The
General
Part
containing
the
Design
and
Sum
of
this
and
the
former
Book
,
that
it
may
be
understood
what
it
is
that
Mr.
Morrice
defendeth
,
and
opposeth
;
and
what
it
is
that
I
maintain
or
blame
,
and
by
what
Evidence
.
§
1.
I
Have
been
these
forty
years
much
troubled
with
the
temptation
to
wonder
,
why
God
suffers
most
of
the
World
to
lie
drown'd
in
Ignorance
,
Infidelity
and
Sensuality
,
and
the
Church
of
Professed
Christians
to
live
in
so
great
Scandal
,
Contention
,
Division
,
and
for
the
greater
number
,
in
a
Militant
Enmity
against
the
Word
,
Will
,
Way
,
and
Servants
of
Christ
,
while
in
Baptism
they
are
Listed
under
him
.
But
of
late
since
Experience
tells
me
of
the
marvelous
Diversity
of
Humane
Interests
and
Apprehensions
,
and
the
deep
Enmity
of
the
Fleshly
Mind
to
Spiritual
things
,
I
admire
the
Wisdom
and
Providence
of
God
,
that
there
is
so
much
Order
,
and
Peace
,
and
Love
in
the
World
of
Mankind
as
there
is
:
And
that
all
men
live
not
as
in
a
continual
War
.
And
I
perceive
that
if
God
had
not
preserved
by
Common
Grace
some
remnants
of
Moral
Honesty
in
the
World
,
and
had
not
also
sanctified
a
peculiar
People
,
whose
New
Nature
is
LOVE
,
the
Sons
of
Men
would
have
been
far
worse
than
Bears
and
Wolves
to
one
another
;
and
a
man
would
have
fled
with
greater
fear
from
the
sight
of
another
man
,
than
from
a
Snake
or
Tyger
.
But
God
hath
not
left
himself
without
witness
,
in
his
Works
,
and
daily
Providences
,
and
in
the
Consciences
of
those
who
have
not
sinned
themselves
into
Brutes
or
Devils
.
And
hence
it
is
that
there
is
some
Government
and
Order
in
the
World
,
and
that
sin
is
ashamed
of
its
proper
name
,
and
even
they
that
live
in
Pride
,
Covetousness
,
Ambition
,
Lying
,
Persecution
,
&c.
cannot
endure
to
hear
the
name
of
that
which
they
can
endure
to
keep
and
practise
,
and
cannot
endure
to
forsake
.
§
2.
And
indeed
it
is
a
great
Credit
to
Honesty
and
Piety
,
to
Truth
,
and
Love
,
and
Peace
,
and
Justice
,
that
the
deadliest
Enemies
of
them
are
ambitious
of
their
Names
;
and
though
they
,
will
damn
their
Souls
rather
than
be
such
,
they
will
challenge
and
draw
upon
any
man
that
denieth
them
to
be
such
.
And
I
must
profess
,
that
I
fetch
hence
a
great
confirmation
of
the
Immortality
of
Souls
,
and
a
Future
Life
of
Retribution
.
For
if
there
were
not
a
very
great
difference
between
Moral
Good
and
Evil
,
what
should
make
all
the
world
,
even
the
worst
of
men
,
be
so
desirous
to
be
accounted
Good
,
and
so
impatient
of
being
thought
and
called
naught
,
and
as
they
deserve
.
And
if
the
difference
be
so
vast
here
,
must
there
not
needs
be
a
Governour
of
the
World
that
hath
made
such
a
difference
by
his
Laws
and
Providence
,
and
who
will
make
a
greater
difference
hereafter
,
when
the
End
and
Judgment
cometh
.
§
3.
Among
other
Causes
of
Humane
Pravity
and
Confusion
,
one
is
the
exceeding
difficulty
that
young
men
meet
with
,
in
the
communication
of
so
much
Knowledge
as
they
must
necessarily
receive
from
others
.
Knowledge
is
not
born
with
them
:
It
is
but
the
power
and
capacity
of
it
,
and
not
the
act
in
which
an
Infant
excels
a
Dog
.
And
how
shall
they
have
it
but
by
Objects
and
Communication
?
And
Objects
tell
them
not
things
past
,
the
Knowledge
of
which
is
necessary
to
make
them
understand
things
present
,
and
to
come
;
and
without
which
it
is
not
possible
to
be
wise
.
And
God
teacheth
not
Men
now
by
Angels
sent
from
Heaven
,
but
by
Men
that
were
taught
themselves
before
;
and
by
his
Spirit
blessing
mens
endeavours
.
And
when
I
have
said
[
by
Man
]
how
bad
,
how
sad
a
creature
have
I
named
?
Alas
!
David's
haste
Psal.
116.
was
not
erroneous
passion
;
nor
Paul's
words
,
Rom.
3.
a
slander
,
when
they
called
all
men
Lyers
,
that
is
untrusty
;
and
so
little
do
men
know
that
must
teach
others
,
and
so
much
doth
all
corruption
incline
them
to
love
flattering
Lies
,
and
to
take
fleshly
Interest
,
the
World
,
and
the
Devil
for
their
Teachers
,
and
to
hate
the
Light
,
because
it
disgraceth
their
hearts
and
deeds
,
and
so
much
goeth
to
make
a
man
wise
,
that
it
must
be
a
wonder
of
merciful
Providence
that
shall
help
young
men
to
Teachers
that
shall
not
be
their
Deceivers
.
There
were
ever
comparatively
few
that
were
truly
wise
and
trusty
,
and
these
usually
despised
in
the
World
.
§
4.
And
how
should
young
men
know
who
these
are
?
This
is
the
grand
difficulty
that
maketh
the
Errour
of
the
World
so
uncurable
.
It
requireth
much
wisdom
to
know
who
is
wise
,
and
to
be
trusted
;
who
can
well
discern
and
value
that
Knowledge
in
another
,
which
he
is
a
stranger
to
himself
?
Experience
tells
us
,
that
young
unexperienced
men
do
commonly
receive
that
man's
Opinions
,
1.
Who
hath
by
nearness
,
or
some
accident
the
greatest
advantage
in
their
esteem
and
love
:
2.
Or
his
that
speaks
most
for
their
fleshly
Interest
,
and
for
that
which
they
would
have
to
be
true
:
3.
Or
his
that
hath
the
last
word
.
It
cannot
be
expected
that
they
judge
of
any
thing
,
beyond
the
advantage
of
their
senses
,
and
the
Notitiae
communes
,
according
to
Evidence
of
Truth
,
which
must
be
received
by
long
and
serious
study
,
and
by
willing
honest
minds
,
and
by
the
help
of
antecedent
Verities
.
§
5.
In
this
therefore
Divine
free
Election
is
very
manifest
;
As
in
giving
the
Gospel
to
some
Nations
in
the
World
,
when
most
others
never
have
it
,
so
in
giving
some
young
persons
the
blessing
of
good
Education
,
and
Teachers
,
and
chusing
for
them
that
were
unable
to
chuse
well
for
themselves
;
as
also
in
blessing
the
same
helps
to
one
,
which
are
despised
by
another
.
And
verily
when
I
have
been
long
stalled
with
the
difficulties
about
Election
and
Differencing
Grace
,
undeniable
Experience
hath
been
my
chief
Conviction
.
If
the
Gospel
be
true
,
the
common
worldly
fleshly
sort
,
that
are
for
Christ
but
by
Tradition
,
Law
and
Custom
,
and
are
religious
for
worldly
ends
,
and
no
farther
than
the
Interest
of
the
Flesh
and
World
will
give
them
leave
,
have
no
true
Saving
Grace
at
all
.
And
the
rest
that
seriously
believe
and
seek
a
better
Life
,
and
live
above
fleshly
worldly
Interests
,
are
in
most
places
few
,
and
made
the
scorn
and
hatred
of
the
rest
.
And
if
de
facto
,
God
do
sanctifie
only
a
peculiar
People
,
who
can
deny
his
differencing
Will
and
Grace
?
§
6.
I
was
my self
in
my
Childhood
ignorant
what
Teachers
among
such
diversity
I
should
prefer
.
And
first
God
had
such
a
witness
in
my
Conscience
,
that
Virtue
and
Holiness
were
better
than
Vice
and
Sin
,
that
it
made
me
think
that
the
sort
of
Teachers
who
Traded
meerly
for
the
World
,
and
never
spake
a
serious
,
word
of
Heaven
,
nor
differed
from
sober
Heathens
,
but
in
Opinion
;
yea
,
that
endeavoured
to
make
serious
Godliness
to
seem
but
Hypocrisie
,
were
not
like
to
be
the
wisest
and
most
trusty
men
.
And
yet
how
to
judge
among
the
serious
,
which
were
right
,
was
long
too
hard
for
me
.
§
7.
When
I
came
to
consider
of
the
Divisions
of
the
Christian
World
,
and
●eard
the
Papists
pretend
to
Catholicism
,
and
call
all
others
Schismaricks
or
Hereticks
,
it
sometime
seemed
a
plausible
Opinion
,
that
the
greatest
Power
and
Dignity
of
the
Clergy
,
was
the
Interest
of
Christianity
:
By
Riches
,
Honour
and
Power
,
they
may
protect
the
Godly
,
and
keep
Religion
from
Contempt
among
the
worldly
sort
of
men
,
or
from
oppression
at
the
least
.
2.
And
I
saw
that
in
all
Ages
and
Countries
of
the
World
,
Historians
tell
us
how
rare
a
thing
,
a
wise
and
holy
Prince
hath
been
,
and
how
commonly
by
Wealth
and
Greatness
they
have
been
bred
up
in
that
Sensuality
and
Pride
,
which
hath
made
them
the
Capital
Enemies
to
serious
Piety
;
if
not
the
Persecutors
of
it
.
3.
I
thought
with
myself
if
such
godly
Christians
,
as
much
value
the
Interest
of
Religion
had
lived
in
such
times
and
places
,
where
Rulers
were
Persecutors
of
the
Truth
,
how
glad
would
they
have
been
to
have
had
the
Power
of
Church-matters
put
into
the
hands
of
their
Chosen
Pastors
,
what
would
they
have
desired
more
?
4.
And
I
read
that
till
Riches
and
honours
were
annexed
to
the
Office
,
the
People
had
still
the
Choice
of
their
own
Pastors
,
and
therefore
could
not
chuse
but
wish
their
Estates
and
Lives
,
and
all
,
as
well
as
their
Religion
,
to
be
as
much
as
might
be
in
their
hands
.
And
so
no
doubt
when
the
Bishops
were
advanced
to
great
Diocesses
,
and
Power
,
it
was
by
the
desire
of
the
most
Religious
Christians
,
who
valued
most
the
Interest
of
the
Church
.
5.
And
I
could
not
but
observe
,
that
though
Christ
gave
his
Apostles
no
Power
of
the
Sword
,
he
set
them
above
other
Ministers
,
not
only
in
Miraculous
Gifts
,
and
Infallible
testifying
and
recording
his
Commands
and
works
,
but
in
some
sort
of
oversight
,
which
seemeth
a
thing
appointed
for
Continuance
as
well
as
preaching
.
6.
And
I
thought
that
if
Church-Grandure
were
the
Interest
of
Religion
and
Unity
the
strength
of
the
Church
,
it
lookt
very
plausibly
to
reason
,
that
as
Bishops
were
over
Presbyters
,
so
there
should
be
some
over
Bishops
;
and
that
National
Churches
should
by
such
Government
be
hindered
from
Schism
and
Heresie
as
well
as
Parochial
.
And
that
Diocesans
and
Metropolitans
Power
should
be
derived
from
a
Superiour
as
well
as
Presbyters
.
And
that
when
poor
Subjects
dare
not
reprove
a
Prince
,
some
that
are
above
fearing
his
Power
may
.
7.
And
when
I
read
the
Popes
Claim
,
I
thought
it
seemed
not
improbable
,
that
Petrus
primus
,
and
pasce
oves
meas
,
and
super
hanc
Petram
were
not
spoken
in
vain
And
these
thoughts
pleaded
thus
for
Church-Grandeur
in
Prelates
and
Popes
.
§
.
8.
On
the
other
side
,
I
saw
1.
That
Christ
said
,
His
Kingdom
was
not
of
this
world
,
and
comes
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
with
observable
Pomp.
And
that
when
they
strove
who
should
be
greatest
,
he
reproved
them
,
and
Concluded
[
with
you
it
shall
not
be
so
]
and
that
the
most
serviceable
is
to
be
accounted
the
greatest
;
that
Peter
himself
accordingly
describeth
their
office
,
1
Pet.
5.
2.
I
find
that
Christ
appointed
them
another
sort
of
work
to
do
,
even
to
Preach
the
Gospel
to
all
Nations
through
all
streights
,
difficulties
and
sufferings
,
and
to
baptize
,
and
teach
Christians
to
observe
the
Laws
of
Christ
.
And
that
as
he
never
put
the
Sword
into
their
hand
,
so
an
official
declaring
and
applying
his
Word
to
voluntary
Disciples
was
all
their
Office
,
as
ordinary
Pastors
to
be
continued
.
3.
I
find
that
Christ
sent
them
out
by
two
and
two
,
as
if
it
had
been
done
on
foresight
,
that
men
would
erect
a
Church-Monarchy
:
And
that
no
Scripture
tells
us
of
any
division
of
the
Church
into
Diocesses
,
where
ore
Apostle
was
a
Monarch
,
or
had
Power
above
the
rest
,
or
was
his
Peculiar
Province
:
Nor
that
the
twelve
settled
twelve
such
,
or
any
as
the
seats
of
their
Successors
.
4.
I
find
not
that
ever
any
one
Apostle
exercised
Government
over
the
rest
:
Nor
that
ever
Christ
gave
the
rest
any
Command
or
Direction
to
obey
any
one
;
Nor
that
ever
the
Contending
or
Schismatical
sort
of
Christians
were
directed
to
end
their
strise
,
by
taking
any
one
for
the
Head
who
must
determine
all
their
Controversies
:
And
that
they
that
said
[
I
am
of
Cephas
]
are
reproved
with
the
rest
.
And
that
all
are
called
Members
of
the
Body
,
and
only
Christ
the
Head
.
And
if
it
had
been
his
will
that
One
Universal
Head
or
Power
should
have
been
set
up
as
the
Principium
,
or
Center
of
Unity
,
it
is
a
matter
of
so
great
consequence
,
that
it
is
not
to
be
believed
that
Christ
would
not
have
plainly
commanded
it
.
5.
I
find
that
Christ
hath
himself
done
the
work
,
for
which
the
necessity
of
Universal
Humane
Government
(
by
Pope
or
Councils
)
is
pretended
;
viz.
He
hath
made
and
caused
his
Apostles
(
peculiarly
qualified
for
it
)
to
record
Universal
Church-Laws
,
even
as
many
as
are
Universally
necessary
:
And
if
so
,
I
cannot
but
think
,
1.
That
he
hath
done
it
better
than
Man
can
do
;
2.
And
that
to
add
more
unnecessarily
must
needs
be
a
snare
and
burden
to
the
Church
;
3.
And
that
it
must
be
an
usurping
the
Power
of
Christ
:
For
if
there
be
no
other
Universal
Governour
,
there
is
no
other
that
hath
Authority
to
make
Universal
Laws
.
Therefore
this
is
Treason
against
Christ
,
and
a
making
Man
a
Vice-Christ
.
6.
I
found
that
there
is
not
so
much
as
a
Natural
Capacity
in
any
one
,
or
many
,
for
an
Universal
Government
:
Church-Government
being
of
such
a
nature
as
maketh
it
far
more
impossible
,
than
for
one
Monarch
or
Aristocracy
to
Govern
all
the
Earth
:
And
to
do
it
by
a
truly
General
Council
,
or
by
the
Diffused
Bishops
of
all
the
World
is
further
from
possibility
than
to
do
it
by
a
Pope
.
7.
I
searcht
the
Councils
pretended
to
be
General
,
to
see
whether
they
had
made
any
better
Laws
than
Christ's
,
or
made
any
desirable
addition
.
And
I
found
1.
That
while
they
were
not
wholly
Papists
,
they
never
pretended
to
make
Canons
for
any
Christians
,
but
only
those
in
the
Roman
Empire
.
2.
And
that
it
had
been
much
happier
for
the
Churches
if
they
had
made
no
more
Laws
than
Christ
had
made
them
,
for
holy
Doctrine
,
Worship
,
and
Church-Discipline
,
and
had
only
as
Teachers
expounded
and
applied
the
Laws
of
Christ
.
8.
I
considered
the
Present
State
of
the
Church
Universal
,
and
I
find
it
such
as
no
Party
of
Christians
in
the
World
doth
own
.
The
Pope
pleadeth
for
an
Universal
Soveraignty
,
and
all
his
Clergy
do
the
same
;
some
saying
it
is
in
Councils
,
some
in
the
Pope
,
and
most
in
both
together
,
or
Councils
approved
by
the
Pope
:
And
Protestants
,
Greeks
,
Nestorians
,
Jacobites
,
and
almost
all
other
Christians
in
the
World
,
accuse
this
Roman
Church
and
Claim
.
The
Papists
condemn
the
rest
:
The
Greeks
,
Arminians
,
and
almost
all
the
rest
accuse
each
other
.
9.
I
considered
what
Popery
is
,
that
is
,
Clergy-Power
in
its
height
,
and
what
it
hath
done
in
the
World
.
And
I
found
1.
A
woful
description
of
the
lives
of
multitudes
of
Popes
,
recorded
by
their
own
most
credited
Historians
.
And
2.
I
found
multitudes
of
vicious
Canons
obtruded
by
them
as
Laws
on
the
Universal
Church
.
3.
I
found
most
doleful
Histories
of
the
Wars
and
Rebellions
that
they
have
caused
from
Age
to
Age.
4.
I
found
that
they
have
corrupted
the
Doctrine
of
Christ
in
abundance
of
particulars
.
5.
And
that
they
have
lockt
up
the
Sacred
Scriptures
from
the
Vulgar
,
as
they
have
not
done
their
Canons
.
6.
And
that
they
have
turned
God's
Spiritual
Worship
into
a
multitude
of
Superstitious
Rites
,
and
scenical
Ceremonies
and
Shews
.
7.
And
that
they
have
turned
Spiritual
Church-Discipline
into
a
secular
sort
of
Tyranny
.
8.
And
that
they
have
most
schismatically
unchurched
the
rest
of
the
Churches
,
because
they
are
not
Subjects
of
the
Pope
.
9.
And
that
they
have
branded
the
soundest
Churches
with
the
name
of
Hereticks
,
while
they
are
the
grand
Heresie
of
the
World
.
10.
And
that
they
have
been
and
are
the
greatest
Silencers
of
sound
Preachers
,
and
hinderers
of
true
Piety
and
Reformation
in
the
Church
.
11.
And
that
they
have
wofully
vitiated
the
People
that
are
their
Subjects
,
so
that
odious
wickedness
fed
by
Ignorance
,
abounds
among
them
;
and
it
is
their
Votaries
that
are
called
Religious
,
and
a
few
Canonized
persons
Saints
;
as
if
Religion
and
Sanctity
were
rarities
,
or
any
could
be
saved
without
them
.
12.
Lastly
,
I
find
that
they
have
lived
upon
Blood
,
like
Leeches
,
and
have
been
the
cruellest
Persecutors
of
holy
men
,
on
pretence
of
killing
Hereticks
:
And
that
it
is
this
to
which
they
trust
.
10.
I
took
not
this
notice
of
them
upon
meer
prejudice
,
but
have
read
,
I
think
,
as
many
Papists
Books
,
as
Protestants
,
or
any
other
against
them
.
Nor
have
I
taken
it
upon
dark
Scripture
Prophecies
,
suspecting
my
understanding
of
them
:
But
1.
The
matter
of
fact
from
themselves
:
2.
Against
their
Papal
Supremacy
from
such
Arguments
as
are
fully
collected
by
Dr.
Barrow
.
3.
Against
their
heinous
Church-corruptions
,
from
such
Moral
Evidence
as
Dr.
H.
Moore
hath
fully
gathered
in
his
Mystery
of
Iniquity
.
4.
Against
their
pretences
of
Tradition
and
Antiquity
,
I
fetcht
my
Arguments
from
the
Histories
and
Authors
which
they
themselves
alledge
,
and
especially
their
Councils
,
with
the
Fathers
Writings
.
§
9.
Seeing
the
Church
in
this
sad
Condition
,
and
the
Papal
part
so
greatly
vitiated
,
I
considered
how
long
it
had
so
been
.
And
I
found
that
the
Pope
and
his
Bishops
grew
not
up
like
a
Mushroom
in
a
day
;
but
had
been
long
in
thriving
to
maturity
:
And
I
met
with
no
man
that
could
just
tell
what
Year
or
what
Age
the
disease
or
tumor
did
begin
.
Bishop
Bromhall
thinks
if
they
will
abate
their
last
400
years
Innovations
,
we
may
have
hope
of
agreeing
with
them
.
Bishop
Gunning
will
own
no
General
Councils
,
but
the
first
six
;
some
will
receive
eight
;
some
but
four
.
Mr.
Morrice
here
goeth
no
further
in
his
defence
of
them
,
whatever
he
think
.
Some
begin
Popery
with
Leo
the
great
,
some
with
Gregory's
Successour
.
But
it
is
most
certain
,
that
it
was
first
an
Embrio
,
and
next
an
Infant
and
so
grew
up
from
Childhood
to
maturity
by
degrees
.
And
the
first
Church-corruption
was
not
that
which
we
now
call
Popery
.
And
it
is
as
certain
that
the
tumor
did
neither
begin
nor
grow
up
in
the
Bishop
of
Rome
alone
,
but
in
other
Bishops
,
who
grew
up
with
him
,
&
were
his
strength
and
Councils
,
and
he
their
Head
.
§
10.
It
is
known
when
the
Greeks
and
Romans
began
most
notably
to
strive
which
should
be
greatest
,
and
how
the
division
increased
,
and
when
and
how
it
came
to
an
anathematizing
or
excommunicating
each
other
.
§
11.
It
's
notorious
that
it
was
from
the
Councils
of
Calcedon
,
and
Ephesus
,
that
the
great
separated
bodies
of
Nestorians
and
Eutychians
(
now
called
Jacobites
)
that
possess
the
East
and
South
,
were
broken
off
with
Nestorius
and
Dioscorus
,
and
so
continue
to
this
day
.
§
12.
I
considered
who
were
the
Chief
Authors
of
all
these
lamentable
Schisms
,
and
Church-corruptions
in
the
several
Ages
when
they
rose
,
and
who
continue
them
to
this
day
:
And
I
found
that
many
Princes
were
much
to
be
blamed
,
and
the
People
not
Innocent
,
no
not
the
Religious
Monks
.
But
the
Bishops
that
had
the
main
Church-power
,
by
abusing
it
,
were
with
their
Clergy
the
principal
Causes
,
and
so
are
to
this
day
:
The
breaches
might
yet
be
healed
in
East
,
West
,
and
South
,
were
it
not
for
them
.
§
13.
Finding
this
in
History
of
undoubted
Truth
,
I
next
considered
what
was
the
Cause
that
the
Bishops
and
their
Clergy
should
become
such
Church-corrupters
and
Dividers
,
and
still
continue
the
Churches
miseries
.
And
I
found
as
followeth
,
1.
That
none
are
able
to
do
so
much
hurt
as
those
that
have
the
greatest
Parts
,
Power
,
Interest
and
Trust
.
None
kill
so
many
(
except
Souldiers
)
as
those
Physicians
who
are
entrusted
to
heal
and
save
them
.
If
five
hundred
neighbours
mistake
a
man's
Disease
,
whom
he
never
trusted
,
it
hurts
him
not
:
But
an
unskilful
Nurse
or
Parent
may
kill
a
sick
Child
;
and
an
unskilful
or
unfaithful
Physician
may
kill
multitudes
.
2.
And
there
goeth
so
much
to
make
a
man
a
skilful
,
faithful
Pastor
,
as
that
such
are
rare
.
As
a
Physician
is
like
to
kill
his
Patient
,
if
he
mistake
but
some
one
thing
in
his
Disease
,
or
some
Ingredient
in
his
Medicine
,
though
he
were
right
in
all
the
rest
:
So
if
a
Guide
of
Souls
were
excellent
in
all
other
things
,
what
work
one
Opinion
,
yea
or
unskilful
word
may
make
,
not
only
the
case
of
the
Nestorians
,
Eutychians
,
Monothelites
,
&c.
tell
us
,
but
even
the
strife
that
arose
in
the
Church
about
Hypostasis
and
Persona
,
which
had
almost
hereticated
Jerom
himself
,
for
all
his
skill
in
the
Languages
:
And
the
case
of
the
Greeks
and
Latines
about
[
Filioque
]
and
abundance
such
.
3.
And
Pride
is
the
Heart
of
the
Old
Man
;
first
living
,
and
last
dying
.
And
great
Power
,
great
Parts
,
and
great
Esteem
do
feed
it
,
if
true
Grace
do
not
mortifie
it
.
Knowledge
puffeth
up
;
and
especially
when
men
live
among
the
ignorant
and
unlearned
,
and
are
but
half
Learned
themselves
,
and
are
thought
by
the
people
and
themselves
,
to
be
much
wiser
than
they
are
:
Inter
coecos
luscus
Rex
.
4.
And
Selfishness
is
the
very
sum
of
all
positive
iniquity
:
And
Pride
and
Selfishness
make
men
desirous
to
be
the
Idols
of
the
World
,
and
to
seem
as
Gods
knowing
good
and
evil
,
and
to
have
their
will
of
all
that
they
have
to
do
with
.
5.
And
the
strongest
temptations
use
to
cause
the
greatest
sins
,
§
14.
These
Generals
presupposed
,
it
is
most
clear
,
1.
That
the
remnant
of
these
sins
,
even
in
Christ's
Apostles
,
set
them
on
striving
who
should
be
greatest
,
and
made
James
and
John
desire
preheminence
,
and
also
to
have
called
for
Fire
from
Heaven
;
and
made
them
after
Christ's
Resurrection
,
hope
that
he
would
have
restored
the
Earthly
Kingdom
unto
Israel
.
And
it
put
Paul
to
vindicate
his
Apostleship
against
many
that
disparaged
him
;
As
it
made
Diotrephes
,
who
loved
to
have
the
preheminence
,
to
cast
out
the
Brethren
,
and
speak
evil
of
John
:
It
gave
Peter
occasion
to
warn
the
Bishops
not
to
Lord
it
over
God's
Heritage
,
but
to
be
Examples
to
the
Flock
,
overseeing
them
not
by
constraint
,
but
willingly
.
2.
Even
in
good
men
this
fault
,
though
not
in
a
reigning
degree
,
did
live
more
in
others
afterwards
,
that
had
not
that
measure
of
the
Spirit
as
the
Apostles
had
to
overcome
it
.
And
if
even
in
Paul's
daies
he
had
none
like-minded
to
Timothy
,
who
naturally
cared
for
the
good
of
all
;
for
all
(
too
much
)
sought
their
own
,
and
not
the
things
that
are
Jesus
Christ's
,
as
Demas
forsook
him
for
some
worldly
Interest
;
what
wonder
is
it
if
afterward
Pride
and
Worldliness
grew
greater
,
and
Heresies
and
Strifes
increased
.
3.
Yet
while
Christianity
was
a
suffering
and
laborious
State
,
the
Pastors
of
the
Churches
were
commonly
the
best
men
,
that
had
more
Knowledge
,
Holiness
and
Love
than
others
,
and
the
Churches
prospered
under
the
Cross
:
They
that
spared
not
their
labours
,
but
imitated
the
pattern
set
by
Paul
,
Acts
20.
did
not
strive
who
should
have
the
largest
Diocess
,
and
undertake
that
which
they
could
not
do
,
but
they
strove
to
do
as
much
as
they
were
able
,
and
to
increase
and
edifie
the
Flock
.
4.
But
when
extraordinary
Gifts
abated
,
and
acquired
Ones
became
more
necessary
,
and
few
Philosophers
turned
Christians
,
able
Taking
Preachers
or
Orators
grew
fewer
,
and
those
few
that
were
eminent
in
Knowledge
and
Speech
were
justly
preferred
before
the
rest
.
And
usually
some
one
man
had
the
chief
hand
in
converting
men
,
and
gathering
a
Church
in
each
particular
Town
,
and
then
he
rightfully
was
taken
for
their
Pastor
:
And
it
being
found
that
the
publick
and
private
care
of
Souls
required
in
each
Church
,
where
were
fit
men
,
more
than
one
Pastor
;
It
was
not
meet
that
more
should
be
brought
to
●im
that
was
there
before
,
without
his
approbation
and
consent
;
but
that
he
were
to
the
Juniors
as
a
Father
;
And
because
the
rest
were
usualiy
below
him
in
Gifts
and
Worth
,
it
was
thought
but
meet
that
they
should
do
what
they
did
by
his
consent
:
And
also
to
avoid
Divisions
,
to
which
they
were
over-prone
,
it
was
judged
fit
that
one
should
have
the
preheminence
,
and
a
negative
,
and
partly
ruling
Vote
.
5.
The
Churches
,
which
in
the
beginning
had
these
Bishops
and
Fellow-Presbyters
,
were
single
Congregations
:
And
shortly
they
grew
to
be
more
than
could
meet
together
in
some
few
great
Cities
;
Persecution
hindering
them
from
very
large
Assemblies
,
besides
their
want
of
large
capacious
Temples
.
Dr.
Hammond
thinks
that
there
is
no
evidence
,
that
in
Scripture-time
there
were
any
other
Presbyters
than
Bishops
,
and
consequently
a
Bishop
had
but
one
Congregation
,
unless
he
went
one
hour
to
one
,
and
another
to
another
,
which
was
not
their
use
.
But
doubtless
in
this
he
is
mistaken
,
as
the
many
Speakers
as
Corinth
shew
.
6.
The
Greatness
of
the
Roman
Empire
was
prepared
by
God
to
be
then
an
exceeding
great
fortherance
of
the
Gospel
:
For
under
the
same
Civil
Laws
and
Powers
,
where
one
or
two
Languages
were
understood
by
most
,
Christians
had
the
far
greater
advantage
for
Communication
.
Want
of
forreign
Languages
is
now
our
great
hinderance
from
Preaching
the
Gospel
to
other
Nations
of
the
World
:
And
the
Confusion
at
Babel
was
an
unspeakable
Judgment
.
But
as
Ships
,
yea
Navies
,
can
sail
on
the
Ocean
,
when
small
Barks
or
Boats
only
can
pass
on
Rivers
;
so
the
vastness
of
the
Roman
Empire
was
a
great
help
to
the
Church
,
by
Communication
,
Language
and
Accesses
:
But
especially
when
the
Emperour
became
Christian
,
the
advantage
was
exceeding
great
:
Whereas
now
the
Greatness
of
the
Turkish
,
Tartarian
&
Indostan
Empire
,
are
great
Impediments
to
the
Gospel
;
because
the
Barbarians
are
more
cruel
Enemies
than
the
Civil
Romans
(
notwithstanding
the
ten
Persecutions
)
were
;
and
their
opposition
is
the
more
extensive
by
the
extent
of
their
Dominions
;
and
the
Christian
Churches
having
now
more
scandalized
the
Infidels
by
their
corruptions
.
While
they
were
not
corrupted
by
worldly
power
and
wealth
,
the
great
holiness
of
the
Churches
convinced
the
sober
part
of
the
Empire
.
Albaspineus
shews
us
clearly
that
their
strictness
was
so
great
,
that
they
endured
no
notable
scandalous
sin
among
them
;
yea
and
came
very
near
to
the
Novatians
in
their
Discipline
:
And
that
it
was
not
for
greater
strictness
that
the
Novatians
were
condemned
,
but
for
denying
the
Power
of
the
Church
to
absolve
men
penitent
that
sinned
after
Baptism
.
And
their
Canons
shew
it
.
And
it
is
certain
,
that
Christians
obeying
Paul
,
avoided
the
Heathen
Judicatures
as
much
as
might
be
,
and
censured
those
that
did
not
,
and
ended
their
Differences
by
the
way
of
Arbitration
,
and
took
the
Bishop
with
the
Consent
of
his
Clergy
to
be
an
Authorized
Arbitrator
;
and
thus
the
affairs
of
all
the
Christians
being
cast
upon
him
,
and
he
having
no
power
to
force
any
but
only
to
govern
Volunteers
,
the
Bishops
were
constrained
to
make
their
Rules
of
Discipline
so
much
the
stricter
,
that
all
that
would
not
renounce
Christianity
,
and
Church-Communion
,
might
be
brought
to
Obedience
to
escape
Excommunication
.
7.
God
having
made
the
Great
Power
and
Extent
of
the
Roman
Empire
,
so
great
a
means
for
the
propagation
of
Christianity
,
the
Christians
thought
that
the
Greater
they
grew
themselves
,
the
more
it
would
tend
to
the
Churches
deliverance
,
from
contempt
and
persecution
:
And
their
advancement
lay
in
that
advancement
of
the
Bishops
,
which
private
men
could
not
expect
,
save
only
by
subsequent
participation
.
Hereupon
the
Bishops
,
by
the
Peoples
consent
,
endeavoured
to
form
the
Government
of
the
Church
within
the
Empire
,
into
a
conformity
to
the
Government
of
the
Empire
:
And
they
contrived
that
those
Cities
whose
Governours
had
the
chief
Civil
Power
,
their
Bishops
should
have
answerable
Church-Power
;
the
Glory
of
the
Empire
drawing
them
for
seeming
Interest
,
into
imitation
.
8.
From
the
like
Principles
they
desired
greatly
the
enlargement
of
the
Churches
of
which
they
were
Overseers
:
And
whereas
Christ
had
made
single
Churches
like
Schools
,
and
every
stated
Worshipping
Church
,
was
also
a
Governed
Church
,
as
every
School
hath
its
School-Masters
,
one
,
or
mo●●
by
degrees
these
Churches
were
by
degeneration
quite
altered
〈…〉
o
other
things
:
First
,
They
were
like
a
Parochial
Church
,
〈◊〉
addeth
Chappels
:
They
thought
not
so
contemptibly
of
the
P●●●●ral
work
as
we
do
,
but
found
enough
,
as
is
said
,
for
many
me
〈…〉
a
Church
of
a
few
hundred
or
thousand
souls
:
And
when
by
Persecution
,
or
Numbers
,
or
Distance
,
they
could
not
all
meet
ordinarily
in
one
place
,
they
appointed
them
to
meet
under
several
Presbyters
,
in
several
places
,
but
without
appropriating
a
particular
Presbyter
to
each
Assembly
.
2.
After
they
appropriated
them
to
their
distinct
charges
,
and
distinguished
a
stated
Worshipping
company
from
a
Governed
Church
,
the
Bishop
and
his
Consistory
ruling
all
in
common
;
and
the
People
tyed
to
communicate
only
at
the
Bishops
Altar
,
and
elsewhere
to
be
but
Hearers
and
Worshippers
.
3.
After
that
they
set
up
Altars
up
and
down
for
Monuments
and
Memorials
of
Martyrs
,
and
then
in
the
Presbyters
Chappels
;
yet
so
that
the
People
were
at
Easter
,
Whitsuntide
,
and
the
Nativity
,
to
communicate
with
the
Bishop
in
the
Mother
Church
or
Cathedral
.
4.
Then
when
Country-Villages
distant
had
a
great
increase
of
Christians
,
they
allowed
Country-Bishops
,
Chorepiscopos
,
(
proved
by
Petavius
to
be
true
Bishops
;
if
they
were
not
,
Presbyters
ordained
.
)
But
they
must
be
subject
to
the
City
Bishop
.
5.
After
this
they
decreed
that
very
little
Cities
should
have
no
Bishops
,
ne
vilescat
nomen
Episcopi
;
whenas
before
that
every
City
had
a
Bishop
and
Elders
,
that
had
Christians
enow
:
And
every
Town
,
like
our
Corporations
,
or
Market-Towns
,
were
called
Cities
:
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
did
not
signifie
only
such
as
we
now
call
Cities
distinct
from
such
Towns
;
were
they
no
bigger
than
Cenchrea
,
Majuma
,
and
such
others
close
to
greater
Cities
,
they
had
Bishops
.
Yea
every
Church
was
to
have
their
Elders
,
(
and
consequently
Bishops
,
saith
Dr.
Hammond
)
where
ever
it
was
,
by
the
Rule
of
the
Holy
Ghost
,
Acts
14.
23.
And
God
never
said
,
Let
there
be
no
Churches
but
in
Cities
:
Else
when
an
Emperour
would
put
down
all
the
Cities
,
or
many
,
he
should
put
down
as
many
Churches
.
6.
After
this
they
set
up
Patriarks
as
before
they
had
done
Metropolitans
:
And
it
was
three
that
they
first
set
up
(
but
no
where
out
of
the
Empire
:
)
And
the
Papists
find
in
the
Institution
the
mystery
of
Trinity
in
Unity
:
For
they
could
not
find
any
where
Twelve
Seats
Successors
to
the
Twelve
Apostles
;
and
so
they
feigned
,
that
Peter
being
the
Center
of
Unity
,
The
Trinity
flowed
from
him
.
1.
He
as
Bishop
erected
the
Antiochian
Patriarchate
.
2.
By
St.
Mark
his
Disciple
,
the
Alexandriau
.
And
3.
By
his
final
Episcopacy
the
Roman
,
saith
Joh.
Dartis
,
de
statu
Eccles.
tempore
Apostoli
,
pag.
23
,
24.
[
Imitatur
Ecclesia
Deum
ut
trinum
in
Personis
&
unum
in
essentia
,
quatenus
scilicet
una
&
eadem
Ecclesia
est
multiplex
ratione
locorum
;
nam
distributio
prima
&
generalis
omnium
Ecclesiarum
fuit
in
tres
Patriarchatus
,
Romanum
,
Alexandrinum
,
&
Antiochenum
,
ut
unum
esset
per
tres
Antistites
Sacerdotium
ad
Trinitatis
instar
cui
una
est
atque
individua
potestas
ut
recte
interpretatur
Symmachus
Pap.
ad
Eonium
—
Dicendum
est
quod
sicut
in
Trinitate
una
existente
essentia
,
tamen
personae
differentes
existunt
,
it
a
Ecclesia
una
est
essentia
,
licet
plures
particulares
existant
:
Et
sicut
omnes
Trinitatis
personae
originem
sumunt
à
Patre
,
qui
est
origo
Filii
,
&
uterque
Sp.
Sancti
,
ita
Ecclesia
origo
est
Romana
aliarum
.
]
7.
At
the
same
time
they
began
to
describe
Churches
or
Bishops
Provinces
by
the
Measures
of
Land
,
which
before
were
described
by
the
Persons
of
Volunteers
,
inhabiting
near
each
other
,
saith
the
aforesaid
Dartis
p.
128.
Et
sane
diu
duravit
ille
mos
tanquam
Apostolicus
in
Ecclesiis
,
ut
non
essent
alii
termini
Episcopatus
quam
multitudo
eorum
quos
ad
fidem
convertissent
&
baptizassent
,
which
he
proveth
out
of
the
Canons
.
8.
Rome
being
the
imperial
Seat
,
the
Bishop
of
Rome
was
nearest
the
Emperour
and
subordinate
Rulers
,
and
so
most
capable
to
make
Friends
for
Christians
under
any
Accusations
and
Persecutions
;
by
which
advantage
all
Christians
through
the
Empire
needing
and
being
glad
of
such
help
,
did
willingly
give
the
Primacy
to
the
Romane
Patriark
.
9.
The
Emperor
Constantine
turning
Christian
,
and
taking
them
for
his
surest
Souldiers
,
resolved
to
raise
them
as
high
as
he
well
could
,
for
the
interest
of
Christianity
and
his
own
,
and
thereby
to
work
down
the
Heathens
by
degrees
,
and
accordingly
gave
them
chief
Countenance
,
and
chief
Power
;
and
their
Bishops
being
their
chief
men
,
it
must
be
done
by
exalting
them
.
He
made
them
the
authorized
Judges
of
all
Christians
that
desired
it
,
even
in
criminal
cases
.
He
yet
gave
not
the
Bishops
the
power
of
the
Sword
;
but
if
any
Christians
had
committed
Fornication
,
Adultery
,
Perjury
,
yea
Murder
,
the
Bishop
was
to
punish
them
by
Pennance
and
Suspension
from
the
Sacrament
:
Besides
which
,
Christians
had
the
chief
Preferments
as
they
were
capable
of
in
the
Armies
and
Civil
Government
:
So
that
they
triumphed
over
their
late
Persecutors
,
And
now
Honour
,
Power
and
Wealth
,
were
most
on
the
Christians
side
,
but
especially
the
Bishops
.
10.
Worldly
Interest
being
now
on
the
Churches
side
,
much
of
the
World
by
such
Motives
crowded
into
the
Church
,
and
no
man
can
imagine
that
it
could
be
otherwise
,
who
considers
which
way
the
Vulgar
go
,
and
how
apt
to
be
of
the
Prince's
mind
,
and
how
much
nature
inclineth
to
fleshly
Interest
:
Who
had
not
rather
be
kept
from
the
Sacrament
and
Communion
for
a
crime
,
till
he
profess
Repentance
,
than
to
be
hanged
or
banished
,
or
ruined
for
it
?
But
especially
the
Temptation
was
strongest
to
the
Bishops
,
whose
baits
were
the
most
alluring
:
And
ever
since
then
they
that
most
loved
Wealth
,
Power
and
Honour
(
that
is
,
the
worst
,
most
worldly
men
)
have
been
the
most
eager
desirers
and
seekers
of
Bishopricks
:
And
while
humble
holy
men
must
rather
be
sought
to
,
such
earnest
seekers
are
like
to
be
the
ordinary
finders
and
possessors
.
11.
But
yet
three
things
kept
up
for
some
time
a
considerable
number
of
godly
Bishops
in
the
Churches
,
which
with
the
humble
Presbyters
,
kept
up
the
Interest
of
sound
and
practical
Religion
.
1.
Those
that
had
been
tryed
worthy
men
before
Constantines
conversion
,
and
the
Bishop's
exaltation
,
kept
their
Integrity
in
the
main
;
though
in
the
Nicene
Council
their
contentious
Libels
shewed
that
we
are
more
beholden
to
Constantine
than
to
them
,
that
they
fell
not
into
such
strife
as
their
Successors
did
.
Good
men
may
be
carryed
too
far
in
Pride
and
Strife
,
but
they
will
not
be
mastered
by
them
,
and
turn
against
the
Power
of
Godliness
.
2.
The
People
and
Inferiour
Clergy
had
the
choice
of
their
Bishops
:
And
so
(
though
they
oft
had
tumults
,
as
in
popular
Elections
it
will
be
)
yet
the
worst
ambitious
men
were
long
kept
out
,
and
the
best
oft
chosen
,
till
the
People
and
Presbyters
themselves
were
corrupted
.
3.
And
divers
good
Emperours
arose
that
took
some
care
to
promote
the
best
:
But
alas
!
this
had
sad
and
frequent
interruptions
.
12.
For
the
Arians
possest
Constantine
himself
with
hard
thoughts
of
Athanasius
and
his
Adherents
:
And
it
could
not
be
expected
that
Julian
should
countenance
the
best
,
when
Constantius
and
Valeus
had
done
so
much
against
them
,
and
got
most
of
all
the
Churches
headed
by
Arian
Bishops
;
to
say
nothing
yet
of
after
times
.
13.
But
now
two
things
became
matter
of
Contention
among
the
Bishops
and
their
Clergy
,
and
increased
the
strife
from
time
to
time
.
The
first
and
chief
was
the
Old
Cause
greatly
strengthened
,
viz.
Who
should
be
greatest
?
Who
should
have
the
largest
,
fattest
,
and
most
Ruling
Diocess
and
Seat
?
The
other
was
,
Who
should
be
taken
for
the
most
Orthodox
,
and
whose
Explications
of
the
Faith
should
be
taken
for
the
soundest
;
especially
about
the
description
of
the
Person
and
immanent
acts
of
Christ
?
Or
briefly
,
1.
Jurisdiction
and
Greatness
:
2.
Wisdom
and
hard
words
.
14.
Now
also
Constantinople
contended
with
Rome
,
and
being
the
Seat
of
the
Empire
which
they
judged
to
be
the
true
Reason
of
Church-preheminence
,
they
at
first
modestly
took
the
second
place
:
And
now
the
Trinity
of
Patriarchs
was
turned
to
five
,
Jerusalem
being
made
the
fifth
.
At
all
this
Rome
grudged
.
15.
All
this
while
the
old
Discipline
of
the
Church
was
tolerably
kept
up
;
1.
Because
though
much
of
the
world
had
got
into
the
Church
,
yet
a
very
great
part
were
tenacious
of
their
Heathenish
Customs
,
and
prejudiced
against
Christians
by
their
Contentions
,
(
odiously
described
by
Am.
Marcellinus
,
and
many
others
,
and
prejudiced
against
Constantine
for
his
Son
Crispus
and
Sopaters
death
,
&c.
and
against
Constantius
for
the
Murder
of
Julian's
Relations
;
and
being
taken
with
the
plausible
parts
of
Julian
,
and
with
the
great
Learning
and
highly
extolled
Lives
of
Plotinus
,
Porphyrius
,
Jamblichus
,
Aedesius
,
Maximus
,
Proeresius
,
Libanius
,
Chrysanthius
,
and
such
others
,
described
by
Eunapius
,
&c.
so
that
except
Rome
and
Alexandria
,
for
200
years
,
and
some
few
of
the
very
great
Churches
for
400
,
the
Churches
were
no
greater
than
one
Bishop
and
his
Consessus
,
might
tolerably
govern
by
the
Keys
.
2.
And
all
this
while
all
the
Presbyters
were
Church-Governours
as
well
as
the
Bishop
,
though
he
was
their
Chief
,
and
all
Excommunications
were
to
be
done
by
joint
consent
;
And
so
many
Church-Governours
may
do
more
than
one
.
16.
Then
Councils
called
General
,
having
by
the
Emperours
Grant
,
and
the
Clergies
Desire
and
Consent
,
the
Supreme
Church-Power
,
it
was
in
these
Councils
that
the
Pride
,
Ambition
and
Domination
of
all
the
worldly
Prelates
that
were
too
soon
got
in
,
did
exercise
it self
as
the
valour
and
wit
of
Souldiers
in
a
field
of
War
:
And
as
1.
The
good
men
yet
among
them
;
2.
And
the
Articles
of
Faith
yet
retained
by
them
,
did
cause
them
to
do
much
good
against
some
Heresies
and
Disorders
,
so
the
Pride
and
Turbulency
,
yea
ignorance
of
the
rest
,
caused
them
to
become
the
occasions
of
the
doleful
Schisms
,
and
Heresies
;
and
Enmity
of
Christians
against
each
other
,
which
continue
to
this
day
unhealed
.
17.
These
hurtful
Contentions
in
Councils
at
first
prevailed
but
little
,
and
that
at
Nice
did
much
more
good
(
I
think
)
than
harm
:
And
after
at
Constant
:
a
little
more
hurt
was
done
,
and
much
good
:
And
those
that
followed
did
worse
and
worse
,
till
the
proud
worldly
Spirit
contracted
Malignity
,
and
so
much
prevailed
,
that
for
a
thousand
years
at
least
the
Bishops
with
their
Prelatical
Clergy
and
their
Councils
have
been
the
grand
Corruption
and
Plague
of
the
Church
;
which
many
of
the
most
Learned
Expositors
of
the
Revelation
,
take
to
be
the
Image
of
the
Beast
;
and
Dr.
H.
Moore
calls
it
a
Heathenish
Christianity
,
which
they
have
made
their
Religion
.
18.
In
their
progress
to
all
this
,
as
the
Diocesses
first
grew
up
from
our
Parochial
Magnitude
towards
that
of
the
present
Diocesan
,
so
the
very
Pastoral
Power
of
all
the
rest
of
the
Presbyters
,
was
by
degrees
taken
away
,
so
far
as
that
they
had
no
consenting
power
in
Ordinations
or
Excommunications
,
unless
the
Bishop
would
chuse
a
few
for
his
Council
:
so
that
the
proper
power
of
the
King
's
was
confined
to
one
Bishop
over
many
hundred
Parishes
;
and
so
Discipline
became
an
impossible
thing
,
save
as
it
served
the
Bishops
against
some
that
they
disliked
:
And
so
the
Church
which
was
as
the
Garden
of
Christ
,
became
like
the
Commons
,
and
good
and
bad
were
little
differenced
in
Communion
.
19.
Yet
because
the
Power
must
still
be
useful
to
the
Bishops
ends
,
as
he
sees
cause
,
some
shadow
of
the
old
exercise
must
be
kept
up
:
But
the
Bishop
having
not
leisure
for
the
tenth
part
of
the
labour
which
this
very
shadow
required
,
Lay-men
are
made
his
Chancellours
to
decree
Excommunications
and
Absolutions
,
and
to
Govern
by
the
Church
Keys
;
like
a
secular
Court
:
And
Commissaries
,
Officials
,
Surrogates
,
and
other
hard
names
and
things
,
are
set
up
instead
of
the
Presbyters
and
their
Antient
Office
.
20.
By
this
time
the
Antient
Species
of
the
Churches
was
altered
;
and
whereas
it
was
long
held
,
that
a
Church
and
Bishop
were
Correlates
,
and
there
were
no
more
Churches
than
Bishops
,
now
many
hundred
or
a
thousand
Parishes
are
become
no
Churches
,
but
parts
of
one
Diocesan
Church
,
which
is
the
lowest
,
and
many
score
or
hundred
of
the
old
sort
of
Bishops
,
all
cast
out
and
swallowed
up
by
one
.
Just
as
if
a
thousand
,
or
some
hundred
Schools
should
have
but
one
Governing
Schoolmaster
,
and
be
but
one
School
,
but
each
part
have
an
Usher
to
read
to
the
Boyes
,
and
tell
the
one
Schoolmaster
as
a
Monitor
what
they
did
amiss
;
but
might
correct
none
,
nor
put
them
out
.
21.
By
this
time
they
began
to
live
on
blood
;
and
even
as
they
swelled
in
the
beginning
,
cruelty
grew
up
equally
with
Pride
:
For
Reason
and
Scripture
were
not
on
their
side
,
nor
would
justifie
their
Cause
and
them
,
and
therefore
violence
must
do
it
:
They
desired
not
the
bare
title
of
Power
,
but
the
exercise
of
it
,
to
promote
the
Issues
of
their
Wit
and
Will
.
They
began
with
rash
silencing
,
ejecting
and
deposing
Dissenters
,
and
thence
to
anathematizing
them
,
and
thence
to
banishing
,
till
at
last
it
grew
up
to
tormenting
in
the
Inquisition
,
and
burning
them
.
22.
And
whereas
(
notwithstanding
the
petty
Heresies
among
Christians
too
early
)
the
glory
of
the
Antient
persecuted
Christians
was
their
entire
Love
and
Concord
,
and
the
shame
of
the
Philosophers
was
their
discord
;
it
came
to
that
pass
,
that
whereas
a
Heresie
of
old
did
start
up
among
a
few
for
a
small
time
,
like
our
Ranters
and
Quakers
,
who
shame
Religion
no
more
than
Bedlams
shame
Reason
:
Now
the
great
Continents
of
the
Earth
have
been
the
Seats
of
the
millions
of
those
called
Hereticks
and
Schismaticks
by
each
other
,
about
1400
or
1300
years
.
Eusebius
in
Praepar
.
&
Demonstr.
copiously
sheweth
that
the
Philosophers
were
all
confounded
in
dissention
(
and
yet
did
not
persecute
each
other
)
but
that
the
Christians
were
all
of
one
Religion
,
cleaving
to
one
Sacred
Word
of
God
:
Of
which
also
see
Raym.
Breganium
in
Theol.
Gent.
de
Cogn
.
Dei
,
Enar.
5.
cap.
8.
To
be
Lovers
of
good
men
,
was
the
character
of
the
old
Bishops
:
To
be
dividers
,
and
haters
,
and
slanderers
,
and
silencers
,
and
persecutors
,
and
murderers
of
them
,
grew
up
with
corrupters
Pride
.
23.
And
with
these
did
gradually
grow
up
corruptions
of
Doctrine
,
even
while
they
pretended
a
burning
Zeal
against
Heresie
;
and
corruption
of
God's
publick
Worship
,
till
it
grew
up
to
all
the
Mass
and
Roman
Impurities
.
24.
And
to
secure
all
this
against
Reformation
,
ridiculous
Legends
,
and
falsification
of
Church-History
,
made
it
hard
for
posterity
what
to
believe
,
or
whom
.
§
15.
Being
thus
far
sure
of
the
matter
of
fact
,
by
what
degrees
Prelacy
grew
up
to
the
height
,
that
it
hath
now
attained
in
the
World
abroad
,
I
considered
what
men
thought
of
it
now
at
home
(
I
am
speaking
yet
but
of
matter
of
fact
;
)
and
I
found
great
diversity
in
mens
thoughts
of
it
.
1.
As
to
the
Roman
height
,
I
found
that
the
Church
of
England
since
the
Reformation
till
A.
B.
Laud's
time
took
the
Pope
to
be
the
Antichrist
;
It
was
in
their
Church-books
:
Many
other
Bishops
,
as
well
as
Bishop
Downam
,
have
written
for
it
:
What
Bishop
Morton
,
and
Hall
,
and
Abbot
,
and
abundance
such
have
written
against
Popery
I
need
not
name
.
2.
I
found
that
then
the
stream
began
to
turn
,
and
the
name
of
Antichrist
was
put
out
,
and
our
Reconciliation
with
Rome
was
taken
to
be
a
hopeful
work
,
and
actually
endeavoured
(
which
by
their
conversion
all
good
men
desire
.
)
3.
I
found
that
many
among
us
of
greatest
reverence
and
name
had
laid
down
such
tearms
as
these
,
[
That
the
Catholick
Church
is
one
Visible
Society
under
one
humane
Governing
Soveraignty
:
That
this
Universal
Soveraign
hath
power
of
Universal
Legislation
and
Judgment
:
That
the
Colledge
of
Bishops
through
all
the
World
,
are
this
one
Supreme
Universal
Soveraign
:
That
they
exercise
it
in
General
Councils
when
they
sit
:
That
every
Bishop
is
by
Office
the
Representative
of
his
Diocesan
Church
;
and
these
Bishops
may
,
or
must
have
Metropolitans
and
Patriarchs
;
and
by
these
Patriarchs
and
Metropolitans
per
literas
formatas
,
and
their
Nuntii
the
Universal
Supreme
Colledge
may
exercise
their
Power
over
all
the
World
:
And
what
they
do
thus
,
the
Church
or
Colledge
doth
,
in
the
intervals
of
General
Councils
:
That
the
Pope
of
Rome
is
to
be
acknowledged
the
Principium
Unitatis
to
this
Universal
Church
and
Colledge
of
Bishops
,
and
the
Ordinary
President
of
General
Councils
ex
Officio
.
That
Councils
called
without
the
President
who
hath
the
sole
power
,
are
unlawful
Assemblies
,
and
punishable
Routs
.
That
the
approbation
of
the
President
,
(
if
not
of
the
most
of
the
Patriarchs
)
is
the
note
by
which
an
authoriz'd
obliging
Council
is
to
be
known
from
others
.
That
the
Pope
is
to
be
obeyed
accordingly
as
Prime
Patriarch
,
Principium
Unitatis
,
President
of
General
Councils
,
and
Patriarch
of
the
West
.
That
all
that
will
not
unite
with
the
Church
of
Rome
on
these
tearms
,
are
Schismaticks
,
and
so
to
be
accounted
and
used
.
That
those
that
thus
unite
with
the
Church
of
Rome
,
are
no
Papists
:
But
a
Papist
is
only
one
that
holdeth
all
to
be
just
and
good
that
is
done
by
Popes
,
or
at
least
one
that
is
for
the
Pope's
Absolute
Power
of
Governing
above
Canon-Laws
and
Church-Parliaments
or
Councils
.
And
that
if
they
will
but
abate
their
last
400
years
Innovations
,
or
at
least
not
impose
them
on
others
,
we
may
unite
with
the
Church
of
Rome
,
though
they
claim
as
Peter's
Successors
,
the
Universal
Supremacy
at
least
to
be
exercised
according
to
the
Canons
of
Councils
.
And
that
it
is
not
the
Church
of
Rome
,
but
the
Court
of
Rome
,
which
at
present
we
may
not
unite
with
.
That
the
Church
of
Rome
is
a
true
Church
,
and
hath
had
an
uninterrupted
Succession
,
and
its
Sacraments
true
Sacraments
:
But
none
of
those
Protestant
Churches
are
true
Churches
,
that
have
not
Diocesan
Bishops
;
nor
any
of
their
Pastors
true
Ministers
of
Christ
,
who
have
not
Diocesan
Episcopal
Ordination
;
nor
any
that
have
such
,
unless
it
hath
as
such
been
conveyed
down
from
the
Apostles
by
uninterrupted
Succession
by
such
Diocesans
.
That
such
men
have
no
true
Sacraments
,
God
not
owning
what
is
done
by
any
not
so
ordained
:
That
therefore
they
have
no
Covenant-promise
of
,
or
right
to
Pardon
and
Salvation
,
because
such
right
is
given
only
by
the
Sacrament
:
That
therefore
all
such
Protestants
Sacraments
are
but
nullities
,
and
a
prophanation
of
holy
things
:
And
that
the
Holy
Ghost
being
the
Instituter
of
these
sacred
things
,
it
is
the
sin
against
the
Holy
Ghost
to
undertake
and
exercise
the
Ministry
,
&
celebrate
Sacraments
without
such
uninterrupted
successive
Ordination
.
That
an
Ordained
Minister
,
hath
no
more
power
than
was
intended
him
by
his
Ordainers
:
That
in
such
Presbyterians
,
or
Episcopal
Churches
,
which
have
their
power
from
the
Ordainers
,
and
so
far
for
want
of
Succession
,
are
nullities
;
it
is
safe
for
men
(
as
e.
g.
in
France
)
to
be
rather
of
the
Roman
Church
than
theirs
.
§
16.
And
as
I
found
this
Doctrine
in
the
ascendent
in
England
,
so
I
met
with
such
as
were
for
using
Protestants
accordingly
,
even
for
the
silencing
of
them
by
thousands
,
if
they
would
not
swear
,
profess
,
promise
,
and
do
all
that
—
And
for
using
the
People
accordingly
.
And
abating
neither
big
nor
little
,
an
Oath
or
a
Ceremony
to
unite
or
save
them
.
And
I
lived
in
an
Age
where
these
things
were
no
idle
speculations
.
§
17.
Being
thus
far
sure
of
the
Matter
of
Fact
,
I
studied
as
well
as
I
was
able
to
know
which
of
these
waies
was
right
:
And
I
saw
that
either
Popery
that
is
,
the
Popes
universal
Headship
or
Government
is
of
Divine
Institution
,
or
elss
it
is
a
heinous
Usurpation
,
and
formeth
a
sort
of
Church
which
is
not
on
any
pretence
of
Concord
to
be
owned
.
And
as
to
the
first
I
have
said
before
and
in
many
Books
what
I
have
to
say
against
it
;
which
is
all
summed
up
in
Doctor
Iz.
Barrow
,
and
Doctor
H.
Moore
,
and
largely
told
the
world
by
Chamier
,
Sadeel
,
Whitaker
,
Jewel
,
Usher
,
Morton
,
White
,
Chillingworth
,
Crakenthorne
,
and
abundance
more
.
And
I
thought
it
strange
if
either
Papacy
,
or
that
Tympanite
of
the
Clergy
which
tended
to
it
,
were
of
God
,
that
the
Persons
should
be
ordinarily
so
bad
,
and
it
should
introduce
so
great
mischief
in
doctrine
,
worship
and
practice
over
the
Christian
world
,
and
bring
the
Church
into
such
a
divided
and
polluted
state
,
and
that
as
the
Clergy
swelled
the
Body
should
pine
away
,
and
the
Spirit
of
holiness
and
Love
be
turned
into
the
Skelleton
of
Ceremony
and
Formality
,
and
into
hatred
,
cruelty
,
and
tearing
and
tormenting
pains
.
§
18.
Upon
all
such
thoughts
I
concluded
in
these
resolutions
;
1.
That
I
must
not
accuse
any
Office
made
by
God
,
for
mens
abuse
of
it
.
2.
Nor
must
I
accuse
the
good
for
the
faults
of
the
bad
.
3.
Nor
Confound
the
Office
it self
,
with
its
disease
,
and
the
accidental
Tympanite
.
4.
Nor
aggravate
humane
infirmities
in
good
men
,
as
if
they
were
the
crimes
of
malignant
Enemies
.
5.
Much
less
lay
any
of
the
blame
on
Christianity
or
Piety
,
when
nothing
in
the
world
is
so
much
against
all
these
Evils
,
nor
would
they
have
been
so
far
limited
,
restrained
or
resisted
,
had
it
not
been
for
that
Christianity
and
Piety
that
was
kept
up
against
it
;
nor
is
there
any
other
cure
of
it
.
It
is
not
by
Religion
,
but
for
want
of
more
true
and
serious
Religion
,
that
all
these
mischiefs
have
so
lamentably
prevailed
.
§
19.
I
therefore
resolving
to
avoid
extreams
,
concluded
thus
;
1.
That
it
is
most
certain
that
Christ
is
the
only
Head
of
the
Church
.
2.
And
that
as
such
he
himself
did
make
universal
Laws
,
and
will
be
the
final
universal
Judge
,
and
there
is
no
other
that
hath
universal
Legislative
and
Judicial
Power
but
he
.
3.
As
such
he
instituted
necessary
Church-Officers
;
first
,
extraordinary
ones
to
be
his
Instruments
in
Legislation
,
as
Moses
was
to
the
Jews
,
giving
them
his
Spirit
extraordinarily
for
that
use
,
to
bring
all
that
he
taught
them
to
their
remembrance
,
and
guide
them
to
deliver
and
record
all
his
Commands
:
And
ordinary
Ministers
(
as
the
Priests
and
Levites
to
the
Jews
)
to
teach
and
apply
these
Commands
,
or
universal
Laws
,
to
the
end
of
the
World
,
but
not
to
add
,
diminish
or
alter
them
.
4.
That
the
formal
Essence
of
this
continued
Sacred
Ministry
consisteth
in
a
derived
Power
and
Obligation
in
subordination
to
Christ
as
Prophet
,
Priest
and
King
,
to
Teach
,
to
Guide
the
Churches
in
holy
Worship
,
and
to
Rule
them
by
the
Pastoral
Power
,
which
maketh
them
Ministerial
Judges
of
mens
capacity
for
Church-Communion
;
but
they
have
as
such
no
forcing
power
of
the
Sword
.
5.
That
there
are
two
sorts
of
these
Ministers
accidentally
distinguished
:
1.
Such
as
are
only
ordained
to
the
Ministry
in
general
,
and
not
specially
related
to
any
one
particular
Church
more
than
other
;
whose
work
is
to
do
their
best
to
Teach
Infidels
,
and
baptize
them
,
and
gather
Churches
,
and
occasionally
to
Officiate
orderly
in
such
Churches
where
they
come
as
need
their
help
.
2.
Those
that
have
moreover
an
additional
call
to
be
the
stated
Pastors
,
Overseers
or
Guides
of
particular
Churches
as
fixed
Officers
of
Christ
.
All
which
have
the
three
foresaid
Essentials
of
the
Office
,
to
Teach
,
Worship
and
Rule
.
6.
That
the
Office
of
these
men
is
to
be
performed
by
themselves
,
and
no
Lay-man
may
do
any
Essential
part
of
them
by
their
deligation
,
and
therefore
(
as
in
Physicians
,
Tutors
,
&c.
)
necessary
Personal
abilities
are
as
essential
as
the
necessary
dispositio
materiae
is
ad
receptionem
alicujus
formae
.
And
ex
quovis
ligno
non
fit
mercurius
.
7.
That
it
is
very
much
,
and
great
,
and
most
important
work
,
which
these
Ministers
have
to
do
.
To
Preach
God's
Word
understandingly
,
faithfully
,
constantly
,
fervently
;
to
resolve
the
doubtful
,
to
reprove
the
scandalous
,
to
persuade
the
obstinate
,
to
confute
gainsayers
,
to
comfort
the
sad
,
and
strengthen
the
weak
,
particularly
as
there
is
occasion
.
To
visit
the
sick
,
Catechize
,
Baptize
,
besides
all
acts
of
publick
Government
.
Therefore
one
man
cannot
possibly
do
all
this
for
too
great
a
number
of
souls
,
but
great
Congregations
must
have
many
Ministers
:
And
so
they
had
in
the
Primitive
Church
,
where
the
most
able
Speakers
preacht
usually
in
publick
,
and
the
rest
did
more
of
the
personal
and
more
private
work
.
8.
And
whereas
it
was
very
early
that
most
single
Churches
had
one
that
had
a
preheminence
amongst
the
rest
(
not
as
of
another
Office
,
but
as
a
President
in
a
Colledge
of
Philosophers
,
Physicians
or
Divine
Students
,
to
be
a
Governour
over
those
of
his
own
profession
,
by
moderate
Guidance
,
)
and
it
is
not
unmeet
,
that
when
one
worthy
Teacher
hath
gathered
a
Church
,
and
brought
up
younger
Christians
to
Ministerial
abilities
,
that
they
when
they
are
ordained
should
take
him
for
their
Father
,
I
will
never
gainsay
such
an
Episcopacy
in
single
Churches
(
that
is
,
societies
of
Christians
combined
for
personal
Communion
in
Doctrine
,
Worship
and
Holy
living
under
such
Pastors
as
aforesaid
.
)
9.
And
because
I
find
that
the
Apostles
and
Evangelists
had
a
Ministerial
care
of
many
Churches
to
teach
,
reprove
,
exhort
the
Pastors
and
People
;
And
though
the
Apostles
extraordinary
power
and
work
ceased
,
yet
Church-Oversight
as
well
as
Preaching
being
an
ordinary
continued
work
;
and
when
I
find
Christ
hath
instituted
some
Teachers
over
many
Churches
,
I
dare
not
say
that
he
hath
repealed
this
till
I
can
prove
it
.
And
the
nature
of
the
thing
tells
us
,
that
if
some
grave
holy
men
have
the
care
of
counselling
and
warning
and
reproving
the
Ministers
of
many
Churches
who
are
below
them
in
parts
and
worth
;
It
may
do
much
good
and
can
do
no
harm
to
the
Churches
,
while
they
have
no
power
of
force
or
tyranny
,
Therefore
I
resolved
never
to
speak
or
do
any
thing
against
such
Bishops
of
Bishops
,
though
Diocesan
.
§
20.
Thus
far
I
have
oft
declared
my self
for
Episcopacy
:
But
finding
in
all
the
aforesaid
History
,
how
the
Church
came
to
the
woful
State
that
it
hath
been
in
these
1200
years
,
and
what
it
suffereth
by
the
Bishops
and
their
Clergy
in
almost
all
parts
of
the
Christian
World
;
and
that
even
the
English
Diocesans
can
endure
no
more
Parochial
Pastoral
Discipline
than
they
do
▪
(
I
mean
such
as
Bucer
in
Script
.
Anglic.
prest
so
vehemently
on
King
Edw.
and
the
Bishops
)
and
that
they
cannot
contentedly
hold
their
Lordships
,
Wealth
and
Honours
,
without
silencing
and
ruining
Two
thousand
such
as
I
,
or
better
;
and
using
many
thousands
of
godly
Christians
as
they
do
;
and
finding
that
I
and
such
others
are
accused
as
being
disobedient
to
them
—
and
for
not
swearing
and
covenanting
never
to
endeavour
any
alteration
of
their
present
Church-Government
,
and
all
excommunicate
by
the
Canon
that
say
there
is
any
thing
in
it
(
even
from
the
Archdeacon
downward
to
[
the
rest
in
Office
]
repugnant
to
the
Word
of
God
)
I
took
it
at
last
to
be
my
duty
to
give
the
Reasons
of
my
dissent
in
a
full
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
.
And
because
I
perceived
young
men
and
strangers
to
former
times
,
deceived
by
the
general
noise
,
How
Antient
and
Universal
Episcopacy
hath
been
;
as
if
all
that
is
called
Episcopacy
were
but
one
and
the
same
thing
;
or
as
if
we
were
against
the
Primitive
Episcopacy
;
therefore
I
suddenly
(
and
too
hastily
for
want
of
time
,
)
bestowed
a
few
weeks
in
summing
up
the
Heads
of
the
History
of
Bishops
and
Councils
,
out
of
a
few
Historians
which
were
most
common
,
next
at
hand
,
and
of
most
credit
with
those
whose
faults
I
opened
:
That
it
might
be
truly
known
How
much
the
tumified
degenerate
sort
of
Prelacy
had
caused
the
Divisions
and
Calamities
of
the
Church
.
§
21.
For
this
Mr.
Morrice
(
as
fame
saith
)
and
many
more
are
so
greatly
offended
with
me
,
and
say
of
me
herein
what
they
do
.
And
on
pretence
of
Vindicating
the
Primitive
Church
which
untruly
implyeth
that
I
who
vindicated
it
against
corrupters
did
oppose
it
)
he
defendeth
the
corruptions
and
sinful
miscarriages
and
diseases
of
the
Prelates
:
And
this
he
doth
,
1.
By
striving
to
make
me
contemptible
as
unlearned
,
as
if
that
would
excuse
the
sins
which
I
rehearse
and
lament
:
He
findeth
in
one
place
through
my
haste
and
heedlesness
,
a
word
of
Theodoret
misplaced
,
and
the
word
[
Calami
]
translated
Quills
,
which
he
thinks
should
be
Reeds
;
and
one
or
two
more
such
;
as
if
he
prevaricated
,
and
had
a
design
to
extol
the
Book
,
which
he
finds
no
more
and
greater
fault
in
,
than
he
really
hath
done
.
And
he
proveth
it
likely
that
I
never
saw
the
Histories
that
stood
by
me
near
twenty
years
,
because
the
Printer
put
a
Comma
between
[
Marquardus
]
and
[
Freherus
]
(
I
think
there
are
a
dozen
Comma's
misplaced
in
my
whole
Book
;
)
when
he
himself
saith
of
his
own
Book
[
The
faults
that
have
escaped
are
almost
infinite
.
]
But
of
these
things
more
anon
.
2.
He
loudly
and
frequently
chargeth
me
with
malicious
falsifying
History
;
and
when
he
cometh
to
the
proof
,
I
have
shewed
you
who
the
falsifier
is
.
3.
The
great
thing
I
am
accused
of
,
is
making
the
Bishops
more
the
causes
of
Heresie
,
Schism
and
Violence
,
than
they
were
:
And
of
that
I
have
said
nothing
,
but
what
I
think
I
have
fully
proved
:
And
let
the
Reader
judge
by
this
following
Catalogue
.
Dominee●ing
Pride
hath
been
the
chief
cause
of
Heresies
and
Schisms
,
especially
working
in
the
Clergy
to
tumid
Prelacy
and
Tyranny
.
I.
I
before
noted
how
the
Apostles
began
to
strive
who
should
be
greatest
,
till
the
effusion
of
the
Spirit
after
Christs
rebukes
had
cured
them
.
And
what
tiranny
Diotrephes
used
through
love
of
Preheminence
.
II.
If
the
doubtful
stories
of
Simon
Magus
be
true
,
his
tumor
was
more
than
Papal
;
And
Epiphanius
makes
Menander
,
Saturnilus
,
Basilides
,
to
be
but
his
Off-spring
.
The
Original
of
the
Nicolaitans
and
Gnosticks
(
who
Epiphanius
saith
,
had
ensnared
himself
once
)
is
utterly
uncertain
;
Carpocras
,
Cerinthus
,
Ebion
,
Valentinus
,
Secundus
,
Ptolomaeus
,
were
all
but
Birds
of
the
same
Gnosticks
Nest
,
a
crazed
sort
of
men
that
mingled
Christianity
,
Platonism
,
and
Magical
Imaginations
;
and
what
they
were
themselves
,
is
not
known
:
Such
was
Marcus
,
Colarbasus
,
Heracleon
,
the
Ophitae
,
the
Cainites
,
the
Sethians
,
Cerdo
;
Marcion
was
a
Bishop's
Son
cast
out
for
vice
;
and
Lucian
,
Apelles
and
Severus
his
Off-spring
,
the
Heads
of
their
little
Sects
;
whether
Bishops
or
not
,
is
unknown
.
What
kind
of
Hereticks
Tertullian
,
Tatianus
,
and
Origen
were
,
and
how
many
faults
as
soul
Lactantius
,
and
many
not
numbered
with
Hereticks
have
,
is
well
known
:
And
among
all
these
in
those
early
daies
,
till
there
were
Popes
and
Diocesans
(
such
as
now
)
in
the
world
,
none
such
could
be
Hereticks
.
III.
Many
Councils
contended
about
the
time
of
Easter
,
and
Victor
with
one
part
of
Bishops
,
excommunicated
Polycrates
and
the
Arian
Bishops
;
while
,
as
Socrates
and
Sozomen
tell
us
,
the
Churches
that
left
it
indifferent
had
peace
.
IV.
A
Council
of
the
best
Bishops
at
Carthage
decreed
Rebaptizing
.
V.
A
Council
of
the
Bishops
of
Cappadocia
,
Cilicia
,
Galatia
,
&c
,
at
Iconium
,
for
Rebaptizing
those
Baptized
by
Hereticks
:
And
Stephen
Bishop
of
Rome
excommunicated
them
all
.
VI.
A
Council
at
Synadis
,
and
divers
others
decreed
the
same
Rebaptizing
.
VII
.
Divers
more
African
Councils
of
good
Bishops
with
Cyprian
,
decree
the
same
,
whom
Stephen
Bishop
of
Rome
condemneth
.
VIII
.
Divers
Bishops
are
said
to
be
Sabellian
Hereticks
.
IX
.
Paulus
Samosatenus
Bishop
of
Antioch
was
a
Heretick
.
X.
The
Council
of
Bishops
at
Cirta
in
Numidia
under
Secundus
Mr.
M.
calls
worse
than
I
do
.
XI
.
A
Carthage
Council
of
70
Bishops
An.
306.
set
up
the
Donatists
Schism
,
striving
for
the
preheminence
,
who
should
be
Bishop
of
Carthage
.
XII
.
An.
308.
Another
Donatists
Council
had
270
Bishops
.
Many
more
Councils
they
had
.
XIII
.
The
first
General
Council
at
Nice
we
honour
,
and
assent
to
its
Creed
:
But
thank
Constantine
for
burning
all
their
Libels
,
and
keeping
peace
by
his
presence
and
speech
.
XIV
.
The
Schism
made
by
Meletius
and
Peter
,
Bishops
,
is
well
known
.
XV.
The
Heresie
of
Arius
(
a
Presbyter
that
would
have
been
a
Prelate
)
quickly
infected
Eusebius
Nicomed
.
If
not
Eusebius
Caesariensis
,
and
divers
other
Bishops
.
XVI
.
Epiphanius
saith
,
that
Audius
was
driven
to
his
Heresie
by
being
long
abused
,
beaten
,
and
at
last
excommunicated
for
reproving
the
Bishops
and
Priests
for
their
Covetousness
,
Luxury
,
and
other
sins
:
And
so
he
became
a
Bishop
himself
.
XVII
.
Eusebius
Nicom
.
made
Bishop
of
Constantinople
(
whom
you
tell
us
Valesius
thinks
was
no
Heretick
)
hired
a
Whore
at
Antioch
,
to
father
her
Child
on
Eustathius
the
Bishop
there
,
and
got
more
Bishops
to
depose
him
,
and
the
Emperour
to
banish
him
.
XVIII
.
A
Council
of
Bishops
at
Tyre
unjustly
condemn
and
persecute
Athanasius
.
XIX
.
Three
Bishops
(
saith
Mr.
M.
overcome
with
too
much
Wine
and
persuasion
)
ordained
Novatian
falsly
Bishop
of
Rome
(
before
this
aforementioned
.
)
XX.
A
Council
at
Jerusalem
An.
335.
tryed
and
approved
Arius
Faith
,
and
restored
him
.
XXI
.
A
Council
at
Constantinople
condemned
Marcellus
Ancyranus
,
and
Athanasius
,
and
justified
Arius
.
XXII
.
A
Council
of
near
100
Bishops
at
Antioch
,
36
being
Arians
,
deposed
Athanasius
.
XXIII
.
Another
Council
at
Antioch
make
a
new
Creed
without
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
XXIV
.
A
Council
of
376
Bishops
at
Sardica
,
decree
Appeals
to
Rome
,
which
Augustin
and
the
African
Bishops
were
against
.
XXV
.
The
Semi-Arian
Bishops
went
to
Philippopolis
,
and
condemned
such
as
the
other
at
Sardica
had
absolved
,
but
cast
out
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
as
not
scriptural
,
and
cast
dreadful
accusations
on
Athanasius
,
Paulus
C.
P.
and
Marcellus
.
XXVI
.
An.
350.
A
Council
at
Milan
received
Ursacius
and
Valens
,
Arians
.
XXVII
.
Stephen
an
Arian
Bishop
hired
a
Whore
to
go
in
to
Bishop
Euphratas
;
and
this
Euphratas
after
turned
Photinian
.
XXVIII
.
An.
353.
A
Council
at
Arles
condemn
Athanasius
.
XXIX
.
An.
355.
A
General
Council
at
Milan
of
above
300
Western
Bishops
(
though
the
Eastern
that
were
most
Arian
could
not
come
)
where
Athanasius
was
condemned
,
and
communion
with
the
Arians
subscribed
.
XXX
.
An.
356.
A
Council
at
Byterris
condemned
and
banished
Hilary
,
and
condemned
them
as
Separatists
or
Schismaticks
that
renounced
the
Arian
Communion
.
XXXI
.
A
General
Council
at
Sirmium
of
300
Western
Bishops
besides
the
Eastern
,
made
three
different
Creeds
,
condemned
Athanasius
,
left
out
the
word
[
Substance
]
made
P.
Liberius
,
and
old
Osius
subscribe
against
Athanasius
.
XXXII
.
The
Oriental
Bishops
at
Ancyra
were
only
for
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
and
not
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
and
with
Macedonius
against
the
Godhead
of
the
Holy
Ghost
.
XXXIII
.
A
General
Council
400
Bishops
met
at
Ariminum
;
of
whom
most
at
first
were
Orthodox
;
but
after
when
the
Emperour
interposed
,
subscribed
to
the
Arian
Party
.
XXXIV
.
The
rest
sate
at
Seleucia
,
and
were
more
Orthodox
,
but
divided
into
Acacians
,
who
were
for
leaving
out
[
Substance
]
and
Semi-Arians
,
who
were
for
[
Like
Substance
.
]
Sulp.
Severus
tells
us
,
that
many
Bishops
quieted
their
Consciences
by
[
subscribing
in
their
own
sense
]
and
so
deceived
the
Arians
that
thought
they
had
won
them
.
XXXV
.
A
Council
at
C.
P.
made
a
Ninth
Creed
,
leaving
out
[
Substance
and
Hypostasit
,
The
Semi-Arians
for
this
banished
the
Authors
.
XXXVI
.
A
Council
at
Antioch
cast
out
Miletius
,
and
made
a
Tenth
Creed
,
worse
than
the
rest
.
XXXVII
.
Julian
Reigning
,
Athanasius
calls
a
Council
at
Alexandria
,
which
had
almost
divided
East
and
West
about
the
names
[
Hypostasit
and
Persona
;
]
but
that
some
wise
men
persuaded
them
that
the
words
were
both
of
the
same
signification
;
which
yet
was
hardly
entertained
afterward
.
XXXVIII
.
A
Council
at
Antioch
of
Semi-Arians
Petitioned
Jovianus
to
cast
out
the
Acacians
;
till
they
knew
his
mind
,
and
then
the
Arian
Bishops
turned
Orthodox
.
XXXIX
.
At
a
Synod
in
Tyana
Eustath
.
Sebast
.
denied
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
]
and
the
Godhead
of
the
Holy
Ghost
.
XL.
An
Arian
Council
of
Bishops
in
Caria
under
Valens
:
And
another
at
Singeduni
in
Misia
.
XLI
.
Damasus
in
a
Roman
Council
condemneth
Sisinnius
for
Conventicles
:
For
at
the
Election
in
the
Church
they
fought
for
these
two
:
And
Damasus
his
Party
one
day
left
137
dead
bodies
behind
them
,
and
got
the
better
.
XLII
.
Valens
by
cruelty
set
up
Arian
Bishops
in
a
great
part
of
the
Eas●
.
XLIII
.
The
first
General
Council
at
C.
P.
is
commonly
called
the
Second
General
,
when
yet
that
at
Sardica
,
Ariminum
,
Sirmium
,
Milan
,
were
General
also
:
They
were
many
good
men
,
and
did
good
:
But
how
they
used
Nazianzen
to
the
great
grief
of
the
Church
of
C.
P.
and
how
Nazianzen
describeth
them
,
I
desire
the
Reader
to
take
from
his
own
words
,
and
not
from
mine
,
or
Mr.
M.
XLIV
.
The
Council
at
Caesar
Augusta
did
that
which
made
Martin
separate
from
them
and
all
their
Councils
after
to
his
death
.
XLV
.
A
Council
at
C.
P.
set
up
Flavian
at
Antioch
,
and
a
Council
at
Rome
were
for
Paulinus
:
The
former
advance
C.
P.
and
Jerusalem
.
XLVI
.
Many
Schismatical
Councils
of
Donatist
Bishops
followed
.
XLVII
.
For
Theophilus
case
I
refer
you
to
Socrates
and
Sozemene
.
XLVIII
.
Epiphanius
his
Schismatical
usage
of
Chrysostom
is
unexcusable
.
XLIX
.
And
so
is
Theophilus
prosecution
of
him
,
and
a
Synod
of
Bishops
casting
him
out
,
and
Cyril's
resisting
the
restoring
of
his
name
when
dead
,
and
reviling
the
Joannites
that
kept
separated
Meetings
for
his
sake
.
L.
The
Diospolitan
Council
absolved
Pelagius
.
Divers
Carthage
Councils
condemned
him
.
P.
Innocent
condemned
him
.
Zosimus
once
absolved
him
,
and
condemned
his
accusers
.
The
Bishops
cast
out
for
Simony
,
I
will
not
number
here
.
LI.
The
Contentions
between
Bonisace
and
Eulalius
,
and
others
after
them
to
get
the
Bishoprick
of
Rome
,
are
so
many
as
I
will
not
number
them
.
And
the
striving
of
three
Bishops
successively
against
the
African
Fathers
for
the
Roman
super-eminence
and
Appeals
to
Rome
,
are
commonly
known
.
LII
.
One
of
Bishop
Boniface's
Decrees
is
,
That
[
No
Bishop
shall
be
brought
before
any
Judge
,
Civil
or
Military
,
either
for
any
Civil
or
Criminal
Cause
.
]
LIII
.
What
the
first
General
Council
at
Ephesus
did
in
the
Cause
of
Nestorius
I
have
fully
opened
:
Derodons
Evidence
is
undeniable
,
that
Nestorius
was
Orthodox
as
to
the
Matter
,
though
he
mistook
as
to
words
,
in
thinking
that
Mary
should
not
be
called
The
Mother
of
God
,
but
of
Christ
who
is
God
.
(
which
Luther
also
shews
.
)
Yet
since
that
Councils
anathematizing
him
,
a
great
body
of
Christians
in
many
Eastern
Kingdoms
,
to
this
day
are
a
party
hereticated
by
the
rest
.
Is
not
such
an
effect
of
1200
years
continuance
,
a
witness
of
the
failing
of
that
Council
?
LIV.
The
Bishops
of
C.
P.
and
Alexandria
striving
which
should
be
greatest
,
a
Council
at
C.
P.
decided
it
for
C.
P.
where
Theodoret
was
for
Alexandria
,
and
fell
under
displeasure
.
LV.
Leo
M.
Bishop
of
Rome
,
claims
the
title
of
Head
of
the
Catholick
Church
.
LVI
.
Two
Councils
at
C.
P.
one
against
Eutyches
the
other
for
him
.
LVII
.
The
second
Council
at
Ephesus
is
so
heavily
accused
by
Mr.
M.
and
such
others
,
that
I
need
not
accuse
it
more
.
Flavianus
of
C.
P.
was
there
hurt
to
death
.
Yet
Bellarmin
confesseth
it
wanted
nothing
of
a
true
General
Council
but
the
Pope's
approbation
.
LVIII
.
A
Council
at
Alexandria
under
Dioscorus
excommucateth
Leo.
LIX
.
What
the
Council
of
Calcedon
hath
done
I
have
shewed
:
Instead
of
reconciling
the
Nestorian
and
Eutychian
Controversies
by
a
skillful
explication
of
their
ambiguous
unfit
words
,
they
Anathematized
both
and
banished
Dioscorus
,
And
ever
since
to
this
day
,
the
Eutychians
and
Nestorians
are
separated
Dissenters
.
LX.
At
Alexand.
the
Bishops
party
that
the
Council
was
for
(
Proterius
)
and
Timothy
whom
Dioscorus
party
were
for
,
so
reged
,
that
they
murdered
Proterius
,
and
dragg'd
his
carkass
in
the
streets
,
and
bit
his
flesh
:
And
each
party
still
accused
the
other
.
LXI
.
Pulcheria
(
Theodosius's
Sister
and
Martian's
Wife
)
being
for
the
Council
,
and
Eudocia
Theodosius's
Widdow
for
Dioscarus
,
they
animated
the
several
Parties
of
Bishops
and
Monks
:
And
in
Palestine
Juvenal
Bishop
of
Jerusalem
was
expelled
,
Severianus
Bishop
of
Schythopolis
killed
,
&c.
LXII
.
Leo
the
Emperour
commanding
obedience
to
the
Calcedon
Council
,
at
Alexandria
and
Antioch
the
Armies
of
contending
Bishops
were
in
continual
war
,
calling
each
other
Nestorians
and
Eutychians
;
one
Bishop
banished
by
the
Emperour
,
the
contrary
Bishop
murdered
by
the
people
,
and
cast
into
the
River
;
the
next
getting
the
better
again
,
&c.
LXIII
.
In
Martian's
and
Leo's
daies
most
Bishops
subscribed
to
the
Council
.
When
Basiliscus
usurped
,
and
was
against
the
Council
,
saith
Niceph.
three
Patriarchs
,
and
five
hundred
Bishops
renounced
it
,
most
before
having
damned
its
adversaries
.
Basiliscus
recanteth
his
Commands
,
and
commandeth
all
to
be
for
the
Council
,
and
the
Bishops
obey
him
,
save
those
of
Asia
.
Zeno
recovereth
the
Empire
,
and
is
for
the
Council
,
and
the
Asian
Bishops
turn
for
it
,
and
say
they
subscribed
to
Basiliscus
at
first
for
fear
.
Zeno
seeing
it
impossible
otherwise
to
make
Peace
,
leaveth
all
indifferent
whether
they
will
subscribe
the
Council
or
not
.
Then
the
War
grew
hotter
between
the
Bishops
and
their
Armies
against
each
other
,
specially
the
Patriarchs
;
all
being
in
Confusion
,
at
Alexand.
Antioch
and
C.
P.
and
no
Emperour
wise
enough
to
quiet
them
.
LXIV
.
Anastasius
a
peaceable
man
,
made
Emperour
,
leaveth
all
to
think
of
the
Council
as
they
will
:
Then
the
Bishops
fall
into
three
Parties
;
some
for
every
word
in
the
Council
;
some
anathematizing
it
,
and
some
for
the
indifferency
:
The
East
one
way
,
the
West
another
,
and
Lybia
another
;
yea
each
Country
divided
among
themselves
:
Saith
Niceph.
So
great
confusion
and
blindness
of
mind
befell
the
whole
World
.
The
Emperour
falls
upon
the
impeaceable
of
both
sides
:
At
his
own
place
C.
P.
the
Sedition
of
the
People
overcame
him
,
for
their
Council
Bishop
,
which
turned
the
Emperour
more
against
the
Council
,
and
that
Bishop
and
the
rest
.
LXV
.
At
Antioch
the
Armies
of
two
Bishops
fought
it
out
,
and
the
Council
Party
getting
the
better
,
killed
so
many
Monks
,
as
to
save
the
labour
of
burying
them
,
they
cast
their
bodies
into
the
River
:
And
after
another
Party
of
them
made
as
great
a
slaughter
.
For
this
blood
the
Emperour
banish'd
Flavianus
the
Council
Bishop
:
This
was
called
Persecution
.
Pet.
Alex.
being
dead
,
the
Bishops
of
Alex.
Egypt
and
Lybia
,
fell
all
into
pieces
among
themselves
,
and
had
separate
Meetings
:
The
rest
of
the
East
separated
from
the
West
,
because
the
West
refused
Communion
with
them
unless
they
would
anathematize
Nestorius
,
Eutyches
,
Dioscorus
,
Moggus
,
and
Acacius
:
And
yet
saith
Niceph.
Qui
germani
Dioscori
&
Eutychetis
sectatores
fuere
,
ad
maximam
paucitatem
redacti
sunt
.
Note
that
Flavian
the
Council
Bishop
for
fear
with
his
Fellow
Bishops
(
threatned
by
Bishop
Xenaias
)
subscribed
an
Anathema
against
Theodore
,
Theodorite
,
Ibas
,
as
Nestorians
:
The
Isaurian
Bishops
yield
to
anathematize
the
Council
.
Severus
a
fierce
Enemy
of
the
Nestorians
made
Patriarch
at
Antioch
,
forced
many
Bishops
to
renounce
the
Council
;
and
many
to
fly
.
The
Isaurian
Bishops
repent
and
condemn
Severus
:
The
Emperour
commanded
out
two
Bishops
for
condemning
their
Patriarch
:
The
People
defend
them
,
and
force
the
Emperour
to
desist
,
because
he
would
shed
no
blood
for
Bishops
.
Helias
Bishop
of
Jerusalem
,
saw
all
the
Bishops
in
such
confusion
,
that
he
would
communicate
with
none
of
them
,
but
the
Bishop
of
C.
P.
The
Monks
at
Jerusalem
proclaim
Anathema
to
all
that
equal
not
the
four
Councils
to
the
four
Evangelists
,
and
write
to
the
Emperour
that
they
would
make
good
the
conflict
to
blood
,
and
went
about
to
engage
men
to
the
Council
:
The
Emperour
commanded
the
Bishop
to
reform
this
:
He
refuseth
.
The
Emperour
sendeth
Souldiers
to
compel
them
,
and
the
Bishops
and
Monks
forcibly
cast
them
out
of
the
Church
.
