Nero Cæsar, or Monarchie depraued An historicall worke. Dedicated, with leaue, to the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Admirall. By the translator of Lucius Florus.

NERO CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVGVSTVS GERMANICVS .

I. NERO'S FIRST COMMING TO THE EMPIRE .

NERO CLAVDIVS , the adopted sonne of TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS the late deceased Emperour , in the seuenteenth yeere of his age , obtaines that soueraigne power , by vertue whereof the Consuls , Senators , Tribunes , Captaines , and all other the officers , and actiue uerues of state , did execute their seuerall charges , there being now no fountaine of motion but in princedoome only . For CAESAR had of old so wrought himselfe into the commonweal , that the one ( saith SENECA ) could neuer be diduced from the other without the destruction of both : for as the prince needs forces so the people needs an head . Nature had ordaind another for the place , but heinous deuises interuerted the proper course of succession , and so BRITANICVS , the matrimoniall issue of CLAVDIVS AVGVSTVS and of VALERIA MESSALINA , was wronged , and ruinated . ONVPHRIVS in his description of the citie of ROME , mentions a golden statua erected to this BRITANNICVS in the tenth region thereof , a moniment of NERO'S tyrannie ( if NERO did erect it ) rather then any amends for losse of his life , and empire . The principall agent in that iniurie of disenherison , was violent AGRIPPINA , her incentiue ambition , her instument that lordly freedman PALLAS ; the meanes , incest , adulterie , paricidial poison , and murther .

II. OF NERO BEEFORE HEE WAS EMPEROVR OR ADOPTED .

THE omen , and sequel were conform to the worst of these . NERO came into the world an agrippa , or borne with his feete forward ( his owne mother left it written of him so in her commentaries ) and turnd the world vpside downe before he went out of it , which is euery where knowne to be written . But that praeposterous natiuitie foreboded nothing , in PLINIES conceipt ( who notes that all agrippae were vnfortunate ) but the parties disaster . Horrour , & terrour to the publick were in that which followes . When the Chaldaeans pronounced , according to their art , that hee should reigne , but murther his mother ; shee submitted herselfe to that destinie , and in the furie of her pride fatallie said alowd , and let him kill me so as that proues true . Acceptance , and consent are dangerous poincts , in the poinct of drawing-on foretold euents . Neither are the sodein conceipts of parents concerning their children , whither to the better , or the worse part , alwayes vain : for DOMITIVS AENOBARBVS , NERO'S owne father , vnpremeditately answerd his congratulating friends , that nothing could possiblie come of AGRIPPINA , and him , but cursed stuffe , ordaind to vndo the world , or words to such effect . An heauy doom , which DIO more probably reports in milder termes . Fathers are naturallie iudges , & oftentimes prophets also ; and aswell their blessings , as their maledictions weighty . DOMITIVS meant not to read his childs fortune when he vtterd that conceipt , but there is euer more somewhat for the speakers to beware , and for children to feare , in the whatsoeuer words of their parents . During his childe-hood ANICETVS had the elementarie teaching of him , the same who was afterwards emploid to murther AGIPPINA , and falselie to accuse OCTAVIA ; his pupillage , or minoritie was gouernd by ASCONIVS LABEO , concerning whom we finde to NERO'S praise , that hee thanckfully procured consularie ornaments for him ; and one BERYLLVS ( saith FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS ) traind him vp in the rudiments of the Greek tongue , but LVCIVS ANNAEVS SENECA , vnder the most honorable title , and in the most vsefull emploiment , was the master of his manners . And they in reason could not haue proued so vile , if his mother had not auerted his affections from the studie of all philosophie , as a thing vnfit for a Souereign .

III. THE FAMOVS ERROVR OF HIS EDVCATION .

AN opinion worthy of a gracelesse woman , and originallie the most certaine cause of his ouerthrow . For his nature most vnboundedly affecting immortalitie of fame ( which was truely princely , & truely ROMAN in him ) by this abducement from the knowledge of honesty , and worth ( the onely true grounds of glorie ) he pursued showes , and seemings , and sought not ( saith that excellent philosopher DIO CHRYSOTOMVS speaking of NERO ) for that which makes men good , or wise , but for that which might enable him to winn crownes of leaues , or garlands , for singing , fidling , piping , acting on stages , and the like ignobler trials , which neuerthelesse through the errour of his breeding , appeared to him such transcendently heauenly guifts , that in their perfection he constituted chiefe felieitie .

IIII. THE MINDE OF AGRIPPINA .

ON the other side , to reigne ouer the world seemed to his mother AGRIPPINA , a thing so dazling and diuine , that all things else stood far to her on the hither side thereof . Therefore in making her way , shee neuer distinguisht either of methods , or efficients , for want of knowing that which is a much greater thing then to rule the whole world , the ouer-ruling of herselfe for higher ends . The study of true philosophy ( for some philosophies are neither fit for kings nor subiects being falsely called wisdome ) would haue taught her to consider , how much more glorious it is , to affect honest things rather then great , or to compasse great things honestly . For there can be no pleasure in the fruition of brauerie and power , which in the least degree , can be worthy of an euill conscience , end , and fame . Shee approued good precepts in SENECA , the more securely to practise her owne bad ones . Domination was her desire , and shee for that contemned all the lawes of god , & man . Nor is SENECA without a part in the blame , who kept him from solid eloquence proper to the antient orators , to hold him the longer in admiration of himselfe , Who taught him how to answear readely , who much more profitably might haue taught him how to thinck deeply .

V. OF NERO , AS THE ADOPTIVE SONNE OF CLAVDIVS .

NERO had in marriage the sister of BRITANICVS , OCTAVIA , the root of his fortunes , and in the life-time of CLAVDIVS , their father , was courted , and serued as heir apparent to the empire . According to which highest hope , the most flourishing title PRINCE OF THE YOVTH , or CAPTAINE OF THE YOVNG LORDS , which regularly imported heir-apparencie , was assigned to him alone . Old extant coigns , and inscriptions ( in whose pretious remains the most certaine marks of facts suruiue ) make it euident .

CLAVDIVS adopted him for his eldest sonne , because BRITANNICVS ( formerly called GERMANICVS ) was two yeares younger : so much it disaduantaged him with a feble father , to haue been born but only so much short . In the yeare of that vnluckie adoption , which was when CORNELIVS ORFITVS was Consul with CLAVDIVS CAESAR , three sunns appeared , as if the heauens , priuie to impendent effects , had by their mystical character reueled what a prodigie was in breeding .

VI. OF NERO'S FIRST FIVE YFARES .

SENECA , chiefe for learning , & power ( saith historical PLINIE ) and AFRANIVS BVRRHVS ( the more solidly honest man of the two ) captaine of NERO'S guards , were deep of counsell in the edition of this prince , who though hee was in his birth the obiect of dire presages , and afterwards in court the creature of darkest practises , yet by the apposition of SENECA , like a benigne starr among many malignant , hee came notwithstanding to bee presented to ROME in the shape of such an hope , as a faire fresh morning brings of a correspondent sunn-set . But to mingle nothing in historie , by the perplexing of times , or the forestalling of iudgments , this is confest , that the first fiue yeares of this young AVGVSTVS were generally such , as TRAIANVS himselfe is said to haue admired , if they were not rather the reign of his gouernours SENECA , and BVRRHVS then , porperly his . Yet the inofficious entrance pleaseth not : for hee preoccupated good-will to himselfe by his adopters disgrace , as may without enforcement bee conceaued .

VII . SENECA INOFFICIOVS TO CLAVDIVS , CONTRARIE TO THE MORAL GOOD OF NERO.

TWo orations pennd to his hand by SENECA , and openly pronounced by NERO , do both of them carry the marks of their inwardly offended author , though they were improper to the argument . For SENECA did not only not loue CLAVDIVS , but in a libell persecuted his memorie also . The first oration of the two , pretended by all sorts of praises to make him seem worthy the title of a god , which together with all diuine honors was accordingly decreed vnto him : yet this had some such passages in it , as publickly moued the hearers to laugh , and so hee went out ridiculous deitie . The second speach ( summd by TACITVS ) while it gaue them an idea of what should bee otherwise vnder him , and better then before , did abatingly insinuate the wants of his predecessour . These beginnings therefore thus vnderstood , do seeme to haue conferred somewhat towards the weakening of pious respects in NERO , who leauen'd with the scoffings of his Maister ( for euen LIPSIVS notes that euill spirit in SENECA ) did showe himselfe afterwards no vndexterous disciple , breaking sundrie bitter iests ( remembred by SVETONIVS ) vpon his dead adoptiue father , the creator of his vndeserued fortunes .

VIII . A WORD OR TWO TOVCHING THE INSTITVTION OF A MONARCK , BY OCCASION OF NERO'S INSTITVTION .

TO vtter briefely somewhat , by way of francke speech , vpon this iust occasion , in the most chearfull , and most carefull prouince of the world , the institution of a soueraigne prince , whose good , or euill is the common-weals , there is nothing in it which can bee litle , or of litle moment , I do not say of that which is directly ill ( for that admitts no doubt ) but of that which leads , though but indirectly , towards it . Because great euils may grow out of the smallest causes . But it was neuer a little matter , by all means , and at all times , to maintaine , and strengthen natural pietie , and ingenuous thanckfulnesse , which after some sort are all in all . Princes otherwise minded vndo themselues . For seeing imperiall maiestie doth subsist by the veneration which is owing therevnto , for the reason of fatherly , and lordly power , they doe make examples to their owne harmes who beeing hereditarie , or beneficiarie princes minister the least suspition of irreuerent affections towards their proper parents , or founders . The most bottomly stone which can be laid for all future felicitie is digged out of none other quarrie then pietie , and whatsoeuer superedifide is not of like nature , will fall to ground , and in the fall thereof will carry it selfe , and with it selfe all the rest , either into obliuion , or infamie . To constitute CLAVDIVS diuine , and to deride him , was absurd in it selfe , as being against both their religion , and the clearnesse of their reason . And let the insinuations of his disgrace bee neuer so iust , yet they could not iustly seeme to spring from any other fountaine of affections then that which traiterously tooke away his life . And whither did not licence carry leuitie when that very fact which was absolutely worthie of all detestation , and punnishment , was become the heinous subiect of SENECA'S , and NERO'S iests ? Therefore , howsoeuer I hartely loue what SENECA'S writings haue good in them , and doe admire what is excellent either for wisdome , eloquence , or conceipt , yet I doe freely professe to hate that , as all men certeinly doe , who esteeme the conscience of moral , and ciuil duties , aboue the flashes of ambitious wit .

IX . THE SENATS VSE OF SENECA'S OFFICES , AT NERO'S ENTRANCE .

BVt the Senate discouerd no such iudgment of this course , for it greatly conduced to their ends , as men who affected censureship ouer their princes , & to remaine the arbiters of things . SENECA therefore , not without some suspition of vanitie on his part ( as TACITVS obserueth ) had the glory of witt , and eloquence , in the grace of his scholers vtterance , and their lord-ships enacted , that the last oration , because it contained the picture of the NERONIAN commonweale as there it was described , should bee cut in a columne of siluer , for euerlasting remembrance , and yeerely bee read in full court , vpon the Kalends of IANVARIE , when the new Consuls tooke their oathes . And this was done ( saith DIO in effect ) that NERO who gaue them the hope , should giue them the fulfilling also . A prouision worthy of their wisdome , the commoditie whereof beeing put into their hands by SENECA , did causefully ennoble , & endear him to the publicke . And though NERO afterwards spoild all , by his incredible excesses , yet the oration remained still , an euidence of his engagement , a touchstone of his actions , and by the disparitie of premises , and sequels , did draw the greater foulnesse vpon his deformities . NERO'S faire ouertures for winning goodwill at first , remaine estreated in that most steddie author , CORNELIVS TACITVS , though the oration it selfe ( for what moniments will not massie siluer betray ? ) be quite consumed . The generall notion of the speeches fabrick was , to giue hope , that all those things should bee auoided which had beene offensiue before . Of this poinct the ITALIAN author of the famous RAGVALIAS of PARNASSVS makes vnfriendly vse , in the imaginary inauguration of CORNELIVS TACITVS , to the fained kingdome of LESBOS , smally to the honor of TACITVS , whom hee makes throwne out againe for affectation of tyranie .

X. THE POISNING OF BRITANNICVS .

BVt the eminent fame of NERO'S first fiue yeares is only to bee vnderstood , as they were profitable to common-weale in the orderly correction , and administration of the policie , by the speciall care of SENECA , and the seruice of worthy patriots . For his owne manners otherwise did soone beginne to putrifie . His delights , some of them , not honest in any man , as wilde maskings , and riotous wanton women ; and some of them , though not dishonest , yet being pursued as chiefe emploiments were vtterly vnseemely in a prince . This conniuent permission of him to himselfe ( worthely reproued by DIO ) as it encreased SENECA'S power , so it inflamed NERO'S vices . Therefore almost euery yeare of the fiue was staind with some notable fowle fact or other : for which notwithstanding , because there might bee some defense in the reason of his imperiall rights , or personall safetie , they would haue beene commiserated in him as piacularie infelicities , rather then vrged as criminall impieties , had the world felt a continuance of common profit , or hee not bewrayed his naturall immanity . Within the very first twelue moneth of his gouernment hee spotted , and defloured the maiden candor of his fortunes by poisning BRITANNICVS , who was his cosen german , his adoptiue brother , and testamentarie partner in the empire , one so incapable of malicious crimes , that he was then but at the fourteenth yeare of his age . This fact , considered in it selfe , though it directly violated the maine foundations of the world laid deepe by god in naturall pietie , yet some other appellation would haue beene inuented for auoiding the proper of paricide ( as I haue said before ) had not the carriage of his part in it , and the horrour of the circumstances made it wholy his own For hee curiously beheld the poison confected , & boild to a speeding height , saw it experimented , and causd it to bee secretly ministred in his owne presence at supper , in the presence of his wife , OCTAVIA ( sister of BRITTANNICVS ) and of AGRIPPINA ; who notwithstanding all other her nocencies , was innocent of this trecherie , though not innocent of the impulsiues to it ; for her absolutenesse being crost by SENECA , and BVRRHVS , shee durst threaten to set vp him as the righter heir , and thereby dubbed him the obiect of feare , and danger . And when the poore prince fell immediately downe dead , NERO slighted it off , as but a fit of his falling sicknesse , and after a short pause renewed the feast , the carcase remoued away . But neither his authoritie nor his art could hinder the discouerie of the crime , for the body at the funerall fire was so throughly washt with sodaine showrs , that the lime and whiting which were vsed ( saith ZONARAS ) to blanch it , for hiding the badges of poison , beeing from heauen dissolued , rendred the homicide visible . The tame taking of it abroad flesht his sauage nature , and made him vnfortunately vnderstand , that hee might doe more of that kinde when hee would . Howbeit some few ciuil restraincts ( the outwearing tyes of decaying habits ) kept him a while from yeilding vtmost scope to his licentious , and furious will . But the conscience of this murther was costly vnto him . For hee shared houses , lands , & lordships among his friends , as a booty , to counterweigh all constructions , and assure his partie ; nor doe I doubt but that SENECA , as a chiefe sharer , did now obtaine no small proportion of his huge estate ; for the circumloquution which TACITVS vseth at this place may well bee thought to name him without naming .

XI . NERO'S FORTVNE IN THE VERTVE OF CORBVLO .

THE following first scenes of his reigne like a balme to cure his fame , brought also forth a decree of the Senate , commanding triumphal arches , and statuas to bee reared for his honor and memorie of that famous seruice which DOMITIVS CORBVLO had performed in ARMENIA against TIRIDATES the brother of the PARTHIAN king , endeuoiring to plucke ARMENIA from the ROMANS ▪ But the coigns of that time haue better preserued both the testimonie of that decree , and the image of those magnificent works , then the marble of which they consisted .

Seeing therefore that coigns are so vital to memorie , and that nothing vnder heauen is so deere to a great , and noble minde , as to bee remembred with honour , I may much wonder why souereign princes ( who doe hold of glory in chiefe ) make either very little , or no historicall vse at all , no not of their copper moneyes . The present BATAVIANS ( who liue in a forme of gouernment most vnlike to monarchy ) are braue and heroick in this , and doe worthely put the world in minde of the ancient GREEKES and ROMANS . I wish we had a current PAX IACOBI , as there was a PAX AVGVSTI ; a BRITANNIA REDVX , as there was a ROMA RESVRGENS ; a SALVS OCCIDENTIS , as there was a SALVS ORBIS ; a FIDES REGVM , as there was a FIDES EXERCITVVM . Arguments of coigns , and indexes of effects , among infinite other most honourable , which hauing no relation to sides ( the speciall scandall of the LATIN world ) are indeed most worthy a mint royall , and do all of them belong , by his owne right , to our most sacred SOVEREIGNE .

XII . NERO VAINLY DEVISTEH WITH HIMSELF HOW TO GOE BEYOND ALL EXAMPLES , IN MAKING MANKINDE BEHOLDING VNTO HIM .

AFter this high atchieuement in ARMENIA , where CORBVLO had burnt to ground the head-citie thereof ARTAXATA , NERO CAESAR lay houering for some braue colour , or occasion of raising himselfe to such a glory as might surmount all others glories , and which ( without owing for it to anothers merit ) he might properly call his owne . A minde ( to speake the truth ) most worthy of a prince , and a shew of such a minde most necessary for him . For though it be most probable , that the reflections of CORBVLO'S fame had inflamed him with a desire of euerlasting honor , and SVETONIVS TRANQVILLVS absolutely puts the loue of immortall renowne into NERO'S character , yet did it otherwise also concerne him to affect popularitie . For hauing cruelly poysned his brother BRITANNICVS , and discouered in his night-walkes , the most lasciuious , and ruffianly faults of his nature , intending likewise to murther his owne mother ( most heinous handsels of more heinous sequels ) he might easily beleeue , that without some notable further sacrifice for expiation of what had passed vile ( the same also to bee as a fine for licence of future worse ) it was not possible to make the multitude ( whom he serued as his idol ) sure vnto him . Neither was it long before the disorders of the time had furnisht him for that purpose with wished opportunitie . CORNELIVS TACITVS hath gone before mee in the enarration , & I may not ouerpasse it here , though it bee in a most tender case , if betweene prince , and people any other . The ROMANS , who for many yeares ( saith TACITVS ) had payd such moneys as were ratably assessed vpon the portages , or sales of wares , without any their reproofs , or repinings , could neuerthelesse not endure their extortions who farm'd , or gatherd them . This matter of generall complaint being most iust , NERO was often , and openly calld vpon with a common voice to afford redresse ; which would alone both haue satisfied the duty of a prince towards his people , and haue acquieted the people in their vtmost expectations . But NERO , who thirsted for a more glorious occasion , did not hould it enough to remoue the abuse , vnlesse withall hee tooke away the subiect it selfe , by remitting all those paiments for euer . Which being intended as a diuine benefit , would haue proued no lesse , could the commonweale haue borne it . But the ripe , and wise made it apparent to NERO , that he did not therein discharge a burthen , but ruine the world . For those paiments were among the sinewes of the state , and it was no more possible for ROME to haue subsisted , had those returns of supply beene withdrawne , then for a good husband to hold all together , where receipts do infinitely vndergo expences . In TACITVS another worser pestilence is obserued , that tributes ( the maine stayes of the state ) would also haue beene cryde vpon to bee forgiuen , if those vsuall contributions should haue ceased , whose antiquitie , and necessity , euen while the tribes of the people did most hotly predominate by their fierie tribunes , had made them so familiar , that they were neither in truth , nor in estimation , any grieuance . For like innumerable small pipes , or quills of succour , they did incessantly helpe to replenish the publicke store , and though they rose in contemptible quantities considered in parcels , yet they did not ammount to contemptible heaps when mett in grosse , but abundantly serued both for the vses of maiesty , and of martiall affaires . Therefore NERO'S offer at glory was vnfortunate herein . The same neuertheles was praisd by the opposers , to the height of his ambition , though his will and performances admitted a qualification , in which consisted his truest glory . According wherunto he contented himselfe with reforming the abuses of collectors , & other mischieuous enormities . A part of the good whereof , by vertue of his prouisions , extended it selfe in the effects , euen to the times in which CORNELIVS TACITVS did chronicle this . Vast designes haue sodain fails . Mans minde , like the regions of the aire , hath somewhat in it at times which seemes to answer the nature of meteors . This puffe of intention , and windy caprouch of NERO'S , was a kinde of mentall typhon , or at best a meere image of vapour . Otherwise also , it can create no enuie to an orderly prince that NERO propounded somewhat to himselfe incomparable . For denominations , and iudgements of men are not made out of single facts , but constant habits . That ROME tooke no harme , but reaped speciall good thereby , showes her fortunes ancient friendship towards her , and her better childrens discretions , much more then NERO'S merit . The purpose notwithstanding considered in it selfe , which pretended common good , was well worthy to haue beene the pretious stone of his first fiue yeares golden circle , which by reason of his disproportionated carriage stands for nothing now but the vanishing glosse of a fucus , or various flitting bubble .

XIII . NERO'S MVNIFICENCES , AND LIBERALITIES .

BVt this most light , and most youthfull Emperour to make vp otherwise the full pompe of his popular insinuations , was so manifold , and so extraordinary in his publicke liberalities , that his coigns stamped by decree of the Senate , retaine their endlesse memorie .

These two figures signifie that kinde of largesse which was called a congiarie , not altogether vnlike a lottery , or a compendious way of deliuering the contents of a publicke dole . For the things , distributed of free cost , not being all of them such that dispersions , or musses could be made of them , little balls comprehending the lot did issue , and were ample warrants for the receipt of the guift . The fortunate did not onely become hereby the maisters of ordinary things in NERO'S congiaries , as measures of corne ( and of the ROMAN measure CONGIVS , the whole act was denominated ) birds , beasts , all sorts of houshold prouision , apparell , bondslaues , and the like , but quantities of siluer , gold , and pearle , & at last also whole houses , ships , and estates in land . Of these free lotteries at the most solemne games , SVETONIVS tels vs there were a thousand seuerall parcels flung abroad euery day , during the whole festiuitie . And seeing the coynesse of breuitie will not permit , that things of one kinde should be handled more then once , I will plucke backe into this common place of his munificence , that most honorable shame , though declared sundry yeares after the famous fiue , when SENECA offered to quit his fortunes , as a secret meane to secure his life . NERO therein hauing acknowledged his immortall debt for the benefit of his instructions ( the gardenings , and waterings of the minde ) was so farre from coueting his maisters offerd riches , or thinking them great , that hee openly answerd , He had cause to blush , that hee who for the reason of his learned merits was of all men dearest vnto him , was not by his meanes in so long time become the richest also . A memorable saying , though discredited by contrary effects .

XIIII . OF OCTAVIA , NERO'S FIRST WIFE , AND OF SOME OTHER WOMEN , WITHIN HIS FIRST FIVE YEARES .

HIs giuings therefore being such as if hee meant to alter the nature of his tenure , and not any longer to hold of adoption , for his title to the empire , but of bounty , he the rather presumed to neglect OCTAVIA . The honest and safe delight of marriage was corrupted in him by vnworthy change , for the loue of his enfranchised bondwoman , ACTE , vpon whom his dotage was so great , that hee subornd a pedigree , to deriue her from that magnificent ATTALVS , who dying childlesse in ASIA ( where hee was a king , and she was borne and bought ) ordaind the PEOPLE OF ROME his heire . This fiction in heraldrie , deuised to enworthy her , could not but strengthen AGRIPPINA'S iealousie , that NERO intended to marrie her . OCTAVIA lesse vnhappy had shee encountred no other then this concubine , who by the misery of her fortunes was iniurious to nuptiall beneuolence , but not pernicious to her interest in maiestie , and much lesse to the safetie of her life . Hee was of another minde towards OCTAVIA when hee published her for his CYNTHIA , and himsefe for her SVNNE , as in this coigne he did .

But in respect of originall right to power , his splendors proceeded from her . Afterwards by superinduction of that nobly borne , and beauteous Lady POPPAEA SABINA , he first eclypsed her matrimoniall light , and then extinguisht her vitall , as will elsewhere appeare in the due place . The wanton prince did at this time beginne to be so fast chained in affection to this POPPAEA , and she so perilous in her workings , that both OCTAVIA , his imperiall wife , and AGRIPPINA , his imperious mother , were desolated and destroyed thereby . No pleasures are more agreeable to health in youth , and heighth in fortune , then femall society , though many bee more warrantable : but that fond prince who sayls by such vncertaine starres , hazards his estate , and doth more then hazard his glory . ACTE was secure in her lowly condition , and loued NERO when his fortunes , and his life were ended .

XV. THE DEATH OF AGRIPPINA AVGVSTA .

THe great reason which TIBERIVS CAESAR might haue to depresse , and extinguish AGRIPPINA GERMANICI , may well be gatherd by the qualities of AGRIPPINA AVGVSTA , her owne true daughter for ambition . She was a mother ( as VIND EX speakes in PHILOSTRATVS ) whom it was no shame for a sonne to ●kill , that sonne being NERO ; and she her selfe affirmed at her death no lesse . But the reason of that speech may bee almost assigned , because her selfe was rather an infernall furie then a matron , who with such waste of all conscience , and of all common honestie , affected supreme command . If one wickednes therefore might authorise another , none could condemne him as impious , for killing that woman , who meerely for prowd ends did most alluringly offer her body to the lustfull embraces of him who scarcely twenty yeares before was bred therin ? This one curse was wanting to the fulnesse of her other impieties , hauing formerly traded her selfe in manifold incests with CALIGVLA CAESAR her brother , & with her vncle CLAVDIVS . Violation of naturall reuerence betweene the mother , and the sonne was equall ; AGRIPPINA'S by prostitution of her selfe , NERO'S by destroying her . As for the manner of her end , that busie APOLLONIVS of TIANA ( whom PHILOSTRATVS would faine belye into somewhat more excellent then humane ) misstook the storie , where hee saith , shee was drownd by an artificiall ship wracke . For shee escaped the waues , and oares , and died at her sonnes commandement by the swords of immissiue souldiers .

§. I. The causes for which Nero resolued to destroy his Mother .

BVt the whole wide world from the time in which it first did rise out of nothing till this instant , affording perhaps no such case as hers , I should deale amisse to wrap the narration vp in the like breuitie as the rest , or not to vnfold the parts , that my readers may haue her last act entire , as that example of celestiall iustice , which euened all scores with wickednesse , and left no tally vnstrucken . The chiefe impulsiues therefore which moued the sonne to hate and persecute to death the author of his life , and empire ( concubinarie loue growne farre more potent in him then filiall pietie ) were securely to bring about his marriage with POPPAEA SABINA , whereunto shee was a constant enemy , in fauour of his present wife OCTAVIA , and then ( as the lesser care ) to assure to himselfe the ROMAN scepter , which he feared lest AGRIPPINA in her furie and offense would seeke to wrest away . A Lady , not vnlikely to effect it , considering her spirit , friends , and blood , the daughter of GERMANICVS , & heire generall , by her mother , to AVGVSTVS CAESAR She had threatned it , and for but threatning it , and that but onely in an expostulatorie passion , she had bene formerly accused to her son , but shee brought her selfe off from the danger , with the mischiefe and ruine of her accusers , by her parentall priuiledges stoutly vrged , and such mitigations as SENECA , and BVRRHVS tempered together on her behalfe . Yet the impression , which that accusation left , was not totally wiped out with her apologies . For a cowardly minde is euermore credulous to the worse , and imagination multiplies feares when vitiated with such suspitions as the malice of others will not suffer to be withdrawne . The art of POPPAEA ; who pretending care for NERO'S safetie , plide him vpon the weake side with terrifying suggestions , and neuer gaue ouer till their deadly arrowes ( being holpen home to their marke with her amorous enchantments ) had driuen all regard to naturall duties quite away , and left her with him in the state of a most abhorred enemy . On the other side AGRIPPINA did rise , and swell most violently against all barres to that sole tutorship which shee affected ouer her sonne . For SENECA himselfe , though a man of her owne choyce and placing about him , was growne such an eye-sore vnto her , vpon enuy at his authoritie , that shee forbare not to vpbraide him with his professorian tongue , as a comparatorie abatement . Which vnreuerent and foolish contumely sorted well with the rest of her behauiours , and her former contempt of wisedome . POPPAEA therefore could want no colour to continue the pretenses of her care for his persons preseruation . And hereupon he finally determined to cut a mother off , to please a stranger in bloud , and I would adde , not onely a stranger , but an adulterous lewd dame , sauing as that is a circumstance which cannot aggrauate the fact , considering AGRIPPINA worser . Nor was this determination made ( some thinke ) without SENECA'S conniuencie , if not also with his consent and impulsion , which TACITVS affirmeth not ( as things to him vncertain all of them ) but DIO CASSIVS doth .

§. II. Meanes thought , and agreed-vpon for the secret destruction of Agrippina .

THe execution was vndertaken by ANICETVS , who hauing beene a bondman , & put about NERO to teach him GREEK , was afterwards manumitted by him , and created Admirall of the ROMAN nauie at MISENVM . The plague of planting seruile natures about young Lords , and noble persons , to forme their first educations ( a thing most worthely noted by QVINCTILIAN , in his conference of Orators , as a pestilent errour ) fell vpon the empresse AGRIPPINA not vniustly . That execution neuerthelesse was not needing to be by him vndertaken , till three seuerall attempts to poison her , had first miscarried ; her prouisions , and discoueries more actiue , then their practises auaileable . Open force was with one consent condemned as improper , and dangerous . From thence it grew that drugs were employd about the worke , and when they returned vaine , their vtmost consultations could propound nothing for the purpose , but if there might bee somewhat deuised which should resemble , or imitate a casualtie . There were therefore who in her owne house contriued a loose or hanging roofe , which falling in a moment should pash , and oppresse her in her bed . A most villanous deuice , but hauing chincks to come out at , she escaped . After this , and while inuention stuck , it hapned , that among the showes , and amphitheatral pageants , a kind of ship-work , or nauall frame was presented to the people ( who were courted by their princes , and greatest magistrates with such like toyes ) so cunningly ioincted , that the hold or body thereof sodenly flying open , did put forth certaine wilde beasts aliue , at the discretion of their maister , and readily closed againe . This originall produced vpon drie land , was reputed a patterne most fit to be translated to their vses at sea , for effecting , and colouring the accidentall drowning of AGRIPPINA . For it might well passe ( the secret being kept smotherd among themselues ) without any probable scandal , then onely that which the common fortune of that vnstable element would both handsomly beare , and answer . And now there wanted nothing but conuenient time , and place , to conspire for their ends with the vse of this pernicious engine .

§. III. The time , and place for execution of the deed , with a partil description of the trap-galley .

AGRIPPINA , being out with her sonne , and he with her , was then vpon refreshment , and recollection of her selfe at ANTIVM , a pleasant sea-towne in old LATIVM , and a ROMAN colony , about thirtie small ITALIAN miles from ROME , famous for sumptuous buildings , and for a goodly temple dedicated to equestrall FORTVNE , the tutelary goddesse of the place , and of the cheualry of ROME , but specially affected for delicious retirements : where NERO himselfe was borne : but that being no part of ANTIVMS glory was thus farre profitable thereunto , that hauing no good port , nor rode for ships , NERO ( to his birth-place indulgent , but to her who bare him vnherbarous ) caused an hauen to be forced by hand at an huge charge . For what he did in that kinde was rather excessiue , then not magnificent . At the same time , he remained at BAIAE ; another , but a more voluptuarie seate , situated also vpon the sea , though sheltred in the bottome of a bay , from the open rage of windes , and waues , about fourescore miles from ANTIVM , where hee meant to welcome the spring of the yeare , and to keepe those famous feasts of MINERVA , which for that they lasted fiue dayes were stiled QVINQVATRVS , or QVINQVATRIA . These considerations offering themselues to be examined , it was agreed vpon , that all of them serued their turn , if AGRIPPINA could be but wonne to come . A taske not hard for NERO to performe , who was a much greater maister at malicious counterfaiting ( an inseparable property of base , and dangerous natures ) then euer he tooke himselfe to be at musick . Therefore with most officious letters he inuiteth her from ANTIVM thither , as to an entire attonement , to bee sealed and ceremoniated at the ioyous celebration of those sacred solemnities , ouer-guilding his hookes with religion . Meane-while the trap-galley was prepared for the seruice with such outward pompe , and brauery as became the maiesties of the host , and guest , he CAESAR AVGVSTVS , and she AVGVSTA dowager . The forme of a galley , or row-barge may appeare in this coigne , stamped in the name of the GENIVS of the PEOPLE OF ROME , for gratulation of NERO'S comming home , and that cabin or chamber hereof which is toward the sterne , was the place in AGRIPPINA'S galley where the trap was set . There her sumptuous couch was prouided . The bales , and supports were so fitted ( for the whole roome it selfe was nothing else but a trap ) that vpon a signe giuen ( they giuing way ) the roofe should sodainly fall , together with that end of the vessell , perpendicularly downe into the sea . And that the roofe , when it fell , might both sinke it selfe , & all the enginous part , a vast weight of lead was secretly spred , and sheeted ouer vpon the conuex top of the tilted cabin . So that when the bolts , or pins were vpon the warning strucken out , she must either of necessitie be braind ( as they conceiued ) with the vnexpected ruine , or her body be deuoured in the deepes , or both . Nor in this consultation was it any part of their care , what should become of the other people aboord , for a greater number would haue been sacrificed to the seruice without any remorse in NERO , and they who could swim might so bee safe , whatsoeuer became of the galley . This trecherous deuice learned at first as a sport , but practised here to do mischiefe , was afterwards vsed to a magnificent , and more innocent purpose . For XIPHILINE out of DIO writes , that seuen hundred wilde beasts were enclosed in a like fabricke , raised vpon the sandy floore of the amphitheater at ROME , which were put foorth out of the opening sides of the ship , at the pleasure of the keepers . Some haue written that the Emperor SEVERVS , ( for it was in his dayes ) did perhaps represent the ARKE OF NOAH herein . That a ship , or other vessell , may so be built by the direction of an enginéer , as vpon a sodaine to part in sunder , and shut againe , is apparent .

§. IIII. Agrippina feasted by Nero at Baiae , and put aboord the trap-galley vpon her returne .

BVt such was NERO'S impatience against his mothers life , that he could not stay for an offered opportunity to depriue her of it , but must consult how to hasten it ; and his enuie against her contentment was so great , that althogh he was wel pleased with her solitary courses , yet because hee found it was a solace to her , he must of force entice her to perish by his practises , vnder shew of infinit good affection . His letters therefore , falser then the gally ( as hauing a more hollow secretary to endite them , then this had cunning ship-wrights to fashion it ) comming quickly to her hands , did not difficultlie allure her out of ANTIVM ; glad , poore woman , of fauour , and either crediting his faire words ( which seemed to breathe nothing vpon her but the flowers of delight and loue ) or as thinking it best to pretend credulitie . Withall , in his ordinarie discourses , NERO gaue it out ( as if he were turnd good childe ) that the displeasure of parents ought to be born , & their minds appeased with obsequious behauiours ; to beget , and raise a rumour thereby that all was well againe betweene them , so to quash the contrary fame , of which the world was full . Himselfe , vpon notice of her approach , mett her in person vpon the shore , and waited vpon her to BAVLI , with all the shewes of honour , and deare regards : and while this face of amitie lasted , went with her ( saith DIO ) in the deceitfull vessell it selfe , to benumbe her all ouer with securitie . Nor did he pause long vpon the execution of his plot : for that very night she was inuited from her repose at BAVLI , to the fatall supper at BAIAE . But she , vnfortunate Lady , hauing secret intelligence that certain destruction lay quoild aboord ( as a snake in flowers ) in that pompous preparation , resolud not to goe to court by sea , but commanding a chaire to bee mounted , auoided the voyage , and was carried thither so . BAVLI ( as PLINIE describes it ) was seated betweene BAIAE , and lake LVCRINVS ▪ and TACITVS contradicts him not , as placing it betweene cape MISENVM , and the bay of BAIAE , where he saith the sea winding inward doth wash the foot thereof . ORTELIVS , and MERCATOR doe both of them vnderstand it so , and accordingly assigne it in their mapps betweene the inmost poinct of the port of AVGVSTVS , where the ROMAN nauie rode at anchor , & the bottome of the BAIAE . Which either TACITVS also saith , or he is not vnderstood of mee where he writes , that AGRIPPINA , in herescape from drowning , was carried into lake LVCRINVS , & so to her manour . Vpon her comming to court , she found such exquisite welcomes , such cheare , and che●refulnesse , in refutation of forewarnings ( which NERO would haue her thinke were malignantly instilled ) that all her iealousies were charmd fast a sleepe by degrees , and she receiued down deepe into her as an infallible truth , that nothing at all was meant towards her but good , and faire . And they verily who were not within the conscience of the secret , but liued so safe , and happy as to sit spectators only , would easily haue sworne that all was gold in those showes of loue which were so double-guilded . But her cunning enemies ( NERO their chiefe ) hauing obserued with what distrust of the water she came to BAIAE , to make it sure she should returne in the trap-galley , hee commanded the maister of her owne LIBVRNICA , or priuate barge , to bruise , and boulge it ( saith SVETONIVS ) as by some mischance , that the same being thereby made vnseruiceable , he might in sted thereof obtrude that vnsound , and false-bottom'd bote at her departure . And hauing foold her into full beliefe of his sincerenesse with viler dissimulations then his trecheries were prodigious , he held her among meates , and cups with varieties of entertainments till somewhat late in the night . When now yet at last there was a kinde of necessitie to part , he most officiously vshered her to her boates side , where ANICETVS ( her assured foe ) with all humble reuerence , tooke her in vnder his charge , without any other of her people , but onely CREPEREIVS GALLVS , and ACERRONIA POLLA . But neither the sea ( saith DIO ) was willing to concurre to such an artificial parricide ; for the water proued wondrous calme at the time ( a circumstance which no wit of man could maister ) nor the heauens to conceale it ; for the skie was awake with store of starre-light ( saith TACITVS ) as to conuince the fact .

§. V. The trap in the galley miscarrying , Agrippina regains the shore ; her two chiefe attendants diuersly slaine .

BEhold the successe . The galley now had not long beene off at sea , nor farre from shore , but the deadly signe was giuen . At which the engine immediatly flew off , and had performed the effects for which it was ordaind , but that the props , and stayes of the forepart being by chance more stubborne then to yield to the crush ( the life it selfe of the wicked mysterie ) AGRIPPINA , and her woman of honour , remaind vntoucht . Their postures were the cause , for the empresse lying at length vpon a pallet , & ACERRONIA leaning backeward at her feet , the timbers ouer head fell not low enough to reach her ; to the sad disaduantage of her easier end . An heauy hap surprised CREPEREIVS GALLVS , who standing vpright , not farre from the sterne , was instantly strucken dead with the hinder end of the falling roofe ; it draue of it selfe so violently down . ANICETVS beholding the fraud thus accidentally defeated , did neuerthelesse without remorse , obstinately pursue his cruell purpose , and so both shee , and ACERRONIA were howsoeuer tumbled out into the sea , by ouerturning the galley , but somewhat leasurably , as in a tumult where the most part being vninstructed for the drift , hindred the forwardnesse of guiltie parties . AGRIPPINA is now in the sea , I cannot say the waues , for there were in it none other at all then those which the motion of the galley , and the tragicall vprore caused . And who would imagine that her lifes defense had not beene a part of the speciall constant care of heauenly prouidence , who had seene the deliuerance of her out of so dreadfull danger ? But it soone appeared by the vndelayed sequell , that her vnwomanly vices merited shee should perish more tormentedly , and more examplarly . The instant escape notwithstanding was worthely to be admired . For she being full of wine ( saith DIO CASSIVS ) as returning from a most imperiall feast ( her last ) consequently more apt to speake , yet nothing but silence in swimming preserued her aliue for the present , and shee at last got to shore , from out of the tempest of strokes , and blowes aim'd at her hed erroneously . She the rather escaped by the change of the aire , which sodenly thickned at that moment . An accident which they must grant , who would not make DIO vnnecessarily encounter TACITVS . ACERRONIA was beaten to death with poles , and oares , and with what other ship-tooles came to hand , while crying out for helpe , as if her selfe had bene the emperours mother , she ignorantly did her last best seruice for her lady , by giuing her opportunitie to slide away , vsing that name for a protection , which was the marke it selfe of mortall hatred . Neither did AGRIPPINA passe free from harme , for she had a wound inflicted vpon her shoulder , the certaine badge , and earnest of her final , and forthwith-ensuing murther . The darker parts of this matchlesse storie I haue had a speciall care to enlighten , not without encombrance ; because the text of the CORNELIAN ANNALS is at this place holden somewhat depraued , and other credible moniments are not to be sung at first sight within agreement to TACITVS .

§. VI. Maine doubts , touching Agrippina's escape , not to be cleared out of Tacitus , Suetonius , or Dio , attempted to be cleared otherwise .

IN this water-scene of AGRIPPINA'S tragedy , nothing did euer trouble mee so much , with the shew of improbabilite , as to conceiue , how so tender , and delicate a lady should saue her selfe by swimming , from among so many deadly enemies , till the skiffes , or wherries , came to the rescue , though the shore ( saith TACITVS ) was neere at hand . For I neuer heard that the ladies of ROME did practise swimming since CLAELIAS time . This speculation moued one TARCAGNOTA , an ITALIAN , to write in his histories , that she saued her selfe , vpon a peece of wood . Nor was that a wodden or poore deuice had he named some other warrant for it , beside his owne . I my selfe could thinke vpon other wayes also , how to remoue the scruple , but that it is not all one to penne a historie , as to write a poem ; where all things are permitted to phansie , and where nothing . IVLIVS CAESAR saith excellently well , that the immortall gods ( to speake his own words ) haue an hand or stroake in all things , but specially in those which cannot be carried by reason . Which seemes to bee verified in this strange escape , for I cannot answer to my selfe this doubt of her swimming by any thing which remaines in TACITVS , and doe therefore the rather incline to follow a poets authoritie of those times , who in my opinion is not a poet in that particular . The tragedy of OCTAVIA ( NERO'S wife ) passing among those of SENECA'S , affirmes vnto vs , that when AGRIPPINA was whelmed out of the galley into the water , she sunke , and rose againe , padling with her hands to keepe her selfe aloft . In that estate some cheard her vp in her faintings with their voices , and held her vp in her sinkings with their officious hands , till ( as that tragedian writes ) shee mett with assured succours by such of her seruants who for her sake despised death and danger . Her maruailous escape was enough a lone to make her seeme doubly venerable , both as AVGVSTA , and as preserued by the speciall fauour of the immortall gods , the peculiar friends ( as TACITVS saith elsewhere ) of the CLAVDIAN family ; whose lineall of-spring by the fathets side she was . Another greater point , not lesse dimme , or mistie then the former ( for any thing which TACITVS hath registred for clearing it ) was the fortune of the galley it selfe , which though by his narrations it doth well appeare not to haue beene dissolued ( at leastwise not vpon the sodaine ) yet DIO CASSIVS most credibly reports , that it was dissolued , and the same ancient tragicke poet ( who was contemporanie to the fact , whither he was SENECA or no ) describes the foundring of the vessell , and a face of manifest shipwracke , some vpon planks , and rafters , others plying their armes in sted of oares , these escaping , and others drowning . Nor could it in reason bee otherwise , euen by that which TACITVS himselfe tels vs , of ouersetting the galley , so to turne AGRIPPINA out into the deepes , whereby ANICETVS , and his complices being forced to prouide for their proper safeties , she was the more free to escape , vnder the protection of night , which came somewhat soone , because the vernall aequinox was as then but newly passed .

§. VII . Nero , after the newes of Aggippina's escape , giues present order for her death , in hope to make it seeme her proper act .

AFter this sort therefore she came safe to land , where shee prouides by surgery for the wound receiued on her shoulder , and betakes her selfe for ease , and refreshment to her chamber , from whence shee forthwith sends her trustie freed-seruant , LVCIVS AGERINVS , with a gratulatory message to her son at BAIAE , to signifie her happy escape . For she durst not seem to suspect any thing in it , saue meere mischance . But NERO CAESAR , whom expectation , and terror of conscience kept awake , was fully informed by ANICETVS , ( long before AGERINVS could arriue ) concerning the whole aduenture , and had already authorised him , as sherriffe , or superuisor of the execution . He tooke with him HERCVLEVS ( the maister of the broken galley ) and OLOARITVS ( a sea-captaine ) as his slaughter-men , or executioners , strengthned with troopes of mariners in armes , ( for he durst not trust his souldiers ) directly to accomplish by force what no finenesse could effect . That employment the seruile ANICETVS , as in loyall zeale to his Lord , and patron , did not lesse feruently vndertake , then as if it had beene a thing most certaine , that either shee , or NERO must absolutely perish . And to this most sauage act SENECA , and BVRRHVS ( I grieue to speake it ) were not onely priuie , and consenting , but SENECA the authour also , vpon the same supposition of necessitie . Meanewhile , as if lucke did fauour the designe , AGERINVS entring to deliuer his message , ANICETVS impudently drops a naked sword betweene his legges , and presently apprehends him , as transmitted by her with that sword to murther CAESAR . So the poore fellow was immediatly created a property to countenance his ladies killing , and was executed ANICETVS , thus instructed , and fitted , sets forward with al possible diligence , & where he found such people in the way as had flockt to the shore in great numbers from the parts about , with lights , or torches , clambring the rocks , & cliffes , & pestering the shores , to gaze at the wonder , hee driues them home , & left all places solitary , sauing where he went himself . And here it must not be forgotten that notwithstanding any power permitted by NERO to this instrument of ruine , and his brace of inhumane butchers , yet was it very farre from his intention to auow the fact , but to haue it blazed , and beleeued among the vulgar , that his ambitious mother , conspiring to vsurp the empire , sent AGERINVS to murther him , & that vpon his apprehension she finding her drifts discouered slue her selfe , to auoid the shame of a publicke conuiction for so capitall , and so vnnaturall a treason . Whatsoeuer therfore we reade afterwards touching ANICETVS , and his carriage , must all of it be interpreted by that chiefe intention . So there is no greatnesse of power , when it would extremely abuse it selfe , which is not glad to thinke of meanes how to auoid the note of wickednesse . An illustrious proofe of the hatefull deformities which are naturally seene in doing euill , and of the honourable beauties , and graces which do as naturally shine in the contrary .

§. VIII . The manner of Agrippina's murther exactly described .

