meaning
the
next
verse
sheweth
:
strangers
shall
shrinke
or
fall
away
.
2.
Some
vnderstand
it
onely
of
the
Iewes
,
who
at
the
first
refused
the
Messiah
,
but
afterward
were
obedient
vnto
him
.
Osiand
.
3.
Borrhaius
referreth
the
first
clause
to
the
dissembling
Iewes
,
the
second
,
as
soone
,
as
they
heare
,
they
shall
obey
mee
,
to
the
beleeuing
Gentiles
.
But
,
as
is
before
shewed
,
the
first
sense
is
the
fittest
,
as
the
coherence
with
the
words
following
sheweth
.
4.
Pet.
Martyr
thus
interpreteth
,
they
are
said
to
lie
vnto
him
,
because
they
promised
vnto
themselues
the
victorie
,
but
were
deceiued
:
but
then
they
had
lyed
vnto
themselues
,
not
vnto
Dauid
.
5.
The
Latine
read
,
resistent
mihi
,
they
shall
resist
mee
:
but
the
word
here
vsed
,
doth
not
so
signifie
,
as
before
is
touched
:
I
rest
therefore
in
the
first
exposition
.
15.
Quest.
v.
51.
Whom
the
Prophet
meaneth
,
by
his
Annointed
:
hee
shewed
mercie
or
louing
kindnesse
to
his
Anointed
euen
to
Dauid
.
Here
Dauid
speaketh
as
a
type
and
figure
of
Christ
,
to
whom
this
propheticall
speach
is
most
properly
applied
:
as
may
appeare
by
these
reasons
.
1.
The
former
saying
,
v.
50.
I
will
praise
thee
among
the
nations
,
S.
Paul
vnderstandeth
of
the
calling
of
the
Gentiles
,
Rom.
15.9
.
for
Dauid
litterally
did
not
this
,
who
dwelt
not
among
the
nations
to
set
forth
Gods
praise
:
therefore
Christ
by
his
spirit
in
his
faithfull
members
,
setteth
forth
Gods
praise
in
the
nations
.
Mart.
2.
Who
is
more
properly
said
to
be
his
King
,
then
Iesus
Christ
,
whom
the
Lord
hath
made
heire
of
all
things
,
and
King
of
kings
?
3.
Christ
is
also
called
Dauid
in
the
Prophets
,
as
Ezech.
34.24
.
I
the
Lord
will
be
their
God
,
and
my
seruant
Dauid
shall
be
Prince
among
them
:
so
Ierem.
30.9
.
They
shall
serue
the
Lord
their
God
,
and
Dauid
their
King
.
Osiand
.
4.
This
louing
kindnesse
,
which
the
Lord
sheweth
to
Dauid
,
and
to
his
seed
for
euer
,
was
not
extended
to
his
carnall
succession
:
for
the
princely
dignitie
was
taken
from
them
,
and
they
went
into
captiuitie
:
and
who
are
now
of
Dauids
race
,
according
to
the
flesh
it
is
not
knowen
:
this
euerlasting
seed
of
Dauid
must
then
be
vnderstood
of
the
true
Israelites
,
which
are
by
faith
graft
into
the
Messiah
,
of
whose
kingdome
,
(
as
the
Prophet
saith
,
Isai.
9.
)
there
shall
be
no
end
.
Borrh.
CHAP.
23.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Why
these
are
said
to
be
the
last
words
of
Dauid
.
1.
THe
Chalde
paraphrast
seemeth
so
to
vnderstand
these
words
,
because
they
should
be
fulfilled
in
the
last
times
:
but
then
many
of
Dauids
Psalmes
beside
might
be
called
his
last
words
,
which
doe
prophecie
of
the
kingdome
of
the
Messiah
,
which
should
be
reuealed
in
the
latter
age
of
the
world
.
2.
Some
giue
this
sense
,
they
are
called
the
last
words
,
because
Dauid
doth
make
this
as
his
last
will
and
Testament
,
which
he
chaunged
not
,
though
he
spake
and
did
many
things
after
:
it
was
a
confession
of
his
constant
and
vnchaungable
faith
touching
the
Messiah
,
which
he
held
vnto
the
end
:
Mar.
Osiand
.
But
in
this
sense
many
of
the
first
words
of
Dauid
,
as
that
prophecie
of
the
Messiah
Psal.
2.
might
be
called
his
last
words
,
because
Dauid
held
that
faith
to
the
end
.
3.
Diuerse
doe
take
them
to
be
Dauids
last
words
in
respect
of
the
rest
of
the
Psalmes
:
this
was
made
last
of
them
all
.
Vatab.
Borrh.
Genevens
.
4.
But
I
rather
thinke
with
Iunius
,
that
these
were
the
last
solemne
words
which
Dauid
vttered
,
after
he
had
charged
his
sonne
Salomon
,
and
commended
him
vnto
God
,
by
that
prayer
Psalm.
72.
herein
imitating
Iaacob
,
and
Moses
,
who
beeing
readie
to
die
blessed
the
12.
Tribes
:
these
words
then
though
here
set
downe
,
yet
were
in
order
of
time
last
:
Iun.
2.
Quest.
v.
1.
Of
the
fowre
titles
,
which
Dauid
here
giueth
himselfe
.
1.
Dauid
nameth
himselfe
by
his
father
Ishai
,
as
not
beeing
ashamed
of
his
meane
parentage
,
and
the
obscuritie
of
his
familie
,
from
the
which
he
was
aduanced
to
the
kingdome
;
Osiand
.
As
also
he
maketh
speciall
mention
of
him
,
because
he
was
appointed
of
God
,
out
of
whose
stocke
and
familie
should
come
for
the
present
the
Kings
of
Israel
,
and
for
the
time
to
come
the
Blessed
Messiah
,
as
Isai.
11.1
.
There
shall
come
a
rod
forth
of
the
stocke
of
Ishai
.
Borrh.
2.
Secondly
,
he
setteth
forth
his
dignitie
,
he
was
set
vp
on
high
,
that
is
,
exalted
to
the
regall
dignitie
.
3.
His
vocation
also
is
expressed
,
the
Annointed
of
the
God
of
Iaacob
:
the
Latine
readeth
,
cui
constitutum
est
de
Christo
,
&c.
to
whom
it
was
appointed
concerning
Christ
:
that
is
,
who
was
assured
and
confirmed
concerning
the
Messiah
to
come
of
his
seed
:
Osiand
.
But
the
words
in
the
originall
will
not
beare
this
interpretation
:
for
there
is
onely
expressed
the
Messiah
,
not
,
of
or
concerning
the
Messiah
;
he
was
then
the
Annointed
of
God
,
to
the
kingdom
of
Israel
,
but
therin
also
a
type
of
the
Messiah
the
verie
Anointed
of
God
for
the
euerlasting
kingdome
.
4.
The
last
title
is
taken
from
his
propheticall
gift
of
singing
:
he
was
most
sweet
in
the
songs
of
Israel
:
in
making
songs
for
the
vse
of
Israel
,
which
they
vsed
to
sing
in
the
Tabernacle
to
the
praise
of
God
:
Borrh.
Iun.
and
they
were
sweet
,
non
solum
compositione
&
modis
,
not
in
the
manner
of
making
onely
and
measure
,
but
in
their
force
and
efficacie
;
for
as
they
were
effectuall
to
allaie
Sauls
maladie
,
so
they
are
most
comfortable
to
a
perplexed
and
troubled
conscience
.
Mart.
Osiand
.
3.
Quest.
v.
2.
Who
it
was
,
that
spake
to
Dauid
.
1.
God
the
Father
,
and
God
the
Sonne
,
who
is
v.
3.
called
the
rock
of
Israel
,
spake
vnto
Dauid
by
the
holy
Ghost
:
here
then
is
an
euident
demonstration
of
the
Trinitie
:
the
Father
,
Sonne
,
and
holy
Ghost
:
which
collections
although
they
are
not
sufficient
to
conuince
the
incredulous
Iewes
,
yet
to
vs
,
that
are
perswaded
of
this
beleefe
,
they
are
most
comfortable
.
2.
Hence
also
may
be
gathered
,
that
the
Father
,
Sonne
and
holy
Ghost
,
are
all
of
one
and
the
same
substance
and
power
,
because
the
same
action
is
ascribed
to
them
all
,
they
are
all
said
to
speake
vnto
Dauid
:
Mart.
3.
And
herein
the
dignitie
and
worthinesse
of
the
Psalmes
is
also
set
forth
,
which
were
not
made
by
any
priuate
motion
,
but
proceeded
from
the
spirit
of
God
,
who
spake
by
the
mouth
of
Dauid
:
as
the
Apostle
witnesseth
,
which
by
the
mouth
of
thy
seruant
Dauid
hast
said
,
Act.
4.25
.
Osiand
.
4.
Quest.
v.
3.
What
the
Lord
said
to
Dauid
.
1.
Some
referre
these
words
,
bearing
rule
ouer
men
,
beeing
iust
,
and
ruling
in
the
feare
of
God
,
vnto
God
himselfe
:
that
the
strength
of
Israel
,
the
iust
ruler
and
gouernour
,
God
himselfe
thus
said
vnto
Dauid
,
that
the
Messiah
that
Iust
and
righteous
King
should
take
flesh
of
his
seed
:
Osiand
.
but
if
this
be
vnderstood
of
God
that
speaketh
,
then
nothing
is
expressed
,
that
here
should
be
spoken
vnto
Dauid
.
2.
Some
doe
referre
it
to
the
Messiah
,
that
the
Lord
here
spake
to
Dauid
and
promised
him
,
that
the
Messiah
should
come
of
him
,
who
should
gouerne
the
people
vprightly
in
the
feare
of
God
.
Chalde
,
Pellican
.
3.
But
it
is
better
vnderstood
of
Dauid
:
not
that
it
was
so
much
a
prophecie
or
prediction
of
him
by
Samuel
,
that
he
should
gouerne
the
people
in
iustice
,
Vatablus
:
for
Dauid
failed
diuersly
in
his
gouernment
:
but
it
was
rather
a
commandement
,
which
the
Lord
gaue
vnto
Dauid
,
that
he
should
both
in
ciuill
matters
gouerne
the
people
iustly
and
vprightly
,
and
for
religion
,
in
the
feare
of
God
:
and
as
this
was
required
on
Dauids
behalfe
:
so
the
Lord
for
his
part
promiseth
vnto
Dauid
a
sure
house
,
as
it
followeth
in
the
next
words
,
v.
4.
Iun.
But
herein
Dauids
gouernment
beeing
iust
but
in
part
,
and
in
some
measure
,
was
a
type
and
figure
of
the
most
perfect
kingdom
of
the
Messiah
:
whereof
the
Prophet
speaketh
,
Psal.
45.6
.
the
scepter
of
thy
kingdom
is
a
scepter
of
righteousnesse
.
5.
Quest.
v.
4.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
as
the
morning
light
,
&c.
without
cloudes
,
&c.
1.
Some
make
this
the
sense
:
that
here
are
two
similitudes
briefly
put
together
:
the
one
taken
from
the
bright
morning
Sunne
shine
without
clouds
,
the
other
,
from
the
Sunneshine
mingled
with
clouds
and
raine
,
which
causeth
the
grasse
to
grow
;
to
the
first
Dauids
house
is
compared
,
not
to
the
second
,
which
is
an
imperfect
light
cast
ouer
and
obscured
with
clouds
:
Vat.
Mar.
Pellic.
And
to
make
this
interpretation
more
probable
,
some
insert
a
negatiue
in
the
second
clause
,
so
shall
mine
house
be
,
not
as
the
grasse
,
&c.
G.B.
But
seeing
there
is
no
such
negatiue
particle
in
the
originall
,
it
is
not
safe
so
to
read
.
2.
Therefore
the
better
exposition
is
,
that
here
are
two
similitudes
produced
to
the
same
effect
,
to
set
forth
the
flourishing
state
of
Dauids
house
,
which
shall
be
like
vnto
the
morning
sunne
without
clouds
,
and
the
growing
grasse
after
raine
.