He
sent
Olympius
with
a
stronger
band
,
who
cast
out
the
Bishop
:
The
next
Bishops
and
more
Souldiers
had
yet
more
conflicts
after
this
,
and
the
Souldiers
driven
away
by
force
.
LXVI
.
Faelix
of
Rome
,
with
77
Bishops
,
excommunicate
Acacius
of
C.
P.
(
with
a
[
Nunquam
Anathematis
vinculis
exuendus
)
and
their
own
two
Bishops
that
obeyed
the
Emperour
in
communicating
.
The
Schism
between
Laurentius
and
Symmachus
,
came
to
blood-shed
,
when
five
or
six
Councils
laboured
to
heal
it
.
Symmachus
excommunicateth
the
Emperour
and
Bishop
of
C.
P.
as
communicating
with
Hereticks
;
but
not
an
Arian
King
then
at
Rome
.
LXVII
.
A
Council
of
80
Bishops
at
Sidon
anathematize
the
Council
of
Calcedon
.
The
striving
Parties
keep
up
still
in
great
Bodies
,
and
the
Melchites
(
as
they
call
those
that
obeyed
Kings
and
the
Council
)
have
one
Patriarch
at
Damascus
,
the
Eutychian
Jacobites
one
at
Mesopotamia
,
the
Maronites
one
at
M.
Libanus
,
all
called
Patriarchs
of
Antioch
,
(
and
the
Romans
make
a
fourth
of
the
same
title
)
and
the
Nestorians
have
their
Patriarch
at
Muzal
.
Of
the
many
Heresies
or
Sects
that
rose
up
from
the
intemperate
opposition
to
Nestorius
,
and
the
woful
ruines
they
made
in
the
East
after
the
Calcedon
Councils
,
and
all
caused
by
Pride
and
Prosperity
,
and
wantonness
of
Wit
,
and
stopt
only
by
the
Conquest
of
the
Sarazens
and
Arabians
,
and
how
orthodox
now
in
their
Captivity
and
Poverty
they
all
are
,
even
the
Jacobites
,
the
Nestorians
,
the
Armenians
,
the
Cophti
,
the
Abassines
,
the
Indians
,
and
the
Maronites
,
see
the
notable
words
of
Brierwrod
Enquir
.
p.
180
,
181
,
182
,
183.
As
also
how
the
Persian
King
was
a
great
cause
of
the
spreading
of
the
Nestorians
through
his
Dominions
.
LXVIII
.
The
East
and
West
were
divided
in
Justin's
Reign
,
on
the
Question
,
whether
the
names
of
two
Orthodox
dead
Bishops
should
be
restored
into
the
Dypticks
,
even
Euphemius
and
Macedonius
,
whom
the
Pope
had
damned
as
communicating
with
Hereticks
;
the
Bishops
of
the
East
being
for
it
,
and
the
West
against
it
.
LXIX
.
Justin
turning
the
stream
for
the
Calced.
Council
,
the
Bishops
in
a
Council
at
Jerusalem
,
and
another
at
Tyre
are
for
it
,
and
condemn
Severus
.
And
a
Roman
Council
condemneth
the
three
dead
Bishops
of
C.
P.
Acacius
,
Euphemius
and
Macedonius
.
LXX
.
So
far
were
the
Bishops
yet
from
Peace
,
that
Justinian
being
Emperour
,
headed
the
Council
Party
,
and
his
Wife
the
adverse
Party
.
About
30000
they
say
were
then
killed
in
C.
P.
at
an
Insurrection
.
LXXI
.
A
mischievous
Schism
for
the
Bishoprick
at
Rome
,
between
Boniface
2.
and
Dioscorus
and
Agapetus
after
Boniface
.
LXXII
.
In
Justinian's
time
a
Controversie
arose
,
whether
we
may
say
[
One
of
the
Trinity
was
crucified
?
]
Hormisda
Bishop
of
Rome
said
No.
The
Nestorians
took
hold
of
this
and
said
,
[
Then
we
may
not
say
Mary
was
Mother
to
one
of
the
Trinity
.
]
Justinian
sent
for
a
Council
about
it
to
Pope
John
:
He
and
his
Bishops
concluded
contrary
to
Hormisda
,
that
we
may
say
[
One
of
the
Trinity
was
crucified
.
]
And
say
Baronius
and
Binius
[
Ita
mutatis
hostibus
arma
mutari
necesse
suit
.
]
Faith
changeth
as
occasions
change
.
Reader
,
if
thou
seest
not
here
how
Bishops
have
broken
the
Church
in
pieces
,
I
must
not
tell
thee
,
lest
Mr.
M.
be
angry
.
I
intreat
the
Reader
to
see
what
I
said
,
Hist.
p.
132.
of
the
Conference
of
Hypatius
and
the
Eutychians
.
LXXIII
.
A
Council
at
C.
P.
calls
their
Bishop
Patriarcha
Oecumenicus
,
and
condemn
divers
Bishops
,
as
doth
a
Council
at
Jerusalem
.
LXXIV
.
At
Rome
the
Arian
King
made
Silverius
Bishop
,
and
others
chose
Vigilius
that
murdered
him
.
Vigilius
excommunicated
Menna
of
C.
P.
which
Justinian
revenged
.
LXXV
.
A
new
Controversie
is
stated
whether
Christs
body
was
corruptible
:
The
denyers
had
Gainas
A.
Bishop
;
The
affirmers
had
Theodosius
;
The
first
were
called
Phantasiastae
,
the
other
Corrupticolae
.
Most
were
for
Gainas
,
but
the
Soldiers
for
Theodosius
:
They
fought
many
daies
,
and
the
Soldiers
killed
many
,
and
many
of
them
were
killed
,
and
the
Women
with
stones
from
the
top
of
the
houses
,
and
the
Soldiers
with
fire
,
continued
the
war
:
And
the
division
continued
in
Liberatus's
daies
:
Justinian
was
so
zealous
for
the
Council
of
Calcedon
,
that
he
murdered
thousands
(
as
they
say
)
in
Egypt
,
and
yet
dyed
a
reputed
Heretick
himself
,
being
for
the
Corrupticolae
,
and
Evagrius
saith
,
when
he
had
set
the
whole
world
in
tumult
,
he
was
damned
himself
.
But
God
best
knoweth
that
.
LXXVI
.
A
Council
at
Barcelona
Decree
that
Priests
must
cut
their
beards
,
but
not
shave
them
.
LXXVII
.
By
the
Cheat
of
an
Eutychian
Bishop
Justinian
was
persuaded
that
the
condemning
of
some
Writings
of
Theodoré
Mopsuest
,
Theodorite
and
Ibas
,
would
reconcile
the
Bishops
:
He
calls
a
General
Council
at
C.
P.
to
that
end
(
usually
called
the
5th
)
His
Letters
are
read
opening
the
doleful
divisions
,
that
the
Churches
had
no
Communion
with
one
another
,
&c.
The
three
Bishops
writings
are
read
:
Theodorite
charged
by
this
General
Council
with
that
salt
Epistle
against
dead
Cyril
,
and
a
like
Speech
at
Antioch
,
and
none
vindicated
him
:
Binius
and
Mr.
Morice
and
others
say
the
Letter
is
forged
:
I
know
not
;
But
the
Tria
Capitula
are
condemned
.
And
now
this
General
Council
hath
made
a
new
dividing
snare
.
Many
that
were
for
the
Calcedon
Council
feared
this
was
a
condemning
of
what
they
did
in
receiving
Theodorite
,
&c.
The
Adversaries
were
never
the
more
satisfyed
;
but
saith
Binius
himself
[
The
end
was
not
obtained
,
but
a
most
grievous
mischief
added
to
the
Church
—
The
whole
Catholick
Church
was
torn
by
Schism
,
and
worse
,
the
Emperour
stir'dup
Persecution
,
deposed
or
banished
P.
Vigilius
:
But
lest
the
East
should
all
forsake
the
West
,
he
recanted
and
consented
to
the
Council
.
Doth
either
the
work
or
the
effect
commend
this
General
Council
?
LXXVIII
.
A
Council
of
Jerusalem
save
one
Bishop
,
presently
received
this
Decree
.
LXXIX
.
A
Western
Council
at
Aquileia
condemn
this
5th
General
Council
at
C.
P.
and
(
saith
Binius
)
separated
from
the
whole
Catholick
Church
(
even
from
Rome
)
for
an
hundred
years
till
Sergius
reconciled
them
.
Q.
Were
the
Western
Bishops
or
the
Pope
then
the
Western
Church
?
So
many
separated
,
that
Vigilius
being
dead
,
there
could
but
two
Bishops
(
and
a
Presbyter
)
be
got
to
ordain
Pelagius
his
Successor
.
But
the
Emperour
and
his
Pope
persecute
the
Bishops
,
and
the
Schism
seemed
desperate
.
LXXX
.
Another
Council
at
C.
P.
An.
587.
decree
that
John
Bishop
of
C.
P.
be
called
The
Universal
Bishop
;
which
greatly
increased
the
Churches
divisions
.
LXXXI
.
King
Gunthram
called
a
Council
at
Mascon
An.
589.
finding
all
things
grow
worse
and
worse
,
&
all
long
of
the
Bishops
only
,
saith
Binius
.
LXXXII
.
Even
Great
Gregory
called
a
Synod
against
the
dissenting
Bishops
,
and
they
not
obeying
his
summons
,
the
Bishop
of
Aquileia
was
ruined
(
the
Western
Head
)
Sabinian
that
succeeded
Gregory
would
have
had
his
Books
burnt
.
Boniface
the
third
got
Phocas
the
Murderer
to
declare
Rome
the
Chief
Bishops
Seat
(
He
to
whom
Greg.
had
sung
Laetentur
coeli
,
&
exult
et
terra
,
&c.
)
LXXXIII
.
Next
rose
up
the
Monothelite
Controversie
,
Cyrus
Bishop
of
Alexand.
to
end
the
Controversies
aforementioned
,
was
told
that
to
use
the
word
[
Dei
virilis
operatio
&
voluntas
]
would
unite
them
all
,
which
past
as
satisfaction
in
a
Council
at
Alexand.
P.
Honorius
persuaded
them
to
silence
[
One
]
and
[
Two
.
]
But
this
Counsel
was
rejected
,
and
now
whether
Christ
had
[
One
or
Two
Wills
and
Operations
,
became
as
de
fide
,
the
new
War
of
the
Bishops
through
the
world
.
Some
were
for
[
One
]
and
some
for
[
Two
]
as
if
[
Will
and
Operation
,
and
One
or
Two
]
were
words
that
had
but
one
signification
;
When
every
Novice
in
Philosophy
must
grant
that
Christ's
Will
and
Operation
in
some
sense
,
was
but
One
,
and
in
other
senses
Two
,
as
I
have
proved
.
But
Sergius
Bishop
of
Const.
set
it
on
foot
,
Heraclius
being
for
it
,
and
Pyrrhus
his
Successor
followed
it
on
.
And
Sergius
by
a
Council
of
Bishops
at
C.
P.
decreed
for
[
One
Will
.
]
The
Opinion
and
the
Emperour
Constans
his
silencing
both
,
are
condemned
at
Rome
.
The
Pope
,
Emperours
and
Bishops
,
are
all
condemned
,
and
persecuting
each
other
about
it
.
LXXXIV
.
Const.
Pogonat
.
called
a
General
Council
at
C.
P.
called
the
6th
,
which
condemned
Macarius
Bishop
of
Ant.
and
the
pacificatory
Epistles
of
P.
Honorius
and
Sergius
as
Heretical
,
and
all
that
were
for
One
Will
,
and
One
Operation
of
Christ
;
1.
As
denominated
a
naturis
&
earum
principiis
seu
facultatibus
,
the
Divine
and
Humane
Will
and
Operations
were
and
are
Two
:
2.
As
denominated
ab
unitate
persona
;
they
are
the
Will
and
Operations
of
One
person
,
and
so
far
may
be
called
One
.
3.
As
denominated
ab
unitate
objectiva
they
are
One
:
The
Divine
and
Humane
Nature
will
the
same
thing
,
so
far
as
the
Humane
willeth
,
and
do
so
far
the
same
work
:
But
if
any
will
make
a
new
Heresie
by
disputing
whether
the
Divine
Nature
alone
do
not
will
and
act
somewhat
without
the
volition
and
action
of
the
Humane
(
since
the
Incarnation
)
they
shall
have
no
company
of
mine
in
it
.
4.
In
the
sense
as
the
Operation
of
the
principal
and
instrumental
Cause
are
One
,
producing
One
Effect
;
so
Christ's
Divine
and
Humane
Operations
are
One
.
5.
As
Consent
denominateth
Unity
,
and
the
Old
Christians
are
said
to
be
of
One
heart
and
soul
,
One
mind
and
mouth
;
and
Christ
prayeth
that
we
may
be
One
in
him
,
so
his
Will
and
Operation
are
One
.
6.
Yea
if
there
be
a
sort
of
Union
between
Christ
&
his
Members
,
and
between
the
Blessed
in
Heaven
,
which
is
quite
beyond
our
present
comprehension
,
it
is
much
much
more
so
between
Christ's
Divine
and
Humane
Will
and
Operations
.
And
now
Reader
,
whether
it
was
well
done
to
pass
over
these
and
many
other
needful
distinctions
,
and
to
put
men
barely
to
say
that
Christ's
Will
and
Operations
were
not
One
,
but
Two
,
when
really
they
were
both
One
and
Two
;
and
to
make
the
Pope
himself
a
Heretick
,
for
one
of
the
wisest
Epistles
that
ever
Pope
wrote
(
I
am
no
such
enemy
to
a
Pope
as
to
be
partial
;
)
and
to
divide
the
very
Western
Church
from
Rome
,
and
make
Aquileia
its
Head
for
an
hundred
years
,
and
to
set
all
the
Roman
Empire
in
a
flame
,
anathematizing
and
separating
from
one
another
,
because
they
had
not
skill
or
sobriety
enough
to
ask
each
other
by
such
distinctions
what
they
meant
,
I
say
,
if
this
be
wisely
and
well
done
,
and
be
a
praise
to
Prelacy
,
and
I
be
to
blame
for
blaming
it
,
then
good
and
evil
is
but
what
every
diseased
soul
will
make
it
.
Mr.
Morrice
and
his
Masters
,
that
honour
their
Leviathan
for
such
works
as
these
,
do
tell
us
,
that
they
would
do
it
themselves
were
it
to
be
done
again
.
And
let
it
be
their
work
,
and
the
reward
be
theirs
:
For
my
part
I
abhor
and
renounce
it
.
LXXXV
.
Faith
and
Salvation
now
depended
so
much
on
Arithmetick
,
that
the
Bishops
of
Spain
raised
another
Arithmetical
Controversie
,
asserting
Three
Substances
in
Christ
,
his
Divinity
,
his
Soul
,
and
his
Body
,
and
say
,
[
A
Will
begat
a
Will
,
that
is
,
the
Divine
,
the
Humane
.
]
These
things
are
true
.
But
the
wise
Pope
was
so
affrighted
with
Arithmetical
Controversies
by
experience
of
the
mischievous
Effects
,
that
he
cautioned
them
much
about
it
,
and
for
that
some
judged
him
erroneous
.
LXXXVI
.
The
Council
at
Trull
was
one
of
the
best
that
ever
they
had
,
yet
shewed
the
Core
of
the
Churches
Plague
,
by
decreeing
,
That
whatever
alteration
the
Imperial
Power
maketh
on
any
City
,
the
Ecclesiastical
Order
shall
follow
it
.
This
Clergy
ambition
nurst
up
Anti-Christ
.
LXXXVII
.
A
Council
at
Aquileia
condemned
the
5th
General
Council
for
condemning
the
Tria
capitula
.
LXXXVIII
.
Pope
Sergius
condemning
the
Trullane
Council
,
the
Emperour
commanded
him
to
be
a
Prisoner
,
and
the
Souldiers
bribed
rescued
him
.
LXXXIX
.
Bardanes
Philippicus
being
made
Emperor
,
he
calleth
a
General
Council
at
C.
P.
where
,
saith
Binius
,
out
of
the
East
there
were
innumerable
Bishops
,
(
which
is
not
said
of
any
other
Council
)
who
all
condemned
the
6th
General
Council
,
and
their
Decrees
of
Two
Wills
and
Operations
.
Here
(
not
I
,
but
)
Baronius
and
Binius
say
[
Thus
at
the
Beck
of
an
Emperour
,
and
the
Will
of
a
Monothelite
Patriarch
,
the
holy
6th
Synod
is
condemned
,
and
what
they
said
of
Two
Wills
with
Christ
,
and
two
Operations
,
and
all
retracted
by
the
Decree
and
Subscription
of
very
many
Oriental
Bishops
,
that
were
in
one
moment
turned
from
being
Catholick
to
be
Monothelites
.
]
But
do
they
forget
the
100
Year
,
that
even
the
West
made
a
head
against
the
5th
Council
and
the
Pope
.
XC
.
Next
all
the
World
is
set
together
by
the
Ears
about
Images
,
for
which
the
Pope
rebelled
against
and
rejected
the
Emperour
for
Charles
Martel
of
France
.
And
Pope
Zachary
bid
Bonisace
call
a
Council
to
eject
the
Astors
of
Antipodes
CXI
.
In
a
General
Council
at
C.
P.
338
Bishops
condemned
the
worshipping
of
Images
,
and
swear
men
not
to
adore
them
,
and
destroyed
reliques
,
&c.
and
decreed
,
that
Christ's
Body
is
not
flesh
in
Heaven
:
But
the
Pope
and
Western
Bishops
of
his
Party
,
condemn
this
Council
.
XCII
.
The
Greek
Bishops
condemn
the
Roman
Bishops
for
adding
[
Filioque
]
to
the
Creed
,
and
so
another
occasion
of
Schism
is
raised
.
XCIII
.
The
Schisms
in
Italy
and
Rome
itself
now
grew
so
great
and
the
Effects
in
Blood
and
Confusions
so
dismal
,
that
I
must
not
number
them
one
by
one
.
XCIV
.
Constantine
and
Leo
Isaur
.
Emperours
,
being
dead
,
a
Woman
Irene
,
and
her
Infant
Son
are
for
Images
,
and
call
a
General
Council
for
them
at
Nice
,
where
Tharasius
Bishop
of
C.
P.
got
the
Bishops
to
carry
it
for
Images
and
Reliques
,
and
the
Chief
Bishops
that
had
condemned
them
before
,
now
cryed
peccavimus
,
and
condemned
those
that
were
against
adoration
of
Images
,
&c.
If
Mr.
Morrice
call
me
an
Enemy
to
Repentance
for
reciting
this
,
I
cannot
help
it
.
XCV
.
Yet
more
Schism
:
Two
Bishops
,
Foelix
and
Elipandus
,
say
,
That
Christ
as
the
eternal
Word
was
Gods
natural
Son
,
but
as
Man
he
was
but
his
adopted
Son
:
(
thinking
that
duo
fundamenta
,
viz.
Generatio
aeterna
,
&
temporalis
,
duas-faciunt
Relationes
,
filiationis
in
una
persona
.
]
But
Councils
condemned
them
as
making
two
Sons
.
And
the
great
Council
at
Frankford
condemning
the
second
Council
of
Nice
,
and
Image-worship
,
condemn
also
these
two
Bishops
,
1.
For
saying
Christ
was
God's
Adopted
Son
;
2.
And
that
by
Grace
;
3.
And
that
he
was
a
Servant
.
Is
any
of
this
false
,
not
excluding
a
higher
title
?
The
Council
concludeth
that
Christ
was
not
a
Servant
subjected
to
God
by
penal
servitude
:
Sure
it
was
part
of
his
suffering
for
our
sins
,
to
be
in
the
form
of
a
Servant
,
Phil.
2.
7.
XCVI
.
Binius
saith
the
Filioque
was
added
to
the
Creed
by
the
Spanish
and
French
Bishops
without
the
Pope
.
XCVII
.
One
Council
at
C.
P.
restored
him
that
married
the
Emperour
adulterously
to
another
wife
:
And
another
condemned
Theod.
Studita
and
Plato
,
for
being
against
it
.
XCVIII
.
The
most
excellent
Emperour
Ludov.
Pius
was
so
zealous
to
reform
the
Bishops
,
that
they
hated
him
,
and
in
a
Council
at
Compendium
(
Compeigne
)
most
perfidiously
deposed
him
,
and
after
basely
abused
him
,
even
without
the
Pope
.
XCIX
.
As
to
please
his
Son
Lotharius
,
they
deposed
the
Father
;
so
when
he
was
beaten
by
his
Brethren
,
they
after
in
a
Council
at
Aquisgrane
(
Aken
)
deposed
Lotharius
,
accusing
him
as
they
did
his
Father
.
C.
At
C.
P.
a
Council
was
called
by
the
power
of
another
Woman
Theodora
and
the
Bishops
that
had
under
divers
Emperours
condemned
Image-worship
,
now
turn
to
it
again
,
and
anathematize
on
a
sudden
the
opposers
.
CI.
The
Bishops
own
Lotharius
Adulterous
marriage
with
Waldrada
.
CII
.
The
Councils
that
set
up
and
pull'd
down
Ignatius
and
Photius
at
C.
P.
and
the
woful
stir
that
they
made
as
Emperours
changed
,
were
lamentable
.
CIII
.
Many
contrary
Councils
were
between
the
French
Bishops
that
were
for
Lotharius
divorce
and
the
Pope
.
CIV
.
Basil
the
Emperour
writes
to
the
Pope
to
pardon
all
his
Bishops
,
or
else
they
should
be
without
,
because
all
had
miscarried
,
and
turned
with
the
times
.
CV
.
A
General
Council
at
Const.
called
by
the
Papists
,
The
Eighth
General
Council
,
condemned
Photius
again
,
and
set
up
Ignatius
,
and
the
Changers
cryed
,
peccavimus
,
and
make
extreme
Decrees
for
Images
(
But
they
well
condemn
subscribing
to
be
true
to
their
Patriarchs
and
Bishops
;
)
but
decree
that
all
Princes
and
Subjects
worship
the
Bishops
,
who
must
not
fall
down
to
them
.
Other
horrid
Elevations
of
Prelates
above
Princes
they
decreed
—
saying
,
A
Bishop
,
though
it
be
manifest
that
he
is
destitute
of
all
Virtue
of
Religion
,
yet
is
a
Pastor
;
and
the
Sheep
must
not
resist
the
Shepherd
.
CVI.
A
dangerous
Rent
between
Rome
and
C.
P.
what
Bishop
should
have
the
Bulgarians
.
CVII
.
A
Council
at
Metz
called
Praedaetorium
,
gave
the
Kingdom
to
Car.
Calv.
unjustly
.
CVIII
.
A
Council
at
Pavia
falsly
make
Charles
Emperour
.
CIX
.
Another
(
Pontigonense
)
confirmed
it
;
(
the
Pope
claiming
the
Power
.
)
CX
.
A
Roman
Council
unjustly
made
Ludov.
3.
Emperour
.
CXI
.
A
General
Council
at
C.
P.
again
set
up
Photius
,
and
cast
out
[
Filioque
.
]
CXII
.
The
Roman
actions
for
and
against
P.
Formosus
,
are
odious
to
all
sober
Christians
Ears
.
CXIII
.
A
Council
at
Soysons
confirm
the
A.
Bishoprick
of
Rhemes
to
a
Child
of
five
years
old
,
Son
to
the
E.
of
Aquitane
.
Divers
other
Councils
do
and
undo
about
the
same
Cause
.
CXIV
.
The
History
of
the
Bishops
of
Rome
and
their
Councils
from
hence
forward
is
so
lamentable
that
even
the
most
flattering
Papist
Historians
mention
them
with
detestation
.
So
that
I
must
not
stay
to
name
many
particulars
.
CXV
.
An.
1049.
A
Roman
Council
was
fain
to
pardon
Simoniacal
Bishops
and
Priests
,
because
the
Cry
was
,
that
else
none
would
be
left
to
officiate
.
CXVI
.
Being
come
into
the
Roman
sink
,
I
will
pass
above
an
hundred
more
of
the
Councils
of
this
woful
sort
of
Bishops
,
lest
Mr.
Morrice
think
that
I
suppose
him
to
vindicate
them
,
or
not
to
abhor
them
.
Only
remembering
my
Reader
of
a
few
General
or
notable
things
:
viz.
I.
The
multitude
of
Schisms
,
and
long
vacancies
at
Rome
;
and
the
horrid
incapacity
of
very
many
Popes
,
which
prove
an
interrupted
succession
.
II.
The
horrid
wars
that
long
infested
Italy
by
the
Popes
means
.
III.
The
dismal
wars
with
many
Emperours
,
and
the
Bishops
and
Councils
half
on
one
side
and
half
on
the
other
.
IV.
The
Council
that
called
the
Emperours
and
others
Princes
power
of
investing
Bishops
,
the
Henrician
Heresie
,
and
judg'd
the
Bishops
that
had
been
for
it
to
be
dig'd
out
of
their
graves
and
burnt
.
V.
The
Subjecting
and
debasing
of
all
Christian
Princes
,
making
them
but
as
the
Body
,
and
the
Moon
,
and
the
Bishops
,
to
be
as
the
soul
and
the
sun
.
Especially
the
General
Lateran
Council
which
decreed
Transubstantiation
,
and
all
to
be
Hereticks
that
denied
it
;
And
oblige
all
temporal
Lords
to
exterminate
all
such
Hereticks
on
pain
of
Excommunication
,
deposition
&
damnation
.
VI.
The
Councils
of
Constance
and
Basils
that
were
for
Reformation
how
falsly
and
cruelly
they
dealt
with
Hus
and
Jerome
and
rejected
the
four
great
requests
of
the
Bohemians
,
and
fixed
their
pollutions
.
VII
.
The
Councils
of
Florence
,
and
that
of
Trent
,
which
had
more
Learned
men
,
who
yet
more
obstinately
managed
the
Enmity
to
Reformation
.
VIII
.
The
present
State
of
the
Universal
Church
throughout
the
World
as
it
is
divided
into
Papists
,
Protestants
,
Greeks
,
Moscovites
,
Georgians
,
with
the
Circassians
and
Mengrelians
,
Armenians
,
Nestorians
,
Jacobites
,
Cophtis
,
Abasines
,
Maronites
,
Melchites
:
And
what
thoughts
these
have
of
one
another
.
And
I
would
desire
Mr.
Morrice
to
tell
us
,
1.
Whether
he
believes
not
verily
that
all
these
Instances
prove
that
the
Bishops
have
been
the
chief
cause
,
and
that
by
Ambition
,
Pride
and
Worldliness
?
2.
Whether
it
be
not
the
Bishops
that
in
the
Roman
and
other
Parties
now
,
are
the
greatest
hinderers
of
Reformation
,
and
of
Concord
?
and
it
would
not
be
soon
done
were
it
not
through
them
?
3.
Where
it
is
that
he
will
stop
in
his
Vindication
of
the
Bishops
and
their
Councils
,
and
go
no
further
?
and
by
what
cogent
reason
?
4.
Whether
he
thought
he
had
well
defended
the
Church-Tyranny
which
I
accused
?
1.
By
vindicating
the
first
Ages
,
and
others
whom
I
praised
,
and
accused
not
;
2.
And
by
letting
fall
his
Vindication
(
save
a
few
consequent
quibbles
)
at
the
fourth
General
Council
;
which
was
in
451.
And
so
seems
to
vindicate
the
Bishops
and
Councils
but
for
the
space
of
150
years
of
the
time
that
I
mentioned
their
degeneration
?
5.
Whether
if
the
Bishops
had
been
willing
when
they
had
the
King's
Commission
to
make
necessary
alteration
,
or
were
but
to
this
day
willing
to
prefer
things
necessary
before
things
hurtful
or
indifferent
,
we
might
not
live
in
happy
and
holy
Love
and
Peace
in
England
?
6.
Whether
he
can
blame
a
man
that
believes
in
Christ
,
for
lamenting
the
doleful
corruption
and
division
of
the
Christian
world
,
and
for
enquiring
of
,
and
lamenting
the
sinful
causes
.
7.
If
that
Church
Prelacy
which
they
justly
call
the
best
in
all
the
world
can
endure
no
more
Parish
Discipline
than
we
have
,
nor
can
endure
such
a
Ministry
as
are
silenced
by
hundreds
or
thousands
(
than
whom
no
Nation
on
Earth
abroad
that
I
can
hear
of
hath
better
)
can
you
blame
us
for
suspecting
that
somewhat
is
amiss
with
them
,
and
more
with
others
?
8.
I
hope
you
will
yet
remember
that
I
did
not
appear
as
an
accuser
of
Prelacy
or
Conformity
,
but
as
importuned
by
your selves
to
give
the
reasons
why
I
dare
not
take
your
Covenant
and
Oath
never
to
endeavour
any
alteration
of
your
Church
Government
:
and
that
after
seventeen
years
silence
.
My
prayers
to
God
shall
be
my
endeavour
for
these
following
Alterations
.
1.
That
the
Primitive
Discipline
may
be
exercised
in
the
Parish
Churches
,
as
Bucer
importuned
the
King
and
Bishops
de
Regno
Dei
,
&c.
2.
That
to
that
end
we
may
either
have
so
many
Bishops
under
the
Diocesan
as
be
capable
to
do
it
,
or
the
Presbyters
enabled
,
allowed
and
obliged
to
do
it
.
3.
And
that
we
may
not
instead
of
it
have
only
a
distant
Court
of
men
that
know
not
the
Parishioners
,
where
a
Lay
Chancellour
decreeth
Excommunication
,
and
Absolution
,
which
the
Parish
Priest
must
publish
,
though
his
conscience
be
against
it
.
4.
And
that
Diocesans
may
not
silence
faithful
Ministers
without
such
cause
as
Christ
will
allow
,
nor
set
up
ignorant
bad
ones
and
bind
the
Parishioners
to
hear
and
communicate
with
no
other
.
I
am
so
far
from
precise
expectations
from
Diocesans
,
or
from
reviling
them
,
that
I
do
constantly
praise
them
as
very
good
Bishops
who
do
no
harm
,
or
but
a
little
,
and
if
they
should
never
preach
themselves
,
so
they
will
not
hinder
others
.
9.
And
as
for
my
calling
Things
and
Persons
as
they
are
,
I
hope
you
will
not
say
that
it
was
out
of
Malice
that
Anastasius
Platina
,
Massonius
,
Stella
,
Sigibert
,
Baronius
,
Genebrard
,
Binnius
,
&c.
have
recorded
such
horrid
crimes
of
Popes
,
and
others
also
of
Prelates
.
And
is
it
malice
in
me
to
transcribe
their
History
?
I
am
of
Dr.
Henry
Moore
's
mind
,
who
saith
,
[
Mystery
of
Iniq.
p.
388.
Hence
it
is
plain
that
they
are
the
truest
friends
to
Christendom
,
even
to
Rome
it self
,
that
do
not
sooth
them
up
in
their
sins
,
by
mitigating
and
hiding
their
soul
miscarriages
,
but
deal
apertly
and
plainly
with
them
for
their
own
safety
;
that
neither
admit
,
nor
invent
subterfuges
to
countenance
or
palliate
their
Idolatrous
and
superstitious
practices
,
but
tell
them
plainly
how
much
they
are
apostatized
from
the
true
Worship
of
God
and
Christ
into
Paganism
and
Idolatry
.
Better
are
the
rebukes
of
a
faithful
friend
,
than
the
hired
flatteries
of
a
glozing
mercenary
.
]
I
pray
mark
this
well
.
10.
I
take
two
things
to
be
the
degenerating
and
corruption
of
Episcopacy
.
1.
When
they
became
so
bad
that
they
were
not
willing
to
do
good
according
to
their
undertaken
Office
.
Bad
men
will
do
ill
in
any
place
.
2.
When
they
had
put
themselves
into
a
state
of
incapacity
,
that
they
could
not
do
the
Good
undertaken
,
were
they
never
so
willing
.
1.
Since
great
Baits
of
Wealth
and
Domination
have
tempted
the
worst
men
to
be
the
Seekers
,
Bishops
have
rarely
been
good
,
except
under
a
Saint-like
Prince
or
People
that
had
the
Choice
;
nor
are
ever
like
to
be
.
And
what
work
the
Enemies
of
Holiness
will
make
by
abusing
Christ's
Name
against
himself
,
is
easie
to
know
;
such
will
take
the
best
men
for
the
worst
,
and
call
them
all
that
's
naught
,
that
they
may
quiet
their
Consciences
in
destroying
them
.
2.
And
since
a
Diocess
of
many
hundred
or
score
Parishes
hath
had
but
one
Bishop
for
Discipline
,
the
work
is
become
impossible
to
the
best
.
But
when
a
few
Bad
men
will
mercinarily
undertake
Impossibilities
,
and
so
Badness
and
Impossibility
go
together
,
alas
,
what
hope
,
but
of
a
better
world
above
?
Saith
Luther
de
Concil.
&
Eccles.
p.
300.
Sed
quam
sunt
intenti
hanc
crassam
&
asininam
●atuitatem
?
Unus
Episcopus
nonnunquam
habet
tres
Episcopatus
vel
Dioceses
,
&
tamen
vocatur
Unius
Uxoris
maritus
,
&
cum
habet
tantum
unum
Episcopatum
,
tamen
interdum
habet
centum
,
ducentas
,
quingentas
Parochias
,
aut
etiam
plures
,
&
vocatur
tamen
Sponsus
unius
Ecclesiae
—
Hi
non
sunt
digami
—
Tam
insulsas
&
ineptissimas
naenias
recipit
mens
humana
;
it
a
permittente
Deo
cum
a
verbo
discedimus
,
&
omnia
limatius
&
subtilius
scrutamur
quam
ipse
vult
nos
scrutari
.
]
Whether
you
reverence
Luther
any
more
than
Calvin
I
know
not
.
11.
To
conclude
this
matter
,
two
things
I
desire
you
,
or
at
least
the
Reader
to
consider
,
1.
Whether
it
be
not
a
dreadful
thing
for
a
man
to
make
the
Church
corrupting
,
dividing
and
confounding
sin●
,
to
be
all
his
own
by
defending
or
excusing
them
,
on
a
false
pretence
of
Vindicating
the
Primitive
Church
Government
,
which
was
contrary
to
them
?
2.
Whether
you
trust
to
Truth
and
Evidence
,
or
to
Interest
and
depraved
Judgments
,
if
you
think
men
shall
believe
that
you
have
confuted
all
this
undoubted
History
,
and
the
present
experience
of
all
the
woful
Christian
World
,
by
a
general
Cry
that
I
write
falsly
and
maliciously
,
or
by
saying
that
I
am
unlearned
,
or
that
I
trusted
to
a
Translation
,
or
Binnius
,
or
that
Binnius
mistook
the
year
,
(
things
that
I
will
not
turn
over
my
Books
to
try
,
)
or
that
I
misplaced
or
misunderstood
a
word
of
Theodorite
,
or
mistranslated
Calami
,
or
such
like
.
Such
Believers
of
you
are
guilty
of
their
own
deceit
.
§
22.
There
is
lately
published
by
a
nameless
Prelatist
,
to
shew
the
World
what
Spirit
he
is
of
,
a
Book
pretending
by
the
description
of
my
Life
from
1640.
till
1681.
to
prove
me
one
of
the
worst
men
alive
.
To
that
I
will
now
say
but
these
few
words
.
1.
That
let
them
take
me
to
be
as
bad
as
they
will
,
so
they
would
have
some
mercy
on
their
own
and
others
Souls
,
and
the
Church
of
God
.
2.
That
it
's
no
wonder
that
we
differ
about
Antient
Times
and
History
,
and
present
Impositions
,
when
the
main
difference
in
our
Times
is
,
who
are
godly
,
yea
tolerable
Christians
,
and
who
are
intollerable
Rogues
;
and
those
that
(
as
before
God
)
by
long
and
intimate
acquaintance
,
I
judge
to
be
the
most
serious
,
conscionable
,
humble
,
holy
Ministers
and
People
that
were
ever
known
to
me
,
are
the
Persons
that
the
Prelatists
prosecute
,
silence
,
and
cry
out
against
as
the
most
intollerable
wicked
Enemies
of
Piety
,
Truth
and
Peace
.
What
is
it
that
is
the
root
of
this
?
3.
That
this
foresaid
Book
is
one
continued
Calumny
,
unworthy
of
an
Answer
,
partly
making
my
duty
my
sin
(
as
that
I
disliked
the
many
drunken
Readers
that
were
the
Teachers
of
my
Youth
,
&c.
)
and
partly
perverting
scraps
of
sentences
;
and
partly
reciting
one
revoked
Book
,
and
a
few
retracted
sentences
of
another
,
when
Augustin
is
commended
for
retracting
far
more
,
and
filling
it
with
a
multitude
of
most
gross
untruths
,
of
his
own
fiction
.
4.
That
as
to
his
and
Mr.
Morrice
and
others
talk
of
the
Wars
I
say
.
1.
That
I
never
thought
the
Parliament
blameles●
.
2.
That
yet
on
Bilson's
grounds
I
was
in
my
Judgment
,
and
Speech
,
and
Action
,
comparatively
for
them
while
they
made
their
Commissions
to
Essex
for
King
and
Parliament
.
3.
That
from
Naseby
Fight
I
wholly
laboured
to
have
drawn
off
their
Souldiers
from
Errour
,
and
Rebellion
,
and
Usurpation
;
in
which
I
did
and
suffered
more
than
multitudes
of
my
Accusers
.
4.
That
I
never
went
so
far
against
the
Power
of
the
King
as
R.
Hooker
whom
I
have
long
ago
confuted
.
5.
That
I
never
struck
or
hurt
man
in
the
wars
.
6.
That
I
will
consent
to
be
silenced
and
imprisoned
if
they
will
but
give
those
Ministers
leave
to
preach
Christs
Gospel
that
never
had
to
do
with
wars
(
unless
for
the
King
.
)
7.
That
when
our
beginning
Concord
had
restored
the
King
,
the
Scots
,
though
unsuccessfully
fought
for
him
,
Monk
&
his
Army
,
that
had
bloodily
(
at
Dundee
,
&c.
)
fought
against
him
,
had
with
the
Concurrence
of
Sir
Tho.
Allen
,
the
Londoners
and
Presbyterians
restored
him
,
when
the
King
by
them
came
in
Triumph
,
Honoured
Monk
and
others
of
them
,
confest
them
the
Cause
of
his
Restoration
,
past
an
Act
of
Oblivion
that
we
might
all
live
in
future
Peace
,
I
say
,
If
after
all
this
it
be
Prelacy
and
Clergy
Interest
and
Spirit
,
that
will
rub
over
all
the
healed
wounds
,
and
strive
again
what
ever
it
cost
us
to
ulcerate
the
peoples
minds
,
and
resolve
that
the
Land
and
Church
shall
have
no
Peace
,
but
by
the
destruction
of
such
as
restored
the
King
;
I
shall
think
never
the
better
of
Prelacy
for
this
.
But
ask
them
,
why
did
you
not
Speak
it
out
in
1660
to
Monk
and
his
Army
,
or
till
now
.
§
23.
And
whereas
that
Advocate
(
described
Job
.
8.
)
and
you
are
still
deceiving
the
ignorant
by
facing
men
down
with
Confidence
that
I
lie
in
saying
that
[
Two
Episcopal
Parties
began
the
War
in
England
and
the
Papists
and
Presbyterians
came
in
but
as
Auxiliaries
.
]
I
again
say
,
1.
Allow
me
but
reasonable
leave
,
and
I
will
prove
it
to
the
shame
of
you
if
you
deny
it
.
2.
At
present
I
will
but
recite
one
clause
in
Whitlocks
Memorials
,
pag.
45.
even
after
they
thought
themselves
under
a
necessity
to
please
the
Scots
as
far
as
they
could
.
[
Anno
1640.
The
Commons
had
debate
about
a
new
Form
of
Ecclesiastical
Government
,
and
July
17.
agreed
,
That
every
Shire
shall
be
a
several
Diocess
;
a
Presbytery
of
Twelve
Divines
in
each
Shire
,
and
a
President
as
a
Bishop
over
them
;
and
he
with
the
assistance
of
some
of
the
Presbytery
to
ordain
,
suspend
,
deprive
,
degrade
and
excommunicate
.
To
have
a
Diocesan
Synod
once
a
year
,
and
every
third
year
a
National
Synod
,
and
they
to
make
Canons
,
but
none
to
be
binding
till
confirmed
by
Parliament
.
The
Primate
of
Armagh
offered
an
expedient
for
conjunction
in
point
of
Discipline
,
that
Episcopal
and
Presbyterian
Government
might
not
be
at
a
far
distance
,
but
reducing
Episcopacy
to
the
Form
of
Synodical
Government
in
the
Primitive
Church
Were
not
these
men
Episcopal
?
It
's
much
like
Mr.
Thorndike's
own
motions
saving
his
Opinion
for
Forein
Jurisdiction
.
§
24.
As
to
your
first
and
last
Chapters
,
and
about
the
Antient
Extent
of
Churches
,
while
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
,
which
fully
confuteth
you
,
is
unanswered
;
if
I
repeat
it
again
,
it
will
not
be
read
by
weary
men
.
And
another
hath
answered
those
parts
of
your
Book
,
which
is
ready
for
the
Press
.
I
after
tell
you
where
Chrysostom
even
in
his
time
numbers
the
Christians
in
that
great
Imperial
City
to
be
an
hundred
thousand
,
that
is
as
many
as
in
Martins
and
Stepney
Parishes
,
and
perhaps
in
Giles
Cripplegate
too
.
§
25.
To
conclude
,
whereas
Mr.
M.
in
general
chargeth
me
as
falsifying
History
,
I
still
call
my self
a
HATER
of
FALSE
HISTORY
,
and
loath
Mr.
Morrice's
History
,
because
it
is
false
:
But
if
he
will
instead
of
falsifying
and
trifling
,
shew
me
any
false
History
that
I
have
owned
,
I
will
thank
him
unfeignedly
,
and
retract
it
.
But
factious
reproaching
of
good
men
,
and
painting
the
deformed
face
of
Vice
,
go
not
with
me
for
convincing
proof
.
If
I
am
not
near
of
kin
to
Erasmus
,
I
am
a
stranger
to
my self
,
even
as
Merula
,
and
M.
Adamus
describe
him
,
[
Ingenio
erat
simplex
;
adeo
abhorrens
a
mendacio
,
ut
puellus
etiam
odisset
pueros
mentientes
;
&
senex
ad
illorum
adspectum
etiam
corpore
commoveretur
.
Dignitatum
&
magnarum
divitiarum
contumax
contemptor
;
neque
quicquam
prius
otio
habuit
ac
libertate
.
]
And
I
think
,
as
it
is
said
of
Cuspinian
;
[
Ratus
se
satisfacturum
ingenuo
Lectori
,
siquae
verissima
esse
comperisset
simplicissima
oratione
mandaret
posteritati
:
satis
enim
est
historico
(
ut
praeclare
dixit
apud
Ciceronem
Catullus
)
non
esse
Mendacem
.
]
And
as
to
my
ends
and
expectations
,
I
am
not
so
vain
as
to
write
with
any
great
hope
of
persuading
many
,
if
any
who
are
possest
of
large
Diocess
,
Wealth
and
Power
,
to
forsake
them
,
much
less
to
cure
the
common
Thirst
that
corrupted
Nature
is
possest
with
,
and
to
be
the
means
of
a
Publick
Reformation
:
If
I
may
satisfie
my
Conscience
,
and
save
some
from
being
deceived
by
false
History
about
the
Causes
of
the
Antient
Schisms
,
it
's
all
that
I
can
hope
for
:
Had
I
lived
in
Alb.
Crantzius
daies
,
I
might
perhaps
have
said
as
he
of
Luther
[
Frater
,
Frater
,
abi
in
cellam
tuam
,
&
dic
Miserere
mei
Deus
:
]
Et
de
Canonicis
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
dictis
,
Nunquam
posse
eos
reduci
ad
meliorem
srugem
nisi
prius
a
viris
doctis
expugnata
arce
(
i.
e.
Papatu
.
)
And
for
my self
,
none
of
the
Interested
mens
reproaches
are
unexpected
to
me
:
Anger
will
speak
.
I
know
what
the
Papists
say
of
the
Reformers
,
and
all
the
Protestants
:
And
yet
I
expect
that
all
at
last
will
turn
to
the
disgrace
of
falshood
,
by
putting
men
to
search
Church-History
for
the
Truth
.
The
case
of
Capnio
is
worth
a
brief
recital
.
A
covetous
Jew
pretending
Conversion
,
contrived
with
the
Fryers
and
Inquisitors
,
to
get
a
great
deal
of
money
from
the
Jews
,
by
procuring
an
Edict
from
the
Emperour
to
burn
all
the
Jews
Books
,
that
so
they
might
purchase
them
of
the
Fryers
.
The
Emperour
will
first
hear
what
Capnio
a
great
Hebrician
saith
:
Capnio
adviseth
to
spare
all
that
only
promoted
the
Hebrew
Literature
,
and
burn
only
those
that
were
written
against
Christ
.
Hockstrate
and
the
Fryers
were
vext
thus
to
lose
the
prey
,
and
accused
Capnio
of
Heresie
:
The
cause
is
oft
tryed
,
especially
at
Rome
:
All
the
Learned
Hebricians
were
for
Capnio
:
The
Fryers
raged
the
more
:
This
awakened
many
Learned
men
to
search
into
the
Cause
,
and
armed
them
against
the
Fryers
.
Galatinus
,
Hutten
,
Erasmus
,
&c.
are
for
Capnio
.
The
Fryers
accuse
them
also
of
Heresie
:
But
by
this
they
stirred
up
such
a
Party
of
the
most
Learned
men
against
them
,
that
when
Tezelius
came
to
vend
his
Indulgencies
,
Luther
had
so
many
ready
to
joyn
against
the
Inquisitors
and
Mercenary
cheating
Fryers
,
as
greatly
furthered
the
Reformation
.
And
two
or
three
ingenuous
Conformists
who
have
lately
written
against
the
violent
battering
Canoneers
,
do
tell
us
that
some
are
like
to
be
excited
by
the
Overdoing
of
the
Accusing
silencing
Party
,
to
search
better
into
the
matter
of
Fact
and
Right
,
till
they
can
distinguish
between
an
Eucrasie
and
a
Tympanite
.
Or
if
this
world
be
incurable
,
they
cannot
keep
us
out
of
the
heavenly
Jerusalem
,
where
there
is
no
Errour
,
Schism
,
nor
Persecution
,
because
no
Ignorance
,
Malignity
or
Pride
,
but
the
General
Assembly
of
perfect
Spirits
,
are
united
in
one
perfect
Head
,
in
perfect
Life
,
and
Light
,
and
Love
.
The
particular
Defence
of
the
History
of
Councils
and
Schisms
.
An
Account
to
Mr.
Morrice
why
my
mentioning
the
Church-distracting
sins
of
the
Clergy
,
when
worldly
grandeur
corrupted
them
,
is
not
a
Dishonouring
,
but
a
Honouring
of
the
Primitive
Church
.
And
to
vindicate
those
sins
is
no
Vindicat
ion
of
the
Primitive
Church
.
CHAP.
I.
The
Reason
and
Design
of
my
History
of
Bishops
and
Councils
.
§
1.
THEY
that
know
the
men
with
whom
I
have
to
do
,
and
the
Cause
which
I
have
in
Controversie
with
them
,
will
easily
understand
my
purpose
.
The
Persons
with
whom
I
am
to
deal
,
are
such
as
hold
,
1.
That
a
General
Council
of
Bishops
or
the
Colledge
of
Bishops
Governing
per
Literas
formatas
out
of
Council
,
are
the
Supreme
Governing
Power
over
the
Universal
Church
on
Earth
,
having
the
Power
of
Universal
Legislation
and
Judgment
.
2.
That
among
these
the
Pope
is
justly
the
Patriarch
of
the
West
,
and
the
Principium
unitatis
to
the
whole
,
and
the
ordinary
President
in
such
Councils
.
And
say
some
,
It
belongs
only
to
the
President
to
call
them
,
and
they
are
but
rebellious
Routs
that
assemble
without
a
just
call
.
3.
That
there
is
no
concord
to
be
had
but
in
the
Obedience
to
this
Universal
Governing
Church
.
But
all
Persons
and
all
National
Churches
are
Schismaticks
who
live
not
in
such
Subjection
and
obedience
.
4.
That
such
as
the
Diocesan
Episcopacy
which
is
over
one
lowest
Church
containing
hundreds
or
multitudes
of
Parishes
and
Altars
without
any
other
Bishop
but
the
said
Diocesan
is
that
Episcopacy
which
all
must
be
subject
to
,
while
it
is
subject
to
the
Universal
supreme
.
5.
That
every
Christian
must
hold
subjective
Communion
with
the
Bishop
of
the
place
where
he
liveth
:
And
say
some
must
not
practise
contrary
to
his
Commands
,
nor
appeal
for
such
practice
to
Scripture
or
to
God
.
6.
That
if
this
supreme
Power
silence
the
Diocesans
,
or
these
Diocesans
silence
all
the
Ministers
in
City
or
Country
,
they
must
Cease
their
Ministry
and
forsake
the
Flocks
.
7.
And
say
divers
of
them
,
They
are
no
true
Churches
,
or
Ministers
,
that
have
not
ordination
from
such
Diocesans
,
yea
by
an
uninterrupted
succession
from
the
Apostles
:
And
for
want
of
this
the
Forein
reformed
Churches
are
no
true
Churches
,
but
the
Church
of
Rome
is
.
Much
more
of
this
Nature
I
have
already
transcribed
(
and
confuted
)
out
of
A.
Bishop
Bromhall
,
Dr.
Heylins
Life
of
A.
Bishop
Laud
,
Mr
Thorndike
,
Mr
Dodwell
and
divers
others
.
§
2.
The
first
thing
then
in
my
intention
is
to
shew
that
the
Roman
Grandeur
which
is
thought
to
be
the
Glory
of
the
Church
on
Earth
,
and
the
necessary
means
of
its
Unity
,
safety
and
true
prosperity
,
hath
proved
clean
contrary
,
even
the
means
of
Church
corruption
in
Doctrine
,
Worship
,
Discipline
&
Conversation
,
the
Soil
of
the
most
odious
crimes
,
the
means
of
tyranny
,
suppression
of
true
piety
,
and
persecution
of
Gods
faithful
Servants
,
and
of
rebellious
,
War
and
cruel
bloodshed
.
§
3.
To
this
end
I
described
the
steps
by
which
the
Clergy
ascended
to
the
Papal
height
:
For
as
all
Protestants
justly
maintain
that
their
Corruption
of
Doctrine
&
Worship
came
not
in
at
once
but
by
slow
degrees
,
so
do
they
also
of
the
Papal
Government
and
discipline
.
And
they
commonly
shew
the
vanity
of
the
Papists
demand
,
who
ask
us
who
was
the
man
,
and
which
was
the
year
,
as
if
the
world
had
gone
to
bed
in
simple
Christianity
,
and
awaked
Papists
the
next
morning
.
Whereas
it
is
most
evident
in
all
Church
history
that
the
Clergy
leaving
the
Christian
Purity
,
Simplicity
and
Love
,
did
climb
the
ladder
step
by
step
till
they
ascended
to
the
Papal
height
.
And
it
's
a
meer
dream
of
them
that
think
it
was
the
Bp.
of
Rome
alone
that
thus
ascended
,
and
not
the
Army
that
made
him
their
General
:
As
the
boat
riseth
with
the
waters
,
so
did
the
Pope
with
the
ascending
Clergy
:
Others
strove
for
superiority
as
he
strove
for
Supremacy
:
The
strife
began
among
Christs
Apostles
who
should
be
greatest
,
and
who
should
,
sit
next
him
in
his
Kingdom
;
And
though
Christ
then
supprest
it
by
his
Word
and
Spirit
,
and
the
sufferings
of
the
Church
took
down
those
aspiring
thoughts
,
as
soon
as
Constantine
had
set
them
the
Ladder
,
what
scrambling
was
there
who
should
climb
highest
.
Yea
Constantinople
strove
for
the
Supremacy
it self
.
§
3.
And
I
the
rather
mentioned
this
because
I
found
some
late
learned
Expositors
of
the
Revelations
,
taking
this
inordinate
ascent
,
for
the
promised
glory
and
felicity
of
the
Church
on
Earth
;
and
taking
it
for
the
fulfilling
of
many
of
those
prophecies
and
promises
which
some
applyed
to
the
Millennium
,
and
some
to
the
heavenly
state
.
And
doubtless
Hildebrand
and
his
adherents
had
such
thoughts
,
and
did
believe
that
their
rule
over
Emperours
,
Kings
and
Kingdoms
,
by
the
Power
of
the
Keys
of
the
Kingdom
of
heaven
,
was
the
true
Glory
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Reign
of
Christ
,
and
that
all
the
honour
was
indeed
given
to
Christ
as
King
of
the
Church
,
which
was
thus
given
to
the
Pope
and
the
Church-Parliaments
of
Bishops
.
Campanella
de
Regno
Dei
doth
but
speak
the
thoughts
of
greater
Clergy
men
when
he
applyeth
the
foresaid
Texts
to
prove
that
the
Popes
Universal
Monarchy
is
the
true
Kingdom
of
Christ
on
Earth
,
to
which
all
Monarchs
and
Men
must
stoop
.
And
Nature
is
so
apt
to
entertain
such
thoughts
,
especially
in
the
Clergy
,
who
think
of
it
as
their
own
prosperity
and
glory
,
that
it
is
no
wonder
,
if
as
Venner
,
and
his
Fifth
Monarchy
men
,
did
itch
to
be
getting
up
under
the
name
of
the
Reign
of
Christ
,
and
so
did
John
of
Leyden
and
his
Company
at
Munster
;
so
the
Fifth
Monarchy
Clergy
men
,
who
can
aspire
more
plausibly
,
do
long
to
be
climbing
,
and
are
very
reconcilable
to
Papal
Greatness
;
and
where
Popery
is
become
a
distasted
name
,
they
nevertheless
desire
their
share
in
the
Power
,
Honour
and
Wealth
,
and
under
pretence
of
Peace
and
Concord
among
all
Christians
,
and
restoring
the
Church
to
its
Unity
and
Strength
,
they
strive
for
much
of
the
same
thing
,
and
think
it
enough
to
avoid
the
name
:
And
the
Pope
shall
be
but
Principium
Unitatis
,
and
the
President
of
the
Clergy
or
Councils
.
Get
but
the
poor
trick
of
calling
nothing
Popery
but
the
Pope's
Arbitrary
absolute
Power
,
and
do
but
tie
him
to
Rule
by
the
Consent
and
Laws
of
Church-Parliaments
,
that
is
,
set
up
the
French
Church-Government
,
and
then
they
are
no
Papi●ts
.
Do
not
the
French
Protestants
deserve
all
their
sufferings
then
for
calling
the
Church
o●
Bishops
there
Papists
,
and
separating
from
so
Excellent
a
Government
?
§
5.
And
it
was
not
the
least
of
my
Motives
to
try
,
were
it
possible
to
cure
their
Love-killing
Errour
,
who
think
that
all
are
Enemies
to
Unity
and
Peace
,
who
are
not
for
Obedience
to
this
Universal
or
Superlative
Prelacy
,
and
to
save
us
all
from
that
confusion
and
calamity
,
which
this
Opinion
is
carrying
on
,
while
the
Patrons
of
it
think
that
all
are
to
be
prosecuted
,
silenced
,
ruined
as
Rebellious
Enemies
to
the
Ruling
Church
,
who
do
not
subject
themselves
to
such
a
Prelacy
;
and
that
we
must
or
can
have
no
Christian
Church-Concord
,
but
by
Obedience
to
the
Universal
Church
,
as
Bishop
Gunning
hath
over
and
over
told
me
,
that
is
,
to
the
Universal
Colledge
of
their
sort
of
Bishops
:
Yea
not
only
the
Papists
,
but
these
Bishops
among
us
,
to
this
purpose
repeat
and
apply
Psal.
72.
11.
Yea
all
Kings
shall
fall
down
before
him
:
All
Nations
shall
serve
him
.
Or
Isa.
60.
12.
For
the
Nation
and
Kingdom
that
will
not
serve
the●
shall
perish
:
Yea
those
Nations
shall
be
utterly
wasted
,
]
which
Bishop
Gunning
applyeth
to
the
Episcopal
Universal-Governing
Colledge
.
These
are
terrible
threatnings
,
as
they
shew
the
principles
and
purposes
of
men
,
however
they
mistake
the
mind
of
God
.
Few
parts
of
Europe
have
had
more
long
and
cruel
Wars
,
than
Italy
it self
,
where
these
Principles
have
obtained
:
But
the
blood
of
thousands
of
sincere
Christians
hath
been
a
Sacrifice
to
these
Principles
in
the
Clergy
.
When
we
read
in
Jesuites
,
Fryers
and
Prelates
,
sound
Christians
called
Hereticks
,
and
all
such
Hereticks
called
,
mortal
,
odious
,
wicked
,
pernicious
,
intollerable
Enemies
to
the
Church
,
whom
all
good
men
are
bound
to
endeavour
to
root
out
and
destroy
;
when
we
hear
our
neighbour
Papists
say
,
It
is
no
more
sin
to
kill
an
Heretick
than
a
Dog
:
And
when
we
hear
and
read
our
Clergy
calling
out
to
Magistrates
for
yet
more
Execution
upon
us
,
for
not
obeying
them
against
that
which
we
undoubtedly
take
for
the
Law
of
God
;
and
the
nearer
any
man
is
to
the
Papists
,
usually
the
more
he
is
for
our
destruction
,
and
for
their
way
of
cruelty
,
I
thought
it
time
to
try
if
it
were
possible
,
if
not
to
save
the
Land
from
this
consuming
fire
,
yet
at
least
to
save
some
Souls
who
else
were
like
to
be
tempted
to
malignant
Enmity
to
the
best
and
truest
Christians
,
and
to
perish
for
ever
by
this
deceit
.
How
many
honest
passages
are
in
Mr.
Thorndike
which
shew
that
it
was
n●●●●y
worldly
interest
of
his
own
that
moved
him
;
but
yet
the
Power
of
this
Errour
[
Of
a
Church
that
was
Universally
One
by
One
Ruling
Colledge
or
Council
of
Prelates
,
of
which
the
Pope
was
the
rightful
President
,
&c.
]
which
must
be
acknowledged
by
all
Nations
and
Persons
,
that
will
have
Christian
Communion
and
not
be
condemned
Schismaticks
,
prevailed
with
him
to
the
exclusion
of
all
Dissenters
,
and
confining
his
Communion
to
those
only
who
owned
and
obeyed
This
Universal
Governing
Church
.
§
6.
And
as
long
as
this
Opinion
prevaileth
,
especially
in
men
of
Power
and
Reverence
who
take
other
mens
belief
and
obedience
for
their
unquestionable
right
,
where
can
we
think
hatred
and
Persecution
will
stop
.
Will
not
they
still
think
that
they
that
kill
or
silence
or
imprison
or
banish
us
,
do
God
service
,
and
that
the
Magistrate
that
doth
not
punish
us
deserveth
punishment
from
God
,
if
not
also
from
the
Church
.
And
they
that
are
most
for
Seldom
preaching
,
and
can
dispense
with
our
Ministerial
labour
therein
,
will
not
be
indifferent
as
to
the
silencing
,
imprisoning
or
destroying
us
.
§
7.
Whether
we
have
any
reason
to
refuse
swearing
or
subscribing
to
them
,
and
never
to
endeavour
any
alteration
of
their
Government
as
it
is
in
England
,
I
have
sincerely
endeavoured
to
shew
in
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
.
And
if
Christian
Concord
and
Communion
be
so
hard
and
narrow
a
thing
,
as
that
no
men
are
Capable
of
it
who
are
not
of
a
higher
form
than
I
,
as
to
understanding
,
impartiality
and
willingness
to
know
the
Truth
,
the
Church
and
Christianity
are
things
beyond
my
capacity
and
reach
:
But
I
doubt
not
but
it
is
humane
errour
that
would
dwindle
it
into
so
small
a
Sect.
§
8.
Alas
what
Persons
for
Knowledge
and
Life
can
they
bear
with
in
their
Communion
,
who
cannot
bear
with
such
as
they
silence
and
ruine
in
this
Land
!
And
the
Papists
can
receive
even
those
that
know
not
Christ
if
they
do
but
profess
obedience
to
the
Clergy-Church
.
Luthers
words
are
harsh
,
but
I
will
recite
them
de
Concil●●s
P●●t
3.
Pag
291.
Si
monstrav●rint
mihi
unum
aliquem
ex
tota
illa
multitudine
qui
possit
aequare
unum
alphabetarium
in
aliqua
erudita
Schola
,
aut
in
summa
doctrinae
Christianae
,
vel
in
Scriptura
Sacra
tantum
profecerint
,
quantum
u●a
aliqua
puella
septem
a●norum
;
tunc
illis
concedam
palam
—
nisi
quod
plus
callent
traditionum
humanarum
,
&
Sycophantiarum
:
Quod
valde
credo
,
&
firmius
quam
in
Deum
cred●
,
cum
me
convinc●nt
facto
ipso
ut
credam
.
To
this
pass
did
the
Clergies
aspiring
then
bring
the
Church
,
when
worthy
men
were
silenced
and
persecuted
.
And
we
are
unwilling
of
any
thing
that
looketh
towards
a
differencing
men
so
contrary
to
that
which
Christ
will
make
at
last
.
CHAP.
II.
Whether
we
have
any
reason
to
report
the
Faults
of
some
Bishops
and
Councils
,
from
the
beginning
of
their
Depravation
till
the
last
?
§
1.
THat
I
had
great
reason
for
it
,
I
think
what
is
before
said
will
evince
;
when
we
see
men
destroying
Christian
Love
,
themselves
,
and
us
,
and
the
Land
,
could
they
prevail
,
by
their
erroneous
endeavour
to
grant
no
Concord
,
Communion
nor
Peace
,
to
no
Christians
how
conscionable
otherwise
soever
,
who
cannot
unite
in
a
species
of
Prelacy
which
they
believe
(
by
such
evidence
as
I
have
given
)
to
be
contrary
to
the
Law
of
Christ
.
To
the
saving
men
from
Heresie
and
Schism
now
,
our
opposers
(
and
we
)
do
judge
it
useful
,
to
know
how
Hereticks
and
Dividers
miscarried
heretofore
,
that
others
may
beware
.
And
is
it
not
as
true
if
Bishops
be
the
Dividers
?
And
also
when
the
Clergies
Ambition
and
Usurpation
have
brought
that
upon
the
Christian
World
which
it
languisheth
and
groaneth
under
in
East
and
West
,
is
it
not
needful
to
open
the
beginning
and
progress
of
the
disease
,
by
such
as
had
rather
it
were
cured
,
than
the
Church
destroyed
by
it
?
§
2.
Among
the
multitude
of
Protestant
Church
Historians
and
Chronologers
,
how
few
are
there
that
do
not
do
the
same
,
though
in
various
degrees
?
He
that
will
read
the
Magdeburgense●
,
or
Lucas
Osiander
,
Illyrici
Test.
Verit.
Melancthon
himself
,
and
Carion
Func●ius
,
yea
peaceable
holy
Bucholtzer
,
Micrelius
,
Meander
,
Phil.
Pareus
,
Hen.
Gut●erleth
,
&c.
yea
or
Julius
or
Jos.
Scaliger
,
Salmasius
,
H●ttoman
,
Hottinger
,
Morney
,
shall
see
the
faults
of
Bishops
opened
before
this
day
.
§
3.
The
pious
and
moderate
Papists
themselves
report
and
lament
them
:
Such
as
Clemangis
,
Pelagius
Alvarus
,
Mirandula
,
Fer●●
,
Jos.
Acosta
,
Lud.
Vives
,
Gerson
,
Erasmus
,
and
many
other
such
.
§
4.
The
antient
Godly
Bishops
are
they
who
for
the
most
part
have
been
freest
in
reprehending
the
vices
of
the
rest
;
especially
Greg.
Nazianzen
,
and
Chrysostom
,
and
many
antient
godly
Presbyters
have
been
as
free
,
as
Gildas
,
Isidore
Pelusiota
,
Salvian
,
Sulp.
Severus
,
Bernard
.
§
5.
And
if
I
have
wronged
the
Bishops
or
Popes
in
this
Abridgment
,
their
own
Historians
,
yea
their
chief
flatterers
have
wronged
them
.
One
Pope
angered
Platina
by
imprisoning
him
:
Yet
if
he
be
partial
,
it
is
for
the
Clergy
,
and
not
against
them
.
But
who
will
believe
that
Binnius
,
Baronius
,
Crab
,
Genebrard
,
Bellarmine
,
Petavius
,
and
such
others
have
spoken
too
hardly
of
them
.
There
is
no
one
man
that
I
took
so
much
from
as
Binnius
:
And
what
should
move
him
to
name
so
many
of
the
miscarriages
of
the
Councils
,
but
the
necessity
of
reciting
the
Acts
of
the
Councils
historically
as
he
found
them
?
§
6.
The
Sacred
Scriptures
record
the
Crimes
of
the
best
men
in
all
the
Ages
of
which
they
write
,
even
Adams
,
Noes
,
Lots
,
Aarons
,
Davids
,
Solomons
,
Hezekiahs
,
Josiahs
,
Peters
,
all
the
Apostles
,
&c.
And
it
was
not
done
out
of
spite
or
malice
;
but
as
a
necessary
warning
to
us
all
.
§
7.
The
falshood
of
History
is
an
intollerable
abuse
of
mankind
:
To
know
nothing
done
before
our
times
,
is
to
shut
up
mankind
in
a
dungeon
;
and
false
History
is
worse
than
none
.
And
it
may
be
false
and
deceitful
in
defect
as
well
as
excess
.
He
that
should
record
all
that
was
good
in
the
Popes
,
and
omit
all
the
rest
,
would
be
a
dangerous
deceiver
of
the
world
,
and
do
more
than
hath
been
done
to
make
all
Christians
Papists
.
You
tell
us
your selves
,
that
he
that
should
write
the
History
of
Cromwell
,
c.
g.
or
of
any
Sect
that
you
are
against
,
and
should
leave
out
all
their
faults
,
would
be
taken
for
a
false
Historian
.
§
8.
They
that
write
the
History
of
mens
Lives
,
do
use
to
record
their
Parentage
,
Birth
and
Education
:
And
so
must
he
that
will
truly
write
the
History
of
Church-Tyranny
,
Persecution
and
Schism
.
The
end
is
not
well
understood
without
the
beginning
.
Who
is
it
that
heareth
how
many
Ages
the
Christian
world
hath
been
divided
into
Papists
,
Greeks
,
Jacobites
,
Nestorians
,
Melchites
,
&c.
and
that
seeth
what
work
the
Papacy
hath
made
,
but
will
ask
how
all
this
came
to
pass
?
Did
the
man
that
died
of
Gluttony
,
swallow
all
at
one
morsel
?
or
rather
one
bit
after
another
?
And
when
the
Clergy
have
ventured
on
one
merry
Cup
,
or
one
pleasant
morsel
in
excesa
,
it
's
easie
to
make
them
believe
that
one
,
and
one
,
and
one
Cup
more
;
one
,
and
one
,
and
one
bit
more
,
is
no
more
unlawful
than
the
first
.
Princip●is
obsta
,
is
the
Rule
of
Safety
.
If
Papists
intending
the
recovery
of
England
to
the
Pope
should
say
[
Let
us
but
first
get
them
under
the
Oaths
,
Covenants
and
Practices
which
we
will
call
Conformity
,
and
so
cast
out
most
that
dare
not
sin
,
and
by
this
engage
them
as
two
Armies
in
contrary
Interest
to
fight
against
each
other
,
and
it
will
be
an
easie
matter
to
bring
the
swallowing
Party
to
go
further
by
degrees
,
and
to
believe
that
as
a
Parish
Church
must
not
be
independent
as
to
the
Diocesan
,
nor
the
Diocesan
to
the
Metropolitical
or
National
,
so
neither
must
a
National
be
independent
as
to
the
Universal
:
And
that
the
Universal
therefore
must
have
it
s
known
stated
Government
as
well
as
the
National
,
]
Were
it
not
necessary
here
for
him
that
would
save
the
Land
from
Popery
to
sh●w
the
danger
of
the
first
degrees
.
The
usual
Method
is
not
to
use
Boccalines
Roman
Engine
,
which
will
help
a
man
to
swallow
a
Pompion
that
he
may
get
down
a
Pill
,
but
to
swallow
a
lesser
Pill
first
and
a
bigger
next
,
till
the
Pompion
will
go
down
.
Infancy
is
before
manhood
.
§
9.
But
the
great
necessity
was
as
aforesaid
,
from
the
revived
or
rather
Continued
attempts
,
of
imitating
the
fatal
ambitious
and
Contentious
malady
.
If
Priscillians
,
or
Gnosticks
should
rise
now
among
us
,
were
it
not
our
duty
to
set
before
them
the
history
of
the
miscarriage
of
their
predecessours
.
And
when
men
are
so
much
set
on
restoring
an
Universal
Supremacy
,
is
it
not
meet
to
shew
them
where
,
and
when
,
and
with
what
success
the
aspiring
humour
did
begin
.
If
we
have
small
visible
probability
of
escaping
,
we
must
yet
before
we
come
to
Smithfield
,
satisfy
our
Consciences
that
we
betrayed
not
the
Church
.
CHAP.
III.
Of
Mr.
M's
notice
that
I
am
Unlearned
.
§
1.
MR.
M's
Preface
Contracteth
the
Chief
things
which
he
hath
to
say
against
me
in
his
book
,
that
the
Reader
may
find
them
there
all
together
.
And
of
these
[
that
I
am
unlearned
]
is
not
the
least
.
And
if
that
be
any
of
his
question
I
assure
him
it
shall
be
none
of
mine
.
I
am
not
yet
so
vain
as
to
plead
for
my
Learning
:
Yea
,
I
will
gratify
him
(
though
he
accuse
me
of
being
against
repentance
)
with
an
unfeigned
confession
that
my
ignorance
is
far
greater
than
his
accusation
of
unlearnedness
doth
import
.
Alas
I
want
the
knowledge
of
far
more
excellent
things
than
languages
.
I
do
but
imperfectly
know
my self
,
my
own
soul
,
my
own
thoughts
and
understanding
:
I
scarce
well
know
what
knowing
is
.
Verily
if
no
knowledge
be
properly
true
that
is
not
adequate
to
the
object
I
know
nothing
:
And
subscribe
to
Zanchez
,
quod
nihil
Scitur
,
(
by
such
as
I.
)
Alas
Sir
I
groan
in
darkness
from
day
to
day
,
&
I
know
not
how
to
be
delivered
!
How
little
do
I
know
of
that
God
whom
the
whole
Creation
preacheth
,
and
of
that
Society
which
I
hope
to
be
joyned
with
for
ever
,
and
that
world
which
must
be
my
hope
and
portion
,
or
I
am
undone
.
Many
whom
I
am
Constrained
to
dissent
from
upbraid
me
with
my
ignorance
,
and
I
suppose
it
is
that
for
which
they
silence
me
,
reproach
,
hate
and
prosecute
me
;
even
because
I
have
not
knowledge
enough
to
discern
that
all
their
impositions
are
lawful
(
or
else
I
know
not
what
it
is
for
)
But
none
of
them
all
can
(
and
will
)
tell
me
,
how
I
should
be
delivered
from
this
ignorance
:
If
they
say
,
[
It
must
be
by
hard
study
]
I
can
study
no
harder
than
I
have
done
.
If
they
say
[
I
must
be
willing
to
know
the
truth
]
I
take
my self
for
sure
that
I
am
so
:
If
in
that
also
I
am
ignorant
,
in
thinking
that
I
know
my
own
mind
when
I
do
not
,
what
else
then
can
I
hope
to
know
?
If
they
say
[
You
must
be
impartial
]
I
think
I
am
so
,
saving
that
I
must
not
deny
or
cast
away
the
truths
already
received
.
If
they
say
[
You
should
read
the
same
books
which
have
convinced
us
]
I
read
far
more
of
the
Papists
and
Prelatists
and
other
sects
that
write
against
me
,
than
of
those
that
are
for
me
.
And
the
more
I
read
the
more
I
am
confirmed
.
And
when
these
men
preach
and
write
against
the
Calvinists
,
they
render
them
odious
as
holding
that
men
are
necessitated
to
sin
and
to
be
damned
,
and
that
it
is
long
of
Gods
Decree
which
cannot
be
resisted
:
Therefore
I
suppose
they
will
not
lay
the
Cause
on
God
.
I
do
then
confess
my
Ignorance
,
of
matters
a
thousandfold
greater
and
more
needful
than
those
which
they
mention
in
their
accusations
.
I
confess
my self
unlearned
:
But
I
intreat
them
that
tell
me
of
my
disease
(
which
I
know
to
my
daily
grief
much
better
than
they
)
to
tell
me
also
how
I
may
be
cured
.
If
they
say
that
it
must
be
by
Fines
and
Imprisonment
it
hath
been
tryed
&
I
am
yet
uncured
:
I
hope
they
will
not
pronounce
me
remediless
and
not
tell
me
why
,
who
use
themselves
to
speak
against
those
that
preach
men
into
desperation
;
would
they
but
tell
me
the
secret
how
so
many
thousands
of
them
came
to
be
so
much
wiser
than
I
,
in
far
shorter
time
,
and
with
far
less
study
,
it
would
be
(
if
true
)
an
acceptable
deed
of
Charity
;
rather
than
to
tell
me
of
the
Ignorance
which
I
cannot
help
.
Could
I
but
know
needful
truth
in
English
,
I
would
joyfully
allow
them
to
glory
of
being
more
skilful
in
all
the
Oriental
Tongues
,
and
also
in
French
,
Irish
,
Spanish
and
Italian
,
than
I
am
.
CHAP.
IV.
Of
his
Accusation
,
that
I
vainly
name
Historians
which
I
never
saw
or
read
.
§
1.
I
Must
profess
that
it
never
was
my
purpose
to
tell
the
world
how
many
Historians
I
have
read
;
nor
to
abridge
all
that
I
have
read
:
And
those
that
I
have
most
read
I
have
there
made
no
mention
of
,
as
not
being
for
my
intended
end
:
And
multitudes
that
stood
by
me
,
I
never
opened
to
the
writing
of
this
history
,
my
design
being
chiefly
against
the
Papists
and
those
Protestants
who
most
esteem
their
writings
,
and
had
rather
unite
with
the
French
Papist
Church
,
than
with
us
Nonconformists
:
Therefore
when
I
was
past
the
first
400
or
500
years
,
it
was
the
greatest
and
most
flattering
Popish
historians
that
I
abriged
,
as
ad
hominem
being
likest
not
to
be
denyed
.
I
told
the
reader
that
I
made
not
use
of
Luther
the
Magdeburgenses
,
nor
the
Collections
of
Goldastus
,
Marquardus
Freherus
,
Reuberus
,
Pistorius
,
&c.
]
And
the
Printer
having
put
a
Comma
between
Marquardus
and
Freherus
,
he
Conjectures
that
I
took
him
for
two
men
,
because
I
added
not
the
Christian
names
of
the
rest
:
And
he
concludes
that
[
whoever
this
mistake
belongs
to
,
it
's
plain
that
M.
B.
had
but
little
acquaintance
with
those
Collections
.
]
For
I
name
some
of
the
Authors
therein
.
Ans.
Seeing
these
things
are
thought
just
matter
for
our
accusers
turn
,
I
will
crave
the
Readers
patience
with
such
little
things
while
I
tell
him
the
truth
.
It
is
about
25
years
since
I
read
the
Germa
:
History
in
the
Collections
of
Freherus
,
Reuberus
and
Pist●rius
,
and
about
30
years
since
I
read
the
Collections
of
Goldastus
:
The
Magdeburgenses
,
Osiander
,
Sleidan
,
or
any
such
Protestants
I
thought
vain
to
alledge
to
Papists
.
About
seven
or
eight
years
ago
as
I
remember
,
I
was
accused
for
Preaching
,
and
Fined
by
Sir
Thomas
Davis
;
and
the
Warrant
was
sent
by
him
to
Sir
Edm.
Bury
Godfrey
to
levy
it
on
me
by
Distress
:
I
had
no
way
to
avoid
it
but
bona
fide
,
to
make
away
all
that
I
had
:
Among
the
rest
I
made
away
my
Library
,
only
borrowing
part
of
it
for
my
use
.
I
purposed
to
have
given
it
almost
all
to
Cambridge
in
New-England
:
But
Mr.
Knowles
(
yet
living
)
who
knew
their
Library
,
told
me
that
Sir
Kenelme
Digby
had
already
given
them
the
Fathers
,
Councils
and
Schoolmen
,
but
it
was
History
and
Commentators
which
they
wanted
.
Whereupon
I
sent
them
some
of
my
Commentators
,
and
some
Historians
among
which
were
Freherus
,
Reuberus
and
Pistorius
Collections
,
and
Nauclerus
,
Sabellicus
,
Thuanus
,
Jos.
Scaliger
de
Emendat
.
Temp.
&c.
But
Goldastus
I
kept
by
me
(
as
borrowed
)
and
many
more
which
I
could
not
spare
;
and
the
Fathers
and
Councils
and
Schoolmen
I
was
stopt
from
sending
.
Now
whether
I
was
unacquainted
with
those
that
partly
stand
yet
at
my
Elbow
,
and
which
I
had
read
so
long
ago
,
must
depend
on
the
Credit
of
my
Memory
;
and
I
confess
my
Memory
is
of
late
grown
weak
,
but
not
so
weak
as
to
think
that
Marquardus
Freherus
was
not
one
man
,
and
a
Palatinate
Councillor
,
though
it
be
names
that
I
most
forget
;
why
I
gave
not
the
Christen
names
of
Reuberus
and
Pistorius
,
whether
because
I
forgat
them
,
or
because
I
minded
not
so
small
a
thing
,
not
dreaming
what
would
be
inferred
from
it
,
I
remember
not
.
But
when
I
wrote
that
abridgment
,
I
made
use
of
none
that
I
thought
the
Papists
would
except
against
:
For
the
first
ages
I
gathered
what
I
remembred
out
of
the
Fathers
,
and
out
of
Eusebius
,
Socrates
,
Sozomen
,
Evagrius
,
Theodoret
,
the
Tripartite
,
Nicephorus
,
Liberatus
,
Brev.
Victor
Utic
.
Beda
,
and
such
others
as
are
by
them
received
:
Besides
which
I
principally
followed
and
Epi●omized
Binnius
,
and
Crab
,
and
partly
Baronius
,
with
Platina
,
Onuphrius
Panunius
,
Stella
,
Petavius
,
and
others
of
their
own
.
And
I
resolved
I
would
not
so
much
as
open
Goldastus
,
or
any
Protestant
Collector
,
that
they
might
not
except
against
their
Credit
,
and
reject
them
as
malicious
cursed
Hereticks
,
as
Labbe
doth
Melchior
Goldastus
and
almost
all
such
others
as
he
mentions
;
and
as
Gretser
,
Sanders
,
and
other
Papists
commonly
do
.
Therefore
even
those
Histories
which
be
in
Goldastus
,
I
would
not
take
as
out
of
him
,
but
some
of
them
from
the
books
published
by
others
,
and
some
as
cited
by
Binnius
,
Petavius
,
or
other
such
.
And
this
is
now
the
proof
of
my
Vanity
.
§
2.
It
is
a
mistake
if
he
think
that
I
intended
(
as
he
speaks
)
to
be
a
Compiler
of
General
Church
History
;
When
I
professed
but
to
acquaint
the
English
Reader
with
the
true
matter
of
fact
out
of
the
Papists
themselves
,
what
the
ambitious
part
of
Bishops
and
Councils
have
done
,
and
by
what
degrees
the
Papacy
sprang
up
,
and
whether
subjection
to
the
ascendent
exort
Prelacy
be
absolutely
necessary
to
Concord
and
Salvation
.
§
3.
As
to
his
saying
[
I
am
the
first
that
ever
reckoned
Nazianzen
among
Historians
,
]
I
take
the
writings
of
the
Fathers
,
especially
Justin
,
Clemens
Alex.
Tertullian
,
Cyprian
,
Eusebius
,
Basil
,
Nazianzen
,
Hierom
,
Chrysostom
,
Augustin
,
to
be
the
best
part
of
Church
History
,
especially
their
Epistles
.
And
of
this
opinion
I
am
not
the
first
.
CHAP.
V.
Of
his
Accusation
of
my
citing
Hanmer
and
other
Translators
,
and
being
deceived
by
Binnius
and
such
others
.
§
1.
1.
HE
accuseth
me
for
not
using
Valesius
his
Edition
of
Eusebius
and
those
Editions
of
the
Councils
which
he
accounteth
the
best
:
To
which
I
say
,
1.
I
am
not
Rich
Enough
to
buy
them
,
nor
can
keep
them
if
I
had
them
.
Must
none
write
but
Rich
men
?
The
French
Councils
would
cost
more
than
many
of
us
are
worth
:
We
have
had
no
Ecclesiastical
maintenance
these
19
years
;
and
we
cannot
keep
the
books
we
have
.
Luther
wrote
his
book
de
Conciliis
when
it
seems
he
had
never
read
many
of
the
Councils
Acts
,
but
as
related
by
Eusebius
Socrates
,
Sozomen
,
and
the
Tripartite
History
.
2.
Dr.
James
hath
long
ago
warned
all
Scholars
to
make
much
of
Crab
and
other
old
ones
,
(
and
the
Fathers
as
Printed
at
Basil
by
Erasmus
,
Amerbachius
,
&c.
)
and
not
to
trust
much
to
new
Editions
,
as
coming
through
untrusty
hands
.
3.
Is
Valesius
a
man
of
so
much
credit
with
you
?
Do
you
believe
what
he
saith
of
Grotius
as
being
in
judgment
for
the
Papal
Church
,
and
only
in
prudence
delaying
his
visible
Communion
with
them
,
that
he
might
draw
in
many
with
him
?
(
Vales
.
in
Orat.
de
Petavio
:
)
If
he
lye
in
this
,
and
the
success
of
Petavius
on
Grotius
,
why
should
he
be
more
trusted
than
others
?
If
not
,
I
need
not
tell
you
what
to
think
of
those
Bishops
and
Drs.
who
profess
to
be
of
the
same
mind
and
Church
as
Grotius
;
nor
again
to
tell
you
who
they
be
.
4.
My
design
led
me
not
to
make
use
of
Criticks
,
but
only
to
tell
the
world
,
what
the
Papists
themselves
confess
,
such
as
I
have
throughout
cited
.
§
2.
As
for
my
using
Hanmers
Translation
of
Eusebius
and
Socrates
,
my
case
was
●s
before
described
:
Valesius
I
had
not
:
Grineus
I
made
use
of
heretofore
.
But
since
I
was
by
constraint
deprived
both
of
my
books
and
money
to
buy
more
,
when
I
wrote
that
Abridgment
,
I
had
only
Hanmers
Translation
left
me
.
And
if
that
sort
of
men
that
forced
me
to
give
away
my
books
,
to
keep
them
from
being
distreined
on
,
will
make
use
of
this
to
prove
me
ignorant
of
them
,
the
matter
is
very
small
to
me
.
If
you
say
,
I
should
not
then
have
written
,
I
answer
,
could
they
so
have
silenced
us
in
the
Pulpit
,
they
had
more
answered
their
own
judgment
than
mine
.
I
had
no
use
for
Criticks
,
nor
for
any
thing
in
Eusebius
and
Socrates
that
depends
on
the
credit
of
the
Translator
.
§
3.
As
to
his
oft
noting
that
in
Translations
,
and
sometime
in
Chronology
I
err
by
following
Binnius
,
I
answer
,
had
I
written
a
full
Church
History
,
I
should
better
have
examined
him
and
others
.
But
I
lay
no
stress
of
my
cause
of
any
of
Binnius
his
Translations
,
nor
will
I
undertake
for
any
Historian
that
I
cite
:
My
business
was
but
to
tell
those
that
believe
Binnius
and
Baronius
,
and
such
other
,
what
they
say
.
Nor
do
I
yet
intend
to
bestow
any
time
,
in
examining
whether
he
wrong
Binnius
or
not
,
it
being
nothing
to
my
cause
nor
me
,
whether
he
mistook
a
year
,
or
the
meaning
of
a
word
of
the
Authors
whom
he
citeth
.
§
4.
He
saith
I
use
an
old
uncorrect
Edition
of
Binnius
1606.
Ans.
It
is
that
which
is
in
most
common
use
,
entituled
,
Recognita
,
Aucta
,
notis
Illustrata
,
dedicated
to
the
Pope
,
and
to
C.
Baronius
,
ejus
monitu
scripta
,
qui
veterem
illam
,
mendosam
,
mutilam
&
confusam
compilationem
mille
locis
illustravit
,
&c.
commonly
Preferred
before
Crab
,
Surius
,
Nicolinus
,
&c.
But
any
quarrel
serveth
some
men
.
CHAP.
VI.
Of
his
Accusations
of
my
own
Mistranslations
and
Mistakes
.
§
1.
OF
these
are
two
real
Oversights
which
he
nameth
,
committed
by
too
much
hast
and
heedlesness
:
The
one
is
,
that
I
misplaced
[
Vere
]
in
the
Translation
of
a
Speech
of
Theodorets
;
a
gross
oversight
I
confess
:
The
other
,
that
I
put
[
Episcopi
]
as
if
it
had
been
the
〈…〉
tive
case
,
when
it
was
the
Nominative
plural
;
which
also
was
a
heedless
oversight
.
And
about
the
death
of
Stephanus
,
he
noteth
my
mistranslating
Calami
;
and
I
imagine
yet
he
is
scarce
certain
what
it
signified
himself
.
As
for
his
note
of
my
use
of
[
Scripture
]
about
the
Ephesine
Council
,
I
purposely
kept
to
the
literal
Translation
,
that
none
might
say
I
did
mistranslate
it
;
but
I
never
said
that
by
the
Scriptures
was
meant
the
Bible
.
§
2.
This
Accuser
puts
too
great
an
honour
on
such
a
History
as
mine
,
which
goeth
through
so
many
Ages
and
Acts
,
in
noting
so
few
,
and
such
little
things
.
I
never
pretended
to
be
as
good
an
Historian
as
he
is
;
yet
I
do
not
think
that
it
was
any
thing
but
a
slip
of
memory
that
made
him
put
Eustathius
instead
of
Flavian
,
as
kickt
to
death
at
Ephesus
.
And
me
thinks
he
that
thus
begins
his
Errata
of
his
own
Book
[
The
faults
that
have
escaped
are
almost
infinite
:
]
should
not
for
one
false
Comma
of
the
Printers
,
have
passed
the
foresaid
censure
of
me
.
But
doth
not
this
Learned
Historian
know
,
how
ordinarily
the
greatest
of
them
do
charge
one
another
with
manifold
Errours
,
and
of
far
greater
moment
than
these
forementioned
.
How
few
Historians
do
not
this
?
Yea
what
bitter
censures
doth
he
pass
himself
on
no
lower
Historians
than
Socrates
and
Sozomen
?
It
would
be
tedious
to
give
you
the
Instances
that
every
such
Book
affordeth
.
I
see
he
valueth
Labbe
the
Jesuite
.
How
oft
doth
he
accuse
Historians
of
Errour
,
Ignorance
,
Malice
,
&c.
e.
g.
de
Anastasio
Biblioth.
so
eminent
a
Writer
of
the
Popes
Lives
,
yet
[
Errat
Vossius
&
siqui
alii
cum
Anastasio
Presbytero
,
&c.
]
And
even
of
that
famous
History
of
the
Popes
,
[
Onuphria●
Panuinius
,
Gerb.
Vossius
,
&
plerique
alii
〈◊〉
consent
esse
ab
Anastasio
scriptam
,
Nicolai
1.
Papae
Vitam
,
&
a
Gulielm●
S.
R.
E.
Bibliothecario
additas
fuisse
Ha●r
.
2.
&
Steph.
6.
P.
Vitas
:
Verum
Cardinalis
Baronius
iis
refragatur
eidemque
auctori
omnes
illas
ascribit
;
sunt
quoque
qui
a
Damaso
Papa
,
&c.
]
Here
the
greatest
Historians
differ
about
one
of
the
most
noted
Histories
.
Of
Augustin's
Works
(
To.
1.
p.
129.
)
he
tells
you
that
Bellarmine
tells
us
not
what
Edition
he
used
:
But
it
's
certain
he
used
not
the
Antwerp
,
or
Plantinian
Edition
,
which
was
the
best
,
and
the
Original
of
all
the
rest
.
]
P.
132.
Rivet
and
Perkins
are
derided
for
disowning
some
Epistles
.
P.
135.
Erasmi
,
Riveti
similiumque
ridetur
a
doctis
censura
(
viz.
de
lib.
Continent
.
)
And
I
profess
my self
less
skilful
in
such
matters
than
Erasmus
.
Et
ibid.
Erasmus
&
H●sius
Juliano
opus
illud
tribuere
videntur
,
Pamelius
tanquam
incerti
Authoris
allegat
:
Nos
cum
Lovaniensibus
Bellarmino
,
aliisque
Catholicis
Augustini
esse
censemus
,
nec
tricae
Riveti
deterrent
.
P.
136.
Quaest.
Vet.
&
Novi
Test
.
non
sunt
Augustini
ut
facile
omnes
consentiunt
:
Quamvis
sub
ejus
nomine
citatae
reperiantur
ab
Episcopis
Lutetiae
Paris
.
An.
824.
Congregatis
&
quibusdam
aliis
.
Of
Ausonius
the
Poet
,
p.
171.
he
saith
,
[
Quam
falsa
sint
quae
de
eo
scripsit
Jo.
Trithemius
quivis
vel
ex
ipsa
lectione
intelliget
.
Of
Mantuan
,
p.
173.
[
Ex
Trithemii
encomio
haec
dubio
pro●ul
omni
obliteranda
:
[
Q●
metro
Virgilium
,
Ciceronem
prosa
aequat
,
ne
dicam
superat
:
]
Sunt
enim
falsissima
iis
qui
gustum
aliquem
latinitatis
habent
.
Of
Beda
,
p.
184.
See
what
he
saith
of
Will
.
Malmsbury
,
Mat.
Westminst.
Vessius
and
Baronius
.
Of
B●ethius
,
p.
204.
Henorius
Augustod
.
—
ubi
falso
narrat
Mediolani
interfectum
fuisse
—
P.
217.
Plura
adversus
Leunclavium
,
primum
eorum
editorem
declamavit
Jac.
Billius
(
de
Caesario
.
)
De
Claudio
Scoto
,
p.
228.
Tho.
Dempsterus
multa
pro
more
suo
indigesta
effudit
—
De
Gersone
,
p.
