AN
ANSWER
TO
Dean
STILINGFLEETS
,
&c.
CHAP.
I.
The
Concord
of
Dr.
Stillengfleet
and
the
Nonconformists
,
especially
with
the
Principles
of
my
Book
of
Church
Concord
,
about
the
true
Nature
of
Schism
,
and
who
is
the
Schismatick
:
written
by
him
at
age
in
his
most
owned
books
,
and
not
in
youth
in
his
Irenicon
:
I
stand
to
all
my
words
against
Schism
which
he
hath
cited
,
and
so
I
doubt
not
but
he
stands
to
these
following
of
his
.
DIscourse
of
Idolatry
of
Rome
,
p.
7.
[
Though
we
know
not
what
allowances
God
will
make
for
invincible
ignorance
,
we
are
sure
that
willful
Ignorance
or
CHOOSING
A
WORSE
CHURCH
BEFORE
A
BETTER
IS
A
DAMNABLE
SIN
and
unrepented
of
destroys
Salvation
.
The
Papists
consent
,
p.
43.
[
I
agree
so
far
with
him
,
that
every
Christian
is
bound
to
choose
the
Communion
of
the
purest
Church
:
but
which
that
Church
is
,
must
be
seen
by
the
grounds
it
brings
to
prove
the
Doctrines
it
teaches
to
have
been
delivered
by
Christ
and
his
Apostles
.
That
Church
is
to
be
judged
purest
that
hath
the
best
ground●
,
and
consequently
it
is
of
necessity
to
Salvation
to
embrace
the
Communion
of
it
.
Pag.
194.
195.
[
1.
The
Churches
power
is
only
to
Edification
and
not
to
distruction
:
For
this
was
as
much
as
the
Apostles
challenged
to
themselves
;
and
I
hope
none
dare
challenge
more
:
But
this
is
a
principle
of
Natural
reason
,
that
no
power
in
a
society
ought
to
be
extended
〈◊〉
the
〈◊〉
of
it
,
or
to
contradict
the
end
and
designe
of
it
.
2.
The
Apostles
were
the
most
competent
Judges
of
what
made
for
the
Edification
of
the
Church
.
]
Pag.
216.
217.
[
1.
It
is
agreed
on
both
sides
that
the
Scriptures
do
cont●ine
in
them
the
unquestionable
will
of
that
God
whom
we
are
bound
to
serve
,
and
it
being
the
end
of
devotion
(
as
it
ought
to
be
of
our
lives
)
to
serve
him
,
what
is
there
,
the
mind
of
any
one
who
sincerely
desires
to
do
it
,
can
be
more
inquisitive
after
or
satisfyed
in
,
than
the
rules
God
himself
hath
given
for
his
own
service
.
Because
it
is
so
easly
a
matter
for
men
to
mistake
in
the
waies
they
choose
to
serve
him
in
:
I
see
the
world
divided
more
scarce
about
any
thing
than
this
:
Pag.
218.
Can
any
man
imagine
a
better
way
,
if
it
could
be
hoped
for
,
than
that
God
himself
should
enterpose
,
and
declare
his
own
mind
,
according
to
what
way
they
ought
to
serve
him
!
And
this
is
acknowledged
to
be
done
already
by
all
Christians
in
the
Scriptures
,
and
after
all
this
must
not
all
persons
concerned
be
allowed
to
enquire
into
that
which
is
owned
to
be
the
will
of
God
,
or
do
they
think
that
ordinary
people
that
understand
not
Latine
and
Greek
ought
not
to
be
concerned
what
becomes
of
their
Souls
?
If
they
be
and
do
in
good
earnest
desire
to
know
how
to
please
God
and
serve
him
,
what
directions
will
they
give
him
?
They
must
do
as
they
are
bidden
]
true
,
say
they
,
if
we
were
to
worship
you
for
Gods
,
we
would
do
as
you
bid
us
:
for
we
think
it
fitting
to
serve
God
in
his
own
way
:
But
we
would
know
whether
that
God
whom
we
serve
,
hath
given
us
any
Rules
for
his
worship
or
no.
How
shall
we
know
whether
we
keep
them
or
not
,
or
will
you
take
upon
you
the
guilt
of
our
sins
in
disobeying
his
will
?
This
seems
to
be
a
very
just
and
reasonable
request
,
and
I
fear
it
will
one
day
fall
heavy
on
those
who
conceale
that
which
they
confess
to
be
the
will
of
God
,
from
the
knowledge
of
the
people
.
Pag.
548.
[
I
agree
with
him
in
the
way
of
proof
of
a
Churches
purity
,
viz.
by
agreement
with
the
doctrine
of
Christ
and
his
Apostles
,
and
that
the
Church
is
to
be
judged
purest
,
which
shews
the
greatest
Evidence
of
that
consent
,
and
that
every
one
is
bound
to
enquire
which
Church
hath
the
strongest
motives
for
it
,
and
to
embrace
the
Communion
of
it
.
Pag.
565.
[
14.
To
suppose
the
books
so
written
to
be
imperfect
,
i.
e.
that
any
thing
necessary
to
be
believed
or
PRACTISED
are
not
conteined
in
them
,
is
either
to
charge
the
first
Author
of
them
with
fraud
,
and
not
delivering
his
whole
mind
,
or
the
writers
with
insincerity
in
not
setting
it
down
,
and
the
whole
Christian
Church
of
the
first
ages
with
folly
,
in
believing
the
fulness
and
perfection
of
the
Scriptures
in
order
to
Salvation
.
Read
the
rest
of
those
excellent
Rules
to
the
end
.
In
his
excellent
,
Vindication
of
Arch
Bishop
La●d
,
called
A
Rational
account
of
the
Protestants
Religion
,
he
hath
the
same
termes
of
Communion
and
the
same
description
of
Schism
with
mine
,
and
I
know
not
how
better
to
express
my
thoughts
,
nor
plead
my
Vindication
,
viz.
Pag.
289.
[
In
his
defence
of
Arch
Bishop
Land
(
not
yet
disowned
)
since
so
great
,
and
considerable
parts
of
the
Christian
Churches
have
in
these
last
ages
been
divided
in
Communion
from
each
other
,
the
great
contest
and
enquiry
hath
been
which
party
stands
guilty
of
the
cause
of
the
present
distance
and
separation
.
For
both
sides
retain
still
so
much
of
their
common
Christianity
as
to
acknowledge
that
no
Religion
doth
so
strictly
oblige
the
owners
of
it
to
peace
and
unity
as
the
Christian
Religion
doth
,
and
yet
notwithstanding
this
,
we
find
these
breaches
so
far
from
closing
,
that
,
supposing
the
same
grounds
to
continue
,
a
reconciliation
seems
to
humane
reason
impossible
,
an
Evidence
of
which
is
,
that
those
persons
who
either
out
of
a
generous
desire
of
seeing
the
wounds
of
the
Christian
world
healed
,
or
out
of
some
private
interest
or
designe
,
have
made
it
their
business
to
propound
terms
of
reconciliation
between
the
divided
parties
;
have
been
equally
rejected
by
those
parties
they
have
professed
themselves
the
members
of
.
Page
.
290.
[
The
distance
then
being
so
great
as
it
is
,
it
is
a
very
necessary
enquiry
what
the
Cause
of
it
is
,
and
where
the
main
fault
lies
:
and
it
being
acknowledged
that
there
is
a
possibility
that
corruptions
may
get
into
a
Christian
Church
,
and
it
being
impossible
to
prove
that
Christianity
obligeth
men
to
Communicate
with
a
Church
in
all
those
corruptions
its
communion
may
be
tainted
with
,
it
seems
evident
to
reason
that
the
cause
of
the
breach
must
lie
there
,
where
the
corruptions
are
owned
,
and
imposed
as
conditions
of
communion
.
For
can
any
one
imagine
it
should
be
a
fault
in
any
to
keep
off
from
communion
,
where
they
are
so
far
from
being
obliged
to
it
,
that
they
have
an
obligation
to
the
contrary
from
the
principles
of
their
common
Christianity
?
And
where
men
are
bound
not
to
communicate
,
it
is
impossible
to
prove
their
not
communicating
to
be
Schism
.
For
there
can
be
no
Schism
;
but
where
there
is
an
obligation
to
communion
;
Schism
being
nothing
else
but
a
willful
violation
of
the
bonds
Christian
communion
.
And
therefore
whenever
you
would
prove
the
Protestants
guilty
of
Schism
,
you
must
do
it
by
proving
they
were
bound
to
communicate
with
your
Church
in
those
things
which
they
are
Protestants
for
disowning
of
,
or
that
there
is
so
absolute
and
unlimited
an
obligation
to
continue
in
the
society
of
your
Church
,
that
no
conditions
can
be
so
hard
,
but
we
are
bound
rather
to
submit
to
them
,
then
not
joyn
in
Communion
with
you
.
This
being
a
matter
of
so
vast
consequence
in
order
to
the
setling
mens
minds
in
the
present
disputes
of
the
Christian
world
,
before
I
come
to
particulars
,
I
shall
lay
down
those
general
principles
which
may
manifest
how
free
Protestants
are
from
all
imputation
of
Schism
.
Schism
then
importing
a
violation
of
that
communion
which
we
are
obliged
to
the
most
natural
way
for
understanding
what
Schism
is
,
is
to
enquire
what
the
foundations
are
of
Christian
communion
,
and
how
far
the
bounds
of
it
do
extend
.
Now
the
Foundations
of
Christian
communion
in
general
depend
upon
the
acknowledgment
of
the
truth
of
Christian
Religion
.
For
that
Religion
which
Christ
came
to
deliver
to
the
world
being
supposed
true
,
is
the
reason
why
any
look
on
themselves
as
obliged
to
profess
it
;
which
obligation
extending
to
all
persons
who
have
the
same
grounds
to
beleive
the
truth
of
it
,
thence
ariseth
the
ground
of
society
in
this
profession
,
which
is
a
common
obligation
on
several
persons
joyning
together
in
some
acts
of
common
concernment
to
them
.
The
truth
then
of
Christian
Religion
being
acknowledged
by
several
persons
,
they
find
in
this
Religion
some
actions
which
are
to
be
performed
by
several
persons
in
society
with
each
other
.
From
whence
ariseth
that
more
immediate
obligation
to
Christian
society
in
all
those
who
profess
themselves
Christians
;
and
the
whole
number
of
these
who
own
that
truth
of
Christian
Religion
,
and
are
thereby
obliged
to
joyn
in
society
with
each
other
,
is
that
which
we
call
the
Catholick
Church
.
But
although
there
be
such
a
relation
to
each
other
in
all
Christians
as
to
make
them
one
common
society
,
yet
for
the
performance
of
particular
acts
of
communion
,
there
must
be
lesser
societies
wherein
persons
may
joyn
together
in
the
actions
belonging
to
them
.
But
still
the
obligation
to
communion
in
these
lesser
is
the
same
with
that
which
constitutes
the
great
body
of
Christians
,
which
is
the
owning
Christianity
as
the
only
true
Religion
and
way
to
eternal
happiness
.
And
therefore
those
lesser
societies
cannot
in
Justice
make
the
necessary
conditions
of
Communion
narrower
than
those
which
belong
to
the
Catholick
Curch
,
i.
e.
those
things
which
declare
men
Christians
ought
to
capacitate
them
for
communion
with
Christians
.
But
here
we
are
to
consider
that
as
to
be
a
Christian
supposeth
mens
owning
the
Christian
Religion
to
be
true
,
so
the
conveyance
of
that
Religion
being
now
to
us
in
those
books
we
call
the
Scriptures
,
there
must
be
an
acknowledgment
of
them
as
the
indispensable
rule
of
faith
and
manners
,
which
is
,
that
these
books
are
the
great
Charter
of
the
Christian
society
according
to
which
it
must
be
governed
.
These
things
being
premised
as
the
foundation
in
general
of
Christian
society
,
we
shall
the
better
understand
how
far
the
obligation
to
communion
in
it
doth
extend
.
For
which
it
must
be
considered
that
the
grounds
of
continuance
in
communion
must
be
suitable
and
proportionable
to
the
first
reason
of
entring
into
it
.
No
man
being
obliged
by
virtue
of
his
being
in
a
society
,
to
agree
in
any
thing
that
tends
to
the
apparent
ruin
of
that
society
:
But
he
is
obliged
to
the
contrary
,
from
the
general
grounds
of
his
first
admission
into
it
.
His
primary
obligation
being
to
preserve
the
honour
and
interest
of
it
,
and
to
joyn
in
acts
of
it
so
far
as
they
tend
to
it
.
Now
the
main
end
of
the
Christian
society
,
being
the
promotion
of
Gods
honour
,
and
Salvation
of
mens
Souls
,
the
primary
obligation
of
men
entring
into
it
,
is
the
advancement
of
these
ends
to
joyn
in
all
acts
of
it
so
far
as
they
tend
to
these
ends
;
but
if
any
thing
come
to
be
required
directly
repugnant
to
these
ends
,
those
men
of
whom
such
things
are
required
,
are
bound
not
to
communicate
in
those
lesser
societies
where
such
things
are
imposed
,
but
to
preserve
their
communion
with
the
Catholick
societie
of
Christians
.
Pag.
291.
Setting
then
aside
the
Catholick
society
of
Christians
,
we
come
to
enquire
how
far
men
are
bound
to
communicate
with
any
less
,
society
how
extensive
soever
it
may
pretend
it's
communion
to
be
.
1.
There
is
no
society
of
Christians
of
any
one
communion
,
but
may
impose
some
things
to
be
beleived
or
practised
which
may
be
repugnant
to
the
general
Foundation
of
Christian
society
.
Pag.
292.
2.
There
being
a
possibility
acknowledged
that
particular
Churches
may
require
unreasonable
conditions
of
communion
,
the
obligation
to
communion
cannot
be
absolute
and
indispensable
;
but
only
so
far
as
nothing
is
required
destructive
to
the
ends
of
Christian
Society
:
Otherwise
men
would
be
bound
to
destroy
that
which
they
beleive
,
and
to
do
the
most
unjust
and
unreasonable
things
.
But
the
greater
difficulty
lies
in
knowing
when
such
things
are
required
,
and
who
must
be
the
Judge
in
that
case
,
to
which
I
answer
.
3.
Nothing
can
be
more
unreasonable
than
that
the
society
imposing
such
conditions
of
communion
should
be
judge
,
whether
those
conditions
be
just
and
equitable
or
no.
If
the
question
were
only
in
matters
of
peace
,
conveniency
,
and
order
,
the
judgment
of
the
society
ought
to
over-rule
the
judgments
of
particular
persons
;
but
in
such
cases
where
great
bodies
of
Christians
judge
such
things
required
to
be
unlawful
conditions
of
communion
,
what
Justice
or
reason
is
there
that
the
party
accused
should
fit
Judge
in
her
own
cause
?
4.
Where
there
is
sufficient
evidence
from
Scripture
,
reason
and
tradition
that
such
things
,
which
are
imposed
,
are
unreasonable
conditions
of
Christian
Communion
,
the
not
communicating
with
that
Society
,
which
requires
these
things
cannot
incur
the
guilt
of
Schism
,
which
necessarily
follows
from
the
precedent
grounds
,
because
none
can
be
obliged
to
Communion
in
such
cases
,
and
therefore
the
not
communicating
is
no
culpable
separation
.
Pag.
324.
His
Lordship
delivers
his
sense
clearly
and
fully
in
these
Words
;
'T
is
too
true
indeed
,
that
there
is
a
miserable
rent
in
the
Church
,
and
I
make
no
question
but
the
best
men
do
most
bemoan
it
;
nor
is
he
a
Christian
,
that
would
not
have
Unity
,
might
he
have
it
with
Truth
.
But
,
I
never
said
or
thought
,
that
the
Protestants
made
this
rent
.
The
Cause
of
the
Schism
is
yours
;
for
you
thrust
us
from
you
,
because
we
call'd
for
truth
,
and
redress
of
abuses
.
For
a
Schism
must
needs
be
theirs
,
whose
the
cause
of
it
is
.
The
Wo
runs
full
out
of
the
mouth
of
Christ
ever
against
him
that
gives
the
offence
,
not
against
him
that
takes
it
ever
.
Page
325.
I
do
say
it
now
;
and
most
true
it
is
,
That
it
was
ill
done
of
those
,
who
e're
they
were
,
who
first
made
the
Separation
.
But
then
A.
C.
must
not
understand
me
of
actual
only
,
but
of
causal
Separation
.
For
(
as
I
said
before
)
the
Schism
is
theirs
,
whose
the
cause
of
it
is
:
and
he
makes
the
Separation
,
that
gives
the
first
just
cause
of
it
;
not
he
that
makes
an
actual
Separation
upon
a
just
Cause
preceding
.
And
this
is
so
evident
a
Truth
,
that
A.
C.
cannot
deny
it
,
for
he
says
it
is
most
true
.
That
the
Reader
may
clearly
understand
the
full
State
of
this
Controversie
concerning
Schism
;
the
upshot
of
which
,
is
,
that
it
is
agreed
between
both
parties
,
that
all
Separation
from
Communion
with
a
Church
doth
not
involve
in
it
the
guilt
of
Schism
,
but
only
such
a
Separation
as
hath
no
sufficient
cause
or
ground
for
it
.
Page
131.
There
can
be
no
Separation
from
the
whole
Church
,
but
in
such
things
wherein
the
unity
of
the
whole
Church
lies
;
for
Separation
is
a
violation
of
some
Union
:
Now
when
men
separate
from
the
errors
of
all
particular
Churches
,
they
do
not
separate
from
the
whose
,
because
those
things
,
which
one
separates
from
those
particular
Churches
for
,
are
not
such
,
as
make
all
them
put
together
to
be
the
whole
or
Catholick
Church
.
This
must
be
somewhat
further
explained
.
There
are
two
things
considerable
in
all
particular
Churches
;
those
things
which
belong
to
it
as
a
Church
,
and
those
things
which
belong
to
it
as
a
particular
Church
.
Those
things
which
belong
to
it
as
a
Church
,
are
the
common
ligaments
or
grounds
of
Union
between
all
particular
Churches
,
which
taken
together
make
up
the
Catholick
Church
:
Those
things
which
belong
to
it
as
a
particular
Church
,
are
such
as
it
may
retain
the
essence
of
a
Church
without
.
Now
,
I
say
,
whosoever
separates
from
any
particular
Church
(
much
more
from
all
)
for
such
things
without
which
that
can
be
no
Church
,
separates
from
the
Communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
:
but
he
that
separates
only
from
particular
Churches
,
as
to
such
things
which
concern
not
their
being
,
is
onely
separated
from
the
Communion
of
those
Churches
,
and
not
the
Catholick
.
And
therefore
supposing
that
all
perticular
Churches
have
some
errors
and
corruptions
in
them
,
though
I
should
separate
from
them
all
,
I
do
not
separate
from
the
Communion
of
the
whole
Church
,
unless
it
be
for
something
,
without
which
those
could
be
no
Churches
.
An
evidence
of
which
,
is
,
that
by
my
declaring
the
grounds
of
my
separation
to
be
such
Errours
and
corruptions
,
which
are
crept
into
the
Communion
of
such
Churches
,
and
imposed
on
me
in
order
to
it
,
I
withal
declare
my
readiness
to
joyn
with
them
again
,
if
those
errours
and
corruptions
be
left
out
.
And
where
there
is
this
readiness
of
Communion
,
there
is
no
absolute
separation
from
the
Church
as
such
,
but
only
suspending
Communion
till
such
abuses
be
reformed
:
which
is
therefore
more
properly
a
separation
from
the
errors
,
than
the
Communion
of
such
a
Church
,
wherefore
if
we
suppose
,
that
there
is
no
one
visible
Church
,
whose
Communion
is
not
tainted
with
some
corruptions
,
though
if
these
corruptions
be
injoyned
as
conditions
of
communion
,
I
cannot
communicate
with
any
of
those
Churches
,
yet
it
followes
not
that
I
am
separated
from
the
external
Communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
but
that
I
only
suspend
Communion
with
those
particular
Churches
,
'till
I
may
safely
joyn
with
them
.
As
,
suppose
all
the
particular
men
I
can
converse
with
,
were
infected
with
Leprosie
,
my
not
associating
with
them
,
doth
not
imply
that
I
am
separated
from
the
Communion
of
all
Mankind
,
but
that
I
am
loath
to
be
infected
as
they
are
,
and
therefore
withdraw
my self
,
till
I
can
meet
with
such
healthful
persons
with
whom
I
may
safely
associate
again
.
And
if
several
other
persons
be
of
the
same
mind
with
me
,
and
we
therefore
joyn
together
,
do
we
therefore
divide
our selves
from
the
whole
World
by
only
taking
care
of
our
own
safety
?
And
especially
if
any
company
of
such
leprous
persons
should
resolve
that
none
should
live
among
them
,
but
such
as
would
eat
of
those
meats
which
brought
that
distemper
upon
them
,
our
withdrawing
our selves
and
associating
without
them
will
still
appear
more
reasonable
and
commendable
.
Therefore
we
say
,
we
do
not
necessarily
separate
from
all
Churches
that
have
errors
or
corruptions
in
them
,
supposing
those
errors
and
corruptions
be
not
imposed
on
us
,
as
conditions
of
communion
;
and
thence
though
we
should
grant
,
no
one
visible
Church
free
from
taint
or
corruption
,
yet
it
is
not
necessary
we
should
separate
from
them
all
:
for
we
may
lawfully
joyne
in
communion
with
Churches
having
error
and
corruptions
,
if
our
joyning
be
not
an
approbation
of
them
.
Thus
though
the
Greeks
,
Armenians
,
Albigenses
,
Abyssins
may
have
some
errors
,
or
corruptions
,
yet
if
they
be
not
fundamental
,
and
be
not
joyned
as
necessary
to
be
approved
in
order
to
their
communion
,
notwithstanding
them
,
we
may
lawfully
communicate
with
them
,
it
doth
not
then
at
all
follow
,
that
if
there
may
be
no
one
visible
Church
free
from
error
and
corruption
,
it
would
be
necessary
to
separate
from
the
communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
:
Because
,
1.
All
those
particular
Churches
may
not
make
those
errors
conditions
of
communion
.
2.
Though
they
did
,
we
separate
not
from
them
as
Catholick
,
but
as
corrupt
and
erroneous
particular
Churches
.
Pag.
336.
To
rectifie
such
gross
mistakes
as
these
are
for
the
future
,
you
would
do
well
to
understand
that
Schism
formally
taken
alwaies
imports
something
criminal
in
it
,
and
there
can
be
no
just
cause
for
a
sin
;
But
besides
that
there
is
that
(
which
if
you
understand
it
)
you
would
call
the
materiality
of
it
,
which
is
the
separation
of
one
part
of
the
Church
from
another
.
Now
this
according
to
the
different
grounds
and
reasons
of
it
,
becomes
lawful
or
unlawfull
,
that
is
,
as
the
reasons
do
make
it
necessary
or
unnecessary
,
for
separation
is
not
lawfull
but
when
it
is
necessary
;
Now
this
being
capable
of
such
a
different
nature
that
it
may
be
good
or
evil
according
to
its
circumstances
,
there
can
be
no
absolute
judgment
passed
upon
it
,
till
all
those
reasons
and
circumstances
be
duely
examined
,
and
if
there
be
no
sufficient
grounds
,
for
it
then
it
is
formally
Schism
i.
e.
a
culpable
separation
;
If
there
be
sufficient
cause
then
there
may
be
a
separation
,
but
it
can
be
no
Schism
.
And
because
the
union
of
the
Catholick
Church
lies
in
fundamental
and
necessary
truths
,
therefore
there
can
be
no
separation
absolutely
from
the
Catholick
Church
,
but
what
involves
in
it
the
formal
guilt
of
Schism
;
it
being
impossible
any
person
should
have
just
cause
to
disown
the
Churches
communion
for
any
thing
whose
beleif
is
necessary
to
Salvation
.
And
whosoever
doth
so
,
thereby
makes
himself
no
member
of
the
Church
,
because
the
Church
subsists
on
the
beleif
of
fundamental
truths
.
But
in
all
such
cases
wherein
a
division
may
be
made
,
and
yet
the
several
persons
divided
retain
the
essentials
of
a
Christian
Church
,
the
separation
which
may
be
among
any
such
must
be
determined
according
to
the
causes
of
it
.
For
it
being
possible
of
one
side
that
men
out
of
capricious
humours
and
fancies
renounce
the
communion
of
a
Church
which
requires
nothing
But
what
is
just
and
reasonable
:
And
it
being
possible
on
the
other
side
,
that
,
a
Church
,
calling
her self
Catholick
,
may
so
far
degenerate
in
Faith
and
Practice
,
as
not
only
to
be
guilty
of
great
Errors
and
corruptions
,
but
to
impose
them
as
conditions
of
Communion
with
her
,
it
is
necessary
,
where
there
is
a
manifest
separation
,
to
inquire
into
the
reasons
and
grounds
of
it
;
and
to
determine
the
nature
of
it
according
to
the
Justice
of
the
cause
,
which
is
pleaded
for
it
.
Page
357.
The
Catholick
Church
therefore
lies
open
and
free
,
like
a
Common
field
to
all
inhabitants
.
Now
if
any
particular
number
of
these
Inhabitants
should
agree
together
to
enclose
part
of
it
without
consent
of
the
rest
,
and
not
to
admit
any
others
to
that
right
of
Common
,
without
consenting
to
it
,
which
of
these
two
parties
,
those
who
deny
to
yeild
their
consent
;
or
such
,
who
deny
their
rights
,
if
they
will
not
,
are
guilty
of
the
violation
of
the
publick
and
common
rights
of
the
place
?
Page
358.
Although
nothing
separates
a
Church
properly
from
the
Catholick
,
but
what
is
contrary
to
the
being
of
it
;
yet
a
Church
may
separate
her self
from
the
Communion
of
the
Catholick
by
taking
upon
her
to
make
such
things
the
necessary
conditions
of
her
Communion
,
which
never
were
the
conditions
of
Communion
with
the
Catholick
Church
.
Page
359.
Since
it
appears
that
the
Communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
was
free
for
many
hundred
years
without
approving
or
using
these
things
;
that
Church
,
which
shall
not
only
publickly
use
,
but
enjoyn
such
things
upon
pain
of
Excommunication
from
the
Church
,
doth
as
much
as
in
her
lies
draw
the
bounds
of
Catholick
Communion
within
herself
,
and
so
divides
her self
from
the
true
Catholick
Church
.
For
whatever
confines
must
likewise
divide
the
Church
,
for
by
that
confinement
a
separation
is
made
between
the
part
confined
and
the
other
,
which
separation
must
be
made
by
the
Party
so
limiting
Communion
.
As
it
was
in
the
Case
of
the
Donatists
,
who
were
therefore
charged
with
Schisme
,
because
they
confined
the
Catholick
Church
,
within
their
own
bounds
:
And
if
any
other
Church
doth
the
same
which
they
did
,
it
must
be
liable
to
the
same
charge
that
they
were
.
The
sum
of
this
discourse
is
,
that
the
being
of
the
Catholick
Church
lies
in
Essentials
,
that
for
a
particular
Church
to
disagree
from
all
other
particular
Churches
in
some
extrinsical
and
accidental
things
is
not
to
separate
from
the
Catholick
Church
,
so
as
to
cease
to
be
a
Church
:
But
still
what
ever
Church
makes
such
extrinsical
things
the
necessary
conditions
of
Communion
,
so
as
to
cast
men
out
of
the
Church
,
who
yeild
not
to
them
,
is
Schismatical
in
so
doing
;
For
it
thereby
divides
it self
from
the
Catholick
Church
:
And
the
saparation
from
it
is
so
far
from
being
Schism
,
that
being
cast
our
〈◊〉
that
Church
on
those
terms
only
,
returns
them
to
the
Communion
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
On
which
grounds
it
will
appear
that
yours
〈◊〉
the
Schismatical
Church
and
not
ours
:
For
although
before
this
imposing
humor
came
into
particular
Churches
,
Schism
was
defined
by
the
Fathers
and
others
to
be
a
voluntary
departure
out
of
the
Church
,
yet
that
cannot
in
reason
be
understood
of
any
particular
,
but
the
true
Catholick
Church
.
For
not
only
persons
but
Churches
may
depart
from
the
Catholick
Church
:
And
in
such
Cases
not
those
,
who
depart
from
the
Communion
of
such
Churches
,
but
those
Churches
,
which
departed
from
the
Catholick
are
guilty
of
Schism
.
These
things
I
thought
necessary
to
be
further
explained
,
not
only
to
shew
how
false
that
imputation
is
,
of
our
Churches
departing
from
the
true
Catholick
Church
;
but
with
what
great
reason
we
charge
your
Church
with
departing
from
the
communion
of
it
;
and
therefore
not
those
whom
you
thrust
out
of
Communion
,
but
your
Church
so
thrusting
them
out
,
is
apparently
guilty
of
the
present
Schism
.
Page
366.
The
truth
is
such
pretences
as
these
are
,
are
fit
only
for
a
Church
that
hateth
to
be
reformed
;
for
if
something
not
good
in
it self
should
happen
in
any
one
Age
to
overspread
the
visible
Communion
of
all
particular
Churches
,
this
only
makes
a
Reformation
more
necessary
,
so
far
is
it
from
making
it
more
disputable
.
For
thereby
those
corruptions
grow
more
dangerous
,
and
every
particular
Church
is
bound
the
more
to
regard
its
own
security
in
a
time
of
general
infection
.
And
if
any
other
Churches
neglect
themselves
,
what
reason
is
it
that
the
rest
should
?
For
any
or
all
other
particular
Churches
neglecting
their
duty
,
is
no
more
an
Argument
,
that
no
particular
Church
should
reform
it self
,
than
that
if
all
other
men
in
a
Town
neglect
preserving
themselves
from
the
Plague
,
then
I
am
bound
to
neglect
it
too
.
Page
540.
Every
Church
is
bound
to
regard
her
own
purity
and
peace
,
and
in
case
of
Corruptions
to
proceed
to
a
Reformation
of
them
.
Page
541.
Saint
Augustine
saith
not
only
in
that
place
,
but
in
very
many
others
,
that
Saint
Peter
did
sustain
the
Person
of
the
Church
,
when
Christ
said
to
him
,
I
will
give
thee
the
Keyes
of
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
.
That
he
did
universam
significare
Ecclesiam
,
signifie
the
whole
Church
;
and
that
those
things
which
are
spoken
of
Peter
,
non
habent
illustrem
intellectum
nisi
eum
referuntur
ad
Ecclesiam
,
cujus
ille
agnoscitur
in
figurâ
gestasse
personam
,
have
no
clear
sense
,
but
●hen
they
are
referred
to
the
Church
,
whose
person
he
did
〈◊〉
.
Pag.
542
He
means
the
formal
right
of
them
was
conveyed
to
the
Church
,
and
that
Saint
Peter
was
only
a
publick
person
to
receive
them
in
the
name
of
the
Church
.
It
primarily
and
formally
resides
in
the
whole
body
of
the
Church
.
Pag.
544.
His
Lordship
saith
your
opinion
is
yet
more
unreasonable
;
because
no
body
collective
,
whensoever
it
assembled
it self
,
did
ever
give
more
powerto
the
representing
body
of
it
,
than
a
binding
power
upon
it self
and
all
particulars
;
nor
ever
did
it
give
this
power
otherwise
than
with
this
reservation
in
nature
,
that
it
would
call
again
and
reform
,
and
if
need
were
,
abrogate
any
law
,
or
ordinance
upon
just
cause
made
evident
,
that
the
representing
body
had
failed
in
trust
or
truth
.
And
this
power
no
body
collective
,
Ecclesiastical
or
Civil
can
put
out
of
it self
,
or
give
away
to
a
Parliament
or
Council
,
or
call
it
what
you
will
,
that
represents
it
.
His
Lordship
saith
that
the
power
which
a
Council
hath
to
order
settle
and
define
differences
arising
concerning
faith
,
it
hath
not
by
an
immediate
institution
from
Christ
,
but
it
was
prudently
taken
up
by
the
Church
from
the
Apostles
example
.
CHAP.
II.
Some
Animadversions
on
his
Preface
.
§
1.
THE
impartial
searchers
after
truth
,
have
hitherto
thought
that
a
strict
method
(
at
least
agreeable
to
natural
Logick
)
is
more
effectual
than
confusion
or
wordy
popular
haranges
:
And
that
the
controversie
should
be
very
cleerly
stated
before
it
can
be
profitably
argued
:
And
therefore
that
first
all
ambiguity
of
terms
be
by
due
explication
removed
,
that
men
may
not
mean
several
things
and
not
understand
each
other
;
and
to
Define
and
distinguish
where
it
is
needful
,
and
then
Affirm
or
deny
,
and
then
effectualy
prove
.
But
why
this
worthy
person
doth
far
otherwise
with
us
,
both
before
and
now
,
it
is
more
his
part
than
mine
to
give
the
reason
:
I
dare
not
say
he
cannot
;
Nor
I
dare
not
say
,
he
can
,
but
will
not
,
but
all
that
I
can
say
is
that
he
doth
not
,
and
I
know
not
why
.
§
2.
The
Preface
of
his
Book
called
Unreasonableness
,
&c.
Is
so
much
answered
already
by
Mr.
Lob
,
that
I
will
not
lose
time
by
doing
much
to
the
same
again
:
And
there
is
a
posthumous
book
of
Dr.
Worsleys
called
,
The
third
part
of
naked
Truth
,
which
hath
strenuously
handled
the
same
chief
matter
for
Scripture
Sufficiency
against
unnecessary
Impositions
.
It
being
supposed
,
though
not
there
expressed
.
1.
That
he
speaketh
not
against
the
guiding
determination
of
undetermined
accidents
which
must
be
determined
one
way
or
other
:
As
Time
,
Place
,
Utensils
,
Translationwords
,
Metres
tunes
,
&c.
2.
And
that
a
man
that
intollerably
breakes
Gods
Laws
(
by
Blasphemy
,
Treason
,
Murder
,
Fornication
,
&c.
)
is
not
to
be
tollerated
because
he
erroniously
thinks
he
keepeth
them
.
§
3.
His
sad
saying
[
that
there
is
no
improbability
that
the
Jesuites
should
be
the
first
setters
up
of
the
way
in
England
which
he
calls
the
Doctrine
[
of
Spiritual
Prayer
]
Mr.
Lob
hath
opened
,
as
it
deserveth
,
in
part
;
but
to
say
all
that
it
deserveth
would
seem
so
harsh
,
that
I
have
reason
to
think
that
it
would
but
more
offend
than
profit
him
.
§
4.
For
I
find
that
he
is
grown
too
impatient
with
our
Nameing
what
he
patiently
and
confidently
doth
:
The
cause
of
his
impatience
I
leave
to
himself
.
But
that
it
is
much
within
him
I
must
conjecture
,
when
in
his
defence
of
Bishop
Laud
I
read
him
saying
to
the
Papists
[
To
speak
mildly
,
it
is
a
gross
untruth
.
]
And
yet
wen
I
speak
not
so
plainly
to
him
(
and
I
think
never
more
sharply
)
he
accounts
it
a
continued
Passion
,
Rage
,
Railing
,
Intollerable
indiscretion
,
&c.
Do
I
give
him
harder
words
than
these
?
Yet
I
profess
I
smart
not
by
them
:
I
take
them
for
very
tollerable
words
,
in
comparison
of
his
miscarriges
in
the
cause
in
hand
.
Several
sorts
of
men
I
have
found
think
other
men
speak
in
passion
:
1.
Those
that
hear
and
read
with
passion
:
They
think
that
which
angers
them
came
from
anger
.
2.
Those
that
are
too
high
to
be
dealt
with
on
even
terms
,
and
think
the
plain
speech
which
agreeth
to
others
is
a
contempt
of
such
as
them
.
3.
Those
that
commit
miscarriages
so
gross
and
defend
causes
so
bad
,
as
have
no
names
but
what
are
disgraceful
,
and
then
take
all
that
is
said
to
anatomatize
their
cause
and
errours
,
to
be
said
against
themselves
.
With
these
and
such
others
,
Truth
,
is
not
tollerable
he
raileth
that
confuteth
them
,
and
doth
Auriculas
molles
mordaci
radere
vero
.
I
profess
I
felt
so
little
passion
in
writing
that
book
which
he
saith
was
written
in
one
continued
Passion
,
that
I
think
verily
,
I
sinned
all
the
while
,
for
want
of
a
livelier
sense
of
the
sin
and
hurt
which
I
was
detecting
by
my
confutation
.
But
I
confess
it
is
my
opinion
that
Falshood
of
Speech
may
lie
in
describing
a
thing
short
of
Truth
,
as
well
as
in
going
beyond
it
:
And
that
the
Truth
of
words
is
their
Agreeableness
to
the
matter
(
and
mind
)
:
And
that
verba
rebus
aptanda
sunt
:
And
that
he
that
writeth
against
sin
must
call
it
sin
,
and
open
the
evil
of
it
.
§
5.
His
Preface
giveth
us
hopes
that
we
are
so
farr
agreed
in
our
ends
,
as
to
be
both
for
God
,
for
truth
,
for
unity
and
peace
and
Love
,
and
against
Popery
,
and
one
would
think
this
much
should
go
far
towards
our
Concord
.
But
,
alas
,
all
agree
not
what
Piety
is
,
or
what
Popery
is
,
nor
of
the
way
to
our
ends
.
If
he
think
that
to
be
against
Spiritual
Prayer
would
help
us
against
Popery
,
1.
I
would
he
would
tell
us
,
which
way
.
If
by
reducing
the
Nonconformists
to
think
Formes
lawful
;
so
do
the
Jesuites
:
And
he
told
us
that
they
at
Franckford
took
a
Forme
from
Geneva
as
useful
:
And
the
present
Nonconformists
put
their
judgment
out
of
question
an.
1660
,
and
1661.
In
their
witings
,
offers
and
Formes
Printed
.
But
all
that
are
for
Formes
are
not
for
all
things
in
your
Formes
.
2.
And
I
would
he
would
have
better
told
us
what
the
Spiritual
Prayer
is
,
which
the
Jesuits
first
brought
in
and
helpes
in
Popery
.
For
hitherto
it
is
the
Dead
Ceremonious
formality
and
Imagery
of
Popery
,
destroying
Spirituality
,
(
by
words
not
understood
,
Mummeries
,
Beads
,
Canting
Stage
workes
)
which
hath
alienated
most
Religious
Protestants
from
them
.
I
will
.
1.
Tell
you
what
I
take
Spiritual
Prayer
to
be
;
and
then
.
2.
Desire
his
judgment
of
it
.
1.
It
is
my
judgment
(
if
he
know
it
to
be
erroneous
,
I
crave
his
reasons
)
1.
That
Mans
Soul
is
by
sin
so
depraved
that
it
is
morally
unable
without
Gods
Spirit
,
effectually
to
know
,
feel
and
desire
deliverance
from
his
own
sin
and
misery
,
and
to
desire
Gods
Grace
and
Glory
,
above
all
worldly
sinful
pleasures
.
2.
That
therefore
such
desires
in
act
and
habit
must
be
wrought
in
us
by
the
Spirit
of
God
.
And
the
whole
work
of
Regeneration
and
Sanctification
is
a
giving
to
the
Soul
that
new
Divine
nature
,
Love
and
delight
,
which
worketh
by
such
holy
desires
.
And
that
as
the
carnal
mind
is
enmity
to
God
,
and
cannot
be
subject
to
his
Law
,
and
if
any
man
have
not
the
Spirit
of
Christ
,
the
same
is
none
of
his
;
so
to
be
Spiritually
minded
is
life
and
peace
,
and
God
who
is
a
Spirit
will
be
worshiped
in
Spirit
and
truth
,
and
by
this
we
know
that
we
are
the
Children
of
God
by
the
Spirit
which
he
hath
given
us
;
For
he
promised
to
pour
out
the
Spirit
of
Grace
and
supplication
:
And
because
we
are
sons
,
he
hath
given
us
the
Spirit
of
his
Son
,
by
which
we
cry
Abba
Father
:
And
this
Spirit
helpeth
our
Infirmities
in
Prayer
:
If
these
things
be
in
the
Papists
Bible
,
I
hope
they
are
not
therefore
Popery
.
I
suppose
the
Papists
also
own
our
God
,
our
Saviour
and
our
Creed
.
3.
The
help
in
Prayer
which
we
expect
from
the
Spirit
,
is
.
1.
To
illuminate
us
to
know
what
we
need
and
should
desire
and
ask
.
2.
To
kindle
in
us
holy
desires
sincere
and
servent
,
of
what
we
should
ask
.
3.
To
give
us
a
true
belief
of
and
trust
in
the
Love
of
God
,
the
entercession
of
Christ
and
the
promises
of
the
Gospel
,
that
we
may
pray
in
hope
.
4.
To
give
us
thankful
hearts
for
what
we
do
receive
,
and
fit
with
joy
to
praise
the
giver
.
5.
To
stir
up
all
these
dispositions
to
particular
acts
in
the
due
season
:
And
to
save
us
from
the
contrary
.
6.
And
we
believe
that
a
mind
so
illuminated
,
and
affections
so
sanctified
and
kindled
,
have
a
great
advantage
above
others
coeteris
paribus
to
express
themselves
in
words
:
For.
1.
A
man
that
knoweth
what
to
say
can
speak
it
when
the
ignorant
cannot
?
Doth
not
a
stock
of
knowledge
enable
you
to
Preach
without
book
?
2.
Such
a
Soul
will
set
it self
diligently
to
think
what
and
how
to
speak
in
so
great
a
business
,
when
the
careless
mind
it
not
.
3.
Love
and
delight
are
very
speedy
Learners
.
4.
Fervent
desire
sets
all
the
powers
of
the
Soul
awork
,
and
is
full
and
forward
to
express
it self
.
Hunger
can
teach
men
easily
to
beg
:
Poor
men
speak
intreaties
;
Anger
,
Joy
,
every
passion
maketh
and
powreth
out
words
,
where
there
is
prerequisite
ability
.
4.
We
believe
that
he
who
by
natural
defectiveness
or
difuse
cannot
find
words
fitly
to
utter
his
own
mind
,
may
have
the
help
of
Gods
Spirit
in
uttering
such
words
as
he
readeth
or
learneth
of
others
;
and
(
especially
in
the
case
of
Psalms
which
are
not
of
sudden
invention
)
if
for
Concord
the
Churches
agree
to
use
the
same
meet
words
,
Gods
Spirit
may
actuate
their
desires
therein
.
5.
We
hold
that
this
Holy
Spirit
,
is
as
Tertullian
speaketh
,
Christs
Vicar
,
Agent
or
Advocate
,
by
preventing
,
operateing
,
Cooperating
grace
,
thus
to
illuminate
,
Sanctifie
and
actuate
believers
,
in
all
holy
works
,
and
especially
in
prayer
.
And
I
could
heartily
wish
that
you
would
not
be
against
so
much
,
as
Spiritual
Preaching
,
Spiritual
Writing
and
disputing
,
and
living
,
and
not
say
that
the
Jesuits
brought
them
in
.
6.
I
believe
that
we
are
Baptized
into
the
name
of
the
Holy
Ghost
as
well
as
of
the
Father
and
the
Son
,
believing
that
he
is
thus
Christs
Agent
for
all
this
work
upon
our
Souls
,
and
covenanting
to
obey
him
.
7.
I
believe
that
sins
against
the
Holy
Ghost
,
especially
deriding
or
reproaching
his
great
works
,
miraculous
or
Sanctifing
,
have
a
dangerous
malignity
.
8.
I
suppose
that
in
all
this
,
the
faculties
of
mans
own
Soul
are
the
natural
recipients
of
the
Spirits
influx
,
and
agent
of
the
act
which
both
causes
effect
:
And
that
it
s
as
vain
a
question
,
whether
it
be
by
the
Spirit
or
by
natural
faculties
that
we
pray
aright
,
as
whether
it
be
God
as
fons
naturae
,
or
mans
natural
powers
which
cause
our
natural
acts
?
Or
whether
the
Act
of
seeing
be
from
the
sun
or
the
eye
?
As
if
the
same
effect
might
not
,
yea
must
not
have
a
Suprior
and
Inferior
Cause
?
9.
Therefore
as
Gods
.
Spirit
witnessing
with
ours
that
we
are
his
Children
,
so
Gods
Spirit
helping
our
infirmities
in
Prayer
,
suspendeth
not
the
exercise
of
our
Spirits
,
or
maketh
our
reason
and
consideration
needless
,
but
actuateth
them
in
their
duty
.
Learning
and
studying
how
to
pray
,
is
consistent
with
the
Spirits
help
in
Prayer
.
10
I
never
talkt
of
it
with
any
Nonconformists
who
denyed
that
an
hypocrite
may
without
any
special
help
of
the
Spirit
,
speak
all
the
same
words
in
prayer
without
either
book
or
form
,
wich
another
may
speak
:
The
help
of
knowledge
,
hearing
,
use
and
passion
may
help
him
to
words
:
Therefore
they
never
take
a
man
to
be
proved
godly
or
sinceer
,
by
his
bare
words
:
but
by
the
grace
of
Prayer
,
which
is
holy
desire
&c.
and
not
by
the
speaking
,
gift
,
or
habit
.
11.
But
we
think
that
it
was
not
the
Jesuits
that
first
said
,
out
of
the
aboundance
of
the
heart
the
mouth
speaketh
;
and
though
the
tongue
may
lie
,
it
is
made
to
express
the
mind
,
and
we
must
judge
of
other
mens
minds
by
their
words
,
till
somwhat
else
disprove
them
.
And
its
natural
for
the
Heart
to
lead
the
Tongue
.
And
men
are
more
affected
by
words
which
come
from
affection
than
by
those
that
do
not
:
and
Reading
words
written
by
another
when
we
speak
to
God
,
is
not
so
natural
a
signification
of
desire
or
other
affection
,
as
speaking
them
from
the
present
dictate
of
the
heart
;
For
any
Child
that
can
read
may
do
the
one
,
and
it
is
not
the
usual
signification
of
seriousness
in
other
actions
.
A
beggar
that
should
only
read
his
begging
lesson
,
or
a
Child
or
Servant
that
should
only
read
some
words
to
his
Father
or
Master
,
would
be
thought
less
sensible
of
his
wants
.
12.
Ministers
should
be
men
better
aquainted
than
the
people
,
how
to
speak
to
God
and
man
:
It
is
their
office
;
and
therefore
it
belongeth
to
them
to
choose
the
words
which
are
fittest
:
and
to
set
up
a
Ministry
that
can
do
neither
,
is
to
befriend
the
Prince
of
darkness
against
the
Kingdom
of
Light
,
and
to
be
a
deadly
enemy
to
the
Church
and
Souls
.
And
to
set
up
a
ministry
that
need
not
do
it
,
but
may
choose
,
or
is
not
obliged
to
it
,
is
the
way
to
set
up
a
ministry
that
cannot
do
it
.
Let
the
Ministers
be
bound
to
no
more
than
to
Read
,
and
a
few
years
will
transform
them
to
such
as
can
do
no
more
than
read
.
Moscovy
proveth
that
,
and
too
many
other
Countries
.
13.
If
it
be
praying
freely
from
present
knowledge
and
desire
,
without
a
book
or
set
form
which
you
call
Spiritual
prayer
,
either
you
are
for
the
use
of
it
in
the
Pulpit
or
not
.
If
you
are
,
did
the
Jesuits
teach
it
you
?
or
will
you
go
on
to
follow
them
?
If
not
,
what
a
divided
party
are
the
Conformists
,
while
so
many
use
it
and
pray
spiritually
?
And
what
a
Case
is
the
Church
of
England
in
,
that
hath
still
so
many
Ministers
that
pray
as
the
Jesuits
Disciples
?
Or
why
do
you
so
reproach
your
Church
and
Ministry
?
14.
Do
you
think
that
there
is
more
force
in
the
name
of
a
Jesuit
to
disgrace
Spiritual
prayer
,
or
in
the
name
of
Spiritual
prayer
to
honour
the
Jesuits
?
And
do
you
not
seem
to
prevaricate
and
highly
honour
the
Jesuits
,
on
pretence
of
dishonoring
Spiritual
prayer
?
If
you
had
said
that
the
Jesuits
first
brought
in
Spiritual
preaching
,
and
discourse
and
Spiritual
living
,
would
it
not
have
more
honoured
them
,
than
dishonoured
Spirituality
?
Will
freedom
from
Spiritual
▪
prayer
honour
your
Church
?
as
Seneca
thought
Cato's
name
would
do
more
to
honour
Drunkenness
,
than
Drunkenness
could
do
to
dishonour
Cato
?
I
am
not
such
an
Antipapist
,
as
to
fall
out
with
Father
Son
or
Holy-Ghost
,
because
the
Jesuits
own
them
.
You
do
but
help
to
confirm
my
charity
,
who
have
long
thought
that
among
the
Papists
,
there
are
many
persons
truly
godly
,
though
their
education
,
converse
,
and
proud
,
tyrannical
wordly
Clergy
,
have
sadly
vitiated
them
.
15.
All
prayers
written
or
unwritten
are
made
by
some
body
.
Those
that
the
Bishops
write
down
for
us
in
the
Liturgy
,
and
for
our
Fasts
,
were
made
by
their
invention
:
Either
they
had
the
help
of
the
Spirit
in
making
them
or
not
:
If
yea
,
then
why
is
it
not
as
Jesuitical
to
write
a
Spiritual
prayer
,
as
to
speak
one
?
If
not
,
excuse
them
that
say
Gods
Spirit
made
not
your
Liturgy
,
nor
are
they
Spiritual
prayers
.
16.
And
were
it
not
too
like
high
and
dangerous
Pride
,
if
such
a
one
as
Bishop
Bancroft
,
Bishop
Laud
,
Bishop
Morley
,
Bishop
Gunning
,
in
a
Convocation
,
or
before
every
publick
Fast
,
should
be
appointed
to
write
the
words
of
Prayer
,
and
should
in
effect
say
to
all
the
most
Learned
Divines
in
England
[
The
Spirit
caused
us
to
write
these
prayers
,
and
our
measure
is
so
sure
and
great
,
that
none
of
you
may
presume
to
question
it
,
nor
to
think
that
you
can
pray
Spiritually
in
any
words
of
your
own
,
but
only
in
ours
,
at
least
in
the
Assemby
.
The
Spirit
will
help
you
if
you
say
our
words
,
but
not
your
own
.
It
now
cometh
into
my
mind
what
may
be
some
of
the
meaning
of
Bishop
Gunning's
Chaplain
,
Doctor
Saywell
,
in
his
last
Book
,
that
none
hath
power
to
ordain
Bishops
,
but
they
that
have
power
to
give
the
Holy
Ghost
for
the
work
of
their
Office
.
It
may
be
it
is
,
The
Holy
Ghost
to
write
Doctrine
Sermons
and
Prayers
for
all
their
Clergy
to
use
.
But
do
you
not
say
also
to
the
Presbyters
Receive
the
Holy
Ghost
?
If
they
have
him
,
why
cannot
they
speak
their
own
hearts
in
other
words
than
yours
?
Is
Spiritual
prayer
appropriated
to
your
Liturgy
,
words
or
forms
,
any
more
than
at
the
Council
at
Trent
he
was
to
the
Popes
instructions
.
17.
We
all
confess
,
that
as
all
the
actions
of
imperfect
men
,
have
their
imperfections
,
so
have
all
our
prayers
,
and
these
are
easily
aggravated
:
Sudden
free
prayer
,
and
book
prayer
,
have
both
their
conveniencies
and
inconveniencies
:
The
question
is
which
hic
&
nunc
hath
the
greatest
,
and
whether
forbidding
either
be
not
worst
of
all
:
I
have
named
the
conveniencies
and
inconveniencies
of
each
in
my
Christian
Directory
.
18.
Experience
telleth
the
world
,
that
the
daily
saying
over
only
the
same
words
,
and
that
read
out
of
a
paper
imposed
by
others
,
by
one
that
no
further
sheweth
any
sense
of
what
he
doth
,
is
not
so
apt
as
more
free
and
well
varied
words
in
season
,
to
keep
people
from
sleepy
senseless
prophanation
,
and
praying
as
the
Papists
do
with
their
Masses
,
Rosaries
,
and
Beads
:
And
the
variety
of
Subjects
preached
on
,
and
variety
of
occasions
,
and
all
accidents
require
some
diversification
of
words
and
methods
.
19.
It
is
a
work
of
reverence
to
speak
to
the
King
;
yet
as
it
is
lawful
to
write
a
Petition
to
him
,
so
to
speak
to
him
without
Book
.
Judges
have
serious
work
to
do
,
for
estate
and
life
,
and
yet
they
are
trusted
to
speak
without
prescribed
words
;
and
so
are
Advocates
,
Lawyers
,
Ambassadors
,
Physicians
,
Philosophers
,
and
all
men
in
their
Professions
,
except
Ministers
and
Christians
,
as
such
.
20.
We
know
not
why
men
may
not
be
intrusted
to
speak
to
God
in
the
name
of
imperfect
man
without
imposed
books
and
words
,
as
well
as
to
speak
to
man
from
the
most
perfect
God
and
in
his
name
;
in
preaching
.
Mans
actions
will
be
like
man
.
Nothing
that
is
not
divine
and
spiritual
should
be
spoken
as
from
God
and
in
his
name
.
And
as
after
our
frustrated
Treaty
for
Concord
1661.
one
of
them
(
nameless
)
wrote
a
Book
against
free
praying
without
an
imposed
form
in
the
Pulpit
,
and
yet
they
never
durst
forbid
it
to
this
day
;
so
I
know
who
shewed
his
desire
of
a
new
Book
of
Homilies
(
of
his
own
making
its
like
)
to
have
been
imposed
instead
of
preaching
,
and
of
the
old
ones
,
on
those
that
had
not
special
license
to
preach
.
But
interest
ruleth
the
world
:
They
durst
not
so
far
disgrace
their
Clergy
,
as
to
make
them
meer
Readers
,
nor
lose
the
advantage
of
talking
out
of
the
Pulpit
for
their
Cause
,
where
none
must
contradict
them
.
Mr.
Lob
hath
ask'd
you
already
;
whether
our
Spiritual
Prayer
,
as
you
call
it
,
or
your
Liturgy
(
and
Bishop
Cousins
,
and
Dr
Taylors
Prayer-books
,
&c.
)
be
liker
to
the
Popish
Mass
book
,
and
many
other
Offices
and
Devotions
?
Indeed
Mr.
Austins
hath
so
much
gravity
,
as
excepting
his
excursions
to
Saints
,
&c.
it
may
compare
with
many
of
yours
.
And
for
that
sort
of
spiritual
Devotion
,
in
which
they
flie
too
high
,
I
have
found
more
of
it
in
the
Friers
,
Franciscans
,
Benedictines
,
&c.
such
as
Barbanson
,
Benedictus
de
Benedictis
,
&c.
than
in
the
Jesuits
:
And
the
Oratoriana
,
Phil.
Nerius
Baronius
,
and
the
rest
;
and
of
their
sober
or
Religious
men
,
as
Sales
,
Mr.
Ro●ti
,
&c.
and
of
old
.
John
Gerson
,
Kempis
,
&c.
have
more
of
spirituality
than
the
Jesuits
.
But
enough
of
this
.
§
6.
As
to
the
rest
of
his
Prefatory
discourse
of
the
Advantages
of
Popery
.
1.
We
doubt
not
but
the
Papists
play
their
game
among
all
Parties
,
as
far
as
they
are
able
,
and
put
on
divers
sorts
of
Vizors
.
But
doth
he
(
that
is
a
Historian
)
not
know
,
that
all
over
the
world
their
cheif
design
is
upon
the
Rulers
and
Leaders
,
and
they
Cry
,
Fight
neither
against
great
or
small
,
but
to
win
one
Court
Card
signifieth
more
than
many
others
?
2.
Doth
he
think
the
Papists
take
the
Conformists
or
the
Nonconformists
to
be
nearer
to
them
and
less
against
them
?
3.
Did
the
Papists
think
Bishop
Lauds
reconciling
design
described
by
Doctor
Heylin
,
(
entertained
by
Sancta
Clara
,
Leander
,
&c.
)
or
the
Parliaments
fears
of
his
introducing
Popery
in
those
times
,
to
be
more
against
them
?
4.
Are
they
liker
to
help
in
Popery
,
that
are
so
apt
to
be
over-averse
to
any
thing
that
favours
of
it
,
in
Doctrine
,
Discipline
,
and
Worship
,
and
account
the
Pope
Antichrist
?
Or
they
that
hold
as
followeth
.
1.
(
As
Grotius
)
That
a
Papist
is
but
one
that
flatters
the
Popes
,
as
if
all
were
just
that
they
say
and
do
(
and
so
there
are
few
Papists
I
hope
in
the
World
.
)
2.
That
the
Church
of
Rome
is
sound
in
Faith
.
3.
And
so
are
all
the
General
Councils
,
even
Trent
.
4.
That
Rome
is
the
Mistress
of
all
Churches
;
or
as
Bishop
Bromhal
,
that
for
Concord
we
must
all
obey
the
Pope
,
as
Patriarch
of
the
West
,
and
Principium
Unitatis
Catholicae
,
ruling
according
to
the
old
Canons
,
(
a
Foreign
Jurisdiction
)
and
all
those
pass
for
Schismaticks
,
that
refuse
it
(
of
which
more
after
.
)
5.
That
the
validity
of
our
Ministry
must
be
proved
by
the
derivation
of
it
from
the
uninterrupted
succession
of
the
Roman
Ordainers
and
Church
.
6.
That
the
Church
of
Rome
by
that
succession
is
a
true
,
though
faulty
Church
of
Christ
,
but
so
are
none
of
the
Reformed
Churches
which
have
not
Bishops
,
or
have
them
not
by
such
uninterrupted
succession
.
7.
That
the
only
way
of
the
Concord
of
Churches
and
all
Christians
is
(
saith
Bishop
Gunning
)
to
obey
the
governing
part
of
the
Church
Universal
,
which
〈◊〉
Collegium
Pastorum
,
all
the
Bishops
of
the
universal
Church
,
in
one
Regent
Colledge
,
governing
all
the
Christian
World
per
literas
formatas
.
8.
That
its
safer
and
better
for
the
Protestants
in
France
to
be
of
the
French
Church
of
Papists
than
to
continue
without
Bishops
as
they
are
.
9.
That
we
should
come
as
near
the
Papists
as
the
Greek
Church
doth
,
or
as
both
Greek
and
Latin
did
at
the
rupture
of
the
two
Churches
,
or
as
in
Greg.
1st
.
daies
say
others
,
or
as
in
Char.
Mag.
daies
,
say
others
;
receiving
say
some
the
first
six
General
Councils
,
say
others
the
first
8.
10.
That
we
must
amend
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
for
the
Papists
,
as
Thorndick
saith
,
and
so
many
Doctrines
as
he
intimateth
.
11.
That
its
desireable
that
the
Papists
had
continued
in
our
Churches
as
in
the
begining
of
Queen
Eliz.
And
if
they
come
(
as
Church
Papists
do
)
should
be
received
in
our
Communion
.
12.
That
if
the
Pope
have
not
(
as
some
hold
)
a
right
of
such
Primacy
as
belongs
to
Saint
Peters
successour
,
at
least
,
His
Primacy
is
a
very
prudent
humane
constitution
.
1.
That
there
may
be
a
Common
Father
to
care
for
all
the
Church
.
2.
And
one
to
be
a
Head
of
Unity
and
order
.
3.
And
one
to
call
General
Councils
.
4.
And
one
to
rule
between
when
there
are
no
such
Councils
(
which
are
rare
)
.
5.
And
one
to
give
power
to
Patriarcks
and
Arch-Bishops
who
else
will
have
none
over
them
to
authorize
,
or
Govern
them
.
6.
And
one
to
decide
controversies
,
when
Countries
,
Churches
and
Arch-Bishops
disagree
.
7.
And
one
to
send
out
Preachers
among
Heathens
,
Infidels
and
Hereticks
,
all
over
the
world
.
8.
And
one
boldly
to
reprove
,
admonish
and
,
if
need
be
,
excommunicate
Kings
,
which
their
own
subjects
dare
not
do
.
I
do
not
mean
that
all
these
things
or
any
of
them
are
the
Doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
,
or
held
by
all
or
most
that
conforme
.
But
if
some
of
it
have
been
published
by
the
Chief
Prelates
,
and
some
by
their
chief
defenders
,
and
some
in
conference
with
us
by
Clergy
men
,
I
only
ask
whether
all
this
please
not
and
advantage
not
the
Papists
,
more
than
Nonconformists
any
way
do
?
And
whether
Arch-Bishop
Usher
and
his
Successor
Arch-Bishop
Bromhal
,
Bishop
Downam
and
his
Successour
Bishop
Taylor
differed
not
as
much
as
you
and
I
do
?
And
whether
the
multitude
of
Parish
Priest
that
were
Papists
in
Queen
Elizabeths
daies
,
and
Bishop
Godfrey
Goodman
a
Papists
Bishop
of
Gloucester
,
with
all
the
rest
mentioned
by
Prin
,
Rushworth
,
Burnet
,
&c.
tell
us
not
that
the
Papists
had
a
hopeful
game
to
play
among
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
of
the
Church
?
§
7.
As
to
his
note
out
of
Mr.
Jo.
Humpheries
book
,
disclaiming
Cruelty
to
Papists
,
it
s
known
Mr.
Humphery
is
a
man
of
latitude
and
universal
Charity
,
and
tyeth
himself
to
no
party
or
any
mens
opinions
:
He
openly
professeth
his
hope
of
the
Salvation
of
many
Heathens
,
and
I
so
little
fear
the
noise
of
the
censorious
,
that
even
now
while
the
Plot
doth
render
them
most
odious
,
I
freely
say
.
1.
That
I
would
have
Papists
used
like
men
,
and
no
worse
than
our
own
defence
requireth
:
2
,
That
I
would
have
no
man
pat
to
death
for
being
a
Priest
:
3.
That
I
would
have
no
writ
de
excommunicato
capiendo
,
or
any
Law
compel
them
to
our
Communion
and
Sacraments
.
For
I
would
not
give
it
them
(
if
I
knew
them
)
if
they
came
.
§
8.
As
to
his
Accusation
of
my
first
Plea
for
Peace
,
he
hath
it
after
,
and
it
is
after
answered
.
And
as
to
his
Accusation
of
my
book
for
Concord
,
I
answer
.
1.
Is
it
no
Ministers
work
,
in
a
contending
world
,
to
tell
and
prove
what
are
Christs
ordained
termes
of
Christian
Concord
,
but
his
that
is
[
Christs
plenipotentiary
on
Earth
,
and
were
to
set
the
termes
of
Peace
and
War
]
Is
this
spoken
like
a
peace
maker
and
a
Divine
?
Doth
not
he
pretend
also
in
his
way
to
declare
the
terms
of
Concord
?
2.
But
no
man
more
heartily
agreeth
with
him
in
lamenting
the
state
of
the
Church
on
earth
,
that
when
such
men
as
Bishop
Gunning
,
Dean
Stillingfleet
,
Dr.
Saywel
,
&c.
on
one
side
,
and
such
as
I
and
many
better
men
on
the
other
side
,
have
so
many
years
studied
hard
to
know
Gods
will
,
I
am
certain
for
my self
,
and
I
hope
it
of
them
,
with
an
unseigned
desire
to
find
out
the
truth
what
ever
it
cost
,
(
and
I
profess
as
going
to
God
,
that
would
he
but
make
me
know
that
Popery
,
silencing
Prelacy
,
imprisoning
,
Banishing
,
or
ruining
all
Nonconformists
,
Anabaptists
,
Antinomians
,
Quakers
,
or
any
that
ever
I
wrote
against
,
are
in
the
right
,
I
would
with
greater
joy
and
thankfulness
recant
and
turne
to
them
,
than
I
would
receive
the
greatest
preferment
in
the
land
)
I
say
,
that
yet
after
all
this
we
should
so
far
differ
,
as
for
one
side
to
be
confident
that
the
others
way
of
Concord
is
the
ready
way
to
ruin
,
wickedness
and
confusion
,
and
to
come
to
that
boldness
to
proclaim
this
to
the
world
,
alas
how
doleful
a
case
is
this
?
What
hope
of
Christian
peace
and
concord
when
such
excellent
sober
well
studyed
men
as
they
,
quite
above
the
common
sort
,
not
byassed
by
honour
,
or
preferments
or
power
,
by
Bishopricks
,
Deaneries
,
Masterships
,
plurality
,
or
love
of
any
worldly
wealth
,
and
such
as
we
that
study
and
pray
as
hard
as
they
to
know
the
truth
,
are
yet
confident
to
the
height
that
each
others
termes
of
Love
and
peace
,
are
but
Sathans
way
to
to
destroy
them
both
,
and
introduce
(
as
Dr.
Saywel
saith
Conventicles
do
)
Heresie
,
Popery
,
Ignorance
,
Prophaneness
and
Confusion
:
And
what
we
are
past
doubt
that
their
way
will
do
,
experience
saith
more
than
we
may
do
.
Oh
what
shall
the
poor
people
do
in
so
great
a
temptation
!
§
9.
But
I
must
pass
from
his
Preface
,
where
I
have
noted
.
1.
That
he
is
yet
so
peaceable
as
to
propose
some
sort
of
abatements
for
our
Concord
;
that
the
benifit
may
be
sibi
&
suis
,
not
reaching
our
necesseries
,
but
much
better
than
nothing
.
2.
That
they
are
so
ill
agreed
,
that
Bishop
Gunnings
Chaplain
writeth
,
against
it
,
making
the
only
way
of
Peace
to
be
by
the
sword
to
force
all
men
to
full
obedience
to
their
Lordships
in
every
thing
injoyned
,
not
abating
an
Oath
,
a
Subscription
,
a
Covenant
,
a
Word
,
a
Ceremony
,
without
Comprehension
or
limited
Toleration
.
3
And
I
could
wish
the
Doctor
would
consent
,
at
least
that
Lords
and
Parliament
men
may
have
the
liberty
themselves
of
educating
their
own
Sons
,
so
it
be
in
the
Christian
Reformed
Religion
,
and
to
choose
their
Tutors
,
and
not
confine
them
to
Conformists
only
:
The
Papists
are
tollerated
in
choosing
Tutors
for
their
Children
:
The
King
of
France
hath
not
yet
taken
away
this
liberty
from
the
Protestants
:
Nor
the
Turks
from
the
Greeks
:
And
must
you
needs
take
it
away
from
all
the
Lords
,
Knights
,
Gentlemen
,
Citizens
,
and
Free-holders
of
England
.
Perhaps
Beggars
will
consent
,
if
you
will
keep
their
Children
,
or
do
what
the
Godfathers
vow
.
Most
Gentlemen
,
that
keep
Chaplains
,
expect
that
they
teach
their
Sons
at
home
,
sometime
at
least
;
what
if
a
Lord
or
Knight
have
such
a
Chaplain
as
Hugh
Broughton
,
or
Ainsworth
,
or
as
Amesius
,
Blondel
,
Salmatius
,
as
Gataker
,
Vines
,
Burges
,
&c.
must
the
Law
forbid
them
to
read
Hebrew
,
Philosophy
,
or
Divinity
to
their
Sons
?
I
doubt
you
will
scarce
get
the
Parliament
hereafter
to
make
such
a
Law
to
fetter
themselves
,
lest
next
you
would
extend
your
dominion
also
to
their
Wives
as
well
as
Sons
,
and
forbid
▪
them
marrying
any
but
Conformists
.
Is
it
not
enough
to
turn
us
all
out
of
the
publick
Ministry
?
Methinks
you
might
allow
some
the
Office
of
a
School-master
,
or
Houshold
Tutor
,
or
Chaplain
under
the
Laws
of
Peace
;
unless
the
Sword
be
all
that
you
trust
too
:
If
it
be
,
it
is
an
uncertain
thing
:
The
minds
of
Princes
are
changable
,
and
all
things
in
this
World
are
on
the
Wheel
:
when
Peter
flieth
to
the
Sword
,
Christ
bids
him
put
it
up
,
for
they
that
so
use
it
perish
by
it
:
Hurting
many
,
forceth
many
to
hurt
you
,
or
to
desire
their
own
deliverance
,
though
by
your
hurt
.
CHAP.
III.
The
beginning
of
the
Doctors
unreasonable
Accusations
examined
:
His
stating
of
the
Case
of
Separation
.
§
1.
THis
much
instead
of
an
intelligible
stating
of
our
Controversie
he
giveth
us
,
Page
2.
[
By
separation
we
mean
nothing
else
,
but
withdrawing
from
the
constant
Communion
of
our
Church
,
and
joyning
with
Separate
Congregations
,
for
greater
purity
of
worship
,
and
better
means
of
Edification
.
]
And
may
we
be
sene
by
this
,
that
we
understand
the
difference
.
1.
Whether
by
[
Our
Church
]
he
meant
the
Parochial
Church
,
(
and
if
so
,
whether
some
or
all
)
or
the
Diocesan
Church
;
or
the
Provincial
,
or
the
National
,
or
all
I
know
not
.
But
I
know
well
,
that
some
withdraw
from
some
Parish
Churches
which
joyn
with
others
.
And
some
think
they
withdraw
not
from
the
Diocesan
or
Provincial
,
if
they
communicate
with
any
one
Parish
Church
in
the
Diocess
:
And
some
renounce
the
Diocesan
Church
,
which
constantly
joyn
with
the
Parochial
:
And
for
the
National
Church
,
who
can
tell
whether
we
have
Communion
with
it
,
till
we
know
what
they
mean
by
it
?
Indeed
in
the
latter
part
,
(
after
the
long
dispute
)
he
condescendeth
beyond
expectation
to
explain
that
term
;
But
it
s
so
as
plainly
to
deny
that
there
is
any
such
thing
as
a
Church
of
England
in
a
Political
sense
,
that
hath
any
constitutive
Regent
part
:
But
even
there
so
late
he
maketh
it
not
possible
to
us
to
know
,
whether
we
be
members
of
the
Church
or
not
:
For
he
maketh
it
to
be
but
all
the
Christians
and
Churches
in
the
Kingdom
joyned
by
consent
exprest
by
their
Representatives
in
Parliament
,
under
the
same
civil
Government
and
Rules
of
Religion
(
Doctrine
,
and
Worship
,
and
Government
)
1.
As
it
is
a
Christian
Kingdom
,
we
are
sure
,
that
we
are
members
of
it
.
2.
As
it
is
all
the
Churches
of
the
Kingdom
consenting
to
the
Scriptures
,
yea
,
and
to
Articles
of
Doctrine
,
and
all
that
Christ
or
his
Apostles
taught
,
we
are
sure
that
we
withdraw
not
from
it
:
3.
But
if
every
Chancellor
,
Dean
,
Commissary
▪
Surrogate
▪
&c.
Or
every
forme
or
word
or
Ceremonie
be
essential
to
their
Church
,
we
cannot
tell
who
is
of
it
and
who
not
?
Or
really
whether
any
reject
not
some
one
forme
,
word
or
office
?
If
every
such
thing
be
not
essential
,
he
never
in
all
the
book
tels
us
what
is
,
or
how
to
know
it
,
or
who
is
of
it
.
§
2.
And
the
word
[
withdrawing
]
seemeth
to
imply
former
Communion
:
And
if
so
,
he
maketh
all
the
Anabaptists
,
Independants
▪
Presbyterians
,
&c.
Who
never
were
of
their
Church
,
to
be
none
of
the
Separatists
here
meant
.
But
if
by
[
withdrawing
]
he
mean
[
not
joyning
in
Communion
]
either
he
meaneth
in
the
whole
Communion
or
but
in
part
:
If
the
whole
,
then
the
many
thousands
that
live
in
the
Parishes
and
Communicate
not
in
the
Sacrament
are
no
members
of
the
Parish
Church
.
And
who
knoweth
then
who
are
of
their
Church
?
And
how
few
in
many
Parishes
are
of
it
,
that
yet
pass
for
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
▪
And
yet
I
that
joyn
with
them
am
none
of
it
,
in
their
account
.
And.
3.
What
meaneth
he
by
[
Constant
Communion
]
I
go
to
the
Parish
Church
when
sickness
hindreth
not
,
once
a
day
;
I
go
to
the
Sacrament
,
and
am
none
of
their
Church
.
Thousands
go
but
rarely
,
and
thousands
scarce
at
all
,
at
least
to
the
Sacrament
,
and
these
are
of
their
Church
and
no
separatists
.
4.
But
perhaps
the
conjunction
is
explicative
[
and
joyn
with
separate
Congregations
for
greater
purity
,
and
Edification
:
If
so
,
then
he
that
never
joyneth
with
them
nor
any
other
is
none
of
the
intended
separatists
.
2.
Nor
he
that
goeth
to
other
Churches
on
other
accounts
than
for
purity
of
Worship
and
Edification
(
As
Papists
that
go
as
to
the
only
true
Church
for
the
Authority
)
.
§
3.
But
the
utter
ambiguity
is
in
the
word
separate
;
And
that
you
may
understand
it
he
explaineth
it
by
repeating
it
.
By
separation
he
means
withdrawing
to
separate
Congregations
.
But
the
doubt
is
,
which
are
the
separate
Congregations
.
I
named
many
sorts
of
Lawful
and
unlawful
separations
,
but
he
will
not
tell
us
which
he
meaneth
by
any
intrea●y
.
§
.
4.
I
would
my self
yet
that
I
may
be
understood
,
tell
the
reader
what
sorts
of
separation
I
renounce
and
what
I
own
:
But
I
have
done
it
so
oft
and
largely
,
that
I
am
ashamed
to
repeat
it
,
as
oft
as
mens
confusion
calls
me
to
it
.
The
reader
who
thinks
it
worth
his
labour
,
may
see
it
done
in
my
first
Plea
for
Peace
,
and
in
the
Preface
to
my
Cath.
Theol.
and
specially
in
the
beginning
of
the
third
Part
of
my
Treat
.
of
Concord
,
and
in
Christ
.
Direct
.
And
he
calls
me
here
afterward
to
the
same
Certainly
it
is
only
sinful
separation
that
is
in
the
question
;
and
as
certainly
there
are
many
sorts
not
sinful
.
I
am
locally
separate
from
all
Churches
save
that
where
I
am
.
I
morally
separate
from
the
Roman
Church
as
an
unlawful
Policy
,
and
all
other
which
are
in
specie
against
Gods
word
:
I
separate
from
some
for
Heresie
as
being
not
capable
matter
of
a
Church
,
while
they
own
not
all
the
Essence
of
Christianity
.
I
separate
from
some
as
Imposing
sin
,
and
refusing
my
Communion
without
it
.
I
separate
from
some
as
having
no
lawful
Pastors
;
some
being
uncapable
matter
,
and
some
,
being
usurpers
that
have
no
true
call
:
I
separate
from
some
only
so
far
as
to
prefer
a
better
rebus
sic
stantibus
;
sometime
a
better
as
to
the
Doctrine
,
sometime
as
to
the
Worship
,
sometime
as
to
the
Discipline
sometime
and
mostly
as
to
the
Pastors
worth
and
work
;
some
go
from
their
own
Parish
,
because
the
Minister
is
very
ignorant
in
comparison
of
another
to
whom
they
go
:
some
that
hear
the
Minister
preach
against
preciseness
and
for
Ceremonies
,
had
rather
hear
another
that
calleth
them
to
holiness
:
some
that
have
tollerable
Preachers
go
to
Doctor
Stilling
sleet
and
Doctor
Tillotson
as
better
:
some
go
for
neerness
to
another
Church
.
Some
go
from
their
own
Parish
because
the
Minister
cuts
the
Common-prayer
too
short
,
and
Preacheth
too
long
;
some
because
they
would
have
it
so
,
go
to
such
:
some
because
the
Parson
is
an
Arminian
;
others
because
he
is
contrary
.
Some
go
to
the
Minister
that
is
strict
in
keeping
the
scandalous
from
the
Sacrament
:
some
therefore
go
from
him
:
some
remove
their
Dwellings
or
Lodgings
for
these
ends
;
and
some
do
not
:
some
go
from
their
own
Parish
for
the
benefit
of
the
Organs
in
another
.
And
of
old
,
when
Nonconformists
had
Parish
Churches
and
used
some
part
of
the
Liturgy
,
many
went
to
them
from
their
own
Parishes
.
Some
of
these
are
lawful
,
some
are
unlawful
:
Most
certainly
they
that
go
from
their
own
Parishes
,
yea
,
or
to
Nonconformists
Assemblies
,
in
London
,
go
not
all
on
the
same
account
:
Nor
doth
the
Doctor
and
such
other
separate
from
me
as
I
am
said
to
do
from
them
,
but
otherwise
and
much
more
.
§
.
5.
If
he
would
first
have
told
us
what
Separation
is
sinful
;
secondly
▪
and
then
have
proved
us
guilty
of
it
,
instead
of
the
confused
talk
of
Separation
,
and
a
begging
the
question
by
suposing
that
to
be
sinful
,
which
he
will
neither
discribe
,
nor
prove
such
,
it
had
been
of
some
usefulness
to
our
conviction
.
But
I
confess
I
never
liked
those
Physitians
who
give
their
Patients
the
Medicines
that
they
are
best
stored
with
,
or
they
can
best
spare
,
be
the
disease
whatsoever
;
Nor
the
disputer
that
poureth
out
what
he
is
best
furnished
to
say
,
how
useless
soever
to
the
reader
or
to
the
Cause
.