Iun.
Borr.
Osiand
.
6.
Quest.
v.
5.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
so
shall
not
mine
house
be
with
God
.
1.
Some
read
affirmatiuely
,
so
shall
mine
house
be
with
God
:
Pellican
.
and
the
words
,
chilo
,
they
take
for
imo
,
but
,
or
verily
;
as
they
say
they
are
vsed
,
Gen.
18.15
.
chilo
,
verily
,
thou
didst
laugh
.
But
it
is
euident
that
this
particle
(
lo
)
is
neuer
vsed
in
the
Hebrew
,
but
negatiuely
:
and
so
is
it
taken
in
that
place
giuen
in
instance
:
which
is
read
thus
,
not
so
,
but
thou
didst
laugh
:
and
beside
there
the
words
are
lo
,
chi
,
not
chi
lo
,
as
here
.
2.
Some
reading
here
negatiuely
,
expound
thus
:
so
shall
not
mine
house
be
,
that
is
,
not
like
the
grasse
,
which
groweth
speedily
,
and
soone
fadeth
,
and
withereth
againe
:
Mar.
Genevens
.
Vata
.
But
it
is
shewed
before
,
that
the
similitude
taken
from
the
growing
grasse
is
vsed
in
the
latter
sense
,
as
Psal.
72.6
.
Hee
shall
come
downe
like
the
raine
vpon
the
mowne
grasse
.
3.
Osiander
following
the
Latine
translater
,
thus
interpreteth
,
neither
is
my
house
so
with
God
,
that
hee
should
make
with
mee
an
euerlasting
couenant
:
that
is
,
I
acknowledge
that
it
is
not
of
my
worthinesse
,
that
God
should
make
such
an
euerlasting
couenant
with
me
,
that
the
Messiah
should
come
of
my
seed
:
so
also
Emmanuel
Sa.
But
this
seemeth
rather
to
be
the
reddition
to
the
former
similitude
,
which
otherwise
were
imperfect
.
4.
Iunius
thus
vnderstandeth
it
;
although
my
house
be
not
so
with
God
:
that
is
,
yet
this
promise
is
not
accomplished
concerning
the
prosperitie
of
my
house
,
by
reason
of
my
sinne
:
yet
I
trust
in
the
Messiah
,
it
shall
be
accomplished
:
in
whom
all
my
health
and
desire
is
:
but
in
this
sense
and
interpretation
also
their
wanteth
the
reddition
to
the
former
similitude
.
5.
Wherefore
I
preferre
before
the
rest
here
Borrhaius
interpretation
,
who
in
the
former
similitude
taken
from
the
Sunne-light
in
a
morning
not
cloudie
,
inclusiuely
vnderstandeth
the
contrarie
,
the
Sunlight
ouercast
with
cloudes
:
and
so
hee
giueth
this
sense
:
mine
house
shall
not
be
so
as
the
cloudie
ayre
before
mentioned
,
but
as
the
cleere
and
bright
Sunne
shine
:
so
then
as
the
proposition
of
the
similitude
,
includeth
a
dissimilitude
,
so
the
reddition
to
the
dissimilitude
,
includeth
a
reddition
to
the
similitude
:
mine
house
shall
not
be
as
the
one
,
but
it
shall
be
as
the
other
.
7.
Quest.
v.
5.
Of
the
meaning
of
these
words
,
my
whole
desire
is
,
that
hee
doth
not
make
it
grow
.
1.
Vatablus
vnderstandeth
it
of
the
rising
and
growing
of
some
other
to
be
King
,
then
of
the
house
of
Dauid
:
his
desire
is
,
that
God
will
not
cause
any
such
to
grow
.
But
this
growing
hath
reference
to
that
which
went
before
,
namely
,
the
growing
and
increase
of
Dauids
house
:
therefore
it
cannot
be
referred
to
the
growing
of
any
such
strange
plant
not
mentioned
before
.
2.
The
Chalde
,
whom
Borrhaius
subscribeth
vnto
,
deriueth
the
sense
to
that
which
followeth
,
v.
6.
the
wicked
shall
be
as
thornes
:
that
Dauids
whole
desire
is
,
that
the
wicked
doe
not
grow
:
but
beside
that
this
was
not
Dauids
whole
happinesse
and
desire
,
that
the
house
of
the
wicked
should
not
flourish
,
but
rather
that
his
owne
house
might
prosper
:
this
should
be
put
out
of
place
,
seeing
hitherto
Dauid
extendeth
the
first
similitude
of
the
prosperitie
of
his
owne
house
:
and
then
in
the
next
place
,
he
commeth
to
speake
of
the
vnprosperous
state
of
the
wicked
.
3.
The
Latine
translator
,
whom
Emman
.
Sa.
followeth
,
thus
readeth
:
non
est
quicquam
,
quod
non
germinet
ex
eo
,
neither
is
there
any
thing
which
doth
not
grow
of
it
:
that
is
,
of
his
house
:
but
in
this
reading
,
there
are
two
negatiues
,
which
in
the
Latine
tongue
make
an
affirmatiue
,
whereas
in
the
originall
there
is
but
one
.
4.
The
most
Interpreters
doe
thus
interpret
,
my
whole
desire
is
,
that
it
doe
not
grow
,
that
is
,
so
,
like
vnto
grasse
,
which
soone
doth
grow
and
soone
withereth
:
Pellican
,
Genevens
.
B.
But
as
is
shewed
before
,
the
growing
of
the
grasse
sprou●ing
after
the
raine
,
is
taken
in
the
better
part
,
and
thereby
the
prosperitie
of
Dauids
house
is
expressed
.
5.
Iunius
thus
openeth
the
words
;
though
for
the
present
mine
house
doe
not
grow
and
increase
,
as
was
before
by
those
two
similitudes
set
forth
,
vers.
4.
because
of
my
sinne
,
yet
my
whole
health
or
saluation
and
desire
is
in
the
accomplishment
of
Gods
promise
:
hee
then
thus
readeth
:
my
whole
saluation
and
desire
is
therein
,
seeing
hee
doth
not
cause
it
to
grow
.
But
in
this
sense
Dauid
should
seeme
to
complaine
,
that
hee
sawe
not
the
accomplishment
of
Gods
promises
toward
him
:
where
in
his
former
song
he
celebrated
the
praise
of
God
,
for
shewing
such
mercie
and
louing
kindnes
toward
him
,
c.
22.51
.
and
for
rewarding
him
according
to
his
vprightnes
,
v.
21.
6.
Wherefore
in
the
last
place
,
Osiander
thus
deliuereth
the
sense
of
these
words
:
my
whole
desire
(
will
,
or
longing
is
)
because
hee
doth
not
cause
it
to
grow
:
that
it
,
because
I
see
not
,
that
blessed
braunch
yet
to
grow
forth
:
for
all
the
Patriarkes
and
Prophets
longed
for
the
dayes
of
the
Messiah
,
who
is
called
,
the
bud
of
the
Lord
,
tzamach
Iehouah
,
Isa.
4.2
.
the
which
word
tzamach
,
to
grow
,
is
vsed
here
:
the
like
phrase
propounded
negatiuely
,
shewing
a
lingring
desire
,
is
found
,
Reu.
6.4
.
How
long
Lord
wilt
thou
not
iudge
,
and
auenge
our
blood
,
&c.
8.
Quest.
v.
6.
Why
the
wicked
are
compared
to
thornes
,
that
can
not
be
handled
.
An
opposition
is
here
made
betweene
the
house
of
the
righteous
,
and
the
generation
of
the
wicked
.
1.
They
are
compared
to
the
fruitfull
and
growing
buds
:
the
other
are
as
thornes
:
2.
the
one
shall
continue
,
as
the
Sunne
,
the
other
shall
be
rooted
out
:
Borrh.
3.
The
one
is
handled
with
hands
,
and
preserued
;
the
other
is
intractable
,
there
is
no
societie
with
the
wicked
,
they
are
ordained
for
the
fire
:
Mart.
4.
Non
admittunt
culturam
,
they
cannot
be
dressed
and
tilled
:
Osiand
.
nor
by
co●rection
amended
.
5.
They
are
taken
away
with
yron
:
sometime
cut
off
by
the
hand
of
the
magistrate
,
or
by
some
extraordinarie
iudgement
;
and
at
the
last
shall
be
destroyed
with
euerlasting
fire
:
like
as
thornes
in
the
same
place
,
where
they
are
pulled
vp
are
consumed
and
burnt
:
Mar.
6.
Here
is
speciall
reference
made
to
the
obstinate
Iewes
,
who
as
thorns
should
be
taken
away
with
the
weapons
of
the
Romanes
,
and
their
city
consumed
with
fire
,
which
came
to
passe
vnder
Titus
and
Vespasian
:
Osiand
.
9.
Quest.
v.
8.
Of
Dauids
worthie
men
in
generall
.
1.
These
worthies
here
named
,
were
most
faithfull
vnto
Dauid
;
for
they
serued
him
not
onely
in
prosperitie
,
after
he
came
vnto
the
kingdome
,
but
before
also
,
as
Abishai
and
A●ahel
,
who
was
slaine
by
Abner
,
while
Dauid
yet
raigned
in
Hebron
:
Mart.
2.
For
the
number
of
them
they
were
in
all
37.
ver.
39.
but
they
were
diuided
into
two
rankes
:
there
was
one
companie
of
30.
whereof
Asahel
is
named
the
first
,
and
Asahel
the
last
,
but
these
were
of
the
second
sort
,
the
other
seauen
were
more
valiant
then
these
,
and
they
were
in
the
first
ranke
of
worthies
:
Pellic.
3.
These
worthies
that
serued
Dauid
shadowed
forth
the
12.
Apostles
,
and
72.
Disciples
,
which
were
the
worthie
and
stout
champions
,
which
did
fight
the
Lords
spirituall
battells
,
vnder
the
true
Dauid
and
beloued
of
God
Christ
Iesus
:
Borrh.
4.
In
that
the
names
and
acts
of
these
worthie
men
are
not
suppressed
,
but
committed
to
memorie
,
it
sheweth
that
the
Lord
will
not
forget
the
faithfull
seruice
and
labour
of
his
Saints
.
5.
As
also
herein
it
is
euident
,
that
it
neuer
fareth
better
with
the
common-wealth
,
then
when
vertue
is
aduanced
,
and
men
are
respected
according
to
their
faithfull
seruice
:
but
all
things
goe
to
decay
,
where
honours
and
preferments
are
carried
away
with
flatterie
.
10.
Quest.
Of
the
first
worthie
his
name
,
and
acts
.
1.
Some
read
,
he
that
sate
in
the
seate
of
wisedome
:
Adino
of
Ezui
:
A.P.V.B.G.
where
they
make
the
proper
names
,
Iasheb
basheueth
tachmam
,
appellatiue
,
and
contrariwise
the
appellatiue
Adino
Ezus
,
they
make
proper
:
P.A.V.L.
and
some
following
this
reading
,
vnderstand
it
of
Dauid
,
that
sate
in
the
fe●ite
of
wisedome
,
some
of
Ioab
:
but
these
are
said
to
be
the
mightie
men
,
whom
Dauid
had
,
therefore
Dauid
was
none
of
them
:
and
Ioab
must
be
reckoned
among
them
beside
,
otherwise
there
will
be
but
36.
in
all
.
2.
Therefore
the
best
reading
is
this
,
the
two
first
words
,
Iasheb
bashebeth
,
are
his
proper
name
,
and
Tachmam
sheweth
his
kinred
:
as
he
is
called
Iashobeam
the
sonne
of
Hachmoni
,
1.
Chron.
11.11
.
and
Iosephus
comming
somewhat
neere
these
names
,
saith
he
was
called
Ishemus
the
sonne
of
Achemaeus
.
3.
Concerning
the
other
words
,
Adino
,
hagetzeni
.
1.
Some
make
them
a
proper
name
,
B.G.A.P.S.
but
his
proper
name
is
set
downe
before
.
2.