565.
Errat
post
Possevinum
Maraccius
qui
Joan.
hunc
Monachum
ordinis
coelesti
—
asserit
—
Idem
quoque
ex
Patrologo
eradendum
.
See
what
he
saith
de
Julio
Asricano
,
that
the
Annotationes
eruditiss
.
in
Euseb.
Eccles.
Hist.
.
—
Opinioni
nostrae
in
plerisque
adversantur
.
]
I
suppose
he
means
that
Valesius
which
I
wanted
.
And
de
Justino
Mart.
Scaligerum
errasse
,
&c.
]
Et
p.
833.
(
insigne
mendum
ex
Trithemio
,
Gesnero
,
Simlero
,
Sexto
,
Possevino
,
Bellarmino
,
Miraeo
,
aliisque
propagatum
—
)
To.
2.
p.
361.
Smaragdos
duos
in
unum
confuderunt
,
Trithemius
,
Sixtus
Senensis
,
Possevinus
,
Bellarminus
,
Miraeus
aliique
passim
—
]
Abundance
such
charges
tell
us
how
much
greater
Errours
are
charged
on
the
greatest
Historians
,
than
Mr.
Morrice
chargeth
on
me
,
with
the
least
shew
of
probability
.
How
many
score
of
Historians
doth
Blondell
cite
,
who
he
thinks
have
falsly
told
us
of
a
Pope
Joan
?
What
abundance
of
faults
would
Causabon
have
found
in
Baronius
,
if
he
had
lived
to
go
through
him
as
he
began
?
And
I
profess
my self
much
more
ignorant
in
History
than
Baronius
.
It
would
be
tedious
to
number
all
the
gross
Errours
that
Vossius
citeth
de
scriptor
.
Graecis
&
Latinis
;
e.
g.
in
the
Later
.
p.
230.
Hos
duos
confudit
Trithemius
—
vid.
quae
habet
de
Fla●
.
Alcuino
,
p.
290
,
291
,
292.
De
Usuardo
,
p.
295.
cont.
Gualterium
&
Baronium
,
Wicelium
,
p.
296.
&
cap.
32.
de
Turpino
contra
Trithemium
&
alios
.
Et
cap.
33.
de
Walafr
.
Strab.
Tritthenius
vehementer
errat
—
Et
Laur.
Surium
Bellarmin
.
in
Catal.
&
alios
nonnullos
in
errorem
induxit
.
Vid.
&
quae
de
Aimoino
,
p.
308
,
309.
habet
,
&
contra
Possevinum
,
p.
310.
&
contra
alios
,
311.
Et
contra
Baronium
,
Breulium
,
&c.
312.
Et
de
Haimone
cap.
35.
contra
Tritthenium
,
&
de
Rabano
Mauro
,
p.
315.
Et
de
Landulph
.
Sagace
contra
Caes
.
Orlandium
.
De
Anastas
.
c.
35.
p.
319.
De
Hin●maro
contra
Tritthenium
,
c.
36.
p.
320.
But
I
must
not
tire
the
Reader
:
Multitudes
of
such
Instances
this
one
Author
gives
us
:
And
how
few
Historians
charge
not
others
with
Errours
so
much
greater
,
and
more
than
Mr.
M.
with
any
Truth
accuseth
me
of
.
§
3.
As
to
his
notes
on
my
Titles
of
some
Councils
,
it
's
past
my
memory
,
whether
it
was
my
carelesness
,
or
(
as
I
think
)
the
Printer's
Errour
,
to
put
[
a
Council
at
Aransican
,
Toletan
,
Regiense
,
for
Concilium
Aransicanum
,
Toletanum
,
Rhegiense
.
]
If
it
was
my
act
,
I
forgot
that
I
had
first
put
the
Substantive
in
English
.
But
he
may
oft
find
the
same
names
used
to
his
mind
:
And
sure
it
is
no
falsification
of
the
History
.
§
4.
But
he
hath
a
far
greater
charge
against
me
,
that
I
did
not
apprehend
the
mind
of
the
Council
at
Tours
;
why
so
?
The
words
are
[
Nos
vero
siquos
Lex
perimi
jubet
,
si
cupiunt
audire
praeconem
,
volumus
ut
convertantur
ad
vitam
:
Nam
perimendi
sunt
oris
gladio
&
communione
privandi
si
relicta
sibi
seniorum
decreta
observare
noluerint
,
&c.
Here
he
saith
the
meaning
is
,
[
The
Ecclesiastical
Laws
do
punish
such
with
perpetual
Excommunications
,
yet
this
Council
thought
fit
to
mitigate
it
,
&c.
]
The
Question
is
,
Whether
[
Quos
Lex
perimi
jubet
,
signifie
Death
,
or
Excommunication
?
]
I
take
it
to
be
Death
,
and
that
the
Council
saith
[
Though
by
the
Law
such
are
to
Die
,
if
they
will
hear
the
Preacher
,
we
will
have
them
converted
to
Life
:
But
so
that
if
they
will
not
be
separated
,
the
Church
Sword
of
Excommunication
shall
cut
them
off
instead
of
Death
.
]
My
Reasons
why
[
Lex
perimi
jubet
]
signifieth
Death
,
are
from
the
express
foregoing
words
,
[
Quia
etiam
Lex
Romana
constituit
,
ut
quicunque
sacratam
Deo
Virginem
vel
Viduam
fortasse
rapuerit
,
si
postea
eis
de
conjunctione
convenerit
,
capitis
sententia
feriantur
.
Item
siquis
,
non
dicam
rapere
,
sed
attent
are
matrimonii
conjungendi
causa
,
sacram
Virginem
ausus
fuerit
,
capitis
sententia
feriatur
.
Cum
etiam
in
Chronicis
habeatur
de
Virginibus
Gentilium
tempore
,
quae
se
deae
Vestae
sacraverant
,
postmisso
proposito
&
corrupta
virginali
gratia
,
Legali
sententia
vivas
in
terra
fuisse
desossas
.
If
none
of
this
signifie
Death
,
I
confess
I
understand
not
Latine
.
I
thought
the
Council
meant
Death
by
[
Lex
perimi
jubet
,
]
but
they
would
be
more
merciful
;
which
I
blamed
them
not
for
,
but
noted
here
what
many
other
Canons
instance
,
where
they
also
punish
murder
but
with
keeping
men
from
Communion
,
that
this
agreeth
with
some
Sectaries
Opinion
.
I
leave
Mr.
M's
.
great
skill
in
expounding
Councils
here
to
any
equal
Judge
.
But
if
I
ignorantly
mistake
in
all
this
,
and
neither
[
Capitis
sententia
feriantur
]
nor
[
Vivas
in
terra
desossas
]
signifie
Death
,
but
Excommunication
,
yet
many
other
Canons
after
cited
fully
tell
us
of
the
Bishops
Clemency
.
CHAP.
VII
.
Mr
M's
.
Exposition
of
Church
History
tryed
by
his
Exposition
of
my
own
words
:
And
1.
Of
his
false
supposition
that
I
am
only
for
a
Church
of
one
Congregation
meeting
in
one
place
.
§
1.
IF
so
many
repetitions
of
my
Opinion
cannot
save
Mr
M.
from
so
untrue
a
supposition
of
my self
,
I
must
not
too
far
trust
him
,
of
the
sence
of
those
that
he
is
as
distant
from
as
I.
Yet
this
supposition
running
through
all
his
book
,
shews
that
he
wrote
it
against
he
knew
not
whom
nor
what
.
His
foundation
is
because
I
define
a
single
Church
by
Personal
present
Communion
.
§
2.
I
do
so
:
And
1.
Doth
he
think
there
is
no
such
thing
as
Christians
conjoyned
for
assembling
in
Gods
ordinary
worship
,
under
the
Conduct
of
their
Proper
Pastors
.
I
will
not
censure
him
so
hardly
as
to
think
he
will
deny
it
.
2.
Are
these
Churches
or
not
.
I
suppose
he
will
say
,
Yea.
3.
But
is
there
no
Personal
Pres●nt
Communion
but
in
publick
worship
.
Yes
sure
Neighbours
who
worship
God
in
divers
places
,
may
yet
live
in
the
Knowledge
and
conversation
of
each
other
;
and
may
meet
for
Election
of
Officers
,
and
other
Church
businesses
,
and
may
frequently
exhort
,
reprove
and
admonish
each
other
,
and
relieve
each
other
in
daily
wants
;
and
many
meet
sometimes
by
turns
in
the
same
place
,
where
they
all
cannot
meet
at
once
:
We
have
great
Towns
,
(
like
Ipswich
,
Plymouth
Shrewsbury
,
&c.
)
which
have
many
Parishes
,
and
yet
Neighbourhood
maketh
them
capable
of
[
Personal
Communion
in
Presence
]
as
distinct
from
[
Communion
by
Letters
or
Delegats
with
those
that
we
neither
see
nor
know
.
]
And
we
have
many
great
Parishes
which
have
several
Chappels
,
where
the
People
ordinarily
meet
yet
per
vices
some
one
time
and
some
another
come
to
the
Parish
Churches
.
Have
these
no
Parochial
Personal
Communion
?
To
the
well-being
of
a
Church
,
I
confess
I
would
not
have
a
single
Church
of
the
lowest
species
have
too
many
,
nor
too
few
:
No
more
than
whose
Personal
Communion
should
be
frequent
in
Gods
publick
worship
.
Nor
so
few
as
should
not
fully
employ
more
Ministers
of
Christ
than
one
.
But
to
the
Being
of
a
Church
,
I
only
require
that
the
End
of
their
Association
be
Personal
Communion
as
distinct
from
distant
Communion
by
Letters
and
delegates
.
And
by
[
Communion
]
I
mean
not
only
the
Sacrament
.
§
2.
It
is
in
vain
therefore
to
answer
a
book
that
goeth
on
such
false
suppositions
,
and
a
man
that
will
face
down
the
world
that
I
plead
for
that
which
I
never
owned
,
and
so
frequently
disclaim
.
CHAP.
VIII
.
Of
his
false
supposition
that
I
am
against
Diocesan
Bishops
,
because
I
am
against
that
species
of
them
which
puts
down
all
the
Bishops
of
single
Churches
,
and
those
Churches
themselves
.
§
1.
THis
supposition
goeth
through
almost
all
the
book
:
In
his
preface
he
saith
[
The
superiority
of
Bishops
over
Presbyters
is
acknowledged
by
Catholicks
,
and
Schismaticks
&
Hereticks
,
&c.
and
yet
this
Church
history
would
have
us
believe
the
Contrary
.
]
And
so
throughout
.
§
2.
And
yet
to
shew
that
he
knew
the
Contrary
in
one
place
he
confesseth
it
,
and
described
part
of
my
judgment
,
and
saith
that
none
will
be
of
my
mind
in
it
,
but
it
is
singular
to
my self
:
Yea
I
had
in
my
Disput.
of
Church
Government
,
which
he
taketh
on
him
in
part
to
answer
,
and
in
my
Treat
.
of
Episcopacy
which
he
also
pretends
to
answer
in
part
,
told
them
of
more
sorts
of
Bishops
than
one
that
I
oppose
not
,
no
not
A.
Bishops
themselves
:
And
one
of
them
hereupon
notes
it
as
if
I
differed
but
about
the
name
,
submitting
to
Diocesans
so
they
may
but
be
called
A.
Bishops
.
To
whom
▪
I
answered
that
A.
Bishops
have
Bishops
under
them
,
so
that
though
I
over
and
over
even
to
tediousness
tell
them
it
is
the
d●posing
of
all
the
first
or
lowest
Species
of
Bishops
and
Churches
,
and
Consequently
all
Possibility
of
true
Dis●ipline
that
I
oppos●
,
and
submit
to
any
that
oversee
many
such
Churches
without
destroying
them
and
their
priviledges
instituted
by
Christ
]
I
speak
●ill
in
vain
to
them
:
These
true
Historians
face
down
the
world
that
I
write
whole
books
to
the
clean
contrary
.
CHAP.
IX
.
Of
his
supposition
that
I
am
an
Independent
,
and
yet
that
I
plead
for
the
cause
of
the
Presbyterians
.
§
1.
THis
is
also
a
supposition
that
is
part
of
the
Stamina
of
his
Book
;
and
how
far
he
is
to
be
believed
herein
judge
by
the
evidence
following
.
1.
He
knew
what
I
said
before
for
three
sorts
of
Bishops
,
1.
Episcopi
Gregis
,
Overseers
of
single
lowest
Churches
,
as
of
Divine
Institution
:
2.
For
Episcopi
Episcoporum
,
or
Presidents-Bishops
ejusdem
Ordinis
,
non
ejusdem
Gradus
,
in
the
same
Churches
,
as
of
early
Humane
Institution
,
which
I
resist
not
.
3.
Episcopi
Episcoporum
,
Overseers
of
many
Churches
,
which
I
suspect
to
be
Successors
of
the
Apostles
,
and
of
such
as
Timothy
,
Titus
,
&c.
in
the
continued
ordinary
part
of
their
work
,
(
exercising
no
other
Power
than
they
did
:
)
Insomuch
that
Dr.
Sherlock
would
be
thought
so
much
less
Episcopal
than
I
,
as
that
he
saith
,
It
is
Antichristian
to
assert
Episcopos
Episcoporum
.
§
2.
And
Dr.
Parker
hath
newly
written
a
Book
for
Episcopacy
,
which
I
hear
many
despise
;
but
for
my
part
I
take
to
be
the
strongest
that
I
have
seen
written
for
it
these
twenty
years
;
but
to
no
purpose
against
me
;
for
it
is
but
for
Episcopacy
in
general
,
which
I
oppose
not
.
It
excellent
well
improveth
the
Arguments
of
the
K.
and
Bishops
at
the
Isle
of
Wight
;
even
that
one
Argument
that
a
Superiority
of
some
over
others
being
settled
by
Christ
and
his
Apostles
,
that
Form
must
be
supposed
to
continue
,
unless
we
have
clear
proof
of
the
Repeal
or
Cessation
.
I
have
ost
said
the
same
;
I
could
never
answer
that
Argument
:
But
this
will
not
justifie
the
deposing
of
thousands
of
Bishops
and
Churches
,
and
of
their
Discipline
,
to
turn
them
all
into
two
or
three
Diocesans
.
§
3.
Also
he
knoweth
that
I
have
written
these
35
years
against
Lay.
Elders
;
believing
that
the
Colledge
of
Elders
which
of
old
assisted
the
Bishops
,
were
none
of
them
Lay-men
,
nor
unordained
,
but
of
the
same
Order
,
though
not
Degree
,
with
the
Bishop
himself
.
§
4.
And
I
have
also
written
that
Synods
of
Bishops
or
Presbyters
are
but
for
Concord
,
and
have
not
as
such
by
a
major
Vote
a
proper
Government
of
the
minor
part
or
absent
:
Much
less
that
Classes
,
and
other
Assemblies
,
are
the
stated
Church-Government
which
all
must
obey
:
And
are
the
Presbyterians
of
any
of
the
three
forementioned
Opinions
?
§
5.
I
ever
held
a
necessity
of
manifold
dependance
of
all
Christians
and
Churches
.
As
all
depend
on
Christ
as
their
Head
,
so
do
all
the
People
on
the
Pastors
,
as
their
authorized
Guides
,
whom
they
must
not
Rule
,
but
be
Ruled
by
,
1
Thes.
5.
12
,
13.
Heb.
13.
17
,
24.
And
all
these
Churches
depend
on
each
other
for
Communion
and
Mutual
Help
,
as
many
Corporations
in
one
Kingdom
.
And
frequent
Synods
well
used
,
are
greatly
helpful
to
these
ends
:
And
the
Command
of
doing
as
much
as
we
can
in
Love
and
Concord
,
doth
bind
all
the
particular
persons
to
concur
with
the
Synods
in
all
things
that
tend
to
the
Peace
and
Edification
of
the
Church
,
or
are
not
against
it
.
And
more
than
so
,
if
the
general
Visitors
or
Bishops
that
take
care
of
many
Churches
,
do
by
God's
Word
direct
,
instruct
,
reprove
,
admonish
the
particular
Bishops
and
Churches
,
they
ought
with
reverence
to
hear
them
and
obey
them
.
And
if
Independents
really
are
for
all
this
,
why
do
these
Accusers
represent
them
odiously
,
as
if
it
were
no
such
matter
,
but
they
were
meerly
for
Church-Democracy
?
Either
you
are
not
to
believed
in
what
you
say
of
them
,
or
of
me
.
§
6.
I
know
we
have
men
that
say
,
that
on
pretence
of
acknowledging
all
this
Episcopacy
,
I
put
down
all
,
because
I
take
from
them
the
power
of
the
Sword
,
and
leave
all
to
despise
them
if
they
please
.
Ans.
This
indeed
is
the
power
that
under
the
name
of
Episcopacy
now
too
many
mean
.
Bishop
Bilson
knew
no
Power
but
Magistrates
by
the
Sword
,
and
Ministers
by
the
Word
.
But
why
name
I
one
man
?
It
is
the
common
Opinion
of
Protestants
,
and
most
sober
Papists
,
that
Bishops
as
such
have
no
power
of
force
on
Body
or
Purse
.
But
we
deny
not
the
forcing
Power
of
the
Magistrate
.
3.
But
we
heartily
wish
that
they
would
keep
it
in
their
own
hands
,
and
never
use
it
to
force
unwilling
men
into
the
Church
,
or
to
Church-Communion
;
high
Priviledges
which
no
unwilling
person
hath
any
right
to
.
This
is
my
Independency
.
CHAP.
X.
Of
his
Accusation
,
That
I
make
the
Bishops
the
Authors
of
all
Heresies
and
Schisms
,
as
distinct
from
Presbyters
,
Monks
and
People
.
§
1.
THis
also
runs
throughout
his
Book
;
and
must
such
Books
be
answered
or
believed
?
I
never
denyed
the
guilt
and
concurrence
of
others
with
them
.
I
only
say
,
That
as
Bishops
were
the
Chief
,
so
they
had
the
chief
hand
,
as
far
as
I
can
yet
learn
,
in
Heresies
and
Schisms
,
since
they
came
to
their
height
of
Power
,
and
specially
in
those
grand
Heresies
and
Schisms
,
which
have
broken
,
and
keep
the
Churches
in
those
great
Sects
and
Parties
,
which
in
East
and
West
it
consisteth
of
to
this
day
.
I
never
doubted
or
denyed
but
that
1.
The
Heresies
that
were
raised
before
the
Church
had
any
Patriarchs
,
or
the
turgent
sort
of
Bishops
,
were
certainly
raised
without
them
.
2.
And
afterward
sometime
a
Presbyter
began
a
Heresie
.
3.
And
the
Bishops
were
but
as
the
Generals
of
the
Army
in
all
the
Church
Civil
Wars
.
But
I
never
denyed
but
the
Prelatical
Priests
,
Monks
,
and
multitude
were
their
obsequi●us
Army
.
§
2.
Mr.
M.
saith
,
That
those
Bishops
that
were
Hereticks
,
were
mostly
such
,
or
inclined
to
it
before
.
Answ.
1.
Was
there
then
a
good
Succession
of
Ordination
,
when
the
World
groaned
to
find
it self
Arian
?
Were
all
these
Arians
before
their
Consecration
?
Answ.
2.
Were
they
not
all
Prelatical
Presbyters
that
aspired
to
be
Bishops
,
and
so
as
they
say
had
a
Pope
or
Bishop
in
their
bellies
.
I
never
thought
that
Prelatical
Priests
that
studied
Preserment
,
and
longed
to
be
Bishops
,
had
no
hand
in
Heresies
nor
Schisms
,
no
more
than
that
the
Roman
Clergy
are
innocent
herein
,
and
the
fault
is
in
the
Pope
alone
.
What
a
deal
then
of
this
man's
Book
is
lost
and
worse
,
on
such
suppositions
?
CHAP.
XI
.
Of
his
confident
Accusation
,
that
I
mention
all
the
faults
of
the
Bishops
,
and
none
of
their
Goodness
,
or
Good
Deeds
.
§
1.
THis
also
is
a
chief
part
of
the
Warp
or
Stamen
of
his
Book
.
In
his
Preface
he
saith
,
[
This
History
of
Bishops
is
nothing
else
but
an
Account
of
all
the
faults
that
Bishops
have
committed
in
the
several
Ages
of
the
Church
,
without
Any
Mention
of
their
Good
Actions
,
of
their
Piety
and
Severity
of
their
Lives
;
of
their
Zeal
for
the
Faith
,
&c.
]
Answ.
1.
Whether
this
Fundamental
Accusation
be
true
or
false
,
let
the
Reader
who
loveth
Truth
see
1.
In
the
very
first
Chapt.
from
§
41.
to
the
end
.
2.
Through
all
the
Book
where
I
oft
praise
good
Bishops
,
good
Councels
,
and
good
Canons
,
and
good
Books
and
Deeds
.
3.
In
the
two
last
Chapters
of
the
Book
,
written
purposely
to
hinder
an
ill
use
of
the
Bishops
faults
.
In
the
first
Chapter
[
Very
many
of
the
Bishops
themselves
were
humble
,
hol●
,
faithful
men
,
that
grieved
for
the
miscarriages
of
the
rest
:
Though
such
excellent
persons
as
Gregory
of
Neocaesarea
,
Greg.
Nazianz.
Greg.
Nyssen
,
Basil
,
Chrysostom
,
Augustine
,
Hillary
,
Prosper
,
Fulgentius
,
&c.
were
not
very
common
,
no
doubt
but
there
were
many
that
wrote
not
Books
,
nor
came
so
much
into
the
notice
of
the
World
,
but
avoided
contentions
and
factious
stirs
,
that
quietly
and
honestly
conducted
the
Flocks
in
the
waies
of
Piety
,
Love
,
and
Justice
.
And
some
of
them
(
as
St.
Martin
)
separated
from
the
Councils
and
Communion
of
the
prevailing
turbulent
sort
of
the
Prelates
;
to
signifie
the
disowning
of
their
sins
.
]
Of
the
Antients
before
the
world
crowded
into
the
Church
,
I
never
made
question
:
Such
as
Clemens
,
Polycarp
,
Ignatius
,
Irenaeus
,
and
the
rest
.
How
oft
I
have
praised
holy
Cyprian
,
and
the
African
Bishops
and
Councils
,
he
sometime
confesseth
.
What
I
say
of
Atticus
,
Proclus
,
and
other
peaceable
Bishops
,
you
may
see
p.
17.
and
very
oft
.
Yea
of
the
Bishops
of
many
Sects
,
much
of
the
Albigenses
,
&c.
p.
17
,
18.
Yea
of
the
good
that
was
done
by
the
very
worldly
sort
p.
18
,
19
,
20.
Yea
of
the
Papists
Bishops
that
were
pious
p.
20.
§
46.
And
§
47.
I
vindicate
the
excellency
of
the
Sacred
Office
.
And
§
53
,
58
,
59
,
60.
I
plead
for
Episcopacy
it self
in
the
justifiable
species
of
it
.
§
2.
But
perhaps
he
will
say
,
that
at
least
I
say
more
of
their
faults
than
their
〈◊〉
:
I
answer
,
of
such
good
Bishops
as
Cyprian
,
Basil
,
Greg.
Nazianzen
,
Chrysostom
,
Augustin
,
Hillary
,
Martin
,
&c.
I
speak
of
their
virtues
and
nothing
at
all
(
that
I
remember
)
of
their
faults
.
Of
such
as
Theophilus
,
and
Cyril
Alexandri
.
and
Epiphanius
,
&c.
I
speak
of
their
virtues
and
some
of
their
faults
(
as
the
scripture
doth
of
many
good
mens
.
)
Of
the
more
ambitious
,
turbulent
sort
,
I
speak
only
or
mostly
of
their
faults
:
For
I
profess
not
to
write
a
History
of
their
lives
,
but
to
inform
the
ignorant
what
Spirit
it
is
that
brought
in
Church
tyranny
and
divisions
.
I
denyed
none
of
their
virtues
,
though
it
was
not
my
work
to
record
them
.
While
I
am
confuting
the
Errours
of
your
book
,
do
I
wrong
you
unless
I
write
a
Catalogue
of
your
good
works
.
Morney
,
Illyricus
,
and
many
others
have
gathered
a
Catalogue
of
old
witnesses
for
Protestant
Verities
.
And
Bishop
Morton
hath
cited
multitudes
of
Papists
against
their
party
:
Have
they
wronged
them
because
they
have
not
also
cited
all
that
the
same
said
for
the
Roman
cause
?
I
have
mentioned
the
virtues
of
some
of
the
Popes
,
even
of
Greg.
7.
but
of
many
others
I
have
only
mentioned
their
vices
:
This
is
not
to
deny
any
good
that
is
in
them
:
Nor
do
you
accuse
your selves
of
any
injustice
when
you
tell
the
world
how
bad
men
the
Parliaments
have
bin
,
and
how
bad
Cromwell
and
the
Armies
,
and
how
bad
the
Nonconformists
are
,
and
I
in
particular
,
without
naming
any
of
their
good
deeds
or
virtues
:
Because
it
is
not
your
business
.
CHAP.
XII
.
Of
his
Accusation
that
I
do
all
in
spite
and
malice
against
Bishops
,
and
as
using
ill
language
of
them
.
§
1.
ANsw.
1.
Spite
and
Malice
are
heart
sins
:
If
the
same
effect
may
come
from
other
Causes
,
how
know
you
that
these
are
the
Cause
?
Ans.
2.
Is
it
from
Spight
and
Malice
that
Protestants
commonly
describe
the
vices
of
the
Popes
,
such
as
Greg.
7.
Sergius
,
Alexandr
.
3.
Boniface
8.
Joh.
12.
and
13.
&
22
,
&
23.
&
Eugen.
4.
&c.
And
also
that
they
so
hardly
speak
of
the
Jesuites
,
Yea
and
Papists
commonly
?
Sure
it
may
come
from
some
other
cause
.
Ans.
3.
Is
it
from
Spight
and
Malice
that
you
recite
the
tumults
of
the
German
Anabaptists
,
the
faults
of
those
at
Munster
,
the
Errours
of
David
George
,
the
many
Enthusiastick
Sects
described
by
Beckman
Exercit.
(
of
whom
many
as
Thaulerus
,
Kempis
,
Behmen
had
much
very
commendable
;
and
Grotius
praised
Job
.
Ar●dt
.
)
Is
it
from
Malice
that
the
Familists
,
Seekers
,
Quakers
,
Anabaptists
,
&c.
are
usually
by
your
party
described
by
their
faults
,
without
any
mention
of
their
goodness
?
Ans.
4.
Is
it
from
Spight
and
Malice
that
your
Party
have
written
what
they
have
done
of
the
great
faultiness
of
the
Nonconformists
,
both
former
and
latter
;
and
that
Calvinists
are
so
odiously
represented
,
that
the
Reformation
by
them
is
described
by
Heylin
and
others
as
Rebellious
?
That
such
books
are
written
as
Heylins
Aerius
Redivivus
,
H.
Fowlis
,
the
Evangel.
Armatum
,
The
Eccles.
Polit.
the
Friendly
Debate
,
the
Counterminer
,
the
Vindica●
.
of
Dr.
Stillingfleet
,
the
pretended
second
part
,
(
which
is
a
continued
Calumny
against
my self
,
so
full
of
particular
falshoods
as
are
not
to
be
without
a
tedious
Volume
answered
:
And
a
multitude
such
written
to
render
the
Nonconformists
odious
and
unsufferable
.
If
all
these
be
not
written
in
Malice
,
how
know
you
that
mine
were
?
Ans.
5.
And
whereas
some
pretending
moderation
accuse
me
of
too
bad
provoking
language
,
1.
Is
there
any
Comparison
between
the
language
of
any
of
these
books
,
or
yours
and
Dr.
Sherlock's
and
mine
?
Read
but
Learned
Godly
moderate
Bishop
Downam
his
Defence
of
his
Visit
.
sermon
,
his
frequent
charges
[
of
shameless
,
impudent
Lying
,
and
much
more
]
against
a
Nonconformist
that
gave
him
no
such
language
.
Read
but
the
ordinary
Writings
of
such
as
Bishop
Bancroft
,
Dr.
Sutcliff
,
and
most
others
against
the
Old
Nonconformists
;
and
of
the
Lutherans
against
the
Calvinists
,
even
men
that
I
am
persuaded
meant
honestly
,
but
by
Faction
were
exasperated
,
as
Hunnius
,
Brentius
,
Morlinus
,
M●rbackius
,
Snepfius
,
Wigandus
,
Heshusius
,
Andreas
,
Se●necerus
,
Heerbrand
,
Calovi●s
,
and
many
such
.
Read
but
our
Grammarians
,
such
as
you
may
find
in
the
many
Volumes
of
the
Collections
of
Janus
Gruter●s
,
even
those
of
Cramer
,
and
Phil.
Paraeus
,
and
others
against
himself
;
where
Fools
,
Knaves
,
Lyars
,
Sots
,
and
worse
,
make
up
much
of
the
style
.
Read
but
our
Old
Grammarian
Reformers
against
the
Popish
Priests
,
and
Schoolmen
,
I
mean
Erasmus
,
Hutten
,
Faber
,
and
the
rest
,
what
Scorns
their
Writings
do
abound
with
.
I
will
not
refer
you
to
the
Queen
of
Navarr●
,
and
Stephanus
his
World
of
Wonders
,
against
the
Priests
,
lest
you
think
I
approve
of
the
excess
.
Yea
read
but
the
Writings
of
our
famous
Learned
Criticks
,
Jul.
and
Joseph
Scaliger
,
Heinsius
,
Salmasius
,
&c.
from
whom
the
railing
Jesuite
Labbe
took
advantage
to
say
,
Tom.
1.
p.
820.
[
Riv●●o
prae●v●●at
Josephus
Scaliger
,
homo
utique
modestissimus
,
qui
Editores
S.
Irae●ae●
vocat
,
clamosos
,
maledicentissimos
.
C●rcop●s
,
Tartareos
,
Pyriphleget●o●tas
,
vir●lentiae
&
probrorum
co●c●●n●tores
,
&
editionem
coloniensem
,
cloacam
Sycophantiarum
,
l●●●in●m
conv●ti●●●m
,
&
sta●●l●m
inscitiae
.
]
Through
God's
great
mercy
,
while
Malignity
is
the
Complexion
of
the
Serpent's
Seed
,
and
Lying
is
their
Breath
,
and
Murder
is
their
Work
,
the
names
of
all
these
sins
are
odious
in
the
world
,
and
guilt
is
impatient
,
and
cannot
endure
its
own
name
.
Should
I
but
mention
the
Language
of
Papists
,
how
they
represent
the
holiest
Protestants
as
Lyars
,
Deceivers
,
Devils
,
intollerable
,
whom
it
is
as
lawful
to
kill
as
Dogs
,
Foxes
or
Toads
,
it
would
concern
none
but
those
of
you
that
use
to
say
,
I
had
rather
be
a
Papist
than
a
Puritane
,
or
Presbyterian
;
o●
those
that
renounce
Communion
with
us
,
and
own
it
with
the
Church
of
Rome
;
who
are
,
alas
,
too
many
.
Such
Language
as
●a●●●'s
,
Vol.
1
p.
819.
is
of
the
sweeter
sort
,
viz.
Quisquis
es
s●lutis
t●●
amans
,
Omnes
illic●
Calvinistas
,
Lutheranos
,
Socinianos
Anabaptistas
,
similesque
generis
humani
pestes
,
Cacodamon●m
instar
execrabere
.
This
is
but
what
we
daily
hear
:
But
while
we
hear
it
in
a
Language
so
very
like
from
the
Papists
,
and
the
Pulpits
and
Press
,
and
Roger
Le
Strange
is
become
the
Church's
Advocate
and
Mouth
,
it
will
harden
them
that
did
ill
joyn
together
Popery
and
Prelacy
in
their
rejections
.
Honest
Thuanus
is
amiable
and
honourable
for
Speaking
well
of
all
that
deserved
it
,
without
partiality
:
But
Gerb.
Vossius
is
put
to
defend
his
Father-in-law
Junius
against
his
unjust
censure
.
Indeed
Junius
was
a
man
of
Eminent
peaceableness
and
moderation
,
(
I
would
Arminius
and
he
had
been
the
utmost
prosecutors
of
that
Controversie
,
notwithstanding
Dr.
Twisses
undervaluing
his
skill
in
School
Divinity
)
And
few
men
were
more
unlike
Thuanus
his
ill
Character
than
Junius
:
But
Dr
Manton
hath
told
me
that
he
hath
been
fully
informed
that
it
was
not
Junius
that
Thuanus
meant
but
another
that
dyed
that
year
(
which
Junius
did
not
)
and
that
by
some
ill
chance
a
wrong
name
was
put
in
Contrary
to
Thuanus
intent
.
§
2.
Dr.
Burnet
is
a
man
whom
I
much
value
and
honour
,
and
pleadeth
much
for
peace
and
moderation
,
and
therefore
much
the
more
amiable
to
me
:
I
thank
him
for
his
reproof
of
me
to
my
face
;
but
because
he
goeth
on
to
vend
it
as
just
behind
my
back
,
where
I
cannot
answer
him
,
I
must
do
it
here
.
He
saith
that
[
I
began
and
that
with
unchristian
,
provoking
language
against
the
Conformists
in
my
first
Plea
for
peace
,
which
caused
all
the
succeeding
heats
.
]
Ans.
1.
I
have
to
him
and
oft
in
print
appealed
to
humanity
and
common
sence
whether
one
that
was
seventeen
years
silent
,
&
communicated
in
the
Parish
Churches
,
and
under
scorns
,
and
ejection
,
imprisonment
&
mulcts
did
peaceably
continue
Communion
with
them
without
reply
or
self
defence
,
and
never
wrote
against
them
,
till
they
had
long
called
out
to
him
to
give
them
an
account
of
the
reasons
of
his
Nonconformity
,
and
then
durst
not
provoke
them
by
a
dispute
,
but
barely
named
the
matters
which
we
judge
unlawful
,
professing
not
to
be
the
Accuser
of
Conformists
,
but
only
to
answer
the
Call
of
Parliament-men
,
Bishops
,
and
others
that
urged
us
,
and
threatned
us
if
we
would
not
tell
them
what
we
stuck
at
;
and
made
this
the
Justification
of
their
prosecution
of
many
hundred
men
:
I
say
,
whether
such
a
man
had
a
Call
to
speak
?
When
the
King
Licensed
us
,
I
had
before
briefly
defended
our
Preaching
as
Licensed
:
But
being
thus
summoned
by
our
Prosecutors
and
Superiours
,
I
told
them
what
we
judged
unlawful
;
and
was
this
a
beginning
of
the
Flame
?
Was
Seventeen
years
Poverty
,
Prohibition
and
Prosecution
,
and
all
this
Importunity
,
no
provocation
or
call
to
speak
?
Did
this
begin
?
If
he
were
in
the
House
of
Correction
,
and
were
beaten
but
Seventeen
years
,
or
Seven
years
,
to
confess
the
Cause
for
which
he
suffered
,
and
at
last
con●essed
it
,
and
one
should
say
,
This
was
the
beginning
of
the
strife
,
Would
he
take
this
for
a
good
Historian
?
And
if
he
had
written
History
,
would
this
report
advance
the
credit
of
it
?
§
3.
But
the
second
thing
accused
,
is
the
unchristian
Language
of
that
Book
.
Answ.
Doth
a
general
Accusation
signifie
more
ill
of
the
accuser
,
or
of
the
accused
,
if
it
be
not
proved
by
particular
Instances
?
I
urged
him
to
name
the
unchristian
words
,
and
I
remember
but
two
Instances
he
gave
me
.
The
first
is
,
that
I
use
the
word
[
untruths
]
against
my
Accusers
.
And
1.
I
think
the
Reader
will
very
rarely
find
that
word
in
that
Book
.
2.
Is
this
so
harsh
as
the
common
charge
of
Lying
,
used
even
by
the
most
Learned
sober
Conformists
?
3.
I
thought
it
had
been
a
modest
word
:
What
shall
a
man
say
when
such
Volumes
of
Slander
are
published
against
him
and
others
,
as
tends
to
preach
all
their
Neighbours
into
hatred
and
persecution
of
them
?
Alas
!
Doth
it
increase
our
crime
to
say
,
It
is
untrue
?
How
shall
we
then
answer
for
our selves
at
any
Bar
?
Is
it
tollerable
voluminously
to
tell
the
World
down-right
falshoods
of
us
?
and
is
it
railing
for
us
to
say
,
[
They
are
untrue
?
]
What
's
this
but
like
him
that
run
a
man
thorow
in
wrath
with
his
Sword
,
and
indicted
him
for
crying
,
oh
?
This
is
the
Church
Justice
even
of
our
moderate
Historians
.
§
4.
But
he
saith
,
I
should
not
call
it
[
a
falshood
,
or
untruth
]
but
a
mistake
.
Answ
.
This
is
a
sharper
word
;
for
it
signifieth
the
fault
of
the
mistaker
usually
;
whereas
by
speaking
de
objecto
,
that
it
is
false
,
I
leave
it
to
others
how
far
the
reporter
is
to
be
blamed
.
But
sure
most
Logical
Disputations
are
Railings
,
if
the
words
[
●alsum
]
and
[
fallacia
]
be
such
.
§
5.
About
a
month
or
six
weeks
ago
the
Observator
,
the
Churches
Advocate
published
,
That
[
a
Captain
of
Horse
of
the
King
's
,
had
the
fortune
to
be
dismounted
,
wounded
and
stript
,
and
a
Chaplain
(
naming
me
before
)
cut
from
about
his
neck
a
Medal
,
which
the
King
had
given
him
,
and
the
Souldiers
spared
in
the
heat
of
blood
]
I
sent
him
word
how
false
this
was
:
I
never
saw
the
man
in
my
life
that
I
know
of
;
much
less
ever
medled
with
him
:
But
was
in
a
House
where
a
Souldier
brought
a
small
silver-guilt
Medal
,
about
the
bigness
of
a
big
Shilling
,
and
said
,
he
took
it
from
about
the
neck
of
one
Captain
Jennings
,
whose
Life
he
spared
:
He
offered
it
to
sale
,
and
no
one
offering
him
more
,
I
gave
him
eighteen
pence
for
it
in
1643.
as
I
remember
:
And
about
1648.
hearing
where
Captain
Jennings
was
,
supposing
it
might
be
of
great
use
to
him
,
I
sent
it
him
as
a
gift
by
one
Mr.
Sommerfield
.
]
And
this
slander
is
all
the
thanks
I
had
.
The
Church-Advocate
wrote
me
back
,
that
he
had
it
formally
attested
.
I
craved
as
a
favour
of
him
to
tell
me
if
Captain
Jennings
be
living
,
how
I
might
write
to
him
.
He
answers
me
,
that
one
was
out
of
the
way
that
he
must
first
speak
with
,
and
I
should
shortly
hear
from
him
.
The
next
I
heard
was
as
a
second
part
of
Dr.
Stillingfleet
,
the
foresaid
Book
full
of
cruel
falshood
,
taken
from
my
having
been
for
the
Parliament
,
and
from
many
distorted
words
of
mine
:
Now
when
this
Book
renders
me
worse
than
a
Jew
,
or
Heathen
,
and
unfit
to
live
,
some
I
fear
will
tell
abroad
that
I
am
a
Traitor
,
for
saying
,
that
[
It
is
slanderous
or
untrue
.
]
§
6.
His
second
Instance
was
these
words
of
mine
[
Pardon
me
for
saying
,
I
think
that
Mr.
Tombs
hath
said
more
like
truth
for
Anabaptistry
,
the
late
Hungarian
for
Polygamy
,
many
for
Drunkenness
,
Stealing
,
and
Lying
,
in
cases
of
Necessity
,
than
ever
I
yet
read
for
the
Lawfulness
of
all
that
I
have
here
described
.
]
Answ.
1.
Is
there
any
Railing
or
unchristian
Language
in
these
words
?
which
be
they
?
Answ.
2.
Do
I
here
speak
of
any
but
my self
and
the
Nonconformists
?
Do
I
not
protest
against
accusing
others
,
and
only
say
,
what
it
would
be
to
me
,
should
I
conform
?
And
must
I
not
,
when
importuned
by
Bishops
,
Priests
and
Rulers
,
say
what
I
fear
,
le●t
others
should
think
it
intimateth
their
guiltiness
?
Can
I
help
that
?
Answ.
3.
Did
that
man
ever
understandingly
consider
the
matter
,
who
can
doubt
of
the
truth
of
what
I
say
?
I.
On
the
one
side
how
heinous
and
many
the
sins
that
we
fear
are
,
if
we
should
conform
,
I
must
not
again
name
,
for
that
's
it
that
provoketh
.
11.
Now
as
to
the
Comparison
;
1.
I
'le
appeal
to
Learned
Bishop
Barlow
whether
Mr.
Tombs
hath
not
made
the
Case
of
Anabaptistry
more
difficult
?
Let
them
that
deny
it
confute
him
better
than
I
have
done
.
2.
And
why
doth
none
answer
the
Hungarians
book
for
Polygamy
if
it
be
easier
done
than
the
task
in
question
.
I
have
known
the
man
that
maintained
,
that
if
a
King
had
a
barren
wife
,
and
his
Kingdom
like
to
be
undone
by
a
destructive
successor
,
he
might
as
lawfully
take
another
wife
,
as
Adams
Children
might
marry
incestuously
.
And
indeed
the
many
unreproved
instances
of
Polygamy
in
Abraham
,
Jacob
,
Moses
,
David
,
Solomon
,
&c.
will
allow
men
more
pretence
for
it
,
than
ever
I
saw
brought
for
all
(
I
say
,
but
For
all
)
that
I
have
named
in
that
book
.
3.
And
many
Physicians
have
said
so
much
(
though
amiss
)
for
the
lawfulness
of
a
Drunken
Cup
instead
of
a
Vomit
&
a
Cordial
in
some
diseases
,
as
have
made
it
a
harder
case
than
ours
seems
to
me
:
And
I
say
not
what
it
seems
to
others
.
4.
And
de
necessario
concubitu
legantur
quae
a
medicis
dicuntur
de
furore
ut
erino
.
5.
And
for
stealing
nothing
but
present
food
to
save
life
,
he
that
Considers
what
God
allowed
a
man
to
take
that
went
through
an
Orchard
,
Vineyard
or
Corn-field
,
and
what
the
Law
of
nature
is
,
and
whether
the
Kings
Army
on
whose
strength
the
Safety
of
King
&
Kingdom
depends
,
may
not
violently
take
food
without
the
owners
consent
rather
than
perish
,
will
find
it
harder
to
justifie
the
denying
Christendom
and
Communion
to
godly
Persons
that
scruple
our
sort
of
God
Fathers
,
Crossing
and
Kneeling
,
&c.
than
to
confute
the
aforesaid
stealing
,
or
that
which
is
meerly
to
save
life
.
6.
And
as
for
Lying
in
cases
of
necessity
,
No
less
men
of
their
own
party
than
Grotius
de
Jure
Belli
and
Bishop
Jer.
Taylor
in
Duct
.
Dubit
.
have
written
for
it
.
And
though
I
be
against
it
,
and
many
Conformists
for
it
,
yet
I
will
not
deny
but
if
the
Life
of
the
King
might
be
saved
among
Enemies
by
a
Lie
;
or
the
Life
of
a
Patient
by
his
Physicians
deceiving
him
by
a
Lie
,
much
more
may
be
pretended
for
it
,
than
for
all
the
heinous
sin
which
I
fear
.
§
7.
And
if
these
words
be
uncharitable
Railing
,
what
means
have
we
lest
to
give
them
that
demand
it
,
the
Reasons
of
our
Nonconformity
?
What
if
we
had
gone
further
,
and
taken
it
for
a
crying
Church
Crime
,
and
called
all
the
Clergy
to
Repentance
?
If
that
which
we
judge
sinful
be
not
so
,
let
them
confute
us
:
If
it
be
so
,
and
as
great
as
we
fear
,
is
it
not
our
duty
to
bewail
it
,
and
mourn
for
it
?
Ezek.
9.
4.
Zeph.
3.
17
,
&c.
And
is
not
mincing
and
extenuating
great
sin
,
an
implicit
hardening
men
against
Repentance
?
Should
one
Preach
against
Adultery
,
Fornication
,
Perjury
,
Murder
,
as
about
a
doubtful
Controversie
,
or
a
small
thing
,
and
say
but
[
Good
men
are
on
both
sides
;
I
dare
not
say
it
is
a
sin
,
though
I
dare
not
do
it
my self
:
Or
if
it
be
one
,
it
is
but
such
as
good
men
are
ordinarily
guilty
of
:
We
must
not
judge
one
another
.
]
What
were
this
but
(
worse
than
Eli
to
his
Sons
)
to
cherish
Sin
,
and
Preach
Impenitence
,
and
serve
Satan
against
the
Evangelical
Preaching
of
Repentance
?
§
8.
For
my
Judgment
,
I
profess
it
to
be
the
duty
of
me
,
and
all
men
,
to
use
no
Language
of
Good
mens
faults
,
no
,
though
they
turn
Persecutors
upon
some
particular
Errour
,
but
what
is
consistent
with
true
Love
to
the
men
,
and
to
cover
their
faults
that
are
private
,
and
meerly
personal
,
as
far
as
lawfully
we
may
;
but
not
to
make
light
of
publick
,
aggravated
Crimes
,
such
as
those
of
Hophni
and
Phinehas
;
nor
to
shew
indifferency
towards
Buyers
and
Sellers
in
the
Temple
;
nor
to
strengthen
the
Sin
which
threatneth
a
Land
.
If
I
thought
that
hundreds
or
thousands
of
Christ's
faithful
Ministers
in
any
Country
were
unjustly
hunted
and
forbidden
to
Preach
the
Gospel
to
a
People
that
truly
need
it
,
and
this
to
the
unavoidable
dividing
of
the
People
,
and
the
plain
making
way
for
a
Forreign
Jurisdiction
,
I
should
take
my self
as
a
guilty
hinderer
of
Repentance
,
and
Enemy
to
the
Publick
Safety
,
if
I
should
say
only
[
This
is
a
doubtful
Controversie
between
Good
,
Wise
,
and
Learned
men
.
]
Labbe
ends
his
To.
1.
as
justifying
his
bitterest
Reproaches
,
with
the
Authority
of
Christ
,
Peter
,
Paul
,
John
,
Jude
,
Ignatius
.
And
if
he
had
only
given
great
and
publick
sins
,
the
true
names
necessary
to
mens
knowledge
of
them
,
for
Repentance
or
Preservation
,
those
Texts
,
and
many
more
would
have
justified
him
.
CHAP.
XIII
.
Of
his
Supposition
that
I
speak
against
all
Bishops
Councils
.
§
1.
THis
is
not
so
.
1.
I
write
oft
for
the
great
usefulness
of
Councils
.
2.
I
justly
praise
no
small
number
of
them
,
especially
before
the
great
Rising
of
the
Bishops
,
for
the
first
300
or
400
years
:
He
once
acknowledgeth
it
of
the
African
Councils
:
And
he
might
have
seen
the
like
of
many
Spanish
,
and
some
French
and
Germane
Councils
:
The
English
I
little
medled
with
.
3.
The
First
General
Council
at
Nice
I
justly
honour
;
yea
and
the
Three
following
,
and
many
more
than
three
,
for
the
soundness
of
their
Faith
,
and
as
having
many
very
laudable
persons
in
them
;
though
I
shew
the
ill
effects
of
their
contention
and
ambition
.
I
have
heard
some
Conformists
confess
the
great
Learning
and
piety
of
the
Westminister
Synod
in
1642.
and
of
the
Synod
of
Dort
,
where
we
had
Delegates
:
and
yet
sharplier
speak
against
the
Acts
of
both
by
far
,
than
I
have
done
by
any
such
pious
Persons
.
Even
they
that
have
honoured
Bishop
Carlton
,
Bishop
Hall
,
Bishop
Davenant
,
Dr.
Ward
,
&c.
that
were
there
,
have
yet
bitterly
reproached
the
Decrees
which
they
subscribed
.
And
how
many
as
well
as
Dr
Heylin
have
written
and
spoken
ill
of
A.
Bishop
Usher
,
of
A.
Bishop
Abbot
,
A.
Bishop
Grindai
,
A.
Bishop
Parker
(
yea
of
A.
Bishop
Whitguif●
for
the
Lambeth-Articles
which
I
justifie
not
)
who
yet
have
a
great
honour
both
for
Bishops
and
their
Councils
.
§
2.
But
I
confess
I
am
much
of
Nazianzen's
mind
,
and
I
think
I
am
no
more
against
them
in
the
general
than
he
was
.
And
I
am
against
our
subjection
to
the
Jurisdiction
of
Forreign
Councils
,
and
the
use
that
the
Pope
and
ambitious
Clergy
have
made
of
them
,
to
become
Masters
of
Princes
and
of
the
world
:
I
am
not
for
Ebbo's
French
Council
which
deposed
Ludov.
Pius
,
nor
for
making
them
either
the
Popes
Army
,
or
the
Army
of
Patriacks
against
each
other
or
of
such
Princes
as
Constantius
,
Valens
,
Theodosius
junior
,
Anastasius
Philippicus
,
Justinian
,
Irene
,
&c.
to
fulfill
their
own
mistaken
wills
,
how
honest
soever
the
men
might
be
.
Much
less
am
I
for
such
work
as
the
Council
at
Later
an
sub
Innoc.
3
made
,
no
nor
that
at
Florence
.
§
3
And
I
take
it
for
an
Act
of
great
Prudence
in
this
my
accuser
,
while
he
is
vindicating
Bishops
Councils
,
to
go
no
further
than
the
four
first
General
,
when
it
is
many
hundred
that
I
have
mentioned
.
And
is
it
not
really
an
intimated
accusation
of
them
to
vindicate
so
few
of
above
400.
And
those
such
as
for
their
faith
we
all
own
.
And
yet
a
man
would
think
by
the
strein
of
his
style
and
language
that
it
were
at
least
the
greater
part
of
Conncils
that
he
were
pleading
for
.
I
say
still
as
Bishop
Bilson
and
other
Protestants
:
Well
ordered
sound
Councils
we
owe
great
respect
and
honour
to
,
for
Counsel
;
strength
and
Concord
,
but
subjection
and
Obedience
,
saith
he
,
We
owe
Them
none
,
(
save
as
we
are
bid
,
be
all
subject
one
to
another
,
and
serve
one
another
in
Love
.
)
§
4.
And
now
I
leave
any
impartial
man
to
judge
what
answer
such
a
book
deserved
,
which
goeth
upon
all
these
forementioned
untrue
suppositions
.
CHAP.
XIV
.
Some
mens
Credit
about
ancient
Church
History
,
may
be
conjectured
at
by
their
Reports
of
the
History
of
the
time
and
place
that
we
live
in
.
§
1.
BY
their
History
of
late
and
present
things
we
may
conjecture
at
the
Credit
of
not
Mr.
M's
.
but
others
of
the
Clergy-accusers
and
Prosecutors
of
their
Brethren
.
Almost
all
that
I
remember
that
write
against
me
,
agree
in
such
misreporting
matters
of
fact
,
yea
the
most
publick
,
of
the
persons
,
place
and
time
,
which
our
senses
have
given
us
notice
of
,
that
we
must
believe
them
with
as
great
difficulty
as
we
must
believe
Transubstantiation
,
even
in
opposition
to
all
our
senses
and
experience
.
And
whether
those
men
be
fit
Vindicaters
of
the
Bishops
and
Councils
above
a
Thousand
years
ago
(
which
are
blamed
by
the
Historians
of
their
own
Age
,
and
by
their
own
Confessions
,
and
by
their
most
servent
Defenders
)
who
notoriously
misreport
the
persons
,
and
actions
of
their
own
Place
and
Age
,
I
think
it
is
not
hard
to
judge
.
I
will
instance
in
Twenty
particulars
of
publick
notice
;
for
those
against
particular
persons
,
even
my self
,
are
not
to
be
numbred
.
I.
It
is
now
commonly
taken
for
true
,
that
the
present
Nonconformists
,
who
gave
in
their
Desires
for
Concord
1660.
are
of
the
same
Judgment
as
those
called
Nonconformists
heretofore
,
and
whatever
can
be
raked
up
out
of
Christ
.
Goodman
,
Knox
,
Kilby
,
or
is
reported
by
Bancroft
,
is
partly
chargeable
on
them
,
when
as
their
proposed
Desires
yet
shew
the
world
that
they
never
made
any
motion
against
many
things
by
those
aforesaid
scrupled
,
in
Doctrine
,
Worship
,
and
Ceremony
.
And
it
is
commonly
supposed
by
them
,
that
the
present
Conformity
is
but
the
same
as
the
Old
,
and
the
Case
no
harder
to
us
:
And
this
notwithstanding
all
the
still
visible
Acts
and
Alterations
,
and
Additions
,
which
attest
the
contrary
to
all
the
world
.
II.
In
most
of
their
Invectives
the
present
Nonconformists
are
argued
against
,
as
if
they
had
been
in
the
Civil
War
against
the
King
;
or
had
been
guilty
of
it
more
than
the
Conformists
.
And
that
War
is
made
a
Reason
of
their
Silencing
;
whereas
so
few
of
them
had
any
hand
in
it
,
that
I
have
many
times
told
them
,
that
if
they
will
Silence
none
but
those
that
they
can
prove
guilty
of
any
War
,
or
Rebellion
,
or
Sedition
,
the
rest
of
us
will
give
them
a
thousand
Thanks
,
though
we
suffer
our selves
.
Few
of
the
present
Nonconformists
were
then
in
the
Ministry
,
and
of
those
few
that
were
,
few
now
living
meddled
with
War
.
III.
They
are
so
confident
that
the
Parliament
and
Army
that
began
the
War
in
England
,
were
Nonconformists
,
yea
Presbyterians
,
and
not
of
the
Church
of
England
,
that
Mr.
Hinkley
,
&
here
Mr.
Morrice
,
make
a
renouncing
of
their
Senses
or
Understandings
necessary
to
the
believing
of
it
.
And
yet
they
might
as
well
tell
us
,
that
they
were
all
Turks
or
Papists
.
Are
not
a
Parliament
and
an
Army
things
publick
enough
to
be
known
in
the
same
Age
?
When
we
name
to
them
the
Chief
Lords
and
Commons
,
and
Chief
Commanders
,
yet
(
and
lately
)
living
,
who
are
known
still
to
live
in
their
own
Communion
;
and
when
we
challenge
them
to
name
Three
Presbyterians
that
were
then
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
or
the
House
of
Commons
;
or
many
that
were
at
first
Commanders
in
the
Army
;
and
we
name
them
the
Men
that
then
Commanded
,
who
were
commonly
known
to
be
Conformists
of
the
Church
of
England
.
And
if
they
will
not
believe
their
present
practice
and
profession
they
may
yet
go
to
them
and
be
satisfied
from
their
own
mouths
what
were
their
former
Principles
.
I
have
told
them
of
a
most
credible
Member
of
that
Parliament
yet
living
,
who
hath
ost
profest
to
me
that
he
knew
but
one
Presbyterian
in
the
House
of
Commons
when
the
war
began
,
and
I
have
named
that
one
man
to
them
,
to
try
if
they
can
name
another
.
I
expect
not
that
they
should
believe
me
,
or
such
other
concerning
those
whom
we
knew
:
But
they
may
believe
the
men
themselves
yet
living
,
&
their
most
familiar
Friends
.
Yea
the
Records
of
many
foregoing
Parliaments
,
with
Laua's
Life
written
by
Dr.
Heylin
fully
sheweth
them
that
the
difference
arose
1.
About
the
fear
of
Popery
,
(
and
Arminianism
as
they
thought
tending
towards
it
)
2.
About
Property
,
Loan-mony
,
Knight-mony
and
after
Ship-mony
,
&c.
3.
About
Imprisonment
of
members
and
other
Gentlemen
.
And
these
were
still
the
quarrel
.
But
saith
Mr.
M.
How
then
shall
we
believe
our
senses
.
Ans.
See
Reader
,
whether
his
most
confident
Errours
about
past
things
be
any
wonder
.
He
is
not
so
sure
of
what
he
saith
of
the
old
Prelates
,
or
the
Nestorians
,
Eutychians
,
&c.
as
he
is
that
he
must
believe
his
Senses
:
And
his
very
senses
tell
him
that
a
Parliament
,
even
Lords
,
Commons
,
and
an
Army
,
many
of
whom
are
yet
living
,
were
of
another
opinion
in
Religion
than
ever
they
were
then
acquainted
with
,
and
which
was
known
to
very
few
in
England
till
afterward
.
And
this
contrary
to
their
Profession
and
practice
and
the
senses
of
their
acquaintance
.
Lords
are
Persons
of
so
publick
notice
that
they
may
easily
yet
be
informed
of
the
living
and
the
dead
:
In
the
Army
the
Chief
Commanders
were
the
E.
of
Essex
,
the
E.
of
Bedford
(
yet
living
)
Sir
John
Merrick
,
the
E.
of
Peterborough
,
Dolbiere
,
the
E.
of
Stamford
,
the
Lord
Hastings
(
E.
of
Huntington
)
the
Lord
Rochford
(
E.
of
Dover
)
the
Lord
Fielding
(
E.
of
Denbigh
)
the
Lord
Mandevile
(
E.
of
Manchester
)
the
Lord
Roberts
(
now
Earl
of
Radnor
and
President
of
his
Majesties
Council
)
the
Lord
St.
Johns
,
(
killed
at
Keim●n
Fight
.
)
Only
the
Lord
Say
,
and
Lord
Brook
were
known
Independents
;
and
whether
the
Lord
Wharton
(
yet
living
)
was
then
for
Bishops
or
against
them
I
know
not
;
but
all
the
rest
were
of
the
Church
of
England
.
And
so
were
the
other
Collonels
,
Sir
Henry
Cholmley
,
the
late
Lord
Hollis
,
Col.
Will
.
Bampfield
,
Col.
Tho.
Grantham
,
Col.
Tho.
Ballard
,
C.
Sir
William
Fair
fax
,
Col.
Charles
Essex
,
Col.
Lord
Willoughby
of
Parham
,
Col.
Sir
Will
.
Waller
,
Col.
Edwin
Sandys
,
Cap.
Lord
Grey
of
Grooby
;
and
I
think
then
Sir
Will
.
Constable
and
Col.
Hampden
.
What
mind
Sir
Will
.
Balfoore
was
of
I
know
not
:
But
I
know
his
Country
man
Col.
Brown
was
too
far
from
a
Puritane
.
But
saith
Mr.
M.
[
1.
It
's
well
the
Bishops
had
no
share
in
it
]
Ans.
Let
Heylin
tell
you
what
hand
the
difference
between
A.
Bishop
Abbats
Church
of
England
and
Laud's
then
little
Party
had
in
the
preparations
.
2.
And
was
the
A.
Bishop
of
York
no
Bishop
,
who
afterward
was
a
Commander
for
the
Parliament
.
But
saith
he
,
[
I
pray
where
were
the
Presbyterians
when
the
Parliament
took
up
Arms
:
Were
they
not
then
in
being
?
]
Ans.
An
excellent
Historian
!
that
maintaineth
Parliament
and
Army
were
such
,
as
he
knows
not
whether
they
were
then
in
being
.
Yes
Sir
,
they
were
in
Holland
,
and
France
and
Geneva
,
and
Scotland
▪
and
in
England
there
was
one
John
Ball
,
and
one
Mr.
Langley
,
and
a
few
more
such
old
Nonconformists
that
never
were
in
Arms
,
and
old
John
Dod
,
and
one
Mr.
Geree
that
was
against
the
war
and
dyed
for
grief
of
the
Kings
death
:
But
among
those
called
Puritans
,
few
knew
what
Presbytery
was
,
till
the
Scots
afterward
brought
it
in
.
Much
less
did
Lords
,
Commons
,
and
Army
know
it
.
In
your
sense
Sir
they
were
not
then
in
being
,
and
therefore
could
not
fight
.
It
appears
by
Bancroft
and
others
that
there
had
been
once
Presbyterians
in
England
:
But
they
were
dead
,
and
few
even
of
the
few
Nonconforming
Ministers
succeeded
them
in
the
Study
of
that
point
.
But
saith
he
,
[
Were
they
none
of
them
in
the
house
]
Ans.
Yes
,
one
[
or
did
they
protest
against
the
proceedings
of
the
Episcopal
and
Erastians
?
Ans.
That
one
went
with
them
.
And
Non
entis
non
sunt
accidentia
.
]
But
saith
he
[
Can
Mr.
B.
believe
(
or
think
any
one
else
so
weak
as
to
be
imposed
on
in
a
matter
so
notorious
)
that
it
was
a
Parliament
of
Episcopals
,
and
Erastians
and
not
Presbyterians
that
began
the
war
?
]
Ans.
Thus
youngmen
that
know
not
whom
they
talk
of
can
controle
the
most
publick
matter
of
fact
by
their
conjectures
.
Go
ask
the
worthy
Master
of
the
Rolls
Sir
Harbottle
Grimston
,
whose
Speeches
were
then
printed
:
Ask
Sir
Joh.
Maynard
His
Majesties
Sergeant
at
Law
who
was
one
of
them
;
or
any
other
of
them
yet
living
.
Ask
them
whether
they
knew
themselves
and
their
companions
better
than
you
,
who
it
seems
knew
them
not
.
But
saith
he
[
Were
they
Episcopals
that
voted
down
Episcopacy
Root
and
Branch
before
the
war
begun
]
Ans.
1.
Have
you
proved
that
they
did
so
?
2.
Do
you
think
that
acontradiction
?
1.
They
had
got
a
belief
that
Bishop
Laud
had
got
such
men
into
the
Seats
as
were
for
a
Syncretism
with
the
Papists
(
described
by
Heylin
)
and
against
the
Subjects
Property
and
Liberty
.
And
it
was
the
Men
and
not
the
Office
that
offended
them
.
2.
But
because
they
were
willing
of
the
favour
of
the
Scots
,
and
those
Londoners
who
were
against
the
Bishops
,
they
pleased
them
by
voting
down
the
present
frame
,
intending
to
set
up
a
moderate
Episcopacy
in
its
stead
;
Yea
long
after
this
when
many
Learned
Divines
in
the
Assembly
declared
themselves
for
Episcopacy
,
but
not
for
Deans
,
Chancellors
,
&c.
They
altered
the
Covenant
so
as
to
describe
the
present
frame
only
:
And
when
the
House
of
Lords
took
the
Covenant
,
Mr.
Coleman
(
an
Erastian
)
gave
it
them
openly
,
declaring
,
that
it
was
not
meer
Episcopacy
that
this
Covenant
renounced
,
but
only
the
English
described
Complicate
form
.
And
could
they
have
had
such
Bishops
as
Abbot
and
the
old
Church
of
England
,
they
had
never
gone
thus
far
.
3.
And
they
thought
not
Episcopacy
itself
so
necessary
,
(
though
if
moderate
the
best
sort
of
Governments
)
as
to
hazard
all
for
it
,
which
they
thought
had
been
in
danger
.
Even
in
1640
July
17.
They
Voted
a
Diocesan
in
every
County
,
with
Twelve
Divines
to
Govern.
.
But
,
saith
he
,
[
Were
they
Episcopals
that
Petitioned
the
King
at
York
for
Reformation
in
Discipline
and
Worship
then
?
i.
e.
for
abolishing
Episcopacy
and
Common-Prayer
?
]
Answ.
1.
Reforming
is
not
Abolishing
.
2.
I
answered
that
as
to
the
last
.
When
they
feared
that
the
Old
House
would
fall
on
their
heads
,
they
were
for
pulling
of
it
down
,
and
building
a
New
one
,
after
such
a
Model
as
Bishop
Usher
after
gave
,
and
the
Germane
,
Swedish
,
and
Danish
Churches
have
;
which
they
called
the
Primitive
Episcopacy
:
But
before
they
could
do
it
,
they
needed
the
Scots
help
,
who
brought
in
the
Covenant
,
which
they
chose
rather
than
to
fall
into
the
hands
of
those
of
whom
they
had
such
thoughts
and
fears
,
as
I
need
not
now
describe
,
Prin's
History
of
Laud's
Tryal
describeth
them
.
I
would
ask
this
confident
Historian
(
whose
senses
tell
him
what
Religion
men
were
of
contrary
to
their
daily
practice
of
communicating
in
the
Parish-Churches
conformably
)
whether
the
Longest
Parliament
of
all
,
which
made
the
Acts
of
Uniformity
,
the
Corporation
and
Vestry
Acts
,
the
Two
Act●
against
Conventicles
,
the
Militia
Act
,
&c.
were
Presbyterian
or
Episcopal
?
Verily
,
if
these
were
Presbyterians
,
I
am
none
,
nor
ever
will
be
:
We
shall
then
have
a
strange
definition
of
a
Presbyterian
,
such
as
will
take
in
Bishop
Sheldon
,
Bishop
Morley
,
Bishop
Gunning
,
and
such
others
.
If
not
,
did
not
the
fear
of
Popery
make
that
very
Parliament
begin
to
look
so
sowrely
on
the
Clergy
,
as
produced
that
which
I
need
not
tell
you
of
?
And
did
not
most
of
the
same
men
meet
in
the
next
Parliament
after
,
and
look
yet
more
suspiciously
on
the
Clergy
?
And
the
next
yet
more
?
And
doth
it
follow
that
they
were
not
Episcopal
but
Presbyterian
?
But
some
men
are
confident
against
the
Sun-light
,
and
the
most
notorious
Publick
Evidence
.
But
I
must
confess
that
such
have
shaken
my
belief
of
the
meer
Moral
Evidence
of
most
History
,
and
left
me
only
certain
of
that
which
hath
Evidence
,
which
is
truly
Natural
,
in
the
Natural
Impossibility
of
Conspiracy
in
a
Lie
.
There
were
men
heretofore
that
would
swear
that
man
was
a
Puritane
,
who
would
not
swear
and
drink
with
them
,
and
would
pray
in
their
Families
,
and
read
the
Scriptures
on
the
Lord's
Day
,
while
others
were
dancing
.
And
the
word
[
Puritane
]
is
now
vulgarly
changed
into
[
Presbyterian
]
(
by
the
Clergies
Conduct
.
)
And
there
are
some
Clergy-men
that
will
say
,
a
man
is
a
Presbyterian
,
who
reproves
them
for
Drunkenness
and
Swearing
,
and
other
Crimes
,
specially
if
he
would
not
have
Nonconformists
ruined
and
laid
in
Gaol
with
Rogues
.
In
this
sense
I
deny
not
but
Lords
,
Commons
and
Army
,
had
many
Puritanes
or
Presbyterians
among
them
,
who
yet
never
knew
what
Presbytery
was
.
But
,
saith
Mr.
M.
[
Were
they
Episcopal
who
pray
the
King
at
Oxford
to
abolish
A.
Bishops
and
Bishops
,
&c.
that
entred
into
a
Solemn
League
and
Covenant
against
Episcopacy
,
and
for
Reforming
the
Church
after
the
Presbyterian
Platform
,
and
set
up
Presbytery
by
so
many
Ordinances
?
]
Answ.
Distingue
tempora
is
none
of
this
Historians
Principles
.
How
long
after
the
War
begun
was
this
Petition
at
Oxford
,
this
Covenant
,
and
these
Ordinances
?
He
proveth
them
Presbyterians
at
first
when
they
knew
not
what
it
was
,
because
they
were
for
Presbytery
a
year
or
two
after
:
Negatur
Sequela
.
The
Scots
taught
afterwards
the
Assembly
,
and
them
that
which
they
never
knew
before
,
2.
And
all
these
Petitions
&
Ordinances
shewed
not
what
they
preferred
as
best
,
but
what
they
preferred
before
expected
ruine
.
The
Issue
proved
this
,
and
Heylin
confesseth
it
,
and
saith
,
They
never
set
up
Presbytery
in
any
one
place
(
which
yet
is
not
true
,
though
they
did
not
force
it
.
)
3.
Do
you
not
know
now
living
,
those
Episcopal
Conformists
,
who
refuse
no
part
of
your
Conformity
,
and
are
much
against
Presbytery
,
who
since
the
Discovery
of
the
Papists
Plot
,
are
so
much
afraid
of
Popery
,
and
so
confident
that
too
many
of
the
Clergy
are
prepared
for
it
,
that
a
little
more
would
turn
them
from
you
,
though
they
love
Presbytery
as
little
as
they
love
your selves
.
In
a
word
,
The
Old
Clergy
and
the
Parliament
Men
agreed
.
The
New
Clergy
in
Bishop
Laud's
time
distasted
them
;
&
the
Scots
Presbyterians
helping
them
in
their
straits
,
partly
turned
some
of
them
,
and
partly
imposed
on
them
unpleasing
conditions
.
But
saith
he
,
[
The
Erastians
and
Independents
were
at
first
inconsiderable
,
and
acted
joyntly
with
the
Presbyterians
,
&c.
]
Answ.
Thus
is
History
delivered
to
the
deluded
World
!
Neither
Independency
nor
Presbytery
were
understood
by
many
till
the
War
was
begun
.
The
Scots
Commissioners
by
degrees
acquainted
them
with
Presbytery
,
and
Mr.
Burton's
Protestation
Protested
,
and
the
five
Dissenters
with
Independency
:
Two
or
three
Independents
were
in
the
House
of
Lords
,
and
some
few
in
the
House
of
Commons
:
It
was
Episcopal-men
that
made
up
the
main
Body
:
These
were
of
two
sorts
:
The
one
sort
thought
Episcopacy
of
Divine
Institution
,
but
not
Chancellors
,
Deans
and
Chapters
,
Arch-Deacons
,
Officials
,
&c.
The
other
sort
thought
that
Episcopacy
,
not
rampant
,
was
the
best
Government
Jure
humano
;
But
that
the
Magistrate
being
Chief
,
might
set
it
up
,
or
take
it
down
,
as
he
see
most
for
the
common
good
.
These
were
called
by
some
Erastians
:
And
that
these
at
first
were
inconsiderable
,
is
History
written
in
despight
of
Evidence
.
Let
any
man
1.
Read
what
Parliaments
formerly
said
;
2.
And
what
many
English
Divines
wrote
for
the
Jus
humanum
against
the
Jus
Divinum
;
and
what
Testimony
Prin
hath
given
of
it
;
3.
And
what
Dr.
Stillingfleet
hath
produced
for
it
in
his
Irenicon
;
4.
And
how
commonly
it
was
owned
by
Conformists
then
in
Conserence
;
5.
And
how
commonly
the
Lawyers
were
for
the
Humane
Right
;
6.
Yea
and
the
Civilians
themselves
;
and
then
let
him
take
this
Historian's
word
,
if
he
tell
Posterity
that
the
Parliament
and
Army
were
not
English
men
.
IV.
These
Historians
candidly
tell
the
world
,
that
the
Nonconformists
,
who
offered
their
Desires
for
Concord
1660.
were
Presbyterians
,
and
so
are
most
of
the
Nonconformists
now
.
Whereas
they
never
made
one
motion
for
Presbytery
,
for
Lay-Elders
,
for
Ruling
Classes
or
Assemblies
,
nor
against
Episcopacy
;
but
only
offered
the
Paper
called
A.
Bishop
Usher's
Reduction
of
Episcopacy
to
the
Primitive
Form
;
wherein
neither
A.
Bishops
,
nor
Bishops
,
nor
Deans
and
Chapters
,
Archdeacons
,
were
taken
down
,
or
any
of
their
Revenues
,
Lordships
,
or
Parliament-Power
.
This
is
Presbytery
with
these
Historians
.
V.
They
make
the
world
believe
that
the
main
Body
of
the
Conformists
,
are
such
as
suffered
for
the
King
,
or
complied
not
with
the
Directory
and
Times
of
Usurpation
:
Whereas
it
's
publickly
notorious
,
that
there
are
about
9000
Parish-Churches
in
England
,
besides
many
hundred
Chappels
,
&
many
Churches
that
had
more
than
one
Minister
.
And
almost
all
these
complied
with
the
Times
or
Directory
,
as
the
Nonconformists
did
:
And
of
all
these
,
it
was
but
about
2000
that
Conformed
not
;
so
that
7000
or
8000
of
them
that
had
kept
in
,
did
on
a
sudden
turn
Conformists
.
And
divers
that
had
been
in
Arms
for
the
Parliament
:
Yea
,
some
that
had
written
for
the
Engagement
when
I
wrote
against
it
;
yea
some
that
had
spoken
or
written
tantum
non
a
Justification
of
the
Killing
of
the
King
.
And
of
those
that
joyned
with
us
in
our
Proposals
for
Concord
,
Dr.
Worth
,
and
Dr.
Reignolds
were
made
Bishops
,
and
divers
others
did
Conform
.
VI.
These
Historians
would
make
the
world
believe
that
the
Present
Church
,
and
such
as
they
,
did
more
than
the
Parliamentarians
,
and
Presbyterians
,
and
Nonconformists
,
to
restore
the
King
;
when
it
is
notoriously
known
,
how
oft
their
Attempts
were
defeated
,
and
what
the
Scots
Army
under
Hamilton
underwent
,
to
say
nothing
of
the
next
;
and
of
the
Lord
Delamore's
Attempt
,
and
what
the
Restored
Parliament
did
:
But
sure
I
am
,
that
the
Old
Parliament
Souldiers
,
and
Presbyterian
Commanders
and
Souldiers
in
General
Monk's
Army
,
with
those
in
England
and
Ireland
that
joyned
with
him
,
and
Sir
Thomas
Allen
Lord
Mayor
,
with
the
Londoners
,
at
the
persuasion
of
the
Presbyterian
Ministers
,
drawing
General
Monk
to
joyn
with
them
,
did
the
main
work
,
which
the
Council
and
Parliament
after
finished
.
When
most
of
these
men
that
will
not
endure
the
oblivion
of
Discords
,
nor
the
Reconciling
and
Union
of
the
King's
Subjects
,
do
but
start
up
to
revile
others
,
and
blow
the
Coals
again
,
and
reap
the
fruit
of
other
mens
labours
,
that
desire
but
to
live
in
Peace
.
VII
.
That
there
are
able
worthy
men
that
Conform
,
we
are
far
from
denying
;
and
we
earnestly
desire
their
Concord
,
and
the
success
of
their
Labour
,
and
I
hope
love
them
as
our selves
.
But
whereas
the
History
of
this
Party
doth
proclaim
how
much
better
and
abler
Ministers
than
the
Nonconformists
are
generally
put
into
their
Places
,
that
are
no
Novices
or
Ignorant
Youths
,
no
Drunkards
,
nor
scandalous
,
but
more
laborious
,
skilful
Labourers
,
I
will
say
nothing
,
but
let
the
Countries
judge
.
VIII
.
And
whether
it
be
true
that
there
is
no
need
of
the
Nonconformists
Ministry
,
but
the
Churches
are
sufficiently
supplied
without
them
,
both
as
to
the
number
and
quality
of
their
Teachers
,
I
have
in
my
Apology
enquired
;
and
with
godly
men
it
's
easily
judged
.
IX
.
And
whether
it
be
true
,
that
it
was
only
for
the
Kings
or
Bishops
cause
that
the
Parliament
put
out
all
,
or
most
of
them
that
were
heretofore
removed
,
I
leave
to
the
Witnesses
and
Articles
against
them
.
I
am
sure
I
and
my
neighbour
Ministers
petitioned
that
none
that
were
tolerable
pious
Ministers
,
might
be
put
out
for
being
for
the
King
or
Bishops
.
X.
It
is
commonly
now
recorded
and
reported
that
the
Presbyterians
and
those
that
now
conform
not
put
down
Catechizing
,
and
turned
the
Creed
,
Lords
prayer
and
Decalogue
out
of
the
Church
Service
.
Whereas
(
if
some
few
Independents
did
any
of
this
,
it
is
more
than
I
know
,
but
)
in
all
our
Countrey
,
and
where
I
came
,
I
remember
no
Churches
that
did
not
use
the
Creed
openly
at
their
baptizing
any
,
and
the
Decalogue
frequently
read
out
of
Exod.
20.
or
Deut.
5.
and
the
Lords
prayer
frequently
;
as
we
did
constantly
.
But
some
thought
that
we
were
not
bound
to
use
it
every
time
they
prayed
.
And
the
Directory
commendeth
all
these
to
them
.
And
all
our
Countrey
agreed
not
only
to
Catechize
publickly
,
but
to
take
larger
time
on
the
week
daies
to
Catechize
every
family
.
XI
.
These
Historians
say
that
I
and
such
others
take
the
things
which
we
conform
not
to
,
to
be
but
inconveniences
and
not
sins
;
And
that
we
keep
the
Nation
in
Schisme
while
we
confess
the
things
to
be
but
Indifferent
And
our
writings
are
visible
in
which
we
profest
the
contrary
,
and
laboured
by
many
arguments
to
prove
it
and
protested
that
we
would
conform
if
we
took
them
not
to
be
sins
.
And
we
gave
in
a
Catalogue
of
what
we
judged
to
be
sins
:
And
this
before
the
New
Conformity
was
imposed
:
And
since
the
fiercest
displeasure
is
against
us
for
telling
them
what
we
account
Sin
,
and
how
great
:
When
many
years
together
our
Rulers
and
the
People
were
told
that
we
confessed
them
indifferent
and
refused
them
but
to
avoid
offending
our
followers
.
XII
.
We
frequently
hear
from
them
that
we
oppose
Episcopacy
because
we
cannot
be
Bishops
our selves
:
When
it
s
known
that
nothing
could
more
put
men
out
of
all
such
hopes
than
the
Presbyterians
Endeavours
that
both
their
power
and
wealth
should
be
taken
down
:
And
he
that
hath
any
desires
of
a
Bishoprick
should
sure
be
for
the
keeping
of
them
up
.
And
the
same
men
reprove
us
for
refusing
Bishopricks
and
Deanries
,
and
say
we
did
it
to
please
the
People
.
XIV
.
The
new
Historians
would
make
us
believe
that
the
Reformed
Church
of
England
before
Bishop
Lauds
time
were
of
their
mind
that
now
call
themselves
Bishops
and
Doctors
of
the
Church
of
England
,
in
holding
as
they
do
,
that
there
is
an
Universal
humane
Soveraignty
with
Legislative
and
Judicial
power
over
all
the
Churches
on
earth
:
and
that
this
is
in
Councils
,
or
an
Universal
Colledge
of
Bishops
;
of
which
the
Pope
may
be
allowed
to
be
president
,
and
Principium
Unitatis
&c.
and
that
he
must
be
obeyed
as
Patriarch
of
the
West
;
and
so
we
must
be
under
a
forreign
Jurisdiction
.
Whereas
it
is
notoriousy
known
that
before
Bishop
Lauds
time
the
doctrine
of
this
Church
was
quite
Contrary
,
as
may
be
seen
at
large
in
the
Apology
,
the
Articles
of
Religion
,
the
writings
of
the
Bishops
and
Doctors
;
Yea
they
writ
copiously
to
prove
that
the
Pope
is
Antichrist
,
and
put
it
into
their
Liturgy
.
And
Dr.
Heylin
tells
us
that
the
Reason
why
Bishop
Laud
got
it
out
was
,
that
it
might
not
offend
the
Papists
and
hinder
our
reconciliation
with
them
;
And
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
sweareth
us
against
all
forreign
Jurisdiction
.
XV.
The
same
Historians
would
make
us
believe
that
these
mens
doctrine
is
now
the
doctrine
of
the
Church
of
England
or
agreeable
to
it
.
Whereas
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
is
still
in
force
,
and
so
are
the
Homilies
,
and
the
Articles
of
Religion
and
the
Laws
and
Canons
for
the
Kings
Supremacy
against
all
forreign
Jurisdiction
.
And
there
is
no
change
made
which
alloweth
of
their
doctrine
:
And
the
Church
doctrine
must
be
known
by
its
publick
writings
,
and
not
by
the
opinions
of
new
risen
men
.
XVI
.
The
new
Historians
make
the
Nonconforming
Ministers
to
be
men
grosly
ignorant
,
preachingfalse
doctrine
,
of
wicked
principles
and
lives
,
and
not
fit
to
be
suffered
out
of
Gaols
.
And
yet
these
19.
or
20.
years
how
few
of
them
have
been
convict
of
any
false
doctrine
?
And
I
have
not
heard
of
four
in
England
that
have
ever
been
convict
since
they
were
cast
out
,
of
being
once
drunk
,
or
fornicating
,
cheating
,
swearing
,
or
any
immorality
,
unless
preaching
and
not
swearing
,
Subscribing
,
&c.
be
such
,
nor
for
false
doctrine
.
XVII
.
The
new
Historians
have
made
thousands
believe
that
the
doctrine
or
opinions
of
the
Nonconformists
is
for
sedition
and
rebellion
;
And
that
it
is
for
this
that
they
refuse
to
renounce
the
obligation
of
the
Covenant
as
to
all
men
besides
themselves
and
that
they
refuse
to
subscribe
that
it
is
not
lawful
on
any
pretence
whatsoever
to
take
Arms
against
any
Commissioned
by
the
King
.
Whereas
we
have
at
large
in
a
second
Plea
for
peace
opened
our
judgments
about
Loyalty
and
obedience
,
and
none
of
them
will
tell
us
what
they
would
have
more
,
nor
where
our
profession
is
too
short
or
faulty
.
Nor
have
they
convict
any
of
my
acquaintance
of
preaching
any
disloyal
doctrine
.
XVIII
.
Yea
they
have
by
writing
,
preaching
and
talking
made
multitudes
believe
that
the
Nonconformists
or
Presbyterians
have
been
long
hatching
a
rebellion
against
the
King
,
and
have
a
Plot
to
take
down
Monarchy
under
pretence
of
opposing
Poperty
.
And
how
far
these
Historians
are
to
be
believed
,
true
Protestants
by
this
time
partly
understand
.
XIX
.
Yea
these
Historians
have
made
multitudes
believe
that
the
Parliaments
that
have
been
disolved
here
of
late
years
have
been
designing
to
change
the
Government
of
Church
and
state
,
under
pretence
of
opposing
Popery
.
As
if
that
Parliament
that
did
that
for
them
and
against
us
which
is
done
,
and
made
all
the
Acts
which
are
for
the
Renunciation
of
the
Covenant
,
and
for
all
the
Declarations
,
Subscriptions
and
Practices
Imposed
,
and
for
Fining
us
20
l.
and
40
l.
a
Sermon
,
and
laying
us
in
Gaols
,
had
been
for
Nonconformists
,
and
against
Episcopacy
;
and
they
that
made
the
Militia
Act
,
and
such
other
had
been
against
the
King
or
his
Prerogative
:
Or
the
other
following
had
not
been
of
the
same
Religion
.
XX.
But
the
boldest
part
of
their
History
,
is
their
description
of
the
two
sorts
of
the
People
in
England
,
those
that
are
for
the
present
Nonconformists
,
and
those
that
are
against
them
.
Those
that
are
against
them
,
they
account
the
most
Religious
,
Temperate
,
Chast
,
Loyal
,
Credible
,
and
in
a
word
,
the
best
people
through
the
Land
(
for
of
our
Rulers
I
am
not
speaking
.
)
And
those
that
are
for
the
Nonconforming
Ministers
,
they
defame
as
the
most
proud
,
hypocritical
,
treacherous
,
disloyal
,
covetous
,
false
,
and
in
a
word
,
the
worst
people
in
the
Land
;
or
as
Fowlis
saith
,
the
worst
of
all
mankind
,
and
unfit
to
live
in
humane
Society
.
How
long
will
it
be
ere
the
sober
people
of
this
Land
believe
this
Character
?
One
would
think
that
the
quality
of
the
common
Inhabitants
of
the
Land
should
not
be
a
Controversie
,
or
unknown
thing
.
All
that
I
will
say
to
this
History
,
is
,
to
tell
the
Reader
the
utmost
of
my
observation
and
experience
from
my
Youth
up
,
concerning
these
two
sorts
of
men
.
Where
I
was
bred
before
1640.
(
which
was
in
divers
places
)
I
knew
not
one
Presbyterian
Clergy
man
,
nor
Lay
,
and
but
three
or
four
Nonconforming
Ministers
.
Nay
till
Mr.
Ball
wrote
for
the
Liturgy
and
against
Can
,
and
Allen
,
&c.
and
till
Mr.
Burton
Published
his
Protestation
protested
,
I
never
thought
what
Presbytery
or
Independency
were
,
nor
ever
spake
with
a
man
that
seemed
to
know
it
:
And
that
was
in
1641.
when
the
War
was
brewing
.
In
the
place
where
I
first
lived
,
and
the
Country
about
,
the
People
were
of
two
sorts
:
The
generality
seemed
to
mind
nothing
seriously
but
the
body
and
the
world
:
They
went
to
Church
and
would
answer
the
Parson
in
Responds
and
thence
go
to
dinner
,
and
then
to
play
:
They
never
prayed
in
their
families
,
but
some
of
them
going
to
bed
,
would
say
over
the
Creed
,
and
the
Lord's
Prayer
,
&
some
of
them
the
Hail
Mary
:
All
the
year
long
,
not
a
serious
word
of
holy
things
,
or
the
Life
to
come
,
that
I
could
hear
of
,
proceeded
from
them
.
They
read
not
the
Scripture
,
nor
any
good
Book
or
Catechism
.
Few
of
them
could
read
,
or
had
a
Bible
:
They
were
of
two
ranks
;
the
greater
part
were
good
Husbands
as
they
called
them
,
and
savoured
of
nothing
but
their
business
or
Interest
in
the
World
;
the
rest
were
Drunkards
:
Most
were
Swearers
,
but
not
equally
:
Both
sorts
seemed
utter
strangers
to
any
more
of
Religion
than
I
have
named
;
and
loved
not
to
hear
any
serious
talk
of
God
,
or
Duty
,
or
Sin
,
or
the
Gospel
,
or
Judgment
,
or
the
Life
to
come
:
But
some
more
hated
it
than
others
:
The
other
sort
were
such
as
had
their
Consciences
awakened
to
some
regard
of
God
and
their
Everlasting
State
;
and
according
to
the
various
measures
of
their
understanding
,
did
speak
and
live
as
serious
in
the
Christian
Faith
,
and
would
much
enquire
what
was
Duty
,
and
what
was
Sin
,
and
how
to
please
God
,
and
to
make
sure
of
Salvation
;
and
made
this
their
Business
and
Interest
,
as
the
rest
did
the
world
.
They
read
the
Scripture
,
and
such
Books
as
The
Practice
of
Piety
;
and
Deut'
s
Plain
Man's
Path
Way
;
and
Dod
on
the
Commandments
,
&c.
They
used
to
pray
in
their
Families
,
and
alone
;
some
on
the
Book
,
and
some
without
:
They
would
not
Swear
,
nor
Curse
,
nor
take
God's
Name
lightly
:
They
feared
all
known
sin
:
They
would
go
to
the
next
Parish-Church
to
hear
a
Sermon
when
they
had
none
at
their
own
;
would
read
the
Scripture
on
the
Lord's
Day
,
when
others
were
playing
:
▪
These
were
,
where
I
lived
,
about
the
number
of
two
or
three
Families
in
twenty
;
and
these
by
the
rest
were
called
Puritanes
,
and
derided
as
Hypocrites
and
Precisians
,
that
would
take
on
them
to
be
Holy
:
And
especially
if
they
told
any
one
of
his
Swearing
,
Drunkenness
,
or
Ungodliness
,
they
were
made
the
common
scorn
.
Yet
not
one
of
many
of
them
ever
scrupled
Conformity
to
Bishops
Liturgy
or
Ceremonies
,
and
it
was
godly
Conformable
Ministers
that
they
went
from
home
to
hear
:
And
these
Ministers
being
the
ablest
Preachers
,
and
of
more
serious
Piety
,
were
also
the
Objects
of
the
Vulgar
Obloquy
as
Puritanes
and
Precisians
themselves
;
and
accordingly
spoke
against
by
many
of
their
Tribe
,
and
envyed
for
being
preferred
by
godly
men
.
This
being
the
Condition
of
the
Vulgar
where
I
was
,
when
I
came
into
the
acquaintance
of
many
Persons
of
Honour
and
Power
,
and
reputed
Learning
,
I
found
the
same
seriousness
in
Religion
in
some
few
before
described
,
and
the
same
daily
scorn
of
that
sort
of
men
in
others
,
but
differently
cloathed
:
For
these
would
talk
more
bitterly
,
but
yet
with
a
greater
shew
of
reason
against
the
other
,
than
the
ignorant
Country
People
did
:
And
they
would
sometime
talk
of
some
Opinions
in
Religion
,
and
some
of
them
would
use
some
of
the
Common-Prayer
in
their
Houses
,
and
some
of
them
would
swear
,
but
seldom
,
and
small
Oaths
,
and
lived
soberly
and
civilly
;
but
serious
talk
of
God
or
Godliness
,
or
that
which
tended
to
search
and
reform
the
Heart
and
Life
,
and
seriously
prepare
for
the
Life
to
come
,
or
to
awaken
Souls
to
a
care
of
their
State
and
Salvation
,
they
would
at
least
be
very
weary
to
hear
,
if
not
deride
as
Puritanical
.
Mr.
Robert
Bolton
a
Conformist
,
hath
fully
opened
all
this
of
both
sorts
in
his
Discourse
of
True
Happiness
,
and
Directions
for
walking
with
God
:
And
how
the
name
Puritane
was
then
used
.
This
being
the
Fundamental
Division
where
I
came
,
some
of
these
that
were
called
Puritanes
and
Hypocrites
,
for
not
being
Hypocrites
,
but
serious
in
the
Religion
they
professed
,
would
sometimes
get
together
,
and
as
Drunkards
and
Sporters
would
meet
to
drink
and
play
,
they
would
(
in
some
very
few
places
,
where
there
were
many
of
them
)
meet
after
Sermon
on
the
Lord's
Daies
to
Repeat
the
Conforming
Ministers
Sermon
,
and
sing
a
Psalm
,
and
Pray
.
For
this
,
and
for
going
from
their
own
Parish-Churches
,
they
were
first
envied
by
the
Readers
,
and
dry
Teachers
,
whom
they
sometime
went
from
,
and
next
prosecuted
by
Apparitors
,
Officials
,
Archdeacons
,
Commissaries
,
Chancellors
,
and
other
Episcopal
Instruments
:
For
in
former
times
there
had
been
divers
Presbyterian
Nonconformists
,
who
earnestly
pleaded
for
Parish-Discipline
(
as
Bucer
also
did
in
Oper.
Anglic.
)
And
to
subdue
these
,
divers
Canons
were
made
;
which
served
the
turn
against
these
Meetings
of
the
Conformable
Puritanes
,
and
going
from
their
own
Parish-Churches
;
though
the
Old
Presbyterians
were
dead
,
and
very
few
succeeded
them
.