Disputeing
should
not
be
like
boys
playing
at
Dust
point
,
who
cover
their
Points
in
a
great
heap
of
Dust
,
and
then
throw
Stones
or
Cudgels
at
it
,
and
he
that
first
uncovereth
them
wins
them
.
Dusty
heaps
of
ambiguous
words
confusedly
poured
out
,
befriend
not
Truth
that
should
be
Naked
,
nor
the
reader
.
§
.
6.
Some
thought
it
was
the
Place
called
Conventicle
houses
,
which
made
the
Conformists
call
us
Separatists
;
and
they
got
oft
into
Parish
Churches
and
Chappells
.
But
these
were
made
the
worst
of
separatists
,
and
punished
the
more
.
And
doubletss
it
is
not
meeting
at
any
of
the
new
Tabernacles
,
nor
at
the
Spittle
,
nor
at
Sturbridge
Fair
,
where
Preaching
hath
long
been
used
,
nor
in
a
Prison
nor
at
the
Gallows
to
Prisoners
and
People
,
which
are
faulty
Separation
.
§
.
7.
Some
thought
that
they
meant
that
its
want
of
the
Common-prayer
that
maketh
us
Separatists
;
and
they
have
tryed
and
read
the
Common-prayer
in
their
Assemblys
:
But
these
have
been
accused
and
suffered
the
more
.
And
even
Mr.
Cheny
was
forced
to
fly
his
Country
for
reading
it
,
and
Preaching
in
an
unlicensed
meeting
.
And
some
reading
more
and
some
less
,
by
this
it
will
not
be
known
who
are
the
Separatists
;
The
old
Nonconformists
in
their
Parish
Churches
read
some
more
,
some
less
,
and
now
some
Conformists
vary
.
They
say
a
Conformist
at
Greenwich
keepeth
up
a
Common-prayer
Conventicle
;
some
Conformists
are
accused
for
overpassing
much
:
One
lately
suspended
for
wearing
the
Surplice
too
seldom
,
and
refusing
to
pray
for
[
our
gratious
Queen
and
James
Duke
of
York
.
]
How
much
of
this
goeth
to
make
a
Separatist
?
§
.
8.
Some
thought
it
was
want
of
the
Magistrates
leave
that
made
them
call
us
separatists
:
But
when
the
King
Licensed
us
,
the
accusation
was
the
same
:
yea
Mr.
Hinkley
and
many
others
tell
you
,
that
they
took
this
for
worst
of
all
.
§
.
9.
Some
say
it
is
want
of
the
Bishops
Licence
:
But
as
Mr.
Tho.
Gouge
hath
his
University
Licence
,
and
I
have
Bishop
Sheldon's
Licence
(
I
think
not
invalidate
)
and
yet
this
goeth
for
no
justification
of
us
;
so
is
it
with
others
.
§
.
10.
Some
think
that
it
is
a
Conventicle
as
described
by
their
Cannon
that
must
make
us
Separatists
,
which
is
of
men
that
call
themselves
of
another
Church
.
But
that
's
not
it
:
Mr.
Gouge
,
Mr.
Poole
,
Mr.
Humphrey
,
and
my self
,
and
abundance
more
that
never
gathered
any
Church
,
nor
called
our selves
of
any
other
then
their
own
,
are
nevertheless
separatists
in
these
mens
account
.
§
.
11.
They
that
remembred
what
was
called
Separation
in
England
of
old
,
supposed
it
had
these
two
degrees
,
which
made
men
called
Brownists
.
First
falsly
taking
the
Parish
Ministers
and
Churches
for
no
true
Ministers
and
Churches
of
Christ
,
and
therefore
not
to
be
Communicated
with
.
Secondly
or
(
in
the
lower
rank
)
falsly
taking
the
faults
of
the
Parish
Ministers
and
Churches
to
be
so
great
,
that
its
a
sin
to
have
ordinary
Communion
with
them
.
But
they
that
have
still
disclaimed
both
these
are
Separatists
still
in
our
Accusers
sence
.
§
.
12.
Some
thought
that
ordinary
Communicating
in
the
Parish
Churches
and
pleading
for
it
,
would
prove
us
no
separatists
with
them
.
But
this
will
not
serve
as
my
own
and
many
other
mens
Experience
proveth
.
§
.
13.
I
am
called
after
to
say
more
of
this
:
The
sum
of
my
separation
is
this
.
First
that
I
take
not
the
Parish
Churches
to
be
the
only
Churches
that
I
must
Communicate
with
,
and
will
not
confine
my
Communion
to
them
alone
,
as
if
they
were
a
sect
,
or
All
:
But
will
also
have
Communion
with
Dutch
,
French
or
Nonconformists
.
2.
I
take
not
the
Order
,
Discipline
and
mode
of
worship
in
the
Parish
Churches
,
nor
the
Preaching
of
very
many
Parsons
,
Vicars
and
Curates
,
to
be
the
best
and
most
desirable
.
3.
I
take
those
to
be
no
true
Political
Churches
,
which
have
no
Pastors
that
have
all
the
Qualifications
,
and
Call
,
and
Authority
,
which
is
Essential
to
the
Office
;
and
therefore
can
communicate
with
them
,
but
as
with
a
flock
without
a
Pastor
,
or
an
Oratory
,
Community
or
Catechized
Company
.
4.
I
live
peaceably
under
such
Bishops
as
have
many
hundred
Parishes
,
and
no
Episcopos
Gregis
,
true
Bishops
and
Pastoral
Churches
under
them
,
as
they
think
:
But
I
own
not
their
Constitution
.
5.
I
joyn
with
all
the
Churches
in
England
as
Associated
for
mutual
help
and
Concord
in
all
that
the
Scripture
prescribeth
,
and
in
all
the
Protestant
Religion
,
and
all
that
all
Christian
Churches
are
agreed
in
,
and
all
that
is
truly
needful
to
the
ends
of
Christianity
:
But
not
absolutely
in
all
,
which
their
Canons
,
Liturgy
&c.
conttaine
:
Especially
their
sinful
Impositions
,
and
their
Presumtious
Canonical
Excommunications
of
dissenters
ipso
facto
.
6.
I
am
one
of
the
Christian
Kingdom
of
England
,
as
under
the
King
according
to
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
;
and
am
for
obeying
the
Laws
and
Rules
in
all
things
lawfully
belonging
to
their
Power
to
command
.
But
not
for
obeying
them
in
sin
,
against
God
,
nor
for
believing
all
to
be
Lawful
because
they
command
it
;
nor
for
their
taking
down
Family
Government
or
self
Government
,
and
discerning
private
Judgment
of
the
subjects
.
This
is
my
measure
of
separation
.
§
14.
And
I
think
in
cases
that
concern
our
own
and
many
mens
Salvation
we
should
have
leave
freely
to
speak
for
our selves
;
and
not
be
used
as
we
are
,
that
must
neither
be
endured
to
be
silent
,
or
to
speak
.
Let
this
Dr.
open
our
case
to
you
himself
,
saith
he
[
Pref.
p.
36.
Speaking
of
my
first
Plea
for
Peace
[
As
though
it
had
been
designed
on
purpose
to
represent
the
Clergy
of
our
Church
as
a
Company
of
Notorious
,
Lying
and
Perjured
Villains
for
Conforming
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
and
orders
established
among
us
:
For
there
are
no
less
than
thi●ty
tremendous
aggravations
of
the
sin
of
Conformity
set
down
in
it
and
all
this
done
without
the
〈…〉
provocation
given
on
one
side
]
And
elswhere
he
saith
he
shall
less
regard
my
aggravations
.
Ans.
1.
If
I
do
that
which
you
think
as
bad
,
I
would
gladly
be
told
of
it
(
though
false
accusations
I
desire
not
)
And
impenitence
is
too
soon
learnt
without
a
Teacher
or
Academical
degrees
,
and
I
had
rather
be
saved
from
it
.
2.
But
Reader
I
once
more
appeal
to
the
Judgment
of
all
reason
and
humanity
as
well
as
Christianity
,
to
decide
the
case
of
this
Accusation
.
1.
We
did
in
,
1660.
and
1661.
All
that
we
were
able
by
labour
petition
and
yielding
as
far
as
we
durst
for
fear
of
sin
and
Hell
,
to
have
been
united
and
lived
in
Church
Concord
with
the
Episcopal
party
.
2.
When
our
labour
and
hopes
were
frustrate
and
two
thousand
of
us
cast
out
of
the
Ministery
,
and
afterwards
laws
made
against
us
as
Conventiclers
,
first
for
our
Fining
,
Imprisonment
,
and
then
Banishment
,
and
after
besides
Imprisonment
to
pay
twenty
pound
the
first
Sermon
,
and
forty
pound
the
next
and
so
on
;
when
after
this
the
Law
that
banished
us
from
all
Cities
,
Corporations
,
&c.
and
places
where
we
lately
Preached
,
did
most
deeply
accuse
us
as
the
cause
;
I
never
wrote
so
much
as
the
reasons
of
our
dissent
:
When
by
the
execution
of
these
Laws
we
were
by
Informers
and
others
used
,
as
is
well
known
,
I
was
still
silent
.
My
not
conforming
shewed
my
dissent
,
but
I
durst
not
so
much
as
once
tell
them
why
,
lest
it
should
more
exasperate
them
.
3.
At
last
I
was
often
told
that
the
Bishop
that
first
forbad
my
Preaching
,
and
many
others
after
him
,
oft
said
to
Great
men
,
Mr.
Baxter
keeps
up
a
Schism
,
and
yet
holds
all
our
conformity
lawful
,
save
renouncing
a
rebellious
Covenant
.
And
I
yet
continued
silent
.
4.
At
last
they
wrote
against
us
,
that
we
durst
not
say
that
any
part
of
Conformity
was
sin
,
but
only
inconvenient
.
5.
Then
many
pulpits
and
books
proclaim
▪
that
we
against
our
Consciences
kept
up
a
Schism
,
for
a
baffled
cause
which
we
had
nothing
to
say
for
.
6.
All
this
while
Lords
and
Commons
used
to
ask
us
,
what
is
it
that
you
would
have
,
and
what
keepeth
you
from
Conformity
.
[
In
private
talk
,
but
would
never
allow
us
to
speak
for
our selves
and
give
the
world
or
Parliament
our
reasons
]
.
7.
Many
years
together
Pulpits
and
Printed
Books
of
the
Clergy
,
cryed
out
to
the
Magistrates
to
execute
the
Laws
against
us
,
(
and
as
one
said
set
fire
to
the
Fagot
)
▪
and
blamed
them
for
not
doing
it
.
8.
When
the
King
gave
us
his
Licence
,
they
were
greatly
offended
,
as
aforesaid
.
9.
At
last
one
great
Bishop
told
me
that
he
would
desire
the
King
to
constraine
us
to
give
our
reasons
,
and
not
keep
up
a
Schism
,
and
not
tell
for
what
.
And
another
greater
told
me
,
that
the
King
took
us
to
be
not
sincere
,
that
would
not
give
our
reasons
.
And
all
this
while
I
durst
not
give
them
,
as
knowing
how
they
would
be
received
.
10.
When
the
Bishops
kept
me
from
Preaching
and
gave
me
leisure
,
I
wrote
.
1.
An
Apology
for
our
Preaching
,
2
A
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
and
divers
other
such
,
and
yet
durst
not
Print
them
(
nor
indeed
could
do
it
.
)
11.
At
last
after
about
seventeen
or
eighteen
years
silence
▪
by
such
importunity
(
and
the
Press
being
more
open
)
I
ventured
first
but
to
write
my
first
Plea
for
Peace
,
which
only
nameth
matter
of
Fact
,
and
our
bare
Judgment
,
enumerating
the
things
which
we
think
sin
,
without
our
Arguments
,
lest
it
should
provoke
them
more
.
And
therein
professed
that
(
knowing
mens
different
Educations
,
studies
,
interests
,
&c.
)
I
did
not
by
this
accuse
the
Conformists
,
nor
the
Law
makers
,
but
only
tell
.
1.
What
I
thought
would
be
sin
in
us
,
2.
And
how
great
a
sin
,
if
we
conformed
.
Reader
,
should
I
have
stayed
longer
(
the
smal
Tract
of
Sacrilegious
desertion
of
the
Ministry
,
came
out
when
we
were
licensed
,
but
ventured
not
to
name
the
matters
of
our
Nonconformity
)
what
could
we
do
less
?
I
staid
till
I
think
half
the
silenced
Ministers
were
dead
.
Is
the
call
of
superiours
,
the
Interest
of
our
Ministry
,
and
Consciences
of
so
little
regard
as
that
I
must
not
tell
men
that
so
loud
and
long
had
asked
,
what
s
the
matter
?
Must
we
neither
be
silent
nor
speak
?
And
now
see
here
.
1.
If
Dean
Stillingfleet
be
a
man
to
be
believed
in
such
accusations
,
[
All
this
was
done
by
me
,
without
the
least
provocation
on
their
side
]
wonderful
difference
!
Is
my
naming
what
I
think
God
forbids
me
,
so
great
a
provocation
to
them
,
and
is
all
this
for
seventeen
years
before
named
[
not
the
least
provocation
to
us
on
their
part
?
What
shall
one
think
could
bring
such
a
man
to
such
a
word
?
2.
And
that
which
I
profest
that
I
wrote
not
to
accuse
them
,
he
tells
you
was
[
as
if
designed
to
represent
them
as
a
Company
of
notorious
lying
▪
Perjured
Villains
.
This
Collection
I
feared
;
But
how
could
I
avoid
it
?
Must
not
I
tell
them
that
urge
me
,
what
sin
I
fear
,
least
they
say
you
represent
us
as
such
?
3.
See
here
how
they
talk
of
us
contrarily
as
the
Barbarians
of
Paul
,
that
now
make
him
a
Murderer
,
and
anon
a
God
;
For
many
years
together
,
our
Lords
and
Masters
perswaded
men
that
we
took
Conformity
to
be
no
sin
,
save
renouncing
the
Covenant
:
And
now
how
Contrary
?
It
s
the
representation
of
a
Company
of
notorious
,
lying
,
perjured
,
Villains
,
with
thirty
tremendous
aggravations
.
Repent
O
England
,
saith
Bradford
at
the
stake
.
But
who
would
have
thought
that
Repentance
had
been
so
hard
a
work
,
in
a
case
called
so
heynous
,
and
that
to
the
Preachers
of
Repentance
,
as
it
is
either
to
them
or
to
us
,
which
ever
it
be
that
is
found
in
the
guilt
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
his
History
of
the
case
of
the
old
Nonconformists
.
§
1.
AS
to
what
he
saith
of
the
sameness
of
the
former
Case
and
ours
,
I
shall
tell
him
the
difference
after
,
where
he
more
calls
me
to
it
;
And
shall
shew
him
so
much
difference
,
as
will
discredit
this
assertion
.
§
2.
As
to
the
case
of
the
old
Nonconformists
.
1.
It
must
be
premised
that
we
take
them
not
for
any
of
our
rule
,
but
cleave
to
Gods
word
and
the
example
of
the
Primitive
Church
,
looking
still
at
the
great
ends
of
order
and
Government
.
2.
We
maintain
as
well
as
he
that
the
Chief
Nonconformists
were
against
that
called
Brownism
or
Separation
,
and
wrote
more
against
it
than
the
Conformists
did
.
3.
I
still
profess
my self
to
be
of
their
Judgment
in
this
,
and
have
practised
accordingly
.
4.
But
they
were
not
against
such
Preaching
,
or
any
such
sort
of
separation
as
I
have
either
practised
or
defended
.
§
3.
Here
therefore
it
must
be
known
what
the
Controversie
between
them
and
the
separatists
was
.
1.
The
higher
sort
of
separatists
said
,
that
the
Church
of
England
was
no
true
Church
.
The
Nonconformists
,
said
it
was
a
true
National
Church
both
as
a
Christian
Kingdom
,
and
as
an
Association
of
Churches
,
(
and
as
represented
in
National
Synods
were
they
made
one
.
)
2.
The
said
Brownists
said
that
the
Parish
Churches
were
no
true
Churches
,
nor
to
be
owned
as
such
,
nor
joyned
with
.
The
Nonconformists
held
that
they
are
true
Churches
,
(
that
have
capable
Ministers
)
though
faulty
.
3.
The
separatists
said
that
the
Parish
Ministers
were
no
true
Ministers
,
because
ordained
by
Diocesans
and
not
chosen
by
the
people
,
&c.
The
Nonconformists
said
,
that
the
capable
were
true
though
faulty
Ministers
,
owned
by
the
peoples
consenting
communion
,
and
the
ordination
valid
though
culpable
.
4.
The
separatists
said
that
Ministers
and
people
must
gather
Churches
that
are
purer
,
and
set
up
better
discipline
in
them
,
whatever
Rulers
say
or
do
against
it
,
or
whatever
they
suffer
,
as
far
as
they
are
able
.
The
Nonconformists
said
,
this
is
to
be
done
where
it
may
be
done
without
doing
more
hurt
than
good
,
but
else
it
is
no
duty
but
a
sin
,
viz.
To
do
it
Tumultuously
,
Seditiously
,
or
so
as
by
running
on
the
Magistrates
sword
,
by
improbable
attempts
to
lose
their
own
advantages
for
doing
and
getting
good
,
and
hinder
the
common
parish
reformation
.
5.
The
Separatists
said
that
no
prohibition
of
the
Magistrate
will
warrant
a
Minister
to
forbear
the
publick
work
of
his
office
.
The
Nonconformists
held
that
it
belongeth
to
the
Magistrate
to
restrain
deceivers
and
all
false
Teachers
who
do
more
hurt
than
good
;
and
such
should
obey
when
they
are
forbidden
to
Preach
and
Administer
Sacraments
:
Yea
if
the
Magistrate
wrongfully
forbid
a
worthy
Minister
to
Preach
,
for
order
he
is
bound
to
obey
,
unless
the
need
of
the
Church
and
Souls
,
and
the
probable
benefit
plainly
weigh
down
that
matter
of
order
,
and
make
the
Magistrates
prohibition
invalid
,
as
being
against
the
common
good
,
and
the
ends
of
the
Ministry
,
and
so
against
Christ
.
6.
The
semi-separatists
(
Robinsons
party
)
after
held
that
though
the
Parish
Churches
may
be
called
true
Churches
,
as
a
Leper
is
a
true
man
,
and
it
may
be
lawful
to
hear
a
Sermon
in
them
,
yet
the
Common-prayer
is
so
bad
,
and
the
people
and
Ministers
so
bad
,
and
discipline
so
cast
out
,
that
it
is
unlawful
to
joyn
with
them
in
Common-prayer
,
or
Sacrament
,
or
to
become
setled
members
of
them
;
but
all
must
attempt
,
though
in
Forreign
Countreys
,
that
are
able
▪
to
set
up
purer
worship
and
discipline
.
The
Nonconformists
held
that
those
that
can
have
better
without
more
hurt
than
good
,
should
cheose
it
:
But
they
that
cannot
may
joyn
in
member-ship
,
Common-prayer
and
Sacrament
,
with
such
Parish
Churches
as
will
admit
them
without
their
own
actual
sin
,
and
consenting
to
their
faults
.
§
.
4.
I
shall
now
give
you
so
full
proof
that
the
Nonconformists
were
for
more
,
which
the
Doctor
calleth
Separation
,
than
my
Preaching
or
practice
ever
reached
to
,
as
I
shall
tell
the
Reader
,
what
credit
this
Doctors
history
deserveth
,
and
what
inhumane
usuage
the
Nonconformists
have
from
that
sort
of
men
.
§
.
5.
Anno
1593.
Was
printed
against
them
Bishop
Bancroft's
book
called
,
Dangerous
Positions
and
Proceedings
&c.
Or
English
Scotizing
for
Discipline
by
force
&c.
In
the
first
book
he
maketh
their
Reformations
so
odious
,
as
that
Page
30.
He
saith
that
in
Scotland
[
it
hath
wrought
more
mischief
in
Thirty
years
,
than
the
Pope
of
Rome
had
done
before
,
as
I
think
in
five
hundred
]
you
see
how
that
Spirit
then
did
work
,
and
whether
our
Arch-Bishop
Bancroft
thought
better
of
the
Presbyterian
Churches
or
the
Pope
,
and
the
Effects
.
In
the
Second
book
he
taketh
up
what
rash
words
he
could
from
any
indiscreet
men
to
make
them
odious
.
In
the
third
he
sheweth
what
the
English
Nonconformists
did
for
their
Church-way
and
Discipline
.
Chap.
1.
p.
42.
He
saith
that
the
〈◊〉
Ten
or
Eleven
years
of
the
Queens
Reign
they
so
clamoured
&c.
that
they
divided
themselves
from
their
ordinary
Congregations
,
and
meeting
in
houses
,
woods
and
fields
,
kept
there
unlawful
and
disorderly
Conventicles
:
and
Mr.
Cartwright
defendeth
them
,
saying
,
that
the
name
of
Conventicles
was
too
light
and
contemptuous
for
them
;
Then
they
framed
their
two
admonitions
:
In
one
of
which
p.
60
,
61.
They
tell
the
Parliament
that
their
Discipline
was
Gods
order
,
and
they
must
in
Conscience
speak
for
it
,
and
use
it
.
And
Anno
1572.
They
erected
a
Presbytery
at
Wandsworth
.
The
Elders
are
named
.
The
persons
named
that
set
up
meetings
are
Mr.
Field
▪
Wilcox
,
Standen
,
Jackson
,
Bentham
,
Sancler
,
Crane
,
Edmonds
,
and
after
Clark
,
Travers
,
Barber
,
Gardiner
,
Cheston
,
Crook
,
Egerton
.
Anno
1582.
There
was
a
meeting
of
threescore
Ministers
out
of
Essex
,
Cambridg-shire
and
Norfolk
at
Cock-field
,
Mr.
Knewstubs
Town
.
And
another
that
year
at
a
Commencement
at
Cambridge
.
Chap.
3.
That
they
drew
up
a
book
of
their
Discipline
,
where
choice
of
Ministers
,
Elders
,
Deacons
&c.
are
named
and
regulated
,
and
for
Classical
,
Provincial
,
Comitial
Synods
and
Government
.
Chap.
4.
He
tells
you
how
they
prosecuted
it
Anno
1583.
Out
of
Cholmley
,
Field
,
Fen
,
Wilcox
,
Axton
,
Gellebrand
,
Wright
,
Gifford
.
Chap.
5.
How
they
proceeded
.
1587.
And
1590.
Northampton-shire
was
divided
into
three
Classes
.
First
the
Northampton
Classis
had
Mr.
Snape
,
Penrie
,
Sibthorp
,
Edwards
,
Littleton
,
Bradshaw
,
Lark
,
Fleshward
,
Spicer
&c.
The
Daventrie
Classis
had
Mr.
Barebon
,
Rogers
,
King
,
Smart
,
Sharp
,
Prowdloe
,
Elliston
&c.
The
Kettering
Classis
had
Mr.
Stone
,
Williamson
▪
Falksbr●●k
,
Patinson
,
Massey
&c.
And
Johnson
saith
it
was
received
in
Warwick-shire
Suffolk
,
Norfolk
,
Essex
,
and
most
parts
of
England
;
so
Smith
,
H●●gar
,
Holme
witness
,
Mr
Snape
said
.
About
Braintree
the
Classis
had
Mr.
Cul●●●wel
,
Mr.
Rogers
,
Mr.
Gifford
,
(
one
of
our
Doctor
's
wittnesses
)
&c.
That
at
Colchester
had
Doctor
Chapman
,
Doctor
Chrick
,
Mr.
Dowe
,
Mr.
●●rrar
,
Mr.
Newman
,
Mr.
Tey
,
&c.
Page
85.
Mr.
Snape
said
,
It
was
agreed
on
in
the
Classical
and
general
assemblies
,
that
the
dumb
Ministers
were
no
Ministers
,
and
that
all
the
Ministers
should
Preach
for
the
aforesaid
Government
.
Chap.
6.
Anno
1588.
A
Synod
at
Coventry
agreed
against
private
Baptism
,
reading
Homilies
,
the
Cross
in
Baptism
,
and
that
the
faithful
ought
not
to
communicate
with
unlearned
(
they
mean
uncapable
)
Ministers
;
though
they
may
be
present
at
their
Service
,
if
they
come
of
purpose
to
hear
a
Sermon
.
For
Laymen
may
read
publick
Service
.
That
the
calling
of
Bishops
&c.
is
unlawful
.
That
it
is
not
lawful
to
be
ordained
by
them
,
or
denounce
their
Suspentions
or
Excommunications
.
That
it
s
not
lawful
to
rest
in
the
Bishops
deprivation
of
any
from
the
Ministry
,
except
on
consultation
with
neighbour
Ministers
and
their
flock
,
it
seems
so
good
to
them
;
but
that
he
continue
in
the
same
till
he
be
compelled
to
the
contrary
by
Civil
force
.
&
c.
And
the
Discipline
subscribed
by
Cartwright
,
Fen
,
Wright
,
Oxenbridge
,
Gellybrand
,
Clevely
,
Nutter
,
Fetherstone
,
Holm
,
Lord
&c.
To
repeat
all
is
too
tedious
.
But
its
worth
the
noteing
that
whereas
the
Prelatists
usually
say
,
that
when
they
were
put
to
draw
up
a
Liturgy
themselves
,
they
could
not
agree
of
any
,
Bishop
Bancroft
saith
Page
96.
They
offered
the
Parliament
a
book
of
their
own
,
containing
the
form
of
Common
prayers
&c.
and
hoped
to
have
had
it
established
.
Page
164.
Chap.
12.
He
tells
you
of
their
order
for
Parents
to
offer
their
own
Children
to
Baptism
,
and
be
Godfathers
&c.
He
proceedeth
to
shew
that
they
resolved
to
practice
their
Discipline
against
the
Magistrates
will
,
and
did
accordingly
.
And
Chap.
15.
p.
120.
That
they
joyned
themselves
into
an
Association
or
brother-hood
,
and
appropriated
to
their
meetings
the
name
of
the
Church
,
thereby
shewing
themselves
to
be
most
notorious
Schismaticks
,
citeing
their
words
(
our
Churches
)
And
p.
121.
That
the
Parish
where
they
preach
assembled
,
is
not
the
Church
properly
in
their
sence
,
but
as
many
thereof
only
as
are
joyned
to
them
with
that
inviolable
bond
,
viz.
The
desire
of
the
godly
Discipline
,
and
those
furthermore
who
leaving
their
own
Parish
Churches
come
to
them
.
e.
g.
The
Church
of
God
,
forsooth
in
Black
fryars
consists
besides
that
Parish
of
a
number
of
men
and
Merchants
wives
dispersed
here
and
there
throughout
the
whole
City
.
Mr.
Snape's
testimony
is
cited
.
§
6.
By
these
words
of
Bancroft
and
the
case
compared
,
it
is
certain
that
on
these
suppositions
many
of
the
Canons
were
made
against
them
;
as
against
Conventicles
and
calling
themselves
another
Church
,
and
a
brother-hood
,
and
about
God
fathers
and
many
more
,
supposing
them
to
be
of
this
mind
.
§
7.
On
supposition
that
these
things
were
true
,
the
Nonconformists
have
to
this
day
been
accused
by
those
that
write
against
them
,
and
the
testimony
of
this
book
alledged
as
proof
.
And
Doctor
Heylin
hath
in
folio
accordingly
described
them
in
his
History
of
Presbytery
,
as
many
others
have
done
.
§
8.
And
now
cometh
Doctor
Stillingfleet
,
and
tells
you
,
that
[
he
is
certain
that
all
the
old
Nonconformists
]
were
quite
of
another
mind
,
and
other
men
,
and
to
prove
it
citeth
four
or
five
mens
words
against
Brownists
;
When
yet
he
citeth
more
of
my
own
against
Separation
:
and
if
my
words
prove
me
not
to
be
against
it
,
how
will
theirs
prove
them
to
be
against
it
?
§
9.
Either
Bancrofts
,
Heylins
and
such
others
words
of
them
are
true
or
false
.
If
true
,
how
untrue
are
Doctor
Stillingfleet's
?
If
false
,
O
what
a
sort
of
men
were
these
Prelates
that
so
stigmatized
and
accused
and
so
used
so
many
hundred
such
men
,
on
so
false
a
charge
?
And
what
a
Church
was
it
that
made
the
Canons
against
them
on
that
supposition
?
And
how
shall
we
know
which
of
them
to
believe
?
Doth
not
Doctor
Stillingfleet
heavily
reproach
his
own
Church
for
such
usuage
of
them
?
§
10.
The
case
is
commonly
known
,
First
that
a
long
time
they
had
almost
all
of
them
Parish
Churches
as
other
men
had
:
and
they
sought
to
set
up
Discipline
in
those
Churches
.
And
it
had
been
folly
then
to
gather
others
in
other
places
.
2.
When
Bancroft
and
others
had
got
many
cast
out
and
silenced
,
a
great
part
of
them
kept
in
by
connivence
of
some
peaceable
Bishops
,
and
by
the
mediation
of
some
Lords
and
Gentlemen
,
such
as
the
Earl
of
Leicester
,
Bedford
,
Warwicke
,
the
Lord
Burghley
,
Sir
Francis
,
Walsingham
,
Sir
Amias
Pawlet
,
Sir
Nicholas
Bacon
,
Mr.
Beal
,
and
Sir
Francis
Knowles
had
been
to
them
before
:
Yea
the
greater
part
of
them
by
such
favour
got
into
priviledged
peculiar
places
,
or
little
Chapells
at
least
;
Few
Counties
had
not
some
Gentlemen
that
sheltred
them
.
The
Earl
of
Huntington
kept
in
Mr.
Hildersham
at
Ashby
,
Mr.
Slater
and
Mr.
Ash
,
even
in
the
big
Town
of
Bremicham
,
Mr.
Mainwaring
kept
in
Mr.
Ball
at
Whitmore
;
Mr.
Knightley
kept
in
Mr.
Dod
,
Judge
Bromley
(
and
his
humble
holy
Lady
)
kept
Mr.
Brumskill
at
Sheriff
Hales
,
and
entertained
many
more
(
Mr.
Nicols
&c.
)
Sir
Richard
Graves
at
Moseley
had
Mr.
Pateman
and
divers
others
,
seldom
without
a
Nonconformist
:
One
would
think
Doctor
Stillingfleet
should
know
that
his
own
Patron
,
under
whose
wing
he
lived
,
Sir
Roger
Burgonie
was
seldom
without
a
Nonconformist
at
Roxhall
in
Warwickshire
:
Mr.
Hering
had
long
liberty
at
St.
Maries
in
Shrewsbery
,
Mr.
Ford
(
who
wrote
on
the
Psalms
)
had
the
School
Lecture
there
,
Mr.
Atkins
at
〈◊〉
,
kept
in
to
the
last
,
even
the
Lord
Dudley
,
favouring
him
.
Abundance
such
I
might
name
,
Mr.
Barnet
,
at
Uppington
(
whom
I
oft
heard
Catechize
Dr.
Allestree
,
)
Mr.
Tandy
at
Bewdley
,
Mr.
Langley
,
Mr.
Paget
,
Mr.
Hind
,
Mr.
Lancaster
,
Mr.
Rowle
,
Mr.
Nicols
,
Mr.
Mather
,
Mr.
Rathband
,
Mr.
Bar●●n
,
Mr.
Gee
,
Mr.
Wright
,
Mr.
Smart
,
&c.
had
their
liberties
for
some
time
.
And
when
one
Bishop
silenced
them
,
the
next
oft
gave
them
liberty
(
as
Bishop
Bridgman
did
after
Bishop
Mortons
silencing
some
)
and
when
they
were
silenced
,
they
went
oft
into
another
Diocese
,
where
they
rubd
out
a
year
or
more
,
and
then
to
another
;
And
so
were
still
in
some
hope
of
publick
liberty
.
And
when
silenced
they
used
to
keepe
private
fasts
;
And
where
they
lodged
to
preach
on
pretense
of
expounding
to
as
many
as
they
could
.
They
obeyed
the
Bishops
as
Magistrates
,
but
not
as
Pastors
.
They
knowingly
broke
the
Law
in
their
private
and
publick
Ministry
:
They
obeyed
not
the
Canons
;
used
not
much
of
the
Liturgy
;
And
many
of
them
did
as
some
do
now
,
get
into
publick
Pulpits
for
a
day
and
away
,
where
they
were
not
known
.
§
.
12.
But
yet
there
are
more
undeniable
evidences
of
the
falseness
of
what
,
he
saith
,
he
is
certain
of
,
as
the
judgment
of
All
the
Old
Nonconformists
.
One
is
the
known
judgement
of
the
Scotch
Reformers
,
and
the
common
accusation
of
the
English
,
as
being
of
their
mind
.
He
that
will
affirm
that
the
Scotch
Presbyterians
thought
it
unlawful
to
preach
or
hold
Assemblies
,
when
forbidden
by
Magistrates
or
Prelates
,
will
incur
a
very
sharp
censure
from
their
own
Leaders
,
who
have
written
so
many
Books
,
which
charge
them
with
the
contrary
,
and
make
them
Rebels
and
Seditious
for
it
:
Such
as
Bancroft
,
Heylin
,
Beziers
,
and
multitudes
both
old
and
new
;
especially
these
last
twenty
years
.
And
though
the
Nonconformists
in
England
did
not
justifie
all
that
the
Scots
did
(
and
they
that
took
Knox
,
Buchanan
,
Melvin
,
and
such
other
for
very
pious
men
,
yet
thought
some
words
and
deeds
too
rash
,
especially
Knox's
publick
opening
the
Queens
faults
in
the
Pulpit
,
and
refusing
her
offer
to
come
at
any
time
,
and
tell
her
of
them
privately
)
yet
it
s
known
,
that
in
the
Rules
of
Discipline
,
they
were
mostly
of
the
same
judgment
:
And
they
often
joyned
in
defending
the
same
Cause
.
See
their
several
demonstrations
of
Discipline
,
and
the
several
Defences
of
them
,
how
little
they
differed
,
when
Bancroft
preacht
against
them
at
Pauls
Cross
,
Feb.
8.
1588.
An
English
man
wrote
a
Brief
Discovery
of
his
untruths
,
&c.
And
a
Scoth
man
J.
D.
Bancrofts
rashness
in
railing
against
the
Church
of
Scotland
,
printed
1590.
And
how
little
differ
they
,
if
at
all
(
and
Dr.
Reignolds
wrote
a
Letter
against
it
to
Sir
Francis
Knowles
,
printed
with
Sir
Francis
Knowles
his
account
to
the
Lord
Burleigh
of
his
Speech
in
Parliament
,
against
the
Bishops
keeping
Courts
in
their
own
names
,
as
condemned
by
Law
.
And
in
many
of
their
writings
the
English
own
the
Scotch
Discipline
and
Church
.
And
yet
even
these
Scots
have
rejected
Brown
as
a
Schismatick
,
and
the
English
Confuter
of
Bancrofts
Sermon
tells
him
,
Pag.
43
,
44.
Brown
a
known
Schismatick
is
a
Fit
man
to
be
one
of
your
Witnesses
a-against
the
Eldership
:
His
entertainment
in
Scotland
was
such
as
a
proud
ungodly
man
deserved
to
have
:
God
give
him
and
you
repentance
.
And
Giffords
,
Pagets
,
Bradshaws
,
Brightmans
,
Rathbands
,
Balls
,
&c.
words
against
the
Brownists
proved
not
them
to
be
against
their
own
doctrine
and
practice
,
no
more
than
the
Scots
rejecting
Brown
proved
them
against
theirs
.
§
13.
And
another
proof
is
the
common
doctrine
of
the
Nonconformists
,
of
the
difference
of
the
Magistrates
,
and
the
Churches
Offices
.
The
said
confutation
of
Bancroft
hath
it
,
pag.
45
and
forward
,
and
abundance
of
their
publick
writings
;
viz.
That
the
Magistrate
only
hath
the
power
of
the
Sword
,
and
of
Civil
Government
,
and
to
restrain
and
punish
Ministers
that
offend
by
Heresie
or
otherwise
:
But
that
as
Preaching
,
Sacraments
and
the
disciplinary
use
of
the
Keys
are
proper
to
the
Ministry
,
so
the
deciding
of
Circumstantial
controversies
about
them
and
about
the
due
ordering
of
them
,
doth
primarily
belong
to
Ecclesiastical
Synods
.
Therefore
if
these
Synods
were
for
their
Preaching
,
they
were
not
for
ceasing
it
meerly
in
obedience
to
the
Magistrate
that
silenced
them
.
§
14.
And
it
is
proved
by
the
many
Volumes
which
they
wrote
against
the
Power
of
our
Diocesans
,
that
it
was
not
any
Ecclesiastical
Authority
of
theirs
(
which
they
thought
it
a
sin
to
disobey
.
)
§
15.
And
Mr.
Fox
,
a
Nonconformist
and
many
more
of
them
,
own
the
Doctrine
of
Wicliff
and
John
Husse
,
and
the
Bohemians
,
for
which
the
Synods
of
Constance
and
Basil
,
condemned
them
,
who
affirm
that
it
is
a
heynous
sin
to
give
over
Preaching
,
because
men
excommunicate
us
,
and
that
such
are
excommunicated
by
Christ
.
§
16.
And
it
is
not
nothing
that
the
most
Learned
Conformists
agree
with
them
,
as
I
have
oft
cited
Bishop
Bilsons
words
,
that
the
Magistrate
doth
not
give
us
our
power
,
nor
may
hinder
our
use
of
it
,
but
is
appointed
by
God
to
protect
and
encourage
us
,
and
if
he
forbid
or
hinder
us
,
we
are
to
go
on
with
our
work
and
patiently
suffer
.
And
even
now
I
believe
most
of
the
Leading
Clergy
think
that
if
a
Synod
bid
us
preach
and
hold
assemblies
,
and
the
King
forbid
it
,
we
are
to
obey
the
Synod
rather
than
the
King
,
Mr.
Thorndike
,
and
many
others
that
write
for
the
Church
thought
so
.
And
Mr.
Dodvel
thinks
so
even
of
a
particular
Bishop
.
The
difference
then
is
but
this
:
One
party
giveth
this
power
to
a
Synod
of
Bishops
(
and
Presbyters
perhaps
conjoyned
)
and
the
other
to
a
Synod
of
Parochial
Pastors
,
Doctors
and
Elders
.
But
both
agreed
that
the
Magistrates
prohibition
in
that
case
is
not
to
be
obeyed
.
And
the
Conformists
will
not
take
it
well
if
I
should
say
that
the
Nonconformist
are
more
for
obedience
to
Magistrates
than
they
:
I
still
except
the
Erastians
,
and
such
as
own
Dr.
Stillingfleets
Irenicon
.
§
17.
There
is
a
most
considerable
book
called
A
Petition
directed
to
her
most
Excellent
Majesty
shewing
a
meane
how
to
compound
the
Civil
Dissentions
in
the
Church
of
England
,
where
the
Author
(
I
suppose
some
Lawyer
)
Pag.
23.
tells
us
what
was
the
difference
between
the
Papists
and
them
that
desired
Reformation
(
Nonconformists
)
about
the
power
of
Magistrates
.
And.
1.
They
give
the
Prince
Authority
over
all
Persons
Ecclesiastical
whatsoever
;
The
Papists
exempt
the
Clergy
:
2.
They
hold
that
a
Prince
may
depose
a
Priest
,
as
Solomon
did
Abiather
,
and
accordingly
they
obey
being
silenced
:
The
Papists
deny
it
.
3
:
They
affirm
,
if
the
Priests
make
wicked
decrees
,
the
Prince
may
enforce
them
to
better
.
The
Papists
deny
it
.
4.
They
say
Princes
must
and
ought
to
make
Laws
for
the
Church
,
but
with
the
advise
of
Godly
Pastors
:
The
Papists
deny
it
.
5.
They
hold
that
if
the
Pastors
be
unlearned
and
ungodly
,
the
Prince
may
of
himself
without
their
advise
,
make
Orders
and
Laws
,
for
Ecclesiastical
matters
:
The
Papists
deny
it
.
6.
They
will
subcribe
in
this
point
to
the
Articles
of
Religion
established
by
Law
;
to
the
Apology
of
the
Church
of
England
,
to
the
writings
of
Jewel
,
Horn
,
Nowel
,
Whitaker
,
Bilson
,
Fulk
.
They
take
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
.
Here
the
second
Article
seemeth
to
be
contrary
to
what
I
have
said
.
But
the
book
whence
he
citeth
it
(
de
discipl
.
Eccles
.
)
and
all
their
writings
shew
,
that
it
is
but
the
same
that
I
say
,
which
they
assert
,
viz.
That
Princes
ought
to
restrain
or
silence
intollerable
men
,
and
such
Us●pers
or
dilinquents
as
give
just
cause
.
2.
That
if
they
mistake
and
do
it
unjustly
,
we
must
leave
Temple
and
Tyths
to
their
will
.
3.
Yea
,
and
forbear
our
own
publick
Preaching
when
the
publick
good
on
the
account
of
order
and
peace
requireth
it
;
but
not
when
the
publick
good
,
and
the
necessity
of
Souls
,
and
our
own
opportunities
require
the
contrary
.
And
the
silenced
that
submitted
still
,
went
on
to
exercise
their
Ministry
against
Law
in
that
manner
as
best
conduced
to
its
ends
.
And
what
this
Auother
saith
of
the
Papists
,
I
suppose
many
of
the
highest
Prelatists
come
nearer
then
the
Nonconformists
;
and
were
the
Prince
against
them
,
would
obey
the
Bishops
before
him
.
And
the
same
book
describing
the
Nonconformists
in
twenty
Articles
p.
55.
in
the
8th
.
thus
expoundeth
it
[
They
teach
that
neither
the
Mini●ters
nor
people
ought
to
make
any
general
Reformation
,
with
●or●●
and
armes
,
or
otherwise
of
their
own
authority
change
any
laws
made
or
●●●●●shed
for
Religion
by
Authority
of
Parliament
:
But
they
hold
that
the
general
Reformation
doth
belong
to
the
Magistrates
as
Gods
Lieutenant
:
and
that
for
themselves
they
may
and
ought
in
dutiful
sort
both
Preach
and
Write
,
and
sac
to
the
Magistrates
for
redress
of
Enormities
,
and
also
practice
the
ordinances
of
Christ
which
he
hath
commanded
his
Church
to
keep
to
the
end
of
the
World
.
And
Article
20.
It
is
not
all
the
unprepared
Parish
that
they
would
have
brought
under
Discipline
:
But
those
of
each
Parish
who
are
prepare
:
and
willing
.
]
§
.
8.
In
short
the
demonstration
,
the
supplication
,
the
humbe
motion
to
the
Council
,
and
almost
all
the
Nonconformists
writings
shew
,
that
.
1.
Their
great
Cause
was
to
set
up
Parish
Discipline
,
under
Superior
Synods
.
2.
B●ing
themselves
almost
all
in
publick
Churches
,
at
least
per
●ices
,
and
being
still
in
hope
of
publick
reformation
,
they
were
greatly
against
the
Brownists
violence
,
that
would
break
those
hopes
.
3.
They
held
that
Christs
Law
was
their
Rule
,
which
commanded
this
Discipline
,
which
no
Magistrate
could
dispense
with
.
4.
But
that
Magistrates
must
be
obeyed
in
such
ordering
of
Church
matters
as
belong
to
them
.
But
not
in
forbearing
such
exercise
of
the
Ministry
as
was
needful
to
its
ends
,
the
Churches
good
.
And
as
it
s
said
,
they
practised
accordingly
.
I.
The
Brownists
denyed
the
truth
of
the
Parish
Ministry
and
Churches
,
and
the
lawfulness
of
Communion
with
them
.
II.
The
Semiseparatists
held
it
lawful
to
hear
them
preach
,
but
not
to
joyn
in
the
Liturgy
and
Sacrament
.
And
this
is
it
that
Phil.
Nye
.
wrote
for
.
III.
The
Presbyterians
and
meer
Norconformists
thought
it
lawful
,
and
meet
in
those
Parishes
which
had
capable
Ministers
,
to
joyn
in
both
Liturgy
Sermons
and
Sacraments
,
where
sin
was
not
imposed
on
them
.
But
so
(
as
though
forbidden
)
while
they
had
publick
Churches
,
to
do
their
best
to
practice
Christs
Commands
and
Discipline
,
and
where
they
could
have
none
to
further
the
same
ends
as
effectually
as
they
could
,
in
the
opportunities
left
them
.
But
never
took
it
for
their
duty
to
leave
all
their
Ministry
or
publik
preaching
meerly
in
obediene
to
the
laws
:
much
less
to
the
Bishops
.
When
all
this
is
so
notorious
,
and
when
I
knew
the
minds
of
many
aged
Nonconformists
about
forty
years
agoe
as
my
familiar
friends
,
who
were
all
of
the
same
mind
in
this
as
I
am
,
what
history
can
I
be
more
assured
of
,
than
,
as
I
said
,
that
First
,
They
took
not
praying
publickly
and
gathering
Assemblies
to
be
therefore
sinful
,
because
it
was
forbidden
by
the
Law
.
2.
But
to
be
a
sin
against
Prudence
and
the
ends
of
their
Ministry
,
when
it
was
like
to
do
more
hurt
than
good
,
by
exasperating
the
Prince
,
and
depriving
themselves
and
others
of
better
advantages
for
those
holy
ends
;
3.
And
that
it
was
a
duty
when
it
was
like
to
do
more
good
than
hurt
:
4.
And
therefore
they
broke
Laws
where
they
could
be
endured
,
even
in
Chappells
and
Parish
Churches
.
§
5.
And
it
is
not
inconsiderable
that
the
reasons
why
Calvin
,
Bullinger
,
Zanchy
,
Beza
,
said
what
they
did
for
submissive
forbearing
publick
Preaching
and
Church
gathering
,
were
First
,
Because
as
they
saw
that
the
Prince
was
resolved
not
to
suffer
it
,
so
Reformation
was
then
but
begun
,
and
the
Prince
and
Magistrates
were
the
pricipal
means
of
it
,
and
they
had
great
hopes
that
what
could
not
be
done
at
present
to
perfect
it
,
might
be
done
afterwards
at
a
fitter
time
.
King
Edward
was
sain
to
quiet
the
seditious
Papists
by
making
them
beleive
that
Latin
and
English
,
was
the
great
difference
between
the
former
Mass
worship
and
the
Liturgy
:
Aftertimes
had
no
such
necessity
:
and
tumultuously
to
disturb
the
Magistrate
in
his
prudent
progress
of
Reforming
,
had
been
to
serve
the
enemies
of
Reformation
.
But
in
our
times
,
Parliaments
(
who
the
Doctor
S.
saith
,
are
intrusted
so
Consent
for
us
)
have
these
fifty
years
told
the
Kingdom
that
the
Reformation
was
growing
backwards
,
and
the
increase
of
Popery
by
favour
and
publick
tolleration
designed
,
and
much
accomplished
;
and
Plots
threatned
the
restoring
of
it
:
and
if
Parliaments
deceived
us
,
yet
the
chief
Actors
themselves
were
to
be
believed
:
Doctor
Heylin
maketh
the
syncretism
and
closure
with
them
in
the
bosom
of
the
now
indulgent
Church
,
to
be
Arch-Bishop
Lauds
very
laudable
designs
.
Arch-Bishop
Brombal
,
saith
Grotius
,
was
to
have
held
some
place
among
us
,
as
a
Protestant
,
and
was
of
the
English
Bishops
mind
,
and
he
himself
doth
say
the
last
;
and
I
have
shewed
in
his
own
words
that
Grotius
took
Rome
for
the
Mistris
of
all
Churhces
,
and
that
there
was
no
way
for
the
Union
of
Protestants
,
but
to
joyn
in
Union
with
Rome
,
and
that
he
owned
the
Doctrine
of
the
Councils
even
of
Trent
it self
,
requiring
but
the
amending
of
the
Clergies
lives
,
and
the
casting
by
the
Schoolmens
bold
disputes
,
and
the
restraint
of
the
Popes
Government
to
the
Rule
of
the
Canons
,
securing
the
rights
of
Kings
and
Bishops
,
and
this
he
saith
will
content
the
peaceable
:
Vincentius
wrote
a
book
called
Grotius
Papizans
;
Saravius
in
his
Epistle
upon
speach
with
Grotius
laments
it
as
too
true
:
His
friend
Dion
.
Petavius
told
Mr.
Ereskin
an
honourable
person
attendant
on
the
King
,
that
Grotius
resolved
to
have
declared
himself
for
the
Church
of
Rome
,
if
he
had
returned
alive
from
the
Journy
that
he
dyed
in
.
See
Mr.
Thorndikes
just
weights
,
what
he
was
for
.
And
how
far
many
Doctors
of
this
Church
,
some
yet
living
,
have
maintained
that
Grotius
principles
are
not
Popery
,
and
consequently
what
such
mean
by
Popery
when
they
disclaim
it
,
I
need
not
tell
you
,
while
so
many
of
them
have
published
it
in
print
;
And
are
not
Mr.
Thorndicks
termes
of
Concord
in
Councils
till
the
eight
hundredth
year
much
like
and
much
more
in
book
aforesaid
?
And
surely
there
is
great
difference
between
such
Preachings
as
were
like
to
be
the
ruin
of
the
begun
Reformation
by
exasperating
a
Reforming
Magistrate
,
and
such
Preaching
as
tendeth
to
stop
the
revolt
of
a
reformed
Nation
,
when
Parliaments
and
the
Agents
themselves
of
the
revolt
,
proclaim
the
danger
.
It
s
true
that
there
was
then
a
greater
scarcity
of
Preachers
than
now
:
And
that
was
the
Nonconformists
argument
with
the
Bishops
when
they
pleaded
for
publick
liberty
:
But
it
s
as
true
that
they
had
far
greater
hopes
of
that
Liberty
,
which
it
had
been
folly
to
cast
away
,
for
less
:
But
it
is
not
so
with
us
;
we
are
a
greater
number
than
they
,
and
have
new
Laws
to
shut
us
out
not
only
of
the
Churches
,
but
of
Corporations
,
and
Bishops
that
will
give
us
no
such
liberty
.
§
6.
And
indeed
so
many
were
the
unlearned
Parish
Priests
,
and
so
bad
,
in
Queen
Elizabeths
daies
,
being
many
of
them
lately
silly
Mass
Priests
,
that
the
shame
of
the
Church
and
the
cry
of
the
Protestant
people
forced
the
Bishops
to
tolerate
most
of
the
Nonconformists
in
some
publick
Church
,
especially
those
that
were
moderate
and
did
not
publickly
oppose
them
.
Dr.
Humphery
was
allowed
Reigus
Professour
in
Oxford
:
Dr.
John
Reignolds
President
of
Corpus
Ch.
Col.
Mr.
Perkins
,
Lecturer
in
Cambridge
,
Mr.
Paul
Bayne
after
him
,
so
Dr.
Chadeorto●
there
,
&c.
some
tell
men
that
these
were
all
Conformists
,
and
of
the
Church
;
And
yet
I
am
none
that
am
of
the
same
mind
.
The
truth
is
,
they
were
for
submitting
to
kneeling
at
the
Sacrament
,
Surplice
and
most
of
the
Liturgy
,
rather
than
cease
Preaching
:
But
they
were
against
subscription
,
and
the
English
sort
of
Diocesan
Bishops
and
Government
,
and
the
imposed
use
of
the
Cross
,
as
it
is
in
Baptism
:
As
Tradition
tells
us
,
and
as
you
may
partly
see
in
Dr.
Reynolds
Letter
to
Sir
Francis
Knowles
,
in
Mr.
Baynes
,
Diocesans
Tryal
,
his
Letters
,
and
in
Fuller
and
other
Histories
,
And
Mr.
Deering
,
Mr.
Greenham
,
Mr.
John
Fox
,
Mr.
Marbury
,
Dudley
,
Fenner
,
Mr.
Knewstubs
,
yea
I
think
six
or
ten
to
one
,
were
endured
in
publick
Churches
long
,
before
they
were
hindered
;
And
when
they
were
hindered
,
they
spake
peaceablely
and
intreatingly
,
and
were
still
in
hope
of
publick
Liberty
,
and
were
oft
petitioning
or
making
great
Friends
to
the
Bishops
to
that
end
much
they
long
obtained
and
more
they
hoped
for
.
How
long
Mr.
Travers
was
kept
in
at
the
Temple
,
is
commonly
known
.
§
7.
It
is
neither
consistent
with
my
leisure
,
nor
the
business
now
in
hand
,
nor
I
suppose
the
patience
of
most
readers
,
that
I
should
prove
this
further
by
a
Voluminous
transcribing
Histories
already
extant
.
If
the
Book
which
Dr.
St.
citeth
called
part
of
a
Register
be
perused
,
he
will
find
,
1.
That
the
passage
cited
by
the
D.
was
the
reprehension
of
many
Londoners
taken
at
a
meeting
in
an
open
Hall
of
a
Company
,
which
meeting
they
avowed
:
Is
this
a
proof
that
they
were
against
such
publick
meetings
,
or
for
it
?
When
for
it
they
lay
in
many
Prisons
.
2.
That
they
professed
that
they
forsook
not
the
Publick
Churches
,
till
their
Teachers
were
silenced
and
turned
out
:
So
little
doth
silencing
tend
to
union
.
3.
That
yet
these
being
ordinary
Citizens
,
spake
many
things
weakly
,
crying
out
too
rashly
of
the
Rags
and
Ceremonies
of
Antichrist
:
But
he
might
have
found
many
things
in
the
Register
more
worthy
his
communication
:
For
instance
.
1.
The
Letter
of
Dr.
Wy
:
In
the
beginning
.
2.
Dr.
Pilkington
(
after
Bishop
of
Du●ham
)
his
Letter
of
weighty
reasons
against
silencing
the
Nonconformists
.
3.
Mr.
Edward
Deerings
answer
to
the
Articles
put
to
him
,
twice
:
with
sober
and
Peaceable
words
.
4.
Mr.
Greenhams
modest
and
peaceable
Apology
to
the
Bishop
of
Eli
,
against
Conformity
,
yet
refusing
to
give
his
Reasons
,
lest
they
should
provoke
till
he
were
constreined
(
as
I
did
seventeen
years
)
.
All
which
shew
that
the
Nonconformists
then
were
mostly
in
poslesson
of
some
publick
Churches
,
or
but
newly
turned
out
,
and
in
hope
of
restauration
.
And
what
is
all
this
to
our
case
of
total
and
peremptory
exclusion
?
§
8.
And
methinks
the
Doctor
should
not
desire
to
tempt
the
Reader
that
tryeth
his
citations
to
read
the
rest
of
that
Register
:
viz.
1.
The
harsh
usage
of
Mr.
Johnson
,
who
dyed
in
prison
,
driven
into
too
sharp
Language
by
their
usage
.
2.
The
exceptions
of
Mr.
Crane
.
3.
The
Ministers
complaint
to
the
Councils
;
4.
Especially
the
Councils
Letter
to
the
Justices
on
the
b●balf
of
the
Ministers
,
worthy
to
be
perused
at
this
time
.
5
A
notable
Treatise
called
a
Letter
to
a
Londoner
against
the
Legality
of
the
Bishops
proceedings
.
6.
The
Comons
complaint
for
a
Learned
Ministry
,
shewing
what
a
shameful
sort
of
men
were
kept
in
by
the
bishops
,
while
the
Nonconformists
were
turned
out
and
silenced
.
7.
The
practises
of
the
Prelates
.
8.
The
Petition
to
the
Queen
and
that
to
the
Convocation
.
9.
Mr.
Marburys
conference
with
the
Bishop
of
London
,
and
his
Arch-Deacon
.
How
the
Bishop
railed
and
swore
at
him
,
and
reviled
him
for
desiring
that
all
Parishes
should
have
Preachers
,
as
if
Homily
Readers
were
not
enough
.
And
yet
Mr.
Marbury
was
so
moderate
that
at
last
with
liberty
of
interpretation
(
like
Chillingworths
)
he
conformed
.
10.
Mr.
Dudley
Fenners
defence
of
the
Ministers
against
Dr.
Bridges
slanders
:
Written
but
a
month
before
his
death
,
whereas
the
said
Fenner
was
far
from
unlearned
(
as
his
Methodical
Theologia
shews
)
and
was
so
moderate
that
Dr.
Ames
saith
he
much
conformed
at
last
;
but
it
seems
not
enough
:
and
he
sheweth
how
the
Bishops
set
themseves
against
such
Preachers
.
11
Mr.
Gawtons
troubles
.
12.
Dudley
Fenners
Counter-poyson
,
or
certain
form
of
Eccles.
Government
and
its
defence
.
13.
The
demonstration
of
of
discipline
.
Doth
the
Dr.
believe
indeed
that
these
writings
signifie
that
the
Nonconformsts
of
those
times
thought
it
a
sin
to
Preach
eo
nomine
because
forbidden
?
§
9.
They
wrote
indeed
a
great
deal
more
against
separation
than
he
citeth
,
and
more
than
all
the
Conformists
did
.
And
yet
they
were
not
more
against
it
than
Bishop
Bilson
,
who
saith
,
If
the
Magistrate
forbid
us
our
work
we
must
go
on
,
and
patiently
suffer
.
Mr.
Hildersham
was
called
Malleus
Schismaticorum
,
and
yet
he
and
I
are
Schismaticks
with
these
men
:
Mr.
John
Pagets
Arrow
against
separation
,
Mr.
Bradshaw
,
Mr.
Gifford
,
Mr.
Ball
,
&c.
have
said
enough
.
But
he
that
knoweth
their
controversie
knoweth
that
it
was
none
of
the
question
,
whether
it
be
lawful
to
Preach
when
the
Magistrate
forbids
it
,
or
whether
our
Parish
Churches
and
Diocesan
be
to
be
prefered
before
more
Reformed
Churches
when
they
may
be
had
?
But
whether
.
1.
The
Parish
Churches
be
no
true
Churches
?
2.
Or
such
as
it
is
unlawful
to
communicate
with
occasionally
?
3.
Or
constantly
when
no
better
can
be
had
without
greater
hurt
than
benefit
?
4.
Whether
it
be
a
duty
to
gather
Churches
or
Preach
publickly
when
it
is
like
to
do
more
hurt
than
good
,
by
the
Magistrates
opposition
?
5.
Whether
we
should
not
quietly
bear
with
that
in
a
Church
which
we
cannot
reforme
,
while
no
sin
is
put
on
us
,
and
the
Communion
of
it
is
no
worse
than
that
of
our
Parish
Churches
?
In
all
these
they
were
against
the
separatists
;
and
so
am
I.
6.
Yea
they
pleaded
the
duty
of
obeying
the
Magistrate
by
forbearing
to
Preach
when
their
Preaching
was
not
necessary
:
And
so
do
I.
§
10.
One
would
think
they
that
take
Homilies
for
Sermon●
,
should
consess
that
the
Nonconformsts
writing
against
the
prohibition
of
the
Law
,
was
a
Preaching
,
or
much
more
:
as
it
is
more
publick
.
And
did
the
Nonconformists
write
when
forbidden
,
so
much
as
Cartwright
,
Parker
,
Sandford
,
Fenner
,
Gilby
,
Ames
,
and
aboundance
more
have
done
;
yea
and
writ
against
Diocesanes
and
Conformity
as
these
and
Bradshaw
,
Nichols
,
Brightman
,
Bayne
,
Travers
,
and
aboundance
more
have
,
even
many
hundreds
,
as
the
Millinary
Petition
and
the
Country
Complaints
&c.
shew
;
and
yet
did
these
men
every
one
of
them
take
it
for
sin
to
Preach
,
because
it
was
disobedience
?
But
nothing
will
convince
some
men
.
§
11.
But
I
appeal
to
the
reason
and
humanity
of
mankind
,
into
what
hands
the
silenced
and
persecuted
Ministers
are
fallen
?
Is
it
humane
first
to
charge
them
with
resisting
the
Laws
,
by
Preaching
,
gathering
Churches
,
and
administring
Sacraments
,
and
making
Canons
and
setting
up
new
Discipline
,
and
to
publish
this
to
the
land
and
world
by
such
Authority
as
Arch
Bishop
Bancrofts
,
Doctor
Heylins
&c.
till
it
is
become
their
Common
Charge
to
render
them
suspected
and
odious
and
till
this
be
taken
for
undoubted
truth
:
And
yet
when
it
may
serve
for
the
silencing
of
us
;
to
maintain
it
with
Dr.
St.
as
that
which
he
is
certain
of
,
that
the
old
Nonconfor
mists
were
against
such
Preaching
and
assembling
.
At
this
rate
we
have
been
hitherto
accused
and
confuted
.
Yea
upon
the
foresaid
Accusations
their
Canons
were
formed
against
the
Nonconformists
,
forbidding
their
Assembling
,
Preaching
,
calling
themselves
a
distinct
Church
,
and
a
great
deal
more
such
:
and
yet
now
the
men
that
conform
to
these
Canons
are
certain
that
they
were
made
upon
safe
suppositions
,
and
not
one
of
the
Nonconformists
were
so
guilty
.
But
doth
not
the
Doctor
thus
grievously
accuse
the
Church
which
he
would
defend
?
Were
they
such
men
1.
that
would
so
falsly
accuse
the
Innocent
2.
and
use
them
so
cruelly
on
such
false
accusations
,
many
of
them
dying
in
Prisons
,
and
many
lay
there
long
&c.
3.
and
to
form
Canons
on
such
false
suppositions
?
§
12.
And
I
do
not
think
I
shall
prevail
with
him
to
tell
me
,
whether
he
that
thinks
their
Case
and
ours
was
so
much
the
same
,
doth
verily
believe
1.
That
if
they
had
been
in
the
Plague
at
London
,
and
seen
the
forsaken
people
crowding
for
instruction
to
prepare
for
death
,
the
Nonconformists
(
such
as
Bradshaw
,
Gifford
,
Hildersham
,
Greenham
,
&c.
)
would
have
refused
to
Preach
to
them
.
2.
And
if
the
next
year
they
had
seen
the
Churches
burnt
,
and
the
City
in
ruins
,
and
few
Parish
Ministers
officiate
,
they
would
have
thought
i●
a
sin
to
Preach
to
the
desolate
City
,
to
assemble
them
to
worship
God
;
and
would
have
let
them
under
so
dreadful
judgements
,
live
and
dye
like
prophane
Atheists
?
3.
And
if
shortly
after
the
King
had
Licensed
them
to
assemble
and
Preach
,
would
they
have
refused
it
as
a
sin
?
4.
And
if
the
Prelates
had
prevailed
by
such
a
Parliament
against
the
Kings
License
,
and
he
still
had
shewed
the
clemencie
of
his
mind
by
his
conivence
,
and
Magistrates
were
loth
to
execute
the
rigorous
Laws
,
and
people
would
not
inform
,
and
the
informers
repented
,
and
thousands
more
called
to
the
Nonconformists
for
help
,
than
did
there
when
Popery
stuck
still
in
the
peoples
hearts
;
would
they
have
thought
all
this
no
alteration
of
the
Case
,
to
judge
whether
their
Preaching
would
do
good
or
hurt
?
§
13.
He
tells
us
of
the
fewness
of
Nonconformists
in
King
Edward's
days
.
And
it
is
a
wonder
that
so
many
in
so
short
a
time
,
went
so
far
in
the
Reformation
as
they
did
.
But
so
fast
were
they
then
in
progress
,
that
even
the
Reformation
of
Church
Laws
then
by
the
Commissioners
agreed
on
was
in
many
things
so
much
better
than
our
Canons
,
as
could
we
now
but
obtain
the
same
,
would
go
far
to
heal
us
.
Let
me
instance
in
some
,
and
anticipate
by
it
my
answer
to
his
after
discourse
against
Parish
Discipline
.
1.
Cap.
18.
de
Heres
.
They
determine
of
the
Salvation
of
the
unbaptized
Infants
of
believers
,
the
contempt
only
being
damning
.
2.
They
define
the
Church
visible
(
Cap
22
,
)
to
be
the
Congregation
of
all
believers
in
which
the
Sacred
Scripture
is
sincerely
taught
,
and
the
Sacraments
(
at
least
in
the
necessary
parts
)
administred
according
to
Christs
institution
]
But
your
Canons
deny
all
such
here
to
be
true
Churches
,
save
theirs
,
as
settled
by
Law
.
3.
De
Sacram.
Cap
,
5.
None
to
be
admitted
to
the
Sacrament
till
in
the
Church
he
have
professed
his
faith
.
And
de
Div.
Off.
Cap.
7
They
that
will
receive
the
Communion
must
the
day
before
come
to
the
Minister
that
he
may
have
time
to
excusse
their
Consciences
,
and
deal
with
them
if
they
have
done
any
thing
ungodly
or
superstitionsly
,
in
which
the
Church
is
offended
;
and
also
may
try
their
faith
,
that
so
he
may
either
correct
their
ignorance
,
or
terrifie
their
Contumely
,
or
confirm
their
doubting
.
For
none
ought
to
be
admitted
to
the
Holy
table
of
the
Lord
,
that
hath
not
a
perfect
belief
.
]
The
words
need
a
gentle
exposition
:
but
we
have
no
power
now
to
try
mens
knowledge
or
belief
thus
.
4.
Cap.
10.
After
evening
prayers
,
the
Parish
Minister
Deason
and
Elders
with
the
people
,
shall
call
those
that
have
been
publickly
perverse
,
and
scandalous
to
confess
their
sins
,
and
to
be
publickly
corrected
,
that
the
Church
may
be
conformed
by
their
wholesome
correction
.
And
the
Minister
and
Deacon
with
some
Elders
shall
consult
how
the
rest
that
are
of
vitious
lives
,
may
first
by
brotherly
love
according
to
Christs
prescript
in
the
Gospel
,
be
dealt
with
by
sober
men
;
whose
admonitions
if
they
receive
,
they
shall
give
God
thanks
:
But
if
they
go
on
in
the
Crime
,
they
shall
be
sharply
punished
as
the
Gospel
prescribeth
.
]
5.
De
Concion
.
Cap.
3.
Preachers
shall
name
no
guilty
person
before
the
multitude
,
unless
such
as
have
contemned
Ecclesiastical
Admonitions
]
such
may
be
named
.
6.
De
●xc
.
Excommunication
for
none
but
horrible
Crimes
,
&c.
Cap.
4.
and
after
oft
admonition
.
But
you
Excomunicate
all
Godly
men
that
do
but
say
your
Conformity
is
not
lawful
,
ipso
facto
by
your
Canon
.
7.
Cap.
6.
[
We
permit
not
the
power
of
Excomunication
to
be
in
any
one
person
:
Though
the
consent
of
the
wh●le
Church
be
specially
desirable
,
yet
because
it
is
hard
to
gather
and
take
it
,
let
Excommunication
thus
proceed
,
that
the
Arch-Bishop
,
Bishop
,
or
other
lawful
Ecclesiastical
Judge
,
call
one
Justice
of
peace
,
and
the
Minister
of
the
place
where
the
guilty
person
dwelleth
,
or
his
deputy
,
and
two
or
three
other
Learned
and
well
man
●ered
Presbyters
,
in
whose
presence
,
when
the
matter
hath
been
most
diligently
handled
aud
gravely
weighed
,
the
sentence
of
Excommunication
shall
pass
.
Cap.
7.
And
be
written
.
Cap.
16
There
is
written
a
large
pious
form
like
a
Sermon
to
be
used
at
the
Reconciling
of
the
penitent
,
and
his
form
of
confession
,
and
petition
to
be
received
,
and
then
the
Pastor
of
that
Church
is
to
ask
all
the
flock
,
whether
they
will
forgive
the
offender
and
pray
for
him
,
and
whether
they
will
have
him
received
into
their
Congregation
as
a
brother
.
And
then
the
Pastor
is
to
exhort
the
penitent
,
and
then
absolve
him
(
A
great
and
solemn
work
,
most
unlike
your
Discipline
)
.
And
then
to
give
God
thanks
and
pray
for
him
and
the
Church
.
Should
we
now
but
move
for
thus
much
in
order
to
concord
with
the
Cconformists
,
we
have
reason
to
think
no
importunity
could
prevail
for
it
;
were
the
consequents
of
our
division
as
dismal
as
they
are
now
by
most
proclaimed
.
Yet
verily
we
are
most
unexcuseable
wretches
,
if
we
have
learned
no
more
to
this
day
than
they
did
in
so
few
years
;
or
under
full
power
and
opportunity
will
resist
that
good
,
which
they
that
wanted
such
opportunity
wished
for
;
and
go
back
as
fast
as
they
went
forward
.
Sect.
14.
To
p.
8.
[
I
never
said
that
the
troubles
at
Frankford
were
so
much
about
free
or
formal
Prayer
,
as
that
the
Presbyterians
refused
all
forms
.
]
Sect.
15.
p.
19.
He
confesseth
that
[
Whittingham
,
Sampson
,
Gilby
and
others
,
accepted
of
preferment
and
employment
in
the
Church
,
the
Bishop
shewing
them
kindness
for
their
forward
zealous
Preaching
;
]
and
this
being
without
their
subscribing
to
conform
,
is
it
any
wonder
then
that
they
gathered
not
Assemblies
elsewhere
?
Had
the
Bishops
so
tryed
us
,
we
should
never
have
put
them
to
talk
so
of
our
separation
,
(
but
might
have
done
our
best
to
build
more
Churches
.
)
Doth
none
of
all
this
difference
their
case
and
ours
?
Sect.
16.
p.
20.
He
confesseth
when
[
they
were
silenced
,
they
began
to
have
separate
Meetings
,
]
and
yet
were
all
the
old
Non-Conformists
against
such
.
Sect.
17.
As
to
Beza's
Letter
,
have
not
I
said
more
against
Separation
than
he
doth
?
Doth
the
Dr.
think
the
Reader
so
blind
as
not
to
see
that
Beza's
words
are
just
of
the
same
importance
with
the
account
I
gave
,
and
contrary
to
his
,
viz.
[
He
trembleth
at
the
thoughts
of
their
exercising
their
function
against
the
will
of
the
Queen
and
Bishops
,
for
such
reasons
as
may
be
easily
understood
,
though
we
say
never
a
word
of
them
:
]
It
s
easie
indeed
to
see
what
he
trembles
at
,
and
why
he
named
them
not
,
which
he
would
sure
in
charity
have
done
,
had
it
been
because
it
is
sinful
disobedience
to
preach
when
forbidden
:
It
was
easie
to
see
what
hurt
it
would
have
done
in
the
ruine
of
Preachers
and
hearers
,
and
shaking
all
the
begun
Reformation
:
It
s
not
so
with
us
,
Gualter
and
Zanchy
say
not
so
much
against
Separation
as
I
do
,
nor
John
Fox
,
nor
Bullinger
whom
he
citeth
;
we
say
the
same
.
Sect.
18.
The
same
I
say
of
Parker
and
Gifford
,
and
I
again
tell
him
that
he
may
name
many
more
;
Hildersham
,
Paget
,
Ame
,
&c.
I
am
of
their
judgment
in
their
opposition
to
the
Brownists
;
but
it
is
a
notorious
untruth
(
pag.
33.
)
that
the
force
of
all
the
Non-Conformists
reasonings
against
Separation
,
lay
in
two
Suppositions
.
1.
That
nothing
could
justifie
Separation
from
our
Church
,
but
such
corruptions
which
overthrew
the
being
and
constitution
of
it
,
&c.
And
1.
It
must
be
remembred
that
Separation
being
a
word
of
very
many
sences
,
they
held
indeed
that
[
none
ought
to
separate
from
a
Church
accusing
it
to
be
none
,
but
for
that
which
proved
it
to
be
none
.
]
2.
But
did
they
deny
that
which
all
the
Christian
World
confesseth
?
viz.
1.
What
if
our
English
Divines
gathered
by
Bishop
Hall
against
Burton
,
be
in
the
right
,
that
the
Church
of
Rome
is
a
true
Church
,
as
a
Thief
is
a
true
man
,
(
though
I
think
otherwise
)
must
not
such
Bishops
or
Conformists
therefore
separate
from
them
?
2.
What
if
a
Church
impose
some
Lye
,
false
Oath
,
or
Subscription
,
or
some
actual
Sin
in
Worship
,
as
a
condition
sine
qua
non
of
her
Communion
;
is
it
not
lawful
to
separate
into
better
Assemblies
?
3.
What
if
they
put
down
all
preaching
save
reading
some
dry
Homilies
,
and
all
Discipline
,
is
it
not
lawful
elsewhere
to
serve
God
better
?
But
of
this
more
after
where
he
repeateth
it
.
The
Brownists
case
was
quite
other
before
described
.
Sect.
19.
to
p.
36
,
37.
We
also
hold
that
whosoever
separateth
from
the
Church
of
England
,
1.
As
having
not
that
Preaching
and
Sacraments
which
are
of
necessity
to
Salvation
.
2.
Or
as
not
professing
true
saving
Faith
,
doth
by
consequence
separate
from
all
Churches
in
the
world
;
because
they
have
all
the
same
Word
,
Sacraments
,
and
Christian
Faith
.
And
to
this
Mr.
Jacobs
Argument
is
good
,
p.
38.
(
though
he
was
the
man
that
answered
Downam's
Sermon
for
Bishops
,
and
esteemed
one
of
the
first
Independents
:
)
And
Mr.
Balls
words
to
the
same
purpose
,
and
the
second
Supposition
p.
39.
we
grant
,
and
think
verily
that
the
late
Conformists
have
said
more
against
the
truth
of
the
Church
of
England
,
than
we
;
yea
,
that
we
are
the
defenders
of
it
against
the
Brownists
and
them
,
Ball
,
Bradshaw
,
Gifford
,
Hildersham
,
&c.
cited
by
him
,
defend
it
as
we
do
,
and
better
than
such
as
Dr.
Heylin
,
Thorndike
,
Mr.
Dodwel
,
and
such
others
.
Did
he
think
any
of
this
concerned
me
?
Sect.
20.
Yes
,
for
p.
74.
he
saith
,
[
We
would
blind
the
Reader
by
finding
out
the
disparity
of
some
Circumstances
;
but
not
one
of
us
can
deny
that
it
was
their
judgment
,
that
the
holding
separate
Congregations
for
worship
,
where
there
was
an
agreement
in
Doctrine
and
the
substantials
of
Religion
,
was
unlawful
and
schismatical
.
]
Answ.
It
s
pity
so
seeing
a
Dr.
should
tempt
men
to
be
so
blind
,
1.
As
to
think
all
the
differences
which
I
have
named
,
inconsiderable
.
2.
And
to
go
on
to
abuse
themselves
and
others
,
with
the
ambiguous
word
[
Separate
]
no
better
explained
.
3.
And
to
think
the
other
causes
before
and
after
named
of
some
sort
of
Separation
,
to
be
insufficient
;
and
I
am
sorry
for
the
Dr.
if
this
be
his
own
Profession
,
that
he
would
tell
any
lie
,
or
commit
any
other
sin
,
or
forsake
any
other
part
of
Religion
,
rather
than
separate
to
other
Assemblies
,
from
a
Church
that
agreed
in
Doctrine
and
the
substantials
of
Worship
with
him
.
The
Presbyterians
then
are
sure
of
him
,
if
they
were
but
in
possession
;
and
it
seems
in
Moscovy
he
would
forsake
preaching
.
But
what
if
the
King
licensed
a
preaching
Church
,
would
he
refuse
the
use
of
it
for
fear
of
separating
from
a
mere
reading
Church
.
This
Protean
word
[
separate
]
serveth
for
many
uses
:
I
will
put
one
case
more
to
the
Dr.
(
not
feigned
.
)
A
Conformist
Gentleman
was
of
the
opinion
that
his
Parish
Church
was
no
true
Church
,
because
the
Vicar
was
a
Socinian
,
and
another
because
the
Parson
was
ignorant
of
the
essentials
of
Christianity
;
and
they
go
to
the
next
Parish
Church
.
A
Nonconformist
in
the
same
Parish
,
goeth
to
a
Nonconformists
Chappel
,
but
doth
not
accuse
the
Parish
Church
as
none
,
as
the
other
do
;
which
of
these
separateth
more
?
At
Gloucester
one
took
the
Diocesan
Church
for
no
true
Church
,
because
Bishop
Goodman
was
a
Papist
,
and
the
Bishop
is
a
constitutive
part
;
and
yet
this
man
was
for
Diocesans
:
A
Nonconformist
went
to
a
Nonconformists
Church
,
but
would
not
say
the
Diocesan
Church
was
none
:
Which
separated
more
?
He
separateth
from
his
Parish
Church
against
the
Canon
,
who
goeth
from
an
ignorant
scandalous
Reader
,
to
communicate
with
a
Preacher
at
the
next
Parish
:
He
separateth
from
the
Parish
Churches
,
who
judgeth
them
true
Churches
,
but
having
the
Kings
License
,
joyneth
constantly
with
the
French
,
Dutch
,
or
Nonconformists
as
better
,
still
owning
mental
communion
where
he
hath
not
local
;
and
he
separateth
from
the
French
,
Dutch
,
or
Nonconformist
Churches
,
who
thus
leaveth
them
(
as
true
Churches
)
to
joyn
with
the
Church
of
England
as
better
.
Many
and
various
are
the
sorts
and
degrees
of
Separation
,
and
not
all
lawful
or
all
unlawful
:
None
of
these
are
the
Brownists
separation
,
which
the
old
Nonconformists
confuted
;
which
consisted
in
a
denial
,
1.
That
the
English
Ministers
were
true
Ministers
.
2.
And
their
Churches
true
Churches
.