Some
translate
thus
,
quasi
tenerrimus
ligni
vermiculus
,
as
the
tender
worme
of
the
wood
,
L.
for
haden
,
or
ghaden
,
signifieth
pleasure
,
and
ghetz
,
wood
but
there
can
be
no
reason
or
good
sense
giuen
of
this
interpretation
.
3.
Osiander
thinketh
,
that
fo●
ghadino
,
i●
should
be
read
gharer
,
lifting
vp
,
which
word
is
vsed
,
1.
Chron.
11.11
.
but
it
is
dangerous
to
make
any
innovation
,
or
admit
any
corruption
in
the
text
.
4.
Iuni●a
thus
burneth
it
,
it
was
a
pleasure
to
him
with
his
speare
to
inuade
eigh●
h●●dred
▪
so
●e
a●e
riueth
g●adino
,
of
the
root
ghadan
,
to
take
delight
,
and
of
the
affix
which
signifieth
him
:
but
th●n
the
word
hu
,
he
,
which
goeth
before
should
be
superfluous
:
neither
is
there
any
word
which
signifieth
to
inuade
,
onely
the
preposition
ghal
,
against
,
is
expressed
in
the
text
,
to
supply
tha●
word
.
5.
Vatablus
the●efore
better
interpreteth
,
〈◊〉
hastam
suam
,
he
lift
vp
his
speare
:
and
so
he
deriueth
ghadino
,
of
ghadad
,
which
signifieth
to
lif●
vp
,
of
the
same
sense
with
ghur
,
which
is
vsed
,
1.
Chr.
11.
●1.
to
the
same
purpose
,
to
expresse
his
valiant
act
:
and
then
the
letter
nun
,
with
the
affix
must
be
added
paragogically
,
as
the
syllable
(
ni
)
is
in
the
nex●
word
haghetzeni
:
this
sense
may
seeme
more
probable
,
by
comparing
it
with
the
like
storie
,
1.
Chro.
11.11
.
but
the
word
haghetzeni
of
ghetz
,
which
signifieth
wood
,
is
better
translated
hastatus
,
or
lig●eus
,
armed
with
wood
,
that
i●
,
a
speare
,
(
as
appeareth
by
the
deriuation
)
the●
wood
or
speare
.
11.
Quest.
v.
8.
Of
the
number
slaine
by
this
first
worthie
.
Here
it
is
said
he
lift
vp
his
speare
against
800.
whom
he
wounded
at
once
,
but
1.
Chron.
11.11
.
mention
is
made
onely
of
300.
whom
he
slew
at
once
.
1.
Iosephus
is
deceiued
,
who
thinketh
that
at
diuerse
times
this
Iashabram
,
whom
he
calleth
Ishem
,
killed
900.
men
,
for
this
number
agreeth
not
with
the
text
,
neither
diuided
nor
put
together
.
2.
D.
Kimhi
thinketh
,
that
he
had
two
combates
at
two
seuerall
times
,
in
the
one
he
slew
800.
in
the
other
300.
and
that
the
one
is
expressed
here
,
the
other
in
the
Chronicles
.
Iun.
Osiand
.
for
the
word
●hallall
,
signifieth
as
well
to
wound
,
as
kill
.
4.
Now
if
it
shall
seeme
strange
that
one
man
should
kill
so
many
,
we
must
not
call
in
question
the
truth
of
those
things
,
which
are
recorded
in
the
sacred
stories
:
and
yet
this
may
satisfie
vs
,
that
nothing
is
impossible
vnto
God
;
he
that
gaue
Sampson
such
strength
,
that
hee
with
the
iawe-bone
of
an
asse
killed
a
thousand
,
Iudg.
15.
could
enable
this
captaine
with
a
speare
to
wound
eight
hundred
men
.
Mart.
12.
Quest.
v.
9.
Of
Eleazar
,
the
second
of
the
first
three
worthies
.
1.
This
Eleazar
is
described
by
his
name
,
parentage
,
he
was
the
sonne
of
Dodo
,
and
his
tribe
,
he
was
an
Achochite
,
descended
of
Achoach
,
a
Beniaminite
,
1.
Chron
,
8.4
.
2.
His
valour
is
set
forth
by
the
circumstances
,
when
the
people
were
fled
,
not
were
assembled
to
battell
,
as
the
Latine
readeth
:
for
so
is
it
expounded
,
1.
Chron
,
11.13
and
here
,
v.
11.
then
he
resisted
the
whole
hoast
of
the
Philistims
.
3.
If
the
people
fledde
,
it
is
not
like
they
defied
the
Philistims
,
as
read
L.V.A.P.
or
vpbraided
them
with
their
cowardlinesse
:
Osiand
.
the
word
charaph
,
signifieth
also
to
expose
their
life
to
danger
,
as
it
is
taken
,
Iudg.
5.18
.
the
meaning
is
,
that
they
did
hazard
their
liues
in
this
seruice
.
4.
And
this
Eleazar
did
fight
so
valiantly
,
that
his
hand
did
cleaue
to
his
sword
,
not
that
cruore
gladius
ad
dextram
agglutinaretur
,
the
sword
was
glued
to
his
hand
with
blood
,
as
Iosephus
:
but
his
hand
was
rather
benummed
,
ex
distentione
neruorum
,
by
the
distention
of
the
nerues
or
sinewes
:
Iun.
Vatab.
5.
The
place
where
this
was
done
is
not
here
named
,
but
1.
Chron.
11.13
.
it
is
called
Pas.
danimim
.
13.
Quest.
v.
11.
Of
Shammah
the
third
of
Dauids
worthies
.
1.
Iosephus
calleth
him
Seba
,
and
maketh
him
Eleazars
sonne
:
but
the
text
saith
otherwise
,
that
he
was
the
sonne
of
Age.
2.
The
vsuall
reading
is
,
that
the
Philistims
were
gathered
together
in
a
towne
:
A.P.B.G.
the
word
is
,
caiah
,
which
is
taken
for
a
village
or
towne
:
but
it
is
euident
in
the
text
,
that
this
exploite
was
done
in
a
field
,
where
lintels
were
:
it
signifieth
also
a
troupe
,
band
,
or
companie
of
men
,
as
Psal.
68.30
.
the
troupe
or
companie
of
spearemen
,
and
so
is
it
better
taken
here
:
the
Philistims
were
assembled
in
a
troupe
:
Iun.
Vatab.
Lat.
Iosephus
saith
,
the
place
was
called
,
maxilla
,
a
iawe
,
but
then
the
word
should
be
lechi
,
as
Iudg.
15.15
.
not
lacaiah
,
where
lamed
,
that
they
stood
in
the
middest
of
the
field
,
and
saued
it
,
1.
Chr.
11.13
.
)
that
the
one
kept
the
Philistims
from
the
barley
field
,
the
other
from
that
part
which
had
lintells
:
which
the
Philistims
would
haue
destroyed
.
Iun.
14.
Quest.
v.
13.
What
three
captaines
they
were
,
which
are
here
mentioned
.
1.
The
common
opinion
is
,
that
these
were
three
of
the
thirtie
after
mentioned
,
and
so
the
vsuall
reading
is
,
three
of
the
thirty
captains
:
B.G.A.P.L.V.
but
it
is
euident
,
v.
22.
that
these
three
were
not
of
the
thirty
:
Benaiah
was
honourable
among
the
thirtie
,
but
he
attained
not
to
the
first
three
,
these
three
then
were
not
of
the
thirty
.
2.
Wherefore
the
better
reading
is
,
three
cheife
beyond
the
thirtie
:
Iun.
&
these
were
the
same
three
before
spoken
of
:
for
it
is
euident
,
v.
19.23
.
that
before
mention
of
Abishai
and
Benaiah
,
there
were
but
the
first
three
spoken
of
:
of
this
opinion
is
Iosephus
,
to
whom
suscribeth
Iunius
,
Pellican
.
15.
Quest.
Of
the
circumstances
of
this
exploite
,
the
time
when
it
was
done
.
1.
Because
it
is
said
,
that
these
came
vnto
Dauid
in
the
time
of
haruest
vnto
the
caue
of
Adullam
,
where
Dauid
sometime
made
his
abode
in
the
dayes
of
Saul
,
when
he
fledde
from
him
,
1.
Sam.
22.1
.
Some
therefore
thinke
that
this
exploit
was
done
in
the
time
of
Dauids
persecution
by
Saul
:
Pellican
.
Osiand
.
But
this
is
not
like
:
for
to
what
end
should
the
host
of
the
Philistims
then
be
gathered
against
Dauid
,
who
was
pursued
of
Saul
,
seeing
that
they
had
cause
more
to
feare
Saul
then
Dauid
?
2.
Therefore
the
more
probable
opinion
is
,
that
this
fell
out
vnder
Dauids
raigne
,
and
in
the
beginning
thereof
,
when
he
encountred
with
the
Philistims
,
whose
armie
pitched
in
the
valley
of
Rephaim
,
2.
Sam.
5.17
.
as
it
is
also
expressed
here
;
Iun.
so
also
Iosephus
.
16.
Quest.
Of
the
place
where
this
exploit
was
done
.
1.
Some
thinke
that
this
was
done
in
the
caue
of
Adullam
,
that
there
Dauid
longed
for
this
water
of
Bethlehem
:
because
it
is
said
,
that
these
three
came
thither
to
Dauid
:
but
the
text
saith
,
that
Dauid
was
then
in
an
hold
,
ver.
14.
therefore
not
in
the
caue
:
the
truth
is
,
that
Dauid
,
when
he
longed
for
this
water
was
at
Ierushalem
,
in
a
certaine
hold
,
not
farre
from
the
fort
of
Sion
;
Ioseph
.
Iun.
and
from
thence
going
against
the
Philistims
,
he
marched
toward
Adullam
,
whether
these
three
captaines
came
to
him
,
after
they
had
beene
at
Bethlehem
,
to
fetch
the
water
thence
.
Iun.
2.
But
it
will
be
obiected
,
that
if
Dauid
were
at
Ierusalem
,
or
neere
the
fort
of
Sion
,
he
could
not
haue
beene
driuen
to
such
extremitie
,
as
to
want
water
to
quench
his
thirst
.
Ans.
Indeed
some
thinke
,
that
Dauid
longed
for
this
water
,
beeing
weary
and
thirstie
:
Vatab.
Genevens
.
but
that
is
not
like
,
for
Dauid
could
not
haue
wanted
water
,
but
all
the
host
must
be
in
distresse
beside
,
which
extremitie
Dauid
was
not
driuen
vnto
in
any
battel
against
the
Philistims
,
after
he
was
established
in
the
kingdom
,
that
we
read
of
:
therefore
it
is
more
like
,
that
Dauid
was
captus
desiderio
,
&c.
desirous
of
that
water
,
not
of
any
such
necessitie
;
but
because
it
was
excellent
for
the
coolnesse
and
wholesomenesse
,
and
preferred
before
other
waters
▪
ibi
aquae
fortassis
non
commodae
erant
,
it
is
like
the
waters
there
were
not
so
commodious
:
Mar.
And
if
Dauid
had
longed
for
these
waters
of
thirst
,
it
is
like
he
in
his
great
necessitie
would
not
haue
refused
to
drinke
of
them
.
3.
An
other
doubt
is
,
that
it
is
said
,
1.
Chron.
11.15
.
that
these
three
went
downe
to
a
rocke
to
Dauid
in
the
caue
:
how
could
Dauid
be
then
in
the
caue
,
if
he
were
on
the
rock
.
Ans.
The
preposition
is
,
ghal
,
which
may
be
as
well
interpreted
,
they
went
down
vpon
a
rocke
,
or
by
a
rocke
,
or
to
a
rocke
:
Iunius
readeth
,
they
descended
from
a
rocke
:
or
the
caue
of
Adullam
,
might
be
in
the
hollow
of
a
rocke
.
4.
Further
,
there
seemeth
to
be
some
contradiction
in
the
storie
:
for
vers.
13.
it
is
said
,
the
Philistims
pitched
in
the
valley
of
Rephaim
,
and
v.