ANICETVS therefore comming to the house , besets it round with part of his entrusted forces , to preuent all euasions either of persons , or reports , which might endanger , or publish the businesse till it was done . Finding the gates of the palace shut , he breakes them open , enters , layes hold on such of the house as he meets , and stops not , till by way of surprise he rusheth vp to the very dores of her priuate lodgings , which the ROMANS ( for the maiestie of such a person ) reputed sacred , and inuiolable . There hee onely findes a few of her night-watch , and those , as it seemd , not arm'd ( for NERO had taken away her guards of GERMANS before ) the rest being fled for feare . In all which passages , ANICETVS seemes to haue intended nothing more then only to hinder AGRIPPINA from hearing of his approach , who mutually hating him , was known to her now to be her mortall enemy . Shee who till this instant lay deeply musing with her selfe , and grew more and more solicitous , that neither any messenger came from her sonne , no nor that euen AGERINVS , her owne messenger , did returne , sodainly heard all silent about abroad , which hapned , because ANICETVS had frighted the people home , and then soone after molested her with this tumult , whereof as the reasons were to her vnknowne , so they were the certaine signes of some extreme calamitie at hand . In her chamber there was not any light at all but a small one , which thing did euen it selfe , make a show of somewhat in it like a funerall gloominesse , nor was any of all her people about her but one maid-seruant onely , and she ( of whom there was no reason to looke for more fortitude then her men had discouered ) being beckned out , did likewise forsake the roome , though her mistresse had sayd vnto her ; And thou wilt also leaue me . But the iust cause of her departure immediatly appeared , for AGRIPPINA , casting her eye backe , sees ANICETVS enter with HERCVLEVS , and OLOARITVS . Their mercilesse minds , euery-where transparent in the fact , were not slightly foretold by their silence , for it is not remembred that any of one them spake a word . This gastly dumbe show , which was prouided for perdition , not for parlea , did not for all that make her speechlesse , but like a great lady continuing mindful aswel of the empresse , as of the mother in her person , demanded the cause of their so rude , and vnseasonable entrance , saying by way of preocupation , If their errand was to visite her from her sonne , they might returne , and tell him the ioyfull newes that she was well amended , if to commit the heinous deed , she did beleeue nothing bad , or hard of him , and was sure he neuer signd their warrant for her murther . But nothing moued herewith they cast themselues about her ; HERCVLEVS with a short club ( who notwithstanding the affinitie of name had nothing in him of heroick HERCVLES ) marshald himselfe at the beds head ( as I conceiue it ) the other two at the sides , for more are not named to haue entred . OLOARITVS , without further preface , beginning to vnsheathe his sword , it is not found that she either shrickt , or wept , or vainely begd for fauour , but in retractation of her pretended better opinion , laide her bare belly open , and challenged him to strike that , as deseruing it , for hauing brought forth monster NERO. Which while it gaue perhaps some little pause , or stop to the hand of OLOARITVS , troubled with the horror of such a voyce , and action , her selfe at the same time ( for what time else more agreeable ? ) stepping sodainly ( saith DIO ) out of her bed , HERCVLEVS steyd her , by discharging a blow vpon her head with his churlish bat , and stonisht her , and the sword then finisht the worke with many foines She made what wards , or fense she could ; for otherwise she needed not to haue endured so many wounds as she did , before she died . And it sorted properly with the matchlesse maiesty of her bloud , and the fiercenesse of her fiery spirit , to die as vnwillingly as she could , being it was that she could not die reuenged . Her deaths wound was in her brest , if the authour of the tragedy of OCTAVIA doth not therein vse his professions priuiledge .

§. VIII . Nero's behauiour , and words in priuate , vpon the view of Agriprina's corse ; where the fame of their incest is likewise scanned .

THe murther thus committed , the body was left where the breath departed , and NERO ( waiting vpon the euent ) had present word thereof . Many in those times , and they not vncertaine authours , saith SVETONIVS ( who doth often couertly encounter with the iudgements , & inclinations of TACITVS ) that he came in person to the place where the corps lay , and ( as if the rest of his doings had else been little , or nothing ) beheld it crowner-like all ouer , praising this part , and dispraysing that , as if he had been to censure a statue . Which SEVERINVS BOETIVS in his booke of consolation , worthely marshalls at the foote of NERO'S inhumanities , as the greatest . And that he did not onely distinctly view , but both handle her limbs , and also tell her wounds , is testified by ZONARAS . There goes a rumour also that he saw her body opened , to behold the place of his conception . For which notwithstanding there is no authenticke testimony that I can finde ; nor other ground of coniecture ( if that may be a ground ) then a meere supposition , that shee was embowell'd before her burning . Sure I am , that no credible authour hath auouched it concerning AGRIPPINA , whose funerall , & confusion were so neere conioignd , as left small place and lesser vse for such a rituall office . They say moreouer , that while he was thus prophanely emploid he grew thirsty , and in sight of that piteous obiect , quencht his drowth with drinke , who should rather haue done it with his teares , & at the end of this vnnaturall suruey he gaue out such an odde farewell as was viler ( saith DIO ) then the murther it selfe , for thus he impenitently said , that Hee did not suppose hee had had so faire a mother . The sentence neuerthelesse doth in part acquite him from her incestuous familiaritie . For how was it strange to him that his mother should bee so handsome , if she had been his concubine ? CLWIVS RVFVS , a consularie man , alwayes at NERO'S elbow , & in a most nocent court a most innocent courrier , was likely enough both to know what he writ , and to write what he knew , and he hath assured vs , that NERO was vpon the point of yeilding to his mothers prophane allurements , had not SENECA found meanes to terrifie him from it . How it hapned , that his action not concurring with his will , the rumour of the crime should hold , other worthy authors haue certifide . For into his college of concubines he had receiued a common curtisan , onely because shee was reputed to be as like AGRIPPINA as like might be , and thereupon he would boast himselfe to his companions , that he had been with his mother ▪ How farre in true case of conscience it was differing from actuall commission is not difficult to decide , being euery where esteemed within a small degree equiualent . Those other particulars , touching the inspection , are not therefore incredible because incomparablie barbarous , or because some writers ( whom TACITVS had seene ) deny it ; for other noble authours , and constant fame condemne him , nor doth the cruell curiositie hereof ablude from the rest of his . A man who grew by degrees so infinitely wicked , that nothing can be fatherd so horrible vpon him , which his sutable manners would not render credible . Though he was not therefore to be slanderd , for our common prouerbe , A sinne to belie the deuil , is none of the worst . But his vsage of young BRITANNICVS in the very first bud of his empire , when he most affected , and most had need to seeme good , his vsage afterwards also of the detrunked heads of his innocent wife , OCTAVIA , and of CORNELIVS SYLLA ( to speake of nothing else ) are as so many arguments to tell vs , that our authors do not probably wrong him in these most infamous reports concerning his behauiour ouer his murtherd mother . The case of BRITANNICVS a most competent parallel . AGRIPPINA was by nature NERO'S mother ; BRITANNICVS by nature his cousen german , and by adoption his brother : AGRIPPINA by her practises procured the empire for NERO ; BRITANNICVS ought to haue had it as immediate heire : AGRIPPINA was murtherd in the fifth yeare of NERO'S reigne ; BRITANNICVS in the very first . Compare the good man to himselfe in both these examples . It was not enough for him to poyson this prince , but to make sure he should be irremediablie sped , himself would see the hagg LOCVSTA , boyle the stuffe in his owne sight , and when the operation of the first confection was not found swift enough , hee buffeted her with his owne hand , for presuming to excuse it , as in fauour of his honour had it been made to worke to presently , adding words , in refutation of her vanity , nothing inferior in their horrour to those which were vsed ouer AGRIPPINA , for thus he replide , I am afraid belike of the Iulian Law , meaning the law enacted by IVLIVS CAESAR against poysning . But to assure vs , that he euen wantonly affected the heighth it self of all damnable deeds , we are to vnderstand , that vpon a second boyling , and triall of the liquor , when LOCVSTA now had fully pleased him , because it was immediately the bane of that beast to which they had giuen it , then loe , he farre outwent the licentious allegation of his priuiledged impunitie with other words , and actions . For he did not onely not punish her ( therin after a manner iust , because himselfe was the authour to her of the preparations ) but highly extolled her , as a speciall instrument of his vses ; yea more , he enfeoft her in lands , and lordships , and to prouide that the art might not perish , caused her to professe , and assigned schollers . Looke vpon this precursorie dramma of BRITANNICVS , and then doubt of the truth of his behauiour , and words , ouer mangled AGRIPPINA .

§. VII . A short speculation touching Agrippina's pedigree , and death .

THis was the end of IVLIA AGRIPPINA , the greatest , and most nobly borne lady vnder heauen , vnited by consanguinitie to all the emperours , from her kinsman IVLIVS CAESAR downeward : AVGVSTVS her great grandfather by the mother , TIBERIVS her great vnckle by the father , CALIGVLA her brother by the whole blood , CLAVDIVS so neare of kin vnto her , that he ought not to haue been her husband , NERO her sonne , an emperour of her own creation , & which makes most for the glory of her authority , able to dedicate her incestuous vnckle a god ; but this went beyond all for endearing her to the people , that she was the lawful daughter of GERMANICVS , who sauing onely as he was not consecrated diuine , stood otherwise adored in memorie for the opinion of his worth , and pittie of his fortune . O heighth , then from which neuer any lady fell lower ! O depth , then into which neuer any fell more headlong ! of filiall impietie the most horrible example ; of motherly dignitie the most terrible precipice ! Her estate at her death most comfortlesse , for hauing measur'd the degrees of felicity by no other scale then the degrees of worldly fortune , and contemning euery other point in the sphere of things but the verticall , was sodenly thus bereft of all together , without so much as an honest ethnicke conscience , which might bee supposed to vsher her to the fields of blisse , ordaind euen in their beleefe , for a lasting reward to the vertuous . Euery-way therefore most vnhappy , euen in this also , that by not being drownd , her name lost those altars , rites , and temples , which her son had destinated to her memory , not so much for her honor , as to hide his proper crime ; but most of all because her soule was not of the nature of an accident , whose separation is extinction , nor like the snuffe of a taper , to die with her body , but to remaine immortall . The truth whereof NERO felt , being continually haunted with her ghost , which no incantations , nor sacrifices could appease till his owne descended : for among his last words , when hee was to leaue this life for a worse , he cryed out in a sad Greeke verse , That his mother , wife , and father willd him die . A most famous warning to doe as iustice would , and not to thinke dully of God .

§. XI . The peoples inward iudgement of Nero's heinous fact against his mother in what sort outwardly exprest .

BVt whereas NERO calumniously intended to fasten vpon his mother the fame of her owne killing , it found so small beliefe , that the feare of his power , rather then the effects of his arts , preuailed for his safetie . The secret friends therefore of AGRIPPINA ( for who else rather ? ) and if not they , yet euen the common quarrell of nature against such exquisite wickednesse , found out partakers on behalfe of the world , to protest his guiltinesse , and to vexe his fame with the couert exercise of freedome . For about the necke of one of NERO'S statuas a leatherne sacke was hung , to vpbraid his paricide , the punishment whereof ( in the ancient lawes of ROME ) was to be trussed into such a male , with a cocke , a dogge , and a viper , and so to be thrown all foure together quicke into Tiber. Another exposed an infant in the market-place , with a scroll about the necke , like the mott of an heroicall deuice , or instructiue morrall , which sayd thus much , that the parent would not foster it , for feare it should kill the mother . And when his other euill deserts were come to such a swolne excesse , that the people forlornly bemoaned the fortune of their cittie , as if the time were at that instant come , in which it was to be desolated , according to certaine blinde prophesies which being masked vnder the venerable title of the Sybils ( though euen the verses themselues pointed expressely to the nine hundredth yeare from ROME built , which was aboue fourescore yeares off ) NERO proclaimed , that in the Sibylls oracles there was no such line , & therefore it was a bastard ; then they ( as if sorrow had inspired them ) vniuersally celebrated another verse , as truly one of Sibylls ( nor any one of hers proued truer ) the fatall argument whereof was this : That the last of AENEAS line to reigne in ROME , should bee his mothers murtherer .

§. XII . Of Agrippina's colonie , and commentaries ; and of her buriall .

ANd though shee was , in all other respects , most vnfortunate , yet in one point shee sacrificed luckely to felicitie . For it was her act , during her ful-saild fortunes , to deduce a colonie of ROMAN Citizens to plant them among the VBII , vpon the RHENE , which , beeing called of her name , The colonie of AGRIPPINA , because it was her birth-place , while her father GERMANICVS serued in those parts , General of the ROMAN armies , doth at this day freshly florish ; the chaire , and princely seat of the principal clergieman in GERMANIE , and first elector . As for her learned commentaries which shee left written touching the fortunes of her house , they are almost vtterly lost , sauing only as PLINIE the older , and CORNELIVS TACITVS haue cited out of them a fragment , or two , which are their only remaines , ( our misfortune more then hers ) for any thing knowne to mee to the contrarie . The very same night of her murther ( such was the odious haste ) shee was laid forth on a banqueting bed , and funerally burned , without other herse , or greater solemnitie . So the old text of the twelue tables , wherein it was commanded , that no man should plaine , or polish the wood vsed for the burning of bodies , seemes not in her case infringed . Neither , during all NERO'S dayes , was the earth which had beene broken-vp to make her funeral fire-pitt , cast in againe , or the ground it selfe either raild about , or otherwise enclozed . After his death , her houshold-people bestowed a simple sepulcher vpon her , in the place where TACITVS hath described it , neare the way to MISENVM , and the high-seated house of the dictator CAESAR , ouer-looking the bay of BAIAE . That very sepulcher , at this day extant , and called AGRIPPINA'S , is figured on the roofe , and sides with sphinxes , and griphons , but greatly sullied with the smoake of torches , and lights borne in by such as enter . GEORGE SANDYS , as an eye-witnesse testifies it , in his generous trauails . Those figures seeme to haue beene the badges , or symbols of her ancestrie . For AVGVSTVS CAESAR ( saith PLINIE , & SVETONIVS ) vsed the sphinx in his signet , or seale of armes ; and ANTONIVS AVGVSTINVS ( whom some haue styled the prince of antiquaries ) hath published out of his treasurie a coigne with a sphinx , as one of that emperours coigns , who was her maternall ancestor .

To declare what the griphons signifie , some OEDIPVS , or oracle must be found ; vnlesse perhaps they were the tesseras , or tokens of honor , belonging to the CLAVDII , her paternal progenitours , as the sphinxes were of her mothers kindered . If any would rather haue them stand for AGRIPPINAS inuectiues against POPPAEA SABINA , as a most faire , but a most cruel beast , and against NERO himselfe , as a most griping biformed monster , or to lock vp vnder them some other allusiue , or moral sense , I will not dispute the matter . The Sunne to whom they were antiently sacred must giue that more certaine light . My first diuination pleaseth my selfe best , as that which I repute most probable And here the marueilous storie of AGRIPPINA AVGVSTA endeth , which I haue with alike faithfulnesse as care , drawne out of the most authenticke testimonies , and the clearest lights which the reason and nature of the things themselues would eliciently beare .

CAAP. XVI . AN ECLIPSE OF THE SVNNE , AND THE DAY OF AGRIPPANA'S DEATH OBSERVED .

THis hapned when VIPSANIVS , and FONTEIVS were Consuls , in the very yeare of that grand eclypse of the Sunne which XIPHILINE saith was such , that the very starres of heauen appeared . That solemne feast , QVINQVATRVS , in honor of MINERVA , to the celebration whereof she was most officiously inuited by her sonne , with purpose to haue her dispatched out of the world , was vpon the fifth day after the Ides of March ( including the Ides , according to the Gruterian Fragments of ROMAN inscriptions ) & her plotted shipwracke was vpon the very night of that feast . Her tragadie therefore , by this computation , fell vpon the twentieth of March ▪ but constituting the QVINQVATRVS ( as some more warrantablie doe ) vpon the thirteenth Kalends of Aprill , it was then the one and twentieth of March. A greater argument of diuine wakings ouer the doings of men , that afterwards vpon the very same day of the month , vpon which this mighty empresse perished , the newes of the reuolt of GALLIA , which drew on NERO'S destruction , came first of all to NERO'S knowledge . This eclipse , and other signes , all of them declarations of a iust offence taken in heauen at a fact which far outwent all aërie monsters , & common prodigies , gaue occasion to noble TACITVS to breake forth into anger , at the long patience of his Gods , who sufferd NERO to continue in life , and villanie , rather showing therein his sense of the indignitie , then to insinuate a carelesnesse in powers diuine . Howbeit , his words sound not well , and LIPSIVS , aswell as SAVILE , notes to vs an Epicurean faith in them . Otherwise , what are a few yeares permitted to malefactors for repentance , or to render them inexcusable at the iudgement-day , compared to that eternitie which shall punish them ? Nor could gods forbearance of NERO seeme too long , for a thousand yeares are short , & the vengeance which ouertooke him late to TACITVS , ouertooke him soone to the truth ; the weight of the vengeance considered . When the senate , and people sacrificed at his comming to ROME , for ioy of his preseruation ( for that was the name which office found out to diuert the note of crime ) that grand eclips of the Sunne , seene ( saith PLINIE ) in ITALIE betweene seauen & eight , in ARMENIA betweene ten and eleuen , shewed an horrour at their offerings . Nor that the vnaptest diuination , for neuer were men so sould ouer to basenesse of flatterie , and irreligious simulations as at this time they , to content , & assure their NERO. XIPHILINE , out of DIO , befriends the Sunne , in saying the whole face of his light was darkened in that obscuration ( which IOSEPH SCALIGER , and reason denies ) for that part was vnhappie which was vnhidden , nor did this actuall eclipse portend these deeds , but mourne their doings , for it hapned , according to MARCIANVS , vpon the eleuenth Kalends of May , or the one and twentieth day of April , the very month-day it selfe after AGRIPPINA'S death . The constant rule which foreshowes eclipses led the learned to expect some dismal euent , none more vnnaturall then this mother-slaughter . Hee was then in the fifth yeare of his empire , and so far within the fifth , as from within October , till the aforesaid day of March.

CHAP. XVII . NERO'S PART AFTER HIS MOTHERS END , TOWARDS THE CLOZE OF HIS FIRST FIVE YEARES .

BVt the crime of NERO did not determine in the killing of her . For the charging her as with highest treason when shee was dead , and her life being taken away without defense , or notice , vpon that supposition , by the prompter authoritie of SENECA then of BVRRHVS , added calumniation to paricide . Though this was no improbable rumor , considering both her minde , and her menaces . But SENECA from the very first entrance of NERO , strongly concurred to barre her from swaying in empire , and it was hee , and his partie in court which first outed PALLAS , her principall instrument , and finally eiected her . And therein hee was not thought to haue deserued amisse of mankinde , or of the ROMAN name , her nature being bloudy , fierie , and busie , as altogether became the roote of such an of-spring . But the fact once committed , and a wide passage set open for the introduction of his dearest POPPAEA , through the deadly wounds of AGRIPPINA , there rose a new care how to satisfie the world . A knot more hard to vntye , then the vnstringing of her life . At the last yet , among all the salues , and remedies thought vpon in a case so scandalous , a letter was diuised by SENECA in NERO'S name to the conscript Fathers , wherein with much preface of sorrow , hauing declared his owne certaine danger , and the wonder of his narrow escape from being murthered by her procurement , hee also vsed these passionate words , as QVINCTILIAN cites them , I do not as yet either beleeue I am safe , or care whether I am or no. As if saith TACITVS ( probably reflecting vpon the same sentence ) the man had been angry that himselfe had not rather perished . And though it was held a meere dissimulation ▪ yet could hee say no lesse , & nature might returne with such a compungent quicknes after his minde grew clearer ( which alwayes happens ) that not only the sense of those words , but his weepings for her might be also true . His gripes in conscience , and affrights in his senses are euery-where confest . The successe of NERO'S epistle left a grieuous taxation vpon the secretarie who endited it , because while hee went about to show the reason , and necessitie of the fact , hee confessed the doing , which was contrary to the resolution in counsell , certainely to the intended qualitie of the fame , for that ( saith SVETONIVS ) was diuulged as if she had voluntarely slaine her selfe to auoid an open condemnation .

CHAP. XVIII . CONSIDERATIONS TOVCHING THE PREMISSES , AND COMMONWEALE .

THese two terrible examples in the persons of BRITANNICVS , and AGRIPPINA , gaue all the world to vnderstand , that there was now no hold , nor assurance in his nature , for any dearenesse , or title , which could afford defense either against his feare , or hate . And while the factions of a diuided palace countermined each the other , POPPAEA growing no lesse pernicious , then AGRIPPINA had beene turbulent , NERO got loose from all the modest tyes of his breeding , & SENECA found his authoritie shaken at the very bottome . For without a woman there was no paramount working with NERO , after once hee turn'd absolute , as now hee beganne to doe . Therefore though SENECA was able by obsequious ACTE to plucke him from his mothers dire embraces , hee could not vse the poore wench to any such purpose against the predominant POPPAEA . By those occasions a new side was erected , consisting of such as had but litle other hope then in CAESARS vices , nor any other like scope as the seruing of themselues . As for the Senate and people , they had very small care , or feeling in generall what the prince did vniust for his own satisfaction , in some few particulars , vpon what grounds soeuer , so long as it went well with themselues . Though by the words in TACITVS of such as detracted from the glory of PoeTVS THRASEA , in the case of the SYRACVSAN playes , many points of estate might haue beene better ordered then they were , euen within the commended fiue yeares And though wicked deeds should not bee done at all , yet when they were don by him whom they could not punnish , euen good men were glad to make the best of that which neither could be recalled , nor holpen . A patriots , and a wisemans office .

CHAP. XIX . THE GHOSTE OF AGRIPPINA , AND OTHER APPARITIONS AFFLICTING NERO.

THe death of his mother in the spring of the yeare , brought forth a fresher spring of popular delights , and as if her life , like an vnseasonable barre , had hitherto hindred the fulnes of such benefit , the blessings of a golden age immediately seemed to follow . Banished persons were recalled , other acts of clemency exercised , & playes vpon playes , for entertainment of generall affections , set forth , and celebrated . Her relicks in the meane while remained honor-lesse . Another scandall of NERO'S reigne . But though her name , & memorie was thus of purpose ouer-borne , yet , as if that fellnesse of spirit which shee had aliue , were growne more violent since shee died , her appearing ghost , & the furies of hell , with whips , and firebrands , by his owne confession haunted him at times , and tormented him euer after . For auoiding of which infernall vexations , hee consulted , and practised with magitians , to come to her speech , and entreate her forgiuenesse . A vaine attempt , when it was his conscience which form'd his imagination , and acted in his senses ; neither had SIMON Magus whom hee specially fauoured , but SIMON PETRVS , the proper receipt of quieting soules , had hee sought it . Guiltinesse is the immortall fiend of grieuous crimes , and conuerts the conscience to an hell on earth ; nor is there cause for the wise or sober to repine at the seeming felicities of euill princes , because their mindes are vncessantly tormented . Nothing can afford sound peace but only innocencie . This is the first , and only mention of NERO'S vse for magicke , to which ( saith PLINIE ) hee was extreamely adicted . DIO adds , that hee presented to the people most magnificent showes , & playes to the honor of his mothers memorie , soone after her murther . But farre beyond all his princely doings in this iolly , and Iouial kinde ( if I may vse those lighter epithets ) was the ordaining of his fiue-yearely playes , and prizes at ROME , in emulation of those other , the most famous of Greece , and of all the world , called of their place OLYMPIAN , and with vniuersall confluence celebrated in ELIS , a prouince of PELOPONESVS . His blossoming youth , & light opinions most easily carried him to things pleasant , and in appearance glorious .

CAAP. XX. OF THE FIVE-YEARLY PLAYES , AND PRIZES INSTITVTED AT ROME BY NERO , AND OF HIS STVDIES .

HEe had accomplished fiue yeares of empire , and as much more as from October till Ianuary , when hee entred his fourth Consulship , hauing for his fellow in office CORNELIVS COSSVS LENTVLVS . In perpetual remembrance of which space of yeares compleate , hee ordained Prizes , and Playes , which of his owne name were styled by him NERONIA , prouided that vpon euery fifth yeares end they should for euer be kept & solemnized . The compasse of time betweene the OLYMPIAN agons comprehended only fower yeares full , and was termed on OLYMPIAD : these other Agons ( for that is the proper word ) contained the finished reuolution of fiue yeares , which the ROMANS called Lustrum . Excepting that diuersitie , of computation , the rest of the institution agreed with the Greeke rule . NERO'S Prizes , or Agons haue three seuerall titles , Musicke , Actiuitie , and Horse-races ; and in the word Musicke those trialls of wit which were made in prose , and verse , and are mentioned in TACITVS , were vndoubtedly vnderstood . This imitation cannot be discredited , because hee was the author ; for it boasted noblensse in an high degree , and that also gloriously acknowledged by decree of the Senate in this present coigne .

NERO himselfe had the honor of eloquence in these first agons at ROME : an honor worthy for a prince to affect , specially , where not only the aduancement of language , and ciuil letters , but of wisdome , and vertue , and of the common good are arguments , or finall causes of that affectation . His principall end in this foundation was the glory of his name . The garland belonging to the victorie of playing on the harp was his highest ambition . ZOSIMVS diuides the agons of this festiuitie into only two sorts , scenicke and gymnicke , leauing out the horse-races . Stage-playes certainely had now also their places heere , but not the pantomime , or mute actor , who by speaking gestures , and change of postures did silently expresse what either the poët exprest in words , or the musicke in notes . Wrestlings , runnings , driuings of chariots , Circensian races , and the like , tooke vp the remainder of the time . Succeeding princes vpheld this institution , and when it was out-worne with neglect and time , GORDIANVS the younger reuiued it , and by his best meanes , endeauor'd to make the fiue-yearly custome euerlasting ; it was so pleasing to the multitude . Bread , and playes ( saith IVVENAL ) the only care of the common sort at ROME , nor doth TACITVS in his historie speake otherwise of them in NERO'S time . For the seruice of this magnificent foundation hee finished vpon the next ensuing yeare his Thermae , and Gymnasium , which ( as PHILOSTRATVS saith ) were most admirable works . DEMETRITS the CYNICK ( when CAESAR , the Lords , & people , kept the first feast of the dedication of those buildings with all sorts of ioy , and sacrifices ) had almost incurred a capitall mischiefe , by openly reprouing the vse of Thermae , or warme bathes , because it did soften manhood , and led to luxurie . His reasons were rather vntimely , then vntrue . The antient GREEKE Gymnasium was diuided into three chiefe spaces , or actiuitie-yards , fitted with buildings , and beautified with images in a stately manner , those courts or fields seuerally named the Xystus , the Plethrium , and the Maltho , and to them belonged the Hierus and Tetragonon , two other courts , or places . These were as the schooles of such manly maistries , for which at the OLYMPIAN games , there was either place , or prize . The iudges , called Hellanodiki , were reputed sacred , and so were likewise the trialls themselues . The estimation of a victorie was great aboue all beliefe , when CICERO ( nor that ouerreachingly ) hath left it written in one of his orations , that to haue beene declared best , though but at leaping , wrestling , or the like exercises of manhood in those publicke and generall trials , was held a matter of as much glory , as it was at ROME to ride in triumph . A thing neuer granted there but for subduing kings , and nations in set battle with the slaughter of at least fiue thousand armed enimies . Neither came they to be receiued into the cities of whence they were but with admirable preparations and celebrities vpon their returne , as it well appeares in VITRVVIVS , but infinitely better in the prince of lyrick poets PINDARVS . The iudges ( whose authoritie was most religiously reuerenced ) did after the agon award the garland . The parties name was ceremoniously deliuered to the Kerykes , or as it might bee among vs to the heralds , and officers of honor , to proclaime it with sound of trumpet in the full , and open theater . The garland it selfe at the OLYMPIAN prizes was of Oliue , and the honors , and priuiledges of the victor incredible . EVTYMIVS , one of them , attained in remote antiquitie , to the opinion of a demigod . PAVSANIAS hath the strange storie how hee outwrestled the deuil ▪ such a champion hee was reputed . To the honor perhaps of this EVTYMIVS , for the more countenance ( as I take it ) and grace of the NERONIA , was that gallant , and florishing coigne , stamped at NERO'S commandement . His victorie was on foot , but NERO ( as it seemes ) hath mounted him in his mony to a triumphal chariot .

CONSTANTIVS LANDVS ( Earle of Complana in Italie ) explicates this pompous figure otherwise ; the person in it to stand for the emperour NERO , & the name EVTYMIVS to signifie secure ; as if it were not EVTYMIVS in the coigne ( which after that manner of writing signifieth ( as I thinke ) nothing at all ) but EVTHYMVS , the name of that demigodded champion in PAVSANIAS . That noble gentlemans easie coniecture ▪ I infringe not , for without reproofe of the coigns inscription I cannot make good mine owne , no more then he can his . But I doe assure my selfe , and others , that coignes were published with historicall matter , and titles , to reuiue the memorie of antient stories for their more venerations sake : and nothing can be truer then that false writing is sometimes found in marbles , coignes , and other moniments . The common fault of vn ouerlookt artificers . This princely money minted by NERO in reuiuall of the rape of the SABIN women vnder ROMVLVS , may abundantly witnesse that custome which I mention on behalfe of my coniecture .

The studie of NERO was versification , which TACITVS thinks hee borrowed , hauing no guift therein at all . But SVETONIVS ( who in more things then this disagrees with TACITVS though vn-named ) both proues hee had , and proues it well . It was one of his exercises to translate Greeke tragedies into Latine , who made true tragedies in bloud , such as euen the GREEKES neuer fained . But whatsoeuer his talent was that way , his admiration of it well deserued that hee should haue made prerogatiue verses , according to his fortunes . His owne perswasion aswell of abilitie , as of his long winde , was so magnificent , that hee meant to write in verse the affaires , and stories of the ROMANS , in fower hundred bookes . Such a reckoning as would haue beene much more conscionable , had APOLLO , or the MVSES made it . ANNAEVS CORNVTVS ( whom he intended to vse as a principal maister in that faculty ) durst say they were to many , & when some one or other vrged against him the example of CHRYSIPPVS , who composed as great a number of bookes , CORNVTVS reioignd , and said , that the works of CHRYSIPPIVS , containing wise discourse , were profitable . This distinction had almost extinguisht the speaker ; for NERO'S surreioinder was a sentence which sent CORNVTVS into banishment . The truth is , hee had a vaine in verse , and SENECA in his Naturall Questions cites him vpon occasion , and highly praiseth one of his lines ; which is indeed a daintie one . In PLINIE the argument of one of his poëms appeares to haue beene the praise of his POPPAEA . And MARTIAL ( who seemes to fauour him ) insinuates , that hee wrote like a learned wanton . So there is no doubt to be made at all of his poëticall Genius , though it pleased LVCAN ( in CASAVBONS SVETONIVS ) vnmannerly to repeate an halfe-verse of his to the tune of a lowd report backward , where their goddesse CLOACINA was serued . There seemes not a graine of good salt in all his writings , but admirations , & defixions of the soule vpon beauteous outsides . A wit of the middle region , which only serued to sweeten his sensualities . The arts hee delighted-in declare as much , for though they were noble , yet far beneath the maiestie of a princes minde . No man discommends the true fingrings , or delicate touches of a maister , vpon a well-strung instrument , nor the stroaks of a skilfull pencill in painting , nor the art of grauing . These were his . But a prince ought to mount higher , & thinke better . This obiection was mot-with . Therefore , after supper it was his custome to admit to his eare , and presence , such as TACITVS , ( speaking compasse ) calles Doctors of Wisdome , to auoide the word Philosophers , as not beeing Latin enough . They were admitted so far . But his hearing ( as it seemes ) dealt enuiously with his vnderstanding , for their sayings suncke not in . Yet neither did they want grauitie , nor hee liberalitie . Those studies the chiefe title which SENECA had to gather all his riches , as hee himselfe acknowledged to NERO. The riotous youths of these our times vniuersally more studious of wittie then discreete , of odde conceipts then solid . No title to accesse , and copious cherishments with princes , more worthy then the studie of wisdome , and where it languisheth manners are euermore degenerous . A prince , according to NERO'S garb ( take him as hee was popular , and not as a tyrant ) would sort rarely well with them , who doe either not know , or not enough regarde , that with all his wast of wealth , and formes of vanitie , hee made to himselfe none other friends but the vitious vulgar , and such lewde ignoble persons as liued vpon the times impurities , as TACITVS most grauely hath obserued in his histories . Wittie flashes doe condimentally well ; but , if that were their best vse , the guift of poësie were with little reason styled diuine . There are who lay other● studies in the bottome to balasse the fiërie leuities of conceipt , and only they doe honor the Muses with their manners . Those other while they vnlearnedly , and miserably mistake licence for freedome , are oftentimes pleasant companie , but neuer good .

CHAP. XXI . OF THE COVNSEL OF HISTORIE FOR THE WORSER PART OF NERO'S REIGNE , AFTER HIS FIRST Quinquennium .

SVch was NERO , according to the briefe I haue giuen of him , during his first fiue yeares ; and wether the worst of that which followes should at all be remembred , were a point to be argued , if the whole truth were not of the necessitie of historie . FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS neuerthelesse drawes a curtaine ouer his personall , and publicke exorbitancies , & leaues them vndisplaid . For I hold it far better ( saith hee ) to burie their description in silence , then to make knowne , in what measure out of measure hee abused his power , through ouer great prosperitie , and riches , because I thinke it will be troublous , and offensiue . The same reuerence makes mee also willingly say , and thinke the same . So much the rather , because all bookes are full fraught with particulars which declare the great reason , why the name of NERO signifies now , by his desarts , a tyrant in the excellencie , who supposing all the world ordain'd for his peculiar ends , regards nothing but the satisfaction of his owne irregular appetites , without respect to God , or man . And what monster was hee not , who though hee made away the nearest of his friends , and the best of his people , yet perpetrated such other things , as in parallel with which , those actions though more then barbarous , doe not seeme intollerable ?

CHAP. XXII . IN ADDRESSE OF SPEECH TO MY LORD , TOVCHING THAT WHICH FOLLOWES IN NERO'S REIGNE .

SOme of the lesser matters shall not bee vnworthy my hand , or your Lordships eare and view , which accustomed to most honorable obiects shall auoide hereby the horrour , and offense which may rise by the contrary . For neither can the modestie of your most noble nature delight in shamefull wonders , nor stands it with the dignitie of those most roiall infusions which fashion your heroicke habits , to suffer such vices to approach within sight , which in their proper station are far beyond the kenn of common villanies . Therefore men of tender feelings in conscience had rather beleeue them to be fained , then done indeede . IOSEPHVS ( a most discreete and credible author ) professiuely affirms , that the euill will of some writers hath painted NERO much more prodigious in his life and reigne , then truth would beare , but withall confesseth him so bad , that there needed no falshoods to make him seeme worse . There were also who wrot highly in his fauour , as the same IOSEPHVS saith . CALIGVLA'S incest , with all his three sisters was abominable , but the way of their vse not vnnaturall , but what NERO did in his male wife , SPORVS , or suffered by his titularie husband , PYTHAGORAS ( SVETONIVS calls him DORYPHORVS ) are shamefull wonders , and likely , if any other else , to bee of those whom IOSEPHVS singly thought were impudent vntruthes , or ( to vse his owne rough roundnesse ) lyes . But the best chaine to be vsed in the euolution of facts is composed of the linckes of time , in order as they were done ; To antedate , or postdate may bee equally vnequall . As for them who delight in strange matters , they shall know what seemes to mee the greatest maruaile of NERO'S reigne , seeing wee are vpon entrance into the worst thereof .

CHAP. XXIII . THE PRINCIPALL WONDER OF NERO'S TIME , AND OF PRINCEDOME .

THat sacred monarckie could preserue the people of ROME from finall ruine , notwithstanding all the prophanations , blasphemies , & scandals of tyranous excesses , wherewith NERO defiled & defamed it , is the wonder which no other forme of gouernement could performe , and is the principall both of his time , and of princedome it selfe . A wonder of imperiall maiestie within the wonder of most extreame vnworthynesse . But the ioynts , and compactures of the empires fabricke vnder an head , were so supple , and solid that what SENECA worthely praised in generall , as the prerogatiue of monarckie , is exemplified true in this . Neither is it basenesse , or madnesse ( saith that famous Sage ) for thousands to take weapon in hand for the defense of one person , or with many deaths to redeeme the single life of an olde perhaps , and feeble man , for they tender their proper safeguard , while they fight for their princes , in whose weale , or woe their owne is comprehended . To this purpose he , with a great deale more . But whereas the sentence points vpon CLAVDIVS , who was that olde , and feeble man , it holds good not only to olde , and feeble , but to all sorts of princes persons , whether olde , or young , tame or violent , ciuil , or sauage . The truth whereof appeared before in CALIGVLA , now in NERO , & after-wards in other wicked rulers . Therefore it was possible , that the empire should be kept together for the vses of the people of ROME , by permitting all power to one , though it was to that inhumane SYLLA , who first of mortalls taught his countrey to feele ( saith Halicarnassian DIONYSIVS ) that the Dictatorship was a tyrannie ; it had not otherwise beene possible . And if NERO , ( in whom alone all the corruptions which had beene engendred in ROME , from the birth of ROME till his owne dayes , seem'd drawne together into one apostem , or bile ) could not putrifie those strengths which princedome gaue more vnto the state , then either the commons , or the nobles when they ruled all , who can enough admire , or reuerence that sacred institution which vertue crownes , and vice cannot dissolue ? The excellencies of it speake their author : for so diuine a good as the fast connection of mankinde together in one vnder one , could bee the guift of onely God , who in his gouernement of heauen , and earth , doth vse none other forme ; himselfe a King and monarck .

THE END OF THE FIRST FIVE YEARES OF NERO , HIS MOST COMMENDED TIME .

CHAP. XXIIII . THE REVOLT IN BRITAINE AND OTHER TROVBLES OF WARRE .

IN ROME there was nothing all the while but songs , and dances , and all sorts of publicke showes , and iollities , some of them most desperately lasciuious , and impudent ( NERO their author , and example ) without much cause of feare , or sadnesse to any but the good . But these were suddainely either sowr'd , or marred for the time , with the newes , and cumber of the maine reuolt in BRITAINE . To show how the ROMANS came to bee in the way of so terrible a blow as they receaued now , I will giue a briefe rehersall of their first arriuall , till the Consulships of CAESONIVS PAETVS , and PETRONIVS TVRPILIANVS , vnder NERO , the yeare and time of this furious defection . And if I shall seeme somewhat more copious in recapitulation then for the occasion , it is neuerthelesse within vse and decorum , because it will compendiously serue for all that was ROMAN in our Iland .

§. I. An introductorie summe of affaires in Britain from the Romans first entrance vnder Iulius Caesar , till the present reuolt vnder Nero.

ONe hundred and ten yeares therefore were now outrunne , from the Consulships of CNAEVS POMPEIVS and MARCVS LICINIVS CRASSVS , since CAIVS IVLIVS CAESAR , in the name of the Senate and people of ROME , transported certaine legions , for glories sake , and for the more quiet possession of his conquests in GALLIA , to inuade , and conquer BRITAIN . A thing which neuer any ROMAN had attempted , and SCIPIO did at most but harken-after . If that at leastwise bee the meaning of PYTHEAS , the friuolous MASSILIAN in STRABO . To empeach this loftie purpose , the state of the VENETI ( that chiefe commonweale of GALLIA ARMORICA ) had made a puissant league arming out to sea aboue two hundred saile of men of warr to fight with CAESAR , because BRITAIN ( saith STRABO ) was their principall mart ; of which his conquest would bereaue them . It was the refuge also of the calamitous people of the continent ; who sought to bee safe and free from the power of the ROMANS , against whom the BRITANNS euermore relieued , and supported the GALLS . Vpon which strict assistence CAESAR chiefely grounded the pretense of his inuasion , truely perswading himselfe that hee could not hold GALLIA firme , vnlesse withall hee subdued BRITAIN . But the VENETI were solicitous for their neighbours , and allies in vaine . For their noble combination proued tragically pernicious to their fortunes , liues , and liberties . CAESAR therefore vnresistably goes on . For the spirit of conquest , which moued thus forceably in him , is a most vehement spirit , and stirres not at all , but for the higher ends of the worlds supreme commander ; as to bring backe common-weales to monarckies ; to alter kingdomes from one family , and people to another ; to make one kingdome of many ; to humble the insolent ; to new mould and fashion the barbarous ; to blend and mingle nations ; to confound , and extirpate others ; or the like ; at his celestiall pleasure . If it were otherwise , why should there bee at one time a CYRVS , long after him an ALEXANDER , or now a IVLIVS CAESAR , rather then at another ?

§. II. The Britanns at bloudie odds among themselues , vpon Iulius Caesars inuasion .

THe iland then was full of ciuil warres , aswell because it was full of petie kings , as for other perplexiue respects , growing out of the distinction of originals among the most early , or most antient races , and the later ones , CASSIBELINE in BRITAINE , head of the one , and , of the other , DIVITIACVS in GALLIA , to whom king GALBA succeeded . Contrarie to that preceptiue oracle of HOMER , let there bee but one king ; for more then one doe not well . The best of APOLLOS oracles no truer . In this estate of things the weaker states of BRITAINE could not otherwise preserue themselues then by the counterpoise of leagues ; till the endlesse iniquities of disagreeing princes enforced parties to fly vnder foreigne guards as to auoide oppressions at home . This the tragicall case of that poore distressed prince MANDVBRATIVS , whose father ( late king of the TRINOBANTS ) was slaine by CASSIBELINE . MANDVBRATIVS himselfe ( whom domesticke moniments call by another name ) compelled to quit his countrey , did not therefore quit his claime . So notable an opportunitie of the ilanders intestine diuisions ( though not acknowledged by CAESAR , as a motiue of his attempt ) could not but bee a speciall hand to becken him ouer , and bring him in .

§. III. The effects of Caesars two inuasions , and his finall returne out of Britaine .

CAESARS first inuasion with onely two legions did rather knocke at entrance then six a title . The second with eight hundred saile , and aboord of them aboue thirtie thousand ROMAN foote , and two thousand horse , in fiue whole legions ( a bodie of force somewhat proportionable to the enterprises qualitie ) was principally dedicated to the recouerie of his shine of honor , endangered to the darkning notes of rashnesse , and infelicitie in the yeare next before ; from which the death of IVLIA his only child , the wife of POMPEI , which happened ( saith SENECA ) during these BRITAN affairs , was not able to withdraw him ; though a matter of such infinite importance , that it dissolued the barre which kept their emulations from encountring , and drew vp the floodgate it selfe , through the which whole diluges of humane blood shortly after rushing in , did ouerflow the ROMANE world . In that most iealous point of reputation CAESAR competently satisfied himselfe by those performances of his armies which the compasse of one summer saw effected , and his owne incomparable commentaries specifie . Where nothing sounds more honorable or showes more conspicuous then the restoring of MANDVBRATIVS to his fathers throne vpon the petition of the TRINOBANTS . Touching the generall effects of his labours , STRABO speaks the truth , that diuine IVLIVS CAESAR did no great thing in BRITAIN , though ( whatsoeuer CICERO sportingly saith to the contrarie ) hee returnd enricht with many captiues , and store of spoiles . It is withall most true , that it was not an act of ordinarie magnanimitie , or felicitie , to show the way ouer the separating sea into such a most mighty and most populous Iland . And yet hee did somwhat more then only show the way ouer . For the testimoniall arguments of conquests ( hostages , and some yearly payments ) were first by him ordained here in part ; and CASSIBELINES hands were tyed fast ( in the articles of his render ) from molesting MANDVBRATIVS . One only particular of all the spoiles remaines remembred , a brestplate embroidered , or set with British pearles , which CAESAR consecrated to mother VENVS , as to the most friendly patronesse of his fortunes , and the originall of his family , in token whereof hee ware a seale ( saith DIO ) with an armed VENVS in it . Pearles nothing cleare nor ponderous , but duskie , & small ( saith PLINE ) and therefore altogether vnworthy of such a goddesse . But as they were the fruites of our OCEAN , and the purchase of CAESAR , they had a greatnesse of value , and a brightnesse of luster which might easily make them exceed Orientall vnions of the clearest water . As for the BRITAN captiues , CICERO is pleased to write , that hee feared none would be found among them either musitians or scholars , whereby to aduance their maisters benefit by their sales in markets . A scorne to the rudenesse of the peoples breeding . No man of note taken prisoner , but LVGOTORIX , whom gloriously enough CAESAR calles a noble captaine . But the Druids , Bards , and Eubages , ( the three orders in AMMIANVS MARCELLINVS of the old BRITISH Academs ) founded by OSTHANES the second ( as PLINIE , mee thinks insinuates ) may sufficiently relate , & blunt that scoffe of TVLLIES . To bee subdued by the more polite , and noble is no infelicitie to the barbarous , so as corporall seruitude , & reall iniuries bee forborne . For that wilde freedome , or rangeing humor which is but meerely naturall , how sweete and pretious soeuer it bee , the same , without the fillings of liberall acts , and file of honorable manners , which constitute and accomplish a worthy man , is but meerely brute , and sauage . Things thus ordred , CAESAR presently retired into GALLIA and left nothing behinde him to vphold his fresh atchieuements here but the awefull maiestie of the names of ROME , and CAESAR . Neither did hee greately neede more , seeing his haruest of glorie was not such as to deserue his professiue , and particular ascription , for among those his fiue famous triumphs , recorded in VELLEIVS PATERCVLVS , the BRITAN by speciall name was not any .

§. IIII. The Britans , and the things of Britain , a part of Caesars triumph ouer the Galls .

BVt CAESAR who inserted our matters into his commentaries , would not wholly leaue them out in his GALLICK triumph . For I doe not otherwise vnderstand that place in LVCAN , where hee complaines how much CAESAR lost in glory , by conquering more then GALLIA , then that the captiue BRITANS were mixt with the captiue GALLS at this show : consequently , the things , or particulars of BRITAIN , with the things of GALLIA , aswell as their persons . Therefore the image of the ouerpassed Ocean ; of the ile it selfe on a rocke , the cliffes , and downes of Kent ( celebrated by QVINCTVS in an Epistle to his brother CICERO ) father THAMESIS ; those chariots of warre out of which ( saith DIODORVS SICVLVS ) the BRITANS fought like the old heroës of TROY , and which by a proper word were called Esseda , CASSIBELINES forrest-campe , or fastnesse ( misnamed a towne ) the breastplate , or curace embroiderd with BRITISH pearles , and such other portable small pageants ( which by a proper word were called fercula , of beeing carried , or borne about in that manner ) could not bee vngratefull spectacles , or not singularly condimentall at ROME , already glutted and tired with beholding the figures of eight hundred seuerall townes as PLVTARCH reckons ) forceably taken by CAESAR in GALLIA , during there his ten yeares warres , and in one day all presented .

§. V. Of the Britans , and the British chariot of Moecenas vnder AVGVSTVS CAESAR .