3.
Or
such
as
a
Christian
might
lawfully
live
in
communion
with
in
ordinary
worship
.
4.
And
therefore
they
were
all
bound
to
renounce
them
,
and
set
up
others
.
I
doubt
the
Dr.
is
far
more
a
Separatist
than
I
,
and
such
as
I
;
for
I
am
for
Communion
with
all
Christians
,
as
far
as
they
separate
not
from
Christ
;
and
I
hate
the
false
accusing
of
any
Church
as
if
it
were
none
,
or
its
Communion
unlawful
.
I
can
be
but
in
one
place
at
once
,
but
in
heart
I
joyn
with
all
Christians
on
earth
except
in
sin
;
and
locally
I
joyn
where
I
see
greatest
reason
for
it
,
preferring
that
which
I
judge
most
agreeable
to
Gods
word
,
so
far
as
I
may
without
greater
hurt
.
But
the
Canonical
Conformists
,
unchurch
all
the
Churches
here
but
their
own
,
and
utterly
refuse
Communion
with
them
,
even
with
those
that
refuse
not
Communion
with
them
.
And
some
think
that
forcible
silencing
,
fining
,
excommunicating
,
and
imprisoning
,
is
not
the
gentlest
sort
of
separating
.
But
doth
he
in
all
his
Book
do
any
thing
to
satisfie
any
mans
Conscience
,
that
would
know
from
what
Churches
he
may
or
may
not
separate
?
Not
a
word
that
I
can
find
,
that
decideth
such
a
doubt
.
His
two
words
here
used
are
[
Agreement
in
Doctrine
,
and
substantials
of
Religion
,
]
whereas
1.
Religion
is
in
Acts
and
Habits
,
and
hath
no
proper
substance
,
and
what
his
term
[
substance
]
meaneth
,
till
he
tells
us
,
none
can
know
.
It
must
be
either
an
essential
part
,
or
an
integral
part
,
for
an
Accident
I
suppose
it
is
not
.
If
only
an
essential
part
,
what
Christian
dare
say
that
I
may
sin
against
all
the
meer
integrals
of
Religion
rather
than
go
from
the
Church
that
imposeth
such
sin
upon
me
.
If
it
be
all
the
integrals
that
we
must
agree
in
,
then
we
differ
in
no
one
part
of
Religion
;
for
Accidents
are
not
parts
:
And
then
who
contradicts
him
?
When
men
differ
in
no
part
of
Religion
,
they
will
not
separate
unless
merely
locally
:
Are
all
the
things
named
in
my
first
Plea
,
no
parts
of
Religion
?
It
may
be
by
[
Substance
]
he
meaneth
only
the
greater
sort
of
Integrals
,
but
how
shall
we
know
where
to
six
our
measures
;
what
duty
is
so
small
that
I
may
omit
it
,
or
what
sin
so
small
that
I
may
commit
it
for
Communion
.
2.
And
as
for
Doctrine
,
they
that
differ
in
any
part
of
Religion
,
are
supposed
to
differ
in
the
doctrine
about
that
part
.
But
can
any
man
tell
what
Doctrine
it
is
that
he
maketh
our
agreement
in
to
be
necessary
,
or
the
test
of
Communion
.
If
I
should
separate
from
all
Churches
from
which
I
differ
in
any
the
least
doctrine
,
I
know
not
where
the
Diocesan
or
National
Church
is
that
I
might
hold
Communion
with
:
Do
all
the
Conformists
agree
in
all
doctrines
?
If
it
be
in
all
that
the
Law
imposeth
,
how
various
,
mutable
,
and
uncertain
is
that
.
I
distinguish
between
Doctrine
professed
by
the
Church
,
and
Doctrine
imposed
on
me
to
profess
it
.
As
to
the
first
,
I
will
communicate
with
a
Church
that
hath
twenty
false
Doctrines
,
consistent
with
the
essentials
of
Christianity
and
Church
Communion
.
As
to
the
second
,
I
will
not
knowingly
profess
one
false
Doctrine
for
Communion
with
any
Church
on
Earth
.
Did
not
the
Nonconformists
differ
from
the
Conformists
,
in
the
Doctrine
of
the
sufficiency
of
Scripture
for
regulating
Church-Order
and
Worship
;
and
about
the
Divine
Right
of
Diocesans
and
Elders
,
and
about
Parish
Discipline
.
Do
not
we
now
differ
about
the
undoubted
certainty
of
the
salvation
of
all
dying
baptized
Infants
?
Will
this
warrant
a
separation
?
Sect.
2
,
1.
p.
75.
He
tells
us
very
confidently
that
diversity
of
circumstantial
pretences
for
Separation
,
alter
not
the
case
:
But
1.
It
s
true
that
if
twenty
men
have
twenty
false
pretences
for
Separation
,
none
of
them
are
thereby
justified
;
but
if
one
man
have
a
just
cause
,
it
justifieth
him
:
I
named
very
many
just
and
unjust
causes
in
my
Plea
,
and
he
giveth
no
answer
to
it
.
2.
Are
they
such
circumstances
before
named
:
Oaths
,
Declarations
,
Subscriptions
,
Doctrine
,
&
c
?
3.
What
if
the
Law
should
change
,
and
allow
of
various
Churches
?
what
if
the
King
license
them
?
These
be
but
circumstances
:
What
if
the
Plague
drive
away
the
Parish
Ministers
?
what
if
the
Churches
be
burnt
and
the
people
forsaken
?
will
no
such
circumstances
make
other
Assemblies
lawful
,
because
he
calls
them
separate
.
Sect.
22.
p.
78.
His
undertaking
is
repeated
:
[
He
is
certain
that
preaching
in
opposition
to
our
established
Laws
,
is
contrary
to
the
Doctrine
of
all
the
Nonconformists
of
former
times
.
]
Answ.
If
I
have
not
proved
the
contrary
,
I
cannot
prove
that
they
were
English
men
.
But
1.
he
proveth
that
they
were
all
of
that
mind
,
by
citing
four
of
their
Books
against
Brownists
;
and
were
four
or
forty
times
four
,
all
?
But
Mr.
Rathbands
is
said
to
be
the
Nonconformists
.
Doth
he
believe
that
he
meant
that
all
or
the
twentieth
part
of
the
Nonconformists
wrote
or
subscribed
it
?
One
of
the
Names
to
it
is
Mr.
Simeon
Ash
,
my
intimate
dear
friend
,
whose
judgment
in
these
matters
was
the
same
with
mine
,
whom
I
was
with
even
in
his
sickness
almost
to
the
last
hour
of
his
life
,
and
was
buryed
Aug.
23.
1662.
the
day
before
the
Law
had
else
silenced
him
,
and
he
was
to
me
a
better
Expositor
of
his
own
mind
,
than
the
Dr.
can
be
:
He
was
so
much
for
going
on
to
preach
,
that
his
Motto
in
his
Funeral
Ring
was
,
[
I
am
not
ashamed
of
the
Gospel
of
Christ
:
]
I
yet
keep
my
Ring
,
and
can
shew
it
you
.
And
as
to
old
Mr.
Langley
,
another
of
them
,
I
heard
him
my self
preach
in
Albriton
Church
in
Shropshire
,
a
Thanksgiving
Sermon
for
the
hopes
of
deliverance
from
the
silencing
Bishops
,
when
the
Law
forbad
him
:
And
for
old
Mr.
Slater
,
I
heard
him
preach
at
Trinity
Church
in
Coventry
when
the
Law
forbad
him
:
And
did
they
not
understand
their
own
Writings
better
than
the
Dr.
doth
?
Sect.
23.
And
I
would
I
knew
how
to
prevail
with
him
to
tell
me
,
whether
the
Law
and
Canon
did
not
forbid
all
the
Ministers
in
England
to
worship
God
according
to
the
Directory
,
and
neglect
the
Common
Prayer
Book
,
which
yet
almost
all
did
for
many
years
in
the
times
of
usurpation
:
And
yet
of
nine
thousand
or
more
of
these
,
seven
thousand
since
conformed
to
the
Church
of
England
,
and
they
say
that
this
Dr.
is
one
of
them
.
If
mere
disobedience
then
be
the
sin
,
all
these
lived
so
long
in
sin
,
and
he
with
others
.
Sect.
24.
But
all
that
can
be
gathered
out
of
the
four
Books
●●●ed
and
such
others
is
but
this
,
which
is
our
judgment
:
1.
That
Churches
and
Pastors
are
under
the
Kings
Government
as
well
as
other
Subjects
.
2.
That
it
belongeth
to
him
to
punish
them
for
evil
doing
,
and
encourage
them
in
doing
well
.
3.
That
as
to
this
his
own
execution
,
he
is
the
publick
Judge
whether
they
do
well
or
ill
.
4.
That
if
he
justly
forbid
any
to
preach
or
assemble
he
must
be
obeyed
.
5.
And
if
he
mistake
in
particular
cases
,
not
destroying
the
ends
of
his
Government
,
the
common
good
,
he
must
not
be
resisted
,
nor
in
such
a
manner
disobeyed
,
as
tendeth
more
to
the
common
hurt
than
his
mistake
doth
;
nor
disabled
to
Govern
by
their
dishonouring
him
,
much
less
by
Rebellion
or
Confusion
.
6.
Nor
are
men
bound
to
cast
away
their
great
advantages
for
Gods
service
which
they
then
had
,
on
pretence
of
doing
better
,
when
by
accident
it
would
do
more
hurt
than
good
,
nor
as
Bradshaw
saith
,
to
run
on
the
Sword
,
or
oppose
Sword
to
Sword
,
or
raise
Sedition
,
and
ruin
themselves
in
vain
.
Their
advantages
were
many
:
1.
Lawful
Communion
in
the
Parish
Churches
.
2.
Most
of
them
either
constantly
or
by
sits
,
had
publick
Churches
or
Chappels
to
preach
in
,
and
were
still
in
hope
.
3.
The
Magistrate
protected
them
and
the
Reformation
.
4.
They
hoped
for
a
progress
of
it
,
whereas
had
they
openly
done
as
the
Brownists
,
they
had
endangered
the
Reformation
by
the
exasperation
,
and
ruined
themselves
,
and
lost
most
of
their
labour
:
So
that
it
is
plain
that
preaching
in
that
imprudent
manner
which
is
like
to
do
more
harm
than
good
,
they
took
to
be
a
double
sin
,
as
hurtful
and
as
disobedience
;
for
obedience
is
due
in
such
a
case
.
But
in
case
the
manner
and
circumstances
be
such
as
that
these
evils
are
not
consequent
,
but
more
good
than
hurt
to
be
expected
;
they
thought
the
bare
breach
of
the
Law
no
sin
.
Sect.
25.
Which
I
yet
further
prove
,
1.
Because
it
s
agreed
by
all
,
that
Governing
Order
is
a
medium
for
the
thing
ordered
;
and
never
obligeth
when
it
overthroweth
the
end
,
power
being
given
to
Edification
and
not
to
Destruction
:
None
have
power
to
forbid
the
necessary
preaching
of
the
Gospel
,
and
probably
to
damn
Souls
.
2.
Because
else
the
Nonconformists
should
be
more
against
preaching
when
forbidden
than
the
Conformists
;
who
say
as
Bishop
Bilson
,
We
must
go
on
with
our
work
,
&
suffer
:
and
as
Bishop
Andrews
Tortur
.
Torti
.
Cohibeat
Regem
Diaconus
,
&c.
3.
Yea
,
the
Papists
who
on
pretence
of
Obedience
are
tyrannical
,
yet
mostly
agree
(
as
I
have
elsewhere
proved
)
that
humane
Laws
bind
not
beyond
the
case
of
scandal
,
when
they
are
against
the
common
good
:
And
a
Toletane
Council
decreed
,
that
their
Constitutions
should
not
be
taken
to
bind
ad
p●c●atum
,
(
to
hazard
Souls
)
but
only
ad
poenam
.
4.
As
I
have
said
,
their
own
practice
fully
expounded
their
words
,
who
constantly
broke
the
Law
and
Canon
in
preaching
in
Houses
and
in
Chappels
without
,
or
contrary
to
the
Liturgy
,
or
a
part
of
it
.
So
did
Mr.
Ball
at
Whitemore
,
Mr.
Hind
at
Banbury
,
Mr.
Geree
and
Mr.
Fox
at
Tewksbury
,
John
Rogers
at
Dedham
,
Mr.
Taylor
,
Mr.
Harvy
,
Mr.
Bourne
at
Manchester
,
Mr.
Gee
,
Mr.
Johnson
,
Mr.
Hancock
,
Mr.
Barlow
,
Mr.
Broxholme
,
Mr.
Cooper
,
and
abundance
more
,
besides
those
mentioned
before
.
And
now
I
leave
it
to
the
Dr.'s
further
thoughts
,
whether
he
spake
truly
of
the
sence
of
All
the
Nonconformists
,
and
have
proved
what
he
undertook
.
To
abuse
the
Magistrate
,
or
do
his
part
for
publick
Reformation
,
they
were
against
,
and
so
are
we
.
Sect.
26.
As
to
his
question
,
Was
there
less
necessity
then
or
now
?
I
answer
,
1.
There
was
then
more
necessity
as
there
is
of
you
or
me
in
America
,
where
we
cannot
preach
;
the
people
,
lately
Papists
,
desired
not
their
helps
,
nor
scrupled
hearing
others
,
as
many
thousands
do
now
.
2.
There
was
necessity
then
and
so
there
is
now
,
but
opportunity
must
joyn
with
necessity
to
oblige
,
which
they
had
more
than
we
by
connivence
in
Chappels
,
where
was
necessity
,
and
they
had
less
than
we
in
other
places
.
Sect.
27.
As
to
the
Answers
of
Mr.
Sprint
,
on
my
knowledge
the
usual
answer
was
,
That
evil
must
not
be
done
that
we
may
have
leave
to
do
good
,
and
that
if
others
hinder
me
because
I
will
not
sin
,
it
is
not
my
omission
of
any
duty
;
yet
the
disparity
of
the
Apostles
case
and
ours
,
may
be
mentioned
to
shew
the
difference
of
obligations
.
Positive
Precepts
bind
not
ad
semper
,
but
Negatives
do
;
and
it
s
too
gross
a
shift
to
turn
a
Negative
to
a
Positive
,
and
then
pretend
that
the
comparison
is
between
two
duties
:
preaching
is
a
duty
when
we
can
do
it
,
but
not
when
we
cannot
do
it
,
unless
we
will
swear
,
subscribe
,
profess
,
or
practise
a
forbidden
thing
.
Sect.
28.
I
conjecture
that
to
what
I
have
proved
of
the
practice
of
the
Nonconformists
,
it
will
be
said
that
Their
preaching
in
peculiar
places
,
Chappels
,
or
Churches
,
though
in
a
manner
against
Law
and
Canon
,
was
but
a
partial
joyning
with
the
Church
of
England
,
and
not
a
separation
;
and
the
connivence
of
the
Bishops
was
a
kind
of
Toleration
.
Answ.
1.
And
is
not
my
case
the
same
?
We
had
more
than
connivence
when
we
had
the
Kings
Licenses
,
and
ever
since
experience
tells
you
that
his
Clemency
hath
occasioned
a
restraint
of
the
Bishops
,
and
some
connivence
from
them
.
2.
And
if
it
were
the
Temples
that
make
the
difference
,
let
them
allow
us
to
preach
there
and
see
whether
we
will
refuse
it
:
And
sure
the
Conformists
that
preach
in
Tabernacles
are
not
Separatists
;
the
Parish
Teacher
of
St.
Martins
now
preacheth
in
the
same
place
which
I
built
to
have
preached
in
,
and
for
so
doing
was
by
a
warrant
judged
to
prison
.
They
had
no
more
Law
on
their
side
than
I
have
,
they
usually
read
no
more
of
the
Liturgy
but
the
Confession
and
the
Scriptures
,
and
many
not
the
first
at
all
,
and
some
more
;
so
that
its
a
full
proof
that
if
breaking
the
Law
had
been
all
their
stop
,
they
would
have
still
preached
.
Sect.
29.
Dr.
Ames
tells
us
that
he
had
preached
without
the
Bishops
consent
by
this
Story
,
fresh
Suit
,
p.
409.
describing
an
English
Bishops
Pastoral
work
,
he
saith
.
It
would
be
ridiculous
for
a
mean
man
to
desire
him
to
visit
him
,
his
Wife
,
or
Children
,
in
sickness
;
he
must
have
a
Chaplain
not
only
to
do
other
duties
of
Religion
for
him
,
but
even
to
give
thanks
at
his
Table
.
I
will
not
here
speak
of
[
draw
up
an
Excommunication
for
him
,
take
him
Pursuivant
,
Jaylor
see
to
your
Prisoner
;
]
but
note
one
example
of
mine
own
experience
,
which
many
others
can
parallel
:
I
was
once
(
and
but
once
I
thank
God
)
before
a
Bishop
,
and
being
presented
to
him
by
the
chief
Magistrates
of
a
Corporation
,
to
be
Preacher
in
their
Town
;
the
lowly
man
first
asked
them
,
how
they
durst
choose
a
Preacher
without
his
consent
:
You
(
said
he
)
are
to
receive
a
Preacher
that
I
appoint
you
,
for
I
am
your
Pastor
,
though
he
never
fed
them
:
And
then
turning
to
me
,
[
How
durst
you
,
said
he
,
Preach
in
my
Diocess
without
my
leave
?
]
So
that
without
any
other
reason
but
meer
Lordship
,
the
whole
Corporation
and
I
were
dismissed
to
wait
his
leisure
,
which
I
have
done
now
twenty
years
and
more
.
Much
like
the
usage
of
holy
Paul
Bayne
,
Successor
to
Perkins
,
who
being
commanded
to
preach
a
Visitation
Sermon
,
and
being
sickly
and
in
a
sweat
with
preaching
,
was
fain
to
refresh
himself
instead
of
going
presently
to
attend
the
Bishop
;
and
when
he
was
sent
for
,
having
small
Cuffs
edged
with
a
little
blew
thred
,
saith
the
Bishop
:
How
dare
you
appear
before
me
with
those
?
and
he
suspended
him
:
And
good
Mr.
Bayne
would
never
more
have
to
do
with
a
Bishop
,
but
said
,
They
are
an
earthly
Generation
,
and
savour
not
the
things
of
God
.
When
Dr.
Fulke
(
a
half
Conformist
)
went
out
of
St.
Johns
Colledge
in
Cambridge
with
his
Pupils
,
hiring
Chambers
for
himself
and
them
in
the
Town
,
it
was
as
great
a
separation
from
the
Colledge
(
to
avoid
the
Surplice
which
he
after
submitted
to
)
as
we
make
from
the
Church
.
See
Ames
fresh
suit
,
p.
473.
And
that
it
was
no
conscience
of
obeying
the
Bishop
,
that
Beza
would
have
the
Ministers
moved
by
,
from
assembling
:
Judge
by
these
words
,
[
De
notis
Eccles.
Ego
pontificiis
—
]
I
willingly
leave
to
the
Papists
the
whole
degree
of
Episcopacy
,
of
which
I
openly
say
,
the
Holy
Ghost
was
not
the
Author
,
but
humane
prudence
;
which
if
we
observe
not
that
God
hath
cursed
,
certainly
we
even
yet
see
nothing
;
and
we
nourish
a
viper
in
our
bosoms
,
which
will
again
kill
the
Mother
.
Sect.
30.
I
will
conclude
with
the
recital
of
the
Letter
sent
to
the
Bishops
by
Dr.
Humphrey
,
Regius
Professor
in
Oxford
,
who
yet
constrained
,
used
the
Surplice
after
that
:
Our
Dr.
may
note
what
sence
they
had
then
of
these
things
,
premising
only
the
words
of
John
Fox
,
speaking
of
Blumfield
a
wicked
Persecutor
,
who
threatned
a
godly
man
,
Simon
Harelson
,
for
not
wearing
the
Surplice
:
[
Its
pity
,
saith
he
,
such
baits
of
Popery
are
left
to
the
enemies
to
take
Christians
in
;
God
take
them
away
from
us
,
or
us
from
them
:
for
God
knoweth
they
be
the
cause
of
much
blindness
and
strife
among
men
.
Dr.
HUMPHREY'S
Letter
to
the
BISHOPS
.
YOur
Lordships
Letter
,
directed
unto
us
by
our
Vice-Chancellor
,
although
written
in
general
words
,
yet
hath
so
hearted
our
Adversaries
,
that
we
are
now
no
more
counted
Brethren
and
Friends
but
Enemies
;
and
●ith
the
old
Mass
attires
be
so
straitly
commanded
,
the
Mass
it self
is
shortly
looked
for
.
A
Sword
now
is
put
into
the
enemies
hands
of
these
that
under
Q
Mary
have
drawn
it
for
Popery
,
and
under
pretence
of
good
order
,
are
ready
without
cause
to
bewreck
their
Popish
anger
upon
us
,
who
in
this
will
use
extremity
,
in
other
laws
of
more
importance
,
partiality
.
I
would
have
wished
,
my
Lords
,
rather
privy
admonition
than
open
expulsion
;
yea
I
had
rather
have
received
wounds
of
my
Brother
,
than
kisses
of
mine
Enemy
;
if
we
had
privily
in
a
convenient
day
resigned
,
then
neither
should
the
punisher
have
been
noted
of
cruelty
,
neither
the
offender
of
temerity
,
neither
should
the
Papists
have
accused
(
in
their
seditious
Book
)
Protestants
of
contention
.
Religion
requireth
naked
Christ
to
be
preached
,
professed
,
glorified
;
that
graviora
legis
,
by
the
faithful
Ministry
of
feeding
Pastors
,
should
be
furthered
,
and
after
that
orders
tending
to
edification
,
and
not
to
destruction
,
advanced
;
and
finally
the
Spouses
friends
should
by
all
means
be
cherished
,
favoured
,
and
defended
,
and
not
by
counterfeit
and
false
intruders
,
condemned
and
overborn
,
and
defaced
.
But
alas
,
a
man
qualified
with
inward
gifts
for
lack
of
outward
shews
is
punished
,
and
a
man
only
outwardly
conformable
and
inwardly
clean
unfurnished
,
is
let
alone
,
yea
exalted
:
The
painful
Preacher
for
his
labour
is
beaten
,
the
unpreaching
Prelate
offending
in
the
greater
,
is
shotfree
;
the
learned
man
without
his
cap
is
afflicted
,
the
capped
man
without
learning
is
not
touched
:
Is
not
this
directly
to
break
Gods
laws
?
Is
not
this
the
Pharises
vae
?
Is
not
this
to
wa●●
the
outside
of
the
Cup
,
and
leave
the
inner
part
uncleansed
?
Is
not
this
to
prefer
Mint
and
Annis
to
faith
aud
judgment
and
mercy
?
Mans
tradition
before
the
ordinance
of
God
?
Is
not
this
in
the
School
of
Christ
,
and
in
the
method
of
the
Gospel
a
plain
disorder
?
hath
not
this
preposterous
order
a
woe
?
That
the
Catechism
should
be
read
is
the
word
of
God
,
it
is
the
order
of
the
Church
,
to
preach
is
a
necessary
point
of
a
Priest
,
to
make
quarterly
Sermons
is
law
,
to
see
poor
men
of
the
poor
mens
box
relieved
,
Vagabonds
punished
,
Parishes
communicate
,
Rood
lofts
pull'd
down
,
Monuments
of
Superstition
defaced
,
Service
done
and
heard
,
is
Scripture
,
is
Statute
;
that
the
Oath
to
the
Q
Majesty
should
be
offered
and
taken
,
is
required
as
well
by
ordinance
of
God
as
of
man
.
These
are
plain
matters
,
necessary
,
Christian
,
and
profitable
.
To
wear
a
Surplice
,
a
Coap
,
or
a
corner'd
Cap
is
(
as
you
take
it
)
an
accidental
thing
,
a
device
only
of
man
,
and
as
we
say
a
doubt
or
question
in
divinity
.
Sith
now
these
substantial
points
are
in
all
places
of
this
Realm
almost
neglected
,
the
offender
either
nothing
or
little
rebuked
,
and
sith
the
transgressors
have
no
colour
of
conscience
,
it
is
sin
and
shame
to
proceed
against
us
first
,
having
also
reasonable
defence
of
our
doings
:
Charity
my
Lords
,
would
first
have
taught
us
,
Equity
would
first
have
spared
us
,
brotherliness
would
have
warned
us
,
pity
would
have
pardoned
us
,
if
we
had
been
found
trespassers
.
God
is
my
witness
,
who
is
the
beholder
of
all
faith
,
I
think
of
your
Lordships
honourably
,
esteeming
you
as
brethren
,
reverencing
you
as
Lords
and
Masters
of
the
Congregation
:
alas
why
have
not
you
some
good
opinion
of
us
?
why
do
you
trust
known
Adversaries
and
mistrust
your
Brethren
?
We
confess
one
faith
of
Jesus
,
we
preach
one
doctrine
,
we
acknowledg
one
Ruler
upon
earth
,
in
all
things
(
saving
in
this
)
we
are
of
your
judgment
,
shall
we
be
used
thus
for
a
Surplice
?
shall
brethren
persecute
brethren
for
a
forked
Cap
,
devised
singularity
of
him
that
is
our
enemy
?
Now
shall
we
fight
for
the
Popes
coat
,
his
head
and
body
being
banished
?
shall
the
controversie
so
fall
out
in
conclusion
▪
that
for
lack
of
necessary
furniture
(
as
it
is
esteemed
)
labourers
shall
lack
wages
?
Churches
preaching
?
shall
we
not
teach
?
shall
we
not
exercise
our
Talents
as
God
hath
commanded
us
,
because
we
will
not
wear
that
which
our
enemies
have
desired
,
and
that
by
the
appointment
of
Friends
.
Oh
that
ever
I
saw
this
day
that
our
Adversaries
should
laugh
to
see
brethren
fall
together
by
the
ears
:
Oh
that
Ephraim
should
thus
eat
up
Manasses
,
Manasses
Ephraim
.
My
Lords
,
before
this
take
place
,
consider
the
cause
of
the
Church
,
the
Crests
and
triumphs
of
Antichrist
,
the
laughter
of
Satan
,
the
sorrow
and
sighs
of
a
number
,
the
misery
and
sequel
of
the
Tragedy
.
I
write
with
zeal
without
proof
of
my
matter
at
this
time
present
,
but
not
without
knowledge
of
it
,
nor
without
grief
of
mind
:
God
move
your
Spirit
at
this
present
to
fight
against
Carnem
,
Circumcisionem
,
immo
Concisionem
,
against
Literam
&
Legem
,
which
principally
is
now
regarded
and
rewarded
.
Speak
I
humbly
beseech
you
to
the
Queens
Majesty
,
to
the
Chancellor
,
and
to
Mr.
Secretary
and
the
rest
,
that
those
proceedings
may
sleep
,
that
England
may
understand
your
zealous
mind
toward
the
worship
of
God
,
your
love
toward
the
poor
welwillers
,
your
hate
toward
the
professed
enemies
,
your
unity
in
true
conformity
,
the
other
neither
be
needful
now
,
neither
exacted
in
any
good
age
:
So
shall
the
little
Flock
be
bound
to
you
,
so
shall
the
great
Shepherd
be
good
to
you
.
An
ANSWER
to
the
false
ACCUSATIONS
and
REASONINGS
of
the
Dr.'s
SECOND
PART
.
HEre
the
Dr.
begins
with
the
description
of
their
principles
whom
he
accuseth
(
I
am
one
of
them
:
)
And
the
first
sort
are
those
[
that
hold
partial
and
occasional
Communion
with
our
Churches
to
be
lawful
,
but
not
total
and
constant
,
]
viz.
[
at
some
times
to
be
present
,
and
in
some
part
of
our
worship
,
and
on
particular
occasion
to
partake
of
some
acts
of
Communion
with
us
;
but
they
apprehend
greater
purity
and
edification
in
separate
Congregations
,
and
when
they
are
to
choose
they
think
themselves
bound
to
choose
these
,
though
at
certain
seasons
they
may
think
it
lawful
to
submit
to
occasional
Communion
with
our
Church
.
]
The
second
sort
are
``
Such
as
hold
any
Communion
with
our
Church
unlawful
:
And
he
pretends
to
proceed
with
all
possible
clearness
.
]
Answ.
I
am
sorry
if
more
clearness
and
truth
is
become
impossible
to
him
.
He
taketh
not
me
to
be
one
of
the
second
sort
,
and
therefore
describeth
me
as
of
the
first
:
It
s
no
presumption
to
say
that
I
know
my
own
mind
and
practice
better
than
he
doth
,
though
he
would
seem
to
know
the
old
Nonconformists
minds
better
than
they
did
themselves
.
Sect.
2.
The
matter
of
fact
must
first
be
notified
:
1.
I
ever
distinguished
the
National
,
Diocesan
,
Parochial
,
and
Segregate
Churches
:
And
the
National
as
supposed
organized
,
or
an
Ecclesiastically
political
Society
,
from
the
National
as
a
Christian
Kingdom
,
and
as
an
agreeing
Association
of
Churches
,
without
any
Governor
of
the
whole
(
Single
or
Aristocratical
.
)
And
I
distinguished
Diocesans
that
are
as
Arch-Bishops
over
lower
Bishops
,
and
those
that
are
like
ours
,
infimae
speciei
:
and
I
distinguished
Parish
Churches
that
have
true
Pastors
,
from
those
that
have
none
but
uncapable
men
,
through
insufficiency
,
heresie
,
malignity
,
or
as
usurpers
are
not
truly
called
.
2.
Accordingly
I
concluded
,
1.
That
the
Parish
Churches
in
England
that
have
true
Pastors
,
are
true
political
governed
Churches
.
2.
That
though
some
would
make
them
none
,
by
denying
to
the
Pastors
an
essential
part
of
their
office
,
and
make
the
Bishop
the
sole
Pastor
,
and
the
rest
but
his
Curates
,
and
the
Parishes
no
Churches
as
having
no
Bishop
,
but
to
be
only
as
Chappels
,
part
of
the
lowest
governed
Church
(
Diocesan
)
and
so
give
up
the
cause
to
the
Brownists
called
Separatists
;
yet
truly
such
Parishes
are
true
political
Churches
,
because
the
ordainer
being
but
the
investing
Minister
,
the
office
is
not
essentiated
as
he
willeth
or
saith
,
but
as
God
the
Instituter
willeth
and
saith
.
As
the
power
of
the
Husband
over
the
Wife
is
not
what
please
the
Priest
that
marryeth
them
,
but
what
pleaseth
God
who
giveth
it
by
his
Law
;
and
as
the
Lord
Mayor's
power
is
not
what
please
the
Recorder
,
or
he
that
giveth
him
his
Oath
or
Insignia
,
but
what
the
Kings
Charter
giveth
;
and
the
Kings
power
is
not
what
he
will
that
Crowneth
him
and
giveth
him
his
Oath
,
but
what
he
hath
right
to
by
the
constitution
of
the
Kingdom
;
so
that
the
truth
of
the
Parish
Churches
is
soundly
maintained
by
the
Nonconformists
,
and
overthrown
by
many
of
the
Diocesans
:
But
if
the
Parish
Minister
himself
consent
not
to
the
essentials
of
his
own
office
,
his
Ministry
may
be
valid
to
others
while
he
is
in
the
place
,
but
he
is
,
himself
,
no
true
Pastor
.
3.
All
Parishes
are
no
true
governed
Churches
,
whose
Ministers
want
any
thing
essential
to
a
Pastor
,
nor
must
be
owned
as
such
if
known
.
4.
But
for
the
peoples
sake
they
are
true
Churches
,
secundum
quid
,
or
equivocally
as
a
company
of
Christians
may
be
so
called
that
have
no
Pastor
,
and
as
such
may
be
so
far
communicated
with
.
5.
I
never
spake
against
a
Diocesan
or
Arch-Bishop
,
that
hath
Parish
Churches
,
and
true
Pastors
or
Bishops
under
him
,
and
taketh
on
him
no
more
than
the
Apostles
,
did
,
excepting
their
work
,
properly
Apostolical
,
viz.
by
the
Word
and
not
the
Sword
,
to
oversee
and
instruct
inferior
Pastors
.
6.
When
the
Diocesans
put
down
all
lower
Churches
and
true
Pastors
,
I
own
not
that
doing
,
nor
them
in
that
form
;
but
I
separate
from
them
no
further
than
they
do
from
Christ
.
7.
When
they
are
but
as
good
Arch-Bishops
taking
care
of
many
Churches
,
whether
their
Diocess
shall
be
called
a
Church
as
such
,
is
but
lis
de
nomine
.
I
find
not
that
any
Apostle
as
such
,
was
the
constitutive
Head
of
a
Diocesan
or
Provincial
Church
,
or
made
any
such
,
above
particular
Churches
:
Nor
do
I
find
in
the
New
Testament
any
political
Church
form
,
but
the
Universal
headed
by
Christ
,
and
particular
ones
governed
by
Pastors
.
The
General
is
the
constitutive
Head
of
his
Army
,
and
the
Colonel
of
his
Regiment
,
and
the
Captain
of
his
Troop
,
as
distinct
subordinate
Bodies
;
but
the
Major
General
,
General
of
the
Ordnance
,
Quartermaster
General
,
&c.
may
be
only
under
▪
Officers
to
the
whole
,
and
the
noblest
integral
parts
,
but
as
such
no
constitutive
Head
of
any
Body
of
Men
whatever
:
So
that
General
Pastors
prove
no
superior
proper
Church
.
But
because
it
was
lawful
in
prudence
for
the
Apostles
to
have
taken
several
Provinces
,
limited
severally
to
each
,
so
may
men
now
;
and
if
any
call
such
Churches
,
I
strive
not
,
so
the
matter
be
agreed
on
.
8.
I
ever
owned
a
Christian
Kingdom
,
and
the
agreeing
Association
of
as
many
Churches
as
can
for
mutual
help
and
concord
,
and
the
King
to
be
their
Governor
by
the
Sword
:
And
if
any
will
call
a
Kingdom
a
Church
,
or
an
Association
that
hath
no
constitutive
Government
,
a
Church
;
as
if
he
called
a
Diet
or
Assembly
of
many
Kings
or
Princes
,
a
Kingdom
or
Republick
,
let
him
enjoy
his
Equivocation
,
so
we
understand
each
other
.
9.
According
to
these
Principles
I
own
my self
a
Member
of
the
universal
Church
,
of
the
Church
of
England
,
and
of
the
Parish
or
particular
Church
where
for
the
time
I
am
called
to
be
;
that
is
,
as
they
are
.
But
I
think
I
may
remove
from
Parish
to
Parish
as
I
have
cause
,
as
a
dweller
or
a
lodger
may
;
and
I
take
not
all
the
Parish
to
be
the
Church
,
and
take
Parish
bounds
to
be
no
Divine
Institution
,
but
a
humane
mutable
point
of
order
,
convenient
when
by
accident
it
crosseth
not
the
end
,
nor
doth
more
harm
than
good
.
10.
I
think
if
any
Nobleman
in
London
confine
his
ordinary
communion
to
a
just
assembly
in
his
happel
,
or
any
that
have
a
Minister
utterly
unsuitable
to
their
needs
,
do
usually
hold
communion
in
the
next
Parish
Church
for
better
,
he
is
thereby
neither
Separatist
nor
Sinner
.
11.
According
to
all
this
,
when
I
was
silenced
I
ordinarily
heard
Dr.
Wilkins
and
Dr.
Tillotson
;
and
communicated
in
several
places
as
I
had
best
opportunity
;
and
quickly
going
to
Acton
,
I
there
constantly
morning
and
evening
joyned
at
Common
prayer
and
Sermon
,
communicating
in
the
Sacrament
where
I
had
best
opportunity
,
(
being
loth
for
the
Parson
and
Curates
s●ke
,
to
tell
you
why
it
was
not
there
,
)
once
with
Dr.
Horton
and
often
with
Nonconformists
.
The
Plague
driving
me
to
Hambden
,
I
constantly
there
joyned
in
all
the
publick
Worship
and
Sacrament
:
Returning
to
Acton
,
I
did
as
before
,
and
sometime
repeated
Dean
Rieve's
Sermon
,
till
he
got
me
sent
to
Gaol
for
teaching
some
willing
ignorant
people
between
the
Church
meetings
in
my
house
:
Thence
going
to
Totteridge
,
I
many
years
constantly
twice
a
day
joyned
in
the
publick
worship
,
and
took
the
Sacrament
when
administred
as
Mr.
Parre
will
testifie
.
Thence
removing
to
London
,
and
licensed
by
the
King
to
preach
,
I
forbare
some
time
,
and
after
chose
only
the
Market
house
at
St.
James's
,
openly
declaring
that
we
met
not
as
separating
from
the
publick
Churches
,
but
for
the
need
of
multitudes
that
went
to
no
Church
for
want
of
room
.
Since
then
I
have
many
years
joyned
in
all
the
publick
worship
,
Word
,
Prayer
,
and
Sacraments
,
with
the
Parish
Church
,
when
able
,
since
that
I
also
sometime
joyn
with
Nonconformists
,
and
preach
my self
Afternoons
,
and
on
Thursdays
in
the
Nonconformists
Chappels
,
being
not
allowed
to
do
it
otherwise
.
In
the
Country
in
Summer
,
I
have
far
off
got
into
some
Parish
Churches
for
a
day
,
and
tryed
neer
London
,
but
could
not
have
consent
,
though
I
have
Bishop
Sheldon's
License
for
that
Diocess
,
I
think
not
yet
invalidated
.
This
is
the
matter
of
fact
.
Now
Reader
,
Qu.
1.
Doth
the
tenth
part
of
those
counted
of
this
Parish
Church
,
hear
and
communicate
so
oft
as
I
do
.
Q.
2.
If
not
,
what
makes
them
and
not
me
to
be
of
that
Church
?
Q.
3.
What
is
the
constancy
that
this
Dr.
maketh
necessary
to
a
member
?
Q.
4.
What
are
the
parts
of
their
worship
which
he
saith
I
joyn
not
in
?
Hath
he
named
any
?
Q.
5.
Is
this
only
occasional
joyning
?
Sect.
3.
I
do
maintain
that
1.
When
,
consideratis
considerandis
,
we
may
choose
the
purest
Churches
and
most
edifying
Ministry
,
it
is
a
duty
so
to
do
.
And
one
of
his
answers
(
the
Rector
,
&c.
)
hath
in
the
Epistle
cited
his
own
words
,
not
out
of
the
retracted
Irenicon
,
but
his
late
Book
against
Popery
,
expresly
threatning
us
with
damnation
if
we
do
not
.
To
which
I
find
no
excuse
made
by
him
,
yea
the
Papist
adversary
grants
the
same
.
2.
I
do
maintain
against
those
that
separate
from
all
Churches
which
they
dare
not
be
stated
members
of
,
that
its
lawful
to
communicate
occasionally
,
where
we
may
not
do
it
statedly
:
But
is
this
to
deny
all
save
occasional
communion
with
all
their
Churches
?
3.
I
often
say
that
there
is
so
great
difference
of
Parish
Ministers
,
and
of
Persons
cases
and
opportunities
,
and
Relations
,
(
as
Wives
,
Children
,
Servants
,
under
Parents
,
&c.
of
divers
commands
,
&c.
)
that
to
be
constant
Communicants
in
their
Parish
Church
,
is
to
some
a
duty
,
to
some
a
sin
,
and
so
is
occasional
communion
.
Sect.
4.
As
to
the
second
sort
,
that
hold
all
communion
with
them
unlawful
.
1.
I
leave
them
to
plead
their
own
cause
,
and
I
meddle
only
with
my
own
part
.
2.
But
I
must
say
that
if
they
mistake
,
those
that
wilfully
give
them
the
occasion
are
unfit
reprovers
of
them
:
And
if
men
for
worldly
ends
or
by
error
,
will
corrupt
and
defile
a
Church
to
the
utmost
that
is
consistent
with
lawful
Communion
(
or
neer
it
)
they
may
make
the
question
whether
their
Communion
be
lawful
,
too
hard
for
understandings
.
Every
one
cannot
tell
whether
one
in
a
swoon
be
alive
or
dead
,
and
some
may
bury
him
too
hastily
.
Stretch
not
my
similitude
beyond
my
meaning
:
If
a
Gentleman
of
the
game
should
by
wilful
sin
,
get
the
Lues
Vener●●
,
and
the
case
be
disputed
whether
his
wife
may
separate
from
him
,
or
if
he
beat
her
once
a
week
;
if
she
will
not
daily
eat
that
which
makes
her
grievous
sick
,
and
he
doth
it
to
exercise
his
Authority
,
another
may
better
plead
against
her
departure
than
he
:
If
it
be
a
fault
in
her
so
to
save
her self
,
what
is
it
in
him
to
destroy
or
abuse
her
?
If
we
be
forbidden
to
take
poyson
,
and
one
will
causelesly
command
us
to
take
a
doubtful
thing
,
as
Nightshade
,
Hemlock
,
A●ripigmentum
,
&c.
and
then
condemn
us
as
disobedient
for
refusing
,
he
is
the
unfittest
person
to
condemn
us
.
If
it
be
lawful
to
avoid
a
house
that
hath
the
Plague
,
a
man
is
excusable
that
mistakes
the
spotted
Fever
for
it
.
Were
your
Congregations
but
full
of
persons
that
had
the
scabs
of
the
small
Pox
not
dryed
away
,
and
one
went
to
a
sounder
Congregation
for
fear
of
infection
,
not
at
all
condemning
you
,
he
might
be
born
with
.
If
in
the
beginning
of
Queen
Elizabeths
Reign
,
when
abundance
of
Papist
Priests
staid
in
the
Churches
for
their
Benefices
,
a
man
had
quietly
gone
from
them
to
the
Nonconformists
,
I
could
not
blame
him
;
though
he
had
not
been
sure
that
they
were
not
changed
.
And
I
still
say
that
if
such
erre
by
too
much
care
to
avoid
sin
and
save
their
souls
,
1.
It
is
a
far
greater
error
to
give
them
the
occasion
.
2.
And
in
such
as
you
to
say
,
that
therefore
they
must
be
so
far
forsaken
,
as
that
none
may
preach
to
them
.
If
I
may
preach
to
no
erring
people
,
1.
I
must
preach
to
none
.
2.
Or
be
no
Physician
to
any
that
are
sick
.
And
I
must
say
,
that
though
I
found
no
call
to
gather
any
together
as
a
Church
,
and
give
them
the
Sacrament
;
I
cannot
say
that
no
other
had
such
,
unless
I
had
heard
them
all
speak
for
themselves
:
yea
I
see
such
notorious
need
in
many
places
,
that
I
dare
not
blame
them
.
Sect.
5.
And
now
Reader
,
Qu.
whether
the
Dr.
hath
truly
stated
the
case
between
him
and
me
;
and
whether
you
can
expect
truth
and
edification
in
his
handling
of
a
false-stated
case
.
These
are
the
questions
which
,
as
my
accuser
,
(
in
his
Book
)
he
should
have
handled
,
had
truth
been
his
design
.
1.
Whether
for
one
that
holdeth
so
much
Communion
with
their
Churches
as
I
have
done
,
and
here
describe
,
it
be
sinful
separation
to
Preach
in
and
Communicate
with
the
Assemblies
of
Nonconformists
,
or
mixt
ones
,
as
I
have
done
?
2.
Whether
to
deny
this
to
be
sinful
Separation
(
or
Separation
as
commonly
taken
for
Schism
)
be
disingenious
▪
and
worse
than
theirs
that
openly
renounce
their
Communion
.
Sect.
6.
Three
things
he
saith
,
p.
94.
we
cannot
deny
,
1.
That
there
is
no
reason
of
Separation
because
of
th●
Doctrine
of
their
Church
.
Answ.
1.
We
distinguish
of
Separation
:
There
is
no
reason
to
separate
from
you
as
no
Church
,
or
further
than
we
do
;
there
is
reason
to
deny
our
consent
,
1.
To
your
foresaid
Doctrine
of
all
baptized
dying
Infants
undoubted
salvation
,
not
excepting
those
of
Atheists
and
Infidels
.
2.
To
your
included
Doctrine
implyed
in
your
Impositions
,
viz.
That
if
a
man
have
unlawfully
made
a
Vow
and
Oath
to
endeavour
in
his
Place
and
Calling
to
reform
some
corruptions
in
Church-Government
,
yea
or
to
repent
of
his
sin
and
oppose
Popery
,
Prophaneness
,
and
Schism
;
there
is
no
obligation
on
him
from
that
Oath
and
Vow
to
do
it
.
These
and
such
other
Doctrines
we
separate
from
,
so
far
as
to
reject
them
.
Sect.
7.
His
second
supposed
Concession
is
,
[
That
there
is
no
other
reason
of
Separation
because
of
the
terms
of
our
Communion
,
than
what
was
from
the
beginning
of
the
Reformation
.
Answ.
1.
There
are
in
my
judgment
no
common
reasons
for
going
further
from
you
than
we
do
,
nor
to
justifie
that
which
is
commonly
known
by
the
name
of
Separation
.
But
there
are
many
and
great
reasons
to
justifie
our
measure
of
dissent
and
ministration
;
and
to
say
that
[
we
grant
there
are
no
more
reasons
now
than
were
then
,
]
is
too
bold
an
untruth
.
There
is
more
reason
,
1.
From
the
quality
of
the
things
imposed
.
2.
From
the
designs
and
drift
of
the
Imposition
.
3.
From
the
effects
.
4.
From
the
aggravation
of
Conformity
as
in
the
Church
that
we
must
communicate
with
.
5.
From
the
things
which
give
us
a
fuller
cause
for
our
Preaching
and
Assemblies
.
viz.
1.
The
late
general
contrary
Church
State
and
Engagement
to
it
.
2.
The
Plague
.
3.
The
burning
of
the
Churches
.
4.
The
Kings
License
and
Clemency
.
5.
The
number
and
quality
of
them
that
seek
our
helps
.
Of
these
briefly
in
order
.
1.
As
to
the
things
imposed
now
which
were
not
then
.
1.
The
Vestry
Act
was
not
then
made
,
by
which
so
considerable
a
part
of
your
Parish
Churches
as
the
Vestries
,
are
to
renounce
all
obligations
to
endeavour
any
alteration
of
the
Government
of
the
Church
,
from
the
Oath
and
Vow
called
the
Covenant
:
So
that
all
Reformation
of
Church
Government
as
so
sworn
,
was
thus
renounced
by
them
who
in
a
sort
represent
the
Parish
Church
.
2.
The
Act
of
Uniformity
had
not
then
imposed
the
same
declarative
Renunciation
of
all
such
obligation
on
all
the
Ministers
and
Schoolmasters
in
England
,
as
it
now
doth
.
3.
The
Corporation
Act
was
not
then
in
being
,
which
constituteth
all
the
Officers
in
power
in
all
Cities
and
Corporations
,
of
such
only
as
declare
,
[
that
there
is
no
obligation
from
the
said
Oath
at
all
,
]
not
excepting
so
much
as
the
sworn
duties
of
opposing
Popery
,
Prophaneness
,
and
Schism
,
to
repent
of
sin
and
amend
our
lives
.
And
if
swearing
and
vowing
against
Schism
,
no
whit
bind
men
(
if
the
Oath
were
but
unlawfully
imposed
,
why
should
the
Dr.
make
so
great
a
matter
of
it
,
and
think
that
his
reasonings
should
make
men
afraid
of
Gods
service
,
if
he
will
but
call
it
Schism
.
4.
None
of
these
Acts
then
required
men
to
profess
and
subscribe
,
that
there
is
from
that
Vow
or
Oath
no
such
Obligation
on
any
other
person
;
and
so
to
become
Vouchers
for
the
Souls
and
Consciences
of
many
hundred
thousands
whom
we
never
saw
;
even
those
Parliament
men
that
were
not
forced
to
it
,
but
imposed
it
on
others
,
when
we
know
not
in
what
sense
they
took
it
.
5.
The
Re-ordination
of
Ministers
ordained
by
Presbyteries
was
not
then
required
,
and
made
a
necessary
condition
of
their
Ministration
and
Church
Relation
,
(
even
by
them
that
confess
Re-ordination
unlawful
,
and
therefore
plainly
intimate
the
nullity
of
the
first
.
)
6.
The
Act
of
Uniformity
was
not
then
made
,
which
requireth
all
Ministers
publickly
to
declare
their
Assent
and
Consent
to
all
things
contained
in
,
and
prescribed
by
the
Liturgy
,
Book
of
Ordination
,
(
though
part
of
this
was
in
a
Canon
.
)
7.
The
false
Rule
for
finding
Easter-day
was
not
then
to
be
assented
and
consented
to
,
as
a
condition
of
the
Ministry
.
8.
Nor
the
new
Doctrine
or
Article
of
Faith
,
[
of
the
undoubted
certainty
by
Gods
word
,
that
baptized
dying
Infants
are
saved
,
]
(
without
any
exception
of
the
children
of
Atheists
,
&c.
)
For
the
old
words
at
Confirmation
(
as
many
Drs.
of
the
Church
have
shewed
)
only
meant
that
nothing
else
was
necessary
on
the
Churches
part
,
that
is
,
not
Confirmation
.
9.
The
word
[
Pastor
]
as
applyed
to
Parish
Ministers
distinct
from
Curates
,
was
not
then
blotted
out
of
most
places
in
the
Liturgy
;
nor
the
twentieth
of
Acts
,
as
applied
to
Presbyters
,
left
out
,
(
Take
heed
to
your selves
and
the
Flock
,
&c.
)
in
plain
design
to
alter
the
Office
and
Parish
Churches
.
10.
The
Oxford
Oath
was
not
then
imposed
,
to
banish
Ministers
above
five
miles
from
all
Cities
,
and
Corporations
,
and
Places
,
where
they
had
of
late
years
preached
;
so
that
their
old
Flock
or
Friends
(
yea
,
Wives
and
Children
that
could
not
follow
them
)
might
not
so
much
as
see
or
hear
such
Ministers
in
their
Families
,
or
familiar
converse
that
would
have
come
to
the
publick
Churches
:
And
all
Nonconformist
Ministers
that
took
not
the
Oath
,
were
thereby
forbidden
to
come
to
the
Parish
Churches
in
all
Cities
,
Corporations
,
or
Places
aforesaid
,
though
their
example
might
have
drawn
many
(
as
mine
did
where
I
was
.
)
11.
Ministers
and
Corporations
and
Vestries
,
were
not
then
bound
to
swear
or
subscribe
,
that
it
is
unlawful
on
any
pretence
whatsoever
to
resist
any
commissioned
by
the
King
;
when
the
Keeper
of
his
Seal
may
sign
Commissions
to
seize
on
the
Kings
Forts
,
Garrisons
,
Navies
,
and
Treasuries
,
to
deliver
up
the
Kingdoms
to
Foreigners
,
to
destroy
Parliaments
,
Cities
,
and
Laws
:
I
am
sure
Hooker
,
Bilson
,
or
Arch-Bishop
Abbot
,
subscribed
not
this
,
nor
were
such
Conformists
.
Are
all
these
no
difference
of
case
?
Sect.
8.
There
is
2.
a
great
difference
in
the
drift
and
tendency
of
the
Impositions
.
They
were
at
first
to
quiet
a
Popish
Nation
,
while
the
true
Doctrine
took
possession
and
rooting
,
and
to
avoid
the
cavils
of
those
Papists
that
charged
the
Reformers
with
forsaking
all
the
Church
:
But
what
they
have
been
used
for
these
last
forty
or
fifty
years
,
I
leave
the
Reader
to
judge
.
1.
By
the
Complaints
of
all
the
Parliaments
,
since
then
,
save
one
.
2.
By
the
History
of
Arch-Bishop
Laud's
Tryal
.
3.
By
Dr.
Heylin's
History
of
his
Life
.
4.
By
the
writings
of
Divines
,
such
as
Mr.
Thorndike
,
Dr.
Parker
,
Dr.
Pierce
,
Arch-Bishop
Bromhall
,
and
many
more
such
;
and
by
the
Papists
historical
collection
out
of
such
.
See
Dr.
Heylin's
description
of
the
Reconciling
Plot
,
Anno
1639.
Arch
Bishop
Bromhal
saith
,
Vindicat.
p.
19.
&c.
[
Whereas
Mr.
Baxter
doth
accuse
Grotius
as
a
Papist
,
I
think
he
doth
him
wrong
,
nay
I
am
confident
he
doth
him
wrong
.
—
And
I
have
read
all
that
he
alledgeth
to
prove
it
,
but
without
any
conviction
or
alteration
in
my
judgment
.
—
I
will
endeavour
to
give
some
further
light
what
was
the
Religion
of
Grotius
:
He
was
in
affection
a
friend
,
and
in
desire
a
true
Son
of
the
Church
[
a
](A27035-e17200-b)
a
The
new
Church
since
Bishop
Laud's
change
.
of
England
:
And
on
his
Deathbed
recommended
that
Church
,
as
it
was
legally
established
to
his
Wife
,
and
such
other
of
his
Family
as
were
then
about
him
,
obliging
them
by
his
Authority
to
adhere
firmly
to
it
.
The
said
Bishop
(
though
no
Papist
)
saith
,
pag.
81.
[
b
](A27035-e17260-b)
b
Note
that
the
Bishops
Book
as
against
me
,
runs
upon
a
mere
fiction
,
p.
76.
that
I
traduce
him
as
a
Factor
for
Popery
,
when
I
had
not
a
word
to
that
purpose
;
yea
expresly
excepted
him
by
name
,
though
I
argued
against
his
too
neer
approach
.
[
I
know
no
members
of
the
Greek
Church
,
who
give
them
(
the
Papists
)
either
more
or
less
than
I
do
:
(
Compare
this
with
the
Council
at
Florence
,
and
the
Patriarch
Jeremiah's
Writings
,
and
the
present
sence
of
the
Greek
Church
,
and
we
may
know
his
mind
:
)
But
my
ground
is
not
the
authority
of
the
Greek
Church
,
but
the
authority
of
the
Primitive
Fathers
,
and
General
Councils
,
which
are
the
representative
Body
of
the
Universal
Church
.
[
c
](A27035-e17300-b)
c
No
such
thing
,
but
of
the
Churches
within
the
Empire
then
.
P.
82.
[
To
wave
their
last
four
hundred
years
determinations
,
is
implicitly
to
renounce
all
the
necessary
causes
of
this
great
Schism
.
[
d
](A27035-e17320-b)
d
was
there
no
necessary
cause
till
after
,
An.
1200
?
And
to
rest
satisfied
with
their
old
Patriarchal
power
and
dignity
,
and
Primacy
of
Order
,
(
which
is
another
part
of
my
Proposition
)
is
to
quit
the
modern
Papacy
,
name
and
thing
.
[
e
](A27035-e17330-b)
e
So
then
these
Protestant
Bishops
give
the
Pope
Patriarchal
Power
,
and
Primacy
of
Order
,
and
as
much
as
the
Greeks
:
But
1.
They
had
by
Councils
of
old
no
Patriarchal
Power
over
other
Kingdoms
out
of
the
Empire
.
2.
Obedience
to
the
Pope
as
a
Patriarch
,
is
against
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
,
and
on
the
matter
little
differeth
our
case
from
obe●ing
him
as
Pope
.
Pag.
84
,
85.
[
That
Christians
may
joyn
together
in
the
same
publick
devotions
and
service
of
Christ
,
—
1.
If
the
Bishop
of
Rome
were
reduced
from
the
Universality
of
Soveraign
Jurisdiction
,
jure
divino
,
to
his
principium
unitatis
,
and
his
Court
regulated
by
the
Canons
of
the
Fathers
,
which
was
the
sence
of
the
Councils
of
Constance
and
Basil
,
and
is
desired
by
many
Roman
Catholicks
,
as
well
as
we
.
2.
If
the
Creed
were
reduced
to
what
they
were
in
the
time
of
the
four
first
General
Councils
,
with
only
necessary
explications
,
and
those
made
by
the
Authority
of
a
General
Council
.
3.
And
some
things
whence
offences
have
been
given
or
taken
,
be
put
out
of
the
Divine
Offices
—
Whether
Christians
ought
not
to
live
in
holy
Communion
,
and
come
to
the
same
publick
worship
of
God
,
free
from
all
schismatical
separations
.
[
f
](A27035-e17420-b)
f
So
that
this
Arch-Bishop
also
was
set
on
the
pious
design
of
joyning
with
the
Papists
on
these
terms
,
and
may
not
we
have
leave
to
worship
God
on
better
terms
?
Pag.
93.
1.
That
St.
Peter
had
a
fixed
Chair
at
Antioch
,
and
after
at
Rome
,
is
a
truth
.
—
2.
That
St.
Peter
had
a
Primacy
of
Order
among
the
Apostles
,
is
the
unanimous
voice
of
the
Primitive
Church
.
—
3.
Some
Fathers
and
Schoolmen
who
were
no
sworn
Vassals
to
the
Roman
Bishop
,
do
affirm
that
this
Primacy
of
Order
is
fixed
to
the
Chair
of
St.
Peter
.
P.
97.
Though
the
Bishop
of
Rome
had
such
a
Primacy
of
Order
by
Divine
Right
or
Humane
,
it
would
not
prejudice
us
at
all
,
nor
is
worth
the
contending
about
.
But
,
1.
It
is
not
by
Divine
Right
in
foro
exteriore
.
2.
Nor
elsewhere
(
interiore
)
but
executive
according
to
the
Canons
.
[
g
](A27035-e17570-b)
g
That
is
,
1.
The
Pope
is
not
to
govern
us
arbitrarily
,
but
by
Canons
,
(
Which
what
they
are
is
hardly
known
.
)
2.
And
all
will
be
Schismaticks
,
that
so
obey
him
not
.
Whereas
I
said
that
Protestants
that
consent
not
to
the
Popes
Patriarchal
Power
over
us
in
the
West
,
will
fall
under
the
reproach
of
Schism
;
he
saith
,
p.
104.
&c.
[
Must
a
man
quit
his
just
right
because
some
dislike
it
?
Their
dislike
is
but
scandal
taken
,
but
the
quitting
of
that
which
is
right
for
their
satisfaction
,
should
be
scandal
given
.
[
h
](A27035-e17600-b)
h
1.
Thus
for
union
with
Rome
,
all
Protestants
must
pass
for
self
made
Schismaticks
,
that
cannot
obey
the
Pope
as
Patriarch
:
And
doth
this
tend
indeed
to
Concord
?
It
would
open
Protestants
eyes
,
did
I
but
tell
you
all
that
is
in
the
Canons
,
which
the
Pope
as
our
Patriarch
must
rule
us
by
,
as
these
Doctors
do
desire
.
If
they
be
forced
to
fall
under
the
reproach
of
Schismaticks
,
it
is
by
their
own
wilful
humors
,
or
erroneous
Conscience
,
other
force
there
is
none
.
2.
Whether
is
the
worse
and
more
dangerous
condition
,
to
fall
under
the
reproach
of
Schism
,
or
to
fall
into
Schism
it self
?
Whosoever
shall
oppose
the
just
power
of
a
lawful
Patriarch
lawfully
proceeding
,
is
a
material
Schismatick
at
least
.
—
P.
107.
It
's
unsound
arguing
to
deny
a
man
his
just
right
for
fear
lest
he
may
abuse
it
,
as
a
Patriarchal
Power
was
the
Bishop
of
Rome's
just
right
.
They
who
made
the
Bishop
of
Rome
a
Patriarch
were
the
Primitive
Fathers
,
not
excluding
the
Apostles
and
Christian
Emperors
and
Oecumenical
Councils
:
what
Laws
they
made
in
this
case
we
are
bound
to
obey
for
Conscience
sake
,
till
lawfully
repealed
by
vertue
of
the
Law
of
Christ
.
[
i
](A27035-e17650-b)
i
1.
If
this
Doctrine
be
true
,
no
wonder
that
Mr.
Thorndike
thought
we
could
not
justifie
our
Reformation
,
till
we
alter
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
;
then
we
are
bound
in
conscience
to
a
Foreign
Jurisdiction
.
2.
I
have
fully
proved
many
great
errors
and
sins
to
be
decreed
by
many
of
the
Councils
,
by
which
the
Pope
,
as
Patriarch
,
must
rule
us
all
.
3.
Is
it
any
easier
to
do
evil
In
obedience
to
a
Patriarch
than
a
Pope
?
4.
In
my
last
Book
against
W.
Johnson
,
alias
Tenet
,
I
have
fully
confuted
all
that
he
saith
of
the
universality
of
Councils
,
and
the
Patriarchs
power
over
the
Abassines
,
and
others
without
the
Empire
,
and
shewed
they
were
then
all
but
in
one
Empire
,
as
the
Arch-Bishop
of
Canterbury
is
in
England
.
Much
more
he
hath
to
this
purpose
,
and
p.
112.
for
uniting
the
Church
Catholick
on
humane
terms
,
and
p.
117.
against
the
peoples
liberty
of
reading
and
interpreting
Scripture
;
and
after
at
large
that
concord
must
be
on
humane
terms
,
p.
122.
[
Grotius
judgment
was
,
and
mine
is
moderate
,
]
but
had
not
this
man
been
so
owned
by
many
now
,
I
had
not
cited
so
much
of
his
.
And
for
Grotius
,
I
have
over
and
over
cited
his
own
words
,
and
shall
not
now
repeat
them
:
And
was
this
the
drift
of
Conformity
of
old
?
3.
Sect.
9.
Another
difference
is
in
the
effects
;
for
with
us
,
things
not
universally
or
absolutely
determined
by
God
,
are
to
be
used
or
refused
as
they
do
more
good
or
hurt
.
1.
Then
open
Preaching
and
gathering
Assemblies
by
Nonconformists
,
would
have
greatly
offended
the
Prince
;
but
our
King
at
Breda
,
and
in
his
three
first
Declarations
,
and
by
his
Licenses
,
and
connivence
,
shewed
such
wisdom
and
clemency
,
as
intimated
less
displeasure
at
our
liberty
.
2.
It
would
have
deprived
most
of
the
Nonconformists
of
their
hopes
of
publick
liberty
in
the
Parish
Churches
,
which
most
of
them
enjoyed
;
but
we
had
neither
possession
nor
expectation
of
such
a
thing
.
3.
It
would
have
hindred
and
hazarded
the
progress
of
the
Reformation
,
but
our
preaching
hath
done
more
to
stop
the
progress
of
the
Syncretism
,
or
of
Popery
:
Others
know
this
whatever
you
frivolously
say
against
it
.
4.
Few
of
the
most
ignorant
that
needed
them
would
then
have
left
the
Parish
Churches
,
to
hear
Nonconformists
in
private
;
but
now
many
will
come
to
us
that
cannot
get
in
to
the
Parish
Churches
:
Other
different
effects
may
be
named
.
Sect.
10.
4.
And
though
I
accuse
you
not
,
you
that
unjustly
said
before
that
I
made
you
seem
a
company
of
perjured
Villains
,
seems
to
think
your self
that
the
fore
alledged
causes
make
many
of
the
people
think
little
better
of
some
;
and
a
Church
thought
to
consist
of
such
Pastors
and
Vestries
,
&c.
(
essential
parts
)
differ
from
those
that
do
not
.
2.
And
the
multitude
of
Atheists
and
filthy
livers
,
and
the
thousands
of
Noncommunicants
who
are
still
taken
for
real
members
of
your
Churches
,
have
now
stood
out
against
so
long
means
and
patience
,
that
the
reasons
of
longer
waiting
for
Reformation
,
much
differs
from
theirs
in
the
beginning
.
3.
The
Canon
at
first
did
not
ipso
facto
,
excommunicate
all
that
do
but
profess
themselves
Nonconformists
,
as
since
it
did
.
4.
The
Bishops
and
their
Canoneers
had
not
then
cast
out
2000
,
nor
neer
so
many
Preachers
as
now
,
and
so
did
not
so
much
tempt
the
people
to
flee
from
them
as
persecutors
,
thorns
,
thistles
,
or
wolves
.
5.
When
one
Bishop
cast
any
out
,
some
other
usually
would
endure
them
,
but
now
it
was
not
so
.
6.
The
people
saw
daily
,
that
you
bore
with
those
as
no
Schismaticks
,
that
never
communicated
nor
used
to
hear
you
,
even
the
greater
half
of
many
Parishes
,
and
took
them
for
Church
members
as
is
said
;
and
therefore
they
had
reason
to
hope
that
they
that
communicated
somewhere
with
Protestants
,
especially
that
communicated
also
with
your
own
Churches
,
were
as
good
Members
,
and
by
good
Pastors
,
would
be
as
well
endured
.
Sect.
11.
5.
Lastly
,
The
forenamed
causes
of
our
preaching
much
differ
.
1.
We
saw
the
Kingdom
(
though
under
usurpers
)
engaged
by
Vow
,
Practice
,
and
about
sixteen
years
possession
and
custom
,
to
another
way
;
and
who
could
expect
that
a
Law
should
presently
change
them
all
,
and
assure
them
of
absolution
.
2.
They
that
conformed
were
the
more
averse
,
to
see
about
six
thousand
Ministers
that
had
gone
the
other
way
,
so
suddenly
change
;
as
to
declare
assent
and
consent
to
a
Book
which
they
never
saw
.
3.
The
case
of
the
Plague
,
the
burning
of
the
Churches
,
the
Kings
Licenses
,
&c.
I
named
before
,
which
verily
made
a
great
difference
.
4.
And
the
numbers
that
call
to
us
for
help
makes
a
great
difference
,
when
then
they
that
needed
them
most
,
did
not
desire
it
.
These
are
some
differences
.
Sect.
12.
p.
95.
He
saith
,
There
is
no
reason
of
separation
because
of
the
doctrine
of
our
Church
.
]
Answ.
But
now
you
have
corrupted
it
,
in
the
Article
of
Infants
undoubted
salvation
before
described
,
(
and
before
by
the
doctrines
about
Prelacy
,
Godfathers
power
and
duty
,
Impositions
,
&c.
implyed
in
your
practical
Canons
)
there
is
great
cause
of
Nonconformity
.
P.
96.
Repeateth
that
great
mistake
,
that
[
there
are
no
alterations
,
in
our
own
judgment
,
which
make
the
terms
of
Communion
harder
than
before
.
]
Answ.
What
hope
then
of
being
understood
?
how
far
is
this
from
truth
?
The
terms
are
sar
harder
to
Ministers
?
and
to
the
people
they
are
easier
in
some
things
(
as
amending
some
translations
,
&c.
)
but
it
is
not
to
them
a
small
matter
to
make
such
a
change
of
their
Pastors
,
as
in
too
many
Parishes
is
made
.
The
Bishop
promised
them
at
Kiderminster
,
when
he
forbad
me
to
preach
,
that
they
should
be
no
losers
by
the
change
:
They
said
(
and
I
had
great
reason
to
believe
them
)
that
the
Successor
knew
so
little
of
the
sence
of
the
Creed
,
and
preach'd
so
rarely
(
four
times
a
year
)
I
am
loth
to
tell
you
how
,
that
they
durst
not
be
guilty
of
encouraging
him
in
undertaking
the
charge
of
Souls
,
nor
durst
take
him
for
their
Pastor
:
And
the
great
increase
of
buildings
in
London
,
shuts
thousands
now
out
of
such
Parish
Churches
,
who
could
have
got
in
heretofore
;
and
some
more
differences
are
before
implyed
.
p.
97.
As
other
Churches
own
your
Churches
,
so
do
we
,
though
not
your
imposed
sins
.
Sect.
13.
p.
I
was
in
hope
to
have
met
with
some
answer
to
my
importunate
Question
,
[
What
would
you
have
the
many
score
thousands
do
,
that
cannot
come
within
your
Churches
to
hear
?
]
But
no
importunity
will
prevail
for
so
small
a
matter
with
inexorable
men
.
But
he
saith
,
1.
that
[
this
is
but
a
pretence
.
]
2.
And
that
[
no
man
denyeth
that
more
places
are
desirable
,
&c.
]
Ans.
1.
It
is
me
that
he
is
now
accusing
!
why
doth
he
barely
say
and
not
prove
,
that
it
's
but
a
pretence
?
I
never
set
up
a
Meeting
place
,
but
in
St.
Martins
Parish
,
where
are
said
to
be
forty
thousand
more
than
can
come
within
the
Church
:
And
when
they
would
not
suffer
me
to
use
it
,
I
gladly
left
it
to
the
use
of
the
Parish
Minister
.
I
preach
now
twice
a
week
elsewhere
,
but
both
the
places
are
in
Neighbourhoods
,
where
many
thousands
cannot
hear
in
the
Parish
Churches
.
What
if
other
men
have
other
sufficient
reasons
(
as
the
utter
incapacity
of
some
Ministers
,
or
the
like
)
doth
it
follow
that
my
own
case
and
prosessed
reason
is
a
meer
pretence
?
why
then
did
I
use
no
publick
preaching
,
while
I
lived
in
such
Villages
where
the
people
might
go
to
Church
?
and
why
did
I
constantly
twice
a
day
lead
them
thither
,
though
some
disliked
it
?
2.
The
question
is
not
whether
more
Churches
are
desirable
?
But
where
they
are
not
,
whether
many
thousands
must
live
like
Atheists
,
without
all
publick
teaching
or
Divine
Worship
,
for
fear
of
being
called
Schismaticks
.
Is
not
this
plainly
to
chuse
damnation
?
If
the
Gospel
be
needless
,
why
do
we
wish
the
Heathens
had
it
?
Why
subscribe
you
against
mens
hopes
of
being
saved
in
all
their
several
Religions
?
If
Church
worship
be
needless
,
why
is
a
Clergy
to
be
so
honoured
,
and
maintained
at
so
dear
a
rate
?
Aud
why
do
you
make
such
a
stir
with
Separatists
to
bring
them
to
your
Churches
?
Can
men
,
not
blinded
by
interest
,
chuse
but
wonder
,
that
so
many
thousands
in
a
Parish
should
be
taken
for
Church
Members
,
and
live
quietly
,
that
come
not
to
any
Church
,
or
never
communicate
with
any
,
and
yet
that
godly
persons
who
hear
and
communicate
with
their
old
tryed
Pastors
(
yea
with
such
as
communicate
with
you
)
should
be
preach'd
and
written
against
as
Schismaticks
,
and
judged
to
that
which
some
endure
.
Did
this
Dr.
think
that
to
drop
in
the
case
of
other
men
,
when
he
was
at
a
loss
,
would
make
good
his
charge
against
me
,
and
such
as
I
:
Mr.
Tombes
and
Mr.
Williams
preached
other
doctrine
;
do
I
do
so
,
and
have
you
proved
it
?
But
seeing
he
will
needs
bring
the
case
to
Kiderminster
,
whether
I
would
suffer
Mr.
Tombes
to
gather
a
Congregation
,
I
must
not
balk
it
;
but
advise
him
hereafter
to
keep
himself
at
a
greater
distance
,
and
not
to
put
his
own
followers
,
who
are
willing
enough
to
believe
him
,
upon
utter
impossibilities
:
He
sped
better
with
them
when
he
laid
the
scene
an
hundred
years
backward
,
or
as
far
off
as
New
England
;
let
him
know
then
all
these
things
in
confutation
of
his
historical
supposition
.
1.
That
Kiderminster
Parish
hath
but
about
three
thousand
or
four
thousand
souls
,
and
the
Church
so
fit
(
with
five
Galleries
)
that
all
may
hear
:
But
his
Parish
is
said
to
have
twenty
thousand
souls
,
of
which
not
four
thousand
can
hear
.
2.
A
considerable
part
of
Kiderminster
Parish
,
called
Ridnal
,
being
at
Bewdly
Bridge
end
,
and
two
miles
from
Kiderminster
,
(
and
some
Villages
more
)
usually
were
Mr.
Tombes
his
hearers
at
Bewdley
,
and
I
never
blamed
them
.
3.
After
him
,
they
were
Hearers
and
Communicants
to
his
Successor
Mr.
Oasland
,
and
he
took
the
Pastoral
care
of
them
(
that
desired
any
;
)
and
I
was
so
far
from
blaming
him
,
that
I
greatly
thanked
him
,
and
we
were
far
from
disagreeing
.
4.
Though
Mr.
Tombes
and
I
differed
in
the
doctrine
of
Infant
Baptism
,
I
gave
him
leave
(
yea
and
the
Quakers
too
)
in
the
publick
Church
many
hours
together
,
to
say
all
that
they
could
for
their
opinions
in
the
hearing
of
my
Auditors
,
and
none
of
them
ever
won
one
of
them
that
I
heard
of
,
(
yet
the
Dr.
supposeth
some
great
danger
of
their
peoples
seduction
,
if
they
hear
such
as
I
that
never
were
accused
of
false
Doctrine
.
5.
But
he
hath
chosen
an
instance
yet
neerer
our
present
case
:
Another
part
of
Kiderminster
Parish
is
neer
three
miles
off
,
at
a
Village
called
Mitton
;
where
at
the
Chappel
I
found
a
Curate
called
Mr.
Turner
,
infamous
for
drunkenness
,
fighting
,
living
on
unlawful
marriage
,
and
for
gross
ignorance
:
(
I
tryed
him
,
and
perceived
not
that
he
understood
much
of
the
Creed
,
)
I
sent
them
a
worthy
Preacher
once
a
day
first
,
and
twice
after
,
and
declared
my
utter
dissent
to
Mr.
Turner's
Ministry
;
yet
because
some
of
the
Church
of
England
would
have
him
,
and
he
would
,
against
my
will
,
read
the
Common
Prayer
to
them
once
a
day
,
I
hindred
them
not
from
their
choice
,
but
they
went
on
.
6.
And
the
sequestred
Vicar
in
the
Town
(
Mr.
Dance
)
was
generally
taken
to
be
as
ignorant
as
he
,
so
that
when
once
a
quarter
he
went
into
the
Pulpit
,
his
own
Wife
,
though
of
the
Church
of
England
,
would
for
shame
go
out
of
Church
:
Yet
did
I
never
forbid
him
to
preach
,
and
he
oft
read
the
Common
Prayer
at
Sir
Ralph
Clares
,
and
I
suppose
gave
them
the
Sacrament
.
7.
I
had
opportunity
then
to
have
hindred
all
this
if
I
would
have
used
Magistrates
:
They
were
both
by
Proclamation
to
remove
two
miles
off
,
but
neither
of
them
once
removed
so
much
as
out
of
their
houses
,
nor
did
I
desire
it
;
but
we
are
by
law
driven
five
miles
off
.
8.
Mr.
Dance
had
forty
pounds
a
year
allowed
him
,
and
Mr.
Turner
never
had
a
groat
of
his
ancient
Salary
diminished
,
when
another
was
put
in
,
but
the
other
paid
otherwise
;
but
we
ask
you
nothing
for
assisting
you
.
9.
I
had
never
one
hundred
pounds
to
my self
,
and
therefore
could
maintain
no
more
help
;
(
two
Assistants
I
had
)
but
have
you
no
more
to
maintain
Assistants
?
Now
judge
how
well
your
historical
Instances
serve
your
turn
.
And
besides
the
number
of
Souls
,
very
many
Parishes
are
so
wide
,
that
distance
forbiddeth
many
to
come
to
the
publick
Parish
Churches
:
Some
Villages
are
five
miles
,
some
four
,
and
many
three
miles
off
;
and
how
can
Families
,
especially
Women
,
Children
,
and
the
aged
,
and
especially
in
winter
,
go
so
far
twice
(
or
once
)
a
day
:
And
must
all
these
forbear
to
hear
,
or
to
worship
God
,
for
fear
of
being
counted
Schismaticks
?
Because
the
Dr.
appealeth
to
my self
,
I
seriously
profess
that
when
I
had
a
Pastoral
Charge
,
(
which
was
but
in
one
place
)
I
would
have
been
very
thankful
to
any
one
that
dissered
no
more
than
the
Dr.
and
I
do
,
that
would
have
gathered
a
Congregation
of
such
,
as
for
number
or
distance
could
not
have
come
into
the
Parish
Church
;
and
the
case
of
distance
did
occasion
the
honest
separation
aforesaid
,
though
the
case
of
numbers
did
not
:
Yea
when
hundreds
desired
Communion
according
to
the
Common
Prayer
,
I
never
offered
to
hinder
any
of
them
from
taking
it
where
and
how
they
would
.
Sect.
14.
P.
99.
He
saith
[
This
is
Mr.
Baxter's
own
Case
—
when
he
is
pinched
with
the
Point
of
Separation
,
thus
he
declares
,
that
his
hearers
are
the
same
with
ours
;
at
least
ten
or
twenty
for
one
.
—
If
this
be
true
,
then
what
such
mighty
help
is
this
to
our
great
Parishes
,
what
colour
or
pretence
is
there
from
the
largeness
of
them
,
that
he
should
preach
to
the
very
same
men
that
come
to
our
Church
.
—
Then
how
come
they
to
be
lawful
when
few
or
none
of
those
many
thousands
ever
come
.
—
to
speak
softly
this
pretence
is
not
becoming
Mr.
Baxters
Sincerity
.
Ans.
what
hope
of
Justice
from
such
Judges
?
Or
what
hope
of
profiting
such
Readers
by
Dispute
,
as
cannot
answer
such
as
this
themselves
.
When
I
began
to
preach
at
St.
James's
the
neighbours
assured
me
,
that
many
of
the
hearers
had
been
at
no
Church
of
four
years
;
but
they
were
Members
of
the
Parish-Church
,
and
that
some
of
them
got
into
the
Church
,
but
rarely
:
and
some
liked
it
not
so
well
as
to
be
forward
seekers
.