About
as
many
Nonconformists
as
Counties
were
left
;
and
those
few
most
stuck
at
Subscription
and
Ceremonies
,
which
were
the
hinderance
of
their
Ministry
;
and
but
few
of
them
studied
or
understood
the
Presbyterian
or
Independent
Disciplinary
Causes
.
But
when
these
Conformable
Puritanes
were
thus
prosecuted
,
it
bred
in
them
hard
thoughts
of
the
Bishops
and
their
Courts
,
as
Enemies
to
serious
Piety
,
and
Persecutors
of
that
which
they
should
promote
:
Suffering
bred
this
Opinion
and
Aversation
.
And
the
ungodly
Rabble
rejoyced
at
their
troubles
,
and
applauded
the
Bishops
for
it
,
and
were
every
where
ready
to
set
the
Apparitors
on
them
,
or
to
ask
them
,
Are
you
holier
or
wiser
th●●
〈…〉
Bishops
?
And
their
Accusations
were
readily
entertained
:
This
much
inclined
them
to
hearken
to
them
that
were
averse
to
Conformity
,
when
such
rose
up
,
and
to
such
as
were
more
against
the
Bishops
,
than
there
was
cause
;
so
that
by
this
time
,
the
Puritanes
took
the
Bishops
to
be
Captains
and
the
Chancellors
,
Archdeacons
,
Commissaries
,
Officials
and
Paritors
,
their
Officers
,
and
the
Enemies
of
serious
Godliness
,
and
the
vicious
Rabble
to
be
as
their
Army
,
to
suppress
true
consciencious
Obedience
to
God
,
and
care
of
mens
Salvation
.
And
the
censured
Clergy
and
Officers
took
the
Censurers
to
be
Schismaticks
,
and
Enemies
to
the
Church
,
unfit
to
be
endured
,
and
fit
to
be
prosecuted
with
reproach
and
punishment
;
so
that
the
said
Puritanes
took
it
to
be
but
the
common
Enmity
that
since
Cain's
daies
hath
been
in
the
world
,
between
the
Serpent's
and
the
Woman's
Seed
:
And
when
the
persons
of
Bishops
,
Chancellors
,
Officials
,
Apparitors
,
&c.
were
come
under
such
a
repute
,
it
was
easie
to
believe
what
should
be
sail
against
their
Office
.
And
the
more
the
Bishops
thought
to
cure
this
by
punishment
,
the
more
they
increased
the
Opinion
,
that
they
were
persecuting
Enemies
of
Godliness
,
and
the
Captains
of
the
Prophane
.
And
when
such
sinful
Beginnings
had
prepared
men
,
the
Civil
Contentions
arising
,
those
called
Puritanes
,
mostly
were
against
that
side
which
they
saw
the
Bishops
and
their
Neighbour
Enemies
for
:
And
they
were
for
the
Parliament
the
rather
,
because
they
seemed
desirous
to
Reform
the
Bishops
,
and
Restore
the
Liberty
of
those
whom
they
prosecuted
for
the
manner
of
their
serving
God
.
Yet
they
desired
,
where-ever
I
was
,
to
have
lived
peaceably
at
home
:
But
the
Drunkards
and
Rabble
that
formerly
hated
them
,
when
they
saw
the
War
beginning
,
grew
inraged
;
and
if
a
man
did
but
Pray
,
and
Sing
a
Psalm
in
his
house
,
they
would
cry
[
Down
with
the
Roundheads
]
(
a
word
then
new
made
for
them
,
)
and
put
them
in
fear
of
sudden
violence
,
and
afterwards
brought
the
King's
Souldiers
to
plunder
them
of
their
goods
,
and
they
were
fain
to
run
into
holes
to
hide
their
persons
(
Martin
Crusius
in
his
Turco-Gracia
describeth
much
the
like
Case
of
his
Father
.
)
And
when
their
Goods
were
gone
,
and
their
Lives
in
continual
danger
,
they
were
forced
to
fly
for
Food
and
Shelter
:
To
go
among
those
that
hated
them
,
they
durst
not
,
when
they
could
not
dwell
among
such
at
home
.
And
thus
thousands
run
into
the
Parliaments
Garrisons
,
and
having
nothing
there
to
live
upon
,
became
Souldiers
.
We
had
an
honest
very
Old
Arminian
(
Mr.
Nayler
)
in
Coventry
,
that
was
against
the
Parliaments
Cause
;
and
he
would
say
,
[
The
King
hath
the
best
Cause
,
and
the
Parliament
the
best
Men.
]
And
that
he
wondred
how
it
came
to
pass
,
that
the
generality
of
sober
Religious
men
,
should
be
all
in
the
wrong
,
and
the
most
Irreligious
and
Prophane
,
and
Debauched
be
in
the
right
.
]
But
he
knew
but
the
Vulgar
,
and
not
the
Grandees
,
who
no
doubt
were
many
of
them
men
of
very
laudable
accomplishments
.
And
as
the
feud
of
the
Bishops
and
their
Officers
and
Curates
against
the
aforesaid
exercises
of
Religion
occasioned
this
sad
Division
,
so
did
the
sense
of
this
in
the
minds
of
those
called
Puritanes
continue
too
long
.
Many
a
time
have
I
seen
abundance
in
great
Perplexity
,
saying
[
We
believed
them
that
professed
that
they
took
not
Arms
against
the
King
,
but
to
execute
the
Law
on
Delinquents
and
defend
themselves
and
the
Kingdom
from
them
:
We
abhor
the
Regicides
and
Usurpers
:
We
would
restore
the
King
,
if
we
were
stronger
than
the
Army
.
And
yet
we
are
in
doubt
how
far
we
should
actively
contribute
to
our
own
calamity
:
For
though
the
King
deserve
more
than
we
can
do
,
we
doubt
not
but
the
Bishops
will
increase
our
Burdens
and
make
greater
havock
in
the
Church
than
heretofore
]
And
many
sate
still
on
this
account
,
and
as
far
as
ever
I
could
discern
,
next
the
Power
of
the
Army
,
the
fear
of
the
Bishops
was
the
chief
delay
of
the
Kings
return
.
I
knew
not
all
England
;
but
according
to
the
Extent
of
my
acquaintance
,
I
have
truly
told
you
the
quality
of
those
then
called
Puritans
and
of
their
Common
adversaries
.
And
on
which
side
now
proportionably
are
most
of
the
most
understanding
,
sober
,
charitable
,
conscionable
,
and
seriously
religious
Persons
,
and
on
which
most
of
the
contrary
(
not
speaking
of
any
Magistrates
)
I
think
it
neither
my
work
,
nor
our
New
Historians
to
tell
:
For
people
that
live
among
their
neighbours
,
will
believe
their
senses
and
experience
,
what
ever
either
he
or
I
shall
say
.
And
I
am
well
assured
that
this
argument
(
which
I
think
was
not
found
)
[
We
cannot
believe
that
God
will
suffer
the
Generality
of
the
Religious
to
be
deceived
in
so
great
a
case
,
and
the
most
of
the
debauched
ignorant
haters
of
serious
Godliness
to
be
in
the
right
,
]
did
prevail
with
very
many
that
could
not
try
the
Cause
by
the
Laws
and
constitution
of
the
Kingdom
.
§
2.
If
I
should
recite
the
particular
unjust
reports
of
multitudes
of
these
Writers
it
would
be
tiresome
and
loathsome
:
Yea
all
the
mistakes
of
this
Eminent
Historian
are
too
many
to
be
named
:
But
I
will
here
name
one
which
seems
at
once
to
smite
and
smile
.
Pag.
2●7
.
[
There
is
a
temper
which
Mr.
B.
is
acquainted
with
that
,
is
not
to
be
prevailed
on
,
either
by
threats
or
promises
from
the
Magistrate
;
and
seems
to
hate
nothing
so
much
as
compliance
with
Superiors
:
There
are
some
that
scorn
to
preach
by
the
Licence
of
the
Government
,
and
place
the
Kingdom
of
Christ
purely
in
opposition
to
Law
and
Magistrates
.
]
Answ.
Note
the
credibility
of
this
Historian
.
1.
Doth
their
accusation
of
my
flattering
the
Usurpers
(
whom
I
more
openly
disowned
than
most
of
his
Fraternity
)
agree
with
this
?
2.
Did
my
long
and
earnest
Petitioning
to
be
accepted
but
in
a
poor
Curates
place
,
though
I
Preacht
for
nothing
,
yea
if
it
were
but
in
some
ignorant
obscure
Village
,
and
only
to
preach
over
the
Catechism
,
agree
with
this
?
3.
Doth
my
large
profession
of
Subjection
in
my
Second
Plea
for
Peace
not
yet
blamed
by
them
herein
agree
with
this
?
4.
I
willingly
took
the
Oaths
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
and
an
Oath
to
be
true
to
the
King
as
his
Chaplain
in
ordinary
,
and
had
this
any
such
signification
?
5.
Did
my
begging
in
vain
a
License
from
Bishop
Morley
,
and
craving
and
obtaining
one
of
Bishop
Sheldon
,
signifie
this
?
6.
But
the
smile
is
that
one
would
think
by
these
words
,
I
might
have
preached
by
the
Governours
License
and
would
not
.
And
is
that
true
?
Did
I
not
preach
by
the
Kings
License
,
and
the
Clergy
blame
me
for
it
?
And
as
for
the
Bishops
License
I
do
profess
that
it
's
yet
in
force
,
and
I
do
preach
by
it
.
If
I
mistake
it
is
not
my
refusing
it
.
If
he
intimate
as
he
seems
,
that
by
the
Bishops
License
I
might
have
had
leave
to
preach
in
the
Parish
Churches
,
it
's
now
too
late
:
But
I
would
I
had
known
how
to
get
it
.
I
confess
one
Summer
in
the
Countrey
about
25
miles
off
,
I
did
venture
upon
the
Credit
of
my
License
(
at
Amersham
,
Chesham
,
Rickmersworth
,
&c.
)
But
it
was
too
pleasing
work
to
me
to
be
continued
:
One
Church
in
Southwark
I
was
once
let
into
,
but
no
more
in
or
near
London
.
I
once
craved
leave
of
the
moderate
Bishop
that
now
is
,
that
without
putting
down
the
meeting
where
I
was
in
that
great
Parish
of
St.
Martin's
,
I
might
preach
sometime
there
and
once
a
day
at
the
Chappel
which
I
built
,
which
the
Parish
Incumbent
useth
,
and
that
he
would
quiet
the
Justices
to
that
end
,
and
thought
I
had
had
his
consent
:
But
the
Constables
and
other
Officers
stood
from
that
day
about
a
quarter
of
a
year
together
every
Lord's
Day
at
the
door
of
the
former
place
of
Assembly
,
to
have
apprehended
me
by
the
Justices
warrant
if
I
had
gone
.
And
never
could
I
hear
of
a
man
in
London
that
was
willing
I
should
come
into
his
Pulpit
;
but
the
best
have
refused
it
.
Nor
did
I
much
desire
it
here
:
For
it
is
not
to
preach
to
them
that
have
no
need
that
is
my
request
;
but
to
such
as
cannot
come
into
the
Parish
Church
or
otherwise
truely
need
our
help
.
Once
I
did
try
to
have
got
leave
two
miles
out
of
the
City
to
have
preacht
a
Kinswomans
Funerall
Sermon
on
the
right
of
my
License
:
But
the
Minister
said
,
He
must
first
ask
the
Bishop
,
and
then
denyed
me
.
Reader
,
these
are
the
Historians
that
Charge
me
with
misreport
of
ancient
History
,
visible
in
the
most
partial
Authors
on
the
other
side
:
Judge
of
them
by
their
Report
of
the
History
of
our
Place
and
Age.
CHAP.
XV.
Mr.
M's
.
way
of
getting
belief
,
by
a
Magisterial
condemning
the
most
credible
Historians
,
and
authorizing
whom
he
please
.
§
1.
IF
we
had
not
Eusebius
,
Socrates
and
Sozomen
,
how
naked
should
we
be
left
,
and
much
unacquainted
with
the
case
of
the
Church
from
the
Apostles
;
(
Besides
Theodorets
History
)
till
440.
And
what
a
shake
is
given
to
the
Credit
of
all
these
by
Mr.
M.
and
others
of
greater
name
?
Though
Eusebius
himself
be
by
Petavius
and
many
other
Papists
accounted
an
Arian
,
yea
and
seemingly
proved
such
,
and
by
Bellarmine
de
Script
.
Eccles
.
it
s
said
that
Athanasius
so
calls
him
,
and
Jerom
calls
him
the
Arian
Signifer
and
Prince
,
and
the
7th
General
Council
so
judgeth
him
,
yet
Socrates
vindicateth
him
,
and
thinks
he
is
wronged
:
And
indeed
though
his
own
Epistle
written
to
his
Flock
be
not
justifyable
,
incautelous
and
unjustifyable
words
were
too
Common
before
his
daies
(
as
Petavius
hath
too
fully
proved
)
with
those
that
we
must
not
yet
call
Arians
.
But
while
Bellarmine
and
Mr.
M.
charge
Socrates
and
Sozomen
as
Novatians
that
is
Hereticks
themselves
,
they
deprive
Eusebius
of
much
of
their
defence
;
and
render
his
History
the
more
suspicious
.
§
2.
And
though
I
know
Mr.
M.
hath
more
partners
herein
,
I
never
saw
yet
any
credible
proof
that
either
of
them
were
Novatians
:
Good
Christians
are
not
ashamed
nor
afraid
to
make
profession
of
their
Religion
.
And
they
are
so
far
from
professing
it
,
that
they
oft
speak
of
the
Novatians
in
disowning
words
.
But
they
praised
them
for
the
good
that
is
in
them
!
And
would
not
any
impartial
Historian
do
the
like
?
Must
a
man
rail
at
any
party
,
or
hide
their
Virtues
or
else
be
taken
to
be
one
of
them
?
I
confess
that
such
as
Mr.
M.
do
fully
acquit
themselves
from
the
suspicion
of
being
Presbyterians
or
Nonconformists
.
But
so
did
not
A.
Bishop
Grindall
,
Bishop
Jewel
,
A.
Bishop
Abbot
A.
Bishop
Usher
,
and
many
more
such
.
Sure
Candor
and
Impartiality
is
Laudable
in
Historians
;
And
Thuanus
is
most
honoured
for
that
.
And
notwithstanding
Mr.
M's
assertions
of
the
contrary
,
I
profess
my self
a
lover
&
honourer
of
the
worth
of
many
of
the
aspiring
Bishops
that
corrupted
the
Church
,
and
of
many
Popes
,
and
of
many
that
continue
Church
corruptions
in
the
height
;
even
many
of
the
Papists
Cardinals
,
Schoolmen
and
Jesuites
.
Who
will
not
love
and
praise
the
excellent
Learning
of
such
as
Suarez
,
Vasquez
,
Victoria
,
Petavius
and
abundance
such
?
Who
will
not
praise
the
piety
of
such
as
Gerson
,
Borromaeus
,
Sales
,
and
many
others
,
though
we
nevertheless
disown
their
Popery
?
For
my
part
I
highly
value
the
Cleareness
,
of
multitudes
of
the
Schoolmen
,
and
that
they
have
not
in
whole
loads
of
their
volumes
so
much
malicious
railing
as
the
Jesuits
and
many
of
our
late
Conformists
have
in
a
few
sheets
.
Doth
it
follow
that
I
am
a
Papist
because
I
praise
them
,
or
that
Socrates
or
Sozomen
were
Novatians
because
they
speak
well
of
their
faith
and
piety
.
There
are
abundance
of
Malignants
,
that
acknowledge
the
Good
Lives
of
those
they
call
Puritanes
(
and
if
he
had
not
had
the
late
Wars
between
King
and
Parliament
to
fill
all
Mouths
and
Books
against
them
,
the
Devil
by
this
time
might
have
been
at
a
loss
with
what
Accusations
to
reproach
them
.
For
he
was
put
to
use
the
Voices
(
no
names
)
of
[
Roundheads
,
Whigs
,
&c.
when
their
Revilers
were
called
Drunkards
.
Swearers
,
Dam-me's
,
&c.
]
But
they
that
confess
the
Good
,
reproach
them
as
Hypocrites
that
do
but
counterfeit
it
.
Doth
this
acknowledgment
prove
them
Puritanes
.
I
suppose
Mr.
M.
knoweth
that
no
small
number
of
Historians
and
Fathers
confess
the
strictness
of
the
Novatians
Lives
,
and
yet
were
no
Novatians
.
And
Constantine's
words
to
Acesius
imply
that
he
thought
him
singularly
strict
.
And
Mr.
M.
saith
Pref.
[
The
Novatians
,
saith
the
Author
,
did
not
suffer
much
by
this
Edict
,
being
besriended
by
the
Emperour
,
who
had
an
esteem
for
their
Bishop
of
C.
P.
upon
the
account
of
his
Holiness
.
]
And
may
not
an
Orthodox
man
confess
the
Piety
of
others
?
§
3.
But
Mr.
M.
is
so
Magisterial
as
to
say
,
Pag.
322.
The
story
of
Theophilus
,
and
the
Monks
of
Nitria
,
no
reasonable
man
can
believe
,
as
it
is
related
by
Socrates
and
Sozomen
,
without
loving
a
malicious
Lie
.
]
So
that
Socrates
and
Sozomen
either
believed
not
themselves
,
or
else
Love●
a
malicious
Lie
.
And
Page
319.
he
saith
,
[
The
story
of
Theophilus
his
charging
Isidore
with
double
Letters
,
that
whoever
was
Conquerour
,
he
might
apply
himself
to
him
in
his
name
,
is
of
the
same
piece
with
the
rest
of
Socrates
his
story
concerning
that
Bishop
;
and
in
all
probability
an
invention
of
one
of
the
Monk●
of
Nitria
.
]
It
seems
this
Historian
believeth
Old
Historians
,
as
the
matters
seem
probable
or
improbable
to
himself
.
And
so
we
may
take
him
for
the
Universal
Expositor
of
History
:
It
is
not
the
Old
Historians
that
we
must
believe
,
but
his
Conjectures
.
And
thus
he
deals
with
divers
others
.
§
4.
For
my
part
I
profess
,
that
before
I
had
any
Engagement
in
these
Controversies
,
since
I
first
read
them
,
I
took
Socrates
and
Sozomen
to
be
two
of
the
most
credible
Historians
that
the
Church
had
till
their
Times
,
and
of
many
an
Age
after
them
.
I
said
of
them
,
as
I
use
to
do
of
Thuanus
,
A
man
may
trace
the
footsteps
of
Knowledge
,
and
impartial
honesty
,
and
so
of
Veracity
in
their
very
style
.
And
there
are
few
of
the
judicious
Censurers
of
Historians
,
but
do
tell
us
of
far
more
uncertainties
in
Eusebius
,
and
after
in
Nicephorus
,
and
most
that
followed
,
(
as
far
as
I
am
acquainted
with
such
Censurers
)
than
in
these
two
.
And
if
their
History
be
shaken
,
our
loss
will
not
be
small
.
And
I
doubt
not
but
the
Anathematizing
and
Condemning
Spirit
hath
done
hurt
,
which
hath
made
Eusebius
an
undoubted
Arian
,
and
Theodoret
,
first
a
Nestorian
,
and
after
at
the
fifth
General
Council
condemned
some
of
his
Writings
,
and
imposed
it
on
the
whole
Christian
World
to
condemn
them
,
though
many
never
heard
of
them
,
and
that
made
Ruffinus
(
and
Chrysostom
)
Originists
,
and
Origen
a
Heretick
,
condemned
also
by
a
General
Council
,
and
Socrates
,
and
Sozomen
,
Novatians
,
Epiphanius
an
ignorant
credulous
Fabler
,
Sulpitius
Severus
,
and
Beda
,
two
pious
credulous
Reporters
of
many
feigned
Miracles
,
and
one
a
Millenary
,
Nicephorus
a
Fabler
,
Anastasius
Bibl.
full
of
Falshoods
,
Philastrius
an
ignorant
Erroneous
Hereticator
,
Cassianus
a
Semi-Pelagian
,
Cassiodori
Chronic.
est
farrago
temulentiae
inquit
Onuphrius
Pan.
Pene
nunquam
cum
Eusebio
convenit
inquit
Vossius
,
&c.
I
say
,
Though
it
be
no
wrong
to
the
Church
to
take
them
for
fallible
,
and
such
as
have
mistakes
(
which
the
English
Articles
say
even
of
General
Councils
)
yet
it
wrongfully
shaketh
all
our
belief
of
Church
History
to
call
their
Credit
in
matters
of
fact
into
question
for
their
Errours
or
opinions
sake
,
without
good
Evidence
that
either
they
were
ignorant
,
mis-informed
or
wilfully
lied
.
But
if
the
Novatians
were
more
strict
&
precise
than
others
,
it
's
rather
like
that
they
were
more
and
not
less
credible
than
others
,
and
made
more
or
not
less
conscience
of
a
lye
.
Certainly
that
which
the
rest
named
are
charged
with
is
somewhat
more
as
to
Historical
Credit
than
to
be
Novatians
:
So
that
if
these
men
had
been
Novatians
,
I
should
yet
say
by
the
Complexion
of
their
History
that
They
are
two
of
our
most
useful
and
credible
Church
Historians
.
§
5.
But
when
it
serveth
his
turn
he
can
gather
out
of
Sozomen
that
even
in
Constantine's
time
,
Constantinople
was
[
Altogether
a
Christian
City
]
Because
he
mentioneth
the
great
Enlargement
of
it
;
and
great
encrease
of
Christianity
:
When
as
no
man
that
lived
could
be
a
sitter
judge
of
the
number
of
Christians
in
his
time
than
Chrysostom
:
And
he
that
considered
that
there
and
every
where
Constantine
left
all
the
Jews
and
Heathens
uncompelled
to
be
Christians
,
yea
and
used
them
commonly
in
places
of
dignity
and
Government
in
City
,
Provinces
and
Armies
,
and
that
they
continued
in
such
power
under
many
Emperours
after
him
,
will
hardly
believe
that
in
Constantine's
time
C.
P.
had
half
or
a
quarter
so
many
Christians
as
were
in
the
time
of
Arcadius
and
Chrysostom
;
And
yet
then
Chrysostom
conjectureth
the
Christians
to
be
an
hundred
thousand
,
and
all
the
City
poor
half
as
many
,
but
the
Jews
and
Heathens
not
to
be
numbred
.
See
him
one
Act
4.
Hom.
11.
When
he
is
making
the
most
of
their
estate
and
numbers
,
saith
he
[
I
pray
you
tell
me
:
How
great
a
number
of
all
sorts
of
men
hath
our
City
?
How
many
Christians
will
you
that
there
be
(
That
is
will
you
grant
,
or
do
you
think
there
be
?
)
Will
you
that
there
be
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
an
hundred
thousand
?
But
how
great
is
the
Number
of
Jews
and
Ethnicks
?
How
many
pounds
of
Gold
have
been
gathered
?
(
or
Myriads
?
)
And
how
great
is
the
Number
of
the
Poor
?
(
that
is
,
of
the
whole
City
?
)
I
do
not
think
they
are
above
fifty
thousand
(
Commelin
.
hath
put
an
hundred
thousand
,
as
Erasmus
Translation
,
I
suppose
by
the
Errour
of
the
Press
.
)
Now
if
there
was
in
Chrysostom's
daies
but
an
hundred
thousand
(
which
many
say
is
not
near
so
many
as
there
be
in
two
Parishes
here
,
Martins
and
Stepney
)
it
is
not
like
that
in
Constantine's
Time
they
were
half
so
many
at
most
.
And
yet
I
am
far
from
thinking
that
there
was
then
no
more
than
usually
met
in
an
Assembly
,
or
could
so
meet
.
§
6.
The
Jesuites
,
Valesius
and
Sirmondus
,
I
am
no
fit
person
to
censure
.
But
I
am
not
satisfied
why
their
Credit
should
go
as
far
with
me
as
it
doth
with
him
:
I
have
before
spoke
of
Valesius's
Recording
Grotius
as
one
that
designed
to
bring
many
with
him
into
the
Roman
Church
.
And
Grotius
himself
saith
,
That
many
of
the
English
Bishops
were
of
his
mind
,
as
Bishop
Bromhall
,
and
many
Doctors
by
defending
him
seem
to
be
:
And
yet
when
I
wrote
my
Christian
Concord
,
and
The
Grotian
Religion
,
how
many
censured
me
as
a
Slanderer
,
for
saying
less
than
Valesius
doth
.
Yet
I
am
false
with
this
Historian
,
and
Valesius
is
a
credible
Jesuite
.
And
he
vouchsafeth
to
tell
us
the
Judgment
of
Valesius
,
that
Eusebius
Nicomed
.
was
no
Arian
,
pag.
332.
where
he
saith
[
Eusebius
of
Nicomedia
was
no
Heretick
in
the
Judgment
of
Valesius
:
But
if
he
were
,
he
was
not
an
Heretick
,
because
he
did
not
begin
the
Arch-Heresie
,
but
followed
Arius
.
]
What
the
meaning
is
of
the
latter
words
I
know
not
[
If
he
were
(
an
Heretick
)
he
was
not
an
Heretick
]
I
conjecture
it
is
one
of
the
almost
Infinite
Errata's
of
the
Printer
:
(
But
he
supposeth
my
Printer's
to
be
mine
own
:
)
But
that
Eusebius
Nicomed
.
should
be
no
Heretick
,
whom
all
the
stream
of
credible
Historians
make
to
be
that
Arch-Heretick
(
I
say
not
the
first
)
who
corrupted
Constantine
his
Court
and
Son
,
which
introduced
the
prevalency
of
Arianism
to
the
almost
Ruine
of
the
Orthodox
Church
,
is
a
thing
which
he
that
believeth
Valesius
in
,
must
prefer
the
Credit
of
one
Jesuite
that
lived
above
a
thousand
years
after
,
before
the
whole
current
of
the
best
Historians
of
the
same
,
and
many
following
Ages
.
And
did
I
ever
so
discredit
the
whole
stream
of
Church-Historians
,
as
on
the
word
of
one
Jesuite
,
to
bring
them
under
the
suspicion
of
such
a
Lie
?
But
I
confess
I
am
more
inclined
to
believe
a
Jesuite
,
and
a
Prelatist
,
when
they
excuse
any
man
of
Heresie
,
than
when
they
accuse
him
.
§
7.
In
the
Preface
he
tells
us
that
[
Had
I
consulted
Sirmond's
,
Edition
of
the
French
Councils
I
must
have
wanted
several
Allegations
for
the
Congregational
way
,
which
are
nothing
else
but
corrupt
readings
of
the
ancient
Canons
of
the
Gallican
Church
.
Nor
can
we
suspect
Sirmond
as
too
great
a
favourer
of
Diocesan
Bishops
,
since
it
is
well
known
how
he
is
charged
by
the
Abbot
of
S.
Cyran
under
the
name
of
Petrus
Aurelius
,
for
having
falsified
a
Canon
in
the
Council
of
Orange
to
the
prejudice
of
the
Episcopal
Order
]
Jesuites
care
as
little
for
Bishops
as
our
Protestant
Dissenters
can
do
.
]
Answ.
I
doubt
not
but
Sirmond
was
a
very
Learned
man
,
and
had
not
the
Conformists
divested
me
of
all
Church-maintenance
,
I
had
been
like
to
have
bought
his
French
Councils
.
In
the
mean
time
,
that
notice
which
others
before
him
gave
of
the
Acts
and
Canons
of
Councils
,
sufficed
to
my
furniture
,
fully
to
prove
the
Cause
I
maintained
:
But
I
confess
his
pretended
reason
no
whit
induceth
me
to
give
more
credit
to
a
Jesuite
than
to
another
man
.
Though
Albaspineus
was
a
Bishop
,
there
is
so
much
Judgment
and
Honesty
appears
in
his
Observations
,
that
I
would
sooner
believe
him
about
Episcopacy
,
than
a
Jesuite
that
you
say
is
against
it
.
But
it
's
as
incredible
to
me
,
as
the
rest
of
his
spurious
History
,
that
the
Jesuites
care
as
little
for
Bishops
as
our
Protestant
Dissenters
can
do
.
Sure
many
of
those
called
Presbyterians
and
Independents
,
would
have
none
at
all
.
If
this
be
true
,
then
1.
The
Jesuites
would
have
no
Bishops
of
Rome
,
though
they
be
his
sworn
Servants
.
2.
Then
they
would
have
no
Bishops
to
be
subject
to
the
Pope
.
3.
Then
they
would
have
all
particular
Churches
to
be
without
Bishops
,
or
to
be
unchurcht
.
4.
Then
they
would
have
Ordination
without
Bishops
.
5.
Then
they
think
not
that
an
uninterrupted
Succession
of
Episcopal
Ordination
is
necessary
to
Church
or
Ministry
.
6.
Then
they
think
that
Bishops
should
not
confirm
.
7.
Then
they
are
against
the
Councils
of
Bishops
,
General
or
Provincial
.
8.
And
against
Diocesans
Government
of
the
Parish
Priests
.
And
yet
is
a
Jesuite
a
Papist
?
Wonderful
!
that
they
will
venture
their
Lives
in
endeavours
for
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
that
they
write
so
much
of
and
for
Bishops
Councils
,
and
yet
are
quite
against
them
.
But
if
really
this
be
so
,
you
that
take
me
for
incredible
,
who
am
against
but
the
Corruption
of
Episcopacy
,
do
allow
me
to
take
Sirmondus
and
Valesius
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Jesuites
for
incredible
,
who
are
as
much
against
the
very
Office
as
our
Dissenters
can
be
?
But
what
will
not
some
Historians
confidently
say
?
CHAP.
XVI
.
Mr.
M's
.
Observations
on
my
Notes
of
credible
and
incredible
History
,
Examined
.
§
1.
I.
BEcause
I
suppose
that
common
sound
Senses
are
to
be
trusted
:
He
1.
Infers
that
I
was
asleep
,
&
thought
that
I
saw
all
that
I
relate
;
that
is
,
He
that
saith
he
must
believe
sense
,
implies
that
he
seeth
all
that
he
reporteth
:
I
am
one
of
the
unlearned
,
and
this
Logick
is
too
hard
for
me
:
Let
it
be
his
own
.
2.
He
concludes
,
That
we
must
not
believe
our
senses
,
if
they
were
not
Presbyterians
but
Episcopal
that
begun
the
late
War
(
in
England
:
)
As
if
he
had
seen
not
only
the
Parliament
(
Lords
and
Commons
)
then
,
and
the
Army
then
(
forty
years
ago
almost
)
but
had
seen
their
Religion
,
or
heard
or
read
them
then
so
profess
it
:
Whereas
I
cannot
learn
yet
whether
he
was
then
born
,
or
of
capable
understanding
,
and
hath
neither
sense
nor
reason
for
what
he
saith
.
The
Case
that
we
are
in
is
very
sad
,
when
both
sides
say
they
have
the
Evidence
of
Sense
it self
against
each
other
;
what
hope
then
of
Reconciliation
?
They
that
are
yet
living
,
that
were
Lords
,
Commons
,
and
Commanders
,
say
their
internal
Sense
and
Self-knowledge
told
them
that
they
were
no
Presbyterians
,
but
Episcopal
;
and
their
daily
converse
told
them
,
that
their
Companions
were
mostly
of
the
same
Religion
and
Mind
.
But
Young
Men
that
never
conversed
with
them
,
know
them
all
better
,
and
that
infallibly
by
sense
it self
.
§
2.
II.
Because
I
say
,
the
History
of
the
Gospel
is
certainly
credible
;
it
is
ground
enough
to
say
,
That
All
is
not
Gospel
that
I
write
;
as
if
I
had
said
it
is
.
§
3.
III.
Because
I
say
,
Prophets
were
sure
of
their
Revelation
,
he
saith
.
It
may
be
Mr.
B.
heard
a
Bene
scripsisti
:
As
if
I
had
pretended
to
be
a
Prophet
.
§
4.
IV.
I
said
that
History
is
certain
even
by
Natural
Evidence
,
when
it
is
the
common
Agreement
of
all
men
of
most
contrary
Interests
,
&c.
in
a
matter
of
fact
and
sense
to
all
that
knew
it
.
To
which
he
saith
[
The
Superiority
of
Bishops
over
Presbyters
is
acknowledged
by
Catholicks
,
and
Schismaticks
and
Hereticks
,
men
of
very
contrary
minds
,
dispositions
and
interests
;
and
yet
this
Church-History
would
have
us
believe
the
contrary
.
Answ.
This
is
our
credible
Historian
.
1.
He
doth
not
tell
us
in
what
Ages
it
was
so
acknowledged
;
when
those
who
doubt
of
the
matter
of
fact
,
doubt
but
some
of
100
,
some
of
150
,
or
200
years
:
Doth
any
doubt
whether
it
be
so
now
?
2.
He
tells
us
not
either
what
Species
of
Bishops
the
question
is
of
,
nor
what
Species
of
Presbyters
,
nor
what
the
Superiority
was
.
3.
He
speaks
without
distinction
or
Exception
,
and
so
must
be
understood
to
say
that
this
Church
history
would
have
us
to
believe
that
even
President
Bishops
Ejusdem
Ordinis
had
de
facto
no
Superiority
at
all
over
Presbyters
in
the
same
Churches
and
of
the
same
order
with
them
,
which
is
an
untruth
so
gross
as
is
no
Credit
to
our
Historian
.
I
have
named
both
more
than
one
ranck
of
Bishops
whose
Superiority
de
Jure
I
deny
not
:
&
Popes
,
Patriarchs
,
Primates
,
Diocesans
who
deposed
the
Bishops
of
single
Churches
,
whose
Superiority
de
facto
I
fully
enough
affirm
,
in
the
ages
and
degrees
in
which
they
did
ascend
.
If
he
say
that
he
meant
it
[
Even
from
the
Apostles
time
,
and
that
of
such
Diocesans
as
have
scores
or
hundreds
of
true
Churches
and
Altars
without
their
particular
Bishops
,
or
any
Presbyters
that
were
Ejusdem
Ordinis
with
the
Bishops
,
and
were
Episcopi
Gregis
,
and
that
had
such
Power
of
the
Keys
over
their
flocks
,
as
ours
have
not
:
or
that
had
so
many
such
Assemblies
that
were
no
true
Churches
;
]
if
he
will
be
proved
a
Historian
worthy
Credit
,
Let
him
give
us
any
proof
that
all
men
described
by
him
agreed
de
facto
that
there
was
so
long
,
such
a
superiority
of
such
Bishops
.
But
these
men
deride
distinguishing
,
and
banish
Logick
,
that
is
Reason
,
from
their
History
.
§
5.
V.
The
next
Evidence
of
certainty
which
I
mentioned
,
was
from
[
continued
Existent
visible
Effects
which
prove
their
Causes
.
]
And
here
this
undistinguishing
Historian
is
at
it
again
.
The
Superiority
of
Bishops
over
Presbyters
is
proved
by
the
Laws
and
Customs
of
all
Churches
.
This
hath
the
same
answer
,
which
I
will
not
repeat
.
Either
it
falsly
reporteth
my
denyal
,
or
it
falsly
affirmeth
that
all
Churches
in
all
ages
have
left
us
visible
Effects
of
the
foresaid
species
.
And
I
would
he
would
help
us
that
are
ignorant
therein
with
such
History
and
Evidence
from
the
begining
of
the
Churches
in
Scotland
,
and
in
the
Southern
and
Eastern
Countries
that
were
without
the
Empire
.
§
6.
VI.
I
said
,
that
History
is
credible
which
speaketh
consentingly
against
the
known
interest
of
the
authors
:
and
therefore
I
named
few
testimonies
of
the
sins
of
Popes
and
Councils
but
of
those
that
are
their
most
Zealous
Friends
.
To
this
he
saith
that
my
Characters
of
ancient
Bishops
are
taken
from
their
professed
Enemies
,
[
as
my
account
of
Athanasius
;
Theophylus
,
Cyril
,
and
divers
others
.
]
Ans.
1.
My
account
of
Athanasius
is
almost
all
,
if
not
all
,
in
his
praise
,
and
is
not
an
enemies
testimony
there
valid
.
If
I
mention
the
displeasure
of
Constantine
against
him
it
is
not
any
Character
of
him
,
but
of
Constantine
the
Agent
:
Nor
do
I
think
Constantine
,
or
Eusebius
Caesar
:
meet
to
be
numbred
with
his
Enemies
;
why
did
he
not
instance
in
some
words
of
mine
?
As
to
Theophylus
and
Cyril
,
I
do
not
believe
that
he
can
prove
that
Socrates
and
Sozomen
,
and
the
Historians
that
Concur
with
them
,
were
their
Enemies
.
And
if
in
reciting
the
Acts
of
the
Councils
I
recite
their
Enemies
words
,
so
doth
Surius
,
Nicholinus
,
Binnius
,
Baronius
and
all
just
writers
of
those
acts
.
And
I
do
not
find
that
Chrysostom
himself
,
or
Isidore
Pelusiota
had
any
Enmity
to
them
,
nor
Pope
Innocent
neither
.
Of
the
rest
before
.
§
7.
VII
.
The
next
degree
of
credibility
that
I
mentioned
is
that
which
dependeth
on
the
Veracity
and
fitness
of
the
reporter
.
Of
which
I
named
nine
things
requisite
.
Here
he
supposeth
me
one
that
is
unfit
;
and
particularly
saith
[
Whether
any
hath
●ailed
with
greater
intemperance
,
and
less
provocation
]
Ans.
1.
I
am
not
the
Author
of
the
History
of
the
mentioned
Councils
or
Popes
or
Bishops
,
but
the
Transcriber
.
Let
me
be
as
bad
as
you
,
or
any
of
your
tribe
have
made
me
,
that
proveth
not
that
Socrates
,
Sozomen
,
Theodorite
,
Nitephorus
,
&c.
or
Binnius
,
Baronius
,
&c.
have
misreported
what
they
write
.
If
I
have
misreported
these
authors
in
any
material
point
,
prove
it
and
I
will
soon
retract
it
.
As
for
my
railing
,
I
expect
that
title
from
all
such
whose
faults
I
name
,
and
call
them
to
repentance
:
He
that
calls
men
to
Repent
,
calleth
them
sinners
,
and
that
is
Railing
he
it
never
so
great
.
His
first
instanced
railing
is
Pag.
19.
[
A
few
turbulent
Prelates
Persecute
good
men
]
He
saith
thus
I
call
the
present
Bishops
of
the
Church
of
England
;
Doth
he
mean
All
or
some
?
If
All
he
is
an
untrue
Historian
:
He
may
see
many
named
before
my
Apology
whom
I
except
:
And
if
I
have
named
two
I
have
annexed
the
proof
.
The
next
is
Pag.
46.
[
silencing
destroying
Prelates
]
Ans.
Are
there
none
such
?
Were
not
about
2000
here
silenced
?
Do
we
not
continue
so
and
impoverished
almost
20
years
?
Have
none
perished
in
prisons
or
with
want
?
Do
men
call
out
for
the
execution
of
the
Law
,
and
plead
for
our
Silencing
as
a
good
work
,
and
take
it
for
railing
to
have
it
named
?
Doth
not
Conscience
recoil
in
these
men
when
in
Pulpits
,
press
and
Conference
they
maintain
it
to
be
a
good
work
,
and
tell
the
world
how
sinful
a
thing
it
is
for
rulers
to
suffer
us
out
of
Gaols
?
What
,
are
you
now
ashamed
of
your
meritorious
works
?
Sure
they
are
s●ant
good
if
it
be
railing
to
name
them
.
You
will
not
say
I
rail
,
if
I
call
you
Preachers
.
And
why
do
you
say
so
,
if
I
call
you
Silencers
,
if
that
be
as
good
?
The
next
railing
is
Pag.
73
[
If
all
the
proud
,
Contentious
,
ambitious
,
Hereticating
part
of
the
Bishops
,
had
been
of
this
Christian
mind
(
to
endure
each
other
in
small
tollerable
Differences
)
What
sins
,
Scandal
and
shame
,
what
Crimes
,
confusion
and
miseries
had
the
Christian
world
escaped
?
]
And
is
this
railing
?
Hath
the
Christian
world
had
no
such
Bishops
these
1000
years
?
Have
not
whole
Kingdoms
been
forbidden
all
Gods
Publick
worship
by
such
,
even
France
and
England
among
the
rest
?
Is
it
railing
to
tell
for
what
little
things
they
not
only
Silenced
men
,
but
burned
and
murdered
many
thousands
?
Were
they
not
proud
ambitious
Prelates
that
deposed
and
abused
Lud.
Pius
,
and
those
that
in
Council
decreed
the
digging
all
the
dead
Bishops
out
of
their
graves
to
be
bur●t
as
Hereticks
,
who
were
for
the
Emperours
power
of
Investitures
?
Do
I
rail
if
I
say
that
Greg.
7.
was
Proud
and
ambitious
when
he
threatened
the
Prince
of
Calaris
with
the
loss
of
his
dominions
,
unless
he
made
his
Bishop
shave
his
beard
?
Do
not
Jewel
,
and
all
Protestant
writers
say
worse
than
this
of
Papist
Bishops
?
Is
there
any
such
thing
as
pride
silencing
,
burning
,
&c.
If
yea
,
must
it
never
be
known
,
reproved
,
repented
of
and
so
forgiven
to
the
penitent
?
And
if
yea
,
than
how
shall
it
be
known
without
proper
names
?
By
what
name
should
I
have
called
Silencing
but
its
own
and
so
of
the
rest
?
Gods
power
over
Conscience
is
marvellous
that
sin
cannot
endure
its
own
name
.
The
next
railing
is
the
word
[
Hereticating
.
]
And
how
could
I
have
known
if
he
had
not
told
me
that
this
word
is
railing
?
Did
not
the
Bishops
take
it
for
a
great
service
of
God
,
and
is
it
railing
to
name
it
?
It
's
true
I
used
one
word
instead
of
a
Sentence
for
brevity
,
to
signifie
the
Bishops
culpable
over
doing
in
proclaiming
men
Hereticks
.
He
that
doth
not
believe
that
they
did
not
well
,
nor
do
not
to
this
day
in
Cutting
off
from
the
Church
of
Christ
all
those
whole
Countreys
of
Christians
called
Nestorians
,
Jacobites
,
Melchites
and
the
Monothelites
and
many
such
I
cannot
save
him
from
himself
who
will
own
all
such
sin
and
contract
the
guilt
of
it
.
Hath
not
Bishop
Epiphanius
made
us
more
Hereticks
than
he
needed
?
Hath
not
Bishop
Philastrius
made
many
more
than
the
Devil
himself
made
?
Lest
this
pass
for
railing
once
more
I
will
name
some
of
them
.
1.
His
11th
sort
of
Hereticks
are
those
that
kept
Easter-day
at
a
wrong
time
(
as
our
Brittains
and
Scots
did
.
2.
The
Millenaries
are
the
12th
(
such
as
many
of
the
antient
fathers
,
and
our
Mr.
Mede
,
Dr.
Twiss
,
&c.
)
3.
The
27th
Offered
Bread
and
Cheese
at
the
oblation
.
4.
The
28th
put
New
Wine
in
New
Vessels
in
the
Church
.
5.
The
29th
Put
their
fingers
on
their
mouths
for
Silence
.
6.
The
30th
thought
that
all
Prophets
ended
not
with
Christ
.
7.
The
33d
went
without
shooes
.
8.
The
Novatians
are
the
34th
.
9.
The
41th
thought
the
Epistle
to
the
Hebrews
was
not
written
by
Paul
,
but
by
Barnabas
or
Clemens
?
and
the
Epistle
to
Laodicea
by
Luke
.
10.
The
42th
are
the
Orthodox
Miletians
that
Communicated
with
the
Orthodox
and
some
Arians
too
.
11.
The
46th
doubted
of
the
diversity
of
Heavens
.
12.
The
47th
being
ignorant
that
there
is
another
Common
Earth
invisible
,
which
is
the
Matrix
of
all
things
,
do
think
that
there
is
no
Earth
but
this
one
.
13.
The
48th
thought
that
water
was
the
common
matter
,
and
was
alwaies
,
and
not
made
with
the
Earth
.
14.
The
49th
Heresie
denyed
that
the
soul
was
made
before
the
body
,
and
the
body
after
joyned
to
it
:
and
believed
that
Gods
making
them
Male
and
Female
first
was
to
be
understood
of
the
bodily
Sexes
:
Whereas
(
saith
he
)
it
was
the
Soul
that
was
made
Male
and
Female
,
And
the
Soul
was
made
the
Sixth
day
and
the
body
the
7th
.
15.
The
50th
Heresie
thought
that
not
only
Grace
,
but
also
the
Soul
itself
,
was
by
God
breathed
into
man
.
6.
The
51st
is
Origens
(
that
thought
our
Souls
were
first
celestical
Intellects
,
before
incorporate
(
as
Mr.
Glanvile
and
many
now
.
)
17.
The
52d
thought
that
brutes
had
some
reason
(
as
Mr.
Chambre
.
)
18.
The
54th
thought
that
Earthquakes
have
a
natural
Cause
.
19.
The
55th
Heresie
learned
of
Trismegistus
to
call
the
Stars
by
the
names
of
Living
Creatures
(
as
all
Astronomers
do
.
)
20.
The
56th
thought
that
there
were
not
many
languages
before
the
confusion
of
Babel
.
21.
The
57th
Heresie
thought
that
the
name
of
a
[
Tongue
]
proceeded
first
of
the
Jews
or
of
the
Pagans
.
22.
The
58th
Heresie
doubted
of
the
years
and
time
of
Christ
.
23.
The
59th
thought
(
as
many
Fathers
)
that
Angels
begat
Giants
of
women
before
the
flood
.
24.
The
61st
was
that
Christians
were
after
Jews
and
Pagans
.
25.
The
62d
Heresie
saith
that
Pagans
are
born
naturally
,
but
not
Christians
,
that
is
,
that
the
Soul
and
body
of
men
are
not
daily
,
Created
by
Christ
,
but
by
Nature
.
26.
The
63d
saith
that
the
number
of
years
from
the
Creation
was
uncertain
and
unknown
.
27.
The
64
thought
that
the
names
of
the
daies
of
the
week
(
Sunday
,
Monday
,
&c.
)
were
made
by
God
first
and
not
by
Pagans
,
and
were
named
from
the
Planets
.
28.
The
66th
was
that
Adam
and
Eve
were
blind
till
God
opened
their
Eyes
to
see
their
nakedness
.
29.
The
67th
Heresie
imputeth
the
Sins
of
Parents
to
their
Children
.
30.
The
68
Heresie
was
of
some
troubled
about
the
Book
called
Deuteronomy
.
31.
The
69
thought
that
those
sanctified
in
the
Womb
wore
yet
conceived
in
sin
.
32.
The
70th
Heresie
thought
that
the
World
had
been
first
divided
by
the
Greeks
,
Egyptians
,
and
Persians
.
33.
The
71
thought
there
was
a
former
Flood
under
Deucalion
and
Pyrrha
.
34.
The
72
saith
that
men
are
according
to
(
or
under
)
the
12
signs
of
the
Zodiack
,
not
knowing
that
those
12
signs
are
divers
Climates
,
and
habitable
Regions
of
the
Earth
.
35
The
74
Heresie
is
that
Christ
descended
into
Hell
to
offer
Repentance
there
to
sinners
.
36.
The
75
doubted
of
the
nature
of
the
Soul
,
thinking
it
was
made
of
Fire
,
&c.
(
as
many
Greek
Fathers
did
.
)
37.
The
77
is
of
Gods
hardening
Pharaoh
,
(
&c.
where
he
describeth
the
Dominicans
.
)
38.
The
79
is
that
the
Psalms
were
not
(
all
)
made
by
David
:
and
it
denieth
the
equality
of
the
Psalms
,
as
if
they
were
not
all
written
and
placed
in
the
order
that
the
things
were
done
.
39.
The
80
Heresie
thought
that
Gods
words
to
Cain
[
Thou
shalt
rule
over
him
]
were
properly
to
be
understood
,
whereas
the
meaning
was
[
Thou
shalt
rule
over
thy
own
evil
Thoughts
that
are
in
thy
own
free
Will
.
]
40.
The
81
Heresie
did
not
well
understand
the
reason
of
Gods
Words
to
Cain
,
giving
him
Life
.
41.
The
82
Heresie
thought
that
the
Stars
had
their
fixed
place
in
Heaven
,
and
their
course
,
not
understanding
that
the
Stars
are
every
night
brought
out
of
some
secret
place
,
and
set
up
for
use
,
and
at
morning
return
to
their
secret
place
again
,
Angels
being
Presidents
and
Disposers
of
them
,
)
(
that
is
,
as
servants
bring
Candles
into
the
room
at
night
and
take
them
out
again
.
)
42.
The
83
doubted
(
as
some
Episcopal
Commentators
)
of
the
Book
of
Ca●ticles
,
lest
it
had
a
carnal
Sense
.
43.
The
85
Heresie
thought
,
that
the
Soul
of
man
was
naturally
G●ds
Image
●efore
Grace
.
44.
The
87
Heresie
thought
,
that
really
four
living
Creatures
mentioned
in
the
P●●phe●s
praised
God
.
45.
The
88
Heresie
thought
that
the
Levitical
Feasts
were
litterally
to
be
understood
,
not
knowing
that
it
was
the
8
Feasts
of
the
Church
that
were
meant
.
46.
The
90
Heresie
preferred
Aquila's
Translation
before
the
Septuagint
.
47.
The
91
preferred
a
Translation
of
thirty
men
before
the
Septuagint
.
48.
The
92
preferred
another
Translation
of
six
men
before
it
.
49.
Another
Heresie
preferred
the
Translation
of
Theodotion
and
Symmachus
before
it
.
50.
The
94
Heresie
preferred
the
Scriptures
found
in
a
Vessel
after
the
Captiv●●y
before
it
.
51.
The
96th
ought
that
Melchizedeck
had
no
Father
or
Mother
,
not
knowing
that
it
's
spoken
of
him
as
learning
that
which
his
Father
and
Mother
never
taught
him
.
52.
The
97
hold
that
the
Prophet
Zachariah
of
Fasts
,
is
to
be
properly
understood
;
when
as
it
is
but
for
the
four
Fasts
of
the
Church
,
viz.
for
Christmas
,
Easter
,
Epiphany
,
and
Pentecost
.
53.
The
98
H●r●sie
holdeth
,
that
Solomon'
s
great
number
of
Wives
and
Concubines
,
is
literally
to
be
understood
;
whereas
it
is
meant
but
of
diversity
of
Gifts
in
the
Church
.
54.
The
100
Heresie
thought
that
the
Measuring
Cord
in
Zachary
,
was
to
be
understood
of
measuring
Jerusalem
literally
whereas
it
meant
the
choice
of
Believers
.
55.
The
101
Heresie
not
understanding
the
Mystical
Sense
of
the
Cherubim
and
Seraphim
,
in
Isaiah
,
are
troubled
about
it
,
and
in
doubt
(
And
here
he
Mystically
tells
you
the
Mystical
Sense
.
)
56.
The
last
Heresie
thought
that
one
of
the
Cherubims
came
to
Isaiah
,
and
with
a
Coal
touched
his
Lips
,
and
that
it
was
an
Angel
or
Animal
with
Fire
;
whereas
it
is
the
Two
Testaments
,
and
the
Fire
of
God's
Grace
.
To
these
you
may
add
if
you
please
the
Heresie
of
holding
Antipodes
,
determined
by
Pope
Zachary
,
by
the
Mediation
of
the
holy
Bishop
Boniface
,
I
think
an
English
man
.
And
of
what
peril
it
is
for
Christians
to
eat
Jayes
,
and
Rooks
,
and
Badgers
,
and
Hares
,
and
Wood
horses
:
And
Lard
must
not
be
eaten
before
it
is
dryed
in
the
Smoak
,
or
boiled
on
the
Fire
:
Or
if
it
be
eaten
unboiled
,
it
must
not
be
till
after
Easter
:
And
there
must
be
three
great
Lamps
set
in
a
secret
place
of
the
Church
,
after
the
similitude
of
the
Tabernacle
,
which
must
be
kept
burning
;
and
at
Baptism
others
lighted
by
them
.
Reader
,
remember
1.
That
Philastrius
as
well
as
Epiphanius
,
was
a
Bishop
;
2.
Yea
and
a
Saint
;
whereas
very
few
Bishops
of
all
the
Councils
had
the
honour
to
be
Sainted
.
Therefore
if
you
say
that
all
these
were
not
Anathematized
by
Councils
;
I
answer
,
1.
All
these
are
Registred
as
Hereticks
.
2.
And
they
held
(
as
Mr.
Dodwell
and
his
Company
here
do
)
that
he
that
communicateth
with
Hereticks
,
is
to
be
judged
a
Heretick
.
3.
And
that
Hereticks
are
no
parts
of
the
Church
.
And
forget
not
above
all
the
Hen●ician
Heresie
,
which
determineth
not
only
our
King
,
but
many
Papist
Princes
to
be
Hereticks
,
for
claiming
Invest●tures
.
And
now
Reader
,
I
un●eignedly
hate
uncharitableness
,
and
therefore
deny
no
good
that
was
in
such
Bishops
:
But
I
must
no
more
be
indifferent
between
Good
and
Evil
,
than
between
Heaven
and
Hell
;
not
may
I
judge
Christ
a
Railer
,
for
saying
to
his
prime
Apostle
,
[
Get
thee
behind
me
Satan
,
thou
art
an
offence
unto
me
,
&c.
]
If
the
name
of
[
Hereticators
]
that
is
,
too
rash
pronouncing
men
Hereticks
be
railing
,
I
will
give
thee
no
Character
,
censure
or
name
of
the
aforesaid
practice
,
for
I
can
devise
no
name
which
may
not
be
called
Railing
.
But
judge
of
it
and
call
it
what
you
see
cause
.
And
again
,
if
you
say
,
These
are
not
the
Decrees
of
Councils
,
I
answer
,
These
are
but
Flea-bitings
to
the
wounds
that
the
Church
hath
received
from
Councils
,
by
Anathematizing
.
The
next
Instance
of
Railing
in
these
words
,
which
he
half
repeateth
[
Either
credible
Socrates
and
others
were
gross
Lyars
,
or
this
Patriarch
and
St
was
a
dow●right
Knave
.
]
Ans.
He
himself
is
so
far
from
denying
this
,
that
he
makes
Socrates
and
Sozomen
not
only
Lyars
,
but
Lovers
of
a
Lie
;
for
what
they
say
of
St.
Theophilus
:
And
who
is
it
then
that
is
the
Railer
?
Read
the
Story
.
The
next
Instance
is
,
p.
95.
that
I
call
Bishops
the
[
Firebrands
of
the
World
▪
]
Ans.
The
words
are
these
[
I
take
them
to
be
the
Firebrands
of
the
World
,
and
unworthy
the
regard
of
sober
men
,
who
pretend
to
know
mens
Judgments
better
than
themselves
,
and
allow
not
mens
own
a●liberate
professions
to
be
the
notice
of
their
Faith
.
]
If
they
will
say
,
that
you
are
Hereticks
in
heart
,
though
your
Tongue
and
Life
pr●fess
sound
Doctrine
,
what
means
hath
any
man
to
clear
himself
against
such
,
and
keep
from
their
Inquisition
Racks
or
Flames
?
Is
this
Railing
?
The
next
Instance
is
the
Word
[
Self-conceited
Bishops
]
P.
98.
Having
mentioned
the
many
Logical
Niceties
necessary
to
decide
the
Question
between
the
Nostorians
,
Eutychians
,
and
the
Orthodox
,
I
said
[
Is
it
not
p●ty
that
such
Questions
should
be
raised
about
the
Person
of
Christ
,
by
self
conceited
Bishops
,
and
made
necessary
to
Salvation
,
and
the
World
set
on
fi●e
and
divided
by
them
?
]
Reader
,
remember
the
Division
made
by
it
con●inueth
to
this
day
,
to
the
Separation
and
Condemnation
of
a
great
part
of
the
Christian
World
!
And
is
the
name
[
self-conceited
]
in
describing
the
cause
of
this
a
railing
?
How
much
worse
r●●ers
are
they
that
will
call
a
Drunkard
a
Drunkard
,
or
a
For●●cator
a
Fornicator
?
Read
the
sadder
words
of
Ludolphus
.
The
next
railing
is
[
merciless
,
fur●●us
Bishop●
,
pag.
196
]
Ans.
There
is
no
such
word
:
When
I
find
where
it
is
I
shall
see
the
occasion
of
it
.
Italy
,
Piedmont
,
Ireland
,
&c.
have
tried
that
there
have
been
such
.
The
last
is
pag.
183.
[
The
Confounders
of
Churches
.
]
Ans.
I
thought
I
had
merited
of
them
by
my
impartiality
and
lenity
:
As
after
I
commend
the
Wisdom
&
peaceableness
of
Pope
H●norius
,
(
though
a
General
Council
even
for
that
made
him
an
H●retick
,
)
so
I
here
justly
commend
the
Wisdom
and
Peaceableness
of
Pope
Vigilius
,
who
advised
the
Council
to
leave
dead
men
to
God
(
Theod.
M●ps
.
Theodorite
and
Ibis
]
and
not
dam●
them
when
God
hath
judged
them
already
,
and
yet
not
to
admit
any
of
their
wrong
opinions
]
I
●●y
T●is
was
the
right
way
:
If
they
had
all
dealt
as
visely
and
Christianlike
,
Councils
●ad
not
been
the
Consounders
of
the
C●u●ch●●
]
Is
this
railing
?
At
last
they
forced
Pope
Vig●lius
to
subscribe
to
them
,
and
it
so
consounded
the
Churches
,
that
a
great
part
of
Italy
itself
forsook
the
Church
of
Rome
for
it
,
and
set
up
another
head
against
the
Pope
a●
100
Years
.
Was
not
this
confusio●
?
And
must
it
not
be
known
?
Reader
,
as
far
as
I
understand
them
,
the
Paraphrase
of
these
mens
words
,
is
[
If
we
kindle
a
fire
in
the
Church
,
name
it
nor
,
much
less
call
any
to
quench
it
:
or
else
we
'll
say
it
's
you
that
kindle
it
:
say
not
you
are
excommunicate
or
silenced
when
you
are
,
though
it
be
by
Thousands
:
else
we
will
prove
that
you
are
railer●
:
If
we
lay
you
in
Gaols
and
take
all
you
have
,
do
not
say
,
you
h●rt
us
,
much
less
you
wrong
us
:
take
not
on
you
to
know
or
feel
when
you
are
hurt
:
else
we
will
have
an
Action
of
railing
against
you
.
§
8.
That
w●i●h
followeth
I
answered
before
:
But
after
he
finds
a
notable
piece
of
my
ignorance
.
The
Pope
inviting
the
King
of
Denmark
to
conquer
a
Province
of
Hereticks
,
I
know
not
who
they
were
unless
they
were
the
Waldenses
:
Well
guest
,
saith
Mr.
M.
Waldo
was
in
1160
,
80
Years
after
.
Ans.
This
will
serve
for
men
willing
to
be
deceived
.
It
was
the
Persons
and
Religion
,
and
not
the
name
that
I
spoke
of
.
Doth
not
he
know
that
Rainerius
himself
saith
,
that
those
Persons
(
called
Albigenses
,
Waldenses
,
and
other
such
names
)
professed
that
their
way
of
Religion
was
Apostolical
,
and
they
derived
it
down
from
Silvesters
,
that
is
Constantines
time
?
If
I
did
not
guess
well
I
wrong
no
Bishops
by
i●
:
and
I
confessed
my
Ignorance
that
I
knew
not
whom
the
Pope
meant
:
And
why
did
not
this
callent
Historian
tell
us
who
they
were
?
§
9.
Next
he
hath
met
with
my
Ignorance
for
saying
Vienna
near
France
]
which
is
in
the
Borders
of
France
.
A●s
1.
Is
that
any
slander
of
Bishops
or
Councils
?
2
Truly
I
had
many
a
time
read
in
Councils
,
that
Vienna
was
in
France
,
and
had
not
forgot
it
,
if
Ferrarius
and
Chenu
had
not
also
told
it
me
;
And
whether
it
was
the
fault
of
the
Printer
,
or
of
my
Hand
,
or
my
Memory
,
that
put
near
for
in
,
I
leave
it
freely
to
his
Judgment
,
for
I
remember
it
not
.
And
if
the
manner
of
Binnius
naming
it
made
me
call
Ordo
Prophetarum
in
Gelasius
a
Book
,
it
's
no
wrong
to
Episcopacy
.
CHAP.
XVII
.
His
Censure
of
my
Design
,
and
Church-Principles
,
considered
.
§
1.
AS
to
this
his
first
Chapter
I
have
before
shewed
how
falsly
he
reporteth
my
design
.
He
saith
he
never
saw
any
thing
which
more
reflecteth
on
Religion
:
Lucian
and
Julian
have
left
nothing
ha●f
so
scandalous
in
all
their
Libels
against
Christians
,
as
this
Church-History
has
raked
up
:
Here
is
nothing
to
be
seen
in
his
Book
but
the
Avarice
,
Ignorance
,
Mistakes
and
furious
Contentions
of
the
Governours
of
the
Church
.
Ans.
How
false
that
is
the
Reader
may
see
in
all
the
beginning
,
the
two
Chapters
in
the
end
,
and
much
in
the
midst
,
which
are
written
contrarily
to
obviate
such
false
thoughts
2.
Is
the
ascendent
sort
of
Prelates
that
were
growing
up
to
maturity
till
Gregory
the
Seventh's
daies
,
the
whole
Church
of
God
?
Are
there
no
other
Christians
?
Is
all
that
is
written
against
the
Pope
and
such
Ascendents
,
written
against
Christianity
?
Did
Christ
speak
against
Christianity
,
when
he
reproved
them
for
striving
who
should
be
greatest
?
or
Peter
,
when
he
counselled
them
,
as
1
Pet.
5.
And
Paul
when
he
said
,
I
have
no
man
like
minded
;
for
they
all
seek
their
own
things
,
and
not
the
things
that
are
Jesus
Christ's
?
Or
when
he
said
,
Demas
hath
forsaken
me
,
&
c
?
Or
John
,
when
he
said
,
Diotrephes
loved
to
have
the
preheminence
?
Or
all
those
Councils
of
Bishops
which
condemned
each
other
,
far
deeplier
than
I
judge
any
of
them
?
What
have
I
said
of
Fact
or
Canons
,
which
Binnius
and
their
other
Flatterers
say
not
?
Was
it
not
there
extant
to
the
sight
of
all
?
And
that
I
Recorded
not
all
their
Virtues
,
1.
The
History
of
Councils
saith
little
of
them
.
2.
Must
no
man
shew
the
hurt
of
Drunkenness
,
Gluttony
,
&c.
and
so
of
Ambition
and
Church-corruption
,
unless
he
will
write
so
Voluminous
a
History
,
as
to
contain
also
all
the
good
done
by
all
the
persons
whom
he
blameth
?
I
have
oft
said
,
that
I
wondered
that
instead
of
so
greedy
gathering
up
all
the
scraps
of
Councils
,
the
Papists
did
not
burn
them
all
,
as
they
have
done
many
better
Books
which
made
against
them
.
§
2.
I
was
about
to
answer
all
his
first
Chapter
,
but
I
find
it
so
useless
a
work
,
that
I
shall
ease
my self
and
the
Reader
of
that
labour
.
1.
He
takes
on
him
to
answer
a
Piece
of
a
Disputation
written
about
23
years
ago
,
whereas
I
have
lately
written
a
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
,
with
fuller
proof
of
the
same
things
,
which
he
nameth
,
and
takes
on
him
to
answer
some
part
of
it
,
and
answers
not
:
Till
he
,
or
some
other
,
shew
me
the
mistakes
of
that
,
let
them
talk
on
for
me
in
their
little
Velitations
.
2.
Most
that
is
considerable
which
he
saith
,
is
answered
already
in
that
Book
:
As
his
fiction
that
Unum
Alt
are
in
Ignatius
,
signifieth
not
an
ordinary
Communion
Table
,
&c.
And
much
more
out
of
Ignatius
,
and
many
more
is
added
,
which
he
saith
nothing
to
.
3.
I
have
before
shewed
that
he
goeth
on
false
Suppositions
,
that
I
am
only
for
a
Bishop
of
a
single
Congregation
,
or
against
all
,
and
many
such
;
when
yet
he
himself
confesseth
the
contrary
,
yea
derideth
me
for
making
Twelve
sorts
of
Bishops
,
and
being
for
such
as
no
Party
is
like
to
be
pleased
with
.
4
The
contradictions
and
mistakes
are
so
many
as
would
tire
the
Reader
to
peruse
an
answer
to
them
.
And
when
he
hath
all
done
with
the
numbring
of
Churches
,
(
over-passing
the
full
proof
of
the
Primitive
Form
of
them
which
I
gave
as
before
)
he
confesseth
that
even
his
great
esteemed
Jesuite
Valesius
,
[
believes
that
the
City
Church
was
but
One
even
in
Alexandria
,
and
in
Dionysius
'
s
time
,
p.
64.
And
while
p.
65.
he
makes
Petavius
and
Valesius
so
much
to
differ
,
as
to
gather
their
contrary
Opinions
from
the
same
words
,
and
consequently
one
of
them
at
least
understood
them
not
,
I
that
profess
my self
not
comparable
to
either
of
them
,
specially
Petavius
,
in
such
things
,
am
taken
for
a
falsifier
,
if
I
misunderstand
a
word
that
concerneth
not
the
matter
of
the
History
.
This
therefore
being
not
about
Church-History
so
much
as
against
my
Opinion
of
the
Antient
Government
,
when
he
hath
answered
the
foresaid
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
,
if
I
live
not
,
some
one
may
reply
,
if
he
deal
no
better
than
in
this
.
CHAP.
XVIII
.
Of
his
Second
Chapter
.
§
1.
PAg.
78.
He
would
have
men
believe
that
it
is
Discipline
against
real
Heresie
,
that
I
find
so
much
fault
with
,
and
ascribe
all
mischief
to
—
Answ.
Utterly
contrary
to
my
most
open
Profession
:
It
is
only
making
those
things
to
seem
Heresie
that
are
none
(
either
Truth
,
or
meer
difference
of
words
,
or
small
mistakes
,
)
or
curing
Heresies
by
rash
Anathema's
,
without
necessary
precedent
means
of
Conviction
,
or
by
Banishment
or
Blood
.
§
2.
Is
this
it
that
you
defend
the
Church
for
,
and
we
oppose
it
for
?
When
we
would
have
none
in
our
Churches
whom
we
know
not
,
and
that
have
not
personally
,
if
at
Age
,
profest
understandingly
their
Faith
.
And
what
is
the
Discipline
that
you
exercise
on
Hereticks
?
It
's
enough
that
you
know
them
not
,
and
so
never
trouble
them
.
Your
Talk
and
Pamphlets
truly
complain
what
swarms
of
Hobbists
,
Sadduces
,
Infidels
,
Atheists
,
are
among
us
:
Do
they
not
all
live
in
the
Parishes
and
Diocesses
?
Doth
the
Bishop
know
them
?
Are
any
of
them
Excommunicated
?
I
could
never
learn
yet
how
to
know
who
are
Members
of
your
Churches
:
Is
it
all
that
dwell
in
the
Parishes
?
Then
all
these
aforesaid
,
with
Jews
and
Papists
,
are
in
it
:
And
then
why
are
ten
parts
of
some
Parishes
suffered
without
Discipline
to
shun
the
Parish
Church-Communion
?
Is
it
all
that
hear
you
?
Then
1.
Ten
parts
in
some
Parishes
,
and
two
or
three
,
or
half
in
others
are
not
of
your
Church
,
and
hear
you
not
,
and
many
Nonconformists
hear
you
.
2.
And
any
Infidel
may
hear
.
Bare
hearing
was
never
made
a
sufficient
note
of
a
Church-Member
.
3.
And
how
can
you
tell
who
all
be
that
hear
you
in
an
uncertain
crowd
?
4.
And
why
doth
not
your
Discipline
meddle
with
constant
Non-Communicants
?
3.
Is
it
only
all
that
Communicate
with
you
?
1.
These
are
yet
fewer
,
and
so
the
far
greatest
part
of
many
or
most
Parishes
here
are
let
alone
to
be
no
Church
members
at
all
,
when
they
have
been
long
Baptized
,
and
no
censure
by
discipline
past
on
them
.
2.
How
know
you
your
stated
Communicants
,
when
any
stranger
may
come
unquestioned
?
The
truth
is
,
it
is
Parish
discipline
which
you
will
not
endure
.
No
wonder
if
you
named
it
Issachars
burden
.
Bucer
in
scrip
.
Anglic.
and
all
the
Nonconformists
after
him
long
strove
for
it
in
vain
.
It
is
the
hated
thing
.
Were
it
possible
to
prevail
with
you
for
this
,
we
should
have
little
disagreement
about
Church
Government
.
But
the
Popes
that
have
been
the
greatest
enemies
of
it
,
have
yet
gloried
in
a
Discipline
to
set
up
their
power
over
Princes
and
Peoples
,
and
to
have
their
own
wills
,
and
tread
down
all
that
are
against
them
.
§
2.
To
extenuate
Anathematizing
(
so
very
Common
with
Councils
)
he
tells
us
P.
81.
that
[
Let
him
be
Anathema
imports
no
more
than
that
we
declare
our
abhorrence
of
such
doctrines
,
and
will
have
nothing
Common
with
those
that
profess
them
.
]
Ans.
1.
We
may
declare
our
abhorrence
of
every
known
sin
and
Errour
,
in
such
as
must
not
be
anathematized
.
2.
By
(
nothing
)
I
suppose
you
mean
not
[
not
the
same
King
,
Countrey
,
Earth
,
Air
,
&c.
]
but
[
not
the
same
Church
,
the
same
Christian
Communion
,
familiarity
,
love
,
&c
]
Whether
you
mean
[
not
the
same
God
,
Christ
,
&c.
]
I
know
not
But
do
you
think
the
Anathematizing
Bishops
so
unreasonable
,
as
to
renounce
all
Christian
Communion
with
men
and
not
tell
why
?
Or
to
give
no
better
Reason
than
[
We
abhor
their
doctrine
:
]
How
few
Churches
or
men
have
nothing
worthy
to
be
abhorred
,
that
is
,
No
Errour
or
sin
?
And
must
we
renounce
Communion
with
all
the
Christian
world
?
No
,
they
were
not
so
bad
:
You
use
them
hardlier
than
I.
They
took
them
to
be
no
true
Christians
,
as
wanting
somewhat
of
that
faith
which
is
necessary
to
Salvation
,
and
Essential
to
a
Christian
,
and
so
to
have
made
themselves
no
Church-Members
,
and
therefore
are
to
be
sentenced
&
avoided
accordingly
.
And
how
ordinarily
do
they
expound
[
Let
him
be
Anathema
]
that
is
[
Cut
off
from
Christ
?
]
Not
only
Hildebrand
so
expounds
it
often
,
but
many
before
him
:
Whereupon
they
commonly
agree
that
an
Anathematized
Heretick
is
none
of
the
Church
,
nor
can
be
saved
without
repentance
.
And
indeed
to
renounce
all
Communion
with
Christs
true
members
not
Cut
off
from
the
Church
,
is
a
greater
sin
than
I
charge
on
them
.
Though
familiarity
and
specially
Communion
may
be
suspended
,
while
delay
of
repentance
makes
the
Case
of
a
sinner
doubtful
.
§
3.
Pag.
82
He
begins
himself
with
blaming
Bishop
Victor
,
for
Endangering
the
Peace
of
the
whole
Church
upon
so
light
occasion
.
Valesius
is
of
opinion
,
that
it
was
but
by
letters
of
accusation
.
Answ.
I
think
it
could
be
but
by
Letters
of
Accusation
,
Renunciation
,
and
persuading
others
to
renounce
them
.
For
Bishops
were
not
then
come
up
to
their
Commanding
Power
over
one
another
.
But
doth
not
Mr.
M's
.
here
rail
upon
a
Bishop
,
in
saying
the
same
of
him
that
I
did
,
if
my
words
were
Railing
?
Thus
you
shall
have
him
all
along
confessing
much
of
that
faultiness
by
them
,
which
he
takes
the
mention
of
by
me
to
be
so
bad
.
§
4.
He
nameth
many
Councils
,
which
he
saith
I
pass
lightly
over
;
then
sure
I
say
no
harm
of
them
.
He
thinks
it
is
because
I
could
not
,
as
if
he
knew
it
were
my
will
.
And
so
I
am
never
blameless
.
§
5.
But
he
hath
a
notable
Controversie
against
Baronius
,
who
thought
Novatus
had
been
a
Bishop
(
such
Errours
as
Baronius
was
guilty
of
by
Ignorance
,
are
excusable
in
one
so
far
below
him
in
History
as
I
am
.
)
But
I
congratulate
Mr.
M's
,
discovery
,
that
he
was
but
a
Presbyter
:
But
all
confess
that
he
Ordained
Felicissimus
Deacon
:
And
here
is
a
Presbyter
Ordaining
:
But
it
was
irregularly
!
Let
it
be
so
:
He
saith
,
that
he
ought
not
to
have
Ordained
,
but
with
Cyprian
,
or
by
his
permission
.
I
grant
it
.
But
1.
If
Cyprian's
permission
would
serve
,
then
it
was
not
a
work
alien
to
a
Presbyter
:
If
a
permitted
Presbyter
may
Ordain
,
a
Bishop's
Ordination
is
not
necessary
ad
esse
Officii
;
and
so
that
which
is
a
disorder
is
no
Nullity
.
2.
And
it
seems
by
Novatus's
Act
,
that
the
Necessity
of
Episcopal
Ordination
was
not
universally
received
.
And
I
have
not
yet
met
with
any
that
make
it
more
necessary
ad
esse
Presbyteratus
quam
Diaconatus
.
§
6.
Next
he
mentions
another
Carthage
Council
,
where
one
Victor
dead
,
is
condemned
for
making
a
Priest
Guardian
of
his
Child
,
and
so
entangling
him
in
worldly
Affairs
.
And
he
tells
you
,
that
all
that
I
can
say
against
this
,
is
the
rigour
of
the
Sentence
;
but
he
dissembleth
,
and
takes
no
notice
that
I
mention
it
in
praise
of
the
Bishops
of
those
Times
,
who
were
so
much
against
Clergy-mens
medling
with
Secular
Affairs
:
What
odious
Puritanism
would
this
have
been
with
us
?
What
I
cite
in
praise
,
our
Historian
cannot
understand
.
§
7.
And
that
you
may
need
no
Confuter
of
much
of
his
Accusation
of
me
but
himself
,
who
so
oft
saith
,
I
say
nothing
of
Bishops
and
Councils
,
but
of
their
faults
,
&c.
he
here
saith
as
followeth
.
[
After
this
he
gives
a
short
Account
of
Councils
called
on
the
Subject
of
Rebaptization
of
Hereticks
:
And
here
,
to
do
him
right
,
he
is
just
enough
in
his
Remarks
:
The
generality
of
the
World
was
for
Rebaptizing
Hereticks
:
And
considering
what
manner
of
men
the
first
Hereticks
were
,
it
is
probable
they
had
Tradition
as
well
as
Reason
on
their
side
.
However
,
Mr.
Baxter
endeavours
fairly
to
excuse
these
Differences
,
and
speaks
of
the
Bishops
with
honour
and
respect
,
allowing
them
to
be
men
of
eminent
Piety
and
Worth
.
Had
he
used
the
same
Candour
towards
others
,
&c.
Answ.
1.
If
this
be
true
,
a
great
deal
contradictory
is
untrue
.
2.
He
greatly
misreporteth
the
Controversie
:
It
was
not
whether
Hereticks
should
be
Rebaptized
,
but
those
that
were
Baptized
by
Hereticks
,
and
taken
into
their
Churches
.
If
a
Heretick
had
been
Baptized
when
found
by
a
sound
Minister
,
and
after
turned
to
Heresie
,
he
was
to
be
restored
by
Repentance
without
Rebaptizing
;
and
I
think
they
all
agreed
in
this
.
But
I
imagine
this
was
but
a
lapse
of
his
memory
in
Writing
.
3.
But
the
Question
is
,
Whether
the
Bishops
,
whose
faults
I
mention
,
were
of
equal
Worth
and
Innocency
with
those
whom
I
honour
and
praise
?
Let
the
proof
shew
.
I
would
he
would
freely
tell
us
,
Q.
1.
Whether
he
think
at
this
day
the
generality
of
Bishops
(
in
Italy
,
Spain
,
France
,
Germany
,
Poland
,
the
Greek
Church
,
Moscovy
,
Armenia
,
Syria
,
&c.
)
are
so
commendable
,
as
not
to
be
notably
blamed
?
Q.
2.
If
not
,
When
was
it
that
he
thinks
they
ceased
to
be
generally
so
commendable
?
Was
it
in
Hildebrand's
Time
,
or
any
time
before
?
Q.
3.
Can
you
believe
that
the
generality
turn
from
good
to
bad
just
in
one
Age
?
Or
rather
that
they
degenerated
by
degrees
?
If
they
were
mostly
bad
in
a
thousand
,
or
nine
hundred
,
or
eight
hundred
,
can
you
think
that
they
were
not
drawing
towards
it
and
near
as
bad
a
little
before
;
Q.
4.
What
was
it
think
you
in
which
the
Corruption
of
the
Clergy
did
consist
?
Was
it
not
most
in
a
proud
,
domineering
worldly
Spirit
?
Is
it
not
that
that
you
blame
the
Popes
for
?
Was
not
their
Ascent
their
Corruption
?
Sure
you
all
agree
of
that
.
Q.
5.
And
did
the
Papacy
Spring
up
in
a
year
?
Did
not
Leo
begin
to
arrogate
,
and
others
after
him
(
to
say
nothing
now
of
those
before
him
)
rise
higher
and
higher
by
degrees
as
Children
grow
up
to
manhood
,
till
in
Greg.
7.
it
came
to
Maturity
?
I
know
no
Protestant
that
denyeth
this
?
Q.
6.
And
can
you
or
any
sober
man
think
that
in
so
many
hundred
years
it
was
only
the
Bishop
of
Rome
that
was
sick
of
this
disease
,
and
that
all
or
most
of
the
other
Bishops
were
Free
?
Were
they
not
commonly
for
ascending
with
them
:
Did
not
they
in
the
East
strive
to
be
greatest
?
And
the
Bishops
of
the
West
strive
to
rise
with
,
and
by
the
Pope
?
Were
they
not
,
and
are
they
not
as
his
Army
?
And
did
he
prevail
against
the
Primitive
Purity
and
Simplicity
without
them
?
Did
not
his
Councils
,
and
Prelates
,
as
his
Armies
,
do
his
greatest
works
?
Yea
,
have
they
not
oft
out-done
him
,
and
over-topt
him
in
Mischief
(
as
in
the
deposing
of
Ludov.
Pius
against
his
will
?
say
good
Historians
.
)
Tell
us
then
at
what
Age
just
we
may
begin
to
dispraise
the
Bishops
.
And
from
that
time
forward
,
will
you
not
be
as
great
a
Railer
as
I
,
and
scandalize
Christianity
more
than
Lucian
or
Julian
?
§
8.
But
I
somewhat
marvel
that
he
is
again
at
it
(
reciting
Dionysius's
words
which
he
thinks
I
mistook
for
Eusebius's
)
That
he
does
not
condemn
the
rebaptizing
of
Hereticks
which
was
a
Tradition
of
so
great
antiquity
:
I
judge
more
Candidly
of
him
than
he
doth
of
me
:
Though
he
so
oft
repeat
it
,
I
will
not
believe
that
he
knew
not
,
that
it
was
not
the
baptizing
of
Hereticks
as
such
,
that
was
the
question
:
but
only
of
those
that
were
baptized
by
Hereticks
.
Yet
I
confess
Eusebius
phrasing
it
,
might
tempt
one
to
think
so
that
had
not
read
Cyprian
and
others
upon
the
questions
.
But
when
Eusebius
and
Dionysius
mention
[
rebaptizing
Hereticks
]
they
mean
only
those
that
were
by
Hereticks
baptism
entered
into
the
Societies
and
Profession
of
Hereticks
.
If
the
worst
Heretick
,
yea
or
Apostate
,
had
been
baptized
,
by
the
orthodox
,
Cyprian
and
all
the
rest
were
agreed
against
Rebaptizing
such
when
they
repented
.
This
Dionysius
telling
Xystus
Rom.
of
an
ancient
Minister
that
was
greatly
troubled
in
Conscience
that
he
had
been
falsly
Baptized
by
an
Heretick
(
being
himself
no
Heretick
)
and
doubted
whether
he
should
not
be
Rebaptized
,
yet
saith
,
He
told
him
he
durst
not
Rebaptize
him
that
had
so
long
been
in
the
Church
and
Communicated
,
but
bid
him
go
on
Comfortably
in
Communion
(
Much
like
a
forementioned
case
put
to
me
,
by
some
that
never
were
Baptized
,
but
in
our
undisciplined
Parish
Churches
had
been
without
knowledge
or
question
admitted
long
to
Communion
,
whether
yet
they
should
be
Baptized
at
all
:
And
Dionysius's
Reasons
against
it
I
cannot
answer
.
§
9.
And
here
I
may
take
notice
how
our
new
Church-men
,
(
such
as
Thorndike
,
Mr.
Dodwell
and
all
their
partners
)
who
nullifie
sacraments
delivered
by
one
that
hath
not
Canonical
Ordination
by
a
Bishop
of
uninterrupted
Succession
from
the
Apostles
,
do
make
themselves
Hereticks
in
the
sense
of
the
Roman
Church
which
they
allow
:
For
1.
Baptism
is
the
first
and
most
necessary
Sacrament
in
their
own
opinion
.
Yea
Austin
and
too
many
of
old
,
but
specially
too
many
now
,
take
it
to
be
necessary
to
Salvation
;
2.
If
therefore
Baptism
be
a
nullity
all
that
are
Baptized
in
England
,
Scotland
and
all
the
Protestant
Churches
by
such
as
had
no
such
Ordainers
,
must
be
Baptized
again
or
be
damned
.
3.
If
they
say
,
They
may
be
saved
without
it
,
then
1.
they
confess
Mr.
Dodwells
Doctrine
to
be
false
,
that
saith
none
have
a
Covenant
right
to
Salvation
,
who
have
it
not
by
a
Sacrament
from
such
hands
.
2.
And
they
renounce
the
Doctrine
of
the
Necessity
of
Baptism
to
Salvation
.
But
if
they
are
for
Rebaptizing
all
such
Protestant
Countries
,
as
necessary
to
Salvation
,
they
are
uncharitable
that
do
not
speak
it
out
.
§
10.
He
passeth
by
Bishop
Stephens
Excommunicating
all
the
Oriental
Bishops
of
Cappadocia
,
Cilicia
,
Galatia
,
and
Reprobating
their
Synods
,
for
Rebaptization
:
Doth
he
think
that
even
then
some
Bishops
did
not
rise
too
fast
?
§
11.
The
man
that
is
so
angry
with
me
for
telling
of
the
faults
of
Bishops
and
Councils
,
is
pag.
87.
angry
with
me
for
not
saying
worse
against
Secundus
his
Council
of
Bishops
at
Cirta
;
and
saith
,
I
have
not
done
right
to
the
Catholick
Church
:
I
perceive
the
question
is
not
,
whether
I
may
Rail
at
Bishops
,
but
what
Bishops
they
be
that
I
must
Rail
at
.
As
for
the
Council
at
Sinuessa
,
I
believed
the
being
of
it
no
more
than
he
doth
:
And
when
I
am
but
naming
the
common
Catalogue
,
he
might
pardon
my
modesty
for
saying
that
the
being
of
it
is
a
Controversie
.
§
12.
Of
the
Council
of
Illiberis
he
saith
but
contractedly
the
same
that
I
do
,
that
It
hath
many
good
Canons
,
and
some
that
need
a
favourable
Interpretation
,
and
is
very
severe
in
some
cases
.
This
measure
of
just
praise
and
dispraise
,
is
practised
by
him
that
is
condemning
it
in
me
.
§
13.
As
to
his
Controversie
,
whether
Bishops
,
or
such
as
strove
to
be
Bishops
,
were
the
very
first
movers
of
the
Donatists
Controversie
,
who
should
be
Bishop
,
it
's
not
worth
the
turning
over
one
Book
to
search
,
as
to
my
business
.
§
14.
Next
he
that
accuseth
me
of
Railing
at
Bishops
,
accuseth
me
for
saying
(
from
some
good
Authors
)
that
a
Bishop
of
Carthage
,
Donatus
,
was
a
good
man
,
who
he
saith
was
bad
.
It
's
little
to
me
whether
he
were
good
or
bad
.
§
15.
Next
he
noteth
that
I
Err
with
Binnius
and
Baronius
as
to
the
year
of
a
Carthage
Council
.
I
undertook
not
to
justifie
all
the
Chronology
or
History
that
I
transcribe
:
Whether
Optatus
,
or
Binnius
and
Baronius
hit
on
the
just
year
,
little
care
I.
§
16.
I
praised
a
Donatist's
Council
of
270
Bishops
at
Carthage
for
Moderation
,
agreeing
to
communicate
with
penitent
Traditors
,
without
Rebaptizing
them
,
and
so
doing
for
40
years
.
Q.
What
was
these
mens
Heresie
?
He
saith
,
This
looks
liker
a
piece
of
Policy
than
Moderation
,
for
it
had
no
tendency
to
peace
,
but
to
strengthen
the
Schism
.
]
Ans.
Who
knows
how
to
please
men
?
When
they
exclaim
against
Separation
if
men
Communicate
with
them
,
they
judge
it
but
Policy
,
that
hath
no
tendency
to
peace
.
2.
And
who
is
it
now
that
most
raileth
at
Bishops
?
I
am
confuted
for
praising
the
moderation
of
270
of
them
,
and
he
is
their
censurer
even
when
they
do
well
,
and
their
moderation
with
him
is
but
Policy
.
Even
as
they
say
,
of
me
,
that
I
constantly
Communicate
with
their
Parish
Churches
to
undermine
them
:
Near
or
far
off
,
all
's
one
with
this
sort
of
men
,
if
you
stick
at
any
thing
that
they
bid
you
say
or
do
.
But
he
will
not
believe
that
this
Council
of
Orthodox
moderate
Donatists
were
so
many
as
270.
Because
1.
we
have
only
the
Authority
for
it
of
Tychonius
a
Donatist
.
2.
It
's
improbable
after
Constantine's
suppression
of
them
that
Schism
should
so
suddenly
spread
.
3.
Lest
it
should
prove
the
Churches
to
be
too
Small
:
Yet
he
saith
,
These
Schismaticks
set
up
Churches
in
every
City
and
Village
.
]
Ans.
1.
It
's
said
Tychonius
confesseth
this
Council
,
because
the
later
Donatists
would
fain
have
buryed
the
memory
of
it
:
But
that
it
depends
only
on
the
Credit
of
Tychonius
,
I
think
depends
only
on
your
Credit
:
2.
Augustine
that
reports
it
,
honoureth
this
Tychonius
,
and
reciteth
an
Exposition
of
his
of
the
Angels
of
the
Churches
,
Rev.
2.
and
3.
which
I
suppose
displeaseth
you
more
than
his
Donatism
.
3.
It
seems
you
would
have
believed
some
stranger
that
knew
it
not
,
rather
than
a
Donatist
that
speaketh
against
the
will
and
interest
of
his
party
.
4.
It
rather
seems
that
the
Donatists
were
the
greater
number
of
Christians
there
before
Constantine's
time
,
and
like
the
Papists
therefore
counted
themselves
the
Catholicks
and
the
others
the
Schismaticks
.
Constantines
Prohibition
did
not
suppress
them
.
5.
Therefore
the
numerousness
of
their
Bishops
and
smallness
of
Churches
,
rather
sheweth
what
was
the
state
of
the
Churches
before
worldly
greatness
swelled
them
to
that
disease
,
which
was
the
Embrio
or
infancy
of
Popery
.
§
17.
Whether
the
Donatists
be
like
the
Papists
or
the
Separatists
(
much
less
to
the
Nonconformists
)
if
the
Reader
will
but
peruse
what
I
have
said
and
what
Mr.
M.
hath
said
,
I
am
content
that
he
judge
without
more
words
.
§
18.
He
passeth
by
divers
Councils
because
he
could
not
say
that
I
blame
them
:
And
he
passeth
by
Constantine's
Epistle
to
Alexander
and
Arius
,
which
raileth
at
them
more
than
I
do
(
in
his
sence
.
)
As
to
the
Council
of
Laodicea
,
it
is
not
two
or
three
such
words
as
his
that
will
make
an
impartial
man
believe
that
the
Churches
were
like
our
Diocesses
,
when
every
Convert
before
baptism
was
to
say
his
Catechism
to
the
Bishops
or
his
Presbyters
:
Or
that
the
Command
that
Presbyters
go
still
with
the
Bishop
into
the
Church
,
and
not
before
him
,
do
not
both
imply
that
they
were
both
together
in
every
Church
.
But
he
will
have
it
confined
to
the
Cathedral
;
And
when
I
say
,
There
were
long
no
Churches
but
Cathedrals
,
he
saith
he
will
not
differ
with
me
whether
they
shall
be
called
Churches
or
Chappels
.
But
the
difference
is
de
re
:
They
say
themselves
that
A
Bishop
and
a
Church
were
then
Relatives
:
And
when
they
have
put
down
many
hundred
Churches
under
the
Diocesan
,
forsooth
they
will
gratifie
us
by
giving
us
leave
to
call
them
Churches
.
As
if
they
put
down
an
hundred
to
one
of
the
Cities
and
Corporations
,
and
then
give
us
leave
,
to
call
them
Corporations
when
they
are
none
.
Yet
blush
they
not
to
make
the
world
believe
that
they
are
that
Episcopal
party
(
who
put
down
a
thousand
Churches
and
Bishops
in
some
one
Diocess
)
and
I
am
against
Bishops
.
Yea
when
they
have
not
the
front
to
deny
but
that
every
City
then
had
a
Bishop
(
that
had
Christians
,
)
and
that
our
Corporations
are
such
as
they
called
Cities
,
Yet
when
we
plead
but
at
least
,
if
they
will
have
no
Chorepiscopi
,
they
will
restore
a
Church
and
Bishop
with
his
Presbyters
to
every
such
City
with
its
adjacent
Villages
,
hatred
,
scorn
and
derision
goeth
for
a
Confutation
of
us
;
Though
we
do
it
but
to
make
true
discipline
a
possible
thing
;
Which
they
call
Issachar's
burden
,
and
abhor
it
,
and
then
say
,
It
is
possible
and
practised
.