HIs next successor OCTAVIVS , who , in the consularie registers of the Capitol , is CAIVS IVLIVS CAESAR OCTAVIANVS , second Emperour , and first AVGVSTVS , had somewhat else to thinke-of , at his entrance into the empire , then the affaires of BRITAINE . But when the ROMAN world , recouering out of those ciuil miseries , into which the murther of IVLIVS CAESAR had headlong plunged it , began to florish a fresh , by the benefite of monarchie ( the onely confessed remedie ) then came hee downe in person as farre as into GALLIA , with a purpose to re-assail our Iland , so to force vpon it the keeping of couenants ( as DIO CASSIVS insinuates ) about eight , or nine and twentie yeares from his predecessors inuasions . At this HORACE pointeth in his Odes . Some princes therfore of BRITAINE beholding the neere approch of so black a tempest , sent speciall ambassadors to deprecate the effects , and ( for such reasons as STRABO commemorates ) preuailed . IVLIVS CAESAR assessed vpon the BRITANS of CASSIBELINES partie , a certaine yearely paiment ( three thousand pounds , saith GALFRIDVS A●turius ) and it pleased AVGVSTVS to content himselfe with such pettie performances as did rather serue for tokens of subiection , or acknowledgments of tenure , then meriting to carrie the weight , or name of tribute , being customes , or tolls vpon iuorie ornaments for bridles , carkanets , or chaines of amber , vessels of glasse , and other toyes , which passed for merchandize betweeene the GALLS , and BRITANS . But why CILNIVS MOECAENAS ( that most ingenuous fauorite of AVGVSTVS , and euerlastingly renowned friend of free studies ) did ride in a British chariot , it appeareth not . The thing is mentioned in PROPERTIVS , and shewes somewhat of a triumphal right , or glory , that HORACE may not vainly seeme to haue cast vpon AGVSTVS the annexing of the BRITANS to the rest of ROMAN subiects , nor the Senate and people of ROME to haue vnwarrantably boasted of all the three parts of the then knowne world vnder his dominion ( as in their coigns they did ) if BRITAIN ( so famous a limbe of EVROPE ) were not within his triple pretense , three worlds combined in one .

A submission of those potentates of BRITAINE ( I call them potentates whom CAESAR would haue styled kings , and STRABO aptly termeth Dynasts ) is euident out of the premisses . Euident also their acceptance into speciall protection , or socíetie ; for thereupon they consecrated their inscribed gifts , 〈◊〉 presents , in the Capitol , with tender of their fealtie . And the example of MOECENAS seemes to conuince , that AVGVSTVS , in gratulation to himselfe of so faire a felicitie , permitted the vse of speciall honours to speciall friends . A custome which following times frequented . If MOECENAS ( as hee was conceitfull ) tooke it not vp onely for a fashion , as others afterwards did so fast , that PLINIE complaines of the cost bestowed on BRITISH chariots , and CALIGVLA'S friends vsed no other to attend him , ouer his admirable bridge , in SVETONIVS . All this while the iland was not yoaked downe with garrisons . Not a ROMAN souldier in it . And AVGVSTVS was so indulgent to the state thereof , or so prouident for his owne , in hauing kings for instruments of their proper seruitude , that hee bred vp ( as the BRITISH story saith ) king KYMBELINE ( the third from CASSIBELINE ) and the same with CVNOBELINE whom GREEKS and ROMANS celebrate .

§. VI. Of the peace of Britain , and of other rarest matters there , vnder TIBERIVS CAESAR .

TO diuine AVGVSTVS ( for that was the style of the time ) TIBERIVS IVLIVS CAESAR ( according to the title of his changed name ) was surrogated by adoption who hauing both the liuely example of his adoptiue father , & his posthumous warrant vnder his own hand-writing also , to iustifie his forbearance to enlarge the ROMAN empire ( a thing agreeable to his proper iudgement ) attempted nothing which might disturbe our iland . Whereupon , together with the priuacy of situation , it securely enioyed the blessing of quietnesse vnder him . For the auerrment of VELLEIVS PATERCVLVS , that the peace of TIBERIVS AVGVSTVS diffused it selfe into the west , and into all the angles of the earth , doth vndoubtedly reach to BRITAIN , if it doth not by circumlocution name it also . During that deepe calme , the most heauenly light of Christian veritie shone ouer hither ( saith GILDAS , the BRITAN Sage ) soone after the passion , which hapned vnder TIBERIVS . His former cares ( recorded in PLINIE , and TERTVLLIAN ) for clearing GALL , and AFRICKE from inhumane superstitious , could not but accidentally prepare the BRITANS ( among whom the Druids florished ) for a more holy character . In the life which I haue diligently written of TIBERIVS there is more . Meane-while , such was hee to vs during his almost three and twentie yeares .

§. VII . Britaine menaced by Caligula Caesar. A touch of his follies , and tower .

CALIGVLA affected to seeme terrible to BRITAIN , and there might bee somewhat in his head to that purpose , when it was his pleasure that his troups of friends should waite vpon him ( mounted as before-sayd ) ouer the semicircular bay of BAIAE . But there was indeed iust reason why he should both seeme , and be terrible also , when his armie on this side the Alps contained , as some report in DIO , two hundred and fiftie thousand fighting men . A multitude so huge , as was alone enough to make him haue nothing to do but within himself . For which part of the world durst professe enemy to such a ROMAN force ? While he lay houering on the coast , eager of glory , and yet withall ( as if the ROMAN eagle had been transform'd into a cowardly kight , or buzzard ) vnwilling enough to finde out iust matter for it , our iland vomited forth ADMINIVS ( some would haue him written ARMINIVS ) the rebellious sonne of CVNOBELINE a BRITAN king , with a thin company of his fellow runawayes . A more foild , and reffuse ware then the shells which his souldiers afterwards gathered . But his ends were abundantly serued . For , vpon taking the submission of those fugitiues , he boasted himselfe ( saith SVETONIVS ) as if the whole iland had yeelded it selfe . But for a complete conquest , as well ouer sea , as land , he embatteld his huge army vpon the shores , and bent his warlicke engins against NEPTVNE , and his TRITONS , while hee , & his selected friends lanched out in their gallies , as far perhàps as to be sea-sicke , and then returnd such a victor ouer the BRITAN Oetam , as he had bin ouer the BRITAN iland . For vpon a charge sounded ( that part of the ridiculous storie is commonly knowne ) the souldiers , at his command , gathered the shelfish they found , and stored vp the shels as the spoyles of the Ocean , due to the Capitol , and Palace . Which they could not doe but vpon an ebbe . A time chosen out ( & that a circumstance , in which the whole salt of the stratagem lay ) as if the trembling element had retired it selfe not of course , but for feare of him ; the noyse of his artillery , armes , and trumpets able to out-clamour and deafen , not onely a quiet , or murmuring sea , but a fierce and raging one . There followed vpon the seruice a real largesse in money , and the galleys were carried for a great part of the way , ouer land , to ROME , as sacred moniments . CALIGVLA neuerthelesse did not fulfill a triumph , though his wife CAESONIA ( as PERSIVS satyrically noteth ) ordred the preparations for it . But that the memorie of such an exploit might neuer perish , hee built vpon the place an exceeding high tower , the same to be also a sea-marke , with fire on the top by night , as if hee meant to match the Pharus it selfe of ALEXANDRIA . Most contend , that this was at Brittenhuis in HOLLAND ; but LAEVINVS TORRENTIVS ( a worthy man ) admonisheth vs , that others hold it to haue been at KERBVRG , or CHERBVRG in NORMANDIE . Somewhat verily of KAISARS , or CAESARS name seems to remaine aliue in the name of the place . Others suspect , that the tower , call'd by the Dutch , and vs , the old man of BOLEIN , by the French , tour d' ordre , at this day standing very high vpon the port of BOLEIN , is either it , or out of it . The inhabitants entitle the same to IVLIVS CAESAR as the author ; which doth not hinder , but that he may well be CALIGVLA . For in the rolls of the Capitol , CALIGVLA is expresly entred CAIVS IVLIVS CAESAR AVGVSTVS GERMANICVS . Thus , of so notorious a peece of masonrie , the very seat is doubtfull . The workes of foolish princes as their counsels , come to nothing . The fame of their folly is immortall , and that alone . Caliligula came to the Ocean as to warre in Britain . The words of DIO , and XIPHILINE out of DIO . And they compared with his intention , seeme to carry his encampment and towring structure , far enough of from HOLLAND . For as mad as he was he could not but know , by IVLIVS CAESARS example , there were nearer cuts ouer hither then so . BRITAIN in the meane while , sat firme vpon her rockie foundations , as vnshaken with the brauado , as with billowes . Not a ROMAN souldier in it .

§. VIII . The conquest of Britain vnder CLADIVS CAESAR . A rare coigne of his concerning the state thereof .

BVt CLAVDIVS CAESAR , who in the fasti of the Capitol ( that noble moniment ) is TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVGVSTVS GERMANICVS , about twentie yeares before this grand reuolt of the BRITANS vnder NERO , professiuely reuiued the example of his diuine predecessor , IVLIVS CAESAR , and with all sorts of warlicke prouisions , made a voyage ouer in person : The vulgar BRITISH history ( in which neither is all vnlikely , nor vntrue ) assignes the occasion which CLAVDIVS tooke for his comming , to be the deniall of the tribute by the sonne of KYMBELINE , who ( if he was the same with that royall person whom the GREEKE , and ROMAN authors call CVNOBELINE ) was dead before . DIO CASSIVS for the time of his death affirmes no lesse . There was also a tumult in the i le , because ( saith SVETONIVS ) the fugitiues were not sent backe . ADMINIVS ( as I suppose ) and his adherents . So the detention of tribute seems to haue been in reprisall , to force their restitution . And here the part of that BERICVS comes aptly in , who ( as DIO saith ) was expulsed out of BRITAN , for sedition . The cause not hard to find , considering the premises , if BERICVS may be thought one of the ADMINIAN faction . But of these things let others reason . Here certainely our iland first began to feele indeed the weight of conquest . CAESAR had a MANDRVBATIVS to induce , and train him on , and CLADIVS a banished BERICVS . The computation of force in AVGVSTVS time , fit to hold BRITAIN in obedience ( according to STRABO'S account ) was extremely vnder the marke . One legion and some horse . CAMDEN ( the king of our antiquaries , and not of arms onely ) reckons vp three whole legions , the second , the ninth , and the fourteenth , imposed by CLAVDIVS to retain his martiall purchase . Sure I am , that when the BRITANS fell from NERO , there was another called the twentith ; all foure of them mentioned in TACITVS , where he chronicles the defection , and all foure few enough . Yet NERO was so farre from augmenting the ROMAN forces here , with extraordinaries , that but for very shame ( as SVETONIVS saith ) he had euen reuoked the ligiers . Howbeit STRABO'S estimate , supposing equitie , and AVGVSTVS , might be a full proportion . For the odds are not small in the seuerall natures of times , which extremely alter the states of power . A few , vnder a wise and venerable prince , are vertually as many as thrice their number vnder a vaine , or violent . With iniurie no force is not weake ; with iustice no fewnesse is not strong . Sentences verifide vnder NERO in BRITAIN ; vnder whom euen the deitie of CLAVDIVS was made a greater burthen to the BRITANS ( as appeares by that of which themselues complaine in TACITVS ) then CLAVDIVS himself was when aliue . Among those pretious coignes which the treasurie of ANTONIVS AVGVSTINVS hath afforded to the world , I finde one of CLAVDIVS concerning BRITAN peaceable , omitted by all men who haue of purpose handled our affairs .

What the left hand of the image held , vnluckely appeares not , in that faire printed copie , with which it pleased a great , and generous Earle to befriend me . It might be a garland , a cornucopia , a little winged victorie , or the like , but I could thinke it was some round figure , the signe of tribute-money . The whole may signifie , that CLAVDIVS , the conquerour of BRITAIN , ciuilised the subdued BRITANS . The persons gowned habit a manifest token of it , who is otherwise wont to be represented martial , and vnclothed . And though the rudder , or helme of a ship , which here BRITANIA holds downward in her right hand as a rest , doth ordinarily signifie nothing else , in antient ROMAN coigns , but that the countrey whose figure appears vpon the metal , is an iland , whereunto there is no accesse but by water , yet here perhàps it further noteth , that not onely , the nauigation of BRITAIN florished by his meanes , but that tillage , formerly neglected , did also set vp now , & prosper , if that which coucheth behind , be not the halfe part of a ship , but the hinder end of an antique plough . A coigne put forth into the world after the Southerne BRITANS were prouinciated , and the ROMAN gouernment fully setled here . Nor improbably when the colonie of old souldiers was drawne , and planted at CAMALODVNVM , in the twelfth yeare of CLAVDIVS . For that was precisely the time , as that most modest , and antient good friend of mine , WILLIAM CAMDEN Clarenceux , hath happely , and learnedly obserued out of another of CLAVDIVS medalls . CAMALODVNVM the place , vpon which the raging tempest of rebellion did first discharge the force of it self , as the insolencies of that colonie were among the heinous sparkes which firde the wronged natiues . This in generall was the case , and state of BRITAIN , so farre as the ROMANS intermedled , from the first entrance of IVLIVS CAESAR thereinto , who what hee could not materiallie annex to the main-land , attempted to fasten vertuallie to the empire , as an out-worke .

CHAP. XXV . THE INTERMITTED NARRATION OF THE REVOLT OF BRITAIN VNDER NERO , PROSECVTED .

AFter the death of consecrated CLAVDIVS , BRITAIN , with the rest of the ROMAN world , comming vnder the scepter of NERO , it was nowe of his reigne the seuenth yeare , CAESONIVS , and PETRONIVS Consuls , when the incensed BRITANNS , led by a woman and a widowe , reuengefullie writ her quarrell in the bloud of thousands of enemies . For such they esteemed all who were either free of ROME , or of the ROMAN partie . The causes of which sodein furie , with the bitter effects , the estate of things foregoing , and following ( as affording great lessons ) deserue a narration sutable to the maiestie , though not to the length of the introduction . And first of all ( that we may admiringlie know how large a place the euil shooke ) it must not bee forgotten , that presentlie before the terrible blowe , all the countreyes , nowe comprehended vnder the noble names of ENGLAND , and WALES ( excepting onely the I le of MONA or ANGLESEY ) were either immediatly ROMAN , as prouincial , or indirectlie , and vpon the by , as seeming social . A goodlie scope of habitable element , one thousand miles in circuit , and it self the best and greatest part of BRITAIN , full of braue people , and of natiue commodities ; which the ancient equitie of the ROMANS should haue kept , and cherished more carefullie .

For the straightned Ocëan which separates it from the continent , doth not separate it from the benefits , and blessings of the continent . And if the aër of our i le be not alwayes the most pure , and transparent , yet is it certainly the most temperate . But without all other commodities ( and the names of ours would fill a long inuentarie ) it was alone enough for an attractiue to the ROMANS , that not onely the inferior sorts of oare , but siluer also , and gold it selfe lay couched in the mines of BRITAIN , which their diligence would draw forth into light , and vse ; the vaines of mineral coales a tresure left for vs , whose improuident wasts of wood hath made them as pretious as metal . The BRITANNS themselues , who by the right of theyr first comming hither were natural Lords of the soil , a people easily fashionable to the noblest arts , and not to that mean one of making cheese , the ignorance whereof stands vpon some of them in STRABO , as a special note of barbarism . Neither were the Romans now in any such numbers here , that insolencie might thereupon securely rest it selfe . For to defend their owne share they at most employd but foure legions , with theyr ordinarie aids , consisting partly of GALLS , and GERMANS , and partly of the ilanders themselues , the legions of none but ROMANS only . All which together could not very much surmount fortie thousand , according to common proportions . An handfull of men if compared to the natiues . But of this more properly elsewhere .

§. I. Of the title of the Romans to theyr conquests .

ANd here it seemes good , once for all , to make it vnderstood , vpon what points in doctrine , and persuasions in conscience , the old moral ROMANS iustifide to themselues theyr vniuersal conquests . This I cannot better doe then in the words of DVBIVS AVITVS , a ROMAN captain in GERMANIE vnder NERO , before this reuolt . The forlorne nation of the ANSIBARIANS ( among whom BOIOCALVS was a chiefe ) for necessarie sustentation of theyr liues , would haue possessed certaine border-grounds , or wastes vpon the ROMAN pale in GERMANIE , but for some reason in state were denyed . BOIOCALVS , ( a faithfull old seruant of the ROMANS ) becomes theyr aduocate , and pleads in TACITVS , among other things ; That the heauens were for the gods , the earth for men ; and whatsoeuer had not an owner , was euery mans . AVITVS hereunto answered . That the commandement of betters was to be obeyd . And it was the plesure of those gods whom BOIOCALVS appealed , that the ROMANS should be Lords of the world , to award , or iudge a way what they thought good , without brooking any vmpires but themselues alone . A most high pretense , and as full of natural pietie , as maiestie . Nor had theyr title to empire any poinct so excellent vnto which to referre it selfe , as to the will of Almightie God , who in this great game , and chesse-play of the world disposeth of power at his pleasure . So CYRVS was called his . And this title doth not seeme more transcendently noble , then honestly true in the case of those old moral ROMANS , though they most grossely erred in the obiect of theyr worship . For they , of all other people vpon earth ( saith that matchlesse Historian , CRISPVS SALVSTIVS ) were the most deuout , and religious . Nor doth the apostata , IVLIANVS CAESAR , in S. CYRILS workes , ascribe the raising of the ROMAN empire to any other immediate author but diuine . This opinion therefore which confest a celestial prouidence , a goodnesse also in that prouidence towards them who depend thereupon , and a necessitie of such dependencie , merits veneration simplie in it selfe , to the iust confusion of the godlesse . Thus flew the ROMANS aloft ouer the heads of other mortals , and prosperd in worldly power beyond all example . If they swarued from the rule of such a beliefe , the correction cost them dear ; as in the massacre of VARVS and his legions vnder AVGVSTVS ; and now by this Virago vnder NERO.

§. II. The estate of the Roman-Britanns immediately before the reuolt .

THe ROMAN-BRITANNS , on the other side , though ouerlaid with that power , which by hauing subdued the rest of the world , remoued the reproach of being ouercome , were neuerthelesse onely conquered to obey , and not to be seruile base . Which greatly to their honor TACITVS testifies for them in his AGRICOLA . They therefore suffered their people ( whom CLAVDIVS , and OSTORIVS SCAPVLA his lieuetenant-general , had vpon the conquest disarmed for feare of rebellion ) to bee orderlie prest out at their musters , for the seruice of the ROMAN empire , in the nature and name of aids . This kept vp martial spirit among them , though it exhausted the able bodies of the prouince , when they were not farthest off from the spirit of ciuilitie . The ROMANS their examples for both . For their honorable , graue , and most decent fashions in peace worthily wann the BRITANNS ( a noble , and imitating people ) to translate them to their proper vse . The chiefe mens children , who were wont to bee traind-vp in the blundring , and heynous schools of the DRVIDS , had now the life of the LATIN tongue , and the shine of liberall knowledges . For the ROMANS conceiued an higher opinion of the witts of the BRITANNS for studie , then they did of the GALLS . So , they who before could not endure the conquerours language , did now both willinglie vse it , and were also ambitious of becomming excellent therein . CLAVDIA RVFINA , that chast , and learned BRITANN Ladie ( very young in these dayes ) demonstrates the witts of the men , when she a woman could deserue the commendatorie verses of so rare a ROMAN witt as MARTIALS . But they soone grew too much Romanised , by frequenting warme bathes , costlie banquets , and the like , which passing vnder the title of fashion , were fetters indeed , and a bondage : For there is not a worser mistresse to serue , then voluptuarie waste , and vanitie . Old rudenesse a friend of freedome . New formes while they pretend to polish parts , doe oftentimes file euen manhood it selfe away . Old rudenesse notwithstanding is happely changed for faire humanitie . The golden mean alone can take vp the matter so , that freedome may subsist by the force of a generous spirit , and yet smooth arts retaine their tast and luster . This I write of the tamer BRITANNS in these dayes , by the warrant of that which AGRICOLA , not many yeares after , perswaded to the fiercer in his owne . For if he thought ciuilitie the way to assure the wilde ; the ROMANS for the same purpose had vndoubtedly induced it vpon such as were alreadie humbled . Manifest in the former coign of CLAVDIVS . The inhabitants of cities and townes , ( the softest part of euery nation ) liued willinglie obedient . For they remained secure , and ritch by the exercise of ciuil mysteries , though charg'd with sundry dueties . From which common burthen as they could not possibly bee freed vnder their owne Princes , or vnder any other forme of commonweale , so neither could they haue been so well in lieu defended , had not fond securitie charm'd asleepe all the eyes of ROMAN circumspection . As for the people of the countrey ; they also had their reason of content , men for the more part indifferent whom they serue , but as the conditions are diuerse . They therefore by the familier rent-seruices of plowghing , and grazeing ( employments markt out in scorne by the warlick Queene in DIO ) or otherwise in paying theyr tythes ( the vsuall proportion of tribute ) did generallie erne protection , and sustenance . The ROMANS neuer tooke all the land away from the natiues whom they had conquer'd , but left them part . The nobler sort , such of them as were stript or disseised either of estates , or authoritie , vnder-went therein the chance of warre , and such vnequall lawes , as liked their new Lords best . These wrecks , and waifs of fortune , were the proper fuell of combustion , or rather the fire it selfe , alwayes prompt , and alwayes putting for trouble . But from the yearlie payment of poll , or head-money , which throughout the ROMAN world was modest , and tolerable ( the value of a teston , or some such toy ) neither were the liuing nor the dead exempt . For that very yeare wherein any one of them dyed was answered . NERO himselfe did neither vrge , nor enlarge grieuances , but rather sought redresses . For his constitutions in TACITVS , the one against ouercharging the prouinces with portage of corne to the publicke granaries , the other to make ships tribute-free , were both of them of that nature , and ought to haue reacht ouer hither , as to a famous member of the empire , abounding with corne and merchants . The ordinarie gouernment of the ROMANS was far from barbarous , therefore the warlick widowe forecastes in DIO , that they had wunn vpon many with faire persuasions . If their fauours were vnequal , that tended to nourish their partie . But before this vnluckie reuolt , the TRINOBANTS , and some other of the BRITANS stood possessed of so rare a felicitie , as to enioy the peace of ROME , without any ROMAN iudges among them . For the ROMANS medled not , but left them ouer to be whollie ruled by their naturall magistrates , and peculiar lawes . TACITVS witnesseth it , and the GREEK historians ( speaking of their condition before the rebellion ) doe call them their owne men , and free . Neither did the ROMANS enuie the immunities , and honors of their citie to persons who could not enioy them by any right of birth ; most magnanimously forgetting what they had at any time done hurtfullie as enemies , and receiuing them , both into her embraces , as bosome-friends ; and also into her lapp as children . CLAVDIVS so earnestlie desirous to bestow the franchise of the souereign citie vpon the RRITANNS whom hee had conquered , that SENECA ( in his irreligious sports vpon that emperour ) vpbraids it . ROME imperiall a gratious common mother of mankinde , and not a mistresse only . Therefore the fall of ROME , as Queene of the earth , was the common sorrow of the earth , euen in scripture it selfe . To the stubborne ; sharp , and stern : against aduersaries ; fierce , and braue . And if the subiects in the prouinces were vnworthelie violated , or villanously entreated , it was not because the lawe allowed it . For the greatest Magistrate , during his whole time abroad , might receiue nothing of guift , but hay , fower beds , and wood for fireing , towards his prouisions ; and CICERO glories , that hee tooke not all them neither , when hee was proconsul in CILICIA . There neuer was any common weale which more diligentlie prouided against wrongs , and rapines then the ROMAN , or which more seuerelie punisht them . The times , euen of TIBERIVS , rarelie happie for the prouinces herein . PHILO ( who himselfe was an eye-witnesse , and a partaker of the benefit ) doth excellently note it in his AVILLIVS FLACCVS . But the quiet estate of the ROMAN-BRITANNS , and the thriuing condition of their arts , and trades vnder NERO , was sodeinlie blasted by the scandalous , and wretched iniquitie of some of the predominant ( as it almost euery where happens ) to the so great hazard of the whole , that TRANQVILLVS speakes of BRITANN , as lost for the time .

§. III. The causes of the grand reuolt . Boadicia's quarrel the chiefe .

THe reasons which drewe the BRITANNS to rise , and attempt the massacre of the ROMANS were great and many . Profound contempt of NERO was the first . For that did chieflie embolden the ROMANS to doe wrong , and draue the sufferers to despaire of an orderlie redresse . To gouerne with the opinion of iustice , keepes officers from presuming , and the rest of subiects from ruin by rysing . DIO ( a man of a most honourable place , and a like minde ) assignes two principal causes which prepared the BRITANNS for an open hostilitie . The confiscation of goods , and ( I blush to write it ) Seneca's cruel vsuries . For whereas CLAVDIVS CAESAR ( which concernes the first point of the two ) had graciously forgiuen such forfeitures and seisures as belonged to him in right of his conquering sword ( NENNIVS , the ancient BRITANN , writes , that they were the tributes themselues ) or had otherwise bestowed large summes vpon the chiefe among them ; and for that , as for an act of celestiall bounty ; was honourd as a god , while as yet aliue , CATVS DECIANVS , NERO'S Procurator in BRITANN , contended , that extremity ought to be pursued , notwithstanding any showe of discharge , or plea of pardon , and notwithstanding good CLAVDIVS had caused a Decree of the SENATE to passe for strengthning the fauours hee had done : thereby to inuite the more to yeeld themselues . A solemne wise custome of the ROMANS , to winn vpon the first with fauour , and humanitie , as they did of old in GALLIA , where they styled the AEDVI , their fellowes , cosens , and brothers . On the other side ANNAEVS SENECA ( NERO'S chiefe counsellour ) hauing a stocke going here at vse , of about two hundred and fiftie thousand pounds sterling , sodeinlie calls in his moneyes , ( the loan whereof had been thrust vpon the BRITANNS , whether they would or no ) where a rebellion would sooner discharge debts , then exhausted meanes could . Yet this is hee ( ô strange ) who cryed out , when hee was at ritchest ; How vnknowne a good is pouertie ! But DIO is suspected by some of the most noble clarks of our age , as somewhat too vnequall to the honour , and memorie of famous SENECA , the sharpest witt of ROME . There are other iniuries named , which concerned the commons , and the rest in generall ; which toucht by TACITVS in his AGRICOLA , did principallie consist in the abusiue assignation of rates , and the carriage of corne for the armies . But if one onely iniurie had beene forborne , the common grieuances ( now the blathers of rebellion , and euermore vsed to bee blowne-out with words to their vttermost widenesse , when the discontented meete ) might perhaps haue sighed-out themselues without any Champion , to wage a warre on their behalfe . But in the person of a Prince al the nation is strucken ; and wrongs done to a chiefe are interpreted by friends and followers as their owne . Among all the BRITANNS there was not any of this time so eminent as the Dowager of PRASVTAGVS , late king of the ICENI . Her name in antiquitie is very variouslie written . One and the same woman being in TACITVS , BOODICIA , BOVDICEA , and VOADICA , who is in DIO , BOVNDVICA , and perhaps in CAMDENS BRITISH monies , BODVO . Her husband while hee liued , remained in amity with the ROMANS , as a social king : and hauing first deuised his kingdome ioinctly to NERO , and his daughters , he deceased . The BRITANNS excluded neither sex from the crowne , and it was the testators meaning , that his daughters , hauing CAESAR for their guardian , and hee for his fauour hauing a childes part , should either bee Queenes of their owne shares , or in coparcenerie after their mother . For both by her owne words in her oration in TACITVS , it seemes that shee reputed the kingdome hers , and in DIO it is expresly said , that shee gouerned in chiefe as souereign , at the time of her taking the field ; and ( as farre as can be gathered by all the marks of her spirit ) euen then also when the king her husband liued . But the daughters ( poore sillie ladies ) found a sorrie partner-ship , where the lion was to make the partition For NERO'S captaines , and officers , exercised intollerable licence ; the pallace of PRASVTAGVS their father , as also his ritches ( which were great and long in gathering ) together with his whole realme , not receiued into custodie for the good of the orphans , nor NERO'S part laid out as a bequest or legacie , but that which was theirs ransackt and spoild as bootie . They also of the bloud roial , the kinsmen of the king , were no better accounted of then as prisoners taken in warre , in the nature of bondmen , or slaues . A most grieuous poinct , and yet still worler was feared . Princes ( by the fortuné of their souereigne function ) doe oftentimes beare the name of the crimes which others commit . These foule ones pressing for the first place , were out-gone by other more villanous . For the princelie sisters ( whether by force or fraud ) were irreparablie dishonoured in their bodies , and BOADICIA her selfe ( their most vnfortunate mother ) full of most iust griefe , and wrath , and full of all the tempestuous passions which nobilitie embased , or nature violated can suggest , did bleed & smart vnderwhips , and cutting lashes . This the CORNELIAN ANNALS signifie ; worthie of beliefe against the writers nation . But DIO ( who is thought but to haue paraphrased vpon TACITVS in this storie ) hath no such particular , neither touching the Dowager , nor her daughters . GILDAS certainlie who was himselfe a BRITANN , and liued in BRITAIN when his miserable countreymen had reason to wish the ROMANS here againe , is highlie displeased , calling her ( for of BOODICIA hee is thought to mean ) a craftie deceitfull lionesse , guilty of the murther of those who were left to gouerne her . She her selfe in her speech to her army complaines , that euen old age was not free from the lust of the lasciuious ROMANS ; as if her selfe had beene that way wronged also . But she would not haue concealed it ; and in DIO she doth not appeare old , or decayd , but a strong and perfect woman . Her picture hangs vp there in such words as showe the person of some martial Bosse , or AMAZONIAN Giantesse .

§. IIII. The person and qualitie of the warlick widdowe curiouslie described .

BOADICIA'S bodie ( that I may aduance her image to the life in the top of this historie ) was bigg , and burlie , or rather huge : which some ( translating the GREEK into LATIN ) not thinking to bee a fit parcell in the bill of a ladies praise , haue turned tall . Her face naturallie good , and full of dignitie , was of purpose set to the qualitie of the present seruice , after a most seuere and serious manner . Which moued famous DIO to hang [ 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 ] an epithet of such an ambiguous sence vpon her countenance , as like a double picture represents her diuerslie to a diuerse vnderstanding ; excellently comely , or incomparablie terrible . Her complexion verie faire . Which who will wonder at in a Ladie borne in BRITAIN ? Her copious tresses dangling in compasse farre beneath her waste , were of a most bright yellowe . And though by her colour her constitution might seeme to bee cold , yet her doings declared , that choler had the maistrie in her , euen vnto deceit and adustion . Her lookes most eager , sharpe , and piercing . An argument perhaps that her eyes were disproportionablie small ; and that was a signe ( if artists erre not ) of fraud and cruelty . They exemplifie in the foxe , and bear . Nature finallie to make the consort of her properties complete , furnisht her with an alarum-bell for the countrey , and a deadlie knell for thousands ; a tongue as harsh , and rolling as her selfe was high and great . Her husband a potent king . Her progenitors kings in BRITAIN . Nor among them any one more likelie to be hers , then mightie CASSIBELINE himselfe . Certainlie she deriues ( in XIPHILINES summe ) to the expulsion of IVLIVS CAESAR , as to a fact and glorie , descended hers . The ROMANS inexcuseable to themselues , while in contempt of her sex they couple to the pride of oppression , the dull , and blinde absurditie of keeping no watch vpon her .

§. V. Of Suetonius Paullinus , Nero's Lieuetenant in Britain : and of his designe against Anglesey .

IN the meane while SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS , who commanded in chiefe ouer all the ROMAN forces in BRITAIN as lieutenant for NERO , was far off in the ile of MONA , or ANGLESEY , vpon a most earnest desire to annex it to the rest of the empire . Which ministred to the BRITANNS both an occasion and meanes of reuenge , and was to the widowe an aduantage diuerse wayes . For besides that some part of the army did necessarilie attend him in that seruice ( which must needes leaue the prouince somewhat the weaker ) his person was not onely absent , but those things also without the which euen his presence had beene to little purpose . Attention , circumspection , the awe of souereign authoritie , and whatsoeuer else are restraincts in common sense vpon the vnsure , and fickle , and which should also haue beene in his deputies to the purpose of ruling the subiects , were no lesse away with him then hee himselfe . This great ROMAN Senatour ( for after BOADICEA , it is reason to speake of him , her aduersarie vanquisher ) was a soldier of so victorious eminencie , as well in AFRICA as in ALBION , that he commonly went reported as a match for martiall worth to NERO'S kinsman , CORBVLO ; between whom in their times the globe of warlicke glorie seemed to moue . None of the safest commendations vnder such a feeble prince , whose ignoble life was the clearer seene thereby . PAVLLINVS so able in obseruation , and so wakefull in studie , that PLINIE ( who afterwards saw him Consul ) doth cite him as a worthie author . So farre from rash , that he was naturallie a prolonger . Arrogant neuerthelesse , and sowr , in his owne case ( as TACITVS notes him in his AGRICOLA ) when once he had gotten the vpper hand . Which vices of minde , are familiar to armed might , and are as rarelie found seueral from deeplie musing and tardy natures . The seruants of glorie doe not alwaies see the moral helpes they need . Nothing could preuent those blemishes but temperance . Two yeares time hee had alreadie spent in BRITAIN with prosperous successe . But because the ile of MONA , by the common benefit of such a situation , was a kinde of naturall fortresse , as well to the natiues , as to those other of the enemies who fled , he resolued to make it the chiefe worke of that summer to conquer it , that common libertie might haue no refuge any where . An enterprise full of difficultie , both in respect of the mightie barrs which high and craggie mountaines laid in the way , and of the salt narrow channell of MENAI , which made that shire an iland . But the loue of glorie smoothed all with him to his hand . For , according to the vsuall saying ; nothing seemes hard to the willing .

§. VI. Suetonius being absent vpon the conquest of Anglesey , what Roman forces , and friends resided behinde for a stay , and where .

BVt least the desire of renowne might appeare to bee blinde ambition rather then wise courage , hee left both the prouince , and borders full of legionarie soldiers , and of their aides . For he is no discreet commander , whose lookes are onelie forward , and not like a bi-fronts , both wayes . Three men are named to haue remained behinde with command . CATVS DECIANVS principal , as being the steward , attorney , or auditor general of CAESARS profits in BRITAIN . The ROMANS call'd such a man Procuratour . NERO'S vast riots needed vnconscionable supplies . And CATVS , to gratifie those ends at his proper enuie , instrumentallie conuerted the ICENIAN kingdome to a prouincial demesn of the CAESARS . For to their imperiall part all the countreyes where ROMAN armies were in warfare , did by a most politicke prouision of AVGVSTVS , appertain . CATVS therefore was among the ICENI , and with a force . Hence it was , that the colonie at CAMALODVNVM , vpon notice of their danger , sent to him for helpe : PETILIVS CEREALIS commanded ouer the ninth legion , and quarterd neerest to the colonie ; for hee was the first who made vp towards the rescue . And where else should wee think his abode was but in those very camps about BANNAVENNA , which CAMDEN poincts out vnto vs , at GILDSBROVGH , and DAINTRIE , in his ICENI ? PAENIVS POSTHVMVS , campmaster of the second legion ( surnamed AVGVSTA ) lodged vpon the necke of the SILVRES . And these two seates of legions , OSTORIVS SCAPVLA ordained when hee was General vnder CLAVDIVS here . TACITVS signifies it where hee mentions the riuers SABRINA , and AVFONA . The twentieth legion ( in some opinions ) was not transported hither till after NERO'S dayes . But because I finde in TACITVS , that the vexillaries , or the old soldiers of that legion , or as some read the place , the vicesimarians themselues , that is to say , they of the twentieth legion it selfe , were with SVETONIVS at the battle , it is plaine to mee , that the camp , or winter-seat of the twentith , was alreadie begun at DEVA , to bridle the ORDOVICES . As for the fourteenth legion ( of all other in BRITAIN the most renowned ) there is not the least word concerning it till the battle with BOADICIA . No warrant for HOLINSHEAD to fain that it came ouer sea for the purpose of that fight . For , as touching the number , king AGRIPPA is my witnesse in IOSEPHVS , that fower legions were the proportion allotted for the custody of this iland euen in VESPASIANS dayes ; and the former argument satisfies , that the fourteenth had residence here before the battle . The countreyes themselues were very ful of ROMAN castles , holds , and forts , full of inhabitants , full of dwellings all ouer , and not at CAMALODVNVM , LONDON , and VERVLAM onelie , though onelie they are named for their singular misfortunes . Thus we see that the absence of SVETONIVS entrusted it selfe for safetie till his returne , to at least thirtie thousand foote of all sorts , besides horse , bestowed diuerslie : which in a land where all things seemed quiet , seemed more then needed . Other stayes , and affiances he also had , and those not founded in armed power , but in amitie . For the ROMANS were too wise to repose themselues where they came , vpon their owne strengths whollie ; and for that cause made all the friends they could . Among vs therefore , the TRINOBANTS , and the rest of the nations within the TRINOBANTISH vnion ( which was as antient as from IVLIVS CAESARS dayes ) were louinglie theirs ( till BOADICIA secretlie withdrew them ) COGIDVNVS speciallie , who could neuer be withdrawne .

§. VII . Main obseruations touching Cogidunus , a king at this time in Britain .

THis COGIDVNVS was a king in BRITAIN , to whom , vnder CLAVDIVS CAESAR , the ROMANS about eighteen yeares before , had giuen sundrie countreyes for enlargement of his dominions , which they themselues could not handsomlie keepe vpon their first conquests . In requital whereof , hee continued a most constant and faithfull friend , and could not but stand them in great good sted in this most perilous moment . For there is no doubt but he was now aliue , because TACITVS who was himselfe at this time not aboue sixe or seauen yeares old ( as being borne but either in the first of NERO or in the last of CLAVDIVS ) hath left it written that COGIDVNVS was so within his memorie , as hee tooke notice of his vnshaken faithfulnesse . For euen kings themselues were so among the instruments of seruitude . The seat of his kingdome might bee in middle-ENGLAND ; and the nations , which the ROMANS vnited to his crowne , the DOBVNI , and CATTIEVCHLANI . For they lay next north from the THAMES , and therefore the lesse fit for the donours ; who did at first prouinciate no parts of BRITAIN , but such as that riuer , and the BRITISH sea ( now of the resemblance called the Sleeue ) did southward bound . The place , when CLAVDIVS reignd , where VESPASIAN in thirtie seueral battles , and fights ( some of them also very perilous ) wann twentie strong townes , and the ile of WIGHT by special name , hauing at that time the second legion vnder his command . His scholars prize for the empire ; whereunto hee came in conclusion . By the benefit of this friendship with immutable COGIDVNVS , the ROMANS , while they were in action against the SILVRES , and ORDOVICES , had him readie for all occasions . And by his authoritie these mid-land parts doe seeme to haue beene so tempered , that SVETONIVS , after BOADICIA was vp , passed safe from ANGLESEY to LONDON , though the people on euery side were enemies ( for so TACITVS expresly saith ) which otherwise then by some such meanes ( the BRITANNS being then victorious ) could not possibly haue hapned , without surprize , or blowes . No common risings , or tumults there at all . The BRIGANTS , and other northerlie nations carried a face of amitie , but were vnsound at the kores , by reason of the late bloudie strife about CARTISMANDVA , their abandoned Queen , whom the ROMANS relieued against them , as CAESARS friend . The ICENI were the top it selfe of danger , and as well they as the TRINOBANTS ( their neerest neighbours ) dwelt eastward from COGIDVNVS as far off as the GERMAN OCEAN would permit . These considerations are all of them such , and so important , that without them our knowledge of the whole must needes bee very imperfect . Right historie deals in particulars , and handles limb by limb . Generalities are for summists . The odds full out as great , as between a glimmering twilight , and a bright noon-day ; or as between a bare nomination of parts , and their precise dissection . My diligence vpon a ground neuer heretofore beaten by any , wil in others quicken greater . SVETONIVS therfore , by this account , might carrie with him about ten thousand to the enterprise of MONA . And these prouisions for retayning possessed purchase had without all doubt been abundantlie sufficient , if BOADICIA would haue rested quiet . For the BRITANNS very willinglie obeid when they were not abused . But here wee behold ( not without much horror at the giddie condition of humane affaires ) what a mightie bodie of men & matter one womans wrath was able to stir : or rather that vsuall sentence , patience too much mooued , turnes into rage , made good to the world by a most terrible instance .

§. VIII . Boadicia , and the Britanns meet in great secrecie , and resolue to rise in armes .

BVt all the care which PAVLLINVS tooke could not make vp the want of his personall presence . In the worth of some one man alone there is sometime so much weight . This absence therefore of the ROMAN Generall was interpreted by BOADICIA and the BRITANNS , as a benefit sent from heauen , because it remoued the difficultie of assembling : the first degree alwayes of a rebellion , next after the inward matter is inclinable . Therefore at their meeting , the prime thing which they gratulated to themselues was , that they met , though it were in greatest secrecie as their estate , and cause required . And to quicken their darings to an headlong , and desperate extremitie , they vpbraided to themselues in detestation , as if they were men who could doe any thing rather then dye for their countrey . A notion , or common place of incitement most apt to fire the bloud ; In which sense TACITVS hath it , and SAVILE ; who was another TACITVS for grauitie and iudgement . Some haue turnd the keen edge of that sentence by turning it quite contrarie thus ; as if they were men who knew not to doe any thing else but onelie to die for their countrey . The wrongs , and dishonors , which the most noble authors sustain oftentimes by many translatours , are infinite and intollerable . Scarce one booke among one hundred honestlie done , and not one of one hundred exactlie . But to our present taske . The forwardnesse of the Dowager Queene vnlockt all hearts and tongues among themselues ; and while each one layes open his griefes ( which in telling kindle ) or would for companies sake seeme to haue cause ( as in such cases it euermore happens ) they all agree together to rise in armes with her . As for the sworne couenants betweene the ROMANS , and the BRITANNS ( which DIO calls their Symbasies ) as also the Senates decree for their confirmation , by vertue whereof they had title to a lawfull redresse , they were all broken-through as cobwebs . The sword their iudge and vmpire . Right , and common libertie the names of their quarrell : confusion , spoil , and thirst of bloud the sequel . Instincted thus , and embude by BOADICIA , the countrey-TRINOBANTS came in to the plot , and so the rest . Most cunning and vnauoidable , while the cold aër of feare ( like a counter-circumstance of qualities ) kept together the heat of counsel . In CAMALODVNVM it selfe they had their close correspondents among their countreymen inhabiters .

§. IX . The Druids of Britain , parties in this reuolt .

THe head and members of this blacke agreement were fastned together in a most bloudie knot with speciall rites , and ceremonies . For a mysterie so deepe and darke was neuer seald vp without most solemn vowes , toucht at by TACITVS in the word pepigerant . Nor need wee doubt that they were as horrible as could bee deuised , considering the DRVIDS were the solemnisers , who besides the generall barbarousnesse of their superstition , had a special tooth against the ROMANS . For if they preuaild , their profession must needs goe downe , because that wise and ciuil people abhorr'd it as hellish . SVETONIVS therefore , after his victorie , felld their groues distaind with sauage rites . The DRVIDS interest a most inward cause of troubles . And how much they thought it concernd them to beat off the ROMANS , who had forbidden their sect in ROME and GALLIA , did well appeare in their bedlam doings at MONA . Vpon their altars they vsed to offer in fire the bloud of men ; and that was their sacrifice : to know what should happen , they did cut vp an enemie quicke ; and that was their sooth-say . They opened therefore some ROMAN or other aliue , to read in his heart-strings , how they should speed , and intercepted his bloud to offer to their goddesse , ANDATE . Bloud was the seale of this coniuratorie secret , and this a season of all other the most likelie for the wiues , and daughters in lawe of the wilde and ruder BRITANNS ( of which sort BOADICIA'S forces did principallie consist ) to celebrate those rites in which PLINIE saith they were wont to goe naked , their bodies colourd ouer with oad . A grizlie ceremonie for a gastlie purpose .

§. X. Wonders fore-show the ouer-hanging euils .

TO the euerlasting confusion of the impious , all times afford cleare proofes in facts , that there is one vniuersal minde of things , whose fore-knowledge is seene in fore-warnings , and whose goodnesse is declared in giuing them . God , who is that minde , and from whom alone all good things come , in his ordinarie , and generall care ouer all , and not ouer the elect alone , sends signes , and wonders . Out of this fountaine of pittie towards his creatures , it proceeded , that many great maruels fore-went the sodein change ; and not without particular respect to some in BRITAIN ( for CHRISTIANITIE euen here had friends as then ) and neuer but for his owne more glory . DIO , ( himselfe an ETHNICK ) ascribes the same to God . The OCEAN betweene BRITAIN , and GALL , at the full tide did ouerflowe , of a bloudie colour , and at a low water the prints of mens bodies were seene vpon the bare , and not the dead bodies themselues , which the englished ANNALS of TACITVS mistakingly say . The similitudes also of the broaken , and shatterd houses of a colonie were seene vnder water in the mouth of the THAMES . These in that element . Vpon the land ; the image of victorie in the temple of CLAVDIVS , without any known cause , fell downe with the backe vpwards , as if it gaue way to the enemy ; women rapt with a sodein furie , sung near destruction , or Woe and alas at hand . Moreouer , in the common court-hall of CAMALODVNVM , there was heard a strange hollow noise or murmure as of the barbarous , by night ( which DIOS Greek text notes ) with much lowd laughter , and in the theater ( the place of sports ) a dreadful lumber , mixt with a sound , at the same time , as if multitudes of spectators were weeping and howling together therein , when there was not a man in either . Wonderfull things and to wonderfull ends . Causes of greatest dread to the ROMANS , and of like encouragement to the BRITANNS . In these descriptions I haue holpen my selfe by comparing TACITVS , and XIPHILINES DIO together , and with the most corrected readings in best Criticks , which I thought meete to admonish , not for boast of industrie , but to keepe blame off , where I shall be found to differ from the vulgar . Though the subiect bee such as well deserues greatest diligence .

§. XI . Boadicia's musters , and attire , and of the place of the rendeuous .

ONe hundred and twentie thousand men appeared now for warre at BOADICIA'S musters . An admirable effect of a close and sodein conspiracie . Those numbers not drawne to an head out of the ICENI , and TRINOBANTS alone , but also out of what other BRITISH nations soeuer . Some other else there were . TACITVS notes it in generall words euen at this first assemblie . For the earth of the ICENI ( according to worthie CAMDEN ) was spred no farther then the compasse of fower shires , nor they the greatest , and the same at this day inhabited with fewer then fifteen hundred parishes ; the countrey of the TRINOBANTS ( the gemme and flower of BRITAIN ) with lesse then ten aboue sixe hundred ; and it selfe but two shires now . Impossible therfore that so huge a force should rise on a sodein within so narrow a circuit , as sixe of our present shires ; specially , where very many thousands held loyall to the death , and where so many impediments of free assemblies interposed themselues in the ROMAN forts , and garrisons about . BVNDVCA , the head , and life of these reuolted BRITANNS , came forth in state , attended with the peers , and chiefes . Her bodie cloathed in a deep , and full gathered garment , embroidred with diuers colours all ouer ; about her necke a chaine of great wreathed lincks of gold ; her shoulders sustaind vpon them a militarie cloake , or a thicke wrought mantle , buttond before , her goodlie tresses flowing in length downe her backe , serued for a couer , or a golden vaile to all . Thus shee went alwaies attyred . But now more ; she held with the one hand in the lapp of her gowne , a leueret or hare for a mysterie ; and in the other , a launce for terrour . HOLINSHEAD in her printed picture sets a crowne of gold vpon her as a finall ornament ; and it displeaseth not ; though authoritie wants . An helme with a coronet , and a plume of feathers more proper , and they also Romanesco , as her cloake , and somewhat else . In this wise fitted , and adornd , shee takes her stand vpon a square hillocke of turfes , rising vp about with sundry steps of the same , altogether after the fashion of a ROMAN tribunal in field . And by that qualitie which is assigned to the materials of this militarie throne , it may be well suspected , that the place it selfe of this camp was some where in Marshland , or the ile of Elie , as a place among all other the ICENIAN countreyes , one of greatest safetie . For those turfes were cut vp out of plashie , or fennie grounds , and shee her selfe also assignes in her speach a refuge to bee had in the like , if the worst should happen . That the very word Elie , onely aspirated in the first letter , is vsed by DIO , is not much to the purpose ; because HELOS doth not signifie there the proper name of a place , but is onely appellatiue of a marsh , or moorish soile : though some there bee ( saith CAMDEN ) who deriue the name of that i le out of the GREEK , for the probable significations sake . Her selfe in her owne person most conspicuous , had her naturall tallnesse so holpen out with the notable aduantage of this earthen stage , mounted vpon the leuel flatnesse of the open land , that shee easilie ouer-lookt all their heads , as they had their eyes on her .