When
I
was
driven
thence
,
I
preached
a
while
where
Mr.
Wadsworth
was
in
Southwark
:
There
were
some
people
that
had
adhered
to
their
old
ejected
worthy
Pastor
,
and
some
that
I
knew
not
.
Since
then
I
preach
once
on
the
Lords
day
in
another
mans
Pulpit
,
as
near
St.
James's
as
I
could
,
and
the
same
persons
that
heard
me
there
do
(
many
of
them
)
come
hither
,
and
some
others
:
of
all
whom
I
know
very
few
,
but
by
report
.
On
Thursdays
I
preach
a
Lecture
in
another
mans
Pulpit
to
persons
of
whom
I
know
not
many
:
but
report
saith
,
that
some
of
them
joyn
not
ordinarily
with
the
Parish
Ministers
,
and
some
do
,
and
most
judge
it
lawful
,
and
sometime
,
but
seldom
practise
it
:
And
those
are
of
two
sorts
:
some
that
prefer
the
Nonconformists
Ministry
,
and
some
that
finding
the
Parish
Churches
crowded
,
and
many
present
are
out
of
hearing
,
do
seldom
go
thither
,
though
they
are
of
the
Parish
Churches
,
and
dissent
not
from
their
Ministry
or
Worship
:
some
say
[
we
have
no
Seats
and
cannot
stand
:
]
some
say
[
we
cannot
hear
the
Minister
:
]
some
say
,
Thousands
stay
away
that
can
get
no
room
,
and
will
go
no
whither
else
,
and
when
we
can
go
elsewhere
,
we
will
not
crowd
in
first
to
keep
them
out
,
that
so
much
need
Others
must
be
out
if
we
be
in
.
These
are
your
own
Church-Members
:
they
hear
you
sometimes
,
but
seldom
.
Others
that
hear
you
constantly
on
the
Lords
days
,
will
think
that
a
Sermon
on
the
week
days
may
be
needful
to
them
whatever
you
think
or
say
against
it
.
And
is
it
inconsistent
with
Sincerity
here
to
plead
the
peoples
necessity
.
It
's
well
that
our
Sincerity
is
not
to
stand
or
fall
to
your
judgment
.
Did
I
say
that
my
hearers
are
constant
hearers
in
your
Churches
?
Can
you
perswade
the
World
,
while
you
deny
not
that
half
or
a
quarter
of
your
own
Parish
cannot
hear
you
(
much
less
many
greater
Parishes
)
that
if
some
of
them
do
but
sometimes
crowd
in
,
perhaps
once
in
many
months
or
weeks
,
by
coming
with
the
first
,
and
do
but
dwell
in
the
Parish
and
own
you
,
that
they
have
no
need
to
hear
or
worship
God
publickly
all
the
rest
of
the
year
,
and
to
pretend
such
need
becometh
not
Sincerity
.
2.
And
as
to
those
that
meet
in
lesser
Parishes
,
you
thought
not
meet
to
take
notice
of
my
answer
,
assigning
many
Reasons
,
which
I
will
not
repeat
,
any
further
than
to
tell
you
.
1.
That
many
Churches
there
are
unbuilt
.
2.
Many
come
from
the
greater
Parishes
to
them
:
and
some
have
other
Reasons
.
Sect.
15.
P.
102.
He
saith
[
Mr.
Baxter
hath
a
whole
Chapter
(
Plea
p.
141.
)
of
Reasons
against
the
Communion
of
Laymen
with
our
Church
.
]
Answ.
You
are
unhappy
in
History
,
though
it
be
your
strength
.
There
's
not
a
word
to
prove
it
unlawful
for
Laymen
to
have
Communion
with
your
Churches
,
but
only
the
Matter
of
Fact
named
,
which
is
supposed
to
the
Controversie
;
But
it
being
cunningly
worded
by
you
,
it
may
be
by
[
Reasons
against
Communion
with
our
Churches
,
]
you
meant
but
as
I
did
(
Reasons
for
Nonconformity
in
those
particular
Acts
:
)
But
do
you
not
your self
all-along
suppose
and
plead
,
that
though
we
conform
not
,
yet
we
should
hold
Communion
with
you
.
Why
call
you
then
the
Reasons
of
Nonconformity
,
Reasons
against
Communion
.
Sect.
16.
P.
103.
He
adds
[
in
the
same
Books
he
saith
,
it
is
Schismatical
in
a
Church
to
deny
Baptism
without
the
transient
Sign
of
the
Cross
,
or
for
want
of
God-fathers
,
&c.
or
to
deny
Communion
to
such
who
scruple
kneeling
.
Now
if
the
Church
be
Schismatical
,
then
those
who
seperate
in
these
things
are
not
.
Answ.
1.
Say
you
so
!
Then
we
are
not
only
quit
,
but
further
quit
than
we
can
own
our selves
.
I
undertake
to
prove
that
it
may
be
Schism
to
separate
from
a
Church
that
is
guilty
of
some
Schismatical
Acts
and
Impositions
.
And
it
needs
no
proof
,
but
the
plain
History
,
and
their
Accusations
of
one
another
;
that
there
are
few
,
if
any
Churches
on
Earth
that
are
not
guilty
of
somewhat
that
is
Schismatical
,
in
East
,
West
,
North
or
South
,
in
Africk
,
Asia
,
Europe
or
America
;
Greeks
,
Muscovites
,
Jacobites
,
Abassines
,
Nestorians
,
Armenians
,
Georgians
,
Mengrelians
,
Circassians
,
Papists
,
Lutherans
,
Calvinists
,
Prelaticalls
,
Presbyterians
,
Independants
,
Anabaptists
,
&c.
And
must
we
separate
from
them
all
.
2.
Verily
Sir
,
denying
Persons
,
Christendom
and
Church-Communion
are
great
things
.
And
if
a
Cross
and
a
gesture
forbidden
by
the
Ancient
Councils
in
Adoration
every
Lords
Day
,
be
now
matters
so
weighty
;
as
for
them
to
deny
Christendome
and
Communion
,
for
shame
call
them
Indifferent
no
more
:
one
would
verily
think
that
when
you
writ
your
Defence
of
Archbishop
La●d
you
had
been
of
another
mind
,
if
words
are
any
notifying
Signs
of
your
mind
.
3.
Other
Pastors
may
be
used
,
in
such
instances
without
separating
from
you
,
Sir
these
are
not
impossibilities
to
peaceable
men
.
In
both
the
places
where
I
formerly
preached
,
a
publick
Minister
and
a
private
lovingly
joyn
as
assistants
,
one
doing
that
part
which
the
other
cannot
.
And
they
all
live
in
peace
.
Sect.
17.
I
am
next
assaulted
Pag.
110.
I
say
[
The
Benefit
of
Christian
Love
and
Concord
may
make
it
best
,
for
certain
seasons
,
to
joyn
even
in
defective
Modes
of
Worship
,
as
Christ
did
,
&c.
though
the
least
defective
must
be
chosen
when
no
such
Reasons
sway
the
other
way
.
]
Reader
,
is
not
this
true
?
Will
not
the
denyal
of
this
drive
us
from
the
Parish
Churches
,
and
from
almost
all
,
or
require
us
causelesly
to
choose
sins
of
omission
.
Would
you
not
take
him
for
a
separatist
that
is
against
this
.
But
he
saith
[
And
hence
we
take
notice
1.
That
no
Obligation
to
the
Peace
and
Unity
of
this
Church
as
they
are
Members
of
it
,
doth
bring
them
to
this
occasional
Communion
with
it
;
but
a
certain
Romantick
Fancy
of
Catholick
Unity
by
which
these
Catholick
Gentlemen
think
themselves
no
more
obliged
to
the
Communion
of
this
Church
,
then
of
the
Arm●nian
or
Abissine
Churches
:
Only
it
happens
that
our
Church
is
so
much
nearer
.
Answ.
1.
This
is
not
true
:
For
1.
we
take
this
Church
to
be
far
less
corrupt
than
the
Armenian
or
Abissine
.
2.
We
have
more
Obligations
to
it
from
the
civil
Magistrates
,
Laws
and
Protection
,
&c.
2.
Is
nearness
such
a
trifle
with
you
.
How
much
do
you
differ
from
Mr.
Cheny
.
Tell
us
,
why
we
should
be
of
your
Parish
Church
rather
than
of
one
an
hundred
miles
off
,
but
for
nearness
and
Cohabitation
;
why
else
of
old
had
each
City
its
own
Church
?
3.
Is
Catholick
Unity
become
a
Romantick
Fancy
.
Is
this
the
same
man
that
wrote
the
Defence
of
Archbishop
Laud
,
we
are
not
ashamed
of
the
title
of
Catholick
.
4.
If
I
name
one
Obligation
to
Communion
with
you
,
is
it
a
learned
Note
to
gather
that
I
deny
all
other
?
5.
When
prove
you
that
I
am
only
for
occasional
Communion
when
I
have
so
long
practised
constant
Communion
with
you
?
These
are
reasons
suitable
to
your
cause
.
Sect.
18.
He
adds
[
Ask
him
what
Church
he
is
a
Member
of
:
If
he
answer
,
he
could
have
occasional
Communion
with
all
tolerable
Churches
,
but
was
a
fixed
Member
of
none
,
would
they
(
if
he
were
at
Jerusalem
)
take
such
a
man
for
a
Christian
?
What
?
a
Christian
and
a
Member
of
no
Church
.
And
I
much
doubt
whether
they
would
admit
such
an
one
to
occasional
Communion
,
&c.
Answ.
1.
Wonderful
!
Who
would
have
thought
that
this
man
had
been
so
much
for
the
Principles
of
Separation
(
more
than
the
Independants
)
In
his
defence
of
Laud
he
maintaineth
that
the
Power
of
the
Keys
is
formally
in
the
whole
Church
,
and
given
to
Peter
as
their
Representative
(
which
is
not
true
,
for
it
was
given
only
to
Pastors
as
such
and
not
to
the
Laity
.
)
And
now
he
would
make
that
man
no
Christian
that
is
no
fixed
Member
of
some
particular
Church
.
Let
us
examine
whether
this
be
true
.
CHAP.
VI.
Q.
Whether
he
be
no
Christian
that
is
not
a
fixed
Member
of
a
particular
Church
?
Sect.
1.
HE
that
is
a
true
Member
of
the
Universal
Church
,
which
is
Christs
Body
,
is
a
true
Christian
:
But
many
are
Members
of
the
Universal
Church
,
which
are
no
fixed
Members
of
any
particular
Church
.
Ergo.
2.
All
that
are
rightfully
Baptized
are
Christians
,
(
for
it
is
their
Christening
.
)
But
many
rightfully
Baptized
are
no
fixed
Members
of
any
particular
Church
.
Ergo.
3.
He
that
hath
all
the
Essentials
of
Christianity
is
a
Christian
:
But
many
that
are
no
fixed
Members
of
a
particular
Church
have
all
the
Essentials
of
Christianity
.
Ergo.
4.
A
fortiore
,
They
that
are
not
so
much
as
bound
in
Duty
to
be
fixed
Members
of
a
particular
Church
,
though
Baptised
,
are
not
unchristened
for
want
of
such
Membership
.
But
many
Baptized
person
are
not
so
much
as
bound
in
Duty
to
be
fixed
Members
of
a
particular
Church
.
Ergo.
Instances
.
1.
The
Eunuch
baptized
in
his
Travails
Acts.
9
was
only
a
Member
of
the
Church
Universal
.
2.
Those
that
were
converted
by
Frumentius
and
Edesius
when
there
was
no
particular
Church
:
And
all
that
are
first
converted
in
any
Infidel
or
Heathen
Land
before
any
Church
be
formed
.
3.
Those
that
by
Shipwrack
are
cast
on
heathen
Countries
where
no
Churches
are
.
4.
Travellers
that
go
from
Country
to
Countries
(
as
Lythgow
did
nineteen
years
,
and
others
many
.
)
And
I
think
he
unhappily
named
Jerusalem
,
where
Travellers
come
that
are
of
no
fixed
Church
(
unless
he
in
that
also
be
a
Superindependant
,
and
think
that
men
may
be
many
years
Members
of
a
Church
many
hundred
miles
off
,
which
they
have
no
personal
communion
with
.
)
5.
Merchants
and
Factors
,
who
are
called
to
dwell
long
among
Infidels
where
are
no
Churches
.
6.
Embassadors
who
by
their
Princes
are
sent
to
reside
among
such
,
much
of
their
lives
.
7.
Wanderers
that
have
no
fixed
habitations
;
as
many
Pedlers
and
other
poor
wandering
Tradesmen
,
and
loose
Beggars
that
have
no
Dwelling
.
8.
Those
thot
live
among
Papists
or
any
other
Christians
who
impose
some
sin
as
a
condition
of
communion
.
9.
Those
that
live
among
such
Christians
as
have
no
true
Pastors
who
are
constitutive
parts
of
particular
Churches
.
Some
being
incapable
through
insufficiency
,
some
by
Heresie
and
some
for
want
of
a
true
Call
:
Such
as
by
Mr
Dodwells
Doctrine
most
of
the
Christian
World
are
,
for
want
of
uninterrupted
rrue
Episcopal
Ordination
.
10.
Those
who
are
subjects
to
such
as
permit
them
not
to
be
fixed
Members
:
As
Wives
hindred
by
Husbands
,
Children
by
Parents
,
and
some
Subjects
violently
hindred
by
Princes
;
who
yet
allow
them
transient
Communion
.
And
verily
a
man
would
think
by
the
writings
of
many
Conformists
,
that
they
took
it
for
a
Duty
to
obey
a
Prince
in
such
a
case
.
11.
Those
who
live
where
Church-corruptions
are
not
so
great
as
to
make
transient
Communion
unlawful
,
but
so
great
as
to
make
fixed
communion
seem
to
be
a
culpable
consent
:
If
I
come
in
travel
to
a
Church
of
Strangers
,
I
am
not
bound
to
examine
what
their
Discipline
is
,
what
their
Lives
be
,
or
how
their
Pastors
are
called
:
But
where
I
am
fixed
I
am
more
bound
to
know
these
,
and
if
I
find
them
exclude
Discipline
,
live
wickedly
▪
and
have
unlawful
Pastors
,
I
may
in
some
cases
be
a
partaker
of
the
sin
if
I
fix
among
them
.
12.
They
that
live
in
a
time
and
place
of
Schism
and
distraction
,
striving
who
shall
prevail
,
and
condemning
each
other
,
all
following
several
Factions
,
and
needing
Reconcilers
:
It
may
for
a
time
become
in
prudence
the
duty
of
peace-makers
,
to
own
no
Faction
,
nor
to
be
more
of
one
Church
than
of
another
,
while
he
seeth
that
it
will
do
more
hurt
than
good
;
And
those
that
wait
in
hope
as
the
Nonconformists
now
do
,
to
see
whether
their
Rulers
will
restore
them
to
reformed
Parish
Churches
,
may
at
once
in
prudence
find
it
needful
,
neither
to
fix
as
Members
in
some
Parish
Churches
till
reformed
(
in
the
Teachers
at
least
)
nor
to
seem
to
be
Separatists
by
gathering
new
Churches
.
In
none
of
all
these
cases
is
a
man
unchristened
,
nor
schismatical
,
for
being
no
fixed
member
of
any
Church
besides
the
Universal
.
And
as
it
is
the
ill
hap
of
these
men
commonly
to
strike
themselves
,
I
doubt
they
will
prove
Grotius
himself
no
Christian
,
by
this
Rule
,
who
for
many
years
before
he
died
,
they
say
joyned
with
no
particular
Church
,
as
a
fixed
member
.
And
I
know
not
well
what
particular
Church
they
make
the
King
a
Member
of
.
Sect.
2.
To
his
Questions
Pag.
3.
[
Were
we
not
Baptized
into
this
Church
,
and
do
you
not
Renounce
Membership
?
This
is
scarce
a
civility
.
I
answer
,
1.
This
Church
!
which
Church
do
you
mean
?
I
was
not
Baptized
into
St.
Giles's
nor
St.
Andrew's
Parish
Church
,
but
into
one
above
an
hundred
miles
off
,
and
yet
my
removal
made
me
no
culpable
Separatist
.
Or
doth
he
mean
,
This
Diocesan
Church
?
No
;
I
was
Baptized
in
the
Diocess
of
Lichfield
.
Doth
he
mean
This
National
Church
;
as
it
is
supposed
a
political
body
constituted
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Governing
and
Governed
Parts
,
he
saith
there
is
no
such
Church
of
England
;
but
that
It
inferreth
Popery
to
assert
such
.
But
if
he
equivocate
here
,
and
mean
not
by
a
Church
as
in
the
rest
,
but
either
a
christian
Kingdom
,
or
an
agreeing
Association
of
many
Churches
,
I
am
still
a
fixed
member
of
such
a
Kingdom
,
and
of
such
an
Association
in
all
things
necessary
to
Churches
and
Christian
Communion
.
2.
But
Baptism
as
such
entred
me
only
into
the
Universal
Church
;
much
less
did
it
fix
me
in
any
other
.
I
was
Baptized
where
I
was
to
stay
but
a
little
while
.
And
this
phrase
of
[
being
Baptized
into
our
Church
,
]
is
to
me
of
ill
sound
or
intimation
.
Bellarmine
saith
that
all
that
are
baptized
are
interpretatively
thereby
engaged
to
the
Pope
:
I
was
baptized
in
a
Parish
,
and
in
a
Diocess
and
in
a
Christian
Kingdom
;
but
not
so
into
them
,
as
to
be
obliged
to
continue
under
that
Priest
or
Bishop
or
in
that
Kingdom
.
And
my
Baptism
I
hope
did
not
oblige
me
to
every
Canon
,
Ceremony
,
Form
,
or
Sin
of
the
associated
Churches
in
England
,
abusively
by
him
called
one
Church
.
3.
And
unhappily
it
is
not
meer
Independancy
that
he
is
still
pleading
for
,
but
some
extremes
which
the
moderate
Independants
disclaim
,
viz.
That
a
member
of
their
Churches
is
so
tyed
to
them
,
that
they
may
not
remove
to
another
without
their
consent
.
And
am
I
so
tyed
?
to
what
,
to
Parochial
,
or
to
the
Diocesan
,
or
to
the
association
of
English
Churches
.
If
it
had
been
to
the
Species
,
I
would
fain
know
whether
their
things
called
by
them
Indifferents
specifie
them
.
Sect.
3.
P.
111
,
112.
He
yet
more
pleads
as
for
Separation
[
why
then
above
once
or
twice
?
why
should
I
so
countenance
defective
Worship
and
not
rather
reprove
it
by
total
forbearance
of
Communion
,
]
&c.
Answ
.
My
Reasons
I
told
him
,
because
the
accidents
may
continue
which
made
it
a
Duty
,
but
I
cannot
hinder
others
from
yielding
to
his
arguments
:
Let
him
make
his
best
of
them
.
Only
I
must
tell
him
yet
1.
that
if
he
lay
his
cause
on
this
,
that
their
Parochial
or
Diocesan
Churches
are
not
defective
.
2.
Or
that
the
defects
cannot
by
others
be
avoided
,
he
will
quite
marr
his
matter
,
and
undo
all
by
overdoing
.
3.
And
if
he
indeed
think
that
all
defective
Churches
must
be
forsaken
,
he
will
be
one
of
the
greatest
Schismaticks
in
the
World
.
But
who
can
reconcile
this
with
the
scope
of
his
whole
Book
?
Sect.
4.
P.
112.
He
saith
,
Here
are
no
bounds
set
to
peoples
Fancies
of
purer
Administrations
.
Answ.
Have
I
so
oft
and
copiously
named
the
bounds
,
and
now
is
the
answer
,
[
Here
are
none
.
]
Are
there
none
in
all
the
same
Books
he
citeth
?
2.
Scripture
is
their
bounds
,
as
he
well
openeth
in
his
desence
of
Bi●hop
Laud.
Sect.
5.
P.
114.
He
complains
of
my
leaving
out
the
best
part
of
his
argument
,
viz.
[
The
people
may
go
to
the
Anabaptists
and
Quakers
.
Answ.
Alas
that
such
things
should
be
the
best
to
such
a
man
!
By
[
May
go
]
you
mean
,
1.
lawfully
,
2.
or
eventually
,
3.
or
for
want
of
due
hindring
.
]
The
Reader
may
think
that
you
by
Calumny
father
the
first
on
me
,
as
if
I
said
,
that
so
to
go
to
the
Quakers
were
no
sin
,
whereas
I
still
say
that
if
they
do
but
leave
your
Churches
by
any
culpable
Error
it
is
their
sin
.
2.
And
as
to
the
Event
,
many
not
only
may
but
do
,
turn
Quakers
,
Papists
and
Athiests
,
3.
And
as
to
the
third
,
it
's
all
the
question
here
(
not
whether
we
should
seek
to
save
them
but
)
which
is
the
true
reasonable
and
allowed
means
,
Whether
it
be
the
Patrons
choosing
for
all
England
the
Pastors
to
whose
care
they
must
trust
their
Souls
,
and
laying
them
in
Jail
that
will
choose
others
?
Or
whether
there
be
not
a
righter
way
.
And
again
I
say
,
Kings
and
Patrons
choose
not
mens
Wives
,
or
Physicians
,
or
Food
,
and
every
man
hath
a
charge
of
his
Soul
as
well
as
of
his
Life
,
Antecedent
to
the
Kings
or
Patrons
charge
.
Sect.
6.
But
why
(
saith
he
P.
11.
v.
115.
)
must
the
King
bear
all
the
blame
,
if
mens
Souls
be
not
provided
for
,
&
c
?
Answ.
He
that
is
the
chooser
must
bear
the
blame
,
the
King
for
Bishops
,
and
the
Patrons
for
Parish
Priests
if
they
mischoose
.
And
do
you
think
in
your
conscience
that
all
the
Patrons
in
England
of
so
various
minds
and
lives
,
are
like
to
choose
only
such
,
in
whose
pastoral
conduct
all
that
care
for
their
Souls
should
rest
.
Yea
though
the
Bishops
must
Institute
them
as
they
Ordained
them
.
When
we
heretofore
told
them
of
the
multitudes
of
grosly
ignorant
,
drunken
Priest
,
their
answers
were
,
1.
Their
Chaplains
examined
them
.
2.
They
had
certificates
.
3.
A
quare
impedit
lay
against
them
if
they
required
higher
knowledge
than
to
answer
the
Catechism
in
Latine
.
And
now
experience
will
not
warrant
us
to
know
what
such
men
are
.
P.
115.
He
asketh
How
it
is
possible
on
these
terms
to
have
any
peace
or
order
in
an
established
Church
.
Answ.
I
have
fully
told
him
how
in
a
whole
Book
of
concord
,
And
hath
their
way
caused
greater
peace
and
order
?
Yes
,
to
themselves
for
the
time
.
So
Popery
keepeth
some
Order
and
Unity
with
them
that
hold
to
it
:
But
it
kept
not
the
Greeks
or
Protestants
from
forsaking
them
.
Sect.
7.
P.
119.
120.
He
saith
,
[
They
only
look
on
those
as
true
Churches
which
have
such
Pastors
whom
they
approve
.
Answ.
Equivocal
words
:
1.
If
they
approve
not
those
whom
they
should
approve
,
it
is
their
sin
.
2.
Approving
is
either
of
the
necessaries
ad
esse
,
or
only
ad
melius
esse
.
They
must
not
put
the
later
for
the
former
.
3.
Approving
is
by
a
Governing
or
but
a
discerning
private
Judgment
.
The
first
they
have
not
,
but
the
later
.
In
good
earnest
,
would
he
have
all
the
people
take
those
for
true
Pastors
,
who
they
verily
think
are
none
.
Can
they
at
once
hold
contradictions
?
And
if
they
must
not
judge
as
dissenters
,
what
meaneth
Mr.
Dodwels
and
such
mens
Arguments
to
prove
all
no
Ministers
that
have
not
Succession
of
Episcopal
Ordination
?
Must
not
the
people
on
that
account
disown
them
,
by
his
way
?
Sect.
8.
p.
119.
He
brings
in
against
us
my
words
[
I
take
those
for
true
Churches
that
have
true
Pastors
,
and
those
for
none
,
that
have
1.
Men
uncapable
of
the
Pastoral
Office
,
2.
or
not
truly
called
to
it
,
3.
Or
that
deny
themselves
the
essential
Power
.
Answ.
He
knoweth
that
I
speak
not
of
equivocal
but
proper
political
Churches
.
And
is
it
possible
that
such
a
man
should
dissent
in
this
?
1.
Can
he
be
a
true
Pastor
that
is
uncapable
of
the
Office
?
Shall
I
abuse
time
to
confute
gross
Contradictions
?
Or
if
he
be
a
profest
Infidel
,
Can
he
be
a
Christian
Pastor
?
2.
Is
a
Layman
a
true
Pastor
that
is
not
truly
called
to
it
?
why
then
do
they
argue
as
Mr.
Dodwell
?
or
Re-ordain
men
.
3.
Can
a
man
be
a
Pastor
against
his
will
,
or
that
con●enteth
not
,
but
renounceth
it
?
or
can
that
be
a
true
Pastoral
Church
that
hath
no
Pastor
?
Verily
we
are
but
upon
low
works
,
if
these
be
the
things
which
we
must
prove
.
Sect.
9.
He
adds
,
[
And
one
or
other
of
these
he
thinks
must
,
if
not
all
the
parochial
Churches
in
England
fall
under
.
]
Answ.
I
read
these
words
of
the
Dr.
to
a
Papist
,
[
To
speak
mildly
,
this
is
a
gross
untruth
.
]
Therefore
I
hope
it
were
no
Rage
for
me
to
have
said
the
like
.
How
doth
he
prove
it
?
Nay
in
the
place
cited
by
him
I
not
only
profest
the
contrary
,
but
gave
the
Reason
,
p.
65.
[
Because
I
judge
of
their
Office
by
Gods
Word
,
and
not
by
the
Rule
which
deprives
them
of
an
essential
Part.
]
And
1.
He
citeth
my
confession
that
those
that
I
hear
preach
well
(
and
therefore
are
not
uncapable
men
.
)
2.
That
their
Ordination
hath
all
essentially
necessary
,
and
all
the
worthy
men
that
I
know
have
the
communicants
of
the
Parishes
consent
,
though
not
Election
,
and
therefore
are
called
,
3.
And
many
of
them
(
as
he
)
thinks
they
have
all
essential
to
the
Office
and
disown
it
not
,
though
I
think
others
deny
it
them
,
where
there
is
the
truth
of
what
he
saith
.
Sect.
10.
p.
120.
Because
my
practice
disproveth
him
,
he
finds
out
a
Subtilty
,
that
I
joyn
not
with
the
Parish
Churches
as
true
Churches
,
but
only
as
Chappels
or
Oratories
—
he
accounts
not
our
parochial
Churches
as
true
Churches
,
nor
doth
communicate
with
them
as
such
—
a
Subtilty
beyond
the
reach
of
the
old
Brownists
.
Answ.
Deliberately
to
print
such
untruths
seems
tolerable
in
him
,
but
to
say
they
are
such
would
seem
passion
in
me
,
and
what
other
answer
are
they
capable
of
?
—
What
I
expresly
say
of
the
three
forementioned
excepted
sorts
,
he
feigneth
me
to
say
of
all
or
most
of
the
Parish
Churches
;
and
yet
dare
not
deny
the
truth
of
any
one
of
the
Exceptions
.
1.
Do
not
all
those
men
take
the
Parishes
for
no
proper
political
Churches
,
but
only
for
Parts
of
the
Diocesan
Church
,
such
as
we
call
Curates
Chappels
,
who
say
that
a
Bishop
is
a
constitutive
Part
of
a
true
political
Church
and
entereth
the
Definition
,
and
that
it
's
no
Church
that
hath
no
Bishop
,
and
that
Diocesan
Churches
are
the
lowest
political
.
And
do
I
need
to
tell
him
how
considerable
these
men
are
among
them
.
2.
Doth
he
himself
take
any
one
of
these
for
a
true
political
Church
?
When
I
was
young
,
divers
Laymen
by
turns
were
our
publick
Reading
Teachers
:
Among
the
rest
one
was
after
proved
to
counterfeit
Orders
.
This
mans
acts
were
no
nullities
to
us
that
knew
it
not
:
but
when
we
knew
of
such
must
we
take
them
for
true
Pastors
,
and
it
for
a
true
Church
?
Sect.
11.
p.
221.
He
saith
,
[
Any
Parochial
Church
that
hath
such
a
one
(
a
Bishop
or
Pastor
over
them
that
hath
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
and
owns
it self
to
be
Independant
)
he
allows
to
be
a
true
Church
and
none
else
.
]
Answ.
More
and
more
untruths
.
1.
Where
do
I
say
[
that
owns
it self
to
be
Independant
,
]
as
if
that
were
necessary
to
its
being
.
1.
Doth
he
not
confess
that
I
own
general
Visitors
or
Archbishops
and
appeals
?
2.
That
I
own
Associations
which
he
makes
the
state
of
the
Church
of
England
?
3.
That
I
own
Synods
for
obliging
concord
?
4.
That
I
own
the
Magistrates
Government
of
all
?
Is
there
no
dependancy
in
any
of
these
,
or
all
?
what
dependancy
more
doth
he
assert
?
2.
As
to
the
Power
of
the
Keys
,
dare
he
come
into
the
light
and
tell
us
,
whether
any
power
of
the
Keys
,
that
is
,
of
the
Government
of
his
particular
Church
be
essential
to
the
Pastor
of
a
true
organized
governed
Church
or
not
.
If
not
,
is
it
not
a
contradiction
to
call
it
a
governed
Church
?
If
yea
then
is
he
a
Pastor
that
wants
what
is
essential
to
a
Pastor
?
But
if
they
will
call
a
forcing
Power
,
or
the
present
secular
Mode
of
their
Courts
,
by
the
name
of
the
Keys
,
I
never
said
that
these
are
essential
to
a
Church
,
nor
desirable
in
it
,
but
am
a
Nonconformist
because
I
will
not
by
Oath
or
Covenant
renounce
(
just
)
Endeavours
to
amend
it
.
Sect.
12.
p.
121
,
122.
The
next
Accusation
is
,
[
They
leave
it
in
the
peoples
Power
notwithstanding
all
legal
Establishments
to
own
or
disown
whom
they
judge
fit
.
]
Answ.
He
tireth
me
with
putting
me
on
repetitions
.
1.
They
can
unjustly
judge
of
none
and
disown
them
without
sin
.
It
is
not
I
that
give
men
power
to
sin
,
no
more
than
Power
to
die
,
or
be
sick
,
which
is
but
impotency
:
would
I
could
give
them
power
against
it
.
2.
It
is
not
power
to
reject
any
chosen
by
King
or
Patrons
,
from
being
publick
Teachers
,
or
to
have
the
Tithes
and
Temples
,
nor
to
be
a
Pastor
to
others
.
But
it
is
to
have
a
discerning
Judgment
whether
one
chosen
by
the
Patron
be
a
person
to
whom
he
himself
ought
to
trust
the
pastoral
Conduct
of
his
Soul
.
Either
the
Dr.
thinks
that
Laymen
have
this
discerning
power
and
duty
or
not
.
If
yea
,
is
it
nothing
to
him
to
seem
thus
seriously
to
plead
against
his
conscience
?
If
not
,
I
ask
him
,
1.
What
meant
Christ
and
his
Apostles
to
call
men
to
beware
of
false
Teachers
,
to
avoid
the
Leven
of
their
Doctrine
,
to
mark
them
and
avoid
them
,
and
turn
away
from
them
,
and
not
bid
them
good
speed
?
2.
What
meant
all
the
ancient
Churches
to
forbid
Communion
with
Hereticks
?
and
even
some
Popes
and
Councils
to
hear
Mass
of
Fornicators
?
●
.
What
meant
all
those
Fathers
and
Councils
,
that
make
him
no
Bishop
that
cometh
not
in
with
the
peoples
consent
?
if
not
Election
.
4.
Why
will
he
not
be
intreated
to
tell
us
in
what
Countries
,
or
with
what
Limitations
the
contrary
Doctrine
must
be
received
?
Must
all
the
people
trust
only
such
Pastors
as
the
Prince
or
Patrons
choose
all
over
England
?
or
also
in
Ireland
,
France
,
Spain
,
Italy
,
Germany
,
among
Lutherans
,
Calvinists
,
Greeks
,
&c.
supposing
the
Law
be
on
that
side
?
Must
we
all
be
of
the
Kings
or
Patrons
Religion
?
5.
Is
this
agreeable
to
his
old
Doctrine
cited
Chap.
1.
Sect.
13.
p.
122.
He
adds
,
[
Mr.
Baxter
speaks
his
mind
very
freely
against
the
Rights
and
Patronage
,
and
the
Power
of
the
Magistrates
in
such
Cases
,
and
pleads
for
the
unalterable
Rights
of
the
people
,
as
the
old
Separatists
did
.
Ans.
Is
this
true
?
1.
What
is
it
against
the
Right
of
Patronage
or
Magistrates
Power
for
me
to
choose
who
I
will
trust
the
guidance
of
my
Soul
with
,
while
I
contradict
not
his
power
to
choose
publick
Teachers
,
and
give
the
Tithes
and
Temples
,
and
confess
that
for
order
sake
I
ought
to
consent
to
such
as
he
chooseth
thus
,
unless
he
put
on
me
a
true
necessity
of
a
better
choice
?
If
the
King
choose
all
the
Hospital
Physicians
,
what
wrong
is
it
to
him
,
if
I
at
my
own
charge
choose
a
better
for
my self
when
I
think
else
ignorance
or
malice
will
murder
me
?
Doth
he
that
desireth
(
as
I
ever
do
)
that
in
so
great
a
case
there
may
be
many
Locks
to
the
Church
Door
,
deny
any
one
of
them
,
viz.
The
Ordainers
consent
,
the
Magistrates
and
Patrons
,
and
the
Peoples
.
Is
this
the
same
that
the
old
Separatists
did
?
Should
Glocesier
take
Goodman
a
Papist
for
their
Bishop
because
the
King
chose
him
?
Abundance
of
Patrons
in
the
beginning
of
Q.
Elizabeths
Reign
presented
Papists
.
It
seems
if
they
were
imposed
by
Law
,
and
Patrons
,
you
would
have
the
people
submit
to
those
that
cry
down
Bishops
,
Liturgy
and
Ceremonies
too
.
Father
Paul
Sarpi
translated
by
Dr.
Denton
will
tell
you
how
new
a
way
this
is
.
Sect.
14.
p.
122.
He
adds
[
The
People
are
made
Judges
of
the
Competency
of
their
Ministers
.
]
Answ.
They
are
discerning
Judges
.
Doth
not
your
charge
imply
that
you
think
otherwise
;
and
yet
you
dare
not
say
so
.
Must
they
not
judge
when
Forreigners
heretofore
were
set
over
them
,
whether
they
speak
English
or
no
?
or
if
a
Socinian
deny
Christs
Godhead
or
the
im
▪
mortality
of
the
Soul
,
whether
he
be
Competent
or
not
?
Or
if
they
have
an
ignorant
Curate
,
that
when
necessary
advice
for
the
Soul
is
asked
of
him
,
will
say
no
more
but
[
Trouble
not
your
head
about
such
matters
,
but
cast
away
care
and
live
merrily
.
]
If
when
the
blind
lead
the
blind
both
fall
into
the
ditch
,
must
we
not
note
the
difference
?
Alas
how
little
would
some
men
have
a
man
care
for
his
Soul
,
in
comparison
of
caring
what
Physick
,
what
Food
,
what
Wife
,
what
Servant
,
what
Trade
he
chooseth
?
Trust
one
to
the
conduct
of
such
as
all
the
Patrons
of
England
will
choose
for
you
,
but
not
any
of
the
other
.
As
to
the
not
causeless
forsaking
former
Pastors
,
he
knoweth
that
it
was
the
strict
charge
of
the
old
Canons
of
the
Churches
;
and
the
Bishops
themselves
do
hold
the
same
.
I
thought
they
ought
not
to
be
forsaken
because
men
thrust
them
out
.
The
Churches
at
Antioch
,
Alexandria
,
and
many
more
did
oft
and
long
cleave
to
those
Pastors
whom
the
Christian
Emperors
cast
out
,
and
reject
those
whom
they
imposed
.
When
I
have
proved
this
so
fully
in
my
first
Plea
and
Church-history
,
what
an
unsatisfactory
answer
is
it
for
such
a
Dr.
to
repeat
it
and
say
,
This
is
plain
dealing
.
Is
the
Judgment
and
Practice
of
the
Churches
so
light
with
him
.
Sect.
15.
p.
123.
The
next
charge
is
,
[
They
give
directions
to
the
people
what
sort
of
Ministers
they
should
own
,
and
what
not
.
]
Answ.
We
do
so
:
And
I
had
thought
all
Christians
had
been
of
the
same
mind
.
It
's
sad
with
the
Church
when
this
Doctrine
needeth
a
publick
defence
.
Dare
he
say
,
that
all
imposed
must
be
owned
?
Then
either
Salvation
is
at
the
Magistrates
will
,
or
it
's
the
priviledge
of
such
Countries
as
have
good
ones
,
or
a
man
may
be
saved
in
any
Country
Religion
contrary
to
the
Article
which
they
all
subscribe
.
Sect.
16.
Next
the
Accuser
falls
on
my
general
Rule
,
[
The
Ministry
that
tendeth
to
Destruction
more
than
to
Edification
,
and
to
do
more
harm
than
good
,
is
not
to
be
owned
,
]
and
his
bare
recital
is
confutation
.
Ans.
I
must
profess
that
I
am
so
confident
of
this
,
that
a
thousand
such
dissenting
Drs.
cannot
change
me
:
And
according
to
his
excellent
Rules
of
judging
in
the
end
of
his
Discourse
of
Idolatry
,
which
maketh
natural
Verities
most
certain
and
fundamental
,
me
thinks
it
should
to
him
be
surer
of
the
two
than
the
Gospel
it self
:
viz.
That
all
men
should
love
themselves
,
and
be
unwilling
to
be
damned
,
and
therefore
should
not
own
that
Ministry
of
man
which
tendeth
more
to
Destruction
than
to
Edification
.
And
when
he
wrote
that
cited
in
my
first
Chap.
he
was
of
that
mind
or
he
was
a
most
gross
dissembler
.
But
must
it
be
otherwise
?
Is
it
our
Salvation
that
we
must
sacrifice
to
Priests
,
Prelates
or
Princes
wills
?
If
our
Tithes
would
have
served
them
,
we
had
not
gainsaid
them
.
If
our
Bodies
and
Estates
might
have
satisfied
them
,
we
had
not
struck
at
it
so
much
.
But
when
(
Destruction
)
signifieth
(
Damnation
)
it
is
a
hard
bargain
?
If
we
should
renounce
our
Christianity
for
them
,
we
are
never
the
nearer
:
for
we
are
still
Men
and
therefore
loth
to
be
destroyed
in
Hell
?
If
this
be
the
meaning
of
the
Article
which
denyeth
free
will
,
I
deny
it
freely
:
I
have
no
such
free
will
.
But
O
Reverend
Fathers
,
be
more
impartial
:
Are
you
so
loth
to
lose
your
great
Riches
and
Honor
,
yea
or
to
have
your
Reputation
so
far
questioned
,
as
to
be
contradicted
,
or
have
others
live
by
you
that
preach
without
your
consent
;
and
yet
must
all
the
people
of
England
,
so
much
deny
their
own
Salvation
for
you
,
as
to
submit
to
a
destroying
Ministry
?
Why
then
did
you
before
put
(
agreement
in
Doctrine
)
among
the
requisites
to
our
Accusation
?
must
we
agree
and
not
judge
whether
we
agree
or
not
?
Why
then
must
not
all
Hereticks
,
Papists
,
&c.
be
received
,
why
then
are
all
your
volumnious
Accusations
produced
to
prove
us
justly
silenced
?
and
Mr.
Dodwels
to
prove
us
no
Ministers
of
Christ
,
if
we
want
nothing
but
a
human
power
to
impose
us
on
the
Churches
,
and
a
Patron
to
present
us
?
But
the
best
is
,
when
you
have
talk'd
and
written
your
worst
,
men
will
be
unwilling
of
destruction
;
and
till
the
Bible
be
forbidden
,
men
will
read
,
(
Beware
of
false
Prophets
:
Let
no
man
deceive
you
:
prove
all
things
:
from
such
turn
away
:
Mark
them
which
cause
Divisions
and
Offences
contrary
to
the
doctrine
which
you
have
learn'd
and
avoid
them
,
and
more
,
2
Pet.
2.
J.
●it
.
3.
10.
2.
J.
10
,
11.
Sect.
17.
He
adds
,
(
That
we
may
not
think
all
this
to
be
only
a
Romantick
Scheme
,
or
Fiction
,
)
he
adds
,
(
that
they
are
not
able
to
confute
the
people
in
too
many
places
,
who
tell
them
that
their
publick
Priests
are
so
defective
in
their
necessary
Qualifications
for
their
Office
,
as
that
they
hold
it
unlawful
to
own
such
for
true
Ministers
,
and
to
encourage
them
by
their
presence
,
and
commit
the
care
of
their
Souls
to
such
.
Ans.
1.
This
is
true
:
we
are
not
able
to
confute
them
:
If
you
be
rejoice
in
your
Wisdom
.
2.
Either
you
would
have
us
believe
that
there
are
none
such
,
or
that
no
such
are
to
be
so
refused
.
The
first
you
attempt
not
:
If
you
did
,
I
would
repeat
a
Catalogue
of
my
old
Teachers
and
Acquaintance
:
but
I
have
named
them
to
Mr.
Hinkley
.
And
as
to
the
second
,
I
prove
it
(
a
sad
task
for
such
a
one
as
you
to
put
us
on
.
)
1.
Such
as
are
known
to
be
no
authorized
Ministers
of
Christ
,
should
not
be
owned
as
such
:
But
all
those
that
want
the
necessary
Qualifications
for
their
Office
are
no
authorized
Ministers
of
Christ
.
Ergo.
If
the
Major
were
not
true
,
Error
or
Lying
were
a
duty
.
The
truth
of
the
Minor
is
evident
in
the
terms
:
necessartum
est
sine
quo
res
non
esse
potest
.
It
is
Qualifications
necessary
to
the
Office
in
esse
,
and
not
only
to
the
well
performance
that
is
mentioned
.
Forma
nunquam
recipitur
in
materiam
dispositione
necessaria
carentem
.
But
here
the
Office
is
the
forme
,
and
the
necessary
disposition
of
the
matter
is
supposed
wanting
.
Ergo.
Again
:
All
men
are
bound
to
avoid
the
apparent
means
of
Damnation
:
To
trust
the
conduct
of
our
Souls
to
men
uncapable
for
want
of
necessary
Qualifications
,
is
an
apparent
means
of
Damnation
(
as
excluding
an
ordinarily
necessary
means
of
Salvation
,
)
Ergo.
Again
:
It
is
a
great
sin
to
encourage
men
in
the
wilful
damning
of
their
own
Souls
,
and
hindering
the
Salvation
of
many
others
:
But
to
own
an
unqualified
uncapable
man
as
a
Minister
of
Christ
,
is
to
encourage
him
in
the
wilful
damnation
of
himself
(
by
his
prophane
undertaking
)
and
in
hindering
the
salvation
of
many
others
,
Ergo.
I
will
not
recite
what
Zechary
and
other
Prophets
say
of
the
usage
of
false
pretenders
to
be
Prophets
,
lest
you
misapply
it
.
Again
:
No
man
ought
to
consent
to
the
prophane
subverting
of
Christ's
Church-Offices
and
Ordinances
:
But
to
consent
to
the
Ministry
of
unqualified
uncapable
men
,
is
to
consent
to
the
subverting
of
Christ's
Church-Offices
and
Ordinances
.
Ergo.
Can
your
patience
endure
unqualified
men
in
the
Ministry
,
and
cannot
endure
such
as
us
out
of
Jail
,
because
we
obey
you
not
in
all
your
imposed
Oaths
,
Words
and
Practises
.
Sect.
18.
Next
he
thus
confuteth
us
,
(
and
directly
contrary
to
the
Principles
of
the
old
Nonconformists
,
as
appears
at
large
by
Mr.
Ball
saying
(
If
Can's
meaning
be
that
it
is
not
lawful
to
communicate
in
the
Worship
of
God
with
Ministers
not
fitly
qualified
,
disorderly
called
,
or
carelesly
executing
their
Office
,
it
is
directly
contrary
to
the
word
of
God
,
sound
Reason
,
and
consent
of
all
the
Learned
.
Ans.
Who
would
have
thought
that
this
worthy
Doctor
could
not
or
would
not
see
a
difference
,
between
(
fitly
qualified
)
as
ad
bene
esse
,
and
unqualified
,
or
wanting
the
qualifications
necessary
ad
esse
,
and
between
(
disorderly
called
,
)
and
(
not
called
,
or
consented
to
by
the
Flock
at
all
)
and
between
(
careless
executing
the
Office
)
and
not
having
the
Office
as
uncacapable
.
)
He
will
not
strain
at
such
gnats
as
these
.
And
is
there
no
difference
between
(
lawful
Communicating
)
and
committing
the
conduct
of
mens
Souls
to
them
as
our
stated
Pastors
.
Mr.
Ball
lived
not
far
from
me
:
his
intimate
Friend
Mr.
Ash
well
knew
his
mind
.
You
may
yet
know
it
fully
from
Mr.
Cook
of
Chester
,
a
silenced
Minister
bred
up
in
his
house
and
sometime
one
of
your
old
Patrons
(
Sr.
Roger
Burgone
)
Nonconformists
,
after
many
others
at
Rockshal
in
Warwickshire
.
Mr.
Ball
was
not
such
an
enemy
to
distinguishing
as
to
confound
Necessaries
ad
esse
Officii
&
ad
bene
esse
.
Sect.
19.
But
p.
124.
I
am
also
brought
as
against
my self
for
saying
(
That
a
Ministers
personal
faults
do
not
allow
people
to
separate
from
the
Worship
of
God
.
2.
nor
all
Ministerial
faults
,
but
only
those
that
prove
him
and
his
Ministration
utterly
intolerable
.
Ans.
1.
A
strong
proof
,
that
therefore
the
intolerable
may
be
received
,
because
I
say
,
no
:
I
contradict
my self
by
saying
the
same
things
.
Personal
Faults
I
distinguished
from
Ministerial
and
tolerable
Ministerial
from
intolerable
,
then
and
now
:
and
is
this
Contradiction
?
Do
not
all
do
so
too
,
till
now
?
Yea
in
the
place
cited
by
him
I
1.
said
,
that
as
to
personal
Faults
,
as
Swearing
,
Drunkenness
,
&c.
they
should
get
a
better
man
,
if
lawfully
they
can
.
2.
And
I
named
just
as
here
the
intolerable
insufficiencies
,
direct
pag.
747.
viz.
1.
An
utter
insufficiency
in
knowledge
and
utterance
for
the
necessary
parts
of
the
ministerial
Work
.
2.
If
he
set
himself
to
oppose
the
ends
of
the
Ministry
,
&c.
by
Heresie
,
Malignity
.
And
I
name
the
faults
that
necessitate
not
Separation
.
Sect.
20.
Next
he
citeth
my
words
against
some
mens
Factious
separating
humor
:
And
doth
it
follow
that
because
many
are
unfit
to
judge
aright
,
that
the
people
must
take
all
obtruded
Pastors
,
and
not
judge
to
whom
to
trust
the
conduct
of
their
Souls
?
How
unfit
are
the
ignorant
to
judge
who
is
a
meet
Physician
,
Lawyer
,
Arbitrator
,
yea
or
wife
or
husband
for
them
:
And
yet
judge
they
must
as
well
as
they
can
:
Do
you
not
expect
notwithstanding
their
unfitness
,
that
they
judge
your
Books
and
arguing
to
be
truer
than
mine
?
And
is
it
by
your
bare
authority
that
they
must
so
judge
?
Sect.
21.
But
he
much
blameth
me
for
laying
the
Case
far
off
,
when
it
is
the
London
Separation
which
he
questioneth
where
the
Ministers
are
no
such
men
.
Answ.
Could
any
man
have
so
far
searcht
his
heart
as
to
know
that
he
spake
only
against
Separation
in
this
one
City
?
When
there
is
no
such
Limitation
in
his
Book
,
And
when
the
same
Laws
,
the
same
Silencings
,
Fines
,
Imprisonments
,
accusations
of
the
Preachers
are
all
over
the
Land
.
But
I
am
glad
for
the
peace
of
the
Nonconformists
elsewhere
,
if
it
concern
not
them
.
2.
As
to
London
,
he
knoweth
that
I
give
the
Preachers
due
honour
,
and
that
I
justifie
not
any
unnecessary
Separation
of
the
people
from
them
,
nor
of
the
Conformists
from
the
Nonconformists
.
I
gave
him
an
account
of
my
own
Practice
and
the
Reasons
of
it
:
Let
other
men
give
account
of
theirs
,
I
know
very
many
of
my
mind
.
3.
And
he
knoweth
that
I
oft
told
him
that
many
things
make
good
mens
actions
culpable
in
some
degree
,
that
make
them
not
criminalls
,
odious
,
or
to
be
ruined
.
And
that
I
gave
him
many
of
their
Extenuations
.
4.
Among
the
rest
,
verily
(
to
use
his
own
Phrase
)
it
looks
somewhat
odly
by
the
Church
Law
or
Canon
ipso
facto
to
excommunicate
many
score
thousands
in
the
Land
,
meerly
for
professing
to
take
some
things
imposed
to
be
sin
,
and
then
to
revile
and
prosecute
them
as
Schismaticks
,
for
not
communicating
with
you
.
5.
And
I
told
you
that
Laws
and
the
higher
ground
are
not
always
the
Terminus
a
quo
of
Schism
:
Some
of
them
were
never
of
your
Flocks
,
and
therefore
never
separated
from
you
,
but
as
you
do
from
them
(
and
somewhat
less
.
)
6.
And
the
Kings
License
first
,
and
proclaimed
Clemency
often
,
gave
them
some
possession
as
the
Law
giveth
you
.
7.
And
Plague
,
Fire
and
thousands
that
cannot
hear
you
,
made
it
necessary
.
But
some
Parish
Churches
are
not
full
.
Answ.
I
see
none
of
those
,
I
come
in
divers
where
many
cannot
hear
the
Preacher
;
and
would
you
have
more
?
And
again
I
tell
you
,
1.
They
keep
meetings
in
lesser
Parishes
to
receive
those
that
come
out
of
greater
.
2.
If
those
come
to
you
,
they
must
keep
out
others
.
3.
When
it
is
commonly
known
that
in
their
own
great
Parishes
there
is
not
room
,
it
's
hard
for
Families
to
look
about
the
City
for
room
in
uncertain
places
.
4.
And
all
persons
that
culpably
dislike
you
are
not
therefore
to
be
forsaken
.
Sect.
22.
But
the
same
man
that
citeth
my
Reprehensions
of
Separation
asketh
me
,
why
I
do
not
disown
it
;
as
if
he
presently
forgot
what
he
had
written
.
I
disown
Schism
,
and
therefore
the
greatest
in
the
sinful
Church-tearers
that
smite
the
Shepherds
,
and
then
cry
out
of
the
Flocks
for
being
scattered
:
And
I
disown
the
least
,
but
not
by
Cruelty
but
in
Charity
.
Sect.
23.
p.
127.
He
repeats
the
Incapacities
named
by
me
,
(
viz.
in
Knowledge
and
Utterance
,
by
Heresie
,
&c.
)
and
saith
,
Of
all
these
the
people
are
judges
,
and
so
many
separate
:
Thus
no
setled
Church
can
subsist
,
&c.
Answ.
1.
It
's
a
hard
case
that
in
such
a
Volumn
as
this
,
he
will
not
tell
us
his
own
Judgment
,
further
than
the
accusing
of
ours
intimateth
it
(
which
if
we
tell
him
of
,
he
can
say
,
[
It
was
not
his
sense
.
]
Will
he
openly
say
that
the
people
have
not
a
private
Judgment
of
discretion
in
order
to
their
own
practice
,
whether
the
Preacher
be
an
Heretick
,
Papist
,
Infidel
,
Idolater
,
or
not
?
but
must
take
him
for
their
Pastor
be
he
what
he
will
?
I
know
he
will
not
say
it
.
What
then
would
he
be
at
?
Why
doth
he
accuse
us
for
that
which
he
dare
not
contradict
?
Doth
he
any
where
tell
us
,
in
what
cases
and
how
far
they
must
judge
?
No
,
he
shuns
all
such
Questions
as
tend
to
bring
the
cause
into
the
light
:
put
twenty
and
he
will
answer
few
or
none
of
them
.
If
he
did
,
perhaps
we
should
be
agreed
whether
he
will
or
not
.
But
(
Reader
,
bear
these
tiring
Repetitions
as
I
must
do
)
1.
He
knoweth
that
it
is
the
Ordainers
and
not
the
people
whom
I
make
judges
who
shall
be
a
Minister
.
2.
That
it
is
the
King
and
Patrons
that
I
make
the
only
Judges
who
shall
be
tolerated
,
and
maintained
by
them
,
and
have
the
Tythes
and
Temples
.
3.
And
that
though
the
Universal
Church
was
many
hundred
years
,
for
the
peoples
Election
,
I
plead
ad
esse
relationis
for
no
more
as
necessary
but
consent
,
who
shall
be
the
Pastor
,
to
whom
they
will
trust
the
conduct
of
their
Souls
:
And
this
is
but
Judicium
discretionis
&
privatum
non
publicum
regentis
,
only
guiding
each
mans
own
obedience
to
God
.
4.
He
knoweth
(
if
he
will
know
)
that
I.
say
and
say
again
,
that
the
advantages
of
the
Laws
and
Rulers
Favour
,
and
the
Tythes
and
Temples
,
and
Parish
Order
,
and
national
Association
,
are
so
great
advantages
to
the
Service
of
God
,
that
no
man
should
be
deprived
of
them
,
and
go
another
way
,
but
upon
necessity
,
and
very
great
and
urgent
cause
.
But
I
intend
God
willing
further
to
prove
to
him
that
[
when
9000
Ministers
are
all
required
to
sin
or
cease
their
Ministry
,
a
necessity
is
put
upon
them
to
exercise
it
against
such
Prohibitions
as
farr
as
they
can
without
doing
more
hurt
than
good
;
And
that
the
sinful
complyance
of
7000
will
not
excuse
the
other
2000
for
this
duty
.
]
And
this
is
the
case
which
a
friend
of
truth
should
have
debated
.
Sect.
24.
p.
126.
But
(
saith
he
,
)
How
shall
a
man
escape
being
thought
Heretical
by
the
people
.
Answ.
1.
See
his
own
answer
here
,
Chap.
1.
2.
How
shall
one
get
all
the
world
to
be
wise
and
good
?
If
I
knew
,
I
cannot
procure
it
.
But
put
the
case
within
your
sight
?
How
will
you
escape
being
judged
no
rightful
Possessor
of
your
Deanry
,
or
Prebend
,
or
the
King's
Chaplains
place
,
or
the
Parish
Church
of
St.
Andrews
?
I
know
not
how
:
And
yet
if
an
Usurper
accuse
you
here
,
and
say
e.
g.
that
the
Church
of
St.
Andrews
is
his
and
not
yours
,
must
not
the
people
judge
which
of
you
they
will
take
for
the
Usurper
,
and
which
they
will
joyn
with
and
obey
?
In
the
times
of
Usurpation
,
many
of
the
people
judged
the
Bishops
to
be
none
of
their
Pastors
,
nor
the
ejected
Ministers
;
must
not
the
rest
therefore
judge
that
they
were
?
Where
Usurpers
deny
the
King
's
Right
,
ought
not
the
people
to
judge
him
to
have
right
,
because
they
may
err
?
and
what
Prince
or
Prelate
may
not
the
people
judge
Usurpers
?
What
Landlord
may
not
the
Tenants
deny
?
What
Master
the
Servants
?
What
Husband
the
Wife
?
But
must
they
not
therefore
be
discerning
Judges
,
who
is
their
Landlord
,
Master
,
Husband
,
What
Schoolmaster
may
not
unlearned
men
miscensure
?
What
Physician
may
they
not
vilisie
?
And
yet
they
shall
judge
and
choose
for
themselves
,
and
speed
accordingly
,
who
can
help
it
?
deny
men
a
judgment
of
discretion
to
guide
their
own
choice
and
actions
,
and
you
contradict
mankind
,
and
deny
men
to
be
men
.
What
in
the
world
is
more
abused
than
Reason
and
Freewill
?
and
yet
men
must
act
by
Reason
and
Freewil
.
It
's
unworthy
a
Divine
to
cry
out
against
a
thing
for
such
unavoidable
Inconveniences
,
as
humane
darkness
and
badness
do
necessitate
,
and
to
swallow
Camels
on
the
other
side
and
take
no
notice
of
the
mischiess
thereof
▪
nor
once
to
tell
us
how
to
escape
both
.
Sect.
25.
He
instanceth
in
mens
censure
of
me
for
the
Doctrine
of
Justification
and
asketh
,
Are
men
bound
to
separate
from
me
?
Answ.
One
would
think
by
many
such
words
that
the
Doctor
did
seriously
believe
that
I
had
〈◊〉
,
that
all
men
are
bound
to
follow
an
〈◊〉
Judgment
,
and
to
they●al●ly
●al●ly
judge
they
ought
.
If
he
think
not
that
I
said
so
,
I
would
not
name
his
fault
lest
I
more
offend
him
:
If
he
think
I
said
so
,
I
had
hoped
weaker
Readers
could
have
better
understood
me
.
When
I
read
in
the
Books
of
some
Conformists
yet
living
whom
I
much
honour
,
that
to
obey
Conscience
though
it
err
is
to
obey
God
,
I
took
it
for
my
duty
oft
and
copiously
(
especially
in
my
Christ
Direct
.
)
to
open
that
case
,
and
to
prove
that
Conscience
is
no
Law-maker
,
but
only
a
discerner
of
Gods
Law
,
and
that
an
erring
Conscience
involveth
a
man
in
sin
whether
he
followeth
it
or
not
;
because
God
changeth
not
his
Law
when
we
change
our
Judgments
of
it
.
But
yet
there
are
some
cases
in
which
it
is
a
farr
greater
sin
to
go
against
Conscience
though
it
err
than
with
it
.
The
Dr.
dare
deny
none
of
this
.
And
doth
ill
if
he
would
perswade
men
that
I
deny
it
:
and
that
God
makes
it
mens
duty
to
do
ill
whenever
they
judge
it
good
,
or
forsake
good
,
when
they
judge
it
evil
.
Sect.
26.
But
the
great
offence
is
p.
130
that
I
insinuate
that
the
whole
Body
of
the
Church
is
guilty
of
great
Faults
,
Conformity
being
a
scandalous
thing
with
thirty
tremendous
Aggravations
.
—
And
no
wonder
if
men
so
judging
prefer
others
,
&c.
Answ.
Again
and
again
I
say
,
1.
This
is
unrighteous
dealing
;
To
impose
all
those
things
on
us
;
To
cast
us
out
of
the
Ministry
and
Churches
for
not
obeying
:
To
Fine
and
imprison
us
,
and
accuse
us
as
Schismaticks
and
Seditions
,
To
write
and
preach
for
the
execution
of
the
Laws
against
us
,
to
our
Ruine
:
To
aggravate
our
Crime
because
we
tell
them
not
our
Reasons
;
To
call
us
to
tell
them
what
we
stick
at
;
To
threaten
to
get
the
King
to
force
us
to
give
our
Reasons
;
To
declare
in
Press
and
Pulpit
that
we
wilfully
keep
up
a
Schism
and
have
nothing
to
say
for
it
;
To
continue
all
this
when
we
have
been
silent
seventeen
years
,
as
fearing
that
they
could
not
bear
it
;
And
after
all
this
when
we
disavowed
any
Accusation
of
them
,
and
only
told
them
what
we
feared
our selves
,
to
come
upon
us
with
this
charge
of
deep
accusing
their
Conformity
,
is
injustice
if
there
be
any
in
the
World
.
Either
it
is
sin
or
no
sin
which
we
fear
.
If
none
,
why
are
we
not
confuted
?
or
invited
yet
to
give
our
proofs
?
If
sin
,
who
should
be
most
offended
?
To
be
yet
plainer
with
you
,
had
the
case
been
in
the
times
of
the
old
Prophets
and
Priests
,
I
question
whether
to
let
such
a
Kingdom
alone
so
long
in
that
which
we
judge
to
be
so
great
sins
,
would
not
have
been
heavily
charged
on
the
Preachers
:
And
I
profess
that
my
conscience
is
more
in
doubt
whether
my
so
long
forbearance
was
not
my
sin
,
than
whether
saying
at
last
what
I
did
was
sin
:
And
I
had
nothing
to
satisfie
it
,
but
the
men
that
I
ought
to
judge
wiser
than
my self
,
perswaded
me
that
it
would
have
done
more
hurt
than
good
,
and
caused
but
our
further
rending
,
And
I
think
the
Conformists
should
have
been
desirous
to
help
them
to
try
whether
it
were
sin
or
not
,
and
to
have
been
thankful
for
helping
to
save
them
from
it
,
if
it
proved
such
.
But
though
hence
I
extenuate
the
too
great
withdrawings
of
some
men
against
their
too
deep
accusations
,
he
knoweth
that
notwithstanding
all
these
aggravations
,
I
neither
justified
nor
practised
proper
Separation
.
Sect.
27.
p.
133.
The
next
charge
is
that
I
make
them
Usurpers
,
viz
,
1.
All
that
come
into
the
place
of
the
ejected
Ministers
,
at
least
to
the
people
that
consent
not
:
But
Law
and
Usurpation
are
contrary
.
Answ.
1.
I
never
said
that
all
are
Usurpers
to
all
the
people
that
consent
not
:
If
the
body
of
the
Church
consent
the
man
is
no
Usurper
,
though
some
odd
persons
consent
not
.
He
is
the
Churches
Pastor
,
though
not
the
refusers
.
2.
I
never
said
that
any
that
had
the
Law
for
them
,
were
Usurpers
of
the
Tithes
and
Temples
.
3.
I
never
said
that
all
that
succeed
ejected
Ministers
are
Usurpers
;
many
of
them
have
the
Churches
after-consent
,
though
not
their
Election
.
Yea
I
often
said
,
1.
That
it
is
the
peoples
duty
to
consent
to
the
change
when
it
is
for
the
Churches
good
.
2.
And
that
their
constant
Communion
signifieth
their
consent
.
But
I
will
not
believe
yet
that
the
Law
will
prove
a
man
no
Usurper
of
the
Pastoral
Relation
.
And
when
I
have
so
largely
proved
the
contrary
to
be
true
,
and
to
be
the
judgment
of
the
ancient
Churches
,
it
's
an
unsatisfactory
course
to
me
,
to
leave
it
unanswered
,
and
suppose
himself
in
the
right
.
Not
only
the
first
300
years
,
but
even
under
Constantius
,
Valens
,
Theodosius
Junior
,
Zeno
,
Basiliscus
,
Anastatius
,
Philippicus
,
Justinian
,
&c.
even
the
Patriarchal
Seats
practised
the
contrary
,
keeping
their
chosen
Pastors
and
refusing
those
imposed
by
the
Emperors
;
and
other
Bishops
Seates
the
Emperors
seldom
meddled
with
as
to
the
choice
.
Yea
in
Arcadius's
days
Chrysostomes
Joannites
,
in
his
imperial
City
were
of
another
mind
.
Is
his
Rule
true
only
in
England
,
or
in
France
,
Spain
,
Italy
,
Muscovy
,
&c.
also
,
or
where
,
that
the
Law
maketh
men
true
Pastors
?
Sect.
28.
But
p.
132.
he
said
[
that
he
detesteth
the
Principles
that
set
mans
Laws
above
Gods
,
and
that
in
stating
the
Controversie
he
supposed
an
Agreement
in
all
the
Substantials
of
Religion
between
the
dissenting
parties
of
our
Church
.
Answ.
Of
all
things
you
are
the
unhappiest
in
stating
the
Controversie
.
The
Instances
here
were
1.
Insufficiency
through
Ignorance
,
2.
Heresie
,
3.
Malignant
oppugning
the
very
ends
of
the
Ministry
,
4.
No
true
calling
.
1.
Doth
he
agree
with
us
in
all
the
Substantials
of
Religion
who
knoweth
not
the
very
essentials
of
Christianity
?
Ignorantis
non
est
Consensus
.
2.
Doth
he
agree
with
us
in
all
the
substantials
that
is
a
Heretick
?
or
if
we
falsly
judge
his
opinion
Heresie
,
do
we
agree
with
him
?
3.
Is
malignant
opposing
Godliness
and
pleading
for
prophaneness
or
ungodliness
an
agreement
in
all
the
Substantials
?
4.
What
if
we
agree
in
all
Substantials
with
an
unordained
Layman
imposed
on
us
?
is
he
therefore
our
true
Pastor
?
5.
But
how
shall
we
know
whether
we
agree
or
not
,
if
we
are
no
judges
of
it
?
Do
you
not
see
your
own
Contradictions
?
who
shall
judge
whether
the
Pastors
or
People
agree
?
shall
the
Prince
or
Patron
?
If
you
know
the
Teachers
heart
,
how
know
you
the
Peoples
?
Must
we
believe
that
we
agree
,
because
you
say
so
?
If
the
people
must
judge
whether
they
Agree
,
they
must
judge
of
the
things
in
which
the
Agreement
is
,
that
is
,
both
the
Pastors
Doctrine
and
their
own
minds
.
And
is
not
this
to
judge
whether
he
be
a
Heretick
,
&c.
or
not
?
And
who
shall
judge
whether
the
disagreement
be
in
Substantials
?
It
must
be
the
agreers
.
And
they
must
be
wiser
than
I
if
they
can
learn
from
you
here
,
what
is
a
Substantial
,
and
how
to
know
it
.
Sect.
29.
It
may
be
he
will
say
,
that
where
Princes
and
Parliaments
are
Orthodox
,
none
are
Usurpers
,
but
true
Pastors
whom
they
impose
.
Ans.
But
doth
not
this
make
the
people
Judges
whether
Princes
and
Parliaments
are
Orthodox
,
and
is
not
that
as
dangerous
as
to
judge
of
the
Teachers
?
And
Orthodox
Princes
and
Parliaments
may
impose
Heretical
Teachers
:
and
may
by
Law
enable
Patrons
and
Prelates
to
impose
them
.
What
more
natural
than
to
propagate
what
men
like
,
and
oppose
what
they
hate
?
If
the
many
hundred
Patrons
in
England
be
all
orthodox
and
pious
,
and
free
from
Schism
,
&c.
we
are
strangely
happy
:
If
not
we
may
expect
that
they
choose
accordingly
.
But
the
Bishops
will
secure
us
.
Ans.
1.
They
have
not
done
.
2.
They
say
they
cannot
by
Law
.
3.
Would
it
be
any
wonder
if
Bishop
Goodman
of
Glocester
kept
not
out
any
Popish
Teacher
?
Or
if
such
Fathers
of
the
Church
as
Archbishop
Bromhall
let
in
such
as
would
have
the
Pope
Govern
us
all
by
the
Canons
as
Patriark
and
principium
unitatis
,
and
all
pass
for
Shoismaticks
that
consent
not
to
such
a
forreign
Jurisdiction
,
contrary
to
our
National
Oaths
.
Sect.
30.
As
to
his
instance
of
Solomons
putting
out
Abiathar
,
&c.
I
answered
it
fully
(
and
many
more
objections
)
in
my
first
Plea
,
and
will
not
write
the
same
again
for
him
that
thinks
it
not
worth
the
answering
or
taking
notice
of
.
Sect.
31.
When
p.
138
,
139.
he
makes
it
the
way
to
all
imaginable
Confusions
,
to
deny
,
1.
that
the
Kings
Nomination
of
Bishops
.
2.
and
the
Patrons
of
Parish
Pastors
proveth
them
no
Usurpers
,
but
true
Pastors
,
is
he
not
an
unreverend
dishonourer
of
Bishops
himself
,
who
maketh
them
all
that
for
a
thousand
years
held
the
same
that
I
do
,
to
be
the
authors
of
all
imaginable
Confusion
?
Is
he
not
unreverend
to
their
Canons
?
and
to
antiquity
?
and
to
the
universal
Church
itself
?
Whatever
in
his
third
part
he
Cavils
against
it
,
he
cannot
be
so
strange
to
Church-history
as
not
to
know
that
they
were
commonly
against
him
.
Sect.
32.
The
matter
of
the
next
accusation
is
p.
139
,
140.
having
said
Plea
p.
41.
42.
[
If
any
make
sinful
terms
of
Communion
by
Laws
or
Mandate
,
imposing
things
forbidden
by
God
on
those
that
will
have
Communion
,
and
expelling
those
that
will
not
so
sin
]
I
add
[
If
any
should
not
only
excommunicate
such
persons
for
not
complying
with
them
in
sin
,
but
also
prosecute
them
with
Malice
,
Imprisonments
,
Banishment
or
other
Persecution
to
force
them
to
transgress
,
this
were
heynous
aggravated
Schism
.
]
Ans.
And
is
not
this
true
?
or
doth
his
bare
repeating
it
disprove
it
?
Is
he
a
zealous
Enemy
of
Schisin
that
taketh
all
this
for
none
?
I
did
not
steal
it
out
of
his
defence
of
Archbishop
Laud
,
but
less
than
this
is
there
made
Schism
.
Yet
he
tells
us
that
he
sets
not
mans
Laws
above
Gods
,
nor
pleads
for
Persecution
.
But
lest
the
repeating
of
my
words
should
shame
the
Accuser
he
hath
two
handsome
devices
1.
He
puts
[
complying
with
them
in
sin
,
that
is
,
Conformity
,
]
as
refused
,
instead
of
[
those
that
will
not
so
sin
,
in
sinful
terms
of
Communion
forbidden
by
God
,
&c.
]
2.
He
forgeth
an
addition
as
mine
[
and
therefore
it
is
no
sin
to
separate
from
such
]
when
I
have
no
such
words
,
being
only
there
telling
what
is
Schism
,
and
not
what
is
not
.
I
confess
it
will
sound
odly
to
say
[
It
is
Schism
not
to
communicate
with
those
who
excommunicate
,
imprison
and
banish
me
by
Law
,
if
I
will
not
do
that
which
God
forbids
,
and
they
make
a
Condition
of
my
communion
.
]
For
I
must
not
sin
:
And
in
prison
and
Banishment
under
Excommunication
they
deny
me
communion
.
And
yet
I
say
not
that
it
's
always
faultless
,
For
if
they
do
not
execute
their
own
Law
,
in
some
cases
,
where
publick
good
requireth
it
,
I
may
best
communicate
with
them
as
far
as
they
permit
me
without
the
imposed
sin
,
till
they
do
execute
them
.
But
this
excuseth
not
their
Schism
.
Sect.
33.
p.
140.
He
blames
me
as
charging
him
with
the
silencing
design
.
Ans.
I
did
warn
him
in
real
desire
of
his
safety
:
If
defending
the
Church-Laws
and
Endeavours
for
our
restraint
,
in
the
words
to
which
I
refer
the
Reader
:
If
preaching
and
writing
against
our
preaching
as
Schism
,
and
all
the
rest
in
his
Books
do
signifie
no
owning
of
our
silencing
,
I
am
glad
that
he
meaneth
better
than
he
seemeth
:
who
could
have
thought
otherwise
that
had
read
1.
his
first
Q.
whether
it
be
not
in
the
power
of
those
that
give
orders
to
limit
and
suspend
the
exercise
of
the
ministerial
Function
.
Q.
2.
And
whether
the
Christian
Magistrate
may
not
justly
restrain
such
Ministers
from
preaching
,
who
after
the
experience
,
do
refuse
to
renounce
those
Principles
which
they
judge
do
naturally
tend
to
involve
us
again
in
the
like
trouble
.
And
Serm.
p.
42.
the
Church
of
Englands
endeavours
after
Uniformity
is
acquitted
from
Tyranny
over
the
Consciences
of
men
,
by
the
Judgment
,
&c.
]
And
p.
54.
condemning
them
as
hard
thoughts
of
the
Bishops
that
in
cruelty
they
follow
Ithacius
,
&c.
And
in
this
new
Book
,
more
such
might
have
deceived
a
man
that
judged
by
his
words
.
And
his
arguing
that
it
is
unlawful
to
preach
to
them
because
it
is
unlawful
to
hear
;
What
was
the
meaning
of
all
this
if
not
silencing
us
?
Sect.
34.
p.
140.
The
next
Crime
is
[
Plea
p.
42.
As
long
as
they
suppose
the
terms
of
our
Communion
to
be
sinful
,
they
say
,
The
Schism
doth
not
lie
on
those
that
separate
,
but
on
those
that
do
impose
such
terms
:
and
therefore
they
may
lawfully
separate
from
such
imposers
.
]
Ans.
It
's
hard
to
know
what
words
to
use
to
detect
all
these
historical
untruths
without
being
thought
passionate
.
1.
I
never
said
that
(
supposing
them
sinful
)
will
justifie
a
false
supposer
,
but
have
oft
said
the
clean
contrary
(
their
supposing
)
is
of
his
forging
.
2.
I
said
not
(
the
Schism
doth
not
lie
on
those
that
separate
)
but
only
that
it's
Schism
in
the
Imposers
.
)
This
also
is
his
Fiction
.
3.
And
I
said
not
(
and
therefore
they
may
lawfully
separate
from
such
imposers
.
)
But
all
Readers
will
not
stay
to
find
out
his
Forgeries
.
But
how
much
of
this
he
said
once
himself
,
see
in
my
Chap.
1.
Sect.
49.
But
here
he
comes
to
some
closing
distinction
,
which
should
have
gone
before
;
[
Between
terms
of
Communion
plainly
and
in
themselves
sinful
;
and
such
as
are
only
fancied
to
be
so
through
prejudice
or
wilful
ignorance
,
or
error
of
conscience
.
]
Ans.
What
a
deal
of
labour
might
he
have
spared
himself
and
us
,
if
he
had
here
fixed
the
Controversie
in
the
beginning
;
we
thankfully
accept
your
late
distinction
:
we
ever
desired
here
to
put
it
to
the
Issue
;
If
it
be
through
prejudice
wilful
Ignorance
or
Error
that
we
judge
Conformity
a
sin
,
not
only
Separation
but
Nonconformity
is
a
sin
.
If
we
do
not
prove
some
parts
of
Conformity
(
for
one
is
enough
)
to
be
plainly
sinful
,
which
are
imposed
as
Conditions
of
our
Ministerial
Communion
,
and
somewhat
imposed
on
the
people
as
conditions
〈◊〉
all
that
part
of
your
Communion
,
which
I
ever
disswaded
them
from
,
let
the
blame
be
ours
.
Sect.
35.
He
passeth
next
to
them
that
deal
more
ingenuously
than
I
in
owning
Separation
,
And
then
returneth
to
me
p.
151.
and
he
over
and
over
repeateth
his
false
accusation
,
[
that
I
think
it
lawful
to
communicate
with
them
occasionally
,
but
not
as
Churches
(
as
thinking
they
want
an
essential
part
,
viz.
a
Pastor
with
Episcopal
Power
)
but
as
Oratories
,
and
so
that
I
renounce
Communion
with
their
Churches
as
Churches
.
]
Answ.
If
these
untruths
had
been
made
without
evidence
only
,
and
not
also
against
evidence
,
they
had
been
the
more
excuseable
in
a
man
of
consideration
:
But
now
they
are
not
so
,
when
I
have
so
often
declared
that
I
take
the
Parish
Churches
that
have
true
Pastors
for
true
governed
Churches
,
and
prove
that
they
have
true
Bishops
(
Episcopos
Gregis
)
whether
the
Diocesans
will
or
not
,
because
Gods
Will
and
not
the
Investers
,
instituteth
their
Office
,
and
measureth
their
power
,
and
the
people
shew
their
consent
by
constant
Communion
.
Sect.
36.
Then
because
[
I
never
gathered
a
Church
,
nor
baptized
any
in
20
years
,
nor
gave
the
Sacrament
in
18
,
]
he
would
know
[
what
Church
I
have
been
of
all
this
time
,
]
and
he
supposeth
[
of
no
Church
.
]
Ans.
I
thought
he
had
done
with
this
before
:
but
he
thinks
it
an
advantage
not
to
be
so
easily
let
go
.
Would
he
know
.
1.
What
my
Thoughts
were
?
2.
Or
my
Church-Covenant
?
3.
Or
my
actual
Communion
?
He
shall
know
all
.
1.
I
thought
divers
Ministers
where
I
lived
true
Pastors
,
and
the
Churches
true
Churches
:
I
cannot
say
so
of
every
Curate
.
2.
I
made
no
Covenant
with
any
of
them
:
If
I
had
Mr.
Cheny
would
have
condemned
me
of
Atheism
,
Infidelity
,
and
what
not
.
3.
With
divers
of
them
I
went
constantly
to
the
Liturgy
,
Sermon
and
Sacrament
,
as
with
true
Churches
,
with
some
of
them
I
only
joyned
in
prayer
and
hearing
,
I
heard
Dr.