14.
that
the
garison
of
the
Philistims
was
then
in
Bethlehem
:
the
places
are
thus
reconciled
,
17.
Quest.
v.
16.
Of
the
ventrous
exploit
of
these
three
in
fetching
water
with
the
perill
of
their
liues
,
and
Dauids
refusall
of
it
.
1.
It
is
not
expressed
in
the
text
,
that
Dauid
bid
them
to
goe
,
and
bring
him
some
of
that
water
:
some
thinke
,
that
Dauid
did
it
,
to
make
triall
of
their
valure
;
but
by
Dauids
refusall
of
the
water
,
it
seemeth
,
that
they
went
vnbidden
:
Mar.
2.
Wherein
appeareth
their
singular
faithfulnesse
vnto
Dauid
,
that
would
in
so
small
a
matter
,
to
satisfie
his
desire
,
aduenture
their
liues
:
what
would
they
haue
done
if
Dauids
life
had
beene
in
daunger
?
yet
this
their
boldnesse
is
not
to
be
imitated
,
for
men
to
offer
themselues
to
danger
,
where
no
vrgent
necessitie
is
:
Pellic.
3.
Dauid
refuse●h
to
drinke
of
this
water
,
which
was
bought
with
the
price
of
their
blood
:
teaching
Princes
not
to
buy
their
pleasures
with
the
losse
of
their
subiects
liues
:
as
Ne●o
to
see
the
manner
of
the
burning
of
Troy
,
set
Rome
on
fire
:
Alexander
is
much
celebrated
in
forren
stories
,
because
he
refused
to
drinke
a
little
water
brought
vnto
him
,
all
the
armie
beeing
in
great
distresse
for
thirst
:
but
Dauid
here
doth
the
like
,
and
with
a
better
heart
then
Alexander
,
giuing
the
praise
vnto
God
.
4.
So
he
is
said
to
powre
out
this
water
vnto
God
,
not
as
a
sacrifice
:
for
they
were
not
to
offer
water
vnto
God
,
but
wine
:
but
by
this
fact
he
giueth
thankes
vnto
God
,
who
had
giuen
such
valour
vnto
these
men
,
5.
Dauid
calleth
this
water
their
blood
,
because
they
had
purchased
it
with
daunger
of
loosing
their
liues
,
18.
Quest.
v.
18.
Of
Abishai
his
exploits
.
1.
All
Abishai
his
valiant
acts
are
not
here
expressed
,
as
how
he
went
downe
with
Dauid
into
Sauls
campe
,
and
tooke
away
his
speare
and
a
pot
of
water
,
1.
Sam.
26.
and
how
he
rescued
Dauid
from
a
gyant
,
c.
21.17
.
these
valiant
acts
are
not
here
mentioned
,
because
they
were
touched
before
.
2.
That
valiant
act
of
his
which
is
here
recorded
,
was
the
slaying
of
300.
men
at
once
,
against
whom
he
lift
vp
his
speare
.
Iosephus
is
here
deceiued
in
the
number
,
hee
speaketh
of
600.
slaine
by
Abishai
.
3.
Two
onely
of
this
second
ranke
are
here
mentioned
,
as
thinketh
P.
Mart.
Abishai
and
Benaiah
,
the
third
is
here
omitted
,
and
likewise
1.
Chron.
11.
where
also
the
third
man
of
the
first
●ernion
,
namely
Shammah
,
is
omitted
.
But
as
Osiander
thinketh
,
and
Iunius
is
of
the
same
opinion
,
Asahel
was
the
third
man
:
who
was
not
the
cheife
of
three
,
as
Vatablus
readeth
,
v.
24.
but
of
the
thirtie
,
and
inferiour
vnto
the
two
ternions
before
mentioned
.
Some
read
,
he
was
one
of
the
thirtie
,
B.G.
but
the
word
is
rash
,
head
or
cheife
of
the
thirtie
.
Iun.
19.
Quest.
v.
20.
Of
the
valiant
exploits
of
Benaiah
.
1.
First
,
he
is
said
to
haue
killed
not
two
lyons
of
Moab
,
as
the
Latine
interpreter
:
for
the
lion
which
he
slewe
is
spoken
of
afterward
:
or
two
strong
places
,
as
Vatab.
but
they
were
two
strong
men
like
lyons
,
Iun.
Osiand
.
Iosephus
thinketh
they
were
two
brethren
:
the
word
in
the
originall
is
ariel
,
which
signifieth
a
lyon
:
but
an
other
word
haari
is
afterward
vsed
,
where
he
speaketh
of
a
lyon
indeede
,
to
shewe
that
hee
before
meant
by
that
tearme
lyons
,
men
.
Osiand
.
2.
His
second
exploit
was
in
slaying
a
lyon
,
which
fact
is
amplified
by
two
circumstances
:
both
of
the
place
,
he
slewe
him
in
the
middes
of
a
pit
,
where
the
roome
was
streight
:
and
in
the
time
of
snowe
,
when
lyons
are
most
fierce
,
by
reason
they
want
their
pray
,
the
sheepe
and
cattell
beeing
then
shut
vp
in
time
of
hard
weather
:
Mart.
Iun.
This
may
seeme
to
haue
been
too
bold
and
rash
an
enterprise
:
but
it
is
like
that
this
lyon
was
hurtfull
to
all
that
countrey
,
and
vsed
to
pray
vpon
their
cattell
:
and
as
Iosephus
writeth
,
the
lyon
beeing
fallen
into
a
pit
,
roared
,
and
so
might
be
fearefull
also
to
all
the
inhabitants
thereabout
.
3.
In
the
third
place
he
killed
an
Egyptian
of
great
stature
:
which
fact
is
also
set
forth
by
these
three
circumstances
:
he
was
of
great
stature
,
euen
fiue
cubits
high
,
his
speare
was
as
a
weauers
beame
,
and
Benaiah
came
against
him
onely
with
a
staffe
,
and
tooke
his
speare
out
of
his
owne
hand
,
and
killed
him
therewith
,
1.
Chron.
11.23
.
4.
Some
by
the
lion
,
whome
he
slewe
in
the
cisterne
,
vnderstand
Ioab
,
whome
Benaiah
slew
at
the
altar
,
and
by
the
Egyptian
,
Shemei
,
whom
he
also
killed
:
but
the
litterall
sense
in
an
historicall
narration
is
more
safely
followed
.
20.
Quest.
v.
23.
Whether
Benaiah
were
made
of
Dauids
counsell
.
1.
The
words
in
the
originall
are
,
Dauid
set
him
ouer
his
audience
,
which
the
Latin
intepreteth
,
auricularium
à
secreto
,
to
be
at
his
eare
,
and
his
secretarie
:
Osiand
.
so
likewise
B.
G.
read
his
counseller
:
whereupon
he
giueth
this
note
,
that
among
militarie
men
there
are
found
many
wise
and
fit
for
counsell
.
But
this
sense
is
not
probable
:
for
Seraiah
is
said
before
to
haue
been
the
Kings
Scribe
or
secretarie
:
c.
18.17
.
2.
Therefore
by
the
men
of
his
audience
,
or
as
Vatablus
readeth
,
his
obedience
,
are
vnderstood
those
daily
attendants
vpon
the
Kings
person
,
which
were
readie
at
the
first
hearing
to
execute
the
kings
commaundement
,
who
were
as
the
Kings
guard
:
these
were
the
Cherethites
and
Pelithites
,
ouer
whom
Benaiah
was
set
,
c.
8.18
.
Iun.
Mart.
Vatabl.
It
is
like
also
he
was
of
Dauids
counsell
,
but
that
is
not
the
meaning
of
this
place
.
21.
Quest.
Of
Dauids
thirtie
worthies
here
rehearsed
from
ver.
24.
to
the
ende
.
1.
These
here
numbred
doe
varie
in
their
names
,
from
those
which
are
reckoned
,
1.
Chron.
11.
beeing
the
same
persons
,
which
as
it
seemeth
had
diuerse
names
:
As
Shammah
the
Charodite
,
is
there
called
Shammath
the
Hararite
:
Cheletz
the
Paltite
,
is
there
named
Pelonite
:
Mebunai
the
Chushathite
of
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
1.
Chron.
4.4
.
is
there
called
Sibbecai
:
Zalman
the
Arhochite
,
is
there
Hilai
:
Cheleb
is
there
Cheled
:
Hiddai
not
of
the
riuer
,
but
of
the
valley
of
Gahash
,
is
there
Churai
:
Abi
Alban
the
Arbathite
,
there
Abiel
:
Asmaueth
the
Baochumite
,
there
the
Bachonumite
,
of
Bachmini
of
Beniamin
:
Iashen
,
v.
32.
there
Hashem
,
v.
34.
Achiam
the
sonn
of
Sharac
,
v.
33.
there
the
sonne
of
Sacar
,
v.
35.
Eliphalet
the
sonne
of
Achasbai
,
v.
34.
there
Eliphal
the
sonne
of
Vr
,
v.
35.
Eliam
the
sonne
of
Achitophel
,
v.
34.
there
Achiah
the
Pelonite
,
v.
36.
Hezrai
the
Carmelite
,
v.
35.
is
there
Chezra
,
v.
37.
Paarai
the
Arbite
,
v.
35.
is
there
Naarai
the
sonne
of
Ezboi
,
v.
37.
Igal
the
sonne
of
Nathan
of
Zabah
,
v.
36.
is
there
Iael
the
brother
of
Nathan
.
2.
Beside
the
difference
of
names
,
the
number
also
doth
varie
:
for
here
there
are
but
thirtie
in
all
beside
Asahel
:
there
are
numbred
47.
or
thereabout
.
Iunius
coniecture
is
,
that
all
those
there
rehearsed
after
Vriah
,
sauing
Zabad
,
v.
41.
whom
he
thinketh
to
come
in
place
of
Elika
here
mentioned
,
v.
25.
(
who
might
be
slaine
)
were
the
captaines
that
kept
the
confines
and
borders
of
Israel
.
3.
But
whereas
there
are
two
Shammahs
here
rehearsed
among
the
rest
,
one
called
Shammath
the
Charadite
,
v.
25.
the
other
Shammah
the
Hararite
:
neither
of
these
is
to
bee
supposed
to
haue
beene
that
Shammah
the
Hararite
,
which
was
one
of
the
three
first
worthies
,
mentioned
ver.
11.
for
the
first
Shammah
named
also
Shammath
,
1.
Chron.
11.27
.
is
here
called
a
Charadite
of
Charad
,
Iudg.
7.1
.
the
other
Shammah
called
an
Hararite
,
v.
33.
was
the
sonne
of
Shageh
the
Harite
,
1.
Ch●on
.
11.34
.
but
this
Shammah
one
of
the
first
three
worthies
,
was
the
sonne
of
Age
:
And
if
that
Shāmah
should
be
counted
among
these
,
the
number
of
37.
set
downe
,
could
not
be
made
vp
.
4.
So
then
as
Dauid
had
more
worthies
,
then
these
here
summed
together
,
as
is
euident
by
comparing
this
chapter
with
1.
Chr.
11.
So
also
their
valiant
acts
are
not
expressed
:
some
of
their
exploits
were
remembred
before
,
as
of
Elhanan
,
Sibbecai
,
Ionathan
,
2.
Sam.
21.8.19.21
.
but
it
is
like
not
all
their
acts
,
nor
of
the
rest
.
22.
Quest.
Of
the
countries
and
places
of
Dauids
worthies
.
Shammah
was
a
Charadite
:
there
was
a
fountaine
of
that
name
called
Charad
,
Iud.
7.1
.
which
was
in
Iizreel
,
1.
Sam.
29.1
.
v.
27
Mebunnai
was
a
Cushathite
,
in
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
1.
Chron.
4.4
.
Maharai
,
v.
28.
was
a
Netophathite
,
of
Iudah
likewise
,
1.
Chron.
2.54
.
v.
30.
Benaia
was
a
Pirathonite
,
of
a
towne
in
the
tribe
of
Ephraim
,
Iud.
