Hexapla in Danielem: that is, A six-fold commentarie vpon the most diuine prophesie of Daniel wherein according to the method propounded in Hexapla vpon Genesis and Exodus, sixe things are obserued in euery chapter. 1. The argument and method. 2. The diuers readings. 3. The questions discussed. 4. Doctrines noted. 5. Controversies handled. 6. Morall observations applyed. Wherein many obscure visions, and diuine prophesies are opened, and difficult questions handled with great breuitie, perspicuitie, and varietie ... and the best interpreters both old and new are therein abridged. Diuided into two bookes ... By Andrevv Willet Professour of Diuinitie. The first booke.

HEXAPLA IN DANIELEM : THAT IS , A SIX-FOLD COMMENTARIE vpon the most diuine prophesie of DANIEL , wherein according to the method propounded in HEXAPLA vpon Genesis and Exodus , sixe things are obserued in euery Chapter . 1. The Argument and Method . 2. The diuers readings . 3. The Questions discussed . 4. Doctrines noted . 5. Controversies handled . 6. Morall observations applyed . Wherein many obscure visions , and diuine Prophesies are opened , and difficult questions handled with great breuitie , perspicuitie , and varietie , which are summed to the number of 536. beside the Controversies 134. in the Table , in the end of the booke : and the best Interpreters both old and new are therein abridged . Diuided into two bookes : the first containing the historicall part of this Prophesie , in the 6. first Chapters : the propheticall , in the 6. last .

By ANDREW WILLET Professour of Diuinitie .

THE FIRST BOOKE .

Ezek. 28. 3.

Behold thou art wiser then Daniel , there is no secret that they can hide from thee .

Printed by CANTRELL LEGGE , Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge . 1610

TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN , RIGHT NOBLE , MOST excellent , and mightie Prince , IAMES by the grace of God , KING of great BRITTAIN , France , and Ireland , Defender of the true Christian Faith , &c.

THat which PLATO saw but in contemplation , Tum de num beatas fore respub . cum aut eas regerent Philosophi , aut reges philosopharentur . that Commonwealths should be then happie when either Philosophers gouerned them , or the gouernours became Philosophers ; we see by Gods goodnes now brought into action ( your Christian Maiestie beeing not onely a princely Patron of humane learning , and Philosophie , but a peerelesse professor of Theologie . ) King HENRIE the eight your Highnes noble predecessor in the royall Diademe of this Imperiall Kingdom , for writing against Luther in defense of the Papal religion , had giuen vnto him the Title of Defensor Fidei : but that princely Epithete is more due vnto your Maiestie , who both by your penne and sword doe vphold and maintaine the truth , Scripsi●i tu● totam epistolam manu , vt ipsi apices fidem tuam , pietatemque loquerentur : Epist. 26. that the saying of Ambrose of the Emperour GRATIAN may be worthily spoken of your Maiestie : You wrote ( not an whole Epistle onely as he saith , but whole Bookes ) with your owne hand , that the very letters doe proclaime your faith and pietie . This your diuine fauour vnto Religion and princely exercise in writing , hath emboldened me diuers times heretofore to present my Commentaries vpon certaine a a Hexapla on Genesis . Harm , vpon the 1. of Sam. Hexapla on Exod. bookes of the Scripture vnto your sacred hands : and your gracious acceptance of them hath emboldened me also to exhibite this Worke vnto your princely view . Here in all humble dutie I doe offer a Treatise and explanation of the most difficult booke of the Old Testament the Prophesie of DANIEL : what I haue performed therein , and especially in the vnfolding of Daniels 70. weekes , the Worke it selfe shall testifie . I trust , that by this my trauell , that which seemed before obscure , will appeare plaine and easie ; and the depth which would before haue taken vp an Elephant , Prophetia obscura est , quod alio tempore canitur , alio cernitur . De vi●. perfect . will affoard footing for a lamb . Hierome saith , A prophesie is obscure , because it is said at one time , and seene at an other : But now we see that which the Prophet said , and so that which was wrapped vp in obscuritie , is now fulfilled in historie .

These my labours I most humbly submit to your princely iudgement and direction , and your MAIESTIE with bended knees of my heart , I commend vnto the diuine and highest protection .

Your Maiesties most humble Subiect , ANDREW WILLET ,

THE PREFACE TO THE Christian Reader .

AVGVSTINE thus wrote to a friend of his , excusing the prolixitie of his Preface , August . praefat ad Valeri●m . Scio me non esse oneri tibi , si prolixum aliquod mitto , quia legendo diutiùs sis nobiscum , I know I am not burthensome vnto you , if I send you any prolix writing , because you are so much the longer with me : But I will forbeare by any long or tedious Preface to keepe the Reader in suspence ; though if I should , I presume of his courtesie , that he would vouchsafe it the reading . The length of the Worke , doth make me more short in the Preface : a smal entrance in , may serue to a large house : and the greatest cities haue not the greatest gates . I shall not neede in many words to shew the excellent vse of this prophecie of Daniel , nor what I haue performed in it : the generall Questions set before the Booke , shall satisfie the Reader in the one , and the worke it selfe shall speake for the other . I haue gathered together the best things , and most worthie of obseruation , out of writers both old and new , both Protestants and others : that the Reader may in few houres finde that , which I was many weekes in setting together : for here I say and professe with Hierome , ad Vigilant . Operis est & studij mei , multos legere , vt ex plurimis diversos flores carperem , non tam probaturus omnia , quam bona electurus : assumo multos in manus , vt à multis multa cognoscam : It is mine endeauour and studie , to read many , and out of sundrie to take diuerse floures , not to that ende to approoue all , but to sort out the best : I take many into mine hands , that from many I may know much ; and impart to others , that which I know .

In the reading of this Booke , let the Reader take these directions : I haue followed the same course , which I propounded vnto my selfe in other Commentaries , as the title of the booke sheweth : But I thought it best to set downe the whole text , for more plainenesse and perspicuitie , and not the diuers Readings onely : wherein C. standeth for Chalde : H. for the Hebrew : L. for the Latine : S. for the Septuagint : P. for Pagnine : A. for Arias Montanus : V. for Vatablus : B. for the great English Bible : G. the Geneva translation : I. for Iunius : det . is put for detract : add . for adding : The Authors names which are cited in this Booke , are summed in the Epistle set before the second part thereof .

If by these my trauels I may profit the Church of God , I haue my desire : it is mine onely terrene reward and encouragement , if my poore labours may finde acceptance : other rewards they sooner carie that labour not , then they which labour : Hos ego v●●iculos feci , tulit alter honores . Virgil. as the Poet sometime complained , that he made the verses , and other had the honour : As for my selfe , I finde by experience that saying of Augustine most true , In eo quod amatur , aut non labor autur , aut labor ipse amatur : in that which one delighteth in , either there is no labour at all , or the labour it selfe is loued : and it giueth me encouragement , that I am not in the number of them , Metth. 6. 2. of whome our blessed Sauiour saith , Receperunt mercedem suam , they haue receiued their reward . God graunt vs all faithfully to labour in our vocations in this life , that we may receiue our euerlasting reward in heauen with Christ our blessed Lord and onely Sauiour , to whome be praise for euer .

THE PROPHESIE OF DANIEL EXPLANED . Generall observations vpon the whole Booke .

1. The summe , argument , parts , and contents of the whole Prophesie .

IN this heauenly prophesie of Daniel is set forth in generall Gods fatherly care , and watchfull prouidence ouer his Church : the vse whereof is extended generally to the Church of God in all ages , but more specially it concerned the state and condition of the Iewes then beeing in captiuitie : wherein to their comfort three things specially are declared and foretold . 1. The diuerse changes and accidents , calamities and afflictions , which should befall the people of God , vnder the kingdomes of the Chaldeans , Persians , and Grecians ; First , vnder Alexander the great , then vnder his successors , which diuided his Empire among them . 2. The comming of the Messiah is pointed out , the time when , and ende wherefore he should come . 3. with such innouations as should followe , as the ceasing of the ceremonies , and the abdication of the Iewes : Iun. And all to this ende , that the people of God might be prepared , not to expect any terrene happinesse in this life , but with patience to waite the time of the restoring of all things in the resurrection of the iust , which is touched , cap. 12.

The parts of the booke are these : It is partly historicall , partly propheticall .

1. The historicall part , is either concerning certaine kings , or Daniel , and his godly companions : and these things are handled ioyntly together . The Kings whose historie is set downe , were Nebuchadnezzar in the 4. first chap. Balthazar in the 5. Darius in the 6. The historie of Daniel is continued in all these chapters , onely the third excepted : and of his godly companions , in the 1. and 3. Polan .

And in this first part 3. speciall vertues of Daniel are described . 1. His sobrietie and abstinence , cap. 1. 2. His wisedome and diuine vnderstanding in the opening and reuealing of dreames and hid mysteries , c. 2. c. 4. c. 5. And 3. his pietie toward God , c. 6. So he is commended propter sobrietatem , sapientiam , pietatem : for his sobrietie , prudencie , pietie . Hugo Car. in proleg . in Daniel .

And by these diuine testimonies God gaue witnesse vnto Daniel , that the mysticall prophesies following might be receiued with greater authoritie .

2. In the second part : the propheticall predictions , either concerne the enemies of Gods Church , as of the iudgements of God vpon Nebuchadnezzar , c. 4. and Balthazar , c. 5. or they belong vnto the Church , either shewing their afflictions and calamities . c. 10. 11. or their deliuerance begunne in this life by the redemption purchased by the Messiah , c. 9. and perfected and consummate in the next in the resurrection . c. 12. Polan .

Pereri●s another way deuideth this booke into three parts . 1. It consisteth either of bare visions and prophesies , as cap. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 2. Or of prophesies and visions mixed with histories , as c. 2. 4. 5. 3. Or of histories alone , as c. 3. and 6.

2. The diuers language and readings observed in this Booke .

The originall text in this booke is partly written in the Hebrewe language , partly in the Chalde : from the beginning of the 1. Chap. to the 4. ver. of the second , and the fiue last chapters are all written in the Hebrewe tongue . And from the 4. v. of the second chap. to the ende of the 7. chap. the historie is penned in the Chalde dialect . Polan . The reasons whereof , are yeelded to be these . 1. For the credit of this historie , the Lord bringeth forth forreine nations , annalesque eorum testes , and their Chronicles as witnesses , least any should doubt of the truth thereof . Iun. 2. An other reason is , because God would haue some part of this historie come to the knoweledge of the heathen , as it was requisite , that the Chaldes should knowe the sinnes and impieties of that nation , and the iudgements which should befall them , ad testandam omnibus Dei veritatem , &c. to testifie vnto all the truth of God : therefore in generall the alteration of the terrene states and kingdomes , and the power of Christs kingdome are shadowed forth . c. 1. and c. 7. and published in the Chalde language , that the Gentiles might take knowledge thereof , but the particular histories of the comming of the Messiah , of his office , kingdome , and of the calamities and afflictions which should befall the people of God , are set forth in the Hebrewe tongue , in the fiue last chapters , as most specially concerning them , Iun. in cap. 7. 3. A third reason is , that the historie of Daniels acts , set forth in the 6. first chapters , beeing expressed in the Chalde speach , might giue testimonie vnto Daniel , that the Iewes might receiue him for a Prophet of God . qui erat admirabilis etiam profanis gentibus , &c. who was admired euen of the profane nations : Caluin . Proleg . in Daniel . 4. Vnto these may be added , that for better credit of the historie it pleased God , that the historie of such things , as were said and done in Chaldes , should be written in the same language , wherein they were first spoken : like as in Ezra the epistles and rescripts of the kings , are deliuered in the Chalde speach , as taken out of their publike acts and records . Iun. in proleg .

Beside the originall text thus consisting partly of the Hebrewe , partly of the Chalde tongue : there was the translation of the Septuagint , and three other Greeke translations beside , of Aquila , Symmachus , Theodotion . But Hierome sheweth that the translation of the Septuagint , whatsoeuer was the cause thereof , whether they did not expresse the Chalde phrase , Hieron . proleg . in Daniel . or some one ignorant of the Chalde tongue did set it forth vnder their name , multum discordat à veritate , doth dissent much from the truth , & recto iudicio repudiatus est , &c. and therefore was vpon a right iudgement reiected of the Church : And therefore in the stead thereof the translation of Theodotion was receiued of the Church : as the same Hierome sheweth , Lib. 2 contr. Ruffin . which notwithstanding is in many places erroneous , as shall appeare in the differences of the reading throughout .

The latine translation also faileth in many points , as afterward shall be shewed , though Pintus giue it this commendation , Pintus in pro●●m . that it is nitore veritatis , grauitate , authoritate , omnibus alijs illustrior & praestantior : in the euidence of truth , grauitie , authoritie , more famous and excellent then any other , &c. but the contrary shall afterwards be prooued in the generall controuersies following ; that the vulgar Latine is in many places corrupt , and erroneus . And herein they attribute more perfection to Hieromes translation , then he himselfe would haue acknowledged , thus modestly confessing , qui mihi videbar sciolus inter Hebraeos , caepi rursus discipulus esse Chaldaicus : I that seemed to know somewhat among the Hebrewes , began againe to be a scholler in the Chalde : in proleg .

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

Quest. 1. Of the author of this propheticall booke of Daniel .

1. Wicked Porphirie in the 12. booke of those which he wrote against the Christians , contendeth that this prophesie was not written by Daniel , but by some that liued in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes , or after when all these things here prophesied of were fulfilled : but his cauillous obiections were long since refuted by Apollinaris , Methodius , Eusebius : and the falshood thereof is conuinced by this , that the Septuagint , who liued almost an 100. yeares before that Antiochus , did translate this booke into Greeke : and Iosephus in his 11. booke Antiquitat . Iuda . reporteth how Iaddus the high Priest shewed vnto Alexander the great this prophesie of Daniel , which foretold of a king , that should destroy the Persian Monarchie , in confidence whereof Alexander proceeded to that battell , and this was 60. yeares before Antiochus . 2. The Hebrewes thinke , Lib. 6. Etym. with whom Isidore consenteth , that this booke of Daniel , of Ezekiel , and of the 12. Prophets , were written by the wise men of the great Synagogue , who were in the time of Ezra . 3. But that this booke was written by the Prophet Daniel , who was so famous among the Kings of Chaldea , and of Persia , beside the title of the booke , which is called in the Hebrewe sepher Daniel , the booke of Daniel ; our blessed Sauiour doth witnesse the same in the Gospell , When yee shall see the abhomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet , &c. Matth. 24. 15. Perer. Osiand .

Quest. 2. Of the signification of the name Daniel .

1. The name Daniel signifieth the iudgements of God , or God is my iudge , which name was giuen him by the singular prouidence of God , for both per eum annntiata sunt iudicia Dei , by him the iudgements of God were denounced and declared , and God was present with him , as his defender and iudge against his aduersaries . Bullin .

2. Lyranus then is deceiued , who thinketh that in this name there is relation to that iudgement which Daniel awarded against the two adulterous Elders , which wrongfully accused Susanna : for that storie was not of Dauiels writing , neither is found in the originall , as afterward shall more fully be declared .

3. There was another Daniel Dauids second sonne by Abigail , who also is called Chileah : but he was long before those times : 2. Sam. 3. 3. 1. Chron. 3. 1.

Quest. 3. Of the kindred of Daniel .

1. Hierome in his preface to Daniel writeth , that the Septuagint in the beginning of the historie of Susanna , which they make the 14. chapter of this booke , doe affirme that Daniel was of the tribe of Leui : whereupon Bellarmine thinketh that there were two Daniels , Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei . c. 9. one of the tribe of Iudah , who writ the prophesie , the other of the tribe of Leui. But herein Perfrius , of his owne sect and societie , contradicteth him , Perer. praesat . i● Daniel . shewing that neither the Synagogue of the Iewes then , nor the Church of Christ now , euer acknowledged any more , then one Daniel to be a writer of Scripture .

2. Dionysius Carthusianus thus remooueth the doubt , that Daniel was by his fathers side of Leui , Lib. de vit. & obit. sanct. vet. testamen● . by his mothers of Iudah : so also Isidore thinketh , that Daniel was both of the kindred of the Priests and the kings : because it was vsuall for those tribes to match together in Mariage : Pererius also reiecteth this as an humane coniecture without any ground of the Scripture : Praefat. in Daniel .

3. His opinion then is that Daniel was of the kings stocke , and that in him and the rest was fulfilled the prophesie of Isaiah to Hezekiah , that his sonnes , that is , his posteritie should be carried captiue into Babylon . Of the same opinion that he was ex genere regio , 2. king . 20. v. 17. Lib. 10. antiqu. c. 11. of the kings stocke , are Bullinger , Osiander , with others : Iosephus also saith that he was of the kinsmen of Zedekiah king of Iudah .

But this is no necessarie argument , for that prophesie might be accomplished in either of the kings stocke , as well as in Daniel : And Iosephus may be deceiued in this , as in the like conceit that Daniel was a gelded man , and made an Eunuch : Orig. hom. 7. in Matth. so thinketh also Origen : their coniecture is , because As●penaez to whose care and charge Daniel was committed , is said to be the chiefe Sarisim of the Eunuchs ; but this is no sure argument : for Pharaoh , Genes. 37. is called by that name , who had both wife and children . Caluin .

4. Wherefore concerning Daniels kindred somewhat is certaine , that he was of the tribe of Iudah : which is euidently expressed , c. 1. v. 6. Polan . some things are vncertaine , as , 1. Whether he were of the kings seede : for they were of the kings seede , and of the Princes , v. 3. therefore not all of the kings seede . Iun. 2. It is vncertaine likewise that Daniels fathers name should be Zabaa , Epiph. cont. Melchesedek . as Epiphanius . 3. Or that Bethoron the vpper , which first belonged to Ephraim , and afterward to the Leuites , was the countrie of Daniel , as a a In Synop. Dorotheus and b b Lib. de vit. & obit. Prophet . Epiphanius .

Quest. 4. Why Daniels kindred is not particularly expressed in the text .

1. Some thinke the reason is , because this is an historicall , rather then a Propheticall booke : but this is no good answer : for so the booke also of Nehemiah is historicall , and yet his kindred is expressed , the words of Nehemiah the sonne of Hachaliah .

2. Some make this the cause : Daniel his kindred was well knowne , and therefore it needed not to be expressed : So was Isaiahs and Ieremiahs , and their kindred well knowne , and yet it is set downe in the beginning of their prophesie .

3. Neither was this the reason , why Daniel inserteth not his name , because among the Chaldes he was called by another name , Belthazar : for c. 10. 2. he saith , I Daniel was in heauinesse .

4. Pererius saith , causam satis idoneam & probabilem , &c. I can finde no meete or probable cause hereof , why Daniels genealogie is not expressed .

5. Vnlesse this reason may be yeelded , that those Prophets haue their kindred expressed , which were specially sent from the Lord vpon some message and embassage to his people , as Isaiah , Ieremiah , with the rest : not they which onely had visions , without any such speciall commission : which obseruation notwithstanding doth not alwaies hold : for Salomon had no such propheticall commission : and yet he is described by his parentage , Prov. 1. 1. Salomon the sonne of Dauid .

Quest. 5. When Daniel beganne to prophesie , and at what age .

1. Pererius thinketh that Daniel was some 10. yeare old when he went into captiuitie , in the third yeare of king Iehoiakim , beeing borne , as he supposeth , about the 25. yeare of Iosias raigne : but this cannot be so , that Daniel was then so young : for 5. yeares after this he expounded Nebuchadnezzars dreame , which was the 2. yeare after they stood before the king . c. 2. 1. their three yeeres of education beeing expired . c. 1. 5. And vpon that occasion Daniel began to be famous for his wisedome , celebrated by the Prophet Ezekiel , c. 28. 3. thou art wiser then Daniel . And before that the same Prophet maketh mention of Daniel for his pietie , ioyning him with Noah and Iob : of whom the Lord saith , that they should onely saue their owne soules , they shall neither deliuer sonne nor daughter , c. 14. 20. it seemeth then that Daniel was of yeares to haue sonnes and daughters . Daniel then within fiue yeares of his captiuitie growing into such fame for his wisedome , could not be so very a child , as Epiphanius maketh him , and Isidorus , the one calling him infantem , an infant , the other , puerum , a boy , when he went into captiuitie : he was rather 17. or 18. yeare olde , as Osiander coniectureth . The ground of Pererius opinion is , because Daniel in the storie of Susanna is called a young child , when he deliuered her from her false accusers : which he thinketh to haue fallen out in the beginning of Daniels captiuitie , in the 12. yeare of his age : but that is a weake ground which is taken from an Apocryphall storie .

2. Some thinke that Daniel began to prophesie one yeare after Ezechiel , who prophesied the yeare of the world 3359. and Daniel ann. 3360. Polanus : but that is not like : for Daniel prophecied in the 5. yeare of his captiuitie , when he interpreted the kings dreame , which was in the 8. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , for in the third yeare he went into captiuitie : but Ezekiel began to prophesie in the 5. yeare of Iehoiakims or Ieremias captiuity , Ezek. 1. 3. which was 8. yeeres after the 5. yeare of Daniels captiuitie . And how could Ezekiel in his prophesie commend the wisedome of Daniel , if before that time he had not shewed it in the interpretation of dreames .

Wherefore it is more probable , that Daniel began his prophesie before Ezekiel : yet not so long before , Praefat. in Dan. as Theoderet thinketh , that is 12. yeeres : for so long it was from the 3. yeere of Iehoiakim , who raigned 11. yeares , when Daniel was carried away , to the 5. yeare of Iechonias captiuitie . But we must not beginne Daniels prophesie so soone , which was in the 5. yeere of his captiuitie , after the three yeeres of his education , and two yeares more of his seruice and ministring before the king : though the historie of Daniel take beginning from the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim when Ierusalem was besieged : Daniel then beginning to prophesie in the interpretation of dreames , in the 5. yeare of his captiuitie , which was the 8. yeere of Iehoiakim , began some 6. or 7. yeeres before Ezekiel to shewe his propheticall gift .

Quest. 6. Of the time when Daniel had his seuerall visions .

1. Pererius thinketh that Daniel expounded the Kings first dreame , c. 2. when he was 35. yeare old : but that can in no wise agree with his former opinion concerning Daniels age , that he was but tenne yeare old , when he went first into captiuitie : for this dreame was expounded in the 5. yeare of Daniels captiuitie : so that though we hold him to be toward 20. when he was caried away , he could not then be altogether 30. yeares of age , when he opened the meaning of the Kings first dreame . Pappus also is deceiued , who thinketh that this very yeare Ezechiel commended Daniel for his iustice and pietie , c. 14. for this commendation of Daniel by the Prophet Ezechiel , was at the least in the 6. yeare of Iechonias captiuitie , Ezech. 8. 1. which was the 14. yeare of Daniels beeing in Babel : for he going thither in the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim , who raigned 11. yeares , was there eight yeares of Iehoiakims raigne , and then followed the 6. yeares of Iechonias captiuitie : but the occasion of Pappus error is , for that he maketh the third yeare of Iehoiakim , which he counteth from the time when he became tributarie to the King of Babel , which was in his 8. yeare ; in deede the eleuenth yeare of his raigne : which shall be shewed afterward to be otherwise , in the 1. v. of the 1. chapter .

2. But Pappus collecteth well , that 5. yeares after this , the same yeare wherein Ierusalem was taken , that Daniel was celebrated by Ezechiel for his singular wisdome , c. 28. 3. which was in the 11. yeare of Iechonias captiuitie , Ezech. 26. 1. and the last yeare of Zedekiah his raigne : which was in the yeare of the world 3365.

3. When Nebuchadnezzer set vp the golden image , c. 3. it is vncertaine , the time beeing not expressed : but it is like it was after the destruction of Ierusalem and other nations , when Nebuchadnezzer was now become great , and puffed vp with his victories .

4. Pappus thinketh that 10. yeares after , in the yeare 3375. Nebuchadnezzer had his second dreame of the great tree , c. 4. but that cannot be : for this dreame the King had after he had conquered the nations , and subdued Egypt , which was the last , and this was after the 27. yeare of the captiuitie of Iechonia , Ezech. 30. 1. but the 3375. was but the 21. yeare of his captiuitie , 10. yeare after the taking of Ierusalem , in the 11. yeare of Zedekiah . Therefore I thinke rather with Iunius , that this second dreame of the King , Annot●o Ezek. c. 30. 1. was some 10. yeares before the ende of Nebuchadnezzers raigne , about the 27. of Iechoniah his captiuitie , in the 37. yeare of whose captiuitie Evilmerodach began to raigne after Nebuchadnezzer , 2. king . 22. 27. and it was in the 35. yeare of Nebuchadnezzers raigne , and the yeare of the world 3382.

5. Then follows in order , within one twelue moneth after , how the King was taken from among men , and liued among beasts 7. yeares : after which time beeing restored , he raigned not 7. yeares , from yeares 83. to 90. as Pappus , but onely two yeares . Iun. ibid.

6. The visions which Daniel had in the 7. and 8. chapters , which were in the 1. and 3. yeare of Belthashar , were shewed him when Daniel was 80. yeare old , as Pererius thinketh : but he was then at the least 90. yeares of age : for he had beene in captiuitie 75. yeares : from the beginning of Nebuchadnezzers raigne ( which concurred with part of the 3. and 4. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , Ierem. 25. 1. ) who raigned 45. yeares , and Evilmerodach his sonne 30. Bulling. chron . and Daniel is supposed to haue beene 17. or 18. yeare old , when he first was caried vnto Babel .

7. Pererius taketh it , that Daniel expounded the writing vpon the wall to king Balthazar , when he was an 100. yeare old : but that cannot agree with his former computation , seeing he holdeth that he was but 80. yeare old , when he saw these visions in the 1. and 3. yeare of Balthazar : for he raigned in all but 3. yeares : though indeede Daniel was then toward an 100. yeare old . Againe , Pappus is deceiued , who maketh 10. yeares space betweene the time of these visions , c. 7. and 8. and the vision of the handwriting vpon the wall , which was , as he setteth it downe , ann. 3434. the other vision beeing ann. 1423. as he casteth it : for Balthazar had but three yeares in all , as it may thus be gathered : The captiuitie continued 70. yeares : which must begin from Iechoniah his captiuitie , in the 37. yeare whereof began Evilmerodach to raigne 30. yeares : and after him Belthazar 3. yeares , which in all make 70. yeares .

8. The next yeare following , which was the first of Darius , Daniel was aduanced to be one of the 3. chiefe Rulers , c. 6. and the same yeare he had that prophesie reuealed of the 70. weekes . c. 10. 1. Perer. Papp . About this time was Daniel toward an 100. yeare old : and this was in the yeare 3425. Bullinger , not ann. 3435. Pappus .

9. The next yeare after this was Daniel cast into the Lyons denne , as is declared c. 6.

10. The visions in the 11. chap. Daniel had in the first yeare of Darius : the visions in the 10. chap. in the 3. yeare of Cyrus , which Pappus reduceth to the yeare 3438. but it was the yeare 3427. Bullinger .

Quest. 7. Of the whole time of Daniels age , and time of prophesying .

1. Isidorus giueth vnto Daniel an 110. yeares , and thinketh he liued vnto the raigne of Darius Hystaspes : but this assertion ouerthroweth it selfe : for from the third yeare of Iehoiakim , when Daniel went into captiuitie , vntill the raigne of Darius Hystaspes , are counted an 128. yeares , vnto the which the age of Daniel beeing added , which Pererius holdeth to haue beene but tenne , all his yeares will make an 138. Perer. praefat .

2. Pappus counteth from Daniels first captiuitie ann. 3354. vnto the 3. yeare of Cyrus , which he maketh ann. 1438. 92 yeares : but he is much deceiued : for they can come but to 82. yeares : for the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim , was 8. yeares before Iechonias captiuitie , from the which the 70. yeares must be numbred , which ended the first yeare of Cyrus , then 2. yeare more of Cyrus raigne must be put too , which in all make but 82.

3. Therefore Osianders reckoning hath the best ground ; who iudgeth that Daniel liued an 100. yeares : he was 18. when he went into captiuitie , in the third yeare of Iehoiakim , from whence to the 3. yeare of Cyrus , are yeares 82. which beeing added to the former number , make iust an 100. yeares .

Quest. 8. Why Daniel is not mentioned to haue returned with the rest out of captiuitie .

Iosephus writeth , lib. 10. Antiquit. that Daniel built at Ecbatane in media a goodly tower , which remained vnto his time , so fresh and beautifull , as if it had been but lately builded : which the Kings of Persia made such account of , as that they made it the place of their sepulture , and committed the keeping thereof to one of the Iewish Priests : but Daniel himselfe was buried at Babylon : whereupon this question is mooued , seeing Daniel liued vnto the third yeare of Cyrus raigne , after the Edict was sent forth for the restitution and returne of the Iewes , why that he returned not with the rest : To the which it may be answered : 1. That Daniel beeing now striken in yeares , an 100. yeare old , was vnfit in respect of his great age , to take so long a iourney . 2. Or rather that he remained to be the protector or defender of the Iewes which were left behind in Babylon , as many there staied still . 3. But of all other it is most like , that he was thought a necessarie man to be imployed about the king for the good of his Nation , and to helpe forward their cause : as Theodoret thinketh , that Cyrus was taught of Daniel that prophesie of Isai , c. 45. wherein Cyrus is brought in by name , that he should procure the deliuerance of the Lords people .

Quest. 9. Of the times wherein Daniel liued , compared with f●rr●n Curonicles , and of the memorable things which happened therein .

1. The third yeare of Iehoiakim , where Daniel began his captiuitie , Pererius thinketh to fall out iust in the 32. Olympiad , and the 105. yeare from the building of Rome , and the 3. yeare of Cyrus raigne , vnto the which Daniel attained , he maketh to concurre with the 3. yeare of the 55. Olympiad , and from the building of Rome 200. Bullinger accounteth it otherwise : the first time , which was the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim , he maketh answerable to the 3. yeare of the 38. Olympiad , and the 125. yeare from the building of Rome : the 3. of Cyrus he setteth against the 59. Olympiad , and the 209. yeare from the founding of Rome : therefore of these things there is no great certentie .

2. The memorable things which happened in the time of Daniels captiuitie , which Pererius maketh to containe 90. yeares , but in iust account they make but 82. yeares ( as is before shewed ) were these : for within this compasse of time happened three captiuities of the Iewes , vnder Iehoiakim , Iechonia , and Zedekiah , with their deliuerance , and returne into their countrie : three great Prophets were amongst the Iewes , Ieremiah , Ezekiel , Daniel . Among the Romanes were kings Ancus Martius , Tarquinius Priscus , Seruius Tullus : among the Grecians flourished the 7. wise men : At this time was Craesus king of Lydia : among the Chaldeans Nebuchadnezzar : of the Medes Cyaxares : and Cyrus founded the Empire of the Persians : the kingdomes of the Iewes , Chaldeans , Medes were dissipate , and three famous cities , Ierusalem , Nineueh , Babylon destroyed . Perer.

Quest. 10. Of the excellencie , vse , and vtilitie , of this booke of Daniel .

1. This booke is commended by the worthines of the author , the Prophet Daniel a man beloued of God , to whom he reuealed the mysteries and secrets of his will , whom the Prophet for his pietie and vprightnesse ioyneth with Noah and Iob , Ezech. 14. 14. and commendeth for his wisdome , Ezech. 28. 3.

2. Beside , the excellencie of the matter doth set forth the price of the worke . 1. First , concerning ciuill matters , it treateth of the change and alteration of states and kingdomes : 2. For Diuine it hath the most cleare prophesies in all the olde Testament of the time of the Messiahs comming . 3. Therein are set forth examples of excellent vertues , of abstinencie in Daniel : of constancie in the three children , which were put into the fierie ouen : of pietie in Daniels thrice praying in a day vnto his God . 4. Therein are contained the heauenly doctrines of the blessed Trinitie , of the resurrection of the bodie , c. 12. of redemption and remission of sinnes purchased by Christ death . c. 9. 5. Many admirable and miraculous things are here set forth , as the walking of the three children vntouched in the fierie ouen , of Daniels beeing in the Lions denne , of the transplantation of Nebuchadnezzer from beeing a king , to liue amongst bruite beasts . 6. yea therein are conteined all wayes of Prophesying , which are either by dreame , or vision , sensible apparitions , or illumination of the mind , all which wayes and meanes the Lord vsed to reueale and declare his will to his seruant the Prophet .

Quest. 11. Of the authoritie of the prophesie of Daniel .

1. The Iewes doe derogate much from the authoritie of this booke , not counting it among the Propheticall writings , of the which there are three opinions : 1. Some thinke that the Iewes doe not reiect the prophesie of Daniel , but onely count it among the bookes called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , holy writings : for they diuide the olde Testament , into the lawe contained in the fiue bookes of Moses , and the Prophets which are eight , Iosua , the Iudges , Samuel , the Kings , Isaiah , Ieremie , Ezekiel , the twelue Prophets : and into the holy writings , as they call them , whereof there are nine , Iob , Dauid , the Prouerbs , Ecclesiastes , the Canticles , Hug. in prologom . Hieron . in Daniel . the Chronicles , Daniel , Ezra , Ester . So Pererius praefat . Likewise Hugo Cardinal , who maketh two kind of Prophets , some that had onely gratiam prophecialem , the gift and grace of prophesie : others , which beside the gift were especially called and sent to that ende to prophesie , and in this sense onely the Iewes hold neither Dauid , nor Daniel to be Prophets .

2. Theoderet doth simply reprehend the Iewes for denying Daniel to be a Prophet , Theodoret. praefat. in Daniel . and this booke to be any of the propheticall writings : so also Iunius affirmeth , that the Iewes denie this booke to be counted among the Hagiographa , or holy writings .

3. But the truth is , as Polanus setteth it downe , that the Elder Iewes did acknowledge this booke to be authenticall and canonicall , and equall in authoritie to the booke of the Psalmes , the Prouerbs of Salomon , the Lamentations of Ieremie , and diuerse of them haue written commentaries , vpon this booke , as R. Salomon , R. Leui , Ben Gerson , R. Abraham , Aben Ezra , R. Saadia , with others : but the later Rabbines doe denie the booke of Daniel to be authenticall , and therefore seldome reade it , as he speaketh of his owne experience , how diuerse Rabbines in Moravia whose helpe he vsed , Polanus in Prologo●● did confesse , that they seldome did reade the prophesie of Daniel : the occasion whereof he thinketh to be this , because Daniel doth so euidently point out the time of the Messiah his comming .

4. But this errour of the Iewes in reiecting this prophesie of Daniel may thus further be refuted . 1. The bookes which are called Hagiographa , holy writings , were of three sorts ; either they are taken for those bookes which were laid vp by the Arke , and had the miraculous & extraordinary approbation by the Vrim and Thummim , & other visible demonstrations : or for such canonicall books , which though they had not that allowance , being written after the captiuitie , when those visible monuments of the Arke , the Vrim and Thummim ceased , yet were written by the spirit of God , and commended to his Church : and thirdly , those bookes were called holy writings , which were not made of Canonicall authoritie , but onely preferred before other humane writings , and receiued of the Church into some higher order , though not made equall to the the Scriptures . Now though the prophesie of Daniel be not of the first sort , yet that it is authenticall and canonicall of the second , it thus may appeare .

The authoritie then of this booke is set forth by testimony both internall and externall : the externall is either diuine or humane : the diuine , essentiall or accidentall : the humane is either Ecclesiasticall and domesticall , or forraine or prophane : these further shall thus be declared in their order .

1. The internall testimonie est spiritus testificatio , the inward witnesse of the spirit , which cleareth our vnderstanding : that by the same spirit we acknowledge the Diuine prophesie of Daniel , by the which he wrote it .

2. The Diuine externall testimonie , which is called essentiall , is consensio cum diuino canone , the agreement which this prophesie hath with the rest of the Scriptures : and the warrant which Daniel hath from the testimonie of Christ , Matth. 24. 15.

3. The Accidentall is à signis , & euentis , from the signes which God ioyned with the prophesie ; as Daniels interpretation of dreames , and his preseruation from the lyons , c. 6. The euents were the true and sensible accomplishment of the predictions and prophesies conteined in this booke , as all histories , which doe write of these Kingdomes doe beare record : and where these two doe concurre with the truth of doctrine , namely , the signes and euents , they are diligently to be regarded , Deut. 17.

4. The Ecclesiasticall testimonie , is the consent of Gods Church , and generall approbation of the seruants and worshippers of God ; which though it be not so forcible to perswade vs as the former , yet it is a good motion and inducement ioyned with the rest : hereunto may be added that testimonie of Iosephus , Ioseph . lib. 2. contr. Appio . that all the bookes which were written vnto the time of Artaxerxes were of diuine authoritie .

5. The forraine testimonie is the authoritie and allowance , which this booke found euen among the Heathen : as is euident in that a great part of this prophesie is written in the Chalde tongue , which sheweth that the truth thereof was euen euident to the Chaldeans : Iunius . And here may be remembred , how laddus the high Priest , shewed Daniels prophesie vnto Alexander the great , and by name that vision , c. 8. how the goate , which signified the Grecians , ouercame the ramme , which betokened the Persian Monarchie , as Iosephus reporteth : whereupon this booke was had in great admiration of Alexander .

Quest. 12. Of the difficultie and obscuritie of this prophesie .

Pererius giueth these foure reasons , and causes thereof . 1. Because diuerse things are otherwise reported of forraine historiographers , then they are remembred in this booke : as in the 2. chap. Nebuchadonazer is made the mightiest King vpon the earth , whereas Herodotus much more extolleth the power of Cyaxares , who raigned about that time among the Medes . c. 5. Balthazar is said to be depriued both of life and kingdom by Darius king of the Medes , whereas other writers ascribe it to Cyrus . c. 11. the Angel foretelleth but of three kings after Cyrus vnto Alexanders time , whereas there were many more .

2. The transposing of the storie , which is often vsed in this booke , is an other cause of the darkenesse and obscuritie : as the prophesies conteined in the 7. and 8. chap. which were shewed vnto Daniel vnder the raigne of Balthazar , in order should be set before the 6. c. Pererius addeth , that the historie of Susanna , which happened when Daniel was yet a child , and the storie of Bell and the dragon , which was done the Empire of the Chaldes yet standing , should be placed t●e one before the second , the other before the 5. chap. But concerning these two pretended histories , there is no certaintie of the truth of them , at the least when and at what time they were done , and therefore this instance might be spared .

3. The prophesies and visions themselues are darke and obscure , as that c. 9. of the 70. weekes , which terme when it should take beginning , and how it proceeded , and was continued , is a matter of deepe vnderstanding .

4. The varietie of histories , which must be vsed as helpes for the vnderstanding of this prophesie : and the change and alteration of so many states and kingdomes , in this booke decyphered , doe make this prophesie intricate : specially because many of those historicall writers , whose workes are necessarie for the opening and vnfolding of this mysticall prophesie , are now lost and perished . As Hierome sendeth vs to the histories of S●et●nius , Callinicus , Possidonius , Thean , Andronicus , Polybius , Diodorus , Titus Linius , Tr●gus Pompeius ; whose histories concerning these matters here prophesied of by Daniel , are now either in part or in whole wanting .

5. And thus much was signified by the Angel , that this historie should seeme obsure , vntill the things therein contained were accomplished : as he saith to Daniel , Goe thy way Daniel , for the words are closed vp , and sealed , till the ende of the time : vntill then they should be obscure to all : but euen afterward also , when the fulnesse of time is come , none of the wicked shall haue vnderstanding : and least we should be discouraged altogether , it is added , but the wise shall vnderstand . Dan. 12. 9 , 10.

4. Places of doctrine .

1. The doctrine of Gods prouidence notably is set forth in this booke , that he then most of all taketh care for his Church , when he seemeth most to neglect it : 1. Doctr. Of Gods prouidence . that nothing falleth out by chance , but that the confusion and alteration of states and kingdomes are by the prouidence and disposing of God : Matth. 10 29 for a sparrow cannot fall vpon the ground without Gods will : much more is the fall and ruine of kingdomes disposed of by the Lord , Caluin .

2. In this booke many profitable doctrines are laid forth , as of the Trinitie , c. 7. of the redemption and remission of sinnes by Christ , c. 10. of the resurrection , 2. Doct. Of the Trinitie , of the passion of Christ , of the resurrection . chap. 12. Pere .

3. In this booke is set forth the continuance and perpetuitie of Christs kingdome , when all terrene and earthly dominions shall cease : regna mundi caduca esse ostendit , he sheweth that the kingdomes of the world are vaine , and the kingdome of Christ onely shall continue as the stone , Dan. 2. 36. Isa. 4. 7. which was cutte without hands , broke the image in pieces , as the Prophet saith , the increase of his kingdome , &c. shall haue no ende . Bullinger .

5. Places of controuersie .

1. Controv. The vulgar Latine translation not the best .

1. Pintus in his Prooeme vpon Daniel saith , that the vulgar Latine translation is , omnibus alijs illustrior & prestantior , is a more excellent and worthy translation then any other : and so he preferreth it before the originall Hebrew and Chalde text : therefore that the blind presumption and boldnesse of these Romanists may herein appeare , it shall not be amisse to note some speciall places wherein the Latin translation hath greatly erred .

1. c. 6. v. 15. The Latine translator readeth , Viri intelligentes regem dixerunt , &c. the men vnderstanding the king , said , &c. whereas in the originall the word is , hargishu , they came together . A. I.

2. c. 7. v. 18. The Saints shall take the kingdome . L. where it is truely translated thus : they shall take the kingdome of the Saints . A. P. I.

3. c. 8. 2. I was by the gate of Vlai . L. but in the originall , I was by the riuer Vlay : A. P. I. V. the word is vbal , a riuer .

4. c. 8. v. 9. and against strength , L. against or toward the pleasant or delectable ( land . ) V. A. P. I. G. hatzebi , beautie or delight it selfe .

5. c. 8. v. 13. and he said to him . L. he said to me . A. P. V. I. &c. the word is eelai , to me .

6. c. 11. 6. to make friendship . L. to make an equall ( peace . ) A. P. I. V. mesharim , rectitudines , equalitie , rightnes .

7. C. 11. v. 8. he shall carrie captiue their gods , and their grauen images , L. their gods and their Princes . A. P. V. G. I. nesichehem , their princes : nesich , a prince .

8. C. 11. v. 22. the armes of the fighter shall be subdued . L. the armes of the ouerflowing shall be ouerthrowne . A. P. V. I. shataph , to ouerflow .

9. C. 11. 45. he shall plant the tabernacle of ( Apadno . ) L. the tabernacle of his pallace . A. P. V. I. G.

10. C. 12. 2. some to shame , vt videant semper , that they may alwaies see . L. some to shame and perpetuall contempt . A. P. V. G. I. the word is diron , contempt .

By these few places giuen in instance , a coniecture may be made of the rest of the translation , that beeing so erroneous it can not be compared for grauitie or authoritie to the originall . The other places of moment , wherein this translation often slippeth , shall be noted in the diuers readings vpon euery Chapter .

2. Controv. The historie of Susanna , the Song of the three children , and of Bell and the Dragon , are no parts of Daniel , nor of the Canonicall Scripture .

The Romanists would thus perswade , that these histories which are annexed to Daniel , and make in the vulgar Latine translation the 13. and 14. chap. to be Canonicall .

1. Because the Councell of Trent hath so defined them to be held for Canonicall Scripture .

2. They are vsed and recited in the Romane leiturgie and Masse as Canonicall Scripture .

3. They are cited and alleadged by diuers of the Fathers .

4. Diuerse of the Fathers of the Greeke Church , as Origen , Athanasius , Chrysostome , Cyril , doe hold these parcells to be Canonicall . Thus Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei . c. 9. Pintus in prooem. Perer. lib. 16. in Daniel , in praefat.

Contra. 1. The Tridentine Councell or Chapter rather , was no true generall Councell ; but a partiall conuenticle of the Romanists , wherein there were not so many Bishops congregate or assembled together , as haue beene in many prouinciall Synods . 2. And though it had beene a lawfull Synod , yet it had no lawfull authoritie to make the canon of the Scripture , which belongeth onely vnto God : the Church onely is to declare , not to constitute the sacred Canon . 3. Neither can they produce any generall Councell , wherein the Pontificiall canon of Scripture hath beene confirmed .

2. Pererius himselfe giueth instance of many things which are rehearsed in the Popish Masse , Peter . ibid. which are not canonicall : as the legend of S. Catharine , how her bodie was placed by the Angels in mount Sinai : the Masse of the immaculate conception of the virgin Marie : and somewhat is taken out of the 4. booke of Esdras : all these he himselfe confesseth not to be of Canonicall authoritie , though publikely recited and sung in their Masse : the argument therefore followeth not .

3. Neither is all taken to be Canonicall , which is cited by the Fathers : for they many times doe alleadge the testimonies of Poets , and heathen writers : and the later writers doe produce the authorities of the Elder fathers , Iustine , Tertullian , Ireneus , Cyprian , Origen : are their works therefore to be held canonicall ?

4. Though some of the Greeke Fathers , therein following the Greeke translation , which was of great authoritie , doe make these histories Canonicall ; yet their testimonie is not sufficient to make that part of Scripture , which is not . And against their iudgement , we may oppose the sentence of other Fathers , as of Hierome , Hieron . prolog. cum Paulúm & E● stach . who doubteth not to call the historicall narrations of Bel and the Dragon , fables : likewise he alleadgeth how Eusebius and Apollinarius would not answer Porphirie his cauillous exceptions against these supposed parcels of Daniel , because they were not found in the originall , neither were held to be of diuine authoritie . Pererius here answereth , Nobis cuae non sit , quid isti senserint , quidve scriptis prodiderint : mihi pluris est divus Ignatius Martyr , Athanasius , Chrysostomus , &c. We neede not care what these thought , or what they set forth in writing : I make more account of holy Ignatius Martyr , Athanasius , Chrysostome , &c. In which indifferent answer , he teacheth vs what to say : If he care not what Eusebius , Apollinarius , Hierome thinke or write on this matter ; why should it mooue vs , what Ignatius , Athanasius , with the rest , testifie in this cause ? neither doe I see why the one should be more accounted of , or held of greater authoritie then the other .

Our contrarie Arguments against the Canonicall authoritie of these additions , are these which follow :

1. They are not extant in the Hebrew and Chalde originall .

2. They containe some things contradictorie to the Canonicall histories : as the Apocryphal storie saith that Daniel was of the tribe of Levi , whereas he is said in the true storie to be of the tribe of Iudah , c. 1. v. 6.

3. Iosephus making mention of all the other histories recorded in this booke , Lib. 10. antique . yet omitteth these two as Apocryphal relations .

4. Hierome toucheth certaine obiections propounded by a Iew against these Apocryphall additions . Prolog . in Dan. 1. That it is not like , that the three children had so much leisure , as to goe through all the elements and creatures in their hymne or song . 2. It was no such miraculous thing , but a naturall worke to kill the Dragon with gobbets , and balls of pitch . 3. And it is without example , that any Prophet was so transported in bodie , as Abacuk was taken vp by the haire of the head to goe and minister vnto Daniel .

Answ. Here the Romanists doe giue vs this slender satisfaction . 1. That this booke might be translated by Theodotian out of the Hebrew or Chalde , which is now extant : or it might be written in the Greeke tongue originally , by some stirred by the spirit of God , as the author of Ecclesiasticus was . Perer.

2. There might be two Daniels , one of Iudah , an other of Levi. Bellarm.

3. Iosephus omitteth many things in his historie of the Iewes antiquities . Perer.

4. 1. So Ionas prayed in the Whales bellie , beeing in great danger , as the other were in the fire . 2. Salomon though mooued by the spirit of God , yet by humane wisdome decided the controuersie betweene the two harlots . 3. Henoch and Helias were translated in their bodies . Hug. Card. in proleg . Hieron . in Daniel .

Contra. 1. It is euident that this booke was not translated either out of Chalde or Hebrew , by the Greeke allusion : 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , as if one should say , alluding to a cutting or pricking tree , he will cut thee : and in the Greeke tongue originally were none of the Canonicall books of the old Testament written : for vnto the Iewes were committed the oracles of God , Rom. 3. 2. but the bookes set forth in the Greeke could not be committed to the Hebrewes .

2. If there were two Daniels , why are those additions annexed to the prophesie of Dani●l , as parts thereof , he beeing not the author ?

3. Iosephus omitteth many matters of circumstance , but complete histories , and the same memorable , he seldome omitteth : but this argument is vrged , not as necessarie , but onely probable .

4. 1. It is one thing to pray in distresse as Ionas did , an other to giue thanks at large vnto God , before riddance from the daunger : for that had beene in some sort to tempt God , to stay longer in the daunger then there was cause . 2. That experiment of Salomons wisdome is set forth as an act of a prudent and wise man , directed by the spirit of God : but the other is set downe as a propheticall act : therefore the instance is not alike . 3. Henoch and Helias were translated out of the world , but not from place to place , as this Abacuk is supposed to haue beene : and it cannot be gathered , that they reteined their bodies still , when they were taken vp : but rather , that by the power of God they were dissolued : which we are to thinke for the honour of Christ , who was the first that in his whole humanitie entred the heauens .

6. Morall observations .

1. 1. Obser. The infallible certentie of faith in Christ to be the onely Redeemer . In that in this prophesie of Daniel , there is a manifest prophesie pointing out the very time of the comming of Christ , c. 9. quam clarum & firmum est hoc testimonium , &c. what a cleare and sure testimonie is this , which we may oppose against Sathan , and all Atheists , and other gainsayers , that Christ is the true Redeemer , that was to come into the world . Calvin .

2. 2. The profit that commeth by affliction . In that the Lord did such wonderfull things for his people in captiuitie , in so much that the glorie of God was propagated more , disperso & afflicto populo Dei , quam regnante , & agent● in pace , &c. the people of God beeing dispersed and afflicted , then while they raigned and liued in peace : it sheweth the profit that commeth by the crosse , Bulling. both in generall to the whole Church , and in particular to euery member thereof , as the Prophet Dauid saith , It is good for me , that I haue beene afflicted , Psal. 119. 71.

3. 3. The wicked though neuer so mightie shall be punished . Further , illustria gloriae divinae documenta sunt iudicia in reges , the iudgement of God vpon Kings and vpon their kingdomes , are notable demonstrations of Gods glorie , Polan . as the Prophet Isai saith , Topheth is prepared of old , it is prepared for the king , Isa. 30. 33.

4. 4. The Church of God must stil looke for afflictions in this world . In that Daniel after the prophesie of the comming of Christ , yet foretelleth many afflictions , c. 10. 11 , 12. which should befall the Church of God in this world , vntill the blessed day of the resurrection which is spoken of , c. 12. when all teares shall be wiped from our eyes ; thereby is declared that the Church of God , and the faithfull members thereof must looke for no firme and sure state in this world to continue , but make account through many afflictions to enter into the kingdome of heauen : sic Genev. in the argument of the booke : for as the Apostle saith , Here we looke for no continuing citie , but seeke one that is to come , Heb. 13. 14. But now by the grace of God I will proceede to the booke it selfe , hauing staied long enough in these generall obseruations .

CHAP. I.

1. The Argument and method .

THis Chapter hath three parts . 1. The first sheweth how that after the King of Babel had besieged and taken Ierusalem , he caried diuers into captiuitie . 1. c. 1 , 2.

2. In the next part the education of Daniel and of his other companions is described , from v. 3. to v. 18. where these three things are contained . 1. The Kings charge vnto the chiefe of the Eunuches for their education , to v. 7. 2. Daniels abstinence and refusall to eate of the Kings meate , whereunto was made a way by that fauour which God gaue vnto Daniel in the sight of the chiefe of the Eunuches , to v. 14. 3. The successe thereof , they were encreased with gifts both of minde and bodie . v. 15 , 16 , 17.

3. Then the euent followeth , their ministerie before the King , and their aduancement , especially of Daniel , v. 18. to v. 21.

2. The diuers readings .

1. v. In the third yeare ( in the yeares of three . C. for so shalash signifieth ( three , ) not the third , but when it is ioyned with an other word of a cardinall number , it becommeth an ordinal , that is , a number of order ) of the raigne of Iehoiakim ( not Ioachim . L. for he was the sonne of Iehoiakim , 2. King . 24. 6. whom Matthew calleth Ieconias , c. 1. and the one is written with kaph , the other with caph. Iehoiakim signifieth the resurrection of the Lord , or the Lord taking reuenge ) came Nebuchadnezzer king of Babel ( not into Ierusalem . L. for at the first comming he entred not into the citie ) and besieged it .

2. v. And the Lord gaue into his hand ( not in his hand . L. into his power . V. ) Iehoiakim king of Iudah , and part of the vessells of the house of God , which he carried ( that is the vessels , not the persons , as Iun. Polan . for he spake onely of Iehoiakim before ) into the land of Shinar , into the house of his God ( not the house . Polan , for the whole land was not the house of his god . I. his gods . V. and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god ( his gods . V. the treasurie . G.

3. v. And the king had said to Ashpenaz the master of the Eunuches ( the master of the pallace . V. of the Courtiers : for so saris signifieth , as Potiphar is so called , Gen. 37. 36. who had a wife : but properly it signifieth an Eunuch , so called of keeping the chamber , of the Greeke word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a chamber , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to keepe : Elias Levita noteth , that onely the ministers or Courtiers of the Kings of Egypt , Babylon , Medes , and Persians were so called ) that he should carie away , I. P. ( rather , then bring . G. or bring in . L. V. for the same word is vsed in the same sense , to carie away , v. 2. and this charge was giuen at the taking of Ierusalem ) some of the children of Israel , and of the kings seede , and of the Princes ( of the tyrants . L. but that word , though sometime it were taken in the better part , is now out of vse : the word is ( partemim ) which Kimhi taketh for the princes about Euphrates : but Mercerus thinketh rather thereby to be signified the chiefe princes , and gouernours of the Prouinces .

4. v. Children in whome there was not any blemish , and well fauoured ( heb. good to the sight ) and instructed in all wisdome , and skilfull in knowledge , and endued with much vnderstanding , and in whome there was facultie ; that they might stand in the kings palace : I. P. ( better then , which were able to stand in the kings palace : for the distinction comming betweene doth diuide the sentence ) and that they might teach them the learning , ( heb. letters . I. P. L. ) and tongue of the Chaldeans .

5. v. And the King appointed them prouision for euery day ( heb. the thing of the day in his day ) of a portion of the Kings meate , and of the wine which he dranke ( heb. of his drinks ) and so to nourish them three yeares : that at the ende thereof they might stand before the King .

v. 6. Now there was among these of the children of Iudah , Daniel , Hananiah , Mishael , and Hazariah :

v. 7. Vpon whome the master of the Eunuches imposed other names : for he imposed vpon Daniel ( he called Daniel . G. but the word shum in the originall , signifieth to put on or impose ) the name Belteshazzer , and on Hananiah , the name Shadrach , and on Mishael , the name Meshach , and on Hazariah , the name Abednego .

v. 8. But Daniel had purposed in his heart ( heb. put it in his heart ) that he would not defile himselfe ( be defiled . L. V. but the word is , in hithpael , and hath a compound signification ) with the portion of the Kings meate ( not , with the Kings table , L. ) and with the wine which he dranke : ( heb. of his drinks ) therefore he required of the chiefe of the Eunuches , ( not , the chiefe of the Eunuches . G. for then the Hebrew preposition should be omitted ) that he might not defile himselfe .

v. 9. Now God had brought ( heb. gitten ) Daniel into fauour and tender loue ( heb. rachamim ) with the chiefe of the Eunuches ( or prince of the Eunuches . I. master of the palace . V. )

v. 10. And the chiefe of the Eunuches said vnto Daniel , I feare my Lord the King , who hath appointed your meate and your drinke : for wherefore ( who if . L. V. G. but asher is here put for a causall ( for ) and ( lammah ) signifieth not ( if ) but ( wherefore ) should he see your faces worse liking ( leaner . L. but the word properly signifieth , sadder , heauier , because they which are leane , are sadde and heauie ) then the children which are of your sort . G. ( your companions . L. equals , heb. which are according to your revolution , that is , of like time and standing , and are appointed likewise three yeares for their education ) and so ye should make me loose my head . G. ( condemne mine head . L. make me subiect vnto a capitall sentence . V. make me guiltie of my head . I. heb. endebted for my head ) vnto the King .

11. Then said Daniel to the butler , I. Pol. ( not to Melzar . L. V. A. G. for it is was a propername , as appeareth by the article ( ha ) set before it ( hamelzar ) whom the chiefe of the Eunuchs had set ouer Daniel , Hananiah , Mishael , and Hazariah :

12. Trie , I beseech thee thy seruants tenue daies , and let them giue vnto vs of pulse that we may eate , and water , that we may drinke .

13. Then let our countenances be looked on before thee , and the countenances of the children that eate of the portion of the kings meate , and as thou seest , deale with thy seruants .

14. So he hearkned vnto them in this thing , and tried them tenne daies .

15. And at the ende of tenne daies , their countenance appeared fairer , and they were better liking ( more corpulent . L. heb. fatter in flesh ) then all the children which did eate of the portion of the kings meate .

16. Then the butler ( not Melzar , see before v. 11. ) tooke away the portion of their meate ( heb. was taking away ) and the wine , that they should drinke , and gaue them pulse ( heb. seede . )

17. And vnto these fowre children ( children . L. ( fowre ) is . omitted ) God gaue knowledge and vnderstanding in all learning ( sepher , in bookes or letters ) and wisdome : also he gaue Daniel vnderstanding ( heb. made Daniel to vnderstand ) in all visions , and dreames .

18. Now when the daies were expired ( heb. in the ende of the daies ) which the king appointed ( heb. said ) to bring them in ; the chiefe of the Eunuches brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar :

19. And the king communed with them , and there was not found of them all like vnto Daniel , Hananiah , Mishael , and Hazariah : therefore stood they before the king :

20. And in euery matter of wisdome and vnderstanding , which the king enquired of them , he found them by tenne parts ( tenne fold . L. tenne times . G. ) better ( heb. aboue , or superiour ) then the Magicians , and Astrologers , that were in all his kingdome .

21. And Daniel was vnto the first yeare of king Cyrus .

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

1. Quest. v. 1. Of the third yeare of Iehoiakim , which is called the fourth , Ier. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled .

1. Polanus saith , that the prophet Ieremie there speaketh not of the captiuitie of Iehoiakim , as here Daniel doth , but onely of a certaine prophesie deliuered by Ieremie in the fourth yeare : so that he thinketh the third yeare here named , and the fourth yeare there mentioned , not to concure together : But that the same time and yeare in both places is signified it is euident , because the fourth yeare of Iehoiakim , is said there to be the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne . Ier. 25. 1. And the last yeare of Iehoiakim which was the 11. is elswhere found to be the 7. of Nebuchadnezzar , Ierem. 52. 28. and in the 8. yeare of the king of Babels raigne , 2. King . 24. 12. that is in the end of the one & beginning of an other ; so that if the seuenth or eight yeare of Nebuchadnezzar fall into the 11. yeare of Iehoiakim , then the first yeare must concurre with the others third and fourth .

2. Calvin thinketh to dissolue this knot by the distinction of Nebuchadnezzer the father , and Nebuchadnezzer the sonne : that in one place the one is spoken of , and the other in the other : but the question is not concerning the yeare of Nebuchadnexzars raigne , but the yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , wherein Ierusalem should be besieged : so that the doubt remaineth still .

3. Therefore the best solution is , that the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzar did concurre with the ende of the third and the beginning of the fourth yeare of Iehoiakim , Vatab. Iun. Genevens . factum est inter annum tertium ●t quartum , it came to passe betweene the third and fourth yeare , &c. Pintus : who thinketh that after the same manner the Euangelists may be reconciled , Marke , who saith that Christ was crucified about the third houre , and Iohn , who writeth that he was crucified at the fixt houre : because Christ was crucified Intervallo illo , in that space which was betweene the third and sixt houre : but though this solution be not so fit for that place , which otherwise may be reconciled , yet it may serue verie conueniently here .

But Caluin taketh hereunto this exception : that Nebuchadnezzars first yeare cannot concurre with Iehoiakims third and fourth , because Daniel three yeares after was brought before Nebuchadnezzar in the second yeare of his raigne . Dan. 2. 1. Answ. That is not to be referred to the yeare of the kings raigne , but rather to the time of Daniels ministrie and employment with the king , that in the second yeare of his seruice he expounded the kings dreame .

Polanus obiecteth thus , that this confusion of yeares , that the ende of one should be the beginning of another , is obserued in the raigne of diuers kings , the one succeeding another : but here the historie of one king onely is set downe : But this comparing of yeares is more vsuall , in setting together the raignes of diuers kings at the same time , then of diuers kings one suceeding another : as is most euident in the comparing of the yeares of the raigne of the kings of Iudah and Israel together , throughout the bookes of the kings : here then the yeares of one and the same king are not compared together , but the years of Nebuchadnezzar , and Iehoiakims raigne .

Quest. 2. How this third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne is to be counted .

1. Iosephus thinketh that it was the 8. yeare of his raigne , Iosephus lib. 10. antiquit. so also the author of the Ecclesiasticall hystorie following Iosephus , when Nebuchadnezzar came and besieged Ierusalem : and of the same opinion are Lyranus , Hugo Cardinal . Dyonis . Carthusian . Bullinger , Polanus , Pappus , that the third yeare must be counted not from the beginning of Iehoiakims raigne , but from the time , that he was made tributarie to Nebuchadnezzar , which was in the 8. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne : and from that time he serued Nebuchadnezzar 3. yeares : so that the third yeare from the imposition of tribute concurreth with the 11. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , Polanus : who thus reasoneth for his opinion ,

1. The third yeare of Iehoiakim here spoken of , was the seuenth yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , Ierem. 52. 28. when 3023. Iewes were carried into captiuitie : but the third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne was but the first of Nebuchadnezzars . 2. If this were the third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , and consequently the first of Nebuchadnezzars , then it would follow that Zedekiah was taken in the 21. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , which was in the 18. yeare , Ierem. 52. 29.

Contra. 1. He is deceiued in thinking that the captiuitie there spoken of , Ier. 52. 28. in the seauenth of Nebuchadnezzar , was that first captiuitie , when Daniel was carried away : for there were two assaults and inuasions of the land in the raigne of Iehoiakim , one in the third and fourth yeare of Iehoiakim , and the first of Nebuchadnezzar , an other in the 11. yeare , which was the 7. of Nebuchadnezzar , whereof Ieremie speaketh .

2. The collection and inference of 21. yeares hath no consequence : for from Iehoiakims 3. yeare , who raigned in all but 11. yeares , to the last of Zedekiah , who also raigned 11. yeares , which make in all but 22. yeares , three beeing deducted , there are but 19. yeares .

2. Wherefore the truer opinion is , that this yeare here mentioned must be vnderstood to be the 3. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , and not from the time of the tribute imposed . 1. Pererius saith , it is violenta & dura interpretatio , a forced and hard interpretation , the third yeare beeing simply named , to vnderstand it otherwise , then of the third yeare of his raigne . 2. Iunius yeeldeth this reason , because Ierem. 25. 1. the fourth yeare of Iehoiakims raigne inchoate or begunne concurreth with the first of Nebuchadnezzar , then it must of necessitie follow , that Nebuchadnezzars seauenth must fall into Iehoiakims eleuenth yeare : adde hereunto an eleuen yeares of Zedekiahs raigne , and so it will fall out that Zedekiah was taken in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzer , as is set downe by the Prophet Ieremie , chap. 52. 29.

Melancthon herein consenteth , that Nebuchadnezzar came against Ierusalem in the third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , and imposed tribute vpon him , and carried away some pray : and after he had serued him 3. yeares , and he then would haue cast off the king of Babels yoke , then the seauenth yeare after , which was in the 11. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , Nebuchadnezzar came vp and carried away Iehoiakim , and his sonne Iechonias raigned in his stead .

Quest. 3. Of Iehoiakim and Iehoiachin , what difference betweene them .

1. Iosias had 4. sonnes , the first was Iochanan , called also Iehoachaz , the second Iehoiakim or Eliakim , who is here mentioned , the third Matthanias , called also Zedekiah , the fourth Shallum , 1. Chron. 3. 15. this Iehoiakim is also called Shallum , Ierem. 22. 11. so Epiphanius testifieth , tom. 1. sect. 8. that he was called Sellus .

2. Iehoiakim written with koph and mem , was the name of the father , Iehoiachin written with caph and nun , was the name of the sonne , Pintus : and before him Hierom in 1. Matth.

3. Rupertus then is deceiued , in Daniel . c. 2. who confoundeth these two , and maketh but one Ioachim , in whose third yeare Nebuchadnezzar came vp and besieged Ierusalem , and carried Ioachim captiue : whereas it was Iehoiakim the father , in whose third yeare Nebuchadnezzar came vp , and Iehoiachin , or Iechoniah his sonne , who was carried captiue to Babylon .

4. But whereas Matth. 1. 11. there is mention made onely of Iechoniah : Iosias begate Iechoniah and his brethren , &c. and againe vers. 12. Iechonias begate Salathiel ; Pererius obserueth out of Epiphanius , and Beza also is of the same opinion , that in the first place Iechonias is taken for Iehoiakim the father , in the latter for the sonne , for otherwise there are not 42. but onely 41. generations there rehearsed .

Quest. 4. Why the King of Babel had such an enuie against Iehoiakim .

1. First , Nebuchadnezzar came against him , because he was made king by Pharaoh Necho king of Egypt , with whom Nebuchadnezzar had warre and subdued his countrie : and thereupon Iehoiakim became tributarie to the king of Babel . 2. But Nebuchadnezzars hatred was more increased afterward , when as after three yeares Iehoiakim rebelled against him , and would haue cast off his yoke : then the king of Babel came vp the second time , and carried Iehoiakim away captiue , who after he was dead , was cast out and lay vnburied , according to Ieremie his prophesie . c. 22. 19. 3. But the greatest cause of all was the purpose of God to punish the wickednesse of the king and his people , for he killed the Prophet Viiah , Ierem. 26. cut Ieremie his prophesie with a knife , and cast it into the fire , Ierem. 36. beside there were found in his bodie when he was dead markes of idolatrie , as Lyranus following the Hebrewe noteth vpon that place , 2. Chron. 36. 8. Concerning the rest of the acts of Iehoiakim , and his abhominations , which he did , and that which was found vpon him , &c. God therefore for his crueltie , impietie , idolatrie , brought this iudgement vpon him . Pere .

Quest. 5. Of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babel , and how many there were of that name .

1. Pintus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar was a generall name to the kings of Babylon , as the kings of Egypt were called by the name of Pharaoh , and the kings of the Philistins of Abimelek . And he further is of opinion , that this Nebuchadnezzar had a sonne of the same name : and that neither of them are the same with that Nebuchadnezzar mentioned in the storie of Iudith , who sent Holofernes against the Iewes : for that was after the returne of the Iewes out of captiuitie , as appeareth , Iudith 5. beside he thinketh , that neither Nebuchadnezzar the father , nor the sonne , was that Nebuchadnezzar , which destroyed Tyrus according to the prophesie of Ezechiel , 26. 7. which he taketh to be Cyrus or Alexander . But Pintus is in many things here deceiued . 1. It is not to be shewed out of the sacred historie of Scripture , that all the kings of Babylon were called by the name of Nebuchadnezzar , but the contrarie rather appeareth , for this kings sonnes name was Evilmerodach , 2. King . 25. 27. and his sonne Balthazar , Dan. 5. 2. And this Nebuchadnezzar was the sonne , not the father : and the second was called great Nebuchadnezzar , for his great exploits , and many victories : for next vnto this succeeded Evilmerodach . So throughout the whole prophesie of Daniel we must vnderstand the second Nebuchadnezzar . Iun. 3. We easily agree , that neither of these could be that Nebuchadnezzar mentioned in the booke of Iudith : for who that was it is vncertaine , and there is small certaintie of any thing in the booke beside : for Pintus will haue that storie referred to the times after the captiuitie : Pererius thinketh it was done before the captiuitie in the time of Manasses : but neither of these can stand : not the first , for we reade of no Nebuchadnezzar after the captiuitie , when the kingdome was translated from the Chaldeans to the Persians : nor the second , for that storie of Iudith maketh mention of the casting downe of the Temple , cap. 5. 18. which had not yet beene done in the dayes of Manasseh . 4. This Nebuchadnezzar was the same which besieged Tyrus , which he besieged 13. yeares as witnesseth Iosephus , lib. 10. c. 11. he could not be Cyrus or Alexander , for he is called the king of Babel , Ezek. 26. 7.

2. Pererius acknowledgeth that there were two Nebuchadnezzars , the one here spoken of , and in the Prophets , the other , whereof mention is made in the booke of Iudith ; whom he taketh to haue beene before this : and he misliketh their opinion , who take this Nebuchadnezzar some for Cyrus , some for Cambises , some for Artaxerxes , or Darius Ochus , the last king but one of the Persians : for neither was the Temple yet built againe vnder the raigne of Cyrus and Cambises , as is mentioned , Iudith 5. and Artaxerxes was 200. yeares after the returne of the Iewes from captiuitie : whereas the storie of Iudith seemeth to haue fallen out immediately after : Iudith 5. 19. Pere .

Contra. 1. It appeareth what small certaintie there is of the Apocryphall booke of Iudith , seeing it cannot be agreed vpon , who that king Nebuchadnezzar was . 2. He could not be the Elder Nebuchadnezzar : for in his time the temple was not destroyed , but in his sonnes : but before the time of Iudith it had beene destroyed , Iudith 5. 18.

3. Wherefore their opinion is to be preferred that make two Nebuchadnezzars , the father , and the sonne , who was called Nebuchadnezzar the great : Iun. Caluin , Bullinger . Polanus , so also Iosephus , who giueth vnto the raigne of the Elder 23. yeares , and to the other 43. This Nebuchadnezzar seemeth to be the same , whom Ptolome calleth Nabopolassar , in the 19. yeare of whose raigne he saith the captiuitie of Babylon beganne . Polan .

Quest. 6. Of the acts and exploits of Nebuchadnezzar .

1. Iosephus out of Berosus who wrote of the Chalde affaires , reporteth of Nebuchadnezzar the second , that beeing sent by his father the Elder Nebuchadnezzar against the king of Egypt , who reuolted from him , and in the meane time hearing of his fathers death , returned to Babylon , and tooke the gouernement vpon him : where he did many princely and sumptuous workes : he beautified the temple of Belus , repaired the edifices of the city , enlarged the riuer , compassed the citie with a treble wall : built a goodly palace , in the space of 25. dayes ( which seemeth incredible , ) and built high rocks and mountaines vpon vaults of stone , and vpon them planted orchards as hanging aloft , because his wife being brought vp in Medea , desired to see some resemblance of her countrie : for the like acts he referreth vs to the histories of Megasthenes the Indian historiographer , and Diocles who wrote of the Persian histories , and Philostratus of the Pheniceans , who witnesseth that Nebuchadnezzar besieged Tyrus 13. yeares , which beganne in the 7. yeare of his raigne : as Pererius noteth .

2. His acts set downe in the Scriptures were these : in the third yeare of Iehoiakim he besiedged Ierusalem , and carried the spoyle of the citie into Babylon : in the 11. yeare he came againe , and tooke the citie and carried many into captiuitie , and slue Iehoiakim , who wanted the honour of buriall : then he set in his place his sonne Iehoaichin , whom after 3. moneths he remooued , and appointed Zedekiah in his place , in whose 11. yeare , which was the 18. of Nebuchadnezzar , he tooke Zedekiah and put out his eies : and the 19. yeare he burnt the citie and Temple , and carried away the people captiue : these things are thus testified . 2. King . 24. 25. Ierem. 52. And of Nebuchadnezzars expedition against Cyrus , Ezekiel maketh mention , c. 26. to c. 30. In the 25. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne he subdued Egypt , and remooued all the Iewes that were thither fledde , to Babylon : Pererius addeth further that in the 25. yeare of his raigne he had that vision of the image , c. 2. but that was rather in the 5. yeare of his raigne , as is before shewed , quest. 6. generall . After this he set vp the great golden image , c. 3. and was translated from the companie of men , and liued among bruite beasts for the space of seuen yeares , cap. 4. then he was restored to his kingdome , which he enioyed peaceably to the ende of his dayes . Pere .

Quest. 7. Of the time of Nebuchadnezzars raigne .

1. Iosephus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar raigned 43. yeares : so also Eusebius , 〈…〉 . cap 9. and Pererius consenteth : wherein he doth not much varie from the yeares of his raigne which may be collected out of Scripture .

2. Some thinke that all his raigne made vp 45. yeares : Bulling , rather 44. betweene both : for in the 8. yeare of his raigne he tooke Iechonias prisoner , 2 King 24. 12 and c. 25. 27. in the 37. yeare of whose captiuitie , Euilmerodach the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar began to raigne , who lift vp the head of Iehoiachin out of prison ; these two numbers put together , 8. and 37. make 45. and one yeare must be deducted , because Nebuchadnezzar is supposed to haue died in the 36 yeare of Iechoniahs captiuitie , the last yeare of his raigne , and so the whole summe of yeares remaineth 44.

Quest. 8. Of the citie of Babylon .

1. The occasion of the first founding of this citie and of the name therof , is declared Gen. 11. so called first Babel of the confusion of tongues , and afterwards Babylon , & the countrie about Babylonia : 2. Nimrod who was the first king or tyrant rather after the flood , in which sense he is called a mightie hunter , is held to haue beene the first founder of Babylon : which was afterward enlarged by Semiramis , Hierom comment in Oseam . whom Iulius Solinus , and Diodorus Siculus , whom Hierome followeth , thinke to haue beene the first builder of Babylon : but she onely enlarged it , and raised vp the walls . 3. In this citie and the countrie thereabout the Iewes were held in captiuitie 70. yeares : which tearme beeing the stinted time of mans life , Psal. 90. 10. sheweth that man during the time of his life , and aboade in this world , is but a captiue , and stranger : as Iaakob called his life a pilgrimage , Gen. 47. 9. Pintus .

2. Polanus thinketh there were 3. cities of this name Babylon , one in Assyria , whereof mention is made , 2. king 17. 24. an other in Chaldea , which is here called the land of Sennaar , and the third in Egypt , which is now called Alcayr , the seate of the Sultanes of Egypt .

But I thinke the receiued opinion is more probable , that there were onely two Babylons , one in Chaldea , the other in Egypt , or in the confines of Arabia : whereof Raphael Volateran . treateth lib. 12. now called Cayro , Pintus , that Babel mentioned 2. King . 17. 24. from whence the king of Ashur brought some to inhabite Samaria , is Babylon in Chaldea , which was then subiect to the king of Ashur .

3. Stephanus also is deceiued , who thinketh this Babylon to be the same citie , Stephan . de vrbib . which was called Seleucia , built by Seleucus Nicanor , which was indeede built not farre off from Babylon , some 300. stadia or furlongs , by which occasion Babylon became desolate , and not so much frequented : but they were not all one citie : Polanus .

Quest. 9. ver. 1. Of the citie Ierusalem .

1. Ierusalem it was the cheife citie of Palestina , first founded by Melchisedech , as Iosephus thinketh , who Gen. 14. is called the king of Shalem : 2. It had diuers names , it was first called Shalem , Gen. 14. Psal. 75. 3. then Iebus , of Iebusi the sonne of Canaan , Iosh. 18. 28. afterward it was named Ierusalem , which signifieth the vision of peace ; and last of all Aelia , of Aelius Adrianus the Emperour , who built mount Caluarie , and diuers other parts of the city . Volat. l. 11. 3. It was diuided into two parts , the vpper citie where was mount Zion , the city of Dauid , and the Temple , & the neather or base citie , which was vnder the hill . Pol. 4. The citie Ierusalem is sometime taken in Scripture for the Church of God , as Hebr. 12. 22. Ye are come to Mount Sinai , to the citie of the liuing God , to celestiall Ierusalem . Pintus .

Quest. 10. v. 2. What this phrase meaneth , To be giuen into ones hand .

v. 2. And the Lord gaue Iehoiakim , &c. into his hand , &c. The hand is diuersly taken in Scripture . 1. As first to put the soule or life in the hand , signifieth to put the life in danger , Iudg. 12. 3. Iepthah saith , I put my life in my hands . 2. The hand signifieth a league or couenant : as the giuing of the hand , implieth the plighting of the troth : as Esech. 17. 18. He hath despised the oath , and broken the couenant , yet lo , he had giuen his hand ! 3. It signifieth ministerie and seruice : as Exod. 38. 21. These are the parts of the Tabernacle , &c. for the office of the Levites by the hand of Ithamar . 4. The hand signifieth helpe and assistance , as 1. Sam. 22. 17. Saul commandeth the Priests to be slaine , because their hand was with David , that is , they were aiding and helping vnto him . 5. To lift vp the hand against a place , is to assault it , and threaten against it , as Isa. 10. 32. He shall lift vp his hand toward the mount of the daughter of Sion . 6. To lift vp the hands is to pray : 1. Tim. 2. 9. I will that the men pray euery where , lifting vp pure hands . 7. To wash the hands , is to purge the heart and works from impuritie and vncleannes , as Psal. 26. 6. I will wash mine hands in innocencie , O Lord , and compasse thine altar . 8. To put the hand to the mouth , signifieth to eate , 1. Sam. 14. 27. as Ionathan is said to haue put his hands to his mouth , when he did eate of the honie . 9. To lay the hand also vpon the mouth , is a signe of silence : Iob. 29. 9. The Princes staied talke , and laid their hand on their mouth . 10. By the hands also are vnderstood the works & labours of mens vocations , as Eph. 4. 28. Let him that stole , steale no more , but rather labour , and worke with his hands . 11. To doe a thing with an high hand , is to do it presumptuously : Numb. 15. 30. 12. To touch with the hand , is to humble or afflict : Psal. 32. 4. Thy hand is heauie vpon me day and night . 13. But to giue into the hands of any , is to bring vnder their power and subiection , as Iudg. 7. 1. The Lord gaue them into the hands of Midian seuen yeares : and so it is taken here . Pintus .

Quest. 11. How Iehoiakim was giuen into Nebuchadnezzars hand , whether he caried him to Babylon .

1. Some thinke that Iehoiakim was bound in chaines and carried to Babylon : as the Latine translatour readeth , 2. Chron. 36. 6. & vinctum in catenis duxit in Babylonem : and beeing bound in chaines he caried him to Babylon : but the true reading is , he bound him in chaines to carie him to Babylon . Iun. Vatab. Gen.

2. Hugo Card , to iustifie the Latine translation , thinketh that he was caried to Babylon , and brought backe againe to Ierusalem , and there killed , and his bodie cast without the walls vnburied , which was after , at the request of the citizens , suffered to be buried . But this had beene an idle and superfluous course , to carie him to Babel , and recarie him . And beside it is against the text , that he was buried at all : Ierem. 22. 19. He shall be buried , as an asse is buried , euen drawne , and cast forth without the gates of Ierusalem . and , c. 36. 30. His dead bodie shall be cast out in the day to the heate , and in the night to the frost .

3. Lyranus and Caietane thinke , that Nabuchadnezzar caused Iehoiakim to be bound , hauing a purpose to carrie him to Babylon , but afterward he changed his minde , and onely imposed a tribute vpon him : but no such thing can be gathered in the text , that the King altered his minde for that matter , or laid any imposition vpon him .

4. Iosephus thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar commanded Iehoiakim to be killed at Ierusalem , and his bodie to be cast out of the gates : but the phrase vsed , Lib. 10. antiq. cap. 8. 2. king . 24. 6. Iehoiakim slept with his fathers , seemeth to import , not a violent , but a naturall death . And if he were killed at Ierusalem , he needed not to haue beene bound in chaines to be carried into captiuitie .

5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is , that at this expedition Iehoiakim onely became tributarie to the king of Babel , 2. king . 24. 1. but he died afterward in the way , as he was going into captiuitie ( the second time that Nebuchadnezzar came vp against him , which was in his 11. yeare ) before he was past the borders of Iudea , and it may seeme not farre from Ierusalem : and so he may be saide to be cast out of the gates , that is , the borders and confines thereof . Iun. Polan .

Quest. 12. Whether Daniel at this time went into captiuitie with Iehoiakim .

1. Lyranus and Dionys. Carth. doe referre the captiuitie of Daniel to the 11. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne : but the text here is contrarie , which maketh mention onely of the third yeare of Iehoiakim , when Daniel went into captiuitie , and other children of the Princes of Iudah .

2. Hierome thinketh , that Daniel and Ezekiel were caried away captiue together with Ieconias , Hier. sup. 1. ●●se●chiel . who raigned but 3. moneths after his father Iehoiakim : but this text euidently sheweth , that Daniel was caried to Babylon the 3. yeare of Iehoiakims raigne , which was 8. yeare before the captiuitie of Ieconias .

3. But Iosephus is in a greater error , who thinketh , that Daniel was taken captiue together with king Zedekiah : for this was 18. yeares after : Daniel went into captiuitie the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim ; the next yeare was the first of Nabuchadnezzar . Ierem. 25. 1. But Zedekiah was caried away in the 18. yeare of Zedekiah . Ierem. 52. 29. Peter .

Quest. 13. Why it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God should be taken captiues .

Though God sometime thinke good to exempt and deliuer the righteous from temporall calamities , as Noah from the flood , Lot out of the flames of Sodome , the Israelites from the plagues of Egypt : yet sometimes it pleaseth him that such temporall chastisements should fall vpon the righteous , as this captiuitie vpon Daniel for these causes .

1. The generall reasons may be yeelded to be these . 1. God getteth himselfe hereby greater glorie in the deliuerance of his seruants , as he did when the 3. children were cast into the fire , and Daniel into the Lyons denne , and yet they escaped the rage of the one , and Daniel the crueltie of the other . 2. Hereby also the patience of the godly is tried and exercised , and others by their godly example are encouraged . Pin.

2. The speciall reasons why Daniel went into captiuitie were , 1. that he might be as a guide and comfort to the people to keepe them in the feare of God . 2. that by this meanes Daniel might become more famous , and be aduanced for the good of his Church . 3. that by his meanes these idolatrous Kings and people might come to some knowledge of God . Pererius .

Quest. 14. Of the meaning of these words , ver. 2. Which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god .

1. Iunius vnderstandeth this clause of Iehoiakim and the rest which were carried captiue into Babylon into the land of Shinar : and the vessels were brought into his gods treasurie : so also Polanus . But this exposition seemeth not so fit : 1. it is not like that the men were carried into the house of their God , but rather the vessells , Caluin , Polanus thinketh that the land of Shinar is called the house of his God . But beside that this were an improper speach , to call the whole region an house , which is otherwhere named the land of Shinar , Gen. 11. 2. this house is expounded to be the temple , 2. Chron. 36. 7. Nebuchadnezzar carried of the vessells of the house of the Lord to Babel , and put them in his temple at Babel . 2. Here onely Iehoiakim is mentioned to be giuen into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar : but the Hebrew affix is in the plural number , and therefore is better referred to the vessels , which also is the neerer antecedent . 3. Neither was Iehoiakim carried at this time into captiuitie nor brought at all to Babel , as is shewed before , Quest. 11.

2. Therefore both these clauses are better referred to the vessels , that he first brought them into the house of his god , and then laid them vp in his gods treasurie , not conuerting them vnto any ciuill vse , Osian . Pintus . Some thinke the last clause is added , because the treasurie was a speciall place in the temple where such things were laid vp : first then he brought them to his owne palace , and then to the treasurie of the temple of his God , which was also in his house . Vatabl.

Quest. 15. Of the land of Shinar , or Shingar .

1. This land of Shinar or Shingar was the lower part of Mesopotamia , which contained Chaldea and Babylon , lying vnder the mount Sangara , whereof there was a towne so called : the Hebrewe letter aijn is pronounced often as the Greeke g , as in these words , Gomorrha , Gaza , which begin with that letter , and are pronounced with a double aspiration , as Hhamarrha , Hhaza , Iun. Polan .

2. This was the land wherein the towes of Babel was built , Gen. 11. 2. whereof the whole region was called Babylonia ; whereas then 2. Chron. 36. 7. he is said to haue carried the vessels to Babel , there is no contradiction : for they were both names of the same countrie . Polan .

Quest. 16. Of the gods and idols of the Chaldes .

Ver. 2. To the house of his God . The Chaldeans had fiue idols , 3. gods , and two goddesses : 1. their first god was Bel , a name contracted of Behel , which commeth of Bahal , which signifieth a Lord : Berosus saith this was Iupiter Belus the sonne of Saturne , to whom was erected a temple in Babylon , with a vast and huge tower in the middes , which continued vnto the time of Vespasian the Emperour , as Plinie witnesseth , lib. 6. c. 26.

2. The second god was the Sunne which they called rach , that is a king , because he is the chiefe among the planets : and the Persians call him Mithra , as Iustinus Martyr saith , dialog. in Tryphon . the priests of this idol were called Raciophantae , obseruers of the Sunne .

3. Their third god was Nego the fire , so called of the brightnesse , which was carried about among them .

4. Their first goddesse was Shacha , which was the earth , worshipped also of the Romanes vnder the names of Opis and Tellus : of the Syrians called Dorcetha . In the honour of this goddesse they vsed to keepe a feast fiue daies together in Babylon : during which time the masters were vnder the dominion of their seruants : this festiuall : time was called Shache , whereof Babylon was called Sheshach of keeping this feast , Ierem. 25. 27. and 52. 41.

5. Their other goddesse was Mulitta which was Venus , whose priests were called Natitae or Natophantae , the obseruers of faire Venus . Polan . But the chiefest of their idols was Bel , Isay 46. 1. Bel is bowed downe : which Iunius in that place thinketh was taken for the Sunne , whom the Assyrians and Chaldeans worshipped : But he was the same who was called Iupiter Belus , Plin. 6. 26. as is before shewed : they worshipped the Sunne and the fire beside .

Quest. 17. Ver. 2. What is to be commended , what discommended in Nebuchadnezzar in carrying away part of the vessells of the Temple .

Ver. 2. With part of the vessels of the house of God . 1. Herein he is commended for his moderation , that he would not as an insatiable conqueror , that came onely to spoile , carrie away all the vessels of the temple , but contented himselfe with part : which notwithstanding was Gods speciall worke so moouing the heart of Nebuchadnezzar , that the temple yet standing should not be stripped of all the ornaments . Pere . 2. In that he put them not to any ciuill house , neither enriched himselfe by them , but laid them vp in the temple of his god : vnde aliquam religionem Deo exhibuit , wherein he shewed some reuerence vnto God in reuerencing the vessels of the Sanctuarie : gloss . ordinar. Pere . 3. But herein the grosse blindnesse of Nebuchadnezzar appeareth , who giueth the honour of this victorie vnto his idols , which was onely due vnto God : as Habacuk saith , they sacrificed vnto their nettes , cap. 1. Iun.

Quest. 18. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away .

1. God thereby would punish the wickednesse and impietie of the Iewes , for it is no small iudgement , rebus sacris priuari , to be depriued of sacred things . 2. Herein also the Lord shewed his iust indignation against the sinnes of the people , that he would rather abijcere res suas , cast off his owne things which were dedicate to his seruice . And for the same cause he refused their oblations , saying , incense is abhomination vnto me , Isay. 1. 13. 3. The Lord herein also reproued their carnall confidence , thinking that the Temple and the vessels thereof were sufficient defence vnto them : therefore the Prophet Ieremie saith , cap. 7. 4. trust not in lying words , saying , the temple of the Lord , the temple of the Lord . 4. And by occasion of the transporting of these vessels , the Lord shewed his wonderfull and strange workes in Babylon , as by the writing of an hand vpon the wall , when Baltazar profaned the vessels of the Temple . The like worke the Lord shewed among the Philistims , when at the presence of the Arke , Dagon their idol lost both his head and hands , Pere . While the kings of Babel did regard with some reuerence the holy vessels , they pr●spered , as Nebuchadnezzar , and Euilmerodach his sonne : but when they grew to be presumptuous and profane in abusing them , as Baltazar did , the Lord iudged them for their contempt . 5. God also hereby signified , that he needed not any thing of theirs , as any vessels of gold and siluer , but such things beeing offred vnto God tended onely to the good of the offerer . Pintus .

Quest. 19. Of Ashpenah the master of the Enuches his name and office .

V. 3. And the king said to Ashpenah &c. 1. there are three parts of the kings charge vnto this Ashpenaz : first concerning the transporting and carrying of certaine children of the Kings seede , and of other nobles : for at this time Iehoiakim the king himselfe went not into captiuitie : then what choice was to be made of them , both for their kindred , and for their qualities of bodie , and minde , v. 4. and to what ende , that they might stand before the king : And in the third place order is taken v. 5. for their prouision and diet .

2. Concerning the name Ashpenaz it signifieth in the Chalde tongue , magistrum obiurgantium , the master of the controllers , that is , the chiefe controller and gouernor of the kings house : as Ctesias vseth the word Ashpamitres , which signifieth the master or chiefe of the Priests , Iun.

3. The kings of the Chaldeans , Persians , Egyptians , at the first vsed Eunuches , which were gelded men , as their chamberlaines , specially for the custodie of their concubines : in Hebrew they are called sarisim of saras , which signifieth to pull away : but afterward the principall officers and seruants to the kings were called by that name , as Potiphar Pharaohs chiefe steward or captaine is called an Eunuch , that is a Courtier : And the Queene of Ethiopia her Eunuch whom Philip baptized was her treasurer , Act. 8. the word Eunuch is deriued of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a chamber , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to keepe ; they first attended vpon the king in his chamber : So this Ashpenaz was a chiefe minister or officer to the king : Polan , Osian , Pin.

Quest. 20. Whether Daniel may be prooued from hence to haue beene an Eunuch in the first sense .

1. Of this opinion are a a Lib. 10. antiquit. c. 11. Iosephus , b b Hom. 4. in Ezekiel . Origen , c c in vita Dan. Simon Metaphrastes , that Daniel was indeede an Eunuch : and in him , and the rest of the kings ●eed , some thinke that prophesie of Isaiah to Hezekiah to be fulfilled , that his sonnes should be Eunuchs in the King of Babels palace , 2. King . 20. 18. But it is not necessarie , as is shewed before , to take an Eunuch alwaies in that sense : for that name generally is applyed to the principall officers and ministers of the king .

2. Some are of opinion , that Daniel was called an Eunuch because of his perpetuall virginitie : Dorotheus in Sinops . Epiphan. in vita Daniel . so also Damascen . lib. 4. de fide orthodex . cap. 25. but this may be gainsaied by that place , Ezek. 14. 20. that Noah , Daniel , Iob , should deliuer neither sonne , nor daughter : it may seeme then that they all had sonnes and daughters : P●rerius hereunto answereth , 1. that by sonnes and daughters here are meant the things most deare and precious : but this is a forced and wrested sense : for the text speaketh euidently of the deliuering of the persons of men , not of any other pretious things . 2. it is sufficient ( saith he ) to vnderstand some of these onely to haue had sonnes and daughters , though not all , &c. But Daniel by this text can be no more denied to haue had sonnes and daughters , then either Noah or Iob : yet , I confesse that this beeing but a supposition , and conditionall speach ; that if these three Noah , Iob , Daniel , were in the middest of it , they should deliuer neither sonne , nor daughter , doth not necessarily conclude that Daniel had sonnes and daughters , & yet he might haue both . 3. Now howsoeuer it was for his virginiti● , certaine it is he was no Eunuch , as Lyranus , and Carthusianus , and Pintus inferre vpon these words , ver. 4. they must be children without blemish : which collection though Pe●●●●us mislike , yet it may be warranted , Leuit. 21. 20. where this verie kind of defect in the secret parts is counted among other blemishes . And whereas Perer , saith , that they were onely to respect the outward comlinesse and beautie , which he saith is held longer to continue in Eunuchs , I rather thinke with Lyranus , taliter castrati sunt male gratiosi etiam in facis , that such as are depriued of their vitilitie , haue for the most part lesse grace in their countenance .

Quest. 21. Who are vnderstood here by the Princes .

1. The word is partemim , which R. Ioseph Kimhi would deriue of the word Perath , which was the name of the great riuer Euphrates : and that thereby are signified the Princes of the region about Euphrates : but this agreeth not to this place , as Caluin noteth , for these princes were of Iudah whose children were taken , they inhabited not neere Euphrates . 2. Some deriue the word of Pharah , to fructifie and encrease : noting such as were truely noble , and excelling others : some of Parath , which signifieth to deuide : because the Magistrates and Iudges , which decided controuersies , were of the nobler sort . 3. Some rather thinke that it was a strange word taken vp in the Chalde tongue : Mercer . Iunius coniecture in that parthani may come of the Greeke word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and so it generally signifieth the first , chiefe , or principall men . 4. The Latine interpreter it expresseth by the word tyrannorum , the seede of the tyrants : but that word , howsoeuer at the first in the Greeke tongue it was vsed in the better part to signifie great and excellent men , yet now it is applied vnto such which are cruell gouernours , and are vsually called tyrants : thereforre it is no fit word to expresse the sense here . 5. The Septuagint retaine it as a proper name and title of dignitie , Pharthammin , but that is not like : for the Princes among the Persians were so called , Ester . 1. 3. there were not the like titles of honour among the Iewes , which were among the Persians : I therefore preferre before the rest , the opinion of Mercerus and Iun.

Quest. 22. Why the children of the Princes and Nobles were taken captiues .

The reasons hereof may be these . 1. the king herein shewed his triumph and victorie in carying away the more principall mens sonnes . 2. And because such hauing had noble education , and not trayned vp as the vulgar sort , were meetest to attend vpon the king : to the which ende he sorted them out from the rest . 3. And this might be his policie also herein , that these principall mens sonnes beeing brought vp with the king of Babel , and so instructed in the manners and religion of the Chaldeans , might thereby haue their hearts , and affections enstranged , and alienated from their countrie . 4. And he might haue further this purpose therein , to kepe them as pledges , and hostages , the better to containe the Iewes in obedience and subiection . Caluin .

Quest. 23. How the Lord performed his promise to Dauid that his kingdome should be established for euer , 2. Sam. 16. seeing Iehoiakim was giuen into Nebuchadnezzers hand .

1. We must consider , that the promise in respect of Dauids temporall seede was conditionall ; that the Lord would make sure the kingdome so long as they continued in obedience : but if they brake the condition , the Lord was not tied to make good his promise . 2. Yet the spirituall kingdome in the Messiah , which was of the seede of Dauid according to the flesh , shall remaine for euer without any condition or exception . 3. And although Iehoiakim were giuen into Nebuchadnezzars hand , yet the kingdome well nigh continued after this 20. yeares in Dauids posteritie : and the Lord by degrees did proceede to take away the scepter from Iudah , which for Dauids sake he would haue continued still if they would haue taken any warning . 4. But it must not be thought that Gods purpose and promise to Dauid was changed and ouerturned by any superior power : and euen Nebuchadnezzar herein was the minister of God , to execute his iudgements : for it is saide , that the Lord gaue Iehoiakim into his hand , v. 2. Polan .

Quest. 24. Whether it were lawfull for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans .

v. 4. And whome they might teach the learning , &c. Though among the Chaldeans there were curious and superstitious artes , for both iudiciarie Astrologie , and Genethlialogie , the casting of mens natiuities , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , diuination by the dead , are held to haue beene inuented by the Chaldeans ; yet they had other profitable sciences , as Astronomie , Geometrie , and other liberall arts , which Daniel might safely learne , as Moses was brought vp in the knowledge of the Egyptians , whose superstitious inuentions notwithstanding he abhorred : and if Daniel refused to be defiled with their meats , which were but for the bodie , much more did he take heede not to haue his soule defiled with superstitious inuentions . Calvin .

Quest. 25. Of the Chalde language , and the difference betweene it , and the Hebrew .

1. The Chaldeans called in Hebrew Chasdim , had their originall from Arphachsad the sonne of Sem : the Chaldeans at the first comprehended the Hebrewes also , for Heber the sonne of Selah , the sonne of Arphacsad , was the father of the Hebrewes : and Abraham the Hebrew was borne in Vr of the Chaldees . 2. At the first the knowledge of God did flourish among the Chaldeans , till idolatrie and superstition encreasing , it pleased God to single out Abraham , in whome the true religion should be preserued . 3. The most auncient tongue was the Hebrew , which was preserued in Hebers familie , and so descended to Abraham , who also because he liued among the Chaldeans , could speake the language of that nation . 4. But seeing Daniel here beeing an Hebrew borne , was to be taught the Chalde language , then Philo is deceiued , who thinketh the Chalde and Hebrew to be all one . 5. Neither was the Chalde and Syrian tongue the same , In 〈…〉 . which is the opinion of Mercerus : so thinketh also Hugo Cardinal . following the ordinarie Glosse : some thinke that the Syrian tongue differed not much from the Chalde , but was the more eloquent language , and therfore vsed of the learned , Genevens . Dan. 2. 6. But I rather thinke with a a In 〈◊〉 . Chald. & 〈◊〉 . Tremellius and Polanus , that howsoeuer in times past there was small difference : for that part of this booke which is written in the Chalde tongue from the 4. v. of the 2. chapter to the ende of the seauenth , is called also the Aramites or Syrians language , c. 2. 4. yet now they doe manifestly differ , the ancient Chalde speach , and the common Syrian language . 7. Now the Chalde tongue is either that purer kind of speaking and writing which is vsed here in Daniel from 2. c. v. 4. to the ende of the seauenth , and Ezra c. 4. vnto the seauenth , which was then commonly vsed in Babylon : or els it was more impure , such as the three Targums are written in , namely of Onkelus , Ionathas , and the Hierosolymitan : as also the two Talmuds , the one of Babylon , the other of Ierusalem . ex Polan .

Quest. 26. v. 4. Of the necessarie institution of schooles , and the manner and order thereof .

v. 4. Teach the learning and language of the Chaldeans . 1. Hence appeareth , that the institution of schooles , wherein youth should be brought vp in good letters , was very auncient : for here in Babylon , such as were afterward to be employed in the state , had their education in learning . So among the Egyptians they had the like vse , where Moses was taught the learning of the Egyptians . Among the Israelites 48. cities were appointed for the Leuites , which were as the common Schooles and Vniuersities for the whole kingdom . Samuel and Elizeus had their Schooles and Colledges of Prophets . Among the Grecians , Athens was famous for the studie of Arts : and in Egypt Alexandria : yea , the rude Indians had their Gymnosophistes : and the Romans had their Colledges of Augures .

2. Beside hence it is gathered that the chiefe care of the promoting of learning belongeth to the King , as here Nebuchadnezer giueth it in charge .

3. And because kings beeing occupied with other affaires cannot themselues attend that busines , they are to set ouer such places good ouerseers , as here the King committeth the care of this busines to Ashpenaz .

4. And as here choice is made of the best wits , and such as were not deformed , to be brought vp in learning ; so such should now be preferred to places of learning , as are like to profit well in that profession : and not euery spittle , and dulhead to be obtruded and thrust into such places by fauour , to make a scholler of , beeing fit for no other employment .

5. These vpon whome this learned education is bestowed , were the sonnes of Nobles ; whereas in many places noble men thinke it a disgrace to be learned : whereas there cannot be a greater ornament vnto true nobilitie , then learning .

6. Here also it is shewed what they should learne , to be instructed in the knowledge of the tongues , whereby a way is made for other learning .

7. And they must not be alwaies learning : a time is prefixed here of three yeares , to take triall how they profit : they which are put to learning must not be non proficientes , but after some time make some proofe how they profit .

8. The king also prouideth su●ficient maintenance for them , a competent diet , not superfluous : but in times past Abbeyes had too much , and now Schooles of learning haue too little . Bulling.

Quest. 27. Why other names were giuen them .

1. Quia nomina Iudaea oderant & fugerant , because the Chaldeans did hate and shunne Hebrew and Iewish names , Iun , so also Hugo Card , indigne ferebat quod vocarentur nominibus Iudaeae , the king could not endure that they should be called with the names of Iudea : to the same purpose Lyranus , nomina Hebraica erant Babyloniis abominabilia , the Hebrew names were abominable to the Babylonians .

2. In changing of their names , the conquerer shewed his power ouer them , and that by this mutation of their names , they might know themselues to be seruants : for it is a signe of superioritie to impose names : as Adam gaue names vnto the creatures ; he also gaue a name vnto his wife : so conquerors vsed to giue names to them whome they subdued : As Pharaoh king of Egypt , would haue Eliakim king of Iudah called Iehoiakim : and Nebuchadnezzar called Mattaniah the last king of the Iewes Zedekiah : Polan . Among the Romanes they which were adopted and receiued into the number of the citizens , did change their names for a remembrance and memoriall of that benefit : and seruants likewise , when they were manumitted did take vnto them the names of noble and free men . Alexander . Alexander ab Alexandr● , lib. 4. Gen●al . dierum .

3. But there was a further reason in it : vt deleret rex memoriam propriae gentis , that by this meanes the king might blotte out the memorie of their owne nation and kindred .

4. And beside the names were abolished , which had any mention of God , as El. Iah . as one of these was in all their names : Daniel , Hananiah , Mishael , Azariah , and in the newe names giuen vnto them there were quasi trophaea deorum suorum , as monuments of their gods : So by this meanes they thought to extinguish all memorie of their religion . Iun. Polan .

Quest. 28. Of the signification of their names both the newe , and the olde .

1. Daniel signifieth the iudgement of God , or whom the Lord iudgeth , Hananiah is named of grace and fauour : Mishael some interpret , asked of God : Pap. Osiander : but the better deriuation is , which is of God : Iun. Azariah helped of God .

2. Their newe names are thus interpreted : Belteshazar some would haue signifie , scrutator the saur● , a searcher of treasure , Pintus : some custos insignis thesauri , a keeper of a notable treasure , Bulling: some take it to signifie diuine treasure : Osiand , or the keeper of Bel , their idol : Pap. But the true sense is : one laying vp or keeping the treasurie of Bell : for the word is compounded of Bel and teshah to lay vp , and atzar treasure , Iun. Polan . this name was giuen by Ashpenaz to Daniel , but at the kings appointment , and therefore it is said , that the king named him Belthazar , cap. 5. 12. Shadrach , some expound a legate or embassadour , Osiand . some delicate , Bullin . Pap. some a delicate field : Pintus . but the true notation is this : 1. the inspiration of rach that is the sunne : for shadah signifieth to inspire , and rach , a king , which name they giue vnto the Sunne . Meshach some interpret prolonging , Pintus : some industrious , Pappus : some pretious ; Bullinger , Osiander : But it is compounded of Meh , which , and shach the name of Venus their festiuall goddes : Meshach , that is , who is of the goddes shacah , the festiuall goddesse : for the Babylonians vsed vpon the 16. day of the moneth Loy to celebrate the feast of their goddes shacha for 5. dayes together , during which time one of the seruants was Lord and ruler of the familie , apparelled in a princely robe called Segane , the Hebrewes call it Saga : Iun. ex Athenaeolib . 14. dipnosophrast . Abednego some interpret servus lucis , seruant of the light , Pap. some servus illustris , a famous seruant ; Osiander . some the seruant of Nego which was the starre of Venus : Bullin . some thinke it should be read Abednebo , the seruant of Nebo the God of the Chaldeans : some giue the sense servus anxius , a carefull seruant , Pintus : But the true deriuation is , of ghebat a seruant , and Nego fire , which the Chaldeans worshipped as a God : So then in all these foure names , there was some memoriall of the Chaldean idolls ; of Bel in the first , rach which was the Sunne in the next , of their goddesse Shacah , which was Venus in the third , and of their god Nego in the last . Iun. Polan .

Quest. 29. Ver. 8. Why Daniel refused to eate of the kings meate , and of the diuers kinds of abstinence .

Ver. 8. D●●iel had determined in his heart , that he would not defile himselfe with the portion of the kings meate : 1. here we may remember that there are foure kinds of vnlawfull abstinence .

1. Some of the Philosophers , Philostrat . in vita Apollon. Laertius in Pythago . Porphyr . lib. de abstinentia . as Pythagoras , Empedocles , Apollonius , Porphyrius , because they imagined that the soules of men did passe into the bodies of beastes , & in varia se corpora indure , and did as it were cloth themselues with diuers bodies : for this cause they abstained from the eating of flesh .

2. There were certaine heretikes , who therefore would eate no flesh , because they held them to be euill by nature , & a malo quodam principio conditas , and made at the first by some euill powers : such were the Heretikes Marcion , Tacianus , the Encratites , the Manichees : against whom Augustine did write , at large confuting their errors , but specially in his bookes against blasphemous Faustus the Manichee .

3. Some were in an other error , who at the first beeing conuerted from Iudais●e , did thinke they were bound to abstaine from certaine meates as vncleane , according to the law of Moses , concerning whom the Apostles made a decree . Act. 15.

4. And some other there are , which haue a peruerse opinion of fasting , which thinke that the perfection of a Christian consisteth in fasting ; or they fast onely for the praise of men , and opinion of the world . All these are in great error , and doe offend in their fasting , but Daniels abstinence was of none of these kinds . Pere .

Quest. 30. The causes which mooued Daniel to forbeare the kings meate .

There were many pollutions in the meate , which serued at the kings table : 1. they might eate such flesh as was counted vncleane by the lawe of Moses ; as swines flesh , hares and conies , were held to be vncleane by the lawe of the Hebrewes , and diuerse others both beasts , fish , and foule , as is declared , Deut. 14. which might be notwithstanding vsed as delicate meates in the kings court . Pap , Bullinger : which meates though of their owne nature they defiled not , yet by the institution of God beeing forbidden , they defiled the eater , in respect of his disobedience to the lawe .

2. Beside they in the beginning of their feasts did praise the gods of gold and siluer , and so consecrated their meates and table to their idols : for which cause Daniel and the rest abstained . Iun. Polan . Lyran. Hugo Cardi. And though the first obseruation of meates was onely legall , and ceased with the rest of the ceremonies : yet the abstaining from things offered to idols was perpetuall afterward obserued of the Christians , as both is euident by S. Paul , 1. Cor. 8. 10. where he speaketh of those that sate downe in the idoll temples ; and by the practise of the Primitiue Church , as Caecilius obiected to the Christians , Apud Minut. Foelic . lib. 8. Arnob. praeceptos & delibatos altaribus cibos abhorretis , &c. yee abhorre meates commanded , that are consecrate to idols .

3. Beside sciebat perturbationum fontem esse intemperantiam , he did knowe that intemperancie was the fountaine of all distemperature : he remembred that Adam was cast out of paradise , for eating of the forbidden fruit , and Esau lost his birthright for a messe of pottage : Daniel therefore and the rest abstained , least they might be intangled with the desire of their delicate meates . Pintus .

4. An other reason was that the king by this sweet poyson should not cause him to forget his religion ; Geneuens ▪ ne inescaretur talibus illecebris , least he should haue beene caught with such baits : he therefore shunneth the occasion .

Quest. 31. vers. 8. How Daniel should haue beene defiled with the kings meate .

Though that the meate it selfe in it owne nature could not haue defiled Daniel , as our Blessed Sauiour saith , that which goeth into the mouth , defileth not the man , Matth. 15. 11. yet foure waies Daniel should haue defiled himselfe and others .

1. He had offended the godly if they were weake , in following his example , so wounding their owne conscience ; if they were strong , yet they would haue grieued , to see the law of God transgressed .

2. The profane should haue beene scandalized , if they were enemies , in causing them to blaspheme , if they were indifferent , and such as of whom there might be hope , in putting before them a stumbling blocke , they might haue discouraged them from embracing their religion , in seeing them to doe contrarie to their owne profession .

3. Their owne conscience they should haue defiled in sinning against the ●nowledge , and disobeying the lawe .

4. God they should haue contemned , in neglecting his lawe , and so in a manner haue polluted him : as in another case the Priests are said to haue polluted God , for offering vncleane bread vpon his altar , Malach. 1. 7. Polan .

Quest. 32. Whether Daniel euer after abstained from the kings meate .

It is like that Daniel afterward did both eate and drinke of the kings prouision : for he was of the kings Court , and was the chiefe officer about the king , and sate in the kings gate , cap. 2. 49. therefore it is not vnlike but that he did liue at the kings diet , neither doe we read of Ioseph , that was in the like estimation with Pharaoh , that he refused the kings meat . Caluin . The reasons why Daniel abstained now , and not afterward may be these . 1. Daniel , principio abstinuit à lautitijs aulae ne inescaretur , at the beginning abstained from the delicats of the court , lest he should haue bin intangled , Cal. but afterward there was not the like feare , when Daniel was called to place of gouernement , and depended not vpon the command and authority of others , as now he did . So also Pellic●iam grandaevus & extra periculum constitutus , vinum bibisse legitur , &c. when he waxed olde and was out of danger , he is found to haue drunke wine , &c. 2. this must be admitted ceremonialia cedere magnae , necessitati , that the ceremonialls must giue place vnto extreame necessitie : It is no question , but the people of the Iewes beeing in captiuitie did sometime eate of the meates forbidden by the lawe , rather then they should be famished : but if the eating of such meates had beene a deniall of their faith and religion , in that case , they should rather haue chosen to die , then in the least ceremonie to denie their faith : Osian . Daniel might then in his captiuitie vpon such necessitie eate such things , as in their countrie were not lawfull , as other of his brethren did : but at this time his profession beeing called in question , least by such baites and enticements he might haue beene drawne away from it , he did in a godly resolution abstaine .

Quest. 32. Ver. 9. What fauour it was which Daniel found with the chiefe of the Ennuches not obtaining his request .

Ver. 9. Now God had brought Daniel into fauour , &c. 1. Some thinke , that whereas the chiefe of the Eunuches after excuseth himselfe by his feare , lest if he should haue granted his request , to allowe him other diet then the king had appointed , these two effects should haue followed , their countenances would looke worse , and his life should be in danger , that the Eunuch did denie his request : quod tentara , tnon successerat , that which he tried did not take place , Bulling ▪ repulsam est passus , he suffered a repulse , Caluin . Pellican . impetrari non potuit , that could not be obtained which he desired . But this opinion is contrarie to the text : which saith that God gaue Daniel fauour with the chiefe of the Eunuches : but if he had altogether taken the repulse , he had found small fauour .

2. Wherefore herein consisted the fauour , which Daniel found . 1. in that he was not angrie with Daniel for making such a bould request contrarie to the kings commandement . 2. neither doth he vrge him to keepe the kings order for his diet . 3. or complaineth of him to the king . 4. but chiefely herein his fauour appeared , in that he pretending his feare and danger , did insinuate , that he could be contented , so that it might be done without any such danger or inconuenience , Polan . And he secretly might also giue him an hint to goe vnto the vnder officer the butler , that attended vpon them , who was the fitter man to winke at it , if question afterward should haue beene made : for it is like the butler afterward being found so willing , that he knewe the chiefe officers pleasure therein . Iun. Polan .

Quest. 33. Of Daniels request to the butler or officer .

Ver. 12. Prooue thy seruants I pray thee ten dayes , &c. 1. Daniel first propoundeth his request simply , that he would prooue them 10. dayes with course bread of pulse , and water to drinke : he setteth onely tenne dayes , neither too long a time , vt de facili posset impetrare , that he might more easily obtaine his request : nor too short , that the truth might appeare , and some experience be had in that time , Lyran. for in the space of 10. dayes it might well be seene , whe●● their bodies macrescerent , vel pinguescerent , did waxe leaner or fatter . Pellican .

2. Then followe the conditions of his request : the one is expressed , that vnlesse their countenances should be in as good liking as theirs , which fedde of the kings allowance , they would aske no further fauour : so he doth wisely antevertere , preuent what might be obiected : for Daniel knewe he would insist vpon the same reasons which the chiefe of the Eunuches had done , v. 10. that their faces should be worse liking , and so he might be blamed . Caluin .

3. An other condition or supposall though not expressed , yet may be supplied , is that they did not purpose to make vnto themselues any benefit of the kings meate , but they were contented it should be to his vse that attended vpon them , as may be gathered , v. 16. where it is said , that the butler tooke from them the allowance of the kings meate and wine , and gaue them pulse . Iun.

Quest. 34. Whether Daniel tempted not God , in setting a certaine number of daies .

1. In the Apocryphall historie of Iudith , c. 8. 12. Iudith chargeth Ozias and the other gouernours of Bethulia , that they had tempted God in prescribing the space of fiue daies , within which time , if they had no helpe , they would giue vp the citie : But here Daniel doth not of any temeritie , or presumption set this prefixed time , but fidei magnitudine , by the greatnesse of his faith , as Hierome saith : Pere . so also Hugo Cardinal . he was certior factus à Domino de foelici euentu , he was assured by the Lord of happie successe . Caluin . And Daniel herein and his companions , did not onely depend vpon Gods generall promises out of his word , but they had some particular reuelation and direction for this thing . Iun.

2. But it will be obiected , if Daniel had such assurance , why then speaketh he so doubtfully , as referring the whole matter to his discretion : saying , ver. 13. as thou seest deale with thy seruants : to this it may be answered , Daniel allocutus est altorem humanitus , vt tamen de re diuinitus confirmatus esset , Daniel indeed speaketh vnto his keeper after an vsuall manner , yet was in himselfe confirmed from God in this matter . Iun.

3. Daniel then hauing both the word of God to abstaine from such meates as were forbidden , Deut. 14. and Gods generall promise beside , that God would blesse their bread and water , if they would serue him , Exod. 23. 15. and further ex arcana renelatione certior factus , beeing assured by secret reuelation , of the euent , was mooued to propound this tearme of 10. dayes . Polan .

Quest. 35. vers. 12. Why Daniel did chuse rather to eate of pulse , then of the kings meate .

1. Daniel here preferred not this course diet before the kings delicates vppon any superstitious opinion , as thinking thereby to merit with God , and to be more acceptable for the meates sake ; for according to the Apostles rule , both he which eateth , eateth to the Lord , and giueth God thankes , and he that eateth not , eateth not to the Lord , and giueth God thankes , Rom. 14. 6. euery creature is good , and we may thankefully take whatsoeuer the Lord hath prepared for our food . Polan .

2. But this may be one reason why Daniel made choice of pulse and seedes , hearbs and such like , because such things were not at any time forbidden vnto the Iewes , before or vnder the lawe , neque de talibus fiebat oblatio idolis , neither of such things did they vse to offer vnto idols : And therefore the Apostle saith , Rom. 14. 2. that he which was weake ( not in bodie but in minde ) did eate hearbs , least he should chance to eate things offered to idols . Lyran.

3. Daniel might haue eaten course bread , and other viler meates , but he contented himselfe with seedes and herbes , as the word hazeroghim signifieth , vt scilicet assidne gemeret , &c. that he might daily mourne , and remember his afflicted countrie , which he might easily haue forgotten , if he had giuen himselfe to a delicate life . And thefore Moses also did forsake Pharaohs Court , and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God .

Quest. 36. vers. 15. Whether the beautie and strength in Daniel and the rest feeding of this course foode , was a naturall worke .

1. There are diuerse reasons in nature , why they which liue of simp●●●nd course food , should be better liking , then many which liue in fulnesse and plentie : 〈◊〉 the varietie of meate causeth varietie of diseases , the more simple the food then is , the more agreeable it is to nature , Osiand . 2. continuall vse and custome to keepe a slender diet , doth make it familiar and most wholesome to the bodie . 3. the strong constitution , temperature , and complexion of the bodie doth cause vnto some better nourishment and strength , then a better diet doth vnto those , that are of a bad constitution . 4. the cheerefulnesse of the minde , and inward contentednes helpeth much , euen in a thinne diet to strengthen nature : Pere . As the wise man saith , that a morsell of 〈◊〉 with peace , is better then a house full of sacrifices with strife , that is , with disquietnesse of minde .

2. But this great encrease of beautie and fauour in Daniel and his companions , proceeded rather of the singular and extraordinarie blessing of God , then of their thinne diet : for they onely did not exceede those in the goodnes of their complexion , which fedde of the kings meates , but their countenance in themselues appeared faiter and better liking , then at any time before . Pere .

Quest. 37. ver. 17. Of the knowledge and vnderstanding which God gaue vnto Daniel and the other three , whether it were naturall or supernaturall .

1. This knowledge which was giuen vnto them all was partly ordinarie in all humane learning , which was common vnto them all : the Vulgar latine interpreter readeth , in omni libro , in euery booke : but the word sepher is as well taken for the literature , the knowledge of artes and sciences , as for a booke , Polan . partly this knowledge was extraordinarie in the vnderstanding of visions and dreames , which was peculiarly aboue the rest giuen vnto Daniel . Iun.

2. The knowledge of artes is obtained three waies : either naturally as Aristotle and Plato attained vnto their learning : or supernaturally as Adam and Salomon had their wisedome and knowledge infused of God : or partly by naturall meanes , partly by supernaturall , as here Daniel and the other three vsed instructors , and other helpes to come vnto their knowledge , but yet it was specially the gift of God .

3. For , whereas they attained vnto a greater perfection , then any other , and that in so short a time , in the space of 3. yeares , it is euident , that they had more by Gods speciall gift , then by any humane industrie . Pere .

Quest. 38. Whether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans .

1. Pererius opinion is that whereas the Chaldeans had many vaine and curious artes , as Magicke , Coniecturing , Inchanting , Iudiciarie Astrologie , and such like , that they might learne and knowe these speculatiue , by way of speculation , to confute them and auoide them , not to practise or exercise them : as God himselfe and the Angels haue the knowledge of such things : and the abuse in such knowledge , is either in the too great desire and affection , which they haue vnto them which learne them , or in the euill ende , which they propound , seeking their owne gaine , or others commoditie therein .

Contra. 1. But that the verie studie and knowledge of such damnable artes is vnlawfull , by this it appeareth , because they which were conuerted to the faith in Ephesus burned their bookes of such curious artes : which they needed not to haue done , if the hauing and reading of such bookes had beene lawfull , Act. 29. 2. God knoweth all things , and is perfectly good , and cannot be tempted of euill : but man is easily seduced and peruerted : and Angels haue not their knowledge by labour and learning as man hath , but by the light of their nature : therefore those examples are not alike : 3. euen profitable humane artes may be by these meanes abused : but vnprofitable in their best vse are vnlawfull .

2. Osiander thinketh , that their Chaldean instructors would haue obtruded vpon them their superstitious precepts among other instruction : but as they abstained from the kings meate , not to be defiled thereby ; so it is like they did take heede of such corrupt and vnlawfull artes .

3. But it is more like , that as the kings meate was withdrawne from them , so by Gods prouidence they were preserued from all contagion of their superstitious inuentions , onely beeing trained vp●● their commendable learning , as Muses was in the Egyptian sciences . Caluin .

Quest. 39. Whether it be lawfull to vse the artes and inuentions of the heathen .

1. The profitable inuentions of the heathen , Christians may safely and lawfully vse : for like as in a tree , there are leaues for ornament , as well as fruite for necessarie vse : so the soule must be adorned as with the sound precepts of Theologie in stead of fruite , so it must be garnished with the knowledge of the artes , as the ornaments and leaues . But when any thing erroneous doth offer it selfe in their writings , 〈◊〉 must either shunne it altogether , or cautelously read it ; as we gather roses in a garden , but take heed of the pricks and thorns . Deut , 21. when any of Israel tooke a maide in battell , whom he liked , he was first to paire her nailes , and shaue her head , before he married her : so we must cut away in humane secular learning such things as are noxious and superstuous , and then captiue it to the vse of Christian religion . Pintus .

2. The bookes then and writing of the Heathen are fit and conuenient to be read : first in regard of some truth , which is set forth in them : 1. for euerie one naturally desireth to vnderstand and apprehend the truth . 2. yea and the spirit of God is the author of all truth : so that the light which shined in the darkenesse and blindnesse of the Heathen proceeded from the spirit of God , the true illuminator of the world . 3. their writings containe many profitable inuentions and precepts for mans life , as in the handling of morall vertues , of politike precepts , of mechanicall artes .

Secondly , euen the knowledge of their errors is profitable . 1. that we may know them to confute and abhorre them . 2. that knowing their errours we may the better auoid them our selues , and winne others from them . 3. to shewe the excellencie of the Scriptures , wherein is no error or impuritie , before all other humane learning and writing : for there are fiue things requisite and necessarie for euerie one to knowe : 1. that the soule is immortall : for he will neuer be perswaded to vertue , that thinketh there is nothing to be feared , or hoped for after this life . 2. what is the chiefe ende and happinesse , which euery man is to propound vnto himselfe . 3. which is the way whereby that ende may be atchieued . 4. whether God not onely in generall , but in particular watch ouer vs by his prouidence . 5. how this watchfull God , and most vigilant heauenly father is to be serued and honoured . All which things so necessarie to be knowne , are either not at all handled by the Philosophers , or verie absurdly , deceitfully , erroneously . Perer.

3. But it will be thus obiected . 1. seeing the Scriptures are alone sufficient to saluation , what neede we forreine helpes ? 2. S. Paul Coloss. 28. seemeth to condemne Philosophie , beware least any man spoile you through Philosophie . 3. Iulian the Apostata , thus obiected , Cur abhorrent Christiani a sacrisiciis Gentilium , cum non abhorrent à libris Gentilium , why doe Christians abhorre the sacrifices of the Gentiles , seeing they doe not abhorre , not abstaine from reading of their bookes ?

Answer . 1. The Scriptures are indeede alone sufficient for such things as belong vnto saluation , neither to any such ende doe Christians craue helpe from the heathen ; but they vse them onely as supplies concerning things belonging vnto this life : therefore as kings and princes vse the seruice of artificers , husbandmen , cookes , for inferior seruices , so it is not vnbeseeming a Christian to make vse of the Gentiles inuentions .

2. S. Paul simplie condemneth not philosophie , as that which consisteth of physicall , morall , or politicall principles and obseruations : but he speaketh against that erroneous part of Philosophie and vaine speculation , as in the adoration of Angels , and such like : and thus the Apostle expoundeth himselfe , in the next words , let no man spoile you through Philosophie , and vaine deceit .

3. There is not the like reason betweene the writings and sacrifices of the Heathen , for their bookes may be reade without hurt , one may choose the good and leaue the euill ; but the sacrifices are altogether euill and idolatrous : yet the things in themselues , which they offer in sacrifice , the abuse set apart , Christians abhore not , as wine , bread , flesh ; for they are the good creatures of God : but the abuse of them to most filthie idolatrie , they onely abhorre and condemne . Per.

4. Notwithstanding therefore whatsoeuer is , or can be obiected , there is a lawfull and commendable vse of humane artes and learning among Christians : like as Moses made vse of the Egyptian , and Daniel of the Chaldean learning , and S. Paul in his writings of the sayings of the heathen poets : So the Christian Fathers armed themselues against the heathen with their owne weapons : as Cyrillus Alexand. against Iulian , Origen against Celsus , Methodius against Porphyrie , Hieronimus against Iouinian , the Apologies of Quadratus and Aristides Christian philosophers which were presented to Adrianus the Emperour in the behalfe of the Christians , are fraught with great store of heathen testimonies : so also are the writings of Iustinus , Tertullian , Eusebius , Lanctantius , Augustine , with others .

Quest. 40. Of the dreames and visions which Daniel had vnderstanding of .

1. The visions were such , as were shewed vnto men waking : which were of two sorts , either , expressae signis corporalibus , such as were indeed expressed and represented by corporall signes , as the hand which appeared vnto Balthazar vpon the wall , and left a materiall writing behind it ; or els per similitudines imaginarias effectae , such as were exhibited by certain imaginarie similitudes : such were diuerse visions , which Ieremie and Ezekiel had , and the visions shewed to Daniel in this booke : by dreames are vnderstood such visions , as were represented vnto men in their sleepe . Per.

2. But this must be vnderstood neither of naturall and humane dreames , the interpretation whereof belongeth vnto Physicians and Philosophers , but of diuine dreames .

3. And hereby also is signified that Daniel excelled in all kind of propho●●e , which is vnderstood by these two , visions and dreames , Numb. 12. 6. Iun. so that Daniel onely of these foure was endued with the gift of prophesying . Genevens .

Quest. 41. Whether this gift of vnderstanding visions and dreames were in Daniel as an habite permanent and remaining alwaies in him .

Lyranus seemeth to be of opinion , that this gift was habituall in Daniel , and that it was alwaies present with him : 1. because as God gaue the other knowledge , which was an habit in them , so he gaue Daniel this gift of vnderstanding dreames : 2. there are but three things in the soule , potentiae , passiones , habitus , powers and faculties , as to will , to vnderstand , passions and affections , and habits as of vertues , arts , and such like : But this gift to expound dreames , was no facultie of the minde , for then it should haue beene generall , and much lesse was it any passion , which are most seene in the sensitiue part ; therefore it was an habite .

Contra. 1. Both knowledge was giuen to the rest , and this speciall vnderstanding to Daniel by the Lord the onely fountaine and author of euery good gift , but they were not giuen in the same manner . 2. naturally in the soule these three things are to be found , but this gift in Daniel was supernaturall , and therefore is not comprehended in that diuision of the naturall faculties and parts of the soule .

2. Wherfore I subscribe rather vnto Pererius , donum illud non fuisse in Daniele tanquam habitum permanentem , &c. that this gift in Daniel was not as a permanent habite alwaies remanying with him , as may be thus shewed . 1. An habite which is alwaies permanent , one may vse when he will , where , and how he will ; but so could not Daniel vse this propheticall gift of interpreting dreames : for when the first dreame of the king was propounded to him , he obtained the interpretation thereof by his and his brethrens earnest prayers , and he desired the king to giue him leasure , c. 2. 16. likewise when he heard the other dreame , he held his peace by the space of an houre , c. 4. 16. in his heart beseeching the Lord to cause him to vnderstand it .

2. As it was in other Propheticall gifts , so in this : but the Prophets did not alwaies prophesie , but at such time as the spirit of God came vpon them , and did illuminate them : as the prophet Elisha caused a Musician to play before him , and then he prophesied : Nathan when first Dauid consulted with him to build God an house , had then no prophesie or reuelation till the night following , 2. Sam. 7. the propheticall illumination then is like vnto the light , not which is alwaies inherent in the bodie of the Sunne , but which at times shineth in the aire , and sometime is ouercast : so the prophets could not prophesie when they would themselues , but as they receiued present illumination , and direction of the spirit .

3. Now yet they were still called Prophets , euen then , when they prophesied not , both because of their vocation and calling , they were threunto appointed by God , as Ieremie , was sanctified in his mothers wombe to be a Prophet , or because they did often prophesie , ex frequentia prophetandi , they had the name of Prophets . Pere .

Quest. 42. Of the diuers kinds of dreames , and whether there be any diuine dreames .

Dreames vsually are diuided into these three kinds , naturall , humane , which are called animalia , and supernaturall . 1. Naturall are such , which are chiefly raised by naturall obiects , as when men dreame of meat and drinke being hungrie or thirstie : of such dreames speaketh the Prophet Isay , 29. 80. And these dreames are incident to bruit beasts . 2. Humane dreames are such as are raised by the multitude of the busines , wherein men are occupied in the day : such dreames the Preacher describeth , Eccles. 5. 2. A dreame commeth by the multitude of busines . 3. Supernaturall dreames are of two kinds , either diuine , which are sent of God for some spirituall instruction and admonition , or the signification of some things to come : such were the dreames of Pharaoh , Gen. 41. and Nabuchadnezzar in this booke , c. 2. 4. and c. 4. There are also Diabolical dreames , which are wrought by Satan to se●●ce and deceiue : for if he can by inward suggestions delude and deceiue the minde , he can also as well by vaine dreames and fansies insinuate himselfe to deceiue : such were the vaine visions and illusions which he deceiued the priests of Baa● by , when he went as a lying spirit in the monthes of them all , to perswade Ahab to goe and fall at Ramath in Gilead . Pappus .

Quest. 43. Whether there be any diuine dreames .

1. Aristotle in his booke 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of diuination by dreames , denieth that there are any diuine dreames at all : he confesseth that there are somnia daemonica , dreams demonicall or spirituall : but there also he ascribeth vnto nature : his reasons against diuine dreames are these ,

1. If there were any such diuine dreames , they should be sent and shewed to the best and most wise and vertuous men , and not to men of euery sort , as they are .

2. If God would teach men , he would rather doe it by day then by night .

3. Where God instructeth men , he doth it plainly and manifestly , not obscurely and doubtfully , as is the reuelation by dreames .

4. Bruit beasts haue their dreames , therefore they are not diuine .

2. Contra. These arguments are soone answered . 1. Such dreames are for the most part shewed vnto good men , but not alwaies , least they should thinke that by their worthines they had deserued that grace : and when it pleaseth God to manifest himselfe by such dreames to other then to the righteous , it is for their conuersion , or for the common good of his Church : such were the dreames which Pharaoh and Nebuchadnezzar had .

2. To appoint the Lord to instruct men by day , rather then by night , is to prescribe lawes vnto him : he best knoweth the waies and meanes , when and how to speake vnto mens soules .

3. Though dreames are in themselues obscure , yet God giueth also the interpretation of them , as of Pharaohs dreames by Ioseph , of Nabuchadnezars by Daniel : he leaueth not men in doubtfulnes and suspense , as Apollos ambiguous oracles did .

4. Beasts haue in deede some kind of dreames , namely such as are naturall and caused in the phantasie and sensitiue part : but this kinde of diuine and supernaturall dreames they haue not : such as was Pharaohs and Nabuchadnezzars dreames , and Iosephs , Matth. 1. Papp .

Quest. 44. Whether there be any truth or certentie in dreames .

1. As Cicero said , that there is nothing so absurd , which is not found to haue beene said by some of the Philosophers ; so some of them haue maintained , that all dreames were true , and had their certaine signification : of which opinion was Protagoras , with other Stoikes , whose generall opinion was , that the truth consisted not in the nature of things , but onely in the opinion of men : and that some dreames were held to be vaine and friuolous , the reason they saide to be this , because they are difficult , ambiguous , and obscure , and so are not well perceiued and vnderstood .

Contra. But this opinion is confuted by the Scriptures , beside daily experience , which sheweth that men haue many thousand dreames , which neuer take effect : and if one of a thousand agree with the euent , it is accidentall , and by some casuall occurrent , and not otherwise : The Preacher saith , in the multitude of dreames and vanities are many words , Eccl. 5. 6. he ioyneth dreames and vanities together . The Prophet giueth instance of such vaine dreames , in an hungrie man that dreameth , and behold ( in his imagination ) he eateth , and when he awaketh , his soule is emptie , Isa. 29. 8. what is this els but a vaine dreame ? Such are the dreames of drunken , franticke , couetous men , who dreame of such vaine things as their minde is occupied in : such dreames are like the apparitions in the clouds , many formes and fashions are there seene , which are soone dispersed of the winde , and come to nothing .

2. Some held the contrarie opinion , that no credit was to be giuen to any dreames at all , as Xenophanes , Caliphonius , and the Epicures , for seeing all dreames were of the same nature , and some were vaine and friuolous , all must be held to be so . Againe say they , if there were any certentie in dreames , they must proceede from some certaine causes : either God , or nature : but it is not like Deum obire lectos dormientium , that God should compasse mens beds when they are asleepe , and cast dreames into their minds : and nature is the cause of order , but in dreames there is confusion and disorder .

Contr. 1. All dreames are not of one nature , therefore it followeth not , if some be vaine , that all are . 2. Gods prouidence watcheth ouer men both waking and sleeping : he passeth not from place to place , but beeing in heauen beholdeth all things , and doth whatsoeuer it pleaseth him in heauen and in earth . 3. Nature worketh certently and orderly , when it worketh by certaine and setled causes : variable and turbulent causes must bring forth the like effects : but true and diuine dreames are most certaine , constant , and orderly , as proceeding from him , who is the author of order .

3. Wherefore the resolution here is , that as there are some vaine and phant●sticall dreames procured by mens distempered humours in their bodies , or their disordered and vnsetled imaginations in their minde ; so there are diuine , profound , and holy dreames : as were the dreames and visions by night of Abraham , Abimelech , Iaakob , Laban , Ioseph , Pharaoh , Salomon , Nebuchadnezzer , Paul , Act. 16. 9. which holy dreames and visions had their euident signification , and sure effect . Perer.

Quest. 45. Of the causes of true dreames .

1. Plato his opinion was , Plato in convivto . that dreames were procured by spirits , who were the mediatours that went between God and man : he thought that God himselfe did not meddle with humane affaires , but by the mediation and entercourse of such spirits , and that by them therfore all dreames were procured . But the contrarie is euident , that some dreames are wrought onely by naturall meanes , as by the multitude of busines in the day , Eccles. 5. 2. and where there is any spirituall cause , that the Lord himselfe sometime is the agent , as it is said , God came to Abimelech in a dreame , Gen. 20. 3.

2. Aristotle on the contrarie held , that all true dreames proceeded of naturall causes : but that is vntrue also : for the prediction and foretelling of things to come , which often is shewed in dreames , cannot by any naturall meanes be searched out .

3. The Stoikes made three causes of dreames , God , fatall necessitie , and the libertie of the soule , which in sleepe is free from all other perturbations . Contr. The first cause we allow , but not of all dreames : but fatall necessitie there is none , for then God who is most free , should himselfe be tied to such fatall necessitie , and connexion of causes : and if the freenesse of the soule in sleepe caused such dreames , then one should as well haue such dreames as an other : for in the time of rest euery mans soule is free from the busines of the day .

4. Porphyrius thinketh , that the notions which are naturally in the soule , which it brought with it into the bodie , are the causes of dreames : which notions shew more freely in the night , then in the day . But Christian religion acknowledgeth no such former notions , or pre-existence of the soule before it came to the bodie : for the Lord formeth the spirit of man within him , Zachar. 12. 1.

5. Synesius maketh the phantasticall part of the soule to be the cause of dreames : that as the representations of diuers things are raised in the phantasie , so the soule thereupon conceiueth dreames : and therefore Pythogoras going to bed vsed to fall asleepe with the sound of the harpe , and so prepared himselfe to haue quiet and pleasant dreames . But yet the cause appeareth not , why such imaginations and representations should be raised vp in the phantasie : the phantasie affecteth the soule , but how commeth the phantasie to be so affected first ?

6. Hippocrates maketh two causes of dreames , Lib. de insomnijs . the diuine and supernaturall instinct , which is infused of God , and the naturall disposition of the bodie : for as the humours are affected ; if there be emptines or fulnesse , or any distemperature in the bodie , the dreames are answerable . But as these are the true causes of diuine , and naturall dreames : so of other dreames other causes must be found out . Hippocrates then toucheth the true causes of some , but not of all dreames .

7. Gregorie maketh sixe causes of dreames : 1. the fulnes or emptines of the bodie : 2. the diu●ne cogitations : 3. the illusion of Satan : 4. the illusion of Satan and mans thoughts together : 5. the diuine reuelation : 6. the diuine instinct and humane thoughts concurring together . But as Hippocrates alleadged not all the causes ; so Gregorie maketh more causes then he needeth , as now shall be shewed .

8. As then there are fowre sort of dreames , as hath beene before declared , Quest. 42. so there are fowre causes of the same .

1. Naturall dreames proceede of naturall causes ; as cholerike men dreame of fire , phlegmatike of water , melancholike men of darknes and blacknes : and any distempered humour or affected part of the bodie often raiseth a dreame agreeable , Lib. de prae●agijs . as Galen reporteth of one that dreamed that one of his legges was made of stone , and presently after he was taken with a palsie and nummenesse in that legge . Lib. 7. c. 50. And Plinie writeth how P. Cornelius Ruffinus in his sleepe thought that he suddenly became blind , and when he awaked , he was blind in deede .

2. Of humane dreames , humane affaires are the cause , which leaue a strong impression in the minde , whereby such like dreames are engendred in the night , as the thoughts were in the day : so mariners dreame of the sea and fish , husbandmen of the fields , shepheards of their sheepe : of this kind was Hannibals dreame , who hauing now swallowed Italie in his desire , as he transported his armies from Spaine thither he had a dreame , wherein he saw a most hideous serpent destroying and deuouring all where he went : this dreame was answerable to his desire , and seemed to issue forth of his former thoughts .

3. The third sort of dreames is Diabolicall , which Satan casteth into mens mindes to seduce and deceiue them , and of these the Deuill is the author , who is the third generall cause of dreames : for if some dreames were not caused by Satan , why should the Lord condemne such dreamers of dreames , which should goe about to seduce and deceiue the people , Deut. 13. 1. Of this kinde may be thought Alexanders dreame to haue beene , who ( comming to Ptolome the next king of Egypt after beeing sore wounded by a venemous dart , and of that wound like to die ) fell asleepe by him , and in his sleepe saw a serpent bringing a roote in his mouth , shewing the place where it grew , whereby Ptolome was healed .

These Sathanicall dreames are of two sorts : for some of them doe prognosticate of things to come , which Sathan can foretell two waies , either by naturall causes he can foresee the euents , or he doth foretell such things as he knoweth he is permitted of God to doe : the other kind of Diabolicall dreames tendeth to the inciting and stirring vp of men to sinne , as murder , lust , or other vngodlines .

4. The fourth cause of dreames , is God himselfe , who by dreames and visions in the night diuersly instructeth men , and teuealeth vnto them things to come . ex Perer.

Quest. 46. How Diabolicall , and Diuine dreames may be discerned .

1. Diabolicall dreames are discerned , 1. by the matter , if they be vnchast and vncleane dreames prouoking vnto any vice or impietie : 2. by the ende , if one shall haue a reuelation in a dreame of things to come , whereof there is no profitable ende , but onely the feeding of mens curiositie , or the maintaining of superstition . 3. by mens persons also a coniecture may be made ; as if vncleane and corrupt dreames be offered vnto godly and righteous men : therein they are to suspect the craft of Satan , that he goeth about to assault and tempt them .

2. Concerning Diuine dreames they are two waies principally discerned : by the excellencie of the matter , as when things to come are reuealed , the knowledge whereof onely belongeth vnto God , or the Lord discouereth mans secret thoughts , which he onely can descrie : the other way is by the illumination of the minde , when the Lord doth so euidently reueale himselfe vnto the soule and minde of man , that he nothing doubteth of the author of those dreames , but knoweth assuredly , that the Lord spake vnto him in a dreame : such were the dreames which Abraham , Ioseph , Daniel , Paul had : for like as naturally the soule hath light to discerne of the first notions and principles ; so the minde in this case is illuminate to acknowledge the diuine instinct .

3. In diuers manners and to diuers purposes doth the Lord speake vnto men in dreames : 1. sometime he terrifieth and feareth them , as he staied Abimelek and Laban by fearefull dreames , that they should doe no hurt , the one to Abraham , the other to Iaakob . 2. sometime the Lord encourageth men by dreames to enterprise some great worke , as he did Gedeon , Iudg. 7. 9. 3. he admonisheth some by dreames , what they should doe , as Paul , Act. 16. and Ioseph , Matth. 1. 4. God instructeth by dreames concerning things to come , as he did in Pharaohs and Nabuchadnezzers dreames .

4. And as the endes , and purposes are diuers , why the Lord sendeth dreames ; so also the kinds are diuers . 1. some diuine dreames are plaine and manifest , and neede no interpretation ; such were the dreames of Ioseph of the starres , and the sheaues . 2. sometime God speaketh with them himselfe in their dreames , as with Abimelech , Gen. 20. sometime an Angel appeareth , as to Ioseph , Matth. 1. sometime a man , as to Paul , Act. 16. 3. sometime God sendeth dreames not expected or desired , such were Pharaohs and Nebuchadnezzers dreames : sometime they are first craued and desired , as God reuealed vnto Daniel in a vision by night the interpretation of Nebuchadnezzers dreame , which he himselfe had before begged and intreated by prayer . 4. and some diuine dreames are answerable to the precedent thoughts of the heart , as Iosephs dreame was to direct him what he should doe with Marie , whome he was carefull of before , and much troubled in himselfe about that matter .

Quest. 47. Why it pleased God by visions and dreames to instruct his seruants .

1. One reason Hippocrates yeeldeth , Lib. de insomnijs . because in the day time men are distracted with many affaires and much busines , so that the minde is not so free and apt in the day , to receiue such spirituall direction , as in the night .

2. Aristotle saith , that dreames come in the night , propter noctis silentium , & sens●um exteriorum vacationem , Lib. de divinat . somnijs . because of the silence of the night , and the rest and intermission of the senses : and the soule then beeing not hindred , neither by the occurrent busines of the day , nor by the employment of the senses , is more readie and free to attend vpon God .

3. Beside the night is secret , and so the Lord may then secretly insinuate his will without any disturbance of the partie , or obseruation of others , &c.

4. By this it appeareth also quanto sit Deus potentior ad hominem docendum , &c. how much more powerfull God is to teach and instruct man , then any other can : for one man onely can instruct another waking , and giuing attention ; but God can instruct men in their sleepe . in lib. Aristot. de divinat . Averroes hath this opinion , he denieth not but that a man in sleepe may haue a propheticall instinct , yet he thinketh that other artes and sciences cannot be inspired by that meanes , which are onely attained vnto by precept and experience , and by the helpe of the outward sense . But herein he sheweth his ignorance , not knowing the Scriptures , and the power of God : for though ordinarily artes are learned by such meanes , yet God hath infused knowledge without any such ●elps : as into Noah , Bezaleel and Aholiab the builders of the Sanctuarie , Salomon , the Apostles .

5. Adde further , that seeing sleepe is an image and representation of death , by this meanes we are taught , that the soule liueth after the death of the bodie , and hath more perfect knowledge and illumination , then while it was in the bodie : as more visions and reuelations haue beene shewed vnto men in their dreames , their bodie beeing asleepe , then when they were awake .

Quest. 48. Why visions and dreames are often shewed vnto simple and vnlearned men .

1. By this one reason Aristotle , and after him Cicero would eleuate the authoritie of diuine dreames : for thus they obiect , that if there were any such diuine dreames giuen vnto men by God , ea non obscuris & indoctis hominibus , sed viris sapientia praeditis dari par erat , it was meete they should be giuen not vnto obscure and vnlearned men , but vnto such as were wise , &c.

2. To this obiection we thus answer : 1. that such Sathanicall dreames as were vsed among the heathen , were inspired into the simple , ignorant , and superstitious , that were apt to beleeue any thing , that they might not perceiue the fraud of those spirits , whose oracles were vaine , and void of truth , doubtfull and ambiguous . 2. but diuine dreames in deede were for the most part reuealed vnto wise and prudent men , as vnto Abraham , Ioseph , Salomon , Daniel . 3. sometime also such dreames were sent vpon meane men of no great learning or wisdome in the world , but they were such as were deuout and religious : which their holines and pietie did make them more capable of heauenly visions and reuelations ; whereas the wisdome and greatnes of this world doth puffe man vp , and so is an impediment and obstacle to such mysticall instructions . 4. God also hath sometime giuen such dreames vnto wicked and impious men , as to Pharaoh , Nebuchadnezzer : but then such dreames were shewed them , not for their owne benefit , but for the good of Gods Church : and beside though they had dreames , yet they had not the interpretation of them , but therein vsed the helpe of Gods seruants , as Pharaoh of Ioseph , Nabuchadnezzar of Daniel .

Quest. 49. Why dreames are not alwaies cleare and manifest , but darkely and obscurely propounded .

1. The reason why diabolicall dreames , such as were vsuall among the Heathen , were obscure and doubtfull , may readily be rendered ; because the spirits which deceiued them , had no certaine knowledge of things to come , and therefore the dreames and oracles which they gaue , were so doubtfully and obscurely propounded , that howsoeuer the euent was , it might seeme answerable to the dreame : and if they failed in their hope , the interpretation should be laid not vpon the reuelation which was giuen , but vpon themselues , that could not rightly vnderstand it .

2. But Diuine dreames either were euident , plaine , and manifest , as the dreames which Abimelech , Salomon , and Ioseph had , Matth. 1. or if they were obscure , it was for one of these causes : 1. that they might seeke vnto the seruants of God for the interpretation of their dreames , as Pharaoh did vnto Ioseph. 2. that the seruants of God themselues might by earnest praier begge of God the vnderstanding and interpretation of such dreames . 3. the manifold mysteries shut vp in such short visions made them the more obscure : as c. 2. the vision of the image comprehended more , then could be contained in a long processe of speach : such visions the more compendious , so much the more obscure were they . 4. the Lord thought good obscurely and darkely to reueale his will in dreames , that the truth might lie as hid for a time , till such time as they were fulfilled and accomplished : as Iosephs dreames of the bending of the sheaues and bowing of the starres , were not perfectly vnderstood , till he was aduanced in Egypt .

Quest. 50. What dreames may be obserued , and by whome .

1. To obserue all dreames is friuolous , and superstitious : 1. for this were much like to the ridiculous customes of the Heathen , that tooke vpon them to coniecture by the flying of birds , and looking into the entralls of beasts . 2. beside it sauoureth of the Stoicall fatall necessitie , to think that all things necessarily should follow , as men surmise by their dreames . 3. And if starre-gazing be condemned of the wise , and curious Astrologicall obseruations , much more is such coniecturing by dreames to be contemned , which hath more vncertentie in it then the other .

2. Some dreames notwithstanding ( though not all ) may be marked : but yet Iamblicus rule is friuolous ; that such dreames as happen either in the beginning of sleepe , before the minde be ouercast with the fuming vapors of meates and drinke , or in the ende when now all such vapors are concocted and digested by sleepe , are worthie of obseruation : but those which come in the middes of sleepe , the bodie then beeing drenched as it were , and fuming with such vapors , are not at all to be regarded : for this were to limit God , to appoint him his times and seasons , when he should inspire men .

3. There are then naturall dreames , which may be obserued for a mans health : by such Physitians doe iudge of the distemper of the humours , and of inclination to diseases : there are also other humane dreames , wherein mens infirmities doe shew themselues , and so thereby perceiuing what vices they are subiect vnto , they may be admonished to amend them : such dreames may lawfully be obserued , which tende either to the health of the bodie , or the soule . But diuine dreames are most worthie of obseruation of all other , whereby the Lord doth often signifie his will concerning things to come : which kind of dreames cannot be interpreted but by the same spirit wherby they are sent : as Daniel saith to the King , The secret which the king hath demanded , can neither the wise , the Astrologians , the Inchanters , and Soothsayers declare vnto the King : but there is a God in heauen which reuealeth secrets . c. 2. 27 , 28.

Quest. 51. Whether in diuine dreames there is a free vse of reason and the will , and the same acceptable to God .

1. Pererius thinketh that in such dreames and visions , there is soluta vis rationis , but not perfectus liberi arbitrij vsus , a free vse of reason , but not the perfect vse of freewill , for to that there is required the libertie of all the senses , and powers , that then homo should be Dominus sui , Lord of himselfe .

2. Contra. 1. In that sense , man hath no perfect vse of free will neither waking nor sleeping , to be as Lord of himselfe ▪ to euill mans will is free ; but he cannot bonum agere , nisi à bono agatur , doe any good , vnlesse he be drawne thereunto of God , which is good : 2. but the vse of the reason and will is otherwise as free in such visions and dreames , as when men are waking : for the soule and vnderstanding sleepeth not , neither is bound in sleepe , but the sense onely : And this notably appeareth by that heauenly dreame and vision , which Salomon had , 1. King 3. 5. wherein both God first bid Salomon aske what he would , and he asked wisedome ; and God approoued this his petition , and actually gaue him his request : and all this was done while he was asleepe : Salomon could not haue made such request of God , nor the Lord accepted it , if it had beene a fansie and imagination onely in his sleepe : But to this diuers answeres are made ;

1. Pererius saith , that Salomon had before made that petition vnto God for wisedome , which his petition the Lord approoued in his sleepe , not because it was made then , but before ; But no such thing in extant in the text , of any former petition : the first motion and occasion was giuen by the Lord himselfe , who said to Salomon in his dreame , Aske what I shall giue thee , and thereupon he made his request for wisedome .

2. Tostatus hath an other answer , which Pererius rather approoueth then the former , that whatsoeuer is said there to be done , non revera , sed per imaginariam tantum dormientis visionem esse factum , was not verily done , but in the imaginarie vision of Salomon beeing asleepe : But this cannot be admitted , imaginarie petitions are not accepted of God , and they onely haue imaginarie effects : but here Salomon was verily endued with wisedome euen in his sleepe : for presently after he waked , he perceiued that it was a diuine dreame , and felt himselfe encreased with that excellent gift of wisedome , which immediately after he put in execution .

3. Therefore it may safely be held , that this was more then a simple dreame : for dreames are but representations of things past , present , or to come , but here there was an actuall collation of that , which was shewed in the dreame : It was therefore both a dreame , and a vision concurring with the dreame ; a dreame it was , because it fell out in sleepe , but in this dreame Salomons soule had free conference with God , in which respect it may be said to be a vision .

Quest. 52. vers. 21. How Daniel is said to haue beene vnto the 1. yeare of king Cyrus .

1. Some thinke that this is to be vnderstood of the time of Daniels prophecying : Theoderet : so also Caluin : among the Assyrians , and Chaldeans , agnitus erat pro summo propheta , he was taken for a great prophet : but this cannot be the meaning : for he had some propheticall visions in the 3. yeare of Cyrus , cap. 10. 1.

2. Much lesse can it be referred to the time of Daniels life , as Pellican seemeth to thinke : for he liued to the 3. yeare of Cyrus , how long after it is vncertaine : vpon which reason Hierome resolueth , non vitae illius tempus accipiendum est , the time of his life cannot be here taken .

3. Osiander thinketh that hereby is signified , that ●e liued and continued so long , that he saw to his great ioy the returne of his people out of captiuitie , which was in the 1. yeare of Cyrus : This indeede is most true , but in this place , mention beeing made of Daniels standing before the king , that is , his ministring in the Court , there is more vnderstood then simply his continuing and remaining vntill that time .

4. Vatablus giueth this exposition , that so long he was minister in aula regis , a principall officer in the kings Court : but so was he afterward also a chiefe gouernour vnder Cyrus . c. 6.

5. Lyranus thinketh that hereby is signified the honour and glorie of Daniel in regno Chaldaeorum & Persarum , in the kingdome both of the Chaldeans and Persians : but the words vnto the first yeare of Cyrus , are exclusiuely rather then inclusiuely to be taken : as though that time determined the space here set .

6. Therefore the purpose and intent of these words is , not to shewe the tearme when Daniels prophesie or state in honour ended , but to signifie that during all the time of the Chaldean Monarchy he continued in great honour and reputation in Babylon and Chaldea : postea à Dario in Medos translatus est , afterward he was translated by Darius vnto the Medes ; Hierome , Iun. Polan . and among them also he was in great honour : But from the time that he first stood before Nebuchadnezzar and serued him , he was in estimation all that kings dayes , and in the raigne of Evilmerodach his sonne , and of Balthazars his sonne : though it may seeme that he was not altogether so much set by in Balthazar time , as before . Osiand .

4. Places of doctrine .

1. Doct. vers. 2. The translating of kingdomes , subduing of cities , is ordered and disposed by God .

Vers. 2. And the Lord gaue Ieh●iakim , &c. into his hand , &c. which sheweth , that all things are ruled and gouerned by Gods prouidence : that kings and princes , states , cities , and common wealths are in Gods hand , to alter and turne them , as it seemeth best to himselfe : whereof we may make a double vse : for as it is to our comfort , that we are in Gods hand , and vnder his protection : so in that he deliuereth the impenitent into the hands of Tyrants , by them to be corrected and chastised , it ought to terrifie and mooue vnto repentance . Bulling.

2. Doct. vers. 8. That mens hearts are in the hand of God .

Ver. 8. He required the chiefe of the Eunuches , that he might not defile himselfe : Hence it is euident , seeing this chiefe officer of the kings tooke no exception to this free speach of Daniel , charging the kings table and meates with pollution ▪ that God ruled and inclined his heart , to fauour Daniel , and to take all in good part , which he said : Some would haue said to Daniel , what ? doest thou charge the kings Court and religion with impuritie and vncleannesse ? are ye Hebrewes onely the pure men , and is there no religion good beside yours ? This then was Gods worke thus to qualifie the heart and affection of Ashpenah toward Daniel : so it is here found to be true , as the wiseman saith : The kings heart is in the hand of God , &c. he turneth it whithersoeuer it pleaseth him , Prou. 21. 1.

3. Doct. vers. 12. Of th● commendation of fasting .

Vers. 12. Let them giue vs pulse to eate : By this example of Daniels abstinence , who preferred a thinne and course diet before the kings full and delicate dishes , we see how excellent a thing frugalitie and temperance is : Euen among the heathen Philosophers parsimonie and sparing diet was much set by : Socrates beeing asked , wherein he differed from other men , answered , illi vivunt vt comedant ; ego edo vt viuam , they liue to eate , but I eate to liue : the sobrietie of Democritus , and Demosthenes is much celebrated among the heathen : The Egyptians liued of herbes , and the fruits o● trees : the food of the Argiues in time past were peares , of the Athenians figges , of the Medes almonds , of the Ethiopians locustes , of the Arabians milke .

They say that the spittle of a man fasting killeth a serpent : So fasting ioyned with prayer , is a spirituall remedie against the spirituall serpent , and his tentations . Hierome calleth it , caeterarum virtutum fundamentum , the foundation of other vertues : Chrysostome , alimentum animae , the nourishment of the soule : Basil saith it is similitudo hominum cum Angelis , that which maketh men like vnto Angels .

Christ sanctified fasting and abstinence by his owne example : and Sathan sought to interrupt and breake off his holy fast : thereby shewing how soueraigne a remedie it is against his tentations , seeing he would not suffer Christ ro hold out his fast : for as a ship the lighter it is beeing vnloaden of the burthens doth better brooke the water , and endure the force of the windes : so he which is giuen to a temperate and sober life , melius effugit fluctus & nymbos tentationum , doth better escape the floods and tempests of temptation . Pintus .

4. Doct. That true vertue consisteth in the inward purpose of the heart , not in the outward appearance .

Vers. 8. Daniel had determined in his heart , that he would not defile himselfe . Daniels continencie was not in outward shewe , but rooted and grounded in the heart , which is the seate of vertue : for that is not vertue which is done onely to the sight of others , and for ostentation to seeke the praise of men , but that which lieth hid in the heart : The Pharisies gaue their almes , prayed , fasted , to be seene of men ; but Christ teacheth his Disciples to pray and fast in secret , that the Lord may approoue their worke , and not men , Matth. 6. And S. Paul saith , that he is not a Iewe , which is one outward , &c. but he is a Iewe , which is one within , &c. whose praise is not of men , but of God . Polan .

5. Doct. Of worldly feare which carrieth away carnall men .

Ver. 10. The chiefe of the Eunuches said to Daniel , I feare my Lord the king , &c. This man feared more the terrene power of the visible Emperor , then the celestial maiestie of the omnipotent and inuisible God : as Tertullian obiected to the Romanes , maiore formidine Caesarem obseruatis , quam ipsum de Olymp● Iouem , with greater feare ye obserue Cesar , then Iupiter himselfe of Olympus , &c. they stand more in awe of their great commander in earth , then of their supposed gods in heauen : But the Apostles had a contrarie resolution , whether it be right in the sight of God to obey you rather then God , iudge ye , Act. 4. 19. Polan .

6. Doct. ver. 12. Prooue thy seruants tenne dayes , of the certaintie of faith .

Bullinger hereupon noteth fides non fallit , nec deserit Deus constanter inherentes verbo , &c. faith falleth not , neither doth God forsake those which constantly cleaue vnto his word , &c. Daniel with his three brethren and companions were assured , that God would giue successe according to their faith : and if they in this particular thing , which concerned but an outward obseruation of the lawe , had such assurance and confidence : much more ought we to be assured of such things , which God hath promised concerning euerlasting life : for all things ( as our Blessed Sauiour saith ) are possible to him that beleeueth , Mark . 9. 23.

7. Doct. That learning is necessarie in Kings .

Ver. 19. And the king communed with them : Nebuchadnezzar beeing a great warrior and conquerour , yet was himselfe so well seene in the knowledge of the Chaldeans , who were held to be the most learned in the world , that he was able himselfe to sift and examine these 4. men , whom he found in wisedome to goe beyond all his wisemen and soothsayers in Babylon . Such learned princes , among the people of God , were Dauid , Salomon , Hezekiah , Iosias : among the Heathen , Alexander the great , Scipio Africanus , Iulius Caesar , with others : and among the Christian Emperours , Constantine the great , who decided the controuersies and questions among the Christian Bishops : And this famous kingdome of England hath had most learned princes : Henerie the 8. Edward the 6. Queene Elizabeth of late blessed memorie , and our now Soueraigne king Iames , who is able to conferre learnedly with any man in his faculty , as here Nebuchadnezzar doth with Daniel and the other three .

8. Doct. That the perfection euen of humane arts and learning is to be found in the Church of God .

Ver. 20. And he found them tenne times better , then all the enchanters , and Astrologians , &c. Like as these fower fearing God obtained greater wisdome euen in the Chaldean learning , then any of the other cunning men : So it may be seene this day , that euen the liberall sciences , which were inuented among the Heathen , haue beene much perfited among Christians ; who haue added vnto their beginnings : for seeing God is the giuer and author of euery good gift , who are more like to receiue such gifts , then his owne people , who can tell how to aske them of him : they therefore are in great error , who either in times past gaue the preheminence of learning vnto the Gentiles before the Christians , or now to the Papists and Romanistes , before the professors of the gospel : it is euident to all the world , that neither for the knowledge of tongues or artes , we are any thing inferior vnto them .

5. Places of controuersie .

1. Controv. Whether the changing of the Popes name be grounded vpon the example of Peter .

Vers. 7. Vnto whom the chiefe of the Eunuches gaue other names : hereupon Pintus taketh occasion to speake of that custome of the Romane Bishops , who at their inauguration doe take vnto them newe names : Celius Rhodiginus out of Platina alleadgeth this to be the reason thereof , because Sergiu● the second had but an homely name before , he was called os porci , swines face , and thereupon would be called by a newe name , as beeing ashamed of his olde : But Pintus thinketh rather , that it tooke beginning from Peter , whose name the Lord changed , calling him in the Syrian tongue Cephas , which in the Greeke signifieth ( petros ) a stone : and out of this he falleth into an other matter , that this was not that Cephas mentioned , Galath. 2. who was not Peter , but one of the 72. disciples : for it is not like that S. Paul would reprooue Peter Pontificem maximum , the chiefe priest to his face ; neither is that Iohn the Apostle , who is there also spoken off , but one of the disciples , for Paul himselfe saith , c. 1. 19. that he had seene none of the Apostles , but Iames the Lords brother : and againe it appeareth , c. 2. 70. that Iames , Cephas , and Iohn speake of Peter as of an other man beside themselues , when they saw that the gospel of the vncircumcision was committed to me , as of the circumcision to Peter , &c. to this purpose Pintus .

Contra. 1. Platina one of their owne historiographers may be credited for a matter of fact and storie , who was best acquainted with the doings of that Sea : Pintus conceit commeth too late to checke their owne register : and if the changing of Popes names be grounded vpon the change of Peters name by Christ , why did not the Popes before Sergius alter their names : or why doe they not expect the authoritie of Christ to innouate their names , but take them vp themselues ?

2. As for that Cephas or Peter whom S. Paul reprooued , he was no other but Peter the Apostle . 1. for be it admitted , that one of the disciples was called Cephas , yet he was not named Peter too : but this was reprooued vnder the name of Peter : 2. that Peter which was a pillar of the Church , and to whom the Apostleship of the circumcision was committed , was reprooued by S. Paul : but none of the disciples were Apostles , or any Apostleship committed vnto them . 3. this Peter was one of the chiefe , Galath. 2. 6. but the disciples were not counted among the chiefe .

Neither doe the contrarie arguments conclude any thing . 1. for whence can they prooue , that Peter was the chiefe of the Apostles : the contrarie is inforced here , that Peter with the rest gaue vnto Paul the right hand of fellowship , therefore there was an equalitie among them : and in that Paul so boldly reprooueth Peter , it sheweth that there was no superioritie . 2. S. Paul speaketh of his twice comming to Ierusalem , first after three yeares , and then he saw none of the Apostles but Iames : then after fourteene yeares , Galat. 2. v. 1. when he found at Ierusalem , Iames , Peter , and Iohn . This then is a simple collection , that at his first comming he saw none but Iames , therefore he saw no more of the Apostles at his second comming . 3. Neither doth the construction of the words helpe him any thing at all : for , v. 7. it is onely said , when they saw , &c. Iames , Cephas , Iohn , are not there named : and if they were , if we vnderstand it thus , when Iames , Cephas and Iohn saw that the Gospel of the vncircumcision was committed vnto me , as the Gospel of the circumcision was to Peter , or Cephas , it doth not follow , that Peter should be none of those three : for it is an vsuall Hebraisme , to repeat the antecedent in stead of the pronoun● , as Exod. 10. 13. He ( that is Pharaoh ) thrust them out from the presence of Pharaoh : who is so simple to gather hereupon , that there were two Pharaohs . 4. Whereas Pintus nameth Clemens , Oecumenius , Theophylact , as fauourers of this opinion , that this Cephas was an other beside Peter , many Fathers of greater authoritie may be produced , which hold that Peter the Apostle was reprooued by S. Paul , as Cyprian , Hierome , Augustine , Ambrose , with others : as is elswhere shewed at large , Synops. p. 139.

2. Controv. That fasting is not meritorious , nor satisfactorie .

Vpon this example of Daniel , vers. 8. who determined with himselfe not to be defiled with the kings meates , Pererius taketh occasion to set downe generally the endes of Christian abstinence , which he maketh to be these eight . 1. to mitigate and oppresse the anger of God kindled against sinne . 2. to obtaine somewhat at the hand of God . 3. to imitate the abstinence of Christ and his Apostles . 4. to satisfie God for their owne sinnes and others . 5. to ouercome the tentations of Sathan . 6. to preuent sinnes to come . 7. to subdue the concupiscence of the flesh . 8. to make the soule more prompt and readie for spirituall exercise and meditation .

Contra. The rest of the causes of abstinence beeing admitted , three of them we worthily take exception to , namely the 1. 3. 4.

1. Gods wrath can not be appeased by any worke of ours : it is onely Christ , in whom God is well pleased with vs , and who hath made an atonement for vs , he onely hath offred a sacrifice of sweete smelling sauour vnto God for vs , Ephes. 5. 2. 2. Neither can we imitate the miraculous fast of our blessed Sauiour , who continued 40. daies and nights without eating any thing : neither did Christ fast to that ende , to giue vs an example to doe the like : but wherein we should imitate Christ , he himselfe teacheth vs , saying , learne of me , that I am meeke and lowly in heart . 3. And that fasting doth not satisfie for sinne , it is euident by the example of the vainglorious Pharisie , who boasted in his prayer , that he fasted twice in the weeke , and yet he was not thereby iustified : see more hereof Synops. p. 955.

3. Controv. That the prescript of fasting daies for religion , and forbearing of certaine kinds of meate , is not warranted here by Daniels abstinence .

Pintus vpon this example groundeth the lenten-fast of 40. daies , and other fasts obserued in the Papall Church ; and thereupon inueigheth against Protestants , calling them heretikes , because they doe Ecclesiae ieiunia aspernari , despise the fasts of the Church : and saith whereas we pretend to haue reformed the Church , non Ecclesiae , sed sectae Epicureae reformatores , &c. we are not reformers of the Church , but of the Epicures sect : Pintus , p. 18.

Contra. 1. Protestants onely reiect their superstitious and hypocriticall fasts : true fasting ( which is an abstinence from all meates and drinkes for a time , to make their prayers more feruent ) they practise more then Papists , who knowe not what such fasting meaneth . 2. Who are the Epicures and bellie gods of this age , their fat Monkes and Abbey-lubbers are wittnesses : who while they forbeare eating of flesh , do feede vpon other delicate meates and daint●e confections , with drinking of wine , which doe more pamper the flesh and enflame the lust . 3. This example of Daniel doth nothing at all fit their turne : 1. Daniel kept this abstinence 3. yeares together . 2. he abstained as well from eating of fish as flesh . 3. neither did he drinke any wine all this time of abstinence : let them goe now and imitate Daniels fast themselues ; which they would take to be a verie hard penance . Polan .

4. Controv. vers. 20. What the wisemen of the Chaldeans were : and whether the wisemen which came to Christ were kings .

Pintus vpon this place giueth this note , that the wise men among the Chaldeans and Persians were called Magi , which is a Persian word , and was the same with a Philosopher among the Grecians , and a Gymnosophist among the Indians : and because the kings of the East were philosophers , they were called Magi , wisemen : and so the wise men which came to Christ , Matth. 2. are held by an auncient tradition of the Church to haue beene kings , as Tertullian , Hierome , and Augustine affirme , with other . Pintus , p. 24.

Contra. 1. Hierome writing vpon the 72. Psalme , calleth them not reges , but regum typos , lib 3. de mira● . scrip . c. 4. kings , but types of the kings : Augustine saith , monente subdolo sermone regis , alacres eunt , beeing craftely warned by the king , they goe cheerefully : not as it is corruptly read , reges alacres eunt , the kings goe on cheerefully : 2. Tertullian indeede saith , nam & Magos reges fere oriens habuit : in the East , they had for the most part the Magi or wisemen for their kings , &c. But this can hardly be prooued : the wise men were of great authoritie with the Persian kings , and did vsurpe the kingdome a while , before Darius was chosen king : but the Magi were not kings . 3. And if this be such a firme tradition of the Church ; that these 3. wisemen were kings , what tradition haue they for the rest , that these three kings lie buried at Collen , and that their names , were Gaspar , Melchior , Balthasar : which three names written in parchment , and hung about the necke , they say are auaileable to driue away any disease from the bodie . 4. If they had beene kings , Herod would haue beene afraide to haue entertained them beeing iealous of his kingdome , neither is it like that the Euangelist would haue omitted it , it beeing much for the honour of Christ , that he was adored of kings in his infancie : see Beza , in his annotat . Matth. 2. 1.

5. Controv. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans , and how that such were alwaies opposite to the true Church of God , as diuers of the Popes were such .

1. The word chartummim , is a strange and forren word , and is taken properly ( as Aben Ezra ) for the Magician , or Genethliake , the caster of mens natiuities .

2. In the beginning the tearme of Magicians was honourable among the Persians ▪ for they were such as professed the knowledge both of diuine and humane things , Clem. Alexand. lib. 1. and were assistant vnto Kings : they were the same among the Persians , with the Priests or Prophets in Egypt , the Philosophers in Greece ▪ among the French the Druidae , among the Indians the Gymnosophistes : among the Bactrians the Samanaei .

3. But afterward these Magi fell to practising of vnlawfull artes , to inuocate spirits , and to confederate themselues with deuills : of whome they learned their enchantments and coniurations , as Theodoret alleadgeth out of Porphirie .

4. Such were the Magicians and Sorcerers in Egypt , of whome Iannes and Iambres were the chiefe , which resisted Moses .

Most of the Heretikes were Magicians , as Simon Magus , and Menander his successor , and Marcion , as Iustinus witnesseth , Apolog. 2. pro Christian. and one Marcus , who by his magicall impostures deceiued many , Ireneus lib 1. advers. haere● . c. 8. 9. as Ireneus . Many of the Popes were professed Magicians , and by such Diabolicall practises obtained the Popedome : as Sylvester the 2. Sylvester the 3. Gregorie the 6. Benedict the 9. Iohn the 12. who in playing at dice was wont to call vpon the deuill , as Luitprandus , and to offer wine vnto him , as Fasciculus temp . Gregorie the 7. did vse to carrie about with him a booke of Necromancie , and was condemned as a Magician and Sorcerer in the Synod at Brixia , as Abb. Vrspergens . and Benno Cardinal . write , Polan . Thus in the aduersarie Church Magicians haue beene had in great reputation ; as here they were accounted of among the Chaldeans : But as Daniel by his godly wisdome obscured them all ; so the light of Gods truth and Gospel hath preuailed agrinst all such abominations .

6. Morall observations .

1. Observ. v. 2. That victorie and conquest is to be vsed moderately .

V. 2. With part of the vessells of the house of God . Although this was especially wrought by Gods prouidence , that Nabuchadnezzar caried away onely part of the vessels of the Temple , that some might still remaine for the seruice thereof ; yet in this victorious king is set forth an example of moderation , who is contented to take part of these holy vessels , and carieth away part of the chiefe men into captiuitie : he maketh not hauocke and spoile of all : which teacheth , that Princes should not vse their victorie , to make desolation , and lay all wast , but rather to helpe to bring things to better order . Bulling.

2. Observ. Princes can doe no more then God permitteth .

Herein also euidently appeareth Gods worke , Nabuchadnezzer had no power to carie away more of the men or vessels , then God gaue into his hand : for the text saith , God gaue Iehoiakim into his hand , &c. with part of the vessels of the house of God . If God had giuen all into his hand , he had taken all : but now he is limited , he taketh no more then God would he should take , Papp . So like as , though the Sea rage , and the waues thereof rise , yet the Lord keepeth it within the bounds , and bindeth as it were with swadling bands , Iob. 38. 9. So the Lord staieth the rage and furie of the mightie men of the earth : they haue no power to doe any thing ▪ but from God : as Iesus said vnto Pilate , Thou couldest haue no power at all against me , except it were giuen thee from aboue , Ioh. 19. 11.

3. Observ. The Lord punisheth by degrees .

At this time Nebuchadnezzer onely caried away part of the holy vessells , and some few , Daniel with other persons , but afterward he tooke Iechonias the king himselfe , and caried him into captiuitie ; and last of all he put out Zedekiahs eyes , burnt the Temple , and made hauocke of the citie , and remooued the most of the inhabitants into captiuitie . Thus the Lord proceedeth by degrees , to see if he can draw the people by his smaller corrections to repentance , till he powre out the whole viole of his wrath at once vpon them , Osiand . This manner of the Lords proceeding in his iudgements by degrees is well expressed , Levit. 26. v. 18. 21. 24. how the Lord still punisheth his people seauen times more , that is , with more grieuous iudgements when they doe not profit by the former .

4. Observ. God will not be honoured with euill gotten goods .

Nebuchadnezzer ha●ing taken the vessels of the Temple , doth offer them in the house of God , thus honouring his idol with vniust spoiles : but our God will not so be serued : the wise man saith , Honour the Lord with thy riches , that is , Prov. 3. 9. thine owne , and not an others : They which offer vnto God , or giue vnto the poore of that which is gotten by extortion , are herein like vnto Nebuchadnezzer : and they be compared vnto the Eagle , which liueth of the pray of other birds , and that which shee leaueth , doth distribute among the rest , Pintus . The law of Moses forbiddeth , that any should bring the price of a whore into Gods house , Deut. 23. 18. nothing is acceptable vnto God , which is gotten by vnlawfull and dishonest means .

5. Observ. v. 8. Against the riotous liuing , and excessiue expenses of students .

Vers. 8. Daniel had determined not to defile himselfe with the kings meat● , &c. This great abstinence in Daniel and the rest , who were sequestred , and set apart for the studie of wisedome , Bull. well applyeth against the euill vse of students in these dayes , which are not mediocri mensa , & honesta veste contenti , content with moderate fare , and modest garments , but doe exceede both wayes : Many which liue of exhibition , and vpon the foundation of liberall patrons , doe frequent tavernes , and ruffle in their silkes , to the great offence and scandale of that kind of Vniuersitie life , and to the hinderance of much beneuolence , which otherwise would be bestowed that way .

6. Obserua . vers. 18. That time is to be redeemed .

Vers. 18. When the time was expired , that the king had appointed to bring them in , &c. The time appointed for the instruction of Daniel , and his fellowes was 3. yeares , this time beeing expired , then the king calleth them to account , to see how they had profited : which example is worthie to be followed , by those , who are set ouer Colledges of students , to see , that they mispend not their time in vaine , but goe forward in their studies . Bullinger . As there is nothing more precious then time , so the losse of nothing is more to be lamented : therefore the preacher would haue a young man remember his Creator in the dayes of his youth , before the euill dayes come . &c. Eccles. 12. 1.

CHAP. II.

1. The argument and Methode .

THis chapter consisteth of 3. parts , 1. of Nebuchadnezzars dreame , with the inquisition after the meaning thereof , to vers. 14. 2. the interpretation giuen by Daniel , vers. 46. 3. the effects that followed .

1. Nebuchadnezzars dreame is described by the circumstance of time , and the effects , it troubled his spirit , vers. 1. The inquisition followeth , consisting of the calling and conuention of the wisemen . v. 2. 2. The conference betweene them and the king , which is threefold : In the first the king simply propoundeth his motion , to haue his dreame expounded , vers. 3. and the Chaldeans promise to declare it , so they knewe it , ver. 4. In the second the king requireth of them two things , to tell him his dreame which he had forgotten , and to declare the meaning , both threatening punishment , ver. 5. and promising reward , ver. 6. and the Chaldeans answer as before , ver. 6. In the third the king vrgeth them sore , that if they did not , as he requireth , he would hold them to be imposters and deceiuers , and punish them , ver. 8. 9. The Chadeans excuse themselues , 1. by the impossibilitie of the thing . 2. by the example of other kings . 3. by the difficultie , that none could doe such a thing but the Gods ; ver. 11. 3. Then followeth the euent , they are commanded to be slaine , ver. 12.

2. In the second part , there is , 1. the preparation to the interpretation , ver. 14. then the interpretation it selfe to ver. 46.

1. In the preparation , 1. is set forth the occasion , Daniel is sought for with his fellowes to be killed , ver. 13. whereupon followeth his perswasion with Arioch , ver. 16. his motion to the king . ver. 17. 2. then the meanes are expressed which he vsed , first prayer with the effect thereof , ver. 18 , 19. then a thanksgiuing vnto God both generall to ver. 23. then particular , ver. 23.

2. The interpretation followeth , where , 1. the opportunitie is shewed , how he is brought in vnto the king by Arioch , ver. 24. 25. 2. the preamble to the interpretation , consisting of the kings demaund , ver. 26. and Daniels answer , in these 4. parts , concerning the Astrologians ; that they could doe nothing , ver. 27. touching God , that he onely reuealed secrets , ver. 28. concerning the king , how he was affected , when he dreamed , ver. 29. touching himselfe , that he imputeth it not to his owne wisedome , ver. 30.

3. The interpretation consisteth of the simple narration of the dre●me , which consisted of two parts , the vision of the image to ver. 34. and of the stone which dashed it in pieces , ver. 34 , 35. 2. of the exposition , first of the image and the parts thereof , to ver. 44. then of the stone , vers. 44. 45.

3. The effects are three . 1. the reuerencing of Daniel , ver. 46. 2. his confession of God , ver. 47. 3. the rewarding of Daniel with gifts and honours , ver. 48. and the aduancing of his fellowes at his request , vers. 49.

The diuerse readings .

v. 1. In the second yeare , in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzer , I. Pol. ( not of the raigne of Nebuchadnezzer ) L. V. G. for the distinction comming betweene , seuereth these two clauses ) Nebuchadnezzer dreamed dreames , wherewith his spirit was troubled ( troubled it selfe , Chald. ) and his sleepe was vpon him . G. I. Pol. ( better , then left him . V. or was broken vpon him . Pag. ) or fled from him . L. the word is ( haiah ) was , and the preposition ghal , doth not signifie from : the meaning is , while he was in a deepe sleepe or slumber .

2. Then the King commanded to call the Magicians , and the Astrologians , and Sorcerers , and the Chaldeans , to shew the King his dreames : so they came and stood before the King :

3. And the king said vnto them , I haue dreamed a dreame , and my spirit was troubled ( Chald. troubled it selfe ) to know the dreame .

4. Then spake the Chaldeans to the king in the Aramites language , O King , liue for euer : tell thy seruants the dreame , and we will shew the interpretation .

5. The King answered , and said to the Chaldeans , The thing is gone from me : if ye will not make me vnderstand the dreame , and the interpretation thereof ( not the coniecture thereof . L. ) ye shall be rent in pieces , ( ye shall perish . L. ye shall be made pieces . Chald. ) and your houses shall be made a iakes . G. ( dunghill , Chald. I. not your houses shall be confiscate . L. )

6. But if ye declare the dreame and the interpretation thereof , ye shall receiue of me gifts , and rewards , and great honour : therefore shew me the dreame , and the interpretation of it .

7. They answered againe ( the second time , Chald. ) and said , Let the king tell the dreame to his seruants , and we will declare the interpretation thereof .

8. The king answered and said , I know certenly that he would gaine time ( redeeme , or buie time , Chald. ) because ye see the thing is gone from me .

9. But if yee will not declare me the dreame , there is but one iudgement , ( sentence . L. V. I. or law . A. ) for you : for yee haue prepared lying and corrupt words to speake before me , till the time be changed . G. I. ( the time be passed . L. till there be an other state of things , V. ) therefore tell me the dreame , that I may knowe , if ye can declare the interpretation thereof .

10. The Chaldeans answered before the king , and said ( Chal. and saying ) there is not a man vpon the earth ( Chal. vpon the drie ground ) which can declare the kings matter : therefore not any king , nor prince , or ruler ( mightie Chald. ) euer asked such a question ( such a saying . C. ) of any Magician , Astrologian , or Chaldean .

11. And the matter ( the saying . C. ) which the king requireth , is precious . I. ( rare . G. of great weight . L. A. ) and there is not any other ( to be found . L. ) which can declare it before the king , except the gods , whose dwelling is not with flesh ( with men . L. with mortall men . V. )

12. For this cause the king was angrie , and in a great furie , and gaue charge to destroy all the wisemen of Babel .

13. So the sentence was giuen , and the wisemen were slaine : and they sought Daniel , and his fellowes to be slaine .

14. Then Daniel enquired of the counsell and decree . L. Po. ( returned the counsell and decree . C. not answered with counsell . G. or interceded . V. ) of Arioch the captaine of the guard . I. ( or cheife marshall , or executioner . V. the captaine of his armie . L. ) to the king , which was gone forth to slay the wise men of Babel .

15. Yea , he answered and said vnto Arioch the kings captaine , why is the sentence so hastie from the king ? then Arioch made knowne ( declared . G. ) the thing ( the word . C. ) to Daniel .

16. So Daniel went in , and desired of the King , that he would giue him time ( leasure . G. ) and he would declare the interpretation to the king .

17. Then Daniel went to his house , and made knowne the matter ( the word . C. ) to Hananiah , ( Chananiah . C. ) Mishael , and Hazariah his companions .

18. And that they should beseech mercie from the God of heauen in this secret ( sacrament . L. ) that Daniel with his fellowes might not perish with the rest of the wisemen of Babel .

19. Then was the secret reucaled to Daniel in a vision by night ; therefore Daniel blessed the God of heauen .

20. And Daniel answered , and said , The name of God be blessed for euer and euer : for wisedome and strengh are his .

21. And he changeth times and seasons ( moderateth . V. ) he taketh away kings , ( not kingdomes . L. ) and establisheth kings ( setteth vp . G. createth . V. ) he giueth wisedome to the wise , and knowledge to men of vnderstanding : ( to them which knowe vnderstanding . C. )

22. He discouereth the deepe and secret things : he knoweth what is in the darkenesse , and the light dwelleth with him .

23. I thanke thee and praise thee , O thou God of my fathers , that thou hast giuen me wisedome and strength , and hast made knowne vnto me ( made me to knowe ) that which we desired of thee : for thou hast made knowne vnto vs the kings matter : ( word . C. )

24. Wherefore Daniel went vnto Arioch , whom the king had appointed to destroy the wise men of Babel : he went , and said thus vnto him , Destroy not the wise men of Babel , bring me in before the king , and I will declare vnto the king the interpretation .

25. Then Arioch in hast brought in Daniel before the king , and said thus vnto him , I haue found a man of the children of ludah taken captiues ( children of the captiuitie of Iudah . C. ) that will make knowne vnto the king the interpretation .

26. Then answered the king and said vnto Daniel , whose name was Beltshatzar ( Balthasar . L. Beltsazar . V. Belteshazzar . G. ) art thou able to make knowne vnto me the dreame , which I haue seene , and the interpretation thereof ?

27. Daniel answered before the king , L. A. ( to the king . I. V. in the presence of the king . B. G. ) and said : The secret which the king hath demanded can neither the wisemen , astrologians ( magicians . L. wisards . V. soothsayers . B. ) magicians . I. V. ( enchanters . G. wise men . B. coniecturers . L. ) soothsayers ( such as gaue coniecture by the entralls of beasts , aruspices . I. L. readers of destinies . V. B. ) declare vnto the king .

28. But there is a God in heauen the reuealer of secrets , who hath made knowne vnto king Nebuchadnezzar , what shall be in the dayes following . I. V. ( in the latter dayes . L. G. B. A. P. but many of these things fell out not long after Nebuchadnezzars time ) in the consequence or following of dayes . C. ) Thy dreame , and the vision of thine head vpon thy bed , is this .

29. O king thoughts came ( ascended . C. ) to thee vpon thy bed , what should come to passe hereafter ; and he which reuealeth secrets , telleth thee what shall come .

30. As for me , not for any wisedome which is in me , more then in any liuing , is this secret reuealed vnto me , but for this , that they might ( not that I might . B. or that it might . L. that , some , might . V. for their cause which might . I. ) make known vnto the king the interpretation , and that thou mightest knowe the thoughts of thine heart .

31. O king , thou sawest , and behold a great image : this large image whose glorie ( and the glorie thereof . C. ) was excellent , stood before thee , and the forme thereof was terrible .

32. This images head was of fine ( good , C. ) gold : the breast thereof , and the armes thereof of siluer ; his bellie and his sides . I. ( thighes . caeter . ) of brasse .

33. His legges of yron , his feete were part ( some of them . C. ) of yron , part of clay :

34. Thou beheldest till a stone was cut out , which was not with hands , ( that is cut out : without hands , caeter . but then the relatiue ( which ) should be omitted ) which smote the image vpon his feete , which were of yron and clay , and brake them in peices .

35. Then was the yron , the clay , the brasse , the siluer , and the gold broken altogether , and became like the chaffe of the summer floates , ( where the wheat is threshed ) and the wind carried them away , that not any place was found for them : and the stone that smote the Image became a great mountaine , and filled the whole earth .

36. This is the dreame , and we will declare the interpretation thereof before the king .

37. O King , thou art a King of Kings : for the God of heauen hath giuen thee a kingdome , power , and strength , and glorie .

38. And in all places , where the children of men dwell , the beasts of the field , and the foules of heauen , hath he giuen into thine hand . A. P. G. B. ( not , all those places , where , &c. V. L. for here the preposition ( in ) is omitted , or where the children of men , the beasts of the field , &c. dwell . I. these are rather said to be giuen , as Ier. 27. 6. ) and hath made thee ruler ouer ( in . C. ) them all : thou art this head of gold .

39. And after thee shall rise an other kingdome inferiour to thee ( of siluer . L. G. ) but this is inserted by way of exposition ) and an other third kingdome shall be of brasse , which shal beare rule ouer all the earth .

40. And the fourth kingdome shall be strong as yron : for as yron breaketh in peices , and subdueth all things , and as yron , which bruiseth ( as yron bruiseth . L. V. G. B. here the relatiue ( which ) is omitted ) all these things , so shall it breake in peices , and bruise .

41. Where as thou sawest the feete and toes , part of potters clay , and part of yron ; the kingdome shall be deuided , but there shall be in it of the strength I. V. G. ( of the planting . L. A. ) of yron , for so much as thou sawest yron mixed with clay , and earth .

42. And as the toes of the feete were part of yron , and part of clay , so shall the kingdome be partly strong , and partly broken .

43. And whereas thou sawest yron mixed with clay , and earth , they shall mingle themselues with the seede of men , but they shall not ioyne one with an other ( this with that . C. ) as yron cannot be mixed with clay .

44. And in the dayes of these kings ( not kingdomes . L. ) shall the God of heauen raise vp a kingdome , which shall neuer be destroyed : and this kingdome shall not be left ( giuen ouer . B. G. deliuered ouer . L. to an other people , but it shall breake and destroy all these kingdomes , and it shall stand for euer .

45. Whereas thou sawest , that a stone was cut out of the mountaine , which was not with hands , I. ( without handes , caeter . see before , vers. 34. ) and that it broke in peices , the yron , the brasse , the clay , the siluer , and the gold : so the great God hath made knowne to the King , what shall be hereafter , and the dreame is true and the interpretation thereof faithfull . V. L. I. ( sure . B. G. )

46. Then king Nebuchadnezzar fell vpon his face , and bowed himselfe . G. B. ( worshipped L. V. I. ) vnto Daniel : and charged oblations V. ( sacrifices . L. meate offrings . G. rewards . B. gifts . I. the word is mincah which signifieth gifts and oblations offred ) and sweet odors , to be offered ( to be ordained . B. ) vnto him .

47. Also the king answered vnto Daniel and said , Of a truth it is that ( I know of a truth . G. of a truth your God . &c. L. B. but here the word translated ( that ) is omitted ) your God is the God of gods , and the Lord of kings , reuealing secrets , seeing thou wast able to reueale this secret .

48. So the king made Daniel a great man ( magnified him . C. I. ) and gaue him great gifts , very many : and made him gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel , and chiefe of the rulers , aboue all the wisemen of Babel .

49. Then Daniel requested of the king , and he set ouer the businesse I. L. P. ( the charge B. G. V. ) of the prouince of Babel , Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego ; But Daniel was ruler in the kings gate . I. ( sat in the kings gate . B. G. was in the kings gate . L. was in the court . V. )

1. The questions discussed .

Quest. 1. vers. 1. How the second yeare is to be counted wherein Nebuchadnezzar had this dreame .

1. Theodoret thinketh that it was the second yeare from the beginning of his raigne : but that cannot be , for Nebuchadnezzars raigne beganne in part of the 3. and 4. yeare of Iehoiakim , cap. 1. 1. and Ierem. 25. 1. and 3. yeares after that were appointed for Daniels education , c. 1. 5. while those 3. yeares were expired , there was no proofe or triall had of Daniels wisedome ; therefore it can not be , that the storie in the first chapter is set downe by way of recapitulation , as Theodoret thinketh : for till the three yeares were past , they were not brought before the king .

2. Some thinke that this was the second yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne by himselfe alone , who also raigned after a sort with his father , who also was called by the same name : Caluin . Geneuens . But this cannot stand , because the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzar his sole raigne was in the 3. and 4. raigne of Iehoiakim . Ierem. 25. 1. after which three yeares must be counted for Daniels education : this then could not be the second yeare of his raigne alone .

3. Some vnderstand here two Nebuchadnezzars , the father mentioned before , cap. 1. 1. and his sonne , brother to Euilmerodach , who beeing the younger was preferred before the other , and the Elder because of his wickednesse was put by the gouernment , ex Lyran. so also Emmanuel Sa. But this Nebuchadnezzar could not be sonne to Nebuchadnezzar the great , Ierem. 27 7. and brother to Euilmerodach , for the Lord had giuen the kingdomes of the earth , but vnto Nebuchadnezzar , and his sonne : that is Euilmerodach , and his sonnes sonne , which was Balthazar the sonne of Euilmerodach : but if there were a Nebuchadnezzar brother to Euilmerodach , then should there be three beside Nebuchadnezzar the great , and not two onely as Ieremie saith : there were indeede two Nebuchadnezzars , one called Nebuchadnezzar priseus , the auntient , the other Nebuchadnezzar magnus , the great : who beganne his raigne the same yeare Daniel went into captiuitie , in the 3. and 4. yeare of Iehoiakim .

4. The vsuall interpretation is , that it must be vnderstood of the second yeare of Nebuchadnezzars absolute Monarchie , after the subduing of Egypt : so Iosephus lib. 10. cap. 11. of the same opinion is Hierome , and of the later writers , Lyranus , Hugo Cardi , who thinketh it was the 26. yeare of his whole raigne , and the second of his Monarchie , Peter . also Pintus , Bullinger , Pellican , are of the same opinion : But this cannot stand : for Nebuchadnezzar conquered Tyrus , before he subdued Egypt : for Egypt is giuen him for his wages for his seruice against Tyrus , Ierem. 24. 18. 19. but Daniel was famous for his wisedome , ( which was not knowne till he had expounded Nebuchadnezzars dreame ) before Tyrus was destroyed : for he is celebrated for his pietie , and therein ioyned with Noah and Iob , Esek. 14. and for his wisdome , Esek. 28. 3. And then immeadiately in that chapter followeth the prophesie of the destruction of Tyrus .

5. Wherefore this second yeare must be counted from the time when Daniel first stood before the king : in the second yeare then of his seruice and ministrie , Nebuchadnezzar had this dreame : but where it is added , in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzer , these words are not to be ioyned with the former , in the second yeare , as appeareth by the Hebrew distinction , rebiah , set ouer the word shetaim , second : this then happened in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzar , which is mentioned by way of distinction , because in the last words of the former chapter , it is said that Daniel was to the first yeare of King Cyrus ; least any should thinke that this was done in the second yeare of Cyrus , direct mention is made of the raigne of Nebuchadnezzar . Inn. Polan . Pappus .

Quest. 2. What Nebuchadnezzar this was , and whence he was so called .

1. Some thinke , as is touched in the former question , that this was the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar the great , brother to Euilmerodach : but it is before shewed that there were but two kings of this name , Nebuchadnezzar called priscus , the auncient , and Nebuchadnezzar called magnus , the great : Lib. antiq. 1● . c. 13. of these two Iosephus maketh mention , the first raigned 21. yeares , the second 43. yeares after his computation : then after him succeeded , not an other Nebuchadnezzar ( which Pintus thinketh , but without any ground , to haue beene a generall name to all the kings of Chaldea , as Caesar was to the Romane Emperours ) but his sonne Euilmerodach , Lib. 10. antiq. c. 13. whom Iosephus calleth Abilamarodachus : This Nebuchadnezzar then here mentioned , was he which was surnamed the great . 2. Some thinke , that there was a third Nebuchadnezzar held to be the sonne of Cyrus , in whose time fell out the historie of Holofernes and Iudith , Lyran. but it is euident in Scripture that no kings of the Persians , but onely of the Chaldeans were called by that name . 3. Concerning the notation of Nebuchadnezzars name , Lyranus hath this narration , that he was so called of this euent : beeing a child he was cast out , and suckled by a shee-goat vnder a tree , in the which sate an owle , which a certaine leper passing by wondred at , to see an owle set there in the day , and by that occasion looking about he espied the child , which he caused to be nursed and brought vp . So of these three is the name compounded , of Nabu which in that language signifieth an owle , and chodo a goate , and nosor a leper : But this seemeth to be a fabulous narration : for whereas Nebuchadnezzar the great is imagined to haue beene so called vpon this occasion , that is not like , because his father was called by that name before him .

Quest. 3. vers. 1. Why he is said to haue dreamed dreames .

1. Though he dreamed here but once , and in respect of the time had but one dreame , yet it is called in the plurall cholmoth , dreames , not somnium , a dreame ( as the Latine translatour interpreteth ) because many matters were contained in this dreame : it was somnium multiplex , one dreame , yet consisting of many parts , Inn. Polan . 2. As also , because in that one image , which he sawe , there were diuers mettals , which were types and representations of diuers Monarchies , one succeeding another , Pappus . so that this dreame was diuers , both in respect of the matter and obiect thereof , and the diuers interpretation and signification of the same .

4. Quest. What manner of dreame this was which Nebuchadnezzar had .

1. Dreames are either naturall , which the mind causeth of it selfe , but vpon some occasion or beginning either externall or internall , or they are somnia immissa , dreams which the minde of it selfe procureth not , but are sent and wrought vpon it by some other power : and they are of two sorts , either 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , sent of God , or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , sent of euill spirits .

2. Divine dreames are such as God offreth to the minde , and sometime such dreames are shewed to the faithfull , as to Iaacob , Ioseph , Daniel ; sometime to those which were not of the people of God , as to Abimelech , Gen. 20. Laban . Gen. 31. Pharaoh . Gen. 41.

3. Diuine dreames are all 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that is containing some diuination of things hid and secret , and afterward to come to passe , and they are of two sorts , nuda 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , naked visions , simply and plainely expressing the meaning , scope and purpose of the dreame , as that was which was shewed to Ioseph concerning Marie , how he should dispose of her , Matth. 1. or els they are 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , mysticall dreames , folded vp in types and figures , which cannot be vnderstood without some signification : such was Pharaohs dreames of the 7. fat and leane kine , and of the 7. full and 7. thinne and lanke cares , Gen. 41.

4. This dreame which Nebuchadnezzar had , was both a diuine dreame , and of this last sort , obscure and darke , which could not be vnderstood without an interpreter : for though Nebuchadnezzars thoughts , who was desirous to knowe what should come to passe after him , ministred some occasion , yet the cause of this dreame they were not ; but Gods hand was in it , as both may appeare by the effect which it wrought , his spirit was sore troubled , vers. 1. As Abimelech also was in a great feare , after he had the vision in his sleepe , Gen. 20. and Pharaoh was perplexed after his dreame , Gen. 41. Polan . As also Daniel himselfe telleth the king afterward , vers. 28. that God himselfe shewed the king , what should be in the latter dayes . Pap.

Quest. 5. Why it pleased God to send this dreame vpon Nebuchadnezzar .

1. The Lord did it for Nebuchadnezzars sake , that thereby he might be humbled , and acknowledge the true God of Israel , and thereupon be fauourable to his people , whom he held in captiuitie .

2. It was done also in respect of Daniel , that by this meanes he might be had in reputation , and so be exalted for the comfort of the Lords people : as Ioseph for the same cause was aduanced in Egypt , to be a softer father to his brethren .

3. The vse hereof also is generall concerning the whole Church of God , that as these fower great Monarchies were dissolued by the power of Christ , whose kingdome onely is inuincible : so God will destroy the mightie kingdomes and potentates of the earth , who shall band themselues against Christ and his Church .

4. Gods glorie also herein is set forth , to whom belongeth all power , and who knoweth all secrets , Pap. So also Hugo Cardi. vt Daniele interpretante glorificetur Deus , &c. that by Daniels interpretation God might receiue glorie , and the captiue people comfort .

5. Lyranus addeth an other reason : specialis Dei prouidentia circa principes magnos , &c. the speciall prouidence of God is ouer great Princes , because the common wealth dependeth of them , and therefore the Lord doth often reueale vnto them things to come , as vnto Pharaoh the famine which should followe .

Quest. 6. vers. 1. Of the meaning of these words , and his sleepe was vpon him .

1. The Latine interpreter readeth his dreame fledde from him : which reading followe Lyran. Hu. Car. Pere . Pin. Pap. Pel. but the word shenah here vsed , signifieth sleepe , not a dreame : and the preposition ghall , is not from , but vpon , or in : Lyranus hereupon taketh occasion to shewe the cause of the obliuion and forgetfulnesse of dreames : for obliuion commeth of the commotion and stirring of humours , which is the cause that children and olde men are so forgetfull , terror autem facit magnam humorum commotionem : and terror maketh a great commotion and stirring of humors , which inuaded Nebuchadenezzar here . But this anno●ation hath no good ground here , because as is before shewed , the text spenketh not of the passing away of his dreame , but of his sleepe being still vpon him .

2. Some reade , his sleepe was interrupted , or broken off , Pagnin . or destistuit ipsum , his sleepe left him . Vatab. Bullinger . for so the word nihiah of haiah in niphall sometime signifieth , as Dan. 8. 27. but the preposition is ghall , vpon , not from : the true reading thenis ; his sleepe was vpon him .

3. Iunius giueth this sense , that his sleepe was yet vpon him , his spirit was troubled in his sleepe , when he had this dreame : so that he could not sleepe quietly , vt ne somnus ipsius tranquillus esset , his verie sleepe was vnquiet : But the troubling of his spirits sheweth that he awaked from his dreame : as is said of Pharaoh , Gen. 41. 8. that when the morning came , his spirit was troubled , where the same word pagham is vsed , to be troubled , perplexed .

4. Polanus giueth a contrarie sense , that he was somno oppressus , in a sound sleepe , lying astonished , as if he were dead : but the troubling of his spirits argueth some interruption and discontinuing of his sleepe .

5. I rather therefore here approoue Caluins iudgement , quod attonitus iterum dor●i●rit &c. that beeing amazed and astonished with this dreame , he fell asleepe againe : whereupon came the forgetfulnesse of his former dreame : so also Geneuens . he was so heauie with sleepe , that he beganne to sleepe againe .

Quest. 7. Of the fower kinds of wisemen whom the king sendeth for .

1. The first are called chartummim , which Hierome translateth harialos , qui verbis rem peragunt , which doe all with words : so the Septuagint reade , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , cuchanters : Hugo Cardi. saith they were such , qui per sacrificia & aras , &c. which by sacrifices , and altars did require the answer of their doubts of spirits . so also gloss , ordina , and Lyranus . These enchanters tooke their beginning from Zoroastres the king of the Bactrians , who onely of all men is said to haue laughed as soone as he was borne , Pin. ex Plin. but these chartummim , were rather their wise men , or Magi , which were as their Philosophers , yet mingled the studie of naturall things with damnable artes : Iun. Aben Ezra saith they were the Magi or wisemen : they were such as professed hid and curious learning , called among the Chaldeans , chartummim , as the Hebrewes called their doctors , and learned men , Scribes : The olde Latine translation , ( as Hierome saith ) called them Sophistas , wisemen .

2. The second sort are ashaphim : which are vsually translated Magi , qui de singuli● philosophantur , which take vpon them to giue the reason of any thing : Hier. Pere . Hu. Car. Pellican . These which professed art Magicke Origen thinketh to haue had their beginning from Balaam : Pin. R. Abraham thinketh , that by this word are vnderstood Medici , physitians , which by the inspection of the vtine , or feeling of the pulse , doe giue coniecture of the state of the bodie : but the king had no occasion here to vse his physitians : this was no naturall accident , but a supernaturall work : Some would deriue it of the Hebrew word nashaph , signifying inspiration : but it seemeth rather to be a strange word , beeing onely read here in Daniel . Therefore R. Dauid Kimhi better taketh them for Astrologers : and the word signifieth such as obserue the heauens crepusculo , in the twilight : whom Plin. calleth Hesiophantas , Plin. lib. ● . ca● . 26. for Rekiophantas , that is , obseruers of the element or skie . Iun. in Daniel .

3. The third sort is mecashphim , which Caluine professeth is not certainely known , what it signifieth , because the names together with the things are out of vse : cum res ipsa sepulta sit , quis distinguet inter voces , seeing the thing it selfe is buried , who can distinguish betweene the words : the Septuagint call them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Latine maleficos , sorcerers , witches , doers of mischiefe . Hierome describeth them , qui sanguine & victimis viuntur , which vse blood , and sacrifices , and consult with the dead : these had Cham for their founder : Pin. so Hugo Cardi. Pint. Pelli . but they are better vnderstood to be praestigiatores , counterfetters , deluders of the sense , iuglets , which doe cast as it were a mist before the eyes , and deceiue the sense : such as were the Egyptian sorcerers , which made counterfeit serpents : which delude the externall sense , as phrantike persons are terrified with inward phantasies , which rise of a distempered braine , Polan . Inn. And they themselues also are deluded and deceiued with phantasticall visions of Sathan , & sic . auersis sensibus aliqua illis occulta reuelantur , and while their sense is held , turned aside , or otherwise occupied , certaine secret things are reuealed vnto them . Lyran.

4. The fourth sort , are called chaslim , the Chaldeans : Some take this for the generall n●me comprehending all other diuiners whatsoeuer in Babylon , Iun. and therefore they are all afterward called Chaldeans , v. 4. Calvin . Pererius thinketh that these called Chaldeans , beeing the more principall and excellent of the rest , had conference with the king . These Chaldeans then , though it were a generall name of all the inhabitants of Chaldea , yet it was appropriated vnto a certaine sect and profession of learning among them , which seemed to be more excellent then the rest . Hierome saith , they were called mathematici , Mathematicians : Astrologi , Chaldaeorum Philosophi , they were Astrologians , the Chaldean Philosophers : Gloss. interlin. Strabo saith , that the Chaldeans were , Assyriorum philosophi , the Assyrian Philosophers , lib. Geograph . 16. These tooke vpon them to cast mens natiuities , and by the sight of the starres to foretell things to come : whereupon the three wisemen that came vnto Christ by the leading of the starre , are held to haue beene Chaldeans , Gloss. ordinar . and therefore in the time of Hezekiah , the king of Babylon sent to know the reason of the going backe of the Sunne , 2. Chron. 32. 31. Lyran. This kinde of Astrologie is thought to haue beene inuented of Iupiter Belus , as Philo , in lib. de Abrah . Diodorus Siculus thus writeth of them , Chaldaei Babyloniorum antiquissimi eo loco sunt apud Babylonios , quo in Aegypto sacerdotes , the Chaldeans the most auncient of the Babylonians , are in that place among them , as the Priests are among the Egyptians : they are deputed to the seruice of the gods : they spend their whole life in Philosophie , &c. take vpon them to interpret dreames and prodigious thing , and to foretell things to come , &c. they are much addicted to the knowledge of the starres , thereby diuining what shall happen to euery man in his life : These foretold vnto Alexander the death of Darius , the like they foreshewed to Antigonus , Nicanor , Seleucus , &c. All these doe make the Chaldeas a certaine profession of Philosophers , and Astrologians in Babylon .

8. Quest. Why Daniel was not called and sent for among the rest of the Chaldeans .

1. Osiander thinketh the reason was , because the king did know , that Daniel was not exercised in their Magicall artes : but that is not like , for seeing the king had giuen order , that they should haue beene trained vp in the learning of the Chaldeans , c. 1. 5. it would haue much offended him , if he had knowne his order had beene neglected .

2. It may be therefore that the wise men were afraid to take Daniel with them , least he might haue obscured them all by his wisdome : and they beeing auncient , thought scorne that such a young man should be ioyned vnto them . Perer.

3. The king also might spare Daniel , as hauing yet had no great triall of his faithfulnes , and therefore he would not at the first commit his secrets to a stranger . Calvin .

4. Peretius thinketh that Nebuchadnezzer might haue forgotten him in the space of 22. yeares , for so long it was since Daniel first stood before the king . But that cannot be : for this yeare wherein Nebuchadnezzer dreamed , was but the second yeare from the beginning of Daniels ministie and seruice in the Court , as is before shewed , Quest. 1. vpon this chapter .

5. But herein chiefly we are to acknowledge Gods prouidence , who so disposed , that Daniel should not be admitted , neither before , nor together with the Chaldeans . If he had beene called first , the Magicians might haue saide , that they could haue interpreted the dreame , if they had beene called . If he had come with them , and expounded the dreame , the Chaldeans would haue ascribed it to their owne skill ; and so the ignorance and follie of them should not haue so manifestly appeared . Polan .

6. And further God to this ende would not haue Daniel present with the rest , to signifie that he would not haue the professors of the truth , matched or mingled with the assemblies of lyers and hypocrites . Polan .

9. Quest. v. 4. Of the Aramites language , whether it differ from the Hebrew ▪ and be all one with the Chalde .

v. 14. Then spake the Chaldeans to the King in the Aramites language . 1. Hierome by this argument confuteth the opinion of Philo , who taketh the Hebrew and Chalde language for all one ; because Daniel then needed not to haue learned the Chaldean tongue , c. 1. 5. And further that they differed , it is manifest by that speech of Eliakim to Rabshakeh , Speake to thy s●ruants in the Aramites language , 2. king . 18. 26. for we vnderstand it , and talke not with vs in the Iewes tongue : So the Lord threatneth by his Prophet , that he will bring a nation vpon them , Ierem. 5. 15. whose language they vnderstand not , meaning the Chaldeans .

2. Now although the ancient and pure Hebrew tongue differ much from the Chalde , yet after the captiuitie the vsuall language of the Iewes did borrow much of the Chalde tongue , by reason of their long captiuitie among them : and was compounded partly of the Chalde , partly of the Hebrew , from their returne from Babylon , vntill the daies of out blessed Sauiours beeing in the flesh . Perer.

3. But concerning the Syrian tongue , some take it and the Chalde for all one , Osiand . some thinke that they differed onely as the tongue of the learned and vnlearned , Lyran. that the Syriake was held to be the more eloquent tongue , Genevens . some thinke the Chaldean and Babylonian tongue was when called the Syrian or Aramites language , because Chaldea was counted part of Syria , Iun. And it seemeth that in times past there was small difference betweene them , though now the ancient Chalde tongue , wherein part of Ezra and Daniel is written , be farre diuers both in character and sound from the Syrian tongue , wherein the learned Iewes write and speake at this day : see more hereof , Quest. 25. c. 1.

10. Quest. Why the Chaldeans speake in the Aramites language .

From the beginning of this booke vnto the 4. v. of this chapter , all is written in the Hebrew words and characters : from this place to the ende of the 7. chap. the Prophet vseth Chalde words , but Hebrew charactrs : and then the rest of the booke followeth in the Hebrew tongue and writing , as before : now the reasons why these Chaldeans vse the Aramites language , were these . 1. These wise men were of diuers countries , and so of diuers languages : therefore they spake in the Syrian or Chalde tongue , which was knowne and vnderstood of all . Perer. 2. Some thinke they vsed it , as the more eloquent tongue , Genevens . 3. Or because it was the language which the king vsed , Perer. 4. Or rather the Syrian was the Babylonian tongue , which in that respect , was fittest for them to vse . 5. And the Lord hereby so disposed , that the knowledge of these things should be manifest vnto the Chaldeans , that euen they might be conuinced of the truth out of their owne acts and records : which also was the cause , for the more credit of this historie among the Chaldeans , that Daniel setteth it downe in the very same language wherein it was acted . Polan .

11. Quest. v. 8. Why the King saith , They would gaine or redeeme time .

1. It is the third interrogation or question , which the king propoundeth vnto them : the first was cum simplici denuntiatione , v. 3. with●● simple prolation and propounding of his dreame : the second , v. 5. cum forti comminatione , & praemij promissione , with a vehernent commination and threatning , with promise also of reward : the third , v. 9. cum falsi suspicione , with a suspition of falshood , &c. You haue prepared lying and corrupt words .

2. By gaining or redeeming of time , is vnderstood occasionem , quaerere evadendi pericula , to seeke occasion to escape the daunger : as the Apostle saith , Eph. 5. 16. Redeeming the time , for the daies are euill : as trauellers that fall into foule weather doe watch their times and opportunities , how to escape it , and so to goe on in their iourney , Pintus : some vnderstand by time , spatium vita , the tearme of their life , which they desired to be prolonged , Gloss. Lyran. but it is more fitly referred to the interpretation of the dreame , which they would haue shifted off , and so quarebant dilationem temporis , they sought to prolong the time , that some other thing falling betweene , the king might forget to vrge that matter , Osiand , & sic daretur effugiendi ecoasio , and so they might haue occasion to escape , and auoid the daunger .

3. But the kings coniecture is not good , that they which doe not presently make answer to the king , doe it to gaine time , and so to delude the king : for there may be diuers and different causes of suspending ones answer ; as cum officium pi●tatis & charitatis vetat , when as the office of pietie or charitie enioyneth silence , as the Martyrs , which were vrged to bewray their fellowes , would not make direct answer , Iun. lection . in Daniel .

4. But the kings other argument is good , which he vrgeth against these wisemen and Chaldeans , v. 9. Tell me the dreame , that I may know if you can declare me the interpretation thereof . The argument is this framed , They which can giue the interpretation of a dreame , can finde out the dreame it selfe : for the one is of a diuine instinct as well as the other : And to God nothing is hid , he can as well tell what the dreame was , as open the meaning of it : But ye cannot tell me my dreame : therefore neither can you interpret it though you knew it : you are then but impostors and deceiuers . Polan . But Osiander collecteth otherwise , non reste argumentabatur rex , &c. the king reasoned not well : as though it were all one , somnia divinare & interpretari , to diuine what the dreame was , and to interpret it . But I rather herein consent to Pererius , recte redarguit eos Rex , the king doth with good right reprooue them : for if they could not tell the dreame , which was now in act , how could they haue told of things to come by that dreame , quae nunquam actu fuerunt , &c. which neuer were in act , &c. Indeede if it belonged vnto humane skill and coniecture to interpret diuine dreames , it were possible to doe the one and not the other ; as Physitians can interpret naturall dreames : but what the dreame was , if it be not declared , they can not gesse : and the reason hereof is , because humane skill and arte is finite , and hath certaine limits and bounds : but seeing it proceedeth of a diuine instinct to interpret diuine dreames , by the same instinct , which is not limited , he that can doe the one , can the other also .

12. Quest. v. 10. Of the Chaldeans answer vnto the King .

The Chaldeans and wise men doe seeme modestly to excuse themselues by these 5. arguments : 1. From the impotencie and weaknes of mans nature , v. 10. There is no man vpon earth , that can declare the kings matter : they thus reason , That which is in no mans power to declare , the king ought not to enquire of any : but to tell a dreame that is forgotten , is in no mans power to doe .

2. Ab exemplo , from the example of other kings : neuer any asked any such thing of any Chaldean ; and therefore it beseemed not the king to propound that question , which neuer any did before .

3. From the qualitie of the thing : it was a rare and pretious thing which the king demanded , exceeding the wit of man .

4. A comparatione , from the comparison with others : there is none else that can declare it : they dare vndertake to doe as much as an other .

5. A causa efficiente sola , from the sole efficient cause , which is God , who onely can declare such secrets : whose habitation is not in the flesh , that they might conferre with him .

13. Quest. Of the impostures and falshoods in the answer of the Chaldeans .

1. They promise and vndertake to expound the dreame , if they did know it , v. 4. but the king afterward by experience found the contrary , c. 4. 4. for though he told them his dreame , yet could they not expound it . Perer.

2. They say none els liuing could tell the dreame : whereas Daniel was then liuing , and afterward did both shew the dreame , and the interpretation of it . Bulling.

3. They superstitiously affirme a multitude of gods , saying , Except the gods : so they ignorantly worshipped many gods . Polan .

4. They denie Gods prouidence , as though he had nothing to doe here with mortallmen that liue in the flesh . Bulling.

5. They seeme to affirme , that man can know nothing of God , vnlesse he cohabited in the flesh with them . Polan .

6. They also denie the incarnation of God : Whose dwelling ( say they ) is not in the flesh : wherein they bewray their ignorance and misbeleefe . Bulling.

14. Quest. What the Chaldeans meane in these words , Except the gods whose dwelling is not in the flesh .

1. Although they erred in holding a multitude of gods , yet herein they were right , that God onely had the knowledge of things to come : Pint. Some thinke that by gods , here they vnderstand not onely the superiour gods , but the Angels also , who might know and vnderstand their dreames , which beeing in a materiall and corporall obiect , are comprehensible of the Angelical power : Perer. But it seemeth rather that these Magicians , who were not ignorant of the power of spirits , with whome they had familiaritie , and now they failed them , doe meane hereby the superiour diuine power onely . Indeede naturall dreames beeing certaine corporall affections and qualities , spirits may finde out ; but diuine dreames are of a spirituall nature , and are wrought by the act of the vnderstanding , which is not knowne vnto the spirits : and beside , diuine dreames haue a signification of things to come , which are manifest onely vnto God .

2. Concerning the cohabiting or beeing present of the gods with flesh , that is , with mortall men , the Gentiles had diuers opinions . 1. The Epicures thought , that the gods , nihil extra se agentes , &c. did nothing at all in the world without themselues , neither were occupied in doing any thing , but made them idle gods doing nothing . 2. The Peripatetikes following Aristotle , did make the gods onely to haue their dwelling in the heauens , and to be occupied in the motion of the celestiall orbs , but had nothing to doe , cum rebus sublunaribus , with things done vnder the Moone . 3. The Platonists and Stoikes placed the gods onely in heauen , but they held that there were otehr spirits good and bad in the ayre , which did conuerse with men : and that the gods immediatly had nothing to doe with men , but per daemones tanquam internuntios , by the spirits , which were as messengers comming betweene God and man . 4. Wherein they diuersly erred ; 1. in making many gods : 2. in holding that God did nothing in the earth , but by the mediation of such spirits : 3. and that some spirits were good , some euill by nature : whereas the Angels were all created good in the beginning , but some fell through their pride , and were cast downe to hell .

5. But concerning the conuersing of Angels with men , the truth is this , that both good Angels ( whose chiefe employment is in giuing attendance vpon God in the heauens ) yet sometime haue appeared vnto men , as vnto Abraham , Lot , laakob : the euill Angels also more often doe intermedle with humane affaires , for the probation and triall of men , and to their owne iust condemnation : whereof there are two notable experiments ; the one is , in those which are called energumeni , Two experiments shewing the mysticall working of Sathan in the world . possessed or bestraughted : some such beeing very idiots , vnlearned , and vnlettered men , haue spoken Hebrew , Greeke , Latine , and disputed of profound questions in Philosophie , and Diuinitie : the other experiment is in the Magicians themselues , which worke by such spirits , and effect strange things , as in counterfaiting the shapes of beasts , in causing images to mooue and speake , in telling strange things done farre off in remote countries : these strange works either to ascribe to melancholie , as some Physitians doe , or to the operation of the starres , as Astrologers , est perquam ineruditum & insulsum , &c. it is both an vnlearned and vnsauourie shift : and to denie these former experiments , extremae impudentiae & contumaciae videtur , it seemeth to be extreame boldnes and contumacie : therfore these strange things must of necessitie be referred to the operation of spirits , &c. Perer. lib. 2. in Daniel . in v. 10. c. 2.

15. Quest. v. 12. Of the Kings rash sentence in commanding all the wise men of Babel to be slaine .

1. Though by the law of God these Sorceres and Soothsayers had deserued worthily to die , and so in respect of the diuine iustice , were iustly put to death ; yet in respect of the King , who looked not vnto the Law of God , but followed his owne irefull affection , the proceeding was vniust : Polan . beside their deuillish profession , it seemeth they were ambitious and insolent , and enuious against Daniel , and the rest of the people of God , therefore in respect of themselues their punishment was iust . Bulling.

2. Lyranus excuseth the Kings fact , because he had beene at great cost in maintaining these Inchanters and Soothsayers : he had raised them to honour , giuen them great gifts ; and now when he requireth some seruice of them , they are able to say nothing .

3. But yet Nabuchadnezzer was diuers waies faultie in this action : 1. in his rash and inconsiderate sentence , which he pronounced against them in his rage and furie : whereas the sentence of death should proceede with mature deliberation and aduice : for like as Saturne the highest of the Planets hath the slowest motion of them all ; so Princes which sit in their high thrones of maiestie should be most considerate in their actions . And as a musitian doth not presently cut away his strings , if they be out of tune , but doth wind them to and fro , to bring them to a right harmonie ; so neither should a Prince punish euery disorder in the Commonwealth presently with death . Pintus . 2. An other point of iniustice is , that he had not yet called all the wise men of Babylon , and yet vnheard and vncalled , commandeth them to be slaine . 3. It was also vniust for some few mens fault , to take reuenge of the whole profession , and so to punish one for an others offence . Osiand .

16. Quest. v. 13. Whether the wise men in deede were slaine .

1. Some thinke , that praeparabantur tantum occidi , they were onely prepared and appointed to be slaine ; not that they were indeede slaine , so Lyran. gloss . interlin. Hugo Car. But the contrary is euident in the text : for the sentence being gone forth , that is proclaimed , and published , it islike some execution followed : otherwise the proclamation should haue seemed to be ridiculous , Caluin . And beside seeing Daniel was also sought to be slaine , it seemeth , that all they which were in the way , and at hand , and needed not to be sought for , were put to the sword .

2. Wherefore it is certaine , that many of these wisemen were smitten with the sword , though the execution of many of them were deferred vpon Daniels offer and vndertaking to expound the dreame : v. 24. Genev. like as vnder Ahab and Iehu Baals priests were put to death . And Galerius Maximinus beeing ouercome of Licinius , he caused the Idol Priests to be slaine , as impostors , and deceiuers . Bulling.

Quest. 17. What office Arioch had , to whom Daniel maketh this motion . vers. 14.

1. R. Shelemo taketh the word tabacaia , for carnifices , executioners , he thinketh that Arioch was set ouer these , which had the charge to put others to death : but it seemeth , that he had a better office : for he was a chiefe man about the king , and brought Daniel in to the king . vers. 25.

2. The Septuag. interpret here 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the chiefe cooke : but it appertained not to that office , to see execution done vpon men .

3. Some call him the kings chiefe steward , Genevens . but neither is it incident to that office , to ouersee the punishment of offenders .

4. The vulgar Latine interpreteth , praefectum militiae , captaine of his armie : but here was no armie leuied , or battell proclaimed .

5. Therefore rab tabachim , is better interpreted , praefectus satellitum , the captaine of the guard , or high Marshall : such an one was Potiphar vnto Pharaoh , Gen. 37. 36. who had the chiefe charge of the kings prisoners , Gen. 40. 3. Polan . Iun.

Quest. 18. vers. 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the kings decree against the Soothsayers .

1. Some thinke that Daniel of purpose did forbeare to goe with the rest , least he might seeme ambitiously to haue sought honour and reward , See before Quest. 8. which was promised to them , which should interpret the kings dreame : gloss . ordinar . but there was no such reward promised , till they appeared before the king : and if Daniel had receiued any message with the rest of the wise men , he might easily haue gessed at the cause of that hard sentence .

2. But it is like that the Chaldeans concealed this matter from Daniel , whereof two reasons may be giuen , it proceeded , ex inuidia & cupiditate , from their enuie and couetousnes : Lyran. their enuie , in that they thought great scorne , that so young a man as Daniel , should be called to counsell with the graue sage counsellors , who were in great estimation with the king for their long experience : Iun. their couetousnesse also herein appeared , that they might haue the reward onely to themselues : soli ingressi , tanquam soli praemia percepturi : they onely went in , that they onely might receiue the reward , Bulling. they were also ambitious , they were loath that any strangers should be admitted to the kings presence , or any had in reputation but themselues . Iun. annot .

3. But specially this fell out by Gods prouidence , that Daniel beeing sought for vnto death , might by this meanes be brought forth , and the gift of wisedome in him be made manifest : and that by this meanes his life should be preserued . Polan .

4. And herein appeareth the malice of the Chaldeans , qui in periculo voluerunt habere consortes , which would haue Daniel and his fellowes partakers of their punishment , whom they refused to haue any part before in the reward . Pellican .

Quest. 19. vers. 19. How this secret was reuealed vnto Daniel in the night .

1. Some thinke that this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by an Angel , because such reuelations are vsually made by the ministrie of Angels : Pintus ex Dyonis . But Daniel acknowledgeth in his thanksgiuing , that he receiued this reuelation onely from God , and to him onely he giueth the praise .

2. And for the manner , Hierome thinketh that it was shewed vnto him by dreame in the night : so also Glosse ordin . somnium regis discit suo insomnio , he learneth the kings dreame by his dreame : so also Osian , Lyran. giueth this reason , because the night is fittest for such reuelations , the senses beeing quiet ab exterioribus tumultibus , from all outward tumults : and that the vision in the night is by dreame , he would prooue by that place , Iob. 33. 15. God speaketh , &c. in dreames and visions of the night , when sleepe falleth vpon men , &c. But this place prooueth not , that euery night vision is by dreame : but that in the night when sleepe falleth vpon men , the Lord sometime speaketh vnto them by dreame , sometime by vision .

3. Albertus magnus , as Pintus reporteth his opinion , thinketh that Daniel had this reuelation , vigilia noctis , as he watched in the night : and this is the more probable opinion , 1. because it is called a vision : now visions and dreames are distinguished , as the two vsuall waies , whereby the Lord reuealeth himselfe vnto his Prophets , Numb. 12. 6. Polan . 2. Daniel and his three fellowes were occupied in praier while other slept , Pellic. and it seemed as they praied , that this vision was sent , as he saith , Thou hast shewed now the thing that we desired of thee : it is not like that Daniel and the rest beeing full of care in this so weightie a busines , would giue themselues to rest ; but they awaked , when other slept . So Hugo Card. giueth this as a reason , why this vision came in the night , quod tempus magis orationi competit , because that time is fittest for praier . 3. And presently after this thing was reuealed , it is said that Daniel answered and said , The name of God be praised : but he could not thus answer and praise God in his sleepe . It was then such a vision in the night as Paul had , Act. 16. 9. when a man of Macedonia appeared vnto him , and said , Come and helpe vs .

4. Yet this further must be added , that visions come not onely by day but by night , and not onely when men are awake , but when they sleepe : as Daniel saw a dreame , and had visions in his head as he lay vpon his bed , c. 7. 1. such visions are more then dreames , and differ in respect of the more cleare illumination , and euident demonstration of things : such was Salomons dreame wherein he had a vision beside , when actually the gift of wisdome was conferred vpon him , 1. king . 3. whereof see c. 1. qu. 51. Yet dreames and visions doe differ in nature still ( though they may concurre together ) the one beeing but a representation of the image and similitude of things , the other a demonstration of the things themselues .

20. Quest. Of the forme and order of Daniels thanksgiuing .

Daniels thanksgiuing is of two sorts , either generall v. 20. to 23. or speciall and particular : and either of them consisteth of the proposition containing the doxologie or thanksgiuing , and the probation thereof . 1. In the generall benediction , in the proposition is expressed , who is to be praised , the name of God , not the letters or syllables , as the Iewes adore the name Iehouah , the Papists the name Iesus : but the name of God , is God himselfe : and the adiunct of the time also is added , for euer and euer .

2. The probation is set forth briefly , for wisdome and strength are his : then it is amplified by the effects ; first his power is declared by two effects , the changing of times and seasons , and the taking downe and setting vp of Kings : then his confidence by three effects : 1. in giuing wisdome for action : 2. vnderstanding for contemplation : 3. and in discouering secret things : which is amplified by the cause , taken from the essentiall propertie of God ; he knoweth what is in darknes , because with him is light .

3. Then followeth the speciall thanksgiuing , with the proposition , wherein Daniel giueth thanks for himselfe : and the probation taken from two effects ; in opening vnto them the Kings dreame according to their desire , and giuing them power and strength , thereby to preuaile against , and ouercome the imminent danger and perill of death : the latter effect is set forth in the first place .

Quest. 21. v. 19. How Daniel is said to haue blessed the God of heauen .

1. The Lord is called the God of heauen , 1. because he made the heauens , but other gods haue not made the heauen and the earth , Ierem. 11. Hug. Card. 2. And this sheweth a difference betweene the true God and idols herein : because they are worshipped onely in the earth , and not in heauen , Pint. 3. And God is so called , because he is habitator coeli , he inhabiteth and dwelleth in the heauens , and therefore he saith , heauen is my seat or throne , Isa. 66. 1. not that God is limited and confined in the heauens , but there are the most glorious and visible signes of his presence . Pintus . 4. And by this title is set forth Gods glorie , greatnes , and power , because the heauens are the most glorious of Gods creatures , and doe sway things below in the earth . Polan .

2. To blesse is taken diuersly in Scripture : 1. when God is said to blesse man , benedicere , to blesse , is the same that benefacere , to bestowe benefits : as the Lord saith to Abraham , I will blesse thee , and make thy name great , Genes. 12. 2. to blesse here , is to encrease , and multiplie him , and make him great : 2. when one man blesseth another it signifieth , to wish well vnto them , and to pray for them : as Rebekahs mother and brother are said to blesse her , Gen. 24. 60. 3. but when man is said to blesse God , it signifieth to praise him , and giue thankes vnto him : as Psal. 54. 1. I will blesse the Lord for euer , his praise shall be in my mouth continually : and so is it taken here .

22. Quest. vers. 21. How the Lord is said to change times , and seasons .

1. He changeth times , 1. he maketh day and night , summer and winter , ipse est primus motor coelestium corporum , because he is the first mouer of the celestiall bodies , which doe rule the time : 2. and he changeth and altreth the times , either according to the course of nature , ordinarie , as in distinguishing dayes , moneths , and the times of the yeare , or extraordinarie , as when the seasons of the yeare keepe not their kind , but many times the Summer weather is changed into the winter raine , and cold , and the winter into Summer : Cal. and he altreth the times against the course of nature , as when he caused the Sunne to stand still in Iosuahs time , and to goe backe in the dayes of Hezekiah . Pere .

2. He also changeth the particular seasons , both of the ayre and weather , sending sometime heate and drought , sometime raine and cold : Polan . as also he disposeth of the age and yeares of mans life , in generall , as mans age was shortened after the flood : and in particular , sometime shortening mans dayes , as he did vnto Moses , not suffering him to liue to see the land of Canaan , sometime prolonging it , as he added . 15. yeares to Hezekiahs life . Pere .

23. Quest. vers. 22. What secret things the Lord is said to discouer .

There are three kinds of secret things , which the Lord is said to discouer . 1. The mysteries of religion , as concerning the blessed Trinitie , the incarnation of the Sonne of God , the life to come : the knowledge of which things a man cannot attaine vnto , vnlesse it be reuealed vnto him from God .

2. There are the secrets of the heart , which none knoweth but God , who is the searcher of the heart , saue the spirit of man which is in him : 1. Cor. 2. 11. to none other are the thoughts of the heart knowne , but onely vnto God .

3. The things to come , are great secrets , which onely are manifest vnto him , by whome all things are acted and gouerned , both past , present , and to come . Pere .

24. Quest. How light is said to dwell with God , v. 22. whereas it is said , Psal. 18. 11. he made darkenesse his secret place .

1. God is said , 1. to be light in himselfe , in his essence , because there is nothing in God but most pure , sincere , cleare , as also because he communicateth of this light vnto others : as Iohn 1. 9. he is the true light that lighteth euery one , that commeth into the world : both the light of nature and the light of grace proceede from him : and therefore as Basil well obserued , prima vox Dei lucem creauit , the first voice , that God in Scripture is found to haue vttered , created the light : for like as a most goodly picture , if it be laid ina darke caue , maketh no shewe at all : so the goodly workemanship of God in the creatures had beene obscured , if God had not made light to cause the beautie of it to appeare . Pint.

2. God also is said to be in light , 1. Ioh. 1. 7. because he can endure no falsehood , hypocrisie , or vntruth .

3. The Lord also is said to dwell in light , that none can attaine vnto , 1. Timoth. 6. 16. because we through the weakenesse of our vnderstanding , and blindnesse of our mindes , are not able to comprehend any thing of God , vnlesse he by the illumination of his grace doe make a way for vs to come vnto him .

4. Now whereas it is said , Psal , 97. 2. that clouds and darkenesse are round about him , and 1. king 8. 12. God is said to dwell in the cloud : the Scripture by this Metaphor sheweth onely Deum esse inaccessum , that God is inaccessible vnto vs , not what he is in himselfe : and the cloud was a signe of Gods presence , as he said to Moses , Leuit. 16. 2. I will appeare in the cloud : Polan . And therefore the Lord , when he appeared in Mount Sinai , couered all the mountaine with a thicke cloud : to shewe that no man is able to comprehend the brightnes of his glorie .

Quest. 25. vers. 24. Whether Daniel did well in staying the execution of the kings sentence vpon the wisemen .

Vers. 24. He said vnto him , Destroy not the wisemen , &c. Whereas if the sentence of death had beene executed vpon these superstitious Chaldeans , the Church of God should haue beene deliuered from pestilent enemies , and they beside had iustly deserued to die , because of their fraud , and impostures ; it may seeme , that Daniel might haue done much better to haue suffered the sentence to proceede against them .

1. For answer hereunto , Osiander thinketh , that there might be some innocent men among them , which erred onely of simplicitie , and did not malitiously by their wicked arts oppose themselues against the truth , and therefore Daniel would haue them spared : But it is euident by the text , that Daniel would generally haue all the wisemen spared , which yet remained , for some of them had beene slaine alreadie .

2. Caluin thinketh the reason was , quia nondum maturuerat ipsorum iniquitas , because yet their iniquitie was not come to the full , they were reserued to a further punishment .

3. Bullinger thinketh they were spared , that by Daniels meanes in vera sapientia proficerent , they might come to repentance , and profit in true wisedome : these endes indeede the Lord might propound to himselfe in sparing these hypocrites , but the question is what appa●ant reason mooued Daniel to entreat for them .

4. Bullinger againe thinketh , that God stirred vp Daniel to doe it , because he would haue his iudgements tempered with clemencie : some of them were put to the sword , the rest the Lord would haue spared , that his mercie and clemencie might appeare in iudgement : This beeing admitted to haue beene the secret cause before God of this work , yet it is not shewed , what stirred vp Daniel to doe it .

5. These two reasons then remaine which perswaded Daniel . 1. his charitie and loue euen toward his enemies , non vult eos perire propter quos erat ipse periturus , he would not haue them perish , for whose cause he was like to haue perished , Hierome . Lyran. wherein he imitateth the clemencie of Christ , who prayed for his enemies : Pellican . he might by this meanes winne them , or els heape coales vpon their head , and make them lesse excuseable . 2. Daniel in equitie considered causam non esse iustam , that the cause was not iust , which mooued Nebuchadnezzar to command them to be killed : but he did it in hast and rage , and therefore Daniel not so much looking vnto their persons , as to their cause , desireth that they might be spared . Polan .

Quest. 26. vers. 25. Whether Arioch lyed vnto the king ! in saying , I haue found a man , &c.

1. Some thinke that Arioch which knewe that Daniel and his companions were wiser then the rest of the Chaldeans , had indeede sought them out ad solutionem faciendam , to giue solution of the kings demaund , Hugo . but it is euident out of the text , ver. 13. that they were no otherwayes sought for but to be put to death .

2. Most doe thinke that Arioch here played the cunning courtier , qui sibi vsurpant aliorum inuenta , which doe take vnto themselues , that which other men finde out : Bullinger . for he had not sought for Daniel , vltro se obtulerat , he had offred himselfe of his owne actord , Lyran. Dei gratiam ad suam refert diligentiam , the grace and gift of God he ascribeth to his owne diligence : Pellican . fallebat regem , &c. he deceiued the king herein , as though he had found out Daniel , whereas he offred himselfe . Pintus . But he could not without the kings great offence and indignation haue told such a palpable lie , seeing that Daniel had before presented himselfe to the king , ver. 16. and desired some time , to shewe the king his dreame . Polan .

3. Therefore to meete with this doubt , Caluine thinketh , that Daniel had not conference before immediately with the king , but Arioch fuisse internuntium , that Arioch was the messenger betweene them , when the king granted him some time : But the text is rather to be taken according to the letter , vers. 16. that Daniel ( himselfe ) went , and desired the king : for Arioch durst not haue mooued any such thing , hauing strait charge giuen him to put all the wisemen to death forthwith .

4. Va●ablus to helpe the matter , readeth in the passiue ; he said , quod repertus est vir , that a man was found out , &c. but the word in the Chalde hashcacath , is in the actiue ; I haue found : And yet it had not beene true in the other sense , for Daniel was not found , but offred , and he was not now first knowne , or found , but he had made himselfe knowne to the king before .

5. Polanus maketh this therefore to be his meaning : that in this speach , he doth , gratulari regi , &c. congratulate with the king , and ascribe as vnto his fortune , that such a thing had happened : But the phrase it selfe , I haue found , sheweth that he doth attribute somewhat in this matter vnto himselfe .

6. Therefore I thinke with Iunius , that the meaning of these words , I haue found a man , is nothing els , but incidi in hominem , I haue met with the man , not that he first found him out , but that now he fell vpon him , or he came vnto him to bring him to the king : so is the word vsed , 1. King 22. 20. where Ahab going downe to take possession of Noboths vineyard , said to Elias , Hast thou found me , O my enemie , that is , hast thou met with me .

Quest. 27. vers. 25. Why Arioch nameth Daniel to be one of the captiues rather then of the wisemen .

1. Some thinke he nameth him of Iudah , because he had heard , that diuers excellent Prophets had beene of that tribe : Lyran. Pintus . but that is not like , for the famous Prophets , which liued about that time in the captiuitie , were Ieremie , and Ezekiel , who both were of the kindred of the Priests , Ierem. 1. 1. Ezeck. 1. 3. and so not of Iudah .

2. Therefore Gods prouidence rather appeareth herein : that as Daniel was not before in the assemblie of the wisemen , so now he should not be counted among them : that the interpretation of the dreame should onely be acknowledged to proceede from God , and not be ascribed to the skill and cunning of any wisemen .

3. Hugo Card. following the ordinarie gloss . noteth here , that Daniel was of the tribe of Iudah , and not a priest , sicut in fine continet fabulae Belis , as is contained afterward in the fable of Bel , &c. he calleth that supposed historie of Bel and the dragon a fable , which among the Romanists is held for canonicall .

4. Bullinger here obserueth well , in that the Lord refused the great wisemen of Babylon , who were had in great reputation for their learning and wisedome , and preferreth a poore captiue , infirma mundi fortissimis esse robustiora , that the weake things of the world are stronger then the mightie : as the Apostle saith , 1. Cor. 1. 27. God hath chosen the weake things of the world to confound the mightie .

Quest. 28. vers. 26. How the king is said to answer no question beeing demanded .

The word hhanah , or ghanah , which properly signifieth to answer , is taken simply for to speake , as Iob 3. 2. Iob cursed his day , and Iob answered and said : so is the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 vsed in the newe testament , as Math. 11. 25. at that time Iesus answered and said , I giue thee thankes O father , &c. and yet no man asked him there any question . Pintus . so Mark 11. 13. when Iesus came to the figtree , and found nothing but leaues , it is said , Iesus 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , answering said , where the word answered , is superfluosly added , as it is vsed in the Hebrewe tongue : and therefore the Syrian interpreter onely readeth , and he said : so in this place , then answered the king and said : the word ganah , answered , is added , ex abundanti ( as we say ) more then neede : see Beza in his annota . vpon that place .

Quest. 29. vers. 27. Why Daniel denieth that any of the wisemen of Babel could expound this dreame .

1. Daniel reckoneth vp 4. kind of wisemen among the Chaldeans : the first are called cachinim , wisards , which by coniectures and casting of lots did gesse of things to come : the second ashphin , which by the aspect and sight of the starres did make coniecture of things : the third , chartummim , which consulted with spirits : of these three see before , Qu. 7. the fourth sort are called gazrin , of the word gazar , to cut : and they were they which did open and cut the entrals of sacrifices , and by the sight thereof diuined of things to come . Polan .

2. All these Daniel denieth to be sufficient or able to finde out this secret , and that for these causes ; 1. least men should arrogate vnto themselues diuine knowledge : 2. that from henceforth the king should not exact any such thing of his wisemen , which was farre beyond their reach : 3. that he might stay from putting in execution his bloody sentence against the wisemen , Iun.

Quest. 30. vers. 28. Whether God onely be the reuealer of secrets and things to come .

It will be obiected on the contrarie , that the heathen often had dreames , whereby they knewe things to come , and the like oracles they receiued at Delphos : which were not giuen by God , but vttered by spirits . Hereunto we answer , 1. that many of those oracles were false , ambiguous , and doubtfull , as those which were giuen to Craesus , and Pirrhus . 2. many of them were deuised either by them , who affirmed they had such dreames , or by the writers , to win more credit thereby . 3. And if some such dreames and oracles tooke place , either verie sewe of them did hit , which might be by chance and hap hazzard , as we say , a fewe onely of a great number falling out : or the deuill by the subtiltie of his nature by some naturall signes might foresee the effects and euents which should follow ; or he might foretell such things , as by Gods permission he should effect himselfe . Pere . Polan .

4. And as their dreames were vncertaine , so were they as vncertainely interpreted : as the dreame which Darius had , before he encountred with Alexander , some expounded to signifie the victorie that he should haue against him ; some gaue a contrary sense , as Q. Curtius writeth , lib. 3. Tullie giueth an other instance , how one going to the Olympike games had a dreame , that he was turned into an eagle : one wisard interpreted it , that he should ouercome , because the Eagle is superiour to all other foules : an other turned it the contrary way , that he should haue the worse , because the eagle driuing other birds before her , commeth last of all : so then the Gentiles had neither any diuine dreames , and such as they had , they could not interpret . Pere .

Quest. 31. vers. 28. What Daniel meaneth by the latter dayes .

1. Some doe expound it of all the time from thence , when Daniel expounded this dreame , vsque ad consummationem seculs , vnto the ende of the world , Hierome , which were then to be fulfilled , complenda , modo incepta , but alreadie begun , Hugo . But Nebuchadnezzars thoughts extended not so farre , to the ende of the world , but onely to knowe what should come to passe after him : and according to his thoughts , so was the dreame answerable , as Daniel sheweth , vers. 29.

2. Some by the latter dayes , vnderstand the comming of Christ , extremitas dierum vocatur Christi aduentus , the extreame or latter dayes are the comming of Christ , because the Gospel is as it were the perfection and renewing of all things ; Caluin . Bullinger . so also Lyranus , because mention is made in this vision of the kingdome of Christ , quod est vltimum regnorum , which is the last of all kingdomes : but if it were onely vnderstood of Christs comming , then all the times following betweene Nebuchadnezzars raigne and Christs comming should be excluded .

3. Much lesse for the same reason is it vnderstood , de vltima mundi aetate , of the last age of the world , from the comming of Christ vnto the ende of the world , as Pintus : for then Nebuchadnezzar should haue had no reuelation of the times which should immediately followe , wherebout his thoughts were most of all troubled .

4. Wherefore by this word acharith , are signified posteriora tempora , the latter times , Pellican . or consequentia , the times following , Polan . as the word is taken , Gen. 49. 1. where Iacob declareth to his sonnes the things which should come to passe in the latter dayes , that is , in the dayes following , not in the ende of the world : but he sheweth their diuers lots , which should befall them , when they came into Canaan : And Daniel thus expoundeth himselfe in the next verse , 29. Thoughts came into thy minde , what should come to passe hereafter . Iun.

Quest. 32. vers. 29. Whether Nebuchadnezzars thoughts were the cause of his dreame .

1. There are foure causes of dreames : either the disposition of the bodie and the humors thereof , which procure naturall dreames , as cholerike men dreame of fire , phlegmatike of water , and such like : or else the affection , thoughts , and passions of the minde in the day , which cause the like dreames in the night , and these are humane dreames : or the reuelation of Gods spirit , sometime concurring with mens thoughts , sometime without them , whence are diuine dreames , of which kind this was : or the illusion of Sathan , which causeth diabolicall dreames .

2. Now mens thoughts sometimes are the cause of dreames , as the preacher saith , dreames come through the multitude of busines , Eccles. 5. 2. but such dreames then doe not prognosticate things to come , but are a representation onely of things done and past : Ly. sometime they are not the cause , but the occasion onely and preparation of the minde for the dreame which God purposeth to send ; as Iosephs carefull thoughts , what he should doe with Marie whom he suspected to be with child , were but forerunners of that direction , which God gaue him by a dreame , correspondent vnto his former thoughts , Matth. 1. Pere . So Polanus distinguisheth well , that the cause of this dreame was twofold ; either 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the preparatiue cause , or occasion rather , which were his pensiue thoughts ; or 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the efficient and working cause , which was God himselfe .

Quest. 33. vers. 29. Why it pleased God to impart vnto Nebuchadnezzar this dreame .

Vers. 29. He which reuealeth secrets , telleth thee what shall come : 1. God sent this dreame vpon Nebuchaddnezzar , for certaine particular causes , that his minde might thereby be humbled , when he should consider the mutable and variable state of his kingdome , that he might submit and subiect himselfe vnto God . 2. That hereby his heart might be mooued toward the Lords people , not to tyrannize or beare rule cruelly ouer them , seeing there was an higher and mightier then himselfe . 3. Other generall causes there were beside : that all earthly Potentates should hereby be admonished , how fraile and of what short continuance their earthy dominions are . 4. And withall , that they might hereby be occasioned to looke vnto the spirituall and euerlasting kingdome of Christ , that should shake all other kingdomes , and that they should all be in expectation of that kingdome .

Quest. 34. vers. 30. This secret is not shewed me for my wisedome : Whether Daniel by any naturall wisdome could haue attained to the knowledge of this dreame .

It is evident he could not : 1. for then the Magicians , and Chalde philosophers might also by their naturall skill and long experience haue founded the depth thereof . 2. As the dreame is , so must be the interpretation : a natural dreame may be expounded by natural means , but this heeing a diuine dreame sent of God , must be interpreted by a diuine instinct . 3. This dreame beeing a premonstration of things to come , whereof God onely hath the knowledge , could not be opened but by the spirit of God , who reuealeth secrets and things to come . 4. This dreame containing a signification of thing● to come , was either a naturall , or voluntarie signe : a naturall signe it could not not be ; for then there should be some affinitie betweene it , and the things to come ; it was either as the cause or effect , or had some other agreement and coherence : but the vision of an image could haue no such naturall affection or disposition to or with the conuersion and alteration of kingdomes thereby signified , and shadowed forth : It was therefore no naturall , but a voluntarie signe , not appointed by the will of man , but by the will of God so disposing : therefore it could not be interpreted , but according to the minde and will of him , by whom it was assigned . Pere .

Quest. 34. vers. 30. Why Nebuchadnezzar could not vnderstand the dreame which he same .

1. Augustine giueth the reason of it , Tom. ● . 1. cont. Adinant . non est propheta veri Dei , qui oblata diuinitus visa , &c. he is no Prophet of the true God , which seeth either with his bodie , or with that part of the spirit , which receiueth the images and representations of bodily things , yet seeth not with his minde such visions as are effred of God , &c. therefore Nebuchadnezzar seeing one ly the vision , but hauing no propheticall gift to interpret it , could not vnderstand it , sed ad interpretandum visum suum aspectum quaesivit alienum , but he vsed an others spirituall sight to interpret his vision , &c. Augustin , ibid , and so els where he concludeth , de Genes. ad li● . lib. 12. c. 9. magis propheta erat , qui interpretabatur , quod alius vidisset , quam ipse , qui vidisset , and so he he was rather a Prophet , that could interpret that which an other sawe , then he which sawe it , &c.

2. And Augustine further maketh here three sorts of men , the first is , when one rerum quae significatur sola signa vider , &c. doth onely see the signes of such things , which are signified , &c. and he ( as he saith ) minus propheta est , is no Prophet : the second is , when one solo earum intellectu praeditus est , is onely endued with the vnderstanding of them , and he is rather a Prophet : August . ibid. such an one was Ioseph who expounded Pharaohs dreame : sed maxime propheta , qui vtroque excellit , but he is most of all a Prophet , which excelleth in both : as Deniel both sawe the king , vision and dreame , and gaue also the interpretation of it .

Quest. 36. vers. 30. Of the two ends , why it pleased God to reueale vnto the king his dreame .

1. One cause was that by this occasion the Church of the Iewes might ●●re the better , seeing that by their pr●yers the king had the interpretation of his dreame : the words are thus to be read , that they might ratifie or make knowne vnto the king the interpretation : they ( not the Angels , as Vatab. ) but Daniel and his fellowes , which ioyned in prayer : some read that the interpretation might be made manifest , as the Latine , whom Lyranus followeth : some translate it in the first person , vt exponerem , that I might expound or declare to the king the interpretation , Caluin : but the word is iehoreghun , that they might notifie : this was the first reason , that by this meanes the Iewes might receiue more fauour , vnto whom God reuealed the meaning of this vision .

2. The other cause was , for the instruction of the king himselfe , that he might knowe and vnderstand the thoughts of his heart : both these reasons , why the Lord gaue vnto Daniel both the knowledge of the dreame , and the vnderstanding thereof , are expressed by Augustine , Hoc factum est , vt Regi Daniel summi creatoris notitiam insinnaret , ●●b . 2. de mirab . Scrip. c. 30. & plebs in seruitute & captiuitate pos●a , aliquod solatium haberet , &c. this was done that both Daniel might insinuate to the king the knowledge of the high Creator , and that the people beeing in seruitude and captiuitie , might haue some helpe and comfort .

Quest. 37. vers. 31. Of the vision which the King sawe in his dreame the manner and parts thereof .

First , Daniel rehearseth the kings dreame , what he sawe , and then he giueth the interpretation thereof , from vers. 36. to ver. 45.

The vision consisteth of two parts : of the image which the king sawe in his dreame , to v. 34. and then of the stone , which broke it in peices , ver. 34. 35.

The image is described , first by the adiuncts , then by the matter .

The adiuncts are fiue , 1. it was but one . 2. it was great . 3. glorious and excellent . 4. it stoode before him . 5. it was terrible .

The matter was either distinct , as the head of gold , the armes and breast of siluer , the thighs and bellie of brasse , the legges of yron ; or else mingled together , as the feete were part of yron , part of clay .

Then followeth the description of the stone , by fixe arguments . 1. of the place , it was taken out of a mountaine , which though it be not expressed here is supplied , ver. 45. 2. of the manner , it was cut out without hands . 3. by the effects , it brake the image in peices . 4. by the euent , the image became as nothing , it was as the chaffe , which the winde carrieth away . 5. by the adiunct , it became a great mountaine . 6. by the effect , it filled the whole earth .

2. This vision representeth two kingdomes ; the image the earthly , and the stone the heauenly : in the earthly 4. things are obserued , 1. the varietie of administration , and great difference of gouernement in respect of time , and place . 2. the great pompe and glorie . 3. the terrour and tyrannie . 4. the vncertaintie and mutabilitie .

In the spirituall kingdome of Christ 4. things are also expressed : 1. the beginning thereof , from heauen . 2. the administration thereof , not by any humane or worldly meanes . 3. the encrease thereof , through the world . 4. the continuance thereof for euer , when all other earthly kingdomes and regiments shall be dissolued .

Quest. 38. Of the diuerse kinds of signes of things to come , and of which kind this image was .

The Lord vseth 4. kind of signes to foreshewe and signifie things to come : 1. the first is of those , which are onely signes , and serue to no other ende , then to shadowe forth things to come ; such were the signes shewed vnto the Prophets in visions , and dreames . 2. There are signes , which are not onely types and figures of things to come , but serue also to other purposes ; such were the ceremonies of Moses law , which were shadowes of sprituall things , but had also their present vse , seruing as rites and ceremonies of the lawe . 3. Some signes did signifie something which was presently done and effected , as Naamans washing of himselfe seuen times , did betoken that he was in that instant cured of his leprosie . 4. Some figures did not onely shewe a present effect , but did also shadowe forth some more excellent worke afterward to be effected , as the blowing of the trumpets of rammes hornes about the walls of Iericho , did not onely assure them of the present subuersion and ouerthrow of Iericho , but it signified the ouerthrow of idolatrie by the preaching of the Gospel : so the setting vp of the brasen serpent did not onely giue present health of bodie to them that looked vpon it , but it did also promise spirituall health of soule to all which with the eyes of faith should behold Christ : now this vision which Nabuchadnezzer saw was of the first kind : it was a meere signe seruing to no other purpose , then to signifie and shew vnto the king , what should come to passe afterward . Perer.

39. Quest. What kingdomes of the earth are not comprehended in this vision .

1. Those kingdomes which were alreadie destroyed , as the Assyrian Monarchie , whose chiefe citie was Ninive , are not contained in this propheticall vision ; hic agitur de rebus futuris , this vision chiefly concerneth things to come . Calvin . 2. The petie and smaller kingdomes of the world are omitted , as of the Sycionians , Athenians , Lacedemonians , Lydians , which though they were flourishing kingdomes , and had command ouer the countries next adioyning , yet they had not such vniuersall dominion , as the great Monarchies of the Chaldeans , Persians , Grecians had . 3. Such Monarchies and kingdomes are here described , which had some coherence and dependance with and of the other , the ruine of the one , was the raising of the other : as the Persian Monarchie subdued the Babylonian , the Greekes the Persian : therefore the great and flourishing kingdomes of the Scythians , Egyptians , Carthaginians , are exempted , which had not that succession one to another , as the great Monarchies of the world had . 4. Those great kingdomes are onely here decyphered , which ruled in the world till Christs comming , who was the stone cut out of the mountaine without hands : therefore the kingdome of the Gothes , and Vandals , Saracens and Turks , which haue risen vp since Christs beeing in the flesh , are without the compasse of this vision . Perer.

40. Quest. Why the Chaldean Monarchie is compared to the head of gold .

v. 38. Thou art this head of gold : 1. Thou , and thy succession : for this is not onely vnderstood of Nabuchadnezzers person , but of his sonnes Euilmerodach , and his sonne Balthazar who succeeded him ; vnder whose raigne the Chaldean Monarchie flourished for the space of 70. yeares . And that not onely Nabuchadnezzer , but the rest of his successors are here comprehended , is euident , Ierem. 27. 7. where the Prophet saith , All nations shall serue him , and his sonne , and his sonnes sonne . 2. He is compared to the head , because the Babylonian Empire was primum temporum ordine , the first in order of time , as the head in the image was the first part thereof . Iun. 3. It was likened to gold , 1. propter maximas divitias , because of their great riches , Lyran. and abundance of gold , in which respect it is called golden Babylon . Hug. Card. 4. Because their gouernment was more tolerable toward the people of God , though hard enough , yet it was more equall then the regiment of the Persians in generall . 5. Beside beeing compared with the rest , it was more golden-like in respect of their flourishing peace : for after that Nabuchadnezzer had subdued the nations round about , that Monarchicall state enioyed tranquilitie and peace 50. yeares ; twentie yeares of Nabuchadnezzers raigne , and thirtie yeares vnder Evilmerodach his sonne . Bullinger .

6. So in this short sentence , Thou art the head of gold , there are as many figures , as words . 1. Thou , that is , thy kingdome , as v. 39. it is said , After thee shall rise an other kingdome , that is , after thy kingdome , not after his death . 2. Thou art , that is , signified and represented by this head of gold : as the Apostle saith , The rocke was Christ , that is , signified Christ . 3. There is a metaphor in the word head , which signifieth the antiquitie and prioritie of that kingdome , and the knowledge and wisdome of that nation . 4. An other figure there is , in that he is likened to gold , which betokeneth their riches , prosperitie , and flourishing estate .

41. Quest. Of the largenesse of the Empire and dominion of Nabuchadnezzer .

v. 38. In all places , where the children of men dwell , the beasts of the field , and the foules of heauen , &c. hath he giuen into thine hand .

1. The Scripture doth euidently testifie what large dominions the king of Babel had , Ierem. 27. 6. I haue giuen all these lands into the hand of Nabuchadnezzer king of Babel my seruant , and the beasts of the field haue I also giuen him to serue him , and all nations shall serue him , &c. And the Prophet Abacuck saith of the Chaldeans , They shall gather the captiuitie as the sand , and they shall mocke the kings , and the Princes shall be a scorne vnto them , &c. c. 1. 9 , 10.

2. Forren writers also haue ginen the like testimonie of the greatnes of the Babylonian Empire : Berosus , who wrote of the Chaldean affaires , preferreth him before all kings that were before him . Megasthenes lib. 4. de reb. Indicis , witnesseth , that Nabuchadnezzer beside the Prouinces of the East , subdued Egypt , Africa , Spaine , and maketh him in courage and magnanimitie superiour to Hercules : so likewise Strabo lib. 15. Geograph . writeth , that this Nabuchadnezzer was the mightiest of all other kings , and held of the Chaldeans to haue exceeded Hercules . Tertull. lib. advers. Iudaeos . Tertullian saith , that his dominion extended from India to Ethiopia .

3. But whereas it is said , that God had made him ruler in all places , this is not so to be taken strictly according to the letter : for neither Nabuchadnezzer , or any other Monarch euer had the dominion and rule of the whole world : as witnesseth the altar of Alexander , the pillars of Hercules , and Ctesiphon the boundes of the Romane Empire toward the East . 1. Some therefore thinke that this is spoken in respect of the opinion of the Chaldeans , who held him to be an absolute Monarch ouer all the world : 2. or that all , according to the Scripture , is taken for the most , or many : as Gen. 22. 18. the Lord saith , that all nations should be blessed in Abraham : that is , many : as c. 17. 5. the Lord saith , A father of many nations haue I made thee : Perer. But this example is vnfitly alleadged , for in the one place the Lord speaketh of Abrahams carnall generation , in the other of the spirituall benediction , which in Christ should come indeede vpon all nations . 3. some take it therefore for an hyperbolicall speech . Pintus . 4. Hugo thus expoundeth it , he is said to rule ouer all , quia nihil ei resistebat , because no countrey resisted him . 5. Lyranus taketh all places , for all kind of places ; as the cities where men dwelt , the fields where beasts ranged , and the woods where the foules made their aboad : and therefore both men , beasts , and foules are said to be giuen into his hand . 6. Some admit here a synecdoche , that part is taken for the whole , all for a great part : Lyranus also . 7. But this vniuersall particle ( all ) must be restrained vnto all the regions next adioyning : as it is taken , Gen. 41. 57. All countries came to Egypt to bui● corne of Ioseph , that is , all the countries neare vnto them . And so here all the regions in those East parts , were subdued vnder the kingdome of Nabuchadnezzer .

42. Quest. Whether Nabuchadnezzers dominion were at that time the greatest in the world .

It will be here obiected , that the Empire of the Medes was at this time very mightie , as Herodotus lib. 1. maketh mention of the greatnes of Cyaxares king of the Medes , who ruled ouer all Asia , and subdued the Assyrians , the Babylonians onely excepted . And it is euident by Herodotus Chronologie , that Cyaxares raigned about this time : for from the beginning of his raigne vnto the first of Cyrus , he counteth 75. yeares : 40. yeares vnder the raigne of Cyaxares , and 35. vnder Astyages : so if the Babylonian captiuitie tooke beginning from the 19. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , as Pererius reckoneth , Cyaxares began his raigne in the 14. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer : but if the 70. yeares captiuitie be counted from the carrying away of Iechonias captiue , which is the more probable , which was in the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , 2. king . 24. 12. then Cyaxares beganne his raigne 5. yeares before , about the 3. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne : they raigned then much about the same time , Nabuchadnezzer in Babylon , and Cyaxares among the Medes .

2. Pererius giueth this solution , that , the kingdome of the Medes was much wasted by the other Nabuchadnezzer father vnto this king , who warred against Arphaxad king of the Medes , and tooke the chiefe citie thereof Ecbatane , as is set forth in the storie of Iudith : and beside by the incursion and inuasion of the Scythians those parts of Asia were kept vnder the space of 28. yeares , so that all that time Cyaxares was of no great power , which was during the raigne of Nabuchadnezzer : then after his death , the Scythians beeing destroied and expelled , Cyaxares kingdome flourished for the space of 12. yeares .

3. Contra. 1. The historie of Iudith could not fall out in the raigne of the Elder Nabuchadnezzar : for at that time the Apocryphal storie saith , that the Temple had not beene cast downe , Iudith 5. 18. but the Temple was not destroied till the 19. yeare of this Nabuchadnezzer , which was about 12. yeares after he had this dreame , which was in the 5. yeare of his raigne , as is before shewed , Qu. 1. 2. Cyaxares could not suruiue Nabuchadnezzer so long , but it seemeth rather that Nabuchadnezzer suruiued him : for Nabuchadnezzer raigned 45. yeares : 8. yeares before Iecouias captiuitie , 2. king . 24. 12. and 37. yeares after , 2. king . 25. 27. Cyaxares raigned 40. yeares and beganne in the 3. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , as is prooued before : then his raigne must determine in the 43. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer : therefore neither of these answers are sufficient .

4. The best solution then is this , 1. that Cyaxares might be a king of power in the remote parts of Asia beyond the Medes toward the Indians Eastward ; and yet Nabuchadnezzer about Babylon and those countries extending North and South , lib. 8 de pa●ia Cyri. as in Egypt , Tyrus , and in the regions of Asia minor , might be of the greatest command . 2. If otherwise Herodotus affirme , more credit is to be giuen to the sacred storie , then to his vncertaine report .

43. Quest. v. 39. Of the second Monarchie described by the armes and breast of siluer , what it was .

1. The Rabbins because they would auoid this so manifest a prophesie of the comming of Christ , doe ioyne two Monarchies together , of the Persians and Grecians , Calvin . so confounding the histories ; whereas they were two kingdomes , one succeeding an other : but here Daniel pointeth out but one kingdome , After thee shall rise an other kingdome , &c.

2. Theodoret by the right arme , vnderstandeth Cyrus kinred of the fathers side of the Persians , and by the left , his kinred on the mothers side of the Medes .

3. Pererius thinketh that the Persian Monarchie is described by two armes ; because the Chaldean state was subdued by Darius the Mede Cyrus vncle , and by Cyrus the Persian ,

4. But by the two armes rather are vnderstood the two nations of the Medes and Persians , which were first two kingdomes , the Medes vnder Darius , and the Persians vnder Cyrus , but after Darius death they were ioyned in one , as the two armes did meete together in the breast : Lyran. so also Iun. Pintus .

44. Quest. v. 39. Why the Persian Monarchie is said to be inferiour to the Babylonian .

The Persian Monarchie was not inferiour in glorie , power , or dominion : for Assuerus king of Persia raigned from India vnto Ethiopia ouer an 127. Prouinces , Est. 1. 1. And Xenophon also testifieth , that the Persian Monarchie was so large , that it had for the bounds on the East , the redde Sea , on the West , Cyprus and Egypt , on the North , Pontus Euxinus , on the South Ethiopia . And seeing Cyrus ioyned the Empire of Babylon to his owne dominions , it could not chuse but be greater .

1. Some thinke therefore that it is said to be inferiour , in respect of the continuance , for the Persian Monarchie exceeded not aboue 240. yeares , whereas the Chaldean and Assyrian Monarchie from Ninus continued a 1500. yeares : Perer. But Daniel ascendeth not so high in this comparison : he saith , it shall be inferiour to thee , that is , to thy kingdome , as it now standeth .

2. Pererius hath an other answer , that the Persian Monarchie is said to be inferiour in respect of the present time , not as it should be afterward : but it is euident that Daniel speaketh of it , as it should be then , when it should rise vp after the other , that it should then be inferiour .

3. Calvine vnderstandeth it of the generall corruption of manners , which waxe worse , that mundi conditio deterior esset , &c. that the state of the world should be worse vnder the second Monarchie : but these Monarchies are compared one with an other , that as siluer is worse then gold , so the second Monarchie should be inferiour to the other .

4. Polanus thinketh that it is said to be inferiour , because the Babylonian regiment , plus habuit regiae tranquillitatis , had more princely rest and tranquillitie : but the Persian state was full of trouble : for presently after the death of Cyrus , his sonnes Cambises , and Tana●zares contented for the kingdome : and after Cambises the Magi vsurped the kingdome , and after them Darius Hystaspis was chosen king by the neying of his horse .

5. But I thinke rather with Iunius , that it is called inferiour , and siluer-like in respect of the others golden state , because their gouernment was more tolerable and equall toward the people of God .

45. Quest. Whether the Monarchie of the Chaldeans or of the Persians was more cruell toward the Iewes .

1. Though Cyrus first gaue libertie to the people to returne , and afterward Artaxerxes gaue licence to Ezra and Nehemiah to build the Temple ; yet other kings of Persia hindred the building of the Temple , as Cambises , and Ahassuerus , who by the fraudulent and malitious deuice of Haman , would vtterly haue destroied the people of the Iewes : So that this comparison is not in respect of some one or two particular persons of their kings , but of the disposition of the whole state , which was harder toward the people of God , then was the first Monarchie of the Babylonians .

2. For Nabuchadnezzer , though vnder him the people of God was afflicted and endured much , yet he shewed them some clemencie and fauour : As first when he besieged Ierusalem in the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim , he made not hauocke of all , but carried away part onely of the vessels of the Temple , and a few of the noble mens children : And after that for the space of 19. yeares he suffered the kings of Iudah to haue their kingdome , till he was prouoked by the vnfaithfulnes of Zedekiah to take reuenge : and yet when he had set the citie and Temple on fire , he suffered the people to inhabite the countrey still , to plant vineyards , and till the ground , and he set ouer them Gedaliah a good man , one of their owne countrey . So that in respect of these heroicall and princely parts in Nabuchadnezzer , the Persian Monarchs were but as siluer , and farre inferiour vnto him . Osiand .

46. Quest. Why the Persian Monarchie is compared to siluer .

1. Pererius thinketh this resemblance to be made , propter immensam Persici imperij opulentiam , for the great wealth and riches of the Persian Empire : for Cyrus ouercame Craesus the rich king of Lydia , of whome that prouerb was taken vp , ditior Craeso , richer then Craesus . Plinie writeth that Cyrus when he ouercame Asia , Lib. 33. c. 3. got 34. thousand pound waite of gold , beside golden vessels , and wedges of gold , and 500. thousand talents of siluer , which may amount of our money to 300. millions : beside he tooke craterem Semiramidis , the great bowle or standing piece of Semiramis , which waighed 15. Egyptian talents , and an Egyptian talent is 80. pound . And what the wealth and magnificence of the Persian Monarchs was , that sumptuous feast sheweth , which Assuerus made to his Princes , Est. 1. and the great expedition of Xerxes in that huge armie , which he prepared against Greece . This is agreeable to that prophesie of Isai long before of Cyrus , The Lord saith , I will giue thee the ireasures of darknes , and the things hid in secret places . Isa. 45. 3. Lib. 12. sub initio . Athenaeus also writing of the great wealth of Darius the last king of Persia , telleth how that the Persian kings were growne to such delicacie , and excessiue riches , that in the vpper ende of the kings bedchamber in a little closet there was alwaies in store 5. thousand talents of gold , which maketh 3. hundreth times an hundreth thousand crownes : and this closet was called the kings bolster or pillow : and at the beds feete there was an other closet , wherein there were laid vp 3. hundreth talents of siluer : beside in the bedchamber , there was , an ouerspreading vine made of gold , beset with pretious stones : the bunches of grapes were also made of most costly pretious stones . Q. Curtius writeth , that the treasure which Alexander tooke from Darius , was an 159. thousand talents : Strabo nameth an 180. thousand talents , which maketh of Italian money , a thousand and eight hundreth thousand crownes .

2. Lyranus thinketh this Monarchie is compared to siluer , quia multum vacabant sapientia & eloquentiae , &c. because they gaue themselues much to the studie of learning and eloquence , which is signified by the brightnes and cleare sound of siluer .

3. But the reason rather of this comparison is , because this Monarchie had lesse maiestie , then the first , and was not so equall and fauourable toward the people of God . Polan .

47. Quest. Why the third Monarchie is likened to the bellie and the thigh , and vnto brasse .

1. This Monarchie must needs be vnderstood of the kingdome of Alexander the great , who ruinated the Persian Monarchie : be therefore succeeding next vnto them , must needes make the third . The Rabbins here very ignorantly instead of Alexander the great sonne of Philip , whose kingdome they confound with the Persian , and make them both but one , doe supplie Alexander the sonne of Mammea , Emperour of Rome , because they would auoid so cleare a prophesie of the kingdome of the Messiah . But herein they shew their great blindnes and ignorance : for this Alexander was Emperour , when the halfe part of the Prouinces almost were fallen from the Romane Empire , and he had neuer any absolute gouernment , but was as it were pupill vnto his mother : and he had an ignominious death , beeing slaine of his owne souldiers in his Tent. Calv. Prosper also , whome Paulus Orosius followeth , Prosper ▪ in lib. de promi●● 〈◊〉 2. c. 33. are deceiued , who take this third Monarchie for Carthage : for it succeeded not any of the other Monarchies .

2. This third Monarchie is resembled to the bellie and the thighs : 1. because , as the bellie is the next to the breast , so this Monarchie succeeded next vnto the Persian . 2. like as the meate passeth through the bellie , but there staieth not ; so Alexander got many kingdomes , but he long enioyed them not : they were quickly after his death diuided among his captaines . 3. This resemblance also fitteth the intemperancie and incontinencie of the Greeke state , which Alexander was not so much touched with , as his captaines that succeeded him . 4. And further the bellie signifieth gluttonie , excesse , and riot , to the which Alexander was much giuen : for his intemperate drinking of wine , obscured all his other vertues : he would drinke wine so excessiuely , that he did lie sometime three daies , till he had slept it out : he also appointed games and prizes for the best drinkers : one Protarchus for drinking vp foure great measures of wine , called congij , which euery one contained a gallon , and a pint , was rewarded of him with a talent , but within three daies he died of drunkennes , and so did 41. more . In his drunken fit , at the enticement of his harlot Thais , he commanded the most famous citie of the East , of the Persians called Persepolis , to be set on fire : And at an other time in his drunken moode he killed Clytus his faithfull counsellour , which afterward so grieued him , that his friends could hardly stay him from killing himselfe : Hereupon this saying was taken vp of Alexander , that he was more gentle toward his enemies in battell , then toward his friends at bankers . Some doe excuse this his immoderate drinking of wine , by the hote and fierie constitution of his bodie : which is thought to be the cause of the sweete smell , that came from his bodie : as in hote countries there are the sweetest smells and perfumes . But the drinking of wine did more inflame him , beeing hoat by nature : as we see , that for the same cause in hote and burning feuers , Physitians forbid the vse of wine , or any hote drinke : therefore this doth nothing excuse his vnsatiable appetite that way .

3. By the brasse , 1. some vnderstand the eloquence of the Grecians , quia as tinnit clarius , because brasse maketh a better sound then other mettalls , Lyran. 2. some interpret it of Alexanders great fame , cuius sonus longe lateque diffusus est , whose sound was spread farre and wide , Hug. 3. some applie it to his warrelike disposition , for they vsed brasen armour in times past : and hereby is signified the troublesome and vnquiet state of that kingdome : for in 12. yeares space he conquered all the East part of the world . Polan . 4. But this Monarchie is compared to brasse rather because it was more hard and troublesome not onely to other nations , whome Alexander would neuer suffer to be in rest , insomuch that the Macedonians reioyced when Alexander was dead , as thereby gaining their rest and quietnes ; but also to the people of God : for first he came against Ierusalem with an hostile and cruell minde , if the Lord had not staied him by a vision in the night , as he himselfe confessed , when Iaddua the high Priest met him the next day : and after that he gaue wicked Samballat leaue to build an other Temple in mount Garizim , which enterprise Nehemiah by his faithfull endeauour had hindred before , whereof he made Manasses , the brother of Iaddua , Priest : and by this meanes , both the state of the Church and Commonwealth was much weakned among the Iewes . Ioseph . lib. 11. c. 8. Alexander also was himselfe of a restles nature : for when he had heard , that his father Philip had conquered any citie , he would say , that his father left nothing for him : and when he likewise had heard of the Philosopher Anaximander , that there were many worlds , he wept , because he yet had not conquered one . Thus this Monarchie was brasen-like to the rest , because the state of the people of God more declined still , and waxed worse and worse .

48. Quest. Of the largenes of Alexanders Empire , and of other memorable and notable things in him .

1. This was admirable in Alexander , that at 20. yeares of age after the death of his father Philip , he enterprised to conquer the world : vnto which yeares , such constancie , fortitude , wisdome , counsell , experience , as appeared to be in Alexander , are very rarely incident .

2. It was also wonderfull , that Alexander with so small an armie , hauing not aboue 40. thousand , with so small prouision , carrying but vittaile for 30. daies , and but 70. talents , should take in hand such a great enterprise .

3. His successe in battell was admirable , he neuer encountred any enemie , but he ouercame him ; neuer besieged citie , but he tooke it : and in 3. battels , one at the flood Granicus , an other at Issus in Cilicia , the third at Arbella , he ouercame all the power of Asia , Darius hauing in his armie 10. hundreth thousand men , aboue one for tenne .

4. As was his successe in battell , so was ( as the Gentiles call it ) his good fortune for himselfe , or rather his prosperous deliuerance from many daungers : that oftentimes he had receiued deadly wounds , and yet recouered ; was in a manner dead , and yet reuiued : insomuch that Curtius writeth of him , cum plurimum virtuti debuerit , plus eum fortunae debuisse , &c. as he did owe much vnto vertue , so yet he owed more vnto fortune , which of all men liuing he seemed onely to haue power of : yet Plutarke in his two orations , which he made of that argument , sheweth that more is to be ascribed to Alexanders vertue , then to his good fortune .

5. The largenes of his Empire was wonderfull : for he subdued the more noble part of Europe , Syria , Lib. 6. c. 16. and Egypt , all Asia , and India vnto the riuer Ganges : yea Plinie writeth , that in the vtmost boundes of the Sogdianes he built the citie Alexandria , where Hercules , Semiramis , and Cyrus had set vp altars before him , as boundes of the Empire : Lysippus the painter hereupon made the picture of Alexander looking vp to heauen , with this posie , Iupiter asserui terram mihi , tu assere coelum , Iupiter I haue taken the earth to my selfe , take thou heauen , &c. with which picture Alexander was so delighted , that he proclaimed , none should take his picture but Lysippus .

6. Such was his celeritie also , that in the space of 13. yeares he conquered more nations , then one would haue thought he could haue trauelled ouer in so short a time : Apelles therefore pictured Alexander with a thunderbolt , signifying his great swiftnes and agilitie in his exploits .

7. Alexanders great ●ame also may be counted among other parts of his greatnes : by the which he subdued more nations , then by warre , for the very terrour of his name made many Kingdomes submit themselues vnto him : and at the same time when he died , he expected Embassadours from all the Nations of Europe , from France , Spaine , Italie , Sicilie , and from Africa : for if he had not then died , he had taken order , to prouide him a great navie , to haue compassed Arabia and Africa , and so to haue surprised Spaine and Italie .

8. The acts and monuments of Alexander are to be counted among other memorable things , as first the Cities which he built , which Plutarke nameth to haue beene 70. then he brought the barbarous nations to ciuilitie : he taught the people Hyrcani the vse of mariage , the Arachosians tillage and husbandrie , the Sogdians that they should nourish and not kill their parents : the Persians to honour their mothers , and not to vse them for their wiues : the Scythians that they should not eate the dead , but burie them .