§. XII . Bunduca's oration to her armie , affording a most forceable poinct to inflame the Britanns by opposing their manners to the Romans .

HEere DIO CASSIVS NICAEVS puts into her mouth a long oration , well worthie of his eloquence , and the wit of a GREEK , who was so greatlie delighted with the wonder , and worth of this argument ( the world hath not a rarer ) that hee seemes to haue made the exquisite handling thereof , his maister-piece . For there is not any thing of that bright author extant , vpon which he can be thought to haue dealt with greater care , or endeuour , then vpon his BVNDVCA'S storie , which ( by the speciall good fortune of our famous iland ) wrought so well in the minde of XIPHILINE , that he seems not to abridge , but to insert it entire . That oration I will not draw in hither , both in regard that HOLINSHEAD partlie hath it alreadie , and I haue showed the causes of this reuolt in a speciall chapter before , ( the principall matter of the speech ) and also for that it is not my purpose to translate , but to make all mine owne . That which next is most of force , and in the oration may be called a counter-comparison , or a confronting of contraries ( the receiued word in art is antithesis , ) shall not escape my diligence , the particulars extracted after my way , and couched pillar-wise in table , for the readers clearer comprehension , without exceeding my written warranties . An excellent glasse of the ROMAN , and the reuolted BRITANNS manners .

BVNDVCA saith :

The ROMANS are few , and strangers . The BRITANNS many , and at home .

The ROMANS haue their helmets , and curaces , which load them with their brazen weight ▪ and render them vnapt to pursue . The BRITANNS haue neither helmets , nor curaces , but swords , bucklers , and darts , which are not burthensome .

The ROMANS trust to their trenches , walls , and parapets , which consisting of oaken stakes , one fretted , and wreathed into another , doe shew them as shut vp in boxes . The BRITANNS haue their tents in the open field , and for their defences their marshes , bogs , and mountaines .

The ROMANS must haue their shadie bowers , houses ouer head , bread of ground corne , wine , and oile , or they cannot hold out . The BRITANNS brook hunger , thirst , cold , and heat . Any herb , or roote serues then for food ; water will quench their drowth , and euery tree is to them a roofe , or canopie .

The ROMANS sowe corne , & are handicraftesmen . The BRITANNS haue learned nothing but to fight .

The ROMANS must haue their warme bathes , their boyes , their daintie fare , and their bodies suppled with oile . The BRITANNS vse none of these , but haue their wiues , and all other things in common , and count all children their owne , which makes the females as valiant as the men .

The ROMANS are insolent , insatiable , vniust , and worthy to be the slaues of a BVNGLING FIDLER . The BRITANNS , by such as these , are wronged , and ouer-borne .

The ROMANS , who so long haue endured the yoake of their ladie , and mistresse , Madam NERO ( for who can thinke him a man ? ) deserue to continue slaues still . The BRITANNS had heretofore beene free , and though others should be so base as to spend their dayes in vassall villenage vnder a DOMITIA , or NERONIA ( fitter names for him then any of the masculine gender ) it is certainlie her last resolution , either to liue free , or die .

The ROMANS are foxes , and hares . The BRITANNS are wolues , and greyhounds .

At this ( as at a cu in a players part ) she for lucke sake suffers the hare to slip out , which all the while before lay wrapt in the foulds of her skirts . The hare among the BRITANNS a creature vnlawfull to be tasted ; and now ( as if some thing sacred were in it ) the subiect it selfe of omen . That prouing luckie ( the poinct of fortune being in the way it tooke ) all the soldiers spent their mouthes in an vniuersall showt , crying a BVNDVCA . Shee accepts the luckie signe , and after her thankes giuen to ANDATE ( the goddesse to whom shee was chiefelie deuoted , and the same which Victoria was among the ROMANS ) most affectionatelie recommends her cause to her speciall protection . Her orisons , and all other rites finished , she forth with riseth , and leads them most fiercelie on to extirpate all that was ROMAN in BRITAIN , with sword , and fire , and with all the extremes of warre . Against which for the present , there was no sufficient stop , the tyde was in such sort out at vnawares . CAMALODVNVM felt the first great mischiefe of the tempest , and perisht vnder it .

§. XIII . The motions and actions of this mightie bodie of rebellion ; and first concerning the Roman colonie at Camalodunum , and the castles on the borders .

IN this famous place , CLAVDIVS CAESAR had planted that colonie of old soldiers ( as an help for curbing the rebellious , and a mean to informe , and fashion others in the duties of lawes ) whereof there is mention before . But this intention , by the faulr of the new inhabitants , fell out quite otherwise . For being but lately brought thither , they did not onely thrust the natiues out of their owne permitted dwellings , and dispossest them of other lands then such as vpon suruey had already been allotted by the publicke officers to euery soldier in particular , ( according to the custome ) but sharpened these wrongs with reuilings , terming them captiues , and slaues . Wherein they foulie mistooke . For the BRITANNS were conquerd to yeeld , and not to bee trod vpon . Force had maistred their strengths , but naturall indignation remained . STRABO therefore foretold the truth , that if violence were vsed to the BRITANNS , there would bee danger . In the meane while , looke how many the old soldiers , so many new Lords there were . For the younger sort ( of whom there was for a kinde of garrison , a slender band ) partlie through likenesse of manners , and partlie in hope of the same licenciousnesse , did soothe , and vphold the older in their madnesse . This bred so deepe an hatred in the hearts of the natural CAMALODVNIANS , and of their countreymen , the TRINOBANTS about , as it secretlie drew them to side with BOADICIA ; so much the rather , because they saw it was not a short bondage which they were likelie to vndergoe , but in the purpose of the ROMANS a perpetual . For whither the word which TACITVS vseth in this case , were an altar , or an earnest of tyrannie , whither ara , or else arrha , or ( as VALENS ACIDALVS reads it ) arx , that is to say , a capitall fort , or keep of oppression , the TRINOBANTS could neuer cast their eyes vpon the temple of CLAVDIVS erected among them , but as vpon a dedication of their seruitude to perpetuitie . CAMALODVNVM , the standing court or palace-roiall of their kings , while CVNOBELINE liued , was now become the center of pleasant retirements for the ROMANS , not the rendeuous of their power . And though it stood as farre remoued from all open enemies as the easterne sea would suffer , yet did that temple , vnder the colour of ceremonies , sucke and engorge the ritches of the BRITANNS , not as a temple , but as if it had beene a gulph , or indraught of the neighbour OCEAN . The onelie worship of such a kinde of dietie as CLAVDIVS , the principall cause to ripen the wrath of God , and to hasten fearefull vengeance . The outward state of the towne seemed neuerthelesse very flourishing . For , besides the old palace , and other the buildings of the BRITANNS ( for the ROMANS ( saith SIGONIVS ) did not vse to destroy the buildings they found ) it had a senate-house for consultations , a theater for playes , that goodlie temple of CLAVDIVS , and as well they , as the rest , vndoubtedlie answerable in some measure to the ROMAN magnificence . But the BRITANS of the towne , whom the insolencies of that colonie had vtterlie lost , holding close correspondence ( as is noted before ) with those in BOADICIA'S camp , for the hope and desire of reuenge , did notablie further it , and as otherwise also , so speciallie by disswading the ROMANS to fortifie . For the colonie lay open on all sides , the better to enioy free walkes , and aër about , though it had not alwayes done so . For this was the towne which CLAVDIVS assaulted , and tooke , and whose image he represented in a mock-fight at ROME . TRANQVILLVS cannot be thought to meane it of any other . The old ditches therefore fild with the ramparts thrown in , and all the fortifications rased after it was wunne , yet safetie was not altogether neglected , though pleasure was rather sought then strength . It had no trench , no palisado , nor other defence about it selfe , but it had the maiestie of the ROMAN name ( a reputed wall of brasse ) the awe of a fresh conquest , and sundrie strengths ( though many miles off ) in the marches , or pale of the prouince ( euident in the AGRICOLA of TACITVS ) where the ROMAN garrisons watcht , and warded in castles , sconces , and other presidiarie places . These together with the small force of soldiers mentioned before , were the hopes vpon which the colonie relyed against all sodein inroads or commotions , as the hope of those soldiers consisted in the strength of the temple . Which though at other times they might haue beene competent , yet now were vaine . For BVNDVCA suddenlie assailing such other of the ROMAN soldiers as lay scatterd here and there vpon the frontiers in forts , and castles , and forceing the garrisons , rusht ouer them with such violence into the bosome of the countrey , as the sea at a breach , making vp with all speed to the colonie it selfe , the obiect of their greatest spight .

§. XIIII . The Roman colonie at Camalodunum destroid by Boadicia .

THe darke and thicke cloud of warre , full chargd with the lightnings and thunders of reuenge , was scarce any sooner before CAMALODVNVM ( where their correspondents expected them ) but it was also within it . The ROMAN partie there , vpon the first appearings of danger , had sent to CATVS DECIANVS for some assistance , but hee ( as so bad a man must needes ) misdoubting his owne case , onelie spared two hundred soldiers , and those not fullie armed . The colonie it selfe , with their wiues , children , seruants , all sorts of tradesmen ( as in a great flourishing corporation ) and their families , could not amount to so few in all as tenne , or twentie thousand ; though it was a colonie of but about tenne yeares standing . CAMDEN saith it was that braue , and noble legion , the fourteenth , surnamed Gemina Martia Victrix , which CLAVDIVS planted here , and of the word Victrix styled the whole colonie Victricensian . This may be so ; for though wee finde a fourteenth legion in the field with SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS at the ouerthrow of BOADICIA , yet might the numbers be new , though the name continued . For by suffection , or supplie , they lengthened out the names of fortunate legions , not onely farre beyond the age of a man , but of many ages also ; as a ship , which though by new trimmings , and frequent reparations , it bee not the same in stuffe , yet is the very same in opinion , by reason of the name remaining . And this kinde of entire plantation was sutable with the antient custome of the ROMANS , which ( as TACITVS notes , and commends ) was of whole legions , with their captaines , and officers . Euery ROMAN colonie an image of ROME their mother . CLAVDIVS ambitious to imitate the best and oldest . But the colonie ( how populous so euer ) was manifestlie weake in all respects ; for these antient warriours had abandoned the vse of armes , and being ouer-mellow with ease and pleasure , held it enough to walke vp and down with warders , or truncheons in their hands . A fashion of honour ( saith LIPSIVS ) which was common to them by speciall priuiledge with captaines , to whom alone it did regularlie belong . Old , and young , the feeble and the able , men , and women , as in a time of deep peace , mingled together . The BRITANNS who were natiues of the citie ( for colonies were reputed cities ) alwayes couert enemies , and ouert now , ioyne to their partie The soldiers seeing no hope left for a common defence , quit the streets , and market-place , and throngd themselues vp within the great temple , neither safe in the veneration of CLAVDIVS , as a sanctuarie ( though the temples of the CAESARS were sanctuaries ) nor in their small forces . The name of NERO , the present emperour , void of honour . Their onely affiance this : that if they could maintaine the gates , and battlements , till PETILIVS CEREALIS came in with his legion , they might perhaps escape . No third course could be deuised ( for the enemie would not parlea ) and this was friuolous . For BOADICIA becomming mistresse of all the towne at an instant , did sodeinlie sacke , or fire whatsoeuer lay without the walls of the temple . The assault whereof was neuer intermitted till it was wunne ; which hapned vpon the second day of the siege . All went to wracke therein , as in the rest . Sword , furie , and fire concurred in the execution . There was nothing ROMAN , which force tooke not away , or reuenge deuoured not . CAMALODVNVM , vnfortunate in her kings , and colonie , though very fortunate in the blessings of a seate , was thus betraid , and destroid together . Neuerthelesse the commoditie of situation gaue it life againe very soone after : for euen in PLINIES time it was a towne of speciall note . In our dayes , the antient name is not shorter by the syllables which MALDON wants thereof , then the place it selfe is short of the former glorie ; though it otherwise be a faire , and a famous borough .

§. XV. Petilius Cerealis comming tardie to the rescue , is encountred vpon the way by Boadicia , and put to flight .

THe BRITANNS were so flesht with this bloudie handsel , that BOADICIA , hearing how PETILIVS CEREALIS , and the ninth legion , ouer which hee commanded , were marching vp for the deliuerance of the colonie , they could not but haue cause to deride his too late approach for bringing succour to his fellowes ; and to gratulate to themselues , that hee sought for a mischiefe too soone . Therefore while they greedily catcht at reuenge , as if they would fore-lay , or take it before hand vp , they gladlie set forward to his interception . A rashnesse in CEREALIS , with so great a disproportion of numbers to encounter the first heates of an huge incensed multitude , and censured for such by his Generall , PAVLLINVS . Neither was BOADICIA deceiued in her hopes . For all the probable meanes of information being cut off from CEREALIS together with the colonie , shee meets him vpon much the more aduantage , giuing in vpon his squadrons with so round and home a charge , that vtterlie vnable to resist , he was beaten from his ground , and compelled to flye away vpon the spurre , with onely his troups of horse . The infanterie of the legion , thus left naked , and immediatelie ouerlaid , was driuen to the earth , and cut in pieces , not any one taken to mercie . That all the ROMAN footmen which were then in the field , lost their liues is euident , but that they were more then two thousand may bee doubted ; because the very same number ( two thousand iust ) was soone after sent ouer hither by NERO , to fill vp the breach of that vnluckie legion . They of the same who were not in the field with CEREALIS , serued to man the camp , and to see to things behind . So necessarie a poinct of prouidence , that otherwise they had perisht all . For it will easilie bee thought that the BRITANNS pursued close . But he riding for his life , got within the trenches , and by their helpe was safe . Which kinde of speaking in TACITVS , satisfies mee , that CEREALIS was not a dayes iourney from his campe , and that the BRITANNS attempted to enter vpon the luckier remaines of the legion , but preuailed not . Hither also is the reason of BOADICIA'S change of course to be drawne . For to linger about the winning of forts , and hard places ( which as yet was vaine ) being found to be losse , the counsell alters . In sted whereof , as a more compendious way to their purposes , they fall vpon such other places as had the fattest booties , and least defences . Men ( as they are described in TACITVS ) greedie , and glad of pillage , but of all other long toils of warre impatient . Lo here the naturall spirit of the tumultuous multitude , whose proper scope is to grow by robberie , and not to restore common freedome . For of that noble desire they generallie haue no feeling , because their more part hath no honesty .

§. XVI . Catus Decianus Nero's procurator , leaues Britain without leaue .

THis ouerthrow of CEREALIS , and the deserued hatred of the ICENI against CATVS DECIANVS , among whom hee had exercised his couetousnesse , and crueltie , strooke such an affright , as hee durst not abide any longer , but sped ouer-sea into GALLIA . There is nothing so bad , or base , which vnderstood to be spoken of a couetous wretch or coward , will not readily bee beleeued by others . Therefore it is not hard to perswade , that hee was the cause of all those molestations which SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS afterwards sufferd by the meanes of IVLIVS CLASSICIANVS . For CATVS ( to whom CLASSICIAN succeeded in office ) poisoning the credit of PAVLLINVS , with all the ill reports hee could , his owne vile deserts might the rather escape vnseen , as in a troubled water . And if CORNELIVS TACITVS were to be thought a man apt to belieue at large , and that in some of those particulars which hee rehearseth vp among the causes of the BRITANNS reuolt ( as the stripes of BOADICIA ) hee might perhaps be abused , there is not any thing which would sooner offer it selfe to mee as the occasion of misleading him , then the conceipt , that it was his fortune to light vpon CLASSICIANS accusations of SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS . BOADICIA also , by way of stratagem , might tell the BRITANNS , that her bodie was scourgd , and a thousand such other things , to create the more hatred against the ROMANS , though not one of them were true ; which as CLASSICIAN might vrge in writing to disgrace the times of PAVLLINVS , so might TACITVS finde . DIO did not thinke her words in those poincts credible : for hee could not then haue omitted them without blame . That TACITVS should onely tell of the scourgings , and not specifie the cause is strange . But he doth little other in the case of king TIGRANES , who was put to death vnder TIBERIVS . That so vehement a louer of popular partie as he , could haue so reuerent a conceipt of roiall maiestie as to thinke that no cause was sufficient to iustifie the violation euen of vnderling princes ( such as TIGRANES , and BOADICIA ) and that hee might therefore forbeare to insert the reason , is by no meanes credible . All that occurs to me as the most likely cause why the centurions , and other the rauenous , and outragious officers of NERO , laid violent hands vpon her , is meerely this , that it was an effect of their quicke , or captious sence of her words , vpon expostulations in her palace , and kingdome , when they oppressed her . Among which words , if there were but the same , or the like , which she afterwards vsed in her armie ( a matter not improbable ) the admiration is at an end . For they were so full of most iust scorne , and open contempt of NERO'S person , as could not but minister that aduantage which their couetousnesse , and cruell iniquitie desired . Yea , so far forth , as to make it seeme a fauour , that they punisht her no more seuerely then so : the blemishing of maiestie , high treason among the ROMANS . The storie of TACITVS in that poinct failing vs ; our best perswasion must be , that his writings are in those places imperfect , as LIPSIVS and other think they are in very many , and without doubt doe therin thinke most truely . CATVS DECIANVS was glad hee got whole away . That hee fled alone , or that great numbers did not follow his example , is not probable . The THAMES , and sea were open .

§. XVII . Suetonius Paullinus , vpon the newes of Boadicia's rebellion , came in haste from Mona to London .

WHile these things were in doing at the one side of BRITAIN , SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS , the ROMAN Generall , was busied at the opposite other . As that maister of a familie , who while hee seekes a farre off to enlarge the seat of his abode with more out-houses , beholds his maine dwellings on a blaze in their remotest parts . He had therefore scarce finisht the conquest of the ile of MONA , and let light in throughout the same , by felling the bloudy groues of the DRVIDS , when the newes of this grand reuolt violentlie pluckt the fruit of his fresh victories out of his hands . Other labours aske his attendance now , and other cares . But they not such as to make him wholly negligent of MONA , vpon which he placed garrisons . Great ones vndoubtedlie , considering the remotenes of place , the difficulty of relieuing , the wayes almost impassible ; enemies round about , who though but very latelie ouercome , yet were stronglie re-encouraged by the example of BOADICIA . That he afterwards withdrew those presidiarie forces ( the yron yoake of warre ) is very apparent . For TACITVS elsewhere saith , that PAVLLINVS was recalled from the possession of MONA , by the newes of the BRITANNS rysing : and possession is not otherwise to be vnderstood to bee kept in such a case , but by maintayning forces vpon the conquered land . His danger also did shortlie need that he should call vnto him all the helpe he could . Lastlie , IVLIVS AGRICOLA vsing the counsell and seruice of some of the auxiliarie BRITANNS themselues , did about ten yeares following , bring that iland backe vnto obedience , and therefore it had gotten loose againe , what course soeuer PAVLLINVS tooke , or the rulers betweene . From MONA to LONDON ( about two hundred miles diuided ) the way was for a great part sharpe , and rugged , and euery where else either the length of the march , or the perils of the passage made the smoothest of it rough enough . To LONDON notwithstanding it mainely concernd him to come . Holpen therefore by the faithfulnesse of COGIDVNVS ( according to my former grounds ) hee held on his iourney with admirable constancie , among swarmes of enemies , and got safe through .

§. XVIII . Of Nero's LONDON before Suetonius Paullinus was driuen by Boadicia to abandon it : and first whither it were once a Roman colonie , or no.

HEere the name of LONDON is first found in antient authenticke writings , and that for the calamities sake which at this time it suffered most extreame . But that violence which could abate , and desolate happinesse for the time , aduanced the name thereof to immortall remembrance by CORNELIVS TACITVS , her principall historian , and witnesse . Tragicall effects the most naturall matter of renown . Prosperous successes vanish in the warmth of their owne fruition . His memorie therefore deserues a speciall honour there . And if euer the most ciuill , pompous , and thankfull vses of the magnificent arts of statuarie , founding , mowlding , musiue , and grauing , preuaile to come vp here , as among the GREEKS and ROMANS , both hee and others shall vndoubtedly enioy it . London ( saith he ) is a towne , which though it was not ennobled with the surname of a colonie , yet was it most notable for multitude of merchants , and multitudinous passages ; that is to say ; for great resort , or flocking to and againe by sea . But if the CORNELIAN word , Commeatuum , here , bee called vpon to beare a lesse proper sense , then are wee for these englishes to substitute , a towne abounding with all sorts of victuals , or prouisions . Though voiages , fleets , embarkments , and passages vsuallie made , doe necessarilie imply an ouerflowing plenty in the station . Both interpretations true . But there are two seuerall translations each of them in print , who out of that very place of TACITVS would make LONDON seeme a colonie . If there be any hope that he could haue such a meaning ; it must shine from out of other words in his AGRICOLA , where summing the hurts , and mischiefes of BOADICIA'S darings hee speakes plurallie , as if colonies were destroid , and not one colonie alone . That reading of the place being literallie vrged , LONDON then may best put in for that title , with CAMALODVNVM . But some of the most learned neither reade the LATIN word as in the number of multitude , and there is also another commodious answere ; figure of speech ; which not rarely admits a plural for a singular , as a gracefull excesse . LONDON was neuer said to bee a colonie . The honour so much the more , that hauing no such potent support , it should grow so superlatiuely eminent . These are some few among the infinite innouations of translators . Description of places is an expresse office of historie ; as the clearing of doubts a necessarie right of description .

§. XIX . The qualitie and estate of London immediately before the burning .

THe seat of LONDON , one of the best of the world for locall guifts , and maiestie , was more antiently inhabited then ROME it selfe , according to some . Which may also well bee true according to reason ; though CAESARS commentaries , and such as follow him in them may seeme to inferre the contrarie ; as if none of the BRITANNS had any other townes , but woods or thickets , ditcht , and banckt about . The clearing of which sauage deformitie , by competent proofes , and reasons , would bee an office of honour well bestowed vpon the most noble of ilands . Nor should day bee taken for the taske but for auoiding to discontinue the line of narration . It is therefore most of vse for the present , and most certaine for the storie , that the estate , and qualitie of LONDON , immediately before the burning vnder NERO , was most flourishing ; at leastwise comparatiuely with all other places of BRITAIN , for the poincts of trade , resort , and plenty . And those few words of CORNELIVS TACITVS formerly cited , confesse somewhat either of a wrong , or wonder ; that LONDON being worthy indeed to enioy the title , and priuiledges of a colonie , it was left notwithstanding vnder the inferiour reputation of but onely a towne among the ROMANS . A city among the BRITANNS and their principall . The very last ioincts in the composition of the name LONDINVM ( if nothing else ) would proue it well . For the word Dinas in antient BRITISH , signifies ( as they say ) a citie . Among CAMDENS ROMAN copper coigns , touching our countrey , there is one in honour of BRITANNICVS , the sonne of CLAVDIVS CAESAR , which hath nothing legible vpon it , but METROPOLIS ETIMINII BA . that BA . ( in short writing ) standing for BASILEOS , or KING , THE CHIEFE CITIE OF KING ETIMINIVS . the name of the citie fretted out , and quite worne away with age .

Camdens BRITANNICVS .

But OCTAVIVS STRADA , a gentleman of knightlie degree , vnder the emperour RODOLPHVS the second , with the honourable title of being his ANTIQVARIE , hath publisht one of those inualuable medals much more entire .

Stradas BRITANNICVS .

A most fortunate iewell to BRITAIN , better worth being but copper , then obrize gold , or paragon stones ; nor simplie a single peece of money , but it selfe an entire treasure . For without the least alteration of characters , METROPOLIS ETIMINII BALO being the visible remain of the circumferential inscription vpon the reuerse , a most easie distinction ( by supplie of poincts decaid ) reads , METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BALO that is to say , METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BASILEOS LONDINVM .

For in the very letter L. and much more in the syllable LO , all men ( though but slightlie conuersant in antiquities ) will readily confesse , that after the name of the king , the name of the place in BRITAIN did commence .

THE MOTHER-CITIE , or PRINCIPAL CHIEFE TOWN OF KING ETIMINIVS , LONDON .

Now if great IOSEPH SCALIGER , wittilie straining , or ( as most thinke ) directlie corrupting SENECA'S play of CLAVDIVS , to bring forth his Scoto-Brigantes , could not containe himselfe from breaking out into a glorious ioy , that he was now the man to whom the noble SCOTTISH nation stood obliged for such a testimonie of their antientie in BRITAIN , then might I also ( who endanger no mans writings , but deale sincerely ) gratulate to my selfe this discouerie . And , if nothing shall hereafter infirme it , Great BRITAIN must no longer incurre the barbarous note of being citie-lesse in CAESARS dayes ; and then also must LONDON vndoubtedlie owe the best proofe , and clearest light , as well for dignitie as antiquitie , that hath hitherto beene seene among vs , vnto me ; who first of mortals haue duly asserted the honourable name thereof into the title of a ciuill Metropolis , till this present hower ouerwhelmed in the rubbidge of BRITAINS ruine . For though OCTAVIVS STRADA ( to whose memorie immortall thankes are due ) hath afforded the medalia , hee hath not medled with the life of the thing , the meaning ▪ that is onely mine . Speciall historie depends vpon the rare argument of the coign ; for both the which one act of exposition shall serue in their more proper place , and time . And that LO being the initial letters of the name , should in STRADA'S coigne signifie LONDON , cannot seeme strange either to the learned , or the ignorant , when in other coigns concerning BRITAIN , the meere single L it selfe imports as much . Nor will it be the fortune of any man to finde a towne in BRITAIN , whose name beginning with those letters , can be fit to beare the stately title of a metropolis , but this alone .

London to say the truth ( say those famous ANNALS ) was not ennobled with the surname of a colonie . The ROMANS therefore who had setled their housholds in LONDON ( for as wise SENECA obserues , they made their countrey euery place where they ouercame ) were so many , that nothing wanted to erect it into a colonie , but an act of the SENATE of ROME to authorise the title , and rights ; their numbers appearing to bee alreadie sufficient for support of the charge , and dignitie . They therefore and their fellowes , the natural BRITANNS , together with the ordinarie sequels of their persons , and professions , who dwelt therein , ammounted to an extraordinarie multitude , which made the place not more populous then full of houses . For the proportion of habitations answeres the proportion of inhabitants . How many the LONDONERS were of either kinde , is a matter lesse known , then how far euery way the buildings went , which neither could be narrow , nor ignoble ; but large as forcopious merchants , & magnificent as for magnifico's . For , as the most learned CAROLVS SIGONIVS obserues out of CICERO , the gentlemen , and knights of ROME , dealt in merchandise at home , and abroad , and were members of the colledge of Mercurie , whose statelie seate was vpon mount CAPITOLINE it selfe , and whose limbs , and parts were spread through the ROMAN world . One of the suburbs of NERO'S LONDON abutted vpon the fields which are at this day termed of the neighbour Spittle , as NERO'S coigns , and the coigns of other emperours dig'd vp there , among the monuments of the dead , doe abundantlie witnesse . The very bignesse of LONDON a cause why PAVLLINVS forsooke it the rather , as hauing not men enough to keepe it . So antient a citie of the BRITANNS , the same in like sort so new a seat of the ciuill ROMANS , could neither want temples , bains , aquaeducts , courts of counsel , and iustice , nor other publicke workes to render it complete in it selfe , and a farre-off worth the beholding . The riuer full of ships ( for merchants and shippes doe alwayes suppose one the other ) the riuage full of sea-faring men , the inns full of strangers . Here was the staple of trade , and the capitall mart of BRITAIN , the bower of the noble ( for they had no where else to be so furnisht , ) the blisse of the thriftie ( for they had no where else to bee so enriched ) the delight of all . Here also , or no where rather , the publicke storehouses , granaries , and magazines ; the safest stowage of gotten spoiles , the soldiers packs , and baggage , the hostages of the BRITISH states , the publicke records , ( as at SAMAROBRIVA vnder IVLIVS CAESAR , in GALL-BELGICK ) and whatsoeuer stuffe , or prouisions SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS in his aspiring spirit , might designe for a triumphall , or an ouant showe at ROME . His care to reach to LONDON before the cruell rebells , an argument of the premisses , and of this also , that it was the top it selfe of all the ROMAN interest in BRITAIN . His purpose moreouer to erect the same into the seate of warre , makes it credible , that it was not without a wall euen then , but euery way defensible ; had it met with a season more fauourable , or with a captaine as firme as the faith of the people . Within it the splendor of armes , and the furnitures of peace , which till the most fierce BOADICIA strucke vp for battle , was euery where most deepe , and still . And whereas the place of store had euermore a strong guard within it , as at SAMAROBRIVA before said , where a legion lay in defense , so here ( if my diuinations faile mee not ) either the valorous fourteenth kept , or some large portion thereof , as in the main stay , or seat of the empires part in BRITAIN , it selfe also the key or gate of the prouince , which lay beyond the riuer from SVRREY-side towards CORNWALL . An argument hereof , that though LONDON for the territorie was Trinobantish , yet for the iurisdiction was Cantian ; at leastwise , in PTOLOMEAS dayes vnder ADRIAN . And the infrequencie of soldiers which is alledged in TACITVS for a cause why SVETONIVS did dislodge from thence , was the infrequencie ( if coniecture hits right ) of that braue bold legion , whose bands and troups were not full as then , by reason of absences vpon leaue , or farre dispersion of the parts , which all came in before the battle , though wanting at the musters . Thus ritch , thus populous , thus great , thus strong , thus goodlie , and thus abounding with all the necessaries , and pleasures of life , SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS possessed LONDON at his returne from MONA , for the seruice of CAESAR , and of CAESARS ROMAN-BRITAIN .

§. XX. Nero's lieutenant in Britain abandons London to the rebells .

NOr did the place seeme of lesse importance to SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS himself , who ( all other businesse set apart ) vnderwent so much paine , and perill , to reach and keepe it . But LIPSIVS not without cause complaines of the many wants and imperfections of narration in this noble piece of the CORNELIAN Annals ; the blame whereof hee principallie casts ( as commonly elswhere ) vpon transcribers , who while they should haue giuen vs true copies , haue otherwise vsed their pleasures in them , contrarie to faith , and office . For in a matter which had somewhat in it of a wonder , to tell vs nothing but the name of the vertue by which PAVLLINVS wrought , to bring himselfe from MONA to LONDON , yeelds slender satisfaction . But if some part of his aduentures ; and some particulars of his carriage had been withall vnfolded , the competent reader ( whose properlie the iudgement is ) could of himselfe haue gathered out of them , whither it was constancie , or rashnesse in the ROMAN Generall , to march through the midle of his enemies . Which heroicke action , as now it stands declared , may rather seeme of one who had gotten a ring , or receipt , to qualifie him with a gliding inuisibilitie , then his who followed right reason , the onely true guide of valour . Moreouer also , it would not haue beene impertinent , but very satisfactorie , and vsefull , to haue reuealed what kindes of soldiers , and how many went with him in guard along ; where they rested vpon the way ; and among what seuerall nations ; as XENOPHON in his excellent bookes of CYRVS his Ascense hath done . But the law of ANNALS , requires no such exactnesse , being properlie nothing else but summaries , or narrow registers . I for my part am glad to behold so many poincts , and glimmerings of facts remaining in TACITVS for accomplishing our countreyes historie in this most memorable parcell . In him therefore wee finde the subiect matter of PAVLLINVS his main deliberation at LONDON ; his doubtfulnesse what to resolue ; his generall musters there ; his scantnesse of numbers ; the capitall motiue of his warinesse ; his finall determination , and execution thereof . The question in counsell was ; whither hee should choose and vse London for the seat of warre or otherwise abandon it . Before the proposure whereof it must necessarily precede , that he resolued with himselfe , not to issue out to fight with Boadicia ; And both these poincts were principally grounded vpon the knowledge of weakenesse in the ROMAN partie , discouerd after his entrance at the musters . To perswade a stay , the reasons were great and many . The preseruation of so famous a place ; the honour of the Roman name ; the certaintie of aid from Nero ; the danger of a retreat ; the necessitie of giuing a stop to Boadicia's furie . But without some competent proportions of forces , he was warnd by the fresh disaster of PETILIVS CEREALIS not to hazard battle . To authorise a departure there wanted not arguments , and those most weightie . For , wheras SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS had here appointed the generall assemblie of his side , now vpon a view taken , his troups and companies were not found full , but infrequent , and thin . The main prop therefore of resistance failed , which whither it were by CATVS DECIANVS his example , fraud , or basenesse , or otherwise , did howsoeuer happen . A more compulsorie cause was want of corne , which DIO notes . For neither without store of men could so great a citie be defended ; nor men be kept aliue without food . The fortune of LONDON thus hanging in ballance , and swaying mainly downwards for the present , the newes of BOADICIA'S terrible approach , drane them whither they would or no , to a round , and present resolution . That seeing LONDON could not be made good against the preuailing rebells , who were now in their ruffe and vtmost brauery , the excellencie of the place could be no colour why they should wilfullie perish with it . The honour of the Roman name was doublie safe , both by the monstrous oddes now against them , and by a meere necessitie . Besides that , whensoeuer they got the vpper-hand againe , honour would acknowledge old clients , and willinglie returne with aduantage . And though aid would certainlie arriue to relieue them besieged , it would bee more acceptable at Rome so to order things here in Britain as not to need reliefe : and if there should bee need , Nero's succours would not come lesse contentedlie to find their fellowes in an open field , then shut vp within ditches , and fortifications , as in a kinde of dishonourable pinfold . The danger of a retreat nothing comparable to the mischiefe of a stay . And London was not lost gratis , but did a seruice worth it selfe , if the ritches , and pleasures thereof could performe that for the present , which their armed powers were vnable to doe . The stop of Boadicia's furie much better to be made with onelie the fortunes of a place , then besides the losse of the best towne with the remains also of all the Roman-Britann powers together in one . Nor could any goods perish , which were but sackt , or pillaged , and not quite destroid : for one victorie would recouer both all their owne things , and their enemies . It was therefore a loan or licence , rather then a desperate debt , or shipwracke , to permit the rebells to make spoile , and bootie ; and meerely a stale , or golden ball , such as Atalanta stoopt vnto . Therefore , while the greedie Boadicians spent their time in sharing among themselues the wealth of the most famous merchant-towne of Britain , the Roman partie should haue opportunitie to gather head elsewhere , without the shame of an open flight , and with the certaintie of making a secure retreat . Nor though Boadicia , perceiuing the scope , should be willing to suspend the sackage , and plie the pursuit , yet would she not dare to vrge it , because the cardinall mysterie of her greatnesse was licence to rob and steale This benefit among the rest not the least , that euen time it selfe would abate the edge , and quantitie of the present mischiefe , nothing violent being permanent ; wayes would also be found , how to sunder the combined , thereby to weaken the mightie knot ▪ and if nothing else yet this would vndoubtedlie happen , that euery one as he had gotten most , would most affect to be gone , each to enioy his purchase , the end and fruit of their partakings ; nor should Boadicia bee alwayes able to hold them together . And to imagine the very least , yet the commoditie , to assemble , and enable the Roman partie , would vndoubtedly follow ; whereby the necessitie to fight should bring no necessitie vpon them of being ouercome in fight , but a iuster hope of preuailing by the meanes of more prouisions . Thus was LONDON heauily condemned to bee left for the time to the lusts , or mercie of the rebells . In execution of which sad sentence , the ROMAN Generall caused it to be proclaimed through the city , that hee must rise and leaue the place , though not the people ; for whosoeuer would depart and partake with him the fortune of warre vnder the ROMAN name , and standard , should be receiued , the rest vpon this warning were otherwise to prouide for themselues so well as they could , either by abode , or absence . The LONDONERS , the comfort of whose liues , and hopes relyed vpon the issue of this counsell of warre , tooke desperation in at the same eare at which these newes did enter . The wofull estate , and face of a people and things , after such a proclamation , cannot easilie be imagined . And in historicall narrations of calamities it is vnlawfull to fain at all , or to make any other description then of only that which was actuallie , and properly theirs of whom the speech is instituted . Office●● of inuention , and imagination , are the proper of other MVSES ; those of reason , and consequent discourse the onely ones of historie . This we finde in textuall authoritie , that vpon this dismall Oyez , Oratours in the name of the whole corporation besought the Generall with teares , and cryes , not to forsake them . But in vaine ; for against all batteries of passionate gestures , vowes , and adiurations , hee continued inexorablie firme to his own decree . Of them therefore who were at this instant time of LONDON , some resolued to stay behinde ; being persons whom either weakenesse of age , or sex made vnable to flye , or such other as the sweets , and dearenesse of the most beloued place , confirmed in a desire to stand , or perish with it . The residue being fitted as well as the miserie , and shortnesse of the time would possiblie suffer , encreased ( as CAMDEN obserues ) the forces of PAVLLINVS , and were receiued after the signall of departure , into part of his host , or conuoy : The riuer vndoubtedly , though straightly beset , at leastwise vpon London-side ; befriended many by affording meanes to escape . The ROMANS had a nauie vpon the coasts , as appeares in TACITVS at the end of the BRITISH affaires , where TVRPILIAN succeeds in the charge .

§. XXI . London entred , sackt , and set on fire by Boadicia .

SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS , hauing absolutely thus quit the place ; there are some reasons to perswade , that they who remaind behinde , attempted to defend themselues , without dying whollie vnreuenged . For they besought not PAVLLINVS of his stay , but of his helpe ; and in the life of AGRICOLA there is mention , after the burning of the ROMAN colonie , that BOADICIA forced a great fortified ground , or castra , whereby whatsoeuer TACITVS meanes , whether a campe , according to the nature of the word , or ( contrary to the propriety of his speaking , and of the Latin language in those dayes ) some mighty castles , or citadels ; to looke for such a thing any other-where rather then here , is improbable : finally ; the same grauest author writes , that they who remained , were ouer-laid by the enemie ; which argues a resistance ; and DIO expressely professeth , that BVNDVCA did assaile and take two cities by force . But of the fort of LONDON , commonly knowne all in present by the nobler part thereof , the Tower ; and of DIANA'S temple ( where the cathedrall church of Saint PAVL doth thrust the head thereof into the clowds ) which as the temple of CLAVDIVS in CAMALODVNVM did , might serue as a castle for the time ; as of whatsoeuer else may in most likelihood concerne this point of defense , there may be opportunity to speake elsewhere more at large . BOADICIA , succeeding to PAVLLINVS with a most different affection , was now become absolute mistresse of LONDON , and of all therein . The wilde vplandish crewes of her beggerlie kern , and sauages , with the rest of that rable , spared nothing quicke , or dead . Thirst of reuenge in her , and rapine in them banisht all humanitie . The streets and houses , and all the corners were filled with miserable murthers ; the goods felt other ruder owners then the right ones ; nor did they content themselues with a simple massacre ; and when they had glutted their barbarous appetites with all sorts of licenciousnesse , and outrage , they fired the spacious towne , as if in the smoake of the burnings the note of their carriage should vapour away . A most horrible effect of the pretended recouerie of liberty . But while they consumed what things or persons it pleased them , they withall consumed time , to their vndoing , and fatallie cockerd themselues vp with the hope of continuall felicitie : the cause why they finally miscarried . GALGACVS wisely afterwards obserued it in a speech , to his Caledonian BRITANNS . This destruction was particularlie foretold among the former wonders , by the images of shattered houses vnder water ; which being seene in the riuer of THAMES , belonged not in the qualitie of the presage , to CAMALODVNVM , but to LONDON . Of those fourescore thousand ROMANS , & ROMAN-BRITANNS , which were slaine by the BOADICIANS in this vast reuolt ( as DIO giues the account ) fewer then fortie thousand could not perish here , according to the least proportion . That such was now the fortune of the place , cannot be colourablie doubted ; both because TACITVS in generall words hath testified , that fire was among the common instruments of BOADICIA'S reuenge , and PAVLLINVS himselfe is my witnesse in DIO , that here it wrought particularlie , though he names not LONDON otherwise then by circumstance . For of those two chiefe townes destroid in this dreadfull rebellion by firing them , the one ( saith he ) was betraid ; euidently CAMALODVNVM : the other was abandoned ; the speciall case of LONDON . The faithfull towne sitting vtterly desolate in cinders , and ashes , among the dead trunckes , and bloudlesse bodies of the late children and inhabitants therof , had no other comfort but the honourable conscience of constant loialtie ; and the noble hope to rise againe more happie , and maiesticall ; which afterwards proued so true , that for the greater dignitie it came to bee entituled AVGVSTA . The nature of the merit immortall in the fame , and the imitation perpetuall to the people . Nor doth any thing threaten the glorie thereof so much , as the halfe-brutish manners of the rascall multitude ( the branne , and scurfe of all societies ) who darken the desarts of the worthie , by confounding their qualitie in common estimation abroad . Or rather not they , but some disguised limbs of such crewes as swarme forlorne , and desperate , about the citie , without profession of life , and who contriue for disorder . Full amendment the proper and continual care of the magistrate ; the wishes of that amendment common with my selfe to all who loue the honour of the realme therin , & LONDON .

§. XXII . VERVLAM sackt , and destroid by BOADICIA . An essentiall difference betweene the persons of a municipium , and a colonie .

THe same miserable fortune there was of the towne called VERVLAM ( a municipium , or a free-borough of the ROMANS ) as there was of LONDON it selfe . And though in CORNELIVS TACITVS it be the last of the three famous places in the order of naming , which were entred vpon at this time , yet whither it were also such in the order or suffering , may be doubted . For how doth that reason hold good which SVETONIVS rendred as the finall cause of his quitting LONDON , By the losse of one towne to saue the whole residue , if VERVLAM was ouerwhelmed after ? But being it is cleare for the disorder of the fact , the strife , or doubt concerning the order of the time , may very well cease , and wee may follow what wee finde . CAMDEN probablie supposeth this towne to haue beene the very same which IVLIVS CAESAR wanne by assault from king CASSIBELINE , Captaine-generall of the league of BRITAIN . VERVLAM therefore is now but a part of the common calamitie which was then the onely all . Nor did any thing more vnmaske the couetous , corrupt , and inwardly most vitious intents of the BOADICIANS , then the iniurie done hereunto . For in CAMALODVNVM the maine bodie and stocke of the people were ROMANS , and LONDON likewise was full of them , which ministred some colour for mercilesse carriage ; but why they should deale in that manner with VERVLAM , the magistrates , and comminaltie wherof were BRITANNS , no tollerable cause can be well assigned . True it is they had the dignitie and benefit to be free of ROME , but were not otherwise ROMAN . A principall difference betweene the persons of a colonie , and those of a municipium , this ; that in a colonie they were euermore drawne out of the corporation it selfe of the people of ROME , as members before ; but in the other , they were not any part of that imperiall bodie till fauourably receiued by municipiall priuiledge into the freedome ; men generally forein else , and but by admission capable . The VERVLANIANS therfore were BRITANNS , though now they smarted as ROMANS , & found their riches to be their vndoing . It might be supposed ( if histories were places for supposals ) that king COGIDVNVS ( of whom there is already sufficient spoken ) was Lord of the soile about , which being vpon the frontire of the reuolted TRINOBANTS , the towne for that cause suffered mischiefe , in hatred , and despite of his constant friendship to his great benefactors the ROMANS . And here among many other the like , in the CORNELIAN Annals , the infelicitie of the text , corrupted by transcription , breeds confusion . Nor doth the surgerie of Criticks so heale it , but that new galls and blisters may still arise . What TACITVS would principallie say is not obscure : For hee hath told vs ; that the Britanns , omitting castles , and garrisons , as tedious and troublesome to conquer , ranged loose about , and made bootie or hauock of that which was most of worth abroad ; And although a very commodious sense seemes to lurke vnder the disordered shufflings of the vulgar text , which is , that the Boadicians carried their pillage , and robberies into places of safety ( whither woods or bogges , or whatsoeuer else ) and full of gladnesse for their cheuisance , did then come againe to fetch more ( which euery man will repute reasonable to suppose ) yet those learned maisters frame other coniectures ; best to be seene in their owne writings . The most iudicious of them agree in this to be the sense ; that the Boadicians sought for that which was most gainefull to themselues , and withall vnsafe for the owners to defend ; a people forward to boot-hale , and consume , but backeward to the duties of warre . A censure they well deserued , and extends to all others , who propounding to themselues no laborious , nor honest meanes of life , long for ciuill confusions , that they might haue what to lauish , though for but neuer so short a while , and with whatsoeuer lasting miserie of the innocent and industrious . Natiôns marke it wel . The ruins of VERVLAM ( soone afterwards re-ëmpeopled , and reflourishing ) a wall of flints and brickes , eaten downe into the earth with age and weather , and deepe double trenches about , which remaine at this day , looke sadly with an ouer-growne face vpon the towne of Saint ALBAN , and retaine the antient name . That the syllable VER , the first in the word , should be somewhat sounding honorable in the BRITISH tongue , because VER-GOBRET was the name of a chiefe magistracie among the GALLS ( whose language was the same with the BRITANNS ) and their most heroicke champion , was called VER-CINGETORIX , is more easie to image , then to prooue . But that it signified the same with Mawr , is probable , if the sense of Ver , or VAWR , in some BRITISH dialect , bee likewise equiualent to Great in English , as MAWR is . Great an apt addition in these particulars . HVMFREY LHVID , one of the most learned late antiquaries of the BRITANNS , will haue it , that the prettie streame which runs thereby was denominatiue of the place , and VERLAM to haue been Werlhan , the fane , or temple vpon the water Werr , hee supposing that to be the name thereof ; the same towne also afterwards called CAER - municip , by occasion of the ROMAN franchise . It is no great matter whither of the opinions be truer , or if neither . Here also sword , and fire ( the instruments of wrath & furie ) deuoured what rapine left : nor fewer thousands then tenne of those eightie , which the BOADICIANS slew in all , could probably perish therin .

§. XXIII . The most sauage behauiours of the Boadicians in the vse of their victories throughout .