§
19.
As
to
the
Roman
Council
which
he
believeth
not
,
he
might
perceive
that
I
believed
at
least
their
antiquity
as
little
as
he
:
But
the
Canons
are
so
like
those
of
following
Councils
that
such
it
's
like
were
sometime
made
.
And
whereas
I
noted
that
their
condemning
them
that
wrong
timed
Easter
,
would
fall
on
the
Subscribers
to
our
English
Liturgy
,
where
2000
are
Silenced
for
not
Subscribing
,
the
man
had
no
better
answers
to
give
,
than
these
1.
That
I
should
have
said
the
Almanack-Makers
.
As
if
he
would
have
had
men
believe
that
Falshood
,
that
it
was
the
Almanack
Makers
and
not
our
Liturgy
changers
that
were
deceived
.
2.
[
Alas
!
one
year
they
mistook
.
]
As
if
he
would
Perswade
men
that
their
rule
faileth
but
one
year
,
which
faileth
oft
.
3.
The
Silenced
Ministers
have
little
Reason
to
thank
him
or
any
body
else
,
that
giveth
this
Reason
of
their
Separation
.
It
's
strange
this
should
trouble
their
Consciences
that
Care
no
more
for
Easter
than
for
Christmas
,
but
only
that
it
Falls
upon
a
Sunday
.
Here
see
his
Historical
Credibility
.
1.
Would
he
perswade
men
that
we
give
this
Reason
alone
?
Or
why
may
it
not
be
one
with
twenty
more
?
2.
He
intimateth
that
I
give
them
as
reasons
of
Separation
:
As
if
to
be
Silenced
,
were
to
separate
,
and
to
be
passive
were
to
be
active
.
3.
He
intimateth
that
as
Nonsubscribers
I
and
such
other
are
Separatists
,
which
is
false
;
While
we
live
in
their
Communion
.
4.
He
taketh
on
him
to
know
our
judgment
as
against
Easter
(
but
for
Sunday
)
when
we
never
told
him
any
such
thing
.
5.
He
intimateth
that
it
's
no
credit
to
us
that
we
make
Conscience
of
deliberate
professing
Assent
to
a
known
untruth
in
open
matter
of
fact
:
And
if
the
Contrary
be
their
Credit
,
I
wish
they
may
never
be
Witnesses
against
us
.
6.
He
intimateth
that
a
man
that
is
not
for
keeping
Easter
,
is
the
less
excusable
,
if
he
will
not
Profess
a
known
Falshood
about
the
time
of
Easter
.
If
Conscience
stood
a
man
in
no
stead
for
greater
Ends
than
worldly
wealth
and
ease
and
honour
,
who
would
not
be
a
Latitudinarian
Conformist
?
§
20.
Next
when
I
deny
belief
to
these
Councils
,
he
blames
me
for
making
advantage
of
the
History
of
them
.
As
if
he
saw
not
that
I
do
it
,
but
ad
hominem
to
the
Papists
who
record
them
as
if
they
were
really
true
.
For
it
is
principally
the
Papists
(
from
Infancy
to
Hildebrands
Maturity
)
against
whom
I
write
.
§
21.
He
next
comes
to
the
Novatians
as
my
Favourite
sect
,
And
[
Favourite
]
may
signifie
to
the
Reader
a
truth
or
a
Falshood
.
1.
Doth
not
every
Christian
Favour
them
that
have
lesser
Errours
more
than
them
that
have
greater
?
2.
Do
I
not
as
oft
as
he
profess
my
great
dislike
of
every
sect
,
as
a
sect
?
3.
Do
I
not
disclaim
this
Novatian
sect
and
their
opinion
,
and
own
the
Contrary
?
4.
It
seems
he
taketh
me
to
be
too
Favourable
to
some
Bishops
and
their
followers
:
The
question
is
but
who
they
be
that
must
be
favoured
?
I
may
come
to
be
taken
for
a
Novatian
by
such
men
as
well
as
Socrates
and
Sozomen
.
§
22.
Here
(
wi●hout
railing
)
he
bedawbs
Novatus
and
Novatian
to
the
purpose
with
horrid
Crimes
,
a
Pharisaical
Saint
,
Perjured
,
and
what
not
?
But
what
!
Were
they
not
Episcopal
?
Yes
,
he
doubts
it
not
:
It
was
for
to
be
a
Bishop
that
Novatian
wrought
his
Villanies
;
(
what
if
I
had
thus
bedawbed
the
Episcopal
?
)
But
yet
the
very
word
[
Puritan
]
is
of
use
to
him
.
This
,
saith
he
of
Novatus
,
was
the
tender
Conscience
of
the
author
of
the
Ancient
sect
of
the
Puritanes
?
Can
you
tell
who
the
man
aimeth
at
?
Is
it
Nonconformists
?
Novatus
&
Novatian
were
Prelatists
,
and
never
scrupled
more
Ceremonies
than
our
Prelates
impose
.
Who
then
can
it
be
but
men
that
in
general
,
though
Episcopal
,
do
profess
Tenderness
of
Conscience
?
And
there
I
leave
them
,
without
the
application
.
§
23.
But
this
Defender
of
Surgent
Prelacy
,
sticks
not
to
disgrace
those
whom
he
seemeth
to
defend
.
It
was
three
of
the
Catholick
Bishops
that
Consecrated
Novatian
,
and
(
without
railing
)
he
calls
them
Three
plain
ignorant
Bishops
.
These
good
men
suspecting
no
trick
,
and
overcome
with
his
good
entertainment
,
with
too
much
Wine
and
perswasions
,
were
forced
at
last
to
lay
their
hands
on
him
and
Consecrate
him
Bishop
.
]
1.
Ignorant
Bishops
;
2.
Overcome
with
too
much
Wine
,
and
entertainment
:
3.
And
with
perswasion
:
4.
To
do
such
an
Act
as
to
Consecrate
so
bad
a
Bishop
,
&
that
in
such
a
city
as
Rome
,
and
that
without
the
Churches
choice
or
Consent
.
How
much
worse
have
I
said
of
Bishops
?
But
,
yet
[
they
were
good
men
.
]
But
if
they
had
been
Nonconformists
,
what
names
had
been
bad
enough
for
them
?
No
doubt
if
they
had
been
sequestred
and
cast
out
(
for
their
too
much
wine
and
such
ordination
)
how
odiously
might
the
agents
have
been
described
as
enemies
to
the
Church
and
Persecutors
of
good
men
.
§
24.
Yet
further
this
New
Bishop
engageth
men
to
him
by
Oaths
,
enough
to
strike
a
horror
in
the
minds
of
the
Reader
,
saith
he
.
See
what
a
man
may
do
for
a
Bishoprick
?
It
reminds
me
of
many
good
Canons
that
forbid
Bishops
swearing
their
Clergy
to
them
;
And
of
our
Et
Caetera
Oath
in
1640
never
to
Consent
to
any
alteration
,
(
to
say
nothing
of
our
times
)
and
the
old
Oath
of
Canonical
obedience
.
It
strikes
horror
into
mens
minds
now
that
we
scruple
these
.
§
25.
He
maketh
the
Novatian
doctrine
blasphemous
(
without
railing
)
and
me
too
Favourable
in
representing
it
.
As
to
that
I
suppose
he
is
not
ignorant
how
great
a
Controversie
it
is
what
they
held
,
even
among
the
greatest
Antiquaries
,
and
Enemies
of
Schism
and
Heresie
.
And
I
use
in
accusations
to
meet
with
most
truth
in
the
most
Favourable
interpretations
.
And
here
I
will
tell
our
Historian
,
that
while
I
take
leave
to
dissent
from
his
accusation
,
it
shall
be
but
by
the
authority
of
those
whom
I
judge
as
well
acquainted
with
Church
Writers
and
Customes
as
any
that
ever
Mr.
M.
or
any
of
his
Masters
read
,
not
excepting
more
knowing
men
than
Valesius
.
The
first
is
D.
Petavius
in
Epiphan.
de
Cath.
Where
first
he
tells
us
,
that
no
less
nor
later
men
than
most
of
the
ancient
Fathers
,
and
Specially
the
Greeks
,
mistook
Novatus
and
Novatian
for
one
,
or
thought
the
sect
had
a
single
Author
;
naming
Euseb.
Theodoret
,
Epiphan.
Nazian.
Ambrose
,
Austin
,
Philastrius
,
yea
and
Socrates
.
Yet
half
as
great
a
mistake
in
me
would
have
been
scorned
.
2.
Against
Epiph.
and
Theodoret
he
saith
[
Non
ea
Novatiani
Opinio
fuit
,
eos
qui
gravioris
peccati
noxam
contraherent
,
ab
omni
spe
consequendae
salutis
excludi
:
Nam
&
illos
ad
capessendam
poenitentiam
hortari
solebant
:
Et
ut
Divinam
clementiam
lach●ymis
ac
sordibus
elicerent
identidem
admonebant
:
Sed
hoc
unum
negabant
;
ad
Ecclesiae
fidelium
Communionem
recipi
amplius
oportere
:
Neque
penes
Ecclesiam
reconciliandi
jus
ullum
ac
potestatem
esse
:
Quippe
unicam
illam
peccatorum
indulgentiam
in
illius
arbitrio
versari
,
quae
per
Baptismum
obtinetur
;
which
he
proveth
out
of
Socrates
,
Ambrose
.
And
he
saith
,
that
they
were
not
counted
Hereticks
for
wronging
the
lapsed
,
by
denying
them
Communion
,
but
for
wronging
the
Church
Power
,
by
denying
the
Power
of
the
Keyes
for
their
Restitution
.
(
Like
enough
.
)
The
other
shall
be
that
excellent
Bishop
Albaspineus
Observ
.
lib.
2.
Observ.
20
,
21.
p.
(
mihi
)
130
,
131.
[
Advertant
Novatianorum
errorem
non
in
eo
positum
,
quod
dicerent
neque
lapsum
,
neque
excommunicatum
in
morte
à
peccatis
liberandum
;
sed
haereticos
ideo
habitos
,
quod
opinarentur
Deum
ipsum
Ecclesiae
neque
remittendorum
neque
retinendorum
peccatorum
capitalium
potestatem
copiamque
fecisse
:
Atque
haec
in
eo
fuit
viguitque
eorum
haeresis
,
qui
quanquam
illud
consequeretur
ex-eorum
falsa
Opinione
,
ut
absolutionem
non
largirentur
,
tamen
hoc
eorum
factum
non
haeresis
nomine
afficiendum
erat
,
neque
ad
haeresin
accedebat
ob
aliam
causam
quam
quod
à
fonte
illo
&
quasi
capite
haresin
olente
dimanârat
,
eo
maxime
quod
Novatiani
crederent
id
Ecclesiae
a
Deo
non
fuisse
praestitum
&
concessum
;
quae
causa
sola
fuit
cur
praxis
illa
ce●
disciplinae
Novatianorum
ratio
haeresis
nomen
notionemque
non
effugeret
.
]
The
Clergy
felt
their
own
Interest
,
and
the
Novatians
denied
their
Power
to
retain
,
as
well
as
forgive
capital
Crimes
,
and
thought
their
Keyes
extended
not
so
far
.
And
that
the
Case
of
the
lapsed
was
it
that
they
began
with
,
Epiphanius
himself
and
others
agree
.
And
Observ.
19.
he
shews
that
Novatianus
did
this
against
his
former
Judgment
,
in
Envy
and
Faction
against
the
Bishop
,
because
he
mist
of
being
Bishop
himself
.
A
Bishoprick
was
it
that
provoked
him
to
deny
this
Pardoning
Power
in
Bishops
.
And
Albaspineus
hath
in
many
antecedent
Observations
shewed
,
how
little
,
if
any
thing
at
all
,
the
Novatians
differed
else
from
the
Antient
Church
in
the
strictness
of
their
Communion
,
and
avoiding
sinners
:
So
that
he
thus
begins
his
fifth
Observation
[
Incredibilia
prope
sunt
,
quae
his
capitibus
dicturi
sumus
:
sed
tamen
ita
vera
&
certa
,
&
quae
cujusque
animam
summam
in
admirationem
rapiant
,
Ecclesiam
primis
temporibus
nulla
vel
levissima
labe
inquinatam
fuisse
;
quin
ita
illibatam
intactamque
ut
omni
ratione
,
curâ
&
solicitudine
prospexerit
,
filii
ut
sui
quam
à
Baptismo
hauserant
puritatem
eam
nulla
aspersam
vitii
alicujus
macula
&
soeditate
conservarent
.
Imo
ca
se
veritate
adhibita
ut
fugiendum
sibi
detestandumque
peccatum
,
quovis
terrore
proposito
putarent
.
Non
solum
autem
multa
crimina
peccataque
numerabantur
,
quorum
Authores
artificesque
absolutionem
omnem
desperabant
,
sed
&
ea
quoque
quibus
ignoscet
poenitentiam
concedi
opertere
censuerat
,
peccata
ita
ulciscebatur
,
●ut
non
nisi
semel
eis
qui
ea
commisissent
,
unius
poenitentiae
copiam
faceret
Ecclesia
,
hoc
est
si
post
Baptismum
lethaliter
peccassent
.
Quod
si
cum
Ecclesia
reconciliatus
in
idem
aut
aliud
mortale
peccatum
iterum
prolaberetur
,
ita
in
perpetuum
tribus
primis
saeculis
ab
Ecclesia
repulsam
ferebat
,
ut
non
nisi
poenitentiae
&
in
morte
precum
quae
reliqua
erant
subsidia
expectanda
sibi
duceret
,
nulla
absolutione
data
quae
in
spem
veniae
illum
erigeret
.
]
And
he
adds
,
that
many
that
cannot
deny
his
proofs
,
yet
will
not
believe
that
ever
such
a
Discipline
was
used
.
But
this
was
in
the
three
First
Ages
:
After
,
when
Prosperity
and
Wealth
ticed
the
ungodly
into
Bishops
Seats
,
and
into
the
Church
,
the
Case
was
altered
,
and
as
he
shews
,
Observ.
6.
the
Case
was
so
altered
to
the
loose
extreme
,
that
Criminals
were
admitted
toties
quoties
.
And
in
his
Notes
on
Tertullian
he
sheweth
,
that
this
was
a
difference
between
the
Orthodox
and
the
Hereticks
,
that
the
Orthodox
did
di●
multumque
deliberare
quos
in
societatem
ejusdem
Ecclesiae
,
&
corporis
recipere
debeant
;
but
the
Hereticks
were
ready
to
take
all
that
came
.
Yet
I
suppose
not
near
so
loose
as
those
Diocesan
and
Parochial
Churches
that
know
not
who
comes
,
but
without
question
take
all
that
will
but
come
to
the
Rails
and
kneel
:
And
when
by
the
magnitude
of
Diocess
and
other
means
,
they
have
secured
themselves
against
the
trouble
and
possibility
of
Pastoral
Discipline
,
the
Priest
wipes
off
all
guilt
with
a
word
,
and
faith
,
If
they
were
Atheists
,
Hobbists
,
Sadduces
,
Whoremongers
,
common
Blasphemers
,
Drunkards
,
it
's
no
fault
of
mine
,
I
know
it
not
;
and
no
wonder
,
when
he
knoweth
not
who
in
the
Parish
are
his
Flock
.
That
Eusebius
himself
and
others
named
by
Petavius
mistook
the
Novatians
is
no
wonder
to
those
who
read
the
volumes
of
palpable
Falshood
written
against
the
Nonconformists
in
this
present
age
,
and
hear
witnesses
at
the
bar
swear
those
Plots
and
Conspiracies
&
Treasons
against
men
,
from
which
grave
and
conscionable
Juries
quit
them
.
But
me
thinks
when
Mr.
M.
had
said
that
Socrates
is
an
Historian
of
good
Credit
and
acquainted
with
them
]
he
much
forgot
his
own
ends
when
he
recited
these
words
as
his
[
Some
took
part
with
Novatian
,
and
others
with
Cornelius
;
according
to
their
several
inclinations
and
Course
of
life
:
The
looser
and
more
licentious
sort
Favouring
the
most
indulgent
discipline
,
the
other
of
more
austere
lives
inclining
most
to
the
Novatian
severity
.
]
Good
still
,
I
now
see
that
the
Novatians
indeed
were
Puritanes
,
though
Episcopal
,
and
I
accuse
not
our
accusers
of
any
such
Heresie
.
But
I
confess
that
I
shall
believe
a
Novatian
Historian
,
who
being
so
strict
against
sin
must
be
strict
against
a
Lie
,
rather
than
those
that
Scorn
such
Puritanism
,
and
deride
the
Person
that
cannot
swallow
a
bigger
Pill
.
And
when
Mr.
M.
labours
to
shew
out
of
Socrates
that
it
was
not
only
Idolatry
that
they
censured
,
he
labours
in
vain
:
It
was
the
beginning
of
their
Schism
that
I
mentioned
,
and
not
Socrates
his
Age.
As
to
the
judgment
of
the
Council
of
Eliberis
and
all
the
three
First
Ages
,
I
have
told
you
what
Albaspine
saith
before
.
If
you
can
confute
him
,
do
;
I
am
not
engaged
to
defend
him
;
but
I
believe
him
.
§
26.
I
conclude
this
and
the
former
Chapter
with
this
Counsel
to
the
Scorners
of
Puritanes
:
Never
trust
to
your
Titles
and
Order
,
how
good
soever
,
without
a
careful
holy
obedience
to
the
Supreme
Law-giver
,
either
for
Concord
on
Earth
,
or
Salvation
in
Heaven
.
True
Parish-Reformation
is
the
way
to
satisfie
godly
persons
better
than
either
Violence
or
Separation
.
But
if
you
still
obstinately
resist
Parish
.
Discipline
and
Reformation
,
you
must
have
Toleration
of
such
as
will
not
consent
to
your
Corruption
,
or
else
persecute
the
best
to
your
own
ruine
.
Theophilus
Parochialis
hath
said
more
for
Parish
Order
against
the
Regulars
,
and
Priviledged
,
than
you
have
done
against
the
Separatists
.
And
yet
the
Confraternity
of
the
Oratorians
set
up
in
every
Parish
,
was
the
best
way
he
could
devise
to
recover
the
state
of
lapsed
Parishes
:
As
the
priviledging
of
Fryars
was
the
Pope's
last
Remedy
instead
of
Reforming
his
corrupted
Church
.
CHAP.
XIX
.
Of
the
Council
of
Nice
and
some
following
.
§
1.
THis
Historian
having
put
himself
into
a
military
posture
seemeth
to
conceit
that
every
word
proceeds
from
an
Enemy
.
And
first
he
feigneth
me
to
make
Constantine
judge
that
[
the
Bishops
and
Councils
were
of
little
use
]
when
I
had
no
such
word
or
thought
,
but
the
contrary
.
§
2.
Next
he
himself
confesseth
that
which
I
blame
those
Bishops
for
;
Even
those
Libels
which
they
Contentiously
offered
against
one
another
;
to
have
raised
Quarrels
instead
of
Peace
,
and
which
Constantine
cast
altogether
into
the
fire
without
reading
them
.
And
when
he
confesseth
what
I
say
,
is
he
not
a
Railer
at
the
Bishops
as
much
as
I
in
that
?
As
to
his
excuse
that
[
It
is
no
wonder
considering
their
great
dissentions
in
Religion
,
&c.
]
I
easily
grant
it
:
But
in
this
excuse
he
saith
yet
more
against
them
.
§
3.
Because
I
said
that
Athanasius
differing
from
Constantine
about
the
reception
of
Arius
his
repentance
[
Caused
much
Calamity
]
he
feigneth
me
heinously
to
accuse
Athanasius
which
I
intended
not
:
Even
a
just
action
may
[
Cause
Calamity
]
as
Christ
saith
his
Gospel
would
bring
division
.
All
his
labour
in
justifying
Athanasius
fighteth
but
with
a
spectre
of
his
own
imagination
.
And
yet
I
am
inclined
to
think
that
if
an
Hypocrite
Arius
had
been
connived
at
to
please
such
an
Emperor
,
the
death
of
Arius
would
have
left
the
Church
quieter
than
it
did
;
though
he
here
thinks
greater
rigour
had
been
safer
:
And
I
think
multitudes
of
Sadduces
,
Infidels
and
debaucht
Persons
in
one
of
our
Diocesses
,
yea
or
Parishes
,
is
worse
than
one
Arius
while
Hypocrisie
restrained
him
from
Venting
his
opinion
.
§
4.
And
here
he
that
dreamed
I
accused
Athanasius
,
really
accuseth
Constantine
as
imposed
on
by
a
Counterfeit
Repentance
and
restoring
the
incendiary
to
opportunities
of
doing
mischief
,
and
being
against
the
means
that
might
have
ended
that
fatal
mischief
.
But
I
confess
Constantine
was
no
Bishop
,
and
therefore
this
is
not
an
accusation
of
Bishops
or
a
railing
at
them
.
§
5.
Next
when
I
had
fully
opened
the
Case
of
the
Mel●tians
out
of
Epiphanius
on
pretence
of
abbreviating
,
he
leaves
out
that
which
he
likes
not
,
and
tells
us
how
the
Nonconformists
have
advantaged
the
Papists
:
If
I
thought
the
man
believed
himself
I
would
try
to
undeceive
him
▪
In
the
mean
time
I
desire
him
to
think
again
which
party
most
befriends
the
Papists
;
They
that
are
for
a
reconciliation
with
them
on
these
terms
,
that
there
may
be
acknowledged
an
Universal
supreme
human
Power
over
all
the
Church
on
Earth
,
and
the
Pope
to
be
Principium
Unitatis
and
Patriarch
of
the
West
,
and
he
shall
abate
us
the
last
400
years
Impositions
,
and
all
be
accounted
Schismaticks
that
unite
not
into
this
Church
;
and
that
all
the
Preachers
in
England
shall
be
silenced
that
will
not
swear
,
promise
,
profess
,
and
practise
all
that
which
is
here
imposed
on
them
,
though
they
think
it
heinons
sin
,
and
others
think
it
but
matter
indifferent
,
and
all
the
people
shall
be
prosecuted
that
hear
them
;
and
that
this
Division
shall
rather
weaken
the
Kingdom
,
and
advantage
the
Papists
,
than
the
Consciences
of
men
,
as
wise
and
faithful
as
themselves
shall
be
eased
of
such
Impositions
,
or
they
suffered
to
Preach
the
Gospel
of
Christ
:
Or
those
that
being
condemned
to
such
Silence
,
Prisons
and
Ruine
,
had
rather
be
delivered
,
though
a
Papist
be
delivered
with
them
,
than
be
destroyed
.
]
Methinks
we
are
used
by
these
Church-Fathers
,
as
if
they
should
determine
that
a
great
part
of
the
Protestants
who
are
most
against
Popery
,
shall
be
hanged
,
unless
the
Papists
will
beg
their
pardon
,
or
cut
the
Rope
;
which
if
these
Protestants
accept
,
they
shall
be
said
to
be
the
Promoters
of
the
Papists
.
§
6.
As
for
all
his
Exceptions
against
Epiphanius
,
they
are
nothing
to
me
,
who
did
not
undertake
to
justifie
his
words
,
but
transcribe
them
;
nor
think
it
worth
my
labour
now
to
examine
the
Case
of
so
small
concernment
.
§
7.
When
some
have
blamed
me
for
condemning
the
Arians
too
much
,
he
saith
,
that
I
say
some
what
very
much
to
the
disadvantage
of
the
Doctrine
of
the
Trinity
,
but
he
was
so
gentle
as
not
to
tell
what
it
was
,
unless
it
be
telling
what
Petavius
the
Jesuite
saith
:
About
that
I
am
wholly
of
his
own
mind
.
But
the
express
words
which
Petavius
de
Trinit
.
citeth
out
of
all
those
Old
Fathers
,
cannot
be
denied
:
And
verily
they
are
so
many
,
and
so
gross
,
that
unless
his
Argument
satisfied
me
,
viz.
[
The
Votes
of
the
Council
of
Nice
shewed
what
was
the
Common
sence
of
the
Church
,
better
than
the
words
of
all
those
Fathers
]
I
should
think
as
Philostorgius
in
point
of
History
,
that
there
were
no
sufficient
confuting
of
the
Arians
from
those
Fathers
,
though
sometimes
they
have
better
words
.
Visible
words
cannot
be
denied
,
even
where
they
must
be
lamented
.
That
's
the
difference
between
Mr.
M's
.
Opinion
of
History
and
mine
.
§
8.
As
to
the
Audians
,
I
recite
but
Epiphanius's
words
,
who
in
other
cases
is
greatly
valued
by
these
Accusers
:
They
will
believe
what
he
saith
of
Aerius
.
And
as
to
what
he
saith
to
the
contrary
out
of
Theodoret
,
he
may
see
that
he
saith
all
by
hearsay
,
and
saith
,
that
They
hid
that
which
he
accuseth
them
of
,
and
were
Hypocrites
,
professing
too
much
strictness
,
l.
4.
c.
9.
which
is
still
the
common
way
of
accusing
the
best
,
against
whom
instead
of
proveable
faults
,
they
turn
their
strictness
into
a
crime
.
Epiphanius
is
much
more
particular
than
Theodoret
in
the
story
.
§
9.
The
rest
which
he
noteth
of
my
words
of
the
Council
of
Nice
,
have
nothing
needing
a
reply
.
Petavius
hath
fully
proved
that
the
Chorepiscopi
were
true
Bishops
.
But
now
we
are
odious
Presbyterians
if
we
would
but
have
a
Bishop
in
every
City
,
that
is
,
Corporation
,
Desiring
only
that
Discipline
might
become
possible
.
And
for
this
we
are
proclaimed
to
be
against
Bishops
;
that
is
,
saith
this
sort
of
men
;
They
that
would
have
but
One
Bishop
over
a
thousand
,
or
many
hundred
,
or
score
Churches
,
are
for
Episcopacy
;
and
they
that
would
have
every
Church
have
a
Bishop
,
as
of
old
,
or
at
least
every
great
Town
,
and
so
would
have
twenty
,
or
forty
,
or
a
hundred
for
one
,
are
against
Episcopacy
:
And
that
which
is
strange
is
,
These
men
are
believed
.
§
10.
I
praised
the
Council
of
Gangra
for
condemning
some
Superstitions
,
and
he
saith
,
I
have
nothing
against
it
:
Whether
it
be
a
Common
Mistake
that
Arius
was
here
received
to
Communion
,
I
'le
not
stay
to
examine
.
§
11.
When
he
hath
weighed
all
he
can
for
the
Synod
at
Antioch
,
he
is
forced
to
confess
that
they
were
a
packt
company
of
Bishops
,
that
complied
with
Constantius
and
Eusebius's
Contrivance
.
And
what
do
I
say
worse
of
them
than
he
?
As
to
the
Canon
against
Priests
or
Deacons
not
gathering
Assemblies
against
the
Bishops
will
,
I
am
for
it
as
much
as
he
,
if
the
Bishops
and
Churches
be
such
as
they
were
then
;
but
not
in
France
nor
Italy
.
He
saith
,
I
leave
my
sting
behind
me
,
and
end
very
angrily
;
for
these
only
words
[
This
is
their
strength
]
mentioning
the
Councils
(
that
was
against
Athanasius
)
suppressing
Dissenters
as
seditious
by
force
.
I
see
angry
men
think
others
angry
when
they
are
,
and
are
stung
if
we
do
but
name
their
stinging
us
:
As
if
Prisons
and
Ruine
were
not
so
sharp
a
sting
as
these
four
words
.
If
it
be
not
their
strength
,
why
do
they
so
trust
to
it
,
as
to
confess
that
their
Arguments
and
Keyes
would
do
little
to
uphold
their
Prelacy
without
it
.
In
the
daies
of
the
Usurpers
I
moved
for
a
Petition
,
that
when
they
granted
Liberty
of
Conscience
for
so
many
others
,
they
would
grant
Liberty
for
the
full
exercise
of
the
Episcopal
Government
to
all
that
desired
it
.
But
the
Episcopal
Party
that
I
spake
to
,
would
not
endure
it
,
as
knowing
what
bare
Liberty
would
be
to
their
Cause
,
unless
they
could
have
the
Sword
to
suppress
those
that
yield
not
to
their
Reasons
.
§
12.
Next
he
saith
,
I
spare
my
Gall
for
about
a
dozentimes
,
not
regarding
how
it
contradicts
his
former
Accusations
.
But
whereas
I
recite
the
horrid
Accusations
of
the
Council
at
Philippopolis
against
Athanasius
,
Paulus
and
Marcellus
,
of
open
Matters
of
Fact
,
as
Murder
,
Persecutions
,
Burning
of
Churches
,
Wars
,
Flames
,
Dragging
Priests
to
the
Market-place
with
Christs
Body
tyed
about
their
necks
,
stripping
Consecrated
Virgins
naked
before
a
concourse
of
People
[
and
offering
to
send
messengers
on
both
sides
to
Try
the
Fact
,
and
to
be
themselves
condemned
if
it
prove
not
true
]
he
is
offended
that
I
seem
staggered
at
this
,
Athanasius
having
detected
before
so
many
Subornations
,
&c.
Answ.
I
did
not
say
that
I
was
staggered
,
much
less
doubted
which
of
them
did
the
wrong
:
But
that
a
Reader
may
by
such
a
Temptation
be
astonished
,
and
confounded
whom
to
believe
.
But
d
d
I
ever
rail
more
at
Bishops
than
he
here
doth
?
What
1.
So
great
a
number
of
Bishops
,
2.
Deliberately
in
Council
,
3.
To
affirm
so
vehemently
,
4
Such
matters
of
open
Fact
,
5.
And
offer
it
to
the
Trial
of
Witnesses
of
both
sides
;
and
all
this
to
be
false
,
6.
And
to
be
but
the
consequent
of
former
Subornations
and
Perjury
;
can
you
name
greater
wickedness
?
Obj.
But
they
were
Arians
.
Answ
.
But
they
were
Bishops
.
The
worse
for
being
Arians
.
2.
Yet
called
but
Semi-Arians
,
and
renounced
Arius
,
and
pretended
Reconciliation
.
3.
And
they
were
the
Oriental
part
of
the
Council
at
Sardica
,
called
General
by
the
Papists
.
4.
And
they
were
believed
against
Marcellus
by
Basil
and
Chrysostom
:
But
all
that
I
cite
it
for
,
is
to
tell
the
Reader
what
a
doleful
case
the
Church
was
faln
into
,
by
the
depravation
of
the
Bishops
.
Did
none
of
these
profess
before
to
be
Orthodox
?
I
do
not
say
that
it
was
quatenus
Bishops
that
they
did
all
this
,
but
that
multitudes
of
Bishops
were
then
become
the
shame
and
calamity
of
the
Church
.
§
13.
Next
he
scorningly
accuseth
me
for
giving
too
soft
a
Character
of
the
Circumcellians
;
and
saith
,
My
Moderation
and
Charity
may
extend
to
John
of
Leyden
.
And
he
calls
them
The
Most
barbarous
and
desperate
Villains
that
ever
defamed
Christianity
by
assuming
the
Title
.
]
Ans.
1.
This
is
the
man
that
saith
I
rail
.
I
named
so
many
and
great
sins
of
theirs
,
that
I
little
thought
any
Reader
would
have
thought
that
I
spared
them
too
much
.
2.
Yet
they
were
Donatists
,
and
of
them
Optatus
himself
saith
,
lib.
5.
[
Apud
vos
&
apud
nos
Una
est
Ecclesiastica
conversatio
;
Communes
Lectiones
:
Eadem
Fides
;
ipsa
Fidei
Sacramenta
,
eadem
mysteria
]
that
is
,
saith
Albaspine
[
Una
Ecclesiastica
disciplina
:
Eodem
modo
Scripturas
Explicamus
:
Ipsa
Regula
Fidei
:
Idem
Mysterium
quod
confertur
&
significatur
,
&
eadem
res
visibilis
per
quam
res
spiritualis
datur
]
in
lib.
5.
p.
153.
And
saith
Optatus
,
lib.
1.
[
Nequis
dicat
me
inconsiderate
eos
fratres
appellare
,
qui
tales
sunt
.
Quamvis
&
illi
non
negent
&
omnibus
notum
sit
,
quod
nos
odio
habeant
,
&
execrentur
,
&
nolunt
se
dioi
fratres
nostros
;
tamen
nos
recedere
à
timore
Dei
non
possumus
—
sunt
igitur
sine
dubio
fratres
quamvis
non
boni
:
Quare
nemo
miretur
eos
me
appellare
fratres
,
qui
non
possant
non
esse
fratres
.
Obj.
But
the
Circumcellians
were
worse
than
the
rest
.
Answ.
They
were
of
the
same
Religion
,
but
the
unruly
furious
part
in
their
practice
:
And
Optatus
saith
,
Though
they
would
rail
in
words
[
sed
unum
quidem
vix
inveuimus
cum
quo
p●r
literas
,
vel
hoc
modo
loquatur
:
]
And
so
goes
on
to
call
Parmenian
his
Brother
.
And
it
's
worth
the
consideration
how
much
Albaspine
includeth
in
Fraternity
;
note
first
,
&
in
Observat
.
3.
And
they
were
Orthodox
fierce
Prelatists
,
doing
all
this
for
the
preheminence
of
their
Bishops
.
And
what
if
some
Prelatists
now
should
hurt
their
Brethren
more
than
the
Circumcellians
did
,
must
I
call
them
therefore
the
most
barbarous
Villains
that
ever
defamed
Christianity
.
Angustine
saith
,
They
made
a
Water
of
some
Salt
or
sharp
thing
,
and
cast
in
mens
Eyes
in
the
night
in
the
streets
:
No
man
can
think
that
this
barbarous
action
was
done
by
the
most
,
or
any
but
some
furious
fools
:
They
say
that
they
would
wound
themselves
to
bring
hatred
on
the
Catholicks
,
as
if
they
had
done
it
,
or
drove
them
to
it
:
He
that
knoweth
what
Self-love
is
,
will
believe
that
this
was
the
case
but
of
a
few
;
and
an
easier
wrong
than
some
that
abhor
them
do
to
their
Brethren
.
And
must
we
needs
Rail
indeed
against
such
numbers
of
hurtful
Prelatists
?
What
if
any
rude
persons
of
your
Church
should
be
Whoremongers
,
Drunkards
,
Blasphemers
,
and
seek
the
Imprisonment
of
their
Brethren
,
yea
their
Defamation
and
Blood
by
Perjury
,
should
the
Church
be
for
their
sakes
so
called
,
as
you
call
them
?
I
speak
them
no
fairer
than
Optatus
did
.
§
14.
When
p.
57.
I
commend
the
many
good
Canons
of
the
African
Councils
,
and
the
faithfulness
of
the
Bishops
,
he
noteth
none
of
this
,
because
it
proveth
the
untruth
of
his
former
Accusations
.
And
when
I
name
twenty
five
or
twenty
six
more
Councils
of
Bishops
,
some
General
,
and
some
less
,
which
were
for
Arianism
,
or
a
compliance
with
them
,
he
defendeth
none
of
them
,
but
excuseth
them
,
and
saith
,
that
[
they
were
not
much
to
the
honour
of
the
Church
:
Yet
the
evil
Edicts
and
Consequences
of
them
are
rather
to
be
charged
on
the
Arian
Emperour
,
than
the
Bishops
.
]
Answ.
1.
This
is
the
same
man
that
elsewhere
so
overdoes
me
in
accusing
the
Arians
.
2.
The
Emperour
was
Erroneous
,
but
said
to
be
otherwise
very
commendable
.
And
is
it
not
more
culpable
for
Bishops
to
Err
in
the
Mysteries
of
Divinity
,
than
a
Lay-man
?
And
for
many
hundred
to
Err
,
than
for
One
Man
?
And
do
you
think
that
the
Bishops
Erring
did
not
more
to
seduce
the
Flocks
,
than
the
Emperour's
?
But
he
saith
,
that
[
If
many
fell
in
the
Day
of
Tryal
,
they
are
rather
to
be
pitied
,
than
insulted
over
,
for
we
have
all
the
same
infirmities
,
&c.
Answ.
I
wrote
in
pity
of
them
and
the
Church
,
without
any
insulting
purpose
.
If
any
now
to
avoid
lying
in
Prison
,
and
starving
their
Families
,
by
Famine
,
should
surrender
their
Consciences
to
sinful
Subscriptions
after
a
Siege
of
Nineteen
years
,
I
shall
pity
them
,
and
not
insult
over
them
.
Nay
,
if
I
speak
of
those
that
lay
the
Siege
,
and
call
out
for
more
Execution
,
I
do
it
not
insultingly
,
but
with
a
grieved
heart
for
the
Church
and
them
.
But
when
I
largely
recited
Hillary's
words
of
them
,
he
saith
,
[
The
Account
is
very
sad
]
(
and
what
said
I
more
?
)
But
,
saith
he
,
yet
such
as
shews
rather
the
Calamity
,
than
the
Fault
of
the
Bishops
.
]
Answ.
Nay
then
,
no
doubt
,
it
's
no
fault
to
Conform
.
Hillary
then
,
and
all
that
kept
their
ground
,
were
in
a
great
fault
for
so
heavily
accusing
them
.
And
so
the
World
turned
Arians
in
shew
(
as
Hierom
and
Hillary
speak
)
is
much
acquit
,
and
the
Nonconformists
are
the
faulty
Railers
for
accusing
them
.
It
had
been
enough
to
say
,
It
was
no
Crime
;
but
to
say
,
no
Fault
,
is
too
gentle
for
the
same
man
that
so
talkt
of
Perjured
Arians
before
.
§
15.
Yet
because
he
is
forced
to
confess
that
it
was
most
by
far
of
all
the
Bishops
,
even
in
Councils
(
he
of
Rome
not
excepted
)
that
thus
fell
,
he
must
shew
how
it
offended
him
to
be
forced
to
it
,
by
telling
the
world
how
contentious
I
have
been
against
all
sorts
and
Sects
(
the
first
is
false
,
and
he
knows
it
I
think
,
and
the
latter
is
true
formally
of
a
Sect
as
such
;
even
his
own
Sect.
)
And
some
judge
me
such
a
stranger
to
Peace
,
as
to
need
a
Moderator
to
stand
between
me
and
the
Contradictions
of
my
own
Books
.
]
Answ.
Yes
,
the
Bishops
Advocate
Roger
L'Estrange
,
where
nothing
but
gross
ignorance
,
or
malice
,
or
negligence
,
could
have
found
Contradictions
,
were
the
whole
places
perused
.
And
where
I
am
sure
my self
,
that
there
is
none
;
I
have
somewhat
else
to
do
than
to
write
more
,
to
shew
the
Calumnies
of
such
Readers
.
Who
most
seeks
Peace
,
you
,
or
those
that
you
prosecute
?
One
would
think
it
should
not
be
hard
to
know
if
men
be
willing
.
CHAP.
XX.
Of
the
first
General
Council
at
Constantinople
.
His
Cap.
4.
§
1.
HE
begins
with
accusing
me
of
imitating
the
Devil
;
Doth
Job
serve
God
for
nought
?
because
I
say
that
[
the
reason
why
the
West
was
freer
from
the
Arian
Heresie
,
than
the
East
,
was
not
as
the
Papists
say
,
that
Christ
prayed
for
Peter
,
that
his
Faith
might
not
fail
,
but
because
the
Emperours
in
the
West
were
Orthodox
,
and
those
in
the
East
Arians
:
And
the
Bishops
much
followed
the
Emperour's
will
.
]
What
,
saith
he
,
can
be
more
unchristian
?
Answ.
1.
I
never
said
that
this
was
the
Only
Cause
.
2.
I
proved
that
this
Priviledge
of
Rome
was
not
the
meaning
of
Christ's
Prayer
.
3.
Is
not
this
the
same
man
that
even
now
●●id
the
fall
of
far
more
Bishops
,
even
most
in
the
World
,
on
the
Emperour
,
as
overcoming
them
by
force
and
fraud
?
4.
Doth
not
God
himself
keep
men
usually
from
strong
temptations
,
when
he
will
deliver
them
from
sin
?
5.
Were
not
the
Eastern
Bishops
,
and
the
Western
,
of
the
same
mold
and
temper
?
And
if
the
Eastern
followed
the
Emperours
,
had
not
the
Western
been
in
danger
if
they
had
the
like
temptation
?
6.
Doth
not
Basil
that
sent
to
them
for
help
,
complain
of
them
as
proud
,
and
no
better
than
their
Brethren
?
7.
Did
not
Marcellinus
fall
to
Idolatry
,
and
Liberius
to
subscribe
against
Athanasius
with
the
Arians
?
8.
Did
not
the
West
actually
fall
to
Arianism
when
tempted
for
the
most
part
?
Judge
by
the
great
Council
at
Milane
,
and
by
Hillary's
complaints
.
9.
Hath
Rome
and
the
West
stood
faster
to
the
Truth
since
then
?
What!
all
the
Popes
who
are
by
Councils
charged
with
Heresie
or
Infidelity
,
and
all
wickedness
,
and
those
many
whose
Lives
even
by
Baronius
and
Genebrard
,
are
so
odiously
described
?
Is
the
West
at
this
day
free
from
Popery
and
its
fruits
?
10.
Do
you
think
in
your
conscience
that
if
we
had
not
here
a
Protestant
King
,
but
a
Papist
,
many
of
the
Clergy
would
not
be
Papists
?
Why
then
are
they
so
in
France
,
Spain
,
Italy
,
Poland
,
&
c
?
And
why
did
the
most
of
them
turn
in
Qu.
Mary's
daies
?
I
do
not
insult
,
but
lament
the
Churches
Case
,
which
ever
since
Wealth
and
Honour
,
and
too
much
Power
corrupted
it
,
have
had
Bishops
far
more
worldly
,
and
less
faithful
than
they
were
the
first
three
hundred
years
.
Though
I
still
say
that
ever
since
,
God
hath
in
all
times
raised
some
serious
Believers
that
have
kept
up
serious
Piety
in
the
Church
:
And
as
I
doubt
not
but
there
are
so
many
such
among
the
Conformists
,
as
is
our
great
Joy
,
so
I
hope
that
,
though
foully
blotted
with
Superstition
and
Errour
,
there
are
many
such
among
the
Papists
themselves
.
§
2.
Yet
he
saith
,
I
do
the
Bishops
Right
again
,
without
thinking
of
doing
them
Justice
,
while
I
tell
how
many
were
murdered
.
Answ.
1.
Doth
he
know
my
thoughts
?
2.
It
's
true
I
intended
not
to
do
any
other
Justice
,
than
to
praise
Christ's
Martyrs
and
Confessors
,
while
I
lament
the
Case
of
Persecutors
and
Revolters
?
Is
the
praise
of
Confessors
any
honour
to
the
Hereticks
?
But
perhaps
he
means
,
I
right
the
Order
of
Bishops
.
Answ.
Did
I
ever
say
or
think
that
there
were
no
Bishops
that
kept
the
Faith
?
Do
I
say
All
fell
,
when
I
say
Most
fell
?
The
Man
speaks
as
his
imagined
Interest
leads
him
,
and
so
interpreteth
my
words
to
his
own
sense
,
not
as
written
.
And
if
that
be
the
right
way
,
I
think
he
will
grant
that
there
were
more
Martyrs
and
Sufferers
under
Valens
,
Constantius
,
Hunnericus
,
and
Gensericus
,
in
the
East
,
and
in
Africk
,
by
far
,
than
were
when
their
Tryal
came
in
all
the
West
that
is
now
subject
to
the
Pope
.
And
what
moved
the
man
to
dream
that
when
I
so
describe
and
praise
their
constancy
in
Suffering
,
I
did
it
as
at
unawares
?
That
the
greater
part
of
the
Bishops
of
the
Empire
were
Arians
,
I
will
not
offer
by
Testimony
to
prove
,
when
it
is
so
commonly
by
Fathers
,
Historians
,
by
Papists
and
Protestants
agreed
on
.
How
many
of
them
were
Bishops
before
,
and
how
many
but
Presbyters
or
Deacons
,
I
'le
not
pretend
to
number
.
The
turning
of
multitudes
all
agree
on
.
The
Constancy
of
many
he
falsly
intimateth
that
I
deny
,
and
saith
,
I
injuriously
represent
them
,
and
cannot
tell
a
word
wherein
that
Crime
is
found
.
§
3.
Naming
the
things
that
were
done
by
the
Council
at
Constantinople
,
I
mention
both
the
setting
up
,
and
after
the
putting
down
of
Gregory
;
&
lest
any
Caviller
should
carp
at
the
word
[
putting
down
]
I
presently
open
particularly
what
it
was
that
they
did
toward
it
;
that
resolving
on
his
deposition
,
they
caused
him
,
though
unwilling
,
rather
to
give
it
up
,
than
stay
till
they
cast
him
out
.
This
great
Historian
had
no
more
manlike
an
Exception
here
,
than
to
say
,
that
against
all
History
,
and
against
my
own
Explication
,
I
say
that
[
They
Deposed
him
.
]
I
said
[
They
put
him
down
]
in
the
manner
,
and
as
far
as
I
explained
.
§
4.
While
he
here
himself
accuseth
the
Times
then
of
General
Corruption
,
and
the
Church
of
Divisions
,
adding
,
[
What
Age
hath
been
so
happy
as
not
to
labour
under
those
Evils
?
]
he
accuseth
me
of
making
misuse
of
Gregory's
words
,
to
represent
the
Council
in
an
odious
manner
.
Answ.
It
is
to
represent
the
worser
part
in
a
lamentable
manner
,
as
far
as
Gregory
did
,
and
no
further
.
And
as
to
his
quarrel
at
my
citation
,
I
shall
say
no
more
;
but
if
the
Reader
will
but
read
Gregory's
own
words
,
I
willingly
leave
all
that
Cause
to
his
Judgment
:
If
he
will
not
,
my
words
cannot
inform
him
.
Yet
he
himself
saith
[
He
doth
indeed
in
several
places
find
fault
with
this
Council
]
And
can
you
forgive
him
?
I
think
I
find
no
more
than
he
did
.
But
for
this
you
find
fault
with
him
[
He
did
resent
the
Injury
(
And
was
it
an
Injury
?
)
and
did
not
bear
the
deprivation
of
his
Bishoprick
with
the
same
generosity
he
proposed
,
which
made
him
a
little
more
sharp
than
was
decent
in
his
representation
of
the
Bishops
—
What
wonder
if
sharpened
with
discontent
,
he
exclaim
with
somewhat
too
great
a
passion
against
the
administration
of
the
Church
which
he
had
been
forced
to
quit
]
Ans.
All
will
be
confest
anon
,
when
I
have
been
accused
for
saying
it
before
him
:
That
's
his
way
.
But
it
was
not
for
leaving
a
high
and
fat
Bishoprick
that
he
was
grieved
,
but
for
being
separated
from
the
People
that
he
had
partly
served
in
their
lower
state
,
and
partly
won
from
Heresie
,
and
who
came
about
him
with
tears
intreating
him
not
to
forsake
them
.
And
though
it
were
morethan
generosity
to
set
light
by
the
Honour
and
Wealth
,
it
is
treachery
to
set
light
by
Souls
:
And
they
changed
to
their
great
loss
.
He
resigned
much
to
quiet
the
People
lest
they
should
do
as
they
did
for
Chrysostom
after
him
.
It
is
no
new
thing
for
the
Major
vote
of
the
Clergy
to
Envy
those
few
that
are
better
and
more
esteemed
than
themselves
,
nor
yet
for
the
Godly
People
to
be
loth
to
leave
such
pastors
.
§
5.
He
saith
[
His
censure
of
Councils
that
he
knew
none
of
them
that
have
any
happy
End
,
was
not
the
fault
of
the
expedient
,
but
of
the
men
]
Ans.
And
what
did
I
ever
say
more
.
It
is
his
custom
when
he
hath
stormed
at
me
,
to
say
in
Effect
the
same
that
he
stormed
at
.
Some
Papists
would
persuade
men
,
that
it
was
only
Arian
Councils
that
he
meant
,
but
most
Protestants
that
Write
about
Councils
against
them
,
do
cite
&
vindicate
these
words
of
Gregory
:
And
the
impartial
Papists
confess
that
it
was
the
Councils
also
of
the
Catholicks
that
there
and
else
where
he
spake
of
.
§
6.
In
the
Case
of
Meletius
,
and
Paulinus
,
two
Bishops
in
a
City
,
and
the
Case
of
Lucifer
Calaritanus
made
a
Heretick
for
separating
from
lapsed
Arians
,
he
saith
over
the
same
that
I
do
;
that
good
men
cannot
rightly
understand
one
another
,
and
so
it
ever
hath
been
,
and
it
's
the
Effect
of
humane
frailty
and
not
Episcopacy
.
In
all
this
I
agree
.
But
1.
If
humane
frailty
make
Bishops
swell
in
pride
and
ambition
,
and
domineering
,
it
hath
far
worse
Effects
than
in
other
men
:
2.
And
Bishops
are
bound
to
excell
their
flocks
in
Piety
,
humility
,
Selfdenyal
,
peaceableness
,
as
well
as
in
knowledge
.
If
the
Physicians
of
this
city
should
prove
unskilful
,
and
yet
confident
where
they
err
,
it
is
not
quatenus
Physicians
that
they
are
such
:
But
if
it
be
qui
Physicians
that
are
such
,
they
may
kill
thousands
,
while
the
same
faults
in
all
their
neighbours
may
kill
few
or
none
.
If
your
Interest
made
you
not
smart
and
angry
without
cause
,
you
would
not
cavil
against
such
plain
truth
.
§
7.
About
the
Priscillianists
he
saith
[
I
all
along
observe
this
Rule
,
to
be
very
favourable
to
all
Hereticks
and
Schismaticks
be
they
never
so
much
in
the
wrong
,
and
to
fall
on
the
Orthodox
party
and
improve
every
miscarriage
of
theirs
into
a
mighty
crime
.
]
Ans.
If
all
along
this
accusation
be
false
,
then
all
a
long
your
History
serveth
such
a
use
.
But
in
France
,
Spain
,
Italy
,
he
is
favourable
to
Hereticks
that
takes
not
the
orthodox
for
such
,
or
that
is
not
for
racking
and
burning
them
.
And
in
England
he
is
favourable
to
Schismaticks
that
taketh
not
the
greatest
lovers
of
Piety
and
peace
for
such
,
and
the
Church
Tearers
for
Church-Healers
:
As
Mr.
Dodwell
phraseth
it
,
they
are
Schismaticks
that
suffer
themselves
to
be
excommunicate
(
for
unsinful
things
in
the
Bishops
account
,
and
heinous
sin
in
theirs
;
and
so
that
are
not
so
ripe
in
Knowledge
,
as
to
know
all
the
unsinful
things
to
be
such
which
may
be
imposed
.
§
8.
What
would
this
enemy
of
railing
have
had
me
said
more
than
I
did
of
the
Priscillianists
?
viz.
that
they
were
Gnosticks
and
Manichees
?
Was
not
that
bad
Enough
.
No
,
I
favour
them
still
?
And
what
say
I
more
of
the
Bishops
and
the
whole
cause
,
than
Sulpitius
Severus
the
fullest
and
most
knowing
Describer
saith
?
Why
doth
he
not
accuse
him
for
the
same
description
?
Yea
and
their
Mr.
Ri.
Hooker
who
in
the
Preface
to
his
Eccl.
Pol.
saith
of
Ithacius
the
like
?
Yea
Baronius
himself
consenteth
?
Where
I
say
that
to
the
death
Martin
separated
from
the
synods
of
these
Bishops
(
I
said
not
from
all
Bishops
in
the
world
)
he
saith
,
he
renounced
only
the
Communion
of
Ithacius
his
Party
,
and
that
others
did
as
well
as
he
.
Reader
,
it
will
be
thy
folly
to
take
either
his
word
or
mine
,
what
an
Author
saith
,
when
we
differ
,
without
looking
into
the
Book
it self
.
Read
Sulpitius
Severus
;
I
will
transcribe
some
words
,
lest
he
say
,
I
mistranslate
them
.
Priscillianus
,
familia
nobilis
,
praedives
opibus
,
acer
,
inquies
,
facundus
,
multa
lectione
eruditus
,
disserendi
&
disputandi
promptissimus
—
vigilare
multum
,
famem
&
sitim
ferre
poterat
,
habendi
minime
cupidus
,
utendi
parcissimus
(
Was
it
a
crime
to
say
so
much
good
of
him
?
)
But
proud
of
his
Learning
,
set
up
a
Heresie
,
and
two
Bishops
Instantius
and
Salvianus
ioyned
with
him
,
and
made
him
a
Bishop
—
At
Caesar
Augusta
one
Synod
was
gathered
against
him
.
The
Story
I
before
recited
.
Next
a
Synod
at
Burdeaux
tryeth
them
.
Saith
Sulpitius
[
Ac
mea
quidem
sententia
est
,
mihi
tam
reos
quam
accusatores
displicere
.
Certe
Ithacium
nihil
pensi
,
nihil
sancti
habuisse
definio
:
suit
enim
audax
,
loquax
,
impudens
,
sumptuosus
,
ventri
&
gulae
plurimum
impertiens
.
Hic
stultitiae
eo
usque
processerat
ut
omnes
etiam
sanctos
viros
,
quibus
aut
studium
erat
lectionis
,
aut
propositum
erat
certare
jejuniis
,
tanquam
Priscilliani
socios
aut
discipulos
in
crimen
arcesseret
.
Ausus
etiam
miser
est
ea
tempestate
Martino
Episcopo
—
palam
objectare
haeresis
infamiam
.
Imperator
per
Magnum
&
Ru●um
Episcopos
depravatus
à
mitioribus
consiliis
deflexus
▪
—
So
he
tells
how
many
were
put
to
death
—
Caeterum
Priscilliano
occiso
,
non
solum
non
repressa
est
haeresis
—
sed
confirmata
,
latius
propagata
est
:
Namque
sectatores
ejus
qui
eum
prius
ut
sanctum
honoraverant
,
postea
ut
Martyrem
colere
c●p●runt
.
Ac
inter
nostros
perpetuum
discordiarum
bellum
exarserat
,
quod
jam
per
quind●●im
annos
●oedis
dissensionibus
agitatum
,
nullo
modo
sopiri
poterat
.
Et
nunc
cum
maxime
discordiis
Episcoporum
turbari
aut
misceri
omnia
ce●nerentur
,
cunctaque
per
eos
odio
aut
gratia
,
metu
,
inconstantia
,
invidia
,
factione
,
libidine
,
avaritia
,
arrogantia
,
somno
,
desidia
,
essent
depravata
:
Postremo
plures
adversus
paucos
bene
consulentes
,
insan●s
consiliis
&
pertinacibus
studiis
certarent
:
Inter
haec
Plebs
Dei
,
&
Optimus
quisque
probro
atque
ludibrio
habebatur
.
]
So
ends
Sulpitius
History
.
Do
you
not
see
,
Mr.
Morrice
,
that
there
have
been
Prelates
and
Puritanes
,
even
Episcopal
Puritanes
before
our
Times
?
Doth
not
your
stomach
rise
against
Sulpitius
as
too
Puritanical
and
severe
?
Is
not
my
Language
of
most
of
the
Bishops
soft
in
comparison
of
his
?
Yet
he
was
so
early
as
to
live
in
that
which
you
now
call
the
most
flourishing
Time
of
the
Church
.
Sir
,
I
hate
Discord
,
and
love
Peace
;
but
I
never
look
that
the
Enmity
between
the
Woman's
and
the
Serpent's
Seed
,
or
Cain
and
Abel
,
should
be
ended
▪
or
that
the
holy
Title
of
Bishops
and
Priests
should
reconcile
ungodly
men
to
Saints
.
Sir
,
England
knoweth
,
that
though
some
factious
persons
have
done
otherwise
,
the
main
Body
of
those
that
your
Law
doth
Silence
,
Ruine
and
Revile
,
have
a
high
esteem
of
such
Bishops
as
have
been
seriously
godly
;
such
as
were
many
in
Antient
and
late
Times
:
And
deride
it
as
long
as
you
will
,
the
seriously
religious
People
in
England
are
they
that
are
most
against
Church-Tyranny
,
and
which
Party
most
of
the
debauched
and
prophane
are
of
,
hath
long
been
known
.
§
9.
But
the
Reader
shall
further
hear
how
little
you
are
to
be
trusted
.
Saith
Sul.
in
Vita
Mart.
[
Apud
Nemausium
Episcoporum
Synodus
habebatur
ad
quam
quidem
ire
noluerat
—
(
There
's
another
Synod
.
)
Et
pag.
584.
In
Mon.
Pat.
[
Maximus
Imperator
aliâs
vir
bonus
,
depravatus
consiliis
Sacerdotum
,
post
Priscilliani
necem
Ithacium
Episcopum
Priscilliani
accusatorem
caeterosque
illius
socios
,
quos
nominare
non
est
necesse
vi
regia
tuebatur
.
—
Congregati
apud
Treveros
Episcopi
(
there
's
another
Synod
)
tenebantur
,
qui
quotidie
communicantes
Ithacio
communem
sibi
causam
secerant
:
His
ubi
nunciatum
est
●●opinantibus
,
adesse
Martinum
,
totis
animis
labesacti
,
mussitare
&
trepidare
coeperunt
.
—
Nec
dubium
erat
quin
Sanctorum
etiam
maximam
turbam
tempestas
ista
depopulatura
esset
.
Et
enim
tunc
solis
oculis
discernunt
inter
hominum
genera
,
cum
quis
Pallore
potius
aut
Veste
,
quam
fide
,
haereticus
aestimaretur
.
Haec
nequaquam
placitura
Martino
Episcopi
faciebant
.
—
Ineunt
cum
Imperatore
Consilium
ut
m●ssis
obviam
Magistri
officialibus
,
urbem
istam
(
Martinus
)
vetaretur
propius
accedere
.
(
But
it
was
not
five
Miles
from
all
Cities
and
Corporations
.
)
—
Interea
Episcopi
quorum
communionem
Martinus
non
in
ibat
trepidi
ad
Regem
concurrunt
,
per
damnatos
se
conquerentes
actum
esse
de
suo
omnium
statu
,
si
Theognisti
pertinaciam
,
qui
eos
SOLUS
palam
lata
sententia
condemnaverat
,
Martini
armaret
authoritas
:
Non
oportuisse
hominem
capimoenibus
illis
:
Non
jam
desensorem
haereticorum
esse
,
sed
vindicem
(
Methinks
I
read
Mr.
Morrice
)
Nihil
actum
morte
Priscilliani
si
Martinus
exerceat
illius
ultionem
.
(
These
men
have
done
nothing
till
they
have
destroy'd
all
that
are
against
their
Tyranny
.
)
Postremo
prostrati
cum
fletu
(
they
could
weep
too
)
&
lamentatione
Potestatem
Regiam
implorant
,
ut
ut
atur
adversus
UNUM
hominem
vi
sua
:
Nec
multum
aberat
quin
cogeretur
Imperator
Martinum
cum
haereticorum
sorte
miscere
.
]
But
the
Emperour
knowing
his
eminent
Holiness
and
Reputation
,
tryeth
persuasion
;
[
&
blande
appellat
,
haereticos
jure
damnatos
,
more
judiciorum
publicorum
,
potius
quam
in
sectationibus
Sacerdotum
:
Non
esse
causam
qua
Ithacii
caet
erorumque
partis
ejus
communionem
,
putaret
esse
damnandam
,
Theognistum
odio
potius
quam
causa
,
fecisse
dissidium
;
Eundemque
tamen
SOLUM
esse
qui
se
à
communione
interim
separavit
;
a
reliquis
nihil
novatum
.
]
You
see
here
that
M.
M.
saith
truly
,
that
Martin
separated
but
from
the
Bishops
of
Ithacius's
Party
:
That
is
,
All
save
one
Theognistus
(
and
Iginus
is
elsewhere
named
.
)
Is
not
here
a
great
accord
of
the
Bishops
?
)
[
Quinetiam
paucos
ante
dies
habita
Synodus
(
Synods
still
)
Ithacium
pronunciaverat
culpa
non
teneri
]
no
wonder
:
Synods
have
justified
the
forbidding
of
two
thousand
to
Preach
the
Gospel
.
)
At
last
when
no
other
Remedy
could
save
the
Lives
of
men
from
the
Leeches
,
Martin
yielded
once
to
communicate
with
the
Bishops
on
condition
the
mens
Lives
should
be
saved
:
The
Bishops
would
have
had
him
Subscribe
this
Communion
:
But
that
he
would
never
do
.
[
Posterodie
inde
se
proripiens
,
cum
revertens
in
viam
moestus
ingemisceret
,
se
vel
ad
horam
noxiae
communioni
esse
permixtum
—
subsedit
,
causam
doloris
&
facti
accusante
&
defendente
cogitatione
pervolvens
,
astitit
ei
repente
Angelus
;
Merito
inquit
Martine
compungeris
,
sed
aliter
exire
nequisti
:
Repara
virtutem
:
resume
Constantiam
;
ne
jam
non
periculum
gloriae
,
sed
salutis
incurreris
.
Itaque
ab
illo
tempore
satis
cavit
,
cum
illa
Ithacianae
partis
communione
misceri
.
Caeterum
cum
quosdam
ex
inergumenis
,
tardius
quam
solebat
,
&
gratia
minore
curabat
,
subinde
nobis
cum
lachrymis
fatebatur
,
se
propter
communionis
illius
malum
cui
se
vel
puncto
temporis
necessitate
,
nonspiritu
miscuisset
,
detrimentum
sentire
virtutis
.
Sedecim
postea
vixit
annos
:
Nullam
Synodum
adiit
;
ab
omnibus
Conventibus
se
removit
.
]
Now
Reader
,
judge
how
great
Ithacius's
Party
was
,
that
boasted
but
one
or
two
men
were
against
them
:
And
whether
Martin
separated
not
from
their
common
Synods
.
Methinks
I
see
Mr.
M.
here
in
the
strait
of
the
Pharisees
,
when
put
to
answer
whether
John's
Baptism
was
from
Heaven
,
or
of
men
.
Fain
he
would
make
Martin
and
Sulpitius
Puritanes
and
Fanaticks
;
but
the
Church
hath
made
a
Holy
day
for
Martin
,
and
dedicated
multitudes
of
Temples
to
his
Honour
;
and
all
men
reverence
Sulpitius
and
him
.
Yet
he
ventures
to
go
as
far
as
he
durst
p.
142.
against
them
.
§
10.
But
here
Mr.
M.
smarteth
,
and
saith
[
This
Instance
could
become
none
worse
than
Mr.
B.
who
in
a
Letter
to
Dr.
Hill
confesses
himself
to
have
been
a
Man
of
Blood
—
]
Answ.
A
Man
of
Blood
is
your
Libertine
Phrase
.
If
you
would
have
published
that
secret
Letter
,
you
should
1.
Have
told
the
whole
,
and
worded
it
truly
;
2.
And
have
professed
your self
a
derider
of
Repentance
,
while
you
call
for
it
.
I
lived
in
an
Age
of
War
,
and
I
was
on
the
Parliaments
side
,
and
that
was
enough
to
prove
that
I
had
a
hand
in
blood
while
I
was
on
one
side
,
though
I
never
drew
blood
of
any
man
my self
(
save
once
a
Boy
at
School
with
boxing
.
)
But
he
thinks
I
should
have
imitated
Martin
in
renouncing
Communion
with
men
of
blood
.
Answ.
Martin
renounced
Communion
with
those
that
were
for
destroying
even
downright
Hereticks
.
Alas
Sir
,
I
dare
not
renounce
Communion
with
these
that
Silence
thousands
of
faithful
Ministers
,
and
continue
still
to
Plead
,
Preach
,
and
Write
for
their
Prosecution
by
Imprisonment
and
Ruine
.
I
hope
many
do
it
in
Ignorance
,
and
if
I
do
it
,
it
may
increase
the
distance
that
I
would
heal
.
Nonconformists
are
no
Priscillianists
.
And
if
I
renounce
Communion
with
all
that
were
in
Wars
,
it
must
be
with
some
present
Bishops
,
and
a
great
part
of
the
Land
.
But
I
understand
you
;
it
must
be
with
all
that
were
in
Arms
for
the
Parliament
,
&c.
Answ
.
The
King
then
will
condemn
me
by
his
Act
of
Oblivion
,
and
by
his
own
practice
:
Hath
he
not
one
of
them
for
the
Lord
President
of
his
Council
?
and
many
more
in
Trust
and
Honour
?
Did
he
renounce
Communion
with
General
Monk
and
his
whole
Army
,
who
were
long
in
Arms
for
the
Parliament
?
Or
with
the
Citizens
,
and
multitudes
of
Commanders
through
the
Land
,
who
drew
in
▪
&
encouraged
General
Monk
?
Or
the
Ministers
that
persuaded
Sir
Tho.
Allen
,
Lord
Mayor
,
to
draw
him
in
?
To
be
plain
with
you
Sir
(
though
you
call
it
Railing
)
Men
of
your
Faculty
kindled
the
Fire
,
and
set
the
Nation
together
by
the
Ears
,
and
when
sad
experience
brought
them
to
repentance
and
to
desire
unity
and
peace
,
and
those
that
had
fought
for
the
Parliament
had
restored
the
King
,
this
evil
Spirit
envyeth
the
Kingdom
the
benefit
of
this
concord
,
and
would
fain
break
us
again
into
contending
Parties
,
and
will
not
let
King
and
Kingdom
have
peace
,
while
God
giveth
us
peace
from
all
foreign
enemies
.
Do
we
need
any
other
notice
what
a
Contentious
Clergy
have
still
been
,
than
the
woful
experience
of
what
they
are
.
If
you
would
have
had
G.
Monk
and
his
Army
,
and
all
such
that
joyned
with
him
destroyed
or
excommunicate
for
what
they
had
done
,
why
did
you
not
speak
out
at
first
,
but
when
we
would
all
fain
have
peace
and
concord
thus
twenty
years
after
cast
your
Wild-fire
you
warn
the
Present
Duke
of
Albemarle
to
expect
to
be
at
last
called
to
account
for
his
original
sin
.
§
11.
But
his
passion
makes
him
say
he
knows
not
what
,
P.
142
[
I
need
not
call
Mr.
B.
to
rememberance
who
compared
Cromwel
to
David
and
his
Son
to
Solomon
;
But
this
has
transported
me
a
little
too
far
.
]
Ans.
He
saith
this
plainly
of
me
afterward
,
to
shew
the
credibility
of
his
History
?
Did
he
know
it
to
be
false
?
If
so
,
there
's
no
disputing
with
him
.
If
not
,
why
did
he
not
cite
my
words
.
Yea
he
after
transcribes
the
Epistle
meant
,
where
he
saw
there
were
no
such
words
:
But
others
had
told
that
tale
before
him
,
and
that
was
Enough
:
Even
as
one
of
his
tribe
hath
written
that
I
have
written
in
my
Holy
Common-wealth
,
that
any
one
Peer
may
judge
the
King
.
If
these
Episcopal
Historians
tell
forreigners
that
we
have
all
Cloven
Feet
and
Horns
,
and
go
on
four
legs
,
yea
and
if
some
swear
it
,
we
have
no
remedy
:
They
can
prove
our
noses
horns
,
and
our
hands
Feet
.
I
again
tell
them
,
If
Martins
Angel
and
Miracles
be
credible
,
woe
to
those
Prelatists
that
are
for
ruining
violence
,
and
silences
against
men
better
than
the
Gnosticks
.
If
they
be
not
true
,
let
them
not
trust
too
much
to
the
best
Historians
.
§
12.
Of
the
Council
at
Capua
I
said
that
they
decreed
that
the
two
Bishops
and
their
People
should
live
in
loving
Communion
,
Mr.
M.
finds
me
mistaken
here
.
The
words
in
Binnius
are
[
Ut
tam
Flaviani
quam
Evagrii
fautores
in
Communionem
Catholicam
admittantur
,
modo
Catholicae
fidei
assertores
inveniantur
]
I
thought
Catholick
Communion
had
been
Loving
Communion
:
And
I
thought
if
their
fautors
were
to
be
received
,
so
were
they
:
And
I
thought
Antioch
had
been
a
part
of
the
Catholick
Church
,
and
Catholick
Communion
had
extended
to
Antioch
:
But
if
Mr.
M.
deny
these
,
I
will
not
contend
with
him
.
§
13.
He
tells
us
,
that
[
No
man
with
his
Eyes
open
ever
saw
the
Condemnation
of
Bonosus
by
the
Council
of
Capua
]
(
for
denying
the
Virgin
Mary's
perpetual
Virginity
.
Answ.
It
is
Criticism
and
not
History
that
the
man
is
best
at
.
They
did
it
mediately
,
while
they
referred
it
to
them
that
did
it
.
Saith
Binnius
[
Causa
Bonosi
cujusdam
in
Macedonia
Episcopi
haeretici
,
negantis
delibatam
Dei
genitricis
Mariae
Virginitatem
,
post
partum
in
judicium
deducta
est
.
Synodus
cognitionem
causae
Anysio
Thessaloniensi
cum
Episcopis
ipsi
subjectis
aelegavit
.
Ab
Anysio
Bonosum
damnatum
,
eorumque
quos
ordinasset
communione
privatum
esse
testatur
Innoc.
P.
And
he
knows
it's
a
Heresie
now
.
Yet
this
Council
condemned
Reordinations
.
§
14.
That
Jovinian
a
Monk
was
called
a
Heretick
,
for
Doctrines
judged
sound
by
Protestants
,
is
no
strange
thing
.
That
one
not
a
Bishop
was
the
Head
of
a
Heresie
,
was
somewhat
strange
then
,
but
not
before
they
got
too
high
.
As
to
the
Question
,
Whether
Bishops
were
the
Chief
Heads
and
Fomenters
of
Heresie
,
I
crave
his
impartial
Answer
to
these
Questions
.
1.
Do
not
your selves
maintain
that
all
Churches
in
the
world
had
Bishops
;
and
that
the
Bishops
were
the
Rulers
,
and
of
Chief
Power
?
If
so
,
can
you
imagine
that
after
they
had
such
Power
,
Churches
could
be
usually
made
Hereticks
without
them
?
Q.
2.
Do
not
Councils
,
and
all
Church-History
tell
us
how
many
Councils
of
Hereticks
there
have
been
that
were
Bishops
?
Q.
3.
If
any
Presbyter
broke
from
his
Bishop
to
set
up
a
Heresie
,
was
it
not
one
that
sought
to
be
a
Bishop
?
Or
did
they
not
make
presently
him
or
some
other
their
Bishop
and
Head
?
Heresie
or
Popery
had
made
but
small
progress
,
had
it
not
been
for
Bishops
.
§
15.
When
I
commend
the
Novatians
Canon
,
which
allowed
all
men
Liberty
for
the
Time
of
Easter
,
as
better
than
burning
men
as
Hereticks
,
he
takes
it
for
an
Immoderate
Transport
that
I
say
▪
[
as
loud
as
I
can
speak
,
If
all
the
Proud
,
Ambitious
,
Hereticating
part
of
the
Bishops
had
been
of
this
mind
,
O
what
sin
,
what
scandal
,
and
what
shame
,
what
cruelties
,
confusions
and
miseries
had
the
Christian
world
escaped
?
]
That
is
,
had
they
left
such
Indifferent
things
as
Indifferent
.
And
is
this
against
Moderation
?
I
would
such
Zeal
of
God's
House
had
more
eaten
me
up
:
Dare
you
deny
but
that
this
course
would
have
saved
the
Lives
of
all
those
thousands
of
Albigenses
,
Waldenses
,
and
Bohemians
that
the
Papists
killed
:
And
the
death
and
torment
of
multitudes
by
the
Inquisition
?
And
the
burning
of
our
Smithfield
Martyrs
:
And
it
's
like
most
of
the
Wars
between
the
Old
Popes
and
Emperours
about
Investitures
?
And
the
blood
of
many
thousand
more
.
And
it
would
have
saved
more
Nations
than
ours
from
the
Tearing
and
Division
of
Churches
by
the
Ejecting
and
Silencing
of
hundreds
or
thousands
of
their
Pastors
,
as
the
case
of
the
Germane
Interim
,
and
other
such
actions
prove
.
And
is
it
Immoderate
Transport
to
wish
all
this
Blood
,
Schism
,
Hatred
and
Confusion
,
and
weakning
and
shaming
of
the
Church
had
been
prevented
at
the
rate
of
Tolerating
Indifferent
things
:
No
wonder
if
you
had
rather
England
still
suffered
what
it
doth
,
and
is
in
danger
of
by
Schism
,
than
such
things
Indifferent
shall
be
tolerated
:
It
is
not
for
nothing
that
Christ
and
Paul
repeat
,
that
some
have
Eyes
and
see
not
,
Ears
and
hear
not
,
&c.
§
16.
And
here
he
again
would
make
his
Reader
think
it's
true
,
that
the
Nonconformists
pretend
that
their
Silencing
is
for
not
keeping
Easter
Day
at
the
due
Time
;
as
if
this
man
that
liveth
among
us
did
not
know
,
that
it
is
the
avoiding
of
deliberate
Lying
by
subscribing
to
a
known
untruth
,
which
is
the
thing
that
they
refuse
;
and
they
mention
it
only
as
an
appurtenance
of
the
Imposition
ad
homines
,
that
it
would
bind
them
to
two
different
times
.
Whether
,
as
he
saith
,
our
disease
be
a
wantonness
sed
by
concession
,
and
we
are
most
violent
when
we
know
not
what
we
would
have
,
those
men
are
no
credible
Judges
that
for
seventeen
years
would
not
endure
us
to
speak
out
our
Case
;
and
when
before
we
debated
part
of
it
,
would
not
vouchsafe
to
answer
us
;
and
at
last
when
we
tell
it
them
,
do
but
accuse
us
with
a
sharper
storm
,
instead
of
giving
any
thing
that
a
man
can
call
an
Answer
that
ever
knew
the
Case
,
e.
g.
to
our
Pleas
for
Peace
,
and
my
Treatise
of
Episcopacy
.
§
17.
He
confesseth
that
I
praise
the
African
Bishops
as
the
best
in
the
world
,
though
it
contradict
his
former
charge
.
As
to
the
Magnitude
of
Diocesses
,
when
he
hath
answered
my
Treat
.
of
Episcopacy
,
some
body
may
be
edified
by
him
.
I
agree
with
him
that
Good
men
will
do
much
Good
in
a
great
Diocess
.
But
1.
Worldly
Bishops
are
so
far
bad
:
And
worldly
Wealth
and
Honour
will
ever
be
most
sought
by
the
most
worldly
men
:
And
usually
he
that
seeks
shall
find
—
Ergo
—
And
2.
A
good
man
cannot
do
Impossibilities
:
The
best
cannot
do
the
work
of
many
hundred
.
Forty
two
years
ago
some
wisht
for
the
Restoring
of
Confession
.
Theophilus
Parochialis
brings
copious
Reasons
and
Orders
of
Princes
,
Popes
and
Prelates
,
that
all
should
confess
to
the
Parish-Priest
.
If
you
had
set
this
up
here
,
how
many
men
must
have
gone
to
it
in
the
Parishes
of
St.
Martin
,
Giles
Cripplegate
,
Stepney
,
&c
▪
But
how
much
greater
work
hath
Dr.
Hammond
,
and
Old
Councils
,
cut
out
for
him
that
will
be
the
sole
Bishop
of
many
hundred
Parishes
?
I
have
named
it
elsewhere
.
And
,
if
any
man
of
consideration
think
I
have
not
proved
against
Mr.
Dodwell
,
that
Bishops
Government
is
not
like
a
King
's
,
who
may
make
what
Officers
under
him
he
please
,
but
depends
more
as
a
Physician
's
or
School-master's
on
Personal
Ability
,
I
will
now
add
but
this
Question
to
him
[
Why
is
it
that
Monarchy
may
be
hereditary
,
and
a
Child
or
Infant
may
be
King
]
but
an
Infant
may
not
be
Bishop
,
nor
any
one
not
qualified
with
Essential
Ability
?
I
have
at
large
told
you
how
sharply
Baronius
and
Binnius
condemn
that
odious
Nullity
of
making
a
Child
(
by
his
Father's
Power
)
A.
Bishop
of
Rhemes
.
If
I
heard
twenty
men
say
and
swear
that
one
man
is
sufficient
to
be
the
only
Master
of
many
hundred
Schools
,
or
Physician
to
many
hundred
Hospitals
,
or
that
one
Carpenter
or
Mason
may
alone
build
and
rear
all
the
Houses
in
the
City
after
the
Fire
,
or
one
man
be
the
sole
Master
of
an
hundred
thousand
Families
;
what
can
I
say
to
him
,
but
that
he
never
tryed
or
knows
the
work
?
§
18.
When
I
note
that
the
Donatists
took
themselves
for
the
Catholicks
,
and
the
Adversaries
for
Schismaticks
,
because
they
were
the
greater
number
,
he
very
honestly
saith
,
that
Multitude
may
render
a
Sect
formidable
,
but
it
's
no
Argument
of
Right
.
Very
true
;
nor
Secular
Power
neither
.
But
what
better
Argument
have
the
Papists
,
and
many
others
that
talk
against
Schism
?
§
19.
He
thinks
the
Donatists
Bishops
Churches
were
not
so
small
as
our
Parishes
.
Answ.
Not
as
some
:
But
if
,
as
I
said
before
,
Constantinople
in
the
height
of
all
it's
Glory
in
Chrysostom's
daies
,
had
but
100000
Christians
,
as
many
as
three
London
▪
Parishes
have
,
judge
then
what
the
Donatists
had
.
§
20.
His
double
quarrel
with
Binnius
and
Baronius
,
let
who
will
mind
.
What
I
gathered
out
of
those
and
other
Canons
of
the
smalness
of
Churches
then
,
I
have
elsewhere
made
good
.
His
Reviling
Accusations
of
Envy
to
their
Wealth
,
deserveth
no
Answer
.
§
21.
He
comes
to
St.
Theophilus's
Case
,
of
which
we
spake
before
.
The
Monks
that
reported
evil
of
him
,
were
,
it
may
be
,
saith
he
,
downright
Knaves
,
The
Reviling
is
blameless
when
applied
to
such
.
Doubtless
they
were
ignorant
rash
Zealots
:
But
one
that
reads
what
the
Egyptian
Monks
were
in
Anthony's
daies
,
and
after
,
and
what
Miracles
and
Holiness
,
Sulpitius
Severus
reporteth
of
them
,
and
why
Basil
retired
into
his
Monastery
,
&c.
may
conjecture
that
they
had
much
less
worldliness
than
the
Bishops
,
and
not
greater
faults
.
§
22.
I
think
it
not
desirable
or
pleasant
work
to
vindicate
the
credit
of
Socrates
and
Sozomen
accusing
Theophilus
:
But
if
his
Conjectures
in
this
case
may
serve
against
express
History
of
such
men
,
and
so
near
,
let
him
leave
other
Histories
as
loose
to
our
Conjectures
.
Post●umianus
Narrative
in
Sulpitius
,
is
but
of
one
piece
of
the
Tragedy
.
He
thinks
it
improbable
that
Origen
should
be
accused
for
making
God
Incorporeal
;
and
such
Conjectures
are
his
Consutation
of
History
:
But
Origen
had
two
sort
of
Accusers
;
the
Bishops
,
such
as
Theophilus
and
Epiphanius
had
worse
charges
against
him
:
But
the
Anthropomorphite
Monks
were
they
that
brought
that
Charge
against
him
(
that
God
had
no
face
,
hands
,
eyes
.
)
And
Theophilus
before
them
cryed
down
Origen
in
general
,
to
save
his
life
,
by
deceiving
them
,
that
they
might
think
he
did
it
on
the
same
account
as
they
did
.
This
is
Socrates
his
Report
of
the
Case
.
He
saith
,
that
the
Impudent
Mutinous
Monks
were
not
ashamed
to
tell
all
the
world
,
that
all
that
were
against
them
were
Anthropophites
.
Answ.
It
was
other
Monks
that
I
here
talk
not
of
,
that
he
means
:
It
was
these
Monks
that
were
Anthropomorphites
themselves
,
and
would
have
killed
Theophilus
for
not
being
so
,
till
he
said
to
them
,
Methinks
I
see
your
faces
as
the
Face
of
God
:
And
the
name
of
the
Face
of
God
did
quiet
them
.
Hierom
was
a
Party
against
Chrysostom
;
it
was
for
not
passing
that
Sentence
on
Origen
,
that
Epiphanius
would
by
masterly
Usurpation
have
imposed
on
him
,
that
Chrysostom
was
by
him
accused
.
§
23.
Could
any
Sobriety
excuse
that
man
Epiphanius
,
that
would
come
to
the
Imperial
City
,
and
there
purposely
intrude
into
the
Cathedral
of
one
of
the
best
Bishops
in
the
world
,
for
Parts
and
Piety
,
and
there
play
the
Bishop
over
an
A.
Bishop
in
his
own
Church
,
and
seek
to
set
all
the
Auditory
in
a
flame
at
the
time
of
Publick
Worship
,
and
require
him
to
say
that
of
Origen
,
which
he
there
without
any
Authority
imposed
on
him
?
I
know
not
what
is
Pride
,
Usurpation
,
Turbulency
,
if
not
Malignity
,
if
this
be
not
.
But
at
last
he
saith
,
[
I
do
not
intend
to
excuso
Theophilus
in
this
particular
:
(
Thank
Pope
Innocent
)
He
did
certainly
prosecute
his
Resentment
too
far
:
But
he
was
not
the
only
man
:
Epiphanius
,
a
person
of
great
Holiness
;
Hierom
,
and
several
other
persons
renowned
for
their
Piety
,
were
concerned
in
the
persecution
of
this
Great
man
,
as
well
as
he
:
And
to
say
the
truth
,
this
is
their
weakness
;
for
that
Severity
which
gives
men
generally
a
Reputation
of
Holiness
,
though
it
mortifie
some
irregular
heats
,
yet
is
apt
to
dispose
men
to
p●evishness
.
]
But
true
Holiness
ever
sincerely
loveth
holy
men
,
and
specially
such
as
are
publick
Blessings
to
the
Church
:
And
though
I
censure
not
their
main
State
,
your
Holy
Persecutors
of
the
best
of
Christ's
Servants
,
will
never
by
Christ
be
judged
small
Offenders
.
Alas
!
it
's
too
true
that
Theophilus
was
not
alone
:
A
Council
of
Bishops
were
the
Persecutors
.
And
it
's
hard
to
think
that
they
loved
Chrysostom
as
themselves
.
When
the
forementioned
Council
at
Constantinople
had
turned
out
Nazianzen
,
even
the
great
magnifiers
of
General
Councils
,
Baronius
and
Binnius
,
thus
reproach
them
,
that
they
drove
away
a
holy
excellent
man
,
that
a
man
was
set
up
in
his
stead
that
was
no
Christian
;
that
it
was
the
Episcopi
Nundinarii
that
did
it
,
the
Oriental
Bishops
first
leaving
them
,
and
going
away
with
Gregory
.
And
if
the
Major
Vote
of
that
General
Council
were
Episcopi
Nundinarii
,
what
Ch●ysostom's
Persecutors
were
may
be
conjectured
.
Do
not
these
Papists
here
say
worse
of
them
than
I
do
?
§
24.
Yet
though
he
confess
as
much
as
is
aforesaid
,
and
bring
but
his
Conjectures
mixt
with
palpable
omissions
against
the
express
words
of
Socrates
and
Sozomen
,
he
hath
the
face
to
make
up
his
failing
with
this
Calumny
[
I
have
dwelt
so
long
on
this
,
not
only
to
vindicate
Theophilus
,
but
to
shew
once
for
all
the
manner
of
our
Author's
dealing
with
his
Reader
in
his
Church-History
.
Any
scandalous
Story
,
though
it
be
as
false
and
improbable
as
any
in
the
Anni
Mirabiles
,
or
Whites
Centuries
of
Scandalous
Ministers
,
any
Fiction
that
reflects
with
disgrace
on
Bishops
and
Councils
is
set
down
for
aut●●ntick
,
no
matter
who
delivers
it
,
friend
or
foe
.
]
Answ.
Are
not
Baronius
and
Binnius
friends
to
the
highest
Prelacy
?
Doth
not
he
himself
say
that
Socrates
is
a
credible
Historian
?
Is
his
Authority
weighty
enough
to
discredit
them
whom
he
contradicts
?
Hath
he
proved
one
word
false
that
I
have
said
of
Theophilus
?
Is
not
Chrysostom
as
credible
as
he
?
Doth
he
not
know
how
ill
he
is
spoken
of
by
a
great
number
of
Chrysostom's
Defenders
?
And
how
smartly
Isidore
Pelusiota
reflects
on
him
?
But
who
could
have
disgraced
him
more
,
than
he
that
will
imply
that
the
things
mentioned
of
him
are
as
true
as
what
is
said
in
White
's
Centuries
of
Scandalous
Ministers
,
or
the
Anni
Mirabiles
.
I
know
not
all
or
most
things
in
either
of
them
.
But
he
was
a
stranger
in
England
that
had
not
credible
Testimony
of
divers
of
the
things
in
the
Anni
Mirabiles
.
And
Mr.
White
,
the
Chairman
of
that
Parliament-Committee
,
was
commonly
reputed
a
grave
and
godly
credible
man
;
and
if
he
lied
,
the
whole
Committee
must
concur
in
the
Lie
;
and
the
Witnesses
must
all
be
false
.
I
will
not
further
meddle
in
so
unpleasant
a
business
,
than
to
tell
you
,
that
all
that
I
knew
accused
of
Scandal
,
had
Witnesses
of
it
,
that
in
the
places
where
they
lived
were
thought
to
make
as
much
conscience
of
a
Lie
,
as
the
best
of
their
Neighbours
:
And
whether
such
a
mans
scorn
that
was
then
in
the
shell
,
is
in
History
a
sufficient
proof
that
Committees
of
Parliament
,
and
Witnesses
,
were
all
Lyars
,
I
leave
to
consideration
,
I
well
know
what
School-masters
and
Curates
I
was
bred
under
,
and
what
the
two
Ministers
were
that
were
sequestred
in
the
place
where
I
after
came
:
And
all
the
Country
can
tell
you
.
They
constrained
me
to
name
them
,
and
the
Case
in
my
Apology
for
our
Preaching
,
and
my
Answer
to
Mr.
Hinkley
:
It
's
yet
the
same
Age
:
Any
may
enquire
of
them
.
§
25.
As
to
his
Note
of
Altars
,
I
doubt
not
but
there
were
at
the
Memorials
of
Martyrs
Commemoratory
Altars
erected
in
the
third
or
fourth
Centuries
:
But
what
's
that
to
Communicatory
Altars
?
and
those
in
the
first
and
second
Century
?
§
26.
I
suppose
he
wrote
against
my
Book
upon
some
others
Reading
.
I
did
in
a
Parenthesis
say
(
Innocent
Excommunicated
Theophilus
,
Arcadius
and
the
Empress
.
)
And
of
another
matter
added
;
yet
did
this
pass
without
contradiction
:
And
he
confounds
them
,
and
saith
,
[
Any
thing
passeth
with
him
for
History
:
This
Epistle
of
Innocent
is
all
forged
.
]
Answ.
I
see
not
his
proof
:
But
I
had
rather
it
were
proved
false
than
true
:
But
when
I
speak
against
Papal
Usurpation
(
be
the
men
never
so
good
)
I
think
to
such
Binnius
and
Baronius
are
meet
Witnesses
.
§
27.
Boniface's
Decree
of
exempting
Bishops
from
Civil
Judicatures
,
he
thinks
not
so
Antient
,
and
saith
,
We
have
only
the
Authority
of
Gratian
for
it
:
But
his
Conjecture
and
a
flirt
at
me
is
all
the
Confutation
:
And
he
cannot
doubt
but
that
Exemption
hath
sufficiently
priviledged
Bishops
since
then
:
As
is
after
proved
.
CHAP.
XXI
.
Of
the
first
Council
of
Ephesus
,
&c.
His
Cap.
5.
§
1.
OUR
Accuser
in
his
Fifth
Chapter
passeth
by
the
just
Praises
which
I
give
to
Peaceable
Bishops
,
as
crossing
his
Slander
that
I
dispraise
all
,
or
such
as
well
as
the
unpeaceable
,
whose
Justification
it
is
that
he
undertaketh
.
§
2.
He
begins
with
an
Accusation
,
that
[
to
prejudice
the
Reader
against
Cyril
'
s
Council
,
I
give
the
worst
account
of
him
that
I
could
patch
up
out
of
all
the
Libels
and
Accusations
of
his
Enemies
.
]
Answ.
If
by
Prejudice
be
meant
Informing
him
of
H●story
;
and
by
Worst
is
meant
Impartial
Recitation
of
what
History
saith
;
and
by
Patching
up
be
meant
such
Reciting
;
and
by
Enemies
be
meant
the
best
and
most
credible
Historians
that
have
written
of
it
,
then
this
is
true
:
Else
it
is
the
work
of
that
Undertaker
that
is
engaged
to
call
Evil
Good
,
and
Darkness
Light
,
and
preserreth
speaking
good
of
bad
actions
,
before
speaking
truly
.
§
3.
And
that
you
may
know
by
what
Spirit
men
that
will
not
reproach
the
best
that
differ
from
the
Prelates
,
are
themselves
reproached
by
this
Sect
,
and
also
what
sort
of
History
this
man
giveth
the
Lie
to
,
on
pretence
of
giving
it
me
,
and
how
far
he
is
from
Railing
,
he
thus
proceedeth
.
[
The
first
thing
he
is
charged
with
is
the
Oppression
of
the
Novatians
.
This
was
enough
with
Socrates
or
Sozomen
to
paint
him
as
ugly
as
men
do
the
Devil
or
Antichrist
;
and
therefore
there
is
no
great
credit
to
be
given
them
in
these
Relations
,
as
manifestly
espousing
the
Cause
and
Quarrel
of
the
Novatians
.
]
Answ.
1.
Just
as
Thuanus
or
Erasmus
espoused
the
Cause
of
the
Protestants
by
Truth
and
Peace
,
when
others
hated
and
belied
them
.
2.
Methinks
the
man
revileth
me
very
gently
in
comparison
of
Socrates
and
Sozomen
,
the
two
most
impartial
and
credible
of
all
our
Antient
Church-Historians
(
with
Theodorot
.
)
But
who
can
wonder
that
he
imitateth
that
which
he
defendeth
.
§
4.
But
he
saith
,
[
It
may
be
the
Novatians
deserved
it
—
and
it
's
not
unlikely
that
they
were
very
troublesom
and
seditious
.
]
Answ.
It
's
not
unlikely
now
that
others
will
say
it
was
so
.