9. Adde hereunto his singular vertues : his constancie and patience in induring of labour , his clemencie toward those whome he conquered : the same day he tooke and restored againe to the king of India his kingdome : Darius mother he honourably entertained as a Queene : his continencie was singular , Darius wife , and his most beautifull daughters he touched not , but preserued their chastitie , neither would he see them . But his liberalitie and magnificence exceeded his other vertues : Alexanders vertues . he gaue 23. thousand talents among his souldiers to pay their debts : he bid to one feast 9. thousand ghests , and gaue vnto euery one a cuppe of gold : to one that asked a reward of him , he gaue a citie : which he refusing as too great a gift for him , Alexander said ; Non quaero quid to decet accipere , sed quid me decet dare , I stand not vpon it , what it is meete for thee to take , but what it is fit I should giue . And to conclude this point , Plutarke saith , that those vertues for the which seuerally certaine worthie men haue beene commended , did all concurre in him , as the valour of Achilles , the chastitie of Agamemnon , the pietie of Diomedes , the courage of Cyrus , the policie of Themistocles , the boldnes of Brassida , the wisdome of Philip his father .

10. This was also part of his terrene happines , that as he counted Achilles happie , because he had Homer to set forth his praise , so he had diuers excellent writers to register his acts : as Ptolome King of Egypt , Hecataeus , Aristobulus , Callisthenes , Onesicratus , Diodorus Siculus , Trogus Pompeius , Iustinus , Q. Curtius , with others .

Quest. 49. vers. 40. Whether this fourth kingdome must be vnderstoode to be the Romane Empire .

There are here two opinions : some take the Romane Empire to be vnderstood by this fourth kingdome , which is compared to yron , and the same to continue after the comming of Christ to the ende of the world , as Lyranus interpreteth the two legges of the diuision of the Romane Empire into the Occidentall and Orientall at Constantinople : of the same opinion are Rupertius , Hugo Cardinal . Pintus , and of our writers , Bullinger , Pellican , Geneuens . Caluin , Melancthon , Osiand . Some doe here comprehend the Romane Empire , but vntill the comming of Christ , as Pererius in vers. 32. We will examine their reasons .

1. Vers. 28. Daniel saith that the Lord shewed the king what should come to passe in the latter dayes , therefore all the Monarchies to the ende of the world are here signified .

Contra. The word acharith as is before shewed , doth not onely signifie the latter or extreme dayes , but the time following , as it is taken , Gen. 49. 1. and the Prophet expoundeth himselfe , vers. 29. what is meant by the latter dayes , that which should come to passe hereafter .

2. It is not like , that the Lord would conceale this thing from his Prophet , and that Daniel speaking of three of the Monarchies , should omit the fourth , which was the greatest of all : neither would the Lord leaue his Church without comfort herein .

Contra. 1. As God reuealed not his whole minde vnto the rest of the Prophets , so neither had Daniel a cleare vision of all , which should happen in the world . 2. he toucheth all these foure kingdomes and gouernments , which should be the chiefe oppressors and afflictors of his people vntill the rising of Christs kingdome ; vntill which time they had not endured much at the Romanes hands , but by their owne procurement : Daniel therefore speaketh of those kingdomes onely , which medled most with the people of God then ; it much belonged not to their present comfort to heare of those kingdomes which should come afterward .

3. Daniel prophesieth of the kingdome of Christ , which should still encrease vnto the ende of the world , vers. 44. And cap. 12. 2. he euidently speaketh of euerlasting life , and of the resurrection .

Contra. 1. The Prophet doth but touch that by occasion in a word , to shewe the perfection and consummation of Christs kingdome : it followeth not , that therefore he should describe all the Monarchies to the ende of the world .

4. But the euent of things answering to this prophesie , sheweth that it is most fitly applyed to the Romane Empire .

1. Because as yron the Romane Empire subdued all other kingdomes : for whereas Alexanders kingdome was diuided into foure , Prolome had Egypt , Seleucus Syria , Antigonus Asia the lesse , and Antipater Macedonia , who also obtained Antigonus regiment ; all these foure dominions were dissolued and dissipated by the Romanes . Paulus Aemilius ouercame Perseus king of Macedonia , and led him with his two sonnes , Philippui , and Alexander in triumph : Lucullus and Pompeius subdued Mithridates and Tygranes , and brought vnder the Syrian kingdome : and Augustus Caesar ouercame Antonie with Cleopatra his wife , and made a Prouince of Egypt : And all the East countries Pompey the great subdued , and ioyned to the Romane Empire , as Asia , Pontus , Armenia , Paphlagonia , Cappadocia , Cilicia , Syria , with others , waging battell with them 30. yeares together , hauing slaine , put to flight , or taken an 121. thousand , and 83. thousand , and taken 846. shippes , and a 1538. cities and castles : Plin. lib. 7. cap. 26. Bulling. Pap. and Lyranus sheweth 3. wayes whereby they became such conquerours , sapientia , exercitio armorum , bon● regimine , by their wisedome , exercise of warlike feates , and good discipline and gouernement .

2. The two legges doe signifie the diuersitie of gouernement , which was euidently seene in the Romane common wealth : first , they were gouerned by Kings , then by Consuls , afterward by Tribunes , they had their decemviri , their Dictators for a time , then they came to their triumviri , when three did beare the greatest sway ; as Augustus , Antonie , Lepidus : and then the gouernement fell to dunmviri , into the hands of two , Augustus , and Antonie , and at the last one had the Soueraigntie , and so it continued vnder one Emperour , vntill Marcus Antonius Verus , then there began to be associates , and diuers Emperours at once . Perer.

3. The feete partly of yron , partly of clay , signifie the diuision and dissention of the kingdome , which is manifest in the Romane gouernment : for there were foure notable diuisions among them : first betweene the Senatours , and ordinem Equestrem , the gentrie of Rome , concerning the authoritie and power in matters of iudgement : there was also bellum sociale , the sociall warre , or of confederates , whereof Drusus was the author ; and bellum seruile , whereof Seriorius was the beginner : then followed the most deadly ciuill warres betweene Sylla and Marius , Caesar and Pompey , betweene Octavius with Mar. Antonius , and Brutus and Cassius , and betweene Octavius and Antonie .

4. Whereas the feete were partly of yron , partly of clay , which is expounded to signifie that the kingdome should be partly strong and partly broken : this also is thus applyed to the Romane state : because they were sometimes conquerers , sometime they were conquered : As the French brake in to the verie Capitall : Pyrrhus king of Epyrus did afflict the Romanes with fierce warre , and ouercame them at Trebia , and Trasimenum : Hannibal made a great slaughter of them at Cannas : Crassus was ouercome of the Parthians , and the Romane ensignes taken : Bullinger . Some vnderstand the yron and clay feete , of the kingdomes , which did spring out of the Romane Empire , as of France , Spaine , Germanie , the Turkes , whereof some were more victiorious , warlike , and yron-like then others : Melancthon . Some apply it to the Emperours of Rome , whereof some were valiant , some cowardly and slouthfull . Osian .

5. Whereas the mingling and tempering of the yron and clay together is expounded of their mariages ; they shewe likewise how this was accomplished and fulfilled in the Romane Empire : for Pompey tooke to wife Iulia daughter to Iulius Caesar , and Antonie married Octauia Augustus Caesars sister , whom he did afterward repudiate , and married Cleopatra Queene of Egypt : so that those coniunctions did not hold : Bullinger . Pere . Pin.

Contra. 1. True it is , that the Romanes did subdue vnto their Empire all other nations of any fame or power : but it is not so much to be considered , how they were yron-like towards other nations , but how they were affected towards the people of God , toward the comming of the Messiah : But vntill then the Iewes had not felt such hard seruice vnder the Romanes , as they had vnder other cruell Lords : for the innouations which were made in the Iewish state by Crassus and Pompey , were done rather by the consent of the Iewes themselues , and their kings striuing about the kingdome , then by conquest : and the interest that Antonie had there , was by the right and title of the Ptolomies , whose daughter and heyre Cleopatra he married : But of all other the Syrian tyrannie vnder Antiochus was most cruell and yronlike towards the Iewes , and therefore to that state this description rather agreeth , as shall afterward be shewed .

2. The diuision of the kingdome , signified by the two legges , cannot be vnderstood of the diuerse regiments and gouernements , one succeeding another : for it was still the same kingdome ; and beeing the same , it cannot be said to be diuided into two diuerse parts , as the legges are perpetually diuided , and are not ioyned together againe .

3. And for the same reason the diuision of the kingdome cannot be vnderstood of the Ciuill and domesticall dissentions : for there was a reuniting of it againe , after these sturres and tumults were appeased , but these kingdomes here spoken of , as two legges , were diuided and kept a sunder still .

4. The yron and clay signified , that the kingdome should be partly strong and partly weake : but this respect of their strength and weakenesse must not haue reference to other forren nations , but to the people of God , for whose comfort , this propheticall vision was sent : But toward the Iewes the Romane state was not partly strong , partly weake , vntill the comming of Christ ; that sometime the one had the better , sometime the other : But thus the case stood betweene them , and the Seleucians in Syria , and Ptolomies in Egypt , that sometime they preuailed against the people of God ; sometime God gaue them victorie against their enemies , as is euident in the storie of the Macchabees .

5. The coniunctions in marriage must be of diuerse kings betweene themselues after the diuision of the kingdome , not of the same kingdome within it selfe : and therefore that interpretation of the mutuall mariages betweene Caesar and Pompey , Octauian and Antonie , can here haue no place : for it is euident , vers. 44. that diuerse kings , and at the same instant , are vnderstood , who ioyned in mariage .

Reasons shewing that the Romane Empire cannot be here vnderstood .

1. In the ende of this fourth yronlike Monarchie the Messiah should come , and his kingdome be set vp ; but Christ came not in the ende , but in the beginning of the Romane Monarchie . Polan .

2. At the comming of the Messiah all these kingdomes must be dissolued , and broken in peices , vers. 44. Now the Romane Empire ended not at Christs comming : But it will be answered , that Daniel speaketh of the second comming of Christ , when all these kingdomes should be destroyed . Contra. That cannot be , for after the dissolution of these kingdomes , that stone which dashed them in peices , shall growe into a mountaine , and fill all the earth , ver. 35. which cannot be otherwise vnderstood , then of the propagation of Christs kingdome , which must be before his second comming .

3. This kingdome here spoken of was diuided into two , signified by the two legges : but the Romane Empire continued one vntill the time of Constantine , after whom it was diuided among his three sonnes , bot into two , but three parts .

4. They cannot shew in the Romane state , such coniunction in mariage betweene diuerse kings , and kingdomes : but they of whom they giue instance for such matrimonill coniunctions , were of one and the same kingdome .

5. That fourth kingdome must continue vntill the comming of Christ ; but if they vnderstand this prophesie of Christs second comming , the Romane Empire hath beene dissolued long since .

6. These kingdomes were one to succeede another , and to possesse the others dominions : the Persian obtayned all , that was vnder Babylon , Alexander gained all , which the Persian had : but the Romanes had onely Syria and Egypt of the Babylonian Empire , and onely Asia minor of the Persian Monarchie , whereas there were vnder the Persians an 127 prouinces from India to Aethiopia , Ester 1. therefore this last ktngdome cannot be the Romane state , for it must make one bodie with the rest , as in the image of a mans bodie is represented . Polanus .

7. In this vision the speciall intention of the Prophet is to describe such kingdomes , as were aduersaries to the Iewes , and pressed them most , but the Iewes endured not much affliction vnder the Romanes till the comming of Christ : they endured more vnder the kings of Syria , and Egypt , especially the first , as is euident in the bookes of the Machabees : that kingdome which was most cruell and yron-like toward the Iewes is here vnderstood : but so was not the Romane Empire ; therefore that is not here comprehended : Iun. annot .

Pappus answereth , 1. that it is false , Iudaici tantum populi conditionem hac visione describi , that the condition onely of the people of the Iewes is described in this vision . 2. he saith it is likewise false , à Romanis Iudaeos nihil passos , that the Iewes suffered nothing at the Romanes hands .

Contra. 1. But seeing that the ende and vse of this prophesie , was for the comfort of Gods people ; it must needs follow , that such alterations and changes of kingdomes are here described , which most nearely concerned the people of God : thus then we may reason , The end of these prophesies , as also of all Scripture , is for the comfort of Gods people , Rom. 15. 3. but the prophesie of such things , as concerned not the people of God , was not for their vse and comfort ; therefore such prophesies are not contained here .

2. It is not affirmed , that the Iewes endured nothing of the Romanes , but that their gouernement was nothing so hard and yron-like as was the tyrrannie of the kings of Syria .

8. The vision of an humane image signified one vnited bodie , consisting of diuerse kingdomes one succeding another , as the parts of the bodie doe one ioyne vnto another ; the beginning and head of which bodie was in Babylon : but the Romane Monarchie beeing distant at the least a 1200. miles from Babylon , could not make one vnited bodie with it : therefore that Monarchie cannot here fitly be vnderstood . Polan .

Quest. 50. That this fourth Monarchie diuided into two kingdomes , resembled by the two legges of the image , was the kingdome of Syria and Egypt .

When Alexander was dead , which happened in the 33. yeare of his age , his kingdome was diuided into foure parts : Seleucus had Babylon and Syria , Ptolome Egypt , Cassander Macedonia , and Antigonus held Asia : but the two first were the mightiest kingdomes , and did most afflict the people of God , which are here shadowed forth by the two yron legges ; as thus may be shewed .

1. The occasion of Nebuchadnezzars dreame is an argument thereof , which was to knowe , what should become of his kingdome after him ; the greatest part whereof fell vnto the share of these two , Seleucus that obtained the kingdom of Syria , and Ptolome of Egypt .

2. The scope and ende of this vision , was to describe vnto the Iewes their state and condition vnder these kingdomes vntill the comming of the Messiah : which was most hard and yron-like vnder the tyrannicall command of these two houses , the Seleucians , and the Ptolomies : so the captiuitie and bondage of the Israelites in Egypt is compared to an yron fornace , Deut. 4. 20. and now vnder Egypt againe they endure an other yron fornace .

3. This vision is opened and expounded by other visions , and prophesies afterward , cap. 7. 8. but most euidently , cap. 11. 4. where the kingdome of Alexander is foretold shall be diuided into 4. parts , and that among the rest the king of the North , which is Babylon and Syria , and the king of the South , namely of Egypt , shall be the chiefe : But the Romanes could neither be this king of the South , nor of the North.

4. The euent in these two kingdomes answereth to the prophesie : for here 4. things are foreshewed . 1. the condition and manner of gouernment towards the people of God , which should be yron-like , ver. 40. and so indeede were the kings of the North and South hard as yron , and cruell towards the people of God .

2. The constitution of these kingdomes is set forth , vers. 42. which as two legges did issue forth of the brasen bellie and thighs , that is Alexanders Monarchie , the strength whereof remained in them .

3. Then the inconstant and variable state of these two kingdomes is described , they should be part of yron , part of clay : sometime one should be the stronger , sometime the other : as Ptolomeus Euergites , had the better against Seleucus Callinicus , and Ptolomie Philadelphus to reuenge his daughter Berenice her death , against Antiochus Megas : but for the most part the king of the North was the stronger .

4. The matrimoniall league betweene these kingdomes is also foreshewed , which yet should not hold : Ptolome Philadelphus , gaue his daughter to Antiochus Theos to make perfect agreement betweene them : but this bond could not hold : for Antiochus had a former wife , Laodicea , who caused Berenice to be poysoned , whereupon ensued great warres betweene these two kings : likewise Antiochus surnamed the great , gaue his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolome Epiphanes : and thus euerie part of this prophesie was truely fulfilled in these two kingdomes , as shall be shewed more at large , in the opening of the 11. chap. Iunius .

5. The prophesie of Ezekiel against Gog , cap. 38. herein concurreth with this vision ; which is there ver. 15. expounded to be the kingdome of the North : that vsed the helpe of the Persians , who were tributarie vnto Antiochus Epiphanes : 1. Mac. 3. 31. and of the Arabians , ver. 5. against the people of God .

6. It is well obserued by some learned men , that the Romanes are but thrice mentioned in all the prophesie of Daniel , once , cap. 11. 18. where it is said , a Prince shall cause his shame : the Romanes sent their Consul against Antiochus Megas : againe in the same chapter , vers 30. the shippes of Cittim shall come against him : the Romanes sent Popilius to stay Antiochus Epimanes , and chap. 9. 26. where it is said , the people of the prince which shall come , and destroy the citie , the Romanes are vnderstood . In other places of his prophesie no mention is made of them : this prophesie then is not extended vnto them .

But it will be thus obiected on the contrarie , that this last Monarchie cannot be interpreted of these two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt .

1. Obiect . It is said , that in the dayes of these kings , the kingdome of the Messiah should be set vp : but these kingdomes were destroyed and dissolued by the Romanes before the Messiah came : Pappus .

Answ. The kingdome indeede of Syria was before subdued by Pompey , and the house of the Seleucians was then extinguished , which might be about 70. or 80. yeares , or thereabout before the birth of Christ : but the kingdome of Egypt continued still vntill the raigne of Herod , ( vnder whom Christ was borne ) who was confirmed in his kingdome by Antonie and Cleopatra the daughter of the last Ptolomie surnamed Piper : so that Egypt had some part of the Images toe vntill the Lords birth .

2. Obiect . This last Monarchie is called a kingdome , it was then but one , but these were two kingdomes , one of the South , the other of the North : they therefore cannot be vnderstood to be the fourth Monarchie .

Answ. 1. It is called one kingdome in two respects . 1. because they both issued out of the kingdome of Alexander , which after his death was diuided : as also because one of these two kindomes was of greater strength , and had the chiefe superioritie , which was the kingdome of the North. 2. it is euident in the text that diuerse states and regiments are comprehended in this fourth Monarchie : for it is said , ver. 43. in the plurall number , they shall mingle themselues with the scede of men : and they are said to be Kings , ver. 44. in the dayes of these kings , &c.

3. Obiect . Alexanders kingdome was diuided into 4. parts , as is before shewed : but here by the two legges two kingdomes onely are signified .

Answ. 1. Though Alexanders kingdome were diuided among his foure chiefe captaines , Cassander , Antigonus , Seleucus , Ptolome , yet soone after Seleucus vanquished and killed Antigonus , and Cassander of Macedonia was not of like power vnto the rest . 2. wherefore these two kingdomes are onely spoken of , as the mightiest , and because they two onely had to doe with the people of God , oppressing them continually , and keeping them vnder .

4. Obiect . The Empire of the Romanes is held of all to be the fourth Monarchie of the world , and the most flourishing : This image therefore representing the foure great Monarchies of the world , is to be extended to the Romane state .

Answ. It is not denied , but that the Romane dominion maketh the fourth generall Monarchie of the world : yet this remaineth to be prooued , that in this vision , the generall state and condition of the world is described : the argument therefore followeth not , Foure principall kingdomes and Monarchies are set fourth in this vision : therefore the Romane is one of them : for onely these kingdomes are here described , which then had to deale with the people of God , and which did beare sway vntill the comming of Christ , and then determined : Iun. annotat . But seeing we are fallen to make mention of these 4. generall Monarchies ; it shall not be amisse briefly to shewe the beginning and continuance of them .

Quest 51. Of the beginning and continuance of the foure generall Monarchies of the world .

1. The Babylonian Empire , which is made one with the Assyrian , tooke beginning from Ninus , of whom the citie Niniue is thought to haue beene so called , and it continued aboue , a 1000. yeares : yet it neuer flourished more then vnder Nebuchadnezzar the great ; who subdued vnto his kingdome , all Syria , Phoenice , Iudea , Idumea , Egypt , Lybia , with other countries : And this his large dominion began in the first yeare of his raigne , when he besieged Ierusalem , but it was not at the height till the 23. yeare of his raigne , in the 38. Olympiad . and so it held 60. yeares vnto the raigne of Cyrus , which was in the 55. Olymp.

The Persian Monarchie beginning in Cyrus , flourished about 230. yeares , as Pere . 228. as Bullinger , and was dissolued by Alexander in the 112. Olympiad .

3. The Grecian Empire was first founded by Alexander , who held the same 6. yeares , then it was diuided into foure kingdomes , which were soone turned to three : the Syrian kingdome , whereunto was annexed also all Asia Minor , which Seleucus possessed , continued in that house vnto Olympiad 175. and afterward was held by Tygranes king of Armenia , 12. yeares , and then in the 179. Olympiad , was by Pompey subdued to the Romane Empire . The second kingdome , which was of Macedonia , in the 150. Olympiad , was made subiect to Rome , with Perseus the last king thereof . The third kingdome of Egypt held out vnto the 187. Olympiad , and then Antonie who had married Cleopatra Queene of Egypt , was ouercome of Augustus Caesar.

4. The Romane kingdome simply beganne from the building of Rome in the 7. Olym. but it was not an absolute Monarchie vntill the 44. Olympi . after the ende of the second Punike warre : for then all Italy , Spaine , Sardinia , Sicilia , and Carthage , were brought vnder the Romane obedience . And their dominion was much enlarged in the 147. Olympi . when Antiochus the great was vanq●ished by the Romanes : but most of all in 179. Olympiad : when Pompey subdued the East countries : So that Asia the lesse , which was before the bounds of the Romane Empire , was then but counted in the middes : In this glorie it continued the space of 500. yeares from the second Punike warre , till it was taken of the Gothes : vnto which time from the first building of the citie were a 1164. yeares , or thereabout : Varr● writeth lib. 18. Antiquat . that Vectius the Augur , by those 12. vulturs , which Romulus coniectured by when he built Rome , did forespeake that Rome should continue so many hundred yeares : but this may worthily be held to be a fable . ex Pere .

Quest. 52. vers. 43. Of the meaning of these words , they shall mingle themselues with the seede of men .

1. Vatablus vnderstandeth it of the diuerse nations and people which should be admitted into the commonwealth , and were donati ciuitate , priuiledged with the immunities of citizens : but the phrase of mingling themselues with the seede of men , signifieth more .

2. Osiander thus expoundeth it , that the princes of the Romane state iuncturi essent affinitates cum Regibus , should ioyne in affinitie with other kings : but the text sheweth , that the kings of this fourth Monarchie should be ioyned in mariage among themselues .

3. Pappus with others interpret it of the affinitie betweene Caesar and Pompey who maried Iulia Caesars daughter : and when she was dead he would haue giuen him in mariage Octauia his sisters daughter : and desired also to haue maried Pompeys daughter : so Augustus gaue vnto Antonie his sister Octauia : But Caluin calleth this frigidum , a weake conceit , to ayme at some speciall mariages : he thinketh it was the continuall practise of that state , to combine and linke themselues together by mutuall mariages : But this matrimoniall coniunction here spoken of , is between diuerse kings ; not in the same slate and common-wealth .

4. Some vnderstand it of the societie and league betweene the Romanes and Macchabees , which first beganne vnder Iudas Macchabeus : but the phrase , as is before shewed , doth signifie a league and coniunction by mariage .

5. Some referre it to herod , who beeing a stranger , would haue maried one of the Macchabees daughter , that his sonne might peaceably enioy the kingdome : but the maide killed her selfe for griefe , and he is said to haue abused her beeing dead : ex Lyran. But the kingdome of the Iewes was no part of this fourth Monarchie .

6. The true meaning then is , that these two kingdomes , signified by the two legs , that is , the kings of the South and North , should linke together in mariage , as is shewed before , Quest. 46. argum. 4.

Quest. 53. vers. 44. What manner of kingdome the Prop●et speaketh of , which God shall set vp .

1. Porphyrius and the Hebrewes doe interpret this of the kingdome of the Iewes , which in the ende of the world shall , as they dreame be most mightie , and subdue all other kingdomes : lib. 10. antiquit. cap. 11. it seemeth also that Iosephus had some such conceit : for when he commeth to make mention of this stone , he forbeareth to giue any interpretion of it , putting off the matter thus ; mihi hoc narrare non libuit , cui propositum est non futura , sed praeterita scribere , &c. Daniel also giueth an interpretation of the stone : but it liked me not to declare it , whose purpose is to write of things past , not of things to come . It seemeth he was loath to offend the Romanes , of whom he had receiued so great grace and fauour , which he should haue done , if he had giuen his opinion , that the Romane Empire should in the ende haue beene ruinated by his nation .

But how vnlike a thing this is , that the Iewes should obtaine such a temporall dominion , it is euident to all the world , they beeing now a dispersed nation , without either king or priest , Church or commonwealth : And our Blessed Sauiour hath assured vs , that his kingdome is not of this world : they then dreaming of such an outward kingdome , doe therein shewe their infidelitie , that they haue no part in the true Messiah , who is blessed for euer .

2. The heretikes called Chiliastes , which hold that 6. thousand yeares expired from the creation of the world , there shall be a resurrection of iust men , who shall raigne with Christ a thousand yeares in the earth , doe expound this place of that terrene kingdome : But their hereticall fansie is confuted by the verie words of this text : for the kingdome here spoken of shall stand for euer : it shall not then onely continue for a 1000. yeares .

3. Wherefore this Scripture euidently describeth the spirituall kingdome of Christ , in this world ruling and gouerning the hearts of his seruants by his grace , and propagating his truth and Gospell ouer all the world , exercising his power vpon the enemies of his Church : which kingdome shall be perfected in his euerlasting glorie : of this eternall , and euerduring kingdome , the Prophet Isay saith , the Encrease of his gouernement and peace shall haue no ende . Isay 9. 7.

Quest. 54. Whether the stone cut out of the mountaine , doe signifie Christ or his kingdome .

1. The most doe vnderstand this of Christ himselfe , who is signified by this stone , of which opinion are of the ancient writers , Iustinus Martyr , dialog. cum Tryphone : Ireneus lib. 3. aduers. haeres . cap. 28. Cyprian , lib. 2. aduers. Iudaeos , sect. 17. and sometime Augustine enarrat . in Psal. 98. and so interpreteth Lyranus : and of the newe writers , Bullinger by this stone would haue Christ vnderstood : as Psal. 118. 22. the stone which the builders refused , is become the head stone of the corner : and Isay 28. 16. Behold I will lay in Sion a stone , a tried stone , a precious corner stone , a sure foundation : to the same purpose Melancthon : likewise Perorius beside these testimonies of Scripture , sheweth how Christ this precious stone was prefigured by certaine typicall stones in the old Testament : as by the stone Iacob pitched , and annointed it with oyle : and the rocke which Moses smote with the tod , and water gushed out : by the stone that bare vp Moses hands , Ezod . 17. and by that rocke where Moses was set when he saw the Lords backe parts , Exod. 33. Further in these fower respects Christ is compared to a stone . 1. for the continuance . 2. for the strength , he is the fundamentall stone . 3. a rocke of refuge vnto them that beleeue . 4. and a rocke of offence for the wicked to stumble at .

2. Some doe by this stone vnderstand the kingdome and Church of Christ : as Augustine in Psal. 42. and 44. so also Caluine , comparat regnum Christi cum omnibus illis Monarchijs , &c. he compareth the kingdome of Christ , with all those Monarchies , &c. so is the Church of God likened to a stone , Zach. 12. 3. in that day I will make Ierusalem an heauie stone for all people , all that lift it vp shall be torne , &c.

3. But these interpretations are not contrarie one to another ; they may well stand together : for Christ is not here considered apart by himselfe , but together with his Church , he as the head , and the other as his bodie ; So the Apostle sometime by Christ vnderstandeth the whole mysticall bodie consisting of Christ and his Church , as 1. Cor. 12. 12. As the bodie is one , and hath many members , so is Christ : so the Church is called the bodie and fulnesse of Christ . Ephe. 1. 23. Then in this place , Christ is not vnderstood without his body the Church , but both Christ and his kingdome , which is the Church , are ioyned together : for ver. 44. Daniel speaketh of a kingdome which God should set vp . Polan .

Quest. 55. Whether this prophesie be fulfilled in the first , or second comming of Christ .

1. Tertullian expoundeth it of Christs second comming , lib. contra Iudaeos . So also Theodoret , beeing mooued with this reason ; because at the first comming of Christ all these kingdomes were not destroyed , for the Romane Empire then flourished , but at his second comming this prophesie shall be fulfilled : but this argument is soone answered : the kingdomes here spoken of , were all dissolued at the comming of Christ in the flesh : the Romane Empire is not comprehended in this vision , as is before shewed at large . quest. 49.

2. Some thinke , that this prophesie agreeth vnto the first comming of Christ , inchoate & aliquatenus , in some sort and by way of beginning , and that in the ende , it should dash in peices the Romane Empire : but it shall most fully and absolutely be accomplished at Christs second comming : Pere . Pap.

3. But it shall appeare by these arguments , that this Scripture must onely be referred to the first comming of Christ , and not at all to the second , but onely by way of analogie , and by a consequent .

1. This kingdome shall be set vp in the times of these Kings : but in the euerlasting kingdome of Christ in the next world , there shall be neither any such kings , nor any more time .

2. This stone was but small at the beginning , but afterward it grew into a mountaine : but Christ , when he commeth in his glorie , shall then shew himselfe in his greatnes : he shall not be as a small stone .

3. And this stone became a great mountaine , and filled the whole earth : which sheweth , that Christs kingdome here spoken of , should increase by little and little : but after his second comming , it shall be at the full , not still encreasing : therefore the kingdome of Christ here in this world of necessitie must be here described .

4. Yet by way of analogicall collection , this prophesie may be applyed vnto Christs second comming : when as Christ shall make a perfect conquest of all earthly kingdomes and powers , and of all other aduersaries vnto his kingdome .

5. Of this opinion , that this prophesie concerneth the first comming of Christ , are all they which expound this phrase , of the cutting out of this stone without hands , of the miraculous conception and birth of Christ , of the virgine Marie , as Lyran. gloss . ordinar. Vatab. Pin. with diuerse of the auncient fathers : Caluin also , though he refuse that interpretation of Christs birth ; yet holdeth the first comming of Christ to be here signified : by this reason : propheta admonet exordia regnt Christi fore contempta , the Prophet admonisheth , that the beginning of Christs kingdome shall be base and contemptible , &c. because he likeneth it to a small stone at the first : but the second comming of Christ , shall be glorious .

Quest. 56. The description of the kingdome of Christ by the Prophet , vers. 44. 45.

1. It is described by the adiunct of time , when it should come , in the time of those kings , which held the fourth Monarchie , toward the ende thereof . 2. by the manner it shall be raised vp as from a small beginning . 3. by the efficient , it shall be set vp by God . 4. by the eternitie of it , it shall stand for euer , neither apt to fall of it selfe , neither shall it be surprised by any other : for these two are the causes of the alteration of kingdomes ; internall within themselues , or externall by foorren power . 5. by the effects , it shall breake and destroy all other kingdomes , as the Prophet Zachatie sheweth , cap. 12. 3. 6. by the firmenes and surenesse thereof , compared vnto a stone . 7. by the originall or beginning , it was cut out of a mountaine : the beginning thereof was from heauen , from abnue , as our blessed Sauiour himselfe , Iohn . 3. 13. no man hath ascended into heauen , but he that came downe from heauen , the sonne of man which is in heauen . 8. by the manner of his comming , which shall be sudden and vnlooked for , as a thing that is cut out at once . 9. by the manner of administration , it shall be cut out without hands , that is , any humane helpe . 10. by the power thereof , it shall breake in peices , &c. Polan .

Quest. 57. That this kingdome which God shall raise vp must be vnderstood of the kingdome of Christ .

Vers. 44. The God of heauen shall set vp a kingdome . Caluin here setteth downe certaine reasons , out of the Rabbine Barbinel whereby he would prooue , that this kingdome cannot be referred to Iesus the sonne of Mary : his reasons are these six in all .

1. Seeing these foure kingdomes here described are terrene and visible , the fift also which should destroy the other must be also visible , for vnlike things cannot be compared together .

Contra. 1. It is not necessarie , that all things should be like in a comparison : nay here is rather an opposition betweene the 4. kingdomes , and this fifth , then a comparison , and in that it is to destroy the rest , it must be vnlike vnto the rest : the Rabbines argument therefore followeth not ; The fift kingdome shall destroy the former foure , Ergo it shall be of the same kind with the rest : the contrarie is better inferred , that therefore it shall be vnlike vnto the rest .

2. Ar. If religion made a difference between these kingdomes , then were they not foure but one : for all of them were giuen to idolatrie , and so followed the same superstition .

Contra. 1. It is necessarie that the 5. kingdome , which should abolish all the rest , should differ in the truth and sinceritie of religion from them : but it is not necessarie , that the foure Monarchies one destroying and confounding another , should be of diuerse religion : for kingdomes that are of the same superstition , may be one enemie vnto another , as one error may be contrary to another .

3. Argum. It is said of this kingdome , that it shall not be giuen vnto an other : but the Turke now possesseth a great part of the kingdome of Christians : And among themselues also religion is diuided , and many distast the Gospel ; therefore this cannot be vnderstood of the kingdome of Christianitie .

Contra. 1. By this kingdome , which God should raise vp , is not vnderstood any visible or externall kingdome : though the Turke haue surprised the terrene kingdomes and nations , which sometime the Christians possessed , yet the spirituall kingdome of Christ is not resigned vnto them , nor to any other . 2. Euen among Christians there may be diuisions , and many carnall men may liue in the Church , but they belong not to the spirituall kingdome of Christ , though they remaine in the externall societie of the visible Church .

4. Argu. If this be the kingdome of Christ , who was borne vnder Augustus Caesar , when the Romane Monarchie in a manner beganne , then the fourth Monarchie , and this fifth kingdome should beginne together , which cannot be , for the one must be the ruine and destruction of the other .

Contra. 1. To this Caluin answereth , that the Monarchie of the Romanes beganne not with the Caesars , but long before , when the Macedonian kingdome was dissolued .

2. But this is an vnsufficient answer : 1. because it was no Monarchie , till the time of Iulius Caesar : but the gouernment before that was sometime Democraticall , & popular , sometime Aristocraticall , gouerned by Consuls : therefore till it became a Monarchie , it could not be the fourth kingdome here spoken of . 2. Though the fift kingdome and the fourth beganne not together , yet the same inconuenience followeth , if they continue together : for the fift kingdome , when it commeth must be the ruine of the other : this argument therefore of the Rabbine is inuincible against their opinion , which make the Romane Monarchie this fourth kingdome .

3. Therefore to the Rabbines argument we make this further answer , that this fourth kingdome diuided into two , as consisting of two legges , was the Monarchicall state of Syria and Babylon where the sonnes and ofspring of Seleucu● raigned , and of Egypt , where the Ptolomies succeeded one another , as is before shewed , quest. 50. And so indeed this fift kingdome was the ende of the other .

5. Argum. The fourth kingdome and the fift can not stand together , the one beeing the ruine of the other : but vnder Constantine and other Christian Emperours of the Romane state , the Gospel of Christ flourished ; therefore it cannot be meant of that kingdome .

Contra. 1. Caluin here answereth , that the kingdome of Christ , non debet referri ad tempus natiuitatis , must not be referred to the time of his natiuitle , but to the preaching of the Gospell : and when the gospell beganne to be published , then the Romane Empire after Traianus time was translated to strangers , to heardmen , and swineards , and beastly monsters .

2. This answer is likewise insufficient : 1. for as soone as Christ was borne , his kingdome beganne in the dayes of his flesh : as the Angel in the annuntiation of Christs birth to the virgine Marie , telleth her , that God would giue him the throne of his father Dauid , Luk. c. 32. 33. and he shall raigne ouer the house of Iacob , &c. 2. the gospel was neuer more published in the world , then in the Apostles time , while yet the Romane Empire continued in the name and stocke of the Caesars . 3. though the Empire was deuolued to strangers , not of Caesars familie , yet was it still the Latine and Romane Empire , and therefore was the same Monarchie .

3. Wherefore vnlesse the Romane Monarchie be disclaimed here from beeing this fourth kingdome , this argument cannot be answered , for the fourth kingdome , and the fift cannot stand together .

6. Argum. The Romane Empire yet in some sort continueth , therefore this fift is not the kingdome of Christ , which must not be raised vntill the other be destroyed .

Contra. The Romane Monarchie is long since dissolued , and there remaineth nothing but an image and shadowe thereof , therefore this reason concludeth not .

Quest. 58. That this kingdome of Christs is a spirituall , no temporall kingdome .

1. Some thinke that Christ was the temporall king of the Iewes , and that the kingdome of Dauid descended lineally vnto him by right of inheritance ; which they would further confirme by that prophesie of Iaacob . Gen. 49. 10. the scepter shall not depart from Iudah , till Shilob come , &c. whence they inferre , that the kingdome of Israel shall be restored by the Messiah .

Contra. 1. It can not be shewed , that Christ descended by such a right line , as that the kingdome came vnto him by lineall descent : for the line which Matthew and Luke set downe , are of Ioseph , not of Marie , which sheweth that they were both of the same tribe : but that lineall descent wil deriue the temporall kingdome rather to Ioseph then to Marie . 2. The contrarie rather is inferred vpon that prophesie , that the scepter should then , and not before depart from Iudah , when the Messiah should come : and he saith not , that he should be expectatio Iudaeorum , the expectation of the Iewes , but the expectation of the Gentiles , as the Latine translator readeth : or the people or nations ( not the Iewes ) should be gathered vnto him : Pintus .

2. Now that Christs shall be no temporall , but a spirituall kingdome , neither that he had any temporall kingdome by succession from Dauid , it may thus appeare ,

1. Iehoiachin the last king of the Iewes beside Zedekiah , whose sonnes were killed before his face , had none of his seede to sit vpon the throne after him , Ieremie , 22. 30. but if the kingdome of Christ were lineally deriued from Dauid , it must be counted from him .

2. Christ refused to be made a king , and when he perceiued the people had such an intent , he conuaied himselfe from among them , Ioh. 6. 15. he likewise refused to entermeddle with the office of a king , as to be a iudge in ciuill causes , Luk. 12. 14.

3. No temporall kingdome is eternall , but the kingdome of Christ is eternall , therefore it is no temporall kingdome .

4. What manner of kingdome Christs is , the Prophet Zacharie sheweth , Behold thy King commeth vnto thee , &c. poore , and riding vpon an asse : if Christs were a temporal kingdome , where is the pompe , riches , and glorie of his kingdome ?

5. As Christs kingdome is , so was the oyle wherewith he was annointed , and the sword wherewith he was girded : but he was annointed with spirituall oyle , and the sword of his kingdome is also spirituall , Psal. 45. 3. 7. therefore so is his kingdome , Pintus .

59. Quest. v. 44. In the daies of what kings Christs kingdome should be raised vp .

1. The Latin interpreter readeth , in the daies of these kingdomes , which Lyran. Pint. with others , vnderstand of the Romane Empire , which is called kingdomes in the plurall , quia multa regna continebat sub se , because it contained many kingdomes vnder it : and they giue this sense , that while the Romane Monarchie yet continued , the kingdome of Christ should begin . Pappus .

2. Bullinger somewhat diuerslly by these kings vnderstandeth ●●iuers princes of the Romane Empire , as Augustus and Antonius , betweene whom Herod went vnto the Capitol , beeing by them confirmed in his kingdome .

Contra. But that these times can not be vnderstood of the Romane Empire at all , hence it is euident ; because this 5. kingdome must be raised vp in the ende of the other : Now the Romane Empire most of all flourished when Christ was borne : it was not then the fourth kingdome here spoken of : See other arguments against this opinion ▪ question 49.

3. The Iewes do vnderstand this fourth kingdome of the Turkish dominion , & they confound the Macedonian and Romane Empire together , making them both one , because they say the Romanes had their originall from the Grecians : and this is their deuise , that they should not be forced to finde the beginning of Christs kingdome vnder the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes .

Contra. 1. The fourth kingdome cannot be the Turkish segnorie , which came 600. yeares at the least after the other 3. kingdomes were dissolued ; but by Daniels description , the fourth kingdome must followe immediately vpon the dissolution of the other . 2. Though the Romanes had their beginning from Troy in Asia minor , yet that was destroyed a 1000. yeares well nie before the ende of the three first Monarchies : therefore the Romanes could not then be counted one kingdome with the Grecians . 3. Likewise the Turks came from the mount Caspian , and out of the greater Asia : then by this reason they might as well confound the Turkish gouernement , with the Babylonian or Persian Monarchie , which had their chiefe dominions in the greater Asia .

3. Therefore the times of these kings must be referred vnto the last kings of the fourth kingdome , which consisted of Syria , and Egypt , as the two legges thereof , as is before shewed , quest. 50. And so Hugo verie well expoundeth , in diebus vnius ex illis , in the dayes of these kings or kingdomes , that is one of them : and in the ende of them as the word is taken , Ezech. 7. 12. the time is come , that is the ende : to the same purpose , gloss . ordinar. his regnis pracurrentibus , these kingdomes going before , as beeing forerunners , the kingdome of Christ was both prophesied of and came .

This beeing agreed vpon , that this time is the ende of these kingdomes : yet there is this doubt . Iunius seemeth to vnderstand this king to be Herod , who was an Arabian , and so of the kindred of the kings of Syria , who vsurped the kigdome of the Iewes : and in his time Christ came : But this cannot be so fit to find this forth kingdom , among the people of God in Iudea , it must be a forren kingdome that was cruell and yron-like towards that nation .

And the kingdome of Syria was dissolued a good while before by Pompey before Herod was king .

Therefore I rather consent to them , which vnderstand this time to be the ende of Ptolomies house and race : for vntill Herod the house of Ptolomie continued : for Antonie , who confirmed Herod in his kingdome , married Cleoptra the daughter and heire of Ptolomie Piper .

60. Quest. How Christs kingdome is said to destroy other kingdomes .

1. Seeing that three of these Monarchies and kingdomes were destroied before Christs birth , how is Christs kingdome saide to destroy them : and seeing kingdomes are set vp by God , and the Apostle saith , that the powers that be , are ordained of God , Rom. 13. how is Christ said to destroy that , which he setteth vp ?

Answ. 1. Though those kingdomes were in act dissolued before Christs comming in the flesh , yet because Christs kingdome is euerlasting , and beganne not with his incarnation , those kingdomes were destroied by the power of Christs eternall kingdome : for as the Lord saith concerning Cyrus , I guided thee , though thou knewest it not , Isa. 45. 5. As the Lord Christ was the founder and setter vp of Cyrus kingdome , to deliuer his people ; so the same kingdome , when it opposed it selfe against Christ and his Church , was by the same power of Christ pulled downe .

2. Christ indeede setteth vp kingdomes in respect of the power and authoritie giuen vnto them , which is of God : and he maintaineth vpright and iust kings , as the wise man saith , Prov. 8. 15. By me kings raigne , and Princes decree iust things . But vniust kings , and tyrannicall kingdomes Christ destroyeth : not that he is an enemie to the place and gouernment , but he setteth himselfe against all such kingdomes , as oppose themselues to the Church of God : so it is true , conteri & comminui a Christo terrena imperia accidentaliter , that , as it were accidentally Christ doth diminish and breake in pieces terrene kingdomes , as they are aduersaries to the kingdome of Christ . Calvin .

61. Quest. Whether Christ at his comming did in deede destroy the temporall dominions .

1. Pererius thinketh that Christ is said to destroy them , non eversa temporali dominatione , sed sublata idololatria , not in ouerthrowing their temporall dominion , ●ut in taking away their idolatrie .

Contra. But this can not be the meaning : for the idolatrie of the heathen gouernours was not abolished till the time of Constantine , which was 300. yeares after Christ : beside the three first Monarchies were dissolued , of the Chaldeans , Persians , Grecians , and yet they were not purged of their idolatrie .

2. Therefore the destruction of these kingdomes must be vnderstood of the outward ruine and fall of them : as both in fact was euident , that the foure kingdomes described by the image were so dissolued , and this was best answerable to the vision , wherein the image was seene to be broken all to pieces , and dashed together by the stone cut out of the mountaine .

62. Quest. How Christ is said to be the stone cut out without hands .

1. Augustine by this mountaine vnderstandeth the people of the Iewes , de quo monte exciditur , nisi de regno Iudaeorum ? out of what mountaine is he cut , but out of the kingdome of the Iewes ? Tractat. 9. in Ioann . but at what time Christ was borne , the kingdome of the Iewes beeing fallen into the hands of a stranger , when according to Iaakobs prophesie , the scepter was gone from Iudah , could not be compared to a mountaine .

2. Ambrose reading , in stead of the stone cut out of the mountaine ( the mountaine cut out of the mountaine without hands ) expoundeth it of the eternall generation of Christ of the father ; mons de monte sine manibus , hoc est filius de patre sine aliquo creationis accessu , the mountaine cut of the mountaine without hands , that is the sonne of the father without any creation , &c. Sermon . 7. So also Iustinus Martyr vnderstandeth it of the eternall generation of Christ . Dialog. cum Tryphon . But Daniel here speaketh of a kingdome to be raised vp by God , it had then a beginning : but the kingdome of Christ as he is the sonne of God , had no beginning : this therfore must be vnderstood of Christs kingdom as he is the Mediatour both God and man .

3. Hyppolitus referreth it to Christs second comming , and that clause without hands , signifieth , secundum Christi adventum fore improvisum , that the second comming of Christ shal be sudden , &c. so also Osiander , it signifieth that Christ the rocke subito superventurum , shall come suddenly to iudgement : but this cannot be vnderstood of Christs second comming , as is before shewed , Qu. 51. because this stone after it is cut out shall grow into a mountaine , and fill all the earth : but the knowledge of Christ shall haue filled all the earth , before his second comming .

4. But most interpreters doe interpret it of the miraculous generation of Christ of the virgin Marie : so Hierome , Theodoret , Lyran. Vatab. and without hands , signifieth , sine operatione humana , without the helpe of man : and the virgin Marie is compared to a mountaine , propter excellentiam virtutum , because of the excellencie of her vertue . Pintus .

5. Bullinger putteth these together , vnderstanding by the word mountaine , partim locum excelsum , &c. partly the high place of heauen , partly the people of the Iewes , because he was borne of the virgin Marie , &c.

Contra. 1. But this cannot be so applied to the virgin Marie , for shee in no sense can be said to be a mountaine in respect of Christ , and he to be a small stone in respect of her : Marie was no waies greater then her sonne . 2. Although Christ was borne of Marie without the companie of man , yet his naturall generation was not altogether without the helpe of mankind , because he was borne of a woman : and therefore Iustinus better applieth these words to Christs eternall generation , which was altogether without hands : it was non humanum opus , sed diuinae voluntatis propositum , no humane worke , but the decree and purpose of the diuine will . 3. The words are not as they are vsually read , cut out without hands , but cut out of the mountaine ( which is not in hands ) that is , which stone is not at all guided or framed with hands : that is , Christs kingdome and gouernment is not administred by any humane policie : this is then to be vnderstood , not of the manner of Christs birth , but of the administration of his kingdome .

6. Wherefore the meaning is , he was cut out of the mountaine , that is , è coelis , & loco Dei altissimi , he was sent from heauen , from the place of the highest , Iun. Polan . divinitus missus est , he was sent from God , Calvin . And therefore it is here said , the God of heauen shall set him vp . Our blessed Sauiour also to the same purpose saith , Ioh. 3. 13. No man hath ascended to heauen , but he which descended from heauen , the sonne of man , which is in heauen .

63. Quest. In what sense Christ is compared to a little stone , and how it filled the earth .

1. Christ is resembled to a small stone in diuers respects . 1. in regard of his incarnation , in taking mans nature vpon him , he abased himselfe , and made himselfe of no reputation , Philip. 2. 7.

2. His smalnes was in the opinion of the world , who made no reckoning of Christ , but dispised and contemned him , Isa. 53. 3. he is despised and reiected of men .

3. His life was poore , without any pompe or worldly glorie , he was hungrie , and thirstie , and others ministred to him of their substance , who giueth vnto all abundantly .

4. He was small in respect of his small and little flocke , and of that small number which beleeued in him .

5. Likewise in regard of his bitter passion , and ignominious death , he seemed to be litle .

2. But yet the small stone encreased , and grew into a mountaine , filling the whole earth : 1. with the preaching of the Gospel , which was published through the world . 2. in illuminating the world with the knowledge of his truth . 3. with the fame of his miracles , which were spoken of wheresoeuer the Gospel was preached . 4. the Church of Christ encreased , and replenished the whole earth . Perer.

64. Quest. v. 46. Whether Nabuchadnezzer did well in bowing vnto Daniel , and commanding odors to be offered vnto him .

v. 46. And he bowed himselfe vnto Daniel . 1. Some thinke that this was a ciuill adoration , as it is the vse in the East countrey for the subiects to adore and worship their prince : Bulling. but it is euident by the offering of incense , that it was a diuine honour which he gaue vnto Daniel . Polan . Papp .

2. Caluin saith , quod ita se coram Daniele prostrauit , signum est pietatis , quod Deum reueretur , in that he doth thus postrate himselfe before Daniel , it was a signe of his pietie , that he reuerenced God . But it shewed superstition rather then pietie or true deuotion , to ascribe diuine honour vnto a mortall man , and Caluin a little after confesseth , Danielem fuisse inconsiderate cultum , that Daniel was inconsiderately worshipped .

3. The Romanists doe iustifie this fact , that Nebuchadnezzar did no otherwise adore Daniel , then now they worship Saints : Emman . Sa. non tam Danielem , quam in Deo Danielem coluit , he did not so much worship Daniel , as God in Daniel , Pintus . Contra. but to offer incense and sacrifice , as the Latine translateth , hostias , sacrifices , is a part of diuine honour , which is not to be giuen vnto any creature : and therefore Lyran. better answereth , that the king commanded this to be done , but it is not read , that it was done .

4. Porphyrie here obiecteth , 1. that it is not like that such a proud king would so abase himselfe to worship his seruant , at the least to giue him diuine honour : Contra. 1. it is no maruell that the king beeing rauished with admiration of Daniels great wisedome , did thus humble himselfe before him . 2. and for the rest the Scripture , as Hierome saith , simpliciter refert quae gesta sunt : doth vse simply and nakedly to rehearse the things as they were done , not giuing any censure of them : as Act. 14. the men of Lystra offred diuine honour vnto Paul and Barnabas , calling the one Iupiter , the other Mercurie , the like Nebuchadnezzar doth here .

Quest. 65. Whether Daniel refused this worship offred vnto him .

1. They which thinke that Nebuchadnezzar adored Daniel as the seruant of the most high God , as now the Romanists worship Saints , as Emmanuel Sa. cannot but thinke that Daniel might accept this religious adoration yelded vnto him : But neither is any religious adoration to be giuen vnto Saints : as the Angel refusing to be adored of Iohn , bid him worship God , Apocal. 22. 9. and beside to offer incense and sacrifice is a part of diuine worship due onely vnto God : and therefore Dauid saith : let my praier be directed in thy sight as incense , and the lifting vp of my hands , as an euening sacrifice , Psal. 141. 2. it had beene sacriledge then , as in the one to offer any part of diuine worship , so in the other to accept it .

2. Caluin seemeth to incline , that this might be some error and corruption in Daniel , which he had learned in the kings Court , in passing it ouer in silence , and suffring this to be done : neque tanti esse debet nobis hominis defensio licet perfectissimi , neither neede we so much to stand vpon the defense of any though the most perfect man , &c. so also Geneuens . Daniel herein erred if he suffered it : they speake doubtfully , yet both doe thin● it more credible , that Daniel did not accept of this honour , but admonished the king : But in this matter there is no doubt at all : for it is certaine , that Daniel so holy a man , and so iealous of Gods honour , would neuer haue endured any part of Gods honour to be diminished .

3. Hierome whereas Porphyrie obiected , and tooke exception against this booke , because Daniel refused not this diuine honour exhibited vnto him , maketh this answer , that all this was Gods worke , the sending of that dreame , and the interpretation thereof , vt Daniel inde cresceret , &c. & omnipotentia Dei nosceretur , that Daniel by this meanes might increase in honour for the comfort of Gods people , and that Gods omnipotencie might be knowne : So likewise Theoderet here hath recourse vnto Gods wonderfull prouidence . But all this beeing admitted , that herein Gods prouidence is euidently seene : yet thereby Daniel cannot be excused if he should haue arrogated any diuine honour to himselfe .

4. Pellican thinketh that these sacrifices were not offred to Daniel , but vnto God : because the king saith , I know of a truth , that your God , is a God of gods : for Daniel anteverterat regem , &c. Daniel had preuented the king before , vers. 30. that he could not doe this by his owne wisedome : but God onely was the reuealer of secrets : Contra. It is euident by the text , vers. 46. that the king commanded that these things should be offred vnto Daniel , yet as Lyranus thinketh , though the king commanded it to be done , Daniel impediuit fiers , Daniel hindred it to be done .

5. Wherefore the truth is , that Daniel vtterly refused these diuine honours , though it be omitted , breuitatis causa , for breuitie sake : Osiand . And thus it may be shewed . 1. Because such was Daniels pietie , that if he refused to be defiled with the kings meate , much lesse would he haue endured such grosse superstition . 2. It is said the king answered vnto Daniel , vers. 47. it seemed then that Daniel vsed some interlocutorie speech , though it be not expressed , reclaiming Nebuchadnezzar from these errors . 3. This is euident also by that singular confession which Nebuchadnezzar made of God , that he was otherwise instructed by Daniel . Iun. Polan . Pappus . 4. This further is prooued , for that Daniel afterward would not intermit the seruice of God , and inuocation of his name , though it were with perill and danger of his life . cap. 6. Bulling. 5. Likewise Daniels behauiour here may be measured by the like in other the Saints and seruants of God : as Peter would not suffer Cornelius to lie at his feete , Act. 10. nor Paul and Barnabas the men of Lystra to sacrifice vnto them , Act. 14. nor the Angel , the Euangelist Iohn to worship him , Apocal. 22. Bullinger . 6. Pererius affirmeth as much , that Daniel refused these sacrifices ; because afterward the Lord did so greatly honour him , and reward his faithfulnesse with working miracles for his delirance , and reuealing vnto him many secrets and mysteries in vision .

Quest. 66. vers. 47. Of Nebuchadnezzars ample and large confession of God .

Nebuchadnezzar beeing striken with admiration of Daniels great wisedome in reuealing of his dreame , breaketh out into a notable confession of Daniels God , beeing so taught by Daniel to giue all the honour vnto God . 1. He acknowledgeth the God of Israel to be the God of gods , not of Angels , or of Princes , who are called gods : but he meaneth the gods of the heathen ; aboue whom he extolleth the true God : Pere . Iunius thinketh it is a phrase of speach , signifying God to be the supreame God , as before he called Nebuchadnezzar king of kings , ver. 37. but it signifieth more , cogit in ordinem ipsum Belum , & totam illam faecem falsorum deorum , he bringeth into order Bel himselfe , and that filthie rabble of the false gods . Polan .

2. As by nature he confesseth the Lord to be the true God , so for his power and authoritie he saith , he is the Lord of kings , whereby he subiecteth his kingdome and Dominions to the power of God .

3. He saith he is the reuealer of secrets , thereby acknowledging him to be the true God , who onely hath the knowledge of things to come .

Quest. 67. Whether Nebuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God .

1. Bullinger thinketh , that Nebuchadnezzar thus confessing was vera fide imbutus in Deum , endued with a true faith toward God , though afterward he set vp an idol : for S. Peter after Christ had commended him for his confession of him , yet deserued to be called Sathan for his carnall counsell giuen vnto Christ , which yet proceeded from a good intention , as might Nebuchadnezzars setting vp of an idol .

Contra. 1. It is not possible that any endued with a right and true faith , should commit idolatrie , which is indeede a deniall of the faith : the Apostle saith , Galath. 4. 8. euen then when ye knewe not God , yee did seruice vnto them , which by nature are no gods , while men then are idolaters they haue not the right knowledge of God . 2. there is great difference betweene sinnes of infirmitie , which euen the faithful are subiect vnto as Peter was , and open apostasie , and idolatrie .

2. Wherefore I rather condescend to Caluins iudgement ; hoc fuit momentaneum , &c. that this was but a momentanie and sudden affection in Nebuchadnezzar , as was that also in Pharaoh , Exod. 9. 27. Geneuens . for there is a twofold knowledge of God , momentanea , a knowledge for a moment , such as profane men may haue , which are striken with some sudden admiration , as Nebuchadnezzar here , and there is stabilis cognitio , a stable and permanent knowledge , such as is onely in the elect , Polan . And this is an euident argument that the king was not wholly conuerted to the knowledge and worship of the God of Israel ; alias non erexisset idolum , for otherwise he would not haue set vp the golden idol . Osiand .

Quest. 68. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of the gifts and honours , which the king bestowed on him .

1. Porphyrie also obiecteth this as a fault in Daniel , because he receiued of the king these gifts and preferments : But Daniel did accept them , not of any ambitious , and couetous minde , sed in captiuorum consolationem , but for the comfort of the captiues : so Ioseph was honoured of Pharaoh , and Mordecai of Assuerus . gloss . ordi .

2. It must be considered , that some men may lawfully accept of gifts and honours , vsing them to the common good of Christs Church , namely such as are thereunto called : and some may commendably refuse them as Eliseus did Namaans gifts , least he might haue beene thought to haue sold the gift of healing . Polan .

3. Further , though it be not lawfull , aliquid ex parte accipere pro spiritualibus , to receiue any thing by way of compact or composition for spirituall things , yet he which ministreth spirituall things , may receiue temporall gifts by way of recompence , as Daniel here doth of the king . Lyran.

4. Neither are the gifts so much here to be weighed , as animus suscipienti● the minde of the receiuer : Pellican : who intended herein not his owne priuate commoditie , but the common good of his brethren .

Quest. 69. Whether Daniel with a good conscience could be set ouer the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon .

1. In three things was Daniel rewarded of the king : with gifts , with ciuill authoritie , beeing appointed chiefe gouernour ouer the prouince of Babel , and with ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ouer the schooles of the wise men , Iun. as it were their Superintendent . Osiand .

2. In this office of his superintendentship , 1. such laudable sciences as might safely be learned , he promoted and furthered . 2. such corruption and superstitions , as were practised among them , he corrected and reformed . 3. but such abuses , as could not be taken away , he for his owne part forbeared and kept himselfe free from . Iun.

3. Caluin thinketh , quod repudiauit hunc honorem , he refused this honour , in cap. 5. ver. 10. but this would haue beene euill taken of the king : it is more like that he vsed the place with such moderation , as is before shewed .

Quest. 70. How Daniel is said to haue sate in the kings gate .

1. Some giue this sense , that Daniel sate in the gate , vt ius diceret , &c. to giue iudgement ; because they vsed to that ende to sit in the gate , Vatab. Pint. But the other three also were made gouernours ouer the Prouince of Babel , to whose office it belonged to giue iudgement : this then was rather some particular dignitie , which Daniel had .

2. Some expound it , that he was , à latere regis non recedens , one that departed not from the king , but was alwaies at hand : gloss . interlin . and thus Daniel did , least in his absence some might bring him out of the kings fauour : Lyran. But yet this had beene no peculiar thing to Daniel , for there were many beside , which were neere the king .

3. Some thinke , that this is expressed to shew a difference between Daniels office , and the other three ; that they were employed abroad in their places of gouernement , and Daniel stayed still in the Court : Bulling. but this had beene no speciall prerogatiue more then other of the kings Court had .

4. Some so take it , that Daniel onely of these foure was aduanced to the office of gouernement , and the other three were made ourseers of mens labours and taske , ex Lyran. But this had beene no such place of authoritie , for Daniel to make request for vnto the king .

5. Caluin thinketh that Daniel had such an office in the Court , that no man could enter into the kings palace , sine eius permissu , without his leaue : but that was the porters office to keepe out strangers from entring into the kings Court or Palace .

6. Therefore this rather is the meaning , admissionis ius ad regem Danieli commissum , that the power of admitting men vnto the kings presence was committed vnto Daniel : for it was ▪ not for euerie one to come into the kings presence , but for certaine of the chiefe nobles thereunto appointed of the king . Iun. Polan . Genevens .

Quest. 71. Whether it be lawfull for a Christian to liue in an idolatrous kings Court .

1. It may appeare by the examples of Ioseph , who liued in Pharaohs Court , and of Mardocheus , who was neere vnto king Assuerus : and by Daniel here , that it is not vnlawfull to beare office in forren Princes Courts : but two things must aduisedly be considered , and thought vpon : 1. that they doe not propound vnto themselues such places of honour for their owne aduantage , but to seeke the welfare of the people of God , as Daniel here doth . 2. that they defile not themselues with the superstitious and idolatrous vsages in such places , as these three in the next chapter , beeing chiefe officers , yet refused to worship the kings golden image .

2. And as it is lawfull to enioy such places of honour , so it is not inconuenient for kings to set sometime strangers in place of gouernement , such as for their wisedome and pietie , are fit : but not to that ende , to make a pray of such places of gouernement .

4. Places of doctrine .

1. Doct. That God onely hath the knowledge of things to come .

Vers. 11. There is none that can declare it except the gods : Hierome hence inferreth , that euen in the opinion of the wisemen and Soothsayers of Babylon , none hath the knowledge of things to come , but onely God , by the which it is euident , that the Prophets foretelling things to come spake by the spirit of God , Bulling. By this argument the Prophet sheweth the vanitie of the Idols of the heathen , and conuinceth them to be no gods , Isay , 41. 23. shewe the things that are to come hereafter , that we may knowe , that yee are gods .

2. Doct. Of the immortalitie of the soule .

Vers. 4. O King liue for euer : These heathen men voide of the true knowledge of God , in wishing eternall life vnto the king , doe shewe their opinion of the immortalitie of the soule : which shall further be prooued , 1. by the testimonie of Scripture . 2. by the demonstration of reason . 3. and by the euidence of forren and heathen witnesses .

1. The Scripture plentifully testifieth , that the soule liueth after it is separated from the bodie : as in that the Lord calleth himselfe , the God of Abraham , Isaac , and Iaacob , long after their death , Exod. 3. 6. whereupon our Sauiour inferreth , that he is not God of the dead , but of the liuing : So Elias prayed vnto God to haue his hostesses child restored to life in these words , I pray thee let this childs soule returne vnto him againe , 1. King 17. 22. his soule then was aliue , for otherwise it could not returne to his bodie . Salomon saith that the spirit returneth to God that gaue it , Eccle. 12. 7. In the parable Luk. 16. the soule of Lazarus was carried by the Angels into Abrahams bosome .

2. 1. Seeing God is most iust , and will recompence euerie man according to his life , the righteous shall haue reward , and the wicked punishment , which is not alwaies seene in this life , it must needs be , that God should execute his iustice in another life . 2. Seeing vertue , which is in the minde is immortall ; the subject also thereof , the soule must also needes be immortall . 3. And the soule beeing not subiect to corruption , is consequently immortall : for that which is incorruptible is immortall . 4. All things haue a place of rest , as the center is vnto bodies : the soule is restlesse in the bodie , and neuer is at quiet ; if then it should not haue a place of rest elswhere , it should be more miserable then any other creature . 5. And how could the soule thinke of things immortall or desire them , if it were not it selfe immortall .

3. By these reasons , and such like the heathen beeing perswaded , beleeued the immortalitie of the soule : as Antiochus in his epistle to Lysias , that beginneth , Since our father is translated to the gods , &c. 2. Macchab. 11. 23. In the funeralls of such Romane Emperours as had deserued well of the commonwealth , they vsed to set an eagle , and to put fire vnder , which the eagle feeling soared aloft : whereby was signified , that the soule or spirit ascended vp into heauen : Herodian , Pythagoras , and Thales Milesius , were strong maintainers of the immortalitie of the soule , likewise Plutarkain epistol. consola . and Seneca , lib. de morte immatura . Euripides held coelos esse aeterna animarum domicilia , that the heauens , are the eternall houses of the soules . Many such like testimonies and examples might be brought from the heathen to this purpose .

3. Doctrine . Of the vanitie of Soothsayers .

Vers. 4. Shew thy seruants the dreame , and we shall shewe thee the interpretntion . These foolish Soothsayers promise much vnto the king , but they were able to performe nothing : for afterward cap. 4. when the king told them his dreame , they could say nothing : so they are liberales in verbis , &c. liberall in words , but they can not performe that which they promise : It is euident then , that there is no art or certaine rule to interpret dreames , or to coniecture of things to come ; but it is an extraordinarie gift , that commeth from God . Po. So the Lord saith by his Prophet : Isay 44. 25. I destroy the takens of the Soothsayers , and make them that coniecture fooles . &c.

4. Doctrine . Of the mutabilitie of Princes fauours .

Vers. 12. He commanded to destroy all the wisemen of Babel . Nebuchadnezzar who had before highly rewarded the wisemen , and greatly fauoured them , now in his rage , without any iust cause , commandeth them to be slaine : such small certaintie there is in the fauour of Princes . Dauid at his first entertainement was in Sauls fauour , but not long after he hated him as much , wen he returned from the slaughter of Goliah . Ioseph at the first was much fauoured of Potiphar , but vpon the false suggestion of his wife , he soone cast him out of his fauour . Alexander the great made great account of his friends Parmenio , Philotas , Clitus , Calisthenes , but in the ende he so hated them , as that he would neuer be reconciled vnto them , but killed them : therefore the Prophet Dauid saith , it is better to trust in the Lord , then to haue any confidence in princes : Pintus .

5. Doct. The sentence of death ought not hastily to be executed .

Vers. 15. Daniel said , why is the sentence so hastie from the king ? Daniel findeth fault with the hastie execution of the kings sentence ; shewing that in such cases long deliberation should be vsed , and great aduisement taken : This was the error of Theodosius the Elder , who when one of his gouernours was slaine in a commotion at Thessolonica , commanded a great number of the people to be put to the sword : for which his bloody fact he was excommunicated of that couragious and religious Bishop S. Ambrose : Theodoret lib. 5. Tripart . 9. Polan .

6. Doctrine . Of Gods prouidence .

Vers. 21. He changeth the times and seasons : This is an euident place to shewe that things are not gouerned by chance in the world , but ruled by Gods prouidence : Meminerimus in tot mutationibus , &c. fulgere Dei prouidentiam , &c. let vs remember that Gods prouidence shineth in so many mutations and changes in the world , &c. Caluin . If things that seeme so vncertaine , as times and seasons , the change of weather , the variable disposition of the ayre , be yet directed by Gods prouidence , then all other things must depend of the same cause . This alteration cannot be altogether ascribed to nature , for naturall causes worke certainely and orderly , and to chaunce much lesse , for that were to take God out of the world , as either he were carelesse thereof , or impotent , as not beeing able to guide it , but leaueth it to chaunce : But the Prophet sheweth that all creatures doe waite and depend vpon God . Psal. 104. 27.

7. Doct. Of the mutable state of kingdomes .

Vers. 22. He taketh away kings , he setteth vp kings , &c. The state then and condition of kings , though it seeme to be least subiect to change of all other callings , vnto men , yet God , the king of kings , can turne and winde them at his pleasure , the preacher saith , that out of prison ( one ) commeth to raigne , when he that is borne in his kingdome is made poore : Thus Balthazar , Cyrus , Alexander , Caesar , Pompey , soone lost both their kingdomes and liues : Pere . And as these auncient kings and kingdomes were soone ouerturned : so it is still : Anno 1523. Christierne king of Denmarke , with Isabel his wife sister , to Charles the fift , was driuen out of his kingdome and realme , and died in prison , when he had liued 27. yeares in captiuitie . Anno 1567. Iohn Duke of Saxonie , was depriued of his dukedome , and carried captiue to Maximilian the Emperour . Anno 1568. Ericus king of Suetia the sonne of Gostavus , was deposed from his kingdome , and died in prison .

And as God pulleth downe kings , so he setteth other vp : Matthias Hunniades was taken out of prison to be a king : So was Elizabeth , our Late renouned Soueraigne , succeeding her sister Marie : Anno 1577. Ioannes king of Suecia , was from the prison aduanced to be king : Polan .

8. Doct. A good King hath many carefull thoughts of his kingdome and commonwealth .

Vers. 29. O King , when thou wast in thy bedde , thoughts came into thy minde : This great king euen in the night thought of his kingdome , what should befall it after his dayes : euen the care thereof made him he could not sleepe . Bulling. he was not addicted altogether to his ease and pleasure : as Balthazar , who the same night that the citie was taken gaue himselfe to eating and drinking , Dan. 5. Like vnto this Nabuchadnezzar , was the great king of Persia Assuerus , who when he could not sleepe , caused the Chronicles to be read vnto him , Ester 6. 1.

9. Doct. Of the kingdome of Christ , as he is God , and as he is Mediatour , God and man .

v. 44. The God of heauen shall set vp a kingdome . The kingdome of Christ , is either his naturall kingdome , which he had from all beginning togither with the Father and the holy Ghost , which is called the vniuersall kingdome whereby he ruleth in heauen and earth : which kingdome as he assumed not , so he shall neuer lay it downe .

There is also regnum donativum , the kingdome which is giuen to him of his Father , as he is Mediatour , God and man : whereof he speaketh , Matth. 28. 18. All power is giuen vnto me is heauen and earth : this is that speciall and particular kingdome , which he exerciseth more specially in his Church , in protecting and defending the same against all the enemies and aduersaries thereof .

This kingdome giuen vnto Christ , is likewise considered two waies , it is either the kingdome of grace , whereby he guideth his Church in this world , directing them vnto euerlasting saluation ; or the kingdome of glorie in the next life , when he hath brought his Church and companie of the Elect vnto euerlasting saluation in heauen , there to raigne for euer : Polan .

10. Doct. Daniels prophesie of Christs euerlasting kingdom , containeth the whole summe of the Gospel .

v. 44. A kingdome , which shall neuer be destroied , &c. This euerlasting kingdome of Christ , resting not in his person alone , but beeing communicated to all his members , comprehendeth the whole summe of Euangelicall doctrine : for the Elect cannot raigne for euer with Christ , but death must first be destroyed , and sinne the cause thereof : the bodies also of the Saints must rise againe from death : so then in this prophesie of Christs euer-during kingdome , is included the faith of remission of sinnes , of the conquest of death , and of the resurrection . Bulling. Melancth .

11. Doct. Of the certentie of our saluation .

v. 44. And it , shall stand for euer . As Christs kingdome is sure and cannot be shaken in himselfe , so neither can it haue any alteration or change in his members : Christus tam in se , quam in suis membris citra vllum mutationis periculum dominatur , Christ as well in himselfe , as in his members doth rule without any feare or daunger of change , Calv. for he hath made vs partakers of his kingdome by faith , by which we stand : for he by his grace is able to make vs stand : of our selues by nature we are changeable euery moment , but by the power and grace of God , our state in Christ is certen and vnchangeable , as S. Peter saith , We are kept by the power of God through faith vnto saluation , which is prepared to be shewed in the last time , 1. Pet. 1. 5.

12. Doct. Religion ouerthroweth not the policie and forme of Commonwealths .

v. 48. He made him gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel . Daniel beeing made a chiefe gouernour in Chaldea , did ( no doubt ) iudge the people according to the lawes of the countrey , which differed much from the politicall state of the Israelites : by the which it is euident , that necessarily euery countrey is not now tied to the iudicials and policie of Moses ; neither is religion an enemie to the forme of gouernment in Commonwealths , beeing grounded vpon equitie : Papp . for the Apostle saith , The powers that be , are ordained of God , Rom. 13. 1. wheresoeuer , and howsoeuer , the administration and gouernment beeing iust and equall .

5. Places of controuersie .

1. Controv. That the Scriptures should be extant in the vulgar and knowne tongue .

v. 4. Then spake the Chaldeans to the King in the Aramites language . This tongue not much differing then from the Chalde , was the knowne and vsuall language wherein they spake that they might be vnderstood of all . Afterward the Greeke tongue was generally vsed : and therefore Ptolome . caused the Scriptures to be translated into the Greeke tongue , and the Apostles writ the new Testament in the same language . This euidently sheweth , that the Scriptures should be set forth to the people of God , in such a tongue as they know and vnderstand : and hereupon Iustinian appointed , I●stinian constitut No● . il. 123. that Bishops and other Ministers should vse such a tongue in the administration of baptisme , and of the Lords Supper , which was knowne and vnderstood of all . The Romanists then are too blame , which cause the Scriptures to be read publikely in an vnknowne tongue : and though vpon better aduisement , they haue thought good to set forth a vulgar translation of the Bible , yet they allow not priuately euery one to vse it :

2. Controv. That prayer must onely be made vnto God .

v. 18. That they should beseech the God of heauen . God onely then must be praied vnto , who is called the God of heauen , because he is the creator thereof , that is the seate and habitation of his glorie , from thence he seeth all things , and reuealeth secrets , and from heauen he sendeth all good things . Angels and Saints haue no such title , they are not gods of heauen : they neither create it , nor can they from thence reueale secrets , or send downe heauenly graces : therefore they are not to be inuocated , or called vpon . Polan . Bulling .

3. Controv. That prayer is not meritorious , but grounded onely vpon Gods mercie .

v. 18. For grace ( or mercie ) in this secret . All our prayers then must lay their foundation in Gods mercie , that he would first forgiue vs our sinnes , and then freely and gratiously conferre vpon vs such things , as we aske : Polan , then the seruants of God doe not place any merit or worthines in their prayers , Bulling. which is the opinion of the Romanists , that the prayers of the Saints are meritorious : for first our prayers tend altogether vnto our good , God receiueth nothing thereby : as Iob. 33. 11. Elihu saith , If thou be righteous , what giuest thou vnto him . or what receiueth he at thine hand ? there can not be any desert , where he is not benefited or furthered , at whose hands we should deserue . Againe , that which should merit at Gods hand , must be perfect and absolute : but in our prayers there are many wants and imperfections , Rom. 8. 26. We know not what to pray as we ought .

4. Controv. That matrimonie is no sacrament .

v. 18. Whereas the word raza is by the Septuag. here translated 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a mysterie or secret , and so also read P. A. V. I. with others , the Latine translateth , a sacrament : and yet in the next v. he retaineth the word mysterie : whereupon it is euident , that in the vulgar Latine translation , the word sacrament is diuersly taken , not alwaies for the sacraments of the church properly so called : but for any mysticall or secret thing : as here the interpretation of this dreame , which Daniel prayeth for , he calleth a sacrament , that is , a secret or mysterie . Therefore it is but a weake collection of the Rhemists , and of other Romanists , vpon the Latine text , which readeth Eph. 5. 32. This is a great sacrament , to inferre thereupon , that mariage is a sacrament : for they might as well conclude here , that this Image which Nabuchadnezzer saw in his dreame was a sacrament .

5. Controv. That the Saints merit not .

v. 23. O thou God of my fathers , &c. Pintus hereupon giueth , this note , that Daniel in his thanksgiuing maketh mention of his fathers , Abraham , Izaak , and Iaakob , that he should not seeme to attribute this thing onely to himselfe , which he obtained of God , sed potius illorum insignium virorum meritis & institiae , but rather to the merits and iustice of those excellent men , &c.

Contra. Whereas Daniel maketh mention of his fathers , he doth it not , as relying vpon their worthines or merits : for he groundeth his prayers onely vpon Gods grace and mercie , v. 18. but for these two causes : 1. he remembreth the promise and couenant , which God had made to and with their fathers , to be their God , and the God of their seede : which promise the Lord gratiously performed now , in granting Daniel his request , Polan . 2. because they were worshippers of the true God , hereby he excludeth all false gods , whome they worshipped not . Genevens .

6. Controv. v. 21. That the Pope hath no power committed vnto him to put downe Kings .

v. 21. He taketh away Kings . This beeing here by Daniel ascribed vnto God , as his peculiar worke , to remooue Kings from their thrones , and to plant others in their place , the arrogancie of the proud Bishop of Rome is made manifest to all the world , who taketh vpon him Gods office , to depose and set vp kings at his pleasure : Polan . As Platina writeth of Gregorie , that he vttered these presumptuous words , Nos , nos imperia , regna , principatus , & quicquid habere mortales possunt , auferre & dare posse , &c. That we , ( euen ) we haue power to take away , and giue Empires , Kingdomes , principalities , and whatsoeuer mortall men haue . Thus Iulius 2. gaue the kingdome of Navarre to the Spanish king , because he tooke part with Lewes the 12. king of France : likewise the Bishop of Rome stirring vp Matthias king of Hungarie against the Hussites of Bohemia , 〈…〉 33. p. 258. promised him , quicquid Boemiae , etiamsi totum regnum caperet , suae fore ditionis , that whatsoeuer in Bohemia , though it were the kingdome , should belong vnto him .

This sheweth the presumptuous insolencie of that proud Sea , to challenge that right and power , which belongeth onely vnto God : 1. Kings onely are to be deposed by him , from whome they receiue their power , and authoritie : but that they haue from God , as the Apostle saith , Rom. 13. 1. The powers that be , are ordained of God , not of the Pope ; therefore by him they are not to be deposed . 2. The Pope himselfe is subiect to the Emperour , as the same Apostle saith , Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers : he therefore hath no superioritie ouer them .

7. Contr. That the Pope can not be Christs Vicar generall in earth .

v. 44. The God of heauen shall set vp a kingdome . This kingdome of Christ is no visible , but a spirituall and vniuersall kingdome thorough the world : wherein though he vse Ministers , as Apostles , Prophets , Pastors , Doctors , to reconcile men vnto himselfe by the preaching of the Gospel , yet Vicar generall he hath none .

1. The embassage which Christ hath committed to his Ministers in his stead , is to reconcile men by the preaching of the word , as the Apostle saith , We are Embassadors for Christ , &c. we pray you in Christs stead to be reconciled vnto God . But the Pope can not in Christs stead reconcile men vnto Christ : but this is the dutie of seuerall Pastors and Ministers , who are in Christs stead , and as his vicars to beget men vnto the faith : Polan . one man alone , vnlesse he were of infinite power , can not suffice to execute this embassage of reconciliation through the Church .

2. Christs kingdome is eternall , the kingdome of the Pope is temporall , he therefore can not be Christs Vicar in his eternall kingdome : Osiander .

3. Christs kingdome is spirituall , the Popes is externall : he therefore can not be Christs Vicar in his spirituall kingdome .

8. Controv. That the time of Christs comming to iudgement can not be gathered from Daniels prophesie , v. 44.

Some doe make this coniecture , that seeing the kingdome of Christ should be raised vp toward the ende of the fourth Monarchie , which they suppose to be the Romane Empire , which is now decaied , and almost at an ende , they would hence gather , that the comming of Christ is at hand . Contra. 1. If their meaning be , that Christs comming is nearer at hand , then before , that is most certen : if that a small time remaineth in respect of Christs euerlasting kingdome , it is confessed : but if they would hence prooue , that the comming of Christ is now presently to be expected , because the Romane Monarchie is at an ende , they are deceiued ; because they build this collection vpon two vncertenties : 1. this fourth Monarchie is not the Romane Empire , but the kingdom of the Seleucians in Syria , and of the Ptolomies in Egypt , as hath beene prooued at large before , qu. 49 , 50. 2. the kingdome of Christ here prophecied of , is not his second , but his first comming , as hath bin also before shewed , q. 55.

9. Controv. v. 45. Whether the virgin Marie be the mountaine out of the which the stone was cut .

Pererius applieth this to the virgin Marie , 1. because it is not vnusuall in Scripture to expresse the generation of man by this phrase : as Isa. 51. 1. Looke vnto the rocke , whence ye are hewen , and to the hole of the pit , whence ye were digged , &c. 2. And she is compared to a mountaine , propter excellentiam virtutum , because of the excellencie of her vertues : cuius fundamenta super culmina sanctorum locata sunt , &c. whose foundations are placed vpon the toppe and height of the Saints . 3. he applieth vnto the virgin Marie those places in the Psalmes : as Psal. 68. 15. The mountaine of God is a fat mountaine , &c. God delighteth to dwell in it , yea the Lord will dwell in it for euer : and , Ps. 87. 1. His foundation is among the hills .

Contra. 1. The Prophet in that place by the rocke vnderstandeth Abraham , and by the hole of the pit Sarah , as it followeth in the next verse , Consider Abraham your father , and Sarah that bare you : but Christ had no father , out of whose loynes he should be taken forth , and as it were cut out : therefore this phrase of speach nothing helpeth his conceit of the virgin Marie .

2. The question is not , how Marie may be said to be a mountaine in respect of other Saints ( and yet it may be doubted of , whether Marie doe so farre excell in vertue all the Saints , that euer liued ) but the doubt is , whether Marie can be saide to be a mountaine in comparison of Christ , who is the stone cut out of this mountaine : to make Marie the mountaine , and Christ the little stone cut out thence , is a presumptuous comparison : for so Marie should be greater then Christ .

3. It is euident , that the Psalmist speaketh there of the hillie countrey of Canaan , and specially of mount Sion , where the Lord had made choice to make his habitation : and so , Psal. 87. he expoundeth himselfe in the second verse , The Lord loueth the gates of Zion aboue all the habitations of Iaakob : glorious things are spoken of the citie of God , &c. Wherefore it is a fond exposition , to appropriate that to Marie , which is spoken of the whole Church of God : neither can they shew how Marie , beeing a mortall woman , could be the habitation of God for euer .

4. This mountaine then is not vnderstood of Marie . 1. she can not be likened to a mountaine , and Christ to a little stone , as greater then he . 2. this stone is cut out without hands , that is , without any humane helpe at all : but in the incarnation of Christ , woman was an instrument , though not man , therefore it was not without hands . 3. Marie doth make her selfe of low degree , Luk. 1. 52. she was then more like a valley then a mountaine : see more of the true meaning of this place before , qu. 54.

10. Controv. Whether Christ verily encreased in the gifts and graces of his soule .

Pererius handling this point how Christ , compared here vnto a stone , which grew into a mountaine , and filled the earth , encreased ; affirmeth that in respect of the graces of his soule he encreased not , quam inde ab exordio sui conceptus tantam habuit , quam iam nunc habet , &c. which he had as great from the beginning of his conception , as now he hath it .

Contra. Though we also agree , that this growing and encreasing of Christ , is not meant of his personall growing in respect of his bodie or soule in the daies of his incarnation , but of the growth of his Church in the world ; yet Pererius assertion is false : for the Scripture is euident , that Christ encreased in the gifts and faculties of the soule , as he did in stature of bodie : Luk. 2. 52. Iesus encreased in wisdome and stature . As it pleased him to take vpon him an infants statute and bodie , which still encreased , so also he encreased in wisdome , and other graces of the soule : see more hereof , Synops. Controv. 5. err. 2.

11. Controv. That the Pope is not to be reuerenced , honoured , and worshipped through the world .

Pererius in the same place shewing how Christ hath filled the earth , not onely with the knowledge of himselfe , preaching of the Gospell , fame of his miracles , but also with the worshipping and reuerencing of his name , addeth further , and of that man , who is his Vicar , the high Bishop , quem vniuersus Christianus Catholicus orbis honorat , colit , veneratur , &c. whome the vniuersall Christian Catholike Church doth honour , worship , reuerence : and his answers and decrees receiueth with no lesse reuerence , then the diuine oracles , &c.

Contra. 1. It is a friuolous application , to expound that of the fame of a mortall man , whose kingdome is transitorie and temporall , which is vnderstood of Christ , whose kingdome shall stand for euer .

2. If the Pope be to be honoured no otherwise then Christs Vicar , then he must not be honoured at all : for Christs Vicar he neither is , nor can be , as is before shewed , Controv. 7.

3. Neither is it true , that the vniuersal Catholike Church doth so honour , and reuerence him : for neither the Greeke Church doth giue him such honour , and well-nie the third part of Christendome doth hold him to be Antichrist : he is in deede honoured of the Romane Church , but that is not the Catholike Church : for a particular , and vniuersall Church , which is signified in the word Catholike , are diuers . The Pope if he were a good Bishop , which now were a miracle in that seat of pestilence , should be reuerenced , as other good Bishops are , but not as hauing any superioritie aboue the rest .

4. But to receiue his decrees , as the oracles of God , as holding them to be equall thereunto , unto , is an horrible blasphemie : to equalize the corrupt and erring decrees of ignorant , prophane , erroneous , if not hereticall Popes , to the most sacred rule of truth .

12. Controv. That it can not be prooued out of Daniels prophesie , that the Pope is not Antichrist .

v. 44. It shall breake and destroy all these kingdomes . Bellarmine taking it for graunted that the fourth kingdome here mentioned is the Romane Empire , which must be dissolued before Antichrist shall come , as S. Paul sheweth , 2. Thessal. 2. 7. Onely he which now withholdeth , ( shall let ) till he be taken out of the way : but the Romane Empire is not yet dissouled : for the Emperours of the West doe still remaine one succeeding an other : therefore Antichrist is not yet reuealed to the world : to this purpose Bellar. l. 3. de Rom. Pont. c. 5.

Contra. 1. Bellarmine taketh that for graunted , which is denied ; as that the Romane Empire is the fourth kingdome , which is prooued to be otherwise before , qu. 49. For seeing this kingdome is vnderstood of the first comming of Christ , ( for after his second comming , his kingdome should not encrease and fill the earth , beeing then at the full perfection ) and at Christs comming , the Romane Empire was in the pride and height ; it can not be the fourth kingdome , which the kingdome of Christ as soone as he commeth in the flesh , shall destroy .

2. The Romane Empire is long since dissolued , both in authoritie , and in the name and title : he is now called not the Emperor of Rome , but of Germanie : neither hath he any Imperiall authoritie saue in some few cities of Germanie : ouer other kingdomes , which were sometime subiect to the Romane Empire , he hath no iurisdiction : So that there remaineth now nothing but the image of the former beast , as it is called , Apoc. 13. 14.

13. Controv. Of the lawfulnes of Magistracie against the Anabaptists .

v. 48. He made him gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel . In that Daniel was aduanced by Nabuchadnezzer to this high place of gouernment , and he accepted of ●t , it is euident that the calling of a Magistrate is lawfull , and that a Christian may please God in that place and function : which further appeareth against the wicked opinion of the Anabaptists , which allow no Magistracie among Christians : 1. by the author and founder of Magistrates , which is God himselfe , by whome the powers that be , are ordained , Rom. 13. 1. 2. by the examples of good kings and gouernours , as Dauid , Iehosaphat , Hezekiah , Iosias , who were acceptable vnto God by their faithfull seruice in those places . 3. by the ende of Magistracie and gouernment , which is for the praise of well doers , and the punishment of the wicked , Rom. 13. 3 , 4. 4. by the effects , namely obedience , which euery where the Scripture commandeth to be giuen vnto Magistrates , as Rom. 13. 1. 7. which were not to be yeilded vnto them , if their authoritie and calling were not of God .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observ. Witches and Sorcerers are not to be sought vnto .

v. 2. Then the King commanded to call the Inchanters , &c. Like vnto Nabuchadnezzer here , who in this his perplexitie of minde sought not vnto God , but vnto Sorcerers and Inchanters , are carnall men , who when any thing befall them in their bodie or goods , resort vnto Wizzards , Witches , Sorcerers , and such like . But as the king found no helpe at their hands , so they which take such courses , doe but wearie themselues in vaine : So Ahaziah that idolatrous king of Israel , who lay sicke on his bed vpon an hurt , which he had by falling through a lattice window , sent vnto Beelzebub the god of Ekron , yet he found no ease thereby , but died miserably . God , if it had pleased him , could haue caused Daniel to be sent for at the first : but this made more to Gods glorie , that the blindnes and impotencie of these Chaldeans might first appeare , Polan .

2. Observ. Of mutuall prayer .

v. 17. Daniel shewed the matter to his three companions , that they should beseech the God of heauen , &c. Daniel though an holy man , yet trusteth not to the strength of his owne prayers , but requireth the helpe of his godly brethren : So Iames when any is sicke , would haue the Elders sent for , that they may pray for him , c. 5. 14. the ioynt prayer of many is more effectuall , then of one . And to this purpose may be applied that saying of the Preacher , Two are better then one , &c. if two sleepe together , they shall haue heat , &c. Eccl. 4. 11. so the prayers of many together are the more zealous .

3. Observ. Of the efficacie of faithfull prayers .

v. 19. Then was the secret reuealed to Daniel . God heard the prayers of Daniel , and his other faithfull companions : for as S. Iames saith , the prayer of the righteous auaileth much , if it be feruent , c. 5. 16. so also the Prophet Dauid , Psal. 145. 18. The Lord is neare vnto all that call vpon him , yea vnto all that call vpon him faithfully : he will fulfill the desires of them that feare him : he will also heare their crie , and saue them . The prayer then of the righteous is neuer in vaine : for either he presently attaineth his desire , or at a more conuenient time , or els a better thing : and if God sometime deferre the desire of his children , it is because the physitian better knoweth what is good for his patient , then himselfe .

4. Observ. The vnderstanding of the Scripture is obtained by prayer .

As Daniel here by prayer had opened vnto him the secret of this dreame , so the speciall way whereby to attaine to the vnderstanding of the Scripture is by prayer : which should well be considered of Diuines , who many times trust to their owne wit , in searching the sense of Scripture . Polan . But Dauid besought the Lord , saying , Psal. 119. 17. Make me to vnderstand the way of thy precepts , and I will meditate in thy wondrous workes .

5. Observ. We must loue our enemies .

v. 24. Daniel hauing obtained of God the reuealing of this dreame , went vnto Arioch , and said vnto him , Destroy not the wise men of Babel . They bare a spitefull and enuious heart against Daniel : for they would not call him with them , when the king sent for them : and beside afterward they practised against his life , c. 6. ye● Daniel doth recompence them good for euill , he spareth their life , who sought for his : and seeketh their welfare , who would haue reioyced at his fall . By this example we are taught to loue our enemies , to pray for them that curse vs , and to doe well vnto them that hate vs ; according to the holy doctrine of our blessed Sauiour , Matth. 5. 44.

6. Observ. Of the fraile and mutable state of of the world .

v. 31. Behold a great image . The state of the kingdome of this world , is compared to an image , and that in a dreame , which sheweth the frailtie thereof and this image hath feete part of clay , part of yron : by the mixture of clay is signified the brittle estate of the world , wherein there is nothing firme and permanent : Bulling. as the Apostle saith , The fashion of this world goeth away , 1. Cor. 7. 31. Like as the Sea sometime ebbeth , sometime floweth , the Moone encreaseth , and decreaseth : so the world continually altereth and changeth .

7. Observ. The Church of God in the world is kept vnder by affliction .

v. 40. The fourth kingdome shall he strong as yron . It should be as yron , that is , hard and heauy to the Church of God , which endured much vnder all these foure Monarchies , though some were more tolerable then other . Euen the Monarchie of the Babylonians , which in comparison of the rest was as gold , yet was sharpe enough to the people of God . The Lord would giue vnto his Church a continuall prosperous estate , but he seeth it better for the Church to be kept vnder by affliction : 1. thereby carnall securitie is shaken off . 2. the seruants of God are taught to put their hope and confidence in God . 2. Cor. 1. 9. 3. the crosse maketh vs more earnestly to call vpon God . 2. Cor. 1. 11. 4. it occasioneth other also to giue thanks for our deliuerance . 2. Cor. 1. 11. 5. we are purged and perfited by affliction , 1. Pet. 1. 7. 6. our affliction tendeth to the consolation and comfort of others , 2. Cor. 1. 6.

8. Observ. Godly reprehension is patiently to be heard , and endured .

v. 47. The king answered vnto Danial , Of a truth your God is the God of gods , &c. Nabuchadnezzer , though Daniel had prophesied hard things vnto him , of the ruine and subuersion of his kingdome ; yet because he deliuered the truth , he patiently heareth him : much vnlike was Pharaoh with Moses , and Saul with Samuel , for telling him of the losse of his kingdome : Nabuchadnezzer therefore shall stand vp in iudgement against all such kings and Princes , which cannot endure to heare of any thing , contrarie to their pleasure and desire : Bulling.

9. Observ. Of the thankefulnes and liberalitie of Kings .

v. 48. So the king made Daniel a great man . Nabuchadnezzar doth reward the wisdom of Daniel with great honours and rewards : not as Ahab , who rewarded the Prophet Micaiah with prison , and Ieroboam , who commanded the man of God to be apprehended . Herein this king may be a mirrour and example to all Princes , how they should respect their faithfull counsellours ; who tell them truth , and flatter not : and in what estimation they should haue godly wisdome and learning , not to suffer such excellent gifts to be vnrewarded or vnregarded . Bulling.

CHAP. III.

1. The Methode and Argument .

IN this Chapter is set forth the singular example of the pietie and constancie of the three Fellowes and companions of Daniel , and it con●isteth of three parts : 1. the occasion of their triall , to v. 13. 2. their probation it selfe , to v. 22. 3. the euents that followed from thence , to the end of the chapter .

1. The occasion is double . 1. the fact of Nabuchadnezzer , in setting vp a golden image , with his decree adioyned thereunto , v. 8. 2. the accusation of certaine Chaldees .

1. In the first accusation is set forth , 1. Nabuchadnezzers act , in erecting an image , which is described by the matter , preparation , and place , v. 1. 2. Then followeth a double decree , 1. to summon and call all the Nobles together , which accordingly was done , v. 2. 3. 2. to command all to fall downe , as soone as they heard the sound of the instruments , vpon paine to be cast into the furnace , v. 4. 5. which accordingly is performed by the people , v. 7.

2. The other occasion is the accusation of the Chaldees , which containeth , 1. their salutation , and insinuation to the king , v. 9. 2. a narration of his decree , v. 11 , 12. 3. then followeth the accusation it selfe : they are charged with vnthankfulnes , and disobedience , v. 12.

2. Their probation is seene , 1. in the kings examination . 2. in their suffering . 1. in the examination , there is 1. the kings speach , which containeth both a friendly perswasion , and a seuere threatning and commination , v. 14 , 15. 2. their answer is disi●nctiue , of two parts : 1. that God it able to deliuer them . 2. though it please him not at this time to doe it , yet they are resolued not to worship his image , v. 17 , 18.

2. The second part is their suffering . 1. there is the kings charge , that they should heat the furnace seuen times more , and cast them bound into it , v. 19. 2. the execution followeth , v. 20.

3. The euents are three . 1. their accusers are destroied of the flames , v. 21. 2. the three seruants of God are deliuered from the fire : which is set forth in 3. degrees . 1. they are described walking in the furnace without hurt , and a fourth with them , which is set forth dialogue-wise betweene Nabuchadnezzer and his Nobles , v. 24 , 25. 2. they are bid to come forth , v. 26. 3. the manner of the miracle is declared , neither their bodies , haire , or garments had so much as any smell of fire .

3. Then followeth the third euent , the conuersion of the king with the fruits and effects thereof : the seuerall particulars see afterward , quest. 37.

The diuers readings .

1. Ver. Nebuchadnezzar the king made an image of gold , the height thereof was threescore cubites , and the breadth thereof sixe cubites : he set it vp in the plaine of Dura , in the prouince of Babel .

2. Then king Nebuchadnezzar sent to gather together , the nobles , the princes , and the dukes , the iudges , the treasures , the counsellers , the officers , and all the gouernours of the Prouinces ( see the difference of these officers , quest. 8 ) that they should come to the dedication of the image , which Nebuchadnezzar had set vp .

3. So the nobles , princes , dukes , the iudges , the treasurers , the counsellers , the officers , and all the gouernours of the Prouinces , were assembled vnto the dedicating of the image , which Nebuchadnezzar had set vp : and they stood before the image , which Nebuchadnezzar had set vp .

4. Then an herald cryed aloud ( with strength C. ) to you be it spoken . I. L. V. ( saying or speaking . C. not be it knowne . G. be it commanded . B. ) O people , nations , and languages .

5. At what time yee heare the sound of the cornet , pipe , ( trumpet . G. B. ) harpe , sacke but , ( or shawme . B. ) psalteries , dulcimer , ( or symphonie . I. ) and all instruments of musicke : yee shall fall downe , and bowe vnto the image , A. ( worship the image . caeter . ) but then the preposition ( vnto ) is omitted ) of gold , which Nebuchadnezzar the king hath set vp .

6. And whosoeuer falleth not downe , and boweth , A. ( worshippeth not ) shall in the same houre be cast into the middes of an hoat fierie fornace , C. a furnace of burning fire .

7. Therefore assoone as ( at that time , when . C. ) all the people heard the sound of the cornet , pipe , harpe , sackebut , psalterie , and all instruments of musicke , all the people , nations , and languages , fell downe and bowed themselues to the image of gold , which Nebuchadnezzar the king had set vp .

8. Hereupon at the same time came men of the Chaldeans , and grieuously accused the Iewes . G. I. ( cried out accusations of the Iewes . C. )

9. And they spake and said vnto Nebuchadnezzar the king , O King , liue for euer .

10. Thou O king hast set forth I. ( made . G. B. ) a decree , that euery man that shall heare the sound ( voice . C. ) of the cornet , pipe , harpe , sackebut , psalterie , and dulcimer , and all instruments of musicke , shall fall downe , and bowe himselfe vnto the golden image .

11. And whosoeuer falleth not downe , and boweth himselfe , shall be cast into the mids of the hoat fierie fornace .

12. There are certaine Iewes , whom thou hast set ouer the busines of the prouince of Babel , Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego : these men O King , haue not regarded thy decree . G. B. ( put or set their heart , vpon thy decree . C. haue had no respect vnto thee . I. but the word teghem , is before ver. 10. taken for a decree ) neither wil they worship thy gods , nor bowe vnto the golden image , which thou hast set vp .

13. Then Nebubhadnezzar in his anger and wrath commanded , that they should bring Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego : then these men were brought before the king : ( were hastily brought . L. but that word is added . )

14. And Nebuchadnezzar spake ( answered . C. ) and said vnto them , of set purpose . I. P. ( better then , what disorder . G. or desolation . A. or is it true . L. V. B. S. the word tzedah ( as R. Dauid , signifieth to lie in wait to mooue a question ) will not you worship my gods , nor bow . A. P. ( worship caeter . ) vnto the image of gold , which I haue set vp ?

15. Now , if ye be readie , I. L. V. ( be readie . B. are ye readie . G. behold ye are readie . A. but cheen here must signifie ( if ) as appeareth by the other clause of the verse , if ye worship not , &c. ) that when ye heare the sound of cornet , pipe , harpe , sackbut , psalterie , and dulcimer ( or symphonie ) ye fall downe and bow vnto the image , which I haue made , it is well : ( this must be added to make the sense full ) But if ye will not bow downe , in the same houre shall ye be cast into the middes of an hoat fierie furnace : for who is that God , that can deliuer you out of my hands ?

16. Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego answered , and said vnto the king , O Nebuchadnezzer , we are not carefull , I. V. A. ( it behooueth not vs . L. P. the word cashach , signifieth both , but it is here most proper in the first sense , as R. Dauid , and R. Shelemoh here take it ) to answer thee in this matter .

17. Either it will be , our God whome we worship , beeing able to deliuer vs out of the hoat fierie furnace , and out of thine hand , O King , wil deliuer vs : ( better , then , behold our God &c. is able to deliuer vs out of the fornace , and to deliuer us out of thine hand , L. for the latter word is in the future tense ( will deliuer ) or then , he will deliuer vs , G. B. for they were not assured of present deliuerance , as appeareth in the next verse , ( but if not ) or , whether God be able to deliuer vs , V. or not , V. for this had beene to doubt of Gods power : if it will be ( Polan . that is , that we be cast into the fornace : but this must be referred to their deliuerance , as the other opposite part is , ( but if not ) we resolue then vpon the first interpretation : the word is , is deuided by the distinction ( rebia , ) from the sentence following , and so cannot be ioyned with ( God . )

18. Either it will not : yet be it knowne vnto thee , O King , that we will not worship thy gods , nor bow vnto the golden image , which thou hast set vp .

19. Then was Nebuchadnezzer filled with rage , and the forme of his visage , G. ( the image of his face , C. I. the countenance of his face . B. ) was changed vpon , B. L. ( or against . V. G. I. ) Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego : and he answering gaue charge , C. I. ( charged and commanded , G. B. commanded , L. ) that they should heate the fornace at once seauen times more , then it was wont ( seemed good , C. ) to be heate .

20. And to the most valiant men of strength , which were in his armie , he gaue charge to bind Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego , to cast them into the hoat fierie fornace .

21. So these men were bound in their coates ( breaches . L. ) their bonets . L. ( their hosen . V. I. G. B. ) and their cloakes . G. I. ( their shooes . L. bonets . V. B. ) with their other garments , and cast into the middest of the hoat fierie furnace : ( see the diuerse readings . quest. 25. following . )

22. Therefore because the kings word was straite ( or vrgent . C. ) that the fornace should be exceeding hoate , the flame ( sparkes . I. A. ) of the fire slew those men , which had put in . B. thrust in . I. or sent in . L. not brought forth . G. V. the word properly signifieth to cause to ascend : they had brought them vp to cast them downe into the fornace . Pel. ) Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego .

23. And these three men Shadrach , Meshach , & Abednego , fell downe into the middes of the hoat fierie fornace , bound .

24. Then Nebuchadnezzar the king was astonied , and rose vp in hast ( with a troubled mind , or beeing perplexed . I. the word ( behal ) signifieth both hast and perplexitie , but the first rather , both because his perplexitie is expressed in the former word , and the preposition ( ●eth ) more properly signifieth ( in ) then ( with ) and spake and said vnto his counsellers ( or gouernours . I. or nobles . I. V. ) Did we not cast three men bound into the midst of the fire : who answered and said to the king , True O king . ( truely O King . L. V. )

25. He answered , and said , Lo I see foure men loose , walking in the middes of the fire , and they haue no hurt ( no corruption . C. ) and the forme of the fourth is like the Sonne of God . L. I. B. G. ( of the gods . C. V. )

26. Then the king Nebuchadnezzar came neere to the mouth . G. B. ( the doore . C. cum caeter . ) of the hoat fierie fornace , and spake and said , Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego , the seruants of the high God , goe forth and come hither : then Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego , came forth of the middes of the fire .

27. Then the nobles , princes , and dukes , and the kings counsellers ( mightie ones . L. gouernours . I. ) came together to see these men , because the fire had no power ouer their bodies : for not an haire of their head was burnt , neither were their coates changed , not any smell of fire came ( passed . C. ) vpon them :

28. Wherefore Nebuchadnezzar spake and said , Blessed be the God of Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego , who hath sent his Angel , and deliuered , his seruants , that put their trust in him , and haue altered the kings commandement , and yeelded their bodies , that they should not serue , nor bowe vnto any god , saue their owne God .

29. Therefore I set forth a decree , that euery people , nation , and language , which shall speake any blasphemie ( error . C. ) against the God of Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego , shall be drawne in peices ( shall perish . L. ) and his house be made a iakes ( be vasted . L. ) because there is not any other God ( there is no God . B. G. but here the word ( other ) is omitted ) which can deliuer after this sort .

30. Then the king aduanced ( caused to prosper . C. ) Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego , in the Prouince of Babel .

1. The questions discussed .

Quest. 1. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set vp this great image .

1. Some thinke that this was done not long after the former dreame , which Nebuchadnezzar had : as the Rabbines that imagine this image to be set vp by the king , as an amulet or defense to preuent the effect of his dreame . ex Caluin . But it is not like that the great impression , which that vision left behind it in Nebuchadnezzars minde , could be so soone extinguished .

2. Theodoret and Chrysostome , in his sermon of the three children , following some greeke copie , reade , that this image was set vp in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne . But then it should haue beene made before the destruction and desolation of Ierusalem , which is not like : for when Nebuchadnezzar had made an ende of his conquests , then it is probable he set vp this image by way of tryumph : and Azarias in his prayer , ( though that part be Apocryphall , yet it may haue some probabilitie , for matter of storie ) maketh mention , that they had neither prince , nor sacrifice , or burnt offring : which sheweth , that this fell not out before the destruction of Ierusalem : likewise Theodoret , who saith that this fell out paruo tempore , a small time after the first dreame , which was in the second yeare , is contrarie to himselfe : for betweene the second and 18. yeare , there are 16. yeares , which is no small time .

3. Pererius also is deceiued , who thinketh that this was done after the 25. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne : for the second yeare of his Monarchie he reckoneth to fall out in the 25. yeare of his raigne : but this is before confuted , quest. 1. c. 2. where it is further shewed , that this second yeare which is to be vnderstood of Daniels seruice and ministerie , was in the 5. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne .

4. Pellican saith this storie happened 16. yeares after the dreame ; but that is vncertaine .

5. Wherefore here somewhat is certaine , that this storie came after the interpretation of the kings dreame set forth in the 2. chap. because ver. 12. mention is made of the aduancement of Daniels three fellowes , which was immediately after Daniel had interpreted the kings dreame , cap. 2. 49. somewhat is probable , that it was after the sacking and taking of Ierusalem , as is said before , Pap. for many of the Iewes were now in captiuitie , ver. 8. something is vncertaine , how long this historie followed after the interpretation of Daniels dreame .

Quest. 2. To whom Nebuchadnezzar errected this image .

1. Lyranus thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar set vp this image for himselfe , requiring diuine honour to be giuen vnto it , as Caligula caused his image to be carried about the Romane Empire to be adored : so thinketh Hugo Cardinal . Pere . Pin. Pelli . But it is not like , that he which had so humbled himselfe before vnto Daniel , could be so lifted vp in pride , to make himselfe a god .

2. Neither is it like , that Nebuchadnezzar set vp this image of a good intention , to the honour of the true God , as Bulling. Osiand . for then he would not so cruelly haue persecuted the seruants , and true worshippers of God .

3. Therefore , as Caluin writeth , videtur hanc statuam consecrasse alicui deorum , It seemeth he consecrated this image to some of his gods , as to Bel , or some other : as it appeareth both by the kings speach , ver. 14. will ye not serue my god ? and by their words , that refused to worship the image , we will not serue ●hy gods , Pap.

Quest. 3. To what ende this image was set vp .

1. Some thinke , that by setting vp this image Nebuchadnezzar would retaine a memorie of that image , which he sawe in his dreame , thinking thereby to please God , Pap. But then he would not haue made such a cruell edict against the seruants of that great God .

2. Againe it may be thought , that he did it , to haue an vniformitie in religion , through all his dominions , which consisted of diuerse nations , but then he would haue commanded the like image to be set vp in euery prouince .

3. Caluine thinketh he did it to this ende to settle the superstitious worship of idolatrie , least the Iewes might haue sought some innouation in religion .

4. But it is most probable , that Nebuchadnezzar did it by the aduise of his nobles , and princes , of enuie against the Iewes , especially those which were aduanced to place of gouernement , that they might thereby entrappe them : which may appeare so to be by these reasons . 1. by the like practise against Daniel , cap. 6. 2. by the generall accusation of the Iewes , ver. 8. 3. to what ende els tended the cruell edict of the king , but to be executed vpon the Iewes , whom they imagined would be offenders , Inn. Polan .

5. Theodoret thinketh that he made this image all of gold , to disgrace and discountenance the image , which he sawe in his dreame , the head whereof was onely of gold . But that dreame stroke him with such a terror , as that it is not like he would contemne it .

6. He might also in making such a huge and costly image intend therein to set forth the magnificence and riches of his kingdome ; Pere .

Quest. 4. How it came to passe that Daniel ●indred not the kings purpose , in setting vp this image .

1. Some thinke that Daniel beeing present , tacuit videns se nihil proficere , did hoid his peace seeing that he could preuaile nothing , but that the king was resolute in his purpose : Lyran. But Daniel had sinned if he had beene silent , be should haue vsed the meanes and left the successe vnto God .

2. Osiander thinketh that Daniel vsed what perswasion he could , but seeing he was not heard he withdrew himselfe . But if Daniel had been present at all , it would haue beene suspicious , if he had now hid himselfe .

3. Pappus is of opinion , that Daniel was employed in some remote place of the prouince at this time : But though Daniel were now absent , he could not be ignorant of the kings purpose before , this great image was not made in a short time .

4. Wherefore it is not to be doubted , but that Daniel did discharge the office of a faithfull seruant vnto God and counseller to the king before this , and did vse all meanes to stay this vngodly enterprise , so farre as he might goe , without exasperating of the king too much , which would haue kindled his anger against the whole nation : Therefore Daniel not preuailing , gaue way vnto the time , expecting some other meanes how it should please the Lord to conuert the king .

Quest. 5. Of the place where this image was set vp .

Vers. 1. In the plaine of Dura . 1. Symmachus calleth the place Soraum , the Septuagint as Heirome saith interpreted 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which he translateth viuarium , a place enclosed to keepe beasts in ; but these are farre wide , it is a proper name , called Dura .

2. The interlinearie gloss , and historia scholastica , take it for the name of the floode , which compasseth that plaine or field , where the Gyants after the flood first builded Babel .

3. Some thinke it was the towne Doraba , situate vpon the riuer Euphrates in Babylonia .

4. But it seemeth rather to be that place , which Ptolome calleth Deera , situate between Chaltopis and Cissia , in the region Susiane : Ptolome lib. 6. Geograph . cap. 3. Iun. Polan .

5. It is like it was set in a plaine , where no hils were , that it might not be ouertipped by them , Pin.

Quest. 6. Of the greatnesse of this image compared with others and in it selfe .

1. Some greater images haue beene made in the world : as the image of the Sunne at Rhodes , called colossus solis , was 70. cubites high ; which was 12. yeares in making , and cost 300. talents : 56. yeares after it was made , it was cast downe by an earthquake , and then the hugenes thereof appeared : few men could fadome that thumbe thereof , and the fingers were bigger then ordinarie images : it broke in peices in the fall , and great caues and hoales were opened , wherein were couched huge stones to keepe the image vpright , Plin. lib. 34. cap. 7. Greater also then this was the colossus of Nero , which was an 110. foote long , and an another picture made of him in cloth , an 120. foote high : yet this image because it was of gold , in value may seeme to exceede all other : the ordinarie cubite is foote and halfe , but the Babylonian cubite as Herodotus saith , was 3. fingers greater then the common cubite : so that by this account , this image might be 67. ordinarie cubites high . Herodotus writeth that in his time there was a golden image at Babylon , which was 12. cubites high , which might be that image , that euery stranger was required to worship before he was permitted to come into Babylon to see the citie , as Philostrat . saith , de vita Apollin . cap. 19.

2. This image was made proportionable to a mans bodie , euerie part answerable vnto the other in due forme and measure , by which proportion the greatnesse of euerie part of the image may be taken : there is the same distance betweene the endes of the fingers , the armes spread abroad , from one extremitie to the other , which is betweene the crowne of the head , to the soale of the feete , Plin. lib. 7. cap. 17. the face from the chinne to the toppe of the forehead , is the tenth part of the length of the bodie . And the face is diuided into three equall parts , from the chinne to the nose , the length of the nose , and the breadth of the forehead : the length of the eie from one corner to another is the 45. part , and so is the distance betweene the eyes : the length of the nose is the thirtith part , and the widenes of the nostrils the 180 , part : the compasse of the eare and of the mouth , is the 15. part : the head from the chinne to the crowne , is the 8. part : the length and likewise the breadth of the breast , the sixt part : the nauill is in the middest of the bodie , diuiding it into two equall parts , the length of the hippes , thighes , and legges is almost the halfe part : the length of the foote is the sixt part , and so is the space from the shoulder to the elbowe , and from the elbowe to the hand : the hand is the 10. part .

3. After this proportion , the whole image beeing 60. cubites in height , the face must be sixe cubites , the chinne two cubites , the nose and forehead as much , the nostrills must containe halfe a foote , the compasse of the eare and mouth 4. cubites , and so much the necke : the breast 10. cubites , the length of the thighs and legges 29. cubites , the foote tenne , and the hand sixe : thus Pererius casteth the proportion of euery part .

4. But herein is his error , he taketh the height of the bodie of the image to be 60. cubites , whereas , as Lyranus well noteth , in this measure is comprehended the foote also or foundation whereupon the image stood : for otherwise it should not be proportionable , beeing 60 , cubites high , and but sixe cubites broad : for the length of a man is but sixe times to the breadth , and tenne times to the thicknes : If the bodie be sixe cubites high , it is but a cubite broad : then 6. cubites broad will haue but 36. cubites in height .

5. As this image was huge in the height and stature , so it was verie costly , beeing all of gold , though it be not necessarie with Hierome , to thinke that it was made of solid golde , but either the outside onely of it , was gold , or it was made hollowe , as Lyranus well coniectureth .

Quest. 7. Of the mysticall application of this image .

1. Chrysostome by this golden image , would haue couetousnesse resembled , which S. Paul calleth idolatrie , Ephes. 5. 5. for the couetous man doth addict all his desire , 18. hom. in 2. ad Corinth . and as it were consecrate his soule to the loue of money .

2. Hierome compareth false doctrine vnto this image , In hunc locum . which heretikes and false teachers doe adorne and set forth with their witte and eloquence , as this image is made of gold .

3. Irenaeus maketh this image a patterne of the worldly happinesse , lib. 5 aduers. haereses . which the deuill entiseth and seduceth men to embrace , and as it were worship , setting aside the desire of heauenly things .

Quest. 8. Of the seuerall names and titles of the kings nobles and officers here rehearsed . ver. 2.

1. The first are called in the Chalde tongue , achashdarpenaija , which R. Ioseph Kimhi deriueth of these three words , achash , which signifieth in the Aramites language great , and dar , to stay or remaine , and panim , the face : they were such as alwaies remained in the kings presence , and were next vnto him . Montonus readeth , secund●s à rege , the next to the king : Satrapae , the great and highest men in the kingdome : L. V. Iun. Lyranus saith they are so called , tamquam satis rapientes , because they doe take and snatch from the people : but that is no fit annotation here : the Septuag. call them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , chiefe men , or of high place .

2. The second is signaia , which some translate , pontifices summons , the high priests : Pag. for sagan is so sometime taken for the second priest next to the cheife : but it seemeth here to be a ciuill office , as all the rest are : some read duces , captaines . V. as the Septuag. interpret , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , chiefe commanders or captaines , so also Bulling , princes , Genevens . it rather signifieth here magistrates , gouernours . L. A. so Polan . Antistites , men of preheminence , Iun.

3. The third are called pachavatha : pecah , as R. Dauid signifieth , a prouinciall , one set ouer a prouince : Iudices , iudges appointed to heare causes in their circuites . L. duces , dukes . I. A. P. Geneuens . the Septuag. call them 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , they which were set ouer some speciall places and countries : praesides prouinciarum , the presidents of prouinces . V.

4. The fourth are Adargazaraija , which signifieth Senators , as R. Dauid , and R. Saadiah : so also Iun. Iudges , Geneuens . duces , dukes , L. rather 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the keepers of the lawes , to see that they were executed , Pag. Vatab. Bulling .

5. The fift are Gedaberaija , which signifieth those , which are set ouer the treasure , questores , V. P. the questors or receiuers , Geneuens . not tyraennos . L. which Lyranus expoundeth exactors of tribute : but the word tyrant , is in this sense improperly vsed .

6. The sixt dethaberaija , deriued of dath , a sentence , and bari , pure or fatte , R. Saadiah : they were the lawyers or counsellers , I. V. so also Bulling. Polan . Geneuens . the L. readeth optimates , the nobles , but that is too generall a word .

7. The seuenth Tiphtaice , which I. translateth , exactores , the exactors : the executioners of iustice , V. Bulling . officers , Geneuens . such as had the charge and care to see iustice executed .

8. The eight shiltonee medinatha , the gouernours of prouinces , Gene. Iun. Vatab. of the word shelet , to rule : it is a generall name comprehending all those which had any office or gouernement in the prouinces .

Quest. 9. Why Nebuchadnezzar onely called his nobles and officers .

1. All the people could not possibly come together to one place , therefore the nobles are called , vt per principes seducantur & gentes , as Hierome saith , that by the nobles the people might be seduced .

2. These are first summoned , vt regi consentientes , as consenting to the king , and most forward to followe his mind : Lyran. for such are the nobles , pendent à nutu regis , &c. & ad quaslibet flectuntur auras : readie to serue the kings humor , and are turned by euery wind , Caluin .

3. And the Nobles are conuented for the greater magnificence and maiestie , that this image might haue the greater reuerence , and remaine as a monument for a long time after , Osiander .

Quest. 10. ver. 5. Of the diuerse kinds of instruments here rehearsed .

1. The first is in the Chalde called karna of keren , a horne : the Septuag. translate 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , of the trumpet , tubam , Lat. which Lyranus taketh for the vsuall instrument , which is sounded in the warre : Pintus saith it was a croked instrument made of brasse : but it properly rather signifieth a horne or cornet : which is so called either of the matter , whereof it is made , or for the fashion , because it was like vnto an horne . So the same word keren , signifieth the trumpet made of rammes horne , which Iosuah was commanded to make , when he compassed the walls of Ierecho : Iosh. 6. an other word chatzotzeroth , is vsed to signifie trumpets made of mettall , Num. 10. 2.

2. The second is called mashrokitha , which the Septuag , interpret by the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a pipe or whistle , of sherach to whistle : the L. readeth , fistula , a pipe or flute : an instrument made of woode , with diuers hoales , to be played vpon with the hand , Pin. such as sheepe-heards vse , it is not a trumpet , as Geneuens .

3. The third is kathrom , whence commeth the Greeke word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , cithara , the harpe , we haue the like English word a citherne , but it is taken for an other kind of instrument : the harpe is an instrument well knowne : it is in forme like a triangle , played vpon with the fingers , Lyran , made of woode , and the strings are seene on both sides , Pintus .

4. The fourth in the Hebrewe is called Sabca , the Septuag. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which commeth neere the Chalde word : by the interpreters it is generally translated sambuca , which some thinke was triquetrum instrumentum imparibus sidibus , a threefold instrument with vnequall strings , Iun. tetrachordum , with fower strings , Athen. which was made of yron or brasse , and played vpon with an yron rodde : Pint. But Lyranus rather thinketh it was a winde instrument , made of reede , and he deriueth it of sam , which signifieth the Suune , and buca , a trumpet , because it was vsed onely in summer : but it is not like , that such rusticall oaten pipes were vsed in this solemne assembly . Hugo thinketh it was a kind of rurall harpe so called of the tree sambucus , whereof it was made , which was the elder tree : But I rather thinke with our english interpreters , Geneuens . that it was the sackebut , as the agreement with the Chalde word sabca sheweth .

5. The fifth pesanterin , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Sep. the psalterie . L. A. P. I. nablium , V. which is the same with the psalterie : the word seemeth to be deriued from the Chalde , psanterie , with the change of one letter . Lyranus thinketh it was an instrument played vpon with a quill , which we call a citherne . Pintus describeth it to be an instrument foure square with tenne strings : some thinke it was like an harpe , but of more pleasant sound , to the which they vsed to sing holy hymnes and psalmes , whereupon it had the name psalterie ; such as Dauid vsed : and this is most like .

6. The sixt is called in the Chalde sumphonia , which is the very same word in the Greeke 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a symphonie , which R. Saadiah deriueth of the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a pipe , with a bagge ioyned vnto it , a knowne rusticke instrument : but it is rather , as Lyranus thinketh , that vsuall instrument , which blinde men carrie about , and play vpon it with their fingers : and with the other hande make it sound with turning about of an yron , Pintus .

11. Quest. v. 5. Of their falling downe and worshipping this image .

1. Hierome vpon these words , thus writeth , Hierome noted of great obliuion and forgetfulnesse . that vnlesse my memorie faile me , if I runne ouer the whole Scripture , I can not finde , quod sanctorum quisquam Deum cadens adoraverit , that any of the Saints falling downe worshipped God , but they which worshipped idols or the deuill fell downe , and worshipped , as Sathan said to our blessed Sauiour , All these things will I giue thee , if thou wilt fall downe and worship me , &c. to this purpose Hierome : so also following him the ordin . gloss . and Hugo .

2. But Hieromes memorie did here greatly deceiue him indeede : for it is more vsuall in the Scripture for the Saints to fall downe and worship God , then otherwise : as , Psal. 95. 6. the Psalmist saith , Come let vs worship , and fall downe , and kneele before the Lord our maker : the three wise men , Matth. 2. fell downe and worshipped Christ : so did the blind man , Ioh. 9. the Angels , Apoc. 7. 11. fell downe vpon their faces before the throne and worshipped : Pere . Abraham fell on his face , while God talked with him , Gen. 17. 2. so did Ezekiel , c. 1. 29.

12. Quest. That it is not lawfull to bow vnto an image , though one in his heart abhorre it .

1. There are three sorts of men , which doe thinke they may be dispensed withall for the outward reuerent gesture yeelded vnto an image , hauing their heart free : as they which doe it to conforme themselues to please the Prince , or for feare to escape the perill of death , or some other grieuous punishment : or such which doe come vnto idolatrous seruice , onely to see the manner of it , and the pompe of Papall superstitious ceremonies .

2. But all these are found to be in great error . 1. the Lord in the second commandement directly forbiddeth to bow downe vnto such images . And the Lord saith to the Prophet Elias , that he had reserued seuen thousand , that had not bowed their knees vnto Baal , 1. King . 18. 19. 2. Our bodies together with our soules are the temples of the Spirit , and therefore neither the one , nor the other should be defiled , but preserued pure and holy for the Lord , Polan . 3. It satisfieth the idolaters themselues , if men be but conformable in their outward gesture , to their idolatrous seruice : as here Nabuchadnezzer exacteth no confession of the mouth , or subscription with the hand of or vnto this image , but onely to fall down and worship it . Calv. 4. In the purer ages of the Church euen they were held to be idolaters , which beeing constrained by force , did yeeld the least outward seruice vnto the idols of the Gentiles : as Origen , as Suidas writeth , was excommunicate of the Church , for holding a little incense in his hand before an idol . 5. The Romanists will not come at our Churches and seruice , where yet there is no externall obiect that may offend them , therefore much lesse should Protestants shew such weaknes to assemble with them in their idolatrous temples , which lay so many stumbling blocks before the eyes .

13. Quest. Of the malitious accusation of the Chaldees against the Iewes .

1. The malitious Chaldees were so incensed against the seruants of God , that refused to worship the image , that they could not stay at all , but presently at the same instant they made complaint of them . 2. They bend their accusation , not onely against those three , whome they held to be offenders , but against the whole nation of the Iewes , v. 8. they grieuously accused the Iewes . 3. They by flattering speech insinuate themselues to the king , that they might be the better heard , O king liue for euer , v. 9. 4. Then they subtilly seeke to bring their persons into disgrace and hatred , 1. by their nation and countrey , they were Iewes , the kings captiues and vassals . 2. by their vnthankfulnes for the benefits which the king had bestowed vpon them , who had made them gouerners , and chiefe officers , Bulling. 3. by their apostasie , that beeing called by Babylonian names , Shadrach , Meshach , Abednego , and so incorporated into that nation , yet were of a diuers religion and vsage , Iun. 5. Then followeth the crime , which they obiect against them , which was threefold . 1. contempt of the kings commandement and decree . 2. irreligion in not worshipping the kings gods . 3. mutinie and sedition , in being singular among the rest , in that they did not fall downe before the kings image .

14. Quest. Why they say in the plural they will not serue thy gods , v. 12. when as there was but one image .

Lyranus thinketh , that this image is called in the plural , gods , after the manner of the Iewes , which vse to call an idol so , though it be but one : as they said of the golden calfe , Exod. 32. These are thy gods : but it is euident in the text , that by gods , they meane not the image ; because they complain of 2. things , they would not serue thy gods , nor worship the image .

2. The ordi . gloss . which Hugo followeth , so also Pintus , thinke , that the gods here spoken of were diuers from the image : for this he set vp for himselfe to be worshipped in it ; but his gods he worshipped himselfe . But that they were not here two such distinct things , it appeareth ; because the kings decree was onely that they should fall downe , and worship the image : which they transgressing , are said , therein also to haue refused to serue the kings gods .

3. Wherefore it is euident , that this image was set vp by the king to the honour of his gods , Calvin . which are so called in the plurall , because they worshipped many gods : so that in one and the same action , in refusing to bow vnto the image , they are held to be contemners also of the kings gods .

15. Quest. Why these three , Shadrach , Meshach , and Abednego are onely accused .

1. It may seeme that the principall and chiefe men were onely or especially called , and that the vulgar and common sort of people were not all present : or at the least , the principall men were most marked , and obserued , whose example the rest might follow , Pere , but it seemeth , by their general accusation of the Iewes , v. 8. that there were more Iewes present then these three .

2. It may be also supposed , that the vulgar sort of the Iewish people , which were present , did for feare doe as the rest did , fall downe and worship , therefore they were not complained of , Perer. It is very like indeede , that many Iewes did fall away in time of captiuitie to worship the Chaldean images , because many of them had beene idolaters in their owne countrey , for the which they were carried into captiuitie : but that some other of the Iewes beside these three , refused to fall downe , may be gathered by the generall accusation against the Iewes , but principally against these three .

3. Wherefore this is like to be the cause , why these three are singled out , because they were aduanced to honourable place of gouernment , and for this cause were enuied and maligned of the Chaldees : and this may be gathered by their manner of accusation , v. 12. wherin they specially vrge that point , that the king had set them ouer the prouince of Babel , that seemed to be an eye-soare and a griefe vnto them . Why Daniel was not accused with the rest , it was by reason of his absence , as is shewed before , quest. 4.

16. Quest. What age these three were of , when they were brought before the king .

1. Chrysostome thinketh , that these three were infantili aetate , but as infants and children , when this was done , homil. de trib. pueris . Augustine also , hom. 24. calleth them pueros , children . But this is not like that the king would set children in the place of gouernment : for before this , at Daniels request , they were made gouernours ouer the prouince of Babel , c. 2. 49.

2. Theodoret gesseth they were young men , in aetatis vere , in the spring , and ( as we say ) in the floure of their age .

3. Pererius thinketh they could not be lesse , then 35. yeares of age : for he supposeth they might be 10. yeare old , when they went into captiuitie , and in the 25. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer he had that dreame of the image : But though Pererius opinion be probable for their age , yet his ground is vncertaine : for the second yeare mentioned , c. 2. 1. was not the 25. but the 5. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne , as is shewed , c. 2. qu. 1.

4. But Pererius laboureth to cleare this point , because in their Missals they are called the three children : either for that they were children at their first going into captiuitie , or they are so called according to the phrase of Scripture , that young men , and they which were of perfect age are so called pueri , as Iosua , Exod. 31. beeing then aboue 40. yeare old , is called puer , the lad or seruant of Moses .

Contra. 1. The word puer , when it is so applied , is referred rather to their ministerie and seruice , then age . 2. we doe not stand vpon it how they are called in their Missals , it sufficeth vs , that in the Scripture they are not called children , but gubhraia , men , v. 23. of the word gabbar , to be strong : they were then men of perfect age and strength .

17. Quest. Why Daniel made not intercession to the king for his three friends .

1. They which thinke Daniel was present , and that he either stood by the king who did not worship his owne image , as gloss . ordin . Hugo . or that they did forbeare to accuse him , because he was in great grace and fauour with the king , Polan . which conceits see refuted before , quest. 4. those which affirme Daniel to be present , consequently must hold , that Daniel was silent , and spake not in the behalfe of his friends : and Lyranus saith , vidit regem obstinatum in malicia , & ideo tacuit , &c. he saw the king setled and obstinate in his malice , and therefore held his peace . But Daniel had offended much , if beeing present , he should by his silence and connivence haue betraied these innocents , as the wise man saith , Prou. 24. 11. Wilt thou not preserue them , that are lead to be slaine ?

2. Pererius thinketh that Daniel beeing a great Prophet might foresee that God would deliuer them out of this daunger by some great miracle , that thereby the power and glorie of God might be set forth : as our blessed Sauiour suffered Lazarus to die , that he might get greater glorie by raising him vp againe out of his graue .

Contra. 1. Our blessed Sauiour and Daniel , the master and the seruant , are not well matched together : Christ had all power and knowledge in himselfe , so had not Daniel . 2. he knew not of his deliuerance from the Lyons himselfe , when he was cast into their denne : for then it had beene no triall of his saith , if he had bin sure to be deliuered , much lesse is it like , that he foresaw the miraculous deliuerance of these .

3. Therefore Daniel is excused by his absence , and ignorance : he neither was present , and so consequently was ignorant of all that now happened , beeing done speedily and in hast : see before qu. 4.

18. Quest. Of Nabuchadnezzers speech vnto those three brought before him .

1. The equitie of the king herein deserueth commendation , that would not presently giue sentence against these persons , till he had heard their defense : as it was the commendable custome of the Romanes not to deliuer any vnto death , before he that was accused had place to defend himselfe , Act. 25. 16. Bulling.

2. But herein appeareth the wilfull blindnes of the king , that beeing seduced to set vp such an abominable idol , he proceedeth to maintaine it with crueltie . Pellican .

3. He doth first seeke to win them by gentle speech : as though he could not beleeue it to be true , that they had done this thing , or if they did , it was of some ouersight , rather then of purpose : which he was content to pardon , if now they would worship the image : but beside these faire speeches , he addeth also threatning . Bulling.

4. He peremptorily enioyneth obedience to his decree , not suffering it to be disputed or called into question , whether it were iust or lawfull : but it was his will so to be . Calv.

5. And at the last he endeth with blasphemie , extenuating the power of that great God , whome before he had acknowledged to be the God of gods , c. 2. 47. so Rabsakeh said to Hezekiah , that the Lord could not deliuer Ierusalem out of his hand , 2. king . 18. 35.

19. Quest. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three conuented before the king .

They answer with godly resolution and courage to euery part of the kings speech .

1. Whereas the king first insinuateth himselfe , as though he did not beleeue , that they would doe such a thing , and thereby suggesteth vnto them , that they should be better aduised : which kind of humane and fauourable questioning Suetonius noteth to haue bin much vsed by Augustus , who in examining those which were guiltie , would seeme as though he beleeued not any such thing to be done by them : to this vncertentie in the kings demaund , they answer resolutely , that they needed no consultation in that matter , they had their answer readie , and were determined both what to say and doe , to answer and suffer , We are not carefull to answer thee in this matter .

2. To the kings blasphemie , that there was no God to deliuer them out of his hand ; they replie , that their God , whome they serued , was able to deliuer them out of his hand .

3. Touching the kings threatning of the fierie fornace , they answer in effect that it did not mooue them , they feared it not , though their God for some causes knowne to himselfe , should leaue them in his hands , yet they would not worship the image .

4. And as the king would admit no discussing of his decree , but would haue it absolutely obeied : so they could not be remooued from their religion : neither desired to haue the same discussed or sifted : they would by no meanes consent to worship the image .

20. Quest. Why the Lord doth not alwaies deliuer his out of temporall daungers .

v. 18. But if not : These valiant seruants of God , were certen of Gods fauour , that he would assist them with his spirit to suffer for his glorie , but they could not certainly promise themselues temporall deliuerance : wherein the Lord alwaies sheweth not his power for these reasons .

1. If the Lord should continually by some miraculous deliuerance , ridde his children out of danger ; then would not the miracle be so great , and so neither Gods glorie nor power therein so much magnified , nor men thereat so much mooued . Perer.

2. God suffereth his children to fall into temporall daungers , for the triall and probation of their faith and patience .

3. Thereby also God doth chastice his seruants , to bring them to more effectuall repentance . Papp .

4. And the Lord permitteth his children to be temporally tried , inuisibiliter eos ad gloriam transferendo , to bring them inuisibly vnto euerlasting glorie . Lyran. ex Augustin .

21. Quest. Why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image .

1. The godly Hebrewes were not ignorant how often they were charged by Moses , and the Prophets , not to bow vnto , or worship images , as Exod. 20. in the second commandement . Deut. c. 4. and c. 27. Isa. 44. and Ierem. 10. and in many places beside : that no one thing in Scripture is more straightly giuen them in charge .

2. They had the example of the godly Patriarkes and kings , and other holy men , who had a perfect detestation of idols : as Iaacob burned all the images in his house vnder an oak , Gen. 35. Hezekiah pulled down the brasen serpent , when they began to abuse it to idolatrie .

3. Yea in the most corrupt times after their returne out of the captiuitie , the Iewes abhorred images : for when Pilatus and Petronius the presidents of Iewrie had secretly brought the images of Tiberius and Caligula into the citie , to be worshipped of the Iewes , they manfully resisted , offering their necks and liues , rather then they would contrarie to their law worship any images . Ioseph . lib. 18. antiquit. c. 4. & 10. who further writeth , l. 2. cont. Appia . that when Alexander the great would haue repaired the Temple and sepulchre of Bel the Chaldeans god at Babylon , and therein vsed the helpe of the Iewes , they vtterly refused .

4. Therefore that is a most malitious lie reported by Appollonius , Appian the Grammarian , and Cornelius Tacitus , that the Iewes in the inwards of the Temple kept an asses head of gold , which they worshipped . ex Perer.

22. Quest. Whether the Prince is by fire and sword to roote out them which are of contrarie religion .

v. 19. Nabuchadnezzer commanded these three holy men to be cast into the fierie ouen : wherein he offended three waies : 1. in the action it selfe , in forcing his religion by torment of death . 2. in the manner , he did it in his rage . 3. in respect of the persons persecuted , they were innocent , they suffered for keeping of the law of God : But that generally religion is not to be forced by torment , it may be thus perswaded .

1. It is against the nature of faith to be forced vnto by violence : doceri non cogi vult fides , religion must be taught , not enforced . Polan .

2. Idolaters , heretikes , and persecutors of the true faith , by vnspeakable torments , and cruell death , did vrge their heresies , idolatrie , and superstitions to be kept : As this was the engine , wherewith the heathen Emperours assaulted the Christians , persecuting them by fire and sword : As Cornelius Tacitus writeth of Nero , that he caused the Christians to be burned specially in the night , in vsum nocturni luminis , in stead of night lampes : So the truth is not to be defended and maintained by the same weapons , wherewith false religion fighteth : for the fruits of the spirit , are loue , peace , gentlenes , Gal. 5. 22.

3. But it therefore followeth not , because religion is not to be forced by punishment of death , that therefore euery one is to be left vnto himselfe : there are other forcible meanes by penall lawes to containe men in an vniforme profession of the true faith , then by death . Iosias put downe the Chemarims idolatrous Priests , but he put them not to death . 2. King . 23. 5.

4. Yet such as are manifest blasphemers and heretikes , are to be cut off by the sword , as Servetus was at Geneva : so that in the inflicting of the punishment of death for false religion , a double difference is to be made : 1. between those , which do maintaine manifest heresie and blasphemie , and such as hold other vnsound opinions : and in the first sort , betweene such as are obstinate and peruerse , and those which are seduced of ignorance and simplicitie .

23. Quest. Of the extraordinarie beating of the fornace .

v. 19. He charged , that they should heate the fornace seuen times more . 1. In the Apocryphall narration here inserted in the Greeke translation , it is added further , that the king commanded the fornace to be made hoat with pitch , and towe , and a kind of liquid brimstone called naptha , and small twigges and spriggs of vines , or such like called malleoli , which some take for the small brush wood , apt to be set on fire , as Theodoret : some for such stuffe besmeared with pitch , as Pererius sheweth out of Nonius Marcellus .

2. And concerning naptha , whereof there are fountaines in Babylon , which is an hoate countrey full of brimstone , and in diuers places flaming out with fire : and as Plutarke writeth , the earth is so hoat , that they are constrained to lie in water : this naptha is of such force , that whatsoeuer is besmeared therewith , taketh fire in such sort , as that it can not be quenched but with vineger and allume , and such like , as Sirabo writeth , lib. 16. how Alexander to take triall of the nature thereof , caused a boy beeing in the water to be annointed with naptha , and so a candle put to him , who so burned , that if they had not with much water , mire , and such like , quenched it , he had beene consumed before them . Plutarke also in the life of Alexander reporteth , how the Barbarians , to shew the operation of this naptha , did cast certaine droppes vpon the way , which in the night tooke the flame one from an other , that all the way seemed to be of a light fire .

3. But because in the originall historie there is no mention made of these things , that the fire should be tempered with : nor yet that the fornace should flame 49. cubits , v. 46. in the Apocryphall addition ; we neede not busie our selues with searching out the nature of these things : it sufficeth to know , as it is in the text , that the fornace was made hoat 7. times more , then vsually it was .

24. Quest. Of the exquisite crueltie and torments which these three were put vnto .

1. Whereas in the punishing of offenders , Tyrants haue satisfied themselues with simple death ; in the persecuting of the seruants of God , they vsed exquisite torments : as here the fornace is made seuen times more hoat : if any malefactour had bin condemned to this punishment , the ordinarie heat would haue sufficed . Bulling.

2. Then he commandeth the strongest men to binde them , that they might vse no resistance , and might be more strongly bound : and God so disposed , that the king should vse the ministerie of his most valiant men , that both the miracle might be the greater , in that the flame consumed these men , & exercitus cladem persentisceret , & he should be punished in the losse of his martiall men : Lyran. and here appeareth the madnesse of persecutors , who refuse not to be hangmen and tormentors themselues of Gods seruants , which they would be ashamed to doe in the execution of ordinarie malefactors , Osiander .

3. They are bound in their apparell , vt nihil ex illis reseruandum , &c. that nothing might remaine or be reserued of them : and because they were in such hast .

4. They are cast into the middes of the fornace , that the fire might haue the greater power ouer them , Bullinger .

25. Quest. Of the apparell , which they were cast into the fire with .

1. The first garment is called sarbal , which the Septuag. interpreteth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 sarabaris , by the change of one letter : Hierome readeth , cum braccis , with their breeches or hose : for so he saith , that saraballa in the Chalde language , signifie the thighes : so also Hesychius interpreteth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , to be the couerings of the thighes : and in the Sclavonian tongue , the wide slippers are called sarabarh , Polan . so also Pagnin . But it seemeth rather to signifie the close coat , which couered not onely the nether but the vpper parts : as Tertullian . in lib. de pallio , writeth thus of Alexander , triumphalem cataphractam amolitus in captiva sarabara incessit , that laying aside his triumphant complete harnesse , he went vp & downe in a captiue garment called sarabara , &c. it seemeth then it was such a garment , which couered those parts which vsed to be harnessed , the breast and vpper parts , as well as the neather . Ab. Ezra and R. Levi take it for the vpper garment , but that is rather the last , here named : it is more fitly taken for the coate , Genevens . or the short cloake and inward garment , as Iunius and Vatablus expresse it by the word chlamys , which signifieth a short cloake .

2. The next garment is taken by some for their breeches , fem●ralia , Mont. tibialia , the hose , Vatab. Genevens . subligacula , their slops : but the word petaschon , their bonets , commeth neere the word petasus , which signifieth an hat or bonet : and so the Septuagint and Hierome expresse it by the word tiara , a bonet , Polan . Lyran. and Hugo Card. thinke that tiara signifieth both pileum , and palliolum , an hat , or Persian cloake : but it rather here signifieth the couering of the head : the other garments are here named beside : and it is the vse of the Turks to this day to vse certaine bonets of fine linnen wrapped together . Calvin .

3. The last word chirbelathhon , some interpret , tiaris , their bonets . V. cucullis , their boods , Montan , some , their shooes , L. bootes , sep. but it rather signifieth their cloakes , Genevens . and vpper robes , paludamenta , Iun. for so the word chirbel signifieth to couer , Polan . as Pagnin translateth operimenta , their couerings .

26. Quest. Why Daniel was not cast into the fierie fornace with the rest .

The diuers opinions here of this matter , are of two sorts : some thinke that Daniel was absent , some that he was present .

1. They which hold him to haue beene absent , 1. some thinke he might be deteined by sicknes , and infirmitie , Lyran. but that is a meere coniecture . 2. some thinke he was employed in the kings offices , in some remote countrey , Papp . but Daniels office was to sit in the kings gate and to attend the court , c. 2. 49. 3. some thinke that Daniel , seeing the king fully bent to goe forward , withdrew himselfe home , and would not be present , Osiander . but this he could not haue done without the kings great displeasure . 4. some that the king in fauour sent him backe , that he should not be brought into danger , Hug. Card. But the kings furie was such , that he would haue spared none , that misliked his proceedings .

2. They which thinke Daniel to haue been present : 1. some iudge , that the Chaldeans would not accuse Daniel , because he was in such fauour with the king , Calvin . Polan . but he was in as great fauour afterward with Darius , and yet he was cast into the lyons denne , c. 8. 2. some thinke that Daniel stood by the king , who did not worship his owne image , and so Daniel doing as the king did , beeing the next man vnto him , was not found fault withall . But the text ouerthroweth this conceit , the decree was generall , v. 11. that whosoeuer did not fall downe , should be cast into the fierie fornace : Daniel then could not be exempted from so generall a decree . 3. some thinke that Daniel did in outward gesture doe as the rest did , and by this example the Nicomedians would iustifie their dissimulation , in bowing their knee vnto an idol , and yet keeping their heart for God . But seeing Daniel refused to defile himselfe with eating the kings meate , much more would he haue counted this a pollution , to haue bowed to this filthie idol .

3. Wherefore the safer opinion is , that Daniel was not at this time present : his charge was to keepe the kings palace , and he was chiefe gouernour ouer the whole prouince of Babel : the king then beeing absent from Babylon , to solemnize the dedication of this image which was in the region Susiane , by all likelihood committed vnto Daniel the gouernment of the citie and prouince of Babel , till his returne .

27. Quest. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the kings crueltie .

v. 22. The flame of the fire slew those men , &c. 1. Lyranus well obserueth , that this is set downe by anticipation : for first the three men were cast into the fierie fornace , and then at the comming of the Angel , the fire was kept from their bodies , and raged vpon their enemies .

2. It is like that these men had beene the chiefe perswaders of the king , to deuise this torment , and were the most forward in this cruell execution , and therefore they tast of the same punishment , which they had prepared for others : as they which accused Daniel , and caused him to be cast into the lyons denne , themselues were deuoured of the lyons , Pintus . and they are iustly punished , because they yeeld obedience to the king , in re scelerata , in a wicked matter , Bulling.

3. It pleased God , that the fire should first destroy these wicked instruments , both for the more certentie of the miracle , seeing the same fire preserued some , and consumed others : and that the king might be more nearely touched : punitis principibus rex corripitur , the king is touched and chastised by the punishment of his Princes . gloss . Hug.

28. Quest. How these three men cast into the fire were preserued .

1. Some thinke , that the fire was by the power of God kept from their bodies , and so issued forth vpon them which were without : so Theodoret , ex hac dissipatione flammarum & ●epulsione à corporibus in tantum ignis è fornace essusus est , &c , by this dispersing of the flames , and repelling it from their bodies , the fire was shedde out so farre out of the fornace , that it went out 49. cubites : but first this opinion is contrary to the text , which saith they walked in the middes of the fire , and had no hurt , vers. 25. there was then fire , in the middes of the fornace where they were . 2. they were cast into the fornace bound hand and feete , bu● as soone as they came neere the fire , it burnt the bands wherewith they were tied , so that they walked loose , the fire then was neere them : Pintus answereth , that as they entred into the fornace , their bands were loosed by the fire .

Contra. The text is otherwise , that they fell downe bound into the middes of the fornace , ver. 23. they were then in the middes , before the fire consumed their bandes .

2. Some thinke , that the Angel did cause a cold ayre to blowe in the middes of the fornace , and so they were deliuered from the heat of the fire , interponendo corpus frigidum , by the enterposing of some cold bodie , Perer. this also is affirmed by the Apocryphall storie , ver. 49. fecit medium fornacis quasi ventum roris flantem , &c. the Angel made the middes of the fornace as it were windie with a dewe .

Contra. 1. But this were to adde miracle to miracle : for as it was one miracle , that the fire did not so much as touch their garments , as they passed through the flames , so it should be another , for the fire not to be quenched with this dew : but miracles must not be multiplied without cause . 2. this also derogateth from the power of God , as though he could not immediately by his owne power restraine the force of the fire , but by the ministerie of another creature .

3. The third opinion is , that God restrained the burning qualitie of the fire : for he that first endued the elements with their seuerall qualities , can withhold and suspend them at his pleasure : thus thinketh Basil , that vis vrendi , the force of burning , did not fungi suo munere , in Psal. 28. at this time exercise his force ; like as the fire which Moses sawe , consumed not the bush : of this opinion are also Albertus magnus , & Dyonis . Carthusianus , which is the most probable .

Quest. 29. Of the seauen miraculous things concurring in this preseruation of them from the fire .

1. The first is , that whereas the fire hath two properties concurring together , the light and the heat , that now by the power of God they are separated : here is light without burning ; and in hell fire there shal be burning without light : as Basil noteth in the former place , talis est ignis inferni , vt cum maxime vret , minime tamen luceat , &c. such is the fire of hell that when it burneth most it giueth least light , Pere .

2. This fire hath contrarie effects , it preserueth those which are within , and consumeth those which are without : like as the waters of the redde Sea , were a defense vnto the Israelites , and a confusion to the Egyptians : and the lyons which spared Daniel , deuoured his accusers , Bulling.

3. The fire burned asunder their bands , but their bodies and garments , it had no power to touch : so obserueth Hierome , ardent vincula , sed vinctorum corpora non tangit , &c. their bands are burnt , but the bodies of them which were bound the fire toucheth not : so also Chrysostome , 4. homil. ad popul. Antioch . lib. 3. dialog. cap. 18. Compedes disrupit ignis , talos non tetigit , the fire brake their fetters , and yet touched not their ankels ; so Gregorie , vt haberet flamma virtutem ad solatium , non haberet ad tormentum , &c. so that the flame had it force for their comfort , but not to their torment .

4. In the fire they breathed and walked , whereas the fire and smoake vseth to suffocate , and stoppe the breath : Pererius addeth further , that in the mids of the fire , they made an extemporall song or psalme , to the praise of God . It is not to be doubted , but that they praised God ; but that long himne , which is extant in the vulgar Latine edition , it is not like they vttered : because it is not extant in the originall : so that it seemeth to haue beene added by some interpreter to set forth the pietie and deuotion of these holy men .

5. Pererius following the vulgar Latine , maketh this another miracle , that a pleasant coole winde with a moist dewe was sent of God into the middes of the fornace : But no such thing is extant in the originall : thus much may be gathered out of the text by their walking in the middes of the fire , that neither the smoake nor heat , was any annoyance vnto them at all , but they had their free libertie , as though they had walked in the coole and fresh ayre .

6. This was admirable , that not onely their bodies , but their garments , yea the haire of their head , was kept from the fire : and there was not so much as the smell of fire about them , ver. 27.

7. Lastly , it seemeth that Nebuchadnezzar onely , whose conuersion the Lord principally intended by this miracle , sawe the Angel of God walking in the fierie fornace in the forme of man .

8. The like narration Pererius reporteth out of Gregorie , lib. 3 dialog. cap. 18. of a young man called Benedictus , who kept in a cell in Campania , within 40. miles of Rome : whom the Gothes assayed to burne in his cell , and set fire round about it , but all other things beeing consumed , his cell remained vntouched ; whereupon they drewe him out , and cast him into a fierie ouen : but he the next day was found without any hurt of the fire , not so much as his garments touched . But the report of this miracle I leaue to the iudgement of the vnderstanding reader : this we knowe , that that age was giuen too much to such miraculous reports : and that many fabulous narrations haue beene thrust vnder the name of the fathers .

Quest. 30. Whether any thing without miracle may be preserued from the fire , beeing in the flames thereof .

1. Some doe thinke that by naturall meanes certaine things are and may be exempted from the violence and rage of the fire : Plinie writeth of the stone Aetites , lib. 10. c. 3. histor. natural . which is found in a certaine kind of eagles nest , that it endureth the fire , & wasteth therein nothing at all . And in another place he maketh mention of Pirrhus , whose body being consumed by the fire , yet the great toe of his right legge could not be burned : the same author reporteth , lib. 7. cap. 2. that their hearts , which die of poyson , or morbo cardiaco , the disease of the heart , cannot be burnt . Aristotle writeth of a certaine stone called anthrax , which the fire cannot worke vpon , lib. 11. cap. 37. no not so much as to heate it : the same author also writeth of a certaine little beast with feete , and yet flieth , lib. 5. de histo. animali . cap. 19. about the bignes of a flie , which commeth out of the brasse furnaces in Cyprus , which as long as it is in the fire liueth , but if it flie farre from the fire it dieth : The like report there is of the Salamander , that it extinguisheth the fire , non alio modo , quam glacies , like a peice of yce , Plin. lib. 10. cap. 67. so also Aelianus , lib. 2. cap. 20. And Olympiodore the philosopher confirmeth the same by his experience , that they which kept fornaces in his time , would shake the faggots which thy burned , least the Salamanders might be among them , which by experience they found to put out the fire . Iamblicus writeth , Iamblic . de myster. Egypt . that the Egyptian Prophets , when they were inspired of their gods , could walke through the middes of the fire , lib. 7. cap. 2. and not be burned : Plinie also maketh mention of certaine families among the Faliscians called Hyrpiae , which in the yearely sacrifice of Apollo , could passe through an heape of wood , set on fire , and not be burned .

2. 1. Concerning those stones giuen in instance , it is like because of their colde and solid constitution , that they a good while may resist the fire , but at the length , the fire by the extreame heat thereof will worke vpon them . 2. touching those beasts which are said to liue in the fire , it must be so vnderstood , that they liue in hoate places , neere vnto the fire , but not in the flames , as those little creatures which we call crickits , doe keepe altogether in ouens , and chimnies , and other hoate places , but they cannot endure the flames of the fire : and it is Aristotles principle , lib. 2. de genera . animal . c. 3. nullum animal nasci , vel viuere posse in igne , that no creature can be engendred , or liue in the fire .

3. As for the Salamander , by reason of the cold constitution thereof , it may resist the fire , and somewhat slake the heat of it , as any other thing will , that is extreame cold and moist ; but at the length the fire will consume it : as Mathiolus writing vpon Dioscorides , lib. 2. cap. 56. saith he found by experience .

4. These examples giuen in instance of such as walked through the fire without hurt , are either not to be credited , as many such fabulous tales are reported by the heathen writers : or els such things were done by the operation of Sathan : who either by slaking the force of the fire , or by suborning some imagined fire , or by interposing some cold bodie , or by some like meanes , can worke such feates . So then it remaineth a strong and firme conclusion , that without a miracle , nothing can endure the fire without wasting and consuming . ex Perer.

Quest. 31. That those three were true Martyrs , though they escaped by miracle the daunger of death .

1. There are three things required to make a Martyr , the goodnesse of the cause , the present danger of death , and a willing resolution to suffer it : all these three here concurred : the cause was for the maintenance of Gods glorie , the danger of death was present , and without Gods miraculous deliuerance ineuitable , and their resolution was constant to die . This testimonie Cyprian giueth of these martyrs , and of Daniel , who escaped the lyons : In confessoribus Christi dilata martyria non meritum confessionis minuunt , sed magnalia diuinae protectionis ostendunt , &c. 3. lib. epist c ● . in the confessors of Christ the deferring of their martyrdome doth not diminish the worthinesse of their confession , but setteth forth the greatnesse of the diuine protection , &c.

2. So as Thomas distinguisheth them , there are three kinde of Martyrs : 1. they which are so onely in feruent desire . 2. such as are in the present perill of death , in lib. 4. sent●nt distinct. 49. which they cannot escape without the miraculous deliuerance of God . 3. they which are offred vnto death , and doe suffer it .

3. Bernard also maketh three kinds of martyrdome : some are voluntate martyres , & non opere , martyrs in will , and not in act , as Iohn the Apostle : some opere , non voluntate , in act , though not in the will and purpose , sermon . de nata . Innocent . as those innocents , which were put to death for Christ : some are both opere & voluntate , martyrs both in will and worke , as the holy Apostles , all saue Iohn .

Quest. 32. Whether all those are to be held Martyrs which die constantly and couragiously .

1. They which shewe a kind of fortitude and courage in enduring of torments , their cause beeing not good , are not held to be martyrs , as the Anabaptistes shewe themselues verie resolute in suffering for their wicked heresie and sect. Balthasar Gerardus the Burgundian , which slewe the prince of Orenge , Ann. 1584. the 30. of Iune , endured very grieuous torments , but it was pertinacie in him , rather then patience , a stupiditie of sense , not a soliditie of faith , a wretchlesse desperation , not a confident resolution . Augustine saith well , sermon . 50. de sanctis . ibierat Christus vbi latrones , similis causa , sed dissimilis poena , Christ was in the same place where the theeues were , the cause was like , but the punishment vnlike : therefore S. Peter , discerning the cause wheresore one should suffer , saith , let none of you suffer , as a murtherer , or as a thiefe , &c. 1. Pet. 4. 15.

2. They which haue a good cause , may faile also in the manner , as if they doe procure their owne death , and lay violent hands vpon themselues : when any are vrged mala facere , vel mala pati , to doe euill , or to suffer euill , they must rather choose to suffer euill , and to yeeld themselues into the hands of their enemies , as those three men did : but they which kill themselues , are now doers of euill , and not sufferers : the deuill tempted Christ to cast himselfe downe from the pinacle , but he resisted him : all such motions then tending to voluntarie death , are diabolicall . Augustine hereof thus writeth , Cont. Ga●●●nt . cap. 2. When Iob was striken with botches from the head to the foote , vtique hoc vestrum compendium habuit in promptu , &c. he might haue vsed this compendious way if he would , &c.

Quest. 33. Why it pleaseth not God alwaies to deliuer his seruants out of danger , as he did these and at this time .

Rupertus mooueth the like question , lib. 6. de victor . verb. c. 25. why the Lord did not as well defend his Temple from the fire , as the bodies of his seruants here .

1. If God should doe so ordinarily , then the miracle should not seeme so great , not the power and glorie of God so much thereby aduanced .

2. It is in God hand , and in his choice , whether to deliuer his Saints from temporall daunger , or to translate them to immortalitie : he best knoweth what is fit for euery one .

3. God doth send temporall deliuerance to such instruments , as he purposeth still to vse in his seruice : as these three were deliuered , because they were speciall meanes to set forth Gods glorie among the Chaldeans : but when any hath finished their course , and accomplished that seruice for the which they were sent , then the Lord thinketh best to receiue them into his kingdome , as Peter was deliuered out of prison by the Angel , Act. 12. because the Lord was yet to vse him in his seruice : but afterward when he had finished his course , the Lord suffered the persecutors to depriue him of his temporall life , Polan .

4. Further it must be here considered , that there are two kinds of deliuering the seruants of God , there is occulta liberatio , & manifesta , a secret deliuerance , and a manifest : the secret deliuerance concerneth their soules , whom the Lord translateth to glorie : wherein the Lord sheweth two great workes , both in giuing them strength by their patience to tryumph ouer the crueltie of their persecutors , and in bringing them vnto glorie . And the Lords power is no lesse seene intheir patience , 〈…〉 then if he had temporally deliuered them : as Rupertus speaking of the holy Martyrdome of Laurentius ▪ who was broyled vpon a gridyron , saith , gloriosius in eo triumphauit , quam si excussisset carbones , the Lord did more gloriously tryumph in him , then if he had put out the coales . The other kind of deliuerance is notorious and manifest , which is seene in the safetie of their bodies , as these three were now deliuered out of the fire : which kind of deliuerance God sometime sendeth for the confirmation of his Saints , and for the confusion of the wicked , Polan .

Quest. 34. vers. 25. In what sense the king saith , that the fourth was like the sonne of God .

1. Some thinke that the king imagined , that the fourth was like the sonne of God , that is , was one of the inferiour or second sort of gods : for the Gentiles thought , that the gods begat children of women , as Iupiter had Hercules and Apollo , and these were called semidei , halfe gods : this opinion is mentioned by Dyonis . Carthusian . and so Osiander saith , that the king thought , that the gods had sent , quendam ex minoribus dijs , some one of the lesse or inferiour gods . But this sperstitious and impious conceit of their halfe gods , was afterward taken vp by the Greekes , it was not at this time currant among the Babylonians : whose chiefe God Bel was , and next to him they adored and worshipped the Sunne and the starres .

2. Some doe indeede take this to be vnderstood of an Angel , as Hierome , Angeli filij Dei nuncupantur , the Angels are called the sonnes of God : as Iob : 1. 6. and psal. 89. 7. so also Calv. Perer. Polan . and their reason is , because the king afterward saith , that God had sent his Angel , v. 28. But 1. it is not vnvsuall in Scripture , for the sonne of God to be called an Angel , as Malach. 3. 1. the Angel of the couenant . 2. and though this phrase be vsed in Scripture , to call the Angels the sonnes of God , yet it may be doubted , whether the Gentiles vsed so to speake . 3. And though the king might take him to be an Angel , yet the question is , whether he were an Angel , or indeede the sonne of God .

3. Some adde further , that this was an Angel , but likened to the sonne of God , because he was a type of the incarnation of the sonne of God : that the sonne of God should descend from heauen , suos è peccatorum flammis erepturus , to deliuer his out of the flames of their sinnes : Pintus , and before him Apollinarius . But although this typicall application may be made of it , yet Nebuchadnezzàr beeing vtterly ignorant of the mysterie of redemption , could not so vnderstand it .

4. Some doe thinke that Nebuchadnezzar meaneth Christ the sonne of God : and this opinion is deuided : some take it , that Nebuchadnezzar had learned the mysterie of the incarnation of the Sonne of God of Daniel , as it was in some sort declared vnto him , in the interpretation of his dreame , Pintus . But Nebuchadnezzars grosse superstition and idolatrie , euidently sheweth , that he had no such knowledge of Christ to come , Rupertus thinketh , that mente non sua locutus est , Nebuchadnezzar spake he knewe not what , as Saul and Caiphas prophesied : and addeth further , that it pleased God by the mouth of an heathen man , to reueale this mysterie , non enim tutum erat , aeternam filij ex patre Dei generationem Iudaeis carnalibus enuntiare , for it was not safe to declare vnto the carnall Iewes , the eternall generation of the Sonne from God the father , Rupertus ibid.

But 1. it is euident by the text , that Nebuchadnezzar knew what he said , calling him afterwards an Angel , whom here he saith , was like to the Son of God . 2. and the mysterie of the Trinitie , and of the incarnation of Christ , could not be more strange no not to the carnall Iewes ( among whom notwithstanding were many beleeuers ) then vnto the Gentiles .

5. Some take it , that this was but a phrase of speach to liken him to the sonne of God , that is some excellent person , as excellent and eminent things are so named ; as the mountaine of God , the armie of God ; that is , a great mountaine , a great armie , Perer. as Homer called such 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , like vnto God , or borne of God , Iun. he sawe in the countenance of the fourth , supra vultus humani splendorem radiare aliquid , something to shine beyond the brightenesse of mans countenance , Hug. Car. so also Lyranus . This is true , but not all .

6. Therefore these two things may be safely here affirmed , 1. that Nebuchadnezzar here in this saying determineth not what manner of person it should be , whether God , or an Angel precisely , but in generall , that it was some diuine presence . 2. yet in truth and in verie deede it was Christ the sonne of God , who appeared at this time in humane shape , and came to deliuer his seruants : As Rupertus thereof yeeldeth this reason , it was a signe of that which the Sonne of God was to doe in his Church ; quando enim non adfuit filius Dei agonizantibus ? for when was not the Sonne of God present with his seruants in their agonies ? &c. This application is better then that of Lyranus , who also vnderstandeth that this was Christ the Sonne of God , but would haue thereby prefigured Christs descension into hell , vbi animae sanctorum tenebantur , &c. where the soules of the saints were held , but not burnt , that they might be deliuered , &c. But this is newe and strange doctrine , that any in the flames of hell should be deliuered , or that the flames of hell should not burne : of this opinion also are Pellican , and Osiander , that this was Christ the sonne of God , their reason is , because he often before appeared to Abraham , and Moses , and other Patriarches and Prophets , assumpta humana forma , assuming humane shape .

Quest. 35. Of the apparition of Angels in humane shape , what manner of bodies they appeared in .

Because the opinion of the most is , that this was an Angel , which was here seene in the middes of the fornace by Nebuchadnezzar , it shall not be amisse to insert something of their manner of apparition .

1. That Angels , yea and the sonne of God himselfe sometime appeared visibly vnto men , though in their nature they are invisible spirits , it is most euident by the manifold visions and apparitions , which were shewed vnto the Patriarches , and Prophets , so that this needeth no further proofe .

2. They appeared not in shewe onely , as it were in imaginarie , and fantasticall bodies , as Marcion held , whom Tertullian confuteth , but in verie sensible and palpable bodies , which might be felt , handled , and touched : such bodies had those Angels , which came vnto Lot .

3. Nor yet were their bodies taken out of any celestiall matter , such as the starres are made of , which was the fansie of Apelles , whom Tertullian confuteth , lib. de carne Christ . but rather they consisted of some terrene matter , because their bodies were palbable , and they did eate and drinke .

4. Neither were these the proper bodies of Angels , which are of a spirituall nature : we must not thinke , Angelos propriam carnem gestasse , that the Angels did beare their owne flesh , neither was it hypostatically vnited vnto them , as part of their person , but as Augustine saith , tanquam vestes sumebant & dep●nebant , they did assume them , and lay them downe againe as garments .

5. Great difference there was betweene the bodies , wherein the Angels appeared , and the bodie which Christ walked in : for this bodie Christ tooke by birth ; so did not the Angels , as Tertullian saith , non venerant mori , ideo nec nasci , they came not to die , therefore they needed not to be borne .

6. And some difference there was betweene the bodies , which the Angels assumed , and wherein Christ manifested himselfe in the olde testament : for Christ made vnto him a bodie for the time of nothing , and layd it downe againe , as it pleased him : but the Angels could not make their bodies , but they were prepared of God , either of nothing , or out of some preexistent matter : but this beginning rather their bodies had , the other of nothing was Christs : Tertullian then hath here a bold assertion , lib. 3. aduers. Marcion . proprium esse Angelicae potestatis , ex nulla materia sibi corpus sumere , that it is proper vnto the Angelicall power to take vnto them a bodie of no matter , &c. but this power belongeth onely to the creator .

7. Now these bodies , if they were made of nothing , they were annihilated againe ; if out of some matter , they were resolued againe into it , as Tertullian saith , corpus Angelorum eadem ratione interceptum est , qua & editum , the bodie of Angels was by the same meanes intercepted , and dissolued , by the which it was made and came forth : si non fuit initium visibile , nec finis , as the beginning of them was not visible , so no more the ende , Polan .

Quest. 36. Why the Angels vsed to appeare in humane shape .

1. One reason is , because of all sensible and visible creatures none commeth neerer the nature of Angels , then man , and therefore Angels haue assumed vnto themselues the shape of man . 2. If the Angels should in any other forme haue appeared , vsing the speach of man , it would haue seemed monstrous . 3. And by this the Angels did testifie their loue vnto man , similitudo conciliat amorem , for likenesse of things begetteth loue . 4. Because Angels doe count men their fellowe seruants : they propound vnto them both the same ende , euerlasting glorie in heauen : they are both vnder the same head Christ . 5. the Angels did so appeare for the honour of Christs incarnation , who they knewe , should take our nature vpon him : they therefore by this meanes did dignifie the nature of man . 6. Beside , the parts of mans bodie doe expresse and set forth diuerse Angelicall properties : as the head their vnderstanding , the eyes their knowledge , the hands their ministerie , the feete their readines and agilitie , &c. these reasons may be rendred , why it pleased God , that the Angels should manifest themselues in humane shape , Perer.

Quest. 37. Of the sudden change and conuersion that was in Nebuchadnezzar with the parts thereof .

Nebuchadnezzars conuersion appeareth both by his religious actions toward God , and by his thankefull rewarding of his seruants , ver. 30.

1. His religious actes consist . 1. in his confession of the praise of God . 2. in the decree which he made concerning the name and worship of God .

1. Gods praise is set forth : both by his owne worke in the deliuering of his seruants , by sending his Angel ; and by the constancie of his seruants , set forth by two effects , in that they refused to obey the kings commandement , and because they did rather chose to giue their bodies to the fire , then to worship any sauing the Lord .

2. In the decree , there is first expressed the offence , if any should blaspheme the name of God : then the punishment , which is twofold , vpon their bodies , they shall be drawne in peices , and on their houses , they shall be made a iakes : then the reasons added from the power of God .

2. Then is expressed , ver. 30. how Nebuchadnezzer promoted these three men in the prouince of Babel , ver. 30.

Quest. 38. Whether this were a true conuersion in Nebuchadnezzar .

1. Pererius thinketh that Nebuchadnezzar was truely and indeede conuerted , which he would prooue by the effects thereof , namely these fower . 1. the confession of his error . 2. the aduancing of true religion . 3. the exalting of those that feared God . 4. and seuere punishing of all blasphemers and enemies vnto God . But these were temporarie effects , they continued not , they were therefore no signes of a true conuersion .

2. The truer opinion then is , that Nebuchadnezzar was but mooued and affected for a time , by the strangenesse of this miracle , he was not truely conuerted . 1. As were the effects of his faith , such was his faith ; but the effects were but temporarie , they lasted but a while , for presently after in the next chapter , he seeketh againe vnto his sorcerers , for the interpretation of his dreame , Iun. 2. he could haue no true faith , because he had no true knowledge of God , seeing in the same houre as it were , a little before , he had commanded the golden image to be worshipped . 3. permiscuit idola sua vero Deo , he did ioyne his idols with the true God , Calvin . yet some thinke that he not long after caused the image to be pulled downe , Osiander . It is more like he did not , because he continued in his old superstition , in beeing addicted still to his enchanters , and sorcerers . 4. here was onely a naked miracle , which is but a preparatiue vnto faith , here was no doctrine or instruction out of the word of God , whereby faith is begotten in vs , Caluin .

3. But Rupertus , although his opinion be right , lib. 6. de victor . verb. c. 23. that this confession of Nebuchadnezzar , was tota respersa fermento tumidae vanitatis , besprinckled with the leauen of swelling vanitie : yet his reason is not good , because he saith , placuit mihi , it pleased me to declare the signes , which God had wrought , apud me , with me , as though he should haue said , nisi ob gratiam mei , he did them onely for my cause , whereas they were wrought against him . Contra. 1. the words well interpreted are , it became me , not it pleased me . 2. And these miracles and signes were wrought toward him or with him , because he was thereby brought to acknowledge and confesse his error , and to giue the praise vnto God .

4. But Oecolampadius goeth yet further , and giueth such commendation of this confession of Nebuchadnezzar : fungitur in hoc non solum poenitentis , fed & Apostoli offici● , he herein dischargeth not onely the dutie of a penitent person , but euen of an Apostle also in writing of epistles , &c. But the king confessed as much in effect before , cap. 2. 47. that the Lord was a God of Gods , and the Lord of kings , and yet after that he made the image .

5. Yet on the other side , are we farre from the opinion of Apollinarius , that the king regio fastu condiderit hanc legem , &c. of princely pride and vanitie did make this lawe against blasphemers : But although these were but temporarie effects and fruits of his faith , yet for the time they were in truth : for if the king had sought his pompe , he would not in this manner haue laid open his errour to all the world , and praised the constancie of these men .

39. Quest. Whether blasphemie is to be punished with death .

1. Apollinarius thus obiected , that the punishments which the Lord inflicteth in his law , are executed 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by way of amendment , not 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , by way of retribution : for no punishment can counteruaile the greatnes of sinne : and therefore in such sinnes such seueritie is not to be vsed .

2. Contra. 1. Deus internam pravitatem suo iudicio reservat , &c. God reserueth the inward impietie for his owne iudgement , but the outward offence the Magistrate is to restraine by law , Oecolampad . 2. By the law of God the blasphemer was put to death . 3. And if an heathen Prince , did decree such a seuere punishment against blasphemie , much more ought a Christian Magistrate , Polan . 4. Origen saith , Hom. 11. in Lev. si patri maledicens morte multatur , &c. if he that curseth his father be put to death , how much more he which blasphemeth God our heauenly father : the Canon saith , Can poenit . ●● blasphem●us secundum legem est decapitandus , secundum canonem anathematizandus , a blasphemer according to the ( ciuill ) law is to be beheaded , according to the Canon , to be anathematized and held accursed .

In the Laterane Councill thus it was prouided against blasphemers , A notable decree against blasphemers . Concil. Later . sess. 9. si munus publicum gesserit , &c. if he bare a publike office , the first and second time he should loose the benefit of his office for three moneths , the third time he should be depriued : si Clericus , if he were a Cleargie man , the first time he should loose the profits of one whole yeare , the second , he was to be depriued of his benefice : and the third time , inhabilis reddatur , he was made vncapable of that function : si nobilis , &c. if he were a noble man , the first time he should pay 25. ducats , the second 50. the third time that he offendeth , nobilitatum perdat , he should loose his nobilitie .

If he were a common person , he should be imprisoned : if he offended more then twice , he was to be enioyned to stand one whole day before the Church doore : if yet he continued in the sinne of blasphemie , ad perpetuos carceres , vel ad triremes damnetur , let him be condemned to perpetuall prison , or to the gallies .

40. Quest. Whether the three last verses doe belong vnto this second chapter .

v. 31. Nabuchadnezzer vnto all people , nations , and languages , &c. The vulgar Latine following the Septuag. so also Pererius , doe make these three last verses part of the third chapter : some also of the Hebrewes doe the like . But they are better referred vnto the historie of the next chapter , as Iun. Vatab. Calvin . Oecolampad . Pellican . Osiand . Bulling. so also Lyran. gloss . ordin . Hugo Cardin. doe thinke that this Epistle was written by the king , after the Lord had humbled him , and depriued him of his vnderstanding , and afterward restored him againe , as it followeth in the next chapter : the reasons for proofe herof are these .

1. Because the style and manner of writing in the first person , the epistle beginneth thus , Nabuchadnezzer king , To all people , &c. and v. 32. I thought it good : agreeth with the first words of the next chapter , I Nabuchadnezzer , &c. 2. He intendeth to declare the signes and wonders , which God wrought toward him , such as specially concerned him , and none did more particularly touch him , then his transformation into the life of a bruit beast . 3. If this epistle should not haue coherence with the narration following , it should be much imperfect : for he saith , I thought good to declare the signes and wonders : and yet he declareth none , if this epistle should not haue relation to the next chapter : Seeing then that these 3. last verses are a part of that chapter , the questions here arising , shall be there handled .

4. The places of doctrine .

1. Doct. That the godly haue alwaies some enemi● or other to encounter with .

v. 1. Nebuchadnezzer the king made an image of gold , &c. Many are the aduersaries and diuers the assaults and combates , which are opposed to the faithfull : their enemies are cither internall , which is their owne corrupt concupiscence , whereof S. Paul speaketh , Rom. 7. 23. I see an other law in my members rebelling against the law of my minde : or externall , which are enemies spirituall and inuisible , as Sathan with all his temptations : as S. Paul saith , We wrastle not against flesh and blood , but against principalities , &c. against spirituall wickednesses , Eph. 6. 12. or enemies visible , which are either Gentiles and idolaters , or heretikes and schismatikes : as the Apostle saith , he was in daunger among the Gentiles , and among false brethren , 2. Cor. 11. 26.

2. Doct. Of the manner of accusation , which the wicked lay in against the seruants of God .

v. 8. That same time came men of the Chaldeans and grieuously accused the Jewes . 1. As the Chaldeans were the first that gaue counsell to the king to make this image , to entrappe the faithfull Iewes ; so it is the guise of the enemies of Gods Church to lay stumbling blocks before the seruants of God , and to make lawes to entangle them : as they practised against Daniel , c. 6.

2. They are readie to take any occasion to accuse them , as the Chaldeans here .

3. They omit no time , they vse all speed and opportunitie , to prosecute their wicked enterprise : as the Chaldeans came the same time and houre , and made their complaint .

4. They are flatterers , and make Princes beleeue , that they are very obseruant of their lawes , and pray for their prosperitie : as here they wish the king may liue for euer : whereas they doe onely make a way hereby to worke more mischiefe .

5. They doe set themselues specially against poore strangers , and make them odious by their countrey : as they say , v. 12. There are certaine Iewes .

6. They accuse them of vnthankfulnes , mutinie , and rebellion : as these Chaldees doe here , v. 12. and it is the vsuall accusation against the seruants of God , as though they were contemners of the lawes and decrees of Princes .

3. Doct. That God is one .

v. 12. Neither will they serue thy gods , &c. The Gentiles brought in an infinite number of gods : Hesiode saith , that they worshipped 30. thousand gods : the same also is testified by Eunomius , lib. de falsit . or aculor . Tertullian in Apologet. alledgeth out of Marcus Varro , that they had thirtie gods , called by the name of Iuppiter .

1. But the Scripture euidently testifieth , that God is but one : as , Deut. 6. 4. Heare O Israel , the Lord our God , is the Lord onely . Deut. 32. 39. Behold , heare O Israel , for I , am he , and there is no gods with me . Psal. 86. 10. thou art great , and doest wondrous things , thou art God alone . Isa. 45. 5. I am the Lord , and there is none other , there is no God beside me .

2. yea the Philosophers and wise men among the heathen , though the vulgar sort worshipped a multitude of gods , did hold that there was but one beginning of all things : as Trismegist . 4. dialog. Pymandri saith , Vniuersum mundum verbo non manibus fabricatus est opifex , &c. that one workeman made all the world with his word , not with hands . Orpheus in his verses calleth God , protogon●● , the first begotten , that nothing was before him , and , that all things were created by him . Iustinus Martyr alleadgeth out of the verses of Sybil , vnus Deus solus &c. that there is one God alone , vnbegotten , omnipotent , inuisible . Sophocles both a Philosopher and a Poet , doth affirme the one God to be the creator of the world : so Thales , Pythagoras , Socrates , Plato , Chrysippus , did all affirme , that there was one God , whome they called a diuine Spirit , and as it were the soule of the world . And it is said of Aristotle , that , when he was at the very point of death , he cried out , causa causarum miserere me● , O thou cause of causes haue pitie on me . And they were induced thus to thinke by these and such like reasons :

1. Because they saw , that in a Commonwealth the Monarchicall state was the best : in a kingdome one Prince , in an armie one generall , in a shippe one gouernor , in a beehiue one master-bee : so in the world there is one chiefe Ruler and moouer of all things .

2. God is an infinite spirit : but one infinite thing can not stand with an other .

3. God is loue , vnitie , concord : but where many gods are , there is varietie , not vnitie , discord , not peace .

4. Like as in the bodie , though there be many and diuers parts , there is but one soule , the fountaine of life and motion in the bodie : so is it in the greet world .

4. Doct. We must be resolute in religion .

v. 16. We are not carefull to answer thee in this matter . These three holy men could not be neither by hope of the kings fauour , and of great rewards entised ; nor yet by feare of punishment terrified from their profession : Nay they would not so much as admit of any deliberation in so euident a matter : As Cyprian when he was required to take some time to pause , and consider with himselfe , what he would doe , vttered that worthie saying , In re tam certa nulla deliberatio , in a matter so certen there neede no further deliberation : So these here answer , that they tooke no care how to answer the king : according to that saying of our blessed Sauiour , Mark . 13. 11. When they lead you and deliuer you vp , take ye no thought afore , neither premeditate what ye shall say , but whatsoeuer is giuen vnto you at the same time , that speake , &c.

5. Doct. Of the difference of temporall and eternall promises .

v. 18. But if not , be it knowne vnto thee , &c. Although God should not deliuer them out of this temporall daunger , yet they would not leaue their profession : for they knew , that God beeing able to deliuer them , yet he might not shew his power at this time for some causes best knowne vnto himselfe . There is a double kind of deliuerance , one from euerlasting death , which we are absolutely sure of without any condition : there is a deliuerance from temporall daunger , which we are assured ordinarily no otherwise of , then it pleaseth God , and as he seeth it may stand best with his glorie and our good . In such temporall cases , the Apostle teacheth alwaies to presuppose this condition , Iam. 4. 1● . If the Lord will .

6. Doct. Obedience is not to be giuen vnto Magistrates in all things .

v. 22. The flame slew those men , &c. Because these tormentors and executioners did yeild obedience vnto the king in a wicked and vniust thing , they are worthily punished : God commandeth obedience vnto princes , but not against himselfe : so after this manner , the two captaines with their fifties , whome the king sent to take Elias , were destroied with fire from heauen . Our Sauiour saith in the Gospel , that if the blind lead the blinde , they shall both fall into the ditch : both of them , not onely the captaine and ring-leader , but he also that is seduced and misled . Bulling.

7. Doct. Of the certentie of the resurrection .

v. 27. Not an haire of their head was burnt , &c. Tertullian collecteth from hence , lib. de resurr. caruis . that if God by his power preserued euen the garments of these men , and the haire of their heads from the fire ; much more able is he to preserue the bodies of his Saints from euerlasting and finall corruption , and to raise them vp at the last day : hence then he concludeth , Dominum potentiorem omni corporum lege , &c. that God is of power and might beyond the law of corruptible bodies . And in that one haire of theirs was not burnt , here is verified that saying of our blessed Sauiour , Matth. 10. 30. All the haires of your head are numbred , &c.

8. Doct. The maintenance of true religion belongeth vnto the ciuill Magistrate .

v. 29. Therefore I make a decree . Nebuchadnezzer here maketh a seuere law against those , which should blaspheme the true God , whome these three worshipped : whereupon Augustine inferreth well , that it belongeth vnto the Magistrate to be conseruators and preseruers of true religion , poenam capitalem constituit in eos , qui Deum illorum invenumblasphemarent , &c. he appointeth a capitall punishment against them , 11. tractat . in Ioann . which did blaspheme the God of those young men , &c. The Apostle saith , that the Magistrate is the minister of God , to take vengeance on him , that doth euill , Rom. 13. 4. Therefore heretikes and blasphemers , who are euill doers , are to be censured and punished by ciuill lawes , as well as other malefactors .

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. That an image vsed for any religious vse and an idol are all one .

v. 1. Nabuchadnezzer made an image of gold . The word is tzelem , which the Septuag. translate 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , and image : so also Pagnin , Montan. Iun. and yet it was a plaine idol . Here then appeareth the vanitie of that curious and friuolous distinction of the Romanists , betweene an image , and an Idol : as though an image should be onely the true similitude of a thing , an idol the representation of a thing , which is not : as were the idols of the heathen : for this great idol represented no speciall person , it was erected for the honour of their gods , yet is it called an image : see more of this question , Synops. Cent. 2. err. 42.

2. Controv. Against the adoration of Images .

1. Hierome vpon this example of these young men , that refused to fall downe before Nabuchadnezzers image , thus inferreth , Cultores Dei statuas adorare non debent , &c. the worshippers of God must not worship images : therefore they which worship the images of Emperours doe that , quod tres p●eri facere noluerunt , which these three children would not doe . Pererius here answereth , that Hierome speaketh against the worshipping of the Emperours images , not of Saints , and of giuing diuine adoration vnto them , after the manner of the Gentiles . Contra. 1. If it be vnlawfull to adore the images of men liuing , much more of them that are dead : A liuing dogge is better then a dead lyon , Eccles. 9. 4. 2. Hierome speaketh not of adoring images , as gods , but simply of adoring them : for the Gentiles did not hold their images to be their very gods , but onely representations of them : and therefore in the same place Hierome noteth these as two distinct things , Deos coli , imagines adorari , quod vtrunque servis Dei non conuenit , for the gods to be worshipped , and the images to be adored , both of which doe not beseeme the seruants of God .

2. Lactantius vrgeth these reasons against idolatrie . 1. Imago hominis tum videtur necessaria , cum procul abest , &c. the image of a man is then thought to be necessarie , when he is absent and farre off , but then it is superfluous , when he is present , and at hand . But the Spirit of God beeing euery where dispersed , can neuer be absent , therefore an image of God is alwaies superfluous , lib. 2. Institut. c. 2. 2. Images are but the portraitures and pictures of men : now it is inconuenient , vt simulachrum hominis , à simulachro Dei homine adoretur , that the image of a man should be worshipped of man , who is the image of God . l. 2. instit. c. 18.

3. Worshippers of Images doe offend in these 3. things : 1. in worshipping that which is not God : for the images and idols , which they worship , are not gods : so Ierem. c. 2. chargeth the Israelites , because they digged vnto them pits , which could hold no water . 2. They offend , quando colitur Deus , sed non solus , when God is worshipped , but not onely : as the Israelites in Elias time serued God and Baal together , which he calleth , an halting betweene two opinions , 1. king . 18. 3. Though they intend Gods worship onely , yet they sinne in worshipping him after an other manner , then the Lord hath prescribed in his word : as Ieroboam brought in new rites and ceremonies , and other Priests , then were appointed by the law . Bulling.

4. The beginning and inuention of Idols was from the heathen : as in the booke of wisdome it is said , c. 14. 13. The vaine glorie of men brought them into the world : so Gregorius the Bishop of Neocaesarea said , Concil. Nicen. 2. action . 6. Gentilit as inuentrix & caput imaginum , Gentilitie was the inuenter and head of images . Eusebius speaking of the images of Christ , of Peter and Paul , saith , lib. 7. c. 18● hoc mihi videtur ex gentili consuetudine obseruatum , this seemeth to me to be obserued according to the custome of the Gentiles : for they vse to honour those whome they count worthie of honour . So the Emperours H●liogabalus , Adrianus , Alexander Severus , vsed to set vp in their Chappels the images of Abraham , Moses , Christ . Likewise the Gnostike and Carpocratian heretiks did worship the pictures of Christ , of Paul , Pythagoras , Homer , as Iraen . 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . witnesseth , l. 1. c. 24. Athanasius therefore well saith , simulachrorum inuentio non à bono , &c. that the inuention of images came not of any good , but euill : as it is saide , Wisd. 14. 11. The beginning of idols was the beginning of whoredome , and the finding of them is the corruption of life . Hereupon it is , that the Iewes suffer no image painted or grauen in their Synagogues , Dion . l. 37. nay Orig●n testifieth , they would not suffer any caruer or painter to remaine in their countr●y , lib. 4. cont. Celsum . See more of this Controv. Synops. Cent. 2. err. 44.

3. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be tolerated , though they be not adored .

1. Pappus here maketh 3. kinde of Images : some were set vp for idolatrie , and these he would haue remooued : there are two other kind : some doe set forth the histories of the old and new Testament , some are onely for ornament in Churches : neither of these are prohibited , as euidently appeareth by the building both of Moses Tabernacle , and of Salomons Temple : but here it is the part of the Minister to admonish the people to take heede of idolatrie : so he concludeth that the vse of Images in it selfe is to be counted among indifferent things .

2. 1. This distinction of images and pictures , as some were set vp for superstition , some are for historie , some for ornament , we greatly mislike not : but if he graunt , that all images set vp for idolatrie ought to be demolished , then all such likewise , which may be abused to idolatrie ; as all carued and grauen images are of that kind . 2. Such kind of images , which are carued and fashioned with proportion , and not painted onely and pictured , serue not at all for historie : therefore by that pretext they cannot be excused . 3. And though there may be an outward comelines to the eye , in the gilding and garnishing of images ; yet such comelines must serue vnto edifying : but if offence rather and occasion be feared thereby , the inward comelines and decencie is more to be respected , then the seemelines of the obiect to the eye . 4. It is a more compendious way to remooue the stumbling blocke , then to put it before the feete , and then bid men to take heed of it : so it were better to take away the very occasion of idolatrie , then it remaining to warne the people to take heed . 5. And the vse of images for religion is no indifferent thing : as the very place doth show , that images set vp in Churches , haue a certaine religious respect . 6. Lastly the Apostles saying , Babes keepe your selues from idols , 1. Ioh. 5. 21. doth not onely will them to take heed of idolatrie , but euen to shunne the occasion , and to remooue the stumbling blocke .

4. Controv. Of the waies and meanes , whereby idolatrie is promoted .

1. As here this image is set vp by the authoritie of the king : so the Romanists doe by the authoritie of Princes get the adoration of images commanded .

2. He causeth it to be made of gold , that it might allure them the more : and so the Papists doe adorne their images and Temples with gold .

3. The image is made of an huge bignes , that it might be the more admired for the greatnes thereof : so in the Popish Churches they haue their Crucifixes made of great proportion , and other images , as of S. Christopher , that they might draw the eies of the people vnto them .

4. Nabuchadnezzer maketh choice also of a conuenient place , in a great plaine : and the Romanists thinke to grace their images by the place , setting them vp in Churches and Churchyards , in crosses and high waies .

5. The king hath here the consent of all his nobles for the setting vp of this image : so was it a decree among the Romanes , that no god should be consecrated of the Emperour , vnlesse the Senate approoued it : and therefore when Tiberius mooued that Christ should be receiued into the number of the gods , because the Senate would not consent , it was not done : hereupon Tertullian saith , nisi homini Deus placuerit , Deus non erit , vnlesse God be pleasing vnto man , he shall not be God . After this manner the Papists doe vrge consent and agreement , of all states among them , of Princes , Dukes , Nobles , Cardinals , Bishops .

6. Here was a bloodie decree made against those , that would not worship this image , they are threatned the fierie fornace : So in the persecution vnder the Romane Emperours , the Christians were put to vnspeakable torments , as Tertullian describeth , Apologet. c. 12. crucibus & stipitibus imponitis Christianos , &c. you put Christians vpon crosses and stakes : you teare & scratch their sides with clawes and nayles , &c. we are cast vnto beasts , burnt with fire , &c. Euen these also are the engines and instruments wherewith the Papists persecute the seruants of Christ , the fire and sword .

7. This idolatrous seruice of the Image is set forth with all kind of varietie of musicke , to affect the minds of the simple , and to stirre vp their superstitious affections : So among the Romanists their seruice is attended vpon with instruments of musicke , which make a dumb sound , nothing beeing vnderstood that is sung or plaied .

8. Thus by all these meanes superstition and idolatrie is countenanced by authoritie of Princes , consent , seueritie of decrees , and such like , and yet preuaileth not ; whereas the truth is naked , hath neither consent , nor authoritie on it side , but all things against it , yet it prospereth , to make that saying good of the Apostle , The foolishnes of God is wiser then men , and the weakenes of God is stronger then men , 1. Cor. 1. 25.

5. Controv. Of the vse of Church musicke , and musicall instruments .

v. 7. As soone as the people heard the sound of the trumpet , cornet , &c. Because Idolaters abuse musicall instruments to insinuate their superstition , it followeth not , that there can be no right vse of them in the Church of God .

1. It is euident in the titles of diuers Psalmes of Dauid , that they were sung and plaid vpon instruments , which should not haue beene vsed in the Church of God , if they had beene simply vnlawfull , Papp . neither can it be saide , that the vse of such musicall instruments then was altogether ceremoniall : for they vsed them as well in their ciuill reioycings , as in their Ecclesiasticall assemblies : the vse thereof holding still in the one , can not be vtterly condemned in the other . Concerning singing , S. Paul alloweth speaking in hymnes and Psalmes , and spirituall songs : the Christians , as Plinius secundus writ vnto Trajane , had their antelucanos hymnos , their morning songs , which they song before day vnto Christ : Flavianus and Theodorus at Antioch , Basil in the East Churches , and Ambrose at Millaine brought vp the vse of singing .

2. Yet Christians now are not to take the same libertie in these externall parts of Gods seruice , as the Church of the Iewes did : but as they kept their Sabbath with outward obseruations , much respecting the corporall rest : but Christians now make the outward rest the least part of the Lords day , consecrating the same chiefly to spirituall exercises : So now the greatest part of the seruice of God must be spent in spirituall instruction : the other must be vsed onely as an handmaid .

3. These rules then ought to be obserued in Church songs and musicke : 1. that it ought to be graue and sober , and musicall instruments should so be handled , vt ad cantus solennes Ecclesiasticos adhibeantur , that they be applied vnto the songs of the Church , non ad vagam & inanem aurium delectationem , not for the wandring and vaine delight of the eares , &c. that all things in the Church may be done to edifying . 2. Vt non maior pars temporis illis instrumentis tribuatur , &c. that the greater part of time should not be giuen vnto those instruments and songs , and the lesse to the word of God and the Sacraments : but as the Apostle saith , that all things be done , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in order , and decently : that euery part of diuine seruice , as it is more necessarie , so it should haue the most time : Papp . 3. We must not rest in the outward sound , to imagine that God is pleased and satisfied with such melodie : for this was the difference betweene the vse of instruments in the Church of God among the Iewes there , and among the idolatrous Chaldeans : they vsed them as helps of their infirmitie , yet manebat illud principium , spiritualiter Deum esse colendum , that principle remained , that God was spiritually to be worshipped : But the other , putarunt se Deo satisfecisse , thought they had satisfied God , if they did heape together musicall instruments . Calvin . We may then sing and speake in hymnes and psalmes , but we must make a melodie also in our hearts , Eph. 5. 19. whosoeuer singeth with his voice and not with his heart , mocketh God , and deceiueth himselfe . This then is the difference betweene religious , and superstitious deuotion : true deuotion is first wrought within by the preaching of Gods word , and then is helped without by such externall meanes : but superstition and blind deuotion first beginneth with the eare and eye , and then affecteth the heart : where the Lord then is rightly serued , they that worship him first doe beleeue with the heart , and then they confesse with the mouth , Rom. 10. 10. Concerning the moderate vse of Church musicke , see more Synops. papism . p. 594.

6. Controv. That the multitude of professors doth not argue the truth of the profession .

v. 3. All the gouerners of the Prouinces were assembled to the dedicating of the image . If the truth should here haue beene tried by the multitude , then Nebuchadnezzers idolatrie should haue had the approbation , which was receiued of so many thousands , whereas here were onely three found to be the true worshippers of God . It is true therefore , as Cyprian saith , multitudo errantium non parit errori patrocinium , that the multitude of those that erre , is no patronage for error : Our blessed Sauiour saith , Broad is the way that leadeth to destruction , and many there be which goe in thereat : and the way is narrow which leadeth vnto life , and few there be that finde it , Matth. 7. 13 , 14. Then the Romanists doe in vaine obiect and obtrude their vniuersalitie and multitudes : for neuer was any sect or profession in the world more vniuersally receiued , then was the Pagans idolatrie : and the number of true professors , hath alwaies beene the smallest : as our blessed Sauiour calleth his flocke , A small flocke , Luk. 12. 32. see further , Synops. Cent. 1. err. 19.

7. Controv. Of superstitious dedications .

v. 3. They were assembled to the dedication of the image . Nabuchadnezzer in the dedication of this image , offended two waies , 1. in the end and vse , in that he dedicateth it to an idolatrous purpose , for the which he had no warrant . 2. in the manner , he did dedicate it onely by a pompous , and theatricall solemnitie , with all kind of lasciuiousnes and excesse , as the Israelites did consecrate their golden calfe : Such like dedications haue the Papists of their Churches to this day , 1. they consecrate them to a false end , as dedicating them vnto Saints , and making them temples of the breaden bodie of Christ : 2. they vse diuers superstitious toyes , as oyle , salt , ashes , tapers , and such like : whereas it is praier and the word , whereby Churches , as all other things are consecrated to their proper ende and vse : Bulling. see more hereof Synops. Cent. 2. err. 58.

8. Controv. That Councels and generall assemblies may erre .

Vers. 4. Be it knowne vnto you all people , nations , and languages : Here was a verie generall assembly , and Councell gathered together , out of the most famous kingdomes and prouinces of the world : who all notwithstanding erred and were deceiued , in setting vp and adoring this image : And not onely were the great councels of the heathen and Gentiles thus deceiued , but euen among the people of God also : as Aaron with the greatest part of Israel did all consent and ioyne together to make a golden calfe : therefore the Romanists , standing vpon the decrees and constitutions of their generall Councels , which they erroneously hold , cannot erre , doe therein deceiue themselues and others , Bullinger , See further Synops. Cen. 1. er. 33.

9. Controv. The fire , and sword , and other cruelties the weapons of idolaters and superstitious men .

Vers. 6. Whosoeuer falleth not downe , &c. shall be cast into the middes of a fierie fornace . After the same manner were the holy martyrs vsed in the most cruell and bloodie persecutions vnder the Emperours of Rome , Apologet. c. ● . as Tertullian complaineth , ad bestias impellimur , ignibus vrimur , in metalla damnamur , in insulas relegamur , we are forced vnto the beasts , burned with fire , condemned to the mettals , banished into the Islands , &c. with these engins haue the Popes of Rome raged against the seruants of Christ , in Germanie , Italie , France , Spaine , England , Scotland , condemning them to the fire , as our Blessed Sauiour foretold , it shall come to passe that whosoeuer killeth you , will thinke he doth God seruice , Iohn . 16. 1.

10. Controv. That these three seruants of God were not deliuered from the fire for their virginitie or abstinencie .

Vers. 25. Walking in the middes of the fire , and they haue no hurt : Damascene thinketh that they were not hurt of the fire , because they kept their virginitie : lib. 4. but no such thing appeareth in this storie , that they liued vnmaried : Basil in a certaine homilie of the praise of fasting , doth ascribe this their deliuerance vnto their fasting . But the Apostle putteth vs out of doubt , that they were preserued by their faith , Heb. 11. 33. through faith they stopped the mouthes of lyons , quenched the violence of fire : As Pintus well obserueth .

11. Controv. Against the Vbiquitares .

They which maintaine the omnipresence of Christs flesh , and that the bodie of Christ may be in the Eucharist without the essentiall properties thereof , as circumscription , quantitie , visibilitie , and such like , doe thus reason out of this place : the burning heat is an essentiall propertie of the fire , but this was separated from the fire , and yet the essence of the fire remained : therefore the essentiall properties of a thing may be separated from it , the nature still remaining .

Contra. 1. The burning facultie of the fire is not an essentiall propertie , but an effect of the heat , which is an essentiall qualitie of the fire . 2. the heat was not separated from the fire , for then it should haue beene no longer fire : but the heat thereof was onely restrained , and hindred from working , and that not generally , but onely where the seruants of God were , for without the fornace the flames killed the kings ministers : and if the fire had lost the heat , the miracle had not beene so great , for a thing not beeing hoat , not to be burnt , Polan . 3. If all this were admitted , it serueth not their turne ; for here the Scripture testifieth , that there was fire , and yet it burned not : they must then shewe the like warrant for their miracle in the Eucharist , that a bodie should be there without the due properties : it followeth not because it pleased God at this time to shewe a miracle to set forth his glorie , that he should doe so continually .

12. Controv. That miracles are not alwaies a note and sure marke of the Church .

1. The true notes and markes of the Church are such as are alwaies seene in it : but the Church of God alwaies hath not the power of miracles , neither is it alwaies necessarie . Againe , the true markes of the Church cannot be found els where , but miracles may be wrought by those , which are not of the Church , as by the forcerers of Egypt : and Antichrist shall worke wonders , 2. Thes. 2. and false Prophets may giue signes , which may come to passe , Deut. 13. 1.

2. But it will be thus further obiected : that , whereby God is acknowledged , is a note of the Church , but God is here confessed and acknowledged by Nebuchadnezzar by this miracle , therefore it was a note of the Church . Ans. 1. That whereby God alwaies and onely is acknowledged is a note of the Church : but such are not signes and miracles , for sometime they may seduce and drawe away from God . 2. God is in some sort knowne by miracles , but onely in respect of his power , he is not sufficiently knowne , but by his word , and therefore by this reason the word of God is the proper note of the Church , whereby the Lord is most absolutely knowne : and yet this is denied by the Romanists , Polan . 3. This must be vnderstood of true miracles , which are wrought by the spirit of God , and are applyed to a right ende : this reason holdeth not for false miracles . 4. true miracles then doe for that time demonstrate the Church , while that gift and power remaineth : but a perpetuall note it cannot be of the Church , because that power alwaies remaineth not . See more hereof , Synops. Centur. 1. err. 22.

13. Controv. Whether a contrarie religion may be tolerated in a commonwealth .

1. Nebuchadnezzar here maketh a decree , that whosoeuer spake any blasphemie against the God , whom these three worshipped , should be punished : hereupon this question is mooued by Polanus , whether the prince is onely to suffer the true religion to be professed in his kingdome : wherein these three considerations are to be had .

1. If the kingdome is such as hath an absolute gouernement , and the true religion is alreadie setled and established : in this case no mixture of contrarie religion is to be admitted : As diuerse good kings of Iudah are reprooued , because they remoued not the high places : But Iosias for his faithfulnesse is commended , who put down the Chemarims , and abolished all monuments of superstition .

2. If the kingdome be such , as professeth corrupt religion , which cannot be remooued all at once , then the godly prince intending reformation , must content himselfe to doe , what he may ; and to followe Nebuchadnezzars president , who although idolatrie were not then abolished , yet prouideth that no iuiurie should be offred vnto true religion , nor blasphemie vttered against the true God : So where true religion cannot be drawne in altogether , it must set in foote as it may : as now is seene in the kingdome of Fraunce .

3. Sometime where true religion is professed in a state not of absolute gouernement , for peace sake , and to auoide sedition , the magistrates are constrained to tolerate some errors , as wise pilates for the time giuing way vnto the tempest , Polan . as the Israelites suffered , the Cananites to dwell among them , whom they could not expell at once .

14. Controv. That the conuersion of Nebuchadnezzar here doth not signifie the conuersion of the deuill in the ende of the world .

Lyranus here noteth the opinion of some , which thinke that Nebuchadnezzar this proud king was herein a type of the deuill , who in the end and consummation of the world , should receiue and embrace the true knowledge of God .

But this heresie is opposite to the Scriptures , which calleth it euerlasting fire which is prepared for the Deuill and his Angels , Matth 24. 41. and S. Iude saith , that the Angels which fell are reserued in euerlasting chaines vnder darkenesse , Iude 6. And the Deuills cannot be conuerted or saued but by a Mediator : Christ is no Mediator for them , for he in no sort tooke the Angels , that is , their nature , Heb. 2. 16.

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Obseruat . The mutable state of religion in kingdomes .

Vers. 1. Nebuchadnezzar , &c. made an image . Not onely the fauour of the king was mutable , for whom he lately extolled , he now adiudgeth to the fire , but his minde was variable concerning religion : he which before confessed the God of Israel , now setteth vp idolatrie in despight of God . Thus in the time of the kings of Iudah religion often altered , and changed , sometime the true worship of God flourished , as vnder Hezekiah and Iosias , but their wicked sonnes after them set vp idolatrie , Bulling. Thus was it in England , King Edward maintained the Gospel , Queene Marie brought in the Masse againe : Thus there is no certaintie of any thing in this world : the Church is like the Moone , sometime encreasing , and againe sometime decreasing : which teacheth vs , that the members of the Church , should in the prosperitie thereof looke for change : that they may not be vnprepared , but say with Iob , the thing which I feared is come vpon me . Iob. 3. 25.

2. Obseruat . That not euery one , which vpon a sudden passion confesseth God , is truely conuerted .

This notably appeareth here in Nebuchadnezzar , who before beeing astonished at the interpretation of his dreame , confessed the true God , and yet after this he setteth vp an image : So Herod did reuerence Iohn , and heard him gladly , and did many things , yet was he but an hypocrite : We must not then be hastie to giue approbation of such , as doe shewe some sodaine fruites and effects of religion , nor be too forward to commit our selues to their trust , but we must expect a while , and we shall soone see them to returne vnto their old guise , Po. to this purpose saith the wiseman , be that praiseth his friend with a loud voice , ( that is , without cause ) it shall be counted to him as a curse , Prou. 27. 14.

3. Obseruat . We ought rather to die , then to denie our religion .

As these three faithfull seruants of God are willing not onely to loose their honour and place of dignitie , but their life also rather then to dishonour God . Some write that there is a certaine little beast called the mouse of Armenia , which will rather die , then be defiled with any filth or vncleane thing , in so much , as if her hole be desmeared with durt , she will rather choose to be taken , then to be polluted : Such ought the seruants of God to be , to endure any thing , rather then to corrupt and defile their consciences , Pin. Such was the excellent resolution of S. Paul , Act. 21. 13. I am readie not to be bound onely , but to die at Ierusalem for the name of the Lord Iesus .

4. Obseruat . We must obediently submit our selues , and all we haue to the Lords good will and pleasure .

Vers. 18. Our God , whom we serue , it able to deliuer vs , but if not , &c. Here these holy men doe commit themselues to Gods prouidence , whether he deliuer them or no , they are contented ; they will not be vnfaithfull : they will not condition with God , as though their present deliuerance should be the reward of their seruice : but they referre themselues wholly to his will and pleasure : as Theodoret excellently saith , gubernatori nostre , quocunque ei libuerit , nauem dirigendam committimus , we doe commit our barke to our Pilate to be guided , which way it pleaseth him , Perer. Act. 21. 14. So the disciples answ●red Paul when they sawe him so resolute , the will of God be done .

5. Obseruat . Of the vtilitie of affliction .

Vers. 25. I see walking in the middes of the fire , and they haue no hurt . As this fierie fornace hurt not the bodies of these three men , so affliction is profitable , not hurtfull to Gods children : thereby their patience is tried , and God glorified : like as the most wholesome medicines are most vnpleasant , so affliction , though profitable to the soule , is vnsauourie to the flesh , Pintus . So the Prophet Dauid saith , Psal. 119. 71. It is good for me that I haue beene afflicted .

6. Obseruat . Of the contentment of Gods children in the middes of their affliction .

Vers. 26. As here these holy men would not come forth of the fierie fornace vntill Nebuchadnezzar called them , but had their comfort and contentment in God : so the seruants of God in their affliction doe patiently expect and waite the ende and terme , which God hath set for their triall , Polan . as Iob excellently saith , cap. 13. 15. Lo , though he slay me , yet will I put my trust in him : and Dauid saith , Psal. 39. I held my peace because it was thy doing . Such comfort did the holy martyrs finde in their greatest torments , that they made no hast to come out of them , nay they most desirously ranne vnto them .

CHAP. IIII.

1. The Argument and Method .

THe summe of this chapter is to shewe how Nebuchadnezzar was after a most extraordinarie manner humbled for his pride in the which narration , the efficient cause of his humiliation is described to be God , the materiall cause Nebuchadnezzar himselfe , the formall , it is set downe in the manner of an epistle , the finall cause is the conuersion of Nebuchadnezzar to Gods glorie , and the comfort of his Church .

The Chapter hath two parts . 1. the inscription of the epistle , in the three last verses of the last chapter , which are rather to be referred vnto this , as is shewed before , cap 3. quest. 40. the order and parts of the inscription are also shewed before , cap. 3. quest. 37.

1. The bodie of the epistle consisteth . 1. of the exordium , or beginning , describing in generall , 1. the dreame of the king , who , where , and in what manner he dreamed . 2. the inquisition for the interpretation thereof , of the wise men , which was frustrate , to ver. 6.

2. The narration followeth : where 1. there is the declaration of the dreame to vers. 16. 2. the interpretation thereof , vers. 26. 3. the accomplishment , ver. 26. to the ende .

1. In the declaration : there is , 1. the description of the tree , vers. 8. 9. 2. of the ouerthrowe of the tree with the manner thereof , ver. 13. 3. the certaintie of it with the end , v. 14.

2. In the interpretation . 1. there is the preamble to it , wherein is contained Nebuchadnezzars request vnto Daniel , v. 15. and Daniels delberate answer after a certaine pause , v. 16. 2. then followeth . 1. the interpretation it selfe , consisting of the exposition , both of the tree and the beautifull state thereof , vers. 19. then of the ouerthrowe of the same , what is signified thereby , ver. 20. to vers. 24. 3. the counsell of Daniel to the king , v. 24.

3. The accomplishment comprehendeth . 1. the occasion , by the proud words of Nebuchadnezzar , where are expressed , the time , place , and words , which he vttered , 27. 28. 2. the iudgement . 1. denounced , vers. 28. 29. 2. executed in his humiliation , ver. 30. restitution to his humane condition and vnderstanding , 31. and to his kingdome , vers. 33. 3. the effects are the praising of God , and confessing of his power , ver. 32. 34.

2. The diuerse readings .

1. ver. Nebuchadnezzar king vnto all people , nations , and languages , that dwell in all the earth ( world . G. ) peace be multiplied vnto you ( this with the two verses following , though they are vsually put to the third chapter , yet are better ioyned with the fourth chapter , as the argument of the epistle sheweth , which is but a preface vnto the narration following , and thus . V. I. L. B. doe deuide and distinguish the chapter .

2. It seemed good vnto me ( it was meet before me . C. it became me . I. it was my dutie . V. it pleased me . L. but these doe omit the word ( kadam ) before ) to declare the signes and wonders , which the high God hath wrought toward me .

3. How great are his signes , and how mightie are his wonders , his kingdome is and euerlasting kingdome , and his dominion is from generation to generation , ( with generation , and generation . )

4. I Nebuchadnezzar beeing at rest ( happie . V. ) in mine house , and flourishing , ( like the spreading boughes . C. ) in my palace .

5. I sawe a dreame , which made me afraide , and the thoughts vpon my bed and the visions of mine head troubled me .

6. Therefore I set forth a decree , to bring before me all the wise men of Babel , to make knowne vnto me ( to shewe vnto me . caeter . ) the interpretation of the dreame .

7. So came the magicians , astrologians , Chaldeans , and Soothsayers , and I told the dreame before ( to them . G. B. ) but they could not make knowne vnto me the interpretation thereof .

8. Till at the last Daniel ( Daniel the collegue . L. S. but acharin beeing onely found in this place , as R. Kimhi , is better interpreted here at the last ) came before me , whose name was Belteshazzar , according to the name of my God , which hath the spirit of the holy gods in him , and before him I told the dreame .

9. O Belteshazzar , chiefe of the Magicians , because I knowe that the spirit of the holy gods is in thee , and not any secret puts thee to businesse ( is impossible vnto thee , L. or escapeth thee . V. or troubleth thee , G. B. or oppresseth thee . I. the word ( anas ) signifieth to trouble , to put to businesse , ) tell me the visions of my dreame , which I haue seene , that is , I. ( and caeter ▪ but it is not here a coniunction copulatiue , for he desireth onely the interpretation of his dreame , ver. 15. he declareth his dreame himselfe ) the interpretation thereof .

10. Thus were the visions ( not vision . L. ) of mine head in my bed : I did behold , and loe a tree in the middes of the earth , and the height thereof was great .

11. A great tree and strong , and the height thereof reached vnto heauen , and the sight thereof to the ende of all the earth .

12. The boughes thereof ( bough . C. the singular is put for the plurall , not the leaues thereof . L. ) were faire , and the fruit thereof much , and in it was meate for all : the beasts of the field tooke shade , I. B. ( not it made shade . G. or the beasts dwelt ) vnder it , and in the boughes thereof dwelt the foules of heauen , and all flesh fedde of it .

13. I sawe in the visions of my head vpon my bed , and behold a watchman , and an holy one came downe from heauen .

14. And cried aloud ( with strength . C. ) and said thus , Hewe downe the tree , and breake off his branches : shake of his leaues , and scatter his fruite , that the beasts may flee from vnder it , and the foules from his branches .

15. Neuerthelesse leaue the stumpe ( not the budde ) of his rootes in the earth , and with a band of yron and brasse bind it , among the grasse of the field ( not , which is without ) and let it be wet ( dipt . C. ) with the dewe of heauen , and with the beasts ( beast . C. ) let his portion be among the grasse of the field .

16. Let his heart be changed ( let them change . C. ) from a mans ( from a man ) and let a beasts heart be giuen vnto him , and let seauen times be passed ( changed . L. ) ouer him .

17. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen , and the request according to the word of the holy ones . B. I. V. not , and the word of the holy ones , and the request , ( and ) is but once in the originall , nor according to the word of the holy ones the demaund was answered . G. for this last word is not in the originall ) to the intent that ( vntill . L. ) the liuing may knowe , that the most high hath power ouer the kingdome of men ( man . C. ) and giueth it to whom he will , and appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men .

18. This is the dreame that I king Nebuchadnezzar haue seene , now thou Belteshazzar tell the interpretation thereof : for all the wisemen of my kingdome are not able to make knowne the interpretation : but thou art able , for the spirit of the holy gods is in thee .

19. Then Daniel whose name was Belteshazzar was amazed . I. ( stood as astonished . V. held his peace . L. B. G. S. but the word ( shamam ) signifieth properly to be astonished , amazed , to wonder ) by the space of an houre , and his thoughts troubled him : and the king spake and said , Let neither the dreame , nor the interpretation thereof trouble thee : then Belteshazzar answered and said , The dreame be to them that hate thee , and the interpretation thereof to thine enemies .

20. The tree which thou sawest , which was great and mightie , whose height reached vnto the heauen , and the sight thereof through all the earth .

21. Whose leaues were faire , and the fruit thereof much , and in it was meate for all , vnder the which the beastes of the field dwelt , and the foules of the heauen did sit .

22. It is thou O king , that art great and mightie , for thy greatnesse is growen , and reacheth vnto the heauen , and thy dominion is to the ende of the earth .

23. Whereas the king sawe a watchman , and an holy one , that came downe from heauen , and said , Hewe downe the tree , and destroy it , yet leaue the stumpe of the rootes thereof in the earth , and with a band of yron and brasse bind it , among the grasse of the field , and let it be wet with the dewe of heauen , and let his portion be with the beasts of the field , till seauen times passe ouer him .

24. This is the interpretation O king , ( not of the king . I. ) and this is the decree of the most high , which is come vpon my Lord the king .

25. That they shall driue thee from men , and thy dwelling shall be with the beasts of the field , and they shall make thee ●ate grasse like the oxen , ( thou shalt ●at . L. ) and they shall wet thee with the dewe of heauen , till thou knowe that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdome of men , and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will .

26. And whereas they said ( not , he said . L. ) that they should leaue the stumpe of the tree rootes , thy kingdome shall be stable vnto thee ( or remaine vnto thee . L. B. G. ) after thou shalt haue knowne ( hast learned to knowe . L. ) that the heauens beare rule .

27. Wherefore O king let my counsell be acceptable vnto thee , and breake off thy sinnes by righteousnesse , I. G. B. ( not redeeme thy sinnes . V. L. by almes deeds . L. for ( pharach ) signifieth to breake off , as it is taken , Gen. 27. 40. and the other word ( tzidecah , ) signifieth righteousnesse ) if so be thy peace may be prolonged . I. A. P. V. ( better then , that there may be an healing of thine error . G. B. or God may forgiue thy sinnes . L. S.

28. All these things came ( not shall come . G. or touch . B. ) vpon the king Nebuchadnezzar .

29. At the ende of twelue moneths , he walked in the palace of the kingdome of Babylon .

30. And the king spake and said , Is not this great Babel , that I haue built , for the house of the kingdome , by the might of my power , and for the honour of my maiestie ?

31. While the word was in the kings mouth ( the word beeing yet in the kings mouth , C. V. A. I. ) a voice came downe from heauen , saying , To thee be it spoken ( they speake , C. ) O king Nabuchadnezzer , thy kingdome is departed from thee :

32. And they shall driue thee from men , and thy dwelling shall be with the beast of the field : they shall make thee to eare grasse ( they shall cause thee to tast grasse . C. ) like the oxen , and seuen times shall passe ouer thee , vntill thou knowest , that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdome of men , and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will .

33. The very same houre was this word ( this thing , G. this matter , B. ) fulfilled vpon Nabuchadnezzer , and he was driuen from men , and did eate grasse as the oxen , and his bodie was wet with the dew of heauen , till his haires were growne , as eagles feathers , and his nailes as birds clawes .

34. And at the ende of these dayes , I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eyes to heauen , and mine vnderstanding ( or mind . V. I. ) returned vnto me , ( was restored vnto me . L. B. G. ) and I blessed the most high , and I praised and glorified him , that liueth for euer , because his power ( whose power . B. G. ) is an euerl●sting power , and kingdome is from generation to generation .

35. And all the inhabitants of the earth , are reputed as nothing : and according to his will he worketh in the armie of heauen , and in the inhabitants of the earth : and there is not any that can stay ( resist . L. B. ) his hand , or say vnto him , What doest thou ?

36. At the same time did mine vnderstanding returne vnto me , and I returned to the glorie of my kingdome : my glorie and my beautie was restored ( returned . C. ) vnto me , and my counsellors and my princes sought vnto me , and I was established in my kingdome , and my glorie was augemented toward me .

37. Now therefore I Nebuchadnezzar , praise , and extoll , and magnifie the king of heauen , because all his workes are truth , and his wayes iudgement , and those that walke in pride he is able to abase .

3. The questions discussed .

Quest. 1. Of the kings epistle , the summe and parts thereof .

This epistle of the king consisteth of the exordium , or beginning in three verses : which some make part of the third chapter , whose opinion is refuted before , quest. 40. 3. chap. and the narration in this whole chapter .

The exordium or beginning , which is the generall inscription , containeth 1. the salutation . 2. the generall argument of the whole epistle . 1. the salutation sheweth , 1. the author and writer , Nebuchadnezzar . 2. the persons to whom he writeth , to all nations , and languages , vnder his kingdome . 3. the salutation it selfe ▪ peace be multiplied .

2. In the argument three things are declared . 1. what he will set forth , the signes and wonders of God , which are amplified by two adiuncts , of the greatnesse and strength . 2. what mooued him to declare them , because they were shewed toward him , he had particular experience of them . 3. to what ende , to make knowne the power of Gods euerlasting kingdome .

Quest. 2. At what time Nebuchadnezzar wrote this epistle .

1. It is euident , by the salutation of the epistle , wherein the king wisheth peace vnto all nations , that as Oecolampad ▪ noteth , quietus erat in regno , & militiae finem fecerat , he was now quiet in his kingdome , and had made an ende of warre , &c. it is cleare then that this epistle was written after he made an end of conquering , & subduing the nations round about .

2. Further the conquest of Egypt fell out after the 25. yeare of Ieconias captiuitie , Ezec. 29. 17. which was 10. yeare before the ende of Nebuchadnezzars raigne , for in the 37. yeare of Iechonias captiuitie began Euilmerodach the sonne of Nebuchadnezzar to raigne .

3. This fearefull and strange accident then of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation , his deiecting from his throne , and restoring againe , might fall out some 9. or 10. yeares before the ende of his raigne , Perer : and this epistle might be written two yeares before his death , Iun. for one yeare after this dreame , ver. 26. he was driuen from among men , and liued 7. yeares among the beasts .

Quest. 3. How Nebuchadnezzar could write vnto all the people in the world .

1. Caluin thinketh , that here the king superbe locutus est , spake proudly , as making himselfe Lord of the whole earth : as the Romanes , because they had a large dominion , called Rome Dominam totius orbis , the Ladie of the whole world : so also Polan . But that Nebuchadnezzar did not this of any ostentation , may appeare both by the ende of his writing , which was to set forth the power of Gods kingdome , and by his stile , he contenteth himselfe with one title , calling himselfe king , whereas the Emperours of Rome vsed many swelling titles of their conquests , as Parthicus , Persicus , Germanicus , &c. of Parthia , Persia , Germania , and such like , Bulling.

2. The same author maketh this the reason , because now this epistle , beeing preserued vnto our times , as the rest of the Scriptures by the spirit of God , is indeed written and made knowne to all people : but this seemeth not to be the literall and historicall meaning .

3. Pappus saith he writte to all people and languages , not onely to those which were subiect vnto him , but he was desirous to make knowne the workes of God to all people in the world So also Oecolampad . vnder these nations comprehendeth the South and West parts of the world , as Mauritania , Spaine , for he was known in those parts as Strabo writeth , lib. 15. non enim praecipit , sed hortatur , for he in this epistle commandeth not , but onely exhorteth : But it is euident by the forme of the decree which he made before , concerning euerie people , nation , and language , where he onely meaneth such nations , as were subiect vnto him : for his lawe could not bind those which were not subiect : that the inscription of this epistle must be taken in the same sense .

4. Wherefore as R. Saadiah , well expoundeth , he vnderstandeth here onely his owne kingdomes , as of Persia , Assyria , Egypt , which are said to be the whole earth : because he was monarcha orientis , the Monarch of the East parts , Lyra , which was the most famous and flourishing part of the earth : the principall part then is taken for the whole , Geneuens .

Quest. 4. Of the signes and wonders which Nebuchadnezzer declareth .

1. Some seeme to confound these two signes and wonders , making them all one , as Oeco . Osian. 2. some make this distinction : those are signes , qua fieri videntur contra naturam , &c. which seeme to be done against nature : wonders and miracles are those workes , which are admiratione digna , worthie of admiration , Hugo . but this is no difference at all , for whatsoeuer is done aboue or against nature , is worthie of admiration .

3. They are thus rather to be distinguished : the same things in diuerse respectes are both signes and wonders : signes , because many things are thereby signified ; and miracles or wonders , because they are done aboue and beyond nature , I●n . They are signes , because they are euident testimonies of Gods wisedome , iustice , power : and wonders , because they were things wonderfull , and indeede to be wondered at , Polan . as that Nebuchadnezzar so mightie a king , should be chased from among men , and liue among bruite beasts seauen yeares , depriued of humane vnderstanding , and afterward be restored againe : Lyranus saith , they are called signes , because they were done to bring men to repentance : and wonders , as exceeding humane capacitie .

Quest. 5. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were now at the last truely conuerted .

1. Caluin is of opinion , that for all this , non exuerit suos errores , Nebuchadnezzar left not his errors . But howsoeuer twice before this he was onely astonished and mooued for the time , & afterward fell againe to his superstitions , yet he was at the length truely humbled .

2. I embrace therefore the contrarie opinion of Bullinger , Ostander , Oecolampadius , which thinke that at this time he was truly conuerted vnto God : Osiander saith he did declare , veram humilitatem , true humilitie , which was an euident signe and effect of his conuersion . Oecolampadius giueth these two reasons : 1. beeing now called to the true knowledge of God , Deicogniti mores imitatur , he imitateth the properties of God , which is to be gentle , mercifull , wishing peace vnto all . 2. he exhorteth all men to the knowledge of the true God , exemplum meum emendet omnes , let all men learne to amend by mine example , &c.

6. Quest. Of the author of this Epistle .

1. The author of the Scholasticall historie denieth that Daniel was the author of this Epistle , but was written by Nebuchadnezzer for eternall memorie of this thing , which hapned vnto him : But how should the writing of a prophane king , that was no Prophet come to be counted Canonicall Scripture , if the Prophet had no hand in it .

2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Calvin , that Daniel hic loquitur sub regis persona , that Daniel here speaketh ( onely ) in the person of the king : for the very forme and style of the epistle , Nebuchadnezzer king , to all people , &c. peace be multiplied , sheweth , that these things were written by the king , and rehearsed by Daniel .

3. Therefore the truth is , that Daniel taketh all this narration , out of the acts and Chronicles of the Chaldees , where this epistle was registred , not for more breuitie sake , as Osiander , least he should be constrained to rehearse the same things often : but rather , that by the authoritie of the king the truth of this historie might be commended : which would haue beene suspected , if it had beene penned originally by a Iew , Polan . And yet , though it were first written by a prophane man , that was no Prophet , yet it was approoued by Daniel the Lords Prophet , Bulling. as in the old Testament , not onely those writings are receiued for Canonicall , which were originally written by the Prophets , but such also , as beeing written by others , were approoued by the Prophets ; as the epistles and decrees of the kings of Persia inserted into the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah .

7. Quest. Whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezzers transmutation , were so done in deede .

1. Hierome here reporteth the opinion of some , which were of the sect of the Origenists , which thought , that these things set downe of Nebuchadnezzer were not historically done , but that vnder his fall is prefigured and shadowed forth the fall of Lucifer the deuill from heauen : their reasons are these .

1. In other places of Scripture , as Isa. 14. vnder the fall of the king of Babylon , is described the fall of Lucifer .

2. Diuers things here repeated are impossible , as that a man should be transformed into a beast : that a king delicately brought vp , should eate grasse like an oxe .

3. And all this time of Nebuchadnezzers sauage life , which was 7. yeares , the kingdome of Babylon was not without a gouernour , who , it is most like , would not haue giuen place againe to Nebuchadnezzer .

4. If any such thing had beene historically done , they which haue written diligently of the Chaldean affaires , as Berosus , Megasthenes , Diocles , Philostratus , would haue made mention thereof .

Contra. 1. That prophecie of the ruine and fall of the king of Babylon , is by some of the Fathers typically applied to the fall of Lucifer , yet it was historically fulfilled in the king of Babylon : But here they would so make this a type of the fall of the Deuill , as that they take away the truth of the historie : he reason then is not alike .

2. It is no strange thing for men beside themselues , depriued of vnderstanding , to liue among beasts : neither are the other things vnlikely , or impossible , as shall be seene in the seuerall handling of them .

3. Neither was it an hard thing with God , to cause the gouernment to returne vnto Nebuchadnezzer , as he saith , v. 33. that his counsellers and Princes sought vnto him . It might be the kingdome was gouerned by his sonne , or Daniel , which did willingly giue place : Lyr.

4. To the last argument it may be answered diuersly : 1. that it is not necessarie that the sacred histories should haue the testimonie of forren writers : for the standing still of the Sunne in Ioshuahs time , and the going backe of the Sunne in Hezekiahs raigne , the storie of Esther , and many beside , haue not the witnesse of prophane writers . 2. the euidence of this historie was registred in the Chalde Chronicles , which beeing perished , the memorie of this fact among the Gentiles was extinguished also . 3. And Gods prouidence is seene herein that the Gentiles should not put their vncleane fingers to the sacred histories , which they did much abuse , and corrupt : as it shall suffice to giue inflance onely in Iustine , who manifestly committeth these errours in historie . 1. that the Iewes had their beginning from Damascus in Syria . 2. that Damascus raigned in that citie first , and Abraham next vnto him . 3. Ioseph he maketh the youngest sonne of Israel , and saith he learned art magicke in Egypt . 4. Moses he maketh Iosephs sonne . 5. the Israelites he saith were expelled Egypt , because of the leprosie . 6. Xerxes king of Persia he thinketh first to haue subdued the Iewes , whereas an 150. yeares before his time , Nebuchadnezzer conquered them .

4. The Gentiles also might be afraid to meddle with the sacred stories of the Iewes , as Demetrius Phaelereus answered Ptolome Philadelphus ( whome he had set ouer the great librarie of Alexandria ) beeing terrified by the examples of Theopompus , and Theodectes , who attempting to insert the Iewish histories into their writings , the one was stricken with madnes , the other with blindnes , as Iosep. l. 11. antiq . and Eus. l. 8. de praep. Evang. doe testifie .

5. Neither are the Gentile writers altogether silent in this matter ▪ for Alpheus an ancient Greeke writer ( as Eusebius writeth , lib. 9. c. vlt. ) maketh mention how Nebuchadnezzer , as it were , rauished vpon a suddaine in his minde , told the Chaldeans , that there was a calamitie approaching , which Bel their god could not preuent ; that Persa semiasinu● , the Per●ian beeing halfe an asse ( meaning Cyrus who was borne of a noble mother the daughter of Astyages king of the Medes , but of a meane father , one Cambises ) should come , and bring them into seruitude , and then he suddenly vanished away : the Chaldeans in Abydenus fragments record , that he was blasted by some god , and spake of Babels fall by the Persians : H. B. consent .

2. But that this was a true historie , and not done in figure , type , or vision , it may thus appeare : 1. if this be no historie , no more should the rest be , written in this booke , and so we should haue no certentie of any thing . 2. Daniel himselfe rehearseth this as a matter of fact before Balthazar , how Nebuchadnezzer was deposed , c. 5. 20. 3. there are many things in this chapter , which can in no wise agree vnto the deuill : as how Nebuchadnezzer dreamed , and asked counsell of the wise men : and Daniel wisheth him to breake off his sinnes by repentance : none of these things can be said of the deuill . ex Perer.

8. Quest. Why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar .

1. Dorotheus in synops . and Epiphan. lib. de vit. & interit . prophet . doe thinke that Daniel was so called after the name of Balthazar the kings sonne , because he purposed to make him heire with him of the kingdome . And this opinion may seeme somewhat to be fauoured by the vulgar Latin translation : which readeth , v. 5. till Daniel , collega ( my collegue or companion in the kingdome ) came in : which Pererius vnderstandeth so to be saide , because Nebuchadnezzer had ioyned Daniel with him , as his fellow in the kingdome . Contra. 1. There is no word of that sense , to signifie a collegue or fellow , in the originall , and therefore we will not insist vpon this reason . 2. But the name of Belteshazzar , and Belshazar are diuers in the the originall : the one consisteth of 7. letters , Beltheshaatzer , the other onely of sixe , Belshazzer . And Daniel was so called before this time , when as Balthazar the king was not yet borne , nor named in storie .

2. Suidas and Iosephus thinke , that Daniel was so called because of the interpretation of hid and secret things : but that is not so : for he was thus called before he had yet expounded any of the kings dreames , c. 1. 7.

3. The most thinke , that this was the name of the god of the Chaldees , and giuen vnto Daniel because of his diuine wisdome , Lyran. Hugo . Vatab. but the name of the Chalde god , was Bel , Isa. 46. 1. not Belteshazzar .

4. Therefore Daniel had not the very name of his god : but the king saith , he was called after or according to my God : the first syllable onely is borrowed from the name of his god Bel : the whole name consisteth of three Babylonian words , signifying keeping , or laying vp the treasure of Bel , Iun. as is shewed before , qu. 28. c. 1.

9. Quest. In what sense Nebuchadnezzer saith , that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods , v. 5.

1. The S●ptuag . read in the singular , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the holy spirit of God , thinking to excuse the king and free him from idolatrie : but the word in the originall is in the plural , elohim , gods .

2. Some thinke that by gods , are here vnderstood the Angels , who are sometime called gods in Scripture , Pint. but the knowledge of secrets the Angels haue not , because they know not things to come : and the magicians , who had conference and familiaritie with spirits , not beeing able to tell the king his dreame , which he had forgotten , excuse themselues , because none but the gods could declare such things , c. 2. 11.

3. His meaning then is , that the gods aboue onely knew secrets , whose diuine spirit Daniel was indued with : loquitur more gentilium , he speaketh after the manner of the Gentiles , who held that there were many gods , Lyran. And it was a receiued opinion among them , that it was a diuine thing to interpret dreames , as Socrates answered the Athenians , that he was ignorant of that diuine science . Lyran. ex Albert. mag.

10. Quest. Of Nebuchadnezzers dreame , and the summe thereof .

There are two parts of his dreame , the first containeth a description of a goodly faire tree , v. 7. to v. 10. the second the ouerthrow and cutting downe of this tree , thence to v. 15.

1. The tree is described , 1. by the situation of it in the middes of the earth . 2. by the height , which reached vnto heauen , which Theodoret expoundeth of his pride , so also gloss . ordin . Lyranus , of his high aduancement to such a great Monarchie . 3. by the spreading of it to the endes of the earth , is vnderstood the largenes of his dominion , which extended very farre . Megasthenes , as Iosephus citeth him , thinketh , that he subdued part of Spaine . 4. by the vtilitie thereof , which was double , it gaue meate and shadow vnto all both foules and beasts : that is , all kind of people , both of ciuill and vnciuill life , both had nourishment and peace vnder the raigne of Nabuchadnezzer .

2. Then the destruction of this tree followeth . 1. by whome , by a watchman , which is interpreted to be an angel . 2. the manner is described how this tree should be serued , the tree is broken downe , that is , the king is cast out of his kingdome ; the branches are broken off , his nobles and princes are remooued from him : his leaues are shaken off , his glorie and renowne is taken from him : the fruit are scattered , the riches of the kingdome euery one snatcheth and diuideth : the birds and beasts flie away , many taking occasion by the fall of the king , withdraw themselues from his yoake .

3. Then followeth the limitation and qualifying of the punishment of this tree , a stumpe of it shall be left , ( that is , his kingdome shall be reserued for him still , gloss . interlin . ) with the condition thereof ; set forth first metaphorically , it shall be bound with chaines of brasse , whereby is signified his phrensie and madnesse : because mad men are bound with chaines , Bulling. then literally or historically his state is described both outward , that he should liue with the beasts of the field , and inward , his heart should be changed , which is amplified by the circumstance of time , till 7. times , that is yeares be passed ouer him , v. 13. So this dreame was propounded in allegorie in such maner , vt tamen Deus aliquid permiscuerit ▪ vnde colligeret aliud notari , that yet God mingled withall some thing , whereout he might gather , that some other thing was signified , Calvin . for a tree , from whence he borrowed this allegorie , needed not to be bound with chaines , neither hath any heart .

5. Lastly , the certentie of this decree is set downe , by a generall consent of God , and his Angels , v. 14.

11. Quest. Why this tree is said to be in the middes of the earth .

1. Hugo Card. thinketh it to be so said , because Nebuchadnezzer had Iudea subiect vnto him , which is thought to be in the middes of the earth .

2. Some of the Rabbins thinke , that Babylon is signified , because it is in the same line or parallel with Ierusalem , which is in the middes of the earth . And of this opinion are Hierome , and Origen : but now no such thing is found , that Ierusalem should be in the middes of the earth . Calvin .

3. Alfragane , with whome Pintus consenteth , thinketh that Babylon it selfe is situate in the 4. climate , which is in the middes , the whole earth beeing deuided into 7. climats : but this is too curious .

4. By the middes of the earth , is better vnderstood the middes of his kingdome , Osiand . so that this is spoken , not in respect of the situation of the place , as of the qualitie & strength of his kingdome .

12. Quest. Why Nebuchadnezzer is compared to a tree .

v. 8. A great tree and strong . 1. Hierome seemeth to be here of opinion , that the wicked specially in Scripture are compared to trees , as Nebuchadnezzer here , and he alleadgeth that place , Psal. 37. 35. I haue seene the wicked strong , and spreading himselfe like a greene bay tree : But it is euident , that the righteous are also compared to fruitfull trees , Psal. 1. 3.

2. Generally a man is likened to a tree , as Ezek. 17. 24. All the trees of the field shall know , that I the Lord , haue brought downe the high tree , &c. that is , all the people of the world shall know : a good man is resembled to a good tree , and an euill man to an euill tree , Matth. 7. 17. Aristotle , and before him Plato , did call a man , arborem inuersam , a tree turned vpside downe : that as the tree hath his roote and sprigges comming out below , so man hath his head and haire vppermost . Wicked men are like vnto corrupt trees without fruit , Iud. 12. such as the figgetree was , Matth. 21. which had leaues ; but no fruit : good men are like vnto good trees , Ierem. 17. 8. for like as a tree bringeth forth fruit , not onely as an ornament to it selfe , but to be commodious to others : so the righteous are fruitfull vnto many : and as a tree the deeper it rooteth downeward , the higher it spreadeth vpward ; so the more lowly a man is in his owne eyes , the more he is exalted before God . Pint.

3. Now as men are compared vnto trees in generall , so Princes and great men , are expressed and set forth by high and tall trees , as Ezek. 17. 12. Zedekiah king of Iudah is likened to an high cedar : so the king of Asshur is said to be like a cedar in Lebanon with faire branches , Ezek. 31. 3.

4. But in that Nebuchadnezzer is here thus resembled to a goodly great tree , thereby is not signified the perfection of his gouernment , and his princely vertues : for euen Tyrants and euill gouernours are as trees , whose gouernment , as a shadow , bringeth some comfort vnto their subiects : for better is a bad gouernment , then none . Calvin .

13. Quest. v. 11. Who are vnderstood by the beasts and foules .

1. Some by the beasts vnderstand simple men , by the foules , garrulos & mendaces , pratlers and lyers , such as aspired and looked high . gloss . Some by the one meane such as were rude and barbarous , by the other , such as were of most ciuill life , Perer. Others by the beasts interpret them of inferiour sort and condition , by the foules , the more noble sort , which dwelt in the branches of this tree , in the cities and townes . Hug. Card.

2. But by these two kinds in generall are signified all the inhabitants and subiects in his kingdome : as Ezek. 39. 17. Speake vnto euery feathered foule , and to all the beasts of the field , assemble your selues , and come : good men , are compared vnto sheepe for their innocencie , to serpents for their wisdome , and euill men for their crueltie to lyons , and beares , for their craft vnto foxes , as our Sauiour saith of Herod , Tell that foxe : so likewise the righteous are likened to doues for their simplicitie , and cruell men and oppressors are as rauening eagles , Ezek. 17. 4. So it is an vsuall thing for men to be compared vnto such beasts and foules , quorum mores imitantur , whose manners and conditions they imitate . And this some thinke was Pythagoras meaning , that held the transmigration of humane soules into the bodies of beasts . And so Iamblicus vnderstandeth it of the similitude and likenes of bruitish manners , though Plotinus absurdly thinke the contrarie , that the soules of men doe in deede passe into the bodies of beasts : But Hermes Trismegistus sheweth the absurditie hereof , thus resoluing , non permittere legem diuinam animi humani transitum in bestias , that the diuine law will not admit the passage of humane soules into beasts . ex Pint.

14. Quest. v. 12. How Nebuchadnezzer was bound with a band of yron and brasse .

1. Pererius thinketh in deede that he was first bound with chaines and fetters as a mad man , and afterward let loose , and so wandred vp and downe among bruit beasts : so also Osiander thinketh he was tied with chaines , least he should haue hurt himselfe and others : but if this were meant literally , then he remained still tied among the grasse and beasts of the field , as the words are .

2. They which take exception to this historie , taking it to be an allegorie , doe make this one of their obiections , Why they did not rather tie him vp , beeing beside himselfe , then suffer him to range abroad : and how he could liue 7. yeares among bruit beasts , and not be slaine ? Lyranus answereth , 1. that if he had beene chained vp , infirmitas fuisset aggrauata , his infirmitie or maladie would haue beene more grieuous , as we see by experience , that mad men beeing tied vp , are more furious . 2. to the which it may be added , that they did euen in this time of madnes shew some reuerence toward the person of the king .

3. But the best answer is , that they left him to himselfe , that this prophesie of Daniel might take place : they knew he should be restored to his kingdome againe : and so he was also by the diuine prouidence , preserued and kept from the rage and violence of the beasts .

4. This phrase then , to be tied vp in chains , is here vsed to expresse his madnes : because it is the vse to bind mad men in chaines , Bulling. and hereby is signified the certentie of this punishment decreed by the sentence of God , which can not be broken , Lyran. so that the meaning is , stet inter gramina tanquam vinctus catenis ferreis , he should continue in this sauage life in the grasse , as one bound with iron fetters , Oecolamp . Pellican . he should haue no power to come out of it , vntill his time was fulfilled .

15. Quest. v. 11 , 12. Why this prophecie is vttered in the imperatiue moode , Hew downe the tree , &c. leaue the stumpe .

1. It is vsuall with the Prophets to deliuer their prophecies in this manner , as Isa. 2. 10. Enter into the rocke , and hide thee in the dust : for thou shalt enter and hide thee : so Isa. 13. 6. Howle ye , for the day of the Lord is at hand : for , ye shall howle : and , c. 14. 21. Prepare a slaughter for his children : that is , ye shall prepare . Polan .

2. There may be an other reason yeelded in this place : this speech of the Angel , hewe downe , sheweth a generall consent of all the Angels , one encouraging an other to effect and execute the decree of God , and therefore it is called , v. 14. the decree of the watchmen , that is , a ioynt consent of all the Angels : And , postulat ab hominibus fieri , quod Deus imperat , he desireth that , what God hath commanded , may accordingly be performed by men . Iun.

16. Quest. v. 14. Why the Angels are called Watchmen .

1. The Angels are so called , because of their spirituall , and incorporeall nature , Ab. Ezr. for bodies onely neede sleepe : and because they haue no bodies , and so neither eate nor drinke , which are the causes of sleepe , they are alwaies watchfull , Calv. quia homines laborant & fatigantur , somno egent , &c. because men doe labour and are wearied , they neede sleepe : therefore the Angels , which labour not as man , neither are wearied , are free from sleepe . Perer.

2. And by this word is not onely expressed the spirituall nature of Angels , but their watchfull office also : they doe alwaies waite and attend vpon God to fulfill his will : as the Prophet Dauid setteth them forth , Psal. 103. 20. Praise the Lord ye his Angels , which excell in strength , that doe his commandement in obeying the voice of his will : in which sense , they are said to be full of eyes , Ezek. 1. Iun. annot .

3. But because euill angels are watchfull also , 1. Pet 5. 8. as S. Peter saith , The deuill goeth about like a roaring lyon , seeking whome he may deuoure ; an other title is giuen vnto these watchmen , v. 10. the Angel is called a watchman , and an holy one , ad differentiam d●monum , &c. to shew a difference betweene good Angels , and deuills , who are also spirits , Lyran.

4. And whereas v. 10. the word is vsed in the singular , a watchman , but here in the plural , multos intelligere debemus , &c. we must vnderstand , that there were many Angels , which were employed in this businesse , Oecolamp .

5. This tearme of watchman , is vsed also , as fitting the present matter , for as watchmen , explorant singula facta , &c. doe obserue all our doings , Oecolampad . so the Angel here obserued Nabuchadnezzer narrowly : for while the word was in the kings mouth , v. 28. that proud word , whereby he boasted of his power and magnificence , the sentence decreed from God , was pronounced from heauen against him . Iun. annot .

17. Quest. By whome the 14. v. was pronounced , by the Angel , or by the King .

v. 14. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen . 1. Some thinke , that these are the words of the king : for the Angel would not haue called the decree of God , the decree of the Angels : and in the next verse following , v. 15. Nabuchadnezzer speaketh in his owne person , This is the dreame that I Nabuchadnezer haue seene . Contra. 1. It is called the decree of the watchmen in respect of their ministerie , the decree came from God , but was executed by them : as Eph. 2. 20. the Apostle ●aith , the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles , because they were Gods ministers in laying of it . 2. It is not necessarie , because the next verse is vttered in the kings person , that this should be so likewise .

2. Wherefore these words are also deliuered by the Angel , 1. because if Nebuchadnezzer had so said , he euen then had attained to the vnderstanding of the dreame , he needed not to haue any further helpe . 2. these words following , according to the word , or request of the holy ones , could not be vttered by the king : for how should he know what was the desire and request of the Angels ?

Quest. 18. ver. 14. Of the meaning of these words , according to the request of the holy ones .

1. Osiander expoundeth these words of the blessed Trinitie : as though post rogatas sententias fecerint senatusconsulum , after they had asked voices they made the decree against Nebuchadnezzar : so also Pintus thinketh it may be vnderstood of the Trinitie : But neither can the Trinitie in the plurall be called watchmen , which word noteth not their persons , but their nature and office : nor yet can God be said to make any request .

2. Vatablus by the watchmen vnderstandeth the superiour , by the holy ones the inferiour Angels : that these aske of the other a reason hereof : and the answer to their demaund , is , that which followeth to the intent that men liuing may knowe , &c. But this is too curious : that the watchmen , and holy ones are the same is euident , ver. 10. where the watchman is called an holy one .

3. Some by holy ones vnderstand the Saints in earth , that this question should be asked of them , and the Angels made answer : thus seemeth Oecolampad . to interpret , erat petitio , & interrogatiue respondent , there was a certaine petition , and they answer by way of interrogation , &c. so translate Geneuens . the demaund was answered : but the text admitteth not this sense : for the word sheel●a , which signifieth request or petition , is ioyned to the first clause of the sentence , and diuided by a perfect distinction , from the sentence following .

4. Pellican thinketh , that the Iewes , hearing what calamitie had befallen their king , praied vnto God to restore him to his right mind : But these words were vttered , and this petition made , before this sentence was executed vpon Nebuchadnezzar .

5. Lyranus thus vnderstandeth ad petitionem sanctorum in terra , quam Angeli praesentant in coelo , at the request of the saints in earth , which the Angels did present in heauen , &c. but the Angels would not haue presented a request ( if any such office were committed vnto them ) contrarie to the decree of God .

6. Caluin giueth this sense , that Angeli vno ●re te accusant , &c. the Angels with one mouth accuse thee before God , & Deus annuens eorum votis decreuit te abijcere , and God consenting to their motion hath decreed to cast thee off . So also Hug. the Angels desired that this decree should be made against him . But the Angels request procured not this decree , it followed vpon Gods decree , as the order of the words sheweth .

7. The meaning then is no more but this , that the Angels with one consent desire , that Gods decree might take place , and that the sentence giuen by God in heauen , might be executed by men in earth . And therefore the Angel said before , hewe downe the tree , breake off the branches , that men might in earth fulfill , what God had purposed in heauen . Iun. Polanus .

Quest. 19. Of the meaning of these words , ver. 14. and appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men .

1. Lyranus thinketh , that this is to be vnderstood of Christ , who was humbled , and abased in this world ; but afterward God exalted him , and all power was giuen vnto him in heauen and in earth : But it is euident , that this is spoken of the terrene and externall kingdomes of this world , that God setteth vp some , and pulleth downe others , but Christs kingdome was not of this world .

2. Lyranus also hath an other exposition , that hereby is signified , that Nebuchadnezzar was aduanced from low degree vnto the kingdome , and that he was per humilitatem restitutus , restored againe by humilitie .

3. But the vse is rather more generall : that by this deposing of Nebuchadnezzar so great a king , men might learne , that all kingdomes are at Gods disposing , seeing many times most base men haue beene aduanced to the kingly dignities : and so as Caluin well noteth , hoc non tantum in vno Rege contigit , &c. this hath not fallen out onely in one king . It is notorious , that among the Romane and Greeke Emperours , some had beene ●eateheards , as cruell Maximinus , some swineheards , as Iustinus the father of Iustinian .

Quest. 20. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre .

Diuerse reasons may be yeelded of this silence of Daniel . 1. Some thinke that in this space Daniel praied vnto God for the interpretation of the dreame : as Theodoret saith , prime ostendenda erat humana infirmitas , &c. first humane infirmitie was to shewe it selfe , and then inspired grace to be manifested , &c. so thinketh Dyonis . Carthusi . intra hanc horam fuisse ei ostensam , &c. that in this space was shewed vnto him the interpretation of the dreame : se totum ad Deum extulit , cum pijs precibus , he lifted vp his prayers vnto God . Pint. feruids Dominum orauit , &c. he earnestly besought the Lord . Bulling.

2. But this seemeth not to haue beene all the cause : for it is said Daniels thoughts troubled him : not because he was afraide of the king , ●●d dolebat pro eo , he grieued for him of whom he had receiued such honour : Hierome : so also Lyran. Iun. Polan . for the holy prophets had a double affection , when they declared Gods iudgements : ex vna parte condolebant miseris hominibus , on the one side they pitied those miserable men , to whom the iudgements were denounced , deinde intrepide pronuntiabant , yet they pronounced them without feare , Caluin . And this seemeth to haue beene the cause of this pause which he made , the greatnesse of the iudgement which was determined , and for that it greiued him for the king , of whom he had beene so honoured , because the king encourageth him to proceede , whatsoeuer the dreame was .

3. Vtilis etiam fuit regiscunctatio , &c. and in this behalfe also this stay of Daniel was profitable to the king , that he might be more desirous to heare the truth , Oecolampaid . Pelli . This vse the king might make thereof : but this was not the cause which mooued Daniel .

Quest. 21. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies .

Daniel should seeme herein to pray against the will of God , which had so decreed against Nebuchednezzar , and beside it might be thought against charitie , to wish such things vnto those , whome he knewe not , who might some of them be better then Nebuchadnezzar .

1. Some thinke therefore that Daniel by this speach onely sheweth , the great calamitie , which should befall him , such as we vse to say a man wisheth to his enemie , Bulling. which was the cause , he was so loath to open the dreame , because it pretended such heauie things : but it is euident by Daniels troubled thoughts , that he was indeede sorie for the king , and wished that euill farre away from him .

2. Dyonis . Carthusian . answereth , that this euill which he wished vnto the kings enemies , might ad salutem animae proficere , be profitable vnto them for their soules health , and therefore this wish was not vncharitable : But it might as well haue beene for the health of Nebuchadnezzars soule , he should not then haue wished it from him .

3. Some thinke that it was rather ciuilis salutatio , then precatio ex fide , a ciuill kind of salutation , then a prayer of faith , which it was necessarie Daniel should vse , to insinuate himselfe , Iun. in commentar .

4. But it was more then a ciuill salutation , for indeede Daniel desired averti tam horri●ilem poenam à regis persona , such an horrible punishment to be turned away from the king , Caluin . whereupon Polanus also noteth , that we should euen pray for our enemies , as Daniel did for Nebuchadnezzar , who was an enemie to the people of God , and held them in captiuitie .

5. But Daniel herein went not against the decree of God , for he thus prayeth , praesupposito beneplacito diuino , presupposing if it were Gods good pleasure , Dyon . Carthus . so also Pintus : he knew Dei minis & promissionibus haerere suas conditiones , that certaine condions were annexed to the threatnings and promises of God , Iun. for otherwise Daniel in vaine afterward had giuen counsell vnto Nebuchadnezzar here to preuent this calamitie . see further , quest. 29.

Quest. 22. That at yrannicall gouernement is better , then an anarchie , or no gouernement .

V. 19. It is thou O king , that art great and mightie . 1. though Nebuchadnezzar were a Tyrant , as both appeareth by his crueltie against the Iewes in destroying their citie , both burning the Temple , and putting the people to the sword , as also by his fierce rage shewed against the Chaldeans , whom he vniustly caused to be killed , cap. 2. because they could not tell him his dreame , which he had forgotten : yet he is compared to a goodly tree , which gaue meat and shadowe vnto the foules and beasts : So that although Tyrants and cruell gouernours seeke to extinguish all equitie and iustice , Deus retinet illos incomprehensibili modo , God holdeth them in after a secret manner , that some profit commeth by their gouernement , Caluin . As the heathen Emperours of Rome , though they were cruell , yet ordained good politike lawes , as may appeare by the constitutions of Alexander , Diocletian , and the rest , as are extant in the Code .

2. Whereas , when there is no gouernement , but euery one doth what they list , there is a confusion of all things , a corruption both of manners and religion , as appeareth in the time of the Iudges , when as there was no king in Israel , they followed what religion they would , Iudg. 17. 6. and they liued as they would themselues , without either feare of God or man , as appeareth by the sinne of the men of Gibeah against the Leuites wife , Iudg. 19.

Quest. 23. v. 10. What is meant by hewing downe the tree .

1. If but one or two branches had beene cut off , yet the rest remaining would haue flourished still , and so the losse should not haue beene so great . As in a commonwealth , when one noble man of account , or one of excellent learning or vertue dieth , and is taken away , though it be a losse or hinderance , yet the countrey is not vndone ; others may rise vp in his place : as when Sulpitius that eloquent orator among the Romanes was slaine , yet Cicero succeeded , in whom that want was supplied . And if a king loose one citie in his kingdome , yet he may comfort himselfe in the rest : But Nebuchadnezzar at once should loose all his great and large dominion , and be stripped of his regall dignitie : The Duke of Florence gaue for his ensigne a great tree with many spreading boughes , one of them beeing cut off , with this posie , vno avulso non deficit alter , one beeing pulled away the other faileth not : but here all the boughes and branches are pulled away at once , Pintus .

2. If it had beene told him , that he should onely loose his regall dignitie , and liue as a common person , it had not beene so grieuous : but now when he heareth that he should be throwne downe from such an high estate , into such an ignominious life , as to be matched with beasts , it must needes trouble him , Caluin .

Quest. 24. 22. How Nebuchadnezzar was driuen from men , and dwelt with the beasts .

1. Theodoret sheweth how this came to passe : for both because he was rabie correptus , taken with furie , and so might haue done much hurt , if he had still conuersed among men ; as also for that he was hated of all for his former tyrannie , and crueltie , they expelled and draue him away from the companie of men .

2. And beeing thus driuen out among beasts , and lying in the wet and cold , his garments rotted , and his haire grewe hard , like eagles quilles , and his nailes waxed long , like vnto birds clawes , he was neglected of all , euen of his wife , and children , and kindred : Gods iustice so prouiding , that as he had shewed himselfe in his tyrannicall and cruell gouernement as a beast toward others , so ferina vitae damnatus est , he was condemned to a beastly life : in whom may be verified that saying in the Psal. 49. 12. Man shall not continue in honour , but is like vnto the beasts that perish .

Quest. 25. How Nebuchadnezzar did eate grasse like an oxe .

It may seeme strange , that a king beeing so delicate a person , should fall to eat grasse like an oxe : which seeming vnto some to be verie vnlikely and improbable , they therefore would turne this histore into an allegorie : but this doubt may diuerse wayes be answered .

1. First , it is no vnnaturall thing for men to liue of grasse and herbes , lib. 6. cap. 30. as Plinie writeth of a certaine people of the Ethiopians , which liue of rawe Locustes : some onely of herbes and rootes , others doe eate of any thing that commeth to hand , and therefore are called pamphagi , ea●nals , which eate of any thing . As also Ecclesiasticall histories make mention of diuers Heremites , which liued onely of rootes and such other wild fruite of the earth .

2. And further the imagination of his minde , which was now become phrantike and bruitish , might bring him to eate such meates , which otherwise he in his right mind would haue abhorred , as Hierome saith , multa sunt furentibus facilia , qua sunt sanis intolerabilia , many things are easie vnto madde men , which are intolerable to them of right minde : and as Theodoret obserueth , we see by experience that furious and mad men doe put into their mouthes , and teare with their teeth , whatsoeuer commeth to hand .

3. Beside ●he temperament and constitution of his bodie , was altered and changed by the distemperature of his mind , and so it might be made fit and applyable vnto such bruite beasts .

4. But most of all Gods power here was secret , in preseruing the life of Nebuchadnezzar by such meates , that he might be an example to all ages of Gods iustice , and that thereby his pride might thoroughly be tamed .

Quest. 26. How the kingdome of Babylon was gouerned in the time of Nebuchadnezzars absence .

1. Some thinke that it might be gouerned by Euilmerodach his sonne , who afterward succeeded , which is not vnlike , Perer. But whereas Lyranus addeth that Nebuchadnezzar at his returne put his sonne in prison , where Iechonias was , for his misgouernement , while his father was thus humbled , and thereupon Euilmerodach when he came to raigne aduanced Iechonias and tooke him out of prison , 2. king . 24. 27. it hath no probabilitie .

2. Or the nobles might take vpon them the gouernement of the kingdome in the meane time , seeing they knewe by Daniel that the king was to be restored to his kingdome : and Iosephus addeth further , nemine audente toto septennio inuadere dominium , none durst inuade the kingdome all those seauen yeares : and because Nebuchadnezzar had been a valiant king , and much enlarged his hingdome , this might be a reason , that they expected his returne with patience , Lyran. which made them to be the more willing to receiue him againe , and to seeke vnto him , because God had so ordained .

Quest. 27. ver. 22. What is vnderstood by seauen times .

1. Some thinke that by 7. times no certaine but an indiffinite time is vnderstood , ex Bulling . but that is not so , for it is said , ver. 31. that in the end of these dayes , &c. there were then certaine dayes appointed .

2. R. Leui , and Aben Ezra , leaue it vncertaine and indifferent , whether we vnderstand here moneths or yeares , or the parts of the yeere : but it is certaine , that in a prophesie some one speciall thing is signified .

3. Theodoret enclineth to thinke , that hereby the halfe yeares must be counted for the times , as the Persians generally diuide the yeare into two parts , Summer and Winter : and so these 7. times should make three yeares and an halfe . But no where in the Scripture , is a time taken for halfe a yeare .

4. Bullinger by these 4. times vnderstandeth the 4. times of the yeare , the Spring , Summer , the Autumne , Winter : and so these 7. yeares should come out in a yeare and three quarters : but we refuse this sense also for the former reason : time is not so taken in Scripture .

5. Wherefore the receiued interpretation is best , by seauen times to vnderstand 7. yeares , so Iosephus , Iun. Osiand . Oecolampad . Caluin . Perer. Vatab. Lyranus giueth this reason : because cap. 12. ver. 7. a time , two times , and an halfe , are so taken for three years and an halfe , which make 1290. dayes , as it is expounded , v. 12. Iunius giueth instance in a more direct place , cap. 11. 13. in the ende haghittim shanim , of the times of yeares : Pererius further yeeldeth this reason , quia omnis nota temporis varietas , &c. because euery notable varietie and change of time is contayned in the compasse of a yeare ; as Sommer , Winter , heate , cold , &c.

6. Hence also is manifest the error of Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius in vit● Danielis , whom the author of the scholasticall historie followeth , that 7. yeares were determined , but at the prayer of Daniel they were changed into 7. moneths : for the contrarie is euident , v. 31. that Nebuchadnezzar did not come to himselfe , till the full time was expired : In the ende of these dayes I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eies to heauen , &c. And so Daniel had prophesied before , ver. 22. seuen times shall passe ouer thee , till thou knowe , that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdomes of men .

Quest. 28. Of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation , but first in generall of the diuerse kinds of transmutations .

1. Their is one kind of transmutation , which is a fabulous and poeticall fiction , rather then any true alteration and change , such as is the fable of the changing of Vlysses companions into diuerse formes of beasts by the witchcraft of Circes , and of Diomedes companie into birdes , and Lucianus tale of Apuleius golden asse : like vnto this is the fabulous report of the Arcadians , which by swimming ouer a certaine riuer , are changed into wolues ; whereof Plinie giueth this censure , falsum esse considenter existimare debemus , Plinie li. 8. c. 22. we ●●st confidently thinke that it is false .

2. There is a kind of naturall and phisicall transmutation , lib. 5. de . histor. animal . cap. 19. as Aristotle sheweth how certaine wormes become butter-flies : and by experience we knowe , that maggets , which breed in flesh , are turned into flies . But Plinie reporteth a more strange thing of a certaine beast in the Iappanian Islands , in bignesse , shape , and haire like vnto a dogge , lib. 11. cap. 22. which by oft swimming in the Sea ; by little and little is changed into a fish . But for the transmutation of women into men , which Plinie of his owne experience reporteth to be true , and that such things , as most true , are inserted into the Romane annales , or Chronicles , lib. 7. cap. ● . it is to be doubted how farre his report may be credited .

3. The third kind is of phantasticall changes , such as are wrought by sorcetie and art Magicke : such were those apparitions of serpents , procured by the subtiltie of the Egyptian sorcerers : and such may be thought to be those alterations & changes of men into the forme of wolues and other beasts , which Olaus Magnus writeth to be vsuall in Prussia , Liuonia , Lituania . lib. 18. 3. 〈…〉 .

4. Vnto these adde , those true changes , which haue beene made by the power of God , as Lots wife was turned into a pillar of salt , Moses rodde into a serpent , Christ turned water into wine , Perer.

5. And the last kind is the spirituall change which is in the minde and vnderstanding , either for the better , as when men are renewed by grace , and from ignorance , infidelitie , carnall lusts , are turned to become newe men , as Zacheus was , Luk. 19. or are inspired with a propheticall gift , as Saul was , when he prophesied : either for the worse , as when the spirit of God left Saul , and an euill spirit was sent vpon him , which possessed him with furie . And of this kind was Nebuchadnezzars change , who of a reasonable man , became in his minde an vnreasonable beast : But this matter followeth now to be handled more at large .

Quest. 29. What manner of change Nebuchadnezzars was .

1. Lyranus and Carthusianus doe impute this opinion vnto Iosephus , that he should thinke , that Nebuchadnezzar was indeede changed into an oxe . But Iosephus in that place , where he toucheth that storie , lib. 10 antiquat . cap. 11. hath no such thing : he onely saith , vitam acturus erat inter bestias , that he was to lead his life among the beasts . Indeede Darotheus and Epiphanius are of opinion , that he was not changed at all in his minde , Dorotheus 〈◊〉 Synops. Epiphan. de vita Danielis . but onely externally in his bodie ▪ and that the forepart of him was like an oxe , the hinder part like a lyon . But this cannot be so . 1. If they presse the words literally they may with better reason say , he was changed into an eagle : because it is said , his haire was as eagles quilles , and his nailes like birds clawes : 2. If there had beene in him any such notorius change it would not haue beene omitted , seeing the power of God should haue beene set forth thereby . 3. And if the Chaldeans had seene him in the shape of a beast , they would haue taken him for a very bruite beast , and not fit to be restored to his kingdome . 4. It is euident also that the same Nebuchadnezzar a man , and not a beast , after the time expired , was restored to his kingdome : but if he had beene so changed , he should not haue beene the same , but an other .

2. Medina is of opinion , that Nebuchadnezzar was changed not indeede but in shewe , lib. 2. de rect . in Deum side , cap. 7. that he appeared to be a bruit beast in the sight of all that looked vpon him : such a like thing is that , which Hierome reporteth in the life of Hilarion , how a woman was brought vnto him , which seemed vnto others to be a beast , but he discerned her to be a woman .

But Gods workes are not fantasticall , or in shewe : that which he doth is in veritie and truth : this difference there is betweene Gods workes , and the illusions of Sathan , that he maketh things to be the same which they appeare , as Moses rodde became a true serpent , but Sathan deceiueth the sense , the sorcerers serpents were but counterfeit .

3. Neither yet can I altogether subscribe vnto the opinion of Thomas Aquin. lib. 1. de regim . princip. c. vlt. who thinketh that although Nebuchadnezzar were neither actually , nor in shewe a beast in his bodily shape , yet sua opinione videbatur sibi bestia , he seemed a beast vnto himselfe : I thinke rather with Calvin , non sic obstupuit , quin mala sua sentiret , he was not so besotted , but that he had some sense of his calamitie : for otherwise how should he haue remembred it afterward , and so giuen thankes to God for his restitution .

4. This then was the transmutation which Nebuchadnezzar had , manente forma humana , his mans shape remayning , his humane soule was changed to be brutish by his phrensie and madnesse : Bulling. not that the minde of a beast was giuen him in substance , for he retayned his reasonable soule : nor yet that there was no more vnderstanding in him left , then in a bruit beast , Osiand . for the reasonable soule remayning , though it became bruitish , yet it is not altogether as the sense of a bruite beast : but as Lyranus saith , vsum rationis perdidit per amentiam , he lost the vse of reason by his madnesse : his minde became bruitish , and in this sense in respect of the vse of his reason , and vnderstanding it is said , v. 13. let the heart of a beast be giuen him . 〈◊〉 . 6 de victor . verb. Dei . c. 14. Rupertus also collecteth as much out of these words , v. 33. mine vnderstanding was restored vnto me , satis ostendit non formam se amisisse , sed mentem , he sufficiently sheweth , that he had not lost his shape , but his minde .

Yet he was somewhat altered and changed in the constitution , and sight of his bodie , beeing growen mishapen and deformed , though not transformed into the shape of a beast , as followeth to be shewed in the next question .

Quest. 30. How Nebuchadnezzars bodie was changed .

1. As his minde was become sottish and bruitish , so the constitution of his bodie was much changed and became applyable vnto that bruitish food , whereof he liued . 2. he went naked hauing no care of his cloathing , as bruite beasts are onely couered with their skinne : but here Lyranus noteth an error in Iosephus , who resembleth this nakednesse of Nebuchadnezzar , to Adams nakednesse before the fall , whereof he giueth this reason , that Adam vixit in simplicitate bestiali , Adam liued then in a brutish kind of simplicitie , as children before they haue vse of reason are not ashamed of their nakednesse , &c. But Lyranus argueth well against this assertion : that by this reason mans state should haue beene bettered by his fall , which brought vnto him the vse of reason . This matter then may be further thus scanned , that there is an Angelicall kind of nakednesse ( that I may so speake ) such as Adam had before his fall , whereof he was not ashamed , because sinne was not yet entred into the world : there is a brutish nakednesse , which because beasts haue no reason at all , neither are subiect to sinne , is not vnseemely in them : there is an humane nakednesse between both , whereof men are not ashamed , either because the vse of reason is not yet come vnto them , as in children , or they are depriued of it altogether , as naturall fooles , or for a time onely , as madmen : Such was the nakednesse of Nebuchadnezzar which altered the state of his bodie .

3. Then followeth the effect of his nakednesse , and his lying in the ayer , and in the cold fields , enduring both heat , and cold : beeing carelesse of himselfe , his haire grewe stiffe , his skinne hard , and his nayles long and crooked , and so he became deformed .

4. The gesture of his bodie was answerable , he grewe crooked , and bowed together , and crept vpon all fower like a bruite beast .

5. His foode and meate was hearbes and grasse , such as the bruite beasts feed vpon . 6. his habitation was in the fields and woods among the bruite beasts . 7. he had no vse of his speach liuing among beasts , but made a rude noise like vnto them . And thus he was changed euen in respect of his bodie , that although the fashion of his humane shape remained still in his head , hands , and feete , yet he was become verie deformed : as Rupertus collecteth , that seeing it is said he should eate grasse like an oxe , that he crept vpon his hands and his feete , and pulled vp grasse with his mouth , as doth an oxe : and because his dwelling was among the beasts , he was in outward gesture as a beast , non enim besti● facile sociarentur illi sine aliqua similitudine , for the beasts would not haue accompanied with him if there had beene no similitude : and so he concludeth that this was the greatest change that is mentioned in Scripture , excepting onely that of Lots wife , who was changed into a pillar of salt .

8. Now whereas ver. 33. as the vulgar Latine readeth , my figure returned vnto me , or my shape , Sep. my forme . V. though it may be well vnderstood , in respect of his deformitie ( not the change of his forme ) which now was taken from him ; as we see by experience , that madde men if they continue any time , are so changed , that they can hardly be knowne and discerned , Osian . yet this matter is made more cleare and out of doubt , if the word be rightly translated : for the Chalde word zivi , rather signifieth my glorie , beautie , as Iun. Mont. reade , then my forme , or figure : so the comelinesse and grace of his humane countenance and bodie , was restored vnto him , and his deformitie taken away .

Quest. 31. ver. 24. How Daniel gaue counsell to the king to preuent this iudgement , seeing it was determined .

1. Pererius saith , that Daniel speaketh doubtfully , It may be God will forgiue thy sinne , as the Latine readeth , non fuisse eum certum , that he was not certaine , whether God would remit the punishment , which was thereatned : but Daniel knewe assuredly that the sentence and decree of God should stand , as is shewed before , vers. 14.

2. The most thinke that there was a secret condition annexed to this threatening , and Hierome maketh it like to the message of Isaiah to Hezekiah , that he should die , and the prophesie of Ionas against Niniue : which both were conditionall vpon their repentance , so also Bullinger . But it may be gathered , v. 14. that it was certainely decreed in heauen , that this iudgement should befal Nebuchadnezzar , who , the Lord foresaw , would not otherwise be humbled .

3. Chrysostome giueth this solution , propter hoc prolata est sententia , vt non fiat , non vt Rex discat solum futura , sed vt caueat , therefore this sentence was pronounced , that it should not come to passe , that the king should not onely know things to come , but preuent them , &c. ex Oecolamp . But this still is most euident , that God had certainely decreed this thing , and it could not be altered .

4. Calvine thus answereth , this counsell of Daniel was profitable to the king , though the iudgement were determined potuit aliquam veniam consequi etiamsi poenas dedisset , he might some way haue beene eased , though he were to endure the punishment , &c. so also Polan . cum resipiscentibus Deus benignius agit , God dealeth more gently with those which repent .

5. To this may be added , that Daniel here sustaineth a double person , both of a Prophet in interpreting the dreame , and shewing things to come , and of a faithfull counsellor , in aduising Nebuchadnezzar what course to take : that although the sentence against him was decreed , yet if he did in time humble himselfe , he knew it would not be vnprofitable vnto him . So our Blessed Sauiour , though he knewe that indeede the bitter cuppe of death could not passe away from him , yet in his humane affection he desireth it to passe , yet with a subiection of his will to the will of God : and the like supposition had Daniel here , thus aduising and counselling , if so it stood with Gods good pleasure : not looking now into Gods secret counsell , but speaking in his loue and zeale to Nebuchadnezzar , as Moses in zeale to the people of Israel forgetting himselfe , wished rather to be cut out of the booke of life , which in the iudgement of faith he knewe could not be .

Quest. 32. Whether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almesdeeds .

1. Pererius with other Romanists doe ground their error of satisfactorie workes for sinne vpon this place : for their opinion is , that there are tria genera operum , quae satisfactoria vocant pro peccatis , three kind of workes , which they call satisfactorie for sinne : and so they reade this text , redeeme thy sinnes . Contra. 1. The word is not well translated , to redeeme , for Pharak , properly signifieth to breake off , as R. Shelemo , and D. Kimhi thinke , and so is the word vsed , Exod. 33. 2. breake off your earings . 2. sinnes properly are not redeemed , but men . 3. And it had beene impossible for Nebuchadnezzar , who had raigned tyrannically 40. yeares to make satisfaction by his workes , for all the cruell murthers and other oppressions which he had committed .

2. Some giue this sense retaining the vsuall reading , that good workes are said to redeeme sinns , as they are said to iustifie , because they which are iustified , ex iustitia illa operum suorum probantur , are prooued and manifested by the righteousnesse of their workes , Bullin . so also Oecolamp . externa opera sidei testimonium dant , externall workes doe giue testimonie of faith , which is not seene of men , but by their workes .

3. There is a third answer , that it is meant not of redemption or satisfaction of and for our sinnes before God , but before men : redimimus apud homines p●●cata , dum illis satisfacimus ▪ &c. we redeeme our sinnes with men , when we make them satisfaction , Calvin . this answer also is sufficient : but I preferre rather the first , which insisteth vpon the right sense of the word : see more of this question afterward among the controversies .

Quest. 33. Whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying . v. 24. it may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged .

1. The ordinarie glosse here noteth that Daniel , though he had the knowledge of things to come , de sententia Dei dubitabat , did doubt of the sentence of God : and thereupon noteth their presumption , which doe certainely promise remission of sinnes vnto any : But to say that Daniel , who had such a cleare reuelation of Gods wil , doubted thereof , were to make question whether he had the spirit of God or no.

2. Carthusian thinketh that Daniel was certaine that God vpon his repentance would forgiue him his sinne , but he was not sure whether he would remitte the punishment : but the sinne beeing once remitted , the punishment also is pardoned , for it were not iust with God to punish for that , which now is acquited : there may some chasticement remaine , not as a punishment of sinne , but as an admonition and correction for amendement of life .

3. Pererius proceedeth further proouing from hence , nemini certam esse remissionem peccatorum , &c. that none can be certaine of remission of sinnes . But it is contrarie vnto faith to be doubtfull or wauering , as our Sauiour saith vnto Peter , Matth. 14. 31. O thou of little faith , wherefore didst thou doubt : and S. Ieames saith , let him aske in faith and wauer not : but of this question see more among the controuerses following .

4. These particles then , if so be that , it may be , and such like in exhortations and perswasiue speaches , are not words of doubting : but are vsed to these two ends . 1. to shewe the greatnesse and difficultie of the thing hoped for in respect of our selues , that the greater endeauour should be vsed , and all securitie laid aside , as Ioshu. 14. 12. Caleb saith , if so be the Lord will be with me , that I may driue them out , which he spake not doubtfully , for he had the warrant of Gods word to preuaile , giue me the mountaine whereof the Lord spake in that day : but he doth thus speaking , encourage himselfe to put his confidence in God with feare and reuerence . And Hierome to this purpose writeth vpon these words , Ioel , 2. 14. who knoweth if he will returne and repent , &c. ne desperetis veniam scelerum magnitudine , &c. sed ne forsi●an magnitudo clementiae nos faceret negligentes , adiunxit , &c. despaire not of forgiuenesse for the greatnesse of your sinnes , &c. but least the greatnesse of clemencie should make them negligent , he addeth , who knoweth , &c. these phrases then of speach , doe not argue doubtfulnesse , but onely serue to take away presumption and securitie , as the Apostle saith , worke out your saluation with feare and trembling , Philip. 2. 13.

Quest. 34. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did follow Daniels counsell .

Ver. 16. At the ende of twelue moneths . 1. Some thinke that Nebuchadnezzar did as he was aduised by Daniel , and gaue plentifull almes , whereupon for his humilitie , mansit adhuc annum in regno , he stayed yet a yeare in his kingdome , but afterward beeing lifted vp in pride , he was cast out of his kingdome , gloss . ordinar. ex Hieronym .

2. But I approoue rather the iudgement of Oecolampadius , quia Prophetae admonitionibus eum non poenituit , neque Deum sententiae suae poenituit , &c. because he repented not by the admonitions of the Prophet , therefore neither did God repent him of his sentence : for if he had humbled himselfe , it is not like that so soone he would haue so swelled in pride : and his minde beeing set so vpon his magnificent buildings , it seemeth he little attended vpon charitable deeds . So it is well gathered from hence that it is not in man to conuert his owne wayes , though the meanes be offered , except God by his spirit worke it , Genevens .

3. In that this iudgement was deferred a tweluemoneth , it was a signe rather of Gods long suffering , then of any change in Nebuchadnezzar , Bulling. to the same purpose Theodoret , dedit ei Deus locum poenitentiae , at ille abutitur eo in superbiam . God gaue him time and space to repent , but he abuseth it vnto pride : to the same purpose Caluin .

Quest. 35. Of the greatnesse of the citie Babylon .

The greatnesse thereof is thus described by Herodotus , Herod . lib. 1. he writeth that the citie was foure square , and each square contained in length an 120. furlongs , so that the fower squares or sides made 480. furlongs , the walls were 50. cubits thicke , and 200. cubits high , and in the compasse of the walls there were an 100. brasen gates , with their hinges and posts : other writers doe somewhat varie from this description . lib. 6. c. 26. lib. 2. c. 4. Plinie maketh the walls 200. foote high , and 50. foote broad , and in compasse 60. miles . Diodorus saith that the wall was 360. furlongs in compasse , according to the number of the dayes in the yeare , so that euery day a furlong of the wall was built , and the whole finished in a yeare , there beeing vsed thereto of workmen 13. hundred thousand ; the walls were so thicke as 6. carts might meete in the breadth ; the towers were 250. and the height thereof 365. foote , there was the space of two furlongs betweene the wall and the houses , for the more speedie building of the wall .