THus farre the motions , and actions of that mightie bodie of enemies assembled together vnder a most glorious title , the recouerie of common libertie , and commanded in chiefe by BOADICIA , prospered after their manner . The same being now at the vtmost height aswell for successe as wickednesse , fell sodeinly to ground . No wonder at all ; considering how hatefull they had made themselues in the sight of God and man , by abusing their power , and fortunes : quite blotting out all the splendours of their fauourable cause , with the foulenesse of their carriage . There was no taking to mercy ( saith TACITVS , ) no quarter allowed , no hope of ransome , nor any trade of tearmes , as in other warres ; but blades , halters , fire , gallowes , and vtter vengeance to all that was ROMAN , or towards it ; the Boadician BRITANNS not onely striuing to be euen with their oppressours , for the wrongs they had done , but also to get before-hand with them , by worse , and greater . But not to accuse this course too far , because their purpose was absolutely to root out all that was ROMAN ; the vnkindely kindes of their sauage practise in the workes of reuenge , and extirpation , are hardly credible . BOADICIA , a most martiall , bold , and mighty Lady , but not woman enough ; for led by infernall superstitions , or no lesse then infernall passions , her BRITANNS tooke the most noble , and honourable dames among their enemies , stript them naked , sliced away their pappes , stitcht them to their mouthes as to make them seeme feeding , and finally staked their bodies through in length . Villanies at which barbaritie it selfe would blush , and which in themselues most horrible , DIO'S credit makes credible . The men whom they far more cruelly saued , then they could haue simplie slaine , had their bellies ript open aliue ( saith SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS in XIPHILINE ) their boweles cut out : some gored vpon burning stakes , and others boild to death in seething water . Man is to man a diuell at times ; no where rather verifide then here . The forms and paines of these murthers not to be out-gone for their invention , and execution , sauage wit found how to aggrauate by religious impiety , and irreligious contumely . For it being not absurd to think , that they might aslo eate what thus was drest ( the inference familiar from the shambles to the kitchin ) these certainly whether sacrifices , or games , were most spitefully presented , while they offred in their temples , or reueld at their feasts , but specially in the groue of their goddesse ANDATE , the patronesse of their proceedings , as ANDRASTA , or ADRASTE was their deitie of reuenge . For DIO , and XIPHILINE , in BVNDVCA'S oration , distinctly speake of them as of two seuerall ; if our copies bee sincere . Their great sacrifice of all , which CAESAR , and STRABO describe , is rather not remembred here in particular , then likely to haue been forborn . The DRVIDS who dealt in bloud , the authors , & actors of all ; vpon this one ground of doctrine in their schooles , that the wrath of the Gods could not be appeased in a case of life , but with the life of man . And their inhumane diuinations had not any other reason for their mysterie . They composed a colossus of wouen osyars , or a monstrous bigg gyant of wicker , which stuft with men , was set on a fiery blaze , and burnt all . STRABO writes that they had an huge image of hay , vnder which not onely men , ( shot first with arrowes , or fixr vpright vpon rafters ) but cattle , and al sorts of beasts were packt and consumed together . The generall words in TACITVS , and the particular in DIO , exclude not these figures of death from the acts of this tragicke vengeance , though they expresse them not . And a thing so solemne with the Druids of GALL ( whose mother-schools were in BRITAIN ) which might answere in quantitie to a GREEK hecatomb , and was in very deed an holocaust , was not probablie omitted now , in such plenty of humane bodies , and so great wantonnesse of inhumane butcheries . But this augments not the opinion of their cruelties , though it addes a strange one to the formes . There is more then enough already said , to shew how iustly the BOADICIANS perished . To fall into the hands of the wilde and vitious , is a wretched , and a dreadfull thing .

§. XXIIII . The course which Suetonius Paullinus held in his retreat from London , and of his constraint to resolue for fight .

BVt while BOADICIA , and her people grew ripe for ruin , the ROMAN-generall , after he had abandoned LONDON , maintayned retreat , partly to gather more strength , but specially to shunne for the time the furie of a prosperous hatred . For DIO plainely tels vs , that hee feared the encounter . Such were the heats and darings of the victorious enemy . The way which SVETONIVS tooke , after his departure , was in mine opinion toward SEVERN , where PAENIVS POSTHVMVS , encamped with the second legion , among the SILVRES . A great accession of strength in such an addition of number . Neuerthelesse it failed . For when SVETONIVS commanded them to draw themselues vp to his quarter , PAENIVS POSTHVMVS , maister of the camp , and of the company , vtterly refused to come , contrary to the dutie of his place , and discipline of warr . Of him BOADICIA vndoubtedly meant , where she glories in her speach before the fight , that of those ROMANS who had escaped her sword , some couered themselues within their camp , and the rest ( SVETONIVS , and his powers then present in the field ) did but cast about which way to flye . But in his march towards that second legion , the Generall , by crossing the THAMES at LONDON , could not but farre away prouide best for his owne more safetie , and his peoples most sustentation . For in keeping the riuer vpon his right hand still , the water was both a deepe barre against the pursuing enemy , and betweene the same and the British OCEAN , the prouince , which ran all along , was ROMAN . Thus houerd hee aloofe , in obedience to his nature , which being slow , and weighty , preferred safe courses with reason , aboue great good lucke by chance . But when hee beheld the intollerable brauery of the woman , in maintaining a personall chase vpon him ( for it was not long before she followed close , and quicke ) it was high time to redeeme his fame , or die in the quarrell . Away goe all lingrings therefore ; euermore pernicious , when things are no longer to bee debated , but done . The necessitie of action often begets felicity in action : and a state of feare is a state of guard . Vaine confidence destroid the other .

§. XXV . The number and qualitie of the Roman forces , prouided for fight .

COncerning the power which SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS had in readinesse at this great extremity ; TACITVS is vniuersally so vnderstood , that the whole number is not taken to haue amounted to fully tenne thousand , horse , and foote of all sorts in armes . A dreadfull disproportion against three and twenty times as many . They are named in the CORNELIAN ANNALS , the fourteenth legion , with the rereguard , or triarij , of the twentieth , as some doe point the readings , and aids , of the nearest at hand , drawne out as vpon a violent need in haste : but , as others doe place the points , they are reckoned the fourteenth legion with the Triarij , or rere of the same , and the vicesimarians , or soldiers of the twentieth , together with aids as before-said . The word for that companie is in the text uexillarij , which some haue translated standard-bearers . But any thing ( as it seemes ) is good enough in their conceits , for the common swallow . Some expunctory volumes of such abuses would doe well . The number of these choise old soldiers ( for they were veterans ) the last hope of euery battle , was vpon certainty sixe hundred , and neuer either more , or fewer in complete legions , whose rere they alwaies made ; and in later times , for their antient name triarij , they came to be styled vexillarij , because they fought vnder one vexillum , flag , or banner . They who would see more of this , may satisfie themselues out of CLAVDIVS SALMASIVS , the SELDEN of GALLIA , if without creating enuy to my learned friend , Iohn Selden , I may compare them so . As for that common vnderstanding of TACITVS there , concerning the numbers , though no man supposeth any corruption of the text , yet may it well receiue a trauerse in common sense . For it will easily be credited that SVETONIVS brought some proportion of souldiers with him from the ile of MONA , if but for his necessary guard , vnlesse hee may bee thought to haue ridden poast from thence to LONDON , where there also was an assemblie of others , as is plaine , because the view of their thinnesse moued him to quit the station . Besides , hee tooke into a part of his troup all the voluntaries of LONDON , and each legion had store of aids appertaining to it selfe . The fourteenth ( whose fame is greatest ) had belonging to it eight cohorts of BATAVIANS , braue fellowes all , & were , if full , about foure thousand , who would groane out in their graues if they should be put from their share in the glorie of this day . And if no part could belong to them herein , the fourteenth alone which seemes to haue come entire ; had sixe or seauen thousand beside the prest aides , and the vicesimarians . All which that they should not make ten thousand together , is strange . Therefore if the number bee true , the words of TACITVS may thus bee vnderstood , that to those forces with which SVETONIVS parted from LONDON , there came now in the end and in all , such , and so many more as ammounted to almost ten thousand . If the number be not sincere , then the numeral word in the ANNALS , hath had a maine limb lopt away . And if it were nine aboue tenne , the wonder of the victorie would seme great enough euen with nineteene thousand .

§. XXVI . Of Iulius Agricola , the father in law of Cornelius Tacitus .

NEither was it the least honour of SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS , that IVLIVS AGRICOLA , ( whose life his sonne in law CORNELIVS TACITVS ( doubtfully whither with more pietie , or eloquence ) hath commended to all posteritie ) that he had his breeding for warre in his schoole , where he carried the honourable title of a tribune , and exercised al the duties of his place . On the other side , it was the speciall good fortune of AGRICOLA that he had PAVLLINVS for his maister , whose familiar friend he liued , and as well his companion in armes , as his camerado . Here therefore did that noble gentleman learne , how to command by hauing obeid , and what the warres of BRITAIN required , before hee came ( as hee afterwards did ) to bee Generall himselfe in BRITAIN .

§. XXVII . The number of men in Boadicia's armie , their nations , qualities , and armes .

BOADICIA , whose people had handled the quarrell of their countrey infinitely worse then the sorest enemies which euer their countrey had , drew hastily vp to the fatal ground , vpon which SVETONIVS necessarily resolued to ride out the finall fortune of a day while any hope remained . Her two defloured daughters are the onely persons particularly remembred to haue attended in the seruice , and yet euen their names are lost . So inglorious are all whom the light of letters retaines not aloft in sight . Her numbers couerd the region ouer . Two hundred and thirty thousand fighting men in field . Successe , and spoile most effectuall meanes to multiply partakers . The ICENI , & the TRINOBANTS were chiefe in the action , as authors . There were also the CORITANI , and other Marshmen ( BOADICIA shewes it in DIO , where she speakes of fennes and bogges for hiding themselues , if ouerthrowne ) there were the ORDOVICES ( for who else had such mountaines to shelter them as they ? ) and whosoeuer else of the BRITANNS , the BRIGANTS certainely were not absent . TACITVS expresly names them . And why the greatest Criticks should be so troubled thereat , as to substitute any other word for that , seemes to mee a great maruell . For the speaker in that place is GALGACVS , the rough Caledonian Prince , who vnder the one name of BRIGANTS ( being among his nearest neighbours , and therefore most knowne to him ) doth seeme to vnderstand , and comprise all the more Southerlie BRITANNS , who were at this time out in armes , vpon this one womans leading . To GALGACVS therefore all were indifferently BRIGANTS , who were not his . And besides the authoritie of TACITVS , the very description of the manners of some of the Boadicians in XIPHILINE , doth plainely conuince , that the rudest nations were at this worke , and consequentlie the BRIGANTS , as neither the most polite , nor most remote , and certainly not least populous . Wherefore the CORNELIAN text is sincere , and decent . For GALGACVS is speaker , and not TACITVS . Nor can DIO'S text bee iustified without this senses admission . For he was euidently too much in the thought of the MAEATS , and CALEDONIANS , such as his owne times saw them vnder the emperour SEPTIMIVS SEVERVS , when he recorded his BVNDVCA'S oration , if he meant the barbarous manners , which that oration boasteth to be common to all the BRITANNS who were in that martiall auditorie . For nothing can bee more vntrue : because , euen in IVLIVS CAESARS times some of them were much more courteous then others , and the ciuility of many of the BRITANNS , now vnder NERO , is confessed as a disaduantage . There is no doubt , nor cause of doubt why the BRIGANTS should not be helpes to BOADICIA as complices ; vpon whom soone after the whole weight of warre did fall ; nor improbablie for this partaking . For the ROMANS prosecuted the contagion of assistance as they did the maine opposition it selfe . Their enemies succours , properly enemies . The most wilde , and barbarous therefore of the qualities which are deciphered in her oration , are onely to bee vnderstood of a part of the BRITANNS , & not of all ; or of the more Southerly . But amongst her strengths at this time , wee must not reckon the flockes of British wiues and women , who were brought to sit spectators of the expected vtter ruine of PAVLLINVS ( the cause and hope of their iourney ) though the versifier in his Albions England , pleasantly encroaching vpon the poet , doth furnish this Queene-Mother , and her martiall daughters , with sixe thousand armed Ladies , out of his Homericall hearsayes . A licence of wit not vnbeseeming the musicke of rimes , but incompetent for the grauity of storie , which admits no fables . And though the CORNELIAN writings mention not the nature of the Boadician armes , and weapons at this field , but repute them as naked men , and doe elsewhere before , deny , that the ORDOVICES ( hardie BRITANNS ) had the vse either of murrions , or brest-plates , yet DIO , and XIPHILINE make it cleare that she not onely had soldiers compleatly armed , and light both horse and foote , but charriots also of warre , such as IVLIVS CAESAR , in penning the British affaires , doth greatly celebrate , though of all these there is not the least inckling , or touch in CORNELIVS TACITVS .

§. XXVIII . Of the place of the battle , and season of the yeare .

THe leuell , or plot of ground vpon which the army of BOADICIA , by the ROMANS forestallment , came to be embatteld , was certainly vpon a plaine , of at least fiue , or sixe miles ouer in breadth , betweene two woods ; at either end of the open field one . The quantitie of the space shall bee made apparent by the same infallible demonstration in the Tacticks , by which POLYBIVS disprooued CALLISTHENES , erroneously describing the field betweene ALEXANDER , and DARIVS ; as that poinct also of the two woods , by the best bookes compared . But whereabout in these parts of BRITAIN , that very place was , vnlesse it were vpon SALISBVRIE plaine , where there is a black-heath , and scope enough , is not for mee to imagine . Edmund Spencer , who was in his time , the most learned poet of ENGLAND , layes it to haue beene further off ; for he names besides SEVERN . But without praying in aide of his poëms , I seeme to my selfe to haue made it vehementlie probable , that the field was hereabout , by hauing shewed that PAVLLINVS was marcht hitherwards . And somewhat perhaps it will fortifie the coniecture , that vpon the brimme , or skirts of this most spatious plaine , nor far from Stonage , there suruiue at this houre three memorable arguments of antient camps , the greatest of which being ouer against WILLY , is doubly enuironed with depth of ditch , and by the forme ( saith CAMDEN ) appeares to haue beene a ROMAN worke , the other singlie ; none of them farre asunder , and all of them distinguisht , by the common people , with the seuerall names of Yanesburie castle , Dunshot , and Woldsburie . And admitting that VESPASIAN was the author of Yanesburie vnder CLAVDIVS ( as some doe well diuine ) that cannot hinder why SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS should not the rather make vse thereof at this time vnder NERO , both as a strength readie wrought , and fortunately hanseld by the lucke of so braue a commander . Concerning the time of the yeare ; it was manifestlie in the stoope thereof , as declining towards the winter-quarter ; which many signes , extant in TACITVS , seeme to discouer : the expedition of MONA abruptly ended ; the mention of winter-campes ; and the BRITANNS trusting for corne to the ROMAN store or haruest , which they presumed should be theirs . So it may be thought to haue beene at sometime or other in September , when these two GENERALS , more opposite in affections then diuerse in sex , encountred .

§. XXIX . The order of the Roman battle .

THe ROMAN Generall , in marshalling his little army , did principally labour , to keepe all his enemies before him , that their vnreasonable numbers might not enclose , nor ouer-lay him . And in that one poinct the maine mysterie of his finall hopes consisted . Therefore he selected a place with a wood at his backe , to serue with the help of art as a wall , or bulwarke behinde : from whence forth-right , and before the entrance into the open wowlds or plaines , the whole plot of ground betweene cheeke , and cheeke , but specially at the very mouth it selfe , was narrow , and yet withall wide enough to containe his people , as being halfe a myle broad , or so ; the sides themselues secure , by whatsoeuer thickets , waters , cliffes , or moores , or other aduantages of nature , or prouisions of skill , by trenches , or barricadoes , with his carriages and the like , in which the ROMANS were excellently ready maisters . A ground well chosen for fight is not a little onwards to a victorie : and these straights , hauing the euen countrey for a prospect , and therefore true against ambush , were to the ROMANS as a very campe or fortresse . PAVLLINVS hauing thus deuised for the best , and fore-stalled the choise of the field , hee drew out his soldiers , now throughly refresht , and furnisht . They were Legionaries , freemen of ROME , and auxiliaries , their fellowes in armes , and not otherwise ROMANS ; and these of all sorts , horse and foote , and as well heauy , as light armed men . His principall hope , and strengths resided in the fourteenth legion , which was there entire . The victorious standard , and ensignes whereof , thought to be worthie of a particular memoriall , were aduanced in such forme as this coigne in LIPSIVS specifies .

The method of his proceedings was this . He diuided the bodie of his force within these straights , into three wards , or battalia's ( for that is euident in DIO ) that he might the better keepe himselfe from the mortall mischiefe of circumuention , and oppression , and also by possessing the whole plot , fight at once and in front quite through . And hereunto he was necessarily driuen ; because the enemies , as to daunt him with the ostentation of their multitudes , which threatned a most certaine surcharge , tooke vp in front fiue , or sixe miles at least , as where their order of battaile comes to bee displaied will appeare . The legionaries how many thousands is vncertaine . Fewer then sixe they were not . Of them ( vpon whom the bloudie summe , and weight of the worke did rest ) the middle ward , or main consisted , commonly armed with helmets , raisd higher with plumes of feathers , and substantiall breast-plates , each of them ballancing two or three piles , or darting iauelings in their hands . A terrible weapon . For being about seauen foote long , and plated with yron halfe way from the massiue head downward , the head it selfe either round , and broad , or more vsually foure square , the staffe alone a prettie gripe about , they could in hurling deliuer it with such a violence , as to strike through a corslet , yea , through the man himselfe sometimes , and armour together . For the vse of combat , each had a couering target , either ouall round , or square and hollow , in manner of a roofe-tile , about thirtie inches thwart , and aboue fiftie long , with a broad Spanish sword , which hung somewhat off behinde , with the pommell towards the right hand , not much aboue two foot long in blade , of an excellent temper , fine and thin , to lop off limbs , but passing strong at the point to maintaine a thrust , or foine . Nor doth CORNELIVS TACITVS mention any other sort of legionaries in the infantery at this field . On either hand of this martiall phalanx stood the battles of the aids , with speares and greater swords , and though they might haue the titles , or properties of vann and rere , yet it is cleare enough in XIPHILINE , that they made all but one front with the legionaries , from whom they were distinguisht with certaine spaces competent . The troups of horse stood ready in wings . And they ( in mine opinion ) were extraordinary many , because TACITVS , who makes but one battle of the stedfast infantery in all , casting off the light-armed into clusters , and plumps about , supplies the sides with cauallarie . The ordinarie proportion of horse to a legion was but three hundred , which they diuided into two maine bodies , and subdiuided by thirties into cornets , which would make but poore weake wings , or rather not wings , but according to the phrase of the CORNELIAN Annals , the two other battalions for supply of vann , and rere , in regard that all the three diuisions of the armie , in DIO , seemed after a sort to be put into one , by placing them in one and the selfe same line of longitude . Their great vse also at this great seruice doth alone demonstrate , that the numbers of the horse were vnusually many , nor vnlikely to be either all , or , the most part of the cauallarie which belonged to all the ROMAN legions in BRITAIN . I for my part haue suspected and thought , that PAVLLINVS came from ANGLESEY to LONDON , with none but horse , and those , them of the twentieth legion . And there is no cause for vs to thinke , why PETILIVS CEREALIS might not spare his horse-troups hither , himselfe being shut vp within his fortifications . So that let PAENIVS POSTHVMVS enioy his owne feares , and with-hold his concurrence at this field , yet ( as we see here ) SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS might be otherwise furnished with extraordinary horse-troupes . What vse or station the old soldiers , or the rere of the twentieth legion had in this field , there is no particular mention any where , I wish that there had beene , because they seeme to haue done very nobly , as well because their presence is singularly specified , as a very choise member of the ROMAN forces here , as for that they wanne much honour to their proper companie , or legion . But because their speciall placings are not remembred , it seemes most likely , that they fought not apart , but were sorted among other the ribs , & sinewes of the legionarie forces . The forlorne hopes of foote , or light nimble shot , of all sorts ( DIO names archers in particular ) whose part was to take off the edge of the encounter , were cast off before the squadrons , in carelesse and scattered companies . All the soldiers who expected in battle-ray , but specially the legionaries were vpon the least distance one from another , which the vse of their weapons would permit , that fighting all close together , they might at once be bothimpenetrable , & invincible . The bredth and depth of their battalia's , because the true measure of the ground is vnknown , cannot be certaine ; but supposing all the men were but well-near tenne thousand , the length of the whole front of all the three battles might containe , at three foot space betweene man and man , about foure , or fiue hundred , and in file about seauenteen , or eighteen , leauing interuals betweene battalia and battalia , for retreats and other vses , and roome for the horse-troopes vpon the outsides . All which might together take vp about that halfe a mile ouer , in the mouth of the straights , which is mentioned before . The ouer-plus of the soldiers ( for vpon the poinct of eight thousand would doe all this ) may be thought to bee in reserue for accidents , and other the sodein exigents of warre . And this coniecture of about foure or fiue hundred in rancke , is somewhat supported out of TACITVS himselfe , where after the end of the battle , he writes , that near vpon foure hundred were slaine of the ROMAN side , and not many more hurt or wounded . Which seemes as much as if hee had said , that the fortune of the two first rancks dispatched the day . And this might well be true according to the axiom of PAVLLINVS , in the CORNELIAN ANNALS , putting his people in minde , that euen where many legions fought , a few hands did the deede . But as for the numbers in the ROMAN party at this battle , I haue elsewhere before tendred some reasons , which lead me to beleeue they were rather twice tenne thousand then onely the moitie of twenty . Thus while the Generall was busied , and as he past from company to company , he inspired them with courage , by the life of his presence , and power of his words , calling them sometime by the glorious name of Romans , and otherwhile by the more familiar title of companions in armes and fellow soldiers . He sets before their eyes the cruelties , and horrid dealings of their enemies , their owne and their countreyes honour , and their common danger in the most absolute necessity of doing , or dying nobly . No hope but in victorie ; no refuge for runnawayes . Pure Manhood , and the fauour of their cause with powers diuine , who vse to incline to the sufferers of wrong ( such as hee in DIO declares their cause to be ) the onely meanes of safety to themselues , and of recouering Britain to the empire , which was otherwise now in manifest perill to bee vtterly torne away . Hee sowes withall euery where about him , most certaine hopes of good successe , by remembring their former valours , and prosperities against these very enemies , whom hee named contemptiblie , as men both vnskilfull , and vnarmed ; mingling for a speciall ingredient towards the atchieuement of the victorie , this precept or rule of fight ; that after they had most forceably throwne their piles home , they should all then rush forth together in a runne , and with their drawne swords , and the bosses of their targets , presse in round and close , and neuer giue ouer till they preuailed . His conclusion : that if the worst should happen , yet hee and they , by dying honourably on the place , should keepe possession of Britain , were it but with their dead bodies onely . In these , and the like exercises of speech and action , PAVLLINVS spent the whole time till the very instant it selfe of ioyning . Nor fell his words , like burning sparckles vpon dancke and vnprepared matter , but vpon dry , tindry spirits , such as were most ready to take , and kindle : which their countenances , and gestures testified . The dutie of a Chiefe towards the poinct of perill ( saith the greatest Captaine of the world in his invaluable commentaries ) is to work vpon that forward and stirring humor , which being naturally in all men , is apt to be inflamed with a desire of battle ; accordingly to augment that eagernesse , and heat , vpon the instant of encounter : but neuer to represse , or checke it backe in any degree . The fatall errour of POMPEI at PHARSALIA . But not of PAVLLINVS heere . For that rule of warre was envred by him to the proofe ; who the more to assure his fierce soldiers , affirmed , that not onely their fore-fathers , but they themselues also had often ouercome many more enemies at a time then these . A thing which otherwise then by the figure of excesse can hardly haue any defense : for TACITVS , and the truth are cleare , that the Britanns were neuer before in so great numbers , vnlesse it be admitted ( which PAVLLINVS also saith ) that the women at this field were more then the warlike youth . But that was also another extreame of speech ; another ( as they call it ) hyperbole . And thus both hee , and his , prouided either for a graue or garland .

§. XXX . The order of the Britanns battle .

ON the other side , Queene BOADICIA , full of present spirits , and martiall vigour , leads vp her two hundred and thirty thousand men , and forgetting the softnesse of her sexe , performes in person all the duties of a most vigilant and diligent Chiefe . For mounted in an open charriot , with her two orphane daughters before her in the same , as the obiects of compassion , and the motiues of wrath and reuenge , shee rides about the plaine , and marshalls them to the last man . The nations of BRITAIN , assistants at this need , as they were many and diuers , so each of them was arranged by it selfe in a seuerall battalion , which TACITVS doth not obscurely declare , where hee mentions her accesse to euery of them apart ; and ARIOVISTVS , in his array of battle against IVLIVS CAESAR vsed the same method . So it seems to haue beene a custome in these parts , for the apparent benefit which comes by distinctions of worth , from whence degrees of courage doe manifestly spring . The noble ground of armories . And these were the rowts and troupes , who being ordered in seuerall , are mentioned in TACITVS to haue euery-where vaunted themselues in the face of the ROMANS with so great scorne and iollitie , because of a few smiles of mutable fortune . And surely all sodein prosperitie is for the more part a druncken thing ; much harder to carry well then either adueruersity , or a doubtfull state . Happier they whom it it ouer-turnes not , then whom it raiseth . It was the BRITANNS bane . The front of her battle extended it selfe to fiue or sixe miles out , at the least . For eight or nine thousand onely , with the smallest allowances of distance , take vp alone in one rancke so much ground ; not accounting the interualls betweene nation , and nation , by which they were disparted , and designed . This proportion of extension is fully proued out of DIO , who writes in plaine tearmes , that SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS had not so many in his army , as placed man against man , could equall the length in battle-ray , nor the very first rancke of the BRITANNS . Nor seemes it doubtfull , that the forme of her battle was semi-circular ; the dilatation being to affright the ROMANS , and the forme to enclose them . But that speech of DIO'S , if taken precisely , and according to the rigour of the letter , is either a confirmation , against my former arguments , that the ROMANS had tenne thousand in the field ; or that the BRITANNS had aboue that number in front . These nations had all of them their seuerall banners , or markes of conduct . For POMPONIVS MELA writes , that the BRITANNS imitated the Gallicke fashion in armes ; and CAESAR in his immortall bookes doth say , that CONSIDIVS partly discouered by their ensignes , that the GALLS were masters of an hill of aduantage . The GALLS had ensignes therefore . But reason , much better then testimonies , conuinceth , that this was so among the BRITANNS ; because it must of force be so . For where order is , there is also a necessity of directiue signes ; impossible otherwise to be preserued . What their stuffe , or arguments were , is vnknowne . They had their paintings , and lineamentall purfles as is obserued in the Elements of Armories . To say , that the figures of a wolf , and greyhound were among the symbolicall notes of the BRITANNS , because BOADICIA , in her auspicatory oration , may seeme to allude to their bearings , is but to say it onely . And yet the conjecture dislikes mee not the more , that King HENRIE the Seauenth , who descended of these antient BRITANNS by the fathers side , did aduaunce the greyhound in supporture . Before the head of this huge , and wide-spred battle of the BRITANNS , the chariots of warre were planted , which ( as MELA depourtrayes them ) had sharpe sithes standing out , wherewith to mowe downe enemies . Among them the nimblest & the lightest of her people were scatter'd at aduenture : the horse vpon either hand . Against the maine body , or strength of the ROMAN battalia's , BOADICIA did set her corslet-men , or such as were whole arm'd . DIO witnesseth their vse at this seruice ; and their meanes of furniture came in all probability from the spoyles of the legionaries , who rashly carryed on by PETILIVS CEREALIS , were ( as we haue heard before ) defeated all of them , and slaine , in the beginnings of this reuolt . Behinde , shee placed the carriages , walling the backe of her battels with waggons , waynes , and carts , where the wiues and women of the BRITANNS stood lookers-on . And least those impediments might not proue barr enough to their then vnthought-of flight , there grew a wood also next beyond . Thus while vpon vaine assurance they prouided to create a spectacle for their women , they emparkt themselues for slaughter ; the game , and surfet of the ROMANS ; little dreaming that they should become their owne showe . But ouermuch boldnesse is rarely any other then the common for-runner of a downefall . ARIOVISTVS , Generall of the GERMAN league , against IVLIVS CAESAR , had the same kinde of theater , and spectators , and because it was also with the like ill successe , the BOADICIANS lackt not the poore comfort of hauing an example , and parallel ; themselues not the first , nor the onely vnluckie that were . Obstinacie on both sides fixed with trabal nailes of necessitie ; the BRITANNS to maintaine what they had begunne ; the ROMANS to maister their perill , or to die . No possibilitie to hang the quarell euen vpon the weighing beame of iustice and peace . BOADICIA therefore was not more wanting to her peoples encouragements , then to their disposure for fight . Yet , by some words in the CORNELIAN Annals , it may well be gathered , ( notwithstanding all her great care and paines in placing them ) order was not kept so precisely , as their dangerous estate required : for as well the cauallarie , as the foote , vaunted themselues euery-where in the face of the enemy , flaunting , and brauing about in heaps , and troupes . BOADICIA her selfe deepely tainted with that selfe-flattering pestilence : for from thence it was shee told her armie ; the Romans would neuer stand the ecchoing showtes of so many scores of thousands , or the bare rustle of their armes , much lesse endure their shocke , and stroakes : thereupon also she boasted the defeat of PETILIVS CEREALIS , as a patterne of their warlike workman-ship , and the earnest of their lasting good fortune ; gloriously affirming ; feare did so benumbe their enemies , that they of them who were absent , coopt themselues vp within camps , and sconces , not daring once to peere out ( a thing not vntrue with PAENIVS POSTHVMVS ) and that these very men , whom they had at last with so much trouble and trauaile found out and ouertaken , did not meditate fight , but flight , and how to runne safest away . Euident in her opinion , by the sheltring themselues within those straights ; the lodgings and denns of the timerous ; not fore-casting , that it might in them be nothing else but a point of warre-craft , to nourish foulest ouerweenings by the greatest show of feare . Her person , conspicuitie , and postures in speaking , added greatly to the life of her words . For riding about from one embattelld nation to another , she turnd her selfe on all sides in her open chariot , roially appointed ; presenting her fortunes , and the fortunes of her princely children , who sat with her in sight there , as the most liuely meanes for stirring vp extreamest indignation , and reuenge . Malignant humors thus being throughly stirred , and the clowds of defiance impatiently striuing to emptie themselues in a tempest of blowes , BOADICIA at an instant strucke of all the locks of restraint on her side , by giuing the word , and without God to friend , permits her cause to brute triall .

§. XXXI . The battle , ouerthrow , and death of Boadicia .

IMmediately hereupon , the BRITANNS raise vniuersall showts , and cryes , to affright the ROMANS , and vainely chaunted out aloud their warlike odes , or ditties ; which deuised by their Bards , or by each of themselues as his boystrous wit would serue him , were filled with glorious braues , and irefull threats . At the same time also they aduance their battalia's , and continuing their songs , and clamours , make the wide plaines tremble with the stresse , and strength of a generall violent motion ; men , horses , chariots , and all sorts of armes & weapons stirring at once , render the noise as of a rough and angrie sea . A stately LACEDEMONIAN march towards the onset ( as SYLBVRGIVS translates the place in DIO ) & not an headlong furious ; onely somewhat full , and round at the instant it selfe of charging . The first assault therefore was with shrill sounds , and voices ; quickly to be dampt , and alaid with the groanes and shrikes of the dying . On the contrary , SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS , perceiuing his people fiery prompt , hoysed vp aloft at a spears end the publicke signe of battle , which was commonly the Generals purple fur-coat , in the nature of a bloudie banner . And first of all , the ROMAN legionaries , ( throughly taught to contemne lowd clamours , as a terrible toy ) kept close together within the narrow out-let of their ground , aswell to encrease their enemies presumption , as to preuent oppression and circumuention . But when the BRITANNS had deliuered their rouing shot , and were aduanced within the reach of mischiefe , the ROMANS ( till that instant husht , and silent , and obseruing faire regularitie ) all on a sodein ioyne together in a martiall showt at a signe , and most forceably flinging their heauy piles into the thicke of their comming enemies , they presently drew their swords , and clashing them hard vpon their shields , sally out at once with all the force they could , and dealt their stroakes and thrusts to great aduantage . The CORNELIAN Annals , where they speake of the fourteenth legion at this field , doe not meane by these words , velut cuneo erupit , any thing else but a close and ioynct squadron , not the forme of battle , called pointed , and which bursting forth with an vnexpected force , had the operation , not the figure of a wedge , or of a long three square , with an obtuse angle forward . All authoritie is against it . Nor onely in this place of the best authors is the Latin word cuneus interpreted , and vnderstood so ; for TITVS LIVIVS himselfe doth Latin the M●●●●●ONIAN Phalaux by the same . At the same time they encountred euery where all ouer . Out flew the auxiliaries ( among whom , according to CAMDEN , bands of LONDONERS were ) and with no lesse brauerie of courage , and with as great violence as the legionaries , charged their cruell aduersaries home ; the archers vndertook the chariotéers , & their cauallarie attacked the other . The bloudie confusion of this tumult is well set forth by DIO and XIPHILINE : The violent giuing in of the ROMANS vpon the BOADICIANS at their sodein rushing forth , did easily rowt , and disorder their rancks , though their files could not choose but be very deepe in regard of their necessitie to contract their length for fighting narrow , which made their vast multitudes rather mischieuous to themselues , and combersome , then vsefull . A maine reason of BOADICIA'S ouerthrow . For the weight and worke of the day was brought hereby to rest but vpon a few ; and the ROMANS , ( in regard of their discipline , skill , and experience ) had extreamely the oddes while they only dealt vpon the euen . Nor had she patience to watch them , nor art to draw them out of their fortifide ground . Venerable Moderâtion , thy coolings how necessary for the ouer-boylings of prosperitie ! That defect a common cause of greater fiercenesse then good fortune . And in the case of my dearest countrey , during this whole warre , there was nothing from first to last so vnfortunately absent . The victory of the ROMANS ( as much as out of TACITVS may be gathered ) seemes to haue begunne at the cornets of horse , who with their armed staues , or lances , charged in flanck , and front , and euery where as their enemies came to hand , or were strongest . The fight neuerthelesse continued hot , and doubtfull till the euening , nor was the face therof simple or vniforme , but diuers . The light-armed of the one side , lay fiercely at the light-armed of the other ; the well-armed oppose their likes ; horse encounter horse ; the Roman archers let flye at the chariots of the Britanns ; they againe driue headlong vpon the Romans , and tumble them ouer . But for want of armour , wherewith to mock the shot , they are enforced with the storms of Roman arrowes to fall off againe . The foot trampled vnder-foot by the horse ; and the horse beaten back by the foot . Many close together make vp with a ioynct force against the waggons of warr ; they on the other side beare many downe before them , and compell others to flye . Here the Archers aduauncing ouer-forwardly , beyond the protection of their cauallarie , are glad to saue themselues by flat running away : there , other keep aloofe for feare of the peircing arrowes . These things while they were not acted in one place onely , but in three at once ( according to the triple distinction of the Roman host in DIO ) the conflict was long maintained on both parts with equall boldnesse , and brauerie . This is the table of the battle , or maine meddlie betweene the BRITANNS and the ROMANS , as it stands drawn with immortall words among the Greekes ; which singularly helpe to open the most weighty chronicle of TACITVS ; where the acts of this great and bloudy businesse are all of them trussed vp together in a lesser roome , then the short contents of a chapter . Briefs in heroicall arguments , as they are the iniurious eclipse of mightie actions , so in all other kindes of learning where they are insisted vpon by truants as principall , they proue to be the very bane it selfe of wits , and studies : On the contrary , whatsoeuer in narrations is for the size thereof aboue the iust length , doth iustly heare tedious ; and whatsoeuer for the nature of it is petie and poore , and beneath the maiestie of storie , is worthely base and odious . In this famous conflict ( where the naturall libertie of BRITAIN , and the title of the empire lay at stake ) the ROMANS , by dashing in with the whole breadth of their battalia so violently as they did vpon the enemies , though they draue innumerable of them downe to the earth , tare their rancks in pieces , and strucke those other with amazement , and dismay , whom their weapons could not reach , yet they plunged themselues so farre off withall from their ground , or stand of aduantage , into the depths of the surmounting multitudes , as they were after a sort enclosed , and compelled to fight all . In the end notwithstanding ( though so late first , that it was at least vpon the setting of the Sunne ) the ROMANS were euery where , throughout the field , victorious , while the barbarous sinnes of the BRITANNS , committed in the time of their prosperitie , fought not lesse against the guiltie then the armed foe . There is no regard , nor heed to be taken in this place what our domesticke poets faine , in fauour of Queene BOADICIA and her side ; as if they were ouercome by the treason of some BRITANN Captaines who reuolted to PAVLLINVS ; or the like goodly , or honourable excusals . For they haue no warrantie in vnexceptionable moniments . But after the BRITANNS , in the head of their battle , beganne to shrincke , and turne , that alone was a blow to all behinde , who being many scores of thousands , remained vntoucht , during the fight , because they could neuer come vp to handie-stroakes , for want of roome , in the narrowings of the field . So they who first did fall to running away , were among their owne fellowes as vnresistable as enemies , while they fearefully sought to open passages for their owne escape , bringing a strong necessitie for all to disband , and scatter , and wholly to relye on flight for present safetie . The Ladie Generall , constrained to obey the authoritie of her disaster , got free out , and fled . But the ROMAN partie most bold in attempting , was also now most nimble in pursuit , making execution of the ouertaken flyers , and slaughter of the very labouring beasts , and cart-horse . Yea , such was their hatred , and heat of reuenge , that their swords made no difference betweene sex and sex , but slew euen the women , who were seated aloft vpon the waines , and carts , as vpon scaffolds , at the backe of their armie , to giue their applause . A most certaine signe of the wrath of God for the punishment of insolencie , and pride , that the councell which the BOADICIANS followed for a supposed triumph , was conuerted to the piteous encrease of their miserie . For the carriages thus planted and possessed , were like a wall against euasion . A vulgar writer , describing the effect of this obstacle , hath prettie smooth verses , wherein he saith ; that the women , who were mounted in that manner to behold who bare himselfe stoutly , and to controll the coward ; did now call in vaine vpon their sonnes and husbands to turne the head , for they themselues , together with their sonnes and husbands were mercilesly slaine . This , and the dead bodies of cattle , did mightily augment the heapes of carcases . They who got past the doleful barricado of the carrs , were furiously followed into the wood ( which by DIO'S description grew beyond ) and in no small number perished . Here it is apparent , that the place of the field was betwixt two woods , according to my assertion else-where ; the one at the backe of PAVLLINVS , the other behinde the BRITANNS carriages . Vnlesse perhaps some would rather haue it vnderstood , that the BRITANNS , thus put to the sword among the trees , were of those who had runne vp in the rage of charge past the ROMAN squadrons , within their strengths , and so were followed through . Many notwithstanding were saued aliue after there was a glut of bloud , and victorie assured . Multitudes also escaped away , either by their speed , their earlie running , or by the benefit of night . These did prepare to re-enforce their troups , and to put for another day . A lamentable fell of men ; almost fourescore thousand cut downe into their graues with the sharpe-edged axe of warre . There are some ( saith TACITVS ) who haue deliuered it for truth ( and they were but some ) that of the Romans there died not full out foure hundred , and , ( as once before hath beene occasionally mentioned ) not many more then such a number hurt . For which cause this victorie was markt vp among the famous ones of old , and most worthily might bee so ; for , besides the glory of the day , it brought backe BRITAIN to CAESAR , and fixed it to endure for sundry ages after . They who auoided the violence of this misfortune , while they were in preparation for a new triall , lost their souereigne ladie and mistresse , BOADICIA . Our ENGLISH poets present her , killing her selfe ; one of them by falling on her lance , as the most gallant forme in his conceit , another without naming the way , but all with admiration , as of one of the most noble Shee-worthies of the world . TACITVS saith she finished her life by poyson , and DIO and XIPHILINE , by sicknesse ; which admit a reconciliation ; she dying by a sicknesse of poyson . With her departing soule ( as if it had beene the soule of the opposition ) the flame of warre went out by degrees , and the BOADICIANS , as confessing themselues to be then quite vanquished , and neuer before , shifted each for himselfe and fled . Her death was vehemently lamented of her suruiuing friends , who honoured her funerall with stately rites , and buried her remaines ambitiously braue .

§. XXXII . Of the place of Boadicia's buriall .

THis most great , and noble ladie ( the stay and last anchor of her partie ) thus deceasing , the fortune of the miserable princesses , her daughters , lyes vtterly vnknowne . That they also ended their liues , together with their hopes , about the same time , remaines therefore probable , because there is not the least inckling left in the world , what afterwards became of them . Concerning the place of her enterrment , it will easily bee collected out of the premisses , vnto what opinion my coniectures doe incline . For without auerring any thing precisely , no other toombe seemes to mee so likely to be hers , as the admirable moniment of the stones vpon SALISBVRIE plaine . The dumbnesse of it ( vnlesse the letters bee worne quite away ) speakes ; that it was not any worke of the ROMANS . For they were wont to make stones vocall by inscriptions . The common opinion , touching that trophea , or whatsoeuer else it may be called , would haue it belieued , that their structure was contriued in memorie of the BRITAIN Lords , perfidiously murthered by the SAXONS here , vpon an interuiew . Of that hainous assassinate , NENNIVS hath a touch , but assignes not the place . GEFFREY Arthur , or Monmouth , is the man , who fetcheth these marueilous stones ( reported by him to be medicinall ) from out of IRELAND , for the pupose of a memoriall , by MERLINS counsell , and force of armes . That STONAGE was a worke of the BRITANNS , the rudenesse it selfe perswades . And if that plate of mixt metall ( mentioned by CAMDEN ) which found about fourescore yeares since neare to that moniment , and inscribed with such characters as were not legible to the learned of that time , did appertaine to STONE-HENGE , or ( as it is more commonly named ) STONAGE , then may it easily be credited to haue beene some old BRITISH inscription , dedicated to the immortall fame of some or other great Worthie , nor of any rather then in my conceit of the most mightie BVNDVCA . To strengthen which diuination , the cleare testimonie of DIO , that the BRITANNS enterred her pompously , or with much magnificence , cannot be better verified then by assigning these orderly irregular , and formlesse vniforme heapes of massiue marble , to her euerlasting remembrance . The name of the dance of gyants , by which it is styled in MONMOVTH , hath nothing allusiue , no not so much as to the tale he tels vs . CAMDEN himselfe doth bewray , that his iudgement was vnsatisfied touching the reason of that moniments erection , notwithstanding all he could finde . The storie of BVNDVCA ( then which neither our owne noble countrey , nor the whole globe of earth hath a rarer ) was so little vnderstood of MONMOVTH , as it doth not appeare at all , that euer the bare sound thereof arriued within his hearing . But had the pretious volumns of the CORNELIAN Annals , and DIO CASSIVS , and IOHN XIPHILINE , ( where her heroicke deedes are vpon record to all posterities ) been within the spheare of his studies , not AVRELIVS AMBROSIVS , nor those foure hundred and threescore noblemen of BRITAIN , murthered in VORTIGERS reigne , should perhaps haue carried away with him the fame of this materiall wonder , but her magnanimous selfe . Higher then to her no bookes doe reach , with any probabilitie of a person more capable of such a testimonie then she , and the profound obliuion which couers the author , and the first intention of rearing them , where now they still defie the weather , doth strongly fortifie my suspition , that the stones were consecrated to the glory of BVNDVCA , and of her captaines slaine in her quarell , so long time since as NERO CAESARS dayes , much aboue fifteene hundred yeares . And surely such a calme , and patience of state , followed vnder PETRONIVS TVRPILIANVS , who the next yeare after was sent to take charge of the ROMAN armie in BRITAIN , as successor of SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS , that might well permit such an office to the BRITANNS in her honour , or if those would not , yet other ensuing seasons might ; her name for euer glorious among them . The ruins of that old fortresse which suruiuing not farre from Stonage , are thought by some , whomsoeuer , to haue beene a ROMAN worke , afford no cypher for spelling out the founders of this stonie marueil . To grant , that it might be a common monument of the murthered lords , and that AVRELIVS AMBROSIVS , or AMBROSIVS AVRELIANVS , the almost onely BRITANN Prince ( saith venerable BEDE ) of ROMAN race then left aliue , and other BRITISH kings doe slumber there in their ashes , till the resurrection-day , is no hindrance why it might not at first haue beene erected in honour of that most heroicall championesse of BRITAIN , BOADICIA ; since DIO and XIPHILINE affirme , they funerally enterred her with much magnificence . The bones of men digged vp at times neere this place vnder little banckes , conuince it to haue beene sepulchral ; but armours of a large and antique fashion , vpon which the spade , or pickaxe are sometimes said to hit , doe cleare the owners from hauing beene in the number of those BRITANNS , whom pagan HENGIST wickedly slew : for they came not armed , but weaponlesse . They are not the friends of honour , who carrie not a reuerence to the memorials of the noble dead ; or contemne antiquities , the rewards , and records of vertue . My iealousie touching the cause of STONAGE , concludes not others freedome to censure what they please .

§. XXXIII . A recapitulation of the premisses touching the affaires of Britain hitherto .