Rieves
till
he
caused
me
to
be
sent
to
Jail
,
and
then
I
could
not
:
And
though
I
was
accused
by
many
for
hearing
a
swearer
,
I
told
them
,
he
swore
not
in
the
Pulpit
:
I
heard
his
poor
Curate
constantly
,
when
I
was
accused
for
hearing
a
Drunkard
,
and
told
them
that
he
was
not
drunk
in
the
Pulpit
.
But
I
must
tell
you
,
I
communicated
also
with
some
Nonconformists
.
And
now
account
me
of
a
Church
or
no
Church
as
you
please
.
I
doubt
you
are
renewing
the
Independant
Questions
with
me
,
which
I
am
loth
to
dispute
.
1.
Qu.
Whether
an
ordained
Minister
must
be
a
private
Member
of
another
mans
Church
?
Q.
2.
Whether
when
a
Non-resident
Dean
leaveth
his
Parish
to
an
ignorant
drunken
Curate
,
the
Parish
Church
be
essentiated
by
its
relation
to
the
Resident
Curate
,
or
the
Non-resident
Dean
?
Q.
3.
Whether
a
Minister
not
degraded
but
silenced
,
living
in
such
a
Parish
is
bound
to●ke
that
Curate
for
one
that
hath
the
Pastoral
Charge
of
his
Soul
,
and
a●
the
rest
of
the
flock
to
commit
his
Soul
to
his
Pastoral
Conduct
in
personal
,
private
and
publick
Offices
?
4.
But
I
would
ask
the
Dean
himself
,
whether
a
man
may
not
be
a
fixed
Member
of
two
or
three
Churches
at
once
?
The
Reasons
of
the
Quaere
,
are
1.
Because
(
by
them
)
a
man
may
be
the
sixed
Pastor
of
two
or
three
Parish
Churches
at
once
:
And
an
Integral
Member
of
many
is
not
so
hard
a
case
,
as
to
be
a
constitutive
Regent
Part
of
many
.
2.
Because
a
man
may
have
two
houses
in
two
Parishes
at
once
;
As
many
Londoners
have
half
their
Family
at
a
near
Country
house
,
and
half
at
a
City
house
,
and
are
themselves
part
of
the
week
or
day
at
one
,
and
part
at
the
other
.
And
they
make
Covenants
with
neither
,
but
what
actual
Communion
intimateth
.
Q.
●
.
And
if
so
why
might
not
I
at
once
be
judged
a
Member
of
two
Churches
at
once
,
so
far
as
I
communicate
oft
with
both
?
I
therefore
answer
his
question
further
,
what
Church
I
was
a
Member
of
?
1.
I
was
a
Member
of
Christs
Universal
Church
?
Is
that
none
?
and
yet
is
in
the
Creed
?
2.
I
was
a
Member
of
the
reformed
Church
if
you
will
call
that
One
because
associated
in
one
Reformed
Religion
.
3.
I
was
a
Member
of
the
Church
of
England
,
both
as
a
Christian
Kingdom
,
and
as
the
Churches
in
England
agreeing
in
the
Christian
Reformed
Religion
.
4
:
I
was
a
Member
of
the
Provincial
Church
of
Canterbury
,
so
far
as
living
peaceably
in
it
,
and
submitting
both
to
such
power
as
they
had
from
the
King
as
Magistrates
and
a
meer
general
helping
instructing
care
of
many
Churches
could
make
me
.
5.
So
far
also
I
was
a
Member
of
the
Diocesan
Churches
where
I
lived
.
6.
And
I
was
a
Member
of
some
Parochial
Churches
so
far
as
constant
Communion
could
make
or
prove
me
:
And
of
others
(
two
at
once
)
so
far
as
partial
and
moveable
Communion
could
prove
me
.
If
this
will
not
satisfie
you
,
I
have
proved
before
(
and
oft
to
some
Independants
)
that
many
men
are
under
no
obligation
to
be
fixed
Members
of
any
Parish
Church
:
(
whether
the
King
be
of
any
I
know
not
.
)
Sect.
37.
But
p.
152.
he
comes
upon
me
,
why
I
thought
it
not
my
duty
all
this
while
to
Baptize
,
Administer
the
Sacrament
,
was
I
not
solemnly
bound
by
Ordination
to
one
as
well
as
the
other
?
Presbyters
of
old
were
rarely
allowed
to
preach
.
]
Ans.
1.
You
tell
the
World
what
measure
we
must
expect
from
such
as
you
.
If
we
had
all
forborn
any
Church
gatherings
,
and
Pastoral
undertaking
of
Flocks
,
and
both
Sacraments
,
&c.
and
only
preached
as
loth
to
offend
you
more
than
needs
,
our
accusations
had
but
been
the
greater
?
which
incourageth
your
more
ingenious
Dissenters
to
do
what
they
also
are
accused
of
.
2.
Do
you
not
know
our
Reasons
?
They
are
these
:
1.
Because
we
suppose
there
is
a
greater
want
of
our
preaching
,
than
of
our
administring
Sacraments
:
And
we
would
obey
the
〈…〉
in
all
things
lawful
;
and
go
from
you
and
offend
you
no
further
than
〈…〉
will
justifie
us
.
2.
Because
a
Ministers
Relation
to
the
Church
-
〈…〉
and
to
the
world
ceaseth
not
,
when
his
relation
to
a
Parish
Church
may
cease
:
And
we
have
not
the
same
obligations
to
give
the
Sacrament
to
all
the
Christians
or
World
where
we
preach
,
as
we
have
in
a
Parish
Charge
.
Paul
thanketh
God
that
he
baptized
not
many
Corinthians
,
because
he
was
not
sent
to
baptize
but
to
preach
the
Gospel
;
nor
is
the
terrible
charge
2
Tim.
4.
12.
equal
as
to
both
.
3.
Our
Ordination
bound
us
to
preach
and
administer
Sacraments
,
when
we
are
thereto
lawfully
called
:
And
we
were
so
called
to
one
,
when
we
were
not
to
the
other
:
nor
were
all
of
us
so
called
alike
.
But
when
we
know
that
this
way
doth
as
much
offend
you
,
we
may
go
further
in
due
time
.
Aud
do
you
in
one
part
of
your
Book
blame
us
for
going
further
than
the
old
Nonconformists
(
as
you
thought
)
and
in
the
second
thus
accuse
us
for
not
going
further
.
Sect.
38.
He
is
again
at
his
talk
of
only
occasional
Communion
?
And
had
his
mistake
no
Occasion
?
yes
;
he
that
readeth
my
Books
may
see
what
:
that
is
,
1.
When
I
have
said
that
some
Parishes
having
not
capable
or
called
Pastors
I
take
to
be
no
true
Political
Churches
;
but
yet
can
communicate
with
such
as
Oratories
or
Chappels
.
2.
That
some
true
Churches
I
communicate
with
in
transitu
or
occasionally
as
strangers
,
whose
Discipline
and
Ministers
Calling
I
am
not
bound
to
take
account
of
.
3.
I
tell
those
that
withdraw
too
far
and
take
some
true
Churches
for
none
,
that
were
it
so
they
might
occasionally
join
with
them
as
Oratories
,
4.
And
those
that
dare
not
commit
their
Souls
to
the
Pastoral
Conduct
of
some
weak
and
bad
men
,
that
yet
they
may
occasionally
communicate
with
them
upon
great
and
urgent
Reasons
.
And
here
he
gathereth
his
oft
repeated
untrue
Reports
.
Sect.
39.
p.
156.
He
grants
there
is
no
Separation
where
there
is
no
Obligation
.
And
he
will
prove
us
obliged
to
constant
Communion
with
them
.
1.
Because
we
must
use
all
lawful
means
for
Peace
and
Unity
.
Ans.
1.
We
are
ready
to
prove
that
our
Conformity
,
nor
our
forbearing
to
preach
the
Gospel
are
no
lawful
means
.
2.
Can
you
as
well
prove
,
1.
That
it
is
not
lawful
for
you
to
joyn
with
us
?
2.
And
to
forbear
silencing
,
excommunicating
,
fining
and
imprisoning
us
?
Was
it
no
lawful
means
for
Peace
and
Unity
to
have
forborn
imposing
all
the
Covenants
,
Professions
,
Subscriptions
,
Oaths
and
Practises
,
of
what
you
call
indifferent
and
we
think
sunful
?
3.
And
is
it
not
lawful
for
Parents
to
enter
their
own
Children
at
Baptism
in
Covenant
with
God
?
4.
Is
it
unlawful
to
Christen
such
as
scruple
your
use
of
the
Cross
?
5.
Or
to
receive
those
to
Communion
that
scruple
your
Gesture
?
6.
〈…〉
forbear
Canonical
Excommunicating
all
professed
Nonconformi●…
Land
?
7.
Or
to
let
Lords
and
Gentlemen
choose
any
Nonconfo●…
to
be
Tutors
to
their
Children
,
whilst
the
Papists
may
send
theirs
to
Doway
,
St.
Omers
,
&c.
He
saith
,
he
is
[
perswaded
it
is
one
of
the
provoking
sins
of
the
Nonconformists
,
that
they
have
been
so
backward
to
do
,
what
they
were
convinced
they
might
with
a
good
conscience
.
Ans.
Woe
to
us
,
if
we
be
not
willing
to
know
our
sins
.
But
1.
If
you
will
tell
me
of
any
one
lawful
thing
that
I
have
omitted
,
that
tended
to
Peace
,
I
will
thank
you
.
2.
An
indifferent
thing
is
no
means
of
Peace
when
it
will
do
more
hurt
than
good
.
To
cease
the
Ministry
we
durst
not
:
To
use
some
indifferent
forms
in
your
Churches
we
could
not
,
being
cast
and
kept
out
.
And
to
use
the
same
to
those
that
are
against
them
;
when
it
will
hurt
them
,
and
procure
no
peace
with
you
,
and
those
have
sped
worst
from
you
that
have
come
nearest
you
,
aud
nothing
will
serve
but
all
;
what
tendency
hath
this
to
Unity
?
You
know
my
own
case
proveth
all
this
.
I
regarded
not
the
censures
of
any
that
go
too
far
,
so
as
to
keep
me
from
doing
what
I
judged
lawful
:
And
did
it
tend
to
peace
?
No
,
one
sends
me
to
Jail
when
I
went
twice
a
day
to
his
Church
:
Others
say
,
He
is
like
an
Ape
,
that
is
so
much
the
more
ugly
because
he
is
like
a
man
:
Another
more
sober
saith
,
[
I
know
not
what
to
make
of
Mr.
B.
He
communicateth
with
us
,
and
he
preacheth
to
the
Nonconformists
:
Like
a
man
that
will
go
one
step
on
one
side
the
hedge
,
and
another
step
on
the
other
.
]
And
this
man
is
much
in
the
right
:
for
I
say
still
,
[
It
is
the
separating
hedges
in
Christ's
Vineyard
that
I
hate
,
and
the
enclosing
hedge
that
I
am
for
:
I
have
Business
,
Friends
,
Relations
and
great
Duties
on
both
sides
the
hedge
,
some
with
you
and
some
with
others
;
And
if
your
hedges
would
separate
Parents
from
Children
,
Husband
and
Wife
,
Christian
Neighbours
,
&c.
causelesly
I
will
not
be
so
separated
,
but
do
my
best
to
pull
down
that
hedge
.
And
again
consider
whose
sin
it
is
,
that
so
many
lawful
things
are
denyed
us
for
Unity
.
Hold
but
to
your
Rule
here
and
we
are
agreed
.
And
he
seemeth
to
consent
.
For
,
Sect.
40.
p.
176.
Of
the
Rule
Phil.
3.
16.
he
saith
,
[
If
I
will
but
allow
that
by
virtue
of
that
Rule
men
are
bound
to
do
all
things
lawful
for
the
preserving
the
peace
of
the
Church
,
we
have
no
further
difference
about
this
matter
.
Ans.
It
's
well
he
will
say
so
much
of
the
Rule
,
we
gladly
consent
.
Then
all
the
question
is
,
what
's
lawful
on
both
sides
?
I
add
one
Q.
more
.
Is
it
not
lawful
for
peace
to
forbear
forcing
men
to
disoblige
1000
?
whom
they
never
knew
,
from
being
obliged
by
an
Oath
and
Vow
to
that
part
of
the
matter
which
is
good
?
If
it
be
the
conjunction
of
some
things
bad
,
that
disobligeth
them
,
then
he
that
inserteth
a
bad
thing
is
free
from
all
obligations
of
his
vow
,
even
in
materia
licita
&
necessaria
.
And
if
the
〈…〉
of
imposing
Power
be
made
the
cause
,
whether
is
the
Cor●…
Oath
imposed
by
a
superior
Power
on
the
King
,
or
is
it
his
own
●…act
?
or
is
he
therefore
not
obliged
by
it
?
Had
it
not
been
requisite
that
you
should
have
justified
all
that
we
stick
at
as
unlawful
,
before
you
charge
us
with
crossing
this
Rule
?
Sect.
56.
p.
204
,
&c.
My
words
in
many
Books
against
Schism
are
cited
and
praised
;
Reader
,
he
tells
men
the
measure
of
their
Charity
and
Church
Communion
,
viz.
That
men
that
do
as
much
as
I
do
,
that
forbore
so
long
Sacramental
Administration
,
that
gathered
no
Church
,
that
held
constant
Communion
with
divers
Parish
Churches
,
that
have
wrote
so
much
and
earnestly
against
Schism
,
shall
yet
be
ejected
,
silenced
,
pay
40
●
,
a
Sermon
and
lie
in
Jails
unless
I
will
do
more
.
While
Bishop
Lauds
design
for
widening
the
Church
doors
to
the
Papists
,
is
magnified
by
Heylin
and
others
as
a
good
work
.
Sect.
13.
First
he
finds
but
two
justifiable
Causes
of
Separation
;
but
p.
213
,
214.
he
hath
found
three
and
no
more
.
1.
Idolatrous
Worship
:
2.
False
Doctrine
imposed
instead
of
true
.
3.
Making
and
imposing
things
indifferent
as
necessary
to
Salvation
.
Ans.
1.
Readers
,
do
you
remember
how
even
now
he
exposed
to
odium
,
the
peoples
judging
whether
the
Pastors
be
Hereticks
?
And
now
they
may
separate
for
false
Doctrine
.
2.
I
intreat
him
to
think
again
of
these
Cases
following
.
1.
What
if
the
Worship
be
not
Idolatrous
,
but
Blasphemous
,
or
utterly
Ridiculous
,
tending
to
contempt
of
God
?
2.
What
if
it
be
in
an
unknown
Tongue
?
3.
What
if
the
Church
have
no
true
Minister
?
I
am
glad
you
are
not
for
separating
for
want
of
Episcopacy
or
Episcopal
Ordination
?
4.
What
if
the
Church
want
half
the
Church-Worship
?
as
to
have
Preaching
and
Prayer
without
Sacraments
?
or
Sacraments
without
Preaching
or
Prayer
,
or
Preaching
without
Prayer
,
&c.
5.
What
if
the
Church
be
but
schismatical
?
Have
you
written
all
this
Book
,
to
draw
men
to
you
from
the
Independant
Churches
,
and
do
you
now
tell
us
that
the
people
may
not
separate
from
them
,
on
the
account
of
Schism
?
6.
What
if
a
Church
require
me
to
tell
or
subscribe
to
one
known
Lie
,
or
to
say
,
that
I
believe
what
I
do
not
:
or
to
justifie
thousands
that
I
think
obliged
by
a
Vow
,
if
they
break
it
?
What
if
they
impose
any
one
sin
on
me
without
which
they
will
not
receive
me
to
Communion
?
7.
What
if
I
remove
for
my
Edification
from
a
drunkess
ignorant
Priest
,
to
the
Church
of
a
wise
and
holy
Pastor
?
8.
Are
we
looser
than
Pope
Nicholas
that
forbad
men
to
hear
Mass
from
a
Fornicating
Pricst
?
9.
I
would
you
had
spoken
to
Edification
and
told
men
what
false
Doctrine
it
is
that
will
allow
Separation
,
and
whether
it
's
false
Doctrine
preached
,
or
only
imposed
on
the
person
to
be
owned
?
If
the
former
,
is
it
all
false
Doctrine
or
but
some
,
and
what
?
Verily
,
if
all
,
you
are
tenfold
more
a
Seperatist
than
I
:
For
I
look
to
hear
sometimes
some
words
of
false
Doctrine
in
most
Pulpits
,
even
of
Conformists
?
If
it
must
be
heresie
it self
,
I
will
not
separate
for
once
hearing
it
,
if
the
Church
profess
it
not
.
If
it
be
imposed
Error
that
you
mean
,
take
heed
lest
you
justifie
Separation
from
your
Church
,
by
the
new
Article
of
Infants
certain
Salvation
.
And
when
both
Arminians
and
Anti-Arminians
subscribe
the
39
Articles
,
tell
us
whether
those
Articles
are
true
in
both
their
senses
,
or
whether
the
sence
be
not
the
thing
subscribed
?
or
whether
one
half
of
them
should
separate
.
You
are
too
unmerciful
to
your self
;
but
what
kind
of
Churches
should
there
be
upon
your
terms
?
I
find
no
more
in
his
second
part
which
I
am
much
concerned
in
.
CHAP.
VII
.
The
Reply
to
his
Third
Part
:
The
beginning
.
Sect.
1.
IN
his
third
Part
I
first
find
my self
accused
p.
242
,
&c.
And
that
is
not
only
by
insisting
on
a
false
accusation
of
my
words
,
but
adding
a
confutation
of
himself
,
as
if
he
discerned
not
that
he
did
it
.
In
Treat
.
of
Concord
I
say
,
[
If
it
holdeth
that
God
instituted
only
Congregational
or
Parochial
Churches
,
as
for
present
Communion
,
then
none
of
the
rest
instituted
by
man
may
deprive
them
of
their
priviledges
granted
by
Christ
.
]
I
put
it
but
with
an
(
If
it
be
so
)
because
I
told
them
my
own
doubt
of
it
.
After
I
say
,
[
To
devise
new
species
of
Churches
without
Gods
Authority
,
and
impose
them
on
the
World
;
yea
in
his
name
,
and
call
all
Dissenters
Schismaticks
,
is
worse
Usurpation
than
to
make
and
impose
new
Ceremonies
and
Liturgies
.
]
And
can
any
Christian
deny
either
of
these
?
But
he
saith
,
[
This
supposeth
Congregational
Churches
to
be
so
much
the
institution
of
Christ
,
that
any
constitution
above
these
is
unlawful
and
unsupportable
:
]
which
is
more
than
the
Independant
Brethren
do
assert
.
And
is
any
word
of
all
this
true
?
1.
The
Independants
much
insist
on
this
?
I
refer
him
now
but
to
Amesii
Medul.
de
Eccl.
Minist.
2.
Do
the
words
suppose
that
which
is
plainly
excepted
in
them
?
If
it
were
granted
.
1.
That
the
Congregational
only
are
so
instituted
.
2.
And
that
others
are
not
set
over
them
by
God
,
3.
And
yet
are
obtruded
in
his
name
,
without
his
authority
.
4.
And
all
Dissenters
called
Schismaticks
,
]
then
I
say
they
are
unlawful
.
5.
To
coufute
himself
plainly
he
confesseth
that
I
say
,
The
question
is
not
whether
the
Archbishops
should
be
over
the
particular
Churches
,
as
Successors
to
the
Apostolical
and
General
Overseers
of
the
first
Age
in
the
ordinary
continued
parts
of
their
Office
.
Nor
whether
Patriarks
,
Diocesans
,
Lay-Chancellors
as
Officers
of
the
King
,
exercising
Magistracy
be
lawful
.
]
And
yet
he
saith
that
I
suppose
the
contrary
.
He
next
pretends
to
give
my
Reasons
:
And
the
chief
is
,
because
it
overthroweth
the
species
of
Gods
making
;
when
I
only
say
,
That
which
overthroweth
it
is
unlawful
;
which
is
not
the
Archbishops
that
are
over
the
lower
Bishops
,
but
those
that
put
them
all
down
,
and
governed
the
Carkasses
of
the
mortified
particular
Churches
as
the
lowest
Bishops
of
many
score
or
hundred
such
as
themselves
.
And
he
saith
I
am
for
the
full
exercise
of
Discipline
within
the
particular
Church
;
while
he
confest
I
spake
not
against
Archbishops
.
And
yet
he
saith
,
This
is
a
fair
representation
of
my
opinion
.
Sect.
2.
Coming
to
prove
our
Episcopacy
the
same
with
the
Primitive
he
pretendeth
to
confute
me
:
That
which
I
asserted
was
,
1.
That
by
the
first
Institution
,
and
Constitution
,
every
Church
no
bigger
for
number
of
Souls
than
one
of
our
great
Parishes
had
a
Bishop
of
their
own
,
(
one
or
more
I
disputed
not
.
)
2.
Yea
that
for
the
first
two
hundred
years
if
not
more
,
no
one
Bishop
had
a
Church
so
big
as
some
of
our
Parishes
,
at
least
except
Alexandria
and
Rome
,
and
even
of
them
it
is
not
certain
that
they
had
more
Souls
.
3.
That
after
by
degrees
the
case
was
altered
:
But
yet
after
there
were
many
Meetings
like
Chappels
,
a
while
there
was
but
one
Altar
.
4.
After
that
those
Chappels
had
Altars
;
but
so
as
that
at
certain
times
of
the
year
,
the
people
of
the
Cities
and
next
parts
were
all
to
communicate
with
the
Bishop
,
and
were
no
more
than
could
meet
to
choose
the
Bishops
,
and
to
be
present
as
to
the
main
body
of
them
,
and
disciplinary
debates
,
to
give
consent
.
5.
In
Cyprian's
time
at
Carthage
(
a
place
of
greatness
and
great
numbers
of
Christians
)
the
Church
was
grown
very
great
,
but
not
beyond
the
exercise
of
such
personal
Communion
as
I
described
:
And
the
Bishops
there
and
round
about
being
worthy
men
,
kept
up
the
life
of
the
former
Discipline
.
And
as
great
as
their
Church
was
,
we
would
be
glad
of
such
an
Episcopacy
,
Order
and
Communion
.
For
I
oft
told
you
,
that
by
present
Communion
,
I
meant
not
that
all
must
meet
in
one
place
at
once
,
(
For
the
tenth
part
of
some
Parishes
cannot
:
)
But
that
as
Neighbours
and
Citizens
,
may
have
personal
Converse
and
Meetings
per
vices
,
of
some
at
one
time
and
some
at
another
,
as
different
from
meer
mental
Communion
,
or
by
Synods
or
Persons
delegate
,
or
as
their
Governours
or
Representatives
,
and
this
for
mutual
Edification
in
holy
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Conversation
.
And
that
the
footsteps
of
this
remained
long
,
when
worldly
Reasons
had
made
a
change
.
And
all
this
I
have
proved
so
fully
in
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
besides
what
's
said
in
my
Abstract
of
the
Episcopal
History
,
that
till
some
man
shall
confute
the
full
Evidence
of
Antiquity
there
brought
,
I
have
no
more
in
Reason
to
do
upon
that
subject
.
And
though
the
Doctors
History
of
this
be
the
most
considerable
part
of
all
his
Book
,
yet
so
far
doth
he
leave
what
I
say
uncontradicted
,
that
I
find
not
one
word
that
he
saith
against
any
of
my
Testimonies
,
nor
any
for
his
own
cause
,
for
the
first
two
hundred
years
:
But
when
he
should
have
proved
the
extent
of
the
Churches
at
two
hundred
years
,
he
begins
his
historical
Proofs
at
two
hundred
and
fifty
for
three
or
four
great
Cities
in
the
World
,
and
so
proceeds
to
Augustine
at
above
four
hundred
,
and
Victor
Uticensis
about
four
hundred
and
ninety
,
Theodoret
four
hundred
and
thirty
,
(
where
he
supposeth
me
to
say
that
of
his
City
,
which
I
said
of
the
Diocess
of
that
City
:
)
And
to
confute
all
Impertinencies
,
and
groundless
Suppositions
,
while
my
full
proofs
are
unanswered
,
is
but
loss
of
time
.
Sect.
3.
His
chief
argument
is
,
[
that
no
City
how
great
soever
was
to
have
more
Bishops
than
one
.
]
Ans.
1.
He
can
prove
no
such
Rule
in
the
first
two
hundred
years
.
2.
See
how
well
the
defenders
of
Prelacy
agree
?
Gratious
(
&
de
Imperio
&
in
Anotat
.
)
and
Dr.
Hammond
I
cited
,
who
say
that
Cities
at
first
had
two
Bishops
in
each
(
Rome
,
Antioch
,
&c.
)
one
of
Jewish
Christians
,
and
one
of
Gentile
Christians
,
and
saith
D.
H.
Peter
at
Rome
was
Bishop
of
the
Jews
,
and
Paul
of
the
Gentiles
,
and
they
had
two
Successors
;
and
saith
Gretius
The
Churches
were
formed
to
the
manner
of
the
Synagogues
,
and
there
were
divers
Churches
with
divers
Bishops
in
the
same
City
(
in
1
Tim.
5.
17.
&
de
Imp.
p.
355
,
356
,
357.
)
3.
In
the
fourth
Century
a
Council
at
Capua
decreed
that
the
two
Bishops
with
their
several
Churches
at
Antioch
(
Flavian's
and
Evagrins
)
should
live
together
in
Love
and
Peace
.
4.
This
was
a
good
custom
while
there
were
in
the
Cities
no
more
than
one
Bishop
might
take
care
of
:
And
the
custom
held
when
times
altered
the
case
and
reason
of
it
:
And
Possession
and
the
Desire
to
avoid
division
made
it
held
up
by
good
men
.
5.
I
have
at
large
in
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
confuted
the
opinion
of
appropriating
Bishops
to
Cities
;
and
so
did
the
old
Churches
that
set
up
Chorepiscopos
.
Sect.
4.
p.
259.
He
saith
,
[
In
Cities
and
Dioceses
under
one
Bishop
were
several
distinct
Congregations
and
Altars
.
]
Ans.
1.
Yes
,
no
doubt
,
after
the
second
Century
,
and
perhaps
in
two
Cities
a
little
before
;
but
in
few
in
the
World
till
towards
the
fourth
Century
.
2.
This
is
the
same
man
who
in
the
very
Sermon
which
he
defendeth
said
[
p.
27.
Though
when
the
Churches
increased
the
occasional
Meetings
were
frequent
in
several
places
,
yet
still
there
was
but
one
Church
,
and
one
Altar
,
and
one
Baptism
,
and
one
Bishop
,
with
many
Presbyters
assisting
him
:
And
this
is
so
very
plain
in
Antiquity
,
as
to
the
Churches
planted
by
the
Apostles
themselves
in
several
parts
,
that
none
but
a
stranger
to
the
history
of
the
Church
can
ever
call
it
in
question
.
]
But
when
I
told
him
how
this
would
agree
us
,
and
hurt
his
cause
,
he
will
quickly
fall
under
his
own
censure
,
and
became
[
a
stranger
to
the
history
of
the
Church
]
asserting
many
Altars
in
one
Church
of
one
Bishop
.
This
Sermon
was
written
since
his
Irenicon
.
And
now
he
feigneth
a
distinction
between
[
An
Altar
taken
with
particular
respect
to
a
Bishop
:
and
for
the
place
at
which
Christians
did
communicare
.
]
But
what
was
the
Altar
that
was
taken
with
particular
respect
to
the
Bishop
?
Was
it
not
the
material
place
of
Communicn
?
And
so
the
members
of
the
distinction
are
co-incident
.
Saith
Optatus
lib.
6.
Quid
est
Altare
nisi
sedes
&
corporis
&
sanguimis
Christi
?
Each
Church
had
long
but
one
of
these
.
The
best
Altars
that
were
made
after
the
chief
Church
Altars
were
not
for
ordinary
communion
,
but
honorary
of
some
Martyrs
.
The
truth
is
,
the
phrase
of
unum
Altare
was
taken
up
when
each
Church
had
but
one
;
but
to
set
up
Altare
contra
Altare
continued
after
to
signifie
Anti-Churches
.
But
I
have
fully
answered
this
in
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
.
His
conjectures
from
the
numbers
of
Officers
,
&c.
he
may
see
there
also
sufficiently
confuted
and
in
Ch.
Hist
.
And
the
odd
instance
of
Theodoret
he
doth
not
at
all
make
credible
by
his
willing
belief
of
Metius
and
other
Popish
Feigners
.
And
were
that
Epistle
genuine
a
Cypher
is
easily
dropt
in
by
Corrupters
:
It
hath
need
of
better
authority
that
shall
be
so
singular
from
the
case
of
all
other
Churches
.
And
I
suppose
he
knoweth
that
Cyrus
was
not
a
simple
Bishoprick
,
but
a
Metropolitane
Seat
,
and
might
have
800
Parish
Bishops
.
Yea
whereas
there
were
under
Antioch
seven
Dioceses
,
and
fifteen
Provinces
or
as
others
say
thirteen
,
that
yet
had
many
Bishops
under
them
,
as
Seleucia
twenty
four
.
&c.
that
were
more
dependant
on
Antioch
,
Cyrus
was
one
of
the
eight
Provinces
or
Metropolis
that
were
per
se
subsistentes
:
And
therefore
when
Theodoret
said
how
many
Churches
were
under
hands
,
it
's
like
he
meant
Bishops
Churches
and
not
meer
Presbyters
,
and
either
a
Cypher
dropt
in
corrupted
the
account
(
or
else
the
Bishops
had
but
single
Congregations
;
But
for
my
part
as
the
case
so
late
concerneth
me
not
,
so
I
see
nothing
to
perswade
me
that
that
Epistle
is
genuine
and
uncorrupt
.
But
I
would
not
have
a
Diocess
which
then
had
many
Provinces
,
or
a
Province
which
had
many
Bishops
Churches
,
be
taken
for
a
single
Church
.
Sect.
5.
The
same
I
say
of
Carthage
,
which
was
the
Metropolis
of
Africa
,
and
the
first
of
six
Provinces
before
Justinian
,
and
of
seven
after
,
and
Proconsular
,
and
the
Church
called
Africae
Caput
as
August
.
ep.
162.
The
sixth
and
seventh
Carthage
Councils
tell
us
of
the
distribution
of
the
Provinces
,
decreeing
three
Judges
to
be
sent
out
of
each
Province
,
viz.
Carthage
,
Numidia
,
Byzacena
,
Mauritania
,
&c.
Yea
Leo
9.
P.
in
Epist.
ad
Thom.
&c.
saith
that
the
Bishop
of
Carthage
was
post
Pont.
Rom.
primus
Archiepiscopus
&
totius
Africae
maximus
Metropolitanus
,
(
Though
yet
Binnius
truly
say
that
in
Cyprian's
time
he
was
not
an
Archbishop
,
that
is
,
no
proper
Governor
of
Bishops
,
because
they
concluded
in
Council
,
nemo
nostrum
dicitur
Episcopus
Episcoporum
;
but
he
was
the
chief
of
that
great
Province
.
And
the
Dr.
himself
out
of
Victor
mentioneth
one
Cresseus
that
had
one
hundred
and
twenty
Bishops
under
him
:
He
was
Metropolitane
of
Aquitana
and
a
Diocess
then
having
many
Provinces
;
how
many
be
in
a
Diocess
Victor
there
〈◊〉
you
that
the
Bishop
of
Carthage
in
his
own
Eugitane
Province
had
one
hundred
sixty
four
Bishops
.
And
how
great
were
their
Churches
then
?
and
L.
2.
when
he
lamenteth
the
great
number
of
their
banished
,
Bishops
,
Presbyters
aud
the
Church-members
were
4976.
And
one
Parish
here
hath
40000
if
not
more
.
He
that
considereth
that
Cyrus
was
at
most
but
60
miles
from
Antioch
the
Patriarchal
Seat
,
and
that
a
Carthage
Council
had
sometimes
600
Bishops
,
and
the
Donatists
perhaps
had
as
many
;
and
that
as
he
saith
,
Cresceus
had
one
hundred
and
twenty
Bishops
under
him
,
and
that
Cyprian
so
often
tells
us
how
Bishops
were
chosen
by
all
the
People
,
and
how
he
managed
his
Discipline
in
the
presence
of
all
his
Plebs
,
(
Laity
)
and
by
their
consent
;
and
how
he
telleth
that
it
was
the
peoples
duty
to
separate
from
the
communion
of
a
sinning
Bishop
(
which
implieth
communion
before
)
and
how
the
Bishops
in
Council
put
the
question
,
When
a
Church
wanted
a
Bishop
,
whether
one
of
them
that
was
a
Bishop
and
had
perhaps
but
one
or
two
or
three
Presbyters
was
bound
to
part
with
one
to
that
wanting
Church
to
make
a
Bishop
of
?
and
considereth
the
circuit
and
distance
of
their
Cities
,
and
much
more
which
I
have
elsewhere
named
,
may
well
believe
large
Provinces
,
and
larger
Diocesses
,
but
will
think
of
their
Bishops
Churches
as
we
must
do
of
theirs
in
Ireland
,
when
a
late
converted
Countrey
had
six
hundred
Bishops
.
Make
but
Christs
true
discipline
practicable
,
and
tie
us
not
to
swear
or
assent
to
your
uncertain
forms
and
we
should
no
further
trouble
you
in
this
.
Sect.
6.
As
for
the
credit
he
giveth
to
Syrmondu's
copy
of
Theodoret's
Epistle
or
to
the
later
Editions
of
his
Works
,
I
am
not
bound
to
be
as
credulous
,
nor
to
take
the
last
Editions
for
the
best
,
when
they
come
out
of
the
Jesuits
hands
:
And
can
prove
the
Epistle
to
Joh.
Antioch
,
which
Bellarmine
would
disprove
,
to
be
more
credible
than
this
:
And
it
's
one
blot
that
he
saith
Theodoret's
Epist.
6.
mentioneth
the
Metropolitane
he
was
under
,
when
he
was
under
none
,
but
was
himself
an
Independant
Metropolitane
:
For
so
the
Notitiae
Episc
.
tells
us
,
was
Berytus
,
Heliopolis
,
Laodicea
,
Samasata
,
Cyros
,
Pompriopolis
,
Mopsuestia
and
Adama
.
If
his
Province
was
as
the
Epistle
cited
saith
fourty
Miles
square
,
and
the
Christians
so
numerous
as
is
said
,
and
he
name
none
of
the
Bishops
under
him
,
but
number
the
Churches
,
it
's
like
they
were
Episcopal
Churches
and
very
small
.
And
that
Villages
had
Churches
it
's
no
wonder
when
there
were
many
Chorepiscopi
not
only
under
the
Metropolitanes
but
the
City
Bishops
.
And
why
I
must
reject
his
long
received
Work
if
I
question
his
late
found
Epistles
I
know
not
.
But
again
I
say
,
this
is
nothing
to
our
cause
,
being
so
long
after
the
ages
I
mentioned
,
&
my
contrary
evidence
being
not
at
all
confuted
His
confidence
p.
260
,
261.
about
some
citations
out
of
Theodoret
,
runs
upon
false
Insinuations
:
1.
That
the
question
is
not
of
the
number
of
Churches
,
but
about
the
extent
of
the
Episcopal
Power
,
whether
it
was
limited
to
one
Parochial
Church
,
or
extended
over
many
:
when
he
knoweth
that
I
had
no
such
question
;
but
whether
those
whose
power
was
over
many
Churches
in
the
first
two
Centuries
at
least
,
had
not
as
many
Bishops
under
them
over
those
Churches
(
if
such
there
were
.
)
Or
if
the
Bishops
were
of
the
lowest
rank
,
whether
those
under
were
not
then
denyed
to
be
Churches
for
want
of
Bishops
,
and
were
not
only
parts
of
a
Church
?
2.
And
he
feigneth
me
to
bring
Theodorets
Testimonies
to
prove
that
even
then
in
Alex.
and
Antioch
a
Church
was
but
one
Congregation
,
when
I
brought
it
only
to
prove
,
that
even
in
that
age
they
were
so
small
,
that
the
footsteps
of
the
ancient
shape
of
them
still
appeared
.
Such
Fictions
may
deceive
them
that
will
not
try
what
is
said
,
but
only
read
the
answerer
.
But
by
this
citation
I
see
he
read
my
Treatise
of
Episc.
before
his
Book
came
out
.
And
therefore
I
will
pass
by
these
niblings
till
he
answer
it
.
Sect.
7.
p.
262.
He
accuseth
me
of
[
Rage
and
Bitterness
]
for
saying
that
[
if
he
will
plead
for
so
much
Presumption
,
Profanation
of
Gods
name
,
Usurpation
,
Uncharitableness
and
Schism
,
as
to
own
their
Churches
to
be
new
,
and
devised
without
Gods
Authority
,
and
yet
may
in
his
name
be
imposed
on
the
World
,
and
all
Dissenters
called
Schismaticks
,
]
I
leave
him
.
And
first
he
feigneth
that
I
charge
him
with
this
;
which
is
untrue
,
unless
he
will
charge
himself
with
it
.
But
why
do
I
put
in
[
If
you
will
so
plead
.
]
Ans.
Because
he
accused
me
for
saying
the
contrary
,
viz.
[
that
so
to
divise
,
and
so
to
impose
,
is
worse
,
&c.
But
because
I
know
not
why
he
accused
so
plain
a
truth
,
I
said
[
If
you
do
so
.
]
But
he
now
tells
me
that
he
(
quoted
it
to
shew
that
I
looked
on
all
Churches
beyond
Parochial
,
as
Churches
meerly
of
mans
devising
,
)
which
is
another
untruth
confessed
by
himself
,
who
before
had
this
up
and
cited
my
own
words
to
the
contrary
;
viz.
that
I
believe
the
Catholick
Church
and
deny
not
National
associated
Churches
;
nor
Archbishops
that
put
not
down
the
particular
Churches
,
Pastors
and
Discipline
:
one
mistake
is
his
excuse
for
another
.
Had
he
meant
as
aforesaid
,
had
my
words
been
Rage
,
or
necessary
confutation
?
Sect.
8.
Yea
it
is
his
business
in
the
very
next
page
263
to
confute
his
own
accusation
of
me
by
citing
my
own
concessions
.
And
p.
264.
he
giveth
me
leave
to
call
our
Bishops
Archbishops
.
Ans.
But
1.
Archbishops
have
Churches
with
their
proper
Bishops
under
them
.
But
our
Bishops
say
that
there
are
no
such
under
them
.
2.
I
told
you
before
that
as
the
Major
General
,
Quartermaster
General
,
&c.
of
an
Army
constituteth
not
a
distinct
body
from
the
Army
and
the
particular
Regiments
and
Troops
,
so
I
am
not
certain
that
Apostles
or
Evangelists
or
any
general
Preachers
as
such
,
did
constitute
any
Church
Form
distinct
from
the
Catholick
and
the
particular
Bishops
Churches
:
But
if
they
are
supposed
to
have
taken
their
several
fixed
Provinces
(
which
I
never
saw
proved
)
I
will
not
contend
whether
those
Provinces
may
be
called
Churches
.
If
we
agree
about
the
thing
,
use
the
name
as
you
see
cause
.
Sect.
9.
And
to
your
talk
of
our
Bishops
being
of
the
same
sort
,
I
ask
you
whether
any
of
the
Bishops
for
300
years
,
or
for
long
after
save
Cyril
Alexand.
by
violence
,
did
ever
use
or
claim
any
power
over
any
Ministers
or
Christians
,
besides
meer
fatherly
Teaching
,
Perswading
,
urging
Gods
Word
on
them
,
and
applying
it
to
the
consciences
of
particular
Persons
by
Admonitions
,
verbal
Censures
and
Absolutions
?
Did
they
meddle
by
Force
,
with
Body
or
Purse
?
Let
your
Bishops
use
no
other
force
or
way
of
constraint
than
the
Apostles
did
,
(
if
they
be
their
Successors
)
and
not
lay
the
excommunicate
in
Prisons
and
ruine
their
Bodies
and
Estates
,
&
valeat
quantum
valere
potest
.
But
Mr.
Glanvile
and
many
of
you
tell
us
,
how
little
you
care
for
it
without
the
Sword
.
Sect.
10.
If
any
man
will
but
consider
what
I
cited
out
of
Greg.
Nazianzen
that
saith
Men
unfit
were
so
ambitious
to
be
of
the
Clergy
,
that
the
Clergy
was
in
many
Churches
almost
as
many
as
the
Laity
;
And
that
Presbyters
then
were
much
like
the
Presbyterians
Elders
,
save
that
they
had
the
power
of
Word
and
Sacraments
though
they
seldom
exercised
Preaching
in
Cities
,
but
left
that
to
the
Bishop
;
and
that
the
number
of
their
Acoluthi
,
Exorcistae
,
Ostiarii
,
Lectores
,
Subdiaconi
,
Diaconi
,
&c.
made
up
the
great
body
of
them
.
And
the
very
Boys
and
Schollars
that
were
bred
up
under
them
,
yea
or
but
for
Church-singing
,
are
sometimes
joyned
to
make
up
the
number
,
see
Isidor
.
de
Offic.
Eccl.
L.
2.
even
all
the
Monks
,
are
often
numbred
with
them
.
And
Victor
cited
by
him
seemeth
to
number
twice
the
Infantuli
so
bred
up
with
the
great
number
of
Readers
,
to
the
Carthage
Clergy
,
I
say
he
that
considers
all
this
,
will
not
judge
of
the
number
of
people
or
Churches
by
the
number
of
the
Clergy
,
as
he
would
do
now
with
us
,
where
the
great
Parishes
have
but
two
or
three
Priests
.
Sect.
11.
And
as
to
the
cause
that
I
plead
for
,
it
is
enough
that
I
have
proved
that
even
when
the
name
of
Bishop
was
confined
to
the
Episcopi
Pastorum
,
yet
the
Presbyters
had
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
and
were
Episcopi
Gregis
,
and
exercised
this
power
in
their
distant
Countrey
assemblies
,
though
under
the
Bishop
,
and
the
Bishop
was
to
exercise
his
with
them
as
Assistants
;
so
that
the
particular
Churches
were
not
really
unchurched
.
Sect.
12.
p.
265.
He
cometh
nearer
our
controversie
,
but
first
falsly
stateth
the
question
,
supposing
that
I
say
that
(
the
whole
power
of
the
Presbyters
is
swallowed
up
by
the
Bishops
.
)
And
is
the
disputing
of
a
question
falsly
stated
of
any
profit
?
I
only
said
that
the
office
of
a
Church-Pastor
or
Presbyter
hath
three
essential
parts
,
viz.
the
power
of
Teaching
the
Church
,
of
conducting
them
in
Worship
,
and
Governing
the
people
by
the
use
of
the
Keys
.
And
that
he
that
destroyeth
one
part
that
is
essential
(
though
he
swallow
not
up
all
the
power
)
altereth
the
essence
of
the
Office
:
and
that
so
the
English
Diocesan
Form
doth
,
I
have
largely
proved
in
my
Treat
.
of
Episcopacy
which
he
doth
not
answer
.
Sect.
13.
1.
He
tells
us
that
the
Presbyters
are
the
lower
house
in
the
Convocation
,
and
so
have
their
Votes
in
passing
all
the
Rules
of
Discipline
,
Articles
of
Doctrine
and
Forms
of
divine
Service
.
]
Ans.
1.
According
to
his
description
the
Church
of
England
hath
no
one
Ecclesiastical
Government
,
either
Monarchical
or
Aristocratical
or
Democratical
:
And
therefore
the
Acts
of
the
Convocation
are
no
Acts
of
governing
the
Church
of
England
,
but
meer
Agreements
.
Therefore
this
proveth
not
the
Presbyters
power
of
governing
it
.
2.
If
this
be
a
part
of
Government
it
is
the
Legislative
Part
or
the
Executive
.
The
later
it
is
not
.
The
former
the
Lawyers
say
it
is
not
;
King
and
Parliament
only
being
Legislators
.
But
if
this
be
Legislation
,
we
deny
it
to
be
any
of
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
in
question
,
which
is
but
to
judge
who
is
fit
or
unfit
for
Church-communion
,
to
Admonish
,
Absolve
or
Excommunicate
according
to
Christs
Law
;
and
is
the
execution
of
Christs
Law
,
and
not
the
making
of
new
Laws
.
3.
It
is
lis
sub
judice
whether
the
things
here
named
be
any
part
of
true
lawful
Church-Government
:
Rules
of
Discipline
Christ
hath
made
enough
,
except
about
meer
mutable
Accidents
.
Articles
of
Doctrine
man
must
not
otherwise
make
,
than
to
declare
what
he
believeth
Christ
hath
made
.
Forms
of
Divine
Service
commanded
to
all
others
,
the
Apostles
never
made
,
nor
that
we
find
appointed
any
others
to
make
them
.
If
these
be
lawful
by
way
of
agreement
of
many
Churches
,
this
is
none
of
the
Power
we
speak
of
.
Yet
he
calls
this
[
one
of
the
greatest
Rights
of
Government
,
viz.
making
Rules
for
the
whole
body
;
which
he
denyeth
to
have
any
constitutive
Government
.
Sect.
14.
He
saith
,
[
In
this
main
part
of
Government
our
Church
falls
behind
none
of
the
ancient
Churches
—
only
there
they
were
taken
singly
in
every
City
,
&c.
Ans.
That
is
,
1.
When
the
Ministers
of
a
Diocess
choose
four
,
out
of
whom
the
Bishops
take
two
,
And
2.
This
only
to
make
agreements
,
without
any
governing
power
over
the
Church
of
England
.
3.
And
this
only
about
general
Regulation
.
4.
In
either
unlawful
or
doubtful
Impositions
on
others
about
meer
Accidents
or
Circumstances
of
Order
;
This
is
the
same
or
as
good
as
,
when
every
true
Church
hath
present
Pastors
personally
to
exercise
the
executive
Church-Government
called
the
Keys
,
by
the
Laws
of
Christ
already
made
,
in
judging
the
case
of
each
particular
Person
,
as
to
his
Title
to
Church-communion
and
the
Kingdom
of
Heaven
.
For
that
is
the
thing
which
by
us
is
pleaded
for
.
Sect.
15.
Next
he
tells
us
of
four
that
are
to
joyn
in
Ordinatiom
and
Examination
;
when
1.
It
is
not
the
making
or
governing
of
Pastors
which
I
am
speaking
of
,
but
the
Government
of
the
Flocks
.
2.
He
knoweth
that
it
is
no
strange
thing
for
our
Bishops
to
say
,
that
both
in
Convocations
and
Ordination
,
the
Presbyters
act
only
as
the
Bishops
Council
,
and
the
Bishops
only
act
by
governing
authority
.
3.
I
never
disputed
for
Presbyters
Power
to
ordain
as
essential
to
them
(
nor
did
I
ever
meddle
in
any
Ordination
.
)
4.
If
four
Presbyters
have
such
power
that
proveth
not
that
four
hundred
have
it
,
that
never
exercise
it
,
in
the
same
Diocess
.
5.
If
by
all
this
you
mean
that
really
Presbyters
have
the
governing
Power
of
the
Keys
,
it
condemneth
those
the
more
that
give
it
to
four
and
deny
it
to
four
hundred
or
one
thousand
.
6.
When
I
was
ordained
none
examined
us
but
the
Bishops
Chaplain
,
and
two
or
three
City
Ministers
called
by
the
Bishop
that
never
saw
us
before
,
meerly
pro
formâ
laid
hands
on
us
with
him
.
But
it
's
well
that
you
give
such
a
power
to
ordain
.
Sect.
16.
Next
p.
267.
he
comes
to
the
point
in
question
,
whether
they
have
the
Pastoral
Power
of
the
Keys
over
their
own
Flocks
?
And
1.
He
saith
,
One
would
think
the
objector
had
never
read
over
the
office
of
Ordination
for
them
.
For
the
Epistle
is
read
,
the
Charge
given
by
St.
Paul
to
the
Elders
at
Miletus
Act
20
,
or
the
third
Chapter
of
1
Tim.
concerning
the
Office
of
a
Bishop
.
What
a
great
Impertinency
had
this
been
,
&
c
?
Ans.
This
is
like
the
rest
.
I
must
not
suppose
that
he
never
read
it
himself
.
See
Reader
,
whether
any
of
this
be
true
?
Indeed
heretofore
it
was
in
the
Book
of
Ordination
;
but
we
shewed
the
Bishops
that
thence
Bishop
Usher
in
his
Reduction
argued
that
the
Presbyters
have
some
conjunct
Power
with
the
Bishops
to
govern
their
own
particular
Flocks
,
and
some
true
Pastoral
Power
of
the
Keys
(
I
was
one
that
oft
urged
it
on
them
.
)
And
they
told
us
that
the
Bishop
was
the
Pastor
and
they
but
his
Curates
,
and
to
confute
us
,
put
out
both
these
parts
of
Scripture
from
the
Book
which
he
saith
are
in
it
;
so
that
neither
of
them
is
there
:
And
presently
they
also
put
out
the
very
name
of
Pastor
given
to
Parish
Ministers
,
in
almost
all
places
of
the
Liturgy
.
Doth
not
all
this
shew
their
mind
?
Sect.
17.
Next
he
tells
us
of
the
Bishops
Exhortation
,
calling
them
[
the
Messengers
,
Watchman
,
Pastors
and
Stewards
of
the
Lord
.
]
Ans.
It
was
so
in
the
old
Book
,
But
the
word
(
Pastors
)
here
also
is
purposely
put
out
to
shew
their
judgment
.
Is
this
just
dealing
,
And
doth
it
not
confute
himself
?
3.
He
tells
us
of
the
Promise
to
Minister
,
Doctrine
,
Sacraments
and
Discipline
.
]
Ans.
The
truth
is
neither
in
the
exhortation
nor
collation
of
Orders
,
is
there
any
mention
of
any
power
given
him
to
govern
,
but
only
to
administer
the
Word
and
Sacraments
:
and
thus
far
the
people
are
called
his
charge
:
But
in
the
question
,
Discipline
is
named
thus
[
as
the
Lord
hath
commanded
,
and
as
this
Church
and
Realm
hath
received
the
same
,
according
to
the
Commandements
of
God
:
]
so
that
1.
The
Priest
hereby
owneth
that
as
it
is
received
in
this
Church
and
Realm
it
is
according
to
Gods
Commandments
,
and
2.
Then
promiseth
so
to
use
it
:
which
is
1.
To
be
an
Accuser
,
2.
And
as
a
Cryer
to
publish
the
Bishops
or
Lay-Chancellors
Excommunication
and
Absolutions
.
This
is
the
promisé
.
Sect.
18.
And
what
if
the
name
of
Government
or
the
Keys
had
been
put
in
,
when
it
is
denyed
in
its
essential
part
?
I
have
proved
out
of
Cousins
Tables
,
Zouch
,
and
the
Canons
and
actual
Judgment
and
Practice
of
the
Bishop
.
,
that
Government
or
Jurisdiction
is
denyed
to
them
:
And
instanced
in
many
and
most
acts
in
which
it
doth
consist
,
in
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
.
And
this
being
my
question
,
(
whether
the
English
frame
depose
not
the
ancient
Churches
(
which
had
every
one
their
own
Pastor
with
the
power
of
the
Keys
)
and
so
the
ancient
Offices
and
Discipline
.
)
I
am
not
now
concerned
about
the
General
Archiepiscopal
Power
of
the
Diocesans
.
Sect.
19.
p.
269.
He
saith
(
that
while
the
Apostles
lived
it
is
probable
there
were
no
fixed
Bishops
,
or
but
few
.
)
Ans.
Mark
this
Reader
.
1.
If
so
,
then
while
they
lived
,
there
were
but
twelve
or
thirteen
Bishops
in
the
World
,
if
any
.
And
were
then
no
more
Churches
that
had
governing
Pastors
?
2.
Then
if
it
cannot
be
proved
that
the
Apostles
were
fixed
Bishops
,
but
ambulatory
Apostles
,
there
were
none
in
the
World
in
their
times
.
3.
Then
the
Angels
of
the
seven
Churches
were
Apostles
(
reprehended
by
Christ
)
or
meer
Presbyters
,
or
of
the
few
excepted
Bishops
.
Why
then
doth
he
himself
elsewhere
argue
that
there
were
Bishops
then
,
because
these
Cities
were
Metropoles
?
4.
See
what
concord
is
between
the
chief
Doctors
of
the
Church
of
England
.
Dr.
Hammond
saith
that
it
cannot
be
proved
that
there
were
any
Presbyters
but
Bishops
in
Scripture
times
:
and
supposeth
the
Episcopal
Party
of
his
mind
.
This
Dr.
saith
,
(
It
's
probable
there
were
no
fixed
Bishops
,
or
but
few
.
And
so
they
differ
.
1.
Of
the
sence
of
the
Texts
that
mention
Presbyters
and
Bishops
.
2.
And
about
the
guidance
of
the
Churches
de
facto
in
those
times
.
3.
And
if
the
Arpostles
were
not
fixed
Bishops
of
single
Churches
,
they
have
no
Successors
as
such
.
If
they
were
we
must
have
but
twelve
or
thirteen
Bishops
as
their
Successors
in
the
World
.
And
which
be
those
Seats
?
and
how
prove
they
their
claim
?
Sect.
20.
To
prove
the
Parish
Ministers
Pastoral
Power
p.
272.
he
tells
us
of
that
he
is
judge
of
the
Qualification
of
those
that
are
to
be
confirmed
.
Ans.
1.
Had
I
ever
taken
a
Parish
Charge
under
them
,
I
would
have
taken
more
advantage
from
the
new
Rubrike
about
this
,
than
any
thing
else
,
and
then
the
Bishops
intended
.
But
1.
There
is
not
one
of
a
multitude
confirmed
,
and
desire
of
Confirmation
proveth
not
any
understanding
of
Christianity
.
2.
And
if
the
Minister
doubt
whether
they
be
Ready
or
capable
,
they
may
refuse
to
give
him
any
account
.
3.
He
is
to
send
in
the
names
of
such
as
he
judgeth
fit
.
But
1.
it
's
only
when
the
Bishop
Summons
them
.
2.
And
the
Bishop
is
no
way
obliged
to
confirm
no
more
than
the
Priest
approveth
of
.
To
prove
this
,
1.
Their
ordinary
practice
is
to
confirm
without
the
Curates
hands
:
2.
When
the
Kings
Declaration
was
debated
at
Worcester
House
1661
,
before
the
K.
Lords
,
Bishops
and
Ministers
,
I
laboured
almost
only
for
this
that
day
,
to
have
got
in
the
word
(
Consent
)
of
the
Minister
of
the
Parish
for
such
as
should
be
Confirmed
,
supposing
that
one
word
would
have
partly
restored
the
Parish
Pastors
power
,
and
so
have
made
our
Bishops
tolerable
Archbishops
,
that
if
possible
we
might
have
been
healed
.
But
the
Bishops
rejected
it
with
all
their
might
,
and
got
the
King
to
refuse
it
:
But
because
I
laid
so
great
a
stress
on
it
,
the
Lords
and
others
that
were
to
collect
and
publish
the
Concessions
,
when
we
were
gone
put
it
in
for
that
time
,
and
at
the
Convocation
the
Bishops
cast
it
all
away
.
Did
they
not
tell
us
then
their
sence
?
And
they
call
him
only
the
Curate
of
the
Parish
,
and
not
the
Pastor
.
And
4.
If
this
were
practicable
some
good
men
would
practice
it
,
at
least
this
Doctor
himself
:
But
I
never
heard
of
one
that
pre-examined
his
Communicants
whether
they
were
ready
and
willing
to
be
Confirmed
.
5.
And
if
he
did
,
he
would
keep
away
many
fit
Persons
,
that
scruple
our
sort
of
Confirmation
.
6.
And
what
is
all
this
to
the
many
thousand
Noncommunicants
,
who
quietly
remain
members
of
your
Churches
?
Sect.
21.
As
to
his
words
p.
275.
of
power
to
keep
the
scandalous
from
the
Sacrament
,
I
have
in
so
many
books
proved
it
next
to
none
,
and
utterly
insufficient
,
that
I
will
not
wast
time
to
repeat
all
here
.
Sect.
22.
He
tells
me
that
in
Can.
26
is
not
in
Reformatio
Legum
Eccles.
Ans
.
But
I
have
before
told
him
,
how
much
more
and
better
is
,
which
would
go
far
to
heal
us
could
we
obtain
it
.
He
saith
that
[
any
one
that
hath
seen
them
knoweth
it
to
be
a
mistake
,
to
say
it
was
published
by
John
Fox
.
Ans.
His
Reader
must
be
a
strong
believer
,
and
take
much
on
his
word
;
1.
I
have
seen
them
,
and
spake
with
men
of
great
understanding
that
have
seen
them
,
that
yet
judge
it
no
mistake
.
2.
The
Preface
of
the
publisher
is
like
his
Style
.
3.
It
is
called
Praefatio
I.
F.
And
can
every
Reader
know
that
I.
F.
meaneth
not
John
Fox
?
4.
Ordinary
Tradition
saith
it
was
John
Fox's
:
And
what
should
I
sooner
believe
in
such
a
case
?
Instead
of
proving
that
they
have
all
a
power
(
to
their
condemnation
)
which
we
see
they
exercise
not
,
let
him
procure
a
real
power
declared
and
granted
,
and
it
will
do
more
than
these
words
.
Sect.
23.
But
when
it
comes
to
the
question
whether
me
may
so
much
as
call
a
sinner
to
repentance
by
name
before
the
Church
,
who
rejecteth
all
more
private
admonition
,
he
puts
the
question
,
whether
the
obligation
to
admonish
publickly
an
offender
,
or
to
deny
him
the
Sacrament
if
he
will
come
to
it
,
be
so
great
as
to
bear
him
out
in
the
violation
of
a
Law
,
made
by
publick
authority
,
&c.
Ans.
The
first
question
is
whether
Christ
have
not
made
his
Church
so
different
a
thing
from
the
World
,
that
they
should
be
openly
differenced
,
by
a
Communion
of
Saints
?
2.
And
whether
he
hath
not
instituted
an
office
to
judge
of
this
and
by
Government
execute
it
?
And
3.
Whether
any
man
have
authority
to
suspend
this
Law
or
Office
?
And
then
4.
I
shall
grant
that
not
only
Discipline
,
but
Preaching
and
Prayer
and
Sacraments
may
be
forborn
hic
&
nunc
in
the
present
exercise
,
when
else
the
exercise
would
do
more
hurt
than
good
.
5.
But
are
these
Laws
good
that
forbid
it
?
and
should
we
Covenant
never
to
endeavour
an
Alteration
?
Sect.
24.
He
next
tells
us
of
the
great
difficulty
of
exercising
true
Discipline
,
(
which
is
most
true
)
and
seems
thence
to
defend
the
forbearance
of
it
with
us
.
Answ.
I
have
in
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
and
oft
proved
that
it
is
of
great
importance
to
Christ's
ends
,
and
that
he
would
have
it
continued
to
the
last
,
and
that
the
Communion
of
Saints
is
a
practical
Article
of
Faith
;
and
that
making
small
difference
between
the
Church
and
the
World
,
tends
to
Church
destruction
,
and
to
the
reproach
of
Christianity
,
and
the
utter
undoing
of
millions
of
Souls
.
And
though
Pope
and
Prelates
have
abused
it
to
captivate
Princes
and
Nations
,
the
just
use
of
it
(
he
knoweth
)
is
mentioned
by
the
Universal
Church
,
and
visibly
recorded
in
the
Canons
of
the
several
ages
.
Though
some
Erastians
are
of
late
against
it
;
And
Jesuits
and
worldly
Protestants
can
dispense
with
it
when
it
would
hurt
their
worldly
Interest
,
and
turn
it
chiefly
against
Gods
Servants
that
displease
and
cross
them
.
Sect.
25.
p.
284.
He
saith
,
[
The
want
of
Discipline
in
the
Parish
Churches
was
never
thought
by
old
Nonconformists
destructive
to
the
being
of
them
.
Answ.
They
did
not
confound
the
Power
and
the
Exercise
:
Nor
what
the
Ministers
office
is
indeed
and
from
God
,
and
what
it
is
by
the
Bishops
Mind
and
Rules
of
Conformity
.
I
say
as
they
.
1.
The
Exercise
may
be
suspended
without
nulling
the
Power
or
Policy
.
2.
They
are
true
Pastors
and
Churches
by
Gods
will
,
against
the
will
of
those
that
would
degrade
them
.
Sect.
26.
But
supposing
every
man
left
to
his
own
Conscience
,
for
Communion
.
1.
He
saith
the
greatest
Offenders
generally
excommunicate
themselves
.
Answ.
1.
And
is
it
your
way
to
leave
all
the
rest
to
their
Consciences
,
and
yet
to
preach
and
write
against
,
and
lay
in
Jail
dissenting
godly
People
that
communicate
not
with
you
?
2.
And
are
not
all
these
Offenders
still
Members
of
your
Church
?
Albaspineus
complaineth
of
their
Roman
French
Church
,
that
he
never
knew
any
further
cast
out
than
from
the
Sacrament
,
and
left
still
to
other
parts
of
communion
as
Members
;
And
so
do
you
by
thousands
who
are
all
Sons
of
your
Church
;
but
we
are
none
.
He
is
again
at
it
,
what
Church
I
was
of
,
and
I
have
told
him
oft
enough
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
What
the
National
Church
of
England
is
?
Sect.
1.
ACcording
to
the
Doctors
Method
we
come
now
to
the
Explication
of
one
of
the
terms
of
our
Controversie
,
so
long
and
loudly
called
for
,
viz.
what
the
National
Church
of
England
is
,
which
we
must
obey
,
and
from
which
we
are
said
to
separate
,
p.
287.
And
the
answer
is
such
as
may
tell
Dr.
Fulwood
and
him
,
that
it's
time
to
give
over
wondering
that
I
understood
not
what
they
meant
by
it
.
Sect.
2.
Our
question
is
of
the
Church
Policy
and
Political
Form
.
All
writers
of
Politicks
difference
a
meer
Community
,
from
a
Political
Body
:
This
is
essentiated
of
the
two
constitutive
Parts
,
the
Pars
Regens
and
Pars
subdita
:
the
former
is
much
like
the
Soul
,
and
the
later
the
Body
.
The
Ruling
Part
is
called
the
Form
by
most
,
and
the
sorts
(
Monarchical
,
Aristocratical
,
Democratical
or
mixt
)
the
form
in
Specie
,
as
the
rational
or
sensitive
Soul
to
Animals
:
But
the
Relative
Form
is
the
Union
of
both
in
their
proper
order
.
Such
a
body
Politick
is
a
Kingdom
,
a
City
,
a
Church
in
the
proper
and
usual
sense
.
But
in
a
loose
sense
many
other
things
may
be
called
a
Church
.
As
1.
a
Community
prepared
for
a
governing
Form
,
not
yet
received
.
2.
An
occasional
Congregation
about
Religion
(
as
Prisoners
that
pray
together
;
Men
that
meet
about
a
Religious
Consultation
or
Dispute
,
&c.
)
3.
Many
Churches
as
under
one
Christian
Magistrate
as
an
accidental
Head
.
4.
Many
Churches
associated
for
mutual
help
and
concord
,
without
any
governing
Head
:
Either
of
one
Kingdom
or
of
many
.
5.
Many
Churches
as
meerly
agreeing
in
Judgment
and
Love
,
in
distant
parts
of
the
World
.
None
of
these
are
Churches
in
the
political
Sense
,
but
are
equivocally
so
called
.
But
Politically
.
1.
All
the
Christian
World
is
one
Church
as
formed
by
their
Relation
to
Christ
the
Head
.
2.
All
single
Churches
that
have
Pastors
to
guide
them
in
the
Essentials
of
the
Pastoral
Office
,
are
true
Churches
,
formed
by
this
mutual
Relation
.
These
two
are
undoubted
.
3.
The
now
Roman
▪
Catholick
Church
is
one
by
Usurpation
,
as
informed
by
one
Usurping
head
.
4.
A
Patriarchal
Church
is
one
,
as
Governed
by
a
Patriarch
.
5.
A
Provincial
Church
is
one
as
headed
by
the
Metropolitan
,
or
as
mixt
where
Aristocratically
others
are
joyned
with
him
.
6.
An
Archiepiscopal
or
Diocesan
Church
that
hath
particular
Churches
and
Bishops
under
it
is
one
as
headed
by
that
Diocesane
.
(
Jure
an
injuriâ
I
dispute
not
.
)
7.
A
Diocesane
Church
of
many
score
or
hundred
Parishes
,
having
no
Episcopus
Gregis
,
or
true
Pastors
and
Pastoral
Churches
under
him
,
but
only
half
Pastors
and
Chappels
that
are
but
partes
Ecclesia
,
is
one
,
even
of
the
lowest
sort
,
in
their
opinion
,
as
headed
by
that
Diocesane
.
8.
A
Presbyterian
Classical
Church
is
one
,
as
headed
by
the
Classes
.
9.
A
Presbyterian
National
Church
is
one
,
as
headed
by
the
General
Assembly
.
10.
An
Episcopal
National
Church
is
one
,
either
as
headed
by
one
National
Bishop
,
or
else
by
a
Synod
of
Bishops
Aristocratically
;
or
else
by
a
Synod
of
Bishops
and
Presbyters
Aristocratically
.
All
these
that
are
constituted
of
One
Regent
and
a
subdite
Part
,
are
called
Churches
in
a
Political
proper
sense
,
and
not
only
equivocally
.
Now
the
Question
is
,
Of
which
sort
is
the
National
Church
of
England
?
And
the
Doctor
saith
,
page
287.
1.
That
the
Society
of
all
Christians
is
counted
a
true
Catholick
Church
,
from
their
Union
and
Consent
in
some
common
things
:
and
so
is
ours
,
&c.
]
Answ.
But
in
what
common
things
?
Not
in
one
Bible
,
for
so
may
Hereticks
,
much
less
in
one
Liturgy
.
If
it
be
not
a
consent
in
one
Governing
Head
,
it
makes
no
proper
Church
.
2.
He
supposeth
an
agreement
in
the
same
Faith
,
and
under
the
same
Government
and
Discipline
.
Answ.
That
's
right
:
But
what
Government
is
it
,
Civil
,
or
Ecclesiastical
?
The
first
is
no
essential
part
of
a
proper
Church
.
If
it
be
the
later
,
is
it
one
in
specie
or
in
individu●
politico
?
Not
the
former
;
for
a
100
Episcopal
Churches
in
several
Nations
may
have
one
species
of
Government
,
as
many
Kingdoms
may
have
.
It
is
therefore
the
later
that
is
all
my
Question
,
which
is
the
Church-Head
?
He
saith
[
As
several
Families
make
one
Kingdom
,
so
several
lesser
Churches
make
one
National
.
Answ.
True
,
if
that
National
Church
have
one
Constitutive
Head
as
a
Family
hath
:
It
's
no
Family
without
a
Pater
or
Mater
Familias
.
And
no
Governed
proper
Church
without
Governours
;
and
there
is
no
Governour
where
there
is
no
supreme
in
his
place
and
kind
:
For
inferiours
have
all
their
power
from
the
supreme
:
There
is
no
Universal
supreme
but
God
:
but
the
King
is
subordinately
the
supreme
in
his
Kingdom
in
respect
to
inferiours
,
and
so
it
is
in
other
Governed
Societies
.
He
addeth
[
The
name
of
a
Church
comprehended
the
Ecclesiastical
Governours
and
People
of
whole
Cities
,
and
so
may
be
extended
to
many
Cities
united
under
one
Civil
Government
,
and
the
same
rules
of
Religion
.
Answ.
1.
If
the
question
were
only
de
nomine
,
we
grant
that
Civil
Courts
even
of
Heathens
are
usually
by
Writers
called
Ecclesia
,
and
so
is
any
Assembly
.
If
this
be
all
you
mean
,
speak
out
.
2.
Many
Nations
may
agree
in
the
same
Rules
of
Religion
,
yea
,
so
all
Christians
do
:
Doth
this
constitute
National
Churches
?
3.
One
Civil
Government
is
of
another
species
,
and
not
essential
but
accidental
to
a
Church
,
and
therefore
doth
not
constitute
or
individuate
it
:
One
justice
of
Peace
or
Mayor
in
a
Christian
Corporation
,
doth
not
make
it
one
Parish
Church
.
But
if
this
be
all
your
meaning
,
speak
out
:
we
grant
de
re
a
Christian
Kingdom
,
and
contend
not
de
nomine
if
you
call
it
a
Church
.
§.
3.
page
297.
●
.
As
to
the
difference
of
a
National
Church
and
Kingdom
,
he
granteth
what
we
desire
,
confessing
the
difference
.
But
asketh
[
whence
cometh
all
this
zeal
now
against
a
National
Church
?
]
Answ.
An
untrue
insinuation
.
1.
To
desire
to
know
what
it
is
,
is
untruly
called
zeal
against
it
.
2.
And
agreeing
with
you
in
the
description
is
no
zeal
against
it
.
He
adds
[
The
Presbyterians
and
Mr.
Hudson
write
for
it
.
Answ.
Mr.
Hudson
is
a
Conformist
:
And
the
Presbyterians
tell
you
what
they
mean
,
a
Christian
Nation
of
particular
Churches
Governed
by
One
General
Assembly
as
the
Supreme
Ecclesiastical
Government
.
Whether
this
be
just
or
unjust
is
now
none
of
our
question
.
I
have
oft
told
what
I
think
of
it
.
Do
you
also
tell
us
which
is
your
National
Church-power
and
I
have
done
?
Are
you
loth
to
be
understood
?
§
.
4.
But
page
299.
He
cometh
to
his
plain
Answer
,
viz.
1.
[
The
National
Church
of
England
diffusive
is
the
whole
Body
of
Christians
in
this
Nation
,
consisting
of
Pastors
and
People
,
agreeing
in
that
Faith
,
Government
and
worship
which
are
established
by
the
Laws
of
this
Realm
.
]
And
now
he
[
continues
his
wonder
at
those
who
so
confidently
say
,
they
cannot
tell
what
we
mean
by
the
Church
of
England
.
]
Answ.
Yea
,
your
wonder
may
increase
,
that
I
less
and
less
understand
it
,
if
you
did
not
after
tell
us
better
●●an
in
this
unhappy
definition
.
1.
Is
this
called
the
Church
diffusive
one
Governed
body
Politick
?
If
not
,
it
is
no
Church
in
the
sense
in
question
,
and
I
'le
not
stick
with
you
for
an
equivocal
name
.
2.
Do
you
mean
by
[
Government
agreed
in
.
1.
The
Civil
Government
.
2.
Or
the
Ecclesiastical
Government
of
the
particular
Churches
severally
.
3.
Or
one
Government
of
all
the
National
Church
?
1.
The
first
makes
it
no
Church
in
the
sense
in
question
.
2.
The
second
makes
it
no
Church
,
but
an
Association
of
many
Churches
▪
such
as
a
thousand
Independent
▪
Churches
may
make
,
or
the
Churches
of
many
Kingdoms
.
Many
Families
Associated
are
no
City
or
one
ruled
Society
if
they
agree
in
no
Common
Governours
,
but
only
their
several
Family
Governours
.
Many
Cities
associated
are
no
Commonwealth
if
they
agree
not
in
one
supreme
power
.
It
's
no
political
body
without
one
common
Governour
▪
Natural
or
Collective
,
Monarchical
,
Aristocratical
or
Democratical
.
And
what
is
it
of
[
Worship
established
by
Law
]
that
individuates
your
Church
?
If
all
th●●
the
Law
hath
established
.
1.
Your
Church
hath
oft
changed
its
very
being
,
and
may
do
at
every
Parliament
.
2.
And
the
Church
is
small
and
unknown
,
if
all
that
differ
in
any
point
established
are
no
parts
of
it
.
But
if
it
be
not
all
established
,
who
knoweth
by
this
definition
what
it
is
,
and
what
is
the
very
matter
of
your
Church
.
So
that
here
is
a
definition
which
neither
notifieth
matter
or
form
.
§
.
5.
Next
he
answereth
the
Question
,
How
all
the
Congregations
in
England
make
up
this
one
Church
?
]
and
answereth
[
By
Unity
of
Consent
,
as
all
particular
Churches
make
one
Catholick
.
]
Answ.
Consent
to
what
?
1.
If
it
be
not
to
one
common
Government
,
it
is
no
Governed
Church
,
as
one
.
2.
Doth
he
think
that
the
Catholick
Church
consenteth
not
to
one
Governing
Head
,
Christ
?
And
doth
any
thing
else
make
them
formally
One
Politick
body
or
Church
?
This
were
ill
Doctrine
.
§
.
6.
Question
,
How
comes
it
to
be
One
National
Church
?
(
Saith
he
)
I
say
because
it
was
received
by
the
common
consent
of
the
whole
Nation
in
Parliament
,
as
other
Laws
of
the
Nation
are
?
]
Answ.
Whether
,
[
How
comes
it
?
]
Speak
of
the
efficient
cause
,
or
the
formal
,
or
what
,
it
's
hard
to
know
,
so
singular
are
his
Logical
notions
.
But
the
first
is
most
likely
.
And
then
,
1.
The
question
is
still
unanswered
,
What
is
the
One
common
Governing
power
in
the
Church
which
this
Parliament
consent
hath
●●t
up
?
He
knows
this
is
the
question
.
2.
And
if
it
be
by
Parliament
consent
,
how
old
is
your
Church
?
What
Parliament
first
made
it
?
It
's
not
so
old
as
Luther
?
Is
it
no
older
than
the
Liturgy
or
Canons
?
3.
Doth
it
die
and
live
again
as
oft
as
Parliaments
change
it
?
If
the
corruption
of
one
have
been
the
generation
of
another
,
how
many
Churches
of
England
have
you
had
?
4.
The
whole
Nation
did
not
consent
by
Parliament
when
the
Lords
and
Commons
voted
down
the
Bishops
and
Liturgy
:
was
there
then
no
National
Church
?
5.
How
shall
we
prove
that
the
whole
or
half
the
Nation
ever
meant
to
put
their
consent
into
the
hand
of
the
Parliament
to
make
a
new
Church
of
England
,
and
to
alter
it
?
6.
What
men
make
they
may
destroy
.
May
not
the
Nation
withdraw
such
consent
?
and
the
Parliament
unmake
their
creature
▪
§
.
7.
Next
,
p.
300
he
saith
[
The
Representative
Church
of
England
i●
the
Bishops
and
Presbyters
of
this
Church
meeting
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Realm
,
to
consult
and
advise
about
〈◊〉
of
Religion
.
—
The
consent
of
〈◊〉
Convocations
(
of
Ca●●erbury
and
York
Provinces
)
●●
the
Representative
National
Church
of
England
.
Answ.
1.
So
here
we
have
a
Diffusiv●
Church
and
its
Representative
,
but
no
Government
of
either
,
as
a
Church
,
mentioned
,
but
the
Civil
.
2.
And
they
can
be
no
Governours
meerly
as
Representing
those
that
are
no
Governours
themselves
.
Not
as
the
peoples
Representatives
;
fo●
they
are
no
Church
Governours
(
whatever
elsewhere
he
saith
like
a
Brownist
of
the
Keys
being
given
to
Peter
as
representing
the
whole
Church
.
)
.
Not
as
the
Presbyters
representatives
;
For
,
1.
They
are
denied
Episcopal
power
,
2.
And
they
are
Governours
at
most
but
of
their
particular
Churches
;
and
not
of
the
whole
.
3.
Not
as
the
Bishops
representatives
,
for
1.
They
are
there
themselves
,
2.
And
they
are
no
Common
Governours
of
the
whole
as
such
.
3.
If
he
mean
that
the
two
Convocations
when
they
consent
become
the
One
Common
Constitutive
Governing
Power
of
the
National
Church
,
this
is
intelligible
,
but
1.
He
after
denieth
any
such
;
2.
And
then
their
dissent
would
dissolve
the
Church
,
and
one
Convocation
not
oblige
it
;
(
with
much
more
such
.
)
§
.
8.
But
yet
he
perceiveth
he
hath
not
answered
me
,
and
therefore
comes
to
it
,
page
300
,
saying
,
[
It
's
a
false
supposition
that
where-ever
there
is
the
true
notion
of
a
Church
,
there
must
be
a
Constitutive
Regent
part
,
—
a
standing
Governing
power
which
is
an
essential
part
of
it
.
]
Answ.
A
true
notion
,
belongeth
to
equivocals
:
The
true
notion
,
and
the
proper
political
notion
are
words
of
various
signification
.
I
have
granted
you
that
the
true
notion
of
a
Church
belongs
to
a
Ship-full
,
a
Prison
full
,
a
House-full
,
of
Christians
as
such
;
and
to
our
Parliament
,
and
to
the
Common-Council
of
the
City
:
But
not
the
notion
now
in
question
.
2.
Is
not
Government
essential
to
a
Governed
Church
?
Fixed
Government
to
a
fixed
Church
,
and
transient
temporary
Government
to
an
answerable
Church
?
Deny
this
and
few
will
follow
you
.
§
.
9.
He
adds
,
[
Which
I
will
prove
to
be
false
from
Mr.
B.
himself
.
He
asserts
that
there
is
one
Catholick
visible
Church
,
and
that
all
particular
Churches
headed
by
their
particular
Bishops
or
Pastors
,
are
parts
of
the
Universal
Church
as
a
Troop
is
of
an
Army
,
and
a
City
of
a
Kingdom
.
—
Then
it
will
unavoidably
follow
,
that
there
must
be
a
Catholick
visible
Head
to
a
Catholick
visible
Church
.
And
so
Mr.