But
mark
Reader
which
of
these
Historians
is
most
credible
[
Socrates
and
Sozomen
lived
with
those
that
knew
the
things
and
persons
:
They
have
told
us
Truth
in
the
rest
of
their
Histories
:
If
they
had
been
Novatians
,
Mr.
M.
saith
,
They
believed
sinning
after
Baptism
had
no
pardon
or
absolution
:
And
were
they
not
like
then
to
fear
such
Lying
and
false
Accusing
as
paints
a
Saint
like
the
Devil
or
Antichrist
.
]
On
the
other
side
[
Mr.
M.
liveth
above
a
thousand
years
after
them
:
He
is
one
of
the
Party
that
take
it
to
be
not
only
lawful
,
but
a
duty
to
say
and
swear
all
that
is
imposed
now
,
which
I
will
not
here
describe
:
How
truly
he
writes
the
History
of
his
own
Age
,
even
of
Parliament
and
Wars
,
and
living
persons
,
I
have
told
you
.
He
saith
no
more
against
the
Historians
credit
here
,
but
[
it
may
be
]
and
[
it
's
not
unlikely
]
and
[
they
were
Novatians
,
Schismaticks
,
Alexandrians
.
]
Even
so
their
Counterminer
,
and
many
Conformists
,
that
have
many
years
reported
us
to
be
Raising
a
War
against
the
King
,
had
their
[
May-be'●
]
and
[
It
's
not
unlikely
]
and
[
they
are
Schismaticks
]
to
prove
it
:
And
others
soon
rose
up
and
swore
it
.
And
when
some
lament
their
Perjury
,
it
stops
not
the
rest
.
But
some
have
such
Free-will
,
that
they
can
believe
whom
they
list
.
§
5.
Socrates
,
saith
he
,
makes
it
part
of
his
charge
that
he
took
on
him
the
Government
of
temporal
Affairs
.
This
was
not
the
Usurpation
of
the
Bishop
,
but
the
Indulgence
of
the
Emperour
:
And
he
shews
the
Churches
need
of
it
.
Answ.
That
which
he
is
charged
with
is
,
that
he
was
the
first
Bishop
that
himself
used
the
Sword
.
And
1.
Do
you
think
that
so
great
a
Patriarchate
&
Diocess
would
not
find
a
conscionable
Pastor
work
enough
,
without
joyning
with
it
the
Magistrates
Office
?
2.
Was
not
the
Church
greatly
changed
even
so
early
from
what
it
was
a
little
before
in
the
daies
of
Martin
and
Sulpitius
,
when
even
Ithacius
durst
not
own
being
so
much
as
a
seeker
to
the
Magistrate
to
draw
the
Sword
against
gross
Hereticks
;
and
the
best
Bishops
denied
Communion
with
them
that
sought
it
:
And
now
a
Bishop
himself
becomes
the
striker
not
of
gross
Hereticks
,
but
such
as
peaceable
Bishops
bore
with
.
I
remember
not
to
have
read
that
Cyril
had
any
Commission
for
the
Sword
from
the
Emperour
:
Others
then
had
not
:
But
I
deny
it
not
.
§
6.
He
saith
,
that
elsewhere
I
say
[
I
shall
not
dishonour
such
,
nor
disobey
them
.
]
Answ.
I
say
and
do
so
:
If
a
Bishop
will
take
another
Calling
from
the
King's
Grant
,
when
he
hath
undertaken
already
40
times
more
work
as
a
Diocesan
than
he
can
do
,
I
le
honour
and
obey
him
as
a
Magistrate
:
But
I
would
be
loth
to
stand
before
God
under
the
guilt
of
his
undertaking
and
omissions
.
§
7.
As
to
all
the
rest
of
the
History
about
Cyril's
Executions
,
and
the
wounding
of
Orestes
the
Governour
,
I
leave
it
between
the
Credit
of
Mr.
M.
and
Socrates
.
:
And
he
very
much
suspects
the
Story
of
Cyril
'
s
making
a
Martyr
of
him
that
was
executed
for
it
:
I
leave
all
to
the
Reader
's
Judgment
.
I
think
I
may
transcribe
Socrates
without
slandering
Cyril
.
Here
his
spleen
rising
,
saith
[
There
are
men
in
the
world
that
honour
such
as
Martyrs
for
murdering
a
King
.
]
Answ.
You
may
smell
what
he
insinuates
:
I
think
he
will
not
say
,
that
he
ever
did
more
against
them
than
those
that
they
call
Presbyterians
have
done
.
We
Wrote
and
Preacht
against
them
when
he
did
not
.
I
know
not
the
Presbyterian
living
to
my
remembrance
,
that
was
not
against
the
Murder
of
the
King
,
and
Prin.
whom
the
Bishops
had
cropt
and
stigmatized
for
being
against
them
,
as
an
Erastian
,
was
the
hottest
in
the
Parliament
,
for
the
Execution
of
the
King's
Judges
:
But
I
knew
divers
Conformists
that
have
written
or
spoken
to
justifie
or
excuse
that
Fact
.
§
8.
As
for
the
Murder
of
Hypatia
,
I
leave
him
to
his
scuffle
with
Socrates
and
Damascius
,
in
which
I
interess
not
my self
.
§
9.
I
thank
Pope
Innocent
Mr.
M.
durst
not
deny
Cyril's
faults
,
in
his
Enmity
to
the
memory
of
Chrysostom
;
and
yet
he
calls
my
reciting
the
matter
of
Fact
a
reproach
.
He
is
constrained
to
confess
[
That
the
Quarrel
was
it
seems
hereditary
to
him
(
so
is
Original
Sin
)
and
he
did
prosecute
it
beyond
all
equity
or
decency
against
the
memory
of
a
dead
man
:
This
was
a
fault
,
and
and
he
that
is
without
any
,
or
without
any
particular
animosity
,
specially
if
he
be
in
any
eminent
place
,
let
him
●ast
the
first
stone
.
]
Answ.
Thanks
to
Conscience
:
We
feel
your
Animosities
:
But
is
not
this
man
a
Railing
Accuser
of
Cyril
,
if
I
am
such
?
What
saith
he
less
in
the
main
?
Yea
he
now
renews
his
Accusation
of
his
Predecessor
,
saying
,
It
was
hereditary
.
To
prosecute
malice
against
the
very
name
of
a
holy
extraordinary
Bishop
,
beyond
all
equity
and
decency
—
what
will
Christianity
or
Humanity
call
it
?
But
Faction
saith
,
it
was
a
fault
,
and
he
that
is
without
any
,
&c.
Thus
talkt
Eli
to
his
Sons
:
So
one
may
say
,
To
Silence
2000
Ministers
,
or
to
hate
the
best
men
,
and
seek
their
ruine
,
is
a
fault
,
a
Prelatical
peccadillo
;
and
so
was
Bonner's
usage
of
the
Martyrs
;
and
let
him
that
is
without
any
cast
the
first
stone
.
And
St.
John
saith
,
He
that
hateth
his
Brother
is
a
murderer
,
and
none
such
hath
Eternal
Life
abiding
in
him
;
and
that
as
Cain
,
he
is
of
the
Evil
One
,
the
Devil
.
And
I
believe
him
.
§
10.
But
he
saith
,
I
injuriously
charge
him
with
calling
Alexander
a
bold
faced
man
,
when
Atticus
was
the
first
Author
of
that
word
.
Answ.
Atticus
mentioned
Alexander's
confident
,
true
and
necessary
Counsel
;
Cyril
contradicting
it
,
calls
the
man
,
A
man
of
a
confident
face
or
mouth
.
If
another
Bishop
said
the
first
words
before
him
,
do
I
wrong
him
in
saying
he
said
the
second
?
O
tender
men
!
His
urging
the
keeping
up
the
names
of
such
as
Nectarius
and
Arsacius
,
and
casting
out
Chrysostomus
,
is
so
like
our
Canons
about
Readers
and
Nonconformists
,
and
our
Canoneers
descriptions
of
their
Country
Parsons
,
and
the
Puritanes
▪
that
I
wonder
not
that
you
defend
him
.
§
11.
But
he
saith
,
that
It
's
a
little
unchristian
to
blast
his
memory
with
the
faults
which
he
corrected
in
his
life-time
.
]
Answ.
1.
It
's
necessary
to
tell
that
truth
which
blasteth
the
Reputation
of
such
sin
as
was
growing
up
towards
Papacy
▪
Ans.
2.
Then
Christ
was
unchristian
to
tell
the
Jews
of
their
very
Fathers
murders
of
the
Prophets
,
while
they
disclaimed
it
,
and
built
their
Sepulchres
,
Mat.
23.
And
then
it
was
unchristian
in
the
Holy
Ghost
,
to
blast
the
memory
of
Adam
,
Noe
,
Lot
,
David
Solomon
,
Peter
,
yea
or
Manasseh
,
with
sins
repented
of
.
3.
History
must
speak
truth
about
things
repented
of
;
or
else
it
will
but
deceive
the
world
.
4.
The
Honour
of
God
,
and
Goodness
,
and
Truth
,
must
be
preferred
before
our
own
Honour
.
Repentance
,
if
true
,
will
most
freely
confess
a
mans
own
sin
,
and
most
fully
shame
it
.
§
12.
Whether
all
his
far-fetcht
Conjectures
that
Cyril
repented
,
be
true
or
no
,
is
nothing
to
me
.
I
will
hope
he
did
,
though
I
never
saw
it
proved
:
The
very
last
Sentence
of
Death
might
do
it
.
His
retortion
is
,
[
I
know
no
man
deeper
engaged
in
the
Contentions
of
the
Church
(
than
I
)
The
writing
of
his
Eighty
Books
being
but
like
so
many
pitcht
Battels
he
has
fought
,
and
most
commonly
in
the
dark
,
when
he
was
hardly
able
to
discover
friend
from
foe
.
]
Answ.
It
's
too
true
,
that
being
all
written
for
Peace
,
the
Enemies
of
Peace
have
fought
against
them
.
Nimis
diu
habitavit
,
anima
mea
inter
osores
pacis
.
But
pro
captu
Lectoris
,
&c.
All
men
take
not
the
words
of
such
as
he
for
Oracles
.
How
much
I
have
written
and
done
for
Peace
,
let
others
read
and
judge
.
I
long
laboured
and
begg'd
for
Peace
in
vain
with
such
as
he
defendeth
.
And
it
's
admirable
if
this
pittiless
Enemy
of
Sects
and
Errours
can
be
for
all
the
Sects
and
Errours
that
I
have
written
against
.
Have
I
in
the
dark
taken
for
foes
by
Errour
the
Atheists
,
the
Infidels
,
the
Sadduces
,
the
Hobbists
,
the
Quakers
,
the
Ranters
,
the
Papists
,
the
Socinians
,
the
Libertines
called
Antinomians
,
the
Anabaptists
,
the
Separatists
,
and
Sects
as
Sects
?
Be
of
good
comfort
all
:
These
Prelatists
that
accuse
us
for
too
dark
and
sharp
Writings
against
you
,
seem
to
tell
you
that
they
will
more
hate
persecuting
or
distressing
you
;
Yes
when
they
agree
with
themselves
.
His
Prayer
that
I
may
have
a
more
honorable
opinion
of
Repentance
he
calls
me
to
speak
to
in
the
End
.
§
13.
Whether
good
Isidore
Pelusiota
were
a
man
[
very
easy
to
take
any
impressions
,
and
upon
false
information
chargeth
Cyril
with
prosecuting
his
private
quarrells
with
Nestorius
under
pretence
of
zeal
for
the
faith
]
I
leave
all
men
to
believe
our
Accuser
as
they
see
cause
.
And
the
same
I
say
of
that
which
is
so
great
a
Controversie
among
the
Critical
Historians
,
whether
Theodorets
Epistle
to
Job
.
Aut.
against
Cyril
be
Counterfeit
,
or
were
written
on
a
false
rumour
of
Cyrils
death
.
Their
5th
General
Council
hath
it
.
Baronius
and
Binnius
say
,
some
Eutychian
knave
hath
corrupted
the
Acts
of
that
Council
.
Must
Councils
be
the
Laws
of
all
the
world
,
and
hath
the
Church
and
Tradition
kept
them
no
better
,
that
we
know
not
when
we
have
them
truly
?
Leave
us
then
to
the
universal
Laws
of
God
.
§
14.
He
saith
truly
that
[
the
Council
of
Ephesus
was
chiefly
directed
by
the
authority
of
Cyril
]
Ans.
And
so
was
that
at
Trent
by
the
authority
of
the
Pope
And
when
he
hath
confuted
the
credible
History
wich
tells
us
of
the
womens
and
Courtiers
hatred
of
Nestorius
,
and
proved
that
the
Emperour
and
Pulcheria
the
Empress
were
but
one
,
I
will
grant
that
the
authority
of
the
Court
directed
not
Cyril
;
and
that
then
and
now
Bishops
neither
were
nor
are
directed
by
the
Civil
powers
.
§
15.
When
I
spake
against
Nestorius
his
cruelty
to
Sectaries
he
asketh
[
What
Hereticaters
were
hotter
than
the
Presbyterians
in
1646.
The
inquisition
is
not
more
severe
than
their
ordinance
against
Heresies
,
which
they
desired
should
be
made
felony
and
punished
by
death
&c.
]
Ans.
Reader
Judge
of
the
mans
Credit
as
to
ancient
History
still
by
his
truth
about
the
Present
age
.
1.
The
Inquisition
he
saith
,
is
not
more
severe
.
Do
I
need
to
answer
this
to
any
man
of
50
years
of
age
?
It
's
Capable
of
no
answer
but
what
he
will
call
by
some
name
deserved
by
his
own
.
2.
I
can
find
no
such
ordinance
:
He
saith
It
was
offered
?
Is
that
all
?
And
by
whom
?
Was
it
the
body
of
the
Presbterians
,
or
who
?
3.
What
were
the
Heresies
named
by
them
?
Were
they
not
down
right
Blasphemy
?
4.
Who
and
how
many
were
ever
either
tormented
or
put
to
death
for
Heresie
,
from
1641
till
1660
:
I
remember
not
one
,
save
that
James
Nayler
was
imprisoned
and
whipt
,
and
had
his
Tongue
bored
for
blasphemous
Personating
Christ
,
and
that
not
by
the
Presbyterians
.
5.
Why
are
they
so
ordinarily
reproached
by
the
Prelatists
for
tolerating
all
Sects
here
in
England
?
6.
What
if
all
this
had
been
true
?
What
is
it
to
me
or
any
of
my
mind
?
I
never
had
a
hand
in
persecuting
one
man
,
to
my
remembrance
.
How
few
can
you
name
of
all
the
Nonconformists
now
in
England
,
that
had
any
hand
in
the
Severities
you
mention
?
I
know
not
four
in
England
,
that
I
remember
.
And
what
's
this
to
us
any
more
than
to
you
?
7.
And
was
it
well
done
,
or
ill
?
If
well
▪
why
do
you
liken
them
to
the
Inquisition
?
Are
you
for
it
?
If
ill
,
why
do
you
plead
for
it
in
others
?
Imitate
it
not
if
you
dislike
it
.
For
my
part
,
as
I
am
against
all
Sects
as
such
,
I
am
much
more
against
the
cruelty
of
any
.
I
stick
no
more
at
the
disgracing
the
Presbyterians
sins
,
than
yours
:
And
I
am
readier
to
disgrace
my
own
than
either
,
if
I
can
know
them
.
I
would
cherish
Errours
no
more
than
you
;
but
I
would
not
ruine
or
imprison
even
such
of
your selves
as
have
too
many
.
Heresie
must
have
its
proper
cure
.
I
thank
God
I
had
once
an
Orthodox
agreeing
Flock
.
But
again
I
say
,
the
Presbyterians
were
too
impatient
with
Dissenters
;
and
it
's
better
have
variety
of
Fish
in
the
Pond
,
than
by
the
Pikes
to
reduce
them
to
special
unity
.
§
16.
He
saith
that
Nestorius
consequentially
denyed
the
God-Head
of
Christ
.
p.
192.
Next
he
hath
found
a
contradiction
in
my
words
,
that
the
Emperor
was
weary
of
this
stir
:
And
yet
that
[
Cyril
did
it
to
please
the
Court
]
These
critical
men
can
make
their
two
hands
enemies
to
each
other
.
How
came
he
waking
to
dream
that
this
was
a
contradiction
,
when
Historians
tell
us
that
the
Women
and
Courtiers
hated
both
Chrysostome
and
Nestorius
?
He
implyeth
that
the
Emperor
and
the
Court
were
all
one
,
or
of
one
mind
.
But
I
am
not
bound
to
believe
him
,
no
more
than
of
many
other
Emperours
whose
Wives
kept
up
one
party
and
they
another
.
And
I
pray
you
why
should
we
be
confident
that
Theodosius
2.
himself
called
an
Eutychian
by
the
hereticating
Bishops
,
was
not
against
Nestorius
when
he
called
that
Council
,
&
at
first
Condemned
both
him
and
Cyril
,
and
after
him
alone
?
I
did
but
recite
the
Historians
words
,
and
was
that
forgetfulness
?
§
17.
His
many
words
about
this
controversie
with
Nestorius
are
the
most
unworthy
of
any
answer
of
all
his
Books
:
sometime
he
saith
as
I
,
as
p.
193.
[
It
had
been
happy
for
the
Church
if
the
mysteries
of
our
Religion
had
never
been
curiously
disputed
:
sometime
he
confesseth
that
Nestorius
spake
the
same
thing
with
Cyril
,
that
Christ
had
two
natures
in
one
Person
:
ibid.
And
that
he
expresseth
himself
one
would
think
very
orthodoxly
.
p.
202.
But
the
Heretick
dissembled
and
hid
his
sence
.
And
so
this
man
after
above
1000
years
knew
the
mans
mind
to
be
contrary
to
his
words
:
whereas
it's
palpable
to
him
that
readeth
the
Histories
,
that
the
man
was
so
far
from
hiding
and
dissembling
,
that
he
was
sowrly
and
morosely
addicted
to
stick
to
the
words
and
Notions
he
had
espoused
,
and
too
little
to
regard
a
peaceable
complyance
to
mollifie
his
accusers
▪
His
fault
lay
on
the
clean
contrary
side
,
But
he
proveth
him
a
Heretick
that
meant
Christ
was
two
Persons
,
though
he
said
the
contrary
,
1.
Because
he
saith
that
the
Humane
Nature
was
united
in
dignity
and
honour
to
the
Divine
.
Ans.
As
if
either
the
hypostatical
union
were
denyed
by
those
words
,
or
he
knew
that
Nestorius
meant
not
to
include
it
in
those
terms
:
But
he
saith
he
useth
the
word
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
not
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Ans.
As
if
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
never
signifyed
more
than
a
Relative
or
official
Person
,
when
besides
the
many
places
cited
by
Derodon
,
Nestorius
oft
explaineth
himself
in
the
common
orthodox
sence
.
But
the
foulest
charge
is
,
that
he
seems
once
or
twice
to
distinguish
Christ
from
the
Divine
Nature
.
Ans.
By
[
Christ
]
he
expresseth
himself
to
mean
the
humane
nature
anointed
to
his
Office
:
And
the
man
thought
that
the
Divine
Nature
was
not
so
anointed
:
and
distinguishing
is
not
dividing
.
It
is
not
his
Nay
and
my
Yea
that
can
inform
any
Reader
what
Nestorius
said
and
meant
without
reading
his
own
words
(
rather
than
Cyrils
of
him
.
)
And
if
such
as
Mr.
M.
will
pretend
Charity
,
and
contrary
to
plain
evidence
face
down
the
world
that
a
Man
denyeth
consequentially
Christs
God-Head
,
and
the
Unity
of
his
Person
,
while
he
profest
the
contrary
,
no
mans
innocency
is
sufficient
to
escape
the
fangs
of
such
hereticaters
:
And
let
him
call
me
what
his
list
inclineth
him
to
call
me
,
I
again
profess
that
on
the
reading
of
Cyril
,
Nestorius
,
and
the
Council
,
and
Derodon's
Citations
,
I
am
quite
past
doubt
that
the
controversy
was
Verbal
,
which
of
them
spake
orthodoxly
while
they
both
meant
the
same
thing
;
and
when
one
said
Mary
was
the
Mother
of
God
,
and
the
other
said
,
no
;
She
was
but
the
Mother
of
that
Person
who
is
God
;
the
fitness
of
the
phrase
was
the
matter
of
their
quarrel
.
And
consider
1.
Many
think
that
when
a
high
point
is
in
controversy
to
the
danger
of
the
Church
,
we
must
use
the
exactest
phrases
,
and
not
say
all
that
may
be
justified
.
2.
And
as
forma
dat
nomen
,
so
locutio
formalis
,
or
denominating
forma
is
more
exact
and
proper
than
à
materia
:
And
therefore
though
idioms
may
be
Communicated
,
he
that
in
controversie
denominateth
the
Divine
Nature
from
its
own
properties
,
speaks
more
exactly
.
3.
If
one
should
in
our
Pulpits
say
ordinarily
▪
[
The
World
was
Created
by
Man
:
]
The
eternal
proceeding
of
the
Holy
Ghost
was
from
a
Man
:
Flesh
and
Blood
was
from
Eternity
;
]
many
sound
Christians
would
not
like
it
.
And
yet
it
's
true
in
the
Communicative
sense
,
viz.
[
He
that
is
now
man
made
the
world
as
God
:
The
Holy
Ghost
eternally
proceeded
from
the
2d
Person
in
the
Trinity
who
is
now
God
and
Man
:
Christ
who
was
flesh
and
blood
on
Earth
,
was
Eternal
as
God
.
]
So
if
one
now
say
[
God
was
confined
to
the
Virgins
Womb
,
and
to
the
Manger
:
God
could
not
speak
in
the
Infancy
of
Christ
:
God
was
but
about
30
year
old
when
Christ
was
Baptized
:
God
knew
not
the
day
nor
the
hour
of
Christs
second
coming
:
God
was
asleep
,
hungry
,
sorrowful
,
in
an
agony
,
crucified
,
dead
,
buried
,
&c.
]
All
this
is
thus
far
true
,
viz.
Of
Christ
who
was
God
,
not
as
God
but
as
man
:
And
yet
if
I
should
deny
but
the
fitness
of
this
speaking
,
I
were
just
such
an
Heretick
as
Nestorius
was
:
And
many
that
are
no
Hereticks
for
all
that
would
not
rellish
it
.
Either
▪
my
Eyes
could
not
find
that
in
Nestorius
which
he
affirms
of
him
or
else
he
is
a
meer
slanderer
of
him
,
when
he
●aith
Pag.
193
that
he
denyed
Yea
obstinately
]
that
Mary
was
the
Mother
of
that
Person
who
was
God
.
]
He
hath
produced
no
such
word
.
That
which
he
stood
to
was
,
that
instead●
of
saying
Mary
was
the
Mother
of
God
,
we
should
say
she
was
the
Mother
of
Christ
who
is
God
and
Man
.
And
of
the
unity
of
Person
I
have
cited
already
his
own
words
so
fully
,
as
moved
Derodon
to
say
[
I
dare
boldly
say
,
no
Christian
hath
hitherto
spoken
trulyer
and
plainer
of
the
unity
of
Christs
Person
in
two
natures
than
Nestorius
▪
]
And
that
it
's
false
that
he
confest
but
an
union
of
dignity
the
same
cited
words
shew
:
Nexu
adeo
sublimi
(
saith
he
)
Divinoque
&
admirabili
(
mentioning
the
conjunction
of
the
Divinity
and
humanity
)
ut
Divina
natura
ea
sibi
vendicet
quae
Corporis
alioquin
sint
propria
]
Epist.
ad
Cyril
.
And
as
to
all
his
justifications
of
Cyril
,
he
knoweth
that
I
justify
his
Doctrine
as
well
as
he
,
but
not
the
work
that
he
made
,
which
is
not
undone
among
Nations
of
Nestorians
to
this
day
.
But
if
the
man
were
able
to
be
impartial
,
and
so
happy
as
not
to
draw
on
himself
the
guilt
of
such
sins
by
justifying
them
,
he
might
easily
see
in
his
own
confession
that
Cyril
the
Hereticator
spake
as
bad
at
least
as
Nestorius
.
He
oft
confesseth
(
for
he
cannot
deny
it
)
[
that
he
doth
frequently
own
but
one
nature
]
p.
197.
and
198.
[
that
there
is
but
one
nature
of
the
word
incarnate
]
so
p.
201.
&c.
But
Cyril
meant
well
,
that
is
,
by
Nature
he
meant
Person
.
And
was
not
this
Eutychian
Speech
as
improper
as
Nestoriu's
is
?
Is
the
nature
and
Person
to
be
confounded
?
Did
the
Fathers
speak
thus
?
If
Nature
put
for
Person
be
pardonable
,
why
is
it
not
pardonable
to
prefer
a
denomination
a
proprietate
vel
forma
,
to
another
?
And
thus
you
make
Cyril
to
differ
from
the
Eutychians
,
in
their
different
meanings
while
they
used
the
same
words
.
If
I
had
said
that
Christ
had
but
one
Nature
I
should
have
had
a
censure
otherwise
measured
.
And
though
this
man
seem
to
deny
it
,
I
have
cited
many
of
his
words
in
which
he
saith
[
Duas
naturas
unitas
asserimus
:
past
unionem
vero
tanquam
adempta
jam
in
duas
distinctione
,
unam
esse
credimus
filii
naturam
,
tanquam
unius
sed
inhumati
&
incarnati
&
ad
succes
.
Nihil
injusti
facimus
dicentes
,
ex
duabus
naturis
factum
esse
concursum
in
unit
atem
:
Past
unionem
vero
non
distinguimus
naturas
ab
invicem
.
But
I
have
cited
enough
before
.
The
sum
and
truth
is
,
to
judge
no
one
but
my self
,
I
must
be
blind
by
ignorance
or
partiality
if
I
be
not
past
doubt
,
1.
That
unskilful
explication
was
their
difference
.
2.
That
Cyrils
words
were
Eutychian
.
3.
That
Nestorius
words
were
orthodox
in
the
main
,
but
not
sufficiently
yielding
to
a
tolerable
phrase
.
4.
That
they
both
meant
the
same
thing
.
5.
That
all
their
war
was
managed
,
1.
For
want
of
distinguishing
fully
the
Abstract
[
Deitatem
]
and
the
Concrete
[
Deum
]
2.
For
want
of
distinguishing
[
Qui
Deus
]
from
[
Qua
Deus
]
and
a
strict
formal
expression
from
a
more
laxe
that
's
tolerable
.
And
3.
For
want
of
distinguishing
[
division
]
from
[
distinction
]
of
natures
.
4.
For
want
of
explaining
the
various
sorts
and
senses
of
[
Unity
]
and
[
Plurality
.
]
I
cannot
but
know
this
to
be
true
,
though
Mr.
M.
scorn
me
for
it
.
What
[
I
that
understand
not
the
language
they
wrote
in
to
pretend
to
know
better
than
the
Council
?
]
Ans.
1.
So
say
the
Papists
:
what
?
will
you
pretend
to
know
more
than
the
Church
and
Councils
?
If
it
be
implicite
faith
that
they
are
bringing
us
to
,
let
them
tell
us
which
Councils
we
must
so
believe
when
they
condemn
each
other
?
2.
I
thought
I
could
make
shift
to
understand
their
language
,
though
I
be
no
critick
in
it
:
But
if
he
know
me
better
,
I
strive
not
for
the
reputation
of
Learning
;
not
only
Baronius
and
Binnius
,
and
all
the
rest
that
he
nameth
that
had
no
skill
in
Greek
,
but
most
of
the
Schoolmen
,
seem
to
me
without
it
,
far
more
Learned
than
he
.
I
can
tell
him
of
Lads
whose
Learning
I
admire
not
,
that
shall
vie
with
him
in
Languages
Oriental
and
Occidental
,
and
give
him
odds
;
And
when
he
scorns
Derodons
distinctions
,
telling
us
it's
making
two
bad
Groats
by
slitting
a
Sixpence
,
&c.
I
leave
him
to
glory
in
his
Confusion
:
But
I
suspect
the
Fox
that
speaks
against
Tails
is
like
enough
to
want
one
himself
.
But
when
he
hath
shewed
in
all
this
History
of
Nestorius
,
Cyril
,
and
the
Council
,
little
but
that
partiality
which
can
talk
confidently
to
the
ignorant
for
any
cause
,
without
any
shew
of
confuting
Derodons
justification
of
Nestorius
,
or
my
Conciliation
,
his
crast
or
passion
attempts
to
divert
the
Reader
by
the
art
of
the
times
,
and
as
if
it
must
stop
our
Mouths
from
lamenting
the
sin
of
Hereticators
,
and
misery
of
the
Church
thereby
,
he
tells
us
how
men
in
these
times
call
them
Papists
that
are
none
.
Ans.
If
it
be
ill
done
,
why
condemn
you
your self
by
defending
those
that
did
the
like
?
If
it
was
well
done
in
Bishops
Councils
,
why
not
in
them
?
2.
But
what
's
this
to
me
,
if
it
be
not
me
that
he
means
?
If
it
be
,
1.
If
you
will
read
but
the
last
part
of
my
Cathol.
Theolog.
judge
of
the
mans
front
.
2.
It
is
none
but
those
that
are
for
a
humane
Soveraignty
over
all
the
Church
on
Earth
that
we
judge
Papists
:
And
if
you
judge
them
not
such
,
we
will
thank
you
to
tell
us
what
a
Papist
is
in
your
own
sense
.
§
18.
His
saying
p.
225.
that
[
John
Comes
that
gives
a
sad
account
of
the
Council
is
much
to
be
suspected
,
&c.
doth
but
tell
us
that
he
would
have
your
belief
of
History
guided
by
the
Interest
of
his
Cause
.
§
19.
As
to
his
scorn
against
my
translating
the
words
[
the
Scripture
and
Sacred
]
which
mean
that
imperial
Scripture
,
I
did
think
a
litteral
Translation
could
not
have
been
judged
a
misunderstanding
or
mistranslation
:
Why
may
they
not
be
called
in
English
what
they
are
called
in
Greek
?
And
he
had
a
strong
imagination
if
he
thought
that
Haumers
Translation
of
Eusebius
,
&c.
afforded
me
such
materials
as
these
.
§
20.
His
conclusion
of
some
that
scorn
to
preach
by
the
Licence
of
the
Government
I
before
mentioned
.
The
Truth
and
ministerial
Honesty
of
it
,
is
much
like
as
if
Thousands
should
petition
the
Bishop
,
that
their
sick
families
may
have
licensed
Physicians
,
and
he
rejecteth
all
their
Petitions
,
and
prevaileth
with
the
Parliament
to
do
the
like
:
At
last
the
King
pittieth
them
,
and
licenseth
the
Physicians
,
and
the
Bishop
and
his
Clergy
are
offended
,
and
get
it
revoked
,
and
the
Physicians
practise
at
their
peril
without
license
:
And
our
credible
Historian
should
record
it
,
that
they
scorned
to
practise
as
licensed
by
the
Government
,
even
while
still
they
make
all
the
Friends
they
can
to
the
Clergy
to
be
licensed
,
and
are
not
able
to
prevail
.
But
the
ages
that
knew
not
them
and
us
,
that
are
to
come
,
may
possibly
believe
these
men
as
they
believe
their
Predecessors
.
§
21.
To
conclude
,
Reader
,
if
now
thou
have
any
sense
of
Christian
Interest
,
Unity
and
Love
,
judge
of
the
whole
case
impartially
,
and
begin
with
notorious
matter
of
fact
.
1.
We
find
at
this
day
a
great
Body
of
Christians
,
called
Nestorians
,
inhabiting
the
Countries
of
Babylon
,
Assyria
,
Mesopotamia
,
Partbia
,
and
Media
,
yea
,
spread
Northerly
to
Cataya
,
and
Southerly
to
India
;
abundance
of
them
even
in
Tartary
,
saith
Paulus
Venet.
See
Brierwood
p.
139.
And
we
find
that
they
are
by
the
Western
Churches
,
if
not
the
Greeks
,
called
Hereticks
,
and
at
the
easiest
Schismaticks
.
And
yet
as
those
very
Friars
that
have
lived
among
them
say
,
they
are
commonly
free
from
any
such
Opinions
as
are
charged
on
them
,
but
only
honour
the
name
of
Nestoriaus
,
and
condemned
the
Councils
that
condemned
him
.
This
Mr.
M.
nor
no
Prelate
will
deny
that
retaineth
humanity
.
2.
We
find
that
this
woful
fraction
hath
continued
about
one
Thousand
two
Hundred
and
thirty
Years
.
3.
We
are
put
to
enquire
what
was
and
is
the
cause
;
and
we
find
that
on
both
sides
it
is
the
Bishops
and
their
Clergy
that
now
continue
it
,
and
it
was
Patriarchs
and
their
Bishops
that
at
first
caused
it
.
4.
We
enquire
how
they
did
it
:
And
Mr.
Morrice
confesseth
that
it
began
in
a
dispute
between
the
two
Patriarchs
(
whether
the
Virgin
Mary
was
to
be
called
The
Mother
of
God
,
or
rather
The
Mother
of
Jesus
Christ
who
is
God
and
Man
:
and
that
on
this
occasion
Cyril
charged
Nestorius
,
as
making
Christ
to
be
two
Persons
,
and
he
himself
said
Christ
incarnate
had
but
one
Nature
,
but
had
no
more
skill
in
speaking
,
than
by
one
Nature
to
mean
one
Person
,
(
though
Derodon
labour
to
prove
that
he
meant
worse
,
)
that
Nestorius
professed
two
Natures
in
one
Person
.
And
Mr.
M.
saith
,
Nestorius
when
he
spake
well
meant
ill
,
and
Cyril
when
he
spake
ill
meant
well
.
And
upon
this
a
General
Council
itself
is
first
divided
about
them
,
even
to
blows
:
and
after
by
the
importunity
of
Cyril's
party
,
Nestorius
is
banished
,
and
the
Bishops
divided
,
some
for
one
,
and
some
for
another
to
this
day
.
Another
Council
is
called
at
Calcedon
,
and
confirmeth
the
Condemnation
,
and
the
Nestorian
Bishops
condemn
that
Council
,
and
for
many
Ages
the
Bishops
were
divided
also
about
that
,
one
part
condemning
it
,
and
the
other
subscribing
to
it
,
and
honouring
it
.
Judge
now
what
these
Bishops
have
done
to
Christian
Religion
and
the
Church
of
Christ
,
and
continue
to
do
:
And
if
you
dare
join
with
our
Canoneers
in
making
the
guilt
your
own
,
by
justifying
such
dismal
work
;
the
further
you
go
,
the
more
of
it
you
have
to
justifie
,
till
your
Souls
have
guilt
and
load
enough
.
Honest
Dr.
Moore
charged
with
Nestorianism
,
is
fain
to
accuse
Nestorius
out
of
his
Enemies
words
to
clear
himself
.
That
he
owned
not
a
[
Physical
Union
of
Natures
]
is
an
ambiguous
,
unsafe
word
:
A
Physical
Union
seems
to
signifie
one
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
which
is
not
to
be
said
.
He
never
denied
a
personal
or
Hypostatical
Union
.
And
if
he
had
(
as
he
did
not
)
opposed
the
word
Hypostasis
,
so
did
Hierom
that
was
no
Heretick
,
and
many
more
for
a
long
time
.
I
suppose
Mr.
M.
is
not
more
zealous
against
Nestorianism
than
the
Hereticating
Church
of
Rome
is
:
And
how
great
they
really
thought
the
Nestorian
Heresie
,
the
story
which
I
mention
of
P.
Hormisda
tells
you
,
which
I
will
repeat
.
[
There
arose
a
controversie
whether
it
might
be
said
that
[
One
of
the
Trinity
was
crucified
,
]
Pope
Hormisda
said
[
No
]
because
they
that
were
for
it
were
suspected
to
be
Eutychians
:
The
Nestorians
laid
hold
on
this
,
and
said
,
[
Then
we
may
not
say
that
Mary
was
the
Parent
of
one
of
the
Trinity
.
]
This
was
a
hard
case
:
Justinian
sent
to
Pope
John
about
it
.
His
infallibility
and
Hormisda's
were
contrary
:
he
and
his
Council
say
that
we
may
say
,
that
[
One
of
the
Trinity
was
crucified
.
]
Hereupon
Baronius
and
Binnius
give
us
a
useful
note
,
[
Ita
mutatis
hostibus
arma
mutari
necesse
suit
.
]
What
should
the
World
do
if
we
had
not
had
such
a
Judge
of
Controversies
.
I
hope
Mr.
M.
will
not
be
so
heretical
,
or
schismatical
,
as
to
say
that
either
of
these
Popes
erred
against
an
Article
of
Faith
:
But
will
rather
recant
his
Accusation
of
Nestorius
,
and
number
this
with
Things
Indifferent
,
which
the
Church
hath
power
to
change
at
her
pleasure
.
CHAP.
XXII
.
Of
the
Council
of
Ephesus
2d
.
§
1.
THat
our
Historian
may
justifie
the
Dividers
he
makes
himself
a
Party
,
and
by
downright
mistake
against
both
saith
,
1.
That
Nestorius
fell
into
Blasphemy
,
denying
Christ
to
be
true
God
.
2.
And
that
Eutyches
denied
Christ
to
be
true
Man
.
]
This
is
our
Reformer
of
History
;
when
both
of
them
professed
Christ
to
be
true
God
,
and
true
man
.
I
doubt
not
but
the
Man
can
write
another
Book
to
justifie
this
;
for
what
is
it
that
some
cannot
talk
for
?
Yea
,
he
is
at
if
again
,
p.
230.
that
Eutyches
held
Christ
not
to
be
true
Man
.
§
2.
He
confesseth
again
that
Cyril
affirmeth
but
one
Nature
,
and
meant
but
one
Person
,
and
that
Eutyches
used
the
same
words
,
but
saith
,
sure
they
cannot
be
so
mad
as
to
fall
out
so
violently
when
they
say
the
same
thing
&
words
.
Flavian
could
not
be
so
foolish
or
so
wicked
,
&c.
Ans.
I
justifie
not
the
words
of
Eutyches
or
Cyril
;
but
if
I
have
great
reason
to
believe
,
that
as
he
confesseth
Cyril
so
gross
as
to
use
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
for
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
so
Eutyches
who
had
far
less
Learning
than
Cyril
,
did
word
amiss
the
conceptions
,
which
were
the
same
with
Cyrils
,
I
leave
it
to
this
mild
Censurer
to
call
them
Fools
,
and
mad
,
and
wicked
.
It
's
taken
for
railing
in
me
to
blame
them
.
§
3.
He
saith
[
Cyril
never
said
there
were
two
Natures
in
Christ
before
the
Union
.
Ans.
I
have
twice
cited
his
words
:
Find
a
true
difference
between
them
and
those
of
Eutyches
if
you
can
.
I
believe
they
both
meant
better
than
they
spake
.
§
4.
But
the
Spirit
of
detraction
useth
to
fetch
Accusations
from
Hearts
,
&
Thoughts
,
and
secret
Actions
,
and
so
doth
he
against
Eutyches
;
and
he
saith
this
hath
been
done
of
late
times
,
To
deliver
that
in
select
Meetings
,
which
they
will
not
in
publick
promiscuous
Assemblies
:
as
evil
Spirits
are
under
restraint
in
consecrated
places
.
Ans.
Therefore
it
is
that
the
Nonconformists
have
20
or
19
years
so
earnestly
beg'd
for
leave
to
preach
in
publick
consecrated
places
to
promiscuous
Assemblies
,
that
they
might
be
out
of
suspicion
,
but
could
never
obtain
it
of
this
sort
of
Masters
.
Ex
ore
tuo
—
Thus
they
that
cast
the
stone
at
others
oft
find
it
hit
themselves
.
Mr.
Edwards
Gangrena
is
here
commended
to
those
that
are
for
Toleration
.
As
if
all
differences
were
equally
intolerable
or
tolerable
:
And
he
that
saith
[
Tolerate
not
those
that
preach
Blasphemy
or
intolerable
errour
,
]
said
no
worse
than
he
that
saith
[
Silence
Two
Thousand
Preachers
,
unless
they
will
Profess
,
Promise
,
and
Swear
,
and
do
all
that
is
(
oft
described
)
imposed
on
them
.
§
5.
In
his
Narrative
he
is
no
more
tender
of
the
honour
of
Bishops
it
seems
than
I
am
,
nor
so
much
of
Emperours
;
for
when
he
had
said
the
Emperour
[
was
too
much
addicted
to
this
kind
of
Vermine
(
Eunuchs
)
and
shews
his
bitterness
against
Flavian
,
he
saith
that
the
Letters
which
called
this
Council
suggested
sufficiently
what
it
was
to
do
,
and
that
their
business
was
to
condemn
a
Bishop
the
Emperour
did
not
care
for
,
though
without
any
just
ground
,
nay
,
for
his
honesty
.
I
deny
none
of
this
:
But
were
the
Bishops
of
the
Catholick
Church
in
a
good
case
then
,
that
,
when
they
knew
before
that
they
were
called
to
such
a
work
as
this
,
would
meet
in
a
General
Council
and
do
it
?
No
;
he
accuseth
them
himself
,
I
need
not
do
it
.
The
Emperour
,
he
saith
,
knew
how
to
choose
Bishops
,
(
and
yet
his
Summons
was
general
to
all
to
come
,
)
and
the
President
,
if
half
be
true
that
is
said
of
him
,
(
and
if
that
be
a
doubt
,
how
credible
are
your
Historians
?
)
was
one
of
the
most
wicked
,
profligate
Wretches
in
the
World
,
]
yet
he
was
one
of
the
Patriarchs
,
and
all
the
Council
Bishops
,
and
till
they
met
,
were
not
thus
accused
.
You
see
the
man
is
a
far
greater
railer
than
I
even
against
Bishops
:
But
it
is
but
against
those
that
are
against
his
Interest
and
side
.
§
6.
He
describes
those
Bishops
as
using
violence
,
forgetting
that
it
is
it
his
Party
trusteth
to
continually
:
just
with
the
front
as
Baronius
and
Binnius
,
and
many
other
Papists
,
justifie
Martin
for
being
against
putting
Hereticks
to
death
,
and
condemn
Ithacius
,
while
their
Kingdom
is
upheld
by
that
which
they
condemn
,
and
worse
,
even
the
burning
of
true
Christians
as
Hereticks
,
and
it
's
Heretical
with
them
to
imitate
Martin
,
just
as
those
Matth.
23.
Your
Fathers
killed
the
Prophets
,
and
you
build
their
Sepulchers
,
and
say
if
we
had
lived
in
the
days
of
our
Fathers
,
we
would
not
,
&c.
§
7.
But
in
the
passage
I
find
our
Historian
in
a
more
charitable
mood
to
this
Ephesine
Council
of
Bishops
than
his
Brethren
,
[
How
bad
soever
Dioscorus
and
this
Council
were
,
yet
they
are
in
my
judgment
to
be
looked
on
rather
as
favourers
of
Heresie
than
Hereticks
,
they
followed
the
meaning
I
believe
as
well
as
the
Words
of
Cyril
.
]
Ans.
And
now
I
may
hope
I
am
Orthodox
and
Charitable
when
I
have
no
less
than
his
Judgment
to
justifie
mine
.
And
Anatolius
justifieth
us
both
.
§
8.
But
Sir
,
now
you
are
in
a
good
Mood
,
will
you
consider
,
1.
Whether
those
Bishops
and
Councils
that
set
the
Christian
World
in
that
Flame
that
burneth
dreadfully
to
this
day
,
after
above
1200
Years
,
were
not
guilty
at
least
of
a
peccadillo
or
venial
sin
.
2.
Whether
they
are
imitable
.
3.
Whether
this
General
Council
had
a
supream
Legislative
and
Judicial
power
over
all
the
Church
on
Earth
,
which
all
must
obey
and
none
must
appeal
from
.
No
:
saith
Bishop
Gunning
,
It
was
a
meeting
of
violent
Robbers
.
Ans.
But
it
was
a
General
Council
:
which
it
seems
then
may
be
such
.
CHAP.
XXIII
.
Of
the
4th
General
Council
at
Calcedon
.
§
1.
HE
begins
his
Chapter
comically
,
and
notably
derideth
me
for
saying
Pulcheria
was
the
same
that
before
at
Ephesus
had
set
the
Bishops
against
Nestorius
.
Is
this
so
ridiculous
?
It
's
well
known
that
Historians
make
her
very
powerful
with
her
Brother
:
she
chose
his
Wife
Eudocia
,
(
They
were
long
of
two
minds
.
)
It
's
no
wonder
that
she
that
got
him
condemned
at
Ephesus
,
got
the
same
further
done
at
Calcedon
,
when
she
was
Empress
her self
,
having
made
Martian
Emperour
,
and
her
nominal
Husband
,
(
for
they
were
not
conjugally
to
know
each
other
.
)
Is
there
any
thing
in
this
that
deserveth
the
stage
?
Though
Theodosius
be
reproached
by
Popish
Historians
as
an
Eutychian
,
or
a
favourer
of
them
,
if
credible
honest
Socrates
may
be
believed
,
there
have
been
few
such
Princes
in
the
World
,
(
for
Piety
,
his
House
was
a
Church
;
for
Patience
,
never
seen
angry
;
for
Compassion
,
would
never
let
a
man
die
for
Treason-against
himself
.
)
But
his
Sister
(
a
Woman
eminent
for
Wit
and
Piety
)
was
thought
to
govern
him
very
much
,
&
specially
in
the
severities
against
Nestorius
.
Evagrius
who
bitterly
reproacheth
Nestorius
,
tells
us
of
some
writings
of
his
that
fell
into
his
hand
,
in
which
he
saith
,
that
the
Emperour
was
his
friend
,
and
would
not
sign
his
banishment
,
and
laies
the
cruelties
that
he
underwent
on
his
Officer
:
and
considering
the
case
of
a
suffering
man
,
I
see
nothing
unseemly
in
the
Letter
to
him
,
which
Evagrius
chargeth
with
contempt
.
§
2.
My
wish
for
the
Churches
Peace
,
that
the
unskilful
words
of
Nestorius
and
Eutyches
had
been
silenced
by
neglect
,
rather
than
the
flame
blown
up
by
honouring
them
with
two
General
Councils
disputation
,
doth
with
this
Gentleman
deserve
this
Replication
,
[
He
cannot
be
more
violent
and
outragious
,
more
bitter
and
malicious
under
all
the
provocations
imaginable
,
than
he
is
under
that
neglect
which
himself
prescribeth
for
the
cure
.
]
Ans.
If
this
be
a
true
accuser
,
he
can
prove
what
he
saith
:
It
's
easie
to
say
this
of
any
man
:
But
if
a
man
that
hath
a
cholerick
Stomack
shall
swear
that
there
was
Aloes
in
his
Physick
,
his
word
is
no
proof
.
These
are
the
men
into
whose
hands
we
are
by
Gods
permission
falln
,
while
we
are
cast
out
,
judged
to
silence
,
prisons
,
&
beggary
,
if
we
do
but
repeat
the
words
of
the
Laws
and
Canons
,
and
in
17
Years
time
when
most
that
they
turned
out
are
dead
,
if
the
rest
at
their
own
urgent
demand
do
but
tell
them
what
they
judge
unlawful
,
and
answer
those
that
accuse
them
,
they
are
outragious
,
violent
,
bitter
,
and
malicious
.
As
if
one
that
wounds
me
should
sue
me
for
saying
,
You
hurt
me
.
It
's
violence
and
an
unpeaceableness
to
feel
,
but
none
at
all
in
them
to
strike
or
to
destroy
.
We
will
give
you
many
thanks
if
you
will
hurt
us
no
more
than
we
do
you
.
§
3.
I
said
that
one
skilful
healing
man
that
could
explicate
ambiguous
words
,
and
persuade
men
to
Love
and
Peace
,
till
they
understood
each
other
,
had
more
befriended
Truth
,
Piety
,
and
the
Church
,
than
the
hereticating
Councils
did
.
]
And
why
,
saith
he
,
may
not
that
skilful
man
shew
his
skill
in
Councils
,
as
well
as
else
where
?
Ans.
Who
denieth
it
?
But
the
question
is
,
how
he
shall
be
heard
and
prevail
?
I
told
you
that
here
One
man
in
one
sentence
did
so
,
by
differencing
between
mental
distinguishing
and
dividing
;
even
Basil
of
Seleucia
,
saying
,
[
Cognoscimus
duas
naturas
,
non
dividimus
;
neque
divisas
,
neque
confusas
dicimus
.
]
This
was
true
and
plain
enough
,
to
have
ended
all
the
quarrel
:
But
who
laid
hold
on
it
,
or
did
improve
it
?
What
the
better
was
Nazianzen
for
speaking
well
in
the
Council
at
Constantinople
?
Or
Chrysostome
for
any
thing
he
could
say
to
the
Bishops
for
himself
?
I
hope
few
of
all
that
great
number
of
Councils
that
were
Arian
,
Semiarian
,
Eutychian
,
Monothelites
,
for
Images
,
&c.
were
so
bad
as
to
have
never
a
Bishop
among
them
that
could
or
would
speak
right
:
But
did
they
prevail
?
In
the
very
Council
at
Trent
were
more
good
Speeches
than
did
prevail
;
and
if
Luther
,
Melanchthon
,
Zuinglius
,
and
such
others
,
had
not
done
more
good
singly
by
Writing
and
Preaching
,
than
Dudithius
could
do
at
Trent
,
or
any
of
them
at
Wormes
,
or
Ratisbone
,
&c.
there
had
been
little
done
.
What
good
did
Philpot
do
in
the
Convocation
?
Some
say
one
Paphnutius
turned
the
Inclination
of
the
first
Nicene
Council
for
good
;
But
that
hearing
temper
was
too
short
or
rare
.
§
4.
Next
he
tells
us
,
that
[
in
many
late
Disputes
of
Justification
,
&c.
we
find
not
that
any
of
these
healing
men
were
able
to
reconcile
Parties
any
more
than
the
Councils
of
old
.
]
Answ.
1.
If
that
were
true
,
it
's
also
true
,
that
they
have
not
made
so
great
and
many
Parties
as
Councils
did
.
We
have
not
cast
the
world
into
so
many
Nations
of
Jacobites
,
Nestorians
,
and
other
Sects
.
Answ.
2.
Through
God's
mercy
it
is
much
better
than
such
Historians
would
make
men
believe
.
Dr.
Heylin
tells
us
what
work
the
Arminian
Controversie
made
between
Bishop
Laud's
Party
,
and
the
Parliaments
and
Abbots
Party
,
as
if
it
had
set
us
all
by
the
Ears
.
It
is
not
so
now
:
One
of
your
Brethren
lately
tells
us
,
how
that
Controversie
is
quieted
:
What
Contention
do
you
hear
of
among
the
Nonconformists
about
it
?
No
man
hath
so
much
as
writ
a
line
,
that
I
know
of
,
against
my
Conciliation
in
my
Cathol.
Theology
.
How
little
stir
doth
the
Antinomian
Controversie
make
?
If
one
or
two
men
do
vent
their
displeasure
about
any
of
these
,
we
neglect
it
,
and
it
is
presently
forgotten
.
I
hear
sometime
that
called
Arminianism
hotly
preached
in
the
Parish
Churches
:
It
provoketh
not
me
,
and
I
take
no
notice
of
it
.
I
(
rarely
)
hear
some
preach
against
the
Arminians
:
I
take
no
notice
of
it
,
and
there
it
dies
:
Whereas
if
one
should
write
Challenges
and
Accusations
to
the
Preachers
,
we
might
make
work
enough
for
all
the
Country
.
I
never
yet
met
with
many
such
,
but
if
you
make
not
a
War
of
it
,
and
engage
them
by
opposition
,
they
grow
weary
themselves
,
and
grow
into
unobserv'd
neglect
or
contempt
.
Most
of
the
spreading
Errours
and
Contentions
among
us
have
come
by
the
Bellows
of
too
strong
or
imprudent
Opposition
or
Disputes
.
I
hear
of
no
considerable
Doctrinal
Strivings
among
all
the
Nonconformists
now
in
England
.
One
Ignorant
Uncalled
Fellow
is
lately
crept
into
London
,
and
wrote
proud
Challenges
for
Antinomianism
,
and
none
answered
him
,
and
he
is
contemned
,
and
hath
no
Second
that
I
hear
of
.
§
5.
Though
he
say
[
he
is
weary
,
yet
he
must
not
pass
by
,
that
when
I
mention
Socrates
his
most
high
praise
of
Theodosius
(
living
under
him
)
and
the
miracles
which
he
saith
God
wrought
for
him
;
I
say
,
if
this
be
true
,
God
owned
his
Moderation
by
Miracles
,
notwithstanding
his
favouring
the
Eutychians
,
more
than
he
did
any
ways
of
violence
.
]
And
here
the
man
hath
found
me
in
Contradiction
,
and
saith
,
[
Those
miracles
could
not
countenance
the
Eutychian
cause
that
was
after
.
2.
That
the
Eutychians
were
the
most
violent
men
.
Such
Contradictions
he
and
L'Estrange
find
in
my
Writings
.
Ans.
But
,
1.
Is
it
true
that
I
said
those
miracles
countenanced
the
Eutychian
Cause
?
I
said
only
that
God
owned
the
Moderation
(
not
the
Eutychian
Opinion
)
of
a
man
called
an
Eutychian
by
the
Hereticators
,
notwithstanding
his
favouring
the
Eutychians
.
He
was
a
man
that
studied
the
reconciliation
of
the
contending
Bishops
,
and
was
moderate
towards
all
,
but
persuaded
that
the
major
Vote
of
the
Bishops
being
against
Nestorius
,
and
for
Cyril
,
and
Dioscorus
,
it
tended
to
peace
to
take
that
side
.
His
Moderation
was
the
same
before
the
stir
with
Eutyches
as
after
.
I
only
said
that
God
by
miracles
owned
that
mans
moderation
,
who
is
charged
with
after
favouring
the
Eutychians
.
2.
And
what
I
spake
of
Moderation
opposite
to
violence
,
in
way
of
suppressing
Hereticks
,
he
feigneth
me
to
speak
it
as
opposite
to
violence
in
the
Persons
suppressed
:
I
spake
of
Violence
in
the
Prince
as
agent
,
and
he
feigneth
me
to
speak
of
Violence
in
the
parties
that
he
dealt
with
.
He
may
find
matter
at
this
rate
to
write
greater
Volums
against
any
man
.
I
read
of
none
of
the
Heresies
then
contended
about
,
Nestorian
or
Eutychian
,
but
the
accused
Bishops
were
violent
for
them
:
But
though
they
were
all
violent
,
yet
if
the
question
were
,
whether
the
Emperour
should
use
violence
or
Moderation
against
them
,
I
may
say
,
that
God
owneth
more
the
way
of
Moderation
.
§
6.
P.
246.
he
saith
[
At
Ephesus
Eustathius
was
kikt
to
death
,
and
all
those
that
durst
desend
him
were
threatned
to
be
served
in
like
manner
.
]
Ans.
Of
this
before
:
His
memory
failed
him
:
It
was
not
Eustathius
but
Flavianus
.
2.
Yet
he
after
excuseth
Dioscorus
from
Heresie
;
more
Bishops
than
were
Hereticks
were
violent
.
§
7.
As
to
his
Reflection
,
[
It
may
be
he
thinks
the
Emperour
took
a
particular
Delight
in
that
kind
of
cruelty
,
and
that
he
had
rather
one
should
be
kickt
to
death
,
than
that
he
should
be
hanged
or
beheaded
;
which
would
not
be
much
to
the
credit
of
his
Moderation
:
And
to
say
the
truth
,
his
Letter
to
Valentinian
discovers
a
strange
kind
of
Spirit
;
for
there
he
justifies
the
proceedings
of
the
Eutychians
at
Ephesus
,
and
saies
that
all
things
were
carried
on
with
much
freedom
and
perfect
Truth
,
and
Flavian
found
guilty
of
Innovating
in
Religion
.
This
is
but
an
ill
sign
that
Mr.
B.
is
a
hater
of
false
History
,
when
he
lets
this
pass
unreproved
.
Ans.
1.
Had
I
reproved
such
an
Emperour
,
I
might
have
expected
that
some
of
you
would
have
published
me
an
Enemy
to
Kings
.
Ans.
2.
Rather
Sir
,
you
and
I
should
hence
gather
,
that
all
men
must
have
pardon
and
forbearance
,
and
that
for
want
of
that
,
the
names
of
Nestorians
,
Jacobites
,
Melchites
,
Greeks
,
Papists
,
Protestants
,
Lutheranes
,
Calvinists
,
Prelatists
,
and
Presbyterians
,
&c.
have
almost
swallowed
up
the
Name
,
much
more
the
Love
of
Christians
.
Ans.
3.
May
it
not
consist
with
modesty
and
the
hatred
of
false
History
,
to
believe
the
high
praises
of
this
Emperour
,
published
by
one
that
knew
him
in
so
pious
and
credible
words
as
Socrates
speaks
,
as
I
before
told
you
,
giving
him
(
to
me
)
a
more
credible
Canonization
than
the
Pope
could
have
done
,
as
a
man
of
eminent
holiness
,
wonderful
Clemency
,
that
would
not
let
a
Traitor
go
out
of
the
Gates
towards
the
place
of
Execution
;
and
when
he
was
moved
to
any
Execution
,
answered
,
he
had
rather
,
were
he
able
,
restore
the
Dead
to
Life
:
excelling
all
the
Clergy
in
meekness
,
and
never
seen
angry
.
May
not
I
who
am
branded
for
a
railer
by
meek
Prelatists
,
be
tolerated
to
think
charitably
of
such
an
Emperour
,
and
to
wish
that
the
world
had
many
more
such
.
Ans.
4.
Judges
are
taken
for
unjust
if
they
will
not
hear
both
sides
speak
.
And
why
should
not
I
regard
the
words
of
such
an
Emperour
,
as
well
as
of
one
half
the
Bishops
against
the
other
?
Ans.
5.
Surely
Modesty
requireth
me
to
think
that
the
Emperour
was
much
more
capable
of
knowing
the
truth
of
the
acts
of
his
own
Subjects
,
when
his
Servants
present
gave
him
an
account
of
them
,
than
I
am
1200
Years
after
:
And
so
good
a
man
would
not
willingly
lye
.
Ans.
6.
Therefore
my
own
Conclusion
is
,
God
is
true
and
all
men
are
Lyars
,
that
is
,
untrusty
:
and
that
Eudocia
and
his
Courtiers
had
much
power
with
him
for
Dioscorus
against
Flavian
,
as
Pulcheria
had
against
Nestorius
;
but
that
it
was
the
Peace
and
Concord
of
the
Bishops
which
he
most
studied
,
and
thought
that
it
lay
in
going
with
the
major
part
.
And
I
believe
things
were
bad
on
both
sides
,
and
worse
than
the
Emperour
thought
with
the
Eutychian
Bishops
,
and
worse
than
others
say
with
their
Adversaries
;
and
that
the
Emperour
,
though
fallible
,
was
as
Socrates
saith
,
beyond
all
the
Clergie
.
But
here
I
see
that
I
am
blamed
for
not
railing
against
a
meek
and
pious
Emperour
,
and
as
a
Railer
for
lamenting
the
sins
of
the
Clergie
.
§
8.
About
the
Council
of
Calcedon
he
accuseth
me
in
general
,
as
[
disingeniously
mincing
the
Acts
,
and
using
all
the
soul
play
possible
.
Easily
said
:
And
what
's
the
proof
?
Why
,
1.
Leave
out
that
they
were
violently
beaten
to
it
.
Ans.
The
Reader
may
see
that
this
is
false
:
I
mention
it
oft
,
pag.
101.
[
The
Bishops
answered
,
that
they
did
it
against
their
Wills
,
being
under
fear
:
Condemnation
and
banishment
was
threatned
,
Souldiers
were
there
with
Clubs
and
Swords
.
]
Shall
I
believe
this
man
against
such
as
Socrates
,
of
things
done
1200
Years
ago
,
that
will
face
me
down
with
such
untruths
about
my
own
yet
visible
Writings
?
2.
But
is
it
falshood
to
omit
what
is
said
in
such
and
so
many
Volumns
?
May
not
the
Reader
there
see
it
?
Do
I
contradict
it
?
Must
I
write
many
Folio's
or
nothing
?
I
refer
all
Readers
to
the
Acts.
§
9.
But
he
saith
,
[
It
would
go
near
to
excuse
their
Compliance
with
a
merciful
man
.
]
Ans.
I
confess
such
are
not
so
bad
as
the
Clergy-men
,
that
will
sin
for
meer
Preferment
,
and
will
write
against
,
and
revile
,
and
call
for
Execution
on
those
that
will
not
do
as
they
.
But
if
Nonconformists
after
19
Years
Ejection
and
Reproach
,
and
Sufferings
by
more
than
Threats
,
should
at
last
surrender
to
heinous
sin
,
can
he
think
it
would
excuse
their
Compliance
,
when
Christ
saith
,
Luk.
14
33.
He
that
forsaketh
not
all
that
he
hath
cannot
be
my
Disciple
?
If
he
think
Martyrdom
a
work
of
Supererogation
,
he
is
dangerously
mistaken
.
And
he
that
to
day
thinks
Threatning
and
Danger
an
Excuse
for
his
sin
,
may
to
morrow
think
Poverty
,
and
the
next
day
the
desire
of
Preferment
an
excuse
.
§
10.
Dioscorus
and
the
Eutychians
holding
close
to
the
Council
of
Nice
,
as
sufficient
,
as
a
Test
of
the
Orthodox
,
to
which
nothing
was
to
be
added
,
in
reciting
this
he
hath
found
my
Ignorance
in
translating
[
retractat
]
by
[
retract
.
]
Is
not
the
English
word
of
the
same
sence
with
the
Latine
?
If
not
,
and
I
be
ignorant
in
English
too
,
what
wrong
is
that
to
any
Bishop
?
§
11.
When
he
had
charged
Nonsence
and
Confusion
on
that
which
he
understood
not
,
and
mentioned
Eusib
.
Doril.
giving
the
Lye
to
Eutyches
,
he
confesseth
that
the
thing
was
true
.
§
12.
P.
253.
He
saith
,
When
the
giddy
rabble
of
Monks
with
Swords
and
staves
,
like
Bedlams
broke
loose
,
run
upon
them
—
I
should
rather
pity
them
than
insult
.
Ans.
If
the
History
be
an
insulting
,
his
own
credited
Historians
insult
by
recording
it
.
If
noting
it
as
a
fault
be
insulting
,
then
a
motion
to
Repentance
is
insulting
,
and
if
he
would
have
us
pity
them
for
their
sin
,
and
not
only
for
their
suffering
,
that
is
insulting
too
:
But
to
own
their
sin
,
and
draw
men
to
imitate
them
,
shall
be
none
of
my
Compassion
.
He
minds
me
of
Peters
Denial
,
and
the
Disciples
forsaking
Christ
.
Alas
!
he
is
not
a
man
that
is
not
sensible
of
Humane
frailty
?
But
is
it
not
therefore
to
be
blamed
?
Why
doth
Scripture
mention
it
,
but
that
we
may
avoid
the
like
?
Is
it
to
tempt
others
to
the
like
?
Did
Christ
insult
when
he
said
to
Peter
,
Get
thee
behind
me
Satan
,
&c.
§
13.
He
next
falls
into
his
familiar
strain
,
to
carry
that
ex
Cathedra
,
by
sentence
,
which
he
cannot
do
by
proof
,
and
saith
,
[
When
I
venture
on
Observations
it
's
an
even
lay
that
I
am
out
.
]
Ans.
That
is
,
I
am
out
of
the
way
of
his
Magistry
,
Preconceipt
and
Interest
.
It
is
my
Conciliatory
words
that
the
peaceable
man
is
angry
at
,
viz.
[
That
this
doleful
,
Contentious
,
Anathematizing
,
and
ruining
of
each
other
,
was
about
the
sense
of
ambiguous
words
,
and
they
were
both
of
one
mind
in
the
matter
and
knew
it
not
.
]
He
cannot
but
confess
,
that
my
judgment
of
them
is
softer
than
theirs
that
hereticate
each
other
.
And
Derodon
hath
fully
proved
that
this
Council
when
they
condemned
Nestorius
,
were
of
his
Judgment
in
the
whole
matter
,
and
said
but
the
same
as
he
.
§
14.
As
to
his
telling
me
,
that
Eutyches
denied
Christ
to
be
truly
and
properly
man
,
I
will
no
more
believe
him
,
than
if
he
had
said
Cyril
did
so
.
§
15.
But
he
saith
,
the
Monothelites
were
the
genuine
Disciples
of
Eutyches
.
They
were
of
his
mind
in
that
Consequence
:
And
such
another
Controversie
it
was
.
And
how
much
greater
errour
against
our
Belief
of
the
Father
,
Son
,
and
Holy
Ghost
,
have
I
proved
e.
g.
to
be
,
in
your
Dr.
Sherloks
Book
;
And
yet
I
hope
he
meant
better
than
he
spake
.
§
16.
P.
255.
He
confesseth
of
one
Party
what
I
said
,
viz.
[
Of
Dioscorus
and
Flavian
,
I
am
apt
to
believe
they
were
much
of
the
same
Opinion
as
to
the
point
in
controversie
,
and
knew
it
well
enough
;
which
was
the
only
cause
why
Dioscorus
with
his
party
of
Bishops
and
Monks
,
would
not
endure
to
come
to
any
Debate
of
the
matter
,
for
fear
it
would
appear
that
they
all
agreed
,
and
then
there
would
have
been
no
pretence
to
condemn
Flavian
,
which
was
the
Design
,
if
not
of
the
Emperour
,
yet
at
least
of
those
that
governed
him
.
]
Ans.
Fie
Dr.
will
you
thus
abuse
so
many
Orthodox
Bishops
?
And
almost
condemn
your
vindicating
Book
?
And
harden
me
in
my
Errour
?
But
I
am
much
of
your
mind
,
and
if
one
of
us
err
,
so
doth
the
other
.
§
17.
And
I
like
his
Ingenuity
,
saying
Anatolius
confesseth
in
Council
,
that
Dioscorus
was
not
condemned
for
Heresie
but
Tyranny
,
and
no
man
contradicted
him
.
Ans.
Not
in
answer
to
those
words
,
but
the
Accusations
of
many
contradicted
him
before
.
§
18.
That
they
mean
one
thing
by
their
various
expressions
I
have
fully
proved
,
and
he
no
whit
confuteth
:
That
the
Eutychians
acknowledged
no
distinct
Properties
,
and
Nestorius
owned
an
Unity
but
in
Dignity
and
Title
only
,
are
his
flat
slanders
,
to
be
no
way
proved
but
by
their
Adversaries
accusations
.
The
very
words
I
named
even
now
,
[
Divino
,
mirabili
,
sublimi
nexu
.
]
and
many
clearer
,
shew
it
of
Nestorius
.
And
I
wish
him
to
take
heed
himself
how
he
defineth
the
Hypostatical
Union
,
lest
the
next
General
Council
(
if
ever
there
be
one
)
make
him
an
Heretick
.
Can
he
believe
that
the
great
number
of
Eutychian
Bishops
were
so
mad
,
as
not
to
know
that
Christs
Mortality
,
possibility
,
material
Quantity
,
Shape
,
&c.
were
the
properties
of
Christs
Humanity
and
not
his
Deity
?
But
some
Men
can
believe
any
thing
well
or
ill
,
reasonable
or
unreasonable
,
as
Interest
and
affection
lead
them
.
§
19.
He
saith
,
that
[
If
it
were
a
faction
that
denied
this
,
it
was
a
strong
one
,
and
never
was
opposed
by
any
Person
before
Mr.
Baxter
.
Ans.
I
heard
you
were
a
young
man
;
but
if
you
be
not
above
one
Hundred
Years
old
,
your
reading
cannot
be
great
enough
to
excuse
this
confidence
from
such
temerity
as
rendereth
you
the
less
credible
.
How
many
Thousand
Books
be
they
which
you
or
I
never
read
?
How
know
you
that
none
of
them
all
oppose
it
?
But
would
you
persuade
the
Reader
that
I
call
it
a
Faction
,
to
believe
your
sence
of
these
Councils
?
Factious
men
are
forwardest
to
judge
others
Hereticks
without
cause
;
and
all
that
I
say
is
,
that
Though
such
deny
my
Assertion
it
is
true
:
Doth
it
follow
that
I
take
all
for
factious
that
deny
it
?
If
I
had
said
,
[
Though
Papists
deny
it
,
]
that
had
not
been
all
one
as
to
say
,
[
All
are
Papists
that
deny
it
.
]
2.
But
did
never
any
person
oppose
it
?
1.
I
named
you
David
Derodon
before
,
who
though
he
largely
labour
to
prove
Cyril
an
Eutychian
in
words
and
sence
,
and
that
by
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
he
did
mean
Natura
,
and
not
Persona
,
yet
as
to
Nestorius
he
copiously
proveth
,
that
the
Council
of
Calcedon
was
just
of
his
Mind
,
and
condemned
him
for
want
of
Understanding
him
.
Though
you
have
not
seen
that
Book
of
Derodons
,
I
have
,
and
you
should
not
judge
of
what
you
never
saw
.
2.
Luther
de
Conciliis
first
accuseth
Nestorius
as
a
Heretick
,
denying
Christ's
Godhead
,
or
holding
two
Persons
;
And
presently
retracts
it
,
and
confesseth
he
was
seduced
by
believing
the
Papists
,
but
(
though
he
had
not
read
much
of
the
Councils
,
but
what
he
had
gathered
out
of
the
Tripartite
and
such
Historians
)
yet
he
gathered
from
the
Passages
of
the
History
,
that
the
difference
lay
only
in
words
,
which
he
openeth
at
large
,
and
yet
turns
it
sharply
against
Nestorius
,
for
thinking
that
we
may
not
speak
of
Christs
Godhead
or
Manhood
by
communicated
names
or
Attributes
,
and
greatly
rejoiceth
that
this
serveth
his
turn
in
his
Opinion
about
Consubstantiation
and
Sacramental
words
.
Because
I
will
leave
nothing
in
doubt
with
you
,
but
whether
Luther
was
before
my
days
,
and
lest
you
say
again
that
I
cite
Books
which
I
see
not
,
I
will
give
you
some
of
his
words
,
beginning
earlier
,
(
not
translating
lest
I
have
not
skill
enough
)
but
they
are
so
like
mine
,
that
I
doubt
you
will
be
no
Lutherane
.
De
Concil.
pag.
175.
Ecclesiae
Romana
&
C.
P.
ambitiose
rixatae
sunt
de
re
nihili
,
vanissimis
&
nugasissimis
naeniis
donec
tandem
utraque
horribiliter
vastata
&
deleta
est
.
—
Illa
omnia
libentius
recito
,
ut
videat
prudens
Lector
quomodo
ex
tam
celebri
Synodo
Constant
inopolitana
,
seu
ex
sonte
manaverint
semina
maximarum
Confusionum
propterea
quod
ibi
Episcopus
Ecclesiae
ut
Patriarcha
fuerat
Praefectus
.
—
p.
178.
Quam
horribilia
certamina
&
contentiones
moverunt
hi
duo
Episcopi
de
primatu
:
ut
facile
judicari
posset
Spiritum
sanctum
non
esse
authorem
hujus
Instituti
:
Alia
habet
Episcopus
longe
potiora
quae
agat
,
quam
sunt
hi
pueriles
&
inepti
ludi
—
Praemonemur
quod
Concilia
prorsus
nihil
novi
debent
comminisci
vel
tradere
.
De
Concil.
Ephes.
p.
180
,
181.
Excesserant
jam
è
vivis
sancti
Patres
,
&
illi
optimi
Episcopi
,
S.
Ambrosius
,
S.
Martinus
,
S.
Hieronymus
,
S.
Augustinus
(
qui
eo
ipso
anno
quo
Synodus
coacta
est
mortuus
est
)
S.
Hilarius
,
S.
Eusebius
&
similes
;
eorumque
loco
prorsus
dissimiles
patres
suborti
fuerant
.
Ita
ut
Imperator
Theodosius
amplius
eligi
Episcopum
C.
P.
ex
Sacerdotibus
vel
Clericis
Civitatis
C.
P.
nollet
:
hanc
ob
causam
quod
plerumque
essent
superbi
,
ambitiosi
,
morosi
,
qui
movere
certamina
,
&
tumultus
in
Ecclesiis
plerumque
tolerent
.
—
p.
182.
Cumjam
videret
Nestorius
tantas
turbas
ortas
ex
corruptela
multiplici
,
gemens
prorupit
in
haec
verba
,
Tollamus
è
medio
omnes
ambiguitates
quae
primum
praebuerunt
occasiones
istis
certaminibus
,
&
fateamur
palam
Mariam
recte
vocari
Matrem
Dei.
Sed
nihil
profecit
Nestorius
,
ne
tunc
quidem
eum
revocaret
suum
errorem
;
sed
voce
publica
conde
m●atus
,
ex
orbe
Imperii
universo
ejectus
&
explosus
est
:
Quanquam
illi
duo
Episcopi
Antiochenus
&
Alexandrinus
,
etiam
post
Concilium
cum
rediissent
in
suas
Ecclesias
,
se
ipsi
mutuis
convitiis
lacerabant
,
&
omnibus
diris
devovebant
:
Etsi
postea
res
ad
placidum
exitum
deducta
est
:
Quanquam
tamen
dolendum
hoc
,
&
effusis
lachrymis
deplorandum
in
Ecclesia
est
,
tam
praestantes
viros
adeo
indulsisse
suis
affectibus
,
ut
instar
mulierum
aut
puerorum
ineptissime
inter
se
rixarentur
.
Omnino
suisset
eis
opus
aliquo
Constantino
,
qui
ipsorum
jurgia
&
contentiosa
scripta
etiam
conjecisset
in
ignem
.
—
p.
184.
Mentioning
the
false
accusations
of
Nestorius
,
making
two
Persons
,
&c.
[
Atque
adeo
intricata
&
confusa
sunt
quae
scribunt
,
ut
existimem
ne
quidem
ipsos
scire
in
hunc
usque
diem
,
quid
&
propter
quas
causas
damnaverint
Nestorium
.
Hoc
inde
conjicito
.
Fatentur
credidisse
Nestorium
quod
Christus
sit
Deus
&
Homo
—
exhis
certum
est
quod
Nestorius
non
crediderit
Christum
esse
purum
hominem
.
—
Constat
Nestorium
non
duos
sed
unum
Christum
credidisse
,
id
quod
ipsorum
verba
testantur
—
ideoque
non
potuit
credere
esse
duas
personas
.
Nec
ullibi
reperitur
in
historiis
quod
Nestorius
unum
Christum
crediderit
habere
duas
personas
,
nisi
quod
Pontifices
&
corum
historiae
ita
argutantur
.
Apparet
Papam
&
scriptores
Pontificios
haec
verba
contra
Nestorium
calumniose
&
veteratorie
finxisse
,
quod
Christum
pro
puro
homine
&
non
pro
Deo
,
&
quod
unum
Christum
pro
duabus
personis
vel
gemino
Christo
habuerit
.
—
Nestorius
fuit
homo
inflatus
tumens
Pharisaico
fastu
,
&
indoctus
;
Et
cum
subito
esset
evectus
ad
supremum
fastigium
Ecclesiae
,
adeo
ut
haberetur
pro
summo
Pontifice
,
Patriarcha
,
somniabat
se
unum
antecellere
doctrina
&
eruditione
omnes
homines
in
toto
genere
humano
,
nec
sibi
opus
esse
lectione
librorum
qui
erant
scripti
à
Majoribus
aut
aliis
,
nec
in
explicatione
magnaram
rerum
retinendos
esse
modos
loquendi
antiquitus
receptos
in
Ecclesia
puriore
;
sed
quia
&
voce
valebat
,
&
ex
temporali
sacundia
volebat
esse
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Doctor
vel
Magister
,
&
sormas
loquendi
quibus
ipse
uteretur
tantum
recipiendas
esse
in
Ecclesia
,
non
alias
.
Et
tali
sastu
armatus
adoriebatur
illum
articulum
.
Maria
est
mater
Dei
,
aut
genetrix
Dei
;
Ibi
vicissim
Episcopos
in
adversa
parte
invenit
perinde
inflatos
,
quibus
vehementer
displicebat
.
Nestorii
sastus
,
in
primis
Cyrillum
Alexandrinum
:
quia
tunc
nullus
erat
Augustinus
aut
Ambresius
.
—
p.
189.
Hinc
manifestum
est
,
quod
Nestorius
ut
homo
imprudens
&
vanissima
persu●sione
adductus
,
loquatur
quidem
bono
zelo
de
Christo
:
sed
ex
mera
inscitia
non
intelligat
quid
&
quomodo
loquatur
.
—
p.
192.
Non
est
Nestorii
error
quod
Christum
credit
tantum
esse
purum
hominem
,
nec
in
duas
personas
eum
dirimi
;
sed
duas
naturas
Deum
&
hominem
in
una
persona
uniri
satetur
:
sed
communicationem
idiomatum
non
vult
concedere
.
Objiciat
autem
hic
aliquis
,
Nestorium
insidiose
confessum
esse
,
quod
Christus
Deus
sit
&
una
persona
.
Resp.
Quod
non
:
Tam
ingeniosus
enim
&
industrius
non
suit
,
sed
serio
ita
judicavit
.
—
Ad
haec
accessit
aliorum
Episcoporum
insolentia
,
qui
non
cogitaverunt
quomodo
sananda
essent
talia
vulnera
,
sed
multo
magis
irritandis
&
refricandis
causam
dederunt
.
Vide
caetera
.
P.
202.
De
Concil.
Calcedon
.
Adeo
indulgebant
sancti
Patres
mutuis
odiis
&
dissensionibus
ut
alter
non
facile
vellet
alteri
cedere
—
shewing
the
uncertainty
of
the
Histories
of
this
Council
,
and
the
Lies
of
the
Papists
not
to
be
trusted
.
Iam
divina
qua
ratione
ego
ero
salvandus
,
qui
nec
ipsum
Concilium
assequor
,
nec
causam
Concilii
satis
perspicio
.
p.
205.
Quod
Eutyches
non
tantum
unam
in
Christo
naturam
esse
statuat
,
ostendunt
Papistarum
Verba
,
qui
dicunt
Eutychen
concessisse
in
Christo
duas
naturas
,
viz.
Divinitatem
&
Humanitatem
,
quae
à
Divinitate
est
assumpta
—
Sed
quid
Eutyches
voluerit
quod
postea
in
Christo
tantum
Divina
natura
manserit
,
deserta
humana
,
ibi
prorsus
sunt
muti
;
&
re
nondum
certo
cognitd
dicunt
,
statuisse
Eutychen
quod
in
Christo
duae
naturae
,
&
tamen
non
duae
sed
una
natura
sit
:
Ita
postea
historiae
fiunt
incertae
&
obscurae
,
ut
nemo
possit
intelligere
quid
Eutyches
senserit
,
aut
quid
Pontificiae
historiae
sentiant
.
Amittimus
hisce
ambagibus
concilium
una
cum
causis
propter
quas
convocatum
est
.
—
Ego
meas
conjecturas
recitabo
:
si
rem
assequor
,
bene
;
si
non
,
non
propterea
labesactabitur
fides
Christiana
.
Eutychis
opinio
(
sicut
&
Nestorii
)
errat
circa
idiomata
,
quamvis
alio
modo
.
Nestorius
non
vult
idiomata
humanitatis
tribuere
Divinitati
in
Christo
:
—
Contra
Eutyches
non
vult
idiomata
divinitatis
tribuere
humanitati
,
etiamsi
&
ipse
firmiter
&
mordicus
retineat
Christum
esse
verum
Deum
&
hominem
.
Ut
si
dicerem
in
Concione
publica
,
Verbum
filium
Dei
esse
conditorem
Coeli
&
Terrae
aequalem
Patri
ab
aeterno
—
Et
hoc
Verbum
,
illum
filium
Dei
esse
verum
hominem
:
Hoc
concedit
mihi
Eutyches
nihil
dubitans
.
Iam
si
porro
dicam
,
Quod
ille
homo
Christus
sit
conditor
coeli
&
terra
,
hoc
offendit
Eutychen
,
qui
putat
prorsus
esse
absurdum
dicere
,
Homo
creat
coelum
&
terram
.
—
P.
210.
Ibi
vides
quod
idiomata
facili
occasione
homines
non
praemonitos
offendant
&
perturbent
.
Hic
erat
subveniendum
teneris
Conscientiis
●raterna
,
amica
&
salutari
admonitione
,
nec
superbissimi
errantes
abjiciendi
essent
.
Utinam
meo
judicio
non
respondeat
eventus
:
sed
vereor
profecto
aliquos
haereticos
in
novissimo
die
fieri
judices
;
&
illos
ipsos
Episcopos
penes
quos
suit
judicandi
potestas
,
in
aeternum
damnatos
,
ni
Deus
est
mirabilis
&
incomprehensibilis
in
suis
judiciis
;
nisi
quod
scimus
eum
esse
propitium
humilibus
&
infensissimum
superbis
.
Et
praesertim
in
Conciliis
&
Ecclesiis
nihil
erat
agendum
zelo
vel
invidia
,
vel
superbia
,
quia
Deus
non
potest
ferre
.
§
20.
Readers
,
you
see
what
tedious
work
some
men
can
make
us
:
Many
are
scandalized
,
as
if
we
gave
them
false
History
,
if
we
do
not
thus
confute
them
;
and
if
we
do
,
we
tire
our selves
and
you
.
If
I
should
cite
you
many
more
thus
to
confute
his
falshood
,
that
never
person
before
me
opposed
that
Faction
,
you
would
be
weary
of
it
.
§
21.
Yet
now
my
hand
is
in
,
you
shall
see
further
how
much
Luther
was
for
the
same
that
I
have
written
.
[
Qui
volet
poterit
ulterius
legere
acta
Concilii
,
privata
opera
.
Ego
ad
taedium
&
nauseam
usque
legi
ista
;
ejusmodi
Chaos
ceremoniarum
&
confusionum
est
ibi
,
ut
videatur
recte
judicasse
Greg.
Naz.
qui
Synodis
eruditioribas
&
sedatioribus
interfuit
,
—
&
scribit
[
Sic
affectus
sum
si
dicenda
est
veritas
.
ut
malim
omnes
Episcoporum
conventus
vitare
,
quia
nullius
Synodi
finem
vidi
bonum
,
aut
qui
magis
tolleret
mala
quam
augeret
.
Nam
cupiditas
contentionis
&
principatus
,
&
aemulatio
vincunt
rationem
.
Ut
profecto
miror
quod
propter
haec
verba
non
dudum
eum
excommunicaverunt
ut
atrocissimum
haereticum
.
Sed
quid
sit
quod
dicit
in
Synodis
Episcopos
certasse
ambitione
,
superbia
,
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
habes
in
hac
Synodo
clarissimum
exempium
.
Quod
autem
certum
sit
quod
hic
dicit
se
nullius
Synodi
vidisse
finem
bonum
,
docent
nos
historiae
:
Nam
Ariana
haeresis
jocus
fuit
ante
Nicaenum
Concilium
prae
illa
confusione
quam
ipsi
post
Concilium
excitaverunt
,
(
that
was
not
long
of
the
Synod
.
)
Talis
etiam
suit
Macedonici
&
Nestoriani
Concilii
.
Nam
illa
pars
quae
est
condemnat
a
eo
suit
conjunctior
,
ut
tali
specie
concordiae
.
&
unitatis
suas
praestigias
pingerent
quasi
nulli
justa
ratione
damnari
possent
.
Subinde
excitarunt
major
a
certamina
contra
Concilia
quae
ipsi
non
recte
intelligebant
.
—
P.
247.
Illud
possum
facillime
probare
quod
miser
ille
Pastor
in
Hippone
S.
Augustinus
plus
docuit
quam
omnia
Concilia
—
Dicam
&
quiddam
amplius
:
Majus
Lumen
accedit
Doctrinae
Christianae
ex
Catechismo
puerili
quam
ex
omnibus
Conciliis
,
&
oratio
Dominica
&
decem
praecepta
plus
continent
doctrinae
&
eruditionis
quam
omnia
Concilia
.
§
2.
Because
I
recite
the
words
of
the
Bishops
crying
Peccavimus
,
he
exclaimeth
against
me
,
as
making
Repentance
and
Reoantation
a
derision
,
and
this
by
the
Spirit
of
Schism
which
is
nice
in
point
of
honour
,
no
Conviction
shall
be
able
to
reclaim
it
,
though
in
the
most
indefensible
thing
in
the
World
.
]
Ans.
Add
but
with
the
Inquisitors
,
[
Therefore
burn
them
as
hopeless
.
]
and
you
are
come
to
the
end
of
your
Lesson
.
The
penetrating
Wits
of
some
men
are
admirable
.
This
man
whose
face
I
never
saw
,
knoweth
my
heart
so
much
better
than
my self
and
my
acquaintance
,
that
he
can
tell
that
it
is
to
avoid
dishonour
that
I
avoid
Repentance
,
when
I
offer
him
my
Oath
,
that
if
I
have
any
knowledge
of
my
own
desire
,
I
would
thank
him
as
my
dearest
Friend
,
who
will
by
Evidence
shew
me
any
necessary
truth
that
I
deny
,
or
Falshood
that
I
hold
,
and
will
joyfully
publish
my
recantation
.
2.
And
he
can
see
Schism
in
my
forbearing
known
and
heinous
sin
in
the
satisfaction
of
my
Conscience
,
while
I
write
,
and
preach
,
and
practise
Communion
with
their
Church
,
and
can
see
none
in
silencing
Thousands
,
and
ipso
facto
excommunicating
many
more
Thousands
of
godly
Christians
,
and
denying
Baptism
and
the
Lords
Supper
to
such
as
think
it
is
sinful
to
do
—
he
knows
what
.
3.
And
he
can
see
those
things
to
be
most
indefensible
,
which
after
our
best
study
we
take
to
be
clear
,
and
can
get
no
rational
Reply
to
our
defence
.
4.
And
(
for
want
of
memory
or
tenderness
of
his
partners
veracity
)
when
their
Advocates
have
so
oft
and
scornfully
charged
me
with
Retractations
,
and
also
told
the
World
how
much
my
own
party
(
as
they
call
them
)
speak
against
me
,
and
my
many
large
and
free
oppositions
to
the
faults
of
Nonconformists
that
run
into
any
extream
,
do
all
proclaim
how
little
I
have
set
by
such
honour
;
yea
,
when
himself
saith
that
I
have
fiercely
contended
against
all
Sects
and
Parties
,
and
they
call
me
Ishmael
,
whose
hand
is
against
every
man
:
After
all
this
to
proclaim
as
aforesaid
,
such
obstinate
Impenitence
for
the
love
of
Honour
,
I
confess
doth
no
more
further
my
conviction
than
the
Oath
of
an
Irish
Witness
would
have
done
:
For
if
he
had
sworn
it
,
I
would
have
shewed
my
Books
and
their
contrary
testimony
,
and
have
askt
him
,
whose
honouring
of
me
is
it
that
I
buy
so
dearly
?
It
is
not
the
Rulers
,
nor
the
Prelates
,
nor
their
Clergy
,
nor
their
adherents
,
noble
or
ignoble
:
And
if
I
have
willingly
and
laboriously
displeased
and
lost
the
Sectaries
too
,
whose
honour
is
it
that
I
sell
my
Soul
for
?
§
23.
But
did
the
man
think
that
Unconstancy
and
compliance
with
powerful
Heresie
,
is
the
same
thing
with
Repentance
for
it
?
Or
is
it
well
done
to
persuade
the
Reader
that
it
is
Repentance
or
Retractation
of
Heresie
I
write
against
,
when
I
recite
the
words
of
the
Council
and
their
own
?
Do
I
say
that
peccavimus
was
their
sin
?
§
24.
And
I
would
humbly
desire
him
in
time
to
consider
,
1.
Whether
it
was
a
venial
sin
not
to
be
named
by
me
,
when
the
most
zealous
Papists
and
Historians
name
it
,
for
so
great
a
number
of
Bishops
to
turn
and
turn
again
so
often
,
and
that
with
Anathematizing
one
year
of
what
they
voted
for
before
with
Anathema
to
the
contrary
.
I
crave
your
impartial
consideration
but
of
two
Instances
:
How
oft
did
they
with
Anathema's
vote
for
and
against
the
Council
of
Calcedon
as
the
Emperours
changed
?
Yea
in
the
same
Usurpers
time
,
Basiliscus
,
when
he
changed
himself
.
2.
In
the
case
of
Images
:
How
oft
did
they
change
in
Councils
,
for
them
and
against
them
,
as
the
Princes
changed
?
Sir
,
we
mind
this
with
lamentation
and
not
insultingly
:
But
if
you
take
these
for
venial
little
sins
,
and
our
not
swearing
and
covenanting
all
that
you
bid
us
for
a
mortal
sin
,
are
you
not
partial
?
2.
And
I
would
wish
you
to
think
on
it
again
,
before
you
make
this
guilt
your
own
,
by
mincing
and
excusing
it
;
and
lest
you
make
all
other
mens
sin
your
own
,
whom
hereby
you
encourage
in
the
imitation
of
them
.
These
are
not
things
indifferent
.
3.
And
do
not
so
dishonour
Prelacy
,
and
your
Church
and
Discipline
,
as
to
tell
the
World
that
these
in
Bishops
are
little
things
;
what
then
is
left
for
you
to
stick
at
?
No
man
should
make
light
of
such
Beams
in
the
Eyes
of
those
that
should
be
the
most
pure
,
while
they
are
pulling
the
mote
of
scrupling
a
Ceremony
,
yea
an
Oath
.
&c.
from
their
Brothers
Eye
,
and
that
by
such
Iron
Instruments
as
they
use
.
§
25.
Next
comes
his
Logical
terms
,
[
throwing
dirt
,
outragious
,
bitter
,
malicious
,
&c.
]
And
what
's
the
matter
?
[
I
give
not
one
loose
at
Emperours
and
Courts
:
scorning
to
change
the
game
;
charging
the
Bishops
with
the
faults
of
the
Magistrate
,
and
laying
all
the
blame
on
them
.
]
In
what
words
?
I
say
,
[
so
far
could
fierce
,
and
factious
Prelates
prevail
with
a
pious
and
peaceable
Prince
,
by
the
pretences
of
opposing
Heresie
and
Schism
.
Ans.
1.
Was
he
not
a
most
pious
and
peaceable
Prince
?
Then
Socrates
that
knew
him
,
and
protesteth
against
flattery
,
and
many
others
,
are
not
to
be
believed
?
yea
,
if
he
excelled
not
the
Bishops
?
2.
Do
I
say
that
none
but
the
Bishops
persuaded
him
?
Where
do
I
lay
all
the
fault
on
them
?