Strabo giueth vnto the compasse of the walls 380. furlongs , lib. 16. the thickenes was 30. foote , the height 50 cubites , and the towers aboue the walls were 60. cubites high .

Q. Curtius saith the walls were in compasse 368. furlongs , in thicknesse 32. feete , that carts might meete thereon , they were an 100. cubits high , and the towers tenne cubites higher then the walls .

Lyranus out of Hierome thus setteth it downe , that Babylon was fowre square and euerie side contained in length 16. miles : for within the citie the houses were not close built , but euery one had his vineyards and fields , that they might sowe in the time of famine or siege , and maintaine themselues within the citie .

Aristotle making mention of Babylon , 〈…〉 2. saith it had the compasse rather of a countrie then a citie , beeing of such greatnesse that some part of it was taken three dayes before the other heard of it : and therefore a citie he would not haue to be esteemed by the walls .

But though the reports of writers are somewhat diuerse , it is out of doubt that it was a great citie , and the walls thereof both of great thicknesse and height : as the Prophet Ieremie witnesseth , cap. 51. the thicke wall of Babylon shall be broken , and the high gates burnt .

There was also in the middes of the citie a great tower , which was the Temple of Belus , with brasen gates , which Herodotus saith remained vntill his time , lib 1. it had in compasse euery way beeing foure square 2. furlongs , and in the mids thereof a turret of a furlong high , and an other aboue that of the same height , vntill they came to the eight . lib 3 c. ● . Diodorus saith it was so high , that the Chaldeans thereon made obseruation of the starres toward the east and west . Curtius saith , that this tower of Babylon had 20. stadia or furlongs in compasse , lib. 5. the foundation whereof was 30. foot deepe in the ground : By these euidences it appeareth , that this Babylon was a citie of huge bignesse , and therefore the king calleth it here great Babell .

Niniue had beene as great a citie or greater , beeing 60. miles in compasse , the walls were an 100. foote high , and the towers 200. whereof there were an 150. Strabo . lib. 16. but Niniue was now much empayred and decayed , and Babylon was made the chiefe citie of the kingdome .

Quest. 36. Whether Nebuchadnezzar were the builder of Babel .

Ver. 27. Which I haue built for the house of my kingdome , &c. 1. There are diuerse opinions hereof , who should be the builder and founder of Babel . Moses saith that Babel was the beginning of Nimroths kingdome , lib. 9. de praepar . Euang. cap. vit. Gen. 10. 10. Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius , out of Eupolemus , saith that it was built by the gyants after the flood . Alphaeus maketh Belus the founder thereof , as Eusebius saith : the most of the Grecians , doe giue the honour thereof vnto Semiramis the wife of Ninus , as Herodo . lib. 1. Diodo . lib. 3. Strabo . lib. 16. Iustine with others . lib. 10. cap. 11. Iosephus out of Berosus maketh Nebuchadnezzar the builder of Babel , and therfore findeth fault with the Greeke writers , for ascribing it vnto Semiramis .

2. But all these may easily be reconciled . 1. Nimroth is held to be the same , who of forreine writters was called Belus : for this Belus was the first , that brought in idolatrie , lib. 3. aduers. Iulian. as Cyril saith : and so was Nimroth : for hence it is , that most of the idols of the Gentiles tooke their name from Bel , as the first founder of them , as Belial , or Baal , the God of the Sidonians , Beelzebub the god of Ekron , Beelphegor the god of the Moabites , Numb . 25. Baalsamen the idol of the Carthaginians , as Augustine saith : so then it may well stand togethet , q. 16. in lib. Iudic. that Nimroth and Belus , Hexap . in Gen. cap. 10. que . 14. beeing both the same man , as is more at large shewed elsewhere , were the founders of Babylon .

2. And seeing Ninus was the captaine and chiefe of the Gyants , they might be assistant vnto him , in building of the tower of Babel , and he a tingleader vnto them .

3. It may also verie well agree , that Nimroth or Belus laid the first foundation of Babylon , which was enlarged by Semiramis .

4. And afterward when the Kings of Assyria left Babylon , & made Niniue the cheife citie of their kingdome , by this meanes Babylon was decayed and lay wa●t , which last of all was reedified and beautified by Nebuchadnezzar , lib 10. antiq. 〈◊〉 lib 1. contra App●on . who as Iosephus out of Berosus writeth in these fiue works added to the buildiug of Babylon . 1. he repayred the old citie and the temple of Belus . 2. then he built a new citie adioyning vnto it . 3. he compassed each of them with three walls for defense , with towers and gates . 4. then he built a most sumptuous palace next vnto the Palace of his father , and finished it in 25. dayes . 5. he made certaine artificiall rockes and mountaines , with orchards and gardens vpon them , to satisfie the desire of his wife , who beeing a Median , desired to see such hillie prospects , after the manner of her countrey : Because Nebuchadnezzar then had so enlarged and beautified the citie , he maketh himselfe the builder of it .

Quest. 37. Of Nebucadnezzars pride in saying , which I haue built for the house of the kingdome .

Nebuchadnezzars pride diuersely appeareth . 1. because he thinketh that by his owne power and strength he had raised those great buildings , as though by his owne witte and strength , he had attained vnto that power & riches , to be able to compasse such great works , whereas it is said in the Psal. 126. 1. except the Lord build the house , they labour in vaine that build it , Caluin . 2. he considered not how to compasse such a great worke , innumerorum pauperum facultates exhausit , he had wasted the substance of a number of poore , and wearied their bodies , Oecolamp . 3. He robbeth his father and auncestors of their due praise , who had builded much before him , he taketh all to himselfe , Polan . 4. then he sheweth his contempt against God , as though he should haue said , hauing now made Babylon inuincible , as he thought , quis inde me posset deijcere , who can cast me out of it , no not God himselfe , Lyran. Iun. 5. then he addeth further , he built it not for Gods honour , but his owne , he neither respected Gods glorie , nor the good of the commonwealth , but his owne fame and magnificence , Osiand . Caluin . 6. whereas the Septuag. readeth as he walked 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in the temple , Eudoxius is of opinion that the king would haue beene counted for a God , Oecolampiad . 7. But the kings great securitie appeareth herein , deambulat otiosus , he walketh idlely , as though in such a great kingdome there had been no businesse for him , and he museth of nothing but his owne greatnesse , Pellican . 8. nemo interrogat , &c. ●pse primus su● encomia decantai , no man asketh him any question , he first soundeth out his owne praise , wherein he bewraieth his vanitie and selfeloue , Oecolamp .

Quest. 38. v. 28. What manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen .

1. The Lord dealeth with Nebuchadnezzar by degrees , first , he spake vnto him by dreame , then by the voice of his Prophet , and seeing he was not mooued by any of these , now the Lord thundreth from heauen .

2. This voice was not spoken in Nebuchadnezzars eare , but in the hearing of all that stood by , Iun. vt Dei vindicta intelligatur à populo , that all the people might see and vnderstand , how the Lord tooke reuenge of him for his pride , Lyran.

3. And it commeth from heauen , both to shewe the authoritie and power , the voice came from heauen , quasi quoddam pondus deijciens eius superbiam , as a mightie weight pressing downe his pride , Lyran. as also the certaintie , that those things beeing pronounced from heauen should vndoubtedly come to passe , Iun.

4. And this voice commeth of a sudden , euen while that proud speach was yet in his mouth , to shewe that God neuer punisheth without cause , and that all his iudgements are iust , Bulling. and further to testifie that such as abuse Gods long suffering and patience , as Nebuchadnezzar here did , shall suddenly be cut off : and that when men are come to the height of pride , the Lord will no longer forbeare , Polan .

Quest. 39. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebuchadnezzar .

1. The circumstances of the sentence are described . 1. the time , that the voice came while Nebuchadnezzar was yet in speaking . 2. the manner , it was vttered by a voice . 3. the place , from heauen . 4. the person to whom , to Nebuchadnezzar by name ▪ by the which he is conuented , as before his superiour Iudge : his title is added , O king , to taxe him for his ingratitude , that was vnthankfull to God , who had exalted him to that state .

2. Then the matter of the sentence is declared , which consisteth partly in his depriuation both of his kingdome , and of the societie and companie of men , partly in the denouncing of certaine calamities , namely , these two , his cohabitation with beasts , and then his manner of foode , he should eate grasse like an oxe .

Quest. 40. ver. 30. Of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezzar : he did eate grasse as the oxen .

1. This was neither a chaunge in shewe ; such as Plinie reporteth out of Euantes , howe among the Arcadians they vsed to take one by lot out of a certaine familie , lib. 8. cap. 22. who going vnto a riuer , leauing his clothes behind him , and swimming ouer was changed into a wolfe , and nine yeares keepeth among them , and then swimming ouer againe receiueth his former shape : the like he alleadgeth out of C●pas , that one Demetrius Parrhesius offring a childes flesh in sacrifice to Iupiter Lyceus tasting thereof was turned into a wolfe , and so continued 10. yeares , and afterward receiued his humane shape againe . The like is that , lib. 18. de ciuita . Dei . cap. 18. which Augustine writeth of certaine women in Italie , which vsed to giue vnto the trauailers some intoxicated cheese , whereby they seemed to be transformed into beasts , and caried their burthens : These transformations were either fabulous tales , or else illusions of Sathan .

2. Neither was Nebuchadnezzar in truth changed into a beast , as Bodinus thinketh , as is before shewed , quest. 27.

3. Nor yet was it onely a madnesse and phrensie of minde as Ericus king of Sueland beeing expelled his kingdome , for verie griefe fell madde .

4. But beside the bruitish change of his minde , his bodie was much chaunged and altered , in feeding and liuing among bruit beasts : as Ab. Ez●a writeth of one in Sardinia , that was carried into the woodes by his parents among the hindes ; and so liued a great while among them , going vpon all fower his hands and feete : who beeing at length taken by the king in hunting , was brought to his parents : but he said nothing to them : they offred him wine and meat , but he rufusing both , did eat of hearbs , and in the night fled againe to his old companions the bruit beasts , Oecolampad . The like narration hath Dresserus in his booke of newe and auncient discipline , of a man taken in the countrey of Hesse in hunting beeing among other wolues : who retayning yet some shape of a man , was kept and made tame , and went vpright , whereas he before did goe and runne on all fower : he also at the length spake as a man distinctly , vsing to houle as a wolfe before : and beeing thus come to himselfe , he reported , how he was lost in the woods when he was a child , and brought vp among the wolues , and was nourished by that which they got for their prey : this was done in the yeare , 1544.

Philippus Camerarius in his historicall meditations , c. 75. hath the like report of a child of twelue yeares of age , which was taken in the same countrey , in the farme of Echtzeb , as he ranne among wolues . Goulartius in his booke of the memorable histories of these times , hath this relation , how a man was taken in France in the forest of Campeigne , and was brought to the la●e king Charles the 9. he went vpon all fowre like a beast , was swifter then an horse , did houle like a wolfe , had an hard skinne , and was couered almost all ouer with haire ; he had a terrible looke , with his teeth he strangled dogges , and was fierce toward men : such like change and alteration there might be both of minde and bodie in Nebuchadnezzar .

Quest. 41. v. 31. After the ende of what dayes Nebuchadnezzar was restored .

V. 31. At the ende of these dayes . 1. The author of the scholasticall historie , as Hugo Cardi. here noteth , thinketh that at the prayer of Daniel , the 7. yeares were turned into seauen moneths , whereof 40. dayes Nebuchadnezzar was madde , and 40. other dayes he came to himselfe and wept exceedingly for his sinne , so that his eyes were become as a peice of flesh : then 40. dayes more he was in his madde fittes : and so after 7. moneths he was restored to his right minde , but yet had not the kingdome , till 7. yeares were expired , but there were 7. Iudges appointed for him , and he in the meane time , neither did eate flesh , nor drinke wine all those seuen yeares , but did eate pulse , and hearbs , as Daniel counselled him , and so did as it were penance .

2. But this opinion is contrarie to the text . 1. because the seauen times which were to passe ouer him , were fulfilled , as appeareth , v. 31. at the ende of the dayes ( that is the dayes before appointed , which were called 7. times ) then I Nebuchadnezzar lift vp mine eyes , &c. and not before , there was then no part of this time cut off . 2. After that his vnderstanding came to him , he fell not againe into his madde fittes , as is euident , ver. 33. 3. when his vnderstanding was come to him , he was withall restored to the honour of his kingdome , and his counsellers sought againe vnto him : he then tooke the gouernement presently vpon him , after his returne and restitution , it was not gouerned by others . 4. This also is an euident argument , that Nebuchadnezzar continued longer then seauen moneths in his humiliation , because in so short a time his haire could not growe as eagles quilles , nor his nailes as birds clawes : neither is it like that in so short a time he would haue beene brought to knowe himselfe , Caluin .

Quest. 42. Of the restitution of Nebuchadnezzar .

As there were two degrees of his humiliation , he was depriued without of his kingdome , and of the companie of men , and in himselfe of his vnderstanding ; so there are two degrees of his restitution : first , to his humane vnderstanding , and then to the glorie of his kingdome , and each of these are set forth with their effects .

1. First , he is restored to his humane estate and condition , both in bodie , that whereas before he went groueling , and crept on all fower as a beast , now he reareth vp his bodie , and lifteth vp his eyes to heauen : then in his minde , mine vnderstanding was restored vnto me , but that is here put last which was done first ; for he was first restored to his vnderstanding , before he lift vp his eyes , Bulling. and as before he cast vp his eyes in pride , so nowe he lifteth them vp in humilitie , Caluin .

Secondly , the effect of this his restitution to his reason and vnderstanding , is the praysing of God , with the reason thereof taken from the eternitie of the power and kingdome of God , both which are amplified , 1. comparatiuely , All the inhabitants of the earth , are as noth●ng before him : 2. by the effects , he doth what he will , and none can gainsay .

2. Then followeth the second part of his restitution , both to the societie of men , and to the honour of his kingdome , v. 33. And the effect thereof , his praising and extolling of God , with the argument of his praise , taken from three properties , and adjuncts of Gods workes , the veritie and truth , iustice and equitie , and the power and omnipotence , in these words , Whose workes are all truth , and his waies iudgement , and those that walke in pride he is able to abase , v. 34.

43. Quest. That God onely is without checke , and not to be controlled in his workes .

v. 32. None can stay his hand , nor say vnto him , What doest thou ? 1. They which profanely obiect that God sheweth himselfe as a Tyrant doing what he list , his will standing for law , may easily be answered , that this proposition , they whose wills onely stand for law are Tyrants , is true onely among men , it concerneth not God : and the reason of this difference is , God is a law to himselfe , quia voluntas eius est perfectissima iustitia , because his will is most perfect iustice : Calvin . he can will nothing , but that which is holy and iust . So is it not with man , whose will is corrupt and peruerse , and therefore it had neede of a rule and law to guide it .

2. It is a question among the Ciuilians , whether the Prince haue not an absolute power in his kingdome , statuendi omnia pro suo arbitratu , &c. to appoint all things according to his will , and so they would haue the Prince to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , without checke and controlment : of this opinion are Bartolus , and his followers : others doe hold , that euen the Emperours themselues are bound vnto their lawes : for they doe thus professe , digna vox est maiestate regnantis , legibus alligatum s● principem profiteri , adeo de authoritate iuris nostra pendet authoritas , it is a voice worthie the maiestie of him which ruleth , for the Prince to professe himselfe bound vnto the lawes , in so much that our authoritie dependeth of the authoritie of the law , &c. Polan .

3. But thus may these opinions be reconciled , that though Princes are both bound by oath in some kingdomes to keepe the lawes and customes of the countrey , and in policie also doe subiect themselues to their owne lawes for the example of others , and beyond all these , they are tied by a straiter bond of Gods word ; yet they are without checke of their subiects : their doings are not of euery one to be called in question , as the Preacher saith , c. 8. 4. Where the word of the King is , there is power , and who shall say vnto him , what doest thou ? where Princes hold immediatly their kingdoms of God , there they are only to giue account vnto God . But God is not to giue account vnto any : and therefore of him onely , simply , and absolutely it is true , that none can say , What doest thou ? both because of his perfect iustice , that none can finde fault with his workes , and his absolute power , that he is not subiect to the checke of any .

44. Quest. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were saued .

1. It may be obiected that he was not , out of that place Isa. 14. 14. Thou shalt be brought downe to hell , to the sides of the pit : which beeing spoken of Nebuchadnezzer sheweth his euerlasting destruction in hell : and the rather , because in him is set forth and described the fall of Lucifer , who with the rest of the reprobate angels were cast downe to hell .

Answ. 1. Though it be admitted and graunted , that Nebuchadnezzer herein were a type of Lucifer , yet it is not necessarie , that all things which are expressed in such typicall predictions , should agree vnto the type : for some things are so spoken , that they may fitly agree both vnto the type and figure , and to the thing prefigured , some vnto the signe onely , some vnto the thing prefigured onely : as in the 2. Psalme , where Dauid is a type of Christ : the 2. verse , The kings of the earth band themselues , &c. agreeth vnto both : and v. 6. I haue set my king vpon Zion : but these words , v. 7. Thou art my Sonne , this day haue I begotten thee , can onely be applied vnto Christ : So in this place , this casting downe to hell may be vnderstood onely of Lucifer here prefigured : Perer. but there are better answers then this .

2. As this commination against the King of Babylon is conditionally vnderstood : that vnlesse he repen●ed , he should be cast downe to hell .

3. As it may be an allegoricall speech shewing his great abasement , as that other is , I will ascend aboue the height of the cloudes .

4. But yet it may be further and better answered , that it is not necessarie to vnderstand this prophecie of Nebuchadnezzer , but rather it was performed in Balthazar : for the Prophet prophesieth also together of the destruction of Babylon , which continued many yeares after the death of Nebuchadnezzer .

5. And lastly , the word translated hell , signifieth also the graue , and so better interpreted here , because there is mention made of the pit .

2. Wherefore the more probable and certen opinion is , that Nebuchadnezzer in the end was saued : as may appeare by these reasons .

1. Iosephus saith , that Nebuchadnezzer all his life long after this did acknowledge God , and gaue praise and glorie vnto him . 2. Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius inferre as much vpon his afflictions , that God therefore chastened him , because he would not haue him perish . 3. lib. de 〈…〉 . Augustine sheweth as much by the diuers end of Pharaoh and Nabuchadnezzer , that he was hardened in his sinne , and so giuen ouer to destruction , the other was humbled vnder Gods hand , and so saued . 4. Theodoret likewise moouing the question , why the Lord punished Nabuchadnezzers for a time , but Balthazar with sudden death , maketh this answer ; because the Lord did foresee , that the one would be amended by his corrections , but the other was irrecorrigible . 5. Lastly , Lyranus addeth this reason , scripturae terminat historiam in eius humiliatione , &c. & fidei confessione , the Scripture endeth this storie in his humiliation , and confession of faith : which it vseth not to doe in them , that afterward fall away , and are lost .

45. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer was saued , and not Pharaoh , both beeing in the same cause .

1. Augustine putting forth this question , de gratia . c. 15. sheweth wherein both of these were like : quantum ad naturam , ambo homines , &c. in respect of their nature , they were both men : for their dignitie , they were both kings : their cause was the fame , they both held the people of God captiue : quantum ad poenam , and for their punishment , they both were gently admonished with Gods scourges : and yet their ends were diuers : the question is , cur medicamentum vnius medici manu confectum , alij ad interitum , alij valuerit ad salutem , &c. why a medicine made by the hand of the same physitian , should be effectuall to the destruction of the one , and for the health of the other .

2. His answer is this , because the one was humbled vnder the Lords correction , the other hardened : but then it will be asked , why the one was humbled , the other hardened : the answer must be this , illi vt mutaretur adfuisse diuinum , huic vt iudicaretur , defuisse praesidium , that the one had Gods helpe to change him , the other wanted it , and so was hardened . But if any thinke further that this is vniust , that God should assist one , and not an other , the Apostle answereth , The Lord hath mercie on whome he will , and whome he will he hardeneth , Rom. 9. And so he concludeth , omnia illa adiuvante Domino perfici , vel deserente permitti , nolente vero Domino nihil prorsus admitti , &c. that all these things are perfited and brought to passe , God so helping , or permitted God so forsaking them , but nothing is committed God beeing not willing .

46. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer beeing thus conuerted , the Iewes kept in captiuitie were not deliuered , nor Iehoiachin released out of prison .

1. Though Nabuchadnezzer beeing thus brought to acknowledge God , did incline also to sauour his people , which in all likelihood was the more encreased by Daniels meanes , who was greatly honoured of the king , yet the people remained in captiuitie still , either because Nabuchadnezzer liued not long after this , and so could not perfit his fauour toward them ; or rather this was the cause : Daniel knew by the prophecie of Ieremie , that 70. yeares were determined for the captiuitie of the people , and therefore expected the ende and expiration of that time , and therefore before would not attempt any thing .

2. But an other reason is to be yeelded for Iehoiakims imprisonment : that either Nabuchadnezzer intended before his death to set him at libertie , and therefore his sonne did it , to fulfill his fathers minde , as soone as he came to the kingdome : or els it pleased God by this long time of restraint to punish the sinnes of Iehoiakim : who beeing but 18. yeare old followed his fathers sleppes , and did euill in the sight of the Lord , and therefore he raigned but three moneths , 2. king . 24. 9. but continued in prison 37. yeares , 2. king . 25. 27.

4. The places of doctrine .

1. Doctr. That the ende of ciuill gouernment is the peace and prosperitie of the subiects .

v. 2. which is the 31. of the former chapter according to the vsuall diuision : Peace be multiplied vnto you . Nabuchadnezzer a wise and politike King sendeth this salutation to his subiects : shewing thereby that a good Prince is not onely to wish , but to procure the peace of his subiects : therefore the Apostle would haue prayer made especially for kings , that vnder them we may liue a godly and peaceable life , 1. Tim. 2. 1. This Tullie well perceiued thus writing , vt gubernatori cursus secundus , Medico salus , Imperatori victoria , &c. as the pilot of a shippe propoundeth to himselfe the prosperous course of the shippe , the physitian the health of his patient , the captaine victorie , so the good gouernour seeketh the welfare and happie life of his citizens . lib. 5. de repub .

2. Doctr. That we are to pray euen for Tyrants and cruell gouernours .

v. 16. The dreame be to them that hate thee . In that Daniel prayeth for Nabuchadnezzer , and wisheth that this calamitie might fall vpon his enemies , and that he might escape it ; it sheweth , that the subiects are to pray euen for the prosperitie of euill gouerners : for euen vnder them they receiue some benefit : a badde gouernment is better then no gouernment . So the Prophet Ieremie biddeth the Iewes pray for the prosperitie of the citie , whether they were carried captiue , 1. Tim. 2. 1. for in the peace thereof shall ye haue peace , Ierem. 29. 7. And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications , and prayers should be made for kings : who then were Tyrants , and persecuters of Gods Church .

3. Doct. Of the office and parts of a good Magistrate .

v. 19. Nabuchadnezzer is compared to a goodly faire spreading tree : by the which similitude are set forth many excellent parts , that should be found in a Prince . 1. As the tree spreadeth her boughes abroad , and who so will commeth vnder the shadow of them , so a Prince should giue accesse to all his louing subiects freely to come vnto him , not to shut himselfe vp from them . 2. The beautie of the tree and comely grace , setteth forth the maiestie and authoritie of the Prince , which ought to be reuerenced of all . 3. It is full of fruit , so the King should yeeld releefe vnto his subiects , be bountifull and beneficiall , not gathering or taking from the subiects , where the necessitie of the gouernment requireth not . 4. The shadow of the tree signifieth defence from wrong : that vnder the gouernment of the Prince subiects may finde comfort and releefe . 5. The birds dwell in the branches , and the beasts couch vnder the shadow : so the king should to all his subiects high and low extend his fauour , according vnto euery ones qualitie and degree . ex Polan .

4. Doctr. God tempereth and moderateth his iudgements with mercie .

v. 22. Seuen times shall passe ouer thee , till thou know , &c. God might in his iustice haue suffered Nabuchadnezzer all his life long , for his exceeding great pride , to liue among the bruit beasts : but he doth onely limit him a certaine time so long , till he was brought to acknowledge God : So that God remembreth mercie in the midst of his iudgements , according to that saying , Psal. 30. 5. Weeping may abide at euening , but ioy commeth in the morning . Bulling. 1. Cor. 19. 10. And the Apostle saith , God is faithfull , and will not suffer you to be tempted aboue that you are able , but will euen giue the issue with the tentation , that ye may be able to heare it : As here Nabuchadnezzer had a gratious issue of his tentation .

5. Doctr. Of the necessitie of good Counsellers .

v. 24. Let my counsell be acceptable vnto thee . Happie was this king , which had so faithfull a Counseller at hand to aduise him : But miserable is the state of such Princes , who are beset with bad counsellers , as Rehoboam was , who followed the headie and rash counsell of the young men : such a wicked counseller was Haman to Assuerus , and Achitophel to Absolom . Therefore Hom●dius a wise Senatour of Rome , as Fulgosus writeth , lib. 7. was wont to say , that he had rather haue an euill Prince with good counsellers about him , then a good Prince with euill . If he be an enemie to the Commonwealth , who clippeth the kings coine , he is much more , which by euill counsell corrupteth the minde of the Prince . Pintus .

6. Doctr. What manner of almes are acceptable vnto God .

v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnes , &c. Simply to giue almes , it is not pleasing vnto God ; for the Pharisies gaue almes , but it did nothing auaile them , because they did it of a vaine ostentation : they which giue almes , and yet liue in sinne , as though they would buie out their licentious life by their sinne , doe therein deceiue themselues : the Apostle saith , Without faith , it is impossible to please God , Heb. 11. 6. almes then not proceeding of faith , can not be accepted . In 〈…〉 . c. 75 ▪ 76. Augustine therefore saith well , Qui vult ordinate eleemosynas dare , debet à seipso incipere , &c. he that will giue almes orderly must beginne with himselfe : he must first looke into his owne conscience , and see his owne pouertie and nakednes : mendicat à te anima tua , esurit iustitiam , thy owne soule beggeth of thee , it hungreth after iustice . Perer.

7. Doctr. Of true repentance .

v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnesse , &c. 1. Here the parts of true repentance are set downe , which are these two , to depart from sinne , and to follow righteousnes : as the Prophet Isai saith , Cease to doe euill , learne to doe well , Isa. 1. 16.

2. Hence also the effects of true repentance are gathered , which are the fruits of righteousnes : so that in vaine doth one afflict himselfe , if he doe not alter and change his life : such are reprooued by the Prophet , Isa. 58. 5. that did afflict their soules for a day , and bow downe their head like a bulrush , and yet continued in their sinne .

3. The qualitie of true repentance is here also expressed , that it may not be deferred or put off , but speedily prosequuted : which is signified by this phrase of breaking off . As the Apostle to the Hebr. c. 3. 7. vrgeth that place , to day if you will heare his voice , harden not your hearts .

4. The benefit of true repentance followeth , it procureth peace , and tranquilitie , and preuenteth the iudgements of God : as here Nabuchadnezzer is promised , that by this meanes , his peace might be prolonged : So our blessed Sauiour saith , Luk. 13. 3. Except ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish . Polan .

8. Doctr. That God seeth and knoweth all things .

v. 28. While the word was in the kings mouth , &c. God heard the very proud words which Nabuchadnezzer spake , and in that very instant and moment , sent his Angel to denounce the iudgement decreed against him . So then nothing is hid from God , neither our thoughts , as the Prophet Dauid saith , Thou vnderstandest my thoughts a farre off , Psal. 139. 2. nor our words , as it followeth in the same place , v. 4. There is not a word in my tongue , but thou knowest it wholly , O Lord : much lesse can our workes be hid , as Rev. 2. 2. I know thy workes . So that as the Apostle saith , All things are naked , and open to his eyes , with whome we haue to doe , Heb. 4. 13.

9. Doctr. Gods iudgements come of a sudden .

v. 28. As a voice came from heauen , euen while the word was in the kings mouth : so the iudgements of God ouertake the wicked when they looke not for them : so Noahs flood came vpon the old world , and the destruction of Sodome vpon the wicked : So the day of the Lord , as the Apostle saith , shall come as a theefe in the night , and as the trauell vpon a woman with child , 1. Thess. 5. 2. 3. It behooueth vs therefore to be sober and watchful , as our blessed Sauiour saith , Those things which I say vnto you , I say vnto all men , watch , Mark . 13. 37.

10. Doct. Gods iudgements meete with sinnes in the same kind .

v. 29. They shall driue thee from men . Nabuchadnezzer is here punished in the same things wherein he had sinned : he was not so much lifted vp before in pride , as he is now humbled , and cast downe : As he had banished many out of their countries , and taken them captiue , so he is now exiled himselfe , and driuen from the companie of men : his foode was daintie and delicate before , now he feedeth with oxen : then he was apparelled in purple , and other rich attire , now horrido pilo totus obtegitur , he is all couered with haire : then he was annointed with balme and pretious oyntment , now he is wet with the dew of heauen . Oecolampad .

11. Doct. True repentance is the gift of God .

v. 31. At the ende of these daies I Nabuchadnezzer lift vp mine eyes to heauen , &c. Vntill it pleased God to turne this proud kings heart , nothing could make it stoope . He had receiued many warnings , and was foretold of this his downefall , and was aduised by Daniel by repentance to preuent this calamitie : and beeing in this great miserie , he was not mooued therewith , till the time was expired , and the Lord mooued his heart : So our blessed Sauiour saith , Ioh. 6. 44. No man commeth vnto me , except the father draw him , &c.

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. That the virgin Marie was not without sinne .

v. 12. Leaue the stumpe , &c. Pererius allegorizing this vision of the tree , thereby would haue shadowed forth the beautifull state of man in Paradise before his fall : and by the stumpe and roote remaining , he vnderstandeth the virgin Marie , peccato Adami nullatenus infectam , not infected at all with the sinne of Adam . And Christ is the branch that sprouteth out of this roote .

Contra. 1. This comparison first is vnfit : for here a stumpe onely remaineth without any branches at all : he can not finde then here both a stumpe , and a branch . 2. This stumpe is bound about with a chaine : and what other chaines is mans nature bound with , then with the chaines of sinne : his owne application maketh against him . 3. It is a most blasphemous opinion , and contrarie of the Scriptures , that Marie was without originall sinne : for the Apostle saith , All men haue sinned , Rom. 5. 12. none are excepted but Christ , Heb. 4. 15. Marie also confessed her selfe a sinner , in acknowledging that shee also had neede of a Sauiour , Luk. 1. 47. see more hereof , Synops. Centur. 2. err. 79.

2. Controv. Against freewill .

Lyranus by this stumpe remaining , vnderstandeth free will : per hoc germen significatur liberum arbitrium reuerti potens ad bonum , by this branch is signified free will , which hath power to returne vnto that , which is good .

Contra. 1. The vision it selfe ouerthroweth this conceit : for this stumpe is bound with a chaine , it could not sprout of it selfe , till the chaines were taken away , and before God had giuen Nabuchadnezzer an vnderstanding heart , he could not so much as lift vp his eyes to heauen : therefore this is but a weake ground to build free will vpon . 2. Beside the Scripture euidently speaketh , that there is no power or abilitie in man so much as to think a good thought , 2. Cor. 3. 5. And our Sauiour saith , Without me ye can doe nothing , Ioh. 15. 5. see more hereof , Synops. Centur. 4. err. 46.

3. Controv. Against the inuocation of Saints .

v. 14. The sentence is according to the petition of the holy ones . The Romanists doe thus vnderstand this place , that the holy Angels made request for the king , that mercie might be shewed him : and hence would inferre , that we are to make our prayers vnto them .

Contra. 1. That this place hath no such meaning , is shewed before , Quest. 18. the Angels pray not against Gods will , that Nabuchadnezzer might escape this calamitie , for it was alreadie decreed with God , that it should fall vpon him : but they desire rather , that what God had decreed in heauen might accordingly be fulfilled in earth . 2. And although it be granted , quod bene nobis afficiantur , that they are well affected toward vs , and wish well vnto vs , yet it would not follow , that therefore we should pray vnto them . Oecolampad . see hereof , Cent●r . 2. err. 8.

4. Controv. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdomes .

v. 22. Till thou know , that the most high beareth rule ouer the kingdomes of the earth , and giueth it to whomsoeuer he will . This Soueraigne power belongeth vnto God to dispose of kings , and kingdomes , to pull downe , and set vp : then it is presumptuous arrogancie in the Pope , to challenge vnto himselfe any such supereminent power ouer kings , vnto whome he himselfe ought to be subiect , according to S. Pauls rule , Rom. 13. 1. See before chap. 2. controv. 6.

5. Controv. Against satisfaction by workes .

v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnesse . The Latine interpreter readeth , redeeme thy sinnes by righteousnes : whereupon Pererius with other Romanists doe collect , that workes of righteousnes , and mercie , doe satisfie for sinne , and are auaileable ad expianda peccata venialia , to expiate veniall sinnes . And to that purpose he vrgeth that place , Prov. 16. 6. By mercie and truth iniquitie shall be forgiuen .

Contra. 1. It is before sufficiently declared , Quest. 30. that the true reading here is not , redeeme , but , breake off thy sinnes . 2. Though that other reading be retained , the meaning onely is , that he should redeeme , and satisfie men whome he had wronged . 3. And this had beene impossible for him to doe , to make recompence to so many , whome he had cruelly handled the space of 40. yeares . 4. And if he would not make satisfaction vnto men , much lesse vnto God . 5. Wherefore in these words , non exponitur modus redimendi peccata , sed modus potius agendi , the way of redeeming his sinne is not declared , but the way rather of working , such as becommeth those that are truly penitent : first then his sinnes must be forgiuen by faith , before he can bring forth the workes of repentance . Iun. 6. Further , as Nabuchadnezzer could not satisfie for his sinne , no more can any man : for our best works are imperfect : our righteousnes is as a stained clout , Isa. 6. 6. but that which must satisfie before God , ought to be perfect , and absolute : it is therefore the most perfect righteousnes of Christ , and none other , that is able to satisfie Gods iustice for our sinnes .

7. And concerning that place vrged out of the Proverbs , either it may be vnderstood not of mercie which we shew , which is called an actiue mercie , but of mercie shewed vnto vs from God , which is a passiue mercie , by the which our iniquitie is forgiuen : as Iunius prooueth by the words following , by the feare of the Lord they depart from euill : or els the meaning is , by the works of mercie we are assured our sinnes are forgiuen vs , Genevens . as in the like sense our Sauiour saith , Many sinnes are forgiuen her , because shee loued much , Luk. 7. 47. her great loue was not the cause , but the signe rather and effect of the forgiuenes of her sinnes . And so the Apostle saith , 1. Ioh. 3. 14. We know , that we are translated from death to life , because we loue the brethren : he saith not we are translated , but we know , we are . But of the question against satisfaction by workes , see more Synops. Papism . Centur. 4. err . 78.

6. Controv. Of the certentie of remission of sinnes .

v. 24. The Latine readeth , It may be God will forgiue thee thy sinnes : whereupon Pererius inferreth , nemini liquido cognitam remissionem peccatorum , that remission and forgiuenes of sinne is not certenly knowne vnto any .

Contra. 1. It is shewed before , Quest. 31. that the word here vsed , is not a particle of doubting , but rather it serueth to exhort , and stirre vp to haue further confidence in God , and to take away carnall securitie . 2. But that by faith we are vndoubtedly assured of the remission of sinne , the Scripture euidently sheweth : Rom. 5. 1. Beeing iustified by faith , we are at peace with God : but our conscience can not be setled , or at peace , vnles it be assured of Gods fauour in the remission of sinnes : likewise , Rom. 8. 16. The same spirit beareth witnesse to our spirit , that we are the children of God : but how can we be assured , that they are the children of God , if their sinnes be not forgiuen them . See further hereof , Centur. 4. err. 56.

7. Controv. Which be the good workes of Christians .

v. 24. Breake off thy sinnes by righteousnes , &c. Here good workes are defended to be the workes of righteousnes and mercie . Among the Romanists , these are counted their good workes , suscipere peregrinationes , erigere statuam , &c. to vow and take in hand pilgrimages , to set vp an image , to found crosses , Calvin . But these are not the workes which God is pleased with : those are the works acceptable vnto him , not which mans curiositie hath inuented , but such as God himselfe hath appointed for vs to walke in , Eph. 1. 10. The hypocrites say , Wherewith shall I come before the Lord , &c. will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams , or with ten thousand riuers of oyle , &c. But the Lord maketh answer , what workes he requireth , To doe iustly , to loue mercie , to humble thy selfe , &c. Mich. 6. 7.

8. Controv. That Gods prouidence , is not onely a bare prescience or permission .

v. 32. According to his will he worketh in the armie of heauen , &c. Polanus hence refelleth that error of certaine Lutherans , who affirme , providentiam Dei nihil aliud esse , nisi praescientiam , that the prouidence of God is nothing els but a certain prescience . formul . concord . fol. 249. for here it is euident , that God is not a fore●eer , but a doer : that all things in heauen and earth fall out according to his will : as Psal. 135. 6. Whatsoeuer pleased the Lord , that did he in heauen and earth , &c. And Luther himselfe was of an other iudgement , whose words are these , Deus omnia infallibili voluntate , & praevidet , proponit & facit , &c. that God by his infallible ●ill doth foresee , propound , and doe all things , &c. Polan .

Calvin further vrgeth this place against those , which make a distinction betweene the will of God , and permission : As though he suffered some things which he would not haue done , which should argue impotencie and weaknes in God , as though he should suffer some things against his will . A voluntarie permission there is in God , in leauing men vnto themselues , and suffering things to worke according to their kind : but an inuoluntarie permission there is not in God , to suffer any thing , which he would not haue done . He suffereth sinne to be done , though he will it not to be done , yet it is his will it should be done , because he knoweth how to make it serue vnto his glorie : yet he is no way the author of sinne , nor yet accessarie vnto it .

9. Controv. Against the presumption of the Pope , who would be without checke and controlement .

v. 32. None may say vnto him , What doest thou ? This prerogatiue and priuiledge this great king giueth onely vnto God , to be controlled of none , nor to giue account of his doings to any . Therefore the presumption of the Pope is intolerable , who challengeth that to himselfe , which is onely peculiar vnto God . As thus his clawbacks and flatterers write of the Papall preheminence and priuiledge , non est de eius potestate inquirendum , quum primae causa nulla si caus● , no man must inquire of his power , seeing he is the cause of causes , and of the first cause there can be no cause , &c. secund. Bald. in capit . E●cles . &c. And , nemo potest dicere Papae , &c. no man must say vnto the Pope , why doe you so . distinct. 40. c. si Papa . Hereof F●ederick the 2. Emperour complained in an epistle to Otto Duke of Bavaria , Rationem actuum nemini quasi sit Deus , reddere vult , id quod soli Deo conuenit , vsurpat &c. he will render account to none of his doings , he vsurpeth that which onely agreeth vnto God , that he can not erre , &c. Annal. Aventin . lib. 7. ex Polan .

6. Morall observations .

1. Observ. Worldly and carnall men doe onely craue the helpe of the godly in the time of neede .

v. 5. Till at the last Daniel came before me . If the Soothsayers and Sorcerers could haue serued Nabuchadnezzers turne , he would not haue sought vnto Daniel : but now all other meanes fayling him , he craueth his helpe to expound the dreame : like as men in their health regard not the physitians , but in their sicknes runne vnto them : So Ieroboam when Abiah his some was sicke , sent vnto Ahiah the Prophet , 2. king . 14.

2. Observ. Witches and Sorcerers not to be sought vnto .

Nabuchadnezzer called all his wise men together , to vnfold the secret of his dreame , but they could doe him no good : by which we are taught , not to runne vnto any such for helpe : 1. because they can not helpe , they are both ignorant , and know nothing , and of no power , and can doe little , as is euident in these Chaldean wizzards , who did but deceiue and abuse the king . 2. Such doe vse the conference of wicked spirits , and therefore to goe vnto such , were to forsake God : As Ahaziah in ●eeking vnto Beelzebub the god of Ekron , did therein denie that there was a God in Israel , 2. King . 1.

3. Observ. Prosperitie is daungerous .

v. 9. The boughes thereof were faire , and the fruit much . Nabuchadnezzer in his flourishing and prosperous state is compared to a good tree both faire and fruitfull : this his prosperitie did lift vp his heart , and made him proud , and therefore his boughes were broken off , to make him know himselfe : So riches and abundance are but a snare to them , which know not how to vse them : therefore the wise man prayeth that God would not giue him riches , least I be full and denie thee , Prov. 30. 9. They say that the palme tree will not grow in a sat ground , but in a light and sandie : and if the soyle be strong and fertile , they must cast salt and ashes at the roote to qualifie the strength of the ground : So if prosperitie be not seasoned with the salt of grace , it is vnfruitfull and vnprofitable . Pintus .

4. Observ. Ministers must be faithfull in deliuering the truth , though it be not pleasing .

As Daniel vers. 2. deliuereth the interpretation to the king of this fearefull and terrible dreame , though he knew it should not be welcome vnto him : so must Ministers in their office be faithfull , as the Apostle saith , It is required of the disposers , that euery one be found faithfull , 1. Cor. 4. 2. They must feare rather to offend God , then to displease men . So the Lord saith to his Prophet , Crie aloud , spare not , lift vp thy voice like a trumpet : and shew my people their transgression , &c. Eli was iudged for sparing and forbearing his wicked sonnes ; 1. Sam. 2. and the false prophets are threatned , for flattering the people , and sowing pillowes vnder their elbowes , Esech. 13. and the watchmen , which tell not the people of the sword comming , shall beare their sinne : the Lord will require their blood at his hand , Esec . 33. 6.

5. Observ. We must looke vnto Gods prouidence in our affliction .

So Daniel saith , c. 2. 21. It is the decree of the most high , which is come vpon my Lord the king : When the Lord layeth his hand vpon his children , they must looke vnto him that correcteth them , and humble themselues before him , and not murmure against him , seeing it commeth not by chaunce , but as it pleaseth the diuine prouidence to dispose , as the Prophet Dauid excellently saith , I held my peace because it was thy doing , Psal. 39. 4.

6. Observ. Of the vtilitie and benefit that commeth of true and effectuall repentance .

V. 33. My glorie and beautie was restored vnto me , &c. Nebuchadnezzar after his seauen yeares humiliation , is restored vnto as great honour as euer he was : So Iob after he had beene afflicted , was raised vp to a more glorious and flourishing estate , then he had before : Dauid after his long time of persecution was established in the kingdome : so affliction , and if it worke true humiliation and repentance , bringeth greater ioy and comfort in the ende , as the Apostle saith , one light affliction which is but for a moment , causeth vnto vs a farre more excellent and eternall weight of glorie , 2. Cor. 4. 17.

7. Observ. Of the greatnesse of the sinne of pride , and how the Lord abhorreth it .

V. 28. While the proud word was in the kings mouth , whereby he boasted of his goodly buildings , which he had made not for Gods honour , but his owne , euen in the same moment did the Lord cast him downe from his princely throne . So Daniel saith , c. 5. 20. when his heart was hardened in pride , he was deposed from his kingly throne : therefore let all those take heede by this example , whose hearts are lifted vp , ascribing their gifts and works to their owne wit , industrie , and strength , or making their owne glorie and praise , the ende and scope of all their doings : for the Scripture saith , the Lord resisteth the proud , 1. Pet. 5. 5.

8. Observ. God fighteth for vs against the Deuill .

V. 27. According to his will he worketh in the armie of heauen . The Lord is the commander of the Angels and princes : both good and bad are subiect vnto him : all things in heauen and earth are swayed according to his will , which is much to the comfort of Gods children , that nothing can hinder their saluation : neither Angels , nor principalities , nor powers , height nor depth , can separate them from the loue of God in Christ , Rom. 8. 39. And so our Blessed Sauiour saith , My father is greater then all , and none can take you out of his hand , Iohn . 10. 29.

CHAP. V.

1. The Methode and Argument .

THe summe and argument of this chapter is an historicall narration , 1. of a fearefull sight , an hand was seene writing vpon a wall . 2. and the interpretation thereof by Daniel .

In the vision these things are declared . 1. the occasion wherefore this vision was sent , which was the profanation of the vessels of the Temple , which is set forth in this manner . 1. the occasion , the king made a feast , v. 1. 2. the vessels are brought and abused in excessiue drinking at the kings commandement , v. 2. 3. 3. & withall they blaspheme God , and praise their idols , v. 4.

2. The vision it selfe followeth , where is noted 1. the time . 2. what appeared , a mans hand . 3. the manner , it did write . 4. the place , ouer against the candlesticke .

3. The effects are two . 1. the king seeth it , v. 5. 2. vpon his fight he is troubled , both inwardly in his thoughts , and outwardly in his bodie , his countenance is changed , his Ioynes loosed , and his knees smote together , v. 6.

In the interpretation , there is the way and preparation made vnto it , vnto v. 17. then the declaration it selfe , from v. 17. to the ende .

In the preparation there is , 1. the kings inquisition of his soothsayers , but all in vaine , v. 10. 2. his sending for Daniel at the Queenes motion . In the inquisition . 1. the wise men are called . 2. the matter is propounded with promise of great reward , v. 7. 3. their vaine attempt is shewed , v. 8. 4. the euent thereof the kings perplexitie , v. 9.

In Daniels sending for , 1. there is the Queenes motion and speach , see the parts thereof , quest. 22. 2. the execution by the king , with his speach vnto Daniel , which consisteth of 4. parts . 1. his enquirie concerning his person . 2. a commendation of his gifts , v. 14. 3. a narration of the wisemens weakenes and insufficiencie , v. 15. 4. a promise of great reward to Daniel , if he can expound the vision , v. 16.

Then followeth the declaration it selfe which consisteth , 1. of a sharpe reprehension or redargution , the order and methode thereof see quest. 25. 2. the interpretation it selfe , the parts thereof see , quest. 31.

2. The text with the diuerse readings .

1. v. Belshatzar the king made a great feast ( bread . C. ) to a thousand of his princes , and dranke wine before the thousand ( and euery one dranke wine according to his age . L. ad . )

2. And Belshatzar while he tasted wine ( in the tast of wine . C. S. that is , beeing now enflamed with wine , and merrie with wine . L. while the wine was in : for to tast wine . I. but it is said before v. 1. that he had drunke wine ) commanded to bring the vessells of gold and siluer , which his father Nebuchadnezzar had brought from the Temple in Ierusalem : that the king and his princes , his wiues and concubines might drinke therein .

3. Then were brought the golden vessels , which they had taken out of the Temple of the Lords house , which was at Ierusalem , and the king and his princes , his wiues , and his concubines , dranke in them .

4. They dranke wine , and praised the gods of gold and siluer , of brasse , of yron , of wood , and stone .

5. At the same time came forth ( appeared . B. G. L. ) the fingers of a mans hand , which wrote ouer against the candlesticke vpon the plaister of the wall of the kings palace : and the king sawe the palme ( or part . I. the ioynts , or knuckels . L. V. B. pas , signifieth a part , some interpret it the palme ) of the hand that wrote .

6. Then the kings countenance ( glory or brightnesse . C. which Iunius vnderstandeth of that whole festiuitie which was suddenly turned ) was changed ( changed it selfe . C. ) & his thoughts troubled him , so that the girdle I. ( bands . C. V. ioyntes . L. B. G. ) of his loynes was loosed , and his knees smote one against another .

7. Then the king cried aloud ( strongly . C. ) that they should bring in the Astrologians , Chaldeans , and the Soothsayers , ( wisards . B. ) And the king spake and said to the wisemen of Babel , Whosoeuer can reade me this writing , and shewe me the interpretation thereof , shall be cloathed in purple , and shall haue a chaine of gold about his necke , and shall be the third ruler ( rule the third . C. ) in the kingdome .

8. Then came all the kings wise men , but they could neither read the writing , nor make knowne vnto the king the interpretation .

9. Then was king Belshatzar greatly troubled , and his countenance was changed in him , and his princes were astonied .

10. Now the Queene by reason of the talke of the king and his princes , came into the banket house , and the Queene spake and said , O king liue for euer : let not thy thoughts trouble thee , neither let thy countenance be changed .

11. There is a man in thy kingdome , in whom is the spirit of the holy gods , and in the dayes of thy father , light ( lat. det . ) and vnderstanding , and wisedome , like the wisedome of the gods ( L. S. det . ) was found in him : whom the king Nebuchad-nezzar thy father made chiefe of the Magicians , Astrologians , Chaldeans , and soothsayers , the king ( I say ) thy father ( thy grandfather . I. ) .

12. Because that a more abundant spirit ( excellent . I. G. ) and knowledge , and vnderstanding the interpretation of dreams , & decla●ing of hard sentences , and the solution of doubts , ( knots . C. ) was found in Daniel , whom the king named ( imposed the name ) Beltashazzar : now let Daniel be called , and he will declare the interpretation .

13. Then was Daniel brought before the king , and the king spake , and said vnto Daniel , art thou that Daniel , which art of the children of the captiuitie of Iudah , whom my father the king brought out of Iudea ?

14. Now I haue heard of thee , that the spirit of the holy gods is in thee , and that light and vnderstanding , and excellent ( abundant . C. ) wisedome is found in thee .

15. Now therefore wisemen and Astrologers haue beene brought before me , that they should reade this writing , and make knowne vnto me the interpretation thereof : but they were not able to declare the interpretation of the thing .

16. Then heard I of thee , that thou art able to shewe interpretations ( interpret interpretations . C. ) and dissolue doubts ( knots . C. ) now if thou canst reade the writing , and shewe me the interpretation thereof , thou shalt be clothed in purple , and haue a chaine of gold about thy necke , and shalt be the third ruler in the kingdome .

17. Then Daniel answered and said before the king , Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe ( thy rewardes be to thee . C. ) and giue thy gifts to another : yet will I read the writing to the king , and make knowne the interpretation vnto him .

18. O thou king , ( heare thou O king . G. ) Iunius referreth it to the 22. v. but it is better put interrogatiuely ) the most high God gaue vnto Nebuchadnezzar thy father , a kingdome , and maiestie , and power , and glorie .

19. And for the maiestie , that he gaue him , all people , nations and languages trembled , and feared ( were trembling and fearing before him : whom he would he slue , and whom he would he saued aliue . I. ( he 〈◊〉 . L. S. B. G. V. but the other is fitter , as set in opposition to the former clause : and then the word must not be deriued of macah to smite , but of caiah to make aliue ) whom he would he set vp , and whom he would he put downe .

20. But when his heart was lifted vp , and his minde ( spirit . C. ) hardened in pride , he was deposed ( caused to descend . C. ) from his kingly throne , and they tooke his glorie from him .

21. And he was driuen from the sonnes of men , and his heart became as a beasts ( was put vnto the beasts . C. ) and his dwelling was with the wild asses , they fedde him with grasse like oxen , and his bodie was wer with the dewe of heauen , till he knewe that the most high God bare rule ouer the kingdome of men , and he appointeth ouer it , whomsouer he pleaseth .

22. And thou his sonne O Belshatzar , hast not humbled thine heart , though thou knewest all this .

23. But hast lift thy selfe vp against the Lord of heauen , and they haue brought the vessels of his house before thee , and thou , and thy princes , thy wiues , and thy concubines , haue drunke wine in them , and thou hast praised the gods of siluer , and gold , and brasse , yron , woode , and stone , which neither see , neither heare , nor vnderstand .

24. Then was the part ( palme . B. G. knuckles . B. ioynts . V. L. see before v. 5. ) of an hand sent from his presence : and so this writing was written . C. ( & hath written this writing . G. B.

25. And this is the writing that is written : mene , mene , tekel , vpharsin .

26. And this is the interpretation of the words ( of the things . B. G. ) Mene , God hath numbred out thy kingdome , and hath finished it .

27. Tekel , thou art weighed in the balance , and art found wanting ( too light . G. )

28. Peres ( diuided . I. and so he interpreteth the other words before , but first the words are set downe , as they were written , and then the interpretation ) thy kingdome is deuided , and giuen vnto the Medes and Persians .

29. Then Belshatzar gaue charge ( said . C. ) and they cloathed Daniel with purple , and put a chaine of gold about his neck , and made proclamation concerning him , that he should be the third ruler in the kingdome .

30. The same night was Belshatzar the king of the Chaldeans slaine .

31. And Darius ( Dariaves . C. ) the Mede tooke the kingdome , beeing threescore and two yeare old .

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

Quest. 1. Why this chapter is transposed and not set downe according to the order of time .

1. It is euident by the last verse of this chapter , that this historie fell out in the last yeare of Balthazars raigne , for at this time Babylon was taken : but the prophesies and visions contained , cap. 7. 8. were shewed vnto Daniel before , the one in the first yeare , c. 7. 8. the other in the third , cap. 8. 1.

2. The reason hereof is this , because Daniel would set downe together all the matters of fact and historie vnto the 7. chapter , and then followe the propheticall visions together , which onely were reuealed to Daniel , from cap. 7. to the ende ; beside this chapter hath a very fit coherence with the former : for as there it is shewed how Nebuchahnezzar was punished for his pride , so the like is set forth here in the fall of Balthazar .

3. It is like that many other memorable acts fell out in the raigne of Nebuchadnezzar , his sonne Euilmerodach , and this Balthazar , but Daniel onely toucheth such things , quorum vtilis futura erat posteris memoria , the memorie and knowledge whereof might be profitable to posteritie : as were these miraculous workes of God , which were shewed vpon these kings , Theodoret.

Quest. 2. Of the kings of Chaldea which succeeded after Nebuchadnezzar .

1. Iosephus setteth them downe in this order , lib. 10. antiqui . c. 13. after Nebuchadnezzar he nameth his sonne Abilomarodachus , then Niglisar his sonne , and Labosardachus his sonne the father of Balthazar : the same order followeth Eusebius differing somewhat in names : he calleth these four Amilmathapacus , Egressa●ius , Labosardochus , Balthazar : lib. 9. de praepar . c 3. so also Hierome and Lyran.

2. Metasthenes as Pintus alleadgeth him , saith that Euilmerodach had three sonnes which succeeded one another , the first Niglazar , or Regassar , who raigned 2. yeares , then Lab-assar-dach , who raigned 3. yeares , and the third was Balthazar .

3. But all these are deceiued : for it is euident out of the S●●●pture , Ierem. 27. v. 5 , 6 , 7. that after Nebuchadnezzar succeeded onely his sonne , and his sonnes sonne : there were not then 4. descents , but onely three from Nebuchadnezzar , who was the grandfather , not the greatgrandfather of Bal●hazar : for after Nebuchadnezzar succeeded Euilmerodach , 2. king . 25. 27. and after him his sonne Balthazar , thus Hugo . Vatab. Inn. Oecolamp . Calvin .

4. But hereupon riseth this difference , that this Ncega-letzer , or Niglazar did depose Euilmerodach his kinsman , who together with his sonne Balthazar liued in exile among the Medes , and in the meane time Neegaletzer , or Niglazar possessed the kingdome : and so indeede there were fower in all , but one of them was an vsurper , Polan . see more hereof afterward , quest. 20.

Quest. 3. Of the diuerse names of this Balthazar .

1. He is here called Belshatzar , which signifieth a searcher of treasure , of belash , scrutatus est , he searched , and atzar , treasure : he is called of Metasthenes , Balt — assar , and in the vulgar Latine , Balsasar , of the Septuag. Baltasar .

2. He was also called Nabobonidus , or Naboan with Iosephus , or Nebonidachus in Eusebius , or as others Nebonidus : which signifieth a prince expelled .

3. Herodotus calleth him Labynetus , or Labunit●s , the sonne of Nitocris , whom he maketh more famous then Semiramis : but here Herodotus falleth into great error , making these two famous Queenes but fiue ages or generations one before another , whereas from Semiramis to Nitocris , there were runne a 1500. yeares . Peter .

4. Pererius thinketh , that this Balthazar was called Merodach , because Ieremie saith , cap. 50. 2. Bel is confounded , Merodach is broken downe : where Merodach which signifieth sceptrifer , a scepter bearer , is there vnderstood rather of their idol Bel , as appeareth by the phrase , is broken downe : which title also they gaue vnto their kings , Iun. annot . some thinke that Euilmerodach was so called , as to say prince of Merodaci● , the name of a region of Babylon , which Ptolomie calleth Amordacia , Polan .

Quest. 4. In what yeare of Balthazars raigne this historie fell out .

1. Pererius thinketh it was in the 17. yeare of his raigne . Hugo Cardinal . in the 18. yeare : Metasthenes giueth vnto Balthazars raigne 5. yeares : Calvin saith he raigned 8. yeares , and this happened in the last yeare of his raigne .

2. But it was rather in the third and last yeare of his raigne , as Oecolamp . Bulling . for if so many as 17. or 18. yeares be allowed vnto Balthazars raigne , there will be more then 70. yeares of captiuitie , which now were expired at the taking of Babylon , and Cyrus entrance : for 37. yeares were gone of the captiuitie before Euilmerodach beganne to raigne , 2. king . 25. 27. then Euilmerodach raigned as some account 30. yeares , Bulling. others giue him but 23. Oecolampad . Calvin . they that giue the least reckon 18. yeares , Iosephus . there could not then be yet 18. yeares remayning . And that it was in the third yeare rather , then in the 5. or 8. this may be a probable reason , because there is mention in Daniel of noe more then the 3. yeare of Balthazar , c. 8. 1.

Quest. 5. Of the greatnesse of Balthazars feast .

Vers. 1. He made a great feast . We reade of other feasts as great as this , as that which Ptolome the last king of that name , the father of Cleopatra , made vnto Pompey : who envited a thousand of his captaines to a feast , setting before euerie one of them a cuppe of gold to drinke in , and changing the dishes with the messes . But Alexanders feast also exceeded this , who at the solemnizing of his mariage bid 10. thousand gh●stes , giuing vnto euery one of them a golden cuppe . And Assuerus feast went beyond these , who had at one feast all the princes and captaines of his kingdome and prouinces , which were an 127. Esther . 1. 1. But of all other that was the greatest feast , which Plin●e writeth to haue bin made by Pythius , who entertained all Xerxes huge armie , which consisted of 700. thousand , and 88. thousand men : and promised them pay for fiue moneths . 2. Yet this was a great feast , wherein were present a thousand of Balthazars nobles , and if there were so many of his princes , the rest of the companie and followers farre exceeded . Hugo thinketh that there were many more , for here a certaine number is taken for an vncertaine : but this was a sufficient companie for a Princes feast . And it fell so out by Gods prouidence , that all these should be here assembled together , that they might all tast of the same calamitie : as Ieremie prophesieth , c. 50. 35. A sword is vpon the Chaldeans ( saith the Lord ) and vpon the inhabitants of Babel , and vpon her princes and wise men , Polan .

Quest. 6. Of the manner and order of this feast .

1. The Latine interpreter readeth , and euerie one dranke according to his age : which is two wayes vnderstood , either that they sate downe according to their age , or that they did drinke in measure , euerie one according to his strength ; sic Lyranus . Perer. Hugo . Pintus . But beside , that to sit according to their age , is not to drinke according to their age , and it is not like that there was any order or measure obserued in drinking , in this riotus feast , there is no such thing in the originall : but thus are the words truely interpreted , he drank wine before a thousand , so also the Septuag.

2. Which words some of the Rabbines doe so vnderstand , as though the king did striue with these thousand of his princes , who should drinke most , Osiand . Some thinke thereby is noted his vnshamefastnesse , that whereas he vsed at other times to be drunke in secret , now he is drunken before a thousand witnesses : But although hereby is noted his intemperancie , that before his nobles tooke such fill of drinke , encouraging them to doe the like by his euill example , yet here is an allusion to the fashion of that countrey , the princes vsed to take their meate alone : but now to giue the better welcome , he doth not onely drinke before them in the same place , yet at another table , as Vatablus , but he enteraineth them as his ghests , eating and drinking together .

Quest. 7. Of the occasion of this feast .

1. Hierome from certaine Hebrewes reporteth , that Balthazar hauing heard , that the Iewes were to be held in captiuitie 70. yeares , which time now by his account was expired , doth make a feast , as insulting against the Lords people , as though all were fables , & that no such thing was to be expected ▪ But Hierome counteth this as a fable , for those 70. yeares were not yet expired .

2. Some thinke that the Chaldeans had chased away the Persians and Medes from the citie , and thereupon the feast was made ▪ Some that Cyrus and Darius beeing ouercome , did ●●mage to the king , & were at this feast , while in the meane time their army diuided the riuer into diuerse channels , and so made it paessable , and by this means took the citie : for if this had beene so , after Daniel had expounded the writing vpon the wall , and had said , thy kingdome is diuided , and giuen vnto the Medes and Persians ; ver. 28. if Cyrus and Darius had beene present , they would haue made them sure enough .

3. Some coniecture that the Persians might seeme to giue way for a time in policie to make the Babylonians more secure , and that they thereupon for ioy made this feast : But they which write of these warres , report that Cyrus of a long time had now besieged the citie .

4. The occasion then of this feast was indeede an annuall solemnitie , which they kept yearely about the 16. day of the moneth which the Greeks call 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Loon , which continued fiue dayes together , wherein the seruants beare sway in euerie familie , and for that time their masters were subiect vnto them : and they vsed to choose one out of their companie apparelled like the king , whom they called in the Chalde language Segane , which signifieth a Prince , Iun. Cyrus as Xenophon writeth , tooke his opportunitie by reason of this feast , to assault the citie more strongly . Now the Babylonians were secure , both beeing confident in the strength and defence of the citie , which was compassed both with high walls , and with the great riuer Euphrates : as also they had prouision laid vp in the citie , as both Xenophon and Herodotus write , for 20. yeares and more . And this made them so secure .

Quest. 8. Who commanded the vessels of the temple to be brought , and how .

V. 2. Balthazzar while he tasted the wine . 1. The word is beteghem , in the tast , which word also signifieth counsell , aduise ; and thereupon Ab. Ezra thus interpreteth it , in consilio vini , he commanded as the wine aduised him , vino dictante , the wine thus decreed : but this interpretation , as Caluin noteth is too curious . 2. Iunius readeth , ad gustandum vinum , he sent for the vessels to tast wine in them : But it seemeth they had well drunke wine before , ver. 1. and this was a fruite of their excesse and drunkennesse . 3. The word chamra , which here signifieth wine , some would deriue of the Hebrew word chamar , that signifieth an asse , and vnderstand hereby that some Agaso , some base fellowe that kept or draue asses , was set vp in this feast to be their king , and that at his bidding all things were done : they suppose him to haue beene such an one , as is vsed to be called the Lord of misrule : but that Chamra is here taken for wine , is euident , ver. 1. the king drunke wine . 4. wherefore the vsuall reading is best : the king in the tasting of wine , &c. that is , when his heart was merrie and ouercome with wine , as R. Dauid and R. Leui reade , he was temulentus , now drunke with wine .

Quest. 9. Of Balthazars profaning of the holy vessels .

Balthazar offendeth diuerse wayes . 1. In his presumption , he aduentureth to doe that which neither Nebuchadnezzar , nor Euilmerodach , his grandfather , or father before him attempted : for none of them are read , to haue brought forth these sacred vessels , Calvin . 2. then he profaneth the holy vessels in turning them to profane vses , which were consecrated and dedicated onely to the seruice of God : Bulling. 3. he bringeth them forth not for any necessarie or sober vse , but in this drunken and lasciuious feast , he causeth them to be set before combibo●ibus & scortis , his drunken companions and harlots , Bulling , for here were present his wiues and concubines , Bulling. 4. But the greatest impietie of all was , that they praised their abhominable idols ; not onely giuing them the honour of their plentie and feasting : for it was the manner of the heathen in the beginning of their feasts to sacrifice vnto their gods , Perer. but they ascribed this victorie vnto their idols , when these vessels were taken from the Temple at Ierusalem , as though their filthie idols were stronger then the God of Israel , Bulling.

Quest. 10. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did not likewise profane the vessels , in laying them vp in his idols temple .

1. It will be obiected , that Nebuchadnezzar did as much profane them , by placing them in the Temple of his idols , as the Philistims in bringing the Arke into the house of Dagon : but there the Lord shewed his iudgement euen vpon their god in striking off his head and hands , and punished also the Philistims for that profanation , 1. Sam. 5.

2. The answer here is , that the contempt was not alike : for the Philistims presented their idol with the Arke as a monument of their victorie , and so robbed God of his honour , but Nebuchadnezzar of some religious respect did lay vp these vessels in the Temple , as not fit to be profaned and turned to any common vse : and therefore so long as the vessels were there kept , the Lord seemed not to be angrie , Hugo ex gloss . This also may be added , that the Arke was a more sacred thing , then the golden vessels ▪ for that was not lawful to be touched or seene of any ; therefore the abuse offered thereunto was more hainous .

Quest. 11. Of the blind and obscure idolatrie of the Chaldeans .

1. V. 4. They praised the gods of gold &c. 1. Concerning their blind idolatrie , 1. they vsed to set vp their images before their faces , in some humane shape , to the which they sacrificed in the beginning of their feasts , as Athen. lib. 8. Dypnosophist . c. 13. 2. These were made of diuers mettalls , according to the propertie of those things which they represented : as they made the image of the Sunne of gold , of Mars of yron , of the Moone of siluer : as Alexander the coppersmith is said to haue made siluer shrines for Diana , Act. 19. Lyran. 3. And further how absurd and foolish the Chaldean idolatrie was , is thus described , Baruch , c. 6. v. 3. You shall see in Babel gods of gold and siluer borne vpon mens shoulders : v. 9. they make crownes of gold for their heads . v. 13. one holdeth a scepter , as though he were a certaine Iudge of the countrey , yet can not slay such as offend him . v. 14. an other hath an axe or dagger , or an axe in his right hand , yet is not able to defend himselfe in battell . v. 16. their eyes are full of dust . v. 17. the Priests keepe the Temples shut with doores and barres vpon them , as gates are shut vp round about vpon offenders . v. 18. they light vp candles before them , &c. such is the vanitie of their idols , and the blindnes of those which worship them .

2. And what their obscenitie was in their idolatrous seruice , is shewed in the same place , v. 42. the women girded with coards , sit in the streets , and burne straw : and if one of them be drawne away , and lie with any such as come by , shee casteth her neighbour in the teeth , because shee was not so worthily reputed , nor her coard broken . Her●dot . lib. 1. Herodotus sheweth at large the manner of this vile custome among the Babylonians , how euery woman once in her life is bound to goe to the temple of Venus , and there to sit , vntill one come and cast money into her lappe , which she taking must rise and goe aside with him , and suffer him to haue his pleasure of her . They which are beautifull are soone dispatched of their attendance , but they which are deformed are faine to sit two or three yeares , till some stranger come vnto them . Thus their idolatrie was ioyned with obscenitie : as at this time , while they praise their gods of siluer and gold , they haue their concubines present . And therefore Balthazars fault was the greater , quia vasa illa exposuit vxoribus & concubinis , because he did expose those vessels to his wiues and concubines . gloss . ordinar .

Quest. 12. How farre it is lawfull to apply sacred things to profane vses .

1. Polanus is of opinion , that it is not lawfull at all to transferre things consecrated vnto God to any prophane vse : for if Balthazzar were reprooued for profaning the holy vessels , much greater is the fault of Christians to abuse such things : & so he concludeth , papistis erepta , &c. things taken from the Papists , if they be consecrated vnto God , eidem dicata maneant , they must so remaine still .

Contra. 1. There is great difference to be made betweene things rightly consecrated vnto God , and true religion , and things applyed to superstitious vses , as Melancthon wel saith , res consecratas sine verbo Dei , non esse discernendas à prophanis , that things consecrate without any warrant of Gods word , are not discerned from prophane , &c. there is not then the like reason betweene the vessels of the Temple , which were consecrated to Gods seruice by his owne commandement , which were no wayes to be profaned , and such things as are dedicated to Popish superstition , which haue no such warrant . 2. It is euident that Hezekiah , when he brake downe the hrasen serpent , which was abused to idolatrie , did apply it to profane vses , calling it but a peice of brasse , 2. King . 18. 4.

2. Lyranus opinion is , that the consecrated things , the propertie and forme not altered , should not be translated vnto any other vse : and therefore saith he , it was decreed , vt calix in propria forma , non vendatur nisi alteri Ecclesiae , &c. that a chalice in the proper forme , should not be sold , but vnto an other Church . Contra. But there may be such necessitie of the Church and Commonwealth , as to redeeme captiues , to maintaine warre , that the chal●ces may be melted , and turned into money : And so was it made lawfull by an Imperiall constitution of Iustinian , that to redeeme captiues it should be lawfull to sell the vessells and ornaments of the Church , and this reason is yeelded , non absurdum est animas hominum quibuscunque vestimentis praeferri , it is not inconuenient , that the soules of men should be preferred before vestiments . Cod. lib. 5. ti● 5. leg. 17.

3. It is not then simply vnlawfull to translate vpon some vrgent occasion things consecrate to religion to some other vses : wherein these seuerall considerations must be obserued .

We must distinguish betweene things deuoted vnto God and his seruice , and things ordained to superstitious vses , which haue no right consecration .

1. Concerning superstitious implements they may be conuerted to other vses . 1. so that it be done sine furto , without theft , or any disorderly manner : not by any priuate man , but by such as haue authoritie . 2. It must be prouided , that sufficient maintenance be remaining vnto the Church , such superstitious dedications beeing cut off : quantum opus est Ecclesus , impertire debent , they must impart vnto the Church so much as is sufficient . 3. The things superstitiously abused , and euill imployed , as to maintaine idle bellies , and Abbey-lubbers , should be conuerted vnto good vses , the maintenance of preachers , releefe of the poore and such like . 4. The things taken from Ecclesiasticall vse , must not be abused to riot and excesse : which made Balthazars fault the greater , in prophaning these holy vessels in his drunken feast . And so it hath beene the miserable vse in some places , that great men , consumptis bonis in conuiuijs , frequenter se conuertunt ad spoliandum ecclesias , &c. hauing consumed their owne goods in banketting and feasting , doe often fall to the spoyling of Churches . gloss . ordinar . 5. A difference is to be made in those things which are consecrated : some are of necessarie vse , and are not to be alienated : some were added of superfluitie , and were not so pertinent , or properly belonging to the Church : as the politike dominions , and ciuill iurisdictions , which were giuen to Ecclesiasticall persons , were not so fit to be administred by them : Melancth. But the tithes of the Church , as the proper maintenance thereof , and originally theirs , it had beene happie , if they neuer had beene alienated .

2. Now as touching things consecrated vnto true religious vses , there is lesse libertie in alienating of such things : where these cauteles must be obserued . 1. We must distinguish betweene those things , which are of necessarie vse in Gods seruice , and those which are not so necessarie : as the high Priest gaue Dauid Goliaths sword , which was consecrated vnto God , but of no vse in his seruice : the holy vessels , which were vsed in the Temple , he would not so easily haue giuen him . 2. Euen those Church implements ▪ which are vsed , must giue place to necessitie , and to workes of charitie , as is shewed before : for God will haue mercie , and not sacrifice : to adorne Churches with gold , and to suffer the poore members of Christ to starue , is not pleasing vnto him . Dauid in his extreame hunger did eate of the shew bread , which it was not lawfull for any but the Priests to eate . 3. But like as Dauid , if he could haue prouided other bread , would not haue eaten of that : so all meanes must first be vsed , and the last refuge must be to the Church goods , in such extreame cases , and vrgent necessities .

13. Quest. Of the fingers , which appeared in the wall , how they were caused .

1. R. Saadiah thinketh that this was the hand of the Angel Gabriel , who is called the man Gabriel , c. 9. 21. and here it is said to be a mans band : but the same word is not vsed in both places : for here the word is enosh , home , and in the other , ish , vir : this then is but a weake reason .

2. The most thinke this was done , ministerio Angelico , by the ministerie of Angels , Oecolamp . Lyran operatione Angeli , by the operation of an Angel , Pint. so also Osiand . but Daniel saith , v. 24. that the hand was sent from God .

3. Wherefore I rather thinke with Calvin , that Deus scripsit virtute su● , God did write it by his power : digiti Iehovae fuerunt , they were the fingers of God , Polan . who procured or caused by his power a mans hand to appeare : not that it was indeede a mans hand , but had the similitude thereof , Calvin .

4. Rupertus more particularly saith it was the hand of Christ , c. 9. in Daniel . thus writing , qui per lapidem de monte sine manibus , in prima , &c. be which is described by a stone cut out of the mountaine without hands , in the first vision , and is expressed by his owne name in the second ( where he is called the sonne of God ) and by the name of watchman , and the holy one , in the third , per manum scribentis designatur , is designed by the hand of a writer in the fourth .

5. But that is too curious , which is obserued by the ordinarie gloss . God is the writer , the hand is the sonne of God , by whome he made all things , digiti spiritus sanctus , the fingers are the holy Ghost .

14. Quest. Whether it were the likenes of a● hand onely , and seene of Balthazar alone ▪

1. Lyranus thinketh it was onely the similitude of an hand : it was not manus scribentis secundum existentium , the hand of a writer hauing any true existence , for then it would haue beene seene of others as well as of Balthazar , whereas it is saide onely of Balthazar , that he saw it , Contra. Pererius here refelleth the opinion of Lyranus . 1. The Scripture setteth it downe simply , that the fingers of a mans hand appeared : there is no note of similitude added . 2. Though it is said expressely , that Balthazar saw it , it followeth not , but that others might see it also . 3. Neither is his reason good , though the rest had not seene it : for God may open the eyes of some to see such visions , which others see not : as the young man with the Prophet , saw not at the first the fierie charets and horse which the Prophet saw , till his eyes were opened , 2. king . 6. Perer. 4. Hereunto may be added , that God vseth not to feed mens eyes with phantasies , but true appearances : phantasticall apparitions are the illusions of Sathan . 5. And as it was a true writing remaining vpon the wall , so was it a substantiall hand that wrote it .

2. Some thinke further , that Balthazar first and onely saw this sight , and not the rest of the gh●sts : as Balaams asse saw the Angel , before he saw it : so Oecolampad . Calvin speaketh doubtfully : the king saw it , proceres forte non ita , the nobles perhaps not : But I rather thinke with Iunius , that it was seene of all , vt omnes euidenter animaduerterent , &c. that all men might see euidently , it was the hand of God . And so much may be gathered , v. 10. the Queene came in by reason of the talke of the king and his Princes : this strange sight was the matter of all their talke .

15. Quest. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand .

1. The time is noted , that it might euidently appeare , propter quod erat vindicta , wherefore this reuenge came , Lyran. for as he was in the middes of his cuppes , and blasphemed God , and praised his idols , then this hand was sent : like as before while the word was in Nabuchadnezzers mouth , the sentence was pronounced against him for his pride . gloss . ordinarie .

2. The fingers of an hand appeared : the hand is the instrument of working , Deus exerit manum iam percussurus , God putteth forth his hand now readie to smite : it signifieth therefore the celeritie of Gods iudgements . Bulling.

3. And in that the hand was seene to write , it sheweth the certentie of the iudgement : sententia iam scripta & lata est , the sentence was written and decreed against him . Oecolamp .

4. And the hand was seene in loco aspectabili , in a conspicuous place , ouer against the candlesticke ; not in a corner of the house , but ouer against the middes , where they vsed to set vp their lights , Polan . and vpon the white pargent of the wall , that it might be the better seene , Bulling.

16. Quest. Why this hand appeared ouer against the candlesticke .

1. The most doe make this the reason of it , vt melius appareat manus , &c. that both the hand , and that which was written , might better appeare . gloss . ordinar. H●g . vt illustretur scriptura , that the writing might be more conspicuous : so the place where it appeared was very bright , tum ob alborem parietis , both because of the whitenes of the wall , and the light of the candlesticke , Bulling. and Calvin giueth a reason of it , fuit nocturnum conviuium , it was a night banket .

2. Iunius in his Commentarie thinketh that this writing was made the more conspicuous , non solum luce diei , sed etiam lampadum , not onely by the light of the day , but of the lamps also : But it is not like they would set vp lamps and lights in their feasts by day .

3. I rather approoue Iunius iudgement in his annotations , whome Polanus followeth , who thinketh , that this was an hanging candlesticke prepared to giue light against the night : for till then was the feast protracted : it was not de nocte coeptum , begun in the night : for afterward Daniel is rewarded , beeing cloathed with purple , and a chaine of gold put about his necke , with proclamation made , that he should be the third in the kingdome ; which is not like to haue beene done in the night : as it may appeare also by the sending for of the Chaldeans and wise men : and further it is like it was done in the day , that Gods iudgements might be so much the more manifest and euident to all men . This place , ouer against the candlesticke , is mentioned , because it was a conspicuous place , about the middes of the house , where their lights vsed to hang. Polan .

17. Quest. Of Balthazars sudden feare , and the manner thereof .

v. 6. The kings countenance changed . 1. This sudden passion and great feare of the king is set forth by the parts , it was both internall : his thoughts troubled him , then it wrought vpon his bodie , by diuers degrees , first , his countenance was changed , waxing wanne and pale , the blood running all to the heart and vitall parts , as it vseth to doe in such sudden feare : Lyran , then his bodie so trembled , that both his loynes did shake and quake , in so much , that he was constrained se discingere , to vnbrace himselfe , as it were sweating & swelling for feare , Iun. Polan . and then his knees smote together , and it is like also that his teeth chattered in his head . Hug.

2. Though Balthazar vnderstood not the meaning of this writing , yet he trembled and feared , expecting some present iudgement , because his owne conscience accused him . And though the wicked for the most part are hardened , and are not much mooued by the iudgements of God ; yet Gods hand was here vpon Balthazar , and strooke terrour into his soule ; this beeing as the last summons , to call him before the Lords tribunall seate . Polan .

3. This his terror might haue beene a preparation to his repentance , if he had had grace to vse it : sed in medio cursu defecit , he gaue ouer in the middes of his course : for these his passions did soone vanish away : he was not much mooued afterward , when Daniel had shewed vnto him , how present the daunger was , and at hand . Calvin .

18. Quest. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest .

1. Lyranus moouing the like doubt , why Nabuchadnezzer vpon his second dreame called not for Daniel with the first , c. 4. giueth this reason , that Daniel was at that time absent about some necessarie affaires , and the king expected his comming : which was the cause , why he commanded not all the Soothsayers to be killed , as he did the first time he dreamed : But neither was that the cause then , but rather Nabuchadnezzer was still addicted vnto his superstitious Chaldeans , and would not haue vsed Daniel at all , if he could haue found any helpe at their hands : neither can this reason be alleadged here , for it seemeth Daniel was much neglected .

2. Wherefore , as Osiander well collecteth , it seemeth that Daniel so much esteemed in Nabuchadnezzers time , was not employed vnder licentious Balthazar : he was a straunger in Court , and growne out of knowledge , and therefore the old Queene , to whome he was knowne in Nabuchadnezzers daies , maketh first mention of him .

19. Quest. v. 8. How it came to passe , that the wise men could not so much as read the writing .

1. Lyranus thinketh the Chaldees could not read the writing , because it was written in Hebrew letters , which they were ignorant of : but there beeing such great affinitie betweene the Hebrew and Chalde tongue , it is not like there was such difference in the characters , but that the learned among them might haue read them .

2. The Hebrew Cabbalists imagine , that the letters were inuerted , and the words transposed , and set out of order , and so they could not read them : but it seemeth by Daniels reading of the writing , and setting downe of the words in order , as they were written , that there was no such transposing .

3. Pererius thinketh the meaning is , that they could not read the words with any vnderstanding , they knew not what words to ioyne together , to make any sense or construction of them : but it is euident by Daniels speech afterward , that they could neither read the writing at all , nor giue the interpretation : for first he saith , This is the writing : it should seeme then , that they could not so much as spell the words : and then he addeth , This is the interpretation , v. 26.

4. Wherefore it is most probable , that this writing was written in some strange and vnknowne characters vnto the Chaldeans : or rather which is most like , that they were so blinded , and astonished by the power of God , that they could not read it : they were caecitate & stupore perculsi , smitten with blindnes and stupiditie . Polan . so also Calvin .

20. Quest. What Queene it was , which came in .

v. 10. Now the Queene by reason of the talke of the King , &c. came in . 1. This Queene was not Balthazars wife , as Porphyrie scoffingly obiected , that shee knew more then her husband : for of his wiues mention is made before , v. 3. that his wiues and concubines drunk in the vessels of the Temple which were brought .

2. Origen , and so also Theodoret , take her to haue beene the mother of Balthazar : so Bullinger alleadgeth Herodotus to haue beene of the same opinion , who calleth the mother of Labynetus , which was this Balthazar , Nitocris , whome he maketh as famous as Semiramis : so also Polanus .

3. But Iosephus opinion , which Hierome followeth , and Lyranus , thinke that this Queene was grandmother to Balthazar , and wife sometime to Nabuchadnezzer ; whereof these two reasons may be yeilded : 1. one which Theodoret alleadgeth , verisimile est eam seni● confectam , &c. it is like , that shee beeing stricken in yeares , did not giue her selfe to drinking and dauncing , and such other sports , &c. this coniecture sheweth it to be more probable , that shee was his grandmother , then mother : for his mother could not be so old , he hauing raigned but 3. yeares , beeing the eldest sonne , and heire to the kingdome . 2. the other reason Lyranus vrgeth , which Pintus also approoueth , because shee speaketh of things done in Nabuchadnezzers daies , which sheweth , mulierem fuisse iam vetulam , that shee was now a very old woman , Calvin .

21. Quest. In what sense Nabuchadnezzer is called Balthazars father .

1. Some thinke that Nabuchadnezzer was his great grandfather , and that Balthazar was not the third , but the fourth from him : so Iosephus whome Hierome and Beda follow : see before , qu. 2. But this can not be so , because Ierem. 27. v. 5 , 6. the Lord promiseth the kingdome to Nabuchadnezzer , and to his sonne , and to his sonnes sonne , and staieth there .

2. An other opinion was of Alexander Polyhistor , and Alpheus , with others , whome Iosephus mentioneth , lib. 1. cont. Appion . that foure raigned after Nabuchadnezzer : 1. Euilmerodach . 2. Niglasar his sisters husband , who killed him . 3. Labosardach his sonne , who was deposed for his misgouernment , and slaine : and then Balthazar was chosen by common consent . But by this account Balthazar should not be at all of Nabuchadnezzers stocke and line , contrarie to the Scripture , which calleth him his sonne .

3. The author of the Scholasticall historie saith , that there were two Nabuchadnezzers , the father and the sonne : and that Euilmerodach was brother to the second , and raigned after him , who had three sonnes which succeeded one an other in the kingdome after him , Niglazar , Labosardach , and Balthazar : so he maketh Nabuchadnezzer the great , grandfather of this Balthazar , and Balthazar to raigne in the fift place . But it is euident in storie , that Euilmerodach succeeded next to Nabuchadnezzer his father , not to his brother of that name : for Nabuchadnezzer is held to haue raigned 43. yeares at the least , as Iosephus : but he raigned rather 45. in the 8. yeare of his raigne Iechonias was carried captiue , in the 37. yeare of whose captiuitie , which was the 45. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , Euilmerodach began to raigne , 2. king . 25. 27.

Pererius misliketh this opinion , because he maketh two Nabuchadnezzers , whereas sacrd & profana historia vnum tantum agnoscit , both the sacred and prophane histories ( saith he ) acknowledgeth but one Nabuchadnezzer king of Chaldea , &c. wherein I wonder at his forgetfulnes , beeing otherwise a most diligent writer , seeing Iosephus euidently maketh two Nabuchadnezzers , the father , to whome he ascribeth 21. yeares , and his sonne , to whome he giueth 43. yeares lib. 10. antiq. c. 11.

4. The fourth opinion is of Theodoret in this chapter , and Severus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr. histor. that Nabuchadnezzer had two sonnes , Euilmerodach the elder , and Balthazar the younger , who raigned successiuely one after an other : and so they thinke , that Balthazar was in deede the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer : But this can not be so : for seeing this Balthazar was the last of the Chaldean kings , and Ieremie prophesied that the kingdome should be giuen to Nabuchadnezzer , and to his sonne , and to his sonnes sonne , now this prophesie should not be fulfilled , if the kingdome did onely remaine to him , and to his sonnes .

5. Not farre differing from this opinion , is that which is found in the booke of Baruch , c. 1. 11. Pray for Nabuchadnezzar , and for the life of Balthazar his sonne : where the author of that booke , seemeth to make Balthazar the eldest sonne of Nabuchadnezzer , as next heire to the kingdome . Pererius would thus helpe the matter , that either Nabuchadnezzer had an other sonne called Balthazar , who should haue beene king if he had liued , or that Euilmerodach was also so called : thus also Emmanuel Sa. But neither of these assertions can be proued out of the Canonicall Scriptures , which euidently testifie , that Euilmerodach was the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer , and not Balthazar , 2. king . 25. 27. and Ierem. 52. 31.

6. Pintus hath an other conceit , that Euilmerodach might be called Nabuchadnezzer , which was a generall name to all the Chaldean kings , as the Emperours were called Caesars , of the first Emperour : and thus he saith Balthazar was Nabuchadnezzers , that is , Euilmerodachs sonne : but no where in Scripture doth it appeare , that Nabuchadnezzer was a generall name to the kings of Chaldea , neither that Euilmerodach or Balthazar are so called .

3. Pererius opinion is , that Balthazar was the nephew , not properly the sonne of Nabuchadnezzer , yet he raigned not in the third place , but in the fift : there came betweene two other named by forren writers , Niglasar , and Labosardach , the first was Euilmerodachs sisters husband , who slue Euilmerodach , and so raigned , and Labosardach his sonne after him , who was deposed and slaine for his crueltie : and then Balthazar , who fled vnto the Medes , was restored vnto the kingdome : so Ioseph . lib. 1. cont. Appion . Now Pererius reason is this , why some other raigned betweene , because otherwise the tearme of 70. yeares captiuitie can not be made vp : for the captiuitie began in the 19. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , when Ierusalem was taken , there remained 25. yeares of his raigne , who raigned in all 43. Euilmerodach 18. yeares , and Balthazar 17. all these yeares make but 60. there wanted yet 10. yeares , which must be made vp by the raigne of others comming betweene .

Contra. 1. Though Pererius opinion be admitted as probable , that some vsurpers came betweene Euilmerodach , and Balthazar , yet the reason which he vrgeth , is not sufficient : for the 70. yeares captiuitie doe take beginning rather from the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , when Iechonias went into captiuitie , 2. king . 24. 12. for from that time the Prophets doe begin the account of the 70. yeares , Ezek. 1. 1. and c. 24. 1. and in other places of that Prophesie . And Nabuchadnezzer raigned 45. yeares : 8. yeares before the captiuitie began , 2. king . 24. 12. and 37. yeares of the captiuitie : 2. king . 25. 27. so that the ten yeares which are wanting , may thus be filled vp .

8. Pererius thinketh , that the strange names of Niglazar , and Labosardach , mentioned by Iosephus , were the same with Euilmerodach and Balthazar , called by other names , in 2. cap. Daniel . But Iosephus , and other writers whome he followeth , as Berosus , Alexander Polyhistor , with others , make these diuers kings from the rest : for Iosephus nameth Abilomarodach beside , who in Scripture is called Euilmerodach .

9. The truth then is this , that Euilmerodach , as Pererius reporteth out of some writers , was slaine by Niglazar , or Neegal-etzer his sisters husband ; or as Iunius out of others , he was expulsed out of his kingdome , and he with Balthazar his sonne liued in exile among the Medes : in the meane time Niglasar , and his sonne Labosardach after him , a while vsurped the kingdome , and after that Balthazar was restored : So that Balthazar was in deede the right nephew of Nabuchadnezzer , yet called his sonne according to the phrase of Scripture : see before , quest. 2.

Quest. 22. Of the Queenes oration to the King .

It consisteth of 4. parts : 1. the salutation : O King , liue for euer , whereby shee doth insinuate her selfe , 2. the proposition , which containeth the drift and scope of her speech , that he should not be troubled , v. 10.

3. The narration followeth containing a reason , why he should not be troubled , because there was a man found in his kingdome , who was able to reueale this secret . In this narration three things are expressed , 1. a description of Daniel by his gifts , 2. the experience of his gifts in the daies of Nabuchadnezer , which were three : light or illumination by Gods spirit , vnderstanding in the apprehension of those things which were reuealed , and wisdome in wisely and fitly applying the same . 3. then the approbation of his gifts , and publike testification by his aduancement : he was set ouer all the wise men .

4. The fourth part is the conclusion , that Daniel might be sent for to interpret the kings vision : with a repetition of the argument taken from his sufficiencie and abilitie , which consisted either in his gifts , which are the three before named , an excellent spirit called before ( light , ) vnderstanding , and knowledge called before ( wisdome : ) or els in the exercising and vse of these gifts , specially in the expounding of dreames , more generally in declaring hard sentences , and most generally of all in declaring any manner of doubts , or hidde matters , v. 12.

Quest. 23. Of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene .

1. In that shee came in vpon this occasion to the banket , not hauing beene there before , therein shee was an example of great temperance and sobrieti● , in not beeing present at this riotous feast , Polan . 2. her wisedome appeareth in the whole course of her speach : she saluteth the king with louing words to insinuate her selfe , therein also giuing an example of due reuerence to be yeelded vnto kings , Bulling. 3. she is sola admiratrix viriutum Danielis , found to be the onely admirer of Daniels gifts , Oecolamp , and setteth him forth as one excelling all other in the gifts of wisedome and vnderstanding . 4. And beside in making mention of Nebuchadnezzar , a prince of great wisedome and iudgement , who aduanced Daniel for his excellent wisdom , ostendit eum nimis crasse arrare , she sheweth that he greatly erred in neglecting such an excellent man in his kingdom , and seeking satisfaction of others , where it was not to be found , Calvin , herein then appeareth her faithfulnesse in giuing such good aduice vnto the king . 5. And the Queene whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris , is by the same author commended for a woman of great wisedom , whereof he giueth this experiment : she caused her tombe to be made in an high and conspicuous place ouer one of the gates of the citie , with an inscription to this effect , that if any of the kings of Babylon wanted money , if he opened that sepulchre , he should finde enough : Afterward Darius of Persia opened the tombe , wherein he found nothing but a writing to this effect , that if he had not an vnsatiable minde , he would not haue raked in the tombes and ashes of the dead . 6. This woman for her great age and experience , like to haue beene the wife of Nebuchadnezzar , was of great wisedome : she was not Balthazars wife , as is before shewed , quest. 20. And therefore Porphyrie his scoffe , that the wife here shewed her selfe wiser , then her husband , is soone answered .

Quest. 24. Of Balthazars speach to Daniel .

v. 13. Art thou that Daniel , &c. 1. he vpbraideth him with his captiuitie , which art of the children of the captiuitie , &c. Iunius and Polanus following him thinke , that he mooued this question to be certaine of his person : but there beeing no more of that name , or of those excellent parts , it is rather to be imputed to his pride , as insulting ouer the poore captiues , and vaunting of the victorie , which his predecessours had gotten : the Queene wisely concealed this , hoc vnum commemorat gloriosus rex , but the king remembreth this one thing more then the rest , Oecolamp . so also Bulling. The gloss . saith , that he asked this question , because the Prophets were onely of the nation of the Iewes : But if the king had held such an opinion of the Iewes , he would not haue relied vpon his Chaldean Soothsayers : therefore these questions rather spirant superbiam regis , doe breath out the pride of the king , Osiand .

2. The kings simplicitie appeareth , that saith no other thing then was put before into his mouth : as vnwise and simple Princes vse to speake vnto their people conceptis verbis , & in aurem suggestis , in a set speach , and suggested as it were to their eares , Bulling.

3. Detegitur eius socordia , his carelesnesse appeareth , that hath nothing but by heare-say , Calvin , that he did not take knowledge himselfe of so worthie and excellent a man , as Daniel was .

4. Dubitanter loquitur , he speaketh doubtfully , v. 16. if thou canst , &c. he had yet more confidence in his Chaldees , Oecolamp . 5. Non quaerit consilium , &c. he doth not require any counsell how he might escape this danger , but onely to knowe the meaning of the dreame , Pellican .

Quest. 25. Of Daniels answer to the king , and the seuerall parts thereof .

It consisteth 1. of the exordtum , or preface , and 2. of the narration .

1. In the preface there is 1. a refusall of the kings rewards , then a promise and vndertaking to interpret the dreame .

2. In the narration there is first a redargution , and reprehension of the king , shewing the cause why the Lord sent this strange sight , v. 25. then the interpretation of the vision .

In the reprehension 1. there is a commemoration of that which happened to Nebuchadnezzar to v. 22. 2. an application thereof to the king .

In the commemoration , 1. the benefits are rehearsed , which God had bestowed vpon Nebuchadnezzar , a kingdome , maiestie , authoritie , and honour , v. 18. 2. his vnthankfulnesse is shewed , that abused his authoritie and power to crueltie , iniustice , and tyrannie , v. 19. 3. his punishment is declared 1. in his depriuation and deposing from his kingly estate . 2. in the miserie that befell him , liuing and dwelling among bruite beasts , to v. 22.

In the application the reprehension is set forth first negatiuely , that he was not mooued with an example , which was so neare him , euen in his grandfather , who is here called his father : Then affirmatiuely , he had lift vp his heart , which is described by fowre effects . 1. in that he had brought forth the vessels of Gods house . 2. he had profaned them , in that he , his princes , wiues , and concubines , drunke in them . 3. he praised their idols , which are described , 1. by their matter , they were made but of siluer , brasse , and such like . 2. by their impotencie , they could neither see , heare , nor vnderstand . 4. he gaue not glorie vnto God , which is aggrauated by two benefits , the giuing him of his life and breath , and in protecting him , in whose hand is thy breath , and all thy wayes , &c.

3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dreame , v. 25. to 29.

Quest. 26. Of Daniels abrupt beginning , in his speach to the king , v. 17. Keepe thy rewards to thy selfe .

The reasons why Daniel vseth no insinua●ion or salutation to the king , were these ; 1. In respect of his age and grauitie , such a simple and plaine beginning became him : for he was 90. yeare old , if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captiuitie . 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office , beeing a Prophet , and now consulted with concerning the will and counsell of God , to shewe his contempt of the kings gifts , Iun. 3. hoc ips● monstrauit abiectum , &c. in that he saluteth him not as a king , giuing him his titles , he therein sheweth that he was now reiected of God , no longer to be king , Oecolampad . 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impi● & desperat● , he would speake the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man , of whom there was small hope , and therefore he doth rippe vp his sinne , and searcheth it to the depth , Calvin .

Quest. 27. Why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards .

1. That was not onely the reason , in respect of his office because he was a Prophet , least he might seeme to haue made merchandize of his propheticall gift , as Polan . and to fulfill that saying in the gospel , ye haue freely receiued , freely giue , Lyran. Pellican . for then he should not by this reason haue receiued any gifts of Nebuchadnezzar .

2. Neither was this the cause , tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciper● , it was not fit for one telling hard newes to receiue gifts , gloss . ordinar . for then neither should Daniel haue receiued any reward of king Nebuchadnezzar , after he had expounded the dreame of theimage , which foreshewed the ende and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzars kingdome .

3. And to say , that Daniel affected no such honours , because he was now old , is an insufficient reason : for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places , but onely for the good of the L●rds people .

4. But the speciall reasons , are these two , noluit ab homine impi● , &c. he would not receiue any gifts of a wicked man , Osiand , as Abraham refused to take any thing of the king of Sodome , and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman , who was a stranger : As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat , the time of subiection vnto this king , and of his gouernment , was at an ende , Caluin . and therefore he refused these honours at his hand , who was as no king , but reiected of God .

Quest. 28. Why Daniel receiued the like rewards from Nebuchadnezzar , and refuseth them from Balthazar .

1. The reason of this difference is , because Daniel knewe that Nebuchadnezzar was established in the kingdome , which the Lord had giue● to him , and to his sonne : and therefore he made no refusall of the honours which were offred vnto him , because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead : But the case was now otherwise : for he knewe that Balthazars kingdome was at an ende , and these honours vnder him he could not long hold : and the Monarchie of the Chaldeans beeing at an ende , he could not thereby aduantage the people of God , Polan .

2. Because also their was greater obstinacie and stubbornenesse in Balthazar , then there was in Nebuchadnezzar , ideo oftendit se minus ei deferre , quam avo , and therefore he sheweth , that he doth not so much respect and honour him , as his grandfather , Calvin .

Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards , v. 29.

This shewed no inconstancie at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done vnto him , which before he in words refused . 1. It is like , that they were verie vrgent and instant vpon him to accept of the kings offers . 2. Chrysostome giueth this reason , that if he had beene stiffe in refusing still , it would haue beene thought , quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset , that he himselfe had doubted of the truth of his answer : and therefore to take away that suspition , he vpon that instance accepteth of the rewards : so also Occolampad . Bulling . 3. An other reason was , qui mundi diuitias contempserat , ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur , least he which had despised the riches of the world , should haue seemed to haue set the king himselfe at naught , he accepteth of the kings offers , Pintus . 4. If he had still obstinately refused , he might haue beene brought in suspicionem proditionis , into suspicion of treason , Calvin . as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king , if he had refused Balthazars rewards and offers . 5. signum fuisset timiditatis , it had beene also a signe of fearefulnesse , that by this meanes he might haue lien hid still , and so escaped the danger , beeing called to no publike place : he therefore in accepting of these honours , ostendit se imperterritum , sheweth himselfe without feare , Caluin .

Quest. 30. Whether in these words , he put to death whom he would , v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed .

1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzars tyrannie and cruell gouernement , as though he put to death the innocent , and spoyled men of their goods , without iust cause or equitie : for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power , the next v. following sheweth , But when his heart was puft vp : this power then might be in Nebuchadnezzar , and his heart not yet lifted vp .

2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Bullinger , that it is like , that Nebuchadnezzar , non iniuste suum administrauit regnum , did not vniustly administer his kingdome : for the contrarie appeareth , c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slaine without cause , for that they could not tell the king his dreame , which he had forgotten : and c. 3. he commaunded the three seruants of God to be cast into the fierie fornace , for refusing to worship the idol which he had set vp .

3. Nor yet can it be prooued by this place , that princes haue authoritie , to take away their subiects liues and goods at their pleasure : for euen kings themselues must remember , serationem summo regi reddituros , that they also shall giue account vnto the the great king , Calvin .

4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate , of the kingly power , Calv. neither touching the abuse or right vse thereof : But sheweth to what eminent authoritie God had exalted him , that he might exalt and cast downe whom he list : to shewe that God had giuen him this great honour and power , for the which he was feared of all . This amplitude and greatnesse of his authoritie is set forth by two effects . 1. the one is in his subiects , they feared and stood in awe of him , both for the inward conscience which they had of authoritie , and in respect of his great and absolute power : the other is in the king himselfe , he might doe and did what he would , both the liues and goods of men were at his becke , Polan . Daniel therefore rather speaketh , what he did de facto , in fact , then , de iure , of right .

Quest. 31. Of the writing and the interpretation thereof in generall .

v. 24. Then was the palme of the hand sent , &c. Three things are here declared . 1. the manner of the writing . 2. the matter . 3. the meaning . 1. The manner is set forth in these foure points , 1. the time is expressed , then and there , when the king had profaned the holy vessels , and blasphemed God . 2. the author and efficient cause was God . 3. the iustrument , a palme or part of an hand . 4. the forme , it was in writing .

2. The matter which was written consisted of fowre words , the first beeing twice repeated .

3. The meaning and interpretation consisteth of three parts . 1. the certaine determination of God , who had now numbred and fulfilled the time of his kingdome . 2. the inquisition and examination : God hauing weighed him found him to be too light . 3. the execution of Gods decree : his kingdome was diuided and giuen to others .

Quest. 32. Of interpretation by writing in generall .

1. By this example of Daniel , who scanneth the words themselues , and thereupon groundeth his interpretation , the Rabbines would warrant their deuise of their Cabbalisticall interpretation , whereby they take vpon them by hunting after syllables and letters to finde out mysteries in Scripture : thinking that they may take vnto themselues the like libertie , which Daniel here vsed .

2. Contra. 1. They must first be sure , that they haue the like propheticall spirit , which Daniel had , before they may aduenture vpon such mysticall interpretations . 2. the occasion is not alike : this writing was extraordinarie , and therefore it was obscure and mysticall : but the writing of the Scripture containeth an ordinarie and plaine forme of doctrine , and therefore it is not in such curious manner to be handled . 3. neither did Daniel here examine euery letter and syllable , as the Cabalists do , but taketh the words onely as they lie in order , and maketh vp a full sense of them .

Quest. 33. Why the first word Mene is doubled .

1. Some do giue this reason of this repetition , the word mene , is deriued of manah which signifiech to number : and first they would haue signified the numbring of the yeares of his kingdome , then the dayes and tearme of his life : But this is too curious : and the interpretation is of his kingdome : God hath numbred thy kingdome .

2. Bullinger taketh it to be according to the Hebrewe phrase , as they vse to say , clamando clamauit , in crying he cried : moriendo morieris , in dying thou shalt die , which phrase is vsed for more vehemencie of speach .

3. But there is beside an allusion here vnto the manner of taking account , and numbring : men for fayling will number twice , to be sure that they number right : so by this twice numbring , is signified that God had most exactly nnmbred the tearme of his kingdome : so R. Saadia , whom Polanus followeth : so also Calvin .

4. Iunius thinketh that by numbring is meant , the singular care which God had of that kingdome : singulari quadam ratione curatum est , that God after a singular manner tooke care thereof , as they vse to doe , which haue things in number and account : but it rather sheweth , that the time and tearme of his kingdome was determined : as the next words declare , and hath finished it : sic Lyran. Hugo . necesse est vt finem accipiat , &c. now his kingdome must needes be at an ende , because it is fulfilled , Caluin .

Quest. 34. Of the meaning of the word Tekel .

1. Tekel signifieth he hath weighed , this phrase is taken from merchants or goldsmiths , that vse most exactly to weigh their gold , and that which is light , they doe reiect and refuse : So God had most exactly tried and examined the life and workes of Balthazar , and found them too light .

2. Some doe thus apply this similitude , as though the sinnes of Balthazar should be weighed in one balance , which was pressed downe , and in the other which was light , his pietie and vertue , which appeared to be verie small , Perer. Hugo thus expoundeth : God hath weighed the time of thy life , iamillud declinare pronuntiat , and now he pronounceth it to be declining , as a scoale that inclineth , and sinketh downe : But rather Balthazar is found , beeing weighed against Gods iustice , to be in the light scoale , quasinullum pondus haberet , as though he had no weight at all , as Daniel here expoundeth , Caluin .

3. Thus is this phrase vsed in Scripture , as Iob saith , c. 6. 2 , 3. O that my miseries were laid together in a balance , it would now be heauier then the sand of the Sea . His meaning is , that if his miseries were valued in an equall iudgement , they would be found to be heauier then they seemed to be : Pintus giueth this sense , as though Iob should thinke that his afflictions beeing weighed against his sinnes , would be found too heauie for them : but Iob was farre from accusing God of such iniustice , that his miseries and sorrowes laid vpon him , were greater then his sinnes .

4. But it will seeme strange , this phrase of weighing in a balance , beeing vsed to signifie a iust examination , and triall , that Apocal. 6. 5. he which sate vpon the blacke horse , ( whom Pintus expoundeth to be the deuill ) should haue a paire of balances in his hand : for it is farre from Sathan to doe things in measure and weight : Pintus therefore giueth this sense : he is said to haue a ballance , non quod illa vtatur , sed quod videatur vti , not that indeede he vseth a iust balance , but seemeth to vse it : But the sense of the place rather is this , by the blacke horse is signified dearth , famine , and scarcitie of all things : and by the balance , that by a scant and exact weight their corne and food should be weighed vnto them .

5. In this interpretation two things are insinuated , 1. the examination and triall of Balthazar in the iudgement of God : he was weighed . 2. then the euent and issue , he was found too light , Polan .

6. Deus non vtitur communi trutina , God vseth not here a common balance or scoale , he hath a balance of his owne : though Balthazar might be approoued in the iudgement of others , yet Gods iudgement was otherwise , he found him too light , Calvin . like as the goldsmith vseth more exact weights then other Merchants and tradesmen , so the Lords exact iudgement farre exccedeth mans .

Quest. 35. Of the meaning of the word Pheres .

1. Whereas the word written vpon the wall was pharsin , in the plurall , they haue deuided , and here it is put in the singular , pheres , he hath deuided , therein is no great difference : for by both are expressed the causes subordinate one vnto another : in the singular it is vnderstood of God , who was the principall author , and chiefe worker : in the plurall it is vnderstood of Gods iustruments in this worke , the Medes and Persians , Polan .

2. And in the word pheres , there is an euident allusion vnto the word paras , which signifieth the Persian .

3. It is also put in the preter tense , he hath deuided , to shewe the certanitie thereof : before the Lord it was as alreadie done .

4. Two things are here prophesied , that this kingdome should be deuided , and between whom , the Medes and Persians , for so Darius and Cyrus did as it were deuide the kingdome betweene them : Darius had Babylon , and Cyrus Assyria , leauing Babylon to Darius , himselfe going in expedition against the Scythians .

5. This Isaiah prophesied of , aboue 200. yeares before , as Pererius , rather an 170. yeares as Polanus , that the Medes should be sent against the Chaldeans , Isay. 13. 17. behold I will stirre vp the Medes against them .

Quest. 36. Of the tropologicall , that is , the morall application of this vision

1. By the hand writting vpon the wall , is signified the iustice of God , which both praescribit supplicia , & suo tempore infert , prescribeth aforehand punishments due vnto mens sinnes , and in due time bringeth them forth and inflicteth them : it also may be applyed vnto the iudgement of the conscience , wherein are written , and as it were scoared vp the sinnes , which one committeth : as Iob saith , c. 13. 26. thou writest bitter things against me , and makest me to possesse the sinnes of my youth .

2. And by the three words may be signified , the three last things which shall come vpon sinners , the remembrance whereof vseth to be most grieuous vnto them , death , finall iudgement , and bell . By the numbring of the dayes and the fulfilling of them , men are brought to thinke of their ende , as Iob saith , c. 14. 5. are not his dayes determined , the number of his moneths is with thee ? by weighing in the balance is signified the most perfect iudgement of God in the last day : And by diuision the punishment of hell , where the wicked and reprobate shall for euer be diuided and separate from Gods presence , Perer.

Quest. 37. Why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes .

1. Iosephus giueth this reason , that although Daniel had told heauie things vnto the king , yet he kept his promise , and seemed not much to be mooued , thus thinking with himselfe , quod non bona audierat , sui fati culpani esse , non prophet● , that it was his owne fate and destinie , not the Prophets fault , that he heard no better newes , the Prophet did but discharge his dutie : But it is not like , that the king had any such thought , or so equall consideration .

2. Hierome giueth two other reasons hereof : aut post long a tempora credidit futura , he did thinke that these things might come to passe long after ; or in honouring the Prophet he might thinke to obtaine pardon of his sinne : But the citie beeing now besieged , if the king had not beene altogether besotted , might haue put the king in minde of his present danger : and it seemeth by his securitie , that he had no such good thought , as to thinke how his sinne might be forgiuen him .

3. Some thinke the king kept his promise , ne coram hominibus mendacij arg●eretur , leaft he might before men haue beene found in a lie , Lyran. And it was the constant vse and custome of the kings of Persia to keepe their word : intelligebat proprium esse regis veritatem seruare , he vnderstoode it was the propertie of a king to keepe the truth , Pintus . so also Occolampadius , sanctissima esse , &c. the things which the kings promised were most sacred .

4. The king might haue some care of his credit to keepe his princely word , as Herod had to performe his wicked oath : But this the king did rather beeing caried with great admiration of the diuine wisedome , which was in Daniel , Osiand . And herein the king shewed his carnall securitie , incolume regnum sibi promisit , he still promised vnto himselfe a safe estate and prosperous kingdome : Bulling. Caluin thinketh that although Balthazar were somewhat mooued with this commination , yet he caused Daniel to be honoured , to set a good face vpon it , ne signum aliquod praeberet timiditatis , that he should not seeme to shewe any signe of fearefulnesse : But it rather shewed his stupiditie and great securitie , as before is noted .

Quest. 38. Of the honours bestowed here vpon Daniel .

The honours and fauours here conferred vpon Daniel , are either the ensignes of honour , or the gouernement it selfe vpon which the other ornaments attended .

1. The ornaments of honour are two , purple raiment , and a chaine of gold . Lyranus here noteth that there were fowre kind of ensignes and ornaments of estate : the purple to be or other pretious garment , a chaine , a ring of gold , and a crowne : all these things concurring together , did signifie the regall dignitie : but beeing more or fewe , and not all , designabant participationem honoris regij , they did but shewe the participation of the kingly honour , as Ioseph had three of them , when he was aduanced of Pharaoh , a ring , costly raiment , and a chaine of gold , Gen. 41. 42. but he had not the crowne or diademe . So Mordecai was honoured with princely raiment , and a diademe , but mention is not made of the kings ring , and chaine of gold , Esther . 6. 9.

2. The honour it selfe which is bestowed vpon Daniel , is , to be the third man in the kingdome , which Iosephus expoundeth , that the third part of the kingdome should be giuen vnto him : but that is not like that the king would giue away any part of his kingdom : Hierome thinketh he was made one of the three , which was set ouer the kingdome , as cap. 6. 2. But if Daniel had beene in that place before , then Darius needed not to haue aduanced Daniel againe to be one of the three rulers . Therefore Theodoret taketh it , he was the third man in honour and authoritie next to the king , so also Lyran , the king was the first , the Queene or heire of the kingdome might be the next , and Daniel the third .

Quest. 39. Whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours .

1. Though Daniel were vnwilling to receiue these honours , yet seeing they were forced vpon him , he is content to accept of them , least if he had refused still , in suspitionem proditionis veniret , he might haue beene brought into suspicion of some treason or practise against the king , Polan .

2. And beside , foreseeing that the kingdome should come vnto the hands of the Medes and Persians , he accepted of them , vt postea noti●r fieret Persi● , in solatium filiorum Dei , that he might thereby be better knowne vnto the Persians , for the comfort of the children of God , gloss . ordinar , O●●●lamp .

3. And beside , these ornaments beeing a signe of freedome and of dignitie , it was fit that Daniel , to whom the king had obiected before his ser●itude and captiuitie , should not refuse them , whereby he was now made free and honourable in the citie .

4. If these vestures had beene any speciall ornaments of the idolatrous priests and Soothsayers , as some thinke , it is like that Daniel so holy a man , would haue vtterly reiected them : Polan . see before quest. 29.

Quest. 40. Why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance , as he had done Nebuchadn●zzar before .

1. One reason hereof may be yeelded to be this , the same which Theod●r●t ●lleadgeth , why it pleased the Lord to chastice Nebuchadnezzar for a time to humble him , and afterward raise him vp againe , but Balthazar is cut off altogether : because Balthazar was more indurate and hardened in his sinne , seeing he had Nebuchadnezz●● example before him , and yet would not be warned . And so the Prophet obi●cting here vnto Balthazar his fathers example , which he made no vse of , saw that there was small hope of his repentance .

2. And further Daniel did see by the spirit of prophesie , hanc sententiam non fuisse com●natoriam , sed plane absolutam , that this sentence pronounced against Balthazar , was not by way of commination , which vseth to be conditionall vpon mens repentance , as was the threatning of Ionas against Ninive , but it was peremptorie and absolute : and as Bal. hazat was confirmed and setled in his sinne , so this sentence was irreuocable . Perer.

41. Quest. v. 30. Whether Balthazar were slaine at this time .

1. It is the opinion of some , that Balthazar was not slaine at all when the citie was taken , but that Balthazar , called in forren histories Nabonidus , when the citie was besieged by Cyrus , did yeeld himselfe , and so he not onely obtained his life , but had a place of habitation assigned him in Carmania , where he died : thus seeme to write Alexander Polyhistor , Megasthenes , Alpheus , as they are cited by Ioseph . l. 1. cont. Appion .

But it is vntrue , that Balthazars life was spared , for the Scripture here euidently saith , that he was slaine : this fauour indeede Cyrus shewed to his grandfather Astyages , whome he deposed from his gouernment beeing a tyrant , as Herodotus and Iustinus write : it is not like , that he would vse such clemencie toward his mortall enemie : at the least , if there had beene any such thing , which would haue tended much to the praise and honour of Cyrus , Xenophon , who is very large and lauish in setting forth the praise of Cyrus , in all likelihood would not haue omitted it .

2. Wherefore the truth is , according to the Scripture here , that Balthazar was at this time slaine : and thereunto agreeth Xenophon , that the king of Babylon himselfe was put to the sword , when the citie was taken . lib. 7. de Cyri institut .

42. Quest. Whether Balthazar were slaine the same night , and the citie taken .

1. Some seeme to be of opinion , that this murther was committed vpon Balthazar a long time before the taking of the citie by the Medes and Persians , about 17. yeare , before , whom they say was slaine by the Babylonians , and one of the conspirators called Darius the Median , was chosen king in his place : and that this was done many yeares before Cyrus inuaded Babylon . This conceit they would ground vpon the report of Berosus and Megasthenes . But they doe greatly mistake one thing for an other : for he which was so deposed by the Babylonians , was Labosordach the sonne of Niglasar , or Neege-lasar , who had before expelled Euilmerodach called Labinitus by Herodotus , together with his sonne Balthazar , called also Labinitus the second , which name signifieth , a Prince expulsed : and because he fled vnto the Medes , he was called Medus , a Median : this was not Darius then of the Medes , which was set vp by the Babylonians , but Balthazar called Labinitus of the Medes , because he liued an exile there , Iun. in commentar . see before , qu. 21. 9.

2. Iosephus saith , non multum abijt temporis , much time passed not after Daniel had expounded this vision , when both the King and the citie was taken by Cyrus . If Iosephus vnderstand , not many houres after , he agreeth with the Scripture ; but if he meane many daies , or moneths , he is deceiued .

3. Zon●ras affirmeth this to haue beene the opinion of diuers , that Balthazar was slaine the same night , but he seemeth not to be of that opinion : which seemeth strange , that he beeing a Christian writer , should speake so doubtfully of a thing so euident in the sacred storie .

4. All these things are euident out of Scripture : 1. that Babylon , after 70. yeares of the Iewes captiuitie , should be surprised and taken , Ierem. 25. 12. 2. that the king himselfe should be slaine at the taking of the citie : as Isa. 14. 4. The oppressor shall cease . v. 22. I will cut off in Babel the name and the remnant , the sonne , and the ●ephew : for Balthazar was nephew to Nabuchadnezer . 3. It should be done on a sudden : Isa. 47. 11. Destruction shall come vpon thee suddenly , or thou beware . 4. and in the night : Isa. 21. 4. The night of my pleasures hath he turned into feare . 5. and in the time of their feast , therefore he is called the king of Sheshach , of the feast of their goddesse Shacah , Ier. 25. 26.

Quest. 43. Whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon .

1. The Authors before rehearsed , which thinke that Balthazar was not slaine , but yeelded himselfe to Cyrus , and so was sau●d aliue , doe adde further , that when the King heard that Cyrus was comming with a great armie to besiege Babylon , he fled to a citie called Borsippa , and thither Cyrus pursued him , and besieged him there , who seeing that he could not hold out , yeelded himselfe vnto Cyrus clemencie .

2. But Xenophons opinion , lib. 7. is more probable , that the king was taken at Babylon , which is also most consonant to Scripture : for though it be not directly expressed , that he was slaine in Babylon , yet it followeth by necessary collection , that that was the place , where Balthazar was both depriued of his life and kingdome . 1. There was the kings palace , c. 4. 27. where the Chaldean kings vsually did reside . 2. there was the temple of Bel , where the vessels of Gods house were laid vp , c. 1. 2. from whence they were brought vnto this riotous feast : but they could not haue beene fetch from Babylon to an other place , seeing the citie was now besieged by Cyrus . 3. and for the same reason so many nobles could not haue beene gathered together . 4. nor yet the wise men of Babel assembled . 5. neither is it like , that Balthazar beeing in such feare , would in that obscure place haue made such a feast , whereas in Babylon he trusted to the defence of the citie .

44. Quest. By what meanes Babylon was taken .

1. Some thinke that Cyrus and Darius did homage vnto king Balthazar , and he thereupon made this feast , whereat they were present : who when they heard the prophesie of Daniel , and seeing the king and his nobles drunke with wine , tooke their opportunitie , and so set vpon them , and killed them . ex Hugon . But it is not like , that the king would haue beene so secure , if his enemies had beene in his hand , but that he would haue made them sure .

2. Some are of opinion , that the Babylonians hearing Daniels prophesie , durst not resist their enemies , but gaue vp the citie vnto them . ex Perer. but it is not like , if the citie had beene yeelded vp , that Cyrus and Darius would haue made such hauocke of them , putting the king and his nobles to the sword .

3. Iosephus saith , quod Cyro fortiter dimicante capta est Babylon , , that Babylon was taken , Cyrus strongly assaulting it : but , though the citie were besieged , it seemeth by the great securitie and feasting in the citie , that there was no such assault made .

4. Thomas thinketh , that seeing the Lord appointed by Cyrus to deliuer his people out of captiuitie , that he by his power caused the riuers Tigris and Euphrates , subito siccari , of a sudden to be dried vp : but seeing that neither in Scripture , nor in any forren writer any such thing is spoken of , it is dangerous to imagine miracles without a good ground ; and beside the riuer Tigris was a great way distant from Babylon : God indeede did extraordinarily assist Cyrus , as the Prophet saith , I will goe before thee , and make the crooked straight : I will breake the brasen doores , and burst the yron barres , Isa. 45. 2. but of the drying vp of the riuer the Prophet speaketh not .

5. Wherefore this is most probable , as both Herodotus and Xenophon write , that when Cyrus saw that the citie was otherwise inuincible , he vsed this stratageme , he caused the riuer Euphrates to be deuided into many chanels , and so made it passeable , and then his armie passed ouer , and by the guiding of Gadata and Gobryas two of the kings chiefe courtiers , they entred into the citie . Herod . l. 1. Xenoph. l. 7.

45. Quest. By whome Balthazar was slaine .

1. The Rabbins , and among the rest Ab. Ezra doe thinke , that one of Balthazars Courtiers hearing Daniels prophesie of the ruine of Balthazar , and of the kingdome , did presently slay the king , and caried his head to Cyrus , because he would execute the iudgement of God against him : but the Lord needed not to haue such treacherous executioners of his will . Calvin .

2. An other opinion is , that Balthazar was slaine of Cyrus souldiers , while they set vpon him , and he in the meane time defended himselfe with a sword . Lyran.

3. But it is most like , that he was slaine by the hands of Gadata , and Gobryas , which betrayed the citie , and brought in Cyrus armie , whome the king before had offended : for Balthazar had caused Gadata before to be gelded , and had slaine Gobryas sonne in hunting , and they to be reuenged conspired against him . Calvin . Bulling. Oecolampad . Polan . ex Xenophon . l. 7.

46. Quest. By whome the citie of Babylon was taken .

1. The Grecian historiographers doe ascribe this victorie and exploite in taking of Babylon onely vnto Cyrus , as Herodotus , Xenophon : and the reason thereof is , because they followed therein the Persian histories , which ascribed the whole praise vnto Cyrus : and beside , as Strabo writeth , lib. 15. the Grecians did extoll the Persians beyond all other Barbarians , of whome they obtained many noble victories , which made for their owne commendation .

2. Theodoret on the otherside , thinketh that Cyrus did not ioyne with Darius in this exploit : and he giueth these two reasons thereof : 1. because their raigne is distinguished , c. 6. 28. Daniel prospered in the raigne of Darius , and in the raigne of Cyrus of Persia : but if they had both ioyned together , it had beene but one and the same kingdome . 2. he that ioyned with Cyrus , was Cyaxares , whome it is hard to prooue to be this Darius of the Medes : this Darius was before Assuerus , and Cyrus was after : and thus Theodoret would infringe Iosephus report .

Contra. 1. At this time , when Babylon was taken , the kingdome of the Medes and Persians is onely in Darius , who raigned not long , and then Cyrus succeeded : therefore their raigne was distinguished . And that Darius held the kingdome of the Medes and Persians at this time , is euident , c. 6. 15. Perer. 2. In the Greeke histories , as Iosephus writeth , Darius is called by an other name : and it is no rare thing , for one to haue diuers names ; and to be called by one in the Scriptures , by an other in forren histories : as Ezra 4. the king which hindred the building of the Temple , is called Assuerus , and Artaxerxes , who is the same , who is named Cambises by other historiographers , the sonne of Cyrus : so the last king of the Medes by Herodotus is said to be Astyages the sonne of Cyaxares , whome Diodorus calleth Apanda , the other Astibara : so also this Darius may be the same , who is called Cyaxares the sonne not of Astyages , but of Assuerus , c. 9. 1.

3. Wherefore Iosephus opinion is more probable , whome Hierome followeth , that Darius and Cyrus with the power of the Medes and Persians ioyned together in the siege of Babel : which best agreeth both to the prophesie of Daniel here , that the kingdome was giuen to the Medes and Persians ; and to the vision of the image , c. 2. where the second Monarchie next vnto Babylon , is represented and set forth by the two armes of siluer , which signified the two kingdomes of the Medes and Persians ioyned in one .

4. Xenophon , whome Iunius followeth in his commentarie , thinketh that although Darius was the chiefe procurer and beginner of this warre with the Babylonians , yet he himself was not present in person , but staied at home to defend his owne kingdome of Media : but by the wordes of the text here , that presently after Balthazar was slaine , Darius tooke the kingdome , it appeareth , that he was present then to take the kingdome vpon him .

47. Quest. Who was chiefe in the taking of Babylon , Darius , or Cyrus , and why mention is made onely of Darius .

1. Herodotus maketh Cyrus onely the author and beginner of this warre , and the chiefe contriuer of it ; and Iunius seemeth to be of the same opinion in his commentarie : and further thinketh , that Cyrus spent one yeare in setling the kingdome of Babylon , and afterward resigned it to Darius called also Cyaxares : so that the first yeare of Darius raigne was the second of Cyrus : but it is gathered rather by the text , that Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome immediatly after the taking of the citie , and then began to raigne .

2. The more probable opinion then is , that Darius was the chiefe author and beginner of this battell , and that thereunto he vsed the helpe of Cyrus then President of Persia : so Xenoph. and Iosephus faith , when Darius did extinguish the Empire of Babylon , adiutus à Cyro , he was assisted by Cyrus . And this is most agreeable to the Scripture , which maketh the Medes the chiefe in this siege : Isa. 13. I will stirre vp the Medes against thee : and , Ier. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised vp the spirit of the king of the Medes . So that the chiefe authoritie and power was in the Medes , but the dexteritie in expediting of this busines , and in vsing that stratageme in deuiding the riuer , is ascribed vnto Cyrus .

3. The victorie then is specially ascribed vnto Darius , though it were atchieued and obtained by Cyrus skill and valour , for these three reasons , as Hierome briefly expresseth them : ord● aetatis , propinquitatis , & regni servatus est , the order of age , of affinitie , and of the kingdome was kept . 1. Darius was now not onely 40. lib. 1. de divinat . yeare old , as Cicero saith , but 62. yeares old , Cyrus beeing a young man . 2. he was Cyrus great vnkle , his grandfather Astyages brother , and beside , as some thinke his father in law . 3. and now the chiefe dominion was in the Medes , from whome it was translated after Darius death , by Cyrus to the Persians .

48. Quest. Of the cause of this Babylonian warre .

1. Heaodotus thinketh it was onely Cyrus ambition , and immoderate desire of enlarging his dominion , that made him enterprise this battell : but this was not the chiefe cause : for Cyrus was but an assistant and associate vnto Darius in this exploit , as is before shewed .

2. The author of the scholasticall historie imagineth this to be the cause , that the mother of Baltbazar , for whose cause those hanging orchards were made in Babylon , was this Darius daughter ; and now Balthazar hauing no sonne , Darius attempted to inuade the kingdome , Balthazar yet liuing . But this is not like : for Darius could pretend no title at all by this pretext vnto the kingdome , especially Balthazar , the right heire of the kingdome , beeing aliue .

3. That cause is more probable , which is alleadged by Xenoph. lib. 1. that the king of Babylon combining himselfe with the kings of Asia , was purposed to haue warred against the Medes , who had then the chiefe dominion : and therfore Darius to preuent him , first setteth vpon Babylon .

4. But what cause soeuer mooued them , the speciall stirrer and instigator to this battell , was the Lord himselfe : as Ierem. 14. The Lord hath broken the rodde of the wicked , and the scepter of the rulers : and Ierem. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised vp the spirit of the king of the Medes .

5. For the Lord was prouoked by the sinnes of Babel , and therefore brought this desolation and destruction vpon them : which sinnes were these , 1. their crueltie and oppression : Isa. 14. 6. which smote the people in anger with a continuall plague , &c. And they were not onely cruell toward other nations , but specially against the people of God , when they destroyed their citie and Temple : and therefore Ieremie saith , c. 51. 11. It is the vengeance of the Lord , and the vengeance of his Temple . 2. An other of their great sinnes , was their superstition and idolatrie , Ierem. 51. 44. I will visit Bel in Babel . v. 52. I will visit her grauen images . 3. The Babylonians were giuen to diuinations , to sorcer●e , and enchantiments , for the which they were punished . Isa. 47. 9. They shall come vpon thee , &c. for the multitude of thy diuinations , and for the great abundance of thine enchantments . 4. And to fill vp the measure of their iniquitie , Balthazar had in this his last , and as it were his funerall feast , prophaned the vessels of the Temple , and blasphemed God . All these sinnes beeing put together made vp the full measure , and cried for vengeance , which the Lord would no longer deferre .

49. Quest. Whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according the predictions of the Prophets .

1. The Prophets spake of an vtter ouerthrow and subuersion of Babylon : as Isa. 13. 19. Babel the glorie of kingdomes , and the beautie and pride of the Chaldeans , shall be as the destruction of God in Sodome and Gomorrha : it shall not be inhabited for euer , &c. and c. 14. 23. I will make it a possession for the hedgehogge , and pooles of water , and I will sweepe it with the besome of destruction , saith the Lord . Ierem. 50. 23. Babel is become desolate among the nations , &c. But at this time Babylon was not brought to such desolation : for it continued after the raigne of Darius and Cyrus to the times of Alexander , beeing then a citie of great riches and power .

2. Some to winde themselues out of this straight , doe make an allegorie of these propheticall predictions : whome Hierome iustly reprehendeth in his commentarie vpon the 13. c. of Isa: for if still vpon euery doubt and obiection , men should flie vnto allegories , there would be no certentie of any thing .

3. Calvin to dissolue this knot , saith , that Babylon was subdued twice , once by Cyrus and Darius the Mede , then afterward by Darius Hystaspis , by the helpe of Zopyrus , when 3000. of the nobles were hanged vp , and many other put to the sword . But although this second taking of Babylon were more cruell and grieuous then the other , yet neither at this time was it finally ouerthrowne , as is before shewed .

4. Wherefore it must be considered , that these prophecies were not fulfilled all at once , neither was Babylon at the first brought to vtter desolation , but by degrees . 1. it was surprised by Cyrus and Darius , and depriued of the Empire and dominion . 2. afterward it was defaced by Darius Hystaspis , when they rebelled , and the walls were broken downe to the ground . Herod . lib. 3. Iustin. lib. 1. 3. after this , not farre from Babylon by Seleucus Nicanor was built the citie Seleucia , and by the Parthians the citie Ctesiphon , Plin. lib. 6. c. 26. and so Babylon was almost exhaust by this meanes of the inhabitants . 4. In the Emperour Adrians time , as Pausanias writeth , lib. 8. Babylon nihil praeter muros reliqui habet , had nothing left but the walls . 5. In Hieromes time , as he writeth from the report of an Elamite , the walls of Babylon onely serued to keepe in wild beasts for the kings game : and so he saith vsque in praesentem diem prophetia Babylonis impletur , euen vnto this day , the prophecie on Babel is fulfilled : Isa. 13. 20. Neither shall the Arabian pitch his teuts there , neither shall the shepheards make their folds there . And so accordingly it was fulfilled , as Hierome saith , praemultitudine bestiarum & daemonum nullus pastorum audet intrare , by reason of the multitude of beasts and of deuills , ( and vncleane spirits that there haunted ) no shepheard durst enter within the walls of Babylon .

50. Quest. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued .

There are three generall opinions hereof . 1. Some extend it not so farre as to 70. yeares : 2. some limit it vnto 70. yeares : 3. some make it farre to exceede the tear●● of 70. yeares .

1. Of the first opinion are diuers , one disagreeing from an other : Berosus from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers raigne to the ende of Balthazars , counteth but 65. yeares , as Iosephus alleadgeth him , lib. 1. cont. Appion . Alexander Polyhistor cited by Euseb. lib. 9. de praep. Evang. reckoneth but 62. yeares . Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat . and August . lib. 18. de civit . Dei , doe make the summe but 48. yeares . But the Scripture euidently conuinceth all these : which sheweth that the Chaldeans should rule ouer nations 70. yeares , Ierem. 25. 11. and so long the Iewes should be in captiuitie vnder them : but their captiuitie began vnder Nabuchadnezer : from the beginning then of his raigne to the ende of the Chaldean Monarchie , there must be 70. yeares at the least .

2. Some make but iust 70. yeares , as Sulpit. lib. 2. sacr. histor. so also H. B. in the Concent of Scripture : Nabuchadnezers 45. Euilmerodachs 22. and Balthazars 3. doe fill vp the number of 70. yeares . But the captiuitie began not before the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezers raigne , when Iechonia was carried away captiue , 2. king . 24. 12. from whence the Prophet Ezekiel counteth the yeares of captiuitie , Ezck. 1. 2. c. 8. 1. and in diuers other places .

3. Of the third sort , lib. 10. anno . cap. 12. which extend the terme beyond 70. yeares : first Iosephus counteth an 118. yeares : to Nabuchadnezer he giueth 43. yeares , to Euilmerodach 18. to Niglasar 40. to Balthazar 17. yet Beda and Rupertus thinke that the place in Iosephus is corrupted : and Pererius also , because Iosephus in an other place , lib. 11. from the 18. yeare of Nabuchadnezer to the destruction of Babylon , reckoneth iust 70. yeares .

Paulus Orosius affirming that Babylon was taken by Cyrus at the same time when the kings were expelled out of Rome , which was in the 67. Olympiade , extendeth the Chaldean Monarchie 60. yeares beyond the due time ; for Cyrus is held to haue begun to raigne in the 58. Olympiade .

Pererius holdeth that the Chaldean Monarchie endured 88. yeares , which he sheweth thus : the captiuitie of the Iewes began in the 18. yeare of Nabuchadnezer , when Ierusalem was taken , which continued 70. yeares ; vnto this summe must be added 18. yeares , which were runne before of Nabuchadnezers raigne . But herein is Pererius error , he beginneth the captiuitie in the 18. yeare , whereas it must take beginning onely from the 8. yeare of his raigne , as is euident , 2. king . 24. 12. and shall afterward more fully be shewed .

4. Therefore the true account is this : the 70. yeares captiuitie beganne when Ieconia was caried into captiuitie : for so the Prophet Ezekiel vseth to recken : as c. 1. 2. he maketh mention of the 5. yeare . c. 8. 1. of the sixt yeare . c. 29. 1. of the 10. yeare . c. 31. 1. of the 11. yeare . c. 32. 1. of the 12. yeare . c. 29. 17. of the 27. yeare : all which yeares are accounted from the captiuitie of Iechonia , as is euident c. 1. 2. which was in the 8. yeare of the raigne of Nabuchadnezer , 2. king . 24. 12. for then must begin the account of 70. yeares : vnto which must be added 8. yeares of Nabuchadnezers raigne , which were expired before : so the whole time of the Babylonian Monarchie , from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers raigne , was not precisely 70. yeares , as Polan . p. 398. but 78. yeares . Bulling.

51. Quest. Of the yeares of the raigne of the seuerall kings of Babylon .

Concerning the number of the kings themselues , how many raigned after Nabuchadnezer , is shewed before , Quest. 21. about the yeares of their raigne , there is great diuersitie of opinion .

1. Sulpitius giueth vnto Balthazar 14. yeares : Eusebius to Enilmerodach and Balthazar together alloweth but 12. yeares , to Nabuchadnezzer but 36. Berosus with other auncient writers , cited by Iosephus , lib. 1. cont. Appion . doe giue vnto Nabuchadnezzer 43. yeares : 20. yeares to Euilmerodach : 4. yeares to Niglasar : 17. yeares to Balthazar . Iosephus counteth 18. years for Euilmerodach , 40. for Niglasar , 9. moneths for Labosardach , and 17. years for Balthazar . lib. 10. antiq. c. 12. Pererius doth giue 43. yeares to Nabuchadnezzer , to Euilmerodach and Niglasar between them 27. years , to Balthazar 17. yeares . But all these doe manifestly erre in these two things : first , they giue but 43. yeares to Nabuchadnezzer , whereas he raigned 45. yeares : 8. yeares before Ieconiah his captiuitie , 2. king . 24. 12. and 37. yeares after , 2. king . 25. 27. And they suppose Balthazar to raigne 17. yeares , whereas Daniel maketh mention onely of the third yeare of his raigne , c. 8. 1.

2. The more common opinion is , that Nabuchadnezzer raigned 45. yeares , Euilmerodach 22. as H. B. in his Concent , or 23. as Oecolampad . and Balthazar three . But these are decciued in beginning the captiuitie from the third yeare of Iehoiakim , when Ierusalem was first taken , in the first yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne : whereas it must be accounted from Iechoniahs captiuitie , as is shewed in the former question .

3. Therefore I thinke Bullingers account is rather to be followed , to begin the 70. yeares from Iechoniahs captiuitie , as Iunius also doth , comment . in 9. Daniel . and then allowing vnto Nabuchadnezzer 45. yeares , Euilmerodach must haue 30. and Balthazar three , which make in all 78. yeares , the whole time of the continuance of the Babylonian Monarchie : from which summe 8. beeing deducted , for so many yeares raigned Nabuchadnezzer before he tooke Iechoniah prisoner , there will remaine iust 70. yeares , the time of the captiuity .

4. The places of doctrine .

1. Doctr. That Gods iudgements worke diuersly .

v. 6. Then the kings countenance was changed . Generally the denuntiation or demonstration of Gods iudgements doe awaken and rouse vp the secure and sleepie conscience . But it hath a diuers operation in the Elect , and in the wicked and reprobate : In the Elect , the hearing of Gods iudgements doth sometime bring them to repentance for their sinne , as it did Dauid , or doth stirre them vp to be more zealous in performing their dutie , as the Apostle saith , 2. Cor. 5. 11. Knowing the terrour of the Lord , we perswade men : that is , seeing euery one shall receiue the things done in his bodie , as he saith in the former verse , that euery one should haue a care faithfully to performe his dutie .

In the reprobate , either they are not mooued at all at Gods iudgements , as Pharaoh at the first was not humbled at all : or els there is wrought in them a shew of repentance for a time , as in Ahab : or they may be terrified with the feare of Gods iudgements , without any remorse at all , as is here seene in Balthazar .

2. Doctr. Of the momentanie pleasures of the world .

v. 6. And his thoughts troubled him . Balthazar in the middes of his feast , when his heart was disposed to be merrie , is stricken into his dumps : according to that saying of Amos , c. 8. 10. I will turne your feasts into mourning , and all your songs into lamentation : for like as the weather changeth , it is sometime faire , sometime foule : and as at the sea , when it is calme suddenly riseth a storme and tempest : such are all terrene and earthly ioyes : Onely our peace and ioy in Christ is perpetuall : as our blessed Sauiour himselfe saith , Ioh. 16. 22. Your ioy shall no man take from you : like as a streame , which continually runneth , such are spirituall ioyes flowing vnto euerlasting life : but the ioy of the world is like vnto sudden raine , which hastily runneth downe , and is speedily gone .

3. Doctr. Man of himselfe can not vnderstand or perceiue heauenly things .

v. 8. Then came all the kings wise men , but they could neither read the writing , &c. As these Ch●ldeans presuming vpon their owne skill , could neither read , much lesse interpret this diuine writing ; so man is of himselfe vnapt and vnable to apprehend any spirituall thing : the vision of the Prophets vnto carnall men , is like vnto the words of a booke sealed vp . Isa. 29. 10. the reason whereof the Apostle sheweth , 1. Cor. 2. 14. The naturall man perceiueth not the things of the spirit of God , for they are foolishnes vnto him , &c.

4. Doctr. That God often vseth weake instruments , as namely women , to effect his purpose .

v. 10. Now the Queene , &c. came into the banket house . The Lord vseth oftentimes women in his seruice , which are the weaker vessels and instruments : both to shewe his libertie , that he is not tied vnto any meanes , but may vse any indifferently , and to declare his power in setting vp weake meanes : and to bring downe the pride of the wise , when they are confounded by the simple and vnwise : As here the Lord gaue more wisedome and vnderstanding to this honourable and auntient Queene , then was in the king , and all his thousand nobles now assembled together : So the Lord raised vp Deborah to haue more courage and wisedome in her , then Baruch had . And thus in our age and memorie , as Polanus noteth , Deus adhibuit Reginam Angliae ad confundendum Hispaniarum potent●ssimum regem , God hath vsed the Queene of England to confound the mightie king of Spame .

5. Doct. Of the obliuion and forgetfulnesse in Princes of those which deserue well of them .

v. 13. Art thou that Daniel : Daniel was worthie for his great wisedome , and necessarie employment in the Babylonian state , to haue beene remembred of the king , as he had beene honoured of his predecessors : But such is the mutabilitie of Princes fauours : As in Egypt there rose vp a Pharaoh that knewe not Ioseph , neither remembred the great benefits , which he had done for that nation . So Saul had soone forgotten Dauid , that had played before him , and by whom he had found great ease : for not long after he asked Abner whose sonne he was : Therefore as it is in the Psalme , 〈…〉 it is better to trust in the Lord , then to haue any confidence in Princes .

6. Doct. Of the necessarie and profitable knowledge of histories .

v. 18. The most high God gaue vnto Nebuchadnezzar thy father , &c. Here Daniel propoundeth vnto Balthazar his father Nebuchadnezzar , and setteth before him the historie of his life , by the which he might haue learned great wisedom : The knowledge of former times is most profitable , therein we behold the equitie of Gods iudgements , his iustice , veritie , wisedome , power : likewise we see in a glasse the vncertaine and changeable state of the world : And for our owne direction we finde , what to followe , and what to decline , in prooem. Bibliothec. as Diodorus Siculus speaking of the profit that commeth by histories , saith , pulchrum est ex aliorum erratis in melius instituere vitam , &c. it is a good thing by other mens errors to reforme the life : The counsell of the ancient , because of their long experience , is commended and followed : But the knowledge of histories goeth farre beyond , quanto plura exempla complectitur diuturnitas temporis , quam hominis aetas , in as much as the continuance of time comprehendeth more examples , then the age of man .

7. Doct. Of the vse that is to be made of examples .

Examples are either old , such as fell out in former times , or they are newe , such as happen in our owne age and memorie ; and both are either domesticall or forren examples : But the domesticall examples are more forceable and effectuall to mooue , as here the example of Nebuchadnezzar is set before Balthazar . Thus it is much auaileable to call to minde the examples of our fathers , and ancestors before vs , to followe their vertue , and decline and shunne their vices : And most of all we should obserue , what hath befallen our selues in the former part of our life ; as Dauid did comfort himselfe when he went against Goliah , in the experience of Gods mercie and power in deliuering him from the lyon and the beare , 1. Sam. 17.

8. Doct. That flatterers are about Princes .

v. 23. Thou and thy Princes , &c. It may seeme strange that among a thousand princes and noble men that were here assembled together , there was not one faithfull counsellor : But here we see fulfilled that saying in the Prou. 29. 12. of a prince that hearkeneth vnto lies , all his seruants are wicked : It seemeth that Balthazar was giuen to heare tales and lies , by which meanes it is like that Daniel was out of fauour in Court , and therefore it falleth out iust vpon him , that he hath none about him to speake the truth : flatterers then are dangerous about princes , as Haman was vnto king Assuerus : And like as oyle doth soake into earthen vessels , beeing soft and smooth , so flatterers by their pleasant and smooth words doe insinuate themselues .

9. Doct. God hath all things in number and account .

v. 26. God hath numbred thy kingdome . The yeares and dayes of the world , the tearme and continuance of kingdomes , the time of mans life are all determined with God : As Iob saith , are not his dayes determined , the number of his moneths are with thee , thou● hast appointed his bonds which he cannot passe , c. 14. 5. So the times and seasons the Lord hath put in his owne power , Act. 1. 7. neither the age of the world , not the tearme of kingdomes , not the space of mans life , can be measured or calculated by the skill of man : but the Lord onely knoweth them , who hath numbred and appointed them , Polan .

10. Doct. Of the fall and ruine of great and famous cities .

v. 18. Thy kingdome is diuided . Pererius out of Pausanias here alleadgeth how many cities , which had beene renowned and famous in the world , were either vtterly decayed ; or much impayred ; as the great citie Niniue , and the citie Mycene , which ruled ouer all Greece , were in his time become desolate : so likewise Thebes in Boeotia , & an other Thebes in Egypt , Delos in Greece , and the citie Tyrinth , together with Babylon , which had nothing then left but walls , Pausan. lib. 8. which ought to teach men , not to put confidence in these earthly things , as Nebuchadnezzar did in his sumptuous and costly buildings , which after his time , came to vtter ruine and desolation : so that it is now scarse knowne where Babylon stood .

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. That idolaters and worshippers of images , make them their gods .

v. 4. They praised the gods of gold and siluer , &c. The Babylonians and other Gentiles were not so grosse to thinke , that the diuine essence consisted of siluer or gold , or that the verie images were their gods : for they did hold that their gods were in heauen : as the men of Lystra said , Act. 14. 11. gods like vnto men are come downe vnto vs , yet the spirit of God giueth this iudgement of them , that they make such images their gods : because they haue deuised such of themselues , God requireth no such thing , to be represented by : Therefore vaine is the defense of the Papists , which alleadge that they doe not worship the image , but as it hath relation to him , that is represented thereby , Poaln . See further of this controversie , Synops. Centur. 2. p. 402.

2. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be retained , though they be not worshipped .

Like as they onely doe not worship God , which doe pray vnto him , and fall downe before him , but they also which doe fight for him : So they are not onely worshippers of images , which doe bowe vnto them , but they also which doe maintaine them , and striue still to haue them retained : In this place they are not said to worship the gods of siluer and gold , but to praise them . So they are praisers of images , which thinke they may be retained as ornaments in their Churches : for the verie making of such images for any religious vse , is accursed before God , and abominable , and therefore defileth Gods house , it can be no ornament vnto it . As Deut. 27. 15. Cursed is the man that shall make any carued or molten image , which is an abhomination to the Lord , &c. God did not onely forbid the Israelites to make them any such images , but he commanded them to breake downe and deface the images of the Cananites , Deut. 7. 5. they might with as good pretense haue kept them for ornaments , as the Lutherans doe popish images in their Churches : But as Augustine saith , Deus istarum omnium superstitionum euersionem , iussit , permissit , exhibuit , God hath commanded , permitted , exhibited vnto Christians the subuersion and ouerthrowe of all such superstitions .

3. Contro . That no Protestants but Papists are the profa●ers of holy things .

v. 23. They haue brought the vessels of his house before thee . Pererius taketh here occasion , p. 399. to enueigh against protestants , whom he falsly and contumeliously calleth heretikes , quires sacras Iudi●rio & contemptui habeant , &c. which doe contemne and make a mocke of holy things , which they take away from sacred places and persons , and put them to impure and wicked vses .

Contra. 1. We denie that Church vessels and implements taken from idolaters , are sacred things : they were neuer consecrate vnto God , but to superstitious vses , and therefore it can be no sacriledge to conuert such things to ciuill vses . 2. If any haue abused such things notwithstanding to riot and excesse , they are not to be excused . 3. But the Papists are the profaners of holy things indeed : they profane the Scriptures , not suffering them to be read to the peoples vnderstanding , and the Sacraments , in polluting them with their owne inuentions , they baptise bels , and make an idol of bread in the Eucharist . 4. the Church ▪ maintenance by tithes they first tooke away from the Churches , and translated them to their Abbeys , where their fatte bellied Monkes wasted and consumed them in riot , as all the world knoweth .

4. Controv. That there are no certaine periods of kingdomes .

Pappus here noteth , that concerning the periods of kingdomes , they are for the most part quingentorum annorum , of fiue hundreth yeares , or halfe so much : as the Assyrian Empire continued 520. yeares : from the going out of Israel are counted 480. yeares : and thence to the captiuitie of Babylon 430. yeares : from thence to the comming of Christ 490. yeares : the kingdome of Athens from Cecrope to Codrus , continued 490. yeares : and so long the commonwealth of the Lacedemonians from Lycurgus to the ende and subuersion thereof : Some kingdomes continued but halfe the time of this periode , as the kingdome of Israel in Samaria 262. yeares : the Persian Monarchie 230. the kings among the Romanes raigned 245. yeares .

Contra. 1. First they can define no certaine periode of kingdomes : some will haue 500. yeares the periode , some 700. some an 120. yeares : and here before diuerse examples are alledged of vnlike continuance .

2. The examples are impertinent : the Assyrian Empire is held to haue continued aboue a 1000. yeares : the state of the Iudges exceeded not 300. yeares : the 490. yeares till the comming of the Messiah , take not beginning from the captiuitie , but from the reedifying of Ierusalem after the captiuitie , as is euident , Dan. 9. and in that time there were great alterations in the commonwealth of the Iewes .

3. But many contrarie examples may be produced : the Romane state after the kings were expelled , vnder Consuls and Dictators eudured aboue 600. yeares : The dominion of the Turkes hath borne sway a 1000. yeares , the kingdome of France hath continued a 1200. yeares : the state of Venice 800. And for short continuance , the Monarchie of the Athenians exceeded not 50. yeares : nor the Chalde Empire many aboue 70. This therefore is a vaine obseruation , of any such certaine and definite periode of kingdomes .

4. Further in that this Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued because of their iniquitie , two other errors are met withall . 1. of them which thinke that the alteration and change of kingdomes is ruled by the constellations , and aspects of planets : the Chaldeans were very expert in such contemplations , who could foresee no such thing , that their Monarchie was so neere vnto an ende . 2. they are also here confuted , which thinke there is a fatall destinie of kingdomes , that by an ineuitable necessitie , which dependeth vpon the connexion and concurrence of certaine secundarie causes , commonwealths come vnto their fatall ende : We see in this place that no such second causes here concurred , but it was Gods decree , and the writing of his owne hand , which dissolued the Babylonian state for the iniquitie thereof .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observ. Of the dangerous sinne of drunkennesse .

v. 2. Whiles Balthazar tasted the wine , &c. The king beeing intoxicate here with wine , casteth off all care of God and man , he falleth to profanenesse and blasphemie , such are the fruites of drunkennesse . It made Noah discouer his nakednesse . Lot to commit incest : it caused Benhadad with his 30. kings , to be ouercome of a fewe , 1. king 20. And Simon the Macchabe beeing filled with good cheare was slaine at a banket : Alexander the great killed more of his friends when he was drunke , then he did enemies in battell : Pythagoras therefore well said , ebrietatem brenem esse in saniam , that drunkennesse is a short kind of madnesse . And Anacharsis his saying was , primum poculum vini esse sanitatis , alterum voluptatis , tertium contumeliae , the first cuppe of wine was for health , the next for pleasure , the third was raging and contumelious , &c. the Apostle therefore exhorteth , be not drunke with wine wherein is excesse , Ephes. 5. 18. yea he sheweth that drunkards shall not inherite the kingdome of God , 2. Cor. 6. 10. what madnesse then is it for so short and a beastly pleasure , to loose Gods inheritance , at the least to put it in hazard .

2. Observ. Against carnall securitie .

This Balthazar being so neere vnto his destruction , gaue himselfe to banqueting and feasting , to drinke , and to be drunken : So the wicked and vngodly many times are most secure , when their iudgement is at hand : according to that saying in the Prouerbs , 16. 18. Pride goeth before destruction , and an high minde before the fall : thus it was said to the rich man , that laid vp store for many yeares , this night shall thy soule be taken from thee , Luk. 12. Thus the old world was eating and drinking , when the flood came , and swept them all away : And Iobs sonnes were feasting , when the house fell vpon them , Iob. 1. It therefore standeth vs in hand alwayes to be watchfull , and alwayes to shake off carnall securitie .

3. Observ. Of the terrour of a wicked conscience .

v. 6. Balthazar was so terrified at this sight , that his loynes trembled , and his knees smote together : the wicked , which alwayes carrie about with them a guiltie conscience , are no otherwise affected when any sudden iudgement ouertaketh them , then if they were presented before Gods tribunall seate to receiue their euerlasting doome : As the wicked in that day , Apocal. 6. 16. shall say to the mountaines and rockes , fall on vs , and hide vs from the presenc● of him that sitteth on the the throne , &c. Thus the heathen iudge trembled , when Paul disputed before him of the iudgement to come : Act. 24. 20. Wherefore let vs labour to haue a quiet conscience , setled by faith in Christ : Rom. 5. 1. As the Apostle saith , beeing iustified by faith , we are at peace with God : then shall we not feare the terror of that day , but rather loue the appearing , of Christ , and desire his comming .

4. Observ. The graces of God in others must not be neglected .

v. 11. There is a man in thy kingdome : This honourable Queene onely had respect vnto Daniel : his great graces and wisedome were neglected of the king , and his nobles , euen as Ioseph was hated of his brethren , Philip 24. and Dauid also of his : But the Apostles rule is , looke not euery man on his owne things , but euery man also on the things of other men : And set vp ( saith the Apostle ) them , which are lest esteemed in the Church : 1. Cor. 64. There are many euen in the Church , which for their wisedome and other gifts , are worthy to be aduanced , which are not esteemed of , according to that obseruation of the preacher , cap. 10. 7. I haue seene seruants on horses , and princes ( for their knowledge and gifts ) walking as seruants on the ground .

5. Observ. That it is a dangerous thing not to profit by the example of others .

v. 22. And thou his sonne ( O Belthassar ) hast not humbled thy selfe : His sinne was so much the greater , because he had his fathers example before him , whom God had humbled for his pride , and yet would not be warned : as Lamechs profanenesse is set forth , for that he threatned to kill a young man in his rage , flattering himselfe in his impunitie , Genes. 4. yet hauing before his eyes such a fearefull example of Gods seueritie vpon Cain for the like sinne .

6. Obseru. The tyrannie of the wicked shall haue an ende .

v. 26. God hath numbred thy kingdome : The people of God endured much sorrowe vnder the hard bondage and seruitude of Babylon : but now their tyrannie is at an end : So when the Israelites were most cruelly oppressed in Egypt , the Lord looked vpon their affliction , & numbred Pharaohs kingdome . So the tyrannie of the Romane Emperours was numbred , which for 300. yeares had persecuted the Church of God ; and God raised vp Constantine to be their deliuerer : And in this latter age of the world , when the Pope had a long time raged against Christs members , the Lord brought him to number and account , and hath freed his Church in many famous kingdomes from his Tyrannie .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observ. Of the dangerous sinne of drunkennesse .

2. Observ. Against carnall securitie .

3. Observ. Of the terrour of a wicked conscience .

4. Observ. The graces of God in others must not be neglected .

5. Observ. That it is a dangerous thing not to profit by the example of others .

6. Obseru. The tyrannie of the wicked shall haue an ende .

CHAP. VI.

1. The Methode and Argument .

IN this chapter is set forth the miraculous deliuerance of Daniel from the lyons , with the occasion thereof going before , and the effects that followed .

It hath three parts . 1. a narration of Daniels dignitie and honour . 2. the enuie thereupon raised against him , with the effects to v. 21. 3. the deliuerance of Daniel , whereunto he was brought thorough enuie .

1. Daniels dignitie is described . 1. by the efficient cause and author of his aduancement , the king , v. 1. 2. by the degrees of his honour . 1. he was one of the three set ouer the 120. gouernours . 2. he was made the first and cheife of the three , v. 3. 3. the king purposed to set him ouer the whole kingdome .

2. Hereupon Daniel is enuied , enuie bringeth forth malitious practising against Daniel , which is of two sorts . 1. they practise but preuaile not , v. 4. 2. they practise against Daniel and preuaile : where first is set forth their consultation , v. 5. 2. the putting the same in practise : where these three things are shewed . 1. the enacting of a law to entrappe Daniel , v. 11. 2. the vrging of the lawe to v. 16. 3. the execution of the lawe , in the condemnation of Daniel , with the effects thereof .

1. In the making of the lawe , there is 1. their petition to the king , to make a lawe , v. 5. and to ratifie it . 2. the kings condescending , v. 9.

2. The law is vrged : where 1. is set forth the matter of their accusation : they found Daniel praying : the manner of whose prayer is described , v. 10. see quest. 12. following . 2. the manner of their accusation , which containeth a generall repetition of the law made , v. 12. & a particular accusation against Daniel , with false suggestions , v. 13. 3. the kings endeauour to deliuer Daniel , v. 14.

3. The execution followeth , 1. with the cause thereof , the vrging of the Princes , v. 15. 2. the manner : the kings commandement goeth before , in the instant the king vseth comfortable words , v. 16. and afterward to make all sure , he and the princes seale the stone of the lyons caue or denne , v. 17. 3. then followe the effects . 1. the kings heauines shewed by three effect● , the refusing of his meate , of his delight and of his sleepe , v. 18. 2. the kings earely rising . 3. and friendly salutation of Daniel .

Then followeth the third part : Daniels deliuerance with the manner thereof , see afterward , quest. 23. And the effects which followed which were fowre . 1. the king reioyceth , v. 23. 2. Daniel is deliuered without any hurt at all , v. 23. 3. his accusers are cast into the lyons denne ; the manner is expressed , who were cast into the lyons denne , and how it befell them , their bones were broken in peices before they came at the ground , v. 24. 4. the kings decree concerning the worship of Daniels God : the parts and order where of see , qu. 29.

2. The text with the diuerse readings .

1. And it pleased ( before . C. ) Darius to set ( and he set . C. ) ouer the kingdome an hundreth and twentie gouernours , which should be ouer the ( in the. L. C. ) whole kingdome .

2. And ouer these he set , three rulers , of whom Daniel was the chiefe ( one . V. L. S. G. B. but ( one ) signifieth here the first , as the next verse sheweth ) that the gouernours might giue account vnto them , and the king should haue no damage ( not be troubled . L. but the word ( nazik ) signifieth rather to sustaine losse , then trouble .

3. Now Daniel was preferred ( excelled . V. was superior . L. ) aboue the rulers and gouernours , because the spirit ( of God . L. B. ad ) was excellent in him : and the king thought to set him ouer the whole realme .

4. Wherefore the rulers and gouernours fought ( were seeking . C. ) to find occasion against Daniel on the behalfe ( on the side . C. in the businesse . V. in the administration . I. ) of the kingdome , but they could finde none occasion , not fault : for he was so faithfull , that there was no blame nor fault found in him .

5. Then said these men , we shall finde no occasion against this ( to this . C. L. ) Daniel except we finde it against him concerning ( in . C. ) the lawe of his God .

6. Then these rulers and gouernours went together ( craftely assayled . V. L. thronged tumultuously . A. so the word ( pagash ) signifieth , as Psalm . 2. 1. ) to the king and said thus vnto him , king Darius liue for euer .

7. All the rulers of the kingdome , the officers and gouernours , the counsellers and dukes , haue consulted together to make a regal statute ( a statute of the king . C. for the king . G. B. ) and to confirme an edict , that whosoeuer shall aske a petition of any god or man , for thirtie dayes , saue of thee the king . ( I. of thee O king . V. L. B. G. ) should be cast into the lyons denne .

8. Now O king ratisie the edict , and signe ( seale . G. B. describe or write . C. ) the writing , that it be not changed , according to the lawe of Medes , and Persians , which faileth not ( passeth n●t . C. )

9. Therefore king Darius signed the writing and the decree .

10. Now when Daniel vnderstood , that the writing was signed ( that 〈◊〉 sealed the writing . B. G. ) he went into his house , and his windowe beeing open in his chamber ( the word signifieth an vpper chamber , Polan . ) towards Ierusalem , he three times in the day kneeled vpon his knees , and prayed , and praised ( confessed . C. ) before his God , as he did aforetime .

11. Then these men thronged together , and found Daniel praying , and making supplication before his God .

12. So they came and spake vnto the king concerning the kings decree : Hast thou not signed the decree , that euerie man that shall aske of any God , or man , for thirtie dayes , saue of thee O King , should be cast into the denne of lyons ? The king answered , and said , The thing ( or the word ) is true , according to the law of the Medes and Persians , which faileth not .

13. Then answered they , and said before the king : This Daniel , which is of the children of the captiuitie of Iudah , hath no respect ( putteth no respect . C. ) to thee O King , nor to the decree , which thou hast signed , but maketh his petition three times a day .

14. When the king heard these words , he was much displeased ( or grieued . I. L. much euill was . C. ) with himselfe ( about it . V. ) and set his heart on Daniel to deliuer him , and he laboured till the Sunne went downe to deliuer him .

15. Then these ●●en assembled ( vnderstanding . L. ) vnto the king , and said vnto the king : Vnderstand O king , that the lawe of the Medes and Persians is , that no decree or statute , which the king confirmeth , may be changed .

16. Then the king gaue charge ( said . C. ) and they brought Daniel , and cast him into the denne of Lyons : now the king spake and said vnto Daniel , Thy God , whom thou seruest continually , he will deliuer thee .

17. And a stone was brought , and laid vpon the mouth of the denne , and the king sealed it , with his owne signet , and the signet of his Princes , that the purpose should not be changed ( not nothing should be done against . L. ) concerning Daniel .

18. Then the king went into his palace , and remained fasting ( passed the night , or continued all night without his supper . C. V. not he slept . L. for the contrarie is expressed afterward , that his sleepe wont from him ) neither were the instruments of musicke ( such things as might cheare him . I. not meates . L. or the table . V. ) brought before him , and his sleep went from him .

19. Then the king arose in the morning by breake of day , B. ( with the light . C. ) and went with all hast to the denne of lyons .

20. And as he came nigh vnto the denne , he cried with a piteous , B. ( lamentable . B. ) voice vnto Daniel : and the king spake and said to Daniel , O Daniel the seruant of the liuing God , is not thy God ( thinkest thou not , that . L. ad . ) able to deliuer thee from the lyons ?

21. Then Daniel said to ( spake with . C. ) the king , O King haue for euer .

22. My God hath sent his Angel , and hath shut ( that is , the Angel ) the lyons mouthes , that they haue not hurt me : and therefore . I ( better then for . L. B. G. as though it were a reason of his deliuerance ) integritie is found in me before him : and before thee O King haue I done no mischiefe . I. L. V. ( hurt . C. ) I haue done thee no hurt . G. neuer offended thee . B.

23. Then was the king exceeding glad for him , and spake that they should take Daniel out of the denne : so Daniel was brought out of the denne , and no manner of hurt was found vpon him , because he beleeued . G. ( or trusted . B. ) in his God .

24. Then the king commanded , and the men were brought , which had found accusations ( accused accusations . C. ) which were against Daniel , and into the denne of the lyons were they cast , their children , and their wiues , and they were not yet at the ground of the denne , when the lyons had mastrie ouer them , and brake all their bones in peices .

25. Then Darius the king wrote vnto all people , nations , and languages , that dwell in all the earth ( world . G. lands . B. ) Peace be multiplied vnto you .

26. I make a decree ( a decree is propounded before me . C. ) that in all the dominion of my kingdome , men tremble and feare before the God of Daniel , for he is the liuing God , and remaineth for euer , and his kingdome is incorruptible ( shall not be corrupted . C. ) and his dominion shall be euerlasting .

27. He rescueth and deliuereth , and he worketh signes and wonders in heauen and in earth : who hath deliuered Daniel from the power ( hand . C. denne . L. ) of the lyons .

28. So this Daniel prospered in the raigne of Darius , and in the raigne of Cyrus the Persian . I. C. ( of Persia. B. G. )

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

1. Quest. What Darius this was , which tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon .

1. The author of the scholasticall historie reporteth this to haue beene the opinion of some , that this Darius should be Balthazars grandfather by the mothers side , the sonne of his daughter , who seeing that Balthazar had no children , he thought by this attempt to cut off Balthazar , and so to possesse the kingdome of Babylon . But this is very vnlike , seeing Darius was so well affected vnto Cyrus beeing but his nephew , that he should be so vnnaturall to his grandchild .

2. Theodoret thinketh , that this Darius was grandchild to Nabuchadnezzer by his daughter , and so he was a Chaldean by his mother , and a Mede by his father : and this he would thus prooue , because the kingdome was promised to Nabuchadnezzer , to his sonne , and his sonnes sonne , Ierem. 25. 6 , 7. now Balthazar was Nabuchadnezzers sonne , the kingdome then must according to that prophecie descend yet a degree further to some of Nabuchadnezzers stocke , namely vnto this Darius .

Contra. 1. Balthazar , as hath beene shewed before , was not sonne , but sonnes sonne to Nabuchadnezzer : for Euilmerodach was his sonne which next succeeded in the kingdom , 2. king . 25. 27. 2. seeing the kingdome was promised to his sonne , and sonnes sonne , this prophecie could not be fulfilled in Darius , who is supposed to haue beene his daughters sonne , not his sonnes sonne . 3. the kingdome descended not to Darius by inheritance , but was taken by conquest . Perer.

3. A third opinion is , that this Darius was he which was called Darius Hystaspis , who did warre with the Chaldees , and tooke their citie Babylon , and spoiled it : of this opinion was Porphyrius , as Hierome saith in 9. Daniel ▪ and Tertullian . lib. advers. Indae . Cyril . Hierosol ; catech . 12. Ioan. Ioannes Lucidus de emendat . temp●r . Gerardus Mercator . in annalib . But these are greatly deceiued , 1. because betweene this Darius the Mede , and Darius Hystaspis there was great difference : for the first was a Mede , the sonne of Assuerus the king , c. 9. 1. and raigned before Cyrus : the other was a Persian , not the sonne of a king , and he raigned the third after Cyrus . 2. And herein is their error , Babylon was twice taken , once by Darius and Cyrus together , and afterward by Darius Hystaspis by Zopyrus meanes .

4. Some other were of opinion , that this Darius was the same with Cyrus , because the Greeke historians ascribe this victorie and taking of Babylon onely vnto Cyrus , which Daniel giueth vnto Darius : Theodoret maketh mention of this opinion in the beginning of his sixt oration vpon this booke : But this opinion hath no probabilitie . 1. Darius was a Mede , but Cyrus was of Persia. 2. Darius was now 62. yeares old , and is thought to haue raigned but a short time after , not aboue a yeare or two : but Cyrus was neither so old , held not then to be aboue 40. and he raigned diuers yeares after . 3. And c. 6. 28. Darius and Cyrus are named , as two diuers persons .

5. It was the opinion of some , as Hierome writeth vpon the 5. chap. of Daniel , that this Darius was the same , who in Herodotus is called Astyages : of which opinion Eusebius seemeth to be , who maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes . And this seemeth to be fauoured by the Apocryphal storie of Susanna , v. 65. that when Astyages was put or laid vnto his auncestors , Cyrus of Persia tooke his kingdome .

But this opinion may thus be refelled : 1. because none of the forren writers doe make any mention , that Astyages had any warre with the Chaldeans , or that he tooke Babylon . 2. And this Apocryphal storie may be doubted of : for according to Xenophon , Cyaxares raigned after Astyages : and as Herodotus writeth , Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdome , and sent him to Carmania , and so tooke vpon him the kingdome while he liued : the storie of Susanna agreeth with neither of these reports .

6. The most generall receiued opinion is , that this Darius called Cyaxares , was , as Xenophon writeth , the sonne of Astyages , and vncle by the mothers side to Cyrus , which Cyaxares was king of the Medes after Astyages : this opinion followeth Iosephus , Hierome , Lyranus , Pintus , Oecolampad . Osiander , with others . But this is obiected against this opinion : that Astyages had no sonne , but a daughter , Mandane , the mother of Cyrus , whome Astyages commanded to be slaine , because the Astrologers told him , that he should haue dominion ouer all Asia . And this is affirmed by diuers authors , that Astyages had no sonne , as Valerius Maxim. lib. 1. cap. de somnijs . Herodot . lib. 1. Severus Sulpitius , lib. 2. sacr. histor. And therefore Iunius vnderstandeth Xenophon to speake not of Astyages naturall , but of his adopted sonne .

7. Iosephus Scaliger in the 8. booke of that exquisite worke , which he hath written de emendat . tempor ▪ is of this opinion , that be which is called Balthazar , is the same who is named of other writers Labosardach , the sonne of Ni●octis Nabuchadnezzers daughter , who was slaine by the Babylonians , and then this Darius the Mede , the same who is called Nabonidus , was by a common consent chosen king in his place , who when he had raigned 17. yeares in Babylon , was ouercome by Cyrus , and the citie taken . Iunius also in his annotation vpon this verse , saith that this Darius the Mede , is the same who is called by the historians , Labonidus , or Labynitus .

Contra. 1. If Labosardach and Balthazar were the same , beeing the sonne of Nabuchadnezzers daughter , then was not the prophecie fulfilled , that the kingdome should be giuen to Nabuchadnezzers sonne , and his sonnes sonne , for it was to his daughters sonne . 2. when Balthazar was slaine , Darius tooke the kingdom by force , it is not like they would haue chosen him beeing a stranger vnto it . 3. after Balthazar was slain , the kingdom was deuided betweene the Medes and Persians it did not then quietly descend vnto the Medes . 4. The Prophet Isai saith , c. 13. 17. Behold I will stirre vp the Medes against thee : the Medes then assaulted Babylon and tooke it by violence : a Mede came not vnto it by election . 5. This Darius was king of the Medes and Persians , as it appeareth in the 6. chapter , how could that be , if he raigned in Babylon , and was ouercome by the power of the Medes and Persians ? 6. Concerning Iunius opinion , I preferre his iudgement in his commentarie vpon v. 11. 12. c. 5. that Balthazar is the same , whome Herodotus called Labunitus , or Nebonidus , which signifieth a Prince expulsed : because he with his father were both expelled by Niglazar : Then Darius the Mede could not be that Nabonidus , or Labynitus , as he hath in his annotation .

8. This then is the most probable opinion , that this Darius called also Cyaxares , was not the sonne , but the brother of Astyages , and great vncle to Cyrus , the sonne of Cambyses and Mandane Astyages daughter : this then was their genealogie : Assuerus or Cyaxares the Elder had two sonnes , Astyages , and Cyaxares the younger , the same is this Darius , who is said to be sonne of Assuerus , c. 9. 1. not of Astyages . Xenophon calleth Cyaxares Astyages sonne , because he adopted him to succeede in the kingdome to preuent Cyrus . Iun. Polan . The author of the scholasticall historie much disagreeth not , who saith that Cyaxares was not the sonne , but the kinsman of Astyages , whome he adopted to be his heire . This Darius was also father in law to Cyrus , to whome together with his daughter , he resigned the kingdome of Media . Iun.

2. Quest. Of the diuers names which Darius had .

1. Pererius obserueth that he was called by 4. names : by Daniel he is named Darius : by the Septuag. as Hierome saith , he was called Artaxerxes : by Xenophon Cyaxares : and in the storie of Susanna , he is the same there called Astyages : the three first names may be acknowledged to be giuen vnto him , but Astyages he is not called either by Herodotus or Xenophon : it is rather an error in that Apocryphal storie .

2. The names Cyaxares and Assuerus are in effect all one : for Chu in the Persian language signifieth a Prince , and so doth achash , whence is deriued the word achashverosh , or Assuerus , which the Greekes pronounce Axares , or Oxuares : Cyaxares then signifieth a prince of princes , or a chiefe prince .

3. He is called Darius the Mede , by way of distinction from Darius the Persian , Ezr. c. 4. 5. who was the third that raigned after Cyrus .

3. Quest. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon .

1. Xenophon writeth that Darius was the chiefe author of the warre against Babylon , and therein vsed the helpe of Cyrus , who beeing sent with the greatest part of the armie to the siege , Darius himselfe staied in Media , to whome Cyrus came afterward , when he had setled the Babylonian affaires , to whome Darius offered the kingdome of Media together with his daughter , and Cyrus againe gaue vnto Darius the gouernment of Babylon with the goodly palace , and other edifices there : this report followeth Iunius in his commentarie . But it is not like , that Darius was now absent , seeing it is saide , that immediately after Balthazar was slaine , Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome .

2. R. Levi thinketh , that Darius was present , and that he afterward continued in Babylon , and raigned not a full yeare there , and then Cyrus succeeded him .

3. But Iosephus , whose opinion is more probable , thinketh that Darius certaine moneths after the taking of Babylon , returned into Media , and caried Daniel with him , where in E●batane Daniel builded a goodly tower for the sepulture of the kings , which remained vnto Iosephus time , lib 10 〈◊〉 c● p. 12. and then seemed as if it had beene newly built : And he left Cyrus behind him , to set the Babylonian affaires in order : this Bullinger thinketh more probable : and Oecolampadius seemeth to encline to the same opinion : for Daniel when he was cast into the lyons den was then among the Medes and Persians , as may be gathered , c. 6. 12. The thing is true according to the law of the Medes and Persians .

4. Now it beeing agreed that both Darius and Cyrus were both at this siege and taking of Babylon , some thinke that Cyrus had the dominion , sed pro sua modestia cessit titulo regni , but in his modestie gaue vnto Darius the title of the kingdome , beeing his vncle and father in law , Oecolampad . Lyranus thinketh that Cyrus compounded with Darius vpon this condition , it a vt post eum regnaret , so that he might raigne after him : But , seeing Cyrus , when he had expulsed Astyages king of the Medes , established Cyaxares his vncle in the kingdom for his life time , Iun. ex Xenoph. who now held the same , and was taken for the king of Med●s : Cyrus was contented that Darius as in the right of his kingdome , who also was the chiefe author of this warre , should haue the honour of this victorie , and the dominion of Babylon : and thus thinketh Hierome that not onely ordo aetatis & propinquitatis , sed regni seruatus est , that not the order of age , or affinitie , but of the kingdome was kept herein : because then the kingdome of the Medes , was greater then the kingdome of the Persians . And this best agreeth vnto the Prophets , who make the Medes the chiefe enemies and assaulters of Babylon , Isa. 13. 17. and Ierem. 51. 11. Iosephus also maketh Darius the chiefe man in the siege and sacking of Babel : he did take it , adiutus à Cyro cognato , beeing assisted by Cyrus his kinsman .

5. And herein more credit may be giuen to Iosephus in the histories which concerne his owne nation , then vnto Herodotus , or Xenophon , vnto whome these two exceptions may be taken .

1. Herodotus is thought to haue many fabulous reports , and therefore is commonly called pater mendaciorum , the father of lies : and Xenophon in the praise of Cyrus is found somewhat to exceede .

2. These two historians in diuers points are one contrarie to the other . Herodotus maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes : Xenophon nameth Cyaxares king after him : the first saith Astyages had no sonne , but a daughter , the other saith Cyaxares was his sonne : the first writeth that Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdome , the other that he died , and left it to his sonne . Herodotus saith that Cyrus was borne of obscure parentage , that he was miserably slaine by Thomyris Queene of the Messagetes , that he raigned 29. yeares . Xenophon saith that Cyrus was nobly borne of a Prince of Persia , that he died peaceably at home , and raigned but seauen yeares .

6. The resolution then of this question is , that neither this Darius was chosen king by the Babylonians , as Ioseph Scaliger , whose opinion is rehearsed before : nor yet was he altogether rex beneficiarius , a king by courtesie , as Iun. but as king of the Medes , which kingdome indeede he held by Cyrus fauour , he ouercame Babylon , and translated the kingdome from the Chaldeans to the Medes and Persians .

4. Quest. When Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of the Chaldeans .

1. Iunius in his commentarie vpon the ● . ch. v. 29. seemeth to be of opinion , that Cyrus first spent a whole yeare in the setling of the Babylonian affaires : and after a yeare resigned the title of that kingdome to Darius : so the first yeare of Darius raigne , was the second of Cyrus : which may be the cause , why mention is made onely of the first and third yeare of Cyrus , and not of the second . So his opinion is , that Darius and Cyrus first yeare concurred not together , but that Darius first yeare was Cyrus second . But this seemeth to contradict the text , c. 6. 28. where Darius raigne is set before Cyrus : it is vnlike that Darius raigne then began after Cyrus .

2. Some are of opinion , that Darius the Mede raigned diuers yeares in Babylon , before Cyrus tooke the citie , of which iudgement is Iosephus Scaliger , as we haue seene before , qu. 1. 8. But this can not be : for as soone as the Babylonian Monarchie was dissolued , it was diuided presently betweene the Medes and Persians : the Medes did not possesse it before .

3. R. Levi thinketh that Darius raigned the first yeare immediatly after the taking of Babylon : but he raigned not the whole yeare : Cyrus succeeded the same yeare : which opinion Oecolampadius fauoureth , because if Cyrus raigned not the first yeare , then the manumission and deliuerance of the Iewes should haue beene deferred after the 70. yeares were expired .

4. But the more probable opinion is , that Darius and Cyrus raigne concurred together , and that the first yeare of the Persian Monarchie is indifferently ascribed to Cyrus and Darius : for it is euident , that immediatly after the dissolution of the Babylonian state , Cyrus raigned , and it is called the first yeare of his raigne : as , c. 1. 21. Daniel was vnto the first yeare of Cyrus : that is , he continued in Babylon , till that state was altered , and the kingdome was translated to Cyrus : Beside , the 70. yeares of captiuitie , and the Babylonian Monarchie ended together : then immediatly after the 70. yeares expired , Cyrus in his first yeare maketh an Edict for the returne of the Iewes , Ezr. 1. 1. Now that this was the first yeare also of Darius , is as euident , c. 9. 1 , 2. in the first yeare of Darius , Daniel vnderstood that the 70. yeares were accomplished : but if Darius first , had not beene likewise Cyrus first , the yeares were accomplished before . So they both raigned together , as Calvin faith , they did regnare in commune , raigne in common , because the Medes and Persians are ioyned together , c. 6. 8. and the Edict for the returne of the Iewes was made by them both , as Iun. noteth , 2. Chron. 36. 23. and therefore Ezr. 6. 14. it is called the commandement of Cyrus and Darius .

5. Quest. Of the officers which Darius appointed , and the reason thereof .

1. Darius appointed an 120. gouernours , according to the number of the Prouinces : which were numbred afterward to an 127. Esth. 1. 1. Some thinke that the odde number of seauen is here omitted , to make the number euen , Genevens . annot. Esth. 1. 1. But it is more like that either more Prouinces were added afterward to the Persian Monarchie , or els all the 127. were diuided among these 120. gouernours . All these might be diuided into three parts , each of them containing 40. gouernours . And ouer all these were three other chiefe ouerseers set to take account of them : to euery one there might be assigned 40. Bullinger . Iosephus is deceiued , who trebleth this number , and saith that Darius appointed 360. gouernours , whome Freculphus in his Chronicle followeth , tom. 1. lib. 3. c. 18.

1. The reasons , why Darius made choice of these gouernours , were these . 1. Because Darius was old , 62. yeares of age , and therefore he did appoint them to be his assistants in the kingdome , Iun. 2. Because all things in the Commonwealth must be done in order : intellexit absque ordine nullum regnum , he knew that a kingdome could not continue without order . 3. Their office was to see , that the king sustained no damage , to see that the lawes were obserued , and the kings reuenues were not wasted . The Latine interpreter readeth , vt rex non sustineret molestiam , that the king might not be troubled : but that were , as though the king gaue himselfe to his ease , and had care of nothing , which is not like , that a king of so many Prouinces could be without care of the gouernment .

6. Quest. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel , beeing a stranger , ouer the whole realme . v. 3.

1. Though it ordinarily be more safe , for such gouernours to be appointed which are of the same nation , because both the hearts of the people will be more inclined vnto such , and the care and loue of such officers will be greater toward their countrey : yet in two cases it may fall out to be better to appoint a stranger : 1. when as there are any singular and extraordinarie parts of wisdome in such an one as there was in Daniel , more then is to be found in any other . 2. where countries are subdued by conquest , it is not safe to commit the gouernment to men of the same nation , least they might rebell : This was the Romane policie , to make their owne citizens Proconsuls and Leiftenants ouer their Prouinces : And in the same policie it was sometime enacted here in England , that no Irish man should be made a Bishop in Ireland , least such beeing then popishly affected , might haue beene instruments to corrupt the people in religion , and so mooue them vnto rebellion .

2. Likewise it is more safe for the Prince to haue his Senate and assemblie of Counsellers , where many may be found trustie and faithfull , but otherwise it is not amisse , to preferre one prudent and faithfull man , before many vnwise , and vnfaithfull , as Pharaoh committed the gouernment of the whole realme vnto Ioseph , and here Darius vnto Daniel , Polan .

7. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court .

1. Two conditions beeing obserued , it is not vnlawfull to beare such an office . 1. Daniel did not here ambitiously seeke this place of gouernment , but it was cast vpon him . 2. he kept himselfe pure from their idolatrie , as Ioseph did likewise in Egypt .

2. Neither was it vnlawfull for Daniel to haue the chiefe charge of the kings accounts , and to be as chiefe Treasurer vnder him , and to be a faithfull steward for the kings profit : as Ioseph was a meanes that the kings reuenewes were greatly augmented and encreased . But such must haue care , that they seeke not the kings profit , with the oppression of the subiects , and laying hard impositions vpon them : As Haman by oppressing the Iewes , promised to bring ten thousand talents of siluer into the kings treasure , Esth. 3. 9.

8. Quest. How the Rulers failed in their purpose , finding no fault at all in Daniel .

1. There are three words here vsed , they found no occasion , blame , nor fault : the first word is ghillah , which the Septuag. translate 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the second shal● , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the third shachitha , which the Septuag. interpret 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 : the first Polychr●nius vnderstandeth of capitall offences , the second of faults not capitall , the third of corruption in receiuing of gifts , or misgouernment , Oecolamp . Lyranus thus distinguisheth , they found no fault , in facto , in deede , not any occasion or suspition , in signo , in the least signe .

2. Whereas the words are , they sought occasion , ex latere regni , on the part or side of the kingdome : Lyranus readeth , ex latere regis , on the side of the king , giuing three interpretations thereof ; that they practised to remooue him from the kings side , from beeing so neare vnto him : or to accuse him , that ambiret aequalitatem regis , as though he sought to be equall to the king , and to goe , as we say , side by side with him : or they sought to picke out matter concerning the Queene , which lay at the kings side , as though Daniel had beene too familiar with her . But all these gloases are grounded vpon a false text : the words are on the side or behalfe of the kingdome , malcutha , not of the king : that is , they sought to find some fault concerning the administration of the kingdome .

9. Quest. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel , the occasion thereof , and iniustice therein .

1. Some thinke that these gouernours wrought vpon the kings ambitious humour , who thought that Cyrus would obscure him : as Xenophon writeth , that Cyaxares , which was this Darius , would say with teares , that Cyrus was more glorious then he : therefore they knew that this decree would content the king , that none should be praied vnto for 30. daies but himselfe . But they beside pretended the kings profit , that it was necessarie by this decree to trie the obedience of his subiects , especially the Chaldeans , which were lately subdued , Calvin . that by this meanes Darius might be established in his kingdome . Not much vnlike vnto this was the practise of Gryslerus gouernour of Austria , who to trie the affections of the people to the nobilitie , caused a cappe to be hung vpon a pole , that they which passed by , should doe obeisance thereunto , for reuerence to the nobilitie and magistrates . But whatsoeuer their pretence was to the king , they intend the destruction and ouerthrow of Daniel .

2. Now how vniust this decree was , diuersly appeareth . 1. herein they first dishonour the God of Israel , whose power they had experience of , though they knew him not , in denying that honour which was due vnto God , to be inuocated , Like to this law was that prohibition of Henrie the 3. in France , that is should not be lawfull for housholders to pray with their families . Polan . p. 452. and called vpon , and giuing of it vnto a nortall man . 2. They are iniurious to their owne gods , whome they would not haue worshipped for 30. daies : for enuious and ambitious men contemne all religion both true and false , to compasse their owne desire , Polan . 3. they abuse and deceiue the king : Rex non perspiciens eorum malitiam , &c. the king not perceiuing their malice , giueth consent , Ioseph . and so Daniel , whome the king most fauoured , is entrapped . 4. They limit this decree vnto the space of 30. daies ; whereupon Chrysostome well noteth , si hoc bonum , ●pertebat semper facere , if it were a good thing , it ought alwaies to be done ; if euill , it was not fit to continue 30. daies . 5. Beside they vrge a generall consent of all the nobles : whereupon Chrysostome againe : if it were good , quid tantam multitudinem pratexitis , why doe ye pretend such a multitude : for it ought to be approoued without such a multitude : and if it were euill , ●e toto mundo praecipiente parere fas erat , it was not lawfull to obey , though all the world commanded it . 6. Beside , in barring all men to make petition to any saue the king , they doe wrong vnto Cyrus , by whose fauour and benefit Darius held the kingdome , Iun. in comment . 7. And lastly it was a most bloodie decree , vnder paine of most cruell death , to be cast into the lyons denne , inioyning so vnreasonable a thing .

10. Quest. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians , v. 8.

1. It seemeth that the decrees of the Persian kings were inuiolably kept , whether they were iust or vniust : as the sudden and rash sentence which Assuerus gaue against his wife Vashti , could not be reuoked : and the bloodie decree which Haman procured for the extirpation of the Iewes , was not reuersed ; but a contrarie decree was made , that the Iewes should stand vpon their owne defence , and kill those which went about to destroy them .

2. The Persians had great respect vnto the truth . Agathias in his historie of the manners of the Persians , writeth that they make two gods , as the Manichees , one the author of goodnes and truth , whome they call Ormisdatis , whose bodie they say is like vnto the light , and his soule to the truth ; and their other god , the author of euill , they call Arimanes . Pet. Crinitus l. 1. de honest . disciplin . writeth , that the Persian kings sonne was committed to foure masters , whereof the second did alwaies admonish him , that he should loue and keepe the truth throughout his whole life .

11. Quest. Why Daniel did not stay the kings decree by his contrarie aduise .

v. 10. Now when Daniel vnderstood : 1. It is like that Daniel was not present , when the rulers thus mooued the king , but they had excluded him , and not made him priuie vnto their deuise : for otherwise such was the pietie of Daniel , and his zeale toward God , that he would not by his silence haue suffered his glorie to be empayred , Calvin . he vnderstood then the decree after it was proclaimed and published .

2. They then which vpon the supposed conniuence and silence of Daniel , doe thinke it enough , if counsellers and men of state beeing present , when wicked decrees are enacted , doe withhold their consent , are in errour : for this were by their timiditie and fearefulnes to betray the truth . Against such the wise man speaketh , Prou. 24. 11 , 12. Deliuer those that are drawne to death , and wilt thou not preserue them , that are led to be slaine ? if thou say , Behold , we knew not of it , he that pondereth the hearts , doth not he vnderstand ?

12. Quest. Of Daniels custome of praying , with the circumstances thereof .

1. The occasion is expressed , that when he heard of this decree , he betooke himselfe vnto prayer , which the children of God most of all vse in the time of distresse .

2. The place is expressed , he went to his owne house , not vnto any of their idolatrous temples ; his owne house was his Temple . And he praied in an vpper roome , not to be more secret , as Pintus collecteth , but rather that he might be seene , that he continued constant in his religion . P●lan . Iun.

3. The place is described by the adiunct , the opening of the windowes , that he might freely and openly shew himselfe a worshipper of God .

4. The site and position of the opening of the windows was toward Ierusalem , whether he hoped to returne .

5. The circumstance of the time is added : he prayed three times a day , in the morning , before he went to his busines : at noone , when he came home to eate meate , and at night , when he had finished his busines : these three times he made choice of , as freest from worldly employments , that he might not be interrupted in his prayer .

6. His gesture is expressed , he kneeled downe vpon his knees .

7. The argument and matter of his inuocation : prayer , in the petition of things necessarie ; and praise , in giuing thanks vnto God .

8. His constancie is shewed , as he had done aforetime .

13. Quest. How Daniels custome in opening the windowes when he prayed , agreeth with our Sauiours precept , Matth. 6. to shut the doores of the chamber in prayer .

1. Our blessed Sauiour must not be vnderstood in that place , to speake simply and absolutely , as though it were not lawfull but to pray priuately in the chamber , the doores beeing shut : for then it should not be lawfull to pray publikely , or in the hearing of others : but that precept is vttered , as we say , secundum quid , in a certaine respect , and by way of comparison , that it were better secessum quaerer● , to seeke a secret place to pray in , then to presse into the sight of men , to shewe our deuotion .

2. The ende must be considered , which our Sauiour there aymeth that , which is to take heede of vaine glorie in our prayer : which ende is here obserued by Daniel , who in opening his windowes did not seeke the praise of men , sed se palam Dei cultorem commonstrabat , but onely shewed himselfe openly a worshipper of God , Bulling.

Quest. 14. Why Daniel opened the windowe of his chamber toward Ierusalem .

Daniel turneth not himselfe toward Ierusalem , as hauing any confidence in the place , or as though God were present more in one place then in another ; but for these reasons . 1. because they had a promise , 〈…〉 that when they were taken prisoners , and carried captiue into a strange land , if they prayed toward the Temple , they should be heard , Lyran. Iun. And whereas they were commanded , Deut. 12. to goe vnto the place which the Lord should choose ; from hence it is gathered , si non possent ad locum illum venire , saltem contra locum ipsum adorarent , if they could not come vnto that place , yet they should worship toward it .

2. Iustabat nunc annus septuagesimus , &c. now the 70. yeare was at hand , when the deliuerance of the people was expected , & therfore he prayed so much the more earnestly , Pel. and toward Ierusalem , quam optabat reparari , which he desired to be repayred : his desire appeareth in his gesture , Oecolamp .

3. By this meanes he shewed his faith and hope , se acquiescere in haeriditate promissa , that he rested in the promised inheritance , Calvin . that the people should returne thither againe , as Iacoband Ioseph beleeued , that they should be redeemed out of Egypt .

4. By this Ceremonie in looking toward the temple , where it was onely lawfull for them to offer sacrifice , was signified the redemption by Christ , and that it is not lawfull , ad alium mediatorem respicere in precibus praeter Christum , to looke vnto an other Mediator in our prayers , beside Christ , Bulling.

5. And hereby he shewed se non obliuisci populi sui , &c. that he forgat not his people , countrey , and religion , though he himselfe enioyed great honour , Polan . like as Moses forsooke Pharaohs Court , and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God .

6. Conspectus ille fuit instar flabelli , &c. that prospect toward Ierusalem was a meanes the more to enflame Daniels desire to the peoples deliuerance for the which he prayed : this he did to helpe his owne infirmitie , not that God by opening the windowes that way , heard the sooner , Calvin .

7. Aud herein Daniel had the example of other holy men , as Dauid saith , Psal. 5. 8. I will bow my selfe ( or worship ) toward thy holy temple , Polan .

8. And this looking of Daniel toward Ierusalem out of the captiuitie of Babylon , teacheth vs , that we beeing set here in the world , as in the captiuitie of Babel , ex hac confusione ad calestem Ierusalem respiciamus , should out of this confused estate looke vp to the heauenly Ierusalem , Pintus .

Quest. 15. Why Daniel prayed thrice in a day .

1. Daniel did not make choice of these houres , as though they were more specially consecrated vnto praier , and by the circumstance of the time more holines and efficacie were added thereunto ; as the Romanists haue such a superstitious conceit of their canonicall houres : And they say the Iewes obserued these three times , with more religious respect : as the third houre , because then the holy spirit was giuen , the sixt houre , because then the brasen serpent was lift vp in the wildernesse , and the ninth , because then the waters came out of the rocke in Cades . And so Christians should obserue the same three times : the third houre , when the Holy Ghost was giuen , the sixt , at what time Christ was crucified , and the ninth , when the water gushed out of his side , Pintus .

2. But this was the reason rather , why Daniel obserued these times : he made choice of such times , wherein he had best leisure , and was freest from worldly businesse , which was the morning before he went abroad , at noone when he came home to eate meate , as Ioseph also vsed to doe , Gen. 43. 16. and at night when all his businesse was ended , Iun. Besides , these are the fittest times in respect of the benefits therein receiued of God , in the morning to giue thankes for our deliuerance the night past , at noone , when we take our meat , and at night for our preseruation that day , Calv. of these three times Dauid maketh mention , Psal. 55. 17. Euening , morning , and at noone will I pray : A Deo initium , felicem successum , beatum exitum petimus , we doe aske of God the beginning , the happie successe , and prosperous end of our busines , Oecolampad .

16. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in thus praying , to offer himselfe to publike danger .

It will be obiected that Daniel might haue done better to haue prayed in secret . 1. because of the kings commandement . 2. he should haue had herein some speciall reuelation . 3. he might haue prayed vnto God though he had not done it so openly , seeing the externall worship is not simply necessarie , but it is referred to the internall , whereby God will specially be serued . 4. a wise man would haue giuen way to the present necessitie and obserued the time . 5. by this meanes he might haue brought all the Iewes into danger , if God had not extraordinarily deliuered him .

Contra. 1. The kings commandement was to be obeyed , so long as it was not contrarie vnto Gods commandement , as in this case it was : for the Lord saith , call vpon me in the day of trouble : but here the king forbiddeth that God should be called vpon . 2. Daniel herein was guided by the spirit of God : yet he was not to expect any speciall reuelation , hauing the generall word of God , as Deut. 6. 12. 13. beware least thou forget the Lord thy God , &c. thou shalt feare the Lord thy God , and serue him , &c. and Deut. 8. 10. when thou hast eaten , and art filled , thou shalt blesse the Lord thy God . 3. though the internall worship of God be most necessarie , yet the other is necessarie also , as beeing a part of our outward confession of God : as in this case it was necessarie , Daniel should thus testifie his worship of God , because it had beene his custome in former times , which if he had intermitted , f●isset obliqua quaedam abiuratio , &c. it had beene an indirect abiuring of his religion . 4. in ciuill matters & things indifferent , it is good to giue way vnto the time , but not in matters which concerne the saluation of the soule . 5. he was rather to goe before his nation in constancie of religion , and to giue them a good example : whereas if he had dissembled , he might haue brought them all into the same dissimulation : Daniel then herein doing his dutie , was not to giue ouer in respect of any danger , but to leaue the successe vnto God .

But that Daniel did well in making this open confession of his faith , it appeareth by the happie successe , Gods extraordinarie assistance , whereby the Lord approoued of Daniels godly resolution . Beside if Daniel had done otherwise , he should haue diuersely offended . 1. against God , in preferring the kings commandement before his . 2. against the law of nature , which teacheth vs that God is to be worshipped . 3. against the true religion and worship of God , which by his example should haue beene much hindred . 4. against the people of God , in offending them with his inconstancie . 5. and against his owne conscience , if he had for feare forbeared that , which in his iudgement he allowed , Iun. in comment .

Quest. 17. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him .

1. First they lie in waite for Daniel : And there is both a multitude of them which conspire together , these men assembled , v. 11. and they finde Daniel in the verie manner , praying vnto his God .

2. In their accusation is to be considered the forme of it , which is full of subtiltie , and cunning : they doe not at the first directly accuse Daniel , because they knewe he was fauoured of the king : but first by making rehearsall of the decree in generall , they drawe from the king a former consent , that afterward he should not goe backe : wherein they call three things to the kings remembrance , the sum of the decree , the ratification , & the penaltie . v. 12.

3. The matter of the accusation is against Daniel , which is not simply done , but with diuerse false and enuious suggestions : Enuious concerning his person , in obiecting his captiuitie , and the action , in concealing to whom he made his petition : they simply propound it , he made his petition three times a day : the king might conceiue that he might make it to some other man : their suggestion is false ; as though Daniel did it in contempt of the king lawes .

4. And their enuie further appeareth in these two things . 1. they omit to make mention of Daniels vertues : they burie them all in obliuion , and picke what matter they can against him , Pintus . 2. they forget that Daniel was their fellowe in office , which many times is respected by men of like place and calling , Osiand .

Quest. 18. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the sunne went downe .

1. The king by deferring the sentence vntill night , might thinke that some opportunitie might in the meane time be offred vnto Daniel to escape this danger , Iun. And in the meane time , optimum testimonium Danieli dat , he giueth a good testimonie vnto Daniel , O●co , it is like he pleaded for him shewing what a necessarie man he was to the commonwealth , and what good seruice he had done , and that afterward there might be great misse of him : Beside , he might dispute the cause with them , interpretando edictum , by interpreting his decree , and seeking to excuse Daniel , Lyran. But he could not preuaile : Thus farre the king is to be commended , in labouring for the innocent .

2. But in two things he faileth , on the one side , metuit discrimen , &c. he is afraide least the nobles should haue conspired against him , if he had resisted them : he durst not infringe their lawes at the first . 2. stulto pudore mouetur , he is mooued with shame least he might be noted of inconstancie , for reuersing his lawe , Calvin . Thus Herode was loath to put Iohn Baptist to death , but he more fear●d the note of inconstancie with those which sate at the table : and Pilate would haue deliuered Christ , but he feared the displeasure of Caesar , as the Iewes obiect , that in so doing he should not be Caesars friend . 3. Yet though Darius here shew himselfe to be but a weake Prince , yet his offence was no so great as was the sinne of the Rulers , for he lapsus est infirmitate , fell of infirmitie , Melancthon . illi accusant per inuidam , &c. they accuse the seruant of God through enuie , Oecolamp . And as there was difference in their sinne , so the euent was diuerse : for the Lord had mercie on the king , and brought him to repentance : but Daniels enemies were destroyed .

Quest. 19. Whether Darius might not haue broken this decree .

1. There is no question , but that the king ought to haue reuersed this vniust lawe , whatsoeuer the custome was to the contrarie , whereby the innocent were condemned : like as it is better to breake an vniust oath , then to obserue it : for then there is a double fault committed , first in making an vniust oath , and then in keeping it : like as Dauid did well to reuerse his oth of reuenge which he had made against Nabal ; and Herode did wickedly in performing his rash and vnaduised oath in killing Iohn Baptist , Pap.

2. Darius then binding himselfe to strictly to his lawe , therein cannot be excused . 1. he knewe in his conscience that it was a wicked decree , and against the glorie of God . 2. And that it was made fraudulently to intrappe Daniel . 3. neither should he haue beene drawn to be partaker of other mens sinnes . 4. And though his nobles resisted him , yet where he could not by argument and perswasion preuaile , he should haue striken thorough by his authoritie , Polan .

Quest. 20. Whether Darius prayer for Daniel were of faith .

v. 16. Thy God , whom thou alway seruest , he deliuer thee , &c. 1. Hierome , with whom consenteth Lyranus , Hugo , gloss . ordinar. doe here note , quod non ambigue loquitur , sed audacter & confidenter , that Darius speaketh not doubtfully but boldly and confidently , &c. And this may seeme to be an argument that he prayed in faith , because his prayer was heard : but Daniels deliuerance was not an effect of Darius prayer : the Lord had respect vnto his owne glorie , and to Daniels innocencie ; and he wisheth rather that God should deliuer him , then affirmeth any thing , as Iunius translateth .

2. There appeareth in Darius , that he had here aliquam Dei cognitionem , some knowledge of God , which he had learned of Daniel , Osiand . which is manifest both in that he speaketh of Daniels God , that he and not any other god , was able to deliuer him : and then in respect of Daniels person , because he was innocent he was perswaded God would deliuer him , Iun.

3. Yet this was farre from a faithfull prayer . 1. for then he would neuer haue suffred an innocent man to be condemned . 2. he calleth him Daniels God , as though he were not his God , Polan . 3. If he had prayed in faith , he would not onely haue wished well vnto Daniel , but haue endeauoured by all his power to doe him good : for not good words , but good workes are the fruits of faith , as S. Iames sheweth , c. 2. 16. Bulling. yet we may gather , non omni pietate vacuum fuisse regem , that the king was not void of all pietie , by his words following , when he thus spake to Daniel , v. 20. O Daniel , seruant of the liuing God , is not thy God whom thou alway seruest , able to deliuer thee from the lyons ? Bulling. though Calvin here doubt not to affirme , ●e micam pietatis fuisse in rege , that there was not a crumbe of pietie in the ki●● ▪

Quest. 21. v. 17. Why the king sealed the stone with his owne seale .

1. The Latine interpreter readeth , he sealed the stone with his owne signet , and the signet of his princes , ne quid fieret contra Danielem , least any thing should be done against Daniel , whereupon the ordin . gloss . noteth following Hierome , de leonibus securus de hominibus pertimescit , the king beeing out of feare for the lyons , is afraide of men , &c. he is afraide least any of his enemies seeing the lyons to doe Daniel no harme , might haue practised against him in the denne : and therefore he sealed the stone , ne introiret aliquis sine scitu suo , least any should enter without his priuitie , Lyran. to the same purpose also Bullinger and Pellican . But the originall is otherwise , which is truely translated thus , that the purpose might not be changed concerning Daniel .

2. Therefore the meaning is this , that when these men perceiued , when Daniel was cast into the denne , that the lyons stirred not at him , they doubting of the kings constancie , least he should cause Daniel to be taken out aliue , or that some other of his friends might drawe him out , Daniels accusers cause the king to seale the stone : and they not trusting to the kings seale alone , put to their owne seales likewise , Iun. Polan .

Quest. 22. Whether Darius were truely conuerted , confessing Daniels God to be the liuing God .

v. 20. Is not thy God whom thou seruest able to deliuer thee ? 1. Hierome , and Lyranus following him , thinke that the king did not speake thus as doubting of Gods power , sed ambiguam sententiam temperat , &c. but he so tempereth his speach , that when Daniel should come forth without any hurt , the more credible the thing was , tanto aduersus principes iustior sit indignatio , so much the more iust his indignation might be against the rulers , &c. And so their opinion seemeth to be , that Darius as trusting in the power of God spake confidently , as a man assured that Daniel was deliuered . And for further strengthening of this opinion it wil be said , that Darius here confesseth the liuing God , as beleeuing in the onely true God : But to confesse one onely God , men are taught by the light of nature , and diuerse of the Gentiles so acknowledged , this then was no firme argument of his conuersion .

2. Though Darius spake not thus , as incredulous , sed inter spem metumque haerebat , but did sticke as it were betweene hope and feare , Osiand . yet the manner of his speach sheweth that he somewhat doubted of Gods power , habuit aliquid spei , sed coniectum cum dubitatione , he had some hope , but ioyned with doubtfulnesse and infirmitie , Bulling. beside he confesseth the Lord to be Daniels God , and that he serued him , but he did not call him his God : neither did Darius abolish the worship of idols out of his kingdome , all which are euident arguments that he was not truely conuerted vnto the knowledge of Daniels God , Polan .

Quest. 23. Of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons , and the cause thereof .

Daniel sheweth both the causes efficient , the forme and manner , and ende of this his deliuerance . 1. the principall cause of this his deliuerance was God : God hath sent : the instrumentall cause , was the Angel : for though God can immediately deliuer his , without the ministrie of others : yet it pleaseth him to vse his angels , both for the setting forth of his owne glorie , and the further consolation of his seruants .

2. The forme and manner is expressed , the Angel shut the lyons mouthes , that they had no power to hurt Daniel . And not onely their mouthes were shut but herby is signified also , that their talents and clawes were stayed from hurting him : and therefore it followeth , that they haue not hurt me : so that they touched him neither with their teeth , clawes , tayle , or by any other meanes , Iun.

3. The end also is expressed : that by this meanes the innocencie of Daniel might appeare , and the goodnesse of his cause , that he had not offended against the king , but had shewed himselfe a true worshipper of God , Polan .

Quest. 24. Of Daniels salutation to the king , O king liue for euer .

1. This was the manner of salutation in the East countrey , to wish long life vnto their king . Thus the Chaldeans , saluted Nebuchadnezzar , c. 2. 4. but in hypocrisie , wishing in their hearts rather , that such a tyrant might perish . So c. 3. 4. they which accused Daniels godly companions and brethren , doe with such words insinuate themselues to the king , as flatterers : But Daniel doth wish vnto the king long life ex animo , from his heart , because it is the dutie of subiects to pray for magistrates : yea he wisheth vnto him eternall life , gloss . he then vttered the same words , but with an other heart and minde then the ●est did .

2. He might haue expostulated with the king , because by his authoritie he was cast into the lyons denne : but two reasons might mooue Daniel to forbeare all such reprehension . 1. because he more respected Gods glorie then his owne particular cause ; satis fuit eius liberatione illustratam fuisse Dei gloriam , it was enough that Gods glorie was set forth by his deliuerance : and therefore he is silent in the rest , Calvin . 2. According to S. Pauls rule , infirmum in fide recipe , &c. receiue him that is weake in faith , &c. So Daniel would not deale sharpely with the king , and discourage him , but by gentle meanes seeke to winne him f●rther to the faith .

Quest. 25. Of Daniels manner of deliuerance from the lyon● , that it was diuine and extraordinarie .

1. There are diuerse meanes whereby men haue resisted the rage and violence of lyons 1. As first by force and strength , as Samson killed a lion , and Dauid slewe a lyon and a beare that inuaded his flocke : but so was not Daniel deliuered here : for the lyons might haue teared him before he came at the ground , as they did his accusers : and though resistance may be made against one lyon , yet here were many . 2. Some haue conquered lyons by casting some garment vpon their head , lib. 8. c. 16. and so as it were blindfolding them : as Plinie writeth how a Getulian shepheard at Rome vnder Claudius , did stay the rage and fiercenesse of a lyon , leui iniectu oper●o capite , his head beeing couered with some light thing cast vpon it : by which meanes Lysimachus , whom Alexander caused to be shut in with a lyon , might more easily strangle him . 3. Some haue tamed lyons by vsing them gently while they were yet young , and but whelpes , as Plinie in the same place maketh mention of Hanno the Carthaginian , who ( as he saith ) primus hominum ausus est leonem manu tractare , the fi●st of any durst handle a lyon with his hand . 4. Beside lyons vse to shewe themselues kinde vnto those , which haue shewed them any kindnesse , Gellius lib. 5 c. 14. as Aulus Gellius reporteth out of Appian , of a certaine seruant called Androdus , who was condemned to the wild beasts , and was spared of a lyon , that remembred some former kindnesse he had receiued : and this he was an eye witnesse of at Rome . 5. Plinie also writeth in the same place , that lyons vnlesse they be very hungrie , wil spare those which are suppliant vnto them , & mulceri alloquio , and that they are made gentle with speach : as he maketh mention of a woman , which fell downe in the woods before a lyon , alleadging se indignam eius gloria praedam , &c. that she beeing a silly weake woman , was a prey vnworthie so noble a beast . But none of these meanes did Daniel here vse . 6. neither yet as Daniels enemies obiected , did they spare Daniel because they were full before : as they say a lyon will not prey vpon a man vnlesse he be verie hungrie : Iosephus addeth further , that thereupon the king caused flesh to be cast before the lyons to feede them , and then cast Daniels accusers into the denne , who notwithstanding beeing full did teare them before they came at the ground : But this narration of Iosephus though it may seeme probable , is not necessarie to be receiued , seeing the Scripture hath it not .

2. But ▪ the lyons here were not bound by any such ordinarie meanes : this was Gods extraordinarie worke , wherein it pleased him to vse the ministrie of Angels : who diuersly as Pererius coniectureth might stoppe the lyons mouthes . 1. as by remoouing the lyons into some other place . 2. or by blinding their eyes . 3. or by slaking their hunger . 4. or by changing their inward phantasie , which stirreth them vp to rage , when they apprehend that as enemie vnto them , which they deuoure . 5. or there might be a terror and feare striken into them : as they say lyons naturally are afraid of the rumbling of wheeles , the crowe of a cocke , lib. 2. de mi●abi . scrip . c. 32. and burning fire : 6. But Augustine better sheweth how this was , non natura in leonibus mutata , the nature of these lyons was not changed , sed lenitatem quam catuli● ostendunt in Danielem exercebant , but they practise toward Daniel , that lenitie which they vse to shewe to their whelpes , &c. So also Lyranus , natura non est mutata ▪ sed feritas prohibita , their nature was not changed , but their rage was prohibited and stayed : as appeareth afterward ▪ in that they returned to their kind in falling vpon the accusers of Daniel , and breaking all their bones in peices ere they came at the ground , v. 24. As God by his power stayed the sword of Arioch , that sought Daniel to slay him , cap. 2. 13. and kept the fire that it hurt not his three ●aithfull seruants , c. 3. so here he stoppeth the mouthes of these lyons against Daniel , Polan .

Quest. 26. Why the Lord doth not alwayes send his children temporall deliuerance .

1. It is not sufficient for temporall deliuerance to haue a good cause : for thorough ambition , vaine glorie , and vaine confidence , men may be carried to maintaine a good cause : as Brutus that stood for the libertie of the commonwealth , because he had no better successe , said in discontent , virtutem esse rem friuolam , that vertue was a friuolous thing : he considered not that through his ambition , and trusting to his owne wit , he ouerthrewe a good cause : so in this place , it was not Daniels innocencie onely that deliuered him , but the cause was his faith , he trusted in God , Calvin .

2. God doth not alwayes deliuer temporally : As he suffered Ignatius to be torne of wild beasts , and Polycarpus to be consumed of the fire : yea at sometime he sendeth the same man deliuerance , and not at an other : as Peter was deliuered out of Herods hands at Ierusalem , but he suffred vnder Nero at Rome : yet are not the children of God forfaken , for when they are taken away by death , they then are most of all deliuered at once from all the calamities of this world , and are receiued into euerlasting glorie , Bulling.

3. There is then a threefold kind of deliuerance . 1. there is a temporall deliuerance from death and danger here : as Daniel was now deliuered . 2. there is a deliuerance from sinne , as in this place , Daniel liberatur à morte , Rex à peccato , Daniel is deliuered from death , the king is freed from his sinne , Melancthon . 3. there is a deliuerance and preseruation to eternall life : as the godly conseruantur ad vitam eternam , are so preserued , so that in death it selfe they perish not , Osiand .

Quest. 27. Of Darius ioy , v. 23. Then was the king exceeding glade .

1. There were two speciall causes of Darius ioy , l●t●tus est amici nomine , he reioyced on the behalfe of his friend , who was now deliuered by this great miracle , Oecolamp . and he found his conscience somewhat quieted , which was perplexed and troubled before , when he refused his meate , and would not heare the instruments of Musicke .

2. Yet this was but a carnall ioy ; it was much differing from the true spirituall ioy , which the children of God haue , when they are assured of the fauour of God , and of the remission of their sinnes ; whereof the Prophet Dauid speaketh , Psal. 4. 6. Lord lift thou vp the light of thy countenance vpon vs , thou hast giuen me more ioy of heart , then when their wheat and wine did abound .

3. Yet this ioy of the king , and the sight of this miracle made the king more couragious and bold ; that whereas before he feared the nobles , and against his own conscience condemned Daniel , now he deliuereth Daniel , and causeth them to be cast into the lyons denne in his stead : and whereas the stone was sealed both with his owne ring and the nobles , he now ●tayeth not for their consent , b●t by his regall authoritie Daniel was fetcht out of the den .

Quest. 28. Whether the king did iustly in causing Daniels accusers with their wiues and children to be cast into the denne , v. 24.

1. Some here doe answer , non est lex aequior vlla , quam neces artifices arte perire sua , &c. there is no more iust lawe , then for the deuiser of mischeife to perish in his owne deuise , as Haman was hanged vpon the gallowes which he had made for Mordechai , gloss . iuterlin . Hugo . this reason satisfieth why the authors of this mischiefe were punished , but not why their wiues also and children should suffer with them .

2. Bullinger sheweth the equitie hereof by the like iudgements of God , as in the destruction of the olde world , and of Sodome , and in Sauls expedition against Amalech : in all these neither men , women , or children were spared : So it is vsually seene , that in warre , famine , pestilence , the calamitie is generall : But there is great difference betweene the iudgements of God inflicted either immediately by himselfe , or by his commandement , which are alwayes most iust , though we see not the reason thereof ; and the iudgements of men . God may doe that iustly beeing Lord and Creator of all , who may giue and take life at his pleasure , which man doth vniustly .

3. Calvin graunting , that the wiues and children may for the sinnes of their husbands and fathers iustly suffer ciuill punishment , as infamie , losse of goods , corruption of blood , and such like , saith , longe durius est , &c. it is a harder matter to slay the children with the parents : And he seemeth to resolue vpon the crueltie of the Persian gouernement , scimus reges Orientales exercuisse immane & barbarum imperium , &c. we know that those Easterne kings did exercise a barbarous and cruell dominion : yet simply he would not haue this example condemned . But howsoeuer the Persian kings gouerned cruelly , this example of iustice is simply to be commended in the king , as shall appeare by this which followeth .

4. There are then foure things , which doe iustifie the kings sentence against Daniels accusers . 1. The greatnes of the offence , which deserued a great and extraordinarie punishment ▪ they sinned against God , by hatred of the true religion , against the king , in abusing his facilitie , and deceiuing him , and they were false accusers against Daniel : they offended also against the whole commonwealth , which by Daniels care was peaceably and quietly gouerned . Bulling. Iun. annotat . 2. The law of re●alion required , that false accusers should indu●● the same punishment , which by their false testimonie , they would haue brought vpon others : according to Moses law , Deut. 19. 19. So the Lacedemonians did vse to put to death false accusers , as the Athenians did flatterers . As these then by their false suggestions caused Daniel to be cast into the lyons denne , so are they iustly serued themselues : And as they would haue depriued the king of his friend , so they perish with their friends , Oecolampad . 3. The custome of nations is to be considered , which was for the treason committed against the king or commonwealth , either against their honour or life , to punish both the offenders themselues , and their posteritie : As this enterprise was both against the kings honour , and against the peace and tranquilitie of the commonwealth . Seneca giueth this reason of this custome and law of nations , lib. d● clem . cap. 8. Nam parentes , liberique eorum , qui interfecti sunt , & propinqui , & amici in locum singulorum succedunt , for the parents and children of them which were slaine , their friends , and ki●●ed doe succeede in their places , &c. that is , they are all like to be conspiratours , as the other were . Arcadius and Honorius after they had extinguished the conspiracie of Talnia , doe thus resolue in their rescript , in Codic . tit. ad leg . Iul. Paterno deberent perire supplicio , in quibus paterni , hoc est haereditarij criminis exempla metuuntur , they ought to suffer their fathers punishment , seeing the like example is feared in them of that hereditarie crime . The generall custome and law of nations , which was to punish the children with the fathers in treasonable attempts , sheweth the equitie of this iudgement . As yet to this day the offender is punished in his posteritie , though not by death , yet by other meanes ; as by confiscation of his goods and lands , by tainting of the blood , disinheriting of the children , the annihilating of all their acts and fraudulent conueyances . 4. It was iust for example sake to shew such seueritie , that others should feare to doe the like . 5. And further , the children as they are by nature , aliqua portio parentum , some part of their parents , Oecolampad . so they were participes criminis , partakers of the crime : their wiues and children either encouraged them to goe forward in their deuise , or they consented and approoued it . As the like must be supposed in the destruction of Achan with his familie , Iosh. 7. and in the execution of Haman , who was hanged with his ten sonnes , Esth. 9. Iun. in commentar. Polan .

29. Quest. Of king Darius decree , concerning the worshipping of Daniels God , the order and parts thereof .

It consisteth of three parts . 1. the salutation . 2. the propofition . 3. the confirmation . 1. In the salutation or inscription , three things are expressed . 1. the person which sendeth greeting , Darius : the persons saluted , All nations and languages : the matter of the salutation , the wishing and imprecation of peace .

2. The thing propounded and commanded , is , to feare and tremble before the God of Daniel : wherein three things are expressed , who are to performe this dutie , 1. men in all his dominions . 2. what is required , to tremble , feare , and stand in awe . 3. and to whome this dutie must be yeelded , not to the idols and gods of the nations , but to Daniels God .

3. The confirmation followeth by three arguments . 1. from the adiuncts of God , his power , in that he is said to be the liuing God ; his eternitie , he remaineth for euer . 2. from the adiuncts of his kingdome , it is euerlasting , it shall neuer perish . 3. from his works and effects in generall , which are two , 1. he rescueth and deliuereth . 2. he worketh signes and wonders : then in particular : he deliuered Daniel , &c.

30. Quest. Of Daniels prosperous estate vnder Darius and Cyrus .

1. The vulgar Latine readeth , perseveravit Daniel , &c. and Daniel perseuered or continued vnto the raigne of Darius and Cyrus : which Hugo expoundeth thus , ad regnum Darij finitum , &c. vnto the ende of Darius raigne , and the beginning of Cyrus . But the originall is not here well translated , the word is tzalach , which signifieth to prosper , not to continue ; and the preposition is not ghad , which signifieth to , or vntill , but beth , which is ( in . )

2. The meaning then is , that he was honoured first by Darius in Media , who raigned not long after the taking of Babylon : and after him he was in great reputation with Cyrus in Persia.

3. But where it is said , c. 1. 21. that Daniel was vnto the first yeare of Cyrus : that is to be restrained , not vnto the time of Daniels life , for he continued vnto the 3. yeare of Cyrus , c. 10. 1. but of his employment in the Chaldean Monarchie : that he was famous as long as that Commonwealth continued : and in this place it is shewed , that in the Persian state he was had likewise in reputation : and it is not vnlike but that he declared vnto Cyrus the prophecie of Esai , and was a speciall instrument to hasten the deliuerance of his people .

4. How long Daniel remained vnto Cyrus , it is not certen : there is mention made in this booke but of the third yeare : Bullinger thinketh he liued plures annos , many yeares vnder Cyrus . But Daniel was now aboue an 100. yeare old , and it should seeme saw onely the beginning of Cyrus raigne , as Hugo thinketh .

5. Here is a secret antithesis or opposition betweene the Chaldean and Persian Monarchie : vnder this Daniel prospered still , and was greatly honoured : but in the Chaldean state , though he were honoured of Nabuchadnezzer , yet he was neglected of Balthazar , as appeareth , c. 5. Calvin .

6. Hugo here noteth , that Darius and Cyrus had but one raigne : he thinketh that Cyrus raigned vnder Darius , who tooke Daniel with him into Media , leauing Cyrus with his sonne Cambyses at Babylon , as thinketh Oecolampad . though according to the opinion of some , Cyrus was not yet married .

31. Quest. Whether this miracle of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons , were shewed at Babylon in Chaldea , or in Media .

1. R. Levi thinketh , that this fell out at Babylon , because Darius raigned but a short time after the taking of Babylon , not full out a yeare : and to him agreeth Oecolampad . and so Cyrus succeeded Darius in the very first yeare , for otherwise the 70. yeares of captiuitie beeing expired , the deliuerance of the people should haue beene deferred : But all this may be admitted , that either Cyrus succeeded Darius the very first yeare , or that they both raigned together , and yet this should be no reason , that this miracle was done rather in Babylon , then in Media . Amand. Polanus also thinketh that the accusers of Daniel were Babylonians , p. 468. and so this is to haue beene done in Babylon .

2. Iunius is of opinion , that Cyrus raigned one yeare in Babylon , when the Iewes were sent out of captiuitie , and then Cyrus went to Darius into Media , and sent him to Babylon , and resigned vnto him the kingdome thereof : and so Darius first yeare in his opinion was Cyrus second , Iun. comment . in 5. cap. in fine . hence it will follow , that this miraculous accident fell out in Babylon . But the text sheweth euidently that presently after Balthazar was slaine , Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome : he was the next : and c. 6. 28. Darius raigne is named before Cyrus raigne , it came not therefore after it : see before , qu. 4.

3. I preferre therefore Iosephus opinion , who saith , that after the taking of Babylon , Darius Danielem prophetam secum assumptum duxit in Mediam , tooke the Prophet Daniel and carried him to Media , where he was cast into the lyons denne : so also gloss . ordinar. Daniel in Mediam translatus , that Daniel was translated into Media by Darius : so also Hug. Calvin agreeth , satis apparet ipsum relicta Babylone alio migrasse , that Daniel leauing Babylon we●t to an other place : first to Media , where he continued not long , then to Persia. So also Pellica● thinketh , that Darius did take Daniel with him into Media , and left behind in Babylon Cambyses Cyrus sonne . Bullinger agreeth , that Darius left Cyrus at Babylon , and tooke with him Daniel to Ecbatane in Media : who vnderstood of the great wisdome that was in Daniel and how he had interpreted the writing vpon the wall . This opinion that Daniel at this time was in Media , not in Chaldea , seemeth more probable for these reasons . 1. the forme of gouernment , which was brought in by Darius to set an 120. gouernours ouer his kingdome belonged to the Persian , not to the Babylonicall state , as may be collected , Esth. 1. 1. where mention is made of the largenes of Assuerus kingdome ouer an 127. Prouinces . 2. in this chapter the law of the Medes and Persians is vrged , v. 8. Darius was then in Media , not at Babylon . 3. after the dissolution of the Chaldean Monarchie , Babylon was no longer the seate of the kingdome , but Shushan , Nehem. 1. 1. Esth. 1. 1.

4. The places of doctrine .

1. Doctr. That order is necessarie in a kingdome .

v. 1. Darius set ouer the kingdome an 120. gouernours , &c. This prudent Prince knew that no Commonwealth could stand without order : for like as in families , where confusion is , and no order , all things goe to ruine , so much more in the great familie of the Common-wealth without order all things soone come to decay . Therefore Iethro gaue wise counsell vnto Moses , that there might be captaines ouer thousands , hundreds , fifties , one to be vnder an other : And the Queene of Saba comming to Salomon wondred at nothing more , then to see the order of his house , 1. king . 10. So here the king first setteth a certaine number of gouernours ouer his whole kingdome : then he appointeth three to take account of them , whereof Daniel was one . Bulling.

2. Doctr. Of the ende of Civill administration and gouernment which must be for the common good .

v. 2. That the king might haue no damage . Darius was carefull that the treasure of the kingdome should be maintained : not therein respecting his owne priuate gaine , but his principall care was to vphold and support the charges of the kingdome : for the kings purse and treasure is for the maintenance of the Commonwealth : the Crowne can not want , but the whole Commonwealth will soone feele it . Though Princes may by their reuenues and receipts maintaine their princely dignitie , and employ part thereof vpon their pleasure , and bestow it , as they see cause ; yet they must haue care , that there be sufficient to support the burthens and charges of the Commonwealth : and to remember , that their subsidies are , ipsum sudorem & sanguinem populi , the very sweat and blood of the people , and therefore must be sparingly vsed , Polan . as Nehemiah had that respect vnto the people ( in respect of their present poore estate ) that he did forbeare to eate the bread of the gouernour , Nehem. 5. 14.

3. Doctr. How praier should be made .

v. 10. He praied and praised his God . Daniel onely was not a petitioner vnto God for the obtaining of good things , and the turning away of euill : but he also together giues thanks for the benefits receiued . Men then must learne not onely to be beggers of God , but to offer vp the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiuing also : as S. Paul exhorteth , that not onely prayers be made , and intercessions , but giuing of thanks , 1. Tim. 2. 1. And the Apostle followeth his owne rule , Rom. 1. 9. First I thanke my God , then he commeth to his prayer , v. 10. Alwaies in my prayer , beseeching &c.

4. Doctr. Of kneeling in prayer .

v. 10. He kneeled vpon his knees . Though a man may pray in his heart vnto God without any outward gesture , as Moses did , Exod. 14. 15. when the Lord said vnto him , Why criest thou vnto me ? when as Moses was not heard , nor his praier perceiued by any gesture , but he cried vnto God in his heart : yet when as opportunitie serueth , as it doth most fitly in priuate houses , and in publike places of prayer , then it becommeth vs to humble our selues vpon our knees , thereby to stirre vp our deuotion , and to expresse our humilitie . Thus our Sauiour fell vpon his face , when he prayed in the garden , and Daniel here praieth vpon his knees . If subiects humble themselues vpon their knees to their Prince , how much more should we vse all humblenes and lowlines in gesture before God ?

5. Doctr. Of the ministerie of Angels .

v. 22. My God hath sent his Angel , &c. God could at his becke haue staied the rage of the lyons , as he commanded the Whale to cast vp Ionas , but it pleaseth him for his owne glories sake , and the comfort of his children , to vse the ministerie of his holy Angels and blessed spirits : as the Apostle saith , Are they not all ministring spirits sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heires of saluation ? Heb. 1. 14. And in three things doth it please the Lord to vse the ministerie of Angels ; in preseruing and defending of his children , as Iacob saw the Lords host , when he was afraid of his brother , Gen. 32. 1. or in the destruction of their enemies , as Senacheribs host was smitten by an Angel , 2. king . 19. or in conueying blessings , as Manna is called Angels foode , which was ministred vnto the people by the Angels .

6. Doctr. How farre the Prince is to be obeyed .

v. 22. Vnto thee , O king , haue I done no hurt : Hereupon Melancthon well noteth , that although Daniel did goe against the kings Edict and decree , yet he had committed no euill against him : So if Princes commaund vniust and impious things , they are not hurt , if their precepts be not obeyed : neither must they thinke themselues despised , if God be preferred before them : As the Apostles resolution was , when they were forbidden to speake in the name of Iesus , Whether it be right in the sight of God , to obey you rather then God , iudge yee , Act. 4. 19. And hereby Melancthon iustly excuseth the Protestants of Germanie for refusing to obey the Emperours edicts , made against the profession and professors of the Gospel .

7. Doctr. Of true miracles .

v. 23. No manner of hurt was found vpon him . Hence Polanus well inferreth , divina miracula non esse praestigias , that diuine miracles are not counterfeit tricks , such as are the iugling feates of Magicians : but the Lords workes are wonderfull in deede : the three seruants of God , which were cast into the fierie ouen , had not so much as the smell of fire vpon them : And Daniel hath no hurt by the lyons at all : God onely maketh true wonders . But the power of Satan and his ministers , is by false signes , and lying wonders , as the Apostle calleth them , 2. Thess. 2. 9.

8. Doctr. That the beasts and other creatures are readie to execute Gods will .

v. 22. And hath shut the lyons mouth . The vnreasonable creatures , as here they doe spare Daniel , so at other times , they are readie to execute vengeance : as the lyon that slue the Prophet , that was disobedient to the word of God , 1. king . 13. 25. and an other was slaine by a lyon , for not obeying the Prophet , 1. king . 20. 36. And the Lord sent lyons vpon the Samaritans , because they feared nor the Lord , 2. king . 17. 25. So whether it be to shew mercie , or to execute iudgement , the creatures are readie to performe the will of God , Polan .

9. Doctr. Of the force and efficacie of faith .

v. 23. Because he beleeued in him . Daniel here by his faith was deliuered from the lyons , because with a firme and assured trust he reposed himselfe vpon God . So S. Iames saith , c. 5. 15. The prayer of faith shall saue the sicke : and as Clemens Alexand. 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , faith is effectuall and auaileable to saluation . But though euery faithfull man haue not this particular and peculiar kind of faith , ( which is called the faith of miracles ) yet they are assured by their faith to be euerlastingly saued , though they are not thereby secure and assured alwaies of temporall deliuerance .

10. Doctr. The magistrates office is not onely to procure things temporall , but spirituall also for their subiects .

v. 26. As Darius here maketh a decree that all men in his kingdome should feare Daniels God , so it belongeth to the magistrate not onely to procure outward peace , and to watch ouer the people for their bodily and worldly wealth ; but to see also , that they professe true religion , and be brought to the right knowledge of God , Papp . Thus did the good kings of Iudah , Dauid , Iehosaphat , Hezekiah , Iosias , they abolished idolatrie , and superstition , and planted true religion .

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. Against canonicall and stinted houres of praier .

1. Bellarmine vpon this example of Daniel doth ground the institution of their canonicall houres , lib. ● . de bon. ope● . in particul . c. 1●● the third , ninth , and sixt : and Pintus addeth further , not onely at these three times , but seuen times a day doth the Catholike Church pray , septem horis canonicis , in the seuen canonicall houres : as Dauid saith , Seuen times a day will I praise thee , Psal. 119. which was shadowed forth by the seuen times blowing of the trumpets , Iosh. 6. 4.

Contra. 1. They doe in these positions contradict themselues : for if they would prooue by Daniels example , that there are three canonicall houres , how come they to haue seauen . 2. Dauid praied also at midnight , Psal. 119. v. 62. beside his seuen times a day : then by this reason there shall be yet more then 7. canonicall houres : and Dauid in that place by seuen times , vnderstandeth many , according to the phrase of Scripture , Leuit. 26. 18. and Prov. 24. 16. A iust man falleth seuen times . 3. not onely these houres , but all other are consecra●ed to praier , according to the saying of the Apostle , 1. Thess. 5. 17. Pray continually : As Dauid praied in the morning , euening and at noone , Psal. 55. 17. and he vsed to remember God vpon his bed , and in the watches of the night , Psal. 63. 5. and our blessed Sauiour continued all night in prayer , Luk. 6. 12. 4. Yet it is conuenient in respect of our infirmitie , that men should tie themselues to certaine houres for their priuate prayers , without superstition : that although it be free for vs to pray at all times , quisque tamen sentire debet suam infirmitatem , vt remedia sibi accersat , yet euery man must take knowledge of his infirmitie , and vse the helps and remedies to stirre vp his dulnes by keeping his set houres of prayer , Calvin . yet so as his affection and deuotion be not tied vnto these houres , but that at all other times , as his necessitie requireth , and occasion serueth , he be readie to call vpon God . 5. As for Daniels example , he kept not those houres , as beeing addicted in deuotion and religious obseruation more to one time , then an other , but because that he was most vacant and free from other employments , as is before shewed , qu. 15.

6. But the Popish obseruation of canonicall houres we refuse for diuers reasons . 1. because they thinke the very keeping of the houre is a part of Gods worship . 2. they enioyne them with such necessitie to be kept , as though they could not be omitted without mortall sinne . 3. they thinke by this keeping of their canonicall houres to merit at Gods hand , Polan . see more hereof , Centur. 4. err. 90.

2. Controv. That it is no Apostolical tradition to pray toward the East .

1. Daniel here prayeth toward Ierusalem , which was scituate southwest from Babylon : and the Sanctuarie was toward the West , and the doore of it opened toward the East : therefore the superstitious scituation of Churches , as of necessitie East and West , hath no ground out of the Scriptures , Oecolampad . the Apostle exhorteth men to lift vp pure hands , euery where , 1. Tim. 2. 8. Euery place is fit to make our praier in : and God is euery where present to heare those which call vpon him in faith : see more , Synops. Cent. 2. err. 52.

2. Beside , the heresie of the Ebionites is very grosse , who held , that Christians should pray toward Ierusalem , as Ireneus writeth of them , lib. 1. aduers. haeres . cap. 26. for now the Temple of Ierusalem , together with the ceremonies thereof is abolished , the true Temple Christ Iesus beeing come .

3. Controv. That the publike profession of our faith is necessarie , and it is not sufficient , to haue it inwardly in the heart .

v. 10. Daniel opened his windows to the intent that he should be seene of all , not of vaine glorie , but that his constancie in the worship of God might be knowne to all , notwithstanding the kings edict to the contrarie : Hereby is confuted the error of the Georgians , Libertines , and Nicodemites in these daies : the same was the error of the Helchesaites in times past , that if any denied his faith in time of persecution , and kept it in his heart , he sinned not . And for the strengthening of this error , diuers reasons are brought .

1. They alleadge , that the Magistrate , who is in Gods place , is to be obeyed , as the Apostle teacheth , that whosoeuer resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God , Rom. 13. 2.

Contra. 1. Magistrates as they are in Gods place , so they must command and rule according to the will and word of God : they haue not receiued an absolute power to command what they list , but limited according to the rules of Gods holy word . The Apostles themselues refused to obey the Magistrates which enioyned them not to speake in the name of Iesus , Act. 4. 19.

2. Men must haue care of their wife and children , whome wilfully for a man to forsake in casting himselfe into apparant danger , it were impious .

Contra. Wife and children ought to be loued , and cared for , but the loue of Christ must be preferred : as our Sauiour saith , that he which loueth wife or children , more then me , is not worthie of me , Matth. 10.

3. But the shedding of Christian blood should be preuented : men should not offer themselues to apparant danger which giueth occasion of much bloodshed .

Contra. 1. The constant seruants of God , are not the cause of bloodshed , but the wicked persecuters , which kill them cruelly and vniustly : as our blessed Sauiour saith , Ioh. 16. 2. Whosoeuer killeth you , will thinke he doth God good seruice : and these things will they doe vnto you , because they haue not knowne me . 2. The very death of the righteous is pretious in Gods sight , Psal. 116. 15. and God receiueth as much honour by the constant death of his Saints , as he doth by their godly life . 3. Otherwise the holy Martyrs should be blameable , because by their constant profession , murther and bloodshed is occasioned : whose memorie is honourable before God , and man : as Eusebius maketh mention of a certaine citie in Phrygia , the citizens whereof together with the Magistrates professing themselues to be Christians , were all put to the sword vnder the persecution of Di●cletian and Maximinian , & their citie burnt with fire . Euseb. lib. 8. c. 11.

4. They obiect , that it sufficeth to keepe faith and religion in the heart : it is no● necessary in time of daunger outwardly to professe it .

Contra. 1. S. Paul ioyneth both these together , to beleeue with the heart , and to confesse with the mouth , Rom. 10. 10. 2. Peter denied Christ onely with the mouth , yet he wept bitterly for this his fall ▪ lib. 8. c. 3. Eusebius writeth how the persecutors would draw Christians to their idolatrous sacrifices , and say they had sacrificed , and yet they did not : who notwithstanding were reprooued , because they in silence suffered such crimes to be obiected : but some would crie out , Homil. 25. in Matth. they had not sacrificed , but were Christians . 3. Chrysostome hath an excellent tractate of this , or who els was the author of that imperfect work vpon Matthew , that we must confesse Christ with all our senses : and if a man faile in any of them , it is no perfect confession of Christ : As , though thou doest not eate of things sacrificed to idols , if thou doe but looke vpon them how beautifull they are , oculis negasti Christum , thou hast denied Christ with thine eyes : If one say vnto thee , doe but heare how such an one blasphemeth Christ : if thou hearken , iam auribus tuis negasti Christum , now thou hast denied Christ with thine eares : If it be further said , doe but stay and smell the incense offered to idols , if thou smell , odoratu tuo Christum offendisti , thou hast offended Christ with thy smell : If thou eate not , but seeme to tast , or touch the idolatrous sacrifices , gustu , tactu tuo Christum abnegasti , by thy tast , by thy touching thou hast denied Christ .

4. Pappus here sheweth fiue reasons , why the confession of the truth should be preferred before all daungers or perills whatsoeuer . 1. There are great promises , which are made to such as confesse Christ here : he will confesse them before his father in heauen , Matth. 10. 32. 2. Debitum animi grati , the debt of a thankefull minde requireth this at our hands , that we should freely confesse the name of God , of whome we receiue so many benefits in token of our thankfulnes . 3. The great daungers must be considered , which men by not confessing of Christ , doe cast themselues into : they doe hazard their owne soules , Mark . 8. 35. He tha● ( by this meanes ) shall saue his life , shall loose it : and Christ will denie him in heauen , that shall denie Christ in earth , Matth. 10. 33. 4. The vtilitie of our brethren , and generall good of the Church , which is edified and builded vp by such examples of constancie , ought to encourage vs . 5. And the singular examples of so many holy Martyrs and confessors of the truth , should embolden vs . The Iewes when Petronius attempted to bring in Cesars image into the Church , rather offered themselues to die , then to suffer it , Ioseph . lib. 18. c. 10 , 11. Polycarpus when the Romane gouernour would haue compelled him to sweare by Cesars fortune , openly withstood him , Euseb. lib. 4. c. 15. And a noble man of Nicomedia pulled downe and rent in pieces the Emperours edict set vp against the Christians . Euseb. l. 8. c. 5.

5. Here I can not omit that distinction of Calvine , of confession , that it is of two sorts , ●um palam testamur , quod est in animo , when we doe publikely testifie what is in our minde : and this is not alwas necessarie : the other kind is , ne aliquod peruersae simulationis signum demus , that we giue not any peruerse signe of dissimulation : and this must be perpetually obserued : as Daniel here , though he doth not publikely proclaime his faith , yet by his gesture and behauiour he doth shew it .

4. Controv. That it is not lawfull worshipping God to looke toward an image .

Because Daniel praied looking toward Ierusalem , the Romanists may inferre , that it is as lawfull to looke toward an image , when they worship God : for , as they alleadge , they doe not worship the image , but God represented by the image .

1. To pray toward Ierusalem was a ceremoniall dutie for those times : they looked that way toward the Temple , which was a type of Christ : as they looked toward the type and figure , so we must turne our eyes toward the bodie , that is , looke vp into heauen where Christ is . 2. They had a commandement to pray toward the Temple , and had a promise to be heard : but to worship God before an image is forbidden , and accursed , Deut. 27. 15. 3. We are not onely forbidden in Scripture to worship any strange god , which is prohibited in the first commandement ; but likewise it is vnlawfull to worship him in any other manner , then he himselfe hath prescribed , which thing is against the ●econd commandement .

5. Controv. Against the Papists and Vbiqui●aries that hold a carnall presence in the sacrament .

As they offend which looke toward an image , when they worship God : so likewise they that turne themselues with adoration toward the bread in the Eucharist , supposing there to be the bodily presence of Christ . In both these the Romanists are offenders . 1. Indeede if the humanitie of Christ were corporally present , as they imagine , adoration were to be yeelded vnto it : As the Apostle saith , when he bringeth in his first begotten sonne into the world , he saith , and let all the Angels of God worship him : wheresoeuer Christ is present in his humanitie , he is there to be worshipped . 2. Therefore the Vbiquitaries and Lutherans , which hold an omnipresence of Christs flesh , and so affirme the same to be present in the Eucharist , and yet will not haue it adored in the Sacramentall bread , cannot iustifie with any shewe of reason this their assertion : for wheresoeuer Christ is , he is there to be adored and worshipped : neither neede they to expect any newe commandement● ( as they alleadge ) far Thomas , as soone as he knewe Christ to be him , whom he felt , he presently worshipped , saying , my Lord , and my God . 3. But as these are ouerseene , in not adoring Christ whom they hold to be present , to they both are in errour to maintaine a carnall presence , the one with adoration , the other without , which is a fansie of their owne : for the Scripture onely commendeth vnto vs Christ to be spiritually by faith eaten and drunken in the Sacrament : as our Blessed Sauour himselfe , it is the spirit that quickneth , the flesh profiteth nothing , the words that I speake vnto you are spirit and life , Iohn . 6. 63.

6. Controv. Of the falfe suggestions of the Papists against Protestants .

Like as these accusers of Daniel could finde out no matter of accusation against him touching his life and office , but entrappe him in his religion , and doe bring him into danger for his sinceritie and truth : and then they accuse him as a contemner of the king , and his decrees , v. 13. The verie same course doe the Papists take against the Protestants : whom they cannot touch with any crime of life , they winde in for their conscience in religion : and they call that heresie , which is the truth and pietie : And then , when they obey not their wicked and impious decrees , they accuse them as rebells to the Prince : Thus are the seruants of God handled in Italy and Spaine : so that there , Omnia cum liceant , non licet esse pium , when all things else are lawfull , it is not lawfull to be godly , Polan .

7. Controv. Of the vniust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruell inquisition , condemning the Protestants , their cause not beeing heard .

v. 16. As Daniel was presently brought and cast into the lyons denne , it was sufficient to accuse him , he hath no libertie giuen him to answer for himselfe : Thus both vnder the Pagan Emperours of Rome were the Christians proceeded against , beeing not suffred to come to their answer : as appeareth in the Apologie of Iustinus and Athenagoras : And this course the Spanish Inquisitors take in their cruell inquisitions against the Protestants to this day , condemning them in corners , and neuer bringing them to publike answer , Polan .

8. Controv. Of the practizing of Popes against Princes .

v. 21. O king liue for euer . Daniel here prayeth for the life and prosperitie of the king , who had vniustly persecuted him , and commaunded him to be cast into the lyons denne : And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications should be made for Kings , who then were heathen and persecutors , 1. Tim. 2. 2. So the Christians vsed to pray for the heathen Emperours , wishing vnto them vitam prolixam , imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus fortes , Setum fidelem , a long life , a quiet Empire , a safe house , strong armies , a faithfull Senate , a good people , &c. Tertull. in Apologet. c. 30.

Contrarie hereto hath beene and yet is the practise of the Popes of Rome : they pray not for Princes , but rather seeke to make a prey of them . They excommunicate princes , such as fauour not their superstition , and stirre vp their subiects to rebellion against them . Gregor. 2. and 3. Leo. 3. did excommunicate the Emperors : Gregor. 7. waged battell against Henrie the 4. he hired one to haue brained him with a stone in the Church , but that the mischeife was preuented , the beame beeing broken , and the stone falling downe , which drewe ●he murtherer to the ground after it : Clemens the 5. practised to haue poisoned Henrie of Lucelburg the Emperour , in a consecrated hoast : Paschalis the 2. set Henrie the 5. against Henrie the 4. his father : Adrianus stirred vp the Lombards against Frederike Barbarossa the Emperour , and betraied him to the Sultane of Egypt : Such were the practises of late also of that bloodie Sea , against our late renowned Soueraigne , as in the conspiracie of Ballard with his confederates , and of Parrie incited by the counsell and gifts of the Cardinall of Coinie , to mu●ther our worthie Queene Elizabeth , Polan . And now since his maiestie came vnto the crowne , first treacherous Watson , with his adherents attempted against the kings Royall person : and since , that miscreant crue , Catesbie , Percie , Digbe , with their mates enterprised that monstrous attempt by gunpowder to haue blowen vp the parliament house , and so at once to haue made hauocke of King , Queene , Prince , nobles , and the chiefe of the commons .

9. Controv. Whether one is iust before God by an inherent iustice .

v. 22. My iustice was found out before him . It followeth not hereupon , because in this particular act Daniel was innocent before God , that therefore by any righteousnesse in vs , we are iustified before God : the iustice whereby we are iustified with God , is the righteousnesse of Christ imputed vnto vs by faith , and is not inherent in vs , as the Apostle saith , that I may be found in him , not hauing mine owne righteousnesse , which is of the law , but that which is through faith in Christ , Philip. 3. 10. Beside this iustice which is vnto eternall life , which is not inherent but imputed , there is , iustitia temporaria , a temporarie iustice or righteousnesse which is our innocencie and holinesse , which is called our Sanctification , and this is inherent in vs , the first is called , iustitia personae , the righteousnesse of the person , which is iustified by faith in Christ , the other is , iustitia causae , the righteousnesse of our cause . See more of this question of inherent iustice , Synops. Centur. err. 56.

10. Controv. Whether Daniels innocencie were the meritorious cause of his deliuerance .

According to the reading of the vulgar Latine , because my righteousnesse is found out before him , hence this collection is made by the Romanists , that Daniels innocencie was the cause of his deliuerance .

Contra. 1. The word is not well translated , quia , or quoniam , because , but rather , propterea : therefore , as Iun. and Polan . for so the words , col kebel di , may be translated : and then the meaning is , that this deliuerance of Daniel was onely a testimonie of his innocencie , and to shewe the goodnesse of his cause .

2. But if it be translated , quia , because , it is not alwayes taken as a causall , but as an illatiue particle , a word onely of inference and consequence , as cap. 2. 43. whereas thou sawest yron mixed with clay , there the verie same words are vsed , yet is it not there taken as a causall : for the kings vision and dreame , was no cause of the things to come , which were reuealed vnto him : so Psal. 25. 11. Dauid saith , be mercifull vnto mine iniquitie , for it is great : the greatnesse of his sinne was not the cause of forgiuenesse : this coniunction therefore alwaies sheweth not the cause .

3. There is great difference betweene these two , for ones innocencie to be found before God , and for the same innocencie to merit : for to merit is required that a man should doe some worke , dignum compensatione , worthie of compensation : but innocencie is not mans worke , it is Gods worke in man : for if the innocencie and godnesse of the cause should deserue a temporal deliuerance , then God should haue dealt vniustly with many martyrs , which haue not beene temporally deliuered , Polan .

4. The cause then of Daniels deliuerance , was indeede the faith of Daniel , as it followeth , v. 13. there was no hurt found vpon him , because he beleeued in his God . And so the Apostle testifieth , Heb. 11. that Daniel by faith stopped the mouthes of lyons , & ex hac vera fide sequitur innocentia vitae , and out of this faith proceeded his innocencie as a fruite thereof , Osiand , for otherwise without his faith , though this cause had beene neuer so good , it should not haue beene accepted .

5. Here also we must distinguish betweene eternall deliuerance , and temporall : God deliuereth vs from euerlasting death , not for any respect of any righteousnesse in vs , but freely of his owne grace he respecteth vs in Christ : but in particular deliuerances , Deus potest respicere vniuscuiusque iustitiam , God may respect euerie ones righteousnes , not as it is theirs , but as it is wrought in the by his spirit , Cal. So then as Melancthon saith , here are three things to be considered , saith whereby we are acceptable vnto God : and so it is said here , that Daniel beleeued in his God : inchoata obedientia , our inchoate obedience , which is accepted with God , because we are iustified by faith : & our righteousnes , whereby we are iust before men : both these are also here expressed in Daniel , my iustice was found out before God , and vnto thee O king haue I done no hurt : To conclude then this point , a mans particular iustice & innocencie is rather an antecedent of his deliuerance then a cause . And in some sort it may be said to be a cause also , yet not of it selfe , but as it concurreth with faith , for the which the Lord respecteth vs , and our obedience , though imperfect in Christ , Iun. in comment .

11. Controv. That a generall faith , called fides implicita , an implied faith , is not sufficient .

v. 23. Because he beleeued in God : not as the Latine hath , he beleeued God , for in the text there is the preposition beth : And hereby is signified , not a generall apprehension onely , that God was true of his promises , and that he was the onely true God , creator of heauen and earth : as the Romanists doe affirme faith to be nothing else , but generally to beleeue , what soeuer is contained in the word of God to be true , Bellar. lib. 1. de iustifi . c. 4. But Daniel here so beleeued in God , that he committed himselfe with firme trust and assurance vnto him , & in eius gratiam recubuit , he relyed wholly vpon his grace , Calvin . And so the Apostle describeth faith , Heb. 11. 6. He that commeth vnto God , must beleeue that God is , and that he is a rewarder of them that seeke him : this faith onely apprehendeth not God in generall , that he is , but is ioyned with a particular assurance , that he will reward his faithfull seruants , and bring them vnto life . And so Pintus one of their owne writers , very well resolueth vpon this place , vt mea fert opinio , credere hoc loco est actus fidei , charitate formatae , plenae fiducia in Deum : as mine opinion is , to beleeue in this place is an act of faith , formed ( that is expressed ) by charitie , full of trust and confidence in God .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observat. Of Gods prouidence that watcheth ouer his seruants .

Generally in this chapter , in that God deliuered Daniel his faithfull seruant , from the rage of the lyons , we see how Gods fatherly care watcheth and awaketh towards his seruants : so Noah was saued from the waters , Lot from the flames of Sodome , Ieremie in the destruction of Ierusalem ▪ Plutarch in vit● Marcell . We reade that when the citie of Syracus● was taken by M. Marcellus , which 〈…〉 that great Mathematician had defended a good while by his art and skill : of whom Marcellus gaue charge , that he should be spared , yet he was slaine by a souldier , as he was drawing of his lines , because he would not straitway followe him to their Generall , saying he would dispatch that , he had in hand , first : But God hath greater care of his , and continually protecteth them , Bulling.

2. Observat. Of the monstrous sinne of enuie .

v. 4. They sought occasion against Daniel . Enuious men are alwayes in excubijs , they are set in their watch , obseruing and marking other mens doings , to see if they can finde any matter against them , Polan . 2. they are enuious at other mens vertue , as here they cannot endure Daniels pietie and sinceritie : like as the henne scraping in the dunghill contemneth a pearle , and preferreth a barley curnell : and as the Sunne beames are offensiue to those , that are bleare eyed : so is vertue a griefe to the enuious , Pintus . 3. The enuious person , propriae vtilitati est addictus , is addict to his owne profit , neglecting the common good : as here these men seeke to supplant Daniel , who was so necessarie for the commonwealth . 4. And beside enuie bringeth 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 most cruell● against Daniels life , Calvin . ● 5. The remedie against enuie is 〈…〉 our selues with innocen●ie and integritie , as Daniel did , that the 〈◊〉 find 〈…〉 S. Peter saith , when they speake euill of vs as of euill doers , they may be ashamed , which blame our good conuersation in Christ , 1. Pet. 3. 16.

3. Observ. We must not giue ouer our profession , notwithstanding any danger obiected .

v. 10. Daniel though he knewe of this bloodie decree will not intermit calling vpon God : so etiamsi centum mortes nobis occurrant , though an hundred deaths be set before vs , we should not fall away from the true worship of God , Caluin . as S. Pauls excellent resolution was , Act. 2. 13. Iam readi● not onely to be bound , but to die at Ier●salem for the name of the Lord Iesus .

4. Observ. Of continuing in prayer .

v. 10. As Daniel prayed thrice a day , so thereby we are taught to perseuere in prayer , according to S. Pauls rule , Rom. 12. 12. 1. Thess. 5. 17. for prayer is not auayleable vnlesse it be seruent , Iam. 5. 16. and feruent it cannot be , if we giue ouer and faint in our prayers , and continue not .

5. Observ. Of the terror of conscience .

v. 18. The king remained fasting . The Kings conscience was perplexed for this iniustice shewed toward Daniel : he careth neither for meate , delight , nor sleepe : he had none in earth whom he needed to feare : but his conscience accuseth him before the great Iudge , that shall call euen kings to account : As it is written of Theodoricus king of Italie , after he had caused B●etius and Symmachus to be vniustly beheaded , how within a fewe dayes after a fishes head beeing brought before him , he imagined he saw Symmachus head , and thereupon was striken with horror of conscience , and not long after died : let vs then labour for a good conscience , Pro. 15. 15. which is as a continuall feast . And here shall be an ende of this first Booke , which is as the first course and seruice in this feast .

Praised be God .

THE SECOND BOOKE OF THIS COMMENTARIE VPON THE DIVINE PROPHESIE OF DANIEL : containing the second part thereof , consisting of the Prophesies and visions set forth in the sixe last Chapters : Wherein that mysticall and Propheticall vision of the seauentie weekes in the 9. Chapter , is handled at large , with the diuerse Expositions thereof , and the approbation of the best .

Printed by CANTRELL LEGGE , Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge . 1610

TO THE MOST EXCELLENT , VERTVOVS , AND Right noble Prince ; HENRIE by the grace of God , Prince of Wales , and heire apparant to the most famous Kingdomes of England , Scotland , and Ireland , his gracious Lord .

RIght Noble Prince , it may seeme strange to some , that I offer vnto your princely viewe , in these your Highnesse young and flourishing yeares , a Commentarie vpon the most difficult and obscure booke of the old Testament : But I trust your Highnesse shall not thinke it vnseasonable , to be acquainted with the mysteries of holy Scripture in this your princely youth : 2. King . 24. 2. As Iosias that godly king of Iudah , 2. Chron. 34. 3. at the sixteenth yeare of his age did set his heart to seeke the Lord , and read vnto his people out of the booke of God : So did Honorius the young Emperor season his first yeares with true religion and pietie : As Ambrose ioyneth them both together : Honorius iam pulsat adolescentiae fores , In obit. Theod. s. prouectior aetate quam Iosias , Hebrewe● . R. Saadiah . R. Levi. R. Ezra . R. Salamon . R. Moyses . Honorius now standeth at the next doore to be a young man , somewhat elder then Iosias : S. Luke wrote his Gospel to noble Theophilus , which name is interpreted , one that loueth God : whereupon Ambrose thus noteth , si Deum diligis , ad te scriptum est , and if thou loue God , it is written to thee . Greekes . Iosephus . Origen . Theodoret. Oecumenius .

Touching the obscuritie of this booke , it is such , as that it is tempered as well with varietie of historie to delight , as with profunditie of mysteries to exercise the Reader : Latines . Ireneus . Tertullian . Eusebius . Hierome . Augustin● . Bernard . Rupertus . Lyraenus . Dionys. Carthu● . as Augustine well saith of the Scripture in generall , si nusquam aperta esset , non te pasceret , si nusquam occulta , non te exerceret , if it were no where plaine and open , it would not feede thee , if no where obscure , it would not exercise thee .

This part of the Treatise I haue presumed to offer to your Highnes , as the former part I was bold to present to his Maiestie . New writers . Protestants . Melancthon . Oecolampad . Calvin . Pellican . Osiander . Pappus . Fulke . Napeir . H. Brough . Polanus . Genevens . This prophecie treateth chiefly of the alteration and chaunge of States and Kingdomes : of the honour and prosperitie of good Kings , and of the ruine and bad successe of hard and cruell Potentates : here we haue the most cleare prophecie in the Old Testament of the Messiah the Prince of Princes . These are subiects fit for Princes meditations , and matter meete for noble spirits to be occupied in .

I haue omitted no meanes ( to my power ) to helpe to furnish this matter : I haue therein abridged the best Commentaries , and Writers both old and new , as they are set downe in the margen : Romanists . Hug. Cardin. Caietan . Arias Ma●● . Vatablu● . Pererius . Pintu● . Rhemists , with others . and some of them , which were decennali cur a elaborati , with tenne yeares trauell set forth , as Pererius confesseth in his Epistle Dedicatorie . This labour I haue vndertaken , not so much to redeeme the time , which otherwise might be mispent : for as Seneca saith , maxima pars vitae elabitur male agentibus , magna nihil agentibus , tota aliud agentibus , the greatest part of a mans life passeth away in doing euill , a great part in doing of nothing , and almost the whole , in doing other things then we should : neither herein doe I expect any terrene reward or recompence : The heathen Orator could say , 4. 〈◊〉 . Nullam mercedem virtus , quam hanc laudis gloriaeque desiderat , vertue desireth no other reward then praise and glorie : not that vaine praise of men in this life , which they hunted for , hauing no knowledge of God : but the praise of God in the next world : I chiefly then haue propounded to my selfe the profit of the Church of God : for as euerie one that liueth in the commonwealth , ought to seeke the good thereof : so euery member of the Church should labour some way or other , for the edifying of the whole : If any mislike my diligence in writing , as this age wanteth not carpers , I much passe not for their vnfriendly censure , so that I may doe good to others : and here I may say againe with the Orator , 〈…〉 . Malui multis post diebus sententiam meam laudari , quam à multis hodie reprehendi , I had rather that my endeauour many dayes hereafter should be commended , then now of a fewe reprehended . I haue heretofore exercised my penne in handling of controversies against the common aduersarie , and as I was prouoked , haue written also in mine owne defence , both against forren enemies , 〈…〉 and some domesticall : But now , those occasions beeing if not altogether remooued , yet somewhat intermitted , I haue propounded vnto my selfe this course in the explaning of Scripture : In which kind , as heretofore I haue exhibited to your Highnesse a briefe and compendiarie Treatise vpon some part of Scripture , Harmonie vpon the 1. of Samuel . so nowe I make amends with a larger Commentarie , whereof your princely pietie , vertue , clemencie ( of the which of late I haue had particular experience ) doe promise and euen assure me of your gracious acceptance : I then in signe of my dutie and thankfulnes , together with these my labours , do offer my selfe , and my best seruice to your Highnesse : whom I beseech God so to blesse and encrease with all spirituall and princely gifts , that the age following may say of your Highnesse , as Ambrose of Honorius after the decease of that good Emperor Theodosius , Ambros. in obit. Theodos. Tantus Imperator recessit à nobis , sed non totus excessit , reliquit enim nobis liberos suos , in quibus debemus eum agnoscere .

Your Highnes readie to be commanded in all dutie and seruice ; ANDREW WILLET .

CHAP. VII .

1. The Argument and Methode .

THis Chapter containeth , 1. a vision of foure beasts rising out of the Sea : 2. the interpretation thereof .

1. In the vision , 1. are set forth certaine circumstances , of the time , when , the person , to whome this vision was shewed , and the manner how , v. 1 , 2. 2. the matter of the vision , which is , 1. of the foure beasts , of their flourishing and prosperous estate , to v. 9. then of the iudgement of God against them , v. 15.

The beasts are described , 1. in generall , v. 3. by the efficient cause , the winds blew ; by the number , they are foure ; by the place , they came out of the Sea ; by their qualitie , they were one diuers from an other .

2. In particular . 1. the three beasts are briefly set forth , v. 4 , 5 , 6. which are euery one expressed , 1. by their similitude or resemblance , by their parts , and by their euents . 2. the fourth beast is described in generall , by the qualitie , it was fearefull and strong , the parts , it had yron teeth , and tenne hornes , and by the effects , it deuoured , &c. then the little horne is particularly set forth . 1. by the qualitie of it and the place , it was a little one , and came vp among the other hornes . 2. by the effects , it pluckt away three other hornes . 3. by the parts , the eyes and mouth .

2. The second part of the vision is of the iudgement . 1. the manner and forme , see the parts thereof , quest. 30. following . 2. the effects , which are two , 1. in the destruction of the fourth beast , v. 11. and of the other with it , v. 12. 2. in setting vp the kingdome of Christ , where 1. his person is described , 1. by his name , the Sonne of man . 2. by the place , in the cloudes . 3. by his authoritie , he approched to the Ancient of daies . 2. his kingdome is described by the vniuersalitie of it , all nations shall serue him : and the eternitie , it shall be for euer .

2. The interpretation followeth . 1. the manner first is shewed how he came by the interpretation of it , v. 15 , 16. An Angel declared it . 2. then the interpretation it selfe is set downe . 1. of the beasts . 2. of the iudgement . The beasts are expounded in generall , v. 17. then in particular , the fourth beast : where is first a repetition of the vision , v. 19. to 23. then the declaration , 1. of the fourth beast , v. 23. 2. of the tenne hornes , v. 24. 3. of the little home , what it shall doe , it shall rage against kings , against God , against his people : and how long , v. 25.

Then the iudgement is set forth by the two effects thereof , the destruction of all other kingdomes , and the aduancing of the kingdome of Christ , v. 26 , 27.

The conclusion followeth , which sheweth the effect of this vision in Daniel by these three operations . 1. his perplexed cogitations . 2. the change of his countenance . 3. his deepe meditation , I kept it in mine heart .

2. The text with the diuerse readings .

1 ▪ In the first ( one . C. ) yeare of Belshatzar king of Babel , Daniel saw a dreame , and visions of his head ( were G. B. ) vpon his bed : then he wrote the dreame , and declared the summe ( the head . C. ) of the matter .

2 Daniel spake , and said , ( L. det . ) I saw in my vision by night , and behold , the foure winds of heauen stroue ( did fight , C. ) vpon , ( or in , I. ) the great Sea :

3 And foure great beasts came vp from the Sea , diuers one from an other ( this from that . C. )

4 The first was as a Lyon ( lyonesse . L. cor . ) and had eagles wings : I beheld , till the wings thereof were pluckt off , and it was lifted vp from the earth , V. A. B. G. ( better , then taken away from the earth , L. S. for the Chaldean Monarchie hereby expressed , was not vtterly dissolued : or by the which ( wings ) it was lifted from the earth , I. Pol. for the decaying state of this Monarchie is signified : and the meaning is , that whereas it had before eagles wings , and did soa●e aloft , it could now scarce heaue or carrie it selfe from the ground ) and set ( caused to stand . C. ) vpon his feete , as a man ▪ and a mans heart was giuen him .

5 And behold an other beast , the second was like vnto a beare , and it stood vpon one side ( it stood on part , L. det . it erected one dominion . I. B. but the other reading is the better , see q● . 14. following ) and he had three ribbes ( three orders . L. three morfels , V. ) in his mouth betweene his teeth , and they said thus vnto him , Arise and deuoure much flesh .

6 After this I beheld , ( I was seeing . C. ) and lo , there was an other like a leopard , and it had foure wings of a foule vpon his backe , ( vpon him , L. ) and dominion was giuen him .

7 After this I saw in the visions of the night , ( by night . B. G. ) and behold , the fourth beast was fearefull and terrible , and exceeding ( maruelously , B. very , G. too strong . L. ) strong : and it had great yron teeth , it deuoured , and brake in pieces , and stamped the residue vnder his feete : and it was diuers from ( vnlike to . L. B. G. but the preposition ( min ) signifieth from ) the beasts that were before it : and it had ten●e hornes .

8 I considered the hornes , and behold the last horne beeing little I. ( an other little horne , caeter , but ( achari ) signifieth the last , as well as an other ) did come vp among them , and three of the first hornes were pluckt away before it , and behold eyes as the eyes of a man , were in this horne , and a mouth speaking presumptuous things ( great things . C. )

9 I beheld , till the thrones were set vp , ( taken away . I. V. but the words following , which describe Gods glorious sitting in his throne , doe confirme rather the first reading ) and the Ancient of daies did sit , whose garment was white as snow , and the haire of his head like pure wooll : his throne was like the flame of fire , and the wheeles thereof ( that is , of his throne : for so the vse was for Princes thrones to be set vpon wheeles ) as burning fire .

10 A streame of fire issued , and came forth from before him : thousand thousands ministred vnto him , and ten thousand times tenne thousand ( not tenne thousand thousand . B. G. or tenne thousand times an hundred thousand . L. S. the word is ( rhibo ) which signifieth tenne thousand , in the which sense ( rebobah ) is taken , Levit. 26. 8. ) stood before him : the iudgement was set , and the bookes opened .

11 Then I beheld from the time that the voice of presumptuous words begunne , I. V. ( from the voice of presumptuous words . C. because of the voice of presumptuous words , caeter . but the preposition ( min ) signifieth ( from ) which the horne spake : I beheld , vntill ( not , because . L. ) the beast was slaine , and his bodie destroied , and giuen to be brent in the fire . B. ( vnto the burning of the fire . C. )

12 And of the rest of the beasts there dominion was taken away , ( they had taken away , C. ) but their liues were prolonged ( a length or space in life was giuen them ) for a time and season ( a time and time . L. A. but there are two diuers words vsed in the originall . )

13 I beheld in the visions of the night , and behold with the ( in the. V. B. G. but the preposition signifieth with ) cloudes of heauen one like the Sonne of man comming : and he approched vnto the Auncient of daies , and they presented him before him .

14 And dominion was giuen him , I. V. S. ( he gaue him dominion . L. B. G. but the verbe is of the passiue signification ) and honour , and a kingdome , that all people , nations , and languages should serue him : his dominion is an euerlasting dominion , which shall not faile ( passe away . C. shall not be taken away . L. B. G. ) and his kingdome is that , which shall not be destroied ( corrupted . C. )

15 My spirit was troubled ( pierced . C. ) yea I Daniel in the middes of my bodie , V. ( I Daniel was troubled in spirit in the middes . B. G. L. ) and the visions of my head made me afraid :

16 I came then vnto one of the standers by , and asked him the truth of all this : so he told me , and shewed me ( made me to vnderstand . C. ) the interpretation of these things .

17 These great beasts , which are foure , are foure kings ( not kingdomes , L. S. yet that is the meaning ) which shall arise out of the earth .

18 And they shall take the kingdome of the most high Saints ( not the most high Saints shall take the kingdome . L. V. and it is better read , the most high Saints , V. I. then Saints of the most high . L. B. G. for the word ( high ) is in the originall in the plurall number ) and they , ( that is the Saints , see qu. 48. ) shall possesse the kingdome for euer , yea for euer , and euer .

19 After this I desired ( or wished , I. ) to know the truth concerning the fourth beast which was so diuers from ( vnlike to , B. G. ) all these , exceeding fearefull , whose teeth were of yron , and his nayles of brasse : he deuoured , and brake in pieces , and stamped the residue vnder his feete .

20 Also concerning the tenne hornes , which were in his head , and of the last , Iun. ( the other , caeter . see before , v. 8. ) which came vp , and three hornes fell before it : of this horne ( I say ) which had eyes , and a mouth speaking presumptuous things , whose looke was more stout ( great , C. ) then his fellowes .

21 I beheld , and the same horne made battell with ( against , L. B. G. ) the Saints , and preuailed against them .

22 Vntill the Auncient of daies came , and iudgement was giuen vnto the most high Saints : ( Saints of the most high , L. S. see before , v. 18. ) and the time approched , that the Saints possessed the kingdome .

23 Thus also he said , The fourth beast shall be the fourth kingdome in the earth , which shall be diuers from ( vnlike to . B. G. greater then . L. S. ) all the kingdomes , and shall deuoure the whole earth , and shall tread it downe , and breake it in pieces .

24 And tenne hornes out of this kingdome ( that is , tenne kings shall arise : and the last ( I. Br. an other . L. S. V. see before , v. 8. ) shall rise vp after them , and he shall be diuers from the former ( not greater . L. or shall ouer come all the euill , that were before him . S. ) and he shall subdue three kings ,

25 And he shall speake words against the most high ( better then on the side , or behalfe of the most high . A. or of diuine things . V. the word ( letzad ) here signifieth against ) and shall consume ( not deceiue . S. ) the Saints of the most high , and he shall thinke that he may change times and the law , ( lawes , L. S. ) and they shall be deliuered into his hand , V. L. ( by his hand . I. ) vntill a time , and times and the deuiding of time . ( a long time or a short . V. the halfe of time . L. a part of time . I. pelag signifieth a part or diuision . )

26 But the iudgement shall sit , and they shall take away his dominion , in consuming and destroying it I. ( to consume and destroy it . B. G. ) vnto the ende .

27 And the kingdome and dominion , and the greatnes of the kingdomes ( not kingdome , L. B. G. for the word is in the plural , nor of the kings . S. ) shall be giuen to the people of the high Saints , A. V. B. ( the people of the Saints of the most high . L. the most holy people of the most high . G. but the word ( galonin ) is in the plurall , and answereth to Saints ) whose kingdom is an euerlasting kingdome , and all powers shall serue and obey it . B. ( him . G. that is , the people before spoken of . )

28 Hetherto the ende of these words ( of this matter hetherto . V. or , this is the ende of the matter . G. ) euen me Daniel many cogitations troubled V. ( troubled me . C. à pleonasm●s . better : then as for me Daniel , many cogitatious troubled me . Pol. or I Daniel had many cogitations , which troubled . B. G. for here many words are inserted not in the originall ) and my countenance changed in me : but I kept the words ( the matter . G. ) in mine heart .

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

1. Quest. Of the order obserued by Daniel , in the setting downe of these visions .

This vision contained in this chapter , beeing shewed vnto Daniel in the first yeare of Balthazar , who was the last king of the Chaldeans , and before Darius , vnder whome that miracle fell out , in Daniels deliuerance from the lyons , c. 6. is a manifest argument that the former storie is transposed ; this vision in time comming before it , yet in order beeing placed after it : the reasons hereof are these . 1. Theodoret saith , that in the former sixe chapters , historico more prophetiam conscripsit , he writ the prophecie after an historicall manner , shewing what things happened vnder Nebuchadnezzer , Balthazar , Darius ; but in the sixe chapters following , he setteth downe those predictions , quas● per diuinam reuelationem doctus est , which he was taught by diuine reuelation . 2. Hierome doth adde further , that in the former chapters Daniel historically setteth downe , quid mirabilium signorum acciderit , &c. what memorable signes happened vnder these kings ; but in the rest of this booke he declareth such visions , quarum solus propheta conscius est , which the Prophet onely was priuie vnto himselfe . 3. Hugo giueth this reason : the things before historically rehearsed , tempore suo impleta sunt , were such as were fulfilled in Daniels time ; but these here following were visiones futurorum , visions of things to come to passe afterward . 4. Further , in the former histories God had appointed Daniel , interpretem & magistrum profanis regibus , an interpreter and teacher vnto the profane kings : nunc praefecit Ecclesiae doctorem , now he set him vp as an instructer of his Church , Calvin . 5. The former histories and miracles shewed the calling of Daniel , and the confirmation thereof by signes and miracles : in these chapters Daniel exerciseth his vocation and function , in his propheticall visions , Iun. 6. Lyranus beside the reason before touched , that the former visions were partly historicall , partly propheticall , and therefore were set downe together , but these visions are mere propheticae , merely propheticall ; assigneth also this reason , that the former visions belong vnto the first comming of Christ , and therefore are set together : these following concerne his second comming : but this is not so , for c. 9. there is a manifest prophecie of the first comming of the Messiah , and the very time is described : and though mention be made by the way ( as it were ) of the resurrection , and the finall iudgement , c. 12. yet the visions are principally intended to foretell such things , as should befall the Church of the Iewes before the first comming of the Messiah .

2. Quest. Of the visions which follow in generall .

1. Bullinger reduceth all the visions following vnto fowre , making the visions in the 3. last chapters but one : for it is a continuance of the same prophecie : wherein the condition of the Church is described vnder the state of the Persians and Grecians , especially vnder Antiochus Epiphanes . c. 11. 2. Lyranus maketh fiue visions of them , thus distinguishing them : the first , c. 7. significat ( vltimae ) tribulationis totalem processum , signifieth the totall proceeding in the last tribulation of ( that ) Church : the second , c. 8. which treateth of the combate between the Persians and Grecians , designat ●iusdem tribulationis principalem conflictum , doth designe the principall conflict of that tribulation : the third , c. 9. which prophecieth of the comming of the Messiah : and so , designat eiusdem tribulationis solatium , it sheweth the comfort in the same tribulation : the fourth vision is of the man which appeared , prophecying of the deliuerance of the people , & designat eiusdem tribulationis terminum , and sheweth the ende of that tribulation , c. 10. the fift is of the victorie of Christ vnder the signe and figure of the king of the South , and the king of the North , & designat eiusdem tribulationis triumphum , it setteth forth the triumph ouer that tribulation . c. 11. But , as is shewed before , the same vision is contained and continued , c. 10 , 11 , 12. 3. This vision in this chapter is generall of the state of the foure Monarchies , which afterward are particularly described : like as Cosmographers in the description of the world , doe first set forth a generall mappe of the whole world , and then particular tables of seuerall countries : the same order Daniel obserueth in these visions : in the 7. chapter , he is informed concerning the generall condition and state of the foure kingdomes : then in the 8. followeth a particular narration of the Persian and Grecian Monarchie : and in the 11. chap. a more large description of particular accidents vnder the diuided kingdomes of the Grecians , one of the South , the other of the North. Bulling.

4. The summe then of these visions following is this . 1. The state of the Church of the Iewes is described , how they shall suffer much affliction vnder the fowre Monarchies , but especially vnder the fourth . 2. But the affliction shall be but for a time , it shall ende at the comming of the Messiah : who shall of many be refused , and put to death , whereupon shall follow the destruction of Ierusalem , and dissolution of the Leuiticall state● 3. And then Christ at his second comming shall perfect all : the dead shall rise , some vnto life , some vnto euerlasting condemnation .

3. Quest. Of visions in generall .

1. Two waies did the Lord reueale himselfe vnto his seruants , either by oracle and liuely voice , as he spake to Moses face to face , Numb. 12. 6. or by vision ; wherein certaine representations and similitudes of things were exhibited for the more liuely demonstration of that thing which was reuealed : in which visions sometime the truth it selfe of things to come was simply manifested without any other shadow , as Ezek. 40. sometime vnder the similitude of beasts and other things , demonstration was made , as here , c. 7 , 8.

2. Visions were shewed either vnto men waking , or sleeping : and beeing waking they either saw them with their eyes , as Abraham was bid to behold the starres , for so should his ●eede be in multitude , Gen. 15. 5. or in the minde , as in a traunce : such was the vision of the 〈◊〉 cornerd sheete which Peter sawe , Act. 10.

● . And visions also were declared vnto men by dreame , when they were a sleepe in the 〈◊〉 as vnto Iacob was shewed while he slept , that vision of the ladder , Gen. 28.

〈◊〉 . This vision which Daniel sawe was of both kinds : it was both a dreame , and a vision : 〈◊〉 shewed vnto Daniel partly in his sleepe , and partly beeing awake : God did giue a b●essing vnto Daniels religious care to knowe the vision , visione redintegrans id ipsum , quod 〈◊〉 per somnum exhibuerat , renewing the same thing by vision , which he had exhibited before by dreame , Inn.

Quest. 4. Of the time when this vision was re●●aled vnto Daniel .

V. 1. In the first year● of Belshazzar , &c. 1. ●ererius saith that this first yeare of Belshazzar , whom he supposeth to haue raigned 17. yeares , was 18. yeares before the deliuerance of Israel out of captiuitie , which was the 54. yeare of their captiuitie , and from the building of Rome , the 176● yeare , when ●●quinius Priscus was king of the Romanes : But Pe●●●ius in this reckoning committeth diuerse errours . 1. Belshazzar raigned not 17. yeares , but three yeares onely : as hath beene shewed before , cap. 5. quest. 51. 2. the 54. yeare of the captiuitie was indeede the 18. yeare before their deliuerance , but the first yeare of Belshazzar was in the 68. yeare of their captiuitie , 3. yeare before they were deliuered . 3. the 54. yeare of the captiuitie did concurre with the 190. yeare after the building of Rome , in the raigne of Seruius Tullius , not of Tarquinius Priscus , as Bullinger well collecteth in his tables .