BEfore IVLIVS CAESAR the ROMANS knew vs not , and he came twice ouer hither in armes , with vnlike successes ; made MANDVBRATIVS king of the TRINOBANTS , or of LONDON-land , as his father was ; but left not a ROMAN behinde . AVGVSTVS remained exorable to the peace of BRITAIN . TIBERIVS was no way troublesome . CALIGVLA would haue beene . CLAVDIVS made it his chiefe businesse , arriued , conquered part , and planted ROMANS , and ciuilitie . NERO CAESAR hazarded all for want of iustice . The BRITANNS generally discontented , and BVNDVCA ( the dowager Queene of king PRASVTAGVS ) shamefully wronged , she becomes their captaine , and wrought many wonders , while SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS , ( CAESARS lieuetenant ) was busie to winne the ile of MONA for the vses of the ROMAN Empire . Downe went the ROMANS , at CAMALODVNVM ; downe went CAMALODVNVM it selfe ; downe went the infanterie of the legion which PETILIVS CEREALIS led vp against her ; and SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS was himselfe so terrified after his returne from MONA , that he left LONDON to the spoile , which she sackt , and fired , and tooke VERVLAMIVM ; destroying in these three places vpon the poinct of fourescore thousand , with a most firme resolution to leaue nothing ROMAN in BRITAIN , that ( according to her words in DIO , to her armie ) the example might with the terrour of it , secure succession . And while as yet the tide of her gallantrie was vp , shee pursued SVETONIVS himselfe , as the capitall obiect of her quarel , vpon whom the defense of the ROMAN cause relyed here . But the wanton , and bloudie abuse of her fortune , pluckt infelicitie vpon her ; for while in confidence of a continuall happinesse , by reason of her excessiue numbers , shee was ouer-forward to fight , shee encountred him in a set battle ( vpon tearmes of great disaduantage , in regard of the place ) was discomfited , fled and died . BRITAIN hereupon ( like a recouered sicke bodie relapsing ) came backe to former sufferings , and to worser farre , till NERO ( therein pittyfull ) remoued SVETONIVS , whose implacabilitie ( in regard he tooke it as his iniurie , that the rebellion hapned during his lieuetenancie in BRITAIN ) endangered the prouince to a new insurrection : as it was suggested by his enemies at court . With the death and buriall of BOADICIA , DIO CASSIVS concludes , and seals vp the warlike troubles , and all other the businesses of our BRITAIN , vnder NERO ; and so doe also I. There cannot be a fitter stop , nor a fuller . For the hither parts of our iland were neuer afterwards able to come into the like hope of freeing themselues ( if meerely to change lords be to be free ) because their sinewes , by so dreadfull a defeat , were vtterly dissolued . A most weightie poinct , which XIPHILINE out of DIO truely notes . My recapitulation of premisses ( to which seruice this chapter is singled forth ) hath together both example and authoritie in LVCIVS FLORVS , and manifold vses in it selfe ; because it is equally good for remembrance , and manuduction , and those volatil spirits who couet all in a word , need looke no further then so . Neuerthelesse , the true children of historicall knowledge , who enioy the blisse of studious leisure , they certainly , by comparing the riches of narrations , deliuered in a iust length , with the beggerie of abridgements , will clearely behold the notable oddes betweene the one and the other . For the spoile , and losse of things left out , or nakedly told , can be no way counteruaild with the carcases , and stubbs of facts preserued standing in narratorie moniments . Lastly , though now and then , and throughout this whole historicall webbe of NERO , there are sundrie doctrines , iudgements , and other lights sparingly wouen-in of set purpose , which some would shoulder out into marginall spaces , or blanckes at the end ; yet this is the way of that excellent maister , and patterne of Historians , POLIBIVS , who speakes interposiuely , and in his owne person often . A skill , or cunning , in the noble craft of writing , which most effectually conueighs the profit of directions with the delight of narrations into the sober reader ; and the better withall prouides for the lasting of what is good .

§. XXXIIII . Free thoughts and notes vpon the whole matter of BOADICIA'S action , by way of publick counsell .

SVch was the issue and euent of that great euill which the deepe contempt of NERO primarely caused , as hath already beene fully described . A lesson for soueraigne princes ; by iustice , and other the vertues of that super excellent function , to sustaine themselues from sodein slidings beneath their proper values . On the other side ( to take the whole matter into consideration ) without measuring BOADICIA'S enterprize by finall successe ( for that were not to measure , but to depraue the same ) it may worthily appeare , that feminine impotencie of minde was chiefe therein , from the beginning to the ending . For , transported with the desires of reuenge , and soueraigntie , shee neuer indifferently weighed the qualitie , and power of the empire , against which shee vndertooke . A grand , and ruinous errour . The ROMANS at this time , had the lordship of the world by the speciall purpose , and prouision of God . For ( as the noble , and eloquent king , AGRIPPA , speakes in IOSEPHVS ) it had otherwise beene impossible . The speciall deuotion of their monarkes most remarkeable . AVGVSTVS CAESAR so religiously reuerent towards that deitie , which was adored in the temple of HIERVSALEM , that he commanded the first fruits should be sent from all the parts of his dominions , where the IEWES abode . Nay more ; hee founded in that place it selfe , for a daily sacrifice in fire , the perpetuall constant allowance of a bull , and two lambs , honouring their synagogues , as the schooles of iustice and temperance . Aske admired PHILO an account for what is written here . The same pious institution was not onely continued by his dowager , the empresse LIVIA , but by her sonne , TIBERIVS , and euen in NERO'S dayes . For the reiection of that customarie holocaust , by the seditious of HIERVSALEM , was among the causes of the warre which ruin'd it . So the ROMAN empire did after a sort hold of true God in chiefe , by a kinde of speciall rent seruice , and acknowledgement : and as al honour , glory , and power doe properly belong to our Lord , IESVS CHRIST , so euen TIBERIVS CAESAR ( vnder whom it pleased him to suffer ) was most forward for his adoration ( apparent in TERTVLLIAN ) that nothing ( hauing the name of God ) might among the ROMANS remaine neglected , for feare to endanger their empire , by offending any power diuine . But no man , sound in his braine , will exact such a transcendent consideration at BOADICIA'S hands . Things subiect to sense shall trye her . The state of the empire , as it was in NERO'S time , king AGRIPPA hath described , in that rarest oration of his , which for the naturall piety , wisedome , and weightie worth therof , deserues to be written in a table of gold , or rather in the hearts of all men , who would not forget their reason , while they pretend for libertie . Nineteene legions , and aboue foure and twentie cohorts , besides the guards of the prince , and the standing watch of ROME , ( both which together contained about fifteene thousand , ) and besides all other forces in ITALIE it selfe , and at sea , are particularly there found bestowed in the prouinces . These , with their ordinarie aids , did not amount to so few as two hundred thousand in continuall pay and readinesse . Of which number eight legions full , and their auxiliaries lay neare at hand vpon the RHENE . Of these , certainely , BOADICIA was bound to take knowledge , before shee ranne such an hazard of her selfe , and countrey . And if her knowledge might excusablie haue bounded it selfe within the walls of BRITANN ( as king AGRIPPA termes our Ocean ) yet the experience of former times would haue informed her enough , concerning the ROMANS . But euen that knowledge was manifestly corrupted in her , when in her first oration to her armie , she doth not obscurely vaunt , that the valour of her ancestors had made our seas terrible to IVLIVS CAESAR , and CALIGVLA , and yet CLAVDIVS , in her owne fresh remembrance , had passed them in person , and preuailed . But the carriage of some of the ROMANS could not bee endured : and it is most honest , iust , and noble to dye for common good . Therefore MARCVS CICERO ( of all the gowned ROMANS one of the best patriots that euer ROME Ethnick could boast ) oraculously pronounced , that no worthie man did euer foregoe his freedome , but together with his life . For what other thing is life it selfe , but a most fettred condition of humane being , and after a manner void of vse , or motion , when it onely hangs vpon a tyrants will ? In such a case , the choise of dying free vpon defense , is sweeter then to remaine in life a slaue . Hence came her armes , and hopes : which propounded to themselues the making of such an example , as should for euer secure the iland from inuasion , and encourage the rest of the world to follow . Most loftie propositions , and which failing , it must needes be neuerthelesse confest that she went vpon highest darings . On the other side , no action can euer attaine true renowne , whereunto reason is forein . For nothing is so peculiar to barbarousnesse as to be ouer-indulgent to passions . And to bee so deceiued with the name , or sound of freedome , ( the ordinarie miserie of the common sort ) as but meerely to proue instrumentall to particular ends , or reuenges , and not to obtaine reliefe , is fit for none of the wise . Then , then should the IEWES haue concurred with one consent to defend their liberties by manhood , when POMPEI first assailed them . So disputes king AGRIPPA . The BRITANNS in like sort should haue done their vtmost to keepe off the ROMANS , and to empeach their setlings . For , vntill then , that was iust resistance , which seemed afterwards plaine rebellion . The same noble prince ( a creature , I confesse , and client of the CAESARS ) could finde no hope of remedy for his wronged countreymen by the sword , no nor by complaining of their oppressour while hee was among them with power . His counsell therefore was , to expect his remoue vpon course , and then to accuse him . The admission , and administration of which most sound aduise would haue preserued their citie and temple entire , whereas the refusall ( a manifest operation of the curse of God vpon them for the death of his onely sonne , our Sauiour ) destroid them both . BOADICIA had no course so secure as that , if either she her selfe meant to suruiue , or would not cast her countrey into an absolute captiuitie , while she went about to ease it of a partiall . For , with two or three hundred thousand bodies of men , and they of them who were armed , and trained , being neither for discipline , art , or weapons , comparable to the victorious ROMANS , to defie , and assaile the whole empire , was a plaine effect of a womanish furie . AEGYPT alone , hauing at once within it vnder NERO , seauen millions of people ( easily knowne by their poll-money ) besides the inhabitants of the goodly citie of ALEXANDRIA ( which gathered tenne miles in compasse ) was neuetthelesse yoaked downe with onely two ROMAN legions . Yea , the three hundred and fifteene seuerall nations of GALLS ( next neighbours to our iland ) vnder this very emperour were all kept in obedience , with poore twelue hundred soldiers ; being almost fewer men , then they themselues had cities . Therefore it was not a work of number , for BOADICIA to deliuer the BRITANNS , from NERO , that she might subdue them to her selfe ( for that was the end ) but of vertue , skill and felicitie . Her stout stomacke disdained , or despaired to seeke redresse ; which if SVETONIVS PAVLLINVS would not haue afforded , his next successors might . To conclude : had that ladie extended her wrath to none but to the nocent , and rested then vpon her guard , till NERO ( who manifestly fauoured the quiet of BRITAIN ) had beene aduertised of the causes of her armes , that very middle course it selfe ( though middle courses are euermore misliked by the violent ) was not without hope , nor reason . For when the FRISIANS in GERMANIE ranne to their swords , for resisting the rapines , and cruelties of OLENNIVS ( such another wretch among them , as CATVS DECIANVS was here ) without exceeding the right of a naturall defense , TIBERIVS CAESAR stirred not against them at all , but silently permitted them to enioy their owne satisfaction , as if in secret fauour of iustice , and as a sharpe lesson of modestie to others ; though TACITVS assignes another abstruser reason . NERO very likely to haue embraced such an example ; if but for his owne more leisure to sing and play . BOADICIA went vpon higher straines , resoluing either for death , or domination . The people in the meane time , doe howsoeuer euery-where smart for the follie of their princes , and their owne . Accordingly , they support her quarrell , without being first sure how themselues should afterwards stand better , when the ROMANS were off ; and it was most certaine , that vpon their miscarrying , they must all of them lye at the victors mercie , without so much as the right of an vnattainted subiect , the priuilege to complaine , whatsoeuer they suffer more extreame . The case of her ICENI worthily harder then ordinarie , because they had formerly taken armes against OSTORIVS SCAPVLA vnder CLAVDIVS , after that first they had voluntarily entred into the league , and amitie of the ROMANS . Let me speake out cleare , as by way of counsell for the best , and in a common cause . Without some very speciall feelings , or ends of their owne , few or none of the mightie lead onward to the remoue of an euill for common reliefe . Therefore , after BOADICIA was once enraged , other causes were diligently sought , to drawe and encrease a side , for enabling her particular reuenge : The names of libertie , and reformation are the vsuall maskes of faction ; and libertie it selfe , after a short while is rarely any-where lesse then vnder the new lords rule . Things , fit for all times , and nations to consider , lest too late they finde true ; The ▪ vniustest peace is to bee preferred before the iustest warr . BOADICIA notwithstanding liues a name of glory among the fewest , for the great nobilitie of her pretenses , and the most roial qualitie of her vndertakings , such as neuer any lady waged higher .

CHAP. XXVI . ONE OF THE PRETORS IN ROME GVILTY OF An Heynous Libell AGAINST NERO. FREE TOVCHES VPON THAT OCCASION , CONCERNING Libells , AND THEIR Authors .

OTher sicknesses of the time brought forth a case at ROME , the next yeare after the troubles in BRITAIN , which for that it hath most neare affinitie with the ranck , and odious licenciousnesse of some in our own age , deserues in a prime degree to be exemplified . ANTISTIVS SOSIANVS , who for his birth might haue had better manners , and for his place ought ( as being a magistrate of honour , and a senatour ) composed in his owne house a railing inuectiue against NERO , and divulged it in anothers . For at a famous supper with OSTORIVS SCAPVLA ( the generous sonne of that great OSTORIVS SCAPVLA , who died in BRITAIN ) the intemperate gallant , among his bits , and cups , did openly read the defamatorie verses . But the auditorie was not staunch enough : for the fame soaking through , arriued soone at CAESARS eares . The senate was hereupon acquainted with the man and matter , as the proper auengers of their princes iniurie . This ANTISTIVS ( take him as he was in himselfe ) had nothing of a discreet or honest man ; which fully qualified him for the writing of libels . It is worth the labour to scanne him all ouer . Hee was therefore in his first times , a factious friend of immodest , and idle quarrels ; euen so farre forth as to engage his magistracies power for their maintenance . For whereas VIBVLLIVS , a graue and honourable officer of state , in the second CONSVLS of NERO , by vertue of his pretorship , had cast certaine persons into prison , for seditious partakings about common players ( the matter oftentimes of much offence ) ANTISTIVS attempted to free them by authoritie of his countermand , as he was a tribune of the people of ROME . But VIBVLLIVS carried the cause , and the other the blame , by the voice of the Senate . Afterwards , when himselfe came to be a pretor , and encrease of dignitie should haue encreased his grauitie , he despising his proper happinesse , and station , and madlie supposing that neither any argument , time , nor person was exempted from the licence of his wit ( a phrensie of false glory ) vndid himselfe , and endangered others . A most headlong medler , apt for mischiefe , and of an iniurious spirit . For the Prince ( though being NERO'S selfe ) was neither at the worst , nor had in particular giuen him any cause of spleene : and CAESARS reformation could not any way belong to him , who was himselfe so farre out of all good order . They who are cleare ought to be spare in reprouals ; but the foule should euermore be silent . The sentence ( that I meane which was executed vpon him for this fact ) tooke his honour , estate , and liberty away . And of this milder doome , PAETVS THRASEA ( the wonder of his time for morall life ) was the leading author . For others would haue also had him put to death after the most smarting and ignominious manner . But whom prosperitie made vnreuerent to her blessings , aduersity perhaps recouered to soundnesse and himselfe . Nothing lesse . For in his banishment ( that was a branch of the censure ) hee bewrayed the truth of a libellours nature ; playing parts ( when hee thought they would serue his turne ) most abiect , false , and base . CORNELIVS TACITVS ( with a penne which prints deeper then the hottest fearing-yrons ) hath branded them in vpon him for euer : nor doth that pondrous author temper himselfe from calling him vile . Among two-footed beasts , it is hard to say , whither a delator , or a libellour be worst . And it is not an ordinarie infelicitie to bee in company where such mis-behauiours happen . OSTORIVS SCAPVLA therefore ( the maister of that vnluckie feast ) willing all hee could to preserue that sacred obliuion , vnder which faire conuersation locks vp table-talke , gaue in for euidence , that hee heard nothing . And most happie had it beene for that magnanimous , and valiant gentleman , if in the voider the memorie of those heinous lines had beene also corapped-vp . For the libellour should then haue afterwards mist the meanes to ruine him , and others ; by counterfeit friendship , trecherous interception of doubtfull secrets , mischieuous pilferie of papers , and their poisnous enforcements . Of all which as ANTISTIVS was most guiltie , so it did consummate his shame . For to the rest of his bad qualities it added the foulest , and the summe of all , that hee was ingratefull . Thus much for the person of ANTISTIVS , in whom wee vndoubtedly behold the image of his fellow-libellours , or priuie true speakers of scandalous things against maiestie , with treasonable ends ; and not in sorrow for the publicke , or as a friend of vertue . The office of a soueraigne is sacred , his person for his offices sake : and though his vices bee not more exempted from hatred then from view , yet euen the worst would haue them hidden . This accordingly was the endeuour and desire of NERO , who when he was afterwards most infamous , did hope notwithstanding , that what hee did shamefull in the night , the darkenesse of night , in fauour of the proper workes of it self , would fully couer . Therefore , when hee found by the codicils of PETRONIVS , that his lasciuious secrets , ( which hee till then did suppose lay hidden ) were detected ; SOSIA was banisht , as the pipe by which they were conveigh'd from CAESARS chamber thither . Nor could it but add to the crime of ANTISTIVS , that the seuere PAETVS THRASEA spake very much honour of NERO , before he deliuered his opinion in abatement of the libellours punishment , and stiled NERO a right worthy Prince ; for all this while was SENECA about him . It is good for the world , that there should be some sharpe declamers against vices in abstract , or in generall . The defamatorie noting of persons is not to bee permitted , but onely to the magistrate . Take mutuall reuerence away ; and you lift the world from off the hindges . And it was no new prouision which the emperours VALENTINIAN , and VALENS ordained , but the interpretation of an old , when they signified by their rescript , that not onely to compose , and divulge a defamatorie libell , against any honest subiect of the empire , but meerely to publish the contents , though they destroyd the originall , was by them declared felonie . And truely , if honour bee worthily more pretious then life ( the touch whereof , whether true , or false , is the common ground of bloudie duells ) can there any thing be thought more vniust , then that a scandalous tongue , or style , should passe with applause against whomsoeuer , not first condemned by law ? The same emperours notwithstanding made it free , by their explanation , for any one who did subscribe his name , and at the perill of his head ( for that was the penaltie ) stood to maintaine what his tongue and hand had publisht , should both bee secure , and receiue , with thancks , reward . If therefore the honour of subiects was so tender , what value can be assessed vpon that of soueraigne princes ? Yet the Christian moderation of the noble emperours , THEODOSIVS , ARCADIVS , and HONORIVS , is the example of our sacred SOVEREIGN , whose iudgements in their owne case was diuinely high . For thus they said in effect : That if any blasphemed them ( the Apostle vseth that word in matter of maiestie ) being led therevnto , either by leuity , or madnesse , and not of malice , it was their pleasures that such a delinquent should not suffer . Reseruing alwayes to themselues the iudgement of the spirit . ANTISTIVS , among all other his bad desarts , most iustly odious , for that by his vnseasonoble ouer-boylings against NERO , the pestiferous extensions of the law of maiestie ( so pernicious formerly to all affiance in conuersation , and so calamitous to the noble ) began vpon this occasion to bee raised out of the graue againe , to the bane of many worthy Peeres . An act of highest magnanimitie , for a Prince to sit far aboue all maledictions , vnmoued , and not vpon euery reuenge slightly to vncollar indignation . The fault notwithstanding is not the lesse for being left vnpunished ; and DAVID forgat not SEMEI . ANTISTIVS a miserable man during life : for as his wilde wit ouerthrew him , so his trecherie stood him in little sted . For hauing exceeded the limits of his banishment , and the SENATE misliking it , MVCIANVS ( in VESPASIANS dayes ) to appease their lordships , did shut him vp again within his ile ; their angry curse vpon him . Such was ANTISTIVS in his manners , and fortunes . His likes deserue to haue a NERO for their prince , and not a most milde king IAMES .

CHAP. XXVII . THE WORTHIE CARRIAGE OF DOMITIVS CORBVLO , AGAINST THE PARTHIANS .

THe generall body of the ROMAN power moued euerywhere substantially strong , not onely in the westerne world vnder SVETOFIVS PAVLLINVS , but in a leading eminencie vnder CORBVLO against the PARTHIANS , in the quarell of ARMENIA , the possession of which countrey was alike by both affected . NERO'S greatest courage was onely to thinke or talke of making a voiage in person to the CASPIAN passages ( a naturall gate in the crowne of mountaines which separate the PARTHIAN , and ARMENIAN territories ) but CORBVLO ( a seuere commander , and such as the worke needed ) redeemed the ROMAN name from dishonour , which SVETONIVS , the historian , reports to haue beene much greater then it was ; for hee absolutely saith , the legions escaped by forking . The PARTHIANS had not that aduantage , or vsed it not , for TACITVS affirmes it was onely a fame , and it was no more . THEODOSIVS ( out of the perished parts of DIO ) hath the particular , which though full enough of disparagement , did neuerthelesse not amount to such a CAVDIAN infamie . Thus it was . LVCIVS CAESENIVS PAETVS , straightned in RHANDAEA , sought conditions of peace for feare of VOLOGESVS ( the PARTHIAN king ) and accepted such as were agreed vpon , thereby to saue himselfe , and soldiers . The chiefe points in the composition were : that the ROMANS should quit ARMENIA , and NERO should crowne TERIDATES ( the brother of VOLOGESVS ) king thereof . For performance of which ( saith THEODOSIVS ) oath was giuen . But the valour , wisedome , and singular diligence of CORBVLO repairing all by due degrees , brought great VOLOGESVS himselfe to yeelding termes , and his brother TIRIDATES ( whom PLINIE notes for maistership in magicke ) to adore the ROMAN ensignes , and deposit his diadem .

CHAP. XXVIII . NERO'S FIRST COMMING VPON THE COMMON STAGE .

THese seruices of his Lieutenants generall abroad , and in parts so oppositely distant as east , and west , and in the vtmost bounds of the ROMAN empire , towards both those coasts of heauen , gaue NERO boldnesse to despise all reports of what hee did vile , or beneath the maiestie of CAESAR , among his owne at home . It was now the tenth yeare of his raigne when first hee came vpon the open stage , nor that at ROME first , but at NAPLES , meditating a new kinde of triumph , not ouer armed enemies , but ouer rimers , players , minstrels , and the like . As if , to accomplish the glorie of the ROMAN name , any thing was wanting which NERO could supplie . His ambition was so vehement , and strange in this kinde ( as for an honour which he in his ignorance held to be worthie of the lord of the world ) that his coigns represent him in the habit of a cytharist , or ( if our word reach the fulnesse of the sense ) an harper .

Till now , all his proofes , and essayes of himselfe were onely in his palaces , or gardens , but , after long practise , presuming he might worthily goe out maister , hee aspired to publicke auditories . These were stronger means to precipitate the People of ROME into old decrepit age , then all the cruelties , and rages of the former times , for they properly tended to effemination , or rather were effeminacies selfe . S. AVGVSTINE notes , that whosoeuer affects superioritie , and loues not glory , goes beyond beasts both in crueltie , and riot ; and hee brings for illustration the example of this NERO ; whose manners were so corrupt , that none ( saith that holy Father ) would euer surmize that any manly matter was to bee feared or expected at his hands , and yet his acts were so tyrannically sterne , that they who knew him not , would neuer beleeue there was any thing womanish in him . In this vnprincely ambition his fingers were not so moueable , and swift vpon the strings of the lyra , as the gripe of his depraued power was heauy vpon many , whose greater parts hee maliced . This , among his priuado's in court , was knowne to bee so certaine a way of doing mischiefe , that they shot therewith euen at SENECA himselfe when his partner in authoritie , AFRANIVS BVRRHVS , was now lately dead . For then they accused him in their secret whispers , that hee had a disloyall desire to excell in eloquence , and poesie ; and therefore more often addicted himselfe to the composure of verses , after once he found that CAESAR tooke delight in them , then at any time euer before . The vanitie , and weakenesse of all created power in court , not more apparent , then miserable ; when the foundations thereof are in any the least degree subiect to be sapt , and eaten through with so 〈…〉 feeble suggestions , where the prince hath neither forehead , heart , nor braine . NERO vnwillingly brookt any man , who might bee thought to stand in the same line of honour for those faculties , or did not adoringly admire his ; esteeming it as his most speciall glory , and felicitie , that some way or other hee could securely destroy emulators . His seale , where these imaginations are not obscurely profest , GVILLAVME du CHOVL ( counsellour of estate to some of the late French kings ) did finde in antient sculpture , and caused it to be cut and printed . GABRIEL SYMEONI also , an Italian author , formerly published the same . Out of whose extant worke it is deriued hither into mine . A strange inuention for an imperiall signet . And my memorie fails me , if it be not also in the printed collections of ROMAN seals , imitated out of sundry rings , as they were seuerally set with cornelians , aggats , onycles , and other the cheaper sort of pretious stones , engrauen for the vse of signature .

The argument of this cachet ( so the French call it ) is the famous fable of MARSYAS , who was flayed aliue , for presuming to challenge the harpe of APOLLO into a triall , against the musicke of his pipe . What NERO meant by assuming it , or in what cases hee was accustomed to seale therewith , is meerely matter of coniecture , not of certaintie . For whether it were to terrifie those who durst compare , or contend in skill with him ; or to iustifie his most high veneration of musicall agons , in regard they were the peculiar glory of so great a deitie as APOLLO , or whither it were that hee arrogantly vsurped a resemblance , or whatsoeuer my part is sufficiently discharged in hauing deliuered not what I may deuise , but what I finde true .

To please the meaner sort of people was the poore chiefe poinct of his policie . For in their affections he reposed his safetie , and in their applause his glory . Therefore , to entertaine all their senses with their proper delights , ( there being no other way so sure of winning them ) he layes hold of their eares with songs and tunes ; of their eyes , with publike games , and showes ; and finally of the residue of the fiue , with the most voluptuous , and impudent permissions of all sorts of gluttonous and venereous excesses in publicke . That banquet , or Bacchanal , which SOPHONIVS TIGELLINVS prouided in the poole of AGRIPPA , or ( as DIO hath the place ) in the amphitheater , where nothing was chaste , nothing frugall , nothing honest , hath the fame of the maddest and most wilde of all that euer were in his dayes . Lasciuious naked women , immeasurable cheare , wine , words , and nothing barrd , but abstinence or modestie , which though it was the cause why the meeting ended in quarels , blowes and bloud , yet this was freedome in their estimation , being indeed nothing else but an ouerflow of authorised corruptions and villanies . But some few dayes after the feast , there succeeded an act more prodigious ; the coupling of NERO to PYTHAGORAS Doryphorus , as an husband . CARDAN excuseth him vpon those flatterers , who while they did put him into a frolicke for the honour of the goddesse ISIS , perswaded a sacrilege in stead of a ceremonie , and so deceiued him . A fiction , and a toy , but not amisse for the scope of CARDANS writing , to vent a wittie wonder of his owne deuising , as if NERO were a Worthie . That most inherent fire of lust , which all religion , and all good lawes striue to quench in the hurtfull heats thereof , by making adulteries , rapes , and vnnaturall violations capitall , and other licentious intemperance shamefully criminall , NERO inflames and enrageth with example & leaue . The destroyer of health and happinesse , nor in any thing so mischieuous to manners as in this his most loathsome , soule , and monstrous practise .

CHAP. XXIX . THE BVRNING OF ROME BY NERO.

THe citie of ROME , filled , and polluted thus , with his incredible vices ; behold , as if to purge the same , it sodeinly conceiued fire , and vehemently prospered towards an vniuersall blaze . That NERO was the author of it seemes branded vpon him for a truth , though CORNELIVS TACITVS ( whose historicall iustice is admired ) reports it as a matter vncertaine , because his authors differ among themselues , some affirming , some denying it : and he himselfe doth elsewhere professe , to deliuer nothing for vndoubted veritie , without common concent of good bookes . A rule of narration much more tender , seuere , and scrupulous , then that often times of his censures . His inward iudgement notwithstanding doth not obscurely incline to the affirmation . I for my part will forbeare to deriue vp this most depraued affection of NERO so high , as to his first times ; though , among his publicke entertainements of the people , hee presented one of the gowned playes of AFRANIVS ( or such an one whose argument , and dramaticall persons were ROMANS ) entituled The fire , giuing leaue to the actors , when ( according to the plot ) the house of the stage was on a flame , to share the gorgeous furnitures among themselues as bootie . And howsoeuer perhaps hee did not as then reflect vpon the burning of ROME , yet might it afterwards very well seeme a presage thereof , or a modle . Enuie to mankinde , wantonnesse of will , and the absurd desire of glorie , his most inward incentiues to a fact so strange . He pronounced king PRIAMVS an happie man ( saith XIPHILINE ) because hee beheld the end of his kingdome and countrey together . And when in ordinarie discourse one chanced to vtter in his hearing , a tragicke Greeke verse , importing , when I am dead , let the fire take all , or , let the earth and fire be confounded together , hee presently replide , not when I am dead ( quoth he ) but while as yet I am aliue . Voices , hard to say , out of which of the hels inspired . And here , his desire of conuerting ROME into embers , doth first of all seeme to haue kindled . About which worke he neuerthelesse went not so closely , that his guiltinesse did not glimmer through . He abode within his birth-place , ANTIVM . From thence hee slily lets slip into diuerse parts of ROME , a few odde fellowes , counterfaiting druncken ( saith DIO ) and would doe some other mischiefe , who began the consuming euill . Yea some of NERO'S own chamber ( as it is in the CAESARS of credible SVETONIVS ) were seene to carrye course flaxe , or toa , and torches about , the meanes of fiery mischiefe , and yet most of those great , and consularie lords , into whose grounds they came , neuer laid hand vpon them . Hee wanted a citie on fire , ouer which to sing the burning of TROY . Thus hee had it . And there is abundantly enough , euen in the CORNELIAN Annals , to conuince NERO'S conscience of the deed , though their noble author ( pursuing his rule of vncertainty ) euen interprets those very reasons with a temper . Many threatned thicke at such as would haue quencht the flames ; others openly hurld firebrands , crying , they knew what they did , or , there was one who would beare them out . Besides , hee himselfe did not set forward from ANTIVM to ROME , till the fire had laid hold of that part of his house which ioignd the palace and the gardens of MAECENAS . Finally , no art , nor bountie of his , could induce the commons to belieue in NERO'S innocencie . For , doe what he could , the general perswasion went , that he commanded ROME to bee set on fire . These , and sundry other the like things the CORNELIAN Annals affirme . Alone sufficient to proue NERO the principall partie , though all other testimonies ( which neuerthelesse speake plainly , and come home to the question ) were euerlastingly silent .

§. I. Of the hugenesse , and goodlinesse of NERO'S Rome .

MArble ROME ( such as AVGVSTVS left it , and specially boasted of ) was comprehended within a wall of almost fourteene miles in circuit , enlarged afterwards to fiftie , vnder the Emperour AVRELIAN , when stone was reputed a part of the empires strength . But , that spatious bodie , and the suburban limbs thereof , might together rather seeme an whole countrey superedified , then onely a citie . For the buildings ran out aboue thirtie miles one way , and from the milliarie pillar , fixt in the crowne of the ROMAN forum , as a center of measure , a line of seauentie thousand pases would not draw the praetorian campe and the furthermost houses in . PLINIE therefore in his contemplations of the hugenesse of ROME , may worthily conclude ( as he doth ) that no citie vnder heauen could be compared thereunto , the height of the buildings considered with their multitude . ITALIE , ( saith the same PLINIE ) the foster-childe of all other countreyes , and the same their mother also , selected by powers diuine to make the heauens themselues shine brighter , to vnite dispersed common-wealths , to soften their manners , to draw the differing and harsh-sounding languages of so many nations , to a familiar conuersation by the interchange of speech , to bestow humanitie vpon human-kinde , and in a word , to make one common countrey for all the people of the world ; and soueraigne ROME , a face most faire , and worthie to be set on a necke so louely . Her encreases of habitations so manifold , that the seauen and thirty gates thereof could not let in more ; and ROME , for want of roome , did shut out additions in suburbs , which answered in quantie to so many seuerall cities . For to OSTIA ( the port of ROME , and mouth of TIBER ) the banckes were couered with buildings , twelue miles outright one way . And all but needfull , considering , that by the proportions of LIPSIVS , ROME harboured not fewer then foure or fiue millions of people . This moued one of the antient to write ( as MARLIANVS voucheth him ) that he supposed all ITALIE would in time bee builded ouer , and the bounds of the citie of ROME be the shores of the sea . But the wonder of the seat did not grow from the greatnesse onely , but from the innumerable ornaments of publicke , and priuate workes , erected for vse , delight , and glory , dispersed ouer all the fourteene wards , or regions thereof . Temples , Forums , Libraries , Therms , Aquaducts , Theaters , Amphitheaters , Circi , Porticus , Arches , Columns , Statuas , Palaces , and the rest , whose bare names scarce remaining , doe fill vp volumns with their inuentaries . Yet their young maister , NERO , thought not such a ROME , either good enough , or braue enough for his abode . For hee was manifestly displeased with the fashion of tenements , as not competently magnificent , nor lesse with the narrownesse and irregular angles of streets , and lanes , such as they rose at aduenture after the first burning of ROME by the GALLS . His owne imperiall court within the walls of ROME , the most goodly part of the whole , did likewise seeme too meane and narrow . No remedy therefore but all must downe ; which purpose of his , nor daring to professe , he meant to father it vpon the casualtie of fire , whereunto it was so often subiect , though nothing so mischieuously as now . For such a course was held , as if there should need no more burnings ; one burning to stand for all ; and ROME to be her owne no more .

§. II. The fire , and NERO'S triumph ouer it .

THat the fiering of the citie throughly was throughly studied , may in part appeare by the very place it selfe of the mischiefes originall ; which was thickest builded , and vpon the lowest ground . For in old times before , it had been so surrounded with the watrie excursions of TIBER , that it conuerted the soile into a rotten moore , good onely for sallowes , and canes to grow vpon : neither was there any ordinarie passage ouer it to mount AVENTINE , but by ferrie . This whole large bottome , or vallie , enclosing the PALATINE hill vpon two sides , towards the west , and south , and called the Velabrum , being wonne in time to be firme , was euerywhere now inhabited . Among all the magnificent workes which adorned it , the principall Circus , or Race-yard was one , being about halfe a mile in length , of an ouall forme , with rowes of seates one aboue the other , competently capable of all the people of ROME ( as IVVENAL ouer-reacheth in his Satyres ) but euen , as sober men write , of at least one hundred , and fiftie thousand spectators , without vnciuill shouldrings . Of this Circus the whole quarter where it stood was denominated , and in that corner thereof which abutted vpon the PALATINE , and CAELIAN hils , where the oile-men , and druggers dwelt , the first flames rose , which sailing with no slacke winde , fed vpon the buildings so fast , as if they had beene sensible of CAESARS allowance . The fiery streames breaking further forth in the aër , ranne speedily through the scaffolds , and timbers of that most goodly worke , full of the vnresistable furie which they found out among those fat and gummie trades . From this leuell or plaine , the combustion mounts with ease , and scales the hils . NERO'S owne house , called The transitorie , ( by reason of the passage ouer the vallie from mount to mount , through a gallerie raised betweene , vpon arches , and pillars ) was in the way of the fire ; which he willingly suffered to perish , that his losses being mixt with the common , the losses of priuate citizens might appeare the more tollerable , and his malice escape , the rather without marking . From those hils the flames strike downe againe , vpon the inferiour tops of houses , and rage without controll . For least common helpe should preuaile against any single inuasion , the burning blaze was kindled in sundry precincts , and streets at once , making the worke manifold . So while they laboured to quench and stop destruction in one place , new eruptions of fire and flame tooke them off from thence , and did euerywhere frustrate endeauors . Nor was there any surer signe that NERO was come from ANTIVM , then the open assistance giuen towards the consuming of ROME . Other effect his presence had not . Whereas gentle CLAVDIVS CAESAR ( when in his time a mightie fire threatned the citie ) issued out in person , brought forth his treasure , and both with voice and bountie encouraged all men to the extinction . AVLVS VITELLIVS , afterwards emperour , a capitall instrument of NERO'S in this burning : for his enemies before they murthered him , among all other whatsoeuer their reproaches and reuilings , added the title of incendiarie , which well became his interest in NERO'S fauour . But , ouer and aboue all vnderhand kindlers , and boutefeus , the night-watch of the citie , whose dutie most immediately it was , to haue subdued the calamitie by quenching , or pulling downe of houses , did openly cherish it . Nor they alone but the pretorian guards also . For I cannot conceiue how DIO should meane any other then the pretorian , where he speakes of other soldiers besides the night-watch . A certaine signe indeed that NERO was come . The citie seemed now ( saith XIPHILINE ) like a mightie winter-campe , when it is all-ouer full with fires , to warme the armie . But the descriptions which PINDARVS , & VERGIL make of AETNA , are in comparison but as of a great chimney on fire . For what was that one barren hill of SICILIA to the most wealthie seauen of ROME ? The fourteene wards or regions thereof , were not simplie as members of a diuision , but as if the same number of great cities had beene ioyned to constitute one : which while they are not all of them on fire at once , and yet all of them in open danger , the crackling fate of parts did represent to mens mindes the burning of the whole . One of the least mountaines was scarce fully couered with buildings by her founders at first , but the powerfull growth of aboue eight hundred yeares had not onely taken the other sixe hils in , and hidden them with edificatures , but the lowest parts had so ouertopt them also with magnificent spires , as they could not easily be distinguisht , till this fire deformed the imperiall face thereof , and office afterwards freed the lamentable prospect from rubbish . The winde sitting southerly , and southwesterly , conspired at this time with NERO , and conuerting temples , and tenements into the likenesse of glowing furnaces , carried the lowd flame ouer from the PALATINE hill to mount AESQVILINE . The fall of stones , timber , walls , roofes , and whole palaces , assailed and embraced with the fire , not able with their noise to burie the crye and shrickes of women and children . Nothing to bee seene but flashes bursting forth out of clowds of smoake , as it were out of ambuscado's . One and the same raging fire becomming funerall and finall to the liues , and fortunes of innumerable thousands . Stealth , force , and rapine the practise of the desperate NERONIANS . Which when it was generally perceiued , and that after many dayes , and nights opposition of the euil , the worke was growne too hot , and too great to bee maistered , few men remained any longer carefull for their particular estate in goods , but lamented the dolefull waste , and downefall of their common countrey . Onely NERO was not dismaid , nor troubled , but highly pleased For , delighted ( as hee said ) with the goodlinesse of the blaze , he insulted ouer the publicke woe . Attired therefore in his theatrall habit , with his harpe in his hand , hee ascends ( saith SVETONIVS ) to the top of MAECENAS Tower , vpon mount ESQVILINE , whose stately fabricke ( as HORACE describes it ) was a neare neighbour to the loftie clowds , or , to speake in the language of conuersation , ouerlookt the most part of ROME . BOISSARDVS writes ; that it is at this day called Fronton di Nerone , a goodly frontispice . There he feedes himselfe with the sight of infinite burnings , and sings to his harpe the destruction of TROY , or rather of ROME ( as it was plainely there to bee seene , saith DIO ) and not of TROY . Some thinke it was not any thing of HOMERS or VERGILS which he sung , but a poëm of his owne , because SERVIVS HONORATVS , and , before his time , IVNIVS IVVENALIS are witnesses , that NERO dealt in verse vpon that argument . For nothing vnder heauen could bee more agreeable to his disposition , then that he should not only set all ROME on fire , but euen the whole world it selfe , for giuing the life of expression to his conceits , if his power ouer the one had beene equally much as ouer the other . It is not one citie , but all mankinde which is in danger , when a NERO swayes . That humane nature ( howsoeuer corrupted , or depraued ) should possibly haue in it such a thing as hee , is fearefull to consider . Therefore it cannot be lesse then miserable , for any one to bee absolutely left to himselfe , but chiefly for young princes . In this example neuerthelesse , it doth comfortably well appear , what excellent seruice , religion , and all wise lawes performe to man , by whose restraincts the generation of humane monsters is hindred , or their malice qualified . The moral of the fable of ORPHEVS , and of his brute auditorie reacheth to that obseruation . Euery one hath a tyrant in himselfe : and in most people the vnreasonable part predominates . The contemplation of this fire hath endangered me to a flowd of discourse . CARDAN feebly defends the innocencie of NERO in this fact , by the huge charge he was at , in the renouation and repaire of buildings . The raging euill contained it selfe within the walls , which turned the cities seat out againe into fields , and countrey ; not so fresh as at the first . Her antient rudenesse much better then vastitie in cinders . ROME , the common home of mankinde ; the storehouse of conquests and spoiles ; the habitation of the gods of the world ; the confluent of arts and natures choise ; the supreame court where the pleas of all the earth were held without appeale ; the center of nations ; the head and heart of empire ; the seat of peace and warre ; the mother and type of all ciuill maiestie ; in her owne dwelling , and by her owne sonne , was frighted thus out of her sacred abode , and scorcht , and miserably maimd . The secret name of ROME , VALENTIA , to the custodie whereof , ( as it is in SOLINVS ) the silent goddesse , Angerona , was destinated , scarce needed euocation by enemies with spells , and charmes , as being almost readie to reueale it selfe in this agonie , and so to haue dissolued empire . Most remarkeable of all ; that this fire began vpon the same day , vpon which the GALLI SENONES , many ages before , had sackt , and fiered it . CORNELIVS TACITVS assignes the time to haue beene as vpon the nineteenth day of our Iulie , or the foureteenth Kalends of August , or so to say , September . A manifest errour in chronologie ( saith IOSEPH SCALIGER ) for it was the sixteenth of those Kalends , or the one and twentieth day of Iuly . Somewhat more for vs to admire , that there should be a concurrence of like infelicities vpon like daies . So FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS notes , that HIERVSALEM was taken by TITVS vpon the very selfe same day , in which antiently it was captiuated by the king of BABILON . The stop of this flaming desolation was procured after sixe dayes continuall waste , not by quenching , but by casting to the earth a great number of houses , ouer whose breach the flames could not stride to the abrupt . The place vpon which those demolisht buildings stood , was afterwards consecrated ; as the confessed meanes for preseruation of the residue . That most memorable inscription is partly aliue in LIPSIVS , and SCALIGER , and wholly in IANVS GRVTERVS , out of MAZOCHIVS . The same is now in ENGLISH also fully here .

THIS FLOORE , WHICH IS CLOSED WITHIN THIS BOVNDER OF LITTLE HILS , OBELISKES , AND THE ALTAR SOMEWHAT BENEATH , IS DEDICATED , IN ACCOMPLISHMENT OF A VOW , WHICH BEING VNDERTAKEN BY OCCASION OF FIRE , When the citie burnt for nine dayes in NERO'S times , WAS FOR ALONG WHILE NEGLECTED , AND NOT PERFORMED , AND IS DEDICATED VPON THIS PROVISO , THAT NO MAN PRESVME TO BVILD AN HOVSE WITHIN THESE LIMITS , OR REMAINES , BARGAINE , OR PLANT A TREE , OR SOW ANY THING , AND THAT THE Praetor , TO WHOSE LOT THE GOVERNEMENT OF THIS REGION SHALL HAPPEN , AND EVERY OTHER MAGISTRATE MAY KNOW , THEY ARE EVERY YERE TO SACRIFICE VPON THE FEAST OF Vulcan , BEING THE TENTH KALENDS OF SEPTEMBER , WITH A calfe , AND A tame boare .

This vndisputable euidence testifies vnto vs , that the fire lasted nine dayes ; and not onely sixe ( though onely sixe were enough to deuoure a mightie citie ) as CORNELIVS TACITVS reconciliably reckons . For a second fire , which seemes to haue held so long as to make the sixe dayes nine , immediately rose out of the Aemilian gardens , belonging to TIGELLINVS SOPHONIVS . Greatly to the encrease of NERO'S infamie . For this was hee , who , with the aduantage of his masters bad propensions , had preuailed in NERO , against all the honest infusions of SENECA , and had vtterly driuen out all his precepts . The corrupter , and deprauator now , and afterwards the betrayer , and abandoner of his Soueraigne . A crime , among some few other , most inexpiable .

§. III. The worke of the fire in spoile .

TAke now a proportion of the harm done here . Of all the fourteene wards or regions of ROME , onely foure remained entire , three burnt to ground , and the other seauen most fowly defaced , and halfe conuerted into embers and ashes . Mount PALATINE , one of the fourteene , and the plot it selfe where king ROMVLVS auspicated the empire of the world , was laid bare , and waste all ouer . If therefore any such fatall mysterie had couched vpon the place of omen , that the desolation thereof must haue wrought the dissolution of the fortune of ROME , ( as in the surreption of the Palladium of TROY ) the dissolution had vndoubtedly followed . For Roma Quadrata , and Sedes Imperij were in those very words religiously worshipt there , and the temple of Felicitie it selfe escaped not the infelicitie of burning . This region , notwithstanding it was the least of all sauing one , contained aboue two miles in compasse : which beeing but a third part of the consumings , and but a tenth of the deformations and marrings , what an image and face of destruction , and solitude must needes rise out of the whole together ? But that hurt could not be worth the doing for NERO , whereof there could either be a valuation , or an inuentarie . The particulars innumerable ; the damage inestimable . For giuing the ruine of structures in to the heape as a surplus ( because hee neuer meant they should stand ) and the vtter waste of riches in plate , coigne , vtensils , and other goods ( because they were both valuable and suppliable ) there perisht such other things which could neither be restored nor prized . TO CORNELIVS TACITVS , SVETONIVS , DIO , and the rest of the old ROMANS , the temples of their gods , excellent maister-pieces , and moniments of their triumphall Worthies , were of that kinde , but that which did not concerne ROME onely , nor those times alone , but all people , and ages , and which for euer perisht in this balefull fire , were antient and vncorrupted volumns stored vp in publicke , and priuate libraries . In those other things it was either profound antiquitie , or reputed sanctitie , which did set vpon them their highest or vtmost value , but in the abolition of the workes of wit , immortalitie it selfe did suffer , and seemes to haue turned mortall . This was indeede to destroy old ROME , and the empire also . For while those noble cabanets , and treasures of memorie remained , the ROMAN Worthies , and their actions would for euer haue beene aboue ground , and suruiued . The soule , the bodie , the fortunes , and all things of man , or belonging to him , haue seuerally their shares in such a priuation , as the bookes consumed did seuerally in their arguments concerne them . And albeit those innumerable thousands , whom either smoake did smother , the weight of ruins crusht , flames burnt to dust , villaines slew , or who desperately threw themselues into the fire , as if the end of all were come , ( which DIO testifies many did ) and voluntarily perished , were for the present more mist then whatsoeuer else , yet nothing concerned all men and times but those bookes alone . For which and other his famous deeds , the common iustice of the world hath crowned NERO with the proper reward of their merit . His name the euerlasting trampling-stocke , and hatred of mankinde . These things hapned , CAIVS LECANIVS , and MARCVS LICINIVS , Consuls , in the yere from ROME built eight hundred and seauenteene . Howbeit the mindes and tongues of the people ( as if the computation were falsified ) ranne wholly vpon a prophesie in SIBYLL , which threatned a generall perdition vpon the yeere nine hundred . Concerning which I haue long before said sufficiently in AGRIPPINAS murther .

§. IIII. NERO'S vse of the burnings , and destructions of old ROME .