10.15
.
he
was
not
Benaiah
one
of
the
second
three
worthies
:
for
he
was
of
Kabzeel
,
a
towne
in
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
Iosh.
15.21
.
v.
30.
Hiddai
was
of
the
vallies
of
Gahash
an
hil
in
the
tribe
of
Ephraim
,
Ios.
14.30
.
v.
32.
Eliashba
was
a
Shaalbanite
,
in
the
tribe
of
Dan
,
Iosh.
19.42
.
v.
33.
Shammah
is
called
an
Hararite
,
of
some
of
the
mountaines
of
Ephraim
.
v.
34.
Eliphelet
was
a
Maachothite
,
in
the
tribe
of
Manasseh
,
Iosh.
13.11
.
Eliam
was
of
Ghilo
,
a
citie
in
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
Iosh.
15.51
.
v.
35.
Hesrai
a
Carmelite
,
likewise
in
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
Iosh.
15.55
.
And
Paharai
an
Arbite
,
of
Arab
in
the
tribe
of
Iudah
,
Iosh.
15.52
.
v.
37.
Naharai
was
a
Beerothite
of
Beniamin
,
Iosh.
18.25
.
v.
38.
Hira
an
Ithrite
of
Iattir
a
towne
of
Iudah
,
Iosh.
15.48
.
23.
Quest.
v.
39.
Of
the
number
of
Dauids
worthies
,
how
they
are
counted
37.
Whereas
there
are
but
31.
rehearsed
with
Asahel
,
beside
the
other
fiue
which
make
but
36.
the
doubt
is
,
how
the
number
of
37.
is
made
vp
.
1.
Iosephus
thinketh
that
there
were
in
all
38.
in
which
number
it
seemeth
he
comprehendeth
those
three
,
whose
valiant
acts
were
before
expressed
,
c.
21.
Elhanan
,
Sibbechai
,
and
Ionathan
:
but
the
number
cannot
bee
made
vp
with
them
,
because
they
are
here
reckoned
among
the
thirtie
,
and
so
they
should
be
twice
counted
.
2.
D.
Kimhi
thinketh
that
there
are
36.
beside
Benaiah
,
and
that
he
was
none
of
the
two
rankes
of
threes
,
but
is
numbred
beside
them
;
but
the
text
is
euident
,
v.
22.
that
he
was
accounted
among
the
three
worthies
of
the
second
sort
,
though
he
were
not
reckoned
among
the
first
.
3.
Vatablus
his
opinion
is
,
that
Asahel
with
the
rest
make
31.
and
that
there
were
6.
worthies
beside
:
but
there
are
onely
fiue
worthies
named
beside
Asahel
:
therefore
he
must
be
comprehended
to
make
vp
the
sixe
.
4.
Pet.
Martyr
thinketh
,
that
either
some
one
must
bee
supplyed
of
Dauids
worthies
,
or
that
the
wanting
of
one
is
no
great
matter
in
the
number
.
But
it
is
neither
like
,
that
any
here
not
named
are
numbred
:
and
where
a
iust
number
is
set
downe
in
Scripture
,
we
must
not
admit
the
least
error
or
failing
in
the
summe
.
5.
Wherefore
,
this
number
of
37.
is
made
vp
with
Ioab
,
who
was
the
captaine
of
the
rest
:
Kimhi
thinketh
that
he
is
not
named
among
them
,
because
he
was
the
cheife
captaine
:
but
it
is
so
much
the
more
like
that
he
was
not
omitted
.
And
whereas
Osiander
coniectureth
,
that
he
is
not
set
downe
,
because
he
had
disgraced
himselfe
by
those
two
treacherous
murthers
of
Abner
and
Amasa
,
and
made
himselfe
vnworthie
of
any
memorie
,
that
was
no
let
,
why
his
valiant
acts
should
not
be
remembred
:
for
here
is
mention
made
of
Achitophel
,
whose
son
Eliam
,
was
one
of
Dauids
worthies
.
And
beside
honourable
mention
is
made
of
Ioab
,
v.
18.
Abishai
is
said
to
be
the
brother
of
Ioab
.
Therefore
seeing
Ioab
is
named
in
this
chapter
,
and
there
is
no
other
found
to
make
the
number
of
37.
and
Ioab
was
also
a
valiant
and
worthie
man
,
it
is
most
probable
,
that
he
is
included
in
the
number
.
Iun.
CHAP.
24.
1.
Quest.
v.
1.
Wherefore
the
wrath
of
God
was
kindled
againe
against
Israel
.
1.
RVpertus
thinketh
that
the
anger
of
God
was
kindled
against
Israel
,
because
of
the
iniurie
done
to
Vriah
,
who
is
named
immediately
before
in
the
last
verse
of
the
former
chapter
:
but
it
seemeth
by
the
words
of
the
text
,
that
it
was
some
generall
sinne
of
the
whole
land
:
for
it
is
said
,
the
wrath
of
God
was
kindled
against
Israel
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
the
people
had
at
diuerse
times
before
sinned
against
God
,
in
the
dayes
of
Saul
,
and
in
ioyning
with
Absalom
,
and
last
of
all
in
following
of
Shebah
,
c.
20.
and
that
the
Lord
doth
now
punish
them
for
all
:
But
it
seemeth
it
was
some
newe
prouocation
,
whereby
the
wrath
of
God
was
againe
and
a
fresh
as
it
were
kindled
against
Israel
.
3.
There
may
therefore
be
two
causes
assigned
specially
of
this
great
wrath
:
first
the
Israelites
liuing
now
in
ease
and
tranquilitie
,
abused
it
,
&
defluebant
luxu
,
and
gaue
themselues
to
riotous
liuing
:
Mar.
likewise
hauing
obtained
so
many
victories
against
their
enemies
,
they
might
grow
insolent
and
secure
:
Borrh.
4.
Thus
as
before
in
the
rebellion
of
Abshalom
,
there
fell
of
the
people
20.
thousand
,
and
they
felt
three
yeares
famine
for
the
sinne
of
Sauls
house
:
so
now
the
Lord
sendeth
vpon
them
the
third
plague
of
the
pestilence
.
Pellican
.
5.
Here
also
it
may
be
obserued
,
as
the
prayer
of
the
people
helpeth
the
Magistrate
,
so
by
their
sinnes
,
occasionem
dederunt
principis
lapsai
,
they
giue
occasion
of
the
Princes
fall
;
and
therein
as
they
are
partakers
of
the
sinne
,
so
they
are
of
the
punishment
.
Mart.
2.
Quest.
v.
1.
Who
it
was
that
mooued
Dauid
to
number
the
people
.
1.
D.
Kimhi
and
R.
Levi
Ben
Gerson
vnderstand
,
that
Dauids
owne
concupiscence
mooued
him
to
number
the
people
:
but
thereof
no
mention
is
made
before
.
2.
Some
referre
it
to
some
wicked
counseller
,
that
mooued
Dauid
to
doe
it
:
Vata
.
but
this
sense
is
refused
for
the
same
reason
.
3.
Iunius
interpreteth
this
place
by
that
1.
Chron.
21.1
.
that
Sathan
stood
vp
against
Israel
,
and
prouoked
Dauid
:
which
is
certaine
,
that
Sathan
did
here
principally
tempt
Dauid
vnto
euill
:
but
in
this
place
the
nominatiue
case
is
rather
to
be
sought
in
the
words
going
before
.
4.
But
seeing
the
Scripture
else
where
ascribeth
as
much
vnto
God
,
as
Isai.
19.14
.
The
Lord
hath
mingled
among
them
the
spirit
of
errors
,
and
the
same
Prophet
saith
,
c.
63.17
.
O
Lord
,
why
hast
thou
made
vs
to
erre
from
thy
wayes
:
we
need
not
be
afraid
to
speak
as
the
Scripture
doth
,
that
the
Lord
stirred
vp
Dauid
,
as
before
c.
16.
Dauid
saith
,
that
the
Lord
bid
Shemei
curse
him
.
5.
Wherefore
after
this
manner
God
is
said
to
haue
mooued
Dauid
,
1.
in
permitting
and
suffring
Sathan
to
put
it
into
Dauids
heart
,
to
number
the
people
,
Osiand
.
2.
God
was
causa
remouens
,
the
remoouing
cause
,
in
not
giuing
vnto
Dauid
at
this
time
the
direction
of
his
spirit
.
3.
The
generall
vertue
and
power
of
moouing
is
from
God
,
but
the
euilnes
of
the
●ction
is
of
our selues
.
4.
God
vsed
this
fall
and
slip
of
Dauid
,
and
turned
it
to
an
other
end
,
thereby
his
iustice
shewed
it selfe
in
punishing
his
people
:
Mart.
and
it
was
an
occasion
of
greater
good
:
by
this
meanes
the
place
was
pointed
out
where
afterward
the
Temple
was
built
:
Rupertus
.
3.
Quest.
Wherein
Dauid
sinned
in
causing
the
people
to
be
numbred
.
1.
Iosephus
thinketh
,
that
Dauid
offended
herein
,
because
he
had
forgotten
in
numbring
the
people
to
leuie
the
summe
of
halfe
a
sickle
vpon
euery
one
according
to
the
law
,
Exod.
30.
but
this
was
not
the
reason
,
for
the
people
were
numbred
againe
by
Moses
,
Numb.
1.
and
yet
paied
not
that
halfe
sickle
.
2.
Some
thinke
it
simply
vnlawfull
to
number
the
people
,
wherein
the
Lord
promised
to
be
innumerable
as
the
starres
of
the
skie
,
and
the
sand
of
the
Sea
:
and
therefore
it
belonged
vnto
God
onely
to
number
that
,
which
was
innumerable
:
but
this
is
not
so
,
for
they
were
there
numbred
by
Moses
,
Exod.
38.
Numb
.
1.
Numb.
26.
3.
Some
iudge
that
Dauid
purposed
to
haue
imposed
some
taske
vpon
the
people
,
and
so
he
sinned
in
coueting
:
as
Dion
writeth
of
Augustus
Caesar
,
that
he
appointed
a
taske
ouer
all
that
pertained
to
the
Romane
Empire
.
But
Ioab
brought
Dauid
the
summe
of
the
people
,
yet
no
such
imposition
is
mentioned
so
much
as
to
haue
beene
intended
.
4.
Dauids
fault
was
then
first
in
entring
into
a
needelesse
action
,
wherof
there
was
no
cause
,
but
onely
Dauids
curiositie
:
he
would
haue
it
done
,
that
I
may
know
,
saith
hee
,
the
number
of
the
people
,
v.
2.
for
the
mustring
of
the
people
was
vsed
among
the
Romans
,
(
which
custom
was
first
taken
vp
by
Seruius
Tullius
the
King
)
for
these
foure
ends
.
1.
To
know
who
were
fit
for
warre
:
2.
to
know
euery
ones
substance
,
to
make
indifferent
rates
:
3.
that
the
people
thereby
might
acknowledge
their
subiection
:
4.
and
that
a
view
might
be
taken
of
the
peoples
faults
.
But
Dauid
here
propounded
none
of
these
ends
.
1.
Warre
he
had
now
none
in
hand
.
2.
Neither
intended
he
to
make
any
collection
.
3.
And
they
needed
not
by
this
meanes
professe
their
subiection
,
seeing
he
was
taken
,
and
acknowledged
of
all
for
their
King
.
4.
And
they
had
other
magistrates
to
watch
ouer
the
peoples
faults
:
the
Leuites
to
instruct
them
,
and
the
Elders
to
correct
them
.
5.
So
then
it
is
cleare
that
Dauids
heart
was
lifted
vp
to
reioyce
in
the
number
and
strength
of
the
people
:
for
the
which
the
Lord
was
angrie
with
him
,
and
sent
a
plague
among
the
people
.
6.
Rupertus
maketh
this
numbring
of
the
people
a
liuely
shadow
of
the
carnall
Iewes
,
who
trusted
to
the
workes
of
the
law
,
as
Dauid
here
reioyceth
in
the
multitude
of
men
,
and
in
the
arme
of
flesh
.