2. Pelanus also is deceiued , which thinketh that this vision in the first yeare of Belshazar , was 17. yeares before the ende of the captiuitie , for so long he thinketh Belshazar to ●●ue raigned : which was in the 34●9 . yeare from the beginning of the world , and 552. before the comming of Christ : But three yeares onely must be allowed vnto Belshazar : Berosus giueth vnto him but 5. yeares , as M●t●she●es reporteth him in his booke de iudicio temporum : and the 17. yeare before the captiuitie ended , was according to Bullinger● account , in the yeare of the world 3408. H. Br. in his account much varieth for the yeare of the world , making the first yeare of Belshazar to fall into the yeare 3407. In these accounts there is great vncertaintie , euery one following his owne coniecture .

3. Herein therefore I approoue rather Bullingers iudgement , that this first yeare of Belshazar , was onely three yeares before the 70. yeares ended : for Daniel maketh mention onely of the third yeare of Belshazar , c. 8. 1. and now the time of their deliuerance approached , and was neere at hand , Oecolamp .

Quest. 5. Why the vision of the fowre Monarchies is againe reuealed vnto Daniel , beeing shewed before to Nebuchadnezzar , cap. 2.

1. The vision which Nebuchadnezzar saw was more obscure , aspiciunt quidem aliquid impij , sed in caligine , vt nihil distinguant , the wicked indeede see somewhat , but darkely , they cannot distinctly perceiue any thing : This vision which Daniel hath of the same thing is more distinct and manifest , Calvin .

2. An other reason of this repetition , is for more certaintie : as Pharaoh had two dreames signifying the same thing , vt firmitatis indicium sit r●petiti● illa , that the repeating thereof might be a token of the firmenesse and certaintie , Pap. & ●ine noua repetitione non tam attenti essent Iudaei , &c. without a renewing of that vision , the Iewes would not haue beene so attent vnto the prophesies , Calvin .

3. Beside , it was requisite , that Belshazar and his people , the times beeing now much declined , should be admonished , as Nebuchadnezzar was : and therefore this vision is onely written in the Chalde , that they might be without excuse : the rest of the visions following are not imparted vnto them , because the Chaldes went on in their impietie , and shewed themselues obstinate , Iun. in comment .

4. And in respect of the people of God , it was necessarie , that the same vision in substance should be reuealed , now vpon the point of their deliuerance , that they should not promise vnto themselues a quiet state , no not after they were come o●t of captiuitie , but should knowe , that still they must be exercised vnder affliction , Calvin , Genevens .

Quest. 6. What manner of vision this was which Daniel here had , and how it was reuealed .

1. This propheticall vision was two wayes shewed vnto Daniel , first by a dreame , which was sent of God ; and then this vision was reuealed vnto him againe beeing awake : he sawe it in his minde , Polanus . and therefore he calleth them the visions of his head : composita & sobria mente ab ipso visa , they were seene and perceiued of the Prophet with a sober and well aduised minde , Bulling , therefore he saith , I sawe a dreame , he porceiued and vnderstood : Nebuchadnezzar had a dreame , but he vnderstood it not , Calvin .

2. This dreame came in the night : which signifieth as Pellican ▪ quod annuntiantur grauia , that many heauie things are declared ; for the night is taken in Scripture for tribulation : But this rather was the meetest time for such visions , when the mind was freest from all other incumbrances : and when the externall senses are quiet , facilius recipitur cognitto supernaturalium , the knowledge of supernaturall things is more easily receiued , Lyran.

3. This vision Daniel committeth to writing : some thinke , eum repente exilijsse ex lecto , that he of a sudden leaped out of his bedde , least he should forget the dreame● but that is a friuolous collection : hereby is signified , that Daniel knowing that this things was reuealed vnto him , not for himselfe , but for the generall vse of the Church , committeth the same to writing , Calvin . And where it is said . Daniel spake and said , this is to be vnderstood of the writing , as is ●uident in the first verse ; he wrote the dreame , and declared the summe of the matter , that is , in writing .

Quest. 7. What is meant by the fowre windes which stroue together vpon the Sea .

1. Hierome by these fowre windes vnderstandeth the good Angels , who are compared to the windes in three respects . 1. for their celeritie . 2. because they are invisible . 3. and are knowne onely of vs by their effects , as the windes are : and these good Angels doe striue for the good of those seuerall countries , ouer the which they are set : as the Angel which was president of Chaldea , laboured that the Iewes might remaine still in captiuitie for the instruction of the Chaldeans : the Angel of the Hebrewes , endeauoured that they might be deliuered : But , neither haue the good Angels such speciall regiments assigned vnto them , neither are their endeauours contrarie each vnto other , neither doe any of them labour against the people of God , but they doe all minister for the elects sake .

2. Albertus Magnus ( so also Hugo , Lyranus , ) vnderstandeth here the euill Angels , which are said to fight and striue , because they stirre vp men to strife and contention : but these are called the windes or spirits of heauen , which title is not giuen vnto euill Angels .

3. Pererius by these fowre principall windes which doe blowe from the 4. corners of the earth , would haue signified the 4. Monarchies , whereof one was in the North , an other in the South , one West , another East : But the fowre Monarchies and kingdomes are vnderstood by the fowre beasts , which rise out of the Sea .

4. Theodoret vnderstandeth by these windes , the great commotions and perturbations , quae in exortu cuiusque monarchiae extiterant , which were raised in the beginning of euery Monarchie : for Darius and Cyrus by tumult of warre ouercame Balshazar : so did Alexander the great the last Darius of Persia : And thus the Monarchies were translated not without great vexation and trouble : so also Bullinge● , Osiander . but these stirres and commotions followe vpon the rising of these beasts , as procured by them : these windes goe before , and bring forth these beasts .

5. Pellican by the windes vnderstandeth the afflictions and persecutions of the Church : but these beasts were the causes of these afflictions : the windes goe before , and are the causes of their comming forth .

6. Calvin thinketh that Daniel , similitudinem notam ominibus assumit , both take a similitude well knowne vnto all : for the windes doe not blowe so much vpon the solid earth , as vpon the liquid Sea : by this similitude he sheweth that the world shall be like a troublesome Sea .

7. Iunius thinketh that mention is made of the windes , quia Deus solitus est seruos su●s praemisso ventorum impetu praeparare , because God vseth to prepare his seruants by sending the windes before , when they receiue any visions as Elias was so prepared , 1. King . 19.

8. But beside these allusions , specially by these words is expressed the ministrie of the Angels , who are compared to windes , Psal. 104. 4. which maketh the spirits or windes his messengers , so Reuel. 7. 1. the fowre Angels are said to hold the fowre windes of the earth , that they should not blowe : not that particular countries are assigned to the custodie of Angels ; which conceite is refuted before : but hereby is signified , that the Angels are like the windes dispersed euerie where in the world , as ministers of Gods will , Iun. Polan .

9. Now whereas it is expounded afterward what the beasts signifie , v. 17. but not what the words betoken , the reason is , the harder and hidden things are expounded , and some things are pretermitted , tanquam per se manifesta , as manifest of themselues , Oecolamp .

Quest. 8. Of the description of these beasts in generall .

1. The cause is set forth , which raiseth vp these beasts , the windes , which signifie the ministring spirits , which are as swift as the windes to expedite the businesse committed vnto them .

2. The place or subiect is expressed , where these windes blowe and worke , the world , which is compared vnto a Sea , in respect of the turbulent and changeable state thereof .

3. Then followeth a description of the effect , the bringing forth of these beasts , which are described , 1. by their number , they are fowre . 2. they are great . 3. by the manner , they ascend , by degrees these terrene Monarchies attained to their power and strength . 4. by the matter , they all came out of the Sea , they are all terrene and earthly . 5. by their fashion and forme , they are one vnlike an other .

Quest. 9. Why the kings and kingdomes of the earth are likened vnto beasts .

1. In that kings are resembled vnto beasts , it is not spoken in disgrace of the honourable calling of Magistrates , which is the ordinance of God : and in these Monarchies there were some good Princes , as Cyrus , Artaxerxes , which fauoured the people of God : 2. But because many of those great kings were Tyrants , and oppressed the people of God , they are tearmed beasts : as Hierome saith , regnorum feritas bestiarum nomine demonstratur , the crueltie of those kingdomes is shewed by the name of beasts . 3. So that which is essentiall in the calling of princes , namely , the institution and ordinance of God , is not here signified , but that which is accidentall in them , the abuse of their gouernement , which proceedeth not from the institutor , or institution , but from themselues , Calvin . Polan .

Quest. 10. Of the agreement betweene this vision of the 4. beasts , and that of the image shewed to Nebuchadnezzar , cap. 2.

1. As there the king sawe a great image , so here the Prophet nameth a great Sea . 2. here fowre beasts came vp , and there the image is compounded of fowre mettalls , gold , siluer , brasse , and yron , which represent the fowre great Monarchies and kingdomes . 3. as there the yron and clay feete had their toes , which in number are tenne , so the last beast here hath tenne hornes , v. 7. 4. there the kingdomes are likened to an image , and here they come out of the Sea , to shewe the mutable and changeable state of the world . 5. there a stone cut out of the mountaine without hands , breaketh the image in peices : here also one like the sonne of man taketh vpon him the kingdome , rule , and dominion , Oecolamp . ex Euseb.

But yet herein is the difference between these two visions . 1. both in respect of the manner : that which is but there obscurely propounded , is here more euidently handled , Iun. commentar. 2. and of the person : There Nebuchadnezzar had a dreame , but vnderstood nothing : here Daniel seeth a dreame , he hath a reuelation in his dreame , and the illumination of minde withall to vnderstand it , Calvin .

Quest. 11. Of the first beast representing the Chaldean Monarchie .

Concerning this Monarchie two things are declared . 1. The flourishing state . 2. and then the declining thereof .

For their prosperous state , they are compared vnto the lyon and the eagle . 1. The vulgar Latine readeth a lionesse , whereupon Hierome noteth two properties in the Chaldean Monarchie , ingentem ferociam & libidinem , their fiercenes and intemperate lust : for the lionesse is more fierce then the lyon , and verie insatiable and intemperate , not onely coupling with the Lyon , but with the Hyena , and the Pardus , whereof commeth that mixt kind of the Leopard : but the word here vsed , arieh , signifieth a lyon , not a lionesse : therefore that note hath no ground , which the ordinar. gloss . borroweth out of Hierome , that for crueltie this Monarchie is compared to a lyonesse , rather then to a lyon .

2. There are diuers names giuen vnto lions according to their age , ghur , is a lyons whelpe , chephir , a young lyon , ghur shacal , a middle lyon , laish , an olde lyon , labi , a decrepite lyon .

3. The Chaldeans are resembled to a lyon , as Theodoret thinketh , because it was both the most auncient , and first of all , and it continued longest , almost a 1300. yeares , as Diodorus , and Ctesias G●idius write : but rather this comparison is made to shewe both the magnanimitie and courage of them , as likewise withall , their crueltie and rage : In the image , c. 2. the Chaldean state is compared vnto gold , and here to a lyon , which is the most excellent and heroicall beast : thus also the Prophets resemble the Chaldeans to a lyon , Isa. 5. 29. Ierem. 4. v. 7.

4. By the Eagles wings is signified the great celeritie and swiftnesse of the Chaldeans in their conquests and victories : so also doe the other Prophets liken the Chaldeans to a swift Eagle , Ierem. 48. v. 40. Esech. 17. v. 3. by the two wings , are vnderstood , the Babylonian and Assyrian state , which now were both ioyned together , by the which this Monarchie was carried aloft aboue all others : Melanct. Osiand .

Then followeth a description of their declining estate , in these foure degrees . 1. the wings are pulled away : their dexteritie and courage is taken from them : t●e Chaldeans gaue themselues to idlenesse and pleasure : likewise the Persians pulled their wings , when they stripped them at once of all their dignitie and gouernement . 2. then it was reared from the earth : whereas they did flie aloft before , now it can scarce lift vp the head from the ground : the Latine readeth it was taken from the earth : but the Chaldean state remayned still after their wings were pulled , it was not vtterly dissolued . 3. then he was set vpon his feete as a man : they could no longer flie with Eagles wings , but stood vpon the ground as other ordinarie and priuate men . 4. and a mans heart was giuen him : they became timorous and fearefull , in so much that when the citie was besiedged , the Babylonians durst not looke out at their gates , Iun. comment . the Babylonians were tributarie to the Persians , and were their seruants to till their ground , and saluted them as their masters when they met them : they also maintained Cyrus garrison in Babylon : and so they which were lords before , became as ordinarie priuate men , Polan . ex Xenophon .

Aben Ezra , and Hyppolitus doe expound this of Nebuchadnezzar : Lyranus also , and the ordinar. gloss . do not mislike that interpretation , which Hugo . Car. and Osiander also follow ; how his wings were clipped , and his pride abated , when he became as a bruit beast , depriued of his reason and vnderstanding : and when he was restored to his vnderstanding , he was as set vpon his feete , and had a mans heart giuen him againe , whereas he had a beasts heart before till 7. yeares were past : But because this is a description of the whole state and Monarchie , and Nebuchadnezzar was at this time dead , the former interpretation is better .

Quest. 12. Where the Chaldean Monarchie here described must take beginning .

1. Some thinke that the Assyrian Monarchie beganne in Nimrod , and so continued as Diodorus Siculus thinketh a 1300. yeares , vnto Sardanapalus : who was the last king of the Assyrians , and against whom conspired Arbaces a Mede , and Phul Belochus the gouernour of Babylon , at such time as Iotham raigned in Iudea , and Pekah in Israel : But exception may be made hereunto . 1. although Nimrod were mightie in his time , Gen. 14. 1. 5. and raigned in Babel , yet not long after in Abrahams time , Chedorlaomer king of Elam or Persia , was greater then Amraphel king of Shinar , or Babylon , for Sodome and Gomorrha were subiects to the king of Elam . 2. Herodotus counteth but 520. yeeres for the whole time of the Assyrian Monarchie vnto Sardanapalus . Pap. But whether the Assyrian Monarchie continued so long , or not , we are not here to fetch the beginning thereof so farre for the application of this vision : for it is euident , that Daniel hath speciall reference to the state of that Monarchie then present .

2. Eusebius thinketh that these Monarchies are here vnderstood , vnto the which the Iewes were subiect 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , de praepar . Euang. c. 15. from the times of this Prophet . And this seemeth the most probable , that this vision should beginne from the raigne of Nebuchadnezzar : for so in the vision of the image , c. 2. Nebuchadnezzar is expounded by Daniel , to be the head of gold , the first Monarchie .

3. Pappus beginneth the Assyrian and Chaldean Monarchie from the time of Sardanapalus : after whom the kingdome was deuided : Arbac●s had Media and Persia , and Phul Beloch Chaldea and Assyria . 1. The first king then of the Chaldeans and Assyrians after the diuision of the Empire , was this Phul , who is supposed to haue raigned 48. yeares : to him Menahem king of Israel paied a 1000. talents of siluer which was imposed vpon him , 2. king . 15. 19. 2. Next vnto him was Tiglath Peleser , who ouercame Pekah king of Israel , and carried captiue all the land of Nepthali on this side Iordan , and all the countrey beyond , into Asshur , 2. king . 15. 29. he helped Ahaz king of Iudah against Pekah king of Israel , and Rezin king of Aram , 2. king . 16. 7. he is said to haue raigned 23. yeares . 3. Then succeeded Sa●manazar , who ouercame Hoshea king of Israel , and tooke Samaria , and carried away the people captiue , 2. king . 17. 3. 6. he raigned 11. yeares . 4. Senacherib followed , who besieged Ierusalem in the time of Hezekiah , and lost of his armie in one night by the stroke of an Angel an 185000. men : to him are giuen but 7. yeares . 5. Senacherib beeing slaine by his sonnes , Asarchaddon his sonne succeeded , 2. king . 19. 37. who raigned 10. yeares . 6. About this time it seemeth that the Chaldeans ouercame the Assyrians , and Berodach Baladan , that sent presents to Hezekiah to congratulate for his recouerie , 2. king . 20. 12. had the whole Empire , who is held to haue raigned 40. yeares . 7. Next to him was Ben Merodah who raigned 21. yeares . 8. Nabuchadnezzer the Elder followed , who ouercame Egypt , whome Iosephus affirmeth to haue raigned but 21. yeares : but it is gathered that he raigned 35. yeares . Bulling. Papp . 9. After him was Nabuchadnezzer the Great ▪ who raigned 45. yeares : he carried away Iechoniah prisoner in the 8. yeare of his raigne , and ●fterward tooke Ierusalem , and put out Zedekiahs eyes , and bound him in chaines . 11. After him raigned Euilmerodach his sonne , who tooke Iechoniah out of prison in the 37. yeare of his captiuitie and imprisonment , 2. king . 25. 27. 12. The last of this race was Belshazzar , in the third yeare of whose raigne was Babylon taken by Darius and Cyrus . Thus Bullinger and Pappus set downe the succession of the kings of Assyria and Babylon .

4. But the Chaldean Monarchie in this vision reacheth not so high , as either to the diuision of the Empire after Sardanapalus , or the alteration of the kingdome vnder Berodach Baladan : Daniel onely describeth the state of the Monarchie in his time , beginning at Nabuchadnezzer the great : as he expounded the like vision of the image , c. 2. resembling Nabuchadnezzer to the head of gold .

13. Quest. Of the second beast : and why the Persian Monarchie is compared to a beare .

1. Lyranus thinketh they are so resembled , because the beare is lesse cruell : and so the Persians were more equall toward the people of God : but in this sense , this vision should differ from the other , c. 2. where the armes and breasts , which signifie the Persian Monarchie , appeared to be of siluer , as inferiour to the first , which was of gold .

2. In diuers other respects then the Persian state is resembled to a beare : as in their obscure beginning : the Persians were at the first a nation of no fame or renowne : like as the beare , is at the first but a rude lumpe of flesh without any fashion , which the damme by continuall licking bringeth to fashion . Perer. Pintus .

3. Beside , the beare is most patient of labour and hunger : all winter long they liue without food , beeing nourished onely by sleepe , as Plinie writeth of them , lib. 8. c. 36. So the Persians 〈◊〉 a most frugall nation , for the most part they liued onely of bread : and they dwelt among the mountaines , as wild beares seeking their food . Perer. Hug. Card.

4. The beare is of a weake sight , and of a tender head , but of a vast and vnhansome bodie , whereby is signified that the Persians did fight rather with their vast and huge numbers , then with martiall stratagemes and policie , Perer. as Cyrus was ouercome of the Massagetes , and his head was cut off by Thomyris , hauing 200. thousand men in his armie . Pisistratus beeing expelled Athens for his tyrannie , was sent against Grecia by Darius , with an armie of an 100. thousand footmen , and 10. thousand horsemen : and was ouercome by Miltiades the Athenian captaine in the fields of Marathon , onely hauing a 11. thousand men . Xerxes with 10. hundred thousand men inuaded Greece , and was ouercome by Sea of Themistocles , and by land of Leonidas and Pausanias with a small number , and he himselfe constrained to flee away in a small boate . Leonidas at Thermopylae with 3000. men kept the streights against all the Persian armie : and with 300. men set vpon their hoast of 500. thousand , and slue of them 20. thousand ; where he himselfe also , and all his companie was slaine .

5. They were like vnto beares ob barbariem , because of their barbarousnes , Calvin . they were a sauage and barbarous people brought vp in the mountaines : like as the beare is to the sight a more vncomely and vnpleasant bea●t , then a lyon .

6. But herein the fittest resemblance is , the beare is , typus barbaricae & ferinae crudelitatis , a type of babarous and beastly crueltie , Iun. Theodoret hath speciall reference here vnto the cruell torments , which the Persians vsed , in fleaing of men , and pulling off their skinnes , and hewing them into peices : But generally rather is described the sauage and cruell nature of that nation ( as it followeth in the rest of the vision ) by the ribbes betweene the teeth , and their deuouring of much flesh .

Quest. 14. Why the beare is said to stand vpon the one side .

1. The vulgar Latine readeth , in parte stetit , it stood vp on a part : but the true reading is , it stood vpon one side , which the Hebrewes expound , that this Monachie was not so cruell against the Iewes , as the other : for diuerse of the Persian kings were beneficiall toward the people of God .

2. Hierome giueth this sense , they first rose vp on a part , that is , surprised the Chaldean kingdome , that they might more easily subdue the rest .

3. Theodoret referreth it to that part of the kingdome , which the Persians held still vnder the Romane Monarchie , though the dominion of Egypt , and Asia minor , and Syria , were taken from them : but in this vision the Persian Monarchie is described how it was in the time of the pri●e and glorie thereof , before it was dissolued by Alexander .

4. Calvin , and the Geneuens . following him , doe vnderstand it of the meane beginning of the Persians : respicit obscura initia regni illius , it respecteth the obscure beginning of that kingdome .

5. Vatablus vnderstandeth it of the taking of Babylon : that the Persians leaned on one side , they onely set themselues against the Babylonians , they spared the Iewes , so also Pintus .

6. But the best interpretation is , it stood vpon one side , ex duobus lateribus , id est , distinctis regnis , vnum effectum est , of the two sides , that is , two distinct kingdomes , there was one side , that is , one kingdome made : for the Medes and Persians ioyned together , Iun. in commentar . so also Bulling. Iunius in his annotat . followeth an other reading , retayning the same sense , dominatum vnum erexit , he erected one dominion : that is , subdued all other nations , and made but one dominion of them all : so also Polanus : the word satar , with a pricke on the left side ouer shin , signifieth a side , also so D. Kimchi readeth : but with a pricke on the right side , shatar , it signifieth rule and dominion : the first reading seemeth to be the fitter , because of the preposition lamed , set before lishtar , on the side , which is omitted in the other reading .

7. Oecolampadius thus interpreteth , he stood vpon one side , that is , there was a place found for the Persians to be numbred among the cruel beasts : but this sense is not so proper .

15. Quest. Of the three ribbes in his mouth , what they signifie .

1. R. Saadia vnderstandeth three kings which succeeded Cyrus : but Hierome refuseth this interpretation , because there were more then three kings of Persia : Osiander also expoundeth by these three long teeth , three great kings of Persia , Cyrus , Darius , Xerxes : but it appeareth not , seeing there were 10. kings of Persia , or according to Hierome 14. kings , why these three should be vnderstood beside therest : Melancthon vnderstandeth other three , Cyrus , Darius , Artaxerxes .

2. Hugo interpreteth these three teeth , which the Latine translateth , three orders , to be those three chiefe officers , which were set ouer all the kingdome , as we read , cap. 6. 2. so also Apollinarius : but these chiefe gouernours were the teeth rather of the beast , then the pray betweene the teeth .

3. Hierome vnderstandeth the three kingdomes , Persia , Media , and Babylon : Hyppolitus the Assyrians , Medes , and Babylonians .

4. Calvin , and so Bullinger thinke not good to define any certaine number by these three ribbes : but by three ribbes vnderstand plures , many : for so they subdued not one kingdome , but many : and the words following seeme to approoue this sense , arise , and de●oure much flesh .

5. Oecolampadius placeth not the force of the words , in the number of three : but in that they are said to be ribbes , carnibus deuoratis arrodebat ossa , the flesh beeing deuoured , he gnaweth the bones , not one onely , but three together , to shewe him to be vnsatiable .

6. Iunius in his commentarie , by the three ribbes , interpreteth , ex omni parte , that they shall deuoure on euerie side : because three wayes onely a beast vseth to gnawe bones , before , and on each side .

7. But in his annotations he vnderstandeth by the three bones , tres partes orbis habitabilis , the three parts of the habitable world ; into the which the Monarchie of the Persians was extended : And so Theodoret expoundeth the three parts of the world , the East , North , and South : likewise Polanus .

Now of all these , the third exposition of the three principall kingdomes , Persia , Media , and Chaldea , seemeth to be most probable : because although Cyrus subdued many countries beside , yet these were the three sweetest bones , which he had first in his mouth : and after this he deuoured and destroyed much flesh beside .

Quest. 16. Who said vnto him , arise , and deuoure , &c. v. 4.

1. Herome , and Lyranus following him , with others , as gloss . interlin. gloss . ordinar. Hug. Card. doe interpret this of Assuerus , who was encouraged by Haman to deuoure and destroy the Iewes : But this beeing attempted onely by Haman , not effected , cannot be the meaning of these words , which shewe , that as this beast had alreadie a pray in his teeth , so he should deuoure more .

2. Pererius thinketh it may be referred to Cyrus , who was insatiable in his ambitious desire , and his ende was answerable thereunto : for he beeing ouercome of Queene Thomyris , and 200. thousand of his men slaine , she caused his head to be cast into a bowle of mans blood , vttering these reproachfull words of him , bibe sanguinem , quem ●itiuisti , & cuius insatiabilis semper fuisti , drinke thy fill of blood , which thou hast thirsted for , and wast thereof insatiable , ex Iustin. But seeing this vision containeth a generall description of the whole Monarchie of the Persians , it is not so fitly applyed vnto one .

3. Calvin thus expoundeth , they said , that is , the Angels .

4. Bullinger saith , caelitus iussio descendit , that this commandement came from God : they were iussi à Deo , bidden of God : The Persians were raised vp of God , who , though not the author of their crueltie , yet concurred as a iust iudge , vsing them as his instruments in punishing the sinnes of the world , Pap. mandatum ei diuinitus , &c. it was commanded him from God to enlarge his Empire , Iun. annotat .

5. As both these last senses may be receiued , so yet further here may be vnderstood the instruments whereby the kings of Persia were stirred vp , to destroy and deuoure : as Darius , called also Cyaxares , and the Hyrcanians , together with Gobryas a gouernour of Assyria , did stirre vp Cyrus against the Babylonians , Xenophon lib. 4. Mardonius likewise perswaded Xerxes to take in hand the warre against Grecia , but Artabanus disswaded him : in which warre , as Orosiu● writeth , were consumed in three battels and in three yeares , Oros. l. 3. c. 17. 10. hundred thousand men . So that this Monarchie , thorough their ambitious desire to rule , was the cause of the effusion of much blood : as it is here said vnto them , arise , and deuoure much flesh .

6. So then all these concurred together , in setting vp this Monarchie , God is the author , the Angels as the chiefe ministers , and then other instigators and setters on , as the instruments : like as the Chaldeans prouoked Nebuchadnezzar to cast the three Hebrewes into the fierie fornace , cap. 3. and the Persian gouernours caused Daniel to be cast into the Lyons denne , cap. 6.

17. Quest. Of the Persian Kings with whom the Persian Monarchie beganne and ended .

1. Hierom , whom the ordin . gloss . followeth , reckoneth vp 14. kings of Persia. 1. Cyrus . 2. Cambyses . 3. the Magi. 4. Darius , vnder whom the Temple began to be reedified . 5. Xerxes the sonne of Darius . 6. Artabanus . 7. Artaxerxes Longimanus . 8. Xerxes , an other of that name . 9. Socdianus . 10. Darius Nothus . 11. Artaxerxes Memnon . 12. Darius Ochus . 13. Arses . 14. Darius the last , whom Alexander ouercame .

2. Some doe number eleuen in this order . 1. Cyrus . 2. Assuerus Artaxerxes , which was Cambyses . 3. Darius Assyrius . 4. Artaxerxes pius . 5. Xerxes the terror of Grecia . 6. Artaxerxes Longiman●●● . 7. Darius Nothus . 8. Artaxerxes Memor. 9. Ochus . 10. Arses , or Arsanes . 11. Darius Codoma●●us , whom Alexander subdued : H. B. in the short viewe of the Persian Monarchie , following Beroaldus .

3. Some account not so many kings of the Persians , as Pappus nameth all these before rehearsed , omitting Arsanes who succeeded Ochus .

4. But the best numbring of them , is that which Iunius in the argument of the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah , and Bullinger in his Chronicle tables followeth , who number 10. Kings of the Persians beside Smerdes the Magician , and his brother : and with them an eleuen . 1. Cyrus . 2. his sonne Cambyses . 3. then the Magi. 4. Darius the sonne of Hystaspis . 5. Xerxes his sonne , who inuaded Grecia with such an huge armie . 6. Artaxerxes Longimanus , so called as it seemeth because one hand was longer then an other . 7. Darius Nothus . 8. Artaxerxes Memnon , who committed horrible incest , and left behind him Darius Ochus . 9. This Ochus molested the Iewes : Bagoas his captaine polluted ▪ the Temple , and depriued them of the priuiledges graunted them by Cyrus , Darius , Artaxerxes : he was at last slaine by the same Bagoas . 10. Then this Bagoas set vp Arsanes the sonne of Ochus , and slue him also at the length . 11. The last was Darius Codomannus , whome Alexander vanquished . But Smerdes is rather to be omitted in this number , because he was an vsurper , and raigned but 7. moneths : and by the same reason also Artabanus must be fetched in , and other vsurper after Xerxes : and if Smerdes be admitted , Xerxes should be the 5. not the 4. king , as Daniel maketh him , c. 11. 2.

18. Quest. Of the third beast , called a leopard , and of the description of the third Monarchie .

There are foure parts of the description . 1. à simili , from the similitude and likenes of the Pard , or leopard : whereunto in diuers respects Alexander is compared . 1. The Leopard is noted to be subtile and craftie , lying in waite for them which goe by the way , as Ieremie saith , c. 5. 6. A leopard shall watch ouer their cities , euery one that goeth out thence shall be torne in pieces : so Alexander by subtiltie and policie preuailed much . 2. The leopard is very swift , as Habak. 1. 8. Their horses shall be swifter then leopards : So Alexander in a short time conquered the most knowne countries of all the world . 3. He is likened also to a leopard for his strength . Polan . 4. The Panther , Pard , or Leopard is full of spots , which either noteth the varietie of countreies and nations which Alexander subdued , Hug. or rather his variable and changeable nature , which was tempered both with excellent vertues , and notable vices . Perer. 5. The Leopard they say is taken by this meanes : it much coue●eth and desireth wine , which beeing poured neere vnto their dennes , the sent thereof draweth them forth : and the hunters set not farre off , vessels of wine , which the beast drinketh , till he falleth a sleepe , and so is taken : And herein was Alexander like vnto the leopard , who died of surfeting , and drunkennes .

2. Then this beast is described by the adiuncts , it had foure wings . 1. Some hereby vnderstand Alexanders foure vertues . 1. his strength of bodie . 2. courage of minde , which feared nothing . 3. dexteritie and industrie . 4. his great liberalitie and clemencie . Lyran. Perer. 2. Some by the foure wings , and foure beasts , vnderstand the same thing , namely , his foure successors , Melancth. Calv. but then should something in this description be superfluous . 3. Hereby rather is signified Alexanders great celeritie , which is shadowed forth in the nature of the beast , but more liuely expressed by wings : & he is said to haue foure wings , not two , quia nihil fuit velocius Alexandri victoria , because nothing was swifter then Alexanders victories , Hier. for in 12. yeares he made conquest of all the famous kingdomes of the world : yea in sixe yeares , as Hierome testifieth , he subdued all Egypt , a great part of Europe , all Asia euen vnto India : in the first yeare of his kingdome he tooke the citie Thebes : in the 2. he ouercame Darius armies at Granicum : in the 3. yeare he againe ouercame Darius at Issum : in the fourth yeare he tooke Tyrus , when he had besieged it 7. moneths , and then in the 5. subdued Syria , and Iudea : in the 6. yeare he finally vanquished Darius at Arbela , and so possessed the Asian Empire . Polan .

3. Then this beast is set forth by the number of the heads , the beast also had foure heads . 1. Iunius hereby would not haue vnderstood foure kingdomes , but the great dexteritie of Alexander , in taking care for all the parts of his kingdome , as if he had had foure heads . Iun. in comment . 2. The most doe take them for Alexanders foure successors in the kingdome : Cassander in Macedonia , Antigonus in Asia minor , Seleucus in Syria , Ptolome in Egypt : so Oecolamp . Perer. Papp . Calv. with others : but these 4. kingdomes make the fourth beast , as afterward shall be shewed . 3. Wherefore better are here vnderstood the 4. chiefe captains of Alexander , which did aide him to atchieue his victories , and afterward gouerned the kingdome vnder Aridaeus Alexanders brother , who beeing slaine , they diuided the kingdome among them : So Hugo saith , quatuor dicit duces Alexandri , he meaneth the foure captaines of Alexander , which afterward became his successors : so Iunius in his annotations vnderstandeth quatuor satrapiae , the fowre regements of the kingdome , which after Alexanders death should haue come vnto his two sonnes Alexander and Hercules , but they agreed to make Aridaeus Alexanders brother king , and appointed Antipater , to be protector of the kindome : but at length , both Alexanders sonnes were slaine by Cassander , and Aridaeus also : And then Cassander succeeded Aridaeus in Macedonia , and after him Antipater : And the other three in their seuerall kingdomes , as is before expressed .

4. The last part of the description is from the efficient cause and author of this great dominion , which Alexander had , it was giuen him of God : and that he obtained not such great victories by his owne power or policie , but by the extraordinarie assistance of God , doth euidently appeare by these fowre arguments . 1. because he in a shorter time subdued more countries then other 〈◊〉 captaines haue taken cities : as is before shewed in the second part of the description . 2. in that he with so small an host of 30. thousand , encountred with such great armies of the Persians , first , with an 150. thousand , then with 400. thousand , and last of all with 10. hundred thousand , which Darius Codomannus had gathered together against him . 3. Alexanders securitie is an euident argument also thereof , who the same day that Darius was ouercome , was so fast asleepe in his Tent , that all his captaines could not awake him , making a noise round about , for they durst not goe in . 4. Alexander himselfe also confessed as much , who meeting Iaddua the high Preist in his pontificall robes , and falling downe before him , and reuerencing him , being asked the reason of Parmenio , answered , that he worshipped not the man , but God in the man , who in the same habite had appeared vnto him , and encouraged him to goe on in his enterprise to ouercome Asia , and promised to lead his armies : thus Iosephus writeth , lib. 11. Antiquit. c. 8.

Quest. 19. Why the fourth beast hath no name .

1. The Hebrewes doe here imagine that although this fourth beast be not expressed by name , yet that it was a wild boare , whereby they would haue signified the Romane Empire which destroyed Ierusalem : and they alleadge that saying in the Psalme , 80. 13. the wilde boare out of the wood hath destroyed it : But seeing this last kingdome is described to be more fierce and cruell then the rest , it was not like to be resembled by the wild boare , which is not so terrible , as the other three beasts , the lyon , the beare , the Leopard , vnto the which the other three kingdomes are compared .

2. Theodoret applying this vision to the Romane Empire , thinketh that this is the reason why certaine beasts are before named , but none here : because in the other three kingdoms , there was a certaine forme of gouernement by kings ; but in the Romane state the forme of gouernment often changed : they were gouerned 1. by kings , 2. by Consuls . 3. by the Tribunes of the people . 4. by Dictators . 5. by Emperours . But it shall euidently appeare afterward , that this vision is not to be extended to the Romanes .

3. Hierome giueth this reason : the beast is not named , vt si quid ferocius bestijs supradictis cogitauerimus , hoc imperio Romanorum attribuamus , &c. that if any thing can be imagined more cruell , then the forenamed beasts , it should be attributed to the Romane Empire : thus also Lyran. gloss . ordinar . with others : Hieromes reason here in generall is to be admitted , but he faileth likewise in his particular application to the Romane state .

4. Pererius hath this conceit , that if this last Monarchie here described , which he supposeth to be of the Romanes , should be represented by any certaine kind of beast , it is most like to be that , which Aristotle out of Ctesias Gnidius , saith is found in India , which he describeth in this manner : the name of the beast is Mantichora , Aristot. lib. 2. de histor. animal . c. 1. it hath three rowes of teeth aboue and belowe : with lyons feete , and of bignesse and haire like to a lyon : with mans eares , a scorpions tayle : it maketh a noise like a trumpet : as swift as an hart : so wilde that it can neuer be tamed : it coueteth mans flesh most of all .

But both it may be doubted whether any such beast is to be found in the world : and if there were , seeing the spirit of God hath not expressed any particlar kind , it were great presumption for vs to gesse at it .

5. Wherefore those two reasons may be yeelded , why no certaine beast is here named : both in respect of this description here made , propter infinit am , varietatem , for the great varietie of the parts ( borrowing of some beast one , and of some an other ) it cannot be resembled to any certaine kind , Iun. annot . And in regard also of the signification : no beast can be named so cruell , quod posset naturam ostendere istius bestiae , which can expresse the nature of this beast , Calvin , which can sufficiently portraite out vnto vs the crueltie of this fourth kingdome and gouernement . Polan .

Quest. 20. Of the description of the fourth beast in generall .

It is described 1. by three adiuncts , it was fearefull , terrible , and strong . 2. by the effects , which are three , it deuoured , brake in peices , and stamped the residue vnder the feete . 3. by the dissimilitude and vnlikenesse which it had to the other beasts , it was vnlike the beasts that were before it . 4. by the parts , it had yron teeth , and hornes : the hornes are first set down in generall , it had tenne hornes , then there is a particular description of one horne , which is expressed by fowre arguments . 1. by the adiunct of the smalenesse , it is called a little horne . 2. by the manner of growing , it came vp among the other . 3. by the effects , three of the other hornes were pluckt away before it . 4. by the parts , it had the eies of a man , and a mouth , which is described by the effects , speaking presumptuous things .

Quest. 21. Whether the Romane or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast .

1. The Rabbines by this fourth beast vnderstand the Empire of the Turkes , of which opinion are R. Ab. Ezra , and R. Saadiah ; because mention is made afterward of one like the sonne of man , to whom power and dominion was giuen , which sheweth that the Messiah should raigne after this fourth kingdome should be dissolued , whom because they hold not yet to be come , they would haue this vision vnderstood of the Turkish Empire . And to make their opinion more probable , they ioyne the Greeke and Romane Empire together , comprehending them both vnder the third beast : And Ab. Ezra , doubteth not to call Alexander king of the Romanes . So by this deuise they would prooue Christ Iesus not to be the Messiah , because he was borne vnder the third Empire .

Contra. 1. Herein the Rabbines shew their great ignorance in confounding the Greeke and Romane Empire : vnlesse it be because Constantinople was called newe Rome , and they finde that one of the Romane Emperours was called Alexander , which are slender reasons to confound the two Empires . 2. neither was Alexander knowne vnto the Romanes , who yet at time were of great power , and mightier then diuerse kings . 3. this vision cannot be applyed vnto the Empire of the Turkes : for it cannot be shewed , how he hath 10. hornes , that is , so many kings , nor what that little horne should be , before the which three other were pluckt away .

2. Some doe apply this vision to the Romane Empire alone , and that but vnto the first comming of Christ , as Calvin .

3. Some doe vnderstand the Romane Empire , that it shall continue to the ende of the world : as Hierome saith , that toward the ende of the world when the Romane Empire shall be destroyed , there shall rise tenne kings , which shall deuide the Empire among them : But neither of these opinions can stand : for whereas these kingdomes are described by the similitude of beasts , whose crueltie they should imitate toward the people of God ; before the first comming of Christ the Romanes had not practised such crueltie against the Iewes , as that therein they should haue beene vnlike to all which went before them : neither yet is the Romane Empire to continue vnto the ende of the world , which was long since dissolued .

4. Pappus thinketh that both the Turkish tyranie , and the proud iurisdiction of the Popes of Rome , are described vnder this last beast , shewing how all the properties of the little horne agree vnto them both , in their small beginnings , their subtiltie and hypocrisie , their blasphemie against Christ and his gospel : Neither neede it seeme strange saith he , that two diuerse gouernements are signified by one horne , because they both propound vnto them the same ende and scope , the subuersion of the Church , and vse the same weapons in generall , crueltie , and blasphemie .

Contra. 1. This fourth kingdome shall be destroyed by the comming of the Messiah in the flesh , as was prophesied before in the vision of the image , c. 2. 44. and here also , v. 13. one like the sonne of man came in the clouds , which is to be vnderstood not of his second commming to iudgement , but of his first comming to finish the worke of our redemption , as shall be shewed more at large , when we come to that place : now neither Turke nor Pope were then head of the world , when the Sonne of man came in the flesh , nor diuerse hundred yeares after . 2. this fourth beast should be more cruell , then any of the rest toward the people of God then , for whose comfort this vision was reuealed to Daniel : but the Romanes before the comming of Christ had beene more equall toward the Iewes , then any of the other Monarchies . 3. this horne came forth of the fourth beast : the beast signifieth but one Monarch or kingdome , as the other three before : therefore two kingdomes , and the same opposite the one to the other , cannot be comprehended vnder one horne : other reasons why the Romane Monarchie is not understood neither in this , nor that other vision tending to the same ende , c. 2. see at large , c. 2. quest. 49.

5. Seeing then that the Romane Empire is here excluded , all that labour may be spared which Pererius taketh to shew wherein the Romane power consisted , by what meanes they attained vnto their large dominion , and whether iustly or vniustly , as impertinent to this place : yet it shall not be amisse , to take a short viewe of that , which is set downe by him touching these three questions . 1. Their greatnesse consisted , first in the largenesse of their dominion , Wherein the Romane power chiefely consisted . which extended Westward to Spaine , Southward to Ethiopia , and Eastward to Armenia : in so much that Appian affirmeth , that the other three Monarchies had not the half part , of the Romane Empire . Secondly , in their prouision for warre : the Romanes had alwaies in a readines 200. thousand footemen , 40. thousand horsemen , 300. Elephants for warre , 3000. chariots , amour in store for 300. thousand , 2000. shippes , 1500. gallies , 80. great shippes : this strength they were of vnder Adrian the Emperour , as Appian writeth . Thirdly , their strength consisted in their riches and treasure : they had of treasure in a readinesse in diuerse places , 75. thousand Egyptian talents : a talent of Egypt weighed 80● . which is equiualent to 8000. Italian peices of gold : the whole summe will amount to 600 times tenne hundred thousand , that is , 600 millions of gold . 2. Touching the means whereby they enlarged their Empire , they were these . 1. the loue of libertie . 2. their ambitious desire to rule . 3. their affecting of praise and renowne . 4. their militarie discipline . 5. their curtesie to their friends , and seueritie against their enemies . 3. Some part of their kingdome they got vniustly , as Pompey tooke Asia from the rightfull kings : Cyprus they tooke from Ptolome , Sardinia from Carthage . Some countries were giuen and bequeathed vnto them , as Asia by Attalus will , Bythinia by Nicodemus testament : the Cyrenians , and Pentapolis by Ptolome , Lybia by king Appio● , Perer. But all this discourse here is superfluous , seeing in this place we haue nothing to doe with the Romanes , but as it is typically shadowed forth in the kingdome of the Seleucians .

6. It remaineth then that this fourth beast must represent the kingdome of Syria , wherein tenne kings succeeded one another , the last of which was Antiochus Epiphanes , who is the little horne here spoken of : That this interpretation is most probable , shall appeare in the handling of the seuerall parts of this vision : neither is it new , taken vp by Iunius onely , Polanus , and others ; but Hierome maketh mention of one Polichronius , who so vnderstood it and Theodoret also sheweth the same to haue beene the opinion of some , though he resolue vpon the Romanes : And yet we denie not but that typically also vnder the kingdome of the Seleucians , is shadowed forth the Monarchie of the Romans , as S. Iohn in the description of the beast with seuen heads and tenne hornes , hath relation vnto this vision , thereby implying the Romane Monarchie , Apocal. 13. 1.

Quest. 22. That the kingdome of Syria which was held by Seleucus , and his posteritie , was the fourth beast .

Pappus , who expoundeth this fourth beast of the Turke and Pope together , against this other exposition taketh these exceptions .

Obiect . 1. Seleucus Nicanor is comprehended vnder the third beast , which is described with fowre heads : the beast is Alexander , and the fowre heads are his fowre sucessors that followed after him , of the which Seleucus was one : he cannot be both a part of the third beast , and the fourth also .

Contra. He is comprehended in the the third beast , as then gouerning vnder that kingdome : for Alexanders 4. captaines , were at the first regents vnder Alexander and his successor Aridius : but he made the fourth beast , when he constituted and erected a kingdome to himselfe , and his successors : though the fourth beast had his beginning and first erection vnder the third , yet now the succession and continuance of that kingdome may make the fourth beast .

Obiect . 2. They which reckon tenne kings of Syria , vnto Antiochus Epiphanes , doe insert two of the Egyptian kings , Ptolomeus Euergites , and Ptolomeus Philopator , otherwise they cannot make vp the number : for there be but eight in all beside .

Contra. Though these two were kings of Egypt , yet by conquest they held for a time the kingdome of Syria : Ptolomeus Euergites expelled Seleueus Callinicus : and Ptolomeus Philopator expelled : Antiochus the great , though they were dispossessed againe of the kingdome ; yet because they did hold it for a time , they may be numbred also among the rest of the kings .

3. Antiochus Epiphanes is one of the tenne hornes : he cannot then be the other little horne , that plucketh away three hornes before it , which maketh the eleuenth .

Contra. The little horne is the last of the tenth , it maketh not the eleuenth , the word is acharee , which the most translate , an other , but it more vsually signifieth the latter , this little horne then , was not another beside the tenne , but the last of the tenne .

Ob. 4. As in the third beast , the fowre heads doe not signifie 4. kindomes one after another , but fowre set vp all at once : so these tenne hornes must signifie ten kings or kingdomes all at once .

Contra. 1. Though these 4. heads , of the 3. beast doe here signifie 4. kingdomes raised vp together : yet alwaies it is not so : for Apocal. 17. 9. by the 7. heads , are signified 7. kings one succeeding another : as it is there said , vers. 10. fiue are fallen , and one is , and one is not yet come .

2. In this chapter the Angel expoundeth these 10. hornes of succession : the last shall rise after them , v. 24. the latter of these tenne shall be after the other , they were not then altogether .

3. Againe , it is there said , v. 24. that these tenne hornes , should arise out of one kingdome : But in one kingdome at one time there could not be 10. kings .

Ob. 5. After the abolishing of the fourth beast , the kingdome is giuen vnto the Saints , v. 27. but the Romane Empire came betweene the determination of the kingdome of the Seleucians , and the birth of the Messiah , in whome this spirituall kingdome of the Saints , beganne .

Contra. It cannot be gathered out of the text , that immediately after the destruction of this beast , the Messiah should come : but after Antiochus Epiphan●s , who is intended by that little horne , though other of the Seleucians succeeded , yet none of them afflicted the people of God as he had done : they had peace and tranquilitie from those forren Tyrants of Syria : and yet there remained some life in the other beasts , though their kingdomes were taken away a long time before : as there was some reliques of the Babylonian kingdome in the Armenians , of the Persian in the Parthians , of the kingdomes of Syria and Egypt , after their power and strength was taken from them by the Romanes .

Ob. 6. The ende of the world and finall iudgement followeth after the destruction of the fourth beast : but so did it not after the dissolution of the kingdome of the Seleucians .

Contra. That description v. 9. is not of the finall iudgement at the last day , but of that which God exerciseth in this world against the wicked : as Apocal. 4. 2. a throne likewise is set , and iudgement prepared .

Ob. 7. After the kingdome of the fourth beast , the dominion is giuen vnto the Saints : but the kingdome of the Seleucians fell vnto the Romanes .

Contra. The temporall kingdome was inuested in the Romanes : but the spirituall kingdome , was giuen to the Messiah , and in him communicated vnto the Saints : of this spirituall , not of any temporall kingdome speaketh the Prophet , v. 14. which is described , by the vniuersalitie , all nations and languages should serue him , and the eternitie , his kingdome shall neuer be destroyed .

Ob. 8. Antiochus Epiphanes is described by a little horne , which came forth of one of the fowre hornes of the goat , cap. 8. 9. which is taken for Alexander , and answereth to the third beast here : he therefore is comprehended vnder the third beast , he maketh not the fourth .

Contra. 1. That is a diuerse vision from this , they are not then to be confounded together : he may belong to the second beast there , the goat , and yet make the fourth beast here . 2. This collection maketh strongly , to procue Antiochus to be the little horne here , because he is resembled to a little horne there , and other parts of that vision agree with this .

Obiect . 9. Against Antiochus whom they would haue signified by this horne , the ships of Chittim are sent , c. 11. 30. but this beast is not destroyed by any humane power , but by the iudgement : of God in the ende of the world , Pappus .

Contra. 1. It followeth not , because God is said here to iudge him , that therefore he vsed no humane instruments : God destroyed the kingdome of Syria , by stirring vp the Romanes against them . 2. this place is not to be vnderstood of the finall iudgment ▪ as is shewed before .

Quest. 23. Of the yron teeth , and other parts of the generall description of the fourth beast .

1. They which vnderstand the fourth beast to be the Romane Empire : some by the yron teeth would haue signified the famous and valiant captaines , by whose meanes the Romanes subdued the nations : dentes regni sunt princip●● fortissimi , the teeth of the kingdome are the valiant captaines , by whose meanes the king de●oureth as with teeth , gloss . So also Bulling. Such teeth were C. Fabricius , who subdued Pirrhus , M. Marcellus conquered the Germans : Paulus Aemilius Greece , Scipio Africanus Africa : Crassus and Pompey the East , Iulius Caesar the West : Calvin by the yron teeth vnderstandeth , audaciam & inexplebilem cupiduatem , their bouldnesse , and insatiable desire of dominion ; intelligitur Romani imperij crudelitas , the crueltie of the Romane Empire is signified .

But this doth euidently conuince , that the Romanes are not here vnderstood at all : because this fourth beast should be more fierce and cruell then the rest against the people of God , the Iewes , as v. 21. they shall make battell with the Saints : But till the comming of the Messiah , the Romanes shewed themselues more equall toward the Iewes , then any of the former kingdomes .

2. Therefore by the yron teeth of the fourth beast , are better vnderstood the crueltie of the kingdome of the Syrians , exercised against the people of God : and more particularly by the teeth , are expounded , duc●s & ●opiae , their armies and captaines , whereby they did bite and deuoure , and as it were grind the Iewes . And for this cause , this beast is said to haue nayles or clawes of brasse , v. 19. whereby they did rent and teare in sunder the people of God : for they are the speciall obiect of their crueltie .

Quest. 24. Why it is said to stampe the residue vnder the feate .

1. They likewise which referre this to the Romane Empire doe diuersely expound it . 1. Bullinger taketh it to be a phrase of speach taken from wanton beasts , which beeing full , what they cannot eate themselues , doe tread the rest vnder their feet : whereby he thinketh is signified the great insolenci● and crueltie of the Romanes , in making hauocke and spoile of all . 2. Oecolampadius vnderstandeth it of their enuie , quibus frui non poterat , alijs inuidens , &c. what they could not enioy themselues they stamped vnder their feete , as enuying that others should haue it . 3. Calvin ▪ whom the Gonevens . followe , doth expound it of this politike deuise of the Romanes , that what they could not quietly enioy in other countries , they would giue to other kings and rulers , whom they might vse at all times as their vassals : Thus they aduanced Masinissa in Africa , and gaue him great gifts , that by his meanes , they might haue Africa more peaceable . 4. the most doe thus vnderstand it ▪ that whom they did not consume and destroy ▪ tributo & seruituti subijcieba●t , they brought them vnder tribute and seruitude . 5. the meaning is , that those whom they vtterly destroyed not , they did as it were spurne with their feete , that is , by all meanes afflict and oppresse them , Iun.

Quest. 25. Wherein this fourth beast was vnlike the rest , v. 7.

1. They likewise which thinke the Romane Empire here to be shadowed forth , do make diuerse applications of it . 1. Some doe referre it , to the diu●rse forme of gouernement among the Romanes , who were first gouerned by kings , then by Consuls , afterward by Tribunes , the Dec●●viri , Dictators : whereas the other Monarchies were perpetually ruled by kings , Bulling. Ofiand . 2. An other sense is : because in the former beasts , singula fortitudinum signa fuerunt , in hac omnia , there w●re some particular signes of fortitude , but in this all together , Hierome , Hugo . 3. or in impe●io Rom●● orum omnia simul fuere regna , &c. in the Romane Empire were ioyned together all those kingdomes , which were separated before : 4. It was monstrum insolitum , a strange monster , Cal. in respect of their straunge rising vp , and of their great power .

2. R. Leui thinketh , that this beast is distinct from the rest , to signifie , that it should continue a long time : true it is , that the Syrian kingdome continued 248. yeares longer then the Persian Monarchie , or the Chaldean , counting from the beginning of Nebuchadnezzars raigne : but it is not the quantitie or continuance of time , but the qualitie and condition , that maketh a thing like or vnlike .

3. Wherefore this vnlikenesse to all the rest is vnderstood of the crueltie , wherein it should exceede all the rest , toward the people of God : prae tyrannidis grauitate , in the greatnesse and grieuousnesse of the tyrannie , it should be vnlike them , Iun. annot. Polan . And therefore in the vision of the image , c. 2. this last kingdome is resembled to the yron feete , which did breake and bruise all in peices .

Quest. 26. Of the tenne hornes , what is signified thereby , v. 7.

The diuerse opinions which are held concerning the interpretation of these words , are of two sorts , some by tenne vnderstand not precisely a certaine number , but an vncertaine and indefinite , they take tenne for many , as Num. 14. 22. they haue tempted me tenne times , Iob. 19. 2. yee haue tenne times reproached me . Some vnderstand according to the litterall sense , so many kings precisely .

1. Of the first sort . 1. Some by tenne kings vnderstand all the kings which should be in the Romne Empire , from the beginning to the ende thereof , vnto the comming of Antichrist ; numero isto denario vniuersitas Regum significata est , &c. by this number of tenne is signified the vniuersall companie of the kings in the Romane Empire , August , lib. 20. de ciuit . Dei . c. 23. 2. Some by these kings vnderstand the seuerall prouinces and kingdomes which were gouerned by Proconsuls and deputies , the Romane Empire yet standing , Calv. 2. Some the kingdomes into the which the Romane Empire was diuided and dissolued : as first it was parted into the East and West Empire : in the East sprang vp the kingdomes of the Persians , Saracenes , and of other nations : in the West , of the Gothes , Lombards , Hunnes , Bulling. so also Pintus , Sa , Oecolamp . Perer.

But all these are deceiued . 1. in taking this number of tenne for a number indefinite : for seeing this number is diuided , as after mention is made of three kings , which shall be pulled away , a certaine and finite number must be signified : and if tenne did not betoken a certain number , the time should not be known , when the little horne , the last of the ten , should be expected . 2. The kings doe not signifie kingdomes , but so many kings out of one kingdome , as it is expounded , v. 24. the tenne hornes out of this kingdome , are tenne kings that shall rise : they must rise out of one kingdome . 3. neither can these tenne kingdomes , which they vnderstand , be raised after the dissolution of the Empire ; for the beast is not destroyed , that is the kingdome dissolued vntill the little horne came vp , v. 11.

2. Of the second sort also there are diuerse opinions . 1. Some by tenne hornes vnderstand so many kings , which in the end of the world shall diuide the Romane Empire among them , and then shall the eleuenth horne rise vp , which they suppose to be Antichrist : of this opinion is Hierome , whom Lyranus followeth , Hugo , gloss . ordinar. & interlin . But , as Oecolamp . noteth , we finde this to be otherwise : for one part of the Romane Empire onely which is in Europe , we see to be diuided into tenne kingdomes : as Portugall , Spaine , England , Fraunce , Denmarke , Suecia , Polonia , Bohemia , Hungaria , Naples : the other parts of the Empire were deuided into more kingdomes .

2. Some vnderstand the 10. Prouinces , which were subiect to the Romane Emperour , gouerned by Consuls : as Strabo lib. 17. reckoneth tenne of them : But the Proconsuls and Deputies were not kings : and though they were as kings , they had their seueral prouinces as their kingdomes , but these kings must come out of one kingdome .

3. Some doe here number tenne seuerall kingdomes , into the which the Romane Empire was diuided : as some doe reckon these : Italie , Spaine , Fraunce , Germanie , Illyricum , Grecia , Africa , Egypt , Asia , Syria , Melancthon . Some doe for Illyricum , put England , numbring the rest which are before rehearsed , Osiand . Some doe name the tenne kingdomes in Europe before specified , ex Pap. But it is euident , that more then ten kingdomes are risen out of the Romane Empire , seeing so many are found onely in Europe .

4. Some then leauing this conceit of the Romane Empire , doe finde these tenne hornes , that is so many kings in diuerse kingdomes , putting together Macedonia , Egypt , Syria : this was the opinion of Porphyrie rehearsed and refuted by Hierome : for these kings must rise out of the same kingdome , as these tenne hornes came out of one and the same beast .

5. Wherefore these tenne hornes , were indeede tenne kings of Syria , which the Seleucia●s held , one succeeding another , and these they were . 1. Seleucus N●canior . 2. An●iochus Soter , who was in loue with Stratonica his fathers wife , whom he enioyed by the meanes of Erasistratus his Physitian , and raigned , his father yet beeing aliue . 3. Antiochus called Theos , God , of the Milesians , for deliuering them from the tyrannie of Timarchus ; him his wife Laodice , the daughter of Ptol●me Philadelphus , poisoned . 4. Seleucus Callmicus , whom Ptolome Euergetes expelled his kingdome . 5. P●olome Euergetes . 6. Seleucus Ceraunus , Ptolome Euergetes being expelled . 7. Antiochus the great the brother of Ceraunus , who had warre with the Romanes , and draue them out of Asia . 8. Ptolome Philopator , who inuaded Syria , Antiochus the great beeing otherwise occupied and busied , and held the kingdome a while . 9. Then Philopator beeing expelled by Antiochus and his sons , Seleucus Philopator succeeded . 10. And Seleucus beeing slai●e , then Antiochus Epiphanes the younger brother inuaded the kingdome : who was the little horne here spoken of , and did rage most cruelly against the people of God , Iun. ann . there were after him other of the Seleucians , that held the kingdome of Syria , but they had not that power ouer Iudea , which the other had ; for Antiochus Eupator , and after him Demetrius the sonne of Seleucus , attempted in vaine to subdue Iudea vnto their kingdome . Polan .

6. But here is some defference betweene Iunius and Polanus account of these tenne kings : Iunius maketh Ptolome Euergetes the fift , who expelled Seleucus Call●nichus , and Seleuchus Ceraunus , the sonne of Callinicus the sixt : But Polanus omitting Ptolome Euergetes , maketh Ceraunus the sonne of Callinicus the fift , and the sonne of Ceraunus the s●xt , who beeing but a child , and not able to gouerne the kingdome , after he had raigned two yeares , was poisoined : But I rather followe Iunius for these reasons . 1. seeing Polanus confesseth that Euergetes expelled Callinicus , and held the kingdome , he is as well to be counted among these tenne kings , as afterward Ptolome Philopator , who inuaded the kingdome vnder Antiochus the great . 2. Seleucus Ceraunus raigned himselfe but three yeares , and next vnto him succeeded Antiochus the great : no mention is made in some Chronicles of Ceraunus sonne comming betweene , Bullinger .

7. But against this interpretation of the tenne kings of Syria , thus it will be obiected . 1. Lyranus saith that these kings must not be vnderstood per successionem vnius post alterum , by the succession of one after another , but they were all at one time , as the Angell expoundeth afterward .

Contra. 1. The contrarie appeareth by the Angels exposition , that these kings shall one succeed another , See further appendix . exerci● . 1. argu. 8. 1. as v. 24. the Angel saith , tenne hornes out of this kingdome , are tenne kings that shall rise : now in one kingdome there cannot be tenne kings at once , euerie king hath his kingdome : 2. as the three kings which shall be subdued , are vnderstood successiuely , so are the tenne : but these followed one an other by succession : as Andreas whose opinion Hugo reporteth , thus expoundeth , alios duos sibi succedentes similiter occidet , he shal likewise kill two other kings succeeding one another .

2. Pererius obiecteth that in the Syrian kingdome , there were but eight kings in all vnto Antiochus Epiphanes .

Contra. There were but eight of that line : but two kings of Egypt , Ptolome Euergetes , & Ptolome Philopator , which held the kingdom by conquest , are to be numbred among them .

3. This fourth kingdome shall be more fierce and mightier , then any before it : but the kingdome of Syria was not mightier then Alexanders , Perer.

Contra. It is not said simply to be mightier , or stronger , but in respect of the Iewes , whom they carried a more strong and terrible hand ouer , then did Alexander who fauoured them .

4. It may be obiected , that this fourth beast shall deuoure the whole earth , and shall tread it downe , and breake it in peices , v. 23. but the kingdome of Syria did not subdue the whole earth .

Contra. By the whole earth is here vnderstood the whole land of Iudea , as is expounded v. 25. he shall consume the Saints of the most high : and so thinketh R. Saadia , that the whole earth is taken here for Iudea , which was brought into such subiection vnto the kings of Syria , that Memnon in his Chronicle lib. 13. 14. calleth Antiochus warring with the Romanes , the king of Iudea .

Quest. 27. Who is signified by the little horne , ver. 8.

The diuerse opinions here conceiued about the interpre●ation of these words , are of fiue sorts . 1. Some apply them to the Empire of the Turkes . 2. Some vnderstand them of the Romane Empire . 3. Some of both ioyned together . 4. Some of Antichrist . 5. Some of the Syrian kingdome , and hold Antiochus Epiphanes , that cruell enemie of the Iewes to be this little horne . All these opinions shall now be examined in their order .

1. That this little horne should be the Turke , it is the opinion of Melancthon and O●iander , and of Vatablus and Pintus , among the Romanists : vnto whom they make all the properties of this little horne to agree : for as this is called a little horne , so Mahomet was of obscure beginning , who vnder the Emperors Heraclius and Honorius , about the yeare 600. by craft , cousenage , and sorcerie did drawe many after him : he is said to haue the eyes of a man , because he was most cunning to deceiue : he spake proud things : for Mahomet fayned that he had familiar conference with Angels , and that he was a great Prophet , and he said his lawe was better , then Moses or Christs .

Melancthon to the same purpose , sheweth , how these fowre things doe fitly agree vnto the Turkish Empire , the time of their rising vp , their doctrine , power , and place of their dominion .

1. For the time , they sprang vp , when the Romane Empire was decaying , and vnder the Emp●rours before named . 2. for their doctrine , they abolish the writings of the Prophets , and Apostles , they denie Christ to be the Sauiour of the world , and many horrible blasphemies doe they vtter against the Son of God . 3. their power exceedeth all other Monarchies : they haue vnder their Empire the most part of Africa , and a great part of Europe , and Asia . 4. For their place , they came from the North , from the mount Caucasus , as Ezekiel prophesieth that Gog and Magog shall come from the North , Ezeck. 39. 2.

But Pererius sheweth by these two arguments , that the Turke is not here meant to be this little horne . 1. because when Mahomet did rise , there were not tenne kings in the Romane Empire , it was not yet dissolued and deuided into tenne kingdomes , but remayned whole vnder the obedience of the Emperor . 2. This horne shall afflict the people of God a time , two times , and an halfe , that is three yeares and an halfe : but Mahomet and his followers , haue persecuted the Church of God many hundred yeares . 3. Burgensis addeth further this reason : that the Turke doth not make the fourth beast , which is the fourth Monarchie here described , nor that set forth in the Image , c. 2. because before the first comming of Christ , which is there spoken of , there was no mention at all of the Turkes and Saracenes : and the fowre Monarchies were absolute in their times , that no other kingdome was able to resist them : So is not the Turke , for he is encountred with other enemies equivalent vnto him : 4. But this further may disprooue this opinion for the Turkes : this fourth kingdome shall make warre with the Saints and the people of God , which then were vnderstood to be the Iewes , the knowne , people of God : But the Turkes are at this day great friends vnto the Iewes , of whom they borrowe the greater part of their religion . This little horne then vpon the reasons aforesaid , is not the great Turke , to whome by way of analogie many of the properties of this horne may agree , but historically it is not meant of him .

2. Of the second sort that here vnderstand the Romane Empire , is R. Leui , who sometime maketh the next after the tenth Caesar , which was Traiane , to be this horne , sometime Constantine : But both of these were commendable Emperours : Traiane is renowned euen among the Gentiles , and Constantine was a vertuous and religious Emperour , as all our histories doe write of him .

3. Calvin would haue this little horne to be Iulius Caesar , Augustus , and the other which succeeded him : But seeing that the tenne hornes are expounded to be tenne kings , the little horne beeing the last of the tenne , cannot be the first , nor the second , or the rest in order : Iulius Caesar was the first Emperour , next to him was Augustus , and so the rest that follow .

4. Oecolampadius doth indifferently vnderstand this little horne to be both the Pope in the West , and the Turke in the East ; which he expoundeth to be the beast with two hornes , Apocal. 13. 11. the one pushing in Europe by ●ypocrisie and deceite , the other in Asia and Africa , by tyrannie and violence , so also Pap. But v. 24. the Angel expoundeth the tenne hornes to be tenne kings of one kingdome : the Pope and Turke make not one kingdome , therefore they cannot both be this horne .

5. Some apply this prophesie vnto Antichrist , whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world after the Romane Empire is destroyed , and deuided among tenne kings : Hier. Lyran. Hugo . who out of Andr●as reporteth , that this Antichrist shall drawe the Iewes vnto him , and reedifie the Temple at Ierusalem : But this is an olde dreame , that such an Antichrist shall come toward the ende of the world : this phansie is receiued both of Turkes , who in their Alcaron speake of Antichrist that shall come , whom Christ shall destroy , and the Papists expect the like Antichrist to come , three yeare and an halfe before the second comming of Christ : Both of them are grossely deceiued : for the little horne here described , should make warre with the Saints , that then were the Iewes , whose commonwealth long since was dissolued , and they through the world dispersed .

6. Bullinger vnderstandeth this little horne to be the Pope , shewing , how from small beginnings that Sea did growe vp at the first , as a little horne , partly by the graunt of the Emperours , as Boniface the 3. obtained of the Emperour Phocas to be called the Vniuersall Bishop , partly by their pride and ambition : But still this principle must be held , that Daniel describeth here by this horne , a great enemie and persecutor of the Iewish nation , the people of God then : therefore this vision , although analogically it may be referred to the Pope the verie Antichrist , of whom Antiochus Epiphan●s might well be a type and figure , yet literally and historically it is not so intended .

7. But the Hebrewes of all other are the most malicious and absurd , who most blasphemously make Iesus Christ our Blessed Lord and Sauiour , this little horne : for so they say , his beginning was small and base , he came out of the fourth beast , he ioyned with the Romane Empire as appeared in Constantine : he spake presumptuous things , in making himselfe equall vnto God , and changed times , in abrogating the ceremonies of Moses lawe , ex Paul . Burgensi . But all this is malitiously and ignorantly deuised of the Iewes . 1. because this horne is little at the first , it followeth not , that whosoeuer is little and smal at the first , should be this horne . 2. neither is the Romane Empire this fourth beast : and though the Imperiall authoritie did set forth and maintaine the gospel of Christ , there is great difference betweene terrene dominion , and the spirituall kingdome of Christ . 3. out Blessed Sauiour was equall to his father as God , and as the true Messiah was to determine and abolish the legall ceremonies : The Iewes therefore thus obiecting , doe but bewray their own ignorance , concerning the true Messiah .

8. It remaineth then , that this little horne was historically Antiochus Epiphanes , who was the te●th king of Syria from Seleucus Nicanor , and yet typically also Antichrist , as bath beene shewed in the former questions : and to him best agree all properties of the little horne , as shall be shewed in the questions next ensuing : Thus Polychronius interpreted this place , whose opinion Hierome misliketh : lunius thus expoundeth , and Polanus following him .

Quest. 28. Who those three kings should be , signified by the three hornes plucked away .

Some doe take this number of three indefinitely for no certaine number , some do strictly vnderstand three as they are named : and each of these opinions hath diuerse varieties and differences .

1. They which take it indefinitely . 1. Some by three kings vnderstand many , R. Leui of many kings subdued by the Romane Empire , R. Saadia of the Turkish dominion , Oecolampadius of both : and the wearing of the Popes triple crowne signifieth his dominion ouer three , that is , diuerse kings : But where diuerse numbers are named , and there is a diuision of number : as here of tenne and three ; there certaine numbers are vnderstood : otherwise if the number of ten should be taken indefinitely , and so the number of three ; more should not be signified by tenne , then by three , no certaine number beeing contained in either .

2. Calvin giueth this exposition : This litttle horne tooke away three hornes , that is , a great part of the regall power and authoritie ; which he thinketh was done , when Augustus Caesar tooke from the Senate the authoritie of naming Proconsuls and Gouernours for the Prouinces : But whereas the Angel by the three hornes vnderstandeth three kings , this is no proper sense , to vnderstand by these three kings , the authoritie of naming the Proconsuls , which were many ; and this power was not extinguished : though it were taken from the Senate , it remained still in the Emperor : but these three hornes shall be quite pluckt away before this little horne .

3. They which take this number for three precisely . 1. Some , which doe vnderstand it of the Turke , name three kingdomes , which he hath surprised : but therein they agree not : Melancthon setteth downe Egypt , Syria , and Cilicia : Osiander , and Pappus , Asia , Grecia , and Egypt : Vatablus nameth the Empire of Constantinople , and the kingdome of Egypt for two , the third is not yet subdued to the Turke , which he nameth not : But the Turke hath many more then three kingdomes vnder him .

4. They which imagine a certaine Antichrist to come in the ende of the world , vnderstand these three kings , of Egypt , Africa , Aethiopia , whom when Antichrist hath subdued , the other seuen shall yeeld themselues : so Hierome , whom Lyranus , gloss . ordinar. Hugo , Pintus , followe .

But this conceit of this supposed Antichrist , is confuted before , quest. 27. 5. and it is said that this horne shall pull away onely 3. hornes , not that he shall subdue all the tenne .

5. Bullinger making the Pope that Romane Antichrist to be this little horne , by the three kings would haue signified , Leo the 3. the Emperour of Greece , whome Gregorie the 2. excommunicated for condemning of images , and tooke from him the Exarchateship of Rauenna : and Childerichus king of Fraunce was deposed by Pope Zacharie : and Pope Leo the 3. obtained of Charles the Exarchateship and gouernement of Italie , the Longobards beeing ouercome , and their king Desiderius slaine : But this cannot be the meaning for these reasons . 1. this little horne signifieth one king specially , then it is not properly referred to many Popes , one succeeding another . 2. the Popes deposed and did excommunicate many more kings and Emperours beside these . 3. and these 3. hornes must be plucked away before the other , to make a way for the little horne , not after this horne is exalted .

6. Palychronius , who by this little horne rightly expoundeth Antiochus Epiphanes , yet is deceiued , in taking the Persians , Aegyptians , and Iewes , for these three hornes , ex Oeco . for the Egyptians had an horne by themselues , and the Iewes could not be an horne of this fourth beast , for they were pushed at by the beast , they had no hornes to push others withall .

7. Porphyrius likewise , taking this little horne to be Antiochus Epipha●es ▪ yet erreth herein : these three kings he taketh to be Ptolome Euergetes , Ptolome Philom●tor , and Artaxias king of Armenia , whom Antiochus subdued : for although Antiochus raigned at the same time with Philometor , and ouercame him , ( wherein Hierome is deceiued , who thinketh that Philometor was dead before Antiochus was borne , for they raigned 11. yeares together , one in Syria , the other in Egypt , Perer. ) yet Ptolome Euergetes the Elder , was 40. yeares before Antiochus , and Euergetes the younger , was twentie yeares after him : therefore neither of them could be any of the kings s●bdued by Antiochus : And though he ouercame Artaxias king of Armenia , yet he tooke not from him his kingdome .

8. Iunius thinketh that these were the three kings whom Antiochus subdued and destroyed : Ptolome Philopator , whom he expelled out of Syria , ioyning with Antiochus the great his father , and Seleucus his brother : then he deposed Seleucus , and killed Demetrius his sonne , as he returned from Rome : But in this last is Iunius deceiued , for Demetrius the sonne raigned after Antiochus Epiphanes , therefore he was not killed by him , not deposed : Neither could this Demetrius beeing an hostage at Rome , procure while Epiphanes liued , to be king of Syria , but after his death he was receiued by the Syrians , and first hauing killed Lysias tutor of Antiochus Eupator , the sonne of Epiphanes , and then Eupator himselfe , he got the kingdome : Thus Ioseph . lib. 12. Antiquit. c. 15. Livius . lib. 46. Appian : and Demetrius is none of the tenne hornes , quest. 26. therefore he could be none of the 3. hornes which were of the tenne : some other agree with Iunius , that these three forenamed were the three kings , but Demetrius they thinke was not killed , but onely deposed and kept from the kingdome . H. Br.

9. Therefore these three rather were the kings , Ptolome Philopator , expelled by Antiochus Epiphanes , Antiochus the great his father , See more appendix . exercise 1. a●gum . 10. whom he procured to be slaine in a certaine sedition , when his father went about to spoile the Temple of Iuppiter Dodoneus , the third was his Elder brother Seleucus Philopator , whose death he compassed likewise , Polan , and Iunius leaueth it as indifferent , whether Anti●chus the great , or Demetrius be held to be the third king .

Quest. 29. Of other prop●rties of this little horne .

1. It is called little . 1. which some applie to the Turke in respect of his small and obscure beginnings , Why the horne is called little . for Mahomet was of obscure and base parentage : Pappus , Osiander . 2. Some vnderstand it of the Pope , who at the first gaue himselfe titles of humilitie , as ●ervus servorum , seruant of seruants . 3. Calvin vnderstandeth it of Iulius Cesaer , who refused to be called king , but Tribune of the people . 4. Some referre it to their Antichrist , which shall come in the ende of the world , qui ignobilis in obscuro loco nascitur , who should be very base , and borne in an obscure place . Hugo . But these seuerall opinions we before confuted , qu. 26. qu. 27. 5. Therefore this is better vnderstood of Antiochus Epiphanes , who is resembled to a little horne , because he was younger brother to Seleucus Philopator , and had no right to the kingdome , but it should haue descended vnto Demetrius Seleucus sonne .

2. This little horne came vp among the rest . 1. Some vnderstand here , Why it is 〈…〉 among the rest . that inter ipsos & in terra eorum , &c. that this little horne or King shall come vp among the other kings , and in their land , Andreas ex Hugon . But how can he come vp among the tenne kings , seeing three are plucked vp before him to make a way for him . 2. Some hold that these te●●e kings shall come in the ende of the world , and that this shall be the eleuenth , whome they suppose to be Antichrist . Hierom. Lyran. 3. But the meaning rather is , that it shall come vp among them , that is , be one of the tenne , Iun. and he shall come vp , as of himselfe , intruding and vsurping : for Antiochus Epiphanes had no right to the kingdome , beeing the yonger brother : yet , though he be one of the tenne , he may be said to be the eleuenth , as differing from all the rest : see the like , Apoc. 17. 11. The beast , that was , and is not , is euen the eight , and is one of the seauen .

3. This little horne had the eyes of a man . 1. They which applie it vnto Antichrist , doe thereby insinuate , that he shall not be a deuill , as some thinke , but a man : though it be their opinion , that he shall be possessed of the deuill , who shall rule in him both in bodie and soule : the spirit of Sathan shall not be hypostatically ioyned vnto him , as the Godhead in Christ , but Sathan shall dwell in him , as in those that are possessed , not tormenting him , but in stirring of him vp , and instructing him , and teaching him many hid things : thus Hierome . Hugo addeth further , that although Antichrist shall be conceiued of the seede of his parents , yet the deuill shall enter into the wombe of his mother , cuius virtute nascetur puer , by whose power the childe shall be borne : and so by these eyes they vnderstand the wonderfull knowledge , and magicall science , which shall be infused into him by Satan . But all these are mens fansies concerning Antichrist : in that he is said to haue the eyes of a man , an humane not diabolicall science is insinuated . 2. Pintus expoundeth the eyes of a man , of carnall wisdome , not spirituall . 3. Vatablus referreth it to the policie of the Turks . 4. Bullinger to the hypocrisie and subtiltie of the Pope . 5. Oecolampadius to both . 6. Calvin to the humanitie of the Emperours , that mad● themselues in outward shew , as one of the Senators , but tooke all authoritie from them . 7. But it is a true description rather of Antiochus Epiphanes : three properties are signified by these humane eyes : first , that he should make an outward shew of humanitie , intending nothing els but deceit and crueltie ; then hereby his subtiltie and cunning is expressed ; and thirdly his couetousnes and ambitious greedie desire . Iun. Polan .

4. He hath a mouth speaking presumptuous things . 1. that is , Antichrist shall make himselfe God , and shall faine himselfe to be the Messiah , Hugo . he shall speake great things , promise more then he can performe . Lyran. 2. Vatablus vnderstandeth it of the blasphemie of the Turke against God , and his Church : so Melancth. O●iand . 3. Bullinger of the blasphemies of the Pope . 4. Oecolampadius comprehendeth the blasphemies of them both : as the Turke denieth Christ to be the sonne of God , and saith he was not crucified , but an other for him : he preferreth his law , before either Moses , or Christs : So the Pope challengeth to be Christs Vicar in earth , that he can not erre , that he is the head and husband of the church , that he hath power to dispose of the kingdomes of the earth , and giue them to whome he will . 5. Calvin vnderstandeth the terrible threatnings of the Emperours of Rome against their enemies : who though they pretended humanitie , which is signified by their eyes , yet they were fierce and cruell .

5. But it is better vnderstood of the blasphemie of Antiochus , which he vttered against God and his people , as is extant in the histories of him , 〈◊〉 .

30. Quest. Of the description of the glorious manner of Gods iudgement , expressed v. 9. to v. 15.

Here first is set forth the forme and manner of the iudgement it selfe , v. 9. 10. then the execution , v. 12. to v. 15. In the forme of iudgement foure things are described , 1. he which sate vpon the throne . 2. the throne it selfe . 3. the assistants . 4. the processe in iudgement .

1. He which sate vpon the throne is described by three essentiall properties . 1. his eternitie , he is called the Auncient of daies , which also sheweth his infinite wisdome , which is found in the auncient . 2. his authoritie , his garments were white : which Hugo applieth to Christs transfiguration in mount Tabor : but the white garment was a signe of authoritie , as Ioseph , when he was aduanced by Pharaoh , had a white garment put vpon him . 3. by his haire , which was as pure wooll , is signified his innocencie and integritie in iudgement .

2. First it is said , that thrones were set , in the plural : which some read , thrones were cast downe , vnderstanding the thrones and kingdomes of the former beasts , Iun. Polan . Vatab. but it is better interpreted , thrones were set vp : as the 24. Elders had their seates about the throne , Apoc. 4. 4. these thrones were set as inferiour seates for the Lords assistants the Angels , which title of honour is vouchsafed vnto them in Scripture , Calvin . then the throne of God is set forth by three properties ; it is fierie , which sheweth that all things are manifest vnto God : it hath wheeles , which signifieth the celeritie of Gods iudgements : and a fierie streame issued forth , which sheweth the power of Gods iudgements , which none can resist , no more then the course of a streame can be staied .

3. The Angels , as Gods assistants in this iudgement , are described , 1. by their number , thousand thousands , and ten thousand thousands , a finite number beeing taken for an infinite . 2. by their office , they are saide to minister vnto God . 3. by their alacritie and readines , they stand before him , as readie at his becke to execute his will .

4. The processe is set forth , the bookes were opened ; the bookes of euery mans acts ; as Princes in their iudgements haue bookes and euidence brought forth : not that God needeth any information , as terrene Iudges , but to shew the equitie of his iudgement .

2. The execution followeth , which is of two sorts , in iustice , in condemning the beasts , v. 11 , 12. and in mercie , in setting vp the kingdome of his sonne Christ and his Church , v. 13 , 14.

31. Quest. Whether the finall iudgement in the ende of the world be here described .

1. Some thinke that the forme of the finall iudgement of the world is here set forth , as they which either by the little horne vnderstand Antichrist , who ( as they imagine ) shall come in the ende of the world , as Lyran. Hug. and likewise they which by the fourth beast vnderstand the Romane Empire , or the Turks , as Bullin . Oecol . Osian . But seeing this vision , and that of the Image , c. 2. in effect is all one : as there the stone cut out without hands , that dashed the image in pieces , signifieth Christ in his first , not in his second comming : for that stone grew into a mountaine and filled the earth , but after Christ commeth to iudgement , his kingdome shall be at the full , it shall not afterward encrease : see this confirmed by other reasons , c. 2. qu. 55. So this iudgement here described must be referred vnto Christs first comming . And if the fourth beast be the kingdome of the Seleucians , as is before prooued at large , then these thrones must be set , when that beast was destroied .

2. Burgensis is of opinion , that the first vision concerneth the first comming of Christ , when he dashed the image in pieces , in that all idolatrie of the Gentiles was abolished at his comming : but this he referreth to the finall iudgement , when all the kingdomes and Monarchies of the earth shall be destroied , and Christ onely shall raigne . But Thoring taketh exception here to Burgensis , that all idolatrie was not abolished at Christs comming , seeing in many nations it continued long after Christs comming into the world , and yet in Asia , Africa , and some places of Europe is practised : This rather maketh against Burgensis , that seeing in this vision there is a description of the foure Monarchies , which were represented in that image , c. 2. that the same manner of iudgement by the comming of Christ , for the destruction of those Monarchies , is in both places signified .

3. Calvin misliketh that this place should be vnderstood of the second comming of Christ , and yet he holdeth this fourth beast to be the Romane Empire : both these can not stand together : for the Romane Empire was not iudged nor dissolued at the first comming of Christ .

4. Therefore by the iudgement of God here shewed in this manner to the Prophet , is better vnderstood the processe of the diuine iustice against these Monarchies , which were all dissolued before the first comming of Christ . In like manner is the iudgement of God described in the ouerthrow of Senacherib , which came against Ierusalem , Psal. 76● 9 , 10. Thou didst cause thy iudgement to be heard from heauen , &c. when thou O Lord arose to iudgement , to helpe all the meeke of the earth . Iun. Polan .

5. But yet we so vnderstand here the iudgement of God vpon these kingdomes at the first comming of Christ , as that it is also a type and figure of the finall iudgement : this iudgement beginneth at the first comming of Christ , Genevens . and shall be perfected at his second comming , when all the enemies of Christ and his Church vniuersally shall be destroied .

32. Quest. v. 9. Who is said to be the Auncient of daies , and how .

1. Some vnderstand here the person of the Father , because mention is made , v. 13. of the sonne of man , which approached vnto the Auncient of daies , Polan ▪ so also the ordinarie glosse taketh it : But Christ is there called the Sonne of man , in respect of his humane nature : as he is God , he is the Auncient of daies , from all eternitie , as God the Father is , as he is called the euerlasting father , Isa. 9. 6.

2. Some by the Auncient of daies , vnderstand Christ the Mediatour , Christus antiquus dierum introducitur , Christ is brought in as the auncient of daies , who is the lambe that was slaine from the beginning of the world , Oecolampad . But Christ as the Mediator God and man , is described afterward , v. 13. where he is called the Sonne of man , and approacheth to the auncient of daies : the Sonne of man then , and that Auncient of daies , are not all one .

3. Wherefore by the Auncient of daies , the euerlasting God is signified , Iun. the Father , Sonne , and holy Ghost , who were from all eternitie : for concerning the person of the Father , our Sauiour saith , My Father iudgeth no man , but hath committed all iudgement to the Sonne , Iob. 5. 22. So Hugo , Deus aeternus iudicabit , the euerlasting God shall iudge : not God the Father onely by his sonne , as Osiand ▪ but although the person of the Sonne onely shall appeare , non deerit pater & spiritus sanctus , yet there shall not be wanting both the father , and the holy Ghost , Vatab.

4. God is said to be the Auncient of daies , both in respect of his eternitie , who was from the beginning before all time , and shall continue for euer , Iob. 36. 26. The number of his yeares can not be searched out : And of his wisdome it is said , Iob. 12. 12. Among the auncient is wisdome , and in the length of daies is vnderstanding .

33. Quest. How God was seene of Daniel , who is inuisible .

1. God in his inuisible nature , such as he is in his diuine essence , was neuer seene of any . The Apostle calleth God the King euerlasting , immortall , inuisible , 1. Tim. 1. 17. who dwelleth in light that none can attaine vnto , whome neuer any man saw , neither can see , 1. Tim. 6. 16.

2. And yet , if God would not be seene at all , the Apostle would not haue said of Moses , that he saw him which is inuisible , Heb. 11. 27. God then did shew some visible signes of his presence vnto his seruants , not beeing in deede any such thing as he appeared , as fire , or any such thing : but he reuealed himselfe , & induit varias formas pro captu hominum , &c. and put on diuers shapes according to mens capacitie , as it was fit for them to see God , and they were able to beare . Calv. Polan .

34. Quest. How iudgement is said to be set , seeing God is Iudge from euerlasting .

1. The Lord applieth himselfe to our weaknes and imbecillitie : for although the Lord be Iudge for euer , yet he doth not alwaies exercise iudgement : So then while the Lord suffereth the wicked to preuaile in the world , and deferreth their punishment , he seemeth vnto men not to sit in iudgement : whereupon the seruants of God doe vtter these speaches , Psal. 10. 1. Why standest thou so farre off , and hidest thee ? Psal. 13. 1. How long wilt thou forget me , O Lord ?

2. But when the Lord sheweth himselfe , and sendeth forth his iudgements , then he seemeth to vs to sit in his throne : as Psal. 7. 6. the Prophet saith , Arise O Lord in thy wrath , and list vp thy selfe against the rage of mine enemies : we doe not ( so effectually ) acknowledge God to be iudge , nisi vbi reipsa se talem ostenderit , as when he sheweth himselfe so in deede . Calv. Polan .

35. Quest. What the fire signifieth , which issued from the throne .

1. All things about the throne are fierie , to signifie that God is ignis consumens , a consuming fire : he shall as a fire consume his enemies round about , Hug. 2. It also signifieth , Iucem inaccessibilem , the light not to be attained vnto , wherein God dwelleth , Pintus . 3. Deus voluit me●um incutere prophetae , God by this terrible vision would strike a feare & reuerence into the Prophet , Calvin . 4. As fire is bright and giueth light , so hereby is shewed , that all things are knowne vnto God , and nothing can be hid from him : and that the iudgement of God shall be manifest to all the world . Perer. 5. His throne is compared to fire , propter zelum veritatis , for the zeale of the truth : he shall come to iudgement with zeale of iustice as hoat as fire , Lyran. 6. And as the fire hath two properties , it purifieth gold , and consumeth stubble : so God shall come as fire , vt malos puniat , bonos purget , to punish the euill , & to purge the good● glosse inter . 7. By the wheeles is shadowed forth , incredibilis pernicitas , his incredible swiftnes to iudgement , Polan . and they are fierie , quod eius accessus impediri ●equit , because his comming can not be hindred , Oecolampad . 8. A fierie streame issued and came forth , wherein three things are signified , poenarum perpetuit as per fluvium , the perpetui●ie of the punishment of the wicked by the flood ; acerbitas per ignem , the sharpnes thereof by the fire ; potestas per rapidum motum , the power , in that it issueth , Hugo . like as the course of a streame can not be staied , Polan . 9. And three properties of the iudgements of God are here noted : they are constantissima , perlustrantia , pervadentia omnia , they are constant , as the flood alwaies runneth ; they lighten all places , as the fire ; and goe through euery where , as a flood still issuing forth , and running along . Iun.

36. Quest. Of the number of Angels that ministred vnto God : thousand thousands , &c. v. 10.

Some haue taken vpon them to scanne the number of the Angels , where there are diuers opinions . 1. Athanasius reporteth the opinion of some , 〈…〉 . that thought there were so many Angels as men , because of that place , Deut. 32. 8. which the Septuag. thus translate , he appointed the number of the people , according to the number of the Angels : But this text prooueth no such thing , which is thus truly translated , he appointed the borders of the people according to the number of the children of Israel .

2. Gregorie seemeth to be of opinion , Hom. 34. in Evangel. that there are more men put good and bad together , then Angels good and bad : for first he setteth this downe , that there shall be as many men elected as Angels : but there are farre more men damned , then are saued : contrariwise he thinketh that there are more elect Angels then reprobate angels , as some would gather by that place , Apoc. 12. 4. how the dragon with his taile drew the third part of the starres of heauen : If then the elect men be equiualent in number to the elect Angels , and the reprobate men are more then the elect , but the reprobate angels are fewer then the elect Angels ; it will follow that the number of men is greater , then of Angels . But this opinion is builded vpon an vncerten ground , that the number of the elect among men , is equiualent to the number of the elect Angels .

3. A third opinion is , that the number of Angels , farre exceedeth the number of men . Athanasius saith , that some thought , the Angels in number were more then men , as 99. to one ; which they would gather out of that parable of the lost sheepe , when the shepheard left 99. to seeke that one . Lyranus , whome Pererius followeth , maketh this collection , that as the celestiall bodies the starres doe in bignesse farre exceede the things below , for one starre is bigger then the earth : in the same proportion because Angels doe not exceede men in quantitie , they doe exceede them , incomparabiliter in numerositate , without comparison in number .

4. But these things are more boldly then certenly affirmed : out of this place no such thing can be gathered : for it is agreed of all hands , that here a certen and finite number is put for an indefinite : as Hierome saith , non quia ministrorum Dei numerus definitus sit , &c. not that the number of Gods ministers is here defined , &c. but because a greater number can not be expressed by mans speech . Yet as touching this question , some things may certenly be resolued vpon , some things are doubtfull : 1. that the number of elect men is smaller then of the reprobate , is certen : for many enter in at the broad gate , and few finde out the narrow way , Matth. 7. 13 , 14. 2. But the number of the elect Angels is greater then of those which fell : because the Prophet saith , when he shewed the young man the Lords fierie horse and chariots round about vpon the mountaines , They that are with vs , are more then they which be with them , 2. king . 6. 16. And in Scripture the good Angels are expressed in greater numbers , then the euill : we read in the Gospel of 12. legions of Angels , Matth. 26. 53. but of one legion of deuills , Mark . 5. 9. And in this place , tenne thousand thousands of Angels are named . These things are certen . These following are probable . 3. That the number of the Elect men is greater then of the euill and reprobate angels , as Augustine thinketh , lib. 22. de civ . ca. that the angels which fell shall be supplied out of the numbers of the Elect : As our blessed Sauiout said vnto his Apostles , Haue I not chosen you twelue , and one of you is a deuill , Ioh. 6. 70. there was one deuill to 12. elect Apostles . 4. Likewise the number of the elect Saints may seeme to be greater then of the elect Angels , by that vision Apoc. 4. the foure beasts about the throne represent the blessed Angels , the 24. Elders the Saints . 5. It may be also coniectured , that the Elect Angels are more in number then the Saints which are at once vpon the earth ; because two hosts of Angels attended at once vpon Iacob , Gen. 32. 1. when his brother Esau came against him , whereupon he called the place Mahana●m , the Lords hosts . 6. But whether the Angels good and bad , be equiualent in number to men good and bad , that liue at once vpon the earth , it can not be gessed at . And let this suffice of this question : It is not safe wading too farre without a bottome . Concerning the diuers offices and degrees of Angels , which Pererius taketh occasion here to note , it shall be discussed among the controversies following .

37. Quest. What bookes these were which were opened , v. 10.

1. Hierome , whome Lyranus , and gloss . ordinar . follow , vnderstandeth here two bookes , the one of life , which is held in Gods hand , the other of death , qui tenebitur in manu accusatoris , which shall be held in the accusers hand , which is the deuill . But 1. as Augustine saith , non sic datur liber mortis , &c. there is not found to be a booke of death , as there is of life ; onely they which are elected are said to be written , and the reprobate not to be written in the booke of life . 2. And whereas Pererius answereth , that though there be no such booke of death with God , yet the deuill may , haue such a booke : neither doth the deuill know who are saued , who condemned , and therefore he can haue no such booke : neither is there any booke mentioned in Scripture , but of the Lords writing , as Moses saith , Exod. 32. 32. Rase me out of the booke of life which thou hast written . 3. Apoc. 20. 12. there are other bookes saide to be opened beside the booke of life ; then is not the booke of life here comprehended .

2. Augustine by these bookes , lib. 2 de civit . Dei , c. 14. vnderstandeth the Saints which shall come with Christ to iudgement , In whose godly life and conuersation the good will of God appeared : and in them the wicked , as in bookes may see , what they should haue done : But by the opening of these bookes not onely the wicked , but the rightehus are iudged : Apoc. 20. 12. The dead were iudged of those things , which are written in the bookes .

3. Beda by these bookes which shall be opened in the day of the Lord , vnderstandeth the sacred Scriptures , according to the which mens doings shall be examined , and sentence giuen according to the same : But the Scriptures are called a booke , Apoc. 10. 9. not bookes .

4. Calvin by the opening of the bookes , would haue signified the manifestation of the knowledge of God vnto the world at the comming of Christ , which before lay hid : But here bookes are not opened for instruction vnto saluation , but for triall and examination vnto iudgement .

5. Therefore these bookes are better interpreted to be euery ones conscience , wherein all their doings good and bad are written : whereof S. Paul speaketh , Their conscience also bearing witnesse , and their thoughts accusing one an other , or excusing , in the day when God shall iudge the secrets of men by Iesus Christ , Rom. 2. 15. And thus are those bookes interpreted , Apoc. 20. 12. The dead , were iudged of those things , which were written in the bookes , according to their workes . So Hierome , conscientiae , & opera singulorum in vtraque parte , bona vel mala revelabuntur , the consciences and works of euery one shall be reuealed whether good or bad , &c. To the same purpose also Rupertus . As here the acts and workes of this fourth beast are examined before sentence giuen .

6. But as Chrysostome well noteth , these bookes are not opened , that God should receiue information thereby , to whome all mens hearts are opened : like as in earthly tribunalls , bookes are brought forth , non so●um vt princeps in instruatur , sed vt iudicium iustum appareat , not onely to informe the Prince , but that the iudgement may appeare iust , &c. So God openeth euery mans conscience , that they may themselues see and confesse , that their iudgement is most iust , whether to life or death . Oecolampad .

38. Quest. Of the destruction of the fourth beast , v. 11.

v. 11. I beheld till the beast was slaine , &c. Hierome , whome Lyranus followeth , vnderstandeth this of the destruction of Antichrist , in the ende of the world , whome Christ shall destroy with the spirit of his mouth : so also Vatablus , Antichristus significatur & eius membra , Antichrist is signified , and his members . But in this sense this prophesie should not yet be fulfilled , whereas it is euident , that all this was fulfilled before the first comming of Christ .

2. Calvin applying this to the Romane Empire , thinketh that the beast was destroyed when the Empire beganne to decay , which was immediatly after Traiane the Emperours time : for after that time , well nigh these 15. hundred yeares , nullus Romano potitus est Imperio , none hath enioyed the Romane Empire : But , though the state of that Empire was somewhat empayred , yet it was not then wholly destroied , but continued in great power and glorie many hundred yeares after Traians time : but here the beast is slaine , and his body vtterly destroied .

3. Bullinger expoundeth this of the ruine of the Papall kingdome .

4. Osiander of the decay of the Turkish dominion , togither with the Romane Empire : so also Oecolampad . expoundeth it of the destruction of the Pope and Turke togither , by that prophesie Apoc. 19. 20. of the taking of the beast , and the false prophet . But these prophesies must be distinguished : Daniels extendeth to the first comming of Christ , Iohns Reuelation to the second .

5. Iunius in his Commentarie , applieth this prophesie vnto Antiochus Epiphanes : his iudgement is set forth in three degrees . 1. the beast is slaine : the death of Epiphanes is foreshewed , who hauing receiued euill tidings first at Persepolis , then at Elymais fell into a grieuous and incurable disease , as is set forth , 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9. 2. his bodie is destroyed : his armies were ouerthrowne , and all his posteritie rooted out : for Antiochus Eupator his sonne raigned not aboue 3. yeares , and in him the whole familie of Epiphanes was extinct , and the kingdome returned to the right heires . 3. his bodie is giuen to the burning fire : whereby is signified the grieuous torments of his disease , which he endured , 2. Macch. 9.

6. But seeing Antiochus Epiphanes is the little horne of the fourth beast , and this iudgement belongeth to the whole beast ; here rather is described the ruine and destruction of the whole kingdome of the Seleucians : the meaning then is this rather : 1. that the power of the Seleucians after Epiphanes began to abate , and their kingdome to be much ●olested by enemies without , the Parthians and Armenians , and by commotions within : and so the beast was slaine : See appendix in the ende of the booke , exercise 1. argu. 8. answ. 3. & argu. 11. answ. 1. then the bodie of the beast was destroyed : the kingdome beeing taken from the house of the Seleucians , and giuen to Tygranes king of Armenia , as Iustine writeth , lib. 40. And this bodie was giuen to the fire , when Tigranes beeing taken , the kingdome was dissolued , and made a Prouince by Pompey . Polan .

39. Quest. v. 12. When the other beasts had their dominion taken away , and how their liues were prolonged .

1. Some doe interpret these words by the time past , that before the destruction of this last beast , the other three had beene destroyed : so Calvin , Vatablus : ante interitum quartae bestiae evanuerāt , they had vanished away before the ouerthrow of the fourth beast , Osiand . And though mention be made hereof after the destruction of the fourth beast , yet the other beasts were before remooued and taken out of the way , Calvin . But to what ende is it said that after the dominion of the other three beasts was taken away , their liues were prolonged , if there had not beene some remainder of the other Monarchies , the Chaldean , Persian , and Grecian , after their dominion ceased .

2. Some on the contrarie hee thinke , that here is signified a prorogation and continuance of other kingdomes , after the fourth beast is destroied : for after Antichrist is destroied , non statim omnes reges sine onima regna cessabu●● , not presently shall all the kings or kingdomes of the earth cease , but they shall haue a time giuen them to repent , Hugo . But it is euident by the interpretation of the Angel , v. 26 , 27. that after the dominion of the fourth beast is taken away , then all these dominions shall cease , and all the kingdome and dominion shall be giuen to the people of God : Christ onely shall raigne .

3. Bullinger thinketh , that here is shewed a difference betweene the ruine of this fourth kingdome , and the other three : innuit nullum ex omnibus regnis tam horribilem consequutum esse exitum , &c. he sheweth that none of all the other kingdomes , had so horrible an ende , as this last . True it is that there is a difference , for there was some remainder of the other Monarchies , after they were depriued of their dominion , but this fourth had nothing remayning , it was vtterly destroyed : yet this is not all : here is described the ende of all those kingdomes together : that although the Lord had forborne them a great while , yet at length they are iudged .

4. Oecolampadius and Pellican make this the meaning , that whereas in the dissolution of the other kingdoms , one still succeeded another , post hunc quartum non sequutura alia , after this fourth , which he expoundeth of Antichrist , there shall followe no other : But this according to our former exposition ( the fourth beast beeing vnderstood to be the kingdome of the Seleucians ) cannot stand : for the Romane Monarchie succeeded , which destroyed all the rest .

5. Hierome , whom the ordinar. gloss . followeth , so taketh this prophesie , as that together with Antichrist , Romanum imperium , & alia omnia regna delabuntur , the Romane Empire , and all other kingdomes shall be destroyed in the ende of the world : But this prophesie is not to be referred vnto the second comming of Christ , it must be vnderstood of his first comming , as is before shewed , quest. 31.

6. The interlinear , gloss . expoundeth these words , their liues were prolonged , of the elect and Saints , which should liue vnder the raigne of Antichrist : But here is no mention made of the Saints , but of the beasts , whose liues should be prolonged till the time appointed .

7. Lyranus , wheras it is said , their liues were prolonged for a certaine time and season , vnderstandeth by the first time , the persecution of the faithfull before the first comming of Christ , by the second the persecution following vnto the second comming of Christ : But it is euident ; that all these fowre beasts must be destroyed before the Messiah should come in the flesh , and take possession at his ascension of his euerlasting kingdome .

8. Wherefore this is the meaning , that together with the fourth beast should be destroyed the remainder of the other kingdomes , and all should be dissolued by the Romanes : there was some reliques of the ancient Monarchies , after their dominion ceased , as of the Babylonians in the Armenians , of the Persians in the kingdome of the Parthians , of the Grecians in the kingdome of Macedonia , and Egypt : But all these were vtterly extinguished by the Romanes , Iun. Pol. Perses the last king of Macedonia was subdued by P. Aemilius , and the kingdome made a Prouince of the Romane Empire : & this was in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes , then some 90. yeares after that the kingdome of Syria was by Pompey reduced to the forme of a prouince : and some 50. yeare after Augustus ouercomming Antonie and Cleopatra , made a prouince of Egypt , ex tabul . chron. Bulling.

Quest. 40. Why it is said , v. 13. one like the sonne of man .

1. Lyranus thinketh that this note of similitude is added , quia plus est quam filius hominis , because Christ is more then the sonne of man , he is also the sonne of God : But the Prophet describeth here the figure of man , which he saw : the Godhead could not be figured .

2. Pintus giueth this sense : quasi non similitudinem significat , sed certissimam confirmationem : this word as or like , signifieth not here a similitude , but a most certaine confirmation , as the word is taken , Ioh. 1. 14. we sawe the glorie thereof , as the glorie of the onely begotten sonne of the father . But it cannot be so taken here , because Christ was not yet incarnate indeede .

3. Oecolampadius vnderstandeth this to be spoken of Christ now tryumphing in glorie , he was as the sonne of man , that is true man , but not now mortall and subiect to humane infirmities , as other men are , and therefore he is said to be like : he is not now altogether the same : But as yet the sonne of man had not taken vpon him our nature , with the infirmities thereof : therefore this cannot conueniently be vnderstood of the laying aside and putting off those infirmities .

4. The ordinar. gloss . expoundeth this by that place , Philippi. 2. 7. He tooke vpon him the forme of a seruant , and was made like vnto man : But in this place , as Calvin well noteth , non loquitur de essentia naturae humanae , sed de statu , the Apostle speaketh not of the essence of humane nature , but of the state and condition : that Christ came in a lowely state & condition , as the Apostle said before in the forme of a seruant : But the sonne of man is here seene in the clouds , and in glory : his humble and abiect state cannot be here signified .

5. Iunius in his commentarie giueth this sense , in similitudine carnis peccati verus hominis silius , the true sonne of man in the similitude of sinnefull flesh , as the Apostle speaketh , Rom. 8. 3. And therefore he is said to be as the Sonne of man .

6. But the better sense is : that he is said to be as the Sonne of man , because he sawe onely a figure of the sonne of man : for at this time , when Daniel sawe this , he was not yet the Sonne of man , but was to be borne , and become man in his time : Bulling. quia nondum induerat Christus carnem nostram , because Christ had not yet put on our flesh : yea after Christ was incarnate , when he was seene figuratiuely in vision , he is said to be as the Sonne of man , as Reuel. 14. 14. I sawe vpon the cloud one sitting ; as the sonne of man : because he was not seene in his substance , but in figure onely .

Quest. 41. How he is said to come in the clouds and approach to the Auncient of dayes , and when .

R. Leui vnderstanding this of the Messiah , by the auncient of dayes would haue signified him , that shall be at that time ouer the Romane Empire , and shall entreate him for his people , as Moses did Pharaoh for the Israelites : But these Rabbines shewe themselues herein malitiously blinde , and grossely absurd : to apply that to the terrene state , which is here meant of Christs spiritual and eternall kingdome : and the auncient of dayes which is God , to make a mortall man : and the sonne of man comming in the clouds , to vnderstand in base and suppliant manner to come vnto a mortall Prince .

2. R. Saadia vnderstandeth this also of the Messiah , that he shall come as was prophesied of him sitting vpon an asse , that is , in great lowlinesse , and in the clouds , armies of Angels shall attend vpon him , and that great dominion shall be giuen , as the auncient of dayes , that is , sicut domini filiorum hominum , as they which are Lords among men , &c. But herein also is his errour : 1. he confoundeth the first comming of Christ , which was in humilitie , and his second comming , which should be in glorie . 2. he dreameth of a temporall kingdome . 3. he misinterpreteth the auncient of dayes , which he applyeth to mortall men .

3. The most of the Christian writers doe here vnderstand the second comming of Christ to iudgement : as Lyran. Hugo . gloss . So also Oecolampad . Bulling. Pererius granteth that in the vision of the image , c. 2. the stone cut out without hands doth signifie Christ in his first comming : but here he thinketh that Christ is described comming vnto iudgement , because so it is said , Matth. 24. then shall they see the Sonne of man comming in the clouds , &c. And because this apparition of the Sonne of man followeth after the destruction of Antichrist .

But 1. Christ also ascending to his father was taken vp in the clouds . 2. the little horne of the fourth beast , signifieth not Antichrist , but typically and by way of analogie : it historically is meant of Antiochus Epiphanes , as is before shewed . 3. seeing the same Monarchies and kingdomes are described in the vision , c. 2. and this , c. 7. the same destruction and extinguishing of the kingdomes in both places must be insinuated . 4. neither is this aptly referred to Christs second comming , but to that his comming , which followed vpon the dissolution of that fourth kingdome , which was of the Seleucians in Syria : as is shewed before , quest. 22. and quest. 26. 5. Iunius vnderstandeth the approaching of Christ to the Auncient of dayes , of Christs ascension vnto his father : but the comming in or with the clouds , he applyeth to Christs comming into the world , to finish the worke of our redemption , deitas illius figuratur aduentu è nubibus , his deitie is prefigured , by his comming out of the clouds , Inn , annot . so also Calvin thinketh the meaning is , that Christ though he were the sonne of man , yet differed much from all mankind , &c. his beginning was from heauen , ours is from the earth .

6. But all these are better ioyned together , to set forth the glorious ascension of our Blessed Sauiour : which type we see fulfilled , Act. 1. where Christ ascended vp in a cloud : by this approaching to the Auncient of dayes , is signified his equalitie with his father : he approached ad aequalitatem Deipatris , to be equall to his father in the diuine essence , Lyran. Bulling . and to sit at the right hand of God his father , Vatab. they brought him before him , that is , he offred and presented himselfe to his father : for so in the Chalde tongue the third person plurall is vsed impersonally , Iun. or else the Angels reioycing at the ascension of Christ , attended vpon him , when he ascended in tryumph to his father , as Iustine Martyr expoundeth , dialog. cum Tryphon . Polan .

7. And that this part of the vision is rather vnderstood of Christs first comming into the world , and his returning to his father , then of his second comming to iudgement , these two reasons out of the text it selfe may perswade . 1. because this dominion is here giuen vnto Christ : but Christ receiued his kingdome at his resurrection from the dead , when he said to his Apostles , all power is giuen vnto me in heauen , and earth : tunc regnum suum auspicatus est , then Christ beganne his kingdome , Calv. it was not deferred till his second comming : Oecolampadius answereth , nouo modo datur illi gloria , quam in membris suis accipit , &c. then after a newe manner glorie shall be giuen him , because he shall receiue it in his members , &c. But it is euident , that this is meant of Christs receiuing this kingdome in himselfe , though for his members : because he is brought to the Auncient of dayes , as it were to sit downe in the throne with him , which cannot be vnderstood of his members . 2. the kingdome vnder the whole heauen is said to be giuen vnto the holy people , v. 27. but the celestiall and heauenly kingdome cannot be said to be vnder heauen : therefore it is not meant of the Church tryumphant in heauen , but of the Militant in earth .

8. And yet we so vnderstand this of the first comming of Christ , Rupert . lib. 1. 〈◊〉 in Daniel . c. 12. as that we say with Rupertus , in primo aduentu coeptum fat●mur , quod in secundo consummandum est , we confesse this kingdome to beginne in the first comming of Christ , which shall be finished in his second , &c. and that Christs kingdome then tooke beginning he sheweth by that text , Ioh. 12. 31. now is the iudgement of this world , now shall the Prince of this world be cast out .

Quest. 42. That this kingdome could not be the kingdome of the Macchabees .

v. 14. And he gaue him dominion and honour , &c. 1. Porphyrie by this kingdome vnderstandeth , the prosperous gouernement of the Macchabees , who obtained diuerse victories against Antiochus , and procured the libertie of their countrie . 2. But this cannot be . 1. Theodoret thus reasoneth : this kingdome here giuen shall neuer be taken away : but this gouernement of the Macchabees continued not long : Iudas gouerned three yeares , Ionathas 31. Simon 8. yeares : but afterward the countrey of the Iewes was oppressed againe : And though we take the whole time of the Macchabees which succeeded , it continued not aboue an 126. yeares , till the time of Herod , who depriued them of the kingdome : to this purpose Theodoret. 2. this kingdome shall be ouer all the world : but the Macchabees onely ruled in Iudea , Perer. 3. whereas this Sonne of man commeth in the clowds , and approacheth vnto the Auncient of dayes , it cannot be shewed how this should agree vnto mortall men .

Quest. 43. That this kingdome is the kingdome of Christ our Blessed Lord and Sauiour .

1. The Iewes seeke by their cauils and shiftes to obscure this cleare prophesie , and first obiect , that Christs kingdome is not here vnderstood : Secondly , they argue , that Christ is that little home , which came out of the fourth beast .

1. The first they would thus prooue . 1. the fifth kingdome must destroy the fourth beast , but Christ at his comming did not dissolue the Romane Empire , it then most of al flourished vnder Augustus and Tiberius . 2. the fifth kingdome must be distinct from the fourth : but the kingdome of Christ flourished vnder the Romane Empire , beeing aduanced by Constantine , and other Christian Emperours . 3. this fift kingdome shall be of all other the most mightie : but there are other kingdomes mightier then the Christans , as the Turkish power . 4. this fift kingdome must continue for euer : but the kingdome of Christianitie decreaseth , and is more and more empayred .

2. That Christ is that little horne , out of the fourth beast , and so consequently not this fifth kingdome , thus they obiect . 1. this horne was little in respect of the obscure beginning , so was Christs rising vp obscure . 2. this horne speaketh proud things : so Christ said he was without sinne , that he was the sonne of God . 3. this horne changeth times and lawes : so Christ violated the Sabbath , and abolished the ceremonies of Moses . 4. and as this horne was to continue a time , two times , and an halfe , that is , three yeares and an halfe : so Christ preached iust so many yeares .

Contra. 1. Their reasons vpon the first point are easily answered . 1. It is denied that the Romane Empire is the fourth beast , but rather the kingdome of the Seleucians in Syria , which was destroyed before the comming of the Messiah . 2. And so Christs kingdome was distinct from the fourth , and from all other terrene kingdomes and dominions : they are earthly and temporall : Christs is spirituall and eternall : the Christian faith is maintained vnder the Romane Empire : yet it is farre differing from it : the Iewes here imagine , that this fift kingdome should be a temporall and externall kingdome in the world , such as they dreame of their Messiah , but therein they are deceiued : for our blessed Sauiour himsefe saith , that he came not to be ministred vnto , but to minister , Matth. 21. and he said to Pilate , that his kingdome was not of this world : yea the thiefe who was conuerted vpon the crosse vnderstood as much , saying to Christ , remember me when thou commest into thy kingdome : therefore Christ had no temporall kingdome in this world , but spirituall , in which respect it was diuerse and distinct from all other earthly kingdomes : See more hereof cap. 2. que . 58. 3. And though this kingdome of the Messiah doth not alwaies shewe it selfe mightier in this world , in externall power , then other kingdomes : yet the spirituall power thereof farre exceedeth all temporall dominion ; seeing euen those terrene powers , which persecuted the gospel of Christ , were by the power thereof subdued vnto the faith , as Constantine the Empecour , and other Christian Emperours and Kings , which maintained the Christian faith : according to the prophesie of Isay , 49. 23. Kings shall be thy nursing fathers , and Queenes thy nursing mothers . 4. though the terrene bounds and limits of those kingdomes , which prof●sse the gospel of Christ , may sometime be enlarged , sometime empayred : yet the spirituall kingdome of Christ is not conquered , which triumpheth in the middes of the greatest trialls and afflictions of his seruants : and it is most certaine , though the Church of Christ may be translated from one kingdome to another , yet it shall remayne as long as the earth endureth , and after shall raigne in heauen for euer .

2. Concerning the other obiection , that Christ should be this little horne . 1. The most of these arguments are answered before , quest. 27. 7. to the which place I referre the Reader . 2. Christ violated not the Sabbath , but taught the right vse of the Sabbath against the superstitious obseruations of the Iewes . 3. though this little horne was to rage against the Saints , 3. yeares and a halfe , it followeth not because Christ preached no longer , that he should be this little horne : euerie meane Logician knoweth , what an inartificiall kind of reasoning it is to conclude affirmatiuely in the second figure : as thus : this little horne shall rage 3. yeares and an halfe , Christ preached 3. yeares and halfe , Ergo , he is this little horne : Beside there is great difference betweene raging and tyrannizing against the Saints , and preaching to the Saints : so that beside the fayling in the forme of the argument , they assume not right . 4. But that Christ no wayes can be this little horne , it is euident : for these hornes must be kings , and kings of the fourth kingdome or Monarchie , and it must plucke away three kings before it , but Christ was no king neither of the Syrian , nor Romane kingdome : neither can it be shewed how he remooued 3. kings before him . 2. and after this horne is taken away , it is said the Saints should haue the kingdome : but after Christ was put to death , the people of the Iewes were more afflicted , then they were before : and within fewe yeares their citie and Temple were destroyed by the Romanes : Therefore this their assertion , is most blaspemous and absurd , that Christ should be this little horne . 3. Those Rabbines are more reasonable , which doe vnderstand this kingdome of the Messiah , as R. Iesua , Ab. Ezra , R. Saadia : though herein they fayle in dreaming of a temporall kingdome , which should be raised by their Messiah .

Quest. 44. That this kingdome giuen to the Sonne of man , shall not be in earth : against the Chiliastes .

1. Some of the auncient writers were of opinion , that after 6. thousand yeares ( for so long they held the world should continue , for euerie of the sixe dayes of the creation counting a thousand yeares ) Christ should come , and raigne with his Saints a thousand yeares in all prosperitie in the earth : they should be raised from the dead ( which they call the first resurrection ) and liue in peace and all happinesse , marrying wi●es , and begetting children : And after these thousand yeares Sathan should be let loose , and then should be the greatest persecution that euer was by Antichrist , after which time the dead should be raised to life , which they say is the second resurrection , and then the Saints should raigne with Christ in heauen for euer .

2. Of this opinion was Papias , whom Ireneus affirmeth to haue beene one of Iohns disciples : who for his antiquitie mooued others to embrace the same opinion : as Iustinus dialog: cum Tryphon . Iereneus , Tertullian , also as Hierome thinketh , lib. 11. in Ezekiel , Victorinus in Apocalyps . Lactantius also , and Seruius Sulpitius : But the simplicitie of Papias gaue occasion to this error , who vnderstood literally those things which the Apostles spiri●ually meant , of the glorie and peace of Christs kingdome : and to Eusebius giueth this testimony of Papias , that he was a man , ingenij perquam tenuis , of a verse slender wit , as may appeare by his writings .

3. The chiefe ground of this errour is by the mistaking of that place , Apocal. 20. 2. that Sathan should be bound for a thousand yeares : and that the Saints liued and raigned with Christ a thousand yeares : this is the first resurrection : But this place maketh nothing at all for this opinion , as shall be shewed afterward .

4. Cerinthus the heritike had the like conceite of Christs raigning in earth a thousand yeares , as Eusebius testifieth , lib. 3. histor. Ecclesiast. c. 22. 〈…〉 But herein they differed : Cerinthus thought , that men vnder this kingdome of Christ should liue in carnall pleasure and voluptuousnesse . This opinion Augustine alwaies misliked , but he confesseth that sometime he approoued the other , lib. 20. de ciuit . dei c. 7.

Cont●a . But now briefely it shall be shewed how vaine and false this opinion is . 1. Our Blessed Sauiour himselfe saith , that his kingdome is not of this world . 2. Christs kingdom is perpetuall , it is an euerlasting dominion , which neuer shall be taken away , v. 14. but this kingdome which they imagine , shall be but for a thousand yeares . 3. They which held this opinion , thought that the last of the sixe thousand yeares was begunne many yeares since : Augustine thought that in his time the last of the sixe thousand was entred , following the erroneous account of the Septuag. from the beginning of the world : and Lactantius who liued in Constantines time , thought that there were but 200. yeares remayning of the sixe thousand : In their opinion then , now the eight thousand yeare should be a foote , and yet their supposed kingdome is not begunne .

4. But as concerning that place in the Reuelation , The thousand yeares expounded , Apoc. ●0 . 2. during which time Sathan should be bound . it is greatly mistaken by them : there are diuerse expositions thereof . 1. Pererius by the first resurrection vnderstandeth the deliuerance of the soules from the bodies , & their receiuing vp into heauen : & by the thousand yeares he would haue signified , taking a finite number for an indefinite , all that time , which the soules of the Saints should reigne in heauen with Christ til his second comming : But this cannot be the meaning : for after these thousand yeares expired , Satan shall be loose : now at Christs comming Sathan shall be more bound then euer he was , and receiue his euerlasting doome .

2. Some doe vnderstand here the libertie which Christs Church shall haue in earth , but by a thousand yeares they thinke no definite or certaine time to be expressed : but in propheticall predictions , numbers must be taken properly and literally , especially , where a time is limited : as after these 1000. yeares Sathan must be let loose : if now a certaine time be not defined , before his loosing the Church should haue no certaine direction to expect it , and so they should haue small vse of this prophesie .

3. Some doe vnderstand here precisely so many yeares , as are named : and some beginne the account from Christs natiuitie , and ende it in the time of Pope Siluester the second : Genevens . Some beginne in the 36. yeare after Christ , and extend the 1000. yeares vnto the time of Hildebrand called Gregorie the 7. that forcerer , whom Satan vsed as his instrument in oppressing the Church of Christ , Iun. annot. in Apocalyps . But both these doe make the 300. yeares of persecution vnder the Romane Emperours , a part of this thousand yeares when Sathan should be bound , which cannot be , for then Satan raged against Christ and his members .

4. Therefore these thousand yeares for that reason must beginne , after the 10. persecutions vnder the Romane Empire , in the time of Constantine the great : from thence Sathan was shut vp for a 1000. yeares , vnto the time of Iohn Wickleffe , and Iohn Husse : then beganne againe the generall persecutions of Christs Church , Fox Martyrolog. p. 101. And by the first resurrection is vnderstood the renewing of the soule , and the rising from dead workes by the preaching of the Gospell : So S. Paul vnderstandeth this first resurrection , Rom. 6. 4. Coloss 3. 1. and in diuerse other places .

Quest. 45. Of the excellencie of Christs kingdome beyond other kingdomes .

1. It excelleth all other kingdomes in the continuance and diuturnitie : the spirituall kingdome of our Blessed Sauiour hath alreadie continued 16. hundred yeares , and shall indure vnto the ende of the world , and be perfited for euer to remaine in the next . Among earthly Monarchies , the kingdome of the Assyrians was of the longest time : but it reached not to a 1400. yeares : but the kingdome of Christ shall be euerlasting . 2. none of these terrene kingdomes was vniuersall ouer all the world : but all nations and languages haue beene subdued to the spirituall kingdome of Christ . 3. It excelleth in force and efficacie : other kingdomes haue but power ouer the goods and bodies of men : but this kingdome of Christ worketh vpon the soule and conscience . 4. Other kingdomes doe but intend the publike peace , and maintenance of ciuill societie : this kingdome deliuereth men from the dominion of sinne and Sathan , and planteth in them true veritie and pietie . 5. Other kingdomes haue beene enlarged by force and armes : but Christs kingdome hath beene propagated by humilitie and patience : Our Blessed Sauiour hath founded by his glorious passion , and his faithfull seruants the Martyrs , haue by their patient & constant sufferings propagated the church . 6. This kingdome in the excellencie of lawes and precepts farre surpasseth all other : If the Prophet Dauid spake such excellent things of the lawe of Moses , Psal. 19. 4. The lawe of the Lord is perfect conuerting the soule , the testimonie of the Lord is sure , and giueth wisedome vnto the simple : much more excellent is the Gospel of Christ : which is a perfect rule of righteousnesse , which was first preached by the Lord himselfe . 7. They differ in the ende : Terrene kingdomes doe but procure the outward peace and welfare of the people : but the gospel and kingdome of Christ doe bring the faithfull vnto euerlasting life . 8. Lastly , these kingdomes are diuerse in respect of their gouernours : These terrene dominions are ruled many times by vnwise , often by vniust , but alwaies by infirme , mortall , and weake men : But this spirituall kingdome of the Church , hath a Prince most prudent , most iust , most mighty : as the Prophet Esay describeth this Blessed Prince , 〈◊〉 9. 7. by sixe titles : which may thus be sorted out to these properties before named : two of them shewe his power ; he is wonderfull and mightie , two of them his wisedome , he is a counsellour , and the Prince of peace ; by his heauenly wisedome procuring the euerlasting peace of his Church : and for his iustice , he is an euerlasting father , not as an hard Lord ouer his people , but gouerning them as a foster father : And all these three , his wisedome , iustice , and power , are comprehended in that one title , he is the mightie God .

Quest. 46. How the kingdome of Christ is said to be euerlasting , seeing it shall be deliuered vp vnto God , 1. Cor. 15. 24.

1. Whereas the Apostle saith , then shall be the end , when he hath deliuered the kingdome to God , 1. Cor. 15. 24. and vers. 28. And when all things shall be subdued vnto him , then shal the sonne also himselfe be subiect vnto him , that did subdue all things vnder him , &c. Some vnderstand this of Christ in his members : Sancti , in quibus viuit filius puriss●me agnoscunt Regem ac dominum , the Saints , in whom the Sonne liueth , shall hartily acknowledge their Lord and king : and so Christ in his members shall be subiect vnto God : Oecolampad . But it is euident in the text , that the Apostle speaketh of Christ in his owne person : v. 24. He shall deliuer the kingdome to God the father , when he hath put downe all rule , &c. But Christ himselfe , and not his members , doth subdue and put downe all rule , &c.

2. Some doe thus interpret the Apostle , that Christ as man and head of his Church , shall : be subiect vnto God , and deliuer vp the kingdome vnto his father , Geneuens . who is said then to be subiect to his father as man , not that he was not subiect before , but because the Church which is his bodie , which shall be also subiect , is not yet perfect , Beza . This is most true , that the Sonne as man , is subiect vnto God : as Augustine saith , Christus vt Deus nos cum patre subiectos habet , vt sacerdos nobiscum patri subiectus est ▪ Christ as God together with his father hath vs subiect vnto him , as he is the Priest , he is together with vs subiect to his father , lib. 1. de Trinitat . cap. 8. yet this doth not fully satisfie how Christ shall deliuer vp his kingdome ; for as he is the Sonne of man , he is said here to haue a● euerlasting kingdom , and he shall be adored and worshipped for euer , as the king of his Church .

3. Therefore this is to be vnderstood of the manner of his kingdome : that it shall not be administred in the next world as now , per ministerium verbi & sacramentorum , by the ministerie of the word , and Sacraments , Osiand . And that part of Christs kingdome shall cease , which is exercised in the subduing and vanquishing of his enemies : for then there shall be no enemies at all to be subdued : this execution of Christs kingdome shall cease : yet Christ shall remaine king of his Church for euer , to be adored of his Angels , and of all his Elect.

47. Quest. v. 17. Of the rising of the foure beasts .

1. Where it is in the text , these foure beasts , are foure kings , Calvin following the vulgar Latine , readeth kingdomes : but the word is malchin , kings : malcutha signifieth a kingdome , v. 18. But yet by Kings , we must vnderstand kingdomes , Iun. Vatab. for there were diuers kings in the second Monarchie of the Persians , and in the fourth of the Seleucians . 2. It is saide , they shall arise , by a synecdoche , the greater part beeing taken for the whole : for the Chalde Monarchie was alreadie not onely risen , but almost at an ende : the other three were yet to rise , Polan . 3. They shall arise out of the earth : before it is said out of the Sea : sed metaphorice posuerat nomen maris , the name of the Sea he put metaphorically : the earth in respect of the troubles thereof , is compared vnto a turbulent , and vnquiet sea , Calvin .

48. Quest. Who shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints .

v. 18. Some read , they shall take the kingdome of the Saints of the most high . 2. Some , the most high Saints shall take the kingdome , &c. and possesse the kingdome for euer , yea for euer and euer . 3. Some referre the first clause to the beasts , that they shall take the kingdome , the second to the Saints , who shall possesse it for euer .

1. They which so vnderstand these words , as though these foure kingdomes which should rise out of the earth , shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints . 1. Some . by the kingdome vnderstand the earth , which is due vnto the Saints , and in Abraham was promised to the faithfull , which these foure Monarchies shall possesse for euer : that is , till the world be restored by Christ . Genevens . Iun. 2. Or it is said for euer , in respect of the longing desire of the Saints that are afflicted , who shall thinke the time very long before they be deliuered , Calvin . 3. Some doe thus interpret it : for euer , yea for euer and euer , that is , for diuers ages , shall these Monarchies keepe the people of God in subiection : for the Chaldeans held them and their countrey in bondage 70. yeares , the Persians 207. yeares , the Seleucians 148. yeares , which make aboue 400. yeares : foure complete generations , Polan . But all these expositions are confuted by these two arguments . 1. because it seemeth an hard speech , that the wicked should possesse the kingdome of the Saints for euer and euer : whereas the kingdome onely of the Messiah shall be euerlasting , v. 14. 2. the kingdome of the Saints is not here taken for any earthly inheritance , but for a celestiall and spirituall dominion , as is euident , v. 22. 27. And therefore the other kingdomes are said to rise out of the earth , to shew a difference betweene this kingdome , and theirs : as the ordin . gloss . well obserueth , Whatsoeuer is earthly , shall returne to the earth : Sancti non accipient regnum terrenum , sed coeleste , the Saints shall not receiue an earthly kingdome , but an heauenly .

2. They which follow the second reading , that the Saints shall take the kingdome . 1. Some referre it to the euerlasting kingdome of heauen onely , which they shall receiue at the comming of Christ : hoc erit in iudicio finali , this shall be in the finall iudgement , Lyran. post regna mundi finita , post mortem Antichristi , after all the kingdomes are at an ende , after the death of Antichrist , gloss . interlin . But this fift kingdome the Saints shall receiue presently after the dissolution of the foure former kingdomes , which were ended before the first comming of Christ . 2. Oecolampad . likewise vnderstandeth this fift to be the celestiall kingdome , where the faithfull shall raigne with Christ : But it is euident , v. 27. where it is said , the kingdomes vnder the whole heauen shall be giuen vnto the people of God , that this kingdome of the Saints shall begin in earth : for the heauenly kingdome can not be saide to be the kingdome vnder heauen . 3. Some thinke that this kingdome of the Saints shall take place , while the other Monarchies doe yet stand ; as vnder the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes the Church of Christ was propagated ouer all the world , Pellican : So also Bullinger , Ecclesiam per omnes istus Monarchias in mundo futuram , that the Church shall be in the world during all these Monarchies : which exposition in part is true , that the Church of God , the spirituall kingdome of Christ , can not be extinquished , or ouercome , but shall still continue in the world , the very gates of hell shall not preuaile against it : yet herein it faileth , that they suppose these Monarchies shall still haue dominion , when this fift kingdome taketh place : whereas the contrarie is euident , v. 11 , 12. that the fourth beast shall be slaine , and the dominion taken from the other three beasts , before this kingdome should be giuen vnto the Saints .

4. It remaineth then , that the fift kingdome , beeing the spirituall dominion of the Church , shall then beginne when the other foure kingdomes are extinguished . And for the more certen and euident demonstration hereof , these positions shall be here affirmed . 1. that the kingdome here spoken of , though the foure beasts shall first take it , yet in the ende shall be possessed of the Saints , not that those Monarchies shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints : so is it interpreted , v. 22. The time approched , that the Saints possessed the kingdome . 2. this kingdome of the Saints is begun here in this world , it is not deferred to the second comming of Christ , though then it shall be perfited : as Hugo well interpreteth , ab hoc seculo in quo regnant per gratiam , vsque in futurum seculum in quo regnabunt per gloriam , their kingdome shall begin in this world , wherein they raigne by grace , and continue vnto the next world , wherein they shall raigne in glorie , &c. 3. this kingdome of the Saints in Christ shall beginne after the dissolution of the foure former Monarchies , as is before shewed .

49. Quest. Why they are called the most high Saints , v. 18.

1. The vulgar Latine readeth , which H. Br. followeth in his commentarie , Saints of the most high God : but beside that the word high , ghelonin is in the plural , and so must be ioyned with Saints , the other word ( God ) is not in the text . 2. Some by the high Saints , vnderstand the Angels : but that can not be , for v. 27. they are interpreted to be the holy people of the most high : the Saints in earth . 3. neither by the high Saints , can God himselfe be vnderstood : the Scripture vseth not in the plural number so to speake of God . 4. some thus read , the Saints of the high things : that is , to whome belongeth the inheritance of the high and heauenly things , Iun. Polan . Calvin . But it is better ioyned as an epithete to Saints : they are called the high Saints : as v. 27. the people of the Saints most high : they are most high , in respect of all other people in the world , in respect of the most high Prince the Lord Christ , to whome they belong , and in regard of the most high inheritance of heauen , which appertaineth vnto them .

50. Quest. v. 20. How the horne called before little , is said to be in shew greater then the rest .

1. Before in the vision it is saide to be a little horne in respect of the obscure , base , and meane beginning : for so Antiochus Epiphanes beeing the younger brother , had no right nor title to the kingdome , and in this sense he was a little horne . 2. But the euent considered , how afterward Antiochus Epiphanes , proud Antiochus , who of some is rather called Epimanes , madde Antiochus , exceeded all other of the Seleucians in greatnes , he is in this respect said to be greater in shew then the rest . So both are true , but not in the same time .

51. Quest. How this little horne is said to chaunge lawes and times .

1. Hierome , by changing times and lawes , vnderstandeth that Antichrist shall abolish and take away all religion : so also Lyran. he shall abrogate the worship of God , & sibi illum cultum vsurpabit , and shall vsurpe vnto himselfe that worship , making himselfe God . But Antichrist which was prophecied of , and is now come into the world , shall not be an open and professed enemie vnto all religion , but rather through hypocrisie and vaine shew of religion , shall deceiue many : and therefore the Apostle saith , he shall come with lying wonders , 2. Thess. 2. 9.

2. Calvin vnderstanding the Romane Emperours to be this little horne , giueth this sense , that omnia iura humana & divina peruertent , they shall peruert all lawes humane and diuine : as Augustus caused altars to be erected vnto him , though otherwise a ciuill Prince : Tiberius neglected all religion : Caligula threatned to banish Iuppiter their great god into Greece , and would often smite his image with his fift : Domitian wished that all the people of Rome had but one necke , that he might smite it off at once : he would haue made his horse Consul . But though these things may by way of analogie be thus applied , yet historically , as hath beene shewed at large , this prophecie was fulfilled before the comming of the Messiah into the world .

3. Bullinger , with others , shew how this is practised by the Pope of Rome , to chaunge lawes and times : for he canonizeth Saints , and erecteth holy daies vnto them : appointeth fast● and fasting daies for religion : he chaungeth lawes , as commanding adoration of Images , which is forbidden by the law of God : restraining mariage , which God hath made free for all : taking away the cuppe in the Eucharist , which Christ in the institution of his last supper appointed to be vsed .

4. Other doe verifie these things in the Turke , who endeauoureth what he can to abolish all Christian religion : he thinketh to doe it : laboureth what he can to extitpate the Gospel of Christ , but he can not . These two last expositions also we refuse vpon the former reason . These applications by way of analogie we mislike not : but this prophecie had the historicall accomplishment before the birth of Christ .

5. Wherefore this is a true and liuely description of Antiochus Epiphanes , how he attempted to change times , to abolish the festiuals of the Iews , & to prophane their Sabbaths : the rites also and ceremonies of Moses law he abrogated , defiling the Temple and the altars , and setting vp most abominable idols , as is shewed at large , 1. Macch. 1. 46. &c. Antiochus sent his letters to Ierusalem and the cities of Iuda , that they should follow the straunge lawes of the countrey : that they should forbid the burnt offerings , and the sacrifices , and the offerings of the Sanctuarie : and that they should defile the sabbaths , and the feasts , and pollute the sanctuarie , and the holy men : and to set vp altars and groues , and chappels of idols , and offer vp swines flesh , and vncleane beasts , &c. The like reporteth Ioseph . lib. 12. Antiquit. Iudaic. c. 6. It is very euident now by comparing the historie of the Macchabees with the prophecie of Daniel , that all these things were most truly and properly fulfilled in the raigne of Antiochus Epiphanes , which are here described of this little horne .

52. Quest. What is meant , by a time , times , and a part of time . v. 25.

1. Some by these termes vnderstand , not any certaine definite time , but take it at large , for a certaine season not determined . 2. Others vnderstand precisely a certen prefixed time .

1. Of the first sort , 1. some doe vnderstand , longam durationem , a long continuance of time , yet certaine and determined with God , Papp . So Bullinger calleth it , praefinitum tempus sol : Deo cognitum , a time defined , but onely knowne vnto God : to the same purpose also Calv. Genevens . Melancth. 2. Oecolampad . also here defineth not any certaine time , but giueth this reason , of three times and an halfe , which maketh halfe a propheticall weeke , dimidiat Deus hebdomadam , God halueth the weeke , because he will not be angrie for euer : as our blessed Sauiour saith , that for the Elects sake those daies shall be shortned . But it is euident , that a certaine time is here prefixed and limited : and that by times , yeares are signified , as c : 4. in the vision of the great tree , by seauen times , are vnderstood seauen yeares .

2. They which vnderstand here a certen time , 1. some would haue hereby signified so many yeares , as there be daies in 3. yeares and an halfe : as R. Levi saith , that the desolation of the Temple shall continue a 1335. yeares , which number of daies Daniel hath , c. 12. 12. But the grosse blindnes of these Rabbins is euident to all the world : for since the last and finall desolation of the Iewes Temple by the Romanes , there are past aboue a 1500. yeares . 2. Osiander applying this prophecie to the Turke , by three yeares and an halfe , which containeth in his estimate a 1178. daies ( but it commeth to a 1278. daies ) vnderstandeth so many yeares from the first rising of Mahomet in the yeare 613. so long he thinketh the Turkish tyrannie shall rage : but it is not necessarie , that all the halfe time should be fulfilled : it sufficeth that the tearme exceede somewhat a thousand yeares . But this can not hang together , that if the account be of so many yeares , an hundred or two should be cut off from the reckoning , for this were to make the prophecies very vncerten .

3. Now some precisely here would haue vnderstood three yeares and an halfe , which time they limit for the tyrannie of Antichrist in the ende of the world , Hierom. Lyran. Hug. But this is an vncerten and vnprobable opinion , that Antichrist shall raigne iust three yeares and an halfe before the comming of Christ : for , 1. then it might be gessed at what time Christ should come to iudgement , if we may come so neare as within 3. yeares and an halfe . 2. S. Paul sheweth that the Romane Empire onely letted the comming of Antichrist , 2. Thess. 2. 7. which beeing long since dissolued , the Empire beeing translated to Germanie , and the name thereof onely left , Antichrist must be alreadie reuealed to the world .

4. The historicall sense then is , that the very time is here described how long Antiochus should be suffered to change the times and lawes in polluting the Temple , and abolishing the sacrifices , which was iust three yeares and tenne daies : for this desolation beganne in the 145. yeare of the kingdome of the Seleucians , the 15. day of the moneth Chisleu , 1. Macch. 1. 57. and in the 148. yeare , the 25. day of the same moneth Chisleu , the true worship of God was restored , and sacrifices offered . And 80. daies after that , which maketh in all 1290 daies , on the 25. day of the moneth Xanticus the last but one , in the same yeare 148. Antiochus confirmed the Iewes lawes and manner of worship : 2. Macch. 11. 33. Iun. annotat . The historie then beeing so correspondent vnto the prophecie , we neede not search any further for the right meaning thereof .

53. Quest. What is meant by the halfe or diuiding of time , v. 25.

The word properly signifieth a diuiding , and so consequently a part : phalag is deriued of phelag , to diuide : whence Peleg had his name , because in his time the earth was diuided , Gen. 10. 25. whereupon some doe read , a part of time , Iun. Polan . Montan. or diuiding of time , Genevens . the Latine following the Septuag. readeth , dimidium 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , halfe of time , which reading because it is retained and vsed Apoc. 12. 14. is not to be refused .

1. Some now by this diuiding of time , vnderstand not any set tearme , as Calvin , who thereby thinketh to be signified , that those daies should be diuided , that is , shortened for the Elect sake . Melancthon thus interpreteth , that when the Turke is come to the height of his power , subita fiet inclinatio , there shall be a sudden change and inclination . But if time doe signifie a yeare according to the propheticall phrase , as c. 11. 13. the times of yeares beeing expired , then the halfe or part of time , shall signifie the halfe , or part of a yeare .

2. Hierome by the halfe , vnderstandeth iust sixe moneths , and so 3. yeares and halfe maketh an 1260 daies , Apoc. 12. 6. which is all one with 42. moneths , Apoc. 11. 2. Pint. But 3. yeares and an halfe make iust 1278. daies : counting 15. daies ouer in the 3. yeares , and 3. daies ouer in sixe moneths : therefore precisely there are not by this account 3. yeares and an halfe .

3. Iunius , whome Polanus followeth , by this part of time noteth to be signified ten daies onely : but that cannot be the diuiding or halfe of time , which reading is before approoued because of that place , Apoc. 12. 14.

4. Wherefore rather this place is expounded by that Dan. 12. 11. from the time that the daily sacrifice shall be taken away , shall be a 1290 daies : So that it is counted the halfe of time , beeing much about it , though it sometime come short , as in the summe of a 1260 daies , there want 18. daies of 3. yeares and an halfe , and sometime shoote ouer , as in 1290 daies there are 12. daies more then three yeares and an halfe .

54. Quest. How this kingdome is said to be giuen to the holy people , v. 27. which is said v. 14. to be giuen to the Sonne of man .

1. Because first and principally this kingdome is giuen vnto Christ , as the first borne of euery creature , and in him communicated vnto the Saints his members : there is no contradiction betweene these two places : for so both the spirituall kingdome , as likewise the Priesthood is in this life graciously communicated by Christ our head vnto his members : as the Apostle saith , Apoc. 1. 6. He hath made vs Kings and Priests to God euen his father : As also through Christ his members are made partakers of his euerlasting kingdome : as our blessed Sauiour saith , Luk. 12. 32. Feare not litle flocke , it is your Fathers will to giue you a kingdome .

2. Here then that cauill of the Iewes may easily be remooued : who by this would gather , because the holy people are here mentioned , to whome this kingdome is giuen : that by the Sonne of man , vers. 14. the Messiah is not vnderstood , but the whole posteritie of Abraham , and so likewise here : But whereas the Prophet saw one as the sonne of man , that can not be applied to Abrahams posteritie , who could not be said to be as man : they were then men beeing and existing : but Christ is said to be as the Sonne of man , because he was not yet incarnate : this vision was praeludium incarnationis , &c. a forewarning of his incarnation . So then v. 14. the author and foundation of this spirituall kingdome which is giuen vnto the Church is signified : for vnlesse Christ did sit at the right hand of God , and had all power giuen vnto him , the Church should haue no kingdome at all . Calvin .

3. An other cauill also of Barbinel may be answered , who will haue this vnderstood of an earthly and terrene kingdome , the kingdome vnder the whole heauen is giuen vnto them : for this ignorant Rabbin maketh a difference betweene beeing in the earth , and of the earth : the spirituall kingdome of Christ is in the world , though it be not of the world , Ioh. 18. 36.

4. And whereas this kingdome is generall ouer all the earth , it must be extended further , then ad primum exordium , to the first beginning : for the Gospel of Christ was not at the first preached ouer all the world , but was receiued onely of a few : it was in processe of time propagated into all parts of the world , Calvin .

4. Places of doctrine .

1. Doctr. Of the authoritie of Scripture .

v. 2. Daniel spake and said . Daniels writing is here called his speaking , whereby we are giuen to vnderstand , that the writings of the Prophets and Apostles ought to be receiued with no lesse reuerence , then if we had heard them speake with their owne mouthes : So S. Paul saith to Timothie , that the holy scriptures were able to make him wise vnto saluation : and they were able to make the man of God absolute and perfect to euery good worke , 2. Tim. 3. 15. 17. Polan .

2. Doctr. The Church in this world subiect to affliction .

Because all these Monarchies and kingdomes are described by these foure beasts , which deuoure and destroy , beeing therefore resembled to cruell and sauage beasts , the lyon , beare , leopard , hence it is euident , that the portion of the Church of God in this world is , to be subiect for the most part to the violence and rage of oppressors : to the end , that they should not looke for their kingdome or inheritance in this world , but seeke for their peace and true comfort in Christ : Ioh. 16. 33. In the world ye shall haue affliction , but be of good comfort , I haue ouercome the world . Bulling.

3. Doctr. The Sonne of God equall vnto his Father .

v. 13. He approched vnto the Auncient of daies . By this kind of speach is signified , that Christ the Sonne of man according to his humanitie , is equall vnto the Father , touching his Godhead , as sitting together in the throne with him : as Apoc. 5. 6. The Lambe stood in the middes of the throne . And whereas the kingdome is here said to be giuen vnto the Sonne , that is to be referred to the time of his dispensation , and comming in the flesh , which glorie and kingdome he receiued as man , but it was his owne as God from the beginning : as Ioh. 17. 5. our blessed Sauiour thus praieth , Glorifie me , thou Father , with the glorie which I had with thee , before the world was . Bulling.

4. Doctr. Of the vocation of the Gentiles .

v. 14. That all people , nations , and languages should serue him . This is an euident testimonie , that the Gentiles should be conuerted vnto the faith and knowledge of Christ , and so be subiect and obedient vnto him : as Tertullian by this inuincible argument sheweth that Christ is the true Mossiah , in quem enim alium vniuerse gentes crediderunt , quam in Christum ? vpon whome els haue all the nations beleeued , then in Christ ? and he reckoneth vp the Parthians , Medes , Egyptians , Germanes , Britaines , Scythians , and many other nations in the remotest parts of the world toward the North and South , and East countries , which haue receiued the faith : whereas all other kingdomes and dominions haue beene confined . The kings of Babylon and Persia raigned from India to Aethiopia , yet had limits and borders of their kingdome : neither did Alexander conquer all Asia : the Romane Empire was defended in their borders with garrisons : But the kingdome of Christ is not limited or confined to any place , according to that prophesie in the Psalm . 2. 8. Aske of me , and I shall giue thee the heathen for thine inheritance , and the ends of the earth for thy possession : to this purpose Tertull. l. 7. cont. Iudaeos .

5. Doctr. Of whome the kingdome of Christ consisteth .

v. 18. The high saints , or the saints of the most high shall take the kingdome . The Church of God then consisteth of the Saints and elect , which are ordained to euerlasting saluation . So our Sauiour calleth them his flocke for whome his Father had prepared a kingdome , Luk. 12. 32. And againe he saith , I pray not for the world , but for those whome thou hast giuen me . Ioh. 17. 9. they then which are of the world , are not of the Church of Christ : Hypocrites then , heretikes , misbeleeuers , carnall liuers , way well be in the Church , but they are not of it : as S. Iohn saith , They went out from vs , but they were not of vs : for if they had beene of vs , they would haue continued with vs , 1. Ioh. 2. 19.

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. The Church is not discerned by the greatnes and bignes thereof .

v. 3. Foure great beasts came vp . These foure beasts signifying foure kingdomes , are said to be great : they were large and mightie in dominion , as the Persian Monarchie had vnder it an 127. Prouinces , yet all these kingdomes were enemies to the people of God : So then the Church of Christ is not to be measured by the bignes and greatnes of it : our Sauiour calleth his flocke , a little flocke , Luk. 12. 32. and few there be , that finde the way vnto life , Matth. 7. 14. Vniuersalitie then and multitude is not a sure and infallible note of the Church , as the Romanists would haue it . Nicolaus the 1. thus wrote vnto Michael the Emperour , Numerus pusillus non obest , vbi abundat pietas , nec multiplex prodest vbi abundat impietas , a small number doth not hurt , where pietie aboundeth , nor a great doth not profit , where impietie aboundeth . See hereof more , Synops. Centur. 1. err. 20.

2. Controv. Whether the Saints shall iudge the world .

v. 9. The thrones were set . Hence Pererius inferreth , that beside Christ , there shall be other , quasi iudicis assessores , as assistants of the Iudge : as our Sauiour saith , that his Apostles shall sit vpon 12. seates , and iudge the 12. tribes of Israel : But it is euident out of the Scripture , that Christ onely shall be Iudge of the world : for the Father hath committed all the iudgement to the Sonne , Ioh. 5. 22. But the Saints are said to iudge the world , not as Iudges to giue sentence , sed iudicant vt testes , they iudge as witnesses : Bulling. their life and doctrine shall be the condemnation of the world . In this sense our Sauiour saith , that his word shall iudge those which receiue it not , at the latter day , Ioh. 12. 48. that is , it shall be a witnes against them . Hugo hath here this distinction , Deus pater indicabit per authoritatem , filius per sententiae prolationem , sancti per assensum & approbationem , God the father shall iudge by his authoritie , the Sonne by pronouncing the sentence , the Saints by their assent and approhation , &c.

3. Controv. The vulgar Latine translation not authenticall .

v. 10. Whereas it is in the originall ribo riban , ten thousand times ten thousand , the Latine translator readeth , ten thousand times an hundred thousand . Pererius would excuse it thus : that the interpreter did not so much respect the words , as the minde of Daniel , which was to expresse an infinite multitude of Angels , putting a finite number for an infinite . Contra. But an interpreter is tied to the very words , which he translateth . It is one thing to interpret , an other thing to expound or comment . Interpreters must not take vnto themselues that libertie in following the sense , to leaue the text , and depart from the words of the originall .

4. Controv. Of the diuers orders of Angels .

v. 10. Whereas it is saide , a thousand thousand ministred vnto him , and ten thousand thousand stood before him : Hence Pererius would prooue that there are two sorts of Angels , some that minister in beeing sent abroad into the world to dispatch the affaires committed vnto them ; other stand by as assistants , not beeing sent forth as the other , but they attend to know the will of God , and to giue direction vnto the ministring spirits . And further , they assigne the foure higher orders which are Soraphim , Cherubim , Thrones , Dominions , to the Angels assistant , and the fiue inferiour , Angels , Arkangels , Vertues , Powers , Principalities , to the ministring Angels . But whether sort be more in number , the assistant or ministring spirits , it is not agreed among them . Gregorie thinketh that the number of ministring spirits is greatest , lib. 17. moral . c. 9. Dyenisius Areopagita , cited by Pererius , is of the contrarie opinion , that the higher the Angels are in degree , the more they exceede in number .

Contra. 1. Here is no distinction of the offices of diuers sorts of Angels , but onely a description of their office and ministerie : they stood before the Lord to minister : for so is this phrase of standing vsed , c. 1. 19. They stood before the king : and the Apostle saith , Are they not all ministring spirits : which Pererius interpreteth that they doe not all minister immediatly , but some immediatly by others : but this interpretation is taken away by the words following , sent forth to minister . Then all the Angels are sent forth to minister , as it pleaseth God to employ them : they doe not stand still before the Lord as informers of the rest . 2. This difference then of Angels , some ministring , some assistant , beeing taken away , the other question is superflous , which should exceede the other in number . 3. And concerning those nine orders of Angels , it is but a curious conceit : those seuerall names doe shew , that there are degrees , and diuersitie of gifts among the Angels , but so many distinct orders can not thereupon be granted . See more hereof , Synops. Centur. 2. err. 1.

5. Controv. The glorious persons of the Trinitie are not to be represented by any image .

v. 9. The Auncient of daies did sit . From this place the Romanists inferre that it is no more inconuenient to picture and expresse by image the Trinitie , or any person thereof , as they did sometime appeare , then it was for them so to appeare : But there is great difference betweene the appearing of the Trinitie in some visible shape , as God the father as an auncient man , the Sonne in the shape of a young man , and the holy Ghost in the likenes of a doue , and the picturing of them . 1. The one was Gods speciall dispensation , but the other is forbidden to make any image to be worshipped . 2. this apparition did not continue , but eftsoone vanished away , but pictures are permanent , and so are dangerous . 3. the apparition was made onely to the Prophet here , but pictures are seene and beheld of all , which are in danger to stumble at them : the argument then followeth not , because it pleased God so to appeare , therefore he may be so described and pictured . 4. the apparition was a figure of Gods speciall presence , but so is not an image : God is not declared thereby more to be present , then where there is no image at all .

6. Controv. Against the Vbiquit aries which hold an omnipresence of Christs humanitie .

v. 14. And he gaue him dominion and honour . Hence the Lutherans would inferre , that the very essentiall power of the deitie is communicated vnto the humane nature : and so consequently this propertie to be euery where , and in all places at once .

Contr. 1. They imagine , that this power was giuen onely to the humane nature of Christ : whereas it was giuen vnto his whole person , in respect of the office of his Mediatorship : this dominion was giuen to Christ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , God and man . 2. Whereas this great power they would haue giuen by Christs diuine nature to his humanitie : it is euident out of the text , that it was giuen by the Auncient of daies vnto the Sonne of man . 3. And because in the text it is called an euerlasting dominion , they hereby vnderstand that dominion , which was without beginning , and shall be without ende : whereas this dominion giuen vnto Christ God and man , had a beginning with his incarnation , but shall haue no ende : and this is euident , v. 27. where this kingdome which is communicated vnto the Saints the members of Christ , is also called euerlasting : yet that kingdome hath a beginning . Polan . 4. Beside , that which is finite , can not be capable of that which is infinite : the humane nature then of Christ can not receiue the infinite power and omnipotencie of the deitie . Pappus answereth , that although in it selfe it be not capable , yet by the power of God , to the which nothing is impossible , it may be made capable of that infinite power and glorie . Contr. Gods power indeede is infinite , and he is able to doe more then he doth or will : the question is not of Gods power , but of his will and purpose : which is , that our blessed Sauiour , as he hath assumed our very flesh , with the naturall properties thereof , so he should reteine them still : as the Apostle calleth him the man Iesus . Christ , 1. Tim. 2. 5. 5. Those things which are peculiar and proper vnto a thing , can not be communicated really vnto an other thing , without the destruction thereof : it is proper to the diuine nature to be infinite , omnipotent , omnipresent , and to the humane , to be finite , and in one place at once : if now the humane nature should become infinite , omnipotent , omnipresent , it should loose the properties of the humane nature . Papp●● againe answereth , that there may be a reall communication of properties without the destruction of the thing : as yron made redde hoate keepeth the properties of yron still , as the thickenesse , the heauinesse , and such like . Contra. 1. The properties of the fire are not communicated really to the yron , but certaine effects onely : for if the yron had the very propertie of heate , it would continue hoate still , the fire beeing taken from it : and if the fire should impart the properties of lightnesse to the yron , it should be no more heauie , but the very nature thereof would be changed . 2. Like as then the bodie as long as it liueth is animated by the soule , beeing quickned with agilitie , vital spirits , and heat , yet the soule communicateth not the essentiall properties thereof vnto it : so the humane nature of Christ is glorified , and in a manner deified by the God-head , yet each of the natures reteine their essentiall properties still .

7. Controv. That diuturnitie and long continuance without interruption , is no infallible note of the Church .

v. 14. His dominion shall be an euerlasting dominion . Bellarmine inferreth from hence , 〈…〉 that the Church is discerned and knowne by the durable state and continuance thereof . Contra. This is spoken of the spirituall and inuisible kingdome of Christ , begunne in this life , and perfected in the next . It followeth not because the Vniuersall Catholike Church of Christ , which is not alwaies visible in the world , is perpetuall ; that a particular visible church should be alway discerned by this marke and note . 2. for euen idolatrous kingdomes , as that of the Assyrians , which is held to haue continued aboue a thousand yeares , for diuturnitie may compare with any visible Church .

8. Controv. That the dominion of the Pope is temporall rather , then spirituall .

Whereas the Hebrewes to prooue the Romane Empire , which they imagine to be the fourth , and the kingdome of Christ to concurre together , to auoid , that the fift kingdome should not be Christs , which was to destroy the other foure ; doe giue instance of the Bishop of Rome , who receiued his authoritie and preheminence from Constantine , and other Christian Emperiours , and doth now crowne and confirme the Emperour . Burgensis , and Pererius concur●ing with him , doe answer , to auoide this obiection , that the Pope , non tam corporaliter , quam spiritualiter tot● orbe regnet , doth raigne rather spiritually , then corporally throughout the whole world : as appeareth in his power of binding and loosing . Contr. This answer is insufficient and vntrue . 1. for the Popes dominion medleth more with temporall , then spirituall things : as in making warre , in taking vpon him to depose and set vp kings , and to dispose of their kingdomes . 2. and though he challenge to himselfe the chiefe stroke in the censures of the Church , as in suspending , excommunicating , he vseth them onely for the augmentation of his temporall dominion : he intendeth not thereby mens saluation . 3. So in effect , though vnder an other colour , the Pope exerciseth the Imperiall authoritie , as beeing risen vp out of the ruines of the old Empire : as it is saide in the Reuelation , c. 13. 12. he did all that the first beast could doe before him .

9. Controv. That Antichrist is alreadie come .

Bellarmine to auoid this , lib. 3. ● Rom. Pontif. c. 16. vseth diuers euasions . 1. he saith , that before Antichrist should come , there should be ten kings , which should diuide the Romane Empire among them .

Contr. This appeareth to be false out of the text . 1. these ten kings must beare rule ouer the Saints before the comming of the Messiah , and the erection of the fift kingdome , v. 25. they shall consume the Saints . 2. their kingdome must be destroied before Christ come , v. 11. 3. after the destruction of them , the kingdome of Christ must be set vp thorough the world ( which was by the preaching of the Gospel : ) but this is done alreadie .

2. He saith , that the little horne is Antichrist , which should come before the ende of the world .

Contr. This also is confuted by the same reasons . 1. this horne is one of the ten kings , which should beare rule ouer the Saints , v. 25. which then were vnderstood to be the Iewes the people of God . 2. this horne must be destroied before the kingdome of Christ be erected , v. 11. 3. this horne was Antiochus Epiphanes , as is before shewed , who prefigured and shadowed forth Antichrist .

3. He saith , that this little horne shall arise from the nation of the Iewes . Contr. It ariseth among the other hornes , which were interpreted to be kings of the fourth beast and Monarchie , therefore not from the Iewes .

4. He addeth , that by fraud and deceit he shall obtaine the kingdome of the Iewes . Cont. But the text sheweth , v. 21. that he shall make warre against the Saints : he shall then ouercome them by force rather then fraud .

5. Further he saith that this little horne , which he taketh for Antichrist , shall ouercome three kings of Lybia , Egypt , Aethiopia . Contr. It is euident in the text , v. 8. that the three kings which shall be subdued , shall be out of one and the same kingdome , v. 22. 24. the tenne hornes out of this kingdome are tenne kings .

6. Likewise he saith , that this horne shall subdue also the other seuen , after it hath ouercome the three . Contra. But no such thing is affirmed in the text : 2. neither can it be so , seeing these tenne kings are to succeede one an other , the tenth and the last could not rise vp at the same time with the other tenne .

7. An other of Bellarmines positions is , that this Antichrist should raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe , v. 25. Contra. 1. This was literally and historically fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes , as is before shewed . 2. Antichrist which was to come into the world , must rise immediatly after the dissolution of the Romane Empire , which onely letted while it stood , the manifesting and appearing of Antichrist , 2. Thess. 2. 4. Therefore the Romane Empire beeing now long since dissolued , Antichrist hath bin a good while manifested in the world .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observat. The bed must be kept vndefiled .

v. 1. There were visions in his head vpon his bed . God vsed to reueale himselfe vnto his seruants vpon their bed , as beeing the fittest place for heauenly meditation , when the soule was sequestred from all worldly affaires . Therefore must we take heede , that the bed be not defiled with any vncleane pollutions , as are the beds of adulterous fornicators and wanton persons : we should with Dauid water our couch with teares , there meditate vpon God , not make it a place of wantonnes and vncleannes .

2. Observ. The conscience must be carefully kept and watched ouer .

v. 10. And the bookes were opened . These are the bookes of euery mans conscience , which are Gods faithfull witnesses and records in man : as the wise man saith , The light of the Lord is the spirit ( or breath ) of man , and searcheth all the bowels , Prov. 20. 27. that is , mans conscience is as the Lords lanterne , whereby he searcheth our secrets : let vs therefore take heede what we write in these bookes of our conscience : for whether it be good or euill , there it will appeare either to accuse or excuse vs .

3. Observ. The word of God , and the ministers thereof to be resorted vnto for our instruction .

v. 16. As Daniel to vnderstand this dreame went to one of the Angels , which stood by : so now because we haue no such accesse vnto Angels , we must haue recourse to the ministers of Gods word , which are said to be Angels of the Churches , Apoc. 1. 2. 3. So Christ sent Paul to Ananias for further direction , Act. 9. and the Angel sent Cornelius to Peter , Act. 10.

4. Observ. Of the terror of the day of iudgement .

v. 15. I Daniel was troubled in my spirit , &c. If Daniel was so perplexed seeing the manner of Christs iudgement but in vision , how much more terrible shall be the iudgement it selfe : then all things which are now hid and secret , shall be brought to light : like as packes and fardels of wares are not opened till they come vnto the faire or market , then the things hid before , are openly shewed : so all secrets shall be reuealed in that day : the terror of that day should perswade men to take heede , what wares they lay vp in their heart and conscience , for then all shall be disclosed .

CHAP. VIII .

1. The Argument and Methode .

IN this Chapter is set forth , 1. a vision of the Persian and Grecian Monarchie , to v. 15. 2. the interpretation thereof , thence to the ende .

In the first we are to consider , 1. the circumstances of the vision , both the time , when this vision was shewed , the person to whome , and the place where , v. 1. 2. 2. the substance of the vision , to v. 15. which consisteth of three parts , set forth vnder the resemblance of a ramme , a goate , and a little horne which grew out of one of the foure hornes of the goate .

1. The ramme is described by his beginning , his progresse , his ende . In the beginning these things are expressed , 1. the place , where this ramme appeared , by a riuer . 2. the parts , it had two hornes , which are set forth , 1. simply , by the adiunct of their height , 2. comparatiuely , with relation one to the other , the one was highest , and last in time , v. 3. In the progresse it is shewed how he preuailed , both by the place , he pushed into all quarters , and by the effects , none could withstand him , v. 4. The ende of this beast is shewed in the description of the goate following .

2. The goate is described , 1. generally , by the place , he came from the West , the effects , he went ouer the earth : the qualitie , he went swiftly not touching the ground . 2. particularly by the horne : which is set forth , 1. by the beginning , it came vp betweene the eyes . 2. the progresse and successe , in running vpon the ramme , and ouercomming him , trampling vpon him , v. 7 , 8. 3. the ende , this horne was suddenly broken , and foure came vp in the stead thereof , v. 8.

3. The little horne is described by the effects , which are three : 1. his attempts against the nations in the world , v. 9. 2. against the Church , called the host of heauen , v. 10. 3. against God himselfe : where 1. the effects are rehearsed to be three , against the sacrifice , the Sanctuarie , v. 11. the truth , v. 12. 2. the time is declared , how long , which is expressed by way of question , ( where is shewed , who asked , of whome , and what , v. 12. ) and answer , v. 14.

Then followeth the second part , containing the exposition of this vision : where are set forth , 1. the preparation , v. 15. to 18. 2. the exposition it selfe , to v. 26. 3. the effects , which it wrought , v. 27.

1. In the preparation are to be considered , 1. the persons expounding : the principall , one like a man , the lesse principall Gabriel , to whome the other spake , that he should expound the vision . 2. the person , to whome the vision is shewed : how he was affected with feare , v. 17. and how he was comforted both by the voice , and by the gesture of the Angel that touched him .

2. The exposition is generall , v. 19. then particular , 1. of the ramme , v. 20. 2. of the goat , 21. with the foure hornes , 22. 3. of the little horne : 1. his beginning , v. 23. his progresse , preuailing , and prospering , set forth by the effects : see the particulars , qu. 32. his ende , he shall be broken downe without hand , v. 25.

3. Then followeth the effect , Daniels feare , v. 27. after the Angel had summed and ratified the vision , v. 26.

2. The text with the diuerse readings .

1. In the third yeare of the raigne of Belshatzer the king , there appeared a vision vnto me , euen me Daniel , after that , which appeared vnto me in the beginning . B. ( at the first . G. )

2 I saw in a vision , ( or I looked to the vision , I. ) and so it was , that as I saw it , I was at Shushan in the palace ( in the towne or castle . L. V. S. in the chiefe citie . A. the first rather ) which is in the Prouince ( not the citie . L. ) of Elam , and me thought ( I saw . H. ) in the vision , that I was by the riuer ( not gate . L. S. vbal signifieth a riuer ) of Vlai ( not , of the court . S. )

3 Then I lift vp mine eyes , and beheld one ramme standing before the riuer ( before Vbal. S. but it is no proper name ) which had two hornes ( hornes . L. S. but it is in the dual number ) and these two hornes were high : but one was higher then an other ( the second . H. ) and the highest came vp Last .

4 I saw the ramme pushing against the West , ( the sea . H. S. ) and against the North , and against the South , so that no beasts might stand before him , ( withstand him . I. ) nor any could deliuer out of his hand ( not , nor could deliuer out of his hand , G. B. L. as referring it to the former clause , that the beast could not deliuer out of his hand : for the word ( deliuering , matzil ) is in the singular ) but he did as him lifted ( according to his will . H. ) and became great .

5 And as I considered , behold an hee goat B. ( a kid of the goates , H. that is , a young lustie goate ) came from the West ouer the whole earth , and touched not the ground ( and no man touched him in the earth . I. but the first is better to shew the celeritie of this praunsing and conquering goate ) and this goate had a notable horne I. L. an horne that appeared . B. G. an horne of vision . H. betweene his eyes .

6 And he came vnto the ramme , that had the two hornes , whome I had seene standing by the riuer , ( not before the gate . L. or before Vbal. S. ) and ranne vnto him in his fierce rage ( rage with might . H. )

7 And I saw him come neare vnto the ramme , and beeing mooued ( moouing himselfe . H. ) against him , he smote the ramme , and brake his two hornes : and there was no power in the ramme to stand against him , but he cast him downe to the ground , and trampled on him , and there was none that could deliuer the ramme out of his power ( hand . H. )

8 Therefore the goat ( kid of the goates . H. ) waxed exceeding great , and when he was at the strongest , his great horne was broken , & there grew vp for it foure notable ones , B. ( that appeared . G. ) toward the foure winds of heauen .

9 And out of one of them came forth a little ( not a strong . S. ) horne , which waxed very great toward the South , and toward the East , and toward the pleasant land . ( against the strength . L. tebi , signifieth delectable . pleasant , and thereby is meant Iudea .

10 And it extolled it selfe I. L. S. ( grew vp . B. G. extended it selfe . V. ) against the hoast of heauen , and cast downe to the earth some of the hoast , and of the starres , and trampled on them .

11 And it extolled it selfe ( or magnified ) euen vnto the prince ( against the prince . G. ) of the host : for from him ( from whome . B. G. ) was taken away the daily sacrifice , and the place of the Sanctuarie was cast downe .

12 And the host was deliuered vp to sinne against the daily sacrifice I. V. ( better then power was giuen vnto it ouer the daily sacrifice for the iniquitie . L. or a time shall be giuen him ouer the daily sacrifice for iniquitie . G. and so Mercer . in c. 7. Iob. v. 1. but the word ( tzaba ) must be here taken as in the former verse , to signifie an armie , the host of the Lords people ▪ see further hereof qu. 21. following ) and it shall cast downe the truth to the ground , thus shall it doe and prosper .

13 Then I heard one of the Saints speaking , for one of the Saints spoke vnto phelmoni , S. Br. B. ( that is , to an excellent one . V. to one that hath secret things in account or number . I. to a certaine one . G. L. the Hebrew word is better ioyned , because of the ambiguous signification , see qu. 22. ) saying , How long shall endure the vision of the daily sacrifice , and the iniquitie of desolation , to giue both the Sanctuarie and host to be trampled vpon ? ( to be a trampling ▪ H. )

14 And he said vnto me , Vnto the euening and morning , two thousand , and three hundreth : ( that is , so many daies ) then shall the Sanctuarie be restored ( clensed . B. G. L. S. be iustified . H. )

15 Now so it was ( B. G. det . ) when I Daniel had seene the vision , and sought for the vnderstanding , that behold there stood before me , as the similitude ( sight or shew . H. ) of a man .

16 And I heard a mans voice betweene Vlai ( that is , betweene the banks of that riuer ) which called and said , Gabriel , make this man to vnderstand the vision .

17 So he came , where I stood : and when he came I was afraid , and fell vpon my face : then he said vnto me , Vnderstand , O sonne of man : for in the limited time ( not in the end after the captiuitie . V. the sense rather then the words , nor in the last times . G. time of the end . H. which is called ( v. 19. moghed ketz ) the appointed time of the ende ) shall be the vision .

18 Now as he was speaking vnto me , I was as in a slumber ( better then sleepe . G. ) falling on my face to the ground : but he touched me , and set me vp in my place .

19 And he said , Behold , I will shew thee , what shall be in the last wrath ( or vnto the last or extreamitie of wrath . I. ) for in the appointed time of the ende H. ( not the ende of the time appointed . G. or the time appointed hath his ende . L. ) it shall be .

20 The ramme which thou sawest hauing two hornes , are the kings of the Medes and Persians .

21 And the hairie ( B. G. L. det . ) goat is the king of Grecia , and the great horne which is betweene his eyes , is the first king .

22 And that that is broken , and foure stood vp for it , are foure kingdomes ( not foure kings . L. S. ) which shall stand vp of his nation , but not in his strength .

23 And in the latter part of their kingdome , S. ( not after their kingdome . L. for Antiochus raigned before the kingdome was dissolued , or , in the ende of that kingdome . V. B. G. which Ab. Ezra restraineth to the ende of their kingdome ouer Iudea , which Antiochus Epiphanes had the last dominion of . R. Saadiah vnderstandeth the kingdome of the foure successors of Alexander , but their kingdome was ended an 100. yeares before Antiochus raigned : this fell out then toward the latter part of the kingdome of the Seleucians . Iun. readeth , in the proceeding of this kingdome ) when the wicked are come to the full . B. V. ( not , when rebellious are consumed . G. consummated rather , the word is ( tamam ) to make perfect , to consummate ) a king of an impudent L. I. V. ( strong . H. fierie . B. G. ) countenance , and vnderstanding hard sentences ( that is , craftie , V. or warie . I. ) shall stand vp .

24 His power shall be mightie , but not by his owne strength ( his strength , G. B. that is , Alexanders : but the meaning is rather , that he shall grow strong , but not by his owne strength ) and he shall destroy wonderfully , and shall prosper , and practise , and shall destroy the mightie , and the holy people . ( people of holy things . H. )

25 And through his policie ( vnderstanding . H. not according to his will , L. ) he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand , and he shall extoll ( or magnifie . I. ) himselfe in his heart , and by peace ( not plentie . V. L. craft . S. ( shalvah ) peace , prosperitie ) shall destroy many : he also shall stand vp against the Prince of princes , but he shall be broken downe ( as egges . S. ad . ) without hand .

26 And the vision of the euening and morning , which is declared , is true : therefore shut them vp ( seale . L. S. B. G. but the word signifieth to shut vp ) the vision , for it is for many daies . I. S. ( not after many daies . L. B. G. )

27 And I Daniel was smitten with sicknes ( smitten and sicke . H. ) certaine daies : but I rose vp , and did the Kings busines , and I was astonished at the vision , but no man vnderstood it : ( not , there was none to interpret it . L. for the Angel bad interpreted it to Daniel . )

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

1. Quest. The difference betweene this vision and the former .

1. In the former there was a description of foure kingdomes : here the Chaldean and Babylonian is omitted , quia mox abolendum erat , because it was now at hand to be abolished , Calvin . which may be the cause why hitherto from the second chapter Daniel had written in the Chalde tongue , because those things concerned the Chaldean state , which were reuealed to Daniel : now he vseth the Hebrew tongue , because these things which follow in this prophesie , specially concerned the people of God , as of their great affliction vnder Antiochus , in this chap. and c. 11. and of the comming of the Messiah , c. 9. first then this differeth from the former vision , c. 7. vt pars à toto , as a part from the whole , Calvin . 2. In the former vision there is a large description of the kingdome of Christ , which is omitted here . 3. Here is a more particular explication of such things , as should befall the people of God vnder Antiochus , as likewise c. 11. which is but briefly touched before . Prter .

2. Quest. Of the time of this vision .

In the third yeare of the raigne of Belshazar , &c. 1. Pererius thinketh , that this was 14. yeares before the taking of Babylon by the Persians , for he giueth vnto Belshazars raigne 17. yeares : so also Ioseph . lib. 10. antiqui● . c. 12. 2. Iunius and Polanus following Berosus and Metashenes , which make Balthazar to raigne 5. yeares , thinke this vision was shewed vnto Daniel three yeares before the destruction of Babylon . 3. But the third opinion of the Hebrewes is more probable , which Oecolampad . and Pellicane follow , that this vision was in the third and last yeare of Beshazar : for the next time which is noted of Daniel , was the first yeare of Darius , c. 9. 1.

3. Quest. What manner of vision this was .

v. 1. A vision appeared vnto me , &c. Whereas there are two sorts of visions , some are shewed vnto men in a traunce , when they are waking , as that vision of the foure cornered sheete which Peter saw , Act. 10. some are reuealed in sleepe , as Ioseph was admonished by an Angel in a dreame , Matth. 1. 1. Some thinke , that Daniel had this vision as the former , because he saith , after that which appeared vnto me at the first : as making no difference betweene this vision , and the former , which was shewed vnto Daniel by night vpon his bed : Perer. following Theodoret.

2. But it is more probable , that this vision was sent to Daniel , now beeing awake : one reason is , because simply it is called a vision : there is no mention made of sleepe● which is alwaies expressed , when the vision is reuealed by dreame , Osiand . Oecolampadius addeth this reason further , that because Daniel made good vse of the former vision , remembring it , and committing the same to writing , ampliorem gratiam accipit , he receiueth greater grace , and that which was before shewed by night , now vigilans certissime agnoscit , he knoweth most certainely beeing awake .

Quest. 4. How Daniel is said to be in Shushan . v. 2.

1. Dyonisius Carthusianus is of opinion , that this is an inexplicable question , how Daniel at this time could be at Shushan , which was the chiefe seate of the kings of Persia. 2. Some doe make it indifferent , whether Daniel were here corporally , or in vision onely , Bul. But the obiections which afterward followe doe shewe that either of these cannot be indifferently held . 3. Pererius and Pintus following the Latine text , resolue that Daniel was there corporally , and that it is like the prouince Susiana at this time belonged vnto Chaldea : but the text saith otherwise , that it was in the prouince of Elam , which was in Persia : Iosephus hath the like opinion , that Daniel beeing at Susa , with some of his companions went into the field , and there suddenly rose a great earthquake , which scattered his companions from him , and he was left alone , and then sawe this vision of the ramme and the goat : But no such thing is expressed in the text , and therefore this report of Iosephus hath no ground .

4. It remaineth then , that Daniel was in the palace of Shushan , onely in vision : as afterward , c. 10. 4. he was beside the great riuer Hiddekell : corporally Daniel was not there vpon these reasons . 1. because Daniel could not goe whether he would beeing a captiue , and therefore it is not like he could be suffered to be in his enemies countrey . 2. he was by allegeance bound to the king of Babel , and by Gods ordinance was to serue him , till the years of captiuitie were expired , Ierem. 27. 7. 3. Daniel was in Babylon at the taking thereof by Darius , it is not like that he could be permitted to come and go to the professed enemies of the Chaldeans . 4. And that he nameth the third yeare of Belshazar , it is euident he was then vnder the gouernement and dominion of the Chaldeans . 5. Beside the manner of speach sheweth as much : when I sawe , I was in the palace of Shu●han , that is , in my vision I thought I was there , as Vatablus interpreteth : Daniel then was in Shusan not corporally , but spiritually by vision : And this vision answereth to the euent , because there these things should come to passe , the Persian kings should there be conquered : for Alexander tooke that rich citie and spoyled it .

Quest. 5. Of the citie Shushan , by whom it was builded , and whence so named .

1. Strabo writeth that the citie Susa , as he calleth it , was first builded by Tithonus the father of Memnon : Diodorus lib. 3. c. 6. maketh Memnon the first builder of it , whereupon the citie was called a long time Memnonia . Plinie lib. 6. c. 27. saith it was built by Darius Hystaspis : But it is euident out of the text here , that Darius , which followed after these times could not be the builder of it . It may therefore thus be , that the citie was first founded by Memnon , and then afterward enlarged by Darius .

2. Strabo also saith , lib. 15. that it was Cyrus chiefe citie , both because it was nearer vnto other prouinces , which he had subdued : and for the honour of the Susians , that were most faithfull to the Persians , and neuer fell from them .

3. It was so called of Susan , which signifieth a lilie , of the pleasantnesse of the situation : as Ath●neaus noteth , Iun. Pol. of this Shushan , was the whole prouince called Susiane , Bullin .

Quest. 6. Of the situation of the citie Shushan .

1. It is here said to be situate in the region or prouince of Elam : Hierome readeth , following Symmachus , in the citie of Elam : for the word medinah , signifieth both a prouince and a citie , both the place to the which lawes and iudgements are giuen , & the place from whence they come , that is from the chiefe citie : But it is here taken for a prouince : for how could one citie be said to be within another . 2. Hierome further affirmeth , that this Susan was the chiefe citie of the Prouince of Elam . But Strabo , Theodoret , Iosephus , doe make it a part of Persia : Plinie doth deuide the region Susiane , from Elemais by the riuer Euleus , and maketh : two Prouinces of them , lib. 6. cap. 27. But all these may thus be reconciled : that both tho se regions on the one side and on the other of the riuer Vlai , were all one , and belonged to the Prouince of Elam : but afterward the Susians growing famous , they were distinguished into two pro●●●ces , and both belonged to Persia , Perer. 3. This Elam was so called of Elam one of the sonnes of Sem , Gen. 10. 22. of whom the inhabitants were called Elamites of whom we reade , Act. 2. 9. Parthians , Medes , Elamites . 4. Some take Shushan and Ecbatane for the same citie , histor. Sholast . but that cannot be , for Ecbatane was the chiefe citie of the Medes , Iudith 1. 1. but Sushan was the chiefe citie of Persia : Hierome also is in the same error : for he saith that Daniel built that great tower at Susan , where the kings of the Medes and Persians were buried : whereas Iosephus saith he built it at Ecbatane in Media , who in the same place euidently distinguisheth betweene Ecbatane and Susan . making them two diuerse cities , Iosephus , lib. 10. cap. 12. So that either Hieromes memorie herein fayled , or els he tooke both those cities for one . 5. The Persian kings had beside an other citie called Persepolis , where they had a most sumptuous palace made of white marble , the pillars were of gold , the roofe or sealing set forth with glistering starres : which goodly Palace , Alexander at the instigation of his concubine , caused to be set on fire . 6. Of this Princely palace of Susan , where the kings of Persia made their abode , mention is made , Neh. 1. 1. Esther . 1. 1.

Quest. 7. Of the Riuer Vlai , where Daniel had this vision .

v. 2. I was by the riuer Vlai . 1. Hierome readeth by the gate Vlai , as cities haue diuers gates , which are named by their seuerall names , as the gate Carmentalis in Rome : so also gloss . ordinar . but the word Vbal , doth not so signifie . 2. Theodotian , whom Theodoret followeth , maketh it a proper name , by Vbal Vlai . 3. But the better reading is , by the riuer Vlai : for so Vbal signifieth a riuer : and Plinie maketh mention of the riuer Eulaeus that runneth by Susa , and compasseth that most famous temple of Daina there : the water of which riuer was had in such price , that the Persian kings onely vsed to drinke of it , and whither so euer they went , they had of this water carried with them , Plin. lib. 6. c. 27.

Quest. 8. Why Daniel nameth himself● in the first person .

1. It is the manner of the Prophets , in their seuerall visions to expresse their names , as Isay. 2. 1. and 6. 1. so also Ierem. c. 1. 1. c. 2. 1. and in diuerse other places : as Daniel in this place saith , a vision appeared vnto me , euen vnto me Daniel , and the reason is , because the truth of such prophesies and visions dependeth vpon the credit of those Prophets , to whome they were onely reuealed : but it is otherwise in matters of historie , where the author need not insert his owne name , seeing the credit of histories relyeth not vpon the authoritie of the writer , but vpon the euidence and truth of the things themselues . 2. Therefore that is a weake exception , which Dyonisius of Alexandria taketh to the booke of the Reuelation , that it was not written by Iohn the Euangelist , but by some other , because the Euangelist verie sparingly nameth himselfe in the gospel : and when he doth so , he describeth himselfe in the third person , the disciple whom Iesus loued : for as is before shewed , there is great difference betweene the writing of prophesies and histories : the Reuelation beeing prophetical , it was fit the Euangelist should expresse his name for the credit of those visions , as the other Prophets vse to doe in their prophesies .

Quest. 9. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme , v. 3.

There are three parts of this description . 1. from the similitude or comparison : they are likened to a ramme . 2. by the parts , the two hornes . 3. by the effects , their preuayling toward the West , North , and South .

Concerning the first , there are diuerse opinions , why the Persian Monarchie should be resembled to a ramme . 1. Theodoret alleadgeth this reason , sicut aries sua lana grauatur , as a ramme is loaded with his fleece , and at the length is killed for his flesh and fleice : so the Persian Monarchie abounding in wealth , at length became a prey : But the Persians are likened to a ramme in their flourishing and prosperous state , when as yet they rather preyed vpon , then were a prey vnto any . 2. Lyranus from the Hebrewes thinketh the kingdome of the Medes to be expressed by a ramme , a gentle beast , quia non multum erat infestum Iudaeis , because it was not much troublesome to the Iewes . But hereby the kingdome not of the Medes onely , but of the Persians is signified , who were grieuous to the people of God . 3. Rupertus to the same purpose saith , the kings of Persia were as rammes , quia lanis suis , id est , opibus , eundem populum fouit , &c , because with their riches as with wool , they cherished the same people of the Iewes : But the most of the Persian kings , though some were more equall , did suffer the Iewes to be pilled and polled . 4. Calvin yeeldeth this reason , we knowe , quam ignobile fuerit Persarum exordium , how base and meane the beginning of the Persians was . 5. But that other reason of Calvin better satisfieth , that here the kingdome of Persia is set forth comparatiuely , as hauing relation to the kingdome of Grecia , likened to a goate , quia multo fuit agilior , & origo obscurior , because his agilitie was greater , and his beginning more obscure , Calvin . And the ramme bringeth a great companie with him , but of sheepe : such were the multitude of the Persians , as sheepe before Alexander , Osiand .

Quest. 10. Who are signified by the two hornes , whereof one was higher then the other .

1. Some here doe vnderstand certaine particular persons , as Melancthon interpreteth Cyrus to be this ramme , hauing both Medes and Persians in his armie , as the two hornes thereof : Some vnderstand this ramme to be Darius , gloss . interlinear . Hierome , whom Lyran . Hugo , Calvin , Genevens . follow , maketh Darius king of the Medes , and Cyrus king of Persia , these two hornes , whereof the latter was the greater : for Cyrus grewe to be greater then Darius . 2. Theodoret expoundeth these two hornes to be two families of the Persian kings , the one of Cyrus , which was extinguished in Cambyses his sonne , the other of Darius Hystaspis : But neither of these opinions can stand : for the goat fighting with this ram , brake his two hornes : Alexander ouercame Darius , long after the time of the first Darius and Cyrus ; these then could not be the two hornes : neither was this last Darius of either of those kindreds , but was elected to the kingdome for his valour , as writeth Iustinus lib. 10. though Diodorus lib. 17. make him the sonne of Darius Arsanes , who succeeded Ochus his brother . 3. Wherefore by these two hornes are better vnderstood the two kingdomes of the Medes and Persians , this grewe to be the greater in power , though the other were the more auncient : thus the Angel expoundeth afterward , v. 20. these two hornes are the kings of the Medes and Persians : Thus interpret Oecolampadius , Pellican , Osiand . Iun. Polan .

Quest. 11. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme .

v. 4. I sawe the ramme pushing against the West , and against the North , &c. 1. The kingdome of Persia beeing in the East , did extend it selfe vnto the other three parts of the world , toward the West , as Babylon , Cappadocia , Asia minor , Grecia ; toward the North , as Lydia , Armenia , Albania , and other Northerne countreys ; toward the South , as Arabia , Aethiopia : and this answereth to the former vision , c. 7. 5. where the beare , which signifieth the Persian Monarchie , had three ribbes or morsells in the mouth . 2. no beasts were able to withstand them : for though the Babylonians had combined themselues with the Egyptians , Thracians , Grecians , and other nations , and were in league with Craesus king of Lydia , as Herodotus testifieth , lib. 1. yet all would not helpe : as the Prophet Ieremie saith , the strong men of Babel ceased to fight , they became as women , Ierem. 51. 30. 3. whereas it is said , he did what he listed , this must be vnderstood of the Persian Monarchie in generall , for some of their kings in the end had but hard successe , as Cyrus with his armie was slaine by Queene Tomyris , and Xerxes was foyled of the Grecians , and constrayned with shame to flee away : yet notwithstanding these particular losses , the Monarchie continued still , and increased in power , Calvin . Oecolamp .

Quest. 12. Of the meaning of these words , as I considered , v. 5.

The Latine translation reading , I vnderstood , giueth occasion here of question , how Daniel is said to vnderstand this , whereas afterward v. 16. the Angel Gabriel maketh him vnderstand it : 1. Hierome thus interpreteth , that he had a generall vnderstanding : he was instructed by the former vision , hereby to vnderstand the change and commutation of kingdomes : so also Lyran. gloss . ordinar. Theodoret expoundeth it of Daniels desire to vnderstand . 2. But all this question and doubt is remooued by the right translating of the words : I considered , or marked , the word is mabin , eram perpendens , as I weighed and considered , Montan.

Quest. 13. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resembled to a goat .

1. Pererius thinketh the Grecians are so resembled , ob sagacitatem & acumen ingenij , for their subtiltie and sharpenesse of wit : as the goat is noted to haue a sharpe and piercing eye . 2. Some thinke that the Grecians are here taxed for their wanton games and playes , to the which they were giuen : as the goat is knowne by his skipping and leaping , Melanct. Bulling. 3. Polanus thinketh because Daniel sawe a kid of the goates , as the words are , that is , a young sucking kid , that the weakenesse of the Macedonian strength is thereby signified , which was farre inferiour to the power of the Persians . 4. Iunius and Pintus thinke Alexanders youth to be thereby insinuated , who was not aboue 20. yeare old , when he tooke in hand these warres . 5. Iunius further noteth hereby the education of Alexander in all liberall artes : because he is resembled to a sucking kid : But the personall qualities and properties of Alexander , are set forth in the horne , the goat signifieth the kingdome it selfe of Grecia . 6. Some doe by this resemblance note the intemperancie of the Grecians : whereof this was an euident argument , that a certaine common strumpet among the Greekes , hauing set vp a building for a publike and common vse , one added this title , ex intemperancia Graecorum , by the intemperancie of the Greekes , Osiand . And as this was the fault of the whole nation , so the like vice raigned in their kings : Philip was slaine for his Veneri● , and Alexander died of a surfet , or as some thinke , was poisoned at a banket , Melancthon . Lyranus further addeth this storie ; that there was a virgin sent to Alexander , which had beene nourished with poison , to the intent , that Alexander comming vnto her might be poisoned : but Aristotle perceiuing it by her gesture , and the casting of her eyes , gaue Alexander warning thereof : he alleadgeth for this storie the booke of the secrets of ●ecrets , but it seemeth to be of no great credit . 7. But the best coniecture why this similitude is vsed , is that of Theodoret , quia ariete velocior est hircus , because the goat is nimbler then the ramme : so also Calvin , and this reason is warranted by the text , he touched not the ground , which signifieth the great celeritie which Alexander and the Grecians vsed , as though he touched not the ground as he went : as the goat skippeth and bounseth as he goeth : for so Alexander made such hast , as that he seemed to runne , or rather flie ouer the world , in the space of sixe yeares ouerrunning the most famous kingdomes : He beeing asked how he obtained such great victories , made answer , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , he deferred no opportunitie : And when he was to encounter with Darius armie at Granicum , Parmenio perswaded him to stay till the next day ; but he presently passing ouer the riuer , set vpon the Persians with happie successe .

Quest. 14. Of Alexander the great , signified by the horne betweene the eyes , his birth , education , exploits , death , and ende .

1. Alexander was borne , not as Solinus in the 385. yeare after the building of Rome , which falleth into the 103. Olympiad : nor as Orosius in the 402. yeare of the building of Rome , which was after the 107. Olympiad : But Eusebius better casteth the time , who placeth Alexanders death at 33. yeares of his age , in the first yeare of the 114. Olympiad : so that his birth falleth out in the 1. or 2. yeare of the 106. Olympiad : so also Perer. Bullinger in his tables of chronologie : the same day that he was borne , the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was set one fire , which the Magicians interpreted to signifie , that one was then borne which should set fire on all Asia .

2. Alexander at 15. yeares of age was committed by his father to Aristotles tuition and instruction , with whom he spent 5. yeares in the learning of artes and other knowledge meete for a king , Iustin. lib. 12.

3. At 20. yeares , not 24. as Orosius , Alexander beganne his raigne , the first yeare he subdued Thracia , Grecia , and other countreys adioyning , the second yeare he ouercame Darius at Granicum , and so possessed Asia : the 3. yeare he vanquished the Persians againe in the streights of Cilicia : in the 4. yeare he went into Phenicia , Egypt , Iudaea , a●d came to Ierusalem , where he met Iaddua the high priest , and adored him , and was encouraged by a vision to goe against the Persians : in the 5. or rather the 6. yeare he finally vanquished Darius , and all the power of the Persians : the 6. yeeres following he subdued many nations euen vnto the riuer Ganges , and the Indian Ocean .

4. Concerning the time and yeares of his raigne , they were neither ( as Eusebius ) sixe , or as Diodorus , seauen : or as Arrianus eight , or as Liuius thirteene , as Tertullian tenne , or as Strabo , an eleauen : Iustinus giueth vnto him , 14. yeares , Clemens Alexandrinus 18. yeares , lib. 1. stromat . But he raigned 12. yeares and odde moneths , as Theodoret , so also Bulling. Perer. and so is it testified , 1. Macchab. 1. 6. that Alexander raigned 12. yeares .

5. He died at Babylon some write of a surfet , some of poison , in the yeare of his age 32. as Hierome , not 34. as Iustinus , or 33. as Rupertus : he liued 32. yeares , and raigned 12. yeares and odde moneths .

Quest. 15. Of the victorie of Alexander against Darius , described by the goats ouercomming of the ramme .

1. Alexander encountred Darius forces in three great battels , first at Granicum where with 32000. footemen , and 4050. horsemen , he ouercame 600000. Persians . After that Alexander discomfited Darius host at Issum in Cilicia , consisting of 300000. footemen , and an 100000. horsmen , in which battel there were slain 80000. footemen , & 10000. horsmen , and 40. thousand taken prisoners , among the which were Darius wife , his sister , and daughters : The third & last battel was at Alexanders returne out of Egypt , where he built the famous citie Alexandria , when at Arbela , Darius met him with 400000. footemen , and an 100000. horsemen , where the power of Persia was fully ouerthrowne : and Darius was slaine by Bessus one of his owne captaines , whom Alexander for that fact commanded to be rent asunder , beeing tied to the toppes of trees , Orosius lib. 3. c. 16. 17.

2. So Alexander broke the two hornes of the ramme , that is , ouercame the power of the Medes and Persians : first at Issum he subdued the Persian forces , then in the last battle he conquered the Medes with other Northerne nations , as the Caspians , Iberians , Albanians , whom Darius had hired to assist him in this battel , Iun. Analys .

3. Whereas it is said , there was none to deliuer the ramme out of the power of the goat , thereby is shewed , that there was no meanes , by force or other to helpe Darius : for in these 3. battels Darius brought not lesse then 15. hundred thousand against Alexander , and yet it auayled him nothing : Darius also attempted Alexander with promise of great gifts , and of part of the kingdome , and the mariage of his daughter : But Alexander would accept of no conditions , vnlesse Darius would haue resigned vnto him the whole kingdome : he answered him , that the world could not beare two kings , Oecolamp .

4. He is said also to cast him downe to the ground , and stampe vpon him , that is , Alexander made none account of the Persian glorie , and riches , who at the instance of his concubine , caused the most goodly pallace in the world at Persepolis to be set on fire , Calvin .

Quest. 16. v. 8. Of the breaking of this great horne , and of the death of Alexander .

Three things are worthie of obseruation in Alexanders death . 1. the time . 2. the causes . 3. the manner of his death .

1. When Alexander was at the greatest , and was returned from the conquest of the Indians , as of king Porus , and Ambira , and purposed to passe ouer into Greece , and into the West parts , he died in the way at Babylon , where embassadours from all nations in the world expected him , from Carthage , and Africa , Spaine , France , Sicilia , Sardinia .

2. The causes of this sudden iudgement which befell him , may be thought to be the great vices , which he fell into in the last three yeares of his raigne , hauing in the former 8. yeares , shewed himselfe an example of a good prince : The●e fowre great sinnes he was touched withall , crueltie , he killed diuerse of his friends in his drunkennesse , which was another vice : then he was giuen vnto lust and wantonnes : his pride also was such , that he would be worshipped as a God , and made himselfe Iuppiter Ammons sonne : for which cause he commaunded Calisthenes to be killed , because he refused to worship him : for these his great enormities the diuine iustice ouertooke him , and iudged him .

3. The manner of his death some thinke was by poison : but the most agree that he died of a surfet : he feasted at a Physitians house a Thessalian , one of his friends , and continued all the next day quaffing and drinking vnto midnight , and thorough this distemperature he fell into a burning feuer , and after fewe dayes died at Babylon , and had no time to returne into his owne countrey : thus write of him , Iustinus , Arrianus , Curtius , Plutarke .

Quest. 17. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne .

1. These fowre hornes were fowre kingdomes into the which the Monarchie of Alexander was diuided : in the East Seleucus Nicanor obtayned the kingdome of Babylon , and Syria : in the West Cassander and Antipater the kingdome of Macedonia : in the North Antigonus held Asia minor , in the South Ptolome obtained Egypt . 2. the Rabbines doe not agree among themselues what these fowre hornes should be : Some of them as R. Saadiah maketh these the fowre hornes , one Romanus at Rome , the second Alexander in Alexandria , the third Arideus in Achaia , the fourth Antiochus in Antiochia : Ab. Ezra thinketh they be the fowre kingdomes , of Rome , Egypt , the land of Israel , Persia : But both these opinions are euidently conuinced by the text : for the Angel afterward interpreteth these fowre hornes to be fowre kingdomes which should stand vp of the nation of the Grecians , v. 22. 3. Pererius also is deceiued , who appointeth but three successors to Alexander , Ptolome in Egypt , Seleucus in Syria , and Antigonus in Macedonia , whereas he succeeded in Asia , and Cassander after Antipater in Macedonia .

Quest. 18. When these fowre kingdomes did arise , after the great horne was broken .

1. The author of the historie of the Macchabees affirmeth , that Alexander beeing sicke , parted his kingdome among his seruants , while he was yet aliue , 1. Macchab. 1. 7. But this is contrarie to all other historiographers , Iustinus , Diodorus , Curtius , Arrianus , Orosius , Iosephus : who all affirme that this was the cause of the long warre among Alexanders captaines after his death , because he had appointed none to succeede him . 2. Pererius to iustifie the Apochryphall storie of the Macchabees , thus helpeth the matter , that Alexander being at the point of death , when he could not speake , did resigne his ring vnto Perdiccas , to whom the rest of the captaines at the perswasion of Aristonus did yeeld the chiefe dominion , and so in that by his authoritie the fowre kingdomes were diuided to the rest , it was in effect done by Alexander , who had resigned the kingdome vnto Perdiccas , while he liued : But this agreeth not with the true historie ▪ for after Alexanders death , not Perdiccas , but Arideus the brother of Alexander succeeded , and Perdiccas was but viceroy : neither was there any peaceable diuision of the kingdom , but after much contention and bloody warres , wherein 15. of Alexanders captaines were slaine , Polan . 3. Some thinke that presently after Alexanders death , the captaines made this distribution among themselues , and diuided the kingdome into fowre parts , gloss . ordinar . but that is not so : for after Alexanders death , Philippus Arideus succeeded , and Perdiccas was protector or viceroy , vntill Roxane Alexanders wife had brought forth Alexander his sonne , and then Philistio was protector of the kingdome : But Arideus was killed by Olympias Alexanders mother ; and Alexander his sonne with Roxane his mother , and Hercules an other son of Alexanders with Barsan● his mother were killed by Cassander : so immediately after Alexanders death this diuision could not be made . 4. Wherefore the truth is , that a long time after Alexanders death , there was contention among Alexanders captaines for the kingdom , Orosius saith 14. years : And then these fowre captaines preuayling , diuided the kingdome among them as is shewed in the former question : And as Eusebius writeth the kingdome of Syria begunne the 11. yeare after the death of Alexander .

Quest. 19. Who was this little horne , v. 9.

1. This little horne was Antiochus Epiphanes , that is , noble or famous Antiochus , or rather as Polybius calleth him , Epimanes , the furious or madde Antiochus : he came out of one of the fowre hornes , namely , of Seleucus Nicanor , beeing the eight of that race , which are thus reckoned , Seleucus Nicanor , Antiochus Soter , Antiochus Theos , Seleucus Callinicus , Seleucus Ceraunus , Antiochus Magnus , Seleucus Philopator , and then succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes brother to the said Seleucus , and younger sonne to Antiochus the great . 2. Hierome then is here deceiued , who maketh this Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus Philopator , beeing indeede his brother . 3. He is called a little horne ▪ not in respect of other kingdoms , then whom he was mightier : but in these respect● , 1. because he had no title to the kingdome at the first , beeing the younger brother , and Seleucus his elder brother had also an issue male Demetrius , Polan. 2. he was a long time an hostage at Rome , and liued as a priuate man , Perer. 3. he was of a seruile and flattering nature , and had no princely qualitie , and condition in him .

Quest. 20. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this little horne .

Three effects are described . 1. his attempts against other nations . 2. his violence against the people of God . 3. his blasphemie and profanenesse against God himselfe .

1. He attempted much against the South , namely ▪ against Egypt , vpon this occasion : Ptolomeus Epiphanes married Cleopatra daughter vnto Antiochus the great , sister vnto this Antiochus Epiphanes , by whom he had Ptolome Philometor , who being a child , Antiochus tooke vpon him the tuition of him and his realme : but vnder that colour his meaning was to hold the kingdome of Egypt to himselfe : Then the Egyptians craued helpe of the Romanes , who sent C●ius Popilius , who discharged Antiochus out of Egypt , making a circle with his rod at his feete , requiring Antiochus present answer before he went any further .

2. He raged also against the people of God the Iewes , whose countrey is called the pleasant land , because of the knowledge and worship of God , as it is in that sense called the ioy of the whole earth , Psal. 48. 2. In two expeditions which he made against Egypt , in both of his returnes from thence he inuaded Ierusalem , and put the Iewes to the sword . At the first time he was receiued by Iason the high Priest , and in his second returne by wicked Menelaus : Thus he raged against the host of heauen , the people of God , who are as the Lords host militant here in earth : and he cast down some of the starres to the ground , which some vnderstand generally to be the people of the Iewes , Hugo . some the chiefe and famous men , Cal. Polan . But rather by starres are vnderstood the excellent professors of the Church , whom he caused some to forsake their faith , some to be tormented , as the mother with her 7. sonnes , 2. Macc. 2. 7. thus the casting down of the stars is vnderstood , Apoc. 12. 4. Bulling.

3. Then followeth the third effect , his prophanesse and irreligion against God , who is called the prince of the host of his Church , hereof there are fowre wicked and vile fruites . 1. the daily sacrifices should be taken away , with other ceremonies of religion , the Sabbaths violated , Gods seruice and worship intermitted . 2. The Sanctuarie was defiled , and the abhominable Idol of Iupiter Olympus set vp in the place of the worship of God . 3. many of the Iewes reuolted from the faith , and so the armie , that is the Church militant was betrayed into the hands of Antiochus , v. 12. 4. he cast downe the truth , that is destroyed the lawe , defacing and burning the bookes of the law , 1. Macchab. 1. 59. Bulling.

Quest. 21. Of the meaning of these words , v. 12. the armie was giuen vp with the daylie sacrifice by iniquitie .

There are diuerse readings of this verse . 1. Some translate the word , tzeba , time , thus reading , a time shall be giuen ouer the daylie sacrifice for the iniquitie , Calv. Mercer . in Iob. 7. v. 1. Genev. But seeing the same word tzeba is taken for an host or armie , v. 10. it is not conuenient to alter the signification here . 2. Some other reade , robur ei datum est , &c. power was giuen him against the dayly sacrifice , &c. so the Latine and Perer. Pint. Pap. Osiand . but this reading likewise is refused vpon the former reason , because the same word is otherwise taken before . 3. It remaineth then that this is the true sense and reading : the host was giuen vp with the dayly sacrifice ( Bul. Vat. ) or against the daily sacrifice , I. Pol. by iniquitie or treachery . 4. This defection , treacherie , or iniquity , some vnderstand generally of the Iewes & iniquitie of the people , for the which they were punished , and depriued of the daily sacrifice , Cal. Genev. some referre it more specially to the sinnes of the Priests and people ( in corrupting and defiling of the seruice and worship of God ) committed against the daily sacrifice , for the which they were worthily deliuered vp , Vatab. But here seemeth to be speciall relation to the treacherie of the Priests , by whome the citie and temple was betraied , as first by Iason , afterward by Menelaus , who buying the high Priests place for money , neglected the Temple and the seruice thereof , transgressed the lawes , and preferred the games and plaies of the Gentiles , as is more at large declared , 2. Macch. 4.

22. Quest. Of the meaning of the word Palmoni , v. 13.

1. Some reteine the Hebrew word Palmoni , as the Septuag. but it was not a proper name of this great Angel , to whome the other Angel spake , it was a title rather or epithete giuen him , that admirable or excellent Angel , as Vatab. 2. Some doe take this word as deriued of these two words , peloni almoni , which signifieth a certaine one vnknowne : as Ruth 4. 1. peloni almoni , ho , such an one , come hither : But this Angel beeing spoken vnto as the superiour , and the other Angel which asked the question beeing set forth by the title of holy one ; it is not like that this great Angel the reuealer of secrets , should be expressed by such a meane tearme . 3. Therefore this palmoni , is vnderstoode of Christ , who is the reuealer of secrets : and it signifieth one which hath things secret in number or account , Iun. some deriue it of pala , wonderfull , and almoni , a certaine one : so it should signifie one admirable or wonderfull , Oecolampad . some of pala , and ghalam , which signifieth to hide , he that hideth things secret , Polan . but the best deriuation is , of pala , wonderfull or secret , and manah to number : so Palmoni is he which hath all ●ecrets in number and account , Pap. and so interpreteth Iunius .

Quest. 23. What Angel that was , vnto whom one of the Angels spake .

1. This whom Daniel calleth one of the Saints , was no doubt one of the Angels , and most like to be the Angel Gabriel , because he is bidden afterward by name to cause Daniel to vnderstand the vision , Bulling. 2. But concerning the other , who is called Palmoni , vnto whom the Angel spake , some question is who it should be : Perer. and Pintus do suppose it was some superiour Angel : and thereupon Pererius would ground his speculatiue conceit of the Hierarchie of Angels , that some are inferiour and ministring spirits , some are superiour and giue direction vnto the other . 3. But this great Angel , called Palmoni , was ( no doubt ) Christ himselfe the Prince of the Angels : for so he is called , Isay. 9. 7. peleh , wonderfull , whence this name Palmoni is deriued , Cal. Bulling . 4. Now this Angel that asked the question , did it not of any curiositie , as the disciples enquired of Christ , Act. 1. and therefore are reprooued , but the Angel for the instruction of Daniel , for the common good of the Church , desireth to knowe this secret .

Quest. 24. Of the time prescribed , v. 14. of 2300. dayes , how it is to be taken .

1. R. Leu● by so many dayes would haue vnderstood so many yeares , beginning from the time of Saul , which he calleth the morning , because then the kingdome of Israel flourished , and by the euening he vnderstandeth the taking away of the kingdome : from thence to the third reparation of the Sanctuarie he would haue counted 2300. yeares , when he saith the Temple should be built the third time againe , and after that neuer to be destroyed : But this Rabbine herein is a false Prophet , for from Sauls raigne there haue runne 2600. yeares , and yet this their third Temple , which they dreamed of , is not raised . 2. R Saadia by these 2300. dayes would vnderstand so many moneths , for so he counteth an 180. yeares from the beginning of the kingdome of the Greekes vnto Antiochus : whereas it is euident , 1. Mac. 1. 21. that Antiochus came against Ierusalem in the 143. yeare , Oecol . and beside , whereas it is said in the text , vnto the euening and morning , it is euident , that neither moneths or yeares are here to be vnderstood , but so many naturall dayes : Cal. Theodoret by the euening vnderstandeth the beginning of their calamitie , by the morning the ende thereof : but the phrase of Scripture sheweth , that thereby the naturall day is comprehended , which consisteth of the day and night . As Gen. 1. throughout the chapter , the euening & morning were the first day , and the second day , so the rest . 3. It remaineth then , that by these 2300. dayes , so many daies precisely must be vnderstood , which make 6. yeares 3. moneths & 20. dayes , counting 365. dayes to a yeare , Bulling. 4. Some doe here reade onely a 1300. dayes , Osian , So also reade Montanus , and Pagnin : but the Hebrewe word alephaijm , beeing put in the duall number , signifieth two thousand , Vatab. Iun. Polan . Oecolamp .

Quest. 25. When this tearme of 2300. beganne and ended .

1. Melancthon beginneth this tearme in the yeare of the kingdome of the Greekes , an 145. and endeth it in the yeare 151. when Nicanor and his armie were destroyed , and the whole land recouered : but seeing euident mention is made , that Antiochus began to afflict Ierusalem in the 143. yeare , 1. Mac. 1. 21. this teame must not take beginning after that : and seeing also that all this desolation is prophesied to happen vnder Antiochus Epiphanes , who was this little horne , this tearme must not be extended after the death of Antiochus , who died in the 149. yeare , 1. Mac. 6. 16.

2. Some do begin this tearme in the 143. yeare , when Antiochus went proudly into the Sanctuarie , and tooke away the golden altar , 1. Mac. 1. 23. And so this tearme of 6. yeares , shall determine in the 148. yeare when Iudas Macchabeus recouered the citie , & purged the Temple : then the 3. moneths and odde dayes are counted ouer and about to finish the purging & sanctifying of the Temple , Bull , Pererius extendeth them to the death of Antiochus , which was in the 149. yeare . But this account cannot stand : for from the beginning of the 143. yeare , to the purging of the * * 1. Macch. 4. 52. Sanctuarie by Iudas , which was in the ninth moneth Chisleu , the 25. day , in the 148. yeare , is not 6. yeares , there wanteth 3. moneths and 5. dayes .

3. Calvin will haue the sixe yeares to ende in the moneth Chisleu , in which moneth the temple was polluted : but 3. moneths after the moneth Chisle● , the sixe yeares beeing expired , it was cleansed , in the moneth Adar : and he noteth for this 1. Macchab. 4. 36. But there is no such thing obserued concerning any particular time : the contrarie is euident in the 52. v. following , that in the moneth Chisleu ( not Adar ) the temple was cleansed , in the 148. yeare , 1. Maccha . 1. 57. as three yeares before it had beene defiled in the same moneth , in the 15. of Chisleu .

4. Iunius , whom Polanus followeth , beginneth this time in the 142. yeare , the sixt moneth , and 6. day : and so the full summe of 6. yeares , 3. moneths , and 20. dayes , will come out in the 148. yeare , in the ninth moneth , the 25. day . He beginneth the reckoning of this desolation of Ierusalem , when Menclaus with other wicked men , first obtained licence of the king to followe the ordinances of the heathen , 1. Mac. 1. 14. and 2. Mac. 4. 25. And this seemeth to be the best account : for though it cannot be precisely gathered out of the storie of the Macchabees , when this tearme of a 2300. yeares beganne , it must haue a perfect ende at the cleansing of the Sanctuarie , which was in the 148. yeare , on the 25. day of the ninth moneth Chisleu : Pererius answereth , that it is not necessarie to vnderstand that this cleansing of the Sanctuarie should be in the verie ende , sed prope finem , but toward the ende : But the contrarie is euident out of the text , that after the 2300. dayes , then shall the Sanctuarie be cleansed : But they which beginne the sixe yeares in the 143. yeare , cannot ende this tearme at such time as the Sanctuarie was cleansed , but extend it further .

5. Some , as Pererius noteth , to make this tearme ende iust at the cleansing of the Sanctuarie , doe read , a 2200. dayes : but this is an euident controlling of the text , which speaketh of a 2300. dayes .

6. Pappus indifferently summeth these dayes , either from the first spoyling of the citie , in the 143. yeare , and so they shall ende in Antiochus death ; or from the setting vp of the abhomination of desolation , in the 145. yeare , in the moneth Chisleu , 1. Macchab. 1. 57. and then they shall ende in the ouerthrowe and subuersion of Nicanor and his host , which was two yeares after Antiochus death : But this beeing a prophetical prediction , must haue a certaine and definite accomplishment , it cannot indifferently be taken two wayes : I preferre therefore the fourth interpretation as the best .

7. Now whereas c. 7. 25. there are assigned a time , two times , and a part , that is 3. yeares and 10. dayes for the desolation of the Sanctuarie , R● con●ll . but here the summe of 2300. dayes maketh sixe yeares , 3. moneths , 20. dayes : This must be vnderstood of all the time from the first defection or falling away of the people by the procurement of wicked Menelaus , which was in the 42. yeare , as is before shewed ; and then followeth Antiochus first comming to Ierusalem , when he layd wast the citie and spoyled the people , in the 143. yeare : but the 3. yeares must beginne from the second comming of Antiochus in the 145. yeare , when he set vp the abomination of desolation : And therefore here menion is not made onely of the iniquitie of desolation , and treading downe of the Sanctuarie , but of the armie also , that is , the Lords people and the citie , Polan .

8. Herein also appeareth Gods mercie , who now afflicteth his people in measure , he fulfilleth not ( all out ) seuen yeares in the desolation of the citie and temple , whereas before he punished them with a captiuitie of seuentie yeares , Oecolampad .

Quest. 26. When the kingdome of the Greekes , so often mentioned in the booke of the Macchabees tooke beginning .

1. Lyranus is of opinion , that the raigne of the Greekes should begin from the death of Alexander , comment . in 1. lib. Macchab. c. 1. But this cannot be , for after Alexanders death , for the space of 13. or 14. yeares , there was no certaine succession of the kingdom , Alexanders captaines one warring against another , till those fowre kingdomes of Macedonia , Asia , Egypt , Syria , were setled .

2. Ioannes Annius is yet more bold , lib. super Philon . qui inseribitur breviarium temporum . and controlleth those numbers set downe in the storie of the Macchabees , that whereas Antiochus is said to beginne his raigne in the 137. yeare of the kingdome of the Greeks , he saith it was the 153. yeare , from the death of Alexander , from whence the kingdome of the Greekes must be counted in his opinion : And he further affirmeth that those numbers in those bookes of : the Macchabees , were not inserted by the author of that storie , but by Iosephus : But though the booke of the Macchabees is not receiued as Canonicall for any matter of faith or doctrine , yet it may be esteemed of for matter of storie : and therefore it is great bouldnes therein to contradict the same : And he in this his censure giueth vnto Antiochus 16. yeares , whereas he is held to haue raigned but 12. yeare : he began to raigne in the yeare 137. and died in the 149. yeare , 1. Mac. 6. 16.

3. Therefore these yeares of the kingdome of the Greekes must beginne from the raigne of Seleucus in Syria , not from the death of Alexander , as may thus be gathered . 1. whereas Antiochus polluted the Sanctuarie in the 145. yeare , if this time were taken from Alexanders death , it should be the 157. or 159. yeare , for so long it was after Alexanders death . 2. Beside , Iosephus lib. 12. antiquit. cap. 7. saith , that this 145. yeare did concurre with the 153. Olympiads : then cannot this account begin from the death of Alexander , which was in the first yeare of the 114. Olympiad : from thence to the 153. Olympiad , are 39. Olympiads , which make an 156. yeares , whereas it was but the 145. yeare from the beginning of the raigne of the Seleucians .

Quest. 27. Why the kingdome of the Greekes , is counted from the raigne of the Seleucians .

1. Though Alexander were the first king of the Greekes , and founder of that Empire , v. 21. yet his raigne is not counted , because the kingdome descended not to his posteritie , as the kingdome of the Seleucians did : for there were many descents in the same familie , vntill the kingdome was dissolued by the Romanes .

2. And whereas it may be obiected , that there was a descent and succession in the other kingdomes , but especially of the Ptolomees in Egypt , whose race continued longer , then the Seleucians in Syria : yet these haue the name of the kingdome , because the were mightier then the rest , and they had chiefely to doe with the people of God , whom the hystorie of the Macchabees specially concerneth .

3. Further whereas the kingdome of the Seleucians was not in any part of Greece , but in Syria and Chaldea , yet it is called the kingdome of the Grecians , because the Seleucians had their beginning from thence , and vsed the language , customes , superstitions of the Greekes , Perer.

Quest. 28. Of the man Gabriel .

1. Some doe take this to be an excellent name , common to all Angels : it signifieth the strength or power of God : but it is euident , Luk. 1. 19. where this Angel Gabriel was sent to the vigin Marie , that it was the proper name of an Angel , Iun. commentar . 2. But Gregorie well noteth that Angels are not called by names in respect of themselues , as though they could not be discerned , but by their seuerall names , in that celestiall citie where they enioy the vision of God , sed cum ad nos aliquid ministraturi veniunt , &c. but when they come vnto vs to minister , they doe take their names of their ministerie and office , &c. as here this Angel is called Gabriel , the strength of God , because he was employed in the defense of the Church against the enemies thereof . 3. But this further must be considered , that this Angel is not so called , ab essentiali potentia dei , from the essentiall power of God , but of that power which was giuen him to execute the Lords commandement . Iun. 4. And this is the onely name giuen vnto Angels in Scripture : for the name Michael , which signifieth one as God , is ascribed vnto Christ , who is equall vnto God : As for the other names , Raphael , Ieremiel , Sammael , they are but the deuised tearmes of men , inserted in the Apochryphall bookes , but not to be found in the Canonicall Scriptures , Polan . Iun.

Quest. 29. v. 16. Vpon these words , make this man to vnderstand the vision : whether Angels can giue vs vnderstanding .

1. The Angels of themselues haue no power to infuse vnderstanding into the minde of man : but he onely which hath created the heart of man , can giue vnto it vnderstanding : And the Angels themselues cannot vnderstand the secrets and mysteries of God , vnlesse it be giuen vnto them , as here the Angel called an holy one , enquired of Palmoni , which is Christ , the meaning of this vision , v. 13. 2. yet when it pleaseth God to vse the ministerie of Angels , they may helpe to make a way for our better vnderstanding , as he which openeth the windowe , may be said to giue light vnto the house , yet it is the sunne properly that giueth light : So the Sonne of righteousnesse illuminateth our hearts , the Angels may helpe to prepare the way , Polan . 3. But in this place the Angel doth not by any secret infusion open Daniels vnderstanding , but by a manifest and cleare interpretation of the vision : and so the Lord vseth the ministrie of men in the preaching of the gospel , to open the hearts of the hearers .

Quest. 30. v. 29. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia .

1. Though there were other kings of Macedonia , which is a part of Greece , before Alexander , as Philip , with others ; yet Alexander here compared to an horne for strength , is said to be the first king , namely of the Monarchie , Osiand , the first king of the Grecians , that ouercame the Medes and Persians , Polan . 2. And here it must be obserued , that the two first kingdomes are likened vnto beasts , the rest vnto the hornes of beasts , because they did issue out of the other , as the hornes came out of the beast . 3. And by the hornes we must vnderstand , the kings together with their kingdomes , Osiand . 4. Lyranus giueth this reason , why Alexander is called the first , because before him the kings were nullius momenti , of no account or fame : He was the first notable king : But he is so called , not onely in respect of his name or fame , but of his power and conquest , as is before touched .

Quest. 31. Of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise vp : in the latter ende of their kingdome .

1. Some doe thus expound the word , beacharith , procedente tempore , during the time of these kingdomes , Iun. annot. Polan . but the same word , v. 19. they interpret extremitatem , the extremitie of wrath , or the last wrath : therefore it is not fit in this place to giue it an other interpretation .

2. Some reade in the ende of their kingdome , Genevens . that is toward the ende of the kingdome of the Macedonians , or Greekes , Vatab. So also readeth the Latine , post regnum illorum , after their kingdome : But this cannot be vnderstood of the ende of the kingdome of the Grecians , or Seleucians : for when Anciochus Epiphanes rose vp , there were more which succeeded in that familie after him , then went before him : for in all there were 18. kings of Seleucus posteritie , in the which number Antiochus Epiphanes was the 8. king of that familie , so that tenne succeeded him : Antioch us Eupator , Demetrius Soter , Alexander Epiphanes , Demetrius Nicanor , Antiochus Sedetes , Antiochus Gryphus , Antiochus Cyzicenus , Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus , Antiochus Pius , whom Tigranes expelled , Antiochus Asiaticus , whom Pompey depriued . And further whereas the kingdome of the Seleucians continued 270. yeares , as Appianus , and Antiochus beganne to raigne in the 137. yeare , and died in the 149. yeare , 1. Macchab. 6. 16. there remained yet after Antiochus death an 120. yeares of the raigne of the Seleucians : Antiochus Epiphanes then could not come in the ende of that kingdome .

3. Lyranus making Antiochus a type of Antichrist , vnderstandeth the finall end and dissolution of the Greeke Empire , when the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes beganne : for the kingdome of Antichrist , quodam modo pertinet ad regnum Romanum , belongeth after a sort to the kingdome of the Romanes : But seeing it is confessed of all , that historically this vision and prophesie was first fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes , though typically it be referred vnto Antichrist : then first this must historically be applyed to the time of the rising vp of Antiochus .

4. Bullinger here vnderstandeth the ende of the Macedonian kingdome , for so Antiochus Epiphanes , beganne to raigne in the 4. yeare of Perses the last king , who raigned a 11. yeares , in the last whereof he was ouercome and taken by P. Aemilius , and Macedonia was brought to be a Prouince : But this interpretation agreeth not with the text , which saith , that in the ende of their kingdome , &c. a king of fierce countenance shall stand vp : it is euident then that he meaneth that kingdome out of which this fierce king should come , which was the kingdome of the Seleucians .

5. Calvin thus interpreteth , in the ende of their kingdome , that is , vbi ad summum peruenerint , when they are come to the height , and begin to decline : for after Antiochus Epiphanes , the glorie and power of that kingdome begunne to decay : But that is not said properly to be the end of a kingdome , when the power thereof is somewhat altered onely , the regall authoritie still remayning .

6. Therefore the best reading is , posteris temporibus , in the latter times of this kingdom , so is the word acharith taken , Gen. 49. 1. c. 2. 28. see before c. 2. quest. 31. cum regna illa aliquantum temporis constiterint , when those kingdomes haue continued some while : and the better part of the time of their continuance was past : for Antiochus came in the 137. yeare , which was toward both the latter , and the decaying times of that kingdome : for there remayned an 120. yeares of that kingdome , not so much time , as was alreadie fulfilled , Iun. commentar .

Quest. 32. The description of Antiochus and of his doings .

He is described . 1. by the time of his rising vp . 2 his qualities . 3. condition and state . 4. his acts and exploits . 5. by his ende .

1. The time is expressed , when the iniquities , or defection , or falling away is perfited , which some vnderstand generally when the iniquities of the people were encreased , Lyran. Hugo . then God would raise vp one to punish them . Some referre it to the professed enemies of the Church of God , when they should be multiplied : But there is speciall reference had to the generall defection and falling away from religion , vnto gentilisme , as is declared , 1. Macchab. 1. v. 12. v. 43. and c. 2. v. 15. And the ringleaders of this apostasie were Iason , who bought the high Priests place of Antiochus for money , and Menelaus who by the like briberie obtayned it , Iason beeing expelled : which wicked men procured the Greeke playes to be set vp in Ierusalem , and sent money to Tyrus for a sacrifice to Hercules , and followed the abhominable fashion of the heathen : as it is more at large shewed . 2. Macchab. 4.

2. He is set forth by his adiuncts . 1. he shall be of an hard countenance , that is , of an impudent face , a shamelesse man . 2. he shall vnderstand darke sentences , which some expound thus , he shall cause by his doings this darke vision to be vnderstood , as beeing fulfilled in him , Hugo . But hereby rather is signified his craft and cunning , he should be most subtile and politike to contriue his purpose .

3. His state is set forth , his power shall be mightie , but not in his strength : which some expound , 1. his strength shall not be like Alexanders , Genevens . 2. or astutior erit quam potentior , he shall be more craftie then powerfull : grassabitur per fraudes , he shall proceede by craft , not by strength , Calvin . so also Iun. annot. 3. Hugo following the interlin . gloss . giueth this sense , not in his owne strength , but of Gods , for he could not so haue prospered vnlesse Gods will had beene so , for the punishment of his people . 4. not in his owne strength , sed Satanae virtute , but by the power of Satan , gloss . ordinar. ex Gregor. 5. But the meaning rather is this , he seduced others , quorum viribus abuteretur , whose power he should abuse to helpe himselfe : for both he was helped by the treacherie of the high Priests , Iason , and Menelaus , Bulling . and he had also the helpe of forren kings , Eumenes , and Attalus , as Appian in Syriacis . Polan .

4. His acts and exploits are of two sorts , either against men , or against God himselfe : Against men . 1. he shall destroy wonderfully , which Hugo referreth to Antiochus obscure beginning , that he suddenly should rise to so great power : Oecolampadins vnderstandeth it of his wonderfull crueltie , who in three dayes slue 80. thousand in Ierusalem , 40. thousand were put in bands , and as many sold : But it may more fitly be vnderstood of his deceit and craft , whereby he wonderfully prospered : for he procured the death of his father Antiochus , and then of his elder brother Seleucus , and then defeated also Seleucus sonne of the kingdom . 2. he shall destroy the mightie and holy people , Gregorie vnderstandeth here , mente inuictos , those which were strong and inuincible in minde , whom he corporally ouercame , as the mother with the seuen children , and other of the Saints , Lyran. Hugo vnderstandeth the Iewes which were strong and mightie , auxilio dei , by the strength of God before : this sheweth rather , that he should not onely prosper against the people of God , but subdue other strong nations also , as the Egyptians , with other people , Calv. Polan . 3. A third effect is , that he should so by his policie and craft preuaile , winning some by flatterie and bribes , others by fraud and deceit , that he should thereby wax wonderfull insolent and proud aboue measure : in so much , 2. Macchab. 9. 8. as that he should thinke to command the floods , and to weigh the mountaines in a ballance . 4. He shall in peace destroy many : 1. some reade in copia rerum , in the abundance of things : which Hugo vnderstandeth of his gifts : Lyran : of his power giuen him of God . 2. but the word shalvah signifieth peace : Calvin expoundeth , that he shall per quietem quasi per ludum , by peace , and at his ease , and as in sport , without any difficultie preuayle : some giue this sense , that he shall set vpon men which were in peace , nihil opinantes , thinking nothing : but the meaning is , he shall vnder color and pretense of peace destroy many : for so he inuaded Egypt vnder pretense to be gardiane to the young king , his nephewe : so he gaue peaceable words vnto the Iewes , who gaue credit to him , and he entred the citie , and put them to the sword , 1. Macch. 1. 31 , 32. 2. Then followeth his insolencie against God himselfe , he should stand vp against the prince of princes : for so he set vp in despight of God the abhominable idol of Iupiter Olympus in the temple .

The fift and last part of the description is of his ende : he shall be broken downe without hand , that is of man , he died by the stroke of Gods hand , of a most incurable disease , 2. Macchab. c. 9. which is now to be handled more at large in the next question .

33. Quest. Of some difference in the storie of the Macchabees concerning the death of Antiochus .

There are some differences , which seeme to admit some reasonable satisfaction , but some other there are , which can not be reconciled .

The differences of the first sort are these . 1. whereas the narration of the death of Antiochus is set forth in three places , 1. Macch. c. 6. 2. Macch. c. 1. and c. 9. in the 1. Macch. c. 6. v. 1. it is saide , that Antiochus would haue spoiled the rich temple in the citie Elymais : and yet , 2. Macch. c. 9. it is saide to be the citie Persepolis , the temple whereof he would haue spoiled : Pererius here answereth , that it was in deede the citie Susa in the Prouince of Elymais , the temple whereof he would haue robbed ; which is called Persepolis a citie of Persia : though he confesseth , that there was a citie of that name , but that was destroied by Alexander ; he himselfe , with his captaines beeing drunken , at the instigation of Thais his concubine , set fire vnto it with his owne hands . Contr. But a better answer may be found out : that the words are not to be read , he heard that Elymais in the countrey of Persia , was a citie greatly renowned for riches , as the Latine translatour readeth , whome our English translations follow : but the Greeke text standeth thus , he heard , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that there was in Elymais in the region of Persia , a citie . So Elymais , is not the name of the citie , but of the countrey which belonged to Persia , where this citie was . And Persepolis is knowne to haue beene the proper name of a citie , which though it had beene destroied by Alexander aboue an 150. yeares before this , yet it might , and is like in all this time to haue beene repaired againe .

2. Whereas 1. Macch. 6. 5. it is said , that one brought him tidings into Persia , how his armies were discomfited in Iudea : and 2. Macch. 9. 3. it is said the newes was brought him to Ecbatane , which is in Media , not in Persia , Tob. 3. 7. Pererius giueth this satisfaction , that the messenger might first come into Persia , but not finding the king there , he went to Ecbatane .

3. 1. Macch. 6. 4. the Latine translator readeth , he came againe to Babylon : but 2. Macch. 9. 28. it is said , he died in a straunge countrey among the mountaines : he could not die in a straunge countrey beeing at Babylon , for that was his owne countrey . This doubt also may easily be remooued by amending the translation : the words in the original are , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , he was to returne to Babylon , Iun. Vatab. in animo habuit , &c. it was in his minde to returne to Babylon , Perer. but the Latine translation is , reversus est in Babyloniam , he returned to Babylon : which reading if they will stand vnto , this contradiction can not be reconciled .

4. 1. Macch. 6. 8. it is saide , he fell sicke for sorow : but 2. Macch. 9. it is declared how he was stricken with an incurable disease , that wormes came out of him , and no man could endure the stinke of his bodie : Pererius also thus reconcileth these places , that both were true , he might sicken of griefe , and his sicknes was encreased by that filthie disease : so also Hugo , he died morbo scilicet & tristitia , both of the disease , and griefe also .

These doubts may with some probabilitie be satisfied : but this contradiction can not be healed , that whereas 1. Macch. c. 6. and 2. Macch. c. 9. Antiochus is reported to haue died partly of griefe , partly of a strange disease : Now 2. Macc. 1. 16. it is reported , that he with his armie was slaine with stones in the temple of Nanea , their heads cut off , and throwne out . To this obiection diuers answers are made , to preserue the credit of this booke .

1. Some thinke that this Antiochus slaine in the Temple of Nanea , was not Antiochus Epiphanes , whose death is mentioned in those two other places : but Antiochus magnus the father of this Antiochus : so Lyran. Carthusian . Melchior Canus .

Contr. Bellarmine , and Pererius both doe refuse this answer : for this Antiochus thus killed , was an enemie to the Iewes , and they reioyced in his fall : but the other Antiochus surnamed the great , was a friend vnto the Iewes , and shewed great kindnes vnto them , and they vnto him , as Iosephus writeth , lib. 12. antiqu● . cap. 3. how when Antiochus had ouercame Scopas Ptolome , Philometors captaine , and subdued Celosyria , and Samaria , the Iewes yeelded themselues , and receiued his armies into their cities , and refreshed them : which benefit Antiochus acknowledged in certaine letters to his friends , purposing to require the same .

2. An other opinion is , that this Antiochus was the sonne of Demetrius the sonne of Seleucus Philopator , whome Epiphanes depriued of his kingdome , Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei . c. 1● . who was surnamed Antiochus pius , who put downe Tryphon , that vsurped the kingdome . Bellarmine here forgetting himselfe saith , that this Antiochus was called Triphon , or Gryphus : in one sentence he committeth two errors : for this Tryphon vsurped the kingdome , whome Antiochus expelled : and Antiochus Gryphus was the 17. king of Syria , whereas Antiochus pius was the 15. Bulling. of this opinion , that this was Antiechus pius here reported to be slaine , are Rupert . lib. 1. de victor . verb. c. 6. Michael Medina , Carolus Sigonius . But these two arguments make against this opinion , 1. that Antiochus pius had no such ende , but died in battell against the Parthians , Iustin. lib. 38. in fine . 2. Antiochus though there was some variance betweene him and Hyrcanus , yet he spoiled not the citie , but when he besieged it , he gaue them seuen daies truce at their request , to celebrate the feast of Tabernacles , and beside sent them vessels of siluer , and vessels of gold , and much incense : and at the length a league was concluded betweene them . But this Antiochus , that should be put to death in the Temple of Nanea , was a professed enemie vnto the Iewes , and therefore they reioyce and giue thankes for his death .

3. Pererius deliuereth an other opinion , to the which he subscribeth as probable : that not Antiochus , but the captaine of his host was killed with stones : they cast stones as it were thunder vpon the captaine . But it is euident , that Antiochus is vnderstood by the captaine , v. 13. 14. Albeit the captaine , and they which were with him , seemed inuincible , yet they were slaine in the Temple of Nanea : for Antiochus , as though he would dwell with her , came thither to receiue money vnder the title of a dowrie . It was Antiochus himselfe , that pretended mariage with Nanea , or Diana , as the like is reported of Tiberius , Nero , Heliogabalus , that would make marriages with the goddesses : he therefore came himselfe in person , to receiue as a dowrie , the treasure of the Temple .

4. But Bellarmine , and Pererius likewise doe most approoue this solution , who thus interpret these words , v. 13. cecidit in templo Naneae , the captaine with his host fell in the temple of Nanea : that is , they were smitten , not slaine . Bellarmine giueth instance of the like place , Gen. 14. 10. The king of Sodome and Gomorrah fell there , in the slimie pits , that is , were discomfited , they were not killed : for the king of Sodome met Abraham afterward . Pererius obiecteth that place , Dan. c. 11. 30. how the Romanes should come against Antiochus , and he should be smitten , yet he was not killed .

Contra. 1. The word vsed 2. Macchab. 1. 13. is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , not they fell , but they were smitten or slaine : concisi sunt , they were hewen and cut in pieces , as Vatablus and Iunius translate . 2. in that place , Gen. 24. 10. it is onely said , they fell , but here more is expressed , they were cut in pieces , v. 16. 3. and in the other place , the word is better translated by Vatablus , consternabitur , he shall be grieued , or terrified , not smitten .

5. This then remaineth to be saide , that this is an vncerten and vntrue report of Antiochus death , as that is likewise of the holy fire which was hid , and when Nehemias sent to set it , they found thicke water in stead of fire . And therefore that other report of Antiochus death , beeing twice set downe , 1. Macchab. c. 6. and 2. Macchab. c. 9. is to be receiued as the more probable . Iun.

34. Quest. Of the agreement of other persecutors of the Church with this description of Antiochus .

1. As the apostasie of the Iewes was a forerunner of the tyrannie and persecution of Antichrist : So when persecution is raised in the Church , many doe fall away : as when Constantius fauoured Arrius , and persecuted the orthodoxall professours , Liberius the Bishop of Rome fell away also to Arrianisme . And of late daies when Charles the fift made warre against the Protestant Princes in Germanie , many gospellers either fell to Poperie , or receiued the Interim : And in England in Queene Maries daies , many forsooke the Gospel , and turned Papists .

2. As Antiochus was of a bold countenance , and full of craft , such were the persecutors of the Gospel , as Iulian the Apostata , Valens the Emperour , the Duke of Albanie in the low countries .

3. As Antiochus encreased by the treacherie of others , that helped him : so it is vsuall for the enemies of the Gospel to preuaile , if they can by treacherie : as many treasons against Queene Elizabeth , and our noble Soueraigne that now is , haue beene set forward by some forren Popish princes .

4. Antiochus by flatterie , and vnder colour of peace deceiued many : so did the Duke of Albania in the lowe countries : and king Philip when he intented the inuasion of England , ann. 1588. yet made shewe of peace by the Prince of Parma vnto Queene Elizabeth .

5. As Antiochus was taken away by Gods hand not by mans : So the Lord himselfe encountreth the wicked , as he did Pharaoh and Herod . Polan .

Quest. 35. Why it is called the vision of the enening and morning , v. 26.

1. Some vnderstand it thus , the vision , quae per successiones temporum complenda est , which is to be fulfilled in succession of time : Hugo . 2. Lyranus thus interpreteth : by the morning he would haue vnderstood the time of Antiochus , by the euening the time of Antichrist , who was prefigured by Antiochus . 3. the vulgar Latine readeth , the vision of the morning and euening , as though this were spoken of the time , when this vision appeared . 4. But it hath relation rather to the former part of the vision , v. 14. where mention is made of 2300. dayes vnto the euening and morning , that is so many naturall dayes : this vision which is expressed by part of the subiect taken for the whole , is said to be true , Cal. Polan .

Quest. 36. Why Daniel is bidden to seale vp the vision .

1. Some by fealing vnderstand the committing to memorie , Hugo . 2. Some the committing of it to writing , Lyran. 3. Bullinger alludeth to the vse of men , which seale and confirme those things , which are true : and so Daniel is bid to seale it , as a thing most certaine . 4. Some thinke that hereby is signified , that he should conceale this vision , least the Iewes hearing what affliction they should endure in their owne countrey , might be slack to returne thither . 5. Chrysostome giueth this sense : that he should keepe it faithfully , ne temporis prolixitate dispereat , that it perish not in continuance and length of time . 6. The Hebrewes referring this vision to the last times of their redemption by their Messiah , would haue it therefore sealed , because the time was long , before it should be fulfilled . 7. But the reasons why Daniel is commanded to seale vp the vision , were these . 1. that he should not communicate it vnto the Chaldees , whom it concerned not , or to any other carnall men , or vnbeleeuers , that would not giue credit vnto it : but that he should conceale it from such : yet vnto the faithfull he might impart it : As the Prophet Isay saith to the same purpose , 8. 16. bind vp the testimonie , seale vp the lawe among my Disciples , and this is according to the rule of our Sauiour , not to cast things holy vnto dogges , Matth. 7. 6. Polan . 2. By this sealing of the vision is signified , that it was not presently to take effect , but after a long time , about 300. yeares after : yet it should be most certainely fulfilled in the appointed time , Iun. in commentar . so he is not bidden simply to conceale it , but hereby rather he is admonished not to doubt of the accomplishment thereof : and that be should not measure it , ex vulgi sententia , by the opinion of the vulgar sort , Calvin .

37. Quest. What kings busines Daniel did , v. 27.

v. 27. I did the kings busines , &c. 1. Some doe thinke that this was king Darius busines , that caried Daniel with him into Media , Lyr. and they thinke this worke was the building of the great tower , which Iosephus maketh mention of , Hug. But this can not be so : for Iosephus saith , that Darius caried Daniel with him into Media ; but Daniel was at this time at Shushan , v. 2. and that great tower was built not at Shushan but at Ecbatane , as Iosephus writeth , lib. 10. cap. 12. 2. Oecolampad . and Pellicane , in that it is said , when I rose vp , I did the kings busines , doe inferre , non dicit se à Sufis redijsse , sed surrexisse , he saide not he did returne from Susa , but onely rose vp , and returned to his busines , &c. so that their opinion seemeth to be , that Daniel was in deede now at Susa : But it is shewed before , that he was at Susa onely in vision , qu. 4. 3. It remaineth then , that this king was Belshazar , as is euident , v. 1. by whome it seemeth he was emploied , though not so much , nor in so great affaires , as he was vnder the former kings , Osiand . but what manner of emploiment it was , it is not expressed , neither can certenly be gathered , Iun. Daniel then hauing noted before , that this was done vnder Belshazars raigne , v. 1. returned vnto his busines , which is an euident argument that he was then in Belshazars Court , or at hand , not at Susa , because he presently rose vp , hauing recouered himselfe , to doe the kings busines , Calvin .

38. Quest. Of the meaning of these words , v. 27. none vnderstoode , or perceiued it .

1. Some read , and there was none to interpret it : so Lyran. Hug. Pintus , following the vulgar Latine , which they vnderstand thus : that is , none interpreted it as the Angel , Hugo . or none could interpret it in particular concerning the kings names , but onely in generall , Lyran . But the word here vsed mebin , signifieth not interpreting , but perceiuing and vnderstanding : neither could Daniel say , none could interpret it , seeing the Angel had giuen the interpretation of it before . 2. Some read , none vnderstood it . The Hebrewes thinke that Daniel himselfe vnderstood it not : but that can not be , seeing the Angel was bidden to cause him to vnderstand it , v. 16. 3. Some thinke , that none of those , to whome Daniel reuealed the dreame , could vnderstand it , Oecolampad . but Daniel did not impart it to so many , to trie who vnderstood it , and who vnderstood it not : for he was commanded before to seale it vp , to hide and conceale it , and lay it vp in his heart . 4. The words are then better translated , none perceiued it , that he had beene sicke for griefe , because of the heauie vision : he dissembled his affection , and neither in word , nor so much as in countenance bewraied , that he had seene a vision : according as he had beene before charged to conceale and keepe the vision to himselfe , Iun. Polan .

39. Quest. The historie of Antiochus Epiphanes raigne abridged , for the better vnderstanding of this vision .

1. After that Antiochus ( the great ) father vnto Antiochus Epiphanes , had beene vanquished by Scipio , he was constrained to deliuer ouer vnto the Romanes his sonne Antiochus to be an hostage , where he continued 14. yeares : and then hearing of his fathers death , watched his time , and fled secretly from Rome , and tooke vpon him the kingdome of Syria , making a way thereunto by procuring the death of Seleucus his elder brother , and disinheriting Demetrius his sonne .

2. Then Antiochus , after he was setled in the kingdome , inuaded Egypt , vnder this colour , to be tutor vnto the young king Ptolome Philometor his sister Cleopatra her sonne : he put many to the sword , and subdued many cities : And in his returne , beeing sauoured by diuers seditious persons in Ierusalem , as by Iason , who had bought the priesthood of him for money , and wicked Menelaus , who got the Priesthood for himselfe , promising more money , and put Iason by , 2. Macchab. 4. by this meanes he entred into the citie , robbed and spoiled the Temple , and put many to the sword : this was in the 143. yeare of the kingdome of the Greekes , in the 6. yeare of his raigne .

3. Then about two yeare after he made a second expedition into Egypt , where he was commanded to depart by Popilius the Embassadour of the Romanes , who making a circle in the sand with his rod before Antiochus , vrged him to make his present answer , before he went thence .

4. In his second returne he entred Ierusalem againe , and made hauocke of the citie , defiled the Temple , and set vp therein the abomination of desolation , the idol of Iuppiter Olympus : this was in the 145. yeare in the 8. yeare of his raigne , 1. Macchab. 1. 57.

5. Then Mattathias beeing mooued in zeale , stood vp to resist the Tyrant , and Iudas his sonne , with his brethren after him : and at the length they preuailed , and 3. yeares after they cleansed the Sanctuarie , and restored the sacrifices : and this was in the 148. yeare , 1. Macch. 4. 52. in the 11. yeare of Antiochus raigne .

6. After this this wicked Tyrant went into Persia , thinking to robbe the rich Temple at Persepolis , where hauing the repulse , and hearing at the same time how his captaines Timotheus and Nicanor were discomfited with their armies in Iudea , partly of griefe , and chiefly beeing smitten of God with an incurable and stinking disease , he died in the 149. yeare , and the 12. of his raigne : see the storie , 2. Macchab. 9.

4. Places of doctrine .

1. Doctr. Of the office of a Prince .

v. 5. An horne appeared betweene his eyes . In that Alexander is resembled to an horne betweene the eyes , many excellent properties required in a Prince are thereby signified . 1. the king is as an horne vnto the kingdome , the glorie and strength thereof , to defend them , and to push at their enemies : as the horne is the defense of the beast , and that whereby others are offended . 2. as the horne did rise vp betweene the eyes , so the Prince must be circumspect and aduised , and do all things with counsell : as it in the Prov. c. 24. 6. with counsell thou stalt enterprise warre . 3. as the horne is most conspicuous of all other parts , so the vertue and courage of the king should appeare and be manifest to all , Polan .

2. Doctr. That all things in the world are ruled and guided by the diuine prouidence .

v. 9. It waxed great toward the South , &c. In that Antiochus acts are set downe in order , both his outrage against men , and his blasphemie against God , the treading down of the Sanctuarie , and of the people of God : Hence Iosephus collecteth well , that these things were not done by chance : as a shippe fleeting vpon the seas without a gouernor , or a chariot running without a driuer : nam si haec sponte gererentur , non secundum illius prophesiam emnia provenire conspiceremus , for if all these things fell out of themselues , we should not see them so fitly to come to passe according vnto his prophesie . Ioseph . lib. 10. Antiquit. c. 14.

3. Doctr. The Scriptures are the rule of truth .

v. 12. It shall cast downe the truth , &c. That is , the bookes of the Law , which were the rule of faith : hence then it followeth , that the Scriptures containe the holy doctrine of truth : which is not to be learned els where , then from the Scriptures : So that they which are enemies to the Scriptures , doe set themselues against the truth ; as wicked Iehoiakim , when he caused Ieremies prophecie to be cut with a penknife , and cast into the fire ; therein professing himselfe an enemie to God and his truth : and therefore this iudgement is thereatned against him , that he should haue none of his seede to succeede him , and his bodie should be cast forth vnburied , Ierem. 36. 30.

4. Doctr. That Angels haue not all knowledge .

v. 13. In that one of the Angels enquireth of Palmoni , which is Christ , how long this vision should endure : therein it appeareth , that Angels haue not the knowledge of all secrets : for here they are instructed by Christ , concerning the meaning of this vision . Further , that the knowledge of Angels is limited , and that they encrease in knowledge , and haue things reuealed vnto them which they knew not before , is euident by that place of the Apostle , Eph. 3. 10. That vnto Principalities and Powers in heauenly places , might be knowne by the Church the manifold wisdome of God : so also S. Peter saith , 1. Pet. 1. 12. Which things the Angels desire to behold : they still proceede in the beholding of the mysterie of our redemption .

5. Doctr. Christ is the Lord and head of the Angels .

v. 13. In that the Angel enquireth of Palmoni the meaning of this vision , which is Christ , who afterward v. 16. appointeth the angel Gabriel to open the vision to Daniel : it is hence inferred that Christ is superiour to the Angels , that they receiue their directions from him , and that they are his ministers sent abroad for the seruice of his Church : So the Apostle faith , Hebr. 1. 6. When he bringeth in his first begotten Sonne into the world , he saith , And let all the Angels of God worship him : and , v. 14. Are they not all ministring spirits , sent forth to minister for their sakes , which shall be heires of saluation ?

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. Prosperitie and externall felicitie is no perpetuall note of the Church .

v. 15. Antiochus is permitted for a time to tread downe the Sanctuarie , and armie , that is the Church militant , vnder feete : whereby it is euident , that the Church is not alwaies discerned by outward prosperitie : which Bellarmine maketh one of the notes and marks of the Church . The people of God are more subiect to affliction and persecution in this world : they are oftner pressed downe with aduersitie , then lifted vp by prosperitie : as our blessed Sauiour saith , In the world ye shall haue affliction , but in him we haue peace , Ioh. 16. 33. See more hereof , Synops. 2. controv . qu. 3. note 15.

2. Controv. That the abomination of desolation spoken of , v. 13. is not the abolishing of the sacrifice of the Masse .

The Romanists make this a marke of Antichrist , that the daily sacrifice of the Maffe shall be abolished at his comming : and therefore they charge Protestants to be forerunners of Antichrist , because they haue banished out from among them the Masse .

Contra. 1. The new Testament acknowledgeth no other externall sacrifice , but the sacrifice of atonement made by Christ , of himselfe vpon the crosse : the vertue and efficacie whereof beeing euerlasting , it is not to be iterated , or repeated : as the Apostle saith , Hebr. 9. 25. Not that he should offer himselfe often : and v. 28. Christ was once offered , to take away sinnes . 2. The sacrifices now offered vp by Christians are spirituall : Hebr. 13. 12. Let vs by him offer the sacrifice of praise alwaies vnto God : And in this sense the Apostle saith , He hath made vs Kings and Priests to God his father , Revel. 1. 6. 3. The Papists are they which haue abolished the true commemoration of Christs sacrifice : in stead of the Eucharist , hauing instituted a theatricall and pompous shew of the Masse . Papp .

3. Controv. The authoritie of the Scripture dependeth not vpon the testimonie of the Church .

v. 27. The vision of the euening and morning is true , &c. The Angel here giueth testimonie vnto the truth of this vision , yet therefore dependeth it not vpon the Angels approbation , but vpon the authoritie of Christ : this then is but a weake argument of the Romanists ; the Church giueth testimonie to and of the Scriptures , therefore the authoritie of Scripture dependeth of the Church , Polan . Indeede the consent and generall approbation of the Church may induce vs , at the first , and may make a way , and as it were prepare vs ; but we beleeue the Scriptures for the truths sake therein contained , beeing thereunto perswaded by the spirit of God . See further of this question , Synops. Centur. 1. err. 5.

4. Controv. The description of Antiochus agreeth to the Pope and Antichrist .

Although historically this vision of the little horne were fulfilled in Antiochus , yet for as much as he was a type of Antichrist , all those properties doe fitly agree vnto him also , shadowed forth in Antiochus : and so Gregor. in 40. c. Iob , and Lyranus doe in diuers points make Antiochus a type of Antichrist , though they doe not take the Romane Bishop to be he .

1. Before Antiochus raged against the people of God , there was a defection and falling away of many from the faith , to Paganisme : and this is touched , v. 23. In the ende of their kingdome , when their rebellions , defections , or falling away shall be perfited : for so Iason , and Menelaus , with diuers other of the Iewes forsooke their religion , and followed the Gentile customes , 1. Macchab. 14. 15. So before Antichrist come , there shall be a departure or apostasie , 2. Thess. 2. 3. which shall be a falling away from the faith , as Ireneus interpreteth , lib. 5. advers. haeres . c. 21. so also Primasius , Chrysostome , Oecumen . Lyran. vpon that place : which we see is come to passe , that the most part of Christian nations had forsaken the puritie of the Gospel .

2. Antiochus was of an impudent face : so Antichrist shall be ad omne malum inuerecundus , vnshamefast to euery euill worke , Lyran. which is fulfilled in the Pope : who without all modestie and shamefastnes , challengeth to be the Vicar of Christ , the head of the Church , Vniuersall Bishop , and what not .

3. His power was great , but not by his owne strength . Antiochus was assisted by the malicious practises of others , as of Menelaus : So the Pope hath encreased by the helpe of others . Phocas that killed Mauritius the Emperour , first graunted vnto Pope Boniface the 3. to be called head of the Church : And of late times the French and Spanish kings haue waged battell for the Pope .

4. v. 23. He shall vnderstand darke sentences , whereby is vnderstood his craft and subtiltie : so Antichrist , as Lyranus noteth , callidissimus erit auxilio Diaboli , shall be most craftie by the helpe of the deuill : And so the Pope hath bewitched the world with his intoxicate cuppe of fornications , with deceitfull and subtile doctrines of inuocation of Saints , prayer for the dead , purgatorie , indulgences , and such like : and he hath also deceiued the world with lying signes and wonders , as S. Paul prophecieth , 2. Thess. 2. 9.

5. Antiochus should destroy the mightie , and the holy people : So the Pope hath deposed kings , and depriued them of their kingdomes : he hath also more persecuted the people of God , then euer did any of the Pagan Emperours .

6. Antiochus is prophecied to waxe great toward the North , toward the south , &c. v. 9. he should raise vp tumults and warres euery where : So the Popes haue beene the authors of bloodie warres in euery place almost . Gregorie the 3. and Leo 3. set Italie against the Emperour : zacharias suborned Pipinus against Childerick king of Fraunce : Adrian 1. set the French and Lombards together by the eares : Iulius the 2. stirred vp diuers Christian Princes against the Venetians : Nicolaus the 3. caused the Sicilians to put the French to the sword : Paulus the 3. raised the Italians and Spaniards against the Germanes : yea , there haue beene almost no warres betweene Christian Princes , wherein the Pope hath not put his foule finger .

7. Antiochus should thorough peace destroy many : and so did Gregorie the 13. vnder pretence of peace , in that bloodie mariage at Paris , in the yeare 1572. cause much blood to be shed .

8. Antiochus should stand against the Prince of Princes , God himselfe : so the Pope aduanceth himselfe against God , in taking vnto himselfe authoritie to dispense with the word of God : in maintaining doctrines directly opposite to the Scriptures , as idolatrie , inuocation of Saints , merits , and such like .

9. Antiochus should exalt himselfe in his heart , v. 25. so the Pope hath beene so lifted vp in pride , that he hath set his foote in the necks of Emperours , made them kisse his foote , and hold his stirrup , and lead his horse .

10. Antiochus should be destroyed without hand : so the Lord shall consume Antichrist with the spirit of his mouth , 2. Thess. 2. 8.

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observ. Religion maketh a citie or countrey famous .

v. 9. Toward the pleasant land . There were many countries more flourishing then Iudea in temporall blessings , as Egypt , Babylon , Syria , yet Iudea is called the pleasant land , because of the true religion and worship of God : So Italie now is for pleasantnes and fruitfulnesse farre beyond other regions ; but those countries and cities which professe the Gospel , are the pleasant lands in the sight of God : as the brethren of Berea are called noble in respect of their knowledge , and zeale , Act. 17. 11.

2. Observ. The Church of God is militant and warfaring in earth .

v. 13. To tread , &c. the armie vnder foote . The Church of God doth but soiourne here in earth , and the faithfull are but as pilgrimes and strangers here , as S. Peter saith , 1. Pet. 2. 11. They doe not warre after the flesh , 2. Cor. 10. 3. Therefore we are taught , that as Gods souldiers , we should striue for the kingdome of God , and hold out this our warfare and pilgrimage with constancie and patience , till we obtaine the victorie .

3. Observ. Of the care and loue of the Angels toward the Church of Christ .

v. 13. As here an Angel is desirous to know how long this desolation of the Church should last : so those blessed spirits of God doe grieue to see the affliction of Christs Church , & desire to haue it at an ende : As they reioyce to see the Church increased , and men brought vnto repentance , Luk. 15. 7. Ioy shall be in heauen for one sinner that conuerteth .

4. Observ. It is profitable to heare the same things often .

v. 26. As the Angel repeateth onely the vision of the euening and morning , but expoundeth it not , because it was plaine enough : so it is not amisse for vs often to haue inculcated and beaten vpon the same principles of religion : as S. Paul saith , Philip. 3. 1. It grieueth me not to write of the same things vnto you , and for you it is a sure thing . Men must not then haue itching eares , still desirous to heare new things : such were the Athenians , who coueted onely to tell and heare newes , Act. 17. 21.

5. Observ. How we should be affected in hearing Gods word .

v. 27. And I Daniel was stricken and sicke , &c. Daniel was much mooued at the hearing of this vision : so should the seruants of God be throughly stricken with admiration at the mysteries of religion : their inward bowels should be mooued at the hearing of Gods word . They then which are dull and heauie , and haue no sense not feeling when Gods word is denounced , doe shew that they haue but carnall and cold affections , and had neede to be often rouzed vp with that saying , He that hath eares to heare , let him heare .

CHAP. IX .

1. The Argument and Methode .

THis Chapter hath two parts , 1. Daniels prayer and supplication , to v. 20. 2. then the effect of his prayer , thence vnto the ende .

1. There is set forth , 1. the occasion of his prayer : what it was , he vnderstood by reading the Prophet Ieremie , that the 70. yeares of captiuitie was accomplished , v. 2. what it wrought , it mooued him vnto carnest prayer and supplication , v. 3. which is set forth by the circumstance of the time , in the first yeare of Darius , v. 1. 2. then followeth the inuocation it selfe , v. 5. 3. the praier consisting partly of a confession , v. 15. the seuerall parts and arguments whereof , see quest. 7. following : partly of an earnest deprecation , to v. 20. the particulars whereof , see also , qu. 7.

2. In the effect of his praier , there is expressed , 1. who it was that came vnto him , the Angel Gabriel , v. 21. 2. when , the generall time is described , while Daniel was yet praying , v. 20. the particular , in the time of the euening sacrifice . 3. what message the Angel brought : which is deliuered first in generall , then in particular : in the generall foure things are shewed . 1. the commandement giuen vnto him . 2. the cause thereof , Daniel was beloued . 3. the ende , to informe Daniel . 4. with a stirring of him vp to attention , v. 22 , 23. In the particular declaration , two things are deliuered , the office of the Messiah , with such things as should happen vnto him , he should be slaine ; and the destruction of the citie , which should follow as a iust iudgement for putting the Messiah to death .

The time limited concerning the Messiah , 1. is set forth in an whole summe of 70. weekes : wherein three things are declared : 1. the time summed by propheticall weekes of yeares . 2. for whome , vpon thy people . 3. what things should be done in this time : euen these three : 1. the sealing vp of former visions , which should be accomplished in the Messiah . 2. the anointing of the Messiah to his office . 3. the benefits procured by the Messiah , either in taking away sinne , both in finishing it , that it should raigne no more in his members , in sealing it in the remission and forgiuenes thereof ; and reconciling , that is paying the ransome for it : and in bringing in euerlasting righteousnes , v. 24. 2. this time is set forth in parts . 1. seuen weekes are set apart for the building of Ierusalem . 2. after 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine , v. 26. 3. in the 70. and last weeke he shall confirme the couenant , and the sacrifices shall cease , v. 27.

The destruction of the citie is shewed , 1. by whome , by a Prince that should come . 2. what he should doe , destroy the citie and Sanctuarie . 3. the manner thereof , it should be made desolate for euer , v. 26 , 27.

2. The text with the diuerse readings .

v. 1. In the first ( one . H. ) yeare of Darius ( Dariavesh . H. ) the sonne of Ahashuerosh ( Achasverosh . H. ) of the seede of the Medes , wherein ( which V. L. B. Gahefirst rather : it is better referred to the yeare , wherein he was 〈◊〉 king , then to the person that was made ) he was made king ( ruled . L. S. but the word is in the passiue ) ouer the Realme of the Chaldeans .

2 In the first yeare of his raigne , I Daniel vnderstood by bookes the number of the yeares , whereof the word of the Lord came ( was . H. ) vnto Ieremiah the Prophet , to accomplish the desolation of Ierusalem seuentie yeares .

3 I turned my face ( gaue my face . H. ) vnto the Lord ( Iehouah , H. and so throughout for the most part where ( Lord ) is translated ) God , to seeke him by praier ( in seeking praier . S. ) and supplication , with fasting , sackeloath , and 〈…〉 .

4 And I praied vnto the Lord my God , and made my confession ( confessed . H. ) saying , Oh B. G. ( or I pray thee . A. I. V. ) Lord God , great and fearefull , which keepeth mercie toward them which loue him , I. A. B. ( which loue thee . L. S. V. G. ) 〈◊〉 the pronoune affix is here of the third person ) and toward them which keepe his commandements .

5 We haue sinned , and committed iniquitie , and haue done wickedly , yea , we haue rebelled , and haue departed from thy precept● , and from thy iudgements .

6 For we would not 〈…〉 vnto ( obey . L. V. S. ) thy seruants the Prophets , which spake in thy name to our Princes , and our fathers , and to all the people of the land .

7 To thee , O Lord ▪ belongeth righteousnes , and to vs confusion of face ( open shame . B. G. ) as it is this day ( as is come to passe . B. or appeareth this day . G. ) to euery man of Iudah , and to the inhabitants of Ierusalem : yea , vnto all Israel , neere , or farre off throughout all the countries , whither thou hast driuen them , because of their trespasses , which they haue trespassed agai●st thee .

8 O Lord , vnto vs appertaineth shame ( or confusion ) of face , to our Kings , to our Princes , and to our fathers , because we haue sinned ( not they haue sinned . L. the verbe is put in the first person ) against thee .

9 Vnto the Lord our God ( pertaineth ) compassion and forgiuenes , because ( albeit . G. V. although . B. but the word is , chi , because ) we haue rebelled against him ( and therefore they looked onely for mercie from the Lord , hauing no power in themselues . )

10 For we haue not hearkned vnto the voice of the Lord our God , to walke in his lawes ( law . L. ) which he set before vs ( gaue before our face . H. ) by the hand ( that is , the ministerie , G. ) of his seruants the Prophets .

11 Yea , all Israel haue transgressed thy law , in turning backe , and not hearkning to thy voice : therefore the curse is powred vpon vs , and the oath that is written in the law of Moses the seruant of God , because we haue sinned against him .

12 And he hath confirmed his words ( euery one of his words . I. ) which he spake against vs , and our Iudges , that iudged vs , by bringing vpon vs a great plague , ( euill . H. ) for vnder the whole heauen was not done the like , as is now come to passe ( done . H. ) in Ierusalem .

13 As it is written in the law of Moses , all this euill is come vpon vs : yet made we not our prayers before ( entreated the face of . H. ) the Lord our God , that we might turne vs from our iniquities , and vnderstand thy ( in or toward thy ) truth .

14 Therfore the Lord hath made readie the plague ( watched ouer the euill . H. ) & brought it vpon vs : for righteous is the Lord our God in all the works which he doth : for we would not hearken to his voice .

15 And now , O Lord our God , which hast brought thy people out of the land of Egypt with a mightie hand , and hast gotten thee renowne ( G. a name . H. ) as appeareth this day , ( which remaineth this day . V. B. ) we haue sinned , we haue done wickedly .

16 O Lord , according to all ( not in all . L. S. the word is cecol , not becol ) thy righteousnes , I beseech thee , let thine anger , and thy wrath be turned away from thy citie Ierusalem , thy holy mountaine : ( the mountaine of thy holines . H. ) for because of our sinnes , and the iniquities of our fathers , Ierusalem and thy people are a reproach to all that are round about vs ( to all our circuits . H. )

17 Now therefore , O Lord our God , heare ( hearken vnto . H. ) the praier of thy seruant , and his supplications , and cause thy face to shine vpon thy Sanctuarie , that lieth wast , for the Lords sake ( not , for thy sake . L. S. for the word adonai is expressed . )

18 O my God , encline thine eare and heare , and behold our desolations , and the citie ( G. or of the citie . V. I. ) whereupon thy name is called ( whereon thy name is called vpon it . H. ) for not for our righteousnes doe we prostrate our praiers ( L. present our prayers . B. G. pray falling downe . I. powre out our prayers . V. cause our praiers to fall . H. ) before thee , but for thy great tender mercies .

19 O Lord , heare , O Lord forgiue , O Lord attend , and doe it : deserre not , for thine owne sake ( for thy selfe . H. ) O my God : for thy name is called vpon thy citie , and vpon thy people . ( that is , they are called by thy name . V. I.

20 And while I was speaking and praying , and confessing my sinne , and the sinne of my people Israel , and did prostrate ( cause to fall . H. as before v. 18. ) my supplications before the Lord my God , for the holy Mountaine ( mountaine of the holines . H. ) of my God :

21 Yea , while I was speaking in my praier , the man Gabriel , whome I had seene in the vision at the first ( in the morning . H. ) came flying ( beeing bid or made to flie . H. for the word is in hophal ) earnestly ( with wearines . H. or swiftly . V. ) and touched me about the time of the euening oblation .

22 And he informed me , and talked with me , and said , O Daniel , I am now come forth to giue thee vnderstanding and knowledge . ( to make thee perceiue vnderstanding . H. )

23 At the beginning of thy supplications the commandement ( the word . H. ) came forth , and I am come to shew it ( thee . L. B. G. ad . ) for thou art much desired ( that is , accepted of God . I. greatly beloued . B. G. a man of desires . L. S. chamudoth , desires . H. D. Kimhi readeth ( hamiddoth ) a man of vertues : and he is called a man of desires , not actiuely , because he much desired the deliuerance of the people , but passiuely , because he was a man according to Gods desire , that is , beloued , and accepted of him : so Vatab. a man desirous of things to be wished for , vnderstanding it also actiuely , of Daniels desire ) therefore vnderstand the matter , and consider the vision .

24 Seuentie weekes are cut out ( it is cut out . H. impersonally : are determined . V. B. G. are abbreuiated , or shortened , L. but chatac signifieth to cut out ) vpon ( or ouer ) thy people , and vpon thine holy citie ( citie of thy holines . H. ) to restraine ( finish . V. L. S : B. G. but the word is cala , with aleph , which signifieth to restraine , but calah with he , signifieth to finish ) and to seale vp ( A. I. B. G. S. rather then to finish sinnes . L. V. P. the word is chatam , to seale ) to reconcile iniquitie ( not , that iniquitie be taken away , L. ) and to bring in euerlasting righteousnes , and to seale vp the vision ( not , that the vision be fulfilled . L. ) and the Prophet ( I. A. not prophesie , L. S. V. B. G. for nabi signifieth a Prophet , not prophecie ) and to anoint the most Holy ( the holines of holines . H. )

25. Know therefore and vnderstand , that from the going forth of the word to bring againe the people ( to cause to returne . H. not to answer . S. or restoare . I. or to cause to returne and build , that is to build againe . L. V. for although the same word be vsed in the same sense in the ende of the verse , the streete shall returne , and be built , that is shall againe be built , yet it is there in an other forme , here it is in hiphil , which signifieth to cause to return ) and to build Ierusalem , vnto Messiah ( Christ . L. S. ) the Prince shall be seuen weekes , and threescore and two weekes ; and the streete shall be built againe , and the ditch ( that is , the compasse of the wall . V. the wall . S. B. G. ) in a troublesome time , ( in the straitnes of time . H. B. not in a short time . V. or the time shall be euacuated . S. )

26. And after threescore and two weekes the Messiah ( anointed . H. Christ . L. not the vnction or anointing . S. ) shall be destroied ( slaine . B. G. ) and not for himselfe ( Br. B. better then , there shall be no iudgement , that is , fault worthie of iudgement in him . S. or he shall haue nothing , that is , he shall seeme to haue no beautie . G. or nothing to doe with Ierusalem . I. or there shall be none to helpe him . V. see qu. 64. the vulgar Latine thus , he shall haue no people which should denie him ) and the people of the Prince that shall come , shall destroy the citie and the Sanctuarie ( see the diuers readings , qu. 74. ) and the ende thereof shall be with a flood : and vnto the ende ( not after the ende . L. ) it shall be destroied by desolations ( or extreame desolation is appointed . L. V. )

27 He shall confirme the couenant with many for one weeke : and in the middes ( or halfe ) of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease ( some read thus , the halfe of the weeke shall cause to cease , &c. V. Br. ) and vpon the wing ( that is , the Temple ) shall be the abomination of desolation . L. S. ( better then , by the ouerspreading of abomination he shall make it desolate . B. G. or by the legions or armie of abominations making desolate . I. or the destroier shall be vpon the wing of abominations . V. see further for the best reading , qu. 87. and 88. in the ende ) euen vntill the consummation determined ( precise consummation . H. ) it shall be powred ( that is , desolation . I. continue . L. ) vpon the desolate .

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

1. Quest. What Assuerus this was , whose sonne Darius is said to be .

1. What Darius this was , is handled at large , qu. 1. c. 6. he was not that Darius , in whose second yeare the Temple beganne to be built , whereof mention is made , Hagg. 1. 1. as Porphyrie of purpose doth confound them , to disturbe the propheticall historie and computation of yeares in Daniel : neither was this that Darius whome Alexander ouercame , but Darius before mentioned , c. 6. who together with Cyrus tooke the citie of Babylon .

2. This Assuerus the father of Darius , was not that Assuerus the husband of Esther , as Canus thinketh , and Bullinger seemeth to incline to that opinion : for that Assuerus is also called Artaxerxes in the booke of Esther , which was the name of the Persian kings after Cyrus : And that Assuerus had his palace and princely seat at Sushan , which was not appointed to be the chiefe citie or seat of the kingdom vntil Cyrus , as Strabo thinketh , l. 15. or till Darius Hystaspis , as Plin. lib. 6. c. 21. Perer. But this argument rather ouerthroweth this opinion , that the captiuitie of Babylon was ended , and the people returned before the raigne of that Assuerus : whereas they were at this time in captiuitie still . And further , that Assuerus raigned from India to Ethiopia : but the Chaldean Monarchie yet standing , the Persian Monarchie could not be so large .

3. Iosephus , Hieronimus , Theodoret , and Lyranus , Carthusian . following them , take this Assuerus to be Astyages whose daughter Mandane was Cyrus mother : but Astyages is not found to haue had any sonnes , but onely that daughter , as is shewed before , c. 6. qu. 1. 6.

4. Pererius thinketh that Assuerus , or Achashuerus , was not the proper name of any one king , but it beeing deriued of Achash , great , and Resh , an head , was a common name , which was giuen by the Hebrewes vnto forren Princes that were of great power : And this title is found giuen vnto three kings , the father of this Darius , the husband of Esther , and to that king , which hindred the building of the Temple , Ezr. 4. who is thought by the most to be Cambyses the sonne of Cyrus .

Contr. Pererius is here deceiued in many points . 1. he taketh Assuerus to be an Hebrew name , where it hath a Persian deriuation , and is deriued of Achash , which signifieth a Prince , Polan . in c. 6. v. 1. 2. it is euident , that it was a peculiar name , for otherwise it should haue beene common to all the Persian kings . 3. the same Assuerus mentioned Ezt. 4. 6. is thought to be the same so much celebrated in the storie of Esther : in both places Iunius taketh him for Xerxes .

5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is , that this Assuerus , called by the Greeke historians Cyaxares the first , was father vnto Astyages and this Darius , who was called also Cyaxares the second : for there is no great difference in signification betweene Cyaxares and Achassuerus , the first beeing deriued of chu , and achash , both which words signifie a Prince : and put together , a Prince of Princes , that is , a great Prince : and Achassuerus likewise is deriued of the same word , Achash , a Prince , Ioseph . Scallig . lib. 6. de emendat . Polan . in 6. Dan. This Assuerus then was not Astyages , but the father of Astyages and this Darius , who was vncle to Cyrus mother , and great vncle vnto Cyrus . Iun. comment .

2. Quest. Of the yeares of Darius raigne , and how this vision is said to be in his first yeare .

1. Annius , whome Driedo , and Lucidus follow , thinke that Cyrus and Darius raigned two yeares together , after the Babylonians were subdued . 2. Lyranus and Vatablus in 9. ● . Dan. thinke that Darius raigned two yeares before Cyrus raigne began . 3. Cyrillus Hierosolymit . seemeth to giue vnto him eight yeares , cateches. 12. 4. Severus Sulpitius thinketh that Darius raigned 18. yeares , at the same time that Astyages raigned in Media : but that can not be , for this Darius was also the king of the Medes and Persians , as is euident , c. 6. 5. Iosephus Scalliger giueth vnto Darius 17. yeares , making him the last king of the Chaldeans , after whome Cyrus succeeded , lib. 6. de emendat . tempor . 6. Iunius opinion seemeth to be , commentar , in 5. c. v. 29. that the first yeare of Darius , was the second of Cyrus . 7. Pererius affirmeth that Darius raigned but one yeare , and that Cyrus succeeded him in the same yeare , beeing the 70. yeare of the Iewes captiuitie .

8. But the truer opinion is , that Cyrus and Darius raigned ioyntly together , as thinketh Calvin : and that the first of Darius was the first also of Cyrus : for in the first of Cyrus the word of God spoken by Ieremie concerning the 70. yeares captiuitie was finished , 2. Chro. 36. 22. And so likewise it appeareth in this place , that in the first yeare of Darius , that time of 70. yeares was expired : the first then of Cyrus and Darius concurred together : for the rest , it is like that Darius raigned not long , but beeing 62. yeare old , when he tooke the kingdom vpon him , he might die the same yeare , which was also Cyrus first : see more hereof , c. 6. qu. 3.

9. And whereas it is saide , in one yeare of Darius , which Pererius gesseth to be so called , because he raigned but one yeare : the reason rather is this , that the word a●hath , which signifieth one , is according to the phrase of the Hebrew , taken for the first : as Gen. 1. the morning and euening were one day , that is , the first : and Mark . 16. it is said , that our Lord rose in one of the Sabbaths , that is , in the first day of the weeke . Polan . Pintus .

3. Quest. Whether in the first yeare of Darius the Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued and the 70. yeares captiuitie ended , against the opinion of Iosephus Scalling . lib. 6.

Iosephus Scalliger , a man of excellent learning , who for his singular labours in that learned and exquisite worke , which he hath written of the emendation of the times hath highly deserued of all men , yet is in diuers points ouerseene , and especially in this matter concerning the ende of the Chaldean Monarchie , and of the Iewish captiuitie : for lib. 6. of that worke he hath these positions .

1. He affirmeth , that the Chaldean state was not dissolued in the 70. yeare of the captiuitie , but rather in the 60. yeare : for from the 8. yeare of Ieconias captiuitie vnto the ende of the Chaldean gouernment , are found saith he , by Iosephus computation , who therein followeth Berosus , about 60. yeares : 36. yeares remained after the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne when the captiuitie beganne , who raigned in all 43. yeares : after Nabuchadnezzer Euilmerodach 2. yeares , then Niglasar 4. yeares , Labosardach 9. moneths , and Nabonidus , whome Cyrus ouercame , 17. yeares .

2. He thinketh that Cyrus did not take Babylon in the first yeare of his raigne , but many yeares after when he had vanquished Cresus the rich king of Lydia , two yeares after that , as Herodotus writeth , he ouercame the Chaldeans : But Cresus was ouercome , as Eusebius doth cast the time , in the 4. yeare of the 57. Olympiad , whereas Cyrus began to raigne in the 1. yeare of the 53. Olyampiad .

3. The first yeare of Cyrus he would haue concurre with the 46. yeare of the captiuitie , not with the 70. yeare : for the beginning of Cyrus raigne , as is before shewed , was in the 1. yeare of the 55. Olympiade : And Babylon was taken in the 2. yeare of the 58. Olympiade , which was the 14. yeare of Cyrus , and the 60. yeare of the captiuitie .

4. A fourth assertion is , that the captiuitie ended in the last yeare of Cyrus , about the 2. yeare of the 62. Olympiad , when as Cyrus had now subdued many countries , which could not be in the beginning of his raigne : for thus Cyrus saith in his Edict for the returne of the Iewes , All the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord God of heauen giuen vnto me : And whereas it is there called the 1. yeare of Cyrus , that is not to be vnderstood of his raigne , but of the captiuitie : for so the Iewes began their account of yeares from that time .

Contra. 1. The first position is contrarie to that prophesie of Ieremie , c. 35. 12. When the 70. yeares are accomplished , I will visit the king of Babel , &c. then the 70. and last yeare of the captiuitie , and the dissolution of the Babylonian state , must fall out together : as for that computation of Berosus of the yeares of the Babylonian kings , it is vncerten : neither doth Iosephus alwaies follow it , who els where ioyneth the last yeare of the captiuitie , with the first yeare of Cyrus .

2. Herodotus is deceiued much in his historie in the order of time , and in the computation of yeares , as is euident in this one instance ; Nitocris the mother of Balshazar , whome he calleth Labynitus the last king of Babylon , he maketh but fiue generations or descents from Semiramis : which exceedeth not an 165. yeares , counting a generation at 33. yeares , or at the most 500. yeares , if we giue an 100. yeares to a generation : whereas the most writers are of opinion , as Hierome , Eusebius , Orosius , Augustine , with others , that there were at the least a 1000. yeares betweene them .

3. The two last assertions may euidently be conuinced by the Scripture , which expressely setteth downe , that the returne of the Iewes , and so the ende of their captiuitie , was in the first yeare of Cyrus : which must be vnderstood of his raigne ouer Chaldea , for he had raigned before in Persia , and Darius in Media : he might say all kingdomes were giuen him , because he had ouercome the large Empire of Babylon . The Iewes indeede accounted their owne yeares from such notable deliuerances , as from their going out of Egypt , from their returne out of Chaldea : but there is no reason so to account the yeares of the raigne of forren kings , neither can any such president be shewed in Scripture .