Do
I
not
after
name
the
Emperess
Eudocia
,
as
the
Agent
to
persuade
him
for
the
Eutychians
,
and
Pulcheria
to
persuade
him
against
Nestorius
:
My
words
are
visible
.
3.
What
Bishops
were
they
that
persuaded
him
to
make
a
Law
to
confirm
the
Ephesine
,
Eutychian
Council
?
Was
it
not
Dioscorus
and
the
Eutychians
?
Were
they
not
Bishops
?
Did
they
not
do
it
?
Yea
,
doth
not
this
man
oft
revile
them
far
more
bitterly
than
ever
I
did
,
and
revile
me
for
speaking
so
charitably
of
them
?
Would
you
ever
have
expected
that
the
same
man
should
have
so
reviled
me
,
for
saying
that
these
Eutychian
Bishops
prevailed
with
a
good
Emperour
to
confirm
that
Council
of
Eutychians
?
4.
Is
it
a
sin
not
to
speak
hardlier
of
so
good
a
Prince
,
who
after
repented
and
punished
his
Wife
and
Eunuch
for
persuading
him
?
It
was
a
blaming
him
to
tell
to
what
he
was
persuaded
.
Truly
the
mans
anger
here
for
my
blaming
the
Eutychian
Bishops
,
in
condemnation
of
whom
he
hath
poured
out
so
much
more
than
I
,
doth
make
me
think
that
there
is
somewhat
in
the
sound
of
some
words
,
that
turns
his
wrath
this
way
or
that
:
When
he
hears
the
name
of
an
Eutychian
,
away
with
them
,
speak
not
easily
of
them
.
When
the
same
men
are
called
Bishops
,
it
's
malice
,
outragious
bitterness
to
blame
them
for
getting
a
Law
to
confirm
that
called
an
Heretical
,
Murdering
,
Latroci●ian
Council
.
His
words
are
,
p.
146.
[
Were
there
ever
greater
violences
committed
than
in
that
infamous
Conventicle
at
Ephesus
?
]
§
26.
P.
263.
He
confesseth
that
the
Debate
between
the
Council
and
the
Egyptian
Bishops
was
something
too
warm
:
but
saith
that
heat
was
not
altogether
without
reason
.
Ans.
This
is
his
way
to
confess
their
faults
,
and
then
rail
at
me
for
bare
reciting
the
words
of
the
Debate
or
History
.
But
it
was
not
without
reason
:
He
confesseth
not
so
much
as
this
of
the
silencing
and
ruining
Ministers
now
.
It
shall
not
be
the
use
of
my
reason
to
make
Fig-leaves
to
cloath
and
cover
the
sins
which
God
abhorreth
.
Men
will
be
men
he
saith
,
wherever
they
are
placed
,
whether
in
a
Council
or
in
the
Church
,
or
even
at
the
Altar
.
Ans.
By
Men
I
suppose
he
meaneth
Sinners
:
and
it
's
true
.
But
of
all
Sinners
Oh
that
God
would
save
his
Church
from
those
who
hate
reproof
,
and
cherish
the
worst
that
will
be
for
them
,
and
excommunicate
and
prosecute
the
most
conscionable
that
will
not
obey
them
in
things
which
they
call
indifferent
,
for
fear
of
sinning
against
God
.
§
27.
His
trifling
words
about
Leo
and
Rome
are
not
worthy
of
an
Answer
.
§
28.
He
hath
,
P.
268.
hit
again
on
the
oversight
which
I
before
confessed
,
even
the
effect
of
my
necessitated
haste
,
that
in
translating
Theodoret's
words
I
put
(
truly
)
in
the
wrong
place
:
I
ask
him
forgiveness
,
and
the
Bishops
,
if
that
be
any
slander
against
them
;
which
is
nothing
to
them
.
§
29.
He
saith
,
P.
269.
[
There
is
no
truth
in
what
our
Author
saith
,
that
Ibas
Epistle
was
acquit
.
]
Ans.
There
is
no
truth
in
saying
that
I
said
it
was
,
when
my
words
were
disjunctive
,
[
The
Epistle
was
acquit
,
or
at
least
the
Bishop
upon
the
reading
of
it
.
]
He
saith
,
Ibas
was
not
acquit
on
the
reading
the
Epistle
,
but
on
the
defence
he
made
,
that
he
communicated
with
Cyril
.
Ans.
His
Accusations
of
Falshood
are
commonly
Boyish
Quibbles
.
His
Defence
and
the
Reading
of
his
Letter
go
together
,
and
in
Binnius
the
Letter
,
and
the
Letters
of
the
Clergy
of
Edessa
are
the
last
things
done
before
he
is
discharged
.
§
30.
P.
270.
He
saith
,
[
The
truth
is
,
the
Eastern
Bishops
were
not
so
ingenuous
and
fair
after
their
reconciliation
with
Cyril
,
&c.
]
Thus
he
becomes
himself
still
an
accuser
of
the
Bishops
.
§
31.
Because
I
say
that
the
Judges
past
sentence
to
cast
out
both
Stephen
and
Bassian
from
Ephesus
,
and
all
consented
,
he
saith
,
[
One
would
think
here
the
Judges
passed
sentence
against
the
consent
or
Inclination
of
the
Bishops
.
]
Ans.
There
is
no
end
of
answering
your
thinkings
.
I
did
not
say
that
the
Judges
passed
the
Councils
Sentence
but
their
own
:
And
whether
it
were
against
the
Fore-inclination
of
the
Council
let
any
Reader
judge
,
when
the
Judges
asking
the
Council
their
sence
,
[
Res
.
Episcopi
clamaverunt
,
justi●ia
Bassianum
vocat
:
Regulae
valeant
.
The
Judges
answered
them
that
their
judgment
was
that
both
were
to
be
cast
out
,
and
a
third
chosen
,
and
the
Council
suddenly
consented
.
If
he
would
be
believed
contradicting
this
he
must
deny
the
Acts.
§
32.
He
hath
found
matter
for
a
quibble
against
tasting
Poterius
Flesh
with
their
Teeth
.
Teeth
taste
not
:
Dangerous
false
History
,
or
want
of
Learning
is
learnedly
here
discovered
.
When
he
cannot
deny
the
most
woeful
,
calamitous
dissentions
which
followed
the
Calcedon
Council
,
he
saith
,
[
Was
it
the
misfortune
or
the
fault
of
these
only
not
to
be
able
to
heal
the
differences
of
the
Church
?
Or
was
the
defect
in
the
Councils
,
or
the
blame
to
be
imputed
to
those
obstinate
men
that
opposed
the
Rule
established
by
them
?
]
Ans.
No
:
They
were
neither
the
first
nor
the
last
that
have
miscarried
.
Nor
are
we
the
first
that
suffer
under
such
miscarriage
.
It
was
the
misfortune
of
the
Churches
to
have
such
Physicians
:
But
as
it
is
the
honour
of
some
Physicians
to
shew
how
many
Patients
they
have
cured
,
so
is
it
of
some
others
,
when
most
die
under
their
hands
,
to
be
able
to
say
,
that
it
was
long
of
the
Patients
that
would
not
be
ruled
,
or
that
they
killed
them
secundum
artem
.
It
was
a
Proverb
in
Sutton-Coldfield
,
[
Who
begun
?
]
A
poor
man
had
but
one
Ass
and
he
loaded
him
too
hard
,
and
the
Ass
being
in
pain
bit
his
Master
a
little
on
the
Buttock
;
and
his
Master
knockt
him
down
,
and
killed
him
;
and
when
he
saw
him
dying
,
,
[
Well
,
(
saith
he
)
But
who
begun
?
]
But
who
had
the
loss
?
There
be
Clergy-Men
that
can
impenitently
see
the
Strages
,
the
divisions
,
the
swarms
of
sin
that
are
the
consequents
of
their
needless
masterly
Impositions
,
and
wipe
their
mouths
and
say
.
It
was
the
obstinacy
of
those
that
would
not
be
ruled
by
us
!
They
kill
a
Flea
on
a
mans
Forehead
with
a
Beetle
,
and
say
they
meant
not
to
kill
the
man
.
But
if
that
Councils
Acts
were
a
fit
means
to
cure
the
Churches
Divisions
,
how
came
they
to
be
presently
and
through
many
Ages
,
yea
,
ever
since
to
this
day
,
thereby
increased
so
many
fold
?
Though
the
Assembly
at
Jerusalem
cured
not
all
the
Jewish
Teachers
of
their
blind
Zeal
for
Moses
Law
,
it
was
so
far
from
increasing
the
Dissentions
and
number
of
Dissenters
,
that
it
satisfied
the
Gentile
Christians
for
the
most
part
,
and
many
of
the
Jewish
,
and
greatly
diminished
the
Discord
.
It
's
one
thing
not
wholly
to
cure
,
and
another
to
make
far
worse
.
§
33.
He
instanceth
also
in
the
Dort
Synod
that
made
things
worse
.
Ans.
1.
The
Synod
of
Dort
made
things
the
worse
in
their
own
Country
,
not
by
their
Doctrinal
Decisions
,
but
by
too
much
of
the
Masterly
Spirit
,
engaging
the
Magistrates
against
the
Arminians
in
the
use
of
the
Sword
.
Whether
it
be
true
that
they
say
,
that
they
were
necessitated
to
do
what
they
did
against
Barnevolt
and
Grotius
for
the
safety
of
their
State
,
I
am
no
Judge
:
But
I
am
sure
it
is
of
an
ill
sound
to
those
that
read
it
:
And
so
is
it
to
read
in
Episcopius
and
others
,
what
violence
the
People
have
used
against
the
Arminians
,
and
they
were
fain
to
tolerate
them
when
all
was
done
.
And
it
's
no
wonder
that
the
Dissention
increased
in
England
,
when
the
Clergy
would
not
long
stand
to
the
decrees
that
by
our
own
six
Delegates
were
moderated
:
Dr.
Heylin
tells
you
how
Bishop
Laua's
Zeal
was
the
cause
of
our
following
Contentions
:
And
how
?
By
bearing
down
all
that
were
against
him
.
2.
But
the
meer
Doctrinal
Decrees
of
the
Synod
of
Dort
are
so
moderate
and
healing
,
that
where
Violence
hath
been
forborn
,
and
Reason
used
,
many
have
been
pacified
by
them
.
And
3.
What
that
Synod
did
not
,
a
few
private
Peace-makers
have
much
done
:
The
Writings
of
Camero
Amyraldus
,
Capellus
,
Placeus
,
Testardus
,
Lud.
Crocius
,
Mat.
Martinius
,
Conr.
Bergius
,
Joh.
Bergius
,
Blondel
,
Daile
,
and
above
all
,
Le
Blank
's
have
for
ought
I
hear
,
half
ended
the
controversie
.
And
having
my self
written
one
Book
(
Cathol.
Theologie
)
for
Reconciliation
,
I
have
not
to
this
day
had
a
word
of
Contradiction
,
but
the
Consent
of
very
many
.
And
as
I
before
noted
,
Is
not
even
in
London
where
other
differences
might
exasperate
,
yet
this
Controversie
almost
laid
to
sleep
?
But
if
our
Arminians
will
but
get
as
severe
Laws
and
Canons
made
against
them
that
are
not
of
their
Opinions
,
as
be
against
them
that
dare
not
conform
to
the
Diocesane
Model
and
the
rest
,
they
shall
quickly
see
this
quarrel
revived
.
The
Articles
of
the
Church
of
England
determine
not
these
Controversies
,
and
that
is
our
Peace
.
Put
in
but
one
determining
Article
against
either
side
,
and
it
will
break
us
more
in
pieces
.
Doth
not
our
own
Case
and
Experience
then
confute
those
over-doing
Councils
?
§
34.
His
next
Instance
is
that
of
the
Westminster
Assembly
,
—
So
far
from
reconciling
the
People
,
that
after
this
they
were
distracted
into
innumerable
Schisms
:
Never
was
there
so
lamentable
a
face
of
things
,
never
such
variety
of
Heresie
,
and
such
Wantonness
,
and
Extravagancy
,
in
blaspheming
God
under
pretence
of
Religion
and
Conscience
:
And
this
is
the
State
whither
the
same
manner
of
men
are
driving
again
.
Ans.
1.
I
say
again
I
knew
so
many
of
that
Assembly
,
as
that
I
do
not
think
that
the
Christian
World
had
ever
an
Assembly
of
more
able
and
truly
pious
Clergy-Men
,
these
1300
Years
at
least
.
But
these
Upstarts
that
knew
them
not
can
tell
us
any
thing
that
Faction
hath
taught
them
to
believe
concerning
them
and
others
.
The
Parliament
was
by
seeming
necessity
drawn
to
gratifie
the
Scots
:
The
Assembly
,
though
Conformists
,
all
,
save
Eight
or
Nine
,
were
as
sensible
as
the
Nonconformists
of
the
mischiefs
of
silencing
worthy
Ministers
,
and
forbidding
Afternoon
Sermons
,
and
such
like
;
and
they
were
as
much
against
Arminianism
and
Popery
as
the
Church
of
England
was
in
A.
Bp.
Abbat's
days
,
and
as
much
as
he
against
the
Doctrine
of
Mainwaring
and
Sibthorp
:
And
the
Parliament
absolutely
restrained
them
from
debating
any
thing
but
what
they
proposed
to
them
;
so
that
they
that
were
for
the
Primitive
Episcopacy
had
no
liberty
to
debate
it
,
or
speak
for
it
,
but
on
the
by
.
But
when
the
Covenant
was
offered
them
against
Prelacy
,
they
were
about
to
enter
a
Protestation
against
it
,
and
were
stopt
only
by
limiting
the
renunciation
to
the
English
frame
described
in
an
explicatory
Parenthesis
.
But
for
my
part
I
think
them
much
to
be
blamed
,
that
they
did
not
,
though
against
that
prohibition
,
resolve
to
propose
such
moderate
healing
terms
to
the
Parliament
as
were
agreeable
to
their
judgments
,
or
at
least
have
testified
against
the
limiting
of
Church
Concord
to
such
narrow
termes
,
as
must
exclude
such
men
as
were
for
the
English
Episcopacy
:
They
might
easily
have
known
,
that
the
number
of
such
in
England
was
so
great
,
as
that
an
excluding
Law
must
needs
be
an
Engine
of
great
Division
;
and
that
Conquest
will
not
change
mens
Judgments
.
And
as
I
doubt
not
but
the
five
Dissenting
Independents
were
greatly
to
blame
,
for
making
such
a
stir
for
leave
to
gather
their
Churches
,
when
nothing
was
imposed
on
them
which
they
could
accuse
;
So
I
doubt
not
but
the
Assembly
were
to
be
blamed
for
making
a
greater
noise
against
errours
than
they
had
cause
for
.
Their
desire
of
Concord
,
which
was
good
itself
,
did
raise
them
to
too
great
Expectations
of
it
,
and
too
great
impatience
of
little
differences
.
They
published
their
Testimony
against
the
errours
of
the
times
,
in
which
they
took
in
Dr.
Hammond
,
and
made
many
differences
worse
than
they
were
,
too
like
the
old
Hereticators
.
And
they
wanted
that
skill
to
compose
their
differences
with
the
Independents
,
as
was
needful
to
that
end
,
and
might
have
been
attained
.
And
will
the
faults
of
that
Assembly
justifie
the
far
greater
faults
of
others
?
But
2.
This
sort
of
Historians
do
much
more
differ
from
us
about
the
matters
of
Fact
,
which
our
Eyes
have
dayly-seen
,
yea
,
about
our
own
Thoughts
and
Minds
,
than
about
the
History
of
the
ancient
Church
.
The
case
was
very
far
different
from
that
which
he
describeth
.
Mr.
Lawson
,
a
Conformist
,
saith
,
[
There
was
never
better
Preaching
,
Piety
encouraged
and
encreased
,
&c.
than
at
that
time
.
In
all
the
Counties
where
I
was
acquainted
,
there
were
many
young
Orthodox
faithful
Preachers
,
that
gave
themselves
wholly
to
do
good
,
for
one
that
was
ten
Years
before
,
and
not
any
considerable
number
noted
for
any
immorality
:
We
were
in
the
County
where
I
lived
almost
all
of
one
mind
;
for
Episcopal
,
Presbyterians
and
Independents
uniting
in
that
which
they
agreed
in
,
and
leaving
all
to
Liberty
in
the
rest
,
we
lived
in
constant
Brotherly
Love
and
Peace
without
Dissention
.
I
never
knew
of
any
of
a
divers
Religion
in
all
the
County
,
save
at
the
end
,
in
one
or
two
corners
about
Twenty
Quakers
:
And
near
me
were
about
Twenty
otherwise
.
Orthodox
,
that
denied
Infant-Baptism
,
(
and
perhaps
as
many
more
in
the
whole
County
,
)
and
Two
or
Three
ignorant
Socinians
.
In
the
next
County
I
heard
not
of
so
many
Heterodox
:
Never
did
I
see
,
before
or
since
,
so
much
Love
and
Concord
among
Ministers
,
and
all
religious
People
,
nor
read
of
any
Age
that
had
so
much
for
1300
Years
.
And
whereas
the
common
cry
is
,
Oh
,
but
they
were
all
Rebels
against
the
King
!
I
have
named
abundance
of
the
Ministers
in
mine
Apology
to
Dr.
Good
,
(
who
being
Episcopal
was
a
Guide
in
our
Meetings
,
and
after
so
accused
the
Nonconformists
)
and
challenged
him
to
name
one
of
them
that
ever
meddled
with
Wars
.
I
knew
none
in
all
the
County
that
was
in
any
Army
save
the
King
's
,
save
Mr.
Hopkins
of
Evesham
(
dead
)
and
my self
,
and
one
that
is
a
Conformist
,
and
one
Independent
(
dead
.
)
But
it
's
true
,
that
they
were
then
so
set
upon
Parish
Reformation
and
Concord
,
that
they
were
more
troubled
at
any
one
that
did
turn
Quaker
,
or
against
Infant
Baptism
,
than
some
indifferent
Persons
are
at
Multitudes
.
And
I
was
one
that
disputed
most
against
them
,
and
wrote
against
some
distant
Antinomians
,
mostly
Souldiers
;
But
our
Disputes
satisfied
and
confirmed
all
our
Neighbours
more
than
Prisons
would
have
done
.
We
punished
none
of
them
,
and
none
of
our
People
there
turned
to
them
.
But
I
confess
we
were
commonly
too
little
sensible
,
how
much
hurtful
Violence
hindereth
Concord
,
more
than
loving
forbearance
of
tolerable
differences
.
As
too
many
were
how
much
for
Peace
they
should
have
abated
of
the
Zeal
for
their
private
Opinions
,
which
they
thought
to
be
better
than
they
were
.
We
were
much
like
the
days
that
followed
the
Apostles
,
which
had
some
troublesome
Sectaries
,
but
the
main
Body
of
Christians
did
cleave
together
in
Love
,
till
success
had
puft
up
a
rebellious
Army
to
make
themselves
Rulers
,
to
the
Confusion
of
themselves
and
others
.
§
35.
At
last
mentioning
the
common
Dissentions
of
the
Churches
,
he
seems
to
resolve
the
Question
,
What
then
must
be
done
?
But
he
puts
us
off
only
with
the
Negative
Answer
,
that
[
the
Rule
,
i.
e.
of
our
Uniformity
is
not
to
be
altered
.
And
why
?
[
We
have
no
assurance
that
we
shall
find
any
Conformity
to
it
more
than
we
have
now
.
]
Ans.
I
must
not
call
this
Answer
as
it
deserveth
.
1.
You
were
about
dealing
otherwise
with
the
Papists
:
Dr.
Heylin
tells
us
how
much
they
were
to
have
altered
for
Concord
:
Mr.
Thorndike
threatens
the
Land
,
if
you
alter
not
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
for
them
:
The
name
of
the
Pope
and
Anti-Christ
hath
been
expunged
for
them
;
yet
you
said
not
,
We
know
not
that
they
will
come
any
nearer
us
.
2.
By
these
measures
a
Rag
or
a
Ceremony
should
never
be
abated
for
the
Peace
and
Concord
of
any
Church
or
Kingdom
:
You
may
still
say
we
are
not
sure
that
this
will
serve
them
.
The
Pope
may
say
so
,
where
he
refuseth
to
abate
the
shaving
of
the
Priests
Beards
,
or
the
least
of
his
Impositions
;
yea
he
knows
that
would
not
serve
.
They
said
so
to
the
Bohemians
four
Demands
:
They
concluded
so
at
first
against
Luther
.
This
very
Argument
hath
kept
them
from
all
Reformation
.
3.
Can
you
find
nothing
in
your
Impositions
that
in
the
nature
of
the
thing
is
worthy
to
be
altered
?
If
not
,
you
have
more
or
less
Wisdom
than
Bishop
Morton
,
and
the
rest
of
the
Church
Doctors
who
at
Westminster
motioned
so
many
Alterations
.
●●
one
should
but
then
move
you
to
correct
your
known
false
Rule
for
finding
Easterday
,
or
to
give
Parents
leave
to
be
the
first
Promisers
for
their
own
Children
,
and
Godfathers
but
their
seconds
,
or
not
to
deny
Christendom
and
Communion
for
that
or
a
Ceremony
:
No
,
come
on
it
what
will
,
nothing
must
be
altered
,
lest
men
ask
more
.
And
yet
you
preach
against
Clergy
Infallibility
,
(
or
subscribe
at
least
.
)
4
But
if
you
are
so
much
against
altering
,
why
did
you
alter
to
our
greater
suffering
,
and
add
as
much
more
(
yea
five
times
more
)
to
the
former
Task
and
Burden
?
You
can
no
doubt
say
somewhat
for
all
this
.
5.
And
when
it
is
the
same
things
that
the
old
Nonconformists
still
asked
,
and
we
since
1660
askt
yet
less
,
what
reason
had
you
to
raise
that
suspicion
that
we
will
not
be
satisfied
with
what
we
ask
?
Have
we
given
you
any
cause
?
If
you
mean
that
perhaps
there
be
some
still
that
may
be
unsatisfied
,
will
you
deny
Peace
to
so
many
that
beg
it
of
you
,
because
others
will
not
accept
it
on
their
Terms
?
Or
will
you
never
agree
with
any
lest
some
disagreement
should
arise
hereafter
.
Some
Travellers
were
assaulted
by
the
high
way
by
a
Captain
of
Souldiers
,
who
took
all
their
Money
,
Swords
and
Horses
,
and
swore
he
would
kill
them
if
they
would
not
take
an
Oath
to
conceal
him
:
One
took
the
Oath
to
save
his
Life
,
another
scrupled
it
:
They
begg'd
his
Mercy
to
restore
so
much
as
would
bring
them
home
:
He
askt
them
what
would
satisfie
them
:
One
would
have
his
Horse
,
another
his
Sword
,
another
part
of
his
Money
.
He
told
them
,
You
are
a
Company
of
Rogues
,
that
can
neither
agree
what
to
ask
,
nor
give
me
assurance
if
I
give
you
this
you
will
ask
no
more
.
I
compare
not
the
Authority
but
the
Reasons
of
the
Denial
.
§
36.
But
seeing
no
abatement
of
their
Canons
,
&c.
must
be
granted
,
what
is
it
that
must
cause
our
Concord
?
He
would
not
tell
you
;
but
it
's
discernible
what
's
left
:
It
must
be
no
Concord
but
what
Punishment
can
procure
:
And
what
punishment
?
Sharper
than
is
yet
tried
;
for
that
hath
not
done
it
:
Such
Concord
as
Tertullian
nameth
,
Solitudinem
faciunt
&
pacem
vocant
:
The
Concord
in
Spain
is
worse
than
the
Amsterdam
toleration
.
Again
I
remember
the
great
Fish-Pond
mentioned
by
Judge
Hale
,
that
had
multitudes
of
Fish
and
frie
;
and
at
last
two
small
Pikes
put
in
;
when
the
Pond
was
drawn
there
was
never
a
Fish
but
the
two
Tyrants
(
as
he
calls
them
)
grown
to
a
huge
bigness
.
The
fear
least
Popery
and
Prelacy
should
be
the
two
Pikes
,
tempted
men
irregularly
to
covenant
against
them
.
To
have
such
variety
as
Roch
,
Dace
,
Pierch
,
Tench
,
Carp
,
made
it
a
Schismatical
Pond
;
The
two
Pikes
were
against
Schism
and
Toleration
,
and
for
ending
the
Division
by
reducing
all
to
unity
of
Species
.
§
37.
As
to
his
Question
of
Qu.
Elizabeths
days
,
the
Intimation
may
seduce
the
ignorant
,
but
none
else
.
1.
If
he
know
not
that
it
was
the
Subscription
required
in
the
Canons
,
(
that
nothing
in
the
Books
is
contrary
to
the
Word
of
God
,
scrupled
,
which
broke
the
Peace
and
Concord
of
England
,
he
is
unfit
by
his
Ignorance
to
be
an
Informer
of
others
.
I
have
known
many
that
would
have
yielded
to
come
into
the
Conforming
Church
,
if
that
one
word
had
been
but
forborn
:
For
when
any
practice
against
their
Consciences
about
baptizing
,
Communion
,
or
Burials
had
faln
in
their
way
,
they
would
have
silently
shifted
it
off
,
or
been
from
home
,
and
have
ventured
to
answer
it
,
so
they
could
but
conscionably
have
got
in
.
But
our
Canoneers
are
for
all
or
nothing
.
2.
He
is
sure
no
English
Clergy-man
,
if
he
know
not
how
much
is
laid
on
us
,
that
was
not
known
in
the
days
of
Qu.
Elizabeth
.
Is
it
to
inform
men
,
or
deceive
them
,
that
he
makes
the
difference
to
be
between
36
and
39
Articles
,
and
saith
nothing
of
all
the
new
Covenants
,
Declaration●
,
Oaths
,
Subscriptions
,
Doctrine
and
Practises
?
§
38.
Many
make
use
of
Mr.
Edwards
Gangrena
,
and
the
London
Ministers
Testimony
against
errours
,
to
prove
the
Heresies
and
Confusions
of
the
late
times
.
No
doubt
all
sin
is
odious
:
But
few
men
living
are
more
competent
Witnesses
of
those
things
than
I.
The
Errours
that
sprung
up
were
much
more
tenderly
resented
then
than
now
.
You
now
have
many
called
Wits
and
Persons
of
Quality
,
who
at
a
Club
dispute
against
the
Providence
of
God
,
the
immortality
of
the
Soul
,
and
a
future
Life
;
and
there
is
neither
Church-Admonition
,
Excommunication
,
nor
any
great
matter
made
of
it
,
but
they
are
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
,
the
purest
Church
in
all
the
World
:
Whereas
in
those
licentious
times
,
if
one
Souldier
had
spoken
such
a
Word
,
it
would
have
rung
out
through
the
Land
,
and
perhaps
his
Tongue
would
have
been
bored
with
an
hot
Iron
.
It
was
the
errours
of
the
proud
rebellious
Soldiers
that
made
most
of
the
noise
,
that
had
no
considerable
number
of
Ministers
left
with
them
.
I
had
a
hand
in
Mr.
Edwards
Book
thus
:
An
Assembly
of
Ministers
after
Naseby
Fight
sent
me
into
the
Army
to
try
if
I
could
reduce
them
.
Dayly
disputing
with
them
,
a
few
proud
selfconceited
Fellows
vented
some
gross
words
.
At
Amersham
a
few
Country
Sectaries
had
set
up
a
Meeting
in
Dr.
Crooks
Church
,
to
dispute
and
deceive
the
People
:
A
few
of
Major
Bethel's
Troop
(
that
afterwards
turned
Levellers
and
were
ruined
)
joined
with
them
:
I
met
them
,
and
almost
all
day
disputed
against
them
,
and
shamed
them
,
and
they
met
there
no
more
.
I
gathered
up
all
the
gross
words
which
they
uttered
and
wrote
them
in
a
Letter
to
Francis
Tyton
,
and
after
I
found
them
cited
in
Mr.
Edwards
Gangrena
.
And
what
's
the
absurd
Speeches
of
a
few
ignorant
Souldiers
,
that
are
dead
with
them
,
to
the
Heresies
and
Schisms
that
these
1000
or
1200
Years
continue
in
all
the
Roman
Communion
,
and
they
say
in
all
the
rest
of
the
Christian
World
.
One
cheating
Papist
as
a
converted
Jew
got
into
an
Anabaptists
Meeting
,
one
Maxwell
a
Scot
,
and
all
England
rung
of
it
.
But
when
Bishops
have
made
and
keep
France
,
Spain
,
Italy
,
&c.
in
the
same
Errours
,
Dr.
Heylin
,
and
Bp.
Bromhall
,
and
such
others
,
took
them
for
such
,
with
whom
a
Coalition
on
the
terms
by
them
described
was
very
desirable
.
CHAP.
XXIV
.
His
7th
Chapter
considered
.
§
1.
THE
Man
had
not
the
courage
to
defend
the
surgent
Prelacy
in
its
Manhood
and
Maturity
,
but
only
in
its
Infant
and
Juvenile
State
;
nor
to
defend
the
many
hundred
Councils
which
I
mentioned
after
the
Council
of
Calcedon
,
in
which
either
his
Modesty
or
Cautelousness
comes
short
of
his
Rd.
Fathers
,
who
some
of
them
own
the
six
first
General
Councils
,
and
some
of
them
eight
,
and
some
would
unite
with
the
Church
of
Rome
,
if
they
will
abate
but
the
last
400
Years
additions
.
§
2.
In
his
Gleanings
in
this
7th
Chap.
he
over
,
and
over
,
and
over
persuadeth
his
Reader
,
that
I
make
or
affirm
that
[
the
Bps.
were
the
cause
of
all
the
Heresies
in
the
world
,
and
of
all
the
Heresies
,
Schisms
,
and
Evils
that
have
afflicted
the
Church
.
And
hath
this
Historian
any
proof
of
this
?
Or
is
it
the
melancholy
fiction
of
his
Brain
?
Yes
,
this
is
his
proof
contrary
to
my
manifold
Instances
,
because
I
say
in
one
age
,
[
We
have
a
strange
thing
,
a
Heresie
raised
by
one
that
was
no
Bishop
:
which
I
have
answered
before
.
To
be
then
strange
,
and
never
to
be
at
all
;
are
not
words
of
the
same
sense
?
But
his
Answers
throughout
do
mind
me
of
Seneca's
Words
,
that
a
man
that
is
sore
complains
(
or
cries
Oh
)
when
he
doth
but
think
you
touch
him
.
§
3.
He
thus
himself
accuseth
the
Bishops
,
p.
276
[
There
have
been
wicked
men
and
wicked
Bishops
in
all
times
.
]
And
p.
277.
[
That
some
Bishops
have
abused
their
Authority
and
Office
,
and
been
the
cause
of
Heresie
and
Schism
cannot
be
denied
.
]
But
yet
[
He
hath
shewed
sufficiently
,
that
most
of
my
particular
Accusations
are
void
of
all
truth
and
Ingenuity
.
]
Ans.
Or
else
those
words
are
so
.
§
4.
He
saith
All
Ecclesiastical
Writers
agree
,
that
Simon
Magus
was
Author
of
the
first
Heresie
in
Christian
Religion
.
]
Ans.
All
confess
that
Judas
was
before
him
:
And
if
it
be
a
Heresie
to
buy
the
Spirit
for
Money
,
it
is
a
Heresie
to
sell
Christ
for
Money
.
But
I
confess
some
tell
us
of
his
after
pranks
at
Rome
,
and
imitating
Icarus
,
at
Peters
Prayers
:
If
you
would
see
why
Dr.
More
takes
this
for
a
toyish
Legend
,
see
his
Mystery
of
Iniquity
,
Lib.
2.
C.
19.
§
6
,
7.
p.
447
,
448.
§
5.
P.
286
,
287.
Baronius
first
,
and
Philastrius
after
,
are
made
guilty
of
Forgery
and
disregardable
History
,
so
that
I
may
well
bear
some
of
his
Censures
.
§
6.
P.
290.
To
confute
me
effectually
he
saith
much
what
the
same
which
is
much
of
the
sum
of
all
my
Book
:
And
yet
it
's
false
and
malicious
in
me
,
and
true
and
charitable
in
him
:
viz.
[
Praising
the
first
300
years
,
(
when
the
Bishops
were
such
as
we
offer
to
submit
to
:
)
he
adds
[
The
following
Ages
were
not
so
happy
;
but
as
Christians
generally
degenerated
so
did
the
Bishops
too
.
]
Ans.
What!
Before
the
Council
of
Nice
!
That
's
a
sad
Confession
.
I
was
ready
to
say
as
a
Roman
Emperour
said
to
a
flatterer
,
that
still
said
all
that
he
said
,
[
Dic
aliud
aliquid
ut
duo
simus
,
]
But
his
next
words
allay
it
,
[
But
yet
not
so
much
as
our
Author
would
make
it
appear
.
]
As
the
Dominicans
and
Oratorians
must
say
some
falshood
of
Calvine
,
lest
they
be
thought
Calvinists
.
And
yet
he
addeth
,
[
The
beginning
of
the
4th
Century
was
very
unhappy
to
the
Church
,
for
Persecution
without
,
and
Heresie
and
Schism
within
.
Meletius
an
Egyytian
began
a
Schism
,
forsook
the
Communion
of
the
Church
,
&c.
Next
the
Donatists
,
Arians
,
&c.
]
Ans.
It
seems
that
the
Emperours
Constantius
and
Valens
were
without
the
Church
,
and
yet
the
Arian
Priests
and
Bishops
were
within
it
.
When
he
defineth
the
Church
we
may
understand
this
.
But
is
it
not
this
4th
Century
that
is
made
the
Churches
more
flourishing
state
by
others
?
§
7.
Even
the
great
Historian
of
Heresies
,
Epiphanius
,
is
said
p.
292.
to
be
[
unaccountably
mistaken
in
several
things
relating
to
that
History
.
]
And
293.
hath
[
a
strange
unaccountable
mistake
in
diverse
other
things
relating
to
that
matter
.
]
If
I
had
at
any
time
erred
with
such
a
Bishop
and
Father
,
I
might
have
been
excusable
for
reciting
his
History
.
§
8.
Pag.
295.
He
opens
the
very
Heart
of
his
Parties
Principles
,
and
saith
,
[
The
Church
is
never
distracted
more
by
any
thing
than
Projects
of
Moderation
.
]
Ans.
Experience
proveth
that
you
speak
your
Heart
.
The
words
are
no
wilful
Lye
which
agree
with
a
mans
Mind
,
be
they
never
so
false
as
disagreeable
to
the
matter
.
No
man
was
more
of
that
Opinion
than
Hildebrand
,
that
would
not
yield
the
Emperours
the
Investiture
,
nor
as
I
before
said
,
abate
the
Prince
of
Calaris
the
shaving
of
his
Bishops
Beard
to
save
his
Kingdom
.
Victor
began
with
that
Opinion
too
soon
,
but
his
Successors
have
these
Thousand
Years
been
as
much
for
it
as
you
can
wish
.
2.
But
to
whom
is
it
that
you
intend
this
?
Sure
not
to
all
:
Was
Bishop
Laud
of
that
mind
toward
the
Papists
if
Dr.
Heylin
say
true
?
Was
Grotius
of
that
mind
toward
them
?
Was
Arch-Bishop
Bromhall
,
Forbes
,
Beziar
,
Thorndike
(
and
many
more
such
)
of
that
mind
?
No
:
I
'le
excuse
you
,
that
you
meant
not
them
and
their
Projects
of
Moderation
:
Nor
I
believe
neither
Cassander's
,
Erasmus's
,
Wicelius's
,
Sancta
Clara's
,
Leander's
,
&c.
But
towards
such
as
I
am
,
you
have
been
as
firm
to
that
Principle
as
any
one
of
our
Enemies
could
wish
.
In
1660
,
1661.
it
was
most
effectually
improved
;
and
you
have
attained
much
of
the
fruits
then
foretold
:
and
ever
since
have
been
unmoveably
and
prevailingly
true
to
it
.
3.
But
this
maketh
some
men
the
Distracters
of
the
Church
,
if
not
the
greatest
,
which
truly
I
have
better
thoughts
of
:
Such
as
Junius
,
Paraeus
,
Amyraldus
,
Le
Blanke
,
Davenant
,
Ward
,
Usher
,
Holdsworth
,
Morton
,
Hall
,
&c.
And
lately
when
we
were
preparing
for
the
Kings
Return
,
Bp.
Brownrig
,
and
after
his
death
Dr.
Gawden
,
Dr.
Gulston
,
Dr.
Allen
,
Dr.
Bernard
,
and
diverse
such
did
offer
themselves
to
a
Treaty
for
Moderation
:
And
since
then
Dr.
Wilkins
,
Dr.
Burton
,
Dr.
Tillotson
,
and
in
diebus
illis
Dr.
Stilling
fleet
have
been
guilty
of
this
crime
,
of
distracting
the
Church
by
projects
of
Moderation
:
But
I
can
name
the
Bps.
that
were
not
guilty
of
it
.
To
abate
or
forsake
the
necessary
points
of
Faith
and
Practice
on
pretence
of
Moderation
,
is
to
destroy
Christianity
on
pretence
of
Humanity
or
Peace
.
But
to
make
Laws
that
men
shall
preach
with
Horns
on
their
Heads
,
to
signifie
the
Victory
of
Truth
,
and
to
ruine
all
that
will
not
keep
these
Laws
(
much
more
if
men
should
command
worse
)
and
to
say
a
Project
for
Moderation
would
distract
the
Church
,
would
be
as
far
from
Wisdom
as
it
is
from
Moderation
:
And
some
Prelates
have
done
as
bad
as
this
.
§
9.
He
confesseth
p.
296.
that
by
force
and
Fraud
[
the
whole
World
in
a
manner
was
turned
Arian
.
]
And
did
I
ever
say
worse
of
the
Bishops
than
this
?
§
10.
He
maketh
Aerius
to
speak
against
Bishops
because
he
could
not
be
a
Bishop
,
so
that
he
was
of
a
Prelatical
Judgment
and
Spirit
,
and
calleth
him
[
The
Cartwright
of
the
times
,
]
by
which
if
he
mean
that
Cartwright
would
have
been
a
Bishop
,
it
doth
but
tell
us
that
he
deserveth
little
belief
in
his
History
.
§
11.
He
is
a
most
singular
Historian
,
p.
303.
in
telling
us
,
that
after
the
Monothelites
in
following
Ages
of
the
Church
the
Devil
started
up
but
few
Heresies
till
these
Ages
,
—
Swenk
feldians
,
Anabaptists
,
&c.
By
this
I
perceive
he
believeth
neither
Papists
nor
Protestants
:
For
the
Papists
name
many
Heresies
since
,
and
the
Protestants
say
that
Popery
is
but
a
Composition
of
many
Heresies
,
and
name
us
many
that
concur'd
thereto
.
§
12.
He
there
giveth
me
this
serious
Admonition
,
[
It
is
a
much
greater
wonder
that
any
man
that
makes
Conscience
of
what
he
saith
,
should
against
all
truth
of
History
,
and
against
his
own
knowledge
,
charge
the
Bishops
with
all
the
Heresies
in
the
World
:
that
a
person
that
seems
so
sensible
of
approaching
Judgment
,
as
frequently
to
put
himself
in
mind
of
it
—
should
yet
advance
so
malicious
and
groundless
an
Accusation
.
There
is
no
dallying
with
the
all-seeing
God
—
What
Plea
shall
be
made
for
whole
Books
full
of
Calumny
and
Detraction
,
&c.
]
Ans.
This
is
not
the
least
acceptable
passage
to
me
in
his
Book
;
I
love
the
man
the
better
for
seeming
serious
in
the
belief
of
Judgment
;
and
I
hope
his
Warning
shall
make
me
search
my
Heart
with
some
more
jealousie
and
care
.
He
seems
here
to
believe
himself
;
but
being
my self
far
more
concerned
than
he
is
to
know
how
far
I
am
guilty
of
what
I
am
accused
,
as
far
as
I
can
know
my
Heart
and
Writings
,
I
'le
tell
the
Reader
what
to
judge
of
his
words
and
me
.
1.
That
I
charge
the
Bishops
with
all
the
Heresies
in
the
World
,
never
was
in
my
mind
,
nor
can
I
find
it
in
any
of
my
Writings
:
Yet
this
he
very
oft
repeateth
:
And
should
a
man
so
often
write
a
falshood
about
a
thing
visible
,
and
never
cite
the
place
where
I
say
it
,
and
this
while
he
is
thus
seriously
mentioning
Calumny
and
Judgment
.
2.
Can
he
make
men
believe
at
once
that
I
do
persuade
men
that
Bishops
or
Diocesanes
came
not
up
till
about
150
years
after
Christ
,
and
yet
that
I
make
them
the
Authors
of
the
Heresies
that
were
in
those
times
?
Non
entis
non
est
actio
:
Could
Bishops
be
Hereticks
when
there
were
no
Bishops
?
3.
If
I
had
charged
the
Bishops
with
all
the
Heresies
,
it
followeth
not
that
I
had
charged
no
one
else
with
them
,
and
made
the
Bishops
the
sole
Authors
,
and
acquit
People
,
Priests
,
and
Princes
;
why
then
doth
he
name
many
Monks
and
Priests
that
were
Hereticks
?
Or
Emperours
that
promoted
them
,
as
if
this
crossed
what
I
say
?
Did
he
think
that
I
excluded
the
Army
if
I
blame
the
General
,
or
the
Prelatical
Priests
when
I
blame
the
Prelates
?
If
I
took
the
Bishops
of
England
to
be
the
chief
cause
of
our
Church-Schisms
,
and
Calamities
,
doth
it
follow
that
I
acquit
such
as
you
,
and
all
the
Clergy
like
you
?
4.
That
I
have
done
this
[
against
all
Truth
of
History
]
which
I
transcribed
out
of
the
Councils
and
Historians
most
partial
for
the
highest
Prelacie
,
is
either
a
great
untruth
,
and
unproved
by
him
,
or
I
know
not
what
I
read
or
write
.
5.
That
I
do
this
against
my
own
Knowledge
I
am
certain
is
an
untruth
.
6.
That
my
Accusations
are
malicious
I
am
certain
is
untruth
,
as
being
able
to
say
that
I
speak
in
pitty
to
the
Church
,
and
to
save
Souls
from
deceit
,
and
malice
no
man
;
but
pray
with
the
Liturgy
,
that
God
will
forgive
our
Enemies
,
Persecutors
,
and
Slanderers
,
and
turn
their
Hearts
.
7.
That
I
have
brought
any
Groundless
Accusation
I
must
take
for
an
untruth
,
till
my
Grounds
produced
are
better
confuted
.
8.
Much
more
that
I
write
whole
Books
full
of
Calumny
and
Detraction
.
All
these
and
more
untruths
being
heapt
up
with
the
mention
of
Death
and
Judgment
,
tells
us
whither
Faction
and
Prepossession
may
carry
men
.
2.
But
what
is
the
truth
I
shall
again
briefly
tell
the
Reader
:
1.
About
2000
of
such
Ministers
as
I
confidently
take
for
the
most
spiritual
,
and
conscionable
and
devoted
to
God
and
the
good
of
Souls
are
silenced
,
and
in
Law
imprisoned
and
ruined
;
and
all
the
People
of
their
mind
are
ipso
facto
(
if
they
confess
it
)
excommunicated
,
besides
their
other
penalties
.
I
accuse
not
the
Law
but
mention
only
the
matter
of
Fact
,
which
the
K.
once
commissioned
Bps.
to
have
prevented
.
2.
The
Kingdom
is
dolefully
divided
,
and
alas
,
the
sad
consequents
are
not
to
be
named
.
3.
Besides
all
our
Penalties
the
Bishops
accuse
us
as
the
causes
of
all
,
and
as
wilful
Schismaticks
,
and
call
for
the
Execution
of
the
Laws
against
us
.
4.
We
say
,
we
dare
not
do
that
,
which
when
ever
they
will
give
us
leave
,
we
are
ready
to
give
our
reasons
why
we
take
it
for
heinous
sin
against
God
,
and
tending
to
the
ruine
of
the
Church
:
nor
dare
we
forsake
our
Ministry
while
the
Churches
necessities
are
to
us
past
doubt
.
5.
We
beg
of
them
but
to
abate
us
some
needless
Oaths
,
and
Covenants
,
and
Professions
,
and
a
few
things
called
indifferent
by
the
Imposers
,
that
we
may
all
live
in
Christian
Love
and
Peace
,
and
we
offer
them
as
unquestionable
security
for
our
Peaceableness
,
Loyalty
,
and
Orthodoxness
,
as
the
said
Oaths
,
Promises
,
or
Professions
can
be
.
6.
They
tell
us
,
Nothing
is
to
be
abated
us
,
and
we
must
cease
preaching
,
the
Rule
must
not
be
altered
;
we
will
do
more
harm
in
the
Church
than
out
;
Projects
for
Moderation
most
distract
the
Church
;
There
is
no
Concord
or
Liberty
to
be
expected
,
but
by
our
total
obedience
to
the
Bishops
;
It
is
obeying
the
Church
,
yea
the
Universal
Church
of
Bishops
,
that
is
the
only
way
to
Concord
.
7.
To
confute
this
Supposition
,
which
is
the
root
of
our
Calamities
,
I
transcribe
out
of
History
and
the
Acts
of
Councils
,
how
great
a
hand
in
the
Schisms
,
and
Heresies
,
and
Confusions
of
Christians
,
those
Bishops
have
had
,
who
have
swelled
up
above
the
primitive
species
,
by
vast
Diocesses
,
Wealth
,
and
claim
of
Government
over
other
Churches
and
Bishops
;
and
that
it
is
notorious
that
this
Grandeur
and
exorbitant
power
of
Bishops
,
singly
or
in
Councils
,
hath
been
so
far
from
keeping
the
Church
from
Schisms
,
that
it
hath
been
one
of
the
greatest
causes
of
the
Schisms
of
most
Ages
,
since
such
a
sort
of
Prelacy
sprung
up
,
and
that
Popery
came
not
up
in
a
day
,
but
rose
from
that
Juniority
to
its
present
Maturity
.
This
was
my
work
.
§
13.
He
truly
tells
you
,
that
the
Original
of
all
mischiefs
is
the
Lusts
that
war
in
our
Members
,
and
not
this
or
that
Order
of
Men.
]
When
the
World
had
a
good
Pope
,
if
God
would
bless
that
Order
of
men
,
some
think
he
might
do
more
good
than
any
other
man
.
But
he
hath
toucht
the
Core
of
the
Churches
Malady
.
Verily
,
the
grand
Strife
is
between
the
Flesh
and
Spirit
,
the
seed
of
the
Serpent
and
of
the
Woman
:
And
if
Patriarchs
and
Diocesans
were
but
as
much
set
on
the
promoting
of
a
holy
and
heavenly
Life
,
as
those
Ministers
are
whom
they
silence
and
imprison
,
they
might
do
much
good
,
though
the
largeness
of
their
Diocess
render
them
uncapable
of
performing
the
40th
part
of
a
true
Bishops
Work
.
No
doubt
but
Bishop
Hall
,
and
Potter
,
and
Usher
,
&c.
did
much
good
,
by
such
preaching
,
writing
,
and
good
living
,
as
others
use
that
are
no
Bishops
.
But
will
fire
burn
without
fewel
?
And
will
it
not
burn
if
combustible
fewel
be
contiguous
?
Do
not
the
Lusts
that
war
in
our
Members
live
upon
that
food
which
we
are
forbidden
to
provide
?
Do
you
think
that
the
Lust
of
the
Flesh
doth
not
more
desire
Riches
than
Poverty
,
Honour
than
a
low
Estate
,
Domination
over
others
,
to
have
our
Will
on
all
,
than
humble
Subjection
?
Where
the
Carkass
is
there
will
the
Eagles
be
gathered
.
Do
not
you
your self
say
,
that
the
Bishops
and
Church
grew
more
corrupt
after
the
third
Century
?
Do
you
believe
that
when
a
Bishops
Power
was
made
equal
to
a
great
Lords
,
or
more
,
and
all
his
Pomp
and
Riches
answerable
,
that
the
Lust
of
the
Flesh
would
not
more
greedily
desire
it
,
than
it
would
desire
a
meer
mediocrity
?
Or
that
a
worldly
proud
man
would
not
seek
more
for
Lordship
and
Greatness
,
than
a
Synesius
,
and
such
others
as
you
say
fled
from
it
?
If
the
poor
retired
Monks
were
as
bad
as
you
make
them
,
what
wonder
if
great
Lordly
Bishops
were
much
worse
?
Will
not
the
fire
of
Lust
grow
greater
as
the
fewel
is
greater
?
I
am
satisfied
that
Riches
and
Power
well
used
,
may
greatly
serve
the
Interest
of
Religion
:
But
two
things
must
be
considered
.
1.
That
the
greatest
Power
and
Wealth
being
far
more
desired
by
carnal
Worldlings
,
(
that
is
,
by
bad
men
)
than
by
mortified
heavenly
minded
men
,
the
more
men
desire
them
,
the
more
eagerly
they
will
seek
them
by
Friends
,
Flattery
,
or
any
means
:
and
therefore
the
liker
they
are
to
attain
them
,
except
when
the
choosers
are
some
resolved
godly
men
.
And
so
which
way
can
a
Succession
of
the
worst
men
be
avoided
?
But
a
mediocrity
that
doth
not
to
the
Flesh
overweigh
the
labours
and
difficulties
of
the
sacred
Office
,
will
encourage
the
good
,
and
not
much
tempt
the
bad
:
Or
if
good
men
will
be
never
so
bountiful
to
pious
uses
,
their
bounty
and
Church-Lands
may
better
maintain
Labourers
enough
for
the
work
,
than
be
made
a
snare
to
one
.
2.
And
that
Power
which
depopulateth
and
destroys
its
end
,
is
unlawful
in
its
very
state
,
as
well
as
in
its
use
.
The
Power
of
one
man
to
be
sole
Physician
to
the
City
,
and
to
have
none
but
Apothecaries
under
him
;
or
of
one
man
to
be
the
only
School-Master
in
the
County
,
and
have
none
but
Ushers
under
him
,
is
rather
to
be
called
Destruction
than
Power
.
It
is
Bishops
casting
out
Power
that
I
am
against
,
that
is
,
the
necessary
Power
of
the
Keys
in
the
Parish
Ministers
,
or
putting
down
necessary
Bishops
;
and
also
a
Power
to
silence
Christs
faithful
Ministers
,
and
deprive
Souls
of
the
necessary
means
,
by
imposing
things
needless
in
themselves
,
and
sinful
in
the
receiver
,
that
after
his
best
search
believes
them
such
.
Seeing
then
that
we
are
agreed
,
that
it
is
the
Lust
that
warreth
in
men
,
that
is
the
corrupter
of
the
Church
,
let
but
the
face
of
the
whole
Romane
Clergy
these
1000
Years
at
least
tell
us
,
whether
it
be
not
the
swelling
of
the
Power
and
Wealth
of
Bishops
,
that
hath
caused
so
long
a
Succession
of
a
worldly
,
lustful
,
tyranical
Clergy
.
§
14.
And
he
truly
saith
,
[
p.
306.
that
the
generality
of
men
when
they
have
gained
Wealth
and
Honour
,
are
commonly
willing
to
secure
the
enjoyment
of
those
Possessions
,
by
letting
things
run
in
their
ordinary
course
.
(
The
Spanish
Proverb
is
,
The
World
is
a
Carryon
,
and
they
are
Dogs
that
love
it
,
and
they
will
snarle
at
any
that
would
take
it
from
them
,
and
if
it
lie
in
the
Ditch
,
Dogs
rather
than
Men
will
gather
about
it
:
and
its
pitty
such
men
should
by
such
a
Bait
be
tempted
into
the
sacred
Chair
.
)
And
he
truly
adds
,
that
Repulse
and
Disappointment
will
end
such
mens
Patience
.
For
really
as
the
man
is
,
such
are
his
desires
:
It
is
not
only
turgent
Prelacy
but
a
Prelatical
Spirit
that
troublerh
the
Church
:
And
If
Novatianus
or
Arius
would
fain
be
a
Prelate
,
it
is
in
his
heart
;
and
no
wonder
if
he
be
a
Schismatick
;
Trahit
sua
quemque
voluptas
.
Appetite
is
the
Spring
of
Action
.
All
the
Popes
Clergy
are
much
of
his
mind
;
for
they
participate
of
his
worldly
Interest
,
and
depend
on
him
,
and
therefore
participate
of
the
Papal
Spirit
.
The
Interest
of
the
General
and
Army
are
conjunct
.
§
15.
And
its
true
that
he
saith
,
that
the
Bishops
Interest
obligeth
him
to
maintain
Peace
and
Unity
.
And
so
no
doubt
from
that
sense
of
Interest
it
is
endeavoured
,
in
Italy
,
Spain
,
France
,
Germany
,
&c.
when
a
strong
man
armed
keeps
his
house
,
the
things
which
he
possesseth
are
in
Peace
.
But
whether
therefore
the
People
did
ill
that
forsook
the
Bishops
and
followed
Luther
,
or
are
all
bound
to
cleave
to
the
Bishops
Unity
,
is
the
doubt
.
§
16.
Whether
it
be
true
,
p.
310
that
very
few
if
any
one
were
Bishops
when
they
turned
Hereticks
,
I
have
enquired
in
the
Preface
;
though
if
they
ascended
from
Heresie
to
Prelacy
it
's
all
one
to
me
.
But
by
this
I
conjecture
that
he
taketh
fewer
for
Hereticks
than
others
do
,
and
that
he
pretends
acquaintance
with
their
minds
,
in
that
antecedent
part
of
their
Lives
which
no
History
mentioneth
.
I
confess
I
think
that
for
the
most
part
men
are
Papists
before
they
are
Popes
or
Papist
Bishops
:
And
yet
I
think
that
it
is
first
the
desire
of
Papal
and
Prelatical
Grandeur
,
and
next
the
Exercise
of
it
,
which
is
the
cause
of
Schism
and
Persecution
.
§
17.
I
verily
believe
as
he
doth
,
that
Platonick
Philosophy
,
and
a
willingness
to
win
the
Heathens
by
compliance
,
had
a
great
hand
in
corrupting
many
Doctrines
;
and
not
only
Monks
but
others
of
the
most
religious
Christians
,
had
a
great
hand
in
many
of
the
ancient
Superstitions
,
especially
those
that
tended
to
the
over-honouring
of
their
Martyrs
,
and
too
much
advancement
of
their
Bishops
,
when
they
came
newly
from
under
the
Persecution
of
the
Heathens
.
But
it
came
not
to
be
universal
,
nor
the
Engine
of
great
Corruption
and
cruelty
,
till
the
Bishops
turned
all
into
a
Law
.
Who
could
make
any
of
all
this
necessary
,
but
Pope
,
Prelates
,
or
Princes
,
who
pretended
a
Legislative
Power
hereto
?
Even
Luther
and
Melancthon
were
indifferent
to
diverse
Ceremonies
,
so
they
were
made
to
be
indifferently
used
.
But
when
they
are
made
necessary
by
a
Law
(
specially
more
necessary
to
a
Minister
than
his
Ministry
,
and
to
a
private
Christian
,
than
his
Church
Communion
,
who
doth
more
vehemently
condemn
them
than
they
?
§
18.
That
Paschasius
Radbertus
was
the
first
that
broached
the
Doctrine
of
Transubstantiation
,
is
a
doubtful
expression
.
Either
he
meaneth
the
Name
or
only
the
Thing
under
another
Name
.
If
the
latter
,
he
will
do
more
than
Edm.
Albertinus
,
or
Bp.
Consius
have
done
,
if
he
prove
it
:
If
it
be
the
name
that
he
meaneth
,
I
think
(
by
my
Memory
,
for
I
will
not
for
that
go
read
him
all
over
)
that
he
will
not
find
the
name
in
Radbertus
,
nor
any
where
before
Stephanus
Eduensis
,
about
130
years
after
him
:
and
that
all
that
he
can
truly
say
,
is
but
as
Bellarmine
doth
,
[
Hic
Author
primus
suit
qui
seriò
&
copiosè
scripsit
de
veritate
Corporis
&
Sanguinis
Domini
in
Eucharistia
contra
Bertramum
Presbyterum
.
§
19.
That
the
Bishops
charged
by
me
with
these
Corruptions
,
were
the
only
Opposers
of
them
that
we
find
in
antiquity
,
as
we
may
see
in
the
Canons
of
Africk
and
Spain
,
]
is
a
saying
very
near
kin
to
much
of
his
History
:
I
confess
that
so
few
Presbyters
in
comparison
of
Bishops
were
publick
Actors
,
whose
Judgments
were
notified
to
the
World
,
that
it
's
no
wonder
(
after
Constantine's
time
)
if
there
be
more
proofs
of
their
words
and
deeds
than
of
other
mens
:
But
there
are
a
great
number
of
excellent
men
here
slandered
against
the
credit
of
all
Church-History
,
and
their
own
Writings
yet
in
our
hands
.
Would
it
be
worth
the
Readers
Price
and
Labour
,
I
could
swell
my
Book
with
the
proof
that
what
he
speaketh
is
untrue
.
Did
he
think
that
I
could
not
prove
that
Justin
Martyr
,
Athenagoras
,
Tatianus
,
Tertullian
,
Clemens
Alexandrinus
,
Origene
,
Arnobius
,
Lactantius
,
Macarius
,
Maternus
Firmicus
,
Ephrem
Syrus
,
Faustinus
,
Hierome
,
Ruffinus
,
Prudentius
,
Sulpitius
Severus
,
Sedulius
,
Mammertus
,
Cassianus
,
Vincent
.
Lirinensis
,
Socrates
,
Sozomen
,
Isodore
Pelusiota
,
&c.
did
something
in
opposition
to
some
Church-Corruptions
?
Though
some
of
them
promoted
some
others
:
Yea
,
Antonie
and
abundance
of
Monks
that
furthered
some
,
opposed
others
no
less
dangerous
:
Though
many
of
them
may
be
accused
as
Bellarmine
doth
Sulpit.
Severus
,
for
saying
,
Ecclesiam
auro
non
strui
sed
destrui
.
Judge
of
time
past
by
what
we
see
;
Is
it
only
the
Bishops
that
are
against
the
Popes
Church-Corrupting
Usurpation
in
Italy
,
Spain
,
France
,
&c.
Is
it
only
the
Bishops
that
are
against
the
Mass
Corruptions
,
and
against
all
their
corrupt
Doctrines
of
Indulgences
,
Purgatory
,
Images
,
&c.
and
against
all
their
Ceremonies
,
and
prophane
abuse
of
holy
things
?
Was
it
only
the
Bishops
at
Constance
and
Basil
,
that
were
against
suppressing
the
Bohemian
and
Moravian
Reformation
?
In
the
end
of
Lydius
upon
Prateolus
you
may
read
a
Letter
subscribed
by
so
great
a
number
of
Lords
and
great
men
,
for
John
Hus
,
and
Hierome
,
and
the
Reformation
,
which
yet
prevailed
not
with
the
Bishops
,
as
will
tell
you
who
was
then
the
greatest
Opposers
of
Church-Corruption
.
And
I
think
Princes
and
Drs.
opposed
it
more
than
Bps.
in
Luther's
time
.
Is
it
only
the
Bishops
that
have
opposed
warping
towards
Rome
for
Church-Unity
?
Have
none
but
Bishops
been
against
corrupting
the
Churches
,
by
silencing
good
Ministers
and
ordaining
bad
ones
?
The
things
that
are
,
have
been
.
I
confess
our
difference
is
great
on
the
case
,
what
is
to
be
accounted
Church-Corruption
.
For
that
which
in
one
Country
goeth
for
Corruption
,
in
another
(
yea
the
same
)
goeth
for
Church-Glory
,
Strength
,
and
Beauty
;
Our
main
difference
is
about
what
's
good
,
and
what
's
bad
;
what
's
Virtue
,
and
what
's
Vice
.
§
20.
He
next
comes
to
Sedition
,
and
asketh
[
What
Reign
have
they
disturbed
here
with
their
Sedition
?
]
And
because
he
knoweth
that
I
can
refer
him
to
the
large
Volume
of
their
Treasons
written
by
Prin
,
and
abroad
to
the
many
Volumes
in
Goldastus
,
and
the
many
Histories
of
the
Wars
of
Popes
and
Councils
against
Emperours
,
]
he
prevents
all
my
Proof
with
a
downright
Untruth
,
that
[
If
a
man
be
not
blind
he
may
see
that
my
History
is
only
designed
against
Protestant
Bishops
under
a
general
name
.
Ans.
Was
it
not
enough
so
grosly
to
write
this
Untruth
of
me
,
but
he
must
also
reproach
all
the
Readers
as
blind
that
will
not
judge
falsly
of
what
they
read
?
Doth
he
know
my
meaning
better
than
my self
?
He
knoweth
that
I
plead
for
the
Primitive
Episcopacy
,
and
that
I
profess
to
intend
this
History
most
to
discover
the
Rise
,
Growth
,
and
Maturity
of
the
Popish
destructive
sort
of
Prelacy
.
Readers
,
can
you
believe
this
man
,
that
I
wrote
the
case
of
the
Bishops
before
and
under
Popery
,
and
of
the
Popes
,
and
of
above
Five
hundred
Councils
,
and
all
these
before
the
name
of
a
Protestant
Bishop
was
known
in
the
World
,
and
as
he
saith
,
gathered
their
faults
,
and
all
this
only
against
the
Protestant
Bishops
,
and
not
against
Popes
or
Prelates
,
or
any
of
the
Councils
that
I
named
?
Perhaps
he
would
tempt
me
to
refer
him
to
the
History
of
Bishop
Laua's
Trial
,
or
to
what
Bishop
Abbot
,
George
and
Robert
,
Bishop
Hall
and
others
said
against
him
:
Or
to
tell
him
of
A.
Bp.
Williams
Arms
for
the
Parliament
.
But
these
are
not
Subjects
fit
for
our
Debates
.
§
21.
P.
318.
When
I
say
,
that
where
Prelacy
with
the
Papists
is
at
the
highest
,
Princes
are
at
the
lowest
.
He
asketh
,
Is
it
the
Bishop
or
the
Papist
that
is
here
to
blame
?
Is
this
the
effect
of
their
Order
?
Ans.
1.
I
thought
the
Pope
of
Rome
and
the
Bishop
of
Rome
had
been
the
same
.
2.
But
this
Corrector
of
History
taking
Untruths
not
only
▪
into
the
Completion
,
but
the
Stamina
and
Scope
of
his
Book
,
among
all
the
rest
supposeth
me
to
speak
against
a
Bishop
as
a
Bishop
,
when
I
have
troubled
him
with
my
repeating
so
often
that
I
am
for
Bishops
,
and
that
it
is
not
the
Office
but
the
tumor
,
and
that
tumor
that
maketh
another
species
which
I
oppose
.
Doth
he
not
think
that
the
Popes
Bishoprick
is
faulty
(
yea
,
as
a
corrupt
species
?
)
And
as
it
is
more
tumid
than
the
Patriarchs
,
is
not
the
Patriarchs
more
tumid
than
the
Metropolitanes
,
and
that
than
the
Diocesanes
?
And
if
Dr.
Hammond
were
not
deceived
,
who
thought
that
there
were
no
stated
worshipping
Assemblies
in
Scripture
times
without
a
present
Bishop
,
is
not
the
sole
Bishop
of
a
Thousand
or
a
Hundred
such
Assemblies
different
from
a
Bishop
of
One
only
?
And
if
many
Canons
speak
truly
,
that
say
a
Bishop
should
be
in
every
City
that
hath
a
Church
,
and
every
great
Town
like
our
Corporations
and
Market
Towns
was
called
a
City
,
doth
not
a
Bishop
of
one
City
,
and
a
Bishop
of
50
,
or
40
,
or
10
,
differ
so
far
,
that
a
man
may
be
against
one
without
being
against
the
other
?
Doth
he
speak
against
Patriarchs
that
speaks
against
the
Pope
?
Or
against
Diocesanes
that
speaks
against
Patriarchs
?
Or
against
the
Primitive
Bishops
that
speaks
only
against
such
Diocesanes
as
put
them
all
down
,
and
all
their
Churches
,
and
almost
all
true
Discipline
of
such
Churches
,
like
Erastians
.
§
22.
P.
319.
322.
His
Charge
on
Socrates
and
Sozomene
(
shaking
the
credit
of
Church
History
)
as
writing
that
[
which
no
reasonable
man
can
believe
as
it
is
related
by
them
,
without
loving
a
malicious
Lye
.
]
I
spake
to
before
:
If
such
Historians
believed
not
what
they
write
or
loved
a
malicious
Lye
;
alas
,
whom
shall
we
believe
?
Is
he
better
than
they
?
And
his
note
that
Valesius
judged
Eusebius
Nicomed
no
Heretick
,
I
before
noted
.
But
I
will
follow
that
case
no
further
,
lest
he
should
draw
me
to
seem
to
charge
the
ancient
Bishops
with
sedition
,
whom
I
never
intended
so
to
charge
;
but
only
to
desire
those
that
can
excuse
the
Language
e.
g.
of
Gregory
the
great
to
Ph●cas
,
of
Ambrose
to
Eugenius
,
of
the
Bishops
to
Maximus
,
and
many
such
like
,
not
implacably
to
reproach
and
hunt
those
that
did
no
more
or
not
so
much
.
§
23.
His
full
Stomach
dischargeth
itself
against
me
three
times
over
with
one
charge
,
P.
314
,
320
,
352.
[
Oliver
Cromwell
and
his
Son
,
the
David
and
Absalom
of
Mr.
B.
]
And
[
He
compares
the
most
barbarous
villain
in
the
World
to
King
David
,
in
his
Epistle
to
his
Son
.
Ans.
Reader
if
there
be
no
such
word
in
any
of
my
Writings
,
after
all
these
Accusations
of
this
man
and
many
such
other
,
I
must
leave
it
to
thy self
how
thou
wilt
name
these
men
,
their
History
,
and
their
dealings
;
for
if
I
name
them
they
will
say
I
rail
.
Yea
,
what
if
this
very
man
(
it
's
easie
to
know
why
and
whence
)
doth
even
here
,
p.
352.
&c.
reprint
the
very
Epistle
which
he
thus
accuseth
,
and
cite
no
such
word
,
to
tell
us
that
he
knew
there
was
no
such
word
there
,
and
yet
thus
affirmeth
it
,
what
will
you
call
this
?
The
words
cited
by
himself
are
these
,
[
Many
observe
that
you
have
been
strangly
kept
from
participating
in
any
of
our
late
bloody
Contentions
,
that
God
might
make
you
a
Healer
of
our
Oliver
Cromwell
,
(
with
two
others
)
what
should
I
have
heard
?
What
abundance
of
Conformists
flattered
Oliver
,
while
I
openly
disow●nd
him
as
a
Usurper
;
but
now
their
malice
hath
got
the
handle
.
Breaches
,
and
employ
you
in
that
Temple
Work
,
which
David
himself
might
not
be
honoured
with
,
though
it
was
in
his
mind
,
because
he
had
shed
blood
abundantly
,
and
made
great
Wars
.
1
Chr.
22.
7
,
8.
]
Is
here
ever
a
word
of
Oliver
?
Is
he
here
called
David
?
Did
I
not
purposely
say
,
[
David
himself
]
and
cite
the
Text
,
lest
any
should
feign
the
same
that
he
doth
?
Any
man
may
see
that
he
hath
nothing
to
say
,
but
to
accuse
my
Thoughts
,
and
suspect
that
I
had
such
a
meaning
.
And
who
made
him
acquainted
with
Thoughts
that
were
never
uttered
?
Or
made
him
a
Judge
of
them
?
If
his
and
other
mens
thoughts
may
be
thus
by
conjecture
accused
,
no
Enemy
need
to
want
matter
of
Accusation
.
It
's
like
he
will
appeal
to
my
Conscience
whether
it
were
not
my
thought
?
And
1.
By
what
authority
will
he
so
do
?
2.
But
I
will
shrive
my self
to
him
this
once
.
It
is
so
long
since
,
that
truly
I
remember
not
what
was
in
my
Thoughts
,
any
further
than
my
words
express
:
But
I
well
remember
my
former
Actions
,
and
what
was
then
my
judgment
of
Oliver
and
his
Actions
,
and
I
use
not
to
speak
against
my
judgment
.
Many
knew
that
he
being
acquainted
the
first
day
that
I
went
into
the
Army
,
(
which
was
after
Naseby
Fight
)
that
I
was
sent
by
an
Assembly
of
Divines
,
to
try
whether
I
could
turn
the
Soldiers
against
his
subverting
Designs
,
(
then
first
discovered
to
me
,
)
he
would
never
once
speak
to
me
while
I
was
in
the
Army
;
and
that
ever
after
I
was
driven
away
,
I
openly
in
Pulpit
,
Press
and
Conference
disowned
,
and
warned
men
to
disown
his
Actions
against
King
and
Parliament
,
and
his
Usurpation
;
and
that
I
wrote
against
the
Engagement
:
And
therefore
I
do
not
think
that
ever
I
meant
to
call
him
David
,
and
I
am
sure
I
never
did
it
.
But
they
say
old
Men
can
see
better
afar
off
than
near
at
hand
;
and
so
all
these
notorious
Untruths
about
visible
present
things
,
may
yet
consist
with
such
mens
credibility
about
things
said
and
done
1300
Years
ago
.
§
24.
And
now
I
am
here
,
I
must
not
pass
by
his
friendly
Admonition
,
p.
357.
after
his
reciting
my
Epistles
,
[
If
I
were
as
worthy
to
advise
Mr.
B.
as
he
was
to
advise
Cromwell
,
I
would
say
,
It
were
much
more
adviseable
for
a
Christian
,
specially
for
one
that
thinks
he
is
so
near
his
eternal
State
,
to
repent
and
cry
peccavimas
,
than
to
stand
on
Justification
of
the
fact
,
&c.
]
Ans.
1.
Is
was
usual
for
men
to
choose
their
own
Confessours
:
But
it
being
the
Custom
of
the
times
for
Pastors
and
Confessors
to
be
forced
on
Dissenters
,
I
will
submit
now
to
your
way
,
though
my
former
Confessions
and
my
Communion
with
you
have
been
turned
to
Reproach
and
Scorn
.
1.
I
do
daily
beg
earnestly
of
God
,
to
let
none
of
my
sins
be
unknown
to
me
,
and
taken
for
no
sin
,
and
be
unrepented
of
;
and
that
he
would
forgive
that
which
I
would
fain
know
,
and
do
not
.
2.
I
do
not
repent
of
owning
Oliver's
Actions
against
King
and
Parliament
,
or
his
Usurpation
;
for
I
never
owned
them
,
nor
the
Actions
of
them
that
set
up
his
Son
.
3.
I
do
not
repent
that
I
loved
the
Peace
of
the
Church
,
and
that
I
desired
the
Governour
,
though
a
Usurper
,
should
do
good
and
not
evil
.
4.
I
do
not
repent
that
seeing
the
Armies
Rebellions
and
Confusions
,
I
stirred
up
Rulers
and
People
to
take
heed
of
favouring
so
great
Sin
.
5.
But
I
do
now
by
experience
of
other
ways
perceive
that
I
was
sometimes
too
eager
in
aggravating
mens
Errours
,
and
repent
that
I
used
not
more
forbearance
of
some
of
my
Accusations
of
some
of
them
.
6.
I
did
think
that
Richard
Cromwell
was
an
Usurper
:
But
when
we
had
been
twelve
Years
at
least
without
a
rightful
Governour
,
I
then
thought
as
Thomas
White
,
alias
Blacklow
,
the
moderate
Papist
,
wrote
,
that
the
Land
could
not
subsist
in
Society
without
some
Government
,
and
that
No-Government
is
worse
to
the
People
than
a
Usurped
one
:
And
that
it
is
somtime
lawful
to
submit
and
use
an
Usurper
,
when
it
is
not
lawful
to
approve
his
Entrance
.
And
wherein
I
was
deceived
I
am
willing
to
be
better
informed
.
7.
But
I
do
unfeignedly
repent
that
I
wrote
those
two
Epistles
,
though
it
was
to
put
a
man
on
to
do
good
,
whom
I
never
saw
,
●or
●●●●
had
the
least
to
do
with
.
8.
And
I
do
more
repent
of
the
cause
of
all
,
viz.
that
I
appointed
God
a
time
,
and
limited
his
Providence
;
and
thought
that
because
so
many
Armies
and
Endeavours
had
failed
Twelve
or
Fourteen
Years
,
that
had
attempted
the
restoring
of
the
King
,
therefore
there
was
no
probability
of
accomplishing
it
:
I
do
not
repent
that
I
was
not
a
Prophet
,
to
know
before
what
God
would
do
;
for
it
was
not
in
my
power
;
nor
do
I
repent
that
I
preached
Christs
Gospel
under
Usurpers
;
but
I
repent
that
I
waited
not
Gods
time
,
and
did
not
better
consider
that
want
of
humane
Power
is
no
hinderance
to
Omnipotency
,
and
nothing
is
difficult
to
him
.
9.
I
was
drawn
too
far
by
Mr.
Harringtons
Scorn
,
and
the
dislike
of
Sir
Henry
Vane's
Attempts
for
a
Common-Wealth
,
to
meddle
with
matters
of
Government
,
and
to
write
my
Political
Aphorisms
,
called
,
A
Holy
Common-Wealth
:
And
I
do
unfeignedly
repent
that
ever
I
wrote
and
published
it
,
and
had
not
more
confined
my self
to
the
matters
proper
to
my
Calling
,
and
let
those
meddle
with
forms
of
Government
who
were
fitter
for
it
.
All
these
,
besides
what
's
formerly
said
to
Mr.
Bagshaw
,
I
declare
my
unfeigned
Repentance
of
.
And
though
it
pleaseth
you
to
feign
me
a
Schismatick
,
and
hater
of
Repentance
,
(
for
speaking
against
the
fault●
that
needed
it
)
I
shall
thank
you
to
be
a
real
helper
of
me
in
so
necessary
a
work
as
Repentance
is
.
And
that
I
may
do
the
like
by
you
,
I
shall
now
only
requite
you
with
this
Advice
,
that
before
you
write
next
,
you
will
set
before
your
Eyes
the
Ninth
Commandment
,
Thou
shalt
not
bear
false
Witness
against
thy
Neighbour
:
And
that
when
you
say
your
Prayers
,
you
would
be
serious
when
you
say
,
Lord
have
Mercy
upon
us
,
and
encline
our
hearts
to
keep
this
Law
.
§
25.
A
Roman
Zeal
tells
us
,
that
Faction
and
Schism
,
when
animated
by
worldly
Interest
,
and
grown
up
to
a
malignant
hatred
of
the
things
and
persons
that
are
averse
to
it
,
is
hardly
bounded
,
but
is
thriving
up
towards
destructive
Persecution
,
as
swelling
Prelacy
did
towards
the
Papacy
and
the
Inquisition
.
It
is
not
one
or
two
Fishes
that
will
satisfie
the
stomach
of
a
Pike
:
Nor
is
it
the
slandering
or
ruining
of
one
or
two
men
,
or
silencing
of
one
or
two
of
the
Ministers
of
Christ
,
that
will
satisfie
a
malignant
Spirit
.
One
Meal
will
not
make
a
lean
Man
fat
.
Whether
there
be
a
Legion
in
those
that
would
destroy
a
Legion
of
Christs
Servants
,
or
one
have
so
much
Power
I
know
not
;
but
the
effects
tell
us
what
manner
of
Spirit
they
are
of
.
But
let
the
Papists
pass
.
§
26.
When
I
read
p.
337
,
and
358
,
359.
and
such
passages
,
it
makes
me
think
of
them
that
cried
,
[
His
Blood
be
on
us
,
and
our
Children
,
]
together
with
our
Judge's
words
,
[
In
as
much
as
you
did
it
or
did
it
not
to
one
of
the
least
of
these
my
Brethren
,
you
did
it
or
did
it
not
to
me
.
]
P.
337.
he
saith
,
[
There
is
great
reason
to
value
the
peaceable
Resignation
of
the
Nonconformists
,
when
we
consider
by
what
Usurpation
and
Violence
they
were
brought
in
,
and
what
a
number
of
worthy
learned
Ministers
were
turned
out
to
make
vacancies
for
these
men
,
who
were
to
instruct
the
People
in
new
Mysteries
of
Religion
,
which
their
old
Pastors
had
not
the
Conscience
or
Ability
to
teach
them
,
that
is
,
of
the
lawfulness
of
Rebellion
.
—
And
p.
358
,
&c.
There
were
many
of
those
Ministers
Usurpers
,
and
had
intruded
into
the
Churches
of
other
men
,
who
had
been
silenced
and
cast
out
.
—
There
were
many
others
that
were
intruders
into
the
Ministry
,
and
such
not
a
few
of
them
as
Mr.
B.
himself
would
not
have
thought
fit
to
have
continued
.
All
the
rest
were
such
as
would
not
submit
to
the
Rule
that
was
then
established
in
the
Church
,
but
chose
rather
to
leave
their
Livings
,
and
the
Bishops
could
not
help
it
,
any
otherwise
than
as
they
were
Members
of
Parliament
;
for
it
was
the
Law
that
tied
them
to
their
choice
,
and
not
the
Bishops
.
If
Mr.
B.
means
what
happened
before
the
last
Civil
Wars
,
as
it
's
likely
he
may
,
then
these
ancient
Teachers
were
the
instruments
of
an
Antimonarchical
,
Antiepiscopal
Faction
:
They
would
preach
but
they
would
not
conform
to
the
Established
Religion
:
Nay
many
of
them
would
preach
against
it
,
and
against
their
Governours
too
.
These
were
such
Incend●●ries
as
no
Government
would
endure
,
&c.
]
Ans.
When
you
have
noted
this
part
of
his
History
,
it
will
not
be
hard
to
judge
of
his
credibility
.
I.
The
things
that
he
defendeth
is
the
silencing
and
prosecuting
of
three
sorts
of
Ministers
.
1.
Many
Hundreds
of
Nonconformists
in
the
days
of
Qu.
Eliz.
K.
James
,
and
some
few
in
the
time
of
K.
Charles
1.
2.
Many
Conformists
in
the
time
of
K.
Charles
1.
under
Bishop
Laud.
3.
About
2000
that
conform
not
to
the
New
Laws
of
Uniformity
in
the
time
of
K.
Ch.
2.
What
these
Ministers
were
or
are
,
and
what
the
fruits
of
their
silencing
have
been
,
and
what
it
hath
done
to
the
Church
of
England
,
and
to
many
Thousands
of
Godly
Christians
,
I
will
not
be
●udge
:
Nor
will
I
dispute
that
which
all
England
sees
or
feels
.
But
it
seems
so
well
done
to
our
Historian
,
as
that
he
is
willing
deliberately
to
justifie
or
defend
it
,
which
as
I
understand
is
to
make
it
his
own
,
and
to
undertake
to
be
one
of
those
that
shall
answer
for
it
.
What
if
another
had
done
as
much
against
him
,
as
he
hath
done
against
himself
?
And
for
how
small
a
prize
?
II.
As
he
before
would
insinuate
,
that
what
is
said
of
the
great
number
of
Drunkards
,
and
ignorant
men
turned
out
,
was
false
,
though
so
judged
upon
the
Oaths
of
men
accounted
the
greatest
lovers
of
Religion
in
their
Parishes
;
so
he
seemeth
here
to
intimate
that
it
was
only
or
chiefly
into
the
places
of
learned
worthy
men
,
that
the
silenced
Ministers
succeeded
;
whereas
it
was
not
one
of
many
that
came
into
any
such
mens
places
of
them
that
were
silenced
at
the
fatal
Bartholomew
day
.
III.
He
seemeth
to
intimate
,
that
when
the
Parliament
(
suppose
by
wrong
)
put
out
either
such
as
he
or
I
describe
,
the
Land
must
be
under
an
Interdict
till
the
Bishops
and
King
were
restored
,
and
that
Christs
Gospel
was
no
more
to
be
preached
in
England
,
till
Diocesanes
returned
,
but
all
Souls
be
given
up
to
Damnation
,
unless
Christ
would
save
them
without
the
preaching
of
his
Gospel
,
and
the
Land
was
to
be
left
to
the
Devil
and
Paganism
.
And
who
can
deny
now
but
the
Diocesane
Species
is
essential
to
the
Church
?
IV.
When
I
spake
only
of
the
silencing
and
ejecting
Act
,
of
Aug.
24.
1662.
he
would
make
the
Reader
believe
,
that
this
Change
was
to
restore
the
Churches
to
their
ejected
Pastors
,
or
cast
out
Usurpers
;
whereas
unless
Ignorance
or
worse
hinder
him
,
he
knoweth
that
all
that
were
cast
out
and
were
alive
,
laid
claim
to
their
Benefices
,
and
were
restored
before
that
,
and
their
Livings
resigned
quietly
to
them
,
to
say
nothing
of
the
rest
that
were
supposed
to
be
at
the
Lord
Chancellors
disposal
.
Those
that
were
put
out
that
the
sequestred
might
re-enter
,
were
none
of
them
silenced
,
nor
made
uncapable
of
other
Livings
till
August
24.
1662.
V.
He
would
insinuate
that
it
was
only
the
Nonconformists
that
were
cast
out
of
such
sequestrations
:
Whereas
in
the
Countries
that
I
either
lived
in
or
heard
of
,
it
was
as
many
or
more
of
the
Conformists
,
that
had
sequestred
Livings
and
were
cast
out
,
and
took
new
presentations
.
VI.
And
this
is
evident
by
his
Intimation
,
as
if
it
were
a
very
great
number
of
the
Church
Livings
that
were
so
possest
:
Whereas
of
Nine
Thousand
or
Ten
Thousand
Ministers
then
in
Possession
,
Seven
or
Eight
Thousand
Conformed
:
Therefore
it
's
likely
that
the
Conformists
had
most
of
the
Sequestrations
.
VII
.
He
tells
you
that
the
Ejected
Ministers
were
brought
in
to
instruct
the
People
in
the
Lawfulness
of
Rebellion
:
Doth
not
this
intimate
that
this
was
the
case
only
or
chiefly
of
the
silenced
Nonconformists
?
But
I
have
oft
cited
Jewel
defending
the
French
Protestants
;
Was
not
he
a
Bishop
?
I
have
oft
cited
Bilson
,
affirming
it
no
Rebellion
if
the
Nobles
and
People
defend
their
Legal
Constitution
against
one
that
will
—
(
I
will
not
recite
the
rest
.
)
—
I
have
oft
cited
Ri.
Hooker
whose
popular
Principles
I
have
con●ured
,
and
goeth
higher
against
absolute
Monarchy
,
than
I
or
any
of
my
Correspendency
did
in
all
the
Wars
.
Heylin
is
for
Conciliation
with
the
Papists
:
He
knoweth
not
their
Writings
who
knoweth
not
that
the
Papists
are
more
for
popular
Election
,
and
Power
towards
Princes
,
far
than
ever
such
as
I
were
.
And
had
he
not
put
his
Head
and
Eyes
into
a
Bag
,
he
could
hardly
have
denied
but
that
they
were
Episcopal
Conformists
on
both
sides
that
began
the
War
:
But
being
got
into
the
dark
he
loudly
denieth
it
.
VIII
.
He
saith
,
There
were
many
others
that
himself
would
not
have
thought
fit
to
have
continued
.
Ans.
I
thought
I
was
more
likely
to
know
them
than
he
.
I
remember
not
one
such
of
an
hundred
that
did
not
conform
.
I
confess
that
when
the
Prelatical
party
intreated
me
no
longer
to
refuse
the
Westminster
Commissioners
Letters
,
deputing
me
with
others
to
try
and
judge
of
some
Episcopal
Conformists
that
stood
then
for
Livings
,
to
avoid
all
seeming
opposition
to
that
way
I
did
stretch
as
far
as
I
durst
,
to
approve
and
keep
in
some
Conformists
,
of
very
low
parts
who
knew
not
a
quarter
so
much
as
some
Lay
People
did
:
But
none
of
these
were
Nonconformists
.
IX
.
He
saith
,
[
All
the
rest
were
such
as
would
not
submit
to
the
Rule
then
established
in
the
Church
.
This
is
true
:
And
what
was
that
Rule
?
Did
Peter
or
Paul
make
it
,
or
submit
to
it
?
Did
they
refuse
any
thing
that
God
commanded
in
Nature
or
Scripture
?
Or
any
Circumstantials
necessary
in
genere
left
in
specie
to
the
Magistrates
determination
?
They
were
guilty
of
believing
that
God
is
above
man
,
and
that
there
is
no
Power
but
of
God
,
and
none
against
him
;
and
that
we
must
please
him
whoever
be
displeased
.
They
were
guilty
of
so
much
Self-love
as
to
be
unwilling
to
be
damned
for
a
Benefice
,
or
for
a
Bishops
Will
.
They
did
not
consent
to
profess
Assent
and
Consent
to
all
things
contained
in
and
prescribed
by
three
Books
,
written
by
such
as
declare
themselves
to
be
fallible
;
and
such
as
not
one
of
Fourty
ever
saw
before
they
declared
the
said
Assent
and
Consent
to
them
.
They
did
not
consent
to
cast
out
all
Infants
from
Christendom
,
whose
Parents
durst
not
offer
them
to
Baptism
,
under
the
Sacramental
Symbol
of
the
Cross
;
nor
unless
they
might
have
themselves
been
Covenanters
,
Undertakers
,
or
Promisers
for
them
,
as
well
as
the
Godfathers
:
Or
that
scrupled
getting
Strangers
to
undertake
that
perfidiously
for
their
Children
which
they
never
intended
to
perform
.
They
durst
not
read
Excommunications
against
Christs
true
Servants
,
nor
repel
those
from
Christian
Communion
,
who
scruple
kneeling
in
the
reception
of
the
Sacrament
:
They
durst
not
swear
that
many
Thousands
whom
they
never
knew
are
not
obliged
by
the
Covenant
,
when
they
know
not
in
what
sence
they
took
it
:
For
they
are
not
willing
to
believe
that
the
compounding
Lords
and
Knights
did
not
put
a
good
sence
on
it
before
they
took
it
.
They
durst
not
say
that
all
is
so
well
in
our
Church
Government
by
Diocesanes
,
Lay-Chancellours
Power
of
the
Keys
,
Archdeacons
,
Officials
,
Commissaries
,
&c.
that
we
may
swear
against
all
endeavours
to
amend
it
by
any
alteration
;
They
do
believe
that
the
Law
of
Nature
is
Gods
Law
,
and
that
as
it
alloweth
a
single
Person
only
private
desence
,
so
it
alloweth
every
Nation
publick
defence
against
Enemies
notorious
destroying
assaults
:
And
they
dare
not
swear
or
covenant
,
that
if
any
should
from
the
Lord
Chancellour
,
&c.
get
a
Commission
to
seize
on
the
Kings
Navy
,
Treasures
,
Forts
,
Guards
,
Person
,
and
to
seize
on
the
Lives
and
Estates
of
all
his
Innocent
Subjects
,
that
it
is
unlawful
to
resist
any
that
execute
such
a
Commission
.
They
find
it
so
hard
a
Controversie
,
what
God
doth
with
the
dying
Infants
of
Atheists
,
Infidels
,
Mahometanes
,
and
Persecutors
,
that
they
dare
not
declare
,
that
if
any
of
their
Children
be
baptized
and
die
,
it
is
certain
by
the
word
of
God
that
they
are
undoubtedly
saved
.
We
say
not
that
the
Law
binds
us
to
any
of
the
evil
which
we
fear
:
But
we
dare
not
take
Oaths
and
Promises
which
we
understand
not
.
Abundance
I
pre●erm●t
.
He
is
extreamly
censorious
if
he
think
that
Mr.
R.
Hooker
▪
Bp.
Bilson
,
Bp.
Grindal
,
A.
Bp.
Abbot
,
Bp.
Rob.
Abbot
,
Bp.
Jewel
,
&c.
would
have
been
Conformists
had
they
been
now
alive
.
X.
He
saith
,
[
They
chose
rather
to
leave
their
Livings
.
]
Ans.
They
chose
not
to
conform
,
but
submitted
only
to
leave
their
Livings
;
Eligere
est
agere
.
They
were
passive
in
this
,
they
refused
to
conform
as
supposed
by
them
a
heinous
Sin
,
but
they
chose
not
to
be
silenced
or
cast
out
;
but
they
chose
to
endure
it
when
the
Bishops
chose
it
for
them
.
XI
.
He
saith
,
that
[
the
Bishops
could
not
help
it
any
otherwise
than
as
they
were
Members
of
Parliament
.
Ans.
1.
I
confess
Scripture
useth
the
like
Phrase
,
Can
the
Leopard
change
his
Spots
,
&c.
or
they
that
are
accustomed
to
do
evil
learn
to
do
well
?
And
Rom.
8.
6
,
7.
The
carnal
mind
is
enmity
against
God
,
for
it
is
not
subject
to
his
Law
,
nor
can
be
.
]
I
will
not
here
too
much
contradict
him
,
2.
But
is
it
nothing
that
they
could
have
done
in
Parliament
,
had
they
been
willing
?
3.
Is
it
unlawful
for
us
to
know
if
he
know
it
not
,
or
deny
it
,
how
much
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
did
with
the
Parliament-Men
?
4.
He
should
at
least
have
stayed
till
Dr.
Bates
,
Dr.
Jacomb
,
and
I
are
dead
,
who
wrote
and
disputed
with
the
Bishops
by
the
Kings
Commission
,
before
he
had
talkt
at
this
rate
to
the
World
.
Did
not
the
King
make
his
Declaration
about
Ecclesiastical
Affairs
?
And
did
he
not
under
the
broad
Seal
commission
those
Bishops
and
Doctors
to
treat
with
us
for
the
making
such
alterations
as
were
necessary
to
tender
Consciences
?
Did
they
not
maintain
that
no
alterations
were
thereto
necessary
,
and
so
end
the
treaty
.
5.
Did
they
not
in
their
next
Convocation
lay
aside
the
Kings
Indulgent
Declaration
,
and
make
the
Additions
to
the
Liturgy
?
And
yet
could
they
not
help
it
?
Nor
was
it
none
of
their
doings
?
6.
Doth
not
England
know
that
Parliaments
since
have
by
experience
perceived
their
Mistake
,
and
would
have
suspended
our
Prosecution
,
and
restored
us
to
Unity
,
and
the
Bishops
and
Clergy
will
not
consent
but
rage
against
it
,
and
preach
and
write
to
have
us
executed
according
to
the
Laws
,
and
no
abatement
to
be
made
,
and
as
this
man
,
think
that
the
Churches
Distraction
is
from
Projects
of
Moderation
.
