WIth what care and cost States and Kingdomes , which vphold and deriue all happinesse to man , as he is a sociable and a feeble creature , should be preserved , none will deny ; especially since they are so subiect to decay , and the causes of their corruptions so many . Senec. 117. For the best tempered common-wealth is not of any constant continuance , but full of changes , and those at last , will after much interchange , driue it to a full and fatall period . It must therefore be the care of the present age , to see that it receiue no detriment while they are in it : for they may be so orderly , as to worke no distemper , but conserue it in health and wealth , or at least keepe it from decaying so fast , that hauing some space to fall in , it may recouer , or they haue time to leaue it , and not fall with it , nor that fall vpon them . Now the best , and all that the passing , present generation can doe , is either to keep things in primitiue order , or to reforme them to it . The first of which is difficult to continue , the other dangerous if long discontinued . Yet Kingdomes must be conserued , by the same meanes they were first established . This labour , and care then will be to best purpose bestowed vpon those parts which are most necessary , and vphold the rest as essentiall and fundamentall , being the principles of the intrinsicall , Polybius hist. lib. 6. originall good : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or vpon those that secure these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Now that which is the only infallible ground of these , must needs be principally respected by those that are vndertakers for the publick good ; and that ground is true religion . For though ill manners are per accidens the cause , or rather the occasion of making good lawes , yet they are better in the executing , best when they are obeyed . Now good manners cause obedience , and religion naturally begets good manners . But religion cannot subsist without publicke exercise and action , and so the requisites of it are times , places , and some persons who ought to be set apart , and wholly and only employed in it ; and they must be in the common-wealth . Therefore seeing it is necessary to haue a religion to preserue the common-wealth , it is by consequent as needfull , to haue preservers of religion , that may not overturne the common-wealth by over-ruling religion . Wherefore the choyse of them need to be such , that seeing they must be in the common-wealth of necessity , they may be of the common-wealth for vniversal safety . And yet they are to be distinguished by state , and order , to avoyd confusion ; nor doth their distinction enforce any such forme , after which they must governe , as may be inconvenient to the publicke civill state , wherby they are to be governed . The care then of the wisest must be either to preserue , or restore that forme of the Clergie , which is most agreeing with the Civill State , and that will be the meanes to prolong the age of the state , by preserving concord amongst societies ; which , though at last it come to an end , yet it may out-last our dayes , that we be not vnhappy in the ruine ; for it is not the infelicitie of States which haue long flourished to decay , or be destroyed , but the vnhappinesse of those men , whose hap it is then to liue , and not when they did flourish . Now every form of a Clergie will not fit , Guic hypor Poli● but according to divers countries , they haue beene severall , suiting to the times , places , and people . The first was the originall , domesticall discipline in private families , before God made choyse , and actually seperated a nation to himselfe . Then followed the Leviticall Nationall regiment , compounded and composed of , and according to the ceremoniall and judiciall Lawes . Both these formes were not onely by divine permission , but also by injunction ; yet not perpetuall nor vniversall . Neither of these then are the government wee must chuse , because that manner of exercising religion is antiquated . Wee must then consider of a forme , which may be conformable to the present practise of true religion , in relation to Gods revealed Will , which may withall be suitable , and sorting with this present state , that so they may vphold each other ; which forme , though it be not according to Gods expresse mandate in some particulars , yet it is not against it , but with his permission of approbation in all points . Now in this choyce , wee must consider our owne forme of Civill government , and whether that were imposed vpon vs by conquest , or by our owne consent ; if by free consent , and of long continuance , it will with more ease and desire be preserved , and with greatest danger altered ; if by conquest , the more Charters of priuiledges are granted to vs vnder it , the more it is endeared to vs , and esteemed happy ; but our forme of state is a free Monarchie , erected and protected by free consent , and of long continuance , not imposed but confirmed and reformed to the first freedome by a happy conquest , and endeered vnto vs by many Charters of wholsome priviledges . Therefore we must seeke or keepe such a forme of state Ecclesiasticall , as may best accord with our forme of Civill policie ,

§ . 2. This present State Ecclesiasticall is the forme that best agrees with the Civill State . That it is not against the Law of God , I will not goe about to proue , because I hope none will question it : neither that it was the primitiue , and should still be the government of the present visible Church , because that is already proved without all contradiction by many most judicious and orthodoxe Divines : But my vndertaking is ( as farre as God shall giue mee vnderstanding ) to discourse , how it is most agreeable with this Kingdome . All States haue alwayes endeavoured , as to haue a religion , so to frame the exercise of it according to their owne dispositions : but some with more doting indulgence , haue at last changed it into that which they were most naturally disposed to , and did not alter and order their inclinations by it . As the foure grand Monarchies , the Chaldean with whom the Persian may well be joyned , these turned the acts of religion into philosophicall considerations , enquiries , and explications of nature . The Egyptians ( a principall branch of these Monarchies , and from whom some thinke the Chaldeans were derived , and that Belus Neptuni Libiaeque filius in Babyloniam colonos ex Aegypto traduxisset , Diodorus Siculus Biblioth. lib. 1. & ex iis Sacerdotes quos Chaldeos Babylonii vocant , qui more Aegyptiorum astra observant , &c. ) These Egyptians naturally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , superstitious in religion , curious in mysteries , transformed religion into all kinde of superstitions , and by trying conclusions and chymicall experiments vpon it , conceited the substance of it into vnexpected phansies , furthered by mimicall expressions , leading into , and leaving in mysticall mazes . The Grecians by nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intelligent , able to find out , and loving to contend , drew religion into disputes , and would beleeue no more than they could finde out by search of reason , and apprehend by force of fansie ; and that they obstinately maintained , by a wanton working wit , which they might with more ease doe , seeing their language was so happy for expression . The Romans by nature inclined to dominion , fitted the frame of their religion to a Monarchicall forme vnder the Pontifices ; Cujaci● Origin lis , §. 