4. Quest. Of the 70. yeares of captiuitie in what sense they are called seuen generations , Baruch . 6. 2.

Whereas the Prophet Ieremie defineth and setteth downe the tearme of the Babylonian captiuitie , to be 70. yeares , c. 25. v. 11 , 12. c. 29. v. 10. it seemeth strange , that Baruch , c. 6. 2. should say , that they should remaine in Babylon seuen generations : to this obiection diuers answers are made by the Romanists , who hold the epistle of Baruch to be Canonicall .

1. The word generation , is taken diuersly : sometimes for 7. yeares , as when the Physi●ians prescribe that a child should not be let blood till he hath accomplished two generations , that is , 14. yeares . Eusebius taketh a generation for 20. yeares : Herodotus sometime for the space of 2● . yeares , sometime for 33. yeares : Diodorus for 30. yeares : in which sense H●mer saith Nestor liued three ages , that is 90. yeares : Dyonisius Halycarnass . by a generation vnderstandeth an 100. yeares : and so it is taken in Scripture , Gen. 15. 13. 16. foure generations are expounded to be foure hundred yeares . Beside these diuers acceptions of the word generation , Carthusianus taketh it for the age of a man apt for generation , which is at 14. yeares : whereof fiue doe make 70. yeares : the first and last are reckoned exclusive , exclusiuely : as the like instance he giueth in the Euangelists , where Mathew saith Christ was transfigured after sixe daies , c. 17. Luke saith after eight , exclusiuely : But this is a very forced exposition : for to what ende should seuen generations be named , if they were onely fiue : neither can it be shewed out of the Scriptures , that a generation is taken for 14. yeare● .

2. The same Carthusian hath an other exposition , that the number of seuen is taken for perfection , and so by 7. generations he meaneth the perfect periode of a mans life , which is seauentie yeares : as it is defined , Psal. 90. But this rather should haue beene named one generation , then seuen : for one mans life maketh but one generation .

3. Pererius hath diuerse answers , by seuen generations he vnderstandeth many : but the captiuitie lasted not many generations , seeing Daniel sawe the beginning and ende thereof .

4. By a generation he vnderstandeth the tearme of 15. yeares , because at that age men are apt for generation : then 5. of these generations were complete , and two of them the first and last were but begunne onely .

5. Or Ieremie speaketh of the captiuitie which beganne with Iechonias , Baruch of that which tooke beginning vnder Zedekiah : or Ieremie defineth the time of that captiuitie , which ended in the first yeare of Cyrus , Baruch of that which held vnto the seuenth yeare of Artaxerxes , when diuerse of the Iewes returned with Zorobabel : But if they will haue Baruch a Prophet , he must not crosse Ieremies prophesie , to beginne the time determined of 70. yeares captiuitie sooner , or to ende it later .

6. The onely solution is , that this epistle of Baruch is Apochryphall , and this is an euident argument thereof , because he calleth this tearme of 70. yeares , 7. generations , which hath no warrant out of Scripture , and therein disagr●eth from the Prophet Ieremie .

Quest. 5. When the 70. yeares of captiuitie mentioned , v. 2. tooke their beginning .

1. The opinion of some was , which Eusebius remembreth in his chronicle , concealing the authors of that opinion , that the 70. yeares of captiuitie beganne in the 13. yeare of Iosias : But this cannot be so : 1. Ieremiah beganne then indeede to foretell them of the euils which should happen vnto them , but 23. yeares after he prophesied of the 70. yeares captiuitie , Ierem. 25. 8. 2. And so long as Io●ias liued , the Lord promised him , 2. king . 2● . that his eyes should not see the euils , which the Lord had threatened to bring vpon that place .

2. Whereas there were three seuerall captiuities : the first in the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , in the third yeare of the raigne of Iehoiachim , when Daniel went into captiuitie , Dan. 1. 1. the second in the 7. and 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , when Ieconias with others was carried away captiue , 2. king . 24. 12. the third in the 11. yeare of Zedekiah , and in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , when the citie and temple were destroyed . 2. king . 24. Ierem. 51. 29. Some doe beginne these 70. yeares from the first captiuitie , of which opinion are Seuerus Sulpitius , lib. 2. sarc . histor. Lyran Vatablus , in 9. Daniel : whereunto consenteth also H. B. in his concent : But here cannot begin that famous captiuitie , because the land could not be captiued , seeing the king Iehoiachim himselfe went not into captiuitie .

3. The most generall opinion is , that the beginning of the captiuitie of 70. yeares , must be referred vnto the third captiuitie vnder Zedekiah : of this opinion are many auncient graue authors , Iosephus lib. 11. antiquit. Clemens lib. 1. stromat . Iulius Africanus lib. 5. Annal. E●sebius in chron. Lactantius lib. 4. institut. c. 5. Hierome in 4. c. Ezekiel , with diuerse others : Pererius adioyneth this reason , because these 70. yeares are said here to be the yeares of the desolation of Ierusalem , but the citie was not brought to desolation vntill the captiuitie of Zedekiah : But this reason concludeth not , for although then there was greater desolation brought vpon the citie , yet before when as the king and all the principall men , and artificers were carried away , the citie beganne to be desolate : And altogether it was not desolate , no not in the last captiuitie : for 5. yeare after in the 23. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , there were 745. persons caried away captiue by Nebuzaradan , Ierem. 52. 30.

4. Wherefore the more certaine opinion is , that the 70. yeares beganne with Iechonias captiuitie , which may be confirmed by these reasons . 1. Ieremie , cap. 29. v. 10. writeth vnto those which were in captiuitie with Iechoniah , that after 70. yeares , the Lord would visit them . 2. direct mention is made of the captiuitie of Iechoniah , Esther . 2. 6. when Mor●ee as went into captiuitie . 3. Iechonia and the rest yeelded themselues vnto the king of ●haldes , and obeyed the counsell of Ieremie , which Zedekiah refused , and therefore the first are compared to a basket of good figges , the other to a basket of rotten figges , they which remained with Zedekiah went into Egypt : the first captiuity then rather is to be counted , because the counsell of God therein was followed . 4. Ezekiel in diuerse places counteth the yeares from the captiuitie of Iechonias , as the fift , c. 1. 3. the sixt yeare , c. 8. 1. the seuenth , c. 20. 1. the tenth yeare , c. 37. 1. the eleuenth yeare , c. 31. 1. All which yeares are reckoned from the time , when Iechonias went into captiuitie . 5. beside , the captiuitie of Iechonias was most famous , both in respect of the persons that went into captiuitie , and their number : for the king himselfe , his mother , Princes , and seruants were carried away : And the captiues were to the number of tenne thousand , 2. king . 24. 14. But in the captiuitie vnder Zedekiah , Ieremie speaketh but of 832. persons taken captiue , cap. 52. 29. therefore from the captiuitie of Iechonias , as the most famous , is the account of the yeares to beginne .

Quest. 6. When the 70 yeares of captiuitie ended .

1. Some make two reckonings of these 70. yeares , one of the captiuitie of the Iewes , which beganne with Iechonias captiuitie , and ended in the first yeare of Cyrus , the other 70. were begunne 19. yeare after with the captiuitie of Zedekiah , and are extended 19. yeare after , to the second yeare of Darius Hystaspis : 3. yeares of Cyrus raigne , 14. of Cambyses , and 2. of Darius make 19. yeares , Pellican , Oecolampad . following Theodoret.

Contra. 1. But the Scripture in no place maketh mention of twice 70. yeares , there is but one and the same prophesie of Ieremie , concerning the 70. yeares captiuitie , which can be but once fulfilled : for otherwise we should make these propheticall predictions vncertaine . 2. beside , the yeares of the Persian kings are not certaine : some vnto the 2. yeare of Darius Hystaspis , make not so many yeares : Iunius giueth vnto Cyrus and Cambyses together but 9. yeares , to the Magi one yeare , and then succeeded Darius : these make but 12. yeares with the second of Darius : Some make account of more yeares , as Bullinger giueth vnto Cyrus 16. yeares , to Cambyses 8. yeares : some allot vnto Cyrus 30. yeares , vnto Cambyses 9. yeares : Liuely in his Persian Monarchie . Pererius counteth 40. yeares , from the 1. of Cyrus to the second of Darius : there beeing then such vncertaintie of these yeares , it is hard to interpret a prophesie vpon so weake and vncertaine ground .

2. An other opinion is , that these 70. yeares must ende simply in the second yeare of Darius Hystaspis . 1. because these 70. yeares are called the yeares of the desolation of the Temple : now the Temple remained desolate vntill the 2. yeare of Darius Hystaspis . 2. Zacharie beginning his prophesie in the 2. yeare of Darius , thus saith , c. 1. 12. thou hast beene displeased with vs , now these threescore and tenne yeares . 3. Mardocheus who liued in the time of king Assuerus , who is thought to be Artaxerxes Mnemon , who succeeded an 150. yeares after the 1. yeare of Cyrus , should then be aboue an 130. yeare olde , if the 70. yeares ended in the first of Cyrus : of this opinion are , Clemens Alexand. lib. 1. stromat . Euseb. in Chroni . Isidor . lib. 5. Etymolog .

Contra. 1. These arguments conclude not . 1. though the temple was not reedified till the raigne of Darius : yet because the people had libertie to returne , and to repaire both the Temple and citie in the first of Cyrus , the captiuitie and desolation ended then : But if they wil extend the time of desolation so long till both the Temple and citie were fully repaired , then that time must hold out yet longer : for the citie was not fully repaired vntill the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes , whom Pererius taketh for Artaxerxes Longimanus , Iunius for Artaxerxes Mnemon , when Nehemias by the kings grauntreturned to repaire the citie , and build the walls .

2. The Prophet Zacharie affirmeth not the 70. yeares then first to be expired : but his meaning is , that they had endured the 70. yeares captiuitie which were prophesied of , and yet they sawe not the full restitution of their citie and countrey .

3. To the third argument Pererius answereth , that whereas the words in the text stand thus , there was in the citie of Shushan a certaine Iewe , whose name was Mordecai , the sonne of Iair , the sonne of Shemei , the sonne of Kish a man of Iemini , which had beene carried away from Ierusalem , with the captiuitie that was carried away with Iechoniah : these words , which had beene carried away , he would haue referred not to Mordecai , but to Kish , that he was carried away captiue : so also Iunius : But Pererius answer is taken away by that text of the Apochryphall Esther , which is canonicall Scripture with them , where c. 11. v. 3. it is said , that Mordechai , erat de numero eorum captiuorum , &c. was of the number of those captines , whom Nebuchadnezzar translated with Iechoniah : Iunius may be refelled by his own chronicle : for vnto the raigne of Assuerus , whom he taketh to be Xerxes , he numbreth but 46. yeares , from Cyrus first : Cyrus and Cambyses raigned 9. yeares , the Magi one yeare , Darius Hystaspis 36. yeares : vnto this adde 70. yeares , of the captiuitie : all make not full an 120. yeares : it is not like that in this tearme , there were so many descents and generations ; namely these sowre , of Kish , Shemei , Iair , Mordecai : therefore the best answer here is , that so many yeares must not be giuen vnto the Persian kings : Mordecai beeing one of those which were carried into captiuitie , Ezra . 2. 1 , 2. might be then an auncient man , but nothing neere of such yeares as is supposed .

4. But this opinion may be refelled by the former argument , that from the last captiuitie vnto the 2. of Darius when the Temple was reedified must needes be aboue 70. yeares , seeing the most doe hold at the least 40. yeares betweene the 1. of Cyrus , and the second of Darius : and betweene the last captiuitie of Zedekiah in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , and the 1. of Cyrus were more then 30. yeares : for that captiuitie was in the 18. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , Ierem. 52. 29. who raigned in all 45. yeares , there remayned then 27. yeares of his raigne , Balthazar had 3. yeares , then came betweene them Euilmerodach , who as Iosephus writeth , raigned 18. yeares , lib. 10. antiquit. c. 12.

3. It remayneth then , that the 70. yeares of captiuitie must haue their determination in the first yeare of Cyrus : as is euident , 2. Chron. 36. 22. then was the word and prophesie of Ieremie finished : And this is agreeable to the prophesie of I say : he saith of Cyrus , &c. he shall performe all my desire : saying to Ierusalem , thou shalt be built , and to the Temple , thy foundations shall be surcly layd , I say . 44. 28.

Quest. 7. Of Daniels prayer , v. 4. to v. 20.

Daniels prayer consisteth 1. of the inuocation it selfe , where God is described by his epithetes and titles , great and fearefull : and his effects , the keeping of his couenant toward them that loue him . 2. then followeth the prayer it selfe , which hath two parts as Daniel himselfe deuideth it , a confession to v. 15. and deprecation from thence to v , 20. In the confession 1. Daniel maketh an ample and large confession of his and the peoples sinnes and vnrighteousnesse , to v. 7. 2. of the iustice and righteousnesse of God in punishing their sinnes yet in mercie , to v. 15. In the confession of their sinnes are set forth , 1. the manner , which is amplified by fowre degrees , they haue sinned , committed iniquitie , done wickedly , yea rebeiled : they haue sinned not of ignorance and infirmitie , but wittingly and obstinately . 2. the matter , in leauing Gods commandements , and not giuing care to his Prophets , v. 6. The confession is either generall , to v. 10. or particular to v. 15.

In the generall . 1. be confesseth Gods iustice in bringing vpon them shame , which is amplified by a threefold enumeration of the people : by their countrey , the inhabitants of Iudah and Ierusalem , yea all Israel : by their place and situation , neere and farre off thorough all countreys : by their degrees and callings , euen vpon their kings and Princes , v. 8. 2. he confesseth Gods mercie , v. 9.

In the particular confession , is set forth Gods iustice in punishing their sinne : where 1. their sinne is amplified . 2. the punishment . In the amplification of their sinne , namely their disobedience , three circumstances are expressed , whose voice they disobeyed , the Lords , by whose ministrie , by the Prophets , and who were disobedient , euen all Israel .

Concerning the punishment three things are declared . 1. the prediction of it , in the commination set forth in Moses lawe , v. 11. 2. the fulfilling and accomplishment of it , v. 12. 3. the qualitie and condition of it , the greatest plague vnder the whole heauen was fallen vpon them : And this last part of the greatnesse of the iudgement is amplified , 1. by the certaintie of the prediction . 2. by their sinne of securitie , in not beeing humbled by prayer vnto God , 3. by the equitie and iustice of God , v. 14.

Then followeth the second part of Daniels prayer , his deprecation and earnest petition : wherein he prayeth : for two things . 1. that the Lord would turne his wrath from them . 2. that he would returne and shewe his gracious fauour toward Ierusalem . The first petition is enforced by these arguments . 1. from the example of their deliuerance out of Egypt . 2. by the effects thereof , the renowne and praise which the Lord had obtained thereby . 3. from the confession of their sinne . 4. from Gods righteousnesse , which must be vnderstood in keeping and performing his promise . 5. from the sequell and euent , they were become a reproach vnto their enemies . 6. from the interest and propertie , which God had in Ierusalem , he calleth it his citie , v. 16. The other petition that the Lord would shewe his fauour , is amplified by these reasons . 1. because it is his Sanctuarie . 2. from the miserie and desolation thereof , it lyeth wast , and therefore was to be pitied . 3. from the cause , for the Lord , the Messiahs sake . 4. from the qualitie and condition of the people and citie , they were the Church of God , his name was called vpon among them . 5. from the opposition betweene their worthines , which they disclaymed , and the Lords mercies , which they onely relyed vpon . 6. from the end , he asketh that Gods name thereby might be set forth : for thine owne sake , O God .

Quest. 8. How Daniel prayeth for the deliuerance of the people , seeing it was certainely promised after 70. yeares .

Daniel doth not pray so earnestly knowing the time prefixed of the 70. yeares to be expired , as doubting of the fulfilling and accomplishment of the prophesie : for he beeing not onely a faithfull man , but a Prophet himselfe , made no doubt , but that God ; beeing most constant in not changing , and most powerfull in performing what he hath decreed , would accordingly remember his people .

These reasons then may be rendred , why Daniel prayeth notwithstanding he was assured of the certaintie of this prophesie . 1. Theodoret saith , timens Daniel , ne peccata Iudaeorum diuinis promissis obstarent , preces apud Deum multiplicavit , Daniel fearing least the sinnes of the Iewes might hinder the diuine promises , doth multiplie his prayers before God , &c. The promises , as likewise the comminations of God are of two sorts : some are absolute , which shall most surely come to passe , such was the promise of the comming of the Messiah : some are conditionall : as was the promise that the seede of Abraham should inherite Canaan for euer , which was vpon condition of their obedience : Such was the commination threatned against Niniueh conditionall , vnlesse they did repent : and Daniel , as Theodoret thinketh , might take this promise of deliuerance after 70. yeares to be conditional , and might feare , least the sinnes of the people should hinder it .

2. Hierome giueth this satisfaction : Daniel prayeth not as incredulous , sed vt quod Deus per suam promiserat clementiam , per ipsius preces impleret , but that what God had promised by his clemencie , might be fulfilled through his prayers , &c. his meaning is this : that as God had appointed the deliuerance of his people , so also he had ordained the meanes , that it should be obtayned by earnest prayers and supplications of his seruants : for both of these doe fall vnder the diuine ordination , res , & suus modus , the thing it selfe , and the manner and meanes thereof , Lyran. So although God haue certainely preordained the saluation of the elect , yet they must walke in the way which God hath appointed , and vse the meanes to further their saluation .

3. Lyranus addeth further : Daniel also prayeth to this end , vt ostenderet se gratum Deo de promissione prius facta , to shewe his thankfulnes to God , for so gracious a promise of their deliuerance alreadie made .

Quest. 9. Of the properties required in the prayers of the faithfull , obserued here in Daniels prayer , v. 20.

1. In that Daniel doth prostrate himselfe before the Lord , humbly confessing his sinne , it teacheth vs , that our prayers must proceed from humility and contrition of heart : therfore was the prayer of the Publican accepted , but the proud Pharisies reiected , because the one prayed in humilitie , the other was puffed vp in pride . 2. in that he did speake in his prayer , therein is shewed , that although God doe knowe our hearts and thoughts , and in that regard needeth not to be informed by any voice , yet he will haue vs by speach in our prayer to open our minds , quo magis pietas nostra inardescat , that our pietie and deuotion thereby may be kindled the more , Oecolamp . 3. Daniel perseuered in prayer : he continued his prayer from morning to euening , vnto the time of the euening sacrifice , Oecolamp . 4. he prayeth in charitie , not for himselfe onely , but for all the people of God : So if we will haue our prayers to be heard , we must offer them vp in loue : as our Sauiour saith , Mark . 11. 25. when yee shall stand , and pray , forgiue , if ye haue any thing against any man : 5. Daniel prayeth in faith , presenting his prayers before God onely , before whom , and not before any creatures , we must prostrate our selues , Bulling.

Quest. 10. Of the apparition of the Angel Gabriel , v. 21.

1. He is called the man Gabriel , beeing described by his name , and the forme wherein he appeared : some thinke he is called a man , à virtute , of his strength , gloss interlin . but it is rather to be referred vnto the shape , wherein he appeared , Polan . 2. This Angel onely in the canonicall Scriptures is found expressed by ●ame : As for the name Michael , it is giuen vnto Christ , who is the Lord Iehouah , and is not the name of a created Angel , as some learned Hebrewes also affirme : H. Br. in Daniel . And this may be the reason hereof , why Gabriel onely is named of the Angels , because he was the messenger and minister of the incarnation of that great Angel of the couenant , who should be named and haue his conuersation among men . 3. This Angel Gabriel was he , that was sent vnto Zacharie , and to the Virgin Marie to shewe the fulfilling and accomplishment of this prophesie , H. Br. 4. And in that he saith , whom I had seene in the vision before , that is the vision set forth in the 8. cap. which was expounded vnto Daniel by the Angel Gabriel , c. 8. 16. it maketh much for the confirmation of Daniel , that hauing experience alreadie of the faithfulnesse of this holy messenger , he should now be out of doubt , Polan . 5. He is said to come flying , to signifie the diligence and readinesse of these holy spirits in executing the will of God : and though the Angels are spirits , and neither haue bodies or wings of their owne , yet it is like , that as the Angel here appeared in an humane shape , so also he might seeme to come flying with winges , Oecolamp . Hugo .

Quest. 11. How Daniel discerned this to be a good Angel .

1. Some by these fiue things would haue the apparition of good Angels discerned from bad , In tractat . de distinct . verar. vision . à falsis . by their humilitie , patience , veritie , prudence , charitie , Ioan. Gerson . As humilitie appeared in that Angel , which appeared vnto Iohn , Reuela● . 22. that would not suffer him to worship him : the good Angels are patient and long suffring toward vs , not readie to prouoke God , as Sathan was , that tempted Iob : they are not lying spirits , as Sathan was in the mouth of Baals Prophets , 1. king . 22. but alwaies speake and deliuer the truth : their heauenly wisedome and prudence appeareth in reuealing of secrets , and hid mysteries , as Gabriel , c. 8. did expound the vision to Daniel : they also are zealously affected with loue and charitie toward the people of God , as our blessed Sauiour saith , there is ioy in heauen ouer a sinner that conuerteth , Luk. 15. 2. But beside this ordinarie direction , whereby the children of God are taught to distinguish true visions● from false , Daniel beeing a Prophet vnderstood it , per illuminationem spiritus , by the illumination of the spirit , Pintus . 3. As also Daniel by his former experience in the other visions , c. 8. was able to discerne of the appearing of the same Angel here .

Quest. 12. Whether the Angels haue 〈◊〉 .

By occasion of these words , that this Angel is called the man Gabriel , this question is briefly to be discussed , whether the Angels haue any bodies , or rather are altogether immateriall and without bodies .

1. Of the former opinion seemeth Augustine to be , that , damones sunt a●rea animalia , spirits are a●rie creatures , and because their bodies consist of the aire , which is an element more apt to worke and doe , then to suffer , they are not dissolued by death , lib. 2. de Gen. ad liter . c. 17. And in an other place he yeeldeth this reason of his assertion , that all Angels good and had are supposed to haue a kind of bodies , nihil incorporum credendum est praeter solu●● Deum , nothing is to be held incorporeall beside God onely : with Augustine consent Origen● lib. 1. periarch , Philo 〈◊〉 . de opifici , 〈◊〉 , dierum . Lanctanti●s , Hilarius , with others . And in the 2. Nycene Councel . action . 4. there was produced a treatise of Iohn Bishop of Thessalonica , to the same purpose , that Angels haue either 〈◊〉 or fierie bodies , where that place in the Psalme is alledged , he maketh his Angels spirits , and his messengers flames of fire , Psal. 104. and therefore he concludeth , that they are 〈◊〉 pictura , to be imitated and portraited by picture .

Contra. 1. The Angels beeing celestiall treatures , cannot be supposed to haue aerie bodies : the heauens are of a 〈◊〉 pure essence and nature then is the aire , the Angels beeing celestiall , and of a more subtile nature the● the heauens , doe farre exceede the subtiltie of the aire . 2. God the creator is an infinite spirit farre remote from all bodily matter , in comparison of whom the Angels and created spirits may be said to be of a mixt and concret nature : yet they are in themselues of a spirituall and immateriall constitution : otherwise by the same argument , it would followe , that because God is a spirit , therefore the Angels are not spirits . 3. that place in the Psalme describeth not the making and constitution of the Angels , as though they should consist either of aerie or fierie bodies , but it sheweth their office onely and ministrie , that God vseth his Angels as the winds and fire , to execute his will : to the which purpose the Apostle alleadgeth it , Heb. 1. 7. 4. And in that Angels are and may be portraited by picture , it prooueth not that they haue any bodily constitution , but that they appeared in some visible shape , which is expressed by picture .

2. The sounder opinion then is , that Angeli sunt corporis expertes , Angels are without bodies : which is the iudgement of Gregor. Nyssen . in tractat . de oration . of Chrysostome homil. 22. in Genes. of Cyrill in c. 12. Ioan. of Theodoret , in c. 12. Daniel . and of Thom. Aquin. And this assertion may further be confirmed by these reasons . 1. because Angels are called spirits in the Scripture : therefore they are of a spirituall nature . 2. the soule of man is of a spirituall substance , not of any corporall constitution , much more the Angels . 3. If Angels had bodies , it would follow , that they are circumscriptible , and occupie a place , as other bodies doe : but they cannot be hemmed in by walls , doores , or such like limits and bounds . 4. one bodie doth not penetrate or pierce another , but giueth way , as the aire to the water : but the spirits passe through substances , as through doores , walls , and the like ; therefore they haue no bodies .

3. Pintus resolueth not of either of these opinions , because the Church hath not defined and determined what is to be held of this matter : and concludeth thus : quid hac in re verum sit , Deus ipse viderit , &c. what commeth neere vnto the truth herein , God himselfe knoweth , &c. But it is more consonant and agreeable to Scripture , that Angels are altogether of a spirituall nature , as hath been shewed , and therefore we may safely rest in this as a true position , and well grounded conclusion .

Quest. 13. Why the Angel came about the time of the euening sacrifice , v. 21.

1. Some note herereby that Daniel perseuered and continued an whole day in prayer from morning to euening , gloss . and if it be obiected that the commandement was giuen vnto the Angel in the beginning of Daniels prayer , and therefore it is not like that the Angel was so long in comming , to deliuer the message vnto Daniel , it may be answered , that as soone as Daniel beganne to pray , God in heauen made known his decree for the reuealing of this secret to Daniel , Hugo . yet at that instant the Angel came not forth , but as God further directed him .

2. And beside , God by diuerse miraculous workes did consecrate the time of the morning and euening sacrifice : as about the time of the euening sacrifice at Elias prayer , fire came downe from heauen , which consumed the sacrifice , with the water powred vpon it , and the verie stones of the altar , 1. king . 18. 36. &c. so according to the word of Elisha , in the morning when the meate offring was offred , water came by the way of Edom , 2. king . 3. Thus it pleased God to commend the times of publike prayer , that men might haue a greater desire vnto those publike exercises , Polan .

3. Oecolampadius sheweth out of Ammonius , that the Angel Gabriel came in the euening , which is the ende of the day , to shew , that 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Christ should come in the latter dayes of the world .

4. But some obserue yet more exactly , that the Angel came about the time of the euening sacrifice , which was the ninth houre of the day , about three of the clocke in the afternoone , to shew the verie houre of the passion of Christ , who about the ninth houre yeelded vp his spirit , Matth. 27. 46. 50. H. Br.

Quest. 14. Why Daniel is called a man of desires , ver. 23.

1. Some doe expound it actiuely , because Daniel so earnestly desired to vnderstand visions and secret mysteries for his owne and others better instruction : so Hugo . 2. Some giue this sense , quia in te sunt multa desiderabilia , because there are many excellent things to be desired in thee . 3. or thou art a man of desires , that is , worthie to be beloued , Pintus . 4. But it is better vnderstood passiuely , he was beloued and accepted with God : and so Symmachus translateth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a man desired or beloued of God , Oecolampad . and so it answeareth to the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , freely beloued , with which word the Angel saluteth Mary Luk. 1. 28. that as here God had chosen Daniel to reueale this mysterie vnto , concerning the Messiah , so Marie is elected of God to be the mother of Christ for the accomplishment of this vision : So then Daniel is called a man of desires , that is , Deo acceptus , accepted of God , Calvin . Iunius . D●o amabilis , beloued of God , Lyranus . Deo ch●rus , deere vnto God , Sa. for things which are esteemed , and had in price , are called things of desires , as Esaus best raiment , which Rebeckah put about her sonne Iakob , are called garments of desires , Genes. 27. 15. and pleasant bread Daniel calleth bread of desires , c. 10. 3. Polan .

Quest. 15. v. 24. Seuentie weekes are determined , &c ▪ How Daniels prayer is heard , praying for the peoples deliuerance .

Seeing Daniel made his request for the deliuerance of the people , the 70. yeares of captiuitie beeing expired , and the Angel doth open vnto him an other vision of 70. weekes of yeares , the question is , how this is answerable vnto Daniels prayer .

1. One answer is , that because Daniel had some reuelation of the Messiah , which should be incarnate , both by the vision of the stone cut out without hands , c. 2. and of the Sonne of man comming in the clouds , c. 7. he had an earnest desire to be further instructed concerning the comming of the Messiah , and therefore herein the Lord satisfieth Daniels desire .

2. Lyranu● addeth further , quia Dominus plus dat , quam ab eo petatur , because the Lord giueth and graunteth more then is asked of him : he doth not onely assure Daniel of the temporall deliuerance of the people , now after 70. yeares captiuitie ; but doth reueale also vnto him , the spirituall and euerlasting deliuerance of the people of God after 70. weekes of yeares .

3. Father it is answered , that it is vsuall in Scripture , when any thing is spoken of , which is a type and figure of an other , that in the handling thereof many things are deliuered , which agree vnto the thing that is prefigured , not vnto the type : as in the Psalmes , Dauid and Salomon 〈…〉 as types of Christ : where many things ( as Psal. 2. Psal. 7● . ) are declared , which 〈◊〉 in no wayes agree vnto them , but must be referred vnto Christ . And so in this prophesie , the temporall deliuerance of the people beeing a type of their spirituall deliuerance by Christ , Rupert . in Dan. c. 16. vnder the one is signified the other , Perer. so also Rupertus , sic illam captiuitatem solvioptat , vt pro maiori sollicitus ●it , he so desireth that captiuitie to be dissolued , as that yet he is carefull for a greater deliuerance .

4. But it may furthe● be answered , that beside that the Angel satisfieth Daniels desire concerning the deliuerance of the people , he also foretelleth of the spirituall deliuerance by Christ : that the people should not rest in that temporall benefit , but be in continuall expectation of the comming of the Messiah , by whom they should be redeemed from the bondage of sinne , Polan . As also because the people notwithstanding this captiuitie of 70. years , continued in their sinne , the Angel sheweth that God would yet giue them a longer time ofrepentance , euen of seuentie weekes of yeares : after which time , if they repented not , their citie should be destroyed , according to the determinate sentence of God , Iun. in commentar .

Quest. 16. v. 24. How the seuentie weekes must be vnderstood .

1. These seuentie weekes cannot be taken for so many weekes of dayes , as weekes are properly taken , as Leni● . 23. the feast of Pentecost followed seuen weekes after the feast of the Passeo●er : for 70. weekes of dayes make but one yeare , 4. moneths , and 14. dayes : so that then this prophesie should haue beene fulfilled in lesse time , then a yeare and halfe , Lyran. Bulling .

2. Orige● taketh these weekes not for weekes of dayes , or of single yeares , but of tenne yeares , that euerie one of these propheticall weekes , should comprehend 70. yeares , and so the whole 〈◊〉 of 70. of these weekes , amounteth to 4900. yeares : Eusebius in part followeth this interpretation of the weekes , lib. 8. de d●monst . Euangel. for the last weeke of the 70. he extendeth to 70. yeares , counting vnto the last weeke seuen times tenne yeares : But if this reckoning should stand , this prophesie of Daniel is not yet fulfilled , for from Daniels time vntill now , there are not aboue ●●00 . yeares runne , so that their should remaine 2700. yerres of the 70. weekes : whereas we see that many yeares since Ierusalem was destroyed , and their sacrifices and ceremonies abolished .

3. Lyranus ▪ reporteth the opinion of some , which vnderstand these to be Iubile weekes , and some , weekes of hundred yeares : they which take them for so many Iubilees or 50. yeares , make in euerie weeke 350. yeares , and the whole summe will rise to 24500. yeares : but if euerie day should be counted for an 100. yeares , the weeke shall containe 700. yeares , and 70. weekes , 49000. yeares . Against this exposition Lyranus alleadgeth these two reasons . 1. no where in Scripture is the name of a weeke taken in any such sense , either for 50. yeares , or an 100. yeares : but either it signifieth weeks of dayes , or weekes of yeares . 2. the world shall not continue so many thousand yeares , neither should this prophesie be yet fulfilled concerning the destruction of the citie and Sanctuarie : all which things we see came to passe aboue a 1500. yeare since .

4. It remayneth then , that we are here precisely to vnderstand 70. weekes of yeares : euerie weeke containing 7. yeares : for so is a weeke of yeares taken , Leuit. 25. 8. thou shalt number seuen Sabbaths of yeares vnto thee , euen seuen times seuen yeares : so that 70. weekes of yeares make 490. yeares , Iun. Perer. Polan . Pellican . cum caeter .

Quest. 17 Why 70. weeks are said to be cut out or determined .

Whereas the Latine translator readeth , abbreuiatae sunt , 70. weekes are abbreuiated or shortened , this hath giuen occasion of some question . 1. Augustine epistol. 80. ad Hesychium , maketh mention how some thus interpreted those words of our Sauiour , Matth. 24. 22. that for the elects ●ake those dayes should be shortened , that the dayes of persecution should be shorter then the naturall day of 24. houres : and thus as well might some suppose the weekes to be said to be shortened ▪ like as we reade that in Iosuah and Hezekias time , the day was lengthened , and made longer then the natural day : But this cannot be the meaning , for it cannot be shewed , that during the space of those 70. weeke● , which make 490. yeares , or for almost two thousand yeare since , any day fell out shorter then the ordinarie course of the naturall day .

2. Augustine in the former place reporteth an other opinion of some , who thought that the time appointed for the comming of the Messiah , which God had purposed to haue prolonged , was at the instant prayers of the Prophets , and other of the elect shortened , and sooner accomplished : like as Augustine thinketh , that the time of 120. yeares set for the repentance of the old world , was cut short by 20. yeares .

But this interpretation cannot stand . 1. God by this meanes , if he had shortened the time , which he had appointed , should be mutable and changeable . 2. they must shew out of Scripture , that there was a longer time appointed for the comming of the Messiah , which the Lord abridged . 3. the time limited for the repentance of the old world , was not shortened : but whereas first mention is made of Noahs age of 500. yeares , Gen. 5. 32. and then the time of 120. yeares is prescribed , c. 6. 3. and yet Noah was but 600. yeare old , when he entred into the arke , Gen. 7. 6. it must be acknowledged that the limitation of that time is somewhat transposed , and that in order of time it was reuealed to Noah before he was 500. yeare old , but it is deferred to the 6. chapter , least the historie of the generation of the fathers should haue beene interrupted . See more hereof , Hexapl. in Genes . chap. 6. quest. 6.

3. A third opinion there is , which is ascribed to Iulius Africanus , Theodoret , Albertus , Beda , Rupertus , Carthusianus , Hug. Card. that here must be vnderstood the yeares of the moone , which containe but 354. dayes , eleuen dayes lesse then the yeare of the Sunne , which consisteth of 365. dayes : so that 70. weekes of such yeares of the Moone , that is , 490. yeares , are but equiualent to 475. yeares of the Sunne , Rupert . euerie weeke of the yeares of the Sunne exceeding a weeke of the yeares of the Moone by 77. dayes .

But Lyranus well refuteth this opinion by these two reasons . 1. because the Hebrewes vsed not to count by the yeares of the Moone , but by the full and iust yeares of the Sunne : otherwise where the Scripture setteth down the summes of yeares , as 430. of the soiourning of Israel in Egypt and Canaan , Exod. 12. 480. from the departure of Israel out of Egypt to the building of the Temple , 1. King . 6. 1. there should be no certaintie in these computations ; but if the account should be made by the course of the Moone , there should be fewer yeares in these summes , then they are reckoned for . 2. Againe , whereas the Israelites kept their Passeouer , on the 14. day of the first Moone , if they should haue obserued the yeare of the moone , they should euerie yeare keepe the Passeouer , an 11. dayes sooner then other , and so in processe of time , they should haue obserued that feast euerie moneth thorough the yeare .

4. A fourth exposition is , that abbreuia●e hebdomadas , to abbreuiate or shorten the weekes , is all one , as paucas constiture , to appoint but fewe weekes : this time was but short in respect of other prophesies made concerning the Messiah , as that to Adam , Gen. 3. and to Abraham , Gen. 22. that in his seede all nations should be blessed : these prophesies were to be fulfilled many yeares after , but now there remayned but a fewe weekes for the accomplishment of this : In this sense the dayes are said to be shortened for the elects sake , Matth. 24. 22. that is , they should continue but a short time those dayes of affliction , Pererius . But we refuse this exposition also , because it is grounded vpon a corrupt translation of the word chatach , which signifieth not to abbreuiate , but to cut out , and so consequently , to determine .

5. Barbinel a cauilling Rabbine , by the word chatach , which signifieth to cut , would haue signified the cutting afflictions , which the people of God should endure all this time : but all this tearme was not a time of affliction to the people of God : they had many prosperous dayes , and had some breathing time , after their returne out of captiuitie .

6. The word chatach then , is well interpreted here , determined , or prefixed , certainely appointed and decreed with God , praefinitae , defined , Vatab. decisae , cut out , Pagnin . Mon. Iun. Polan . and this further is well obserued by some , that here a verbe of the singular number is ioyned to a word of the plurall , 70. weekes is determined , to shewe , that euerie one of these weekes from the first to the last shall be particularly and precisely complete , Liuely .

Quest. 18. Why this tearme of 490. yeares is expressed by weeks .

1. The seuenth number was of great obseruation among the Iewes : the seuenth day , the seuenth yeare , the seuenth seuenth yeare , which was the Iubile in the 49. yeare , were all times of holy rest : therefore to signifie the great yeare of rest , and Iubile at the comming of the Messiah , when there should be a generall remission of the sinnes of the world , this time is reckoned by weekes , and by seuen times tenne weekes of yeares , which make 10. Iubilies : for tenne times 49. yeares , make iust 490. yeares , Polan . 2. An other reason is this , volebat conferre septuaginta hebdo●●adas annorum cum septuaginta annis , the Angel would compare the seuentie weekes of yeares , with the 70. yeares of captiuitie , shewing that for 70. yeares of captiuitie , they should enioy seuen times 70. yeares of deliuerance : the Prophet then , confert Dei gratiam cum iudicio , doth compare the grace and mercie of God , with his iudgment , Calvin . 3. But in that the Angel speaketh simply of 70. weekes , not adding of dayes or yeares , therein is obserued the propheticall manner of speach , which is for the most part obscure and darke , as treating of mysticall and hid matters : whereas in historicall narrations an other kind of plaine and open speach and phrase is vsed .

Quest. 19. Why the Angel saith , vpon thy people , and vpon thine holy citie .

1. Hierome , whom the gloss . followeth , and Hugo Card. thus interpret ; he calleth them the people of Daniel , not his people , because they were euill , as though God had reiected them : but this cannot be : for it beeing called an holy citie , must needes be Gods citie . 2. Tertullian . lib. cont. Iudaeos , and Theodoret vpon this place , doe thinke that they are called Daniels , and not the Lords people , because of that great sinne , which they should commit , in putting the Messiah to death : but in this sense neither would Daniel acknowlege them to be his people . 3. Therefore they are rather called Daniels people , sanguine & affectu , they were his people both in the kindred of flesh and in affection , Pintus . they were his countrey-men , and beside he was carefull for them , Calv. Osiand . 4. Now , whereas it is said , vpon thy people , some vnderstand , for the destruction , and finall ouerthrowe of the people and citie , Iun. annot . so also Hugo . super , notat oppressionem , this word vpon noteth their oppression , who finally were destroyed by the Romanes : some giue this sense , within this time all these things shal come to passe , which belong vnto the eternal saluation of the people , Osi. But both rather are signified ; both the mercie , which should be offred vnto this people , in taking away their sinnes by the comming of the Messiah , and the iudgement , which should befal them for their contempt & reiecting of the Messiah : for both these are afterward touched , the benefits , which the Messiah should bring vnto them , vers. 24. and the calamiti , ewhich should be sent vpon them , vers. 26. And both these Iunius in his commentarie ioyneth together .

Quest. 20. The meaning of these words , v. 24. to finish or rather restraine wickednesse .

1. R. Salamon , who endeth these 70. weekes at the second destruction of the citie and Temple by Titus , thus interpreteth , that then the Iewes should endure a longer captiuitie , then before : and thereby should learne , to leaue off their sinnes , and by their long punishment merit forgiuenesse of their sinne .

Contra. 1. Lyranus thus refelleth the Rabbine : that the Iewes are so farre off from leauing their sinnes by this long captiuitie , that they are rather worse : for their periuries , vsurie , profane oathes , are notoriously knowne . And seeing God punished their idolatrie , but with captiuitie of 70. years , and now they haue endured captiuitie more then twice 7. hundred yeares , it must needs be a greater sinne for the which they sustaine so long a time of punishment , which can be none other , then their killing the Lord of life the Blessed Messiah . 2. Paulus Burgen . addeth further , that this finishing of iniquitie must be within the 70. weeks , but that ceasing from sinne which the Rabbine imagineth , must follow after these 70. weeks expired . 3. adde hereunto , that no man by the workes of the law is iustified , or can doe any thing acceptable vnto God : how then can the Iewes without the Messiah obtaine remission of sinnes ? And againe , men by their punishment , though it be neuer so long and great , cannot satisfie for their sinnes ; for then they which are tormented in hell , might at length satisfie for their iniquitie . Polan .

2. Some following the Latine text , to consummate or finish sinne , doe thus interpret it , to make perfect sinne : as the Iewes were come to the height of sinne when they crucified Christ : in this sense our Sauiour saith , Matth. 23. Fulfillye the measure of your fathers : thus expound Chrysostome , orat . 2. cont. Iudaeos . Theodoret vpon this place , and Eusebius , lib. 8. de praeparat . Euang. but the next words following , to seale vp 〈◊〉 , and reconcile iniquitie , doe shewe , that this phrase signifieth rather the consumption , then consummation of sinne .

3. Some reading to finish sinne , vnderstand it of the consumption of sinne , and taking of it away by the death of Christ : as a candle is said to be ended , when it is consumed , Hugo . so is the word finishing taken , Isa. 40. 2. Speake comfortably to Ierusalem , &c. that her warfare is finished , and her iniquitie is pardoned . Perer. so also Calv. Genevens . Vatabl. Pintus : this sense is not to be misliked , sauing that the word is not well interpreted , which signifieth not to finish , but rather to restraine or shut vp .

4. The word cala , with aleph , ( which is here vsed ) signifieth to shut vp , but cal●h with he , is to finish and consummate : the meaning then is , to restraine sinne : which Iunius , and Polanus following him , doe interpret of the preseruing of the elect from that generall defection and falling away of the Iewes , which began in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes .

5. But seeing the words following , to seale vp sinnes , &c. are generall , not of any speciall iniquitie , or of some speciall nation , but of the sinnes of all ; these words are better vnderstood also generally , that by the comming of Christ , and preaching of the Gospel , there should be a generall restraint of sinne : as many which made no conscience before of adulterie , idolatrie , couetousnes , and such like , should be reclaimed by the Gospel ▪ Bullinger . as the Apostle saith , hauing made mention of idolaters , fornicatours , adulterers , and such like , who shall not inherit the kingdome of God , addeth , but such were some of you , but ye are washed , ye are sanctified , &c. 1. Cor. 6. 10.

22. Quest. Of the sealing of sinnes .

1. The Latine translatour readeth , to finish sinne : whereupon Pererius taketh occasion to shew how diuers waies sinne was finished by the death of Christ , in that he paied the ransome for our sinne , abolished idolatrie , conquered Sathan : So M. Lively preferreth this reading , and expoundeth it by that place , Ioh. 1. 29. Behold the lambe of God , which taketh away the sinne of the world .

2. But seeing the word is chatam , which signifieth to seale vp , and so the Septuagint read , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , in sealing , therefore this reading is to be preferred , to seale vp sinnes : that is , to binde vp as it were , and to seale and cloase them , as neuer any more to be opened , read , or declared against vs : for as writings are vnfolded and opened to be rehearsed , and read , so they are sealed vp to be concealed and buried in obliuion : which S. Paul calleth , the putting out of the hand-writing , &c. which was against vs , Coloss. ● . 14. Polan .

Quest. 22. What it is to reconcile iniquitie .

1. The vulgar Latine readeth , to take away sinne : so also Lyranus , Hugo , Pintus , with others : and hereupon Pererius sheweth how three wayes a thing may be taken away , by washing and wiping , by scraping , as a blot in writing , and by dissipating or dissoluing , as when a cloud or mist is dispersed : and so in all these phrases sinne is said to be taken away : as Dauid saith , Psal. 51. wash away my sinne , and S. Paul , that Christ hath rased out the hand-writing of our sinne , Colos. 2. And Isay 44. 22. the Lord saith , I haue put away thy transgression as a cloud : This sense is true , but it is not well grounded : for the word caphar , signifieth to expiate , reconcile , not to take away .

2. Some by this expiation and reconciliation vnderstand the taking away of the guilt of sinne , whereby we are made guiltie of eternall damnation , Polan . but that seemeth to be signified before in the sealing of sinnes , that they should not be had in remembrance to ou● condemnation .

3. Hereby then rather is signified that Christ hath made reconciliation for sinne , that is , he satisfied in his death vpon the crosse , pro culpa & poena , &c. for the fault and punishment , Bulling.

4. Thus by these three words here vsed , peshagh , chataoth , ghaven , which are translated , wickednesse , sinnes , iniquitie , all manner of sinnes whatsoeuer are implied , ( sinne onely against the holy Ghost excepted ) Bulling. which may thus be distinguished , wickednesse against God , sinne in our selues , and iniquitie against our neighbour , Hugo . And here this benefit of taking away sinne is set forth in three degrees : in restraining the act , in sealing them vp in respect of the guilt vnto condemnation , and in making expiation for the fault and offence it selfe .

Quest. 23. v. 24. How the Messiah brought euerlasting righteousnesse .

1. Some by this euerlasting iustice vnderstand Christ himselfe , Vatab. who is said to be our iustice fiue wayes . 1. exemplariter , because his iustice and righteousnesse is set before vs to imitate and follow . 2. satisfactorie , because he hath satisfied the wrath of God by his righteousnesse for our sinnes . 3. meritorie , he hath by his righteousnes merited for vs eternall life . 4. efficienter , he is the efficient cause of our iustice and righteousnes . 5. finaliter , because this is the ende of our holinesse and righteousnesse , to be made like and conformable to the image of the sonne , as the Apostle speaketh , Rom. 8. 29. Perer. But here is vnderstood , not that righteousnesse which Christ hath in himselfe , but that which is communicated vnto vs : for here are two benefits rehearsed , which should come by the Messiah , the first is the taking away of sinne , which is before expressed : the other the bringing and giuing of righteousnesse .

2. Some by iustice vnderstand the preaching of righteousnesse by the gospel , as Lyranus , as it is taken , Isay. 45. 23. the word is gone out of my mouth in righteousnesse , Pintus . But the preaching of the gospell shall not be euerlasting : for in the next world , there shall be no neede of preaching : the Saints shall enioy the presence and sight of the lambe , who shall be their light .

3. Some by iustice interpret the actiue iustice , which God exercised vpon the crosse in not sparing his sonne , but giuing him for the redemption of the world , Hug. Card. But the verie phrase , to bring in euerlasting righteousnesse , sheweth , that such a iustice is here meant , not which was shewed vpon Christ , but was communnicated to his members .

4. Wherefore by iustice here is vnderstood nothing els but our iustification , whereby the iustice of Christ is imputed vnto vs freely , and made ours by faith , Bulling. and in this sense , is the word iustice or righteousnesse taken , Iames. 2. 23. Abraham beleeued God , and it was imputed to him for iustice , or righteousnesse , Pintus .

5. But we must take heede here of that Popish conceit of inherent iustice : as Pererius here vnderstandeth that iustice , quae in homine inest à Deo effecta , which is in ●●an wrought by God , &c. for this iustice which is wrought in man by faith , is nothing else but our sanctification , which is imperfect , and therefore it is not that euerlasting iustice , which is the iustice of Christ imputed vnto vs by faith .

Quest. 24. Why it is called euerlasting righteousnesse .

1. The iustice or righteousnesse of faith in Christ is called euerlasting , in respect of the iustice of the lawe : non euanescet sicut iustitia legis , it shall not vanish away as the iustice of the law , Osiand . which was a temporarie iustice consisting in the obseruation of legall rites and ceremonies , which were not to continue , Perer. such was the righteousnesse of Zacharie and Elizabeth , which are called iust , because they walked in all the commandements , and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , constitutions and ordinances of the lawe , Luk. 1. 6. so also the gloss . it is called eternall iustice , quae legis iustitiam vincat , which should exceede the iustice of the lawe .

2. This iustice of faith is euerlasting , because it is omnium temporum , for all times : all that euer liued in the world , were iustified by the iustice of faith in Christ , Bulling.

3. And is eternall , quia inchoatur in via , in patria perficitur , it is begunne here as in the way , and shall be perfited in our countrey , Pintus .

4. But it is rather so called in respect of the euerlasting force and vertue of this iustice , which shall neuer be extinguished , but shall make vs accepted of God for euer , Polan . as the Prophet Isay saith , c. 45. 17. Israel shall be saned in the Lord with an euerlasting saluation , ye shall not be ashawed , nor confounded world without ende .

Here followe certaine questions of the iustice of Christ , in what manner , wherein , and in what measure it is applyed . Quest. 25. Whether as Christs satisfaction for the punishment of sinne is imputed to vs by faith , so likewise his innocencie .

It must of necessitie followe , if that Christ hath obtayned and purchased for vs a perfect and absolute redemption , that he hath discharged our whole debt , not onely in satisfying for the punishment of the lawe , but in imputing also vnto vs his innocencie and obedience , as may appeare by these reasons .

1. Christ is of greater power to communicate vnto vs his innocencie , then Adam was to deriue vnto vs the guilt of his sinne and disobedience : then as by Adam , sinne was propagated , and death came in by sinne , Rom. 5. 12. so it is necessarie , that we should receiue from Christ not onely exemption from death by his death , but be cloathed also with his righteousnesse .

2. We cannot stand in iudgement before God , vnlesse we be endued with perfect iustice : now perfect iustice is that whereby the commandements of God are exactly fulfilled , which was performed not onely by that one act of Christs death , but by the perfect innocencie and holinesse of his whole life : therefore the whole obedience of Christ must be imputed and communicated vnto vs .

3. Christ discharged our whole debt : Now we are debters not onely in respect of the punishment of the lawe , which by our disobedience we haue deserued : but the lawe exacteth also of vs perfect obedience , and integritie from sinne : in both these respects then we haue neede of Christ .

4. The Apostle saith directly , Rom. 10. 4. that Christ is the ende of the lawe for righteousnesse vnto euerie one that beleeueth , that is , by faith the righteousnes of Christ in fulfilling the lawe is imputed vnto vs in as full and ample manner , as if we had fulfilled the lawe our selues .

5. If Christ hath not fulfilled the lawe for vs , it would followe , that the law remaineth still to be fulfilled by vs , which is impossible .

The contrarie obiections answered .

Obiect . 1. The righteousnesse of faith , and the righteousnesse and fulfilling of the lawe , are two diuerse things : the righteousnesse , which we receiue by Christ , is by faith , therefore not the fulf●●●ng of the lawe .

Answ. The righteousnes of the lawe by works , and of the gospel by faith , are not two diuerse righteousnes , for they differ neither in matter , as both requiring that obedience which is to be performed vnto God , not in forme , for the lawe of God is the rule of righteousnes in both : they differ in the efficient and worker : the legal righteousnes must be performed by man himselfe , the Euangelical by Christ in our name : and in the ende ; for the ende of the legal righteousnes is the glorie of man , if he could keepe it by his owne strength : the ende of the Euangelical iustice is the glorie of God , in the setting forth of his mercie . So then one and the same righteousnes , is both of the law in respect of Christ , who fulfilled the law , and it is not of the law in respect of vs , because we fulfill not the law , but of faith , because we beleeue in him , who hath fulfilled the law for vs .

2. Obiect . If the obedience of the life of Christ be imputed vnto vs , it seemeth then there was no cause , why Christ should die for vs , seeing we are made iust by his obedience .

Ans. 1. As by Adam both sinne entred , and death by sinne , so it was requisite that in both we should in the one be healed , in the other helped by our blessed Medi●●our : so Iustin Martyr , Iustin in exposit. fide● p 29● . edit . 〈◊〉 . per conuersationem exactam evacuans lapsum , & per mortem indebitam , debitam extinguens , by his most exact conuersation he auoided mans fall , and by his vndue death abolished our due death , &c. 2. seeing the perfect fulfilling of the law consisteth in the perfect loue of God , and of man , it was necessarie that Christ should die : for therein he shewed his perfect loue vnto God his father in beeing obedient vnto him : Ioh. 14. 31. It is , that the world may know , that I loue the Father : as likewise his perfect loue of man , as our Sauiour saith , Ioh. 15. 13. Greater loue then this hath no man , when any man bestoweth his life for his friends .

3. Obiect . The law bindeth either vnto obedience of the law , or to the punishment , not vnto both : if then Christs obedience be imputed vnto vs , the imputation of his satisfaction by his death would seeme to be superfluous .

Ans. 1. That proposition is not simply true , that the law bindeth either vnto obedience of the law , or to the punishment : for the law doth not properly binde vnto punishment : but that is added as a commination , the rather to mooue vnto obedience of the commandement : as when the Lord saide to Adam , that in the day he did eate of the forbidden fruit , he should die the death : that commination was no part of the bond or obligation of the commandement , but a conditionail commination , if the other were not performed . 2. We must distinguish betweene the state of mans integritie , and his fall : while man stood in his integritie , he was onely bound vnto the obedience of the commandement ▪ but since his fall , man both is subiect to the obedience of the law , which is not giuen him in vaine , and to the punishment , because he can not fulfill the law . 3. Againe , of the reprobate and wicked God exacteth onely the punishment due vnto their disobedience : but of his elect he requireth both the obedience of the law , and the penaltie , both which are performed in Christ : he hath fulfilled for them the one , and suffered the other . ex Polan .

4. Obiect . If Christ hath fulfilled the law for vs , and we are by his obedience made righteous , then it would follow , that no other obedience or holines of life should be required of vs .

Ans. It followeth not . Indeede that perfect and absolute obedience of Christ , whereby he perfectly fulfilled the law , is not exacted of vs : for Christs obedience is ours by faith : yet an imperfect obedience is required , as a testimonie of our faith , and signe of our thankfulnes vnto God : Like as it followeth not , because Christ died for vs the death of the bodie , that therefore it is not necessarie that we should die : the death of the bodie still remaineth euen in the children of God , for it is appointed for men to die once , Hebr. 9. 27. but death is neither now as a punishment , or as a satisfaction for sinne , but as a condition of their mortall nature , and a passage vnto a better life : After the same manner , obedience is now required of the members of Christ , but neither such an obedience , as Christs was , that is perfect , absolute , nor to the same ende , to be meritorious or satisfactorie for sinne .

5. Obiect . How are we made iust by the obedience of Christ , seeing that we in Christs death are together punished with him ?

Ans. 1. We 〈◊〉 not actually made iust by Christs obedience , but by the imputation thereof we are iustified , and held as iust in the sight of God . 2. It is not all one to say we are punished in Christ , and Christ was punished for vs and in our stead : this is warranted by the Scriptu●e , as the Prophet saith , Isa. 53. 6. God hath laid vpon him the sinne of vs all . But the other can not be affirmed ▪ 〈◊〉 seeing in Christs death we haue remission of our sinnes , we can not be said for the same sinnes to be punished in and with Christ , whereof we haue remission in his death .

6. Obiect . Seeing Christ died to that ende , that we should be iustified by his death , as the Apostle saith , 2. Cor. 5. 21. He made him sinne for vs that knew no sinne , that we should be made the righteousnes of God in him : how then is our righteousnes obtained by the obedience of his life ?

Ans. 1. The obedience of Christ in his life and death can not be seuered : for in perfect obedience is required constancie and perseuerance vnto the ende : therefore the obedience of Christ in his death and suffering , is a part of his integritie , innocencie , and righteousnes . 2. Neither doth that place prooue , that our righteousnes was purchased onely by Christs death : but to make that a perfect and acceptable sacrifice , the integritie of his life is required : for in that he knew no sinne in himselfe , ( but our sinnes were imputed vnto him , as his righteousnes is vnto vs ) therein he was the vnspotted lambe , and so was made for vs the sacrifice of atonement . We see then that euen to make the sacrifice of his death acceptable , the obedience and integritie of his life was requisite .

7. Obiect . How is Christs obedience made ours , seeing he as a creature was subiect to the law , and so was obedient thereunto for himselfe .

Ans. 1. It followeth not , that because Christ as man , was a creature , that therefore he was for himselfe subiect to the law : this is true of those which are creatures for themselues : but Christ was not made a creature for himselfe , he was not incarnate , and made man for himselfe , but for vs : therefore not for himselfe , but for vs , was he subiect to the law . 2. And further , that Christ was not for himselfe bound and subiect to the law , it may appeare by these arguments : 1. to them onely the law was giuen , whome the ends of the law concerne , which are these : before the fall of man the Law was giuen to these two ends ; to teach man the will of God , and to containe and keepe him in obedience to the will of God . After mans fall the law likewise hath two ends : to teach man to know himselfe , and to acknowledge his sinnes , and to stirre him vp to seeke the remedie against the same : But none of all these endes doe appertaine vnto Christ : he needed not to be taught the will of God , nor yet to haue any helpe to containe him in his obedience : he had no sinnes to acknowledge , nor needed any such remedie : therefore the lawe was not giuen vnto him . 2. The law was not giuen to him to keepe , who is the ende of the law : but Christ is the ende of the law , as the Apostle sheweth , Rom. 10. 4. and the law is a schoolemaster to bring vs vnto Christ , Gal. 3. 19. 3. Christ is aboue the law , and Lord of the law , euen as man , therefore not vnder the law , or subiect vnto it : the first is euident , where Christ saith , the Sonne of man is Lord of the Sabbath ; which is a part of the law : and as he is Lord of part of the law , so of the whole .

8. Obiect . The Apostle saith , Heb. 10. 19. By the blood of Iesus we may be bold to enter into the holy place : & S. Iohn saith , 1. epist. 1. 7. The blood of Iesus doth purge vs from all sinne : what neede then the imputation of the innocencie and obedience of Christ ?

Ans. 1. Though the blood of Christ onely be named , yet by a synecdoche , part beeing taken for the whole , other parts of his oblation are signified : as his obedience and innocencie , whereby his blood was made a sacrifice of atonement , acceptable vnto God : for God was not simply delighted with the shedding of Christs blood , but with his obedience : as Bernard well saith , non mors , sed voluntas placuit spont● morientis , not the death , but the will of Christ , dying of his owne accord , was pleasing vnto God . 2. If all were in deede ascribed to Christs blood , then the oblation of his flesh and bodie , the anguish and agonie of his soule , had beene superfluous : by the blood then the other parts are signified : but the blood is named , as the most conspicuous part of his oblation , and because it answered to the type , the blood of the legal sacrifices . 3. And though the blood of Christ doe purge vs from all sinne , yet not from that b●nd and obligation , whereby we are tied to keepe the law : which we are freed from by the imputation of the obedience of Christ . 4. So then the expresse mention of the blood of Christ , doth not exclude his innocencie and obedience , but onely the blood of the legal sacrifices , and mans merit , and all other humane meanes , which auaile not to saluation .

9. Obiect . But seeing Adams disobedience , by the which sinne entred , was but one offence in eating the forbidden fruit : one act likewise of Christs obedience , which was in the sacrifice of his death , may seeme to be sufficient for our iustification .

Ans. Though God gaue but one precept vnto Ada● for these reasons : 1. because one commandement sufficed to exercise , and make triall of mans obedience . 2. And the transgression of one commandement was enough to make man guiltie of eternall death . 3. And thereby mans impotencie and weaknes appeared , who in the state of integritie was not able to keepe that one commandement : yet in that one precept were contained and included all the precepts afterwards giuen in the morall law : as Tertullian saith , lib. 〈…〉 primordialis illa lex , quasi matrix omnium praeceptorum Dei , that first law was the mother and wombe as it were of all Gods precepts : And , as Augustine well noteth , August . 〈◊〉 ●●●chirid . c. 45. in illo vno peccato intelligi possunt plura peccata , in that one sinne , many sinnes may be vnderstood , &c. quia superbia est illic , &c. for there was pride , in that man loued rather to be in his owne power , then Gods : there was sacriledge , because man beleeued not God ; and homicide , because he cast himselfe headlong into death : there was spirituall fornication , because the integritie of mans minde was corrupted by the enticement of the serpent : and there was theft , because he vsurped the forbidden fruit : and couetousnes , in that he desired more , then sufficed . Wherefore seeing that in Adams transgression , we are made guiltie of many sinnes , we haue neede also of Christs whole righteousnes .

10. Obiect . If all Christs innocencie is imputed vnto vs for our righteousnes , then all Christs acts must be imputed vnto vs likewise for our iustification .

Ans. 1. It followeth not , that because all Christs acts which concerned the iustice and fulfilling of the law , are imputed vnto vs for righteousnes , that therefore all his acts are imputed : for his descension , conception , incarnation , his miracles , are not imputed vnto vs , because they were no part of the fulfilling of the law . So then it is true , that all the righteousnes , which is imputed vnto vs , Christ wrought for vs ; and that whatsoeuer Christ did , he wrought for vs : he was conceiued , borne , circumcised , fasted for vs : yet all Christs acts are not applied vnto vs for our iustification , but onely those , wherein properly consisted Christs obedience , and the fulfilling of the law : And thus much shal suffice of this question , abridged out of Polanus .

26. Quest. Whether the iustice brought in by Christ , exceede the iustice of Adam .

The righteousnes of Christ imputed vnto vs by faith , is farre more excellent many waies then the iustice which Adam had in the state of his innocencie . 1. That was the iustice of a meere man , but this is the iustice of that person , which is both God and man . 2. for the effects : the iustice of Christ is meritorious of eternall life , it ouercame death , subdued the deuill : none of all which Adams righteousnes could doe . 3. Christs iustice is eternall and immutable , but Adams iustice was but temporarie for a time . 4. And we are in Christ restored to a more excellent state , then we lost in Adam , which was but terrene and mutable ; but by Christ we receiue an heauenly , euerlasting , and immutable kingdome .

27. Quest. Whether it standeth with Gods iustice , to iustifie vs by an others righteousnes , and how that may be .

1. It is not agreeable with Gods iustice , to iustifie a sinner , by that righteousnes , which is not intended vnto him , nor wrought for him : but seeing Christ wrought not righteousnes for himselfe , but intended it wholly vnto vs , and our benefit ; it very well standeth with Gods iustice , that we should be iustified thereby . 2. And this iustice of Christ , which is externall and without vs , is more auaileable to saue and iustifie vs , then if it were in our selues : for then it were subiect to change and alter , as all other gifts in vs are mutable and changeable : but now this sauing righteousnes is in a subiect , namely Christ , immutable and vnchangeable . 3. And this righteousnes is verily made ours by faith : it is not an imiginarie or supposed iustification , but verily and in deede ; for as we verily are by nature guiltie of Adams transgression , so is the obedience of Christ verely made ours by imputation through faith : And as our sinnes were imputed to Christ , and he verely suffered death the punishment of sinne : so we by the imputation of his righteousnes are verely made partakers of euerlasting saluation .

28. Quest. How the vision and prophesie was to be sealed vp .

The Latine interpreter readeth , vt impleatur , &c. that the prophesie and vision may be fulfilled : which is to the same purpose . Three waies hath our blessed Sauiour fulfilled and sealed vp all vision and prophesie . 1. Christ hath accomplished whatsoeuer was declared and foretold by the Prophets , as he saith , Matth. 5. I came not to dissolue the law , but to fulfill it : and he saith to his Disciples , Luk. 18. 31. Behold we goe to Ierusalem , and all things shall be fulfilled to the Sonne of man , which are written by the Prophets . 2. He hath fulfilled and sealed them vp , because he hath performed that , which the law could not doe , which was void , weake , and impotent without Christ : so the Apostle saith , Rom. 8. 3. That which was impossible to the law , because it was weake , &c. God sending his owne Sonne , &c. Christ came to performe that which the law intended , but was not able to effect . 3. Christ hath made an ende of vision and prophesie , they are determined in him : Matth. 11. 13. The Law and the Prophets prophesied vnto Iohn : vpon which words Chrysostome , orat . 2. contr. Iudaeos , sistere oportuit post Christum prophetias , &c. prophesies were to cease after Christ : So also Tertull , lib. advers. Iudaeos : post aduentum Christi & passionem eius , ia● non visio , neque propheta est , after the comming and suffering of Christ , now there is neither vision nor Prophet . 4. R. Salomon thinketh that this should be performed after the destruction of the second Temple , when after a long captiuitie of the people , the Messiah at the last should come , and then all prophesies and promises of the Messiah should cease . But Lyranus refelleth this conceit by these two arguments . 1. because the Prophet Hagge , speaking of the comming of the Messiah , saith , Hagg. 2. 7. 8. Yet a little while , and I will shake the ●●●auens and the earth , &c. and the desire of all nations shall come : but if the Messiah were not yet come , there beeing 2000. yeares past since Hagges time , from whome vnto the comming of Christ there were aboue 400. yeares , and a 1600. are runne since , how could this be called a little while ? 2. the same Prophet there saith , the desire of all nations shall come , and I will fill this house with glorie : it is euident then , that the Messiah should come , the second Temple yet standing , and not so many yeares after the destruction thereof , as the Rabbin supposeth . 3. Experience sheweth , that long since all prophecies and visions among the Iewes are ceased : therefore they are hereby euidently conuinced , that the Messiah is come .

5. Barbinel , an other cauilling Iew , obiecteth , non debuisse auferri prophetiae donum , that the gift of prophesie might not be taken away : wherein he sheweth his ignorance , in not distinguishing betweene the time of vision and prophecie , and of the Messiah , who should ende all vision and prophesying . We also graunt , that God would not haue taken from his Church the gift of prophesying , but that he hath prouided a better way for the instruction of his people , in speaking vnto vs in these last daies by his Sonne , Hebr. 1. 2. Calvin .

29. Quest. Of the anointing of the holy one : who is signified thereby ?

1. R. Salomon vnderstandeth this of the Temple and Sanctuarie with the Arke , and the vessels thereof , which he thinketh should be reedified and builded againe by the Messiah : But Lyranus euidently conuinceth this Rabbinicall conceit , by that place of Ieremie , 3. 16. When ye be encreased and multiplied in those daies in the land ( saith the Lord ) they shall say no more the Arke of the couenant of the Lord , for it shall come no more to minde , neither shall they remember it : it is euident then by this place , that the Messiah shall not restore againe the Arke and the Temple . And in this place the Angel prophesying of the anointing of the Messiah , afterward speaketh euidently of the destruction and desolation of the citie & Sanctuarie , v. 26. so farre off shall the Iewish Temple then be from beeing reedified at the comming of the Messiah , that it shall rather then be destroyed .

2. Wherefore , this most holy , or holy of holies is vnderstood to be Christ , who was prefigured and shadowed forth , by the most holy place in the Temple , where the Arke was , which had the Tables of stone within it , and the golden Cherubims stretching their wings ouer it .

3. Iunius in his commentarie giueth an other sense , by the most holy one vnderstanding the Sanctuarie , the annoynting , and ordinarie vse whereof should continue the time here limited and prefixed , to draw the people the better to repentance : and in the same sense he vnderstandeth the sealing of the vision and prophecie , that all this time the Lord would not leaue his Church destitute of Prophets : But the former words of bringing in euerlasting righteousnes , doe shew , that this is better vnderstood of the office of the Messiah , as Iunius himselfe interpreteth in his annotations vpon this place : how Christ shall performe those two great benefits , of taking away sinne , and bringing in euerlasting righteousnes by these two meanes ; his Euangelical teaching and prophesying , which shall make an ende of the visions of the law , and by his euerlasting priesthood , whereunto he should be anointed .

30. Quest. Why Christ is called the holy of holies .

1. This title and appellation is giuen vnto Christ , both as God and man : As God in foure respects : 1. because he is holy of himselfe , and hath it not from any other . 2. this holines is essentiall in him , not accidentall , as it is in man . 3. because he is infinitely and beyond measure holy . 4. and he is the originall , cause , and fountaine of all holines : As he is man , he is most holy : 1. because of the vnion of his humane nature with his diuine . 2. because of the fulnes of all grace and holines , which he receiued as man . 3. because he is not holy onely in himselfe , but sanctifieth and maketh holy his Church . 4. because he was not of vnholy made holy , as man is , but he was alwaies without sinne , and so alwaies holy , Perer . to this purpose also Osiand . he is called most holy , because in respect of his diuine nature , he is Deus sanctissimus , the most holy God : and in his humanitie he was without sinne . 2. This title to be called most holy , or holy of holies , is peculiar vnto the Messiah , as to be called the king of kings , and Lord of Lords . And Eusebius obserueth well , that he neuer read in the Scripture , any of the Priests or Kings to be called holy of holies , lib. 8. de demonstrat . Euangelic . 3. Herein the most holy place in the Tabernacle was a type of Christ , wherein the Arke was kept : As the Tabernacle went before the Israelites , and when it refled , they staied : so we in all things should follow the direction of this Tabernacle . As the glorie of God rested vpon Moses Tabernacle , so in Christ this blessed Tabernacle , dwelleth the fulnesse of the Godhead bodily , Col. 2. 9. As the Priests of the law had a Tabernacle to minister in , so , as the Apostle saith , Christ is the minister of the true Tabernacle , which God pight and not man , Hebr. 8. 2. And in this sense Christ also , Ioh. 2. calleth his bodie , the Temple , Polan .

31. Quest. How Christ was anointed .

Three things briefly are to be touched concerning the anointing of Christ ; wherewith he was anointed , in what manner , and whereunto . 1. We doe not read , that Christ was annointed with any externall or materiall oyle or oyntment : but his anointing was by the spirit of God , as Isa. 61. 1. The spirit of the Lord is vpon me , therefore he hath anointed me , &c. 2. For the manner , he was anointed with all graces of the spirit , abundanter , aboundantly , aboue his fellowes , Psal. 45. 7. and beyond measure , Ioh. 3. 34. God giueth him not the spirit by measure : and redundanter , his fulnesse redoundeth and ouerfloweth to his members , Ioh. 1. 16. Of his fulnesse haue we all receiued grace for grace : like as the oyntment , which was powred vpon Aarons head , ranne downe vpon his beard , and so to the skirts of his cloathing , Psal. 133. 2. so the graces of the spirit in our head Christ , are imparted to his members . 3. He was anointed to be our Prophet , King , and Priest : of the first speaketh the Prophet , Isa. 61. 1. Therefore hath the Lord anointed me : he hath sent me to preach good tidings to the poore , &c. which prophecie our blessed Sauiour applyeth to himselfe , Luk. 4. 18. of his anointing to be King , speaketh the Prophet , Psal. 45. 8. Because thou hast loued righteousnes , and hated iniquitie , therefore hath God thy God annointed thee with the oyle of gladnes aboue thy fellowes : of his priestly office and anointing likewise the Prophet Dauid maketh mention , Psal. 110. 4. Thou art a Priest for euer , after the order of Melchisedech : and of this his priestly anointing , this place is specially to be vnderstood .

32. Quest. When Christ was thus anointed .

1. Lyranus generally vnderstandeth the time of Christs incarnation and humanitie , in humanitate vnctus est , &c. he was anointed in his humanitie aboue his fellowes . 2. Pererius referreth it to the first instant of his conception , alledging those words of the Angel to Marie , That holy thing which shall be borne of thee , shall be called the sonne of God . 3. Hugo Card. indifferently would haue it vnderstood either of the time of Christs incarnation , or of his baptisme , when his Father from heauen gaue testimonie vnto him , or of his resurrection , when his spirituall anointing was yet more euidently declared . 4. But the solemne anointing of Christ was in his baptisme , when the spirit of God descended vpon him in the likenes of a doue : non citra visibile●● pompam facta est haec Christi vn●tio , this anointing of Christ was not done without some visible pompe , both in his baptisme , and afterward in the mountaine , when his father testified of him from heauen , Bulling. for although Christ alwaies had the spirit of God , yet in his baptisme , and afterward in the preaching of the Gospel , the graces of the spirit did more manifest themselues in him , Osiand . And this further may be gathered by the words going before : for then , when Christ brought eternall righteousnes , the fruit and effect of his annointing appeared , which was by his most holy life and obedience ; and by his most holy passion , and oblation of himselfe , which followed immediatly after . 5. Their error then appeareth , which would haue this prophecie of the Angel fulfilled in the ende of the world : for Christ shall not then be againe annointed : his annointing was in his first comming , it shall not be in the second .

Here followeth the explanation of the most difficult and obscure prophesie of Daniels 70. weekes . 33. Quest. Of the obscurenes and difficultie of this prophesie .

How darke , hidde , and obscure this prophesie is , may appeare by these three arguments . 1. the opinion and sentence of the auncient learned interpreters thereof . 2. the diuersitie of interpretations which are giuen . 3. the difficulties and doubts in the prophesie it selfe .

1. Hierome vpon those words of Daniel , v. 25. Know thou and vnderstand , thus writeth , Si Gabriel suscitat animum Danielis , &c. If Gabriel doe ro●ze vp the minde of Daniel ( that was a Prophet ) to vnderstand the prophesie , what should we doe , that haue not any such propheticall light , Tract. 29 in Matth. &c. Likewise Origen saith , sermonem Danielis de septuaginta hebdomadis , &c. Daniels speech of the seuentie weekes none can make plaine , as it would require , but the spirit of God , which taught Daniel this mysterie , &c. Hereupon Hierome rehearsing diuers opinions of others about the exposition of these weekes , forbeareth to set downe his owne : And Augustine , falling into mention of this prophesie , of purpose seemeth to passe it ouer in diuers places , as epist. 80. ad Hesych . lib. 18. de ci●it . Dei . c. 34. as not satisfying himselfe in the right vnderstanding thereof .

2. The great varietie of interpretations , which are very many , as they follow to be declared in the next question , is an euident demonstration of the obscuritie thereof .

3. And beside the vncertentie of forren stories , which fell out in the change of three Monarchies , the Persian , Grecian , and Romane : ( for it beeing an hard thing to finde the true reckoning and computation of yeares in one kingdome , it must needes be more difficult , to finde a true account in laying together the yeares of diuers Monarchies : ) Beside this vncertentie , there are foure other principall difficulties in the prophesie it selfe . 1. when these 70. weekes should beginne . 2. when they determine and haue an ende . 3. whether the space comming betweene the beginning and ende , consisting of 490. yeares , doth precisely containe so many , neither more , nor fewer . 4. how all these things , prophesied here of the Messiah , were fulfilled and accomplished in this limited time . Now notwithstanding these difficulties , I will proceede by Gods grace , to make some way for the better vnderstanding of this great mysterie : wherein I will gather together the most probable opinions of learned interpreters , approouing in my iudgement the best .

34. Quest. Of the diuers interpretations of Daniels weekes , with an answer to the cauill of the Iewes concerning the dissention of our interpreters .

The diuers opinions here of writers about the beginning of the seuentie weekes , may be sorted into three ranks . 1. Some make them to beginne before Cyrus : 2. some pitch their beginning at Cyrus : 3. and some beginne the reckoning after Cyrus , vnder the raigne of other Persian kings .

1. They which beginne the computation of these yeares before the times of Cyrus : 1. some count these 70. weekes , by weekes not of seuen yeares , but of tenne times seuen , for euery yeare taking tenne , and beginne their reckoning from the beginning of the world : so that 70. weekes shall make 4900. yeares from the creation of the world vnto Christ : thus Origen . hom. 29. in Matth. 2. Some will haue these weekes take beginning from the 4. yeare of Zedekiah , 7. yeares before the great captiuitie , which was in the 11. yeare of Zedekiahs raigne , for then the word , they say , came forth by Ieremie , namely the prophecie and promise of their deliuerance after 70. yeares , which was in the 4. yeare of Zedekiah : which they thus gather : Ierem. 29. 10. this prophesie of 70. yeares captiuitie is declared : which was in the 4. yeare of Zedekiah , c. 28. 1. of this opinion are Lyranus , Paulus Burgens . vpon this place , Vatablus in his annotations , and Petrus Galatinus , lib. 4. de arc anis fidei , c. 15. 3. R. Salamon beginneth to reckon these weekes from the destruction of the Temple , as Lyranus reporteth and confuteth his opinion .

2. Of the second sort are these . 1. Some will haue them beginne in the first yeare of Darius , at the time when this word came vnto Daniel , so Tertullian lib. aduers. Iudaeos . and Pintus . 2. some from the time that Cyrus set forth his edict for the peoples returne , as Clemens Alexandrin . 1. lib. stromat . of this opinion are Calvin , Melancthon , lunius in the first edition in his annotations vpon this place : H. Br. vpon Daniel : And it shall appeare of all the rest to be the more probable .

3. Concerning those which set the beginning of these weekes after the raigne of Cyrus : whereas there were three other edicts beside that of Cyrus , which gaue libertie to build the Temple and citie , which are mentioned , Ezra . 6. 1. Ezra . 7. and Nehem. 2. hereupon , some thinke that these 70. weekes must be reckoned from the 2. yeare of Darius Hystaspis , the 3. king of Persia , so Eusebius lib. 8. de demonstr. Evang. Cyrillus cateches. 12. Driedo lib. 3. de sacr. Scriptur . c. 5. par. 4. Iansenius c. 122. concord . Euang. 2. Some take the 20. yeare of this Darius , Pellican . 3. Some count from Xerxes the 4. king of Persia , whom Iosephus thinketh to haue sent Ezra in the 7. yeare of his raigne : ex Bulling . 4. Some take the seuenth yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus the fift king : which opinion Pererius ascribeth to Theodoret , so also Bullinger holdeth , and Pap. 5. Some appoint the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus , when Nehemiah was sent with a newe commission , Nehem. 2. so Chrysostome , Beda , Africanus , Hugo , Pererius , Osiander : whereas this was Artaxerxes Mncmon , the seuenth king , not Longimanus , the fift king of Persia , that sent Nehemiah . 6. Some doe beginne the account , the second yeare of Darius Nothus , so called because he was a bastard , the sixt king of Persia , so Iunius in his commentarie vpon Daniel . Ios. Scallig . l. 6. de emend . temp. Polan . Edw. Liuely in his Persian Monarchie . 7. Lastly , Apollinaris long after these , counteth the beginning of the 70. weekes , from the time of Christs birth and natiuitie : So in all there are in effect tenne seuerall opinions , about the beginning these weeks .

As touching the ende and determination of these yeares , there are likewise diuerse opinions . 1. Some thinke that 69. of these weekes expired at such time as Pompey tooke Ierusalem , and entred into the Temple , slaying such as sacrificed , presuming euen to the most holy place , and ende the last weeke in Traian the Emperour , vntill which time the preaching of the Apostles continued , Iohn surviuing euen vnto the raigne of the Emperour Traian , Eusebius . 2. Some beginning these weekes in the 6. yeare of Darius Hystaspis , doe ende them at such time as Herod vsurped the kingdome , Oecolamp . consenting with Eusebius . 3. Some doe determine these yeares in the natiuitie and birth of Christ , of this opinion Hierome reporteth Origen to haue beene , lib. 10. stromat . so also Ioannes Driedo , Iansenius , Melancthon . 4. Many drawe these yeares , in the passion of Christ , as Burgensis , Vatablus , Petrus Galatinus , beginne these yeares , in the fourth yeare of Zedekiah , and ende them in the passion of Christ : so Beda , Africanus , beginning at the 20. of Artaxerxes , ende at the passion of Christ . 5. Some ende them in the 4. yeare after the passion of Christ , as Lyranus , who reckoneth them from the 20. yeare of king Artaxerxes , vnto the 4. yeare , supposing the Messiah to haue suffred in the middes of the last propheticall weeke : so also Ioannes Lucidus , Pintus . 6. Some referre the ende of these weekes to the destruction on of Ierusalem by Titus , as Tertullian , Chrsyostome , Clemens Alexandrin . and of the newe writers , Iunius , Scalliger , Polanus , Liuely . 7. Some determine them after the passion of Christ , extending them to the finall destruction of the citie vnder Adrian the Emperour , as some of the Hebrewes . 8. Some will haue these weekes reach vnto the ende of the world to the comming of Antichrist : as Apollinaris , who beginneth them at the natiuitie of Christ , and continueth them to the ende of the world .

Thus are interpreters diuersely carried in the interpretation of these propheticall weekes : which afterward shall in their order be examined . Hereupon the Iewes , as namely cauilling Barbinel , to annihilate this prophesie , obiect the difference and dissention of the Christians , about the meaning thereof : But it may be answeared , 1. that the diuersitie of opinions among interpreters , doth not evacuate or extenuate the authoritie of Scripture , Calvin . 2. Though in the particular account of time , there be some disagreement , yet herein most Christian interpreters agree , that all these yeares expired , either in the birth or passion of Christ , or in the destruction of Ierusalem . So that which account soeuer be receiued , two maine points are prooued against the Iewes : one that the Messiah is come , the other that he came not as a glorious or victorious temporall Prince , as the Iewes imagine , but he was slaine by them , and put to death , Pappus . 3. This obiection may be retorted vpon themselues : for euen there is great dissention among their owne Rabbines : Ab. Ezra holdeth there were but sowre kings of Persia , R. Moses saith there were fiue , R. Saad●ah three onely : So they also differ about their yeares : Ab. Ezra holdeth the Persian Monarchie to haue continued 61. yeares : Abraham Dauison , but 51. the most of the Hebrewes giue but 50. yeares to the Persian Monarchie , Ed. Liuely , p. 34. And in many other points are the Rabbines diuided in opinion : so that herein they may forbeare to obiect vnto the Christians their dissension . 4. And thus may the obiection of the Gentiles be answered , which take exception to the Christians , because of their dissension and difference in this and other points : as Iosephus giueth instance of the dissensions of the heathen historians among themselues , In quot locis Hellanicus de genealogijs & temporibus ab Acusilao discrepat , &c. in how many places doth Hellanicus differ from Acusilaus concerning genealogies and times : and in how many doth Acusilaus correct Hesiodus : Ephorus in many things findeth Hellanicus to be deceiued : and Timeus , Ephorus : and Timeus , those that followed him : and all Herodotus : thus Ioseph . contra Appion .

Quest. 35. What Chronologie and computation of time is to be followed in the account of the 70. weekes which make 490. yeares .

1. First , the computation which the Hebrewes follow is verie imperfect and vncertaine , and worthie of small credit concerning the Persian Monarchie : for they make but fowre kings of Persia , Cyrus , Cambyses , Assuerus , Darius , and generally hold , that the Persian Monarchie continued not aboue 50. yeares : whereas beside these there is euident mention made of Artaxerxes or Artashasht , and of the 32. yeare of his raigne , Nehem. 5. 14. But to remooue this doubt , Ab. Ezra will haue Assuerus and Artaxerxes to be all one : yet R. Moses maketh them two sundrie kings , and so thinketh that there were fiue in all : so well the Rabbines agree together .

2. There is an other chronicle , which Annius Viterbiens . hath set forth vnder the names of the auncient writers , Berosus , Manethon , Metasthones , Philo : who numbreth but 8. kings of the Persians , and giueth vnto that whole Empire 191. yeares : But as in other things that Chronologie is found to be false and imperfect , as Pererius hath shewed at large in his 11. booke vpon Daniel : as namely , in this that he maketh Philo , in a certaine , booke called the Breuiarie , to affirme that the posteritie of Salomon ended in Achazia , and that Ioas , which succeeded was not the sonne of Achazia , but descended of Nathan : whereas it is directly set downe , 1. Chron. 3. 11. that Ioas was the sonne of Achazia : beside this , and other such slippes , this apparant error is committed in the Persian Monarchie , that reckoning but 8. kings , he omitteth three which were most famous among them , namely , Cambyses , Darius Hystaspis , and Xerxes , whom to denie to haue beene kings of Persia were all one , as to say , that Augustus and Tiberius were not Emperours of Rome .

3. There is an other way to make this account , by setting downe the yeares of the seuerall kings of Persia , and so of the Grecians : but there is also small certaintie of this : for that the seuerall yeares of diuerse kings in three Monarchies , cannot certainely be gathered , because of the change and alteration of the state and kingdome , and many times there was an interregnum , or intermission of the gouernement : and some kings raigned onely certaine moneths : so that the time of one king ranne within the account of an others raigne .

4. Beside the Hebrewes haue an other kind of reckoning , by the yeares of their high Priests , which succeeded one another vnto the time of Herod , vnder whom Christ was borne : which account seemeth Montanus to followe in his apparatus , in the treatise called Daniel : the whole summe there gathered from the first of Cyrus to the birth of Christ is 433. yeares or thereabout : But this account must needes be more vncertaine , then the former by the yeares of the kings , especially in those tumultuous and troublesome times after the Macchabees , when the high priesthood was bought and sold.

5. We come now vnto the Romane computation , which was accounted these two waies , by the yeares from the first building of Rome , & afterward by their Consulls : But seeing Rome was of no great reputation , while the Persian and Grecian Monarchie stood , neither of these accounts can giue any certaine direction concerning the affaires of those kingdomes : And thus much Plutarke confesseth in the life of Camillus , hauing declared the receiued opinion , that Rome was taken by the French about the 360. yeare of the city ▪ if it seeme credible ( saith he ) that an exact account of these times , had beene so long preserued seeing that euen the confusion of that time , hath brought some doubt and controuersie to the latter : And he giueth this reason of his doubt , because the common opinion was , that the taking of the citie was in the 365. yeare of Rome , and the first of the 98. Olympiad but whereas the fame of that warre was spread abroad in Greece , and came to the hearing of Aristotle , and Heraclides Ponticus , who liued in the time of Philip king of Macedon , who raigned about the 105. Olympiad , this warre falleth out 27. yeares after the vsuall reckoning : In his Persian Monarchie , pag. 125. M. Liuely to salue the credit of the Latine computation , saith , that there were two battels made by the French , and it was the latter of them , the report whereof came to Aristotles hearing : But it is like , that Plutarke would not haue omitted this matter , to haue made sound the Romane Chronologie : and it was not a battell with the French , but the taking of the citie by them , the fame whereof was bruited abroad : Beside an other instance may be giuen of the vncertaintie of the Romane Chronologie : Plutarke referreth the beginning of the Peloponne siake warre in Greece , to the 300 , yeare of the building of Rome , 3. booke . c. 1. whereas Aulus Gellius . l. 71. c. 21. bringeth it to the 329. yeare : M. Liuely here answeareth , that vigesimum nonum , twentie nine , by the slippe of the writers penne , is put for decimum nonum , ninteene , p. 105. whereas , beside that there is small affinitie , betweene these two words , vigesimum , and decimum , that one lightly by the writer could not be taken for an other , yet this beeing admitted , there remaineth still the oddes of 19. or 20. yeares , which is a great difference in the storie of times . As great vncertaintie there is in reckoning by the yeares of the Consuls : as Senerus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr. histor , saith , that Christ was borne , when Sabinus and Ruffinus were Consuls : Cassiodorus , when Cneus Lentulus , and Marcus Messala were colleagues in the Consulshippe : Epiphanius heares . 51. when Augustus was the 13. time Consul , and Marcus Plautius Sylvanus . So Augustine thinketh that Christ died that yeare , when C. Rubellius , and C. Fusius were Consuls , lib. 18. de ciuitat . Dei . c. 54. but Onuphryus assigneth the yeare , when Servius Sulpitius Galba , and Lucius Cornelius Sulla were in office : so also M. Liuely , but both are deceiued : for the first were Consuls in the 15. yeare of Tiberius , the other in the 19. yeares , whereas Christ suffred in the 18. yeare of Tiberius : And further , there is great vncertaintie thoroughout the Romane Chronologie of the Consuls , that in the space of 700. yeares , there is hardly one yeare to be found , wherein the historians agree who should be Consuls : Liuius , Cassiodorus , Sulpitius , Dio , Diodorus Siculus , the Capitoline tables , that were digged vp out of the ground vnder Paulus the 3. ann. 46. composed as it is thought by Verrius Flaccus , doe all differ one from another , concerning the names of the yearely Consuls ; as is extant in the Romane Chronologie , collected out of diuers authors by Ioachimus Grellius ioyned vnto Livies historie .

6. There remaineth then the Greeke reckonings by their Olympiads , which were certen games of running , wrestling , leaping , celebrated euerie 4. yeare about Iuly in Greece , in a certaine place called Olympia so called , because there Hercules first instituted these solemne games to the honour of Iuppiter Olympius : which beeing discontinued a long time , were after renewed by Iuphitus king of that countrey , about 705. yeares before the birth of Christ , and so continued a 1000. yeares after : This account by the Olympiads is resolued vpon to be the best by Pererius , M. Linely , Bullinger , and others : whereof now followeth more in the next question .

Quest. 36. Whether the account of the Olympiake yeares be a certaine direction for the vnderstanding of Daniels weekes .

1. Here are three opinions to be discussed . 1. Some , as the Hebrewes , doe vtterly reiect the Greekes Olympiads , making no account of them . 2. Some doe make them the onely helpe , and key to vnlocke the shut vp and hid meaning of Daniels weekes , Liuely p. 36. So Bullinger , certissimae sunt omnium supputationes , quae fiunt per Olympiades , the supputations made by the Olympiades are of all other most certaine , &c. and Pererius calleth it , chronologiam omnium certissimam , the chronologie of all other most certaine . 3. But the meane opinion betweene these is the best , that there is small certaintie in the Olympiades concerning the Persian Monarchie , though for the Greeke affaires that computation may safely be receiued : and this is the iudgement of M. Calvin , hoc non potest certo trahi ad imperium Persarum , this computation by the Olympike yeares ( howsoeuer it may serue for the Grecians ) yet it cannot be applyed to the Persian Empire , to know therby at what time the kings of Persia beganne and ended their raigne , &c. So the Olympike reckoning in part is to be receiued , in part it is so small certaintie .

1. Conceruing the first of these opinions , that no respect is at all to be had to the Olympiake yeares , which is the fansie of the Hebrewes , it is vtterly to be misliked : for after the ende of the propheticall writings , the Scriptures beeing altogether silent , what direction will they haue especially for forren histories ? Oecolampadius here resolueth well , that after the citie Ierusalem was repaired , iam desicientibus Prophetis cum Malachia & Ezra , 〈◊〉 Prophets then ending with Malachie and Ezra , there is no credit to be giuen vnto the Hebrewes in the supputation of their yeares . 2. Neither is the second opinion generally to be receiued , that the computation of this time is altogether to be directed , and in a manner ouerruled by the Olympiake reckoning : Here first the arguments shall be examined , which are brought for the certaine authoritie of the Olympiads , and then some contrarie reasons shall be produced , to shewe the inualiditie of them .

1. As touching the names and number of the Persian kings , that the certaintie thereof may be gathered from the Greeks , it is thus argued : because many excellent writers , and learned men , Philosophers , and Historiographers liued vnder the kings of Persia , and knew their affaires ; as the seuen wisemen of Greece , Thales , Solon , Chilon , Pittacus , Bias , Cleobulus , Periander , liued in the time of Cyrus : Pythagoras , Zenophanes , Anaximander , Heraclitus , with others , flourished vnder Cambyses , and Darius : Socrates , Thucidides , Euripides , vnder Artaxerxes : Beside the courts of the Persian kings were frequented by many noble Grecians , as by Hippias , Demaratus , Miltiades : and therefore the names and number of the Persian kings , was well knowne to them of Greece : thus M. Liuely from pag. 43. to pag. 46. But this is no sufficient argument for the matter in question . 1. It followeth not , though these learned Philosophers and historians liued in the time of the Persian kings , and some of them frequented their Courts , that therefore they had a certaine knowledge of them all . These kings of Persia , with whom the Grecians had to doe , were knowne vnto them : but neither all of them , nor yet to all those forenamed Philosophers and writers were they exactly knowne . 2. An euident instance hereof may be giuen in Xenophon , who writeth that Cyrus died in his bed , and made a wise exhortation to his children , whereas it is generally receiued , that he was slaine by Tomyris , as Iustine writeth . 3. And though the name and number of the Persian kings had beene knowne to the Grecians , yet the yeares of their raigne they much regarded not , because they beeing a vaine-glorious nation , followed their owne Olympike reckoning .

2. Now for the truth and certaintie of the Olympiads one demonstration is taken from the time when Cyrus beganne his raigne , which was in the 55. Olympiad , from whence to the 114. Olympiad , when Alexander died , are counted 236. yeares , whereof 6. yeares must be allowed to the Empire of Alexander after he ouercame Darius , so M. Liuely , pag. 48. and Pererius lib. 11. quest . 2. But this demonstration may be thus excepted against . 1. Clemens Alexand. placeth the destruction of the temple which was in the 19. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , in the last yeare of the 47. Olympiad , lib. 1. stromat . the 55. Olympiad followeth iust 30. yeares after : if then Cyrus beganne to raigne , how shall the 70. yeares of the Babylonian captiuitie be made vp , which beganne in the 8. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , with the captiuitie of Iechoniah : or if we beginne the captiuitie in the 4. yeare , when Nebuchadnezzar tooke Ierusalem , in the raigne of Iehoiachim , 2. king . 24. 2. there will not arise by this account 50. yeares in all for the captuitie . 2. Pererius beginneth the first Olympiad in the 8. yeare of the raigne of Ahaz : ( and yet some beginne the Olympiads in the 2. yeare of Iotham who raigned 16. yeares , that is , 23. yeares before that , Bullinger . ) then cannot Cyrus raigne be referred to the 55. Olympiad , for the distance betwene the 1. and 55. Olympiad , maketh 216. yeares : but there onely were expired , 205. yeares : as it may be thus gathered : from the 8. yeare of Ahaz vnto the 11. yeare of Iehoiachim , when Iechonias captiuitie began , are an 135. yeares , and from thence to Cyrus 70. yeares , which make 205. yeares , then must the beginning of Cyrus raigne be pulled backe an 11. yeares from the 55. Olympiad to the 2. of the 52. Olympiad .

3. An other demonstration is taken from comparing the Olympike yeares with the building of Rome : Persian Monarchie , p. 75. M. Liuely out of Dyonisius Halycarnasseus his 5. booke alleadgeth that the 31. yeare of Darius Hystaspis , concurred with the 72. Olympiad , and 262. yeare of Rome . This account is iust if we begin the Olympiads in the second yeare of Iotham , for Rome is held to haue beene builded in the first of the 7. Olympiad , which was in the tenth yeare of Achaz : but Pererius bringeth the 7. Olympiad to the sixteenth yeare of Hezekiah , 23. years after , so that by his reckoning the 31. of Darius shall fall out 23. yeares later , about the 4. yeare of the 77. Olympiad . And further , how well the Greeke Olympiads and the yeares of the bonding of Rome agree together , appeareth by the dissension of writers in what Olympiad Rome should first be founded : Timeus Siculus thinketh that Rome was built at the same time , that Carthage was in Africa by the Tyrians , which was 38. yeare before the first Olympiad . Titus Liuius , Clemens Alexandrinus , and Solinus set the building of Rome in the 4. yeare of the 6. Olympiad : Pomponius Atticus , Cicero , Plinie , with others , in the 3. yeare of the same Olympiad : Dyonisius Halycarnass . Eratosthenes , Theophilus , Antiochenus , in the 1. yeare of the 7. Olympiad . Polybius , Diod. Siculus , in the 2. yeare of the 7. Olympiad . Q. Fabius an ancient writer of the Romane affaires , 〈…〉 in the 1. yeare of the 8. Olympiad . L. Cincius in the 4. yeare of the 12. Olympiad : The oddes betweene the first account and the last is aboue 80. yeares : for 12. Olympiads make 48. yeares , and some thinke that Rome was founded 38. yeares before the first Olympiad : some not before the 4. yeare of the 12. Olympiad .

4. But yet a more euident proofe is taken from the course of the Sunne , which was eclipsed in the 7. yeare of Cambyses , which was in the second yeare of the 64. Olympiad : there was an other eclipse , which happened an eleuen dayes before Alexanders last battel with Darius , in the sixt yeare of his raigne : betweene these two eclipses there are found by exact calculation , an 192. yeares , which with Cyrus 30. and Cambyses 7. yeares make 229. which was the full time of the Persian Monarchie : And hereupon he concludeth thus , thus the glorious seruant of the world the Sunne , &c. euen this Chronologer I say , of all other without exception most true and sure , witnesseth for Herodotus , Thucydides , &c.

Contra. 1. Indeede , if all these supposalls were true , that these two eclipses happened in those yeares , to the which they are assigned , and that such distance were found betweene them , and Cyrus with Cambyses raigned so long , the conclusion for that continuance of the Persian Monarchie were verie strong : but all these are vncertaine , first that Cambyses and Cyrus raigned so long , 37. yeares betweene them : Iunius giueth vnto them together but 9. yeares : Bullinger 14. yeares : secondly , whether such an eclipse fell out in the raigne of Cambyses , and not rather afore , may be likewise doubted : thirdly , whether that distance were not rather taken betweene two other eclipses then these , it likewise may be a question : he speaketh of an other eclypse which was an 141. yeares after that , supposed to be in Cambyses time , which Diodorus Siculus placeth in the 2. of the 99. Olympiad . 2. But although the Sunne be most sure in his course , there is a Sunne which is more true and stedfast , euen the Sunne-light of the truth which shineth in the Scriptures , and in this prophesie of Daniel , which calculateth but 490. yeares from the word going forth , which was the commandement of Cyrus , vnto the Messiah , which time cannot be iustly gathered , if 200. yeares or aboue be giuen to the Persians : Now on the contrarie side this may be obiected against the certaintie of the Olympiads .

1. Seeing it is confessed , that the Olympike games , were first erected by Hercules , and then discontinued a long time vntill Iphitus , who renewed them , is it not as likely , that they might be interrupted afterward , as before ? and the rather because of the great warres which the Grecians had with the Persians , and the Peloponnesiake ciuill warre , which continued 27. yeares among themselues : in which troublesome times it may be supposed , they had no great leasure or desire to solemnize their Olympike games , all Grecia beeing in an vproare .

2. Plutark in the life of Numa , maketh some doubt of the Olympike reckonings in regard of the beginning thereof beeing committed to writing verie late by Hippias of Elis : to this it is answered , that although Hippias should beginne the Olympiads somewhat too late : as put the case that he make that the 40. Olympiad , which was but the thirtieth , yet the distances of time betweene the Olympiads shall not misse one lotte : so Temporanus , and M. Liuely , pag. 89. But howsoeuer the distances and spaces of time may be kept , yet there must needes be a manifest error in the computation , if those things be referred to a later time , which were formerly done : As the question beeing of the beginning of the Persian Monarchie , if it be set at the 55. Olympiad , when it beganne much sooner , a great error will fall out in historie , and one error admitted in chronicle will breed many .

3. It is vncertaine when the Olympiades beganne : Bullinger holdeth they beganne in the 2. yeare of Iotham , and M. Liuely seemeth to be of the same opinion , who maketh the 31. yeare of Darius Hystaspis , and the 72. Olympiad to concurre together , which cannot be , vnlesse he beginne the Olympiads in the 2. of Iotham , as is euidently scene in Bullingers first and third Chronicle table , Eusebius beginneth the Olympiads in the 49. yeare of Azaria , Glareanus in the 50. Lucidus in the 46. yeare , Paulus Phrygio in the 12. of Iotham , Bibliander in the 13. Functius in the 2. of Iotham : so also Africanus , which seemeth the most probable : But Pererius setteth the beginning of the Olympiades 23. yeares after , in the 8. yeare of Achaz , as is shewed before .

4. If forren writers be compared together , great difference will be found in the account of yeares by the Olympiads , as this one instance here may suffice concerning the time wherein Pythagoras liued : Dyonisius saith he taught in Italie about the 50. Olympiad : Diogenes Laertius writeth that he flourished in the 60. Olympiad : here is a distance of 40. yeares : Solinus bringeth him to the time of the first Consuls , which was about the 68. Olympiad : but Plinie putteth him backe an 100. yeares , from the time assigned by Solinus : the like difference in other matters may appeare by diligent search in forren historians , in the reckoning of the Olympike yeares : The like difference is found among the Christians in the Olympike reckoning : Cyrillus chateches. 12. placeth Christs birth in the 186. Olympiad : Ioseph . Scallig . and M. Liuely , in the 3. yeare of the 194. Olympiad : Pererius , and the most beside , in the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad .

5. But the chiefe obiection of all is , that the Olympian account agreeth not with the Scripture : for if Nehemiah saw both the beginning of the Persian Monarchie , as is euident , Ezra . 2. 2. he was one of those which returned from the captiuitie according to the edict of Cyrus : and liued to see the ende of that Monarchie , as he maketh mention of Darius the last king of Persia , vnder whom Iaddua was high Priest , who met Alexander , who is also named in the same place , Nehem. 12. 22. then could not the Persian Monarchie continue 230. yeares , as is gathered by the Olympike computation : for then Nehemiah , who may be supposed to haue beene 20. yeare old when he returned from Chaldea , should be , 250 yeare old , which age was not incident into those times : But this shall be shewed more at large afterward : This shall suffice concerning the Olympike supputation of yeares .

3. Now the third opinion remaineth , propounded in the begnning of this question : that the Olympike computation may be admitted concerning the affaires of the Greekes , and the continuance of their Monarchie , as of the Kings of Syria , and Egypt : but they can giue no certaine direction concerning the kings of Persia , the yeares of their raigne , and continuance of their Empire . To know then the certaintie hereof , first , we must haue recourse vnto the sacred historie : forren historians are so to be followed , as that no contradiction be admitted to the Scriptures : then where the Scripture leaueth vs , forren witnesses are to be receiued : Now seeing it is collected that the raigne of the Grecians from Alexander vnto Cleopatra Q. of Egypt , continued about 300. yeares , and from thence to the death of Christ the Romanes ruled 60. yeares , H. Br. ●roleg . in Daniel , there can remaine but an 130. yeares for the Monarchie of the Persians , to make vp the summe of Daniels 70. weekes , that is , 490. yeares . So then thus farre we are directed by the holy storie , as is shewed before by the age and life of Nehemias , who sawe the beginning and ende of the Persian Monarchie , that it could not continue 200. yeares or aboue , the rest must be supplied out of the Greeke and Latine historians .

Here then two erroneous opinions are to be touched , the one of Varro , who vntill the beginning of the Olympiads , holdeth no certainty of time to be gathered : for he distinguisheth the age of the world into these 3. times , before the flood , which he saith is altogether vnknowne , after the ●●ood vnto the Olympike yeares , which time he calleth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , fabulous , and full of tales : the third from the beginning of the Olympiads , which time he calleth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , historicall , as certaine and true : whereas the contrarie is euident : that the historie of time from the beginning of the world , vntill somewhat after the Olympiads , is most certaine out of the propheticall writings : but there is no certaintie of the times following , because the propheticall writings were ceased .

The other opinion is of Paulus Burgans . In 9. Daniel . addit . 3. who thus aduiseth , de quibus non habetur historia sacrae Scripturae , recurratur ad historia● authentica● specialit●r Hebraeorum , whereof there is no historie of the sacred Scripture , we must haue recourse to the authenticall histories , specially of the Hebrewes : But Burgens . beeing a conuerned Iew himselfe , doth ascribe too much to the historicall accounts of his nation : whereas , after their Prophets ceased , there ●re no more vncerten , false , and fabulous Chronicles , then those of the Hebrewes are : As appeareth by that one instance of the number of the Persian kings , whome they generally h●ld to haue beene but foure .

This then remaineth as the best resolution concerning this matter , what Chronologie is to be followed in the computation of Daniels weekes : that it is safest to take direction of the Scriptures , so farre as they proceede in the historie of the Persians , and then to vse the helpe of the Olympiads , and other forren histories , for the rest of the yeares . And yet further to shew what small certentie is to be found in the historicall accounts of the Gentiles concerning the Persiah Monarchie , it shall not be amisse , before we come to examine the true reckoning of Daniels weekes , briefly to shew the great diuersitie of writers , both of the number , and yeares of the Persian kings .

37. Quest. Of the names and number of the Persian kings .

1. Hierome , whome the Latine historians and interpreters follow , numbreth 14. kings of the Persians , as they are set downe in order before , qu. 17. vpon the 7. chap. so also Pererius followeth the same account , and Oecolampad . in which number are comprehended Smerdes that succeeded Cambyses , and Artabanus , who killed Xerxes , both beeing vsurpers : and Xerxes the second , who raigned 2. moneths , and Sogdianus 7. moneths betweene Artaxerxes Longimanus , and Darius Nothus . These partly because they were vsurpers , partly for their short raigne , are not to be counted among the Persian kings , for the historie of time .

2. As the Latines exceede in number , so the Hebrewes come as farre short , Some of them doe make onely three kings of Persia , Cyrus , Assuerus , Darius : and whereas mention is made beside , Ez● . 4. 7. of Artaxerxes , and then of an other Artashasht , or Artaxerxes , Ez● . 7. 1. they say that the first Artaxerxes was the same with Assuerus , and the second with Darius : So R. Saad●a , and R. Davison . Some of them number foure kings , Cyrus , Assuerus , Artaxerxes , Darius : Ab. Ezra . Some count fiue , as R. Moses . But all these are euidently conuinced of vntruth by the historie of Ezra , and Nehemia , as may thus appeare . First , it is cleare that Xerxes was the fourth king of Persia , mentioned Dan. 11. 2. who should be richer then the rest . Then after this Xerxes the fourth king , succeeded Artaxerxes surnamed Longimanus , because he had one hand longer then an other : then followed Darius surnamed Nothus , because he was the base sonne of Longimanus : after him raigned an other Artaxerxes , who was surnamed Mnemon , of his singular memorie : there is mention made yet further of an other Darius , who was the last king of the Persians , Nehem. 12. 22. Thus it is euident that there were more kings of Persia then the Hebrewes imagine , as may be gathered out of the Scripture .

3. Some name but 8. kings of Persia in all : As 1. Cyrus . 2. Artaxerxes Assuerus . 3. Darius with the long hand . 4. Darius Nothus . 5. Artaxerxes Mnemon . 6. Artaxerxes Ochus . 7. Arses . 8. Darius ▪ so Annius Vite●biens . But in this account are omitted two famous kings of the Persians : Darius Hystaspis , and Xerxes his sonne .

4. Some make but nine , which they thus number , Cyrus , Cambyses , Darius Hystaspis , Xerxes , Artaxerxes Longima●●us , Darius Nothus , Artaxerxes Mnemon , Ochus , Darius Codomannus : Ioseph . Scalliger : But here is omitted Arses , the last king but one , who succeeded Ochus .

5. Some doe set downe tenne kings of the Persians : namely , all these before rehearsed : so Bulling. but the leaueth out S●erdes the vsurper , who succeeded Cambyses , and raigned not one yeare , but onely certaine moneths .

6. Beroaldus , whom H. Br. followeth , reckoneth 11. kings of Persia , agreeing in the number , but he misseth in the order : for thus he placeth them : Cyrus , Assuerus Artaxerxes , Darius Assyrius , Artaxerxes pins , then Xerxes , the fift , then the other sixe in order : But in this account he maketh Xerxes the rich king of Persia the fift king , who in Daniel is the fourth , c. 11. 2. and he supposeth him to haue beene the sonne of Artaxerxes pins , who was indeede the sonne of Darius .

7. Iuni●s setteth downe the Persian kings in this order . 1. Cyrus . 2. Cambyses his son . 3. Smerdes , who vsurped the kingdome a yeare . 4. Darius Hystaspis . 5. Xerxes . 6. Artaxerxes Longhand . 7. Darius the bastard . 8. Artaxerxes Mnemon . 9. Darius Ochus . 10. Arses . 11. Darii●s Codomannus , whome Alexander ouercame . Iun. But if Smerdes be counted for one , then Xerxes should be the fift , not the fourth king , as Dan. 11. 2. Thus much for the vncertentie of the names and number of the Persian Kings .

38. Quest. Of the vncertentie of the yeares of the Persian Monarchie , and of the Persian kings .

1. Concerning the continuance of the Persian Monarchie ▪ the Hebrewes generally giue vnto it not aboue 50. yeares : Tertullian an 107. yeares : Isidor . lib. 5. etymolog . an 180. Annius , Lucidus , Driedo , an 190. Dyonisius Halycar . lib. de Rom. Antiquit. 200. yeares , and somewhat aboue : Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat . 215. Severus Sulpit. lib. 2. sacr. histor. 250. Lyranus 230. so also M. Lively : Pererius 232. Iunius in his last edition , 201. but in the first he reckoneth for the whole time of the Persian Monarchie but an 129. yeares : Beroaldus whom H. Br. followeth , an 130. which seemeth to be the best computation for the reason before alleadged , namely , Nehemiahs age .

2. Now there is as great diuersitie in the seuerall raignes of the kings , Cyrus some thinke to haue raigned 30. yeares , as Cicero lib. 1. de diuinatio . Clemens lib. 1. stromat . Iustine , Eusebius : Sulpitius giueth vnto him 31. Herodotus 29. Annius , Driedo , and Lucidus , 22. yeares , after Darius the Mede : Xenophon yeeldeth him but 7. yeares : Bullinger 16. the Hebrewes generally but three , namely in the Persian Monarchie ; he might raigne before divers yeares in the kingdome of Persia : M. Lydyat aloweth to Cyrus 30. yeare ouer Persia , and 7. ouer the whole Monarchie : Cambyses raigned 8. yeares as some thinke , Herodotus , Eusebius , Bullinger : as some but 6. yeares , Iosephus lib. 11. antiquit : as some 9. yeares , Sulpitius : as others 19. yeares , Clemens Alexandrin , Iunius giueth vnto Cyrus and Cambyses together but 9. yeares in his annotations , both in his first and last edition : M. Lydyat 17. yeares : Smerdes who vsurped the kingdome , fayning himselfe to be the brother of Cambyses , raigned but 7. moneths , as Herodotus , so also Lydyat 10 moneths as Theodoret : a whole yeare as Iosephus , Iunius . Darius the sonne of Hystaspis raigned 19. yeares , as Tertullian : 30. yeares as Orosius : 31. M. Lydyat : 46. yeares as Clemens Alexandrin. 36. yeares as Herodotus lib. 2. Sulpitius lib. 2. Eusebius : 12. yeares according to Ab. Ezra . Iunius in his first edition giueth him twentie yeares , 36. in his last : Xerxes is supposed to haue raigned 20. yeares , as Oecolampad . Lydyat . 21. as Diodorus , Sulpitius . Orosius : 26. as Clemens Alexandrin . lib. 1. stromat . 22. yeares , Iun. edition . 3. Artaxerxes Longimanus raigned 37. Melancthon ex Metasthene . Iun. edition . 1. 40. Pererius agreeing with the most historians , 44. as Bullinger : 46. as M. Lydyat . 40. yeares , Iun. edition . 3● Darius Nothus raigned 8. yeares , as Clemens Alexand. and H. Br. proleg . in Da●iel . 60. yeares , as Phylostratus , lib. 1. de vit. Apollon. 19. yeares according to Eusebius , Beda , Bullinger , M. Lydyat , with others . 18. yeares , Iun. edit. 1. 19. yeares Iun. edit. 3. Artaxerxes Mnemon raigned 40. Perer. Oecolampad. 43. as M. Lively , M. Lydyat , out of Diodorus Siculus . 62. yeares as Plutarke . 36. as Bullinger . 35. as Melancthon out of Metasth . 10. yeares , Iun. edit. 1. 3. yeares , edit. 3. Ochus raigned 3. yeares , as H. Br. in proleg . in Dan. 23. yeares according to Tertullian , and Diodorus Siculus , and Iun. edit. 3. 22. edit. 1. and M. Lydyat . 24. yeares as Sulpit. 26. yeares , as Eusebius , Beda , Melancthon , Bulling. Arses , or Arsanes the sonne of Ochus , raigned 1. yeare , according to Tertullian . 3. yeares , as Sulpit. Diodor. so also Iun. edit , 1. and 3. and M. Lydyat . 4. yeares , as Euseb. Beda . Darius the last , raigned 3. yeares , as Clemens . 4. yeares , as Sulpit. 5. yeares , as Iun. edit. 3. 6. yeares , as Euseb. Beda . 21. yeares , as Tertullian .

Now then if we lay the yeares of these Persian kings together , first the smallest numbers of their raigne , & then the greatest , it will appeare what great oddes there is in the account . According to some According to others Cyrus raigned yeares 3 Cyrus raigned yeares 30 Cambyses 6 Cambyses 8 Darius Hystaspis 30 Darius Hystaspis 46 Xerxes 20 Xerxes 26 Artaxerxes Longhand 37 Artaxerxes Longhand 46 Darius Nothus 8 Darius Nothus 60 Artaxerxes Mnemon 36 Artaxerxes Mnemon 62 Ochus 3 Ochus 26 Arses 1 Arses 4 Darius Codoman 3 Darius Codoman 21 the summe is 147. yeares . the summe is 329. yeares .

So then the difference betweene these two accounts is of an 182. yeares . By this it is euident , that there is small certentie to be had from forren stories concerning the Persian Monarchie , either for the names , number , or yeares of their kings : whereupon Burgensis thus concludeth , Historiae illorum temporum , praecip●e regum Persarum , & Medorum , sunt plenae diversitatibus & contradictionibus , &c. The histories of those times , specially of the Medes and Persians , are full of diuersities and contradictions , in so much that they onely doe not varie in the continuance of some kings ; but some histories also name some kings , that other histories make no mention of . To this purpose Paul . Burgens . addit . 3. in 9. Daniel . Now will we proceede to examine the seuerall opinions , before set downe , qu. 34.

39. Quest. That Daniels weekes doe signifie a certen definite number of yeares .

This may be prooued by sundrie reasons , against their opinion , who doe thinke , that in this number of Daniels weekes , there is not signified a precise tearme of yeares , but generally all that time , which should follow vnto the comming of the Messiah . But that a certen and definite number of yeares is signified and intended by these 70. weekes , it may thus be shewed .

1. That number of yeares whose beginning and ende is expressed , must needes be a definite and certen number , beeing so bounded and limited : but the beginning and ende of this tearme is described : they take beginning at the going forth of the word , and they ende at the Messiah .

2. The manner of phrase declareth as much , 70. weekes are cut out , or determined : the Lord had as it were cut out , seuered , and appointed this time for the comming of the Messiah , to performe these things here prophesied .

3. That number is definite and certen , which is diuided into parts : but so is this whole number of 70. weekes : it is diuided into three parts , into 7. weekes , 62. weekes , and one weeke .

4. This number of 70. weekes answereth vnto the tearme of 70. yeares , beeing that number multiplied 7. times : therefore as the one is certen , so is the other .

5. Further that time , which we are bid to obserue and marke , and to attend such things as fall out therein , must be a certen and definite time ; for how els should it be obserued and marked : but such was this time here designed by Daniel , and the euents which followed it , as our Sauiour saith , Mar. 24. 15. When ye shall see the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet , standing in the holy place , let him which readeth , consider it : But how could the euent of this prophesie be obserued and considered , if some certen direction were not giuen by the time to finde it out ?

40. Quest. That Origens account can not stand , beginning the 70. weekes at Adam , and ending them in the destruction of Ierusalem .

1. Origen to make this account good , taketh euery weeke for 70. yeares , to euery day of the prophe●icall weeke allowing tenne yeares : but no where in the Scripture is a weeke so taken , but either for a weeke of daies , or for a weeke of yeares . 2. This whole summe according to his account , taking euery weeke for 70. yeares , will amount to 4900. yeares : but the whole time from the first to the second Adam , is not much aboue 4000. yeares , not yet so much in some account : so that this time , according to Origens supputation , will exceede the time of the Messiah almost 900. yeares . 3. It is euident that these 70. weekes must beginne at such time , as the word went forth to build againe Ierusalem and the Temple ; they must not then take beginning so long before . 4. Neither are they to be extended vnto the destriction of Ierusalem , as shall be shewed , when we come to examine the seuerall opinions , for the ende of these 70. weekes .

41. Quest. That the 70. weekes must not beginne before the peoples returne out of captiuitie .

1. Hippolytus , as Hierome setteth downe his opinion in his Commentarie vpon this place , beginneth the 70. weekes fiftie yeares before the dissoluing of the captiuitie , and endeth them in Christs natiuitie : but this opinion can not stand : for 1. the Angel sheweth , that these weekes must then beginne , when the people returned out of captiuitie . 2. from thence vnto the Messiah are 490. yeares : but if we should beginne fiftie yeares before , the number will arise to 540. yeares . By the same reason may be confuted the opinion of Lyranus , Burgens . Galatinus , who beginne the 70. weekes at the 4. of Zedekiah , because then they say the promise was made from the Lord by Ieremie for the returne of the people : as is shewed before , quest. 34. for 1. by this reckoning there will be 70. yeares within fowre , all the time of the captiuitie , added to Daniels propheticall weekes . 2. if they will fetch the beginning from that word and promise , why may they not as well beginne an eleuen yeares before , when Ieremie in the 4. yeare of Iehoiakim shewed them of the captiuitie of 70. yeares , Ierem. 25. 1. 11 ? or yet they may beginne further off from that promise made concerning Cyrus , Isa. 45. that he should cause Ierusalem to be builded againe : from which time to the ende of Daniels weekes are aboue 700. yeares .

Likewise R. Salamons opinion is confuted by the same reasons : who beginneth the 70. weekes from the first destruction of the Temple in the 19. yeare of Nebuchadnezzer , and endeth them at the destruction of the citie : for 1. so there will be found aboue 50. yeares more then the 70. weekes from the destruction of the Temple vnto the going forth of the commandement , to build againe Ierusalem . 2. seeing the Angel pitcheth the beginning at the going forth of the word to bring againe the people , and to build againe Ierusalem , it is absurd to set the beginning , when the people were carried into captiuitie , and the citie and Temple destroied .

42. Quest. That the 70. weekes doe not beginne in the raignes of the other kings of Persia after Cyrus .

1. From the second , or 20. yeare of Darius Hystaspis the 70. weekes cannot beginne . 1. for we doe not read of any decree made by that Darius for the reedifying of the Temple and citie : it is Darius Longimanus in whose 2. yeare the worke of the house of God went forward , who is mentioned Ezr. 4. 24. As it may be thus gathered : there are named in that chapter , v. 6 , 7. two kings of the Persians after Cyrus , Assuerus and Artashasht : then after them followed Darius : But Darius the sonne of Hystaspis , was the third king of Persia. 2. In Darius decree , mentioned Ezr. 6. there is no speach of building the citie , but of the Temple onely : here the Angel speaketh of the going forth of the word to build Ierusalem . Perer .

2. Neither can the computation beginne from Xerxes the 4. king of Persia , by whom Iosephus thinketh first Ezra to haue beene sent , and afterward Nehemiah , who is called Artaxerxes , Ezra . 7. and Nehem. 2. for Xerxes is held by the most to haue raigned but 20. yeares , onely Clemens affoardeth him 26. yeares : but mention is made of the 32. yeare of this Artaxerxes , Nehem. 5. 14.

3. Neither can their computation stand , which beginne at the 7. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus , when Ezra was sent with the kings letters to Ierusalem : for , Sulpitius well obserueth , Ezram nihil super reficienda vrbe fecisse comperio , &c. I doe not finde , that Ezra did any thing in repayring of the citie , his greatest care seemeth to haue bin to reforme the corrupt manners of the people , &c. And whereas the king doth furnish him with siluer and gold , that was rather employed for the sacrifices , and seruice of the Temple , then for the building thereof . Bullinger setteth downe diuerse reasons to confirme his opinion , as 1. he prooueth that Ezra was sent to Ierusalem by Artaxerxes . 2. that Nehemiah liuing vnto Alexanders time , as appeareth by the names of Iaddua and Samballat , who liued in Alexanders raigne , was sent by this Artaxerxes , not by Darius Hystaspis , for then he should exceede an 194. yeares . 3. the commission giuen vnto Ezra , c. 7. 23. thou Ezra , &c. set iudges and arbiters which may iudge the people , &c. agreeth with the Angels speach here : the going out of the word , &c. 4. the time agreeth , from the 7. of Artaxeres to the death of Christ , are found iust 490. yeares .

Contra. 1. The first is graunted , beeing euident out of the Scripture , but that is nothing to the purpose . 2. It is also confessed that this was Artaxerxes Longimanus , not Darius Hystaspis : that reason then is impertinent . 3. Ezra his commission sheweth , that he was to reforme the manners of the people , and to set them in order , not to build the citie or Temple , and therefore it was not the going forth of the word , here spoken of , which was to build Ierusalem . 4. It can not be shewed , that this agreeth with the iust computation of the 490. yeares : for therein lieth the question .

4. Pererius with others , as namely M. Lydyat . lib. de emendat . temp. ann. mund. 3553. would haue the 70. weekes beginne from the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus , by whome Nehemiah was sent to repaire the citie , Nehem. 2. 8. which agreeth to the going forth of the word ( here spoken of ) to build Ierusalem : And for the which enterprise Nehemiah is commended , Ecclus. 49.

Contra. 1. Nehemiah did not first build the citie , and lay the foundations of the walls , which was done long before in the raigne of an other Artaxerxes , Ezr. 4. 12. which is held to be Cambyses : he onely viewed and repaired the breaches of the citie , Nehem. 2. 15. there is mention made both of gates and walls before his comming . 2. The Temple was builded and finished before the 20. yeare of Longimaniu , namely in the sixt yeare of his raig●● : but it is not like that the building of the Temple , beeing the most speciall thing which the people of God longed after , should be excluded out of the compasse of the 70. weekes .

5. Their opinion also may be refelled , who count the beginning of these 70. weekes from the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus , when by the commandement of the king the building of the house went forward , and was finished in the sixt yeare , Ezr. 6. 15. from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem , are found iust 490. yeares : the particulars whereof Polanus thus gathereth : from the 2. of Darius Nothus to the death of Alexander , are yeares 99. from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem , 391. which make 490. yeares .

Contra. 1. In the place giuen in instance , Ezr. 6. 14. it is said , they builded and finished the house , by the appointment of God , and by the commandement of Cyrus , and Darius , and Artashasht king of Persia : seeing then , that all these gaue commandement for the building of the Temple , from which of them rather must the account beginne , then from the first ? for they onely finished the worke of the Temple now : it could not be begunne and made an ende of in foure yeares . 2. Neither is his computation of yeares certaine and agreed vpon : for some beginne to account from the 3. yeare of Darius Nothus , M. Lively , p. 216. Iunius reckoneth but 98. yeares from the 2. of Nothus to the death of Alexander : further in this reckoning , counting 70. yeares from the birth of Christ , to the destruction of the citie , 33. and an halfe to his passion , and 36. with an halfe afterward , he leaueth in the summe of 391. from Alexanders death 321. yeares for the kingdome of the Greekes and Macchabees , vnto the 30. yeare of Herod : but others allow not so much : Melancthon not much aboue 300. yeares , counting them thus : from Alexanders death to the beginning of the Macchabees 146. yeares , from thence to Herod 127. yeares , then in the 30. yeare of Herod was Christ borne : Oecolampadius thus maketh vp the reckoning , an 160. yeares from Alexanders death to the Macchabees , thence to Herod an 127. and 30. yeares of Herod to Christ : the whole summe is 317. Others recken 300. yeares from the beginning of Alexanders raigne vnto the raigne of the Roman Empire after Cleopatra her 22. yeares , and from thence to the death of Christ 60. yeares : so Africanus , as Lyranus citeth him , and H. Br. in his proleg . in Dan. Therefore the computation of Polanus is not so certaine to be builded vpon .

6. Concerning the last opinion of Apollinaris , who beginneth to count the 70. weekes at the birth of Christ , it neede no long refutation : for then there went forth no word for the building of the citie : and there must be 7. weekes and 62. weekes before the Messiah ; so that he beginneth Daniels weekes , where they almost ende .

43. Quest. That Daniels 70. weekes must take beginning from the proclamation made by Cyrus for the returne of the people .

There remaine then onely to be examined the opinions of the third sort of those , which beginne the account of the 70. weekes from Darius and Cyrus , who raigned together . Tertullian beginneth them from Darius , and endeth them in the ouerthrow of Ierusalem . Origen taketh the same beginning , but goeth no further then the natiuitie of Christs so also Melancthon in his first account . The Hebrewes , making the same beginning , doe extend the time to the last subuersion of Ierusalem by Adrian the Emperour . Clemens Alexandr . beginneth from Cyrus , and endeth in the subuersion of Ierusalem , lib. 1. stromat . Origen doth ende them too soone , and the rest extend them too farre : but touching the ende of these weekes more shall be said in the next question : but that all these doe take the beginning right of these weekes , from the edict of Cyrus , who raigned together with Darius the Mede , it may thus euidently be prooued .

1. First , when the seuentie yeares of captiuitie were expired , the 70. weekes of libertie immediatly beganne , as M. Calvin sheweth vpon the 24. verse , Certum est quinquaginta annos & quinquaginta hebdomadas simul coniungi , the 70. yeares and 70. weekes are ioyned together . And this proposition is confirmed , Ier. 29. 10. Thus saith the Lord , After seuentie yeares be accomplished at Babel , I will visit you , and performe my good promise toward you , and cause you to returne to this place : But the 70. yeares were expired in the first yeare of Cyrus , 2. Chron. 36. 22. therefore then the 70. weekes beganne .

2. The 70. weekes beganne from the going forth of the word to cause the people to returne , v. 25. but in the first yeare of Cyrus the Edict came forth for the returne of the people , Ezr. 1. 1. then was the generall deliuerance of the people from captiuitie . Ergo.

3. Paulus Burgensis vrgeth this reason , that if the beginning of these weekes were suspended an hundred yeares to the raigne of Artaxerxes Longimanus , or after , then it would follow , that Daniel was ignorant when these weekes should beginne , and so consequently did not know the time of the comming of the Messiah : but it is not like , that so great a Prophet , hauing reuealed vnto him the time of the comming of the Messiah , should be ignorant of it .

Pererius to this maketh a double answer . 1. that though Daniel haue a vision in generall of the Messiahs comming , yet he might be ignorant of the very time : as it was reuealed to Daniel , that one should rise vp to afflict the people of God most grieuously 2300. daies , chap. 8. yet he knew not the particular time . 2. It is like that it was reuealed to Daniel , when these 70. weekes should beginne , though it is not expressed in Scripture .

Contra. 1. There is not the like reason to know the particular time of Christs comming , and of Antichrist : there was more necessitie for the comfort of Gods people of the one , then of the other : neither was the time foretold of Antiochus comming , as here of Christs , but onely how long his tyrannie should continue , when he was come . 2. Such vnwritten directions not expressed in Scripture , it is dangerous to imagine : it is true that Daniel knew the beginning of these weekes , and had thereto direction , and that here expressed in Scripture : other direction he had none , and not hauing other direction then here , he should haue continued ignorant of his owne prophesie , if he had not seene the accomplishment of it himselfe .

4. An other argument may be taken from the continuance of the Persian Monarchie : the most agree , That aboue an 130. veares can not be allowed to the Persian Mona●chie . that the kingdome of the Macedonians continued 300. yeares from the beginning of Alexanders raigne , and that thence to the passion of Christ the Romanes gouerned 60. yeares , so African . Lyr. Iunius counteth but 362. yeares in all : there remaineth then to make vp the summe of 490. an 130. yeares for the Persian Monarchie , and not aboue : the reason is this , because Nehemiah saw both the beginning and the ende of the Persian Monarchie : that he saw the ende , Iosephus Scalliger thus prooueth . 1. because Nehemiah in his storie maketh mention of the last Darius , whome Alexander ouercame , c. 12. 22. And that it was the last Darius is euident , because Iaddua the high Priest is there mentioned , who met Alexander . 2. Nehemiah was hindred in repairing the walls of the citie by one Samballat , c. 4. this Samballat afterward ayded Alexander , at the siege of Gaza with a band of souldiers , and died before Alexander had taken Gaza : so that Nehemiah and Samballat were both of the same time . 3. Nehemiah maketh mention , c. 13. 28. of one of the sonnes of Ioiada the high Priest , who was the sonne in law of Samballat the Horonite , whome Nehemiah chased away : this , as Iosephus sheweth , lib. 11. was Manasses the brother of Iaddua the high Priest , who married Nicaso the daughter of Samballat . 4. Nehemiah also maketh mention of the last Darius called Codomannus , Nehem. 12. Now that Nehemiah also saw the beginning , is euident , Ezr. 2. 2. where Nehemiah is named among those , which returned out of captiuitie , according to the edict of Cyrus .

Two answers are here made . 1. that it might be an other Nehemiah beside him , who was sent to repaire Ierusalem in the 20. yeare of king Artaxerxes . 2. the historie may be transposed : for Nehemiah went not vp then , but 64. yeares after , Genevens . annotat . Ezra , 2. 2. 3. And it is further answered , that the Samballat mentioned by Nehemiah , c. 12. might be an other of that name : or Iosephus might mistake the time wherein Samballat liued : and whereas Nehemiah speaketh of Iaddua , he onely sheweth that at that time , when he writ that booke , Iaddua was borne heire to the Priesthood : to this purpose M. Lydyat in his booke de emendat . tempor . ann. 3485. set forth this yeare , 609.

Contra. 1. To imagine two Nehemiahs ( as they likewise say that Mordecai there named was an other beside Mordecai in the dayes of Esther ) vnlesse some Scripture might be shewed for it , is all one , as if they should make two of Moses , Dauids , Salomons , or Zorobabels name . 2. whereas the words stand thus , these are they , &c. which came with Zerubbabel , Ieshuaeh , Nehemiah , Ezr. 2. 2. what a disorder were this in the storie , these beeing named together , to put off Nehemiahs comming so many yeares after . And beside , this doubt is remooued , Nehem. 7. 5. where Nehemiah saith , I found a booke of the genealogie of them which came vp at the first , and found it written there , &c. they which came vp with Zerubbabel , Ieshuah , Nehemiah : all these were captaines and chiefe men , with whome the people returned at the first : Nehemiah then was one of the captaines , that went vp first out of the captiuitie . 3. To the other answers it may be also thus replied : that Samballat mentioned by Nehemiah , is the same that assisted Alexander : for he is said to haue had one of Ioiada his sonnes ( which was Manasses the brother of Iaddua ) to his sonne in law , Nehem. 13. 28. And Iosephus is not deceiued in casting Samballat into this time , for Nehemiah doth the same : neither was Iaddua at this time onely borne , for he is counted among the high Priests : and if Manasses his younger brother at this time were married , then Iaddua could not be so young , as onely to be then borne .

Thus then Nehemiah beeing found to haue liued from the beginning of the Persian Monarchie to the ende , may be supposed to haue beene about an 150. yeares of age , or somewhat more : he may be thought to haue beene 20. or 25. at the returne out of captiuitie , and liued after an 130. the whole time of the Persian Monarchie , which Nehemiahs age will not suffer to be extended much further .

And it neede not seeme straunge , that Nehemiah might be an 150. yeare old : for many yeares after this , in the time of Claudius Cesar , one T. Fullonius of Bononia , was found to be an 150. yeare old : and many other are recorded by Plinie in his 7. booke , c. 48 , 49 , 50. which in diuers countries liued betweene an 100. and 150. yeares .

5. This also is an other manifest proofe , that the Persian Monarchie could not exceede much an 130. yeares , because in the 6. yeare of Darius , when the house of God was finished , there were some then aliue which had seene the former house : as the Prophet Hagge saith , Who is he among you , that saw this house in her first glorie , and how doe you see it now ? is it not in your eyes , in comparison of it , as nothing ? If now there were an 106. yeares runne since Cyrus first , as Iunius in his annotations vpon that place in the last edition obserueth , they must haue beene aboue an 180. yeares old , lib. 6. de e●●end . which then liuing had seene the first Temple . Iosephus Scalliger taketh these words spoken by way of wishing in this sense ; O that any were aliue which had seene the former Temple , he would take this as nothing to that : But the Prophet speaketh vnto them in the second person , is it not in your eyes ? that is , yours which did know the other Temple : and so Lyranus well expoundeth . Therefore from Cyrus vnto this second of Darius , might be some 40. yeares and odde : and so some at the age of an 130. or thereabout , might haue knowne the first Temple standing : and after this there might remaine some 80. yeares of the Persian Monarchie .

6. And this further may be an other euident argument , that the Persian Monarchie continued not aboue an 130. yeares or thereabout : because Nehem. 12. 26. there are nine seuerall men expressed by name , which liued in the daies of Ioiakim sonne of Ieshuah , who was high Priest in the● returne from Babylon , and continued vnto the end of Nehemiah : now Ioiakim succeeded his father Ieshuah in the Priesthood , in the 45. yeare after their returne , as Bullinger noteth in his tables : 2. tabul . 2. These were the chiefe of the Leuites all this while : they could not be vnder 25. yeares olde in Ioiakims time , for before the Leuites ministred not : now if the Persian Monarchie continued 200. yeares , or aboue , they must be supposed to be very neare 200. yeares old .

Thus it hath beene sufficiently prooued I trust , that it is most agreeable to Scripture , to begin Daniel 〈…〉 from the edict of Cyrus : wherein we haue the consent of Tertullian , Origen , Clem. Alexand. among the auncient writers ; and of Melancth. Calv. Beroald . Pint. H. T●● . of the new ●●the difference onely betweene them is , in that some begin from Darius , some from Cyrus Pi●●us from the time of the reuealing of this vision , which he vnderstandeth to be the going forth of the word : But the oddes is not great , onely in a yeare or two in the most , in their opinion , which make the raigne of Darius the Mede , and Cyrus diuers . But if it 〈…〉 that they raigned ioyntly together , as is prooued before , 2. qu. vpon this chapter 〈◊〉 there is no 〈◊〉 .

But against this computation of the 70. weekes from the first of Cyrus , it will be obiected thus . 1. that edict , because it was void and tooke no place ( for the worke was hindred all the daies of Cyrus Ezr: 4. 3. notwithstanding his former edict ) is not to be accounted for the beginning of these weekes . 2. Cyrus edict was onely to build the Lord an house , Ezr. 1. 2. but this word , the going out whereof the Angel speaketh of , was to build Ierusalem : thus obiecteth Pererius against the opinion of Clemens Alexandr , so also M. Lydyat reasoneth in ann. 3553. 3. Lyranus alleadgeth this reason against it out of Africanus , that if the account beginne from Cyrus , there will be found an 100. yeares more then the 70. weekes to the passion of Christ : which he counteth thus : The Persian Monarchie continued 230. yeares , the kingdome of the Macodonians or Grecians 300. th●nce to the death of Christ , the Romanes ruled 60. yeares : all make 590. yeares .

Contra. 1. Though Cyrus decree did not at the first take place altogether , yet because they by vertue of that decree laid the foundation of the Temple in the 2. yeare , Ezr. 2. 10. though the worke were interrupted , from thence the reckoning must beginne : and the rather , for that this decree of Cyrus was the ground of Darius edict renewed afterward , Ezr. 6. yea the Angel foresheweth here as much , in diuiding 7. weekes from the rest , that the building of the citie and Temple should be interrupted 49. yeares , and should be finished in a troublesome time , v. 25.

2. Though Cyrus edict specially intended the building of the Lords house , yet they had libertie giuen them there withall to reedifie the walls and citie , as is euident , Ezr. 4. 12. for otherwise the prophesie of Isai concerning Cyrus , had not beene fulfilled , c. 54. 28. He saith to Cyrus , thou art my shepheard , and he shall performe all my desire , saying also to Ierusalem , thou shalt be built , and to the Temple , thy foundations shall be surely laid .

3. That the Persian Monarchie continued not 230. yeares , is prooued before : so that this obiection is soone answered . And if Lyranus thinketh that from Cyrus to Christs passion 590. yeares expired , how then can he make his own account afterward good , counting from the 4. of Zedekiah , 52. yeares before Cyrus , as he casteth it , to the passion of Christ , but 490. yeares in all ?

Thus the beginning of Daniels 70. weekes beeing knowne , it remaineth that we come to examine the diuers opinions for the ende , and determining of them : as they are before propounded , qu. 34. But first , because we will at once make an ende of the questions & doubts of the Persian Monarchie , three other matters shall here be briefly touched . 1. vnder which of the Persian kings Mordecai liued . 2. what king it was by whome the Edict was renewed to build the Temple . 3. which Artaxerxes it was , by whome in the 20. of his yeare Nehemiah was sent .

44. Quest. Vnder which of the Persian kings Mordecai liued and of his age .

1. Some take the great king Assuerus , who married Esther , to be Cambyses the sonne of Cyrus : as Paul . Burgens . calleth this Assuerus , & filium Cyri , & maritum Esther , both the sonne of Cyrus , and the husband of Ester , addit . 3. in 9. c. Dan. But this cannot be : for Cambyses is held by most Chronologer● , to haue raigned but 7. yeares , the Hebrewes giue vnto him but 6. yeares : but this Assuerus married not Esther till the 7. yeare of his raigne toward the ende thereof in the 10. moneth , Estb. 2. 17. and c. 3. 12. mention is made of his 12. yeare .

2. Some take this Assuerus the husband of Esther , to be Darius Hystaspic the 3. king of Persia : so Iun. in his annotat . Esth. 1. 1. in the first edition ; and Esther called Adassa , he thinketh to be A●ossa Darius wife , mentioned by Herodot . lib. 3. Of the same opinion seemeth Lyranus to be , that the next king vnto Cam●yses , was this Assuerus : But Darius Hystaspicis succeeded C●●byses : so also Genevens .

3. Ioseph . lib. 11. thinketh that this Assuerus was Artaxerxes Longimanus , surnamed the long-hand , the 5. king of Persia : But Eusebius in his Chronicle ●●felleth him by this argument , that , seeing Ezra liued in the daies of this Artaxerxes , it is like he would haue made some honourable mention of Esther and Mordecai . Herein though Eusebius doe truly contradict Iosephus , yet his reason is not so forcible : for seeing there is a speciall historie written of Esther and Mordecai their acts , which booke is like to haue beene made by Ezra , or some other of the Prophets then liuing , it was not needefull in the other bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah , to make mention of them ; seeing in those bookes they meddle not with the Persian affaires , but with such things as happened about the building of the citie and Temple at Ierusalem . But this reason rather may be vrged , that Artaxerxes 〈◊〉 , who is that Darius called also Artashasht , who gaue licence to build the Temple , which was finished in his 6. yeare , and in his 7. sent Ezra , and in his 20. Nehemiah , with new commissions to repaire the citie : it is not like , that he would be so mooued and incensed against the Iewes , to roote them out , as Assuerus was .

4. A fourth opinion there is , that this Assuerus was Artaxerxes Mnemon , which succeeded Darius Nothus , the 7. king of Persia : which is the opinion of Exsebius , Isidore , Beda , Sulpitius , to whome subscribeth Pererius : But these two obiections may be made against this opinion . 1. that if Esther had beene the Queene in Nehemiahs time , it is like he would haue vsed her mediation to the king , or Mordecaies , and not haue pressed himselfe vpon the king . 2. whereas Mordecai is said to haue beene one of those which was carried away in the captiuitie of Iechoniah , Esth. 2. 6. from which captiuitie vnto the raigne of Artaxerxes Muemon are accounted by the most Chronologers 250. yeares , as Pererius confesseth , then could it not be that Artaxerxes vnder whome Esther and Mordecai liued . Hereunto Pererius answereth , that whereas the words stand thus , Mordecai , which was the sonne of Iair , the sonne of Shemei the sonne of Kish , a man of Iemini , which had beene carried away , &c. with the captiuitie of Iechoniah . &c. he would haue the relatiue ( which ) referred to the nearest antecedent , Iemini , whome he supposeth to haue beene then carried into captiuitie : But herein Pererius is greatly ouerseene , for Iemini is here taken for the tribe Beniamin : as Kish the father of Saul is said to be of Iemini , 1. Sam. 9. 1. and Shemei is called the sonne of Iemini , 2. Sam. 16. 11. Then this Iemini could not possibly goe into captiuitie with Iechoniah . Therefore other answer better , that it is referred to Kish , that he went into captiuitie : so Burgens . and Iunius in his last edition : Ioseph . Scal. l. 6. de emendat . tempor .

But hereunto Thoring maketh a double answer . 1. They must shew vs an other Kish out of Scripture , beside the father of Saul , which if they can not doe , eadem facilitate contemnitur , qua probatur , it may as easily be reiected , as it is prooued : yet this may be admitted , that this was an other Kish beside that auncient Kish the father of Saul , as this Shemei was diuers from him that railed vpon Dauid . 2. He hath then a better answer ; that if they will count so many generations , namely these foure , of Mordecai , Iair , Shemei , Kish , from the captiuitie of Iechonia● , they will make Mordecai , either scarse yet borne , or a very young man , who was now auncient , and nourished Esther as his daughter , he was as a father vnto her : for in true account there were not aboue an 150. yeares runne since the captiuitie of Iechoniah to the raigne of this Artaxerxes : and if foure generations of men were then worne out , Mordecai must be held a very young man , or not so graue a personage , as the storie maketh him .

5. An other opinion is , that Mordecai liued vnder Xerxes the fourth king of Persia , who is also called Assuerus , which is the opinion of Iosephus Scalliger , lib. 6. de emendat , tempor . likewise Thom. Lydiat . lib. de emendat . tempor . in ann. 3514. and of Iunius edition 3. the reasons thereof are these . 1. The name Achashverosh , which Scalliger pronounceth Oxyares , commeth neere the name Xerxes , which is after the Greeke pronuntiation , the other is the Hebrew name . 2. the name of Queene Esther hath great affinitie with Amestris , as Herodotus , or Amystris , as Ctesias , the wife of Xerxes . 3. Assuerus is set forth by the largenes of his kingdome , and the greatnes of his riches , Esth. 1. and Xerxes was the rich king of Persia , the fourth from Cyrus inclusiuely , that is , including Cyrus , Dan. 11. 2. 4. Assuerus was the next king before the first Artaxerxes whome Darius Nothus succeeded , Ezr. c. 4. v. 7. and 24. But Xerxes was the next predecessour to Artashasht , or Artaxerxes , who was called Longimanus , who was Xerxes sonne .

But against this last assertion , that this Assuerus was Xerxes , it will be thus obiected . 1. that Xerxes is held of the most , not to haue raigned aboue 20. or 22. yeares at the most , and he was married to Esther but in the 7. yeare , and in the 8. might Darius his sonne be borne , who was not aboue 13. yeares olde when his father died : yet in the second yeare of his raigne he had children , Ezr. 6. 10. where the Iewes are bid to pray for the kings life and his sonnes .

Burgensis here answereth , that it is spoken by way of supposition , si filios habuisset , if he had had sonnes : But Thoring in his replie to Burgensis additions , doth here finde fault with him : for it was neuer heard of , that prayer should be made , pro non existentibus in rerum natura , for them which had yet no beeing or existence in nature .

But they which hold Xerxes to be this Assuerus , will answer , that Darius mentioned , Ezr. 6. 10. was Darious Nothus , not this Artaxerxes Longimanus : now this is after prooued to be otherwise , because to the building of the Temple from the going forth of the word , are but 7. weekes , that is , 49. yeares : but there were in their owne reckoning an 100. yeares from Cyrus to Darius Nothus : see hereof further , qu. 58. following .

6. Bullinger thinketh this Assuerus to be Cyaxares the father of Darius the Mede , who with Cyrus surprised Babylon , Dan. 9. 1. But this cannot be : 1. in Esthers time the Monarchie of the Persians and Medes was ioyned together , Esth. 1. 3. 2. Assuerus chiefe seare was at Susis . ibid. but Ecbatane was the chiefe citie of Media . 3. while the Monarchie of Babel stood , the Iewes were held in captiuitie vnder the Babylonians , not vnder the Medes .

7. Wherefore it is most probable that this Assuerus was Darius Hystaspis , which is the second opinion before rehearsed , for it is shewed before that he was neither Cambyses , nor Longimanus , Mnemon , or Xerxes : who is he then more like to be then this Darius ? the arguments brought for Xerxes may be answered by applying them to Darius . 1. the name Assuerus might be a common name to them both : and it seemeth that by Assuerus is meant Darius the next to Cambyses , who is that Artashasht named Ezr. 4. 6. 2. Darius was also of great riches and power . 3. his Queenes name Atossa commeth nearer Hadassa the other name of Esther , then Amestris to Esther . 4. that Artashasht mentioned Ezr. 4. 7. was not Longimanus Xerxes sonne , but Cambyses rather .

It beeing thus shewed that Mordecai liued in Darius time , 〈…〉 the third king of Persia , neither could his age be so great , as Lyranus at the first seemed to thinke , that is , 259. or as Annius Viterbiens . 198. nor yet so small , as Lyranus in his second computation counteth , giuing vnto Mordecai but 93. yeares . But his age might be an 110. or thereabout : whereof 70. yeares were spent in the captiuitie , and about 30. yeare from Cyrus first : H. Br. in prolegom . and he might be 10. yeare old when he went into captiuitie .

45. Quest. Which of the Persian kings it was that renewed the decree for the reedifying of the Temple .

1. The most receiued opinion is , that it was Darius the sonne of Hystaspis the third king of Persia , who renewed the edict for the building of the Temple , in whose sixt yeare it was finished , Ezr. 6. 15. of this opinion is Iosephus , with whome Pererius consenteth : so also M. Calvin , and M. Lydyat de emendat . tempor . ann. 3485. their speciall reason is taken from that place , Ioh. 2. where the Iewes affirme that the Temple was 46. yeares building : which time Pererius reckoneth thus , Cyrus raigned 30. yeares , Cambyses . 8. and in the sixt yeare of Darius the Sanctuarie was finished , but 3. yeares after in the ninth , the outward Court , and all was made an end of , as Iosephus writeth , lib. 11. antiq . so from the 2. of Cyrus , when they beganne to lay the foundation , vnto the sixt of Darius , are 46. yeares .

Contra. 1. But seeing Ezra saith , that the house was finished in the sixt yeare , Iosephus conceit is not to be admitted , who in this matter is contrarie to himselfe , lib. 1. cont. Appion . where he saith , that the Temple was reedified in the second yeare of his raigne : Then must Pererius hold him to the sixt yeare : as Theodoret also and Iansenius doe there ende the 46. yeares , which the Iewes speake of : whome Pererius for that misliketh : but vnto this 6. yeare by his owne computation are but 43. yeares .

2. M. Calvin will haue these 46. yeares , and the 7. weekes , which here are seuered from the rest , v. 25. to agree together , and to make the number euen 49. yeares , he alloweth three yeares for the first laying of the foundation : and herein he is so confident , that he thus writeth , quisquis hic tergiversari velit , no●ne prodet suam impudentiam , he that will here winde away , the matter beeing so euident , shall but bewray his impudencie . But if from Cyrus 2. to the 6. of Darius Hystaspis are in the largest reckoning but 43. or 44. yeares , where will those three other yeares be found out ouer and aboue , to make vp the 49. yeare ? Touching the agreement betweene Daniels 7. weekes and these 46. yeares , more shall be saide , qu. 59. following . But M. Lydyat though he agree with them , that the Temple was reedified in the 2. of Darius Hystaspis , yet he dissenteth in the casting of the time : for he counteth but 12. yeares from Cyrus to the 2. of Darius , all which time , the worke of the Temple was intermitted : but this hath no agreement at all with Daniels 70. weekes seuered from the rest , because of the intermission of the worke of the Temple .

2. Iunius in his first edition , annot. in Ezr. 4. 24. was of opinion , that this Darius that sent Ezra , was Artaxerxes Longimanus sonne of Darius Hystaspis by ●●sther : so also Melancthon . And this is most like : for if the building of the Temple be driuen further off then vnto this kings daies , Daniels 7. weekes set apart for the building of the Temple , will no waies agree : see more , qu. 59. following .

3. Iunius in his last edition thinketh otherwise , that it was Darius Nothus in whose sixt yeare the house of God was finished , which Iosephus Scalliger would prooue by this argument ; because this Darius hath an Artaxerxes next before him , Ezr. 4. 7. and an other next after him , Ezr. 7. 1. and so hath no other , Darius among the kings of Persia : But the first Artashasht was Gambyses , who was not the next before Longimanus , and the other Artashassht is the same with Darius , called also Artaxerxas Longimanus , as is further shewed , qu. 59. following .

46. Quest. What Artaxerxes it was , in whose senenth yeare Ezra was sent , and in his 20. Nehemiah .

1. Iosrphus thinketh , lib. 11. Antiquit ▪ that this was Xerxes , by whome Ezra first , and afterward Nehemiah was sent : but this can not be : for Xerxes is not held to haue raigned aboue 20. or 32. yeares : now mention is made of the 32. yeare of this Artaxerxes , Ezr. 5. 14. Beside Iosephus manifestly erreth in two other points : 1. he saith that Nehemiah was sent in the 25. yeare of this Artaxerxes , whereas it is euident , that it was the 20. yeare , Nehem. 2. 1. 2. he saith the walls were finished in two yeares and 3. moneths , whereas they were repaired in the space of 52. daies , Ezr. 6. 15.

2. Pererius , therein consenting with some auncient writers , holdeth this to be Artaxerxes Longimanus , the sonne of Xerxes ; wherein he thinketh right , sauing that this can not agree with his former opinion , that it was Darius Hystaspis , in whose sixt yeare the Temple was built : which Darius in truth was Artaxerxes Longimanus , as is further declared , qu. 58. following . M. Lydyat also thinketh well , that this was Artaxerxes Longimanus , by whome Ezra and Nehemiah were sent , in ann. 3553. but from hence he doth not well beginne Daniels 70. weekes , as is shewed before ▪ qu. 42.

3. Some thinke that this was Artaxerxes Muemon , which gaue libertie vnto Ezra and Nehemiah to returne to Ierusalem , and repaire the citie ; because no other Artaxerxes but he of the kings of Persia immediatly succee d●da Darius : Ioseph . Scall●g . Iun. The Art●shasht mentioned , Ezr. 7. 1. who sent Ezra , and afterward Nehemiah , succeeded not Darius , but was that Darius in whose 6. yeare the Temple was built● See qu. 58. following .

47. Quest. That Daniels 70. weekes were determined neither before Christs passion● nor at the destruction of the citie .

1. Euseb. lib. 8. de demonstr. Euangel. in his first account beginneth the 70. weekes in the first of Cyrus , and endeth 69. of them about Hyrcanus time , when Pompey the great tooke Ierusalem , and defiled the Temple .

2. In an other account he beginneth the 69. weekes in the 6. of Darius , when the Temple was reedified , and maketh them to ende at Herod : the last weeke he beginneth at Christs haptisme , 60. yeares after , and endeth it 3. yeares and an halfe after his passion . Both these accounts of Eusebius O●cal●mpadius indifferently followeth .

But neither of these r●ckonings can stand . 1. because Daniel saith , that after 7. weekes , and 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine , that is , in the 70. weeke next after : but in the first account the Messiah was slaine aboue 90. yeares , in the second aboue 60. after the expiring of the 69. weekes . 2. the 70. and last weeke must immediatly follow the other , because they are made one whole number of 70. weekes , vers. 24. though afterward they be diuided .

3. Some ende these 70. weekes at the natiuitie of Christ : as Origen , beginning them in Darius , raigne : others beginne at the instautation of the Temple vnder Darius , and end the 69. weekes at the birth of Christ , counting vntill then 483. yeares : Tertullian . But both these opinion● are contrarie to the text , which ende these 69. weekes at the passion and death of Christ , not at his birth , after 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine : beside , as the first account commeth short aboue 30. yeares of the 490. so the other ouerreacheth aboue 60. yeares , as shall be showed in the particular account .

4. Some ende these weekes at the baptisme of Christ , Melancth. but the text will not heare it ▪ for before these weekes are expired ; or togither with the expiration of them shall the Messiah be slaine .

5. As these ende Daniels weekes somewhat too soone : so some extend them somewhat too farre , as to the destruction of Ierusalem by Titus and Vespasian : wherein not withstanding they do much differ . Tertullian , beginneth the account at Darius the Mede , and endeth at the subuersion of Ierusalem : so also Clem. Alex. beginning at Cyrus : Chrysostome there ending beginneth at the 20. yeare of Darius Longimanus : Some beginne form the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus , and ende at the destruction of the citie by the Romanes , Iun. Bulling. Polan . M. Lively . But the first beginning right , ouershoote the 70. weekes almost 40. yeares , from the passion of Christ to the taking of the citie by the Romanes : The other neither beginne right , Whether Daniel , weeks must ende the , destruction of Ie●●●●lem seeing it is prooued before , that the beginning of the weeks must be from the first going forth of the word vnder Cyrus , qu. 43. neither doe they ende well : for immediatly after the 69. weekes , the Messiah must be slaine in the last weeke , then can it not be extended 40. yeares after Christs death to the destruction of the citie : these words , after 69. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine , are otherwise expounded by Iunius and Polanus , which shall be further examimed , when we come vnto the handling of that verse .

Now the reasons that these weekes must be extended to the finall destruction of Ierusalem , are these .

1. The Angel saith , Seuentie weekes are determined ouer the people , and ouer the holy citie : that is , within which time there shall be a destruction of both . Iun. an●otat .

2. Our blessed Sauiour doth apply this prophesie of Daniel vnto the desolation and destruction of Ierusalem , Matth. 24. 15. Polan .

3. Daniel first maketh mention of the destruction of the citie and Sanctuarie , and then speaketh of the confirming of the couenant in one weeke , and of the ceasing of the sacrifices in the middes of the weeke : which if it be vnderstood of Christs death , it were a preposterous order , that after the destruction of the citie , which happened 40. yeares after , he should returne to speake of the Messiahs death . M. Lively Persian Monarch . p. 225.

4. To what purpose should mention be made here of the destruction of Ierusalem , if it be not within the compasse of these weekes .

Ans. 1. The Angel expoundeth himselfe afterward , how these words are to be vnderstood , vpon thy people , that is , to finish their sinnes , and to seale vp their iniquities , by the annointing of the Messiah : this was the speciall intendment and scope of these weekes , yet so , as if they reiected this gratious offer , then destruction should come vpon them : see more of the meaning of these words , qu. 19. before .

2. Our blessed Sauiour speaketh not there of Daniels propheticall weekes , but onely of the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet : it followeth not , because it is here spoken of , that therefore necessarily it should be comprehended within the compasse of the 70. weekes .

3. There is no disorder at all in the prophesie : for Daniel hauing propounded briefly and ioyntly together , the slaying of the Messiah , and destruction of the citie , afterward commeth to handle them seuerally in the next verse , and more fully : so did the Prophet before , v. 25. for hauing spoken of the 7. weekes and 62. weekes ioyntly , he afterward returneth to the 7. weekes , after the which the streete and wall should be built , and then to the 62. weekes .

4. Lyranus well expresseth the reason , why the destruction of Ierusalem i● mentioned , though it be not within the compasse of the 70. weekes , quia factum fuit in poenam mortis Christi , ponitur immediate , &c because it happened and came as a punishment for the death of Christ , it is put immediatly after .

48. Quest. That the 70. weekes ende not after the destruction of Ierusalem .

1. Eusebius ending the 69. weekes in the first yeare of Herod , beginneth the 70. and last weeke at the baptisme of Christ , and extendeth it 70. yeares to the time of the Emperour Traian , for so long the Apostolical preaching continued , Iohn the Euangelist suruiuing till then : But here Eusebius committeth two great errours : first , in diuiding the 70. weeke so farre by the space of 60. yeares from the 69. weekes : secondly , in giuing 70. yeares to the last weeke , whereas he accounted euery of the formet weekes but at 7. yeares a peece .

2. Some Hebrewes ( as Hierome in his commentarie vpon this place rehearseth their opinion ) beginning the 70. weekes from Darius the Mede , doe end 62. of them in the destruction of the citie by Titus , the other 8. weekes they extend vnto the destruction of the Iewes , and of their citie vnder the Emperour Adrian . Here they manifestly commit two errours : 1. they count the 7. weekes last , after the 62. weekes , which must be counted first : 2. the yeares from Darius to the Emperour Adrian , make aboue 600.

3. Some set the ende of these weekes further off , toward the ende of the world at the comming of Antichrist , who after three yeares and an halfe should be destroyed , and then the euerlasting kingdome of Christ should be set vp : So Hyppolitus , and Apollinaris : who notwithstanding make two beginnings of the weekes ; Hyppolitus 50. yeares before Cyrus , and Apollinaris at the natiuitie of Christ . But these doe manifestly faile in their account : for 1. the weekes must neither beginne so sonne , nor so late , as hath beene before shewed . 2. Hyppolitus continuing 69. weekes to the birth of Christ , referreth the 70. weeke to the ende of the world , whereas it must followe the other weekes immediately . 3. from Christs birth there are alreadie past aboue a 1600. yeares : therefore Apollinaris account of the 70. weekes hath no shewe of reason at all .

Quest. 49. That the 70. weekes must ende at the passion of Christ .

Here there are two opinions . 1. Some will haue the 70. weekes ende 3. yeares and an halfe after the passion of Christ , which time is allowed for the preaching of the gospel ; and so they beginne the last weeke at the baptisme of Christ . 2. Others thinke that the 70. weekes must precisely ende at the passion and death of the Messiah .

1. Of the first opinion are Theodoret , and Zonaras 1. tem . Annal. which beginne at the 20. yearo of Artaxerxes Longimanus , and end the 62. weekes at the death of Hyrcanus , from whence to Christs baptisme , they count 7. weekes more : and then in the middes of the last weeke , the Messiah was slaine : so there remained afterward 3. yeares and an halfe for the preaching of the Gospel : Eusebius beginneth the 69. weekes in the 6. yeare of Darius Hystaspis , and endeth 69. of them in the first of Herod , about the death of Hyrcanus , the 70. weeke he beginneth at the baptisme of Christ , and endeth 3. yeares and an halfe after : Ioannes Lucidus lib. 7. de emendat . tempor . beginneth at the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes , and endeth fowre yeares after Christs passion , so also before him Lyranus : Pererius concurreth with them , who maketh the 69. weekes to ende at the baptisme of Christ , beginning at the 20. of Artaxerxes Longimanus , and the seuenth weeke then to beginne , which was finished 3. yeares and an halfe after Christs passion : so also M. Lydyat in his booke de emendat . tempor . pag. 75. and 173. But Osiander goeth beyond all these , and will haue the 70. weeke beginne after Christs passion . Pererius reason is this , because 69. weekes must be counted vnto Messiah , which ende in Christs baptisme , when he was declared to be the sonne of God from heauen , whereas he liued before a priuate life , therefore from thence the last weeke must beginne . And the better to vphold his opinion of his so beginning and ending these 70. weekes , he vse●h these three helpes . 1. he counteth these 70. weekes after the yeares of the Moone , which consist of 12. moneths and no more , whereof 490. make but 475 : yeares of the Sunne , wherein 13. moneths goe to the yeare . 2. these 70. weekes are so called , though there want halfe a weeke to the passion of Christ , to make vp a round number , the odde yeares are omitted , as the like is to be seene in other places of Scripture , as Gen. 15. the Lord telleth Ahraham his seed should soiorne 400. yeares , which were indeede 405. from Isaaks birth till their comming out of Egypt . Iunius also in his first edition vpon this place , thinketh the odde yeares to be omitted , to make the 70. weekes answerable in proportion to the 70. yeares of captiuitie . 3. his third euasion is , that whereas from the 20. of Artaxerxes are found to be 477. sunne yeares , which exceede the 490. moone years more by then two ; he saith there are two kinds of numbring , inclusiuely , when as the numbers , where the account beginneth and endeth are included , and exclusiuely , when as they are excluded : as Matthew saying that after sixe dayes Christ was transfigured , c. 17. and Luke after eight dayes , c. 9. the first numbreth exclusiuely , not reckoning the dayes where the account beginneth and endeth , the other includeth both .

Contra. First , the Angel expoundeth himselfe how the 69. weeke must be vnderstood : vntill the Messiah should be slaine in the last week : they determine then not at his Baptisme , but at the weeke wherein he should be slaine .

Secondly , concerning his cautels . 1. the Scripture vseth not to count according to the moone yeares , but according to the course of the Sunne : otherwise by this reason the 70. yeares of the captiuitie must likewise be cutt short : see before , quest. 17. 2. in great numbers sometime odde yeaes are omitted , but so it is not here , because these seuentie weekes are said to be cut our , that is , precisely they shall fall out to be so many weekes of yeares .

3. That distinction hath no place here : for seeing the account is made by weekes , if any part thereof should be reckoned inclusiuely , or exclusiuely , it must be done by weekes of yeares , not by single yeares , as M. Liuely well obserueth , pag. 187.

2. It remaineth then that these yeares must take their ende precisely at the time of the death and passion of Christ : as Iulius , Africanus , Beda , Ruperius , Bullinger , H. Br. doe determine them : and then whereas it is said , in the middes or halfe weeke the sacrifice shall cease , the sense is , that Christ by the sacrifice of himselfe in the latter halfe of the weeke , shall abolish all other sacrifices in right : and whereas it is said , he shall confirme the couenant in one weeke , the meaning is , not that all the last weeke this couenant should be in confirming : but the couenant shall be confirmed first by the preaching , and then by the death of Christ , in the last weeke , which was done in the last middle or halfe part thereof , Bulling. Now for this precise determining of these weekes in the verie passion of the Messiah , the reasons are these .

1. The last weeke endeth at the confirmation of the couenant or Testament , as the Prophet saith , he shall confirme the couenant with many in one weeke : the weeke then must end with that confirmation , for not the beginning , but the ende is counted for the weeke . But the Testament was ratified by the death of Christ , Hebr. 9. 17. the Testament is confirmed when men be dead , therefore this last weeke endeth in Christs death , Bulling. 2. The death of Christ was to fall out in a yeare of Iubile , that the bodie may answer vnto the figure , therefore it is called the acceptable yeare of the Lord , Isay. 6102. the great yeare of remission of sinnes , and of the redemption of prisoners and captiues : And so the yeare wherein Christ died , was a Iubile yeare ; beeing the 28. Iubile by iust computation from the 8. yeare of Iosuah , when the first Iubile was kept , for so many Iubilies fall but in 1400. yeares . It is most probable then , that Daniels 70. weekes should ende with the last Iubile , H. Br. in 9. Daniel . 3. M. Liuely though he ende not the 70. weekes in the passion of the Messiah , yet he holdeth so many weekes preeisely , gathering so much by the Hobrewe phrase , Sexentie weekes is cut out , where a verbe of the singular number beeing put to a word of the plurall , sheweth , that euerie one of the weekes particularly from the first to the last , shall be precisely and absolutely complete , Persian Mon. pag. 159. 4. If any of these weekes should be extended beyond Christs death , it is more like they should reach to the destruction and desolation of the di●ie , which is by name expressed : for there is no other cause to extend them further : the preaching of the Gospell continued longer then three yeare and a halfe after Christ : therefore in that regard , the halfe weeke is not to be extended beyond Christs death . 5. Burgens . alleadgeth this reason , Burgens . addit . 3. in 9. cap. Daniel . to shewe that the last ende of these weekes must concurre with the passion of Christ , nam deletie iniquitatis , consummatio praevaricationis , &c. the taking away of iniquitie , and the finishing of transgression , which are propounded by the Angel , in his first speach , are the proper effects of Christs passion , &c. vpon this reason Burgens . is so confident , that he concludeth , the ende then of these weekes , est nobis notus de fide , is knowne vnto vs , as of faith ( that is ) certainely . Thus then the argument may be framed : the finishing of iniquitie and taking away of sinne , were accomplished in the passion of Christ : but seuentie weekes are determined for the finishing of iniquitie : therefore 70. weekes are determined at the passion of Christ . 6. Mel●ncthon addeth further , that the 70. weekes must not extend beyond Christs passion , because the Iewes reiecting of him , were no longer his people , neither tooke he protection of them .

Thus hauing the beginning of these 70. weekes at Cyrus , and the ende at the passion of Christ , it remaineth then to be shewed , how by a iust computation these 70. weekes may be brought from Cyrus vnto Christ .

Quest. 50. Of the iust and exact computation of yeares , from Cyrus first vnto the passion of Christ .

1. Tertullian beginning in the first of Darius counteth but 490. yeares to the destruction of Ierusalem : the 62. weekes and an halfe he would haue ended at Christs natiuitie , which make 437. yeares , and from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem he reckoneth 7. weekes and an halfe more , that is 53. yeares . But Tertullian committeth diuerse errors in this account . 1. he maketh but 5. kings of Persia. 2. he giueth but an 106. yeares to the whole Monarchie of the Persians . 31 he fayleth in the particular account of the yeares of the kings of Persia : he alloweth vnto Darius the Mede 19. yeares , whereas he raigned but one , and to the last Darius 22. yeares , who raigned but sixe in all : and to Alexander be giueth 12. yeares after , who liued but sixe yeares after Darius ouerthowe . 4. he counteth but 53. yeares from Christs natiuitie to the destruction of Ierusalem , which in true account were 70. yeares at the least : for Christ was borne in the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad , and the citie was taken by Titus , in the 4. yeare of the 212. Olympiad .

2. Lyranus beginning his account the 5. yeare of Zedekiah , when as Ieremiah promised deliuerance after 70. yeares , reckoneth from that yeare to the destruction of Ierusalem , 6. yeares , from thence the Hebrewes to the first of Cyrus count 52. yeares : then to Cyrus and Cambyses he giueth 9. yeares , to Assuerus and Darius , in whole 6. yeare the Temple was built , 45. yeares betweene them : all these yeares make beeing put together , 112. yeares , then the second Temple is held by the Hebrewes to haue stood vnto the second destruction by Titus , 420. yeares : all make 532. from whence 42. yeares beeing diducted , which come betweene the blessed passion of our Lord , and the destruction of Ierusalem , there will remaine iust 490. yeares . Paulus Burgens . agreeing with Raimundus beginning and ending as Lyranus doth , yet proceedeth an other way from the 4. of Zedekiah , which was in the 12. yeare of Nebuchadnezzar , who raigned in all 45. yeares , there remained of his raigne 34. yeares , and of Evilmerodachs 32. and 3. yeares of Balthazars raigne : all these make 60. yeares : then Darius raigned two , Cyrus 30. Assuerus 14. Darius his sonne had raigned 6. when the Temple was finished : these yeares make 52. and the second Temple stood 420. yeares : as is the generall opinion of the Hebrewes : these yeares ioyned together make 532. from whence must be diducted 42. yeares , from the passion of Christ to the destruction of the citie .

But beside the disagreement in these two accounts , betweene the number of yeares before Cyrus , and the number of the yeares of the kings of Persia , which breedeth a great vncertaintie , these manifest errors are committed . 1. whereas the captiuitie ending in Cyrus first , had continued 70. years , this terme cannot stand with either of the former accounts : for if the beginning of the captiuitie be set in the 8. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigue , when Iechoniah went into captiuitie , where it ought to beginne , there will want by Lyranus account , who reckoneth but 58. yeares from the 5. of Zedekiah , which was 4. yeares after Iechoniahs captiuitie , 8. yeares ; by Burgensis , who counteth from thence 60. yeares , there will want sixe of 70. yeares . 2. They both betweene Cambyses and Darius set one Assuerus , whereas the first Darius the sonne of Hystaspis , immediately succeeded Cambyses . 3. whereas they make Darius the first , sonne of Assuerus , the truth is , that Darius the first was that Assuerus himselfe , as is before shewed , quest. 44. 4. whereas they make Darius , vnder whom the Temple was finished but the fourth king of Persia , as Cyrus , Cambyses , Assuerus , and then Darius , it is euident that the 4. king of Persia , was the rich king of Persia , which was Xerxes , Dan. 11. 3.

3. Pintus , who beginneth the 70. weekes right , at Cyrus first , and endeth them well in the passion of our Sauiour , doth make the 70. weekes , and the tearme of yeares to agree by two seuerall accounts . One way he casteth vp his reckoning thus : the Perfians raigned 191. yeares , the Greekes to the beginning of Iulius Caesars Empire 220. yeares , from thence to the passion of Christ , are 76. yeares and 3. yeares and an halfe after Christs death doe the 70. weekes ende : all these yeares make iust 490. and an halfe , which is omitted : But these exceptions may be taken to this reckoning : 1. that the Persian Monarchie could not possibly continue an 191. yeares , as is prooued before , quest. 43. 2. the Greeke Empire continued 300. yeares as Lyranus , and H. Br. and most consent : so also Iunius in his annotations , and Polanus : as it shall further appeare in the 54. quest. following .

4. Pintus hath beside this an other reckoning : from the going forth of the word , vnto the finishing of the Temple , which beganne two yeares after the returne of the people ( and it was 46. yeares in building ) are 48. yeares , and the Temple stood 480. yeares , from the second building thereof to the second destruction , the whole summe is 528. from which summe must be diducted 38. yeares and an halfe from the ende of the 70. weeke , which was three yeares and an halfe after the passion of Christ , vnto the destruction of the citie , and there will remaine 490. yeares .

But thus this account also may be accepted against . 1. he sheweth not how from Cyrus first , vnto the finishing of the Temple , there were but 48. yeares , the 7. weekes mentioned , v. 25. make 49. yeares , which were expired at the finishing of the Temple in the sixt of Darius , seequeth 58. following . 2. The second Temple might stand so long , though the Hebrewes generally held that it continued but 420. yeares : but the 70. weekes ending in Christs passion , as is shewed before , there must be diducted 40. as some thinke 42. yeares , which came betweene the passion of Christ , and the destruction of the citie : so that this account of Pintus commeth short in the first part one yeare , and in the second two : for he reckoneth but 48. yeares to the finishing of the Temple , whereas 49. euen 7. propheticall weekes were expired then , and he alloweth but 38. yeares in the last number , which should be 40. or 42. yeares .

5. But the account of R. Salomon is much more short , who reckoneth but 490. yeares from the destruction of the first temple by Nebuchadnezzar , to the destruction of the second by Titus , whereof to Cyrus first he counteth 52. yeares . Not much differing is the account of other Hebrewes , who from Cyrus first vnto the destruction of Ierusalem make reckoning but of 430. yeares , allowing to the Persian Monarchie but 50. yeares , to the raigne of the Greekes , an 175. to the Macchabees 103. to the Herodians an 103. as Montanus setteth it downe in his apparat , in Daniel .

But here are manifest errors in this account . 1. they beginne the 70. weekes 52. yeare ▪ before the Angel deliuered this prophesie . 2. they giue vnto the Persian Monarchie but 50. yeares , whereas so many yeares saue one were expired at the finishing of the Temple ; and after that Nehemiah maketh mention of 32. yeares of the raigne of Artaxerxes , c. 5. 14. 3. from the ende of the Persian Monarchie to the destruction of Ierusalem , are yeares 400. which are thus gathered 300. yeares of the kingdome of the Greekes , 60. yeares of the Romane Empire to the death of Christ , and about 40. thence to the ouerthrow of the citie .

6. This then is resolued vpon as the best account : the Persian Monarchie continued from the first of Cyrus 130. yeares , the Macedonians raigned 300. the Romanes vnto the death of Christ 60. But for the more euident proofe and demonstration hereof , it shall not be amisse to set downe the particular account of the yeares of the Persian and Grecian Monarchie , to fulfill this number of yeares .

Quest. 51. Of the yeares of the Persian kings in particular , to make vp the said summe of an 130. yeares , and first of the yeares to the finishing of the Temple .

For the more euident manifestation hereof , we will diuide the Persian Monarchie into two parts : the time before the reedifying of the Temple , and the time that followed thence to the ende of the Persian Monarchie : for the first . It is euident in that the Angel diuideth 7. weekes from the 62. weekes , that 7. weeks making 49. yeares are set apart for that time , while the worke of building the Temple and citie was interrupted , vnto the 6. of Darius , when the Temple was finished : But in the casting of these yeares there is some difference .

1. Lyranus giueth vnto Cyrus and Cambyses 9. yeares , to Assuerus 40. and then followeth Darius in whose sixt the Temple was finished . Here the time somewhat agreeth : but then one king is here committed , for Artaxerxes Longimanus , who was also Darius , was the fift king of Persia.

2. Burgensis thus accounteth out of Raimundus , Darius the Mede raigned 2. yeares , Cyrus 30. Cambyses his sonne called also Assuerus 14. yeares , and then Darius 6. yeares , which make 52. yeares , in whose 2. the Temple beganne to be built , and so we haue 48. yeares to the beginning of the reedifying of the Temple : But here one king is likewise omitted as before : for Darius in whose 6. yeare the Temple was finished , called also Artaxerxes Longimanus , was not the fourth , but the fift king of Persia : againe , if Assuerus the husband of Esther , raigned but 14. yeares , who in the 7. yeare married Esther , c. 2. 16. how could Darius supposed to be her sonne by Assuerus in the 2. of his raigne haue wife and children , as Ezra . 6. 10. the Iewes are willed to pray for the kings life and his sonnes .

3. Bullinger counteth but 30. yeares from Cyrus first , vnto the 6. of Darius : but herein is his error , he taketh this Darius for Darius the sonne of Hystaspis , the third king of Persia , whereas this Darius was the fift .

4. Iunius likewise affirmeth , that the Temple beganne to be built 30. yeares before the 2. of Darius , annotat . in 2. Hag. edition . 1. But there could not be so fewe yeares to Darius Longimanus : and Iunius to make his account good , omitteth Xerxes , who is famously knowne to haue beene king of Persia.

5. The same Iunius in his annotations vpon the same place , in his last edition , counteth 106. yeares from Cyrus to the 3. of Darius Nothus : but that cannot be : for seeing some were aliue then , which had seene the first Temple , Hagg. 2. 4. they must then be at the least an 180. yeare old : 106. from Cyrus , and 70. yeare befor from the beginning of the captiuitie in the 8. yeare of Nebuchadnezzars raigne , in whose 19. yeare the Temple was destroyed : the summe will be 176 yeares : and they could not be of fewer yeares then 10. or 12. to remember any thing of the first Temple : But this was too great an age for those times .

6. Some giuing but an 130. yeares in all to the Persian Monarchie , doe count 30. yeares from Cyrus first vnto Xerxes warre against the Grecians , which was sixe yeares after Darius death , and from thence Artaxerxes Longimanus began to raigne 42. yeares , partly alone , & partly together with his father before : and afterward followed Darius Nothus , whom some call Darius Ochus , H. Br. proleg . in Dantel : but by this reckoning , there will not be 49. yeares to the 6. of Darius who was Artaxerxes Longimanus .

7. Beroaldus finding so great vncertaintie in the yeares of the Persian kings , thinketh that though the particular yeares cannot be set downe , yet the whole time of the Persian Monarchie could not exceede an 130. yeares .

8. But though I consent therein to Beroaldus , for the exact scanning of the particular yeares , yet some coniecturall gesse may be made of the yeares of some of the Persian kings put together : as it is agreed vpon by the most , that Cyrus and Cambyses raigned together 9. yeares , then Darius Hystaspis and Xerxes might haue the first 14. the other 20. which with Darius sixe , and Cyrus and Cambyses nine make 49. yeares : but how these yeares should be exactly diuided among these 3. kings , it cannot be certainely set downe , because the sonne raigned with the father : and as Xerxes raigne ranne within his fathers , so Artaxerxes his sonne raigned also in his fathers time : this shall be further shewed in the question following .

Quest. 52. Xerxes raigne was intermingled with his fathers in the beginning , and with his sonnes in the ende .

1. Some doe giue vnto Xerxes no seuerall raigne at all , but giue vnto his father Darius onely 20. yeares : because they hold that in his fathers life time he warred with Greece for 7. yeares together , and then flying away cowardly , was afterward slaine by Artabanus , Darius yet beeing aliue , so Iun. following Beroaldus , annotat . in Ezra . 4. v. 5. edition . 1. But it is cleare that those warres against Grecia , were after Darius death 6. yeares , as H. Br. in his proleg . in Daniel . and M. Liuely prooueth that Darius was dead before , by the poet Aeschyl●● liuing in those times : who in his tragedie called Persa , raifeth Darius long before dead out of his graue to tell newes .

2. Some giue vnto Darius 36. yeares , and to Xerxes 22. Iunius in his summe of yeares set before Ezra in the Last edition : But seeing that Darius liued in all but 43. yeares , as H. Br. sheweth out of Ctesias ; and he was at mans estate , when he was elected king , beeing before one of the seuen gouernours , he could not any thing neere raigne so long .

3. Some will admit no intercliange or mingling together of the father and sonnes raigne ; and stand vpon it , that it cannot be shewed in all the Persian Monarchie , that the father and the sonne raigned together , M. Li●●ly , Persian Monarchie , pag. 195.

Answ. The contrarie may be prooued both out of sacred and prophane histories . 1. In the raigne of the kings of Iudah it is found to be an vsuall thing , for the sonnes to beginne their raigne while their fathers yet liued : as Ieh●r●m was viceroy in Iehosaphats time 4. yeares : for Iehosaphat raigned 25. yeares , 1. king . 22. 42. now in the 18. yeare of Iehosaphat , beganne Iehor●● king of Isr●●l to raigne 12. yeares , 2. king . 3. 1. And in the 5. yeare of this Iaram , which was the 2● . yeare of Iehosahat , began Iehoram of Iudah to raigne 8. yeares , 2. king . 8. 16. when as there remained ye● 4. yeares of his fathers raigne . So Ahaz was viceroy vnder Iotham his father , 2. or 3. yeares : for Iotham beganne to raigne in the 2. of Pekah king of Is●ae● and raigned 16. yeares , 2. king . 15. 32. And in the 17. of Pekah beganne Ahaz to raigne , 2. king . 16. 1. the like instance may be giuen of other kings of Iudah and Israel : And the like custome might be among the kings of Persia , as Iunius thinketh that Artaxerxes Mnemon raigned in his father Darius time , annot. in Ezr. 6. 14.

2. For forre● stories , Temporariu● and Mercator doe alleadge out of Plutarke in the life of Themistocles , that he beeing b●●ished Greece , fledde vnto Artaxerxes sonne of Xerxes , his father yet liuings , as Th●cidides testifieth , and Charon Lampsacenus : Ae●●lius Probus i● in the same minde , and Philostratus lib. 1. de vit. Apollon. c. 19. And that Xerxes was then liuing as is further shewed , because they set the beginning of Artaxerxes raigne in the first yeare of the 79. Olympiad : But Themistocles died in the 1. yeare of the 77. Olympiad , as Diodorus Sicu●us , lib. 11. and Euseb. in Chron.

But 1. M. Liuely answereth , that Xerxes hauing three sonnes , Darius , Hystaspis , and Artaxerxes , would haue nominated in al likelihood , the eldest of these heire apparant before the other : and Iustine saith , that when Xerxes died , Artaxerxes , was admodum puer , a verie child . 2. diuerse graue authors , as Cleitarehus Heraclides , Diodorus Siculus , doe write that Themistocle fledde vnto Xerxes , not vnto Artaxerxes , to this purpose M. Linely , pag. 195. M. Lydyat is also of the same minde , that Artaxerxes , raigned alone at this time , de emendat . pag. 73. 3. Pererius further answereth , that if Artaxerxes had beene ioyned with his father in his kingdome , Artabanus who first killed Xerxes , and afterward set vpon Darius his eldest sonne , would rather haue shot at Artaxerxes , who was appointed to the kingdome , whom it is not like his father would haue preferred before his eldest sonne .

Contra. 1. If Artaxerxes were the youngest , either the other two might be first dead , or not of so good parts as the yongest was , who might therefore be nominated to the kingdome ; as Xerxes was made heire apparant to his father Darius , his elder brother Artabazanes beeing omitted , as M. Lydyat acknowledgeth , pag. 67.

2. Though these authors so write , yet Ae●●lius Probus preferreth the restimonie of Thucidides , as liuing neerest to those times , and so best to be credited , that Themistocles fledde to Artaxerxes .

3. Artabanus might haue opportunitie to kill Xerxes fleeing from the Grecians , as Bessus killed Darius Codomannus fleeing away from Alexander : and Darius beeing one of the kings sonnes , he might kill likewise the occasion so seruing , whereas Artaxerxes beeing possessed of the kingdome , was better defended against him , and afterward was reuenged vpon him for his fathers death .

4. But none of these answeres doe take away the former obiection , that Artaxerxes raigned 8. yeares at the least before his fathers death , a●i● gathered by the Olympiade reckoning .

4. It remaineth then , that Xerxes is the latter part of his raigne , ioyned his sonne Artaxerxes with him , as he raigned together with his father Darius : and therefore he is named next after Cyrus , Ezra . 4. 7. As there Cyrus raigne is named onely for his and Cambyses : so Assuerus raigne ( who is thought to be Darius Hystaspis ) standeth there for the ioynt raigne of Darius and Xerxes . By reason then of this intermingling of yeares , the foresaid yeares cannot be particularly assigned to the former kings .

Quest. 53. Of the particular year●● of the second part of the Persian Mona●●hi● 〈◊〉 the finishing of the Temple to the ende thereof .

1. Iunius in his first edition summeth these yeares to 90. or thereabout , giuing vnto Longimanus 37. in whose 6. the Temple was finished , to Darius Nothus 18. to M●emon 10. to Ochus 22. to Arsen 3. and Darius the 〈◊〉 raigned 6. yeares : wherein he misseth not greatly the generall somme of the Persian yeares , but he counteth onely 36. to the finishing of the Temple in Longimanus 6. yeare , and 90. afterward : whereas so few as 30. yeares , cannot be giuen to the fowre former kings . Cyrus , Cambyses , Darius the sonne of Hystaspis ; and Xerxes , which raig●ed before Longimanus .

2. Oecolampadous counteth an 160. yeares after the reedifying of the Temple to the ende of the Persian Monar●hie , which he collect●● th●s : Darius in his account raigned 4. yeares after the temple and citie repaired , Xerxes 〈◊〉 Artehanus 7. moneths ; A●taxerxes Longhand 40. yeares , Xerxes the 〈◊〉 moneths , Segdia●us 8. moneths , Darius Nothus 19. yeares , 〈◊〉 40. yeares . 〈◊〉 26. Arseo . 4. Darius the last 6. But here beside that he counteth three among the Persian kings . 〈◊〉 , Xgrxes the 2. Segdi●●s whose yeares of raigne are not reckoned but the best historians , as is shewed before , quest. 37. he erreth in referring the reedifying of the Temple to Darius Hystaspis raigne , the third king of Persia ; whereas there are reckoned in Ezra , after Cyrus , Ass●●●us , Artaxerxes , and then Darius , vnder whom the Temple was builded , Ezra . 4. 7. and 24.

3. Tertullia● first setteth downe Darius to haue 〈◊〉 19. yeares , then A●taxerxes 41. after him Ochus 24. then Argus one , and the last Darius 21. So he seemeth in all to account but an 106. yeares for the persian Monarchie : whereof 49. beeing expired at the reedifying of the Temple , there will remaine but 57. to the ende of that Monarchie . But herein is Teriullian deceiued , in making but fiue kings of Persia in all .

4. Iunius in his third edition , in his annotations vpon this place , summeth the yeares from the 2. of Nothus to the ende of the Persian Monarchie , to 93. for Nothus he , counteth 19. yeares in all , and from his second 18. for Mnemon 43. Ochus 23. Arses 3. Darius the last 6. so also Polanus : which yeares beeing added to the 106. which he thinketh were expired from Cyrus first , at the 2. of Nothus , make 200. saue one . But the age of Nehemiah , who saw the beginning and ende of that Monarchie , will not permit , that so many yeares be allowed vnto it .

5. Pintus giuing vnto the Persian Monarchie 191. yeares , and counting 48. vnto the sinishing of the Temple , must leaue an 143. yeares or thereabout , for the time of that Monarchie , after the finishing of the Temple : But vpon the former reason of Nehemiahs age , this can not be admitted .

6. Pererius from the 1. of Cyrus to the 2. of Nothus , counteth an 140. yeares , and from thence to the ende of that Monarchie some 94. yeares : M. Lively also agreeth with him in the same account , Pers. Monarch . p. 53. they differ but in 2. yeares : Pererius allotteth to the Persian Monorchie 232. yeares , lib. 13. in Dan. M. Lively 230. But it is sufficiently shewed before , that the Persian Monarchie could not continue so long , qu. 43.

7. But Montanus counting by the high Priests goeth beyond them in all in his reckoning for the latter part of the Persian Monarchie : in apparat . lib. Daniel . for he giueth vnto Eliashib 41. yeares , in whose 14. yeare he saith Nenemiah returned to the king of Persia after the citie was repaired , which was in 32. yeare of Mnemons raigne , Nehem. 5. 14. there remaine then of Eliashibs yeares 27. then Ioiada succeeded 25. yeares , Iohanan 24. yeares , Iaddua , to the time of Alexander 27. thus there shall be an 103. yeares from the 32. yeare of Mnemon , to the ende of the Persian Monarchie ; vnto the which adde the 32. yeares of Mnemon , and 7. yeares of Darius , there will arise an 142. yeares from the finishing of the Temple to the ende of the Persian Monarchie , which Nehemiahs age will by no meanes endure .

8. This then is the best resolution , that although in such great varietie and difference , the particular yeares can not well be assigned vnto the seuerall kings of Persia , which succeeded after the finishing of the Temple , yet the whole summe is must not extende beyond 80. or 81. or thereabout : so that thus the whole summe is made vp : 49. yeares are counted from Cyrus 1. to the 6. of Darius , when the Temple was finished : and thence to the ende of the Persian Monarchie , if 81. yeares more be added , we shall haue the whole summe of an 130. yeares : this account followeth Beroaldus , Iunius in his annotations , edit. 1. H. Broughton in his proleg . in Dan. who last named doth thus parcell out the yeares : from Cyrus to Xerxes 6. when he warred against Grecia , he giueth 30. yeares , to Artaxerxes with his father and alone , 42. to Ochus , called also Darius Nothus , alone 8. with his father 16. to Mnemon 42. to Ochus 3. to Darius the last 5. or 6. the whole summe is an 130.

54. Quest. Of the iust computation of the yeares of the Grecian Monarchie .

Hauing the certentie of the yeares of the Persian Monarchie in generall , the next part of the 490. yeares , decyphered in the 70. weekes , consisteth in the due examination of the yeares of the kingdome of the Grecians : where there are fiue seuerall accounts . 1. by the raigne of the kings of Syria , 2. by the yeares of the high Priests , 3. by the yeares of the captaines and Princes of the Iewes , 4. by the yeares of the kings of Egypt , 5. by the Olympiades .

1. By the Syrian kings , the account is vncerten : there are numbred of them in all from Seleucus Nicanor , the first king and founder of the familie of the Seleucians , to Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus 19. kings : their particular names , with the yeares of their raigne , it is not needefull here to set downe : we shall haue further occasion to deale with them in particular in the 11. chapter . But the reason why the account taken by them is not certen ; is this : because the kingdome of Syria , beganne 15. yeares after Alexanders death , and after the kingdome of Egypt , and it ended aboue 50. yeares before the kingdome of the Herodians began in Iudea , about which time the raigne of Cleopaora , the last Queene and Regent of Egypt , expired .

2. Likewise there is small certentie in the account taken by the yeares of the high Priests . Montanus setteth them downe in this order vnto the time of Herod .

High Priests yeares . Onias after Iaddua 27 Simon Iustus 13 Eleazar 20 Manasses 27 Simon Iustus 28 Onias Simons sonne 39 Iason 3 Menelaus 12 Ionathas 18 Simon 8 Ioannes Hircanus 31 Aristobulus 1 Iannes Alexander 27 Alexandra the widow of Alexander high Priest . 9 Hircanus her son 3. moneths . Aristobulus Hircanus brother 3 Hircanus restored 22 Antigonus 5

The whole summe ariseth to 293. yeares or thereabout : in which account we want 7. yeares of the full number , which is allowed to the Greeke Monarchie , which is 300. yeares : and beside there is some variance in the particular account : for vnto Eleazar the third in the foresaid number , Philo giueth but 20. yeares , Eusebius 23. to Onias Bullinger appointeth but 25. yeares , Montanus 27. And the like difference may be found in the rest : as Oecolampad . giueth but 26. to Ioannes Hircanus , Montanus and Bullinger allow him 31. to Aristobulus and Hircanus he giueth 34. yeares , the other two count but 26. betweene them , So then this reckoning by the yeares of the high Priests is vncerten , and the rather , because the times were corrupt , and confused : they were made high Priests for money , and sometime one was vp , and an other downe .

3. The third kind of reckoning is by the yeares of the Princes and captains , ioyned with the yeares of the kings of Syria . Oecolampad . thus setteth downe the yeares of the kings of Syria vnto the time of the Macchabees , and then the yeares of the Macchabees in this order .

The kings of Syria . The Macchabees . Alexander raigned yeares 5 Iudas Macchabeus gouerned yeares . 3 Seleucus Nican●r 44 Antiochus Sother 19 Ionathas 19 Antiochus Theos 15 Simon 8 Seleucus Callinicus 20 Ioannes Hircanus 26 Seleucus Ceraunius 3 Aristobulus 1 Antiochus Megas 36 Ianneus Alexander 27 Seleucus Philopater 12 Alexandra 9 Antiochus Epiphanes 11 Aristobulus and Hircanus 34 the summe is an 165 the summe is an 127

Both these summes put together make 292. there wanteth 6. to make vp 300. yeares . And beside , there is great variance and difference about the summe of these yeares : Montanus setteth downe an other account of the Hebrewes , who allow vnto the kingdome of the Grecians 175. yeares , before the time of the Macchabees , to whose gouernment they assigne but an 103. yeares , which make in all but 278. here want 22. yeares of 300. Melancthon much differeth not from the last account : he giueth vnto Alexander 7. yeares , to the Seleucians vnto Iudas Macchabeus 146. to the Macchabees from Iudas vnto Herod 127. the whole summe is 280. there yet are wanting 20. yeares . The former of these numbers agreeth with the account of yeares in the booke of the Macchabees , where it is said , that Antiochus died in the 149. yeare , 1. Macchab. 6. 16. and three yeare before that Iudas Macchabeus beganne to oppose himselfe against the tyrannie of Autiochus Epimanes . Hitherto then we can haue no certentie for the iust number of these yeares .

4. The fourth way is to proceede by the account of the yeares of the Ptolomes of Egypt : for Ptolomeus Lagi beganne his gouernment immediatly after Alexanders death : and Cleopatra the daughter of Ptolome Auletes raigned in Egypt to the beginning of Herods raigne in Iewrie , and somewhat after : their yeares are set downe thus , according to the computation of Clemens Alexandrinus , which M. Br. followeth : Alexander 6 Ptolomeus Lagi 40 Pto. Philadelph . 37 Pto , E●ergetes . 25 Pto. Philopater . 17 Pto. Epiphanes 24 Ptolom , Philometer 35 Physcon 29 Lathurus 36 Aul●tes 29 Cleopatra 22 the whole summe is 300.

And in this account likewise there is great vncertentie . Tertullian . 1. lib. contr. Iudaeos , setteth downe the kings with their yeares of raigne thus : Alexander 12 Sother in Alexandria raigned 35 Philadelphus 38 Euergetes 25 Philopator 17 Epiphanes 24 An other Euergetes 37 An other Sother 38 Ptolome 37 Cleopatra 22 the summe is 285.

This summe commeth short of 300 , by 15. and beside here are 12. yeares giuen vnto Alexanders raigne after Darius , whereas he raigned but 6. or at the most 7. after the finall ouerthrow of the Persians : he raigned in all 12. yeares , but after Darius was vanquished , 6. onely or 7. which Tertullian counteth 12. yeares . And further , whereas Clemens Alexandrinus reckoneth for the Grecian Monarchie three hundreth yeares , some doe exceede that number , as Epiphanius addeth 12. yeares more : some come short , as Suidas , in Adam counteth lesse by 30. yeares .

5. The last way then to know the iust number of yeares for the kingdome of the Greeks , is by the Olympiads , which is a sure reckoning , as is before declared , qu. 35. for the Greeke affaires . Alexander died in the 1. yeare of the 114. Olympiad , as Arrianus , and most Chronologers doe hold : and our blessed Sauiour suffered in the 1. of the 203. Olympiad , Ioseph . Scallig . the yeares betweene these two Olympike yeares amount to 356. and with Alexanders 6. yeares , 362. Iun. annotat . from whence 62. must be aba●ed from the ende of Cleopatraes raigne , vnto the passion of our blessed Sauiour : so there will remaine iust 300. yeares within two for the Greeke Monarchie . Polanus much differeth not counting by the yeares of the building of Rome : Alexander died in the 430. yeare of the age of Rome , and Ierusalem was destroyed in the 822. yeare : then diducting 38. yeares from thence backward to the passion of Christ , ( which Bullinger maketh 40. placing the destruction of Ierusalem 2. yeares later . in the 824. yeare of Rome ) and 60. or 61. to the ende of Cleopatraes gouernment : and there will by this account also remaine 300. yeares for the kingdome of the Grecians .

So then we haue toward the number of 490. yeares , first from Cyrus 1. to the ende of the Persian Monarchie , an 130. yeares , and then 300. yeares for the gouernment of the Grecians : there remaine 60. yeares from the ende of Cleopatra her raigne , in the 4. yeare of Herod , in whose 30. Christ was borne , vnto the passion of Christ in the 34. of his age , but 33. complete , which make vp the 60. yeares ▪ And so riseth the iust summe of 490. yeares , contained in Daniels 70. weekes . Thus by Gods gracious assistance haue I waded through this bottomlesse depth of Daniels 70. weekes , which I hold to be simply the most difficult and inextricable question in the olde Testament . Now it is time , that I proceede to discusse the words of the text : but first I will lay together in one view the sundrie interpretations of these 70. weekes , which haue beene dispersedly handled before .

55. Quest. The seuerall interpretations of Daniels 70. weekes , dispersedly handled before , summed together .

The sundrie opinions and diuers interpretations of the numbring of Daniels weekes , may be sorted out in this manner into these 6. orders or ranks . 1. Some beginne the account too soone , and ende too soone . 2. Some beginne too late , and ende too late . 3. Some beginne too soone , and ende too late . 4. Some beginne too late , and ende too soone . 5. Some beginne well ▪ and ende not right , and they either ende too soone , or too late . 6. Some ende well their account , but beginne not right , and that either too soone or too late : the first foure doe erre both in the beginning and ende , the other two faile but in the one , either in the beginning or ende .

1. Of the first sort is Orige● , who beginneth from Adam , and endeth 69. weekes of the account at the natiuitie of Christ , the 70. weekes he extendeth thence to the destruction of the citie ▪ see this opinion confuted before , qu. 40.

2. Of the second sort are diuers . 1. all they which beginne the acount after the raigne of Cyrus , as Chrysostome , who beginneth at the 20. yeare of Darius Longimanus , and endeth at the subuersion of Ierusalem : so Eusebius beginneth at Darius Hystaspis , and endeth at Traian the Emperour : and Iunius , Iosephus Scalliger , M. Liuely , beginne at the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus , and ende with the ruine of the citie : see their opinions more at large , quest. 47. Likewise Apollinaris beginneth at Christs natiuitie , and endeth at the comming of Antichrist toward the ende of the world : see qu. 34. and 48.

3. Some beginne too soone , and ende too late , as Hyppolitus , beginning 50. yeares before Cyrus , and ending toward the dissolution and ende of the world : and R. Salomon , who beginneth at the destruction of the first Temple , and endeth at the destruction of the second : see qu. 40. and 48.

4. Some beginne too late and ende too soone , as Melancthon , that beginneth his second reckoning from Longimanus , and endeth at the baptisme of Christ : see before , qu. 47.

5. Some beginne well , and ende too soone , as Origen , who in one account beginneth a● Darius the Mede , and endeth at the natiuitie , qu. 47. before : so also Melancthon in one accoun● . Eusebius also in one account beginneth at Cyrus , and endeth in Hyrcanus time . Some beginning right , ende too late : as Tertullian beginning at Darius , and Clemens Alexandrinus at Cyrus , ende at the subuersion of Ierusalem : qu. 47. before . And some Hebrewes beginne at Darius the Mede , but extend the yeares to the raigne of Adrian the Emperour : see quest. 48.

6. Some ende right , namely at the passion of Christ , but beginne too soone , as Lyranus and Burgensis , who beginne in the 4. or 5. yeare of Zedekiah , see qu. 41. some ending there also , beginne too late ; as they which beginne at the 20. yeare of Longimanus , and end at the passion of Christ : of which opinion are Theodoret , Zonaras , Ioannes Lu●idus , Pererius , Bullinger , with others : see before , qu. 49.

Then the best account of these weekes , is to pitch the beginning and ende both right : and that is to beginne them at Cyrus , at the first going forth of the word for the returne of the people , as is prooued before at large , quest. 43. and to determine and conclude them at the most holy passion of our blessed Sauiour , as is likewise before prooued at large , qu. 49. of this chapter . Now I will returne to examine the words , as they lie in the text .

56. Quest. Why the 7. weekes are seuered from the 62. v. 25. Vnto the Messiah shall be 7. weekes , and 62. weekes .

1. Some thinke that no other reason is to be giuen hereof , but that the Angel of purpose thus speaketh , that the prophecie should be vttered in darke and obsture tearmes : as Hierom to this purpose saith vpon the 45. of Ezekiel , Scriptura difficultatem habet in numeris , vt intentum faciat animum auditoris , the Scripture vseth some difficultie in numbers , to make the minde of the hearer more intent : But it is euident , by the diuiding of the last weeke from the rest , wherein some speciall matters are deliuered , concerning the death of the Messiah , and the confirming of the couenant , and ceasing of the sacrifices , that there is some speciall intendment in the setting apart also of the 7. weekes from the rest .

2. Some doe thinke , that it is onely an Hebrew phrase , who vse to set the lesse number before the greater : as we would say , speaking of Abraham , he liued an 175. yeares , but the Scripture saith , he liued 5. and 70. and an 100. yeares : so Hierome . But to this Calvin answereth , non continuat seriem annorum , &c. he continueth not here the course of yeares , as in setting downe the age of man , &c. for the reason in setting downe of numbers in that manner is , because they are of diuers kinds : when the yeares are numbred by hundreds , tennes , and vnions : but here the number is all of the same kind , 70. in all . And if the Hebrew phrase should be here obserued , he should haue said , nine ; and sixtie , or 7. 2. and 60. two should not be put after 60. And why is the 70. weeke put last of all ? it should after that manner of speaking be put first : as to say thus , 1. and 7. and 62. There is then more here to be con●idered then the phrase onely .

3. Some make no matter at all of this diuision , but put the 7. weekes and 62. weekes together : that after 69. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine , Melancth. Vatab. Osiand . but then this diuision made of purpose by the Angel should seeme to be idle .

4. Pererius therefore giueth this reason of this diuision , because in these seuen weekes , which make 49. yeares , there were two notable accidents ; the repairing of the citie by Nehemiah , and in the ende of this tearme fell out that notable historie of Mordecat and Esther vnder Artaxerxes Mnemon . But Pererius is here deceiued : for as it shall afterward appeare , the repairing of the citie by Nehemiah , was without the compasse of these 7. weekes : and the other storie fell out in the space of this tearme , but not vnder Mnemon : that Assuerus is most like to be Darius Hystaspis , as is before shewed , qu. 44.

5. Some giue a mysticall reason of it , as Burgens . addit . 4. Antiqua lex dicitur septenana , nova octonaria , the olde law is signified by seuen , the new law by eight : to shew hereby that the Messiah should bring in a new law , and abolish the old . But the Messiah was not to come in those 7. weekes , but after 62. weekes more .

6. So then in that the 7. weekes are diuided from the rest , it doth not so much shew what notable accidents should fall out therein , as it doth prescribe the very number of yeares , after the which from the going out of the word , the Temple and citie should againe be repaired and reedified ; which accordingly came so to passe , as shall be shewed afterward .

57. Quest. Whether these 7. weekes must be counted before the 62. weekes , or after .

It beeing then agreed vpon , that there was some speciall cause in seuering these 7. weekes from the rest , yet there is some question , wh●n these 7. weekes should beginne , before or after the 62. weekes .

1. Tertullian putteth them after : for the 62. weekes he extendeth from Darius to the birth of Christ , and then 7. weekes and an halfe , that is , 53. yeares , he counteth from thence to the destruction of Ierusalem . But from Christs birth , who suffered in the 34. yeare of his age , to the destruction of the citie , some 40. yeares after , was aboue seuen weekes , they make 10. weekes , 70. yeares at the least .

2. Some Hebrewes , whose opinion Hierome rehearseth in his commentarie vpon this place , doe ende the 62. yeares at the taking of the citie by Titus , and from thence to the finall destruction by Adrian the Emperour , they count 8. weekes more , which maketh 56. yeares . But beside that there are found from Darius to Adrian the Emperour , aboue 600. yeares , whereas 72. weekes make but 490. yeares : the 7. weekes must be counted to the Messiah , as is euident , v. 25. not after .

3. Theodoret bringeth the 69. weekes to Hyrcanus death , and from thence to the baptisme of Christ , he counteth 7. weekes , that is 49. yeares : But he is much deceiued in his account : for from Hyrcanus death to the baptisme of our Sauiour , are about 60. yeares : for after Hyrcanus in the 32. yeare of Herod , or thereabout , was Christ borne , who was baptized in the 30. yeare of his age .

4. Now that these 7. weekes are to be counted before the 62. weekes , not to be cast after them , 1. the order of the words declare : there shall be seuen weekes to the Messiah , and 62. weekes . 2. and beside it is said , that not after 69. weekes , but after 62. weekes Messiah shall be slaine : so that vnlesse the 62. weekes be put to the 7. weekes , the yeares will not bring vs to the Messiah . 3. the accidents that fell out after that time , the building of the citie , and the wall , which were done after the tearme of these 7. weekes , which things accordingly came to passe , will bring backe these 7. weekes into the first place . 4. And beside the Angel directly beginneth the 7. weekes from the going forth of the word , v. 25.

58. Quest. When this tearme of 7. weekes , that is , 49. yeares beganne , and when it ended .

1. R. Salomon , whome Lyranus seemeth herein to incline vnto , beginneth these seuen weekes from the destruction of the first Temple by Nabuchadnezzer , and endeth them at Cyrus , which time by his account maketh 52. yeares . But in this number of 52. yeares , there are 3. yeares aboue 7. prophetical weekes , that is , 49. yeares , which the Rabbin is constrained ( to make his account euen ) to put off to the beginning of the 62. weekes : but then is not the Angels diuision iust and true , that cutteth off onely 7. weekes from the rest : and beside , these 7. weekes must beginne from the going forth of the word for the people to returne , they take not then beginning so long before .

2. M. Calvin beginneth these yeares in the first of Cyrus , and endeth them in the sixt yeare of Darius the sonne of Hystaspis , the 3. king of Persia : but this can not be : for they that giue the most yeares vnto Cyrus and Cambyses , allow but vnto the one 30. to the other 7. excepting onely Luther , who following Euseb. l. de demonstr. Euang. giueth to each of them 20. yeares : then adde the 6. yeares of Darius , they will make but 43. how then can the seuen weekes here be fulfilled ? Beside , that Darius , in whose sixt the Temple was reedified , called Darius of Persia , was not Darius Hystaspis , the 3. king of Persia , but before this Darius three other kings are named , Cyrus , Assuerus , Artashasht , Ezr. 4. 6 , 7.

3. Oecolampadius proceedeth an other way : for thus he casteth vp the reckoning : he alloweth vnto Cyrus 9. yeares , and to Cambyses 8. or to Cyrus 14. and to Cambyses 3. and then he putteth hereunto 20. of Darius , when Nehemiah was sent to Ierusalem , in whose 32. yeare the building of the citie was finished . But in this account diuers errours are committed . 1. in giuing 17. yeares to Cyrus and Cambyses , therein he differeth from other Chronologers : the Hebrewes giue vnto them both 9. yeares ioyntly : the most 37. yeares : Bullinger to Cyrus 16. to Cambyses 8. If it shall be free for men , to allot vnto the raigne of kings more or fewer yeares at their pleasure , wheresoeuer they beginne their account , they may make it agree . 2. Darius in whose time the Temple was built , was not Darius the sonne of Hystaspis , who immediatly succeeded Cambyses : for before this Darius are named three other kings , as is shewed before out of Ezr. 4. 6 , 7. but Darius Hystaspis was the third king of Persia.

4. Bullinger will haue these 7. weekes beginne in the 7. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus , when Ezra was sent with a new commission to Ierusalem , Ezr. 7. from thence counting 49. yeares we shall come to the 11. yeare of Darius Nothus ; counting as he doth to Longimanus raigne 44. yeares : and in this time was the citie repaired by Nehemiah , but with much trouble . But this account also faileth : 1. The Temple was , after many yeares intermission , built and finished before Ezra was sent , in the 6. yeare of Darius , Ezr. 6. 15. which intermission is signified , in the diuiding of these 7. weekes from the rest , as shall afterward appeare , qu. 59. 2. He beginneth the 7. weekes , where they should ende , namely at the finishing of the Temple , as shall be shewed afterward .

5. They likewise which beginne these 7. weekes at the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus , as Pererius , with diuers others , can shew no reason , why these 7. weekes should be cut off from the rest , sauing that because in this time Nehemiah was sent : and in the ende of this tearme , in the raigne of Artaxerxes Mnemon , he thinketh the historie of Esther and Mordecai fell out . But Pererius is much deceiued . 1. he beginneth the 7. weekes after the time , wherein they should ende , namely , at the finishing of the Temple , as followeth to be shewed . 2. And it is before prooued , that Mordecai liued not vnder Artaxerxes Mnemon , but vnder Darius Hystaspis , who is called Assuerus , as is shewed before , qu. 44. 3. But though they seeme to alleadge some reason for the beginning of these 7. weekes in the 20. of Artaxerxes , there can be no probable cause shewed , of the ending of these weekes , which by Pererius account will bring vs to the 10. yeare of Artaxerxes Mnemons raigne , whome he supposeth to be Esters Assuerus : for in that storie , there is no speciall note made of the 10. yeare , but of the 3. yeare , wherein he made a feast to his nobles , Esth. 1. 3. of the 7. yeare , when he married Esther , c. 2. 16. and of the 12. yeare , when Haman procured the decree against the Iewes , c. 3. 7.

6. Some beginne these 7. weekes at the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus , and ende them at the 2. of Artaxerxes Memor , M. Lydyat , pag. 78.

But beside the difference in this computation betweene him and Pererius , who bringeth the 7. weekes from the 20. of Longimanus , to the 10. of Memor , or Mnemon , no reason can be assigned of the breaking off and diuiding those 7. weekes from the other : he saith , that other cities of Iudea beganne then to be builded , but with much trouble : but Daniel maketh mention onely of building Ierusalem in this place .

7. Iosephus Scalliger lib. 6. de emendat . tempor . M. Iunius , M. Liuely in his Persian Monarchie , and Polanus beginne these 7. weekes in the 2. yeare of Darius Nothus , and ende them in the 32. of Artaxerxes Mnemon , when Nehemiah returned , after he had finished the building of the citie vnto the king of Persia , Nehem. 5. 14. there remained 17. yeares after Darius second , whom they held to haue raigned 19. yeares : which make the summe of 49. yeares : in which space of time , both the Temple and citie were builded .

But against this opinion it may thus be obiected . 1. the 7. weekes , and the 70. weekes haue the same beginning from the going forth of the word , which is before prooued at large to haue beene in the first of Cyrus , quest. 43. 2. they beginne these weekes where they should ende : for these 7. weekes were the time of the intermission and breaking off of their worke , in building the citie and Temple : the Angel sheweth how long that worke should be interrupted , after the which they should beginne to build .

8. M. Iunius then in his former edition beginneth these weekes in the first of Cyrus , and endeth them in the 20. yeare of Longimanus , when Nehemiah had his commission giuen him ▪ so also H. Br. in his commentarie : But from Cyrus 1. to the sending of Nehemiah in the 20. Artaxerxes Longimanus , must needes be aboue 49. yeares in account : for the foure former kings of Persia , Cyrus , Cambyses , Darius the sonne of Hystaspis , and Xerxes , had more then 30. yeares among them .

9. Wherefore the best reckoning of these 7. weekes is this : to beginne them with M. Calvin , Oecolampad . M. Br. in Cyrus first , and to ende them in the 6. of Darius Longimanus , when the Temple was finished : and in the 7. yeare was Ezra sent , and in the 20. by the same king , Nehemiah : my reasons are these . 1. from the first going forth of the word , which was in Cyrus time ; must these 7. weekes take beginning , which make 49. yeares : the time is too short to end them in the raigne of Darius Hystaspis , which was within 49. yeares , and too long to extend them to Darius Nothus , who was the sixt king of Persia , which was about 70. yeares from Cyrus first : therefore one must be taken betweene them , and that was Darius Artaxerxes called Longimanus , who was next before Nothus : Longimanus is held by the most to haue raigned 40. yeares , which yeares added to the raigne of 4. kings before Cyrus , Cambyses , Darius , Xerxes , will make too many for the account of 49. yeares , to the 2. of Nothus . 2. The Temple was 46. yeare in building as the Iewes say , Iohn . 2. which yeares must be accounted from the 3. of Cyrus , when the building beganne to be hindred , for the which cause Daniel was in heauines 3. weekes of dayes , Dan. 10. 3. so we shall haue the summe of 46. yeares from Cyrus 3. and of 49. from Cyrus 1. to the finishing of the Temple .

But it will be obiected , that it was Darius Nothus , in whose 6. the Temple was built , because he had an Artaxerxes going before him , Ezra . 4. 7. and an other after him , Ezr. 6. 14. and 7. 1. and so he was in the middes betweene two Artaxerxes , Longimanus and Mnemon , and that must needes be Nothus , Ioseph . Scalliger lib. 6. de emendat . temp.

Answ. That Artashasht mentioned , Ezra . 4. 7. who sent a rescript to hinder the building of the citie and Temple , was not Artaxerxes Longimanus , but Cambyses , who was a chiefe hinderer of the building of the Lords house . 1. Longimanus is held of all to haue beene a friend vnto the Iewes . 2. In the accusation sent to Artashasht they say , that the Iewes did build and lay the foundation of the walles , Ezr. 4. 12. they speake , as of a thing then in doing , which could not be so many yeares ( more then 40 ) after in Longimanus time : for the worke was intermitted vnto the time of Darius . Ezra . 4. 5. this complaint then was made to Artashasht , prince vnder Cyrus , namely , Cambyses his sonne , who had the administration of the kingdome , his father beeing occupied in forren warres abroad : so Iun. edition . 3. Vatab. H. Br. Though Assuerus be mentioned before v. 6. which was Darius Hystaspis , how in the beginning of his raigne an accusation was made against them ; that prooueth not the Artashasht following to be Longimanus : but the storie returneth to shewe the originall of that accusation , which formerly had beene made .

3. That place , Ezr. 6. 14. Whether Darius and Artashasht mentioned Ezr. 6. 14. were all one king . prooueth not an other Artashasht to haue succeeded Darius : there are diners opinions . 1. Some thinke , that Artaxerxes Mnemon caused such things to be finished , which belonged to the ornament of the Temple , which was made an ende of in his fathers time : ex Vatabl. but here the finishing of the Temple is ascribed to Darius and Artashasht together , not to one after an other . 2. Iunius thinketh , that Artashasht raigned together with his father : but it is not like that in the second yeare of Darius , when the worke beganne , that Darius sonne was so old , as to take the administration of the kingdome vpon him . 3. Some by Darius vnderstand Darius the Mede , who ioyntly with Cyrus gaue that commandement at the first ; and by Artashasht they vnderstand Longimanus , Iun. annot. edit . 1. 4. Some thus read , Darius , that is , Artashasht , Vatab. and M. Br. nameth him Darius Artashasht , which seemeth to haue beene a common appellation to most of the Persian kings , Iun. Genevens . annotat . in Ezra 7. 1. I preferre this latter , for in the first commandement which was giuen vnto the Iewes to returne , onely mention is made of Cyrus , 2. Chron. 36. 32. Ezra . 1. 1. Darius then called king of Persia , which was Longimanus , Ezra . 4. 24. the same is Artashasht called here king of Persia , and Ezra . 6. 22. king of Ashur , and Nehem. 13. 6. king of Babel : a part of the kingdome beeing by the figure Synecdoche taken for the whole : for all was vnder the gouernement of the kings of Persia.

4. Some thinke that the first Artashasht or Artaxerxes mentioned Ezra . 4. 7. was Smerdes , which vsurped the kingdome after Cambyses , for 7. moneths : and the other Artaxerxes spoken of Ezra . 6. 14. and 7. 1. was Artaxerxes Longimanus , and Darius there mentioned was Darius Hystaspis called the king of Ashur , Ezra . 6. 22. because he snbdued Babylon and Assyria , so M. Lydyat de emendat . tempor . pag. 64 , 65. 73.

But 1. it is not like that Smerdes beeing king not aboue 7. moneths , and not throughly setled , could be such an hinderer of the building of Ierusalem : or that in so short a time , there could be such entercourse by letters to and fro from the king of Persia to Ierusalem beeing farre distant , euen 4. moneths iourney , Ezra . 7. 9. the other Artaxerxes , was indeed Longimanus , as is before shewed , and the same was the Darius also there mentioned , Ezra . 6. 14. for how could the temple be said to be finished by the commandement of Artashasht , who yet raigned not , but is mentioned by anticipation , as be thinketh : and as Darius is here called king of Ashur , fo is Artashasht called king of Babel , Nehem. 13. 6. they were both the same as is before shewed , a part of the kingdome is taken for the whole .

59. Quest. Whether that place , Ioh. 2. 20. that the Temple was 46. yeares in building , haue any agreement with these 7. weekes .

1. Oecolampadius vtterly reiecteth that saying of the Iewes , nobis illud dictum Iudaorum , quod per inuidiam loquebantur , non est tantae authoritatis , &c. to vs that saying of the Iewes is not of so great authoritie , that we should set it against so euident places of the Scripture . Likewise Bullinger thinketh that the Iewes might ouerlash in this speach , as they did when they said to Christ , Thou art not yet fiftie yeare old , Ioh. 8. 57. and yet he neuer saw fourtie . But , although where the Iewes speake vpon their blind traditions contrarie to Scripture , they are not to be regarded ; yet when we see the receiued opinion to concurre with Scripture , and the euent to be answerable thereunto , it is not to be reiected : as here the 46. yeares by them mentioned , beeing counted from Cyrus third , when the worke ceased , doe agree with this prophesie of 7. weekes , that is 49. yeares from Cyrus first .

2. Iosephus Scalliger likewise reiecteth this testimonie of the Iewes , lib. 6. de emendat . tempor . vpon this reason , because these 7. weekes are appointed for the building of the citie and streete , and not of the Temple : But by the one the other must be vnderstood : the building of Ierusalem includeth also the building of the Temple : for otherwise no mention is made at all here of the building of the Temple , which notwithstanding was principally intended , both in the prophesie of Isay concerning Cyrus , c. 44. 28. and in the fulfilling thereof , Ezra . 1. 1.

3. Pintus applyeth that tearme of 46. yeares to the building of the Temple , but he doth not make it agree with these 7. moneths : for he reckoneth but 48. yeares in all to the finishing of the Temple , which beganne two yeares after the going forth of the word : so that from the beginning of the building were 46. yeares , but from the going forth of the word 48. Contra. But neither were two yeares expired from the going forth of the word vnto the beginning of the Temple , but onely one yeare complete and somewhat more : for they beganne to set forward the worke in the 2. yeare the second moneth , Ezra . 3. 8. And thus the prophesie of 7. weekes from the going forth of the word should not be fulfilled .

4. Some thinke , that the Iewes put diuerse time● together , of the second building of the Temple in their teturne from captiuitie , and of the third by Herod , so that they adde 20. yeares , which Herod spent in enlarging the edifices about the Temple , Oecolamp . But the Iewes speake onely of the time spent in the building of the second Temple : for Salomons Temple was finished in 7. yeares , 1. king 6. and Herods worke about the Temple in 10. yeares , as Iosephus witnesseth , lib. 15. antiquit .

5. Pererius thinketh the Iewes computation to be true , which he beginneth in the 2. yeare of Cyrus , when they laid the foundation of the Temple , and endeth in the 9. of Darius Hystaspis , when all the worke , the outward Court and all were finished : and thus he casteth the summe ; from Cyrus 2. there remaine 29. yeares of Cyrus raigne , Cambyses , and the Magi raigned 8. and Darius 9. But the 7. weekes he beginneth from the 20. yeare of Longimanus .

Contra. 1. Beside that , Cyrus and Cambyses raigned not so long ouer the Persian Monarchie : Cyrus is held to haue raigned in all 30. but ouer the whole Monarchie , after the ouerthrowe of Babel , but three . 2. an other errour is , that Pererius taketh the ninth yeare of Darius , following therein Iosephus , whereas Ezra . 6. 14. the Temple was finished in the 6. yeare of Darius . 3. neither was this Darius Hystaspis , but Darius Longimanus , vnder whom the Temple was finished , as before is shewed , quest. 45. 4. the seuen weekes must beginne from the 1. of Cyrus , not from the 20. of Longimanus , as is also before prooued ; quest. 43. and quest. 58.

6. M. Calvin , whom the Genevens . followe in their annotation here , doe giue vnto the building of the Temple 46. yeare , and to the laying of the foundation 3. yeares , which make 49. in all : but this account cannot stand neither , for the 7. weekes must beginne from the going forth of the word , which was in the 1. of Cyrus : the foundation of the Temple was laid in the 2. yeare , then cannot the 7. weekes and these 49. yeares , wherein the Temple was built , ende together , not beginning together .

7. Some thinke that the Iewes speake not of the Temple built by Zorobabel , but of Herods Temple which he beganne to enlarge in the 18. yeare of his raigne , which was 46. yeares before , and was not yet finished , M. Lydyat de emendat . tempor . p. 174.

8. But the more receiued and probable opinion is , that the Iewes speake of the Temple built after their returne out of captiuitie , and finished , not then in building ; and thus the 7. weekes , and the 46. yeares are made to agree together : the 7. weekes , which make 49. yeares , beginne at Cyrus 1. and the 46. yeares must be counted from the third of Cyrus , when the worke of the house was hindered : and so the 7. weekes and the 46. yeares shall ende together at the finishing of the Temple in Darius 6. yeare , H. Br. in his Concent .

Quest. 60. Vnto Messiah the Prince shall be seuen weekes , ver. 25. Who is here vnderstood by the Messiah .

1. R. Selam● who beginneth the 7. weekes at the destruction of the first Temple , will haue this Messiah , or anointed , to be Cyrus , as he is called , Isay. 45. 1. Thus saith the Lord to Cyrus his anointed : and from the desolation of the Temple vnto Cyrus he counteth 52. yeares .

Paulus Burgensis thus confuteth this assertion , because none are simply in Scripture calleth annointed , but those which were annointed either with materiall oyle , as the kings and Priests , or with spirituall , as the Prophets ; but Cyrus was neither of these wayes annointed . And whereas this place is vrged of Cyrus , he saith it is not to be vnderstood of Cyrus , but of the Messiah : this answer of Burgens . is verie weake : for in that the Prophet saith , Cyrus , his annointed , what is more euident , then that he speaketh of Cyrus , beeing expressed by name ? Pererius answer also is vnsufficient , that Cyrus was long before the beginning of these weekes ; whereas it hath beene alreadie shewed , that the weekes beganne in Cyrus time .

1. Thus therefore is this opinion rather refelled . 1. because he himselfe counteth 52. weekes vnto Cyrus , which make aboue 7. weekes of yeares , Burgens . 2. Afterward by Messiah that should be slaine , he vnderstandeth Agrippa king of the Iewes ; and so he changeth the person , taking the Messiah for two diuerse persons : whereas it is euident , that the Prophet speaketh of one and the same Messiah , Lyran. 3. he is called Messiah the gouernour , or principall , for so the word nagid signifieth : but none is called the principall Messiah but onely Christ , of whom the Prophet speaketh , Isay. 55. 4. I haue giuen him for a witnesse to the people , for a Prince , &c. the word is nagid , Burgens .

2. Some by the Messiah vnderstand Nehemiah , as Ab. Ezra , some Zorobabel , some Iehoshua the high Priest , as R. Levi , Ben Gerso● . But these were in the beginning of the 7. weekes , at the returne of the captiuitie , Ezr● 2. 2. it cannot be therefore said , that there should be 7. weekes vnto them : And againe , the office of this Messiah was to finish sinne , and reconcile iniquitie , which none of these could doe .

3. Some by Messiah , taking the singular for the plurall , doe vnderstand the annointed gouernours , whom Eusebius taketh to be the Macchabees , who were both Priests and kings : but vnto the beginning of the raigne of the Maccabees , were aboue 7. weekes from the beginning of the 70. weekes , wheresoeuer they beginne them : for the regiment of the Macchabees beganne aboue an hundred yeares after the ende of the Persian Monarchie .

4. M. Liuely therefore in his Persian Monarchie , p. 205. taketh the word Messiah somewhat more largely , for the chiefe rulers and kings of the Iewes commonwealth , vnto the beginning of whose setled estate are counted 7. weekes : for from the 2. of Darius Nothus when the Temple beganne to be reedified , of whose raigne there remained 17. yeares , to the 32. of Arrashasht , are iust 49. yeares , in whose 32. yeare the citie beeing builded , and set forme of gouernement established , Nehemiah returned vnto the king , Nehem. 13. 6. of this his opinion he yeeldeth two speciall reasons . 1. from the Hebrewe point athnah , after 7. weekes , which beeing a perfect distinction , doth suspend it from the sentence following : so that he would haue these 7. weekes to the Messiah , taken by themselues , and not to be ioyned with the 62. weekes following . 2. these two things beganne together , the citie builded , and the annointed gouernour thereof : as Samballat in a letter to Nehemiah ioyneth them both together , Nehem. 6. 6. thou and the Iewes thinke to rebell , for the which cause thou buildest ihe wall , and thou wilt be the king thereof , to this purpose M. Liuely , p. 209.

Answ. 1. Oecolampadius to that obiection of the points , maketh this answer : we had rather followe in this place the Greekes and Latines , quam Iudaeos pro sua libidine punctum constituentes , then the Iewes setting the points according to their pleasure : but this is a dangerous answer : for if we make question of the Hebrewe pricks and points , we shall haue no certaintie of the Scripture : therefore I rather answer with Polanus , that although the perfect distinction athnah , be there set , yet the rest must be ioyned in sense , as the Angel at the first maketh but one whole number of 70. weekes .

2. It followeth not , because when the citie was builded , the setled gouernement began , that therefore the gouernours were this Messiah : And if Nehemiah were the first gouerno●r , as it cannot be denied , after the building of the citie : to the beginning of his gouernement , there were not 7. weekes of yeares ; seeing he was sent in the 20. of Artaxerxes , and there continued to the 32. yeare , when according to his account the 49. yeares expired .

5. Wherefore the best and most receiued interpretation is , that by Messiah here , we are to vnderstand our Blessed Sauiour Christ Iesus ; as it may thus appeare . 1. one and the same Messiah is spoken of through this prophesie : but the Messiah which should be slaine , and confirme the couenant for one weeke , was Christ : therefore this Messiah here spoken of was Christ . 2. the weekes before spoken of , to finish sinne , and reconcile iniquitie , could onely be performed by Christ .

6. Some doe vnderstand by Messiah , Christ , and make this the sense , that 7. weekes , that is , 49. yeares he should be their gouernour , and afterward cast them off : But it is euident , that the Lord did not onely during those 7. weeks take vpon him the protection of that people , but many yeares after also .

7. Some obiect , that in that Messiah is called here a captaine or gouernour , if it were meant of Christ , it would extenuate his dignitie : M. Calvin answereth , that therein the dignitie and excellencie of Christ is set forth , who was a captaine ouer all other kings and Princes : and this title is giuen also to kings , and to the chiefe earthly states ; as Dauid is called the captaine of the people , 2. Sam. 3. 2. and Hezekiah , 2. king . 20. 5. Pererius addeth further , that this title , nagid , captaine , Prince , is particularly giuen vnto Christ , as Isay. 55. 4. I haue giuen him for a prince or captaine : for he was our captaine , 1. to lead vs by his holy example of life . 2. in teaching the way vnto saluation . 3. in gathering together his church , and conducting them to eternall life , Perer. lib. 10. quest. 17.

Quest. 61. v. 25. The streetes shall be built againe in a troublesome time : how this was fullfilled .

1. Some doe referre this troublesome time to the 62. weeke , immediately before spoken of : which containeth 434. yeares to be counted , vnto the Messiah from the ende of the 7. weekes : and then the meaning is this , that during all the continuance of that time , the commonwealth of the Iewes should haue much ●●●uble : so Iun. Polan , and M. Liuely out of Saadiah giueth this sense , pag. 172. that Ierusalem beeing builded , shall continue 434. yeares before the desolation : but in that mention is made of building the streetes againe , that is , the citie , the words seeme to haue speciall reference to these troublesome times in the first 7. weekes , wherein the worke of the Temple and citie were intermitted .

2. Some by the streightnes of time , vnderstand the short time , wherein the citie was builded : for after it beganne to be reedified in the 2. yeare of Darius , it was finished in foure yeare , Hug. Cardinal . but it is shewed before , that it was from the first to the last 46. yeare in building , and therefore the 7. weekes are fingled from the rest , to note the streightnesse and troubles of those times .

3. Some hauing speciall reference vnto the 7. weekes , doe vnderstand , onely the troublesome building of the citie , because they hold the Temple to haue beene built before the 7. weekes beganne , so Bullinger , Iosephus Scalliger , Osian . as mention is made , Nehem. 4. how they built with one hand , and held their swords in the other : But seeing the building of the Temple was the principall worke , and was intermitted 46. yeares , it is not like that it should be omitted in this prophesie .

4. Wherefore by building here in a trouble some time , is vnderstood the building of the Temple and the citie : as Iunius in his commentarie , vnderstandeth the building of Ierusalem : that both of them should be in a troublesome time : So that as afterward the Angel sheweth what should happen after the 7. and 62. weekes : so here specially is intended what memorable thing should befall within the compasse of these 7. weekes in the building of the Temple : and after in the building of the citie , H. Br. Concent . as also thereby is signified , that their whole state should remaine troublesome still , as the booke of the Macchabees sheweth , Lyran. that they should not looke for any perfect outward estate , but be stirred vp to looke for their spirituall redemption by the Messiah .

Quest. 62. Of the 62. weekes , how they are to be vnderstood .

1. Pererius obserueth vpon this place , that in some copies of the Complutense edition , for 62. weekes , there are put 64. weekes : which he noteth to be a manifest error , seeing that in the originall , and the best translated copies , there is mention made onely of 62. weekes , which make 434. yeares .

2. Iosephus Scalliger doth not beginne these 62. weekes , where the first 7. ende , but doth giue a diuerse beginning vnto them : the 7. weekes he would haue beginne in the 2. of Darius Nothus , and ende in the 32. of Artaxerxes Mnemon : the 62. weekes he thinketh to beginne in the 5. yeare of Mnemon , and to ende at the passion of Christ .

But 1. in that the Angel putteth all these weekes together in one whole summe of 70. it is euident , that the 62. weekes must followe immediately after the 7. weekes , and the 70. and last weeke after the 62. 2. seeing that Ezra was sent in the 7. yeare of Artaxerxes , Ezra . 7. 1. Scalliger thinketh that the decree was made for his returne in the 5. yeare , but he spent one yeare in his preparation : But M. Liuely answereth that one yeare will not serue his turne : for from the last yere of the 202. Olympiad , counting 434. backward , we come to the second yeare of the 94. Olympiad , which falleth into the 3. yeare of Artaxerxes raigne by Scalligers owne confession : but by Bullingers tables , the 2. yeare of the 94. Olympiad , bringeth vs to the 15. yeare of Darius N●thus , 5. yeares before Artaxerxes beganne to raigne : so that Scalliger misseth of his reckoning 3. or 4. yeares after his owne account : thus M. Liuely p. 231.

3. Some beginne these 7. weekes and 62. weekes , in the 65. Olympiad , which was in the beginning of Darius Hystaspis raigne , and bring them to the 186. Olympiad , which make 483. yeares , at such time as Hyrcanus was killed , in whom the line of the anointed Priests ceased , and then Herod a stranger vsurped the kingdome , Euseb. in Chronicis . but in this account we want aboue 60. yeares to the death of the Messiah , who after these 62. weekes was to be slaine .

4. Theod●ret beginneth the 62. weekes at the building of the citie in the 20. of Artaxerxes Longimanus , and endeth with Eusebius at Hyrcanus death , and thence to Christs baptisrne he counteth the other 7. weekes . But this account cannot stand : for as Pererius casteth the time ; from the 20. of Longimanus which was in the 4. yeare of the 83. Olympiad , to Hyrcanus death , which was as Iosephus reckoneth , lib. 15. antiquit . in the 187. Olympiad , are not 62. weekes , or 434. yeares , but onely 59. weekes , which make 414. yeares : And from Hyrcanus death in the 187. Olympiad , to the baptisme of Christ in the beginning of the 202. Olympiad , are not onely 7. weekes , that is 49. yeares : but almost 9. weeks , euen 60. yeares .

5. Bullinger beginneth these 62. weekes in the 11. yeare of Darius Nothus , and endeth them in the passion of Christ : whereas the 62. weekes must beginne after the 7. weekes , which as is shewed before , beginne at Cyrus first , and ende in the 6. of Darius Longimanus .

6. Pererius beginning the 7. weekes at the 20. of Longimanus , and ending them by his owne account about the 10. yeare of Artaxerxes Mnemon , there beginneth the 62. weekes , and endeth them at the baptisme of Christ : but the 7. weekes were ended in the 6. yeare of Longimanus , as is prooued before quest. 58. then can they not beginne at the 20. yeare of Longimanus .

7. But Osiander is further wide , who beginning the 7. weekes at the 20. of Longimanus , and putting vnto them 62. weekes more , which make 483. yeares , bringeth them to the verie time of Christs passion , and there beginneth the 70. and last weeke : he varieth 3. yeares and an halfe from all the rest , who beginning as he doth , yet determine the 69. weeks at Christs baptisme . How further these 62. weekes are yet diuersely interpreted by some other both for their beginning and ende , see before , quest. 57.

8. Then it remaineth , that these 62. weekes must beginne where the 7. weekes ende , in the 6. of Darius , and they ende at the last seuentie weeke , which beganne three yeares and an halfe before the baptisme of Christ ; and the other halfe is set apart for the holy preaching and Blessed passion of Christ . Bulling. H. Br. who both agree for the ende of these 62. weekes : but they differ in the beginning : M. Bullinger reckoneth the 62. weekes from the 11. of Darius Nothus , and the 7. weekes from the 20. of Longimanus .

9. Melancthon beginneth the 7. and 62. weekes , which make 69. in all , in the 2. of Longimanus , when the Temple beganne to be reedified , and endeth them at Christs baptisme : But as is shewed before , quest. 58. the 7. weekes must ende in the sixt of Darius Longimanus : wherefore the meaning is this , that after 62. weekes ioyned with the former 7. the Messiah shall be slaine , not immediately after those 69. weekes , but in the 70. and last weeke following after the 69. Bullinger . Vatabl. Lyran.

Quest. 63. Shall Messiah be slaine , v. 26. who this Messiah was , that should be slaine .

1. R. Selomo taketh this Messiah to be king Agrippa , that should be slaine by the Romanes a little before the destruction of Ierusalem : But this is a fabulous conceit . 1. for Agrippa was not slaine , but as Cornelius Tacitus writeth , lib. 5. Agrippa was confederate with the Romanes : and Iosephus also testifieth , that he tooke part with the Romanes , after be could not perswade the Iewes to giue ouer their intended warre : and that the said Agrippa suruiued after the destruction of the citie . 2. Beside here is a great error in Chronologie ; for from the beginning of the 70. weekes , which he maketh 52. yeares before Cyrus , to the destruction of Ierusalem , are in the most compendious reckoning almost 600. yeares .

2. Theodoret and Eusebius by the Messiah vnderstand Hyrcanus , who was the last anointed gouernour of the Priests , and after him the Herodians vsurped the kingly authoritie vnto the destruction of the citie : But the Messiah here spoken off , must reconcile iniquitie , and finish sinne , but so could not any of the anointed Priests .

3. M. Liuely by Messiah , taking the singular for the plurall , would haue meant the anointed gouernours : for all lawfull rule and authoritie ceased a little before the taking of the citie by the Romans : there was hauock made of the rulers and Elders , and a generall disorder and Anarchie brought in first vnder Albinus , then Florus : Persian Monarchie , pag. 212. and p. 241. And this reason he vrgeth why the Messiah is not here Christ : because it were an vnproper speach , to take the last weeke for the Messiah : as they are forced thus to interpret these words : after 62. weekes shall the Messiah be slaine , that is , in the 70. and last weeke .

Contra. 1. Whereas the Prophet here speaketh of one Messiah , by this interpretation we shall haue many , and a succession rather of gouernours , then any one certain gouernour , in which sense , I thinke , it cannot be shewed , that the word ( Messiah ) is taken throughout the whole Scripture . 2. and by this exposition of ( Messiah ) we are depriued of one of the most pregnant prophesies of Christs holy passion . 3. neither doth it follow , that the 70. weeke in that sense should be taken for the Messiah , no more then he himselfe taketh it , where he saith , that after 69. weekes counted from the commandement , th● Messiah ( whom he interpreteth the annointed gouernour ) should be cut off , the citie and Temple destroyed , leauing the last weeke of the seuentie , for the accomplishment thereof , pag. 224. for doth not he likewise vnderstand the 70. weeke after the 69. wherein the Messiah should be cut off ? 4. euen to admit his owne sense , the lawfull anointed gouernours ceased in Ierusalem long before the destruction of Ierusalem , about the birth of Christ , in the 30. yeare of Herod , when that tyrant slew all the Sanedrim , L. Pl●ss . in his booke of the truenes of Christian religion , c. 29. 30. as the L. of Plessie sheweth out of Philo : whereupon he inferreth that to be the time , wherein the soueraigntie and Iurisdiction of Iudsh did cease . And so was Iacobs prophesie fulfilled , Gen. 49. 10. that the sc●pt●r should not depart from Iuda , nor a law-giuer from betweene his feete , vntill Shiloh come : M. Liuely hereunto answeareth , that this prophesie was rather fulfilled in the destruction of Ierusalem , which he calleth the beginning of Christs second comming to iudgement , the ende and accomplishment whereof shall be in the last day of iudgement : and therefore all the time afterward is called the last daies : and this is the reason why our Sauiour , Matth. 14. treateth in the same place of the destruction of Ierusalem , and of the end of the world . So M. Lively , p. 251.

But 1. this is a strange exposition , to vnderstand Christs comming in the flesh , when he was gone out of the world , and to make his going his comming . 2. Iacob prophesieth of the first comming of Christ in the flesh , as Iunius noteth out of the word Shilob ▪ which he interpreteth , her sonne , the word properly signifying the matrice or wombe : because Christ was borne of a woman without the helpe of man , Iun. annot. in Gen. 49. 3. The reason why our Sauiour treateth of both those questions together is , because the Apostles had propounded two questions , both of the time of the destruction of the citie and Temple , and of the ende of the world : for thus they say , Tell vs , when these things shall be , and what signe shall be of thy comming , and of the ende of the world , Matth. 24. 3. therefore our Sauiour satisfieth them in both their demands . 4. These very words last rehearsed shew , that the second comming of Christ , and the ende of the world should be ioyned together .

4. Iunius , who vnderstandeth this place of the true Messiah , yet referreth the ende of these 70. weekes to the destruction of the citie , is forced to vse a kind of zeugmatical construction , as he calleth it , by supplying the word after in this sense , after 62. weekes , after , the Messiah is slaine : so also Polanus : which words they thus interpret , not that after the 62. weekes the Messiah should be cut off : but after such time as the Messiah should be slaine , which was within the 69. weekes , and after the said 62. weekes , then should follow the destruction of the citie . But who seeth not , how in this exposition the text is strained : for the nominatiue is turned into the accusatiue , after the Messiah slaine , or the ablatiue , the Messiah beeing slaine : and the word after is inserted , which is not in the text . And the very first reading of the words , after 62. weekes the Messiah shall be slaine , doe euidently giue this sense , that after that time , and not before , he should be slaine .

5. Iunius hath an other interpretation in his annotations , shewing the accomplishment hereof in the members of Christ , how that after the Messiah himselfe was slaine , his members were persecuted : for in the ende of the 69. weeke , about the 7. yeare of Nero , Iames was put to death , and a grieuous persecution was raised against the Church : But the members and seruants of the Messiah , can not be the Messiah : and this cutting off must be after the 69. weekes , not in any part of them : neither as is shewed before , doth the 69. weeke extend to the 7. of Nero , beeing expired before the baptisme of Christ .

6. Oecolampad . yeeldeth this as a reason , why this cutting off can not in his iudgement be referred to the death of Christ ; because the word signifieth , so to cut off , as the thing cut off be in a manner extinguished and perisheth : but so was not Christ cut off , who hanging vpon the crosse , was written in the superscription king of the Iewes : But M. Calvin . answereth this obiection well , qu●ad communem sensum , quia putabant homines prorsus esse abolitum , this was true according to the common sense , because men thought that Christ was wholly abolished : So that he was in the opinion of men , as quite cut off , as the Prophet Isay faith , c. 53. 8. he was cut out of the land of the liuing . 2. And the word here vsed ca●ath , signifieth to cut off either by death or banishment , as Amos. 1. 5. I will cut off the inhabit a●ts of Bikeath-auen , &c. the sense then is no more but this , that the Messiah shall be an off , that is , slaine .

7. Wherefore the plaine and proper meaning of these words is , that after these weekes the Messiah out Blessed Sauiour should be put to death for our sinnes : And this is an euident proofe of this sense : because it is said , v. 27. He shall confirme the conenant , which euen in M. Liuelies iudgement is vnderstood of the Messiah , p. 218. Then the Messiah , to whom this word ( he ) hath reference vnto , must be expressed , and spoken of before .

Quest. 64. Of the meaning of these words , and he shall haue nothing , or rather not for himselfe .

1. There are diuerse expositions of these words . 1. Oecolampad , referreth them to the people of Ierusalem , nothing to him , that is , the people shall haue neither king nor Priest , nothing shall be left vnto them : but the Messiah beeing spoken of immediately before , these words , veen●o , and not to him , must haue reference to the Messiah .

2. Iunius in his first edition thus interpreteth , nihil ad illum , nothing to him , that is , death shall haue no power vpon him , neither for all this , shall his iudgements be staied , which he purposed to bring vpon the citie .

3. In his last edition , in his annotations , and in his commentarie , he thus expoundeth : that all shall depart from him , he shall not haue in Ierusalem any disciple : for a little before the besieging of the citie , they of the Church were admonished by reuelation to goe out of Ierusalem vnto a towne in Petrea called Pella . Euseb. l. 3. hist. Eccl. c. 5.

4. Not much differing here-from , is the interpretation of Lyranus , Hugo , Pintus , with others , following the Latine translation : non erit ei populus qui eum negaturus est , they shall not be his people , which denied him : for the Iewes said they had no king but Cesar , Ioh: 19. 15. and as for this man ( say they ) we know not whence he is , Ioh. 9. 29.

5. M. Calvin thus interpreteth , nihil ei erit , he shall haue nothing : so also Genevens . that is , he shall haue a contemptible death , and be counted as nothing : as the Prophet Isai saith , c. 53. 3. He hath neither forme not beautie .

6. Vatablus thus expoundeth , there shall be none to helpe him or deliuer him .

7. But the fittest and best sense is this : the Messias shall be slaine , but not for himselfe , Bulling. B. translation , H. Br. vpon Daniel . And this sense best agreeth to the prophesie of Christ , Isa. 53. 4. We did iudge him as plagued , and smitten of God , but he was wounded for our transgressions , &c. And to the Apostles doctrine , 2. Cor. 5. 25. He hath made him sinne for vs , that knew no sinne , that we should be made the righteousnes of God in him . But seeing here mention is made of the death of Christ , before we goe any further , it shall not be amisse briefly to handle the questions of the time both of the birth , baptisme , and passion of our blessed Sauiour .

65. Quest. Of the yeare of the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour .

There are three accounts to finde out the birth of Christ : 1. by the Romane Chronologie , 2. by the Greeke Olympiads , 3. by the Hebrewes computation .

1. The Romane account of yeares , is either by the yeares of the building of Rome , by the Consuls , or by the yeares of the Emperours : for the yeares of the citie , Pererius casteth the time of Christs birth into the 752. yeare , which he prooueth out of Dions Chronologie , who placeth the 15. yeare of Tiberius , when Christ at 30. yeares was baptized , in the 782. yeare . But therein he is somewhat deceiued : for setting the 1. yeare of Christ in the 752. of the citie , in the 782. beginneth the 31. yeare of Christ , as M. Bullinger casteth it : and the 15. yeare of Tiberius was in the 781. yeare . M. Lively in his table setteth downe the birth of Christ in the 751. yeare : but the receiued opinion is , that it was in the 752. yeare . which was the 42. of Augustus raigne .

Concerning the computation by the yeares of the Consuls , it is vncertaine . Sulpitius thinketh , that Sabinus and Ruffinus were then Consuls , lib. 2. sacr. histor. Cassiodorus nameth C. Lentulus , and M. M●ssalinus : but these are placed by others in the 749. yeare , not the 752. of the citie . Onuphrius in chronie . and Epiphanius in hares. 51. and Eusebius in chronic . doe hold , that Augustus was the 13. time Consul , and Syllanus ; when Christ was borne : which Carolus Sigonius in his commentaries agreeth vnto , as the most probable : yet M. Liuely setteth them in the yeare of the citie 750. the yeare before he supposeth Christ to haue beene borne . This account then by Consuls we leaue as vncertaine .

The surer way then by the Romane computation , is to count by the yeares of the raigne of the Emperours . Augustus Cesar is held to haue liued 75. yeares , and 10. moneths , and 20. daies , beeing borne as Dio doth cast his natiuitie , in the yeare of the citie 691. and ending his life in the yeare 767. But others doe place his birth in the yeare of the citie 689. as Eutropius lib. 6. and Orosius lib. 6. when Cicero and Antonie were Consuls together , which was in the yeare 689. Bulling. M. Lively . by this latter account Augustus should be two yeare elder : and so liued in all 77. yeares , and odde moneths . But Plinie is wide , who placeth the Consulship of Cicero and Antonie , in the 700. yeare , which should be aboue tenne yeares after , lib. 9. c. 39.

Now for the time of his gouernment : he raigned alone after he had ouercome Antonie at Actium , 44. yeares : 12. he had the ioynt gouernment with Antonie : so that from the beginning of his first Consulship and regiment , he gouerned 56. yeares , some say 58. yeares , Tacit. dialog. de clar . oratorib . some 57. as Iosephus counteth , l. 18. c. 3. but the most Chronologers agree that he raigned in all 56. yeares , 6. moneths : so Epiphan. in Anchorat . and Beda , lib. de 6. at●tib . Fererius thinketh he raigned not full out 56. the difference is not great .

The yeare then of Christs birth compared with Augustus raigne , beeing in the 752. yeare of the citie , falleth out to be in the 42. yeare of Augustus sole gouernment , the 62. of his age , and the 30. yeare after the conquest of Antonie . Beda thinketh it was the 27. yeare : so also Ioseph . Scalig. Clemens the 28. lib. 1. stromat . Onuphrius the 29. but it was the 30. yeare iust from the victorie of Antonie : which was the 42. yeare from the beginning of Augustus first Consulship , as it may be thus gathered : Christ in the 15. yeare of Tiberius Cesar , was 30. yeare old , Luk. 3. 1. 23. then put vnto that number 15. more of Augustus 56. and we shal come iust to the 42. yeare of Augustus . Thus much of the Latine computation .

2. By the computation of the Greeke Olympiads , Christs birth fell out in the 3. yeare of the 194. Olympiad , as Eusebius in chronic . and Beda , lib ; de 6. aetat . and Iosep. Scalig. so also M. Lively : but other cast it to be in the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad , Bulling. Perer. and their reason is this , because they hold Christ to haue died in the 33. yeare of his age , in the 4. yeare of the 202. Olympiad : by which account his birth will fall out in the 4. of the 194. Olympiad . Here Cyril . Hycrosol . is found to be in a great error , who affirmeth , catech. 12. that Christ was borne in the 4. yeare of the 186. Olympiad , which was aboue 30. yeares before , so that by this reckoning Christ in the 15. yeare of Tiberius , when he was baptized , should be aboue 60. yeares old .

66. Quest. Of the computation of yeares from the creation to the the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour .

3. We will come now to the Iewes computation , which is either by the casting of the yeare of the world , or by the yeares of their kings and gouernours : other waies they haue to recken by , but these are most pertinent to this busines in hand .

1. Pererius counteth from the beginning of the world , to the birth of Christ 4022. yeares , which summe he thus collecteth by parcels .

From the creation to the flood , were yeares a 1656. as may be gathered , Gen. 5. by the age of the fathers : then he reckoneth from the flood , to the birth of Abraham , counting 30. yeares for Cainan , 322. from the birth of Abraham vnto the Promise 75. Gen. 12. from the Promise to the giuing of the Law , 430. Gal. 3. from thence to the building of Salomons Temple 480. 1. king . 6. 1. then to the beginning of the Olympiads in the 8. yeare of Ahaz , 283. and from the 1. Olympiad to the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad , wherein Christ was borne 776. yeares : all these summes laid together from the beginning of the world , to the birth of Christ , he summeth to 4022. yeares in all .

But Pererius diuersly faileth in this his reckoning . 1. for in the second summe from the flood to Abrahams birth , he committeth two great errors : for 1. he counteth 30. yeares for Caynan , which is not in the originall , but onely in the Septuagint . 2. and beside , he reckoneth but 292. yeares , supposing Abraham to haue beene borne in the 70. yeare of his fathers age , whereas he was borne in the 130. yeare : for he was but 75. yeare old when his father was 205. so that from the flood to Abrahams birth , were 352. yeares : he then with forged Cainans 30. making but 322. yeares , wanteth yet 30. more of the iust reckoning . 3. further , he setteth the beginning of the Olympiads in the 8. yeare of Ahaz , whereas it is more probable they beganne 23. yeares before , in the 2. yeare of Iotham : here then he commeth 23. yeares too late . 4. and in his last summe of 776. he ouerreacheth aboue an 100. yeares , for from Ahaz 8. yeare to the 11. of Iehoiakim , when the captiuitie beganne , are but an 134. yeares , as may be gathered by the seuerall yeares of the raignes of the kings of Iudah : from thence to Cyrus 70. from Cyrus first to the passion of Christ 490. from which summe must be diducted 33. years from the passion of Christ to his birth ; the whole summe is but 661.

2. Let vs then further see , how these yeares from the beginning of the world , vnto the birth of Christ , are otherwise summed . The chronologie and computation of yeares , added in the ende of the Genevean translation , counteth from Adam to Christs incarnation 4017. yeares , which they gather thus :

From the creation to the flood , 1656. from the flood to Abrahams departing from Chalde 423. from Abrahams departing thence to the departing of Israel out of Egypt , 430. from thence to the building of the Temple , 480. from thence to the captiuitie of Babylon in the 11. yeare of Zedekiah , 441. then to the building againe of Ierusalem , 143. from thence to Christs death , 478. The whole summe is 4051. from whence 33. yeares and an halfe beeing diducted , there will remaine 4017. yeares and an halfe .

But this account may be thus excepted against . 1. they count from the 4. yeare of Salomon , when the Temple beganne to be built , to the 11. yeare of Zedekiah 441. yeares , wheras from the 1. of Salomon , to the last of Zedekiah , by Iunius computation there are but 412. yeares , or thereabout : by some others , not aboue 430. Oecolampad . H. Br. Concent . 2. they count form the first destruction of Ierusalem , to the passion of Christ , 621. yeares : whereas there are at the most but thence to Cyrus first , 59. which with the 11. yeares from Ieconias captiuitie , make vp the 70. yeares , and 490. which put together , make 549. So that they doe exceed in these two last summes , almost 90. yeares : but they differ more in the whole summe from the creation to the natiuitie , as shall be shewed in the true computation .

3. But they are farre wide , In the Table before the great English B●●le . which doe recken from Adam vnto the birth of our Sauiour 5199. yeares , which summe they doe gather by these particulars : From the creation to the giuing of the Law , they account 3689. yeares , from thence to the natiuitie of Christ 1510. which make the said summe of 5199. wherein this is a great ouersight committed : for from the creation of the world , to the giuing of the Law , there are not aboue 2500. and odde yeares : which are counted thus : from the creation to the death of Ioseph , are 2368. yeares , from thence to Moses birth 60. yeares , who was 80. yeares old at their departure out of Egypt when the Law was giuen : all make but 2508. yeares : which summe wanteth of the foresaid number of 3689. a 1181. yeares .

4. There is an other account made by the yeares contained in the seuerall historicall bookes of Scripture , as Iunius hath summed them , thus : Genesis containeth the historie of 2368. yeares . Exodus . 142 The other bookes of the Pentateuch to the death of Moses . 40 Ioshuah . 17 Iudges . 299 The 1. of Samuel . 80 The 2. of Samuel . 40 The 1. of Kings . 118 The 2. of Kings to the destruction of Ierusalem in the 11 of Zedekiah . 294 Thence to Cyrus 1. 59 To the building of the Temple . 106 Thence to the destruction of Ierusalem . 490

The whole summe of these yeares put together , amounteth to 4053. from which summe if 73. years be diducted from the birth of Christ , to the destruction of the citie , ( 33. to his passion , and 40. thence to the ende of the citie ) there will remaine from the creation of the world , to the natiuitie of our Sauiour , 3980. yeares . In which summe , two things may be excepted against : 1. in the yeares ending in the 11. of Zedekiah , which are cast to 3398. there want iust 22. yeares : for the 11. of Zedekiah was in the yeare of the world 3420. and the cause of the fayling is this : Iunius giueth but vnto Amaziah . 17. yeares , and then immediatly to Vzziah or Azariah 52. for he thinketh , that whereas the storie saith , that Amaziah raigned 29. yeares , the last 12. he spent in a priuate life , and so those yeares are counted to his sonnes raigne : thus Iun. annot. 2. king . 14. 2. & 21. But it is more agreeable to the text , that Amaziah raigned 29. yeares , and then his sonne succeeded not immediatly , as Oecolampad . setteth him ; but there was an interregnum , or intermission of the raigne , for eleuen yeares , the kingdome beeing gouerned by the States : as it may thus be gathered : Amaziah liued 15. yeares after the death of Ioash king of Israel , in whose 15. yeare beganne Ieroboam the sonne of Ioash to raigne ouer Israel , 2. king . 14. 17. 23. so then of Amaziahs 29. yeare , there remained yet 15. then in the 15. yeare of Ieroboam Amaziahs raigne endeth : afterward in the 27. yeare of Ieroboam , beganne Vzziah to raigne : then must needes the kingdome lie void eleuen yeares from the 15. of Ieroboam to the 27. H. Br. Concent . Genevens . And it can not stand , that Vzziah raigned together with his father : for he was but 16. yeare olde when he beganne to raigne , which was in the 27. of Ieroboam , 2. king . 15. 1 , 2. whereas his father died in the 15. yeare of Ieroboam , when Vzziah was by this account but 4. yere old . And it is noted in direct words , that as soone as Azariah was made king in his fathers stead , he built Elath , after his father had slept with his fathers , 2. king . 14. 21 , 22. So it is euident , that Iunius making Vzziah to beginne to raigne immediatly after the 17. yeare of Amaziah , commeth short of the iust summe 22. or 23. yeares : for he leaueth out 12. yeares of Amaziahs raigne , and omitteth the time of the vacancie , which was eleuen yeares more .

2. In that Iunius counteth an 106. yeares from Cyrus 1. to the 2. of Darius , when the Temple beganne to be reedified , and so extendeth the Persian Monarchie 199. yeares , therein he exceedeth ( by 69. yeares ) the yeares of the Persian Monarchie , which were an 130. as is before shewed , qu. 43. So that I rather approou● Iunius iudgement in his first edition , not allowing aboue an 130. yeares to the Persian Monarchie .

5. Oecolampad . thus casteth the yeares from the creation of the world , vnto the Messiah : from the creation to the flood 1656 from thence to the departing of the Israelites out of Egypt . ●13 from the departure vnto the destruction of the first Temple in the 11. yere of Zedekiah . 910 from the destruction to the building againe of the Temple and citie . 94 from the Temple and citie reedified in the 32. of Darius vnto Alexander . 160 from Alexander to the Macch. 165 from the Macchabees to Herod . 127 from the beginning of the raigne of the Herods , to the ende thereof at the finall destruction of Ierusalem . 103

But in this account there are diuers errors committed : for in the summe of yeares vnto the first destruction of the Temple , which are summed to 3379. or thereabout , which in true account rise to 3420. yeares : he commeth short 41. yeares : which error falleth out by this occasion . 1. he misseth of 60. yeares in the summe from the flood to Abraham , placing him to be borne in the 70. yeare of Terah , whereas he was borne in the 130. yeare of his father , as is shewed further els where . H●xap . in G●● c. 11. qu. 19. 2. from the death of Iacob to the departure of Israel out of Egypt , he counteth 230. yeares , which exceede not an 194. yeares : for when Iacob died at 147. Ioseph was 56. beeing 39. at Iacobs 130. yeare : so Ioseph liuing an 110. yeares , suruiued his father 54. from Iosephs death to Moses birth are counted 60. yeares : and in Moses 80. yeare departed Israel : these three summes , 54. 60. 80. make 194. here then Oecolampadius counting 230. yeares , exceedeth the iust number by 36. yet he faileth in the whole summe 41. yeares , or thereabout : for the iust summe of yeares from the creation to the departure of Israel out of Egypt , commeth to 2510. yeares , Iun. H. Br. but his two summes of a 1656. and 813. laid together , make but 2469. 3. In the yeares of the Kings , next vnto Amaziahs 29. yeares , he placeth Vzziahs 52. yeares , whereas there came betweene , an interregnum , or vacancie of the kingdome , for the space of an 11. yeares , as is shewed before : but this number of a 11. yeares he taketh vp in adding so many in the seuerall raignes of the kings , as in giuing 8. yeares to Ioram , who raigned alone but foure , one to Ahaziah , whose time is not counted : 7. to Athaliah , who raigned but 6. and so he recompenseth by an other supplie in the addition of these and other yeares to seuerall kings , the want of the said number of a 11. yeares : so that here he agreeth in the whole summe of the yeares of the kings , which was from the beginning of Salomons raigne , vnto the 11. yeare of Zedekiah , 430.

In the next summe from the 11. of Zedekiah , vnto the destruction of Ierusalem , which maketh 649. these errors ar● found . 1. He counteth but 70. yeares from the first destruction of the Temple , vnto the reedifying thereof in the 2. of Darius : whereas in the least reckoning , there remained 50. yeares of the captiuitie from the destruction of the Temple , to the first of Cyrus : and from thence 7. weekes , that is , 49. yeares more to the building and finishing of the Temple , as is shewed before , qu. 58. 2. He giueth vnto the Persian Monarchie 160. yeares after the 32. of Darius Hystaspis , whome he thinketh to haue raigned 36. yeares , and to Cyrus and Cambyses he giueth betweene them 17. yeares : so he extendeth the whole Persian Monarchie to 214. yeares : which must be cut short to an 130. as is likewise declared before , qu. 43. 3. He numbreth but 292. yeares for the kingdome of the Grecians and Macchabees , which made 300 ▪ qu. 54. so that here he wanteth 8. yeares . 4. This whole last summe of 649. yeares , 73. beeing abated from the last destruction of the citie , to the birth of Christ , maketh 576. which ioyned to the fo●mer number of 3379. maketh 3955. whereas the iust summe to Christ birth from the creation , is 3927. or rather 3935. or thereabout : so that here is an ouerplus of 20. yeares in the whole summe , or there about .

6. Bullingers , account is this : he setteth ●he 11. of Zedekiah , in the yeare of the world 3365. the ende of the Persian Monarchie in the yeare 3640. the ende of the kingdome of the Macedonians , which was in the 22. of Cleopatra , in the yeare 3940. and the birth of our blessed Sauiour in the yeare 3970.

1. But in the first summe of 3365. he commeth short by 55. yeares , the iust number beeing in Zedekiahs 11. yeare , ●420 . which oddes is like to arise , because Bullinger following the common account , setteth Abrahams birth in the 70. yeare of Terah , which was in the 130. yeare , and there faileth of 60. yeares ● the 5. odde yeares he might make vp in adding to the yeares of the raigne of the kings .

2. In the next summe of 3640. he exceedeth , giuing vnto the Persian Monarchie 215. yeares , ( which he beginneth at Cyrus in the yeare of the world 3425. ) whereas the whole exceedeth not 130. yeares .

3. In the next summe he accounteth right , numbring 300. yeares from Alexanders first , vnto the last of Cleopatra .

4. But in the last summe , placing Christs , birth in the yeare 1970. he exceedeth about 35. yeares : it was by iust account 3927. or rather 3935. yeares , as now shall be made to appeare .

7. Thus then may the yeare of the world be found out , wherein our blessed Sauiour was borne : first we take the number before set downe by Iun. artic. 4. vnto the destruction of Ierusalem in the 11. of Zedekiah , which is iust by true account found to be 3398. yeares , sauing that there wanteth 22. to be added , which Iunius cutteth off from the raigne of Amaziah , to whome he giueth but 17. yeares , whereas he raigned 29. and from the time of vacancie of the kingdome which was 11. yeares , as is there shewed : adde these 22. yeares to the former summe , and we shall haue iust 3420. yeares , from the creation to the desolation of Ierusalem in the 11. of Zedekiah : from hence to the death of our blessed Sauiour there are two accounts : Some counting the beginning of the captiuitie in the 1. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , and the 4. of Iehoiakim , when Daniel was carried away captiue , ( and Ierusalem was destroied in the 19. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer ) doe make reckoning but of 50. yeares more to Cyrus 1. and thence to Christs death 490. yeares : so that the yeare of the world by this account was 3960. at the holy passion of Christ : and 33. yeares beeing abated for the age of Christ , his natiuitie shall be in the yeare of the world 3927. or thereabout , H. Br. in his Concent . But because the better opinion is and more probable , to beginne the 70. years in the captiuitie of Iechoniah in the 8. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer , See more for the beginning of the 70. yeares captiuitie , qu. 5. vpon this chap. from whence Ieremie beginneth it , c. 29. 10. as Iosephus Scaliger sheweth , lib. 6. de emendat . tempor . we must adde 8. yeares more to the foresaid number , because we beginne the captiuitie later , and so these 8. yeares beeing added , we haue the 3935. yeare of the world for the birth of our blessed Sauiour .

But it will be obiected , that whereas the yeare wherein our blessed Sauiour suffered , is held to haue beene a yeare of Iubile , the 28. Iubile beeing cast vp to fall in the yeare of the world 3960. his birth beeing placed in the yeare 3927. we shall by adding of 8. yeares more misse of a yeare of Iubile in the yeare of Christs passion . We answer , that they which cast the 28. Iubile to be in the yeare 3960. beginne the first Iubile in the 8. yeare of Ioshuahs gouernment , H. Br. which may better take beginning 8. yeares after in the 16. of Ioshuah , when he gathered all Israel to Sechem , and made a couenant with them : for then the people had rest from their enemies , Iosh. 24. 1.

8. M. Lydyat placeth the birth of Christ in the yeare of the world 4007. and so exceedeth the former reckoning by 72. yeares : the reason of which difference is , because he giueth 204 yeares to the Persian Monarchie , beginning the same in the yeare 3471. and ending in the yeare 3675. whereas it is prooued before , that the Persian Monarchie could not exceede an 130. yeares , or thereabout , qu. 43.

67. In what yeare of the raigne of Herod our blessed Sauiour was borne .

An other account of yeares , which the Iewes make , is by the yeares of the raigne of their kings : now then because Herod a stronger had obtained from the Romanes the kingdome of the Iewes , it most be examined in what yeare of Herods raigne our blessed Sauiour was borne . And here three things must be enquired , when Herod beganne his raigne , how many yeares he raigned , and in which of them the natiuitie of our Sauiour was .

1. Iosephus thinketh , that Herod was cre●●●ed king by the Romanes in the 184. Olympiade , Cn. Domitius Calvinus , and C. Asin●●● Pollio beeing Consuls : and that 3. yeares after he tooke Ierusalem , and slew Antigonus , and so ●●●oyed the kingdome peaceably : from his first creation are counted 37. yeares , but from the death of Antigonus onely 34. Thus Ioseph . lib. antiqu. 14. & 17.

But this opinion of Iosephus can not stand . 1. for if Herod beganne to raigne in the 184. Olympiad , he must die in the 193. Olympiad , which was 37. yeares after : and then should Christ be borne 7. or 8. yeares after the raigne of Herod , namely in the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad , which is contrarie to the historie of the Gospel , Matth. 2. for Herod died after Christ was borne , and fled into Egypt . 2. Iosephus againe is contrarie to himselfe , for lib. 16. antiquit. cap. 9. he placeth the 28. yeare of Herod in the 192. Olympiad : but if Herod beganne his raigne in the 184. Olympiad , his 28. yeare will fall out not in the 192. but in the beginning of the 191. Olympiad . 3. Dio lib. 48. and Onuphrius in chron . doe place the Consulship of Cn. Calvinus , and Asiaius Pollio . in the 2. yeare of the 185. Olympiad , which was the 714. yeare of the building of Rome .

2. Onuphrius in chronic . assigneth the beginning of Herods raigne to the 3. yeare of Augustus Caesar : Beda lib. de 6. aetatibus , to the 11 yeare : But Eusebius more truely in the 10. yeare of Augustus Caesar : so also Bullinger .

3. It is agreed with most historians , that Herod raigned 37. yeares complete ; onely Beda appointeth vnto him 36. yeares .

4. But there is great difference about the yeare of Herod , wherein Christ should be borne : Beda nameth the 31. yeare , lib. de 6. aetatib . Eusebius the 32. Bullinger , Epiphanius heres. 51. and Sulpitius lib. 2. the 33. so also M. Lydyat , pag. 135. Onuphrius the 36. Su●lyga and Keplerus about the 35. Perorius in this vncertaintie leaueth the matter in doubt , not resoluing in what yeare of Herod Christ was borne .

5. Iosephus Scaliger is confident , that Christ was borne in the 37. yeare of Herod , which he would prooue thus . 1. the beginning of Herods raigne was in the next yeare after the Consulship of Calvinus and Pollio ( which was in the 714. yeare of the citie , as Dio and Onuphrius cast it ) this was in the 15. yeare of Augustus , which was the 715. yeare of Rome : from hence to the 42. yeare of Augustus , are 37. yeares : then by this reckoning the 37. of Herod , and the 31. of Augustus , and the 3. yeare of the 194. Olympiad shall concurre together .

2. Christ was then newely borne , when the wisemen came to worship , for as yet the time of purification was not come according to the law : for to what ende els should Marie stay in Bethlehem ? the starre appeared before the conception of Christ , 1. yeare before Christs birth , and they so cast their iourney , as that they came presently after the birth of Christ : Now Christ immediately after his mother was purified , was carried into Egypt , and after a while Herod died , and then he returned out of Egypt : to this purpose , Ioseph . Scalig. lib. 6. de emendat . tempor .

Contra. 1. There were two beginnings of Herods raigne , one from the time of his creating king , which might be in the 4. or 5. of Augustus raigne , in the 714. or 15. yeare of Rome : but an other beginning was after the death of Antigonus , when he tooke possession of his kingdome , which was as Eusebius setteth it , in the 10. yeare of Augustus , as Beda in the 11. yeare : from this latter beginning must the 37. yeares of Herods raigne be counted , and not from the first .

2. Concerning the time of the appearing of the starre , and of the comming of the wisemen : 1. I neither thinke that Christ was two yeare old at such time as the infants were killed , as Aretius thinketh in his commentaries vpon Matthew , and M. Calvin , that Herod deferred the execution of his malice almost two yeares : for by the text it appeareth , that as soone as Herod sawe himselfe mocked of the wisemen , he forthwith in his rage caused the infants to be killed , Matth. 1. 16. 2. neither is it like that the starre appeared 1. yeare ; or 2. before Christs natiuitie : for how then should the wisemen haue knowne when to set forward , and to come iust against the natiutie of Christ , if the starre had appeared so long before , and not at , and after the birth of Christ . 3. Therefore it is more probable , that the wisemen vpon the ●ight of the starre , which appeared not before Christ was borne , came toward the ende of the dayes of Maries purification , and returned backe againe , Christ being then newly borne ; for otherwise Marie would not haue staied in Bethlem : she might continue there 40. dayes ; in the ende whereof the wisemen might come from the East , At what time the starre beganne to appeare to the wisemen that came from the East , Matth. 2. not from Chaldea , which was North , from Ierusalem , nor from Persia , which was too farre off , beeing fowre moneths iourney , Ezra . 7. 9. But as Pellican thinketh , they might come from some nearer countrey , as Sabea , which was counted in the East countries toward the South : so that toward the ende of the 40. dayes of purification , they might well accomplish their iourney : and in the meane time as they returned , while Herod expected their returne , Marie went to Ierusalem to be purified . 4. neither doth it followe , that they fleeing into Egypt , should make aboad there but certaine moneths : some thinke they might stay there 5. yeares , Emman . Sa. some 7. ex Pellicano . there is no certaintie of the time of their aboad there , they stayed till Herod was dead . 5. And whereas Herod in his rage caused the infants to be killed , from two yeare old and vnder , according to the time which he had diligently enquired of the wisemen , it followeth not , that this was the second yeare of the appearing of the starre , as Iosephus Scaliger inferreth : But Herod to be sure , that the childe should not escape , putteth all to the sword from a day old to two yeare old , so Pellican . so that these words , according to the time , may as well be referred to those which were vnder two yeare old , though they were but a day , or a moneth , or two olde , as to those which were fully two yeare old .

5. Wherefore although there be no certaintie of this , in what yeare of Herods raigne Christ was borne , neither is it necessarie for the vnderstanding of Daniels weekes ; yet it is most probable , that our Blessed Sauiour was borne about the 30. of Herod complet , and the 31. begunne , which falleth into the 41. yeare of the raigne of Augustus Caesar complete , and the 42. begunne , as it may be thus gathered : the Herodians are held to haue continued in the gouernement of Iudea , to the destruction of Ierusalem 103. yeares , which may be counted thus by the particular account of the yeares of the Herodians : Herod the sonne of Antipater , raigned 37. Herod Archelaus 9. Herod the Tetrach 24. Herod Agrippa 7. Agrippa the sonne of Agrippa , 26. Oecol . these yeares ending at the destruction of Ierusalem in the 2. of Vespasian , make an 103. Then counting backeward from the destruction of Ierusalem 73. yeares , we shall come iust to the 42. of Augustus , and to the 31. yeare of Herod , as may euidently appeare to those , that will compare the yeares of the Emperours , and lay them together . I therefore thinke Beda his opinion of the rest most probable , who placeth the beginning of Herods raigne in the 11. yeare of Augustus , and the birth of Christ in 31. of Herod , which by this reckoning falleth into the 41. of Augustus complete , or the 42. yeare begunne .

And as there is small certaintie in what yeare of Herod Christ was borne , so neither is it agreed vpon by all , into what yeare of Augustus raigne Christs birth should fall . Cassiodorus assigneth the 40. yeare , Iren. lib. 3. adners . haeres . c. 25. Tertul. lib. aduers. Iudaeos . Ireneus and Tertullian the 41. but the most resolue vpon the 42. yeare of Augustus : as Eusebius in chron. Epiphanius haeres . 51. Beda . But these may be vnderstood to speake of the 42. initiate onely and begunne , the other of the 41. complete : for if Christ beeing held to haue beene baptised , and begunne to preach , in the 15. of Tiberius , Luk. 3. 1. there must be 15. yeares remaining of Augustus , who raigned in all 56. to make vp 30. yeares , in which yeare of his age Christ was baptized .

Quest. 68. In what yeare of his age Christ was baptized .

1. Some are of opinion , that Christ was 30. yeares complete before he was baptized : of which opinion was Beda , that Christ was baptized the 6. of Ianuarie , 13. dayes after he was full 30. yeare old , lib. de ration . temp . c. 41. So also Chrysostome hom. 10. in Matth. Euthymius in 3. c. Matth. Bernard serm. 1. de Epiphania . doe thinke that Christ came to be baptized after he was full thirtie yeare old : the same is the opinion of Iosephus Scaliger , lib. 6. de emendat . tempor . But this opinion is thus refelled . 1. because the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , quasi , as it were 30. yeare old , Luk. 3. 23. sheweth that he was not full 30. yeare old . Scaliger answereth , that sometime this is not a word of doubting , but of affirming , as Ioh. 1. 14. we sawe the glorie thereof , as the glorie of the onely begotten , &c. But he should haue giuen vs an instance , where this word is vsed in numbring otherwise , then vncertainely and by way of geffe . 2. the words are , Iesus was about 30. yeare old 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 beginning : the meaning of which words must be , that he beganne to be about 30. yeare old : Euthymius to make his opinion good , readeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that is , entring or proceeding , referring it to his preaching : but the words is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , beginning , Iosephus Scaliger thinketh , that the word is not referred to the 30. yeares but put absolutely , after the phrase of the Hebrewes , as he giueth instance of that place , Gen. 9. 20. Noah beganne to be an husbandman : But this instance is against him : for Noah beganne then first after the ●●ood to be an husbandman : and this word beginning , cannot stand absolutely in any good sense , vnlesse there should be relation to something in respect whereof this beginning is .