4.
Quest.
Of
Ioabs
disswasion
to
the
King
not
to
number
the
people
.
1.
Hee
sheweth
that
it
belonged
to
God
to
increase
the
people
,
and
that
it
was
Dauids
part
thankefully
to
acknowledge
Gods
blessing
therein
:
and
not
as
it
were
to
take
vpon
him
Gods
office
,
as
though
the
people
by
beeing
numbred
could
be
increased
.
Borrh.
2.
And
secretly
hee
insinuateth
,
that
Dauid
should
take
heed
,
least
by
this
meanes
the
numbers
of
the
people
might
be
diminished
,
which
he
desireth
God
to
multiplie
,
and
increase
.
3.
Hee
further
insinuateth
that
there
was
no
end
of
numbring
the
people
:
for
they
all
professed
alreadie
to
be
Dauids
seruants
,
1.
Chron.
21.3
.
and
therefore
to
that
end
,
they
needed
not
to
be
numbred
.
4.
Further
,
he
foretelleth
that
this
would
be
an
occasion
of
trespasse
in
Israel
;
ibid.
and
that
God
beeing
thereby
offended
,
would
punish
his
people
:
not
for
that
they
were
numbred
without
that
leauie
appointed
by
Moses
,
as
Mart.
for
Moses
himselfe
did
not
alwaies
leauie
that
summe
when
he
numbred
the
people
,
but
Ioabs
heart
gaue
him
,
because
this
proceeded
from
pride
and
carnall
confidence
,
that
the
Lord
would
punish
it
.
Genevens
.
5.
But
notwithstanding
these
reasons
alleadged
by
Ioab
and
the
rest
of
the
Princes
and
Captaines
:
Dauids
word
preuailed
,
for
the
Lord
had
determined
vpon
this
occasion
to
bring
a
plague
vpon
Israel
.
Borrh.
5.
Quest.
Of
Ioabs
iournie
,
when
hee
went
to
take
muster
.
1.
Hee
went
first
on
the
East
side
of
the
land
of
Canaan
,
passing
ouer
Iordan
,
by
Aroer
a
citie
of
the
Gadites
,
Numb.
32.34
.
and
by
the
citie
situate
vpon
the
riuer
of
the
Gadites
,
that
is
Ar
,
by
the
riuer
Arnan
,
Deut.
2.8.35
.
then
they
went
to
Gilead
,
and
so
to
the
nether
land
newly
obtained
:
which
was
recouered
from
the
Hagarens
in
the
daies
of
Saul
,
1.
Chron.
5.10.23
.
it
is
so
better
translated
,
then
to
make
a
proper
name
of
it
,
Tachtim
Chadshi
,
A.P.G.B.
or
the
nether
land
of
Chadshi
.
L.V.
for
there
is
no
such
place
mentioned
in
all
Ioshua
.
2.
Then
they
turned
about
on
the
North
side
by
Daen
Iaan
called
simply
Dan
,
Iosh.
19.47
.
and
by
the
ground
and
fields
of
Zidon
:
for
the
citie
the
Cananites
possessed
still
,
as
they
did
likewise
Tyrus
.
3.
So
they
compassed
all
the
West
coast
along
from
Tyrus
by
the
cities
of
the
Hivites
and
Cananites
.
4.
And
then
turned
Southward
to
Beersheba
:
Ioab
was
4.
moneths
and
two
daies
in
taking
this
suruaie
,
whereas
the
spies
,
which
Moses
sent
,
Numb.
13.
returned
in
40.
dayes
:
for
they
staied
not
in
any
place
to
take
the
number
of
the
people
,
as
Ioab
here
did
.
6.
Quest.
v.
9.
Of
the
number
,
which
Ioab
returned
vnto
Dauid
,
differing
from
the
number
set
downe
1.
Chron.
21.
In
the
Chronicles
,
the
summe
is
an
1100.
thousand
of
Israel
,
and
470.
thousand
of
Iudah
:
whereas
here
are
giuen
vp
in
account
to
Dauid
,
but
800.
thousand
of
Israel
,
and
of
Iudah
500.
thousand
.
1.
Some
thinke
,
there
might
be
some
errour
in
the
mistaking
of
figures
and
numbers
:
Pellican
:
but
it
is
daungerous
to
admit
of
the
least
errour
in
the
originall
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
Ioab
thorough
griefe
gaue
not
vp
the
full
number
,
which
was
taken
,
but
as
it
is
here
:
Genevens
.
in
1.
Chron.
22.
But
the
text
saith
,
that
Ioab
gaue
vp
that
number
,
1.
Chron.
21.5
.
3.
Osiander
thinketh
that
in
the
account
of
800.
thousand
the
principall
onely
are
reckoned
:
but
in
the
number
of
an
1100.
thousand
the
whole
multitude
:
but
here
the
number
of
Iudah
is
greater
,
then
that
in
the
Chronicles
by
30.
thousand
:
it
is
not
like
,
that
in
the
one
number
the
principall
onely
should
be
counted
,
in
the
other
the
whole
companie
.
4.
Some
thinke
that
Ioab
did
make
the
number
lesse
then
it
was
,
least
Dauid
might
haue
beene
lifted
vp
too
much
,
after
he
knew
the
full
number
of
the
people
,
Emma
.
Sa.
But
it
is
said
,
1.
Chron.
21.5
.
that
Ioab
gaue
vp
the
greater
number
also
of
Israel
,
and
a
lesse
of
Iudah
:
therefore
this
reason
can
not
serue
for
both
.
5.
P.
Martyr
thinketh
it
may
be
thus
,
because
Ioab
did
not
number
the
Leuites
,
nor
the
Beniaminites
,
and
it
may
be
also
he
had
not
mustred
those
,
which
were
in
Ierusalem
,
that
the
greater
number
was
made
vp
afterward
with
them
:
and
for
Iudah
,
hee
thinketh
that
the
iust
summe
was
470.
thousand
,
which
is
made
vp
here
iust
500.
thousand
,
because
it
is
not
vnusuall
in
Scripture
,
to
set
downe
a
round
and
perfect
number
for
a
more
readie
account
,
though
somewhat
be
wanting
,
as
to
make
vp
70.
thousand
to
an
100.
thousand
.
But
it
is
euident
in
the
Chronicles
,
that
euen
in
that
great
summe
which
Ioab
gaue
vp
to
Dauid
,
neither
the
Leuites
nor
Beniamin
were
counted
;
the
summe
then
is
not
made
out
of
them
:
and
concerning
the
number
of
Iudah
,
it
were
much
,
that
there
wanting
30.
thousand
of
an
100.
thousand
,
the
scripture
should
set
downe
an
100.
thousand
.
6.
Borrhaius
saith
,
that
whereas
there
is
the
oddes
of
300.
thousand
betweene
the
number
here
rehearsed
,
and
the
other
1.
Chron.
21.
that
in
this
smaller
summe
the
ordinarie
companies
are
not
reckoned
which
serued
by
their
turnes
,
24.
thousand
euery
moneth
:
which
beeing
multiplied
by
12.
according
to
the
number
of
the
moneths
,
maketh
288.
thousand
:
then
the
Captaines
set
ouer
them
,
which
might
haue
euery
one
vnder
his
charge
24.
maketh
12.
thousand
:
and
so
the
whole
summe
of
300.
thousand
is
made
vp
.
Concerning
Iudah
,
he
thinketh
that
the
number
here
is
set
downe
,
which
was
taken
before
the
plague
,
the
lesse
number
afterward
:
for
there
might
die
in
the
plague
30.
thousand
.
7.
Iunius
approoueth
the
first
part
of
this
last
solution
,
touching
the
difference
betweene
the
numbers
of
the
people
for
Israel
:
for
the
ordinarie
companies
of
24.
thousand
,
which
were
in
a
readinesse
euery
moneth
by
course
,
as
is
described
2.
Chron.
27.
needed
not
bee
numbred
:
and
ouer
them
were
set
their
Captaines
ouer
thousands
,
●nd
hundreds
,
and
other
officers
,
which
might
make
vp
that
summe
of
300.
thousand
.
Concerning
Iudah
,
it
is
not
like
,
that
there
dying
70.
thousand
of
the
pestilence
in
all
,
30.
thousand
,
almost
halfe
that
number
,
should
be
of
Iudah
.
And
beside
,
the
account
was
giuen
vp
before
the
plague
.
Therefore
Iunius
maketh
vp
this
number
of
30.
thousand
,
with
the
thirtie
companies
which
belonged
to
the
30.
Worthies
,
each
of
them
beeing
Captaine
of
a
thousand
:
which
might
be
all
of
Iudah
which
was
the
Kings
Tribe
,
and
neerest
to
Ierusalem
:
and
so
the
iust
summe
of
500.
thousand
of
Iudah
will
be
made
vp
.
This
solution
is
most
probable
:
Iosephus
is
here
deceiued
,
who
reckoneth
900.
thousand
of
Israel
,
and
400.
thousand
of
Iudah
:
which
number
disagreeth
both
from
the
summe
set
downe
here
,
and
the
other
,
1.
Chro.
21.5
.
7.
Quest.
v.
10.
Why
and
how
Dauids
heart
smote
him
.
1.
Dauid
had
continued
in
this
sinne
aboue
nine
moneths
,
all
the
time
that
Ioab
spent
in
numbring
the
people
:
but
now
the
sinne
beeing
full
and
compleat
,
his
heart
smiteth
him
:
Mart.
It
is
the
propertie
of
Sathan
,
to
extenuate
sinne
in
the
beginning
,
but
when
it
is
committed
,
then
he
doth
aggrauate
it
,
the
more
to
terrifie
the
conscience
:
Osiand
.
2.
It
is
like
that
Dauid
had
many
motions
before
this
,
but
now
his
conscience
is
troubled
indeed
:
for
then
the
heart
is
effectually
smitten
and
prepared
to
repentance
,
when
it
pleaseth
God
to
mooue
it
:
Pellican
.
3.
Iosephus
thinketh
that
this
remorse
was
wrought
in
Dauid
,
Prophetis
referentibus
,
diuerse
Prophets
telling
him
he
had
offended
:
but
it
seemeth
rather
to
haue
beene
wrought
by
the
secret
work
of
Gods
spirit
:
for
the
Prophet
Gad
came
to
him
afterward
,
when
he
had
acknowledged
his
sinne
vnto
God
:
Mart.
4.
This
smiting
of
Dauids
heart
,
and
confessing
of
his
sinne
,
seemeth
to
haue
beene
in
the
night
:
for
the
Prophet
came
to
Dauid
,
when
hee
was
vp
in
the
morning
:
for
it
was
Dauids
godly
vse
to
call
himselfe
to
account
in
the
night
:
as
he
saith
,
Psal.
6.6
.
hee
watered
his
couch
with
his
teares
in
the
night
.
8.
Quest.
v.
13.
Of
the
seauen
yeares
of
famine
offered
to
Dauids
choice
.
In
the
Chronicles
,
c.
21.12
.
three
yeares
of
famine
onely
are
spoken
of
:
1.
Some
,
to
reconcile
these
places
,
2.
Therefore
we
must
here
vnderstand
,
that
three
yeares
of
this
famine
were
past
alreadie
,
which
was
sent
vpon
the
land
for
the
crueltie
of
Saul
toward
the
Gibeonits
,
c.
21.1
.
and
this
present
yeare
they
had
some
relaxation
from
the
famine
by
seasonable
weather
,
and
three
yeares
of
famine
should
follow
afterward
.
Iun.
3.
Some
others
,
following
the
same
account
for
the
yeares
past
,
yet
varie
for
the
yeares
to
come
,
making
them
to
be
fowre
,
three
of
famine
,
and
the
fourth
and
last
yeare
also
must
for
the
most
part
be
spent
in
that
scarcitie
till
haruest
:
Mart.
Vatab.
but
then
from
the
beginning
of
the
3.
yeares
famine
,
which
were
alreadie
compleat
and
past
,
and
now
they
were
in
the
fourth
,
if
foure
more
followed
,
there
should
be
eight
yeare
in
all
:
the
former
solution
therefore
of
Iunius
is
better
.