1 yet they seemed to seeke a Monopolie of all the Gods in the world : ( for they receiued and worshipped the Gods of all the nations they conquered . ) These nations framing religion to these ends , August Civit 〈◊〉 20. cap had a forme of government , vnder religious persons , sutable to further , contriue , and compasse by all meanes , their particular purposes , and therefore they gaue them power , of a most large extent , yea they were ruled by them ; for the Chaldeans were originally Priests , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a priest , Synesiu 126. and a Prince were all one with them . So the Magi amongst the Persians , the Priests of Apollo at Delphos amongst the Grecians did what they would . Pomp● Orig. I. And the Romans were led by their Pontifices and Augures , but it was whither they would , namely to a Monarchy . Wee having not the ends of these nations in our religion , must not vse the same forme of Clergie . For I conceiue the aime of the best and wisest with vs , is to preserue the Church and Common-wealth together . Now that cannot be , where the state of the Clergie governs , but where it is governed . Our ayme being such , let vs consider what forme will be best governed vnder this Common-wealth . There are but three distinct formes of Ecclesiasticall government in Christendome , as the Monarchicall , Aristocraticall , Democraticall ; of these , the Aristocraticall is most conformable to the rule of this Realme . In proving of which assertion , I will not onely insist vpon the proofe of past and present experience , that it is so , but discourse in reason why it should be so . And first in opposition to the other formes of Ecclesiasticall government : what they are likely to produce , woefull experience hath long since felt in the one , and what we may expect , vpon probable conjecture , from the other , is not to be desired by any that vnderstand , and loue the happinesse of this Civill State . For all their principles , fundamentall in their grounds , of augmentation in their growth , of conservation in their heigth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Polybius lib. 6. and of reparation in their decayes are most dangerous for this Monarchy , and the causes of their corruption would be so incorporated into the body and bowels of the Civill State , that if it fall not before them and into their hands , they would goe neere to pull it downe with them when they fall . Not so speake of their power , which they must haue , and the exercise of it , either in an ordinary and lawfull course , or by indulgence or vsurpation , and the manner of their proceedings in the execution of it , what instruments they vse in counsell and action , how much they trench vpon the power , vndermine the government , countermine the proceedings , countermand the edict , and confront a Monarchy , I leaue it to wise and actiue men to consider .

§ . 3. First to speake of the Monarchicall , which is now the Papall government . How this Monarchicall forme hath heretofore agreed with this State , all know ; and it is not likely that it should now so well accord with it , because the reasons of that little agreement then , the present particular interest , in which this State vsed that Monarchy , are ceased ; for then wee aymed to enlarge our dominion by the right of succession in France , by the right of conquest in Scotland and Ireland . But the causes of disagreement still remaine , and are in their part aggravated to an vtter opposition ; so that as before it was dangerous , so now it is a desperate case to re-entertaine that forme of Clergie , which can and will rule vs , and must necessarily alter , and so worke the ruine of the present state . Vnder this forme this Kingdome was no Monarchie , but a Province , vnder a forreiner , an vsurper and a tyrant . This was our best condition when that Clergie ruled vs , though as favourable as they could , or did any Monarchy in Europe . The lawes and priviledges of the land were continually broken and infringed by them , especially those lawes that did most immediatly vphold the Kings prerogatiue . Against them they continually promulgated particular edicts , for the decrees were too generall to be applyed to occasions , and therefore they added the decretals , so called , because they gaue wings to the decrees for quicker dispatch . And wee shall finde , Duare● benefici● Prooem that most of the Decretall epistles , which concerne Iurisdiction , were written to English Prelates . And ( as I conceiue ) some reason might be , because the lawes of this land are more contrary to the Canon Law , than the lawes of any other States in Christendome , being they are more ruled by the Civill Law , from which the Canon is derived , and so more causes might arise here amongst vs , either out of the contrariety of the Lawes , or out of the narrower extent of the Common Law , and also partly out of the ignorance of the proceedings of this State , which was then likely to be most , because intercourse and intelligence with Rome for that time was abridged ; ( for Henry 2. being then at variance with Thomas Becket , who was sheltered by the Pope Alexander the third , permitted not any Legate to reside in the kingdome ; but as soone as Vivian was arrived , he was questioned , and that by the Bishops of Winchester and Ely , how hee durst land without the Kings speciall licence . ) And partly they writ the oftner to English Bishops , because they suspected them , and justly , to be more partiall for their Prince , than the Prelates of any other kingdome , as appeares by their readinesse to examine this Legate , and also by an epistle Decretall of Alexander the third to the Bishop of London , Lib 4. t●●t . 17. c●p. 7. qui filij legitimi . Sarisburiensis de nugis curial : lib. 7. cap. 24 who then was Gilbert Foliot ( a man much commended by Mathew Paris and Iohn Sarisburiensis ) in that epistle hee curries favour with him in a cause which hee knew was of Ecclesiasticall cognizance , and was so judged here in the Kings court , ( as appeares out of Glanvill then Lord chiefe Iustice ) I think in the very particular case . Glanvill , lib. 7. cap. 15. Ad Regem Angliae pertinet de possessionibus iudicare . Iohannes de Parisijs contra Bonifacium octavum . cap. 12. But he feared , seeing the Bishop could doe so much with the King , and would doe so much for his King , least hee should finde some way to entitle it to the Crowne : and hee had good reason to feare , since the Bishop had so often in the Kings behalfe opposed Thomas Becket and him . These may bee some reasons why the Popes sent so many epistles into England , and I am the more confirmed in them , because I finde they were for the greatest part written by the most Pragmaticall Popes , who busied and bestirred themselves most in setting up orders , and new fresh Fryes , and fraternities of Fryers ; and in pulling downe the powers both of our Kings and Bishops : to wit , from those seaven Popes ( who were the thirds ; and I thinke the worst of their names , I am sure of their predecessors . ) As for the most part they were written from Alex. 3. Lucius tertius , Vrbanus tertius , Clemens tertius , Coelestinus tertius , Innocens tertius , and Honorius tertius ; these men did and undid very much , because they were active and lived long . If then this forme of Clergie was thus prejudiciall to our state before it was opposed and incensed by the statute of Proviso and Premunire , and cast off by the Kings just re-assuming their power , ( which shewes that all their right was nothing but our soveraignes wrong ; ) surely now wee are not to expect so much favour from them : and therefore as the State then thought it necessarie and right to casheere it , and brought their purpose fully to passe ; so it is now more necessary and just to keepe it out , since it is infinitely increased in tyranny , since that unhappy , unadvised , ill advised conventicle at Trent .