2. An other opinion is , that Christ when he was baptized was onely entred into his 30. yeare , about some 13. dayes : so Pererius vrging the strict words of Luke , that Christ began then to be about 30. yeare old : and maketh Ireneus with others to fauour this opinion ; the first thus writeth , lib. 2. aduers. haeres ▪ c. 39. Ad baptismum venit , &c. he came to baptisme not hauing yet fulfilled 30. yeares , but beginning to be about 30. yeare old , as S. Luke signifieth . Pererius iudgement here is agreeable to the words of the text , sauing that he holdeth Christ to haue beene borne in December , whereas there must be 3. yeares and an halfe betweene Chists baptisme and his passion , as is shewed afterward .

3. A third opinion is of Epiphanius , haeres. 50. that Christ was 30. yeares old within two moneths : whom he holdeth to haue beene borne vpon the sixt day of Ianuarie , and to haue beene baptized in his 30. yeare , two moneths before the ende thereof about the sixt of Nouember : But the word , beginning , which S. Luke vseth , sheweth that he was toward the beginning rather then the ende of his 30. yeare .

4. Wherefore it is more probable , that Christ was baptized in the beginning , not in the ende of his 30. yeare , in the sixt moneth Tisri , whereof this reason may be yeelded out of Daniel , because Christs death ended halfe of a weeke , wherein the couenant was confirmed , which beganne at his preaching , immediately after his baptisme , H. Br. Concent . And if the 70. weekes must ende iust at the death of Christ , as is prooued before quest. 49. and Christ beginning to preach immediately after his baptisme , preached 3. yeares and an halfe , it must followe , that he was baptized in the beginning of his 30. yeare : And in this sense Christ is said in proper speaking to be thirtie yeare old , when he was but entring into his thirtie yeare , see more hereof quest. 71. and 72. following .

5. M. Lydyat thinketh that Christ dimidia ex parte exegerat annum aetatis tricesimum , had passed the halfe of his 30. yeare , when he was baptised , and the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , beginning , he referreth to his preaching , not to his age . But I encline rather to the former opinion . 1. for there is no mention made at all of Christs preaching , in respect whereof he should be said to beginne : the words doe thus stand in the text , and Iesus himselfe was as it were of thirtie yeares beginning , &c. 2. neither did Christ immediately after his baptisme beginne to preach : he was first tempted . 40. dayes in the wildernes , next after his baptisme , as S. Luke sheweth in the next chapter . 3. and if Christ were baptised in the middest of his 30. yeare , and after that liued 3. yeares and an halfe , beeing put to death in the spring , it will followe , that he was also borne about that time of the yeare , which is also M. Lydyats opinion , which is verie improbable , as shall be shewed afterward quest. 71. following .

6. But M. Lydyat hath yet a more strange opinion : he thinketh that Iohn Baptist began to preach 4. yeares before Christ was baptised , in the 15. yeare of Tiberius raigne ; and that Christ was baptised in the beginning of the 19. yeare of Tiberius , and suffred in the 22. yeare : his chiefe reasons are these .

1. There are 30. yeares , at what age Christ was baptised , from the 41. of Augustus , wherein Christ was borne , to the 19. of Tiberius .

2. The Temple was in building 46. yeares , Ioh. 2. which beganne to be built in the 18. yeare of Herod , whence vnto the 15. yeare ( he would say 19. yeare ) of Tiberius are 47. yeares .

3. Iohn was not imprisoned and put to death before the 20. and 21. of Tiberius , for presently after Iohns beheading , followed the battell betweene Herod and Aretas king of Arabia , for repudiating his daughter , and marying Herodias his brothers wife , which was in the beginning of Vitellius gouernement : which was in the 21. yeare of Tiberius , as Cornel. Tacitus testifieth , lib. 6. Annal.

4. The yeare wherein Christ beganne to preach was a sabbaticall yeare , as appeareth Luk. 4. but there was no sabbaticall yeare , after the 15. yeare of Tiberius , till the 20. To this purpose M. Lydyat lib. de emendat . tempor . from p. 169. to p. 176.

Contra. Though I will not of purpose oppose my selfe to so excellent a Chronologer , who hath taken great paines in this kind of studie , which I professe not ; yet because that his opinion is singular , I hope I may without offence examine his reasons , to giue him occasion further to consider of them , least the common aduersarie might take aduantage thereby .

1. The 30. yeares of Christs age were expired in the 15. yeare of Tiberius , from the 41. of Augustus wherein Christ is held to haue beene borne : and M. Lydyat maketh mention of one Petavius a learned Chronologer of Paris , who prooueth that Christ must be borne 30. yeares before the 15. yeare Tiberius , p. 153.

2. That place in Ioh. c. 2. must be vnderstood of the building of Zorobabels Temple , not of Herods , as hath beene shewed before , quest. 58.

3. Iohns troubles beganne before the 20. yeare of Tiberius , for when Herod tooke his brother Philips wife Herodias , his brother was then liuing , at what time Iohn reprooued him : but Philip died in the 20. yeare of Tiberius , Ioseph . lib. 18. c. 6. and the warre vpon that occasion might followe some yeare after .

4. That yeare wherein Christ preached was not a sabbaticall yeare : Christ prepareth them by his preaching against the acceptable yeare , which was that wherein he suffred , which was both a sabbaticall and Iubile yeare : for the Iubile beeing a type of Christ , in whom we should enioy the true Iubile , in the remission of sinnes , the figure and shadowe and the bodie must agree together .

5. But that Christ was baptized in the 15. yeare of Tiberius , S. Luke putteth it out of doubt , c. 3. 1. M. Lydyat answereth that the Euangelist assigneth that yeare for the beginning of Iohns preaching , not for Christs baptisme : for Iohn must haue a longer time giuen him then so to prepare the way for Christs to preach and baptize , p. 171. But as Iohn Baptists birth was but 6. moneths before Christs , so the like time might suffice for his fore-running in preaching : the Euangelists set downe the baptisme of our Blessed Sauiour , as following immediately vpon the preaching of Iohn : yea S. Iohn saith , that the next day after his solemne baptizing , he saw Iesus comming vnto him , Iohn . 1. 29.

Quest. 69. How many yeares Christ liued on earth , and in what yeare of his life Christ was put to death .

1. Some were of opinion , that Christ liued 46. yeares at the least , that the bodie may answer to the shadowe , the substance to the figure , because the materiall Temple , which was a figure of the true Temple Christ Iesus , is said to haue beene 46. yeare in building : Ireneus thinketh that Christ liued 50. yeares , because of that place , Ioh. 8. where the Iewes say vnto Christ , thou art not yet 50. yeare old , &c. And he further addeth this reason , that it was not fit that Christ should beginne to preach in his youth , but should take that graue function vpon him , when he grewe in yeares , Irenaeus lib. 2. aduers. haeres . cap. 39.

But 1. the Iewes words ( speaking but by gesse ) are not much to be weighed , though some in that place doe reade fourtie for fifty , Chrysost. 2. there may be as great grauitie in young yeares , as in age : for not yeares , but the graces and gifts of Gods spirit doe bring authoritie . 3. And if Christ had liued so many yeares , it is not like that the Euangelistes would haue passed ouer in silence the great workes which Christ did in that time , whereas they onely set downe those things , which Christ spake and did vnto the 4. Passeouer after his baptisme , which was in the 30. yeare of his age . 2. If Christ had liued aboue 40. toward 50. yeares , he could not haue suffred vnder Tiberius , in whose 18. yeare he is generally held to haue died , beeing baptized in his 15. yeare , Luk. 3. 1. for Tiberius raigned but 23. yeares in all .

2. An other opinion is that Christ died the same yeare , namely the 30. complete wherein he was baptized , and so preached but one yeare , so Tertullian lib. aduers. Iudaeos , and Clemens Alexandrin . lib. 1. stromat . who groundeth his opinion vpon that place taken out of the Prophet , Luk. 4. 19. that he should preach the acceptable yeare of the Lord : But 1. it followeth not , because mention is made of the acceptable yeare in the singular , that Christ peached but one yeare in all : yeare is here taken either generally for the acceptable time , or it hath speciall reference to that true Iubile , the yeare of remission wherein Christ suffred for our sinnes . 2. in the Euangelists there is mention made of fowre seuerall Passeouers after Christs baptisme , as shall be euen now shewed : therefore Christ liued and preached aboue a yeare after his baptisme .

3. Some other thinke that Christ liued but 31. yeares , and preached but two yeares after his baptisme : of this opinion was Apollinaris Bishop of Laodicea , as Hierome reporteth in 9. Daniel . and Cyrillus Alexandrin . seemeth to affirme the same , in 29. c. Isaiae , Seuerus Sulpitius also lib. 2. sacr. histor . seemeth to be of the same iudgement , who writeth that Christ liued 4. yeares of Herods raigne , and 9. yeares of Archelaus , and then died in the 18. yeare of Herod the Tetrach , all which make but 31. yeares . This opinion is refelled by the former reason : because the Euangelists make mention in the Gospel of 4. Passeouers after Christs baptisme , which could not be in the space of two yeares .

4. Iosephus Scaliger is of opinion that Christ suffred in the 35. yeare of his age , holding that Christ was baptised in the beginning of his 31. yeare , and after his baptisme mention is made of fiue Pasches , the first Ioh. 2. 13. the second Iohn 5. 1. the third , Matth. 12. 1. and Luk. 6. 1. when the Apostles plucked the eares of corne , which was as S. Luke saith , the second Sabbath , namely after the Pasche , for then the eares of corne beganne to be ripe : the fourth is mentioned , Iohn . 6. 4. when he fedde the fiue thousand : the 5. was the last Pasche , wherein our Blessed Sauiour suffred : S. Paul also speaketh of the perfect age of Christ at his resurrection , Ephes. 4. 13. which is at 35. yeares .

Contra. 1. That Christ was not 30. yeares complete , when he was baptized , is shewed in the former question , and the words of the text are against it , that Christ was then beginning to be 30. yeare old . 2. that Christ suffred after the 18. yeare of Tiberius , which will followe if Christ died in his 35. yeare , is against the common receiued opinion , which assigneth the 18. yeare for Christs passion : which is gathered by the account of the Olympiads , for Christ is held to haue beene borne in the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad , and to ha●e suffred in the 4. yeare of the 202. Olympiad ; the distance of yeares is iust 33. and no more . 3. That Pasche which Iohn speaketh of , cap. 5. 1. is like to be the same mentioned , Math. 12. 1. and Luk. 6. 1. as Pererius well obserueth , when after the Pasche the Apostles pulled the eares of corne ; which may be the reason , why Iohn passeth ouer in silence all that was done betweene the second and third Pasche , which immediately he speaketh of c. 6. 4. because the the other Euangelists doe set forth at large what happened betweene the second and third Pasche , Matth. c. 12. toc . 13. Marke , from the second to the 6. Luke , from the 6. to the 9. If fiue Passeouers could haue beene assigned out of the same Euangelist , then he said somewhat : But out of diuerse Euangelists , who doe not followe the same order of time , the number cannot so certainely be gathered . 4. that is but a weake reason taken from the fulnesse and perfection of Christs age : Augustine by the same reason thinketh that we shall rise againe about the age of thirtie , because Christ died in that age , lib. 22. de ciuitat . Dei , c. 15. And indeede at that age men are in their strength , beeing fit for any employment either of the bodie or mind : as Ioseph at that age stood before Pharaoh , and Dauid at that age beganne to raigne .

5. Some thinke that Christ died in the 34. yeare of his age , not complete , but onely begunne some 3. moneths and certaine dayes , so Beda lib. de ration . tempor . c. 45. Albertus Magnus in commentar. epistol. Dyonis . Onuphrius in Chronicis . Beda his reason is , because he thinketh Christ to haue beene baptized , when he beganne to be 31. yeare old , and from , thence preached 3. yeares and an halfe : But this opinion is contrarie to the text , which saith he beganne to be 30. not 31. yeare old : and by this meanes Christs death is cast into the 19. yeare of Tiberius ( which also Onuphrius thinketh ) contrarie to the receiued opinion ; that Christ was borne in the 42. yeare of Augustus , and died in the 18. yeare of Tiberius .

6. An other opinion yet is , that Christ was baptised in the beginning of his 30. yeare , but beganne not to preach vntill the beginning of his 31. yeare , when he wrought that miracle by changing water into wine , which is thought to haue beene done the same day twelue-moneth after he was baptized : and yet the time of his preaching was 3. yeares and an halfe : so Pererius lib. 11. in Daniel . quest. 7. opinion . 4. But 1. it is not like , that Christ beeing baptised , and then publikely called by his fathers voice from heauen to be a teacher of men , and therefore they are charged from heauen to heare him , would so long deferre the execution of his holy function . 2. Pererius in this assertion is contrarie to himselfe : for if Christ died as he prooueth at large in the 33. yeare of his age , and preached three yeares and an halfe , then could not his preaching be deferred vnto the beginning of his 31. yeare , for 3. yeares and an halfe counted from thence will fall into his 34. yeare : But concerning the time , when Christ began to teach , more shall be said , when we come to speake of confirming the couenant , v. 27.

7. M. Lydyat thinketh that Christ died in the 33. yeare of his age almost complete , pag. 176. But then it would followe , that he was borne about the same season of the yeare , wherein he suffred , about the vernall equinoctiall , or spring time , which opinion is refused as improbable , quest. 71. following .

8. Wherefore the best resolution is this , that Christ died in the 33. yeare of his age not complete , but about the middest thereof , not after 3. moneths , as Pererius , but 6. moneths after his 32. yeare complete . The first part of this assertion that Christ suffred in his 33. yeare is thus prooued . 1. because by the Romane Chronologie , he is held to haue beene borne in the 42. of Augustus inch●a●e or begunne , and to haue died in the 18. of Tiberius : the distance of yeares is iust 33. for Augustus raigned 56. and then Tiberius succeeded . 2. the same is prooued by the Olympiads , as is before shewed , Christ was borne in the 4. yeare of the 194. Olympiad , and died in the 4. yeare of the 202. Olympiad . 3. Pererius further prooueth that Christ died in the 33. yeare of his age , by this astronomicall calculation : It is agreed vpon that Christ suffered vpon the 15. day of the moneth , hauing eaten the Passeouer vpon the 14. day at euen according to the lawe , the next euening before . Againe Christ died vpon the Iewish Sabbath eue , which is our Friday , for otherwise he had not risen againe vpon the Lords day , which was the third day after : But in none of the yeares of ●hrists age from the 30. to the 37. did the 15. day of the moneth fall out vpon the sixt day of their weeke , our friday , but onely in the 33. for in the 31. yeare the 15. day of the moone was vpon the 27. of March vpon tuesday : in the 32. on the 15. of Aprill vpon tuesday likewise : in the 34. on the 23. of March on wedensday : in the 35. on the 11. day of Aprill on monday : But in the 33. yeare onely within this compasse ( for of the other yeares before the 30. or after the 35. there is no question ) the 15. day of the moone concurred with the 3. of Aprill vpon friday , as may be gathered counting the yeare of the Lord by the Dominicall letter : therefore Christ onely suffered in the 33. yeare of his age .

4. After Christ was baptized , and beganne to preach , there were onely fowre Pasches , which he kept , in the last whereof he died : as may be gathered out of the Gospel of S. Iohn : the first Pasche is mentioned , cap. 2. 13. the second c. 5. 1. the third Iohn . 6. 4. and the last when he suffred : to the which belong the 11. 13. and 18. chapters of S. Iohns Gospel : these 4. Pasches were kept in three yeares , and odde moneths , which were between the baptisme of Christ and the first Pasche : But about the number of these Pasches there is some doubt , as now shall be further shewed in the next question following .

The other part of the assertion , that there must be 6. moneths betweene the season or time of the baptisme of Christ and of his blessed passion , is thus prooued : because Daniel ending the 70. weekes in the death of Christ precisely , speaketh of halfe a weeke set apart for the confirming of the couenant , which beganne at Christs baptisme , and causing all other sacrifices to cease : we must then haue halfe a seuen of yeares exactly from the baptisme of Christ vnto the time of his passion .

Quest. 70. Of the number of Pasches , which Christ solemnized in the dayes of his flesh , whereby the time and yeares of his preaching is certainly gathered .

1. Whereas in the ende of the former question fowre Pasches are assigned , the second whereof should be mentioned Iohn . 5. 1. yet it is not expressely said to be the Pasche , but generally a feast of the Iewes : there are diuerse opinions conceiued hereof . 1. some thinke it was the feast of the Pentecost , which immediately followeth after the Pasche , which Iohn spake of before , c. 2. v. 13. of this opinion are Cyril , Chrysostome , Euthymius , Theophylaect , Thomas , Lyranus , i● the explanation of that place : But this cannot be : 1. after that Pasche Iohn 2. our Sauiour stayed a while in the citie : then he left the citie and Iudaea , and returned into Iudaea againe , and staied there a good while , Iohn 3. 23. after that he departed out of Iudaea , and went by Samaria to goe into Galile , at what time there were yet 4. moneths to haruest , Iohn . 4. 35. All these things could not be done in the space of fifty dayes betweene the Pasche and Pentecost : and beside the time of haruest is in the moneth Iiar , the next vnto Nisa● , which answereth vnto our March : wherefore this could not be the feast of Pentecost , which is not two moneths from the Pasche . 3. when a feast of the Iewes is named simply without any addition , it is vsually taken for the feast of the Passeouer , which was their chiefe and principall feast , as is euident , Matth. c. 26. Luk. 22. Iohn . 13. 2. An other opinion is , that this was one of the winter feasts , which were three , one of the dedication of the Temple , instituted by Iudas Macchabeus , lib. 1. Macchab. c. 4. which was kept the 25. day of the 9. moneth Cisleu : the second was the feast of the reedifying of the second Temple vnder Zerobabel , which was vpon the 3. day of the last moneth Adar , whereof see Ezra . 6. 15. the third was the feast of lottes ordained by Mordecai and Esther , vpon the 14. and 15. of the same moneth Adar , as is declared Esther . 9. some one of these three feasts , some thinke this to haue beene : so Caietan in 5. c. Ioan. Melchior Canus lib. 11. de loc. Theolog. But this is not like : for these were none of the principall feasts which were instituted by Moses at the Lords appointment : But this was a principall feast of the Iewes , because it is simply called a feast without any other addition , as is shewed before . 3. Wherefore vpon the former reasons , this was likely to be the feast of the Passeouer , after the which in the next moneth immediatly followeth haruest : and in the former chapter it is said , there were 4. moneths then to haruest , c. 4. 35. And although in the next chapter following , c. 6. 4. mention is made of the Pasch , that letteth not , but that this may be the Pasch also : for it is vsuall with the Euangelists to ioyne things together which were done farre asunder , omitting many things comming betweene : as Matthew immediatly after the baptisme and 40. daies fast of our blessed Sauiour , treateth of the calling of the Apostles , which was done a good while after : So Iohn here omitteth those things which were done by our Sauiour betweene the 2. and 3. Pasch , especially because they are handled at large by the other Euangelists , Matth. c. 12. to 14. Mark . 2. to the 6. Luk. 6. to the 9.

2. As some would thus abridge the number of the feasts , and bring them to three : so some others would enlarge the number of them : as they which thinke that there passed a yeare betweene the baptisme of Christ , and the first miracle which he did in Cana of Galile : so that they thinke one of the Passeouers , which followed next after the baptisme of Christ , to be passed ouer in silence : to this opinion inclineth Pererius , and holdeth it to be an auncient receiued tradition . But this is confuted before , qu. 69. artic. 6.

3. Ios. Scal. also thinketh that there were fiue Passeouers between the baptisme of Christ , & his passion , making that mentioned , Matth. 12. 1. & Luk. 6. 1. to be the 3. Passeouer ▪ beside those other 4. mentioned by the Euangelist S. Iohn : as is noted before , quest. 69. opinion the 4. But what small ground there is of this assertion , there it is likewise shewed .

Wherefore this remaineth as the best resolution , that because Christ onely kept 4. Passeouers , neither more nor lesse after his baptisme , ( as M. Lydyat well collecteth pag. 177. ) that he liued onely 3. yeares and so much as was from his baptisme to his first Passeouer , and so was put to death in the 33. yeare of his age : Now for the further manifestation hereof , before we proceede , it shall not be amisse breifely to touch the verie time of the yeare when Christ was borne , and the verie day of his passion .

71. Quest. At what time of the yeare Christ was borne .

1. Epiphaenius opinion was , that Christ was borne vpon the 6. day of Ianuarie , haeres. 51. vpon which day he thinketh he wrought his first miracle in Cana of Galile , and before that 60. daies he was baptized : whereof he maketh this demonstration : after his baptisme he fasted 40. daies , then he went to Nazareth , and there staied 15. daies : then one day which was the 56. he staied with Iohn , who beeing absent , gaue that singular testimony of Christ : and the 57. Iohn beeing present called Christ the lambe of God , that tooke away the sinnes of the world : the 58. day Andrew followed Christ , and the 59. Christ called vnto him Philip : and the 60. day was there a marriage in Cana of Galile , as vpon which day Christ was borne . But here diuers things are vncertenly alleadged , as of Iesus staying in Nazareth 15. daies : and some of those things , which Epiphanius thinketh to haue beene vttered by Iohn of our Sauiour after his baptisme , Ioh. 1. were spoken before , as v. 26. there is one among you , &c. whose shooes latchet I am not worthie to vnloose : these words were vttered by Iohn-before the baptisme of our blessed Sauiour , Matth. 3. 11. And seeing the Euangelist calleth it the 3. day , wherein that miracle was done in Cana , c. 2. 1. how can he make it the 60. day , and the next day , after Christ had that conference with Philip ; wheras it seemeth to be called the 3. day from thence .

2. M. Lydyat agreeth with their opinion , whom Clemens Alexander . mentioneth , who held Christina●ale verna tempestate anni , Christs birth day to haue beene in the spring : and he alleadgeth Keplerus who leaueth it vncertaine , whether Christ were borne the 6. of Ianuarie , or the 19. of Aprill or May . M. Lydyats coniecture is , because the sheepheards are said to haue watched their sheep by night , which more agreeth with the spring time , when the lambes were young , and the rauenous beasts haue then their young also , and so are more greedie and desirous of their pray , p. 157. Contra. 1. But seeing there must be halfe a yeare betweene the season wherein Christ was baptized , & wherein he suffered , because he preached 3. yeares & an halfe after his baptisme , which was in the beginning of his 30. yeare , as S. Luke saith , c. 3. 23. then will his passion fall out in the middle , not in the ende of his last yeare , and the time of his birth must be halfe a yeare before , qu. 68. 2. The shepheards might watch their flockes as well at other times of the yeare , when they kept their sheepe abroad , as in the spring , because that countrey was full of wolues : the reason is giuen of their watching , because of their flocke , Luk. 2. 8. not of their young onely .

3. The common and receiued opinion is , that our blessed Sauiour was borne about the 25. of December , and baptized 13. daies after that season , in the beginning of his 30. yeare , about the 6. of Ianuarie . But beside these coniectures , 1. that is not like that in the deepe of winter , the edict should come forth from Augustus to haue men called together to me chiefe citie of their tribe to be taxed : as Ioseph and Marie came to Bethlehem to be taxed , Luk. 2. 6. 2. or that in the cold time of winter the people went into the waters of Iordan to be baptized of Iohn . 3. beside these coniectures , this is an euident argument , that Christs birth was not so neare the Passeouer , because by Daniels prophesie here , there must be halfe a Propheticall weeke from the time of confirming the couenant , by the preaching of the Gospel , which was immediatly vpon the baptisme of Christ , who was then entring into his 30. yeare , Luk. 3. 23. from the baptisme then of Christ , about which season he was borne , we must count . 3. yeares 6. moneths to the time of his passion .

4. Vpon this reason Ber●aldus thinketh , that Christ was borne about the 14. or 15. of September , because 6. moneths after he suffered vpon the 15. of the first moneth . Beside he taketh an other argument from the custome of the Grecians and Egyptians , who in memorie of Christs birth beganne their yeare in September , and the Imperiall indictions beganne then also : and this third reason he vrgeth ; there were 24. courses of the Priests , 1. Chron. 24. who serued euery moneth by couples : Abiahs course , of the which Zacharie was , was the 8. single course , 1. Chron. 24. 10. and the 4. double : these courses beganne in March : then Abiahs course fell out to be in Iune , the 4. moneth : immediatly after was Iohn Baptist conceiued , and 6. moneths after our blessed Sauiour , as may be gathered , Luk. 1. 26. 36. Iohn beeing then conceiued in Iune , must be borne 9. moneths after in March : And our blessed Sauiour must be conceiued in December , and his birth will fall out in the ninth moneth after , namely September : this reason also is pressed by Ioseph . Scalig.

M. Lively in his Persian Monarchie from p. 144. to p. 151. doth make this answer to Beroaldus reasons . 1. he answereth to the first reason taken from that place in Luk. 1. that Christs age can not be gathered out of that place , because it is said , he was about , or as it were 30. yeares old , which word importeth a doubtfull and imperfect number . 2. that place of Daniel is by some referred not to Christs preaching , but to the destruction of Ierusalem . 3. neither is it certen that Christ preached iust 3. yeares and an halfe : Ioseph . Scaliger maketh the time of his preaching foure yeares : some make it lesse , as is shewed before , qu. 69.

2. The Grecians and Egyptians beganne their yeare in September , in remembrance of Alexanders victorie against Darius : and the Imperiall indictions began then , because Constantine at that time began his raigne .

3. In the third reason many things are vncerten . 1. whether the Priests courses began in March . 2. whether they serued by weekes or moneths . 3. in the Iewes ancient chronicle , called Seder olam , in the last chap. it is affirmed , that Iehoiaribs course , which was the first , after the destruction of the first & second Temple , fell out in the 5. moneth Ab , which is in some part answerable to our Iuly . M. Lydyat also here answereth , that the courses of the Priests were changed after the captiuitie , p. 157. Ans. Though I am loath to contradict so generall & receiued an opinion concerning Christs birth , neither wil I take vpon me to set down any thing positiuely & affirmatiuely therein : yet I will shew the vnsufficiencie of this answer , and propound certaine doubts out of the Scripture , which I wil leaue to the Readers consideration .

The 2. argument alleadged by Beroaldus , taken from the Grecians beginning of their yeare , and the Imperiall indictions , receiueth full satisfaction , and therefore I will not replie . To the 3. argument also a reasonable answer is made , sauing that it is not to be doubted , but that the moneth Nisau , answering in part to our March was the beginning of their yeare for all Ecclesiasticall busines , as was appointed by Moses , Exod. 12. 1. and it is most like , that the 24. courses went ouer euery yeare , and so two serued monethly : and notwithstanding that testimonie out of the Iewish chronicle , the authoritie of the Scripture is more to be waighed , which testifieth , that the orders of the Leuites were renued after their returne from the captiuitie in Nehemiahs time , according to the ordinance of Dauid the man of a a Nehem. 12. 24. God .

But the first reason taken from the age of Christ , when he was baptized , is not in mine opinion sufficiently answered : 1. whereas S. Luke saith , that Iesus began to b● about thirtie yeares of age , that particle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , Iosephus Scaliger taketh to be here , not 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a word of doubting , but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a word of asseueration , and affirming : and what doubt can be here made , but that Iesus beganne then to be 30. yeare old , according to the very words ? 2. that this prophesie of Daniel of the 70. weekes determineth in Christs death , is shewed before , quest. 49. neither can it haue any other meaning , without much wresting , as either with Iunius to read , after 62. weekes , after the Messiah is slaine : whereas the words are , after 62. weekes , the Messiah shall be slaine : or with M. Lively , to say that Messiah in this prophesie is not to be taken for Christ : both which may seeme in any mans iudgement ▪ to be hard constructions of the text . 3. If this place then be vnderstood of the Messiah , there must of necessitie be halfe a weeke allowed for his preaching : and it is the generall receiued opinion of old and new , that Christ preached 3. yeares and a halfe : and it is more inconuenient to denie that , then that Christ was borne in December .

Now then , though for mine owne part , in a matter indifferent and probable , I am loath to goe against antiquitie ; yet this first reason I must confesse , grounded vpon the authoritie of Daniel for the space of 3. yeares and an halfe from Christs beginning to preach vnto his death , and of S. Luke for Christs entring into 30. yeares when he was baptized , hath so preuailed with me , that I thinke it very probable , that Christs birth was nearer September , then December : And howsoeuer it is , there must needes be some error in the account of time , in keeping Christs natiuitie day the 25. of December , seeing in the reuolution of 16. hundred yeares , there may well be lost so many daies of the iust reckoning : from hence now may be gathered the true distance betweene the baptisme and the passion of Christ , which shall be distinctly handled in the next question .

72. Quest. Of the space and distance of time that was betweene Christs baptisme and his passion .

1. Epiphanius , whose opinion was seene in the beginning of the former question , maketh the baptisme of Christ 60. daies before that season of the yeare wherein he was borne : the day of Christs birth he thinketh to haue beene borne the 6. of Ianuarie : and 60. daies before that falleth out in the beginning of November . But herein is Epiphanius error , he placeth Christs baptisme toward the ende of the yeare , whereas it was in the beginning of Christs 30. yeare : and againe , he setteth Christs baptisme in this account but 4. moneths distant from his passion .

2. Some bring the baptisme of Christ nearer vnto the Passeouer by 73. daies then Epiphanius : as they hold Christ to haue beene vpon the 25. of December , and then his baptisme to haue beene solemnized about 13. daies after the season of his birth , about the sixt of Ianuarie , in the beginning of Christs 30. yeare : so Pererius , as before is shewed , qu. 68. And to this purpose he alleadgeth Maximus , hom. 1. de Epiphan. ferunt Christum hodie , vel stella duce à gentibus adoratum , &c. they say that Christ this day ( namely the Epiphanie ) was either adored of the Gentiles by the leading of a starre , or beeing inuited to the marriage , to haue turned water into wine , or to haue receiued Iohns baptisme , and to haue consecrate the flood of Iordan , &c. So August . serm. 27. de tempor . maketh mention of these 3. opinions , that some held the wise men to haue come vpon that day to worship Christ , some that he turned water into wine , some that he was vpon that day baptised , &c.

But 1. these Fathers speake hereof vncertenly , not determining any thing , as Maximus in the former place concludeth , quid potissimum praesenti hac factum sit die , noverit ipse qui fecit , but what was chiefly done vpon this day , he knoweth that did it : so then this tradition had no certen ground . 2. Pererius himselfe thinketh with others , that the halfe weeke which Daniel speaketh of , wherein the Messiah should cause the sacrifices to cease , beganne at Christs baptisme : then must there be iust 6. moneths from the time of Christs baptisme vnto the Passeouer , for how els shall the halfe yeare be made vp ?

3. Iosephus Scaliger , lib. 6. de emendat . tempor . bringeth Christs baptisme yet nearer vnto the Passeouer : for he thinketh that the miracle of conuerting the water into wine , was done 3. daies after Christs baptisme : the 1. day after , Andrew and Peter followed Christ , the 2. day Philip was called , and Nathaniel , Ioh. 1. then the 3. day after was the mariage in Cana of Galile , Ioh. 2. 1. and then it is saide , v. 13. that the Iewes Passeouer was at hand . But this opinion can not hold . 1. Christ after he was baptised , presently was tempted in the wildernesse , as S. Marke saith , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , immediatly the spirit driueth him into the wildernesse , Mark . 1. 12. And S. Luke thus writeth , c. 4. 1. Iesus beeing full of the holy Ghost returned from Iordan , and was led by the spirit into the wildernes : the first thing then , that fell out after Christs baptisme , was his temptation , which continued 40. daies ▪ how then could that miracle be 3. daies after Christs baptisme . 2. Therfore it is to be vnderstood , that it was the 3. day either after he came into Galile , or rather the 3. day after he had that conference with Philip & Nathaniel .

4. Wherefore the best resolution is , that Christ was baptized about the beginning of September , when he beganne to be 30. yeare old , and the reason hereof is grounded vpon Daniels halfe weeke : for whether we beginne the 70. and last weeke from the baptisme of Christ , or the latter halfe weeke ( for there are of both opinions , as is shewed before , but the latter is more probable ) we must , to make vp this halfe weeke haue 6. moneths from the season , wherein Christ was baptized , to the time of the Passeouer .

73. Quest. Vpon what day of the weeke Christ suffered , and whether vpon a festiuall day .

To know vpon what day of the weeke Christ suffered , we must finde out when he did eate his Passeouer . 1. Epiphanius thinketh that he did eate it vpon the third day of the weeke at euen , when the fourth day begunne with the Iewes , who reckon their ciuill day from the euening . But this can not be : for then if Christ are his Passeouer either vpon the 3. or 4. day , he must haue suffered the 5. which was the day following , and then he must haue risen againe iust vpon the Iewes Sabbath , not on the morrow after the Sabbath , as the historie of the Gospel sheweth . 2. Ios. Scaliger thinketh that Christ did eate the Passeouer in the eue of the 6. day , and the day following , which was part of the 6. day , he suffered . But this cannot be : for the Passeouer was to be killed vpon the 14. day of the Moone betweene the two euenings : which was , as Scaliger well obserueth out of Iosephus , from the time of the euening sacrifice , which was about the ninth houre , to the going downe of the Sunne , which was the space of 3. houres : but the 15. day beganne not till after Sunne-set : therefore that space betweene the two euenings , was the ende of the 14. day , which was at this time , the fift day of the weeke , not the beginning of the 15. day , which was the sixt of the weeke .

Now further Iosephus Scaliger holdeth , that Christ and the Iewes did eate their Passeouer both at the same instant vpon the 14. day at euen according to the law : and that the next day he suffered , which was the first day of vnleauened bread . And for the better maintenance of this assertion , he presseth these arguments : 1. Otherwise the Iewes should haue aduantage against vs , who obiect , that Christ suffered not vpon any festiuall day , wherein they kept the Passeouer , and so the type and the substance agreed not together . 2. the Grecians to vphold their opinion , that the Eucharist must be ministred with leauened bread , because Christ gaue vnto his disciples leauened bread , do also affirme , that Christ did eate the Passeouer one day sooner , then the Iewes did eate it . 3. he vrgeth that place of S. Mark . 14. 12. the first day of vnleauened bread , when they sacrificed the Passeouer , his disciples said vnto him : hence he inferreth , that at the same time , the Passeouer was generally eaten , when Christ also did eate it .

1. Ans. In this question Bellarmine with other Romanists , concurre with Ios. Scalig. but Bellarmine is answered els where , Synops. contr. 13. qu. 4. and therefore I will onely examine Scaligers arguments .

1. If the Iewes vpon a blind tradition deferred the Pasch to auoid the concurrence of two Sabbaths , which should haue bin this yeare , wherein Christ suffered , if the first solemne day of the Pasch had bin kept according to the law vpon the 15. day , for their ordinarie Sabbath followed the next : & yet Christ kept it , as the law prescribed ; & so suffered that day wherein the Pasch should haue bin solemnized : the typical lamb & the true lambe ( this notwithstanding ) agreed together , because Christ was sacrificed at that time , when the first day of the Passeouer should haue bin kept by the law , though the Iewes by a corrupt custome & vsage kept it not . 2. The Grecians may ground an error vpon a true position : it followeth not , because Christ preuented the common eating of the Passeouer , that therefore he eate the Passeouer with leauened bread , for that had bin against the law , Exod. 12. 8. for although leauened bread were not yet put out of the Iewes houses , yet Christ sending his disciples before , might prouide vnleauened bread for his paschal supper : and as the Grecians hereupon ground their opinion , that the Eucharist is onely to be ministred with leauened bread : so the Romanists on the otherside doe as stiffely maintaine their superstition , that vnleauened bread onely must be vsed , holding that Christ at the same time did eate the Passeouer with the rest of the Iewes . 3. S. Marke respecteth the right time appointed by the law for the Passeouer , not the corrupt vsage which the Iewes had taken vp : so then that day was the first of vnleauened bread at euen by right of the institution , though it were not so in practise among the Iewes : and therefore S. Luke a a chap. 22. ● . saith , then came the day of vnleauened bread , wherein the Passeouer ought to be sacrificed . But now the contrarie is euident out of the Gospel , that the Iewes receiued not the Passeouer generally vntill the eue after Christ was crucified . 1. It is said , b b Ioh. 18. 28. they themselues came not into the common hall , least they should be defiled , but that they might eate the Passeouer : They did not then eate the Passeouer till the euening after Christs passion . Iosephus Scaliger answereth , that the sacrifices which were offered in the feast of the Passeouer , were called the Passeouer , as well as the Paschal lambe : alleadging that place , Deut. 16. 2. Thou shalt offer the Passeouer to the Lord thy God , of sheepe , and bullocks , &c. But here the phrase is to sacrifice the Passeouer , which was as well referred to the offering of the other sacrifices , as the paschal lambe . Contr. Yet to eate the Passeouer is not otherwise vsed in the Gospel , then of the eating of the Paschal lambe .

2. If the Iewes had eaten the Paschal lambe the same night with Christ , then the next day should haue beene a solemne festiuall day , wherein they should haue done no seruile worke , as is appointed Exod. 12. 16. But they did much seruile worke vpon this day , as in carrying the crosse , pitching of it into the ground , raising of it vp , nayling Christ vnto it : And indeede they themselues also resolued not to put Christ to death vpon the feast day , Mark . 14. 2. Ioseph . Scaliger here answereth , that the day wherein Christ suffered was the first day of vnleauened bread , but not of the paschal solemnitie : But this distinction is contrarie to the place before alleadged out of Exodus , where the 15. day , which was the first of vnleauened bread , as likewise the seauenth and last , are named to be daies of solemne assemblies wherein no seruile worke should be done , sauing about that which they did eate .

3. The day wherein Christ suffered is called the preparation of the Passeouer , Ioh. 19. 14. it was not then the day of the Passeouer it selfe . Ioseph . Scaliger answereth , that the preparation was not the whole day , but onely after the ninth houre : as he alleadgeth out of a certaine Edict of Augustus . But 1. it appeareth , that the preparation was the whole day , at the least from the sixt houre : as in the same place the Euangelist saith , it was the preparation of the Passeouer , and about the sixt houre . 2. If then it were the preparation of the Passeouer , then was not that day the first of the Passeouer .

4. Paulus Burgens . somewhat to helpe out this tradition of the Iewes his countreymen , who deferred the Pasch , if it fell out vpon the 6. day of the weeke , to auoid the concurrence of two festiuall daies , saith there was a double account of the 14. day of the Moone , vna vera & legitima secundum veram computationem Christi , &c. one was the true and lawfull day according to the true computation of Christ , who knew all the mysteries of the law : the other was legitima secundum communem & assuetam computationem aliorum , lawfull also according to the common and accustomed computation of others , &c. M. Lydyat also sheweth that the difference betweene the obseruation of the Pasch betweene our blessed Sauiour , and the Iewes , did arise hereupon ; because Christ reckoned the daies according to the computation of the naturall years , but the Iewes followed the Syro-Grecian account , found out by Callippus , beginning the moneths , not as the Hebrewes , at the new Moone , but as the Grecians beganne their moneths : so that the Iewes began their moneth Nisan , as the Grecians did their moneth Xanthicus , which that yere beganne one day after the new Moone . Lyd. de emend . temp. p. 179. Both these might very well concurre together , that the Iewes did keepe another day of the Passeouer , then Christ and his disciples , both vpon a blind tradition , to auoide the concurrence of two Sabbaths , and because they followed a strange computation . But it is euident hereby , that they did not eate the Passeouer the same day with Christ , and that they did breake the law of Moses in receiuing a forren computation of their moneths , which was not lawfull , howsoeuer Burgensis , in fauour of his countreymen , excuse it by the vsuall custome .

74. Quest. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come , v. 26.

There are diuerse expositions of these words : 1. Some doe put the people in the accusatiue case , he shall destroy the citie and Sanctuarie , the people of the Prince to come . 2. Some doe make it the nominatiue , the people of the Prince to come shall destroy the citie , and of either of these interpretations there are diuerse kinds .

Of the first . 1. Some read thus , he shall destroy the citie with the captaine to come , Sept. but the word ( with ) is not in the originall . 2. Iunius thus interpreteth , he , that is , the Messiah , the Prince , shall destroy the people of the Prince , his owne people , which shall come , that is , which shall be then . So also M. Br. he shall destroy the people of the Prince , in the next generation . But 1. it should seeme not to be so proper a speach , he , that is ( the Messiah the Prince ) should destroy the people of the Prince , that is , his owne people : 2. and in the original there is no coniunction to couple them together : the words standing thus ; and the citie and the Sanctuarie shall destroy the people , &c. but in this sense a coniunction must be supplied , and the people , &c. 3. and though the word nagid , prince , were before ioyned with Messiah , yet here beeing put alone , it is not necessarie so to vnderstand it of the Messiah . 4. neither were the Iewes then the people of the Messiah , whom they had reiected and crucified .

2. Of the second sort are these interpretations . 1. Polanus giueth this sense : the people of the Prince to come , that is , the Gentiles , who should become the people of Christ beeing conuerted to the Gospell , shall destroy the citie : But the Romanes were not at that time , when they sacked Ierusalem , conuerted to the faith of Christ , and so not his people .

2. M. Liuely by this word to come , vnderstandeth the strangers and commers which are opposite to inhabitants , as the word is vsed , Gen. 42. 5. the sonnes of Iacob came to buy food among those that came : so his meaning is , that the citie and Sanctuarie should be surprised by strangers and commers : but the word haba , to come , seemeth rather to be referred vnto the time following , then to the condition of the people : though it be true , that Ierusalem was spoiled by forreners and strangers .

3. Some reade , the principall people of the Prince or captaine to come , Vatab. and he thinketh the destruction of the citie to be imputed vnto the people rather then their captaine , because Titus would haue defended the Sanctuarie , from the spoile of the souldiers : but the word is nagid , which signifieth a Prince , not principall , and the other obseruation seemeth to be somewhat too neere and curious .

4. Oecolampadius by this captaine vnderstandeth Pompey the great , who tooke Ierusalem , and slew 12000. Iewes , and afterward Crassus robbed the Temple , and then Herod and Sosius made hauocke of the citie : But this captaine with his people , were to come after the Messiah was slaine , which was spoken of immediately before .

5. Wherefore by the Prince and people to come , are signified Vespasian and Titus his sonne , with the Romane armie , which should besiege the citie , and destroy both it and the Temple , as Bulling. Calv. Osiander doe well vnderstand it : so also Lyranus : and this is agreeable to that prediction of our Blessed Sauiour , Luk. 19. 43. The dayes shall come vpon thee , when thine enemies shal cast a trench about thee , &c. and shall make thee euen with the ground , &c. here the destruction of the citie is ascribed to the enemies , not to the Messiah their Prince .

6. Hugo thinketh it may be applyed also to that destruction of the citie which was after this by the Emperour Elius Adrianus : But our Sauiour appointeth the time , when all this should be fulfilled , Matth. 24. 34. This generation shall not passe , till all these things be done : but the destruction by Adrianus was well nigh an 100. yeares after Christ spake those words , 60. yeares after the first ruine of the citie by Titus : it was therefore without the compasse of that generation .

Quest. 75. How long after the Messiah was slaine , this destruction happened by Titus .

1. Barbinel , that ignorant and rayling Rabbine , as M. Calvin reporteth his opinion , saith there passed 200. yeares betweene the death of Christ , and the destruction of Ierusalem by the Romanes : But herein he sheweth his blind folly : for vnto the second destruction by Adrian , there were not from Christs death aboue an 104. yeares , which happened in the 18. yeare of the raigne of the Emperour Adrian ; the first destruction was according to the saying of our Sauiour , within the memorie of that generation , then liuing .

2. Lyranus and Paulus Burgens . thinke that the citie was taken by the Romanes about 42. yeares after the death of Christ : but it cannot be so much , as shall afterward be shewed by the computation of the yeares of the Emperours . Pintus also concurreth with Lyranus , counting 38. yeares and an halfe from the ende of the halfe of the 70. weeke , that is , 3. yeares and an halfe , which he reckoneth after Christs passion to the destruction of Ierusalem .

3. But Iunius commeth more yeares too short , then these doe ouershoote : he maketh it but 36. yeares from the passion of Christ , to the destruction of the citie : annotat . in 9. Dan.

4. Iosephus Scaliger holding that Christ suffered in the 35. yeare of his age , whereas he commonly is held to haue suffered in the 33. yeare , bringeth Christs passion nearer by two yeares to the destruction of the citie , then the ordinarie account is : and so he must make the time 38. yeares or thereabout , from the death of Christ to the ruine of the citie .

5. M. Lydyat bringeth Christs passion within 34. yeares of the finall ouerthrow and destruction of the citie by the Romanes : for he setteth Christs passion in the yeare of the world 4040. or in the 22. yeare of Tiberius , and the destruction of the citie in the 4074. yeare : the reason of which alteration is , for that he maketh the passion of Christ to haue beene 4. yeares later , then vsuall ; namely , in the 22. yeare of Tiberius : whereas our blessed Sauiour is commonly held to haue suffered in the 18. yeare of Tiberius : see this opinion examined before , qu. 69.

6. But the iust time was 40. yeares , as may be shewed by a threefold computation . 1. by the distance of the Olympiads . 2. by the yeares of the Emperours . 3. by the yeares of the kings of Iudea the Herodians .

1. Christ is held to haue suffered in the 4. yeare of the 202. Olympiad : and the destruction of the citie fell into the 4. yeare of the 212. Olympiad : which distance maketh iust 40. yeares . Perer. Bulling .

2. The yeares of the Emperours are thus counted : Tiberius raigned in all 23. Christ then suffering in his 18. yeare , there remained 5. yeares more : then Caligula raigned 4. Claudius 14. Nero 14. Galba , Otho , Vitellius , 1. Vespasian 2. these summes make 40. years : Bulling. But the precise and exact reckoning is this , as Eusebius in his Chronicle setteth them downe : All these yeares , with the moneths and daies , beeing summed together , 18. years beeing diducted of Tiberius raigne , will make 40. yeares and summe odde daies .

yeares moneths daies Tiberius raigned 22 11 14 Caligula 3 10 18 Claudius 13 8 20 Nero 14 Galba 7 2 Otho 3 2 Vitellius 8 5 Vespasian 2

3. The third reckoning is by the yeares of the Herodians , whose whole time from the beginning of the raigne of Herod the great , to the ende of their gouernment at the destruction of Ierusalem , was 103. yeares : which is summed thus : Herod the great raigned 37. yeares , Archelaus 9. Herod the Tetrarch 24. Herod Agrippa 7. Agrippa the sonne of Agrippa 26. Oecolampad . Now of this account 63. yeares must be cut off for the raigne of Herod , in whose 30. complete , and 31. begunne , Christ was borne , as is shewed before qu. 67. and for the yeares of our blessed Sauiours life , who died in his 33. yeare , and the remainder is 40.

7. Iulius Africanus exceedeth the rest , in counting 43. yeares from the death of Christ , which he placeth in the 15. yeare of Tiberius , to the ruine of the citie : but herein was his error , he held that Christ died in his 30. or 31. yeare .

76. Quest. Why mention is made of the destruction of Ierusalem here , seeing it is without the compasse of the 70. weekes .

1. One reason hereof is , because Daniel was desirous to vnderstand what should befall his citie in time to come , the Angel doth satisfie his full desire , and as he had told him of the reedifying of the Temple and citie , so he also foretelleth of the finall ende and dissolution of both .

2. An other cause is , that after the Angel had shewed him that the Messiah should be slaine , then further , that it might appeare , what an hainous sinne this was , the destruction of the citie is sore shewed to follow , as a iust punishment for so great a wickednes : Perer. so also Lyranus : quia hoc factum fuit in poenam mortis Christi , because this was done for a punishment because of the death of Christ , it is immediatly mentioned , though it fell not out within the 70. weekes . Here then are two reasons shewed of the destruction of the citie , the slaying of the Messiah , and the vtter reiecting of him , Polan .

3. A third reason , why mention is here made of this desolation is , to make the Iewes inexcusable : that seeing they haue found all this to be true by their wofull experience here foreshewed by the Angel , that their citie is destroied vnto this day because of their treacherie against the Messiah , their obstinate blindnes therein might appeare , that yet continue enemies vnto the blessed Messiah and his holy Gospel . Perer.

77. Quest. Of the meaning of those words , v. 26. the ende thereof shall be with a flood , and vnto the ende of the battell it shall be destroied , &c.

1. By this similitude of inundation , three things are signified , that it shall be , casus repentinus , ineluctabilis , vniuersalis , a sudden casualtie , ineuitable , and generall , Iun. in comment . like as a flood sweepeth all away before it , and spareth nothing ; so none should be spared in this destruction . 2. Thereby also is signified the perfect desol●tion , that should be brought vpon the citie : like as the ouerflowing of waters pulleth vp trees by the rootes , and ouerthroweth the very foundations of houses ; so in this desolation , the citie should be made euen with the ground , and one stone should not be left vpon an other , as our Sauiour foretold them , Luk. 19. 44. Bullinger . 3. Further , like as in inundations and ouerflowings , the waters still encrease , and swell more and more , so hereby is signified , that calamitates magis & magis increscebant , their calamities should more and more encrease : for still their state waxed worse and worse : they were afflicted by Pompey , but more by Crassus ; and he was tolerable in respect of the gouernours which followed , Pontius Pilate , Albinus , Florus , who still were more cruell one then another , Oecolampad . 4. And in that it is said , vnto the ende , or at the ende of the warre : thereby is vnderstood , that though the Iewes might sometime resist and put the Romanes to much trouble and businesse , yet in the ende they should preuaile , and make a finall desolation , Melancthon . 5. Thus the Scripture vseth by this similitude of invndations and ouerflowing of waters , to set forth the horrible wast and desolation that followeth vpon cruell warre , as Isay. 8. 7. 8. the host of the king of Assur is described ; he shall come vp vpon all their riuers , and goe ouer all their bankes , and shall breake into Iudah , and ouerflowe and passe thorough , and shall come vp vnto the necke , &c. And in the same manner , are the armies of the Babylonians described , Ierem. 47. 2. Polan .

Quest. 78. That the ende of the state of the Iewes , not of the Romanes , is here signified .

R. Salomon giueth this corrupt interpretation of this place , that in the ende of the last battell of Gog and Magog spoken of Ezek. 38. Messiah shall subdue the Romanes , and all other aduersaries to the Iewes , and then the citie and Temple shall be restored : But this is a corrupt glosse : 1. the next verse euidently sheweth , that this desolation is vnderstood of the Iewes , as is euident by the ceasing of the sacrifices there mentioned . 2. It is but a dreame , that their Messiah shall be a glorious temporall Prince , seeing the Angel here sheweth , that Messiah shall be slaine by them . 3. by Gog and Magog are vnderstood the Scythians and Sarmatians , and other people which ioyned with Antiochus against the Iewes , which battell was before the destruction of Ierusalem aboue 240. yeares . And that Magog signifieth the Scythians , this euidence there is , because the Scythians built a citie in Syria , which they called Magog , as witnesseth Plinie lib. 5. c. 23. Polan .

2. But whereas the Latine translator readeth , post finem belli , after the ende of the warre shall be the destruction : which reading if it were right , then the Rabbines sense is ouerthrowne , who saith their desolation shall but continue vnto that warre : Lyranus to make good the Latine translation , saith there are two Hebrew words , which are verie like , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 which he saith differ but in certaine points : the first signifieth , yet , and so in effect may be taken for after , as Ionas 3. 5. yet fourtie dayes , and Nini●●h shall be destroyed , that is , after 40. dayes , which word is like to haue beene vsed here : sed postea mutata est punctatio per Iudaeos , but afterward the pointing was changed by the Iewes , &c. But Lyranus fayleth diuersely in this his defence of the vulgar Latine . 1. there is great difference betweene these two words , not in points onely , but in letters : the word vsed in that place of Ionas consisteth of three letters , it hath va● in the middes , and cholem , but the other word which signifieth vntill , hath but two letters , with camets , and without cholem . 2. to imagine , that the Iewes haue altered points , and changed words in Scripture , is verie dangerous : for so should we haue no certaintie in Scripture : and beside , it is not like the Iewes would vse any such fraud , seeing that they haue in account the number of all the letters in the old Test●ment . 3. therefore retaining the best reading according to the originall , the cauills of the Iewes may be otherwise answered , as is set downe before .

Quest. 79. Of the most grieuous calamities that fell vpon the Iewes in the finall destruction of their citie .

The great miserie of the Iewes in this ●ast calamitie , and euer since , may be shewed three wayes . 1. by comparing it with other former calamities which it farre exceeded . 2. by the depriuation of the benefits , which before they enioyed . 3. by the particular description of the euils , which actually they suffered .

1. This their last calamitie and captiuitie differeth from all other in these fiue respects . 1. Other calamities and captiuities , which they endured , were before declared how long they should continue : as Abraham is told , that his posteritie should soiourne and be euil intreated in Cana●● and Egypt 400. yeares , the captiuitie of Babylon was prescribed for 70. yeares , as the Prophet Ieremie shewed them before : the heate of persecution vnder Antiochus , how long it should lie vpon the Iewes , is likewise reuealed to Daniel by the Angel , c. 8. But this last captiuitie and dispersion of the Iewes , they haue no notice at all , how long it shall endure . 2. their other captiuities were nothing so long , their seruitude in Egypt exceeded not an 150. yeares , though the time of their aboad there were longer , the captiuitie of Babylon but 70. but this their captiued estate hath alreadie exceeded 1500. yeares . 3. In the other captiuities , they had prophets to comfort them , as Moses in Egypt , in the Babylonian captiuitie Daniel and Ezekiel : but such Prophets they haue none now amongst them . 4. Then had they diuerse signes and miracles : as the 3. children were deliuered from the fierie fornace , Daniel from the Lyons , but now are miracles ceased among them . 5. At other times they had excellent men , raised from among them , which were famous and honourable for their wisedome , and vertue , euen with the Princes of the heathen : as Ioseph with the king of Egypt : Daniel with the kings of the Chaldeans , Ezra , Nehemiah , Mordecai with the kings of Persia : But none such now are found among the Iewes .

2. Beside , the Iewes are now depriued of seuen seuerall benefits and priuiledges , 7. benefits which the Iewes haue beene depriued of since the captiuitie of Babylon . which they enioyed in their former times : 1. they haue not the Arke . 2. nor the Lords oracles from thence . 3. they want the Vrim and Thummim , wherewith the Priests vsed to aske counsell of God . 4. the fire which came downe from heauen , and was continually preserued vpon the altar , was long since extinguished among them . 5. the holy oyle , wherewith the graces of the spirit were conferred vpon their kings and Priests , hath lost the vertue . 6. the gift of prophecie is ceased among them . 7. neither doth the sixt yeare bring forth fruit for three yeares , as at the first it vsed to doe . And if it be here answered , that the Iewes wanted all these things after their returne from Babel , while the second Temple yet stood ; yet now their case is much worse : because then they had both a Temple with Priests , and sacrifices , and a citie and commonwealth , but now they haue neither .

3. Concerning the miserie which fell vpon the Iewes , when the citie was besieged and taken , it appeareth both by their miserable state wherein they were oppressed with famine , the pestilence , and the sword among themselues , the great hauocke and slaughter made of them by the enemie , and by their reproachfull and slauish condition afterward . 1. during the siege , they were so oppressed with famine , that women were constrained to deuoure their owne children , they did eat the verie leather of their shooes and targets : they died in such heapes within the citie of the plague , famine , and by ciuill discord , that the streetes and channels lay full of dead bodies , and were trampled vpon as mire in the streetes : in so much that beeing wearie of burying them , they threwe their bodies from the wall into the trenches : which when Titus beheld full of dead bodies , he stretched his hands to heauen , as testifying his innocencie , that it was not his doing . 2. the number of the Iewes were great , which were slaine by the enemies : in Caesarea there were slaine 20. thousand , in Scythopolis 13. thousand , in Prolemais 5000. in Alexandria 50. thousand , in Damascus 10. thousand : this was somewhat before the beginning of that warre . Then afterward the warre beeing begunne , there were slaine in Galile 18. thousand , in Aphek 150000. in Samaria 11. thousand and 600. in Iotapata 4000. in Taricha 6600. in Giscalis 2000. ex Oecolamp . the whole summe of those which died in the siege by the famine , pestilence , and sword , came to 11. hundred thousand , as Iosephus writeth , lib. 7. de bello Iudaic. c. 16. 17. 3. Neither was here an ende of their miserie : They which remained , the better sort of them were reserued for tryumpht they which were aboue 17. yeare old were sent into Egypt , to be employed in certaine workes , and some were cast vnto the wilde beasts : they which were vnder 17. yeares were sold to be slaues : the whole number of the captiues is noted by Iosephus to haue beene 97. thousand .

Quest. 80. That all this miserie came vpon the Iewes for putting to death the Messiah .

1. The Iewes will by no meanes acknowledge that they haue and yet doe suffer these things for the 〈◊〉 of the Messiah : but first they answer that these afflictions are layd vpon them to pr●oue their patience , and that they thereby should be tried as gold in the fire . But to this we answer , 1. that they by these afflictions are nothing amended , but waxe worse , their impietie , profanenesse , blasphemie is notoriously knowne to all the world . 2. though God lay temporall chastisements vpon men , to trie their patience : yet to that ende none are depriued of spirituall blessings , as they are of the gift of prophesie , of miracles , of the publike worship of God according to his lawe . 3. beside the Lord hath promised them ample and great blessings , so long as they walke in obedience of his law , as is extant , Leuit. 26. and Deuter. 28. so that they should make God a liar , if these things were not befallen them for their sinnes .

2. The Iewes haue an other answer , that they are not punished for the death of Christ , but for their other sinnes . But the greatest sinnes for the which the Iewes were punished in time past , were their Idolatrie , and killing of their Prophets : which sinnes they are not now gultie of : epistol. 129. ad Dardanum . for they haue no Prophets to kill , and Idolaters they are not , as Hierome saith vnto them , Certe non colis idola , seruiens Persis & Romanis , &c. Deos ignoras al●●nos , truely thou doest not worship idols , though thou art in captiuitie vnder the Persians and Romans , yet thou art ignorant of strange Gods , &c. If then God had compassion vpon them , when they went into captiuitie for those sinnes , certainly this long captiuitie is now fallen vpon them for some greater sinne then any of the other : And what can that be els , then the putting to death of the Blessed Messiah ? And so Hierome concludeth , memento voci● parentum tuorum , &c. remmember the voice of thy parents , his blood be vpon vs , and our children , &c. All this therefore is happened vpon them for killing the heire of the vineyard , whereas they did but offer violence to the seruants before .

3. Now as it is euident , that the Iewes are punished for the death and murther of the Messiah ; so as their offence was hainous , the punishment is also great , which is inflicted vpon them : which is twofold , either corporall or spirituall , the corporall is threefold , in the losse of their dignitie , they beeing depriued of their gouernement and policie , in the perpetuall desolation of their citie , and their ignominious exile and dispersion thorough the world : their spirituall punishment is twofold , the blinding of their minde , and vnderstanding , and the hardening of their heart , as the Prophet Isay saith , c. 6. 10. make the heart of this people fat , and their eares heauie , and shut their eies , least they see with their eyes , &c. and vnderstand with their heart , &c.

Quest. 81. He shall confirme the couenant with many for one weeke : how this one weeke is to be vnderstood .

1. Cyrillus Hierosol . cateches. 12. beginning the 69. weekes at Darius , and ending them at the birth of Christ , omitteth the 70. weeke altogether . But that must needs be acknowledged to haue beene a great ouersight in Cyril , seeing that the most speciall things to be performed by the Messiah , was done in the 70. and last weeke .

2. Hyppolitus ending the 69. weekes in the natiuitie of Christ , deferreth the 70. and last to the ende of the world , vnto the preaching of Henoch and Elias : But beside that it was the errour of those times , that Henoch and Elias should come in their owne persons , and preach toward the ende of the world : seeing our Sauiour expoundeth that prophesie ( of the comming of Elias ) of Iohn Baptist ▪ Matth. 11. who came in the spirit of Elias : this last weeke must not be seuered so farre from the 69. weekes : but as the 62. followed immediately the first 7. so after the 7. weekes and the 62. weekes , which make 69. must followe the 70. and last weeke .

3. Eusebius , as Hierome reporteth his opinion in his commentarie vpon this place , ending the 69. weekes at the baptisme of Christ , taketh the 70. and last weeke for 70. yeares , and so extendeth it vnto the time of Traian the Emperour , for so long the preaching of the Apostles continued , Iohn the Euangelist suruiuing all the Apostles vntill then . But seeing Eusebius taketh the 69. propheticall weekes but for 7. yeares a peice , he hath no reason to make the last weeke tenne times so much as any of the other ; neither is a weeke of yeares in any place so taken in Scripture .

4. Oecolampadius taketh this 70. and last weeke yet more largely , for he beginneth it at Pompeys time when the state of the Iewish commonwealth beganne to decline , and continueth it vnto the death of Christ , which he reckoneth to be some 98. yeares , and endeth the week in the raigne of the Emperour Hadrian , which is aboue 98. yeares more , in which time all these things happened here spoken of , and then was the finall desolation of the citie : so he taketh the 70. and last weeke , not for any certaine number of yeares , but for the plenitude and fulnesse of time : But seeing the rest of the weekes doe signifie a certaine and definite time , and they are onely taken for weekes of yeares : so must the 70. and last weeke be vnderstood also : and considering that this last weeke is deuided into two halfe weekes , the latter expressed , the other vnderstood , therein must be contained a definite and certaine number : for the parts beeing finite and certaine , so must the whole be likewise .

5. Osiander taketh this last weeke to beginne after Christs resurrection , in which space of seuen yeares many by the preaching of the Gospel were receiued and admitted to the newe couenant : But seeing the Angel saith , that 70. weekes are determined , and cut out , to finish wickednesse , and to seale vp sinnes , which things are performed in the death of Christ , there also must the weekes ende .

6. Many beginne this last weeke at the baptisme of Christ , and ende it 3. yeares and an halfe after , as Melancthon , Iunius edition . 1. Pintus , with others : But seeing it is said , he shall confirme the couenant for one weeke , ( he , that is the Messiah ) the couenant must be confirmed before the Messiah be slaine : for otherwise how should it appeare that this couenant was confirmed by the Messiah , if it be not done in his time , that is , in the dayes of his flesh : he then must confirme it either before , or at his death : priusquam tollitur è medio , before he be taken out of the way , Vatab. for otherwise it should not be conspicuous , and apparant to be the Messiahs worke .

7. Some doe referre this last weeke vnto the last seuen yeares which went immediately before the destruction of the citie , Iun. Polan . M. Liuely . But it is sufficiently shewed before , that these 70. weekes must expire in the death of the Messiah , and are not to be extended so farre , see quest. 49.

8. The best interpretation then is this , that this last weeke must beginne 7. yeares before the death of Christ : the first halfe yeare went before his baptisme , as a preparation thereunto : then in the latter halfe weeke these things were performed , as the next words shewe , H. Br. Concent . the whole week is named , because these things were done in the last week : but not in all the weeke , onely in the latter halfe thereof , beginning at Christs baptisme . So Hugo expoundeth it , quia non in principio hebdomadis hae mirabilia coeperunt , ideo determinat , quando haec inchoata sunt , &c. because these things were not done in the beginning of the weeke , therefore he determineth when they should beginne , namely , in the latter halfe weeke , which beganne in the 15. yeare of Tiberius , when Christ was baptised .

Quest. 82. What is vnderstood by the couenant .

1. R. Selom● by the couenant vnderstandeth the truce for 7. yeares which the Romanes made with the Iewes at the time of the besieging of the citie : But Lyranus doth refell this conceit by these two reasons : 1. because Iosephus maketh no mention of any such league or truce , neither in his bookes of the antiquities of the Iewes , nor of the Iew●● warres . 2. And if there had beene any such truce , it should haue beene made with all the Iewes , not with some onely , as it is here said , he shall confirme this couenant with many .

2. Some referring this last weeke vnto the destruction of Ierusalem , by this couenant doe vnderstand that speciall fauour , which the Lord shewed , and the fatherly care , which he had of his Church in Ierusalem , who were admonished by a reuelation to depart the citie before the siege beganne , so Iun. Polan . But here rather we are to vnderstand the euerlasting couenant of grace , which Christ hath confirmed with his blood , then any such temporall fauour .

3. M. Calvin seemeth specially to vnderstand this couenant , of the vocation and calling of the Gentiles , which was fulfilled after his resurrection : but this couenant as hath beene said alreadie , was confirmed by Christ at and before his death , not after . Then indeede was this couenant by the preaching of the Apostles published and divulged : but there is difference between the ratification of a couenant , and the publication thereof ; as there is between the confirmation of a will , and the execution .

4. Therefore by the couenant here is vnderstood , the couenant of grace made in Christ for remission of sinnes vnto all that beleeue , Osiander . the new Euangelicall lawe preached by Christ and confirmed in his death , Vatablus , Pintus ▪ such as the Prophet Ieremie speaketh of , c. 31. 33. this shall be the couenant which I will make with the house of Israel , After those dayes , saith the Lord , I will put my lawe in their inward parts , &c. I will forgiue their sinnes , and remember their iniquities no more , &c.

Quest. 83. How this couenant was ratified and confirmed .

Some doe expound these words , multis , with many , of the diuerse wayes and meanes whereby this couenant was ratified , Perer. but the word larabbini , to many , is beter vnderstood of the persons , with whom or for whom this couenant shall be ratified , as the pr●position lamed sheweth : yet true it is , that this couenant was ratified and confirmed many wayes . 1. First , it was ratified by many glorious testimonies of our Blessed Sauiour . 1. of the Angels , Of the ●anifold and 〈◊〉 testimo●ies of Christ . Luk. 2. 2. of the wisemen that came from the East and worshipped , Matth. 2. 3. of the holy men and women , then liuing at the time of Christs birth , as of Zacharie , Elizabeth , Sim●on , Anna , Luk. 1. 2. 4. of Iohn Baptist , who gaue witnesse to Christ . 5. of God the father from heauen , Math. 3. 6. of Moses and Elias , which appeared in the mount where Christ was transfigured , Matth. 17. 7. of the Pharisies themselues , as Nicodemus said , we knowe thou art a teacher come from God , Iohn . 3. 8. yea of the deuils themselues , who beeing cast out of men , cried out and confessed that he was Christ the Sonne of God . 2. The second kind of confirmation was by the prophecies of the old Testament concerning the Messiah , which were all fulfilled in Christ , as the historie of 〈◊〉 Gospell sheweth . 3. The third ratification was by Christs wonderfull and most glorious miracles . 4. by his holy life and conuersation . 5. by the predictions of our Lord himselfe , which are noted to be seuen . 1. of the ruine and destruction of the citie , Luk. 19. 43. 2. of the miracles which should be wrought by his disciples , Mark . 14. 17. 3. of the great persecutions which his disciples should suffer for his name , Iohn . 16. 2. 4. of the preaching of the Gospell thorough the world , Act. 1. 8. 5. of the propagating of his Church ouer the world : Ioh. 10. 16. 6. of the continuance of the same Church , as hauing a most sure foundation beeing builded vpon the rocke , Matth. 16. 18. 7. of his owne death , his resurrection , Mat. 16. 21. and the sending of the Holy Ghost , Act. 1. Perer.

6. But Lyranus also mentioneth sixe wayes , whereby Christ confirmed this couenant , praedicando , miracula faciendo , &c. by preaching , doing of miracles , in dying , rising againe , ascending , and sending the Holy Ghost .

7. But by two wayes chiefely was this couenant ratified and confirmed , by the declaration , and publishing thereof by his preaching , and by the sealing thereof by his most precious blood : like as a Testament , is first declared and written , and then confirmed by the death of the Testator ; So in the death of our Blessed Sauiour , was the couenant before set forth by his preaching , fully established , as Oecolampad . Scimus , &c. in morte ipsa proprie foedus confirmari , &c. we know , according to the author of the epistle to the Hebrewes , that the couenant was properly confirmed in his death , &c. And this further may be made plaine thus . 1. by the type and figure : as Moses tooke the booke of the lawe , and reade in it , and then sprinkled the blood vpon the people , saying , this is the blood of the couenant , Exod. 24. 8. so the booke of this couenant declared by Christs preaching was made sure in his blood . 2. This also appeareth by the institution of the Lords supper , where Christ saith of the cuppe representing his blood , this is the newe Testament in my blood , &c. Luk. 22. 20. that is , a signe , seale , and representation thereof . 3. the Apostle sheweth this also by the nature and condition of a Testament , which is confirmed when men are dead , Heb. 9. 17. and so in this place the Septuagint translate the Hebrewe word berith , by the Greeke word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , testament , for the word signifieth both a couenant and a testament , as Budeus sheweth in his commentaries : for the ratifying then and confirming of this will and Testament of our Sauiour , his death and passion was necessarie , with the shedding of his most pretious blood for the remission of our sinnes .

Quest. 84. When this testament beganne to be ratified and confirmed by the preaching of Christ .

1. Pererius deliuereth it as an auncient tradition , and a receiued opinion , that Christ beganne not to preach and worke miracles till a yeare after he was baptised : for the first miracle which he wrought in Cana of Galile , they hold to haue beene done the same day tweluemoneth , wherein he had beene baptised .

2. But this opinion may be easily refuted . 1. the words of S. Peter , Act. 1. 21. are directly against it : of these men , which haue companied with vs all the time , that the Lord Iesus was conuersant among vs , beginning from the baptisme of Iohn , vnto the day that he was taken vp from vs , must one of them be made a witnesse with vs of his resurrection . Here it is euident , that Christ beganne to preach after he had receiued Iohns baptisme . Pererius by the baptisme of Iohn , here thinketh all that time to be vnderstood wherein Iohn baptized , till he was imprisoned : but that can not be : for Iohn beganne to baptize before Christ came vnto his baptisme : and before Christ was baptized , he preached not , neither shewed himselfe publikely : therefore the beginning can not be vnderstood , to be from Iohns baptisme in that sense . 2. Seeing Christ was publikely in his baptisme called from heauen to the office of teaching , in that it is saide , Heare him , it is not like that our blessed Sauiour would intermit that holy function ▪ a yeare together . 3. Before that miracle in Cana of Galile , he entertained Disciples , as is euident , Ioh. 1. as Andrew and Peter , Philip and Nathaniel : therefore euen then he beganne to be a publike teacher . 4. If Christs preaching beganne a yeare after his baptisme , in the beginning of his 31. yeare , then could he not preach and confirme the Couenant , halfe a weeke , that is , 3. yeares and a halfe , seeing he is generally held to haue died in his 33. yeare : wherefore euen presently after his baptisme , as soone as his 40. d●●●s fast was ouer , Christ beganne to preach , and shew his power in working of miracles .

85. Quest. v. 27. In the halfe of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice to cease : when this halfe weeke beganne .

1. R. Shelamo thus interpreteth the halfe weeke , that a little before the destruction of Ierusalem , after the Iewes had violated the truce taken betweene them and the Romanes for 7. yeares , then in the middes of the weeke , that is , in the fourth yeare of those seuen , the Romanes came and besieged the citie . But it is shewed before , qu. 82. that this is but a Rabbinicall conceit , that any such truce was made betweene the Romanes and the Iewes .

2. Some doe likewise refetre this halfe weeke to the destruction of Ierusalem , that in the middes thereof , that is , the 5. yeare before the ouerthrow of the citie , the Romanes came & laid siege vnto it : Iun. Polan . M. Lively . But this sense can not be admitted , because it hath beene prooued alreadie , qu. 49. that these 70. weekes , and euery part thereof , determined in the death of Christ .

3. Iosephus Scaligor hath a conceit by himselfe , that this 70. and last weeke must be deuided : the one part thereof he alloweth for the time of Christs preaching , namely 4. yeares and an halfe , the other for the destruction of the citie , two yeares and an halfe more . But here two exceptions may iustly be taken : 1. he diuideth this weeke , the one part aboue 30. yeares from the other , whereas euery part of these weekes must one succeede an other . 2. he diuideth two yeares and an halfe from the rest : but that maketh not halfe a weeke .

4. Some beginne this halfe weeke at the death of Christ , and continue it afterward , when the sacrifices and rites of the law beganne to be abolished by the Apostles , as we read Act. 15. Perer. Pint. Melancth. M. Lydyat in ann. 4043. Osiand . sauing that Osiander maketh it the first halfe of the last weeke , the other the latter : But it hath beene prooued alreadie , that these yeares must ende in Christs death .

5. This halfe weeke then is better taken for the latter halfe part of the weeke , which beginneth at the baptisme of Christ , and endeth at his passion : so Bullinger saith , per praedicationem Euangelij , & mortem Domini nostri Iesu Christi , constat legem esse abrogatam , by the preaching of the Gospel , and by the death of Iesus Christ , it is euident the law was abrogated : so also Hugo beginneth this halfe weeke in the 15. of Tiberius , at Christs baptisme : for then in the baptisme of Christ , hostiarum legalium purificatio paulatim coepit vilescere , the purifying of the legall sacrifices beganne by little and little to waxe vile . Thus also expoundeth the author of the Scholasticall historie , as Pererius sheweth in the very ende of his 10. booke vpon Daniel : and vnlesse we ende the 70. and last weeke at the passion of Christ , it will not ende in a yeare of Iubile : for Christ is held to haue died in a yeare of Iubile , that the shadow may agree vnto the bodie : see before , qu. 66. toward the ende .

86. Quest. How and when the sacrifices were caused to cease , and were abolished .

1. R. Shelamoh thinketh that this is vnderstood of the ceasing of the sacrifices in fact , when the citie and Temple were destroied by the Romanes : so also Polanus and M. Lively follow the same sense . But such ceasing of the sacrifices ( de facto ) actually and in fact , happened before vnder the tyrannie of Antiochus Epimanes , Dan. 8. v. 11. 12. here such a ceasing of them is signified , which was not before , namely , that by the Messiah all the rites and ceremonies of the law should be abolished .

2. Iunius ioyneth both these together : that the sacrifices were caused to cease , both in respect of the godly , whome Christ had sanctified by the one offering of himselfe , Hebr. 10. 14. so that they neede not to be purged by the sacrifices of the law : and in respect of the wicked they ceased , because the Romanes tooke from the Iewes both their Temple , altar , and sacrifices . But concerning the first , that was done many yeares before the destruction of Ierusalem , when Christ suffered : and therefore there is no reason to restraine that benefit to these last times : and for the other , that actuall ceasing of the sacrifices happened before , as is said , vnder Antiochi●● .

3. Others expound this ceasing of the sacrifices , of the time of the Apostles after the death of our Sauiour : as when the Apostles by their decree abrogated the ceremonies of the Law , certaine onely excepted , in respect of the necessitie of the time , Act. 15. Melancthon , Osiand . But these doe not distinguish betweene the ceasing of the sacrifices in right , and in fact : they in fact ceased not in the death of Christ , but in right they were then abolished .

4. Wherefore I preferre Calvins exposition , that after Christ had offered himselfe vpon the crosse , illic cessarunt omnes ritus legales , there all the legall rites ceased : and after that , as Oecolampad . well saith , lanienae erant , non sacrificia , the sacrifices were rather butchers slaughters and shambles , then true sacrifices : And he yeeldeth this as a reason thereof , because in the passion of Christ , the vaile of the Temple was rent , to shew that the sacrifices and rites of the law were abolished . Pintus addeth this reason , because the bodie beeing come , the shadowes must cease : like as a painter draweth his picture first with shadowed lines , but when he portraiteth the picture , he putteth out the first lines : so our blessed Sauiour bringing all fulnesse and perfection with him , hath dashed out the shadowes of the law , according to that saying in the Gospel , Ioh. 1. 17. The law was giuen by Moses , but grace and truth came by Iesus Christ .

87. Quest. What is meant by the ouerspreading of abomination , v. 27. of the best reading thereof .

The word canaph , signifieth a wing . 1. some therefore take it for the pinacle or wing of the Temple , the part for the whole , Oecolampad . 2. some vnderstand thereby the Temple , because it was as a wing and defence , wherein the Iewes put their confidence , Bulling. 3. Some take canaph , the wing , for the Cherubs which were winged , that euen vpon them in the most inward parts of the Temple , this desplation should come . 4. Some by the wing , interpret the extremitie of desolation , applying it to the desperate state of the Iewes . 5. Vatablus thus expoundeth , adam vel extensionem , id est , longam seriem abominationum , the wing or extension , that is , the long continuance of these abominations : so also the Genev. the ouerspreading of abominations . 6. Some by the wing , vnderstand the armie of the Romanes : as the word is taken , Isa. 8. 8. The stretching out of his wings shall fill the breadth of thy land . Iun. Polan . 7. The Latine interpreter readeth , in the Temple shall be the abomination of desolation : by the wing , he vnderstandeth the a a See more hereof in the ende of the 88. quest ▪ following . Temple : and this seemeth to be confirmed by that place , Matth. 24. 15. When ye shall see the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place , &c. And so the meaning is this , that euen in the inward Temple , where the winged Cherubims were , should be the abomination of desolation , Osiand . the word is meshomem , which is a participle signifying making desolate : But here it is taken substantiuely for desolation , as M. Lively obserueth the like in other places . Thus then the place is to be read , And vpon the wing shall be the abominations of desolations , Oecolampad . that is , vpon the very altar and holy place , where the winged Cherubims were .

88. Quest. What this abomination of desolation was .

1. Ireneus by the abomination of desolation , lib. 5. advers. haeres . vnderstandeth Antichrist , of whome he imagineth , that he should sit in the Temple at Ierusalem , and be worshipped as the Messiah : who is called the abomination , because of his abominable and execrable impietie ; and desolation , because he shall make desolate the Churches and worship of Christians . But seeing that this desolation is prophesied to come vpon Ierusalem , after the death of the Messiah , and our blessed Sauiour also referreth it to the destruction of Ierusalem , it can not be deferred so long , as to the comming of Antichrist : neither shall the Temple of the Iewes be repaired againe , for any such to sit or aduance himselfe in .

2. Some referre it to the times of Antiochus Epiphanes , who caused an abominable Idol to be set vp in the Temple , and the same to be called the Temple of Iuppiter Olympius , as Iosephus writeth , lib ▪ 12. c. 17. the historie whereof is also set forth , 1. Macchab. 1. 57. But seeing our Sauiour hath reference to this place , speaking of the destruction of Ierusalem , Matth. 24. it seemeth this prophesie was not then fulfilled : whereas the profanation by Antiochus was past aboue 200. yeare before .

3. Some vnderstand it of the very Iewish sacrifices , which after the oblation of Christ vpon the crosse , were detestable and abominable , Dyonis . Carthusian . Hug. Cardin. and the author of the scholasticall historie ▪ But our Sauiour setteth forth this abomination of desolation , as a present signe of the destruction of the citie : whereas the legall sacrifices continued still after the death of Christ , which was 40. yeares before .

4. Tostadius , Hesselius , and ●ansenius vpon that place , Matth. 24. by this abomination of desolation , doe vnderstand the abominable outrages , which were committed by the seditious Iewes , who filled the Temple with dead bodies , and defiled it with blood . This seditious companie called themselues zelotas , zealous men , as Iosephus writeth : but they spared to commit no abomination , in so much that Iosephus writeth of them , that their wickednes was such , that if the Romanes had not come against them , he thinketh , that either the earth would haue deuoured the citie , or it should haue beene ouerflowne with water , or burnt with fire from heauen , as Sodom was . Iosephus also in the same place testifieth , that there was a common speach , that the citie should then be destroyed , and the Temple set on fire , when there should rise vp sedition among the people , and the Iewes with their owne hands first had defiled the Temple . Ioseph . lib. 5. de bell . Iudaic. c. 2. But seeing that these seditious , though they commited many abominations in the Temple , yet the finall destruction was not brought vpon it by them , but by the Romanes , it is not so fitly applied to them .

5. Galatinus giueth this sense ; because ( so he interpreteth ghal canaph , which we translate , vpon the wing ) of the abomination , that is , their impietie for putting Christ to death , there shall come desolation vpon them : But our blessed Sauiour pointeth at this abomination , as some visible thing standing vp in the Temple , which should be a signe of their desolation .

6. Bucer , by the wing of abominations , vnderstandeth the helpe of the deuills , by whome the abominable Romanes should be assisted in bringing this desolation vpon Ierusalem , ex Oecolampad . but the power of the deuill is inuisible : this abomination of desolation Christ pointeth at as some visible thing standing in the Temple .

7. M. Calvin vnderstandeth it ▪ de profanatione , &c. of the continuall profanation of the Temple , after the Gospel beganne to be preached : so Vatablus expoundeth , continuam seriem abominationum , vel multiplices abominationes , the continuance of abominations , or their manifold abominations . But these continuall profanations of the Temple were practised a long time , 40. yeares together : but this abomination of desolation is obserued by our Sauiour , as a neare signe of their destruction .

8. Some by the wing of abominations making desolate , vnderstand the legions and wings of the Romane armie , which should compasse the citie and defile the Temple : and this they gather by comparing the Euangelists together : whereas Matthew saith , When ye see the abomination of desolation , &c. standing in the holy place , &c. c. 24. 15. S. Luke thus reporteth the words of our Sauiour , When ye see Ierusalem besieged with souldiers , then vnderstand , that the desolation thereof is neare , c. 21. 20. And they are called the wing or armie of abominations , because they were infidels , and strangers from God : Thus Iunius , Polanus , Pererius , Caietan , and before them Augustine , epist. 80. ad Esychium . Pintus addeth further , that this wing or extension of abominations , may be interpreted , extensio vexilli exercitus Romani , the spreading of the banners of the Romane armie euen in the Temple . This exposition is very probable , and to good purpose , but yet not so fit and proper , as may appeare by these reason● . 1. S. Luke speaketh of the compassing of Ierusalem with souldiers , but Ierusalem was not that holy place , which the other Euangelists speake of : and Murke addeth , c. 13. 14. When you shall see the abomination of desolation , standing where it ought not : but the souldiers compassing or besieging the citie , stood , where they ought , and vse to stand . And beside , whereas the other Euangelists adde , spoken of by Daniel the Prophet , Luke hath not those words : so that it seemeth , he speaketh not of that abomination of desolation , expressed by the other ; but of an other signe and forerunner of their desolation , the compassing of the citie with souldiers : which Christ had told them of before , chap. 19. 43. where he vseth the like word , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , they shall compasse thee about : and here he saith , when thou shalt see Ierusalem , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , compassed with souldiers . 2. If they vnderstand the souldiers entring and inuading the Temple , that was done diuers times before : for Pompey tooke the ●●tie , and entred into the Temple with his souldiers : so did Crassus after him , and robbed the Temple , and carried away the golden vessels : afterward Archelaus polluted and defiled the Temple , and slue nine thousand Iewes in a commotion , Oecolampad . Pellican . ex Ioseph . but these were not signes of imminent destruction . 3. Beside , they are admonished , when they see this abomination standing in the holy place , to flie into the mountaines : but when the souldiers had taken the citie , and inuaded the Temple , and set it on fire , and made hauocke of all , it was then too late to flie , all their miserie beeing alreadie past . 4. Polanus before vnderstandeth by the people of the Prince to come , the Gentiles , which should be called to the faith of Christ : how then doth he hold them now to be abominable . And seeing the Lord calleth Cyrus his annointed , Isa. 45. 1. because he executed his will vpon the Chaldeans , yea the Lord called Nabuchadnezzer king of Babel his seruant , Ierem. 27. 6. beeing the minister of his iudgements vpon his vnthankfull people ; it seemeth to be vnfit , to call the armies of the Romanes , abominable , seeing they herein were the ministers of Gods sentence decreed against Ierusalem .

9. Wherefore I rather condescend to their opinion , which thinke that this abomination of desolation , was some abominable thing , which was set vp in the Temple , which was a signe of the desolation thereof following : as whether it were the ensignes of the Empire , the Romane Eagle , which Pilate brought in and set vp in the Temple , at the commandement of Tiberius , Osiand . or rather to gratifie the Emperour , Bulling. or the image which Caius Caligula caused to be set vp in the Temple with this inscription , Iovi illustri Caio , to Iuppiter the famous Caius , Osiand , Chrysostome , and Theophylact , and E●thymius vpon the 24. of Matthew , doe take it for the image of Titus the Emperour , which was set vp in the Temple , when the citie was taken : so also Ab. Ezra . But this beeing present could be no signe of the desolation , to giue them warning after . R. Levi vnderstandeth it of the images which Manasses caused to be set vp in the Temple , for the which it came to desolation : but this was done before Christs time , in the daies of Antiochus . Hierome thinketh it was the image of Adrian set vp in the ruines of the Temple ; so also Severus Sulpitius : but the Temple was destroied long before by Titus , and was not reedified againe . Therefore I rather take some of the other sensible profanations of the Temple to be vnderstood , which were set vp after the death of Christ : as Theodoret taketh that profanation by Pilate , signum futurae desolationis in vrbe & Templo erunt imagines qu●dam legibus interdictae , a signe of desolation to come , in the citie and Temple , shall be certaine images , forbidden by the law , brought into it , &c. which Pilate did , who brought in the night into the Temple the images of the Emperours .

But against this interpretation it will be obiected , 1. that Iosephus 〈◊〉 , lib. 18. de antiquit. & lib. 2. de bell . Iudaic. that Pilate brought them into the citie , 〈◊〉 speaketh not of the Temple : 2. it seemeth that this was done after the death of Christ , Perer. 3. and as Iosephus further writeth , that Pilate at the instance of the chiefe of the Iewes , ( who went vnto Cesarea , and offered their necks , rather then to suffer their countrey lawes to be transgressed ) caused those images to be remooued againe .

Answ. 1. Though Iosephus make no mention of the Temple , yet Eusebius out of Philo , so alleadgeth : and it may be gathered also out of Iosephus report : for if the Romane ensignes had beene brought onely into the citie , the Iewes would not haue so much stood vpon it : for it had beene no more , then to haue Cesars image in their coine . 2. This was done rather after the passion of Christ , as Oecolampad . inferreth out of Iosephus . 3. And though they were remooued , yet it is like they stood there some certaine time . 4. Neither onely is this abomination of desolation to be restrained to the images , which Pilate brought in : but it comprehendeth also other like profanations , as that of Caligula , before mentioned : for the word is put in the plural ( shakutzim ) abominations .

Now that this is the most fit and conuenient sense of this place , our reasons are these : 1. because this reading of the Septuagint and vulgar Latin , in the Temple shall be the abomination of desolation , is confirmed and warranted by our blessed Sauiour , Matth. 24. When ye shall see the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place . 2. The abomination of desolation , which was in Antiochus time , foreshewed Dan. 8. 13. & 11. 31. they shall pollute the Sanctuarie , &c. and set vp the abominable desolation , is taken in that sense : which was the abominable idol of Iuppiter Olympius which was set vp vpon the altar , as appeareth , 1. Macc. 1. 57. and Iosephus also writeth , that he caused the Sanctuarie to be called the Temple of Iuppiter Olympius , lib. 12. antiquit. c. 7. The like meaning of the same words is also insinuated here . 3. The Hebrew word shakutz , abomination , is peculiar to idols : as 1. king . 11. 5. Milcom is called shakutz , the abomination of the Ammonites : the abomination then , and abominable thing is most properly vnderstood , to be some abominable idol set vp . 4. The word also canaph , wing , is applied to the Sanctuarie ▪ as Psal. 61. 4. I will dwell in thy Tabernacle for euer , and my trust shall be vnder the couering of thy wings : where Dauid alludeth to the Cherubims , which strercheth out their wings , and ouershadowed the Arke . So Matth. 4. 5. the place of the Temple whether Christ was carried in his second temptation , is called 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the wing , that is the pinnacle , or battlement of the Temple . Pintus taketh the wing , for the spreading of the banners in the Temple : R. Saadinh by the wing of abomination , interpreteth the hand of those which taee abominable things , as swines flesh : but this is forced , and he seemeth especially to haue reference to Antiochus times . It is most fitly therefore referred to the Temple : the wing or pinacle , and part , beeing taken for the whole , Oecolamp . or because in the inward parts were the Cherubims with their stretched-out wings , Osiand . or rather because the Temple was in respect of the defence thereof , and Gods presence , called the wings of God , Bulling. and it stood in the highest part of the citie , as ouershadowing the rest , as it were with wings : see more of the diuers acceptions of this word in the question next before .

89. Quest. v. 27. Whether the desolation of Ierusalem here spoken of , should be finall .

The words are thus translated , vntill the consummation euen determined , shall it be powred vpon the desolate , Iun. the meaning of which words is , that like a continuall dropping and ouerflowing , so shall one calamitie follow an other , vntill they be vtterly made desolate .

1. R. Salomon vnderstandeth this consummation of the last battell of Gog and Magog in the ende of the world : vntill that time should this desolation be : but then the Messiah should ouercome all the aduersaries of the Iewes , and the citie and Temple should be reedified againe . But the battell of Gog and and Magog was past long before Christs time , neither should the Messiah come into the world as a victorious Prince , he was to be put to death , as here the Angel foresheweth : see this opinion before confuted , qu. 78.

2. Lyranus inferreth vpon these words , vsque ad consummationem & finem , vnto the consummation and ende , &c. that , prope finem mundi , &c. toward the ende of the world the falsenesse of Antichrist beeing detected by the preaching of Henoch and Elias , the Iewes shall be conuerted vnto Christ , and vntill that time this desolation shall be , &c. But that conceit of Henoch and Elias preaching in the ende of the world , hath no ground : neither shall the comming of Antichrist be deferred so long vnto the ende of the world : the Iewes conuersion is expected , but their citie and Temple shall neuer be restored againe , for that would hinder their conuersion vnto Christ .

3. Wherefore out of this place rather it may be concluded , that this ouerthrowe of the citie , which is here spoken of , should be the beginning of their finall and perpetuall desolation , which may thus further appeare .

1. This is testified in other places of the Scripture , that a finall destruction was determined ouer this people , as Ier. 19. 11. I will breake this people and this citie , as one breaketh a potters vessell , that cannot be made whole againe : so also the Prophet Isay saith after he had prophesied of diuerse calamities which should fall vpon them , yet for all this his wrath is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still . Hereunto agreeth S. Paul , speaking of the Iewes , who both killed the Lord Iesus , and their owne Prophets , and haue persecuted vs , and God they pleased not , and are contrarie to all men , &c. for the wrath of God is come vpon them to the vtmost , &c. 1. Thess. 2. 16. And yet the Prophet Isay more euidently prophesied of the finall ruine of the citie , c. 25. 1. 2. O Lord thou art my God , I will exalt thee : for thou hast made of a citie an heape , of a strong citie a ruine , &c. it shall neuer be built againe .

2. This further may appeare by comparing this desolation of Ierusalem , with the former times of their captiuitie . In Babylon they were captiue but 70. yeares : afterward the citie and Temple were repaired : vnder Antiochus the Temple and citie lay wast 2300. daies , Dan. 8. 14. that is , 6. yeares , 3. moneths and an halfe : But this desolation and captiuitie hath now continued aboue 1500. yeares . Now whereas the Prophet Hagge saith , c. 2. 7. Thus saith the Lord of hosts , Yet a little while , and I will shake the heauens and the earth , &c. I will ●●one all nations , and the desire of all nations shall come : seeing that in the Prophet Hagges time , which is almost 2000. yeares since , the Messiah was then to come within a little while , what hope can the Iewes now haue after so many yeares to expect an other Messiah ?

3. Beside , this is an euident argument of the finall and perpetuall desolation of the Iewes citie and Temple , because they haue attempted since this destruction by Titus , to haue restored their Temple and Commonwealth , but they were hindred from going forward : vnder Adrian the Emperour some 64. yeares after this calamitie , the Iewes vnder their captaine Benchochab , or Barchochab , thought to recouer their libertie : they held 50. castles , and 980. townes , and fortified Beth-oron : Adrian came and besieged the citie 3. yeares and 6. moneths : at the length , he tooke it , killed the captaine , and put to the sword ( as Dia writeth ) 50. thousand Iewes . And beside , as Eusebius saith , lib. 4. histor. Eccl. c. 6. the Iewes were banished out of Iudea , and forbidden euer to returne to Ierusalem , which he repaired , and called it by his owne name Aelia , that the Iewes should neuer inhabit it againe .

Chrysostome also lib. 2. cont. Iud. maketh mention , how vnder the Empire of Constantine the great , the Iewes began to rebell , and thereupon the Emperour caused their eares to be cut off , and themselues to be dispersed among all nations , that their treacherie might be made knowne to all the world .

After this in Iulians time the Iewes had license from the Emperour , who thought by this meanes to disgrace the Christian religion , to build their Temple again : who busily set themselues about that worke : at that time Cyrillus Bishop of Ierusalem , animated the Christians , shewing out of this place of Daniel , and Matth. 24. that their Temple should neuer be builded againe : And it came so to passe : for there were three miraculous accidents , whereby the worke was hindred . 1. after they had raised the building vpon the old foundation , all was tumbled and cast downe in the night . 2. there came forth a fire , which consumed all their engines and instruments . 3. there appeared bright redde markes like the crosse vpon their garments , which they could by no meanes rubbe or wash out : and so the Iewes were faine to giue ouer . The truth of this storie Chrysostome auoucheth , which was done but 20. yeares before his time , oration . 2. cont. Iudaeos . And further to conuince the Iewes , he sheweth , that they were not thus crossed and hindred vnder a Christian Emperour , but vnder an enemie to Christian religion , when Christians generally were persecuted : that this might appeare onely to be Gods worke : this historie is reported by Ruffin . lib. 1. c. 37 , 38. by Socrates lib. 3. c. 20. Theodoret. lib. 3. c. 20. And to this day the Iewes neuer were able to preuaile in their purpose and desire , to recouer their countrey , citie , or Temple : So that the veritie and certentie of Daniels prophesie is euident to all the world , that desolation shall be powred vpon them euen vnto the ende .

Thus haue I now by Gods speciall assistance , finished this wearisome taske , and most difficult question of Daniels weekes . In the skanning and calculating whereof , I confesse , I was as many weekes in painfull studie and meditation , as Daniel was in heauines , when he had that vision in the next chapter , c. 10. 2. I haue not omitted any thing to my knowledge , that affoarded matter of doubt or question . And in such great diuersitie of opinion , which breedeth distraction , though it be hard to finde out the best , yet I am perswaded , I haue resolued of the most probable and reasonable interpretation : yet so , as I will not preiudice the iudgement of any , but leaue the Reader to his choice , not doubting , but that all reasons weighed , circumstances duely considered , inconueniences auoided , he will incline to mine opinion . Now I will proceede to other matters of note obserued out of this Chapter .

4. Places of doctrine .

1. Doctr. Of ordinarie and extraordinarie prayer .

v. 3. I sought by prayer and supplication with fasting , sackecloath , and ashes , &c. This was an extraordinarie praier , which Daniel here maketh , beside that ordinarie praier which be made thrice euery day , c. 6. 10. in the morning , euening , and at noone . So there are two kind of prayers ; ordinarie , which we ought twice euery day at the least , or oftner , to powre forth vnto God : of the which the Apostle speaketh , 1. Thess. 5. 17. Pray continually : there is also extraordinarie praier , when either some iudgement is feared , which we would auert and turne aside by prayer , or when we want any speciall grace or assistance from God : and this the Apostle meaneth , 1. Cor. 7. 5. Defraud not one an other , except it be with corsent for a time , that ye may giue your selues to fasting and prayer . Calvin .

2. Doctr. When fasting is to be ioyned with prayer .

Fasting is not to accompanie ordinarie but extraordinarie prayer : where must be considered , 1. the occasion of such fasting , which is either in the time of some great iudgement and calamitie , either to be preuented or els to be remooued : or when any speciall assistance or grace is sued for . 2. the ende must be considered , which is not to please God by our fasting , as though it were a part of his seruice directly , or that we hoped to merit thereby , but onely it is vsed as a meanes to tame the bodie and keep it vnder , to make the inward man more seruent . Thus the Israelites fasted and prayed , when they had beene twice ouercome of Beniamin , entreating the Lords assistance , Iudg. 21. 1. and Esther c. 4. when she was to make suite for her people : and the Church of Antioch , when they sent forth Paul and Barnabas to preach , Act. 13. Polan .

3. Doctr. Confession of sinnes necessarie in prayer .

v. 4. I prayed and made my confession . Confession of sinnes is either publike , either by the whole congregation , or of one and more before the Congregation ; or priuate , either of ones sinnes by himselfe , or in the name of many : and each of these confessions is either ordinary , or extraordinarie : This confession of Daniel was of the latter sort , wherein he confesseth not his owne sinnes onely , but the sinnes of his people . And if Daniel so holy a man , yet confessed his sinnes in his prayer , how much more ought we sinnefull men alwaies in our prayers to make our confessions , as the Prophet Dauid saith , Psal. 32. 5. Then I acknowledged my sinne vnto thee , &c. and thou forgauest the punishment of my sinne .

4. Doctr. Of the diuerse degrees of sinne .

v. 5. We haue sinned , and committed iniquitie , and haue done wickedly , yea we haue rebelled . There are fowre degrees of sinne , which may be compared to a diuerse going out of the way . 1. as one may a little erre out of the way . 2. but after declineth more . 3. and beeing out of the way walketh on still . 4. vntill he be so obstinate in his course , that he cannot be brought againe into the way : so some there are , which at the first , 1. sinne of error , and these are they which are said to sinne . 2. then they erre yet more , such commit iniquitie . 3. and walke and continue in their errour , which are said to doe wickedly , as Dauid when he fell into those two great sinnes of murther and adulterie . 4. And at the last they growe intractable , and not to be wonne , and these rebell against God : such an one was Saul , that would by no meanes be reclaymed . We learne hereby , that howsoeuer we may fayle in the first and second kind , yet we should take heede of the great downefall in the 3. and 4.

5. Doctr. How the true ministers of God must be discerned .

v. 6. We would not obey thy seruants the Prophets . 1. They are called Gods seruants : they must be sure and inwardly warranted , that they are sent and called by the Lord . 2. they must be Prophets , that is , indued with propheticall and spirituall gifts , for God sendeth no dumbe or lame messenger with his errant and message . 3. they must speake in the name of the Lord , they must preach nothing but Gods word , and warrant their doctrine thereby . 4. they must be faithfull , not respecting persons in the deliuerie of their message , but indifferently speake to all , as here it followeth , which spake in thy name to our kings , to our princes , to our fathers .

6. Doctr. That Angels are of a finite and circumscriptible nature .

v. 24. The Angel Gabriel came flying , &c. Hence it appeareth that the Angels passe from place to place , and are circumscriptible and defined by their proper place : when they are in heauen , they are not at the same time in earth , as Damascene saith , lib. 2. de fide orthod. c. 3. Their errour then is manifest , who thinke the Angels to be in heauen and in earth at once : they are euidently conuinced by this place , which speaketh of the comming of the Angel to Daniel , which sheweth that he was not present before , Bulling. so Daniel saith , c. 6. 22. that the Lord had sent his Angel , and stopped the mouths of the Lions : the Angel then was not there before , vntill the Lord sent him to that ende .

7. Doctr. That Christ is perfect God and perfect man .

v. 24. To reconcile iniquitie , and bring in euerlasting righteousnesse , &c. Hence it is prooued , that Christ was both perfect God , for otherwise he could not take away sinne : which is the worke onely of God : and he was man , in as much as he liued and was conuersant among men : the Prophet Dauid therefore vnderstanding this mysterie of the beeing or dwelling of God in the flesh , saith , Psal 46. 7. the Lord of hostes is with vs , the God of Iacob is our refuge : Therefore he is called by the Prophet Immanuel , Isay. 7. 14. and 8. 8. Pintus .

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. That prayer and fasting is not meritorious .

v. 3. I turned my face vnto the Lord , &c. with supplications , with fasting , and sackecloth : Fasting is not of it selfe a thing acceptable vnto God , but as it is vsed as a meanes to make ●ur prayers more feruent : the Romanists then are in an errour , which make fasting a thing meritorious , Calvin . the contrarie is euident in the Pharisie , who boasted of his almes deeds , and of his fasting twice in a week , yet his prayer was not accepted of God , Luk. 18. If prayer then and true contrition , with hartie repentance , and vnfained humilitie , doe accompanie fasting , it is regarded , and had in remembrance with God , otherwise it is an vnprofitable exercise : as S. Paul saith , Bodily exercise profiteth little , but godlinesse is profitable vnto all things , 1. Tim. 4. 8.

2. Controv. God onely is to be invocated , not Saints or Angels .

v. 3. Daniel onely turneth his face vnto the Lord : now if Saints were to be prayed vnto , Daniel had here occasion to turne himselfe vnto Ieremie , whose prophesie he maketh mention of before : who had beene fitter to assist Daniel praying for deliuerance after the 70. yeares captiuitie , then he , who was the minister of that prophesie and promise . By this then it is well gathered , that the invocation of Saints was not in vse in the old Testament , Bullinger . and therefore the Prophet Dauid saith , Psal. 73. 25. Whom haue I in heauen but thee ? And the Scripture commandeth vs to worship God onely and serue him , Deut. 6. 13. Matth. 4. v. 10. If God onely is to be worshipped , he alone must be prayed vnto , for prayer is a part of his worship .

The Romanistes , for the invocation of Angels and Saints , doe alleadge these places of Scripture : 1. Gen. 48. 16. Iakob saith , the Angel which hath deliuered me , blesse the children : But this was no created Angel , it was Christ the sonne of God : for in the former verse he is called God , the God , before whom my fathers Abraham and Izaak did walke , the God which hath fedde me all my life long vnto this day , blesse , &c. then it followeth in the next verse , the Angel which hath deliuered me , &c. what other Angel was it which deliuered Iacob , but he that fedde him , which he saith was God ?

2. That place also is vrged , Iob. 19. 21. haue pitie vpon me , haue pitie vpon me , O yee my friends : Bellar. lib. 1. de sanctor beatitud . c. 19. which Bellarmine vnderstandeth of the Angels : But it is euident , that Iob speaketh vnto his friends which came to visit him , who seemed to haue small compassion on him , but with tauntes and rebukes , condemning him as an hypocrite , did adde more affliction vnto him : for it followeth in the next verse , Why doe ye persecute me as God ? they were not the Angels of God that persecuted him , but Sathan was the chiefe instrument of his afflictions , and his friends helped it forward .

3. That place also Apocal. 1. 4. is abused to the same purpose : Grace vnto you , and peace from him which was , which is , and which is to come , and from the seuen spirits which are before the throne : by these seuen spirits they vnderstand the Angels : But that cannot be . 1. these spirits are ioyned as in equall authoritie with God the Father , and the Sonne , grace is here ascribed indifferently to proceede from them all . 2. these spirits are set betweene the father and the sonne , as beeing of the same power . 3. the Lambe is said to haue 7. hornes , and seuen eyes , which are the 7. spirits , c. 5. 6. these spirits then were of the same essence and substance with the Sonne . 4. and by the vertue of these seuen spirits the Lambe openeth the booke with 7. seales , c. 5. 5. But Christ receiueth no vertue from the Angels . 5. Wherefore these 7. spirits are vnderstood to be the holy Ghost , which is called septiformis , seuenfold , quia licet vnus natura , gratiarum distributione multiplex , who though he be one in nature , yet is manifold in the distribution of the graces , gloss . ordinar . And because Christ did worke so effectually by the communication of his graces in the seuen Churches , as if there were seuen seuerall spirits , Iustin. in paraenes . ad Grac. therefore is the spirit so described . Thus also Iustinus of auncient time expounded , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , &c. the holy Prophets say that one and the same spirit is diuided into seuen spirits .

4. Then followeth the example of Iohn , who saith he fell downe at the feete of the angel to worship him , Apoc. 19. 10. and 22. 8. where Bellarmine saith , that so great an Apostle , and Prophet would not haue offred to haue worshipped the Angel , if it had beene vnlawfull : he was deceiued in his person , taking him to be Christ , he erred not in offring to adore him : for then , if it had beene an error , he would not haue done it twice : once before , c. 19. and now againe , c. 22.

Contra. 1. it is euident by the text , that Iohn is reprooued of the Angel , for offring to worship him , therefore therein was Iohns error . 2. And Iohn was not ignorant that it was an Angel , and not Iesus himselfe : for he saith , c. 22. v. 6. the Lord God of the holy Prophets sent his Angel to shewe vnto his seruants the things which shortly must come to passe : and againe , v. 16. I Iesus haue sent mine Angel , to testifie vnto you these things . 3. Polanus thinketh that Iohn did not commit this error twice in seeking to worship the Angel : but that it is a repetition of that before mentioned , c. 19. But it may appeare by comparing the places , that Iohn fayled herein twice : for as Peter not twice , but thrice together offended in denying his master : so might Iohn thorough forgetfulnesse , beeing astonished with the preseuce of so glorious an Angel , once againe shewe his infirmitie herein .

3. Controv. That Christ is the onely Mediator .

v. 17. Heare the prayer of thy seruant , &c. for the Lords sake , that is , for thy Christs sake . But this place is corrupted by the Iewes , and by the Romanists . 1. the Rabbines some of them , as R. Moses , R. Saadiah , doe here vnderstand Abraham : But the faithfull of the old Testament vsed not to call Abraham ( beeing dead ) their Lord : and the Prophet I say saith , c. 63. 16. that Abraham is ignorant of vs : how could he then be a mediator for them , whose affaires he knewe not ? Some other of them doe say , that the noune is put here for the pronoune , as it is vsuall in the Scriptures : so that for the Lords sake is as much , as for thine owne sake : But this phrase is vsed to take away ambiguitie : as Gen. 1. 27. God created man after his image , after the Image of God created he him : for if he had said , after his image , it had beene doubtfull , whether it had beene Gods or mans image : but there is no such occasion of doubt here .

2. The Romanists here also following the Latine translation , read , propter teipsum , for thy selfe , or for thine owne sake : But they corrupt the text euidently , the word is , Adonai , Lord .

3. Thus Christ was acknowledged to be the Mediator in the old testament , as Psal. 80. 15. the Church prayeth , that God would visite his vine , which he had planted , and that for his sonnes sake , whom he had made strong for himselfe : for so it is in the originall : and so in that place read Montanus , Iunius ; and the Latine interpreter , howsoeuer he fayleth here , there readeth right . Thus Dauid desireth to be heard , for thy words sake , meaning Christ , 2. Sam. 7. 21. And it is said he called the name of Salomon Iedidiah , beloued of God , propter Iehouam , for Iehouahs sake .

4. Thus also in the newe Testament , there is the same confession of Christ to be the Lord and Mediator : as S. Peter Act. 2. 36. whom God hath made both Lord and Christ . And Heb. 1. 2. he is called , the heire of all things : and Elizabeth confesseth him to be her Lord , Luk. 1. 43. So Christ is the Lord both by his naturall right , as the Lord and Creator of all : and iure acquisito , by the right of purchase , which is threefold : by the right of inheritance : because God the father hath giuen vs as an inheritance to his sonne , as Psal. 2. v. 8. Aske of me and I will giue thee the nations for thy possession , &c. by the right of redemption we are Christs , because he hath redeemed and purchased vs with his blood , as S. Paul saith , 1. Cor. 6. 19. 20. You are not your owne , ye are bought for a price . And Christ is our Lord , by the right of his spiritual marriage : for the husband is Lord and head of his wife , and so Christ is of his Church .

5. But it will be obiected , that in the old Testament this phrase is often vsed , for Dauid my seruants sake : as 1. king . 11. v. 12. 13. and 2. king . 19. 34. Hereunto it may be answered : that the meaning is not , that for the worthinesse of Dauid , or by his mediation and intercession God would haue respect vnto them , but because of the Promises which the Lord made vnto Dauid , as Psal. 89. 50. where are the auncient mercies , which thou swarest vnto Dauid in thy truth ? and Psal. 132. v. 11. The Lord hath swore in truth vnto Dauid , and he will not shrinke from it , Polan .

4. Controv. Against prayer and invocation of the dead .

v. 18. Whereupon thy name is called : that is , which is called by thy name , for so this phrase is vsed , as Isay 4. 1. seuen women shall take hold of one man , saying , we will eat our owne bread , &c. onely let thy name be called vpon vs . And so is that place to be vnderstood , Gen. 48. 16. where Iacob saith of Ephraim and Manasses , let my name be invocated or called vpon ouer them : which words the Romanists doe wrest , as though Iacob would haue them to pray vnto him : whereas he meaneth nothing else , but that they should be counted among his sonnes , and called by the name of Israel , as the other of Iacobs sonnes : So in this place , though the name of God were indeede invocated and called vpon in Ierusalem , yet the meaning here onely is , that they were called by the name of God , they were counted his citie and people , Polan .

5. Controv. Of the name of the Catholike Church , that it is but vsurped by the Romanists .

As it was not enough for Ierusalem to be called by the name of God , but their profession and couersation also must be agreeable thereunto , for otherwise , while they said , the Temple of the Lord , the Temple of the Lord , and yet did steale , murther , commit adulterie , &c. the Prophet saith they did trust in lying words , Ierem. 7. 8. And therefore because of their idolatrie and other sinnes , the Lord suffered his own Temple to be defiled and destroyed by the Chaldeans : So neither now is it a sure note to know the Church of God by , to be called Chatholike , if the Catholike faith be not held and maintained . The Romanists then are but vsurpers of this name Catholike , seeing they are departed from the Catholike faith : He is not a Catholike that dependeth vpon the Pope of Rome , but he which professeth the holy Catholike doctrine of Christ : which they that corrupt and denie , are no more Catholikes , then a dried sceleton , ( the bones of a dead man hanging together ) is to be counted a man : And as there is great difference betweene a painted woman , such as Iezabel was , and a faire woman by her naturall complexion ; euen so a Catholike in name differeth from a Catholike in deed .

6. Controv. That no man is perfect in this life .

v. 20. While I was speaking , and praying , and confessing my sinne : The interlinearie gloss . here hath this note : this he saith , either because in many things we offend all , or ex humilitate , of humilitie , he ioyneth himselfe with the people : But it was better inferred , and concluded out of this place in the Mileuitane Councell , c. 7. that euen Daniel confessed his own sinne : for Daniel saith , confessing my sinne , and the sinne of my people : Daniel then confesseth not in the name of the people onely , but he confesseth his owne sinnes , beside the sinnes of the people : And further , whereas euery one is taught to say in the Lords prayer , forgiue vs our sinnes , that Councel further decreeth him to be anathema , and accursed , who should say , that a righteous man saying this petition , pro alijs potius , quam pro se petere intelligatur , &c. must be vnderstood rather to pray for others , then for himselfe , Bulling.

7. Controv. That the prayers of the faithfull are not meritorious .

v. 23. For thou art a man greatly beloued , &c. Daniel was not accepted of God because of his prayers , but his prayers were heard because he was a man beloued before and accepted of God in Christ : So that it is not the merit or worthinesse of our prayer , that maketh vs to be respected with God : but the respect which God hath to vs in Christ causeth our prayers to haue entrance vnto God . As it is said Gen. 4. 4. God had respect vnto Habel , and vnto his offring : first his person by faith was accepted , and then his prayer because of his person admitted : So S. Iames saith , the prayer of a righteous man avayleth much , c. 5. 16. that is , of a man righteous and iustified by faith ; as a little before he saith , the prayer of faith shall saue the sicke .

8. Controv. That we are not iustified by any inherent righteousnesse , but imputed onely by faith .

v. 24. To reconcile iniquitie , and to bring in euerlasting righteousnesse : This then is our iustification : when our sinnes , which we haue don , are not imputed , as it is in the Psalme , and so cited by the Apostle , Rom. 5. 8. Blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputeth not his sinne : and beside the righteousnesse of the Lawe , which we could not doe , but Christ hath wrought for vs , is imputed also vnto vs : as the Apostle teacheth , 2. Cor. 5. 21. he hath made him sinne for vs , that knewe no sinne , that we should be made the righteousnesse of God in him , Contrarie to this truth of doctrine are these assertions following .

1. The Iesuites in Censur . Coloniens . fol. 186. doe define the iustice of God , which is reuealed in the newe Testament , to be virtutem in Deo , quam iuxta vniuscuiusque dignitatem singulis distribuit , vertue in God , which he distributeth to euery one according to their worthinesse , &c. not much vnlike hereunto is the opinion of Andreas Osiander , that we are iustified , per essentialem Dei iustitiam in nobis habitantem , by the essentiall iustice of God dwelling in vs , and stirring vs vp vnto good workes . But this is an absurd opinion . 1. because it confoundeth Gods iustice and righteousnesse , with the effects and operation thereof . 2. if our righteousnesse be the essentiall iustice of God . then Christs obedience is excluded : for that is not the essentiall iustice of God . 3. this opinion tendeth to blasphemie , making the essentiall iustice of God , to be a qualitie in man . 4. it commeth neere the heresie of the Manichees , who held that the essentiall iustice of God was transfused into men .

2. An other opinion is , that our righteousnesse , whereby we are iustified , is an inherent vertue , infused into vs by the merit of Christ : Synod . Trident. sess. 6. c. 16. And the same is the generall opinion of the Romanists : that we are not iustified formally by the righteousnesse of Christ , in beeing accounted or reputed iust , but by an inherent iustice , whereby we are made iust in deede : Synop● . Centur. 4. err. 56. so the Rhemistes , to whom Bellarmme consenteth : which is directly against the doctrine of the Apostle , Abraham beleeued God , and it was counted to him for righteousnesse : Abrahams iustice was imputatiue by faith . There is indeed in euerie faithfull man a iustice inherent , and dwelling in him , which is nothing else but our regeneration and sanctification , which is the fruits of our iustification : by this inherent and inhabiting holynesse we are not iustified before God , but thereby our iustifying faith is approoued and ratified : which S. Paul calleth , saith working by loue , Galat. 5. 6.

9. Controv. Whether sinne after forgiuenesse may be said any way to remaine in the faithfull .

Pererius vpon these words , to finish wickednesse , and take away iniquitie , as the Latine translator readeth ; inferreth , that sinnes in the faithfull are not onely not imputed , but are vtterly taken away : and therefore he by the scandalous name of Heretikes noteth the Protestants , that they should hold , remanere peccata , sed non imputari propter Christum , that sinnes doe remaine in those which are iustified . but they are not imputed vnto condemnation for Christs sake : And to this purpose he alleadgeth Thomas Aquin. Thom. in 4. c. epist. ad Roman . who obserueth 4. things in sinne . 1. the offence toward God , which is said to be remitted , as one man forgiueth the trespasse of an other . 2. there is an act of sinne , which beeing once done , cannot be vndone : but this is said to be couered , because God seeth it not to punish it . 3. there is reatus poenae , the guiltinesse of punishment , which the Lord remitteth in forgiuing sinne , that it shall not be imputed vnto punishment . 4. there is macula , the blot and staine of sinne , whereby the soule is defiled , and this is taken away when a man is iustified : and therefore he is said to be washed : hence Pererius inferreth , that sinnes to them which are iustified , nulla ex parte remanere , doe not remaine at all : And this he would further prooue by that place , 1. Cor. 15. 17. If Christ be not raised , ye are yet in your sinnes : the Apostle counteth it an absurd and impossible thing , that sinne should remaine in a man regenerate .

Contra. 1. Pererius not citing any Protestant that so affirmeth speaketh , but by gesse and ●urmise : for the Protestants doe not hold that in the regenerate their former sinnes still remaine , beeing onely couered : but that they are forgiuen and remooued indeede , neuer to be remembred againe . This is that we affirme , that for the sinnes past , they are abolished : but for the time to come , there remaineth an aptnesse to sinne , with some staine and blemish , which continueth with the faithfull as long as they are in the flesh .

2. Thomas obseruations may be admitted all but the ●ast : in that he holdeth the staine or blot of sinne to be washed away : if he speake of such a blot , qua , sublato nitore gratiae , animus per p●ccatum foedatur , whereby the soule , the brightnesse of grace beeing taken away , is defiled by sinne , as his words are , such a staine , to the extinguishing of grace , cannot be in the righteous : but such a blemish and staine remaineth , whereby the soule is hindered in euerie good worke , and whereby the flesh resisteth against the spirit : which combate and strife betweene the fl●sh and the spirit remaineth euen in the righteous , as S. Paul giueth instance in himselfe , Rom. 7. 22. 23.

3. We must distinguish with the Apostle betweene the dwelling of sinne , and the raigning of sinne , Rom. 6. 12. and between the warring after the flesh , and walking in the flesh , 2. Cor. 10. 3. Though sinne raigne not in the regenerate , yet it is in the regenerate , as the Apostle saith , 1. Iohn . 1. 8. if we say we haue no sinne , we deceiue our selues , and the truth is not in vs .

4. In that place , 1. Cor. 15. 17. the Apostle meaneth that if Christ were not risen againe , they could not haue remission of their sinnes : for then our redemption had not beene perfited : he speaketh not of evacuating of sinne , that it should haue no more beeing in the faithfull , but of the not imputing of sinne , as the next words before shewe : if Christ be not risen againe , your faith is in vaine , &c. that is , by faith ye could haue no remission of sinne : But see more of this question , how farre sinne remaineth in the regenerate , Synops. Papis . Centur. 3. quest. 10.

10. Controv. That charitie is not more principall in the matter of iustification , then faith .

v. 24. To bring in euerlasting righteousnesse : Hence Pererius would prooue , that charitie is the cheifest , and preferred before faith in the worke of iustification : because this iustice is euerlasting , and therefore faith is not this iustice , which remaineth not alwayes : but charitie remaineth for euer , and therefore the Apostle concludeth , that the chiefest of these is loue .

Contra. 1. We doe not say , that faith is the iustice it selfe , whereby we are iustified : but it apprehendeth instrumentally the iustice of Christ , whereby we are iustified : and therefore he concludeth not to the purpose . 2. though faith remaine not , yet the effect of faith , which is our iustification , abideth for euer : no more shall the preaching of Gods word be necessarie in the next world : yet it is called the immortail seede , 1. Pet. 1. 13. because it is the seede whereby God begetteth vs , who liueth for euer : and in respect of the euerlasting fruite that commeth by the word , it begetteth faith , and faith bringeth euerlasting righteousnesse . 3. charitie is euerlasting , but it is not the euerlasting righteousnesse here spoken of , which is the righteousnesse of Christ applyed by saith . 4. And charirie is the chiefest , not simply , but in respect of the perpetuitie : it is not preferred , as more avayleable then faith to iustification : wherefore it followeth not , charitie is chiefer then faith , because it endureth longer : therefore euerie way it is the chiefest .

11. Controv. That the Pope doth blasphemously vsurpe the title of Christ , to be called most holy .

v. 24. To anoint the most holy : Pererius here maketh this collection , that not onely Christ is called holy , but whatsoeuer belongeth vnto Christ , as the Church is called holy , the faithfull are called Saints , that is holy : And the Pope , because he is Christs Vicar , and representeth him in earth , is called most holy , yea sanctitas , holines it selfe .

Contra. 1. True it is , that the things which belong vnto Christ , are holy by the participation of Christs holinesse , as his spouse the Church , and his members : but they which are neither this spouse , not members ( as the Pope is the head of the Antichristian Church ) haue no part in this holinesse . 2. And though they are called holy , yet the title of most holy , and of holinesse it selfe , cannot without blasphemie simply be giuen vnto any mortall and sinnefull man . 3. Christ needeth no vniuersall Vicar in earth : and it is impossible that to one man should be committed the dispensation of the whole Church . 4. Euery prince is Gods Vicar and Vicegerent in his kingdome : they are called Gods , beeing in Gods stead , and they are the Lords anointed , and so holy : But yet the title of most holy , is peculiar vnto Christ : his Vicar and representer may be holy , but the person represented is onely most holy .

12. Controv. Whether the Sacrament of the Altar be most holy .

The Romanists doe giue this title of most holy , vnto the sacrament of the Altar , as they call it : as simply giuing it the preheminence of holinesse before all other things . Contra. 1. If there were present indeede the verie bodie of Christ , which is but their superstitious imagination , then it would followe , that it were most holy : But that is their owne conceit without any ground , for S. Peter saith , that the heauens must containe Christ , vntill the time that all things be restored , Act. 3. 21. And Christs bodie beeing in heauen , is not at the same time in the earth : neither is in more then one place at once : for otherwise the Angel had not reasoned well , Matth. 28. 6. He is not here , for he is risen . 2. As it is a sacrament , and so representeth the bodie and blood of Christ , we confesse that the Eucharist is holy , and to be reuerenced : yet most holy it can not be said to be , as hauing the preheminence before all other things . The word of God is not inferiour to the Sacrament , if not before it : for that which sanctifieth , is greater then that which is sanctified : as our Sauiour reasoneth concerning the Altar , and the offering , Matth. 23. 19. but the Sacrament is sanctified by the word , Eph. 5. 26. That he might sanctifie it by the washing of water through the word : for all things are sanctified by the word of God , and prayer , 1. Tim. 4. 5. Augustine also to this effect saith , Dicite mihi , &c. tell me , which seemeth greater vnto you , the word of God , or the bodie of Christ● respondere debetis , quod non sit minus verbum Dei , you must answer , that the word of God is not inferiour . Homil. 26. But if the Sacrament were simply most holy , then it should be more holy then the word . 3. Yet may the Sacrament in some respect be called most holy , namely comparatiuely , if it be set against other things which are prophane , or not of like holines : for like as in the Sanctuarie , the most holy place , where the Arke was , had simply that name of most holy ; yet other things also comparatiuely were called most holy : as the altar of burnt-offering , Exod. 29. 37. and the perfume , c. 30. 36. the altar was most holy in comparison of all other things in the outward Court , and the perfume beeing set against all other perfumes : So simply the most holy of all , is the sweete smelling sacrifice of our blessed Sauiour vpon the crosse : as Origen saith , ipse est hostia sancta sanctorum , he is the offering most holy of holies , in Levit. 7 . comparatiuely the Sacrament and other holy things may also be said to be most holy . 4. But their Sacrament of the altar , which they haue made an abominable idol , giuing the highest adoration to a peece of bread , which they make their impanate god , hath no holines at all , and therefore is farre from the title of most holy .

13. Controv. That Christ is mediatour both as God and man .

In that the most holy is saide here to be anointed , first the Arrians inferre , that Christ is not God , for God can not be anointed : secondly , the Romanists collect , that Christ was our Mediatour according to his humane nature onely ; because he was anointed onely in his humanitie . Contra. 1. If this anointing be taken onely for the collation of the gifts and graces of the spirit , it is true , that the humane nature of Christ was onely in this sense anointed : But by this anointing also is vnderstood , the ordaining of Christ to be the Mediatour and Sauiour of the world : and so Christ is our Mediatour according to both his natures : for in the office of the Mediatourship there are two things to be vnderstood , a ministerie , and power and authoritie : the ministeriall part , as to be borne , to fast , to preach , to suffer , to die , Christ executed as he was man : but the power to rise againe , to ascend into the heauens , to reconcile vs vnto God , must be ascribed vnto his diuine nature . So the Apostle saith , God was in Christ reconciling the world to himselfe , 2. Cor. 5. 19. Christ then not onely as man , but as God reconciled the world . So Bernard well saith , singula illius opera ad hanc sive illam necesse est pertinere naturam , ad hanc scilicet miseria , ad illam pertinet potestas , &c. all his workes must of necessitie belong either to the one or to the other nature : to his humanitie must be referred his abasing and miserie , to the other his power , &c. Serm. de verb. sapient . See more hereof , Synops. Centur. 5. err. 29.

14. Controv. Against the sacrifice of the Masse .

v. 27. He shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease : All externall sacrifices then ceased , and were abolished in the death of Christ . They then which would bring in a new externall sacrifice into the Church , as the Romanists , which doe hold , that in the Masse they doe offer vp in sacrifice the bodie and blood of Christ , doe denie the sufficiencie and efficacie of Christs death , and make the couenant , confirmed by his blood , of no effect : for the testament beeing once confirmed and ratified by the death and sacrifice of Christ , there neede no iteration of that sacrifice , vnlesse they will make void the confirmation of the couenant by Christs death : for as the Apostle saith , Christ with one offering hath consecrated for euer , them that are sanctified , Hebr. 10. 14. there needeth no more offering , but onely a fruitfull application of that offering , which is by a thankefull commemoration of Christs death and passion in the Sacrament receiued by faith . Oecolampad .

15. Controv. Against the Iewes , that the Messiah who was expected of the fathers , is alreadie come into the world .

By this prophecie of Daniels 70. weekes , in the ende whereof the Messiah should be slaine , the Iewes are euidently conuinced , that the Messiah is come : which may further be confirmed by these reasons taken out of this prophesie .

1. The holy ointment , wherewith they anointed their Kings and Princes , which was a type of the spirituall anointing of the Messiah , is now abolished , and out of vse among the Iewes : the type was to remaine vntill the bodie and substance came : it beeing now ceased , it followeth that the Messiah , the true anointed of God , is exhibited to the world .

2. The Messiah was to be slaine before the ende of Daniels weekes , or together with the expiring of them : but Daniels weekes are long since ended , euen by the testimonie of the Iewes themselues : therefore the Messiah is come , and they did vnto him what they would .

3. When the Leuiticall sacrifices should cease , the Messiah was come , for his most perfect and holy sacrifice should determine the imperfect sacrifices of the law : But the legal and Leuitical sacrifices are ended : Ergo.

4. The blessed Messiah was to come before the destruction of the second Temple : and therefore the Prophet saith , Hagg. 2. 10. The glorie of this last house , shall be greater then the first : because the Messiah should come , the second Temple yet standing : as the Prophet saith in the same place , v. 7 , 8. Yet a little while , and I will mooue all nations , and the desire of all netions shall come . And for the further euidence and confirmation hereof , we haue thereceiued opinion of many of the Iewes themselues .

R. Moses of Tyrol , and Bioces , looked for the comming of Christ toward the ende of the second Temple : which they gathered partly out of this prophesie of Daniel , partly out of that place , Isa. 66. 7. Before her throwes came vpon her , shee was deliuered of a man child : therefore some of the Rabbins hold , that the Messiah was borne the same day , that the Temple was destroied .

In their booke called Bereshith Rabba , there is this parable : how a certaine Arabian passing by a certain Iew , as he was at plow , hearing one of his oxen low , he bad him vnyoke , for the destruction of Ierusalem was at hand : and hearing the other low also , he bad him vnyoke againe , for the Messiah was alreadie come . R. Aaron telling the same parable , saith , what neede we learne it of an Arabian , seeing the text it selfe declareth it .

Iosephus l. 7. de bell . Iudaic. c. 12. writeth , that therewas a prophecie found in holy Scripture , that at the time of the ouerthrow of Ierusalem , there should come a king which should raigne ouer the world , which he in flattering wise interpreted of Vespaesian .

There was an other prophesie bruted among the Iewes , that Doctor Hillels schollers should neuer faile till Christ were come : the yongest of them was R. Iochanan the sonne of Zacheus , who liued to see the destruction of the Temple : a little before , a certaine gate opened it selfe , which Iosephus speaketh of in his 7. booke , c. 12. where at R. Iochanan beeing amazed , remembred that place , Zachar. 11. 1. Open thy gates , O Lebanon , and let fire consume thy cedars : which he applied to the destruction of the citie , which was set on fire .

Hereof it was , vpon this common receiued opinion , that the Messiah should come before the destruction of Ierusalem , that diuers taking aduantage of the time , tooke vpon them to be Christ : as one Theudas a Iugler , made the people beleeue , that he was a Prophet , and that he would diuide the waters of Iordan before them , as in the time of Ioshuah : and when Felix was gouernour , an other comming out of Egypt , making himselfe a Prophet , perswaded the people , that if they would follow him to mount Olivet , they should see the walls of Ierusalem fall downe . By these testimonies of the Iewes , and their owne practises it is euident , that they expected the comming of Messiah , before the destruction of the second Temple .

Hereunto may be added that notable confession of R. Samnel , sent in an epistle to R. Isaak aboue 600. yeares since , who vpon the euidence of this prophesie of Daniel , was conuinced to confesse , that the Messiah was come : which testimonie beeing very notable , it shall not be amisse to set it downe at large , A notable confession of a learned Iewe , that the Messiah was come long since . as Dyonts . Carthusian . hath it in his commentarie vpon this 9. chapter of Daniel : Videtur ( Domine mi ) Danielis Prophetia , quae scribitur nono capite iam completa esse , &c. It seemeth ( reverent Syr ) that the prophesie of Daniel , which is written in the 9. chapter , to be now fulfilled : after 62. weekes Messiah shall be slaine , and a people shall come with a Prince to come , and destroy the citie , and the house , and the destruction and desolation thereof shall be perpetuall . Now it is not to be doubted ( my good Syr ) but this is the perpetuall destruction and desolation in this captiuitie , wherein we are : for now there are a thousand yeares since , and the Lard plainly saith by his Prophet , that the desolation shall be perpetuall for the killing of Christ , as our desolation is after the slaying of Christ : for the Lord threatned not perpetuall desolation , but after the slaying of Christ . And if we will say , that before the killing of Christ , we were in desolation , the Christians will answer vs , that before his death we had but a desolation for 70. yeares : and after this we were brought into the land of promise , and were in grace and fauour with God . Truely ( Sir ) I see no evasion : for it is prooued vnto vs in fact , that after seuentie weekes of yeares were fulfilled from the reedifying of the Temple , then was Iesus slaine of our fathers : and afterward came a captaine , euen Titus , and the people of Rome , and did vnto vs according to this prophesie . Now a thousand yeares are past , and we are notwithstanding vnder Gods wrath , and yet we trust in him , expecting a Messiah to come : and that we shall returne into the land of promise , and restore the citie and Temple , and that we shall be in fauour with God , and so this desolation not to be perpetuall , but temporall . Alas ( Sir ) this excuse and euasion hangeth not together , and such expectation seemeth to be altogether vaine .

A more plentifull and euident testimonie can we not haue , then from this learned Rabbin , who giueth a most perfect and sound exposition of Daniels propheticall weekes . Seeing then it is euident , that the Messiah is come , who els can he be but Christ Iesus : in whome all these things are fulfilled , prophesied of the Messiah . 1. the anointing is now ceased . 2. so are all the Leuitical sacrifices since his death . 3. he came while the second Temple stood . 4. and suffered after 490. yeares from the reedifying of the citie and Temple . 5. immediatly vpon his death the citie and Temple was destroied . 6. and the same destruction is like to be perpetuall , hauing continued almost 1600. yeares , according to this prophesie of Daniel . So that if they were not wilfully blinded , they must needes confesse with R. Samuel , that the Messiah is come , and that he was that IESVS , whome their forefathers killed .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observ. Of diligent and carefull preparation to prayer .

v. 2. I Daniel vnderstood by bookes , &c. Daniel commeth not rashly or of a sudden to prayer , but he before meditated vpon the word of God , and carefully considered , what he was to pray for : he also set himselfe to seeke the Lord by fasting , and so humbled himselfe . All this teacheth vs , that we take heede that we come not presumptuously , or vnprepared into Gods presence , as the Preacher aduiseth , Eccles. 5. 1. Be not rash with thy mouth , &c. God is in heauen , and thou art in earth . In this kind of rash praier the Pharisie offended , Luk. 18. who not hauing first truly humbled himselfe , presseth vaingloriously into Gods presence , whereas the Publican stood a farre off , knocking vpon his breast , & calling for mercie .

2. Observ. That the promises of God should not make vs more slacke to pray .

v. 2. I Daniel vnderstood by bookes the number of the yeares , &c. Though Daniel was assured by the prophecie of Ieremie , that the captiuitie should be dissolued after 70. yeares , yet he is not therefore secure , and carelesse , but he is thereby more stirred vp to prayer : So the children of God , which doe ground themselues vpon Gods promises , are thereby encouraged the more earnestly to pray : imagis stimulantur ad precandum , they are more pricked forward , and animated to prayer , Calvin . So Iaacob praieth , Gen. 32. 9. O God of my father Abraham , &c. which saidest vnto me , Returne vnto thy countrey , &c. and I will doe thee good : he is not negligent and secure , because he had Gods promise ; but he is so much the more diligent in prayer .

3. Observ. The Scriptures are diligently to be read .

If Daniel so great a Prophet did exercise himselfe in the reading of the bookes of the Prophets , how much more ought we to be conuersant in the Scriptures , Bulling. So the Prophet Dauid saith , Psal. 119. 24. Thy testimonies are my delight , and they are my counsellers . If these holy men endued with such excellent gifts , and hauing so great a measure of Gods spirit , that they were vsed thenselues as penmen of Scripture , did yet frequent the reading of Scripture ; it teacheth vs not to neglect so great a meanes of our saluation .

4. Observ. Of the efficacie of prayer .

v. 21. While I was speaking in prayer , the man Gabriel , &c. came . In this that the Angel came instantly to Daniel , as he praied ; we see that the prayers of the righteous are auaileable with God : as the Prophet Isai saith , c. 30. 19. He will certenly haue mercie vpon thee at the voice of thy crie : when he heareth thee , he will answer thee . So the Lord heard Nehemiah , c. 1. and 2. and Ionas , c. 2. 1. I cried in my trouble to the Lord , and he heard me . This therefore should encourage the children of God to pray , seeing the Lord heareth them ; What subiect , knowing the readie inclination of his Prince to heare him , would not with boldnes offer his suit and supplication vnto him ?

5. Observ. To be mindfull of the Church of God in our praiers .

v. 20. For the holy mountaine of my God . Daniel though he were in prosperous state himselfe , yet remembreth the affliction of Gods people , and the desolation of Gods house : teaching vs , that in our welfare we should thinke of the miserie of other Churches . Moses liuing in Pharaohs court , would not so content himselfe , but he goeth forth to visit his brethren : the Prophet Dauid hauing praied for himselfe , thus concludeth his praier , Deliuer Israel , O God , out of all his troubles , Psal. 25. 22.

6. Observ. That we must alwaies in heart communicate with the publike seruice and worship of God .

v. 21. About the time of the euening oblation . Though the seruice of God were now intermitted , and there was neither morning nor euening sacrifice , the Temple lying desolate , yet Daniel still beareth it in minde , though in the land of captiuitie : teaching vs , when we are otherwise letted by sicknes , imprisonment , absence , we should in heart and desire be present with those that serue the Lord : as the Prophet Dauid saith , Psal. 42. 4. When I remembred these things , I powred out my heart , because I had gone with the multitude , &c.

7. Observ. God afflicteth and chastiseth whome he loueth .

v. 23. Thou art greatly beloued . Daniel was a man highly in Gods fauour , yet he was lead into captiuitie , and there continued 70. yeares : let not men therefore be dismaied , though they continue long in affliction : yea , the Lord consecrated the Prince of our saluation through affliction , Hebr. 2. 10. yea , his whole life was nothing els but a tragicall storie of crosses and tribulations : the members must not thinke much to take part with the head , neither is the disciple better then the master .

CHAP. X.

1. The Argument and Method .

IN these three last chapters , the 10 , 11 , 12. the fourth and last vision , which Daniel had , is set forth : whereof there are three parts . 1. the preparation to the vision , contained in the 10. chapter . 2. the propheticall vision it selfe , in the 11. chapter . 3. the consolation ministred vnto Daniel , after the prediction of such heauie things .

In the preparation , or preamble to the vision in the 11. chap. there are these fowre parts . 1. the summe of the vision in generall , to v. 5. 2. a description of the glorious person that appeared , to v. 7. 3. the effect that followed , Daniel and his companions feare , v. 7. to the 10. 4. the erection and animating of Daniel by the Angel , v. 10. to the 21.

1. In the generall summe , 1. the time is expressed . 2. the person to whome the vision was reuealed , to Daniel . 3. the manner of the vision : for the certentie , it was true : for the continuance , long : for the clearenes , he vnderstood it . 4. then the disposition of Daniel is shewed , how he was affected , when this vision came : he was in heauines : the effects whereof were , he eate no pleasant bread , v. 3.

2. In this description , 1. the circumstances are set forth , the time and place , v. 4. 2. the glorious person described by his forme , he was as a man , by his rayment , v. 5. by his parts and voice , v. 6.

3. The feare of Daniel and his companions is diuersly set forth : they fled away and hid themselues , v. 7. Daniel staied by it , though his strength was much abated , v. 8. and the cause of this great feare is shewed ; the hearing of the voice like thunder , v. 9.

4. The erecting and animating of Daniel , is set forth in fowre degrees . 1. the first degree is in setting Daniel vpon his knees , and the palmes of his hands , which was caused partly by an hand that touched him , v. 10. partly by words , v. 11.

2. In the second degree , he standeth , but trembling : the comfort is ministred by the speaking of the Angel : where he sheweth , 1. when he was first sent forth , v. 12. 2. what was the cause of his stay , v. 13. 3. to what ende he came , v. 14.

3. In the third degree is shewed , 1. the Prophets infirmitie : he set his face toward the ground , but held his tongue , v. 15. 2. the consolation , an hand touched his lippes . 3. the effects : he speaketh shewing his feare , v. 16. and the cause thereof , v. 17.

4. In the fourth and last degree , 1. the Prophets infirmitie is expressed , his great feare , v. 17. 2. the erection of him , partly by gesture , an hand toucheth him , v. 18. partly by speach . 3. the effects , Daniel speaketh boldly to the Angel . 4. the Angel declareth three things : 1. of his fighting with the Prince of Persia. 2. of the comming of the Prince of Grecia . 3. of the assistance and helpe of Michael the Prince of Gods people .

2. The text with the diuers readings .

v. 1. In the third yeare of ( the raigne . L. ad ) Cyrus ( Choresh , H. which in the Persian language signifieth , Lord , and therefore they call the sonne , choresh , his name before was Spaco , as Herodotus , which in the Medes language signifieth a dogge ) king of Persia , a thing ( a word . H. ) was reuealed vnto Daniel , who was called by his name Belteshatzar : and the word was true ( proper . Br. truth in the word . H. ) but the time appointed was long ( great . H. the strength or force was great . L. V. S. tzaba signifieth both , but the first rather here ) and he vnderstood the words ( word . H. ) and had vnderstanding in the vision ( he vnderstood both the words of the vision , because they were plaine , and the matter of the vision . )

2 At the same time ( in those daies . H. ) I Daniel was in heauines for three weeks of daies .

3 I ate no pleasant bread ( or meate . I. bread of desires . H. ) neither came flesh nor wine in my mouth , neither did I anoint my selfe at all ( in anointing anointed me . H. ) till three weeks of daies were fulfilled .

4 And in the foure and twentieth day of the first moneth , I was by the banke ( side , B. G. hand . H. ) of the great riuer , euen Hiddekel ( that is , Tigris , L. V. in Dekel . S. cor. )

5 And I lift vp mine eyes , and looked , and behold , a man clothed in linen , end his loynes were girded about with gold of Vphaz ( not fine gold . L. V. it is the name of the place from whence they had fine gold . Ier. 10. 9. )

6 His bodie was like Tharsis ( H. S. the chrysolite . L. G. the turkeis . B. the hiacinth . V. berill . I. see more , qu. 14. ) and his face as the sight of lightning , and his eyes as lamps of fire , and his armes and feete were like the colour ( shining . V. shew . L. eye . H. ) of polished brasse , and the voice of his words , as the voice of a multitude .

7 And I Daniel alone saw the vision , and the men that were with me , saw not the vision : but a great feare fell vpon them , so that they fledde away , to be hidde ( and hidde themselues . B. G. )

8 Therefore I was left alone , and saw this great vision , and there remained no strength in me , and my comelines ( my forme . L. glorie . S. colour . B. strength . G. ) was turned into corruption ( was corrupted and deformed . V. ) and I reteined no power .

9 Yet I heard the voice ( sound . I. ) of his words : and when I heard the voice of his words , I slumbred ( fell a sleepe . G. was astonished . B. but the word signifieth to slumber ) on my face , and my face was turned toward the ground .

10 And behold , an hand touched me , which set me vp ( mooued or strengthened me . H. ) vpon my knees , and vpon the palmes of my hands .

11 And he said vnto me , O Daniel , a man much desired ( a man of desires . H. see c. 9. 23. ) vnderstand the words that I speake vnto thee , and stand in thy place : ( station . H. ) for vnto thee am I now sent : and when he had said this word vnto me , I stood trembling .

12 Then he saide vnto me , Feare not , Daniel : for from the first day that thou didst set ( giue . H. ) thine heart to vnderstand , and to afflict ( chasten . B. humble . G. ) thy selfe before thy God , thy words were heard , and I am come for thy words .

13 But the Prince of the kingdom of Persia withstood me ( stood before . I. rather against me ) one and twentie daies : but lo , Michael , the first ( one . V. L. cum caeter . but achad signifieth the first , Gen. 1. 5. as well as one ) of the chiefe Princes , came to helpe me , and I remained there by the kings ( not king . L. S. ) of Persia.

14 Now I am come to shew thee , what shall befall thy people in the latter ( or ensuing . I. not last . L. ) daies : for yet the vision is for many daies ( not of these daies . I. ( daies ) put absolutely without any other addition , signifie many )

15 And when he spake these words vnto me , I set my face toward the ground , and held my tongue .

16 And behold , as the similitude of man ( of the sonnes of men . H. ) touched ( vpon . H. ) my lips : then opened I my mouth , and spake , and said to him that stood before me , O my Lord , by the vision , my sorrowes are returned ( I. G. not my ioynts are turned out of their place , L. V. B. or my inward parts are turned . S. the word , tzir , signifieth sorrow , anguish , ) and I haue reteined no strength .

17 For how can the seruant of that my Lord , talke with that my Lord ( A. P. better then how can this seruant of my Lord , talke with that my Lord . I. or how can the seruant of this my Lord talke with this my Lord . V. Pol. or how can the seruant of this my Lord talke with my Lord beeing such an one . B. G. the demonstrative , zeh ( that , or yonder ) is in both places ioyned with adonai , Lord : see more , qu. 17. following ) for as for me , there remained no strength to me , neither is there breath ( L. S. B. G. spirit . V. the soule . I. A. the first rather ) left in me .

18 Then there came againe ( added . H. ) and touched me , as the appearance of a man , and strengthened me :

19 And said , O man , much desired : peace be vnto thee , be strong , and be of good courage : ( be strong , be strong . H. ) and when he had spoken vnto me , I was strengthened , and said , Let my Lord speake : for thou hast strengthened me .

20 Then said he , Knowest thou wherefore I am come vnto thee ? for now I will returne to fight against the Prince of Persia : and as soone as I goe forth ( am going forth , H. ) the Prince of Grecia shall come ( commeth . H. not is come . L. S. )

22 But I will shew thee , that which is expressed ( decreed . G. appointed . S. ) in the Scripture of truth : and there is none that holdeth ( confirmeth himselfe . H. ) with me in these things , but Michael your Prince .

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

1. Quest. Of the excellencie of this vision reuealed in this Chapter and the two next vnto Daniel .

This vision , which Lyranus counteth the ninth from the beginning of this booke , c. 2. but indeede it is but the fourth vision , which Daniel properly had , beginning at the 7. chapter : It is a most worthie and excellent vision in diuers respects . 1. because of the preparation : Daniel fasted and humbled himselfe 3. weekes of daies , before this vision was shewed vnto him . 2. The reuealer of this vision , was the chiefe of the Angels , euen Christ himselfe , as is further shewed , qu. 12. following , who appeared not in the ordinarie shape of a man , but in a glorious manner , his bodie was as the Chrysolite , and his face like lightning , &c. v. 6. Perer. 3. Whereas other visions were darke and obscure , this vision is plaine and manifest : and therefore it is said , the word is true , or proper , not figuratiue . H. B. 4. This vision is continued , and contained in these three last chapters , which was all one vision : so were not any of the other so long continued and produced . Iun. Polan . 5. It is saide , the time was long , when these things should be fulfilled , many yeares after : some read , and the power and force is great : for the word is tzaba , which signifieth an armie , and so some of the Rabbins vnderstand here an armie of Angels , which appeared to Daniel : but the first seemeth to be the better sense , Iun. Polan . Some thinke , that this was a long prophesie , the accomplishment whereof is extended vnto the ende of the world , Bulling. Perer. But , though in the last chapter mention be made by occasion of the resurrection , yet this prophesie was properly fulfilled before the times of the Messiah : though typically it may be applied to the times succeeding ; as concerning the perfection of Antichrist prefigured by Antiochus , and other accidents , which did befall the Church of Christ .

2. Quest. How the third yeare of Cyrus is here to be vnderstood .

1. Some Greeke copies here for the third yeare , doe read the first yeare of Cyrus : the occasion of which error Theodoret thinketh to be this , because it is said , c. 1. 21. that Daniel was vnto the first yeare of Cyrus : which doubt Theodoret thus taketh away , because in the originall it is saide , vnto one yeare of Cyrus , not to the first : But it is euident , that in the Hebrew phrase , one is taken for the first : the solution then is this , that Daniel continued in authoritie with the Babylonian kings , and ministred vnto them , as long as that Monarchie continued , and then he serued Cyrus and Darius . Lyran. Perer. Polan .

2. This third yeeare of Cyrus some vnderstand to be the 4. yeare from the solution of the captiuitie : first Darius raigned one yeare , and died in the beginning of the next , and then Cyrus succeeded : But Cyrus and Darius raigned together , because it is said c. 1. 21. that Dael was vnto the first of Cyrus , which was in the first of Darius also , for otherwise he should be omitted with whom Daniel was in great grace .

3. The better opinion is that Cyrus in the verie first yeare , when Babylon was taken , gaue the Iewes libertie to returne , in the second yeare they beganne to build , and were the same yeare hindred , and in the beginning of the third yeare this vision was reuealed vnto Daniel .

4. This was the third and last yeare of Cyrus raigne ouer the Persian Monarchie : who raigned 30. yeares in all , and in the 28. yeare of his raigne ouer Persia , he tooke Babylon , Polan . Pellican . he did not raigne 30. after the taking of Babylon , as M. Liuely , Pererius , with others thinke .

Quest. 3. Of Daniels vnderstanding of this vision .

Here is to be considered a threefold distinction of those which haue visions .

1. Some haue visions , but they vnderstand them not : such were Pharaoh , Nebuchadnezzar , and Balthazar : lib. 11. Moral . cap. 12. and of these Gregorie saith , cum aliquid ostenditur , & intellectus non tribuitur , prophetia minime est , when any thing is shewed , and vnderstanding not giuen , it is no prophesie : lib. 12. de Gen. ad liter . c. 9. neither are they Prophets to whom such things are shewed , &c. And Augustine saith , magis Ioseph Propheta fuit qui intellexit , &c. Ioseph was rather a Prophet , who vnderstood the dreame , then Pharaoh , which had it and vnderstood not .

2. Some there are which may vnderstand in some sort , and haue the gift of prophesying , and yet not be in the state of grace : such an one was Balaam , who vttered most cleare prophesies of things to come . And that the gift of prophesie may be separated from the grace of God , and charitie , the Apostle sheweth , 1. Cor. 13. 2. If I had the gift of prophesie , &c. and had no loue , I were nothing , Pintus .

3. But there are some , which are the faithfull seruants and true Prophets of God , who haue both the gift of Prophesie , with the vnderstanding therof , and are also in Gods fauour , and in the state of grace : such an one was Daniel .

Quest. 4 , v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazzar .

What the meaning of this name is , is shewed before , c. 1. quest. 28. But Daniel nameth himselfe here Belteshazzar for these cause . 1. voluit hoc vaticinium celebre esse per omnes nationes , he would haue this prophesie famous among all nations , where he was knowne rather by the name of Belteshazzar , then by the name of Daniel , Calvin . 2. by this meanes , though he were called by a strange name , yet he would make it knowne , se non alienum esse à populo Dei , that he was not enstranged from the people of God , but continued still in their communion . 3. And hereby also Daniel intimateth , that he was the same man , vnto whom the former visions were shewed , and the vnderstanding of secret things : and so by this meanes this vision was receiued with greater credit and authoritie , Polan .

Quest. 5. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heauines .

1. Theodoret thinketh , this was one cause thereof , because all of the Iewes hauing libertie to returne , yet many of them , beeing in loue with the pleasures of Babylon , neglect● in patriam reditu tanto beneficio vti noluerunt , neglecting to returne into their countrey , would not vse so great a benefit : But if this had beene the cause , Daniel would not haue deferred the time of mourning so long , for this backewardnesse of the people was knowne in the 1. yeare of Cyrus , when the people had licence to returne .

2. An other cause of Daniels mourning is supposed to haue beene the remembrance and consideration of so many heauie things , as were foreshewed him in time to come to befall his people .

3. As also because it was reuealed vnto him , to what blindnesse and obstinacie his people should growe , as to put to death the Messiah , Perer. But if either of these had beene the cause , Daniel would not haue put off his mourning so long : for the first was signified vnto him in the 3. of Balthazar , c. 8. and the other in the 1. of Darius , c. 9. But this mourning of Daniel was in the 3. yeare of Cyrus , two yeares after .

4. Therefore this indeede was the cause : the people which were returned had begunne to reedifie the Temple , and presently they were hindred by Cambyses , Cyrus beeing occupied in warres abroad : this hard newes came to Daniel in Persia , and therefore he mourneth , entreating the Lord that the businesse might goe forward , Iun. Polan . Oecolampad . Pellic. with others .

Quest. 6. Of the time that Daniel mourned , which was three weekes of dayes .

1. This is added ( of dayes ) by way of distinction , because in the former chapter he had spoken of weekes of yeares , Polan . 2. Some thinke he mourned 3. weeks , to signifie the Trinitie , gloss . interlin . but that is too curious . 3. Some , because the people hauing leaue to returne in the first of Cyrus , had deferred their iourney vntill this 3. yeare , and therefore Daniel mourneth 3. weeks , for euerie yeare a weeke , least this negligence should haue beene layd vnto the peoples charge , Hugo : but this is contrarie to the storie , Ezra . 2. where it is declared that they beganne to build the Temple in the second yeare , therefore they did not put off their returne vnto the third yeare . 4. Further Hugo hath an other conceit : that as Daniel fasted 21. dayes before the Angel appeared , which represented Christ , so the Church hath the like vse to fast 21. dayes before the aduent : But such superstitious customes are not grounded vpon either precept or example in Scripture : superstition was the mother and founder of such inuentions . 5. This then was the cause : Daniel herein sheweth his constancie , not that sorrowe is valued before God by the length of time : but Daniel continueth in fasting and prayer , expecting still some comfortable answer from God : he therefore giueth not ouer vntill he sawe that the Lord graciously inclined vnto his prayer , Iun. 6. And in that he fasted 21. dayes in the 1. moneth , the 1. day , which was the newe moone , which they were commanded by the lawe to keepe with reioycing , seemeth to be excepted , Iun. 7. And whereas within this time they vsed to keepe the Passeouer , which was a time also of reioycing , it seemeth that in the captiuitie that solemnitie was omitted , and so thinketh R. Leui : whereupon Theodoret reprooueth the Iewes in his time , who vsed to celebrate the Pasch , with all the rites and ceremonies thereto belonging , wheresoeuer they were , whereas by Moses lawe it was onely to be kept in the place which the Lord should chuse .

Quest. 7. Of Daniels abstinencie .

v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread . In the Hebrewe , it is called bread of desries : which Theodoret taketh to haue beene common bread , because it was desired of all : but it rather signifieth some fine pleasant bread , such as whitebread or manchet is to browne , Vatab. for afterward he speaketh of wine , which is a pleasant and principall drinke , from the which also Daniel abstained : it is not like that for 3. weekes he did eat no bread at all .

2. Now in that Daniel the space of 3. weekes refrained the drinking of wine , and eating of pleasant bread or meate , it seemeth that before he vsed them : so that Daniels abstinencie , when he did chuse at the first to be fedde onely with bread made of pulse , c. 1. seemeth only to haue beene for a time : which some thinke was for that he was now in yeares , and therefore it was not fit he should vse such a sparing and course diet , as he did before : or now he was at his owne finding , and needed not to be forced to eat any meate , that was polluted , but might prouide such as he thought best himselfe , Lyran. Perer. But this rather was the cause , as M. Calvin well noteth : that now there was not the like danger , as then , in eating delicate meates ; for then they were vsed as baits to corrupt Daniel , and winne him from his faith and religion : But afterward Daniel , elapsus è Diaboli & Regis insidijs , hauing escaped the snares of Sathan , and of the king , vseth greater libertie .

Quest. 8. Of the custome and vse of anointing , which Daniel also forbeareth .

Hierome here writeth , that the Persians in stead of bathes vsed to anoint themselues , ye● to besmeare themselues all ouer with ointment , as Plinie writeth lib. 13. c. 1. which they did both to defend themselues from the intemperat heat , and to keep their bodies in health , Lyran. this custome of anointing was verie auncient : Plinie in the same place saith it was not in vse in the time of the Troiane warre : But that is not so : for Diodorus Siculus , lib. 2. c. 1. reporteth how a king of Egypt , called Miridies allowed vnto his wife , for ointment and other ornaments of her bodie , a talent of siluer euerie day : which king was long before the Troian warre . And we read in the Scripture that long before the Troiane stirres , Moses prescribed an ointment to be made for the vse of the Temple , Exod. 30. And before that Ioseph embaumed his fathers bodie with ointments and other spices , Gen. 50. 3. And ointment was vsed to diuerse purposes . 1. There was a religious vse in the anointing of the Tabernacle , their Priests also and kings were anointed . 2. It also had ciuill vses . 1. as first it was vsed for ornament , as Ruth anointed her selfe when she went to Boaz , Ruth . 3. 2. they vsed to entertaine holy persons with anointing their head and feete : as Marie Magdalen anointed Christs feete in the gospel . 3. they anointed also the bodies of the dead , and burned sweete odors ouer them : as it is said , that they layd Asa in a bed of spices , and burned sweet odors for him with an exceeding great fire , that is in great abundance , 2. Chr. 16. 14.

Quest. 9. Of the riuer Hiddekel , where Daniel had this vision .

1. This was the same riuer called Tigris , not as Hierome thinketh of the beast called the Tiger , because of the swiftnesse of the streame : but Tigris in the language of the Medes signifieth a shaft or an arrowe , whence this riuer is so called of the swiftnesse , Plin. lib. 6. c. 7. 2. This Hidekel is commonly taken for the riuer Tigris , Pint. Perer. some thinke it was a branch of Euphra●es falling into Tigris about Apameae , Polan . But it was rather a part of Tigris , which in the one part is called Hidekel , in an other Phison , or Phasitigris , Calvin . see further hereof els where . Hexapl. in Gen. 2. quest. 13 14. 16. 3. it is called a great riuer in respect of other smaller riuers , though Euphates which is sometime simply called the great riuer , and Nilus in Egypt , were greater then it .

Quest. 10. Whether Daniel were onely in spirit , or bodily present by the riuer Tigris .

1. M. Calvin thinketh , that he was carried thither in spirit onely , as before c. 8. 2. he is said in Balthazars time to be in Shushan : but there is not the like reason : for then , while the Babylonian Monarchie yet stood , Daniel had no occasion to be in Sushan , which was the chiefe citie of Persia : But now beeing in Persia , or among the Medes , it is like , that he was in that Prouince where Tigris was . 2. Pellican and Oecol . leaue it as a matter indifferent , whether he were there in spirit onely , or otherwise . 3. But it is most like , that the very place is described in deede , where this vision was reuealed , as Iunius , that these things were shewed vnto Daniel , in regione trans-Tigritana , in the region beyond Tigris : and Bullinger doth gather so much by that which followeth , of Daniels companions , that beeing afraid of that glorious sight , they fledde away , and hid themselues , v. 7. by which it appeareth , that Daniel was not alone transported onely thither in spirit , but that he had companie with him , and so was verily in that place .

Quest. 11. Why this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by the riuer Tigris .

Hierome here noteth that holy men vsually had their visions and reuelations by riuers sides , as Esechiel by the riuer Chebar , Esech . 1. Iohn Baptist by the flood Iordan : and herein the heathen Poets imitated the true Prophets , imagining themselues to be infused with their poeticall furies , in fountaines , and by riuers : whereupon it was commonly held , that their gods and goddesses had their habitation in fountaines and riuers . Now these reasons may be giuen , why this vision was shewed to Daniel in this place . 1. vt aquae labentes essent simi●●lum gratiarum spiritus , that the running waters might be a signe of the graces of Gods spirit , which were powred vpon the Prophets , Polan . to the same purpose Pererius , that by the abondance of water is signified magna vis prophetica illuminationis , the great plentie of propheticall illumination . 2. some thinke that the vanitie of the world , is compared aqui● praeter fl●●●tibus , to the passing of waters , Oecolampad . 3. But this is more probable , secessum contemplationis gra●●ia quaesisse , that Daniel went apart , to giue himselfe to contemplation , because the citie was full of noyse and tumult : Pollican . as Paul with the disciples prayed by a riuer side , Act. 16. 4. And this speciall reason there was beside , because Nicator the founder of the f●milie of the Seleuci●ns , whom the prophesie c. 11. chiefely concerneth , founded his chiefe citie Seleucia , vpon the riuer Tigris , H. Br. 〈◊〉 Daniel .

Quest. 11. Whether it were an Angel or Christ which appeared here vnto Daniel .

v. 5. There was a man cloathed in 〈◊〉 not that he was a man in deede , but he appeared in humane sl●●pe . 1. Some thinke that this was the Angel Gabriel , as Theodoret , Ca●thusianus , Lyranus , who ( they thinke ) was the speciall protector of the Iewes in captiuitie , as Michael 〈◊〉 of those which were returned : so Gregor. lib. 17. 〈◊〉 . Cassan●● c●●●ation . 8. Hugo Cardinal . of the same opinion is Calvin , Bullinger , Osiander , that this was an Angel . And Pereius reason is , because in the visions shewed vnto Daniel , c. 8. 9. the Angel Gabriel is expressed by name , that wat sent to declare the meaning of the vision to the Prophet : But it followeth not , that therefore this was the Angel Gabriel which appeared in this glorious manner : It was the Angel Gabriel which afterward speaketh with Daniel ; but it was Christ which in this glorious manner manifested himselfe .

2. The reasons to confirme this , that Christ himselfe appeared , are these : 1. Hyppolitus vrgeth the difference betweene the apparition of Gabriel before , and this here : for he is said before c. 9. to come fleeing as a ministring Angel ; but here is no such thing : he that appeareth now , sheweth himselfe in his maiestie , as the Lord , himselfe . 2. Pappus inferreth as much out of v. 17. because Daniel calleth this Angel Lord , and himselfe his seruant : but the holy Prophets did not call themselues the Angels seruants : the Angels did rather acknowledge them to be their fellowe seruants , Reuel. 22. 8. 3. Iunius and Polanus doe prooue the same by that place , c. 12. 6. where one , namely an Angel , speaketh thus vnto the man cloathed in linen , When shall be an ende of these wonders ? this was Christ then , of whom the angels learne the knowledge of things to come : who is called c. 8. 13. Palmoni , one that hath secrets in account : to whom one of the Angels propounded the like question . 4. this vision agreeth with that Reuelat. 1. almost in euerie respect : But there Christ appeared in this manner , in a long rayment , girded about with a golden girdle , his eyes were as flames of fire , his feete as fine brasse , his voice as the sound of waters : And so doth Christ appeare here , in a long white garment , his face as lightening , his eyes as flames of fire , his armes and feete like polished brasse , his voice , like the voice of a multitude : the likenesse and agreement of the apparitions sheweth that he was the same , which in both places appeared .

3. Now this strong obiection there is , that it was not Christ but an Angel which appeared , because afterward v. 13. he speaketh of Michael the Prince which came to helpe him , which Michael is vnderstood to be Christ : & Christ needed not to be helped : beside he saith , v. 11. vnto thee am I now sent . But Christ is none of the missiue or ministring Angels , he sendeth them , he is not sent .

Answ. 1. Some here answer , that though Michael afterward be vnderstood to be Christ , yet in this place , Michael signifieth one of the principall Angels , Pappus . But that seemeth not so fit , in the same prophesie , and at the same time , by Michael to vnderstand not one and the same , but diuerse .

2. Oecolampadius , who holdeth this to be Christ that appeared in this maiestie , thus interpreteth those words , now I am sent to thee : placuit pairivt te nunc consoler , it pleaseth my father that I now should come to comfort thee : But we doe not finde , that Christ as the sonne of God , is said to be sent of his father : as he was man he was sent into the world : Againe , he giueth this sense of the other words , Michael helped me , hunc meum erga vos fauorem magis declarauit , the Angel Michael hath more declared my fauour toward you : so also Pellican . but it may seeme an harsh and hard speach in any sense , to say that Christ is helped of the Angels .

3. Therefore this is our answer , that it was the person of Christ the sonne of God , which was seene of Daniel in that great maiestie : And he is that Michael afterward spoken of : But it was the Angel Gabriel that had the communication with Daniel : for the Prophet himselfe distinguisheth the person of the Angel , from him that appeared in that glorie : as v. 16. he saith , I said vnto him that stood before me : that was another beside Christ that appeared : whom the Prophet pointeth out by the pronoune demonstratiue dubled , v. 17. how can the seruant of my Lord talke with that my Lord , Polan . So c. 8. 16. there is the like distinction betweene the Angel Gabriel , and another that spake vnto him in a mans voice , called before Palmoni , v. 13. the like also see , c. 12. 5. where one of the Angels standing by the riuer , speaketh vnto the man cloathed in linen , that is vnto Christ , to know when should be the ende of those things .

Quest. 13. Of the description of the manner how Christ appeared , and first of his apparell .

Christ is described by the adiuncts of his vesture and raiment , and by the parts of his bodie set forth by certaine similitudes . There are two parts of his apparell named , his white garment , and his girdle , which shall be handled in their order .

1. The word is ●aldi● , which Amm●nius taketh for a variable vesture of diuerse colors , which he would haue to signifie the diuerse vertues , which the seruants of Christ should be endued with : but it was a kind of fine white linen , such as was vsed in those countreys by Princes and great men : And such were the linen garments prescribed to be vsed by the Le●●es ▪ , and Priests in the old Testament , Exod. 28. Pererius hereby vnderstandeth the innocencie and puritie of the Angelicall nature . Oecolampadius applyeth it to the innocencie that ought to be in the preachers of the Gospel . But it better expresseth the Priesthood of Christ , who is described in the like manner , with a long garment downe to the feete , Reu. 1. yet sometime Christ appeareth with a garment dipped and besprinkled with blood , as Isay. 63. v. 1. 2. and Apoc. 19. v. 13. but that is in a diuerse sense : he hath a bloodie garment in respect of the wicked , to shewe his victorie and triumph ouer them : but a white garment toward the righteous , because he is their righteousnesse : and in his blood they doe wash their garmens white , Apoc. 7. 13. 14. that is , are iustified and made righteous by the blood of the Lambe , Polan .

2. His girdle was of fine gold of Vphaz : the Latine interpreter readeth , for Vphaz , Obrizum : so also Lyran. Vatab. which is a name giuen vnto the finest gold , called obrizum , quia obradiat , because it glistereth , as Isidor . lib. 16. Etymol . c. 17. or , quia rubeat , because it is redde , Pline lib. 33. c. 3. or rather as Pagnine it is called obrizum , quasi Ophirizum , because it came from Ophir : for that place which here is called Vphaz , and Ierem. 10. 9. is elsewhere called Ophir , from whence Salomon had his gold . It is a place in India , about the riuer Ganges , called Malaca , Polan . Pererius thinketh it to be the same place , which the Portugals call Sophala . The girding of the loines with this girdle of gold , some expound of the pure affection of the Angels , because the reines are held to be the seate of the affections , that their reuelations sauour not of any carnall thoughts , Bulling. Some of their delight which they haue in God , Perer. But this beeing a vision of Christ , not of a created Angel , both sheweth his strength wherewith he had girded himselfe , as the Prophet Dauid saith , Psal. 93. 1. as Pererius expoundeth that part of the vision , Apocal. 1. or it sheweth Christs readinesse and alacritie to finish that worke which was committed vnto him : as they in those countries wearing long garments , vsed to gird and trusse them vp , when they went about any businesse , Iun. Polan . Oecolamp .

Quest 14. Of the glorious parts of this heauenly bodie which appeared vnto Daniel .

1. His bodie was like vnto the Chrysol●●e , L. Genevens . Turkeis , B. to the Hyacinth , Vatab. to the Saphir , Osiand . rather like the berill , which is of Sea or Skie colour , Iun. Pol. the word is tarshish , which is diuersely taken : for it signifieth the Sea , then a countrey in India , from whence Salomon had his gold , 1. king . 10. 22. and there was a pretious stone of that name , Exod. 28. 20. And sometime it is taken for Carthage , as where it is said , Ezeck. 27. the merchaunts were of Tarshish ; the Septuag. read , the Carthaginians were thy merchants : But for Tharsus the chiefe citie of Cilicia , it is neuer taken , as Iosephus thinketh lib. 1. antiquit . to this purpose Pererius . In which obseruation of his , this may be excepted against , 1. he thinketh that Tarshish is a countrey in India : but no such thing is gathered in that place , 1. king . 10. mention is made onely of the shippes of Tarshish , that is , of the Ocean sea which brought Salomons gold . 2. In that place of Ezechiel , the Cilicians , or any other inhabiting vpon the sea , may as well be vnderstood , as the Carthaginians . 3. And it is euident , that Ionas 1. 3. by Tarshish Tarsus of Cilicia is vnderstood , which was so called of Tarshish one of the sonnes of Iavan the sonne of Iapheth , Gen. 10. 4. And this may appeare by the words of the text , he payed his fare , and went downe into the ship that he might goe with them to Tarshish : this is not here vnderstood to be the Sea , for as soone as he was in the ship , he was in the sea : and the mariners intended their course to some certaine place , not to saile vp and downe in the sea : Therefore Hierome neede not to haue found so much fault with Rheticius Bish. of Augustadunum , for taking Tarshish here for Tarsus in Cilicia , epist. 133. ad Mar. 4. Further this Tarshish here cannot be the Chrysolite , which is a pretious stone yellowish like gold , as Plinie writeth , that Aethiopia sendeth forth Chrysolites , aureo colore translucentes , which shine with a golden colour , lib. 37. c. 9. and so Hugo de S. Victore saith , Chrysolithus fulget quasiaurum , the Chrysolite shineth like gold : as the word signifieth : But Tarshish properly signifying the Sea , must be here taken for a pretious stone of sea or skie colour : See more hereof , Hexapl. in Exod. quest. 21. 10. 5. But R. Saadiah his conceit here is verie strange , who thinketh this glorious bodie to be likened to the Sea , for the height thereof : the Sea is 2000. cubites deepe , as he soundeth the depth , and so imagineth that here appeared a shape of an huge proportion , farre exceeding the statute of a Gyant : But in that the text saith , there was a man cloathed in linen , thereby is signified that he appeared in the ordinarie shape of a man .

6. For the signification hereof : some thinke that this skie colour signifieth immortalitie , Pintus , or the celestiall nature of the Angels , Oecolamp , rather it betokeneth , that Christ is the Lord of heauen , Iun. comment . and that he is the Lord heauen , as the Apostle speaketh , 1. Cor. 15. 47. Polan .

7. But it will be questioned how the colour of his bodie could be perceiued , seeing it was couered with a linen garment : Pererius answereth , that it appeared as a most fine linen garment , thorough the which the heauenly colour of his body might be seene .

2. His face was like the lightening . So we reade , that Christs face in the mountaine did shine as the Sunne : Hereby is signified the excellencie of his glorie , Pintus : and his terror against his enemies , Perer. and as the lightening , & fulget , & terret , both shineth bright , and terrifieth , so Christ is terrour to the wicked , and a comfortable light to the righteous , Oecolamp . Bulling . But it rather sheweth celerrimam eius ad omnia presentiam , his swift presence in euerie place : as lightening appeareth quickly from the East to the West , Mat. 24. 27. Iun. Polan .

3. His eyes were as lampes of fire : so he is described Apocal. 1. that his eyes appeared as flames of fire : whereby is signified ardor amoris , his ardent loue , Perer. or the perspicuitie of Angels , Lyran. Pintus . or quia illuminat oculos , because he lighteneth the eyes of the minde , Bulling , and inflammat impios , he consumeth the wicked , Oecolamp , rather hereby is signified , that all things are manifest to Christs eyes , and nothing can be hidden from him , as the Apostle sheweth , Hebr. 4. 13.

4. His armes and feete were like polished brasse . Ammonius by the armes vnderstandeth the fathers of old time , by the feete , the faithfull that are now , all which as the armes and feete belong vnto one bodie : but this is farre fetcht : some applying it to the Angels doe giue this sense , thereby they will haue signified their great strength , ad operandum per brachia , ad mouendum per pedes , to worke with their hands , and mooue with their feete , Lyran. Pint. Perer. some referre it to the life and works of Christ , which did shine , Oecolamp . But more properly it sheweth the great power of Christ , in rebus agendis efficacissimam , most effectuall in doing and working of things , Iun. commentar . and in treading and trampling vpon his enemies , as if one should stampe vpon an earthen vessell with yron or brasen shooes . Polan .

5. Lastly this glorious and goodly man is described by his voice , which was as the voice of a multitude . 1. Albertus thinketh that this Angel was accompanied with many Angels beside , for the greater consolation of Daniel , and so his voice with the rest seemed as the voice of a multitude : But Daniel saith the voice of his words , was as the voice of a multitude , he speaketh of the voice not of many , but of one . 2. The Lord vseth before any notable vision to send a great noise or sound , as Ezech. 1. 24. the sound of the wings of the beasts which appeared , was as the noise of great waters : and Christs voice was like a trumpet , Reuel. 1. 10. and as the noise of many waters , Reuel. 1. 15. So before the comming of the Holy Ghost , there was a mightie rushing winde , Act. 2. 2. and this the Lord doth to prepare his seruants , to whom he reuealed himselfe , that they should attend with greater reuerence , Polan . 3. Now this sound Daniel heard at the first , but he setteth it in the last place : because it is the manner of the Prophets to speake of that last , where the narration following is to beginne , as afterward v. 9. he sheweth how he was astonished at the hearing of this mightie voice , Iun. comment . 4. For the signification of this voice , 1. Calvin thinketh that it was onely to this ende , to discerne this Angel from the common sort of men : but there was more in it . 2. Hyppolitus by the many waters vnderstandeth the multitude of the faithfull ; All that beleeue , eloquia Christi sonamus , doe ●ound forth the words of Christ . 3. they which apply it to an Angel , doe signifie thereby the singular facultie of the Angels , e●nuntiandi arcana , in declaring hid things . Perer. Lyran. Bullin . 4. But it rather sheweth the mightie power of Christ in teaching of men , whose one voice preuayleth more then the voice of many beside , Polan . as in the Gospel it is said of our blessed Sauiour , Math. 7. 29. he taught them , as one hauing authoritie , not as the Scribes : the teaching of Christ onely was more effectuall and of greater power , then all the babling of the Scribes and Pharisies .

15. Quest. How Daniel is said to see the vision alone .

1. The Hebrewes thinke , that all this was done in vision , and that Daniel imagined , that Hagge , Zacharie , and Malachie were present , to whome yet so much was not reuealed as to him : But the description which followeth afterward of their fleeing and hiding themselues , sheweth , that it was done in deede . 2. Some thinke that the rest saw not this vision , because they were afraid , and durst not looke vp . Iun. in commentar . But the like thing happened rather here vnto Daniels companions , which did befall those which accompanied Paul , Act. 9. they saw not the vision , onely Pauls eyes were opened to perceiue it . Iun. annotat . 3. But where it is said , Act. 9. 7. that the men which iourneied with Paul , heard a voice , but saw no man : and yet , Act. 22. 9. it is saide , that they saw a light , but heard not the voice : the meaning is , that they heard Pauls voice answering , but not the voice of Christ speaking vnto him : and they saw a light confusedly , but distinctly they saw not him , which was both seene and heard of Paul . 4. Pintus thinketh that they saw in deede the Angel , but perceiued not what he said , and therefore they are said , not to haue seene the vision : so also Lyran. but the text euidently sheweth , that they did not see the vision at all , but Daniel onely saw it : they heard the sound , and therewith were astonished , and fled away , but they saw nothing . 5. Calvin thinketh , that Daniel was in his chamber at this time , and in his spirit onely by the riuer , and so falling into a traunce , the rest were stricken with a terrour : But if Daniel in spirit onely had seene this vision absent , it were needelesse to say , that the rest saw it not : for how could they see a thing absent . 6. In that Daniel had companie and witnesses present , it so sell out by Gods prouidence , that the truth of this vision , which Daniel afterward was to communicate to the Church , should not be doubted of . Polan .

16. Quest. The causes of Daniels great feare .

v. 8. There remained no strength in me . It was vsuall with the holy Prophets and seruants of God to be stricken with a great feare , when they receiued any vision : as Ieremie saith , c. 23. 9. Mine heart breaketh within me , &c. for the presence of the Lord , and for his holy words : so Habac. 3. 2. O Lord , I haue heard thy voice , and was afraid : likewise Dan. c. 7. 28. My cogitations troubled me , and my countenance changed in me : &c. 8. 27. I Daniel was stricken , and sicke certaine daies : Thus were the holy Prophets affected in these visions . Now these reasons may be alleadged of this their feare :

1. The great maiestie and glorie which appeareth vnto them , farre exceeding mans capacitie , maketh them afraid , and abateth their strength : as this was a most glorious sight which here was shewed to Daniel : If we can not behold the Sunne without dazeling of the eyes , how much lesse is man able to behold such excellent brightnes .

2. The heauie things , which were declared in those visions , did also terrifie them : as the prediction of the calamities and miseries which should befall the people of God , cast Daniel into a sicke fit , c. 8.

3. It is the qualitie and condition of spirituall contemplation , that the more the minde is intent thereupon , the lesse vigour and strength the bodie hath , all the powers of nature bending and applying themselues to the disposition of the minde : as Gregorie obserueth well , cum ad virtutem Dei mens astringitur , à propria fortitudine caro lassatur , lib. 4. mor. c. 30. when the minde is bent toward God , the strength of the flesh is abated , &c. and this he resembleth fitly to Iaacobs halting after he had wrestled with the Angel .

4. By this meanes man seeth his owne infirmitie , and the greater euidence he hath of Gods power and glorie , the more he seeth into his owne estate , and feeleth his owne wants : As Abraham beeing admitted to that familiar conference with God , Gen. 18. confessed himselfe to be dust and ashes : Moses who thought himselfe some bodie before , as beeing brought vp in the learning of the Egyptians , yet after he had talked with God , he then beganne to see his imperfection , that he was flow of speech , Exod. 4. 10. and the Prophet Isai , after he had that vision , c. 6. crieth out , that he was a man of polluted lippes : to this purpose Gregor. homil. 8. in Ezechiel .

17. Quest. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel .

1. Iunius in his commentarie , by this hand vnderstandeth the spirit of God , by the which we are comforted : as Ezekiel saith , c. 1. 3. the hand of God was vpon me by the riuer Chebar : But this thing was not mystically , but histotically ▪ done : yet this hand was symbolum virtutis spiritus , a symbole or signe of the vertue of the spirit . Polan .

2. Some take this for the hand of the Angel , which appeared in that glorious manner vnto Daniel before , Hierome , Pintus , Calvin , Genevens . But it is shewed before , that it was not an Angel which there appeared , but Christ himselfe .

3. Lyranus hath this conceit , that the same Angel touched Daniel as it were with a mans hand , but in an other shape , then he appeared at the first : for the Angels can easily change their shape . But there is no reason to suppose , that in the same vision , the same Angel should assume a diuers shape , neither doe I thinke that the like can be shewed in Scripture .

4. Some thinke that this was Christ who touched Daniels lippes : and this Polanus would confirme by these two reasons . 1. because it is God that vsed at other times to touch the Prophets lippes , and to strengthen them : as Ierem. 1. 9. and Revel. 1. 17. 2. he is said to be like the similitude of the sonne of man , v. 16. and so Christ is described , c. 7. 13. one like the sonne of man , Answ. 1. True it is that God onely giueth strength and vtterance , but the Angels also may be as ministers of Gods worke , though they doe it not by their owne power : as Gabriel touched Daniel and strengthened him , c. 8. 18. And Polanus himselfe vpon the 18. v. saith , that the Angel , tanquam administer Dei , as Gods minister did strengthen Daniel . 2. v. 18. he saith , one like the appearance of man touched me : there he sheweth what he meant before , by the similitude of the sonnes of men : for not onely Christ appeared in vision as a man , but the Angels also , as Gabriel c. 8. 15. appeared in the similitude of a man : and c. 9. 21. he is called the man Gabriel .

5. Therefore I subscribe to Iunius in his annotations , that this was the Angel that touched Daniel , because the same that speaketh , toucheth , as may appeare v. 11. 19. And Hierome saith , that the Angel touched him with a mans hand , vt sui generis corpus aspiciens , that seeing a bodie of his owne kind , he should not be afraid : but the armes which Christ appeared with , were as polished brasse , and therefore not of the same kind : and Daniel would haue beene more afraid , to haue beene touched with such glorious hands . So that hereby it is euident , that the hand which touched Daniel was an ordinarie mans hand : it was not then the hand of that glorious bodie , which appeared before , v. 4.

18. Quest. Why Daniels prayer beeing heard at the first , yet the Angels comming was deferred one and twentie daies , v. 12.

In that the Angel meeteth with a secret obiection , and vouchsafeth therein to satisfie Daniels minde , therein the Lords singular mercie appeareth toward his seruant : for Daniel might haue thus thought , after the Angel had told him , that his prayer was heard , the very first day , that he humbled himselfe , why the Angel came not till now , which was three weekes after : to this therefore the Angel maketh answer , shewing the cause of his stay .

1. Hierome maketh this the cause , data est per moram occasio amplius deprecandi Deum , &c. by this stay , occasion is giuen to Daniel , the more earnestly to pray , that he might the more effectually be heard , &c. This indeede was the vse that Daniel made of this stay , still continuing in prayer , and not giuing ouer : but this was not the cause , which kept the Angel from comming .

2. The ordinarie glosse addeth further , that when Daniel beganne to pray , the Angel tooke occasion , and went into Gods presence , pro re oraturus , to pray for thee : and this was that which occupied the Angel : but the text is , I am come for thy words : he came forth , as sent from God ; he did not goe to God : neither needed Daniel the mediation of an Angel in his praiers ; he had a sufficient Mediatour beside , euen Michael , Christ Iesus the Prince of his Church .

3. Pererius addeth further , that this was an other cause of this stay , that it might appeare what an hard thing Daniel entrea●ed for , namely , the deliuerance of the rest of the people , which were yet in captiuitie : not that it was an hard thing with God , but in respect of the sinnes and ingratitude of the people , which hindred this worke . But these are mens coniectures : the Angel afterward expresseth the very cause , which is none of these alleadged .

4. Osiander thus writeth , that while the good Angel resisteth Sathan ( whome he vnderstandeth by the Prince of Persia ) aliquot dies in deliberationibus elabuntur , certaine daies passe in deliberation : But the Angels neede not any such time to consult and deliberate of their busines , as men doe : their counsell is alway readie , without d●bating , and their execution speedie without opposition .

5. Oecoliampadius alleadgeth out of Chrysostome , an other cause of this let , to shew vnto the Prophet , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , that he asked things which were not lawfull , and forbidden : that the people should returne , which benefit they were vnworthie of . But this petition of Daniel was grounded vpon Gods promise , that the people should returne after 70. yeares captiuitie , and therefore it was not vnlawfull .

6. The Angel therefore sheweth , whereabout he was hindred these 21. daies : he was empl●ied in the affaires of Persia , to stay the proceedings of them , which had hindred the building of the Temple , and intended to worke yet further mischiefe against the people of God : and therein Daniel had his desire : for from the first day , that he praied , forward , the Angel was occupied in the defending and protecting of the Church . Calvin .

19. Quest. What it was that Daniel praied for , and how he was heard .

1. Some thinke that Daniel here praied for the returne of the people out of captiuitie , which was graunted by Cyrus , sed non sine magna disceptatione , but not without great disceptation and opposition , the Deuill interposing himselfe to hinder this busines . But the people returned out of captiuitie two yeares before this in the first of Cyrus , for which thing Daniel had prayed for before , c. 9. Of this opinion seemeth also to haue beene the author of the interlinearie glosse , Daniel praied vt captivus populus sub Dario relaxetur , that the captiue people vnder Darius might be released : he meaneth Darius the Mede , that raigned with Cyrus : by whome , as Hugo Card ▪ noteth , initum fuit consilium , the counsell first was begunne for the peoples returne . But this , as I said , was done two yeares before this prayer of Daniel .

2. Lyranus thinketh , that although this libertie were graunted by Cyrus , yet because most of the Iewes were borne in the captiuitie , which had continued from the first taking of the citie in Iehoiakims raigne 70. yeares , from Iehoiachins carrying away 66. from Zedekiah 56. yeares , they beeing in loue with Babylon , where they had possessions , and there were borne , deferred their going two yeares : and so Daniel feared , ne totum hoc negotium de eorum reditu impediretur , least that all this busines concerning their returne might be hindred , &c. But it is euident that the returne of the Iewes out of captiuitie was not so long put off : for they according to Cyrus edict returned in the first yeare , and in the second yeare the seuenth moneth , they beganne to build the house of God , Ezr. 3. 1.

3. Pintus thinketh that Daniels desire was to know , what should become afterward of the Persian Monarchie , and what should befall the people of God : But though these things be afterward reuealed to Daniel , c. 11. yet that was not it for the which Daniel was in heauines three weekes of daies . The Lord graunteth more , then he desired , and reuealed vnto him things to come , as c. 9. Daniel onely praied for the temporall deliuerance of the people , but he is iustructed also by the Angel concerning the Messiah , which should bring spirituall deliuerance , and redemption .

4. Pererius thinketh that Daniel prayed , that the rest of the Iewes which remained yet behind , might returne also into their countrey : but Daniel was not heard in this : for many of them beeing entangled with the pleasures of Babylon , neuer returned .

5. Wherefore Daniels praier was this rather , that whereas the building of the Temple and Citie was hindred by Cambyses , it would please God , that the worke might goe forward , and that the impediments might be remooued , and the enemies of his Church preuented : herein Daniel was heard : for the present in the one , that the malice of the aduersarie might be staied , which was the cause of the Angels stay , to bridle the enterprise of the king of Persia : the other was in due time effected afterward , when the Temple was reedified vnder Darius , and afterward Ezra , and Nehemiah were sent to set the citie in order , and to finish the building of it . And that this was Daniels request , may be gathered by these two reasons . 1. Daniel was heard concerning that matter for the which he was in griefe so many daies : but that is shewed before to haue beene for the hindring of the building of the Lords house . 2. that which deteined the Angel 21. daies , was to shew the effect of Daniels prayer : but the busines of Persia staied the Angel , that the enemies of Gods people should not proceede in their malice : therefore for that Daniel praied .

20. Quest. Who is vnderstood to be the Prince of Persia.

1. Some doe thinke , that this Prince of Persia was an euill angel , and no other but Satan : this was the opinion of Iulian the Apostata : and some doe father it also vpon Hierome , as Rupert . lib. 9. de victor . verb. Dei . Thomas p. 1. qu. 113. Carthusian . and Hieromes words seeme to import so much : for he thinketh that this Prince of Persia , was of those Princes , whome S. Paul calleth princes of the world , which crucified Christ , 1. Cor. 2. 8. which are vnderstood to be the euill angels ▪ though indeede in that place S. Paul speaketh of the Princes and gouernours of the world , which set themselues against Christ . But whether Hierome were or not of that opinion , Cassianus euidently saith , quem principem regni Persarum , minime dubitandum est adversariam fuisse potestatem , quae favebat genti Persarum inimicae populo Dei , which Prince it is not to be doubted but was the aduersarie power which fauoured the nation of the Persians , which was an enemie to the people of God , &c. Cassian . collat. 8. c. 13. Rupertus also concurreth with him , prudens auditor principes illos angelos malos intelligere non dubitaret , a discreete hearer will not doubt to vnderstand by those Princes ( of Persia and Grecia ) the euill Angels : the euill angel of Persia laboured to keepe the people in captiuitie , because he was delighted with their afflictions , and would haue the Persians thereby sinne more grieuously by oppressing the Lords people : the euill Angel of Grecia laboured for the same reasons , to bring them in captiuitie to the Grecians . Thus Hugo Cardinal . deliuereth Hieromes exposition : of the same opinion that this Prince of Persia was Satan , are Melancthon , Osiander , and Pappus .

But thus it may be obiected against this exposition . 1. the euill angels are not able to resist the good , but the most inferiour of the good angels is of greater power , then the most mightie of the euill : for as Thomas saith , 1. p. qu. 109. art. ● . ordo gratiae praeponderat ordini naturae , the order of grace preuaileth against the order of nature .

To this it is answered , that the euill angels haue not power to resist the good by any naturall facultie , but by reason of the sinnes of the Iewes : malus pugnat accusando , bonus defendendo , the euil doth fight in accusing , the good in defending : And Rupertus sheweth how the euill angel withstood the deliuerance of the Iewes ▪ foure waies . 1. instigando ad gravissima scelera , by prouoking them vnto great sinnes , whereby God should be offended with them . 2. exaggerandis bonis , quae in captiuitate possidebant , by amplifying and setting forth those good things which they enioyed in Babylon . 3. alienando animum Cyri , by alienating the minde of Cyrus from them . 4. and by accusing them , and presenting their sinnes before God : so Rupert . lib. 9. de victor ▪ verb. c. 6.

Contra. But it is euident by the text , that no such resisting by perswasion , suggestion , or seduction is meant , but by a contrarie power and endeauour : because the Angel speaketh of Michaels ayding and helping him against the Prince of Persia , v. 13. and v. 20. of his fighting with the king of Persia. As the angel fighteth against him , so the Prince of Persia resisted the Angel : But he did fight , not by perswasion , or suggestion , but by hindring and suppressing his enterprises .

2. Againe it is obiected , that the euill spirits are not made presidents of nations : as some imagine , that euery nation and kingdome hath both a good , and euill angel set ouer it : to this it is answered , that the euill spirits haue not this power giuen them of God ouer nations , but they haue it by reason of mens sinnes : and indeede the Persians and Grecians worshipped deuills in their idols , and so they themselues made the deuills and euill spirits their Princes .

Contra. True it is , that the Prince of darknes ruleth in the hearts of the disobedient : but it is one thing to seduce and entice men vnto sinne , an other to manage the affaires of kingdomes . This Prince of Persia hindred the building of the Temple , and the returne of the people . This Satan had no power to doe , otherwise then by his ministers and instruments . So then the euill spirits , are the Princes of darknes , and of the world of the wicked : but Princes of countries and kingdomes they are not . Satan indeede saide vnto Christ , that all the kingdomes of the world were his , to giue to whome he would , Luk. 4. 6. but therein he lied : for the earth is the Lords , and all that therein is , Psal. 24. 1.

2. An other opinion is , that this Prince of Persia , was a good Angel to whome the care of that nation was committed : of this opinion are Gregorie , Theodoret , Thomas , 1. p. q. 123. ar. 7. Lyranus , Carthusianus , vpon this place , and Vatablus in his annotations , and Pint ▪ so also Oecolampad . Pellic. And whereas one Angel is said to withstand an other , it is not they say , so to be vnderstood , as though they did contend , and striue together : but as long as the will of God is not yet reuealed , the Angels , populorum , quibus praesunt , diuersa merita exponunt coram Deo , doe onely lay open before God , the diuers state and deserts of the people , ouer whome they are set : Perer. yet so reasoning the case , vt quando revelata fuerit divin● voluntas , simpliciter concordent , that after Gods will is reuealed , they simply accord together . Lyran. Pererius bringeth in the Angels thus reasoning together : first the Angel of the Persians thus alleadgeth , that it was not fit for the Iewes to returne , 1. because it was profitable for them to be vnder affliction ; in their prosperitie they would quickly forget God . 2. And their sinnes were so great , that they deserued a longer time of captiuitie then for 70. yeares . 3. And beside , some respect was to be had vnto the Persians , that they by the Iewes cohabiting among them , might be brought to the knowledge of the true God . On the other side Gabriel for the Iewes might thus alleadge , 1. that it was requisite they should now be deliuered as God had promised , seeing the 70. yeares of captiuitie was determined . 2. there was great feare , least , if they should continue longer among the Idolatrous Gentiles , they might sooner be peruerted to idolatrie , then the other conuerted to their religion . 3. And though they were vnworthie in respect of themselues , of this benefit , yet the Lord would respect them for the Messiahs sake , that was to come of that nation .

Contra. 1. It is a very base thing to imagine , that there is any such altercation or dispute betweene the good Angels , among whome there is a most sweete concent and harmonie : If Satan be not diuided against Satan , Matth. 12. 25 , 26. but they worke together to vphold their kingdome ; much more doe the good angels consent together to doe the Lords will . 2. All the Angels are sent forth to minister for their sakes , that shall be heires of saluation , Hebr. 1. 14. therefore they will not perswade any thing against the people of God . 3. If they rest contented , when Gods will is knowne , then they would not reason against the deliuerance of the people of Israel ▪ wherein the Lords will & pleasure was reuealed alreadie .

3. Therefore ▪ this Prince of Persia , was none other then Cyrus , or Cambyses in his absence , beeing at this time in warre ●gainst the Massagetes , who by the suggestion of some enemies to the Iewes , and false informations giuen in against them , caused them to cease from building of the Temple : All this was no doubt wrought by the malice of Satan . But Cambyses is this Prince of Persia , who withstood the Angel , not as opposing himselfe , but interposing his authoritie to hinder the worke of Gods house , which the Angel furthered : And who this Prince of Persia was , the ende of the verse sheweth , where the Angel nameth the kings of Persia.

21. Quest. How the Prince of Persia is said to haue withstood the Angel .

1. They which vnderstand the Prince of Persia here spoken of , v. 13. and the Prince of Grecia , mentioned v. 20. to be euill angels , doe verily thinke that there is striuing and fighting betweene them in deede : as Cassianus thus concludeth , Discordias gentium & conflictus , quos istis instigantibus inter se gerunt , etiam contra se aduersae exercent potestates , the discords and conflicts of the nations , which they make among themselues , by the instigation of these spirits , euen the aduersarie powers doe exercise among themselues , &c. He thinketh , that by the variance betweene nations , which is caused by euill spirits , the Deuills themselues may be thought likewise to be at variance .

2. Rupertus goeth further , Etiam sibimet semper dissentiunt , & inter eos semper sunt iurgia , quia superbi sunt , the euill Angels doe not onely resist the good , but they are at variance betweene themselues alwaies , and there are continually brawles among them , because they are proud , &c. But both these opinions are contrarie to that saying of our Sauiour , that Satan is not diuided against Satan , for then his kingdome could not long stand .

3. The euill Angels likewise resist the good , as Hierome saith in this place , enumerando peccata Iudaeorum , by rehearsing the sinnes of the people , for the which they were iustly held in captiuitie : and Rupertus sheweth how they contradict the good Angels about our praier , lib. 9. de victor . verb. c. 8. nostra contra nos declamando causas iniustitiae , &c. by declaiming against vs , & shewing our vnrighteousnes , for the which we deserue not to be heard . But in this sense they might as well be said to contradict God , and to withstand him , when they seeke to hinder his gratious will and purpose toward his : and thus the euill angels oppose themselues not onely 21. daies , but continually , they neuer giue ouer .

4. Pappus seemeth to vnderstand this resistance of the Deuill , of his suggestions and tentations : which he worketh fiue waies : 1. by peruerting the vnderstanding and iudgement , and corrupting it with error , as Idolaters , and heretikes are seduced . 2. by incensing the will and affections to anger , enuie , lust , and such like . 3. by offering the obiects , and occasions of sinne , as opportunitie of time , person , place . 4. by driuing men to despaire through aduersitie and affliction . 5. by puffing them vp with prosperitie . But this is not the withstanding here spoken of , which continued but an 21. daies , whereas Satan neuer ceaseth in this manner to tempt .

5. Some referre it vnto Satans instruments , that Satan in respect of them is said to resist , because he turned the minde of Cambyses , and of the nobles of Persia , against the people of God , Osiand . Indeede Satans instruments properly resisted herein , as is before shewed : But Satan is not here said to resist in them : for then they should haue resisted still , for Satan neuer left egging and sti●●ing of them vp against the Church of God .

6. They which vnderstand and this of the good Angels , doe thinke they are said to resist and withstand one an other , allegando contraria merita , &c. by alleadging the diuers merits of the nations , ouer the which they are set , Lyran. Pint. with others : but this is confuted before in the former question .

7. This Prince of Persia then beeing vnderstood to be Cambyses the gouernour of Persia , he is saide to withstand the Angel : not that any morall Prince can oppose himselfe against the Angels : but this was done , per accidens , by an accident , because mora iniecta est Angelo , the Angel was staied , beeing occupied in hindring the contrarie endeauours of the Prince of Persia against the people of God : who , while he practised against the Church of God , whose cause the angel sought to further , is said to withstand him . Iun. in commentar .

7. Vatablus thinketh that this is but a prase of speech , that one Angel withstood an other , res exprimit Scriptura more nostro , the Scripture expresseth things according to our manner . Emmanuel Sa resolueth thus , that it seemed an hard thing to him to vnderstand , and admirable , how there should be any contention among the Angels : the best resolution then is , to insist vpon the plaine and literall meaning , that this Prince of Persia was Cambyses , as is shewed before .

22. Quest. Who this Michael was , that helped the Angel .

1. The most take Michael for one of the chiefe Angels , which assisted Gabriel : Hierom , Pintus , Pererius , Bullinger , Oecolamp . with others : and Lyranus thinketh that this Arkangel had the protection of all the people of God wheresoeuer , as this Angel was set ouer those which were left in Persia.

2. But the better opinion is , that this Michael was none other but Christ the Sonne of God , the Prince and chiefe of the Angels : the reasons are these . 1. the word Michael signifieth , who is as God : whereupon it can not be inferred , that he is not God : for the essence of the Sonne is not compared with the essence of the Father , but the comparison is of their persons : and so Christ is called the image of the inuisible God , Coloss. 1. 15. the ingrauen image of his person , Heb. 1. 3. 2. He is called the cheife of the Angels , who are called Princes in comparison of all other terrene Princes : the word achad here vsed , signifieth as well the first , as one : as the word achath , of the same sense is taken , Dan. 1. 21. he was vnto the first yeare of Cyrus . Christ then , was not one , but the first or chiefe of the Princes , that is , the Angels . 3. This Michael is called the Prince of the people of God , v. 21. who is Christ , and the great Prince , c. 12. 1. 4. He is saide to helpe the Angels , then he was greater then the Angels : for there is no power greater then the Angelical power , but the diuine onely : Polan . Melancth. Genevens . H. Br. Iun. all consent , that Michael is not here a created Angel , but Christ Iesus the Sonne of God , the Prince of the Angels : M. Calvin leaueth it as a thing indifferent .

23. Quest. How Michael helped the other Angel .

1. Lyranus thinketh , that he was a superiour Angel , and so helped him , as beeing of greater power : but God would not employ an Angel in the defense of his Church , not beeing of power sufficient to goe through with the busines .

2. Pererius thinketh he helped him , validissime repellendo rationes Principis Persarum , by valiant repelling the contrarie allegations of the Prince of the Persians , whome he supposeth to haue beene a good Angel : But it is an inconuenient thing to imagine , that there is such dispute and arguing among the Angels .

3. Oecolampad . who taketh the Angel that speaketh to Daniel , to be Christ , and Michael , for another chiefe Angel , maketh this the sense , that Christ calleth an Angel his ●elper , vt commodius fauere videatur , that he might seeme more commodiously or fitly to fauour and protect his people : his meaning is , that Christ herein applyeth himselfe to their capacitie , and as he alleadgeth out of Chrysostome , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , he doth incorporate his cause , that is , speaketh as it were grossely to their vnderstanding : such he taketh those speaches to be of the Angel , that wrestled with Iacob , which was Christ , let me alone , because the day is risen : and the Lord said to Moses , Exod. 32. let me alone , tht I may destroy them : But these speaches are not alike : for there God hath to doe with men , and so applyeth his speach to their best vnderstanding : but here the Angel is helped of Michael , which must be taken properly , this matter beeing done among the celestiall spirits : Then to say that Christ is helped and ayded of the Angels , is a verie improper speach , and agreeth not with the analogie of faith .

4. Bullinger and Calvin thinke that although God could haue protected his people by one Angel , yet quo magis testatam faceret curam , &c. alterum submisit Angelum , the more to testifie his care to his Church , he sendeth an other Angel to helpe : But this is more to the comfort of Gods people , when they vnderstand , that not onely the Angels fight for them , but euen Michael the Prince of the Angels , the Sonne of God himselfe protecteth them .

5. Wherefore it is the sounder opinion , that this Angel was helped , non accessione numeri , sed virtutis , not by the encrease of the number , but by the accession of a greater power and strength , Iun. Polan . for it is sufficiently prooued in the former question , that this Michael was Christ .

Quest. 24. How the Angel saith he was left with the kings of Persia.

1. The Septuag. whom Theodoret followeth , read thus , whom I left with the kings of Persia , that is , Michael : but the true reading is , I remained , or was left with the kings of Persia . 2. the ordinar. gloss . which Hugo Cardinal . followeth , by the king of Persia vnderstandeth Michael : but the construction of the text will not beare it : for Michael helped him against the Prince or king of Persia. 3. Oecolampad . referreth it vnto Christ , who is said to remaine in Persia in his members , that were captiues there , as Paul is said to haue persecuted Christ in his members : But the text sheweth , that this is giuen as a reason , why the Angel came no sooner to Daniel , because he remained all that while , and was staied in Persia by occasion of the businesse , which there fell out : the Angel speaketh then of a personall remaining or staying , which could in no wise agree vnto Christ , who was not yet incarnate , and as he is God he is in euerie place at once . 4. the most , by the kings of Persia , doe vnderstand the Angels which were presidents of Persia , against whom this Angel striued for the people of God : But Rupertus reasoneth against this : because Angels are not called kings of countreys : and beside he would haue said , be remained against , rather then with those Angels which did contradict him . 5. Therefore Rupertus , though by the Prince of Persia before he vnderstood the euil Angel of Persia , yet here resolueth that by the kings of Persia , must be vnderstood Darius or Cyrus , with whom the Angel furthered the businesse , for the returne of the people : and afterward in the raigne of Assuerus , he preuented the mischieuous counsell of Haman against the Iewes , and turned it vpon his owne head . And this indeede is the right meaning of these words : sauing that the Angel speaketh onely of his remaining at this time with the kings of Persia , Cambyses and his nobles , or Cyrus and Cambyses rather : not of his remaining there still , as though the charge of that Prouince were committed still vnto this Angel ; for no such thing can be gathered out of the Scripture , that the nations and kingdomes of the earth are assigned to particular Angels as their presidents .

Quest. 25. Who it is , whome Daniel calleth Lord , v. 17.

1. Lyranus vnderstandeth it of the Angel Gabriel , that spake vnto Daniel before : and some thinke , that Daniel modestiae causa , for modestie sake doth so call the Angel Lord , whereas indeede the Angels count the Prophets their fellow seruants , Apocal. 22. 8. Vatab. Pintus . so also Calvin , honorifice cum Angelo locutus est , he giueth honourable tearmes vnto the Angel : so also Iunius readeth thus , how can this the seruant of my Lord talke with that my Lord , that is , I so weake a man talke with an Angel so glorious , Osiander . But it is euident , that he to whom Daniel , spake was an other beside him that stood by the riuer , described v. 4. for this that he here speaketh to , stood before him , v. 16. but the other cloathed in linen , stood by the riuer , c. 12. 6. Neither is it like that the Angel would haue receiued this submission of so great a Prophet , seeing he refused it at Iohns hand , Reuel. 22. 8. and take him as his seruant , whose fellow seruant he was , as the Angel saith to Iohn in that place : He calleth the Angel afterward Lord , which was an honourable saluation vsed among men , but seruant he was onely to Iesus Christ .

2. Oecolampadius taketh this to be Christ , whose seruant Daniel here professeth himselfe to be : and he noteth therein the distinction of persons , in that Daniel speaketh to one present of an other absent , the seruant of that my Lord . But he thinketh all this to be vttered also by Christ , and not by the Angel : whereas it is euident , that many things here spoken in this conference with Daniel , cannot be vnderstood of Christ : as that he was sent , that he speaketh of Michael , which was Christ , as an other person beside himselfe , in that he saith , he was helped , and remained in Persia : these things cannot agree vnto Christ .

3. Wherefore I thinke rather with Polanus , that Daniel turning himselfe to the Angel Gabriel , which was before him , speaketh of Christ , that glorious person which appeared , v. 4. as may be gathered by the demonstratiue which he vseth : how can the seruant of that my Lord , talke with that my Lord , that is , seeing I am so afraid talking with thee , how should I be able to endure to talke with yonder my Lord : So it is euident that there is an interchange of persons in this chapter , as shall further appeare now in the next question .

Quest. 26. Who it was that had this communication with Daniel in this vision .

1. Some thinke , that the Angel which appeared at the first in that glorious manner , v. 4. hath this conference with Daniel : so Hierome , in hominis figura videtur Angelus , &c. the Angel is seene in an humane shape , and stretcheth forth a mans hand vnto Daniel , that he should not be afraid : So also Hugo Cardin. Perer. Pintus , Pappus , Bullinger , Calvin , with others . But it is shewed before , quest. 12. that it was Christ , not a created Angel , which so appeared , v. 4.

2. Some thinke , that as Christ appeared there , so it was he that had all this conference with Daniel , and thrice touched him with his hand , so Oecolamp . but it is shewed before , quest. 25. 2. that many things are vttered by the Angel , which can no way agree vnto Christ .

3. Some will haue that to be an Angel , which was seene of Daniel , v. 4. but he that stretched forth his hand they thinke to be the sonne of God , whose office it is to comfort and strengthen , Osiand . But if that glorious vision should be of an Angel , and the appearance of a mans hand signified Christ , the minister should haue appeared more gloriously then the Lord .

4. Some thinke that these things were done interchangeably , that some things were done by the Angel , some by Christ : the touching of him with an hand was Christs action : but when mention is made of Michael , the angel speaketh : of this opinion seemeth Iunius to be in his commentarie vpon these words , one like the similitude of the sonne of man , touched my lippes , personam agentem Christum designari minime dubium est , qui singularia & praecipua opera sibi in hoc reuelationum genere reseruavit , it is not to be doubted , but that Christ is signified to be the person agent here , who in such kind of reuelations reserueth the most singular and speciall workes to himselfe , &c. But it was the same person which touched Daniel , and strengthened him , and after spake vnto him , as is euident , v. 11. and 19. let my Lord speake , for thou hast strengthened me . Now it is the Angel that spake to Daniel , for he speaketh of Michael , whom Iunius well vnderstandeth here to be Christ , as of an other person beside himselfe : therefore it was he also , that touched him .

5. Wherefore it beeing confessed and graunted , that it was Christ , which appeared , v. 4. yet the rest is done by an angel , who as Polanus well saith , tanquam Dei administer , as Gods minister , on this behalfe doth minister strength vnto Daniel : and this may be made plaine by these two reasons . 1. because the same person strengtheneth Daniel , and speaketh vnto him beeing strengthened : as is euident , v. 11. and 19. 2. and the like was done by the Angel Gabriel before , c. 8. 18. who touched Daniel , and set him vp in his place : And so Iunius in his annotations , thinketh that this was the angel Gabriel that touched Daniel in the similitude of a man , in v. 16.

Quest. 27. Who is meant by the Prince of Grecia .

1. Some doe here vnderstand by the Prince of Persia , and Grecia , the euill angels which bare sway in those kingdomes : and 1. some thinke that those euill angels did oppose themselues one against another , as Hierome saith , that the Prince of the Grecians came into Gods presence , vt accusaret Persarum principem , to accuse the Prince of the Persians , that the kingdome of the Macedonians might succeede in place of theirs . 2. others thinke , that ●his euil angel of Grecia did not so much set himselfe against the angel of Persia , as against the people of God , seeking to hold them vnder in captiuitie also vnder the Grecians , Osiand . 3. Rupertus likewise vnderstandeth this place of the euill angels , but thus applyeth it , that they set the Persians and Grecians together by the eares : for about the same time Darius the 3. king of Persia was ouercome of the Grecians , and his sonne Xerxes after him comming against the Grecians with an huge armie , was constrained to flee away with shame . 4. Melancthon saith that the good angels did fight against the euill angels of Grecia , which stirred vp the people of Ionia , to rebel in Cyrus time , who were suppressed by Harpagus . But all these are wide : for 1. the euill spirits are not said to be Princes of countreys . 2. neither are those subtile spirits at variance among themselues . 3. and here the Prince of Grecia is brought in as assisting the angel against the Prince of Persia : but the euill angels doe not ioyne with the good .

2. Some take these Princes to be good angels : and these also are of diuerse opinions . 1. Some thinke that the prince of Grecia did fight , that is , the good Angel also of Grecia did reason the case with Gabriel , that the Hebrewes should not yet be deliuered , and that the Grecians were more to be respected then they . Theodoret. 2. Gregorie giueth an other reason : because Iudaei aliquid in Graecos commiserant , the Iewes had committed somewhat against the Grecians , which was obiected by the angel president of Grecia , why they should not be deliuered , so Gregor. lib. 17. moral . c. 8. But the Iewes are not found to haue had any dealing at all with the Grecians , vntill Alexanders time : and the Iewes were deliuered out of captiuitie alreadie , therefore that could not now be hindered . 3. Some thinke that the angel of Grecia expostulated for the wrongs which the Persians had done vnto the Grecians , Oecolamp . 4. Some thinke , that this angel after he had finished his battel with the Prince of Persia , he was afterward to goe against the Prince of Grecia , Sa. But how can it be imagined , that there should be such expostulating and parts taking among the angels ? for warres and strife doe arise of naturall desires , as S. Iames saith , 4. 1. From whence are wars and contentions among you ? are they not hence , euen of your lusts , that fight in your members ?

3. Bullinger thinketh that by the Prince of Grecia may be vnderstood , some man of Grecia , that appeared in vision , as approaching vnto God , as by way of aduise or consultation : But an angel reporteth this , who haue not visions shewed them as men .

4. The best sense then is this , that by the Princes of Persia and Grecia , are vnderstood the kings of the Persians and Grecians , with the one , the Angel himselfe wil encounter now , and the other , namely the Prince of Grecia , in time to come should be raised vp against him also . So two things are here declared by the Angel : first that he will goe forth and fight against the Prince of Persia : for both Cyrus , after the edict for the reedifying of the Temple was reuersed , prospered not , but was slaine in the Scythian warres : and Cambyses likewise fell into great enormities : first he caused his owne brother Tanaoxares to be killed , beeing falsely accused by Sphendadates the Magician , of some practising against Cambyses : he made his mother drinke poison , and so die , he killed his owne sister beeing his wife , and great with child , his wife Roxane brought forth a child without an head , which the wisemen interpreted , that he should haue no heire to succeed him in the kingdome : At the last he was wounded with his owne sword falling out of his sheath , and so died . Secondly , the Prince of Grecia is armed against the Persians : for beside , that many valiant captaines of the Grecians were raised vp , as Leonides , Miltiades , Themistocles , which put the Persians to the soile , in Darius Hystaspis , and Xerxes raigne ; at the length Alexander captaine of the Grecians , was stirred vp , who ouerthrewe the Persian Monarchie .

Quest. 28. Of the originall of the Grecians here called Iavan , v. 20.

1. Though the Grecians are ignorant of their owne originall , and beginning , yet the Scripture sheweth from whom the nations were propagated , as may appeare by the names , which a long time after they retained , as of Assur came the Assyrians , of Canaan , the Cananites , and of Elam the Elamites , and of Iavan who was one of the sonnes of Iapheth , the Ionians .

2. And that Iavan was father of the Ionians and Grecians , it may thus euidently appeare : 1. because there was a remainder a long time of the names of Iapetus and Ion among the Grecians : Euripides maketh Ion one of the nephewes and grandchildren of Deucalion : but he was long before Deucalions time , Melancthon . 2. Ioel. 3. 11. where in the originall is read Ievanim , the plurall number of Iavan , the Septuagint there translate 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Grecians : so likewise , Dan. 8. 21. and in this place c. 10. 20. 3. This is further euident by the places and countreys , which the children of Iavan inhabited : as Elisha , who was the founder of the Aeolians , and Kittim , who are taken for the Macedonians . 1. Macch. 1. 1. Alexander is said to goe forth of the land of Kittim , and of the word kittim , is deriued by all likelihood , the name 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifieth a Macedonian , Melancthon . Alexander the king of Macedonia , is called the Prince of Grecia , because both the Macedonians and Grecians had one and the same originall founder Iavan : and beside he was aided and assisted in his warres by the Grecians .

Quest. 29. In what sense the Angel saith , that none held with him , but Michael their Prince .

1. They which thinke that this Michael was an Arkangel , doe giue this reason hereof , why Michael onely ioyned with this Angel , because he had the chiefe charge of the people and Church of God , vnder Christ , Genevens . and to the same purpose , Lyran. quia princeps erat totius synagogae generaliter , because Michael was the generall Prince of the whole synagogue and Church of the Iewes .

2. Vatablus vnderstandeth , in his pugnis , in these battels against the king of Persia , there is none that helpeth me but Michael . But neither can it be shewed that one Angel onely hath the protection of the Church , seeing two armies of Angels attended vpon Iakob , Gen. 32. 1. and when Elisha prayed that the eyes of the young man might be opened , all the mountaines seemed full of fierie horse and chariots : neither is it like , that the Angels would withdrawe their helping hand one from another .

3. The gloss . giueth this reason , that none helped him in presenting their prayers vnto God , but Michael this Arkangel : But by this reason Christ the Mediator should be excluded from mediating for them : neither can it be shewed out of Scripture , that the Angels haue any such office to offer vp mens prayers .

4. Theodoret saith , that all the heauenly spirits were in deede against the deliuerance of the people , propter multa eorum scelera , because of their many sinnes : But it is not like this people beeing so deere vnto God , that the holy Angels would so set against them .

5. Albertus thinketh that by Michael is not vnderstood onely the person of the Arkangel , but likewise all the companie of the angels which were vnder him , as Reuel. 12. mention is made of Michael , and his angels , which fought with the dragon , ex Perer. But it is euident , that the Angel speaketh onely of this Michaels person , because it is added your prince ▪ now Michael onely , and not the rest of Angels , was their Prince .

6. Some shew this reason , why Michael onely helped the Angel , because he helped Michael , c. 11. 1. Oecolamp . But that place is not vnderstood of helping of Michael , but rather of protecting the kingdome and Monarchie of Persia.

7. Calvin thus resolueth , why onely one other angel helped him , and not many : because God is not to be tied to any certaine meanes , to vse alwayes many Angels , vt eodem modo semper nobis succurat , that he should succour vs alwayes after one manner : But this satisfieth not , for the Lord might haue helped onely with one Angel , and without any at all , if it had pleased him : therefore yet the reason appeareth not , why this Michael is singled out to helpe him .

8. Dyonisius further saith , lib. de coelest . hierarch . c. 4. that no Angels doe vndertake any ministerie or seruice , nisi sibi à Deo iniunctum , vnlesse it be enioyned them of God : and therefore these two angels ioyne together , because vnto them onely was committed this businesse of seeing the people deliuered : to the same purpose also , Osiander . This is true , but yet it is not apparant , why this businesse should be committed to Michael , more then to an other .

9. But this beeing graunted ; that this Michael is Christ the sonne of God , as is prooued before , quest. 22. who is indeede the Prince of the people of God , the reason is euident , why Michael onely assisteth this angel , because when all other terrene powers doe faile , he taketh vpon him the defense and protection of his Church , Iun. Polan . H. Br.

4. Places of doctrine .

1. Doct. Of the difference of true and false Prophets .

v. 1. A thing was reuealed to Daniel : To the ende that this might appeare to be a true vision , Daniel is named , both by his originall name , and that which was giuen him in Chaldea , namely Belteshazzar , to whom the Lord had shewed many visions before : So then before we receiue any prophesie , we must acknowledge them to be Prophets , which are the ministers thereof , such as the Lord vseth to reueale himselfe vnto : Therefore Hananiah , who prophesied that the Lord would breake the yoke of king of Babel , Ierem. 28. was not to be heard , because the Lord vsed not to speake by him . Such were the reuelations , which in time past , Montanus and Priscilla pretended , and the Enthusiasts , and Anabaptistes in these dayes : which are no to be credited , because they are knowne not to be Prophets .

2. Doct. That idolatrous and heathenish names must be shunned .

v. 1. Daniel whose name was called Belteshazzar : Daniel could not helpe it that he was named by Bel the idol of the Chaldeans , yet he doth auoid it as much as he can , retaining in his prophecies and visions the name of Daniel still , as 7. 1. 8. 1. 9. 2. whereby we learne how circumspect we ought to be , not to impose any names vpon men , which haue any shew of heathenish idolatrie : much lesse should we call God , by the names of the Gentiles gods , as of Iupiter , Apollo , Iuno , Pallas : as some Christians thinke such names to be a grace vnto their poetrie : for if Christians may name God vnder such names , why might not the Iewes as well haue worshipped God vnder the names of Baal , or Belus , which words signifie Lord : and beside , while the name and memorie is retayned of their goddesses , the diuine nature is dishonoured with distinction of sexes : we must therefore say with the Prophet Dauid , I will not make mention of their names within my lippes , Psal. 16. 4.

3. Doct. God onely can foretell things to come .

v. 1. The time appointed was long : Hereby the God of Daniel sheweth himselfe to be the true God , because he could foreshewe things , that should come to passe long after : Things at hand , which alreadie are begunne in their causes , the subtile spirits can giue notice of : nay we see that diuerse creatures by their naturall sense , can prognosticate of the change of weather which is instant : But things a farre off and to come , none but God can foretell , as he saith by his Prophet Isay , 44. 7. what is at hand , and what things are to come , let them shewe vnto them : The Lord by this argument sheweth himselfe onely to be God , and all the idols of the heathen , to be but vaine , because they can declare no such things aforehand .

4. Doctr. Of the diuerse kinds of feare .

v. 7. A great feare fell vpon them , so that they fledde away , &c. Here is great difference betweene the feare of Daniel and his companions : they were so frighted , that they ranne away and hid themselues , and so were depriued of this goodly vision : but Daniel , though much amazed , yet staieth by it , and to him is this vision reuealed : So there are some , which through their infirmitie and weakenesse doe quite fall away : others though they haue their imperfections , yet doe recouer themselues , and returne againe , Iun. of this sort was Peter , of the other Iudas : and to this purpose saith the Apostle , Heb. 12. 13. make streight steppes vnto your feete , least that which is halting be turned out of the way , but let it rather be healed .

5. Doct. Of the office of Angels .

v. 14. Now I am come to shewe thee , &c. Here are three speciall things expressed wherein the Lord vseth the ministrie of Angels to the comfort of his children . 1. They are sent of God vpon their praiers to comfort them , as God sent his Angel to Peter beeing in prison , Act. 12. 2. their office is to protect and defend the children of God : as here the Angel fighteth against the Prince of Persia in defense of the Iewes : so was the Angel sent to stoppe the lions mouthes against Daniel . 3. they are employed to instruct men , and giue them knowledge of such things as concerne them : as here the Angel reuealeth diuerse things to Daniel , that afterward should come to passe : so the Angel appeared to Cornelius , aduising him what course to take for his further instruction .

6. Doct. Of the power of Angels .

These Angels are spirits of great power , to whom all earthly Potentates must giue place , there is no creature that can withstand them , beeing armed with power from God : therefore they are called principalities , Rom. 8. 38. Principalities and powers in heauenly places , Ephes. 1. 21. One Angel in Dauids time destroyed 70. thousand , when Dauid had numbred the people , 2. Sam. 24. 15. One Angel slue in Senacheribs host in one night , an 185. thousand , 2. king . 19. And here one Angel encountreth with the whole power of the king of Persia : yet the Angels power is limited : they can goe no further , then they are authorized of God .

7. Doct. Of the presence of Angels .

The Angels , though they are of great agilitie , and can speedily passe from place to place , yet are they not euerie where , nor in many places at once : this Angel while he was stayed about these affaires in Persia , could not be present with Daniel , and while he was communing with Daniel , he was absent from Persia : as he saith , v. 20. knowest thou not wherefore I am come vnto thee ? but now will I returne to fight with the king of Persia : Onely it is peculiar vnto God to fill heauen and earth with his presence , and to be euerie where in the same instant , as he saith by the Prophet , Heauen is my seate , earth is my footstoole , Isay. 66. 1.

8. Doctr. The cause of the ruine of kingdomes .

The efficient cause is the Angel the minister of Gods wrath and vengeance , as here the Angel sighteth against the kings of Persia , vntill by little and little , their kingdome was taken away from them by the Prince of Grecia . The occasion of the fall of kingdomes is the afflicting and oppressing of the Church of God : as the Babylonians for holding the people of God in captiuitie were surprized by the Persians : and they likewise for hindering the worke of Gods house , and suffering the people of God to be molested , were subdued by the Grecians : and these also , especially the Seleucians for tyranizing ouer the people of God , were rooted out by the Romanes .

9. Doctr. Of the certaintie of Gods decrees .

v. 21. I will shewe thee what is decreed in the Scripture of truth : that is , in the prescience of God : who needeth not any bookes to put him in mind , but this is taken from the vse of Princes and Iudges which haue their Registers and Records wherein their decrees and ordinances are set downe : This Scripture of truth is nothing els but Gods infallible and vnchangeable decree , which cannot alter : But as the Lord hath decreed , so certainely shall euerie thing be fulfilled , Isay. 14. 24. The Lord of hosts hath sworne , saying , Surely like as I haue purposed , so shall it come to passe , and as I haue consulted , it shall stand .

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. Against superstitious fasting .

v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread , &c. Daniel beeing purposed to humble himselfe by fasting , did not onely abstaine from flesh , but from wine also , yea from fine bread , and from other delicates , as in annointing himselfe with oyle : whereby their nice superstition , or superstitious nicen●sse is reprooued , who though they forbeare the eating of flesh in their fastings , yet will fill their bellies with other delicate meates , with daintie fish , and curious confections : But here Daniel contenteth himselfe with course bread and water , Calvin . Neither did he thus fast , as thereby thinking to merit any thing at Gods hand , but only that he might be the more humbled thereby , and to make his prayers more feruent and effectuall , Osiand . See more of the abuse of fasting elsewhere . Synops. pap . Centur. 4. cr. 96. 97.

2. Controv. That Paradise was a terrestriall place .

v. 4. I was by the side of the great riuer Hiddekel . Whereas some were of opinion , that the historie of Paradise , with the trees and riuers , is spiritually to be vnderstood , and in an allegorie , as Plilo lib. 1. allegor , Valentinus apud Ireneum lib. 1. aduers. hares . c. 1. Origen mentar . in Genes. and of late daies Franciscus Georgius tom. 1. problemat , S. Hierome out of this place confuteth them , where mention is made of one of the riuers which flowed out of Paradise , namely Hiddekel , or Tigris . Hieromes words are these , Vnde eorum deliramenta conticescant , qui vmbras & imagines in veritate quaerentes , ipsam conantur evertere veritatatem , &c. whence their madde conceits are put to silence , who seeking shadowes & shewes in the truth , goe about to ouerthrow the truth , in making an allegorie of Paradise , of the trees , and riuers thereof .

3. Controv. Against the curious distinction of the orders of Angels .

The Romanists following counterfeit Dyonisius in his booke of the celestiall Hierarchie , doe make nine orders of Angels , which they distinguish into three rankes : in the first are Seraphims , Cherubims , Thrones ; in the second Dominions , Principalities , Powers ; in the third Vertues , Archangels , Angels . True it is , that Angels are called by these names in Scriptures , but whether there be so many orders of them , as names , and how they are distinguished , is a thing too curious for any to define , the Scripture beeing silent therein . But this text ouerthroweth the former distribution and disposing of them : for here Michael , whom they hold to be an Arkangel , is one of the first of the chiefe Princes : how then doe they make him the second of the last ranke , seeing he is said to be one of the chiefe Princes .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observ. That the schoole of Christ is the schoole of patience .

v. 1. But the time appointed was long . The seruants then of Christ haue neede of patience to waite the appointed time , seeing it is long vnto it : so S. Iames saith , c. 1. 4. Let patience haue her perfect worke , that ye may be perfect and entire , wanting nothing : he then that hath patience , wanteth nothing , though he want all things beside . Likewise our blessed Sauiour saith , Luk. 21. 19. By your patience possesse your soules : he that hath patience , hath a good possession : he that wanteth it , is not owner or possessour of his owne soule , but vexeth and disquieteth it .

2. Observ. Of the sympathie and fellow-feeling of the members of Christ .

v. 2. I was in heauines . Daniel mourned not for himselfe , but for his people , that beeing returned , were hindred in the worke of Gods house : by whose example we learne , that we should be touched with a feeling of the miseries of others : as the Apostle saith , Rom. 12. 15. Reioyce with them that reioyce , weepe with those that we●pe : be like minded one toward an other . So did Nehemiah , who beeing himselfe in prosperous state , attending vpon the kings cuppe ; yet his countenance was sad , because his citie lay wast , Nehem. 2. 3.

3. Observ. Of the interchangeable course of things .

In that the building of the Temple was now hindred in the 3. of Cyrus , whereas in his first he gaue licence for the people to returne , and to build the citie and Temple ; we see the inconstancie of Princes fauours , and the changeable seasons of the Church : which sometime prospereth and goeth forward , and againe is often hindred and pulled backe , Bulling. therefore is the Church compared to the Moone , which sometime is at the full , and sometime in the wane , Canticl. 6. 4. at times encreasing , and decreasing againe .

4. Observ. God prepareth his seruants by feare .

v. 8. There remained no strength in me . Thus God vseth to humble his children before he reueale himselfe vnto them : so Ezekiel fell vpon his face , c. 1. 29. and Saul when he was conuerted , Act. 9. 3. 4. S. Iohn likewise , when Christ appeared vnto him , Rev. 1. 17. Thus men must be humbled by seeing and acknowledging their owne weaknes , before they receiue spirituall strength : and the preaching of the law goeth before the glad tidings of the Gospel .

5. Observ. The praiers of the faithfull are heard at the first , though they presently see it not .

v. 12. As Daniels prayer was heard at the first , yet the Angel came not till 21. daies after , yet in the meane time he was effecting that which Daniel desired , namely , to fight against the enemies of the Church : so this is the case of all the faithfull seruants of God , that God heareth their prayers , and secretly worketh for them , though at the first they see it not : as while Paul praied for further strength , the Lord spake vnto Ananias to goe vnto him for behold he prayeth , Act. 9. 11. euen while Paul praied , the Lord wrought for him , to effect his desire , though at that instant Paul perceiued it not .

6. Observ. God doth by degrees , not all at once minister comfort to his children .

v. 10. He set me vp vpon my knees , and vpon the palmes of my hands . Daniel is not raised vp all at once , but by certaine degrees : first , he lying flat , is raised by ones hand vpon the palmes of his hands and knees , but yet he continued trembling , v. 11. then he is animated and emboldened by the Angels words , v. 12. and so his trembling is somewhat staied , but yet he durst not looke vp , but set his face toward the ground , and held his peace , v. 15. thirdly , one toucheth his lippes , and he beginneth to speake , but yet in great feare and perplexitie , v. 16 , 17. lastly , an hand toucheth him the third time , and so he receiueth strength , v. 18 , 19. This was not done , as though the Angel by Gods power could not at once haue strengthened Daniel , but to this ende , that Daniel might acknowledge his owne infirmitie , and be the better prepared to attend vnto that , which should be deliuered : Euen like as Christ dealt with the blind man , Mark . 8. 24 , 25. at the first putting on of his hands , he saw men walke as trees , but when Christ had put on his hands the second time , he saw perfectly : So then the children of God are hereby taught patience , that though they recouer not at once the full measure of spirituall strength and sight , yet they should waite vpon God patiently till it shall please him to confirme his worke in them .

CHAP. XI .

1. The Argument and Method .

IN this chapter are described , what things should happen vnder three Monarchies , 1. of the Persians . 2. of the Grecians vnited , v. 4. 3. of the kingdome of the Grecians diuided , v. 5. vnto the ende .

1. For the Persian Monarchie , 1. the rising of it is described vnder Darius by the helpe of the Angel , v. 1. 2. the flourishing estate thereof , v. 2. 3. the fall , v. 3.

2. In the second Monarchie , 1. the rising thereof is shewed . 2. the decaying . 3. the euent afterwards , how it should be dispersed to the foure winds .

3. In the third Monarchie of the Grecians : the acts and exploits of two kings are foreshewed , the kings of the North , and the South with their successors : but chiefly of the kings of the North.

This Propheticall narration is briefe and compendious to v. 10. then more large to the ende of the chapter .

In the compendious narration , 1. the power of the two first kings , of Ptolomeus Lagi of the South , and of Seleucus Nicanor of the North is set forth , but the one is mightier then the other , v. 5.

2. The combination by mariage betweene Ptolome Philadelphus , and Antiochus Theos , with the euill successe thereof is foreshewed , v. 6.

3. Then Ptolome Euergetes victorie against Callinicus is declared to v. 10. see the seuerall parts , qu. 23.

In the larger description , the exploits of two kings of the North are rehearsed , of Antiochus Megas to v. 20. then of his two sonnes , Seleucus Philopator , and Antiochus Epiphanes .

The exploits of Antiochus the great are either against the king of the South , to v. 18. or against other nations , v. 18.

The kings of the South , against whom Antiochus dealeth with his brother Ceraunus , was first Ptolome Philopator , who ouercommeth Antiochus Megas , v. 10. 11. 12. see quest. 24. Then Ptolome Epiphanes against whom Antiochus maketh three seuerall expeditions : the first , v. 13. 14. see quest. 25. the second , v. 15. see quest. 26. the third , v. 16. 17. which endeth with an intendement of mariage , but with euill successe .

Then Antiochus goeth against other forren nations , but is discomfited by the Romanes , returneth with shame , and dieth , v. 18. 19. see quest. 28. 29.

The rest of the chapter is spent in set●ing forth the exploits of Antiochus Megas his sonnes : first of Seleucus Philopator , v. 20. see qu. 30. then of Antiochus Epiphanes , whose historie is set forth at large .

In Antiochus Epiphanes historie , 1. his manner of entring into the kingdome is described : see the particulars qu. 32. 2. his exploits to v. 44. 3. his end , v. 44 , 45.

His acts and exploits are , 1. against Egypt : where three expeditions and voyages of his are set forth . The first , v. 22 , 23 , 24. see qu. 33. the second , v. 25. to v. 28. see qu. 34. the third with his repulse , v. 30. qu. 35.

2. Against the people of God : where it is shewed , 1. what meanes he shall vse against them , v. 32 , 33. see qu. 40. 2. what they shall suffer , v. 33. and how they shall be comforted , v. 34 , 35. see qu. 41 , 42.

3. What Antiochus himselfe shall doe : where , 1. his acts concerning religion are described , in abrogating of all religion both true , v. 34. and false , v. 37. qu. 43 , 44. and bringing in a new god , v. 38. qu. 46. 2. his ciuill and politike acts , v. 39. qu. 47.

3. His exploits are against Egypt , Iudea , and other countries , v. 40 to 44. see the particulars , qu. 48.

Lastly , the death and destruction of Antiochus is set forth , with the signes precedent , and manner thereof : see qu. 50.

2. The text with the diuers readings .

v. 1 And I in the first yeare ( from the first yeare . V. ) of Darius the Mede , euen I stood ( stand . V. ) to encourage and strengthen him .

2 And now I will shew thee the truth : there shall stand vp yet three Kings in Persia , and the fourth shall be farre richer ( enriched with riches . H. ) then they all : and when he is growne mightie in wealth ( hath strengthened him in his riches . H. ) he shall stirre vp all against the kingdome of Grecia . ( Iavan . H. )

3 But a mightie king shall stand vp , and shall rule with great dominion , and doe according to his pleasure .

4 And when he shall stand vp , his kingdome shall be broken , and shall be diuided toward the foure winds of heauen : and not to his posteritie , nor according to his dominion , which he ruled : for his kingdome shall be plucked vp , and be for other beside those .

5 And the king of the South shall be mightie , and one of his Princes , and shall preuaile against him , and beare rule : his dominion shall be a great dominion .

6. And in the ende of the yeares they shall be ioyned together : for the kings daughter of the South shall come vnto the king of the North , to make an indifferent peace , ( to make an agreement . B. C. friendship . L. league . S. to make equitie . H. that is , peace with equall conditions ) but she ( not he . B. ) shall not reteine the power of the arme : ( shall effect nothing . V. ) neither shall be continue , nor his arme : ( not his seede . L. S. zeroagh signifieth an arme ) but she shall be deliuered vp , and they that brought her , and he that is borne of her ( her young man . L. S. not he that begate her . V.B.G. for this agreeth not with the storie , see qu. 21. following : the word ioledah signifieth a birth or generation . )

7 But out of a sprigge ( budde . G.B. of her rootes shall one stand in his stead ( shall succeed in the kingdome . V. the sense , not the words ▪ his plant ▪ L. his base . A. or foote . Polan , rather in his stead . B.G.I. ) which shall come with an armie ( to the armie . A. ) and shall enter into the fottresse ( province . L. ) of the king of the North , and shall doe with them as he list , ( B.G. doe so that . I. abuse them . L. doe great matters . V. ) and shall preuaile :

8 And he shall also carrie into captiuitie ( captiues . L.B.G. ) into Egypt their gods with their Princes ( A.V.I. not , with their molten images . L.B.G.S. the word is nasich with iod , a Prince , but nesech , is a molten image ) and with their pretious vessels of siluer and of gold : and he shall continue more yeares then the king of the North. ( shall preuaile against . L. but here the word ( shanim ) yeares , is not translated . )

9 So the king of the South shall come into his kingdome , ( not into the kingdome of the king of the South V. S. ) and shall returne into his owne land .

10 Then shall his sonnes be stirred vp , ( mooue battell . I. Br. Pol. but then an other word is ioyned with garah , as lamilcamah , to battell , v. 25. ) and shall assemble a mightie great armie , ( a companie of many armies . H. ) and one shall come and ouerflow , and passe through : then shal he returne , & mooue battell ( be stirred . L.V. ) euen vnto the fortres , ( at the fortres . B.G. )

11 Then the king of the South shall be angrie , and shall come forth and fight with ( against . L. I. but ( ghim ) signifieth more properly , with ) him , euen with the king of the North : for he shall set forth ( cause to stand vp . H. ) a great multitude , and the multitude shall be giuen into his hand .

12 Then the multitude shall be lifted vp ( not he shall take the multitude . L. or the multitude shall be taken away . I. the word ( nissa ) may be either in niphal , or piel , and so may be translated actiuely or passiuely , but the first rather , because it followeth ) and he shall lift vp his heart : for he shall cast downe thousands : but he shall not still preuaile .

13 For the king of the North shall returne , and shall set forth a greater multitude then the former , and shall come forth after certaine yeares ( in the ende of the time of those yeares . H. ) with a mightie armie , and much riches .

14 And at the same time shall many stand vp against the king of the South , and the seditious children ( the violent . V. pestilent . S. offenders . L. rebellious . G. the word is pharatze , breakers , violaters , that is of the peace , such as the factious and seditious are ) shall exalt themselues ( be lifted vp . H. better then be taken away . I. Pol. as before v. 12. ) to establish the vision , but they shall fall .

15 So the king of the North shall come , and cast vp a mount ( cast forth with slings , Pol. the first rather , for the word shaphach , to poure out , or s●ed forth , is more fi●ly vsed of the casting vp of earth , then of casting out of a sling : and the other word sallelah , is taken for a mount , rather then a sling , as Iunius there readeth , 2. king . 19. 32. ) and take the strong citie : and the armes of the South shall not resist , ( stand . H. ) nor his chosen people , ( people of his chosen . H. ) neither shall there be any strength to withstand .

16 And in comming against him ( vnto him . H. ) he shall doe as he list , ( according to his will . H. ) and none shall stand against him : and he shall stand in the pleasant ( or excellent . V. famous . L. sebi . S. but it is no proper name ) land , and his hand shall finish ( consummation in his hand . H. Pol. better then , he shall consume it with his hand . L.S.I.B.G. see qu. 26. in the end . )

17 Againe he shall set his face to enter with the power of the whole kingdome , and he shall make equall peace with him ( L. V. and equitie he shall doe with him . H. better then his confederates with him . B.G. or he shall pretend right . I. the same phrase signifieth before v. 6. to make peace ) and he shall giue him the daughter of women ( a virgin . Fr. I. see qu. 27. ) to corrupt her ( I.S. that is , craftily to vse her against her husband : not to destroy her . G.B.V. or it , for the pronoune affix is of the feminine gender ) but shee shall not stand on his side , nor be for him .

18 After , he shall turne his face vnto the Isles , and shall take many : but a Prince shall cause his reproach to cease to him ( that is , shall make him leaue his reproaching : not he shall cause to cease the Prince of his reproach . L.S. for Prince , is put in the accusatiue , which should be in the nominatiue ) beside that he shall cause his owne shame to returne vpon himselfe : ( he shall both cause him to leaue his reprochfull words and deedes , and returne them on himselfe . Some doe read thus , he shall cause his shame to light vpon him , beside that he shall cause his owne shame to turne vpon himselfe . B.G. but here the same thing should be expressed twice . )

19 So he shall turne his face toward the forts of his owne land , but he shall be ouerthrowne ( or stumble . V.L.I. ) and fall , and be no more found .

20 Then shall stand vp in his place , a raiser of taxes ( a sender forth of exacters . H. that is , to gather tribute , not a vile person . L. ) in the glorie of the kingdome ( not the glorie of the kingdome , that is tribute . V. the preposition in is better supplied . G.B.I. nor , vnworthie the glorie of the kingdome . L. ad ) but after a few daies he shall be destroied , neither in wrath , not in battell .

21 And in his place shall stand vp a vile person , to whome they shall not giue the honour of the kingdome : but he shall come in peaceably , ( not secretly . L. or with riches , V. or abundance . S. shalvah signifieth peace ) and obtaine the kingdome by flatteries .

22 And the ouerflowing armes ( armes of the ouerflowing . H. ) shall be ouerflowne before him : ( the armes shall be ouerflowne with a flood , or inundation . A.B.G. but ( inundation ) is better referred to the former word , armes : they shall be ouerflowne by ouerflowing armes . I. but , armes , is better put in the nominatiue , see qu. 33. ) and shall be broken : and also the Prince of the couenant .

23 And after the league made ( consecration . H. ) with him , he shall worke deceitfully : for he shall come vp , and strengthen himselfe ( ouercome , B.G. preuaile . V. ) with a small people .

24 He shall enter into the quiet and plentifull Prouince , and he shall do that which his fathers haue not done , nor his fathers fathers : and he shall diuide among them the pray and the spoile , and the substance , yea and against the strong holds he shall forecast his deuises ( deuise his deuises . H. ) euen for a time .

25 Also he shall stirre vp his power and his courage ( heart . H. ) against the king of the South with a great armie , and the king of the South shall stirre himselfe to battell with a great and mightie armie : but he shall not stand , for they shall forecast deuises against him .

26 Yea , they that feede of the portion of his meate ( they that eate bread with him . L. his domesticals . V. ) shall destroy him : and his armie shall ouerflow , and many shall fall and be slaine .

27 And both these kings hearts shall be to doe mischiefe : they shall talke of deceit ( a lie . II. ) at one table : but it shall not prosper : for yet the ende shall be at the time appointed . ( the ende shall be put off to an other time . L. )

28 Then shall he returne into his land with great substance : for his heart shall be against the holy couenant : so shall he doe , and returne to his owne land .

29 At the time appointed he shall returne , and come toward the South : but it shall not be , as at the first , and at the last ( not the last shall not be as the first . L.V.B.G. for he made more then two expeditions against Egypt , see qu. 35. following . )

30 For the shippes of Chittim ( the shippes of the Romanes . L. the Citians . S. shippes of Cyprus . V. see qu. 36. ) shall come ( they shall come in shippes of Chittim . Pol. ) against him : therefore he shall be sorie ( or grieued ) and returne , and fret against the holy couenant , and practise : ( and doe H. ) for he shall returne ( hauing finished his busines he shall returne . V. so shall he doe , euen he shall returne . B.G. but the distinction ( athnah ) at ( ghasah , doe ) doth seuer it from the clause following ) and haue intelligence with ( B.G. or set his minde towards . I. vnderstand towards . H. not against . L. shall vnderstand those , &c. S. but here the preposition ghal , is not translated ) them , that breake the holy couenant .

31 And armes shall stand on his part , and they shall pollute the Sanctuarie , and strong hold ( I.V. better then the Sanctuarie of strength . caeter . see qu. 39. 2. ) and shall take away the daily sacrifice , and shall set vp the abomination ( detestation . I. Pol. ) bringing desolation ( making desolate . H. the abominable desolation . G.B. or abomination for desolation . L. but the word is a participle , and signifieth desolating , or making desolate . )

32 And such as wickedly breake the couenant , shall he cause to dissemble ( V. Pol. better then shall dissemble , for the word is in hiphil , which signifieth to cause to dissemble : shall cause to sinne . B.G. chanaph signifieth to dissemble , to play the hypocrite ) by flatterie : but the people , that know their God , shall preuaile and prosper . B.G. shall lay hold and prosper . H. A. shall doe couragiously . V. Br. not they shall apprehend the people of God and prosper . I. Pol. see qu. 40. )

33 And they which vnderstand among the people , shall instruct many : yet they shall fall by the sword , by fire , ( by the flame . H. ) by captiuitie , and by spoile many daies .

34 Now when they shall fall , they shall be holpen with a little helpe : but many shall cleaue vnto them fainedly .

35 And some of them of vnderstanding shall fall to trie them , and to purge , and to make white , till the time determined : ( time of the end . H. til the time be out . G.B. ) for it is yet for an appointed time , ( A. P. Pol. better then , yet a tearme remaineth to the appointed time . I. ad . or there is an other time limited . L. V. other is not in the originall : for there is a time appointed . B.G. but here the preposition is omitted . )

36 And this king ( I. the king . caeter . but the article set before noteth some speciall king ) shall doe what he list : ( according to his will . H. ) he shall exalt himselfe , and magnifie himselfe aboue ( against L.B.G. ) all that is God , yea aboue the God of gods : he shall speake maruelous things , ( he shall speake maruelous things against the God of gods . B.G.L.V. but the distinction rebia comming betweene , doth distinguish the sentences ) and shall prosper , till the wrath be accomplished : for the determination is made . ( in the decree of God . B.G.A. the determination shall be effected . I. but the verb is in the pretreperfect tence : the definition is perpetrated , that is , effected . L. but the thing decreed and defined was not yet come to passe : when impietie is come to the extremitie . V. but , impietie , is not in the text .

37 He shall not haue any minde ( vnderstand . H. ) vnto the gods ( not god . L. the word ●lohee , is in the plural ) of his fathers , nor to the desires of women : ( not he shall be in the desires of women . L. for the negatiue lo , must be supplied ) nor to any god shall haue any minde : for he shall magnifie himselfe aboue all .

38 But in his place ( that is , of the true God ) shall he honour the god of munitions ( that is , whome he set vp in his strong holds : the God of strength . V. to whome he ascribeth his power : the god Mauzzim . B. G. L. S. but it is no proper name , as the next verse sheweth : as for the God of strength he shall worship in his place . I. Pol. Br. they vnderstand Mauzzim here to be the true God , which can not be , see qu. 46. 10. ) euen the god , whome his fathers knew not , shall he honour with gold , and with siluer , and with pretious stones , and with pleasant things .

39 And he shall make to be for holds ( or places of defence ) strong places ( or places of munition . S. he shall make for the munition of the god Mauzzim . V. or he shall doe this to defend Mauzzim . L. or this shal he do in the holds of Mauzzim . B. G. but , Mauzzim is here no proper name : he shall commit the munitions of the God of strength to a straunge god . I. but Mauzzim here is not taken for the true God , see qu. 47. 7. ) with a strange god : whome he that acknowledgeth ( V. ● . better then whome he shall acknowledge . B. G. I. whom he shall not acknowledge . L. but there is no negatiue in the originall ) he shall encrease with glorie , and shall cause them to rule ouer many , and shall diuide the land for a price . ( V. for gaine . B. G. gifts . S. not freely . L. or in stead of a price . I. see 47. qu. 7. )

40 And about the time of the ende ( not , and of time . B. G. S. or appointed time . L. at the last . V. that is toward the ende of his daies ) shall the king of the South push at him , and the king of the North shall come against him like a whirlewind , with charets , and with horsemen , and with many shippes , and he shall enter into the countries , and ouerflow , and passe through .

41 And he shall enter also into the pleasant land ( or glorious . L. excellent . V. beautifull . I. tzebi . H. into the land of Sebain . S. but it is here no proper name ) and many countries shall be ouerthrowne : but these shall escape out of his hand , euen Edom , and Moab , and the chiefe of the children of Ammon .

42 He shall stretch forth his hand also vpon the countries ( lands . H. ) and the land of Egypt shall not escape .

43 But he shall haue power ouer the hid treasures of gold , and of siluer , and ouer all the pretious things of Egypt : and the Lybians , and the Ethiopians ( blacke Mores . G. ) shall follow him ( I. at his footesteppes . H. not in their munitions . S. or the Lybians and Ethiopians shall be in his passage . L.V.G. see qu. 48. in the ende )

44 But the tidings out of the East , and North shall trouble him : therefore he shall goe forth with great wrath ( not with a great multitude . L. ) to destroy and slay V. ( or bequeath to slaughter . I. roote out . G. B. ) many .

45 And he shall plant ( pitch . L. ) the tabernacles of his palace ( his tabernacle Apadno . L. or Aphadano . S. see qu. 50. ) betweene the two seas , in the glorious and holy mountaine ( mountaine of glorie and holines . H. ) yet he shall come to his ende ( or when he is come to his ende . I. V. and none shall helpe him .

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

1. Quest. Whether this vision in the 11. Chap. be diuers from the former vision in the 10. chapter .

1. Hierome , who taketh the first words of v. 1. to be vttered by Daniel , that he praied for the prosperitie of Darius , thinketh that this vision is diuers from the former , for that happened in the third yeare of Cyrus , c. 10. 1. this in the 1. of Darius : and so his opinion is , that at what time Daniel praied for Darius in his first yeare , then these things were reuealed vnto him by the Angel : and so there is in the text a sudden change of the person : for in the 2. v. the Angel speaketh , behold , now I will shew thee : whereas the former words were vttered by Daniel . And this he saith is not vnusuall in Scripture , for a person suddenly to be brought in not mentioned before : as , Psal. 32. v. 7. after Dauid had said , thou art my secret place , then v. 8. the Lord is brought in speaking , I will instruct thee , and teach thee the way that thou shalt goe , &c. Of this opinion with Hierome are the author of the scholasticall historie , Albertus , and Carthusian . Hug. Cardin.

2. But the better opinion is , that this vision conteyned in this chapter , is continued with the former : which Lyranus prooueth , because this chapter beginneth with the Hebrewe coniunction va● , which sheweth a coherence with the former . And it may further be thus confirmed , in the former chapter , v. 14. the Angel saith , I am come to shewe thee , what shall come to thy people in the latter dayes : But these things are not there declared to the Prophet : the things then which should befall the people of God , which the Angel came to declare to the people , are those things which are expressed in this chapter .

3. Some doe make this verse a part of the former chapter , and will haue this to be the sense , as Michael helped me , so I againe helped Michael , Vatab. Bulling . But it shall appeare in the 3. question , that the Angel saith not here that he helped or strengthened Michael , but Darius rather .

Quest. 2. v. 1. Who it was that here saith , I stood vp , &c.

1. Hierome , whose opinion is in part shewed before , thinketh that Daniel speaketh these words , that he prayed vnto God for Darius , that his kingdome might be confirmed and established , who had as much as in him lay , deliuered Daniel from his enemies , and sealed the stone vpon the mouth of the lions denne , that none of his aduersaries should goe in to hurt him : But the phrase sheweth , I stood vp to strengthen him , that this is not vnderstood of prayer or desire to strengthen him , but of a power whereby he was strengthened .

2. Some thinke , that these words were vttered by the Lord Iesus Christ , as the former also in the 10. chapter , Oecolampad . But Christ needed not the assistance of any Angel , as he saith that Michael helped him , v. 13. and Michael which helped the Angel is rather vnderstood to be Christ , see before , c. 10. quest. 22.

3. Therefore this was the Angel Gabriel , who spake before vnto Daniel , and continueth his speach still : for whereas he faith , I stood vp to strengthen him , he speaketh not this , as though he did it by his owne power , but in Dei persona , in the person of God , Calvin . and officium suum solum commemorat , the Angel sheweth onely his office and ministerie , Polan . he did onely strengthen him , as Gods minister therein .

3. Quest. Who it was whom the Angel stood vp to strengthen .

1. Lyranus vnderstandeth here Daniel , whom the Angel strengthened in offring vp his prayers vnto God : that as Daniel prayed for Darius , so the Angel furthered therein Daniels prayers , quia efficacior est virtus angeli , quam hominis , because the strength of an Angel is greater then of a man : But beside that the Scripture doth not giue any such office vnto the Angels , to be the presenters of our prayers , the Angel speaketh to Daniel in the second person , v. 2. I came to shew thee : but this speach is vttered in the third person , I stood vp to strengthen him .

2. Some doe take this to be Michael the Arkeangel , whom this angel strengtheneth , Oecolamp . Vatab. and some make this the sense , that these two Angels ioyned together to suppresse Sathan , who animated and stirred vp the Persians against the people of God , O●●and . But in the first of Darius , nothing was attempted against the Lords people : all made for them : for the people then by the ioint edict of Cyrus and Darius , were set free : some expound it thus : that if these two angels Michael and Gabriel were able to assist Darius to ouercome the mighty Monarchie of Babylon , much more were they able to preserue the people of God now , Bulling. This sense is much to the purpose , sauing that he vnderstandeth Michael here to be an Angel , who is before prooued to be Christ himselfe , c. 10. quest. 22. who could not be helped by a ministring Angel , beeing the commander and helper of Angels himselfe .

3. The meaning then is , that the Angl helped Darius to subdue the Monarchie of Babylon : and herein is shewed the accomplishment of the vision of the hand , writing the destruction of Balthazar and his kingdome vpon the wall , Dan. 5. which handwriting was made by the Ministerie of the Angels , who by Gods appointment assisted Darius in the subduing of the Babylonian state and Monarchie : so in effect the Angel thus reasoneth , that seeing by their ministerie , the Babylonian Monarchie was ouerthrowne , and the Persian state set vp : they are as able to bridle the rage and furie of the Persian kings , as they were first to set them vp , Calvi● ▪ and the Angel here maketh mention of Darius , because he would briefely set forth both the beginning and ende of the Persian Monarchie .

Quest. 4. Why the Persian Monarchie is so briefely touched , and the Grecians set forth at large .

These reasons may be yeelded thereof . 1. because that the Empire of the Persians , was not so greiuous vnto the Iewes , neither did they so cruelly entreat the people of God , as did the Grecians , as the kingdome of the Seleucians , and P●olomies : therefore the Angel 〈◊〉 them lightly ouer . 2. And an other reason is , seeing the people were to endure much affliction vnder the kings of Syria and Egypt , but especially of Syria , it was requisite , that the people should be comforted against those times : and therefore the Angel at large declareth such things , as should befall the people of God , vnder those kings , but chiefely vnder Antiochus Epiphanes , Iun. commentar .

Quest. 5. That there were more then three kings of Persia , as may be gathered out of the Scripture .

1. Concerning the iust number of the kings , that there were neither three onely , as the Hebrewes , nor 5. as Tertullian lib. aduers. Iudaeos , nor 8. onely as Isidor . lib. 5. Etymol . and Ioannes Annius , whom I●annes Driedo , and Ioannes Lucidus followe , not yet so many , namely 14. as Pererius , and the most doe hold , as is shewed before quest. 37. vpon the 9. Chapter .

2. But the opinion of the Hebrewes , who most of them hold that there were but 3. kings of Persia , Cyrus , Assuerus the husband of Esther , and Darius whom Alexander ouercame : and some of them name a fourth beside , Cambyses betweene Cyrus and Assuerus : This opinion may euidently be refelled by Scripture : which maketh mention at the least of 5. kings of Persia : Pererius thinketh that sixe are named in Scripture : 1. Cyrus . 2. then Assuerus , called also Artaxerxes , which was Cambyses , who hindered the building of the Temple , Ezra . 4. 3. then Darius the sonne of Hystaspis , vnder whom the Temple was reedified , Ezra . 5. vnder whom the Prophets Haggie and Zacharie prophesied . 4. Artaxerxes Longimanus by whom Ezra and Nehemiah were sent , Ezra . 7. Nehem. 2. 5. the fift was Assuerus the husband of Esther , which is thought to be Artaxerxes Mnemon . 6. and the sixt was Darius whom Alexander ouercame , in whose time Iaddua was high Priest , Nehem. 12. 22.

But in this collection Pererius diuersely faileth . 1. in that he maketh Assuerus and Artashasht mentioned Ezra . 4. to be all one , whereas the last named was Cambyses , the other Darius Hystaspis , as is shewed before quest. 58. c. 9. 2. he thinketh the Temple beganne to be reedified vnder Darius Hystaspis , which was Darius Longimanus , as is shewed before likewise , quest. 45. c. 9. 3. he taketh Assuerus , Esthers husband to be Artaxerxes Mnemon , which was rather Darius Hystaspis , for Mordecai his age , who was one of the captiuitie of Iechonia , will not suffer the storie to be deferred so long : see before c. 9. quest. 44.

3. This then may be affirmed , that at the least fiue seuerall kings of Persia , are named in the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah : as Cyrus is mentioned , Ezra . 4. 3. then Assuerus , which was Darius Hystaspis , and before him , Artashasht , that is Cambyses , which first hindered the worke of the Temple , Ezra . 4. 6 , 7. afterward Darius , which was Artaxerxes Longimanus , Ezra . 6. 1. called also Artashasht , v. 24. and Darius the last king , Nehem. 12. 22.

Quest. 6. Who were these fowre kings of Persia here named .

1. Hierome leauing out Cyrus , because the account beginneth from him , nameth Cambyses , then Smerdes the vsurper , after him Darius Hystaspis , and the fourth Xerxes : so also Hugo Car. and vnto this opinion inclineth Iunius in his commentarie : and he yeeldeth this reason thereof , because Smerdes , though he were an vsurper , yet quietly a while enioyed the kingdome : But this Smerdes is not to be counted any of this number , because both he was an vsurper : for this Smerdes , or as Polanus out of Ctesias calleth him Sphendadates , was he that accused Tanyoxares Cambyses brother , whom Cambyses caused to be taken out of the way by giuing him bulls blood to drinke , and then this Sphendadates was taken for Cambyses brother , and Cambyses beeing dead he vsurped the kingdome : But he beeing discouered by Tibethes Eunuch vnto Amytis , Cambyses mother , the 7. gouernours of Persia conspired to kill him , and then Darius Hystaspis was elected king , because he procured by art his horse first to neigh at the rising of the Sunne , ( whom the Persians worship as their God ) as was agreed betweene them before . Beside , as this Sphendadates was an vsurper , so he raigned onely 7. moneths , as Herodotus , therefore in both these respects , because he was an vsurper , and held not the kingdome long , he is to be excluded out of the number of the Persian kings , Bulling.

2. The Hebrewes thus count them , Cyrus , Cambyses , Artaxerxes Assuerus , making Darius the fourth , whom Alexander ouercame : But it is prooued before quest. 5. that the Scripture maketh mention of more kings of Persia then these : and this Darius , as Hierome saith , was the 14. king from Cyrus : but he was in true account the tenth at the least .

3. Pintus out of Metashenes thus setteth them downe , after Cyrus , the first was Artaxerxes Assuerus , then Darius Longimanus , after him Darius Nothus , and the fourth was Artaxerxes Mnemon : But here are two famous kings omitted : Cyrus , who must be numbered for one , because this vision was in the 1. of Darius : from him Cyrus was the first : and Xerxes , who was indeede that rich king of Persia.

4. Melancthon likewise omitteth Xerxes and nameth Artaxerxes Longimanus for the fourth , because he raigned at home while Xerxes made warre abroad in Europe : But this fourth king must be he , that stirred vp all against Grecia , which was Xerxes , and not Artaxerxes his sonne .

5. Oecolampadius and Pellican , doe thus name them . 1. Cyrus . 2. Cambyses . 3. Smerdes . 4. Darius Hystaspis : But this Darius of purpose inuaded not the Grecians , but set vpon Asia minor , and then the Grecians chalenging Ionia to belong vnto them , by that occasion Darius also encountred with the Grecians , and was ouercome by Miltiades at Marathon : But Xerxes continued the warre begunne by his father , and did of purpose prouoke the Grecians to battell , Iun. commentar .

6. These then were the three Rings . 1. Cyrus . 2. Cambyses his sonne . 3. Darius Hystaspis . 4. and the fourth was Xerxes , who is described by his riches , and his attempting of warre against the Grecians : to the three first kings the Grecians gaue these titles : Cyrus was called , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a father , Cambyses , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Lord ouer them , and Darius , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a merchant : a railer and extorter of tribute , H. Br. in Daniel . this reckoning followe Calv. Pol. Iun. in his annot. Osiand . Pappus .

Quest. 7. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power .

Two things are here expressed concerning this fourth king , 1. that he should be richer then they all : for beside the great summes of treasure which Darius Xerxes father had gathered together , he was 6. yeares after in making preparation for the warres of Grecia : and beeing thus growne to exceeding great riches , then he beganne these wars against the Grecians , which though intermitted a while , yet were not fully ended vntill the Monarchie of the Persians was finally ouerthrowne by the power of Grecia vnder Alexander . 2. it is said , he should raise all against the realme of Grecia ; herein three things are to be considered : 1. the preparation to this warre . 2. the successe thereof . 3. the ende of this rich king . First his preparation was wonderfull , Polanus out of Ctesias saith his armie consisted of 800. thousand men , and a thousand shippes . Calvine reckoneth 900. thousand : Osiander out of Iostine counteth a 1000. thousand men , and a 1000. thousand shippes : but Herodotus goeth yet further , and maketh the whole summe 23. hundred thousand . Pererius exceedeth them all , collecting that the whole armie , quinquies continebat decies centena millia , conteined 5. times 10. hundred thousand . But this number seemeth to be incredible : yet without question he prouided an huge armie , in so much that it is said , he drunke vp riuers , made bridges ouer the Sea , cast downe huge mountaines , and made them euen with the ground . 2. now for his successe , he was ouercome in 4. battells , and within the space of two yeares , all this huge companie was vanquished and destroyed : first , he was foyled at Thermopilae , where 300. Lacedemonians discomfited the whole armie of the Persians : then he was ouercome by Sea at Artemisium , afterward at Salamine , where finding the bridge broken downe , he was constrained to flie away in a small boate : lastly Mardonius , by whose counsell he tooke that warre in hand , was vanquished at Plateae ; And such was the successe of that warre . 3. Now the ende of Xerxes was this , at his returne he fell into inordinate lust and cruelty : he committed incest with his brothers wife , and daughter , and caused his owne brother Masistes to be slaine , and he himselfe was killed by Artabanus , who a while vsurped the kingdome after him : And this was the ende of this rich and mightie king of Persia.

Quest. 8. Why the Angel leaueth at the fourth king of Persia , seeing there were more .

1. Lyranus his opinon here is not sound , that thinketh , following the Hebrewes , that none of the Persian kings are here omitted : and taketh this fourth king to be the last Darius , that was ouercome by Alexander : but both the continuance of the Persian Monarchie , and the number of the Persian kings agreed vpon almost by all historians , ouerthroweth this opinion . 2. yet although there were more kings of Persia then sowre , diuerse reasons may be alleadged , why the Angel staieth at the fourth and proceedeth no further . 1. the spirit of God intended not to followe the order of the historie , sed praeclara quaeque praestringere , but to touch onely the principall and speciall things , Hierome , Hugo Card. 2. Theodoret saith the reason is , because the Angel would onely set downe the most mightie kings of Persia , omitting the rest : and to the same purpose Bullinger and Polanus , because it is said , there shall stand vp three kings of Persia : the Angel onely speaketh of the flourishing state of ●● at Empire , before it beganne to decay , as it did presently after Xerxes time . 3. Some giue this reason , that the other kings of Persia are omitted here , because they are supplied out of other bookes of the Scripture , as of Ezra , Nehemiah , and some of the Prophets , Pappus . 4. Iunius addeth , because the historie of the Persian kings following concerned not the people of God : their chiefe businesse afterward fell out with the Grecians , in commentar . 5. But the most speciall reason is , the Angel onely nameth those kings by whom the Iewes were held in captiuitie : and such as hindered the worke of the Temple ; and as Oecolampad . out of Eudoxius , their gouernements are spoken of , in which there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the hinderance of the worke , and staying of the building of the Temple , which the Prophet tooke greatest care and thought for : to the same purpose M. Calvin . by standing , vnderstandeth those kings , which stood against the people of God . 6. Adde hereunto that the Prophet maketh a cursary mention of them , to insinuate in what short time these foure kings should runne out the race of their kingdome ; for first Cyrus , in whose third the Temple was hindered , raigned not long after : some thinke that Cyrus going against a people of the Indians called Derbices , which vsed to deuoure their parents when they were old , thinking it a more honourable ende for them , then to be eaten of wormes , fell from his horse , and then was wounded in the thigh by a dart cast at him by an Indian , and so died , Polan , ex Cresia . but the more receiued opinion is out of Herodotus , that he was slaine of Queene Tomyris , and his head beeing cut off was cast into a bowle of blood : yet Xe●ophon writeth that Cyrus beeing aged died in his bed , giuing fatherly and graue exhortations to his sonnes . After him Cambyses hauing raigned not much aboue 6. yeares , was wounded by his owne sword , and so died : Darius Hystaspis , beeing 20. yeares old when Cyrus went against Queene Tomyris , and liuing but 43. yeares in all , enioyed not his kingdome 36. yeares , as most thinke , nor yet halfe so much : Xerxes time could not be long : H. Br. giueth but 31. yeares to the Persian Monarchie vnto the second of Darius Longimanus , and maketh the 49. yeares , for the reedifying of the Temple , to coucurre with the 20. of Darius Longimanus , whom he supposeth raigning at home , while his father Xerxes was occupied in the Greeke warres , beeing but then a young man , to haue giuen libertie in his 2. yeare for the reedifying of the Temple : but if 30. yeares be onely allowed for the raigne of Cyrus , Cambyses , Darius , and Xerxes , Darius Longimanus cannot be thought to be then of yeares to haue sonnes , as he had , Ezra . 6. 10. But allowe 49. yeares vnto the 2. of Darius , as is further prooued , c. 9. quest. 58. this was but a short time for the raigne of fowre such potent kings .

7. This also beeing ioyned to the former may make the former reasons more full , why the Angel endeth it at Xerxes , and so passeth vnto Alexanders time , because then the quarrell begunne betweene the Persians and the Grecians , which was neuer laid downe , till the Grecians had ouerthrowne the Persian Monarchie . And so Alexander in an epistle to Darius Codomannus , as Arrianus writeth , lib. 2. pretendeth this as the cause of his warre against the Persians : Maitores vestri Mecedoniam ingressi , &c. Your Auncestors invaded Macedonia , and all Grecia beside , and offred them many wrongs , whereas they had receiued none : wherefore I beeing created Emperour of the Grecians , beeing willing to reuenge their wrongs , am come ouer into Asia beeing prouoked by you .

Quest. 9. A briefe description of the rising and fall of Alexanders kingdome , v. 3. 4.

The Angel briefely toucheth both the rising vp and the fall of Alexanders kingdome . 1. the rising of his kingdome is described , by two adiuncts . 1. he shall be mightie : for with 30. thousand footemen , and 5. thousand horsemen , he tooke vpon him to conquer the whole world . 2. and it is said he shall stand vp : whereby is noted the suddennesse of his rising , and the singular dexteritie that was in him to atchieue that which he intended and purposed : the effects are likewise two , 1. he shall rule with great dominion : his Empire was large , for beside other countreys , which he subdued , he possessed all the great Monarchie of Persia . 2. he shall doc according to his pleasure , he shall be prosperous in all his enterprises , and preuaile in his warres , according to his owne desires .

2. The fall and ruine of his kingdome is likewise described , first in generall , then in particular . 1. In generall both by the circumstance of time , when he shall stand vp , that is , after he hath stood a short time : for not aboue seuen yeares had Alexander raigned , when his kingdome , together with his life was dissolued , Iun. commentar . and euen when his kingdome was come to the height , and he expected embassadours at Babylon from al the world , he died at Babylon : As also the manner is shewed , by a Metaphor , it shall be broken , like as when a brittle thing is broken into many peices and shiuers .

2. In particular two things are expressed , the subiect of this kingdome , and the qualitie and condition of it . 1. the subiect is declared affirmatiuely , it shall be diuided into the 4. winds , that is to fowre kings and chiefe gouernours , negatiuely , not to any of his posteritie , which is amplified by a Metaphoricall speach , it shall be pulled vp , as a thing by the rootes , in respect of his owne succession : and others shall be planted in their stead , in the place of his successors : for so is the meaning of those words , to others beside those , that is , it shall be giuen vnto those fowre successor , of Alexander , beside his owne heires .

2. For the qualitie of these kingdomes , they shall not be like in power vnto Alexanders . as it is said , not according to his dominion .

Quest. 10. Of Alexanders birth , and education , acts and life , ende and death abriged .

1. For the first , Philip king of Macedonia , was father to Alexander , and his mothers name was Olympias : he was borne about the 2. yeare of the 106. Olympiad : the same day , wherein he was borne , the great Temple of Diana at Ephesus was set on fire , which the Magicians interpreted to signifie , that one was then borne , who should set all Asia on fire : at 15. yeares of age he was committed to Aristotle to be instructed , and in his youth was of such magnanimitie , that when his father had conquered any citie he would say , that his father would leaue nothing for him to winne .

2. At 20. yeares of age he sit vpon the conquest of all the world : in his acts and life three things are memorable , his vertues , his monuments and exploits , his notable vices . 1. his vertues may be thus diuided , into his morall , and militarie vertues : As his morall were these , his continencie , before he tasted of the pleasures of Asia : he preserued the chastitie of Darius beautifull wife and daughters , and would not so much as see them : his clemencie and humanitie was great euen towad his enemies : but his liberalitie exceeded all the rest : he gaue 23. thousand talents among his souldiers : see more of his vertues , c. 2. quest. 48.

His militarie vertues were excellent . 1. his courage , that with 30. thousand footemen , and 5. thousand horsemen durst aduenture to bid battell to the whole world . 2. his patient labour in enduring hunger and thirst , frost and cold . 3. his dexteritie and celeritie in omitting no opportunitie . 4. and hereunto may be added his singular successe , he neuer besieged any citie but he tooke it .

2. His exploits were singular . 1. he enlarged the Empire of the Grecians , and made them Lords of the whole world . 2. he built many cities 70. in number as Plutarch writeth , whereof Alexandria in Egypt was one . 3. he reduced many barbarous nations from their sauage and brui●ish manners to ciuilitie , as is further shewed , c. 2. quest. 48.

3. And his vices which he fell into after he had glutted himselfe with the pleasures of Asia , were not inferiour to his vertues : fowre notable vices among the rest raigned in him . 1. drunkennesse , he would drinke so excessiuely , that he would lie 2. or 3. dayes till he had s●●pt out his drinke . 2. in his drinke he was cruell and outragious : in his rage he killed his deare friend Clitus , much lamenting his death afterward . 3. he was giuen to the wantonnesse and pleasure of the flesh . 4. And at length he grewe so intolerable proud , that he made himselfe Iupiters sonne , for which cause he commanded Calisthenes to be killed , because he refused to worship him : see before , c. 8. quest. 16.

3. Then Alexanders ende was this , in the 32. yeare of his age he died at Babylon . some thinke of poison : but he died rather of surfetting and drunkennesse , continuing quaffing so long , at a Phisitians house a Thessalian , that he fell into a burning feuer , at such time , as he expected embassadors from the remote countreys of the world , out of Africa , Europa , as out of Spaine , and Italie , and so in fewe dayes after he sickened , he died , hauing no time to returne into his owne co●ntrey , nor space to appoint his successor : see more c. 8. quest. 16.

Quest. 11. Of the fowre successors of Alexander .

Concerning three of Alexanders successors there is no question : Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus possessed Egypt the kingdome of the South : Seleucus raigned in Syria and Babylon , in the East , which in respect of Iudea was counted the North : and Antigonus held Asia minor in respect of Egypt on the North : but there is some question , who was Alexanders successor in the kingdome of Macedonia in the West .

1. The receiued opinion is , that Arideus called Philippus the brother of Alexander succeeded in the Macedonian kingdome , as Hierome , Lyranus , Hugo Card. Pintus , Bullinger . But Arideus cannot properly be counted Alexanders successor , because he was but chosen king for a time vntill Alexanders sonnes came to age : and he had but the name of a king : Perdiccas was chosen Tutor and protector of the Empire , and Seleucus master of the horse , which was the second place in dignitie : Craterus Treasurer , Antipater gouernour of Macedonia and Grecia : and beside the text saith , that the kingdome should not be left to any of Alexanders posteritie , that is , heires or kinred : But his brother was one of his posteritie and kinred .

2. An other opinion is , that Antipater one of Alexanders chiefe captaines succeeded in Macedonia , Osiand . but this can not be neither : for though Antipater were set ouer Macedonia , as other of Alexanders captaines were appointed their seuerall regiments , before the kingdome was shared and diuided into foure parts ; yet because Aridaeus was then liuing , to whome by generall consent of the captaines , the name and title of the king was yeilded , during the nonage of Alexanders children , Antipater could not be said to succeede in that kingdome .

3. Wherefore Cassander rather the sonne of Antipater , who vsurped the kingdome of Macedonia , as soone as Aridaeus was dead , is rather held to be one of the foure successors in the kingdome , Iun. Polan . Calv. Pap. Calvin thinketh that Cassander was Antipaters father : true it is that he had two sonnes , Antipater and Alexander ; but they by mutuall parricide made an ende one of an other , and held not the kingdome long after their father : But Cassander which raigned 18. or 19. yeares ouer Macedonia , was the sonne also of Antipater .

Quest. 12. How all Alexanders posteritie was rooted out , that none of them succeeded in the kingdome .

1. Hierome thus expoundeth these words , not to his posteritie , quia Alexander liberos non habuit , because Alexander had no children , which Pintus thus with fauour interpreteth , that he had no sonne , which succeeded him : but if Hieromes words be well marked , he giueth this as a reason , why the kingdome was devolued to strangers , because Alexander had no children : whereas he had two sonnes , Alexander by Roxane , and Hercules of Barsines , as Trogus and Iustinus testifie .

2. Some writers thinke , that Alexander had a sonne called Alexander by Thalestra , Queene of the Amazons , as Q. Curtius , Clitarchus , Polycritus , Onexicritus affirme : but that is by other historians held to be but a fable : as Hecataeus , Philippus Chalcidicus , Duris Samius , Plutarchus Cheronens . Philo Thebanus , with others , ex Pinto . for this Alexander was Alexanders sonne by his wife Roxane .

3. This then was Alexanders posteritie and kinred which he left behind him : his mother Olympias , and Pyrrhus his vncle king of Epirus , his brother Aridens , and his sister Cleopatra , his two wiues with their two sonnes , Roxane with Alexander , and Barsines with Hercules , they were eight in all : Olympias causeth Arideus to be killed : Cassander thereupon taketh occasion to put Olympias to death beeing almost 80. yeare old , and poisoneth both Alexanders sonnes , Alexander and Hercules , with Roxane Alexanders wife : Cleopatra Alexanders sister , the gouernour of the Sardians , who was base brother to Philip Alexanders father , procured to be killed , therein thinking to gratifie Antigonus : last of all Pyrrhus was vanquished by Antigonus Demettius sonne , and his head cut off . And thus in few yeares all Alexanders posteritie was cut off , that none liued to succeede him .

13. Quest. Of the meaning of these words , v. 4. It shall be for others beside those .

1. Whereas it is said in the text in the ende of the fourth verse , it shall be giuen to others beside , Hierome readeth strangers for others : the word acharim , signifieth both strangers and others : by strangers Hierome vnderstandeth other captaines , beside these fowre , as Perdiccas , Crateron , Lysimachus , which had some part of Alexanders dominions . Theodoret interpreteth it of other strangers of forren nations : as in the raigne of some of the posteritie of the first successours of Alexander , the Parthians fell away from the kingdome of Syria and Babylon , by the instigations of Arsaces a Persian , of whome the kings of Persia a long time after were called Arsacidae . But neither of these expositions can stand here : not the first , because before in this verse , mention is made onely of the diuision of the kingdome into the fowre winds : so that we are referred onely to that famous diuision of the kindome into fowre parts , and to none other : not the latter , because that falling away of the Parthians was well nie an 100. yeares after Alexanders death , in the time of Seleucus grandchild to Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus Nicanor , as Iustine writeth , lib. 41. By others then , here are meant none els , but those fowre generall captaines , who diuided Alexanders kingdome among them : yet it shall not be amisse here somewhat to touch the petie diuisions of the kingdome , before it grew into fowre parts , and of Alexanders seuerall captaines , with their endes .