Bs:
Constitutive
Regent
part
of
a
Church
hath
done
the
Pope
a
wonderful
kindness
—
But
there
are
some
men
in
the
world
that
do
not
attend
the
advantages
they
give
to
Popery
,
so
they
may
but
vent
their
spleen
against
the
Church
of
England
.
But
doth
not
Mr.
B.
say
,
that
the
Universal
Church
is
headed
by
Christ
;
I
grant
he
doth
:
But
the
Question
is
of
the
Visible
Church
of
which
particular
Churches
are
parts
:
And
they
being
Visible
parts
,
require
a
Visible
Constitutive
Regent
Head
,
—
therefore
the
whole
Visible
Church
must
have
likewise
a
Constitutive
Visible
Regent
part
—
This
is
to
make
a
Key
for
Catholicks
?
Answ.
I
am
glad
he
speaketh
so
intelligibly
,
in
denying
a
Constitutive
Regent
part
▪
though
sorry
that
he
speaks
so
ill
.
1.
When
I
have
written
against
Johnson
,
alias
Terrae
the
Papist
,
two
Books
on
this
subject
;
especially
the
later
fully
proving
the
Catholick
Church
headed
by
Christ
,
to
be
that
visible
Church
Catholick
of
which
all
particulars
are
members
;
Can
the
Reader
think
I
should
write
it
over
again
,
because
this
Doctor
will
talk
over
a
little
of
the
same
with
that
Priest
,
and
take
no
notice
of
my
proof
or
answer
?
2.
Doth
he
believe
that
the
Kingdoms
of
the
World
are
not
visible
parts
of
God's
Universal
Kingdom
?
and
yet
God
invisible
?
3.
Dare
he
say
that
all
true
Churches
are
not
real
parts
of
Christ's
Universal
Church
,
as
a
Governed
body
?
and
yet
are
not
they
visible
?
Is
it
necessary
then
that
the
Universal
Head
must
be
visible
if
the
subordinate
be
so
?
4.
Doth
he
not
perceive
that
he
turneth
the
Controversie
,
from
the
necessity
of
a
Regent
head
,
to
the
necessity
of
his
visibility
?
As
if
our
question
had
not
been
,
Which
is
the
Regent
part
of
the
Church
of
England
?
but
whether
it
must
be
visible
?
Is
this
edifying
?
5.
All
Christians
are
agreed
that
the
Universal
Church
is
Visible
.
1.
In
its
parts
and
members
on
earth
,
and
their
profession
.
2.
In
that
Christ
the
Head
was
visible
on
earth
;
3.
And
hath
left
Visible
Universal
Laws
;
4.
And
hath
a
Body
visible
in
Heaven
;
as
the
King
is
to
his
Courtiers
but
not
to
most
of
his
Subjects
;
5.
And
will
shortly
visibly
judge
all
the
World
.
Thus
far
and
no
further
(
save
as
seen
extraordinarily
to
Paul
,
Stephen
,
&c.
)
is
the
Universal
Head
Visible
.
And
are
we
not
agreed
that
this
is
a
real
and
most
excellent
Political
Church
▪
and
that
all
other
Visible
Churches
are
parts
of
it
?
Something
besides
spleen
makes
some
men
talk
dangerously
.
§
.
10.
But
really
doth
he
think
that
this
doth
unavoidably
set
up
the
Pope
?
Why
,
first
is
there
a
word
of
this
that
a
sober
Christian
dare
deny
?
or
that
the
Christian
World
doth
not
commonly
consent
to
?
And
do
the
certain
Doctrines
of
the
Gospel
and
Church
set
up
the
Pope
?
Will
he
turn
Papist
if
this
be
proved
,
and
the
Christian
World
be
not
deceived
?
Is
this
our
Champion
against
Popery
now
?
I
thought
no
man
but
Mr.
Cheny
and
some
odd
Papists
had
been
of
this
Opinion
?
But
to
Mr.
Cheny
and
against
Johnson
I
have
confuted
it
,
and
therefore
thither
refer
the
Reader
.
Far
be
it
from
me
to
resist
Popery
by
denying
,
1.
That
Christ's
Church
thus
far
visible
is
one
Political
body
headed
by
himself
,
2.
Or
that
all
true
visible
Churches
are
parts
of
it
.
3.
Or
that
every
Political
Governed
body
is
constituted
of
the
Regent
and
subdite
parts
.
Christians
will
reject
me
for
the
former
,
and
Politicians
deride
me
if
I
hold
the
last
.
§
.
11.
He
proceedeth
,
[
2.
The
plain
resolution
is
,
that
we
deny
any
necessity
of
any
such
Regent
Constitutive
part
,
or
one
formal
Ecclesiastical
Head
as
essential
to
a
National
Church
:
For
a
National
consent
is
as
sufficient
to
make
a
National
Church
as
an
Universal
consent
to
make
a
Catholick
.
]
Answ.
No
consent
maketh
a
Catholick
Church
,
but
consenting
to
one
supreme
Head
,
Christ
:
But
I
am
glad
I
understand
you
.
§
12.
Saith
he
,
[
Quest.
By
what
way
this
National
consent
is
to
be
declared
?
By
the
Constitutions
of
this
Church
the
Arch-Bishops
,
Bishops
and
Presbyters
summoned
by
the
King
's
Writ
,
are
to
advise
and
declare
their
judgments
in
matters
of
Religion
,
which
received
and
enacted
by
Parliament
there
is
as
great
a
National
consent
as
to
any
Law
.
And
all
the
Bishops
,
Ministers
and
People
make
up
this
National
Church
.
]
Answ.
Now
we
are
come
to
the
bottom
:
And
,
1.
Our
question
is
of
the
Constitution
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Doctor
tells
us
the
Administration
makes
it
.
To
consult
and
advise
and
make
Laws
are
acts
of
Administration
,
and
follow
the
Constitution
.
Men
must
have
Power
before
they
use
it
,
and
must
be
a
Church
before
they
act
〈◊〉
Church
.
2.
Yea
to
Advise
and
Consult
are
not
so
much
as
acts
proper
to
administring
Government
,
but
belong
to
those
that
are
no
Governours
also
.
3.
If
they
be
no
Laws
till
the
Parliament
make
them
such
,
then
either
the
Parliament
are
your
Church
Head
,
or
you
have
none
that
's
Ecclesiastical
.
But
having
your
plain
Confession
that
you
have
no
such
Regent
part
,
and
so
are
no
Church
Political
,
(
save
Civil
)
but
a
meer
Association
,
I
ask
§.
13.
1.
Why
do
you
pretend
that
we
are
none
of
the
Church
of
England
,
or
that
we
vent
our
spleen
against
it
or
deny
it
,
who
deny
not
Associated
Churches
in
England
under
one
Civil
Government
?
2.
How
unhappily
are
the
Church-Defenders
and
Conformists
disagreed
?
Read
Mr.
Dodwell
and
many
such
others
that
take
the
Church
to
be
a
Governed
body
Politick
and
see
what
they
will
judg
of
you
?
3.
Are
not
you
and
I
liker
to
be
of
one
Church
of
England
,
who
agree
what
it
is
,
than
you
and
those
Bishops
and
Doctors
that
speak
of
two
different
things
,
and
agree
not
so
much
as
what
it
is
?
4.
Have
you
not
brought
your
Defence
of
the
Church
of
England
to
a
fair
issue
,
by
denying
that
there
is
any
such
Church
,
in
the
questioned
political
sense
?
5.
What
made
you
before
talk
of
being
under
one
Government
?
If
you
meant
only
Civil
?
Is
your
Governed
Church
as
such
only
Civil
,
or
a
Kingdom
only
?
6.
Do
you
not
now
absolve
all
men
from
the
duty
of
obeying
the
Church
of
England
a●
such
,
and
from
all
guilt
of
disobeying
them
?
How
can
men
Govern
that
are
no
Governours
?
and
how
can
we
obey
them
?
It
's
only
the
Civil
power
then
that
we
herein
disobey
.
If
you
say
that
all
the
Bishops
are
Governours
,
and
altogether
govern
the
whole
;
I
answer
,
Yes
per
partes
,
but
not
as
a
whole
or
Church
.
If
twenty
Families
in
a
Village
agree
as
Masters
and
Servants
,
to
go
one
way
as
Consenters
,
this
▪
maketh
no
one
Government
of
the
Village
.
If
the
Physicians
of
London
consent
to
one
Pharmacopeia
that
maketh
them
not
a
body
Politick
.
If
twenty
Sea
Captains
consent
to
go
one
Voyage
by
one
rule
,
each
one
is
a
Governour
of
his
own
Ship
,
but
this
maketh
no
Government
of
the
whole
.
All
the
Justices
and
Mayors
of
England
rule
the
Kingdom
per
partes
,
by
the
same
Law
:
But
all
together
make
not
one
Aristocracy
to
Govern
the
Kingdom
as
One
whole
.
Unless
your
Bishops
,
&c.
are
United
in
One
persona
Politica
or
Aristocracy
,
they
may
rule
their
several
Churches
,
but
they
make
not
one
common
Government
for
the
National
Church
as
such
.
An
agreement
of
the
Emperour
,
Spaniard
,
and
other
Confederates
make
not
one
Kingdom
or
body
Politick
.
7.
How
can
they
be
Schismaticks
for
disobeying
them
that
are
not
their
Governours
.
8.
How
come
Dissenters
bound
by
Parliament
consent
?
If
it
never
was
in
their
minds
to
trust
them
as
Consenters
for
them
?
yea
and
declare
their
own
dissent
,
as
most
of
the
Nation
did
lately
against
Prelacy
and
Liturgy
,
yea
and
their
chosen
representatives
?
Have
such
representatives
more
power
to
express
our
consent
than
we
our selves
?
9.
You
unhappily
erre
with
Hooker
in
your
popular
Politicks
,
if
you
think
that
the
Laws
bind
us
only
because
we
consent
to
them
by
our
Representatives
,
or
that
as
such
they
make
them
.
Whereas
it
is
as
by
Consenting
in
the
Constitution
they
are
made
part
of
the
Rullers
or
Legislators
,
and
not
meerly
as
if
we
made
the
Laws
by
them
.
10.
And
as
to
Convocation
consent
,
how
binds
it
all
those
that
never
consented
to
them
?
How
is
the
City
of
London
so
bound
to
Conform
,
when
they
had
not
one
chosen
Clerk
(
but
only
the
Dignitaries
)
in
the
Convocation
that
made
us
our
Conformity
(
the
two
chosen
by
them
being
refused
by
the
Bishops
.
)
11.
Will
not
you
pass
for
an
asserter
of
the
Principles
of
Independency
,
that
not
only
say
,
The
Keys
are
given
to
the
whole
body
,
and
the
Convocation
represent
the
People
,
&c.
but
also
that
England
is
one
Church
but
by
consent
,
without
consenting
to
any
one
Constitutive
Regent
Church
head
.
The
Independants
are
for
a
National
Church
meerly
by
confederacy
and
consent
,
without
National
Government
of
it
.
12.
You
go
further
from
the
Episcopal
Politicks
than
the
Presbyterians
do
:
For
they
make
an
Aristocratical
Regent
Part
,
but
you
make
none
.
13.
I
doubt
some
Statesmen
will
be
angry
with
you
,
that
say
there
is
no
power
of
Church
Government
in
England
,
but
from
the
King
as
Head
(
as
Crumpt●●
before
Cousins
Tables
,
and
others
ordinarily
.
)
14.
Do
you
make
England
in
essentials
any
more
one
Church
,
than
England
and
any
Foreigners
agreeing
are
one
?
Did
the
Synod
of
D●rt
make
us
one
with
them
?
Do
large
Councils
make
many
Nations
one
Church
?
Did
the
Heptarchy
make
England
one
Kingdom
,
when
seven
Kings
Governed
the
whole
by
parts
,
but
none
the
whole
,
as
such
?
15.
I
beseech
you
think
what
you
have
done
against
the
Parochial
,
Diocesane
and
Provincial
Churches
in
England
.
Have
none
of
these
,
have
not
each
of
these
a
Regent
Constitutive
part
?
Are
none
of
them
true
Churches
in
sensu
politico
?
You
dare
not
say
,
No.
If
they
are
,
You
have
said
that
visible
Churches
as
Parts
unavoidably
require
a
visible
Head
to
the
whole
(
by
which
I
bring
in
the
Pope
,
because
you
think
Christ
will
not
serve
the
turn
:
)
And
do
you
not
say
that
all
these
Churches
are
parts
of
the
Church
of
England
?
And
if
you
deny
it
to
have
one
Regent
part
,
do
you
not
then
either
destroy
the
rest
,
or
use
the
name
Church
equivocally
to
these
several
sorts
so
heterogeneal
?
16.
I
pray
you
tell
us
,
from
whom
our
Arch-bishops
receive
their
power
?
If
you
say
from
the
Bishops
,
and
so
Inferiours
or
Equals
may
give
power
,
why
may
not
Presbyters
make
Presbyters
or
Bishops
,
and
generare
speciem
?
If
it
must
come
from
Superiours
,
the
Church
of
England
hath
none
such
.
17.
If
the
Peoples
consent
can
make
a
National
Church
,
why
may
it
not
make
an
Independant
or
Presbyterian
Church
?
18.
If
the
Nations
consent
,
as
such
make
the
Church
of
England
,
it
is
not
made
by
Legislative
power
of
King
and
Parliament
.
19.
Do
the
Clergy
represent
the
King
?
or
is
he
none
of
the
Church
?
20.
How
prove
you
that
the
Clergy
represent
the
Laity
in
the
Convocation
?
21.
By
your
Rule
,
if
divers
parties
of
Christians
agree
to
set
up
divers
forms
of
Church-Government
,
with
mutual
forbearance
they
would
be
one
National
Church
.
And
so
would
Episcopal
,
Presbyterians
and
Independants
if
the
Law
allowed
them
all
.
22.
Was
the
Church
of
England
the
same
thing
in
the
days
of
H.
8.
Ed.
6.
Q.
Mary
,
Q.
Eliz.
&c.
23.
Who
maketh
National
Churches
in
absolute
Hereditary
Monarchies
,
where
are
no
Parliaments
to
signifie
popular
consent
?
24.
If
every
Law
of
Order
be
essential
to
your
Church
,
few
Conformists
are
of
it
:
If
only
the
true
essentials
,
why
are
not
we
also
of
it
?
25.
How
ill
agree
you
with
Mr.
Cheny
▪
who
maketh
it
Atheism
,
Infidelity
,
Blasphemy
,
Impiety
,
to
assert
Church-making
consent
or
confederacies
besides
Baptism
?
26.
But
the
best
is
you
leave
us
in
hope
of
Reformation
;
for
if
Parliaments
will
but
consent
for
us
to
take
down
Diocesanes
lower
,
and
to
reform
Parish-Churches
,
and
alter
Liturgy
,
&c.
we
are
the
National
Church
still
.
And
one
prevailing
Vote
may
prove
us
all
consenters
;
and
make
the
Church
quite
another
thing
.
§
.
14.
Yet
he
saith
[
Page
299.
By
this
description
any
one
may
see
how
easily
the
Church
of
England
is
distinguished
from
the
Papists
on
one
side
,
and
the
Dissenters
on
the
other
.
]
Answ.
I
am
one
,
and
I
cannot
see
it
,
nor
so
much
as
see
how
to
know
the
Church
it self
,
nor
who
is
a
Member
of
it
,
nor
how
any
man
can
know
it
:
but
he
seems
to
me
to
make
it
a
Church
invisible
.
But
I
see
the
Dissenters
must
be
none
of
it
.
1.
How
was
the
Church
of
England
known
from
Papists
,
in
the
beginning
of
H.
8.
or
in
the
middle
,
or
in
the
end
?
or
how
known
when
it
began
?
How
was
it
known
in
the
beginning
of
Queen
Elizabeths
days
,
when
the
Papists
came
to
Church
?
or
now
as
to
Church-Papists
?
How
shall
we
know
to
which
Church
the
late
Bishop
Bramhall
and
other
Doctors
belong
,
who
would
have
the
Pope
Govern
▪
us
according
to
the
Canons
as
Patriarch
of
the
West
,
&
principium
unitatatis
universalis
,
and
all
go
for
Schismaticks
that
deny
it
.
Some
call
this
the
New-Church
of
England
,
differing
from
the
old
one
which
was
before
Bishop
Laud.
2.
How
shall
one
know
how
far
consent
is
necessary
to
a
Member
,
and
dissent
unchurcheth
him
?
Lately
a
Doctor
was
accused
for
saying
he
scrupled
to
call
the
King
according
to
the
Liturgy
,
Our
most
Religious
King
:
Mr.
Jole
of
Sarral
was
suspended
for
not
oftner
wearing
the
Surplice
,
and
denying
to
pray
in
the
Litany
for
[
Our
most
Gracious
Queen
Katherine
,
and
James
Duke
of
York
.
But
these
are
small
dissents
;
The
sense
is
the
Churches
Law
and
Doctrine
,
and
not
the
sound
of
words
in
various
senses
:
I
have
oft
shewed
in
how
many
contrary
senses
the
Conformists
take
the
39
Articles
,
the
Liturgy
,
the
words
of
Subscription
and
Declaration
,
and
the
Oaths
imposed
?
How
shall
one
know
among
all
these
,
who
are
,
or
are
not
of
your
Church
?
When
you
tell
us
that
it
is
[
Agreeing
in
the
Faith
,
Government
and
Worship
which
is
established
by
Law
]
and
then
speak
so
hotly
against
the
need
and
being
of
any
common
Government
,
save
the
Civil
,
at
all
established
over
the
Church
as
a.
National
body
,
and
never
distinguish
any
necessary
parts
of
Faith
,
Government
and
Worship
,
from
the
rest
,
nor
tell
us
how
to
know
them
?
And
when
Conformists
dissent
in
so
many
things
;
some
from
Lay
Chancellours
Government
by
the
Keys
,
some
in
the
sense
of
the
Articles
,
and
the
Noncon●o●●●ists
say
they
consent
to
all
that
Scripture
requireth
,
and
the
meer
Circumstantials
determined
by
Law
,
how
shall
you
be
known
?
Either
it
is
in
the
Essentials
only
,
or
the
Integrals
also
,
or
also
in
all
the
Laws
de
Accedentibus
,
that
the
Church
of
England
by
agreement
is
made
that
One
Church
.
1.
If
it
be
only
in
Essentials
,
is
there
either
Confession
,
Rubrick
,
Canon
,
or
any
Writer
that
hath
told
us
which
be
those
,
and
all
those
,
and
only
those
Essentials
?
I
never
met
with
man
that
pretendeth
to
know
them
,
and
therefore
never
met
with
man
that
can
thus
tell
,
whether
he
be
of
the
Church
of
England
or
not
?
nor
that
can
tell
of
others
,
and
who
is
not
?
2.
To
say
it
must
be
consent
also
in
the
Integrals
that
is
necessary
ad
esse
,
is
a
contradiction
:
and
is
to
make
Integrals
Essentials
.
To
say
that
it
must
be
consent
in
all
Laws
of
Accidents
also
,
is
to
make
that
an
essential
part
which
is
no
part
.
Our
loose
confounding
Disputers
,
when
they
have
lost
the
truth
in
such
contradictions
,
may
say
as
Mr.
Dodwell
doth
to
me
,
that
I
Cavil
:
But
will
that
answer
help
down
all
absurdities
with
reasonable
men
?
It
's
plain
that
as
the
Papists
Doctrine
of
defining
Church-Members
and
Christians
,
by
no
Essential
Articles
of
Faith
,
but
by
Probable
Proposal
of
more
or
less
doth
make
their
Church
invisible
,
so
doth
this
definition
of
the
Church
of
England
by
Doctor
Stillingfleet
make
theirs
,
and
leave
us
uncertain
who
is
of
it
.
It
makes
me
think
what
I
hear
Oliver
the
Usurper
said
to
a
Bishop
that
now
is
(
as
I
am
credibly
told
,
[
Doctor
how
know
you
that
you
are
a
true
Minister
of
Christ
?
]
who
answered
him
on
Mr.
Dodwell's
Principles
,
[
Because
I
have
received
Ordination
by
uninterrupted
successive
conveyance
from
true
Bishops
,
from
the
Apostles
:
]
Saith
he
;
Are
you
sure
they
were
all
true
Bishops
and
the
succession
uninterrupted
?
Doctor
will
you
take
your
Oath
that
you
are
thus
a
true
Minister
?
]
At
which
when
he
stuck
,
[
Come
,
come
,
Doctor
,
saith
he
,
there
is
a
surer
and
a
nearer
way
.
]
Certain
I
am
,
that
if
Agreement
in
the
sense
of
the
39
Articles
,
or
in
all
Forms
and
Ceremonies
be
necessary
to
constitute
a
Member
of
the
Church
of
England
,
abundance
that
subscribe
are
none
,
that
now
go
for
such
:
But
if
not
,
I
pray
tell
us
why
such
as
I
also
are
not
Members
of
your
Church
.
Do
I
more
differ
from
you
than
Doctor
Heylin
,
Mr.
Thorndike
,
Mr.
Dodwell
,
and
in
a
word
than
the
party
which
adhered
to
Arch-bishop
La●d
,
differed
from
the
party
which
adhered
to
Bishop
Abbot
,
Whitgift
,
and
the
Parliaments
of
those
and
after-times
?
If
the
Church
of
England
as
such
a
one
,
be
constituted
by
no
supreme
Church-Government
,
we
are
all
of
it
,
so
far
as
we
consent
to
the
Association
,
and
none
as
it
is
one
Political
body
.
And
what
then
becomes
of
its
Laws
,
and
all
the
Treatises
of
its
Church-Policy
?
§
.
15.
But
yet
the
Doctor
stops
not
here
:
I
unavoidably
introduce
Popery
if
I
make
a
Constitutive
Regent
Church
power
,
necessary
to
a
Church
:
for
then
the
Universal
Church
must
have
such
.
]
Answ.
1.
It
's
not
necessary
to
an
equivocal
ungoverned
Church
,
such
as
our
Worcestershire
Association
made
:
But
to
a
Political
Governed
Church
it
is
.
2.
Mark
here
all
you
that
go
the
Political
Church
way
,
that
your
Doctor
accuseth
you
more
than
the
Nonconformists
,
even
of
certain
opening
the
door
to
Popery
.
What
if
I
had
said
so
by
you
?
Is
it
such
men
that
thus
make
you
agents
for
a
Pope
?
3.
Doth
this
Political
description
of
Parochial
,
Diocesane
,
Provincial
,
Patriarchal
Churches
,
also
bring
in
Popery
?
4.
Then
either
our
Archbishops
have
no
power
,
or
they
have
it
from
no
superiour
,
or
else
they
infer
a
Pope
.
5.
I
again
tell
the
Doctor
as
I
did
Mr.
Cheny
;
It
is
disingenious
to
say
this
to
me
,
when
I
have
written
so
much
against
Johnson
the
Priest
,
in
my
first
,
and
specially
my
second
answer
,
which
none
replyeth
to
,
without
any
confutation
or
notice
of
it
▪
I
have
fully
proved
that
Christ's
Catholick
Church
hath
himself
for
an
Essential
Head
,
sometime
visible
on
earth
,
leaving
visible
Laws
,
and
now
visible
to
the
Courtiers
in
Heaven
,
and
coming
visibly
to
judge
all
;
and
there
is
no
other
.
Indeed
if
the
doctrine
of
Mr.
Dodwell
and
many
such
hold
,
who
deny
that
the
power
floweth
immediately
from
Christs
Law
or
Charter
to
the
Church
,
and
not
from
the
Ordainers
or
Electors
,
who
do
but
determine
of
the
Receiver
and
Invest
him
,
then
all
the
Doctors
in
England
cannot
answer
the
Digression
,
Cap.
14.
of
the
Book
called
[
The
Catholick
Hierarchy
,
]
proving
that
such
a
Prelatical
subordination
of
Churches
,
inferreth
a
Pope
:
But
I
have
fully
shewed
the
vanity
of
that
inference
as
to
us
.
But
remember
that
the
Doctor
and
I
are
agreed
,
that
[
A
Nation
consenting
in
an
Association
of
particular
Churches
,
may
be
called
a
National
Church
(
equivocally
,
)
Though
it
can
make
no
Laws
unless
its
consent
also
set
up
a
Supreme
Church-Government
.
Meet
Agreements
are
not
Laws
.
§
.
16.
He
next
would
make
the
unwary
Reader
think
that
he
answereth
my
Question
,
1.
What
is
the
same
Rule
that
all
must
walk
by
,
viz.
that
the
Scriptures
are
the
Foundation
of
our
Faith
.
—
2.
But
our
Church
requireth
Conformity
to
the
Rules
appointed
by
it
agreable
to
the
word
of
God
.
]
Answ.
But
it
seems
the
Scripture
then
is
not
the
whole
rule
,
but
part
:
the
fundamental
part
.
2.
Which
did
Paul
mean
?
Was
your
Churches
Rule
then
made
?
3.
Doth
your
Church
require
this
ad
esse
,
or
but
ad
melius
esse
?
If
the
first
,
all
Canon-breakers
are
dismembred
?
And
,
is
that
according
to
God's
word
?
If
the
later
,
why
am
not
I
of
your
Church
?
4.
But
how
comes
that
Church
to
command
and
bind
,
which
hath
no
such
Ruling
power
?
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
the
Peoples
Consent
to
the
Pastoral
and
Church-Relation
.
§
.
1.
PAge
307.
Saith
the
Dean
,
[
The
next
thing
to
be
considered
is
the
interest
and
power
of
the
People
as
to
the
choice
of
their
Pastors
,
for
want
of
which
great
complaints
are
made
,
—
Mr.
Baxter
is
very
tragical
on
this
Argument
,
and
keepeth
not
within
tolerable
bounds
of
discretion
in
pleading
the
Peoples
Cause
against
Magistrates
and
Patrons
and
Laws
.
]
Answ.
1.
That
is
tolerable
to
some
men
,
which
others
cannot
bear
;
Silken
ears
must
have
soft
words
;
The
Land
cannot
bear
all
his
words
,
was
an
old
Complaint
:
And
[
Speak
pleasing
things
,
Prophecy
deceit
]
was
an
old
Mandate
.
It
's
no
wonder
if
that
sort
of
men
,
that
must
judg
whether
our
Preaching
,
and
Worshipping
God
be
tolerable
,
and
must
write
us
down
the
words
which
we
must
say
to
God
in
Prayer
,
or
not
be
tolerated
,
do
also
think
themselves
the
meet
judges
,
whether
our
indiscretion
be
intollerable
.
2.
But
let
us
try
whether
he
state
this
Controversie
any
more
Logically
or
truly
than
the
rest
,
and
whether
he
intimate
not
hurtful
though
tollerable
untruth
.
1.
It
's
a
crooked
insinuation
,
to
put
the
word
[
Power
]
instead
of
[
Right
and
Liberty
,
]
as
if
[
Power
]
of
Consenting
in
the
People
,
and
[
Power
of
Rulers
]
were
univocal
and
not
equivocal
terms
:
But
this
is
tolerable
:
For
experience
hath
convinced
me
,
how
little
Logical
strictness
is
from
this
Doctor
to
be
expected
:
I
doubt
lest
next
,
as
some
men
instead
of
Learning
maintain
their
reputation
by
deriding
it
,
we
may
expect
some
such
defence
of
the
Doctor●
Logick
,
to
prove
that
he
is
none
of
the
Disputers
of
this
World
,
who
deceive
men
by
vain
Philosophy
.
2.
And
the
word
[
choice
]
instead
of
[
consent
]
is
somewhat
more
crooked
:
For
[
choice
]
usually
includeth
the
first
nominating
Vote
;
And
he
knoweth
that
I
pleaded
for
the
necessity
of
no
more
,
than
the
Churches
consent
,
though
it
were
subsequent
to
the
choice
of
Magistrates
or
Patrons
.
3.
But
the
next
is
worse
,
that
[
I
plead
the
Peoples
Cause
against
Magistrates
,
Patrons
and
Laws
,
]
when
I
do
but
desire
their
Conjunction
.
§
.
2.
His
repetitions
call
me
tediously
to
repeat
the
state
of
the
Controversie
(
a
business
quite
below
him
.
)
I.
I
Have
oft
said
,
that
God
hath
not
made
either
Magistrates
or
People
the
Judges
who
is
fit
to
be
,
and
shall
be
a
Minister
of
Christ
in
general
;
but
the
ORDAINERS
and
the
PERSON
himself
conjunct
.
This
is
evident
,
1.
From
Scripture
Instances
of
all
that
were
Ordained
:
2.
From
the
nature
of
the
thing
.
1.
Who
is
supposed
so
fit
to
judge
as
men
and
Seniors
of
the
same
Office
?
Who
but
Physicians
are
fit
to
judge
who
is
meet
to
be
a
Licensed
Physician
?
And
who
but
Philosophers
judge
of
Graduates
and
Professours
in
Philosophy
?
2.
And
no
man
can
make
me
a
Minister
against
my
will
,
nor
know
me
to
be
fit
,
if
I
know
my self
to
be
unfit
.
§
.
3.
II.
I
have
oft
said
that
the
Supreme
Civil
Governour
is
the
Judge
,
whom
he
must
countenance
,
maintain
and
tolerate
.
The
proof
is
easie
,
1.
Because
to
do
it
is
his
work
;
and
every
man
must
be
a
discerning
judge
of
his
own
work
.
2.
Because
it
is
a
publick
act
of
Government
,
and
he
is
the
chief
publick
Judge
therein
.
§
.
4.
III.
I
have
oft
said
that
the
Disposal
of
the
Tythes
and
Temples
is
in
the
power
of
the
Prince
,
and
Patron
by
his
grant
.
But
with
these
bounds
.
1.
His
power
is
not
Absolute
,
but
Under
Christ
and
limited
by
him
,
and
therefore
he
hath
no
power
against
him
,
nor
to
cross
his
Laws
or
to
contradict
his
ends
.
2.
If
the
Tythes
and
Temples
were
given
only
for
publick
Teachers
of
Catechumens
,
or
for
meer
Lecturers
,
the
Magistrate
must
dispose
of
them
to
such
as
are
capable
of
that
Office
.
3.
If
the
Tythes
and
Temples
were
given
for
the
Pastors
of
the
Churches
,
the
Magistrate
is
bound
to
give
them
to
such
as
are
lawfully
called
to
be
such
Pastors
,
and
not
by
the
advantage
of
his
Trust
,
overthrow
the
way
of
entrance
instituted
by
Christ
.
4.
However
if
they
were
devoted
to
God
,
it
is
God
who
is
the
proprietor
,
and
it's
sacrilege
to
alienate
them
.
And
an
intolerable
ill
disposal
is
alienation
.
§
.
5.
IV.
I
have
oft
said
,
that
it
being
supposed
that
their
Ancestors
gift
of
Tythes
or
Glebe
and
Temples
is
the
reason
of
our
common
Patronage
and
presenting
power
,
the
will
of
the
dead
Donors
is
to
be
observed
,
and
their
gifts
given
to
none
but
on
the
termes
by
them
determined
:
But
their
gifts
are
supposed
to
be
for
the
Churches
good
and
not
against
it
:
Nor
had
they
any
power
on
pretense
of
beneficence
,
to
destroy
,
or
to
take
away
more
than
they
give
:
But
the
Trusting
of
our
Souls
Conduct
is
a
matter
of
more
weight
than
Tythes
and
Temples
.
If
Tythes
be
proved
not
to
be
of
Divine
Right
,
all
that
can
be
expected
is
,
that
if
the
flock
cannot
trust
him
whom
the
Patron
chuseth
,
they
let
him
give
his
Tythes
and
Temple
to
whom
he
please
,
and
they
will
trust
their
souls
with
such
as
they
dare
,
and
safely
may
.
But
if
he
will
chuse
and
offer
them
one
whom
they
can
safely
and
comfortably
accept
,
so
as
Tythes
and
Temples
shall
preponderate
in
case
of
small
difference
in
the
men
,
prudence
obligeth
them
to
accept
of
the
advantage
.
The
same
I
say
of
the
Magistrates
countenance
and
approbation
.
But
if
the
difference
be
very
great
,
it
's
better
stretch
our
purses
to
build
new
Temples
and
pay
our
Pastors
than
trust
our
souls
on
the
Pastoral
Conduct
of
ignorant
,
malignant
,
unfaithful
or
heretical
men
.
§
.
6.
V.
I
have
oft
said
,
that
mutual
consent
is
necessary
to
the
being
of
the
relation
of
Pastor
and
Flock
.
And
though
sometimes
the
Rulers
imposition
,
and
the
Patrons
choice
,
may
make
it
the
Peoples
duty
in
prudence
to
consent
,
when
the
good
preponderates
the
hurt
,
(
not
else
)
yet
till
they
consent
,
the
Relation
is
not
existent
.
As
if
Children
were
bound
to
take
Wives
and
Husbands
by
the
Command
and
fore
choice
of
Parents
,
yet
it
's
no
Marriage
till
they
consent
.
§
.
7.
The
common
objection
is
from
the
inconvenience
,
if
the
several
parties
agree
not
:
To
which
I
answer
.
1.
The
mischief
of
the
contrary
way
,
is
worse
than
that
inconvenience
.
2.
There
is
nothing
in
this
World
without
inconveniences
where
all
things
and
persons
and
actions
are
imperfect
.
3.
If
Parents
and
Children
agree
not
about
their
Marriage
,
it
hath
great
inconveniences
;
And
yet
neither
Parents
Government
,
nor
Childrens
consenting
Liberty
must
be
denyed
.
4.
In
so
weighty
a
Case
,
divers
Locks
and
Keys
keep
the
Churches
treasure
safe
.
Prince
,
Patron
,
People
and
Ordainers
,
will
not
so
often
agree
on
a
vile
person
,
as
any
one
of
them
alone
may
do
.
§
.
8.
And
now
judge
how
Logically
,
how
honestly
the
Doctor
hath
stated
the
Case
,
and
made
me
Intolerably
indiscreet
and
tragical
against
Magistrates
,
Patrons
and
Laws
.
And
try
if
you
can
understand
what
it
is
instead
of
this
,
that
he
would
have
:
I
tell
him
again
,
that
if
he
deny
the
necessity
of
the
flocks
consent
to
the
mutual
relation
,
he
notoriously
opposeth
the
judgment
and
practice
of
Antiquity
and
the
Universal
Church
,
of
Princes
,
Patriarchs
,
Prelates
,
Councils
and
People
,
and
fights
against
the
full
stream
of
Historical
evidence
,
for
a
new
crooked
way
,
that
would
make
as
many
modes
of
Religion
as
there
are
different
Princes
.
And
here
he
wonders
what
he
said
,
that
occasioned
such
undecent
passion
.
It
seems
he
felt
some
passion
in
reading
it
,
and
thought
he
must
have
the
like
that
wrote
it
.
And
so
let
any
man
obtrude
any
pernicious
thing
on
the
Church
,
and
he
can
easily
prove
the
detector
to
have
undecent
passion
,
for
giving
a
bad
Cause
its
proper
name
.
§
.
9.
But
he
cannot
find
out
the
reason
of
my
inference
,
that
then
Princes
may
impose
what
Religion
they
please
.
]
Answ.
Not
understanding
,
with
some
men
,
goes
for
confuting
:
To
put
[
Religion
]
for
the
mode
of
Religion
is
too
little
a
slip
of
his
to
be
insisted
on
.
But
is
not
my
inference
necessary
?
I
urged
him
to
tell
me
,
in
what
Countries
,
and
under
what
sort
of
Princes
the
Rule
holds
,
that
the
People
must
not
judge
whether
the
offered
Pastors
be
Hereticks
,
nor
refuse
them
,
if
Prince
and
Patron
present
them
?
He
will
not
be
entreated
to
tell
me
.
I
tell
him
,
that
if
the
Rule
be
universal
,
when
a
Papist
,
Socinian
,
Anabaptist
,
Antiepiscopal
,
&c.
Prince
and
Patron
present
men
of
their
own
mind
,
and
they
are
instituted
,
the
People
must
take
and
trust
them
as
their
Pastors
:
And
is
not
this
to
set
up
in
all
the
Churches
what
modish
Religion
Prince
and
Patron
please
?
Is
this
hard
to
be
understood
?
Yet
he
calls
this
Railing
on
him
for
suppositions
of
my
own
making
.
And
here
he
steps
over
to
another
man
.
§
.
10.
Before
I
come
to
his
undertakings
,
I
will
repeat
anothers
railing
and
undecent
passion
against
his
Cause
;
And
I
desire
the
Reader
to
note
how
well
the
Doctors
of
the
Church
of
England
agree
;
and
to
learn
which
of
them
it
is
that
we
must
believe
,
both
as
to
History
and
Right
.
It
is
Mr.
Herbert
Thorndike
in
his
Treatise
of
Forbearance
of
Penal
.
[
It
is
to
no
purpose
to
talk
of
Reformation
in
the
Church
,
to
regular
Government
,
without
restoring
the
Liberty
of
chusing
Bishops
and
the
priviledge
of
enjoying
them
,
to
the
Synods
,
Clergy
and
People
of
each
Diocess
.
So
evident
is
the
right
of
Synods
,
Clergy
and
People
in
the
making
of
those
of
whom
they
consist
,
and
by
whom
they
are
to
be
Governed
,
that
I
need
make
no
other
reason
of
the
neglect
of
Episcopacy
,
than
the
neglect
of
it
.
]
Yet
these
two
are
Doctors
of
one
Church
,
but
we
are
no
Members
of
it
.
§
.
11.
I
again
say
that
either
the
Reader
hath
read
the
Church
History
and
Canons
,
or
not
?
If
not
,
how
can
he
tell
who
to
believe
that
report
them
?
the
Doctor
or
me
?
But
if
he
have
,
I
will
no
more
dispute
this
Case
with
him
,
than
I
would
do
whether
English
Parliaments
used
to
make
Laws
.
He
is
past
my
conviction
if
he
be
not
convinced
.
§
.
12.
And
I
will
again
say
,
that
I
will
yet
suppose
the
Doctor
so
humble
as
to
acknowledge
himself
much
inferiour
to
Paulus
sarpi
servita
venerunt
,
in
point
of
Church
History
:
At
least
I
say
to
the
Reader
,
peruse
what
he
hath
said
of
this
Controversie
and
of
the
alteration
of
Church
Government
in
his
History
of
the
Council
of
Trent
,
and
his
Book
of
Church
Benefices
,
lately
translated
by
Dr.
Denton
,
and
doubt
if
you
can
.
§
.
13.
And
in
general
I
add
:
I.
I
suppose
no
man
of
such
reading
maketh
any
doubt
of
the
first
300
years
,
whether
any
Bishops
were
made
over
any
Church
without
the
free
Election
or
Consent
of
the
Flocks
and
the
whole
Clergy
,
and
the
approbation
of
the
Ordainers
.
I
will
not
for
shame
stay
to
prove
this
,
having
said
so
much
of
it
in
my
first
Plea
for
Peace
,
and
Episcopal
Church
History
,
which
are
unanswered
.
II.
And
since
the
first
300
years
,
it
's
so
notorious
in
History
that
it
's
a
shame
to
need
proof
of
it
,
that
the
Christian
Emperours
confirmed
the
Churches
in
this
right
and
use
,
and
for
many
hundred
years
after
,
permitted
and
ordered
,
that
Bishops
should
be
chosen
by
the
People
,
Clergy
and
Synods
,
and
when
the
Peoples
Election
was
infringed
,
the
necessity
of
their
consent
long
continued
:
And
it
was
only
in
the
choice
of
the
five
Patriarchs
that
the
Emperours
used
to
meddle
,
and
that
not
always
,
nor
at
all
chusing
them
alone
,
but
commending
some
one
to
the
People
and
Clergy
to
chuse
,
or
confirming
some
one
that
they
had
nominated
.
And
this
held
on
till
Popery
sprung
up
.
III.
And
even
then
the
Popes
long
continued
it
:
But
,
1.
They
strove
(
specially
in
Hildebrand's
days
and
after
)
against
the
Emperours
negative
voice
in
the
confirmation
of
Popes
,
2.
And
his
negative
in
Investing
Bishops
:
But
even
in
this
strife
,
the
Election
was
confest
to
be
in
the
Clergy
,
the
People
chusing
or
freely
consenting
,
and
no
man
to
be
made
their
Bishop
against
their
will
;
and
it
was
but
the
Investiture
per
b●culum
&
annulum
,
as
a
confirmation
which
the
Emperours
claimed
.
§
.
14.
I
have
formerly
named
elder
Testimonies
not
denied
:
I
will
now
recite
but
some
Canons
of
Councils
.
1.
The
9th
and
10th
Canons
of
the
first
great
Nicene
Council
nullifieth
the
very
Ordination
of
scandalous
uncapable
men
:
And
in
the
Arab.
Can.
4.
Si
populo
placebit
,
is
made
a
condition
of
the
Episcopal
relation
.
And
c.
5.
in
case
of
the
Peoples
disagreement
,
the
said
People
must
take
the
most
blameless
.
2.
The
Roman
Council
said
to
be
under
Silvester
of
275
Bishops
saith
,
[
No
Bishop
shall
Ordain
any
Clerke
,
nisi
cum
omni
adunatâ
Ecclesia
,
but
with
all
the
Church
united
.
If
this
Council
be
not
certain
,
the
very
forgers
shew
the
Antiquity
of
the
Churches
right
and
custom
.
3.
I
before
named
a
Council
at
Capua
that
decreed
that
the
two
Bishops
at
Antioch
chosen
by
their
two
Churches
,
should
live
in
Love
and
Peace
.
4.
Chrysostom's
Church
of
Joannites
would
rather
separate
than
forsake
their
chosen
Bishop
or
his
honour
,
though
Emperour
,
Council
and
Patriarch
was
against
him
:
and
though
Cyril
Alex.
wrote
that
their
breach
of
Canons
was
intolerable
,
and
to
tolerate
them
(
a
few
stubborn
Nonconformists
)
would
but
discourage
the
obedient
.
5.
Even
the
famous
Pope
Caelestine
who
helpt
Austin
against
the
Pelagians
Decreed
[
Let
no
man
be
given
a
Bishop
to
the
unwilling
:
Let
the
sense
and
desire
of
the
Clergy
,
the
Laity
,
and
Magistracy
(
ordinis
)
be
required
(
or
necessary
.
)
]
6.
How
the
people
deposed
Theodosius
Bishop
of
Synada
and
chose
another
and
the
change
approved
,
I
have
elsewhere
shewed
.
7.
After
Atticus
death
the
Clergy
at
Constantinople
were
for
Philip
or
Proclus
,
but
the
people
chose
Sisinnius
and
prevailed
.
8.
Sisinnius
sent
Proclus
to
be
Bishop
at
Cyzicum
,
but
the
people
refused
him
and
chose
another
.
9.
The
Orleance
Council
,
an.
540.
Can.
3.
decreeth
about
Ordaining
Bishops
,
Qui
praeponendus
est
omnibus
ab
omnibus
eligatur
:
as
of
old
,
viz.
Let
him
be
chosen
by
all
,
who
is
to
be
set
over
all
.
10.
An.
541.
The
Concil.
Avern
.
decree
c.
2.
That
none
seek
the
sacred
Office
of
a
Bishop
by
Votes
but
by
merit
,
nor
seem
to
get
a
Divine
Office
,
rebus
sed
moribus
:
and
that
he
ascend
to
the
top
of
that
eminent
dignity
by
the
election
of
all
,
and
not
by
the
favour
of
a
few
:
and
that
in
chusing
Priests
there
be
the
greatest
care
,
because
,
&c.
Therefore
another
Council
at
Orleance
decreed
that
a
Bishop
must
be
ordained
in
his
own
Church
which
he
must
oversee
.
11.
Another
Orleance
Council
decree
,
c.
10
That
none
get
a
Bishoprick
by
gifts
or
seeking
,
but
with
the
will
of
the
King
,
by
the
election
of
the
Clergy
and
the
Lay-people
.
And
Can.
11.
And
as
the
ancient
Canons
have
decreed
,
Let
none
be
made
Bishop
to
an
unwilling
People
(
or
without
the
Peoples
consent
)
Nor
let
the
People
or
the
Clergy
be
inclined
to
consent
,
by
the
oppression
of
persons
in
power
(
a
thing
not
lawful
to
be
spoken
.
)
But
if
it
be
otherwise
done
,
let
the
Bishop
be
for
ever
deposed
,
&c.
12.
I
have
formerly
cited
Pope
Gregory
I.
his
express
Decrees
herein
.
13.
Clodov●us
his
Council
at
Cabilone
renewed
the
old
Decree
,
That
all
Ordination
of
Bishops
be
null
,
which
was
otherwise
made
than
by
the
election
of
the
Com-Provincials
,
the
Clergy
and
the
Citizens
.
14.
The
General
Council
called
Quinosextum
,
an.
692.
decreed
Can.
22.
That
Bishops
and
Priests
Ordained
with
Money
,
and
not
by
Examination
and
Election
,
be
deposed
:
Though
the
same
Council
by
humane
wisdom
decreed
,
Can.
38.
That
whatsoever
alteration
the
Imperial
power
maketh
on
any
City
,
the
Ecclesiastical
Order
also
follow
it
.
The
way
by
which
Humane
Order
overthrew
Divine
Order
and
Institutions
.
15.
And
by
the
way
you
may
conjecture
of
the
Chusers
by
the
Council
of
Toletane
,
an.
693.
under
King
Egica
,
where
the
King
Preaching
to
the
Bishops
(
as
was
then
needful
)
decreeth
,
That
every
Parish
that
hath
twelve
Families
have
their
proper
Governour
.
But
if
it
have
less
than
twelve
,
it
shall
be
part
of
another's
charge
.
16.
K.
Pepin
(
who
advanced
the
Pope
to
advance
himself
,
and
added
the
Sword
to
Excommunication
by
mischievous
decree
,
yet
)
altered
not
the
common
way
of
Election
,
and
decreeth
that
every
City
(
like
our
Corporations
)
have
a
Bishop
,
and
none
meddle
in
another's
Diocess
without
his
consent
.
17.
The
choice
of
Pope
Constantine
,
the
humiliation
of
Stephen
,
and
many
such
instances
shew
that
even
at
Rome
still
the
People
had
the
greatest
hand
in
chusing
the
Pope
;
and
that
to
Communicate
with
a
Bishop
irregularly
chosen
,
was
taken
for
a
great
sin
.
And
when
Charles
Mag.
was
gratified
as
to
the
Papal
Chair
,
it
was
but
by
making
him
a
necessary
Confirmer
.
18.
The
French
Constitutions
,
l.
1.
c.
84.
objected
about
this
by
Baronius
and
Binius
,
say
,
Not
being
ignorant
of
the
sacred
Canons
,
we
consented
to
the
Ecclesiastick
Orders
,
to
wit
,
that
Bishops
be
chosen
by
the
Election
of
the
Clergy
and
People
,
according
to
the
Statutes
of
the
Canons
,
out
of
their
own
Diocess
,
without
respect
of
persons
or
rewards
,
for
the
merit
of
their
life
,
and
their
gift
of
wisdom
,
that
by
example
and
word
they
may
every
way
profit
those
that
are
under
them
.
19.
The
old
Canons
gathered
by
Pope
Adrian
and
sent
to
Charles
Magn.
recorded
by
Canisius
,
depose
a
Bishop
,
Presbyter
or
Deacon
,
guilty
of
Theft
,
Fornication
or
Perjury
.
And
Can.
28.
A
Bishop
who
obtaineth
a
Church
by
the
secular
power
,
shall
be
deposed
.
And
Can.
33.
That
no
one
pray
with
Hereticks
or
Schismaticks
:
Ex
conc
.
Sard.
Can.
2.
A
Bishop
that
by
ambition
changeth
his
seat
,
shall
not
have
so
much
as
Lay
Communion
at
his
end
:
That
no
Bishop
be
above
three
weeks
in
another
City
,
nor
above
two
weeks
from
his
own
Church
.
Can.
17.
A
Bishop
contradicted
(
by
opposers
)
shall
not
after
be
ordained
or
purged
by
only
three
Bishops
,
but
by
many
.
And
Can.
94.
The
people
converted
from
Heresie
by
another
Bishop
,
may
be
of
his
flock
,
without
removing
their
Parish
dwelling
where
another
is
Bishop
.
Amongst
the
other
80
Canons
against
oppression
,
as
one
is
,
That
no
Bishop
judge
any
Priest
without
the
presence
of
his
Clergy
,
it
being
void
if
not
so
confirmed
;
So
another
is
against
all
foreign
Judgment
,
because
men
must
be
judged
by
those
that
are
chosen
by
themselves
and
not
by
strangers
.
And
none
of
the
Clergy
must
be
condemned
till
lawful
Accusers
be
present
,
and
the
Accused
answer
the
Charge
.
20.
The
second
General
Council
at
Nice
,
though
by
servility
they
were
for
Images
,
held
to
the
old
Church-Canons
for
Elections
,
saying
Can.
3.
Every
Election
of
a
Bishop
,
Priest
or
Deacon
,
which
is
made
by
Magistrates
,
shall
remain
void
,
by
the
Canon
which
saith
,
If
any
Bishop
use
the
secular
Magistrates
,
to
obtain
by
them
a
Church
,
let
him
be
deposed
and
separated
,
and
all
that
Communicate
with
him
.
How
much
more
say
these
than
my
[
intolerable
indiscretion
?
]
I
fear
some
will
think
that
all
this
binds
them
to
more
separation
than
I
am
for
.
The
15
Can.
forbids
them
to
have
two
Churches
.
Can.
4.
condemneth
those
to
Lex
talionis
,
as
unsufferably
mad
,
that
faultily
drive
any
from
the
Ministry
,
and
segregate
them
from
the
Clergy
,
or
shut
up
the
Temples
,
forbidding
God's
worship
.
21.
By
the
way
,
a
Council
at
Chalons
under
Charles
Magn.
finding
some
Prelates
setting
on
foot
an
Oath
of
Obedience
to
them
,
thus
condemn
it
:
It
is
reported
of
some
Brethren
(
Bishops
)
that
they
force
them
that
they
are
about
to
Ordain
,
to
swear
that
they
are
worthy
,
and
will
not
do
contrary
to
the
Canons
,
and
will
be
obedient
to
the
Bishop
that
Ordaineth
them
,
and
to
the
Church
in
which
they
are
Ordained
;
which
Oath
,
because
it
is
very
dangerous
,
we
all
ordain
shall
be
forbidden
;
]
which
other
Councils
after
repeat
,
(
yet
our
Bishops
rest
much
on
such
an
Oath
of
obedience
to
them
.
)
22.
What
the
Electing
Churches
were
may
be
partly
conjectured
from
the
Concil.
Regiaticin
.
in
Canisius
,
Can.
6.
That
the
Arch
▪
Presbyters
examine
every
Master
of
a
Family
particularly
,
and
take
account
of
their
Families
and
lives
,
&c.
A
Council
at
Soisons
about
852.
(
a
Presbyter
by
the
King's
Command
being
Ordained
to
the
Church
of
Rhemes
irregularly
)
Decree
,
That
they
that
are
made
Presbyters
without
examination
by
ignorance
,
or
by
dissimulation
of
the
Ordainers
,
when
they
are
known
shall
be
deposed
,
because
the
Catholick
Church
defendeth
that
which
is
irreprehensible
,
&c.
23.
An.
855.
under
Lotharius
Rennigius
Lugd.
and
others
,
at
a
Council
decreed
,
(
because
that
bad
King
had
by
imposing
corrupted
the
Clergy
)
That
because
Bishops
were
set
over
the
Cities
that
were
untryed
,
and
almost
ignorant
of
Letters
,
and
unlike
the
Apostolick
prescript
,
script
,
by
which
means
the
Ecclesiastical
vigor
is
lost
,
they
will
petition
the
King
that
when
a
Bishop
was
wanting
,
the
Canonical
Election
by
the
Clergy
and
the
People
may
be
permitted
,
that
men
of
tryed
knowledg
and
life
,
and
not
illiterate
men
,
blinded
by
covetousness
,
may
be
set
Bishops
over
the
Flocks
.
24.
An.
857.
Pope
Nic.
1.
is
chosen
by
the
Emperour
Ludovicus
consent
,
and
by
All
the
People
.
And
he
so
far
maketh
the
People
self-separating
judges
,
as
to
decree
,
Tit.
11.
c.
1.
That
none
hear
the
Mass
of
a
Priest
whom
he
knoweth
undoubtedly
to
have
a
Concubine
or
sub-introduced
Woman
.
And
Can.
2.
That
by
the
Canons
he
cannot
have
the
honour
of
Priesthood
,
that
is
faln
into
Fornication
.
25.
An.
1050
,
(
or
thereabout
)
one
of
the
worst
of
Popes
at
a
Council
at
Rhemes
,
was
constrained
to
confirm
the
old
Canon
;
That
no
man
be
promoted
to
Church
Government
but
with
the
election
of
the
Clerks
and
the
People
,
&c.
26.
An.
1059.
Again
a
Roman
Council
forbidding
all
men
to
joyn
with
a
fornicating
Priest
,
maketh
them
so
far
separating
judges
.
27.
About
An.
1077.
A
Council
at
Rome
reneweth
the
Canon
,
nulling
all
Ordinations
made
,
aus
pretio
,
precibus
aut
obsequio
,
or
that
are
not
made
by
the
common
consent
of
Clergy
and
People
;
for
such
enter
not
by
Christ
,
&c.
28.
From
hence
the
Popes
grew
to
usurp
most
of
the
power
in
chusing
Bishops
to
themselves
by
degrees
,
till
they
got
Councils
to
judg
it
Heresie
for
Emperours
to
claim
so
much
as
a
confirming
investiture
.
Whence
bloody
Wars
rose
.
And
it
's
greatly
to
be
noted
that
yet
these
Emperours
supposed
the
Bishops
elected
by
the
Clergy
and
People
,
and
claimed
but
the
said
investiture
,
as
is
seen
in
the
formula
of
Pope
Paschals
Grant
of
investitures
to
them
.
29.
When
they
made
Princes
Investiture
Sacrilege
(
and
entring
by
them
)
they
so
far
made
the
People
judges
of
Priests
and
Communion
,
as
in
a
Council
at
Benevent
.
an.
1087.
sub
Vict.
to
decree
,
That
if
no
Catholick
Priest
be
there
,
it
's
righter
to
persist
without
visible
Communion
,
and
to
Communicate
invisibly
with
the
Lord
,
than
by
taking
it
from
an
Heretick
to
be
separated
from
God
.
For
what
concord
hath
Christ
and
Belial
?
And
Simoniacks
are
Infidels
.
30.
But
were
good
and
bad
Bishops
in
all
Ages
thus
minded
,
or
was
it
only
Popes
?
I
next
add
that
it
was
one
of
the
Articles
charged
against
Wickliffe
the
Reformer
(
as
before
against
Wecelo
,
who
contemned
their
Excommunications
)
That
they
that
give
over
Preaching
or
hearing
Gods
word
,
for
mens
Excommunications
,
are
Excommunicate
,
and
in
the
day
of
judgment
shall
be
judged
traitors
to
Christ
.
Art.
13.
in
Conc.
Const.
Reader
,
are
we
not
in
a
hard
strait
between
Wickliffe
and
Dr.
Stillingflect
?
31.
The
same
is
one
of
the
Articles
against
John
Hus
,
That
men
must
not
for
Excommunications
give
over
preaching
.
We
grant
that
they
mean
unjust
ones
.
32.
This
became
one
of
the
great
Controversies
with
the
Bohemians
,
against
whom
one
of
the
four
long
Orations
were
made
at
Conc.
Basil
.
They
would
never
yield
that
their
chosen
Ministers
should
obey
the
Silencers
.
33.
Lastly
,
the
Romans
themselves
oft
deereed
,
That
a
simoniacal
election
even
of
the
Pope
is
plainly
null
,
and
conferreth
no
right
or
authority
to
the
elected
(
though
this
certainly
overthroweth
the
uninterruptedness
of
their
own
Succession
.
)
And
how
Popes
were
elected
till
the
device
of
Cardinals
,
is
well
known
.
§
.
15.
If
all
this
be
not
enough
to
prove
the
constant
consent
of
the
Christian
Churches
down
from
the
Apostles
for
the
necessity
of
the
Flocks
consent
to
the
relation
of
the
Bishop
and
Pastors
to
them
,
Let
him
that
would
have
more
read
all
that
Blondel
hath
produced
,
de
jure
plebis
in
regim
.
Eccles.
§.
16.
I
shall
next
prove
the
said
necessity
from
the
nature
of
the
thing
,
the
work
and
benefit
,
and
the
common
nature
,
interest
and
reason
of
mankind
,
if
more
light
will
not
put
out
the
eyes
of
some
unwilling
men
,
that
are
loth
to
know
what
they
cannot
easily
be
ignorant
of
.
And
1.
Propriety
is
in
order
of
nature
antecedent
to
Regiment
,
which
supposeth
it
,
and
is
to
order
the
use
of
it
for
common
safety
and
good
.
2.
As
a
mans
propriety
in
his
Members
,
Children
,
acquisitions
,
is
antecedent
to
Regiment
,
so
much
more
in
his
soul
which
is
himself
.
3.
Nature
obligeth
all
to
care
for
their
lives
,
but
yet
those
must
sometime
be
hazarded
for
publick
good
.
But
the
obligation
to
please
God
and
obtain
Salvation
and
escape
Sin
and
Hell
,
is
so
great
,
that
no
man
is
to
pretend
publick
good
or
the
will
of
man
against
it
.
4.
Self-government
(
as
to
power
and
obligation
)
is
antecedent
to
humane
publick
Government
in
order
of
Nature
:
And
publick
Government
doth
not
destroy
it
,
but
regulate
it
:
And
therefore
is
not
for
destruction
but
for
edification
.
5.
The
end
of
Self-government
is
so
much
to
please
God
and
save
our
Souls
,
that
no
man
on
pretence
of
publick
Government
can
disoblige
us
from
this
.
6.
God
hath
in
the
fifth
Commandment
,
which
setleth
humane
Government
and
obedience
,
chosen
the
name
of
Parents
rather
than
Princes
,
because
Parents
Government
is
antecedent
to
Princes
,
and
Princes
cannot
take
it
from
them
,
nor
disoblige
their
Children
.
But
Self-government
is
more
natural
than
Parents
,
and
Parents
and
Princes
must
help
it
,
but
not
destroy
it
.
7.
When
persons
want
natural
capacity
for
Self-government
(
as
Infants
and
Ideots
and
mad-men
)
they
are
to
be
governed
by
force
as
bruits
,
being
not
capable
of
more
.
8.
Family
Government
being
in
order
next
to
personal
,
Princes
or
Bishops
have
no
right
to
overthrow
it
,
(
at
least
except
in
part
on
slaves
of
whose
lives
they
have
absolute
power
:
)
If
the
King
impose
Wives
,
Servants
,
and
Diet
on
all
his
Subjects
,
they
may
lawfully
chuse
fitter
for
themselves
if
they
can
;
and
at
least
may
refuse
unmeet
Wives
and
Servants
,
and
mortal
or
hurtful
Meats
and
Drinks
.
9.
Much
more
if
Princes
and
Patrons
will
impose
on
all
men
,
the
Bishops
and
Pastors
,
to
whose
charge
,
care
and
Pastoral
conduct
they
must
commit
their
Souls
,
the
people
having
the
nearest
right
of
choice
,
and
strongest
obligation
,
must
refuse
(
as
discerning
Self-governing
judges
)
such
whose
heresie
,
negligence
,
ignorance
,
malignity
,
or
treachery
,
is
like
either
apparently
to
hazard
them
,
or
to
deprive
them
of
that
Pastoral
help
which
they
find
needful
for
them
,
and
they
have
right
to
as
well
as
other
men
.
10.
The
gain
or
loss
is
more
the
Patients
than
the
Imposers
:
It
is
their
own
Souls
that
are
like
to
be
profited
and
saved
by
needful
helps
,
or
lost
for
want
of
them
:
And
therefore
it
most
concerns
themselves
,
to
know
what
helps
they
chuse
.
11.
If
all
the
Kings
on
earth
command
men
to
trust
their
lives
to
a
Physician
who
they
have
just
cause
to
believe
,
is
like
to
kill
them
,
by
ignorance
,
errour
,
or
treachery
,
or
to
a
Pilot
or
Boat-man
that
is
like
to
drown
them
,
they
are
not
bound
to
obey
such
mandates
.
Yea
if
they
know
an
able
faithful
Physician
that
is
most
like
to
cure
them
,
they
may
chuse
him
before
an
unknown
man
,
though
the
King
be
against
their
choice
.
12.
Scripture
and
experience
tell
us
,
that
God
worketh
usually
according
to
the
aptitude
of
means
and
instruments
:
and
learned
experienced
Physicians
cure
more
than
the
ignorant
,
rash
,
and
slothful
;
and
good
Scholars
make
their
Pupils
more
learned
than
the
ignorant
do
.
And
skilful
,
able
,
experienced
holy
Pastors
,
convert
and
edifie
much
more
than
ignorant
and
vicious
men
:
And
means
must
accordingly
be
chosen
.
13.
If
the
Pastoral
work
skilfully
and
faithfully
done
,
be
needful
,
it
must
not
be
neglected
whoever
forbid
it
:
If
it
be
not
needful
,
what
is
the
Church
of
England
good
for
,
more
than
Infidels
,
or
at
least
than
Moscovites
?
And
for
what
are
they
maintained
by
Tythes
,
Glebe
,
and
all
the
dignities
,
honours
and
wealth
they
have
?
And
for
what
do
men
so
much
contend
for
them
?
14.
It
is
natural
to
generate
the
like
;
and
for
men
to
do
and
chuse
as
they
are
,
and
as
their
interest
leadeth
them
.
Christ
tells
us
how
hard
it
is
for
a
rich
man
to
be
saved
,
and
how
few
such
prove
good
.
And
the
Clergy
themselves
do
not
say
that
all
the
Patrons
in
England
are
wise
and
pious
:
Many
Parliaments
have
by
our
Church-men
been
deeply
accused
:
And
most
Parliament
men
,
I
think
,
are
Patrons
:
Others
say
,
that
most
Patrons
not
chosen
to
Parliaments
are
worse
.
Some
Preachers
complain
of
Great
men
for
fornication
,
drunkenness
,
excess
,
idleness
,
yea
,
Atheism
or
infidelity
:
If
many
or
any
be
such
,
are
they
like
to
chuse
such
Pastors
as
all
godly
men
may
trust
in
so
great
a
Case
?
Or
would
not
such
Princes
chuse
such
Bishops
?
15.
Men
are
as
able
and
as
much
obliged
now
to
take
heed
to
whose
conduct
they
trust
their
Souls
,
as
they
were
in
all
former
Ages
of
the
Church
,
forecited
.
16.
The
Laws
and
Bishops
of
England
allow
all
men
liberty
to
chuse
what
Church
and
Pastor
,
that
Conformeth
,
they
please
;
so
they
will
but
remove
their
dwellings
into
the
Parish
which
they
affect
.
And
in
London
thousands
live
as
Lodgers
,
and
may
easily
go
under
whom
they
will
chuse
;
And
if
they
like
him
not
,
may
shift
as
oft
as
they
please
.
17.
Parish
bounds
are
of
much
use
for
Order
:
But
Order
is
for
the
thing
ordered
,
and
not
against
it
:
And
Parish
bounds
being
of
humane
make
,
cannot
justly
be
preferr'd
before
the
needful
edification
and
safety
of
mens
Souls
,
though
such
humane
Laws
bind
,
where
there
are
no
greater
obligations
against
them
.
18.
The
Law
of
keeping
to
Parish-Churches
where
we
dwell
,
and
the
Law
that
giveth
Patrons
the
choice
of
all
the
Pastors
,
and
Princes
of
Bishops
,
are
of
the
same
efficient
power
and
strength
.
19.
Casuists
usually
say
(
even
Papists
that
are
too
much
for
Papal
power
)
that
humane
Laws
bind
not
when
they
are
against
the
end
,
the
common
good
,
especially
against
mens
salvation
.
And
a
Toletan
Council
decreeth
,
that
none
of
their
Canons
shall
be
interpreted
to
bind
ad
culpam
,
but
ad
poenam
,
lest
they
cause
mens
damnation
.
And
many
Casuists
say
,
that
Penal
Laws
bind
only
to
do
or
suffer
,
and
bearing
the
penalty
satisfieth
them
,
save
as
to
scandal
.
20.
Yet
we
still
acknowledge
all
the
right
in
Princes
and
Patrons
before-mentioned
,
and
that
Princes
are
bound
to
promote
Learning
and
piety
,
and
so
to
see
that
due
places
,
countenance
and
maintenance
encourage
faithful
Ministers
,
and
that
all
the
Subjects
have
meet
Teachers
,
and
submit
to
hear
and
learn
;
And
that
they
should
restrain
Hereticks
and
Soul-betrayers
,
from
the
sacred
Office-work
;
and
judg
who
are
to
be
maintained
,
and
who
to
be
tolerated
.
21.
But
this
power
is
not
absolute
but
bounded
:
And
if
on
the
pretence
of
it
,
they
would
betray
the
Church
and
starve
Souls
(
like
the
English
Canon
that
binds
all
from
going
to
an
able
Pastor
at
the
next
Parish
,
from
an
ignorant
unpreaching
vicious
Reader
,
)
men
are
not
bound
to
obey
it
,
but
to
provide
better
for
themselves
(
unless
materially
,
not
formally
for
some
time
,
when
not
obeying
would
do
more
hurt
than
good
;
)
or
as
a
man
must
forbear
publick
assemblies
in
a
common
Plague-time
.
And
so
much
to
open
the
true
reason
of
the
case
in
hand
.
And
Paul's
words
to
Timothy
,
1
Tim.
4.
16.
tell
me
,
this
care
is
not
unnecessary
,
Take
heed
to
thy self
and
to
the
doctrine
,
and
continue
in
them
;
for
in
doing
this
thou
shalt
both
save
thy self
and
them
that
hear
thee
.
§.
17.
▪
come
now
to
the
Doctor
's
words
,
who
p.
312.
undertakes
to
prove
,
1.
That
the
main
ground
of
the
peoples
Interest
was
founded
on
the
Apostles
Canon
[
A
Bishop
must
be
blameless
.
]
Ans.
The
word
[
main
]
may
do
him
service
,
but
no
hurt
to
my
cause
.
[
Main
]
signifieth
not
[
Only
:
]
who
doubts
but
the
People
were
to
discern
the
Lives
of
chosen
persons
?
But
(
without
coming
to
the
Ballance
,
among
many
causes
which
is
the
main
)
I
have
proved
that
there
were
more
;
And
among
others
,
that
Christ
and
his
Apostles
bid
them
take
heed
how
they
hear
:
beware
of
false
Prophets
,
and
their
leaven
:
beware
of
the
concision
.
A
man
that
is
an
Heretick
avoid
.
—
Bid
them
not
good
speed
:
Let
no
man
deceive
you
,
—
Those
that
cause
divisions
and
offences
contrary
to
the
doctrine
ye
have
learned
,
avoid
,
—
from
such
turn
away
.
—
Is
here
no
more
than
judging
their
lives
?
§
.
18.
Here
he
cometh
to
prove
this
even
by
Cyprian's
Epistle
against
Martial
and
Basilides
:
I
must
not
name
his
dealing
with
it
,
lest
he
say
Irail
.
But
I
may
note
,
1.
that
he
saith
,
[
the
force
of
what
Cyprian
saith
comes
at
last
only
to
this
giving
Testimony
.
]
Answ.
Only
here
is
more
than
Main
before
.
And
though
it
was
a
matter
of
scandal
that
was
before
them
,
and
therefore
it
is
no
wonder
if
nothing
else
be
particularly
spoken
of
;
yet
sure
these
words
signifie
more
than
Testimony
.
[
By
publick
judgment
and
Testimony
be
approved
worthy
and
meet
.
]
And
to
be
sound
in
the
faith
,
and
apt
to
teach
is
some
part
of
meetness
.
And
[
because
they
chiefly
have
power
either
to
chuse
Priests
that
are
worthy
,
or
refuse
the
unworthy
.
]
A
chief
chusing
power
of
the
worthy
is
more
than
a
meer
testimony
of
fact
.
Again
,
[
that
by
the
suffrage
of
the
whole
fraternity
the
Episcopacy
be
delivered
to
him
.
]
Suffrage
is
more
than
testimony
of
fact
.
And
[
All
they
do
sin
who
are
defiled
by
the
sacrifice
of
a
prophane
and
unjust
Priest
]
signifieth
a
dissenting
power
,
or
else
separation
were
no
duty
.
But
he
saith
,
This
is
the
strongest
testimony
in
antiquity
for
the
peoples
power
.
Answ.
A
strange
saying
of
so
good
an
Historian
,
who
may
easily
know
that
the
concurrent
judgment
of
all
the
Churches
,
their
practice
,
and
their
Canons
,
making
the
Peoples
consent
(
and
usually
Election
)
necessary
,
was
a
far
stronger
testimony
than
one
Epistle
.
But
to
weaken
this
he
saith
,
1.
It
was
in
a
case
where
a
Bishop
had
voluntarily
resigned
.
Answ.
1.
What
's
that
to
the
general
rule
here
asserted
?
2.
Was
it
voluntarily
which
they
were
adjudged
to
do
?
But
I
find
no
mention
of
Martial's
voluntary
resigning
,
but
only
Basilides
.
2.
He
saith
[
Another
Bishop
was
put
in
his
place
,
not
by
the
power
of
the
people
,
&c.
]
Answ.
1.
This
was
before
said
[
that
the
people
might
give
them
power
?
No.
]
As
if
he
would
have
the
Reader
think
that
we
hold
the
people
give
the
power
,
which
I
have
so
oft
disproved
.
But
it
's
his
advantage
to
talk
to
many
men
at
once
,
that
he
may
say
,
some
of
you
said
it
.
But
if
distinction
were
not
a
crime
,
I
would
distinguish
between
giving
the
power
,
and
concurring
with
other
Causes
to
give
a
Receptivity
to
the
person
that
must
have
it
:
The
peoples
consent
is
a
causa
partialis
,
of
capacity
and
receptivity
.
2.
But
what
signifie
these
words
[
The
Ordination
of
our
Collegue
Sabinus
by
the
suffrage
of
the
whole
fraternity
,
and
by
the
judgment
of
the
Bishops
,
&c.
]
Is
not
this
as
much
power
as
we
plead
for
?
3.
Are
not
you
the
Author
of
the
Defence
of
B.
Laud
,
and
say
,
That
Christ
gave
the
Keys
to
Peter
as
the
representative
of
the
whole
Church
?
And
have
you
now
said
more
against
me
or
your self
?
I
am
not
of
that
mind
.
3.
He
saith
,
They
had
the
judgment
of
a
whole
Council
for
deserting
him
.
Answ.
Yes
,
for
deserting
them
both
?
And
that
Council
told
them
God
had
fore-determined
in
his
word
what
men
must
or
must
not
be
Bishops
,
and
it
was
God
rather
than
they
that
judged
it
and
bound
them
to
obey
;
and
that
the
power
was
chiefly
in
the
people
to
chuse
and
refuse
&c.
]
Did
you
think
you
had
helpt
your
cause
by
saying
,
It
was
a
whole
Council
that
was
for
what
we
say
?
4.
He
saith
,
It
was
for
Idolatry
and
blasphemy
by
his
own
confession
.
Answ.
Which
mean
you
by
[
his
]
when
they
were
two
?
neither
of
them
were
otherwise
Idolaters
than
as
Libellaticks
(
who
to
save
their
lives
suffered
other
men
to
subscribe
their
names
,
thinking
it
was
not
their
own
deed
;
like
some
that
I
have
heard
of
,
that
thought
Conformity
Perjury
,
&c.
but
let
a
Friend
bribe
an
Officer
to
subscribe
their
names
and
give
them
a
Certificate
.
)
And
Baslides
blasphemy
was
in
his
sickness
in
terrour
of
Conscience
and
perhaps
phrensie
.
5.
He
saith
all
St.
Cyprian's
proof
is
,
that
the
people
were
most
concerned
to
give
testimony
of
life
,
&c.
This
is
answered
already
.
§
.
10.
His
next
is
,
The
people
on
this
assuming
the
power
of
Elections
,
caused
great
disturbance
and
disorders
in
the
Church
;
where
he
goeth
over
some
few
of
the
many
instances
,
which
I
have
at
large
recited
,
at
Antioch
,
Rome
,
Alexandria
,
&c.
Answ.
1.
And
yet
for
all
these
disorders
,
the
Church
deprived
not
the
People
of
their
priviledge
.
2.
But
how
fallaciously
is
this
urged
?
I
have
fully
elsewhere
opened
to
the
Reader
,
how
the
aspiring
Prelates
seeking
Patriarchates
and
Bishopricks
became
as
so
many
Captains
at
War
,
and
gathered
Monks
,
Clergy
and
People
to
strive
and
fight
for
them
;
And
now
he
layeth
this
on
the
People
?
As
if
the
common
Souldiers
and
not
the
Generals
were
the
cause
of
the
War
?
But
of
this
I
have
said
enough
.
§
.
20.
He
saith
,
To
prevent
this
many
Bishops
were
made
without
the
choice
of
the
People
,
and
Canons
made
to
regulate
Elections
.
Answ.
Crastily
said
!
He
saith
not
[
without
the
consent
of
the
People
,
]
but
[
the
Election
.
]
And
he
saith
not
that
the
Canons
took
away
either
consenting
or
electing
suffrages
,
but
that
they
regulated
them
:
Yes
,
they
over
and
over
confirmed
them
.
§
.
21.
He
saith
,
A●
Alexandria
the
Election
belonged
to
the
twelve
Presbyters
.
Answ.
They
are
hard
put
to
it
when
they
are
put
to
fly
to
that
testimony
which
maketh
Presbyters
the
makers
of
Bishops
.
Hierome
and
Eutychius
Alexand.
tell
you
that
the
Presbyters
chose
and
made
the
Bishops
as
the
Army
doth
a
General
:
which
made
Arch-Bishop
Usher
tell
King
Charles
the
First
,
That
the
Presbyters
at
Alexandria
did
more
than
Ordain
Presbyters
,
for
they
made
Bishops
(
as
he
told
me
himself
.
)
But
1.
We
never
denied
that
the
Com-provincial
Bishops
ordinarily
afterwards
Ordained
them
,
2.
Nor
that
the
Presbyters
chose
them
.
Did
the
Doctor
think
this
was
to
the
purpose
?
But
1.
Doth
he
think
that
the
Presbyters
choice
excludeth
the
Peoples
when
it
is
a
known
thing
that
the
Canons
and
Custom
constantly
conjoyned
them
?
2.
Will
he
conclude
that
when
ever
History
nameth
not
the
Peoples
choice
,
they
are
left
out
?
3.
Will
he
perswade
us
when
the
People
are
not
the
chusers
,
that
they
are
not
necessarily
the
consenters
or
refusers
?
I
will
add
one
more
proof
to
all
before-mentioned
.
It
is
impossible
,
ex
naturâ
rei
,
that
the
Pastoral
Office
should
be
exercised
on
dissenters
:
Therefore
their
consent
is
necessary
.
A
Patient
may
be
drencht
like
a
Horse
,
and
cram'd
like
fatted
Fowl
,
and
so
may
have
a
Physician
against
his
will
.
But
a
Soul
cannot
use
Pastoral
help
unwillingly
.
1.
He
cannot
unwillingly
be
baptized
:
2.
Nor
unwillingly
joyn
in
publick
prayer
and
praise
with
the
Church
.
3.
Nor
unwillingly
confess
sin
.
4.
Nor
unwillingly
crave
or
receive
Ministerial
counsel
.
5.
Nor
unwillingly
receive
the
Lords
Supper
.
6.
Nor
unwillingly
desire
the
Pastors
visitation
and
prayers
in
his
sickness
.
7.
Nor
unwillingly
seek
and
receive
absolution
,
&c.
I
mean
,
he
can
do
none
of
this
that
doth
not
consent
.
And
is
he
a
Pastor
to
such
men
that
refuse
all
this
?
It
's
a
shame
to
think
that
learned
men
should
bend
their
wits
to
prove
that
the
Sun
is
not
light
.
Did
the
Church
at
Alexandria
ever
after
chuse
their
Bishops
,
and
not
before
?
All
the
Alexandrian
Church-History
tells
us
that
the
people
there
indeed
exercised
too
great
power
,
after
this
,
no
place
on
earth
more
tumultuous
and
unruly
:
And
yet
no
place
where
the
Bishops
were
more
secular
,
and
more
assumed
the
power
of
the
Sword
:
But
the
people
chose
them
.
4.
And
if
it
had
been
true
that
the
choice
lay
only
and
absolutely
on
the
Presbyters
,
how
came
they
to
have
so
long
two
Bishops
and
two
Churches
,
besides
the
Arians
?
5.
And
he
wisely
overlooketh
the
Question
,
who
chose
those
Pres
byters
that
were
the
chusers
of
the
Bishop
?
§
.
22.
He
next
instanceth
,
ex
Euseb.
l.
6.
c.
10.
in
Germanion
and
Gordius
Ordained
by
the
Bishops
in
Narcissus
place
at
Hierusalem
.
Answ.
1.
His
argument
,
if
any
,
must
be
this
:
Eusebius
saith
,
the
Bishops
Ordained
them
,
not
mentioning
the
peoples
consent
or
choice
:
Ergo
,
their
consent
or
choice
was
not
used
.
How
easily
might
he
have
known
that
we
would
deny
the
consequence
?
Doth
any
of
us
deny
that
the
Bishops
were
the
Ordainers
of
Bishops
?