9.
Quest.
v.
13.
Of
the
choice
of
three
plagues
offered
vnto
Dauid
.
1.
Dauid
hauing
here
confessed
his
sinne
,
receiued
not
the
like
answer
now
by
the
Prophet
Gad
,
as
before
vpon
the
like
confession
of
his
sinne
:
the
Prophet
Nathan
said
vnto
him
,
the
Lord
hath
put
away
thy
sin
:
the
reason
of
which
difference
is
this
,
that
there
Dauid
slept
in
his
sinne
,
till
the
Prophet
awaked
him
:
but
here
Dauids
heart
smote
him
,
and
he
had
prayed
,
that
the
Lord
would
take
away
his
sinne
,
which
he
was
assured
of
,
so
that
there
remained
nothing
,
but
some
temporall
chasticement
,
and
correction
,
which
the
Lord
purposed
to
send
vpon
Israel
,
and
therefore
this
onely
was
giuen
in
charge
to
the
Prophet
.
2.
And
whereas
hee
propoundeth
simply
these
iudgements
of
warre
,
famine
,
and
pestilence
,
yet
many
other
calamities
must
be
vnderstood
to
concurre
with
them
:
as
in
warre
,
burning
of
the
cities
,
spoyling
and
laying
wast
of
their
grounds
,
rau●shing
of
their
women
:
famine
is
accompained
with
vnseasonable
weather
,
as
immoderate
raine
,
or
drought
,
and
the
breeding
of
caterpillers
and
other
vermine
:
and
the
pestilence
is
ioyned
with
other
diseases
,
as
burning
feauers
,
gripings
,
and
such
like
.
3.
But
it
will
be
asked
,
why
the
Prophet
doth
not
as
well
giue
him
direction
,
what
to
choose
,
as
to
make
the
offer
:
the
Hebrewes
thinke
,
whereas
the
last
word
of
Gods
speach
is
dabhar
,
what
word
shall
I
answer
to
him
that
sent
me
:
that
in
that
word
he
insinuateth
,
what
Dauid
should
make
choice
of
:
for
the
same
word
dabhar
,
with
the
chaunging
of
some
points
,
signifieth
the
pestilence
.
But
this
obseruation
seemeth
to
be
somewhat
curious
.
Dauid
needed
not
any
particular
direction
for
this
choice
,
which
he
as
a
prudent
and
religious
man
,
might
easily
discerne
of
:
specially
God
so
moouing
him
by
his
spirit
.
Mart.
10.
Quest.
v.
14.
Of
the
choice
which
Dauid
made
to
fall
rather
into
the
hands
of
God
.
1.
Although
the
other
two
calamities
of
the
sword
,
and
of
famine
,
are
sent
by
the
hand
of
God
,
and
are
gouerned
by
him
,
yet
in
them
he
vseth
other
instruments
,
as
of
the
sword
of
men
in
warre
,
and
of
other
deuouring
creatures
in
famine
:
hee
chooseth
therefore
to
fall
into
the
hands
of
God
onely
:
for
the
pestilence
is
immediatly
sent
of
God
,
and
onely
is
his
worke
.
2.
In
the
pestilence
,
which
God
smiteth
with
,
there
is
more
mercie
then
when
the
sword
of
man
is
drawen
forth
:
for
then
none
are
spared
:
Osiand
.
And
we
beare
more
patiently
the
Lords
rod
,
then
the
hand
of
man
:
and
we
are
onely
here
to
humble
our selues
vnto
God
,
whereas
in
warre
,
the
enemie
which
preuaileth
is
also
to
be
sued
vnto
.
Mart.
3.
So
Dauid
in
this
choice
,
sheweth
his
prudencie
,
charitie
,
pietie
:
prudencie
in
choosing
the
lesse
euill
:
charitie
in
wishing
such
a
calamitie
to
come
,
which
was
common
as
well
to
the
Prince
as
people
,
for
none
are
exempted
from
the
pestilence
,
rather
then
that
which
should
lie
most
vpon
the
people
:
for
in
warre
the
weakest
,
and
in
famine
the
poorest
,
are
most
afflicted
:
his
pietie
appeareth
,
because
in
warre
the
enemie
preuailing
would
take
occasion
to
blaspheme
,
and
in
famine
,
they
should
be
forced
to
craue
the
helpe
of
straunge
nations
to
releeue
them
:
Dauid
therefore
desireth
onely
to
depend
vpon
God
.
11.
Quest.
How
Dauid
chooseth
it
as
the
easier
punishment
to
fall
into
Gods
hands
.
The
Apostle
saith
to
the
Hebrewes
,
c.
10.31
.
It
is
a
fearefull
thing
to
fall
into
the
hands
of
the
liuing
God
:
yet
Dauid
thinketh
it
here
bet●er
to
fall
into
the
hands
of
God
,
then
of
men
.
12.
Quest.
v.
15.
How
long
the
pestilence
continued
,
and
what
is
vnderstood
by
the
appointed
time
.
1.
Some
think
this
appointed
time
was
the
space
of
36.
houres
,
that
is
halfe
the
three
daies
,
the
rest
the
Lord
remitted
in
mercie
at
the
supplication
of
Dauid
:
but
no
such
space
is
here
mentioned
,
or
appointed
.
2.
The
Chalde
expoundeth
it
of
the
time
of
the
euening
sacrifice
,
which
was
a
set
and
appointed
time
,
as
well
as
the
morning
:
so
also
Rupertus
,
Vatab.
Emman
.
Sa:
but
seeing
the
morning
was
an
appointed
time
,
as
well
as
the
euening
for
sacrifice
:
this
appointed
time
in
this
sense
may
as
well
be
vnderstood
of
the
next
morning
,
as
of
the
euening
.
3.
Iosephus
thinketh
that
this
pestilence
endured
from
morning
til
noone
:
for
as
D.
Kimhi
saith
,
there
are
three
seasons
of
the
day
,
which
may
be
called
appointed
times
,
the
morning
,
noone
,
and
euentide
:
but
the
text
speaketh
of
some
time
appointed
here
.
4.
Therefore
because
there
was
an
other
time
appointed
by
the
Prophet
,
but
the
tearme
of
three
daies
,
it
is
like
that
the
plague
so
long
continued
.
Iun.
Osiand
.
5.
But
then
it
will
be
thus
obiected
:
1.
That
God
should
not
then
be
said
to
repent
him
,
if
nothing
had
beene
reuersed
of
the
former
sentence
,
wherein
the
Lord
doth
not
shew
himselfe
mutable
:
but
such
threatnings
are
conditionall
,
as
that
was
against
Ninniveh
:
vpon
Dauids
repentance
the
time
was
shortned
:
2.
Neither
needed
the
Angel
haue
beene
bidden
by
the
Lord
to
hold
his
hand
,
if
the
time
of
three
daies
were
expired
:
Mart.
But
hereunto
it
may
be
answered
:
1.
That
God
is
said
to
repent
him
,
after
the
phrase
of
man
,
not
onely
of
that
which
hee
purposed
to
doe
,
but
of
that
also
,
which
he
hath
done
:
as
Gen.
6.6
.
it
repented
him
,
that
hee
had
made
man
:
as
there
his
iustice
is
signified
by
that
phrase
,
because
he
purposed
to
destroie
man
,
as
if
he
had
not
beene
made
:
so
here
his
mercie
is
insinuated
in
hauing
compassion
vpon
the
people
,
as
if
hee
had
beene
some
for
their
harmes
.
2.
The
Angel
is
bid
●o
stay
his
hand
,
it
beeing
now
the
third
day
:
so
that
all
this
day
the
Angel
might
haue
gone
on
smiting
,
if
the
Lord
had
not
staied
him
:
the
third
day
was
now
begunne
,
but
not
compleat
and
finished
.
13.
Quest.
v.
15.
Of
the
greatnesse
of
the
plague
which
was
sent
vpon
Israel
.
1.
Iosephus
thus
describeth
the
manner
of
this
plague
,
that
it
tooke
some
sudd●nly
with
great
paine
,
and
bitter
pangs
,
who
so
died
:
some
lingred
longer
of
the
disease
,
and
died
vnder
the
Phisitians
hands
;
some
were
all
of
a
suddaine
smitten
with
blindnesse
,
and
at
once
depriued
of
the
sight
of
their
eyes
,
and
the
light
of
their
life
:
some
as
they
went
to
burie
their
dead
,
fell
downe
dead
themselues
.
2.
The
number
which
died
of
this
plague
within
the
compasse
of
these
three
daies
,
was
40.
thousand
:
so
many
men
died
,
that
Dauid
might
be
punished
in
the
same
thing
,
wherein
he
had
sinned
;
hee
was
lifted
vp
in
mind
because
of
the
multitude
and
numbers
of
the
p●ople
,
and
now
their
numbers
are
diminished
and
empaired
.
Osiand
.
3.
It
is
like
that
many
women
and
children
might
be
swept
away
with
the
pestilence
:
but
they
are
numbred
to
the
plague
,
who
before
were
numbred
for
ostentation
.
And
it
is
not
vnlike
,
but
that
many
good
men
tasted
of
this
temporall
chasticement
,
as
Daniel
and
Ieremie
went
into
captiuitie
.
Mart.
14.
Quest.
v.
16.
How
the
Lord
is
said
to
repent
him
of
the
euill
.
1.
The
Lord
is
not
as
man
,
that
hee
should
repent
:
but
he
is
so
said
to
repent
,
because
of
the
effects
of
those
which
repent
,
which
is
to
cease
and
to
giue
ouer
,
as
they
doe
,
which
doe
repent
them
of
any
thing
:
and
in
that
sense
the
Lord
here
repenteth
,
because
he
biddeth
the
Angel
stay
his
hand
.
Mart.
2.
Beside
,
this
phrase
sheweth
the
inclination
of
God
vnto
mercie
,
like
as
a
father
is
grieued
,
when
hee
is
forced
to
correct
his
sonne
,
and
had
rather
that
no
cause
were
giuen
him
of
such
chasticement
.
Osiand
.
3.
God
spared
Ierusalem
at
Dauids
intercession
,
because
it
was
the
place
which
he
had
appointed
for
his
Sanctuarie
:
Pellican
.
4.
But
God
herein
altereth
not
,
nor
chaungeth
:
but
as
he
had
determined
to
spare
Ierusalem
,
so
likewise
he
had
appointed
the
meanes
,
to
shew
this
mercie
at
the
supplication
of
Dauid
:
which
though
it
be
set
downe
after
,
yet
he
first
at
the
sight
of
the
Angel
humble●
himselfe
,
and
then
the
Lord
repented
him
of
the
euill
.
15.
Quest.
Of
Dauids
humbling
himselfe
,
and
offring
to
be
punished
for
the
people
.
1.
It
pleased
God
that
the
Angel
should
be
seene
in
a
visible
shape
with
a
sword
in
his
hand
,
that
Dauid
thereby
might
be
mooued
and
stirred
vp
to
humble
himselfe
:
and
that
the
Lord
thereupon
might
shew
mercie
.
2.
Hee
confesseth
his
sinne
,
not
accusing
the
Lord
as
of
iniustice
,
that
he
had
smitten
the
people
vndeserued
:
but
their
sinnes
he
knew
not
,
his
own
he
knew
,
which
had
iustly
deserued
that
plague
.
3.
Herein
Dauid
sheweth
himselfe
a
most
louing
shepherd
to
his
people
and
subiects
,
t●at
offereth
himselfe
vnto
the
daunger
for
them
:
that
he
and
his
house
,
which
were
the
principall
in
this
action
of
numbring
the
people
,
might
answer
the
punishment
.