§ . 4. Those nations shall have the best use of that forme , who propound a civill state as large as their Ecclesiasticall ; and to whom he hath first sought too for assistance : and withall are able to overrule it . For after Iustinianus the last of the true Roman Emperours , and Gregory the last of the good Popes , that See claue to Phocas ; who named the Pope Vniversall Bishop , that hee might proclaime him Catholique Emperour . But when in the next Centurie the Easterne Emperours were infested with Saracens warre , began to pull downe images as some cause of the warres , which the Pope endeavoured to set up againe : then by the second Councell of Nice , whether because they did him wrong in disobedience , or rather because they could doe him no good ; the Greeke Pope Zachary fell off to the French before the next Centurie . And then Pipin used him to confirme , not to conferre his new atchived Kingdome ; for in those dayes they gave no such power , neither did Pope Zachary claime it : for hee deposed not Childericke , but consented to the deposing , which was by the Peeres of France ; neither did he set up Pipin in his roome : but they that deposed the other onely sent to Rome to have Zacharies advise in it , Bulla 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it might passe more plausibly in the world by the consent of so grave an Oracle : as it hath alway beene good wisedome to winde in the conscience of one who is esteemed an upright Iudge , for the countenance of an unusuall cause humorously undertaken by the first Author ; especially there being then a faction amongst the Bishops of France : Baro● nal . 〈◊〉 so that this inquirie of his judgement in point of fact did non submit to any claime of right . And Gotefridus Viterbrensis affirmes , and Baronius confesses , Francos non Zachariae paruisse decreto , Baro● nal . 〈◊〉 sed acquievisse consilio : and there is great difference betwixt an absolute injunction , and a politique advise , which is onely an answere out of discretion and left to discretion , implies no obligation of necessitie . But this is without question , Pipin being ambitious of the Kingdome , and desirous to cover and colour it with religious ends , used the Pope to countenance and compasse his designe ; who would not withstand him , being ingaged to him for protection and by bounty , or which is likelier , hee durst not , being too much in his power . But howsoever it was , he clave fast unto the French for that Century : especially to Charles the great , the repairer of the Westerne Empire ; from whom the Caroline succession continued till Otho the third . But then the French Kings being distracted by warres at home , Augustinus de A●cona de potest . Papae : quaest. 37. Art. 5. could no more assist them : Gregory the fift an Almaine transferred it to the Almaines , chose those seaven Electors , but they agreed not well together : after the Almaine Pope was dead and Italians succeeded , they presently began to quarrell with the Emperour , and to send challenges of right into Italy ; knowing that the Emperour was not able to doe much for them in giving them as the French had done , and perceiving hee was more unable to hold from them that which they would have : Segebertus ●hron . passim . so that the Emperours were continually imbroiled by them , being not able to rule them , decreasing as fast as they rose . Then the opposition betwixt many particular Popes and Emperours , as betwixt Gregory the seaventh and Henry the fourth , and Alexander the third with Fredericke Barbarossa , was very strong . But after it grew to such a height that they were setled into factions of separations , as the Ecclesiastiques and Imperialists , especially in Italy ; Nabrigensis hist. Anglicana lib. 4. cap. 13. which the Italians quickly perceiving , because earnestly desiring the Emperours power over them to be looser , began to make use of the Papall present opposition to procure their full liberty : Abbas Vnspergensis chron. passim . and therefore these factions were most strong there . Yet that grand faction distinguished by many formalities , was principally maintained under the names of the Guelfs and Gibellins , which swallowed up all the private and pettie familie factions of Italie . As the Vrsini in Rome were Guelfes , Mat hist. Ann the Collonensi Gibellins , the Vberti in Florence were Gibellins , the Bondelmonti Guelfes , and so it was in Naples , Venice , Millaine : which strife continued hot till Boniface the eight , who perceiving how much his predecessors had gained upon the Emperour , and saw but little more for him to get ; began to practise the like domineering humour upon the other Potentates of Christendome , sending his letters of claime to the Kings of France , England , Scotland , Denmarke , Poland , Hungarie . But being opposed by Philip le Beau King of France , hee did flie backe to the Emperour for succour , who then was Albertus , the first Emperour of the house of Austria ( for though his father was Emperour , yet hee was not of the house of Austria , neither of the old Marquesses nor late Dukes , but Earle of Hansburg , who had conquered the Dukedome of Austria for his sonne . ) This Boniface the Spaniard first began the faction betwixt the Kingdome of France and the house of Austria , by giving the Kingdome of France to Albertus . These two better agreed then any , because the Pope had taken off the Emperour from seeking his owne right in Italie , by imploying him as his champion to enlarge his dominion in other Kingdomes : and partly because the Emperour had good hope to continue the Empire in his familie , as it hath neere foure hundred yeares . From which time the Emperours and Popes disagreements were not so frequent , but onely when some French favourers were Popes , and they sate at Avinion , as Clement the fifth with Henry the seaventh , and during the times of the Councels of Constance and Basill . But by reason of the schismes in the Roman See , they did one another neither much good nor harme , vntill the time of Alexander the sixth , a Spaniard , who was exactly ambitious , a great lover of his countrie , and one that did much for it . Anonymus Hisp . in vita Alex. For hee joyned with Ferdinand the first Catholick King , helping him to subdue Spaine , and therefore first brought in the Inquisition Contra los Iudios y mores , que le aviantornado Christianos , which Caranza Arch-bishop of Toledo , saith Ferdinand , conceived himselfe bound in conscience to vse , by vertue of an oath taken with an imprecation by one of his predecessours in the fourth Councell of Toledo , Baronius Annal. An. 637. which Baronius so much commends . This Pope also bestowed vpon him the then discovered Indies , with many other favours , and for his sake , and in opposition to the French , hee was as fast a friend to the House of Austria , as his deepe dissimulation would suffer him ; Philip. Cominoeus , lib. 8. and the rather , because they had lately matched with the House of Burgundie , which much weakned the French force , and strengthned their factions . Thuanus hist. lib. 4. But then most when Philip , the heire of the House of Austria and Burgundie , incorporated himselfe with Spaine . So that I will conclude these things considered , that this forme is onely safe and convenient for those kingdomes that propose conquests , and can rule it as the protectors of it .