2.
And
even
the
words
of
Eusebius
confute
him
,
saying
,
That
when
Narcissus
shewed
himself
again
,
the
brethren
(
no
doubt
the
Laity
)
intreated
him
to
enjoy
his
Bishoprick
again
.
§
.
23.
His
next
instance
is
,
[
Severus
Bishop
of
Milevis
,
in
his
life
time
appointed
his
successour
,
acquainting
only
the
Clergy
with
it
:
And
Augustine
prevented
the
peoples
disturbance
and
got
them
to
receive
him
.
]
Answ.
Thus
it
is
some
mens
work
to
confute
themselves
.
It
's
a
known
thing
that
the
peoples
right
was
so
universally
and
unquestionably
acknowledged
,
that
the
Canons
forbad
any
Bishop
to
nominate
and
chuse
his
Successour
,
lest
it
should
forestall
them
and
prejudice
their
choice
.
And
why
else
was
the
peoples
resistance
feared
?
And
what
did
Austin
but
perswade
them
to
consent
?
And
why
doth
he
mention
that
the
People
consented
and
received
him
,
if
they
had
no
consenting
Vote
,
or
right
on
just
cause
to
dissent
?
It
would
be
an
odd
argument
to
prove
,
that
a
woman
had
no
power
of
choice
in
Marriage
,
because
one
was
put
to
perswade
her
to
consent
?
which
proveth
the
necessity
of
her
consenting
.
§
.
24.
He
next
tells
us
of
Austin's
own
nomination
of
his
Successour
Eradius
.
Answ.
More
and
more
against
himself
.
All
that
men
do
is
in
danger
of
miscarrying
by
their
faultiness
:
Wise
men
would
do
their
best
to
prevent
this
,
and
the
peoples
consent
being
of
necessity
,
they
sometimes
will
pre-engage
them
;
so
Austin's
predecessour
thought
it
the
craftiest
way
in
his
life-time
,
to
take
in
Austin
for
his
Coadjutor
or
fellow
Bishop
(
two
in
a
City
)
lest
the
people
should
miss
of
so
excellent
a
man
:
But
this
being
against
the
Canons
,
Austin
confesseth
that
he
did
it
ignorantly
,
and
disowneth
it
.
Yet
lest
the
people
(
who
grew
more
and
more
faulty
)
should
mischuse
,
he
in
his
life
time
commendeth
to
them
Eradius
,
that
their
love
to
him
might
procure
their
acceptance
.
Doth
not
this
prove
that
their
choice
or
consent
was
necessary
?
Reader
,
if
the
Doctor
can
perswade
thee
that
the
Country
have
not
the
choice
of
Parliament
men
,
because
some
are
commended
or
named
to
them
,
thy
yielding
is
too
easie
.
§
.
25.
The
next
is
the
story
of
Paul
the
Novatian
out
of
Socrat.
l.
8.
(
who
hath
but
seven
)
Paulus
was
advising
his
Clergy
to
chuse
his
Successour
;
They
told
him
their
fear
of
their
own
disagreement
,
and
to
prevent
it
,
intreated
him
to
nominate
one
.
He
made
them
promise
to
stand
to
it
,
and
named
Mercianus
in
a
sealed
paper
.
Doth
not
this
instance
prove
,
that
the
Bishop
had
not
power
to
chuse
one
of
himself
?
And
was
not
his
fear
of
the
disagreement
of
the
Clergy
?
And
doth
any
of
this
disprove
the
peoples
consenting
right
?
And
would
the
Doctor
perswade
us
that
even
the
Novatians
excluded
them
.
§
.
26.
He
tells
us
,
that
the
Greek
Canonists
think
that
the
Council
of
Nice
took
away
all
the
power
of
election
of
Bishops
from
the
people
,
and
gave
it
to
the
Bishops
of
the
Province
.
]
Answ.
1.
In
all
reason
he
should
have
cited
those
Canonists
;
for
it
's
strange
that
yet
their
following
Customs
and
Canons
should
say
the
contrary
.
2.
There
is
not
a
word
in
the
Canon
cited
about
election
,
but
only
ordination
[
that
all
the
Bishops
in
the
Province
should
Ordain
a
Bishop
;
But
when
that
cannot
be
,
there
shall
be
at
least
three
present
,
and
three
more
consenting
by
writing
.
]
And
what
's
this
to
the
Case
the
Peoples
election
or
consent
?
§
.
27.
Yet
he
bringeth
more
against
himself
,
viz.
Can.
18.
Concil.
Antioch
.
which
is
,
That
if
one
be
Ordained
Bishop
and
go
not
to
the
Parish
,
because
the
people
refuse
him
,
he
shall
have
the
honour
and
Office
of
a
Bishop
,
not
troubling
the
peace
of
the
Church
;
]
which
plainly
saith
what
I
have
oft
said
,
That
the
people
have
no
power
to
hinder
any
from
being
Ministers
or
Bishops
indefinitely
in
the
Church
Universal
,
but
only
to
judge
whether
he
shall
be
theirs
:
whereas
the
Ordainers
have
power
in
both
cases
;
and
usually
were
the
first
chusers
,
though
the
people
had
a
refusing
or
accepting
power
,
as
there
appeared
cause
.
§
.
28.
Next
he
addeth
more
for
what
I
plead
,
that
Basil
Ordaining
one
first
,
perswades
the
Senate
and
People
to
accept
him
:
Adding
[
Their
way
then
was
,
if
the
people
did
agree
on
a
person
to
be
Bishop
,
to
petition
the
Metropolitan
and
Synod
,
who
had
the
full
power
to
allow
or
refuse
him
.
]
Answ.
Is
not
this
a
strong
proof
that
the
people
had
no
such
agreeing
or
chusing
power
,
because
the
Metropolitan
and
Synod
also
had
their
vote
?
what
need
Basil
perswade
them
to
accept
him
,
when
they
had
no
power
to
refuse
?
Did
Basil
or
any
Synod
say
,
all
people
are
bound
to
accept
those
whom
we
chuse
,
be
they
what
they
will
,
and
not
to
try
them
and
judge
themselves
.
§
.
29.
And
here
I
desire
the
Reader
to
remember
,
1.
That
we
take
the
chief
trust
to
be
by
Christ
committed
to
the
Ordainers
for
taking
in
fit
men
,
and
keeping
out
the
unfit
:
They
being
the
only
Judges
(
with
the
person
himself
)
who
shall
be
a
Minister
of
Christ
in
the
Church
Universal
;
And
neither
Magistrate
or
People
have
a
power
to
chuse
or
refuse
them
.
2.
That
the
Universal
Church
being
one
body
of
Christ
,
though
Ministers
have
not
such
a
charge
of
each
others
flocks
as
the
particular
Bishops
of
them
have
,
yet
are
they
bound
to
give
them
all
the
help
they
can
(
as
neighbour
families
to
help
each
other
:
)
And
therefore
to
offer
to
vacant
Churches
the
best
they
know
,
and
perswade
them
to
accept
them
,
when
they
are
at
a
loss
or
need
advice
.
3.
The
people
are
bound
to
reverence
the
judgment
of
neighbour
Pastors
herein
,
and
not
causlesly
to
oppose
.
4.
When
the
People
have
chosen
(
or
they
and
the
Clergy
,
)
if
the
person
were
not
before
Ordained
,
the
Ordainers
still
are
judges
for
their
own
act
.
5.
It
was
not
usual
to
Ordain
sine
titulo
,
and
the
Ordainers
did
two
things
at
once
,
1.
Judge
absolutely
who
shall
be
a
Minister
of
Christ
?
2.
Judge
with
the
Church
to
which
he
was
Ordained
(
Elders
and
People
)
who
was
fit
for
that
Church
,
and
should
be
theirs
:
And
a
threefold
lock
was
safe
.
6.
By
all
this
it
appears
that
all
the
Doctors
talk
against
the
peoples
unfitness
to
discern
who
are
sound
or
Heretick
,
fit
or
unfit
,
is
to
no
purpose
:
And
that
if
unmeet
men
are
Ministers
or
Bishops
,
the
fault
is
ten
times
more
in
the
Ordainers
than
in
the
People
:
seeing
it
is
not
the
People
but
the
Ordainers
that
are
trusted
to
take
into
the
Ministry
indefinitely
,
but
only
among
many
to
judg
who
shall
be
theirs
,
supposing
them
either
before
Ministers
,
or
next
to
be
made
such
by
the
Ordainers
.
And
doth
the
Doctor
think
that
the
judgment
of
all
parties
is
not
as
sure
as
of
one
alone
?
or
that
my
refusing
a
Physician
is
any
wrong
to
his
Licensers
or
him
?
§
.
30.
The
Laodicean
Canon
cited
by
him
speaketh
for
me
as
the
rest
:
(
Did
he
think
I
wanted
his
help
to
cite
more
for
my self
?
)
Who
doubteth
that
the
People
being
not
the
sole
judges
,
if
they
took
in
an
un-Ordained
or
un-approved
man
without
the
Synods
consent
,
it
was
void
?
(
By
the
way
,
do
either
Synods
or
People
(
the
old
chusers
)
chuse
our
Bishops
or
Priests
?
)
§
.
31.
Yet
more
for
me
,
he
citeth
the
Chalced.
Council
,
turning
out
Bassianus
and
Stephanus
from
Ephesus
,
two
men
that
strove
and
sought
for
the
Bishoprick
unto
blood
in
the
Church
,
and
both
pleaded
they
were
lawfully
called
by
Clergy
,
and
People
,
(
And
yet
had
the
People
no
right
?
)
But
they
were
both
proved
to
be
violent
Intruders
,
and
another
chosen
.
And
who
doubts
but
a
great
General
Council
had
the
greatest
power
then
?
§
.
32.
Next
he
tells
us
of
a
Law
of
Justinian
,
that
made
the
Clergy
and
better
sort
of
Citizens
chusers
.
(
And
indeed
Nazianzene
once
wisht
the
more
religious
sort
were
chusers
:
)
but
doth
not
this
prove
still
the
peoples
power
,
though
so
long
after
by
an
Emperour
the
poorer
were
so
restrained
?
I
will
not
stay
to
search
the
Book
,
but
take
it
as
he
citeth
it
.
§
.
33.
But
his
next
seemeth
to
be
downright
against
us
,
Can.
13.
Conc.
Laodic
.
But
it
is
not
so
:
Crab
hath
two
translations
:
The
first
saith
,
Quod
non
sit
permittendum
turbis
electiones
eorum
facere
qui
sunt
ad
sacerdotium
provehendi
:
It
is
not
sufferable
to
chuse
by
tumults
:
ergo
,
not
for
the
people
to
chuse
at
all
,
no
nor
dissent
.
I
deny
the
consequence
.
To
forbid
disorder
is
not
to
forbid
choice
or
free
consent
.
§
.
34.
His
next
proof
is
Nic.
Conc.
2.
c.
3.
which
he
saith
,
restrained
the
election
only
to
Bishops
.
Answ.
Such
dealing
tells
us
that
Protestant
Doctors
are
not
to
be
taken
for
infallible
no
more
than
Papists
;
I
cited
the
Canon
before
:
The
doubt
is
whether
it
drive
us
not
to
more
separation
than
we
are
willing
of
,
by
nullifying
our
Bishops
and
Priests
calling
.
It
is
[
every
election
of
a
Bishop
,
Priest
or
Deacon
,
which
is
made
by
Magistrates
,
shall
remain
void
,
by
the
Canon
which
saith
,
If
any
Bishop
use
the
secular
Magistrates
to
obtain
by
them
a
Church
,
let
him
be
deposed
and
separated
,
and
all
that
communicate
with
him
.
]
Doth
not
the
Doctor
unhappily
chuse
his
testimonies
?
Had
it
not
been
better
to
have
past
over
this
Council
?
Where
now
is
all
the
Church
of
England
by
this
Canon
,
if
Bishops
coming
in
by
the
King
,
and
Parsons
by
the
Patrons
be
all
void
and
null
,
and
the
people
separated
that
communicate
with
them
?
Such
events
are
the
fate
of
an
ill
cause
.
And
the
next
Canon
doth
not
amend
their
matter
,
which
calleth
it
madness
for
gain
or
any
affection
of
his
own
,
to
drive
any
from
the
Ministry
,
or
segregate
one
of
his
Clergy
,
he
shall
have
Lextalionis
,
and
his
work
shall
fall
on
his
own
head
.
§
.
35.
He
adds
,
[
Which
was
confirmed
by
following
Councils
in
the
Greek
Church
,
as
Can.
28.
Const.
against
Photius
,
and
the
people
are
there
excluded
with
an
Anathema
,
so
far
were
popular
elections
grown
out
of
request
in
the
Eastern
Empire
.
]
Answ.
1.
Had
this
been
true
,
it
would
not
much
move
me
,
that
these
two
Councils
that
set
up
Image-worship
,
and
shewed
much
wickedness
,
should
contradict
the
Apostolical
and
Catholick
constitutions
and
practice
.
But
,
1.
I
thank
the
Bishops
,
I
am
not
able
to
buy
the
French
Volumes
of
the
Councils
,
and
therefore
what
is
there
I
know
not
:
and
my
own
Library
is
ruined
to
avoid
their
Agents
distraining
it
for
my
Preaching
:
And
Doctor
James
and
others
have
taught
me
to
prefer
the
oldest
Editions
of
the
Councils
,
and
to
take
heed
how
I
trust
the
later
and
the
Jesuits
pretended
Manuscripts
.
I
have
now
none
but
Crab
(
who
medleth
not
with
this
)
and
Binnius
;
And
in
Binnius
there
are
but
14
Canons
in
the
last
Action
,
and
27
in
the
antecedent
Fragmenta
:
and
no
such
thing
as
a
28th
Canon
to
be
found
:
Nor
is
there
in
the
27th
any
such
thing
as
the
Doctor
citeth
.
2.
But
if
there
were
,
if
it
were
but
the
confirmation
of
the
2.
Nicene
Canon
,
it
were
much
against
the
Doctor
's
cause
,
and
nothing
for
him
.
3.
But
unhappily
here
also
he
sends
us
to
find
out
much
against
him
.
For
besides
that
the
8th
Can.
in
Fragm.
condemneth
requiring
subscriptions
to
stick
to
the
Patriarch
(
though
they
were
not
yet
oaths
of
obedience
)
the
12th
Canon
is
indeed
the
same
with
those
forecited
,
viz.
That
the
Apostolical
and
Synodical
Canons
flatly
forbidding
promotions
and
consecrations
of
Bishops
,
by
the
power
and
command
of
Princes
,
we
concordantly
define
,
and
sentence
,
that
if
any
Bishop
receive
the
consecration
of
such
a
dignity
,
by
the
craft
and
tyranny
of
Princes
,
he
shall
be
altogether
deposed
,
as
one
that
desired
and
consented
to
have
the
gift
of
God
by
the
will
of
carnal
sense
,
and
from
men
and
by
men
.
I
suppose
this
is
the
Doctor
's
Canon
which
deposeth
all
the
English
Bishops
,
unhappily
cited
.
And
the
Can.
14.
requiring
Princes
to
honour
Bishops
,
and
condemning
the
Bishops
that
debase
themselves
to
go
far
from
their
Church
to
meet
a
Prince
,
and
that
will
alight
to
them
from
their
Horses
,
and
that
will
basely
kneel
to
them
,
or
will
come
to
their
tables
,
unless
with
purpose
freely
to
reprove
them
]
expoundeth
both
these
Bishops
hearts
and
words
.
And
so
doth
Can.
17.
which
condemneth
such
as
come
not
to
Synods
because
the
Prince
forbiddeth
them
,
and
saith
,
That
Princes
have
no
right
so
much
as
to
be
spectators
of
the
matters
which
at
Synods
fall
out
among
Priests
.
And
here
indeed
an
Anathema
is
pronounced
against
the
obstinately
disobedient
Bishops
,
that
will
not
obey
their
Patriarch
before
the
forbidding
Prince
.
]
And
doth
this
meddle
with
the
peoples
Recipient
power
?
which
is
only
levelled
against
Princes
and
Lay
Patrons
Impositions
,
and
deposeth
the
English
Clergy
and
Church
?
The
same
is
repeated
,
Can.
25.
(
which
it's
likely
is
that
which
he
meant
)
viz.
That
according
to
the
old
Canons
the
promotions
and
consecrations
of
Bishops
be
made
by
the
choice
and
decree
of
the
College
,
and
that
no
Lay
Princes
or
men
in
power
(
potentu●
)
do
mix
themselves
in
the
election
or
promotion
of
Patriarchs
,
Metropolitans
,
or
any
Bishop
;
lest
hence
there
be
inordinate
confusion
or
contention
,
specially
seeing
that
it
is
not
convenient
that
any
Potentates
or
other
Lay
men
have
power
in
such
matters
,
but
rather
attend
with
silence
.
—
And
if
any
secular
Prince
or
Potentate
(
men
in
power
)
or
Lay
men
of
other
dignity
,
strive
against
the
common
and
consonant
and
Canonical
Election
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Order
,
let
him
be
anathema
,
till
he
consent
and
obey
in
this
,
which
the
Church
shall
shew
its
will
in
,
in
the
Election
and
Ordination
of
its
Proper
Bishops
.
Here
,
1.
The
Churches
will
is
made
the
determiner
of
the
Election
and
Ordination
of
their
proper
Bishop
.
2.
The
Canonical
Order
is
established
(
which
ever
required
the
Clergies
and
Peoples
consent
.
)
3.
Nothing
of
the
Laity
but
acts
of
Princes
power
and
dignity
is
excluded
:
4.
And
hereby
our
English
Clergy
deposed
.
The
Doctor
had
been
better
to
have
let
alone
his
History
and
Antiquities
.
§
.
36.
His
4th
note
is
,
Christian
Magistrates
did
interpose
in
this
matter
as
they
judged
expedient
.
Answ.
Hitherto
he
hath
produced
the
Testimonies
of
Councils
and
Bishops
against
Magistrates
choice
or
medlings
(
mistakingly
thinking
it
had
been
against
the
Flocks
Receptive
power
)
And
now
he
will
prove
that
Magistrates
interposed
,
as
you
shall
hear
.
§
.
37.
And
first
[
So
Constantine
did
in
the
Church
of
Antioch
.
Soz.
l.
2.
c.
19.
Answ.
What
did
he
?
He
motioned
a
Bishop
to
end
the
difference
;
And
who
opposeth
that
?
§
.
38.
Next
[
Constantius
put
by
two
that
the
people
strove
about
,
and
set
up
Euseb.
Nicom
.
Answ.
An
unhappy
testimony
:
Socrates
whom
he
citeth
thus
relateth
it
,
[
Alexander
dying
commended
Paulus
to
the
chusers
as
the
fittest
;
but
if
they
would
have
a
man
of
prowess
to
chuse
Macedonius
:
]
The
people
were
divided
in
the
choice
,
and
made
a
greater
stir
than
formerly
▪
But
the
Orthodox
carried
it
for
Paulus
against
the
Hereticks
that
were
for
Macedonius
.
Constantius
being
the
first
persecuting
Arian
Emperour
,
was
offended
,
and
got
a
Council
to
depose
Paulus
,
and
he
got
in
his
great
favourite
Eusebius
Nicomed
.
the
head
of
all
the
Arians
.
Doth
not
this
shew
,
1.
That
the
people
were
chusers
,
2.
That
the
Emperour
deposed
him
not
,
but
by
a
pack●
Council
of
Bishops
(
which
we
know
had
a
deposing
power
?
)
3.
That
this
is
Recorded
as
an
Act
of
two
Hereticks
,
a
Prince
and
Prelate
,
wronging
the
Church
.
§
.
39.
Saith
he
,
[
When
Eusebius
was
dead
,
the
Orthodox
party
again
chose
Paulus
,
and
Constantius
sends
Hermogenes
to
drive
him
out
by
force
.
Answ.
1.
I
doubt
he
will
next
cite
Valens
,
Gensericus
,
Hunnericus
,
&c.
for
murdering
and
persecuting
the
Bishops
.
Was
an
Arians
Tyranny
,
a
note
of
right
?
2.
The
story
(
in
Socrates
cited
by
him
)
is
this
:
Euseb.
the
Arian
being
dead
,
the
People
again
went
to
the
choice
,
and
chose
as
before
:
But
some
were
kill'd
in
the
tumult
.
The
Arian
Emperour
sends
Hermogenes
to
force
out
Paulus
the
chosen
Bishop
:
The
people
tumultuously
fight
for
their
Bishop
and
priviledge
,
and
set
Hermogenes
Lodgings
on
fire
and
kill
him
.
The
Emperour
comes
from
Antioch
,
amerceth
the
City
,
and
puts
Paul
out
,
and
yet
is
angry
that
Macedonius
was
chosen
by
the
other
part
without
his
advice
;
but
consenteth
to
him
.
1.
Doth
not
this
shew
that
the
people
were
the
chusers
?
2.
And
even
their
murderous
tumult
moved
neither
an
Heretick
Prince
nor
the
Bishops
to
deny
their
right
of
choice
.
3.
Murder
and
such
violence
was
a
fair
colour
for
more
severity
.
4.
Yet
all
this
was
by
a
Heretick
noted
as
an
act
against
the
Church
.
5.
And
all
this
was
but
about
a
Patriarch
,
and
not
an
ordinary
Bishop
,
and
that
at
his
Imperial
seat
,
where
it
concerned
the
Emperours
to
have
most
regard
.
6.
And
I
told
you
that
Princes
are
the
Judges
whom
they
should
tolerate
,
whoever
have
the
choice
.
§
.
40.
He
adds
,
When
Athanasius
was
restored
,
Constantius
declared
it
was
by
the
decree
of
the
Synod
and
by
his
consent
.
Answ.
1.
If
he
meant
here
to
intimate
the
exclusion
of
the
peoples
consent
or
choice
,
he
could
scarce
have
named
in
History
an
instance
more
against
himself
,
than
that
of
Athanasius
,
who
thereby
was
brought
in
,
upheld
and
oft
restored
.
2.
This
History
tells
you
the
Arian
Emperour
was
forced
to
this
consent
,
to
avoid
a
threatned
War
from
his
brother
.
3.
This
was
not
to
make
him
Bishop
,
but
to
call
him
to
his
flock
from
his
banishment
.
4.
And
doth
not
all
this
confirm
what
I
plead
for
,
as
to
the
Peoples
,
Synods
and
Princes
several
parts
?
§
.
41.
Nectarius
case
is
next
,
about
whom
Historians
disagree
,
but
the
most
credible
say
,
that
the
Council
named
Nectarius
with
some
others
in
a
paper
,
and
in
honour
to
an
excellent
Emperour
,
bid
him
take
which
he
would
:
But
all
this
excluded
not
the
peoples
part
(
who
would
not
have
left
Gregory
but
by
his
own
request
)
and
were
glad
to
accept
one
from
such
a
Council
and
Prince
.
§
.
42.
Next
he
saith
out
of
Sozomen
,
That
the
People
and
Clergy
chose
Chrysostome
,
and
Arcadius
consented
;
and
then
he
affro●teth
Sozomen
with
Palladius
.
Answ.
1.
Palladius
denyeth
nothing
that
I
plead
for
,
but
only
tells
us
of
the
Emperours
premotion
and
endeavours
,
(
in
his
Royal
City
about
a
Patriarch
)
to
prevent
the
division
of
the
people
:
Nor
is
Palladius
credit
to
be
equalled
to
Sozomen's
herein
,
much
less
preferred
.
2.
Socrates
the
most
credible
of
all
in
this
,
saith
,
l.
6.
c.
2.
[
It
seemed
good
to
them
to
send
for
John
Chrys.
.
—
Wherefore
not
long
after
,
Arcadius
with
the
general
consent
both
of
Priests
and
People
sent
for
him
.
]
And
did
not
the
Doctor
think
I
needed
help
by
such
Citations
?
§
.
43.
The
choice
of
Nestorius
was
just
such
another
▪
The
people
had
no
reason
to
deny
consent
to
one
out
of
Chrysostom's
Monastery
,
nominated
by
so
good
an
Emperour
;
who
was
judge
whom
to
tolerate
in
his
Royal
City
:
But
both
he
and
they
after
repented
of
the
choice
.
§
.
44.
His
last
instance
is
Theodosius
getting
in
Proclus
before
Maximianus
was
buried
.
Answ.
Reader
,
1.
All
this
is
a
good
Emperours
care
about
one
Patriarch
of
his
own
City
to
avoid
division
,
and
nothing
to
the
common
choice
of
Bishops
.
2.
The
true
case
Socrates
(
cited
)
thus
describeth
:
The
people
were
the
chusers
:
They
were
for
Proclus
;
but
some
adversaries
objected
a
Canon
,
that
a
Bishop
might
not
be
removed
from
one
Church
to
another
,
and
he
being
a
Bishop
already
they
could
not
have
him
:
Socrates
pleadeth
for
the
dispensableness
of
this
Canon
;
but
the
people
were
fain
to
take
Maximianus
.
The
Emperour
being
for
dispensing
with
that
Canon
,
and
gratifying
the
people
that
had
before
declared
themselves
for
Proclus
,
did
not
himself
bring
him
in
,
but
got
Celestine
Bishop
of
Rome
to
write
to
Cyril
of
Alexand.
John
Bishop
of
Antioch
and
Rufus
Bishop
of
Thessalonica
to
satisfie
them
to
do
it
;
and
so
got
Proclus
in
.
What
is
this
against
the
peoples
right
?
These
be
all
the
Doctor
's
instances
on
this
point
.
§
.
45.
His
5th
note
is
,
[
On
the
alteration
of
the
Government
of
Christendom
there
was
greater
reason
for
the
Magistrates
interposing
than
before
:
Because
of
Princes
endowing
Churches
,
the
Royal
assent
was
fit
,
—
though
a
Bishop
was
chosen
by
the
Clergy
and
People
.
]
Answ.
Who
would
strive
against
so
friendly
a
disputer
,
that
goeth
on
to
say
the
same
as
I
?
when
I
doubt
his
party
will
say
that
he
Prevaricateth
.
§
.
46.
But
he
saith
,
The
Royal
power
overthrowing
the
Papal
,
reserved
the
power
of
nomination
of
Bishops
as
part
of
the
Prerogative
:
which
being
allowed
in
frequent
Parliaments
,
the
consent
of
the
people
is
swallowed
up
therein
,
since
their
Acts
oblige
the
whole
Nation
.
Answ.
1.
I
see
we
yet
understand
not
how
much
of
the
Irenicon
is
retracted
,
and
whether
he
yet
hold
not
that
no
Form
of
Church-Government
is
of
Divine
Institution
;
or
we
be
not
bound
to
be
for
that
which
King
and
Parliament
are
for
.
But
we
undertake
to
prove
the
contrary
,
and
have
done
it
.
2.
What
if
Parliaments
gave
the
King
power
to
chuse
all
Folks
Wives
and
Husbands
,
Physicians
,
Tutors
,
Diet
,
Trade
,
&c.
our
Right
were
not
swallowed
up
by
this
,
though
it
were
called
the
King's
Prerogative
.
Much
less
where
Gods
Institution
and
the
very
Law
of
Nature
have
forestalled
them
,
and
neither
God
nor
Man
gave
them
that
swallowing
power
.
3.
I
oft
answered
,
that
Tythes
and
Temples
may
be
more
in
the
Magistrates
power
,
than
Pastoral
relation
and
power
of
the
Keys
.
§
.
47.
He
saith
,
p.
326.
That
the
inferiour
right
of
Patronage
is
justly
thought
to
bear
equal
date
with
the
settlement
of
Christianity
in
peace
and
quietness
.
Answ.
1.
It
was
scarce
ever
setled
in
peace
and
quietness
to
this
day
:
Much
less
during
the
Saxons
Heptarchy
.
2.
I
have
proved
that
the
Universal
Church
was
far
from
making
Lay
Patrons
the
chusers
.
3.
It
is
less
lawful
to
sell
our
Souls
into
slavery
than
our
bodies
:
And
if
our
Ancestors
had
said
to
some
rich
men
,
You
shall
all
chuse
our
Pastors
and
we
will
stand
to
your
choice
,
if
you
will
build
us
Temples
and
give
them
Lands
;
it
would
no
more
bind
us
to
stand
to
their
bargain
,
than
if
they
had
said
,
Give
us
House
and
Land
,
and
you
shall
chuse
our
Diet
,
Wives
,
Physicians
,
&c.
we
say
if
your
kindness
be
turned
to
our
hurt
,
take
your
house
and
land
,
or
give
it
to
whom
you
will
:
we
will
not
sell
our
souls
and
Church-rights
at
such
a
price
.
§
.
48.
His
6th
conclusion
is
,
That
things
being
thus
setled
—
there
is
no
ground
for
the
people
to
resume
the
liberty
of
Elections
.
Answ.
1.
I
need
not
over
and
over
repeat
the
answer
to
his
reasons
.
2.
If
the
liberty
of
Election
be
not
resumed
(
which
was
not
that
which
I
pleaded
for
,
as
he
would
all
along
insinuate
)
yet
the
liberty
o
▪
free
consent
or
refusal
may
be
necessary
.
§
.
49.
Reader
,
again
,
the
true
case
is
like
this
following
:
Parents
have
a
ruling
power
to
chuse
Wives
and
Husbands
for
their
Children
:
Guardians
have
much
power
over
Orphans
in
it
.
Even
so
in
our
case
;
1.
The
Ordainers
are
the
first
Judges
,
and
have
a
power
like
Parents
,
and
none
should
be
received
against
their
wills
,
unless
they
would
betray
the
Church
.
2.
The
Magistrates
may
make
ordering
restraining
Laws
,
that
no
unworthy
person
shall
be
tolerated
:
3.
A
limited
power
of
nomination
may
be
left
to
Patrons
,
as
Guardians
,
who
have
power
to
help
the
Churches
,
but
none
to
hurt
;
much
less
to
ruine
them
▪
4.
But
it
is
not
a
Church
related
as
Pastor
and
Flock
,
till
both
consent
.
These
things
are
evident
truth
,
though
some
would
bury
it
in
a
heap
of
words
.
§
.
50.
I
would
also
if
I
could
have
drawn
the
Doctor
to
resolve
me
this
doubt
;
Whether
the
power
of
Parents
and
Husbands
,
or
of
Patrons
,
yea
or
Princes
be
greater
,
in
the
choice
of
Food
,
Physick
,
and
so
of
a
Tutor
,
a
Pastor
or
a
particular
Church
Communion
.
And
if
a
Parent
or
Husband
say
,
I
command
you
to
hear
and
Communicate
with
such
a
Pastor
and
Congregation
,
and
the
Patron
say
the
contrary
,
yea
,
or
the
Prince
or
Law
,
which
is
to
be
obeyed
?
And
to
whom
this
Family
Government
most
belongeth
?
And
why
Father
and
Mother
rather
than
Prince
and
Priests
are
named
in
the
Fifth
Commandment
?
§.
51.
p.
329.
He
reciteth
my
reasons
,
why
Parliaments
cannot
take
away
our
free
Receptive
consent
,
and
he
again
feigneth
that
I
say
all
this
for
the
peoples
chusing
power
,
yet
confesseth
I
deny
not
the
Magistrates
or
Patrons
power
of
their
own
Gift
.
(
The
Case
of
Sacrilege
I
leave
to
their
Consciences
.
)
§.
52.
p.
330.
But
saith
he
,
Anabaptists
,
Quakers
,
and
all
may
pretend
a
care
of
their
Souls
,
and
so
leave
the
Minister
only
the
Temple
and
Tythes
.
Answ.
1.
And
Anabaptists
and
Quakers
will
have
a
care
of
their
Souls
,
when
you
have
said
and
done
all
you
can
against
it
:
A
prison
will
not
overcome
it
.
2.
So
Turks
,
Socinians
,
Papists
,
(
or
Anabaptists
if
you
will
)
when
they
get
into
power
,
may
pretend
that
they
are
fitter
to
be
trusted
with
mens
Souls
,
than
men
with
their
own
:
And
so
Prelates
may
say
:
But
is
nothing
true
that
men
can
abuse
and
misapply
?
And
to
me
it
is
something
,
though
it
should
be
nothing
to
you
,
1.
That
nature
obligeth
and
disposeth
every
man
more
to
care
for
his
own
soul
,
than
it
doth
the
Patron
to
care
for
others
.
2.
That
many
hundred
or
thousand
men
are
not
all
so
like
to
mistake
and
miscarry
about
their
own
Souls
,
as
one
Patron
is
that
is
far
from
their
hearts
.
3.
That
it
is
a
matter
more
dangerous
to
trust
▪
thousands
in
one
hand
than
in
many
(
as
it
would
be
in
a
storm
to
put
all
into
one
boat
.
)
If
that
man
miscarry
he
endangereth
multitudes
:
If
another
man
miscarry
it
is
but
for
one
.
3.
To
have
a
self-saving
power
,
and
to
have
a
self-destroying
power
,
differ
(
with
men
that
hate
not
distinction
.
)
So
little
can
a
man
know
what
we
say
by
this
Doctors
Answers
,
that
a
stranger
would
think
by
him
that
we
were
quite
of
another
mind
.
I
never
said
Quakers
or
any
others
may
have
whom
they
will
:
If
they
chuse
men
uncapable
,
the
neighbour
Bishops
or
the
Clergy
may
admonish
them
,
and
renounce
his
Communion
;
And
the
Magistrate
may
restrain
him
and
refuse
to
tolerate
an
intolerable
man
:
And
yet
the
people
ought
not
to
accept
an
uncapable
man
offered
by
Bishops
or
Patrons
;
no
nor
a
man
next
to
uncapable
when
they
need
and
may
have
much
better
.
Many
Negatives
are
safe
.
§
.
53.
He
saith
,
The
prophane
have
right
to
their
own
souls
,
and
to
the
care
of
them
,
and
therefore
are
equally
concerned
with
others
(
to
chuse
.
)
Answ.
It
is
sad
with
the
Church
when
they
need
to
be
saved
from
such
reasonings
of
their
great
Teachers
.
1.
A
Right
to
care
for
their
Souls
giveth
no
man
right
to
chuse
men
for
others
Souls
,
to
do
that
which
they
will
not
have
done
for
their
own
.
The
question
is
,
whether
that
man
will
Communicate
with
the
Church
on
Christs
terms
?
He
refuseth
and
will
not
(
else
he
ought
not
to
be
refused
.
)
And
shall
he
that
refuseth
Communion
chuse
one
to
give
it
others
,
because
he
hath
a
Soul
himself
?
Had
the
neighbour
Heathens
and
Hereticks
of
old
power
to
chuse
Bishops
for
the
Church
,
while
they
refused
to
be
of
the
Church
themselves
?
Shall
he
that
will
not
be
of
the
Society
chuse
for
the
Society
?
2.
We
distinguish
between
what
a
man
may
be
forced
to
,
and
what
not
.
He
may
not
be
forced
to
the
great
gift
of
Sacramental
Remission
and
Communion
,
because
no
unwilling
person
hath
right
to
it
:
But
an
ignorant
person
may
be
forced
as
a
Catechumen
or
hearer
,
to
hear
what
can
be
said
for
his
conviction
:
For
truth
may
conquer
the
unwilling
.
But
none
on
this
pretense
can
hinder
the
Church
from
hearing
its
own
Pastors
,
nor
force
men
to
be
the
ordinary
Auditors
of
Mahometans
,
Hereticks
or
Heathens
.
§.
54.
p.
331.
He
again
tragically
exclaims
of
me
,
on
the
old
false
supposition
,
that
I
make
the
people
the
sole
chusers
,
and
not
only
plead
for
their
free
Negative
Vote
(
though
chusing
also
,
but
not
alone
,
was
the
old
way
;
)
And
here
tells
us
of
the
tumults
that
would
follow
.
Answ.
1.
So
they
would
if
the
people
chose
in
France
,
Spain
,
Italy
:
And
yet
I
would
they
did
.
No
humane
actions
are
free
from
inconveniencies
;
which
are
not
to
be
cured
with
a
mischief
.
2.
Let
him
name
me
ten
places
that
have
suffered
so
deeply
by
the
peoples
choice
,
as
I
can
tell
him
of
ten
thousand
that
have
done
by
the
choice
of
Prelates
,
Patrons
and
Princes
,
and
I
will
confess
my
errour
.
It
was
not
by
the
peoples
choice
that
all
preaching
was
put
down
in
Moscovy
:
It
is
not
the
people
that
have
this
many
hundred
years
chosen
all
the
Popish
Bishops
,
Mass-priests
,
&c.
in
Italy
,
and
most
of
the
Roman
Church
,
even
in
Spain
,
France
,
Bavaria
,
&c.
3.
I
told
him
,
but
had
no
answer
,
that
not
only
the
Innes
of
Court
,
but
also
Black
fryars
,
Aldermanbury
,
and
such
other
places
as
have
chosen
their
own
Teachers
,
have
(
peaceably
)
had
as
happy
a
succession
of
Learned
,
Godly
,
able
Pastors
,
as
any
place
in
London
or
in
England
.
4.
It
's
known
by
experience
that
Learning
and
great
worth
doth
as
Light
so
reveal
it self
to
humane
nature
,
that
usually
most
of
those
that
are
loth
to
be
holy
themselves
,
would
have
a
Saint
and
an
able
man
.
5.
Doth
he
think
in
his
Conscience
that
all
the
Patrons
in
England
are
liker
to
be
judicious
,
and
free
from
solicitations
,
favour
and
respect
of
persons
,
than
the
majority
of
the
Communicants
of
such
Churches
?
6.
If
the
Parsons
first
admit
great
numbers
of
profane
,
and
wicked
men
to
be
Communicants
,
and
then
tell
us
how
unfit
these
men
are
to
chuse
:
they
do
but
condemn
themselves
.
§.
55.
p.
333.
He
tells
us
we
do
but
say
,
We
judge
,
we
think
,
&c.
the
things
unlawful
,
but
for
particular
arguments
to
prove
them
unlawful
,
he
finds
none
.
Answ.
If
this
be
true
,
then
they
that
never
found
our
arguments
never
answered
them
.
(
If
it
be
not
true
,
it
is
not
well
.
)
Then
you
here
,
and
Mr.
Falkener
,
Fulwood
,
Durel
,
&c.
have
not
yet
answered
any
of
our
arguments
.
Remember
this
.
2.
Though
I
did
not
argue
,
but
name
the
things
in
my
first
Plea
,
you
and
others
took
it
for
arguing
;
and
we
ever
craved
leave
to
do
it
.
3.
Is
it
true
indeed
,
that
there
are
no
arguments
,
in
our
Writings
,
1660.
and
1661.
with
the
Bishops
,
nor
any
in
my
Book
of
Concord
,
or
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
,
nor
in
my
old
Disputations
of
Church-Government
,
nor
in
any
other
mens
Books
these
eighteen
years
?
I
doubt
the
angry
Bishops
will
think
that
in
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
there
is
some
sort
of
Argument
;
and
that
my
Book
against
Sacril
.
Desertion
of
the
Ministry
hath
some
:
and
that
an
Apology
for
our
preaching
(
now
in
the
Press
)
hath
some
.
But
if
there
be
none
,
accuse
us
of
none
.
CHAP.
X.
Of
the
Imposed
use
of
the
Cross
in
Baptism
,
and
denying
Baptism
to
the
refusers
.
§
.
1.
PAge
343.
He
cometh
to
our
[
charge
against
the
Church
]
(
though
he
never
found
any
Arguments
as
aforesaid
.
)
And
I.
Why
doth
he
silently
balk
the
chief
things
which
I
had
named
?
will
this
satisfie
Conscience
?
will
excusing
some
things
make
others
lawful
?
II.
As
to
what
he
saith
for
the
Cross
,
I
have
so
fully
answered
it
twice
to
Mr.
Cheney
,
and
once
to
the
Impleader
,
that
I
am
loth
to
repeat
all
again
.
In
short
,
1.
He
saith
the
Church
intends
it
not
[
for
a
sign
of
Immediate
dedication
.
]
Answ.
1.
What
is
the
Medium
?
2.
What
if
it
were
not
Immediate
?
3.
Can
it
be
more
Immediate
than
in
the
very
present
dedicating
act
,
to
use
the
sign
and
expressing
the
dedicating
signification
?
—
4.
The
words
of
the
Canon
are
,
[
To
dedicate
them
by
that
badge
to
his
service
,
whose
benefits
bestowed
on
them
in
baptism
the
name
of
the
Cross
doth
represent
.
]
And
after
[
the
Church
of
England
accounteth
it
an
honourable
badge
whereby
the
Infant
is
dedicated
to
the
service
of
him
that
dyed
on
the
Cross
.
]
And
the
service
is
named
[
Christianity
in
practice
,
]
to
fight
under
his
banner
,
&c.
2.
He
saith
,
[
In
baptizing
the
Minister
acts
by
Authority
derived
from
Christ
,
but
at
Crossing
he
speaks
in
the
name
of
the
Church
,
[
We
receive
this
Child
,
&c.
]
Answ.
1.
It
's
meet
it
should
be
so
,
that
Christ's
Sacraments
be
used
by
Christ's
Authority
,
and
mens
by
mens
.
2.
But
I
hope
this
is
but
a
quibble
;
and
that
notwithstanding
the
word
[
we
,
]
the
Minister
as
Christ's
Minister
,
and
in
his
name
saith
,
[
we
receive
this
child
,
]
when
even
the
absolved
are
to
be
received
by
Christ
first
,
and
then
by
the
Church
.
I
will
not
else
aggravate
the
ill
consequences
.
§
.
2.
He
before
saith
,
[
Was
the
Cross
a
dedicating
sign
to
God
,
or
a
declarative
sign
to
men
?
]
Answ.
The
Canon
saith
expresly
twice
,
[
To
dedicate
them
by
this
badge
to
his
service
—
]
And
[
an
honourable
badge
whereby
the
Infant
is
dedicated
to
his
Service
.
]
And
the
Rubrick
which
we
must
subscribe
,
refers
us
to
the
Canon
for
the
true
sense
and
reason
of
the
Crossing
.
2.
Is
Baptism
and
the
Lords
Supper
a
sign
to
God
,
or
to
man
?
It
is
a
sign
to
man
for
God
:
God
knoweth
not
by
signs
,
but
instituteth
signs
for
humane
use
.
It
is
to
dedicate
them
to
God's
service
.
§
.
3.
He
saith
,
[
It
represents
the
duty
and
not
the
Grace
.
]
Answ.
1.
The
words
are
,
[
to
his
service
,
whose
benefits
bestowed
on
them
in
baptism
,
the
name
of
the
Cross
doth
represent
.
]
Are
the
benefits
so
bestowed
no
Graoe
?
or
is
Representing
no
Representing
?
or
shall
we
believe
the
Doctor
against
the
Church
?
or
is
this
the
kind
of
Conformity
that
he
would
teach
us
,
by
denying
what
we
subscribe
to
?
2.
Sure
the
Cross
of
Christ
with
his
dying
on
it
,
exprest
also
in
the
words
of
the
Canon
,
is
Grace
.
To
represent
or
signifie
Christ
dying
on
the
Cross
(
which
are
the
words
and
use
)
is
immediately
to
represent
or
signifie
the
very
Grace
of
Redemption
it self
.
3.
To
be
listed
under
Christ
as
the
Captain
of
our
Salvation
,
and
to
be
received
into
the
Congregation
of
Christs
flock
,
to
fight
under
his
banner
,
&c.
are
all
great
Grace
.
4.
The
moral
operation
on
the
soul
which
the
preface
of
the
Liturgy
ascribes
to
the
Ceremonies
,
is
Grace
to
be
wrought
by
them
.
5.
To
make
a
common
symbol
or
badge
of
Christianity
,
solemnly
obliging
as
a
Covenanting
sign
,
by
which
they
must
be
distinguished
from
Infidels
,
and
this
even
at
our
first
Covenanting
with
Christ
,
is
to
make
a
Sacrament
in
the
old
sence
.
What
was
the
Souldiers
Sacramentum
Militare
more
,
from
which
the
Church
seems
to
have
borrowed
the
name
?
The
Oath
was
obliging
;
The
colours
or
cingulum
was
obliging
and
a
signifying
badge
:
The
good
received
was
the
honour
,
relation
and
hope
of
future
pay
or
preferment
upon
performance
.
And
is
not
all
this
in
ours
?
6.
If
you
have
wit
strong
enough
to
justifie
all
this
humane
addition
to
Christs
great
institution
,
must
all
men
be
compelled
to
practise
as
you
and
such
others
judge
,
because
you
think
they
do
not
confute
you
?
Who
gave
you
or
such
others
right
to
silence
,
reject
from
Christendom
,
&c.
all
such
as
are
not
herein
of
your
mind
;
even
when
you
deny
what
your
Canon
expresly
saith
?
§
.
4.
He
saith
,
It
addeth
nothing
to
Baptism
which
is
compleat
before
.
Answ.
What
's
this
to
our
question
?
It
adds
another
Sacrament
to
Baptism
:
The
Lords
Supper
is
another
Sacrament
of
the
same
Covenant
added
to
perfect
Baptism
by
Christ
;
and
the
Cross
by
men
.
§
.
5.
But
all
the
difficulty
is
thus
removed
(
he
thinks
)
and
by
the
foresaid
quibble
of
[
I
baptize
]
and
[
we
receive
.
]
Answ.
Difficulties
are
easilier
removed
with
some
men
,
than
with
others
.
1.
He
dare
not
say
that
the
Minister
speaks
not
as
from
Christ
,
when-ever
he
saith
[
we
]
in
the
plural
number
.
2.
Doubtless
it
is
first
Christs
act
,
and
then
the
Churches
to
Receive
the
Baptized
into
the
flock
of
Christ
:
And
the
Minister
herein
first
speaketh
Christs
act
and
then
the
Churches
.
3.
The
words
[
we
receive
]
him
,
goeth
before
the
Crossing
and
is
named
especially
as
part
of
the
Ministration
of
Baptism
,
being
its
immediate
effect
.
And
what
a
dangerous
invention
is
it
to
say
that
the
Minister
here
speaketh
not
from
Christ
but
the
Church
,
in
receiving
in
those
dedicated
to
him
?
4.
And
he
will
make
us
a
hard
task
of
it
,
to
know
when
the
Priest
speaks
as
God's
Minister
,
and
when
as
the
peoples
Minister
or
mouth
?
§
.
6.
He
brings
us
the
instance
of
one
after
Baptism
,
engaging
himself
in
the
Independent
Church
Covenant
by
holding
up
his
hand
.
Answ.
1.
It
is
supposed
that
the
Covenant
which
he
mentioneth
is
not
the
Covenant
of
Christianity
,
but
(
that
supposed
)
a
consent
or
promise
to
live
in
the
relation
and
duty
of
a
Christian
member
of
that
particular
flock
.
And
this
is
much
like
a
Covenant
between
a
Christian
Man
and
Wife
,
Tutor
and
Pupil
:
And
as
men
may
make
particular
contracts
,
they
may
make
particular
signs
of
them
,
(
as
is
the
Ring
and
taking
hands
in
Marriage
;
the
crowning
of
a
Christian
King
,
&c.
)
But
if
you
suppose
the
Independant
Covenant
to
repeat
also
and
contain
the
Covenant
of
Christianity
it self
as
the
first
part
,
then
that
which
is
required
is
but
signified
consent
:
And
as
all
Christians
renew
their
consent
at
each
Eucharist
Sacramentally
,
so
do
they
frequently
by
word
and
deed
,
and
all
due
signification
of
consent
.
Nature
and
Custom
of
humane
converse
have
made
words
and
gestures
signifiers
of
consent
:
But
Sacraments
and
solemn
badges
of
this
nature
signifie
by
Institution
of
the
inventer
or
imposer
.
The
sin
lyeth
in
arrogating
Christs
prerogative
,
and
accusing
his
Laws
of
insufficiency
.
If
Christ
(
by
his
act
and
spirit
)
had
not
separated
one
day
in
seven
for
the
Commemoration
of
his
Resurrection
,
he
had
not
told
us
that
this
is
his
own
work
as
Legislator
.
But
now
he
hath
separated
one
day
,
if
man
will
make
a
Law
that
another
day
also
of
the
week
shall
be
separated
to
the
same
use
,
it
is
as
much
as
to
say
,
1.
We
have
authority
to
make
such
Laws
as
Christ
made
.
2.
And
to
amend
his
Law
by
this
addition
.
For
if
it
had
been
fit
to
be
made
,
there
was
the
same
reason
then
for
Christ
to
have
separated
two
days
.
So
is
it
in
this
case
.
If
Christ
had
made
no
Sacraments
,
we
might
more
have
doubted
whether
he
took
it
for
his
proper
work
:
But
where
he
hath
made
two
,
to
make
more
of
the
same
nature
,
to
me
seemeth
too
bold
:
He
could
have
made
the
Sacrament
of
the
dedicating
Cross
if
he
would
have
had
it
.
If
our
Bishops
should
command
us
to
say
we
believe
Christs
resurrection
,
or
to
stand
up
to
signifie
it
,
to
avoid
confused
noise
,
we
refuse
it
not
:
But
if
they
would
make
a
Law
that
none
shall
be
Christened
that
will
not
let
the
Priest
put
him
into
a
Coffin
or
Grave
and
take
him
out
again
to
represent
the
Resurrection
,
I
think
it
fafest
to
deny
obedience
to
such
arrogant
usurpation
.
§
.
7.
He
confesseth
,
It
belongs
to
Christ
only
to
appoint
the
means
of
conveying
his
own
grace
.
Answ.
I
have
before
proved
that
the
Cross
is
by
this
Church
appointed
as
such
a
means
,
and
named
the
Grace
and
conveyance
.
§
.
8.
He
saith
,
[
Though
it
belong
to
the
King
to
make
the
badge
or
symbol
of
his
own
subjects
,
yet
every
Nobleman
may
give
a
distinct
Livery
without
treason
.
]
Answ.
True
:
And
this
opens
the
Case
.
A
badge
of
the
Kings
subjects
is
not
the
same
thing
,
with
the
badge
of
a
subjects
servant
:
But
the
Cross
is
not
the
badge
of
a
humane
subordinate
contract
or
relation
(
as
City
Covenants
,
or
Pastoral
particular
contracts
,
&c.
)
but
of
Christianity
it self
,
and
of
the
subjects
of
Christ
as
such
.
§.
9.
p.
353.
He
saith
,
Is
our
worship
directed
to
it
or
may
we
kneel
before
it
,
as
Mr.
B.
allows
men
may
do
before
a
Crucifix
?
Answ.
But
if
this
be
not
true
,
or
be
a
deceiving
intimation
,
you
should
not
allow
your self
to
write
it
.
My
words
are
in
Christ
.
Direct
.
q.
113.
p.
876.
When
I
had
named
21
Cases
in
which
an
Image
may
not
be
used
,
(
and
among
the
rest
,
when
it
is
scandalous
,
or
tempting
to
superstition
,
&c.
)
I
named
many
Cases
in
which
an
Image
may
be
used
;
and
say
[
that
it
is
not
unlawful
to
pray
before
or
towards
an
Image
,
in
a
Room
where
they
are
placed
only
for
Ornament
,
&c.
]
Is
this
to
say
,
(
worship
may
be
directed
to
it
?
or
that
we
may
kneel
before
a
Crucifix
;
)
when
I
had
before
excepted
the
Images
of
God
,
Christ
,
&c.
in
worship
,
on
several
reasons
?
Doth
any
Protestant
doubt
of
what
I
assert
?
My
Parlour
hath
on
all
four
sides
the
pictures
of
our
living
friends
:
must
I
not
pray
in
that
room
because
my
face
will
be
still
towards
some
of
them
?
Doth
he
doubt
of
this
?
Or
is
not
his
citing
one
half
of
the
words
as
he
doth
,
to
deceive
his
credulous
Reader
,
if
not
worse
?
§
.
10.
He
saith
,
Kneeling
before
a
Crucifix
is
lawful
to
him
supposing
the
mind
be
only
excited
by
it
.
Answ.
A
Calumny
made
up
by
setting
together
two
scraps
of
remote
sentences
.
1.
Because
I
say
it
's
lawful
to
pray
in
a
room
where
pictures
(
not
any
)
are
before
me
,
for
meet
ornament
,
therefore
he
feigns
me
to
say
,
It
's
lawful
to
kneel
before
a
Crucifix
.
2.
And
elsewhere
I
say
,
It
is
lawful
to
be
excited
to
a
good
thought
by
seeing
a
Deaths-head
,
or
any
of
Gods
works
,
and
so
it
is
by
seeing
a
Crucifix
;
(
which
no
sober
Christian
doubts
of
)
he
feigns
me
to
make
it
an
exciting
sign
to
him
that
kneels
before
it
.
§
.
11.
Yea
he
makes
so
much
use
of
his
own
calumny
as
p.
354.
to
prove
me
strangely
partial
,
Allowing
it
to
be
lawful
to
pray
before
a
Crucifix
as
a
medium
excitans
,
as
an
object
that
stirs
up
in
us
worshipping
affections
,
and
so
excuse
all
Papists
from
Idolatry
that
profess
they
use
a
Crucifix
for
no
other
end
.
Answ.
Meer
repeated
forgery
,
not
becoming
his
profession
.
I
never
spake
for
praying
before
it
,
much
less
as
an
object
to
stir
up
worshipping
affections
:
But
only
that
I
am
not
bound
to
fly
at
prayer
from
a
room
that
hath
only
ornamental
pictures
;
and
that
as
in
the
Geneva
Bible
there
be
Historical
pictures
,
and
few
but
Turks
are
against
them
,
it
is
lawful
(
I
say
not
kneeling
before
them
at
prayer
,
but
out
of
cases
of
scandal
and
danger
)
to
be
excited
by
them
to
good
affections
,
and
indeed
good
affections
are
worshipping
affections
.
Dare
any
Christian
say
that
it
is
a
sin
to
think
reverently
of
God
when
we
see
his
works
,
or
see
but
a
picture
of
Scripture
History
(
as
Abraham
offering
Isaac
,
Christ
dying
and
rising
,
&c.
)
Nonconformists
have
still
taken
them
for
Lyers
that
said
they
were
against
Historical
pictures
;
and
shewed
it
in
the
Geneva
Bible
.
I
have
seen
in
many
pious
country
Houses
all
the
story
of
Dives
and
Lazarus
painted
over
their
Tables
,
and
never
heard
the
good
use
of
it
accused
.
But
I
desire
the
Reader
to
peruse
my
words
,
which
he
citeth
,
Quest.
113.
and
judge
with
what
honesty
we
are
accused
.
I
there
say
,
1.
It
is
unlawful
to
make
any
Image
of
God
.
4.
It
is
unlawful
to
make
,
place
or
use
an
Image
as
is
like
to
do
more
hurt
than
good
,
or
to
tempt
to
sin
:
—
And
all
such
Images
of
creatures
as
others
use
to
give
unlawful
worship
or
honour
to
,
when
like
to
tempt
others
to
the
like
;
as
among
the
Papists
the
Image
of
the
Crucifix
,
the
Virgin
Mary
and
Angels
may
not
be
made
,
placed
or
used
so
as
may
tempt
any
to
worship
them
sinfully
as
they
do
.
11.
It
is
unlawful
to
place
Images
in
Churches
or
in
secret
before
our
eyes
when
we
are
worshipping
God
,
when
it
tendeth
to
corrupt
the
mind
—
which
is
the
ordinary
effect
of
Images
.
12.
It
is
unlawful
to
use
Images
scandalously
,
as
any
of
the
aforesaid
sinners
use
them
,
though
we
do
it
not
with
the
same
intent
:
that
is
,
so
as
in
outward
appearance
is
the
same
with
their
use
,
Because
so
we
shall
dishonour
God
as
they
do
,
and
harden
them
in
sin
:
Therefore
Images
in
Churches
or
in
Oratories
in
those
Countries
where
others
use
them
sinfully
,
or
near
such
Countries
,
where
the
same
may
harden
men
in
their
sin
,
is
evil
.
21.
I
think
it
unlawful
to
make
an
Image
or
any
equal
instituted
sign
to
be
the
publick
common
symbol
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
though
but
a
professing
sign
(
as
they
make
the
Cross
.
)
Doth
this
doctrine
justifie
the
Papists
?
And
p.
876.
§
.
14.
I
largly
prove
the
use
of
a
Crucifix
(
as
they
do
the
Cross
in
baptism
)
to
be
unlawful
:
which
he
answereth
not
.
Is
it
not
consistent
with
all
this
that
I
say
,
[
That
it
's
not
unlawful
to
pray
before
or
towards
an
Image
,
in
a
room
where
Images
are
placed
only
for
ornament
,
and
we
have
no
respect
to
them
as
a
medium
or
object
of
our
worship
(
except
as
by
accident
it
's
made
unlawful
.
)
And
that
(
not
kneeling
to
them
,
nor
in
prayer
,
but
,
in
transient
meditation
,
)
it
is
lawful
so
to
use
them
historically
as
to
stir
up
in
us
a
worshipping
affection
.
]
If
the
Papists
do
no
more
,
no
Protestant
would
call
them
Idolaters
for
it
.
But
if
they
use
them
Idolatrously
,
it
makes
our
use
of
them
unlawful
,
when
even
but
outwardly
it
is
like
theirs
:
And
so
I
say
of
the
Cross
.
This
is
the
Doctors
zeal
against
Idolatry
,
that
it
seems
would
have
us
all
used
as
his
Books
intimate
,
till
we
dare
use
the
Transient
Image
of
the
Cross
much
worse
than
he
maketh
the
Papists
to
use
Images
and
Crucifixes
in
particular
.
For
to
use
them
as
a
dedicating
common
badge
of
Christianity
,
in
our
great
Covenant
with
Christ
,
is
more
than
to
use
them
historically
and
in
meditation
,
or
more
than
to
pray
in
rooms
adorned
with
common
pictures
.
But
he
knoweth
that
the
Papists
give
more
to
Images
.
§
.
12.
Obj.
But
what
need
had
you
to
say
all
this
of
Images
?
Answ.
That
men
may
understand
it
.
I
'le
tell
you
that
you
may
see
the
Candor
of
our
accusers
.
Dr.
R.
Coxe
Bishop
of
Ely
consulted
with
Cassander
to
have
had
Images
in
our
Churches
.
The
Lutherans
so
use
them
.
Our
new
Church
of
England
began
to
set
up
Crucifixes
over
Altars
,
and
to
plead
more
for
Church-pictures
than
heretofore
.
In
1642.
the
Parliament
ordered
the
defacing
all
Images
of
any
Person
of
the
Trinity
in
Churches
or
Church-yards
,
(
before
the
King
went
from
them
)
Because
I
read
this
Order
and
the
Church-warden
attempted
to
obey
it
,
the
rabble
of
drunken
swearing
Journy-men
,
who
were
all
for
Conformity
,
rose
in
a
tumult
with
clubs
,
seeking
to
kill
me
and
the
Churchwardens
,
and
knockt
down
two
Country-men
because
they
were
our
friends
(
who
carried
the
hurt
to
their
death
:
)
And
the
Conforming
Clergy
were
so
much
for
them
,
that
one
of
them
indicted
me
at
the
Assizes
,
and
I
was
forced
to
leave
the
Country
.
Such
rage
for
Images
tempted
some
religious
men
that
were
against
them
,
to
be
more
censorious
against
the
Conformists
than
I
would
have
them
,
and
to
run
too
near
the
other
extream
:
And
after
it
grew
a
dispute
whether
the
Lutherans
were
not
Hereticks
(
of
which
see
Caspar
Streso
.
)
The
remembrance
of
all
this
drew
me
to
say
all
the
Truth
which
I
thought
useful
to
cure
mens
over-much
censuring
the
Lutherans
and
the
new
Prelatists
:
And
now
the
thanks
they
give
me
is
to
turn
the
censure
on
my self
for
saying
so
much
to
excuse
them
.
Just
so
did
Mr.
Pierce
by
me
:
My
religious
neighbours
scrupled
Communion
with
their
neighbour
Prelatists
,
saying
,
All
the
drunkards
and
swearers
and
ignorant
ungodly
people
that
had
no
religion
,
were
fierce
for
Bishops
,
Liturgy
and
Ceremonies
,
and
they
durst
not
joyn
with
them
while
they
profaned
the
Sacrament
.
I
was
far
from
justifying
them
,
but
to
abate
their
overmuch
censuring
,
I
told
them
that
in
some
Countries
where
custome
had
brought
some
particular
sin
from
under
disgrace
,
we
could
not
judge
one
graceless
,
whose
whole
lives
else
were
pious
,
temperate
and
just
,
for
sometime
committing
that
particular
sin
;
and
it
was
hard
to
say
how
oft
this
might
fall
out
:
As
breaking
the
Lords
day
in
Geneva
and
Holland
,
some
petty
Oath
in
some
Countries
that
use
it
,
and
such
like
.
For
this
charity
to
the
Prelatists
,
what
doth
Mr.
Pierce
but
turn
the
charge
of
favouring
such
gross
sin
against
my self
,
as
if
I
had
been
compounding
it
with
godliness
?
I
leave
you
all
therefore
hereafter
,
better
to
defend
your selves
.
§
.
13.
About
their
appointing
the
Cross
to
work
Grace
morally
,
and
that
Sacraments
work
it
not
physically
,
he
saith
,
I
misrepresent
or
misapply
both
the
Popish
and
Protestant
doctrine
of
Sacraments
.
]
And
for
the
first
he
saith
,
It
overthrows
all
that
I
say
that
they
all
hold
that
Sacraments
work
grace
,
ex
opere
operato
,
where
there
is
no
actual
impediment
,
and
it's
heresie
to
say
,
They
are
bare
outward
professing
signs
.
]
Answ.
Did
he
think
that
this
is
inconsistent
with
the
opinion
that
they
work
it
morally
?
They
distinguish
between
the
Principal
Agent
,
the
instrumental
Operator
,
and
the
Receiver
.
And
they
say
that
the
Sacrament
conveyeth
Grace
by
the
will
of
the
Principal
Agent
(
God
)
ex
opere
operato
,
and
hath
not
its
effect
ex
opere
operantis
;
And
that
opus
operantis
is
that
which
vim
habet
ex
bonitate
&
devotione
ejus
qui
operatur
,
that
is
,
from
the
Ministers
goodness
(
And
doth
not
the
English
Canon
say
the
same
?
)
But
opus
operatum
is
that
which
is
effectual
,
modo
fiat
sicut
lex
praescribit
,
whether
the
instrument
be
good
or
bad
:
But
it
must
be
sicut
lex
praescribit
:
And
when
they
come
to
the
Receiver
they
require
in
him
more
than
the
opus
operatum
to
the
effect
:
viz.
that
he
intend
(
as
Aquinas
speaketh
,
3.
q.
68.
a.
7.
)
to
receive
Baptism
,
which
is
the
beginning
of
a
new
life
,
and
that
he
have
faith
,
a.
8.
c.
ex
parte
gratia
quam
quis
per
baptismum
consequitur
,
exigitur
in
suscipiente
fides
,
ex
parte
vero
Characteris
non
necessaria
est
.
The
Character
is
received
without
real
Faith
,
but
Grace
is
not
.
And
what
that
Character
is
how
little
they
are
agreed
see
at
large
in
Wotton
de
Reconcil
.
Peccat
.
Durandus
,
and
the
wisest
say
it
is
but
the
Relation
of
one
that
hath
received
the
external
tessera
or
badge
of
Christianity
(
which
none
deny
.
)
And
ad
2.
he
saith
,
[
the
Church
quantum
in
se
,
non
intendit
dare
baptismum
nisi
habentibus
rectam
fidem
,
sine
qua
non
est
remissio
peccatorum
.
Et
propter
hoc
interrogat
accedentes
ad
baptismum
an
credant
?
And
citeth
Austin
,
that
without
true
faith
it
is
not
received
to
salvation
.
And
Art.
9.
he
concludeth
that
[
seeing
God
doth
not
compell
men
to
righteousness
,
it
's
manifest
that
feigned
comers
obtain
not
the
benefit
of
baptism
.
And
ad
3.
inter
ficte
accedentes
,
he
numbers
them
that
come
in
mortal
sin
,
not
willing
to
leave
it
and
be
conformed
to
Christ
.
And
your
own
words
imply
all
this
,
that
the
Receiver
must
put
no
hinderance
]
while
they
make
the
want
of
necessary
intention
,
desire
,
true
faith
,
repentance
,
to
be
the
hinderance
,
leaving
the
subject
uncapable
of
the
Grace
of
the
Sacrament
of
Baptism
.
§
.
14.
It
irketh
me
to
repeat
,
but
you
constrain
me
:
Scotus
and
Okam
(
and
then
I
need
not
say
how
many
more
)
confute
Aquinas
at
large
for
calling
Sacraments
so
much
as
instruments
giving
Grace
,
as
he
explaineth
it
;
And
so
doth
Pet.
Aliaco
Camera●
.
briefly
in
4.
q.
1.
B.
C.
concluding
that
Sacraments
are
no
Causes
of
Grace
properly
,
but
improperly
,
because
Deus
in
sacramentis
ordinavit
sic
agere
,
non
quod
ipsa
sacramenta
agant
—
And
that
a
sacrament
neither
by
its
own
virtue
,
nor
by
any
virtue
given
it
,
is
any
proper
efficient
cause
of
any
disposition
in
the
soul
previous
to
grace
,
or
of
grace
it self
,
but
a
condition
sine
qua
non
,
dispositiv
,
improperly
called
Causa
dispositiva
Moralis
,
non
effectiva
sed
receptiva
:
Yet
they
grant
also
a
Moral
objective
causality
,
by
signification
.
Brianson
in
4.
q.
1.
fol.
6.
concludeth
(
1.
doc.
)
sacramenta
non
sunt
graliae
causa
effectiva
,
sed
solum
per
modum
meriti
per
ea
datur
gratia
,
citing
Ricardus
,
Scotus
,
Aureolus
,
Franc.
Perusius
,
&c.
against
Thom.
&
Alexand.
herein
.
Yet
saith
[
Baptismus
indiget
fide
,
quae
est
dispositio
&
fundamentum
omnium
sacramentorum
,
vel
in
se
ut
in
adultis
,
vel
in
alio
ut
in
parvulis
.
Suarez
de
Legib.
l.
9.
c.
6.
p.
748.
Col.
2.
de
Circumcis
.
[
Nam
etiam
ipsa
fides
parentum
erat
conditio
necessaria
&
sine
qua
non
;
Et
tamen
de
illa
dici
non
potest
,
Quod
Gratiam
daret
Infanti
ex
opere
operato
,
nec
quod
gratiam
contineret
;
etiam
nec
causa
justificans
parvulos
dici
potest
;
nisi
late
&
improprio
modo
,
sicut
dicitur
de
quolibet
remedio
vel
conditione
sine
qua
non
.
And
Brianson
also
saith
in
4.
q.
4.
doc.
1.
fol.
34
Quod
ficte
recipientes
baptismum
non
habent
gratiam
baptismi
,
dicunt
Scholastici
.
Yea
even
Hildebrand
in
one
of
his
Roman
Councils
concludeth
,
that
the
Sacraments
of
Baptism
and
Penance
give
not
pardon
to
the
impenitent
and
uncapable
.
Petrus
à
S.
Joseph
Thes.
univers.
de
sacram
.
p.
93.
saith
,
[
Sacramentum
est
signum
sensibile
divinitus
institutum
,
longo
tempore
durans
,
sanctitatem
aliquam
,
saltem
externam
(
that
is
,
Relative
separation
to
God
,
which
is
the
true
Character
with
them
)
conferens
,
&
veram
significans
.
And
p.
101.
[
Sacramenta
novae
legis
conferunt
gratiam
,
idque
ex
opere
operato
&
immediate
:
Duplicem
scilicet
,
aliam
respondentem
dispositioni
,
aliam
ipsi
sacramento
:
cum
antiquae
adultis
nullam
conferrent
nisi
ratione
dispositionis
—
Sacramenta
novae
legis
non
producunt
gratiam
physice
,
sed
tantum
moraliter
.
]
But
I
must
spare
the
Reader
:
By
this
he
may
understand
,
1.
That
they
hold
not
to
the
opus
operatum
as
efficient
of
Grace
in
the
Sacraments
of
the
old
Law
,
and
so
not
to
Sacraments
as
Sacraments
:
2.
That
they
put
opus
operatum
against
opus
operantis
,
and
not
against
the
necessary
disposition
of
the
Receiver
,
which
consisteth
in
Faith
,
Repentance
,
intention
,
&c.
3.
That
many
of
them
deny
all
proper
Sacramental
causality
of
Grace
.
4.
Specially
Physical
.
(
And
Protestants
make
them
not
meer
signs
,
but
investing
signs
.
)
5.
And
ponere
obicem
is
to
want
necessary
moral
qualification
,
and
action
as
aforesaid
.
And
now
the
Dr.
had
done
well
to
tell
me
wherein
I
was
very
much
mistaken
.
§
.
15.
He
next
saith
,
[
The
Cross
is
in
no
sence
held
to
be
an
instrument
appointed
for
conveying
Grace
.
]
Answ.
1.
Not
by
God
,
for
it
is
none
of
God's
Ordinances
.
2.
But
that
by
men
it
is
I
have
manifested
;
if
a
moral
objective
moving
and
teaching
means
may
be
called
an
Instrument
:
If
not
,
the
word
Instrument
is
noting
to
our
case
.
1.
To
work
on
the
soul
of
the
adult
by
representation
,
signification
,
excitation
(
as
the
word
doth
)
is
to
be
an
operative
moral
cause
or
means
:
And
this
the
Church
ascribeth
to
it
(
Pref.
to
Liturg.
&c.
)
2.
The
death
of
Christ
,
and
the
benefits
of
it
,
and
reception
into
the
Church
and
State
of
Christianity
,
and
the
sense
of
our
Engagement
to
fight
under
Christ's
banner
,
&c.
are
Grace
;
some
of
which
is
given
by
excitation
and
some
(
the
Relation
)
by
investiture
.
§
.
16.
And
now
whether
I
have
only
invented
these
objections
to
amuse
and
perplex
mens
consciences
,
and
this
Dr.
hath
made
all
so
plain
that
all
may
venture
on
it
,
and
he
and
all
Ministers
may
deny
them
Christendom
that
dare
not
venture
,
and
cast
out
all
from
the
Ministry
that
be
not
as
bold
as
he
,
I
leave
to
consideration
.
He
next
turneth
to
Mr.
A.
about
bowing
,
and
so
goeth
to
their
Excommunication
CHAP.
XI
.
Whether
the
Excommunicating
Church
,
or
the
Excommunicated
for
not
Communicating
when
Excommunicated
be
guilty
of
Schism
?
§
.
1.
THeir
Canons
excommunicate
ipso
facto
all
that
say
Conformity
is
unlawful
,
and
many
such
like
.
1.
He
saith
[
The
excommunication
is
not
against
such
as
modestly
scruple
the
lawfulness
of
things
imposed
;
but
those
who
obstinately
affirm
it
.
Answ.
Reader
,
trust
neither
him
nor
me
,
but
read
the
words
.
Can.
3
,
4
,
5
,
6.
[
Whosoever
shall
affirm
that
the
Church
of
England
by
Law
established
under
his
Majesty
is
not
a
true
and
an
Apostolical
Church
,
—
let
him
be
excommunicated
ipso
facto
.
Whosoever
shall
affirm
that
the
form
of
God's
worship
in
the
Church
of
England
established
by
the
Law
,
and
contained
in
the
Book
of
Common-prayer
—
is
a
corrupt
,
superstitious
,
or
unlawful
worship
of
God
,
or
containeth
ANY
THING
in
it
that
is
repugnant
to
the
Scriptures
,
let
him
be
excommunicated
ipso
facto
,
and
not
restored
till
,
&c.
Whosoever
shall
affirm
that
any
of
the
39
Articles
,
are
in
any
part
superstitious
or
erroneous
,
or
such
as
he
may
not
with
a
good
conscience
subscribe
unto
,
let
him
be
excommunicated
ipso
facto
,
and
not
restored
till
,
&c.
Whosoever
shall
affirm
that
the
Rites
and
Ceremonies
of
the
Church
of
England
by
Law
established
are
wicked
,
antichristian
,
or
superstitious
,
OR
such
as
being
commanded
by
lawful
authority
,
men
who
are
zealously
and
Godly
affected
may
not
with
any
good
conscience
approve
them
,
use
them
,
OR
as
occasion
requireth
subscribe
to
them
,
let
him
be
excommunicated
ipso
facto
,
and
not
restored
till
he
repent
and
publickly
revoke
such
his
wicked
errours
.
Can.
7.
Whosoever
shall
hereafter
affirm
,
that
the
Government
of
the
Church
of
England
under
his
Majesty
by
Arch-Bishops
,
Bishops
,
Deans
,
Arch-Deacons
,
and
THE
REST
THAT
BEAR
OFFICE
IN
the
same
,
is
antichristian
,
OR
repugnant
to
the
word
of
God
,
let
him
be
excommunicate
ipso
facto
,
&c.
Can.
8.
Whosoever
shall
affirm
that
the
form
and
manner
of
making
and
consecrating
Bishops
,
Priests
or
Deacons
,
containeth
ANY
THING
in
it
that
is
repugnant
to
the
word
of
God
,
—
let
them
be
excommunicate
ipso
facto
,
&c.
Can.
11.
Whosoever
shall
affirm
—
that
there
are
within
this
Realm
,
other
Meetings
,
Assemblies
,
or
Congregations
of
the
Kings
born
subjects
,
than
such
as
by
the
Law
of
this
Land
are
held
and
allowed
,
which
may
rightly
challenge
to
themselves
the
Name
of
true
and
lawful
Churches
,
let
him
be
excommunicate
ipso
facto
,
&c.
And
now
if
the
Reader
will
no
more
believe
the
Doctor
,
it
is
not
long
of
me
.
If
all
this
be
no
more
than
to
excommunicate
them
that
[
obstinately
affirm
the
Ceremonies
Antichristian
,
impious
,
or
superstitious
,
]
understanding
them
is
not
possible
.
§
.
2.
But
I
confess
they
excommunicate
not
men
for
secret
thoughts
:
We
thank
them
for
nothing
.
It
is
but
for
telling
their
judgment
.
And
Dissenters
may
have
many
occasions
to
tell
it
.
The
Kings
Commission
once
allowed
some
of
us
to
tell
it
:
The
Demands
,
Accusations
,
calumniating
Books
and
Sermons
,
&c.
may
call
many
to
it
.
§
.
3.
He
saith
,
All
Excommunication
supposeth
precedent
Admonition
.
Answ.
1.
They
should
do
so
:
The
worse
is
yours
because
it
doth
not
so
:
It
only
alloweth
admonition
to
repent
for
his
restoration
:
which
made
M.
Anton.
Spalatensis
say
so
much
against
it
.
2.
If
it
did
oblige
you
to
admonish
us
,
as
you
have
done
by
your
Books
,
you
know
that
this
changeth
not
our
judgments
:
So
that
to
be
excommunicate
before
the
admonition
and
after
comes
all
to
one
.
But
indeed
when
the
Law
ipso
facto
excommunicateth
,
the
Law
it self
is
the
admonition
.
§
.
4.
He
addeth
[
General
excommunications
though
they
be
latae
sententiae
,
do
not
affect
the
particular
persons
till
the
evidence
be
notorious
,
not
only
of
the
bare
fact
,
but
the
contumacy
.
]
Answ.
Affecting
is
a
word
that
signifieth
what
you
please
.
Ipso
facto
is
[
for
and
upon
the
fact
proved
,
without
any
sentence
of
a
judge
.
]
While
the
fact
only
is
thus
made
the
full
cause
,
the
contumacy
need
not
be
proved
.
It
's
true
,
1.
That
the
fact
must
be
proved
,
2.
And
then
the
Law
is
a
sentence
and
Relatively
affecteth
the
person
as
sentenced
;
3.
But
no
persons
else
are
obliged
to
avoid
him
,
till
the
fact
be
lawfully
published
.
But
the
man
is
excommunicate
.
And
4.
Whether
the
man
that
knoweth
the
Law
and
his
own
Fact
be
not
bound
himself
to
avoid
the
Churches
Communion
,
is
a
great
Controversie
:
And
the
plain
truth
is
,
If
it
be
a
just
Excommunication
,
he
is
bound
to
forbear
Communion
in
obedience
to
it
:
(
As
much
as
a
silenced
Minister
is
to
forbear
Preaching
.
)
But
if
it
be
a
sentence
unjust
,
and
injustice
be
not
so
gross
as
to
nullifie
it
,
still
he
must
forbear
:
But
if
it
be
so
unjust
as
to
be
invalid
,
he
may
Communicate
till
he
be
executively
rejected
:
(
As
one
so
unjustly
silenced
may
preach
,
if
he
can
:
for
the
case
is
much
like
.
)
The
Reader
would
be
displeased
if
I
should
cite
him
many
Casuists
in
so
plain
a
case
.
2.
But
no
man
doubteth
but
the
General
sentence
of
the
Canon
speaketh
the
sence
of
the
Church
,
and
doth
all
that
Law-makers
can
do
,
before
judgment
:
And
the
Law
is
norma
officii
&
judicii
,
obliging
Subject
and
Judge
.
§
.
5.
It
's
true
that
Linwood
saith
,
that
a
Declaratory
sentence
,
that
is
,
A
Declaration
that
such
a
man
is
already
sentenced
by
the
Law
,
is
necessary
to
oblige
any
to
the
execution
of
it
on
others
,
or
the
person
in
foro
externo
.