What
name
should
one
give
to
such
Histories
as
these
?
The
guilty
cannot
bear
their
names
.
XII
.
He
saith
,
[
It
was
the
Law
that
tied
them
to
their
choice
and
not
the
Bishops
.
Ans.
1.
Suppose
the
word
choice
were
proper
here
,
[
Is
it
any
justification
of
the
Executioners
?
]
It
was
the
Emperour
Charles
the
5th's
Edict
that
tied
all
the
Protestant
Ministers
to
conform
to
the
Interim
,
or
be
gone
:
It
was
the
Law
that
tied
the
Martyrs
in
Qu.
Maries
days
to
profess
what
they
believed
not
,
or
to
be
burnt
.
Alas
!
How
could
Bonner
and
Gardiner
help
it
?
2.
But
how
many
Bishops
were
against
the
passing
of
that
Bill
?
And
who
persuaded
the
Lay-Men
to
it
?
Must
we
not
know
when
it
's
night
if
you
deny
it
?
XIII
.
He
tells
you
,
that
[
the
ancient
silenced
Teachers
before
the
Civil
Wars
,
were
the
Instruments
of
Antimonarchical
and
Antiepiscopal
Faction
.
Ans.
1.
Which
of
them
all
said
so
much
as
Mr.
Hooker
,
Bp.
Bilson
,
Bp.
Jewel
,
&c.
have
done
?
2.
If
you
make
any
Conscience
of
the
9th
Commandment
,
prove
the
Truth
of
what
you
say
of
those
that
were
suspended
and
driven
out
of
the
Kingdom
in
the
times
of
A.
Bp.
Laud
,
Bp.
Wren
,
Bp.
Piercy
,
&c.
for
not
reading
the
Book
for
Lords-days
Dancing
and
Sports
,
and
that
were
prosecuted
for
Preaching
twice
on
the
Lords-day
,
and
for
not
turning
the
Table
Altar-wise
,
and
railing
it
in
,
which
even
Bp.
Montague
as
well
as
Williams
was
against
.
Was
Bishop
Miles
Smyth
of
Gloucester
,
were
A.
Bp.
Abbot
or
Grindall
Antimonarchical
or
Antiepifcopal
?
3.
Prove
if
you
are
able
any
Antimonarchical
Principles
,
Words
,
or
Deeds
by
Mr.
Hildersham
,
Mr.
Brinsley
,
Mr.
Paul
Baine
,
Mr.
Dod
,
Mr.
Knewstubs
,
and
hundreds
of
such
I
might
name
.
The
most
malicious
are
fain
to
talk
of
one
Knox
,
or
one
Goodman
,
or
one
Junius
Brutus
,
(
that
is
,
Hubertus
Languetus
Melancthous
friend
)
or
somewhat
in
Buchanan
,
not
the
tenth
part
so
much
as
is
commonly
said
by
the
Papists
,
with
whom
our
A.
Bp.
Bromhall
and
his
Companions
so
much
plead
for
Concord
.
4.
Doth
not
Al.
Cope
,
and
Sanders
,
and
Pateson
in
the
Image
of
both
Churches
,
and
lately
the
nominal
Bellamy
in
his
Philanax
Anglicus
,
and
many
more
such
,
say
all
the
same
of
the
Bishops
and
Church
of
England
,
and
all
that
they
deride
as
[
Protestants
of
Sincerity
]
as
guilty
of
far
more
rebellious
Principles
and
Practices
,
th●n
ever
you
can
prove
by
the
meer
Nonconformists
old
or
new
?
And
is
it
enough
to
accuse
?
XIV
.
He
saith
,
They
would
preach
but
they
would
not
conform
to
the
established
Religion
.
Ans.
1.
But
why
should
they
be
forbidden
to
preach
(
which
was
good
and
they
were
devoted
to
?
)
If
a
man
will
not
do
all
that
you
would
have
him
to
do
,
shall
he
do
nothing
?
2.
What
was
that
which
he
calleth
the
Established
Religion
?
It
was
the
Ceremonies
and
Subscription
,
that
there
is
nothing
in
the
Liturgy
contrary
to
the
Word
of
God
.
]
And
was
this
a
Crime
worthy
the
forbidding
men
to
preach
the
Gospel
?
Or
why
should
the
Souls
of
Thousands
of
the
Innocent
People
be
so
heavily
punished
for
another
mans
omission
,
even
because
the
Teachers
fear
Conformity
.
3.
But
still
we
see
what
these
mens
Religion
is
:
Had
their
Religion
been
the
Scripture
,
or
any
Doctrine
or
Worship
common
to
the
Christian
or
Protestant
Churches
,
the
old
Nonconformists
willingly
consented
to
it
.
But
here
they
shew
that
their
Ceremonies
and
proper
Liturgy
forms
are
their
Religion
.
But
then
1.
Why
do
Dr.
Burges
and
all
that
plead
for
your
Ceremonies
and
Invention
,
build
all
on
this
,
that
you
make
them
not
any
parts
of
Worship
or
Religion
,
(
which
they
confess
man
may
not
invent
)
but
meer
accidents
?
2.
How
old
then
is
your
Religion
?
Your
Liturgy
was
made
since
Luther
began
his
Reformation
.
3.
It
seems
then
that
you
are
not
of
the
same
Religion
with
the
Protestants
that
have
none
of
your
Ceremonies
,
Liturgy
or
Subscriptions
.
4.
Is
not
then
your
Church
of
a
singular
Religion
from
all
the
World
,
and
consequently
a
singular
Church
?
And
is
it
the
whole
Catholick
Church
then
,
or
a
Schismatical
Church
?
I
confess
that
you
shew
more
evidently
than
by
such
words
,
that
your self
made
Rules
and
Circumstances
are
your
Religion
:
For
1.
You
make
Conformity
to
them
to
be
de
facto
more
necessary
than
our
Preaching
the
Gospel
,
or
our
Church
Communion
,
or
any
publick
Church
Worship
of
God
.
2.
And
you
excommunicate
by
your
Rule
or
Canon
every
Member
of
Christ
in
England
,
that
doth
but
think
and
say
,
that
any
thing
of
your
Imposition
,
Liturgy
,
Ceremonies
,
or
Government
are
sinful
.
3.
And
yet
when
you
have
done
you
call
all
your
Impositions
things
indifferent
.
4.
And
thereby
you
declare
that
your
Religion
in
part
is
a
thing
indifferent
.
5.
And
no
Man
or
Woman
shall
be
of
your
Church
that
cannot
know
all
the
indifferent
things
in
the
World
which
may
be
imposed
on
them
,
to
be
Indifferent
and
not
Unlawful
;
when
you
know
(
or
you
know
not
whom
you
dwell
among
)
that
we
have
much
adoe
to
get
one
half
your
Church
to
know
things
necessary
.
6.
The
Papists
that
put
a
greater
necessity
on
their
Inventions
will
deride
you
for
an
Indifferent
Religion
.
There
was
a
poor
Puritane
Nonconformist
that
feared
Lying
,
that
went
about
the
Streets
with
Ink
to
fell
,
and
was
wont
truly
to
cry
,
[
Very
good
Ink
,
very
good
Ink
;
]
but
once
his
Ink
a
little
miscarried
,
and
he
durst
not
call
it
[
Very
good
,
]
but
cried
,
Pretty
good
Ink
,
Pretty
good
Ink
,
]
and
no
body
would
buy
of
him
,
and
he
lost
his
Ink.
And
if
you
cry
up
[
An
indifferent
Religion
,
]
whatever
you
have
for
numbers
,
you
will
have
for
quality
but
an
Indifferent
Church
,
(
save
our
Rulers
.
)
XV.
But
he
adds
,
[
Many
of
them
would
preach
against
it
and
their
Governours
too
.
]
Ans.
1.
You
tempt
them
towards
it
.
If
I
ask
the
Butcher
[
Is
your
Meat
sweet
?
]
and
he
say
it
is
indifferent
,
I
am
excusable
if
I
think
it
stinks
.
2.
They
judge
by
the
effects
:
They
thought
that
when
an
indifferent
thing
casteth
out
a
necessary
thing
,
it
becomes
naught
.
3.
But
yet
your
Accusation
is
unfaithful
:
Why
did
you
not
say
then
,
that
it
was
not
for
Non-conformity
that
men
were
cast
out
,
but
for
preaching
against
your
Religion
?
Who
were
those
?
Was
it
proved
?
If
so
,
what
was
that
to
the
rest
?
Do
you
punish
many
learned
moderate
men
for
the
fault
of
a
few
others
that
they
were
not
concerned
with
?
You
now
alledge
Mr.
Hildersham
,
Ball
,
Bradshaw
,
Baine
,
Knewstubs
,
and
abundance
such
,
for
being
against
Separation
,
and
persuading
men
to
come
to
the
Common
Prayer
,
(
and
many
of
them
to
kneel
at
the
Sacrament
,
)
and
yet
when
you
plead
for
their
Silencing
,
even
other
mens
words
may
serve
against
them
.
XVI
.
To
conclude
,
in
all
he
layeth
the
cause
of
their
silence
on
themselves
for
not
conforming
,
and
yet
will
not
tell
us
what
we
should
do
to
help
it
.
Would
they
have
us
Conform
while
we
judge
it
as
sinful
as
I
have
mentioned
in
my
first
Plea
for
Peace
?
No
;
they
profess
the
contrary
.
Would
they
have
us
believe
all
to
be
lawful
?
We
cannot
:
Our
Judgments
are
not
at
our
Command
:
What
would
they
have
us
do
to
change
?
Worldly
Interest
maks
us
too
willing
!
We
study
as
hard
as
they
!
We
earnestly
beg
Gods
Illumination
to
save
us
from
Er
rour
We
read
all
that
they
write
to
convince
us
:
And
the
more
we
read
,
study
,
and
pray
,
the
more
heinous
the
Sin
of
Conformity
seems
to
some
.
I
askt
Bp.
Morley
the
same
question
when
he
forbad
my
preaching
,
before
the
ejecting
Act
;
and
he
bid
me
read
Bilson
and
Hooker
:
I
told
him
that
was
not
now
to
do
:
and
in
both
of
them
I
found
the
Principles
which
are
made
the
cause
of
my
Silencing
,
my
greatest
Crimes
,
and
in
one
of
them
worse
.
He
then
told
me
,
If
God
would
not
give
me
his
Grace
he
could
not
help
it
:
And
yet
most
of
these
men
are
against
fatal
,
reprobating
,
necessitating
Decrees
.
The
imposing
Papists
use
men
worse
:
Of
whom
will
you
pardon
a
Fable
.
A
Bee
and
a
Flie
were
catcht
together
in
a
Spiders
Web
:
The
Spider
when
they
were
tired
with
striving
,
claimed
them
both
for
her
Food
,
as
a
punishment
for
breaking
into
and
troubling
her
Web
:
And
against
the
Bee
she
pleaded
that
she
was
a
hurtful
Militant
Animal
,
that
had
a
Sting
;
and
against
the
Flie
that
she
was
noisome
and
good
for
nothing
.
The
Bee
answered
that
her
mellifying
Nature
and
work
was
profitable
,
and
Nature
had
armed
her
with
a
Sting
to
defend
it
.
And
the
Flie
said
,
as
she
did
little
good
so
she
did
little
harm
,
and
could
make
her self
no
better
than
Nature
had
made
her
.
And
as
to
the
Crime
alledged
against
them
,
they
both
said
,
that
the
Net
was
made
by
a
venomous
Animal
,
spun
out
of
the
Air
and
the
Venom
of
her
own
Bowels
,
made
for
no
use
but
to
catch
and
destroy
the
Innocent
,
and
they
came
not
into
it
by
malice
,
but
by
ignorance
and
mistake
,
and
that
it
was
more
against
their
Will
than
against
the
Spiders
,
for
they
contrived
not
to
fall
into
it
;
but
she
contrived
to
catch
them
;
and
that
it
was
not
to
break
the
Net
that
they
strove
,
but
to
save
their
Lives
.
The
Master
of
the
House
overheard
the
Debate
,
but
resolved
to
see
how
the
Spider
would
judge
,
which
was
quickly
done
without
more
words
;
the
took
them
for
Malefactors
,
and
killed
them
both
.
The
Master
of
the
House
so
disliked
the
Judgment
,
that
he
ordered
that
for
the
time
to
come
,
1.
The
Bees
should
be
safely
hived
and
cherished
.
2.
And
the
Flies
,
if
not
very
noisome
,
should
be
tolerated
.
3.
And
all
Spiders
Webs
swept
down
.
I
need
to
give
you
no
more
of
the
Exposition
of
it
,
than
by
the
Spider
I
mean
the
Papal
noxious
Canon-makers
,
and
that
by
the
Net
I
mean
their
unnecessary
and
ensnaring
Laws
and
Canons
,
which
are
made
to
catch
and
destroy
good
men
,
and
are
the
way
to
the
Inquisition
,
or
Bonner's
Coal-house
,
or
Smithfield
Bonefires
.
But
I
must
desire
you
not
to
imagine
that
I
speak
against
the
Laws
of
the
Land
.
§
27.
As
to
the
Conclusion
of
his
last
Chapter
,
I
shall
now
add
no
more
but
this
:
If
what
I
said
before
and
to
Mr.
Hinkley
satisfie
him
not
,
of
what
Religion
and
Party
both
sides
were
that
began
the
War
,
and
Mr.
Rushworths
Collections
,
and
other
Histories
of
former
Parliaments
be
not
herein
useful
to
him
,
let
him
but
secure
me
from
burning
my
Fingers
with
Subjects
so
red
hot
,
by
mens
misinterpreting
and
impatience
,
and
I
will
(
God
willing
)
give
him
so
full
proof
,
that
(
to
say
nothing
of
latent
Instigators
and
consequent
auxiliaries
on
either
side
,
nor
of
the
King
himself
,
whose
Religion
is
beyond
dispute
,
)
the
parties
else
that
begun
the
War
in
England
did
differ
in
Religion
;
but
as
A.
Bps.
Laud
,
and
Neal
,
and
Bromhal
,
and
such
others
,
and
A.
Bps.
Abbot
and
Williams
,
and
Bp.
Bilson
,
on
the
other
side
;
and
as
Dr.
Mainwaring
,
Sibthorp
,
&c.
on
one
side
,
and
Mr.
Ri.
Hooker
and
such
on
the
other
side
differed
.
And
if
my
proof
be
confutable
I
will
not
hereafter
undertake
to
prove
that
English
is
the
language
of
England
.
But
my
Bargain
must
be
thus
limited
.
1.
I
will
not
undertake
that
from
the
beginning
there
was
no
one
Papist
on
the
Kings
side
,
or
no
one
Presbyterian
on
the
Parliaments
:
I
could
never
yet
learn
of
more
than
one
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
a
very
few
Independents
,
but
I
cannot
prove
that
there
was
no
more
.
2.
You
must
not
put
me
upon
searching
mens
hearts
:
I
undertake
not
to
prove
what
any
mans
heart
in
England
was
;
but
what
their
Profession
was
,
and
what
Church
they
joined
with
in
Communion
.
3.
And
you
must
not
equivocate
in
the
use
of
the
name
[
Presbyterian
,
]
or
[
Nonconformist
,
]
and
tell
me
that
you
take
some
A.
Bps.
and
Bps.
and
such
Divines
as
Ri.
Hooker
,
and
Bilson
,
and
Bp.
Downame
,
the
Pillars
of
Episcopacy
and
Conformity
,
for
Presbyterians
.
And
if
it
may
be
I
would
beg
that
of
you
,
that
you
will
not
take
the
long
Parliament
for
Presbyterians
and
Nonconformists
,
who
made
the
Acts
of
Uniformity
,
the
Corporation
Act
,
the
Militia
Act
,
and
those
against
conventicles
,
and
for
banishment
from
Corporations
,
&c.
Notwithstanding
their
high
Votes
about
the
Succession
and
Jealousies
of
Popery
,
and
that
which
they
said
and
did
hereupon
:
For
I
confess
if
it
be
such
Nonconformists
or
Presbyterians
as
those
that
you
mean
,
I
'le
give
you
the
better
.
And
I
must
also
desire
that
you
call
not
the
next
Parliament
,
which
consisted
most
of
the
same
Men
,
Presbyterians
or
Nonconformists
;
nor
the
other
since
them
?
Or
at
least
that
hereafter
before
we
dispute
we
may
better
agree
of
the
meaning
of
our
terms
.
And
I
declare
to
the
Reader
,
that
nothing
in
all
this
Book
is
intended
against
the
Primitive
Church-Government
or
Episcopacy
,
nor
against
the
good
Bishops
,
Clergy
,
Councils
,
or
Canons
,
which
were
many
;
nor
against
King
,
Parliament
,
Magistracy
,
the
Laws
,
or
Liturgy
,
or
Church
Communion
;
nor
against
our
peaceable
and
patient
submission
where
we
dare
not
practically
obey
:
But
only
against
the
diseases
and
degeneracy
of
Bishops
,
Clergy
,
Councils
,
and
Canons
,
and
those
dividing
practices
,
by
which
they
have
for
1200
Years
and
more
been
tearing
the
Christian
World
into
the
Sects
of
which
it
now
consisteth
;
and
against
the
whole
ascendent
Change
from
the
Primitive
Episcopacy
to
Papal
maturity
:
and
against
our
swearing
.
Subscribing
,
declaring
,
covenanting
,
professing
,
and
practising
,
where
we
understand
not
the
Imposers
sense
,
and
are
unwilling
by
our
private
Interpretations
to
deceive
them
,
and
where
we
are
persuaded
that
it
would
be
heinous
sin
to
us
,
not
meddling
with
the
case
of
Lawmakers
or
Conformists
,
who
have
no
such
fears
,
but
think
all
good
.
Chrysostome
(
before
cited
)
in
Act.
1.
Hom.
3.
p.
(
mihi
)
472.
speaketh
harder
than
I
ever
did
:
[
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
&c.
which
Erasmus
translateth
,
Non
temere
a●co
,
sed
ut
affectus
sum
&
sentio
;
Non
arbitrer
inter
Sac●rdotes
multos
esse
qui
salvi
fiant
,
sed
multo
●l●●es
qui
p●reant
.
His
reason
is
the
same
which
some
give
why
they
think
most
Physicians
kill
more
than
they
cure
,
because
there
is
so
much
Wisdom
,
Goodness
,
Watchfulness
,
and
Diligence
required
to
their
Calling
,
which
few
of
them
have
.
Luther
is
much
sharper
than
I
ever
was
,
when
he
saith
,
[
Hieronymus
&
alii
Patres
vixerant
in
temporali
Successione
Ecclesiae
,
expertes
Cr●●●s
&
persecutionis
.
Episcopi
enim
jam
tum
coeperant
cr●s●●re
&
〈◊〉
●pib●s
,
existimatione
&
gloria
in
mundo
:
Et
plerique
etiam
tyrannidem
exercebant
in
populum
cui
praeerant
,
ut
testatur
historia
Ecclesiastica
:
Pauci
faciebant
sua
Officia
,
&c.
Loc.
Com.
4.
Class
.
p.
79
,
80.
Et
Cap.
27.
p.
48.
de
Synodis
.
In
posterioribus
Conciliis
nunquam
de
fide
,
sed
semper
de
opinionibus
&
quaestionibus
disputatum
(
after
the
first
)
ut
mihi
Conciliorum
nomen
pene
tam
suspectum
&
invisum
sit
,
quam
nomen
Liberi
arbitrii
.
What
Melancthon
thought
of
the
Papal
design
of
magnifying
Councils
,
and
pleading
the
necessity
of
uninterrupted
Succession
of
Episcopal
Ordination
,
see
in
his
Epistles
,
especially
of
the
Conference
at
Ratisbone
.
Dr.
Henry
Moore
in
his
Mystery
of
Iniquity
saith
,
p.
1●2
.
[
That
Principle
tends
to
the
ruining
of
Faith
,
which
supposeth
that
without
right
Succession
of
Bishops
and
Priests
,
there
is
no
true
Church
,
and
therefore
no
true
Faith
:
and
that
this
Succession
may
be
interrupted
by
the
Misordination
or
Misconsecration
of
a
Priest
or
Bishop
,
the
Persons
thus
ordained
being
Atheists
or
Jews
,
or
ordained
by
them
that
are
so
—
As
if
a
man
could
not
feel
in
his
own
Conscience
whether
he
believed
or
not
the
truths
of
holy
Scripture
,
without
he
were
first
assured
that
he
was
a
Member
of
that
Church
,
that
had
an
uninterrupted
lawful
Succession
of
the
Priesthood
from
the
Apostles
times
till
now
.
Perhaps
Episcopius
and
Curcellaeus
will
be
more
regarded
.
Read
that
notable
Preface
of
Curcellaeus
to
Episcopius
Works
,
p.
12
,
13.
[
Resp.
Experientiam
docere
nullas
unquam
Controversias
de
Religione
inter
Christianos
exortas
auctoritate
synodali
faeliciter
terminatas
fuisse
—
&
certiorem
multo
pacis
viam
esse
—
Next
he
shews
how
little
good
even
the
Nicene
Council
did
,
and
how
much
worse
things
were
after
:
Hierome
saying
,
that
the
whole
World
was
Arian
,
And
Constantius
reproaching
Liberius
for
being
with
one
man
against
all
the
World
:
The
Vulgar
Dicterium
being
,
Omne
Concilium
parit
Bellum
.
Whence
he
gathers
that
Councils
,
such
as
the
World
hath
hitherto
had
,
non
esse
idoneum
componendis
Religionis
dissidiis
Remedium
:
Et
quamdiu
illud
usur
pabitur
perpetuas
in
Ecclesia
&
Republica
turbas
fore
.
Episcopii
&
praecipuorum
emiouit
fides
&
animi
magnitudo
,
quod
ne
promisso
quidem
solutionis
ejusdem
quo
antea
fruebantur
stipendii
,
induci
potuerint
ut
se
ad
silentium
quod
imperabatur
servandum
obstringerent
,
etiamsi
nonnulli
in
magna
rei
familiaris
augusti●
versarentur
.
So
copious
and
sharp
is
Episcopius
,
Qu.
52.
p.
56.
b.
in
maintaining
that
the
Magistrate
hath
no
Authority
to
forbid
sacred
Assemblies
to
tolerable
Dissenters
,
and
that
Ministers
and
People
forbidden
them
must
hold
on
to
the
death
,
that
I
will
not
recite
the
words
,
but
desire
his
Admirers
to
read
them
.
An
Account
to
Edward
Lord
Bishop
of
Cork
and
Rosse
in
Ireland
,
of
the
success
of
his
Censure
of
Richard
Baxter
in
England
:
Detecting
his
manifold
Untruths
in
matter
of
Fact
.
§
1.
TO
give
my
Character
of
you
whom
I
know
not
,
as
you
do
of
me
,
is
none
of
my
work
:
But
1.
Your
Stile
alloweth
me
to
say
,
that
by
it
you
seem
to
me
to
be
a
man
of
Conscience
,
fearing
God
.
2.
And
yet
your
Matter
assureth
me
,
that
you
speak
abundance
of
Untruths
confidently
;
I
suppose
,
partly
by
not
knowing
the
persons
and
things
of
which
you
speak
,
and
partly
by
thinking
that
you
ought
to
believe
the
false
Reporters
,
with
whom
you
are
better
acquainted
.
§
2.
The
strait
which
you
cast
us
into
is
unavoidable
:
Either
we
must
seem
to
own
all
the
false
Accusations
brought
against
us
,
which
will
hurt
others
far
more
than
us
;
or
else
we
must
deny
and
contradict
them
,
and
that
will
pass
for
an
intolerable
addition
to
our
guilt
,
and
we
shall
be
supposed
such
intemperate
,
fierce
abusive
Persons
as
you
describe
me
,
while
you
think
we
give
you
the
Lye
,
or
make
you
Slanderers
.
But
we
cannot
cure
your
Misresentments
,
but
must
be
content
to
bear
your
Censures
,
while
we
call
you
not
Lyars
,
but
only
acquaint
you
with
the
truth
.
§
3.
For
my
own
part
my
final
Judgment
is
so
near
,
and
I
am
conscious
of
so
much
evil
in
my self
,
that
I
have
no
reason
to
be
hasty
in
my
own
Vindication
,
but
much
reason
to
take
all
hints
and
helps
for
deeper
search
,
and
will
not
justifie
my
Stile
.
And
God
knows
I
am
afraid
lest
selfishness
or
partiality
should
hinder
me
from
finding
out
my
sin
:
and
I
dayly
and
earnestly
beg
of
God
to
make
it
known
to
me
,
that
I
may
not
be
impenitent
:
But
either
Prejudice
,
Converse
,
or
somwhat
else
,
maketh
a
very
great
difference
between
your
Judgment
and
mine
,
of
Good
and
Evil
:
And
I
cannot
help
it
:
If
I
err
it
is
not
for
want
of
willingness
to
see
my
Errour
,
and
openly
retract
it
;
nor
for
want
of
an
ordinary
Diligence
to
know
the
Truth
.
The
Sum
of
our
difference
,
as
far
as
I
can
understand
you
,
is
in
these
particulars
.
I.
Whether
there
be
no
sin
imposed
by
the
Laws
or
Canons
on
Ministers
and
People
here
?
II.
Whether
it
was
well
done
by
the
Bishops
and
other
Clergy-Men
to
do
what
they
did
to
cause
those
Laws
,
which
silenced
the
whole
Ministry
of
England
,
unless
they
would
conform
to
all
things
so
imposed
in
the
Act
of
Uniformity
;
and
actually
silenced
about
2000
,
and
made
those
other
Laws
against
their
Preaching
to
more
than
Four
,
and
against
coming
within
Five
Miles
of
Corporations
,
and
such
others
,
as
adjudge
Nonconformists
to
Gaols
and
Ruine
;
and
whether
the
Clergy
do
well
still
to
urge
the
Execution
of
those
Laws
,
and
are
guiltless
of
the
doleful
Divisions
of
this
Land
,
and
danger
of
its
Relapse
to
Popery
?
III.
Whether
it
be
unpeaceable
for
a
Nonconformist
after
17
years
silent
suffering
,
to
tell
his
Superiors
why
he
dare
not
conform
,
when
he
is
by
them
importuned
to
it
?
And
to
write
a
Confutation
of
a
multitude
of
Volumns
of
false
Accusations
brought
to
justifie
the
Executions
?
§
4.
If
you
think
you
have
proved
all
those
Impositions
sinless
which
I
have
mentioned
in
my
first
Plea
for
Peace
,
I
think
you
might
as
well
have
shortly
said
,
[
We
Bishops
are
of
so
much
Wisdom
and
Authority
,
that
you
must
hold
them
lawful
,
because
we
say
so
.
]
And
must
all
be
ruined
that
would
not
be
so
convinced
?
But
if
any
of
those
Impositions
prove
to
be
sin
,
and
so
great
sin
as
we
cannot
chuse
but
think
they
are
,
is
it
a
greater
fault
to
name
them
(
when
importuned
)
than
to
impose
them
?
And
a
greater
fault
to
feel
,
and
say
we
feel
,
than
to
strike
or
wound
men
?
If
we
had
taken
it
to
be
our
Duty
to
have
called
those
Clergy-Men
to
Repentance
,
which
we
think
are
ignorantly
undoing
themselves
and
the
Land
,
how
should
we
do
it
without
naming
their
Sin
?
Yea
,
and
the
greatness
of
it
?
And
if
we
think
it
our
Duty
to
deprecate
our
Destruction
,
and
beg
of
you
to
spare
our
Lives
or
Consciences
,
how
can
we
do
it
without
telling
what
we
suffer
?
If
it
be
well
done
of
you
,
and
be
no
persecution
,
but
your
Duty
for
the
Churches
good
,
(
as
no
doubt
the
Executioners
think
)
the
History
is
your
praise
,
and
you
need
not
extenuate
the
Fact
:
Valiant
Souldiers
glory
in
the
multitudes
they
kill
:
Had
you
silenced
the
other
7000
that
conformed
,
when
you
silenced
but
2000
,
your
Victory
had
been
the
more
famous
.
Some
think
those
that
are
here
against
your
ways
,
are
not
half
the
Land
;
were
it
murdering
of
one
man
,
that
another
is
judged
for
,
it
were
not
unpeaceableness
to
say
,
that
he
deserveth
to
be
hanged
:
But
the
judge
deserveth
praise
if
he
condemn
an
hundred
such
.
But
when
those
men
who
should
be
the
tenderest
Peace-makers
,
and
skilfullest
therein
,
shall
be
the
men
that
bring
such
a
Land
as
this
into
the
Case
that
we
are
in
,
and
will
not
be
intreated
,
nor
by
any
Experience
be
persuaded
to
consent
to
its
Relief
,
I
know
not
how
to
shew
mercy
to
the
Land
or
them
,
but
by
persuading
them
to
repent
.
And
if
all
sin
were
made
a
matter
of
Controversie
,
and
many
learned
men
were
for
it
,
this
would
not
alter
the
Case
with
me
.
If
I
may
compare
great
things
with
small
,
who
sinned
more
?
The
Irish
for
murdering
200000
,
or
Sir
John
Temple
,
Dr.
Henry
Jones
,
the
E.
of
Orery
,
for
recording
and
reporting
what
they
did
?
Was
it
the
sin
of
the
Savoyards
and
others
to
kill
and
ruine
the
Protestants
in
Piedmont
?
Or
of
Perrin
,
and
Sir
Sam.
Mooreland
to
write
the
story
?
Did
Thuanus
,
Davilah
,
&c.
sin
in
recording
the
French
Massacre
?
Or
the
French
in
doing
it
?
Is
it
the
French
Protestants
now
that
are
criminal
for
describing
and
complaining
of
their
Sufferings
?
Was
John
Foxe
the
Malefactor
for
writing
the
Sufferings
of
the
Protestants
under
a
lawful
Queen
?
This
day
came
out
(
Mar.
10.
)
a
Narrative
from
Bristol
how
they
are
crowded
in
the
Gaol
on
the
cold
ground
,
&c.
Is
the
Report
the
Crime
?
Do
you
find
a
Justification
in
humane
nature
of
such
terms
as
these
,
[
You
shall
suffer
whatever
we
will
inflict
on
you
,
but
shall
not
tell
any
that
you
are
hurt
,
or
who
did
it
,
or
why
?
]
§
5.
I
have
told
the
World
so
often
over
and
over
,
that
it
is
not
all
the
Conformists
,
no
nor
all
the
Bishops
that
I
impute
our
Sufferings
to
,
that
I
must
suppose
you
to
understand
it
,
specially
when
the
Prefatory
Epistle
of
the
Book
which
you
fall
upon
tells
it
you
of
many
Bishops
by
name
.
Therefore
when
p.
68.
you
say
,
[
I
apply
to
you
more
than
once
,
1
Thes.
2.
15.
They
please
not
God
,
&c.
]
and
add
,
[
I
believe
in
my
Conscience
he
is
mistaken
.
]
Either
by
[
to
us
]
you
mean
,
all
the
Conformists
or
Bishops
,
and
that
is
not
true
,
as
the
words
tell
you
:
Or
you
mean
,
[
Us
that
procured
or
own
,
and
execute
the
aforesaid
silencing
,
afflicting
Acts
:
]
which
your
words
seem
to
mean
.
And
then
I
do
but
say
,
Oh!
What
may
temptation
bring
even
good
mens
Judgment
to
?
Is
the
silencing
of
2000
,
the
afflicting
of
many
times
more
of
the
Laity
,
the
Jealousies
,
Distractions
,
and
Dangers
of
this
Land
,
so
small
a
matter
,
or
so
good
,
that
God
is
not
displeased
with
it
?
And
can
you
in
your
Conscience
own
what
the
Bishops
did
towards
it
?
No
wonder
then
if
Ceremonies
be
called
things
Indifferent
.
Certainly
this
cannot
be
Indifferent
?
It
is
a
most
meritorious
or
excellent
work
,
or
else
a
heinous
Crime
:
It
is
either
such
a
Cure
as
the
cutting
off
a
Cancerous
Breast
,
or
else
if
it
be
a
sin
,
it
must
be
as
great
as
contributing
to
the
endangering
of
as
many
score
Thousand
Souls
as
2000
Ministers
were
likely
to
have
helpt
to
save
,
and
to
the
corrupting
of
the
Church
,
and
the
Introduction
of
Popery
.
And
few
Christians
think
that
Nathan
sinned
by
unpeaceableness
more
than
David
by
Murder
and
Adultery
,
though
but
once
;
or
Samuel
more
than
Saul
;
or
the
Prophet
that
reproved
him
more
than
Jeroboam
;
or
Christ
Matth.
23.
more
than
the
Pharisees
;
yea
,
or
than
Peter
,
Mat.
16.
when
he
said
,
Get
behind
me
Satan
,
thou
savourest
not
the
things
that
be
of
God
;
or
Paul
more
than
Peter
,
Gal
2.
or
than
the
Jewish
Teachers
,
whom
he
called
the
Concision
&
Dogs
;
or
John
than
Diotrephes
,
&c.
Guilt
is
tender
,
and
they
that
think
God
is
of
their
Mind
when
he
is
silent
,
Psal.
50.
21.
will
think
men
should
be
so
too
.
And
man
dare
not
bid
defiance
to
God
,
and
openly
proclaim
a
War
against
him
,
and
therefore
hath
no
way
to
sin
in
peace
,
but
by
a
conceited
bringing
the
Mind
and
Law
of
God
to
his
.
What
sin
is
there
that
Learned
Men
father
not
on
God
:
And
then
they
must
be
praised
and
not
reproved
,
and
then
it
's
worse
than
unpeaceable
to
aggravate
that
which
they
say
God
owneth
;
such
men
as
I
,
would
think
it
scarce
credible
that
the
Spanish
Inquisition
,
the
French
Massacre
,
the
Powder-Plot
,
the
Murder
of
200000
in
Ireland
,
the
Perjuring
of
a
Nation
,
the
silencing
of
Thousands
of
faithful
Ministers
,
should
have
one
word
of
Justification
ever
spoken
for
it
.
But
we
are
mistaken
:
No
doubt
men
can
write
learned
Volumes
to
defend
any
of
these
;
and
if
one
do
but
say
,
They
please
not
God
,
men
may
be
found
that
can
say
,
[
I
believe
in
my
Conscience
that
you
are
mistaken
,
and
speak
unpeaceably
:
God
is
pleased
with
it
all
.
]
Sure
the
day
of
Judgment
will
be
much
to
justifie
God
himself
,
who
is
thus
slandered
as
the
Friend
of
every
mans
Sin
.
What
wonder
is
it
if
there
be
numerous
Religions
in
the
World
,
when
every
selfish
man
maketh
a
God
and
a
Religion
of
his
own
,
fitted
to
his
Interest
and
Mind
?
But
when
all
men
center
onely
in
one
God
,
and
bring
their
Minds
to
his
,
and
not
conceitedly
his
to
theirs
,
we
may
yet
be
One.
And
if
we
could
make
men
know
,
that
God
is
not
for
them
,
and
accepteth
not
of
a
Sacrifice
of
Innocent
Blood
,
however
men
think
that
they
do
him
good
Service
,
yet
they
would
not
have
this
known
:
It
's
long
since
unhumbled
Sinners
turned
Church-Confession
into
Auricular
;
If
Saul
do
say
at
last
,
I
have
sinned
,
he
would
yet
be
honoured
before
the
People
.
But
the
time
is
near
when
those
that
honour
God
he
will
honour
,
and
those
that
despise
him
shall
be
lightly
esteemed
.
Few
men
living
can
easier
bear
with
others
for
different
forms
and
Ceremonies
than
I
;
but
I
take
not
the
silencing
and
ruining
of
2000
Ministers
for
Ceremonies
(
were
that
the
worst
of
it
)
to
be
a
Ceremony
.
§
6.
Pag.
69.
You
say
,
We
are
not
all
of
one
mind
yet
:
A
sad
word
from
a
Bishop
.
Do
you
think
that
any
two
Men
on
Earth
are
of
one
mind
in
all
things
?
Were
those
agreed
whom
Paul
persuadeth
,
Rom.
14.
to
receive
each
other
,
but
not
to
doubtful
Disputations
,
and
not
to
judge
or
despise
each
other
,
(
much
less
to
silence
,
imprison
,
and
destroy
.
)
We
are
agreed
in
all
that
is
constitutive
of
Christianity
,
and
agreed
that
all
Christians
should
love
others
as
themselves
,
and
do
as
they
would
be
done
by
.
I
confess
if
you
have
such
eminent
Self-denial
,
as
to
be
willing
,
if
ever
you
differ
from
the
publick
Impositions
,
about
the
lawfulness
of
any
one
thing
,
to
be
not
only
cast
out
of
your
Lordship
and
Bishoprick
,
but
to
be
silenced
,
imprisoned
and
destroyed
,
I
cannot
accuse
you
of
Partiality
but
of
Errour
.
I
have
known
too
many
Conformists
who
needed
no
Bishop
to
silence
them
,
(
they
never
preached
.
)
But
that
will
not
justifie
their
desires
that
others
be
silenced
.
I
have
oft
enough
told
you
in
how
many
things
the
Conformists
are
disagreed
:
I
now
say
the
Bishops
themselves
are
not
agreed
of
the
very
Species
of
the
Church
of
England
:
To
say
nothing
of
their
disagreement
of
the
Constitutive
,
national
Head
or
Governour
;
they
are
not
agreed
,
whether
it
be
only
a
part
of
an
universal
,
humane
,
political
Church
,
subject
to
an
universal
humane
supream
Power
,
who
hath
the
right
of
Legislation
and
judgment
over
them
,
or
whether
it
be
a
compleat
national
Church
of
it self
,
a
part
only
of
the
universal
as
Headed
by
Christ
,
but
not
as
by
Man
,
or
as
humane
Politie
,
having
no
foreign
Governour
,
Monarchical
or
Aristocratical
,
(
Pope
or
Council
.
)
Overdoing
is
illdoing
and
undoing
.
He
that
would
make
such
a
Law
of
Concord
,
as
that
none
shall
live
out
of
Prison
who
are
not
of
the
same
Age
,
Complexion
,
Appetite
,
and
Opinion
,
would
depose
the
King
,
by
leaving
him
no
Subjects
.
The
Inquisition
is
set
up
in
Love
of
Unity
:
But
we
know
that
we
shall
differ
while
we
know
but
in
part
:
Only
the
perfect
World
hath
perfect
Concord
.
I
greatly
rejoice
in
that
Concord
which
is
among
all
that
truly
love
God
.
They
love
one
another
,
and
agree
in
all
that
is
necessary
to
Salvation
:
The
Church
of
the
Conformists
is
all
agreed
for
Crossing
and
the
Surplice
,
and
for
the
Imposed
Oaths
,
Professions
and
Covenants
:
Oh
that
all
our
Parishioners
who
plead
for
the
Church
were
agreed
that
the
Gospel
is
true
,
and
that
Christ
is
not
a
Deceiver
,
and
that
Man
dyeth
not
as
Dogs
,
but
hath
a
Life
of
future
Retribution
.
§
7.
P.
69.
Asking
,
[
Were
not
almost
all
the
Westminster
Assembly
Episcopal
Conformable
men
when
they
came
thither
?
]
He
can
say
,
[
No
,
not
in
their
hearts
,
as
appeared
by
their
fruits
.
]
And
he
cites
some
words
of
the
sense
of
the
Parliament
,
Jun.
12.
1643.
Ans.
1.
See
here
a
Bishop
that
knew
the
hearts
of
hundreds
of
men
,
whom
he
never
saw
,
to
be
contrary
to
their
Profession
and
constant
Practice
.
2.
And
he
can
prove
by
their
reporting
the
Parliaments
words
what
was
these
Ministers
own
Judgment
.
3.
And
he
can
prove
by
those
words
in
Jun.
1643.
what
was
their
Judgment
a
Year
or
two
before
,
and
is
sure
that
the
Scots
Arguments
did
not
change
them
.
4.
And
he
can
prove
that
those
are
no
Episcopal
Conformists
who
are
for
the
ancient
Episcopacy
only
(
described
by
Bishop
Usher
,
)
and
take
the
English
frame
to
be
only
lawful
,
but
not
unalterable
,
or
best
.
And
if
really
he
do
take
him
to
be
no
Episcopal
Conformist
,
who
is
for
enduring
any
way
but
their
own
,
it
is
he
and
not
I
that
gave
them
so
bad
a
Character
:
It
is
he
and
not
I
that
intimateth
,
that
those
moderate
Conformists
who
had
rather
Church-Government
were
reformed
,
than
such
Confusion
made
by
silencing
and
hunting
Christians
,
are
at
the
Heart
no
Episcopal
Conformists
:
Their
Hearts
I
confess
much
differ
from
the
Silencers
and
Hunters
.
§
8.
He
maketh
me
a
false
Historian
for
fixing
the
War
on
the
Erastian
Party
in
Parliament
.
Ans.
Did
I
lay
it
only
on
the
Erastians
?
Have
I
not
undeniably
proved
that
the
War
here
began
between
two
Episcopal
Parties
?
Of
which
one
part
were
of
A.
Bp.
Abbots
,
Mr.
Hookers
,
and
the
generality
of
the
Bishops
and
Parliaments
mind
,
and
the
other
of
Bp.
Lauds
,
Sibthorps
,
Maynwarings
,
Heylins
,
A.
Bp.
Bromhalls
,
&c.
mind
:
And
the
first
sort
some
of
them
thought
Episcopacy
Jure
Divino
;
but
the
English
Frame
not
unreformable
:
And
the
other
sort
thought
it
was
but
Jure
humano
,
and
these
were
called
by
some
Erastians
.
Let
him
give
me
leave
to
produce
my
Historical
proofs
,
even
to
single
men
by
name
,
that
the
English
War
began
between
these
two
Parties
,
and
I
defie
all
his
false
Contradiction
:
Only
supposing
,
1.
That
I
speak
not
of
the
King
,
nor
of
the
War
in
Ireland
or
Scotland
.
2.
That
I
grant
that
the
Nonconformists
were
most
for
the
Parliament
,
and
the
Papists
most
against
them
.
But
when
I
have
said
so
much
to
Mr.
Hinkley
already
to
prove
this
,
did
this
Lord
Bishop
think
to
be
believed
without
confuting
it
?
§
9.
But
it
transcendeth
all
bounds
of
Historical
credibility
,
that
he
answereth
this
by
saying
,
[
He
and
all
his
Abettors
must
know
the
Catalogues
of
that
Parliament
,
and
that
Assembly
are
still
in
our
hands
,
the
Copies
of
their
Speeches
,
and
Journals
of
their
Votes
,
&c.
]
Ans.
They
are
so
to
the
Shame
of
such
Historians
.
You
have
many
of
them
in
Whitlocks
Memorials
;
I
knew
so
great
a
number
my self
of
the
Parliament
,
Assembly
,
and
Army
,
as
makes
me
pitty
the
Ignorant
World
,
which
is
abused
by
such
Historians
as
you
and
yours
.
§
10.
As
for
your
assuring
me
that
you
look
one
day
to
answer
for
all
you
say
,
it
minds
me
of
the
words
of
your
Dr.
Ash●ton
,
Chaplain
to
the
Duke
of
Ormond
,
who
(
as
going
to
the
Bar
of
God
)
undertakes
to
prove
,
that
it
is
through
Pride
and
Covetousness
that
we
conform
not
.
The
Inquisitors
also
believe
a
day
of
Judgment
.
And
what
is
it
that
some
men
do
not
confidently
ascribe
to
the
most
holy
God
?
§
11.
Your
praises
of
me
are
above
my
desert
:
I
am
worse
than
you
are
aware
of
:
But
mens
sins
against
Christs
Church
and
Servants
in
England
,
Scotland
,
and
Ireland
are
never
the
less
for
that
.
§
12.
You
shew
us
that
you
are
deceived
before
you
deceive
:
You
do
but
lead
others
into
the
way
of
falshood
which
you
were
led
into
your self
,
when
you
say
,
I
am
[
said
to
have
asserted
,
that
a
man
might
live
without
any
actual
Sin
.
]
A
Lord
Bishop
(
Morley
p.
13.
)
told
it
you
,
and
you
a
Lord
Bishop
tell
it
others
,
and
thus
the
poor
World
hath
been
long
used
;
so
that
of
such
Historians
men
at
last
may
grow
to
take
it
for
a
valid
Consequence
,
[
It
is
written
by
them
:
Ergo
it
is
incredible
.
]
I
tell
you
first
in
general
,
that
I
have
seen
few
Books
in
all
my
Life
,
which
in
so
few
Sheets
have
so
many
Falshoods
in
matters
of
Fact
done
before
many
,
as
that
Letter
of
Bishop
Morley's
;
which
upon
your
Provocation
I
would
manifest
,
by
Printing
my
Answer
to
him
,
were
it
not
for
the
charges
of
the
Press
.
2.
And
as
to
your
Instance
,
the
case
was
this
:
Dr.
Lany
impertinently
talkt
of
our
being
justified
only
by
the
Act
of
Faith
,
and
not
the
Habit
:
I
askt
him
whether
we
are
unjustified
in
our
sleep
?
which
led
us
further
,
and
occasioned
me
to
say
to
some
Objection
of
his
,
that
men
were
not
always
doing
moral
Acts
good
or
evil
:
and
thence
,
[
that
a
man
is
not
always
actually
sinning
,
viz.
In
a
mans
sleep
,
he
may
live
sometimes
and
not
actually
sin
;
as
also
in
an
Apoplexy
and
other
loss
of
Reason
.
]
Hence
the
credible
Bishop
Morley
printed
that
I
said
,
A
man
may
live
without
any
actual
Sin
:
Yea
,
and
such
other
Reasons
are
given
for
his
forbidding
me
to
preach
the
Gospel
.
And
now
another
pious
L.
Bp.
going
to
answer
it
at
Judgment
,
publisheth
it
as
from
him
.
O
what
a
World
is
this
,
and
by
what
hands
are
we
cast
down
?
Is
my
Assertion
false
or
doubtful
?
Dr.
Bates
and
Dr.
Jacombe
who
were
present
are
yet
both
living
.
By
such
men
and
means
is
the
Church
as
it
is
:
Arise
O
Lord
and
save
it
from
them
.
§
13.
You
tell
me
,
as
Bp.
Morley
,
of
being
the
top
of
a
faction
of
my
own
making
,
neither
Episcopal
,
Presbyterian
,
Independent
,
or
Erastian
.
Ans
.
So
,
to
be
against
all
Faction
is
to
be
the
top
of
a
Faction
:
I
am
neither
an
Arian
,
nor
a
Sabellian
,
nor
an
Apollinarian
,
nor
a
Macedonian
,
nor
a
Nestorian
,
or
Eutychian
,
or
Monothelite
,
or
a
Papist
,
&c.
Conclude
ergo
I
am
the
top
of
a
new
Heresie
,
and
silence
and
imprison
me
for
it
,
and
your
Diocesane
Conformity
will
be
past
all
suspicion
(
even
at
the
heart
.
)
But
you
will
one
day
know
,
that
to
be
against
all
Faction
,
and
yet
to
bear
with
the
Infirmities
of
the
weak
,
and
love
all
Christians
as
such
,
is
a
way
that
had
a
better
Author
.
§
14.
P.
73
,
74.
As
to
your
extolled
Friend
a
Nonconformist
,
who
you
say
,
told
you
that
[
I
am
not
able
to
bear
being
gainsaid
in
any
thing
,
for
want
of
Academick
Disputes
,
&c.
Ans.
1.
Was
your
great
Friend
so
excellent
a
man
,
and
was
it
a
good
work
to
silence
him
,
with
which
in
your
Conscience
you
think
God
is
pleased
?
2.
Now
you
name
him
not
,
he
cannot
contradict
you
:
Mr.
Bagshaw
said
somthing
like
it
of
Mr.
Herle
,
Prolocutor
of
the
Assemblie
,
which
his
Acquaintance
contradict
.
3.
I
justifie
not
my
Patience
;
it
is
too
little
:
But
verily
if
you
had
silenced
me
alone
,
and
Gods
Church
and
Thousands
of
Souls
had
been
spared
,
I
think
you
had
never
heard
me
twice
complain
.
Judge
you
whether
I
can
endure
to
be
gainsaid
,
when
I
think
there
are
Forty
Books
written
against
me
by
Infidels
,
Socinians
,
Papists
,
Prelatists
,
Quakers
,
Seekers
,
Antinomians
,
Anabaptists
,
Sabbatarians
,
Separatists
,
and
some
Presbyterians
,
Independents
,
Erastians
,
Politicians
,
&c.
which
for
the
far
greatest
part
I
never
answered
,
though
some
of
them
written
by
Prelatists
and
Papists
have
spoken
fire
and
Sword
:
Nor
to
my
Remembrance
did
any
or
all
these
Books
by
troubling
me
ever
break
one
hour
of
my
sleep
,
nor
ever
grieve
me
so
much
as
my
own
sin
and
pain
(
which
yet
was
never
extream
)
have
grieved
me
one
day
.
Alas
Sir
!
How
light
a
thing
is
the
contradiction
or
reproach
of
man
who
is
speaking
and
dying
almost
at
once
?
§
15.
P.
75.
As
to
my
Political
Aphorisms
I
have
oft
told
you
I
wish
they
had
never
been
written
:
But
all
in
them
is
not
wrong
which
Bishops
are
against
.
The
first
passage
challenged
by
your
Bishop
Morley
is
,
My
calling
a
pretence
to
unlimited
Monarchy
by
the
name
of
Tyranny
,
adding
my
reason
,
because
they
are
limited
by
God
who
is
over
all
.
Ministers
were
never
under
Turks
thought
worthy
of
punishment
for
such
an
Assertion
:
But
Bishop
Morley
is
no
Turk
.
If
Monarchs
be
not
limited
by
God
,
they
may
command
all
their
Subjects
to
deny
God
,
or
blaspheme
him
,
to
take
Perjury
,
Murder
,
and
Adultery
,
for
Duties
:
and
they
are
unwise
if
ever
they
will
be
sick
,
die
,
or
come
to
Judgment
.
§
16.
You
say
,
[
I
was
told
by
a
Reverend
Prelate
,
that
at
the
Conference
at
the
Savoy
,
Mr.
Baxter
being
demanded
what
would
satisfie
him
,
replied
,
All
or
Nothing
:
On
this
I
reflected
on
what
that
gave
Divine
told
me
.
]
Ans.
Alas
good
man
!
if
for
all
other
your
historical
notices
you
are
faln
into
such
hands
,
what
a
mass
of
Untruths
is
in
your
Brain
?
But
why
will
you
dishonour
Reverend
Prelates
so
much
as
to
father
them
on
such
?
I
never
heard
the
question
put
[
What
will
satisfie
you
?
]
nor
any
such
answer
as
All
or
Nothing
:
When
the
King
commissioned
us
to
treat
of
such
Alterations
as
were
necessary
to
tender
Consciences
,
the
Bishops
,
1.
Would
not
treat
till
we
would
give
them
in
writing
all
that
we
blamed
in
the
Liturgy
,
and
all
the
Alterations
we
would
have
,
and
all
the
additional
Forms
we
desired
.
2.
When
thus
constrained
,
we
offered
these
on
supposition
,
that
on
Debate
much
of
it
would
be
denied
us
,
or
altered
;
but
they
would
not
vouchsafe
us
any
Debate
on
what
we
offered
,
nor
a
word
against
our
additional
Forms
,
Reply
,
or
Petition
for
Peace
.
3.
To
the
last
hour
they
maintained
,
that
No
alteration
at
all
was
necessary
to
tender
Consciences
.
]
And
so
they
ended
,
and
the
Convocation
doubled
and
trebled
our
Burden
,
and
the
Bishops
in
Parliament
together
.
Once
Bishop
Cousins
desired
us
to
lay
by
Inconveniences
,
and
name
only
what
we
took
for
downright
Sin
.
I
gave
him
a
Paper
describing
Eight
such
:
We
did
but
begin
to
debate
one
of
them
,
(
Casting
such
from
the
Communion
of
Christs
Church
that
dare
not
take
the
Sacrament
kneeling
,
though
they
be
mistaken
)
and
our
time
ended
.
Dr.
Pierce
undertook
to
prove
it
a
Mercy
to
them
to
deny
them
the
Sacrament
;
and
he
made
a
motion
to
me
,
that
he
and
I
might
go
about
the
Land
to
preach
men
into
satisfaction
and
Conformity
:
I
asked
him
how
I
could
do
that
when
they
intended
to
silence
me
?
For
though
I
scrupled
not
kneeling
at
the
Sacrament
,
if
they
made
any
one
Sin
the
condition
of
my
Ministry
,
I
should
be
silenced
,
though
they
abated
all
the
rest
.
It
may
be
this
went
for
[
All
or
Nothing
.
]
And
I
am
sorry
that
the
Bishops
be
not
of
the
same
mind
:
St.
James
was
,
that
said
;
He
that
breaketh
one
is
guilty
of
all
:
And
Christ
was
,
who
said
,
He
that
breaketh
one
of
the
least
of
these
commands
,
and
teacheth
men
so
,
shall
be
called
least
in
the
Kingdom
of
God
.
So
that
it
was
not
All
Inconveniences
,
but
All
flat
Sins
that
we
craved
in
vain
to
have
been
exempted
from
:
Much
less
was
it
the
Establishment
of
all
that
we
proposed
to
have
been
treated
of
,
openly
professing
our selves
ready
to
alter
any
thing
amiss
or
needless
upon
treaty
,
and
supposing
there
would
be
many
such
words
:
But
they
would
not
touch
our
offered
additions
,
nor
entertain
any
treaty
about
them
.
And
now
pitty
your self
who
have
been
drawn
to
believe
such
Reverend
Prelates
as
you
say
,
and
pitty
such
as
your
Writings
will
deceive
.
§
17.
That
you
take
it
to
be
contrary
to
a
Christian
temper
to
be
sensible
of
the
Sufferings
of
the
Church
,
and
to
name
and
describe
the
sin
that
causeth
them
,
and
that
but
in
a
necessitated
Apology
for
the
Sufferers
,
is
no
wonder
,
the
Reasons
and
your
Answer
I
gave
you
before
§
4.
and
5.
I
think
it
no
breach
of
Peace
with
Persecutors
or
Silencers
,
to
tell
them
what
they
do
,
especially
when
the
Sufferers
are
feigned
to
deserve
it
all
;
and
not
to
sin
and
that
deliberately
,
is
made
a
sin
deserving
all
that
we
suffer
and
the
Nation
by
it
.
§
18.
But
p.
77.
tells
us
yet
more
whence
your
Errours
come
,
even
by
believing
false
Reports
,
and
then
reporting
what
you
believe
.
You
say
,
[
Some
People
have
talked
of
a
Combination
or
Pact
amongst
themselves
,
that
except
they
might
have
their
own
Will
throughout
,
they
would
make
the
World
know
what
a
breach
they
could
make
,
and
how
considerable
they
were
.
]
Ans.
1.
Do
you
not
think
that
Rogers
,
Bradford
,
Philpot
,
and
the
rest
,
did
so
in
Qu.
Maries
days
,
and
that
it
was
they
that
made
the
Breach
by
being
burnt
?
What
is
it
that
such
Historians
may
not
say
?
So
Luther
was
taught
by
the
Devil
,
Bucer
was
killed
by
the
Devil
,
so
was
Oeclampadius
,
Calvin
was
a
stigmatized
Sodomite
,
and
what
not
:
And
even
the
most
publick
things
are
yet
:
uncertain
before
our
Eyes
:
Godfrey
killed
himself
:
The
Papists
had
no
Plot
:
The
Presbyterians
have
a
Plot
against
the
King
:
The
Nonconformists
silenced
themselves
:
And
did
not
the
Citizens
of
London
burn
their
own
Houses
?
When
you
that
are
a
Bishop
cite
other
great
Bishops
for
such
things
as
you
do
,
may
it
not
come
in
time
to
be
the
Faith
of
the
Church
,
and
thence
to
be
necessary
to
all
.
2.
But
how
do
you
think
all
these
that
were
scattered
all
over
England
,
and
knew
not
one
another
by
name
or
Dwelling
,
should
so
confederate
?
3.
Do
but
think
of
it
as
a
man
.
There
were
Nine
or
Ten
Thousand
Ministers
that
had
conformed
to
the
Parliaments
way
in
possession
:
They
were
all
to
conform
or
be
cast
out
.
The
Book
and
Act
of
Uniformity
came
not
out
of
the
Press
till
about
that
very
day
Aug.
24
Neither
Conformists
,
nor
(
after
)
Nonconformists
could
see
it
,
but
those
in
or
near
London
:
What
time
was
there
to
tell
them
all
over
England
in
one
day
?
How
knew
we
who
would
conform
and
who
would
not
,
when
Nine
Thousand
were
equally
in
Possession
?
If
we
had
written
to
them
all
,
would
not
One
Thousand
of
our
Letters
have
detected
it
?
Or
at
least
some
of
those
that
conformed
,
with
whom
we
prevailed
not
?
4.
What
was
it
that
moved
them
all
to
this
Confederacy
?
To
suffer
Ruine
in
the
World
?
To
make
themselves
considerable
you
say
,
and
shew
what
a
Breach
they
could
make
?
And
for
what
?
Unless
they
might
have
all
their
own
Wills
?
And
what
was
their
Will
?
Was
it
to
be
Lord
Bishops
?
Or
domineer
over
any
?
Or
to
get
great
Benefices
?
I
think
no
high-way
Robbers
do
any
Villanies
meerly
to
shew
what
mischief
they
can
do
,
much
less
ruine
themselves
to
shew
that
they
can
do
Mischief
by
Suffering
.
Some
such
thing
is
said
of
some
odd
Circumcellians
that
they
killed
themselves
to
make
others
thought
their
Persecutors
:
But
Persecution
was
more
hated
then
than
now
.
Did
the
former
Life
and
Doctrine
of
these
Two
Thousand
men
signifie
a
Spirit
so
much
worse
than
the
rest
?
5.
And
do
you
think
that
the
other
Seven
Thousand
or
Eight
Thousand
that
conformed
did
confederate
beforehand
to
conform
?
How
could
they
do
it
who
declared
Assent
and
Consent
to
every
thing
contained
and
prescribed
in
and
by
the
Book
which
they
never
saw
,
unless
they
confederated
at
a
venture
,
to
do
whatever
was
imposed
?
And
if
Seven
Thousand
could
agree
without
confederating
,
why
not
Two
Thousand
?
I
could
not
then
have
my
Post
Letters
pass
without
Interception
:
And
it
's
a
wonder
that
no
Letter
of
this
Confederacy
was
taken
.
And
I
'le
tell
(
not
you
,
but
those
that
believe
me
)
how
far
we
were
from
it
.
When
we
were
all
cast
out
and
some
new
motion
was
made
for
our
service
,
one
weak
man
moved
here
,
that
we
might
draw
up
a
consenting
Judgment
to
how
much
we
could
yield
,
that
we
might
not
differ
.
I
answered
that
it
was
not
our
business
to
make
a
Faction
,
or
to
strengthen
a
Party
;
nor
were
we
all
of
one
judgment
about
every
Ceremony
,
and
therefore
no
man
must
go
against
his
judgment
for
a
Combination
with
the
rest
:
If
they
would
abate
but
so
much
as
any
one
mans
Conscience
would
be
satisfied
in
,
that
one
man
must
serve
the
Church
accordingly
.
And
if
any
were
taken
in
,
the
rest
would
rejoyce
.
]
This
Answer
silenced
that
motion
,
and
I
never
heard
any
move
it
more
:
And
I
am
fully
assured
there
was
never
such
a
Combination
.
But
with
this
exception
:
How
far
any
thought
the
Covenant
bound
them
against
our
Prelacy
I
cannot
tell
.
Those
that
I
convers'd
with
said
,
it
bound
them
to
no
more
than
they
were
bound
to
before
.
But
I
confess
we
did
all
confederate
in
our
Baptism
,
against
willful
sin
:
And
I
know
of
no
other
Confederacies
but
these
:
which
indeed
was
enough
to
make
all
men
forbear
what
they
judged
to
be
sinful
.
§
19.
You
add
,
[
But
yet
it
is
not
fair
to
over-reckon
knowingly
,
and
in
ordinary
course
Two
Hundred
in
the
sum
,
as
Mr.
Baxter
and
others
do
,
p.
155
,
210.
thereby
to
swell
the
account
to
the
greater
odium
,
by
complaining
roundly
Two
Thousand
:
This
I
must
conclude
to
be
done
knowingly
,
for
somtimes
he
only
mentions
One
Thousand
Eight
Hundred
,
p.
151
,
&c.
]
Ans.
I
am
persuaded
that
it
is
not
knowingly
that
you
speak
so
much
besides
the
truth
;
but
for
want
of
knowing
what
and
whom
you
talk
of
.
I
never
medled
with
gathering
the
number
,
Mr.
Calamy
did
,
and
shewed
us
a
List
of
1800
,
upon
which
I
long
mentioned
no
more
,
and
seldom
saw
him
afterward
:
But
Mr.
Ennis
who
was
more
with
him
,
assuring
me
that
they
had
after
an
account
of
at
least
200
more
,
who
were
omitted
;
I
sometime
to
speak
the
least
mention
the
1800
,
and
sometime
say
about
2000
,
and
by
his
last
account
that
was
the
least
.
Yet
with
a
Lord
Bishop
that
knoweth
nothing
of
all
this
,
I
knowingly
over
reckon
:
But
if
God
be
pleased
with
their
silencing
,
why
do
you
take
this
ill
?
§
20.
The
next
and
great
Accusation
is
my
extenuating
the
Bishops
Clemency
,
and
aggravating
our
Sufferings
,
and
that
against
my
Conscience
I
impute
to
the
Bishops
that
bloodiness
which
they
never
intended
but
abhor
.
And
he
will
not
believe
what
I
say
of
the
death
of
any
by
Imprisonment
or
want
.
Ans.
The
good
Lady
that
pittied
the
Beggars
when
she
came
in
out
of
the
Frost
and
Snow
,
when
she
had
warmed
her self
,
chid
them
away
,
and
said
,
it
was
warm
enough
.
I
could
name
you
those
in
London
,
that
travelled
out
of
the
North
in
great
want
,
and
took
up
with
such
cold
Lodgings
here
in
great
want
of
all
things
,
that
they
were
past
cure
before
their
misery
was
known
.
How
many
poor
Quakers
have
dyed
in
Prison
many
know
:
It
's
like
you
never
heard
of
the
death
of
Mr.
Field
,
a
worthy
Minister
,
in
the
Gate-house
;
nor
of
Mr.
Thompson
in
the
noisome
Prison
at
Bristol
,
nor
of
Reverend
Mr.
Hughes
of
Plimouth's
Death
,
caused
by
his
Prison
sickness
;
perhaps
you
never
read
the
Life
,
Sufferings
,
and
Death
of
excellent
Joseph
Allen
of
Taunton
:
I
will
not
be
the
gatherer
of
a
larger
Catalogue
,
But
I
believe
some
others
will
.
But
these
you
know
not
of
.
§
21.
The
words
in
my
Book
which
I
speak
argumentatively
,
shewing
clearly
whither
their
cause
will
lead
them
,
if
they
trust
to
bring
us
to
Unity
by
force
,
you
unworthily
feign
that
I
speak
as
accusing
the
Bishops
Inclinations
.
My
Argument
was
,
If
you
think
by
violence
to
effect
your
ends
,
it
must
be
either
by
changing
mens
judgments
,
or
by
forcing
them
as
Hypocrites
to
go
against
their
judgments
,
or
else
by
utter
destroying
them
till
there
are
no
Dissenters
:
But
none
of
these
three
ways
will
do
it
:
Ergo
Violence
will
not
do
it
.
1.
I
prove
that
force
will
not
change
their
Judgments
.
2.
I
prove
they
are
such
men
as
will
rather
suffer
death
than
sin
against
their
Consciences
;
and
so
less
Sufferings
which
cure
not
do
but
exasperate
the
Disease
.
3.
I
prove
that
if
,
when
less
doth
no
good
,
you
would
destroy
them
,
that
would
not
do
your
work
but
cross
it
.
And
doth
this
signifie
that
I
charge
the
Bishops
with
bloody
purposes
?
They
openly
tell
us
that
it
's
punishing
us
that
must
bring
us
to
Concord
.
I
tell
them
,
Lesser
will
not
do
it
,
and
greater
will
but
hurt
themselves
.
A
man
would
think
that
I
hereby
rather
infer
that
Bishops
will
not
be
bloody
,
than
that
they
will
,
when
I
argue
ab
incommodo
.
Truly
Sir
,
I
see
nothing
in
your
Book
which
tempted
me
to
lament
,
that
I
mist
the
happiness
of
your
Academical
Education
or
Disputes
:
Nor
do
I
envy
those
that
now
enjoy
it
.
God
save
his
Church
from
the
worser
part
of
them
.
§
21.
You
say
,
P.
79.
You
must
needs
look
on
my
aggravating
my
own
and
the
Dissenters
Sufferings
beyond
Truth
,
you
are
sure
beyond
Probability
,
to
have
proceeded
from
want
of
temper
.
As
for
saying
that
some
have
lived
on
brown
Bread
and
Water
.
Ans.
I
find
still
that
our
difference
lieth
in
matter
of
Fact
,
done
in
the
open
sight
of
the
World
:
And
if
it
were
whether
we
are
English-men
,
I
have
no
hope
of
ending
it
!
O
what
is
History
!
My
own
Sufferings
by
them
are
very
small
,
save
the
hindering
of
my
Labour
:
Leave
to
work
is
all
the
Preferment
that
ever
I
desired
of
them
:
What
I
have
had
hath
been
against
their
Wills
,
who
have
called
out
for
my
greater
restraint
.
God
hath
enabled
me
by
the
Charity
of
others
to
send
some
small
relief
to
a
few
of
those
whose
Case
he
will
not
believe
.
Some
of
them
have
Seven
or
Eight
Children
,
and
nothing
at
all
of
their
own
to
maintain
them
,
and
live
in
Countries
where
scarce
two
Gentlemen
of
Estates
within
their
reach
do
befriend
them
;
and
the
People
are
generally
poor
;
and
many
of
these
have
none
to
preach
to
,
being
not
permitted
,
And
when
they
attempted
to
meet
with
some
few
secretly
,
to
fast
and
pray
in
some
case
of
need
,
have
had
their
few
Goods
carryed
away
by
Distress
.
Good
Alderman
Ashhurst
,
now
with
Christ
,
took
care
of
many
,
and
hath
shewed
me
Letters
and
Certificates
of
undoubted
credit
,
in
the
very
words
which
I
named
.
One
is
now
near
us
,
that
was
put
to
get
his
Living
by
Spinning
.
Mr.
Chadwick
was
the
last
of
whom
I
read
those
words
in
a
just
certificate
,
that
he
and
his
Children
had
long
lived
on
meer
brown
Rye
Bread
and
Water
.
It
is
now
above
a
dozen
Years
since
Dr.
Vermuxden
told
me
that
Mr.
Matthew
Hill
was
his
Patient
,
with
Hydropical
swell'd
Legs
,
with
drinking
Water
and
using
answerable
Food
through
meer
Poverty
:
But
God
turned
it
to
good
;
for
necessity
drove
him
(
when
a
little
strengthened
)
to
Mary-Land
,
where
he
hath
been
almost
the
only
able
Minister
they
have
.
We
that
know
them
our selves
,
and
beg
Money
to
relieve
them
,
are
supposed
to
be
Lyars
:
for
telling
that
which
all
their
Neighbours
know
.
Through
Gods
Mercy
few
in
London
suffer
so
much
,
(
though
divers
are
in
great
streights
.
)
But
great
numbers
in
the
Countrys
who
live
among
the
poor
,
had
not
some
of
them
now
and
then
a
little
Relief
from
London
,
were
like
to
beg
for
Bread
,
or
fall
into
mortal
Diseases
by
Food
unfit
for
Nature
.
Even
in
London
they
that
knew
Mr.
Farnworth
,
Mr.
Spinage
,
and
some
others
,
and
how
they
lived
and
dyed
,
understand
me
,
I
'le
name
Mr.
Martin
formerly
of
Weedon
,
[
*
](A27058-e58550-b)
*
Diad
since
the
writing
of
this
.
very
poor
in
London
,
to
tell
you
of
your
impartiality
;
though
he
lost
one
Arm
in
the
Kings
Army
,
he
had
not
a
day
abated
him
in
Warwick
Gaol
for
preaching
.
§
22.
As
to
his
repeating
all
my
mention
of
their
dealings
,
and
my
blaming
the
Bishops
at
the
Savoy
for
our
present
divisions
,
and
my
aggravating
the
evils
which
Violence
will
produce
if
they
trust
to
that
way
,
I
judge
it
all
necessary
to
be
spoken
:
Unknown
sin
will
not
be
repented
of
nor
forborn
;
nor
unknown
danger
prevented
;
nor
the
unknown
needs
of
the
Peoples
Souls
relieved
.
He
asketh
,
Is
this
the
way
to
be
at
Peace
with
us
?
I
answer
,
There
is
no
other
way
:
What
Peace
can
we
have
with
them
that
think
they
are
bound
to
silence
us
,
and
keep
us
six
Months
in
Gaol
for
every
Sermon
,
and
so
on
for
the
next
,
and
for
the
next
?
Or
to
pay
40
l.
a
Sermon
,
and
to
banish
us
five
Miles
from
Corporations
,
and
must
not
be
told
of
any
such
thing
?
He
was
not
unpeaceable
that
said
,
He
that
seeth
his
Brother
have
need
and
shutteth
up
the
Bowels
of
Compassion
from
him
,
how
dwelleth
the
Love
of
God
in
him
?
Nor
for
saying
,
He
that
hateth
his
Brother
is
a
Murtherer
:
Nor
Christ
for
telling
us
how
he
will
judge
them
that
did
not
relieve
and
visit
him
in
his
little
ones
;
and
how
he
will
use
him
that
beat
his
Fellow-Servants
.
It
is
with
you
and
not
with
your
sins
that
we
would
have
peace
.
Not
only
Massonius
and
Platina
,
but
even
Genebrard
,
and
Baronius
speak
far
sharplier
of
the
faults
of
many
Popes
themselves
,
and
all
Historians
of
their
Prelates
,
and
yet
are
taken
to
be
peaceable
men
.
Either
those
that
I
mentioned
will
repent
here
or
hereafter
,
and
then
will
say
far
worse
of
themselves
than
I
do
▪
And
may
I
not
foretel
it
them
,
when
it
is
but
in
necessitated
deprecation
of
the
miseries
of
the
Land
?
§
23.
One
of
their
Champions
wrote
that
he
was
not
bound
to
deny
his
own
Liberty
,
because
others
would
pievishly
take
scandal
at
it
.
I
shewed
the
sinfulness
of
that
Conclusion
,
and
that
a
mans
Liberty
often
lay
in
as
small
a
matter
as
a
game
at
Chess
,
a
Pipe
of
Tobacco
,
or
a
Cup
of
Sack
:
and
most
scandal
is
taken
by
pievish
persons
:
and
yet
even
a
pievish
mans
Soul
is
not
to
be
set
as
light
by
as
such
things
.
Christ
and
Paul
made
more
of
Scandal
:
And
this
very
arguing
of
mine
is
numbred
with
my
unpeaceable
distempered
words
.
§
24.
As
to
his
talk
about
our
Controversies
of
passages
in
Conformity
,
he
confesseth
that
he
hath
not
read
my
Plea
for
Peace
,
in
which
I
have
partly
opened
them
:
And
much
less
what
I
have
said
since
of
them
to
divers
others
;
and
I
consess
I
have
neither
mind
or
leisure
to
say
all
over
again
in
Print
,
upon
the
occasions
of
such
words
as
his
,
which
have
been
oft
answered
.
§
25.
I
named
the
Martyr-Bishops
Hooper
,
Ridley
,
&c.
as
Nonconformists
to
the
Laws
of
their
Persecutors
,
to
shew
that
such
Sufferers
leave
a
sweeter
name
than
their
Persecutors
;
and
he
feigneth
me
to
have
made
them
Nonconformists
to
our
Laws
,
and
saith
,
[
Ingenuity
and
Christian
Veracity
would
blush
to
own
this
Art
.
]
Thus
still
false
History
is
that
which
assaulteth
us
.
But
I
humbly
ask
his
Lordship
,
1.
Whether
he
think
that
Cranmer
,
Ridley
,
and
Latimer
,
were
more
for
Conformity
than
Jewel
,
Bilson
,
and
Hooker
,
and
Abbot
?
And
2.
Whether
he
will
so
far
reproach
these
men
as
to
say
,
that
Jewel
,
Bilson
,
and
Hooker
would
have
conformed
by
approving
that
which
they
most
expresly
wrote
against
?
I
have
oft
enough
transcribed
their
words
.
§
26.
To
shew
that
since
my
explusion
I
drew
not
the
People
of
Kiderminster
from
the
Bishops
,
I
said
that
I
[
never
since
came
near
them
,
nor
except
very
rarely
sent
them
one
Line
;
which
he
pretends
I
contradict
,
by
saying
,
I
sent
them
all
the
Books
I
wrote
.
One
might
have
found
historical
errours
enough
in
his
words
without
a
Rack
or
Quibble
.
1.
Sure
Books
are
somwhat
rarelier
written
than
Letters
.
2.
An
ordinary
Wit
would
have
understood
that
I
spoke
of
one
Line
of
Manuscript
,
or
one
Letter
,
and
not
of
Printed
Books
,
I
delivered
them
to
Mr
Simmons
,
or
their
Neighbours
to
send
them
without
Letters
.
And
few
of
those
Books
were
written
before
this
Apology
.
§
27.
As
a
Self-contradicter
he
saith
of
me
,
somtime
I
am
against
all
Subscribing
,
as
p.
60
,
113.
&c.
and
sometimes
not
.
Ans.
Still
untruth
!
p.
60.
The
words
are
[
If
men
were
not
driven
so
much
to
subscribe
and
swear
as
they
are
at
this
day
.
]
Reader
,
is
it
true
that
this
is
against
All
Subscribing
?
Pag.
113.
The
words
are
,
[
If
we
had
learned
the
trick
of
speaking
,
writing
,
and
swearing
in
universal
terms
,
and
meaning
not
universally
but
particularly
,
as
many
do
,
we
could
say
,
or
subscribe
,
orswear
as
far
as
you
desire
us
.
]
And
[
Take
off
the
penalty
of
subscribing
,
declaring
,
crossing
,
&c.
what
good
doth
subscribing
a
Sentence
which
he
believeth
not
?
]
Is
this
against
All
Subscribing
?
§
28.
Whether
to
profess
our
tenderness
of
other
mens
Reputation
,
and
yet
to
name
the
nature
and
aggravations
of
the
sin
which
we
fear
our selves
,
when
we
are
importuned
to
it
,
be
contradictory
,
let
the
impartial
judge
.
§
29.
P.
92.
He
saith
,
as
my
judgment
,
[
To
subscribe
and
declare
,
that
it
is
not
lawful
on
any
pretence
whatsoever
to
take
Arms
against
the
King
,
or
that
an
unlawful
Oath
cannot
bind
men
to
unlawful
Actions
,
is
Perjury
,
some
of
the
greatest
that
Hell
suggesteth
.
]
Ans.
Not
one
true
word
?
I
believe
all
this
to
be
as
he
saith
:
Both
in
my
first
and
second
Plea
for
Peace
,
I
have
largly
told
him
what
it
is
,
and
what
it
is
not
which
I
own
;
but
he
hath
seen
neither
.
and
yet
feigneth
me
to
say
or
hold
what
I
have
so
oft
renounced
.
§
30.
P.
94.
He
might
have
known
how
oft
in
Print
I
have
retracted
the
Book
called
,
The
Holy
Common-Wealth
,
wishing
the
Reader
to
take
it
as
Non-scriptum
:
Yet
he
saith
,
[
as
far
as
is
generally
known
I
have
not
done
it
.
]
And
how
should
I
make
it
generally
known
more
than
by
oft
Printing
it
?
§
31.
P.
95.
He
pittieth
me
for
calling
the
Author
of
the
friendly
Debate
,
the
Debate
maker
:
And
I
pitty
England
for
such
pittiers
.
§
32.
P.
96.
Whereas
the
Convocation
hath
imposed
on
all
Ministers
a
Profession
of
undoubted
certainty
of
the
Salvation
of
dying
baptized
Infants
,
without
excepting
those
of
Atheists
or
Infidels
,
I
ask
whether
all
the
young
,
unstudied
sort
of
Ministers
have
arrived
at
this
certainty
any
more
than
I
,
and
how
they
came
by
it
?
and
crave
their
Communication
of
the
ascertaining
Evidence
.
And
what
doth
his
Lordship
but
pretend
that
I
call
the
Convocation
these
young
,
unstudied
men
,
as
if
they
had
made
this
Rubrick
for
none
but
themselves
?
§
33.
And
he
hath
found
another
fault
which
exceedeth
all
,
and
that
is
,
the
Title
and
Dedication
of
my
Methodus
Theologiae
,
where
I
say
,
that
I
dedicate
it
not
to
the
slothful
,
hasty
,
tired
Sectaries
,
&c.
but
to
studious
,
ingenious
,
humble
,
&c.
young
men
,
as
being
the
persons
that
are
above
all
others
born
,
disposed
,
consecrated
to
Truth
,
Holiness
,
and
the
Churches
Peace
,
&c.
]
Exceeding
bad
!
Will
you
hear
the
proof
that
this
is
excessive
Pride
?
1.
The
Book
in
the
frront
indirectly
and
slily
calls
the
Reader
,
slothful
,
rash
,
foolish
,
&c.
Ans.
Is
this
true
?
1.
It
is
only
those
that
I
would
not
have
to
be
the
Readers
.
Yea
,
2.
Only
those
that
I
say
it
is
not
dedicated
to
.
And
do
you
think
there
are
none
such
in
the
world
?
Will
not
his
foresaid
Debater
,
and
Dr.
Parker
,
and
Dr.
Sherlock
,
and
abundance
more
,
tell
you
that
the
Nonconformists
are
many
of
them
such
,
and
will
you
now
deny
it
?
If
not
,
am
I
bound
to
dedicate
my
Book
to
such
?
By
what
Obligation
?
But
he
saith
so
voluminous
and
embost
a
Title
will
deter
the
Readers
.
But
do
you
not
know
the
Dedication
from
the
Title
,
only
because
it
is
printed
on
the
Title
Page
?
Is
that
unusual
?
But
the
odious
Arrogance
followeth
,
[
Could
any
thing
easily
be
said
with
more
(
appearance
of
)
Arrogance
;
in
the
very
Title
Page
too
,
than
that
his
Book
is
above
all
others
of
the
same
Subject
,
(
I
know
not
how
otherwise
to
interpret
his
supra
omnes
,
viz.
Methodus
Theologiae
Christianae
,
]
&c.
framed
,
disposed
and
hallowed
to
the
propagation
and
growth
of
Holiness
,
to
the
Peace
and
Honour
of
the
Church
.
]
I
will
now
for
ever
acquit
him
of
hypocritical
Modesty
.
Ans.
I
desire
Mr.
Morrice
to
compare
this
Ld.
Bp's
Translation
with
that
oversight
of
Theodoret's
words
which
he
fasteneth
on
in
me
.
What
if
I
had
said
that
this
Bishop
knoweth
not
how
to
interpret
a
plain
Latine
Sentence
,
as
he
saith
it
of
himself
?
That
which
I
most
expresly
say
of
pious
,
ingenious
Youth
,
he
feigneth
me
to
say
of
my
Book
.
Reader
,
look
on
the
Book
and
judge
whether
Methodus
,
the
Nominative
Case
singular
,
agree
with
natae
,
dispositae
,
consecratae
,
the
Dative
Case
,
when
Juventutis
Parti
studiosae
,
sedulae
,
with
many
other
Datives
,
went
before
it
:
There
are
no
less
than
Twelve
Adjectives
joined
to
Parti
in
the
Dative
Case
,
and
yet
he
construeth
the
three
last
a
agreeing
with
the
very
first
Title-name
in
the
Nominative
Case
.
And
is
this
the
way
to
make
me
lament
my
want
of
his
Academical
Education
?
Is
it
any
wonder
if
these
men
prove
us
Liars
and
proud
,
and
if
they
sentence
us
for
lesser
Crimes
?
Yea
,
here
he
concludeth
that
I
write
[
so
pievishly
,
so
variously
and
unconstantly
to
my self
,
so
blindly
,
as
if
willfully
blind
and
not
penitent
of
my
own
guilt
,
and
so
arrogantly
,
and
disdainfully
,
&c.
]
You
have
heard
the
proof
.
§
34.
Pag.
99.
He
proveth
my
unpeaceableness
from
the
Petition
for
Peace
,
and
Additions
to
the
Liturgy
:
The
Crime
here
is
,
[
There
's
not
one
Office
,
no
not
one
Prayer
of
the
old
Liturgy
,
and
is
stiled
A
Reformation
of
the
Liturgy
,
and
little
more
than
a
Directory
.
Ans.
O
miserable
World
!
What
cure
is
there
for
thy
Deceits
?
This
good
man
talks
as
he
hath
heard
,
and
so
all
goes
on
.
But
1.
he
knoweth
not
it
seems
what
Title
our
Copy
had
,
but
judgeth
by
that
which
some
body
printed
.
2.
It
seems
he
knoweth
not
that
this
Draught
was
only
offered
to
debate
,
expecting
abundance
of
Alterations
:
We
openly
declared
that
it
was
done
on
supposition
of
obliterating
and
altering
all
that
they
had
any
just
exception
against
,
were
it
but
as
needless
.
And
for
the
clauses
,
[
These
or
the
like
words
]
we
profest
,
that
we
expected
an
Obliteration
of
them
,
but
had
rather
the
Bishops
did
the
imposing
part
,
if
it
must
be
done
,
than
we
.
3.
He
knew
not
it
seems
that
ours
were
offered
but
as
additional
Forms
,
that
such
of
them
as
both
sides
agreed
on
,
might
be
mixt
as
Alias's
with
the
old
Liturgy
.
And
doth
his
Lordship
then
exclaim
with
reason
,
that
[
Not
one
Office
,
not
one
Prayer
of
the
old
was
in
,
when
all
(
after
correction
)
was
to
be
in
,
and
none
left
out
.
Oh
what
is
History
!
and
what
men
are
its
corrupters
?
And
(
that
his
work
may
be
homogeneal
)
p.
100
,
101.
having
recited
my
Commendation
of
their
Liturgy
as
better
than
any
in
the
Biblioth.
Patrum
,
he
addeth
as
an
Accusation
,
[
Yet
p.
219.
he
complains
of
such
failings
in
it
,
that
IT
IS
A
WORSHIP
which
we
cannot
in
faith
be
assured
God
accepteth
.
]
Reader
,
This
is
one
of
the
lesser
sort
of
deceiving
Accusations
.
I
said
that
(
among
greater
sins
which
we
fear
in
our
Conformity
)
we
fear
least
by
Assent
and
Consent
to
all
things
contained
and
prescribed
.
&c.
we
should
be
guilty
of
justifying
all
the
failings
in
that
worship
,
and
also
of
offering
to
God
a
Worship
that
we
cannot
in
faith
be
assured
that
he
accepteth
.
This
Lord
so
wordeth
it
,
that
the
Reader
who
peruseth
not
my
words
would
verily
think
that
I
had
said
this
of
the
Liturgy
in
the
substance
of
Worship
there
prescribed
,
which
I
said
only
as
to
the
things
which
we
dare
not
conform
to
:
And
I
explained
it
by
saying
,
[
We
dare
not
justifie
the
best
Prayer
we
put
up
to
God
in
all
things
.
]
E.
g.
To
dedicate
Infants
to
God
without
their
Parents
exprest
Dedication
,
or
consent
,
or
their
promise
to
educate
them
as
Christians
,
and
this
upon
the
false
covenanting
of
Godfathers
that
never
owned
them
,
nor
ever
mean
to
educate
them
as
promised
,
(
as
is
known
by
constant
experience
,
neither
they
nor
the
Parents
intending
any
such
trust
in
the
undertakers
)
and
to
dedicate
them
by
the
sacramental
Sign
of
the
Cross
,
or
a
badge
of
Christianity
,
and
to
refuse
all
that
will
not
be
thus
baptised
.
This
we
fear
is
a
worship
that
God
will
not
accept
.
But
is
this
therefore
said
of
the
substance
of
the
Liturgy
?
And
if
the
Lord
Bp.
be
wiser
or
bolder
than
we
,
and
be
beyond
all
such
fears
,
should
he
not
suffer
Fools
gladly
,
seeing
he
himself
is
wise
?
And
if
he
like
not
our
fearing
an
Oath
,
Subscription
,
Declaration
,
Covenant
,
or
Practice
,
which
he
thinks
to
be
true
and
good
,
and
we
think
to
be
false
and
evil
,
why
may
he
not
endure
our
timorousness
while
he
may
rush
on
himself
and
venture
;
should
he
not
rather
pitty
us
,
while
St.
Paul
saith
,
He
that
doubteth
is
damned
if
he
eat
,
because
he
eateth
not
in
Faith
.
§
35.
P.
108.
He
questions
whether
their
communion
be
my
practice
:
and
p.
110.
giveth
me
two
friendly
Councils
.
1.
To
peruse
my
Books
,
and
retract
what
's
amiss
.
2.
To
tell
the
World
now
my
sober
Thoughts
,
what
I
could
and
would
do
were
I
to
begin
the
World
again
.
I
heartily
thank
him
for
his
Counsel
,
for
it
is
good
and
honest
.
But
alas
,
what
a
thing
is
it
to
write
of
things
which
men
know
not
!
1.
He
knoweth
not
that
I
have
retracted
much
already
;
partly
by
disowning
,
and
partly
by
large
Obliterations
:
Of
the
first
sort
are
my
Aphor.
of
Justification
,
and
my
Polit.
Aphorisms
(
though
not
all
that
's
in
them
.
)
Of
the
2d
he
may
see
many
and
large
Obliterations
in
my
Saints
Rest
,
my
Key
for
Catholicks
,
&c.
2.
He
seemeth
not
to
know
what
bloody
Books
,
to
prove
me
one
of
the
worst
men
living
,
their
Church
Advocates
have
written
against
me
,
fetcht
mainly
from
these
retracted
Books
and
Words
.
Nor
how
they
that
commend
Augustine
,
reproach
me
as
mutable
for
those
Retractations
.
3.
It
seemeth
he
knoweth
not
that
I
have
already
performed
his
second
Advice
,
in
my
Cure
for
Church-Divisions
,
my
Second
Plea
for
Peace
,
(
about
Government
)
Yea
,
Bishop
Morley
before
the
King
,
Lords
,
and
Bishops
at
Worcester-house
,
speaking
of
Ceremonies
and
Forms
,
caused
my
Disputations
of
Church-Government
,
produced
and
said
,
No
man
hath
written
better
than
Mr.
Baxter
,
(
as
if
it
were
against
my self
.
)
And
in
Doctrinals
,
my
Cathol.
Theol.
and
Methodus
Theol.
and
Christian
Directory
have
expressed
my
maturest
,
calmest
thoughts
.
But
he
that
counsels
me
to
it
knows
not
that
it
is
already
done
.
And
more
for
Revising
and
Retractation
I
would
do
,
if
necessity
did
not
divert
me
,
even
the
want
of
time
and
strength
.
§
36.
P.
115.
You
say
.
[
That
Reverend
and
great
man
Bp.
Morley
tells
us
[
The
generality
of
Nonconforming
Divines
shewed
themselves
unwilling
to
enter
on
Dispute
,
and
seemed
to
like
much
better
another
way
,
tending
to
an
amicable
and
fair
compliance
,
which
was
wholly
frustrated
by
—
a
certain
persons
furious
eagerness
to
engage
in
a
Disputation
.
]
This
was
it
seems
the
sense
of
both
sides
at
that
time
.
]
Ans.
How
far
from
Truth
?
It
was
the
sense
and
Resolution
of
the
reconciling
Party
,
called
by
them
Presbyterians
:
We
all
desired
nothing
but
an
amicable
Treaty
—
We
were
promised
by
—
they
should
meet
us
half
way
.
When
we
met
,
Bishop
Sheldon
declared
the
Agreement
of
his
Party
,
that
till
we
had
brought
in
all
our
Exceptions
against
the
Liturgies
,
and
our
additional
Forms
,
they
would
not
treat
with
us
.
Mr.
Calamy
,
Mr.
Clark
,
and
others
,
would
have
taken
that
as
a
final
Refusal
,
and
meddled
no
more
,
lest
Dispute
should
do
more
harm
than
good
:
I
was
against
such
an
untimely
end
,
and
said
,
They
will
report
that
we
had
nothing
to
say
:
It
's
better
let
the
case
be
seen
in
writing
,
than
so
break
off
.
The
rest
wrote
the
Exceptions
about
the
Liturgies
:
some
Agent
of
the
Bishops
answered
them
without
the
least
concession
for
alteration
at
all
.
I
wrote
a
Reply
,
and
the
Additional
Forms
,
and
a
Petition
to
the
Bishops
,
and
they
would
treat
of
never
a
one
of
them
:
But
at
the
end
,
put
us
to
dispute
to
prove
any
Alteration
necessary
,
they
maintaining
that
none
at
all
was
necessary
to
the
ease
of
tender
Consciences
.
(
Of
which
before
.
)
§
37.
I
had
thought
to
have
proceeded
,
but
truly
the
work
which
the
Bishop
maketh
me
is
so
unpleasant
,
almost
all
about
the
truth
or
Falshood
of
notorious
matter
of
Fact
,
that
I
have
more
Patience
to
bear
his
Accusations
(
whatever
his
learned
Friend
said
of
my
impatience
)
than
to
follow
him
any
further
at
this
rate
.
But
whereas
he
saith
,
that
[
some
will
think
that
many
things
in
his
Book
want
truth
.
]
I
am
one
of
those
,
and
leave
it
to
the
Readers
Judgment
whether
they
judge
not
truly
:
And
whereas
he
lays
so
much
stress
on
Bp.
Morley's
words
,
if
any
Printer
shall
be
at
the
charge
of
Printing
it
,
I
purpose
while
he
and
the
Witneesss
are
yet
alive
,
to
publish
the
Answer
to
his
Letter
,
which
I
cast
by
to
avoid
Displeasure
.
And
if
they
will
still
be
deceived
,
let
them
be
deceived
.
I
cannot
help
it
.
It
is
no
wonder
that
he
that
is
described
,
Joh.
8.
44.
should
carry
on
his
Kingdom
accordingly
in
the
World
:
But
must
his
Dial
be
set
on
the
Steeple
of
Christs
Church
,
and
have
a
consecrated
Finger
for
its
Index
?
O
lamentable
Case
!
FINIS
.