§ . 5. So then seeing this Clergie is not for vs , I will consider of the other , which for distinct proceeding , we may call Democraticall . When the three Prime Potentates of Christendome , were Charles the fifth , Henry the eighth , Francis the first , such as deserved and desired to haue all the soveraigne power that could of right belong vnto them , and yet were contrariwise vsurped vpon , and deprived of all their eminent supremacie , in those things that most concerned them ; & perceiving ( some beginning to question the Pope ) a course of relieving themselues , they began to vrge a Councell for reformation , not onely in doctrine and manners , but also in point of Ecclesiasticall government . But it was so long vrged by them , to no purpose , that Henry the eigth advisedly wrote to the other ; That seeing the Pope had so long put it off , Histo. Trid. and now intended to hold it within his owne territories , it were the best course for every one , to reforme his owne Kingdome , and he did so with the advise , consent , and desire of the Church and Stat● representatiue . No sooner was a reformation in any degree setled , but presently it was excepted against by some that favoured the Church of Geneva , as not fully reformed , because not agreeing with their new neat platforme ; & that was vrged vpon vs , as the only Apostolical government of the Church . But I marvell how such an exact government should be so suddenly framed , or else which is more strange , that they could so conceale their happy invention ; as that Francis the first , a King of France , that searched into his government as much as any , should not know of it . For I am very much deceived , if hee had not beene much mistaken , knowing of this project , to desire the Councell might be held at Geneva , being it was Diametrically opposite to the Romane . But our State had no reason to receiue it . Hist. Trid. For though it was necessary , not onely in reason of State , but also out of conscience , that ( after we perceived the indisposition of the Romane Clergie to reforme themselues , ( which they seem to hold impossible . ) For though every Cardinall takes an oath in the vacancie , yet it cannot binde him when he is Pope ; wee should then performe our duty , especially seeing it stood with the publick good . ) Yet neither of these considerations did engage vs to accept of such a forme of Clergie , as seemed to runne a cleane contrary course , seeing we propounded not an innovation , but a reformatioa ; that being as dangerous , as this was necessary , it could not here be entertained without an vniversall innovation . Now all stirring changes are dangerous , especially when the body of the common-wealth is full of diseased , discontented humours . Because all alteration sets the humours a working , and one humour being a-foote , stirs vp all the rest , either alluring by sympathie , or provoking by antipathy ; and when they are once a-foote , it is to be feared , that they will not onely disburthen the body of malignant oppressing cru●●ties , but weaken it in the most principall parts , causing it to receiue a disposition to the like distemper , vpon every small distaste . But it is most dangerous to innovate in that part of a common-wealth , that is most essentially actiue , and hath beene lately recovered , especially if the matter proposed doe minister any cause of relapse . Both which seem too true in this new discipline , which gaue an occasion to the Clergie to revolt in the denying the supremacie , which they lately acknowledged . And being a forraine French devise , might seeme to come within the compasse of a praemunire for intrusion . as well as that of the Church of Rome for vsurpation . But this was only propounded , not brought in , and that by men who were by some beleeved to be faithfull to our State . And it may be , they had no dangerous aime in it , yet it would haue beene very dangerous for our kingdome , since it did necessarily induce an alteration in the profession and practise of the lawes , which by reason of their long vse , are as it were naturalized , into the manners and disposition of our nation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Arist. Rhetor. l. 2. cap : 11. It must necessarily haue conferred ruines vpon our schooles of learning and hospitals of charity , razed the foundations of our Churches , confounded divisions of parishes , changed the right and custome of paying tythes , with many such miserable inconveniences , which were so in the Apostles times of miseries , in persecution . So that the State then would not venture to trie conclusions vpon it selfe , by this new receipt , but chose rather to feele the supposed paine , than to take the pill : and yet it hath subsisted , though not in that heigth of health , which that forme of government promised ; yet in such a good competent continuance of reasonable well , that the present state also had rather indure the worst of the disease , than make the best vse of the remedie . And if it must haue made such a change in the entrance , what would it haue done in the continuance ? how would it haue agreed with this Monarchie , that must haue entred with such oppositions ? so that I neede not to say much to discard it , for it hath enough in it at the first sight to keepe it out . And I confesse , that if I would , I cannot say much of it with any confident certainty , because indeed I doe not know , neither doe I thinke that any of them doe , or at least ever haue set downe , in positiue and plaine termes , the whole frame and face of this platforme , as they would haue it received in this Kingdome . But as much as I conceiue of it , and at the best and purest , it is a mixt Democraticall discipline , and it is not likely , that a dissolute Democracie should long agree with this Monarchie . It is not my intent here to discourse of the nature of a Democracie , Clayn Arc. that I should shew the manifold consequent , coincident inconveniences , that doe naturally flow in with it , and follow it ( notwithstanding that Machivell in many of his discourses vpon Livie , doth preferre a Democracie before any other forme , but rather wittily , out of a Paradoxicall contradicting humour , than wisely , out of the weight and worth of sincere , sage , and serious arguments . And Plato saith thus much for it , in his Idaea of a Common-wealth , Plat● lib. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter iniquas formas optima , inter legitimas deterrima . For if it begin to degenerate into an Ochlocratie , ( as I cannot conceiue it possible , but it must , considering that liberty is the end and excellencie of it ) then it turnes to a most head-strong , intollerable tyrannie . For I am not of their opinion , that hold it a contradiction , that where a Democracy prevayles , there can be a tyranny . For the Ephori of Sparta , were as the Tribunes of the people of Rome , chosen by the people , and out of the common people , and the conservators of their liberty . Yet I thinke there are but few that discourse of these Ephori , but they conclude , and condemne their government of tyranny . They cast Pausanias into prison , and Thucidides saith , that they vsurped that power over , and against their Kings , for they put Agis junior to death , Plato de leg . lib. 4. as Plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and they were set vp to restraine their Kings . It is a hard matter to keepe that liberty within its limits , in any common-wealth , where it hath the supreme government , and therefore with much difficulty will it submit to be governed by a free Monarchy , especially a Democracie of that new nature , which makes the same persons civill subjects , and ecclesiasticall superious , those lay Elders that are neither Ministers nor Magistrates , and yet must be governours in the Church , whose jurisdiction doth destroy the nature of a Monarchie . For all publick government in the Church , derived from Christ , the fulnesse of it , is either Propheticall , Sacerdotall , or Regall ; and they assume not any of these , but the Regall , which is given in charge to supreme Christian Magistrates in a Monarchie ; and therefore , if they deriue not this power from him , they establish a regiment against him . So that if his power , doth not include theirs , they exclude his ; and he having no supereminent power over them , as they impeach his right , so they will enlarge their owne liberty , till it be dissolved into a loose licentious libertinisme : Polybius hist. lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as Polibius well expresses it . ) And if they did not thus , it were the greater vertue , seeing they must haue such power limited by lawes left to discretion . And they would finde it a hard peeece of patience , to abstaine and containe themselues within such bounds of obedience , as this State necessarily requires . Can men that professe themselues popular passe plausiblie and please the vulgar if they doe not to their vtmost vphold them in their highest insolencies ? Tull● 2. co● Agra Tullie found this impossible when as hee withstood the people in Lege Agraria , for they cast him off , and clave to Rullus , who would be popularis though it were but in populatione : and as it cannot stand with the power of our government , so it withstands the honour of our governour , debasing the majestie of a Monarchie into a popular paritie , without respect of His most sacred person . In this it is truly Democritall ; for as it was received for libertie , so it must bee vpheld by equality : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot be fully free without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Poly● lib. 6 and I cannot then conceiue how any could apprehend it as a forme likely to agree with state ; so that this government at the best would bee like the spleene in the body , which is the subject of the dregs and settlings of the humours , as a Democracie is la feccia della plebe , Gui● Hist. and as the spleene being not able to mooue it selfe is not troublesome , so long as it is not pressed vpon by the heart , but permitted full and equall liberty , nor disturbed by a Flatus hypocondriacus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but once mooved 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affectes the head and heart with turbulent distempers ; Hipp notio so in a Democracie as long as they haue all at their loose list , and are not compelled to keepe within compasse , but apprehend themselves equall to the highest in all respects , and are not mooved by some sedicious spirit , they are quiet enough ; Nam multitudo , sicut mare , per se immobilis est , Livi Psal 〈…〉 Ide● but if once they perceive that any goe about to oppresse or crosse them in their false and fugitive liberty ( as they are very suspicious vpon the least cause ) they presently are ready , but tentare magis quàm tueri libertatem : and if any one dare but begin to blow a Trumpet of sedition , ( as they doe not easily ) statim ferox erit si non ad bellandum , saltem ad rebellandum . I doe confesse that this forme of government may bee of good use in some states at some times , as in a popular state where these Lay Elders may be both Church and Citie Burgesses ; as the Democraticall Helvetians approved it : so also as for the enlarging of a Monarchie , Machivellus , l. 1. cap. 5. the Monarchicall is best ; so for the settling of a Monarchie , that Democreticall may be safest , and so may bee the best government when a state is not settled but newly erected : for then it is not safe to use severitie a● when our state was not fully settled . Martin Mar-Prelate dared to vent his discontented humours in salt rumours , Curtius Histor. lib. 5. as men in rheumes : In novo & precario imperio no●statim jugum rigidum cervici imponendum , but it is good taming them by degrees , for then a Magistrate hath little power to command , much lesse to restraine ; & therefore it hath bin found the best course to let them take their course : for Mos est vulgo , Tacitus Histor. lib. 1. Livius lib. 11. Histor. mutabili subitò , & tam prono in misericordiam , quàm immodicum saevitiâ fuerat , and so by indulgence finde lascivire magis plebem quàm saevire . And I am perswaded that this discipline was onely chosen for that time when the Apostles were under persecution , and there were no Christian Magistrates to repaire to for justice : then they appointed some to judge betwixt brother and brother . But it doth not appeare that they were Ecclesiasticall Iudges , certainly no such lay Elders in the Apostles times as the Separatists now plead for , but rather civill arbiters to make agreement betwixt them in civill controversies , 1 Cor. 6.4.5 . Histor. Con. Trid. lib. 3. ( as may appeare out of the place ) though the author of the History Concil. Tridentini make that a ground for Episcopall jurisdiction . For the Apostles had no reason to delegate the cognizance of spirituall causes , because in those dayes they were so few , and needed no proofe to them ; because they had the gift of discerning of spirits , and of knowing of secrets , hauing the gift of prophecying . And I doe not beleeue that it can bee proved that they gaue commission to any to receiue accusations , ( which is much lesse then to giue judiciall censures and decisions ) to any but to the Bishop of Ephesus : 1 Tit but I intend not to enter into controversies , neither need I , seeing so much hath beene already written in that point to good purpose by many most reverend Fathers of our Church . But to returne to my intended discourse ; this state of the soveraigntie of these seniors I grant to be of some use in free Cities in time of tumult ; and so I doe beleeue Mr Calvin intended it , yeelding to a popular partie , and not as an vniuersall perpetuall government for all truely reformed Churches . For though such a wise respected man as hee was , might during his time preserue it in the same correspondent conformitie to his proposed patterne , ( as Polibius saith ) the Thebane Democracie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it stood not by the good temper of their pollicie , Polyb but by the vertue of their governours 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so might it bee said of the Geneva Church government , that though for the transgression of it many were the rulers of it , being a Democracie : Pro. 