But
still
the
Church
hath
done
her
part
in
Legislation
,
to
oblige
as
aforesaid
.
§
.
6.
He
saith
[
Persons
excommunicate
are
to
be
denounced
so
every
six
months
,
that
others
may
have
notice
of
them
.
]
Answ.
1.
But
are
they
not
excommunicate
then
,
before
they
are
so
oft
denounced
,
yea
or
at
all
,
as
far
as
aforesaid
?
§
.
7.
He
saith
[
I
have
fully
answered
my
own
Objection
by
saying
,
I
am
not
bound
to
execute
the
sentence
on
my self
.
]
Answ.
1.
He
would
not
say
that
he
approveth
the
answer
:
For
if
he
do
,
he
confuteth
himself
,
that
would
have
us
execute
the
silencing
sentence
on
our selves
,
and
the
sentence
against
publick
worship
in
any
way
but
theirs
.
2.
My
reason
is
,
because
I
take
the
unjust
sentence
as
invalid
:
else
I
were
bound
in
foro
interiore
.
3.
But
sure
the
Church
at
least
relaxeth
that
mans
obligation
to
present
Communion
,
by
shewing
her
will
,
if
she
did
not
oblige
him
to
withdraw
.
Read
over
the
words
of
the
Canon
,
and
see
whether
they
make
them
not
as
unintelligible
and
flexible
to
what
sense
they
please
,
as
they
do
the
words
of
the
Act
of
Uniformity
and
Liturgy
.
§
.
8.
As
to
his
two
cases
in
which
the
excommunicate
may
be
schismaticks
for
not
communicating
,
1.
We
question
not
the
first
:
Just
excommunication
excludeth
none
but
the
guilty
.
Here
then
indeed
is
the
state
of
our
Controversie
.
Had
he
proved
that
in
all
the
cases
before
cited
,
it
is
just
to
excommunicate
us
,
he
had
done
somewhat
,
when
now
for
want
of
it
he
betrayeth
his
cause
.
2.
His
2d
.
is
[
If
they
form
new
Churches
.
]
Answ.
1.
Is
forming
new
Churches
and
not
communicating
with
the
old
ones
all
one
?
Our
present
question
is
of
the
later
.
So
that
this
great
Accuser
seemeth
plainly
to
absolve
all
from
being
bound
to
Communicate
with
them
,
who
are
unjustly
excommunicate
,
and
gather
not
new
Churches
.
2.
But
may
not
the
unjustly
excommunicate
that
cannot
on
just
terms
be
restored
,
worship
God
in
some
publick
Church
?
Doth
such
a
wicked
sentence
bind
men
to
live
like
Atheists
till
death
?
or
deprive
them
of
their
right
to
all
God's
Ordinances
?
even
many
Papist
Doctors
and
Councils
say
the
contrary
.
And
how
else
do
you
justifie
the
Church
of
England
against
the
Papists
charge
of
Schism
?
§.
9.
p.
372.
He
still
seemeth
to
think
,
that
[
His
own
and
others
reasonings
may
change
all
the
truly
honest
Christians
in
the
Land
to
hold
all
the
things
imposed
lawful
.
]
Answ.
These
thoughts
of
the
Bishops
in
1660.
and
1661.
have
brought
us
all
to
the
pass
that
we
are
at
;
And
if
after
20
years
so
great
experience
of
the
inefficacy
of
all
their
Disputes
,
yea
and
Prisons
,
and
after
the
notice
of
the
nature
and
different
cases
of
men
,
they
still
trust
to
bring
us
to
Concord
on
these
terms
,
disputing
with
such
men
is
in
vain
;
The
Lord
deliver
us
from
them
.
CHAP.
XII
.
Of
the
English
sort
of
Sponsors
,
and
the
exclusion
of
Parents
duty
.
§
.
1.
PAge
380.
He
saith
I
[
several
times
mention
this
as
one
of
the
grounds
of
the
unlawfulness
of
the
peoples
joyning
in
Communion
with
us
:
yea
as
the
greatest
objection
.
]
Answ.
Four
places
of
my
writings
are
cited
,
and
all
will
testifie
to
him
that
will
read
them
,
the
untruth
of
the
Doctors
words
.
This
is
an
unhappy
course
of
accusations
:
I
can
find
no
word
of
[
The
unlawfulness
of
the
peoples
joyning
in
Communion
with
you
on
this
ground
.
]
On
the
contrary
,
I
have
taught
men
how
to
make
this
very
action
in
them
lawful
,
viz.
By
getting
if
possible
credible
Sponsors
of
the
old
sort
,
and
agreeing
with
them
to
be
the
Parents
Representer
,
and
promise
as
in
his
name
,
or
at
least
but
as
his
second
,
undertaking
the
Education
of
the
Child
if
he
die
or
apostatize
(
which
was
the
old
sort
:
)
and
himself
to
be
present
and
signifie
his
consent
by
gesture
,
though
he
may
not
speak
.
But
I
have
shewed
,
1.
That
this
must
be
done
besides
the
Churches
order
,
that
hath
no
such
thing
.
2.
That
subscribing
to
the
Churches
order
herein
is
unlawful
:
3.
That
the
Church
which
refuseth
the
Child
lawfully
offered
,
ought
not
to
blame
that
person
that
cannot
or
will
not
make
such
shifts
,
but
getteth
another
Pastor
to
Baptize
him
whom
they
sinfully
refuse
.
But
this
is
not
to
prove
it
unlawful
to
have
Communion
with
you
.
But
it
's
lawful
to
use
better
also
when
they
can
,
being
thus
repulsed
by
you
.
§
.
2.
He
saith
[
The
Parents
are
to
provide
such
as
are
fit
to
under
take
that
office
.
]
Answ.
1.
No
one
is
fit
for
it
as
used
by
the
Liturgy
,
but
an
Adopter
that
taketh
the
Child
for
his
own
;
For
he
undertaketh
the
Parents
work
.
And
it
's
lis
sub
judice
,
whether
any
others
undertaking
besides
a
Parent
or
Owner
can
prove
the
Child
to
be
in
the
Covenant
as
offered
,
and
have
right
to
the
seal
and
benefits
:
Atheists
and
Insidels
Children
are
unholy
,
1
Cor.
7.
14.
2.
If
any
were
sit
,
few
Parents
can
get
such
,
as
will
understandingly
and
deliberately
and
credibly
promise
them
to
do
all
that
Godfathers
must
by
the
Liturgy
undertake
.
I
never
knew
one
in
my
life
that
seemed
to
the
Parent
to
mean
any
such
thing
,
much
less
to
do
it
.
I
have
in
my
younger
time
been
Godfather
to
three
or
four
:
But
we
before
agreed
with
the
Parents
to
intend
no
more
than
to
be
Witnesses
,
and
the
Father
to
be
the
Entitler
and
the
undertaker
.
I
did
in
1640.
Baptize
two
by
the
Liturgy
,
(
without
Crossing
)
and
never
more
in
6.
or
7.
years
after
,
because
of
the
imposed
corruptions
.
Mr.
Kettilby
the
Bookseller
(
unless
his
Father
had
another
Child
of
the
same
name
baptized
the
same
year
)
was
one
:
But
his
Father
gave
him
his
name
,
and
promised
all
his
own
duty
,
and
his
Uncle
and
Aunt
standing
as
Sponsors
,
we
before
agreed
that
they
should
signifie
but
Witnesses
and
friendly
helpers
in
case
of
need
.
2.
But
what
if
the
Parents
are
bid
provide
such
?
that
is
no
discharge
of
their
own
part
,
nor
are
they
bound
to
cast
their
duty
on
others
.
§
.
3.
He
saith
(
as
to
the
Childs
Right
to
Baptism
)
that
the
Godfathers
stand
in
a
threefold
capacity
,
1.
Representing
the
Parent
in
offering
,
2.
Representing
the
Child
in
promising
,
3.
In
their
own
as
undertakers
of
his
education
,
&c.
Answ.
1.
I
will
not
till
he
confute
them
repeat
my
proofs
that
in
the
Church
of
England's
sence
the
Godfathers
are
not
the
Parents
representatives
at
all
,
nor
speak
in
their
name
.
2.
If
they
were
,
then
when
the
Parents
both
are
Atheists
,
Infidels
,
Hobbists
,
scorners
at
Godliness
,
Hereticks
,
the
Godfathers
can
represent
them
but
as
they
are
,
and
their
own
faith
entitleth
not
the
Child
,
because
they
stand
in
the
persons
of
Atheists
,
Infidels
,
&c.
your
Church
doth
not
like
this
doctrine
.
3.
And
as
to
their
representing
the
Child
,
quo
jure
is
the
doubt
.
It
cannot
be
done
without
some
representing
power
given
them
.
And
who
gave
it
them
?
4.
And
as
to
the
third
Person
(
in
this
multiform
thing
)
the
doubt
is
,
whether
their
undertaking
to
educate
another
mans
Child
be
lawful
,
while
he
is
bound
to
do
it
himself
?
2.
And
whether
men
use
to
be
serious
in
such
undertakings
,
which
I
never
knew
one
perform
,
nor
seem
to
mean
it
,
save
such
as
take
poor
mens
,
kinsmens
or
dead
mens
children
to
keep
as
their
own
.
3.
And
if
it
be
done
without
serious
intention
,
Is
it
not
to
make
perjury
or
perfidiousness
,
and
prophane
taking
God's
name
in
vain
,
to
be
the
way
of
Christening
and
Covenanting
with
Christ
in
order
to
salvation
?
§
.
4.
This
is
a
great
point
,
and
he
doth
well
to
handle
it
diligently
:
His
explication
of
it
is
this
,
p.
382.
[
1.
The
Church
hath
the
power
of
the
Keys
,
(
True
;
but
not
as
he
and
the
Brownists
say
,
The
whole
Church
,
but
only
the
Pastors
.
)
[
2.
They
may
baptize
capable
subjects
.
]
No
doubt
of
it
.
[
3.
Infants
are
capable
subjects
.
]
Answ.
But
what
Infants
?
All
,
or
some
?
Is
this
our
satisfaction
?
If
it
be
All
Infants
,
then
how
come
the
Heathens
Infants
to
be
baptizable
and
have
right
,
when
the
Parents
have
none
?
Then
how
great
a
deed
of
charity
is
it
to
bring
an
Army
among
them
to
baptize
their
Children
by
force
?
When
even
Aquinas
and
other
Papists
say
,
that
Children
may
not
be
baptized
against
the
Parents
wills
.
I
have
elsewhere
at
large
proved
,
1.
That
Baptism
is
but
the
sealing
of
the
Covenant
,
and
the
delivering
of
possession
by
Ministerial
Investiture
,
and
not
the
first
gift
or
condition
of
our
right
to
Christ
and
his
benefits
.
2.
That
in
the
Adult
faith
and
Repentance
and
heart-consent
are
the
Conditions
,
which
Baptism
after
solemnly
expresseth
.
3.
That
if
a
true
penitent
believing
consenter
die
without
Baptism
,
he
is
saved
;
and
if
t●…ptized
adult
die
without
faith
,
repentance
and
heart-consent
,
he
is
damned
.
4.
That
therefore
all
the
adult
must
have
an
entitling
condition
,
to
give
them
right
,
first
initially
,
coram
Deo
,
to
pardon
of
sin
,
and
then
to
be
baptized
(
which
solemnly
delivereth
their
full
right
)
before
they
can
be
lawfully
baptized
.
5.
That
God
dealeth
not
so
differently
with
Infants
and
Adult
,
as
to
require
conditions
of
right
in
the
later
,
and
none
in
the
former
,
as
if
they
were
all
born
with
right
.
6.
That
the
Covenant
is
made
to
the
faithful
and
their
seed
,
and
that
Infants
condition
of
right
is
that
they
be
children
of
believers
:
And
that
if
both
Parents
be
Infidels
,
the
Children
are
unclean
,
but
else
they
are
holy
.
And
God
that
confoundeth
not
the
Church
and
the
World
,
confoundeth
not
their
Childrens
case
.
This
I
have
fully
proved
in
my
Disp.
of
Original
sin
,
and
Treat
of
right
to
Sacraments
.
7.
That
Baptism
sealeth
and
delivereth
to
the
qualified
subject
,
the
present
pardon
of
sin
,
and
right
to
Christ
and
life
as
to
adopted
Children
of
God
.
And
therefore
there
must
be
some
reason
and
proof
of
a
right
to
it
,
more
than
all
Infants
in
the
world
have
.
8.
That
it
is
not
a
mans
bringing
them
to
baptism
and
speaking
feignedly
in
their
name
,
that
giveth
them
right
to
a
sealed
pardon
and
salvation
:
It
must
be
one
that
can
prove
himself
entitled
to
represent
the
Child
,
which
none
can
that
cannot
say
He
is
my
own
.
9.
If
it
were
otherwise
,
Atheists
,
Infidels
,
wicked
men
,
though
Baptized
,
could
give
no
right
to
the
sealed
pardon
,
or
to
the
Investiture
in
a
state
of
life
,
to
which
they
have
no
right
themselves
.
And
if
they
represent
no
better
Parents
,
as
such
they
can
give
them
no
right
,
save
coram
Ecclesia
when
they
are
not
infideles
judicati
.
10.
Nor
doth
it
suffice
to
an
Infants
right
,
that
the
Minister
,
or
Church
,
be
Christians
.
Therefore
to
tell
us
that
Infants
are
right
subjects
,
signifieth
nothing
,
till
either
,
1.
He
tell
us
what
Infants
,
2.
Or
prove
that
all
Infants
have
right
;
which
he
can
never
do
:
And
if
he
could
,
I
would
easily
prove
that
all
dying
Infants
are
saved
,
whether
Baptized
or
not
;
As
I
can
prove
that
true
Christian
Infants
are
.
§
.
5.
While
he
gives
us
not
the
least
satisfaction
of
Infants
Right
,
he
tells
us
of
difficulties
on
the
other
side
;
if
we
lay
it
on
Parents
(
or
Owners
)
right
.
And
1.
He
tells
us
of
divers
mens
Opinions
;
which
the
Reader
will
be
loth
I
should
digress
to
try
,
having
done
it
so
largly
in
my
Christ
.
Direct
.
and
Treat
.
of
Right
to
Sacraments
.
2.
He
nameth
the
qualification
which
I
●●●rt
,
[
A
profession
of
the
Christian
faith
not
invalidated
]
and
saith
nothing
to
disable
it
,
but
that
Others
will
reject
it
.
Others
wild
Opinions
named
,
goes
for
my
Confutation
.
And
now
I
desire
the
Reader
to
see
the
Catalogue
of
the
things
we
account
sinful
in
Conformity
in
my
first
Plea
for
Peace
,
and
try
how
many
of
them
the
Doctor
hath
so
much
as
meddled
with
:
And
whether
he
think
by
these
few
touches
he
hath
proved
either
our
Conformity
lawful
,
or
our
Preaching
unlawful
,
or
our
Communion
with
those
Christians
who
are
not
of
his
mind
herein
unlawful
.
If
he
say
again
,
that
he
meddleth
not
with
Ministers
Conformity
but
the
Peoples
,
1.
Note
,
how
he
hath
passed
by
even
the
greatest
things
also
in
their
case
.
2.
Whether
he
meddle
not
with
the
Ministers
case
who
seeketh
to
prove
their
preaching
unlawful
,
and
so
perswades
them
to
be
silent
▪
3.
Whether
their
case
should
not
be
so
far
meddled
with
,
as
to
prove
the
things
which
they
think
sinful
to
be
lawful
,
or
their
preaching
unnecessary
;
before
the
endeavours
used
against
them
(
well
known
)
be
justified
as
needful
to
the
Churches
Peace
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
the
three
French
Letters
which
he
subjoyneth
.
§
.
1.
WHat
advantage
to
the
Drs.
Cause
the
three
Letters
of
the
French
Divines
annexed
,
can
be
to
any
that
will
not
be
decoyed
by
meer
sounds
and
shews
,
I
know
not
:
But
could
we
know
these
things
following
,
we
might
better
understand
the
judgment
of
the
Writers
.
Quest.
1.
Whether
he
that
sought
their
judgment
did
make
them
understand
what
all
our
present
Impositions
and
Acts
of
Conformity
are
?
and
what
alterations
are
made
in
the
Church
of
England
since
the
beginning
of
Bishop
Lands
power
?
2.
Whether
he
made
them
truly
understand
the
difference
between
the
ancient
Episcopacy
,
and
the
English
Diocesan
frame
in
all
its
parts
?
3.
Whether
he
did
put
the
Case
as
about
Subscribing
●●
Declaring
,
Covenanting
or
Swearing
,
Assent
and
Consent
to
all
things
,
and
practising
accordingly
?
or
only
of
living
in
Communion
with
them
which
do
such
things
?
4.
Whether
he
put
the
case
as
of
denying
active
Communion
in
the
practice
of
unlawful
things
;
or
as
denying
Communion
in
the
rest
which
are
lawful
?
5.
Whether
he
made
them
understand
that
we
are
ipso
facto
excommuncate
by
their
Canon
for
telling
our
judgment
?
6.
Whether
he
made
them
understand
that
it
was
about
2000
Ministers
that
were
silenced
,
and
what
men
are
in
many
of
their
places
?
and
what
claim
their
ancient
Flocks
lay
to
many
of
them
;
and
what
men
they
are
,
and
what
they
did
to
prevent
all
our
divisions
?
7.
Whether
he
made
them
understand
what
measure
of
Communion
we
still
maintain
with
the
Church
of
England
and
the
Parish
Churches
?
8.
Whether
he
put
the
case
to
them
,
whether
we
that
have
Communion
with
them
are
Schismaticks
,
if
we
also
have
Communion
with
others
whom
they
prosecute
?
9.
Whether
he
put
the
question
to
them
,
whether
we
are
lawfully
silenced
?
and
if
not
,
whether
rebus
sic
stantibus
we
are
bound
to
forbear
our
Ministry
?
10.
Whether
he
made
them
know
that
all
the
Ministers
of
England
as
well
as
we
were
forbidden
to
Preach
,
&c.
unless
they
would
Conform
to
that
we
are
ready
to
prove
unlawful
?
And
if
it
prove
so
,
whether
they
should
all
either
have
sinned
or
been
silent
in
obedience
?
11.
Whether
he
made
them
understand
how
many
thousands
there
be
in
London
that
cannot
have
room
in
the
Parish-Churches
and
the
Nonconformists
Churches
set
together
,
but
live
like
Atheists
.
12.
Whether
he
acquainted
them
that
the
question
is
,
whether
all
godly
dissenters
that
are
cast
out
,
or
cannot
joyn
in
the
Parish
way
of
Liturgick
Worship
,
must
(
till
their
judgments
change
)
give
over
all
publick
worship
of
God
,
and
be
forsaken
of
all
Teachers
?
13.
Whether
he
acquainted
them
,
how
loud
a
Call
we
had
to
preach
in
London
,
first
by
the
Plague
,
&
then
by
the
burning
of
the
Churches
,
the
people
being
deserted
by
the
Parish
Ministers
in
these
sad
extremities
?
14.
Whether
he
acquainted
them
with
the
Kings
Licences
,
and
our
being
accused
of
Schism
,
even
when
Licensed
?
15.
Whether
he
acquainted
them
with
what
we
have
said
for
ourselves
lately
in
divers
Books
;
or
they
judg'd
us
unheard
?
16.
Whether
they
be
singular
?
or
whether
it
be
the
judgment
of
the
Protestant
Churches
in
France
,
that
it
is
a
sin
for
any
to
preach
or
publickly
worship
God
,
when
the
King
,
Bishops
and
Law
forbid
them
?
And
if
so
,
How
long
it
hath
been
their
judgment
?
and
why
all
their
Churches
ceased
not
when
prohibited
?
If
not
so
,
How
to
know
that
our
silencing
Laws
and
Bishops
must
be
obeyed
,
and
not
theirs
?
There
is
no
understanding
their
answers
,
till
we
know
how
the
case
was
stated
.
§
.
2.
Mr.
Clodes
Letter
is
moderate
,
and
it
's
like
they
took
the
case
to
be
about
proper
separation
,
and
so
say
no
more
in
the
main
than
some
Nonconformists
have
said
against
the
Brownists
.
But
the
Dr.
hath
dealt
too
unmercifully
with
Mr.
Le
Moine
in
publishing
his
Epistle
,
when
it
was
so
easie
to
know
how
few
,
if
any
,
would
believe
his
story
,
but
take
it
for
a
confirmation
,
how
incredible
our
accusers
are
?
I
mean
his
story
that
[
five
years
ago
he
heard
one
of
the
most
famous
Nonconformists
preach
in
a
place
where
were
three
men
,
and
three
or
fourscore
women
:
he
had
chosen
a
Text
about
the
building
up
the
ruins
of
Jerusalem
,
and
for
explication
cited
Plinny
and
Vitruvius
a
hundred
times
,
&c.
]
I
think
I
shall
never
speak
with
the
person
that
will
believe
him
:
sure
I
am
,
London
knoweth
that
the
Nonconformists
are
the
most
averse
to
such
kind
of
Preaching
.
And
I
know
not
one
of
them
that
I
can
say
ever
read
a
quarter
of
Vitruvius
:
I
confess
I
never
read
a
leaf
of
him
.
This
Monsieur
would
do
well
to
tell
us
yet
the
name
of
the
man
,
that
if
living
he
may
be
call'd
to
account
:
But
I
doubt
he
fell
into
some
Tabernacle
,
of
which
many
are
erected
in
place
of
the
burnt
Churches
,
and
perhaps
heard
the
Conformist
who
had
occasion
to
talk
of
architecture
?
But
yet
I
will
not
believe
that
either
Conformist
or
Nonconformist
would
expose
himself
to
common
scorn
by
an
hundred
or
twenty
such
citations
.
§
.
3.
And
his
description
of
the
mens
horrible
impudence
to
excommunicate
without
mercy
the
Church
,
&c.
imagining
that
they
are
the
only
men
in
England
,
nay
in
the
Christian
world
that
are
predestimated
to
eternal
happiness
,
&c.
and
then
pronouncing
them
intolerable
,
sheweth
that
it
is
not
us
that
he
speaketh
of
,
nor
any
company
that
is
known
to
us
,
neither
our
Separatists
here
,
nor
Anabaptists
,
nor
so
much
as
the
very
Quakers
holding
any
such
thing
.
§
.
4.
And
though
he
saith
[
He
was
not
at
all
edified
by
the
Nonconformists
preaching
,
it
followeth
not
that
no
others
are
:
Nor
that
none
were
edified
in
England
or
Scotland
,
while
publick
Preachers
went
the
Nonconformists
way
.
§
.
5.
But
because
the
Doctor
chuseth
this
way
,
I
will
imitate
him
,
though
with
the
Apology
that
St.
Paul
gloried
,
and
give
him
notice
of
some
Epistles
of
men
that
judged
otherwise
of
the
Nonconformists
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
Epistles
or
Testimonies
compared
with
the
Doctors
,
And
notes
on
Mr.
Joseph
Glanvile's
Book
,
called
The
Zealous
Impartial
Protestant
,
with
a
Letter
of
his
to
the
Author
heretofore
(
and
a
Digression
of
Doctor
L.
Moulin
.
)
§
.
1.
IN
general
,
he
that
will
read
the
Lives
of
many
of
the
old
Nonconformists
(
Hildersham
,
Dod
,
and
many
such
,
and
Bishop
Hall's
Character
of
Dr.
Reynolds
,
and
the
late
published
Lives
of
Mr.
Joseph
Allen
,
John
Janeway
,
Dr.
Winter
,
Mr.
Macham
,
Mr.
Wadsworth
,
Mr.
Stubbs
,
&c.
)
will
see
better
what
to
judge
of
them
,
than
by
our
three
French
Epistles
.
Yea
Thuanus
giveth
a
juster
Character
of
many
abroad
that
were
of
their
mind
:
And
John
Fox
(
one
of
them
)
of
more
.
§
.
2.
And
to
our
three
French-men
,
I
will
when
it
will
be
of
more
use
than
seeming
vanity
,
return
you
four
French-mens
Letters
to
my self
,
(
Mr.
Gaches
,
Mr.
Amyralds
,
Mr.
Le
Blanks
,
and
Mr.
Testards
,
(
and
if
you
will
some
Germans
too
,
Calvinists
and
Lutherans
,
)
of
a
quite
differing
sense
of
us
Nonconformists
.
But
Mr.
Gaches
being
already
in
Print
(
by
the
Duke
of
Lauderdales
means
)
1660.
and
joyned
with
one
of
Mr.
L'Angles
,
I
leave
the
Reader
that
desireth
to
see
both
.
§
.
3.
But
because
Mr.
Jos.
Glanvile
was
one
of
themselves
here
(
though
an
Origenist
)
a
most
triumphant
Conformist
,
and
not
the
gentlest
contemner
of
Nonconformists
,
and
famous
for
his
great
wit
,
I
will
repay
the
Dr.
with
the
annexing
one
(
among
many
since
)
of
his
Letters
to
my self
;
which
yet
indeed
I
do
not
chiefly
to
ballance
the
Drs.
but
to
help
the
Reader
to
understand
Mr.
Glanvile
and
his
posthumous
Book
,
which
I
think
not
meet
to
pass
by
without
some
Animadversions
.
Though
I
have
great
reason
to
hope
that
dying
so
soon
after
it
and
his
preferment
,
the
experience
of
the
Vanity
of
a
flattering
World
might
help
to
save
him
from
impenitence
:
As
I
have
read
in
divers
credible
writers
,
it
was
with
Dr.
Matthew
Sutliffe
;
that
on
his
Death-bed
he
repented
that
he
had
written
so
much
against
the
Reformers
called
Puritans
.
I
perceive
Dr.
Stillingfleet
marvelleth
,
that
my
own
expectations
of
approaching
Death
do
not
hinder
me
from
writing
what
I
do
for
the
Nonconformists
;
whereas
the
truth
is
,
had
not
pain
and
weakness
kept
me
from
my
youth
as
in
the
continual
prospect
of
the
Grave
and
the
next
life
,
I
had
never
been
like
to
have
been
so
much
against
Conformity
,
and
the
present
Discipline
of
this
Church
(
that
is
,
their
want
of
Discipline
)
as
I
have
been
;
For
the
World
might
have
more
flattered
me
and
byassed
my
Judgment
,
and
my
Conscience
might
have
been
bolder
and
less
fearful
of
sin
;
And
,
though
I
love
not
to
displease
them
,
I
must
say
this
great
truth
,
that
I
had
never
been
like
to
have
lived
in
so
convincing
sensible
experience
of
the
great
difference
of
the
main
body
of
the
Conformists
from
the
most
of
the
Nonconformists
,
as
to
the
seriousness
of
their
Christian
Faith
,
and
hope
and
practice
,
their
victory
over
the
flesh
and
world
,
&c.
I
mean
both
in
the
Clergy
and
Laity
of
mine
acquaintance
!
O
how
great
a
difference
have
I
found
,
from
my
youth
to
this
day
?
Though
I
doubt
not
but
very
many
of
the
Passive
Conformable
Ministers
(
to
say
nothing
of
the
Imposers
)
have
been
and
are
worthy
pious
men
;
and
such
as
would
not
perswade
their
hearers
,
that
the
Jesuits
first
brought
in
spiritual
prayer
:
And
I
had
the
great
blessing
of
my
Education
near
some
such
,
in
three
or
four
neighbour
Parishes
.
§
.
4.
It
grieved
me
to
hear
of
Mr.
Glanvile's
death
,
for
he
was
a
man
of
more
than
ordinary
ingeny
,
and
he
was
about
a
Collection
of
Histories
of
Apparitions
,
which
is
a
work
of
great
use
against
our
Sadducees
,
and
to
stablish
doubters
,
and
the
best
mans
faith
hath
need
of
all
the
helps
from
sense
that
we
can
get
:
And
I
feared
lest
that
work
had
perished
with
him
;
But
I
gladly
hear
that
by
the
care
of
Dr.
H.
More
(
that
worthy
faithful
man
of
peace
,
who
never
studied
preferment
)
it
is
both
preserved
and
augmented
.
And
as
for
his
Origenisme
,
as
I
like
it
not
▪
so
I
confess
in
matters
of
that
nature
,
I
can
better
bear
with
the
venturousness
of
dissenters
,
than
hereticators
can
do
.
But
when
I
saw
this
Rag
called
a
Letter
left
behind
him
,
my
grief
for
him
was
doubled
:
And
I
saw
what
cause
we
have
all
to
fear
the
snares
of
a
flattering
world
,
and
what
cause
to
pray
for
Divine
preservation
,
and
for
an
unbyassed
mind
,
and
a
humble
sense
of
our
own
frailty
,
that
we
may
neither
over-value
prosperity
,
nor
our
own
understandings
.
I
did
not
think
that
he
that
had
wrote
the
Vanity
of
Dogmatizing
could
so
soon
have
come
to
perswade
men
in
power
,
that
dissenting
from
our
Churches
dogmatizing
and
imposed
words
,
formes
and
ceremonies
was
worthy
of
so
severe
a
prosecution
of
us
,
as
he
describeth
:
and
that
all
their
danger
is
from
the
forbearing
such
prosecution
of
us
;
and
that
(
though
for
their
own
ends
he
could
abate
us
some
little
matters
)
the
only
way
to
settled
peace
is
vigorously
to
execute
the
Laws
against
us
.
He
that
can
think
the
silencing
,
and
imprisoning
of
about
2000
such
Ministers
,
is
the
way
to
bring
this
Land
to
Concord
,
hath
sure
very
hard
thoughts
of
them
in
comparison
of
Conformists
.
And
that
you
may
see
how
little
his
judgment
against
such
should
weigh
with
others
,
who
is
so
lately
changed
from
himself
,
I
will
give
you
here
one
of
several
Letters
which
I
had
from
him
,
and
leave
you
to
judge
whether
he
have
proved
that
he
was
much
wiser
at
last
than
when
he
wrote
this
?
or
whether
his
character
of
me
agree
with
his
motion
to
silence
and
ruine
all
such
?
I
am
so
far
from
owning
his
monstrous
praises
,
that
I
fear
I
offended
him
with
sharply
rebuking
him
for
them
.
But
lest
his
wit
and
virulence
here
do
harm
,
I
give
it
you
to
shew
the
unconstancy
of
his
judgment
:
or
if
he
would
have
excepted
me
from
his
severities
,
I
must
profess
that
I
believe
the
most
of
the
Nonconformable
Ministers
of
my
acquaintance
are
better
men
than
my self
;
and
therefore
his
excessive
praise
of
me
,
is
the
condemnation
and
shame
of
his
persecuting
counsel
.
§
.
5.
As
to
his
praise
of
the
Bishops
Writings
against
Popery
,
I
had
rather
magnifie
than
obscure
their
deserts
:
But
I
am
not
able
to
believe
that
the
old
ones
who
write
to
prove
the
Pope
Antichrist
,
&c.
and
the
new
ones
who
would
bring
us
to
obey
him
as
Patriarch
of
the
West
and
principium
unitatis
Catholicae
,
were
of
one
mind
,
because
both
are
called
Protestants
,
and
that
such
as
Bishop
Bramhall
and
the
rest
of
the
defenders
of
Grotius
,
were
of
the
same
judgment
with
Bishop
Usher
,
Bishop
Morton
,
Bishop
Downame
,
&c.
nor
that
Grotius
,
who
describeth
a
Papist
to
be
one
that
flattereth
Popes
as
if
all
were
right
which
they
said
and
did
,
did
disclaim
Popery
in
the
same
sense
as
the
old
Church
of
England
did
.
Two
men
may
cry
down
Popery
,
while
one
of
them
is
a
Papist
or
near
one
in
the
others
sense
.
As
to
the
folly
of
calling
that
Popery
which
is
not
,
I
have
said
more
against
it
in
my
Cath.
Theologie
than
he
hath
done
.
And
as
to
his
excuse
of
an
ignorant
vicious
sort
of
Ministers
because
no
better
will
take
small
Livings
,
]
It
is
not
true
:
The
silenced
Nonconformists
would
have
been
glad
of
them
,
or
to
have
preached
there
for
nothing
:
The
tolerating
of
ignorant
scandalous
men
were
more
excusable
,
if
better
were
not
shut
out
that
would
have
taken
such
places
.
But
it
's
notorious
that
for
the
interest
of
their
faction
and
prosperity
,
they
had
rather
have
the
ignorant
and
vicious
,
than
the
ablest
and
most
laborious
Nonconformist
:
Bishop
Morley
told
me
,
when
he
forbad
me
to
preach
,
that
It
was
better
for
a
place
to
have
none
,
than
to
have
me
;
when
I
askt
him
,
Whether
I
might
not
be
suffered
in
some
place
which
no
one
else
will
take
.
]
Most
of
the
old
Nonconformists
were
suffered
by
connivance
in
small
obscure
places
,
which
was
the
chief
reason
why
they
set
not
up
other
meetings
,
which
Dr.
Stillingfleet
thought
they
avoided
as
unlawful
,
because
forbidden
.
§
.
6.
And
as
to
his
excuse
by
blaming
ill
Patrons
,
I
would
know
then
by
what
true
obligation
all
men
in
England
are
bound
to
commit
the
Pastoral
conduct
of
their
Souls
to
such
men
only
as
our
English
Patrons
chuse
?
§
.
7.
And
when
he
so
blameth
the
tepidity
and
irreligiousness
of
the
Members
of
their
own
Church
,
I
would
know
,
1.
Whether
all
men
that
are
more
seriously
religious
must
be
forsaken
by
us
,
and
ruined
by
them
,
if
they
be
not
of
their
mind
and
form
?
2.
And
whether
the
numbers
of
the
irreligious
that
are
for
their
way
,
and
the
numbers
of
the
religious
that
are
against
it
,
should
not
rather
breed
some
suspicion
in
them
,
than
engage
them
to
ruine
so
many
such
men
.
§
.
8.
And
when
page
3.
he
confesseth
that
the
sword
is
their
Churches
strength
and
Government
,
and
how
contemptible
words
,
paper
,
Arguments
and
excommunications
are
without
force
;
doth
he
not
shame
their
whole
cause
,
and
shew
that
it
is
not
the
same
Government
which
the
Church
used
for
many
hundred
years
,
which
they
desire
?
and
that
their
whole
power
of
the
Keys
which
they
talk
so
much
for
,
seems
to
themselves
a
dead
and
uneffectual
thing
?
while
we
Nonconformists
desire
no
coercive
power
,
but
to
guide
Consenters
.
§
.
9.
As
to
his
project
to
save
religion
under
a
Papist
King
,
if
the
Dean
and
Chapter
may
but
chuse
the
Bishop
,
I
leave
it
to
other
m●●●
consideration
.
But
I
give
you
his
Letter
to
me
,
because
page
34.
He
●aith
,
[
The
greatest
part
of
th●se
that
now
sc●t●r
and
run
●b●●●
do
it
out
of
H●…●ancy
,
or
Faction
,
or
Interest
,
or
A●…y
▪
or
desire
of
being
c●…
godly
▪
〈…〉
really
out
of
Conscience
and
Conviction
of
duty
▪
and
th●se
the
penalties
duly
exacted
would
bring
back
(
with
much
more
sharp
and
cruel
)
As
if
he
knew
the
consciences
of
the
most
:
But
see
how
much
otherwise
he
lately
thought
of
some
.
Agapetus
Diacon
.
ad
Justinian
.
Adhort
.
cap.
35.
[
Episcopis
vi
&
gladio
invitos
regentibus
quam
Regibus
magis
congrua
.
]
NOMIZE
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
&c.
Existima
tunc
regnare
te
tutò
,
cum
volentibus
imperas
hominibus
.
Quod
enim
invitò
subjicitur
,
seditiones
molitur
,
captâ
occasione
.
Quod
vere
vinculis
benevolentiae
tenetur
,
firmam
servat
ergatenentem
observantiam
.
1
Pet.
5.
1
,
2
,
3
,
4.
The
Elders
which
are
AMONG
you
I
exhort
,
who
am
also
an
Elder
and
a
witness
of
the
sufferings
of
Christ
,
and
also
a
partaker
of
the
Glory
that
shall
be
revealed
;
Feed
the
Flock
of
God
which
is
among
you
,
taking
the
oversight
thereof
,
not
by
constraint
but
willingly
;
Not
for
FILTHY
LUCRE
,
but
of
a
ready
mind
:
Neither
as
being
Lords
over
Gods
heritage
,
b●●
being
ensamples
to
the
Flock
;
And
when
the
chief
Shepherd
shall
appear
,
ye
shall
receive
a
Crown
of
Glory
that
fadeth
not
away
.
]
See
Dr.
Hammond
on
the
Text.
Mr.
Glanviles
Letter
.
Reverend
and
most
Honoured
Sir
,
I
Have
often
taken
my
pen
in
hand
with
a
design
to
signifie
to
you
,
how
much
I
love
and
honour
so
much
learning
,
piety
,
and
exemplary
goodness
as
you
are
owner
of
;
And
how
passionately
desirous
I
have
been
,
and
am
,
to
be
known
to
a
person
with
whom
none
hath
a
like
place
in
my
highest
esteem
and
value
:
But
my
affections
and
respects
still
growing
infinitely
too
big
for
mine
expression
,
I
thought
I
should
but
disparage
them
,
by
going
about
to
represent
them
.
And
when
I
sate
down
to
consider
,
how
I
might
most
advantagiously
set
forth
my
regards
,
and
high
sense
of
your
great
deserts
,
I
always
found
my self
confounded
with
subject
.
And
the
throng
of
mine
affections
,
each
of
them
impatient
to
be
first
upon
my
paper
,
hindred
one
another's
gratification
.
Great
passions
are
difficultly
spoken
:
And
I
find
my self
now
so
pained
with
the
sense
that
I
cannot
write
suteably
to
the
honour
I
have
for
you
,
that
I
can
scarce
forbear
th●owing
away
my
pen
;
being
near
concluding
,
that
't
is
better
to
speak
nothing
in
such
a
subject
,
than
a
little
.
But
when
I
consider
you
as
a
person
that
have
high
affections
for
those
excellent
qualifications
,
which
in
the
highest
degree
are
your
possession
,
and
suteably
resent
the
worth
of
those
that
own
them
;
I
am
incourag'd
to
think
that
you
may
conceive
how
I
honour
you
(
though
my
pen
cannot
tell
it
you
)
by
reflecting
upon
your
own
estimate
of
those
,
that
are
of
the
highest
form
of
learning
,
parts
,
and
exemplary
piety
;
or
,
more
compendiously
,
such
in
your
judgment
,
as
I
take
you
for
,
Incomparable
.
And
yet
I
have
a
jealousie
that
that
will
not
reach
it
;
for
though
I
think
your
judicious
esteem
of
such
,
cannot
be
surpassed
;
yet
I
am
apt
to
think
,
that
none
ever
got
such
an
interest
,
and
hold
upon
your
passions
,
as
hath
the
object
of
my
admiration
,
on
mine
.
Nor
yet
can
I
rebuke
them
as
extravagant
,
though
at
the
highest
,
since
they
take
part
with
my
severest
judgment
,
and
were
indeed
inflamed
by
it
.
And
I
profess
I
never
found
my self
so
dearly
inclin'd
to
those
of
my
nearest
blood
,
or
so
affectionately
concern'd
for
my
most
beloved
friends
and
acquaintance
,
as
for
you
,
whom
I
had
never
the
happiness
to
converse
with
but
in
your
excellent
writings
,
nor
ever
often
saw
,
but
in
the
Pulpit
.
Yea
,
I
speak
unfeignedly
,
I
have
always
interessed
my self
more
in
your
vindication
when
your
unreasonable
prejudic'd
enemies
have
malign'd
you
,
and
delighted
my self
more
in
your
just
praises
from
those
that
know
you
,
than
ever
my
self-love
or
ambition
could
prompt
me
to
do
in
any
case
of
mine
own
.
Sir
,
I
hope
you
believe
that
I
speak
my
most
real
sentiments
,
and
do
not
go
about
to
complement
you
.
For
I
must
be
very
weak
and
inconsiderate
,
did
I
think
to
recommend
my self
to
so
much
serious
wisdom
,
by
such
childish
fooleries
.
Therefore
if
my
expressions
savour
any
thing
above
common
respect
,
I
beseech
you
to
believe
,
't
is
for
that
their
cause
is
not
common
;
but
as
much
above
ordinary
,
as
their
object
.
I
know
your
humility
and
remarkable
self
▪
denyal
will
not
bear
to
read
,
what
I
cannot
but
speak
,
as
often
as
I
have
occasion
to
mention
your
great
worth
and
merits
.
However
I
cannot
chuse
but
here
acknowledge
,
how
much
I
am
a
debtor
to
your
incomparable
writings
.
In
which
,
when
you
deal
in
practical
subjects
,
I
admire
your
affectionate
,
piercing
,
heart-affecting
quickness
:
And
that
experimental
,
searching
,
solid
,
convictive
way
of
speaking
,
which
are
your
peculiars
;
for
there
is
a
smartness
accompanying
your
pen
that
forces
what
you
write
into
the
heart
,
by
a
sweet
kind
of
irresistable
violence
;
which
is
so
proper
to
your
serious
way
,
that
I
never
met
it
equal'd
in
any
other
writings
.
And
therefore
I
cannot
read
them
without
an
elevation
,
and
emotions
which
I
seldom
feel
in
other
perusals
.
And
when
you
are
ingag'd
in
doctrinal
and
controversal
matters
,
I
no
less
apprehend
in
them
your
peculiar
excellencies
.
I
find
a
strength
,
depth
,
concinnity
,
and
coherence
in
your
notions
,
which
are
not
commonly
elsewhere
met
withall
.
And
you
have
no
less
power
by
your
triumphant
reason
upon
the
judgments
of
capable
,
free
inquirers
;
than
you
have
upon
their
affections
and
consciences
in
your
devotional
and
practical
discourses
.
And
methinks
there
is
a
force
in
your
way
of
arguing
,
which
overpowers
opposition
.
Among
your
excellent
Treatises
of
this
nature
,
your
Rational
confirmation
of
that
grand
principle
of
our
Religion
,
the
Sacred
Authority
of
Scripture
;
your
solid
dependent
notions
in
the
business
of
justification
,
and
your
striking
at
the
Root
of
Antinomianism
in
them
,
which
I
look
on
as
the
canker
of
Christianity
,
and
have
always
abhorr'd
as
the
shadow
of
death
;
And
your
excellent
Catholick
,
healing
indeavours
;
These
I
say
,
deserve
from
me
particular
acknowledgments
.
I
profess
the
loose
,
impertinent
,
unsound
,
cobweb
arguings
of
the
most
that
I
had
met
with
in
the
Matter
of
the
Divine
Authority
of
Scripture
,
had
almost
occasioned
my
stumbling
at
the
threshold
,
in
my
inquiries
into
the
grounds
of
my
Religion
.
For
I
am
not
apt
to
rely
on
an
implicit
faith
in
things
of
this
moment
.
But
your
performances
in
this
kind
brought
relief
to
my
staggering
judgment
,
and
triumph't
over
my
hesitancy
.
As
they
did
also
to
an
excellent
person
a
friend
of
mine
,
who
was
shaken
on
the
same
accounts
that
I
was
.
And
we
are
both
no
less
obliged
by
what
you
have
done
in
the
other
things
formentioned
.
Which
I
profess
I
judge
so
rational
,
that
I
cannot
but
wonder
,
almost
to
stupor
,
to
behold
the
fierce
,
though
feeble
onsets
of
your
canker'd
fiery
opponents
;
whose
writings
against
you
(
most
of
them
)
seem
to
me
to
be
indited
by
nothing
but
spleen
and
choler
.
Nor
have
I
been
able
to
ascribe
the
ingaging
of
so
many
virulent
pens
against
you
,
to
any
other
cause
than
the
indeavours
of
Satan
to
hinder
the
success
which
your
powerful
pen
hath
had
against
the
Dark
Kingdom
.
And
the
spirit
that
I
have
perceiv'd
to
animate
some
of
their
wild
ravings
hath
confirm'd
me
in
that
belief
,
that
it
was
the
great
Abaddon
that
inspir'd
their
undertakings
.
I
thought
e're
this
to
have
given
you
a
more
publick
specimen
of
mine
affections
by
indeavouring
somewhat
in
your
vindication
against
the
calumnies
,
and
feeble
arguings
of
some
of
those
fiery
Assailants
;
But
collateral
occasions
,
and
other
studies
have
hitherto
diverted
me
:
Yet
I
shall
not
forget
my
obligations
,
assoon
as
I
can
be
master
of
convenient
time
and
opportunities
for
the
performance
.
But
I
see
my
paper
warns
me
;
And
though
I
should
please
my self
by
a
larger
expression
of
my
respects
,
and
sense
of
your
high
deservings
from
every
one
that
hath
had
the
happiness
to
be
taught
by
you
,
either
from
the
Press
or
Pulpit
;
yet
I
dare
not
be
so
rude
in
this
first
Address
,
as
to
be
troublesome
and
importunate
.
I
know
your
occasions
are
such
,
as
that
they
cannot
bear
a
long
divertisement
.
I
had
several
times
design'd
at
London
to
have
taken
the
boldness
to
have
waited
on
you
,
but
the
consideration
,
how
you
were
constantly
ingag'd
in
business
,
prevented
the
execution
of
those
intentions
.
And
about
three
years
since
I
came
from
Oxford
on
purpose
to
Kederminster
,
to
see
you
there
,
and
hear
you
preach
;
both
which
I
was
happy
in
.
But
you
were
then
so
busie
in
the
company
of
several
Ministers
that
were
at
your
house
,
that
I
could
not
gain
an
opportunity
of
making
way
for
a
future
acquaintance
.
If
I
were
sure
that
you
were
less
incumbred
now
,
and
that
you
made
any
considerable
stay
in
the
Country
,
I
would
make
a
journey
on
purpose
to
wait
on
you
.
I
have
with
this
sent
you
a
small
Discourse
of
mine
own
,
of
which
I
desire
your
acceptance
.
For
the
subject
and
design
,
I
know
it
will
not
displease
you
.
And
for
the
management
,
I
'me
confident
you
will
not
quarrel
with
it
,
because
it
is
not
so
popular
as
it
might
have
been
,
when
you
shall
know
,
that
't
was
intended
for
those
of
a
Philosophick
Genius
.
I
durst
not
(
Sir
)
be
any
longer
troublesome
,
and
therefore
shall
conclude
with
this
profession
,
that
the
freedom
of
your
spirit
,
the
impartiality
of
your
inquiries
,
the
Catholickness
of
your
judgment
and
affections
,
the
peaceableness
,
and
moderation
of
your
principles
,
the
generosity
and
publick
spiritedness
of
your
disposition
,
the
exact
,
uniform
holiness
of
your
life
,
and
your
indefatigable
industry
for
the
good
of
souls
,
excellencies
which
I
never
knew
so
combin'd
in
one
;
have
so
endear'd
you
to
me
,
that
there
is
not
that
person
breathing
that
hath
such
a
share
in
the
affections
,
and
highest
value
of
,
Most
excellent
Sir
,
one
of
the
meanest
,
though
most
sincere
,
of
your
affectionate
lovers
,
and
admirers
,
Jos.
Glanvill
.
Sept.
3.
61.
CHAP.
XV.
Some
Notes
on
the
Book
called
the
Lively
Picture
of
Dr.
Lud.
Moulin
;
and
his
Repentance
subscribed
by
Dr.
Simon
Patrick
,
Dean
of
Peterborough
,
and
Dr.
Gilb.
Burnet
.
§
.
1.
I
Had
taken
no
notice
of
this
Book
,
had
not
the
Author
by
citing
my
words
against
Dr.
L.
Moulin
as
justifying
his
Character
,
made
me
a
party
.
Therefore
I
shall
impartially
speak
my
judgment
of
him
and
the
accusation
,
lest
I
be
thought
to
own
all
that
the
Writer
speaketh
of
him
,
and
so
to
be
as
guilty
of
uncharitableness
as
he
seemeth
to
me
to
be
.
I
honour
the
name
for
the
sake
of
his
famous
Father
,
and
his
worthy
Brother
Peter
,
yet
living
,
who
by
his
Answer
to
Philanax
Anglicus
,
&c.
hath
well
deserved
of
all
Protestants
:
And
his
worthy
Brother
Cyrus
,
and
his
very
worthy
Son
now
dead
:
And
I
truly
believe
that
Dr.
Lewis
was
a
sincere
honest-hearted
man
,
though
Dr.
Stillingfleet
seem
to
dislike
my
giving
him
that
title
.
And
I
will
tell
you
why
I
think
so
.
§
.
2.
I
ever
observed
that
his
faults
lay
in
his
weakness
,
and
not
in
wickedness
:
1.
He
was
not
a
man
of
an
accurate
distinguishing
head
,
and
so
was
apt
to
take
verbal
Controversies
for
real
.
2.
And
it
was
no
singular
thing
in
him
,
that
hereby
he
was
led
by
the
authorities
which
he
most
valued
,
to
think
that
the
differences
between
the
Remonstrants
and
Contra
▪
remonstrants
were
much
greater
than
they
are
,
and
Arminianism
as
it
was
called
,
to
be
a
more
heinous
thing
than
indeed
it
is
.
3.
And
when
he
thought
that
God's
Cause
(
as
Bradwardine
called
it
)
was
so
deeply
engaged
against
such
Opinions
,
who
can
wonder
if
he
was
zealous
against
them
?
4.
And
then
he
had
a
hasty
rashness
in
speaking
what
he
thought
was
true
and
necessary
,
when
sometimes
it
was
not
well
tryed
▪
and
sometime
it
was
in
an
imprudent
manner
and
time
:
And
so
in
his
hast
ran
into
the
temerities
and
mistakes
which
Mr.
Daillé
and
I
did
blame
him
for
.
But
I
never
perceived
that
he
had
more
passion
(
much
less
fury
)
than
other
ordinary
disputers
,
but
a
more
ra●h
and
blustering
way
of
uttering
his
mind
,
sometimes
and
in
some
Cases
,
where
he
thought
Religion
much
concerned
.
He
h●●
so
servent
●
love
to
truth
▪
that
he
sometime
rusht
upon
mistakes
that
wore
the
vizor
of
it
,
and
then
truth
(
real
or
supposed
)
whatever
it
cost
him
he
would
speak
.
5.
I
ever
observed
it
was
in
his
too
extreme
opposition
to
some
real
errour
or
crime
,
that
he
was
carried
into
his
temerities
.
6.
And
I
never
found
that
he
was
a
worldling
,
nor
sinned
by
the
preference
of
worldly
interest
;
And
doubtless
the
love
of
worldly
profits
,
honours
and
pleasures
,
are
more
dangerously
contrary
to
the
love
of
God
,
than
some
rash
uncharitable
words
and
censures
in
a
Cause
which
he
thought
was
Gods
.
§
.
3.
Yea
I
found
him
more
patient
of
confutation
,
contradiction
and
reproof
than
most
men
that
ever
I
disputed
with
,
his
Zeal
which
you
call
fury
being
far
more
for
God
than
for
himself
.
I
began
with
him
about
24
years
ago
,
confuting
his
Latine
Book
of
Justification
against
his
Brother
Cyrus
.
I
wrote
a
second
time
against
him
in
the
Preface
cited
by
his
Picture-drawer
,
about
Universal
Redemption
,
(
and
had
said
much
more
in
a
Book
of
Universal
Redemption
,
going
to
the
Press
,
which
I
cast
by
because
Mr.
Daillés
came
then
out
,
which
had
the
same
testimonial
part
and
more
which
I
intended
.
)
Yet
I
never
heard
that
the
Dr.
gave
me
any
uncivil
or
uncharitable
word
,
nor
did
he
ever
reply
to
either
of
these
Books
;
nor
signified
any
abatement
of
his
love
.
And
I
think
this
shewed
a
forgiving
mind
.
§
.
4.
But
it
's
intimated
,
that
this
was
because
we
agreed
in
other
things
?
I
answer
,
we
disagreed
also
even
about
Church-Government
,
which
was
the
dividing
Controversie
of
those
times
.
The
Dr.
was
zealous
for
the
Magistrates
Power
in
Erastus
sense
,
and
went
rather
further
than
Dr.
Stilling
fleet
in
his
Irenicum
:
And
as
I
was
before
against
him
,
so
after
this
,
about
12
years
ago
,
I
wrote
that
Book
against
him
about
the
Magistrates
Power
in
Church-matters
,
in
which
I
called
him
My
sincere
friend
,
thinking
sincere
friendship
consistent
with
such
a
difference
and
an
open
Confutation
.
(
And
if
the
contrary
must
be
repented
of
,
I
hope
such
charity
is
no
crime
.
)
This
third
Book
against
him
also
he
took
patiently
,
and
without
breach
of
Love
.
And
when
I
laboured
to
perswade
him
to
retract
his
Writings
against
Excommunication
,
though
he
held
still
to
his
Conclusion
,
and
thought
that
the
great
work
that
God
called
him
to
in
the
World
,
was
to
discover
the
Papal
and
Prelatical
Usurpation
of
the
Magistrates
power
under
the
name
of
Ecclesiastical
,
yet
I
made
him
confess
all
the
matter
that
I
pleaded
for
,
and
he
made
me
see
that
his
errour
lay
most
in
meer
ambiguous
words
,
which
he
had
not
●…ateness
enough
to
explicate
.
All
this
patience
signified
not
uncharitableness
,
rage
or
fury
.
And
I
obliged
him
not
by
praise
,
but
〈…〉
him
for
his
eagerness
for
his
own
indigested
conceptions
;
nor
gave
him
any
thanks
for
his
indiscreet
and
excessive
praises
afterwards
given
me
in
his
Patronus
bonae
fidei
.
Upon
all
this
I
would
put
some
questions
to
the
sober
thoughts
of
the
Author
of
his
Picture
.
1.
Whether
there
be
not
as
great
signs
of
sincerity
,
humility
and
patience
in
such
a
behaviour
,
and
in
that
great
love
which
he
had
to
all
that
he
thought
Godly
men
,
(
though
he
too
hardly
judged
of
others
for
that
which
he
thought
great
errour
and
sin
)
as
in
those
that
cannot
bear
a
just
defence
of
dissenters
against
their
unjust
accusations
,
nor
endure
men
to
tell
why
they
rather
suffer
than
Conform
.
2.
Whether
he
that
maketh
him
so
very
bad
a
man
incredible
lyars
,
because
errour
,
interest
and
faction
made
some
so
unadvised
.
3.
If
it
deserve
such
a
Character
to
censure
Arminians
as
dangerously
erroneous
and
befriending
Popery
?
whether
you
do
not
consequently
so
stigmatize
the
old
Church
of
England
,
before
Bishop
Laud's
time
?
Even
Arch-bishop
Whitgift
,
Bishop
Fletcher
,
and
the
rest
who
drew
up
the
Lambeth
Articles
,
Arch-bishop
Abbot
and
the
Church
in
his
time
(
except
six
Bishops
,
&c.
)
King
James
,
and
the
whole
Church
as
consenting
by
six
Delegates
to
the
Synod
of
Dort
:
And
also
that
Synod
and
all
the
Forein
Reformed
Churches
that
consented
to
it
?
And
is
not
this
more
than
Dr.
Moulin
did
?
4.
And
are
they
not
then
to
be
accordingly
stigmatized
,
who
on
the
other
side
make
the
Calvinists
as
odious
,
accusing
them
of
Blasphemy
,
Turcisme
,
and
doing
as
much
against
them
as
Dr.
Heylin
in
the
Life
of
Arch-bishop
Laud
tells
us
was
done
in
England
on
that
account
.
5.
And
if
such
hard
thoughts
of
Arminians
as
furthering
Popery
deserve
your
Character
,
whether
by
consequence
you
so
brand
not
all
those
Parliaments
who
voted
against
it
accordingly
,
and
made
it
one
of
the
dangerous
grievances
of
the
Land
?
And
is
not
that
as
faulty
as
for
Dr.
Moulin
too
much
to
blame
you
?
6.
Yea
I
doubt
you
stigmatize
thus
so
great
a
part
of
Christians
in
all
the
World
as
I
am
loth
to
mention
:
so
rare
is
it
to
hear
of
any
Country
,
where
they
are
not
so
much
guilty
of
sects
and
factions
,
as
by
education
and
interest
to
run
in
a
stream
of
uncharitable
censures
of
one
another
,
speaking
evil
of
more
than
they
understand
,
as
I
have
proved
in
my
Cathol.
Theolog.
about
this
subject
.
7.
Seeing
it
is
above
20
years
since
I
wrote
that
against
Dr.
Moulin
which
you
cite
,
and
he
never
found
fault
with
it
,
nor
justified
his
mistakes
,
may
I
not
think
that
he
was
convinced
and
repented
?
And
you
that
praise
his
death-bed
repentance
,
should
not
Characterize
him
by
failings
twenty
years
repented
of
?
8.
How
do
you
know
that
the
Dr.
repented
not
of
his
too
hard
words
of
you
till
his
death-bed
?
You
are
mistaken
?
In
his
health
I
more
than
once
blamed
him
,
1.
For
his
censure
of
Dr.
Stillingfleet
and
the
other
particular
persons
,
whose
worth
was
known
,
and
had
deserved
well
of
the
Protestant
Churches
;
2.
For
his
extending
those
censures
to
the
Conformists
and
Church
which
belong
to
some
particular
persons
,
and
the
most
are
not
guilty
of
,
And
3.
For
his
Book
of
the
fewness
of
the
saved
,
as
presumptuous
:
And
as
far
as
I
could
then
discern
he
repented
of
them
all
,
but
laid
the
ill
Title-page
of
the
last
on
the
Book-seller
:
And
he
still
thought
of
Causes
and
Parties
as
very
different
,
he
owned
not
his
harsh
words
or
censures
aforesaid
.
I
found
him
not
raging
nor
impenitent
.
9.
Doth
not
your
own
description
of
his
great
readiness
to
beg
forgiveness
,
and
lothness
to
own
any
thing
uncharitable
,
shew
a
better
spirit
than
your
picture
doth
describe
?
10.
Is
not
he
as
like
to
be
a
sincere
man
who
asketh
forgiveness
of
his
faults
(
rash
censures
and
words
)
as
he
that
repenteth
of
his
former
duties
,
his
Pacificatory
principles
and
Writings
.
Surely
to
repent
of
evil
is
a
better
sign
than
to
repent
of
good
.
11.
Because
you
call
us
to
acquit
our selves
by
disowning
Dr.
Moulin
,
may
we
not
disown
both
his
faults
and
our
own
,
without
disowning
God's
grace
and
mens
piety
and
worth
?
would
you
be
so
disowned
for
your
own
faults
?
2.
And
how
should
I
disown
his
rashness
better
than
to
write
what
I
wrote
against
him
,
and
say
what
I
said
to
him
?
would
you
have
a
Synod
called
to
reprove
every
rash
word
?
12.
Because
you
justly
value
mens
repentance
,
I
will
be
thankful
to
you
to
further
mine
,
and
give
me
leave
to
further
yours
.
Only
I
foretell
you
that
your
words
shall
not
offend
me
by
their
hardness
,
if
they
have
but
truth
,
and
you
call
me
to
repent
of
my
sin
and
not
of
serving
God
.
I
do
not
repent
of
defending
Truth
and
Duty
:
nor
of
seeking
to
save
the
Reader
from
the
infection
of
false
accusation
and
arguings
which
would
destroy
his
charity
and
innocency
,
by
the
fullest
manifesting
the
falshood
and
evil
of
the
words
and
deeds
which
are
the
Instruments
.
I
take
it
to
be
a
wrong
to
those
that
I
would
preserve
,
to
extenuate
the
danger
of
the
snare
or
poyson
,
on
pretence
of
gentleness
to
the
Writer
.
But
I
deal
with
the
Cause
and
desire
none
to
hate
the
person
:
nor
would
I
diminish
the
honour
due
to
him
for
his
parts
or
vertues
;
but
rather
have
all
men
love
and
magnifie
all
the
good
,
while
they
dislike
the
evil
;
and
would
save
the
Reader
at
as
easie
a
rate
to
the
Writer
as
I
can
:
But
that
he
should
not
be
related
to
his
false
or
sinful
words
or
deeds
is
not
in
my
power
to
effect
.
But
though
I
repent
not
of
necessary
truth
,
if
I
any
where
mistake
,
or
speak
more
truth
than
is
profitable
,
or
in
language
by
sharpness
more
apt
to
do
hurt
than
good
,
of
this
I
repent
,
and
ask
forgiveness
of
God
and
man
;
As
I
do
if
I
speak
so
short
of
truth
,
as
with
Eli
to
make
sin
seem
smaller
than
it
is
.
And
now
I
hope
you
will
love
your
own
duty
of
Repentance
better
than
another
mans
,
and
will
not
be
angry
if
I
seek
to
help
it
.
1.
Do
you
not
perceive
that
while
you
paint
the
Dr.
as
an
incredible
raging
distracted
lyar
,
and
praise
his
repentance
for
rash
words
of
others
,
that
you
commit
the
same
rashness
your self
against
him
?
If
you
cannot
see
your
own
face
,
let
any
impartial
Reader
be
your
glass
,
and
ask
him
whether
you
do
not
that
which
you
are
condemning
?
2.
You
seem
to
vindicate
the
Book
called
the
Friendly
Debate
,
I
shall
shortly
further
tell
you
of
somewhat
in
it
to
be
repented
of
.
And
if
partiality
made
not
repentance
a
very
difficult
work
you
would
have
no
need
herein
of
a
Monitor
.
But
you
may
think
me
partial
,
though
I
acknowledg
your
civilities
to
me
:
I
can
shew
you
a
Manuscript
of
one
both
impartial
and
truly
judicious
,
even
the
late
Judge
Hale
,
expressing
so
great
dislike
of
that
Debate
and
the
Eccl.
Policy
,
as
tending
to
the
injury
of
Religion
it self
,
that
he
wisheth
the
Authors
would
openly
profess
that
they
write
for
themselves
,
and
no
more
so
abusively
pretend
it
is
for
Religion
.
3.
You
say
in
this
Picture
that
[
If
L.
du
Moulin
had
that
honest
zeal
in
him
to
which
he
pretends
,
he
would
have
handled
Mr.
Baxter
as
smartly
,
&c.
Answ.
There
may
be
other
reasons
than
want
of
honest
zeal
:
But
do
you
not
here
shew
that
it
is
the
persons
more
than
his
act
that
offended
you
in
his
reproof
?
Could
you
judge
it
honest
zeal
had
it
been
to
others
?
pag.
16.
4.
You
say
,
p.
17.
He
hath
something
of
the
Nonconformists
in
him
,
and
for
that
reason
he
spareth
him
:
Answ.
Do
not
Nonconformists
differ
from
Erastians
?
Did
not
I
write
against
his
opinion
of
Church-Government
?
And
did
he
not
bear
22
years
ago
when
Conformity
was
not
in
our
Controversies
.
5.
You
say
of
[
the
party
that
come
nearest
the
doctrine
of
Calvinists
and
Puritans
,
(
though
you
say
you
mean
such
as
D.
M.
your
Reader
must
suppose
you
mean
the
Nonconformists
)
that
[
they
are
the
true
Causes
of
all
our
present
evils
.
—
For
the
late
War
was
raised
,
—
by
the
very
best
of
you
,
&c.
]
If
you
mean
,
as
you
seem
,
it
's
somewhat
extraordinary
to
perswade
men
to
believe
this
in
the
same
Land
and
Age
that
the
War
was
raised
in
;
And
for
one
to
do
this
that
had
the
first
General
of
the
Horse
in
the
Earl
of
Essex
Army
,
his
Patron
a
few
doors
from
him
,
and
the
Lord
Hollis
a
Colonel
nearer
him
till
lately
,
and
the
Lord
President
of
his
Majesties
Privy-Council
a
Colonel
not
far
off
him
,
and
many
more
known
Conformists
,
who
could
all
quickly
have
satisfied
him
how
few
Nonconformists
were
Members
of
Parliament
or
Commanders
in
the
Army
when
the
War
began
,
and
that
it
was
betwnen
two
parties
of
Conformists
that
the
Wars
began
,
as
I
have
proved
against
Mr.
Hinkley
,
and
can
fullier
do
when
there
is
need
.
Which
party
is
most
obliged
to
repentance
you
may
dispute
with
those
that
are
fit
for
it
:
But
if
your
intimation
be
untrue
,
it
is
of
another
nature
,
and
degree
than
any
of
Dr.
Moulins
.
I
confess
one
party
did
in
many
Parliaments
before
,
and
in
that
,
accuse
Bishop
Laud
and
his
new
followers
,
1.
Of
Innovations
,
2.
Of
Arminianism
,
3.
Of
promoting
absolute
arbitrary
Government
against
the
Subjects
Property
and
Liberty
,
4.
And
of
promoting
Popery
.
But
if
this
party
were
not
Conformists
of
the
Church
of
England
,
the
Bishops
,
Clergy
and
Gentry
were
not
the
Church
in
Arch-bishop
Abbots
days
before
Bishop
Laud.
As
to
the
Reasons
of
their
accusations
,
and
the
publishing
the
Articles
for
Toleration
in
order
to
the
Sp.
and
Fr.
Match
,
&c.
I
pass
them
by
.
But
because
you
may
say
some
such
think
of
me
as
you
do
of
D.
M.
for
what
I
say
in
my
search
for
the
Schismaticks
,
I
only
add
,
1.
That
I
hope
we
may
transcribe
mens
own
words
,
2.
And
may
judge
that
there
is
some
difference
between
the
Bishops
that
judged
the
Pope
Antichrist
,
&c.
and
those
that
would
have
us
as
the
way
to
unity
,
to
obey
him
as
Patriarch
of
the
West
,
and
principium
unitatis
,
and
the
first
6
or
8
General
Councils
,
and
that
say
our
concord
must
be
in
obeying
unum
Collegium
Pastorum
,
ruling
the
whole
Church
per
literas
formatas
,
and
that
say
the
Roman
Church
is
a
true
Church
,
but
so
are
none
of
the
Reformed
that
have
not
Bishops
,
and
a
continued
successive
Ordination
by
such
.
A
Copy
of
a
Letter
written
by
Mr.
Lewis
Du
Moulin
to
the
Worthy
Dr.
Tho.
Coxe
;
With
the
Drs.
Answer
occasioned
by
some
Reports
that
concerned
Dr.
Lewis
Du
Moulin
.
Worthy
Sir
,
KNowing
the
natural
inclination
you
have
to
oblige
all
men
and
the
perticular
experience
I
have
of
your
unwearied
goodness
to
my
person
and
family
did
incourage
me
to
write
both
before
and
now
;
The
occasion
of
both
was
the
Reports
spread
abroad
of
my
Father
,
being
informed
you
had
made
him
the
object
of
your
Care
during
his
sickness
,
I
rejoyced
that
Providence
had
ordered
it
so
that
a
Person
of
your
approved
worth
and
Integrity
was
concerned
about
him
.
I
shall
not
trouble
you
with
the
Relations
Fame
has
brought
into
this
Country
,
but
shall
only
desire
to
know
how
he
died
;
Was
there
any
advantage
taken
of
his
weakness
of
body
or
mind
;
How
far
did
his
Reported
Recantation
extend
?
Reach'd
it
to
any
material
thing
of
his
Tenets
,
or
only
in
reference
to
personal
Reflections
;
This
is
what
is
humbly
desired
by
,
Honoured
Sir
,
Your
most
Humble
and
obliged
Servant
,
Lewis
Du
Moulin
.
From
my
House
at
Malton
in
Yorkshire
,
October
the
7th
.
1680.
The
Drs.
Answer
to
Mr.
Lewis
Du
Moulin
.
Sir
,
I
Had
not
delayed
to
return
an
Answer
to
your
first
Letter
,
had
I
known
how
to
direct
mine
to
you
,
which
indeed
I
had
forgotten
how
to
do
;
This
is
therefore
to
let
you
know
that
your
Father
(
my
honourèd
Friend
)
Dr.
Du
Moulin
,
Dyed
as
he
had
Lived
,
a
truly
pious
man
,
a
great
hater
of
the
Romish
Superstition
,
and
of
so
much
of
the
English
Ceremonies
as
he
thought
approached
those
of
Rome
;
He
loved
all
good
men
of
what
perswasion
soever
,
agreeing
in
the
Fundamentals
of
the
Protestant
Religion
.
When
some
worthy
and
Learned
men
did
on
his
Death
bed
intimate
to
him
that
he
had
faln
too
heavy
upon
many
Pious
and
Learned
men
of
the
Church
of
England
:
He
professed
himself
never
to
have
born
any
malice
in
his
heart
against
the
Person
of
any
of
them
,
but
that
his
intention
was
only
to
blame
them
for
having
too
much
gratified
the
Enemies
of
the
true
Protestant
Religion
,
by
their
condescentions
to
them
,
and
their
too
great
compliances
with
them
:
He
never
recanted
nor
retracted
any
thing
material
that
he
had
Professed
and
Printed
of
late
years
;
if
he
had
used
any
sharp
expressions
,
or
by
any
reflections
given
any
offence
to
any
truly
pious
man
,
he
heartily
prayed
their
pardon
,
and
as
heartily
forgave
all
men
,
as
he
desired
them
to
forgive
him
.
And
this
he
had
often
before
expressed
to
me
both
in
publick
at
my
House
,
and
in
private
between
himself
and
me
,
and
also
after
that
some
worthy
men
had
been
with
him
,
which
gave
occasion
to
this
discourse
.
This
for
your
satisfaction
is
with
truth
and
sincerity
attested
by
Your
Affectionate
Friend
Tho.
Coxe
.
London
,
Octob.
29.
POSTSCRIPT
.
Five
Additional
Notices
to
the
Reader
.
THere
are
some
things
of
which
I
thought
meet
to
add
this
notice
to
the
Reader
.
I.
That
I
am
more
alienated
from
Conformity
in
the
point
of
Assent
,
Consent
and
Use
,
in
denying
Christendom
to
all
Children
who
have
no
Godfathers
and
Godmothers
,
and
excluding
the
Parents
from
that
Office
,
by
some
late
Observations
which
my
retiredness
kept
me
unacquainted
with
:
I
am
requested
by
some
poor
People
to
Baptize
their
Children
:
I
tell
them
the
Parish
Ministers
must
do
it
.
They
answer
me
,
That
they
cannot
have
them
Baptized
by
the
Parish
Ministers
,
because
they
are
poor
;
and
can
neither
pay
the
Curate
nor
the
Godfathers
:
I
ask
them
,
Cannot
you
get
Godfathers
without
money
:
They
say
,
No
:
No
body
will
be
Godfather
to
their
Children
for
nothing
?
Whereupon
enquiring
into
the
case
,
I
am
informed
,
that
among
the
poor
it
is
become
a
trade
,
to
be
hired
persons
to
be
Godfathers
and
Godmothers
;
and
some
that
have
not
money
must
leave
their
Children
unbaptized
,
and
till
lately
,
Popish
Priests
Baptized
many
.
I
am
not
willing
to
aggravate
this
Hiring
,
nor
the
causes
of
it
,
nor
that
the
same
men
that
think
Baptism
necessary
to
Salvation
,
(
or
as
Mr.
Dodwell
speaks
,
to
a
Covenant
right
to
Salvation
)
should
yet
shut
out
all
that
have
not
money
to
hire
such
Covenanters
;
But
I
am
not
Conformable
to
such
Church-Orders
.
II.
Whereas
there
is
a
great
stress
laid
on
Mr.
Rathband's
Book
of
the
old
Nonconformists
Doctrine
against
the
Brownists
,
as
if
they
thought
that
meer
obedience
to
the
Law
required
them
to
forbear
Preaching
when
they
were
silenced
,
when
indeed
they
only
thought
,
1.
That
it
bound
them
to
give
up
the
Temples
and
Tithes
and
publick
maintenance
(
which
are
at
the
Magistrates
dispose
,
)
2.
And
to
forbear
that
manner
and
those
circumstances
of
their
Ministry
as
no
Law
of
God
in
Nature
or
Scripture
do
oblige
them
to
,
but
will
do
more
hurt
than
good
;
I
have
now
for
fuller
satisfaction
,
here
added
the
Testimony
of
his
Son
concerning
his
judgment
and
practice
:
who
nineteen
years
had
his
liberty
in
Lancashire
to
Preach
publickly
,
in
a
Chappel
,
and
after
that
in
Northumberland
,
and
no
wonder
if
the
disorders
of
Brownism
that
would
have
deprived
them
of
all
such
liberty
were
opposed
.
I
have
perused
Mr.
Rathband's
Book
(
written
by
some
others
)
and
I
find
nothing
in
it
that
I
consent
not
to
,
but
desire
him
that
would
understand
it
to
read
the
Book
it self
.
Mr.
Rathband's
Letter
to
me
is
as
followeth
.
Reverend
Sir
,
WHereas
Doctor
Stillingfleet
in
a
late
Book
of
his
hath
alledged
a
Book
published
by
my
Father
,
to
prove
that
Preaching
contrary
to
our
Established
Laws
is
contrary
to
the
Doctrine
of
all
the
Nonconformists
in
former
times
,
I
assure
you
,
Sir
,
that
my
Father
is
not
to
be
reckoned
in
that
number
;
for
he
exercised
his
Ministry
,
though
contrary
to
the
Law
,
for
many
years
at
a
Chappel
in
Lancashire
,
and
after
he
was
silenced
he
Preached
in
private
,
as
he
had
opportunity
and
the
times
would
bear
;
of
which
I
my self
was
sometime
a
witness
.
Afterward
,
upon
the
invitation
of
a
Gentleman
,
he
exercised
his
Ministry
at
Belsham
in
Northumberland
,
for
about
a
year
,
and
from
thence
he
removed
to
Owingham
in
the
same
County
,
where
he
Preached
also
about
a
year
,
till
being
silenced
there
,
he
retired
into
private
as
formerly
.
This
I
thought
expedient
to
signifie
to
you
,
and
you
may
make
what
use
of
it
you
please
,
for
what
is
written
here
shall
be
owned
by
SIR
,
Yours
in
all
Christian
respects
,
William
Rathband
.
London
,
April
2.
1681.
(
He
is
a
Grave
and
worthy
Nonconforming
ejected
Minister
,
living
usually
in
High-gate
.
)
His
Father
read
part
of
the
Common-Prayer
,
and
kept
in
as
aforesaid
.
And
I
thank
Doctor
Stillingfleet
for
so
full
a
Vindication
of
such
old
Nonconformists
against
the
Accusations
of
their
Prosecutors
.
III.
When
my
Book
was
almost
Printed
,
I
received
the
Manuscript
of
a
faithful
Learned
ejected
Minister
,
in
which
,
he
manifesteth
the
fallacy
of
Doctor
Stillingfleet's
Allegations
of
History
for
the
Antiquity
of
Diocesan
Bishops
,
and
fully
proveth
that
for
the
first
three
hundred
years
the
Bishops
were
Congregational
and
Parochial
,
and
that
with
so
full
evidence
,
as
that
out
of
Strabo
and
other
Geographers
he
sheweth
that
many
of
their
Seats
were
but
about
four
Miles
from
one
another
,
as
our
Parish
Churches
are
;
and
he
confuteth
what
is
said
against
it
.
And
he
sheweth
the
Doctors
gross
abuse
of
History
,
to
prove
that
Bishops
needed
not
the
Peoples
consent
,
and
proveth
that
the
Peoples
choice
or
consent
was
necessary
by
the
constant
judgment
of
the
Churches
.
But
this
Book
is
of
so
great
worth
,
that
I
will
not
dishonour
it
by
making
it
an
Appendix
to
mine
,
but
intend
to
make
so
bold
with
the
Author
,
as
to
publish
it
by
it self
.
1.
As
a
fuller
Confutation
to
Doctor
Stillingfleet
.
2.
As
a
full
Answer
to
Mr.
Dodwell's
Letters
on
that
subject
;
And
3.
As
a
Confirmation
of
my
full
proof
of
the
same
things
,
in
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
.
IV.
And
if
any
will
receive
that
from
a
Conformist
,
which
he
will
not
receive
from
such
a
one
as
I
,
he
may
read
,
1.
Our
full
and
faithful
Vindication
by
a
Beneficed
Minister
,
and
a
Regular
son
of
the
Church
,
Called
A
Compassionate
Consideration
of
the
Case
of
the
Nonconformists
:
I
am
not
so
happy
as
to
know
the
Author
,
but
he
confirmeth
my
former
Judgment
,
that
a
great
part
of
the
Passive
Conformists
are
moderate
worthy
men
,
with
whom
we
should
earnestly
endeavour
as
near
and
fast
a
coalition
as
is
possible
to
be
had
by
lawful
means
.
2.
And
either
the
same
hand
,
or
such
another
Conformist
,
hath
written
Reflections
on
Doctor
Stillingfleet
,
in
which
the
like
candor
and
charity
appeareth
,
though
with
some
excess
of
kindness
to
me
.
V.
With
this
Defence
against
Doctor
Stillingfleet
,
I
at
once
pubblish
in
another
Volume
,
An
Apology
for
the
Nonconfirmists
Preaching
,
with
an
Answer
to
a
multitude
of
their
Accusers
,
and
Reasons
to
prove
that
it
is
the
Bishops
and
Conformists
great
Duty
and
Interest
to
seek
their
Restoration
.
Which
is
the
most
material
part
of
the
Confutation
of
Doctor
Stillingfleet
,
who
would
persuade
us
that
our
Preaching
is
a
sin
,
and
make
us
guilty
of
silencing
our selves
.
FINIS
.