IN fiering ROME he burnt in himselfe with a farre worse fire ; the absurd desire of a name . His madnesse greater to hope for glory by the doing , then his wickednesse was in the fact . He was therefore so impatiently desirous to see that new town , & palace , actually rise , according to that idaea of them which he had drawne to himselfe within his owne imagination , as he could not brooke the orderly taking downe of the old . The top of his ambition , to be thought worthie for such an instauration , to carrie the name . ROME no longer to bee called ROME , but NEROPOLIS , or NERO'S citie . And truely he did so much in that respect , by making faire wide streetes , and building in right lines , with galleries and tarrales before the houses , that SENECAS TIMAGINES , had he liued now , as vnder AVGVSTVS , would haue had iust cause of new enuie . For nothing vext him when ROME fell on fire ( as often times it did ) but that the decayes re-edified rose euer much more beauteous , and braue then before their burning . But so farre is HIEROME CARDAN from the right , in coigning to vs an opinion , by way of trifling , as if the money which defraid the charge of these magnificent reparations , had issued out of NERO'S cofers , that in SVETONIVS TRANQVILLVS the contrary is manifestly true . And PAVLVS ORESIVS testifies , that he taxed vpon the Senate a yearely paiment of ten millions of sestertium towards the expense . A summe , which , reduced to our account , is hardly comprehensible within numeration , when euery such million makes vp fiue and twentie millions of crowns English . But howsoeuer that was ; his gripes , and drawings for money were so strange , and vniuersall , as if he had set ROME on fire for a colour to gather the wealth of the world together , by publicke and priuate robberies . This notwithstanding ( as also some other base and horrible acts , which passe for NERO'S ) might properly belong to that trayterous caytiue , TIGELLINVS , who durst doe something in his maisters name , which his maister NERO neuer either authorised , or knew . The CORNELIAN histories auerre it clearely . O faîth , at al times needfull , and euer honourable , but in the neare seruants of soueraigne princes so absolutely requisite , that where it is wanting , they are not seruants but subuerters , & are accordingly to be left ouer to the hangmans mercy . NERO , for certaine , was so little an admirer of money , that he held there was no other vse thereof but profusion . TIGELLINVS and his complices , ought in my beliefe to vndergoe the infamie of these extortiue courses . This coigne of NERO'S , in the iudgement of that excellent and famous Spanish Praelate , ANTONIVS AVGVTSTINVS , concerns the house , or palace which NERO CAESAR raised vpon the ruins of his chiefe citie . Therefore he reades not MAC. for Macellum ( which doth not onely signifie a flesh-market , or butcherie , but a place where all sorts of food are sold , as PLVTARCH and others doe assure vs ) but MAG. for Magna , in allusion to this new palace . Howbeit , ( saued my reuerence to his learning ) DIO forceth mee to dissent , who in expresse words writes , that NERO reared a market-sted , and , for our surer satisfaction , giues vs in Greeke characters , the Latin name , and calls it 〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 . Besides that , the mansion which NERO erected , is no where signally called Magna , but Aurea , not the Great , but the Golden one . Sufficient to shew , this coigne was ordained by commandement of the Senate ( as the single capitals vpon it , S. and C. doe signifie ) to acknowledge him the author of such a munificence . The memoriall thereof belongs to the citie , not to CAESARS peculiar dwelling ; and the word meant by that literall note , is not Magna , but Macellum . But how much soeuer NERO added to the outward maiestie , and beautie of ROME , it was thought that in the heats it was farre lesse healthie then before ; because the Sunne had more power vpon it , by reason of the greater breadth and directnesse of the streets . Nor did he obtaine to haue ROME called NEROPOLIS as he is said to haue affected .

§. V. NERO'S new palace , or GOLDEN HOVSE .

HAuing thus destroid olde ROME by burning , he destroid it againe ( which you will wonder at ) by building . For making vse of the soile , vpon which so many magnificent and goodly fabrickes ( publickely consecrated either to religious rites , or to the eternall memorie of noble deedes ) where also so many thousands of iles , and other messuages lately stood ( the harbours of priuate citizens ) he constituted in the roomth of them all , one maine abode for himselfe . The extraordinarie compasse of this place met with such wits as answerably flew out of all compasse , the more fully to figure the same . That libell therefore in verse , which SVETONIVS hath registred in his common places of the CAESARS liues ( for so they rather are , then properly histories , whose method is naturall , and continuous , not broaken into dischronicall species ) tells vs ; all the citie of ROME was now become no more but one house onely . Yea PLINIE also is more pleased with daintie , and generall notions , then with the solemnitie and particular proprietie of historicall phrase , in describing this monster of a towne-seat . Therefore hee freshly playes the young man againe , and no way inferiour to that epigrammatist in excesse of speech , writes ; that all ROME was set within NERO'S house , and that all the lands of some of the old Roman Worthies were not so capacious , and large , as here the cellars onely . Formes of expression which become a poëm singularly well , or a flourishing orator . Theyr ouer common pursuit is in our owne times growne the errour , and vice of wits ; among whom nothing now hath taste , but ( as they are called ) fine conceipts : The bane of all solid elequence , and more of solid studies . NERO loathed his former palace . The transitorie , as too small and meane , and therefore founded this other , which comprehended that as a parcell , naming it , altogether , The golden house . The hugenesse better to be conceiued by the rule of proportion in the art of building ( as the stature of HERCVLES was found by the measure of his foot ) then by imaginatiue hyperboles , which leaue no certainty , nor draw any lines of truth within the vnderstanding . Euery iust part discouers the iust totall . This court imperiall therefore , had a porch , or entrance , so exceedingly wide , and receiptfull , that the more then gyantlike image of NERO , one hundred and twentie foot high , was eleuated within it . And SVETONIVS further specifies vnto vs , for the clearer declaration of the spaciousnesse , that it had porticus triplices milliarias . By which words , though no man ( whom I can finde ) doth directly know what is meant , yet they represent to the minde a wonderfull argenes . I could suppose their sense to be , that three parts or sides of a square , from the porch to the first front , or from the house backeward , were deckt with walkes or galleries , hauing in all a thousand pillars . These , together with their equall distances , which could not bee lesse in art then the length of their owne shafts , must needes take vp a mighty compasse . This image of NERO , made by ZENODORVS , in emulation of the Colossus of the Sunne , at RHODES , betweene whose ouerstriding legges ships entred the port , seemes also to haue admitted vnder it all sorts of things and people here . A particular storie belongs to this wonder of statuarie worke . For afterwards when NERO'S vile deedes were publickely damned , the head was remoued , and in place thereof ( saith PVBLIVS VICTOR ) the head of the Sunne , with a glorie of seauen golden beames about it , euery beame seauen foot and an halfe in length , some say aboue twentie foot ( which is more probable , because more proportionable ) was fixt and dedicated . The like COLOSSVS painted vpon linnen cloth ( an inuention till then vnknowne ) resembling NERO at the proportion of one hundred and twentie foot long , when it was now finished in the LAMIAN gardens , both the monstrous picture , & the gardens themselues were consumed ( saith PLINIE ) with lightning But the maruel of NERO'S house consisted not in the magnitude only , but in the materials , appurtenances , & workemanship . Nor principally in them . For iuorie , pearle & gold , were grown stale , because they were common ornaments . But the chiefe wonder of the inuention sprung meerely from desolation . For he laid rogether great depopulated places ; turning them into woods , gardens , wildernesses , lakes , fields , and vineyards , most curiously adorned with architecture . Things of much more need , and value there then metall and gemmes . No man therfore ought extreamely to admire , that the epigram in SVETONIVS cryes out , that CAESAR did thrust so much of ROME forth of the natiue seat thereof , as if the inhabitants must haue beene enforced to remoue to the VEII , almost twentie miles off , and euery way round as farre . Wilde wayes of description , which in right historie are little better then odious , they are so wandring and so generall , creating no constant or circumscriptible image in the minde of the reader . The reall course of giuing satisfaction , would haue told vs in plaine tearmes , what quantitie of ground the golden house and habitation tooke , and what was the frame and face thereof in the most singular parts . I may briefly afford some more certaine light to this admirable argument . The PALATINE , and AESQVILINE hils , which lay towards the north of the world , were the only places of which he made most vse for his new affected abode . Mount PALATINE ( the X. ward or region of ROME ) comprehended ( according to ONVPHRIVS and others ) XI . M.DC . foot about . In which there were VII . maine streets ; XXVI . temples and chappels , great and small ; antient guildes , or common halls , IIII. the PALATINE bathes ; priuate baines XV.ii. publicke libraries ; corne-mills XII . garners XVI . palaces , or princely , and great mens houses , CXIC . ( among which , was that of SENECA'S ) and MDC . iles ; or messuages ( for that is here meant by iles ) which toucht not one the other : besides BACCHVS medow ; the groue of the faeries ; open places ; colosses ; arches triumphall ; altars ; and many other most famous things . Officers in ordinarie for gouernement of the ward : masters , XXVIII . curators , and bedles ( or denunciators ) a like number , of each a paire . Mount AESQVILINE ( or the V. ward or region of ROME ) together with the tower of MAECENAS , and VIMINAL bill , was bounded within the measure of XV. M.DCCCCL . foot ; contained XV. maine streets ; the temple of all the gods ( PANTHEON ) and about XXX . other temples , and chappels great and small ; VIII . consecrated groues ; II. fields ; the Praetorian campe ; great hot bathes , II. priuate baines , LXXV . curious fountaines , and conducts aboue CXXC . garners , XXIII . corne-mills XXII . palaces , or renowned mens houses , CLXXX . and in them the poet VERGILS ; iles , MMDCCCL . besides an amphitheater ; a circus ; a parke ; most famous gardens ; and besides alother memorable obiects of sight . Officers in ordinarie : maisters LX. ouerseeers or curators , II. bedles , or denunciators , as many . Here also , VII . cohorts , or MMM . and D. soldiers , part of the cities watch , had their quarter , or station . This table will at once set before our eyes both the fierie spoile , and the scope reserued by NERO . His phansies accomplished ; he came to warme or dedicate his golden house ( though DIO PRVSIAS thinkes his own natiue tenement truely golden , and NERO'S but onely in name ) and vpon beholding it at full , approued the some thus farre , that now at last hee beganne to dwell like a man . A noble speech for certaine ; and which might well haue come from CAESAR ; the speaker not considered . To assure the continuance , he vainely included the temple of FORTVNE , which builded all of a transparent stone , called phengit , was internally as bright as day by selfe-reflections . Howbeit hee did not so finish his golden mansion , but that the very first bill which OTHO Caesar afterwards signed , was a warrant to the treasurer to issue out a eleauen hundred and fiftie thousand crownes for ending it . The true space of this vsurped habitation is certainly mis-reported ; the flashes of hyperboles abusing our senses . It was not a mile forth-right , in the opinion of that right learned , and worthie man , LAEVINVS TORRENTIVS . For my part , I could thinke the same , considering what VALERIVS MARTIALIS testifies of some particulars , so short a while after , as in DOMITIANS dayes , who had his turne of empire within thirteene or fourteene yeares from NERO. And yet that maister-poet runs on in the vaine of the rest , as if in the whole citie there stood but one house : the figure of amplification was generally so rife . In it appeares , that where NERO'S poole or pond was , which ( by the report of SVETONIVS ) being like a sea for the bignesse , and enuironed with buildings like cities ( O vast excesse of words ) DOMITIAN had made firme ground , and raised his amphitheater vpon it . Out of this I am satisfied that the water which is in SVETONIVS as great as a sea , might be about some hundred and fiftie yards ouer . The epigram is extant , and toucheth many other poincts of this argument , but this one aboue all , that DOMITIAN vndid what NERO wrought , and laid open his iniurious encroachments , restoring ROME to her selfe , and one mans delights to all mens benefits . Wisedome builds sure , because it chooseth the heart of man for a foundation ; but what a NERO raiseth , a DOMITIAN ouerthrowes , and one malignant tyrant , destroyes the others doings ; as when the plague remoues a feuer . Nothing stands bold which hath not vertue for the basis , but in stead thereof , vaine-glory and wrong . The burning of ROME , and NERO'S buildings , are subiects of speech so full of amazement , and admirable odnesse , as may worthily warrant my plenty , seeing they well deserue a great deale more .

CHAP. XXX . THE CHRISTIANS PERSECVTED BY NERO , AS THE BVRNERS OF ROME .

NERO hauing thus plaid with the ruins of the sacred seat , and with the euils of his nation , and in the practise of such tragicall reuells , going farre beyond the malice , and darings of enemies , hee neuerthelesse inuented a way how to excell euen himselfe in wickednesse , by raising the first great Persecution against CHRISTIANS , as incendiaries . For when hee found , that neither his innumerable offices , or diligent offers at affording comforts , could deliuer him from the suspition of the fact ; in the necessitie of accusing some , hee apprehended those innocent men , as guiltie , whose free confession of their faith was interpreted a full conuiction of the obiected crime . Such preiudices reigned then against religion . There was at that present a flourishing Church of Christians in ROME , euen before Saint PAVLS arriuall . NERO'S owne court was secretly garnisht , and enriched with some of those diamonds , whose salutations the Apostle remembers in his epistle to the PHILIPPIANS . The bad man therefore wanted no matter for his sauage fraud to worke vpon , which he fulfilled so industriously , that they who abhorred Christians for their religion , commiserated their punishments as vndeserued ; and NERO , while with their bloud hee sought to quench and couer his infamy , heaped vpon himselfe new enuie . Some ( saith TACITVS ) being cased in the skins of wilde beasts , were wurried to death with dogs , some were crucified , and others burnt in publicke , to furnish the euening with bonefires . The martyr , like the staffe of a torch , was packt vp within papers , stifned in molten waxe , and other kindling stuffe , with a coat of sear-cloth about his body bound vpright to an axeltree : which being altogether pitcht in a sandy furrow , wereso set on fire at the bottome with bauins , or drie seare twigs , ( which the LATINS call Sarmenta ) to maintaine light for NERO'S night-sports in his gardens , vpon which occasion CHRISTIANS were by-named Sarmentarians . Some of them were gored in length vpon stakes ( saith IVVENAL , for of them hee meanes ) the one end fastned in the earth , the other comming forth at the mouth . Here those new combats , crownes and triumphs were dedicated by the tyrant , which preuailed to eternitie , and mounted in time the crosse of CHRIST aboue all the arches , and tropheas of the empire . Nor did this Persecution rage in ROME alone . For OROSIVS saith it was generall . The credit of which affirmation is singularly vpholden by a most notable inscription , found among certaine ruins in PORTVGAL , and extant in GRVTERVS , which pretendeth thankfulnesse to NERO ; first for purging the prouince from strong thieues , and then againe ( as he was Chiefe Priest ) from those other who sought to inculcate to mankinde A NEW SVPERSTITION . None wil doubt those words to be meant of CHRISTIANITIE , who are but meanely acquainted with the style of those times among the ETHNICKS ; that being the phrase it selfe of TACITVS , and TRANQVILLVS . The famous inscription followeth .

NERONI . CL. CAIS . AVG. PONT. MAX.

OB. PROVINC . LATRONIB . ET . HIS . QVI. NOVAM . GENERI . HVM . SVPERSTITION . INCVLCAB .

PVRGATAM .

This moniment is doubly glorious to the Saincts of that age , because it both couples robbers , and them together ( for vniust contumelie encreaseth dignitie ) and because of the euidence which it giues of a more then particular agon . Most happy , O , and most heauenly soules , whom diuine election marshal'd in the front of that battle , and the like grace enabled to reach to the garlands which shall neuer vade , and to weare them triumphant in glory , the starres themselues farre vnder . It could bee no ordinarie goodnesse ( saith acute TERTVLLIAN ) which NERO condemned , and we glory on behalfe of our sufferings , that they had such a dedicator as he . This was the first great Persecution , which like a blast did spread the religion it blew . No excellencie hath foundation in delicacie , whatsoeuer is soft and tender , neuer attaines to depth , or diuturnitie . Rough , and manly are the onely fit beginnings of things ordained to endure . The originall power of rhe ROMANS had no other soueraigne properties but these : for such was their founder , ROMVLVS .

CHAP. XXXI . PISO'S CONSPIRACIE AGAINST NERO.

GOd and all good men offended , the many yeares patience of ROME at NERO'S licence , turned it selfe at length ( as it commonly hapneth ) into cogitations how to free the world from so prophane , and dire an euill . PISO , a most popular great lord , was the top in this work , as designed by the conspirators to succeed , when NERO was deposed and kild . Yet PISO , hauing him open vnder PISO'S owne roofe , and power thereby to destroy him at pleasure , pretended a religious horrour against it : as if the breach of the lawes of priuate hospitalitie had beene fowler , then the breach of faith , and loialtie . A coulourable scruple . For the truth was , their numbers were so great who were ignorant of the treason , and would hold the murther of a prince ( how wicked soeuer ) a detestable fact ( saith TACITVS ) that hee dreaded least LVCIVS SILANVS ( one more great then PISO ) making vse of their forces , would inuade the empire , and frustrate his hopes , had the plot beene executed at the BAIAE , as the rest of the conspirators desired , whither NERO came vpon trust ( laying state aside ) to feast , and reuell in priuate . Looke vpon the motiues of this knot , as TACITVS himselfe hath assigned them , and particular aims will be found the principall ingredient , how much soeuer the publicke good was pretended : as in such cases when is it not ? Hee liues not in the world , who wisheth well to mankinde , and would haue a NERO liue : and he on the other side is passionately transported , who lookes more vpon change , then scope ; and what they would moue from , and not whither they would moue . This conspiracie should be vnremembred here , because it was onely a preuented purpose , not an act , had it not swallowed vp ANNAEVS SENECA ( NERO'S maister ) and ANNAEVS LVCANVS , the poet ( SENECA'S brothers sonne ) two , aboue all other of their times , the most renowned in their seuerall wayes of learning . LVCAN was so farre guiltitie as priuitie , approuall , and vehement encouragements in priuate ( as it is in CASAVBONS SVETONIVS ) but SENECA ( saith DIO ) was a principall , and PISO ( saith TACITVS ) was onely vsed ( as it was thought ) for a stale : the Philosopher himselfe the man intended for the succession . Happie ROME if the change had been for that ! There had beene a iealous eye cast vpon that PISO , some two or three yeares before ; and SENECA , euen then , was accused of society with him : which so vnited their cases , that SENECA profest , his safetie depended vpon PISOS . The CORNELIAN Annals are cleare for the age of this plot ; and PLINIE left it written , that PISO ( for framing a title to the empire ) should haue married ANTONIA , the daughter of CLAVDIVS CAESAR . But this was the way , by which SENECA prouided as for his owne safetie against his danger by NERO ; and for declaring himselfe innocent of his scholars iniquities .

CHAP. XXXII . OF SENECA , AND LVCAN , TWO OF THE CONSPIRATORS .

DIO CASSIVS ( in CASAVBONS opinion the most accurate Historian ) is suspected of partiality against SENECA , by LIPSIVS , and DELRIO . On the other side , it is not impossible but that as he was of a most honourable degree in commonweale , hauing beene companion in Consulship with his owne emperour , so also , that like a learned , wise , and honest man , sincerely delighting in the harmonie , which words , and deeds produce when they agree , and detesting the contrarie , hee forbare not corruptly , in fauour of excellent wit , or of excellently wittie seemings , to vtter what he found of SENECA'S manners , and carriage , as in dutie , and allegiance to the Muse and law of historie , though it derogated neuer so much from the credit of SENECA . Actions of life ( to whose description an historians penne is iniunctiuely tied ) are of all other in the world , the most apparently legible , and transparently intelligible booke , in which to behold any person , according to the truth of his qualities , distinctly , and dispersonated . And although it may concerne mankinde , that the good which comes by the writings of any great author , should not be empaired by the contradiction of his deedes , yet there belongs no such priuiledge to words , that for their sakes the report of facts should be falsified , or ( which amounts to a forgerie ) that a part of the truth should be withdrawn , or smothered . The sacred condition of soueraigne maiestie cannot exempt either kings or Caesars from the display of their vices of life , or errours of rule , when they come vnder an account for them at the tribunall of historie . Now , that the maiestie of those noble studies which can giue immortalitie of fame among mortals , should conferre a more exemption vpon their professours , is not reasonable . DIO chargeth him with many poincts in practise of things contradictorie to his doctrines , as with auarice , with incontinencie , with flatterie . That in onely the first foure yeares vnder NERO , hee had gathered an estate of money of fifteen hundred thousand pounds sterling , is neirher an argument that hee was couetous , nor a matter of wonder in it selfe , considering his place ; and it were to be wisht that all the money of the world were at wise mens dispose . And NERO'S replie to SENECA , when he offered to quit his fortunes , was full of most princely sense ; for in sted of accepting that offer , hee professed to be so farre from repining at his riches , that hee was ashamed to see some freed-men more wealthie then his maister . As for incontinencie , for which he was both accused vnder CLAVDIVS , by PVBLIVS SVILIVS , and banished also , the same SVILIVS affirmed vnder NERO , that SENECA was most iustly sentenced for defiling the house of the CAESARS , meaning the person of the ladie IVLIA , the daughter of GERMANICVS , and SVILIVS ( not without SENEGA'S enuie ) was therefore sent vnder NERO into exile , in extreame old age , as a calumniator . As for flatterie , it is plaine that DIO doth not wrong him , for hee courted AGRIPPINA'S fauour , and the fauour of freed-men , and streamed so farre out in the praises of POLYBIVS , one of the freed-men of CLAVDIVS , that LIPSIVS is himselfe ashamed of it , and plainly confesseth , that he was an enemie of SENECA'S glory , who published that Consolation to POLYBIVS . Which sounds , as if LIPSIVS would haue SENECA'S honour remaine entire , though it were against that wholenesse of truth which the lawes of historie doe exact , no lesse against the best wits , then against the greatest kings . That noble DIO ( for hee onely reports what he found , and is not found to haue fained any thing ) hath written how SENECA'S vsuries in BRITAIN , were a cause of the terrible rebellion there , by calling in his moneyes too sodeinly , is a particular which wants not ground of credit by that which SVILIVS vrgeth in TACITVS against SENECA . Of his hauings , there is most ample testimonie ; of his giuings none at all . Some haue reputed him a Christian , but TERTVLLIAN hath all in a word , HEE IS OFTEN OVRS . They are in an errour ( as DELRIO truely thinkes ) who father more goodnesse vpon him then so . His extant writings make TERTVLLIANS censure of him true , and his last words ( repeated by TACITVS ) ending in a friuolous ceremonie to IVPITER , conclude on behalfe of paganisme . Saint AVGVSTINE saith no more , but that SENECA was perhaps a friend to Christianitie . They therefore , who with LVDOVICVS Viues would haue SENECA'S labouring to NERO for leaue of withdrawing himselfe from ROME , vpon the Persecution ( as he seriously did ) to be a signe of more then so , goe too farre . And if other arguments were wanting , this one alone might serue in stead of a multitude , that hee had not the right spirit , who ( besides the doctrine of selfe-murther , by him commended ) would meddle in the violent deposing of his soueraigne Lord . A certaine signe that he profited little in his supposed familiaritie with Saint PAVL , who in these very times of NERO , and to these very ROMANS taught quite the contrary , as also blessed PETER . As for LVCAN ( the other of those two famous writers ) whose mortall quarell to his prince was nothing else but an indignitie , forsooth , offred about verses , he stirred not so hotly among the complices for incensing hatred , as hee coldly suncke at his arrest , into ignoble feeblenesse . For it wrought so farre vpon him , that in vnworthie hope to make amends for not disclosing the treason sooner , and to winne compassion from a paricidiall prince by endeauouring to imitate his impiety , the miserable man appeached apace , and among all others his innocent mother , ATTILLA . This shrillest trumpet of popular paritie , and the boldest decryër of monarckie , brought to test in his own person , quailes in courage , as if at last hee felt in soule the horrour of vnder-valuing princely maiestie , in whomsoeuer resiant , and therefore toucht with the sense of sacriledge , hee ceased to maintaine any stifnesse against the conscience of it . Wit and manners are ouer-often diuided . Most happy they when ioyned . To be an excellent maister in any kinde , and a worthie constant man are two . Nor is this any secret , or scandalous wonder at all , considering how grace and nature ( the fountaines of those diuersities ) are frequently found seuerall . Enough it is , that NERO reapes no benefit by LVCANS immoderate praises , in the addresse of his PHARSALIA . For NERO'S fame is not the fairer thereby , and the verses ( full of their makers admirable fire ) shall warme the vnderstanding reader , while LATIN , and the world endures . LVCAN , otherwise a blab by descent ; for his father before him , ANNAEVS MELLA , bewraid a conspiracie against CALIGVLA ( saith TACITVS ) and was therefore himselfe the lesse pittied when hee fell vnder NERO. I returne to the conspiracie .

CHAP. XXXIII . MORE , TOVCHING PISO'S CONSPIRACIE .

THe conspirators with PISO were many , and many of prime qualitie , FENNIVS RVFVS ( Prefect of the Praetorium , ioinctly with TIGELLINVS ) and the vnthankefull PLAVTIVS LATERANVS , NERO'S bounden beneficiarie , the designed Consul , two of them . But SENECA alone was a mightie part of NERO'S danger , who besides his priuate riches in lands , and treasure , and besides his Praeture , had the honour also of Consulship , which he bare in extraordinarie , and suffectiuely , together with TREBELLIVS MAXIMVS , as MARTINVS DELRIO authentically prooues . Adde to this the matchlesse fame of his wit , and worth , and the taste hee had giuen of the felicities , which the common weale enioy'd , during his sway in Court . The meeting of the conspirators , to prepare for the action , was in an old Temple of the Sunne ; therefore when the businesse was accidentally detected , the first honour in the publicke thankes , was ascribed to his golden godhead . After detection , and condemnation , SENECA ( the vncle of LVCAN , by the fathers side ) died first of the two . But while CORNELIVS TACITVS vnfortunately neglected to preserue the last diuine dictats of that expiring Worthie , because they were in euery mans hands , they are irrecouerably lost ; and supposititiously to reuiue them were no common insolencie . LVCAN expired in the rehersall of some of his owne verses , which what they were , LIPSIVS better notes then VERTRANIVS . The manner of death was the same to both : for they opened their vaines , and bled themselues drye in warme water . Multitudes perished by occasion of this treason , but PISO ( the chiefe therein ) nothing brauely ; nor did any one of the conscious speake neare to the height of such a daring as the killing of a tyrant , but onely SVBRIVS FLAVIVS , a tribune of Praetorian soldiers , and SVLPICIVS AFER , a centurion : for when NERO demanded of the tribune , why contrary to his oath , and dutie , he made one against him , his answere was : Because ( quoth hee ) I hated thee : and yet there was not one in thine armies more loiall then my selfe , all the while thou didst deserue loue , but after thou hadst murthered thy mother , and wife , and hadst turned chariotéer , stage-player , and boutefeu , I could no longer endure thee . SVLPICIVS the second example of constancie ( as TACITVS calls him ) to the like question , returnd this blunt satisfaction ; Because ( quoth hee ) there was no other way to helpe thee , but to rid thee out of the world . SVETONIVS , and XIPHILINE out of DIO , celebrate these rough fellowes as well as TACITVS , who to show , that both sexes concurred to NERO'S destruction , tells vs , that EPICHARIS , a meane woman , but a maine embroiler , equald the popular glory of those words , by saying nothing ; for tortures could worme no secrets out of her , and to make sure from being conquered with further paine , she found meanes by strangling her selfe , to stop the passage of vocall discoueries . NERO , for iustification of his proceedings against the conspirators , called a SENATE , and in a speech to the Conscript Fathers , laid open the cause . To leaue the people satisfied , he also published an edict , annexing thereunto the testimonies of witnesses , and the confessions of the condemned persons . A truth of that nature was not hard to proue , for the designe of his deposure , and death was euident , and all lawes warranted his right reuenge . But his amendment which had beene the greater satisfaction , and the surest way to his future safetie , was so little meditated on his part , that he could not thinke it needfull . The attempt had pernitious effects : for from hence his iealousie and hatred of the SENATE ( as the secret well-willers of his ruine ) sprung ; and hee himselfe neuer after spared to spill any bloud , the countenance of this one reall plot , so serued his turne to warrant him against the innocent . The fruit and vse to him of his escape . Neither was this all ; for when in preuention of his possible danger , hee had topt the prime eminencies of the empire , his warinesse ( rising out of this discouered danger ) made him inaccessible to the like , no man being suffered to approach his person , either weaponed , or vnsearched .

CHAP. XXXIIII . OF TYRANTS , AND TREASON , BY OCCASION OF THIS CONSPIRACIE AGAINST NERO.

THey may be thought insensible of common , and naturall freedome ( the life it selfe of all honestie and noblenesse ) who should but thinke towards the impunitie of such a man as NERO ; and it sounds both harsh and dull to propose the counsell of such a patience . For it will vndoubtedly be askt , what shall become of legall liberty , and acts of goodnesse , if , according to all the old schooles of the ETHNICKS , it shall not bee held a most faire , and honourable deed to take away the life of a tyrant ? To this I answere ; they know not what liberty , and goodnesse meane , who thinke those habits are subiect to outward force : for none are free but the wise , and none are wise but the good . As for the generall weale of the world ( the highest and most considerable poinct vpon the whole matter ) the author of all power , will certainly prouide , that the abuse of fiduciarie power ( and there is none other vpon earth ) shall neuer passe vnpunished . Neither doth it ; for euery Tyrant liues tormented within himselfe , vnder the scourge , and knife of his inward feelings , and outward feares ; which no man better describes then TACITVS . A man so zealous for Tyrannicides , that hee calls it a most goodly and most honourable minde in SVBRIVS FLAVIVS , when hee was stirred vp within himselfe to assassinate NERO ; and speakes of it as of a thing excellently glorious . But wherefore this ? For when was it seene , that the heauy hand of God did not finally infelicitate a tyrant ? For CORNELIVS SYLLA ( who durst enstyle himselfe , THE HAPPIE ) died miserably of the Lowzies . Euen the sweet Muses themselues were most luckily preserued by the fall of two such professors as SENECA , and LVCAN , from the odious brand of being bloudely dangerous in state . For what hath the dignitie of measure , or the innocencie of liberall letters to doe with actiue mischiefes ? There is in all generous natures a rising against great mens violences , and who is hee that can resist the first heats , and boilings of indignation , or would not wish reuenge ? But they who account it liberty to obey such vncorrected rulers , doe serue but vnruly maisters , and rarely sit downe without repentance , if perhaps they perish not before . For what else made NERO himselfe miserable , but the wilde , and vndistinguisht pursuit of appetites ? Or what turned him out of a prince , into a tyrant , but captiuitie to passions ? No man becomes miserable but by such subiection . Tyrants , ( and what a kinde of creature a tyrant is , I haue toucht before ) are the worst of all wilde broods . Wolues , and beares , in regard of them , are meeke and tractable . They therefore are the speciall beasts of chase for celestiall vengeance , in the forrest of the world ; and when they fall , it is a fauour from aboue ; if worse come not after . The pertense of all conspiracie , is the remoue of a tyrant , as an intollerable euill to the publicke , but the life euen of a good Prince , is thereby vnassured . For hee whomsoeuer conspirators kill , shall as well be published a Tyrant , or Vnapt , as the worst of the NERO'S . The safeguard of one good , and profitable Soueraigne is so to bee tendred , that for him alone many bad ones are to bee permitted to stand , at the perill of their owne account to God , and fame .

CHAP. XXXV . THE DEATH OF POPPAEA SABINA , THE MISTRESSE AND SECOND WIFE OF NERO : WHICH OCCASIONS THE REHEARSALL OF OCTAVIA'S TRAGEDY .

THe death of her who had beene his mistresse , and was now his consort in marriage , POPPAEA SABINA , grieued NERO more then all his sinnes . To enioy her hee the rather murthered his owne mother at her instigation ; and at her like instigation , first expelled his wife , OCTAVIA , the daughter of CLAVDIVS CAESAR , then banisht her into the vncomfortable iland , PANDATARIA , and finally slew her , though her portion was the ROMAN empire ( which honest AFRANIVS BVRRHVS durst vrge ) and her selfe in the flower of her youth ; as being destroyed in her twentieth yere . Yet to effect a disorderly act orderly , his first obiection to induce a nullitie , was barrennesse ; which foundring in the passage , as seeming insufficient , adultery was laid to her charge . PYTHIAS , one of her women , being wrung vpon the torture to force a confession ( for the crime was first laid against OCTAVIA , and proofes were sought for afterwards ) to the iniurie of her imperiall lady , gaue this memorable example of loyall seruice . TIGEL LINVS ( who had NERO'S sword , saith XIPHILINE , and was to NERO as an euill Genius , and to men , & things as the handle of the scourge of the world ) sitting in commission at the rack , demanded some immodest questions touching OCTAVIA ; but PYTHIAS being raised aboue feare or pain by honest courage , did spit in the commissioners face , telling him that her lady was honester in her womans parts then his mouth . And albeit the truth was vnable to preserue OCTAVIA'S life , yet her honour thereby remaines intire . SENECA had vrged in vain her births prerogatiues , and the vertues of her life , for a stop to his precipitations , but the values which hee did set vpon the strumpets outward excellencies , and her plesancies of conuersation ouer-weighd in him ( who neuer beheld , or beleeued vertue ) both his proper conscience , and the others greater worthinesse . More vaine for hindering the wrong was the peoples vnarmed furie , which brake herevpon , and dragg'd into the durt the images of POPPAEA , preparing to fire euen NERO himselfe out of his palace , if hee tooke not OCTAVIA againe . But hee easily withstood them by his guards , and tamed their distempers with blowes . This tragedie of OCTAVIA hapned in the eighth yeere of NERO , prouing all those publicke vowes and sacrifices vaine , which not long before were made in the Capitoll by SVLPICIVS CAMERINVS , master of the College of the Aruall Brethren , for the weale of NERO , and of OCTAVIA . But the small successe needes the lesse wonder , when the gods are vnderstood to whom they offred . For her Father CLAVDIVS was one ( as the inscribed marble testifies ) who had most reason to heare them , vnlesse hee now found ( as a God ) that OCTAVIA was not his daughter indeed , but the daughter of an Egyptian Piper , and of her mother the Empresse Messalina . POPPAEA durst suggest it to NERO behinde OCTAVIA'S backe . So much it hurts the most innocent childe to haue a lasciuious mother ; and so much it concernes worthy mothers to liue in good fame ; because the blemish descends , and somewhat preiudicates the descendents vndeseruedly . To this bloudy violence was added such an indignitie as doubled the cause of commiseration . OCTAVIA'S head was brought to SABINA for a solace . But to come into the secure fruition of this one bewitching woman , it was not enough for him , that with the liues of his mother , and wife , hee had remoued from himselfe all sound aduise , as well as all respect to ciuill , or naturall obligations , vnlesse he had also reacht one hand to MASSILIA in the west of the world for the head of CORNELIVS SYLLA ( the descendent of SYLLA the Dictator ) and the other to ASIA in the East , for the head of RVBELLIVS PLAVTVS , who by the mothers side was a branch of the imperiall famlie , to fortifie his iniquities with preuention of rebellion . These two chiefe peeres , his chiefe feares , being thus dispatched , shee was brought to NERO'S bed as his bride . Let vs now behold the end . In the fourth yere after OCTAVIA'S diuorce POPPEAS turne is come . Shee was noble for birth , but by beauty more : for her mother , hauing the reputation to be the fairest lady of her time , shee kept that glory aliue in her person , augmented with the felicitie of hereditarie fairenesse ; so bewitching a seat had pride , craft , cruelty , lust , and all high vices obtained , the more easily to deceiue , and damnifie the world by her . TACITVS describes her , gratious of speech , nor without rare cunning how to seeme modest in company , but playing in priuate the lasciuious wanton , alwayes shifting her appetites , and applications whither her chiefe ends led . She was in marriage with a fit , and worthie husband RVFVS CRISPINVS , a worthie knight of ROME , and was by him the vnhappy mother of a sonne , whom NERO commanded to bee drowned a childe , because among the prettie sports thereof , it would play ( as one translates the place in SVETONIVS ) for dukedomes , and empires . But for the loue of MARCVS SALVIVS OTHO ( afterwards an vsurper Caesar ) shee abandoned that husband , and fitting the vses of OTHO , and NERO by turnes , till all her owne turnes were serued , she finally abandoned OTHO also , for NERO , whose fruition was the height of her wishes , to become thereby the top of woman-kinde in wickednesse , no lesse then in maiesty of place . Thus far at least a furie of hell , in the shape of a Venus : for there was no priuiledge of naturall guifts , nor purchase of artificiall , which she either wanted , or would want , wherewith to worke vpon the captiue emperour . OTHO was at first NERO'S pandar , then his wittall , and had beene a sacrifice ( because he still claimd partnership in SABINA'S society ) had not SENECA ( as PLVTARCK saith ) preserued him , by suggesting an emploiment for him into LVSITANIA , where OTHO remained with much honour , till GALBA rose . In the tragedy of OCTAVIA , NERO pleads her praises , as of a ladie most worthie of his loue , for her incomparable beauty , forme , and graces , leauing nothing out , but the relish of all praises , and that which TACITVS most truely notes , was wanting in her , an honest minde . Shee was with childe by NERO when OCTAVIA was put away . Her curiosities , and delicacies about the care of her person are so famous , that the finest dames , and ladies may deriue vp to her , as their chiefe , in all their polishing mysteries . Her mules had bridles , and furnitures of gold , and were commonly shod with siluer , yea some of them ( as PLINIE saith ) with gold . But what was that in so vast a fortune ? Therefore that which EVTROPIVS and his Metaphrast PAEANIVS note , among the chiefe arguments of NERO'S riot , that he fisht with nets of gold , drawne with cords of purple , rather seemes such a vaine singularitie as this , then a wonder of waste . Her fiue hundred female asses , in whose milke shee bathed , were euermore about her court . For the care of her skin was such , that shee rather wished death then the decay thereof . The Satyrist celebrates a fragrant paste , of her inuention , denominated Poppaeanum of her . But one verse of that author mistaken , hath moued some erroneously to write , for encrease of the wonder , that her asinine dayrie went with her into banishment ; whereas she was neuer in banishment , though himselfe , hauing first hung CAESAR fast at the lines of her eyes , most cunningly threatned , if she might not be his wife , then to leaue him , and to wander ouer the world as a banished person . This hastned AGRIPPINA'S ruine , there being no meane among such riuals . But the euill fortune of ROME denyed the remoue of such a dainty pestilence as SABINA . Shee was wouen now into all the secrets , and swayes of empire among the same threds by which shee was wrought into her lords affections . Therefore shee sat with him in his counsell of bloud , vpon the head of SENECA , none present but they , and TIGELLINVS . Coignes represent that lady in this vnattired dresse , and posture .

They who haue seene the marble heads of POPPAEA , remaining at ROME , can best iudge how neare the stone , and metall agree together in her picture . To mee there seemes not in the coigne such an admirable louelinesse of face , as might carry the force of so strong and strange enchantment . NERO , in his amorous songs , called her tresses amber . A translation which seemed to PLINIE so ambitious , and improper , as hee marshalled it among NERO'S monsters : the same trope of speech reputed in our doting age , but a weake , and cheape commendation , among beauties deuoted adorers . Celestiall prouidence confest , that it now concerned the glory of it selfe to giue an example in POPPAEA , what a painted dunghill dishonest beauty is . Vpon the wedding-night it selfe , shee saw in a fearefull dreame the horrible foulenesse of her wayes , and had a faire warning ( for I doe not thinke this particular in the tragedie of OCTAVIA to be poetical ) that NERO the author of her aduancement , should be the minister of deserued vengeance . It seemed to her , that the matrons of ROME with discheueld haire , weepingly mourned at her marriage : that NERO'S murthered mother , sprinckled with the bloud of NERO , rushed forth at the terrible sound of trumpets , brandished a flaming firebrand , and that POPPAEA for feare did follow at a becke . Immediately the ground cleft , into the open hollownesse whereof her marriage-bed , and SABINA her selfe were sodeinly hurried together . There while shee musingly reposed her wearie body , behold , her former husband , RVFVS CRISPINVS , with her drowned sonne , and heire , and a throng of others entred : CRISPINVS offers to renew intermitted embracements ; when NERO in an affright breakes into the roome , and forceth his bright drawne sword into her throat . This was the inauspitious dreame . The end whereof fell out accordingly touching the actor , though it varied in the way . For NERO comming late one euening from his chariot-sports , POPPAEA , then great with childe , and as in such cases sicklie , vpon confidence in the naturall and customarie priuiledges of such a condition , and of her predominant power , pertly pratled at him for being so long abroad , nor forbare with reproaches , and taunts to incense that fierce and sauage lord so farre , that with a kicke of his heele on her belly , abortion followed , and shee her selfe died of the cruell blow . The vengeance therefore forewarned to her , and euer to be expected of her likes , was thus paid throughly home . My heart in the meane time is at good peace within it selfe to behold the honour of heauenly iustice thus fully clear'd and settled . But the dead body of POPPAEA was not burnt according to the custome of the noble ROMANS , but emboweld , and embalmed like a forein Queene , or Maiestie . PLINIE therefore ( who wrote the life of NERO ) cannot be meant to speake of her funerall cou'rfeu ( if I may so tearme it ) but either of her consecration , or of some other rituall magnificence , where he in his Naturall Histories , hath left it seriously written , that one whole yeares crop of all the cinamom , and casia , which Arabia afforded , amounted not to so much as was alone consumed in solemne fires and flames vpon her finall ceremonies . Though this was no common madnesse , yet , as he did most firmely affect her while shee liued ( notwithstanding the sodein phrensie in which he accidentally slew her ) so , not contenting himselfe to giue her the rites of an Empresse only , or AVGVSTA , he procured her to be enstalled a GODDESSE also . Which in the frontispice of this volumne is expressed by a deificatorie herse , or throne ; the peacocke being the same thing in signification there at the defication of a woman , which an eagle was at a mans . Therefore his vast prouisions to raise her by her name , and picture , to his imaginarie heauen was a bed of spices , and odours , like the figuratiue nest of the Phoenix . Her adoration was hereupon obtruded with such earnestnesse , that the honest , and genrous dislike thereof was criminally obiected to PAETVS THRASEA ; that famous Senatour , whom TACITVS admires for his vertue . And this accusation ranckt by his enemies among the quarrels pickt against him , did helpe to bring him to his end . CALIGVLA had led to his cosen NERO in this kinde . For hee had formerly consecrated DRVSILLA , his sister and concubine , as NERO did POPPAEA . But NERO impatient of her losse , to vphold his sensible solace , by force of imagination , sought to conuert pretie SPORVS , a delicate youth , into a girle , because he nearly resembled her . And there wanted not those ( saith DIO Chrysostomus ) who for reward durst vndertake it . So that euen her dietie was mischieuous . For it first cost SPORVS his sex ; and when his lord was dead , it cost him his life also , by his owne hand reft vnder VITELLIVS Caesar.

CHAP. XXXVI . OF THE EAST-INDIAN TRADE IN NERO'S TIME .

THis furious wilfull waste of such pretious wares , consumed by whole ship-loades at once , in honour of humane carcases , which they offered to their gods by crummes , and drams , leads PLINIE , as a patriot , into such a speculation , and complaint , as is worthie for other times to know . The EAST-INDIAN Trade , a terrible drain of treasure euen in those dayes . For PLINIE , by occasion of the aromatickes , and spices , which being vsed about POPPAEA'S herse , were imported commodities , speaking also of fishings for pearles in the INDIAN Ocean , and of other vaine riches , seriously affirmes , that the trafficke thither did annually conueigh out of ROME in ready coigne so much , as by our standard amounts to more then three hundred thousand pounds sterling . One little slender necke ( saith TERTVLLIAN ) supports whole forrests , and ilands , and SENECA writes , that patrominies dangled in file by two's and three's , at the tips of ladies eares : his owne wife one of them . Nor was this any wonder , when some one vnion was sold ( saith PLINIE ) for aboue a million of gold . These mad valuations worthily incited merchants to trauaile vp the riuer of NILE , and from thence by carauans or conuoyes ouer land ( as PLINIE describes their shortest way ) to the Red Sea , and so to the INDIAN Ocean . The ordinary returnes , in December , or Ianuarie , yere by yere ( as he rates the profit ) yeelded in cleare gaine an hundred for one . Prodigious excesses at ROME being the reason of carrying such heapes of treasure abroad , were found , and felt to bee ouer-burthenous , and diseasefull euen to ROME it selfe , though the riches of all the world lay packt and piled there together . Those Orientall nations did alwayes ( as it seemes ) vnderstand the vse and value of our mints , and were so happy in the follies of the West , that while they sat in quiet at home , they were sought vnto from the farthest coasts by sea and land , through all sorts of perils , to receiue for their shadowie superfluities our substantiall paiments ; and for wares either meerely ornamentall , and voluptuarie , or not needfull but in a moderate measure , to emburse ready gold and siluer , the materiall sinewes of commerce , and the best staple-ware of common-weale . But if profusion might be tollerable in ROMANS , who had the mines of SPAINE ( famous euen in the MACCABEAS ) and all the meanes of the world to maintaine the stocke of bullion , and to augment it , those other noble nations will vndoubtedly beware betimes , which want the like . For they intend not to returne to such a condition as CICERO speakes of , where he writes , there was not in all BRITAIN so much as a scrap of siluer . The translatour of PLINIES Naturall Histories , hath rendred the originall in such words , as if the place were not to be meant of treasure conueighed away for trade , but onely laid out to furnish a voiage . For what reason I know not . Cleare it is , that PLINIE speakes of money not expended , but exhausted .

CHAP. XXXVII . SOME ROMAN ANTIQVITIES EXAMINED , SEEMING TO GIVE diuinitie TO NERO . HONOVRABLE WORDS OF POPPAEA SABINA BY FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS .

BEing in the argument of ROMAN deifications , the place doth conueniently admit a GRVTERIAN inscription , which in the hundred and sixteenth page of that goodly volumne , seemes to call NERO , Diuus , or a God . For there we finde :

D. NERONIS .

QVINQVENNALIB .

The coignes also of OCTAVIVS STRADA haue one of copper with this sentence vpon it ;

AGRIPPINA AVG.

DIVI CLAVDII NERONIS MATER .