Chrysostome
writeth
,
that
the
shepheards
in
Cappadocia
haue
such
a
loue
vnto
their
flocke
,
that
sometime
for
three
dayes
together
in
following
them
,
Curij
,
Decij
,
did
aduenture
and
gaue
their
liues
for
their
countrie
;
but
they
did
i●
in
a
vaine
ostentation
,
seeking
therein
their
owne
praise
,
or
in
a
ciuill
respect
onely
of
honestie
:
but
this
offer
of
Dauid
proceedeth
from
true
●haritie
wrought
by
faith
.
5.
Now
Dauid
,
all
the
time
of
this
plague
humbled
himselfe
,
as
is
most
lik●
,
in
praier
vnto
God
:
but
vpon
the
sight
of
the
Angel
he
i●
more
effectually
mooued
wi●h
compassion
:
and
especially
because
Ierusalem
,
which
was
the
citie
and
glorie
of
the
kingdome
,
was
now
next
:
And
hitherto
Dauid
offred
not
himselfe
to
the
plague
,
because
as
Chrysostome
coniectureth
,
Quest.
16.
v.
21.
Why
Dauid
buildeth
an
Altar
vnto
God
in
the
threshing
floore
of
Araunah
.
1.
It
pleased
God
to
make
choice
of
this
place
,
because
it
pleased
him
there
to
haue
a
house
built
vnto
himselfe
:
and
why
here
rather
then
at
Gilgal
,
Silo
,
Nob
,
Mispah
,
Gibeon
,
where
the
Tabernacle
was
at
this
present
?
no
other
reason
can
be
giuen
,
then
because
it
so
pleased
God
:
as
in
the
daies
of
Elias
,
there
were
many
widowes
,
yet
the
Prophet
Elias
was
onely
sent
to
the
widowe
of
Sarepta
:
Mart.
2.
This
beeing
the
principall
cause
,
yet
other
things
concurred
:
this
was
the
same
place
the
hill
Moriah
,
where
Abraham
would
haue
sacrificed
Isaac
:
and
in
the
same
place
,
namely
at
Ierusalem
,
Christ
the
sonne
of
God
offered
vp
himselfe
in
sacrifice
.
3.
And
in
this
place
the
benefit
was
receiued
:
there
the
Angel
held
his
hand
,
and
put
vp
his
sword
into
his
sheath
,
as
it
is
said
1.
Chron.
21.27
.
therefore
in
that
verie
place
Dauid
offered
sacrifice
to
shew
his
thankefulnesse
.
4.
And
an
other
reason
is
yeilded
why
in
that
place
Dauid
built
an
Altar
,
because
beeing
afraid
of
the
sword
of
the
Angel
,
and
the
daunger
beeing
present
,
he
could
not
goe
vnto
Gibeon
,
where
the
Tabernacle
then
was
.
1.
Chro.
21.30
.
Quest.
17.
v.
23.
What
this
Araunah
the
Iebusite
was
.
1.
Hee
is
called
also
Ornan
,
1.
Chron.
21.
it
was
no
straunge
thing
in
those
daies
for
one
to
be
called
by
diuerse
names
:
or
he
beeing
a
straunger
his
name
might
be
somewhat
altered
in
the
pronuntiation
,
as
names
are
when
they
are
vsed
or
taken
vp
in
a
straunge
language
:
Mart.
2.
For
his
nation
and
kinred
,
Kimhi
thinketh
he
was
not
a
Iebusite
,
for
they
were
Cananites
,
and
commanded
to
be
rooted
out
:
he
rather
taketh
it
,
he
was
of
the
race
of
Abimelech
:
But
the
text
saith
he
was
a
Iebusite
,
which
is
of
a
more
credite
,
then
any
other
humane
coniecture
:
though
he
were
a
Iebusite
,
yet
he
might
be
spared
,
beeing
conuerted
to
the
faith
of
Israel
.
3.
Some
thinke
,
he
had
beene
the
King
of
the
Iebusites
,
Vatab.
Osiand
.
and
that
by
his
meanes
the
fort
of
Sion
was
deliuered
vp
:
but
these
things
are
vncertaine
:
he
is
in
deed
called
a
king
,
v.
23.
in
respect
of
his
princely
liberalitie
,
v.
23.
Genevens
.
and
it
is
like
he
was
some
principall
man
among
his
owne
nation
,
and
of
great
authoritie
.
Borrh.
for
it
seemeth
by
this
that
all
the
Iebusites
were
not
expelled
Ierusalem
,
but
there
remained
some
either
conuerted
to
their
faith
,
or
else
they
became
tributarie
and
seruants
vnto
them
:
sure
it
is
,
that
he
was
one
of
Dauids
chiefe
freinds
,
and
was
spared
,
when
the
rest
of
the
Iebusites
were
ouercome
at
the
taking
of
the
fort
of
Sion
:
Ioseph
.
4.
In
that
Dauid
commeth
to
build
an
Altar
in
the
ground
of
a
straunger
,
it
was
an
euident
type
of
the
vocation
of
the
Gentiles
,
among
whome
the
Lord
would
haue
his
Church
.
Mart.
Quest.
18.
Of
Araunah
his
liberalitie
,
and
why
David
refused
it
.
1.
Araunah
in
this
bountifull
offer
to
the
King
,
to
giue
him
both
oxen
for
the
sacrifice
,
and
other
instruments
for
wood
,
sheweth
the
liuely
fruites
of
faith
in
those
that
are
truely
conuerted
vnto
God
:
Mart.
and
he
was
a
type
of
the
Gentiles
,
who
beeing
called
to
the
faith
of
Iesus
,
thought
nothing
too
deare
for
Gods
seruice
:
Pellican
.
2.
Yet
Dauid
would
not
accept
of
this
kindnesse
,
both
in
regard
of
Araunah
,
whose
ground
he
would
not
take
from
him
:
for
beeing
once
consecrated
vnto
the
worship
of
God
,
it
could
no
more
returne
to
the
former
owner
,
or
be
priuately
vsed
:
and
in
respect
of
himselfe
,
he
would
not
offer
vnto
God
a
meane
thing
,
not
in
it selfe
,
but
because
it
cost
Dauid
nothing
:
and
so
the
seruice
should
haue
beene
done
rather
by
Araunah
then
by
Dauid
:
Dauid
therefore
here
according
to
that
saying
of
Salomon
;
Honour
the
Lord
with
thy
riches
,
Prov.
3.9
.
would
offer
vnto
God
of
his
owne
,
and
not
of
an
others
.
Mart.
Quest.
19.
v.
24.
Of
the
price
which
Dauid
bought
Araunahs
threshing
floore
at
.
Here
it
is
said
that
he
bought
the
threshing
floore
and
the
oxen
for
50.
sheckles
of
siluer
:
but
1.
Chron.
21.15
.
it
is
thus
written
,
that
he
gaue
for
the
place
600.
shekles
of
gold
by
weight
.
1.
The
Hebrewes
say
,
that
because
this
place
was
to
serue
for
a
publike
vse
to
build
a
Temple
in
,
euerie
tribe
gaue
50.
sheckles
,
which
counting
12.
tribes
,
maketh
in
all
600.
sheckles
:
and
that
the
sheckles
were
gathered
in
siluer
,
and
by
Dauid
turned
into
gold
:
But
this
purchase
was
made
vpon
the
present
:
Dauid
had
no
time
to
make
any
such
collection
among
the
tribes
.
2.
Some
thinke
that
Dauid
gaue
50.
sheckles
at
the
first
,
vpon
the
purchase
,
and
afterward
600.
sheckles
of
his
liberalitie
:
ex
Martyr
.
but
it
is
not
like
,
that
Dauids
franke
gift
should
so
much
exceed
the
iust
price
.
3.
Some
thinke
that
Dauid
gaue
50.
sheckles
for
some
part
,
and
bought
as
much
afterward
,
as
came
to
550.
sheckles
more
:
Genevens
.
but
these
two
summes
can
not
be
put
together
:
for
the
50.
were
of
siluer
,
and
the
600.
of
gold
.
4.
Neither
was
the
50.
sheckles
for
the
oxen
,
and
the
600.
sheckles
of
gold
for
the
threshing
floore
:
Borrh.
which
amounteth
to
a
1500.
dollors
,
that
is
,
so
many
ownces
of
siluer
or
fiue
shilling
peeces
:
Iun.
for
it
is
like
that
not
the
bare
threshing
floore
was
valued
at
so
much
.
5.
Therefore
the
best
solution
is
,
that
he
gaue
50.
sheckles
of
siluer
for
the
oxen
onely
,
which
make
about
12.
dollors
:
and
for
the
whole
place
,
and
ground
with
the
houses
,
where
the
Temple
was
afterward
built
,
600.
sheckles
of
gold
.
Iun.
Mart.
Mont.
de
sicli
partib
.
lib.
de
mensur
.
sacris
in
appar
.
Quest.
20.
v.
25.
How
it
was
lawfull
for
Dauid
to
build
an
Altar
here
,
there
neither
beeing
the
Arke
nor
Tabernacle
.
1.
Dauid
did
not
this
of
himselfe
:
for
Gad
was
admonished
by
the
Angel
to
speake
vnto
Dauid
,
there
to
build
an
Altar
:
So
it
is
like
,
when
the
holy
men
of
God
offered
in
the
high
places
,
that
they
did
it
not
without
Gods
direction
,
though
it
be
not
alwaies
expressed
:
2.
Now
whereas
the
Tabernacle
was
at
Gibeon
at
this
time
,
where
most
of
the
Preists
gaue
their
attendance
:
yet
there
were
also
diuerse
,
and
the
cheefe
of
them
,
as
Zadok
and
Abiathar
,
which
kept
with
the
Arke
at
Ierusalem
:
c.
15.25
.
3.
Beside
an
other
reason
is
yeilded
,
why
Dauid
could
not
goe
to
Gibeon
:
because
he
was
afraid
of
the
sword
of
the
Angel
,
and
it
might
be
was
stricken
with
some
infirmitie
,
at
the
least
he
was
in
great
feare
,
because
of
the
present
daunger
.
4.
This
Altar
here
built
was
a
type
of
the
true
Altar
Christ
Iesus
,
who
was
to
suffer
at
Ierusalem
:
So
the
Apostle
calleth
Christ
the
Altar
,
Hebr.
13.10
.
that
place
therefore
serueth
not
to
prooue
,
that
there
ought
to
be
still
any
materiall
altars
in
the
Church
.
But
Tonstall
replieth
:
that
of
that
Altar
they
haue
no
authoritie
to
eate
,
but
Christ
is
to
be
eaten
:
therfore
he
is
not
meant
by
that
altar
.
Contra.
The
words
following
must
be
weighed
:
they
haue
no
authoritie
to
eate
,
which
serue
in
the
Tabernacle
:
but
they
which
are
vnder
the
Gospel
,
doe
eate
of
this
Altar
.
Mart.
Quest.
21.
v.
25.
Of
the
Lords
acceptance
of
Dauids
sacrifice
.
1.
God
shewed
his
acceptance
,
in
that
he
answered
Dauid
in
sending
fire
from
heauen
:
1.
Chron.
11.26
.
as
Aarons
sacrifice
,
Leuit.
9.
was
approoued
by
fire
from
heau●n
:
so
also
Gedeons
by
fire
out
of
the
rocke
,
Iudg.
6.21
.
and
Helias
sacrifice
was
set
on
fire
from
heauen
,
1.
King
.
18.38
.
Mart.
for
otherwise
it
was
not
lawfull
to
vse
any
straunge
fire
,
not
taken
from
the
Altar
,
as
appeareth
by
the
punishment
of
Nadab
and
Abihu
,
Leuit.
10.1
.
Genevens
.
2.
This
sacrifice
wa●
not
acceptable
in
it selfe
,
but
as
it
was
a
type
of
Christ
,
and
offred
by
faith
in
him
:
it
beeing
also
ioyned
with
the
praiers
of
Dauid
,
and
of
the
rest
of
the
people
.
In
Christ
then
both
our
altar
and
sacrifice
God
is
well
pleased
,
by
whom
we
are
deliuered
from
euerlasting
plagues
,
as
now
Israel
was
from
this
temporall
:
To
whom
be
ascribed
all
praise
for
euer
.
Amen
.