〈◊〉 Nil m prodest curari lunt . Senec● Mach● lib. 1. ● yet by a man of understanding and knowledge , the state thereof was prolonged ; for hee could doe much to appease seditions , as Franciscus Bishop of Volterra sooner settled a tumult in Florence by his graue presence , then the Magistrates could by the weight of their authoritie . It is plaine then out of this that hath beene spoken , that this government by popular Presbyterie is not for this state .

§ 6 Neither of these being convenient , and there is but another , and it hath alwayes beene the government in this state ; it must necessarily follow without any more proofe , that this is most agreeable with the Civill . Those that are no well willers to our state haue strucke at our Church gouernment , with which there is such a happie hartie vnitie , as dare bid the world doe as shee would bee done to ( as that absolute Statse-man the Earle of Salisburie replyed . ) And it is no marvell , since it is not onely the primitiue ancient government of the Church in generall ; but the onely forme also that euer was received in this state , according to the ancient lawes of this Iland , though it seeme to be brought in under Henrie the eight , when it was onely reformed from the euils , and restored to the former state : for our Clergie was never of right subject to the Pope , neither as he was Patriarch to the West , nor in his province . And this Aristocraticall forme hath most happy qualifications that dispose it to the peace , profit , honour , & safety of this state : I could now wish with Tully when hee was to write against Democraticall Agrarian lawes , Ad Atticum , l. 2. epist. 3. Vtinam Theophrastum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Vbi multa scribuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . After this Kingdome with many others had long laboured under a lingring consumption , being continually sucked , and in a manner exhausted by the continuall supplying of the Popes Exchequer , which drew away the vitall spirits , weakned the sinewes of warre ; causing extensions and convulsions : and farther also in respect of domestique peace , it had not a just proportion of power to exercise its onely civill and lawfull authority : insomuch that many who should have knowne what in possibilitie of state might bee done for a recovery of a temporalitie , distempered and distressed by the malignant humerous power of an usurped spiritualitie , like a feaver in the spirits caused by obstruction ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hippocrat : lap . 5. prog . All those men gaue it over for desperate , some conceiving the disease incurable in its owne nature , because , that non obstante the helpe of so many strong statutes and purging provisoes , the distemper was as violent , and more virulent then before ; & they saw no safe and certaine course of preventing physick , for it was so far spent , as that it seemed to haue passed the period of curing : but as when men are brought to a desperate point they will trie conclusions , and they that drive them to it doe often repent it ; so the Pope putting and passing our state upon desperate hazards , forced it to trie its strength , which is soone found ; necessitie driving , and opportunitie drawing : Acerrima virtus est , quam ultima necessitas extundit : Senec●a men . l and so it cast such an vnreasonable vnruly rider , who thought , and so did all christendome , that hee had sitten closer and faster upon our skirts , and would not beleeue that it was possible for a Parliamentary power representing the state , euer to haue beene able to dissolue the great Abbies , though they durst fully resolue it ; untill they saw them begin with the little ones ; then they had reason to grant it possible : Arist. R lib. 2. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Yea they found it fully finished , and that on such a sudden , that as it wrought admiration in the beholders , so it procured safety to the actors . For in actions of that nature , haste onely makes good speed . That the event of this action was good , is proved by the deliverance of the state . But for the action in it selfe considered , as I doe not commend it , so I will not condemne it , because I am not able to sift and search into the circumstances of it ; but I will onely say thus much of it , That actions that ayme at , and make great alteration , though to the best , doe seldome keepe a just mediocrity , especially in respect of that part of the common-wealth , which is the subject of the alterations : as a strong , stirring Chymicall spirit-purge doth in a naturall body , that stirres vp more than should be moved , and purges out good , as well as ill humours . But no sooner was our State thus delivered from vnder the tyrannie of the Ecclesiasticall Monarchy , but it as soone pitched vpon the Aristocraticall government , as suitable and fitting best with the weale-publick . And as all the Christian world did then in sincere judgement of State rebus sic staantibus approue their choyce , so we haue ever since found the happy effects of it , in the safety , honour , and treasure of the State . Consider it first , how it wrought little or no alteration in the receiving , being according to the lawes , taken by their owne choyce , restrayned with the limitations of the Civill State . For all the turmoyle and tossing tumult , was onely in casting out the other forme , as a privation , before the induction of a new forme in naturall bodies . It was received without force , as most naturall to the Civill State , and no other could haue beene brought in with such certaine good security of the state : for the Monarchicall that time could not be received , Histor. Concil. Trid. lib. 2. but either vpon their repentance of what they had done , and by procuring of a pardon from the Pope , ( as it was in Queene Maries dayes : and doe but consider , how evill that was for the State ) or else by helpe of forraine force joyning with domestick rebellion , as was often attempted . But this was not any thing safe for the kingdome , as is already proved . And for the Democraticall discipline , there was great and certaine danger in receiving of that , for it could not possibly be conceived