14. Quest. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines , before it grew into fowre , and of their mutuall dissension .

Three things here shall be briefly touched concerning Alexanders captaines , 1. of their feuerall diuisions . 2. of their ciuill warres , which they made one with an other . 3. of their bloodie endes .

1. After that Alexanders captaines had by a generall consent chosen officers for the whole kingdome , Arideus was appointed Viceroy during the nonage of Alexanders children : Perdiccas , protectour , whome Antipater afterward succeeded in that place : Seleucus generall for the armie : Craterus Treasurer : then they sorted the seuerall Prouinces among them : Ptolomeus had Egypt , Laomedon Syria , Philotas Cilicia , Antigonus Lycia , Pamphylia , and Prygia the greater , Cassander Caria , Menander Lydia , Leonatus Phrygia the lesse : Eumenes Cappadoeia and Paphlagonia , Phiton Media . ex Curtio . Lysimachus Thracia , Antipater Ma●edonia . H. Br. And Iustinus maketh mention beside of others : to Nicanor called Seleucus , were committed the Parthians , to Amyntas the Bactrians , to Neoptolemus the Persians , to Peucestes the Babylonians , to Philippus the Hircanians . And the other Prouinces remained vnder their gouernment , which held them Alexander yet liuing . Thus Alexanders Empire beeing distributed among so many petie gouerners , 15. or 16. in all , could not long so continue vnder so many masters , but they presently fel at variance among themselues . And in this respect Demades wittily compared Alexanders armie when he was dead , to Cyclops the huge gyant when he had lost his eye : for as that huge bodie wanting light to direct it , hit here and there , and could not guide it selfe : so this vnruly companie wanting a guide , dashed one vpon an other , as a shippe without a pilote runneth vpon the rocks and sands .

2. We are in the next place then briefly to see the ciuill dissention and warres which were mooued among these captaines .

1. The first warre was begunne thorough the ambition of Perdiccas , who beeing in greater authoritie then the rest , intended to marrie Cleopatra Alexanders sister , and so to take vpon him the gouernement : which his purpose that he might the better atchieue , he first enterpriseth to remooue the lettes and impediments : and sendeth Eumenes against Antipater , and Antigonus , and he himselfe goeth against Ptolome into Egypt : but he was slaine of his owne souldiers : and not long after Alcetas his brother , and his sister were slaine also : and this was his ende , who was the first beginner of sedition .

2. After this a second stirre beganne betweene Eumenes , and Antigonus : in which battell Neoptolemus and Craterus were slaine , and Eumenes was betraied by his souldiers vnto Antigonus , whome he killed .

3. Then Cassander after he had most treacherously extinguished Alexanders familie , quarrelleth with Antigonus , from whome he would haue taken certaine cities in Asia , and ioyneth with Ptolome , and Seleucus , who feared Antigonus greatnes : but Antigonus vanquisheth Cassander , and maketh him to restore the cities in Asia .

4. After this Antigonus setteth vpon Seleucus , and Ptolome : but first he was ouercome by Ptolome at Tyrus , who tooke Demetrius Antigonus sonnes pauilion , with all the princely furniture , but restored it againe : afterward Demetrius surprized Cilles one of Ptolomes captaines , and 8000. men , but returned them safe to Ptolome , to requite his former humanitie and kindnes .

5. Then followed a soare battell betweene all of the chiefe captaines remaining , not farre from Ephesus : on the one side were Seleucus and his sonne Antiochus , Lysimachus , and Ptolomes forces : on the other Antigonus : the night before the battel , Antigonus had a vision , wherein Alexander appeared , saying vnto him , that now he would goe vnto his enemies : whereby Antigonus vnderstood , that hauing beene hitherto victorious , he should be ouercome now : And so it fell out , for as he pursued Antiochus in battell , he was slaine by Seleucus horsemen , beeing almost 80. yeare old : his sonne fledde to Athens , and renewed the warre , but he was taken by Seleucus , and long suruiued not his father : then the rest diuided the kingdome of Antigonus among them .

6. The last battell betweene Alexanders captaines , was betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus . This Lysimachus was a man of valour : for beeing familiar with Callisthenes , whome Alexander killed , he was commanded to be cast vnto the lyons : but he killed the lyon , and so escaped : for which his valour he was afterward much made of by Alexander . But this Lysimachus among his vertues , had enormous vices : he married two sisters , and had children by them both , but the one killed the others child : the mother for succour fledde vnto the other kings allied vnto her : hereupon beganne the quarrell betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus : but Lysimachus beeing ouercome , was slaine . Melancth. ex Pausan.

3. In the last place let vs take a view of their bloodie endes . Perdiccas first killed Meleager : Ptolome killeth Cleomenes Perdiccas friend : and Perdiccas himselfe is slaine of his owne souldiers , going against Ptolome . Craterus and Neoptolemus are slaine in battell : Philotas killeth Phiton : and he with Eumenes are slaine by Antigonus : Antigonus fighting against Seleucus is killed : Lysimachus by Seleucus , Seleucus is slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus brother to Ptolome Philadelphus then raigning in Egypt : and the same Ceraunus not long after was slaine by Brennus : Demetrius Antigonus sonne rooteth out the house of Cassander : and so he and his posteritie held the kingdome of Macedonia , vntill the Romans possessed it . And this was the ende of Alexanders captaines .

15. Quest. Why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South , and of the North , omitting the the rest .

Two reasons may be yeelded hereof . 1. The other kingdomes , the one of Asia the lesse in the North to Egypt , which fell vnto Antigonus , after he was slaine and vanquished by Seleucus , was diuided among the other captaines , and so it was extinguished : and the other kingdome of Macedonia in the West , was translated from Cassander and his posteritie , vnto Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus : neither was it in power answerable vnto the other two kingdomes , of Syria , and Egypt : and therefore these onely are mentioned : for vers. 5. the Angel speaketh onely of two mightie kingdomes , which should preuaile aboue the rest .

2. An other reason is , Iudea stood in the middes betweene these two kingdomes of Syria and Egypt , by which occasion , these kings waging battell one against an other , Iudea beeing in the middes , went to wracke betweene them : Melancthon . And sometime the Iewes fauoured one , and sometime an other , and then the aduersarie part still afflicted them : and thus betweene these two kings were the Iewes molested the space of three hundred yeares . Lyranus . And a third cause there was of trouble vnto the Iewes : sometime the Ptolomies of Egypt challenged the gouernment and soueraigntie of Iudea , sometime the kings of Syria : but in the last sociall warre against Antigonus it was agreed , that the most part of Iudea should belong vnto the Seleucians , as Antiochus the great alleadgeth in an embassage sent vnto Ptolome Philopator king of Egypt : Polyb. lib. 5. Therefore mention is made onely of these two kings , because they onely had to doe with the people of God : and as Hierome saith , scripturae propositum est , non externam absque Iudais historiam texere , it is the intent and purpose of the Scripture , not to follow a forren historie without respect vnto the Iewes . And Iosephus hereof thus writeth , Antiocho magno in Asia regnante , &c. While Antiochus the great raigned in Asia , Iudea was continually troubled and Coelesyria : for while he had warre with Ptolomeus Philopator , and his sonne Epiphanes , whether he did ouercome , or were ouercome , they went to wracke , euen like vnto a shippe driuen to and fro of the windes : inter prosperam & adversam Antiochi fortunam iactat a est , Iudea was tossed vp and downe betweene the prosperous and aduerse fortune of Antiochus . Ioseph . lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3.

16. Quest. Of the Kings of Egypt , and Syria , of whome Daniel prophesieth in this Chapter .

The kings of Egypt which succeeded one another after the diuision of Alexanders kingdome into foure parts , were these :

1. Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus , called Ptolomeus Soter , which signifieth a sauiour ; because he rescued diuers kings that fledde vnto him for succour , as Seleucus , and Pirrhus king of Epyrus : but he contrarie to his name made hauocke of Syria and Iudea .

2. Ptolomeus Philadelphus , so called , either because he married his owne sister , or by the contrarie , because he killed two of his brothers . Iun. in commentar .

3. Ptolome Euergetes , a benefactour : he was a great fauourer and patron of learning , as his father was : the Egyptians called him a benefactour , because he brought home the images from Babylon which Cambyses had carried away .

4. Ptolomeus Philopator , so called by the contrarie , for he killed his father , mother , and brother .

5. Ptolomeus , surnamed Epiphanes , that is , the famous or renowned .

6. Ptolomeus Philometor , which signifieth a louer of his mother , or beloued of his mother , by the contrarie , for his mother hated him .

7. Ptolomeus Physcon , so called of his great bellie .

8. Ptolome Lathurus , so named because beeing exiled by his mother , he secretly practised to returne againe .

9. Ptolome Auletes , so surnamed the piper , because he would publikely in his princely habit contend with fidlers and pipers , to exceede them in fidling and piping .

10. He left behind him his sonne Ptolome Dyonisius , and Cleopatra : this Dyonisius caused Pompey to be killed , that fledde thither for succour , beeing ouercome of Cesar : who because he afterward practised against Iulius Cesar , was by him commanded to be slaine , and the kingdome was giuen to Cleopatra his sister , who afterward married to Antonius . ex Melancth. Bulling. And these were the Egyptian kings , vntill the Romanes reduced it into a Prouince after the death of Antonius and Cleopatra .

These also were the kings of Syria , called the kings of the North.

1. The founder and beginner of this kingdome was Seleucus surnamed Nicanor .

2. Next vnto him was Antiochus surnamed Soter , a sauiour .

3. Then Antiochus called Theos , which signifieth God , because he required diuine ho●●●● to be giuen vnto him , Bulling. or , as Pausanias , he was saluted by that title of the Mile●ians for expelling their tyrants .

4. Seleucus Callinicus , which signifieth an excellent warriet , the sonne of Antiochus Theos by Laodice : his brother Antiochus Hierax , so tearmed for his rapacitie , raigned together with him in an other part of the kingdome .

5. Seleucus Ceraunus , that is , a flashing or lightning , was the next , but he raigned not long , therefore by some he is omitted , as Hugo Card. Melancth .

6. Antiochus surnamed Megas , the great , succeeded his brother Ceraunus .

7. Then Seleucus Philopator ( so called , because his father loued him ) raigned : but not long .

8. Antiochus Epiphanes , the famous , by the contrarie , for he was of a base nature , and despised , v. 2. or rather as some call him Epimanes , the madde or furious Antiochus , succeeded Philopator .

Thus farre the prophecie of Daniel is extended to the 8. king of Syria , which was Epiphanes , and to the 6. of Egypt Ptolome Philometor . At these the prophesie staieth , because the principall intendement of this prophesie is , to foreshew the troubles , which the people of God should endure vnder Antiochus Epiphanes : and this prophesie there ending , signifieth that the comming of the Messiah was not farre off : and beside after this time , when such ●auocke was made of the people of God by Antiochus , the kings of Syria ( as a iust recompence for their crueltie against Gods people ) did one cut an others throat , and so the kingdome by ciuill dissention was rent a sunder , vntill it came vnto the Romanes . These then were the kings that succeeded Epiphanes .

9. Antiochus Eupator Epiphanes sonne , whome Demetrius his vncles sonne killeth .

10. Demetrius succeedeth , whome one Alexander faining to be Epiphanes sonne , killeth , and vsurpeth the kingdome by Ptolome Philometors meanes .

11. Demetrius Nicanor sonne of the other Demetrius , killeth Alexander .

12. Antiochus Sedetes expelleth Demetrius his brother .

13. Tryphon killeth Sedetes , and is king .

14. Antiochus the brother of Demetrius called Eusebes for his pietie , because hauing besieged Ierusalem in the feast of the Tabernacles , for reuerence of their feast he did forbeare them , and sent them sacrifices to offer , he killeth Tryphon : and he himselfe is slaine in a bat●ell by Arsaces king of the Parthians .

15. Demetrius Nicanor is restored againe to his kingdom .

16. One Alexander vsurpeth the kingdome , who is ouercome by Antiochus Gryphus .

17. Antiochus called Gryphus of his Eagles or hooked nose , was the sonne of Demetrius : betweene him and Antiochus Cyzicenus so named of the place where he was brought vp , the sonne of Sedetes , was great warre .

18. Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus prosecuteth his fathers quarrell , he killeth Cyzicenus . Thus the familie of the Seleucians by mutuall discord , was at the length extinquished , and then Tygranes king of Armenia taking aduantage of this ciuill dissention , vsurped the kingdome , and held it certaine yeares vntill he was subdued by Pompey . Melancth. Bulling .

17. Quest. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South .

1. This Ptolome was held to be the sonne of Lagus , but in truth he was the sonne of Philippus king of Macedon , who married his mother beeing great with child , vnto Lagus . 2. Alexander for his singular valour exalted him , Iustin. for when Alexander was in daunger at Oxydrace , he onely of all his friends rescued him . 3. He was the chiefe author of diuiding the Empire , and tooke vpon him the gouernment of Egypt , slaying Cleomenes the gouernour thereof , and he ouercame Perdiccas , that came against him with an armie . 4. After the death of Perdiccas , he recouered Phoenicia , Syria , and Cyprus to his kingdome , and by his sonne Megas obtained Cyrene . Pausan. in Attic. 5. He restored Pirrhus king of Epyrus to his kingdome , and Seleucus expelled by Antigonus , fleeing vnto him for succour . Hierome . 6. But he was cruell to the Iewes , inuading them vpon the Sabbath day , when they suspected nothing , and carried many of them away captiue : but afterward he became more indifferent toward them , giuing them the like priuiledge in Alexandria , as the Macedonia●s had . Ioseph . lib. 12. antiquit . 7. He raigned well nie fourtie yeares after Alexanders death , and died in the 124. Olympiad , ( as Polybius writeth ) in the same yeare that Lysimachus , Seleucus , and Ptolome Ceraunus likewise ended their daies . 8. He left behind him Philadelpus , Ceraunus , and other children beside . Pausan. And this was the king of the South ( that is of Egypt , which was South to Iudea , ) which ( the text saith , v. 5. ) shall be mightie .

18. Quest. v. 5. One of his Princes shall preuaile , who is meant hereby .

1. Hierome , whom Lyranus , Hugo Card. Pintus follow , vnderstand this to be Ptolome Philadelphus , who succeeded Ptolome Lagi , and grew to be mightier then he : he had 200. thousand footmen , and 20. thousand horsemen , 15. hundred shippes of warre , and a 1000. shippes for burthen : so Hierome .

2. Iunius in his commentarie , and in his annotations is of the same opinion , that the pronoune ( his ) hath reference to the king of the South before named : and by Princes , vnderstandeth sonnes : as Dauids sonnes are said to be his chiefe Princes , 2. Sam. 8. And they are called Princes , rather then sonnes , because they were not the legitimate sonnes of Ptolome . And beside this philadelphus , after the manner of the Persians , married his owne sister Arsinoe , so that the children which he had by her , were rather called his Princes , then sonnes ; Iun. in commentar .

But the words of the text following , he shall preuaile aboue him , ( or , as some read ) against him , G. B. will not beare this sense : for these words doe implie a contention , which should be the greater : but this was not betweene the father and the sonne : rather Ptolome the father made his sonne great , beeing his younger sonne he appointed him to be heire of the kingdome , and as Iustine saith , resigned vnto him the kingdome beeing yet aliue , thinking it to be a greater honour to be a kings father , then the king : neither can it be shewed , that this Ptolome more enlarged the kingdome , then his father had done .

3. Therefore , by one of his Princes , is rather to be vnderstood , one of his , that is , Alexanders Princes , and that was Seleucus Nicanor , who was king of Babylon and Syria , which was North to Iudea : so Melanct. Vatabl. Calvin , Osiand . Bulling. Genevens . B. Polanus . 1. This Seleucus was of such strength , that when a wilde bull , as Alexander was sacrificing , brake loose , he held him by the hornes alone and staied him , whereupon he gaue the hornes in his armes : which doth fitly answer vnto the description of the fourth beast with tenne hornes , c. 7. 8. which signified the kingdome of the Seleucians , Appian . in Syriac . it is said , that Seleucus and his posteritie had naturally the signe of an anchor in their thigh , Melanct. 2. This Seleucus ouercame Antigonus , though he were before by him expelled out of Babylon : and he diuided his kingdome : likewise he caused his sonne Demetrius to yeeld himselfe vnto him : he also slue valourous Lysimachus , who in Alexanders time , being cast vnto a lyon , slue him . 3. He much enlarged his kingdome : he raigned ouer Babylon , and Media , Mesopotamia , Armenia , Cappadocia : and ouer the Persians , Parthians , Arabians , Bactrians , Hyrcanians : and possessed all from the borders of Phrygia euen vnto the riuer Indus : and passing ouer that riuer , he likewise warred with Sandracotus king of the Indians : neuer any possessed more countries in Asia then this Seleucus , onely Alexander excepted . Polan . 4. He builded many goodly cities , sixteene of them he called after his fathers name Antiochia , sixe by his mothers name Laodicea , nine after his owne name , Seleucia : three by his wiues name Apamea , and one Stratonica by his other wiues name : the most famous of these cities , which afterward continued , were two called by the name Seleucia , one by the Mediterranean sea , the other by the riuer Tygris : Laodicea in Phoenicia , Antiochia vnder Libanus , and Apamea in Syria . Many other cities he called by Greeke or Macedonian names : as Berrhea , Edessa , Perinthus , Maronea , Callipolis , Achaia , Pella , Amphipolis , Arethusa , Cholcis , Larissa , Apollonia : In Parthia Sotera , Calliope , Hecatompolis , Achaia : in India Alexandropolis : in Scythia Alexandrescota : So that Seleucus dominion was mightier and larger , then the kings of the South . H. Br. in Daniel . 5. This Seleucus was somewhat equall and fauourable toward the Iewes : he did enfranchise them in all his cities which he builded in Asia and Syria , with the same priuiledges which the Macedonians had , Ioseph . lib. 12. c. 3. which he did to make them his friends against Ptolome Soter . 6. But at length he was circumvented , and slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus , brother to Ptolome Philadelphus . Melancthon .

19. Quest. That this kingdome of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog .

That Ezekiel , c. 38. and Daniel here agree in their description of the same kingdome , may appeare by these reasons . 1. because the kingdome of Gog is also there called the kingdome of the North , Ezek. 38. 15. Come from thy place out of the North parts , thou , and much people with thee : and here also he is called the king of the North. 2. The nations which doe accompanie Gog , as Magog , Meshech , Gomer , Togarmah , Pharas , Put , the ●●ebrews themselues vnderstand to be the nations inhabiting , Cappadocia , Galatia , Iberia , Armenia : all which were vnder the command and obedience of the king of the North. 3. The building of cities thoroughout those countries , and the calling of them by the names of the Seleucians , and their kinted , are euident arguments of the foueraigntie which they had ouer those nations : so that we neede seeke no further for that great Gog , whome Ezekiel speaketh of . 4. And further , as Ezekiel prophesieth , c. 38. 23. that after the ouerthrow of Gog , the Lord would be magnified and sanctified among many nations , which was performed by the comming of the Messias : so it came to passe : for not long after the destruction of this kingdom of the North , and the ende of that familie of the Seleucians , Christ came into the world . And this is the common opinion of the Hebrewes , as Ab. Ezra , and Kimhi testifie , that after the ouerthrow of Gog , Messiah should ●aigne . 5. Wherefore seeing this Prophesie is fulfilled alreadie , they are deceiued , which deferre the fulfilling of Ezekiels prophesie vntill the ende of the world , wherein they giue great aduantage vnto the Iewes , who thinke that their Messiah , when he commeth , shall vanquish the power of Gog and Magog . H. Br. in Daniel .

20. Quest. Of the first variance betweene the king of the South , and the king of the North : and of their ioyning together againe .

v. 6. In the ende of the yeares they shall be ioyned together againe . 1. It is euident then that first the league made betweene the first kings of the North and South Ptolome Lagi , and Seleucus , was afterward broken : which was vpon this occasion : Antiochus Soter succeeded Seleucus , and married his fathers wife Stratonica , by the aduise of Erasistratus his Physitian , by whome he had issue Antiochus Theos : Megas the brother of Philadelphus king of Egypt , married a daughter of this Soter , by which occasion Megas claiming to be king of Cyrene , which his father made him gouernour of , was aided by his father in law against Philadelphus , and so the truce was broken .

2. Then Philadelphus to accord this dissention , giueth his daughter Berenice to wife to Antiochus surnamed Theos , the sonne of Soter : and Philadelphus accompanied her vnto Pelusium , giuing vnto her a rich dowrie of siluer and gold , whereupon she was called Phernophoras , of her great dowrie .

3. But this coniunction did not long hold : for Antiochus Theos had a former wife Laodice , by whome he had two sonnes , Seleucus Callinicus , and Antiochus Hierax : whome he did repudiate , and tooke Berenice to wife , by whome he had a sonne . But not long after Laodice with her sonnes were receiued to fauour ; which Laodice , suspecting the inconstancie of her husband , poisoned him : and her sonne Callinicus tooke Berenice , and her sonne , and all her companie , and put them to the sword : wherupon the quarrell was renewed between the kings of the North and South . Appianus in Syriac . thinketh that these were two sisters , Laodice and Berenice both daughters to Philadelphus : but that is not like , because the text speaketh but of the kings daughter ( not daughters ) of the South , that should come to the king of the North.

4. Thus haue we the meaning of these words , shee shall not reteine the power of the arme : shee , namely Berenice , should not long continue in grace and fauour with Antiochus , who was as an arme to embrace the two kings together : neither should be continue and his arme : some read , and his seede . L. Calvin . because vau is wanting in the latter word , whereas zeroagh with vau signifieth an arme , which word was vsed before : but it is an vsuall thing in the Hebrew tongue sometime to expresse , and sometime to suppresse that letter : Lyranus expoundeth it of Berenice and her seede : but that can not be , for the verb is put in the masculine : some referre it to Antiochus , that he should not stand with his arme : he should cast off Berenice , who was suborned as an arme to bind them together , Iun. but it may better be referred to Philadelphus , that he should not long continue after , nor this his arme ( his daughter ) which he vsed as a band of peace : but shee shall be deliuered to death : for Callinicus tooke Berenice and all her companie , and put them to death , before they could be rescued : and her sonne , Iun. Polan . Lat. rather then he which begate her . Genevens . Vatab. And he which had comforted her , or made her mightie in his times , that is , Antiochus Theos , who had before aduanced her , and cast of Laodice , should not continue : for his wife poisoned him . Osiand . Polan . some vnderstand it of those which tooke her part , Iun. but because it is put in the singular number , and mention is made before of those which had brought her out of Egypt , and so attended on 〈◊〉 , the former sense is better .

5. Thus we see fulfilled , that which was reuealed long before vnto Nabuchadnezzer , c. 2. 43. that they should mingle themselues with the seede of men , but they should not ioyne one with an other , as yron cannot be mixed with clay : this place therefore sheweth , that that vision of the yron and clay legs is vnderstood of the two kingdoms of the North & South .

Quest. 21. What king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North.

1. It is agreed that this was Ptolome Philadelphus , as is before shewed , but some mistake Ptolome Ceraunus for Philadelphus his brother , affirming that this Philadelphus killed Seleucus , that had slaine Lysimachus , that had married his sister Arsinoe , Oecolamp . whereas it was Ceraunus not Philadelphus that killed Seleucus .

2. This Philadelphus , was the sonne of Ptolome Lagi , by his second wife Berenice : he had other sonnes by Euridice his first wife the daughter of Antipater , but he disinherited them , and for loue of his wife Berenice he made Philadelphus his youngest king , as Iustine ●aith , while he liued ; but as Pausanias , it was a little before his death : he killed two of his brothers that he might be more secure in the kingdome , and therefore was called by the contrarie Philadelphus , a louer of his brethren , Iun.

3. He had an other enormous fault beside , he married his owne sister Arsinoe , who died before she was deliuered of child , and afterward had children by an other Arsinoe daughter of Lysimachus : of the first Arsinoe , was the region Arsinoitis called , Pausan. in A●tic .

4. This Philadephus was exceeding rich , as is partly touched before : Hierome here writeth , that he had 200. thousand footemen , and 20. thousand horse , 400. elephants , and 1500. long shippes of warre , and a 1000. shippes of burthen : he receiued yearely out of Egypt 14. thousand and eight hundred talents of siluer , and 15. thousand measures of wheat , called artaba , which conteyned 3. bushels and almost an halfe : and least this might seeme incredible , that Egypt should affoard yearely so great a tribute , Strabo lib. 17. reporteth out of Cicero in one of his orations , that Ptolome Auletes , who was but a remisse and negligent Prince , receiued yearely 12. thousand and 500. talents of siluer .

5. This king is commended for his singular loue of learning , whom Tertullian affirmeth in Apologet. to haue beene most learned himselfe : he founded a famous librarie at Alexandria , whereof Demetrius Phalereus had the ouersight : he caused the Scriptures to be translated into the Greek tongue by the 70. interpreters , whom Eleazar the high Priest sent vnto him : which booke was carefully kept in the kings librarie , wherein were many thousand bookes : for the question beeing asked by him of Demetrius , how many thousand bookes he had gathered together , he answeared he had gotten 200. thousand , but shortly he would make them vp 500. thousand , Perer.

6. This Philadelphus was verie beneficiall to the Iewes : he redeemed an 120. thousand of them , that were slaues in Egypt , and sent them home , and bestowed many rich gifts vpon the Temple at Ierusalem , Ioseph . lib. 12. antiquit. c. 2.

Quest. 22. Of the translation of the Septuagint , which was procured by this Ptolome Philadelphus .

Seeing mention is made of the acts of this Ptolome Philadelphus , among the which the most famous was the translating of the Hebrewe Scriptures into the Greeke tongue , it shall not be amisse to insert somewhat concerning that translation .

1. It is euident that the translation which goeth vnder the name of the Septuagint , in many places is verie corrupt , and varieth from the originall : as Pagnin sheweth , Isagog . c. 9. And as it is euident , Gen. 5. and 11. they fained a 1350. yeares more , and Gen. 11. they put in Cainan one more then the originall text hath : and they make but 70. persons to descend into Egypt with Iaakob , to answer vnto the 70. languages , which they thinke to haue beene spread ouer the earth , Gen. 10. Hierome thinketh , that the speciall principles of our faith , they either omitted in their translation , or interpreted after an other manner , to the intent to conceale the secrets of their faith .

2. Ireneus , Iustinus , Chrysostome , Hilarie , Augustine doe ascribe verie much vnto this translation , and thinke that the interpreters were put into so many seuerall celles , and yet agreed together , except only in some certaine places : But Hierome praefat. in pentate●● . thinketh that to be a fable of their 70. celles at Alexandria .

3. But there is great vncertaintie beside . 1. Hierome writeth , that it is the generall opinion of the Iewes , that the Septuag. onely translated the 5. bookes of Moses , in 5. cap. Ezech. 2. And there were diuerse copies of the Septuagint : Alexandria and all Egypt followed Hesychius copie : Constantinople and all vnto Antioch , vsed Lucianus edition : And the middle Prouinces betweene them , preferred the translation amended by Origen , and set forth by Pamphilus , Hierome praefat. in Paralip . 4. And beside the translation of the Septuag. whereof there were so many editions , there were other translations of the Scriptures into the Greeke tongue , as by Aquila , Symmachus , Theodotian : wherefore in so great varietie and vncertaintie of translations , the most sure way is , to haue recourse vnto the originall , as Hierome and Augustine doe well aduise , ex Bulling .

Quest. 23. Who was the bud of her rootes , v. 7. and of his exploits .

1. Theodoret giueth this interpretation here : these warres here prophecied of he vnderstandeth of the warres betweene Ptolomeus Philopator and Antiochus the great : by one of his captaines before spoken of , v. 6. he would haue vnderstood Scopas generall of Philopators armie , who wunne diuerse places out of Antiochus iurisdiction , and ioyned them to his kingdome : After this Ptolome gaue his daughter in mariage vnto Antiochus : but she was returned home againe : yet there came a bud of her , she had a sonne that became an enemie vnto her father .

Contra. This exposition cannot stand . 1. the warres betweene Antiochus the great , and Philopator are afterward spoken of in this chapter . 2. It is vnlike that one of his captaines should be said to be greater then the king himselfe : seeing all his endeauour was to aduance the honour and dominion of the king . 3. neither did the king of Egypt giue his daughter to Antiochus the great : but he gaue his daughter Cleopatra in mariage to Ptolome Epiphanes . 4. beside this bud here spoken of inuadeth the kingdome of the North , whereas Theodoret vnderstandeth this bud to rise vp an enemie to the king of the South .

2. This then is the true interpretation . 1. This bud of her , that is , Berenices rootes , was Ptolome surnamed Euergetes , her naturall and Germane brother : who rose vp to reuenge his sisters death . 2. He came with an armie and invaded Syria , and wunne the strong holds : many cities abhorring the cruell fact and parricide of Callinicus reuolted , and submitted themselues to Ptolome : who tooke possession of the countrey , and caused himselfe to be crowned king . 3. but hearing of some commotion in Egypt , he returned , and carried away with him many nobles captiues , and a verie great spoile beside , 40. thousand talents of gold , and many pretious vessels , and 2500. images of their gods , and among them those , which Cambyses before had carried out of Egypt , whereupon the superstitious Egyptians called him Euergetes , benefactor , Hierome .

3. After Ptolome was returned , Seleucus prepared a great nauie , which was ouerwhelmed in the Sea , and he himselfe hardly escaped with a fewe of his companie , hauing nothing left of all that great preparation : in so much that his case was pitied of those which before had reuolted from him : Then he craued aid of Antiochus . Hierax his brother , which Ptolome perceiuing , made peace with Seleucus for 10. yeares , Oecol . Melanct. ex Iustin.

4. Hierax seeing this , then turneth his force against his brother Seleucus : which warre tended to the ruine and destruction of them both : for Hierax was slaine of certaine robbers and theeues , and Seleucus died of a fall from his horse .

5. All this beeing thus reported by forren writers , Iustin. lib. 27. Polybius lib. 5. agreeth with this prophesie of Daniel , both of the preparation and expedition of Ptolome Euergetes against Callinicus , v. 7. his successe in carrying away much spoile and captiues , v. 8. and his returne into his countrey , v. 9.

6. But where it is said , v. 8. he shall continue more yeares then the king of the North : some referre it to the time of their raigne : Calvin saith , whom the Genevens . followe , that Euergetes raigned 46. yeares ▪ Oecolamp . 26. whereas Callinicus raigned but 20. yeares ▪ but it is better vnderstood , that Euergetes continued diuerse yeares in this victorious estate , hauing the chiefe dominion in Syria , Iun. Polan . for this best agreeth with the former words , wherein his victorie and prosperous successe is described : And Polybius writeth , that Euergegetes and Callinicus died much about the same time , lib. 5.

7. I● his returne which is mentioned , v. 9. Iosephus writeth , that Euergetes comming to Ierusalem did offer sacrifices vnto God , for his great victorie , and bestowed great gifts vpon the Temple , lib. post . aduers. Appion . yet afterward he demaunded the ordinarie tribute 20. talents of siluer , which was detained by the couetousnesse of Onias the high Priest : Euergetes sent vnto him , threatening that if the tribute were not paid , he would diuide their countrey among his souldiers . Then Iosephus Onias sisters sonne went in the name of the Iewes in embassage vnto Ptolome , and pacified him , and grewe in great fauour with him , Ioseph . lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3.

Quest. 24. Of the third battell betweene the king of the South , and the king of the North , v. 10. 11. 12.

This battell is described in three parts . 1. the preparation made by the king of the North , and their diuerse attempts , v. 10. 2. the resistance made by the king of the South , with his good successe , v. 11. 3. the euents , that followed vpon this victorie , v. 12.

1. The attempts made , are either ioyntly by the two sonnes of Seleucus Callinicus , namely Seleucus Ceraunus , and Antiochus surnamed Megas the great : in these words , his sonnes shall be stirred vp , and shall assemble a mightie great armie ; or seuerally , by Antiochus Megas onely in the latter part of the verse .

First , Ceraunus and Megas ioyning together , partly to reuenge their father Callinicus , and their grandmother Laodices death , partly in hope to recouer Syria , out of Ptolome Philopators hand , who succeeded Euergetes , whom some thinke he killed , and therefore was called Philopator , that is , a louer of his father , by the contrarie : they first set vpon Ptolomies captaines , which held Syria for Philopator : But Cerannus passing ouer the mount Taurus , to goe against Attalus , who possessed the countrey beyond Taurus , was slaine by the treason of Apaturius and Nicanor , in the 2. or 3. yeare of his raigne : of whom Acheus that went with Seleucus beeing his kinsman was presently reuenged , and put them to the sword , Polybius lib. 4. all this agreeth well with this prophecie , sauing that Polybius writeth that Acheus went in this battell with Seleucus , and that Antiochus the great liued as yet a priuate life , not medling at all , lib. 5. But it is euident by this prophesie , that both the sonnes of Callinicus ioyned together .

Now then Seleucus beeing dead , Antiochus Megas taketh vpon him the kingdome , being then , as Polybius writeth , not aboue 15. yeare old : two of his expeditions are here described : the one in passing thor●gh in recouering Syria , and other parts of his owne countrey : the other in assaulting Ptolome at home , euen at his owne fortresse and munition cities in the borders of Egypt .

In the first expedition , Antiochus had two great lettes in his way , which he ouercame , first two brethren Molan and Alexander , contemning Antiochus youth , would haue vsurped all the countrey beyond Taurus : them first he ouercame : then he had to deale with Ptolomes captaines , which held Syria for him : but here Theodotus helped him , who reuolted from Philopator , both taking aduantage of his voluptuous and slouthfull life , and for that he had sustained some disgrace beeing called to Alexandria , where he was in daunger of his life : This Theodotus vpon these occasions betraied Syria into Antiochus hands : And vpon this aduantage he still proceeded , and recouered many cities and countreys , as Polybius sheweth at large , lib. 5.

Then sent Ptolome an embassage vnto Antiochus , somewhat to stay him , vntill he might make himselfe strong : and Antiochus admitted some parle and treatise of peace : But there could be no agreement , for Ptolome challenged those countreys as belonging vnto him by right of inheritance : Antiochus layd claime vnto them by a former composition , made by Cassander , Seleucus , Ptolome , when they ouercame Antigonus , that Syria and Palestina should belong vnto Seleucus : Thus they breaking off without any conclusion of peace , Antiochus goeth forward , and had diuerse conflicts with Nicolaus Philopators captaine both by Sea and land , and still preuailing he commeth euen vnto the munition townes in the borders of Egypt , and pitcheth at Raphia , which was 4. dayes iourney from Pelusium , Hierom. Bulling Oecolamp Perer Iun Polan .

2. Now followeth the second part of the description , how Philopator beeing thus prouoked euen at his owne doores did come against Antiochus with a great armie , and encountred with him at Raphia and preuailed , as is shewed here , v. 11. more particularly thus is this storie reported by Polybius and Iustine . 1. Ptolome , while the treatise of peace was in hand , hired souldiers out of Grecia , and gathered together a great armie of 70. thousand footemen , and 5000. horsemen , and 73. elephants : Antiochus also came against him with an other great armie , of 62. thousand footemen , 6000. horsemen , elephants 102. 2. These armies meeting at Raphia , after certaine dayes ioyned battell : the fight was at the first doubtfull : for the right wing of Antiochus had the better , but the left wing the worse : But at last the victorie fell out vnto Ptolome , but not without great slaughter of his mercenary men . 3. In the 3. booke of the Macchabes in the beginning an other circumstance is added , which furthered the fight on Ptolomes side : how Arsinoe Ptolomes sister , went vp and downe the campe as they were in fight , calling vpon the souldiers , and encouraging them , promising to each man two pound of gold , if they got the victorie : But whether this were so or not , Ptolome obtained the victorie : and of Antiochus side there were 10. thousand footemen slaine , and 300. horsemen , 4000. taken prisoners , and 3. elephants were killed in the fight , and two afterward died of the wounds which they had in the battell : thus according to the text , the multitude was giuen into his hands .

3. The euents which followed this victorie are rehearsed to be three . 1. the insolenci● both of Ptolomes armie , called here the multitude : for he had as great an armie as Antiochus : and of Ptolome himselfe : who thinking it sufficient that he had gotten the victorie , was content , giuing himselfe to case and pleasure , to accept of conditions of peace , which Antiochus entreated of him : whereas , as Iustine writeth , spoliavisset regno Antiochum , si fortunam virtute iuvisset , he had spoiled Antiochus of his kingdome , if by his owne valour he had helped his good fortunes .

2. An other euent was , he shall cast downe : housands : which Hierome vnderstandeth of his former victorie : but it may better be referred to his cruell outrage practised vpon the Iewes : for comming to Ierusalem he pressed to goe into the most holy place , but was gainesayed by the high Priest : yet he forcing to enter , was striken of God , and carried away halfe dead : whereupon he afterward returning to Alexandria , gaue forth verie cruell edicts against the Iewes , commanding many to be killed , others to be fettred and imprisoned , and some to be trampled vpon vnder the camels feete , 3. Macchab. c. 7. Bulling. Melancth. Polan . And hereof Iosephus maketh mention , that betweene Antiochus Megas and Philopator , Iudea was as ship tossed to and fro of the waues , and went to wracke on both sides , lib. 12. c. 3.

3. The last euent is , he shal not preuaile , which was diuers waies effected : 1. for he neither preuailed against Antiochus , who escaped his hands , and held his kingdome still , Hierome , 2. And notwithstanding his rage against the people of God , the Lord defended them . 3. After this he gaue himselfe to all beastly pleasure : for he killed his wife and sister Euridice : he kept both a male concubine Agathocles , and Agathoclea his sister , Iustin. lib. 30. 4. And within fewe yeares he himselfe died , Melancthon .

Quest. 25. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt , v. 13. 14.

Now followe diuerse other expeditions and attempts of this Antiochus against the king of Egypt , vnto v. 18. with his ende , v. 19.

In this first is set forth his preparation , v. 13. then his successe , v. 14. In his preparation there are three things expressed , the number of his armie , the time , after certaine yeares , and his great riches : for Philopator beeing now dead , and Epiphanes his sonne left but young , whose tuition together with the gouernement of the kingdome was committed to Agathocles an infamous person , Philopators minion , by which occasion many fell away from the king of Egypt ; Antiochus took this to be a fit opportunity to recouer his former estate , both in the nonage of the young king , who was but 4. yeare old when his father died , and because the Egyptians were at variance among themselues : for they rose vp against Agathocles , and killed him , and the strumpets they hanged vp , and then sent embassadors to Rome , that they would take vpon them the protection of the young king and his kingdome , to whose trust Philopator dying had commended his sonne . The Romanes twice sent embassadours to Antiochus , who had inuaded diuerse cities in Syria , belonging to the king of Egypt : but for all this Antiochus surceased not , Hierome ex Iustin. therefore it is said in the text , veniendo veniet , he shall certainely or speedily come , nothing could let him .

And concerning his rich preparation , this may be an euident proofe thereof : that afterwards , when he prepared in like manner to encounter with the Romanes , and at that time , Hannibal beeing ouercome of the Romanes was fledde vnto him , he shewed vnto him his chariots and Elephants set forth with ornaments of siluer and gold , and asked him if this were not sufficient for the Romanes , who made this answer , satis esse credo Romanis haec omnia , licet sint auarissimi , I thinke these things may suffice and content the Romanes , though they were most couetous , &c. Gellius in Noctib . Attic. lib. 5. c. 5. his meaning was , that it would be a sufficient pray , whereas Antiochus had asked his opinion of the sufficiencie of his preparation .

2. Then in the successe described , v. 14. is shewed , 1. the helpe that Antiochus had . 2. how he preuailed against those factious persons which tooke part with the king of Egypt .

1. The text saith , that at that time , many shall stand vp against the king of the South : which some vnderstand of the Iewes which hitherto had taken part with the king of Egypt , who should now ioyne with Antiochus , Iun. but it is better vnderstood , of the league and confederacie which Antiochus made with Philip king of Macedon , that they should both ioyne together against the king of Egypt , and part his cities among them , each of them to take the cities next adioyning , Hierome . which confederacie was the occasion of warre betweene the Romanes and the said Philip : who beeing ouercome by Flaminius the Consull , lost a great part of his kingdome , euen all the cities of Thraci● , onely Macedonia beeing left him , Melancth. Bulling .

2. Then followeth what became of the rebellious sonnes of the people , that is , the refractarie Iewes , which stood against Antiochus , and were refractarie against God and his laws . 1. These rebellious and refractarie Iewes are well vnderstood to be those which fled with Onias ( beeing expelled by Iason ) vnto the king of Egypt , ( which Iosephus saith was Philometor ) but by the words of the prophesie it is better referred to these times of Ptolome Euergetes , who gaue vnto Onias leaue to build a Temple in Egypt in the region of Hierapolis , about 180. furlongs from Memphis , which Onias accordingly did : making it in some things like , in some things vnlike to the Temple of Ierusalem : So herein they are called refractraie , because against the ordinance of God , that appointed the place of his publike worship onely at Ierusalem , where they should offer all their sacrifices , yet did erect a Temple in an other place .

2. Whereas it is said , to establish the vision : this also agreeth verie fitly : some vnderstand it , of the fulfilling this present vision , Iun. annot. Polan . but that fulfilling was against their will : now here their purpose and intendment seemeth to be noted : to establish the vision : and so Onias pretended , that herein he fulfilled the prophecie of Isay. c. 19. v. 19. that the altar of the Lord should be in the middes of Egypt , Hierome , Pellican . Calv. Melancth. whereas that place is vnderstood of the spirituall worship of God , which should be established in Egypt at the comming of the Messiah , which euidently appeareth out of the same place : for there the Prophet speaketh of a generall vnitie and concord , that should be betweene Assur , Egypt , and Iudaea , which was not now in the time of this Onias : for the Assyrians now vnder Antiochus were enemies to the Egyptians . And beside Eusebius out of this verie place sheweth , that the sacrifices and ceremonies of Moses law were to cease : for seeing by Moses lawe they were not to sacrifice , nor to set vp any altar but at Ierusalem , if that law should not be abolished , the prophesie of Isay of setting vp an altar , that is the true seruice of God in Egypt , could not haue beene fulfilled : to this purpose Eusebius , lib. 1. de domonst . Euangel. c. 4.

3. Then it followeth what shall become of those refractarie persons : they shall fall . 1. Hierome vnderstandeth it of the destruction of this newe Temple , and the citie , which came to passe , 330. yeare after , as Iosephus writeth , vnder Vespasian the Emperour : who when he had destroyed the Temple at Ierusalem , sent vnto Lupus president of Alexandria , to demolish the other Temple in Egypt , least it might be an occasion of mutinie and rebellion to the Iewes : But this Lupus onely spoiled the Temple of the ornaments thereof : Paulinus succeeding him vtterly abolished the seruice , which the Iewes there exercised , and shut vp the Temple for euer , not suffering the same to be vsed at all : and so it came to ruine , Iosephus lib. 7. de bello Iudaic. c. 30. But this ruine and fall here prophecied of seemeth to haue been present , to shew how Antiochus preuailed against them . Some vnderstand it of the Iewes in Palestina , which rebelled against Antiochus , Polan . Iun. in his last edition : But in his first annotations he seemeth to referre it to the Iewes , whom Antiochus destroyed at his comming into Egypt .

Quest. 26. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes .

v. 15. The king of the North shall come , and cast vp a mount , &c. In this expedition , first is described his preparation , then his successe .

In the preparation it is expressed , how he should cast vp a mount : Iunius and Polanus expound the word otherwise , taking it for a sling and other engins , which were vsed in the besieging of cities : the meaning is , that Antiochus should besiege the strong cities of Egypt : and it hath speciall reference beside vnto the besieging of Scopas , Ptolomes captaine , whom the king of Egypt had sent against him : who encountring with Antiochus at Pan●as was put to the worse , and fled vnto Sidon , where Antiochus besieged him with tenne thousand men : then Ptolome sent three captaines , Eropus , Menocleas , and Damaxenus to rescue him : but they could not raise the siege , till Scopas forced by famine yeelded himselfe . Antiochus also laid siege to the fortified place or tower in Ierusalem , which he tooke by helpe of the Iewes , Hierome ex Ioseph . lib. 12. antiquit. c. 13. And many other strong cities did Antiochus take at this time in Syria , which did hold with Ptolome before .

2. The successe was this . 1. concerning Egypt : the armies of Egypt were not able to resist , nor his chosen people ; that is , the armies and strength of the king of Egypt , and his valiant captaines had no power to resist Antiochus , but he should do what he would . 2. Then it is said , he shall stand in the pleasant , beautifull , or excellent land , that is Iudea , so called , not for any terrene excellencie in it , but it was excellent because of the worship of the true God : This land he should also possesse , not so much by conquest , but the Iewes willingly submitted themselues vnto him : they receiued him into Samaria with his armie , and prouided prouender for his elephants : of the which their kindnesse he wrote letters to his friends purposing to requi●e the same , Iosephus . lib. 12. c. 3. the words then following , which some reade , he shall co●sume it with his hand , Hierome , Iun. Calv. Genevens . ( vnderstanding it of the miseries and afflictions which he brought vpon the Iewes ) cannot haue that sense ; because at this time he receiued kindnesse at their hands , and intended to recompense them with the like againe , as Iosephus saith . Some giue this sense , deficiet in manu eius , it shall faile or faint vnder his hand , Bulling. that is , shall yeeld themselues vnto him , Vatab. not resist him , but beare the tribute which was imposed vpon them , Melancth. rather this is the meaning , consummatio in manu eius , consummation shall be in his hand ; his hand shall consummate and perfect his desire , in obtaining the land of Iudea , which willingly yeelded it selfe , Polan .

Quest. 27. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Megas against Epiphanes , v. 17.

Here two things are declared in this third exploit : first the attempt of Antiochus , then the euent .

His attempt was partly by force , but seeing he could not preuaile that way , he seeketh to compasse his desire by subtiltie and craft , ( affecting the gouernement and kingdome of Egypt ) in giuing his daughter Cleopatra to Epiphanes : wherein three things are expressed : 1. his subtill intent , he pretended peace and amitie , offred equall conditions of peace , vt recta faciat , to doe rights , as the Latine interpreter : some read , his confederates with him , B. G. but the other sense is better , Iun. Polan . for , as Appian writeth , Antiochus feared the Romane power , and when they sent vnto him embassadors to restore the cities which he had taken from Ptolome , he made answer , that there was amitie betweene him and Ptolome , and that he intended to make him his sonne in law , Appian in Syriac . 2. then it is said , he shall giue him the daughter of women : which Hierome thinketh to be a pleonasme , as when we say , he spake with his mouth : but it signifieth more : Iunius vnderstandeth by this phrase , to be a virgin : Polan . that she was ferme lactens , yet but young , and in a manner a suckling : but ( though this were true ) yet it is better interpreted , that she was bath nashim , a daughter of women , that is , of special womanhood : to the which answereth her name Cleopatra , the glorie of the countrey : H. Br. concent . and so Vatablus translateth , pulcherrima foemina , she was a most beautifull woman , so also Perer. a choice woman , Osiand . And together with this daughter , Antiochus promised by way of dowrie , Coelesyria , Phoenice , Iudaea , and Samaria , the reuenues to be deuided betweene them , Ioseph . lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3. 3. It followeth to corrupt her , not , as the Latine , to destroy it , that is , the kingdome : or as Perer. readeth , to destroy him , that is her husband : for the pronoune affix is of the feminine gender : neither is the meaning , to destroy her , V. G. B. for Antiochus had no meaning herein to seeke the destruction of his daughter , but he corrupted her with euill cou●sell : for as yet neither of them were mariageable . Hierome saith , that Epiphanes was but fowre yeare old when he beganne to raigne , and Cleopatra was betrothed to him in the 7. yeare of his raigne , and married in his 13. yeare : In the meane time Antiochus had the keeping of her , and so corrupted her with euill counsell , and gaue her instructions how she should practise to take her husband away by poyson , or some such like meanes : and this is vnderstood by corrupting her .

2. Then the euent was this , contrary to his expectation : for Cleopatra like a good wife tooke part with her husband , and obeied not her fathers wicked counsell : and by her means Epiphanes recouered much in Asia minor .

28. Quest. Of Antiochus expedition against forren countries , v. 18.

Here is described first his attempt , with his successe ; then the euent which followed .

1. Antiochus beeing disappointed of his hope for Egypt , both because his daughter had deceiued him , and Epiphanes was in league with the Romanes , then he set his minde to inuade other countries , which are here called the Isles , because they were diuided from him by Sea : as Hellespontus , Chersonesus , Euboea : then he stroke ouer into Europe , and tooke diuers Islands , Rhodes , Cyprus , Samos , Colophon : and so did bidde as it were open battell vnto the Romanes : which he before intending , thought to make himselfe strong , by a new alliance with forren Princes : for as he had married his daughter Cleopatra to Epiphanes king of Egypt , so he gaue in marriage his daughter Antiochis to Ariaratus king of Cappadocia : and a third daughter he offered vnto Eumenes king of Pergamus , but he refused , because of the warres which he had with the Romanes . Appian .

2. The euent followeth : that in the ende Antiochus was foiled by the Romanes , and the shame returned vpon his owne head : but first the words of the text must be opened , and then the sense considered .

1. The words are diuersly read : 1. the vulgar Latin readeth thus , he shall cause the Prince of his shame to cease : which Lyranus expoundeth of himselfe , namely , Antiochus : but he misliketh this sense , because Antiochus rather still encreased his owne s●ame , he caused it not to cease . 2. Then he giueth an other interpretation , a Prince or Lord shall bring his shame vpon him , that is God , whome he had blasphemed , shall bring him to shame . Pererius reiecteth this sense , because it is not found , that this Antiochus blasphemed God : wherein he is deceiued : for the contrarie is euident , that Antiochus , when all things went crosse against him , accused God , as though he were his enemie , Polan . but the word katin signifieth a leader , or gouerner , which is not so fitly referred vnto God . 3. Theodoret readeth in the ( plural ) he shall cause the Princes of his shame to cease , that is , shall vanquish diuers Princes , and put them to shame : but the word is put in the singular . 4. Some applie it to Epiphanes king of Egypt , who by his captaine Scopas had put Antiochus to shame , in taking certaine cities from him : gloss . interlin. Hug. Card. and Pererius misliketh not this exposition : But the truth is , that Antiochus put Scopas to shame , causing him to yeeld himselfe . 5. The words then , are thus to be read , a Prince or captaine shal●●ause his shame to cease , beside that he shall cause his shame to returne vpon him , Polan . that is , the shame which he offered to others shall returne vpon himselfe .

Now for the meaning of the words , two things are declared . 1. the Prince or captaine shall cause his shame to cease . 2. then it shall returne vpon his owne head . 1. First , his contumelious and opprobrious words , and acts , spoken and done against the Romanes , ceased , when first he was ouercome by Marcus Attilius Glabrio the Romane captaine , afterward by L. Scipio Nasica ( accompanied with Publius Scipio Africanus his brother ) by Sea : After this foyle Antiochus , beeing not ruled by Hannibals counsell , who was with him , who gaue him aduise to remooue his forces into Italie , and to occupie the Romanes at home at their owne doores , was in such feare of the Romanes , that he fled from Chersonesus , leauing all the furniture and prouision of his owne behind , which the Romanes surprised : then he sent Embassadours vnto the Scipios , offering to beare halfe the charges of their battell , and to relinquish all the cities which he had taken in Ionia , and Aeolia : but they made answer that they would haue all the charges of that expedition , which he had beene cause of , and he must surrender all the countrey on this side the mount Taurus : But Antiochus refusing these hard conditions , encountred with the Romanes againe , who had not aboue 30. thousand men , and he 70. thousand , in which battell he was discomfited , and lost 50. thousand men , and all his Elephants , sauing 15. which were taken aliue : and thus his proud spirit was abated , and his contumelies offered vnto the Romanes in word and deede , were at an ende .

2. Then last of all his shame was brought vpon his owne head : for vpon a second embassage he was forced to accept of most hard conditions . 1. that he should leaue all Asia on this side Taurus . 2. he should pay in present money fifteene hundred talents for the charges of the warre . 3. he should deliuer vp all his Elephants , and shippes so many as they should require : and should be stinted afterward for the number of his shippes . 4. he should pay yearely 12. thousand talents for tribute for 12. yeares . 5. and giue 20. hostages , whereof one should be his sonne , for the performance of these conditions : all which he vndertooke : and thus his owne shame returned vpon him : and further in disdaine , whereas he was called before , Antiochus the great , it grew into a byword among the Romanes , Antiochus sometime the great king . ex Livio decad. 4. l. 8. and App. in Syriac .

29. Quest. Of the death of Antiochus the great , v. 19.

Two things are here declared , his shamefull flight , and his shamefull ende .

1. After that he had receiued the last great ouerthrow , with the losse of so many men , he fled away incontinently , and about midnight came to Sardis : thence to Apamea , from whence he sent Embassadors , which concluded the former peace with the Romanes vpon those hard conditions . Then he betooke himselfe to the remote parts of his kingdome , to his munitions and holds , beeing in such feare , as that he durst not endure the sight of Cn. Manlius , who succeeded L. Scipio . Thus Antiochus was confined within Taurus : who in this disgrace , was wont to say iestingly , as Tullie reporteth in his oration pro Deiotaro , benigne sibi à Romanis factum , &c. he was beholding to the Romanes , who had eased him of the trouble of so great a kingdome , that he now contented himselfe with a lesse .

2. Now touching his ende , there are diuers opinions . 1. after that he had such an imposition of tribute laid vpon him , partly through necessitie , and partly of a couetous minde , he went about 〈◊〉 robbe a Temple of their treasure : Lyranus thinketh it was the Temple of Naneas among the Persians , where he entring into the Temple with his companie , were hewen in pieces : as the storie is set downe 2. Macchab. c. 1. and therefore it is said here , he was no more found , &c. because his bodie beeing thus mangled could not be knowne : But that storie rather sheweth the ende of Antiochus Epiphanes , this Antiochus sonne , as may appeare by comparing that place with 2. Macchab. c. 9. see more before c. 8. qu. 33. 2. Some following Iustine lib. 32. thinke , that he would haue inuaded the Temple of Iuppiter Dyndinaeus , or Dodonaeus : but he was farre off from that place , Bulling. 3. Hierome following Strabo , lib. 16. saith , that he with all his armie was slaine of the Elymeans , when he went about to robbe the Temple of Iuppiter Belus : so also Polan . and so it is said , he was no more found , because he was tumultuously killed of the rude people comming together to defend their Temple : Calvin . H. Br. in Daniel . and because he died in Persia , and returned not into his owne countrey . Osiand .

30. Quest. Of the acts and ende of Seleucus Philopator the sonne of Antiochus the great , v. 20.

First it must be agreed , who this was , who is said to rise vp in his place .

1. P●rphyrius , as Hierome sheweth vpon this place , taketh this to be Ptolomeus Epiphanes king of Egypt : but as Hierome well sheweth , he did not succeede Antiochus the great in his kingdome , and therefore can not be saide to stand vp in his place .

2. R. Levi vnderstandeth here the sonne of Antiochus Epiphanes , called Antiochus Eupator , who was slaine by his vncles sonne Demetrius : and the former part of the prophesie he interpreteth of Antiochus Epiphanes : ex Oecolampad . But it is euident , that hitherto the Prophet hath described the acts and exploits of Antiochus , surnamed the great : for he it was , that gaue his daughter Cleopatra in marriage vnto the king of Egypt , as is prophesied , v. 17. And the rest of the prophesie can agree to none other .

3. Some Hebrewes , as Hierome also here writeth , thinke that this was Tryphon , which was the tutor of Antiochus sonne : but that can not be : for Tryphon followed many generations after : for after Antiochus the great succeeded in order , Seleucus , Epiphanes , Eupator his sonne , Demetrius , Alexander , Antiochus , before Tryphon vsurped the kingdome . He that rose vp in Antiochus place , was the 7. king of Syria , but Tryphon was the 13. or 14. Bulling. Perer.

4. Wherefore this that rose vp in Antiochus place , was Seleucus his sonne . Antiochus the great had three sonnes , Antiochus , Seleucus , and Antiochus Epiphanes : but Antiochus ▪ beeing a Prince of great hope and towardnes , died about the same time , that his father fleeing to Apamea , sent Embassadors to the Romanes about the former conclusion of peace , not without suspition of poison : then succeeded Seleucus Philopator , so called because he was beloued of his father , called also Soter . Ioseph . lib. 12. c. 4. Polan .

Secondly we come to the parts of the description . 1. This Seleucus acts are described , he shall cause to passe vp and downe an exactor of tribute : not take away the exactor of tribute , as Vatabl. for the word is ghabar , which signifieth to passe , and in hiph●l to caus● to passe . And so was Seleucus a great exactor of tribute : for beeing giuen to voluptuous liuing , he must needes also be immoderate in his expenses : when he was admonished by his familiar counsellers , that he should take heede least he alienated the mindes of his friends , by his immoderate taxations , he would answer them , that his money was his friend . This Seleucus is he that sent Heliodorus to spoile the treasure of the Temple at Ierusalem , which Simo● had bewraied vnto him : which Heliodorus comming thither , and offering by violence to take the treasure away , he and his companie were terrified by a fearefull 〈◊〉 : they saw an horse with a terrible rider , and so they desisted from their purpose : see the storie 2. Macchab. 3.

2. Then the ende of Seleucus is prophesied of . 1. concerning the time , after a few daies he should be destroied : then can not 12. yeares be assigned to his raigne , as Oecolampad . and it appeareth 2. Macchab. 4. 7. that he liued not long after Heliodorus attempted to robbe the Temple at Ierusalem . 2. for the manner of his death : it should neither be by wrath , nor by battell , either by the generall hatred of his subiects , or by open warre : but it is thought that he was poisoned by Heliodorus , and that by the practise of Antiochus Epiphanes his brother , who was comming from Rome , where he was left as an hostage , and was at Athens at that same time when Seleucus died . And this was a iust recompence vpon him for his sacriledge , that he should be cut off euen by him , that was an instrument of his impietie . Melancth. Polan .

31. Quest. Whether the rest of this chapter be properly vnderstood of Antiochus Epiphanes , or of Antichrist .

1. Some would haue this to be a propheticall narration of the acts and doings of Antichrist , and make no mention at all of Antiochus , as Polychronius : But it is euident that many things can not be otherwise applied , then to Antiochus : as v. 21. in his place shall stand vp a vile person , that is , in the roome of Seleucus Philopator , before spoken of : and v. 25. it is said , he shall stirre vp his power against the king of the South , who is vnderstood before to be the king of Egypt : so that it is euident , that this is a continuance of the same propheticall narration .

2. Some doe applie some part of this prophesie vnto Antiochus , yet as a type of Antichrist , and some things onely vnto Antichrist : and these things are intermingled together : as Matth. 24. Christ prophesieth of the destruction of Ierusalem , and of the ende of the world ioyntly : so in this place , they thinke that the manners of Antiochus and of Antichrist are described interchangeably : Theodoret. So also Lyranus , who thus distinguisheth of figures and signes : that some things are so figures , as the thing prefigured concerneth them not at all : as Psal. 72. His dominion shall be from sea to sea , and from the riuer to the endes of the world : this place he thinketh onely to be true of Christ , and not at all to agree vnto Salamon : some figures are such , that the thing affirmed , agreeth both to the figure , and to the thing prefigured : as , 1. Chr. 22. 10. He shall be my sonne , and I will be his father : this was true of Salomon in part , but of Christ more fitly : so some things here are spoken of Antiochus as of a figure of Antichrist , and some things onely agree vnto Antichrist : as from the 36. v. to the ende of the chapter : But , as Melancthon saith , non avellam hanc partem ab historia Antiochi , I will not pull away this part neither from the historie of Antiochus : for mention is made after that of Edom , and other nations adioyning , which is euident to be historicall .

3. Some wholly referre this prophesie vnto Antiochus , without any relation at all vnto Antichrist , as Hierome here affirmeth of Porphyrius . But it is euident by the propheticall booke of the Revelation , which taketh many things from this prophesie , that there is some relation and allusion in this propheticall discourse vnto Antichrist .

4. Some doe make Antiochus a speciall type of Antichrist , and make him the image , and Antichrist the Archetypus , the principall person represented and resembled : and thinke that many things here done doe more fitly agree vnto Antichrist , then vnto Antiochus . Pappus . But it is euident , that the description of Antiochus , and his cruell outrage against the church of God , is principally intended by the Prophet ; because this prophesie was deliuered for the comfort of the Church in those daies , to the comming of the Messiah .

5. Wherefore the literall and proper sense of this prophesie aymeth onely at Antiochus : yet so , as by way of allusion and analogie , as a common type , Antiochus example , conditions , practises , may be drawne and by way of application accommodated to decypher Antichrist . Iun. Polan . But these typicall applications vnto Antichrist , shall be referred vnto their proper and peculiar place among the controversies .

32. Quest. of Antiochus Epiphanes first entrance to the kingdome .

Three things are orderly handled in this prophesie . 1. of Antiochus succeeding in the kingdome . 2. of his acts and exploits . 3. of his ende : In the handling of which things the rest of this chapter is spent : for seeing this Antiochus should be the greatest and most cruell aduersarie vnto the Iewes , and that vnder him , they should endure much miserie , it was necessarie that the people of God should afore-hand be prepared for those times .

First then his entrance to the kingdome is thus set forth , 1. by the very act of his succession . 2. by the small right which he had vnto it . 3. and by the euill meanes , which he vsed .

1. It is saide , that in his place one should stand vp : namely , Antiochus Epiphanes in the roome and stead of his father . 2. but his right should be small thereunto : for whereas succession vnto kingdomes is either by the naturall right of succession , or by election and consent ; he came by neither of these meanes to the kingdome : for he was the younger brother , and left hostage at Rome for his father , and so he was in that behalfe neglected and despised , not designed or appointed by his father vnto the kingdome : and when his elder brother was dead , he left behind him his sonne Demetrius , who was left as a pledge for Antiochus at Rome , whom Seleucus sent for to ayd him in his warres : thus Antiochus was despised and neglected in respect of naturall succession . Iun. Polan . And in regard of his vile conditions , and loathsome vices he was despised also : so that it seemeth , he was called Epiphanes , famous , by the contrarie , beeing indeede despised : which name was turned by the change of a letter , into Epimanes , which signifieth furious , madde . Athenaeus ex Polyb. And concerning the right of succession , which is by election , Antiochus wanted it likewise : as it followeth in the text , to whome they shall not giue the honour of the kingdome : he was not called or adopted to the gouernment by the consent of the nobles of the land : Onely he was fauoured and helped by two forren kings , Eumenes , and Attalus . 3. Then the manner is shewed how he attained to the kingdome : he at the first tooke vpon him to be the protector of the kingdome for his brothers sonne Demetrius beeing absent , vntill by flatterie he had established himselfe . He was very popular and familiar euen with meane persons : he would stand in the streetes and cast abroad money , crying out , Let him that fortune fauoureth take it : he vsed to wash in the common bathes , and to drinke with common persons , he would giue large gifts to whomsoeuer he met , though he had neuer seene them before : he would sport himselfe with those that attended vpon him , and hit stones at them in iest : and thus by his flatterie and popular behauiour he insinuated himselfe , and got the hearts of the people : as Absalom by the like meanes stole away the hearts of the people from his father . Thus Ptolome testifieth of this Antiochus , lib. 1. & 5. Hypomemnat .

33. Quest. Of Antiochus Epiphanes his first expedition against Egypt , v. 22 , 23 , 24.

Secondly the entrance of Antiochus into the kingdome beeing thus described , then followeth a declaration of his acts and exploits , which are of three sorts . 1. his practising against Egypt . 2. his persecution of the people of God . 3. his inuading of Egypt , Iudea , and other countries .

Three expeditions he made into Egypt : the first whereof is here described . In this first the meanes are shewed , which he should vse , partly violence , partly fraud : and the successe of them both .

His forcible and violent attempt together with the successe , is expressed v. 22. his attempt is compared to an ouerflowing flood : Antiochus taking aduantage of the minoritie of Ptolomeus Philometor , the sonne of Epiphanes by his sister Cleopatra , and hauing a desire to ioyne Egypt to his kingdome , commeth with a great power with chariots , horse , Elephants , and a nauie beside vnto Pelusium , ouerflowing like a great streame : his successe was this : First , the armes and power of the Egyptians were ouercome , the chiefe captaines of Philometor Euleus and Leneus encountring with Antiochus betweene Pelusium and Casium , were there vanquished and slaine : Hierome out of Porphyrius following Suctorius ▪ so also Bulling. Melancth. Osiand . Polan . Iun. with others .

The second part of this successe was , the Prince of the couenant was ouerthrowne likewise . 1. which was not Ptolomeus Epiphanes , as Hugo Cardin. who was now dead . 2. nor yet Seleucus Philopater Antiochus brother , Iun. annotat . H. Br. concent . for it is said before , v. 21. that Antiochus named a vile person , stood vp in his place : his brother Seleucus was now dead . 3. neither was it Iudas Macchabeus , as Lyran. for as yet Antiochus had nothing to doe with him . 4. nor yet Ptolome Philopator , as Melancth. Oecolamp . Pellic. Vatab. for he was yet very young , and made no couenant : and beside the Prince of the couenant here spoken of was slaine , which is expressed by the metaphor of breaking : but Philometor suruiued , and raigned long after . 5. And to applie it with Hierome to Antichrist , who shall faigne himselfe to be Prince of the couenant , that is , of the law and Testament of God , is not proper : for if Antiochus be a type of Antichrist , then is not this Prince of the couenant , which is ouercome by him , Antichrist also . 6. Wherefore this Prince of the couenant was Tryphon , who was a chiefe man in compounding and making a league with Antiochus after the former ouerthrow , that he should haue the tutelage of the young king of Egypt Philometor his nephew : this Tryphon the chiefe contriuer of this couenant , Antiochus causeth to be taken away , that he might worke his pleasure without any let .

Then followeth his second practise by fraud , with the successe : first Antiochus hauing now committed vnto him the protection of his nephew , vnder this pretence entreth into Egypt , but with a small companie , beeing not suspected as an enemie , but held as a friend : and therefore it is said , he shall strengthen himselfe with a small people , v. 23.

His successe by this his fraudulent practising was this . 1. he shall enter into the quiet and plentifull Prouince : for he setled himselfe in Memphis in the heart of the countrey . 2. then he robbed and spoiled , as neuer any of his predecessours did in Egypt before : for he is not said simply to doe that , which his fathers had not done , but onely in respect of Egypt , otherwise Seleucus Nicanor , their first founder , and Antiochus the great his father , had in other countries done more then he , Calvin . therefore this is no argument for Pererius to vnderstand this of Antichrist , and not of Antiochus , because his predecessours had beene of greater power : for , as is saide , it is not simply and absolutely so spoken , but in comparison of Egypt onely , which he robbed and spoiled ▪ as none of his fathers had done before him . Hierom. ex Porphyr . And these spoiles he partly carried away , partly he distributed them among the Egyptians , to make himselfe stronger . Iun. 3. Then he cunningly cast about how to get into his hand the strong holds in Egypt : and therein shewed more cunning , then the wisest among the Egyptians : he deceiued them with his wiles and politike deuises . Hierom. ex Porphyr . following Suctorius . Iun. Polan . But he did not long hold those places in Egypt , it was but for a time , as the text sheweth : for Philometor afterward recouered them againe .

Some otherwise vnderstand this whole description : that the league spoken of was made with Seleucus Philopator , who vpon agreement with Antiochus then hostage at Rome , sent thither his owne sonne Demetrius , to be in his stead : and so Antiochus returning first practised by the meanes of Heliodorus to take away his brother Seleucus , called here the Prince of the couenant . Iun. in annotat . And this plentifull Prouince which he inuaded , some vnderstand to be Syria , Iun. Oecolampad . some Phoenice , where the rich citie Tyrus was , which Antiochus spoiled , Melancthon .

But this exposition can not stand . 1. Seleucus Philopator was dead before these things were done , and Antiochus tose vp in his stead : these things followed then after Seleucus death . And before the Prince of the couenant is taken away , it is said the armes were broken , which were the captaines with their power : but Antiochus had no open warre with his brother Seleucus , he was dead before his returne .

2. This pleasant Prouince was not Syria , but Egypt . 1. for it is saide , that he did that , which none of his fathers before him : now both Seleucus Nicanor , and Antiochus the great had done greater exploits in Syria and Phenice , then this Antiochus : but none of them had spoiled Egypt like vnto him . 2. he held these strong places onely for a while : but the strong cities of Syria & Phenicia he held and possessed as his own , as of right belonging vnto to him : he soone lost the strong cities and holds in Egypt , which Philometor recouered againe : therefore this expedition vpon the former reasons is better vnderstood to haue beene made against Egypt , then Syria .

34. Quest. Of the second expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt , v. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28.

In this second expedition , three things are declared , 1. the attempt , which these kings made one against the other , with the successe , v. 25. and the meanes thereof , v. 26. 2. the euent , which happened hereupon , v. 27. a dissembled peace . 3. the consequents , and such matters as followed , v. 28.

1. The king of the North Antiochus , seeing he could preuaile no longer by his fraud and deceit , who hitherto vnder colour of his protectourship , robbed and spoiled Egypt , ( Philometor beeing now somewhat more growne in yeares ) he seeketh now by open force to inuade Egypt : and the king of Egypt , called here the king of the South , prepareth to meete him with a great armie likewise : this was the preparation . But the successe was this : the king of Egypt was not able to stand , he is ouercome with his armie : and the meanes which Antiochus vfed , was this : he corrupted Ptolomes captaines and counsellers with gifts , who betraied Ptolomes armie : euen his owne feed men , and courtiers , that liued vpon him , should deceiue him , v. 26.

2. The euent was this , that after Philometor was ouercome , he should make some peace with Antiochus : but it was a fraudulent peace : where 1. their intent and purpose is expressed ; both the kings hearts shall be to doe mischiefe . 2. their dissimulation , they shall speake deceitfully at the same table : for Philometor feasted Antiochus , and gaue him great gifts . 3. but the issue was this , nothing was effected or concluded by this peace : for the time appointed of God was not yet , v. 27.

3. The sequele was this . 1. Antiochus returneth into his countrey with great substance , partly by the gift of Ptolome , partly by spoiling with his armie . 2. In his returne he set his heart against the holy Couenant , that is , the people of God : for he entred into Ierusalem beeing receiued by wicked Iason , and robbed and spoiled the Temple , though as yet he set not vp the abomination of desolation : as is further shewed , 1. Macchab. 1. 18. and 2. Macch. 4. 24.

Some vnderstand this battell to haue beene fought vnder Euleus and Leneus Ptolomes captaines , at which time Antiochus entred into Egypt , robbing and spoiling , and came to Memphis . Iun. annotat . 1. & 2. edit. Oecolampad . Bulling. But this can not be : 1. this was Antiochus second voyage into Egypt , 2. Macch. 5. 1. but that battell vnder those captaines was fought in his first voyage . 2. at this time Ptolomes captaines were corrupted , which could not be the foresaid Euleus and Leneus , for they were slaine in battell . 3. hitherto Antiochus had dealt by cunning and fraud , but now he went about by force to raigne ouer Egypt , 1. Macchab. 1. 17. which he did not attempt at the first : for he had sent in peaceable manner before Apollonius to the coronation of Philometor , 2. Macchab. 4. 22. 4. the kings now practised deceit one against an other : it seemeth then that Philometor was of yeares of discretion : but when Euleus and Leneus were slaine , he was vnder their tuition : this Hierome foreseeing , that Philometor beeing a child could not practise any deceit or mischiefe against Antiochus , thereupon saith , that some will haue it vnderstood of Antichrist , who should first ouercome the king of Egypt : But Philometor was not now a very child in Antiochus second expedition : he was somewhat growne in yeares , Osiand . for this happened in the sixt yeare of Antiochus raigne , who beganne to raigne in the 137. yeare of the raigne of the Greekes , and this was in the 143. yeare , 1. Macchab. 1. 11. 21. Wherefore I rather follow Iunius interpretation in his commentarie , with Polanus , who referre the battell of Euleus and Leneus to the first voyage of Antiochus into Egypt .

35. Quest. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt , v. 29 , 30 , 31.

Three things are here declared , 1. his attempt : he shall come againe against the king of the South : and the time is set downe , at the time appointed : which was about two yeares after , as may be gathered , 1. Macchab. 1. 30. Bulling. then entring into Egypt , and hauing taken Memphis , Philometor fled to his younger brother Physcon to Alexandria : and thither Antiochus followed , and besieged the citie , Ioseph . l. 12. c. 6.

2. Then the successe is shewed , not to be like vnto the former : it should not be as at the first , and as at the last : for so are the words , not , the last shall not be as at the first , Geneuens . for two expeditions or voiages are mentioned before : then the reason is shewed of this crosse , successe , he shall be staied by the Romanes , which arriued there in shippes of Cilicia , called the shippes of Chittim : for Ptolome had sent vnto the Romanes for aid , who sent Popilius , or as some call him Pompilius , who in their name should charge Antiochus to depart : who arriuing at Alexandria found Antiochus vpon the shore , who first would haue saluted Popilius with a kisse , being of his old acquaintance in Rome , & would with flattering words haue put off that matter for which Popilius came , and haue craued some time to consider of it : But the couragious Romane , bid him leaue off his trifling , and vpon the sand did with his rod make a circle before Antiochus , requiring his present answear before he went from that place : who , though much against his will , there yeelded himselfe to obey his embassage : and therefore it is said in the text , he shall be sorie and returne : thus Hierom. out of Iustin. lib. 34. the same is reported by Florus , in epitom . lib. 45.

3. The euent was this , that this cruell Tyrant beeing disappointed of his hope in Egypt , shall freat against the holy couenant : for in his returne he entred into Ierusalem beeing receiued in peaceable manner at the first : but afterward he made hauocke of the citie , put them to the sword , caused the daily sacrifice to cease , and set vp the abhomination of desolation , a filthie idol in the Temple , and burnt the bookes of the lawe : as is declared , 1. Mac. 1. 57. 58.

And the meanes is shewed also how he compassed this his wicked purpose : he had inelligence by those which did forsake the holy coueuant , he was brought in by the wicked counsell and practise first of Iason , then of Menelaus , 2. Macchab. 4. Iunius , Polanus , Oecolampadius .

Quest. 36. Of the meaning of the word Chittim , v. 30.

1. Here are two words vsed , tziim , and Chittim , which some Hebrewes vnderstand to be the Italians and Romanes , Hierome : but the first word signifieth shippes : it commeth of tzi , which properly betokeneth a bird , and so consequently a shippe , which beeing vnder saile is like a bird that flieth . 2. Iosephus whom Theodoret followeth , and Vatablus , vnderstand the shippes of Chittim to be shippes of the Isle Cyprus , where was a towne called Citium , where Zeno the Stoike was borne : But the word Chittim is more generall , then to be taken for one small Island : and Cyprus was vnder the command of Alexandria , which nowe Antiochus besieged , and therefore the shippes of Cyprus could not repell Antiochus . 3. Some take Chittim directly for the Romanes , as Hierome , so also the Chalde paraphrast . and the Tharg . Hierosol . so interpreteth that place of the Italians and Romanes , Numb. 24. 24. the shippes shall come from the coasts of Chittim , and subdue Ashur , and shall subdue Heber : But originally Chittim , are not the Italians or Romanes : for Chittim was one of the sonnes of Iavan the father of the Grecians : as likewise were Elisha the founder of the Aeliseans or Aeolians , and Dodanim of the Dodoneans , and Tharshish of the Cilicians where Tarsus was : all these were countreys belonging vnto Grecia . 4. Some thinke that Chittim signifieth both the Grecians , Macedonians , and Romanes , Calvin : but so we should make it too generall a name . 5. Some vnderstand the shippes of the Romanes which were kept in the coasts of Cilicia , ( where the Isle Cetis was ) that they might the better command the Seas , Polan . Iun. But that seemeth not to be so proper to call them shippes of Chittim , that is of Cilicia , because they onely harboured there . 6. And it is too slender a conceit , to thinke that the Romane Embassadour came thither in shippes of Grecia , ex Bulling . as if that potent nation of the Romanes had no shippes of their owne . 7. nor yet is Chittim taken only for Grecia , for the shippes of Chittim came now against Antiochus , which were not the Grecians , but the Romanes . 8. Wherefore , I thinke with Melancthon , that Chittim originally is taken for some countreys of Grecia , and comprehendeth also Macedonia : whereupon Alexander king of Macedonia , is said to haue come from the land of Chittim , 1. Macchab. 1. 1. and the two last kings of Macedonia Philip and Perses , are called kings of Cittim , 1. Macchab. 8. 5. And the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , a Macedonian , hath some affinitie with Chittim , the first letter beeing added : And further Melancthon sheweth out of Homer how the 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , the Citians , came with Telephus the king of the Mysians to the battell of Troy , as next adioyning .

But yet though originally Chittim are the Grecians ; which name might first be giuen vnto the Islands of Grecia , as Cyprus , Rhodes , and the sea coasts as of Cilicia , and then generally was taken for other vpla●d countreys of Grecia : this name also was extended to the Italians as hauing their originall from the Greekes : Melancthon sheweth out of Suidas , that Latinui the sonne of Telephus brought the Citians into Italie , and gaue the name to the countrey : but howsoeuer this is , it is certaine , that the Grecians came into Italie and there inhabited , whereupon it might be called magna Graecia , great Greece : and thus much for the word Chittim .

Quest. 37. Of the persecution of the people of God by Antiochus , and the manner thereof .

This is the second persecution raised by Antiochus against the people of God , the first was touched before , v. 28. the occasion of the second is expressed in the former verse , partly because Antiochus beeing disappointed by the Romanes , turneth his rage against the Church of God , and partly beeing thereunto induced by such amongst the Iewes as had forsaken the couenant .

In this second persecution , 1. there are declared the meanes , which Antiochus vsed in oppressing Gods people : which were partly the forces , and captains , and forren helps which he vsed : partly the seditious and factious among the people themselues . 2. the godly are described which shall suffer persecution , to v. 36. 3. then it is shewed , what Antiochus should doe himselfe , thence to v. 40.

Now in v. 3. the forren helpe is described , which Antiochus should vse : namely , his captaines with their forces , which are called armes : and the effects and workes which they shall doe are fowre . 1. They shall pollute the Sanctuarie . 2. then the citie it selfe , called the munition . 3. the daily sacrifice shall be taken away . 4. and the abhomination of desolation set vp .

Quest 38. What is vnderstood by the armes , v. 31.

1. Some of the Hebrewes by the armes doe vnderstand Thus that came of Vespasian , and was as his arme , that destroyed Ierusalem and the Temple . 2. Oecolampadius by the armes interpreteth the captaines of the Romanes , Pompey , Crassus , Sabinus , Cumanus Florus , with others , which diuerse times made hauocke of the citie , spoiled and profaned the Temple : But the coherence of the text will allowe neither of these interpretations : for the storie of Antiochus still is continued : he that set his heart against the holy couenant , v. 28. is the same that fretteth against the holy couenant , beeing repelled by the shippes of Chittim , v. 30. and he that there fretteth , is the same that here polluteth the Sanctuarie . 3. Some by the armes vnderstand the towers and fortresses of the citie , which are as the armes of it , Pintus . But the armes are said to pollute the Sanctuarie : this cannot be properly vnderstood of the towers . 4. Calvin , whom Geneuens . followe , by the armes thinketh to be meant the faction of the wicked Iewes , that held with Antiochus , but they are spoken of in the next verse , which shall wickedly breake the couenant . 5. Therfore by the armes are better vnderstood Antiochus Princes and captaines , whom he sent to spoile Ierusalem , Bulling. Melancth . as Philippus a Phrygian , whom he left at Ierusalem , after the first taking of it , and Andronicus at Garazin , 2. Macchab. 5. 22. to them he ioyned Bacchides , of whom Iosephus maketh mention , lib. 1. de bello Iudaic. c. 1. And he sent also Apollonius two yeares after to Ierusalem , who made great hauocke and spoile of all , as is shewed , 1. Macchab. 1. and 2. Mac. 5. Polanus .

Quest. 39. Of the defiling of the Sanctuarie and the manner thereof .

Fowre wicked exploits done by Antiochus forces are expressed here . 1. they defiled the Sanctuarie : for they entred into it , robbed , and spoiled it ; as Antiochus had done before himselfe : for he entred into the Temple Menelaus beeing his guide , and touched the holy vessels with his owne hands , 2. Macchab. 5. 15. and carried them away , 1. Mac. 1. 23. 24.

2. They tooke also the citie , and the munition , the strong places thereof . Some referre it to the Sanctuarie , thus reading the Sanctuarie of strength , so called , because it was situate in a strong place , and had the tower of Dauid adioyning vnto it , Osiand . or because the people fled thither as to a sure hold , when the citie was taken , Oecolamp . or because the people put their confidence in the Temple , as the rocke of their defense , Bulling. or to put them in minde that they should trust in God , who was yet their strength , although for their sinnes he suffred his Temple to be defiled for a time , Calvin . But it is better vnderstood of the citie , which is called the munition , because of the strength thereof : for as Strabo writeth , lib. 16. Geograph . it was compassed with a strong wall of stone , and within was a ditch 60. foote deepe , and 200. foote wide , made out of a rocke , the stone hewne out made the walls about the Temple : Apollonius beeing sent to Ierusalem by Antiochus , was receiued peaceably into the citie : but being entred he went vp and downe killing and slaying , sparing none : but fell vpon the Iewes ( hauing an armie of 22. thousand ) vpon the Sabbath , while they were keeping their feast , 2. Macchab. 5. 24. 25. Iun. Polan . as also they fortified the citie of Dauid , with a great and thicke wall , and mightie towers , and set people to keepe it , and brought in the spoyle of the citie thither , 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 36. this may be well vnderstood , ( the euent so fitly answering the prophesie ) to be the munition or strong place here .

3. They caused the daily sacrifice to cease , that is , discontinued the seruice of God which was celebrated by sacrifices in the Temple : one kind of sacrifice is taken for the rest : for Antiochus commanded that they should forsake their lawes , and he would haue them all brought to an vniformitie , to liue according to the lawes of the heathen : likewise he enioyned his captaines to forbid burnt offrings and sacrifices , and all manner of offrings in the Sanctuarie : this was accordingly done , as we may read , 1. Macchab. 1. 47.

4. Then they set vp the abhomination of desolation , which 1. some take for the souldiers placed in garrison , who were addicted to abhominable idolatrie , and brought both the citie and Temple to desolation , Iun. Pol. but the souldiers are before signified by the armes , and this is one of their effects , to set vp the abhomination : and they were rather abhominable , not the abhomination it selfe . 2. some translate the word shamam , by an other sense : it signifieth both to make desolate and to astonish : and so they read , they shall set vp the abhomination , which shall cause them to wonder , or astonish them , Pagnin . Vatab. they should wonder to see the Temple so defiled and forsaken , Calvin . but that the word rather signifieth here to make desolate , then to astonish , appeareth both by the former vse thereof , c. 9. v. 26. 27. for the further explication whereof I referre the Reader to the questions vpon that place . 3. Some vnderstand nothing els here , but abhominable desolation , Bulling. but that was signified before , they shall take away the daily sacrifice : and beside , the phrase of setting vp sheweth , that there was somewhat actually set vp in deede . 4. Oecolampadius referreth it to the Romane ensignes and banners which were set vp in the Temple , and round about : But this place is not vnderstood of the Romanes : Antiochus profanation of the Temple is here described . 5. Wherefore this abhomination of desolation , or making desolate , cannot be better vnderstood , then of those filthie idols which Antiochus and his captaines caused to be set vp in the Temple : as there was set vp vpon the altar , the abhominable idol of Iupiter Olympius : Pellic. Melancth. Osiand . Lyran. Perer. for both idols are vsually in Scripture called by that name , abominations , and the sequele and euent sheweth it to be so vnderstood , as 1. Macchab. 1. 57. it is said , they set vp the abhomination of desolation vpon the altar : there was then some abhominable thing in verie deede set vp vpon the altar .

Quest. 40. How Antiochus vsed as his instruments certaine wicked persons of the Iewes , that forsooke the lawe .

1. The second kind of helpe which Antiochus vsed , was beside his captaines and souldiers , certaine wicked factious people among the Iewes : which were seduced by his flatterie to betray their owne countrey . Such were wicked Iason , that entred into the citie with a thousand men , and slue his owne citizens without mercie : and wicked Menelaus that was himselfe a guide vnto Antiochus , and brought him into the Temple , to robbe and spoile it , 2. Macchab. 5. As these assisted Antiochus in his first taking of the citie : so afterward when he sent Apollonius , diuerse of the people ioyned with him : as 1. Macchab. 1. 55. then went many of the people vnto them by heapes , euerie one that forsooke the lawe . And after these times such an one was Alcimus the high Priest , who came with Bacchides , the kings captaine : the people trusted Alcimus , because he was the high Priest , and he sware vnto them , that he would doe them no harme , but he tooke 60. men and killed them , 1. Mac. 7. 15. 16.

2. The other part of the verse is diuersly read . 1. Iunius and Polan . thus interpret , and the people of those that knowe God , they shall apprehend , that is , the wicked apostataes shall betray their owne brethren : but in this sense the word chazak is put with the preposition beth most commonly : as Isay. 4. 1. and Zachar. 8. 13. as our English phrase is , to lay hold on , and the word people , beeing set first , is rather the nominatiue then the accusatiue case , which for the most part followeth the verbe in the Hebrewe tongue . 2. Therefore here I rather approoue the receiued interpretation : that though many shall fall away , yet those among the people , which feare and knowe God , shall encourage themselues , and goe on in their dutie : which is the meaning of the last word : they shall doe , doe their part and office , Bulling. Melan. Calv. Osiand . Genevens . cum caeter .

Quest. 41. Of such things as the faithfull people of God should doe and suffer in this persecution .

v. 33. They that vnderstand , &c. shall instruct many : Three things are expressed concerning the faithfull people . 1. what they shall doe , they shall not giue ouer one instructing and conforting another . 2. what they shall suffer . 3. how they shall be comforted , v. 34.

1. Concerning the first . 1. Some because mention is made here of instruction , will not haue it here vnderstood of the persecution of the Iewes , in the time of the Macchabees , for they were fighters rather then instructors : and therefore they thinke it more fitly to be referred vnto the persecution of the seruants of God in the times of the Apostles , as is declared in the booke of the Acts : for then the Apostles ceased not to instruct the people and Church of God , Oecolamp . 2. But though Mattathias and his sonnes were stirred vp to defend the innocent by their valiant resisting of wicked Antiochus proceedings , yet they also instructed and encouraged the people , and exhorted them to continue stedfast , as we may further see 1. Macchab. 2. and 2. Macchab. 8. 16. 21. And that this persecution is not that which the historie of the Acts maketh mention of , is euident by this ; that the Romanes and their agents were then the persecutors : but here this Tyrant and persecutor was somewhat curbed by the Romanes , as is before shewed v. 30. And for the same reason this cannot be referred vnto the last destruction of Ierusalem by Vespasian and Titus , as some of the Hebrewes thinke . 3. Those then which instructed the people , were chiefely the faithfull Priests , the Macchabees , the father and his sonnes , 1. Macchab. 2. and other faithfull people are not excluded , who did their part one instructing and encouraging an other .

2. Then it followeth , what they endured and suffred , euen all kind of most grieuous torments , by the sword , by flame , by captiuitie , by spoyle : how they were put to the sword , when Apollonius with an armie of 22. thousand entred the citie , as is shewed , 2. Macchab. 5. 25. and the younger sort with the women were sold into captiuitie , v. 24. the spoile of the citie is described , 1. Macchab. 1. 37. And how they were tried by the flames of fire and other torments , is declared in that lamentable storie of the mother with her 7. children , how cruelly they were put to death , 2. Macchab. 7. their skinne was fleyed off , their tongues cut out , and their vtmost parts cut off : their flesh was boyled in hoate caldrons : The like report Iosephus maketh of that cruell persecution , verberati , & diuersis cruciatibus fatigati , &c. they beeing scourged and wearied with diuerse torments , yet beeing aliue were hanged vp vpon pearches : the children which were circumcised , were strangled and hung about their parents neckes , lib. 12. antiquit. c. 6. 7. And of these persecutions seemeth the Apostle to speake , Heb. 11. 35. 37. they were racked , &c. they were stoned , they were hewed asunder : they were tempted or they were burned , as Iunius and Polanus thinke it should be reade 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , rather then 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , they were slaine with the sword , &c.

Quest. 42. Of the consolation of the afflicted Church of the Iewes , v. 34. 35.

v. 34. They shall be holpen with a little helpe . The Lord forgetteth not his Church in their affliction , but sendeth them a breathing time , and some helpe to comfort them in the middes of their trouble . This consolation here propounded , consisteth of three parts . 1. it is described by the adiunct , the small helpe , that shall be raised vnto them . 2. by the ende , wherefore God suffreth them to be afflicted , namely , to purge and trie them . 3. by the circumstance of the time , which shall not continue , but so long onely as God hath appointed .

Concerning the first ( for the other two parts are plaine enough ) 1. the Hebrewes vnderstand this small helpe of some Emperours , which fauoured the Iewes , such were Seuerus and Antoninus .

2. Some referre it vnto the time of Iulian , who gaue the Iewes libertie to build the temple againe : but he did it fainedly , for he intended thereby onely the aduancement of idolatrie , and the defacing of Christian religion .

3. Oecolampadius interpreteth this little helpe of the fauour shewed by some Emperours vnto the Christians , as Marcus Aurelius protected them : and by those , that should cleaue vnto them fainedly , he vnderstandeth the heretikes , as Cherinthus , Menander , the Ebonites , with other who ioyned with the Christians , yet were great enemies vnto the truth of Christian religion : But all these opinions may be confuted by one and the same argument : because here is a continuance of the same historie , from v. 30. he which was repelled by the shippes of Chittim , which were the Romanes , is the same which persecuteth the Church here : the Romanes are not these persecutors , but they somewhat bridled and stayed the persecutor .

4. Some further applie this to the last times of persecution vnder Antichrist , that then the Saints shall resist him , but by small helpe , Hierome . Indeede typically this Scripture may be so applyed , but historically it was performed in the time of Antiochus , as Pererius obserueth .

5. Wherefore here there is euident relation vnto the Macchabees , vnto Mattathias and his sonnes , who beeing but an handfull and a small companie in respect of Antiochus , and his armie ; yet God so prospered this small helpe , that the tyrannie of Antiochus was somewhat stayed for the time : and in the ende of the appointed time , after three yeares and certaine dayes from the abolishing of the daily sacrifice , which beganne the 15. day of Casleu , in the 145. yeare 1. Mac. 1. 57. the Temple was cleansed on the 25. of the same moneth in the 148. yeare , 1. Macchab 4. 52.

Now while this small helpe prospered , some as the text saith , did but cleaue fainedly vnto them : there were diuerse , that as long as they preuailed , which stood for the lawe , would seeme to ioyne with them , but if their busi●esse went not forward , then they were as readie to take part against them : and such we shall finde to haue beene am●●g the Iewes in the time of the Macchabees , as that storie maketh mention , that were but false brethren , Bulling. Polan .

Quest. 43. Of Antiochus pride , and the exalting of himselfe against God .

v. 36. And the king shall doe what him list , &c. In this second persecution which Antiochus mooued against the Iewes , which consisteth of three parts , first it hath beene shewed what ministers and instruments he should vse : secondly , what the faithfull should endure and suffer : now followeth the third part , what Antiochus himselfe should doe : And his acts are either concerning religion , in abrogating all religion both true and false , v. 36. 37. and in establishing a newe religion of his owne , v. 38. or such as concerne ciuill and politike matters , vers. 39.

But interpreters doe much differ in the exposition of this Scripture , of whom it should be vnderstood . 1. The Hebrewes take this king to be Constantine the great : of whom Ab. Ezra is not ashamed to tell these lies , that there were but 318. which receiued the Christian religion , which afterward he compelled all Princes and people to embrace : But all this is false : he thinketh there were no more Christians but onely those 318. Bishops which were assembled in the Nicen Councel : neither did Constantine compell any to receiue the Christian faith , but forbad the worship of Idols , and protected the Christian religion : but he was so farre from lifting himselfe vp against God , that euerie where he commanded Churches to be erected to the honour of Christ , in whose name he ouercame his enemies . Some of the Iewes vnderstand this king to be Vespasian ; some an Emperour , that should rise vp after Iulian , who seemed to fauour them : so well they agree together .

2. Oecolampadius and Melancthon , will haue this king to be the Pope and Turke , who both are blasphemous against God : but the Prophet speaketh but of one king : neither is it like that the Angell breaking off at the persecution vnder Antiochus , would immediately ioyne the historie of such things , as should come to passe aboue a thousand yeare after : for so many yeares and more came betweene Antiochus persecution , and the beginning of the Monarchie of the Turke , and of the tyrannie of the Pope .

3. M. Calvin thinketh this place not to be vnderstood of any one king , but of a continued gouernement : which he referreth to the Monarchie of the Romanes , not beginning at Iulius Caesar , but at such time as they beganne to oppresse Iudea : as first Pompey tooke the citie , though he spared the Temple : after him Crassus spoiled and robbed the Temple : whose insatiable couetousnesse was such in those countries , that he was hated of all : in so much that when he was slaine they filled his skull full of gold , and carried it vp and downe in derision . The Romanes exalted themselues against God : for they tooke vpon them to determine who should be counted Gods : and Cicero in his oration pro Flacco , speaketh basely of the God of the Iewes , not holding him worthie to be compared with Bacchus or Venus : and that Iudea beeing so often ouercome , was hated of all the gods : T●us M. Calv. But although diuerse of these things here prophecied of may by way of analogie be applyed to the Romanes , whose pride was into lerable , and their superstitious religion , a verie prophanesse : yet they cannot well be vnderstood here : seeing at that time there was no king among the Romanes : but here the Angel directly speaketh of a king : and the inuading of the citie by Pompey was an 100. yeare and more after this : which distance of time , the continuance and coherence of this storie will not admit .

4. Lyranius , with other writers of that side , Pererius , with the rest , and before him Hugo Card. doe vnderstand this prophesie directly of that Antichrist whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world , and raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe : and so Hugo a little before expounded that little helpe of Henoch and Elias , which shall stand vp against Antichrist . And to this purpose Pererius alleadgeth out of Hyppolitus , how Antichrist shall send his mandates through the world , to call together people and nations to come to worshippe him : who shall cause to be proclaimed in their hearing : quis Deus magnus praeter me , quis potentiae meae resistet ? who i● so great a God as I , who is able to resist my power ? &c. But that this deuise of some singular man , which shall stand vp in the ende of the world to be Antichrist , is but a meere fiction , is afterward more at large declared among the controuersies handled out of this chapter : And beside it is not like that the Angel would ioyne together two stories so farre asunder .

5. Some other writers doe so vnderstand this of the verie Antichrist the Pope , as that they apply it not to Antiochus at all : but thinke that Antichrist is properly described from hence to the ende of the prophesie of Daniel , Osiander , Pappus . But it is one thing historically to interpret a prophesie , an other typically to apply it .

6. Now then that all these things were historically performed by Antiochus , and are in the intendement of the prophesie specially meant of him , thus it may be shewed :

1. The time , when all these things should be fulfilled , is expressed , c. 12. 11. the dayes are summed to a 1290. dayes , that is , 3. yeares , 7. moneths , and about 13. dayes : therefore this prophesie could not be put off so long .

2. The word hamelech , this king , hath reference to the former historie : and the article ha , is a note of demonstration , pointing out the king before spoken of :

3. All the other expositions bring vs to a time farre distant and remoote , from the former historie of Antiochus ; but these things here described followe , as the next in the consequent of time .

4. Beside , the Angel in this propheticall narration satisfieth Daniels desire , which was to knowe , what should befall his people : but these things as the other expound them , do nothing concerne the Iewes : neither came they so much as into Daniels thought to enquire .

5. The sequele of the storie answeareth to the prophesie : for Antiochus did all this : he aduanced himselfe aboue God , and spake blasphemous things against him , in defiling his Temple , abrogating the sacrifices , burning the bookes of the lawe : he wrote also his letters , that they should forbid the offrings and sacrifices , and defile the Sabbaths and feasts , and pollute the Sanctuarie and the holy men , and to set vp altars , and groues , and chappels of idols , and to offer vp swines flesh and strange beasts , 1. Mac. 1. v. 47. to 51. and v. 57. 58. Thus ti is euident that Antiochus magnified himselfe against God : see further Appendix following , exercis . 2. argum . 3.

Quest. 44. Antiochus impietie and inhumanitie further described out of the 37. v.

Some take not this to be vnderstood at all of Antiochus , but doe otherwise apply it : the Hebrewes of Constantine , and of some other Emperours : Calvin of the politike state of the Romanes before the comming of Christ : Melancthon , Oecolampad . of the Turke and the Pope : some of the Pope onely , Bulling. Osiand . some of Antiochus onely , Porphyrius , Pellican , whose opinions are discussed in the former question .

But most of these will not haue Antiochus here vnderstood . 1. because we doe not finde that Antiochus neglected the worship of all gods , especially the god of his fathers , Calvin . for he set vp the idols of the Gentiles , Lyran. 2. and whereas it is said , he shall not regard the desires of women : it is euident , that Antiochus was giuen ouer vnto all carnall lust and licentious life : thus obiecteth Pererius , that these things can not quadrare in Antiochu● , agree vnto Antiochus , who was famous for his beastly and filthie lust : and he set vp temples to Iuppiter Olympius , and Iuppiter Hospitalis , which were his fathers the Grecians gods : to these obiections answer shall be made afterward : now we will examine the seueral opinions .

1. Ab. Ezra thinketh this prophesie to haue bin fulfilled in Constantine the great , whe● he embraced the Christian faith , and abrogated Gentilisme and Pagan idolatrie : But Danie● saith not , he shall abrogate or denie the gods of his fathers , but he shall not regard them .

2. Some applie this vnto the Turke , who honoureth Mahomet before Christ the auncient God of Christians , and preferreth Mahomets lawes before Christs : Melancth. Oecolamp . But , as Calvin well noteth , voluit Deus sustinere animos suorum vsque ad Christi exhibitionem , God in this prophesie doth intend onely the releefe and comfort of his , till Christ should be exhibited .

3. The same reason may serue against their opinion , which thinke the Atheisme , irreligion , and new worship brought in by the Popes to be here described : as Illyricus , lib. advers. primat . Pap. Osiander , Bulling. Graser . exercit . 3. p. 185. all these shew how the Pope hath left the auncient faith , and true worship of Iesus , in setting vp other Mediatours , and bringing in traditions , making them equall , if not superiour to the lawes of Iesus Christ : so that in effect he worshippeth Christ but in name and shew onely . All this may fitly be applied vnder the type of Antiochus , to the Romane Antichrist , but there is difference betweene the historicall and typicall sense .

4. The Romanists , as Pererius , Vatablus , doe here dreame of their imagined Antichrist , that shall come before the ende of the world , and grow into such pride , that he shall cause himselfe onely to be worshipped , as God : But this their fantasticall conceit is reiected before , qu. 43. 4. and shall be at large confuted among the controversies .

5. Calvin vnderstandeth the Romane state , who daily inuented new gods , but in effect cared for none : but at this time there was no king or Emperour of the Romanes : as the Angel here speaketh directly of a king , hamelech : the article set before the word sheweth , that one particular king is meant .

6. Wherefore this was historically fulfilled in Antiochus : 1. not in that he profaned the Temple and the God of the Iewes , whome Antiochus the great his father honoured , and gaue vnto the Temple great immunities : Ioseph . lib. 12. c. 3. for the God of the Iewes was not the God of his fathers , that were idolaters . 2. nor in compelling the Iewes not to set by the honour of their fathers , 2. Ma●chab . 4. 15. for this must be his owne act. 3. nor in setting vp the gods of the Grecians , as Iuppiter , Bacchus , Hercules , which were not the Syrian gods : for all the Gentiles worshipped in effect the same idols , though vnder other names . 4. But herein was his impietie and prophannes seene , that though he set vp the idols of the heathen , and spared for no cost , in adorning them , and therein exceeded all his predecessors , as Polybius in Athen. yet in effect he cared for no god : he was vacuus omni numinis reverentia , void of all reuerence of the godhead : Iun. Pellic. and Graserus , who applieth all this to the Pope , denieth not but that in this sense it may be vnderstood of Antiochus . pag. 191.

45. Quest. How Antiochus should not regard the desires of women .

1. Some doe read these words affirmatiuely , that he shall be in the desires of women . And here 1. Pellican applieth it to Antiochus , that was luxuriosissimus , most lasciuious , in so much that publikely he was not ashamed to vse his concubines . 2. some referre it to the Antichrist in the ende of the world , qui futurus est Iudaeorum Messias , who shall be the Messiah of the Iewes , who ▪ because the Iewes doe expect the multitude of wiues to be graunted them by their Messiah , shall by no meanes command , or commend caelibatum , single life : Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. pont. c. 21. But it is euident , that in the Hebrew the negatiue particle must be supplied in euery clause , as hath beene shewed in the diuers readings of this verse : and so Anquila readeth , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , he shall not attend to the desires of women . As concerning that conceit of their Antichrist , the Iewes Messiah and that Antichrist shall come together .

2. Pererius thinketh , that the spirit of God of purpose left the Hebrew Scripture ambiguous , that in both senses it might agree to Antichrist : for he secretly shall be giuen to all lust , and yet outwardly feigne chastitie : but the Scripture vseth not to speake doubtfully .

3. Wherefore the best reading is negatiuely , he shall not haue respect to the desires of women . 1. which neither doe we take generally for his inhumanitie , becasue kindnes and humanitie is likened to the loue of women , 2. Sam. 1. 26. as Iunius referring it to Antiochus , and Calvin to the Romanes , and some other to Herod that was cruell toward his wife and children . 2. nor , becasue Antiochus regarded not the desire and request of his wife for sparing the Temple : for the text speaketh of women , not of one woman . 3. nor yet is here signified the tendernes of women , whome he cruelly put to death , not sparing their sex : Bro. for the word chemidah , desire , is not taken in that sense . 4. nor yet is it meant , he should altogether be alienated from the desire of women ; as Vatablus doth , applying it to their Antichrist . 5. But the word signifieth the lawfull desires of women : he shall contemne matrimonie , and be giuen ouer to vagrant lust : and this to be the sense Graserus sheweth by three arguments : 1. by the vse of the word , which is for the most part taken for lawfull desire : as Daniel is called , a man of desires , Dan. 9. 23. and Ezekiels wife is called the desire of his eyes , c. 24. 17. 2. the word signifieth a reflexion of desire : in desiring and beeing desired : as 1. Sam. 9. 20. the desire of Israel was toward Saul : but this reflexion of desire is onely seene in lawfull matrimonie . 3. the phrase sheweth so much , he shall not regard : as before it signified not the abolishing of all gods , but a contempt of them : so here he shall not altogether despise women , but he shall not regard their desire : he shall contemne matrimonie : and so did Antiochus , who had a famous strumpet Antiochis , to whome he gaue the cities of Tharsus and Mallot , 2. Macchab. 4. 30. Theodoret : and he openly ioyned himselfe to strumpets : as Hierome . 6. This beeing thus literally true of Antiochus , may be applied typically to the Pope , who hath brought in contempt of Matrimonie , &c. but this is not the historicall meaning , as Bulling. Osiand . Illyricus , Graserus doe thinke . 7. But Oecolampad . is further off , who vnderstandeth this of Antiochus contempt of the beutiful goddesses , as the Moone , or Venus : for the text speaketh of women , not of goddesses .

46. Quest. Of the strange god that Antiochus should set vp , v. 28.

This verse is diuersly interpreted , and there is great difference about the meaning of these words , in his place he shall honour the god Mauzzim . These diuers opinions may be thus sorted : some doe vnderstand these words of the false god , which shall be set vp : some of the true God , in whose stead Antiochus , or Antichrist , shall set vp an other strange god .

Of the first sort : 1. some thinke that Mauzzim should be the name of the place where Antiochus set vp his idol , and caused it to be worshipped , which Porphyrius thinketh to haue beene called Modin , the countrey of Mattathia : Pellican also misliketh not this sense . But Mauzzim hath an other sense , it signifieth munition or strength : and betweene the words Mauzzim , and Modin , there is small affinitie .

2. Some applie this vnto Antichrist , and thinke that he shall secretly worship the deuill , whom he shall call the god of his defence , Lyran. and Bellarmine doth hereunto incline .

3. Theodoret thus expoundeth , that Antichrist shall call himselfe the god Mauzzim , that is , a strong god : but it hath beene shewed sufficiently before , that this prophesie is historically and literally vnderstood of Antiochus . And if it should be referred to Antichrist , that he is himselfe this god Mauzzim , there can be made no sense of these words , he shall worship the god Mauzzim in his place : for how can he be said to worship himselfe ? here is one that worshippeth , and an other that is worshipped .

4. Some vnderstand this prophesie of the Turke , and this god Mauzzim to be Mahomet , whome the Turks adore with siluer and gold ; and whose religion he maintaineth by force and strength ; still seeking to enlarge his Empire , and to subdue nations , which was one of Mahomets speciall precepts and principles : and it is saide , he shall worship him in his place , that is , according to his qualitie and dignitie , not as a God , but as a great Prophet : thus one Christian Irenophil . ex Polan . Oecolampadius much varieth not , hauing reference here vnto Mecca the temple of Mahomet , which is adorned with siluer and gold . But I haue shewed , that this prophesie concerneth not the Turke , whose Monarchie beganne a 1000. yeares after Antiochus : & the affaires of the Turke did not belong to the state & condition of the Iewes the people of God then , for whose confort specially this prophesie was penned .

5. M. Calvin still proceedeth , applying all this vnto the Romanes , that they had their peculiar god Iuppiter Olympius , Iuppiter set vp in the Capitol , whome they made the chiefe of all other gods : but in effect they onely magnified themselues , their power and riches aboue all other gods : And so farre as it was for their aduantage and profit , they did pretend the name and worship of the gods : but in effect , they set vp altars , and offered sacrifice , suae foelicitati & fortunae , to their owne happines and fortune : so also Genevens . following Calvin : but this application to the Romane state we haue vpon diuers reasons refused before , qu. 44.

6. Melancthon by the god Maosim , that is , of munitions , vnderstandeth the god variorum templorum , that was worshipped in diuers temples : for as the Iewes had but one Temple called before Maosa , v. 31. the Sanctuarie of strength : so the Gentiles had their Maosim , their diuers temples , wherein they worshipped a number of gods : as the Athenians worshipped Pallas , the Thebanes , Bacchus ; the Eleusines , Ceres ; the Sic●lians , Proserpina ; the Argives , Iuno ; they of Delphos , Phoebus ; the Lemnians , Vulcan ; the Lampsacenes , Priapus ; the Phrygians , Cybele : But M. Calvin doth not much weigh this distinction of the singular and plural , for the word Maozim , he taketh it to be curious . And seeing Melancthon first vnderstandeth this of Antiochus , it can not be shewed how he brought in all these gods : and the text onely speaketh in the singular , of the god Mauzzim .

7. Some doe properly vnderstand here the Pope the Romane Antichrist , and retaining the word as a proper name Mauzzim doe specially applie it to the idolatrous sacrifice of the Masse : Osiander maketh some allusion in the word Mauzzim , to the word Masse : Melancthon obserueth that the word mazon , which signifieth foode or meate , hath some assinitie with Mauzzim , noting the Papists breaden god : but Oecolampad . refuseth this conceit , because the word mazon is written without the letter ain , which the other word hath , Bullinger maketh this application , that Mauzzim which signifieth holds , may be taken for the Temples , which they adorne with siluer and gold , and doe tie thereunto the corporall presence of Christ : But all these are analogicall applications of this prophesie : we must seeke for an historicall sense beside , which was to take place long before the Romane Antichrist appeared in the world .

8. All these doe by the god Mauzzim , vnderstand a false god , which should be brought in by this aduersarie here spoken of . Polychronius by the god Mauzzim , that is , of strength , would haue signified the true god of Isreal , whome Antiochus at length was forced to confesse by the extremitie of his disease , and sent great gifts and presents to Ierusalem to the Temple : But neither is mention made in the storie , 2. Macchab. 9. of any such gifts which he sent , Oecolampad . and it is a strange god , not the true God , which Antiochus here is said to worship with gold and siluer .

9. Iunius and Polanus doe concurre together , thus reading , as for the God of strength , in his place he shall honour : he shall honour a god , whome his fathers knew not , &c. And Polanus will haue the first clause distinguished , because of the accent zakeph katon , which diuideth it from the words following : so that they would haue the god Mauzzim here taken for the true God , called the God of strength , Polan . or the God of munitions , that is , whose seate was at Ierusalem , which is called in Scripture a citie of munition : Iun. commentar . But 1. neither that accent , nor yet the imperfect distinction rebia , which is ouer the word maghuzim , or ( as Montanus ) mahuzim , are of such force wholly to suspend these words from the clause following ; but onely they make a little pause or stay , not diuiding the sense : for then the words , leeloha maghuzim , the god Mauzzim , standing by themselues , should make no sense at all . 2. And againe , the same word leeloha , God , is repeated in the next sentence : it must therefore be taken in the same sense in both places : if in the latter , it might be translated , and God , he shall honour , whome &c. it must be so taken in the first place : and the god Mauzzim , or of munitions : not , as for the God : the preposition lamed must haue the like vse in both places : and this reason chiefly maketh me to dissent from these learned men in this place .

10. Wherefore I rather condescend to that other interpretation of Melancthon , that Mauzzim signifieth not onely strength , but an hold , munition , a place of defence : and so Antiochus after he had set vp the idol of Iuppiter Olympius in the Temple , he built a strong tower or place of defence , neare vnto the Temple , where he set a garrison , to force the people to worship that idol : so the author of the Scholasticall historie interpreteth , Maozim praesidium sonat , & Antiochus in Ierusalem praesidium posuit , Maozim signifieth an hold or garrison , and so Antiochus set garrisons in Ierusalem : Lyranus taketh Mauzzim for a strong place , where Antichrist shall worship his idol : Vatablus by the god of strength , vnderstandeth the idol , cuius fortitudini tribuet acceptum imperium , to whose fortitude he shall ascribe his Empire & dominion , which he had obtained . But I preferre rather the former sense for these two reasons : 1. because an other word by way of explanation is added to Mauzzim , which signifieth holds : he shall make or set in the holds , Mauzzim , munitions with a strange god , v. 39. 3. The historie hereunto agreeth , how they built a strong wall and made towers in the citie of Dauid , which was neere vnto the Temple : and so they were an ambushment to the Sanctuarie , 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 38. This god of munitions then was Iuppiter Olympius , whome Antiochus caused to be set vp in the Temple at Ierusalem , and to be called by the name of that idol , 2. Macchab. 6. 2. which idol he garded with munitions , worshipped with siluer and gold : which was a strange god , because the Syrians worshipped other gods , and goddesses , as Apollo , Diana , Atargates : Strabo lib. Geogra . 16. Iuppiter Olympius was the idol of the Greekes , which was not knowne in these places before : at the least neuer set vp in the Temple at Ierusalem , by any of Antiochus predecessours : so foure things are here declared concerning this abominable idol : 1. he shall be garded with munition . 2. he shall be set vp in his place , that is , in the seat and place of the true God of Israel . 3. it shall be a strange idol , not knowne in that countrey before . 4. he shall honour him with siluer and gold .

47. Quest. Of Antiochus politike deuises to continue the idolatrous seruice of his new god , v. 39.

This wicked and subtill Tyrant hauing brought in a new Idol , vseth two meanes for the establishing of this new come image : first he by force , planting garrisons , and fortifying strong holds , seeketh to defend his false worship ; then by rewards , honours , preferments , he inticeth base fellows to maintaine his idolatrie : but first the meaning of the words must be examined , and then the accomplishment and fulfilling thereof shewed .

1. Some doe ioyne both the parts of the verse together , and make this the sense ; thus shall he doe to the strong garrisons , that shall defend his strange god : he shall giue rewards , honours , and preferments , Melancth. Oecolampad . Osiand . but beside , that the distinction rebia doth diuide the first part of the sentence from the latter , the words themselues will not beate this sense : for it is said , he shall diuide the land for a price , not freely : but to his soldiers and garrisons he gaue rewards freely , yea he gaue them a yeares pay before hand , 1. Macchab. 3. 27.

2. M. Calvin readeth thus , faciet adversus munitiones fortitudinum , &c. he shall doe against the strong munitions with a strange god : that is , preuaile , &c. which he vnderstandeth of the prosperous successe of the Romanes , who shall preuaile and ouercome by this their strange god ; that is , by their owne power and strength , which they shall magnifie as a god . But beside that the Romanes are not here vnderstood at all , this sense is contrarie to the scope of the text : for he shall preuaile by these strong holds , not against them .

3. The vulgar Latine readeth thus , and he shall cause to fortifie Maozim with a strange god , that is , as Lyranus expoundeth , he shall fortifie the place , when he worshippeth this strange god ; applying it to Antichrist : but although this sense be not much to be misliked , the words are not well translated : for the word lemibizere , is a noune put in the plural number , and not a verb , and signifieth holds , munitions , forts , not to fortifie .

4. Bullinger thus interpreteth , faciet , scilicet praedicta , he shall doe , that is to say the former things , with siluer and gold , in the holds , that is , the temples of Maozim , with a strange god , in setting forth the worship of this strange god : to this purpose also the English translations , thus shall he doe in the holds of Maozim , B. G. But these make here Maozim a proper name of the idol , which rather is a name appellatiue , and signifieth holds or garrisons , as is shewed in the former question : and it is euident , that Maozim is a diuers thing from the strange god here spoken of .

5. Bullinger deliuereth this as an other sense ; he shall doe in the holds of Maozim , as the Gentiles vsed to doe with their strange gods : But this strange god here is the same , which before he called the god of Maozim , which is Antiochus new idol , which he set vp .

6. Iunius thus readeth , he shall commit the munitions of the ( God ) of strength vnto a strange god : so also M. Br. and Polanus agreeth , sauing that he inserteth not ( God ) as the other doe : and they make this the sense , that Antiochus shall commit the custodie of the strong holds of Iudea vnto Iuppiter Olympius , as though he had vanquished the mightie God of Iudea himselfe . But it seemeth , that he had more confidence in his munitions and fortified places , then in his strange god : and that he committed this new god to the custodie and defence of them , rather then strong places to him .

7. Therefore I preferre Vatablus translation for the first words , who readeth thus , faciet ac vertet in munimenta , these things he shall turne to the defence , &c. of the ( god ) Maozim : sauing that he maketh here Maozim a proper name , and supplieth the word ( God , ) and so maketh the ( god Maozim ) to be diuers from the strange god here mentioned , 〈…〉 beeing the same : I rather take Maozim with the Septuag , to be here an appellatiue , who translate it , a place of refuge : thus then are the words to be read , he shall make ( to be ) for holds , Maozim , strong places with a strange god : so the author of the Scholasticall historie interpreteth Maozim to be garrisons or forts , and Em. Sa , castella fortia , strong castles : the 〈…〉 is , he shall make strong places of defence , where he shall set vp his strange god : which Antiochus accordingly did : for he fortified the tower of Sion , neare vnto the Temple , where he set the idoll of Iuppiter Olympius , 1. Macchab. 1. 35 , 36. as Hugo Card. well obserueth : and he set garrisons in other cities of Iudah also , as in Garizin he placed Iuppiter hospital●● , that is , which keepeth hospitalitie , as he had set Iuppiter Olympius in Ierusalem , 2. Macchab. 6. 2.

For the second part of the verse : 1. for this clause , whome he knoweth , some copies of the vulgar Latine haue , whome he knoweth not : which translation Vatablus and Pintus set downe : but there is no negatiue in the originall . 2. some referre this clause , whome he knoweth , vnto Antiochus , that is , the idoll which he approoueth , and chooseth , Lyran. Hug. Melancth. Calv. Papp . with others : but it is said before , that he should not care for any god : he acknowledgeth none at all . 3. Iunius giueth this sense , those whome he knoweth , that is , fauoureth , and seeth to further his wicked deuise , them he shall honour : so also Polanus . 4. But the better sense seemeth to be this ; that him , which acknowledgeth this idoll , and yeeldeth himselfe to this abomination , him will he honour . Vatabl. Bulling .

The last words , he shall diuide the land for a price , are diuersly interpreted : 1. the vulgar Latine readeth , gratuito , he shall diuide the land freely : so Lyran. Hug. Osiand . Papp but the originall hath bimchir , in a price . 2. some read , loco pretij , he shall diuide the land in stead of a price , Iun. but the word is in a price , that is , for a price . 3. the best reading is , for a price , Bulling. Calv. Vatab. Polan . so also the Septuag. ( for gifts , ) non gratuito , not freely , or gratis . Pellican .

For the accomplishment hereof : 1. Lyranus thinketh that this can not be vnderstood of Antiochus , for he had no lands to distribute , hauing little beside the kingdome of Syria : But this is vnderstood of the diuiding of Iudea , which now was in Antiochus hand . 2. M. Calvin vnderstandeth it of the Romanes , who tooke great summes of the kings , whome they subdued , to retaine their dignities , as of Philip king of Macedon , whome they had ouercome before . 3. But the historie of the Macchabees sheweth euidently , that all these things here prophesied , were so done by Antiochus : for so he bestowed the office of the high Priest for money , first Iason bought it , and he was defraueded thereof by Menelaus , who carrying the money obtained the Priesthood for himselfe , 2. Macchab. 4. And three things Antiochus is said here to bestow , honours , authoritie , possessions : which accordingly he did , distributing vnto the Apostatate Iewes the dignities , offices , and lands in diuers places of Iudea : Polan . see it accomplished 1. Macchab. 3. 35 , 36.

48. Quest. Of the last expedition of Antiochus against the Egyptians , Iudea , and other nations . v. 40. to 44.

There are two parts of this narration : 1. what countries he shall inuade , v. 40 , 41. and what countries shall be free . First , he shall set vpon Egypt , beeing prouoked by the king thereof , and shall come against him with an huge armie both by sea and land , v. 40. then he shall enter into the land of Iudea , called the pleasant land , v. 41. Secondly , the nations which are freed from these troubles , are either those which he shall spare , as beeing confederates , Edom , Moab , and the first , that is , the chiefe of Ammon , v. 41. and those nations which shall ayde and assist him , as the Lybians and Aethiopians , which shall helpe him to take the spoile of Egypt : here then are in all these fowre particular members : 1. of the battell betweene the king of the South , and the North. 2. of the pleasant land . 3. of Edom , Moab , and Ammon , which escaped . 4. of Lybia and Aethiopia that helped : of all these , how they should be taken , there are diuers opinions .

1. Some doe vnderstand all this of the Antichrist , who , as they imagine , shall come in the end of the world . 1. he shal be that king of the North , who shal first subdue Egypt . 2. and then he shal inuade Iudea , called the pleasant , or glorious land , because of the miracles which were wrought there . 3. Moab , Ammon , Edom shall escape , because diuerse in that great persecution of Antichrist , shall saue themselues there in the mountaines , for these were hilly countreys . 4. he shall take also Lybia and Aethiopia , which shall first of all be subiect vnto him , Hierome , Lyran , Perer. But this exposition of such a singular Antichrist hath beene refused before , vpon these two reasons . 1. because the Angel prophesieth onely of such things as should befall the people of the Iewes , for whom Daniel was so soliicitous and carefull . 2. that there shall be no such singular Antichrist , whom they suppose to be one particular person , is shewed afterward , controv. 2.

2. M. Calvin giueth this interpretation : 1. that the king of the South and the North shall encounter with the Romanes : for so Mithridates and Tigranes in the North , had long warre with the Romanes : and Cleopatra with Antonie in Egypt fought a great battell with Augustus . 2. the Romanes shall preuaile and inuade Iudea also . 3. But the hillie countreys of Moab , Edom , Ammon , shall escape them , or they shall not greatly regard them . 4. the Romanes also shall conquer the Lybians and Aethiopians .

But this exposition cannot stand . 1. because the kings of the North and South doe not ioyne together , but it is said , the king of the North shall come against him , that is , against the king of the South . 2. here is no mention made of any third king or power , beside the king of the North and South : and he that is the king of the North , is said to doe all that followeth in the next verses , v. 41. he shall enter into the pleasant land , v. 42. he shall stretch forth his hands , that is , the king of the North shall doe all this .

3. Bullinger thus interpreteth . 1. by the king of the North and South he vnderstandeth the Turkes and Saracenes which should come from the North and South , with huge armies of footemen , and horses , and strong shippes . 2. They shall inuade the pleasant land , and many shall falk which he referreth to the holy warres decreed against the Turke , by Gregor. 2. in the Councell of Claromont , which was the occasion of the ruine and ouerthrowe of many . 3. Edom , Moab , and Ammon , that is the people inhabiting those countreys , shall ioyne themselues vnto the Turkes and Saracenes , and so be free . 4. The Lybians also and Aethiopians , shall be confederate with the Turkes : who shall ouercome Egypt , and expell the Sultane thereof , which was brought to passe by Selymus the great Truke .

But these exceptions likewise may be here taken . 1. that this prophesie beginning with Antiochus , is not like to end with the Turke , and so the space of a thousand yeares comming betweene , should be left vntouched . 2. the kings of the North and South are not here confederates , but they one fight ▪ with an other . 3. the names of Moab , Edom , Ammon , and their generation were extinguished before the Turkes Monarchie beganne : this prophesie then cannot be extended so farre , but must be restrained to those times , while these names and nations continued .

4. Osiander and Pappus , 1. by the king of the North vnderstand the Romane Antichrist : by the king of the South , Christ : for as from the North they say commeth all euill : so from the South that which is good : and thus the king of the South , that is Christ , hath raised vp from time to time diuerse of his saithfull seruants , which haue opposed themselues to Antichrist . 2. by the pleasant land is vnderstood the Church , which Antichrist shall continually afflict . 3. Edom signifieth redde , Moab the father , Ammon my people : and these three sorts shall be free from the corruptions of Antichrist : the martyrs that are made redde with their blood : they which depend onely vpon the mercies of God the father : and the first of Ammon , that is , infants which are as the first fruites of the people of God . 4. And though the Popes authoritie be not receiued in Lybia , Aegypt , Aethiopia , yet he challengeth iurisdiction ouer them all , &c.

But this exposition also faileth : 1. the king of the North and South are literally to be taken , See more Appendix exercis . 7. argum. 3. as before in the rest of this chapter : and who seeth not how improperly Christ is said to be king of the South : if the Pope of Rome be the king of the North , Christ borne in Ierusalem which is not South , but East to Rome , is vnfitly called king of the South : And seeing he is king of all the world , his kingdome must not be restrained to the South . 2. by the pleasant land Iudea is vnderstood here as also before , v. 16. 3. as Egypt and other countreys are here vnderstood literally for the nations so called , so likewise must Edom , Moab , and Ammon be taken . 4. Lybia and Aethiopia , which neuer yet receiued the Pope , are verie improperly said to be in subiection to him .

5. It remaineth then , that all this was historically fulfilled in Antiochus . 1. the occasion of his comming agai●st Egypt was this , Philometor king of Egypt , had an other brother called Physcon , who sought to expell Philometor out of his kingdome : with Physcon Antiochus taketh part , and prepareth an armie to come and helpe him , which Philometor vnderstanding , here called the king of the South , went against him : and this is the battell here spoken of betweene the king of the South , and of the North : But the king of the North preuailed , whose armie is compared to a whirlewind , and to an ouerflowing water : but the other is said onely to push at him . This historie is touched by Florus in the Epitome of Livie , lib. 46. and by Iustine also , and Zonaras tom ▪ annal. 2.

2. As Antiochus returned from the spoile of Egypt , he tooke Iudaea , and other countreys in the way , and spoiled them also .

3. But he spared the Edomites , Moabites , and Ammonites , because they tooke his part against them , and much molested the Iewes : and therefore Iudas Macchabeus did fight against the children of Esau , and Timotheus the captaine of the Ammonites , besieged their cities , and put them to the sword , 2. Macchab. 5. Ioseph . lib. 12. antiqu. c. 11.

4. The Lybians also and Ethiopians , which before were on Philometors side , beeing allured by his faire promises ioyned with Antiochus , and therefore it is said , they were at his footesteppes or pases , that is , they followed him as their captaine : see further in the appendix , Exercis . 8. argum. 2. answer . 9.

But thus it is argued against this exposition . 1. Porphyrie who literally vnderstandeth this prophesie of Antiochus , saith that these things happened in his 11. yeare , whereas in the beginning of that yeare he died farre from home in Persia , Perer.

2. After the Romanes by their Embassadour Popilius had discharged Antiochus out of Egypt , he neuer returned thither againe , Perer.

3. Antiochus neuer subdued the countreys of Lybia , and Aethiopia , as here it is said of this king , Hierome .

4. Neither had Antiochus all countreys in subiection vnto him , onely these three excepted , of Edom , Moab , Ammon .

Answ. 1. Though these things were not done in the 11. yeare of Antiochus as Porphyrius thinketh , who was therein deceiued , yet this letteth not but that this prophesie was fulfilled in Antiochus : these things might fall out two yeares after he had set vp idolatrie , and some two yeares or thereabout before his death , Iun. annot .

2. Though Antiochus did forbeare to invade Egypt , after that discharge by way of hostilitie and conquest , yet he might and did affoard his helping hand to one of the brothers against the other : which might be taken for no breach of his promise made vnto the Romanes to depart out of Egypt .

3. Neither doth the text say , that he subdued Lybia , and Aethiopia ; but as Hierome saith he passed thorough or by them : and Hierome himselfe giueth this satisfaction , that when Egypt was taken , the countreys next adioyning conturbatae sunt , were troubled : But the word is bemitzghadaiv , in his pases , or footings , that is , Lybia and Aethiopia followed his footsteppes , they obeyed him as their captaine .

4. Neither are all the countreys of the world here spoken of : for neuer any Conqueror subdued the whole world , neither euer shall : but the countrey adioyning to Egypt , See more in the appendix exer. 6. argum. 1. respons. 8. and Palestina felt Antiochus hand : the meaning is , that onely these three countreys in those parts , and in that tract and circuit escaped his hands , namely , Edom , Moab , Ammon .

Quest. 49. Of the Lybians and Aethiopians where they inhabited .

v. 43. Because mention is here made of the Lybians and Aethiopians , which should take part with Antiochus against the king of Egypt , it shall not be amisse briefely to describe what nations these were .

1. For the Lybians : they were people that inhabited Africa : but the countrey called Lybia , was either taken for the larger countrey of Africa , or for that part onely which was next vnto Egypt , called Cyrenaica , as Act. 2. 10. it is said by way of distinction , the parts of Lybia , which is beside Cyrene . And that larger countrey , and the remoter parts of Lybia , are called in Scripture , Phut , as Nahum 3. 9. the Phutei and Lybians are named together : they were so called of Phut one of the sonnes of Cham , Genes. 10. 6. in which countrey there was a riuer called Phut : The Lybians then here spoken of , were those people of the nearer Lybia to Egypt .

2. Cush here is taken for Aethiopia : so called of Cush the sonne of Cham : but there were two countreys called by that name Cush or Aethiopia : one was Arabia in Asia , and therefore Zipporah Moses wife , is called a Cushite or Aethiopesse , Numb. 12. of this Aethiopia was Zerah king , that came against Asa , with such an huge armie , 2. Chron. 14. 9. the king of the other Aethiopia , Se● a singular opinion of 〈◊〉 concerning these Lybians and 〈◊〉 Appendix Exercis . 8. argum. 2. which was in Africa beyond Egypt , he is not like to be , because of the great distance of the place , and there was no cause of hostilitie betweene them : the Aethiopians here spoken of , were of that larger countrey adioyning vpon Egypt , see further Hexapl. in Genes. c. 10. quest. 9.

3. But Pintus by occasion of this word Cush , which signifieth a Niger , or blacke Moore , will haue it taken not only for one that is blacke in the colour and complexion of his bodie , but blacke also in manners and conditions : according to that saying of the Poet Herace , hic niger est , hunc tu Romane can●eto , &c. this is a blacke fellowe , thou Romane take heede of him : Whether Sa●l be called Cush in the title of the 7. Psalme . This his opinion he would warrant by the title of the 7. Psalme , Shigaion of Dauid , which he sang , &c. concerning the words of Cush the sonne of Iemini : which he taketh to be vnderstood of Saul the king , who is called Cush , because of his euill and cruell conditions : Now for the meaning of this place , there are diuerse opinions . 1. Some thinke that this is vnderstood of Chushai Dauids friend , who opposed himselfe to the counsell of Achitophel : of this opinion are Basil , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Euthymius , with others : but this cannot be so :

1. His name is Cushat , with other letters and prickes , this is Cush . 2. that Cushai was an Archite , that is , of Beniamin . 3. he was Dauids friend , but this was Dauids enemie , of whom he complaineth in this Psalme .

2. An other opinion is , that this Cush was Saul , because he was of Iemini , that is , of the tribe of Beniamin : Thus expoundeth Ionathas the Chalde paraphrast : as though Cush should be here taken for Cis the father of Saul : of the same opinion that Saul is here vnderstood , are Hierome , whom followe herein Raynerus , Isidor . Brixianus , Iansenius , Vatablus , Pintus , with others : But this we refuse also : for when the word is taken for a Cushite or Aethiopian , it is Cushi , not Cush : for so the Hebrewes ende their gentile names in I : so Cushi signifieth a Cushite or Aethiopian , Ierem. 13. 23.

3. Some doe here referre vs to Shemei , that cursed Dauid , 2. Sam. 16. Genevens . as though he should be called by another name , beside Shemei : but there beeing no such thing mentioned in Scripture , I leaue it as a bare coniecture .

4. Wherefore it is more like , that this Cush was some other of Sauls followers that gaue in false information of him vnto Saul : as Dauid complaineth of such vnto Saul himselfe , 1. Sam. 24. 10. wherefore giuest thou an care to mens words that say , Behold Dauid seeketh euill against thee , Iun.

Quest. 50. Of the end of Antiochus , and such things as immediatly went before .

In this last part of this propheticall narration , there are first shewed the signes and forerunners of this cruell Tyrants ende and sudden destruction : secondly , his ende and ruine it selfe : there ate three signes which went before , as ominous accidents . 1. the rumors which he heard from the East and the North. 2. his indignation and furie thereuppon . 3. the planting of his tabernacle in the holy mount . 4. then followeth his finall ruine .

1. What these rumors should be , there are diuerse opinions . 1. Hierome vnderstandeth it of the fame and rumor of warres , which should be raised by the faithfull and Chrstian people against Antichrist in the ende of the world : But such an Antichrist to be one particular person to come in the ende of the world , hath no ground in Scripture : neither is the accomplishment hereof to be deferred so long vnto the ende of the world .

2. M. Calvin still continueth his interpretation of the Romane state : these rumors which troubled them , were the euill newes which was brought them , how Crassus was vanquished at Carras , and Antonie also after that , was there foyled with all the power of the Romanes : But this text speaketh of one particular man , whose ende is described : it cannot be referred then to a whole state or Monarchie .

3. These rumors , M. Bullinger thinketh , to be the tydings brought to the Romane Antichrist , concerning the warres of the Turke : whereupon Gregor. the 2. combined all Christian princes to ioyne together against the common enemie the Turke , which was the beginning of those long and bloodie warres , called the holy warres .

4. Osiander and Pappus vnderstanding here also the Romane Antichrist , by these rumors thinke to be meant the preaching of the Gospel , which beganne in the parts of Germanie , which are East and North vnto Rome : But though this prophesie analogically may be applyed to Antichrist , yet there is another historicall meaning , as shall be shewed afterward .

5. Melancthon will haue the Turke here to be described , who shall be terrified with rumors : that is , whereas by humane force he could not be resisted , the Lord from heauen shall stay his rage : But we must not deferre the fulfilling of this prophesie so long : it serued specially for the comfort of those times .

6. These rumors then were the tidings of warres which were brought vnto Antiochus , and drewe him out of Egypt : these rumors from the East , were of the Parthians , which inuaded his kingdome ; and from the north , of the Romanes whose nauies and shippes were in the coasts of Cilicia : Iun. annot . who in his commentarie thinketh that these rumours were onely of the ouerthrowe of his captaines in Iudea , while he was in Persia : the newes whereof was brought him both to Persepolis which was in the East , and to Ecbatane in the North , 2. Macchab , 9. 2. 3. Porphyrius by these rumors vnderstandeth the fame of warres which were intended against him from the East , by Artaxias king of Armenia : But Polanus better ioyneth these together : that first the rising of the Parthians and Persians troubled him , which was the cause that brought him into that countrey ; and beeing there he was much more vexed , hearing of the euill successe that his captaines Timotheus and Bacchides had in Iudea , whom Iudas Macchabeus vanquished , and slewe at one time 20. thousand of their armie : see 2. Macchab. 8. 30. and c. 9. 3.

2. The second precedent of Antiochus ruine , was his great wrath and indignation , with the which he went forth and destroyed many . But this is likewise diuersely interpreted . 1. Hierome vnderstands it of Antichrists rage , against those which shal not receiue his decrees : so also Pererius . 2. M. Calvin of Augustus Caesar , who ouercame the Parthians , and recouered that which Antonie had lost . 3. M. Bullinger of the combination made by Pope Gregorie 2. whetting and stirring vp Christian Princes to take in hand the warres for the holy land . 4. Osiander of the cruell rage of Antichrist against the preachers of the gospell , Luther , with others , the rumor whereof troubled him . 5. Melancthon of the rage of the Turke . 6. Porphyrius of the ouerthrowe , which Antiochus gaue to Artaxia● king of Armenia , subduing also the Aradians and Phenicians in the way . 7. But the euent of this prophesie sheweth , that this cruell rage of Antiochus was but against the Iewes , intending to make an vtter destruction and desolation of them , as is declared 1. Macchab. 3. 27. when king Antiochus heard these tidings , he was angrie in his minde , wherefore he sent forth and gathered all the power of his realme , a verie strong armie : and what he intended against them , is further shewed , v. 35. 36. 37.

3. Then followeth the third ominous and precedent signe , of the planting of the tabernacles of his palace betweene the Seas in the glorious and holy mo●ntaine . 1. Aquila maketh Apadno , which signifieth his tabernacle , a proper name , and Saba he maketh the name of an hill : the holy mountaine Saba , which is translated glorious : so likewise Th●dotian interpreteth , whom Theodoret followeth , taking Apadno to be the name of a place neere to Ierusalem , where Antichrist shall be ouerthrowne : But it is euident , that the word tzebi , glorious , is here no proper name , as before it is an epithite giuen vnto Iudea : and as Hierome noteth , aphadno is compounded of two words , aphad , which signifieth a throne , and no , his .

2. Hierome therefore giueth this sense , whom Lyranus , Pintus , Pererius followe , that Antichrist shall pitch his tabernacle in Iudea , betweene the two Seas , the dead Sea , and Mediterranean Sea : in the holy mountaine , mount Sion or mount Oliuer , where Christ ascended , where Antichrist shall be ouerthrowne : of which mountaine Hierome lib. de locis hebraic . telleth two strange things : that in mount Oliuet in his time were to be seene the print of Christs feete on the ground , where he last stood , when he ascended ; and beside in the same place where Christ is thought to haue ascended , there is a Church , which will not endure a roofe or couering vpon it . But I will leaue the credit of these strange reports to those , which haue seene those countreys , which doe finde no such thing : either Herome might be too credulous in reporting such things , or some forging finger hath thrust it in : If this report haue no more truth , then that other conceit of Antichrists spreading his palace in mount Oliuet , they are both meere fables .

3. Porphyrius taketh these two Seas to be Tigris and Euphrates , and Apadno to be the name of a place betweene those riuers : and this mountaine he thinketh to be in Elymais , Armenia , or Mesopotamia , where Antiochus pitched his pauilion : But though this prophesie were historically fulfilled in Antiochus , wherein he gesseth right : yet the other are but his fansies , by two Seas to vnderstand two riuers : and why should any such hill among the idotrous Persians be called holy , vnles he thinke it were for the superstitious adoration of some Gentile idols there : which the spirit of God would neuer in that respect haue called holy .

4. Some applying this to the Turke , doe shewe how his seate at Constantinople is betweene the two Seas Aegeum and Euxinum , where sometime the Church of God was , called the holy mountaine , Melancthon . M. Calvin sheweth how the Romanes set their palace and dominion in those countreys , and especially in Iudea , after they had quieted those parts : But this prophecie was not deferred so long , as to reach vnto the Turkes : and it is euident , that some singular person is here described , whose ende is foreshewed : therefore not the whole state of the Romanes .

5. Some doe interpret it of the Romane Antichrist , whose seate is betweene the two Seas , Tyrrhenum , and Adriaticum : and they thinke Rome to be called the holy mountaine , because sometime there Paul planted a famous Church , Osiand . Pappus . But though this by way of application may be referred to Antichrist , that is not the originall and historicall sense : and it seemeth to be somewhat hard , to call the seate of Antichrist great Babylon , the citie of abhominations , the holy mountaine .

6. Oecolampadius likewise here vnderstanding Antichrist , taketh this holy mountaine for the Church of God , which was prefigured by Iudea , which was situate betweene the two Seas , the dead Sea , and the mediterrane sea : But it is euident that the glorious mountaine is here taken for Iudea , as it is called before the beautifull or glorious land , v. 16. 41.

7. Iunius in his commentarie taketh Apadno for Mesopotamia , for he saith that countrey was called Apadan : as Theodotian retaineth the same word Apadon , and there Antiochus pitched his pauilion betweene the Seas , among the Chalde fennes : and in the holy mountaine he interpreteth , when they went against the holy mountaine , that is Iudea , which was an hilly countrey : And this may seeme some probabilitie hereof , because the word padan is taken for Mesopotamia in Scripture , which commeth somewhat neere the word aphadno : But the two seas cannot properly be said to be fennes : And the verie description of the holy mountaine betweene the two Seas , sheweth that Iudea is vnderstood by the right situation thereof .

8. Some doe thinke , that Antiochus himselfe returning out of Persia , was entring into the borders and confines of Iudea , when he was stricken of God : and then he pitched his princely tents betweene the dead sea , and the Mediterranean : so Polanus out of Iosephus , who thus writeth , that Iudas Macchabeus , eum in sines Iudaeae ingredientem , vehementissima plaga percussum , repressit , &c. did recoile him or driue him backe entring into the borders of Iudea , beeing striken with a great plague , &c. lib. 1. de bello Iudaic. c. 1. But this cannot stand with that report , 1. Macchab. 9. 4. that Antiochus fell sicke in Babylon , and their died : he was dead then before he came neere Iudea : and he could not spread his tents there after he was returned from Persia : wherefore either Iosephus writeth here somewhat loosely and slenderly of this matter , as he doth elsewhere : or he speaketh of some other foyle that Iudas gaue vnto Antiochus , and not at that time , when he had beene in Persia.

9. Wherefore the meaning is this , that not Antiochus should pitch his pauilion in his owne person , but his viceroy Lysias , with whom he had left his sonne Antiochus , and halfe of his armie , and made him gouernour in his absence of all his kingdome from Euphrates to the borders of Egypt : then he pitched in Emmaus with the kings forces , 1. Macchab. 3. v. 32. 40. H. Br. in Daniel . which was since called Nicopolis : which though it be said to be in the plaine , yet there the hilly tract beginneth , that extendeth to Ierusalem , the mount Oliuet not beeing aboue a mile from Emmaus , Lyran. Hugo . the two Seas are the dead Sea and the Mediterranean Sea , which are the limites of Iudea , Iun.

Quest. 51. Of the sudden and fearefull ende of Antiochus .

v. 45. He shall come to his ende , and none shall helpe him . 1. Hierome thus deliuereth the sense , that Antichrist shall goe vp to the toppe of mount Oliuet : for so he readeth , veniet ad summitatem eius , he shall come to the height thereof : that is , of mount Oliuet , whereon he shall be confounded : And this he would prooue by that place , Isay , 25. 7. I will destroy in this mountaine the couering , that couereth all people , &c. But the meaning of this place is , that Christ , of whom the Prophet there speaketh , ( who shall prepare a spirituall feast , which is mentioned in the former verse , by the preaching of the gospell ) shall remoue the couering of ignorance and darkenesse , which had ouerspread the world : And the Prophet there nameth not mount Oliuet , but hath reference to that mount spoken of , c. 24. 23. which was mount Sion : a figure of the Church , which should be illuminate with the knowledge of Christ . 2. and the text speaketh not of the ende of the mountaine , but of Antiochus ende , when his time was come which was limited of God .

2. Some proceed yet further , and shew the manner how Antichrist shall be ouerthrown : that first he shall faine himselfe dead , and rise againe the third day , and then vpon mount Oliuet he shall make as though he would ascend into heauen , and so shall be lifted vp into the aire by the helpe of the deuill and his Angels : at which instant he shal be destroyed by Christ from heauen , by the spirit of his mouth , as the Apostle speaketh , 2. Thess. 2. Percrius , Some adde further the particular manner how Antichrist shall be destroyed : as the author of the scholasticall historie saith , ascendente per aera Antichristo , audietur vox Christi de coelo missa , morcre : as Antichrist is ascending into the aire , there shall come a voice from heauen , die , and presently he shall be smitten with lightening and perish : so also Lyran. But Lactantius is yet more bold , who thus describeth the destruction of Antichrist : that he with an huge armie shall compasse about the Saints in a mountaine , whether they fled , then they shall call vpon God for his helpe : And presently the heauens shall open , and lightening shall breake forth : and this shall be a signe of the Lords descending , cadet repente gladius , a sword shall suddenly fall from heauen : and then Antichrist shall be ouercome by the Angels , and all his power : he onely shall escape , sed quarto praelio debellatus , &c. but he in the fourth battell with all his host shall be subdued , and then shall suffer worthie punishment for his wickednesse : to this purpose Lactantius lib. 7. institution . c. 17. 18.

But 1. beside that these shewe great bouldnesse in thus expounding , taking vpon them without warrant of Scripture to expresse the verie forme of words , which shal then be vsed , and the verie signes which shall be shewed . 2. herein further they faile , in confounding the two ouerthrowes of Antichrist , which the Apostle doth separate : for first he saith , whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth : that is , by his word : and the finall destruction followeth : and abolish with the brightnesse of his comming , 2. Thessal. 2. 8. first Antichrists hypocrisie shall be discouered by the preaching of the Gospel , which is alreadie fulfilled : but the remainder of his kingdome shall be reserued for the iudgement of the great day .

3. They which vnderstand this of the Turkish Monarchie , as Melancthon , or of the Antichrist of Rome , as Bulling. Osiand . or of the Romane state , as Calvin , are confuted by this argument : because here the destruction of one particular man is set forth , as in the precedent part the prophesie runneth still vpon one principall agent , in the warres before mentioned .

4. Iunius in his annotations , vnderstanding all this of Antiochus , doth thus interpret these words : he shall come to the ende , that is , of his kingdome , namely to Persepolis in Elymais , which was in the vtmost bounds of his dominion : But in his commentarie he better expoundeth it of the ende of his life : so also Polan . H. Br. Porphyrius , though an enemie to the Christian faith , yet herein agreeth with the truth , applying this whole prophesie vnto Antiochus : but he is deceiued , in naming the place of his death to be Tabis , a towne of Persia : whereas he was carried to Babylon , and there sickned , 1. Macchab. 6. 4. and was striken of God with an incurable disease , that no man could helpe him : for he crawled full of wormes , and his flesh fell off from him , so that no man could endure his stinke : yea he was loathsome to himselfe , as is further declared , 2. Macchab. 9. 10. 12. This was the ende of wicked Antiochus .

But against this exposition it is thus obiected . 1. that Antiochm died not betweene the Seas , and vpon the mountaine , as is here described , but as he came out of Persia , Lyranus . 2. Seeing these latter words of the chapter are ioyned with necessarie coherence to the former ; as they are not vnderstood of Antiochus , no more are these , Perer.

Answ. 1. It is not said here , that he died vpon the mountaines , or betweene the Seas , but there was his princely pauilion spread : for while Antiochus went into Persia , he left halfe of his armie , and his sonne Antiochus , with Lysias , who pitched in Emmaus at the entrance or beginning of the hilles , as is shewed , 1. Macchab. 3. 34. 40. Now while Lysias with other captaines were busie in suppressing of the Iewes , and were discomfited , as is further declared , 1. Macchab. 5. the newes thereof was brought to Antiochus beeing in Persia : whereupon he fell into a great rage , purposing vtterly to destroy Ierusalem : but the Lord plagued him , and he died in the way , 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9. And thus was the horne broken without hand , as is prophesied , c. 8. 25.

2. This argument may be returned vpon Pererius : for seeing these words hang together with the former ; and it hath beene sufficiently shewed before , that the former part of this prophesie , is vnderstood of Antiochus , so must the latter also .

3. This ●ore plague fell vpon Antiochus ( which Appianus thinketh to haue beene a venereous or leacherous disease , in Syriac . ) but it was more strange and extraordinarie , though that be foule and filthie enough : he was thus smitten , not as Polybius thinketh , because he would haue spoiled the Temple of Diana : for as Iosephus saith , tantum cogitavit , he onely intended it , he did it not : and therefore he well concludeth against Polybius , that Antiochus perished , ob templi Hierosolymitani excidium , for the spoyling of the Temple of Ierusalem , lib. 12. Antiquit. c. 12. And thus farre of the questions and doubts mooued out of this chapter .

4. Places of doctrine .

1. Doct. The Scripture the rule of truth .

v. 2. Now I will shewe thee the truth : The truth is onely reuealed in Scripture ; the truth of God is first manifested vnto the world in Christ , as he saith , Ioh. 14. 6. I am the way , the truth , and the life : and this truth is reuealed in Scripture , as our blessed Sauiour saith , Ioh. 17. 17. thy word is the truth : the Scriptures of truth are committed to the Church , which is called the pillar of truth , 1. Tim. 3. 15. not because it beareth vp the truth ; but it rather is borne vp by the truth : but both because the truth of God is onely reuealed to the Church , as here the Angel deliuereth the truth of this prophesie vnto Daniel : and the truth is set forth and professed in the world by the Church , as a light set vpon a pillar , or a beacon raised vpon a mountaine .

Doctr. 2. Of the impotencie of images .

v. 8. He shall carrie away captiue their gods , with their molten images : quales dij sunt , qui captiui ducuntur , what manner of gods are these which are carried into captiuitie ? Bulling. so the Prophet Isay derideth the idols of the Chaldeans , Bel and Nebo , which were carried vpon beasts into captiuitie , Isay. 46. 1. how should they be able to helpe others , that can doe nothing for themselues ?

Doct. 3. Victorie not alwaies a signe of a good cause .

v. 11. And the multitude shall be giuen into his hand : Ptolome Philopator a most vitious king , who slue Eurydice his both sister and wife , and vsed both a male concubine Agathocles , and his sister Agathoclea : yet he ouercommeth Antiochus Magnus , not so bad as himselfe : which sheweth that the victorie alwayes falleth not on the better side , as the Israelites fighting against Beniamin , hauing the better cause , were twice ouercome , Bulling.

Doct. 4. The Church of God maketh a land glorious .

v. 16. He shall stand in the pleasant ( glorious , or beautifull ) land : which was Iudea , not so much glorious because of the fertilitie thereof , Pintus , or for the miracles done therein , Lyran , for many great workes had beene done in Egypt : but because there was the Temple and publike seruice and worship of God : this sheweth that religion maketh lands famous and glorious , Polan .

Doct. 5. Of the fidelitie of wiues to their husbands .

v. 17. She shall not stand on his side : Antiochus the great gaue his daughter Cleopatra vnto Ptolome Epiphanes , thinking to vse her as an instrument to destroy him ; but she contrarie to the expectation of her father , cleaueth to her husband : wherein she shewed the part of a dutifull obedient wife , preferring the life and safetie of her husband before her fathers vngodly desire : thus the Scripture saith , for this cause shall a man forsake father and mother , and cleaue to his wife , Genes. 2. If in the degrees of lawfull affection the wife ( or husband ) must be preferred before the parents , much more in vnlawfull desires , Polan .

6. Doctr. That tribute must be paied to the Prince .

v. 20. Then shall stand vp in his place , one that shall raise taxes . This was Seleucus Callinicus , who raised immoderate taxes . Tribute is to be paied vnto Princes , and they may lawfully take it : for what God giueth , they may take : but such things are giuen vnto Princes : as our blessed Sauiour saith , Giue vnto Cesar , the things that are Cesars : and such things are to be yeilded vnto the Magistrate , because they are helps to suppresse the euill that disturbes the peace : and in that behalfe they are due , as the Apostle sheweth , Rom. 13. 4. 7. But two cautions are to be obserued : 1. that such taxes be moderate , not excessiue , tending to the ouerthrow and vndoing of the subiect : as Seleucus here was such a raker : and the king of Spaine of late daies , who exacted the tenth part of the things which were sold in the low countries . 2. such taxes and leuies of money , must not be wasted in ryot and excesse , but ●mploied for the most part to the good of the Commonwealth .

7. Doct. Religion is not to be compelled or vrged by torment .

v. 33. They shall fall by flame , by sword . Antiochus did wickedly force the faithfull by such torments to forsake their religion : so doth that Antichrist of Rome , that by fire and sword forceth men vnto his superstitions . Lactantius saith well , Religio cogi non potest , verbis potius , quam verberibus res agenda est , religion is not to be forced , by words rather then swords the matter must be handled . Among the Protestants none are put to death for religion , but for their rebellion , and sedition , and practising against the state .

8. Doctr. The ende of persecution is to trie and purge the faithfull .

v. 33. Some shall fall , &c. to trie and purge them , and make them white . There are two ends of persecution : the one is , that triall may be made of the constancie and faithfulnes of the seruants of God : the other to purge out that drosse which is in them , and to wash them white : whereby we see , that the most faithfull seruants of God haue their blemishes , errors , and imperfections , and therefore had neede to be purged . Calv.

5. Places of controversie . Here follow certaine controversies concerning Antichrist .

1. Controv. Of the birth and offspring of Antichrist .

Many of the auncient writers , as they liuing many yeares before the manifestation of Antichrist in the world , were deceiued in these particulars ; so also they were much out of the way in true vnderstanding of other points belonging to this mysterie of iniquitie . 1. Hyppolitus thought that Antichrist should be a Deuill incarnate , Antichrist not a deuill incarnate . and be begotten by fornication , & phantastica carnis substantia organi vice vtetur , and should vse a phantasticall bodie , as his organe , &c. he thinketh that he should not haue a true bodie , but onely in appearance .

2. Damascen thinketh not that Antichrist should be a Deuill incarnate , yet he saith , Antichrist whether actually possessed of the deuill . that illum inhabitet Diabolus , &c. the deuill should dwell in him , lib. 4. de fide orthodox . c. 18. that the Deuill should possesse him both bodie and soule , that in him and by him he should exercise and practise all his malice . But these are mens fansies : 1. S. Paul calleth him the man of sinne : therefore a man he shall be , and not a deuill in mans likenes . 2. and his comming shall be by the operation of Sathan , 2. Thess. 2. 9. not by the possession , and habitation of Sathan : Sathan may worke by those whome he possesseth not , and he may possesse their bodies by whome he worketh not .

3. An other opinion of some auncient writers is , Whether Antichrist shall be borne in Babylon . that Antichrist should be borne in Babylon : as Gregorie would gather so much out of the 2. of Numbers , where it is saide , that Dan pitched his tents toward the North : for Babylon Antichristi patria Aquilonaris est , &c. for Babylon the countrey of Antichrist is North to Iudea . Gregor. lib. 31. moral . c. 10. But this is a very slender collection : 1. there onely the situation of the seuerall tribes is described , how they were placed in respect of the Tabernacle , which marched in the middes among them : and not onely the tribe of Dan , but of Asher also and Nepthali did campe Northward . 2. Babylon is not now standing , but is come to perpetuall desolation , according to the prophesie of Isai , c. 13. 19. that Babylon should be as the destruction of God in Sodome and Gomorrha .

4. But it is almost a generall opinion among the auncient writers , Wh●ther Antichrist shall be of the tribe of 〈◊〉 . that Antichrist should be borne of the tribe of Dan : thus thought Ireneus , Hyppolitus , Hierome , Augustine , Prosper , Ambrose , Beda , ●upertus , with many others , which they would prooue by these three places of Scripture , as Gen. 49. 10. Dan shall be a serpent by the way , biting the horse heeles . Ierem. 8. 16. The neying of his horses is heard from Dan : and because Apoc. 7. where 12. thousand are reckoned of euery tribe , Dan is left out : the reason whereof they say is this , because Antichrist should come of Dan. Pererius subscribeth to this opinion , and alloweth of these reasons . But Bellarmine reiecteth this opinion as a fansie , and very sufficiently answereth all the former places obiected : for the first place is vnderstood of Sampson , who was of the tribe of Dan : the second of Nebuchadnezzers comming to destroy Ierusalem , and so Hierome also expoundeth it : and in the third place Dan is left out , and so is Ephraim ; because Ioseph is named for the latter , and Levi for Dan. Thus Bellarmin . lib. 3. de Roman . Pontif. cap. 12. Thus in this question one Iesuite ( or if you will Iudasite ) is opposite to an other .

2. Controv. That Antichrist shall not be one particular man .

All these aforesaid , which affirme that Antichrist shall be a Deuill incarnate , shall be borne in Babylon , and come of the tribe of Dan ; they likewise hold , that he shall be one particular man . And this generally is the opinion of the Romanists at this day : so Pererius , Pintus , Bellarmine , with the rest : for if this could be prooued , the Pope should be freed from the imputation of Antichrist .

But this opinion hath as small ground as the other , and it may thus be refelled by Scripture . 1. S. Paul saith , that the mysterie of iniquitie beganne euen then alreadie to worke in his time , 2. Thess. 2. 7. and S. Iohn also agreeth , Of whome ye haue heard ( namely of Antichrist ) how that he should come , and now alreadie he is in the world . If Antichrist begunne to shew himselfe by his Antichristian doctrine euen in the Apostles time , which is aboue 1500. yeares since , then can he not be one singular or speciall man .

2. S. Iohn againe saith , 1. Ioh. 2. 18. Babes , it is the last time , and if ye haue heard that Antichrist shall come , euen now are there many Antichrists , whereby we know that it is the last time : out of this place two conclusions may be inferred : the first is , Antichrist was to come in the last times , but Antichrist is now come , therefore these are the last times : If then Antichrist was come in his members and forerunners , he could not be one man , to haue so many forerunners , and so long before : The other conclusion is this , that one Antichrist is many Antichrists , which is thus prooued ; those are the last daies , wherein the Antichrist shall come : but in these last daies there are many Antichrists : therefore many Antichrists are that one Antichrist .

3. S. Paul saith further , 2. Thess. 2. 3. There must come a departing first , and that man of sinne must be disclosed : from hence we may reason thus : There shall be a generall departure from the faith when Antichrist commeth : but a generall apostasie or departure from the faith , can not be in one particular enemie : therefore there shall not be one particular enemie to Christ , when Antichrist commeth .

But whereas the Scripture speaketh of the Antichrist in the singular number , the reason thereof is , because the Antichrist shall be the head of that Antichristian bodie , which shall set it selfe against the Church whereof Christ is the head : which Antichristian headship shall not rest in the person of one particular man : but shall adhere to a personall succession of particular men , who shall be the captaines and ring-leaders vnto all Antichristianisme . Antichrist then vpon the foresaid reasons shall rather be an Antichristian bodie politike , as are the Popes and Bishops of Rome , then any particular bodie . See more of this question Synops. Centur. 1. err. 56.

3. Controv. That Nero the Emperour shall not be the great Antichrist .

Severus Sulpitius writeth , lib. 2. sacr. histor . that it was the opinion of some , that Nero should come againe in the ende of the world to be that great Antichrist : his words are these , Nero creditur , etiamsi seipsum gladio transfixerit , curato vulnere eius servatus , Nero is held , although he did thrust himselfe through with a sword , beeing healed of his wound , to be preserued : and to that purpose they alleadge that place , Apoc. 13. 3. I saw one of his heads as it were wounded to death , but his deadly wound was healed : which they vnderstand of Nero his wound healed againe .

But the same Sulpitius dialog. 2. reporteth an other opinion , that Nero should come againe in the ende of the world , and tyrannize in the West parts , compelling men to worship the idols of the heathen : and Antichrist should rage in the East , whose seat should be at Ierusalem , commanding men to be circumcised , and making himselfe the Messiah .

Augustine likewise remembreth this opinion of the comming againe of Nero in the ende of the world : Nonnulli Neronem resurrecturum & futurum Antichristum suspicantur : alij ●um non occisum putant sed subtractum potius , &c. diuers doe thinke , that Nero shall be raised againe to be that Antichrist : some thinke that he was not slaine , but rather taken away , and preserued in the same state of yeares , &c. lib. 20. de civit . Dei . c. 13.

But Augustine misliketh this opinion , and saith it is mira praesumptio , a wonderfull presumption for any so to thinke . And beside there is no probabilitie of it : for it is not like that God would worke such a miracle for so notorious a wicked man , as either to raise him from the dead , before the generall resurrection , or to preserue him aliue : we read onely of two that were translated , Henoch and Elias , both holy men : for such a wicked man to be translated , it neither hath probabilitie , neither yet is there any example for it .

That place in the Revelation is indeede vnderstood of Nero , but not in that sense : in him the stocke of the Cesars was extinguished , and so the Imperiall succession receiued a deadly wound : but it was cured , in that the dignitie of the Empire was restored in the Emperors succeeding , though not lineally descended from Cefar .

4. Controv. That Antichrist shall be a deceiuer rather then a victorious conqueror .

Pererius concurring with other Romanists , thinketh that Antichrist shall be the greatest Monarch that euer was : and that he shall ouercome three kings , of Egypt , Africa , Ethiopia , and all the rest shall submit themselues vnto him . lib. 14. in Daniel . in v. 24. Of the same minde was Lactantius , that Antichrist should ouercome three kings , qui tum Asiam obtinebunt , & in societatem assumetur à caeteris , which shall then raigne in Asia , but he shall be admitted to the societie of the rest , &c. Lactant. lib. 7. c. 16. But Lactantius here saith , that the three kings , which Antichrist shall subdue , shall be three kings of Asia ; whereas Pererius , and so likewise Bellarmine suppose them to be in Africa : so well men agree together , when they follow their owne fansies .

2. Whereas Pererius would haue Antichrist to be the greatest Monarch that euer was in the world , because it is said , v. 24. that he should doe that , which his fathers had not don , nor his fathers fathers , that place is vnderstood of Antiochus , who is not simply saide to doe that , which his fathers had not done : for there were of his predecessors , mightier then he , as Seleucus Nicanor , and Antiochus the great : but none had made such spoile of Egypt before , as he should doe , as hath beene further shewed , qu. 31.

3. But that Antichrist shall insinuate himselfe rather as a craftie deceiuer , then as a mightie conqueror , is euident by S. Pauls description , 2. Thess. 2. 9. Whose comming is by the working of Sathan , with all power , and signes , and lying wonders : in all deceiueablenes of vnrighteousnes : and v. 11. God shall send them strong delusions to beleeue lies . He shall deceiue rather with lies and false doctrine , then conquer by force and violence . So S. Iohn describeth the Antichrists in his time by their corrupt doctrine , 1. Ioh. 2. 18. and 4. 3. see more hereof Synops. Centur. 1. err. 64.

5. Controv. Of Antichrists miracles .

1. It is also an old opinion , that Antichrist shall worke many strange miracles : as Hyppolitus thus setteth them downe , Leprosos mundabit , paraclyticos sanabit , daemones expellet , &c. he shall clense the lepers , heale them that haue the palsey , cast out deuills ▪ he shall tell things farre off , as if they were present , raise the dead , remooue mountaines , walke with his feete vpon the sea , bring downe fire from heauen , he shall turne the day into darkenes , and night into day , and bring the Sunne about which way he will , and he shall shew that all the elements are obedient vnto him : so also Lactantius saith , l. 7. c. 17. that he shall stay the sunne from his course , and cause images to speake .

2. Pererius also deliuereth his opinion thus , speaking more distinctly of these miracles : Some are profitable miracles , as such as Christ did in healing of the lame , and sicke : some are curious , as to cause images to speake , and to cause ignorant persons , and children to speake with diuers tongues : some are powerfull miracles , as to bring downe fire from heauen , and to command the Sunne : all these things he thinketh Antichrist shall doe . But yet there are some miracles which are done by a supernaturall power , as to raise the dead , which onely God can doe , and these shall be exempted out of Antichrists power : yet whatsoeuer may be wrought by naturall causes , Antichrist , the deuill concurring with him , shall doe , though they be neuer so strange .

3. But these are mens phansies and dreames : 1. to heale diseases naturally incurable , as to make men see or heare , that are naturally blind , is beyond any naturall cause : and onely the Creator can heale those defects in his creature . 2. much more supernaturall is it to command the Sunne , and to change the season of the day or night : the Deuill can doe none of these things . 3. Neither can he by his owne power raise lightning and tempest : for the Lord brought vpon Egypt by Moses ministerie the great thunder and lightening : and the fire which came downe from heauen , and destroied Iobs sheepe , is called the fire of God , wherein it pleased God to vse the ministerie of Sathan : for if this were in Satans power , then Baals priests that serued the Deuill , might haue brought downe fire from heauen to consume the sacrifice , as Elias did . 4. The Deuill yet , when the naturall causes beginne to worke , can applie them , and remooue them from place to place , as the fire and lightning beeing caused by Gods power , he might bring it downe vpon Iobs sheepe : and the winds first raised , he directed vpon the house , where Iobs children were : though of his owne power he can not cause lightening and tempest : see this question handled more at large , Hexapl. in Exod. c. 7. qu. 15. 5. Whereas then it is said , that Antichrist shall bring downe fire from heauen , and cause an image to speake , though some vnderstand these things mystically , Synops. Centur. 1. err. 63. Bulling. as I haue shewed els where ; yet it may literally also be vnderstood : for in the Popes legends such things are to be found , that their canonized Saints are said to haue raised tempests , walked vpon the sea , and caused images to speake : such things their legend stories are full of . And at the tombs of their Saints , to the which simple people come in pilgrimage , they made them beleeue , that many blinde receiued their sight , many comming lame , returned hole and sound : yea they imagined the dead to be raised out of their graues . 6. And these strange things , so farre as the power of Sathan could extend , were done verily : for euen such things were wrought by the operation of Sathan among the heathen : as Claudia a Vestal Virgin to prooue her chastitie , did stirre a shippe alone by tying her girdle to it : and Tucia an other Virgin of the same order , did carrie water in a sive from the riuer Tibris to the Capitol . Plin. lib. 28. c. 2. But many of their strange works , were but fained and counterfeit miracles , such are those fore-named , which they fable to be done at their Saints tombes . So that , though all the foresaid miracles , mentioned by Hyppolius ( Pererius subscribing ) shall be wrought by Antichrist : yet many of them , some true , some forged , haue beene practised in the Papal Church , that in this behalfe , we neede goe no further to seeke Antichrist .

6. Controv. That Antichrists comming shall not be deferred to the ende of the world .

This is the generall opinion of the Romanists , that Antichrist shall raigne but 3● yeares and an halfe , and then at the end of the world shall be slaine : so Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pontif. c. 4. and the rest doe concurre with him therein . Lactantius also seemeth to fauour this opinion , who thinketh that the comming of Antichrist shall be in extremis mundi temporibus , in the last times of the world . lib. 7. c. 16.

But this opinion can not stand with the Scriptures : 1. the mysterie of iniquitie beganne to worke in S. Pauls time , euen then a way was preparing for Antichrist : If euen then Antichrist were in hatching , it is not like , that all this while he should onely be in the egge : that vncleane bird hath long since broken the shell , and the cockatrice egge a good while since hath brought forth a serpent . 2. Antichrist must come at the loosing of Sathan : for then , when Antichrist should shew himselfe , he shall come by the operation of Sathan , with all power and signes , and lying wonders , 2. Thess. 2. 9. But Sathan is let loose many yeares since : he was to be bound but for a thousand yeares , Rev. 20. 3. which thousand yeares are long agoe expired . 3. We graunt that Antichrist shall not vtterly be confounded till the second comming of Christ : some reliques of that aduersarie shall remaine for Christ to abolish at the brightnes of his comming , as S. Paul saith , 2. Thess. 2. 8. but his comming vpon the foresaid reasons cannot be deferred so long : Synops. Centur. 1. err. 57. see more also of this matter elswhere .

7. Controv. That Antichrists seat shall not be at Ierusalem .

So hold the Romanists generally that Antichrist shall haue his Imperiall seate at Ierusalem , command circumcision , and cause the Temple to be reedified . Bellar. lib. 3. de Roman . Pontif. c. 13. Rhemists 2. Thess. 2. sect. 11.

But this is a groundlesse and weake conceit of theirs , as it may appeare euidently by these reasons : New Babylon shall be the seate of Antichrist , Apoc. 17. 5. but Rome is new Babylon : the great citie which then ruled ouer the earth was Babylon , Apoc. 17. 5. 18. but that was Rome , which then had the command of the earth : Hierome also saith , speaking of Rome , dum in Babylone versarer , while I was conuersant in Babylon . praefat. ad Paulin●m . 2. Againe , in the same chapter , Apoc. 17. v. 9. it is said , the seuen heads are seuen mountaines , whereon the woman sitteth : the citie which stood vpon seuen mountaines should be the seat of Antichrist : but Rome is notoriously knowne to be that citie built vpon seuen hills : Synops. Centur. 1. err . 6● therefore none other seat shall Antichrist haue then the citie of Rome : see further elswhere : we must but touch euery thing briefly here .

8. Controv. That the citie of Rome shall not be vtterly destroyed before Antichrist shall come .

This was an other of Lactantius conceits , approoued by Pererius , Incolumi vrbe Roma nihil istiusmodi videtur metuendum , as long as the citie of Rome is safe , no such thing is to be feared ; but when that head citie of the world is fallen , and Rome begun to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , ( that is , a ruine ) as Sybil said , who will doubt but that the end of humane things is then at hand , &c.

1. The same Lactantius was of opinion , that the world should ende within 200. yeares after his time : the one is as true as the other . 2. True it is that as long as the Romane Empi●e continued in the full strength and authoritie , Antichrist was kept out , and that is it which should with old and let Antichrists comming , till it were taken out of the way , whereof S. Paul speaketh , 2. Thess. 2. 7. for it is euident , that the Pope encreased in power by the ruine and decay of the Empire . 3. It is also true , that the citie of Rome was neuer more ruinated , defaced , and spoiled , then since it hath beene vnder the command and obedience of the Pope , by the Gothes , Vandals , Lombards , and others . 4. But that Rome should be vtterly desolate , and brought to a finall ruine , is contrarie to the diuine prophesie of the Revelation , which maketh the citie with seuen hills to be the seat of Antichrist , as is shewed in the former controversie .

9. Contro● . That the Papists Antichrist , and the Iewes Messiah shall come together .

Hyppolitus , whose opinion herein Pererius followeth , thus writeth of Antichrist , Potissimum Gens Hebraeorum prae omnibus Antichristo chara erit , &c. The nation of the Hebrewes shall be before all other most deare vnto Antichrist , and one shall say vnto an other , can a man in our age such as this , so good , and so iust be found ? the Iewes therefore hoping that he shall obtaine a most large Empire , shall thus say vnto him : We will all obey you , for we acknowledge you to be iust aboue all the earth , all we hope to obtaine saluation by you , &c. Gregorie also in his time seemed to fauour that fansie : quia Iudaizare populum compellet , vt ritus Mosaicae legis revocet , &c. because he shall compell the people to Iudaize , that he might revive the rites of Moses law , and bring the Iewes in subiection vnto him , he shall cause the Sabbath to be obserued , &c. lib. 11. epist. c. 3.

These scrappes of some auncient writers the Romanists in these daies haue gathered vp , who affirme the same , that Antichrist shall haue his seat at Ierusalem , reedifie the Temple , and command circumcision .

The same is the generall opinion of the Iewes , that when their expected Messiah commeth , the citie and Temple shall be built againe , and he shall restore vnto them their kingdome and countrey , & be a victorious conqueror , suppressing the armies of Gog & Magog .

Now then , as the Romanists themselues hold the obstinate Iewes to be in error , that denie the Messiah and Christ to be come , looking for an other : so they making their Antichrist to be the same with the Iewes Messiah , are in the like error , expecting for the comming of an other Antichrist , who long since is come alreadie , and manifested in the world : and as soone shall the Iewes Messiah come , as this their imagined Antichrist . Hauing now thus briefly discouered these errors of the Romanists concerning Antichrist , we will now come to set forth the true signes and marks , whereby the Antichrist is discouered , and so find him out where he is .

10. Controv. Of the true markes whereby Antichrist may be discerned .

1. As he is called Antichrist , so he shall in all things be opposite and contrarie vnto Christ . 1. Christ was most holy ▪ and by the spirit of God which remained in him , was mooued in his thoughts , words , and workes onely to that which was good : but Antichrist by the operation and instinct of Sathan shall be stirred vp vnto all kind of euill : this Pererius confesseth : & how this hath bin performed in that Romish chaire of pestilence , all the world seeth , and they which are not wilfully blinded must needes acknowledge : what blasphemie , idolatrie , profanenes , vncleannes of life , murders , and other impieties haue beene committed by that Sea , hath beene abundantly shewed elswhere : so that that title , which the holy Apostle hath giuen vnto Antichrist , calling him the man of sinne , 2. Thess. 2. 8. doth more fitly agree vnto none , then to the Bishop of Rome . 2. Christ was humble and meeke : but Antichrist shall be most proud . 3. Christ was most obedient vnto his father , and gaue most honourable testimonie of him : Antichrist shall be most contumelious and blasphemous against God , and therfore he is said Apoc. 13. to be full of the names of blasphemie . 4. Christ came to preach the truth , Antichrist shall be the sower of all corrupt and false doctrine . 5. Christ said his kingdome was not of this world : but Antichrist shall altogether seeke the pompe and glorie of this world . 6. Christ was the head of all good and holy men , and Antichrist shal be caput malorum , the head of the euill and wicked men . These notes and marks Pererius giueth of Antichrist , shewing wherein he shall be an enemie and aduersarie vnto Christ . All which notes and markes doe most fitly agree to the Bishop of Rome : for what place can shew more examples of all kind of wickednes then that ? who is more proud and ambitious blasphemous then he ? where is taught more false and corrupt doctrine then there ? who seeketh more the outward pompe of the world then he ? and who els chalengeth to be head of the ( malignant ) Church but he ?

2. Pererius saith that Antichrist shall be a great dissembler and hypocrite , he shall make a shew of three great vertues , chastitie , abstinencie , and pietie . And who maketh a greater shew of these then the Pope ? he would seeme to be so chast , that he forbiddeth his Clergie lawfull marriage , yet suffering them to practise secretly all kind of vncleannes : he would seeme to be abstemious in forbidding the vse of lawfull meates : and for his pietie he will be saluted and called the most holy father .

3. Antichrist shall corrupt many with his great gifts and liberall rewards : And so the Pope hath Cardinals hats , Archbishops palles , Bishops miters , and other dignities , with ample and large reuenues to bestow vpon his followers : as Bishop Fisher in king Henries daies was rewarded with a Cardinals hat for his good seruice in maintaining the Popes supremacie : but the head that should haue worne it , was first set vp vpon London bridge . Bellarmine for his great paines taken in defending of the Popes supremacie , and other points of Antichristian doctrine , was made a Cardinal .

4. Pererius addeth further , that whome Antichrist cannot winne with flatterie & gifts , he will seeke to ouercome by terror and torments , lib. 14. in 11. Dan. v. 21. Such hath beene the practise of the Antichristian Prelates , as the former daies of persecution in England doe plentifully testifie : for first they would set vpon the faithfull seruants of God by flatterie and faire promises , and so not preuailing , they would threaten faggot and fire : this may be euidently seene in the examinations of the blessed seruants of God , D. Taylor , M. Philpot. M. Bradford , with the rest .

5. Last of all , Antichrist shall deceiue , saith Pererius , faciendo plurima & admiranda prodigia , by working many prodigious things : And this hath beene the continuall practise of the Papal Church , with forged miracles to deceiue the simple people , as hath beene before declared : And hitherto I haue followed Pererius steppes , shewing how his markes of Antichrist doe most fitly agree vnto his Pope holy father the Bishop of Rome .

11. Controv. How the description of Antiochus historically , doth typically decypher the Pope and Antichrist .

Though in this propheticall narration of Daniel , c. 11. from v. 21. to the ende , Antiochus be properly described , yet figuratiuely it may be applyed vnto Antichrist . And it letteth not , that Antiochus was a ciuill and temporall king , and the Pope taketh vpon him chiefely to be a spirituall gouernour : for as Doeg , notwithstanding he was one of Sauls courtiers , yet was a type of Iudas one of the twelue Apostles , as appeareth , Psal. 69. 26. and 109. 8. compared with Act. 1. 20. And so Achitophel also one of Dauids politike Counsellers of state , a figure of the same Iudas , Psal. 55. 14. and Mark . 14. 20. So Antiochus as well may be a figure and type of the Antichristian Prelate .

1. Antiochus is said to be a vile and abiect person , 1. note of the rising of th●● 1. shop of Rome by craft and flatterie . and not to haue come vnto the honour of the kingdome by any right and title , or by consent or election , but by flatterie : So the Romane Bishop was at the first of small respect , who by little and little vsurped ouer the Church , not by any right or title thereunto , or by common consent and suffrage of the Church , but by flatterie and deceit , Bulling. Polan . Hereunto also agreeth the former prophesie , c. 7. 8. where this enemie vnto the people of God is called a little horne , in respect of his obscure and base beginning : and Reuel. 13. the beast which signifieth Antichrist , is said to ascend out of the ●arth .

2. Antiochus is set forth as a victorious conqueror : 2. ●ore his prospering & preuailing . the armes shall be broken before him , v. 22. So the Antichrist of Rome hath much preuailed and prospered in the world , though not so much by force as by craft and subtiltie , Oecolamp .

3. Antiochus is set forth by his rapacitie : 3. his rapacitie and couetousnesse . he spoyled and robbed Egypt , and the most pleasant places thereof more , then euer did any before him , v. 24. And thus hath the Romane Antichrist in time past polled and pilled the world , by his annates , first fruites , tenths , Peter-pence , pardons , and such like deuises to get money .

4. Antiochus is also described by his dissimulation , 4. his dissimulation . that he with the king of Egypt shall talke of deceit euen at the same table , but his heart euen then shall be to doe mischiefe , v. 27. So there hath not beene more deepe dissimulation practized with kings and Princes , then by the Bishops of Rome .

5. As Antiochus practised with the forsakers of the holy couenant , 5. the generall apostasie and falling away from the faith . v. 30. by their meanes to seeke to preuaile against Gods people : So hath the Pope vsed as his ministers and instruments runnagates from their countrey , and Apostataes from the faith : as is euident to all the world in those monstrous and vnnaturall treasons , which haue beene attempted against this nation and Church of England : And as Daniel prophesied of Antiochus , that he should haue intelligence and consult with them that did forsake the couenant , v. 30. so S. Paul saith that there shall come a departing first , ( that is , from the faith ) and that man of sinne shall be disclosed : But because there is some difference betweene vs and the Papists , what this apostasie and departure from the faith should meane , it shall not be amisse a little to insist thereupon .

Controv. 12. That S. Paul speaketh of an apostasie and departing from the faith , 2. Thessal. 2. 3.

1. Pererius thinketh that this Apostasie is to be vnderstood of the departure and falling away from the Romane Empire , lib. 14. in praefat. and to that purpose he alleadgeth Lactantius , who faith , incolumi vrbe Roma nihil istiusmodi esse metuendum , that so long as the citie of Rome is safe , no such thing is to feared , &c. Bellarmine also bringeth this for one exposition . 2. and further he addeth that by this apostasie we may vnderstand , dispositionem adregnum Antichristi , a disposition or preparation to the kingdome of Antichrist . 3. and if it be vnderstood of a defection or falling away from the faith , he thinketh it rather to agree to the Protestants , then any other , who are departed from the vnitie of the Church .

Contra. 1. It shall be shewed that apostasie is here to be taken , not as the word is vsed in the Ciuill lawe , for a departure either of a subiect from the obedience of his prince , or of a souldier from his captaine : for S. Paul speaketh not here of such ciuill and politike matters : or as the Romanists call apostasie , when one leaueth the order and sect into the which he was entred : for in S. Pauls time , there were no such superstitious sects of Monkerie : but that Apostasie here is to be taken for a departure and falling away from the faith , it may thus appeare .

1. So is this word vsed in other places of the newe Testament : as Act. 21. 11. They are informed of thee ( saith Iames to Paul ) that thou teachest the Iewes to forsake ( or play the Apostataes from ) Moses : 1. Timoth. 4. 1. the spirit speaketh euidently , that in the latter times , some shall depart from the faith , and shall giue heede to the spirit of error , and to the doctrine of deuils . 2. The euent is answerable hereunto : for together with the rising and manifestation of Antichrist , came in a generall corruption and deprauation of the most of the a●●icles of Christian religion . 3. thus also diuerse of the auncient writers expound this place : Iustin. Martyr calleth Antichrist , defectionis homo , a man of apostasie or falling away , dialog. cum Tryphon . Ireneus saith , he shall be sine lege quasi Apostata , as an Apostata without lawe , lib. 5. aduers. haeres . c. 21. So also expound Primasius , Cyrillus , Chrysostome , Oecumenius . 4. Thus also Thomas in explanation . Lyranus , Hugo Card. expound , and the Rhemists also vpon this place mislike not this sense .

2. A disposition or preparation it cannot be vnto Antichrists kingdome : because it is said that the man of sinne shall thereby be disclosed : he shall then come together with it , because he shall be reuealed by it .

3. But it is a false imputation vpon the Protestants , that they are Apostataes : They haue separated themselues from the Church of Rome , as did Enosh , and the faithfull of the olde world from the posteritie of Caine , and as our Blessed Sauiour and his Apostles diuided themselues from the synagogue of the Scribes and Pharisies : But they were departed first from the doctrine of Moses : as the Romane sectaries haue declined from the auncient Apostolike faith , in stead thereof establishing their owne traditions , and the doctrines of men .

13. Controv. Of other notes and markes wherein Antiochus and Antichrist agree .

6. As Antiochus vsed the armes and armies of his captaines to oppresse the Iewes : 6. note : the abusing of the secular power to be ministers of their cruelty and butcherie . So likewise the Bishops of Rome haue abused the secular arme and power to maintaine their pompe , and ambition , and to establish their superstition .

Marcellinus the historian ( who was no Christian ) writeth of the dissension betweene Damasus and Vrsicinus , about the Episcopall seate , that the contention betweene them was so hoate , and such parts taking ; that in one day in the Church of Seruinus there were found an 137. dead bodies , which were slaine in a skirmish : And yet the ambition of the Romane Bishops was in those dayes nothing like to the pride of that vaine-glorious Sea now .

Gregorie the 7. called Hildebrand , as witnesseth Benno a Cardinall of that Sea , did mooue and make great warres to vphold his papall dignitie : so did Paschal . 2. Innocentius 3. Gregorie 9. fill all Germanie , Fraunce , Italie , Spaine with warres : and so haue the Popes maintained their factions and quarrells a long time by the Ciuill power .

Phocas the Emperour , that killed his Lord and Master : Pipinus king of Fraunce that murtherer : Rodolphus that disloyall duke to Henrie the 4. Emperour : Henrie 5. that disobedient sonne to Henrie the 4. his father ; were all the Popes vassals to fight his battells , and to maintaine his quarrels with the sword . So haue beene of late the kings of France on a rowe , Henrie the 2. Francis the second , Charles the 9. Henrie the 3. Such was the Duke of Albanie in the lowe countreys , and other captaines and Generalls vnder the king of Spaine .

By the secret practising of Nicolaus 3. all the French in one day were killed thorough out Sicilia : Matchiavil : with the priuitie and knowledge of Vrbane the 6. was Ioanna Queene of Naples slaine before the altar , Theodoric . à Niem . lib. 1. de schism . c. 25. Iulius the 2. was a warriour himselfe , and present in the battels which he fought . Sixtus the 4 ▪ spent most of his time in warres : and when they were ended vpon a conclusion of peace , he died for griefe . Paulus the third was author of the German warre , Polan .

The Pope sent his secular armes , the king of Spains forces , among the Indians , vnder pretence of embracing them to his religion : but they practised most horrible butcherie and crueltie among them : they hewed them in peices , rosted them at the fire , worried them with dogges : ●ipped their bellies , and drewe out their bowels : opened the wombes of women with child : hung them vp , and burned them : set them on stackes of strawe , and set fire to them : and thus in 40. yeares space they destroyed 15. millions of men , that is , 150. hundreth thousand , and left wast and vnpeopled fiue times so much ground as all Spaine containeth . They put them to vnspeakeable torments , some they shodde with yron shoes nayling them to their feete , some they fleaed , and cast in salt , to put them to more paine : they cut off their lippes , noses , eares , their fingers and toes : and with fire and sword , they consumed an infinite number , as is before rehearsed : Polan . ex Bartholom . Casa .

As Apollonius sent by Antiochus against Ierusalem , made faire promises vntill he was receiued into the citie , but then he fell vpon them on a sudden , and put them to the s●ord , and fell vpon the Iewes on the Sabbath , 2. 〈…〉 while they kept the feast , and vsed all outragious crueltie against them : So within these few yeares , perdinandus Mendoza , with his crue of Spaniards , a champion for the Pope-catholik faith , practised most horrible & sauage cruelty in Westphalia , sparing neither age nor sex , no not them which submitted themselues , and were of their owne religion : the women great with child they stretching out their hands nailed to bourds , Most vnspeak●able and 〈◊〉 heard of 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Papists . and ripped their bellies , tooke out the infants , cut them in peices , and hung them about their mothers neckes : they compelled the men with long famine to eate their own children , and some they hung vp by the pri●ie members , and the womens bellies they opened , and thrust in children of two yeares old , and strangled them in their mothers blood : Neuer did any Turkes or infidels shew such examples of crueltie , as those the Popes armes and champions , Palanus .

7. As Antiohus by his captaine Apollonius caused the daily sacrifice to cease , set vp abominable 7. note : the setting vp of 〈◊〉 in the Church and abrogating the rig●● vse of the E●charist . idols , burnt the bookes of the lawe : So the Antichrist of ●ome hath abolished the right vse of the Eucharist , which is a continuall commemoration of Christs death : yea the sacrifice of Christs death , and the vertue thereof is by them obscured , if not abolished , while he bringeth in other satisfactorie and propitiatorie sacrifices in their ordinarie masses : the Pope setteth vp in Church idols and imagerie , which are things abominable in the seruice of God : the bookes of Scripture beeing in the vulgar tongue he commandeth to be burned , and hererein he treadeth in the steppes of his forerunner Antiochus .

8. Antiochus beside his forren power vsed the seruice of the Apostatate Priests , and 8. note : the Pope vseth the penne and tongue of false teachers . Iewes , as Iason , Menelaus : So the Pope beside the secular power hath his runnaga●e and fugitiue Priests , Iesuites , Seminaries , which doe by their subtill perswasions seduce many : Gregorie setting forth Antichrist , sheweth that he shall vse two kind of ministers : conatur ad se cord● hominum & missis praedicatoribus trahere , & commotis potestatibus inclinare , he shall endeauour both to drawe mens hearts vnto him by sending of preachers , and to bend them by the moouing of Potentates , in Iob lib. 33. c. 23. This also he sheweth further by that place , Apocal. 9. 19. their power is in their mouth and in their taile : in ore doctorum scientia , in cauda secularium potentia significatur , &c. in the mouth the knowledge of the learned is signified , and in the taile the power of secular men .

Thus the Romane Antichrist bestirreth himselfe vsing both the sword of cruell potentates , and the penne and tongue of corrupt teachers , whom he enticeth with rewards , and promise of dignities to vphold by their subtile wittes the kingdome of darkenesse : and so in euery point he imitateth the example of wicked Antiochus his liuely image , that both these wayes practised against the people of God .

Controv. 14. How the Antichrist of Rome hath persecuted Emperours , Kings , Princes , learned men , whole Churches for religion .

9. As in this great persecution vnder Antiochus there were many faithfull , that did not forsake the lawe , but did cleaue vnto the Lord , and instructed others so to doe likewise , who were most cruelly persecuted for their faith : so in the times of persecution vnder the Romane Antichrist , many of all sorts , that haue opposed themselues to his vngodly proceedings haue beene euill entreated , and cruelly handled . 1. both Emperours . 2. Kings . 3. Princes . 4. Learned confessors of the truth . 5. whole Churches , as now shall be briefly shewed in order .

1. Of the Emperours . First , Philippicus Bardanius , because he commanded all images to be remooued out of Churches by the consent of Iohn Patriarke of Constantinople , Emperors persecuted by the Pope . was declared to be an heretike together with the said Patriarke , and publikely excommunicated in a certaine Synod by Pope Constantine , who inhibited that the image of the said Emperour should be stamped in any siluer or gold , or any mention to be made of him in the common prayers , Vrspergens .

Leo the 3. Isauricus , called Iconomachus , a fighter against images , caused images in Italie and Sicilie to be cast out of the Churches , and by his publike edict commaunded all images to be remooued : for the which fact he was excommunicated of Gregorie the 2. and Gregorie the 3. and the Venetians with others were stirred vp to rebellion , and the Eparch or viceroy with his sonne slaine : by which occasion the Pope stripped the Emperour of his Exarchateship or gouernement of Italie , which the Emperours of Constantinople had held an 164. yeares .

Constantine the 5. in a synode at Constantinople of 330. Bishops , decreed that images should be cast downe and burned , and no more be worshipped , nor the Virgin Marie prayed vnto : that Saints reliques should not be kept : that it should be lawfull for Monkes and Nunnes to marry : for the which Stephanus the 2. translated the Empire of Constantinople into Fraunce : and his bodie was taken vp 23. yeares after it was buried , by the Empresse Irene ( to please Pope Adrian ) and burnt to ashes .

Constantine the 6. for remoouing images which his mother Irene had set vp , was by her depriued of his kingdome , sight , and life also .

No better dealt the Popes with their owne Emperours of the West . Henrie the 4. who had encountred with his enemies 62. times in open battell , was by Gregorie the 7. Vrbane the 2. Paschal the 2. excommunicate : his Empire was first giuen to Rodolphus the Duke of Suevia : then his sonnes were set against him , vnder colour of religon : first Conrodus , afterward Henricus the 5. his sonne , who depriued him of his Empire , and caused his bodie to be digged vp , after it was buried , and cast forth as a carion into the fields , where it lay vnburied fiue yeares , vntill it was brought to Spire , and there buried . Friderike the 1. called Barbarossa , was most hardly vsed by the Popes Adrian the 4. and Alexander the 3.

Philip the sonne of the said Friderike by the procurement of Pope Innocent the 3. who established transubstantiation , was slaine at Bamberge by Otto Count Palatine .

Otto the 4. and Friderike the 2. were excommunicate by Pope Innocent the 3. and Gregor. 9.

Henrie the 7. was poisoned with a consecrate host by a Monke of the faction of the Guelphes , which was on the Popes side : the Gibellines were an other faction , which held with Emperour .

Lodovike the 4. was likewise excommunicate by the Pope , who sent forth his Monkes and Friers into euerie quarter to defame the Emperour , and the Cardinals did stirre vp the Princes to warre against him , Avent. And thus haue the Popes handled the Emperours : Kings , and Princes , opposing themselues to their superstition , haue found no better measure .

2. Childericus king of France was deposed and thrust into a monasterie . Kings hardly vsed by the Pope .

Rachis king of the Lombards , was by the same Pope Zacharie put into a monasterie .

Lodovike the 12. was much encumbred by Iulius the second : who himselfe leading his armie from Rome , as he went ouer the bridge of the riuer Tiber , threw S. Peters keies into the riuer ; and seeing they would doe him no good , he said he would betake himselfe to Pauls sword .

Henrie the 4. now king of Fraunce , was assaulted by 6. Popes , Gregor. the 13. Sixtus the 5. Vrbane the 7. Gregor. the 14. Innocentius the 9. Clement the 8. who the last named , hauing brought the king to be reconciled to the Church of Rome , did thereupon triumph insolently ouer him : As in a certaine booke set forth of that matter , there is a tractate , de victoria Clementis 8. de Henric● 4. &c. gloriose triumphantis , of the victorie of Clement the 8. most gloriously triumphing ouer Henrie the 4. king of Fraunce and Navarre .

Thus haue the famous kings also of this Realme of England beene serued by the Popes and their ministers . King Iohn was poisoned by a Monke .

King Henrie the 8. that most famous and renowned king , was by the bull of Paulus the 3. depriued of his kingdome , and his subiects freed from their oath of alleagance .

Queene Elizabeth our late Gracious Soueraigne of blessed memorie , before she came to her crowne was persecuted by her sister Queene Marie , and her chiefe agent Stephen Gardener , for her religion : and after that by Gods fatherly prouidence and care to his Church , she was aduanced to the kingdome , she was practised against by nine Popes : the sixe before named , and by Paulus the 4. Pius the 4. Pius the 5. both by open warre and hostilitie , wherein the two Philips of Spaine bare the chiefest stroke , and by priuie treacherie and treason .

Our kings maiestie that is now , both in Scotland had experience of Popish practises against him ; and since his happie comming into England , some of the Popish faction haue more then once or twice conspired against him . But blessed be God he hath escaped their snares .

3. Now in the third place , Princes & Nobles 〈…〉 by the Pope . Some Princes and nobles shall be produced whom the Popes haue cruelly assaulted .

The Exarc● or viceroy of Ravenna , vnder Leo the 3. Emperor , by the Popes faction was slaine with his sonne .

The Medices at Florence were set vpon in the Church by the counsell of Sixtus the 4. the Popes legate gaue the signe , when the host was lift vp , Volaterran . lib. 5. Geograph .

The Earle of Tholouse was pursued by the French king by most fierce warre , at the instigation of the Pope , onely because he fauoured the Albigenses .

Iohn Friderike Duke of Saxonie , and Philip the Lantgraue of Hassia , were assaulted by most cruell warre , onely for the cause of religion .

Count Egmond , and Count Horne were beheaded for fauouring the Protestants .

The Prince of Condie was poisoned .

Caspar Colignius slaine in the Massacre in Fraunce .

Antelot and Cardinall Castilion poisoned .

William prince of Aurane was slaine by a villane .

Charles the king of Spaines sonne , because he was thought to fauour the Protestants , whom they call heretikes , was made an ende of by the Inquisitors for religion , neither could his father , or would not deliuer him .

4. These learned confessors also , Learned 〈◊〉 and confessors of the 〈◊〉 against the ●ope . and some holy martyrs haue in diuerse ages opposed themselues against the Pope , and were euill entreated for it .

Vigilantius Bishop of Barcellona in Spaine , because he found fault with the adoration of reliques , and with single life , was counted an heretike .

The Bishops and Presbyters , which held a synod at Eliberine in Spaine , were adiudged heretikes by Pope Adrian in a synod at Frankefort .

Ann. 840. Bertram writ against transubstantiation .

So did Ioannes Scotus Ann. 869. and was slaine of his schollers with their writing pens .

Ann. 964. Huldericus Bishop of Augusta impugned the single life of the Clergie .

Ann. 1039. Berengarius bent himselfe against transubstantiation .

Ann. 1157. Ioannes Sarisburiens . did teach , that the Pope was Antichrist , and Rome Babylon .

Arnoldus Bishop of Brixia denied vnto the Pope the vse of the temporall sword .

About the same time liued Peter Bloix , who publikely maintained in his writings that Rome was Babylon , the Popes officers harpies , his Priests Baalites .

Ann. 1160. Petrus Waldo of Lions , ann. 1240. Petrus de Vineis , ann. 1260. Gulielmus de S. Amore , ann. 1306. Petrus Cassiodorus a learned Noble man of Italie , 1314. Dulcimus of Navarre . 1315. Arnoldus de noua villa . 1383. Iohn Wicleffe in England . 1405. Iohn Hus and Nicolaus Clemangis a Doctor of Paris . Hyeronym . Savonarola a Monke of Ferrara , whom Alexander the 6. caused to be burned . Antonius Mancinellus , Gulielmus Occam : All these were great impugners of the Pope .

Ann. 1517. Martin Luther . ann. 1519. Huldericus Zuinglius : and since many learned men in Germanie : Oecolampadius , Capito , Melancthon , Martyr , Bullinger , with others : in Fraunce , Calvin , Beza , Farellus , Viretus , with others : in England , B. Cranmer , B. Ridley , B. Hooper , M. Latimer , M. Filpot , M. Bradford , holy martyrs , and since B. Iewell , D. Fulke , D. Whitakers , D. Reynolds , with many more excellent writers , and worthie preachers haue discouered the nakednesse of the whore of Babylon .

5. Lastly whole Churches haue beene persecuted for resisting the Pope and his doctrine : Whole Churches persecuted by the Pope . the Albigenses vnder Innocentius the 3. the Waldenses vnder Pope Iohn the 22. the Church of Calabria , of Sevill in Spaine , of England in Queene Maries dayes : and the Curches of Fraunce vnder Charles the 9. and Henrie the 3. endured much oppression , by the tyrrannie of the Popish faction .

And thus doth the Pope resemble Antiochus in persecuting with fire and sword the faithfull seruants of God professing the truth .

15. Controv. Of the pride and blasphemie of Antichrist against God .

10. v. 36. He shall magnifie himselfe against all that is God : This is most true of the Antichrist of Rome : for he exalteth himselfe aboue the Angels which are called gods in respect of their excellencie of nature and condition , 10. note : the Pope exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called God . making himselfe iudge of the Angels . Princes and Magistrates also are called gods : them hath the Pope caused to kisse his feete , and hath troad vpon their neckes , disposing of their kingdomes at his pleasure . Innocentius the third thus writ vnto the Emperour of Constantinople : that as gold exceeded le●d ▪ so the Papall dignitie the Imperiall : as the Sunne was the Lord of the Planets , so the Pope of all secular dignities : and as the Moone receiueth light from the Sunne , so the Emperor hath his dignitie from the Pope : thus he exalteth himselfe aboue temporall gouernours , which are as terrene gods . Likewise the Pope maketh himselfe superior to Saints , whom he taketh vpon him to canonize or not to canonize at his pleasure , Polan . The Pope also challengeth to be Superior to all other Bishops and Pastors , who are as Angels set ouer the Churches : and so he magnifieth himselfe aboue whatsoeuer is called God , Bullinger .

11. Antiochus did exalt himselfe against the true God , 11. note : Antichrist shall exalt himselfe against the true God . who is here called the God of gods : so the Pope glorieth to be called God in earth : as Nicolaus the Pope in his epistle to Michael Emperor of Constantinople saith , that the Pope à pio principe Constantino Deum appellatum , was called God of the godly Emperor Constantie , distinct. 96. c. satis : So in a certaine glosse in the ende of the Extravagantes , the Pope is called Dominus Deus noster Papa , our Lord God the pope : which glosse is not ignorantly thrust in , but wittingly and well allowed of among the Papists : for notwithstanding that the Canon lawe was by the appointment of Gregorie the 13. reuised and corrected by certaine Cardinals and others , they suffred that glosse to remaine vnaltered . At the coronation of Sixtus the 4. there was this inscription in a certaine triumphall pagen , at one of the gates thorough the which he should passe , & merito in terris crederis esse Deus , thou art worthily held to be a God in earth . Ludovicus Gomesius in reg. Cancellar. saith , that the Pope is quoddam numen , a certaine diuine thing representing a visible God in earth : And Stapleton the Iesuite in his preface to Gregor. 13. before his booke de princip. fid. doctr. calleth the Pope , supremum in terris numen , the most diuine power in earth . Therefore Friderike the 2. in his epistle to Otto Duke of Baevaria saith , not without iust cause , Pontifices Romani affectant Dominationem quandam & diuinitatem , the Romane Bishops affect a kind of Lordlinesse , yea diuinitie in earth .

12. Antiochus vttered horrible blasphemies against God : 12. note : Antichrist blasphemous against God . The Pope therein is no whit inferior vnto him : Boniface the 8. in c. quoniam de imm . in Sext. calleth the Church his spouse , which onely is peculiar to Christ to be the husband of his Church , 1. Cor. 11. 3. the same Pope also , among many other his arrogant speeches , saith , haec authortas non humana , sed diuina , this our authoritie is not humane , but diuine : and againe , subesse Romano Pontifici omni creaturae , definimus omnino esse de necessitate salut is , we doe define , that it is of necessitie of saluation for euerie creature to be subiect to the Bishop of Rome , extrav. commun . de maiorit . & obedien. lib. 1. titulo 8. The same Boniface the 8. in the 1300. yeare , when the Iubile was solemnized , shewed himselfe the first day in his pontificall attire : the next day he came forth in the Imperiall robes , causing a naked sword to be carried before him , and he himselfe came after crying with a loud voice , Ego sum Pontifex & Imperator , terrestreque & coeleste imperium habeo , I am both chiefe Bishop and Emperor , and haue both the terrene , and celestiall gouernement . Sixtus the 5. in his bull against Henrie king of Navarre , now king of Fraunce , and the Prince of Condie , boasteth , that his authoritie deliuered vnto him from Christ and S. Peter did exceede the power of all kings and Princes , & incumbere sibi , ecclesiarum omnium , populorum , & gentium sollicitudinem , that the care of all Churches , peoples , and nations did lie vpon him , &c. so that the Pope doth challenge to himselfe , that which is peculiar to Christ , ex Polan . Such like blasphemies are those which are currant among the Popish sort : as in the glosse of the decrees , the Pope is saide neither to be God , nor man , sed medius inter vtrunque , but a middle thing betweene both : Augustin . Boetius addeth further , Papam omnia in terris posse , quae Deus potest in coelis , that the Pope can doe all in earth , which God can doe in heauen : and Philippus Decius , Papam omnia posse facere , quae Deus facit , &c. that the Pope can doe all things , which God doth : such horrible blasphemies doe proceede from that pestilent Sea .

And as that man of sinne speaketh wondrous and marueilous things against God : so doth he take vpon him to worke wonders against the truth : which are called lying wonders in two respects , because they are not done indeede , but in shew , and because they are wrought against the truth : both these are touched by the Apostle in the description of Antichrist , 2. Thess. 2. the first . v. 9. Whose comming is by the working of Satan , by all power , and signes , and lying wonders : the other , v. 11. God shall send them strong delusions to beleeue lies . Papp●● . And thus this blasphemous Antichrist hath according to this prophesie magnified himselfe against the God of gods : and as S. Paul prophesied of him , that he should sit in the Temple of God , shewing himselfe that he is God , 2. Thess. 2. 4. for the further explaning of which words , I will make here a short digression .

16. Controv. How Antichrist is said to sit in the Temple of God .

1. Some doe vnderstand it of the Temple of Ierusalem , which they say , Antichrist shall cause to be builded againe , and therein he shall sit to be worshipped as God : so Hyppolitus , Cyrillus : and Chrysostome misliketh not this sense in his Commentarie vpon the 2. of the 2. epistle to the Thessal . But this can not be the meaning : 1. because the Temple of Ierusalem shall neuer be builded againe , according to the saying of our Sauiour , that one stone should not be left vpon an other . The Iewes were licensed by Iulian the Apostata to reedifie their Temple , but they could not goe forward : that which they built in the day , was cast downe in the night , and beside a strange fire came forth , which consumed the instruments and engines of the artificers . 2. And though that Temple should be builded againe , it could not be called the Temple of God , seeing it should be set vp to revive the sacrifices and ceremonies of Moses law , which are abolished by Christ .

2. Theodoret and Damascen vnderstand it of the Temples of Christians which Antichrist shall command to be set vp and erected to his worship : but thus he should sit in many temples , whereas the Apostle speaketh of Temple , in the singular : neither doth the Apostle call the Churches of Christians by the name of 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , temple .

3. Wherefore the Apostle meaneth hereby , not materiall temples , but by the Temple he vnderstandeth the Church of God , as it is called , 1. Cor. 3. 16. Apoc. 3. 12. Not that Antichrist shall in deede sit in the true Church of God , for he shall be an enemie to the Church of Christ : but he shall sit in the visible Church so reputed : and he shall style and title himselfe by the Church : As he taketh vpon him to be Head of the Church , and to be Christs Vicar in earth : Melancth. Papp . Fulke annotat . 2. Thess. 2. v. 4. He sitteth also in the temple of mens consciences , taking vpon him to haue power to forgiue sinnes , and to make lawes to binde the conscience . Bulling.

4. Some , that hold the Turke to be Antichrist , may by the Temple vnderstand those places , where sometime was the Church of God : but the Apostle speaketh of the Temple , that shall then be so reputed and taken , at the time of Antichrists sitting therein .

17. Controv. Of the prosperitie and outward successe of Antichrist .

As it is here said of Antiochus , 13. note : of the prosperous successe of Antichrist for a time . that he shall doe what him list , and againe , that he shall prosper : so the Romane Antichrist hath both so taught , that he is to doe what he list , and he hath practised , and prospered accordingly . For the first : Nicolaus the Pope thus writeth to Michael the Emperor , à seculari potestate nec ligari posse , nec solvi Pontificum , &c. that the chiefe Bishop can neither be loosed , nor bound of the secular power : and then he inferreth how that Constantine the Emperor called the Pope God : and so concludeth , nec posse Deum ab homme iudicari manifestum est , it is manifest , that God is not to be iudged of man , &c. And these are their positions in their Canons , that the Pope is without law , and that he is to be iudged of none : and if all the world should determine any thing against the Pope , yet the sentence rather of the Pope must stand : and seeing he hath all fulnesse of power , no man is to say vnto him , why doe you so ? for his will standeth for reason , distinct. 19. 17. quaest. 4. nemini .

And as this is their doctrine , that the Pope may doe what he list , and no man is to checke or controll him : so he hath mightily prospered in his wicked proceedings , as Antiochus did : for Emperors , Kings , and Princes haue furthered his enterprises : learned men haue and doe desend his errors : All kingdomes almost in the Christian world , Vniuersities , schollers , haue applauded him : So many Monasteries in diuers countries with their Monks and Fryers depended of him . This is the prosperitie and externall happie successe , which the Romanists doe boast of ; and Bellarmine among the rest , maketh it a speciall note to know the true Church by : but as Antiochus prosperous successe against Christs Church was no signe of Gods fauour toward him , no more is it in the kingdome of Antichrist . But I will here stay a while , a little further yet to sift and examine this point .

18. Controv. That externall happines is not a sure note of the Church .

Bellarmine making externall felicitie a note of the Church , lib. 4. de Eccl. c. 18. giueth these instances of the good successe of the Romanists in their battells .

1. In the time of Innocentius the 3. the Catholikes in France with an armie of 8000. conquered an 100. thousand of the Albigenses . Aemil. lib. 6. hist. Francor .

2. Anno 1531. the Helvetian Papists , had fiue conflicts with the Helvetian Protestants , and still had the better .

3. Charles the 5. ann. 1547. obtained a miraculous victorie against the Protestant Princes in Germanie .

4. In France and the low countries , the Papists haue had many victories , not without miracle : and the Protestants seldome had the better .

1. Ans. These instances produced by Bellarmine are false , as shall now appeare in the particular examination of them . 1. Mathias Parisiens . reporteth farre otherwise of that battell , writing , that Lewes the French king died in the siege of Avenion , and that his sonne hauing the leading of a great armie against the Albigenses was ouercome ab exiguis copijs , of a few small bands . And this is like to be the truer report : for it seemeth not probable , that the persecuted Church of the Albigenses could set forth such an huge armie . 2. The Popish Helvetians had not so many battells with the Protestants : there was but one battell and a skirmish : the Popish sort had the better , hauing the aduantage of the higher ground : neither was it such a great victorie , for they were glad to aske peace , and to compound the matter vpon equall conditions . 3. It was no miracle for Charles the 5. to preuaile in that battell , setting vpon Duke Fredericke on a sudden , and some of his confederates hauing forsaken him : neither did the Emperor long enioy that victorie , for he was not long after by Mauritius , who ayded him against Duke Frederike , chased out of Germanie for the wrongs offered vnto Philip the Lantgraue , and neuer after that returned he into Germanie againe . 4. Of the successe of the battells in France and low Germanie , they haue no cause to brag : Henrie the 4. ●ow king of France and Navarre , when he professed and maintained the Gospel , was alwaies superiour in battell : and how the warres haue prospered on the Protestants sides in the low countries , no man is ignorant . So that if the goodnes of the cause is to be esteemed by the good successe , if they had no other arguments to defend themselues , this might plead for them , that God hath aboue these 30. yeares vpheld that small countrey miraculously against all the power of Spaine . But they haue diuers reasons besides , which may iustifie their warres against the king of Spaine .

1. The breaking of their priuiledges by the Duke of Albanie : 2. the vnreasonable exacting of tribute vpon things which were sold : The reasons which mooued the low countries to defend themselues by warre against the king of Spaine . 3. the vniust execution of diuers both noble and others : 4. the setting of garrisons of strangers in their cities : 5. the building of castles and sconces : 6. the constituting of Iudges of the Spanyards , and not of their owne countrey : 7. the generall restraining of their libertie , Polan . p. 1070. 8. beside the bringing in among them of a strange religion .

2. Now that outward prosperitie is not a signe of Gods fauour , or a marke whereby to discerne the Church , it is euident by the example of Antiochus here , who mightily prospered in his wicked attempts against the people of God : So also Nebuchadnezzer preuailed against Ierusalem , and destroied the very Temple . All the tribes of Israel beeing assembled together , against the children of Beniamin , hauing the better cause , yet were twice ouercome , Iudg. 20. God then in suffering his Church to be for a time afflicted and oppressed , doth not thereby testifie his fauour toward their oppressors , but doth rather shew his wrath against his owne people for their sinnes : which was the cause that Antiochus prospered , whome the Lord vsed as his scourge : as it is here saide , till wrath be accomplished : that is , Gods wrath kindled against his people . And the same is one of the reasons , why the Lord shall suffer Antichrist to rage in the world : whereof more shall be here inserted in the next controversie .

19. Contr. Why the Lord suffereth Antichrist to rage against his Church .

That is no reason which Bellarmine pretendeth , that the Romane Church is by their outward prosperitie knowne to be the true Church , and therefore it is giuen vnto them to prosper : but these rather are the causes :

1. That herein Gods mercie may appeare , who for a long time tied vp and bound Sa●han , though for a while he be let loose : yet in that vntill the reuealing of Antichrist , he was bridled , and not suffered hetherto to powre out all his malice against the Church of God , it must be ascribed to his mercie .

2. The Lord by this persecution vnder Antichrist will trie out the faithfulnes of his seruants , that they may be discerned from the hypocrites : as it is shewed here in the former verse , that diuers were suffered to fall into affliction , to trie and purge them : both that they might be scuered and purged from hypocrites , as the wheat is from the chaffe and drosse ; and that the Lord also might haue experience of the faithfulnes and constancie of his seruants . Hereupon Hyppolitus thinketh , that the Martyrs vnder the tyrannie of Antichrist , shall be the most glorious Martyrs , that euer were in any persecution before : which verily may be affirmed of our holy Martyrs that suffered in the daies of Queene Marie in England , and then and since in other places : for beside that their torments and cruell manner of death were equivalent , 〈…〉 the cause for the which they suffered was more hard to be iudged of , and their enemies more subtle : for the Martyrs of the Primitiue Church died for not yeilding vnto most grosse idolatrie of the heathen , which was most manifest impietie : and their aduersaries were professed enemies to all Christianitie : But these latter Martyrs suffered for matters of religion , euen controuerted among Christians , and their persecutors themselues pretending to be Christians .

3. A third reason is , that God by the hypocrisie and tyrannie of Antichrist , punisheth the sinnes of the world , which abounded at the reuealing of Antichrist . Hyppolitus thus well setteth forth the iniquitie of those times , wherein Antichrist shall come : omnes suo arbitratu vivent , silij manus inijcient in parentes , &c. all shall liue as they list , the sonnes shall lay violent hands vpon their parents : the wife shall deliuer the husband to death , the husband the wife : masters shall be cruell toward their seruants , and seruants shall be stubborne against their masters : no man shall reuerence the aged , nor haue pitie on the poore : then shall enchanters and sorcerie be in force : Pastours shall become wolues , and Monks shall couet and desire the things of the world , &c. All these vices and corruptions abounded in the world , when Antichrist beganne to shew himselfe , and these things are yet practised vnder the Romane tyrannie : Wiues doe accuse their husbands , and husbands their wiues , children the parents , and parents the children , one brother riseth against an other to put them to death for religion . So that for these and other sinnes , the hard yoke of Antichristian bondage yet lieth vpon the world . And S. Paul sheweth the reason thereof , 2. Thess. 2. 11 , 12. God shall send them strong delusions to beleeue lies , that all they might be damned which beleeue not the truth , but had pleasure in vnrighteousnes . And so those nations , which are yet in bondage vnder Antichrist , because they desire not to leaue their superstition , and vnrighteous liuing , but still continue enemies to the truth , therefore they are by the iust iudgement of God kept still in ignorance and misbeleefe .

20. Controv. That out of this text , v. 36. it can not be prooued that the Pope is not Antichrist , as Bellarmine intendeth .

Bellarm. lib. 3. de Rom. Ponti● . c. 21. goeth about to prooue by diuers arguments out of this text , that the Pope can not be Antichrist .

Argum. 1. Antichrist here described , shall doe what he list , and exalt himselfe against God , as not holding himselfe tied vnto any law , nor acknowledging any superiour : so doth not the Pope , who taketh himselfe to be bound vnto the law , and confesseth Christ to be his Iudge and superiour .

Ans. The Pope confesseth thus much in words , but in effect he abrogateth the law of God , and so consequently denieth Christ to be his superiour .

1. The Pope dispenseth against the law of God , which sheweth his superioritie ouer the law : Pope Martin the 5. with the aduise of his Popish diuines , dispensed with one to marrie his owne sister germane : this is committed to writing by Antoninus Florentin . summ . 3. p. tit. 1. c. 11. § . quod Papa . whome Necolaus Boerius followeth , consil. 20. vtrum papa . numer . 26. such were the incestuous mariages of Egypt : for Ptolome Philadelphus maried his owne sister Berenice , and so did Ptolome Philopator his sister Eurydice , whome he killed : Ptolome Physcon married Cleopatra his brother Philometors wife : in which very case the Pope dispensed with Henrie the 8. to marrie his brother Prince Arthurs wife .

Likewise the law of God forbiddeth the setting vp of all images to be worshipped , Levit. 18. 9. which the Pope commandeth euery where to be done . The holy Apostle saith , that concupiscence is against the law , and consequently sinne , Rom. 7. 7. But the Pope in his Councell of Trent decreed the contrarie , that concupiscence is not vere & proprie peccatum , verily and properly sinne .

2. As the Pope alloweth that which Gods law forbiddeth and condemneth , so likewise he forbiddeth that , which Gods word alloweth and commandeth . As Gods word commandeth obedience to parents , but the Pope set Conradus and Henrie against their father Henrie the 4. who warred against him ; and Henrie depriued him of his Empire , and of Christian sepulture . Our Sauiour biddeth to giue vnto Cesar , the things which are Cesars ; as homage , tribute , obedience : but Gregorie the 2. forbad tribute to be paied to Leo the 3. for pulling downe of images , or any obedience to be yeilded vnto him . The Scripture alloweth , that they which haue not the gift of continencie , should marrie : but Calisthus the 3. refused to dispense with the marriage of a certaine Deacon , that alledged he had not the gift of continencie , for whome also Cardinal Senensis entreated , who was afterward Pope called Pius the 2. who writ hereof vnto his friend in these words , alterum Papam expectandum , qui melior sit , that an other Pope must be expected , who should be better . Boerius loc. citat . num. 20. The Scripture counteth mariage honourable , and maketh it free for all men , Hebt . 13. 4. yet the Pope forbiddeth mariage to his Clergie , as a disgrace to their orders .

3. And that it yet may more euidently appeare , how the Pope extolleth himselfe aboue Christ : In the yeare 1447. when Felix was Bishop of Rome , who succeeded Eugen●us , this answer was made by the Cardinal of S. Angel to the Embassadors of Bohemia , Siquis non crederet Christum esse verum Deum & hominem , & idem sentiret Papa , eum , non damnatum ●ri , if any did not beleeue Christ to be God man , and the Pope did so thinke also , he should not be damned : and at the same time Henricus the master of the Palace said to the same Embassadors , Papa potest mutare S. Evangelium , & potest S. Evangelio pro loco & tempore alium sensum tribuere , the Pope may change the holy Gospel , and may giue an other sense to the Gospel , according to time and place . ex Polan .

Argum. 2. Antichrist shall care for no God at all : But the Pope worshippeth God the Father , the Sonne , and the holy Ghost : yea all the Saints in heauen , images and reliques in earth ( if we will beleeue the Protestants , saith Bellarmine ) he adoreth also .

Answ. In that the Pope inuocateth Saints , praieth vnto images , adoreth reliques , and so setteth vp other gods : it is an euident argument , that he denieth the true God .

Argum. 3. Antichrist shall ouerthrow the policies and states of kingdomes , so doth not the Pope .

Answ. The contrarie is euident : for Gregorie the 2. forbad any obedience to be yeelded to Leo the 3. and Gregorie the 3. depriued him of his Empire . Alexander the 3. so serued . Frederike the 1. Frederike the 2. and Lewes the 4. were so likewise vsed . Gregorie the 7. deposed Bol●slaus king of Polonia : Iulius the 2. gaue away the kingdome of Navarre . How then is not Bellarmine ashamed , these things beeing so manifest , to say , that the Pope is not an enemie to politike states ?

Argum. 4. Antichrist shall prosper : but the Pope , since the Protestants made him Antichrist , hath much decreased : he hath lost a good part of Germanie , of Fraunce , Helvetia , Bohemia , Pannonia , Eagland , and all Suetia , Gothia , Norway , Denmarke : but Luther hath prospered , by his carnall preaching seducing many , who of a silly Monke became as it were Pope ouer all Germanie ; he rather may be taken for Antichrist .

Answ. 1. The Protestants in these dayes are not the first , that discouered Antichrist , he was so called and counted many yeares since . 2. the prospering here spoken of is not vnderstood of any spirituall successe by the preaching of the Gospell , but of such prosperous euents as are compassed by violence and force of armes , and cunning deuises . 3. it is no carnall preaching to teach men not to be addicted superstitiously to carnall ●ites and ceremonies , which was the scope of Luthers preaching . 4. neither did Luther affect a papall preeminence ouer Germany : though it be true , that of late one Felix Peretus of a poore Monke came to be vniuersall Pope , called Sixtus 5. 5. God be thanked that many good morsells are snatched out of the wolues mouth : he speaketh but of a good part of England , that is reuolted from the Pope : But all England in generall and Scotland doe detest the Pope with his superstitious and treacherous practises , except onely a fewe tha● are Popishly addicted ; whose number I trust daily will decrease . 6. And though Antichrist doe not prosper , as he hath done , and I am sure , neuer shall : yet that followeth not , but he is Antichrist still : for he shall prosper onely for a time , not alwaies .

21. Controv. How Antichrist shall forsake his fathers God , v. 37.

v. 37. He shall not regard the god of his fathers . 1. This is most true of the Pope , 14 note : the 〈…〉 who hath swarued and departed from the religion and faith taught by the holy Apostles , and Apostolicall men in the purer ages of the Church : 1. as S. Paul teacheth , 2. Tim. 3. 17. that the Scriptures are able to make the man of God perfect to all good workes ; and so consequently are perfect , and all-sufficient : so Tertulliane , aliunde suadere non poterunt de rebi●● fidei , quam ex literis fidei : de praescript . haeretic . c. 15. they can not otherwise perswade of matters of faith , then by the Scriptures of faith : But the Pope teacheth that beside the word of God written , there are traditions , which he calleth the word of God not written , which they make of equall authoritie to the Scriptures : and so they bold , that the Scriptures containe not all things necessarie to saluation . 2. Their forefathers haue taught , that the Scriptures are plaine and easie , and therefore are to be heard , and read of all : as Iren. lib. 2. adv. haeret . c. 46. vniversae Scripturae , &c. apertae & ab omnibus audiri possunt , all the Scriptures are open , and may be heard of all : But the Pope holdeth them to be obscure , and not safe to be read of the lay-people . 3. Clemens teacheth , ex ipsis Scripturis capere sensum veritatis opor●et , we must take the sense of the truth out of the Scriptures , distinct. 37. c. relatum . but the Pope will haue the sense of Scripture depend of his owne mouth . 4. Their fathers haue taught that the translation of the Scriptures must be examined by the originall , distinct. 9. c. 6. ve●erum librorum fides de Hebraeis voluminibus examinanda est , the credit of the bookes of the old Testament must be examined by the Hebrew : but now among the Romanists , the vulgar Latine is made authenticall , Trident. sess. 4. and preferred before the originall Hebrew and Greeke . 5. Their Elders haue taught , that we are onely iustified by faith , Basil. concion . de humilitat . this is perfect righteousnes , &c. when a man knoweth himselfe sola fide in Christum iustificatum , to be iustified by faith onely in Christ : so also Ambrose , impius sola fide iustificatur apud Deum , a wicked man is iustified onely by faith with God . in 4. ad Roman . But the Romanists hold , that we are also iustified by the merit of our workes . 6. The Fathers haue taught that there are no other mediators of our prayers but Christ , as Chrysostome , nihil tibi opus est patronis apud Deum , &c. you neede no patrons with God : for God will not heare so easily , if other pray for vs , as if we pray our selues , though we be full of euill , &c. And in many other points of doctrine it is euident , that the Pope hath lost and forsaken the faith and the religion of the auncient Fathers , and so consequently their God also .

But Bellarmine thus would wipe away this marke : that this no way can be fastened vpon the Pope , who confesseth the God of his fathers , God the Sonne , God the Father , and God the holy Ghost . lib. 3. de Roman . Pontif. c. 21.

Contra. In words indeede they confesse Christ to be their God , but in fact they denie him : 1. They doe not acknowledge him to be their onely Prophet , seeing they detract from the Scriptures , making them obscure , and imperfect : whereas Christ onely is to be heard in the Scriptures : yea Boniface the Archbishop of Mentz vttered this blasphemous speach , magis ab ore eius quam à sacris pagini● antiquam Christianae religionis institutionem expetant , let them seeke and desire the auncient institution of Christian religion rather at his mouth , then from the sacred booke , &c. which horrible blasphemie is inserted in their Canon law : distinct. 40. cap. Si Papa . Bellarmines best answer here is to doubt of the truth of this speech : but if it be not true , why standeth it in the Canon , after so often reuising and perusing of the Canons . 2. They denie Christ to be our onely Priest , in making other Mediators and intercessors beside him , contrarie to the Apostle , 1. Tim. 2. 5. There is one Mediatour of God and man , the man Iesus Christ . 3. Neither doe they acknowledge Christ to be the onely king of his Church , making the Pope his Vicar , and head of the Church : and they say that vnto the Pope is giuen all authoritie in heauen and earth : lib. 1. Ceremoniar . cur . Roman . Bellarmine answereth , that the Pope no more denieth Christ to be king , then a Viceroy in a countrey denieth the king of the land . Ans. 1. The reason is not alike : for a king can not be present in euery part of his kingdome , and therefore committeth many things to his deputie , which he can not doe himselfe : but Christ is for euer present with his Church . 2. the Viceroy taketh not vpon him to be the king and head , as the Pope doth . So then it is euident , that the Pope in effect renounceth the God and religion of his fathers : see further in the Appendix exercis . 3. argum . 1.

22. Controv. How the Romane Antichrist regardeth not the desire of women .

Though the Antichrist of Rome doth publikely pretend chastitie , 〈…〉 yet all fornication and vncleannes both naturall and vnnaturall , is practised and suffered vnder that licentious gouernment . And herein the Pope regardeth not the desires of women , in that he is an enemie vnto lawfull marriage , forbidding his Clergie to marrie : which is made lawfull to all men , 1. Cor. 7. 1. Hebr. 13. 4. And while marriage is restrained , there is a way open to all other kind of vncleannes , euen that filthie Sodomitrie , which is against nature : in commendation whereof , a great Bishop of Italie did write publikely , and that without any checke . Papp . This sinne some scoffingly haue called , mutum peccatum , a dumme sinne : but they shall finde that it is peccatum clamans , a crying sinne , which called for fire and brimstone from heauen vpon the Sodomites . Bulling.

But Bellarmine to cleare his great Master the Pope of this suspition also , he alleadgeth , that in the originall the words stand thus ; and he shall be in the desires of women : though that in the Greeke translation it be read negatiuely , he shall not , &c. And he giueth two coniectures why it should be read rather affirmatiuely , then negatiuely ; both because Antiochus , as Hierome writeth , who is here historically meant , was giuen vnto the desire and lust of women : neither is it probable , that Antichrist should command or commend single life : but the Iewes rather doe expect , that Antichrist shall suffer them to haue many wiues , which they count a part of their terrene happines .

Contra. 1. That it is more agreeable to the originall to read here negatiuely , he shall not haue respect to the desires of women , then affirmatiuely , is shewed before , qu. 45. whether I referre the Reader . 2. Though Antiochus were one way giuen vnto the desire of women , in respect of his carnall lust , yet an other way he was not , in not regarding the request and desire of his wife , for to spare Ierusalem , as is shewed likewise before , qu. 45. 3. It is most probable , nay rather that Antichrist shall enioyne single life , and restraine marriage , because he shall maintaine the doctrine of deuills , whereof this is one . 4. And though the Iewes expect such carnall libertie , when their Messiah commeth , that is nothing to the purpose : for such a Messiah , as they expect , shall neuer come . But we know certenly that the Antichrist should come into the world , and is indeede alreadie come . 5. And that Antichrist shall outwardly seeme to maintaine single life , it is the opinion of their owne writers , exterius finget castitatem vt facilius decipiat , he shall outwardly faine chastitie , that he may the more easily deceiue , Lyran. so also Pererius , Intimis animi sensibus erit super omnes libidi●osus , &c. in his inward disposition he shall of all men be most licentious and lustfull , though he shall outwardly dissemble chastitie .

23. Controv. That Antichrist shallnot care indeede for any God , nor haue any sense of religion .

That the Antichrist of Rome herein also was well resembled by Antiochus , 16 note : Atheisme , prophannes , not caring in effect for any God . may be prooued first by particular induction , that many of their Popes haue beene found in a manner to be very Atheists , hauing ●o sense of religion . Iohn the 12. whome Platina maketh Iohn the 13. nec Deum nec hominem prae oculis habuisse , had neither God nor man before his eyes : so testifieth Theodoric . à Niem . lib. 3. c. 9. Innocentius the 8. was seene for the most part to sleepe in the time of diuine seruice : of Alexander the 6. saith Guicciardine , that he had nullum religionis sensum , no feeling of religion : his holy-daies exercise was to see Plautus comedies plaied : of Leo the 10. it is reported , that he should thus say , quantum nobis profuit fabula ista de Christo ? how much hath this fable or tale of Christ profited vs ?

Secondly , this may be shewed how the Pope doth magnifie himselfe against God , by those blasphemous titles and prerogatiues , which he suffreth to be giuen vnto him by his Canonists : as Osiander doth exemplifie these , the Pope is the vniuersall father of all the faithfull and of all the sheepe of Christ , Ioannes de tur . cremat . the Pope hath the same consistorie with God , and the same tribunall with Christ : the Pope is a certaine diuine power , representing a visible God in earth , Gomesius : All power is giuen vnto the Pope in heauen and earth : from the Pope appeale is not to be made , no not vnto God : the Pope can make something of nothing : the Pope can doe all that God doth , Decius : the Pope is God , Felinus : the Pope is greater , then any other creature , and his power extendeth it selfe to celestiall things , terrestriall , and infernall , Antonin . Florentin . the Pope may change the forme of the Sacraments deliuered from the Apostles , Archiadiacon . the Pope is the foundation of faith , as the canons speake : God hath subiected all lawes to the Pope , and no lawe can be imposed vpon his highnesse , 〈◊〉 Gratian. the Pope may decree against the epistles of S. Paul , Carolus R●●nus : God hath brought all things in subiection vnder the Popes feete , Barbazia : none is equall to the Pope but God , August . Beroius : the Pope is the husband of the whole Church , Ioan. de tur . cremat . These and such like blasphemies are vttered by the Popes claw-backes , and ●e accepteth them : for if he misliked them , why doth he not prohibite them to vse such grosse and blaspemous seatteries ? By this it is euidently manifest , that the Pope , as here it is said of Antiochus , seeketh onely to magnifie himselfe , and in effect careth not for any God .

24. Controv. How Antichrist shall bring in a strange God , which his fathers neuer knewe , v. 38.

As Antiochus brought in his newe God Mauzzim , that is , 〈…〉 of munitions , namely the idol of Iupiter Olympius into the Temple , and guarded him about with munitions and garisons , such an idol as his fathers neuer knewe : so likewise the Romane Antichrist hath brought in a newe kind of images into the Church : as one of them obtained of Phocas the Emperour , the Church of Gentile idols called Paentheon in Rome , and set vp the images of Saints in stead thereof : likewise they doe make the virgin Marie their Ladie and goddesse , making her their Mediatrix , and offring vp prayers , consecrating Churches vnto her : And thus they haue framed vnto themselues a newe goddesse whom their fathers knewe not .

But the most famous idol of all is their newe deuise of transubstantiation , and of their breaden god , and their idolatrous sacrifice of the Masse : wherein they commit many profanations . 1. They giue vnto euerie Priest power to make the bodie of Christ , and therein thinke them more worthie then the Virgin Marie : for she was conceiued but once with the holy flesh of Christ , but they doe make it daily . 2. they detract from the vertue & efficacie of Christs alsufficient sacrifice vpon the crosse , in adding as a supplement thereof their daily vnbloodie sacrifice ( as they call it ) of the Masse . 3. they ascribe vnto the Masse such vertue , as that thereby they thinke the soules to be deliuered out of purgatorie . 4. they hold that the Masse is auaileable ex opere operato , by the verie externall worke , without the good intention , faith , or preparation in them , to whom it is applye . 5. They carrie their impanate god about in procession , requiring adoration with knocking , kneeling , lifting vp the hands to be yeelded vnto it . 6. And they make their Masse a generall remedie not onely against all spirituall but temporall euills and calamities , and a meane to obtaine both spirituall and temporall blessings : as health of bodie , good successe in any businesse , victorie in warre , good speed in mariage matters , in battell , in nauigation , and such like : whence they haue deuised so many kinds of votiue Masses , as they are called : as for peace , for raine , for faire weather , for women in trauaile , for those which are vpon their iourney , against the pestilence , lightening , and such like : All which are newe brought in deuises , neuer knowne in the former ages of the Church : and this may well be called their newe come God Mauzzim , which signifieth munitions : for the idolatrous seruice of the Masse , is the chiefe pillar of Popish superstition , their munition and fortresse , Pappus .

25. Controv. Of the theatricall and pompous seruice with siluer and gold , which Antichrist hath found out for his newe idol .

As Antiochus spared no cost to set forth his newe idol , 18. note : Antichrists newe theatricall seruice of his new idol . he bestowed vpon it siluer and gold , and precious things : and as Marcellus among the Romanes robbed all other Temples , to set forth and beautifie the idol-Temples at Rome : So the Romane Antichrist with all externall pompe , outward glorie , and glittering shewe of siluer and gold , doth adorne and beautifie this his new coined seruice . And how all their religion consisteth in nothing els but in an outward shew , and vaine-glorious pompe , it is euident in these three things , in their persons , Churches , and solemnities .

First for their persons , they count them good Catholikes , that obserue their outward rites and ceremonies , though they haue no good motion and instinct at all : as if they be in their baptisme exorcised , anealed , afterward confirmed with chrisme , and keepe fasting daies , be sprinkled with holy water and ashes , creepe to the crosse , be confessed at Easter , kisse the pax , goe in pilgrimage , offer to their idols , and when they die , be anealed , and carried to the graue with tapers and dirges , they thinke they haue performed all offices of Christianitie .

Concerning their Churches , there is no preaching , or very seldome , and that to small edifying , no singing of Psalmes , or praying with vnderstanding : but all things are set forth to the eare , in singing and sound of instruments , and to the eye , in adorning their images with siluer and gold , and such like .

And touching their solemnities ; all their seruice is nothing else but a meere stage-play , from one ende of the yeare to the other .

At the natiuitie of Christ , an infant made of wood wrapped vp in swathing cloutes is carried vp and downe by boyes and girles .

In the festiuall of the three kings , which they say came to worship Christ , three apparelled like kings doe goe from doore to doore singing and begging with a star made of paper .

In the day of the purification candles are carried about : and ashes are sprinkled on ashwednesday . In lent certaine persons disguised goe vp and downe the streets whipping themselues : the images in the Churches are cloathed in blacke as though they mourned , the altars are couered .

On Palme Sunday , an asse is led about , and palmes carried before : on the day of resurrection , after midnight the Priest taketh the image of the crucifix out of the sepulchre , and goeth about knocking at the Church doores , and crying , be yee lift vp ye euerlasting doores , and the king of glorie shall come in : and then the question is asked , who is the king of glorie ? and the Priest maketh answer , the Lord strong and mightie in battell , he is the king of glorie : and so they blaspemously ascribe that vnto an image , which is due onely vnto Christ .

Before the ascension day they haue solemne processions , and then all the images of the Saints are brought forth , and carried in shew : on the ascension day one is drawen vp in a wooden tutret to the toppe of the Church , and as if he represented Christ , he crieth out , I ascend vnto my father and your father : and when he is at the toppe he throweth downe certaine consecrated hosts , and while they are gathering them vp belowe , water is powred downe , whereupon there is raised a great laughter in the Church .

On the day of Pentecost the image of a doue is let downe from the top of the Church , together with fire , and a noise like thunder , with this voice , Receiue ye the holy Ghost .

On corpus Christi day , the host is carried about in solemne procession , with instruments of musicke , and loue songs , such as minstrels vse to sing at feasts , to make ghests mertie : And after this manner is the Popish seruice deuised to attend vpon their impanate God . ex Polano .

But Bellarmine laboureth likewise to free the Pope of these imputations , that this prophesie of the newe God Mauzzim , cannot in any sense agree vnto him .

1. First he reasoneth thus : this Mauzzim is either Antichrist himselfe , or the deuill , whom he worshippeth : he shall command himselfe to be worshipped , and be a great sorceter and Magician : but the Pope is none of these .

Answer . 1. We will yeeld vnto him the proposition : though indeed this place hath no such sense , either to vnderstand Antichrist himselfe , or the deuill by the God Mauzzim , as is shewed before , quest. 46. 2. But both the parts of the assumption are true of the Pope : for he commandeth himselfe to be worshipped : as appeareth . lib. 1. ceremon . Pontifical . sect. 3. c. 3. quod omnes mortales , &c. that all men of what dignitie soeuer , as soone as they come into the Popes sight , shall thrice bend their knees , and then come and kisse his feete .

And that diuerse of the Popes haue beene great Magicians , is extant in histories : Sylvester the 2. gaue himselfe to the deuill to obtaine the Papacie , Platin. fascicul . tempor . Benno writeth of Gregorie the 7. that he sent two young men to fetch a booke of Necromancie ▪ which he had forgotten , charging them not to looke vpon it : but they thereupon were the more desirous to prie into it , and while they read in it , the deuils ministers came about them to knowe what they should doe : who beeing amazed at the first , bid them presently to cast downe a great wall which was neere vnto Rome , which was done forth with . Luithprandus writeth of Iohn the 22. that he was wont , Diabolum in alea invocare , to call vpon the deuill as he plaied at dice : And diuerse of the Popes beside haue beene noted , to vse familiaritie and conference with spirits : So that taking Bellarmines owne sense we shall finde the Popish Antichrist to worship this God Manzzim .

2. Bellarmine hath here an other euasion , that Mauzzim is like to be the name of the place where Antichrist shall lay vp his treasure , and shall there secretly worship the deuill .

Answ. 1. Thus Bellarmine shifteth vp and downe , not knowing what to make of this Mauzzim : one while he thinketh it to be Antichrist himselfe , then againe he will haue it to be the deuill , and now a name of a place . 2. But we admit it that Mauzzim is the name of a place , for it signifieth a munition or garrison : And may not such a place be found out in Rome , where the Popes treasure lyeth , namely the castle of S. Angel ?

3. Bellarmine addeth yet further , that Antichrist shall worship this god in secret , for openly he shall worshp no god at all , because the text saith , he shall not care for any God : but this cannot be said of the Pope , who professeth publikly the seruice of God .

Contra. 1. These two may well agree together , not to care indeede for any god ; and yet to pretend outwardly a kind of publike worship in hypocrisie : as Antiochus set vp the idol of Iupiter Olympius at Ierusalem , beeing himselfe without all sense of religion . 2. So the Romane Antichrist , doth professe himselfe a Christian , yet is indeede an enemie to true Christianitie : And though he pretendeth to be but Christs Vicar , yet he doth magnifie himselfe , against Christ and his gospel , as hath beene shewed before .

26. Controv. How Antichrist shall distribute honours and possessions vnto his fauourites , and that for money .

As Antiochus bestowed vpon the idolatrous Iewes offices and dignities and possessions , 19. note : Antichrist distributeth dignities and possessions to his flatterers but for money . but not without money : for Iason and Menelaus brought the Priests office for money : so the Antichrist of Rome taketh vpon him to be the Lord of the world , to giue kingdomes , Lordships , Manners , to those which will receiue the marke of the beast : here two things are expressed of Antiochus , what he giueth , and for what . The like are obserued concerning Antichrist .

The things which are giuen are three , honours , places of authoritie and command , lands and possessions : in euerie one of these kinds the Pope taketh vpon him to be a distributor both in the Church and commonwealth : for Ciuill titles and honours : he taketh vpon him to create Emperours , Kings , Dukes : and to dispose of the kingdomes of the world , as there is extant , lib. 6. Avent . an epistle of Pope Adrian , to the Archbishops of Trevire , Mentz , and Collen , to this effect : sicut Zacharias transtulit imperium à Graecis ad Theutonicos , as Zacharie translated the Empire from the Greekes to the Germanes , so we may remooue it from them to the Grecians againe : ecce in potestate nostra est dare illud cui volumus , behold it is in our power to giue it to whom we will : wherefore we are set by God ouer nations and kingdomes , to destroy and plucke vp , to build and to plant , &c. And thus said the deuill to Christ , that all the kingdomes of the world were his to giue vnto whom he would : In like manner the Pope hath Church dignities to bestowe , Cardinalships , Archbishoprikes , Bishoprikes , Abbies , and such like , which he conferreth vpon those which will worshippe the beast , Bulling.

But for the manner : he bestoweth them as Antiochus did the Priesthood not without money : Alexander the 6. made 12. Cardinals , not of those which best deserued , but of such as would giue most for them : Guicciardin . lib. 5. histor. sui tempor . Leo the 10. had two calles or elections of Cardinals , wherein he made verie fewe without money : Clement the 7. as Onuphrius writeth , sold 3. Cardinals hattes to those , which would giue most : Hereupon it commeth to passe , that many vnworthie persons are preferred in the Popish Church , such as are able to giue most : as Bernard complained in his time , honorati incedunt de bonis Domini , qui Domino honorem non deferunt , &c. plus calcaria quam altaria fulgent , &c. they iet vp and downe honoured with the goods of the Lord , but themselues giue no honour vnto the Lord , &c. whence it is that they weare more gold in their bridles and spurres , then is to be seene in the altars , &c. ser. 33. super Cant. Budaeus hath the like complaint , that the rewards of learning and vertue were bestowed vpon such asses and doults , vt illis anima data sit pro sale , vt suibus , that their soule seemeth to serue for their bodies , as falt for swines flesh , that is , to keepe it from corruption .

But Bellarmine to helpe out his Grand-master , telleth vs , 1. that there haue beene many learned men among them , which haue taken great paines , as Eckius , Cochleus , Latomus , Driedo , Tapperus , Petrus à Soto , with others , that haue not receiued an halfepennie of the Pope for their great paines . 2. and yet they laboured night and day to suppresse the furies of Protestants . 3. who expect their reward from heauen , for setting forth and maintaining Gods glorie . 4. And if the Pope doe bestowe the reuennues of the Church vpon Cardinals and Bishops , he is not said so much to conferre them , as they who in their godly zeale gaue such large reuennues to the Church . Thus Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pontif. c. 21.

Contra. 1. Bellarmine discrediteth the Pope , and noteth him with the infamous marke of ingratitude , in that he suffreth such patrons and defenders of his papall sepremacie to goe vnrewarded : and yet there was none of these whom he nameth , but enioyed much more then many worthie ministers of the gospell . 2. can he for shame obiect furie vnto the Protestants , seeing it is notorious , that diuerse of these his learned men , became furious and madde indeede . Eckius when he died cried out , why doe not ye giue me my gold , where is my gold ? it seemeth he should haue bought some dignitie which he missed of . Latomus , when he should haue made an oration at Bruxels against Luther , before Charles the 5. and could not goe forward , beeing sent out with hisses , was so ashamed , that he fell madde ; and vttered diuerse blasphemies in the Schooles , and in the Readers chaire , whence he was taken by Ruardus Tapperus , and was carried to his bed , and died in despaire , saying he was damned . Frier Cherubin , which in the yeare 1598. challenged the ministers of Berne and Geneve to dispute with them , after he had both in words and deeds bewrayed his madnesse , was tied with chaines , and had keepers appointed him . 3. neither is it true that they striue for Gods glorie , but for the Popes , whom indeede they make their terrene god ; and therefore they cannot expect any reward from God : he must reward them whose seruants they are . 4. And these great reuennues , which the Pope hath to bestowe , he hath rather gotten by rapine and violence , then by the pietie and deuotion of others : As the Dukedome of Ferrara ann. 1598. was by Pope Clement the 8. by force and violence taken from the right heire thereof . ex Polan .

27. Controv. Of Antichrists insatiable ambition , crueltie , and couetousnesse .

1. As Antiochus vpon euery occasion was readie to inuade Aegypt and other countreys : so the Pope vsurpeth vpon the nations and kingdomes of the world without any title , 20. note : Antichrists ambition . but with pretenses and fogeries : as by that forged donation of Constantine , he challengeth to be Lord of the Occidentall Empire : there is no king in all these West parts , whom either the Pope hath not made in times past his vassall , or at least will not say , that he holdeth his kingdome of him , and therefore ought to doe him homage : Boniface the 8. decreed , that it was of necessitie of saluation , for euerie creature to be subiect to the Pope , Extrav . de maiorit . & obedient . c. Vnam sanctam . And in the same canon he glorieth , that he is set ouer nations and kingdoms , to plant and pull vp , to build and destroy : he challengeth vnto himselfe power in heauen and earth , and dominion from sea to sea , and from the flood to the endes of the world , lib. 1. ceremon . pontifical . c. 7.

2. As Antiochus tooke euerie opportunitie to afflict the people of God , 21. note : cruelty toward the Church of Christ . but he spared the Edomites , Ammonites , Moabites that assisted him , and hated the people of God as he did , v. 41. So Antichrist ceaseth not to persecute the Church of Christ , and by all meanes to oppresse it , and to trample vpon it : But such as are addicted to his superstitions , and are affected toward him , he spareth , and fauoureth .

3. As Antiochus hunted after nothing else , 22. note : the couetousnesse of Antichrist . but the spoile of Egypt , the treasurers of gold and siluer , and other precious things : So the Romane Antichrist gapeth after the treasure and riches of the world , raking vnto him whatsoeuer he can lay hold of : he selleth mens sinnes and pardons for money , releaseth the paines of purgatorie for money , dispenseth almost with any thing for money : he imposeth taxes , tenths , mulcts of money by way of penance . As Henrie the second had a mulct set vpon him for the murder of Thomas Becket , and it was enioyned him to goe a warfare at his great charge , as a part of his penance . Frederike the Emperour beeing excommunicate by Gregor. the 9. bought his absolution for a 100. thousand ounces of gold , as witnesse Onuphryus and Guicciardin . Alexander the 6. appointed certaine rich Cardinalls to be poisoned , that he might seaze vpon their riches , Onuphryus in Alexand. 6. The Pope exacteth great summes of the Iewes dwelling at Rome , of the harlots and vsurers . Iohn the 22. lest when he was dead 25. millions of ducats of gold in the treasurie . Boniface the 9. gathered out of one Prouince an 100. thousand Florence pieces by his indulgences in a very short time : the Senate of Paris in their petition to Lewes the 11. alleadged that the Pope euery yeare had out of France 946. thousand markes . Leo the 10. receiued a great summe of money by his pardons and indulgences out of Germanie , and gaue them to his sister Magdalen a most famous strumpet . Guicciard . lib. 13. ex Polan . Therefore Theodor. à Niem thus well resembled the Pope-Apostolike sea , camera Apostolica mari assimilatur , in quod intrant omnia flumina , & non exvndat , the Apostolical chamber is likened to the Sea , into the which all riuers doe runne , and yet it neuer ouerfloweth : so many thousand pounds are brought into it , and it is neuer filled . &c. Vnion . tract. 6. c. 37.

28. Controv. Of the rage and furie of Antichrist .

v. 44. Like as Antiochus when he heard of the euill successe of his captaines , 23. note : Antichrist . 〈◊〉 . against the faithfull . how they were ouerthrowne and discomfited in Iudea , went forth with a great rage thinking to destroy many : so the Romane Antichrist hath fretted and fumed , when he heard of any that were reuolted from his obedience : As Leo the 10. and after him Adrian the 6. sent out their bulls against Martin Luther , Zuinglius , and other ministers , that preached the Gospel in Germanie . When king Henrie the 8. had abolished the Popes supremacie in England , Paulus the 3. thus bestirred himselfe : he depriued the king of his kingdome , disinherited his children of the crowne , released his nobles of their oath of alleagance , gaue the possessions and lands of his subiects to be a pray to any , that list to inuade them , he interdicted them from the Church and Sacraments : made voide all leagues confirmed with forraine kings and states .

After the same manner proceeded Pius the 5. against Queene Elizabeth , depriuing her of her crowne , releasing her subiects of their fealtie , and excommunicating all her subiects , that continued in her obedience : the like also did Sixtus the 5. who also pursued Henrie king of Navarre now king of Fraunce , and Henrie of Burbon Prince of Condie , with the same weapons : deposing them by his sentence from their honours and dignities , freeing their subiects of their fealties , and disinheriting them of their title to the crowne of Fraunce .

29. Controv. How Antichrists palace is planted betweene the two Seas .

As Antiochus pitched his pauilion betweene the two Seas , 24. note : the palace of Antichrist situate betweene two Seas . the dead Sea and Mediterranean Sea , where Iudea was situate , v. 45. So the Romane Antichrist hath his seate iust betweene two Seas , the Sea called Tyrrhenum and Adriaticum : and he sitteth in the Temple of God : not either the Temple of Ierusalem , which is long since destroyed , and neuer shall be builded againe , nor in any other materiall Temple ; but he sitteth in the Church of God , taking vpon him to be the head of Christs Church : but he with his faction , are not the true Church of Christ , though he sit in the Church , as the vitious and corrupt humors are in the bodie , but are no part of it , Polan . And the Popes palace may fitly be compared to a Tabernacle : because his seate was remooued by Clement the 5. from Rome to Avenion in Fraunce , where it continued 74. yeares , Osiander .

30. Controv. Of the fearefull ende of diuerse Popes .

As Antiochus came vnto a terrible ende : he was eaten of wormes , 25. note : the miserable ende of diuerse Popes . and his flesh fell away from him , that he could not endure his owne stinke : so herein he was a figure and type of diuerse Popes of Rome , who came to an vntimely death .

Sabinianus who first brought in the canonical houres , and the vse of tapers in the Church , was frighted by a vision , wherein Gregorie the 1. appeared vnto him , whose books of meere enuie he thought to haue burned , and smote him , vpon the terror whereof he not long after died , Fascicul . tempor .

Boniface the 3. after he had obtained of that parricide and murtherer the Emperour Phocas , that the Church of Rome should haue the principalitie before other Churches , came home and ended his dayes in sorrowe and griefe , hauing not enioyed his papacie aboue a yeare and 5. moneths .

Leo the 3. was taken by the citizens of Rome and imprisoned , and making an escape went by stealth into Fraunce , where he ended his dayes miserably , hauing not beene Bishop full 20. moneths .

Pope Lando was suffocated by Iohn the 11. by thrusting a pillowe into his mouth .

Sylvester the 2. that obtained his papacie by the deuill , when he had solemnized Masse in a chappell called Ierusalem , which signe the deuill had giuen him that he should not die till he came to Ierusalem , died presently : and his bodie was cut into gobbets , least the deuill should haue carried it away , Naucler.

Iohn the 13. that had committed incest with two of his sisters , was slaine in adulterie .

Iohn the 15. had his eyes put out by Boniface the 7. and was famished to death in the castle of S. Angel : the same Boniface the 7. died suddenly a very short time after : and his body was drawne with a rope by the feet through the streets of Rome : the historie called fascicul . tempor . giueth this note here of the Popes : note saith he , that the Bishops of Rome are killed , as in the Primitiue Church , but they were no martyrs , par poena , sed dispar causa , the punishment was like , but the cause vnlike .

Benedict the 5. fledde to Hamburge , and was there strangled in prison .

Benedict the 6. was taken by the citizens , and strangled in the castle of S. Angel .

Gregorie the 7. by poison and other meanes made an hand of 6. Popes one after another , to make a way for himselfe to the Popedome . And he himselfe who so persecuted the Emperour Henrie the 4. was taken by Cynthius a citizen of Rome and imprisoned : and afterward was besieged by the Emperor , and at the last escaped into a poore village in Apulia , where he died miserably .

Victor the 3. was poisoned in a chalice by a subdeacon , and thereof died .

Paschal the second after he had stirred vp Henrie the 5. against his father , was taken by the same Henrie , and cast into bonds , and so died in prison .

Adrian the 4. was choaked of a little flie , and so ended his life .

Boniface the 8. who had beene a terror vnto Princes , died madde in prison , and bonds : of whom it is said , that he entred like a foxe , reigned like a wolfe , and died like a dogge .

Clement the 5. was poisoned .

Paulus the 2. who as Platina writeth , exceeded Heliogabalus in riot and filthie pleasure , through gluttonie and leacherie fel into an apoplexie .

Sixtus the 4. died of verie griefe that his warres were ended .

Alexander the 6. died of the same poison , which his sonne Caesar Borgias had prouided for Adrianus Cardinall of Corneta .

Paulus the 3. that spent his time in filthie pleasure , after he had heard of the death of his sonne Pertus Aloisius , died in a peuish rage , and crying out in despaire , peccatum meum contra me semper , my sinne is alway against me , so gaue vp the ghost .

Iulius the 3. that belli-god died of a surfet , and not without suspition of poison .

Pius the 5. that had like a wolfe sucked the blood of many of Christs lambes , fell thorough griefe into a consumption , and sucked asses milke , but it helped him not .

Sixtus the 5. who so pursued and baited with his bulls Henrie the 4. now king of France , died of poison , whereas the king yet liueth and prospereth .

After him followed Vrbane the 7. Gregor. the 14. and Innocentius the 9. who died all in a verie short time , one after an other , ex Polan .

Thus Antiochus miserable ende was a right figure and patterne of the like ende of the like Romane tyrants .

And as Antiochus tyrannie ended with him : so at the length the kingdome of Antichrist shall be extinguished : as it is prophesied , Apocal. 14. 8. It is fallen , it is fallen , Babylon that great citie , for she made all nations to drinke of the wine of the wrath of her fornications , &c.

Thus haue I by Gods grace shewed how diuerse wayes Antiochus was a type and figure of the Romane Antichrist : and so much of the controversies out of this chapter .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observ. The Angels assist Princes in the defence of the Church .

v. 1. I stood to encourage him : that is , the Angel assisted Darius in his godly purpose in sending the people of God out of captiuitie : If the Angels assist infidels , when they fauour the Church , much more faithfull Princes : for the speciall office of the Angels is to be empolyed for their sakes , which shall be heires of saluation , Heb. 1. 14.

2. Observ. Ambition and couetousnesse the causes of the ruine of kingdomes .

v. 2. By his riches he shall stirre vp all against the Realme of Grecia : Xerxes , who by oppression grewe rich , and by his riches waxed proud , and thorough pride mooued vnnecessarie warre , warring against the Grecians with 800. thousand men , was the occasion of the ruine and fall of the kingdome of the Persians : for these warres continued still ; and though sometimes intermitted , yet were not fully ended vntill Alexanders time , who tooke occasion by those warres to goe against the Persians .

3. Observ. God resisteth and punisheth the proud .

v. 4. And when he shall stand vp his kingdome shall be broken , &c. Alexander beeing lifted vp in minde for his great successe , made himselfe equall vnto God : when he heard that the Arabians worshipped two gods , the heauens which did beare the Sunne , and Dyonisius because he went with an armie against the Indians , thought himselfe worthie to be the third god : and sometime he would come forth like Iupiter , sometime like Diana : for this his pride and vnthankfulnes to God , he continued not long , beeing cut off in the 32. yeare of his age , and all his posteritie and kinred , his mother , sister , sonnes , and wiues , within a short time after his death , were all slaine : this is the ende of proud persons . So it befell vnto proud Pharaoh king of Egygt , who was drowned in the redde Sea , and vnto Herod , that was deuoured of wormes , Act. 12.

4. Observ. Incestuous marriages vnhappie .

v. 6. The kings daughter of the South , shall come to the kings daughter of the North. Ptolomeus Philadelphus gaue vnto Antiochus Theos first his daughter Laodice , and then afterward his other daughter Berenice : they 〈◊〉 two sisters , as Appian in Syriac . whome Polanus followeth : But whether they were sisters or not , Antiochus did repudiate his lawfull wife Laodic , by whome he had two sonnes Seleucus Callinicus , and Hierax : but this mariage prospered not , for Berenice was slaine by Callinicus : which sheweth what is the ende of such vnlawfull marriages : and that all leagues and confederacies combined by such meanes , can not hold . So Ferdinand gaue vnto Sigismund king of Polonia first one of his daughters , and after her death an other , by the Popes dispensation : And in this age the Pope hath dispensed with the like incestuous mariages , for the vniting and maintaining of some great houses , Polan .

5. Observ. Princes that are enemies to the Church shall not long prosper .

v. 12. But he shall not preuaile . Ptolomeus Philopator , hauing obtained an exceeding great victorie against Antiochus Megas , because he was listed vp in minde , and afflicted the people of God , profaned the Temple , and cast many of them before the Elephants in open shewes ; he was giuen ouer to a reprobate sense , spending his daies in most filthie pleasure , and liued not long after : such is the ende of those , which are enemies to the people of God : according to the prayer of the Prophet Dauid , Vp Lord , disappoint them , cast them downe , Psal. 17. 13.

6. Observ. There can be no firme peace among the wicked .

v. 27. They shall talke of deceit at one table . Antiochus Epiphanes , and Ptolome Philometor made semblance and shew of friendship , but it was not in truth : such are the truces betweene Princes that professe not true religion : as betweene the kings of France & Spaine in times past , as Sleidan and Gnicciardine note in their stories : so the Prophet Isai saith , c. 57. 21. There is no peace to the wicked .

7. Observ. Peace betweene Princes enemies to the Church , dangerous .

v. 28. His heart shall be against the holy couenant . As this peace betweene Antiochus Epiphanes , and Ptolome Philometor redounded much to the hurt of Gods people : such are the leagues made in these daies betweene the Princes of the Popes faction , which tende to the ruine of the Church : as Herod and Pilate were made friends by persecuting of Christ . But God shall breake the bonds of all such carnall deuices , and not suffer his Church to be troden downe .

8. Observ. That we be not dismaied , when religion is hindred .

v. 31. They shall pollute the Sanctuarie . As Antiochus Epiphanes caused an idol to be set vp in the Temple , and the daily sacrifice to be intermitted : so for a while God may suffer his Church to be tried , and his seruice to cease : as here in England in the daies of Queene Marie , when the Churches were defiled with idols : but as Antiochus tyrannie continued not much aboue sixe yeares , so God shortned those wicked daies , which were vnder that time not full out sixe yeares .

9. Observ. The ende of the wicked shall be sudden and fearefull .

v. 45. He shall come to his ende , and none shall helpe him . As Antiochus was plagued of God for his wickednes , and so he died : the like ende wicked tyrants shall haue : as Psal. 37. 37. Marke the vpright man , for the end of that man is peace : but the transgressors shall be destroied together , &c.

CHAP. XII .

1. The Argument and Method .

THis Chapter , which conteineth the comforts and consolations ministred vnto Daniel is deuided into three parts . 1. the conference of the Angel with Daniel , to v. 5. 2. of one of the Angels with Christ , v. 5. to v. 8. 3. of Christ himselfe with Daniel , thence to the ende of the chapter .

1. In the first part there are 4. comforts giuen vnto Daniel . 1. one is taken from the efficient cause and author of their deliuerance , Michael shall stand vp for his people , v. 1. 2. in the second place of comfort , first the time of trouble is set forth by way of comparison , then the comfort is taken from the issue of their trouble : they which are found written in the booke of life , shall be deliuered , v. 1. 3. the third comfort is from the hope of the resurrection : they which are not temporally deliuered , shall rise vp in the ende vnto life euerlasting . Here the resurrection is set forth . 1. in generall , many , that is all shall awake out of the dust . 2. in particular : there shall be two sorts , some shall rise to life , some to shame , v. 2. 3. of those which rise to life , some shall shine among the rest , as the brightnesse of the firmament , and as the starres , v. 3.

4. The fourth comfort is , that notwithstanding those troublesome times , yet the Church of God shall continue , and many shall seeke for the vnderstanding of this booke , which to that ende Daniel is bid to seale vp , v. 4.

2. In the second part is described . 1. the vision , that Daniel sawe , both the number , he sawe two , and the site or place of them , v. 5. 2. their speach . 1. the question mooued , vnto whom , namely , to Christ , and what , concerning the ende . 2. the answer . 1. by whom , by him that stood vpon the waters . 2. in what manner , by an oath with the lifting vp of both his hands . 3. what he answereth , both for the continuance of the time , & for the end , v. 7.

3. In the third part , there is 1. Daniels question , with the occasion thereof , his not vnderstanding , v. 8. 2. the answer of Christ , partly denying Daniels request , the things were secret , and sealed vp , v. 9. partly giuing him satisfaction : 1. concerning the Church , wherein is shewed the ende and fruit of their afflictions , set forth by the contrarie , the frowardnes of the wicked , v. 10. and the tearme , first 1290. daies , then a 1335. v. 11. 12. 2. concerning Daniel himselfe , that he should be content : with a double promise made vnto him , that he should presently after his death , rest from all his labours : and afterward stand vp in his lot in the resurrection .

2. The text with the diuers readings .

1. And at that time shall stand vp Michael the great Prince , which standeth for the children of thy people : and there shall be a time of trouble , such as neuer was since there began to be a nation vnto this time : and at that time the people shall be deliuered , euery one that is found written in that booke . ( in the booke . B. G. but the article is prefixed , which noteth some speciall booke )

2 And many of them which sleepe in the dustie earth ( V. I. earth of dust . H. not dust of the earth . B. G. ) shall awake , some to euerlasting life , and some to shame and perpetuall contempt ( not to contempt , that they may see alwaies )

3 And they which instruct ( cause to vnderstand . H. are teachers . V. are wise . G. B. are taught or learned . L. but the word is in the active ) shall shine as the brightnes of the firmament : and they which bring many ( turne many . B. G. ) to righteousnes ( iustifie many . H. ) as the starres for euer and euer .

4 But thou , O Daniel , shut vp the words , and seale the booke vntil the time determined : ( I. L. vntill the last time . V. time of the ende . H. B. not end of time . G. ) many shall runne to and fro ( or here and there . B. not , passe through . L. or wander vp and downe . V. ) and knowledge shal be encreased . ( see qu. 15.

5 ¶ Then I Daniel looked , and beheld other two standing , the one on this side of the brinke of the riuer , and the other on that side of the brinke of the riuer .

6 And one said ( not , I said . L. ) to the man clothed in linen , which was vpon the waters of the riuer , ( aboue at the waters of the riuer . V. ) How long vnto the ende of these wonders ? ( not , when shall be the ende of these wonders ? )

7 And I heard the man cloathed in linen , which was vpon the waters of the riuer , when he held vp his right hand , and his left hand vnto heauen ( the heauens ) and sware by him that liueth for euer , that at the appointed time , times , and a part , I. ( or halfe , caeter . for cheizi , signifieth both . I. not vnto the appointed time , whether long or short . V. he expresseth not the words ) and when he hath accomplished to disperse the power ( hand . H. ) of the holy people , all these things shall be finished .

8. And I heard , but vnderstood not : and I said Lord , what shall be the ende of these things ? : ( not what shall be in the ende of these things . A. P. or what shall be after this . L. acarith , here signifieth the last ende .

9. And he said , goe thy way Daniel , for the words are cloased vp and sealed , vnto the time determined ( L. I. time of the ende . H. S. B. not ende of time . G ) .

10. Many shall be purged ( chosen . L. S. barar , signifieth both , but the first here ) and made white and tried ( as fire . L. S. ad . ) but the wicked shall doe wickedly , neither shall any of the wicked vnderstand , but they which instruct ( I. V. cause to vnderstand . H. the wise . B. G. ) shall vnderstand ( obserue , marke . I. )

11. And from the time that the daily . sacrifice shall be taken away , and the abhomination bringing desolation ( making desolate . H. not the abhomination for desolation . L. or abhominable desolation . B. G. for ( shamem ) making desolate , is here a Participle ) set vp , there shall be a thousand two hundreth and ninetie dayes .

12. Blessed is he that waiteth and commeth ( shall come . H. ) to the thousand three hundreth and fiue and thirtie dayes .

13. But goe thou thy way to the ende , ( not thou Daniel to the appointed or defined time . L. ) for thou shalt rest and stand vp in thy lot at the ende of dayes : the Septuag. here adde many words , there are yetdayes and houres to the fulfilling of perfection . )

3. The questions and doubts discussed .

Quest. 1. What time is here meant , and in that time shall Michael stand vp , ver. 1.

1. Some referre it vnto the last time of world , after that great Antichrist shall haue raged against the Church of Christ , which shall continue three yeares and an halfe , Lyran. Perer. Pintus , with other writers of that side : But we hold that to be a dreame , that any such singular Antichrist shall come in the ende of the world : see more c. 11. controv. 2.

2. Bullinger vnderstandeth it of the comming of Christ to iudgement , when there shall be such great tribulation , as neuer was in the world before : and this may seeme as an argument hereof : because afterward v. 2. mention is made of the resurrection : But that is added as a consolation : they which were not temporally deliuered in those troublesome times , yet should be sure to rife vnto life euerlasting .

3. Some doe expound this prophesie of the persecution in the last times vnder the Turke , Melancth. and the Romane Antichrist , as Osiand . Pappus .

4. M. Calvin referreth it to the time of Christs comming in the flesh .

5. M. Iunius in his commentarie interpreteth it of all the time of the gospell , the beginning whereof is in his first comming , and the end in his second .

6. But it is most properly referred to that time , when Antiochus left halfe his armie with Lysias , while he went vnto Elymais in Persia : for about the same time did Iudas Macchabeus , by the asistance of the great Prince of the Church Michael , which is Christ Iesus , recouer Ierusalem , and purge the Temple , which had beene defiled , 2. Macchab. 10. Iun. in his annot . the reasons why this place is thus to be vnderstood , are these : 1. because the time here spoken of hath relation to the former storie : in that time , that is , the same time wherein the former things should be done : non post multa annorum millia , not after so many thousand of yeares , Pellican . 2. the Angel saith , thy people , the people of the Iewes must be vnderstood , who , and not the Christians among the Gentiles , should be persecuted for religion , H. Br. 3. the euent also confirmeth this exposition : for if Michael the great Prince had not then indeed stood vp for his Church , it had perished .

But thus it is obiected against this interpretation : 1. that Porphyrius in hatred to Christian religion , to obscure the truth hath deuised this sense , Perer. 2. the rest Porphyrius cannot make to hang together ; how in Antiochus time some should awake out of the dust : which Porphyrius vnderstandeth of those which were shut vp in caues and rockes , and afterward came out againe , Hierome .

Ans. 1. Though Porphyrie were an enemie to the Christian faith , yet he might in some particular hit vpon the truth : neither herein is the light obscured , but rather more manifested : and though his hatred were great against the Christian religion , yet this is no impediment to faith , though euerie point of faith be not prooued out of euerie place of Scripture : the article of the comming of Christ to iudgement , is sufficiently prooued out of other places of Scripture , though it be not directly concluded here . Pellican here thus writeth , I giue thankes to Hierome , qui tam diligenter adnotauit Phorphyrij expositionem , who hath so diligently noted Porphyrie his exposition , which he holdeth to be most reasonable . 2. though he faile in some one point in his exposition , yet it followeth not , but that he may come neere the truth in the rest .

Quest. 2. Who is vnderstood here to be Michael the great Prince .

1. Some take Michael here for a created Angel , who as he had the protection before of the Iewes vnder the lawe , shall afterward protect the people of God vnder the Gospel : Anchrist by him shall be destroyed executiue , in execution , by Christ imperatiue , by his commandement and authoritie , Lyran. Perer. Pintus .

2. Bullinger taketh this Michael to be that Arkeangel , which S. Paul speaketh of , 1. Thess. 4. 16. that the Lord shall descend from heauen with a shoot , and with the voice of the Arkeangel .

3. Osiander thinketh that Christ is here called Michael the Arkeangel , in respect of his office ; as in the prophesie of Ezekiel he is called Dauid , yet was he not Michael the Arkeangel .

4. M. Calvin leaueth it as indifferent , whether we vnderstand Christ the Mediator , or a created Angel .

5. But that this Michael was none other but Christ , the Prince of the Angels , may be made plaine by these reasons :

1. By the name Michael , which is compounded of these three particles , mi , cha , ell , which signifie , which is as God , noting both the distinction of his person , and the identitie of his nature , that he in power is equall vnto God : as the Apostle saith of Christ , Phil. 2. 6. who being in the forme of God , thought it no robberie to be equall vnto God , and Heb. 1. 3. he is said to be the brightnesse of his glorie , and the engraued forme of his person . This annotation of the word is well vrged by Melancthon , vpon this place , Oecolampad . Iun. in comment , Polanus , M. Br. in Daniel .

2. This Michael is here called shar hagadol , the great Prince : there are principalities and dominions so called both among Angels and men : but this Michael is called prince in the superlatiue and highest degree , and in this respect the Apostle saith , Ephe. 1. 21. that God hath set Christ aboue all principalities and powers , &c. and euery name that is named : And hereunto may be applyed that saying of the Apostle , that Christ is made so much the more excellent then the Angels , as he hath obtained a more excellent name then they , namely , to be called , a great Prince , Iun. this name or title shar hagadol , a great Prince , is translated by the Apostle 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , an Arkangel , which signifieth the chiefe or Prince of Angels . And though it be there said , 1. Thess. 4. 16. that the Lord shall descend with the voice of an Arkangel , it followeth not that Christ is not that Arkangel , no more then it followeth , because it is said also in the same place , with the trumpet of god , that Christ should not be God . Polan . And the trumpet of God , is the voice of God , as Psal. 47. 6. God is gone vp with triumph , euen the Lord with the sound of a trumpet : God shall then descend in the voice of a trumpet , as in the giuing of the lawe . So is this voice interpreted to be the voice of the Sonne of God , which the dead shall heare and liue , Ioh. 5. 25. Polan . M. Br.

3. Further this is shewed by the office of this Michael , which is to stand for the people of God : whose protector and captaine is Christ Iesus , called therefore , Iosua 5. 15. captaine of the Lords host : which place Iustin. Martyr dialog. cum Tryphon . vnderstandeth of Christ : for who else is captaine of the Lords host , and protector of his Church ?

4. This great Prince here mentioned , is the same , who had written vpon his thigh , the king of Kings , and the Lord of Lords , Apocal. 17. 16. who sate vpon a white horse , his eyes were as a flame of fire , and the wariers of heauen followed him vpon white horses : who was called the word of God . This was no other but Christ : for to no other but vnto him , doe all these glorious titles agree , Oecolampad .

5. This Michael is said to haue Angels , Apocal. 12. 17. but the blessed spirits cannot be said to be any others Angels saue Christs , Fulke annot . By these and other reasons it is euident , that this Michael is no other but Christ : see more hereof , c. 10. quest. 22.

But it will be obiected , that Michael is not alwayes taken for Christ , as epist. Iude 9. that Michael the Arkeangel striuing with the deuill about the bodie of Moses , durst not blame him with cursed speaking , but said , the Lord rebuke thee : Answ. Christ so speaketh as the Mediator of his Church , referring all to the glorie of his father : as the like we reade , Zach. 3. 2. where it is said , Iehouah said vnto Satan , Iehouah rebuke thee Sathan . Polan .

Quest. 3. What time of trouble the Angel here speaketh of .

v. 1. There shall be a time of trouble , such as neuer was since there beganne to be a nation vnto that same time . 1. This time of trouble , such as neuer was any before , some referre vnto the last persecution vnder Antichrist , whome they suppose shall be one particular man : that whereas the Church hath beene persecuted by fiue seuerall enemies , the Iewes , the Gentiles , by heretikes , schismatikes , and euill liuers : this last persecution shall exceede all other : for both it shall be corporall , in tormenting the bodie , and spirituall , in abrogating the seruice of God , burning the bookes of Scripture , abolishing the vse of the sacraments . Perer. This is true , that there shall be a most grieuous persecution vnder Antichrist : but that is not signified here : for the accomplishment of this prophesie must not be deferred so long : and beside , that is but a groundlesse conceit , that Antichrist shall be one particular person .

2. Iunius in his commentarie thinketh this time of such trouble , to be that when Christ was borne : for the Iewes were neuer in any such slauerie , both corporally , beeing diuers waies afflicted , oppressed , and kept vnder by the Romanes , and spiritually by the superstitious traditions , and corrupt doctrines of the Scribes and Pharisies : But at that time Christ the Messiah came in great humilitie , he did not then shew himselfe as the great Prince , in triumphing ouer his enemies .

3. M. Calvin vnderstandeth the great persecution of the Christians vnder the Romane Empire : but the Angel still speaketh of Daniels people , that is the Iewes , how they should be deliuered : this text then concerneth not the beleeuing Gentiles .

4. Osiander thus interpreteth , haec non de corporalibus afflictionibus , sed de carnificina conscientiarum , &c. these things must not be vnderstood of corporall afflictions , but of the tormenting of the conscience vnder the Pope of Rome by his superstitious traditions , whereby mens consciences were snared and entangled : as the doctrine of merits , Purgatorie , and such like : But the Angel speaketh here of such troubles , as should befall the Iewes .

5. Bullinger doth take these for the last times , when Christ at his comming shall iudge the world : whose iudgement shall be more terrible vnto the wicked , then was either the destruction of the old world by water , or of Sodome by fire : the elect onely shall be deliuered : But the Angel speaketh here of troubles which should fall vpon the elect , out of the which they should escape : Now the terrors of the last day of iudgement shall not touch the righteous ; who shall stand forth , and appeare before Christ with boldnes .

6. These daies of trouble then , are those which came vpon the Iewes in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes : which are said to be the greatest troubles , that fell vpon that nation , because their other captiuities in Egypt , and in Chaldea , were but corporall ; but this was both corporall , in tormenting their bodies , and spirituall , in forcing them by torments to forsake the law . And whereas before time some particular men were tried for their conscience , as Daniel and the three children , Dan. c. 1. c. 3. yet there was neuer an vniuersall persecution before for religion among the Iewes . H. Br. in Daniel .

But Lyranus obiecteth , so also Pererius and Pintus , that there were greater persecutions before , then this vnder Antiochus , both intensive & extensive , in the intending and extending thereof , in the greatnes , and in the continuance : the persecution by Nebuchadnezzer was both greater , for the citie and Temple was destroied , and many carried away captiue , and many slaine : it was also longer , for it continued full 70. yeares .

Contra. It is true , that the captiuitie of Babylon continued longer then this persecution , but it was not greater : for beside , that all these outward calamities , of the sword , captiuitie , spoiling of citie and Temple here concurred , they were generally persecuted for their conscience and religion , which triall they were neuer put vnto before : so that in this respect , these may be said to be the greatest troubles , which euer that nation had .

4. Quest. What deliuerance the Angel speaketh of , and of whome .

v. 1. At that time shall thy people be deliuered , euery one that shall be written in that booke , &c. 1. Bullinger vnderstandeth this deliuerance not in this life , but at the comming of Christ , which time is called the day of refreshing : But then this clause should be confounded with the next , v. 2. where he speaketh of those that shall rise and awake out of the dust vnto eternall life : he therefore speaketh of an other deliuerance here .