But NERO is no where found to haue vsurped , or accepted diuinitie : in that alone hee vsed modesty . In IANVS GRVTERVS therefore , it should ( as I thinke ) be D. D. that is to say , dedicated : the rest of the words also in the moniment , fauour that interpretation . As for that coigne in OCTAVIVS STRADA , the inscription doth infallibly belong to the piety of CLAVDIVS CAESAR . For hee was consecrated a Diuus , and did likewise ordaine , in memorie of his mother AGRIPPINA , the wife of GERMANICVS CAESAR ( put to death by her husbands vncle , TIBERIVS ) that her chariot of honour should be led in the CIRCVS vpon the dayes of show , her selfe named Augusta . This solues the doubt so , that NERO can haue no interest in the words , who was neuer either called , or written , CLAVDIVS NERO , but NERO CLAVDIVS , nor was at any time named Diuus , or Diuine . CEREALIS ANICIVS indeed ( as the register , or commentaries of the acts of the Senate witnessed ) moued openly for a temple to be erected to NERO as a God , at the common charge , when the PISONIAN knot of conspiracie was cut in pieces . But that sacrilegious flatterie neuer past current ; and was it selfe reckoned afterwards among the signes of NERO'S fall at hand ; because that highest worship was reserved for the dead departed . The immortality of the soule euery where conuinced to be certaine , out of the vniuersall loue and care which is in humane nature , for the immortality of a name . The true formall cause of all the old wonders in Towers , Mausolaeums , Pyramides , and the like , and at this present the supreame ambition of the most wise CHINESES . But notwithstanding the ROMANS neuer solemnized any deification , apotheosis , or enrollurent of Worthies among the Gods , till the funerals ; yet both AVGVSTVS , TIBERIVS , and CLAVDIVS were honoured aliue with temples . Or rather not they , but either their Genij simplie , and solie ; or some other of their adored obiects , as goddesse ROME , or the like , ioinctly and together with the Genius of CAESAR . Therfore , though no man was properly called Diuus till he was dead ; yet sacrifices , and celestiall rites were vsuall in this other kinde to the liuing . Nor could it iustly seeme any vsurpation in NERO , who according to the value at which heauen went in his cosen CALIGVLA'S dayes , did as exquisitely earne the same for himselfe , and his adored POPPAEA , by wicked deedes , as euer the mad CALIGVLA did for his concubine sister , DRVSILLA . POPPAEA SABINA much more worthy then NERO. For she was not otherwise without praise : at leastwise , when once she stood possest of her ambitious ends . For FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS ( whom IOSEPH SCALIGER is not afraid to commend for his diligence , and loue of truth , aboue all the GREEKES and ROMANS , and in those respects more safely to bee trusted , euen in their owne affaires , then they themselues ) calls her a good lady , or pious woman , and franckely celebrates her bountie , clemencie , and promptnesse to relieue the oppressed . Which though , as towards her , it might partly seeme thankefulnesse in him ( being indeed her bounden beneficiarie ) yet would not hee , for particular obligation , abuse publicke faith with any officious falshood ; chiefely , when she her selfe had now beene dead many yeares before . For our IOSEPHVS was that noble ingenuous person , to whom his roiall countreyman , king AGRIPPA , writ aboue threescore seuerall letters , all of them testimonies of his truth in storie ; whose writings also in that respect TITVS CAESAR honoured with his owne princely signature . And that his worthie studies might neither want dignitie , nor ease , the frugall emperour VESPASIAN gaue him faire lands ; and his second sonne DOMITIAN ( otherwise most vnlike to father , and brother ) did make those Manours , which IOSEPHVS held of VESPASIANS gift , free from all manner of publicke charge , and paiments . An honour which IOSEPHVS himselfe doth esteeme paramount to all the rest . Such was the candor and fauour as well of the gentle , as tyrannicall , towards the sober learned : neither was his most opposite religion any barre to their enioyment . My reuerence towards his merits hath gladly laid hold vpon this occasion to celebrate his memory . POPPAEA ( for a certaine ) was somewhat , most delightfull ; because OTHO Caesar , when he came to the empire , both restored her statua's , & publisht Greeke coigne of his own , with her image and name vpon it , not as Diua , but Augusta ; though she had abandoned him , for NERO ; that is to say , for empire . OCTAVIVS STRADA hath the coigne in print . Her most glory is our not vnreasonable hope , that shee might secretly fauour Christianitie , because NERO came from their martyrdomes , at such time as by chiding him she kindled his furie , and thereby drew vpon her selfe her owne destruction .

CHAP. XXXVIII . THE COMMING OF TIRIDATES TO ROME .

SOone after POPPAEAS deification , TIRIDATES , brother to the PERSIAN , or PARTHIAN monarck , VOLOGESVS ( for PERSIAN , and PARTHIAN were now indifferently meant each of other among the ROMANS ) and the same also a principall maister in his countries Magickes , came safe to ROME . His errand was to receiue backe there at NERO'S owne hands , the diadem of ARMENIA , which hee was wrought by CORBVLO to deposit before the ROMAN ensignes , vpon condition to re-assume it so . An action of incredible cost , and glory . And not to robbe NERO'S time of the rights thereof , his sloathfulnesse had the felicitie , by other mens labours , to recouer publicke losses , as formerly in our iland by the valour of SVETONIVS PAVLINVS , and finally now in the Orient , by his kinsman , DOMITIVS CORBVLO . This did cost deare . For this one homager was allowed after the rate of twenty thousand crowns the day , from his first setting forth towards ROME , till his entrance there . Hee had in his company for hostages to NERO , not his owne children onely , but the children also of his brother ( that great king VOLOGESVS ) of PACORVS , and of MONOBASVS , and in his traine three thousand PARTHIAN horsemen , with store of ROMANS . A ready meane to consume so great a summe ; the trauaile being whollie by land . For it was against the rites of his mysteries to come otherwise , least hee should violate nature and them , with vomits at sea . But those two most goodlie horses of marble , which at this day remaine in ROME , among the principall wonders of sculpture there ( the reputed workmanship of PHIDIAS , and PRAXITILES ) were conueighed at this time by ship , by the prouision of TIRIDATES ( if drowzie BOISSARDVS be not deceiued ) as a most acceptable and roial present . And , that BOISSARDVS is much deceiued , I am led to beleeue ; because in the ONVPHRIAN descriptions , the two horses of TIRIDATES are placed vnder that title , in the seauenth region of ROME , and their stuffe is not of stone but of brasse . Other two of marble are of ALEXANDER Magnus , backing Bucephalus , situated in High-street-Ward , or in the sixth ROMAN region . Besides the former expense , NERO in one dayes space , & in part of entertainment , guilded POMPEIS theater ouer . The greatnes wherof TERTVLLIAN excellently expresseth , where he saith , that POMPEI was onely not great when compared with that Theater . Proportionably to these beginnings he bare all other charges , and at departure , rewarded his new vassal with an hundred thousand sestertium , which , according to the rates of our exchange , rise to about seauen times as many pounds ; all , to set out the maiesty of the ROMAN empire to strangers , in the seat of the empire . A great and princely conceipt . By these matchlesse magnificences ( for NERO in his guifts was not of a narrow heart ) hee so enshrined himselfe in the mindes of the PARTHIANS , that twenty yeares after NERO was dead , his onely name was so gratious , that a counterfeit vsurping it , they were hardly wunne to render him , or from not affording their vtmost assistance in his quarell . The receipt of TIRIDATES was vniuersally applauded . NERO therefore , who was so auerse to all martiall expeditions , that but for shame hee had drawne the ROMAN legions out of BRITAIN , and so timorous of weapons , that TIRIDATES riueted his sword to the sheath thereof , for his assurance ( because hee would not vnknightly yeeld to goe vngirt , though it were vpon condition , to receiue the diadem of ARMENIA ) was now notwithstanding , with as shrill , and ioyous showts acclamated Imperator , as if in person hee had conquered ARMENIA by the sword . This was the out-side of things . But NERO had other , and those more inward ends , in his so ambitious inuitation , and pompous entertainement of the PARTHIAN prince . For thinking it little , to bee but a god among the gods , his minde sored to command by magicke ouer them all . Then this one phansie hee neuer had in PLINIES conceipt any more generous , nor could possibly mount higher . His mothers ghost continuing troublesome , there is no where else any probability that he laboured to call her vp to a parlea , and to appease her , rather then now , though also now in vaine . Somewhat of magicke practises seemes to be insinuated vnto vs , in the little image , or puppet of a girle , which NERO so superstitiously adored , as likewise in the serpents slough , found about the bolster of his bed , when as yet hee was a babe , or infant . Of both those sorcerous toyes there is mention in SVETONIVS . But though NERO was initiated by king TIRIDATES into the order of magicians at their magicke suppers , and to the gift of the kingdome of ARMENIA had bestowed as much in entertainement as was worth another kingdome , yet the art would not come . No surer signe in PLINIES opinion that the whole mystery was a mockage , when NERO could not purchase it . But the friends therof excused the faile : for that the gods would not appeare to a body which was pimply , and vncleane . Such was NERO'S , as SVETONIVS saith . But those goblins who were auerted with foule skinnes , and not with foule sinnes , were worthy of NERO'S orisons , and PLINIES scornes . To this far extended glory of crowning TIRIDATES , NERO added another greater . For there neither being warre , nor remaines of warre within the ROMAN world , hee closed the gates of IANVS , in signe of vniuersall peace . This coigne was dedicated to the memory thereof , and giues vs the antient plaine figure of that famous temple .

By EVSEBIVS it may well appeare , that it was about this time also that NERO vsed the glorious prerogatiue of enlarging the bounds of the citie of ROME , because hee had prouinciated the kingdomes of PONTVS Polemoniac , & of the COTTIAN Alps , and enlarged thereby the territorie of the empires demesn . A thing recorded as the principall honour of AVGVSTVS , and of other the greatest ROMANS .

CHAP. XXXIX . OF PVBLIVS PAETVS THRASEA , WHOM TACITVS CALLETH Vertues selfe . AND OF DEMETRIVS , HIS Cynick .

THese publicke ioyes were not pure , but mixt with sorrowes ; as all in NERO'S dayes . As if his meaning had beene , while the world was diuerted vpon delightfull obiects , to take his aduantage , and time , for committing some such notable cruelty , as might rather bee ouerwhelmd , then iustified . Such was now the extinction of PAETVS THRASEA , whose reputed vertue made him seem the times chiefe wonder , the parallel of MARCVS CATO . That BAREA SORANVS , the designed Consul , was coupled with him in the calamitie , added to the opinion of BAREA'S worth , but tooke from him his fame : the others carrying most eyes , and voices after it . The poincts of his indictment , and the deadly poincted inferences which his accusers drew for his destruction , as against one who was too good to liue , are summ'd where they are likely to continue longest , in the CORNELIAN ANNALS . Morall vertue is formidable to abused power . This noble ETHNICK was most vnhappy to haue no better a counsellour at his last wants then that DEMETRIVS , whom TACITVS cals a Doctor of the Cynicke rule , or schools . That sentence of his , which SENECA cites with praise , will speake that description aloud . The words of the ignorant ( quoth DEMETRIVS ) are in the same account with mee as winde which the belly vents : for what are the odds , when such fellowes make a noise , whither they make it vpward or downward ? Golden sense in an vncleanly resemblance , and worthy a Cynicks vse , if for such a man as SENECA to commend . And there is scarce another whom SENECA doth equally honour , wheresoeuer hee hath cause to induce , or mention him . Cynicks were cheape acquaintance , costing little . But this ghostly Doctor was the onely helpe which dying THRASIA vsed to informe himselfe what to thinke of the Soule of man , and of the Soules dissociation from the body . A corruptor of THRASEA , and of all his other disciples , by breeding contumacie in them towards superiors . If at leastwise this be that DEMETRIVS whom VESPASIAN the emperour , called a Curr , for barking or grumbling out somewhat against him , without vouchsafing either to rise vp , or otherwise to reuerence him , being then AVGVSTVS CAESAR , and a prince , indeed borne to refound , and restore the ROMAN empire . SENECA by his so much admiring this wise man , ( and according to his institution he was excellently such ) doth therein well enough show , that himselfe was farre from CHRISTIAN .

CHAP. XL. THE GENERALL CREDIT , AND VSE OF Stage-poëtrie , AND OF ACTING IN PLAYES , IN NERO'S TIME .

BVt this very PAETVS THRASEA , as well as PISO , the head of the conspiracie , could act a part in a tragedy , and did it in publicke . See what great examples can perswade ! After NERO beganne to delight in verses , SENECA more addicted himselfe to their making , then euer before ; and when SENECA ( the most famous professor of morall wisedome ) wrote tragedies , NERO , and the lords , might with lesse reproofe bee actors , or beare a person . For at PADVA , the place of his birth , PAETVS THRASEA openly sung ( that was the proper word of art for tragedians , as to dance was the like for comedians ) in a tragicke habit , at the playes antiently ordained there by ANTENOR the Troian . OEDIPVS , HERCVLES furious , and THIESTES , are three of SENECA'S tragedies . And among those in which NERO was an actor , those names of tragedies are in DIO'S catalogue . THIESTES the chiefe of SENECA'S . The parties themselues whom those actors personated were neuer so pompous in their liues , as their counterfects and imitators were vpon the ROMAN stage : for NERO studded their golden scepters , staues , and visards , with orientall vnions , & pearls of the most caracts . Himselfe beheld the publicke sword-playes in a spectacle , or mirrour of emerald , perhaps to help his eye-sight , which was orherwise imperfect , & poring .

CHAP. XL. NERO RESOLVES FOR HIS VOIAGE INTO GREECE , BVT NOT AS A RIGHT ROMAN .

THe sad and heauie clouds which sat vpon the face of the citie for the losse of her best citizens being wiped away by the chearefulnes , and splendor of the late entertainment , NERO effectually meditated a triumph , of which neuer any ROMAN thought before , most worthy of his crochets , and of his inglorious way to glory . To gain from GREECE in GREECE , the fame of the best singer , the best cytharist , the best player , the best chariotéer , was the conquest hee affected . A vaine man , among vaine people , and they his vassals also , might well rest assured of all the garlands which either OLYMPVS , or other places of triall could afford . There was a time when hee brauely debated of marching in person with an auengefull army , one while into the CASPIAN entries , another while into AETHIOPIA , whither , for his information , hee emploid a tribune and certaine companies of praetorian souldiers , as to prepare , and accommodate his enterprise . But these propositions proued embrions of vanity , for hee neuer proceeded further then to the discourse , and show of preparations , though the matter was proper to his calling , and those other not . For the prince of LATIN poesie in enumeration of the arts which belonged to a right ROMAN , omits fidling , and faining , and excellently teacheth , that to giue lawes to the world , and to rule paramount in peace and warre , according to iustice ; to spare the dutifull ; and beat downe the rebellious ; were properly theirs . High towring thoughts did not sort with NERO'S soule . His poore one fluttered among the lower flyers .

CHAP. XLII . THE PROVISIONS OF NERO FOR ASSVRING ROME TO HIMSELFE , IN HIS ABSENCE .

THe liues of worthy persons were sacrificed in preparatiue for his safe departure out of ITALIE , and to secure his abode in GREECE . Once before this time , when he was in a minde to haue sailed into AEGYPT , but did not , hee chiefly promised two things by his proclamation ; first , that his absence should not be long , and next , that his prouisions for the publike should bee such , that all things should remaine immoueable , and prosperous till his returne . By the order taken now , the course at that time may be coniectured . For without regard to the maiestie of the ROMAN name , he left ITALIE , in meere tendernesse to his peculiar , vnder the command of HELIVS CAESARIANVS , an enfranchised bondman , enfranchised by CLAVDIVS . As if imperiall ITALIE were now become but some countrey-farme , or grange , which needed nothing else but onely a seruile bailif . At the same time , and vndoubtedly with a purpose to preuent rebellion in the very seed thereof during his absence , hee published an edict ( mentioned in PHILOSTRATVS ) to the speciall credit of philosophy , by which hee commanded all doctors , or maisters of that profession to depart out of ROME , and ITALIE . That part of philosophie which concerneth morall wisedome , was deeply had in iealousie , specially the Stoicks , if not for SENECA'S sake , certainly , ( as TIGELLINVS speakes in TACITVS ) because their opinions bred them arrogant , turbulent , and affecting to be in action . And COSSVTIANVS ( the sonne in law of TIGELLINVS ) obiects the like against PAETVS THRASEA , defending his auersion from those studies by authoritie of the old common weale . Words put , with good aduantage to that sect , into the mouth of such hatefull men as TIGELLINVS , and hee . But PHILOSTRATVS hath done what he can to iustifie their wits who were the authors to NERO of that edict . For while hee vauntingly makes his admired APOLLONIVS , the oracle of all the chiefe rebellions in his time , particularly of VINDEX , and GALBA against NERO , he showes withall that NERO'S counsell of state foresaw the danger . Those doctors were perilous to empire , vnder the pretext of freedome : CHRISTIANS were not , who knew a better freedome . Things howsoeuer settled at ROME , hee setteth saile for GREECE , with such multitudes of people , and prouisions for atchieuing that conquest ( by which ( saith HERODIAN ) he made himselfe a ridiculous spectacle ) as might very well haue sufficed for the number , and quantities to subdue it , if it had not beene very long before subdued to his hand . And this was done with such dammage to the countrey , as it is a doubtfull case with APOLLONIVS of TIANA whether XERXES did more harme by setting GREECE on fire , or NERO by singing in it .

CHAP. XLIII . NERO IN GREECE : HIS HATRED THERE TO THE SENATE OF ROME . OTHER HIS DOINGS , TOVCHING THE MAINE OF HIS ERRAND .

THis voiage into ACHAIA ( for that prouince of GREECE had him most ) afforded many aduentures , besides those of his friuolous trials ; whose garlands how fresh , and greene soeuer in their leaues , were dry , and sere to glory , the mystery of his errand . His meditations to destroy the SENATE ( if that be not among the scandalous fables of which IOSEPHVS on his behalfe giues a generall caueat ) began to ripen there . That most noble order of men most wisely situated by ROMVLVS , like a kinde of starry firmament , betweene the fires of maiesty , and the vnstedfast waters of the commonalty , to attemper the heates of the one , and the inundations of the other , a chrystall screene , or spheare in the middest of absolute power , and absolute obedience , the same which first draue kings out of ROME , and soone after oppressed the people ( as being it selfe subiect to corruption , as all other humane institutions ) had so far incurred the inward dislike of NERO , that he is charged to haue giuen no slender signes of a purpose to haue abolished that degree . VATINIVS , to whom he was ouer-indulgent , a fellow of a more mischieuous nature , then his originall was base ( which neuerthelesse was not more noble ( saith TACITVS ) then a shoomakers shop had bred it ) in his rude buffonries would openly say ; CAESAR , I hate thee as thou art a Senator ; and for that hatreds sake ( as if it were freedome ) was easily in speciall grace . This auersion of NERO , how great or little soeuer , was none other then the childe of feare , begotten in him by the late conspiracie of PISO . And of that conspiracie that was the worst effect . But the mischiefe which he reuengefully meant against the SENATE , whatsoeuer it was , aborted ; himselfe shortly dying . Meane-while his delights ( according to their custome ) moued in the lowest regions of popularitie . Nor was he fortunate in them . For the best iudgements held it true , that he was rather any thing then a good singer to the harpe ( saith VINDEX in PHILOSTRATVS ) and yet rather that then a prince . So poor an ambition , and not to preuaile therein , was piteous . Hee thought otherwise of himselfe . And that beggerly tragedian in SPAINE who disdained to stoop to a comparison in his art with NERO , was luckily poore : for no riches could haue protected such an insolencie . His bribing conquests were interpreted by him , and his courtiers , so gloriously , that poasts were dispatched ouer the ROMAN world to signifie the same ; that publicke sacrifices might be made for gratulation . But APOLLONIVS excellently taught what others were to thinke of NERO'S skill , and what NERO should haue thought ; when being questioned ( as to entrap him ) what hee conceiued of it , fearelessely answered the bloudy TIGELLINVS , I thinke ( said APOLLONIVS ) better farre then you , for you repute him worthy to sing , but I to hold his peace . And so it plainly was . For by all confessions it appeares , that his voice was weake , and hollow . The formall words of allotting the prize at the tourney of arts , and which he himselfe ( exercising the office of the common cryer ) pronounced in publicke , after euery bowt , or act , are in DIONS Epitome these : NERO CAESAR , victorious in this triall , crownes the People of Rome , and his owne world with this garland . After this , or the like manner he obtained in GREECE , during his abode there , one thousand and eight hundred greene crownes , but none of them such as incomparable PINDARVS did celebrate , whose vnreachable MVSE , HORACE worthily admires . That which the Apostle obserued ( in his epistles to the CORINTHIANS ) touching their preparatorie abstinence , and sufferings , who were to contend for one of those glorious rewards , doth marueilously suite with NERO , who practised in priuate , and in publicke , vnder all the seuerest lawes of those exercises . PLINIE notes two speciall poincts of his patience , for conseruation of his voice : to lye on his backe with a leaden plate on his breast , and to fast certaine dayes in euery moneth , with nothing else but oile , and syues , and not so much as a bit of bread . There wanted nothing but prayer to haue cast out that diuell of vanity . The Apostle vseth the proper word of those PRIZES , Agons ; and CORINTH it-selfe ( where he preacht , and taught ) and ( as IOSEPH SCALIGER noteth out of DIONYSIVS , the Areopagite ) not onely hee , but PETER also stood vpon that isthmus , or necke of land , where the games in honour of NEPTVNE were celebrated . So the place and practise were neither vnknowne , nor probably vnseene of that heauenly man . But hee neuer noted more industry in the champions , and aduenturers , for gaining the customarie reward , then NERO Augustus vsed in his owne person , being the first of men who most dishonested sacred maiesty with improper maisteries ; yea , and that also , mischieuously , and to compasse vading ornaments , not immortall .

CHAP. XLIIII . NERO'S ATTEMPT FOR CVTTING THROVGH THE CORINTHIAN Isthmus .

ONe great worke hee entred vpon during his abode in ACHAIA , which seemed worthy of an emperour . For it was the enterprise of digging through the isthmus , or neck of land , which like a naturall bridg ioing'd the main of GREECE to the most renowned penile thereof , PELOPENNESVS . The least breadth of the straicts , from the two opposite hauens , LECHEAE , & CHENCHREAE , was by PLINIES commensuration fiue miles : and to conueigh merchandise about by sea , from but one side of that barre to the other , tooke vp in nauigation aboue fiue hundred . PHILOSTRATVS accounts the circuit exactly , sixe thousand , and twenty stadies , eight of those stadies one mile of ours , which ( admitting that scale ) produceth another , a farre greater summe of miles then PLINIES . Therefore many princes had thought of making a nauigable channell betweene sea , and sea . But king DEMETRIVS being one of them abandon'd it , because the skilfull ( PHILOSTRATVS saith they were AEGYPTIAN philosophers ) informed him , that the sea in the one bay was so much higher then the sea in the other , that if the partition were remoued , all the neare ilands , vpon the lower leuell would be surrounded ; and ( which seemes to mee the most probable obiection of all ) that the cut it selfe would be of no vse , the current , or waterfall , would bee so impetuous , swift , and strong . Reasons which preserued those two huge peniles of AMERICA ( naturally combined at the creation of the world , by a farre broader necke of earth then that which annexed PELOPONNESVS to GREECE ) from being sundred by the pickaxe , and spade ; though that necke alone is the cause of fetching a circuit from Nombre de Dios to PANAMA , many thousands of miles about . So mightie a space there is between at sea . IVLIVS CAESAR thought of this disvnion : CALIGVLA went somewhat further ; for he sent to suruey the ground : but NERO made it a serious businesse , & for auspication , and example , he himselfe plaid the pioner in person at the sound of a trumpet ( which gaue signall to the Praetorian Guards for their generall falling to worke ) and digging vp the first of the soile with his owne hands , carried it off in a basket vpon his shoulders . So infinite was the desire hee had to get immortality of fame howsoeuer . Here MVSONIVS ( the BABILONIAN Sage , and second in fame to APOLLONIVS for philosophy ) was found with his shouell , or spade among NERO'S labourers , condemned ( as it seemes ) to the worke , and was so farre from being troubled , or ashamed , either of his bonds or obedience , that hee most ciuilly askt of his fellow Philosopher , DEMETRIVS ( who tooke him in the manner ) what if he should finde him fingring an harpe , and singing as NERO did ? DEMETRIVS himselfe reported this of MVSONIVS . And what there was in it for PHILOSTRATVS to mislike , but CAESARS barbarousnesse , I cannot see . For it seemes to mee an example of a wise , and manly patience vnenforced . For if he could haue approued NERO'S courses , the words import that hee should not haue needed to digge in the Isthmus . PAVSANIAS saith , that those princes died violently , who formerly attempted it ; and DIO tells vs what wonders hapned at this action , for a terrour to NERO , who proceeded in contempt the rather . Bloud gushed forth of the wounded earth , hollow groanes , and horrible noise were heard , and many sprights , or wandring ghosts appeared . Presages of some extreame infelicitie . But the reason which PAVSANIAS brings , to show the offense of such an attempt is wise , and pious , and more worth then all those wonders : It is hard ( saith hee ) for man to force the workes of God ; which is as much in effect as to say , had God almighty , the most wise creator of the world , seene it good , hee would haue made it otherwise at first . But neither these reasons , nor examples , weighed so much afterward with that most magnificent HEROD of ATHENS , the famous Sophist , but that hee both thought the worke a thing of immortall renowne , and wisht also for the leaue of doing . Which neuerthelesse hee fear'd to aske , though it was in far better times then NERO'S . The labourers medled not with the stonie entrails of the Isthmus , and hauing therefore only pared away the crust , or mould aloft , the place at this present maintaines the antient , and originall situation , not to be changed . PHILOSTRATVS saith , that the trench was cut halfe a mile vp into the land , from the hauen LECHAEVM , when the worke was abandoned . NERO conquered the GREEKS by his bribes , and power , in their OLYMPIAN , and PYTHIAN exercises , but himselfe was conquered by the Isthmus , which remained inexpugnable . It is a princely thing for princes to desire to excell all men in doing nobly , as they excell all men in sublimity of place : but to erre ( as this prince did ) in the obiect of endeauors , and in the meanes of atchieuement is miserable , and vnlearned .

CHAP. XLV . THE END OF HEROICK CORBVLO ; AND THE EMPLOIMENT OF VESPASIAN , AGAINST THE REBELLIOVS IEWES .

ALl extraordinary eminencies in subiects , by an old axiom as well of single , as of popular tyranny , are fearefully beheld as dangers , and cautelously preuented as imminent , though neuer any tyrant was able to kill his successor . Here therefore , while NERO demurred about his vndecent victories , DOMITIVS CORBVLO perished . Hee had deserued most excellently at NERO'S hands , and for that cause was by him entituled his benefactor , and father . But iealousie preuailing now aboue the memory of his deserts , hee was sent for into GREECE after the most honorable manner , but being arriued , and waiting for admission to his presence , it was denied , and word sent out that hee must dye , without any cause remembred in histories to haue beene assigned , but onely the will of NERO. His great heart , full of indignation readily yeelded , vsing none other words but these , I am wel enough serued , and so ranne himselfe vpon his sword . But it was not long before the vngratefull prince stood in need of such another magnanimous leader . For while NERO was yet in ACHAIA , there arriued the terrible newes of the reuolt of the IEWISH nation , and of the flights and defeats of his armies , which had beene led in vaine against IERVLEM by GESSIVS FLORVS the CLAZOMENIAN , and afterward by CESTIVS GALLVS , the President of SYRIA . CAESAR , to seeme a right CAESAR , appeared vnshaken at the relation , but remained inwardly afflicted . VESPASIAN , then in ACHAIA with him , was perswaded with many sweet words , and promises to beare the stresse of that seruice , God almighty beginning euen then to make some new purueyance ( saith FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS ) for the reliefe , and better estate of the common-weale of ROME . For the forces which were necessarily entrusted to this captaine , for deduction of the rebells to obedience , gaue him meanes in time to attaine the empire , which his wisedome , and naturall piety restored . From ITALIE also his lieuetenant , or vice-roy , HELIVS CAESARIANVS , whom hee trusted aboue all the free Peeres of the ROMAN world , as holding himselfe most assured of faith , and seruice there , interrupts the solaces of his patron with frequent packets , calling vpon him to returne ; the state of publicke affaires requiring it . For HELIVS ( who lorded it intollerably ) felt the ground of committed power tremble vnder him , and the more stirring spirits , whom hee improperly backt , grow perilous . That maiesticall seat was not for a seruant to possesse subordinately , nor long inordinately for his ill-aduised maister . But when letters , and messages were vnable to plucke him from off the vanities of his glorious quest ( for he wrote in answere , that he had not as yet done enough to make him returne worthy of himselfe ) HELIVS sped to him with such admirable celerity in person , that he might rather seeme to haue flown , then onely to haue plide the switch , or saile . The cause of such hast was the iust feare of a new , and great conspiracie .

CHAP. XLVI . NERO'S SVCCESSE AT THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO .

NERO , in the meane time made that iourney to the oracle of APOLLO at DELPHI , where he liked his entertainment so ill , that ( as DIO writes ) hee seised into his hands the whole CIRRAEAN Hundred , which antiently belonged to the Temple of APOLLO , as part of the land alotted in mortmain for sustentation of the priests , sharing it as an escheat among his impious soldiers ; nor resting there , prophaned the place it selfe , out of which the oracles issued , by butchering men vpon the mouth of the vent , or caue . What the vsage was which could kindle NERO'S anger , and disdeigne against his owne most honor'd APOLLO , whose name , & effigies himself vsurped so confidently , that he stamped it in his coigns , DIO professeth not to know certainly . I partly thinke that I haue found it out . He came in pompe to visit the Delphian deitie , his head crown'd with a garland ( the reward , and ensigne of his victorie ) his body attired in a long flowing garment , such as parties at the musicke prize accustomed to weare in their agon , with an harpe in his hands . His welcome notwithstanding was so cold , because he was promiscuously cruell , and had a minde immusicall , and base , that the god of wisedome ( saith THEMISTIVS in his fifth Oration ) would by no meanes brooke his sight , but trussed vp his locks in an effeminate hair-lace , & decrowned him at his exit : for he seemed vnto him ( saith that renowned Greeke Orator ) not as LYCVRGVS did at his comming , a God in humane shape , but a wilde bruit beast vnder the semblant of a man . And this it was which probably enraged NERO : and this the disgrace , to which IVLIANVS Augustus ( for so Saint HIEROME calls him , who could haue called him the Apostata ) alludes in the person of APOLLO , at the Satyricall banquet of the CAESARS . IVLIANVS owne words there are such as these . Then NERO enters next , with an harpe in his hands , and a garland of laurell vpon his head . Here SILENVS , looking aside at APOLLO , said : This is the man who would needes be thought to be thy fellow . It is so ( answered King PHAEBVS ) but I shall soone depriue him of his crowne of bayes : for neither did he make me his example in all , and euen in those things in which he attempted to be my paralell , hee was no true imitator . At this word , COCYTVS pluckt his crowne from his head , and drew him headlong to hell . Thus far that emperour . But APOLLO was otherwise quit with NERO , by his old deceitfull way of riddles . For NERO enquiring after his final fortune , the mocking spirit had aduised him thus , BEWARE OF THE THREESCORE AND THIRTEENTH YERE , which hee ( as SVETONIVS saith ) vnderstood to be meant of his owne ages date , but it proued GALBA'S , who dethroned him . So securitie disarmed his person , and the wrong end of the double text ran through him . Superstition is worthily fed with illusion , and irreligion as worthily punisht with credulity .

CHAP. XLVII . THE CHOICE ANTIQVITIES , AND ALL THE PRIME MONIMENTS OF THE GREEKS , CVLL'D , AND CARRIED AWAY FOR ROME , BY NERO'S AVTHORITIE .

THe defacings of GREECE ( that temple of ciuill glory ) and of Greekish countreys , by selection , and transportation of their monimentall rarities , chiefly vpon occasion of NERO'S voiage , which gaue him meanes to behold them , and cause to couet their possession , were most offensiue . For , besides the murthers , rauishments , extortions , and other the euils of such a tempest , as NERO'S emulous presence , they were euery where rob'd of their principall pieces of art . Inualuable all , because they belonged to the immortality of memory ( their ciuill felicitie ) irreparable also , because their indiuiduall antientnesse could not be supplied , if their artificiall excellencies might . Their temples , sanctuaries , Therms , Hyppodroms , and all other their publicke , and priuate buildings , OLYMPIA in ELIS , and DELPHI in BAEOTIA , the capitall seat of APOLLO himselfe , were subiect to his generall pillage , onely RHODES excepted . A fortune , not of the situation , which disioign'd it from the Continent of ASIA , but to charter-fauour . For CRATON , or ACRATVS ( as TACITVS calls him ) who had NERO'S commission , could not meddle there , because that noble Sea-state liuing free to her owne lawes , by permission of the ROMANS , was by speciall words exempted . In thankfulnesse of which priuiledge ( grounded vpon their former good hap to haue had him their patron vnder CLAVDIVS ) it may wel be that this RHODIAN coign was publish't .

It represents a victory , to flatter NERO perhaps , when they , as the rest of the empire , concurred in the applause of his Olympian reuels . DIO PRVSIAS ( surnamed of his golden eloquence , CHRYSOSTOMVS ) though otherwise a stranger at RHODES , ( sauing only as euery countrey was a philosophers home , and philosophers would be thought the common doctors , and superuisors of mankinde ) made a famous free oration there , in TRAIANS time , to rectifie the decaying opinions , and practise of honour among them . A most noble argument , and as nobly handled . The RHODIANS , who abounded in brazen statuas , standing consecrated to the euerlasting names of their represented Worthies , were iniuriously growne , for sparing cost , to rase out old inscriptions to gratifie new deserts . Against this bad encroaching custome DION bent his engins of reason , and speech , and obiected NERO'S priuiledge . That College of Honour , for which your Lordship in your excellently honest zeale to our countrey , openly moued , meetes euery where with aids , and supports of authority , and reason ; and DIOS oration alone were able to introduce that sacred noursery of braue encouragements ; diuturnitie of remembrance for publicke merit , by statuarie , plasticke , fusorie , and other the arts of magnificence . A secret , little vnderstood , but neuer to be too soone enured among the noble . It was for such a minde as NERO'S ( which enuide immortality of good renown to others , and was deficient to his owne ) to violate the wonders of workemanship , & the greater wonder of deseruing such memorials . Images to life , and the names of Worthies in arts , and armes , should be aduanced in the most conspicuous ciuill places . For there is no vse to be instituted of them , but ciuill , and for ciuill causes only . If any will contend , that these iniuries to the depressed GREEKS were not all of them done by NERO'S authoritie at this present , I will not striue , but turne about from hence , with a short stop , to his returning home .

CHAP. XLVIII . NERO'S RETVRNE .

HELIVS , being arriued where CAESAR was , preuailed so far that he sodeinly returned in such tempestuous weather , as it gaue iust hope , that the seas would take to heart the cause of the land , and deuoure him with waues whom waters could not wash white , nor deserued a graue-roome on earth . The train-sent of a conspiracie which HELIVS did beat vpon , seems to haue beene the fatall purpose of that rebellion in GALLIA , the force whereof shouldred NERO , before it was long , out of his imperiall seat . For as the seas moue of themselues with a kinde of horror , before some terrible tempest , and as certaine signes doe alwayes foregoe euery great sicknesse in humane bodies , so , maine mutations are neuer in the world without their sensible tokens , effects of heauenly prouidence . It hapned so now in GALLIA before the deadly stroake of change . And herein I doe not meane of those prodigies only , which PLINIE commemorates as fore-runners of downefall , and whereof himselfe was a witnesse . Such were riuers flowing backe to their springs ; oliue-gardens , and meadowes , in the lands of VECTIVS MARCELLVS ( NERO'S attourney generall ) transported ouer the high-way betweene , and setling themselues on the further side ; the decay of that cypresse tree which had lasted from the dayes of ROMVLVS till then ; the paire of hermaphrodite mares ( foaled in GALLIA , among the TREVIRI ) which serued to draw NERO'S coach , or the like reputed wonders ; But I also meane those prëambulatorie notes , by which it may suspiciously appear , that some mighty businesse is in hand , when secret murmurs , and other markes of approaching mischiefe discouer somewhat , euen to an halfe open-eye , and when common bodings mis-giue .

CHAP. XLIX . NERO'S DOINGS AFTER HIS RETVRN .

IN the meane space ( as if nothing else were needfull ) the vnwise prince doth wholly tend to enter ROME in a fidling triumph , by breaking downe her walls ( no contemptible omen of his owne dismantlings ) as hee had done before at NAPLES , ANTIVM , & ALBANVM , according to the custome of the Hieronickes , or sacred victories . For with that adiunct the GREEKS adorned their deserts who returned victors from their generall prizes .

CHAP. L. THE LAST ACT OF NERO'S PERSECVTION OF CHRISTIANS .

BVt whosoeuer triumpht in sport , the champions of eternall verity triumpht in bloud . For , after NERO'S return , the two principal lights of the Christian name , were by his commandement led to their martyrdome , both vpon one day , both with one glory of profession , though in a diuers kinde of suffering , the one by crucifixion reuerst , the other by decollation . So the fire of persecution which had vnequally flamed ouer the world , after about foure yeares from the first rising therof , went forth in two most shining blazes , as dying lamps expire with enlarged flames . The summ of Christianitie being their care , & their deaths being the summ of iniquitie , EVSEBIVS dates the Persecution , not where it began , but where it gaue the sorest blow . Which if some had well considered , they might haue spared the reproofe of EVSEBIVS , as if he had mis-placed the time .

CHAP. LI. HOLY MEN THE INVISIBLE STAYES OF THE WORLD .

ANd though the Persecutor obserued it not , yet did he therby cut away at once the two main anchors , at which the ship of empire , and the last hope of his safety did inuisibly ride . Their prayers , and their presences mightily preserued the estate of peace , according as they also did ( in the opinion of PAVLVS OROSIVS ) vnder CLAVDIVS AVGVSTVS , that indulgent father of the world . The persons of Saints are like secret pledges of common quiet , apparently seene in the case of the fiue cities , for which ABRAM interceded , and their meditations are as shields for the earth against the wrath of heauen . God taught his most potent office of praier in persecution , for preseruation of the ciuill estate , by his prophet IEREMY to the Iewes , in their captiuity at BABILON , and these blessed Apostles , enured it in their writings , and examples , during their corporall abode in ROME . These cables , and stayes being thus cut off , NERO could not but be ouer-whelmed with the vengeance due to his crimes , among which the greatest was the wilfull effusion of Christians bloud , vnder iniurious , & calumnious titles . For IOSEPH SCALIGER voucheth an old pagan scholiast , affirming , that they suffer'd as sorcerers , or magitians , and to say the truth , what could it appeare to NERO ( who knew not things diuine ) but an effect of some notable enchantment , that women who in his dayes were inuited , and authorised to all sorts of lewdnesse , should be wonne to the quite contrary ? The sacred annals assigne deuout chastity as a cause among the causes of that Persecution . His own perswasion was firme in this ( saith SVETONIVS ) that there was no such vertue ; for he himself was defiled all ouer ; and had deflowred the Vestal virgin , RVBRIA . He could not therefore but be much the readier to ascribe so strange a conuersion to witchcraft . Again , the famous case , and bloudy downfall of Simon Magus ( that most blasphemous impostor ) in the fight of ROME , and of NERO ( as in SVETONIVS vnder the fabulous name of an ICARVS ) procured by the prayers , and adiuration of the Apostle ( as in DAMASVS , HIEROME , AVGVSTINE , EPIPHANIVS , ARNOBIVS , and others ) had the rather seald an opinion of magick arts in Christians , according to the malice , and ignorance of the times . IANVS GRVTERVS ( to whose diligence the common-weale of ciuill letters is not a little indebted ) in his vsefull volumn of Inscriptions hath a testimony touching a place in ROME called The Simon Magus , where that memorial which was ( whatsoeuer it was ) being taken away by the barbarous , the same was restored by CASTALIVS INNOCENTIVS , Audax , at that time iudge in sacred causes . The Inscription transcribed hither , followes here . CASTALIVS . INNOCENTIVS . AVDAX . V.C. PRAEF. VRBIS . VICE . SACRA . IVDICANS . BARBARICA INCVRSIONE SVBLATA RESTITVIT . But NERO CAESAR perswaded himselfe , that this sacrifice which hee made of their captaines as hee was High Priest ( for that function was also his ) would settle his owne domination by his Auerruncan deities . But he committed such an offense therin , as did consummate all his infelicities .

CHAP. LII . NERO DESTITVTED .

THe ETHNICK storie ( which I professe to prosecute ) proceeds , and further saith , that the vlcer of his misgouernment , bred , and fed in ROME , by the odious flatteries of the degenerous Senate , who without their least freedome of reproofe , held vp his spirit , in the conscience of all his grand murthers , in which his brother , mother , and his nearest friends perished , was first begunne to be lanced by IVLIVS VINDEX in GALLIA . The kore of that foule apostem ( for his times saith AMMIANVS MARCELLINVS , were the colluuion , or sincke of the world ) was in himselfe , which himselfe was driuen to incise . All friends sodeinly forsooke him , and in that iust destitution he was glad to flye bare-footed , and muffled , vpon as sorry a iade ( saith XIPHILINE ) as his coat was base , with onely foure left vnto him , of so many scores of thousands . I take delight to recount their names who retained faith towards their lord in his last necessities . Which was piety in them , whatsoeuer his impiety was . They were his freed-men ; PHAON , to whose farm-house he fled , and EPAPHRODITVS , Maister of Requests , SPORVS his male concubine ( called POPPAEA SABINA , and not RHODOGVN , saith DIO PRVSIAS ) and another whom SVETONIVS nameth not , but EVTROPIVS , and SAVILE ( out of him ) calls NEOPHYTVS . When NERO therefore approached the village , in many feares and affrights , he was enforced , for auoiding note ( after al other difficulties , and miseries , for getting vp to the next wall of the place among vnder-woods , & briers , or through the path of a queachie reed-plot ) to creep like a beast on all foure . Wherby Gods iustice did cast his body into that abiect posture , which most resembled the state of his vnthankfull , and sauage minde . But thus he made shift at last to come vnseene where he was to hide himselfe , in such extreme want of all things , that for quenching his thirst , hee was driuen to lade water with his hand out of the next plash , saying , This is NERO'S beuerege . He meant therby that drink of his owne deuising , which PLINIE celebrates as a most witty inuention . It was only faire water boild , and that being put into a glasse , was set in snow , whereby he enioyd the coolnesse wthhout the contagion . Sodden liquor ( saith he ) is more wholesome , then raw ; and water once heated , and cooled again , is by so much the colder .

CHAP. LIII . OF NERO'S END , AND OF EPAPHRODITVS .

THe Senate in the meane space neglected not to concurre to his speedy depression , proclaiming GALBA , Emperour , and him the publicke enemy . But those cornets of horse which they sent vpon the spur for his apprehension , were out-stript by swifter meanes , which warned him of the nearenesse , & ineuitable certainty of his danger , besides the horriblenesse of the death to which he was adiudged : for their sentence was , that he should suffer after the antient manner . In that most seuere , and shamefull execution ; the body of the condemned person was to be stript stark naked , his hands fast bound behinde him , his head stockt vnder a forke , and himselfe in open view beaten to death with rods . Or ( to speake that more explicately , which SVETONIVS speakes congestedly ) to be beaten first with rods by the lictor , and then his head to be cut off with an axe by the common hangman . For that was truely MORE MAIORVM in this case . Nor doth NERO seeme to haue vnderstood it otherwise , when he was so earnest that his body might be funerally burned entire , the head remaining on . NERO hereupon , after many fearefull delayes , and abiect lamentations , puts a poniard to his throat , which EPAPHRODITVS did helpe to driue home , lest his capitall enemies should seize on him aliue . This EPAPHRODITVS was indeed a very worthy man , a great friend , & aduancer of honest studies . FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS honours him with highest praises , as the person to whose patronage he dedicated those his immortall volumns of the IEWS Antiquities . And it must not stand among the least of his good fortunes , & commendations , that EPICTETVS ( the most graue , & renowned Stoick of the world ) was his seruant in houshold ; a man more free then his maister . But DOMITIAN ( a portion of NERO for cruelty , saith TERTVLLIAN ) as in more prouision for his owne securitie , by the terrour of such a retrospection , commanded this noble freed-man to die , because his hand had howsoeuer assisted to NERO'S self-murther . Though it was no-otherwise then as only to confer a benefit . The act had in it the shew of good , and SVETONIVS commends it for such But whither he was well ouercome by his zeale , and pittie , may seeme a proper subiect for a controuersie among rhetoricall declamers . Thus was NERO'S voice , and fingring marr'd , & these were among his last words ; O what an artist I die , or thus , O Iupiter , what a master I am in singing to the harpe , and yet perish ! For DIO , and MANASSES in his chronicle , doe fill vp that sentence in SVETONIVS so . Yet was he not such an artist , as hee was an example of terrour to wicked rulers , who make musick to themselues out of the miseries of the publicke . To add to the sacred titles of Augustus , of High-Priest , of Tribunitial power , and of the Father of his countrey , which adoption , and the common-weal bestowed , and he defiled , that one most vaine new title of PERIODONICK ( by which hee meant his victories in the Arts obtained from the GREEKS in all their chiefe nationall games , and places of tryal visited in circuit ) seemed to him a thing most glorious , and diuine . A plaine effect of a most defectiue breeding .

CHAP. LIIII . SPECVLATIONS , On Behalfe of Common-weale , VPON THE DEPOSVRE AND DEATH OF NERO.

HEre neuerthelesse , if the freedome , & serenity of discourse , & censure might haue their full allowance , it would easily be found , by view of euents , that the People of ROME had beene farre better perhaps to haue attended NERO'S amendment , or what else soeuer of him , being so young ( for he died not two and thirty yeares of age ) then to suffer a NYMPHIDIVS , a GALBA , an OTHO , a VITELLIVS , and all the bloudy confusions inseperable to sidings for the imperiall garland , which hapned , all of them , within the compasse of only one yeare , and two & twenty dayes . DIO exactly notes that quantity of interim from NERO'S end till VESPASIANS entrance . Within so narrow a circle those infinite euils were enwrapped , which immediately ensued , and which brought forth some more filthy monsters then NERO'S selfe ; nothing being tollerable , during that whole space of time , but onely the shortnesse of it . Nay , it imported the Senate , and People of ROME to haue kept this sacred secret from euer going abroad , That a CAESAR ( who was also none of the CAESARS ) might be elsewhere made then at ROME , and among the sword-men in the prouinces , no lesse religiously then they kept either their fatall shield , or SIBYLLS verses , or as it did concerne those other of old to haue preserued the image of MINERVA , at TROY . For at this breach the empires fall first entred . For the election of emperours being translated thereby after seauen successions , from a certaine family , became the meed of most voices in the armies , and they the vendible ware of popularitie , donatiues , and congiaries . Adde , that the very sinews , and shot-anchor of humane prouisions was volently dissolued , when the soldiers ( contrary to honesty and discipline ) were taught to despise their allegiance , and gownmen to concurre in like periurie with the soldiers . And what shall conserue the life of the most innocent , and most meritorious prince , if the pillar of fealtie be remoued ? Or what must not that state suffer hazardous , whose principall tyes shall sodeinly be dissundred , before new can possibly be so prouided as withall to be timely fastned ? Monarckie is like the pole of the world , where all the meridians meet , and cannot be dislocated in the person vested therewith , but vniuersall perturbations must follow . CAPITO COSSVTIANVS , though a very bad man , said very well ; That to ouerthrow souereignty , liberty was cryed vp , but if souereignty was thereby ouerthrowne , then would liberty it selfe be set vpon . MAVRICVS ( in PLVTARCKS GALBA ) was both a wise man , and a worthy Senatour , who beholding the wilde way which NYMPHIDIVS SABINVS ambitiously gaue to the peoples licentious reuenges , and cruelties , immediately after NEROS end , spake it openly . That he feared lest they would wish for NERO. Yea TACITVS himselfe , howsoeuer affected with the allowance of change , as in honest detestation of tyranny , was neuerthelesse so toucht with the mischiefes , and miseries which forthwith followed thicke , that he breakes out vpon that meditation , into words which the best of his friends can hardly excuse from impotent impiety ( borrowed in the probable opinion of IVSTVS LIPSIVS ) out of round and flagrant LVCAN .

CHAP. LV. THE LINE OF THE CAESARS ENDED .

IN NERO the maiestical tree of the CAESARS withered , in him their channell of power dryed vp , the last of their line , and house . For MARCVS AGRIPPA ( by IVLIA the daughter of AVGVSTVS CAESAR , had issue ) AGRIPPINA , the wife of GERMANICVS CAESAR , the parents of AGRIPPINA AVGVSTA , the mother of this vnhappy man . All other the branches , and hopes of the IVLIAN familie , were at seuerall times betweene , and vpon seuerall occasions detrencht , or otherwise decaid , and dead , their rights combyned in his bloud , going all of them out in NERO CAESAR , as a tedious lampe with an euill odour .

FINIS .