to be received , but with a schismaticall sedition , since it was approved but by a faction . Now doe but consider , how dangerous seditions are in an ancient kingdome ; if it were now a settling , happily the vigour of youth would beare it out , as one maine reason ( as I conceiue ) why the Roman Monarchy was not ruined by those foure first grand seditions , was because it was but secunda aetas , & quasi adolescentia : Lucius Florus lib. 1. cap. 22. But when a State is growing old , seditions are desperate courses to procure changes , though it be for the best . For though the events of them be but doubtfull , yet the deciding-place is certaine of losse . But for this present forme , as it re-entred without a State-earthquake , without any shaking of the ground of the Civill government , so it hath ever continued peaceable , and a pacifier of growing differences , being the middle State of three , carrying it selfe as a moderating mediator betwixt the King and the Subjects . And all this good , and much more proceeds from the temper of the forme of government . For it is the onely forme fit to be vnder this Monarchy , because it will onely be easily ruled and ordered by the State , when as both the other will rule wher they are entertained , although after a divers manner ; one having dominion over the Civill , the other without it . But this is vnder the Civill , in relation to the head ; and in it , in relation to the body . And as it is easily ruled , so it will not easily be disordered , as the other will , though they should submit to be ruled for a time , till they be able to resist . For ambition is so perniciously provident , that it will be something able to resist the power of its opposite , to get from vnder it , before it trie to goe about it . First , taking care not to be oppressed , before it endeavour to oppresse ; for all the branches of rebellion , are rooted and hid in the depths of dissembled disobedience . But this is not so inclined ; for if any forme of policie degenerate , it must be either into a Tyranny , an Oligarchy , or a dissolute Ochlocraty . Now an Aristocracie cannot be immediately dissolved , either into a tyranny , or a tumultuous popularity . And it is not easie to conceiue , how it should by any meanes , by the course of State corruption , ever degenerate into a head-strong popularity of it owne accord , without externall force . And as little reason there is , why this should advance it selfe to a tyranny , by turning the Church into a court , Earle 〈◊〉 bury hi● to scan● papers . and religion into a vassall to ambition ; for it must be reduced and restrained into an Oligarchie : and there is no great reason in this point , to feare the Clergie in this kingdome , all things considered . It is true ( as all Historians and Politicks obserue ) that an Aristocracie is subject and prone to be corrupted into an Oligarchie : But doe but obserue the end of an Oligarchie , and you will finde , that an Aristocracie can haue no such ayme ; for their end is , to grow rich , as the States of Venice and the Belgick provinces , and their counsels driue at that end , Arist. Rhet. lib. 1. c. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and according to this end , and this counsell to it , he that will prevaile in perswading with them , must deliberate , Sen. Suasor . 1. in libera civitate , non vt apud reges , quae delectant , sed quae prosunt suadenda sunt . But our Ecclesiasticall Aristocracie is not to be so perswaded , having no such counsels , because not the same end ; only they may be rich , if they did desire it , because being poore , they are a fit subject of wealth . The poverty of this Clergie hath charmed it against actiue ambition , so that one of the Optimates doe not looke higher than his peeres , set with him in equall power and honour , in relation to their severall Diocesses , though the power of jurisdiction be in some cases larger , in the provinciall Prelate , Nemo nostrum Episcopum se Episcoporum esse dicit , Augustinus contra Donat. lib. 4. cap. 1. neque tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem , collegas suas adigit : so that per accidens , the impoverishing of the Clergie in Henry the eight , when it seemed in the eye of some too rich for the Civill State , did this good , to preserue them from an Oligarchie ; even as to take so much bloud away in a plurisie , as to bring a man to a deepe consumption , is a probable preservatiue against dying of a burning feaver . So that alteration of this State is not much to be feared , in respect they haue no reason to alter it ; and withall it is not easily altered , if they had this or any other ground to doe it . For an Aristocracie in it selfe considered , is a government of a most constant , continuing constitution , especially , when it is mixed and tempered with a Monarchy . For the reason of its constancie is not onely the slownesse of the motion , either to augmentation or diminution , like a great engine moving with many joynts , in which poynt a Monarch will much advantage in advancing & setting faster forward , if not their deliberations , yet their determinations ; and with ease and speed stay all their errors and declinings , while they are but in the breedings , beginnings , and begettings ; but then also the force of their factions ( which breaking out , are the common ruine of Aristocracies ) will be abated , as it may be seene in the Spartane and Venetian States , opposed to the Athenian and Florentine . For these had an Aristocracie without a Monarchie , and were continually tossed with seditions and factions . As that long lasting faction of the Guelfes and Gibilines , which could never be fully taken away , but by the ruine of one partie , when as the Venetians their neighbours ( whose Duke was then not a Simulachrum imperij ) kept the faction out of their common-wealth , though they did declare themselues sometimes on one side , and sometimes on another , lest they should haue beene hated of all , as negligent neutrals ; but they did not nourish the faction amongst themselues , but maintained it in other Countries , as they would doe warres . But the State of Millaine could never be free from it , vntill it was extinguished by Francisco Sforza , Paulu● hist. lib ( who was a free Prince , though an vsurper ) so that the mixture of a Monarchy , and the predominancie in an Aristocraticall State , doth not onely make it actiuely more able to offence , but more passiuely powerfully defensiue , not onely by preventing preservations from domestick dangers , but also by recovering it out of them . And our present State Ecclesiasticall is thus mixed . Bellar summ● cap. 3. ( for I doe not vrge a strict Aristocracie ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Aristotle ) and therefore hath the best meanes of conservation in respect of the forme● . And it hath one more prevalent preservatiue in the Optimates themselues , which is , that they are strongly disposed to this kinde of government , not onely by being of quiet contemplatiue natures , but also Academicall Colledge government , which doth first possesse them and fully please them , is Aristocraticall , having the proper ayme of that forme of government ; Arist. Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , discipline according to law , is the end of that forme of government . And they then that ayme at that , are most likely to preserue it , by persevering in their intentions ; when as others that will devise new platformes , and platforme discipline , and will seeme wiser than the lawes , doe suddenly subvert or disturbe this most safe and setled forme of government . Thucydides l. 3. Witnesse the Athenians and the Florentines , who being of a stirring over-actiue temper , and alwayes doing , though it were to the vndoing of things well done , changed this forme of State seven times , which corrupting transmutations , I hope Machivell their Countryman doth not call and commend vnder the termes of reformation , Machivellus lib 3. c. 10. and reduction to their primatiue principles , without he will grant their prime originall order , to be raysed out of confounded confusions . When as the Venetians , who haue beene calme and cold , and constant in provident proceedings , haue kept to the same forme without any fundamentall alterations , and that because they will be ruled by lawes ; whereas the Florentine is so overweeningly wise , that he thinkes he should Emperour-like rule and make lawes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Arist. Rhet. lib. 1. cap. 11. So that Bodinus judgement of them , and the Neopolitans is true ; and approues him to be a most rationall statist ; Bodinus de repub . l. 5. c. 1. Dignos se esse imperio singuli arbitrentur ad populare imperium , magis quàm Optimatum inclinati . But suppose this government should be disordered , it is easiliest reformed againe , which is a point of very great safety , it may be done without any stirrs of tumults , and speedily , for it hath not that power to resist authority , which the other two formes haue ; and that because it vseth not the meanes they doe to procure it . For the Monarchy of the Church of Rome , and the Democraticall discipline , stirre vp the vulgar , and rely and rest vpon them for assistance , and defence , and therefore they endeavour to wooe and win their hearts , that they may vse their hands and purses : yet they doe it divers wayes . As the Romanists , amongst many other wayes , they get into their hearts at their eares by auricular confessions , they hold them by their eares , and by their eyes ; they fascinate their fond phantasies with superstitious ceremonies , exquisitely intricate , full of mysticall and magicall mazes , broached by fancie , continued and countenanced by fables , consisting in the massie materiality of bodily exercise , as may be seene in the austerity and State of an Austrian penance , or in a Pontificall procession , where all is done with such concealed secrecie and silence , that nothing is prostituted to be polluted by the vnsanctified view of the vulgar . Thus by feare mixed with delight in superstition , they can leade them as they list , and engage them in their quarrels , and bequeath to them their dangers they haue pulled vpon themselues . The Disciplinarians are not onely endeered to them , for the forme and frame of their government , and for their novelty , but they make vse of superstition also to hold them , and to haue them at their beck ; but in a course cleane contrary to the other , for they vndoe all the other haue done , in point of ceremony , without consideration , whether it be good or bad and that out of a superstitious rage , as the other did out of feare : ( for superstition is grounded vpon either of those passions . ) And as their feare was mixed with pleasure in the end , so theirs is mixed with profit , when in the destroying of superstition they enrich themselues with the spoiles , and saue charges in ornaments . Which profanesse of theirs , is in some respects worse than their superstition , and it many times ends in Atheisme . For though they were consecrated after a false manner , yet they were dedicated and devoted to the true God , and should not be profaned to common vses , but sanctified by a new and true consecration , as well as the Churches wherein they were . Thus those formes of Church-government haue power to withstand the reforming rod of authority . But our present State vseth no such meanes to stand out a rebellion , because if it offend , it rather proceeds out of weaknesse than wickednesse , from scholasticall indiscretions , that deserue rather pitty than punishment . For it is not likely , that they would disturbe the State , who shall certainly lose that little they haue by it , rather than get more . I find , that amongst those Prelates that haue troubled and turmoyled kingdomes , Peters pretended successours haue only gained , by fishing in such troubled waters . And as they can haue no end worth their stirring , so their naturall inclination is not so perniciously pragmaticall , they are farre from the tricks of tumbling projecters , and all actions proceed either from our generall end , or particular inclination ; and this inclination is fortified and confirmed , if not formed and framed by their studies , which haue a great influence into the disposition . I haue not in this discourse , entred much into the commendation of an Aristocracie in generall , preferring it before a Monarchie , partly because I feare , lest some should serue me as Castellanus , a French Phisolophy reader ( who , as I conceiue , was Ramus his Tutor ) served his antagonist Bigotius . For when Francis the first was desired by some of his Nobles , to reade Bigotius his Disputations , Castellanus told his Majestie , he was an Aristotelian , and Aristotle preferred an Aristocracie before a Monarchie , Thuanus , hist. l●b. 6. & so tooke off the Kings affection from him . But he might be so excused , because I doe not beleeue it was Aristotles judgement , but his policie , to disswade all others from affecting it , that his Master Alexander might effect it . But I did purposely forbeare it , because it was not my proposition , that an Aristocracie is simply a more convenient forme of State than a Monarchie ; but that this Aristocracie is more convenient for this State at this time , considering that it was received with an vniversall consent and desire of all , and hath its right according to the lawes ; is most easily ruled by them , not easily nor suddenly disturbed or disturbing ; and most easily reformed if it bee disordered : so that I may now vndeniably conclude , that the present state Ecclesiasticall is most convenient and best agreeing with the Civill .