2. Some referre it to the spirituall deliuerance of the faithfull from the persecution of Antichrist in the end of the world , isti vere salvabuntur de tribulationibus Antichristi , these shall truly be deliuered from the tribulation of Antichrist , Lyran. so Calvine vnderstandeth it of the spirituall victorie and conquest , whereby the faithfull are conquerors euen in the middes of death : Osiander of the spirituall deliuerance of the faithfull from Antichrists superstitions , by the preaching of the Gospel . But Daniel doubted not , but that all the elect should be spiritually deliuered : therefore some other deliuerance is spoken of from those externall troubles .

3. Iunius in his commentarie applieth it to the vocation of the faithfull by Christ , that although many should be called in common to the knowledge of Christ , at his comming ; yet the Elect onely should be effectually called vnto life eternall . But some externall deliuerance is here signified , as the Angel spake before of an outward troublesome time .

4. Iunius in his annotations followeth an other sense : that euery one should be temporally deliuered from those troubles , euen euery one whome it seemed good vnto God in his immutable decree to preserue : but by the booke here is vnderstood the booke of life , wherein they were written , which were ordained to euerlasting life , not any such knowledge or decree of God for a particular deliuerance .

5. Some giue this sense : that all the Elect of the Iewes should by these afflictions be brought vnto life eternall : God would sanctifie their afflictions vnto them , that thereby they should be consecrate vnto God , and so obtaine euerlasting life according ro their election : M. H. Br. But in this sense is excluded the temporall deliuerance , which is promised for the comfort of the people .

6. Pellican doth expound it altogether of their temporall deliuerance , that they which then stood for the law , obtinuerunt claram Deo auxiliante victoriam , obtained a most glorious victorie by the helpe of God : But euery one of the Elect in that time of persecution were not deliuered : and all that temporally escaped , it is hard to say , whether they were all elected .

7. Wherefore both these the spirituall and temporall deliuerance must be ioyned together : that euery one of Gods elect should be deliuered : some both in bodie and soule : if any of the elect were slaine and put to death in that persecution , though their bodie suffered , yet their soule should be deliuered , and afterward in the resurrection , both soule and bodie should be saued : as it followeth v. 2.

5. Quest. Whether all the Iewes shall be called before the comming of Christ .

Because some vnderstand this deliuerance of the people of the Iewes , of their last conuersion and calling in the ende of the world , as Lyran. Perer. it shall not be amisse by the way to touch somewhat of that matter .

1. Theodoret vpon this place , and Gregor. hom. 12. in Ezech. doe deliuer their opinion , that not all the nation of the Iewes , but onely so many , as shall by the preaching of Henoch and Elias be conuerted to the knowledge of Christ , shall be saued : the rest which shall cleaue vnto Antichrist , who shall most of all deceiue the Iewes , they shall be damned : as it is said , Apoc. 14. 9. If any man worship the beast , and his image , &c. he shall drinke of the wine of the wrath of God . But 1. if none els of the Iewes shall be called , saue such as shall be conuerted by the preaching of Henoch and Elias , none are like to be called at all : for that is a meere fable of the returne of Henoch and Elias in their owne persons , to preach vnto the world , as is afterward shewed , Controv. 2. 2. this opinion includeth a contradiction , for if at the comming of Antichrist , whome the Iewes suppose to be their Messiah , he shall most of all seduce them : then is it like that very few of the Iewes shall be conuerted , but rather more hardened , their hoped for Messiah ( as they thinke ) beeing come .

2. An other opinion is , that vniuersally all the Iewes shall be called , as Chrysostome inferreth vpon those words , Rom. 11. 13. if the diminishing of them be the riches of the Gentiles , how much more , shall their abundance or fulnesse be : which fulnesse Chrysostome thus expoundeth , quando vniuersi ad fidem accessuri sunt , when all of them shall come vnto the faith , hom. 19. in epist. ad Romanos .

3. But the safer opinion is , betweene both these , that neither vniuersally the whole nation is like to be called : for in their best times , when as the worship of God most flourished among them , there were many carnall men and vngodly persons among them : neither yet shall so fewe of them be conuerted , because of the generalitie of the Apostles words v. 26. and so all Israel shall be saued : as here in these troublesome times euerie one of the elect was preserued : But it is euident by S. Pauls prophesie of the calling of the whole nation , that the greater part shall be conuerted and beleeue : so that the other part of those which shall remaine in their blindnesse and hardnesse of heart still , shall be but small in respect of the other : And thus the Scripture vseth to take ( all ) for the most and greatest part . Now that there shall be before the comming of Christ , such a generall calling of the Iewes , the Apostle prooueth out of Isay , 59. 20. the deliuerer shall come out of Zion , and shall turne vngodlinesse from Iakob : this prophesie is not yet fulfilled , for though some of the Iewes in euerie age haue beene called , yet the nation hath remained in vnbeleefe still . Perer.

Quest. 6. What kind of booke Daniel here speaketh of .

1. Theodoret taketh this booke for the knowledge of God : but there is great difference betweene Gods prescience , and the decree of predestination : the one is an act of his all-seeing knowledge , the other of his will : as the Apostle saith , Rom. 8. 29. those whom he knewe before , he also predestinate to be made like the image of his sonne .

2. Iunius seemeth to vnderstand it of Gods immutable decree concerning their preseruation from those troubles : but this booke is else where called the booke of life , that is , of eternall life , not in respect of any temporall deliuerance in this life .

3. Osiander by this booke meaneth the preaching of the gospell : so also Pappus of the booke of the Scriptures : that euerie one which beleeueth them shal be saued and deliuered : other secret booke of Gods decree , Pappus acknowledgeth none , non fingendi sunt aliqui occulti libri , qui nomina saluandorum conteneant , we must not imagine , that there are any secret bookes which doe containe the names of such as should be saued : But this is a verie corrupt opinion . 1. though God neede not any materiall books , yet that he hath set downe in his euerlasting decree the number of such as shall be saued , and that whosoeuer is not so written in that booke , that is appointed of God vnto saluation , shall be damned , it is euident out of Scripture : as S. Paul speaketh of certaine his fellowe labourers , Philip. 4. 3. whose names are in the booke of life : and Apocal. 20. 15. Whosoeuer was not found written in the booke of life , was cast into the lake of fire . 2. And that this is in an other booke beside the booke of the Scriptures , is also euident : for neither in the Scriptures is any mans particular election set downe : and the Scriptures are offred vnto all , both the elect , and not elect : but in the booke of life onely are the elect written .

4. Euthymius in Psal. 68. & 138. saith , that there is a threefold booke of the diuine knowledge , vnus est vniuersalis , &c. one is a generall or vniuersall booke , wherein all both righteous and sinners are witten , which come into this world : of which booke speaketh the Prophet Dauid , Ps. 139. 16. in thy booke were all things written : there is another booke magis privatus , more private , wherein the righteous onely are written : whereof the Prophet Dauid speaketh , 69. 28. Let them be put out of the booke of life , neither let them be written with the righteous : the third booke is that , wherein the sinners onely are written , as Dan. 7. 10. the iudgement was set , and the bookes were opened . This tripartite diuision may safely be receiued , sauing that the sinners are not said to be written in any booke , but not to be written : as Apoc. 17. 8. Whose names are not written in the booke of life from the foundation of the world : these bookes here opened , are bookes of euery ones conscience , wherein all mens workes both good and bad are written : which bookes are diuers from the booke of life , Apoc. 20. 15. See more hereof c. 7. qu. 36.

5. This booke then here mentioned is Gods immutable decree of predestination , whereby they are ordained vnto euerlasting saluation , whom the lord hath freely elected in Christ : Lyranus saith well , that this booke is conscriptio electorum in mente diuina , the writing of the elect in the diuine minde or knowledge . God needeth not any materiall booke : but this is a figuratiue phrase taken from the custome of men , who vse to write into a booke all that are made free of a citie or corporation : as Augustine saith , non liber iste Deum commemorat , ne obliuione fallatur , this booke serueth not to put God in minde , least he should be deceiued through forgetfulnesse : but this booke is , ipsa Dei praescientia , &c. the prescience of God concerning the elect , which cannot be deceiued , lib. 20. de ciuitat . Dei , c. 15. So also Euthymius , liber Dei est summa eius scientia , scriptura perpetua memoria , the booke of God is his high knowledge , and the writing is his perpetuall memorie , in Psal. 68.

Sometime it is called the booke of God , simply without any addition , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , because of the excellencie , as in this place : sometime the booke of life , Philip. 4. 3. and the booke of the liuing , Psal. 69. 29. the booke which god hath written , Exod. 32. the booke of heauen , as Luk. 10. 20. your names are written in heauen : and in the Reuelation , the lambes booke of life , c. 21. 27. It is also called the writing or catalogue of the house of Israel , Ezech. 13. 9. So three things are obserued out of these places concerning this booke . 1. that God is the writer . 2. that the faithfull onely are there written . 3. that it is the Lambes booke : all there written shall be brought by the Lambe vnto euerlasting life .

Quest. 7. Why this mysterie of the resurrection is here reuealed plainely to Daniel .

1. True it is , that the mysterie of the resurrection was shadowed forth , and yet darkely in the lawe : for the translation of Henoch , was an euident proofe thereof : and our blessed Sauiour inferreth as much , because the Lord is said in the Lawe , to be the God of Abraham , Izaak ▪ and Iacob , he is not the God of the dead , but of the liuing : by which necessarie collection , Christ prooueth the resurrection of the dead against the Sadduces , Matth. 22. The Apostle also Hebr. 12. 13. sheweth that these mysteries were knowne to the Fathers , because they confessed themselues to be strangers and pilgrimes in the earth : for they that say such things , declare plainely that they seeke a countrey . 2. But these deepe mysteries were but obscurely opened in former times to the Israelites , the reasons whereof the Hebrewes yeeld to be these two specially : 1. because in Moses time , when the lawe was giuen , there were many which did not beleeue that God created the world and gouerned the same by his prouidence ; and if Moses had spoken vnto them of the higher misteries , they in their weakenesse not being able to receiue such mysticall doctrines , would haue reiected them as fables . 2. beside then the people were fedde and allured with temporall promises , for as yet they had hope of such things , to enioy great externall happinesse in the land of Canaan : But now when all hope of temporall blessings is cut off , and that euen in the land of Canaan such troublesome times are foreshewed to come vpon them , now it was verie seasonable , to comfort them with the hope of eternall life , H. Br. in Daniel .

Quest. 8 : Of the coherence of this comfortable mention made of the resurrection with the former prophesie .

1. Porphyrius and Polychronius , continuing their interpretation of this prophesie concerning Antiochus , by those that sleepe in the dust , vnderstand such as fledde into the rockes and caues in the persecution of Antiochus : and after the citie was recouered they returned againe as out of their sepulchers : And by the writing in the book , they meane such as faithfully stood in the defence of the lawe : this exposition also followeth Pellican .

But Theodoret confuteth this interpretation by two sufficient reasons . 1. they which fled away , and hid themselues in the caues , were all faithful men , they fledde because they would not be forced to forsake the lawe : but these that awake out of the dust , arise some to life , some vnto shame : so it would follow in their sense , eosdem fuisse pios & impios , that the same men were both godly and vngodly . 2. these doe rise vp to eternall life : but they which so returned from their dennes and caues died againe . 3. wherefore though hitherto Porphyrie hath followed the sense of this prophesie well in applying it vnto Antiochus , yet here he faileth . 4. But it is no maruell that he beeing an enemie to the Christian faith , doth obscure by his gloases so cleare a place for the resurrection of the dead : it may seeme strange that Pellican a Christian interpreter , should approoue that sense : This was the heresie of Philetus and Hymeneus , which said that the resurrection was past alreadie , 2. Timath . 2. 17. as Porphyrie here affirmeth the same , vnderstanding this so euident a place for the resurrection , metaphorically .

2. Some thinke that mention is made here of the resurrection , because it shall followe immediately after those troublesome times before spoken of : of this opinion are all they which doe applie the times of trouble before spoken of , to the last persecution vnder Antichrist , as Lyranus , Perer. Pintus , with the rest of that side : likewise Melancthon statim post haec certamina fiet resurrectio mortuorum , streight after these combates shall be the resurrection of the dead : so also Osiander , huic postremae reformationi Ecclesiae sinis mundi imminet , streight after this last reformation of the Church , the ende of the world shall be at hand : But it is at large shewed before , quest. 3. that the times of trouble before spoken of , were those which fell out vnder Antiochus Epiphanes .

3. Iunius in his commentarie maketh this to be the coherence : that the Angel hauing spoken of the first comming of Christ before , doth now ioyne thereunto his second comming , declared by the effects , the resurrection of the dead : so also M. Calvin : But it hath beene shewed before likewise , that Christs first comming in the flesh is not here intended by the Angel .

4. This then is the reason of the connexion : that whereas before the Angel spake of the deliuerance of the people of God , so many as were written in the booke of life : because many of the Saints should be put to death , the Angel addeth an other comfort , that they should rest in the hope of the resurrection , Polan . And that place Heb. 11. 35. may serue fitly to expound this : some were racked , and would not be deliuered , that they might receiue a better resurrection : this also is further shewed by the example of such as suffred then , how they comforted themselues in the hope of the resurrection : as Razis when he pulled out his owne bowels ( which act of his cannot be commended ) called vpon the Lord of life and spirit , that he would restore them againe vnto him , 2. Macchab. 14. 46.

Quest. 9. Why it is said , many of them that sleepe , &c. shall awake , and not all .

1. Lyranus thinketh the reason to be this , because of infants which shall rise againe ; but they cannot be said properly to awake ; because they shal neither haue sensum poenae , vel gloria , sense of paine or of glorie : But this is an idle conceit : for in the resurrection our bodies shall rise in perfection : corruption shall put on incorruption , 1. Cor 15. 53. then if our bodie shall rise perfect and incorruptible , they shall haue perfect sense , and other qualities of the bodie .

2. Some thinke it is said many , and not all , in respect of the wicked , of whom it is said , non resurgent impij in iudicio , Psal. 1. the wicked shall not rise in iudgement : because they shall not rise vnto life , Pintus . But the vulgar Latine translateth not that place well , the true reading is , non consistent in iudicio , the wicked shall not stand in iudgement . And againe in this place , the wicked are a part of this many , some shall awake vnto shame .

3. Wherefore these answeares may better serue : 1. Augustine saith , ponit aliquando scriptura pro omnibus vocabulum ( multis . ) the Scripture putteth sometime for ( all ) this word many : and he giueth instance of Abraham , of whom the Lord saith in one place , I haue made thee a father of many nations , Gen. 17. and yet in another he saith , in thy seede shall all nations be blessed , Gen. 22. But this example is not so fit , for in the one place the Lord speaketh of Abrahams carnall generation , in the other of his spirituall seede , namely Christ , in whom all the nations of the world should be blessed : that other instance giuen by Theodoret is more to the purpose , Rom. 5. 18. by the offence of one , the fault came on all men to condemnation : and after in the next verse following , the Apostle saith , by one mans disobedience many were made sinners . Here it is euident that many is taken for all . 2. An other answer is , that many are saide to rise , because all indeede shall not rise againe , because all shall not sleepe , but they shall all be changed , 1. Cor. 15. 51. Bulling. Vatab. and againe in another place the Apostle saith ; we which liue , and are remayning in the comming of the Lord , shall not preuent those which sleepe , Osiander . 3. And otherwise it may be yet answered , that this word rabbim , many , as it appeareth by the accent Zakeph ghadol , is taken distributiuely ; that many should awake vnto life , and many vnto shame , Iun. in commentar. Polan .

Quest. 10. A description of the resurrection of both good and bad , vers. 2.

The resurrection of the dead is here described ▪ 1. in generall , that many that sleepe in the dust of the earth shall awake . 2. the particular euents are shewed , that some shall awake vnto life , some vnto shame .

In the first part. 1. in that they are said to sleepe , the beeing and remaining of the soule after death is signified : as the soule liueth when the bodie is layd a sleepe . 2. and by this phrase is also noted , the naturall affection which the soule hath to the bodie , that although they be sundred and separated a while by death , yet they both make but one man , as the soule and bodie are vnited together in naturall sleepe : for the vnion of the soule and bodie is essentiall , but the dissolution by death is accidentall , by reason of sinne , and therefore cannot hinder for euer the naturall and essentiall vnion , Iun. 3. in that mention is made of the dust of the earth , it putteth vs in minde of the first creation of man , which was out of the dust of the earth ; out of the which the Lord shall raise our bodies againe , Bulling.

Secondly , in that both good and bad are raised ▪ 1. we must consider that all are raised both the one and the other , by the power of Christ in common : but the righteous are raised vnto life , by the peculiar operation of Christ as he is the head of the faithfull . 2. the wicked also shall be awaked vp vnto a kind of life , for they shall neuer die , but liue in continuall torment : but eternall life is to be considered two wayes , simply and essentially in respect of the creature it selfe , as it liueth by the power of the creator ; so the wicked shall liue : and in respect of the habite and affection which the creature hath vnto God , the author of life ; and so the faithfull onely shall liue for euer . So euerlasting death is not so called essentially , which consisteth in the finall dissolution of humane nature : but 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , habitually and respectiuely , because though they liue , they haue no communion with the life of grace , Iun. in commentar. 3. they shall awake to shame and contempt , not as the vulgar Latine , that they may see alwaies , for the word is deraon , which signifieth contempt , loathsomenesse , as it is taken , Isay. 66. 24. they shall goe forth , and looke vpon the carkases of those , which haue transgressed , &c. and they shall be an abhorring to all flesh : like as a stinking carkase is abhorred of all ; so the wicked then shall be an abomination to God , to Angels and men .

Quest. 11. Of the great glorie , which shall be giuen vnto those which instruct others to saluation , v. 3.

v. 3. They that cause ( others ) to vnderstand , ( that is , teach others ) shall shine as the brightnesse of the firmament : and they that iustifie many , shall shine as the starres . These words are diuersely expounded : whereas here a reward is promised , and they are described also to whom this reward shall be giuen :

1. Some doe make the first and the second clause all one in sense , but set forth with varietie of words : as Pererius thinketh that both the same excellencie of glorie is set forth by the brightnesse of the heauens and of the starres : and they are the same , which first are said to be wise and vnderstanding , and afterward , to iustifie many : But it is not like , that in this prophetiall narration , beeing so concise and compendious , there should be such a multiplying of words , without insinuation of some further sense .

2. An other sort doe make a difference both in the reward , and in them which shall obtaine it : and here 1. by the wise hearted or vnderstanding , Carthusianus thinketh to be meant those onely , which are sanctified by the spirit of grace , neither hauing gifts , nor calling to teach others : and they onely shall be like the brightnesse of the firmament : but they which iustifie others by their doctrine , and bring them vnto Christ , shall shine as the starres : which are the brighter parts of the firmament : this sense also followe Osiander , and Pappus , that doe conclude from hence the diuerse degrees of glorie in the kingdome of heauen . 2. Some contrariwise , by the first vnderstand those which are teachers of others , by the second , those that are onely righteous in themselues : so Lyranus , and the interlinearie glosse , & before them Theodoret following the Septuag. who read , and many iust , whereas it is in the originall , matzedike harabbim , iustifying many : and these make the brightnesse of the firmament a greater degree of glorie , then the light of the starres .

3. Some doe distinguish here the persons which shall be rewarded , but take the similitude expressing the reward , the bright heauens and the starres to expresse the same thing , the great glorie of the next life : the righteous are likened for their great glorie vnto the cleare azure skie in the day , and to the bright shining starres in the night : But here also , 1. Some by the first vnderstand such as teach and instruct others , as preachers and ministers ; by the other that iustifie , such as by discipline and good order are the meanes of the saluation of others , as godly magistrates , Parents , Schoole-masters , Bullinger . 2. some by the first doe vnderstand the faithfull , by the second ministers and teachers , Calv. Genevens .

4. Some distinguish not the persons , but diuerse parts of their office , for they are said to teach , or cause others to vnderstand ( for the word is maschill in hiphil ) which signifieth to cause to vnderstand , in respect of the administration of their office : in setting forth the truth , and making them to vnderstand it : and they are said to iustifie others in regard of the worke and effect , because by their ministerie faith is wrought in them , whereby they are iustified , Iun. in commentar .

5. But Polanus doth more fitly apply this text vnto martyrs ( for to their consolation this is specially ministred that should suffer in those troublesome times vnder Antiochus . ) And them he maketh of two sorts : some that by the constant confession of the truth , and suffering for the same , therein by their example did teach others : and some beside their constant suffering , had by their godly instructions also edified many : and this commeth neerest vnto the true sense , because as is said , this consolation is specially intended for the comfort of the holy martyrs : Now further although in this verse , the diuerse degrees of glorie are not described : yet in comparing it with the former verse , the diuersitie is expressed : for all the faithfull and righteous , as is before said , shall rise vnto life : but among these faithfull , these holy teachers , and instructors of others , shall shine as the cleare heauens , and as the bright stars .

Quest. 12. How the faithfull teachers are said to iustifie others .

That this may be the better vnderstood , we must consider the causes of our iustification , which are these . 1. the efficient and principall cause is God himselfe , Rom. 8. 33. it is God that iustifieth , who shall condemne ? and the moouing cause was onely the mercie and loue of God toward vs , 1. Iohn . 4. 10. herein is loue , not that we loued God , but he loued vs .

2. The materiall and meritorious cause is the perfect obedience of Christ , which was either actiue or passiue , actiue either the originall and natiue righteousnesse of Christ , who knewe no sinne , he was without all spot : or his actuall obedience through his life in keeping the whole lawe , and the commandements of God for vs : so that which was impossible to the lawe in vs , was fulfilled in Christ , as the Apostle sheweth , Rom. 8. 2. his passiue obedience was in suffring the most ignominious death of the crosse for vs , Philip. 2. 8. he became obedient vnto death , euen the death of the crosse : and so did beare the curse of the law which was due vnto vs , Galat. 3. 13.

3. The instrumentall cause on Gods behalfe is the preaching of the Gospell , whereby faith is wrought in vs : for faith commeth by hearing , Rom. 10. 17. on our behalfe the instrument of our iustification is faith , whereby we apprehend the righteousnesse of Christ .

4. The ministring and vnder working or helping causes , are the teachers and preachers , who are as ministeriall causes of our iustification , in setting forth the gospel of Christ , and declaring the way vnto saluation : in which respect they are said to iustifie : And in this sense also they are said to saue others : as S. Paul thus writeth to Timothie , 1. epist. c. 4. 16. take heede vnto thy selfe and vnto doctrine , &c. for in doing this thou shalt saue thy selfe , and them that heare thee : so also S. Iames saith , 5. 20. he that conuerteth a sinner , shall saue a soule from death , &c.

Quest. 13. Why Daniel is commanded to seale the booke , and what is the meaning thereof .

1. Some giue this sense , praecepit vt involuat sermones , & signet librum , vt legant plurimi , he biddeth , that he should fould vp this prophesie in darke speech , and signe the booke , that many may read it , and seeke the truth of the historie , Hierome . But not onely the speach is folded vp , but the booke was also kept secret : because if it had come to the hands of the prophane sort , they would haue made a scorne of it .

2. Seale it vp as a perfect and absolute prophesie , cui nihil sit amplius adijciendum , to the which nothing is to be added , Bullinger . But S. Iohn is bid , that he should not seale vp the prophesie of the Reuelation , c. 22. 10. and yet it was perfect , nothing was to be added thereto , v. 18. 19. this then is not the meaning .

3. Some say he is bid to seale it vp , because it should not be accomplished till toward the ende of the world : and till this prophesie beganne to take effect , it should not be vnderstood , Pap. But this prophesie was fulfilled before the first comming of Christ , it was not therefore sealed vp to that ende .

4. Wherefore by sealing vp the booke of this prophesie , 1. it is insinuated , that he should commit it to writing , consigna librum , make a booke . 2. efferas aenigmatice , he must set forth this prophesie in obscure tearmes and words , Vatab. As Daniel vseth many strange words and phrases in this prophesie : as c. 8. 3. Palmon● , c. 11. 38. Mauzzim , v. 45. aphadno , M. Brought . 3. maneat apud te instar theasauri , let it remaine , and lay it vp with thee as a treasure : though others make small account of it , yet doe thou keepe it as a treasure for the Church in time to come , Calvin . 4. seale it vp , impart it not generally to all : ne si in manibus prostaret omnium , ludibrio esset , least if it should come to euerie ones hands , it might be made but a laughing game by the prophane and wicked , Iun. in commentar . so also Lyranus , divina secreta non sunt omnibus reuelanda , the diuine secrets must not be reuealed vnto all : As our Blessed Sauiour faith . Matth. 7. giue not that which is holy vnto dogges : so our Sauiour spake vnto others in parables , but vnto his disciples he expounded them apart : as here these mysteries are reuealed vnto Daniel , though they must be as a sealed book vnto others . And hereof two reasons may be yeelded , vt maligni non habeant materiam deridendi , & studiosi materiam se exercendi , that both the euill and malicious should haue no matter to laugh at , and the studious might haue matter wherein to exercise themselues .

5. And further the sealing vp sheweth , that there were many yeares yet to come before this prophesie should be fulfilled : for it was 300. yeares from this time , vnto Antiochus : and for the same reason Iohn is bid not to seale vp that prophesie , because some part thereof was presently to take place , Apocal. 22. 10. see before c. 8. quest. 36.

Quest. 14. Vntill the time defined or appointed , v. 4. what time this was here limited .

1. Some vnderstand the ende of the world , when these things should be fulfilled , Bulling. Osiand . and so Pagnin readeth , vsque ad tempus finis , vnto the time of the ende : But it hath beene shewed before that this prophesie contained in the 11. chapter , was fulfilled in the dayes of Antiochus , and much of it before . 2. Some vnderstand the time of Christs comming , who opened the seales of the booke , Apocal. 5. and reuealed the mysteries which were hid before : whereof this was a signe , that in his passion the vaile of the Temple was rent : Christ tooke away the vaile and the couering , which hid from vs the mysteries and high things of God : so Theodoret , Pintus , Pererius : But in this sense Christ opened not onely the secrets of this prophesie , but of all other in the old Testament . 3. he meaneth then the time , which was appointed of God when this prophesie should be fulfilled : as Calvin , Deus probabit ipso euentu se non frustra locutum , &c. God shall prooue by the euent that he hath not foreshewed these things in vaine ; & est hic terminus non vnus , sed multiplex , and this tearme was not one , but diuerse : as the prophesies of this booke are diuerse , and so were to haue their diuerse times of fulfilling , Iun. So in the time of the Macchabees , when diuerse of these things were fulfilled , the Iewes did then beginne to looke into this prophesie , as the storie of the Macchabees sheweth , M. Br. And at the comming of Christ , there was great expectation of the fulfilling of that prophesie , Dan. 9.

Quest. 15. Of these words , many shall runne thorough , and knowledge shall be encreased .

1. Bullinger thus interpreteth , that toward the end of the world , men shall runne to and fro , beeing certaine of nothing , but distracted in opinion , varijs se adiungent sectis , they shall ioyne themselues vnto diuerse sects : but the last words , knowledge shall be multiplied , are against this sense , for where such vncertaintie is , there knowledge cannot be encreased .

2. Some reade thus : oberrabunt multi , many shall goe to and fro to get knowledge , Vat. Genevens . B. but knowledge is not had by wandring from place to place : that sheweth rather ignorance , Amos. 8. 12.

3. Some expound thus , many shall runne thorough this booke , and they shall diuersely expound it : Lyran. gloss . Hugo . because the Scripture admitteth diuerse senses , Perer. But thus opinions are multiplied , not knowledge .

4. Hierome well by running thorough vnderstandeth the diligent perusing of this book : that though now it were not regarded , yet many in time to come should giue their minde vnto it : so also Iun. Polan . and so M. Calvin expoundeth the word shuth , investigabunt , they shall search : multi se ad scripta tua legenda conferent , many shall settle themselues to read thy writings , Osiand . And withall here is signified , that Deus sibi multos discipulos colliget , God shall raise vp vnto him many disciples , Calvin . So that in the great persecution vnder Antiochus , many shall be found faithfull , who shall cleaue vnto this prophesie , Polanus .

16. Quest. What two they were , whome Daniel saw by the brinke of the riuer , v. 5.

1. This is not a new vision , as Bullinger maketh it in number the fift , so also Oecolampad . but it is the same vision continued : as both the circumstance of the place sheweth , it was by the same riuer Tigris , mentioned before c. 10. 5. and of the person , the man clothed in linen before also described : and the question demanded is concerning the continuance of those wonders and strange things before spoken of .

2. These two Angels Hierome thinketh to haue beene the one the Angel that stood for Persia , the other that was President of Grecia , which did hinder the deliuerance of the Hebrewes : But it is euident , that these Angels stand for the people of God : for as affected with the troubles which here are prophesied to come vpon Gods people , they desire to know the time of the beginning and ende of them .

3. Oecolampadius thinketh , that here were not three in all ▪ but one more came vnto him that had talked with Daniel all this while : and they are said to be two other , because alio modo , &c. they appeared in an other manner : But it is euident by their site and standing , that they were three : for two stood by the brinke of the riuer , one on the one side , and one on the other , and the third was vpon the waters .

4. R. Levi thinketh that one of these two was Gabriel : but Gabriel was he , which had this communication with Daniel all this while , and now two other appeare : they had not beene other two , if there had beene but one beside Gabriel . Polan .

5. Hyppolitus by these two Angels standing by the brinke of the riuer , vnderstandeth the law and the Prophets : but Daniel saw some reall thing , for he saith , I Daniel looked . Pererius out of Hierome by these two Angels standing vpon the riuers banke , interpreteth the flourishing and standing of the Persian and Greeke Monarchie : and by the third vpon the waters of the riuer , the troublesome state of the Church : for so in Scripture afflictions are signified by waters . But hereby rather is signified , in that the Angels stand on this side and on that side , the readie administration of the Angels , which are alwaies at hand to expedite the commandement of God . Polan .

17. Quest. Who it was that inquired of the man that was clothed in linen , v. 6.

1. The Latine translator readeth , & dixi , and I said , referring it to Daniel : but in the originall the word is vaiomer , and he said , in the third person : not Daniel , but one of the Angels .

2. Some Greeke copies read in the plurall , and they said : but in the originall it is in the singular , and he said : one Angel might aske in the name of the other . Oecolampad .

3. Like vnto this place is that in the Revelation , where the soules vnder the altar , that is , which yet were not glorified with their bodies , did aske the like question , which the Angels doe here , How long , Lord , holy and true , doest thou not iudge and auenge our blood , &c. Rev. 6. 10.

18. Quest. Who the man was clothed in linen , of whome the question was asked .

1. The most generall and receiued opinion here is , that this third Angel of whome the question is asked , was Gabriel : Lyran. Pint. Perer. Bulling . with others : But how could one Angel aske and learne of an other ? seeing they are all ministring spirits , and doe all fetch their light and knowledge from the same fountaine Christ Iesus the reuealer of secrets . M. Calvin here answereth , Est aliquod discrimen inter Angelos , sed non perpetuum , that there is some difference betweene the Angels , but not perpetuall , onely for a time : his meaning is , that God may at some time giue greater illumination to one Angel then to an other , and so one Angel may receiue direction of an other . But the Angels rather receiue their direction from Christ , who is that Palmoni , one that hath secrets in account , and number : of whome an Angel likewise enquireth , c. 8. 13.

2. Pintus thinketh that these three Angels doe signifie the Trinitie , the two Angels that stood by the riuer , represent the Father and the holy●Ghost , and the third vpon the waters the Sonne of God : as the three Angels which appeared to Abraham , Gen. 18. did likewise represent the Trinitie . But 1. in that one of the two Angels asketh of the third as his superiour , they can not signifie the Trinitie , for this would argue an inequalitie in those most glorious persons . 2. One of those three , which appeared to Abraham , was Christ himselfe , whome Abraham there praieth vnto , and calleth him Iehovah : the other two were indeede ministring Angels , which afterward went to Sodome , and were receiued into Lots house .

3. But this man which was cloathed in linen , was none other then Christ himselfe : 1. because he is the same , which so appeared before , c. 10. 4. which was Christ , as in that place hath beene shewed . 2. he is the reuealer of secrets , and of him the Angel asked the like question before , c. 8. 13. 3. this vision is interpreted by the like , Apoc. 10. 1. where a mightie Angel came downe from heauen , with a rainbow about his head , and his face was as the Sunne , he stood vpon the land and the Sea , signifying his power ouer both , and lift vp his hand to heauen ; as this Angel here standeth vpon the waters , and lifteth vp both his hands to heauen : but that great Angel was Christ : the similitude of the vision argueth the identitie of the same person . 4. and beside his standing vpon the water doth signifie , quod olim super Iordanem testimonium accepturus , that in time to come he should receiue testimonie from heauen vpon the waters of Iordan .

But it will be obiected , that this was not Christ , because he lifteth vp his hand , and sweareth by God : but he that one sweareth by , is greater . Answ. 1. Christ appearing as a man , is here to be considered both as God and man , and so as man is inferiour vnto God , and sweareth by a greater . 2. or rather Christ as God sweareth by himselfe , as one euerliuing God with his father , but a distinct person : so that this oath is the same in effect with that , Deut. 32. 40. I lift vp my hand to heauen , and sweare for euer : sic vides quod iurat per seipsum , &c. so you see that he sweareth by himselfe , touching the heauens with his hand , and setting his feete vpon the water and land , shewing his dominion therein : Oecolampad .

And in that he lifteth vp both his hands , whereas vsually in taking an oath one hand is lifted vp , Gen. 14. 22. Deut. 32. 40. hoc ad plenissimam pertinet rerum confirmationem , this is for the more full confirmation of these things , Bulling. & voluit hoc modo exponere rei magnitudinem , he would hereby shewe the greatnesse of this thing , Calvin . And because , an Angel stood vpon each side of his hands , he lifteth them both vp , that each of them might haue a signe of the certaintie of this thing , Iun. Polan .

Quest. 19. What is meant by a time , two times , and an halfe . v. 7.

Some doe take this for an vncertaine and indefinite time : Some for a certaine and limited tearme : and of both sorts there are sundrie opinions .

Of the first sort : 1. some doe thinke , that the time of the afflictions of the people of God , certissimum esse apud Deum , sed nobis incognitum , is certaine with God , but to vs vnknowne , Bulling. B. so that the meaning is no more but this , these things shall most certainely come to passe , but whether , post modica , vel multa temporis intervalla , after a long or short time , it is not knowne to vs : Bulling.

2. Some because the time is here halued , doe thinke , that thereby is signified , modicum tempus , a short time , a little while : and doe expound it by that place , Apoc. 6. 11. They should rest for a little season , vntill their fellow seruants , &c. were fulfilled . Oecolampad . Pappus .

3. But some contrariwise here vnderstand a long time , tempus hic ponitur pro longo tractu , tempora , pro longiore tractu , here ( time ) is put for a long tract or continuance , ( times ) for a longer . M. Calv. Genevens .

Now all these opinions are confuted by these reasons . 1. because the same phrase of a time , two times , and a part of time , are taken before , c. 7. 25. for a certaine and definite tearme , therefore it is like to be so taken here . 2. this time is diuided , a part of time , therefore it is a certaine and definite number : for that which is vncertaine and indefinite vseth not to be deuided into parts . 3. And what comfort had there beene in this prescription and naming of time , if there were giuen no certaine direction , how long this troublesome time should continue .

4. Of the second sort : some take this for a certaine number of yeares , whereof some vnderstand by daies yeares , some so many daies literally : by a time , two times , and an halfe , which make yeares three , and an halfe or a part , that is , daies 1225. or thereabout , are signified so many yeares 1200. and odde : which Melancthon beginneth from Daniels time , whereof 600. yeares were expired vnto Christ , and about 600. yeares after the sect of the Mahumentans did spring in the East , and religion beganne to be corrupted in the West , by the Bishops of Rome .

5. Osiander beginneth this tearme , where Melancthon endeth it , and continueth it vnto the destruction of the Romane Antichrist , and of his tyrannicall kingdome : But all these things here must be accomplished , while the Church of the Iewes yet continued , which are here called the holy people .

6. They which vnderstand by a time , two times , and an halfe , a yeare , two yeares , and an halfe ( as indeede they signifie , as c. 4. seuen times during the humiliation of Nebuchadnezzer , are vnderstood to be feuen yeares ) some doe referre it vnto the time of Antichrists tyrannie , who shall rage again●t the Church of Christ three yeares and an halfe , as Christ preached three yeares and an halfe , Hierome , Lyran. Hugo . Pintus , with others . But they thinke that their Antichrist shall beare sway longer in the whole : yet the heate of his most cruell and outragious persecution shall continue but 3. yeares and an halfe . But this interpretation is refused vpon the former reason , because this prophesie concerned the holy people of God , that then was : and beside , that imagination of some one singular person to rise vp to be Antichrist , is but a fabulous and phantasticall conceit , as is before shewed , c. 11. Controv. 2.

7. This time then here prescribed and limited , precisely signifieth three yeares , and an halfe , or rather part of time : for so long continued the desolation of the Sanctuarie vnder Antiochus : which beganne in the 145. yeare , the 15. day of the moneth Casteu , 1. Macchab . 1. 57. and ended in the 148. yeare on the 25. day of the same moneth , 1. Macchab. 4. 52. so that the euent of the historie doth very fitly explane this prophesie , Iun. Polan .

But against this exposition , which Porphyrius also did hit vpon , Hierome thus obiecteth : 1. if the time , two times , and an halfe , that is , three yeares and an halfe , must be referred vnto Antiochus , whereof mention is made before , c. 7. 25. then that which followeth also in the same place , v. 27. The kingdome vnder the whole heauen shall be giuen vnto the holy people of the most high , &c. and all Princes shall serue him , must be applied either to Antiochus , or to the people of the Iewes : which is manifestly false . 2. the defolation of the Temple continued but three yeares , as Iosephus writeth , l. 12. c. 10. but this tearme is of three yeares and an halfe . 3. Lyranus obiecteth , that the persecution vnder Antiochus continued sixe yeares , from the yeare 143. 1. Macch. 1. 21. to the yeare 148. 1. Macch. 4. 52.

Answ. 1. There is no consequent , that those words which follow should be either vnderstood of Antiochus , or of the Iewes , who neuer ruled ouer the whole world : for there the Prophet sheweth the destruction and ruine of the tyrannie of Antiochus , by Christ , See in the Appendix 〈◊〉 . 1. argum . 〈◊〉 . answ. 2. to whome raigning spiritually in his Church ( there called the holy people ) the kingdome should be giuen ouer the whole earth . 2. The word chatzi , signifieth not onely the halfe , but the part of a thing : as the same is expressed by an other word pelag , c. 7. 25. which signifieth a diuision : and so indeede the desolation of the Temple continued iust 3. yeares , and a part of a yeare , namely tenne daies , as is before shewed : therefore Iosephus is deceiued , which maketh account but of three yeares : for there were tenne daies aboue . 3. The persecution vnder Antiochus was either of the citie , with spoiling also and robbing onely of the Temple , or in laying wast the Sanctuarie , and causing the daily oblation to cease : the first continued aboue sixe yeares , euen 2300. daies , as is prophesied c. 8. 14. but the other endured onely three yeares and ten daies : so these diuers persecutions , had their diuers tearmes : and both may well stand together .

Some thinke that this tearme of 3. yeares and an halfe , sheweth the tearme of Christs persecution in the daies of his flesh , which was iust so many yeares : M. Br. this prophesie may haue such an analogicall application ; but the historicall accomplishment was vnder Antiochus , as hath beene sufficiently prooued .

20. Quest. Of the meaning of the words , v. 7. When he hath made an ende to disperse the hand of the holy people .

Some referre these words to the comming of Christ in the flesh , some to the ende of the world , some to the daies of Antiochus .

1. Of the first sort , some giue this sense , when God hath dispersed the hand , that is , the place and citie of this holy people , which came to passe in the destruction of Ierusalem , then these things shall be fulfilled . Iun. in comment . But 1. beside that the Iewes after they had put Christ to death , were not worthie to be called the people of God , but were reiected of God , and not held to be his people . 2. this prophesie of the tyrannie of Antiochus was accomplished before Christ came in the slesh .

2. Osiander thus interpreteth , that first before the ende be , populus Dei per Evangelij praedicationem colligendus est , &c. the people must be gathered together by the preaching of the Gospel : but the text speaketh of dispersing and scattering , not of gathering together the people of God .

3. Of the second sort : some doe thus interpret , that before the ende of the world the Church shall be afflicta , lacerata , & contrita , afflicted , rent as it were in sunder , and troden downe , Bulling. Oecolamp . But they read in the passive , when the dispersion of the hand , that is , the power of the holy people is accomplished , &c. whereas it must be read actively , when he hath accomplished to scatter , &c. and it hath beene before shewed , that this prophesie concerneth not the ende of the world .

4. Some referre it to the comming of Antichrist in the ende of the world , and make this the sense , when as Antichrist beeing destroied , the faithfull which were before dispersed , are returned to their place , and freely professe the Gospel , then shall an ende be of these things : Perer. But this were to make the signe and the thing signified , one & the same : for the thing signified , is the peace and restitution of the Church : this then cannot be giuen as a signe .

5. Hierome expoundeth it , of the oppression of the people of God by the hand of Antichrist , ista generalis populi dispersio , this generall dispersion of the people of God is giuen as a signe of the end of these things , Perer. when Antichrist shall be killed , Hug. Card. then shal be the resurrection of the dead , Lyran. But neither doth this prophecie concerne the end of the world , neither yet shall there be such a singular Antichrist , as they imagine .

6. Some vnderstand these words , of the dispersion of the Iewes in the end of the world , after the death of Antichrist , to whome they did cleaue , as their Messiah : then the persecution of the Christians shall cease , Hug. Card. But this deuise of the Iewish Messiah , and Popish Antichrist , is of like truth and certentie , the one as the other .

7. Of the third sort , which applie these things vnto the time of Antiochus , some vnderstand , the hand of the holy people passively , manum prementem , the hand that oppressed the people of God , that is , Antiochus : that after his end and dest●uction , there should be an end of these troubles . Iun. M. Br. in comm. Polan . But 1. it seemeth an harsh interpretation , the hand of the people , that is , the hand which was against the people . 2. neither did all the troubles of the people ende after the death of Antiochus , as the storie of the Macchabees sheweth .

8. Wherefore I take rather Calvins sense , for the generall meaning of the words : that when the people shall be brought to so low an ebbe , as that they shall seeme to haue no strength , ac si manus illis contritae essent , as though their hands were weakned ; and when there shall be such a persecution of the people of God , vt nullus apparere audeat in publico , that none da●e to appeare openly , then shall these things come to passe , Lyran. And this sense P●ppus well confirmeth by the like place , Apoc. 6. 11. where vnto the like question , the like answer was made : it was said vnto them , that they should rest for a little season , vntill their fellow seruants , and their brethren , which should be killed , as they were , were ful●illed : the same thing is here meant by accomplishing to disperse the hand ( that is the power ) of the holy people : that is , when they are at the lowe●t , and there is small hope of any deliuerance , and the Lord hath fulfilled the number of the faithfull , which he purposed to trie , then shall an ende and consummation be of all these things : which came to passe vnder Antiochus , when the faithfull were dispersed , the Sanctuarie lay wast , and small hope remained , then the Lord looked vpon his people , and sent them deliuerance : and this is that which is saide , c. 11. 34. that when they shall fall , they shall be holpen with a little helpe : when their state seemeth most desperate , then God shall raise them vp an helper , which was Iudas Macchabeus , who was but small in respect of the power of Antiochus .

21. Quest. What it was that Daniel vnderstood not , v. 8.

1. Some thinke , that Daniel here enquired of the ende of the world , as the Apostles asked of Christ : and as Christ answered his Apostles that the day and houre of his comming was not knowne , no not to the Angels , the like answer is made to Daniel here . Bulling. Oecolampad . But , as hath beene often fhewed before , this prophesie concerneth not the ende of the world : Daniel onely desireth to know , what should befall his owne people .

2. Pappus thinketh that Daniel vnderstood not , what was meant by the time , two times , and halfe or a part of time , that he tooke it not for any certen time : for otherwise interrogationis illius nulla fuisset necessitas , there had beene no necessitie of that interroga●ion , or question . But if Daniel had beene altogether ignorant hereof , he might haue asked the same question before , c. 7. 25. where mention is made of a time , two times , and an halfe .

3. Pererius thinketh that Daniel was ignorant of the particular circumstances of the former Propheticall narration , as of the persons , times , and place , of those seuerall prophesies of the battells of the kings of the North and South , reuealed vnto him , c. 11. so also Lyran. Hugo . But Daniel enquired not of those particular circumstances , which he might be ignorant of , for that had beene too great curiositie ; but he asketh ▪ What shall be the ende of these things : that is it then whereof he was ignorant . As M. Calvin saith well , haec ignorantia restringitur ad eius interrogationem , this ignorance is restrained vnto the interrogation or question .

4. Calvine further thus saith , that Daniel was not altogether ignorant of the meaning of this prophesie , but yet he vnderstood not in euery respect , as afterward it was fulfilled : he did not fully conceiue , what should be meant by the time , two times , and a part of time : Iun. in commentar . that is , though he did know how long the time of this great persecution should continue , yet he was ignorant where it should beginne , and where ende : M. Br. and therefore his question is , when shall be the ende of these things .

22. Quest. Whether Daniel had altogether a repulse in his demaund .

1. Some thinke , whereas this answer is made to Daniel . Goe thy way Daniel , that because his question was curious , to enquire of the ende of these things , quod illum non exaudi●rit Angelus , that the Angel did not heare him ▪ Calvin . and that the Angel staied Daniel , curiositie here , as Christ did the Apostles , Act. 1. It is not for you to know the times and seasons , which the father hath kept in his owne power : Perer. and so he saith in effect , Goe thy way , nihil amplius dicturus sum , I will say no more at this time vnto thee : Vatab. Pintus . But it appeareth by the explanation , which followeth , that Daniel was not altogether repelled .

2. Wherefore in part Daniel hath his request , pleniorem explicationem Christus exhibuit , Christ doth more fully explane the former prophecie of the time of the persecution : M. Br. partly he faileth in his desire : for he obtaineth not singularem & minutam istarum rerum cognitionem , a particular and seuerall knowledge of these things , which are sealed vp , vntill the time come , when they should be fulfilled : Iun. in commentar . for if all these things had beene particularly expounded aforehand , the faith and patience of Gods seruants had not beene so fully tried ; if euery thing had beene manifest as in their sight before : for as the Apostle saith , 2. Cor. 5. 7. We walke by faith , and not by sight .

23. Quest. Of those words , v. 10. The wicked shall doe wickedly , and none shall haue vnderstanding : what wicked he speaketh of .

1. Some expound this place by that place , 2. Pet. 3. 3. that in the last daies there shall be mockers , which shall say , Where is the promise of his comming ? that although some shall profit by the Lords chastisments , and thereby be purged , and made white , yet others shall be secure , passing their time in pleasure , and carnall delight , Oecolampad . euen as it was in the daies of Noe and Lot , Bulling. But the vnderstanding or not vnderstanding here spoken of , is concerning the prophesie of this booke , as Lyranus obserueth : which concerneth not the afflictions of the last times otherwi●e then by way of analogie .

2. Pererius and Pintus thinke , that the wicked may attaine vnto some knowledge , but it shall be infructuosa cognitio , an vnfruitfull and vnprofitable knowledge : But this rather is giuen as a reason , why they shall doe wickedly , because nihil intelligent , quia excaecati sunt , they shall vnderstand nothing , because they are blinded , Calv. the knowledge of these secrets and mysteries shall be kept from their eyes .

3. Here then is speciall relation had vnto the false brethren , that should be in those daies of persecution , which ●hould giue way vnto Antiochus wicked proceedings , and labour to seduce and betray their brethren , Iun. annot . which should not haue any care to obserue the accomplishment of this prophesie , nor compare the euent therewith : of these the Angel foretold before , c. 11. 34. Many shall cleaue vnto them fainedly . And as it was in those daies of persecution , so should it be afterward : as S. Paul saith , 2. Tim. 3. 12. All that will liue godly in Christ Iesus , shall suffer persecution : but the euill men and deceiuers shall waxe worse , deceiuing , and beeing deceiued : of such also speaketh S. Iohn , Apoc. 22. 11. He that is vniust , let him be vniust still , he that is filthie , let him be filthie still , &c.

24. Quest. What the abomination of desolation is , mentioned v. 11.

1. Hierome and Theodoret vnderstand hereby the discontinuing of the true seruice of God by Antichrist at his comming : he shall bring in an horrible desolation , and abolish the true seruice of God : he shall Dei cultum interdicere , forbid the seruice and worship of God : But neither doth this prophecie concerne the ende of the world : nor yet shall there be any such singular Antichrist .

2. Pererius and Pintus , with other Romanists , vnderstand this of the abrogating of the sacrifice of the Masse , and in stead thereof Antichrist shall command himselfe to be worshipped : so also Hug. Card. Antichristus se exhibebit ad adorandum , Antichrist shall cause himselfe to be worshipped . But 1. that idolatrous sacrifice of the Masse , is rather the abomination of desolation it selfe , whereby the true seruice of Christ , and the right vse of the Eucharist according to Christs institution , is abolished : 2. neither shall this abomination be Antichrist himselfe , but he shall set vp this abomination : as it is saide before , c. 11. 31. They shall set vp the abomination , &c. that is , wicked Antiochus with his captaines : he that setteth vp , and that which is set vp , is not the same .

3. Bullinger thinketh it is , abominanda gentis & vrbis vastatio , the abominable laying wast of the nation and citie of the Iewes at the destruction of Ierusalem by the Romans : but this prophesie was rather fulfilled in Antiochus time , as afterward shall be shewed .

4. M. Calvin vnderstandeth the sacrifices of the Iewes , which were abominable , after the sacrifice of Christs death performed vpon the crosse : so also Pëllic . but the daily sacrifice of the Temple was not taken away presently after Christs death .

5. Osiander thinketh this abominable desolation to be the idolatrous seruice brought into the Church by the Romane Antichrist : but then can not the time here described by daies agree : for more then so many daies or moneths , hath the true seruice of God beene corrupted by them : and so many yeares , as here are named daies , God forbid that Antichrists corrupt religion should continue .

6. Wherefore , this abomination which shall be set vp , was no other but the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus , when he caused that abominable idol of Iuppiter Olympius to be brought into the Temple , and the daily sacrifice to cease , 1. Macchab. 1. 57. 2. Macchab. 6. 2. And hereof mention is made before , c. 8. 13. and 11. 31. likewise c. 9. 27. but there the abomination of desolation is spoken of , which should be set vp in the finall destruction of the citie and Temple by the Romanes , as is shewed , c. 9. quest. 88.

Quest. 25. The 1290. dayes mentioned v. 11. how to be taken .

1. Lyranus taketh this to be the tearme of Antichrists tyrannicall raigne in the ende of the world , euen 3. yeares , 6. moneths , and 12. dayes : so also Pererius : but he counteth onely 10. odde dayes : so also Pintus with other Romanists thinke that Antichrist shall raigne 3. yeares , and an halfe : but as Bullinger saith , it is not like that Antichrists kingdome should continue ad tempus vsque adeo breue , for so verie a short time .

2. Bullinger sheweth how the Iewes warre before the finall destruction of the citie , begunne by Vespasian in the 14. yeare of Nero his raigne , and ending the second yeare of Vespasian , continued about a 1290. dayes , that is 3. yeare and an halfe : but the text is , that these dayes must beginne from the time of that abhominable desolation , and continue onely during that time : but after these warres which held 3. yeares and an halfe , that desolation of the citie and Temple beganne , which then ended not , but continueth vnto this day .

3. Some by so many dayes vnderstand so many yeares , a 1290. yeares , so long Osiander thinketh , that the profanation of religion should continue vnder the Romane Antichrist , from the first beginning thereof , vnto the vtter ruine of Antichrist : But we trust that God will not suffer that man of sinne so long to afflict his Church .

4. Some vnderstand here no certaine but an indefinite and vnlimited time : as Oecolamp . multiplicatione dierum longum tempus Antichristianae impietatis agnoscas , by the multiplying of dayes knowe that the time of Antichrists impietie shall be long : so also Calvin by this number of dayes , thinketh , that tempus immensum , a great time is signified .

5. Pellican contrariwise inferreth , magnus numerus , sed breue tempus significat , a great number of dayes , but it signifieth a short time , that the Iewes sacrifices should not long continue after Christs death . But in that this number receiueth an addition of 45. dayes which make with the former summe a 1335. dayes , it is euident , that a certaine time is hereby signified .

6. Wherefore , that which he called before , a time , two times , and an halfe , is here explained to be 1290. dayes , that is 3. yeares , 7. moneths , and about 13. dayes , which must beginne from the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus , which was in the 145. yeare , the 15. of Casleu , which was the ninth moneth , 1. Mac. 1. 57. and must ende 45. dayes before Antiochus death .

Iunius setteth downe the time precisely , when the 1290. dayes ended , in the 15. day of the moneth Xanthicus , which is the 11. moneth , in 48. yeare , when Antiochus by his publike edict and writing confirmed and ratified the Iewes religion , restored by Iudas Macchabeus : But the time will not agree , if we beginne from the profanation of the Temple , from the 15. of the 9. moneth Casleu in the 45. yeare , from whence to the 15. of the 11. moneth Xanticus in the 48. yeare , are but 3. yeares and iust 2. moneths : therefore Iunius in his commentarie to helpe this , beginneth the profanation of the Temple in the 15. day of the 4. moneth , in the 145. yeare , and citeth 1. Macchab. 1. and so the time will agree : but there the moneth Casleu is named , 1. macchab . 1. 57. which was the ninth not the 4. moneth , 1. Macchab. 4. 52. therefore I rather with Polanus , thinke that the 1290. dayes , determine at such time as Iudas Macchabeus had prosperous successe against the Ammonites with their captaine Timotheus , after he had cleansed the Temple , and Antiochus himselfe was forced to suffer the Iewes to enioy their libertie and religion , and this was 45. dayes before the death of Antiochus , though the precise and particular time , be not expressed in storie .

Quest. 26. The tearme of 1335. dayes expounded .

1. This tearme of 45. dayes added to the former number , of a 1290. dayes , maketh it a 1335. dayes : so many dayes after the death and slaughter of Antichrist shall Christ come in his maiestie , Hierome , with whom consenteth herein Pererius , and the Romanists in generall , because they thinke by this meanes to free the Pope from this imputation , to be Antichrist : But this opinion cannot stand . 1. they cannot assigne the right cause , why these 45. dayes should be giuen after the death of Antichrist : Theodoret thinketh that in this space Henoch and Elias shall preach vnto the world : but Hyppolitus holdeth , and so the Romanists generally , that they shall be slaine by Antichrist : some thinke this respite shall be giuen for the repentance of the world : but 45. dayes is a small tearme for repentance : God gaue the old world an 120. yeares for their repentance . 2. if Christ shall come to iudge the world iust 45. dayes after the death of Antichrist , then the verie day of Christs comming may be knowne before , which is contrarie to the Scripture . 3. Lyranus thus argueth , that whereas at the comming of Christ there shall be great peace and securitie , eating and drinking , and feasting , this great securitie would aske a larger space then of 45. dayes .

2. Lyranus noteth , that some Hebrewes take these dayes for so many yeares , that after the setting vp of that abhomination in the Temple , there should be a 1335. yeares to the comming of their Messiah : But they are herein much deceiued : for if they reckon from the setting vp of the idol by Antiochus in the Temple , which was , as Eusebius counteth , in the 153. Olympiad , there are runne aboue a 1700. yeares : if from the last setting vp of the image of Adrian , which was in the yeare of the Lord an 140. according to Eusebius , then are there expired aboue a 1460. yeares from thence .

3. M. Calvin thinketh that this addition of 45. dayes , signifieth no certaine time : but onely hereby is signified , that although the time seeme to be prolonged for the deliuerance of the Church , yet the godly should waite with patience : so also , Oecolampad . Pellican . But this adding and putting to of one number to another , euidently sheweth , that a certaine summe of yeares or dayes is intended .

4. Melancthon putteth both these numbers of a 1290. and a 1335. together , which make 7. yeares and three moneths : which tearme he beginneth in 145. yeare of the Greeks , and endeth in the 151. yeare , when Nicanor was ouercome : But these two numbers haue the same beginning from the time that the daily sacrifice should cease .

5. Some by these two summes put together , vnderstand so many yeares , namely , two thousand six hundred and odde : whereof 6. hundred were expired at Christs comming , and two thousand should runne out afterward : But who can define whether the world shall yet continue 400. yeares , the day , yeare , or houre is not reuealed .

6. Osiander thinketh this last summe of a 1335. yeares to be set for the continuance of the kingdome of Antichrist , vnderstanding so many yeares : but he thinketh it is not known when this tearme taketh beginning , because God would haue the time of Christs comming to iudgement kept secret : But neither shall the kingdome of Antichrist continue so many years : neither doth this prophesie properly , but by way of analogie , concerne the latter times .

7. Bullinger taketh these 45. dayes to beginne from the taking of the citie : for immediately after , many were sold into captiuitie , condemned vnto the mines and stone quarries , some reserued for triumph : therefore he should be thought an happie man , that suruiued vnto the ende of these dayes : But these miseries of the Iewes continued longer then 45. dayes or 40. yeares after the destruction of the citie : and what happinesse could there be vnto that nation , to see their , Temple and citie layed wast .

8. Therefore these 45. dayes added to the former summe , are prescribed to shewe the death of Antiochus , which was in the 149. yeare , as 1. Macchab. 6. 16. though the verie moneth and day of his death be not expressed in that historie , yet it is without question , that it was 45. dayes after the religion of the Iewes was restored , and their state setled , Iun. Polanus .

Thus haue we fowre tearmes set downe concerning the persecution of Antiochus , 1. 2300. dayes , c. 8. 14. which maketh 6. yeares , 3. moneths , and 20. dayes , which comprehendeth the whole time from the first beginning of that persecution , before the Sanctuarie was defiled : see more hereof , c. 8. quest. 24. 2. there is a time , two times , and a part of time mentioned , c. 7. 25. and c. 12. 7. which containeth the precise time of three yeares and 10. dayes , during the which the daily sacrifice was discontinued . 3. here is one time of 1290. dayes , which endeth at such time as religion was fully restored after the purgation of the Temple . 4. and there is mentioned a fourth time of a 1335. dayes , which endeth at Antiochus death .

Quest. 27. Of the last words spoken to Daniel : goe thy waies vnto the ende , v. 13.

1. Melancthon hence inferreth , because mention is here made of the last resurrection , that Daniel shall stand vp in his lot ; that the prophesie of Daniel reacheth vnto the ende of the world : But this followeth not because the resurrection is here spoken of , that therefore Daniels prophesie comprehendeth the last times , no more then it can be hence concluded , that Daniel should himselfe liue vnto these times : yet we denie not , but that typically many things in this prophesie may be applyed vnto the persecutions of the Church , in the latter dayes .

2. Chrysostome thinketh , that by this speach the Lord reuealed vnto Daniel , that he should not returne into his owne countrey , but die in Babylon in the land of the captiuitie , as the Lord told Moses , that he should not goe into Canaan : But though thus much is not here signified , it is true , that Daniel died out of his owne countrey : and he is forewarned of his ende , which could not be farre off , Daniel beeing now verie old , of more then an 100. yeares .

3. These words ▪ goe thy way vnto the ende , doe put Daniel in minde of diuerse things . 1. contentus sis hac mensura , be content with this thy lot , Calvin . he should from henceforth expect no more visions . 2. that he should perseuere and continue vnto the ende , Bulling. 3. and that he should set all things in an order , and not trouble himselfe any further with curious searching out of these things , but prepare and make himselfe readie for his ende , Iun. in comment. 4. that which God had yet further to reueale for the comfort of his Church , he would reserue for other times , as Ezra , Zacharie , Haggie , Malachie were raised vp afterward : the Lord would adorne his Temple at the reedifyi●● thereof with some propheticall visions , M. Br. in commentar .

Quest. 28. Of these words , thou shalt rest , and stand vp in thy lot .

Here two things are promised vnto Daniel . 1. his rest that should followe immediately after his death both in bodie and soule . 2. his reward , he should stand vp in his lot in the ende of dayes .

1. He shall rest , both in bodie , in the graue , and in soule , being taken vp into euerlasting ioy : the wicked doe not rest after their death : for their soules goe immediately to the place of torment : as is shewed in the parable of the rich glutton , Luke . 16. But this is the priuiledge of those which die in the Lord , they doe rest from their labours , Apocal. 14. 13.

2. He shall stand vp in his lot . 1. Melancthon thus interpreteth , docebis & confirmabis Ecclesiam , &c. thou shalt teach and confirme the Church in the last times : but it is euident , that he speaketh of his standing vp in the resurrection : because mention is made before of his rest . 2. he shall stand vp : for the wicked beeing condemned of their owne conscience , shall not be able to stand in iudgement , Psal. 1. 5. But the righteous shall stand forth and appeare with boldnesse before the Lords tribunall seate , Perer.

3. And the lot and portion of the righteous is euerlasting life : which is called a lot , because it is giuen freely , and cast out vnto them , without any desert of theirs , Perer. and because euerie one hath his lot , all shall not haue the same measure of glorie , Polan . And vnto this gracious promise made vnto Daniel , answeareth that holy and comfortable saying of S. Paul , I haue fought a good fight , I haue finished my course , I haue kept the faith , from hence forth is laid vp for me a crowne of righteousnesse , which the Lord the righteous iudge shall giue vnto me , at that day , and not vnto me onely , but vnto all them that loue his appearing , 2. Tim. 4. 8. God graunt vnto vs so to keepe the faith , and to fight a good fight , that we may obtaine that crowne of righteousnesse , through the merits of our blessed Lord and Sauiour Christ Iesus , to whom be praise for euer .

4. Places of doctrine .

Doctr. 1. Of the person and office of Christ .

v. 1. Michael shall stand vp , the great Prince , which standeth for the children of thy people : here are three things shewed concerning Christ : 1. his person , he is called Michael , that is , as God , one equall vnto God , a distinct person from the Father , but of the same essence , power , eternitie , who is the brightnesse of the glorie , and the engraued forme of his person , Hebr. 1. 3.

2. His office is described : he is the great Prince : the gouernement is vpon his shoulder , Isa. 9. 6. the Lord of Lords , and the King of Kings , Apocal. 17. 14. the mightie protector and defender of his Church .

3. The benefit which we haue , is this , this Michael standeth for his people to defend them from the rage of Sathan and of his ministers : as our Blessed Sauiour saith , I giue vnto them eternall life , and they shall neuer perish , neither shall any pluck them out of my hand , Ioh. 10. 28.

Doctr. 2. Of the resurrection of the dead , and the manner thereof .

v. 2. Many of them which sleepe in the dust of the earth , shall awake , &c. 1. Here is confirmed that article of our faith concerning the resurrection of the dead : the like hath Iob. 19. 26. Isay. 26. 19. Ezech. 37. 12. and this is the first place in the old Testament , wherein euident mention is made of eternall life .

2. The diuerse state and condition is described of those which shall rise againe , some vnto euerlasting life , and some to perpetuall shame : as our Sauiour saith in the same manner , Ioh. 5. 29. they shall come forth ( of their graues ) that haue done good , vnto the resurrection of life , but they that haue done euill vnto the resurrection of condemnation .

3. The easines and facilitie of this work is shewed with God : that it is no more for him to raise the body out of the graue , then for the body to awake from sleep , & to rise out of the bed : & so the righteous are said to rest in their beds , that is , in their graues , Isa. 57. 2. sleepe then is an image of death , then the awaking from sleepe , should put vs in mind of our resurrection , and assure vs thereof : as Tertullian well saith , cum evigilaverit corpus redditum officijs eius , resurrectionem mortuorum tibi affirmat , when thy bodie is awaked beeing restored vnto the duties thereof , it doth affirme and testifie vnto thee the resurrection : lib. de anim . c. 43. the same Tertullian concludeth the resurrection by the example of the Phoenix , which is said to rise out of the ashes of the old Phoenix , whereupon he inferreth , that the bodies of men shall rise againe , avibus Arabiae de resurrectione securis , the birds of Arabia beeing secure of their resurrection , lib. de resurrection . Pintus thinketh that mention is made of the Phoenix in the Psal. 92. 12. for where we reade the righteous shall flourish like a palme tree , in the Greeke it is 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , which signifieth both the bird Phoenix , and a palme tree : but the originall putteth it out of doubt , where the word tamar is vsed , which is a palme tree : see more concerning the Phoenix , Hexapl. in Gen. c. 7. quest. 7. We haue better arguments to assure vs of the resurrection , then this from the Phoenix . Bullinger , because mention is made of sleeping in the dust , whereout man was taken at the first , doth hence gather an other argument of the resurrection , because it is as possible for the Lord to raise the bodie out of the dust of the earth , as he created it at the first out of the dust .

4. The qualitie of the bodie is shewed , what it shall be in the resurrection , they shall shine as the brightnesse of the firmament : some qualities of the bodie are essentiall vnto it , without the which it cannot be , as to be visible , to be palpable , to haue parts , as the head , hands , feete , and the rest : these qualities it shall haue in the resurrection : some qualities are essentiall , but not naturall , as to be hungrie , thirstie , heauie , wearie , of a grosse or thick substance , darke : these qualities shall be laid aside together with corruption : then the bodies of the Saints shall shine as the Sunne , Matth. 13. 43. Polan .

Doctr. 3. The difference betweene Philosophie , and the Christian religion .

v. 3. They which turne many to righteousnesse : This cannot Philosophie doe , conuert men vnto righteousnesse : for like as the starres doe somewhat lighten the night , but they cannot expell darkenesse : so philosophie may giue some light vnto the vnderstanding , but it cannot vtterly chase away ignorance , or giue true knowledge : it is the light of the Gospel that chaseth away darkenesse , as the Apostle saith , Rom. 13. the night is past , the day is come , and Christ onely hath the words of ●●ernall life , Ioh. 6. 68.

Doctr. 4. That the word of God is not reuealed to all .

v. 4. Thou Daniel shut vp the words : Like as this prophesie of Daniel was commanded to be shut vp and sealed , and was not communicated to all : so the secrets of Gods word are onely reuealed to those whom it pleaseth God , Psal. 147. 19. he sheweth his word vnto Iacob , his iudgements to Israel : in the old Testament , the knowledge of the Messiah was not made manifest vnto the Gentiles : and there are now many nations , in Asia , and India , that haue not heard of Christ : hereof no other reason can be giuen , but that it is so the good pleasure of God .

Doctr. 5. Of the office , qualitie , and condition of Angels .

v. 6. And one said vnto the man cloathed in linen , &c. when shall be the ende of these wonders , &c. 1. In that the Angels doe aske of Christ touching the ende of these afflictions , and calamities of the Church : their compassion therein appeareth , and loue toward the members of Christ , desiring the end of their troubles and afflictions . 2. in that they stand on each side of the man cloathed in linen , which was Christ , they shewe their readinesse , being alwaies at hand to execute the wil of God for the good of his Church . 3. in calling these things wonders , they therein declare , that they wonder at and admire the workes of God in the Church . 4. and they in asking this question , shewe their desire to profit in the knowledge of Gods secrets : as S. Peter saith , 1. Pet. 1. 12. which things the Angels desire to behold : teaching vs by their example , to proceede in the further knowledge of the mysteries of God .

Doct. 6. Concerning the person , dignitie , and office of Christ .

v. 6. The man cloathed in linen , which was vpon the waters of the riuer : 1. here first the person of the Sonne of God is set forth , beeing both God and man : this appearing in humane shewe was a praeludium , and foreshewing of his incarnation , and assuming of our flesh . 2. for his dignitie , he is the word of his father , from him all the elect both Angels and men receiue their illumination and knowledge , for in him are hidde all the treasures of wisedome , and knowledge , Coloss. 2. 3. 3. for his office , he is our high Priest , which is signified by his linen garments . 4. for his authoritie , he hath rule and power ouer all nations : and therefore he standeth vpon the waters , which signifie the people . 5. his mercie also and loue appeareth , beeing readie to declare vnto the Angels , the thing , which they desired .

Doct. 7. Of the lawfulnesse of an oath , and the manner of it .

v. 7. He sware by him that liueth for euer . 1. In that Christ here taketh an oath , we see that it is lawfull to vse an oath , contrarie to the opinion of the Anabaptists . 2. as Christ here in swearing lifteth vp his hands vnto heauen ; so in taking of oathes some externall ceremonie by gesture , or otherwise , may be vsed , which yet is no part of the oath . 3. but an oath must onely be made by the name of God , as here Christ sweareth by him that liueth for euer . 4. the ende of an oath is here obserued : which is either to ende strife and controuersie , or for the confirmation of the truth , as in this place .

Doct. 8. Of the inequalitie and diuerse degrees of glorie in the resurrection .

v. 13. Thou shalt stand vp in thy lot : which sheweth that the Saints shall haue their diuerse lots and portions of glorie : for as Christ the head shall excell all his members in glory , so his members shall haue their diuerse lots and degrees : there shall be one lot of the holy Prophets and Apostles , another of the martyrs , another of the holy pastors and teachers , an other of the faithfull and beleeuers : as before the Angel shewed , v. 2. that all the iust shall rise vnto eternall life : but they which conuert others to righteousnesse , shall shine as the starres , Polan .

Doct. 9. Election of grace , not by merit .

v. 13. In thy lot . Pererius well inferreth hereupon , that as a lot is that which is not procured by any mans industry , but it commeth out vnlooked for , so gratia praedestinationis conting it electis nullo ipsorum merito , &c. the grace of predestination falleth vnto the elect without any merit of theirs , onely by the meere good will and loue of God : as the Apostle sheweth , that the purpose of God might remaine according to election , not by workes , but by him that calleth , Rom. 9. 11.

5. Places of controversie .

1. Controv. Against blasphemous Seruetus , that made himselfe Michael .

It hath beene shewed before , quest. 2. that this Michael was no created Angel , but Christ the Mediator , who is the Prince and protector of his Church , as is there prooued by these 3. aguments out of this place . 1. by the name Michael . 2. by the title here giuen vnto Christ , called the great Prince . 3. by his office , he standeth for the people of God : Herein then appeareth the horrible blasphemie of Seruetus , who as M. Calvin reporteth his words , was not afraid to say , se esse illum Michaelem Ecclesiae custodem , that he was that Michael the protector and keeper of the Church , &c. What presumption is this for a mortall man to arrogate vnto himselfe that name and title , which is too great to be giuen vnto the Angels ?

2. Controv. Whether Henoch and Elias shall stand vp with Michael in the last times .

Pererius , concurring with other Romanists , saith , that beside Michael , who shall be the inuisible protector of the Church , shall stand vp two faithfull witnesses Henoch and Elias , who shall oppose themselues against Antichrist ; and they shall preach repentance vnto the world a 1260. dayes , that is 3. yeares and an halfe , Apocal. 11. 3. And that Elias should come in person , beside the receiued opinion of the fathers , as of Theodoret in this place , August . lib. 20. de ciuitat . Dei c. 29. he alleadgeth these Scriptures for it , Malach. 3. 4. 5. I will send Elias the Prophet before the comming of the great and fearefull day of the Lord : which must be vnderstood of the second comming of Christ , which shall be fearefull and terrible : Againe , Apocal. 11. 6. it is said of these two faithfull witnesses , these haue power to shut heauen that it raine not in the dayes of their prophesying : wherein there is an allusion vnto Elias , at whose word the raine was staied three yeares and sixe moneths : so Pererius vpon this place .

First , these places giue no warrant for this opinion . 1. the two witnesses are the ministers and preachers of Gods truth , who are said to be two , because their number shall not be great , and yet they shall be so many , as one shall giue witnesse to an other : neither Henoch nor Elias are here named : for these 1260. dayes beeing taken prophetically for so many yeares , two Prophets could not continue preaching so long . 2. that place in Malachie our Blessed Sauiour expoundeth of Iohn Baptist , Matth. 11. who should come in the spirit of Elias , to turne the hearts of the fathers to the children , as the Angel saith , Luk. 1. 17. And the first comming of Christ is there vnderstood to be that fearefull day : for in the same place the Prophet saith , v. 2. vnto you that feare my name shall the Sunne of righteousnesse arise : which Zacharie applyeth to the first comming of Christ , Luk. 1. 78. whereby the day spring from an high hath visited vs : It shall be a day of health and saluation vnto the faithfull , but a day of terror to the wicked and vnbeleeuers , as Iohn Baptist saith , Mat. 3. 12. which hath his fanne in his hand , and will make cleane his floore , and gather his wheate into his garner , but will burne vp the chaffe with vnquencheable sire . 3. And by the shutting of heauen is by an allegorie signified the efficacie of the preaching of the Gospel , in opening the heauens to the faithfull , and shutting vp the same to all vnbeleeuers , as our Sauiour faith to Peter , Matth. 16. 19. whatsoeuer thou shalt bind in earth , shall be bound in heauen , and whatsoeuer thou shalt loose in earth , shall be loosed in heauen .

Secondly , concerning these witnesses , there is great difference and varietie of opinion , 1. both for the number of them . 2. and who they shall be . 3. and when they shall preach : for the first : the common opinion is , that they shall be but two : yet Lactantius affirmeth , that there shall be onely one Prophet , lib. 7. c. 17. Some thinke there shall be three , Henoch ▪ Elias , and Iohn the Euangelist , and this is one of their reasons : because as in the world there haue beene 3. lawes in force , the lawe of nature , the lawe of Moses , the lawe of grace ; so it is requisite there should be 3. witnesses that liued vnder these three lawes , Henoch , Elias , and Iohn : Hyppolit . oration . de consum . secul . A●br . Catharin . in Genes. 2.

As great diuersitie there is of opinion , who these witnesses should be : Elias is agreed vpon by the most , to be one : but it is doubted who should be the other : Victorinus in Apocal. 11. thinketh , that Ieremie the Prophet shall be the other witnesse : because the Lord saith Ierem 1. 5. I haue ordained thee a Prophet vnto the nations : but then Ieremias onely prophesied to the Hebrewes : to fulfill therefore that saying , he shall come in the ende of the world to prophesie vnto the nations : But Pererius well answeareth vnto this reason : that Ieremie is said to prophesie vnto the nations ; because he fortelleth the destruction in his prophesie of diuerse nations , the Aegyptians , Moabites , Ammonites , Philistims , with others : Areta vpon the Apocalypse thinketh , that Iohn the euangelist shall be one of the witnesses , whom they suppose yet to be kept aliue in Paradise with Henoch and Elias , because it is said Apocal. 10. 11. thou must prophesie againe among the people , and nations , and tongues , and to many Kings : which was not done in Iohns life time , and therefore he thinketh he shall come in the ende of the world , to prophesie vnto nations : But the meaning of this place is , that Iohn should prophesie vnto nations in the rest of the visions of this booke : and nowe though Iohn be dead , his Reuelation prophesieth still : Pererius also vnderstandeth it of the Gospel , which Iohn did write after his returne from the Isle Pathmos , whereby he prophesieth vnto nations . But it is certaine , that Iohn is not yet aliue in the flesh : as Eusebius prooueth by the testimonie of Polycrates , who was the Apostles disciple , lib. 3. Ecclesi . histor. c. 25. Lyranus thinketh that the two witnesses spoken of Apocal. 11. were Sylverius the Pope and Menna that resisted the Eutychiane heresie . Ioachimus Abbas , and Gagnaeus , vpon the Apocalypse , c. 11. doe thinke that Moses shall be one of these witnesses : that like as he was raised to life to be a witnesse of Christs first comming , when he was transfigured in the mount , so he shall be raised to be a witnesse of his second comming . And this is brought as a probabilitie thereof : because these witnesses are said to haue power ouer waters to turne them into blood , Apocal. 11. 6. which thing Moses had done before .

But 1. it followeth not because Moses was seene in the mount talking with Christ , that therefore he shall come againe before his second comming : for by the same reason it may be inferred , that his three disciples also which went vp to the mount , and sawe him transfigured , should also be witnesses of his second comming , & be sent againe into the world to preach : Sure it is that both the Prophets and Apostles shall accompanie Christ in his second comming , and by the doctrine , which they preached , iudge and condemne the world , Matth. 19. 28. But neither the one nor the other shall be raised vp before the generall resurrection , and sent into the world to preach . 2. by the turning of waters into blood , is vnderstood the threatening of Gods iudgements for the contempt of the ministerie of the word .

3. A third vncertaintie there is concerning the time of the preaching of these two witnesses : Theodoret thinketh that Elias shall preach 45. dayes after that Antichrist is slaine : and therefore it is said , v. 12. blessed is he that shall come to the 1335. daies , which is 45. daies more then the former summe of 1290. daies . But Hyppolitus thinketh that Antichrist shall put to death Henoch and Elias , after they haue preached 3. yeares and an halfe : and that after their death , Antichrist shall raigne 3. yeares and an halfe more . Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. thinketh that these two Prophets shall preach 3. yeares and an halfe , that is , 1260. daies , a cap. 8. moneth before Antichrist is slaine , who shall raigne a 1290. daies . This vncertentie sheweth , this to be but a Iewish fable , and a meere imagination of the comming of Henoch and Elias in person in the ende of the world to preach .

3. Controv. What manner of persecution shall be vnder Antichrist .

Pererius thus farre proceedeth well in describing the grieuous persecution which shall be vnder Antichrist , that it shall not be onely corporall and externall in tormenting of the bodie , but it shall be also spirituall in abolishing all exercise of religion : he shall burne the bookes of the Scripture , and burne the righteous together with those bookes : he shall forbid the vse of the Sacraments ; and as Augustine saith , there shall be great difficultie in baptizing of the infants of Christians : lib. 20. de civitat . Dei , c. 8. the sacraments shall not publikely be administred , but priuately . All this is most true , and euery one of these things hath thus come to passe vnder the tyrannie of Antichrist : the true seruice of God was abolished , and prayer in an vnknowne tongue brought into the Church : they haue burned the Martyrs with bookes of Scripture and of godly prayers together : as is set forth in the storie of the burning of Bucer and Fagius bones , and one Hilliard at Cambridge : the Christians children could be hardly baptized , but after their superstitious manner , as the historie of M. Haukes martyr sheweth .

But herein Pererius is deceiued : he thinketh that Antichrist shall take away all images , neither shall suffer any man to signe him with the signe of the crosse , but shall abolish that signe out of euery place .

Contra. 1. It is certen that Antichrist rather shall set vp images and idols of siluer and gold : as in the Revelation , c. 9. 20. after the opening of the sixth and last trumpet saue one , toward the ende of the world , mention is made of those that worshipped idols of siluer and gold , of brasse , &c. and had not repented : now there are none knowne worshippers of such idols in these daies in these part of the world , vnder the Romane Empire , but the Papists .

2. And Antichrist , as he shall couer his hypocrisie with the name of Christ , so he shall not abolish the signe of Christs crosse , but still rather superstitiously abuse it : robbing Christ indeede of his due honour , and giuing him reuerence onely in outward shewes and signes : as the Iewes clothed Christ in purple , and did obeisance to him in mocking : So that whether by the marke of the beast , we vnderstand with Iunius the Popish chrysme , which in confirmation is laid on with the signe of the crosse vpon forehead and hand : or with Napier the crosses of all kinds superstitiously abused by the Romanists , which are represented in the number of the beasts name expressed in these three Greeke letters 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . as he pithily prooueth , propos . 31. or with D. Fulke S. Peters crosse-keyes , which the Pope vseth as his ensigne , to the which he forceth euery one to submit himselfe ; we shall finde , that the Antichrist shall not abolish all such signes , but abuse them rather to superstition and idolatrie .

4. Controv. Of the certentie of election , that none of the elect can finally fall away .

v. 1. In that the Angel here saith , thy people shall be deliuered , euery one that shall be found written in the booke , it is euident , that none there written shall perish : and so consequently whosoeuer is not there written , can not but perish : the first our Sauiour affirmeth , saying vnto his Apostles , Luk. 10. 20. Reioyce , for your names are written in heauen : that is , were so written , as that they could neuer be blotted out : in which sense the Prophet Dauid saith , Psal. 119. 89. O Lord , thy word remaineth for euer in heauen : the other also is euident , Apoc. 20. 15. Whosoeuer was not found written in the booke of life , was cast into the lake of fire .

But against this position of the certentie of Predestination , these places of Scripture are obiected , Exod. 32. 32 , 33. Moses saith vnto God , if not rase me out of the booke which thou hast written : and the Lord answeareth , him that sinneth , will I blot out of my booke : likewise Psal. 69. 29. Let him be put out of the booke of the liuing , and let him not be written with the righteous . Apoc. 3. 5. He that ouercommeth , &c. I will neuer blot his name out of the booke of life . Apoc. 23. 19. If any shall diminish of the words of the prophecie of this booke , God shall take his part out of the booke of life .

Ans. 1. We refuse here the opinion of Ambros. Catharinus , lib. de praedest . that maketh two orders of those which shall come to euerlasting life : one of such as are predestinate beeing excellent and worthie men ; an other of such as are not elected , that is , by the grace of God ordained to saluation , yet through Gods mercie shall be saued . But this opinion is contrarie to the Scriptures , which testifie , that whosoeuer is not written in the booke of life , shall be cast into the lake of fire , Apoc. 20. 15.

2. Thomas Aquin. here hath this distinction , Thom. 1. part . qu. 24. ar. 3. that some are saide to be written in the booke of life , simpliciter , simply , such as are in deede predestinate according to the good purpose of God , and these can neuer be blotted out : others are written secundum quid , after a sort , in respect of their present iustice , these may be blotted out : And as these in respect of their present state may be saide to be written in the booke , so the elect indeede may in respect likewise of their present state , while they remaine in sinne , be saide to be blotted out : And therefore some thinke that the booke which was shewed vnto Ezekiel , was written within and without , in the inside were written onely those , who should be saued , on the backside they which are written onely there for a time .

Contra. 1. This distinction may well be admitted , if some be saide to be written in the booke in respect of their owne opinion , and outward appearance : but none can be said to be there written by God : for as the Preacher saith , Eccles. 3. 14. I know , that whatsoeuer God shall doe , it shall be for euer : his workes are perfect , therefore he writeth not any there , and blotteth them out againe .

3. Wherefore the best solution is this : that God is said to blot out , not properly , but by a certaine similitude , as he is saide in Scripture , to repent , to be angrie : they are blotted out , that is , the Lord declareth by the euent , that they were neuer written there : as Augustine well saith , hoc dictum est secundum spem ipsorum , this is saide in respect of their hope , they tooke themselues to be written there : and they are saide accordingly to be blotted out , that is , non ibi se script●s agnoscent , they shall finde and acknowledge that they are not written there in deede . August . in Psal. 68. So the Scripture sometime speaketh , 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 , according to the opinion of men : as Matth. 8. 12. the children of the kingdome shall be cast out into darknes : and Matth. 9. 12. I come not to call the righteous , but sinners to repentance : here they are called the children of the kingdome , and the righteous , in respect of their own opinion , and others , not that they were so in deede : And so some making a glorious shew for the time of righteousnes , seeme to themselues and others to be written in Gods booke , and yet are not . Pellican .

But yet a further doubt is mooued , concerning Moses words , that wished to be rased out of Gods booke : he was there written in deede , and therefore this solution will not serue here : of this now more in the next place .

5. Contr. In what sense Moses wisheth to be rased out of Gods booke , Exod. 32. 32.

Though this question be sufficiently handled elsewhere , Hexapl. in Exo. c. 32. qu 78. 82. yet it shall not be amisse to adde somewhat more concerning that matter : and the rather because the other booke may be not so readie at euerie ones hand .

1. Some thinke that Moses speaketh of the booke not of eternall , but of this present life , desiring in effect to giue his life , and to shed his blood , that the people might be saued : in which sense also S. Paul wisheth to be anathema , and accursed for Israels sake : thus Origen in 9. ad Roman . so also Hierome , noluit deleri de libro vitae perpetuo , sed in present● : he would not be blotted out of the booke for euer , but for the present : qu. 19. ad Algasiam : to the same purpose Euthy●ius , who maketh three books of Gods prescience , as is shewed before , quest. 6. and here Moses speaketh , de libro vitae corporis , of the booke of the life of the bodie , wherein all men both good and bad are written : But Chrysoctome lib. de compunct. cord . and lib. 3. de pr●●ident . by this argument confuteth this opinion : Moses and Pauls desire were all one : now Paul desireth to be separated from Christ for his brethrens sake , Rom. 9. 3. but the death of the bodie doth not separate from Christ , but rather more speedily bringeth the faithful to Christ , as the Apostle ●aith , I desire to be dissolued & to be with Christ , Ph. 1. 23.

2. Basil thinketh that Moses and Paul in thus desiring , were not ignorant that they could not be separated from God in thus praying , it proceeding from so great charitie : but they rather hoped to receiue so much the more at Gods hand for it : in libr. regular . But if they had thus praied onely of this minde , they had respected themselues more then the glorie of God .

3. August . queast . 140. in Exod. thinketh , that this wish of Moses proceeded ex ingenti quadam divinae familiaritatis securitate , from a wonderfull securitie and familiar assurance that he had with God : and he maketh this to be the effect of Moses speach ; either forgiue the people this sinne , or blot me out : but I am assured , thou wilt not blot me out : therefore forgiue them . But the Lords answer , I will blot out him whosoeuer sinneth , sheweth that Moses wish was to be blotted out , and he sheweth not his assurance in so wishing , not to be blotted out .

4. Bernard thinketh that this wish came à paterno affectu , from a fatherly affection , ne solus ipse , excluso populo , &c. that he alone without the people would not attaine vnto euerlasting life : serm. 12. in Cant. But this had beene no orderly affection , to wish to be damned with others : the hope of the faithfull is such , that they doubt not to be saued , though all the world beside be damned .

5. Rupert . lib. 3. in Exod. giueth this sense ; either forgiue them , or els it must needes follow , that I also be blotted out of thy booke , because I am likewise a sinner : But this had shewed some diffidence and doubtfulnes in Moses of his owne saluation .

6. Hugo in Psal. 138. maketh two bookes of life , one of the present state of iustice , out of the which Moses wisheth to be rased out , the other the booke of predestination : But this had beene to tempt God , to wish to fall from the state of grace into sinne .

7. Caietane thinketh the meaning to be but this , that he desireth to be blotted de libro principatus , out of the booke and decree of his principalitie and gouernment : to loose that princely office , ouer the Lords people , which God had assigned him vnto .

8. And R. Salamon Ioachi much to the same purpose , vnderstandeth by the booke , the Pentateuch , out of the which Moses wisheth his name to be blotted , that is , no mention to be made of his name , or of his acts therein : But Gods answer taketh away both these interpretations , him that sinneth wil I blot out of my book : but in the Pentateuch the names of many sinners are written . And Moses only had the principality appointed vnto him for his time , there was none other written there but he : but God speaketh of the blotting out of others .

9. Lyranus thinketh , that as Christ secundum voluntatem partis sensitivae , in the will of his sensitiue part desired the cuppe to passe , quem voluntas rationalis appetebat , which the will of his reason desired : so Moses here , secundum desiderium partis inferioris , in the desire of the inferiour part of his minde , ( that is , his will and affection ) wisheth to be blotted out , though in his superiour part , that is , in his iudgement , he would not haue it so . But this comparison is not alike , for the desire in Christ to escape death was naturall ; but this wish of Moses to perish not onely temporally , but eternally , was supernaturall : and to wish one thing one way , and not an other way , includeth a contradiction .

10. Alphons . Abulens . in Exod. thinketh it is an hyperbolical speech , and not literally to be taken , as was that of Rachel to Iaakob , Giue me children , or els I die : not that shee preferred the hauing of children before her life ; but in so speaking shee sheweth her vehement desire . But Gods answer to Moses in the same phrase , sheweth , that Moses so meant in deed .

11. I preferre here therefore the interpretation of Chrysostome in the place before alleadged , that Moses and Paul , tanto Dei amore flagrabant , &c. did burne with such loue and zeale to the glorie of God , that in respect thereof , Deo ipso frui pro nihilo reputarunt , they made no account of the fruition of God himselfe : hoc erat eorum propositum , ne Deus ab ipsis summe dilectus , irrideretur ab impijs , this was the purpose and scope of their desire , least God whome they dearely loued , should haue beene laughed to scorne and derided of the wicked : which Moses feared would haue beene , if the Lord should at this time haue destroied his people : as Moses had declared before in his praier , Exod. 32. 12. Wherefore shall the Egyptians speake and say , He hath brought them out miraculously to slay them in the mountaines . These holy men preferred the glorie of God before their owne saluation .

6. Controv. That the soules of the faithfull departed , doe not sleepe vntill the resurrection , but presently enioy the sight of God .

Bellarmine falsly ascribeth this opinion vnto Luther and Calvin , and vnto the reformed Churches , that the soules of them which depart hence in the Lord , doe not enioy the presence and sight of God vntill the generall resurrection . Tom. 1. contr. 7. l. 1. c. de canon . sanct.

But 1. Bellarmine is much deceiued : for they hold no such thing : it was the opinion of one of the Popes , Iohn 22. which is thus reported by Hadrian the 6. an other of their Popes , in 4. sententiar . de sacram . confirm . artic. 3. Ioannes 22. publice docuit , &c. Iohn the 22. did publikely teach , and commanded also to hold , quod animae purgatae ante sinale iudicium non habent stolam , quae est clara & facialis visio Dei , that the soules beeing purged receiue not their stoale or garment before the finall iudgement , which is the cleare vision of God face to face , &c. 2. This his error might seeme to be grounded out of this text , they that sleepe in the dust shall awake : but this is euidently spoken of their bodies , which are laid in the graue and dust of the earth : which are said to sleepe , because their bodies doe but rest there for a time , they shall be raised againe . But that the soules of the beleeuing doe presently passe out of their bodies vnto heauen , is manifest by the answer of our Sauiour vnto the theefe , This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise : out of which place Gerson Chauncelour of the Vniuersitie of Paris , in an oration before the states of France , inferreth , Latronem &c. beatificatum suisse in Paradiso in ipsa hora mortis , that the theefe , though he had not fulfilled his penance , was made blessed in the very houre of his death . Gaguin . histor. Francor . lib. 8. 3. The truth then is this , that the soules of the faithfull departed are presently taken vp vnto rest : but yet their glorie shall be more full and absolute , when the bodies together with soules shall be glorified in the resurrection : as S. Peter faith , 1. epist. 5. 4. When the chiefe shepheard shall appeare , ye shall receiue an incorruptible crowne of glorie . So the Angels that fell , are said to be kept in chaines of darknes vnto damnation , 2. Pet. 2. 4. they are alreadie damned , but yet they shall haue a further consummation of iudgement at the last day . Likewise the wicked are said to goe into euerlasting fire in the day of iudgement , Matth. 25. 46. and yet presently after death their soules goe vnto the place of torment , Luk. 16. 23.

7. Controv. That all men shall rise againe , and not onely the faithfull : neither shall they die againe .

Two errors of the Iewes are here conuinced : 1. they hold that the resurrection shall be onely of the righteous , but the wicked , they thinke shall abide in death for euer : But the Angel saith , that of these , which awake out of the dust , some shall awake to shame : the wicked then shall rise againe . 2. The Iewes hold with the Chiliasts , that the iust shall rise againe , and shall liue a thousand yeares in the earth without any warre or trouble , and afterward they shall die againe : But here the Angel saith , that some shall rise vnto euerlasting life : they shall rise then neuer to die againe .

8. Controv. That Christ died not in generall for all , but for such onely as beleeue .

The Vbiquitaries , which hold an omnipresence of Christs flesh in euerie place , doe also hold , that Christ died vniuersally for all men : and that where the Scripture seemeth to speake otherwise , naming many , and not all , as Matth. 26. 28. the blood of Christ was shed for many for remission of sinnes : Rom. 5. 19. by the obedience of one many were made righteous : In these and such like places , many are vnderstood for all , as here in Daniel , many that sleepe in the dust of the earth , shall awake , Pap.

Contra. 1. Why in this place of Daniel , many are named not all , diuerse reasons are before alleadged , quest. 9. 2. and though in this place many be taken for all , yet it followeth not , that euerie where it should so : in this place it is so , because it is warranted by other places of Scripture : as Ioh. 5. 28. the houre shall come , in the which all that are in the graues , shall heare his voice : But in the other places , many cannot be all , because the Scripture doth not warrant that sense , that Christ intended the benefit of his death to all , but onely to those which beleeue , the holy and vndefiled , Apocal. 14. 3. they sung a new song before the throne , &c. and no man could learne that song , but the hundreth fowre and fourtie thousand , which were bought from the earth : by this place it is euident , that all are not bought by Christs blood , but onely a certaine number , for whom it is ordained : Christs death is indeede sufficient for all the world , but is effectuall onely to those which doe beleeue in him : see more of this question of the vniuersalitie of grace , Synops. Centur. 4. err. 23.

9. Controv. That the faithfull doe not iustifie other by way of merit or satisfaction , but as ministers onely of saluation .

In what sense the faithfull seruants of God are saide to iustifie others , as here the Angel faith to Daniel , v. 3. is before sufficiently shewed , qu. 12. But the Romanists by occasion of this , and other such like places , as namely that Coloss. 1. 24. where S. Paul thus faith , I fulfill that which is behinde of the afflictions of Christ in my flesh , for his bodies sake , which is the Church : whence the Rhemists inferre : that the sufferings of Christs members are not onely satisfactorie for the sufferers , but for others . But this is a blasphemous assertion , that the passions of any are meritorious or satisfactorie , sauing onely of Christ . 1. The sufferings of Christs members are called his sufferings , because Christ suffereth in his members : 2. but their sufferings are to a farre diuers end , then Christs passion was : for Christ suffered for our redemption : his members suffer not for that ende : for Christs offering was sufficient , which otherwise should haue beene imperfect , if it needed any other supplie : but they suffer both for themselues to be made conformable vnto Christ , and for the confirmation and example of others : in which sense S. Paul saith , 2. Tim. 2. 10. I suffer all things for the Elects sake , that they may also obtaine saluation . So Thomas Aquinas well expoundeth , Part 3 Summ. qu. 48. artic. P●nult . passiones sanctorum prosiciunt Ecclesiae , non quidem per modum redemptionis , sed per modum exempli & exhortationis , &c. the passions of the Saints doe profit the Church , not by way of redemption , but of example and exhortation : according to that saying , 2. Cor. 1. 6. Whether we be troubled , it is for your consolation and saluation , &c.

10. Controv. That the Saints merits as they are diuers doe not merit diuers degrees of glorie .

v. 3. They that be wise , shall shine as the brightnes of the firmament . Though we admit , that there shall be diuersitie of glorie among the Saints in the next world , as one starre differeth from an other in glorie ; yet two errors are here to be taken heede of : 1. the curiositie of the heretikes called Cataphryges , whose sect-masters were Montanus , and his two Prophetesses , Prisca and Maximilla : who imagined that the bodies of the Saints should some exceede the Sunne in glorie an hundred fold , some more , some lesse : which is a curious and idle fansie and speculation : the Scripture saith , that the righteous shall shine as the Sunne in the kingdome of Christ : Matth. 13. 43. but by how many degrees their bodies shall exceede the brightnes of the Sunne , it is a superfluous and curious inquisition . 2. The Romanists thinke , that this difference and diuersitie of glorie is measured vnto the Saints , according to their diuersitie of merit , which is a great error : mens works as they are great and small , shall be a rule , according to the which men shall be iudged , but the greatest works are not meritorious of the least degrees of glorie , as Christ teacheth his disciples to say , Luk. 17. 10. When ye haue done all those things , which are commanded you , say ye are vnprofitable servants .

11. Controv. The Scriptures not so obscure , but all may be admitted to the reading of them .

v. 4. Thou Daniel shut vp the words , &c. Hence Pererius inferreth , that not onely this prophesie of Daniel , but other bookes of Scripture also are obscure , and hard to be vnderstood : it should be as a cloased booke to them that would reade it : and thereupon he crieth out against heretikes ( meaning in his Iesuited , or rather Iudasited sense the Protestants ) which should affirme , omnem diuinam Scripturam cuilibet etiam de vulgo facilem esse & perviam , that all the diuine Scripture is easie and plaine to be vnderstood euen of euery one of the common people . Likewise the Rhemists doe falsely charge the Protestants to say that the Scriptures are so easie , that they may not onely be read , but expounded of the learned and vnlearned , and that euerie one may make choise of such sense as himselfe liketh , in 1. Pet. 3. vers. 16.

Contra. 1. They doe here notoriously slaunder the Protestants : for we denie not but that many places in Scripture , are hard to be vnderstood : neither do we giue libertie to ouery one to expound the Scripture as they list . 2. But this we affirme , that the doctrine of faith and of all things necessarie to saluation , is set forth in plaine and manifest places of Scripture , to the reading whereof euen the vnlearned may safely be admitted : as our Blessed Sauiour exhorteth generally all , Search the Scrptures , for in them yee thinke to haue eternall life , Ioh. 5. 39. 3. Neither doth it followe , because some things in Daniels prophesie are hard , that all the Scripture is so : and yet the hardnesse of this prophesie was but for a time : for when these things were accomplished , then the meaning thereof plainely appeared : And therefore Daniel is bid to seale it vp but for a time : See more of the perspicuitie and plainnesse of Scripture , Synops. Centur. 1. err. 6.

12. Controv. Bellarmine confuted , who by diuers arguments out of this chapter would prooue the Pope not to be Antichrist .

1. Argum. Antichrist shall raigne onely 3. yeares and an halfe , called here a time , two times , and an halfe : which is defined to be a 1260. daies , Apoc. 11. 3. and 12. 6. But the Pope hath raigned in the Church now more then 1500. yeares at the least : therefore the Pope is not that Antichrist . Bellarm. lib. 3. de Rom. pontif . c. 8.

Ans. 1. The proposition is false : for this place of Daniel is vnderstood of Antiochus , that so long the Sanctuarie should lie prophaned and polluted by him : he was indeede a type of Antichrist , but not in euery respect , as namely in the time and continuance of his tyrannie : types doe not answer in euery respect vnto the thing that is shadowed forth , but onely in that wherein they are types : as Dauid and Salomon were types of Christ , yet it followeth not , that Christs kingdome shall continue but 40. yeares , because they raigned no longer .

2. That tearme of a 1260. daies , mentioned in the Apocalyps , Polanus taketh to signifie that time precisely , namely 3. yeares and an halfe , when the Church of Christ fled from Ierusalem vnto a towne called Pella , where they were preserued , during which time the citie was besieged , and at the last taken and destroied : but these daies are rather taken prophetically for so many yeares , 1260. during which time the mysterie of iniquitie did worke in the Church : which tearme some beginne in the yeare 300. so Napier vpon the Reuelation , propos . 36. Iunius also taketh those daies for so many yeares , Apoc. 11. 3.

3. In that he saith the Pope hath raigned 1500. yeares in the Church , therein he confesseth that the Pope is the Antichrist , that taketh vpon him to raigne in the Church : whereas S. Peter saith , 1. ep. 5. 3. Not as though ye were Lords ouer ( Gods ) inheritance . And thus also is euident by his confession , that the said tearme of a 1260. daies taken for yeares , and beginning in the yeare 300. will make that summe of 1500. and somewhat more .

2. Argum. When Antichrist commeth , all externall ceremonies of religion shall cease , and the publike worship of God : but so is it not vnder the Pope : for they haue the daily sacrifice of the Masse : Ergo. Bellarm. lib. 3. c. 7.

Ans. 1. Whereas it is here said , v. 11. That the daily sacrifice shall be taken away : it is vnderstood not of Antichrist , but of Antiochus , who in deede caused the daily sacrifice to cease : as the author of the bookes of the Macchabees taketh it , 1. Macchab. 1. 57. and Ioseph . lib. 2. antiquit. c. 10. so also Chrysostome expoundeth , and Hierome vpon the 11. chap. v. 30 , 31.

2. Neither is it true , that all outward ceremonies of religion shall cease vnder Antichrist : for he shall fit in the Temple of God , and so reteine some outward markes of Christian religion , as baptisme , and yet in deede be an enemie to the Christian faith .

3. Though in the reformed Church there is ( thankes be to God ) publike exercise of the right sernice of God ; yet vnder the Papacie , the true worship of God is abolished : idolatrie , invocation of Saints , and other strange worships are brought in .

4. The Masse is not that daily sacrifice here spoken of , it is rather that abominable idol , which abrogateth the vertue of Christs sacrifice vpon the crosse , and maketh the oblation of a peece of hallowed bread a sacrifice propitiatorie for the quicke and the dead .

3. Argum. They which goe about to abrogate the sacrifice of the Eucharist , are the forerunners of Antichrist : but the Protestants , not the Papists abolish the sacrifice of the Eucharist : Ergo. Bellar. ibid.

Answ. 1. The Protestants doe obserue and keepe the true institution of the Lords Supper , called the Eucharist : which they celebrate as an Eucharisticall and commemoratiue sacrifie , not as propitiatiue , as the Papists doe : for Christ hath with one offring consecrated for euer , them , that are sanctified , Heb. 10. 14. therefore he was not to offer himselfe vp often , Heb. 9. 25. we vse it as a commemoration of Christs sacrifice , according to his owne commandement : doe this as oft as ye doe it in remembrance of me : Thus Theodoret writeth , hauing mooued this question , cur noui testamenti sacerdotes mysticum sacrisicium peragunt , &c. why the Priests or ministers of the newe testament doe celebrate a mysticall sacrifice , seeing Christ by his sacrifice , hath made other sacrifices not now to be necessarie : clarum est ijs , qui in rebus diuiuis sunt eruditi , nos non aliud offerre , sed illius vnius & salutaris memoriam peragere , it is well knowne to those which are skilfull in diuine things , that we offer no other sacrifice , but celebrate a memorie of that one healthfull sacrifice : for this the Lord himselfe commanded , doe this in remembrance of me , &c. so Theodoret in c. 8. ad Hebraeos .

2. But the Papists indeede haue abrogated the true vse of the Eucharist ; turning bread into flesh , a Sacrament into a sacrifice , a commemoration into an oblation , eating and drinking , into gazing , and shaking to and fro , and lifting vp : in stead of worshipping God , adoring a peice of bread : and such like profanations haue they brought in of the Lords Supper .

4. Argum. 45. dayes after the death of Antichrist , Christ shall come vnto iudgement : But the Pope hath raigned these 500. yeares in the Church , vtroque gladio , by both swords , euen by the protestants owne confession , and yet Christ is not come vnto iudgement : Ergo. Bellar. lib. 3. de Roman . Pontisi . c. 9.

Answ. 1. If iust 45. dayes after the death of Antichrist , Christ shall come to iudge the world , then they which liue at that time shall be able to assigne the verie day of Christs comming , and so shall be wiser then the Angels , to whom the day and houre of Christs comming is vnknowne .

2. This prophesie of a 1335. dayes concerneth not Antichrist , it was fulfilled in the death of Antiochus , who miserably ended his dayes 45. dayes after the restitution of religion among the Iewes : see before quest. 26.

3. In that Bellarmine confesseth , that the Pope hath raigned so long with both swords , therein he sheweth him to be the Antichrist : for Christ saith , learne of me , for I am humble and meeke , Matt. 11. 29. and the Prophet Isay saith , speaking of the kingdome of Christ , c. 11. 9. then shall none hurt or destroy in all the mountaine of mine holinesse : the Pope then , that killeth and destroyeth with the sword the innocent sheepe of Christ , is the verie Antichrist .

6. Morall obseruations .

1. Observ. Michael the great Prince standeth for his people .

v. 1. At that time shall Michael stand vp , &c. This is the comfort of Gods Church , though Turke and Pope , and other aduersaries doe stand vp against them , yet they haue Michael the great Prince to fight for them , who shall deliuer his Church from their cruell rage , and not suffer them further to preuaile , then it shall be for his glorie , and the triall of their faith : and this is that , which our Sauiour hath promised , Behold , I am with you alwaies to the ende of the world , Matth 28. 20.

2. Observ. The hope of the resurrection doth arme vs against all afflictions , yea death it selfe .

v. 3. Many of them that sleepe in the dust of the earth , shall awake , &c. This ought to be our comfort , that although the members of Christ are persecuted in this world , vexed and tormented , giuen to the fire , slaine with the sword , cast into the Sea , yet God shall restore vnto them all their parts againe : this was Iobs comfort in his greatest extremitie , c. 19. 25. 26. I knowe my Redeemer liueth , &c. and I shall see him in my flesh .

3. Observ. It is not sufficient to knowe the will of God , but we must teach it others , and doe it our selues .

v. 3. They that turne many to righteousnes : Christ requireth of his disciples both to teach , and themselues to obserue his commandements , Matth. 5. 19. for like as the ostrich hath wings , but flieth not with them : and as the stomake which receiueth meate , and keepeth it , neuer digesteth well , vnlesse it transmit it ouer vnto other parts : so are they which haue knowledge and other gifts , and seeke not to benefit others thereby .

4. Observ. The glorie of the next life , should teach men temperance and sobrietie .

v. 3. They shall shine as the starres : The bodies of the Saints shall be so glorified in the resurrection , that they shall shine as the starres , yea as the Sunne , in the kingdome of God , Matth. 13. 42. If men doe hope to haue their bodies vessels of so great glorie , they must take heede that they defile them not with surfetting , drunkennesse , vncleanesse : Such filthy and polluted vessels , are no fit temples for the spirit of God : Thus S. Peter exhorteth , 2. epist. 3. 14. Beloued , seeing yee looke for such things , be diligent , that yee may be found of him without spot and blamelesse .

5. Observ. Against curiositie .

v. 9. Goe thy way Daniel , for the words are cloased vp : In that Daniel obtaineth not altogether his desire for the knowledge of these hid mysteries , it teacheth vs that we should not curiously presse to knowe such things , which it hath pleased God to keepe secret : So the Apostle aduiseth , that no man presume to vnderstand , aboue that which is meete to vnderstand but that he vnderstand according to sobrietie , Rom. 12. 3.

6. Observ. Of the vse and ende of affliction .

v. 10. Many shall be purisied , made white , and tried . Here are three effects of affliction expressed . 1. as the wheate is purified from the chaffe , so by affliction the fathfull are discerned from the hypocrites : as the Apostle saith , in an other case , 1. Cor. 11. 19. there must be heresies , that they which are approoued may be knowne . 2. as the cloath by often washing is whited , so by affliction men are purified from their corruptions : as the Prophet Dauid saith , Psal. 119. 67. before I was afflicted I went astray . 3. as the gold and siluer is tried in the fire , so the Lord taketh triall of the faith and patience of his seruants by affliction : as S. Peter saith , 1. epist. 4. 12. Dearely beloued , thinke it not strange concerning the sierie triall , which is among you to prooue you , &c.

7. Observ. Of the fruitfull meditation of death .

v. 13. Goe thy way , for thou shalt rest , and stand vp in thy lot : After that the Lord had reuealed to Daniel by his Angel , the comming of the Messiah , that should finish sinne , and reconcile sinners , c. 9. 24. and beside he had heard what should be the ende of the iust , they should awake vnto euerlasting life : now he is called to prepare himselfe to his ende : so after we haue attained to the knowledge of Christ , we should desire nothing more , then with S. Paul to be dissolued and to be with Christ : and to sing with old Simeon , Lord now lettest thou thy seruant depart in peace according to thy word , for mine eyes haue seene thy saluation . And now blessed be the Lord , who hath suffered me to liue with Simeon to see this great mysterie of saluation reuealed in this booke , who I trust will yet strengthen me in other bookes and parts of holy Scripture , to embrace Christ as it were in mine armes , and to shew him vnto others : that when the course of my poore ministrie is fulfilled , I may sing nunc dimittis with Simeon : and so we the seruants of Iesus Christ may comfort our selues with this gracious promise made to Daniel , to rest in peace , and stand vp in our lottes in the day of the Lord : to whom be praise for euer .

FINIS .

❧ AN APPENDIX vnto this Commentarie , wherein are examined the reasons and Arguments vrged by GRASERVS , against IVNIVS exposition of the Image which Nabuchadnezzer saw in a dreame , c. 2. and of the visions set forth , c. 7. c. 8. and of the 11. chap. from v. 36. to the ende .

AFter I had by the Lords gratious assistance finished this Commentarie , there came vnto mine hand a ●reatise set forth this last yeare 1608. by Graserus . intituled historia Antichristi illius magni , the historie of that great Antichrist : wherein he taketh vpon him to infringe and impugne the interpretation of Iunius throughout this booke . This his Censure and animadversion he diuideth into tenne exercises , as he calleth them : I thinke it not amisse speedily to runne through all of them , and to weigh his principall reasons and obiections , wherein he seemeth to be so confident : whose learned trauaile in this argument in applying Daniels propheticall visions against Antichrist , as it deserueth commendation , so yet some of his reasons are not so pithily set downe , but that they may be revewed and examined .

The first exercise perused and examined .

In this first part of his treatise Graserus taketh vpon him to prooue , that the legges of the image , c. 2. and the fourth beast described c. 7. cannot signifie the kingdome of the Grecians , which succeeded Alexander , as of the Seleucians in the North , and of the Ptolomes , and Lagidae in the South , as Iunius doth well interpret : but that by the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes is signified , which to this day continueth , diuided into two parts , as the two legs thereof , the kingdome of the Pope in the West , and of the Turke in the East : and that not the Monarchie onely of Alexander , but of him and his successors ioyntly is described , by the bellie and sides of the image , c. 2. and by the third beast , c. 7. His arguments are these .

Argum. 1. The third beast called the leopard , is vnlike vnto the other two before it , the lion , which signifieth the Chaldean Monarchie , and the beare taken for the Persian state : But if Alexander in his owne person were this Leopard , he should not be vnlike the first , for he was an absolute Monarch , as the Chaldean kings were : whereas the Persian state was not entire , but consisted partly of the power of the Persians , partly of the Medes , like to the Polonian state , which standeth in the ioynt authoritie of the Polonians and Lithuanians : And beside , not the persons of the kings , but the kingdomes themselues , are here compared together , P. 37.

Answ. 1. The dissimilitude of these beasts consisteth not in the vnlike forme of gouernement : for the state of the Persian kings was as absolutely Monarchicall , as was the Empire of the Chaldeans : though their kingdome consisted of diuerse vnited parts , yet that letteth not the kingly power to be absolutely Monarchicall : but the difference between these kingdomes , was in other qualities , as the one exceeded the other in strength , or in more hard and cruell gouernement : as is shewed before in the 17. and 18. questions vpon the 7. chapter . 2. not the kingdomes onely , but the kings together with their kingdomes are compared together : as c. 2. 38. Daniel saith to Nebuchadnezzar , thou art this kingdom of gold : as his Monarchie was as gold in respect of them which succeeded , so he was as gold beeing compared also to his successors . So Alexanders person together with his kingdome was this third beast : as the little horne , cap. 7. ver. 8. signifieth Antiochus person with his kingdome .

Argum. 2. The liues of these beastes were prolonged for a certaine time , and period , c. 7. 12. But Alexanders kingdome ouer the Macedonians continued but 12. yeares from his fathers death : his Monarchie but halfe so long , after he had ouercome the power of Persia : in so short a time what periods , and conuersion of times could be obserued ? p. 38.

Answ. That place is not vnderstood of the continuance or periods of those kingdomes , ( and yet this supposall of the fatall periods of kingdomes , is found by experience , to be but a speculatiue imagination ) for the text saith , the dominion of the beasts they had taken away before : the meaning is , that their liues , that is , some remainder and reliques of those beasts should continue after their dominion and kingdome was ended , and determined : and so there remained some portion of the Macedonian kingdome euen after Alexander , and of other the former Monarchies , as is further shewed , c. 7. quest. 39.

Argum. 3. The third beast had 4. heads : which are taken by Iunius for the fowre chiefe regiments , which were vnder Alexander , managed by his principall and chiefe captaines : But those 4. captaines are signified by the fowre hornes , which came not vp , till the great horne , which signifieth Alexander , was broken , for they came vp in stead of that great horne , c. 8. 8. pag. 40.

Answ. 1. Graserus here confoundeth the visions of the 7. and 8. chapter : he maketh the Leopard , c. 7. and the Goat , c. 8. to signifie the same , whereas the goat more generally comprehendeth the whole Grecian Monarchie , both vnder Alexander and his successors : as appeareth by the little horne , which in the vision of the 7. chapter commeth out of the fourth beast : but in the 8. chapter , both that great horne , which was Alexander , and the 4. hornes which came vp in the place thereof , and the little horne which came forth out of one of the fowre hornes , doe all arise out of one and the same beast , namely the goat . 2. these fowre principalities in the 7. chapter , are 4. heads of that beast , while they managed the affaires of the kingdome vnder Alexander , and Arideus his brother : But after they tooke vpon them to be kings , they are said to be fowre hornes , which did rise vp in the place of the great horne .

Argum. 4. In the 8. chapter , the goat is interpreted to be the kingdome of Grecia , and the great horne , is the first king thereof , namely Alexander : he then maketh not that beast alone , but the whole kingdome of Grecia is vnderstood , whereof Alexander was but the first king .

Answ. It is granted , that the goat in the 8. chapter , signifieth the whole kingdome of Grecia , both of Alexander and his successors : but it followeth not , that the third beast , the Leopard in the 7. chapter , should therefore comprehend likewise both the one and the other , as is shewed in the answer to the former argument . 2. in the 11. chapter , v. 4. there is an euident distinction made betweene the kingdome of Alexander and of his successors : for it is said , his kingdome shall be broken , and shall be diuided toward the fowre winds , and not to his posteritie : Graserus here answereth , that the same kingdome remained still ; for that which is diuided , is not destroyed or dissolued , pag. 43. If this were a good answer , the 4. Monarchies described by the image , c. 2. should be all one : for they made all but one generall bodie set forth by that image , one succeeding another , as the parts and members of the bodie doe one depend vpon another .

Argum. 5. The 4. beast was vnlike to all the rest , it had yron teeth , it was more fierce and terrible then the former , but so was not the kingdom of the Seleucians more terrible to the world , then the three former of the Chaldeans , Persians , Alexander : it cannot therefore be taken for that kingdome , p. 50. And whereas Iunius well obserueth , that these beasts are described respectiuely , as they were toward the people of God , vnto whom the Seleucians were more cruell , then any of the other Monarchies : Graserus would thus remooue this answer :

1. The beasts c. 7. are not more strictly to be taken , then the parts of the image , cap. 2. but there they are described generally by the defferent qualities of gold , siluer , brasse , yron , one beeing thus compared to an other . 2. Daniel in particular sheweth , in the description of the little horne , wherein this beast should be more terrible to the people of God , then the other : so that in so generall a description it had beene superfluous to insinuate the same . 3. If these visions had specially concerned the people of God , the Prophet would haue penned his prophesie in the Hebrewe , not in the Chalde tongue , Graser . p. 52. 53.

Answ. 1. In the vision of the image , the fowre Monarchies are compared together by those different qualities of the fowre mettals , yet with relation vnto the people of God : toward whom the first Monarchie in generall was as gold , the second as siluer , to the rest , see quest. 45. c. 2. 2. though in particular that little horne were more cruell to the people of God , then the other hornes , yet generally also the fourth beast , was more sauage vnto Gods people , then the precedent Monarchies : therefore in this description there is no superfluous iteration : and yet it is not denied , but that typically this fourth beast may shadowe forth the Monarchie of the Romanes : because c. 7. 23. it is said to deuoure the whole earth , and the Euangelist S. Iohn , Apocal. 13. in the description of the Romane Empire , which is likened to a beast with 7. heads , and ten hornes , hath reference to this vision .

3. This booke is written in Chalde , because when Daniel wrote he was in Chalde , where these things were shewed and done : and therefore for the more credit of the storie , it is written in the Chalde . And beside it was requisite that the Chaldeans should vnderstand what was to befall them in time to come , how their Monarchie should be subuerted for their pride and oppression , that hereby they might be admonished to be more equall toward the people of God : see more hereof in the generall obseruations premised , concerning the diuerse readings vsed in this booke .

Argum. 6. This fourth beast is set forth to haue yron teeth , it deuoured , and brake in peices , and stamped the rest vnder the feete : this description agreeth not vnto the kingdome of the Seleucians , or Antiochians . 1. for they did not not stampe the rest vnder their feete : they were rather stamped vpon and troden vnder feete by the Romanes ; who triumphed ouer Antiochus the great , who farre exceeded in power his sonne Antiochus Epiphanes , p. 58. 2. and if this be referred to the violence offred to religion , for the which Antiochus did grieuously torment diuerse : others did the like before , as Nebuchadnezzar by setting vp a golden image would haue drawne them from their religion , p. 56. 3. neither did Antiochus so preuaile against the Iewes : for in the end they resisted him , and restored religion , and setled the state of the commonwealth , p. 62.

Answ. 1. This their stamping and treading vnder feete , is especially meant of the oppression of the people of God : although Antiochus also did more hurt and damage vnto Egypt , then any of his fathers before him , c. 11. v. 24. 2. though Nebuchadnezzar commaunded his golden image to be worshipped , yet that was but one speciall act in a particular place : he did not cause a generall reuolting from religion , not yet prophaned and polluted the Sanctuarie , which things Antiochus did . 3. In the end Antiochus tyrannie was stayed by the valiant resistance of the Macchabees , ( as there is no tyrannicall gouernement perpetuall ) but yet , while he had his time , he did much mischiefe , and tyrannized more cruelly then euer any had done before .

Argum. 7. Iunius interpreteth the 10. hornes of the fourth beast , c. 7. to be the tenne kings of Syria , among whom two kings of Egypt must be counted , Ptolome Euergetes , and Ptolome Philopator , who subdued Syria , and so Antiochus Epiphanes was the 10. from Seleucus Nicanor . Against this interpretation , Graserus thus obiecteth : 1. that if these tenne hornes were tenne kings , whose particular historie is described , c. 11. why should there be more then 10. kings there spoken of : there are 14. kings of the North and South at the least there pointed at . 2. there is no reason , if any of the Egyptian kings shoud be numbred among the Seleucians , that the first Ptolome the sonne of Lagus should be omitted , that twice subdued Syria , p. 66. 3. Iunius himselfe excludeth Seleucus Nicanor in that prophesie , c. 11. 5. by one of his Princes vnderstanding Philopator the son of Ptolome Lagi : whereas the pronoune hath relation vnto Alexander , and by one of his Princes , is vnderstood Seleucus one of Alexanders Princes , pag. 68.

Answ. 1. True it is , that the historie of 14. kings is abridged c. 11. 6. of the South , and 8. of the North : but the other are prophesied of for the more euidence of the historie : and in that prophesie the Angel doth not onely entreate of the tenne hornes of the beast , which came out of the kingdome of the North , but expoundeth the first vision of the two legges of the image , shewing how they knocked and beat one vpon an other . 2. Graserus himselfe giueth the reason , why Ptolome Lagi is not counted among the rulers of Syria , because he then subdued Syria , quando Seleucus de eius possessione ne cogitare audebat , &c. when Seleucus as yet durst not so much as thinke of possessing that kingdome , p. 69. the kingdome of the Seleucians then was not yet begunne , when Ptolome subdued Syria , and therefore the other two rather are counted in the number of the Syrian hornes and kings then he , namely Euergetes and Philopator , who subdued Syria after the Seleucians were confirmed and setled in their kingdome : and because speciall mention is made of the victorie and conquest of these two against the kings of the North ; of Euergetes , c. 11. 8. of Philopator , v. 11. 3. Iunius is deceiued , in vnderstanding these words , one of his Princes , of Ptolome Philopator , rather then of Seleucus Nicanor : as is further shewed , c. 11. quest. 18. and we confesse with Graserus , Iunium interdum dormitare ; that Iunius and his followers may sometime be a sleepe , and be deceiued , p. 70. for no mans iudgement is so perfect , to be followed in euerie thing : yet this is no let but that his former exposition of the tenne hornes , may verie well stand .

Argum. 8. Further Graserus thus obiecteth against these tenne hornes thus interpreted , and the little horne comming vp among them vnderstood to be Antiochus : 1. These tenne hornes of the beast must come vp at one time , for how can it be called a tenne horned beast , if one should come vp after an other ? and the little horne is said to come vp among them , therefore they came vp together . 2. the little horne shall rise vp after the tenne , c. 7. 24. it was then the eleuenth rather then the tenth . p. 73. 3. The kingdome of the beast endeth with the destruction of this little horne , c. 7. 11. and then the euerlasting kingdome of Christ succeedeth : but the kingdome of the Seleucians ended not in Antiochus : many of that line succeeded afterward : and there was almost as many ye●●es from Antiochus Epiphanes death vnto the comming of Christ , as there were from Alexanders death vnto Antiochus , Graser . p. 74.

Answ. 1. It is not necessarie , that these 10. hornes should come vp all at once , because the beast is said to haue tenne hornes : like as the beast is described with seuen heads , Apoc. 17. which are interpreted to be 7. kings v. 10. and yet were they not altogether , but fiue were fallen , one is , and one is to come , v. 10. this little horne is said to come vp among them , that is , it was one of them : see more hereof , c. 7. quest. 26. in the ende .

2. The little horne is said to come vp after them , that is the last of them : as Iunius translateth , post quos exurget postremus , after the which it shall rise vp last , c. 7. 24. as the word acharan , signifieth both an other , and the last , so it was the tenth in number , and in some sort the eleuenth also , as much differing from the rest : see c. 7. 29. 2.

3. The beast is said to be slaine , when the little horne was destroyed , not because then the kingdome of the Seleucians was vtterly extinguished : but the power and glorie thereof beganne more and more to be abated after Antiochus , vntill it was taken from the Seleucians , and giuen to Tigranes king of Armenia , and last of all dissolued by the Romanes . This translating of the kingdome from the house of the Seleucians vnto Tigranes , happened about 80. yeares after Antiochus death : and about 80. yeares after this translating of the kingdome was our Blessed Sauiour borne : see before , c. 7. qu. 38.

Argum. 9. And that Antiochus Epiphanes cannot be the little horne spoken of , Graserus thus argueth : 1. it is called a little horne : but Antiochus Epiphanes could not be said to be little , beeing sonne vnto Antiochus the great , though he had an elder brother , pag. 76. 2. the shewe of this little horne in the ende was greater , then of his fellowes : but Antiochus Epiphanes was not greater then his father called Antiochus the great . 3. this little horne had a mouth , that spake words , not against the most high , as the most interpreters read : but ex parte al●issimi , letzad , on the part of the Almightie : as Vatablus , Pagnin , and Montanus : Thus did not Antiochus : But it must be referred to him , qui impietati suae Dei nomen praetendet , which shall pretend the name of God in all his impietie , Graserus pag. 80.

Answ. 1. Antiochus Epiphanes , is said to be that little horne , because he was the younger sonne , and so not borne vnto the kingdome , and his elder brother had a sonne Demetrius : so that Antiochus Epiphanes was an vsurper of the kingdome .

2. Antiochus Epiphanes was not simply greater then his father , but he carried himselfe more stoutly and proudly against the people of God , then any of his predecessors : and he also practised against Egypt , and did them more hurt then any of his predecessors : as it is said , Dan. 11. 24. he shall doe that ( namely to Egypt ) which his fathers haue not done , not his fathers fathers : these words beeing so manifest , I wonder that Graserus so much forgetteth himselfe thus to write , constat parentem Antiochum non minores yes contra Egyptum gessisse , it is euident that Antiochus his father did attempt no lesse matters aganst Egypt .

3. That word letzad , signifieth not on the part , but rather against the part of the most high : as let ziddim is vsed , Iudg. 2. 3. thornes against their sides : and that this is the meaning , that he shall speake words against the most high , is euident , c. 7. v. 8. where he is said to haue a month speaking presumptuous things : and c. 11. 36. he shall speake marueilous things against the most high .

Argum. 10. Further he thus obiecteth : 1. this little horne pulled away three other before it : this can not be shewed of Antiochus : Iunius vnderstandeth , that he remooued Philopator , who had ouercome Antiochus his father : but yet he continued king of Egypt still , his horne then was not broken : an other of these hornes pulled away , he saith was Seleucus , his elder brother , whose death he procured : but the text saith contrarie , that he entred peaceably , c. 11. 21. Demetrius Seleucus sonne was the third : but neither can it be shewed , that Antiochus caused him to be killed , neither was he any of the ten hornes , he was not king before Antiochus : these three hornes then , are rather three kingdomes , which this litle horne should surprise . p. 84.

2. Iunius by a time , two times , and a part , vnderstandeth the tearme of 3. yeares and 10. daies , during which the profanation of the Sanctuarie continued : But then the spirit of God had of purpose wrapped vp a manifest historie in obscure tearmes : and the word here vsed signifieth rather halfe , then a part of time : this propheticall prediction of a time , two times , and an halfe , is in the Apocalyps applied to signifie the whole time of the persecution of the Church vnder Antichrist : which is set forth by such obscure tearmes , to the ende that the time of Christs comming , which should immediatly follow after that tearme ended , be not knowne . Graser . p. 86.

Ans. 1. Though Philopators horne , that is , gouernment in Egypt , were not pulled away , yet his power and dominion ouer Syria was remooued by Antiochus Epiphanes , and so his horne there was broken . And although Antiochus entred peaceably by flatterie , yet he might secretly contriue the death of Seleucus his elder brother , as he did : & the third horne plucked vp before him , was not Demetrius , but rather Antiochus his father , whome he procured to be slaine in a certaine sedition : see before c. 7. qu. 28. in the ende .

2. The time of prophaning the Temple is expressed in prophetical tearmes , as other prophesies are , not with affected obscuritie , but to the ende that they might be held in suspense , vntill they saw the accomplishment thereof : the word pelag vsed c. 7. 25. and chatz , c. 11. 7. signifieth , not onely an halfe , but a part of time : see before c. 12. qu. 19. in the end . In the Apocalyps there is an allusion to this time : but the historicall accomplishment was before the first comming of Christ .

Argum. 11. Whereas Iunius vnderstandeth , c. 7. 11. by the slaying of the beast , the death of Antiochus , by the destruction of his bodie , the extirpation and rooting out of his familie , and by giuing it to the burning fire , the torments which he endured beeing aliue : Graserus thus obiecteth : 1. That S. Paul referreth this to the destruction of Antichrist , which he setteth forth in three degrees : the reuealing or detecting of that wicked man ; the consuming of him by the spirit of Christs mouth ; and his vtter abolishing with the brightnes of his comming : and he vnderstandeth not the first comming of Christ in the flesh , as Iunius , but his glorious comming to iudgement , 2. Thess. 2. 8. Graser . p. 89.

2. Whereas Iunius thinketh the little horne described in the vision in the 7. c. and in the 8. c. to be the same : Graserus thinketh that the little horne spoken of in the 7. signifieth Mahomet , and the little horne in the 8. the Pope . p. 92.

3. Whereas Iunius thinketh that the historie of this little horne is more fully described in the end of the 11. ch. these reasons are against it : 1. because no mention is made in the 11. ch. of the ten hornes , nor of the three hornes taken away before the little horne . 2. nor of the eyes and mouth of the little horne . 3. and his end is farre diuers : for c. 7. his bodie is destroied and giuen to the burning fire : but in the 11. chap. he is described dying by some fatall disease , as beeing forsaken of his friends . p. 98.

Ans. 1. S. Paul may in the same phrase of speach set forth the destruction of Antichrist , whereby Daniel describeth the death of Antiochus , and yet not vnderstand the same thing : As in the Apocalyps the Euangelist in the phrase of speech alludeth to diuers visions in Ezekiel and Daniel , and yet applieth them to a diuers purpose .

2. The litle horne spoken of , c. 7. and c. 8. is the same , as may appeare by the description of it : it is in both places called a little horne , in the 7. it hath a mouth speaking presumptuous things , v. 8. and in the 8. ch. v. 25. he shall extoll himselfe against the Prince of Princes : Mahomet and the Pope came too late , to be historically vnderstood by this little horne : for this little horne must come forth out of one of the foure hornes , which did rise vp in the place of the great horne ( which was Alexander ) beeing broken : But there was no remainder of Alexanders kingdome long before the rising vp of the Mahometane or Popish sect .

3. It is not necessarie , because the particular historie of the little horne is more at large followed , c. 11. that therefore there should be a rehearsall of the same things , which were touched before concerning the same horne , but rather one vision supplieth that , which was omitted in the other : for to what purpose should the vision be renewed , if the same things in euery respect should be iterated : The foure Euangelists doe write the same historie of the doings and sayings of Christ ; yet some haue one thing that is not to be found in an other . And the diuers relation of the ende of Antiochus is no such matter to insist vpon : for the diuersitie is herein , that chap. 7. the destruction of the beast , that is , of the kingdome of the Seleucians , is set forth , and in the 11. c. the death of Antiochus , as is before shewed at large , c. 7. qu. 38.

Argum. 12. Graserus proceedeth to deliuer and confirme his owne interpretation of these visions : by the fourth beast he vnderstandeth the Romane Empire , and by the two legges of the image , the two parts of the Romane Empire , one in the East , the other in the West , which was extended in length from one to the other 700. Germane miles : this diuision beganne vnder Augustus and Antonius : afterward Constantine built new Rome in the East : and these two legges to this day , are the Turke in the East , and the Pope in the West . p. 99. 100.

Ans. That neither the Romane , nor Turkish Empire is signified by the two legges of the image , c. 2. nor by the fourth beast , c. 7. is at large shewed before , c. 2. qu. 49. and c. 7. qu. 21. whether I referre the Reader . And further this euident argument there is thereof , that the toes of the image beeing partly of yron , partly of clay , are saide to mingle themselues with the seede of men , they shall ioyne in marriage one with an other , but that band shall not hold : this was euidently performed , when the kings of the North and South , were linked in marriage together , as Ptolome Philadelphus gaue his daughter Berenice to Antiochus Theos in marriage , as is prophesied , Dan. 11. 6. see c. 11. qu. 20. 21. and the king of the North , namely Antiochus Megas , gaue his daughter ( to wit ) Cleopatra , to wife to Ptolome Epiphanes , c. 11. 17. Seeing that the Prophet himselfe expoundeth the vision , shewing , how and of whome this mingling of seede is to be vnderstood : they wearie themselues in vaine , that seeke for the accomplishment of this prophesie elswhere , as Graserus doth in the Papacie , where there hath beene such combination of marriages . p. 103. But he can not shew how the two legges , the kings of the North and South , haue in the Papacie so ioyned and combined themselues .

Arg. 13. 1. By the ten hornes are rather vnderstood ten kingdomes , then kings , as Grecia , Macedonia , Asia , Syria , Egyptus , Africa , Hispania , Gallia , Germania , Illyricum . 2. The litle horne signifieth Mahomet , called litle in respect of his obscure beginning . 3. The 3. hornes plucked vp before it are the 3. kingdomes of Syria , Egypt , Africa , which the Turke inuaded . 4. The mouth speaking proud things , is the new Law of the Turkes Alcaron brought in by Mahomet . p. 109.

Answ. 1. That these visions appertaine not vnto the Romane or Turkish Empire , is shewed at large , c. 7. quest. 21. whether I desire the Reader to haue recourse : 2. seeing the 10. hornes , and the 3. hornes which were plucked vp before the little horne , are interpreted by the Angel to be so many kings , not kingdoms , it is too great boldnesse to vnderstand them to be kingdomes , not kings . 3. this little horne must come out of the fourth beast or Monarchie , and haue the power thereof : But Mahomet and the Turke did not spring out of the Romane Empire , but alwaies did oppose themselues vnto it . 4. though Mahomet had a mouth speaking presumptuous things , it followeth not , that he was this little horne : for not one of the properties , but all must agree vnto him , that is signified by this little horne . 5. Graserus himselfe conesseth , spiritum sanctum in hac visione Antiochi historiam tractare , that the holy spirit doth in this vision handle the storie of Antiochus , but yet so , as that he maketh him a patterne to describe and proportion our Antichrist by , p. 91. If then this prophesie were historically fulfilled in Antiochus , it is not properly referred to any other , but onely typically and by way of analogie , which we doe not denie .

Argum. 14. These visions shewed vnto Daniel concerne the last times toward the end of the world , as 1. appeareth by the phrase of speach , which the Prophet vseth : as c. 8. 17. in the last time shall be the vision : v. 19. I will shew thee , what shall be in the last wrath : but the wr●th which Antiochus shewed against the people of God , was not the last : p. 103. & v. 26. it shall be for many daies : p. 115. and c. 10. 1. the time appointed is long . 2. The Prophet Isai speaking of the reiection of the Iewes , and calling of the Gentiles saith , c. 29. 17. Yet a little while , and Lebanon shal be turned into Carmel , &c. this was aboue 500. years before the comming of Christ : if the space of 500. yeares be counted but a little time , how then can halfe that time be counted long , from the time of this prophecie to the destruction of the Temple by Antiochus ? Graser . p. 119. 3. The Prophet himselfe maketh euident mention in these prophesies of the second comming of Christ to iudgement , as c. 2. he speaketh of the cutting out of the stone without hands , whereby is signified the suddennes of Christs second comming : and c. 7. of the setting vp of the thrones , and of the comming of the Sonne of man in the clouds : and c. 12. euident mention is made of the resurrection of the dead . p. 121. 4. The Prophet is bid to seale vp the vision , because it was for many daies , c. 7. 26. as for the same reason Iohn is bid not to seale vp the words , because the time was at hand , Apoc. 22. 10. p. 122. 5. And that Daniels prophecie concerneth the last times , may be thus gathered : Apoc. 10. 7. there it is said , The mysterie of God shall be finished , as he hath declared to his seruants the Prophets : of these Prophets Daniel was one , therefore to him was declared this mysterie , concerning the finall destruction of Antichrist . p. 123.

Ans. 1. The words , in the time of the ende ( shall be ) the vision , are well interpreted by Iunius in the time defined or determined : legneth ketz , at the ende of time , signifieth the same , that lemoghed ketz , the appointed time of the ende : so likewise v. 19. the words are , what shall be in the last of this wrath , not in the last wrath : for the word acharith is a substantiue , and signifieth the extremitie and end of this wrath ; which should be shewed by Antiochus . 2. Time is said to be long & short in respect of the subiect , & matter in hand : so that the same continuance of time may be said to be long in one respect , which is counted short in an other . The Prophet Isai counted but a short time vnto the comming of Christ , in regard of the continuance of the Church of Christ afterward : and so all the time after the first comming of Christ in the flesh , is but short in comparison of his euerlasting kingdome . This notwithstanding , this tearme of 300. yeares , from Daniels time vntill Antiochus , may be counted long , in respect of the present state of the Iewes Commonwealth , which was not to continue long . So the seruant , whose eare was boared through , is saide to serue his master for euer , Exod. 21. 6. namely vnto the yeare of Iubile , which might take vp the whole tearme of his life . 3. That neither in this place , c. 2. nor in the other prophesie , c. 7. the second comming of Christ to iudgement is described : see before at large , c. 2. qu. 55. c. 7. qu. 31. and to what purpose also mention is made of the resurrection of the dead , c. 12. see further handled , c. 12. qu. 7. qu. 8. 4. Iohn is willed not to seale vp the prophesie , because part thereof was presently to take effect : but Daniel is bid to seale vp his , because yet 300. yeares should expire , before the prophesie should take place . 5. The Prophets , which are there spoken of , might be the Apostles , as S. Paul among the rest , to whome the mysterie of iniquitie was reuealed : and the olde Prophets also prophesied of the last times , which also was reuealed to Daniel : but hereof it followeth not , that therefore Daniel in these visions specially prophesieth of the great Antichrist : whome notwithstanding typically we graunt he describeth vnder this propheticall prediction of Antiochus .

The second Exercise .

In this second part Graserus taketh vpon him to prooue , that in the 11. chapt. from v. 36. the historie of Antichrist is set downe , and not of Antiochus , whose acts and doings were treated of before : and this difference he maketh betweene the prophesie in the 8. chapt. and this in the 11. chap. that there the Prophet speaketh of Antiochus and Antichrist ioyntly together : confuso typo cum eius antitypo , the type beeing confounded with that which answereth to the type : but here se●r sim tractat , &c. he handleth asunder the historie of both : p. 107. His arguments are these :

Argum. 1. These generall reasons he enforceth , that this part of the 11. chap. from v. 36. can not be interpreted of Antiochus .

1. The Prophet vseth manifest words of digression from the former historie of Antiochus , v. 35. that●● is yet an appointed time or period . p. 128.

2. The Prophet had absolued all the acts of Antiochus before , both against Egypt , and especially his attempts against the people of God , excepting onely that clause concerning his death : when then , and at what time should these things be done by Antiochus , which are contained in those ten verses following ?

3. There is a manifest difference in the phrase : the Prophet vseth certaine strange words and tearmes , which doe insinuate some deeper mysterie then of Antiochus . p. 131.

4. And if these exploits were done by Antiochus , they must fall out within the compasse of 2. yeares : which could not be , vnles we wil make an other Alexander of Antiochus . p. 131

5. If all these things were determined in Antiochus , and his doings against the Iewes , it may seeme strange , that the Prophet maketh no mention of the restitution of the Temple and religion . p. 132.

6. And if nothing were intended beside the historie of Antiochus , the Prophet would not haue counted them such great wonders , as he doth , c. 12. 6. p. 132.

Ans. 1. The like words of digression were vsed before , v. 27. chi ghod ketz lamoghed , because yet the ende ( shall be ) at the time appointed : Graserus would make some difference betweene this forme of speech vsed , v. 27. and the other , v. 35. but there is none at all , sauing that in the former the word ketz is vsed , which signifieth ( the ende ) which word must be supplied in the other .

2. The historie of Antiochus by his owne confession is not complete and absolued before the 36. verse , because the clause of his death followeth last cf all , v. 45. And these things expressed in the ten last verses , were done in such order , as is set downe , after he had begunne to tyrannize and rage against the Church of God .

3. It is no maruell , that the phrase is somewhat strange and changed , because he toucheth more strange acts and practises of Antiochus , then he had done before .

4. Neither are Antiochus exploits here set downe to be compared with Alexanders acts : for his chiefe attempts were against the pleasant land and Egypt , v. 40. 41. 43. which might easily be done in the compasse of two yeares .

5. This reason as well may exclude Antiochus altogether out of this prophecie , as from the latter part thereof : for it may be as well obiected against the former propheticall narration to v. 36. that no manifest mention is made of the restitution of the Temple , after the profanation thereof by Antiochus : And yet this also is insinuated , both v. 34. where it is said , they shall be h●lpen with a little helpe : and v. 35. that this persecution should be vnto the appointed time : which was before shewed c. 7. 25. a time , two times , and a part or diuiding of time : which maketh 3. yeares and 10. daies : for so long the profanation of the Temple continued .

6. Though all this historie be determined in Antiochus , yet might it seeme a great wonder vnto Daniel , that God would suffer such a wicked Tyrant so to preuaile , and to defile his Temple in such sort , as it was neuer profaned before .

Argum. 2. Graserus further taketh vpon him to prooue , that the 36. v. is not vnderstood of Antiochus , but properly of the Romane Pope .

1. Hitherto the Prophet hauing spoken of the kings , Seleucians and Ptolomes , vsed the distinct tearmes of the kings of the South , and the kings of the North : but here he saith absolutely , the king shall doe what him list , without any addition : which name of king agreeth vnto the Pope , to shew a difference betweene him and Christ , whose kingdome was not of this world : but the Pope taketh vpon him to be a terrene king , nay to be the king of kings . p. 144. 145.

2. And this clause , shall do● what him listeth , agreeth not to Antiochus , who was curbed by the Romanes , and was circumscribed by Popilius , drawing a circle with his rodde , and made to returne out of Egypt : but it doth most fitly agree vnto the Pope , who doth all things according to his owne will : he boasteth omnia se iura in scrinto pectoris habere , that he hath all lawes enclosed in his breast . Graser . p. 152. 153.

Ans. 1. Though in this place , the addition , king of the North , be not expressed , yet afterward it is supplied : he is called the king of the North , and the king of Egypt , the king of the South , v. 40. and though the Pope take vpon him the Ciuill and temporall power , yet directly he nameth himselfe not a king : but he challengeth chiefly to be head in spirituall matters .

2. And though it be most true , that the Pope holdeth himselfe tied to no law , but doth what he list ; yet it followeth not , that euery king that doth what him list , should be here signified : for so did also Caligula and Nero , and other wicked Emperors . Though Antiochus were restrained from Egypt by the Romanes , yet this his vnlimited will he followed in his owne kingdomes , and specially in Iudea : where he preuailed for a certaine time according to his owne vntoward and wicked desire : for he abolished true religion , and brought in the rites of the heathen , abrogatee the lawes of God , and burnt the bookes of Scripture , and set vp an abominable idol in the Temple , and so he ruled all according to his owne will .

Argum. 3. An other note is set forth of Antichrist , that he shall magnifie himselfe against all that is called God : which is most fitly applied to the Popes , who onely by a certaine inherent ambition , haue aspired vnto such degree of pride , nec divino aut humano iure , by neither diuine or humane right : although they pretend , but without all shew of ground , the prerogatiue of Peter giuen him by Christ , and the donation of Constantine : which allegations , if they were true , both S. Peter might be condemned of great simplicitie , and all the Bishops of Rome for a 1000. yeares , vntil the time of Gregorie the 7. and Boniface the 8. who neuer tooke vpon them this princely prerogatiue . Graser . p. 155 , 156. But Antiochus succeeded in the kingdome by descent from his father , and so held the kingdome by right of succession .

Ans. 1. We denie not but that Antiochus was herein an euident type of Antichrist , as S. Paul prophesieth of him , that he shall exalt himselfe aboue all that is called God , 2. Thess. 2. 4. but literally this is vnderstood of Antiochus : as is euident by comparing this place with c. 8. 11. where he which thus extolleth himselfe against the Prince of the host , that is , God , is saide also to take away the daily sacrifice , and to cast downe the Sanctuarie , which things were so fulfilled and came to passe vnder Antiochus . 2. Though Antiochus was rightly descended of Antiochus the great , and so vnder that title possessed the kingdome ; yet to that height of pride , in exalting himselfe against God , his Temple , sacrifices , and lawes , and so trampling vnder feete all diuine things , he had no shew neither of diuine nor humane right : as neither hath that Romane Antichrist . See c. 11. qu. 43.

Argum. 4. Further , he shall speake maruelous things against the God of gods : which most properly fitteth the Romane Antichrist , both in respect of his maruelous and strange doctrine , which he hath brought in , full of curious questions , and schoole diuinitie : in which sense he is said to vnderstand darke sentences , c. 8. 23. p. 163. and beside his sophisticate doctrine , this may be applied also to that counterfeit seruice which he hath brought into the Church , onely feeding the eye and eare , bewitching the senses , with superstitious obiects of images , and such like : p. 165. adde hereunto his sophisticate and cousening miracles , p. 166. and the snaring and entangling of mens consciences , with auricular confession , his penall iniunctions , workes of satisfaction , and such other : All these things most truly are verified in the Pope : But to Antiochus they agree not , who either had no knowledge at all of this great God , or he spake rather open blasphemie , then maruelous things against him : p. 167.

Answ. 1. We denie not , but that all these things giuen in instance , are most liuely and euidently verified in the Pope : but yet this prophesie is rather thus typically accommodated to him , then literally spoken of him . 2. And this prophesie was verily accomplished in Antiochus , who in respect of his subtiltie and cunning , his fetches and deuises , in compassing his purposes , is saide to vnderstand darke sentences : though he had no true knowledge of God , he might blaspheme him so much the more : for if he had knowne him , he would not haue blasphemed him : and what els are blasphemies , but wonderfull and strange things vttered : the same which are here called niplaoth , maruelous , wonderfull things , are said to be rabhreban , presumptuous things , c. 7. 8. in a Chalde word . 3. But Graserus would haue that place vnderstood of Mahomet , this of the Pope : p. 168. whereas it appeareth , by the description of the little horne , both c. 7. and 8. and the properties , that in both places the same enemie is discouered by the Prophet .

Argum. 5. 1. It followeth , it shall prosper , till the wrath be accomplished , &c. The long prosperitie , which here the Prophet speaketh of , better agreeth vnto the Pope of Rome , then vnto Antiochus : he vseth here the word tzalach , to prosper , which thrice before is inserted in the prophesie , c. 8. 12. 24 , 25. In setting downe the prosperous successe of Alexander , the Prophet vseth not this word : so that he speaketh of a longer prosperitie then Alexander had , which is not seene in Antiochus . p. 173. 2. Neither neede this limitation be added , the determination is made , if Antiochus onely were here meant : for his prosperous successe must needes determine with his life . p. 180. 3. Therefore it is most fitly referred vnto the perpetuall prosperous successe of the Popes , who for sixe hundred yeares together haue so wonderfully preuailed and prospered , that they onely haue not deluded the world , to receiue their pretended title of their supreame Vicarship in earth ; but haue by the ayde and helpe of temporall Princes enlarged their kingdome , and triumphed ouer those that set themselues against them . p. 176. to 178.

Ans. 1. In that this very word of prospering is vsed in the former vision , c. 8. where euident mention is made of taking away the daily sacrifice , and casting downe the Sanctuarie , it is manifest , that these things were fulfilled , the Iewes Temple and Sanctuarie yet standing . And the reason why Alexander is not saide so to prosper , is , because he attempted no such things against the Iewes , neither so prospered in any deuise against them . 2. Though Antiochus prosperous preuailing in these his enterprises could not exceede the tearme of his life , yet it was requisite , that the Church of God should be comforted , vnderstanding that this successe against the Church of God should be but for a time . And indeede this his prosperitie ceased before his death , at the appointed time : before likewise v. 35. which Graserus confesseth to be vnderstood of Antiochus , the like phrase is vsed : there is an appointed time , that it neede not seeme strange , the like clause to be added here .

Exercise 3.

Wherein Graserus out of the 37. and 38. v. goeth about to prooue , this prophecie literally and historically to be vnderstood of the Romane Antichrist , and not of Antiochus .

Argum. 1. He shall not regard the God of his fathers . 1. This was not true of Antiochus , for he set vp the idols of Iuppiter Olympius , and Iuppiter Xenius , or Hospitalis , and caused them to be worshipped , which were the idols of the Grecians . p. 183. 2. But this is performed by the Pope , for he regardeth not Christ the God , whome the Apostles worshipped , whose successor he boasteth to be : he is not said to denie or abjure him , but not to regard him . Aben Ezra malitiously here vnderstandeth Constantine , who did for sake the idols which his fathers adored , when he embraced the Christian faith . But he is said here not absolutely to reiect the God of his fathers , he onely shall not haue due respect vnto him : And the Romanists can not wipe away this imputation from the Pope , though he often make mention of Christ in all his edicts and bulls : he may notwithstanding , and in truth doth , little regard him : not so much opposing himselfe to his person , as impugning his offices : both regall , in arrogating vnto himselfe power ouer heauen , earth , and hell , p. 185. and priestly , in setting vp an other propitiatorie sacrifice of the Masse , in making other Mediators : his Propheticall , in detracting from the authoritie of the Scriptures , making them imperfect , and adding thereunto traditions , which they are not afraid to call ( the word of God vnwritten , ) and the Pope reserueth vnto himselfe power to interpret Scripture , as he list . And thus he derogateth both from Christs kingdome , priesthood , prophecie , and so regardeth not his fathers God . p. 186. to 190.

Answ. 1. Antiochus did diuersely depart from his fathers Gods . 1. those idols of the Grecians , were new gods among the Syrians , whom he made to forsake their owne lawes and rites , to receiue his newe idoles , 1. Macchab. 1. 43. 2. Macchab. 2. 3. 2. he cared not in effect for the idols of the heathen , otherwise then they were for his profit and advantage : for he would haue robbed the Temple at Persepolis , 2. Macchab. 9. 2. 3. whereas some of his predecessors had great respect vnto the Temple at Ierusalem , giuing vnto it great gifts , as namely Seleucus and Antiochus the great , as it shewed , c. 11. quest. 44. he robbed , spoiled , defaced , and polluted it .

2. All these things are also typically verified in the Romane Antichrist , as further hath beene declared , c. 11. controu. 21. he many wayes is departed from the faith and doctrine of the Apostles , and auncient fathers of the Church : and in effect vseth the name of Christ but for his owne gaine and aduantage : but yet the historicall application of this prophesie belongeth vnto Antiochus .

Argum. 2. An other note is , that he shall not regard the desires of women : the word chemedath , here signifieth the lawfull desire and loue of women , which is in matrimonie : not that he should vtterly condemne mariage , but not giue it that reuerence , which is due vnto it . This fitly ageeth vnto the Bishop of Rome , who although he make matrimonie a Sacrament , yet he holdeth it a profanation of orders , and therefore forbiddeth any of his Clergie to marrie : And in that the naturall and lawfull desire and affection of women is not regarded , 2 way is giuen vnto vnnaturall lust to that filthie sinne of Sodomitrie , and to other kinds of vnnaturall concupisence , as of adulterie , fornication , p. 196. 197. 2. But to Antiochus it cannot be referred , who was married and had children , whom he was carefull of , as appeareth 2. Machab. 9. what though he might be vnkind vnto his wife or wiues , that was not a matter of such note , that it should be specially touched in this prophesie . Graser . p. 200.

Answ. 1. All this ( we graunt typically and analogically ) is fitly vrged against that Antichrist of Rome , who alloweth his Clergie rather to commit fornication , then to be lawfully married : as hath beene at large declared before , c. 11. controv. 22. 2. But properly Antiochus is here decyphered , who beeing an idolater , and so polluted with spirituall fornication , was also no doubt an vncleane person of life : and though he were married , yet he might be , and was carried away with vagrant , wandring , and inordinate lust : see more hereof , c. 11. quest. 45.

Argum. 3. 1. The next note is , he shall not care for any God : which Graserus thus expoundeth : that he shall acknowledge no power or maiestie in earth : and this word eloah he vnderstandeth of the Ciuill magistrate , for as before the Prophet shewed , how he should carrie himselfe in the Ecclesiastical , and Oeconomical estate , neither caring for the God of his fathers , nor for the desire of women : so now it followeth how he should vse the ciuill state ; not regarding them , or giuing them due reuerence : he should not vtterly take away magistracie or gouernement , but he should make no great reckoning or account thereof : Thus haue the Popes done , both challenging vnto themselues power to command Emperors , and kings , to translate the Empire , and accordingly they haue made kings to hold their stirrop , to lead their horse by the bridle : This great power , Augustine de Ancona , who liued vnder Pope Iohn the 22. ascribeth to the Pope , thus writing , Papa habet omnem Regalem , Imperialem , & Sacerdotalem potestatem in toto mundo , quia cosecratur quemadmodum sacerdos , coronatur vt Rex , &c. the Pope hath all Regall , Imperiall , and Priestly power in the whole world : for he is consecrated as a Priest , and crowned as a king , &c. 2. But Antiochus was so farre from depressing and despising Magistrates , and the Ciuill power , that one captaine of the Romans with a message from Rome terrified him , and made him giue way : yea , and the Macchabees , beeing of no great power , resisted him . Graser . p. 205.

Ans. 1. That the Pope is a despiser of the Ciuill gouernment , and hath despightfully and disdainfully vsed both Emperours , kings , and Princes , it is euident to all the world , wherein he doth manifestly detect himselfe to be Antichrist : according to S. Iudes description , v. 8. That they shall despise gouernment , and speake euill of them that are in authoritie . 2. Yet hereby is it not euicted , that this is the proper and literall meaning of this place : for though elohim in the plural , be in Scripture applied to Princes and rulers , yet eloah in the singular is seldome found in that sense ; but is better interpreted ( God . ) 3. And so indeede Antiochus cared for no God , but was lift vp in pride beyond the condition of man , as though he could command the floods , and weigh the mountaines in a balance , 2. Macchab. 2. 9. And yet in the other sense it was also true , that Antiochus , though he were kept in awe by the Romanes , yet he made no account of the gouerners and Elders among the Iewes : ( toward whome the greatest respect is had in this propheticall description of Antichrist ) for he put them to the sword , as common and vile persons : as is touched , 1. Macch. 1. 27. The Princes and Elders mourned , &c.

The fourth Exercise .

Wherein the idolatrie of this Antichrist is described , as it is set fourth in the 38. v. which Graserus contendeth by diuerse reasons to be vnderstood of the Romane Antichrist , and not of Antiochus .

Argum. 1. It is said , that in his stead he shall honour the God Mauzzim , that is , as Graserus interpreteth , basilicarum Deum , the God of Temples : for so before , v. 31. the Sanctuarie is called mahoz , of the strength : and Ezceh . 24. 25. the same word is vsed , where the Prophet saith , shall it not be in the day , when I take from them their strength , the ioy of their heart , the pleasure of their eyes , &c.

2. Thus the Romanists haue set vp a newe God , the God of their Temples , which they consecrate vnto seuerall Saints , as seuerall gods : making vowes vnto a Saint of such or such a place , and going in pilgrimage vnto them : to this ende they hollow Churches , consecrate Altars , as tying the diuine worship vnto such places : whereas Christ hath left his worship free for all places , not limiting it to Ierusalem , or any other place , but euery where God is worshipped in spirit and truth . Graser . p. 317. to 319. And thus they set vp in Christs place and stead their Temple gods , and that strange idol of the Masse , which all they say tend vnto the honour of Christ : they might as well say that the abhominable idols which Antiochus set vp in the Sanctuarie , tended also vnto the honour of God , p. 239.

3. Graserus after this , entreth to confute Iunius translation of this place , who thus readeth : as for the God of strength , in his seate he shall honour ; be shall honour ( I say ) a God , whom his fathers knewe not with gold and siluer : against which interpretation Graserus produceth these reasons .

1. It cannot be shewed in Scripture , where God is called , eelohe mauzzim , the God of strength or munitions , without any other addition , but either the God of my strength or refuge , or for my refuge , or the rocke of my refuge , and in the Psalmes and deprecations made vnto God , not in propheticall predictions .

2. In the second clause , he translateth leeloah God , why then in the first clause should it be interpreted , as for the God : if the the word cabadh , to honour , vsually admit not this construction with the preposition lamed , it must be considered , that the Prophet speaketh of no vsuall , but of a strange matter : and yet , as Graserus well obserueth out of Iunius Grammar , this preposition is often set before such words , as are gouerned of verbes , which signifie , studie , desire , attributing of any thing , as here in this place .

3. The coniunction van , veleeloah , sheweth that there the second clause beginneth , and must be read distinctly from the first .

4. If we should not read thus , and the god Mauzzim shall be honour in his place : but thus , as for the God Mauzzim , and make a pause there , the sentence should be imperfect .

5. The generall consent of interpreters , which take Mauzzim here for the name of an idol : and the Rabbines some vnderstand here Mars , some Margolith the God of the Arabians : ought somewhat to mooue , Graser . p. 246. to 249.

4. Graserus also misliketh Iunius sense , who applyeth this vnto Antiochus , who set vp the image of Iuppiter Olympius in the Temple of God : because ( saith Graserus ) this had beene no such strange thing for an idolater to magnifie his idols , and to worship them with siluer and gold , p. 249.

Answ. 1. The word Mauzzim here rather signifieth holdes and munitions , then temples , as the word is taken , v. 19. he shall set his face against the fortes of the land : and so is the word also taken , v. 31. as is shewed before , c. 11. quest. 39. for it cannot be read thus in construction , to be ioyned to the former word , Sanctuarie of strength , because each word hath the article h● prefixed , as Graserus noteth : nor yet , by way of apposition , the Sanctuarie ( that is ) the strength , as Graserus would haue it : for the word Mahoz is not taken for the temple : But in this 31. v. Antiochus assault is described both against the Sanctuarie , and the munition , that is the citie : so the word Mahoz is taken for a rocke or fort , Iud. 6. 26. and in that place of Ezekiel it also signifieth strength .

2. It is most true , that the Romanists haue erected vnto themselues many temple gods , and typically this prophesie may be applied vnto their Pope , the verie Antichrist , see c. 11. contr. 24. But this prophesie literally decyphereth Antiochus , as hath beene prooued at large , c. 11. quest. 43. whether I send the Reader .

3. Iunius interpretation is here refused by Graserus vpon verie good ground : so also before , c. 11. quest. 9. vpon these and other reasons it is misliked : though Iunius may in some particular interpretations be deceiued , yet in generall his relation here in this prophesie vnto Antiochus is not therefore to be reiected .

4. It was no verie strange thing , that Antiochus should set vp idolatrie , beeing a professed idolater : but it was to be wondred at , that he should set vp such an abominable idol in the Temple of God : that the Lord for the sinne of his people would suffer his owne Sanctuarie to be defiled .

Argum. 2. The god whom his fathers knewe not . 1. This cannot be vnderstood of Antiochus , for he set vp no such strange god whom his fathers knewe not : if they say this was Iuppiter Xenius , that keepeth hospitalitie and entertaineth strangers , which was set vp in Garizim among the Samaritanes , 2. Macchab. 6. 2. neither was this a strange god , though worshipped of strangers , neither set vp in the Temple of Ierusalem , as this idol must be honoured in the place of God : if they will haue it to be Iuppiter Olympius , neither was this god vnknowne to his fathers ; for Seleucus the founder of the familie of the Seleucians , did sacrifice vnto Iuppiter at Pella , beeing to set forward with Alexander , where Pausanias writeth , lib. 1. that the wood prepared for the altar came of it owne accord vnto the image of Iupiter , and burnt of it selfe no fire beeing put vnder , Graser . p. 252.

2. But this strange god , is indeede that newe deuised and vpstart idoll of the Masse , with the superstitious inuentions of transubstantiation , sacrifice for the quicke and the dead , purgatorie fire , indulgences , and such like : for although the vse of the Lords Supper were knowne and practised in the Church euen since the Apostles time , yet this idolatrous sacrifice , was not once thought of , p. 254. 255.

Answ. 1. This strange god might verie well be Iuppiter Olympius , who though he might be worshipped by Seleucus a Grecian ( though that fabulous report of Pausanias prooue it not ) yet the immediate predecessors of this Antiochus beeing kings of Syria , by all likelihood worshipped the countrey gods and idols of Syria ; so that Iuppiter Olympius the idol of the Greekes , might seeme in that behalfe a strange god : and beside it is so called , because neuer any of his auncestors did offer or attempt to set vp such an idol before in the holy Temple of God : see before c. 11. quest. 46. in the ende .

2. That this prophesie notwithstanding is most fi●ly by way of analogie and typically applied vnto the strange idol of the Popish Masse , we doe willingly graunt : as is shewed before , c. 11. controv. 24.

Argum. 3 . It followeth , he shall honour this strange God , with gold and siluer , and precious stones . 1. This is most true that the Romanists doe in most costly manner set forth their newe breaden god , which they adore in the Masse ; As the whore is thus described , Apocal. 17. 14. arayed in purple , scarlet , with gold , precious stones , and prarles , &c. 2. But concerning Antiochus , he was more readie to spoile the temples of the idols of their treasurie , as he would haue done at Persepolis , 2. Macchab. 2. 9. then to bestowe any such costly gifts vpon them : which if he had done , it had beene no such strange thing for idolaters to be prodigall and excessiue in bestowing cost vpon their idols , p. 257. 258.

Answ. 1. It is also confessed that herein Antiochus king of the North , was a true type of the Romane Northerne Antichrist , who spareth for no cost to set forth and adorne his newe found idol : as is prooued before c. 11. contr. 25. But still we affirme that Antiochus is here historically described . 2. Though Antiochus might at some time spoile the Temples of idols of other nations , it followeth not but that he might be very sumptuous in garnishing his owne idols : as the Romanes did spoile the temples of other nations , as at Athens , and other places , to garnish their owne at home : So in like manner , Antiochus that had robbed and spoiled the Temple at Ierusalem , afterward purposed if he had liued , to haue bestowed as great gifts vpon it , as he had taken from it , 2. Macchab. 9. 16. his minde then might change toward his own idols : And though speciall mention be not made in the storie of the Macchabees , of his honouring this newe idol with gold and siluer , yet so much may be gathered , that he spared for no cost , because he commaunded altars to be builded throughout the cities of Iuda , on euerie side : and before the doores and in the streetes they offred incense , 1. Macchab. 1. 58.

The fift Exercise .

Wherein the 39. verse is interpreted , which Graserus also remooueth from Antiochus , and applieth to the Romane Antichrist by these reasons :

Argum. 1. The first part of the verse he readeth thus : he shall make the munitions of the ( God ) of the Temples , with this strange God : and whom he liketh he shall encrease with honour , &c. this he sheweth practised among the Romanists : for all the strength of the Romane Church consisteth in the defense of this idol of the Masse ; their Churches , Monasteries , Abbeyes , so many orders of religions are sounded vpon this idol , p. 272 , 273. And those whom he findeth pliable to his purpose , and maintainers of this idol , he aduanceth , he maketh them Cardinals , Abbots , and such like : So the Pope magnifieth his Clergie , enlargeth and encreaseth them , in so much that in some countreys beyond the Alpes , the Clergie taketh vp the third part , in some the halfe part of the whole multitude , p. 280.

2. But of Antiochus Graserus thinketh this prophesie is not vttered , how he should set vp his strange god in the fortes and strong places , and fauour those which receiued his idol , and played the Apostataes , but the faithfull he persecuted : for Antiochus persecution was so notorious and euident , that if the spirit of God should in such obscure tearmes haue spoken thereof , magnam prophetia suae iniuriam facturus fuisset , he should haue offred great wrong to his prophesie , pag. 282.

Answ. 1. We answer here , as before , that typically all this may be well applied to the Romane prelate and Antichrist , as is also shewed , c. 11. contr. 26. but the historicall application of this prophesie concerneth Antiochus , who fenced his newe idol with strong holds and garrisons : as is euident , 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 36. and hath beene further declared , cap. 11. quest. 47.

2. Graserus readeth not right : for he both leaueth the preposition lamed vntranslated , reading , he shall make munitions , whereas the word is lemibtzere , for munitons : and beside he addeth ( God ) of the temples or basilikes , which first word ( God ) is not in the originall : he iustly misliketh Iunius translation : he shall commit the munitions of the God of strength to a strange God : that is , shall make his strange idol the protector of Iudea , which is vnderstood by the munitions of God : for the word Mauzzim , as hath been shewed , c. 11. quest. 46. 9. is not vnderstood of the true God . As Iunius fayleth one way , so Graserus misseth another way in his translation : the meaning is this then , that he shall make for strong holds places of munition : So Antiochus caused the tower of Silo to be fortified , and set garrisons there to annoy those which went vp into the Temple , as is before shewed .

3. And though Antiochus persecution , were notoriously euident , after it came to passe , yet it beeing prophetically described , was after the manner of other prophesies to be set down somewhat obscurely , that both it might be kept from the notice of the prophane sort , and yet be euident to the faithfull , that would search for the meaning thereof .

Argum. 2. Whereas it followeth in this verse , he shall cause them to rule ouer many . 1. this is euidently fulfilled by the Romane Antichrist , who giueth dominon and authoritie vnto his followers and fauourites , creating them Cardinals , Prelates , Abbots , making them Princes , Counties , Barons in their dioceses and seignories . 2. But to Antiochus it cannot well agree , for he brought not in newe titles of dignities into the commonwealth . And if he bestowed honours vpon those which fauoured his wicked proceedings , that was no strange thing : for kings and Princes vsually doe so , Graser . p. 286. 287.

Answ. 1. All this is granted , that the Pope of Rome doth wage his pharisaicall clawebacks , with great honours and dignities , to maintaine his crowne and supremacie , which is vpheld with a newe kind of idolatrie : and herein Antichrist is typically described vnder Antiochus , as is at large shewed , c. 11. contr. 26. 2. But yet the literall and historicall sense will direct vs to Antiochus , who gaue honours and dignities , as namely the Priesthoode to Iason , and Menelaus , which were Apostataes from the faith , and furthered his wicked and vngodly attempts , 2. Macchab. 4. 3. What though it be vsuall with kings to reward their fauourites : yet this was a rare thing , and neuer attempted before , that one should by gifts and rewards peruert the faith of an whole nation , as Antiochus did : see further , c. 11. quest. 47. in the ende .

Argum. 3. Further , he shall diuide the land , as with a cord or line , and that for a reward , or exchange . 1. The Popes iurisdiction extendeth it selfe to the whole earth ; it is not limitted : yea by his instruments the Spaniards he hath also subdued the Indians and remote parts of the world vnder his iurisdiction : And it is memorable , that Alexander the 6. drawing a line in the terrene globe from pole to pole , made this diuision betweene the Castilians and Portugals , that they should possesse all that part of the newe found world , which was on the West , and the other the parts on the East : which diuision a certaine Castilian obiected vnto a certaine petty king of America , who answered , sibi non boni Dei , sed diaboli vicarium videri , &c. that he seemed vnto him not to be the vicar of the good God , but of the deuill , which gaue vnto another , that which he had no right vnto himselfe , p. 290. 291.

2. Neither doth the Pope distribute his honours and preferrements for nothing , but conditionally , and vpon a composition , that they which receiue any dignities at his hand , shall be bound by oath vnto him , to maintaine his supremacie , and other Papall priuiledges : and for the more euidence hereof , it shall not be amisse to set downe the oath , which euerie popish Bishop taketh at his consecration .

Ego N. electus Episcopus N. &c. I such an one beeing elected Bishop of such a place , The forme of oath which the Popish Bishops make at their consecration to the Pope . from this houre , as before , shall be faithfull to S. Peter , and to the holy Apostolike Romane Church , and to our Lord ( the Pope ) and to his successors entring canonically : I shall not be in counsell , consent , or fact , that they shall loose their life or member , or be taken , or violent hands laid vpon them , vnder any pretended colour whatsoeuer : the counsell , which they shall credit me withall by themselues , or their messengers , wittingly to their hurt , I shall not open to any : the papacie of Rome , and reg●lities of S. Peter , I will helpe them to maintaine and defend against all men ( euen though it be the king : ) the Legate of the Sea Apostolike going and returning , I will honourably entreate , and helpe him with necessaries : the rights , honours , priuiledges , authorities of the Church of Rome , and of our Lord the Pope , and of his successors , I will endeauour to preserue , defend , encrease , and promote : neither will I be of counsell , practise , or treatie , where any sinister thing or preiudiciall to their persons , rights , honours , state , power , is attempted against our Lord the Pope , or the Romane Church : And if I knowe such things to be treated of or procured by any , I will hinder them , as much as I can , and as soone as I can I will signifie the same to the same our Lord ( Pope ) or to some other , by whom it may come to his notice : The rules of the holy father , the decrees , sentences , dispositions , reseruations , prouisions , the Apostolike mandates I will obserue with all my power , and procure to be obserued of others : they which are rebells ( as all schismatikes and heretikes ) vnto our Lord , or his said successors , I will to my power persecute , and impugne : Beeing called to a synode , vnlesse I be hindered by some cononicall let , I will be present : the Apostles threshhold ( that is , palace or Church ) the Court beeing at Rome , if I be on this side the mountaines , once euery yeare , if beyond , euerie third yeare will I visit by my selfe or my messenger , vnlesse I be freed by the Apostolike licence : the possessions belonging to my table I will not giue , nor lay to pawne , nor let out to fee farme , though it be with the consent of the Chapter of my Church , without the priuitie of the Bishop of Rome : As God shall helpe me and his holy Gospels , &c.

In which oath this is worthie to be obserued , that the Popes Bishops are not bound by any promise or otherwise , to preach the Gospell of Christ , to feede his flocke , to reade and studie the Scriptures : but onely to be true vnto the Pope , and to maintaine the rights and priuiledges of that Sea : And thus it is euident , how the Pope of Rome doth distribute the honours of the earth , vnto his flatterers by a certaine compact and couenant , Graserus . p. 293. 294.

Answ. 1. All this we graunt to be most true , that is here alleadged , and more too : that the Pope doth not onely exact an oath of obedience of his Prelates , but he doth euen sell them their prelacies , Cardinalships , Bishoprickes , Abbacies , and other preferments for momoney : as is at large shewed , c. 11. contr. 26.

2. Yet notwithstanding this was historically performed by Antiochus , who expelled the auncient inhabitants of Iudea and Ierusalem out of their possessions , and parted their lands among strangers , 1. Macchab. 3. 36. the Priesthood also was sold to Iason first , and then to Menelaus for money , 2. Macchab. 4. see c. 11. quest 47. in the ende .

The sixt Exercise .

Wherein is expounded the 40. vers. which Graserus also contendeth to be vnderstood of the Romane Antichrist , and not at all of Antiochus , by these reasons :

Argum. 1. At the ende of the time shall the king of the South push at him , &c. Whereas Iunius vnderstandeth this literally of the king of Egypt Philometor , who withstood Antiochus by force , comming to aide his brother Physcon against him : Graserus thus obiecteth :

1. If Daniel here had meant by the kings of the North and South , the kings of Syria and Egypt , he would haue so expressed them by those names as the other Prophets doe , and not by so generall tearmes , p. 304.

2. This Iunius supposeth to haue beene done in the last yeare but one of Antiochus raigne ; but then he wanting money , tooke his iourney into Persia , there to gather tribute , 1. Macchab. 3. 39. how then was he able to furnish himselfe with such great power to goe against Egypt .

3. And seeing he had beene discharged out of Egypt before by the Romanes , Popilius beeing sent vnto him , it is not like that he durst attempt and aduenture to goe into Egypt againe .

4. If Antiochus had lately made such a conquest in Egypt , it is not like when newes was brought him in Persia , how the Iewes had preuailed against his captaines ; that he would haue taken it so to the heart : he might easily haue recouered that losse , p. 307.

5. In the last yeare but one of his raigne , Antiochus went into Persia , which is quite opposite to Egypt : neither did he send his captaines thither : for he left Lysias with halfe of his armie to inuade Iudea , neither did he giue him charge concerning Egypt , p. 308.

6. And the king of the North here doth not offer battell to the king of the South , but onely defendeth himselfe .

7. Iustinus lib. 34. saith , that after Antiochus was discharged out of Egypt by the Romanes , reuersum in regnum ibi decessisse , relicto filio impubere , he returned into his kingdome and there died , leauing his young sonne behind him : after that discharge then he returned not into Egypt , p. 309.

8. We reade but of two expeditions of Antiochus into Egypt , in the second whereof he was sent out of Egypt by Popilius in the Romanes name : he made not a third expedition , pag. 303.

Answ. 1. As though throughout this 11. chapter , the kings of Syria and Egypt , are not continually expressed by the names of the king of the North , and the king of the South .

2. The iourney which Antiochus tooke into Persia , was after his returne out of Egypt : from the which though he brought great riches and spoiles , yet his treasure was wasted by his exceeding liberalitie toward his souldiers , which farre passed other kings , that had beene before him , for he gaue vnto his souldiers a yeares pay aforehand , 1. Macchab. 4. 28. 30.

3. It is not like he would after that discharge by the Romanes , inuade Egypt by way of hostilitie and conquest : yet as a friend to one of the brethren , to aid him against the wrongs of his brother , he might although he were discharged , enter into Egypt , or he might notwithstanding this discharge , yet after practise againe against Egypt .

4. It was so much the more grieuous to Antiochus , to be foyled of the Iewes , hauing ouercome the power of Egypt : And Gods hand beeing then vpon Antiochus , he was striken with such a feare , that he knewe not how to bestirre himselfe : but partly of greife of minde , and partly tormented by the stroke of Gods hand , he vpon that occasion ended his dayes .

5. Neither doe we say , that Antiochus made this conquest of Egypt , at that time , when he went into Persia : but he had spoiled Egypt before : and therefore he needed not giue any charge to his captaines concerning Egypt , but onely concerning the Iewes .

6. While Antiochus was preparing to come and helpe Physcon against Philometor , then Philometor hearing thereof did also prouide to resist him : which here is called pushing at him : and then Antiochus came vpon him like a whirlewind : so both may be true , that first Antiochus made his preparation ; but before he gaue the onset , the king of the South first prouoked him to battell .

7. Iustins report is in some things imperfect : that Antiochus died presently after he was charged by the Romanes to depart out of Egypt : for after that he went into Persia , 1. Macchab. 3. 31. Iustinus as well may faile also in the rest : that Antiochus returned no more into Egypt after this discharge by the Romanes : for Florus in his epitome of Liuies historie , lib. 46. after that Antiochus had beene thus discharged by Popilius out of Egypt , whereof he maketh mention in his 45. booke , writeth that the embassadors of the king of Bythinia called Prusias , complained of king Eumenes , eum conspirasse cum Anitocho contra populum Romanum , that he had conspired with Antiochus against the people of Rome : it seemeth then , that after this discharge Antiochus practised secretly against the Romanes .

8. Antiochus made more then two expeditions against Egypt : for euident mention is made of three before in the 11. chapter , one v. 23. 24. see quest. 33. an other mentioned , v. 25. see qu. 34. though Iunius take this for the first : the third v. 29. see quest. 35. And that Antiochus made more then two iourneys into Egypt , may be prooued out of the storie of the Macchabees : for that was his second voyage into Egypt , when in his returne he spoiled and robbed the Temple , wicked Menelaus beeing his guide , 2. Macchab. 5. 1. 15. which is the same voyage mentioned , 1. Macchab. 1. for in his returne there spoken of he robbed the Temple , v. 23. But this was not his last voiage : for after this he went into Egypt , when he was countermaunded by Popilius the Romane Embassador● as it may thus appeare : Antiochus in this his second returne out of Egypt , brought great spoyles from thence , 1. Macchab. 1. 20. but when Popilius discharged him , he returned against his will , hauing not that successe which he had before as is expressed , v. 29.

And further that Antiochus made more then two voyages , may be collected , v. 29. it shall not be as at the first , and as at the last , that is , in his third attempt , when he was stayed by the Romanes , he should not haue the like successe , as the two former times : But Graserus maketh an other sense , posteriora istius expeditionis non respondebunt initijs , the ende of this expedition , shall not be like the beginning , p. 306. and he would haue it vnderstood of one and the same expedition , that whereas at the first , he was likely to haue ouercome all Egypt , in the ende he was restrained and curbed by the Romanes : so also read Genevens . the last shall not be as the first : to the same purpose Vatablus : but the originall standeth thus : and it shall not be , as the first , and as the last : in the other reading both the coniunction vau , should be superfluous , and as the last , and the note of similitude caph , should be in the same clause vsed in a double sense : in the first word carishonah , it should be taken for sicut , as , and in the latter caacharonah , for sic , so : whereas in both places it is better interpreted as .

But here it will be further doubted , which of Antiochus voyages into Egypt this was which is here prophesied of v. 40. and in the verses following : for the satisfying of which doubt , I neither thinke with Iunius , that this was his second voyage , the next before that , when he had his discharge from Popilius , annotat . 101. in ver. 29. for such a preposterous placing of matters historicall is not to be admitted , in so orderly a narration , as the Prophet hath continued through this 11. chapter : that he should speake of Antiochus third voyage v. 30. and deferre the second to v. 40. 2. neither doe I thinke that this is a recapitulation of Antiochus expeditions formerly mentioned : but it much differeth from the former : because the king of the South , here giueth the first occasion : but in all the other attemps the king of the North was the first agent . And againe here mention is made of other nations , with whom Antiochus had to doe , as the Edomites , Moabites , Ammonites , the Lybians and Mores . 3. This then was the last exploit of Antiochus in Egypt , as the 40. v. sheweth , in the ende of time . And though before this he had beene countermaunded by the Romanes to depart out of Egypt , yet he afterward was had in iealousie to conspire against the Romanes , as is before shewed out of Florus , and so might contrarie to his promise inuade Egypt againe : and the rather because P●olome Physcon the younger brother sought to driue Ptoleme Philometor out of his kingdome , which occasion Antiochus tooke to aide Physcon the younger brother against Philometor : of this variance betweene the brethren , who seemed to be reconciled before , when Popilius made Antiochus to depart out of Egypt , Livie decad. 4. lib. 5. and Florus likewise maketh mention in the 46. booke of his epitome : see further of this matter , in the 11. chap. quest. 47. toward the ende .

Argum. 2. Graserus proceedeth and as he excludeth Antiochus out of this prophesie , so he by the kings of the North and South would haue vnderstood the Pope , whose iurisdiction is most in the Northerne parts of the world , and the Turke who ruleth chiefely in the Sotherne : his reasons for this opinion are these .

1. Because there is great affinitie betweene the first kings of the North and South , which are before spoken of in this chapter , namely the kings of Syria and Egypt , and these kings of the North and South . 1. as they branched out of the Monarchie of Alexander , so these two , the Pope and the Turke , are risen out of the Monarchie of the Romanes . 2. as they had their situation , the king of Syria toward the North , and of Egypt toward the South : so these two the Pope and Turke haue their chiefe dominion the one in the Northerne parts of the world , the other in the Sotherne . 3. as both those kings of Syria and Egypt afflicted the people , yet diuersly : for Antiochus would not suffer the Iewes to enioy their religion , but put them to grieuous torments : yet the kings of Egypt permitted the Iewes to followe their owne rites , in so much that they suffered them to build a temple in Egypt like to that in Ierusalem : So the Christians are tormented and persecuted for their conscience vnder the Northerne Tyrant , yet vnder the Turke they may haue toleration of their religion , Graser . pag. 314.

2. The phrase also well agreeth to this sense : 1. the word tzaphon , which is interpreted the North , signifieth also hid , which fitteth the whore of Babylon , in whose forehead is written , a mysterie , &c. Apoc. 17. 5. p. 310. 2. the king of the South shall push , which cannot be vnderstood of Ptolome , who was of no such force to push at Antiochus : but this well agreeth vnto the house of the Ottomans , the great Turks , which haue pushed at these Northern parts of the world , p. 318. 3. the other word ijshtagher , he shall come like a whirlwind , sheweth not an absolute and entire power , as in the horne to push , but rather a confederacie of vnited forces : such as the papacie consisteth of in gathering of Councels , sending vp & down of Legats , stirring vp and combining Princes together to fight for the holy land against the Saracens : to this purpose Graser . pag. 320.

Answ. 1. In that Graserus maketh the kings of the South and the North , that is of Egypt and Syria , types and shadowes of his kings of the North and South the Turke and Pope in their originall , situation , affection toward the people of God , therein he graunteth the same , which hath beene so often affirmed , that typically Antichrist is here shadowed forth , but not literally and historically . 2. neither yet in these things is there so great affinitie betweene them : for the Turkish dominion did not spring out of the Romane Empire , as the Seleucians and Ptolomes had their originall from Alexanders Monarchie , and the Turkish Empire is in the East , not Southward from Rome : who also are held to haue had their beginning from the Scythians , who are a Northerne people .

2. Concerning the phrase it is not so correspondent nor fitting vnto his kings of the South and North. 1. seeing throughout the whole chapter hitherto , the kings of the South and North , are vnderstood to be the kings of Syria and Egypt , there is no reason to take them otherwise here : especially seeing euident mention is made of Egypt , v. 42. 43. 2. the king of the North here is described to come vpon the king of the South as a whirlewinde , and to passe through his land , and to carrie away much siluer and gold : This more fitly agreeth vnto the Turke then the Pope : for he hath rather fallen as a whirlewinde vpon Christendome : whereas the Pope hath but pushed at him , and attempted rather then preuailed against him .

Arg. 3. The circumstance also of the time here noted agreeth with the reuelation of the Romane Antichrist : at the time appointed shall Antichrist come , or as Iunius translateth , about the ende of time ( which Graserus misliketh . ) 1. This time the Ebionites therein consenting with Aben Ezra , assigne vnto the raigne of Constantine , when he building newe Rome in the East , left old Rome vnto Sylvester then Bishop of Rome : But this is their vaine conceit , for Constantine had no such intendment to resigne the citie of Rome vnto the then Bishop there , which afterward he bequeathed with the Empire of the West vnto his sonne Constance : neither if Constantine had beene so minded , was Syluester then Bishop there capable of so great a gift ; the most part of the citie beeing yet Pagans and Infidels : As for that donation of Constantine , it is found to be but a forged thing , and of small credit : and it is like , as if one should imagine , that the Duke of Venice should giue the citie of Venice to the Parish Priest of Saint Markes : Graser . pag. 326. to pag. 328.

2. But thus rather this time appointed may be scanned , that as Antiochus rainged 12. yeares , though not complete : the sixe first yeares whereof , Antiochus making a way vnto his tyrannie , yet did not shewe himselfe such an aduersarie to the Church of God , as afterward : In the last sixe yeares he raged against the people of God , spoiled their Temple , and made hauocke of the Saints : from which time , namely the sixt yeare of his raigne , which was in the 143. yeare of the kingdome of the Greekes , the storie of the Macchabees taketh beginning , 1. Macchab. 1. 21. So vnto these 12. yeares of Antiochus raigne , who herein was a type of Antichrist , doe answer , the 12. ages wherein Antichrist shall raigne : the first sixe ages doe ende at Gregorie the 7. if we beginne to count in the sixt age after the birth of Christ : vntill this time , the rest of the Popes , made a way for Antichrist : but then he shewed himselfe in his colours : when as Gregorie the 7. excluded the Emperour from intermedling with the election of the Bishop of Rome : and first prohibited the mariage of Ministers : of this Antichristian practise of this Gregorie the 7. thus complained , an. 170. yeares after , the Archbishop of Salisburge , in the Councell of Ratisbone , as Auentinus reporteth , lib. 7. Annal. Hildebrandus primus sub specie religionis Antichristi fundamenta iecit , &c. Hildebrand first vnder colour of religion , layd the foundation of Antichrist , &c. and then he proceedeth to shewe , how he excluded the Emperor from their Pontificiall Councels : and thus in the ende concludeth ; credite experto , &c. beleeue one that hath tried , they will not giue ouer , till hauing brought the Emperor to order , pastoribus veris , qui pascant , oppressis , &c. the true Pastors beeing suppressed , which should feed , the dogges beeing taken away that should barke , they make hauocke of all : from this Gregorie then begunne the last six ages , which answer vnto the last sixe yeares of Antiochus , Graser . p. 329. to p. 333.

Ans. 1. Whereas Graserus misliketh Iunius translation , at the ende of time , whereas he saith he translateth the same phrase , v. 35. and c. 12. 4. at the time appointed , as Graserus would haue it taken here : there is great difference betweene ghad gheeth ketz , vnto the time of the ende , that is , the appointed time , which phrase is vsed in the two places giuen in instance , and these words , begheth ketz , in the time of the ende : and v. 35. that phrase is expounded by an other word lamoghed , vnto the time appointed . If this then were to happen in the ende of time , it agreeth not with Graserus coni●ctures : for Gregorie the 7. came not in the ende of time , there beeing toward 600. yeares passed since : The Ebionites fansie , together with some of the Rabbins , we doe with Graserus reiect vpon those reasons alleadged , and other weightie arguments beside , that might be produced .

2. In that he maketh Antiochus a type and figure of Antichrist , it is as much as we desire to be graunted : whence it will follow that Antiochus is here vnderstood ( which is before denied by Graserus ) for how els could Antiochus typically decypher Antichrist , if he were not comprehended in this prophesie ? But , seeing there is no mention made in this prophesie of the yeares of Antiochus raigne , therein he can be no type of Antichrist . And for euery yeare to vnderstand an hundred , is not the vse of Scripture : neither doth the casting of the yeares agree with Graserus coniecture : for since Gregorie the 7. who attained to the Popedome about ann. 1070. or there about , there are expired about 530. yeares : so that by this reckoning , there should remaine but 70. yeares of Antichrists dominion , which were too great boldnes for any to affirme .

Argum. 4. Graserus proceedeth further thus : 1. this preparation with charrets , horsemen ▪ and shippes made by the king of the North against the king of the South , he vnderstandeth , of the holy warres ( as they were called ) which were decreed by Vrbanus the 2. in the Councell of Claromont in France , for the recouerie of the holy land against the Saracens , which was tenne yeares after Gregorie the 7. which Pope Vrbanus , beeing the author of those cruell and bloodie warres , was t●ereupon called Turbanus , because he thereby procured so much woe and trouble vnto Christendome : pag. 334. 335.

2. Of Antiochus expedition against Egypt and the holy land , this prophesie can not be vnderstood : for he needed not to haue inuaded Egypt by shippe , which is in the same continent with Syria , neither could he by shippe assault Iudea , ab omni maris imperio separatam , beeing separated and diuided from all command by the Sea : pag. 342. 343. whereas euery part of this propheticall description agreeth with those former warres attempted by the Christians against the Saracens : for they were transported thither in shippes , and first inuaded Syria , and beeing thence expelled , they praied vpon Egypt : p. 344. 345.

Ans. 1. Typically we denie not , but that here the warres betweene the Christians and Saracens may be shadowed forth by some analogie , or allusion : but that is not the historicall intendment of this prophesie : for here the king of the North is set forth as a conqueror ouer the king of the South , comming against him like a whirlewind : But those attempts of the Christian Princes against the Saracens came to small effect : neither did the Pope himselfe in person goe against the Saracens and Turkes , though those warres were taken in hand by his counsell and perswasion .

2. Though Egypt were ioyned vnto Syria in one continued continent , yet Antiochus might and did assault the same both by Sea and land : he had his armie vpon the land , and his nauie vpon the Sea , when he assaulted the two brethren at Alexandria , as Livie writeth , lib. 5. decad . 5. Neither is it here said , that he by shippes inuaded the pleasant land : but onely it is set downe thus , v. 41. he shall enter also into the pleasant land . Neither is it true , that Iudea is altogether separated from the Sea , and without the command thereof : for Iaakob prophesieth thus of Zebulun , Gen. 49. 13. Zebulun shall dwell by the Sea side , and shall be an hauen for shippes , and his border shall be vnto Zidon .

The 7. Exercise .

Wherein Graserus expoundeth the 41. verse , and taketh vpon him to prooue , that it can not be vnderstood of the expedition of Antiochus against Iudea , but of the attempts of the Bishop of Rome against the Saracens .

Argum. 1. Graserus first confuteth their opinion , who thinke all this to be vnderstood of the king of the South , that he should enter into the land of Palestina , applying it to the Saracens , who possessed that countrey : But this he well sheweth , can not be so : for the king of the North is brought in as the principall : the king of the South is mentioned but by occasion of the other , as it were by an accident : and therefore the storie still runneth vpon the acts and exploits of the king of the North. p. 148. 149. Then he commeth to examine Iunius opinion , that interpreteth all this of Antiochus , who in his returne out of Egypt , inuaded Iudea , but spared the Edomites , Moabites , and the chiefe of the Ammonites , as confederate with him . His reasons are these :

1. If by the pleasant land were here meant the land of Iudea , why is it not described by that name , in all this whole propheticall vision of Antiochus , wherein so many attempts of his are described against the Iewes ? this therefore sheweth , that by this name giuen vnto that land , some other thing is signified . 2. And if the Moabites and Edomites be here meant , who were in such league and amitie with Antiochus , that they ayded him in his warres , and Iudas Macchabeus was reuenged vpon them , as his enemies : it could not be said of them , that they escaped out of his hands , which phrase rather presupposeth some former hostilitie and persecution , out of the which they hardly escaped . 3. And why should he say the first and chiefe of the Ammonites : if the Edomites and Moabites were wholly spared , who were as in the heart of Syria , why should the first and nearer parts of the Ammonites onely escape , whose countrey is extended to Arabia ? Graser . p. 353. 354.

Ans. 1. Iudea is before described by this name of the pleasant land , v. 16. when Antiochus the great father to Antiochus Epiphanes , first subdued it : therefore Iudea beeing before expressed by that name , is most likely also to be signified here : the reason , why in the prophesie of Antiochus expeditions against the people of God , it is described by other names , as the holy couenant , and Sanctuarie , is , because Antiochus sought more to deface their religion , then to inuade their land .

2. The Edomites and Moabites are said to escape his hand , not as though he attempted any thing against them , but because their countries lying and bordering vpon Palestina , were in danger also to haue beene smitten and oppressed by him , but that he spared them as his confederates : so they are saide to escape , in regard of their present danger , in respect of the nearnes of the place .

3. The reason is euident , why onely the first and nearest of the Ammonites doe escape , because their countrey was more remote from Syria , then Edom and Moab was , extending to Arabia : and therefore the nearest parts of the Ammonites were most in danger : see before c. 11. qu. 48.

Argum. 2. Further Graserus would prooue by the phrase and words , that Antiochus inuading of Iudea is not here meant .

1. By the inuading of the pleasant land , such warre is here vnderstood , in quo de terrae illius poss●ssione praecipuum certamen fuit , wherein the chiefest strife was about the possession of that land : Now Antiochus had that land in subiection before , he now sought onely to roote out their religion : But this very well agreeth to those holy warres made betweene the Christians and Saracens , which was for the possession of that countrey .

2. Againe , the king of the South and North stroue about this countrey : but Ptolome letted not Antiochus , neither resisted him in his proceedings against Iudea .

3. It is saide that many shall be ouerthrowne : which is fitly applied to those bloodie warres betweene the Christians and Saracens , wherein so much blood was shedde , as Vrspergensis writeth , vt in ipsius Templi pavimento is equorum genua attigerit , that in the pauement of the Temple , it tooke the horse vp to the knees .

4. And whereas the word rabbath , many , is put in the feminine gender , here may very well be vnderstood the word keholoth , Churches ; because indeede many Churches should be ruinated and made desolate at the comming of Antichrist . pag. 355. to p. 362.

Ans. 1. Antiochus did not onely pollute and defile the Sanctuarie , but he made hauocke also of the cities and countrey : for his captaines spoiled Ierusalem , set it on fire , cast downe the houses and the walls , and tooke the women and children captiue , 1. Macchab. 1. 33. 34. Neither were those bloodie and most cruell warres betweene the Christians and Saracens taken in hand onely vpon a ciuill respect to possesse the countrey of Iudea , but because they had a superstitious opinion of that countrey , as beeing counted more holy then other , at the instigation of the Pope those troublesome warres were vndertaken , whereupon they were called the holy warres .

2. Neither is it here said , that the king of the North and South stroue about this countrey , but onely that the king of the North shall inuade it , and enter into it , as before he set himselfe against the holy couenant , v. 29. 31. which thing Antiochus did : in his returne out of Egypt , he set vpon Iudea .

3. Because many did fall in those warres , it followeth not , that they therefore should be comprehended here : it is not enough for one of the partes of this propheticall description to agree , but all must be made to accord .

4. We neede not seeke for any strange word here to be supplied : the word eeretz , earth , before vsed in the beginning of the verse , is most fit to be vnderstood here : and so the meaning is , that many nations and lands , sauing those few here excepted of the Moabites , Edomites , Ammonites , should feele Antiochus hand .

Argum. 3. By the Edomites , Moabites , and the chiefe of the Ammonites , Graserus vnderstandeth the Church of the Grecians , Ethiopians , and the Elect , which all escape the tyrannie of Antichrist : which he would shew in this manner :

1. Like as the pleasant land generally betokeneth the Catholike visible Church , which shall be surprised by Antichrist : so by the other three , which were allied vnto the people of God the Edomites , which came of Esau the brother of Iaakob , the Moabites and Ammonites , which issued from Lot Abrahams brothers sonne : by these three are vnderstood three sorts of people , which haue some affinitie with the Church of God : The Edomites may signifie the Grecians , which came nearest in iudgement of religion vnto the Church of God in these West parts , as the Edomites were next in affinitie vnto the Israelites .

2. The Moabites doe shadow forth the Ethiopians : that as they were also of affinitie vnto Israel , but somewhat further off , and differed more in religion from the Israelites , then the Edomites did : so the Ethiopian Christians differ much from the Christianitie of the Westerne Churches : yet among them there are to be found some seedes and remainder of the Christian faith : for euen from the Apostles times , they had the Scriptures , as is euident in the historie of the Eunuch , who did read vpon the Prophet Isai , as he sat in his charret : Act. 8. These two Churches of Grecia , and Ethiopia , the Romane Antichrist hath attempted to subdue vnto his iurisdiction , but he hath not preuailed : and so the Edomites and Moabites haue escaped his hand .

3. The chiefe of the children of Ammon , which signifieth my people , are the elect of God , who also shall escape in the persecution of Antichrist : he shall haue no power to peruert them : thus it it is said , Apoc. 18. 4. Come out of her my people : and here c. 12. 1. the Angel saith , at that time thy people ( that is , Ammon ) shall escape : to this purpose Graser . from pag. 365. to pag. 378. this allegoricall interpretation he fathereth vpon Theodoret. pag. 377.

Ans. 1. As by Egypt here is vnderstood literally the region , and countrey so called , so must the rest of the nations here named , of Edom , Moab , Ammon , be so taken likewise : and seeing that when the Prophet speaketh of the Grecians , he describeth them by the name of Iavan , c. 8. 21. c. 10. 20. who came of Iapheth ; by the Edomites of Esau , of Isaak , who came of Sem , the Grecians can not properly be vnderstood .

2. And seeing expresse mention is made afterward of the Lybians and Ethiopians , by them rather the Church of the Ethiopians should be signified , then by the Moabites .

3. And as vnfitly by the Ammonites , are the elect people of God shadowed forth , seeing that the Ammonites in Scripture are vsually taken to be enemies vnto the people of God : as Psal. 83. 5. They haue consulted together in heart , and made a league against thee , &c. as Gebal , Ammon , Amalek .

4. Wherefore , these nations are literally to be taken for the Edomites , Moabites , Ammonites , whome Antiochus spared , as beeing aduersaries and enemies vnto the Iewes : and therefore Iudas Macchabeus did fight against them , namely the children in Idumea , and against Timotheus the captaine of the Ammonites , 1. Macchab. 5. 3. 6. There we see sensibly and euidently performed this prophesie : see further hereof before , chap. 11. qu. 48. 4.

The eight Exercise .

Wherein Graserus laboureth , in the explanation of the 42. and 43. verses , to remooue the receiued interpretation , which is of Antiochus exploits against Egypt and other countries , and to applie this prophesie vnto the Romane Antichrist , and his attempts against forren nations .

Argum. 1. As before by the pleasant land he would haue vnderstood generally the whole visible Church : so by Egypt he insinuateth all those barbarous nations in the vnknowne parts of the world , in India America , whether the Romane Antichrist hath also extended his hand .

1. In all the prophesie before concerning Antiochus , the name of Egypt is not vsed , but it is described by the name of the South : which sheweth that an other kind of Egypt is here signified .

2. Neither is here any mention made of the king of the South : it was then such an Egypt , as the king of the South did not meddle with : which was not Egypt , for that was vnder Ptolome the king of the South .

3. If the land of Egypt were here properly signified , then a tautologie , or vaine repetition of the same thing should be admitted , seeing in that sense mention is made of Egypt in the next verse . p. 382. 383.

Ans. 1. Though this land be not in the prophesie concerning Antiochus expressely named Egypt , it sufficed to be so called once before in this chapter , v. 8. that it may be knowne in the rest of the prophesie following , what is meant by the king of the South .

2. Though here the king of the South be not named , yet Egypt is vnderstood to be his kingdome by the former parts of this vision : as v. 8. Egypt is expressely mentioned , and then it followeth v. 9. the king of the South shall come into his kingdome .

3. The contrarie followeth , because the same name of Egypt is againe repeated in the next verse , that it is not to be taken in an other sense , but rather the same word is to be vnderstood after one and the same manner , where the circumstances of the place otherwise inferre not : neither is it therefore a vaine repetition : for the same word is repeated , both by way of explanation , and for greater emphasis sake , that speciall note should be taken of this surprising euen of Egypt .

Argum. 2. By the Libyans and Cushites or Aethiopians , Graserus also would haue vnderstood , the Americans in the West , and by the Cushites the Indian countries in the East . His coniectures are these :

1. The words Lubbim and Cushim are not here fully expressed with van , as els where , but onely with kibbutz in stead of vau schurech : which may signifie , that not the Aethiopians , which inhabited beyond Egypt toward the South eastward , nor the Lybians , which dwelt in the nearer parts of Africa toward Europe , but such nations are rather to be vnderstood , as came of them : such are the Indians and Mores of the West and East India . p. 389.

2. The phrase here vsed , of extending or stretching forth the hand , signifieth , that he should vnprouoked set vpon these countries , and without any great labour take them , as by the putting forth of his hand : and beside , the distance of these places is hereby noted , that he should stretch out his hand vnto them , as beeing not otherwise within his reach , or vnder his command . p. 391.

3. He shall haue power ouer the treasure of gold and siluer , and ouer all the precious things of Egypt : this cannot be vnderstood of Egypt literally : for though their might be abundance of siluer and gold , yet the hauing power ouer the hid treasures , and ouer precious things , as pe●rles ; precious stones , so well agreeth not to Egypt : Hereby rather is signified the rich spoyles which the Spainyards , the Bishop of Romes right hand , haue taken from the poore Indians , and so haue corrupted all Europe with their Indian siluer and gold : And so Augustine speaking of Antichrist saith , dabit credentibus in se abundantiam auri & argenti , he shall giue to such as beleeue in him abundance of siluer and gold , Graser . p. 394. 395.

4. And this shall be done successiue & per certos progressus , successiuely , and by certaine pases as it were , and degrees : so Graserus interpreteth the word bemitzeghadau , at his footesteppes or pases . p. 386. But this was not true of Antiochus , whome Iunius supposeth to haue done all this in his last two yeares : nor yet of the Papists Antichrist , who they imagine , shall raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe . p. 398.

Answ. 1. It is a slender coniecture , that because cushim and lubbim , are writen without vau shurek , that thereby are signified such nations as came out of those countreys : for Zipphorah Moses wife is called Cushith , ● Cushite , which word is written without vau shurek , Numb. 12. 1. and yet she was indeede of that countrey , a Cushite or Aethiopisse of Arabia , for there was one Aethiopia in Asia , which was Arabia , an other in Africa beyond Egypt : neither can it be shewed , that the East and West Indians had their beginning from the Lybians and Aethiopians .

2. The phrase of stretching out the hand , hath no such speciall signification , the phrase in Hebrewe is , shalach iado , he sent his hand , which is indifferently vsed , when any are assaulted neere or farre off , whether prouoked or not : as Exod. 24. 11. vpon the nobles of the children of Israel , lo shalach iado , he layd not his hand .

3. Egypt was verie rich in siluer and gold and other precious things : It is said before , v. 8. that the king of the South hauing ouercome the king of the North , should carrie into Egypt precious vessels of siluer and gold : and v. 28. Antiochus returned thence with great substance : this therefore may very well agree vnto Egypt literally , that he shall haue power ouer the siluer and gold .

4. The word bemitzeghadau , properly signifieth in his progresse , or at his footsteppes : for so the word tzaghad , of the same roote is taken for going : Prouerb . 30. 29. the words then are thus to be read , the Lybians , and Aethiopans at his footesteps or pases , that is , shall followe him : for the distinction athnah diuideth the Lybians and Aethiopians from the first clause : though Graserus thinketh , that it serueth rather for ornament here then distinction , p. 386. the meaning is , that the Lybians and Aethiopians , who ioyned vpon Egypt , and vsed to assist the Egyptians in their warres , as may be gathered , Nahum . 3. 9. should leaue the king of Egypt , and ioyne with Antiochus , beeing allured by his promises and rewards : Here then no such successiue proceeding is signified , as Graserus supposeth : see c. 11. quest. 48. toward the ende .

Argum. 3. Graserus proceedeth to shewe the probabilitie of this his opinion , that by the Cushites and Lybians are vnderstood here the East and West Indians .

1. First the Americans are without all question descended of Noah , and most like of Cham , whose seede was accursed : and those beastly people of the Indians therefore may be thought to be of his line .

2. The coasts of Africa are nearest vnto the West Indians , and parts of America , and most like in that behalfe to haue beene stored with people from thence .

3. The likenesse of beastly and bruitish manners , and the affinitie in colour betweene the Indians inhabiting betweene the tropike of Cancer , and the equinoctiall , doe shewe them to come of the same offspring with the blacke Mores and Aethiopians , p. 400. 401.

Answ. 1. The contrary is euident out of Scripture , that the East Indians are not descended of Cham , but of Sem : As Ophir and Havilah , who inhabited the golden Indians , were the sonnes of Ioktan , of Eber , and so of Sem , Gen. 10. 29. though the Americanes and West Indians should deriue their petigree from Cham , yet the other Indians in the East must certainely come of Sem.

2. America is more like to haue beene replenished from the East India , from the which it is thought either not at all to be deuided by Sea , or by a verie small cut , then from the coasts of Africa , from whence it is separated by the large and great Ocean : And if the old inhabitants of America had come from Africa , there would haue beene greater entercourse betweene them : whereas till of late , those parts haue beene vtterly vnknowne , both to the Africanes and Europians .

3. The similitude of colour is caused by the qualitie and condition of the climate : for otherwise , if their originall from blacke or tawnie Moores were the cause ; not onely in that climate , betweene the tropike of Cancer , and the equinoctiall , but in other climates and regions also the people would retaine the same complexion and colour , if it were naturall vnto them in respect of their parentage and beginning , and not rather caused by the qualitie of the climate and region .

4. This co●ceit then of Graserus in taking these Lybians and Aethiopians to be the East and West Indians , hath no probabilitie : and we further reiect it vpon these reasons . 1. The Lybians and Cushites are here to be vnderstood , according to the phrase of Scripture in other places : But where they are named elsewhere , they are taken for the people inhabiting in the parts of Africa neere vnto Egypt , as Ierem. 46. 9. Nahum . 3. 9. therefore so are they also to be interpreted here . 2. the king of the North who throughout this whole prophesie is vnderstood to be the king of Syria , had power ouer these countryes : but the kings of Syria neuer stretched their hand vnto the Indians . 3. the Bishop of Rome cannot be said to be the king of the North in respect either of the East or West Indians : but he is toward the East to the one , and Westward to the other . 4. by the king of the North one speciall king is signified , whose ende is described , v. 45. therefore not a succession of Kings or Popes .

The ninth exercise .

Wherein Graserus expoundeth the 44. v. applying the same still to the Romane Antichrist and his proceedings .

Argum. 1. By the rumors from the East and North , he vnderstandeth the euill newes , both from the East , of the Turkes victories , and of his taking of Constantinople , ann. 1453. the hearing whereof did terrifie all Europe : but more afterward , when in the yeare , 1481. Geduces a Bassa of the Turkes inuaded Calabria , and made the Pope himselfe Sixtus 4. and all Rome afraid : the rumors from the North , was the fame of Luthers preaching , and of others which set forth the gospel , and discouered the hypocrisie and false doctrine of the Bishop of Rome , p. 410. 413.

2. These reports make him fret and fume , so that he prepareth himselfe to goe forth against them : for as Antiochus hearing of the rumors of warres from Parthia , and of the rising of the Macchabees in Iudea , diuided his armie , and left halfe thereof with Lysias to suppresse the Iewes , and the other halfe he tooke with him into Persia : So the Pope bendeth his force partly against the Turke in the East , but more against the Protestants in the North that trouble him , p. 407.

3. He goeth forth in great wrath , the word here vsed is chema , with aleph , which properly signifieth butter , but with he , it betokeneth wrath : here he is put for aleph , to insinuate what manner of wrath this should be , vnder pretence of amitie : his words should be as oyle and butter , while he meditateth mischiefe in his heart : as was euidently seene in the massaker at Paris some 34. yeares since , p. 418.

4. He shall goe forth and destroy many : no speciall enemie is named , but he shall intend a generall persecution : in which behalfe this prophesie cannot be so fitly applyed vnto Antiochus , who had his certaine enemies : here the great number also is noted , that should be destroyed : and so one hath noted , that within the space of 30. yeares , from the yeare 1550. to the yeare 1580. ● . hundred thousand in 30. yeares space slain by the Popish Spanish faction . not so fewe as 900000. haue beene slaine , partly by the Spanish inquisition , and the Spanish warres , p. 429. And thus Graserus would perswade , that this prophesie , is most fitly applyed to the Romane Antichrist .

Answ. 1. No man can mislike Graserus diligence , in setting forth by so liuely demonstration the Antichristian proceedings of the Popes of Rome : And it cannot be denied , but that there is a neere resemblance betweene Antiochus exploits and Antichrists : and this his application of these rumors is not without great probabilitie : But yet the historicall sense of this prophesie will direct vs thus rather to vnderstand those rumors , that from the East out of Parthia and Persia , and then out of the North from Iudea , troubled Antiochus , as hath beene further shewed , c. 11. quest. 50.

2. In that he maketh Antiochus a type of the Romane Antichrist , and specially in the diuiding of his forces against his two cheife aduersaries the one in the East , the other in the North , we take no exception to it : We affirme the same , that historically Antiochus is here described , and typically Antichrist .

3. It is vsuall among the Hebrewes to vse indifferently aleph , in stead of he , and contrariwise : as sometime chemah with he is taken for butter , as Iob. 29. 6. and chema with aleph without he for wrath , as in this place : Graserus collection then vpon this change of the letter , though it be fitly applyed to his purpose , it is not of such weight as to exclude Antiochus out of this prophesie : nay it fitly describeth Antiochus , whose captaine intending mischiefe , vpon his flattering words , and faire speeches was receiued into the citie , 1. Macc. 1. 31.

4. Antiochus likewise in his beastly rage destroyed many : for in 3. dayes space , he put to the sword 80. thousand , and tooke 40. thousand prisoners , 2. Macchab. 5. 14. So that herein he was a type of the great Antichrist , that should shed so much blood .

The tenth Exercise . Wherein the 45. verse is explained .

This verse also Graserus interpreteth of the Romane Antichrist , and not properly of Antiochus .

Argum. 1. Whereas there is great difference among interpreters concerning the meaning of this word apadno : 1. it cannot be a proper name as the Septuag. and vulgar Latine reade , as appeareth by the affix which is annexed thereunto . 2. Neither is it deriued of the Chalde word padan , as some thinke : for to what purpose should the Prophet writing in Hebrew , vse a Chalde and strange word here ? and beside , padan in the Chalde , signifieth a yoke of oxen , in which sense it hath no agreement with this place . 3. Graserus therefore taketh it to be an Hebrewe word , and to be deriued of the roote aphad , which signifieth to put on : and hence commeth the word eephod , which was a speciall garment , and ornament of the Priests : vpon this reason , Graserus interpreteth apadno , his Clergie , he shall plant the tabernacle of his Clergie , which he applyeth to the Tridentine Synode : which is fitly said to be planted , as a plant , that was set onely but tooke no roote , neither came to any perfection : for it was scarce finished in the space of 18. yeares : And the intendment of this Synode was to destroy many , euen to extirpate and roote out all which professed the Gospel .

2. Hereof Antiochus made some shewe and shadow , when by his captaines Lysias , Ptolome , Nicanor , Gorgias , he pitched his tents in Emmaus with an intent to destroy Iudea , 1. Mac. 3. 38. 39. But the style of the Prophet aimeth at a greater aduersarie then Antiochus , which was Antichrist . Graser . p. 434. to p , 448.

Answ. 1. It beeing admitted , that the word apadon is best deriued of aphad , which signifieth to put on , or close in , or compasse about : it may as well signifie , a robe of honour , for so Dauid also had his linen Ephod , as a priestly garment : but it is better translated , a palace , a place of honour and estate : as Hierome thinketh it signifieth a throne : see more hereof before c. 11. quest. 49. 3. 2. If this were fulfilled in Antiochus , as he confesseth , we will easily grant further , that typically it may be applyed vnto the Romane Antichrist : so that Antiochus be not excluded .

Argum. 2. Whereas against this exposition two speciall obiections may be made out of the text : 1. that these tents are pitched and planted betweene the Seas , as Trent is not , where this Councel was held . 2. and beside vpon the glorious mountaine : Graserus frameth this answer :

1. That by the Seas , or waters we must vnderstand much people , as it is interpreted , Apocal ▪ 17. 15. the waters vpon the which the woman fitteth , are people and multitudes , &c. And this especially is meant of Europe , which is inuironed and distinguished into diuerse parts by the boughtes and turnings of the Ocean sea , more then any part of the world is .

2. And by the glorious mountaine we vnderstand the Church of God , which in regard of the excellencie thereof , and of the flocking of all nations thereunto , is compared to a mountaine , as Isay. 2. 2. the mountaine of the house of the Lord shall be prepared in the toppe of the mountaines : this glorious mountaine then is the Church of God , which most flourished in Europe .

3. These two Seas cannot be the Mediterranean , and dead Sea , as Iunius : for both the Prophet should haue spoken darkely and obscurely , of an euident matter : and beside the lake Asphaltes , called the dead Sea , compared with the Mediterranean , is not worthie the name of a Sea , p. 448. to p. 459.

Answ. 1. There is great difference to say betweene the Seas , and vpon the Seas or waters : here he pitcheth his tent and palace , not vpon them , but betweene them : and seeing here there is euident description of a place , the words are to be taken literally , not in allegoricall sense : as Nahum , 3. 9. art thou better then No , full of people , which lay vpon the waters , whose ditch was the Sea , &c.

2. True it is , that the Church of God is in diuerse prophesies resembled to a mountaine , by allusion vnto the mountaine , whereupon the Temple was built : but to appropriate this to any particular place , as namely to the citie of Trent in that sense is not safe : for so the title of the true Church of Christ , should be giuen to that Antichristian assemblie : This may more fitly be applied vnto that Laterane Councel vnder Leo the 10. which was held at Rome , which is situate indeede betweene two Seas . Tyrrhenum and Adriaticum .

3. If the Prophet had in direct tearmes expressed the Seas by their names , it had beene an historie , rather then a prophesie : and it is euident , that in Scripture that salt lake is called by the name of the Sea , as Numb. 34. v. 6. the Mediterranean is called the great Sea , and the other the salt Sea , v. 3. wherefore seeing we can find this prophesie to haue beene literally and historically fulfilled , when Antiochus captaines pitched in Em●aus in the beginning of the mountaines ; as hath beene shewed at large , cap. 11. quest. 50. it is in vaine to runne to allegories .

Argum. 3. The words following also , he shall come to his end● , and none shall helpe him : Graserus proceedeth to applie vnto the Romane Antichrist , and sheweth the fatall end of his Antichristian kingdome to be at hand : which 1. he doth gather by two arguments : the great insolencie of the Papall Sea , for pride goeth before a fall : and the most desperate means which the Romanists vse to maintaine their kingdome : their sophisticate doctrine , and their perfidious and treacherous practises : which beeing the chiefe meanes , which are left vnto them , it is euident that their disease is dangerous and deadly , the meanes beeing so desperate , pag. 462.

2. And further it is said , none shall helpe him : herein Antiochus in his miserable end was a type of the ruine of Antichrist , who was striken with such a loathsome disease , that his own friends did forsake him , and could minister no helpe vnto him : Such was the fal of Babylon , as the Prophet describeth it , Ierem. 51. 8. howle for Babel , bring balme for her sore●f she may be healed : So the sickenesse of Antichrist , when God striketh him , shall be incurable and remedilesse .

By two speciall meanes is Antichrists kingdome vpheld , by the Iesuites corrupt seducing , and by the se●ular arme , afflicting the Church , especially by the Spaniards : But neither of these can restore vnto Antichrist the former glorie of his kingdome : The first may be likened vnto the Ass●ssines among the Turkes , whose founder was one Alohadinus , who inuented this deuise to encrease his sect : he caused to be planted in a most fruitful valley pleasant orchards and gardens , which all kind of carnall delight , ex Cael●i Augustin . Curion . histor. Sarac●a . 2. lib. 3. varietie of delicate ments , with beautifull damsels to attend vpon them . This beeing done , this Alohadinus fained himselfe to be Mahomets companion , and to haue receiued power of him , to conferre Paradise vpon whom he would : Hereupon he would make choice of the best witted and most goodly young men , whom he with a certaine drinke would cause to be cast asleepe , and then conuay them to that valley , where awaking they should enioy al terrene pleasure : then he would cast them into a sleepe againe , and conuey them thence : so they made report that they had beene in Paradise : and by this deuise he drewe vnto him 60000. to be of his sect : the like sleights doe the Iesuites vse , to promise heauen , and releasing out of purgatotie , to those that will set afoote their wicked deuises : But they notwithstanding labour in vaine .

So likewise the secular powers haue laboured to aduance the papall kingdome , as Henrie the 3. in Fraunce ; the king of Spaine in the lowe countreys , which warres the Prince of Parma confessed had cost the king of Spaine vnto the yeare 1585. sixe hundred tunne of gold ; The like attempt he made against England in the yeare 88. which he assaulted with that great nauie and armie , the maintenance whereof stood him in 30000. ducates euerie day : yet they ●aue missed of their purpose . Thus Christ the king of his Church , sheweth his power in abating the pride of Antichrist : but he at once thinketh it not good to dissolue his kingdome , to trie the fidelitie of his seruants , and to take away securitie : to this purpose Graserus p. 465. to p. 467.

Answ. All this we willingly confesse may typically be applyed , and that verie fi●ly , to the Romane Antichrist : so that the historicall ground be first layd in Antiochus , which Graserus seemeth to acknowledge ; whose singular industry , and iudicious application of this prophesie deserueth much commendation , though he faile in the historicall sense . And this shall suffice briefely to haue beene touched out of Graserus .

God be praised .

A Table of the questions . THe prophesie of Daniel explaned . Generall obseruations vpon the whole booke . Of the diuers languages vsed in this booke , and why Daniel writeth a great part therof in the Chalde tongue . 1. qu. Of the author of this propheticall booke of Daniel . 2. qu. Of the signification of the name Daniel . 3. qu. Of the kinred of Daniel . 4. qu. Why Daniels kinred is not particularly expressed in the text . 5. qu. When Daniel began to prophesie , and at what age . 6. qu. Of the time when Daniel had his seuerall visions . 7. qu. Of the whole time of Daniels age , and time of prophesying . 8. qu. Why Daniel is not mentioned to haue returned with the rest out of captiuitie . 9. qu. Of the times wherein Daniel liued , compared with forren Chronicles , and of the memorable things which happened therein . 10. qu. Of the excellencie , vse , and vtilitie of this booke of Daniel . 11. qu. Of the authoritie of the prophesie of Daniel . 12. qu. Of the obscuritie of this prophesie .

Questions vpon the first Chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. Of the third yeare of Iehoiakim , which is called the fourth , Ierem. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled . 2. qu. How this third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne is to be counted . 3. qu. Of Iehoiakim and Iehoachaz , what difference betweene them . 4. qu. Why the king of Babel had such an enuie against Iehoiakim . 5. qu. Of Nabuchadnezzer the king of Babel , and how many there were of that name . 6. qu. Of the acts & exploits of Nabuchadnezzer . 7. qu. Of the time of Nabuchadnezzers raigne . 8. qu. Of the citie of Babylon . 9. qu. Of the citie Ierusalem . 10. qu. v. 2. What this phrase meaneth , to be giuen into ones hand . 11. qu. How Iehoiakim was giuen into Nabuchadnezzers ●and , whether he carried him to Babylon . 12. qu. Whether Daniel at this time went into captiuitie with Iehoiakim . 13. qu. Why it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God , should be taken captiues . 14. qu. The meaning of those words , which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god . 15. qu. Of the land of Shinar or Shingar . 16. qu. Of the god and idols of the Chaldes . 17. qu. v. 2. What is to be commended , what discommended in Nabuchadnezzer in carying part of the vessels of the Temple . 18. qu. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away . 19. qu. Of Ashpenaz the master of the Eunuches his name and office . 20. qu. Whether Daniel may be prooued from hence to haue beene an Eunuch in the first sense . 21. qu. Who are vnderstoode here by the Princes . 22. qu. Why the children of the Princes and nobles were taken captiues . 23. qu. How the Lord performed his promise to Dauid , that his kingdome should be established for euer , 2. Sam. 16. seeing lehoiakim was giuen into Nabuchadnezzers hand . 24. qu. Whether it were lawfull for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans . 25. qu. Of the Chalde language , and the difference betweene it and the Hebrew . 26. qu. Of the necessarie institution of schooles , and the manner and order thereof . 27. qu. Why other names were giuen them . 28. qu. Of the signification of their names , both the new and the old . 29. qu. v. 8. Why Daniel refused to eate of the kings meate , and of the diuers kinds of abstinence . 30. qu. The causes which mooued Daniel to forbeare the kings meate . 31. qu. v. 8. How Daniel should haue beene defiled with the kings meate . 32. qu. whether Daniel euer after abstained from the kings meate . 32. qu. v. 9. What fauour it was which Daniel found with the chiefe of the Eunuches not obeying his request . 33. qu. Of Daniels request to the butler . 34. qu. Whether Daniel tempted not God , in setting a certaine number of daies . 35. qu. Why Daniel did chuse rather to eate of pulse , then of the kings meate . 36. qu. vers . 15. Whether the beautie and strength in Daniel and the rest feeding on this course foode , were a naturall worke . 37. qu. v. 17. Of the knowledge and vnderstanding which God gaue vnto Daniel and the other three , whether it were naturall or supernaturall . 38. qu. Whether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans . 39. qu. Whether it be lawfull to vse the arts and inuentions of the heathen . 40. qu. Of the dreames and visions which Daniel had vnderstanding of . 41. qu. Whether this gift of vnderstanding visions and dreames were in Daniel as an habit permanent and remaining alwaies in him . 42. qu. Of the diuers kinds of dreames . 43. qu. Whether there be any diuine dreames . 44. qu. Whether there be any truth or certentie in dreames . 45. qu. Of the causes of true dreames . 46. qu. How diabolicall and diuine dreames may be discerned . 47. qu. Why it pleased God by visions and dreames to instruct his seruants . 48. qu. Why visions and dreames are often shewed vnto simple and vnlearned men . 49. qu. Why dreames are not alwaies cleare and manifest , but darkely and obscurely propounded . 50. qu. what dreames may be obserued , and by whome . 51. qu. Whether in diuine dreames there is a free vse of reason and the will , and the same acceptable to God . 52. qu. v. 21. How Daniel is saide to haue beene vnto the first yeare of king Cyrus .

Questions vpon the second chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. v. 1. How the second yeare is to be counted wherein Nabuchadnezzer had this dreame . 2. qu. What Nabuchadnezzer this was , and whence he was so called . 3. qu. v. 1. Why he is said to haue dreamed dreames . 4. qu. What manner of dreame this was , which Nabuchadnezzer had . 5. qu. Why it pleased God to send this dreame vpon Nabuchadnezzer . 6. qu. v. 1. Of the meaning of those words , And his sleepe was vpon him . 7. qu. Of the foure kind of wise men whome the king sendeth for . 8. qu. Why Daniel was not called and sent for among the rest of the Chaldeans . 9. qu. v. 4. Of the Aramites language , whether it differ from the Hebrew , and be all one with the Chalde . 10. qu. Why the Chaldeans spake in the Aramites language . 11. qu. v. 8. Why the king saith , they would gaine or redeeme time . 12. qu. v. 10. Of the Chaldeans answer vnto the king . 13. qu. Of the impostures and falshoods in the answer of the Chaldeans . 14. qu. what the Chaldeans meane in these words , Except the gods whose dwelling is not in the flesh . 15. qu. v. 12. Of the kings rash sentence , in commanding all the wise men of Babylon to be slaine . 16. qu. v. 13. whether the wise men indeede were slaine . 17. qu. what office Ario●h had to whome Daniel maketh this motion . v. 14. 18. qu. v. 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the kings decree against the Soothsaiers . 19. qu. v. 19. How this secret was reuealed vnto Daniel in the night . 20. qu. Of the forme and order of Daniels thanksgiuing . 21. qu. v. 19. How Daniel is said to haue blessed the God of heauen . 22. qu. vers . 21. How the Lord is said to change times and seasons . 23. qu. v. 22. what secret things the Lord is said to discouer . 24. qu. v. 22. How light is said to dwell with God , wheras it is said , Psal. 18. 11. he made darkenes his secret place . 25. qu. v. 24. whether Daniel did well in staying the execution of the kings sentence vpon the wise men . 26. qu. v. 25. whether Arioch lied vnto the king in saying , I haue found a man . 27. qu. v. 25. why Arioch named Daniel to be one of the captiues rather then of the wise men . 28. qu. v. 26. How the king is said to answer , no question being demanded . 29. qu. v. 27. why Daniel denieth that any of the wise men could expound this dreame . 30. qu. v. 28. whether God onely be the reuealer of secrets and things to come . 31. qu. v. 28. What Daniel meaneth by the latter daies . 32. qu. v. 29. whether Nebuchadnezers thoughts were the cause of his dreame . 33. qu. v. 29. why it pleased God to impart vnto Nebuchadnezer this dreame . 34. qu. v. 30. This secret is not shewed me for my wisdome : whether Daniel by any naturall wisdome could haue obtained the knowledge of this dreame . 35. qu. v. 30. why Nebuchadnezer could not vnderstand the dreame which he saw . 36. qu. v. 30. Of the two ends why it pleased God to reueale vnto the king his dreame . 37. qu. v. 31. of the vision which the king saw in his dreame , the manner & parts therof . 38. qu. of the diuers kinds of signes of things to come , and of which kind this image was . 39. qu. what kingdoms of the earth are not comprehended in this vision . 40. qu. v. 8. why the Chaldean Monarchie is compared to the head of gold . 41. qu. Of the largenes of the Empire and dominion of Nebuchadnezer . 42. qu. whether Nebuchadnezers dominion were at that time the greatest in the world . 43. qu. v. 39. Of the second Monarchy described by the armes and breasts of siluer , what it was . 44. qu. v. 39. why the Persian Monarchie is said to be inferiour to the Babylonian . 45. qu. whether the Monarchie of the Chaldeans or of the Persians was more cruel toward the Iewes . 46. qu. why the Persian Monarchie is compared to siluer . 47. qu. why the third Monarchie is likened to the belly and the thigh , and vnto brasse . 48. qu. Of the largenes of Alexanders Empire , and of other memorable and notable things in him . 49. qu. v. 40. whether this fourth kingdome must be vnderstood to be the Roman Empire . 50. qu. That this fourth kingdom diuided into two kingdoms , resembled by the tw●●●gges of the image , was the kingdom of Syria and Egypt . 51. qu. Of the beginning and continuance of the fowre generall Monarchies of the world . 52. qu. v. 43. Of the meaning of these words , they shall miagle themselues with the seede of men . 53. qu. v. 44. What manner of kingdome the Prophet speaketh of which God should set vp . 54. qu. Whether the stone cut out of the mountaine , do signifie Christ and his kingdome . 55. qu. Whether this prophesie be fulfilled in the first or second comming of Christ . 56. qu. The description of the kingdome of Christ by the Prophet , v. 44. 45. 57. qu. That this kingdome which God shall raise vp must be vnderstood of the kingdome of Christ . 58. qu. That this kingdome of Christ is a spirituall , no temporall kingdome . 59. qu. v. 44. In the dayes of what kings Christs kingdome should be raised vp . 60. qu. How Christs kingdome is said to destroy other kingdomes . 61. qu. Whether Christ at his comming did indeede destroy the temporall dominions . 62. qu. How Christ is said to be the stone cut without hands . 63. qu. In what sense Christ is compared to a little stone , and how it filled the earth . 64. qu. v. 46. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did well in bowing vnto Daniel , and commanding odours to be offered vnto him . 65. qu. Whether Daniel refused this worship offered vnto him . 66. qu. Of Nebuchadnezzars ample and large confession of God . 67. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God . 68. qu. Whether Daniel did well in accepting the gifts and honours which the king bestowed on him . 69. qu. Whether Daniel could with a good conscience be set ouer the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon . 70. qu. How Daniel is said to haue sate in the kings gate . 71. qu. Whether it be lawfull for a Christian to liue in an idolatrous kings Court .

Questions vpon the 3. chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set vp this great image . 2. qu. To whom Nebuchadnezzar erected this image . 3. qu. To what ende this image was set vp . 4. qu. How it came to passe that Daniel hindred not the kings purpose in setting vp this image . 5. qu. of the place where this image was set vp . 6. qu. of the greatnes of this image compared with others , and in it selfe . 7. qu. of the mystical application of this image . 8. qu. of the seuerall names and titles of the kings nobles & officers here rehearsed . v. 2. 9. qu. why Nebuchadnezer onely called his nobles and officers . 10. qu. v. 5. of the diuers kinds of instruments here rehearsed . 11. qu. v. 5. of their falling downe and worshipping this image . 12. qu. That it is not lawfull to bow vnto an image , though one in his heart abhorre it . 13. qu. Of the malice of the Chaldees against the Iewes . 14. qu. why they say in the plural , they wil not serue thy gods , v. 12. whereas there was but one image . 15. qu. why these three , Shadrach , Meshack , and Abednego , are onely called . 16. qu. what age these three were of , when they were brought before the king . 17. qu. why Daniel m●de not intercession to the king for his three freinds . 18. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers speech vnto these three brought before him . 19. qu. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three conuented before the king . 20. qu. why the Lord doth not alwaies deliuer his out of temporall dangers . 21. qu. why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image . 22. qu. whether the Prince is by fire & sword to root out them which are of contrarie religion . 23. qu. of the extraordinarie heating of the fornace . 24. qu. of the exquisite cruelty and torments which these three were put vnto . 25. qu. of the apparel which they were cast into the fire with . 26. qu. why Daniel was not cast into the fierie fornace with the rest . 27. qu. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the kings cruelty . 28. qu. How these three men cast into the fire were preserued . 29. qu. of 7. miraculous things concurring in this preseruation of them from the fire . 30. qu. whether any thing without miracle may be preserued from the fire being in the flames therof . 31. qu. That these three were true martyrs , though they escaped by miracle the daunger of death . 32. qu. whether all those are to be held martyrs which die constantly and courag●ously . 33. qu. Why it pleaseth not God alwaies to deliuer his seruants out of daunger , as he did these at this time . 34. qu. v. 25. In what sense the king saith , that the fourth was like the sonne of God . 35. qu. of the apparition of Angels in humane shape , what maner of bodies they appeared in . 36. qu. why the Angels vsed to appeare in humane shape . 37. qu. Of the sudden change and conuersion that was in Nebuchadnezzer , with the parts thereof . 38. qu. whether this were a true conuersion in Nebuchadnezzer . 39. qu. whether blasphemie is to be punished with death . 40. qu. whether the 3. last verses doe belong vnto this third chapter .

Questions vpon the 4. chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. of the kings epistle , the summe and parts thereof . 2. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezer wrote this epistle . 3. qu. How Nebuchadnezer could write vnto all the people in the world . 4. qu. Of the signes and wonders which Nebuchadnezer declareth . 5. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were now at the last truly conuerted . 6. qu. Of the author of this epistle . 7. qu. whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezers transmutation , were so done in deede . 8. qu. why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar . 9. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezer saith , that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods . 10. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers dreame and the summe therof . 11. qu. why this tree is said to be in the mids of the earth . 12. qu. why Nebuchadnezer is compared to a tree . 13. qu. v. 11. who are vnderstood by the beasts and foules . 14. qu. v. 12. how Nebuchadnezer was bound with a band of yron and brasse . 15. qu. v. 11 , 12. why this prophecie is vttered in the imperative moode , hew downe the tre● &c. leaue the stumpe . 16. qu. v. 14. why the Angels are called watchmen . 17. qu. By whom the 14. v. was pronounced , by the Angel or by the King . 18. qu. v. 14. Of the meaning of those words , According to the request of the holy ones . 19. qu. of the meaning of those words , v. 14. & appointeth ouer it the most abiect of men . 20. qu. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre . 21. q. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies . 22. qu. That a tyrannical gouernment is better then an Anarchie , or no gouernment . 23. qu. v. 20. What is meant by hewing down the tree . 24. qu. v. 22. How Nebuchadnezzer was driuen from among men , & dwelt with beasts . 25. qu. How Nebuchadnezzer did eat grasse like an oxe . 26. qu. How the kingdom of Babylon was gouerned in Nebuchadnezzers absence . 27. qu. v. 22. what is vnderstood by 7. times . 28. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers transmutation , but first in generall of the diuers kinds of transmutations . 29. qu. what manner of change Nebuchadnezers was . 30. qu. How Nebuchadnezzers bodie was changed . 31. qu. v. 24. How Daniel gaue counsel to the king to preuent this iudgement , seeing it was determined . 32. qu. whether Daniel did counsell the king to redeeme his sinnes by almes deedes . 33. qu. whether Daniel spake doubtfully saying , v. 24. It may be thy prosperitie may be prolonged . 34. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer did follow Daniels counsell . 35. qu. Of the greatnes of the citie of Babylon . 36. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were the builder of Babel . 37. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers pride in saying , which I haue built for the house of &c. 38. qu. what manner of voice it was which came downe from heauen . 39. qu. The summe of the sentence denounced against Nebu●hadnezer . 40. qu. v. 30. of the execution of the sentence vpon Nebuchadnezer , he did eat grasse &c. 41. qu. v. 31. After the end of what daies Nebuchadnezer was restored . 42. qu. of the restitution of Nebuchadnezer . 43. qu. That God onely is without check , and not to be controlled in his works . 44. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were saued . 45. qu. why Nebucdadnezer was saued , and not Pharaoh , both being in the same cause . 46. qu. why Nebuchadnezer being thus conuerted , the Iewes kept in captiuitie were not deliuered , nor Ieho●akim released out of prison .

Questions vpon the fift chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. Why this chapter is transposed , and no● set downe according to the order of time . 2. qu. Of the kings of Chalde which succeeded after Nebuchadnezer . 3. qu. Of the diuers names of this Balthazar . 4. qu. In what yeare of Balthazars raigne this historie fell out . 5. qu. of the greatnes of Balthazars feast . 6. qu. of the maner and order of this feast . 7. qu. of the occasion of this feast . 8. qu. who commanded the vessells of the Temple to be brought , and how . 9. qu. Of Balthazars prophaning of the holy vessels . 10. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezer did not likewise prophane the vessels in laying them vp in his idols temple . 11. qu. Of the blind and obscene idolatrie of the Chaldeans . 12. qu. How farre it is lawfull to applie some things to prophane vses . 13. qu. Of the fingers which appeared on the wall , how they were caused . 14. qu. whether it were the likenes of an hand onely , and seene of Balthazar alone . 15. qu. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand . 16. qu. Why the hand appeared ouer against the candle sticke . 17. qu. Of Balthazars sudden feare , and the manner thereof . 18. qu. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest . 19. qu. How it came to passe that the wise men could not so much as read the writing . 20. qu. What Queene it was which came in . 21. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezzar is called Balthazars father . 22. qu. of the Queenes oration to the king . 23. qu. of the excellent wisdome and other princely parts in this old Queene . 24. qu. of Belshazars speech vnto Daniel . 25. qu. Of Daniels answer to the king , and the seuerall parts thereof . 26. qu. Of Daniels abrupt beginning in his speech to the king , v. 17. keepe thy rewards to thy selfe . 27. qu. why Daniel reiecteth the kings rewards . 28. qu. why Daniel receiueth the like rewards from Nebuchadnezer , and refuseth them from Balthazar . 29. qu. Whether Daniel after his refusall accepted afterward of these rewards , v. 29. 30. qu. whether in these words , he put to death whom he would , v. 19. Nebuchadnezzars tyrannicall gouernement be expressed . 31. qu. Of the writing , and interpretation thereof in generall . 32. qu. Of the interpretation by writing in generall . 33. qu. why the first word Mene is doubled . 34. qu. Of the meaning of the word , tekel . 35. qu. Of the meaning of the word , Pheres . 36. qu. Of the tropological , that is , the morall application of this vision . 37. qu. why Balthazar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so euill newes . 38. qu. Of the honours here bestowed vpon Daniel . 39. qu. whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours . 40. qu. why Daniel exhorted not Balthazar to repentance as he had done Nebushadnezzar before . 41. qu. v. 30. whether Balthazar were slaine at that time . 42. qu. whether Balthazar were slaine the same night ▪ and the citie taken . 43. qu. whether Balthazar was taken in Babylon . 44. qu. By what meanes Babylon was taken . 45. qu. By whom Balthazar was slaine . 46. qu. By whom the citie of Babylon was taken . 47. qu. who was chiefe in the taking of Babylon Darius or Cyrus , and why mention is made onely of Darius . 48. qu. Of the cause of this Babylonian war . 49. qu. whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according to the predictions of the Prophets . 50. qu. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchie continued . 51. qu. Of the yeares of the raigne of the seuerall kings of Babylon .

Questions vpon the sixt chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. what Darius this was which tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon . 2. qu. of the diuers names which Darius had . 3. qu. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon . 4. qu. when Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of the Chaldeans . 5. qu. Of the officers which Darius appointed , and the reason thereof . 6. qu. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel , beeing a stranger , ouer the whole realme . v. 3. 7. qu. Whether Daniel did well in taking vpon him to beare office in an idolatrous kings court . 8. qu. How the rulers failed in their purpose , finding no fault at all in Daniel . 9. qu. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel , the occasion thereof , and iniustice therein . 10. qu. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians . v. 8. 11. qu. why Daniel did not stay the kings decree by his contrarie aduise . 12. qu. Of Daniels constancie of praying , with the circumstances therof . 13. qu. How Daniels custome in opening the windows when he praied , agreeth with our Sauiours precept , Matth. 6. to shut the dores of the chamber in praier . 14. qu. Why Daniel opened the window of his chamber toward Ierusalem . 15. qu. why Daniel praied thrice in a day . 16. qu. whether Daniel did well in this praying , to offer himselfe to publike danger . 17. qu. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him . 18. qu. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the Sunne went downe . 19. qu. whether Darius might not haue broken this decree . 20. qu. whether Darius praier for Daniel were of faith . 21. qu. v. 17. why the king sealed the stone with his seale . 22. qu. Whether Darius were truly conuerted , confessing Daniels God to be the liuing God . 23. qu. Of Daniels deliuerance from the lyons , and the cause thereof . 24. qu. Of Daniels salutation to the king , O king liue for euer . 25. qu. Of Daniels maner of deliuerance from the lyons , that it was diuine & extraordinary . 26. qu. why the Lord doth not alwaies send his children temporall deliuerance . 27. qu. Of Darius ioy , v. 23. then was the king exceeding glad . 28. qu. whether the king did iustly in causing Daniels accusers , with their wiues and children , to be cast into the denne . 29. qu. Of king Darius decree concerning the worshipping of Daniels God , the order and parts thereof . 30. qu. Of Daniels prosperous estate vnder Darius and Cyrus . 31. qu. Whether this miracle of Daniels deliuerance from the lions were shewed at Babylon in Chaldea or in Media .

Questions vpon the seuenth chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. Of the order obserued by Daniel in the setting downe of these visions . 2. qu. Of the visions which followe in generall . 3. qu. Of visions in generall . 4. qu. Of the time when this vision was reuealed vnto Daniel . 5. qu. Why the vision of the fowre Monarchies is againe reuealed vnto Daniel being shewed before to Nebuchadnezzar , c. 2. 6. qu. What manner of vision this was which Daniel here had , and how it was reuealed . 7. qu. What was meant by the fowre winds which stroue together vpon the sea . 8. qu. Of the description of these beasts in generall . 9. qu. Why the kings and kingdomes of the earth are likened vnto beasts . 10. qu. Of the agreement betweene this vision of the fowre beasts , and that of the image shewed to Nebuchadnezzar , c. 2. 11. qu. Of the first beast representing the Chaldean Monarchie . 12. qu. Where the Chaldean Monarchie here described must take beginning . 13. qu. Of the second beast , and why the Persian Monarchie is compared to a beare . 14. qu. Why the beare is said to stand vpon the one side . 15. qu. Of the three ribs in his mouth , what they signifie . 16. qu. Who said vnto him , Arise and deuoure , &c. v. 5. 17. qu. Of the Persian kings with whom the Persian Monarchie begunne and ended . 18. qu. Of the third beast called a leopard , the description of the third Monarchie . 19. qu. Why the fourth beast hath no name . 20. qu. Of the description of the 4. beast in generall . 21. qu. Whether the Romane or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast . 22. qu. That the kingdome of Syria which was held by Seleucus and his posteritie , was this fourth beast . 23. qu. Of the yron teeth and other parts of the generall description of the fourth beast . 24. qu. Why it is said to stampe the residue vnder the feete . 25. qu. Wherein this fourth beast was vnlike the rest . v. 7. 26. qu. Of the tenne hornes , what is signified thereby , v. 7. 27. qu. Who is signified by the little horne , ver. 8. 28. qu. Who these three kings should be , signified by the three hornes plucked away . 29. qu. Of other properties of this litle horne . 30. qu. Of the description of the glorious manner of Gods iudgement expressed , v. 9. to v. 15. 31. qu. Whether the finall iudgement in the ende of the world be here described . 32. qu. v. 9. who is said to be the auncient of dayes , and how . 33. qu. How God was seene of Daniel which is invisible . 34. qu. How iudgement is said to be set , seeing God is iudge from euerlasting . 35. qu. What the fire signifieth which issued from the throne . 36. qu. Of the number of Angels that ministred vnto God , thousand thousands , &c. ver. 10. 37. qu. What bookes these were which were opened , v. 10. 38. qu. Of the destruction of the fourth beast . 39. qu. Why t●e other beasts had their dominion taken away , and how their liues were prolonged . 40. qu. v. 13. Why it is said one like the sonne of man . 41. qu. How he is said to come in the clouds , and approacheth to the auncient of dayes , and when . 42. qu. That this kingdome could not be the kingdome of the Macchabees . 43. qu. That this kingdome is the kingdoms of Christ our Blessed Lord and Sauiour . 44. qu. That this kingdome giuen to the sonne of man shall not be in earth , against the Chiliastes . 45. qu. Of the excellencie of Christs kingdome beyond other kingdomes . 46. qu. How the kingdome of Christ is said to be euerlasting , seeing it shall be deliuered vp vnto God , 1. Cor. 15. 24. 47. qu. v. 17. Of the rising of the fowre beasts . 48. qu. Who shall possesse the kingdome of the Saints . 49. qu. Why they are called the most high Saints , v. 18. 50. qu. v. 20. How the horne called before little , is said to be in shewe , greater then the rest . 51. qu. How this little horn is said to change lawes and times . 52. qu. What is meant by a time , times , and a part of time , v. 25. 53. qu. What is meant by the halfe or diuiding of time , v. 25. 54. qu. How this kingdom is said to be giuen to the holy people , v. 27. which is said , v. 14. to be giuen to the sonne of man .

Questions vpon the 8. chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. The difference between this vision and the former . 2. qu. Of the time of this vision . 3. qu. What manner of vision this was . 4. qu. How Daniel is said to be in Sushan , ver. 2. 5. qu. Of the citie Sushan , by whom it was builded , and whence so named . 6. qu. Of the situation of the citie Sushan . 7. qu. Of the riuer Vlai where Daniel had this vision . 8. qu. Why Daniel nameth himselfe in the first person . 9. qu. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme , v. 3. 10. qu. Who are signified by the two hornes , whereof one was higher then the other . 11. qu. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme . 12. qu. Of the meaning of these words , as I considered . v. 5. 13. qu. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resembled to a goat . 14. qu. Of Alexander the great signified by the horne betweene the eyes , his birth , education , exploits , death , and ende . 15. qu. Of the victorie of Alexander against Darius , described by the goats ouercomming the ramme . 16. qu. Of the breaking of this great horne , and of the death of Alexander . 17. qu. Of the fowre hornes which came vp in the stead of this great horne . 18. qu. When these foure kingdomes did arise after the great horne was broken . 19. qu. Who was this little horne , v. 9. 20. qu. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this litle horne . 21. qu. Of the meaning of these words , v. 12. the armie was giuen vp with the daily sacrifice by iniquitie . 22. qu. Of the meaning of the word , Palmoni , v. 13. 23. qu. What Angel that was , vnto whom one of the Angels spake . 24. qu. Of the time prescribed , v. 14. of 2300 dayes , how it is to be taken . 25. qu. When this tearme of 2300. beganne and ended . 26. qu. When the kingdome of the Greekes so often mentioned in the booke of the Macchabees tooke beginning . 27. qu. Why the kingdome of the Greekes is counted from the raigne of the Seleucians . 28. qu. of the name Gabriel . 29. qu. v. 16. Vpon these words , make this man to vnderstand the vision , whether Augels can giue vs vnderstanding . 30. qu. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia . 31. qu. of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise vp in the latter ende of their kingdome , v. 25. 32. qu. The description of Antiochus and of his doings . 33. qu. Of some differences in the storie of the Macchabees concerning the death of Antiochus . 34. qu. Of the agreement of other persecutions of the Church with this description of Antiochus . 35. qu. Why it is called the vision of the euening and morning , v. 26. 36. qu. Why Daniel is bidden to seale vp the vision . 37. qu. What kings businesse Daniel did , v. 27. 38. qu. Of the meaning of these words . v. 27. none vnderstood or perceiued it . 39. qu. The historie of Antiochus Epiphanes raigne abridged , for the better vnderstanding of this vision .

Questions vpon the 9. chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. What Assuerus this was whose sonne Darius is said to be . 2. qu. of the yeares of Darius raigne , and how this vision is said to be in his first yeare . 3. qu. Whether in the first yeare of Darius the Chaldean Monarchie was dissolued , and the 70. yeares captiuitie ended , against the opinion of Ioseph . Scaliger , lib. 6. 4. qu. of the 70. yeares of captiuitie in what sense they are called seuen generations , Baruch , 6. 2. 5. qu. When the 70. yeares of captiuitie mentioned v. 2. tooke their beginning . 6. qu. when the 70. yeares of captiuitie ended . 7. qu. of Daniels prayer , v. 4. to v. 20. 8. qu. How Daniel prayeth for the deliuerance of the people , seeing it was certainely promised after the 70. yeares . 9. qu. Of the properties required in the prayers of the faithfull obserued here in Daniels prayer , v. 20. 10. qu. Of the apparition of the Angel Gabriel , v. 21. 11. qu. How Daniel descer●ed this to be a good Angel . 12. qu. Whether the Angels haue bodies . 13. qu. Why the Angel came about the time of the euening sacrifice , v. 21. 14. qu. Why Daniel is called a man of desires , v. 23. 15. qu. v. 24. Seuentie weekes are determined : How Daniels prayer is heard , praying for the peoples deliuerance . 16. qu. v. 24. How the seuentie weekes must be vnderstood . 17. qu. Why 70. weeks are said to be cut out or determined . 18. qu. Why this tearme of 490. yeares is expressed by weeks . 19. qu. Why the Angel saith , vpon thy people , and vpon thine holy citie . 20. qu. Of the meaning of these words , v. 24. to finish or rather restraine wickednesse . 21. qu. Of the sealing of sinnes . 22. qu. What it is to reconcile iniquitie . 23. qu. v. 24. How the Messiah brought euerlasting righteousnesse . 24. qu. Why it is called euerlasting righteousnesse . 25. qu. Whether as Christs satisfaction for the punishment of sinne is imputed to vs by faith , so likewise his innocencie . 26. qu. Whether the iustice brought in by Christ , exceede the iustice of Adam . 27. qu. Whether it standeth with Gods iustice to iustifie vs by anothers righteousnesse , and how that may be . 28. qu. How the vision and prophesie was to be sealed vp . 29. qu. Of the annointing of the holy one , who is signified thereby . 30. qu. Why Christ is called the holy of holies . 31. qu. How Christ was anointed . 32. qu. When Christ was anointed . 33. qu. Of the obscurenes and difficultie of this prophesie . 34. qu. Of the diuerse interpretations of Daniels weekes , with an answer to the cauill of the Iewes concerning the dissension of our interpreters . 35. qu. What Chronologie and computation of time is to be followed in the account of the 70. weekes , which make 490. yeares . 36. qu. whether the account of the Olympiake yeares be a certain direction for the vnderstanding of Daniels weeks . 37. qu. Of the names and number of the Persian kings . 38. qu. Of the vncertainty of the yeares of the Persian Monarchie and of the Persian kings . 39. qu. That Daniels weeks do signifie a certain definite number of yeares . 40. qu. That Origens account cannot stand beginning the 70. weeks at Adam , and ending them at the destruction of Ierusalem . 41. qu. That the 70. weekes must not begin before the peoples returne out of captiuitie . 42. qu. That the 70. weeks doe not beginne in the raignes of the other kings of Persia after Cyrus . 43. qu. That Daniels 70. weekes must take beginning from the proclamation made by Cyrus for the returne of the people . 44. qu. Vnder which of the Persian kings Mordecai liued , and of his age . 45. qu. which of the Persian kings it was that renewed the decree for the reedifying of the Temple . 46. qu. What Artaxerxes it was in whose 7. yeare Ezra was sent , and in whose 20. Nehemiah . 47. qu. That Daniels 70. weeks were determined neither before Christs passion , nor at the destruction of the citie . 48. qu. That the 70. weeks ende not after the destruction of Ierusalem . 49. qu. That the 70. weeks must end at the passion of Christ . 50. qu. Of the iust and exact computation of yeares from Cyrus first vnto the passion of Christ . 51. qu. Of the yeares of the Persian kings in particular to make vp the said summe of 〈◊〉 130. yeares , and first of the yeares to the finishing of the Temple . 52. qu. That Xerxes raigne was intermingled with his fathers in the beginning , and with his sonnes in the end . 53. qu. Of the particular yeares of the second part of the Persian Monarchie from the finishing of the Teple to the end therof . 54. qu. Of the iust computation of the yeares of the Grecian Monarchie . 55. qu. The seuerall interpretations of Daniels 70. weekes dispersedly handled before summed together . 56. qu. Why the 7. weeks are seuered from the 62. v. 25. vnto the Messiah shall be 7. weekes and 62. weekes . 57. qu. Whether these 7. weekes must be ●ted before the 62. weeks or after . 58. qu. When this tearme of 7. weeks , that is 49. yeares beganne , and when it ended . 59. qu. Whether that place Iohn 2. 20. that the Temple was 46. yeares in building , haue any agreement with these 7. weekes . 60. qu. Vnto Messiah the Prince shall be 7. weekes , v. 25. who is here vnderstood by the Messiah . 61. qu. The street shall be built againe in a troublesome time , how this was fulfilled . 62. qu. Of the 62. weeks , how they are to be vnderstood . 63. qu. Shall Messiah be slaine , v. 26. who this Messiah was that should be slaine . 64. qu. And he shall haue nothing , or rather not for himselfe , of the meaning of these words . 65. qu. Of the yeare of the natiuitie of our blessed Sauiour . 66. qu. Of the computation of yeares from the creation to the natiuitie of our Blessed Sauiour . 67. qu. In what yeare of the raigne of Herod our blessed Sauiour was borne . 68. qu. In what yeare of his age Christ was baptised . 69. qu. How many yeares Christ liued on earth , and in what yeare of his life Christ was put to death . 70. qu. Of the number of Pasches which Christ solemnized in the dayes of his flesh , whereby the time and yeares of his preaching is certainly gathered . 71. qu. At what time of the yeare Christ was borne . 72. qu. Of the space and distance of time , that was between Christs baptisme and his passion . 73. qu. Vpon what day of the week Christ suffered , and whether vpon a festiuall day . 74. qu. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come . 75. qu. how long after the Messiah was slain this destruction happened by Titus . 76. qu. Why mention is made of the destruction of Ierusalem here , seeing it is without the compasse of the 70. weeks . 77. qu. Of the meaning of these words , v. 26. the ende thereof shall be with a flood , and vnto the ende of the battell it shall be destroyed . 78. qu. That the end of the state of the Iewes not of the Romanes is here signified 79. qu. Of the most grieuous calamities that fell vpon the Iewes in the finall destruction of their citie . 80. qu. That all this miserie came vpon the Iewes for putting to death the Messiah . 81. qu. He shall confirme the couenant with many for one weeke , how this one week is to be vnderstood . 82. qu. What is vnderstood by the couenant . 83. qu. How this couenant was ratified and confirmed . 84. qu. When this Testament beganne to be ratified and confirmed by the preaching of Christ . 85. qu. v. 27. In the halfe of the weeke he shall cause the sacrifice to cease : when this halfe weeke beganne . 86. qu. How and when the sacrifices were caused to cease and were abolished . 87. qu. What is meant by the ouerspreading of abhomination , v. 27. of the best reading thereof . 88. qu. What this abhomination of desolation was . 89. qu. v. 27. Whether the desolation of Ierusalem here spoken of should be finall .

Questions vpon the tenth chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. Of the excellencie of this vision reuealed in this chapter , and the two next , vnto Daniel . 2. qu. How the third yeare of Cyrus is here to be vnderstood . 3. qu. Of Daniels vnderstanding of this vision . 4. qu. v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazar . 5. qu. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heauinesse . 6. qu. Of the time that Daniel mourned which was three weeks of dayes . 7. qu. Of Daniels abstinencie . 8. qu. Of the custome and vse of annointing , which Daniel also forbeareth . 9. qu. Of the riuer Hiddekel where Daniel had this vision . 10. qu. Whether Daniel were onely in spirit or bodily present by the riuer Tigris . 11. qu. Why this vision was shewed vnto Daniel by the riuer Tigris . 12. qu. Whether it were an Angel or Christ which appeared here vnto Daniel . 13. qu. Of the description of the manner how Christ appeared , and first of his apparell . 14. qu. Of the glorious parts of this heauenly body which appeared vnto Daniel . 15. qu. How Daniel is said to see the vision alone . 16. qu. The causes of Daniels great feare . 17. qu. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel . 18. qu. Why Daniels prayer beeing heard at the first , yet the Angels comming was deferred 21. dayes , v. 12. 19. qu. What it was that Daniel prayed for and how he was heard . 20. qu. Who is vnderstood to be the Prince of Persia. 21. qu. How the Prince of Persia is said to haue withstood the Angel . 22. qu. Who this Michael was which helped the Angel . 23. qu. How Michael helped the other angel . 24. qu. How the angel saith he was left with the kings of Persia. 25. qu. Who it is whom Daniel calleth Lord , v. 17. 26. qu. Who it was that had this communication with Daniel in this vision . 27. qu. Who is meant by the Prince of Grecia . 28. qu. Of the originall of the Grecians here called Iavan , v. 21. 29. qu. In what sense the Angel saith , that none held with him but Michael their Prince .

Questions vpon the 11. chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. Whether this vision in the 11. chapter be diuerse from the former vision in the 10. chapter . 2. qu. v. 1. Who it was that here saith , I stood vp , &c. 3. qu. Who it was whom the Angel stood vp to strengthen . 4. qu. Why the Persian Monarchie is so briefly touched , and the Grecians set forth at large . 5. qu. That there were more then three kings of Persia , as may be gathered out of the Scripture . 6. qu. Who were those fowre kings of Persia here named . 7. qu. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power . 8. qu. why the Angel leaueth at the fourth king of Persia , seeing there we●e more . 9. qu. A briefe description of the rising and fall of Alexanders kingdome . 10. qu. Of Alexanders birth and education , acts and life , end and death abridged . 11. qu. Of the 4. successors of Alexander . 12. qu. How all Alexanders posteritie was rooted out that none of them succeeded in the kingdome . 13. qu. Of the meaning of these words , v. 4. It shall be for others beside these . 14. qu. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines before it grewe into fowre , and of their mutuall dissension . 15. qu. why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South and of the North , omitting the rest . 16. qu. Of the kings of Egypt and Syria of whom Daniel prophesieth in this chapter . 17. qu. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South . 18. qu. v. 5. One of his Princes shall preuaile , who is meant hereby . 19. qu. That this kingdome of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog . 20. qu. Of the first variance betweene the king of the South and the king of the North , and of their ioyning together againe . 21. qu. what king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North. 22. qu. Of the translation of the Septuagint , which was procured by this Ptolome Philadelphus . 23. qu. who was the bud of her rootes v. 7. and of his exploits . 24. qu. Of the third battell betweene the king of the South and the king of the North v. 10. 11. 12. 25. qu. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt . 26. qu. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes . 27. qu. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Megas against Epiphanes , v. 17. 28. qu. Of Antiochus expedition against forren countries , v. 18. 29. qu. Of the death of Antiochus the great , ver. 19. 30. qu. Of the acts and end of Seleucus Philopator , the sonne of Antiochus the great , ver. 20. 31. qu. whether the rest of this chapter be properly vnderstood of Antiochus Epiphanes or of Antichrist . 32. qu. Of the first entrance of Antiochus Epiphanes to the kingdome . 33. qu. Of the first expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt , v. 22. 23. 24. 34. qu. Of the second expedition of Epiphanes against Egypt , vers. 25. 26. 27. 28. 35. qu. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt , v. 29. 30. 36. qu. Of the meaning of the word Chittim , v. 30. 37. qu. Of the persecution of the people of God by Antiochus , and the manner thereof , v. 31. 38. qu. What is vnderstood by the armes , v. 31. 39. qu. Of the defiling of the Sanctuarie and the manner thereof . 40. qu. How Antiochus vsed as his instruments certaine wicked persons that forsook the lawe . 41. qu. Of such things as the faithfull people should doe and suffer in this persecution . 42. qu. Of the consolation of the afflicted church of the Iewes . 43. qu. Of the pride of Antiochus , and the exalting of himselfe against God . 44. qu. Antiochus impietie and inhumanitie further described out of the 37. v. 45. qu. How Antiochus is said not to haue respect to the desires of women . 46. qu. Of the strange God , that Antiochus shall set vp , v. 38. 47. qu. Of Antiochus politike deuises to maintaine the idolatrous seruice of his new god , v. 39. 48. qu. Of the last expedition of Antiochus against Egypt , Iudea , and other nations , v. 40. 41. 42. 43. 49. qu. Where the Lybians and Aethiopians inhabited . 50. qu. Of the ende of Antiochus , and such things as immediately went before . 51. qu. Of the sudden and fearefull ende of Antiochus .

Questions vpon the 12. chapter of Daniel . 1. qu. What time is here meant , and in that time shall Michael stand vp , v. 1. 2. qu. who is vnderstood here to be Michael the great Prince . 3. qu. What time of trouble the Angel here speaketh of . 4. qu. What deliuerance the Angel speaketh of , and of whom . 5. qu. Whether all the Iewes shall be saued before the comming of Christ . 6. qu. what kind of booke Daniel here speaketh of . 7. qu. Why this mysterie of resurrection is here plainly reuealed to Daniel . 8. qu. Of the coherence of this comfortable mention made of the resurrection with the former prophesie . 9. qu. why it is said , many of them which sleepe shall awake , and not all . 10. qu. A description of the resurrection both of good and bad . 11. qu. Of the great glorie which shall be giuen vnto those which instruct others to saluation , v. 3. 12. qu. How the faithfull teachers are said to iustifie others . 13. qu. why Daniel is commanded to seale the booke , and what is the meaning thereof . 14. qu. Vntill the time defined or appointed , v. 4. what time this was here limited . 15. qu. Of these words , many shall runne thorough , and knowledge shall be encreased . 6. qu. what two they were which Daniel sawe by the brinke of the riuer , v. 5. 17. qu. who it was that enquired of the man cloathed in linnen , v. 6. 18. qu. who the man was cloathed in linen of whom the question was asked . 19. qu. what is meant by a time , two times , and an halfe , v. 7. 20. qu. Of the meaning of these words , v. 7. when he hath made an ende to disperse the hand of the holy people . 21. qu. what it was that Daniel vnderstood , v. 8. 22. qu. whether Daniel had altogether a repulse in his demaund . 23. qu. Of those words , v. 10. the wicked shall doe wickedly , and none shall haue vnderstanding : what wicked he speaketh of . 24. qu. what the abhomination of desolation is , mentioned v. 11. 25. qu. The 1290. mentioned v. 11. how to be taken . 26. qu. The tearme of 1335. dayes expounded . 27. qu. Of the last words spoken to Daniels goe thy way vnto the ende , v. 13. 28. qu. If thou shalt rest and stand vp in thy l●t .

The summe of these questions amounteth to 593. or thereabout .

A Table of the Controversies .

Places of Controversie . 1. Contr. THe vulgar Latin translation not the best . 2. contr. The historie of Susanna , the song of the three children , and of Bel and the dragon , are no parts of Daniel , nor of the Canonicall Scripture .

Controversies vpon the 1. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. Whether the changing of the Popes name be grounded vpon the example of Peter . 2. contr. That fasting is not meritorious nor satisfactorie . 3. contr. That the prescript of fasting daies for abstinence , and for forbearing of certen kinds of meates , is no● warranted here by Daniels abstinence . 4. contr. v. 20. What the wise men of the Chaldeans were , and whether the wise men which came to Christ were kings . 5. contr. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans , and how that such were alwaies opposite to the true Church of God , as diuers of the Popes were such .

Controversies vpon the 2. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. That the Scriptures should be extant in the vulgar and knowne tongue . 2. contr. That prayer must onely be made vnto God . 3. contr. That praier is not meritorious , but grounded onely vpon Gods mercie . 4. contr. That Matrimonie is no Sacrament . 5. contr. That the Saints merit not . 6. contr. v. 21. That the Pope hath no power committed vnto him to put downe kings . 7. contr. That the Pope can not be Christs Vicar generall in earth . 8. contr. That the time of Christs comming to iudgement , can not be gathered from Daniels prophesie , v. 44. 9. contr. v. 45. Whether the virgin Marie be the mountaine out of the which the stone was cut . 10. contr. Whether Christ verely encreased in the gifts and graces of the soule . 11. contr. That the Pope is not to be reuerenced , honoured , and worshipped through the world . 12. contr. That it can not be prooued out of Daniels prophesie that the Pope is not Antichrist . 13. contr. Of the lawfulnes of Magistracie , against the Anabaptists .

Controversies vpon the 3. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. That an image vsed for any religious vse , and an idol , are all one . 2. contr. Against the adoration of images . 3. contr. Whither images in Churches may be tolerated , though they be not adored . 4. contr. Of the wayes and meanes whereby idolatrie is promoted . 5. contr. Of the vse of Church musicke , and musicall instruments . 6. contr. The multitude of professors doth not argue the truth of the profession . 7. contr. Of superstitious dedications . 8. contr. That counsels and generall assemblies may erre . 9. contr. The fire and sword and other cruelties , the weapons of idolators and superstitious men . 10. contr. That these three seruants of God were not deliuered for their virginitie or abstinencie . 11. contr. Against the Vbiquitaries . 12. contr. That miracles are not alwaies a note and sure marke of the Church . 13. contr. Whether a contrarie religion may be tolerated in a Commonwealth . 14. contr. That the conuersion of Nebuchadnezzer , doth not signifie the conuersion of the Deuill in the ende of the world .

Controversies vpon the 4. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. That the virgin Marie was not without sinne . 2. Contr. Against free will . 3. Contr. Against the inuocation of Saints . 4. Contr. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdomes . 5. contr. Against satisfaction by workes . 6. contr. Of the certaintie of remission of sinnes . 7. contr. Which be the good works of Christians . 8. contr. That Gods prouidence is not onely a bare prescience or permission . 9. contr. Against the Pope who would be without check or controlment .

Controversies vpon the 5. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. That idolaters and worshippers of images make them their gods . 2. contr. Whether images in Churches may be retained , though they be not worshipped . 3. contr. That not Protestants , but Papists are the profaners of holy things . 4. contr. That there are no certen periods of kingdomes .

Controversies vpon the 6. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. Against canonicall and stinted houres of praier . 2. contr. That it is no Apostolicall tradition to pray toward the East . 3. contr. That the publike profession of our faith is necessarie , and it is not sufficient to haue it inwardly in the heart . 4. contr. That it is not lawfull worshipping God to looke toward an image . 5. contr. Against the Papists and Vbiquitaries , that hold a carnall presence in the sacrament . 6. contr. Of the false suggestions of the Papists against the Protestants . 7. contr. Of the vniust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruell inquisition , condemning the Protestants , their cause not beeing heard . 8. contr. Of the practising of Popes against Princes . 9. contr. Whether one is iust before God by an inherent iustice . 10. contr. Whether Daniels innocencie were the meritorious cause of his deliuerance . 11. contr. That a generall faith , called salus implicita , an implicit faith , is not sufficient .

Controversies vpon the 7. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. The Church is not discerned by the greatnes and largenes thereof . 2. contr. Whether the Saints shall iudge the world . 3. contr. The vulgar Latine translation not authenticall . 4. contr. Of the diuers orders of Angels . 5. contr. The glorious persons of the Trinitie are not to be represented by any image . 6. contr. Against the Vbiquitaries which hold an omnipresence of Christs humanitie . 7. contr. That diuturnitie and long continuance without interruption , is no infallible note of the Church . 8. contr. That the dominion of the Pope is temporall rather then spirituall . 9. contr. That Antichrist is alreadie come .

Controversies vpon the 8. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. Prosperitie and externall felicitie , is no perpetuall note of the Church . 2. contr. That the abomination of desolation spoken of , v. 13. is not the abolishing of the sacrifice of the Masse . 3. contr. The authoritie of the Scripture dependeth not vpon the testimonie of the Church . 4. contr. The description of Antiochus agreeeth to the Pope and Antichrist .

Controversies vpon the 9. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. That praier and fasting is not meritorious . 2. cont. God only is to be inuocated , not Saints or Angels . 3. contr. That Christ is the onely Mediator . 4. contr. Against praier or inuocation of the dead . 5. contr. Of the name of the Catholike Church , that it is but vsurped by the Romanists . 6. contr. That no man is perfect in this life . 7. contr. That the prayers of the faithfull are not meritorious . 8. contr. That we are not iustified by any inherent righteousnes , but imputed onely by faith . 9. contr. Whether sinne any way after forgiuenes may be said to remaine in the faithfull . 10. contr. That charitie is not more principal in the matter of iustification then faith . 11. contr. That the Pope doth blasphemously vsurpe the title of Christ , to be called most holy . 12. contr. Whether the Sacrament of the Altar be most holy . 13. contr. That Christ is Mediatour both as God and man . 14. contr. Against the sacrifice of the Masse . 15. contr. Against the Iewes , that the Messiah who was expected of the Fathers , is alreadie come into the world .

Controversies vpon the 10. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. Against superstitious fasting . 2. contr. That Paradise was a terrestriall place . 3. contr. Against the curious distinction of the orders of Angels .

Controversies vpon the 11. chapter of Daniel . 1. Contr. Of the birth and offspring of Antichrist . 2. contr. That Antichrist shall not be one particular man . 3. contr. That Nero the Emperor shall not be the great Antichrist . 4. contr. That Antichrist shall be a deceiuer rather then a victorious conquerer . 5. contr. Of Antichrists miracles . 6. contr. That Antichrists comming shall not be deferred to the ende of the world . 7. contr. That Antichrists seate shall not be at Ierusalem . 8. contr. That the citie of Rome shall not be vtterly destroied before Antichrist shall come . 9. contr. That the Papists Antichrist and the Iewes Messiah shall come together . 10. contr. Of the true marks whereby Antichrist may be discerned . 11. contr. How the description of Antiochus historically doth typically decyphre the Pope and Antichrist . 12. contr. That S. Paul speaketh of an apostasie and departure from the faith , 2. Thes. 2. 3. 13. contr. Of other notes and marks wherein Antiochus and Antichrist agree . 14. contr. How the Antichrist of Rome hath persecuted Emperours , Kings , Princes , and learned men for religion . 15. contr. Of the pride and blasphemies of Antichrist against God . 16. contr. How Antichrist is said to sit in the Temple of God . 17. contr. Of the prosperitie and outward successe of Antichrist . 18. contr. That externall happinesse is not a sure note of the Church . 19. contr. why the Lord suffereth Antichrist to rage against his church . 20. contr. That out of this text , v. 36. it cannot be prooued that the Pope is not Antichrist , as Bellarmine intendeth . 21. contr. How Antichrist shall forsake his fathers god , v. 31. 22. contr. How the Romane Antichrist regardeth not the desire of women . 23. contr. That the Antichrist shall not care in deede for any god , nor haue any sense of religion . 24. contr. How Antichrist shall bring in a strange god which his fathers neuer knew , v. 38. 25. contr. Of the theatricall and pompous seruice with siluer and gold , which Antichrist hath found out for his newe idol . 26. contr. How Antichrist shall distribute honours and possessions vnto his fauourites and that for money . 27. contr. Of Antichrists insatiable ambition , crueltie , and couetousnesse . 28. contr. Of the rage and furie of Antichrist . 29. contr. How Antichrists palace is planted betweene two seas . 30. contr. Of the fearefull ende of diuerse Popes .

Controversies vpon the 12. chapter . 1. Contr. Against blasphemous Servetus that made himselfe Michael . 2. contr. Whether Henoch and Elias shall stand vp with Michael in the last times . 3. contr. What manner of persecution shall be vnder Antichrist . 4. contr. Of the certaintie of Election , that none of the elect can finally fall away . 5. contr. In what sense Moses wisheth to be rased out of Gods booke , Exod. 32. 33. 6. contr. That the soules of the faithfull departed doe not sleepe vntill the resurrection , but presently enioy the sight of God . 7. contr. That all men shall rise againe , and not onely the faithfull , neither shall they die againe . 8. contr. That Christ died not in generall for all , but onely for those that beleeue . 9. contr. That the faithfull doe not iustifie other by any merit or satisfaction , but as ministers onely of saluation . 10. contr. That the Saints merits as they are diuers , doe not merite diuers degrees of glorie . 11. contr. The Scriptures are not so obscure but all may be admitted to the reading of them . 12. contr. Bellarmine confuted , who by diuers arguments out of this chapter , would procue the Pope not to be Antichrist .

The number of these Controversies is an 134.

The Doctrines and morall obseruations are not summed , as beeing neither so many in number , nor of such speciall note .

This Commentarie was finished by Gods gracious assistance , vpon the 31. of Decemb. in the yeare 1608. anno aetatis Authoris 46.

Eph. 1. 3.

Blessed be God euen the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , which hath blessed vs with all spirituall blessings in heauenly things in Christ .

The faults escaped .

The first number sheweth the page , the second the line .

3. 1. read Iaddua . 3. 4. read , was about an 160. yeares . 3. 41. read other , for either . 7. 27. prophetalem . 12. 9. koph. 12. 11. read , vnto Ierusalem ( not into , &c. 13. 8. read , it was not a , &c. 17. 1. for Cyrus , read Tyrus . 24. 32. dipnosophist . 24. 37. ghebed for ghebat . 41. 44. the house of his . 43. 34. read , ye would , 64. 37. read , 3. hundred thousand . 77. 17. read , girded thee . 81. 4. read , ex pacto for ex parte . 88. 9. read , inferreth , therefore , &c. 90. 18. read , in the first occasion , for accusation . 91. 49. read , deliuer vs or not , V. 94. 26. read , ouertopped . 98. 57. they for those . 113. 6. read , occasion of stumbling . 118. 18. read , deliberate , 124. 5. read , not so much in . 131. 31. read , Nimrod . 140. 55. Pint. 143. 39. read , defined for defended . 145. 18. read if , for and if . 150. 54. read obscene , for obscure . 181. 45. for the holy spirit , r. the lawe . 184. 22. read , incredible . 184. 31. read , coniunctum . 198. 36. read , their . 210. 30. at that time . 210. 57. read , heard of . 237. 9. read , grounded . 252. 14. read , they were . 252. 23. read , virgin . 323. 24. read , 70. for 72. 373. 4. Daniel . 384. 24. phrase . 397. 43. read , Angel . 401. 26. abridged . 423. 25. for both by , read by . 429. 41. r. leeloah , 42. read , it be , for it might be . 434. 2● . this is , for that is . 448. 3. Exarch . 451. 39. Pontisicem . 456. 26. for , nay rather that , read that . 459. 17. read , bought . 460. 25. forgeries . 472. 35. read , propheticall . 486. 30. Aretas . 491. 4. for whence , read hence . 509. 29. for money .

Adde this following vnto pag 87. line 36.

Concerning the controversie of Christs encreasing in the graces of the spirit , thus much further may be added by way of explanation . 1. Out of Cyril , that corporale augmentum , &c. the growth of bodie , and encreasing in wisedome , humanitatis mensurae conueniat , ageeth vnto his humane condition : as Christ was God he encreased not . 2. In respect of his hypo●●aticall vnion , there was no encrease : he was in the verie first instant of his conception perfect God and perfect man , as Heb. 1. 6. when he bringeth in his first begotten Sonne into the world , he saith , let all the Angels of God worship him : diuine worship was due vnto Christ , at his verie first comming into the world . 3. Concerning the graces which the diuine nature conferred vpon his humanitie , they were either habituall , infused into the soule of our Sauiour in the verie first vnion , or experimentall : the first encreased not , but were as ample and full in the first instant of this blessed vnion , as afterward ( for Christs soule came not into his bodie as tabula abrasa , a bare and naked table wherein nothing is written , as our soules are , ) sauing that these infused and habituall graces could not shewe themselues , till the organicall bodie was made fit thereunto , as at 12. yeares he disputed and apposed the Doctors : these graces encreased onely per modum declarationis , by way of declaration , as Cyril saith , voluit quasi paulatim diuinitatis suae gloriam declarare , he would by little and little manifest the glorie of his dietie . 4. Yet the experimentall knowledge , which is gathered by sense and experience , encreased in Christ , as Ambrose well determineth , sapientia sensu proficit , quia à sensu sapientia , sensus igitur proficiebat humanus , wisedome encreaseth by sense , for wisedome commeth by the sense : his humane sense encreased , &c. and consequently his experimentall wisedome and knowledge : and that there was an accession of his experimentall knowledge , the Apostle sheweth , Heb. 2. 18. in that he suffred and was tempted , he is able to succour them that are tempted .

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